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THE 


ORKS 

OF     THE 
Mofi:  Reverend  Father  in  God, 

John  Bramhall  D.D. 

Late  LORD  ArchbiOiop  of 

A  R   D  M    A  G   H, 

t'rimate  and  Metropolitan  of  all 

IRELAND. 

Some  of  whicli  never  before  Printed. 
CoBeSed  into  One  Volume, 


To  which  is  added 

(  Fer  the  Vindication  of  fame  of  bis  Writings) 
An  Exaft  Gopy  of  the  RECORDS,  touching  Archbiftiop  Parhrs 

Confecration,taken  from  the  Original  io  the  Regiftry  of  the  See  Qi Canterbury. 

A  S     A  L  S  O 

The  Copy  of  an  Old Mmufcript  in  Corpm  Chr.  Colledge  in  Cambridge, 

of  the  fame  Sub;e6. 

mth  the  LIFE   of  the    AVTHOR. 

D  V  B  L  I  N, 

Printed  by  Benjamin  Tooke  Printer  to  the  Kings  Moft 
Excellent  Majefty.  MDCLXXVII. 


\  "<^i 


o?^ 


The  Epift^e  Dedicatory. 


f/  To  the  moft  Keverend  Father  in  God, 

MICHAEL, 

Lord  Archbidiop  of 

DUBLIN, 

Lord  High  Chancellor  of 

I  R  E  L  A  N  D> 

May  it  pleafc)  our  GRACE, 

H  £  foUomng  Difcflurfes  are  ambitiouf  of 
a^^earingintbe  World ,  under  your  Graces 
Name ,  becaufe  they  nwnld  ma^  publicly  ac- 
}^on>ledgment  of  your  J^ndnefsfor  the  memory 
of  the  Authour ,  and  Xealfor  the  Caufe  they  defend-^  ra- 
ther than  crave  any  Fatronage ,  from  the  Eminence  of 
your  Graces  Station  both  in  C  hurch  and  State^  Ta^hich  if 
they  needed y  they  would  not  doubt  of 

But  they  have  formerly  out-rid fo  many  fiormf,  that  they 
cannot  reafonably  apprehend  greater  danger  ,  than  they 
have  already  ejcaped:  and  therefore  are  not  afraid  to 
venture  out  again,  tho  there  be  appearance  enough  of  very 
Foul  weather. 

Tour  Grace  feems  y  in  the  great  encouragement  yo^ 
have  beenpleafedto  afford  this  Lnprefpon ,  to  imitate  the 
condnU  of  Secular  Princes,  who^  when  their  Territories 
are  threatned  either  with  Forreig^n  invafion  or  Dome- 
jtichjebellion^  tho  they  may  levy  many  new  Troops /3r 
their  defence,  do  yet  mofl  con^de  in  their  old  experenicd 
Captains  and  vcteranc  Legions, 

Our 
737655 


The  Epiftle 


Onr  late  excellent  Primate  had  in  bis  Life-tme  given 
fuch  eminent  froofi  oj  his  integrity  and  courage ,  in  his 
Sufferings  andVl^  ritings  for  HisMajefiy^^ndihe  Church, 
that,  tho  dead,  his  Name  is  thought  able  to  put  to  flight 
Armies  of  the  Aliens. 

And  therefore  the  Troteftam  Church  is  exceedingly 
obliged  to  your  Graces  tare  and  prudence,  in  caufng 
theje  bis  learned  Labours  to  he  Re-f  rimed ,  ivhereby  he 
fo  jlrenuoufly ,  in  her  greatefi  djftrejs ,  contended  for  the 
Faith  once  delivered  to  her. 

The  time  was,  rr>hen  the  Shepherd  was  fmitten,  and 
the  Sheep  were  Mattered  abroad,  and  fame  began  to  li- 
jien  to  the  voice  of  Strangers;  when  the  Roman  Church 
opened  her  arms  and  doubted  not ,  with  lips  that  drop 
like  an  honey-comb,  and  a  mouth  fmoothcr  than  oy  I, 
to  have  allured  His  Sacred  Majefly  and  the  E  oyal  Fa- 
mily into  her  embraces-,  vainly  hopng  by  her  meretricious 
fafcinations  to  temft  him  to  defer t  that  Faitb,  into  which 
His  Royal  andBleJfed  Father  h^J  been  doubly  baptised, 
both  by  water  ani by  b\oud.  But  againjl all  thefe  Incanta- 
tions ^  theBifhop  of  Deny  s  Argumeuts  were  effe&u- 
at  Amulets,  He  demonflrated  the  Koyal  Inter ejl  was  not 
to  be  drawn  in  by  thofe  means  which  the  Rom.an  Proje 
Bors  frofofed.  and  was  confident  to  fromije  His  Maje 
flies  Rejiauration  ,  by  his  firm  adherence  to  the  Prote 
fiant  Religion;  and  even,  as  it  were  prophetically  ,  to  in 
die  ate  the  wonderful  manner  of  it:  which  after  gave  a 
ftonifioment  to  all  the  Enemies  ofSion ,  who  wondered  t 
feefuch  things.  However,  there  was  a  great flu&uation. 
many  were  driven  about  with  divers  DoBrines,andfom 
found  their  death  on  that  roc\,  that  promifed  fhelter,  Bti 
the  Bi[hops  Writings  were  liJ^  the  Ar}^  in  the  Deluge; 
as  many  as  fled  to  it,  were/afe:  And  becaufe  it  is  pojfibt 
others  may  in  fame  Age  or  other ,  be  fet  in  the  fame  ciy 

cun 


[ 


Dedicatory. 


cumftancef  Tour  Grace  has  provided  for  them  the  fame 
Afylum, 

There  are  (God  be  thanked  for  it  J  at  this  time  fever  al 
other  Writers ,  ivho  have  highly  merited  of  the  Church 
by  defending  her  both  againfi  K  omc  and  Geneva,  n?ith 
fuchfober  andfolid  Arguments,  that  the  N on- conformity 
of  this  prejent  Age,  is  the  mofi  abfurd  of  any  ^  and  a  plain 
demonfiration,  that  the  War  Id  is  not  govern  d,  fo  much  as 
is  pretends  J y  by  Religion  andreafon  ,  but  that  Interefl , 
and  Lujij  and  Fa&ion  have  too  great  an  influence  over 
mofi  men.  For  notmthfianding  all  that  has  been  preach- 
ed and  printed^  for  the  undeceiving  apjor  infatuated  peo- 
ple,  the  Gates  ofthefe  Cities  are  faid  [iill  to  prevail  a- 
gainfi  us^  each  immllingly  ^  but  vifibly ,  contributing  to 
the  Conquefis  of  the  other.  And  if  it  be  the  WtU  of  Qod 
to  maf^  his  Church  again  the  Scene  of  his  Judgments , 
fhe  h^on^s  how  to  give  her  back  to  the  Smitcrs,  andhzr 
cheeks  to  the  Pinchers.  God  l^onps  horn  to  bring  her  out 
of  tribulation :  and  ,  while  they  are  not  onely  threfJoing  , 
hut  grinding  her  between  them,  as  jf  they  hoped  to  eat 
her  up,  as  they  eat  bread,  to  mal^  her  come  forth  more 
pure  and  refined,  and  to  leave  not  only  her  chaffs  hut  her 
hrann  behind  her. 

I  pray  God  to  open  the  eyes  of  a  irell-meaning  ^  but 
miferably  mifledfort  of  men  among  us ,  that  they  may  fee 
and  avoid  their  danger ^  who  by  boggling  at  a  [hadow  of 
Popery  which  has  place  in  their  own  imaginations  only, 
have  opend  a  door  to  let  in  the  jubilance.  Nothing  is 
more  vifible  to  the  moflfuperfia^l  Objerver ,  than  that  a 
licentious  life  has  chiefly  prepared  ihc  way  for  a  loofe  Re- 
ligion ,  and  that  nothing  has  more  occafiond  the  almoji 
general  debauchery  ,  nut  onely  of  mens  manners ,  but  of 
their  moral  and praUic\principles  too,  tbm  the  dtcaie  of 
Ecclefiaflical  Dijcipline;  andofthai-decaie,  andalmo^ 

h  ruine^ 


'^ The  £piftle 

mm  ,  it  fsaf  plain,  thofemen  are  frincif ally  the  An- 
thours,  who  cry  out  loudefi  of  thejad  effe&s  of  it.  I  mfh 
it  nere  confider^d,  ij  it  be  not  too  late ,  what  ad'Vantuge 
Divjfion  itfelj  gives  to  our  vigilant  and  potent  Adver- 
faries.  A  divided  Houfe  is  near  its  ruine.  Tacitus  ob- 
fervd,  that  nothing  facilitated  the  Conqueft  of  the  Old 
]3ritains  by  the  R  omans ,  fo  much  as  their  civil  FaUi- 
ons: and  certainly  the  Schi/ms and  Religious  dijjentibm 
do  as  much  expofe  the  modern.  But  bef/des  this  ,  it  is  too 
well  l^on^n  borp  direBly  our  Diffenters  ferve  the  inter  eft 
of  the  Roman  ^'ourt,  in  propagating  the  fame  do&rines 
about  Civil  Govemmentjand  the  duty  ofSubje5ls  to  their 
Princes  J  how  loofly  they  tye  the  Tol^  of  Obedience  on  the 
necJ\r  of  the  people  ,  and  exempt  the  Clergie  in  many  ca- 
fes from  the  authoritie  of  the  Magifirate  ^  and  ta^  on 
them  to  cenfure  not  his  aBions  onely,  but  his  decrees^  and 
bis  Fcrfon^andmal^  htm  as  accountable  to  the  ABs  of  their 
Affemblies,  as  the  Pope  to  bis  Bulls,  and  Breves, 

hidireBly  and  by  accident ,  they  do  infinitely  advance 
their  Caufe,  either  by  railing  againfi  tfe  mofi  famous  Op- 
pofers  of  the  Romifh  Err  our  Sj  as  aginifl  this  Renown- 
ed Champion  of  the  Protefiant  Church :  which  the  Pa- 
pifis  h^now  how  to  turn  to  very  good  accompt,  maf^ng  the 
people  abroad ,  believe  that  the  Hicratchs  of  En^and 
area'paci\of  the  veriejl  Villains  in  the  World,  and  for 
proof ,  produce  the  fcurrilom  pjmphlctf ,  and  the  as  mali- 
cious asfalfe  LibtUs,  that  are  printed  among  our  f elves. 
Or  elfe  ,  by  inveigbin^^  againfi  the  innocent  ceremonies 
and  ufages  of  the  Chuich^  as  Pop^fi  trumperie,  and  rags 
of  the  Whore,  or  what  elfe  the  lewdnefs  of  their  fancie 
canfuggtfi.Are  not  men, who  fee  no  fuperflition  in  an  ha 
hit  or  a  geflure  tempted,  when  they  hear  them  exclaimed 
againfi  as  Popifh  and  Idolatrous^  to  have  lender  thoughts 
oj  Fopery,  and  to  ihtnl^it  is  nofucb  Bug- bear ^  andfo ,  to 

fwallon 


Dedicatory. 


Jwallom  the  whole  Religion,  when  they  find  no  illtaft  in 
-thoje  harmlefs  inftitHtiom?  by  one  ofihefefraBtfes  ourE^ 
nemies  are  hardened  and  confirmed  abroad^  and  by  the  o- 
ther  we  are  iveal^ned  at  home.  But  the  greateft  mifi:hief 
IS  yet  behindhand  that  if, by  their  feevi[Jj  and  mfatisfy  able 
humors,  and feditiouspaBices, they  open  force  the  Magi- 
firat  to\ije  Religion  fir  a  game  offiate  Policy  ,  and  to 
Jhine  upnfome  Perfonsjor  whoje  faith  andworjhip  they 
have  no  l^mdnes,  thatfo  they  may  bailancc  interefty  and 
mah^  one  foifon  an  ami  dot  to  another;  out  of  which  indul- 
oence,  it  is  hard,  if  the  Jeiuit/?<<:^  no  advantage.  Some 
times  they  make  them  weary  of  Government,  as  King 
]2Lm^s,theyjay,  was  once  enclined  by  the  unruiines  of  the 
faUions  in  Scotland,  to  have  retired  into  a  private  Itje  at 
Venice;  atidfome  times  it  mayfo  happen,  Princes  for  the 
fa\e  offomeP^oiQiimts  may  grow  weary  ^/Protelbncy 
ttjelf  efpecially  if  the  doBrine  of?^ims;andfome  other  e- 
minem  Froteftants  beyond feas,  had  once  leaven  d  the 
minds  of  the  mnltitude.  Governors  in  fnch  cafes  are  aft  to 
judge  itasfafiCand  more  honour  able  Jto  trucJ^e  mder  the 
^om&'the  Conclave  ,  asunder  a  Moderator  and  the 
Prefbyters :  but  happy  is  ha  ,that  has  to  do  with  neither. 
Whatever  influence  fuch  divifions  and  jealous  affeBati- 
ons  may  have  on  the  jptrits  of  Princes ,  //  is  certain  they 
have  a  malignant  apB  on  the  people, who  are  now  grow- 
ing as  wearie  ofthofe  fuperf stations  in  Religion,  as  they 
were  of  our  late  civil  confufions ,  both  which  are  owing 
to  their  own  levitie  ani  wantonejs.   And  as  in  thole  fljuf 
fles  of  the  State ,  a  new  card  being  turrid  up  every  Tear, 
and  at  laft  almoji  every  lVee{  they  tverejo  miferably  ha^ 
raffed,  anibroi^n  with  the  fear  of  the  next  game ,  that 
nothing  did  more  vifibly  contribute  to  the  great  Blefing 
of  His  Majefltes  Return  (for  many  that  bad  neither 
hindnefs  for  His  Perfonor  His  Government ,  began  to 

Q  WllrJ 


The  Lpiftle  

~:^i(h^^  hofeforfome 

breathing  time  at  leap  )  ^o  now,  it  is  to  be  feared,  there 
are  many,  who  would  be  content  with  Foferie^tho  it  were 
worje  than  h  is ,  (which  truly  needs  not  J  not  only  he- 
caujeitnonldbe  a  new  Religion  ,  which  woM  he  a 
temftatwn  tojome,  but  becanfe  the  tmifjaries  ofn,  hoaft 
of aninjaliible  charm  to  filence  the  clamour  of  allthefe 
Alterations.  Thm  refembling  caufes  may  froduc  every 
contrarie  efe&s-^thegreatefi  bkjfmg  theje  Kingdoms  ever 
had  \  fence  they  received  Chnftianitie ,  andthegremfi 
Evil,  There  are  really(tho  not  intentionally  1  dare  fay  J 
the  confequences  ofthefe  FaUions  in  Religion  among  m. 
And  it  is  obfervahle  ,  that  fome  of  the  more  difcerning 
men  ofthemjeemfenfeble  of  the  mi f chief,  and  defer  ous  to 
help  to  build,  what  they  have  almofl  defer oyed  •  but  that 
fome  fecret  Seeds  of  carnalitie,  that  often  lie  ,  in  part  un- 
mortifeedy  in  verie  pod  men,  will  not  give  them  leave  to 
exerctje  the  grace  of  Self-denial ,  in  paning  with  that 
reputation,  which  their  ToHthful  Xeal ,  and  long  La- 
hours  have  pur  chafed  for  them  among  their  Brethren  , 
which  they  conceive  they  muft  wholely  loos  by  their  Con- 
jormitie. 

Ncr  is  it  lefs  worth  a  remarque^that  matiy  begin  now 
to  lean  to  the  Church  of  England  to  fupport  them  againfi 
Poperie,  and  to  challenge  thofe  Laws  for  the  extirpation 
of  it,  by  which  f he  is  efeablijhed  ^  and  to  maJ^  ufe  of  her 
i4ame  to  exorcise  the  Roman  Spirit :  as  if  tb  y  would 
adjure  it  oy  the  Reformation  which  Jhe  preaches  to  depart 
the  Kingdom,  But  me  thinly  thcj.  mi^ht  be  afraid  to  re- 
ceive fuch  an  Anfwer  as  tie  Jcwifli  Fxojcifis  did.  A 
Reformation  we  \now  ,  and  a  Cbnrcb  (?f  tngland  we 
^won?,  But  who  are  ye?  and  I  wifh  the  confequents  of 
the  paffage^  i  refzr  to, may  not  prove  too  applicable.  For 
why,  if  they  being  cji7e^Proteftants,  live  andhelteveas 

do 


Dedicatoy. 


^loJhe  Fanaticks^n^ouldthey  co?nfel  the  Papifts  to  live  &' 
believe  as  do  the  Prcteftanr s?^W^  tbey  have  them  do^ 
what  tbemjelves  cannot  with  a  fafe  confctence  ?  How- 
ever ^it  is  feme  joy  to  fee  them  lay  hold  hut  of  the  sl^rt  of 
the  Churches  mantle ,  who  would  mofi  glaa^y  cover  and 
protect  them^and  admit  them  not  onely  into  her  bofom,  hut 
her  hearty  through  the  wounds,  which  they  have  made. 
Anil  rrill  hop  fome  healing  vertue  may  go  out  of  hereto 
tbejioffing  of  the  iffue  of  blood -^  I  mean^  that  they  may 
learn  from  the  Loyalty  ofberfrtncifles  to  dijown  thofe 
fanguinary  doctrines,  which  fome  have  taught.  This 
would  certainly  more  effeBually  fecure  thefe  Kingdoms 
from  Popery,  than  thoje  indireS  ways  they  have  ta\en 
under  tbatfretence.to  undermine  the  Church  (?/ England, 
which  is  not  only  their  ownjirength  and  fuffort,  hut  the 
jiahlifhment  and  the  Honour  of  the  whole  Reform  ition: 
which  it  were  eafie  to  demoftrate^ifit  were  expedient. But 
J  have  already  I  ^now  not  how  much  exceeded  the  bounds 
I  bad  dejigned^and  therefore  Jhall  only  fay ,  that  as  long  as 
any  Religion  fhall  be  in  fashion  among  us  ,  methin^s, 
the  Church  ofh  nghnd^Jhould  befetfitllon  the  top  of  the 
bill  J  and  prefrr  able  to  all  others,  not  only  for  thefimpli- 
city  of  her  faith,  and  charity  of  her  Articles^  and  antiqui- 
ty of  her  Government,  and  w.ercifulnefs  of  her  difcipline^ 
and  chafiity  and  decency  of  her  worjhip^  but  for  her  ufe- 
fulnes  to  the  Civill  Mtgijlrate  ;Jince  no  Communion  or 
Church  does  either  more  fincerely  and  Evangelically 
preach  the  doBrineof  Obedience,  or  is  more  famous  for  a 
greater  cloud  of  witneffes,  J^  Illufirious  for  their  C  on- 
feffions  of  Loyalty,  among  whom  there  fits  on  few  heads : 
on  that  accompt, a  brighter  Glory, than  on  that  of  our  late 
learned  and  R  everend  Primate  Bramhall. 

What  I  have  done  in  the  matter  of  bis  life,  is  what  I 
was  able  to  do  ,  not  what  I  would  or  what  was  fittings 

c  *  Tout 


The  Epiftle 


Tonr  Grace  was  fleas' i  toimfofe  this  tas^onme.for 
which  many  others  had  been  more  fnffi  cknU  1  had  not 
the  Honmr  to  J^on?  his  Grace,  nill  he  had  alrnoflfinijh- 
edbis  Courfe,and  was  at  his  Cupio  diflblvi.  dndtho  j 
Come  ferfonall  and  undeferved favours  he  was  fleas  d  to 
do  me  might  enclineme  to  undertake  it, yet  the  confctence 
I  had  of  my  inahilites  to  do  him  JHJiice.made  me  wifhfome 
other  had  been  employed.      But  I  was  not  without  fome 
encouragement  to  hofe  from  fome  one  hand  a  rough 
draught, at  leafl,  of  the  mofi  memorable  Jajjages  of  his  l^e, 
which  I  thought  I  might  fill  up  &  frejent  to  your  Grace, 
as  a  Cop)  not  altogether  unlil\e  him:  but  in^ead  of  that 
Ifound  it  an  hard  matter  to  obtain  from  fever al  hands 
fuch  particular  memoir es ,  as  they  had  treafured  up; 
as  if  they  were  either  envious  that  the  world  have  any 
complete  figure  of  him,  or  fond  of  fuch  lieliques  as  they 
had  preferved^      If  therefore  this  Reprefentation  fall 
fhort  of  that  raifed  Idea^jowr  Grace  and  all  men  conceive 
offo  great  a  perfon,  I  am  not  without  excufe;  nor  evin 
now  without  my  wifhes,  that  the  pencil  had  been  put  into 
fome  more  sl^lfull  hand,  whoje  happier  flrol^s  had  done 
more  right  to  the  Authour.     J  here  are  many  yet  liveing 
that  l^ew  him  beforehand  inland  fence  thefloud  of  Rebel- 
lion,  that  could  witnefs  to  all  and  more  than  I  can  fay  of 
his  Learning,  and  Courage,  and  Triumphs  over  alloppo- 
fit  ion, of  his  brave  bearing  up  himjelfwith  a  Graieful 
Evennefs  ^becoming  his  fiat  ion,  in  all  the  Ficiffitudes , 
both  of  his  private  andpubltc\,  Ecclefiaftical  and  Ci- 
vil Affaires,  quarum  paxs  magna  fuit:  and  I  cannot 
excuje  their  Negligence  from  being  very  culpable.  But 
I  hope  even  their  own  guilt  will  induce  them  to  be  mer- 
ctfultomyErrours  jfincethey  are  imputable  onely  to 
want  ofinformation,  as  being  in  the  defeB,  and  not  in  the 
excefj  :for  Ibarve  Authority  of  good  value ,  for  whate- 


ver 


Dedicatory^ 
qjer  I  have  offered,  I  have  no  where  made  hold  with  the 
Readers  ^aith,  by  improving  any  thing  upn  him  ,  of 
which  I  have  not  good  a^mancd. 

I  [hall  not  doubt  of  Tour  Graces  Favour ,  wherein  I 
[hall  need  it ,  hoping  Tour  Grace  will  lil^  the  Prophet, 
(pread  Your  (elf  upon  this  dead  Image ,  and  cover  the 
imperfeBions  ^  and  give  it  that  Life  and  beauty  which 
ffjoy  render  it  a  jufl, though  not  immortal  C  haraBer  of  the 
yiMthor,yet  that  Ton  are  fleafed  to  receive  it  as  a  living 
JUonument  of  the  obedience  that  if  due  ,  and  jhall  on  all 
Qcc^fiom  be  ever  paid  to  Tour  Graces  Commands  ,  by 

May  it  Pleafe  Your  G  R  A  C  E^ 


Your  GRACES  mod:  obedient  Son, 


And  moft  obliged  humble  Servant, 


Jo:  L  Y  M  E  a  I  c. 


ATHANASIUS  HIBERNICUS: 


L   I 


OR,  THE 


Of  the  moft  Reverend  Father  in  God , 

J    O    H    N, 

Lord  Archbifliop ofARDMAGH,  Primate  and  Metro* 
politaneofall  IRELAND, 

Have  heard  that  Dr.  William  Fuller ,  my  worthy  and  almofi:  im- 
mediate Predeceflfour  (  tranflated  hence  to  the  Sea  o( Lincoln  (  had 
once  defigned  to  have  written  the  Life  of  the  Lord  Primate  Brawi- 
hall^  wherein,as  in  every  thing  he  did,  he  had  certainly  excellently 
acquitted  himfelf,  as  much  to  the  inftruiftion  of  the  Living  ,  as  ho- 
nour  of  the  Dead  ;  And  I  am  therefore  very  forry  any  thing  diver- 
ted him,  from  doing  the  world  fo  acceptable  a  fervice. 

But  the  providence  of  God  having  clofed  up  his  much  defired  life,  has  depri- 
ved us ,  of  what  he  could  have  faid  of  the  Primate  ;  and  the  Province  is  now  fal- 
len upon  me ,  not  fo  much  by  right  and  obligation  of  Law,  to  raife  up  feed  to 
my  deceafed  Brother,  asbythe  command  of  others  ,  and  my  own  defire  ,  to  do 
juftice  to  the  memory  of  that  Excellent  and  moft  Learned  ,  as  well  as  moft  Reve- 
lend  Father  of  this  Church. 

John  Bramhall  late  Lord  Primate  of  Ireland,  was  born  about  that  time  ,  where- 
in that  fadion,  under  which  the  Myftery  of  Iniquity  has  been  long  working, 
gave  the  greateft  difturbance  to  the  wife  and  fteddy  Government  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth. Every  Countrey  ( they  fay)  has  Antidotes  of  its  own  growth  ,  for  its  own 
dileafes  i  nor  is  there  any  period  of  time ,  wherein  the  Providence  of  Almighty  God 
affords  not  fome  token  of  his  care  of  his  Church,  by  raifing  up,  and  eminently  qua- 
lifying fome  perfons  with  extraordinary  parts,  to  oppofe  the  popular  and 
growing  Errours  of  the  Age. 

The  Church  and  State  of  "England  had  fcarce  time  to  acknowledg  their   won- 
derful deliverance  from  the  Invincible  Armada,  when  they  were  alarum  d  from 
within  of  the  dangerous  principles  and  treafonable  pradtices  of-  fome,  that  would 
ieem  moftoppofite  to  theintereft  and  defigne  of  that  Invafion.     And  indeed  it  is 
commonly  thus ,  if  one  party  fires  the  houfe,  the  otherhopes  for  fome  booty  in  the 
hurry  and  combuftion  \  neither  of  them  can  fow  feed  ,  but  the  other  buyes  a  fickle , 
and  cxpeds  a  fliare  in  the  Harveft.      1  do  not  believe  that  thefe  parties  did   then 
aft  by  concert  ,tho  of  lateC  iireports  be  true  )  fome  overtures  have  been  made 
whereby  the  different  Interefts  of  Berod  and  Pi/<jte',might  be  fo  farr  accommodated 
by  a  mutual  Indulgence,  that  the  Church  o^Eytgland  might  cxpedl  in  a  fhort  time 
to  have  been  crucified  between  them.  But  this  I  conceive  is  but  an  after-game,fomc 
perfons  of  each  fide  may  be  willing  to  play,  each  hoping  to  compafs  that  point  by 
afide-wind  and  many  traverfes,  which  they  could  nor,  by  a  diredt  and  even  courfe. 
As  foone  as  that  Excellent  Princefs  was  delivered  ot  her  fear  from  abroad,  (he  be- 
gan to  rcqufre  an  account  of  the  Enemies  of  her  ownc  houfe,  who  not  vvilling  that 
(he  (hould  Reign  over  them,  had  made  ufe  of  the  late  bufy  time  to  traduce  her 

e  pcrfon 


/* 


'The  LIFE  ofPrhfiaTe    BR  A  MH  ALL 


Merlon  and  her  Government.  About  this  time  Hacku  received  the  'reward of  his 
Blafpemy  and  Ticafon  ,  and  a  little  after  Vdall  was  condemn  d  ,  but  Arch-Bifhop 
Whiwftf  undclcrved  mercy  and  Intcrell  with  the  Queen,  obtained  a  reprieve,  which 
was  tantjmoiit  to  a  pardon.  Batrorv  and  Greenwood  (having been  before  impnfon  d, 
and  releafed  in  hopes  of  amendment)  were  again  apprehended,  tryedand  condem- 
ned for  new.  crimes ,  and  after  fome  fruitlefs  expectation  of  Repentance  executed, 
and  in  the  fame  year  Pe>iry, 

How  Gentle  and  merciful  his  the  Reign  of  his  prefent  Majefiy  been,  if  we 
confidcr  that  Adminiftration,  which  the  men  who  fuccecd  thefe  malefadtors  in  their 
principles  are    fo  apt  to  magnify  ,  1  doubt,  more  malicioufly,  than  affectionately. 

By  thefeafonableexcrcife  of  this  Difciplinc,  Carttvright  and  "travers  became  more 
fobcr  at  home,and  Beza  more  moderate  and  refpedful  abroad:  to  which  queftioniefs 
the  fweet  temper  of  the  Arch-  Bifl^np  and  his  learned  correption  of  Beza,  the  excel- 
lent labours  of  Siir^ivd,  5«/c/i)f  and  £;//o«  did  much  contribute,  nor  were  thefe  all 
thcbucketsbrought  out  oftbe  Church  to  quench  the  firei  for  befides  Bancrofts 
Survey  and  Coufiiu  Apology  &c.  At  this  time  alfo  the  learned,  the  Meek,  and  the 
Judicious  Hooker  opened  that  fountain  of  Reafon  that  Iball  ferve  as  an  inexhauftible 
lJ3ring  for  this  ufe,whofe  oncly  fault  is,thathis  Referches  are  fo  deep,that  thoft  with 
whom  he  deals,  having  nothing  to  draw  are  not  fo  much  inftrudted  as  they  might 
be  by  more  ilight   difcourfes  becaufe  more  fuited   to  their  models  and  capacities. 

In  this  Crij'ij  about  the  yeare  1593.  did  our  Primate  &  his  great  but  unfortunate 

Patron    the    Noble  Strafford  appear  in  the  world,  like  Caftor  and  Follux,  when  the 

fiormeofthe  fchifm  began  to  abateitwo  Eminent  Aflertors  of  the  Difcipline  atiddo- 

drine  of  the  Church  &  great  Labourers  for  the  Splendor  ik  beauty  ofit.Buttho  they 

were  bom  in   a  quiet  Parenthefisfit  interval  ,it  was  but  {liort,the  ftorm  again  took 

breath,  <Sc  raged  wors  than  before,  and  fpenta  great  part  of  its  fury, upon  thefe  very 

perfons,  who  ar^  referved  for  a  time  of  bloody  contradidion  •,  for  the  torrent  ofdil^ 

content  did  but  for  a  while  hide  itshead,it  ran  murmuring  under  ground,until  at  laft 

it  broke   out  into  a  generaf  Inundation,     PontfraS  in  Tork^shire  wzs  iheVhceof  his 

Nativity.    His  family  was  Antient  and  gentile,deicendcd  from  the  Bramhallsof  Brant- 

tiall-Hall  in  Chejhire,  by  intermarriage  related  to  the  Kereffordf  of  Kerefford  in  Twjlt 

Shire^a.  houfe  that  has  flouri{hed(they  fay^in  adireft  line  from  the  timeof  our H«ry 

the  Second  that  is  500  years  or  moreifo  that  whereas  many  may  Glory  after  thefiejh 

he  might     Glory  alfo:  but  if  he  received  Honor  from  his  Family,  he  added  more  to 

it.      his  own  Atchievements  did  not  only  eroble  himfclf,  but  Rcfleded  a.luftreon 

thofe  from  whom  he  derived  .     The  place  of  his  Birth  was  that  alfo  of  his  juvenile 

education  ,  there  he  learned  the  rudiments  and  Elements  cf  knowledg,  every  thing 

thriving  fo  wonderfully,  that  his  Inftrudors  planted  in  him  ,  that  when  his  years 

were  green ,  he  was  ripe  srd  fit  to  be  removed  to  the  Univcrfity  ,  as  a  more  Rich 

and  kindly  foile.    His  Soul  was  indeed   of  too  ffrong  and    manly  a  make,   to 

feed  long  on  the  f»frj/eenfertaiments  of  a  Grammar- Schoole  ,  being  fo  fliaped  fof 

Rational  Learning,that  he  fecmed  to  rcjoyce  as  in  his  own  Element,  when  he  came 

to  Cambridge;  He  became  there  Mafter  of  the  Arts  and  Sciences  before  he  had  the 

Degree,  all  his  Ads  and   Exercifes  being  ftill  performed  whith  that  cafinefsand 

fmoothnefs,  that  argues  a  clean  flrength  and  fufflciency.     He  flayd  not  much  longer 

there,  than  till  he  had  the  Honor  of  the  Univerfity,  and  was  admitted  Inceptor 

m  the  Arts  ,  with  general  confcnt  that  he  was  only  too  young,''  a  fault  he  could  not 

help  )  for  a  higher  Degree. 

Thus  Qualified  he  took  the  firft  opportunity  of  coming  abroad  upon  the  llagc 
ot  anadtivc  and  laborious  life  ,for  thefervice  f  if  the  Church  ;  to  which  he  was  jn  a 

fi^  c""*^  '''■^"'^^  '"  XH-Z^n-f.  That  was  the  Theatre ,  and  'fork  it  felf  the  fcenc 
01  his  firft  appearance,  where  he  obtained  that  favour  cf  God,  which  few  Prophets 

I  ^r^-  ^^S>^^y  honoured  in  his  own  Country,  About  this  time  a  Clergyman  of 
that  Diocefs  dying,  left  his  Widow  not  only  young ,  and  fignally  adorned  with 
Inch  matron-like  graces,  asModefty,meeknes,  and  quictrcs  of  fpirit,  as  rendredher 
an  a  greable  companion  for  an  other  of  the  fame  Order ,  but  alfoCwhich  rot  many 
ot  them  do,)  very  well  poffefTed  on  other  accounts.For  the  Church-men  arc  reproa- 
ched 


T/jg    LIFE  of  Primate    BRAMHALT.. 


ched  by  fome  to  have  all  the  wealth  in  the  Kingdom  ,  and  to  be  the  rrtoft  covetous 
of  any  habit  or  fort  of  men  ,  yet  Experience  fhcws  that  none  generally  leave  theit 
Families  greater  objedtes  of  Charity. 

This  Gentlewoman  (being  of  the  Hallys  )  Mr.  Bramhall  obtained  for  his  Wife 
aud  among  other  advantages  by  her,  he  confider'd  that  (as  not  the  leaft)  of  a  good' 
Library  ,  left  by  her  former  Husband  ;  by  which  he  was  fo  wedded  to  his  ftudics 
that  all  the  tentations  of  a  new-married  life  ,  could  not  divorce  him  from  them  * 
or  give  any  intermillion  to  his  duty  of  conftant  preaching.     To  this  Service  he  very 
diligently  attended  ,  hxl\  in  the  City,  and  after  at  his  Countrey-parfonage  of  E/- 
vington  or  Eterington  ,  a  good  Living  ,  to  which  he  was  prcfenfcd  by  Mr.  Vf^att- 
desfurd,  (  zhci  Mr.  of  the  Rolls  here,  and  fometimesalfo  Lord  Deputy  of  this' King- 
dom).  Here  he  fo  tugg'd  and  laid  himfcif  to  the  Oar ,  that  by  his  adiduity,  aud  pru- 
dence ,  and  gravity  in  that  Office ,  he  became  as  eminent  in  the  Church  'as  before 
in  the  Univeriity ,  and  very  greatly  beloved  by  all  degrees  of  men.     But  it  pleafed 
God  to  give  him  an  opportunity  of  (hewing  his  abilities  in  School-learning,  and  en- 
dearing himfelf  yet  more ,  not  onely  to  the  moft  Reverend  and  Famous  Prelate 
ttby  Matthews  ^  then  Archbifliop  of  Tori;,,  but  to  all  the  Proteftant  Gentry  and* 
Clergy  of  that  large  and  populous  County,  by  a  great  victory  and  triumph  he  had 
over  a  Secular  Pricft  ,  and  a  Jefuitc  ,  in  two  publick  Difputations  it  Nmh-Alcr- 
ioti.     Thefe  men    had  made  publick  defiance  to  all  the  Proteftant  Clergy  in  that 
Countrey ,  in  the  year  1613.  a  time  in  which  fuch  pcrfons  were  piore  than  ufually 
confident  ,  as  hoping  for  fome  advantage  to  their  Caufe  from  the  Prince's  being  iix 
Spain ,  and  a  Match  between  him  and  the  Infanta  then  treated  of,  and  when  none 
took  up  the  Gantlet ,  Mr.  Bramhall  not  enduring  to  (ee  his  Brethren  fo  difplrited 
while  thefe  Goliah*s  were  blafpheming  the  Armies  of  the  Living  God ,  as  infpircd 
with  a  great  zeal  and  indignation  ,  undertook  the  Combat. 

He  was  then  but  a  Stripling  in  the  School  of  Controverfie  ,  in  which  they  had 
fpent  as  many  years  poliibly  ,  as  he  had  in  the  World ,  being  but  thirty  yeares  of 
age ,  yet  he  managed  both  the  (hield  and  the  fword  with  that  dexterity  ,  that  his 
jtntagonijis  and  the  whole  party  that  flood  with  them  ,  had  reafon  to  repent  of  the 
infolence  of  their  adventure.     One  of  the  Subjcdts  of  the  Difputation  ^  C  as  I  have 
heard)  was  the  Article  of  Tranfubftantiation  ,  from  whence  they  eafily  Aiding  in- 
to that  other  of  the  Half-communion,  he  fliamefuUy  baffled  their  Doftfine  of  Coa- 
comitancy,  and  drove  the  Dilbutant  up  fo  fo  narrow  a  corner,  that  he  affirmed 
that  Eating  was  Drinking,  and  Drinking  was  Eating  in  a  material  or  bodily  fenfc. 
Mr.  Bramhall  look't  on  this  as  fo  elegant  a  Solccifm ,  that  he  needed  no  greater 
Trophce  ,   if  he  could  get  under  his  hand  ,  what  he  had  declared  with  his  tongue 
which  being  defired ,  was  by  the  other  ,  in  his  heat  and  (hame  to  feem  to  retreat  * 
as  readily  granted.     But  upon  cooler  thoughts,  finding  perhaps  after  the  heat  of 
the    conteil     was  over  ,  that  he  could  not  quench  his  thirft  with  a  peice  of  bread 
he  refledled  fo  fadly  on  the  diffionor  he  had  fuffercd,that  not  being  able   to  digeft* 
it,in  (en  dayes  he  died  ;  by  which  as  by  a  fignall  from  heaven  (like  Mofet  his  Smiting 
the  Egyptian)his  Brethren  might  have  underftod,by  whole  hand,  God  would  de- 
liver them,  but  they  underllood  not.     upon  theoccafion  of  this  difpute    Arch- 
Bifhop  Matthews^  (  who  taught  with  what  authority  ,  that    Campian  the'  Jefuitc 
was  wont  to  fay,  he  did  Dominari  in  Concionibus  ]  hearing  of  this  triumph  Cent 
for  him,  and  atfirft,  in  ftead  of  thanks,  gave  him  a  Rebuke  for  his   hardines    in 
undertaking    a  difputation  fo  publickly,  without  allowance.     It  is  not   tobcde- 
nied,but  he  had  committed  a  fault:butthe  leale  that  prompted  him,3c  his  Ignorance 
in  the  Canon;,  with  which  (  then  bending  his  ftudies  another  wayj  it  is  reafonable 
ito believe  he  was  not  then  fo  well  acquainted,  (  tho  afterward  he  became  very 
txpert  in  that  Faculty  )  together  with  the  Reputation  he  acquired,  were  great 
inducements  to  that  good  Arch-Bifhop  to  alJfolve  him  >  which  he  not  only  did,  but 
as  a  mark  of  his  Efteem  made  himhis  Chaplain  to  whofe  t'amily  he  was  ever  after  a 
kind  and  grateful  friend.     While  he  (tood  in  this  relation  to  that  Primate,he  grew 
fo  ufefull  and  neceflary  to  him  ,  that  he  employed  him  in  as  much  of  his'  Affairs, 
as  the    largenes  of  his  jurifdidion,  and  the   weaknes  of  his  body,  now  grown 
weary  with  very  old  age  and  continual  labour, would  not  allow  him  to  expedite  in 

f  his 


The    LIFE  e/f  Primate  BRAMHALL, 


hTs  owne  pcrlbn.  In  this  trult  and  honor  he  conunued  till  the  death  of  the  Arch- 
Bifhop,  which  was  in  the  year  1627.  And  by  a  diligent  application  ofh.mfelf 
to  this  province,  he  arrived  to  a  very  ready  faculty  in  Ecclefiaftical  admniftration, 
which  rcndred  him  afterward  a  great  blcHing  to  this  Church,  at  what  time,  ii 
ercatiy  needed  fuch  a  Moderator.  .   „    ,      ,         r^  l       j   r 

During  the  life  of  the  Arch-Bifliop  ,  he    was  made  Prebendary  of  lork,,  and  alter 
o(  Jiippon.zftct  whofe  death,he  went  &;  relidedtliere,and  conduced  moll  of  thecon- 
cemmcnts  of  that  Church  in  the  quality  of  fub-dean.here  he  alfo  met  with  the  con- 
venience of  a  goodLibrary  beltowed  on  the  Church  by  one  Dean  JF^^/Wf/,which  he 
employed^ having  more  liberty  Jince  the  death  of  his  Patron)to  very  good  purpofe , 
till  his  comsning  over  into  Ireland.  At  Kippon  he  preached  conftantly  for  (even  yeais 
and    became      fo    famous     for    his     Pulpit    abilities   ,      that  in     the    judg- 
ment of  all  he  inherited  the  Character  formerly  faid  to  be  given  to  his    Patron, 
at  whofe  feet  he  had  not  fate  four  years  for  nothing,  and  who  feemed  to  have  left 
him  his  mantle,  when  he  was  taken  from  his  head,     here  he  (hewed  his  exceeding 
great  love  to  his  fleck  which  they  were  very  lenfible  of,  in  flaying  among  them  in 
a  time  of  amoft  contagious  and  deilrudive  Pefiilence.    He  could  not  be  perfuaded 
todeiert  themnor  his  duty,  but  would  vifit  them  ,  in  their  greatcftneceffity  and 
danger,  going  into  their  infedcd  Houfes  to  baptife  their  children,  and  do  other 
offices  of  his  Miniflryi  concluding  that  God  who  promifes  mercy  to  the  mercifuU  , 
would  deliver  him  from  ihe  noifome  pefiilence,  and  preferve  that  was  bodily  life, 
that  was  fo  cxpofcd,  to  aduancethc  fpirituall  life  of  his  fervants ,  or  if  God  fhould 
call  for  him  ,  in  that  ad  of  higheft  Charity,  thcnblejjtdh  thatfervarit^  vehom^  when 
bis  Majier  cometh ,  he  (hall  find  fo  doing. 

None  can  doubt  but  that  forare  and  generous  an  inftance  procured  him  a  great 
love  and  veneration  from  his  people  >  but  that  was  encreafed  alfo  on  account  of  the 
great  fervjces  he  did  them  in  their  civil  and  temporal  affaires.  He  was  a  moft  in- 
defatigable labourer  for  peace  and  love  among  them  and  others  of  his  neigh- 
bourhood. 

He  was  notonely  agreat  jufHccr  ,  by  his  knowledg  in  thelaws,rthe  common  & 
ftatute  Laws,  as  well  as  civill  and  Canon  )  but  in  the  application  of  them.  He  had 
naturally  a  great  fenfe  of  and  love  for  juflice  and  jurt  Perfons,and  would  travail  farr 
to  take  upa  controverfy,bcforethc  Litigants  had  wafted  theirpurfes  and  their  chari- 
ty at  the  Barr :  and  he  was  therefore  as  frequently  appeal'd  to,  as  Cato  or  Arijiides^ 
none  declining  a  Reference, where  he  was  named, or  repining  ,  where  he  deter- 
mined. Thus  by  well  doing  he  obtained  fo  much  honour  and  glory  ,  that  there 
was  fcarce  any  thing  of  public  tranfadion,  over  which  he  had  not  a  confiderable 
Influcnce,evcn  into  the  Eledions  of  members  for  the  Parliament  fuch  as  he  named 
at  2i«/'/'o«&  other  corporations  carrying  the  vote,  8c  favor  of  the  people,  foinuch  did 
not  only  particular  men,but even  focieties  depend  on  his  wifdom  and  integrity, 
tho  he  were  then  but  in  a  private  Charader. 

Sometime  before  his  comming  into  Irelmd  he  was  made  one  of  his  Majcrties  High 
Commiffioners,  and  was  obferved  to  be  very  curious  in  the  difquifition  of  all  caufcs, 
making  very  minute  and  ftrid  cnquirics,to  the  great  terrour  of  theDelinquenti 
but  in  the  conlufion  mercy  commonly  rejoiced  againfl  judgment,fo  that  he  rarely 
made  ufeofthc  extremity  of  La  w,unlefs  the  offence  were  very  high,  and  the  fcandall 
very  grcat,&  the  offender  very  obftinate,  by  this  proceduce  he  obliged  many  to  his 
perfon,&  gain'd  fometo  the  Caufe  he  flood  for,&  a  great  Reputation  to  the  govern- 
ment,by  letting  all  fee,  how  cafy  and  gentle  a  hand  hisMajeftyheld  over  them, even 
where  were  the  law  allowed  and  defigned  afharper  Procefs,  vchsje  litle  finger  rvould 
he  found  heavier  than  the  loineT  of  the  King,  if  not  moderated  by  his  Gracious  Cle- 
mency ,  as  the  Earle  o{ Strafford  once  faidi  but  the  words  being  inverted  became 
part  of  his  accufation  and  Ruine. 

I  am  not  ignorant  that  the  Perfon  of  whom  I  write  flands  accufed  of  the  contrary 
extreme  \  but  I  know  too  it  is  by  a  delicate  fort  of  men  that  cry  out  offeverity,  if 
they  be  but  chidden ,  and  tyranny,  if  they  be  whipped,  when  their  faults  defervc 
a  harftiet  cafligation.  But  they  are  pcrfecuted  ,  tho  they  are  fpared ,  and  thofe  arc 
mercilefs  and  cruel,that  will  not  allow  them  opportunities  and  inflruments  to  cut 

their 


The     LI  FE  of    fnmate    BRAMHALL. 


their  A/others  throiT  htil,and  one  another's  afterward.  It  is  well  knowne  this  per- 
fon  was  never  an  approver  of  any  barbarous  ufage  to  modeft  and  peaceable  difTcn- 
ters  i  his  demeanour  being  the  direct  contradictory  to  what  the  PfalmijiCzys  of  the 
parafice,  viz.  his  words  are  fmoother  than  oyle  ,andyet  be  they  very  Jwords  :  on  the 
contrary,  however  rough  his  fpeech  might  fometimesbe,  his  hands  were  generally 
fmooth  and  gefttle. 

As  foon  as  he  was  qualified,  by  his  rtanding/orthe  Degree  of  Doctor  in  Divinity 
he  went  to  Cambridge  to  performchis  Ads,  in  order  to  it  i  and  in  them  he  made 
it  appeaie,hc  had  not  loft  his  time  in  the  Countrey ,  nor  evaporated  all  in  Pulpit 
difcourfesi  but  that  he  had  furniflied  himfelf  with  very  fubftantial  learning.  He 
made  choice  of  a  Ihefis  purpofelyto  exprefs  his  thoughts  of  the  Controverfies  in 
RcligioB.  viz.  Pontifex  Konnmus  tj\  caufavel  frocreans  vel  confervans,  ommum  vel 
jaltemfrtcifuamm  controverfurum  in  orbe  Chrifitano.  Which  he  fo  defended  that  he 
was  admired  and  thanked  by  that  moft  learned  Aflembly.  This  I  had  with  (everal 
other  particulars  from  my  Reverend  Uncklc  Dodtor  George  ^^<j%r,an  Intimate  of  the 
Primates  and  very  ufcful  to  his  Grace  in  many  offices.  On  an  argument  of  this 
kind  he  had  prcackt  alfo  formerly  before  the  Arch-Bifhop  and  a  Syno^inlCork^Shirf^ 
viz- againlt  the  Biihop  of Ke»»f'j  unlawful  ufurpation  ofjurididion  over  the 
Bri/j««ic^  Churches.  Thefe  were  the  EfTayes  vvherewith  he  (et  out,  and  the  Rule 
by  which  he  fquared  all  or  the  molt  of  his  difcourfes  afterward  againft  the  Church 
of  Rflwjf.  He  was  fo  far  from  thinking  the  Popf,efpecially  as  he  is  now  dreft  up, with 
thefpoilesofall  the  other  Fatriarcks,8i  Bi(hops,&Councills,to  be  an  infallible  Pilot, 
in  the  feas  of  Controvcrfy,that  he  looked  on  him  as  either  the  Mother  or  thcNurfc, 
that  gives  life  or  nouriflimcnt  to  all  or  mod  of  thofe  dodrines,  that  have  fo  long 
difquieted  the  Chriftian  world,and  by  pretending  to  give  light  and  fafc  conduft  to 
uncertain  travaillers,  has  engaged  them  among  Rocks  and  Quick-Sands,  and  occa- 
lioned  the  Shipwrack  of  many  Soulsi  fo  that  as  long  as  this  challenge  of  infallibility 
is  fo  pertinacioufly  infifted  on,  C  tho  yet  no  where  infallibly  placed^  and  of  fupre- 
macy  over  Princes,  and  all  Ecclefiaftical  Tribunals  and  Perfbns,  there  can  be  no 
peace  with  B-ome.  But  if  this  Ground  and  Pillar  of  the  Schifme  were  removed,  if 
this  Partition  wall  rvere  rent,  we  might  have  fomc  hopes  of  having  a  clearer  pro- 
fped  into  the  Unity  and  Peace  ofChriftendomej  But  while  they  pronounce  them- 
felves  infallible  ("for  my  part  I  wfth  they  could  prove  it  too)  he  muft  needs  be  a  very 
fanguine  man,  that  can  ever  hope  to  fee  the  blefled  and  Glorious  day  which  there  is 
no  hope  for  us  to  fee,but  by  putting  out  both  our  eyes,  for  uponfuch  hard  tcrmes  on- 
ly may  we  enter  into  their  Kingdom.  This  I  acknowledge  is  an  infallible  Receipt,  for 
blind  men  will  never  quarrel  about  colours,nor  deaf  men  about  founds,nor  mcnthat 
have  renounced  all  reafon  about  Religion,  which  is  the  moft  delightful  and  nobleft 
entertainment  of  that  Divine  faculty  ,  as  thofe  other  qualities  are  the  proper  objeds 
of  thofe  (enfes.  Were  the  fupremacy  of  power  reduced  to  a  primacy  of  Order,  and 
the  Patriarch  of  Howe  content  to  be  in  the  Univerfal  Church  ,  what  the  Primate  of 
Jrehnd(iot  inftance^is  in  this  National  one,vvere  there  fo  much  modefty  ,  as  to  own 
themfelves  to  be  but  men,  and  conlequcntly  fallible  ,  that  the  voice  of  God  in  Scrip- 
ture and  Catholick  Tradition,  and  Reafon  (  applying  both  )  might  be  heard  „the 
Author  was  of  opinion,Chrirtians  might  in  fomc  time  fay  their  prayers  together, and 
different  opinions  in  fmaller  matters  would  rather  tend  to  the  beauty  and  harmony  of 
the  Church  by  exercifing  our  charity  and  mutual  toleration,than  become  matters  of 
Schifmeand  feparation.  But,alas!  Infallibility  and  Supremacy  are  the  Palladium  they 
contend  for, the  Jewells  they  would  fain  have'out  of  the  Crown  of  Chriftandof 
Princes,  without  which  all  others  are  of  no  price,  Grant  them  thefe,  and  we  may 
Omnia  de  iis  nobis  poUiceri:  as  one  of  them  wrot  to  Qi^ene  Elizabeth,  we  (hould  be 
epodCatbolick^  in  all  other  points:but  deny  them  thefe  privilegcs,5c  we  are  Hereticks, 
tho  we  (hould  fubmitto  all  their  other  determinations,So  that  unlets  all  the  world 
would  degrade  themfelves,and  become  lefs  than  men,by  denying  their  Reafon  and 
their  fenfes,to  make  one  man  more,  by  exalting  him  above  all  that  is  called  God,  it 
is  a  vain  and  an  idle  thing  to  exp:<3:  any  goid  terraes  from  them  .  For  after  an 
enumeration  of  miny  particular  dogmts  'ur\oof^zi.hf  thit  Church  on  them  of  her 
Comiiamon,  as  Articles  of  Faith, and  necc(r*ry  to  filvation,  neceffitateinidi],  which 

Pro- 


The  LIFE  of  Primate  BR  AM  HALL. 

Prntenantc  caniTot  fnbfcribe  asTruthj  ftho  for  peace  fake  they  miglit  acquicfcrm 
r  (-Vu  and  eivc  no  publick  contradidion;  much  lefs  can  they  owne  as  Ar- 
cvl^^ofFTwemayfay  tothemas  Abraham  to  the  Rich  man ,  bcfides  allthcfe 
tEre  is  xiV;.^;^  a  great  gulfh  fixed,  an  uncircumfcribed  Ocean  of  unlimited 
Power  and  Intallibility,  fo  thjtthey,  v^ho  would  pajs  ^cannot. 

But  I  needed  not  have  been  fo  large  in  giving  the  lenle  ot  this  learned  Perfon  in 
this  matter  nor  in  any  thing,  in  which  he  has  delivered  hlmfelfc,  he  having  the  ad- 
vantaee  of  fo  dear  an  expreiiion,that  noman'sfenfe  is  more  eafijy  difcern'd  through 
his  words       His  Books  are  ofage.and  are  able,  and  have  anftvtredfor  themfelves. 

The  fitiie  of  his  Abilities  was  fo  far  fjpread  in  the  Countrey  where  he  lived,  that 
it  were  a  wonder  if  fuch  T^alents  fo  employed  for  his  Mafters  aud  the  Churches  ufe 
ftould  have  been  hid  from  the  vigilant  eye  of  the  Lord  Vifcount  Wentrporth,ht- 
ine  then  defigned  for  the  Government  of  this  Kingdom.  This  great  Man  had  been 
by  the  Archbifliop  oi Canterbury  gained  to  hisMajefty,  from  whofe  Inttrelt  he  had 
fomc  time  been  alicn'd,  And  he  became  as  true  and  zealous  a  convert  to  the  King's 
and  the  C/;«rchfJ  caufe,  as  he  was  an  able  fervant  to  both^  and  brought  forth  fruits 
mettjor  a  pf«itMt,that  ii  more  than  others,  who  had  not  offended.  He  thought  the 
fame  meafure  of  Zeale  that  was  fufficient  in  other  Loyall  Pacriots,had  been  but  lukc 
warmncfs  in  himfelf.  Bat  if  he  ihain'd  the  bow  too  farr,  and  overrtiott  the  mark, 
let  no  man  objed  that  to  his  reproach,  fince  he  payd  fo  dearly  for  hiserrour,  that  the 
Conferences  of  his  very  Enemies  provided  that  the  fon*s  teethpould  not  befett  on  edge 
with  tbefoTvre  grapet  thefather  had  eaten,  but  none  did  or  could  bewaile  his  misfor- 
tune with  greater  elegance  and  compaflion,than  his  Royall  Mailer,  who  never  bore 
any  touch  of  Confcience  with  greater  regret,  than  for  that  adt  of  finfull  complyancc 
(  as  that  Pious,  and  Penitcnt,and  Beft  Prince  is  pleas*d  to  call  it }  whereby  he  gave 
up  his  wife  and  faithfull  fervant  to  the  will  of  his  Enemies,  who  being  deadyetjpeai^s^ 
and  delivers  this  obfervation,  that  Delinquents  when  Penitent  may  hope  for  that  Par- 
don from  the  generofity  and  mercy  of  a  Prince,  which  they  may  defpaire  of  when 
they  fall  into  the  difpleafure  of  the  People.  That  noble  Perfon  knowing  how  fairc 
a  flower  the  jf«^  Ecclefufiicutn  wzsin  the  Royall  wreath,  fand  that  without  it  as  King 
JjfWJ  faid  ot  Irf /tiM^,  they  are  but  half  Kings,  the  hearts  of  the  People  acknow- 
ledging another  man  for  their  Monarch)  thought  he  could  not  fcrve  his  Prince,  nor 
indeed  the  Reformed  Church  better,  than  by  afTcrting  the  right  of  the  Crown  in  fa- 
ro 'EccJefiajVtco  againft  the  Fanaticks  and  Recufants  on  both  hands:  for  the  fupream 
Power,  wherever  it  is  vcfled,  whether  in  one  or  many  is  very  weak  and  imperfcft 
and  deferves  not  its  attribute,  if  a  Prohibition  lye  againft  it  from  any  other  Court, 
that  (hall challenge  perfons  and  caufe$,'thatarenot  merely  fpirituall,  to  its  Jurididion. 
But  the  wifedomof  a  man  is  not  fo  much  (ecn  in  his  end,  as  in  the  choice  of  means 
toaccomplilh  it,  and  the  new  Lord  Deputy  was  a  great  Mafter  in  this  part  ofthc 
Politicksi  and  asnone  could  difcerne  a  Ht  inrtrument  better,  fo  hedifcemed  none  fit- 
ter for  his  purpofe  than  Dodor  Bramhall;  It  is  obfervcd  that  fomc  of  his  Minifters  did 
juft  fill  the  places  in  which  he  fet  them  ,  and  were  of  no  great  fignification  in  any 
other.  B\xtDo6totBrjmhall  was  fitted  for  every  fcrvice,  not  only  of  the  Church,  but 
the  Law,  and  Crown,and  l\ate,in  all  which  he  dKcharged  himfelf  with  fuch  facility, 
that  tho  he  was  often  employed  in,  he  was  not  entangled  with  fecular  builnefs,  but, 
theret)y  rendred  himfelf  both  more  confiderable,  and  able  to  ferve  his  proper  Pro- 
vince. It  was  not  without  much  difficulty, that  he  was  dra  wne  over  into  this  King- 
dome*  We  have  heard  of  one  called  from  ti^e  Plough  to  be  Captain  of  the 
Roman  Army ,  and  of  Elijha,  fiom  the  fame  Employment  to  be  the  Prophet 
of  JJrael,  Dodor  Bramhall  had/ft  his  hand  to  the  plough  alfo,  and  his  friend  Mailer 
Wandijford  (  fo  whom  the  Lord  Deputy  had  writ  from  London  about  him  J  found 
him  at  it,  lab'Uring  in  the  word  andDoSrin.  And  very  unwilling  to  be  diverted,  he 
told  him  when  he  had  delivered  hismeffage,  that  no  Country  affords  greater  choice 
of  Learned  men  than  England,  where  he  might  fee  many  great  Lights  in  private  pa- 
riflies  content  with  little  oyle,  that  more  needed  preferment  ,  and  it  wastruev  But 
as  Hinnibal  anfwered  his  brothera  little  before  the  battel  at  Canm,  tho  the  "Romans 
be  very  flrong,  and  have  many  valiant  Captains-,  yet  they  have  not  many  Magn's,  fo 
tho  that  famous  Church  was  of  old,  and  was  then,  and  is  now  ,  if  ever  ,  thejf«6cr 

Mund\ 


The    LIFE   of  PrimatcHK  AM  HALL. 


A/Wi,  yet  (he  had  not  m^ny  Bramhalls,  MiRcT  ff^jndeiford  knew  thit  being  cariy 
irriJ)!oyed  in  Government,  he  had  acquired  a  great  dexterity  in  it,  and  that  he  was 
then  in  hisftrength  and  Zeaith^heing  about  fourty  years  of  age,and  that  therefore  like 
Coliah*j  fword  ,  there  would  be  none  like  him  efpecially  in  the  hand  of  fucha  cham- 
pion as  the  Loid  Deputy  JFrntrvn-th^  and  therefore  he  Itill  preff'd  forward  with  the 
lirgc  promifcs  he  had  Commilhon  to  make  himi  but  he  found  that  all  fuch  Confi- 
derations  were,  but  like  meate  offered  to  a  man  that  is  not  hungry.  He  was  not  to 
be  mov'd  by  any  argument  but  the  neceliities  which  this  Churc  hgroan'd  under 
which    when  he  underrtood  he  yielded    and  difputed  tio  more,  ' 

There  wanted  not  men  of  honour  and  Interelt  on  the  other  fide,  who  urged  his 
ccntinuJnce  in  hisowne  Country, trcm  the  gcnerall  love  ail  men  had  for  him, from 
a  plentifjll  eftate  both  temporall  and  fpirituall,  both  which  he  might  exped  to  im- 
p.-oue,  being  in  as  goodertecme  with  the  Archbifhop  N«/,  then  lately  in  the  begin- 
ing  of  1632  removed  from  IFinton  to  Torh^^  as  he  had  been  with  all  his  Predecef- 
fors  M.ithetps,  Mountaine  and  Harfnett,  beUdes  he  was  offered  by  fome  Noble  men 
t3  be  made  his  Majc-ltiLsChaplaine  inordinary,  whence  by  eafy  ikps  he  might  have 
lifen  to  the  higher  Honours  ofthe  Church.  In  all  which  he  acknowledged  there 
was  great  force,  but  faid,  thej*  might  thence  fee,  that  he  confultednot  with  flefh  and 
Aood;3.nA  folemnly  protelkd  in  the  prefence  of  God^that  nothing  but  an  unmingled 
zeal  to  ferve  God  and  t'le  King  in  recovering  the  Rights  of  an  opprcflcd  Church 
which  he  underl\ood  the  Lord  Deputy  had  (erioufly  laid  to  heart  could,  byafs 
him  againlt  the  inclinations  he  had  to  gratify  fo  many  dear  and  Noble  freindsi  upon 
which  declaration  they  all  defifted  from  any  further  attempt,  as  giving  him  up  to 
the  will  otGod,  which  they  difcerned  overruled  him  in  this  matter. 

In  the  year  1633.  having  rellgned  all  his  Church  preferments  in  England^he  came 
over  into  this  Kingdom.  The  Lord  Deputy  then  and  foon  after  invited  many 
other  Clergy  men  of  good  merit,  but  by  rcafon  of  their  Cofmicallrifing,  they  were 
for  fome  time  lefsconfpicuous,  being  fo  much  in  the  beames  of  this  great  Light,  out 
of  which,  as  foon  as  they  had  got,  fome  of  them  appeared  of  the  firft  magnitude.Dr- 
Bramhall,  foone  gave  evidence  of  his  fufficiencies  for  the  work  the  Lord  Deputy  had 
for  him,  and  he  foone  found  wayes  to  exprefle  his  value  for  Dr.  Bramhall.  He  had 
been  butalitle  while  here,  when  he  was  made  Arch-Deacon  oi  Meath,  a  Dignity  of 
Good  value,  I  thinke  the  beft  of  that  title  in  this  Church. 

The  Hrlt  publickfervice  he  was  employed  in  was  a  Kegall  vilTtation,in  which  he 
was  either  one  of  his  MajelHes  Commiilioners  with  Baron  H///o«,ludge  of  the  Pre- 
rogative, or  fuch  a  Coadjutor  that  all  was  governed  by  his  directions.  He  there  diG- 
covered  thofe  things,  of  which  he  made  that  ufc  after,  that  fome  of  every  order  in  the 
Church  how  ever  dignified  or  diftinguiftied  have  reafon  to  bleffe  God  for 
him. 

He  had  heard  much  of  the  lamentable  Condition  of  this  Church,  and  he  found  it 
worfe  than  report  fpake  it.  The  Revenues  miferably  wafted,  the  difcipline  fcanda- 
loufly  dcfpifci,  and  the  Minifiers  but  meanly  conlidered.  The  Bifliopricks  he  found 
wretchedly  dilapidated,  by  fee  farms,  and  long  leafe?  at  fmall  Rentsi  granted  partly 
by  the  Pofijh  Bifhops,  who  refclved  to  carry  as  much  with  them  as  they  could,  like 
the  wife,  but  unjuft  fte ward, gratifying  their  freinds,  that  they  might  receive  them 
imo  their  habitations,  and  partly  by  their  Proft-jfj^t  SuccefTors  who  might  feare  an- 
other turn,  and  were, having  their  example, difpofed  enough  to  make  ufe  cf  the 
fame  Arts ;  by  fuch  meanes  on  the  one  fide  and  the  ofher,it  is  certain,  many  Bi(hop« 
ricks  were  made  as  fmall  as  facrilege  could  make  them.  In  fo  much  that  had  not  fome 
flop  been  given  ,  fome  forced  to  refund,  and  fome  new  Endowments  made,  the 
Church  had  been  fo  empoverifhed  in  a  fhort  time,  that  there  had  been  no  Roomc  for 
a  Reformation  :  for  if  all  the  Bifhoprickshad  been  made  as  poore  as  fome  were,  lam 
of  opinion  Ep//wpjcy  had  not  been  (b  AntiChrltian  a  thin^  as  of  late  years  it  was  ac» 
f  ountcd  by  fome.  fome  account  of  this  we  have  in  theBifhop  of  Perry/ letter  toPri- 
mate  Vjher,  which  I  (hall  infert  in  its  due  place.  Cloyve,  was  reduced  to  five  mar\s 
ferannttm^  hence  the  BiChop  was  called  Epifcopus  quirtque  tnararum  V  Aghad't  to  01. 
01.  oS.and  Ardfert  to  zhoaifixty  founds,  two  Bifhopricks  in  Kery,  and  lo  they  ftand 
ftil!,L>'OTfric^h3d  above  five  parts  of  fix  made  away  by  fee  firmSjOr  encroached  onby 

the 


The    MFE  offrimai e'BR\MH ALU 


T.C  undcrtaKcrs,  lomepucancrwhereot  was  reltorcd  by  the  Act  ot  Explanation   as 
an  Augmentation  to  the  5..,but  neither  that,nor  Hth.nk.any  othcr.have  the  full  benefit 

^^^^cXTewI'  SrfordM»'°^^^^  ^^"^^  complaint.    Cork,. 

ardK<'/x;ithink,raredthebeftofany,  a  verygood  man  Bifhops  Lj(»«j    being  by 
Gods  providence   placed  early  there  in  the  Reformanon,  who  was    fucceeded  by 
two  of  the  family  of  the  Boyles,  the  rirft  brother  to  the  late  Earl  of  CorK(  the  won- 
der of  his  time  for  the  fair  acquifition  of  fo  great  an  ElUte  and    lo  many  Honours 
to  his  Familyjthe  fccond  his  near  kinfmanC  and  Father  to   his  Grace  theprefent 
Lord  Archbifliop  of  P«t/i«  and  C/;.mf //or  of  this  Kingdom  J  tranflated  after  from 
Ctfri;,to  the  Archbiflioprickof  !r«4>w,nt>ne  ofall  which  fuffered  any  diminution  that 
lean  hear  of,  to  be  made  in  the  Revenues  of  thofc  Churches  i    what  was  done  in 
C/tf>Hf,  was  before  their  time     But  other  wife  there  is  not  one  in  this  Province  of 
Capel' Thit  has  not  the  print  of  the  facrilegious  paw  uponit,and  on   fome  of  thcTi 
thisinfcription  ioo,Vejiigia  nulla  utmfum;  thofe  that  now  enjoy  fuch  things,  eikenti- 
ing  themfelves  innocent,  becaufe  they  were  not  the  rtrft  violators,  not  confidering 
that  they  are  (Hll  niaU  fidei  Fojfejfores^  and  as  our   (aviour   faid  the  Children  of  the/ 
that  Killed  the  Prophets.  Non  minHS  eji  vitium^  qmm  qutrere Sparta  tueri.  If  I  liftenei 
totheComplaintsabroadlknowI  mighthearefad  ftories,  and    heavy  groanings 
from  theGholls  ofmoft  of  the  Bifhopricks  in  the  Kingdom,  tho  fotne  of  them  were 
appeafed  before  the  time  I  now  write  of,  by  the  Piety  and  bounty  of  King   James, 
in  the  Efcheatod  Counties,  at  the  Sollicitationof  thethen  Lord  PrimatHawf(o«,and 
Bi(hop  Mont-Gomery  whofe  Praifes   (hall  ever  be  in  the  Church,  for  the  brave  op- 
pofition  they  gave  to  the  wicked  defignes  of  the  mod  Potent  men  atthattime  in  the 
Kingdomei  God  favouring  their  prudent  and  pious    Endeavours  by  giving  them  * 
Grace  in  the  Eyes  of  that  learned  Prince,  But  I  muft  attend  the  Vifitation ,  and  the 
obfervationsofDr.Brtfmfca//,tnade  of  things  as  they  at  that  time  flood  ,  who  dit 
covered  another  evill  as  black  as  the  former .  For  the    facra  fames,  having  tome 
off  the  flefh ,  was  in  many  places  found  gnawing  the  very  bones  of  the  Church 
(tho  very  often  fuch  ftomacks  as  are  urged  with  that  kind  ofi8»^'i«'«  like  Tharaohs  leane 
kine,  neither  are  the  fatter  nor  the  fairer  for  their  foule  feeding)B£ndes  downe  right 
lacrilege,  that  bold  and  barefaced  y^po//)i"«,  that  deft royes  at  noone  day,he  faw   an- 
other Abaddon^  that  had  more  of  the  Subiilty  of  the  Serfent^a  Tejiilettce  that  n>al1{eth  in 
darknefje^l  mQ2n  Simony:  Co  that  the  poore  pittance  that  was  lclt,could  hardly  be  ob- 
tained, unlefs  the  Patrons  had  fome  feeling  of  the  gratitude  ot  fuch  as  they  prefen- 
ted  or  at  leaft,  unlefs  there  were  in  the  language  of  the  Caiwnijh,   what  is  next  to 
Simony,  a  Conjidentia,  that  the  Clerk  would  be  a  Gentleman.  This  is  fuch  a  canker 
as  eats  imperceptibly  into  the  very  bo  wells  and  vitallsof  Religion  :    For  if  buying 
of  Offi;es  in  Common-wealths  be  a  grievance,the  buying  of  benefices  in  the  Church 
is  a  mifchlef  and  a  Ruine  whereby  thieves  breakg  through  and  Steak,   Ignorant  and 
vicious,  fordid  and  hereticall  Paftors  creep  into  the  folds,  and  poifon  the  fountains 
out  of  which  the  flock  (hould  drink,  and  fo  thofe   who  (hould  be  the  fait  of  the 
Earth  to  purge  and  to  cleanfe,  do  but  corrupt  the  fpringsof  ChriftianCouncell  and 
Inftruction.The  Church  therefore  hasCnot  without  great  rearon)called  thiswisked- 
nefle  by  a  very  ill  name,  and  provided  againft  it  by  very  fevere  Sancticns.   The  fin 
oi  Simon,  was  to  think  that  the  gift  of  God  might  be  purchafed  with  mony,  it   was 
an  undervaluing  of  the  holy  Ghoft,and  the  Apoftle  St.    Teter  intimates  the  greatnes 
of  the  fin,  not  only  in  his  warm  return,  thy  money  perifh  r^ith  thee,  but  in  that  cau- 
tious expiellion,  B.epent,J>ray,  if  perhaps  the  thoughts  of  thine  k  art  may  be  forgiven  thee. 
No  man  dos  imagine  that  what  the  Church  now  calls  Simony,  is  properly  the  fin  of 
Simon  Magus,  nor  dos  he  that  by  any  fordid  or  nefarious  practice  obtains  a  Church 
Living  purchafe  the  Holy  GhoftCfor  how  can  the  clerk  buy  him  of  the  Patron,  who 
has  him  not  to  fell  )  yet  it  is  not  improperly  fo  called  becaufe  it  has    fome  refem- 
blance  of  it,it  is  a  buying  of  that  which  in  fome  fence,  is  the  gift  of  God,  and  becaufe 
when  difcovered  it  is  puniniable,as  that  fin  is:  So  we  know  many  crimes  are  called 
felonies  and  treafons in  the  Law  which  are  not  fignified  by  thofe  words  in  their 
firft  fence  and  defigne,but  becaufe,the  fame  punifhment  is  provided  for  them  as  for 
felons  and  traitours.  Now  as  no  man  better  apprehended  the  mifchjefj  that  grew 

upon 


Ihe     LI  FE  of    Frimate    BRAMHALL. 

Upon  this  Itock,  lo  none  could  with  more  zeal,  cut  Off  juch  tttimtmall  branches 
with  Ecclcfiafticall  cenrure,nor  vehip  the  buyers  and  fellers  out  of  the  Temple^not  onely 
the  Gehaznhzt  would  take,  but  the  5iw9«  rhat  would  give  or  truck  for  fpiritual  com- 
modities. Some  are  of  opinion  that  if  the  Law  againft  Simony  were  mitigated  and  the 
oath  againll  it  not  required,  fo  that  the  Clerk  were  under  no  fearc  of  deprivation 
or  owning  hlmfelfaperjured  Perfon,  and  the  Patron  onely  were  to  lofe  his  Right 
of  Prefentation,  it  would  more  effectually  prevent  the  practice  of  iti  whereas  now 
the  fears  that  both  parties  arc  in,  are  mutuall  obligations  whereby  each  is  fecured  a- 
giinft  the  other  in  bonds  of  the  greateft  fecrecy,  which  each  keeping  in  the  deep  of  his 
heart,  there  is  great  encouragement  in  an  evill  matter:  for  neither  of  them  dare  bite 
the  others  hnger,  becaufehis  ovvne  lip  is  betweenit  and  his  teeth.  Whether  fuch  men 
think  wifely,  I  Icavcto  wifei  heads  to  examine.  The  way  which  this  great  «f,K/(,y/,@>. 
tooke,  was  the  regular  one  of  punifliing  both  parties, whom  he  never  fpared.  Of  this 
fort  of  Traffickers  he  found  too  many  in  this  Regall  vifitation^tho  often  fo  cunningly 
difguifed,  that  it  was  hard  to  lay  the  Law  to  many  of  their  cafes^  in  many  places 
he  found  the  Patrons  (Generally)  where  Livings  were  Prefentative,  &  where  they 
were  notafome  powerfull  manCfome  f*h*t  Tisas  Simon  was  accompted^in  the  Parlfli  or 
vicinage  had  made  contracts  with  thepooreMinirtcrs  during  Incumbency  (in  fome 
places  for  a  term  of  years_)  for  very  fmall  Rents,which  they  were  commonly  glad 
to  accept,  not  daring  to  refufe  when  Offered;  for  if  any  man  were  pervers  and  would 
not  pay  his  tithes,  the  Church  jurifdiction  was  funk  fo  low  that  there  was  no 
Way  for  the  Miniffer  to  keep  above  water  unlefs  fome  powerfull  man  held  him  by 
thechin,  for  which  if  he  were  not  rewarded  with  a  beniliciall  Lcafe,  he  himfelfe 
would  dowfe  him  in,  and  leave  him  to  emerge  as  he  could,in  fuch  cafes  (and  "there 
were  many  fuch  )  not  coming  dired ly  under  Simony,  tho  of  high  Oppreffion,  he 
would  take  great  pains  to  perfwadcto  juf\ice  and  mercyi  But  where  this  would 
not  doe,  he  had  one  effectual  way  which  was  to  remove  the  Incumbent  to  other 
Livings,  and  forcfcue  him  out  ofthc  Gripes  of  the  oppreffor.  Oneor  two  Inftan- 
ces  in  a  diocefs  was  enough  to  let  the  rcl\  fee  he  was  in  good  earneft. 

But  he  fpent  not  his  time  in  this  peregrination  only  furveying  of  Glebes  and  va- 
luing of  tithes  to  make  the  clergy  richer,and  to  advance  the  temporal  Intercft  of  the 
Church,  he  was  more  troubled  to  difcern  fom  opinions  of  generall  credit  among 
them  that  he  judged  very  prejudicial!  to  a  good  life,  which  yet  were  reverenced  al- 
mofl  like  Articles  of  faith:  And  he  was  very  defirous  to  abate  of  their  value  and  to 
reduce  them  to  what  they  ought  onely  to  palTe  for  5  fcheole  opinions:  that  fo  men 
might  have  the  liberty  of  their  privat  tezfons  falvct  fde,  zndfalva  charitate.He  could 
not  endure  to  fee  fome  men  enflave  their  ludgcment  to  a  Perfon  or  a  party,  that 
cry  upnothing more  than  Chriftian  Liberty.  He  thought  that  liberty  was  much 
confinedjby  being  Chained  to  any  mans  G  hair,  as  if  all  he  uttered,were  ex  Tripode.znd 
to  be  madetheftanderd  and  teft  of  Orthodoxy,  That  the  Chriffian  Faith  and 
Liberty,  are  the  nmoft  in  danger  when  fo  many  things  are  crowded  into  Confefli- 
onSjthat  what  (hould  be  pradical,  becomes  purely  a  fcience,  ofa  Rule  of  life  a 
ufelefle  fpeculation,  ofa  thing  eafy  to  be  underflood,a  thing  hard  to  be  remembred. 
That  it  was  thclntereft  oitheVrote^ant  Church,  to  widen  her  bottom  and  make 
her  Articles  as  charitable  and  comprehenfive  as  flic  could,  that  thofe  nicer  accuracies 
that  divide  the  greatelt  wits  In  the  World  might  not  be  made  the  CharaUeri^ich^fii 
Reformation,  and  give  occafion  to  one  party  to  excomunicate  and  cenfure  another. 
Thus  he  faw  the  Church  of  England  conlf ituted ,  both  Cahinifls^znd  Arminians  {  as 
we  have  learn'd  to  abufe  and  nick-name  one  another^  fubfcribe  the  fame  Propofi- 
on$,  and  walk  to  the  houfe  of  God  as  friendsiand  he  from  that  time  began  to  medi- 
tate how  to  have  the  fame  confellion  here,  which  he  after  brought  to  pafs,  as  (hall 
befeen  in  due  place. 

Upon  his  return  to  DkIi//«  headvifed  the  Lord  Deputy  of  all  he  had  obferved 
and  done,  and  humbly  defired  him  to  invigorate  the  Church  difcipline  with  the  fe- 
cular  Arme,  without  which  the  other  ( to  fuch  a  height  of  profanefs  was  that 
age  grown,  and  yet  tulit  ms  nequiores)  would  be  of  no  confideration.  For  men 
have  Sence,that  have  not  Faith,  and  know  there  is  a  prifon  tho  they  will  not  beleivc 
there  is  an  He!l>  and  therefore  it  has  bean  Scoffingly  faid,  they  would  not  feare  the 

e  2  Vivell 


The  LIFE  of  Primate  BRAMHALL. 


Divcll  ot  Excommunication,  but  for  his  horn,  meaning  the  wntt  that  follows  ^r 
(hoM  follow.  The  Efficacy  of  the  mcrefp.ntual  cenfurc  is  reckoned  with  the 
white  powder  among  thcvulgar  Errours  by  thofcofno  Rel.gion,  orthofeof  an> 
other  Kc'ij'ion:  but  when  if  is  fortifyed  with  the  Civill  Power  ,  it  makes  fome 
noife  and  dosfome  Execution.  And  therefore  in  the  cafe  this  Church  then  was 
and  now  is  if  we  would  deiervcthc  name  we  are  called  by  ,  of  Chrirtian  andRc- 
formcd  if  we  would  beat  down  Vice  and  Profanenefs,  if  we  would  root  out 
Schifrne  and  Sacrilege  the  ftaincand  diflionour  of  the  Reformation,  as  well  as  fuper- 
flition  and  Idolatry,  thereis  no  wjy ,  but  by  giving  the  Church  ,  the  free  excrcife 
of  that  fpiritual  Powcr,(lie  derives  from  Chrilt  9nly,and  making  it  fignilicant  by  civil 
punilhment ,  among  fuch  who  Weighing  every  thing  by  a  carnal  ballance,  feare 
nothing  they  cannot  fee  or  feelc.  A  word  was  fufficient  to  the  Lord  Deputy  ,  who 
as  readily  received  as  the  other  propos'd,which  was  no  (mall  encouragement  to  him. 
This  was  indeed  a  great  part  ofhis  Errand  into  this  Kingdom.  The  Policy  of  that 
Aee  was  to  raike  the  Monarchy  fkong  and  redoubtable  to  its  Neighbours,  and  the 
Protcllant  Religion  healthy  and  long-liv'd  by  an  entire  union  of  all  his  Majefties 
Sub)e<n-s  in  the  famcConfellion  &  wor(hip,&  he  knew  all  men  are  not  to  be  Preach't 
and  difputed  but  to  be  governed  into  vertue  &  picty,peace  5c  unity^gf  but  that  thofe 
endeavours  were  unhappily  mifunderllood  wefliould  not  have  had  reafon  to  com- 
plain of  that  vaktuJi'ijry  (iate,the  Church  now  labours  under. 

The  Lord  Deputy  had  fo  ]nl\  a  fenfe  of  this  fird  feruice  ofhis  Chaplaine,  that  he 
made  it  knowne  by  reprefenting  him  fo  advantageoufly  to  the  King,  that  the 
Church  then  mourning  for  hcrlofs  inthe  death  of  the  Grave  and  Learned  DoTPttham 
Bifhop  of  Verry^  was  foon  comforted  by  the  Promotion  oi  DoAotBramhall  to  that 
Sec,  as  by  the  birth  ofa  new  fin.  He  was  now  advanced  to  a  convenient  height, 
to  take  alarger  and  freer  profpedt ,  and  by  this  accelfion  of  Honour  and  Power 
and  the  perfonal  favours  of  the  Lord  Deputy  fhining  on  him,in  a  greater  capacity  to 
perform  the  good  he  aym'd  at.  He  knew  within  (hort  time,  a  Parliament  was  to 
be  called,  againft  which  he  was  bufy  in  framing  the  Idea  and  model  offcveralne- 
ce/Tary  things  hee  hadprojeded,  and  which  in  thatfeafou  he  happily  com- 
paflcd. 

In  the  interim  he  took  an  opportunity  to  vifit  his  new  Flock,in  his  journey  when 
he  underfioodhc  was  come  within  the  Verge  ofhis  Diocef«,  he  immediately  defcen* 
ded  from  his  horfe  and  with  much  humility  and  devotion,imploi'd  the  afliftance 
of  the  Divine  Grace  inthe  difcharge  of  the  Duty  he  was  called  to,  and  which  God 
and  man  expedted  from  him  in  that  place.  In  the  rode  afterward  he  defired 
ofDodtor  jr^^r  an  account  of  hisDioccfs,  and  admired  much  at  the  poverty  of 
the  Church  livings,  which  he  had  heard  were  the  bed  in  the  tiorth,  and  confequent- 
]y Ireland  :  but  when  he  underfiood  the  Reafon  to  be  the  fame  thcre,which  he  had 
found  elfewherejwz.  farming  during  Incumbency,or  clfe  the  Landlords  countenan- 
cing the  tenants  againft  the  Minifter,by  which  means  theyfett  their  own  Lands  dea- 
rer ,  and  kept  up  a  continual  ftrife  between  Pried  and  People  i  he  advifed  himnot 
to  beafraid  of  any  m3n,But  in  a  faire  way  toinUft  upon  hisright,&  if  it  vveredenied 
he  would  let  thofe  men  fee  ,  they  were  not  greater  than  Laws, which  the  Lord  De- 
puty was  refolved  vigoroully  toexecuteagainft  all  oppre(lion,efpccially  if  it  had  the 
icaft  tindlure  of  Sacrilege-  And  they  foon  underftood  ,  he  fpake  with  good  ad- 
vice,The  poor  Clergy  began  to  lift  up  their  heads,  and  found  their  eftates  had  as 
firmc  foundation  as  any  others  in  the  Law,  and  their  caufe  and  Perfons  as  much 
countenance  from  the  ftate.  Hisfirft  Sermon  as  I  have  heard  was  on  the  i.  Ctr. 
4.  21.  U^hat  mil  yf ,  Jhall  I  come  unto  you  with  a  B-od^  or  in  love  and  the  Sprit  of 
Meekitefsf  He  was  no  very  fevereExaftor  among  them  in  Icffer  matters, efpecially 
for  a  time, being defirous  tofweeten  and  recommend  the  difciplineof  the  Church,as 
an  eafy  yoke  to  them ,  of  which  I  have  heard  one  inftance,  which  tho  in  a  trivi- 
al matter,  fpoke  his  mind.  Walking  with  his  Chancellour  and  Dodlor  lyalk^r  on 
the  City  Walls  the  Chancellour  obferving  feveral  people  at  work  .in  their  Meadows 
on  the  Feftival  of  St.  P«er,  fhewed  them  to  the  Bifhop  and  defir*d  to  know, 
what  courfc  (hould  be  taken  with  them,  whoonely  anfwertd  pleafantly,  kt 
them  make  hay  while  the  fun  fliincs  :  concluding  if  they  could  be  gain'd  in  the 

more 


The     LI  bE  of    trimatc    B  R  A  M  H  A  L  lT^ 

-nJorc  nccclLry  things,  either  the  relt  would  follow  after,  or  it   were  not  much 
matter,  if  they  did  ROt. 

He  found  his  Piocefs  cared  for  by  able  Preachers^gencrally  rcfiding  on  their  Cures.' 
Only  the  Birtiopof  ^r«/f^fc  held  the  Arch-Deaconry  and  y4r4(fra,two  great  livinas 
by  Commendara  s  but  finding  his  title  inrirme,he  foon  made  way  for  two  able  men 
tofuccecdhinv,  By  which  he  taught  others  ,that.he  looked    for  a  diligent  atten- 
dance on   their   Duty,  and  ihat  ihcy  muft  not  exped  their /^fw^j  where  the  peo- 
ple had  not  their  Pjtfr  W'/ffr.     He  had  a  very  terder  regard  for  his  Clergy    tho 
©pinioned  otherwife  than  himfeltwas,  if  he  found  them  ofherwifc  deferring,  imna- 
ung  the  elder  as  fathers,  and  the  younger     as  brethren  ,    vouchfafing  to   call  fume 
Father,  that  ask't  him  blelling  as  the  old  venerable  Mr.  Walker.     And  if  he  found 
them  learned,  he  made  them  more  fo,byhis  learned   difcourfes  from   the  Pulpit 
by  his  privat  arguings  and  inftruftions,  advifing  them  in  the   Method  and  matter  of 
their  Studies:  whereby  he  gently  reduced  feveral  to  more  fobsr  &  charitable  thoughts 
of  fome  dodtrines,  againft  which  the  prejudice  of  their  Education,and  the  eflecmc 
they   had  for  their  former  BiQiop,  made  them  Zealous.     Some  few  he  removed  as 
branches  thit  brought  forth  no  fruit,  and  brought    in  their  room   pious  and  worthy 
perfons,as  Mr.  Sing  the  prefent  Lord  Bifhop  oi Cor\_^Stanhof, Winter  8cc.  nor  was  his 
labour  wanting  among  the  Lay  Gentry,  reducing  fome  that  had  ftrayed,  and  con- 
firming fome  that  Ihggcrd,  their  blood  being  apt  to  take  infedionfrom  the  neigh- 
bour Kingdome,  as  the  Laird  of  Lacquey  and  others  brought  to  his  Lordfhip  by  Dr, 
Walker,  to  whom  he  gave  full  fatisfadion  in  their  fcruples. 

The  Revenues  of  his  Church  hevery  much  improved,  in  the  recovery  of  Lands 
detained  from  his  Predecefrors,as  T'ermin,  Cclahy  ,  &c.  befides  the  advancements  he 
made  in  the  Rents,  finding  Vefart  Martin  to  be  a  menfall,  he  retriev'd  it  to  that 
ufe,and  made  a  Parke  there,and  fo  left  it  to  hisfucceffors  wholprefume  ftillhold  it  as 
fuch,  without  leafing  of  it  out  to  Tenants,longerthan  their  owne  title  holds.In  hisEn- 
deavours  of  this  kind  he  was  fo  fucceflful,that  hee  is  affirm'd  to  have  doubled  the 
Rent  of  that  Bi(hoprick,before  he  was  forced  from  it  by  the  common  Calamity. 

But  he  was  not  defign'd  for  the  good  of  his  fucceffour  only  :  his  Light  feemed 
ftill  under  a  bufhell,  when  confined  within  the  compafs  of  any  Private  Affair ,  and 
therefore  he  was  foon  called  up  to  D«i/i«  to  be /ft  fl«  a  Candlefiich^,  and  placed  on 
thefummit  ofall  Ecclefiaftical  Adminiftrationinthe  Kingdom  in  fuch  things  as  were 
n6t  ordinableby  the  rcfpedtive  privat  Governours  of  the  Church.  The  Talents  of 
the  then  Lord  Primate  r/fc/T  C  not  more  famous  for  his  learning  than  his  piety) 
were  more  properly  employed  ,becaufe  more  agreeably  to  his  quiet  and  gentle 
fpirit  in  Preaching  and  in  writing  :  to  which  latter  Employment  the  Bifhop  of 
PfiTjihadnot  yet  leafure  to  attend  ,  tho  he  frequently  excelled  in  the  former.  In 
their  feveral  Minifteries  they  did  bothgreat  fervice  to  the  Church,  according  to  the 
grace  given  them,theone  waiting  on  exhcrtation,3c  the  other  ruling  with  diligence. 
yiher  like  St.  Pf/er  was  Primat  of  the  College,  but  on  BriJTO/;j/y  like  St.  P<jk/,  lay  the 
Care  of  all  the  Churchts. 

In  the  tenth  year  ofKing  Charles  the  f\r!}. Anno  Vomorti  i6^/i^.July  14.  A  Parliament 
was  called  in  this  Kingdom,  and  whith  it  a  Convocation  of  the  Clergy  \  Which 
the  Bifhop  of  Derr^  confidciM  as  a  wide  door  and  effe<flaal  to  introduce  what  he 
had  purpofed  forthegood  of  this  Church;  and  though  there  were  many  adverfaries, 
yet  he  accomplilhed  at  leaft  the  greateff  part  of  what  he  had  fb  contrived. 

The  things  he  chiefly  intended,  were  the  improvement  of  the  temporal  Eftate  of 
the  Church  and  the  union  of  it  withthat  of  England,  in  the  fame  of  Articles,  of  Re- 
ligion, and  the  fame  Canon  of  Difcipline  and  worfhip. 

In  order  to  the  firft,feveral  Ads  were  paffed  in  behalf  of  the  Church,  as  it  is  a 
Corporation  endowed  with  temporal  advantages,neverfo  many  in  one  Parliament, 
in  all  which  the  Lord  Deputy  made  fuch  u(e  of  the  Bifhop  of  Dfrry,thathe  was  the 
firff  &  the  lafl  to  piojed  and  modell  them.  I  would  not  be  thought  to  detrad  from 
the  honour  in  thefe  matters  due  to  other  worthy  Inffruments ,  asSr,  George  Ra*/'- 
eliffe  Mr.  Wmdesford  zndi  others,  perfbns  of  great  merit,  the  former  being  a  Gentlc- 
minofgreit  learning,  andasgreatC  tho  greatly  miftaken  )  integrity  and  7eale 
for  the  Proteftant  Church  ,  much  lefs  would  I  derogate  from  the  Great  Architect 

h  him- 


The  LIFE  of  Frtmate  BRAMHALL^ 

1.-    felte-  but  it  is  well  known  how  much  he  was  allTned  and  eas'd  by  the  Bifhop  of 
tT^s  Counfells  and  that  he  fo  much  confided  m  his  Wifdom,  that  it  is   no  reflc- 
n  uDon  him  to'affirm  that  all  Ecclefiaftical  matters  efpecially  were  concluded  by 
pother:  for,  for  this  end  he  was  brought  hither.  ,      ,,      ^ 

The  work  indeed  was  great,&  there  was  need  ol  many  heads,  &manyhandsfor  there 
ted  not  Saaballats  8c  7ohiahs,  rvho  with  the  people  of  the  Lnd  endeavoured  to  wwi^ 
7nll,em  and  hinder  the  Building  :  of  which  becaufe  I  am  to  give  an  acount,  it  is  needful 
defcribe  the  lines  6c  the  foundations  that  were  laid  in  the  ^tatutei  of  that  Parlia- 
'°      which  may  be  fccn  in  St.Rtchard  Bo/fo«'s,Edition  of  the  Statutes  of  7rf/jW.   The 
ITirwhcrcof  was,Aflatutefor  the  maintenance  and  execution  of  pious  ufes  obliging 
all  ArchBifliops  and  Bifliops  to  perform  every  fuch  truft,  according  to  the  true  in- 
tent of  the  deeds,  in  that  behalfe  made  or  to  be  made.    Sefs.  3.  cap.  i.fol.  50.     The 
was  a  fututcfor  Confirmation  of  Lcafes  made  by  the  Lord  Primat,  and   other 
Bilhops  of  1^ /(?<■'",  of  fuch  Endowments  as  had  been  made  by  Kin^  James,  to  the  Arch- 
5iflioprick  of  ^'w^t ,  t'i<=  B'^opricks  of  Verry ,  Clogher  ,  Rafhee ,  znd   Killmore  ^ 
'ivinft  them  power  any  time  within  five  years,  to  make  Leafes  for  fixty  years  of 
'^ich  L  aiids-    Sejs.  3  cap.  ^.fol.  5^.  5ome  good  effect  which  his  Lordfhip  had  found 
bv  this  Itatute,  made  hime  zealous  for  pafllng  of  one  in  like  forme  for  all  tlie  Bi- 
Ihopricks  in  the  Kingdom:    of  which  more  afterward  .     But  the  Great  Bajlioti,(ot 
the  defence  of  ihc  Church  was  that  which  paffed  Sefu  4  cap.-^.fol.   78.     Entituied, 
An  Act  for  the  f  reservation  of  the  Inheritance  Right!  and  Vroftt  of  Lands  belonging  to 
the  Church  andPerfons  EcckfialiicaU.  T'/^ix  limited  them  to  time  and  Rentj  prefcri- 
bcd  what  they  might  fett,  and  for  what  and  how  long,  and  is  thefecurity  of  fuccclfi- 

Before  the  laft  of  thefe  ftatutcs  was  paft,lamfo  far  from  wondering  that  the  Church 
loft  fo  much,  that  I  wonder  fhe  had  any  thing  left  to  loofc.    By  the  ftatutc  ofMort' 
maine  care  was  taken  the  (hould  not  grow  too  fat  and  purfey,  provifion  was  made 
againft  difeafts  aiilingfrom  Plethory,  but  none  againff  impoverilhing  and  utter  con- 
fumption,tho  they  fay  thofe  that  arife  from    evacuation,  are  thchardeft  to  be  cured. 
The   forc-doorc  was  (hut  faft  ,  that  nothing  without  licence  (hould  come  in,  but  the 
other  doore  was  fett  open,  at  which  dc(f  ructive  Kfues  were  made.     Where  former- 
ly the  Eftatc  of  the  Church  ebbed  by  the  finifler  Arts  of  her  Truflees  ifor  their  left 
band  kt^re  xchat  their  right  hand  did)  it  flowed  as  fa(}  againe,   and    ths  Circulation 
wasmaintained  by  new  Endowments  not  a  litle  helped  by  the  gainful!   dodtrin  of 
Merits,o{  Indulgences,  Purgatory,  and  the  likg,  which  the  fadtors  of  the  Reman  Church 
knew  Low  to  improve,  and  apply  in  fuch  a  Cnfis  ,  tvhen  amatt  tvouldgive  the  whole 
World  in  exchange  forhis  foule.     But  fince  thofe  mercenary  doctrins  are  exploded  in 
the  Reformation,it  had  been  jufiice  and  Piety  timely  to  have  prevented  the  Churches 
utter  Ruin  at  well  as  policy  to  prevent  her  over  matching  the  Laity,  and  becoming 
monltrous  by  f^ill    growing  after  (he  had  arrived  to  a  ju/l  fiature«  Now  at  laft,but 
very  late,  the  Pof^crn  was  (hut  too,  and  fome  hopes  given  in  this  fiatute  of  regaining 
in  time  what  had  been  unjuftly  made  away  by/fe  jarm.     The  Church  is  thereby 
enabled  on  furrendry  of  fuch  Titles  and  fome  Emprovement  ofRentf/kLor^Lifw- 
tenant  and  Councill  confenting)  to  Make  leafes  for  lixty  years,  by  which  meanes  (he 
was  in  many  places  bettered  fome  what  at  prefent ,  and  had  a  hopeful!  profpect  of 
recovering  her  full  right  at  laft,  and  the  Eftates  and  confciences  of  the  Tenants  were 
fecurcd,inmore  Jutland  legal  tenures  than  formerly  they  had  held  by.     But  the 
]Si(hopsCand  fome  few  Deaneries  perhaps )endowed  with  Landsjwcre  chiefly  bene- 
fitted by  thefe  Acts.     Care  was  alfo  had  of  the  Inferior  Clergy  in  another.  Sefs.^. 
cap.  i.fol.  75.  which  inableth  reftitution   of  Impropriations,  and   7ithes  and  other 
Rights  EccUfiajiicall,to  theClergy  with  a  relhaint  of  aliening  the  fame  and  directions 
for  theprefcntations  to  Churches.     By  thisthe  Clogg  of  a  licence,  which  lay  like  a 
Lyon  in  the  way,  was  removed,  quoad  h£c\  the  Rights  of  patrons  fccured,  and  power 
given  for  the  uniting  and  confolidating  Rectories  and  Vicarages,  xo  the  great   joy  of 
many  a  foore  labourer  in  the  tJarvejl,  who  thence  forth  conceived  hopes,  having  long 
Soivne  in  tears,  at  laft  to  Reap  in  joy  and  bring  their  Sheaves  with  them. 

By  thefe  fcverall  ftatutes  did  the  Piety  of  that  Gracious  Prince  (hine  upon  a  poor 
diftrclTed  Church,which  was  as  chearfully  reflected  and  acknowledged  in  another 

Act 


I 


rhe   LIFE  of  Primate    BRAMHALL. 


Act,  wherein  the  Clergy  gave  his  Majcrtie  8  entire  fubiidies,  as  an  Exemplary  tefti 
iiiony  ot  their  Loyall  affection,  rather  than  as  a  thing    worthy  his   favorable  ac' 
ceptance.     Confeliing  to  his  immortall  honour  before  God  and  the  Chriflian  worlcL 
that  as  no  Church  under  Heaven  did  ever  (knd   in  more  need,  fonone  dideverfind 
more  Royal  and  munificent  Patrons  and  Protedors,  his  Majefiie  not  only  havine 
made  Reltitution  of  that  which  the  Iniquity  of  former  times  had  bereft  them  of  b  t 
as  if  he  intended  to  expiate  tlieir  fiults,enriching  them  with  new  and  Princely' en 
dowments,M  58.     Thus  did  the  church   being  new  enliven'd    and  beeinnina  to 
lift  up  her  head  out  of  obfcurity  celebrate  the  merits  of  that  Religious  King    r«:k- 
oning  among  other  infinite  obligations  his  Majefties  incfthnableGoodnefs,  in  fend- 
ing them  a  Governour  lo  )u(l,carcfu!,  provident  and  propitious  to  the  Ciiurch     I 
know  this  may  be  cenfured  as  a  piece  of fervile  and  facerdotal  flatterie,but  it  is  by  fuch 
as  know  not  what  it  isto  be  Grateful,  who  might  as  well  allow  it,' to  be  but  a  iuft 
and  humble  Recognition,  not  only  in  Refpect  of  his  Majeftie  but  his  Deputy,  if  they 
confidered  ArchBilhop  Laud's  concern  for  him,  as  he  palTed  under  his  window  to 
Execution,  »nd  begg'd  his  prayers  andblelling:  the  good  Gentleman,  faid  he  had 
been  more  ferviceable  to  the  Church,  than  either  himfelfe  or  any  Churchmen  had 
ever  been. 

The  foundation  being  laid  in  theic  Afts ,  the  feifhop  of  Deny  immediately  ap- 
plied himfelfe  to  building,  which  truly  he  oarryed  up,  confidering   what  matcriaUs 
he  had,  whith  incredible    Expedition  the  feefarms  and  Impropriations  ftuck  like 
Ivy  to  the  old  walls,  and  it  was  hard  to  feparate  them.     And  in  al!  the  numerous 
Controverfies  on   that  Account,  his  Lordfhip  was  the  moderator  toftate  the  Rents 
and  compromize  the  whole  difference,gencrally  by  confent  of  Parties,and  fometimcs 
by  order  from  theComcil  tahle,  which  then  much  influenced  many  affairs,  efpecial- 
ly  where  the  forms  and  niceties  of  the  Law  had  rendered  it  incompetent  for  that  end. 
But  that  fo  rough  and  dillaftful  a  matter  might  be  carry'd     on  with  Effect ' 
his  great  care  was  to  recommend   flout  &  prudent  Perfons  to  the  Lord  Deputy  for 
the  higher  preferments  of  the  Church,  which  were  accordingly  filld  with  fuch  men 
as  they  became  voyde.     Dean  Sing  being  mzde  Biihop  of  Cloy  ne,  of  which  he  foon 
at  his  owne  great  Expence  gave  a  good  account,  making  of  every  Mark  an  hun- 
dred pound,  and  Dean  Lejjely^  Bifhop  ofDorvne,  and  Co««or:  both  men  of  parts  at 
booke  and  at  bufinefs:with  feveral  other  I  forbeare  to  name. 

It  would  be  an  endlefslabour  to  be  particul  ar  in  all  the  ferviceshc  did  this  Church 
of  this  kindjl  will  only  give  oneinftance,by  which  we  may  make  fome,  con  jcftures 
ofthe  reft,  and  that  is  of  the  Primacy,  which  I  find  my  Lord  Primate  fy^fr  acknow- 
ledging in  his  Letters  to  him,  bearingdateFeir.  25.1635.  which  by   the  way  was 
not  a  year  after  the  ftatute  had  pafsed,  which  I  obferve  as  an  argument  of  his  great 
diligence  and  difpatch  even  in  fuch  matters,as  move  commonly  very  heavily.     The 
Letter  for  fo  much  as  concerns  this  bufinefe,  is  as  follows.      I  have  received  the  Co- 
talogue  of  Comf  options ^rohereby  J  find  that  the  Augmentation  of  the  Rents  of  this  See  a- 
moHHteth  to  feven  Hundred  Thirty  jive  Pound  fnure  Shillings  andfoure  fence  Per  annum 
and  that  you  havemve  pajfed  the  greater  halfe  of  your  jourmy^  the  refl  I  hope  you  rvill  fi- 
nijh  in  Good  time-,  which  beingbr ought  to  a  Good  JJfue^  not  onely  my  felfe  hut  allmySuccef 
Jours  li\evpije  Jhall  have  caufe  to  honour  the  memory  as  rpell  of  my  Lord  Deputy  as  of  your 
felfe,  rvhom  God  has  ufed  as  an  Inlirument  to  bring  this  work^  to  juch  perfeSion.     In  the 
ntean  time  with  my  moji  hearty  thankee  for  your  extraordinary  pains  tak^nin  the  Churches 
Caufe  and  mine,  I  recommend  you  to  Gods  Blefjing  and  Kefi. 

Your  Lordfliips  moft  affured  loving  friend  and  Brother, 

J  3.  Armach. 
I  forbear  troubling  the  Reader  with  the  many  high  expreflions  of  his  care  and  vi- 
gilance in  the  concerns  of  the  Church,  which  that  Primate  in  feverall  Letters  ules 
to  him.  But  if  fo  great  an  Improvement  was  made  in  that  one  ArchBifhoprick,  by 
furrendries  offeefarmes  and  Compolitions  for  the  Rents,  and  that  this  was  only 
the  halfe  of  his  journey,  what  may  we  guefs  was  done  in  his  travail  throughout  the 
Kingdom. 

Not  was  he  lefs  induftrious  or  fuccefsful  in  behalfc  of  the  Lower  Clergy,  whofe 
cafe  he  would  often  lament  with  much  compalGon,  and  whofc  Caufe  he  Imgly  fuf-    * 

tain'cL 


77jgLIFE  of  Frimate  BR  A  M  HAL 

tatn'd  on  all  occalioii  where  the  complaint  was)uit,being  the  poore  Vicar's  champioi,- 
Wc  blanw  the  Presbyterians  for  their  Lay  Elders,  but  we  have  a  fort  of  Lay 
Pricfts  or  at  left  Lay-parfons,  and  Vicar's  :  and  as  theyclaime  a  (hare   in  the  Rule 
fo  do  thefe  in  the  Proffits  and  double  honour/  of  the  Church  :  but  both  are  mere 
forces  put   upon  her.     The  one  we  know  was  but  an  after-game  Calvin  was  forced 
to  play  at  Geneva  to  wheedle  the  people,  that  lie  might  fecure  himfelfe,and  his  own 
power  among  them,  in  order  to  the  Keformationhe  intended,of  which  I  doubt  not 
but  his  wifedom  and  his  learning  had  given  a  fairer  draught ,  but  for  the  neceflMes 
he  lay  under  of  humouring  them  very  much  i   And  ha>tcpopnlus  fecit,  is  an  excufe 
at  any  time  for  an  ill  piece  of  painting,  ^ut  in  Ettgland  the  Perfons  to   be  ufed  in 
the  Reformation  were  above  the  Elderfliip  of  a  Parochial!  confiflory,  they  did  not 
fo  much  thirfl  after  tliofc  petty  honours  as  gape  for  the  Riches  of  the  Church: 
And  fhe  was  faine  to  wink  at  the  Rapacious  appetites  offome  Great  Reformers,  whofe 
lirong  ftomacks  muft  pafs  for  Zeale:who  unlefs  they  had  been  bribed  with  a  part  in 
the  ertate  of  the  Church,  which  needed  no  Reformation,  would  never  have  contri- 
buted their  Irtereft  to  the  Reformation  of  the  doctrin  and  Worfhip,  where  it  was 
hugely  wanting.    And  therefore  the  Church  confidering  thefeas  the  foule  of  Reli- 
gion, and  that  the  life  was  more  than  meat,  and  the  body  than  rayment  was  content  to 
fart  not  only  with  her  coat  but  with  her  bread,  fo  wholefom  food  might  be  miniftred 
to  the  people:  but  truly  it  is  pitty  (he  fhould  ftill  befo  great  a  fufferer  by  her  charity. 
But  bleffed  be  God  there  arc  fomc  that  have  that  fenfe  of  her  fufferings,  that  they 
could  wi(h  fome  publick  way  contrived  whereby  fhe  might  be  reftored  adintegrum. 
Certainly  his  Maieftie  and  a  Parliament  would  rejoice  to  hear  fuch  a  propofal,  from 
forr.e  noble  and  active  fpirit  that  had  wifdom  and  Intereft  to  manage  fo  bravca  de- 
figne.  And  methinks  if  either  Piety  or  a  noble  Zeal  by  welldoing  to  purchafc   Im- 
mortality, and  to  embalm  a  Name  to  future  Ages,  and  lay  a  foundation  for  building 
up  of  a  family  had  any  influence  on  tht  Cenius  of  this  Age,  we  might  hope  to  fee 
the  corner  ftonc  at  leaft  lay'd,and  heare  all  the  people  cry,Grace,grace,  of  fuch  a  great 
and  generous  undertaking. 

The  Excellent  Perfon  of  whom  I  write ,  was  a  brave  example,  and  lookes  down 
from  the  height  of  that  fame  he  acquired,inviting  our  endeavours,acupbraiding  us  for 
rot  being  infpired  with  the  encouragement  his  fuccefs  affords:  what  that  was,  I  need 
not  tell,  it  isfo  well  known,  and  I  cannot,  it  wasfo  great  and  vniverfal:  but  how  he 
was  encouraged  and  aflifted,  and  by  what  means  he  performed  thofe  eminent  fervi- 
ccs,  I  (hall  give  fome  brief  account. 

Some  few  Impropriations  he  obtain'd  by  power  of  Reafon  and  pcrfwafion,  more 
by  Jaw  but  moft  of  all  by  purchafe. 

for  the  two  {ir(i,  hi<i  Majcfties  Royal!  Example  was  as  argument  of  great  force, 
of  which  he  made  great  u(e  with  others.  The  return  of  fuch  Tithes  as  RemainM  (till 
was  ea(i!yobtain*d,  when  a  gracious  Prince  fate  in  the  Throne,  herein  pioufly  im- 
itated by  his  prefent  Maje(tie  whom  God  long  preferve  and  reward  for  his  Koyall  bounty 
to  this  Church,  the  King  had  by    his  Letters  reftored   all  impropriate  tithes,  as 
fa(t  as  the  leafes  fhould  expire,  hisMajefties,now  has  done  the  like  and  more,  having 
given  all  forfeited  impropriations  a!fo,tho  fomc  have  made  a  (hift  to  defraudCtho  they 
cannot  the  King  of  the  Reward  of  his  Piety  _)  th<  Church  of  the  bencfitt    of  it,  by 
ftcpping between  and  parting  Patents  of  Reverfion,how  valuable  in  Law  Iknow  not, 
having  not  afkt  advice  of  councell  The  Lord  Deputy  in  purfuance  reftored  feverall 
Livings  kept  by  his  PredccefTours  for  their  Provifions  ,referving  fomething  to  be  an- 
nually paid  out  of  them,  for  that  end.  We  are  told  alfo   from  a  late  Hiftorian,that 
this  Noble  precedent  had  its  confcquence  upon  fome  of  the  Nobility  and  Gentry  as 
the  Earl  of  Corfe,  and  others,  who  not  only  gave  up  fome  Impropriations  but  began 
to  build  Churches  fayesDr:  Heylin. 

We  may  readily  beleive  the  Bifhop  ofDfrry  was  not  backward  in  improving 
the(e  Arguments  by  pointing  at  and  applauding  the  Princely  andNoble  benefactors  . 
He  faid  it  was  a  reproach  not  to  follow  fo  brave  leaders, that  it  was  unjuft  to  exclaime 
fomuch  againft  Popery  in  the  point  of  their  monafticl{Orders,forempoveri(hing  the 
Church,  and  Fleecing  the  flock,  which  they  never  feed,  when  the  Impropriators  were 
.  ''^foes  ex  ajfe  and  quaffed  in  confccrated  bogles,  and  fed  their  dogs  with  the  childrens 

bread 


The    LIFE   of  Primate  3K  AM  HALL, 


iread^znd  fpent  the  patrimony  of  the  church  fo  rioutoufly  and  fcandaloufly,  many 
of  them,  that  if  the  Monks  exceeded  them,  it  is  an  Argument  they  much  needed  a 
Reformation  ,  but  as  was  faid  before  ,  it  concluded  as  ftrongly  in  the  fame  point 
againft  thefe.He  wondered  much  at  the  complaint  againft  non-Refidents,  to  whom 
no  man  was  a  more  declared  Enemy,  when  the  tithes  were  pofTtfTed  in  many  places 
by  Lay- men  who  could  not  be  other  wife  ,  tho  they  lived  not  only  in  the  Panfli  but 
fomc  of  them  even  in  Churches  &  places  confecrate,  taking  fo  themfehes  the  houfej  of 
Cod  in  poffe^jo)!.  It  was  a  ftrange  thing  to  him  that  the  word  Parfon  fhould  be  growne 
into  fuch  contempt  when  the  Nobleft  men  in  the  Kingdom  were  not  only  Parfons 
but  Vicars  and  parifh  Clerks.  In  the  mean  time  poor  people  werefamiftied  for  want 
of  food,crying  like  prifoners  from  their  grates  for  bread  for  the  Lords  fake.  To  con- 
cludejrom  feverall  7opick!  of  Confcience,offliameto  keep,  of  fear  to  loole,  of  hopes 
to  winn  the  Deputies  favonr  SccHeperfwadedfome  into  afullreftitution,othersinto 
a  competent  endowment  ofthe  vicarage,  or  afitt  falary  fat  leaft  J  forthc  Curate. 
But  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  all  were  fo  ingcnuous,fome  were  refolved  to  hold  to  the 
Conclufion  in  fpight  of  the  PrerrilTes,  let  the  fin  of  facrilegebe  never  fo  great,  the 
tith  come  makes  very  good  Bread :  in  fuch  cafes  he  was  forced  to  make  ufe  of 
the  Rod  of  the  law,inftecd  of  <k //>;«»  o/OTwH^jif  J  which  proved  fomctimes  to  thcadvan- 
tagcofthe  Churc!\,  for  being  provoked  to  (hake  the  bough,  not  only  the  apple  he 
aym'd  at,  but  many  others  would  often  fall  into  his  lap.  When  a  particular  living 
was  only  defigned,  the  whole  Abbey  has  been  found  in  the  King,  and  confequently 
given  to  the  Church.  None  could  more  readily  difco'.  er  a  flaw  in  tithes  and  hav- 
ing found  it,  none  drive  the  wcdg  further.  In  Connaught  he  took  very  much  pains 
inbehalfof  the  poore  Vicars,  and  in  other  places,  as  in  Kfrrji,  where  he  generally 
obtained  half  of  the  tiths  to  be  fettled  on  them>  where  notwithftanding  to  my 
owne  certain  Knowledg  ten  vicarages  make  not  above  fixty  or  feventy  pounds  Per 
annum. 

A  third  way  is  yet  behind  by  which  he  recovered  more  than  by  the  other  two, 
Where  neither  Reafon  nor  Religion  could  open  the  heart,  nor  the  force  of  Law  un- 
clafp  the  hand,  he  dealt  in  a  fair  way  of  purchasi  and  truely  his  indefatigable  travails 
in  this  way  are  never  enough  to  be  admired:  but  while  God  and  the  King  and  his 
owne  Con[ckv)ce  C3.\d  unto  him^well  done  Good  and  faithfjillfervant  he  enterd  into 
great  jy  in  the  height  of  all  his  labour.  It  will  be  afkt,  unde  babuit  ?  and  indeed 
it  is  hardly  to  be  anfwered,  the  ftock  was  not  great,  but  God  infinitely  hltft  and 
multiplyed  it  like  the  loaves.  His  owne  was  liberally  imployed,  but  what  was 
that  to  feed  fo  many?  however  with  that  he  began  in  his  owne  Diocefs  where 
there  was  but  litle  matter  to  work  uponi  but  his  fuccefs  was  like  that  of  fomc  Ge- 
nerals, who  are  fometimes  drawne  into  a  Victory  when  they  thought  only  of  a 
fcarmouch  or  beating  up  only  of  the  out  guards,the  thing  gave  fornuch  lefsoppcfiti- 
onthan  he  expected, that  he  was  invited  to  fuetchhis  line  beyond  his  owne  Jurif- 
didlion.  The  ArchBifhop  of  Canterbury  immediately  upon  the  firft  fignification 
counrcnanc'd  the  work,  and  lent  him  his  hand  and  his  head,and  hispurfe  too,  hav- 
ing defign'd  fourty  thoufand  pounds  for  it.  He  did  not  more  oppofe  it  in  England, 
becaufe  he  liked  not  the  fa(ftours,  nor  the  dellgne,  than  he  incouraged  it  and  op- 
plauded  it  here.  His  Majeftie  had  given  fome  money  to  pious  ufes,  which  his  GracCj 
rinding  the  Bifhop  of  Pfrr^  both  si  faithfull  and  wife  ileward,  procured  to  be  com* 
mitted  to  hismanagement.  Befides  what  he  had  out  oi  Eri gland,  he  borrowed  of 
feverall  Rich  men  greate  fummes  of  money,  and  fecured  them  out  of  the  Ifsues 
of  the  Impropriations  which  he  bought,  putting  them  into  the  hands  of  fuch  Cre- 
ditors for  acertain  term  of  years,  which  being  expired,  they  where  to  revert  to 
the  Church.  He  got  fome  mony  alfo  by  voluntary  fubfcriptions  from  many,  whom 
he  alwayes  reprcfenttd  with  fuch  advantage  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  that  they  repent- 
ed not  of  their  Charity.  For  this  ufe  alfo  he  fo  order*d  matters  in  the  furrendry  of 
fee  farms,  that  the  furplufageof  Renf,  which  he  gamed  for  feverall  Bilhops  (hould 
be  for  fome  years  thus  imployed.  The  goods  alfo  ofPerfons  dying  inteftate, being 
partly  difpofable  by  the  Court  Chriftian  for  pious  ufes,  he  procured  to  be  directed 
this  way.  1  have  not  heard  that  the  Commutations  for  penances  were  made 
any  ufe  of,  but  if  that  Age  were  like  this,  and  the  Church  difcipline  any  thing  warm 

i  I 


The  LIFE  of  fr'mate  BRA MH ALL. 


T^iribdT  had  been  a  richer /««^  than  any  I  have  yet  named.  From  the  Clergy  fuch 
were  rich  he  had  great  alliaance ;  for  as  matters  had  been  ordered  for  want 
of  good  Tithes  or  faculties  or  fome  way  or  other,theywherc  fo  lyable  to  him, or 
their  dcpcndancc  and  expedations  were  fuch,  that  he  had  no  fmall  power  over 
their  purfes,  which  he  never  made  ufe  of  other  wife  than  to  borrow,  being  ever 
very  juft  in  repaying  ,  as  abhorring  to  offer  Kobbery  for  afacrifice. 

By  thcfe  and  other  ways  (  not  com  to  my  knowledge^heregam'd  to  the  Church 
in  the  fpace  of  four  years  time,Thirty,fome  fay,Fourty  Thoufand  pounds  fer  annum, 
whereof  he  gave  account  at  his  going  into  England  to  the  Arch-Bifhop  of  Canterbu- 
ry io  that  many  a  poor  vicar  now  eats  of  the  trees,  the  Bifliop  of  Derry  planted ,  and 
when  he  eats  his  meale,  has  rcafon  to  thanke  God  for  his  Benefador  ,  and  many 
(hall  bereafterhave  their  grounds  refreihed  by  his  care  and  labour,  that  know  not 
the  head  and  fprtng  of  the  River  that  makes  them  fruitful.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted 
but  he  had  recovered  much  more,  but  for  the  Rebellion  oijrclani^  after  which  he 
became  as  famous  for  thofe  other  gifts  God  had  beftowed  on  him,as  Eminently  bc- 
nehtting  this  Church,  in  afferting  herdodrine  againft  the  Papifts,  as  he  had  already 
her  difcipline  and  property  againft  the  malecontents among  our  (elves.  But  of  this 
more  afterwards.     In  the  meane  time  let  us  waiteon  him  from  the  houfe  of  Parlia- 
ment and  the  Council    Chamber,  and    the  High  Commiffion  and  other  Courts, 
where  headvdiated  the  Churches  caufe  in  right  of  her  Eftate  and  Dowry,  to  ths 
Convocation,   and  fee  how  he  mcngaed  the  fecond  point  he  propofed  ,  which  was 
the  union  of  this  Church  with  that  o^  England  in  the  fame  Confelfion,  &c. 

Our  charity  to  the  Papifts  and  our  ur.charitablenefs  among  our  felves  arc  their 
two  Stabbing  arguments  againft  us.  But  there  is  no  fenfe  in  either  i  with  the  firft  I 
have  nothing  here  to  do ,  nor  much  with  the  fecond.     But  in  (hort  we  have  not 
fo  much  charity  for  them  ,  let  them  flatter  themfclves  as  they  pleafe,  nor  fo  little 
charity  for  thofe  dilTenters  among  our  fclvcs,  as  they  imagine.     But  however  the 
divillonsof  the  Proteftant  Churches,  the  want  of  harmony  in  their  ConfefIions,cven 
under  the  fame  Prince  are  very  popular  objedions.     The  Archbifhop  oiCanterbury 
thought  it  reafonablc  to  filencethe  clamour,  in  which  indeed  there  was  more  noifc 
than  reafon,  and  injufticethan  either,  and  propofed  it  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  who  by 
the  Biftiopof  Verry  happily  accomplished  ir.     I  faid  there   was  great  injuftice  in  the 
objeftion ,  and  I  think  I  faid  true.     We  do  not  undcrftand  hov/  every  different , 
opinion  makes  a  divifion  between  Churches ,  unlefs  every  opinion  muft  pafs  for  an 
Article  ot  faith ,  and  the  whole  Syfteme  of  Chriftianity  were  in  danger  of  being  dif- 
folvcd  ,  if  there  were  not  an  entire  agreement  in  thole  fpeculations,  in  which  there 
will  never  be  an  accord,  till  all  men  have  the  fame  complexions,  Tutors,  and  pre- 
judices.   The  like  objedion  was  made  ol  old,and  ever  may  be  made  againft  Chrifti- 
anity in  General .     Julian  may  argue  thus  againft  the  Chriftians  of  his  time  becaufc 
of  the  difference  of  the  Orthodox  znd  jiniart  Confellions,  there  was  no  truth  in 
either,  and  the  whole  Religion  but  a  bundle  ofControverfies,  and  fuperftitions  and 
uncertainties.     The    Mufti  might  argue  thus  againft  the  Poff  :  there  is  no  truth 
or  certainty  in  Chriftian  Religion,  bccaufe  the  "Eaftern  and  Wefierne,  the  Proteftant 
and  the  Roman  Dodors  differ  (  and  in  matters  of  higher  moment,  than  theProte- 
ftants  do).Nay  the  Proteftant  may  thus  Argue  againft  the  P3pift,there  is  no  certainty 
among  you,for  ye  arenot,8c  we  beUcve,ye  never  will  be  all  agreed, And  therefore  the 
objedion  as  it  is  unjuft  in  it  felf,fo  it  is  unjuftly  managed  by  thePapifts  againft  us,for 
they  either  believe  it  neceffary  that  allChriftians  have  thcfamc  opinions  Sc  be  of  the 
fame  fide  in  every  queftion,or  they  do  not/if  not?  why,is  that  an  objedion  againft  usv 
that  is  not  one  againft  them/  if  they  do?ho  w  then  corns  ir  to  pafs,that  having  that  ftiield 
oflnfallibilitytoftrikeall  errors  dead,  that  they  fuffcr  fuch  difputes  maintain'd  with 
2eale  Sc  bittcrnes  enough  between  the  difcip  les  of  their  great  Mafter  s  of  defence,  being 
readyJKfdreinwrijwj^ifJri,  tobe  depofed  for  the  truthof  their  propofitions  >  why 
do  they  not  hold  it  up,8c  declare  as  by  a  judgement  of  Vrim  ok  which  fide  the  truth  is?  I 
need  not  inftance  in  the  Article  of  the  Immaculat  conception,  or  the  u  fe  of  Images  or 
7ranfub{iantiauon  it  felf  varioufly  propounded  &  taught  in  their  Schools  Cas  this  Au- 
thor makes  appeare  anriong  other  things  )  of  Purgatory  or  Infallibility  and  fuprema- 
cy  over  Prince*,  but  in  thofe  opinions  only  ,  fometimcs  too  hotly  agitated  among 

the 


The  LIFE  of  Primate  BRAMHALL. 


the  Proteftants  ;  for  there  are  as  very  Calvimjis  and  Armtntans  among  chole  as"trr 
In  which  points  this  Chnrch   had  been  more  definitive,  than  either  pruden        * 
charity  would  3llow,or  the  Exampleof  the  Church  o( England  commerul  And  !h°' 
indeed  was  the  dangenit  is  not  this  Churches  opining  this  way  &  another  ih* 
way    materiB  /cw5ri,thatdcvides  the  unity,  but  making  cither  necelTary  at  leaftf  ' 
any  other  ends  than  peace  dc  order,as  if  they  were  not  only  Articles  of  peace  but  A 
ticks  offeith  ,  as  this  Author    often  diftinguiihes.    So  in  the  external  forms    f 
worOiip,  there   is  no  fuch  great  inconcinnity  in  the  variety  of  them  in  feveral 
Churches,  provided  neither  condemn  the  other  by  preaching  up  the  one  asneceffarv 
on  any  other  account  than  obedience,&the  other  as  uniawful.for  both  may  be  necef 
fary  &  unnccelTary,  lawful  &  unlawful  according  as  they  are  commanded  or  forbid' 
den  fo  that  it  is  not  the   variety  of  the  modes  ofworfhip  that  dos  fo  much  mifchief 
as  the  fondneis  or  prejudice  that  the  worihippers  may  have  for  or  agaiuft  fhem  And 
here  indeed  I  cannotbut  accufe  our  feparatifts  of  much  folly&fuperftition  and  in 
juftice  to  our  chriltian  liberty ,   which  has  left  every  Church  to  its  indiffirencv  to 
choofe    for    her  felf    and    to    chaflife  fuch  as  refufe    to    acknowledge     her 
authority    in   thcfe    matters.     And    at    the   fame    time  I  cannot    but     com- 
mend the  prudence  of  oar  Great  Adverfary  the  church  of  Rome,  who  thinks  fitt  to 
give  her  Childern  liberty  to  difpute  eagerly  enough  ,  and  will    not  determin  in  fa- 
vour of  either  party  while  both  acknowledge  her  power  ,  as  thinking  it  better  to 
have  fome  running  fores  than  no  health ,  and  that  to  clofe  up  fuch  iffues  might  di- 
vert the  humor  to  fome  noble  part,  and  perhaps  queliion  the  feat  of  Infallibility  it 
fclf,  which  ficts  fafe  yet  among  them,  tho  no  body  knowes  where.  So  that  tho  there 
be  diverfity  of  opinions  among  them,  there  is  no  Schifme,  for  they  allfubmittto 
the  fame  difcipline,  agree  in  the  fame  Kitual  of  worfhip,  and  fay  Amen  to  the  fame 
Prayers,  which  fome  underftand  and  molt  do  notj  whereas  Protettants  draw  their 
fwords  and  fight  about  that  which  fhould  unite  them,  and  their  very  devotions  and 
prayers  are  turn'd  into  contention  ■■,  lo  that  I  may  fay  their  Kingdom  is  divided  in  it 
/f//,  but  ours  is  divided  againfl  it  felf.     And  at  this  Gap  our  Ruinc  enters ,  if  we  may 
not  hope  for  that  union  from  the  common  danger  which  no  other  argutnent  could 
perfwade  us  to. 

The  two  Churches  of  England  and  Ireland  had  much  of  the  ftme  aire  and  fpi- 
rit,  the  Reformation  here  bein^  much  direded  by  that  there  :  but  the  rvaters  here 
voerek  trouhled  by  the  Komifh  fifhers,  that  we  did  but  imperfedtly  receive  the  image 
they  (bed  upon  us, the  mouth  was  a  litle  diftortcd,&  the  eyes  hadakind  offquint  & 
the  Complexion  was  a  litle  fowre  and  Cahiniflical,  of  which  I  can  give  no  better 
rea{bn,than  that  fome  good  men  have  fometimes  more  zeal,than  Judgement  &  like 
burnt  children  fo  much  dread  the  fire,  that  they  think  they  can  never  be  farr  enough 
from  their  fear.     And  therfore  as  much  of  the  Jervifh  Keligion  was  in  oppofition  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Laud ,  foe  here  fome  proceeded  mu  ch  by  the  fame  meafiires 
and  hence  became  very  dogmaticallinkmo.  Propolitions  Cmoft  oppofite  as  they  con- 
ceivedtothe  Church  ofRojwe^left  undetermia'J  by  the  Church  oi England^yvhtttin. 
fhee  declared  great  wifdom  and  great  mercy. 

The  Bifhop  of  D^rry  laboured  in  the   Convocation  to  have  the  correfpondcnce 
more  entire  and  accurate:  and  difcourfed  with  great  moderation  and  fobriety  of  the 
convenience    of  having  the  Articles    of  peace  and  Communion  in  every  National 
Church  worded  in  that  latitude,that  dilTenting  perfons  in  thole  things  that  concern*d 
not  the  Chriftian  faith  might   fubfcribe  ,  and  the  Church  not  loofe  the  benefitt  of 
their  labours ,  for  an  opinion,  which  it  may  be  they   could  not  help-,  that  it  were  to 
be  wifhM  that  fuch  Articles  might  be  contrived  iorthe  whole   Chriflian  world  but 
efpecially    that  the  Proteftant  Churches  under  his  Majeftie's  dominion  mighta// 
fpea\e  the  fame  language ^zx\A.  Particularly  that  thofe  o{ England  and  Ireland  being  Re- 
formed by  the  fame  principle  and  Rule  of  Scripture  expounded  by  univerfal  tradi- 
tion ,  councils ,  Fathers    and  other  wayes  of  conveyance,  might    confefs    their 
faith  in  the    fame  forme:  for  if  they  were  of  the  fame    opinion,    why    did    they 
not   exprefs    themfelves    in   the  fame  words  ?    But    he    was    anfwer*d    that 
becaufc     their    fenfe  was  the  fame  ,  it   was  not  material  if  the  exprclfions  dif- 
ferd  •,  and  therefore    it  was  fitter  to  confirm  and  lire  ngchcn  the  Articles  of  this 

Church 


The  LIFE  of  Fnmate  BRAMHALL. 

Church  paflcd  in  convocation  and  confirmed  by  King  lamts^Amo  i6i  5,  by  the  Au- 
thorityofthisprefenf  fynod.  To  this  the  Bilhop  of  P^rry  replyed,  that  tho  the 
fcnfc might  be  the  fame,  yet  that  our  Adverfaries  clamour'd  much,  that  they  were 
dlffbnant  confeflions,  and  it  was  rcafonable  to  take  away  the  offence,  when  it  might 
bcdonefoeafily:  but  for  tfie  confirmation  of  the  Articles  ofi<Ji5,he  knew  not 
what  they  meant  by  it,  and  wiftied  the  Propounder  to  confider,  whether  fach  an 
'Aft  would  not  inftead  ofratifying  what  was  dcfired,  rather  tend  to  the  diminution 
of  that  Authority  by  which  they  were  Enadted,and  fcem  to  queftion  the  value  of  that 
fvnod  and  confequently  of  this. 'for  that  this  had  no  more  power  than  that,  and 
therefore  could  add  no  moments  to  it,  but  by  fo  doing  might  help  to  inervate  both. 
By  this  prudent  drelHng  of  this  objcdion,  he  avoydcd  the  blow  he  moft  feared  , 
and'therefote  againe  carneftly  prefled  the  Receiving  of  the  E«g/i/&  Articles,  which 
-were  atlaft  admitted;whereupon  immediately  drawing  up  a  Canon  and  propofing 
If  it  pafled  accordingly.  The  Canon  is  the  firft  of  thofe  that  was  made  in  that 
Convocaflon:  i/iz. ofthc  Agreement  of  the  Churi:h  oi England  and  Ireland'm  the 
profeliion  of  the  fame  Chridian  Religions  and  is,  as  follows. 

for  the  maaifeihtion  of  mr  Agreement  vnith  the  Church  o/England  in  the  Confefjionof 
the  fameChriflian  Faith,  and  the  VoUrine  of  the  Sacraments.  IVe  do  receive  and  ap- 
preve  the  hoo\of  Articles  of  Religion  ,  agreed  upon  by  the  Arch-Bijhops  and  Bifhnps  and 
the  whole  Clergy  in  the  Convocation  holaen  at  London  in  the  years  of  our  Lord  15^2, 
for  the  avoiding  of  diverftttes  of  opinions, and  for  the  ejlahUfhing  of  confent  touchingtrue 
Religion  .•  And  therefore  if  any  hereafter  Jhall  affirme  that  any  ofthofe  Articles  are  in  any 
part  fttperftitiotts  or  erroneous, or  fitch  as  he  may  not  with  a  good  confcience  fubfcribe  unto, 
let  himbetxcommunicated,  and  not  ahfolved  before  he  mak^  a  publick^  revocation  of  his 
error. 

By  the  palling  of  this  Canon,  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of  England  were  fijper- 
induced,  and  confequently  thofe  o(  Ireland  formerly  in  force  ,  were  now  virtually  re- 
pealed.    Had  this  been  in  time  confider'd  ,  it  had  prevented  the   Bi(hop  o(J)erry*s 
defign:  but  it  wasnow  too  late  to  recall  (o  folemn  an  AQ.     Yet  fome  whohad  a 
greater   kindnes  for  their  private  opinions  than  the  union  of  two    Churches, 
being    afliamed  to    be  thus   furprized  ,  if  not   plainly     outwitted  ,  thought   to 
pr£fcrvc  the    Reputation  of  their   Articles,  and  r-lieir  own,  by  averring,  that 
the  Articles  of  England  were  only  received  in  the  fenfe  of,  and  as  they  might 
be  expounded  by  thofe  o[ Ireland.      And  accordingly  fome  few  Bifhops  requi- 
red fubfcrlption  for  fome  time  to  both  confeilions,    but  it  was  but  for  fome 
time,  thofe  o(  Ireland  in  the   judgement  of  All  ,  and  in  faire  interpretation, 
being  plainly  Antiquated  ;  as  the  fecond  title  voidesthe  firft  Act,  and  the  marrying 
ofthefecond  husband,fuppofes  the  firft  to  be  dead,  unlefs  the  woman  pafsand  fuffcr 
as  an  Adultcrefs.     Thofe  Articles  were  therefore  immediately  confidered  as  dead, 
tho  kept  a  little  while  above  ground.     For  as  the  Primitive  Chriftians  observed  for 
fome  time  both  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lords  day,  till  the  weake  came  up  to  a  maturity 
of  Judgment,  and  faw  therrfelves  difentanglcd  of  the  legall  worfliip,  fo  the  Church 
here  was  content  thofe  Articles  might  lie  for  a  time  in  (late, that  they  might  have  the 
more  decent  burial,&  that  fhe  might  with  Icfs  noife  flideinto  the  defired  conformity 
with  her  Elder  fifter.     There  was  in  deed  a  kind  ofconclamation,  fome   attempts 
to  call  them  to  life  again,  but  the  Lord  Deputy  way  fo- difpleas'd     with  it,  that 
an  exprelfionis  faid  to  fall  from  him  on  that  occafion,  which  became  part  of  that 
accumulation  under  which  and  the  popular  fury  he  after  fell  as  a  facrificeto  the  party. 
But  now  they  are  not  only  dead  and  buryed,  but  forgotten  alfo,thofe  of  the  Church 
of  E«£/^«<i  being  the  only  ftandard  of  our  communion,  and  the  Rule  to  trythefpi- 
rff/ o/i/»e  Pro^^f/x,  and  the  Principles  of  fuch  as  are  admitted  into  the  Orders  and 
preferments  of  the  Church.     The  fubftance  of  this  Account ,  and  that  which  fol- 
lows about  the  Canons,!  had  from  one  who  was  a  party  in  it,  the  Lord  Archbifliop 
ofCaJhel ,  mymoft  Reverend  Metropolitan,  then  Archdeacon  oi Kilmore,  and  con- 
fequently one  of  the  lower  houfe  of  convocation . 

The  Bifhop  of  Derrji  thought  he  had  but  yet  done  half  his  work,  and  therefore 
againe  moved,  that  as  they  had  received  the  Articles ,  fo  they  would  the  Canons  cf 
the  Church  o(  England^  that  there  might  be  the  fame  Rule  ofGoverment  as  well 

as 


The    LIFE  of  Primace    BRA  M  H  AL  L, 

as  ofbdeif.     To  this  the  Primate oppofcd  himfelf  with  great  earneftnefrai^ ~ 

thinkhehadreafonofhislide  :  for  it  lookt  like  betraying  the  privileges  of  a^"^^ 
tionall  Church  ,  which  his  Grace  was  by  his  place  to  defend;     For  tho    we    "*' 
the  right  hand  of  f-lhrvfhip  and  a//  due  hrmur  yet  we  muft  not  make    refipna  rJ^^If 
our  Right  to  be  difpofed  of  by  that  Excellent  Church:  And  it  this  which  was  nro 
propofed,   wctc  allowed   we  might  fear  in  time  to   have  a  Canon  obtained  in  the 
Church  ,  like  Totmngs  Ad  (  as  it  is  called  ;in  thcftate  ,  giving  the  Church  of  £« 
landi\ic\).  a  fupcrintendence  over  us ,  rhat  nothing  fliould  be  made  Law  here  that 
w»rc  not  rtrft  allowed  there  ,   and  afterward  ,   that  we  mufl  refufe  nothmg  here 
tiiat^herehad  obtained  a  Confirmation,  that,  it  was  convenient  feme  dif'-fepancv 
(hould  appear,  if  it  were  but  to  declare     our    -W-'-    gnj  jq  ^^p^.^^-^  our  fenfe  of 
Rites  and  ceremonies ,  that  there  is  no  neceffity  of  the  fame  in  all  Churches  that  are 
independent,  as  thefe  are  ,  one  of  another:  that  Rome  and  Millain  mij^ht  have  dif 
ferentCanonsand  modes  and    yet  the  fame  faith,  and  charity  and  Communion 
And  that  therefore  tho  ihe  faith  o>:ce  delivered  ought  to  admit  of  no  variation    but 
we  muft  contend  for  it  ,    andkiep  faji  the  forme  of  Jowid  words,  znAk  would  be 
decorous  ,  t'lat  there  m;ght  be  an  agreement  in  the  prime  7heolo^icall    verities  alfo 
&inferencesfrom  thofe  fundamental  propofitions  which  they  had  already  affented  to' 
yet  there  was  no  necellity  fir  the  fame  Canon  in  every  circumftancc  of  Government 
and  worfliip,  but  that  by  fome  difference  the  minds  of  men  would  be   bcl\  prcferved 
from  any  fuperftitious  conceipts  of  the  abfoiute  necellity  or  unlawfulnes  of  peculiar 
formes  and  modes.     The  Billiop  ofPfrr^'  noteafily  moved  from    what  he  had  un- 
dertaken, faid  ,  they  would  no  more  rcfigne  their  privileges  and  Authority  in  re' 
ceiving  of  therr  canons,  than  their  faith  in    the  Articles.     But  this  was  but  an  ill 
argument  to  them  who  had  fo  repented  their  having  done  fo  much  ,  that  they  re- 
folved  not  to  cure  themfelves  by  a  ftcond   wound.     This  difcourfe  is  faid  tohave 
caufed  fome  heatc,butthe  lower  houfe  having  debated  the  fame  fubjed  and  dcfirine 
to  be  admitted  to  a  conference  gave  fome  time  of  reflexion  and  confideration  When 
they  were  admitted  ,  the  Pnmate  defired  them  to  divide  as  they  flood  affeded    and 
the  paucity  of  thofe  that  appear'd  for  the  Eaglijh  Canons,  giving  his  Grace'fome 
inward  contentment,which  he  could  not  choofe  butcxprefs  by  a  fmile  the  Bifhopof 
Verry  perceiving  him  pleal'd  with  the  difproportion,  faid,  yron  njiimandi  fmt  mmero 
fed  pondere.    And  upon  the  Argument  it  was   found  indeed ,  that  they  had  that 
weight  on  their  fide,  that  prevail'd  fo  farr  with  the  good  Primatc,that  all  thcdifpute 
v?as  refolved   into  thisam;ci:)'e  conc'ulion,t;/z.  that  fuch  Canons  as  were  fitt  to  be 
tranfplanted  and  agreeable  to  the  foyle,(houId  be  removed  hither,and  others  framed 
demvo  ,and  added  to  them  ithat  fo  we  might  have  a  compleate  Rule  peculiarly 
calculated  for  the  Meridian  o(  this  Church.     This  being  voted  ,  the  bulincfs  was 
cheifly  committed  to  the  Bifhop  of  Pf rry,  to  be  drawn  up  in  forme,  his  hand  being 
generally  imployed  in  drawing  up  every  thing, wherein  any  knot  or  difficulty  gave 
oppofition.     Thus  the  book  cf  Canons  was  at  laft  compiled,  and  paffed  in  convo- 
cation,  and  received    its  finall  complement  and  force  in  his  Majefties  Royal  con- 
firmation .     And  thus  the  Church  after  fome  (harp  labour,  having  but  )uf\Jire>ifftb 
to  bring  forth  ,   was  at  laft  delivered,  and  there  was  joy  as  vchett  a  man  child  is   born 
and  a  nation  brought  forth  at  once,but  the  'Dragon  liood  hefire  her  to  devour  her  child 
(  a  favage  and  cruell  Rebellion  J  butGo^^  tookcare  of  the  Child,  and  prepared  a  place  fir 
her  in  the  Wilder nefs, 

Thefe  things  were  no  fooner  made  publick ,  but  the  word  was  given  Vo^ery 
and  Armitijnifm  and  I  know  not  what  ugly  things  were  creeping  into  the  Church. 
The  Clergy  had  brought  in  ftrange  Innovations^  fo  old  things,  when  for  a  time 
difufed  ,  are  called,  and  fo  the  Protellant  dodrincs  are  branded  among  thePapifts. 
Bifhop Braw/jjl/  was  undoubtedly  aPapifi,and  all  that  'he  LordDspjty  had  brought 
over  with  him  ,  that  he  was  the  bramble  that  the  trees  called  to  rule  over  them  and 
th^x.  fire  would  come  out  cfhim  to  devour  theCedjrs.  So  (eemingly  witty  does  malice  and 
defpight  make  fome  perfonsi  and  fo  very  unable  are  fome  men  that  pretend  to  mor- 
tification ,  to  denie  themfelves  the  fatisfadion  of  thefe  fuppofed  pretty  and  fmart 
allufions,as  if  their  Genij  were  to  be  feafted  with  fuchcholerick  nidours  &  belchings 
as  arife  from  a  foule  ftomach. 

k  Bst 


T^e  L  I  FE  of  Frimate  BR  A  M  HAL  L 

— t:;i"clKli.Ihop  was  not  ola  Ip.nr  to  be  Icarcd  tromms  uuty  wimnoife  &  ill  words,- , 
he  h«pcd  to  confute  their  folly  by  experience,and  to  fettle  the  Proteftant  Rehgion  on 
Lh  I  hafts  that  thofe  very  men  that  molt  exclaim'd  agamft  him,  would  moft  thank 
him  for  his'pains.    And  doubtlefs  had  a  convenient  time  been  allowed  for  the_ con- 
firmation oi  the  great  fabrick  he  built,  he  had  rendered  this  Church  a  great  fecurity  to 
that  o{E>iiLh»d,2ind  both  together  a  fanctuary  for  all  the  Reformed  Churches   abroad 
which  any  prudent  man  would  think  they  would  rather  reverence  for  their  primitive 
fimplicity  and  beauty  and  crave  Protedtion  from  their  Ihcngth  and  Authority,than 
malign  and  vilify  them,contrary  to  both  their  Intereft  and  duty.  He  expected  that  be- 
ing thus  lijud  up,  and  fupported  they  would  have  lookt  to  them  as  lo   the    Brazen 
Serpent,  when  they  rvere  Stmg,  with  thofe  Serpents  among  thcm,rather  than  to  have 

called  them  Nehujhian.  .  ,     r     r      -    j       a- 

It  is  no  new  thing  cum  benefeceris  male  audire,to  meet  with  alperlion  cc  detraction 
for  thanks  and  deferved  praife.     Whatever  malice  and  envy  might  mutter  againft 
him,    Pcrfons  of  the  higheft  fence  and  Honour  highly  valued  his  fervices.  Among 
others  the  ArchBtftiop  of  C^«ff '•^.'"7, often  writ  to  him,  and  encouraged  him,  and 
in  one  of  his  Letterstels  him>  your  Lord(hip  dos  very  rvell  to  neghd    envy  and  malice 
tvhicb  mufi  and  rvill  accompany  allmen  veho  live  in  any  place  of  eminence,  ayiido  their  du- 
ty either  to  God  or  the  King,  and  if  you  do  notfo,  you  (hall  neither  do  your  duty,    nor  give 
yourfelfe  any  content  &c.     His  Grace  had  drunk^dcep  of  this  cup  him.felf,  and  could 
well    give   advice  in  fach  cafe,     and  the  bi(hop  of  Verry    received  it  thank- 
fully, and  folio  w'd  it  cheerefully.  Never  fear  when  the  caufe  is  iu(l,wis  one  of  his  ufu- 
all  fayings.  And  therefore  tho  the  Perfon  that  Hood  in  his  way  were  never  fo  great  in 
power  or  rcputation^he  would  either  remove  or  at  lealt,go  by  him,and  follow  his  point i 
I  will  give  onely  one  inftance  or  two  of  his  refolution  in  this  kind.  Primate  VJher 
having  one  day  lent  him  the  key  of  his  ftudy  to  perufe  fome  books,  he  found  a  me- 
morandum   in  one  of  them  which  pleas'd  him  better  than  the  notion  he  was  en- 
quiring, that  a  perlon  eminent  in  the  Law  being  a  lay  man  held  the  Archdeaconry 
oCGlandelough^  but  neither  his  power  nor  his  Equity  could  preferve  his  title  long 
after  the  difcovery.  At  another  time  fomething  had  flip't  from  another  of  the  fages 
t)f  one  of  the  Benches  in  a  fpeech   in  the  high  Commillion  Court  in  St.   Patrick's 
Church,  that  might  fcem  to  diminifh  the  Aate  and  eftatc  of  the  Clergy  as  if  their 
holding  inFriJ«c  Almoine,  were  but  a  disparaging  andbcg^iarly  kind  of  tenure,  and 
their  Office  precarious,  and  their  title  depending  upon  charity.     But  the  Bifhop  of 
Verry  let  him  and  the  whole  Audience  underfland,  that  he  was  not  unacquainted 
with  thefcverall  tenures  in  the  Law,  and  that  the  Churches  was  at  lead  as  well 
fixed,  as  any  other,   and  as  litle  fubjedt  to  alienation,  and  that  the  Clergy  were 
as  ufefnll  to  the  Ends  of  Government  and  the  fecurity  of  Princes  and  States,  and  of 
more  generall  influence  upon,  and  fervice  to  the  fubject:  fince  all  men  have  con- 
fciences  to  be  informed  and  conducted,  but  many  men  either  have  no  need  of, or  no 
mony  for  aCounfellour  i  and  tho  the  particular  Endowments  of  the  Church  are  ac- 
knowlcdgeable  to  the  Piety  of  particularPcrfons,yet  (he  challengesher  maintenance 
in  generall  from  a  Divii\e  Right.  Whereupon  he  brought  his  Lordfliip  to  a  better 
underftanding,  and   obliged  him  to  a  declaration  more  juft  and  acceptable.  Itis  as 
commonly  faid  thatLawyers  are  no  friends  toRe!igion,as  that  PhyficiansareAtheifts 
and  I  believe  both  alike,that  is  neither.     I  cannot  fee  how  a  good  Anatomifl  can  be 
an  Atheift.  Galen's  difcovery  of  the  ufefulnefs  of  parts  infpired  him  to  fmg  znhymn 
to  the  Creator  as  well  as  Vavid's  obfervation  of  his  being  fo  fearfully  and   wonder' 
fully  made-  Nor  can  I  fee  how  any  goodLawyer  can  be  an  Enemy  to  theChurch  or 
why  he  (hould,  fince  (hee  fo  fincerely  Preaches  up  the  Reverence  of  the  Laws,    ard 
the  facrednelTe  andMaiefty  of  Lawgivers,  and  the  authority  of  Judges  and  inferiour 
Magiftrates,  And  hasher  (elf  fuch  a  foundation  and  Eftablifhment  in  theGovernment 
that  a  change  of  the  Priefthood  with  us,mu(t  ofnecellity  inferr  a  change  of  the  Law 
alfoi  of  which  there  was  lately  fuch  an  experiment,that  I  believe  no  good  man 
defires  to  fee  the  like  again.     Buf  there  are  Mountebanks  in  one  calling  and  Ignor' 
amus's  in  the  other,  as  great  Enemies  to  Religion,  asfcandalls  to  the  noble  Profe/fi- 
onstheyare  of.     I  would  not  be  thought  for  their  fakes    to  criminate  any  learned 
Gentleman  of  that  Robe  with  cither  ignorance  in  the  Laws,  or  want  of  AfFedion 
to  tht  Church,miich  lefs  the  perfon  1  write  of  whofe  candid  and  ingenious  expo- 

fition 


Ihe    L I  ^  E  <?f    Frtmatt    BRAMHALL, 


lltion  declared  he  intended  not  thelenleto  which  his  words  might  have  been  inter- 
preted: but  the  Bifhop  oi  Deny  was  fuch  a  man  as  would  not  fuffer  any  double  ex- 
prelfions  from  fuch  efpecially  as  were  efteemed  Oracles  :  but  being  a  great  Lover 
both  of  plain  dealing  and  and  plain  fpeaking,  would  alwayesin  fuch  cafes  cither 
make  them  recant,  or  in  his  owne  phrafe  cough  out 

It  were  no  difficulty  to  give  many  fuch  proofs  of  his  Courage  in  the  caufe  of 
the  Church, but  I  will  give  one  ot  his  humility,  which  was  a  great  argument  of  his 
Zeale  for  her  fervice.  It  was  much  wonder'd  at  that  being  in  all  points  fo  well 
qualifyed,  fo  dear  alfb  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  and  fo  univerfaliy  imployed  not  only 
in  church  concernments  but  many  ofthe  Crown,and  fome  of  a  civil  nature,he  was  not 
of  the  Kings  Councill,for  our  Cj/o  had  this  H6nour,tohave  the  queiiion  frequent- 
ly made,  why  his  ftatuc  was  not  fet  up,  and  I  am  able  to  give  the  Reafon  of  it  it 
was  his  great  felfdenyall, which  made  him  lefs  than  what  lie  might  have  been,  and 
others  of  his  Order  were,  that  he  might  make  the  Church  what  (he  ought  to  be: 
For  fo  his  Lordfliip  anfwered  one  that  moved  this  to  him.  I  (hould  in  being  a 
Privy  Councellour  become  a  Judge,  and  could  not  be  an  Advocat  for  the  Clergy  , 
in  which  charader  he  thought,he  could  mod  materially  ferve  them,&  therefore  in- 
dulTrioufly  declined  the  Envy   of  that  title,  when  without  it,  he  had  the  power. 

Having  now  for  a  confiderahle  time  laboured  for  the  good  of  others  and  fet  the 
wheelc  in  fuch  a  motion,that  an  ordinary  hand  might  continue  it,  he  thought  it 
lime  to  make  fome  provifion  for  his  owne  family,  and  in  order  to  it  made  a  journey 
into  E»^/a»d/,  in  the  year  1637.  to  difpofe  of  hiseftate  there,  and  to  bring  it  over 
the  (easv  none  can  doubt  but  his  Lordihip  was  well  recommended  by  the  Lord  De- 
puty to  fuch  whofe  favour  might  in  any  fort  be  of  ufe  to  him  .  A  copy  of  one  of  his 
Letters  figned  by  his  owne  hand  and  entred  into  his  book  of  Duplicates  was  fent 
me,  which  I  have  here  added,  that  the  Reader  may  not  take  all  gratis  I  have  faid 
of  his  Excellencys  regard  for  him. 
Sir. 

My  Lord  Bijhop  of  Verry  being  to  go  into  England,  and  after  to  fee  London,  before  his 
return  bach^  J  can  do  no  leffe  than  to  recommend  him  to  yotir  favour,  as  a  Perfon  not  only 
of  very  great  merit  in  the  fervice  of  the  Church,  but  alfu  0/  the  Crorvne,  in  both  vchich  I 
afsure you,he  daily  expeffeth,  both  great  Good  affeSions  and  abilities,  fo  as  he  is  a  perfon 
worthy  of  your  refpeU,  and  to  have  the  honour  to  be  knorcn  to  his  Majefiie.  And  it  would 
in  my  poors  Judgement  be  very  good,  his  Majeflie  were  p leafed  to  let  him  kitotv,  that  be 
mderilands  the  Good  Endeavours  that  hefhews  to  the  bettering  of  this  Kingdom  &  People^ 
J  do  afjureyoM  J  do  not  conceive  him  to  be  fellotced  in  thefe  Refpeds  by  any  we  have  of  that 
Trofefjion  on  this  fide,  and  therefore  to  encourage  him  in  fo  Good  a  way  will  do  very  wet 
&c.  Your  moft  faithfull  humble  Servant. 

Naas  i2thoffeptember  1637.  Wcntworth 

For  Mr.  fecretary  Coke. 

I  am  able  to  give  an  Acouut  of  many  circumftances  in  that  Journey  (  having  af- 
furance  from  one  that  travailed  with  his  LordfhipJ  how  he  was  received  and  enter- 
tained by  Perfons  ofthe  greatefi  Quality  in  all  places  he  came  to,  with  very  much 
Refped;  but  at  Rippon  tis  fcarce  imaginable  what  exprelfions  of  Joy  were  made  by 
all  forts  of  people,  every  one  carelfing  him  in  a  way  proper  to  their  condition,  and 
all  rejoycing  to  fee  their  faithfull  Pallor  advanced  to  the  honour  ot  a  Bifliop  C  in 
which  honour  they  thought  themfelves  to  have  a  (hare)  The  good  deeds  he  had 
don  them,  were  liillrecenton  their  memories  and  their  acknowledgements  were 
fuitable  &  honourable.  At  TorJ^ afterwards  notonely  the  ArchBiftiop  Nei!,3nd  tke  Do- 
ftors  there  as  Wic^am,  Stanhop,  Hodgings  &c.  treated  him ,  but  the  Lord  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  and  chief  of  the  Citizens  feem'd  ambitious  to  do  him  honour,  feafting 
him  fumptuoully  at  their  houfes.  But  the  Entertainir.eHts  among  the  Clergy  were 
(eafon'd  with  excellent  difcourfes  and  variety  of  Learning.  Among  other  Dodor 
Cofins  (  afterward  his  fellow  Traveller  in  the  wildernefs  and  fincethat,  the  Learned 
and  Reverend  LordBifliop  oCDurefme  )  was  at  that  time  there,  between  his  Lord- 
Ihip  and  whom,there  pafled  along  argument  about  Conformity  to  the  orders  of  the 
Church,  the  mcafure  of  exacting  it,  and  the  moll  probable  way  of  obtaining  it,  and 
Tiaking  the  King,  the  Church,  and  the  people  happy  by  it.     The  Dodtor  was  for  a 

rtiff 


The  LIFE  of  Frimate  BRAMHALL. 

— — Ta  fcvere  difcip!ine,toliold  them  in  with  Bit  and  Bridle,  leaa  they  fall  up- 

Uirt  rein  ^'|^j^j^^^j(|,ip  was  for  fomc  allay  &a  more  gentle  moderameniBut  hewould 
°"  Up  fhcr-byundcrllood  to  fignifythe  laying  of  the  reins  upon  thcneckcftheBeaft, 
1!°'  h  t  Art  of  even  and  fteddy  Government  that  neither  makes  itfrett  by  too  ftrict 
Dcrmitts  to  ftumble  or  run  away  by  too  remifs  a  hand.  The  Conftitution 
"fthc  Church  of  Ewg/W,  is  eminently  fwcet  and  mercifull  (  much  refembHng  the 
°  of  the  Civill  Goverment  )  having  neither  the  fiercenclTc  of  the  Roman  Ty- 

nnV  not  the  licentioufncs  of  fome  dcmocraticall  zud  Popular  Reformationsi  theBi- 
a[ovoi  Veny' s]udi,cmcr)t3vd  pradicc  were  of  the  fame  complexion  with  the 
Church  he  had  a  great  dealc  of  tire  in  his  body,  but  it  was  rot  in  the  power  of  his 
naliion  to  debauch  fiis  reafor!,which  remained  IHU  clear  notwithftandingany  fmoak 
that  might  arifc  from  his  temper. 

Ftomforki,  having  fpcnt  fomc  time  at  TontfraU  among  fiis  kindred  and  friends,he 
went  to  LWtfW,  where  almofl:  the  Hrft  thing  he  met  with,  was  the  news  of  an  infer- 
mation  put  in  againft  him  in  the  i^arr  chamber  .     It  was  ftrange  news  we  may  ima- 
fiin  .      The  charge  was,  that  he  was  prefent  at  Kippon,  when  one  Mr.  Falmes  had 
mad'e  fome  refledting  difcourfe  upon  his  Majeftie  and  that  his  Lord-(hip  had  taken 
no  notice  of  it,  either  to  reprovehim  or  informe  againfl  him.     The  words  were  of 
no  mighty  milchic(,  and  merited  no  very  capital    anihfiadverfions   if  they  had  been 
true   bein<»  no  more  ,  but  that  hefeared  a  Scotiifh  mift  was  come  over  their  town  , 
becaufc  the  King  had  altered  hisLodgings  from  Kippon  where  he  had  defigncd  them, 
to  one  Sir  Kichard  Graharn  shouk  ,  not  far  from  that  place  :  but  he  threw  ,like  St, 
Pi»«/the  viper  into  the  fire  without  harme  to  himfelf^dicczfily  purged  the  whole  company. 
This  however  was  an  admonition  to  hisLord-ftiip  that  great  obfervation  was  made 
ofhis  carriage,  and  his  MajelHe  could  not  but  take  notice  of  the  greatmalice  of  his 
enemies,  and  his  as  great  Innocence,  when  they  could  find  nothing  to  afperfehim 
in  but  the  matter  ofhis  Loyalty,concerning  which  the  Bifhopof  Dfrr)/  (if  any  man) 
m'ight  ufc  that  bold  exprellion  ofBifliop  Latimer^  viz,  that  as  to  his  Loyalty  he  was 
fo  innocent,  he  needed  not  a  faviour.     I  cannot  buttake  notice  that  this  fpirit  of  ca- 
lumny is  almoft  infeparable  from  a  malignant  party,  of  traducing  and  accufing  par* 
fons  of  the  cleareft  integrity  in  that  point ,  wherein  the  world  knows  the  Adtorsto 
be  molt  guilty  <*  whofe  very  confciences  might  allow  them  to  be  their  compurgatours. 
If  any  member  of  the  church  oi  England  chance  to  fpeak  uuadvifedly  with  his   lippSi 
he  mull  be  prefently  made  an  Offenderfora  word,  when  others  take  it  ill,if  they  be 
not  efteem.ed  the  moft faithful  fubjcds  ,  when  their  fwords  are  drawn,  and   their 
fcabbards  thrown  away  to  him  that  gave  them  their  Commilhon.This  was  thefirft, 
but  it  was  not  the  onely  time,the  Bi(hop  of  Derry  was  attaqued  on  this  fide,tho  with 
the  fame  modefly    they  might  accufe  Athanafms  of  Arrianifm  or  St.    Augufiine  of 
being  a  Manichee  or  a  Telagian. 

At  thistime  he  became  familiar  with  the  Arch-Bifliop  c{  Canterbury  to  whom  he 
gave  thzt  account  ofhis  Steward-pip  here  in  Jreland^thzt  he  underwood  tobe  very  ac- 
ceptable by  the  great  exprclhons  of  kindnefs  he  received  from  his  Grace  ,  and  the 
character  he  was  pleas'd  to  give  of  him  and  that  fetvice,  when  he  prefented  him  to 
hisMajeftie. 

Having  received  much  Honourfrom  that  Gracious  Prince  he  returned  to  his  charge 
in  IrelandiWhcxe  with  fix  thoufand  pounds  for  which  lie  fold  his  Eftatein  England 
(but  brought  over  at  feveral  times  _)  he  purchafed  another  of  good  value,  and  began 
a  plantation  at  Omagh  in  thecoanty  of  TyrflKf,to  which  he  attended  fometimes,when 
hehad  amindto  flackenthcbow,  and  divert  himfelf  with  countrey  recreations. 
But  the  ill  humors  that  had  been  long  fermenting,  broke  out  in  fo  few  years,  that  he 
could  neither  bring  that,nor  his  more  publick  defigns  totheperfedtion  he  intended: 
however  while  he  had  time  ,  he  did  good  to  all  men  ,  but  ejpecially  to  the hottjhould 
ofFaith^evety  year  gaining  ground  from  the  inundations  of  facrilege,  and  making 
banks  and  defences  againfi  the  overflowings  ot  ungodlinefs. 

It  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  by  this  means  he  made(  as  many  friends,  fo  )  many 
Enemies  to  his  perfon.  Envy  is  the  {hadow  of  Greatnefs  was  one  of  the  Lord  De- 
puties Aphorifms,  which  as  his  Majeftie  applyed  in  a  noble  flowing  period  ,  to  that 
Great  Minifter  of  ftate   ,  fo  it  might  be  to  this  as  Aftive  Miniflerof  the  Church. 

And 


The    LIFE  of  Ptimate  BKhM HALL. 


And  as  in  the  rtiade  venomous  and  croaking  infects  are  bred  and  nourished  fo  it  fared 
with  thofe  brave  Perfons  who  became  by  fo  much  the  Obie<3s  of  popular  Envy 
and  detraction,  as  they  l]ood  between  feme  Perfons  and  the  fliine  of  their  adored 
Intereft.  If  they  by  Law  refcue  a  Lamb  out  of  the  teeth  of  a  wolf,  it  is  Rapine  and 
oppreliion,  it  they  endeavour  the  good  of  the  Common- wealth,  by  (ludying  to 
advance  the  joyntlntereft  ofPriiice  and  People  fbetwcen  whom  there  is  as  much 
fympathy,  as  Hyppocraiej's  twins  that  laugh  and  weep  together,^  it  is  Tyranny  and 
Arbitrary  Government;  if  any  revive  the  fmalleft  punitliment  tho  for  the  higheft 
contempt,  it  is  perfecution&  cruelty,  if  they  endeavour  to  bring  that  uniformity 
5c  decency  in  the  external  worlhip  which  had  been  greatly  wanting,  it  isfuperftitiorl 
&  Popery.  They  are  refolved  to  have  fome  exception  or  otheragainft  the  whole 
management  of  Affaires.  But  we  are  told  by  this  Author  another  ftoryCpage  189.) 
that  they  did  their  work  by  more  Noble  and  more  fuccesfull  meanes,  than  penall 
Lawes,  which  what  they  were,  may  be  there  feen,  during  the  fpace  of  thofe  eight 
years,in  which  as  he  informs  us  page.  i88.the  Earl  o( Strafford  committed  to  his  hands 
the  Politicall  Regimen  of  this  Church.  But  when  men  are  in  a  feaver,  and  the  fer- 
mentation ishighand  the  brain;  diliemperd,they  often  exclaimeagainft  the  Doftor 
and  the  Phyllck,  when  the  difcafe  is  in  themfelves.  As  Lucian  makes  the  Phyfician 
argue  in  his  owne  defence,  that  his  Stepmothers  phrcnfy  was  incurable,  becaufe  (he 
could  not  endure  the  light  of  the  Doftor,but  upon  his  bare  appearance  before  her 
Raved  wildly  and  fell  into  the  higheft  Paroxyfms,  This  was  then  too  much  the  Con- 
diricn  of  thefe  Kingdoms.  Frenmerunt  Cemes^mY  the  people  do ftill  imagine  a  vairte 
thing  ,  if  any  thing  grieves  them,  they  are  prefently  at  their  Veliram  Regei,  as  if  the 
fault  were  onely  in  the  Governours  and  Government. 

The  firft  Symptomes  of  the  diftemper  (hewed  themfelves  in  Scotland,  in  an  itch  of 
Innovation.  But  as  the  cloud  that  at  did  was  no  bigger  than  a  mans  handCoon  covered 
the  Tvhok  heavens,  fo  this  Itch  fpread  prefently  like  Icprofy  over  three  Kingdoms. 
The  mcrcifull  King  had  long  endeavour'd  to  cure  them  of  that  almoft  Nationall 
Evill  by  jiroakjng,  but  at  laft  was  forced  to  try  fthey  are  his  own  words} whether 
feverity  might  piocurc  that  which  had  been  denyed  to  that  undcferved  moderation 
wherewith  he  had  hitherto  proceeded  againft  fo  great  Offenders,  and  that  by  the 
advice  and  Counfell  of  his  Billiops,  who  however  defamed,  had  been  Counfellours 
of  PeaccjashisMajeftie  informs  us  in  his  Proclamation  of  febr.20,  1638.  The  King 
being  again  perfwaded  to  (heath  his  Stt>ordf(oon  found  his  Grace  turned  into  ppantonefs. 
The  difcontents  of  that  Kingdom  ftill  boyled  higher,  and  fome  a  like  principled  in 
England  gathered  thorns  and  putt  under  the  pott.  The  Lord  deputy  began  then  to 
■make  enquiries  here,  and  foon  found  by  the  pulie  of  the  Scots  that  there  was  an  in- 
telligence between  them  and  their  brethren,  and  as  an  early  remedy  he  obliged  fuch 
as  he  found  in  the  plot  to  abjure  the  Covenant,and  to  fweare  they  would  not  abett  the 
Covenanters,  nor  proteft  againft  his  Majefties  Edicts.  He  proceeded  alfo  to  fine  and 
imprifon  fach  as  refufed  to  give  this  fecurity  of  their  behaviour  judging  it  necef^ 
fary  to  ufe  fome  extraordinary  courfe  to  prevent  the  Rebellion  he  faw  juft  ready  to 
breake  out,&  better  that  fome  houfcs  be  pulled  downc  than  the  whole  City  confumed 
by  fire.  This  made  a  great  cry  of  Tyranny  and  oppreliion  .  It  is  unla  wfull  for  the 
King  to  impofe  an  Oath  for  the  fecurity  of  the  peace:  But  it  is  lawfuU  for  fubjeds 
to  afsociate  and  impofe  one,  without  Authority,and  againft  it,and  to  Excommunicate 
and  Bani(h  fuch  as  (hould  refufe  it.  His  Majeftie  had  now  refolved  to  be  baffled 
no  longer,  and  therefore  fends  for  his  Deputy  out  of  JreLnd^mikes  him  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  this  Kingdom,  creates  him  Earl  oi Strafford,  and  gives  him  Commiffionto 
be  Lt.Generall  of  his  army  againft  the  Scots,  the  Earlc  ot'Nmhumberland  being  Gene- 
ral. It  isfaid,  had  his  Majeftie  taken  the  advice  then  given  him,hehad  not  only  fa- 
ved  the  life  of  fo  cotjOJerablea  Minifter,but  of  thousands  that  after  bled  in  that  un- 
natural quarrell,  and  his  owne  too, which  was  of  more  value  than  many  thoufands,  for 
which  three  Kingdoms  yet  weep  and  muft  yet  weep  more.  But  God  had  refolved 
to  chaftife  us  for  our  fins  with  the  (harpeft  difcipline,  even  with  a  fcourge  made  of 
our  own  bowels,  drawn  out  in  a  mercilefs  Civil  warr. 

Scotland  became  fuddenly  fo  enflamed,  that  i  t  was  too  hot  for  many  of  the  ortho- 
dox and  Loyal  Clergy,  who  were  forced  to  flee  into  E«g/4«</,and  hither  for  prote<fti- 

l  on 


The  LIFE  of  Frimate  B  Pv  A  M  H  ALL. 


'  1  .,*  rhev  were  received  with  all  Brotherly  Compafion,  and  provided  for  in  fuch 
"""a    ric  thatwehavcthcArchbilhopofSt.  Andrem  Lord  Chancellor  o(Scotlar,d, 
theArchBiniopofG/<»/g««',theBi(liop  ol  Kofs  and  others ,  largely  acknowledging 
he  B.fhop  of  Verrfs  charity  in  fcveral  Lcttcrs^pr.p/rg  Cod  to  regard  the  ArchBtJh,^ 
ofCanurLry^andhis  Lordjhip  for  the  Kelttfthe)i  gave  their  di(irej[ed  and  perfecuted  Bre- 
thren    of  whom  their  orvne  Cvuntrey  was  not  worthy,  not  doubting  hut  fucceeding   Ages 
would  Kf member  it  to  their  Honour.  Sec.  Among  others  one  Corbett,  was  forced  in- 
to  this  Kingdom,  and  being  found  a  Pcrfon  of  Good  \carning,  was  much  valued  by 
the  Bifliot  of  Pfrr)*,  and  employed.    He  was  the  author  of  Lyfimachus  Nicanor,  to 
which  the  Biflwp  gave  him  good  allillanee:      The  ungirding  of  the  Scotilh  Armour 
if  I  mii^ake  not,came  from  the  fame  hand,  for  fo  I  have  heard.HisLordfliip  hearing 
of  a  living  in  the  Diocclsof  Ki//j//i»,  fallen  voyd,  recommended  him  to   the'  Bifliop 
oi'Adare  being  oiCorbets  owneCountry:  but  a  mans  Enemies  arc  often  they  of  his 
owtu  Hw/^the  poore  man  inftcad  oibread.or  a  Fijh,  or  any  Relief,  met  with  afione, 
and  a  Scorpion,  the  Bi(hop  rcvilM  him  bitterly,  wounding  him  to  the  very  heart,  by 
juftifying  the  hard  meafure  he  had  received  in  his  owneCountrey:andas  if  he  loved 
tofpeakc  all  words  that  might  doe  hurt,told  him  he  wasaCor^j,alludingtohisname 
''  that  word   fignifying  a  Crow  or   2lji;f«,in  their  Language  )  that  hid  fledout  of  the 
Ar]i^,ZTid  that  he  fliould  not  h  ve  where  to  fet  his  foot  in  his   Diocefs,  with  many 
other  cxprellions  of  virulence  againrt  fuch  men,  as  refufed  to  Covenant  with   their 
Brethren.     This  being  fignifyed  to  the  Bifhop  of  Tfrry, he  was  brought  into  the 
High  Commiliion  Court,  cenfured  and  deprived,  but  was  afterward  made  Bifhop 
of  fVuterford. 

And  now  the  fcene  ofthisPerfonsfufferings  &  Glories,beginstoopen.  The  Irifh 
werenot  all  this  while  idle,  when  the  5co/x  were  thus  employe'd,  but  finding    the 
Kings  hands  full  of  them,  and  that  they  had  obtained  their  defires  by  (hewing  them- 
felvcs  in  Arms,  they  refolve  to  try  their  fortune  the  fame  way.  And  as  a  preparative 
to  the  Rebellion,  they  firft  fet  up  the  cry  of  grievances  in  the  Parliament  then  fitting, 
and  held  by  the  Lord  Deputy  Wandefford  in  the  abfence  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  and 
immediately  fly  at  the  Chief  Minifters  of  State  and  Judges  in  the  Kingdom.     Some 
difaffefted  of  the  Englifh']oyr\t  with  them,  and  a  Committee  ot  Lords  and  Commons 
is  (ent  into  England,  to  complaine  of  the  Earle  of  Strafford's  illegall  adtings  in  the 
Government,  who  by  this  time  wasimpeached  there,  jull  ashisLordfliip  was   about 
to  impeach  thofe  very  Perfons  that  appeared  againft  h.\rr).Sr.  Richard  Bolton  the  Lord 
Chancellour  of  this  Kmgdom,  the  Lord  Bifhop  ot  Derry,  and  Sit  Garret  Lowther, 
another  of  the  cheif  judges  were  in  like  manner  accufed.  The  Bifhop  wzs  then  watch- 
ing over  his  Flocl{_inLondon  Pfrr^jWhcn  he  received  the  intelligence  of  this  fnare  laid 
for  his  life  by  Sir  Bryan  0  Neil  March  6.  1(540.   His  friends  all  wrotto  him  ro  decline 
thetryall,  but  he  thought  it  diflionourable  that  fuch  a  man  as  he  fhould  flee.     He 
knew  the  Malice  of  his  Enemies  could  not  be  greater  than  his  Innocence,  and  that 
made  his  confidence  as  great  as  eithcri  and  therefore  he  pofts  prefently  wptoVuhlin, 
and  being  mett  in  the  way  by  his  frcinds,  they  found    him   ]u[htm  te  tenacem  Pro- 
pofni  virum^the  fame  undaunted  Perfon  he  had  ever  been,  whom  no  argument  from 
the  Confederacy  form*d  againft  him,or  the  Condition  of  his  Patron  could  aifrighten 
into  the  lealtfhew  of  diArud  in  Gods  Providenceand  his  own  Integrity.fo  that  with 
St.  Paul,  hi  was  not  only  ready  to  go  tn,But  even  to  dy  at  Jerufakm,  The  next  day  after 
his  coming   to  Towne,hefhewcd  him  felfe  in  the  Parliamcnt-Houfe,  where  his 
Enemies  i\ood  gaping  and  faring  upon  him  for  a  whik^  and  then  made  him  a  clofe 
Prifoner.     But  when  all  Perfons  were  encouraged  to  contribute  to   his  Ruin,  they 
found  little  to  obiedf,  but  his  Endeavours  to  retrive  the  Antient  Patrimony  of  the 
Church,as  if  thty  had  a  mind  not  only  to  (lone  him  for,  but  with  his  good  workes, 
and  to  bury  him  under  the  heape  as  the  faireft  m.onument  could  be  erected  to  his 
memory.      Tho  they  examined  all  his  Aflions  with  defpight,  they  could  not  find 
the  leafl  tincture  of  privat  advantage  lying  on  him:  his  hands  were  fo  farr  from 
fmelling  oifhhy  Lwcrt,  thatit  was  his  frequent  Challenge  to  declare, where  he  had 
got  fo  much  as  a  paire  of  gloves,  by  all  that  he  acted  in  thofe  matters.      Nor  Indeed 
were  any  of  his  Relations,  Family,  or  Friends  one  farthing  the  Richer  for  any  thing 
he  had  recovered  to  the  Church,  but  only  as  it  might  be  a  motive  to  Gods  good  Pro- 
vidence 


The  LIFE  cf  Primate  BRA  MH ALL. 


videncc  to  blefs  and  encreale  his  private  fortune  by  taire  and  juft   ways  tor  his  lo" 
zealous  and  honeft   labours  for  that  ofthe  publick. 

At  laft  when  they  had  barked  themfelves  weary  ,& found  that  he  ftill  (hined  as  bright 
as  ever,  anfwering  all  the  petitions  with  his  o  ivn  hand,  the  ufe  of  his  tongue  beinft 
denyed  in  his  vindication,  they  doubted  not  to  have  worrycd  him  with  the  accu- 
fation  of  undeavouring  to  fubvert  the  fundamental  Laws.  They  would  make  him 
guilty,and  hee  muft  dye Joi  the  fin  they  were  ready  to  adiand  fo  by  crying  loudly  a- 
gainit  another ,  they  thought  to  turn  away  the  eyes  of  fufpicion  from  themfelves. 
This  was  the  f»jre  they  underftood  was  laid  in  'England  for  the  Earle  of  Strafford  and 
they  hoped  to  catch  the  Eifhopof  Difcrj^in  the  fame  Nooszs  an  Accomplice  with  him. 
In  this  condition  he  writes  to  the  Lord  Primate  V(her  then  in  Engimd  which  letter 
becaufe  it  containsmuchof  hischarge  and  defence  I  here  fubjoyn. 
Mayitpleaf:  your  Grace. 

It  rvoiild  have  beena  great  comfort  and  contentment  to  me  to  have  received  a  ferf  lines  of 
counfellor  comfort  in  this  my  great  affliSion  which  has  befallen  me  for  my  zeal  to  the  fervice 
o[  his  Majellie  and  the  good  of  this  Church,in  being  a  poor  inftrument  to  rejiore'the  ufurped 
Advowzom  and  Appropriations  to  the  Crown,  and  toencreafe  the  Revenue  of  the  Church 
in  a  fair  jnfl  way  alwaies  with  the  eonfent  of  parties  which   did  ever  ufe  to   takg  away 
Errors  :  but  now  it  isfaid  to  be  obtained  by  threatning  and  ferce.     iFliat  force  did  J  ever 
ufe  to  any,    what  one  man  ever  fuffered  for  not  confenting  ?  my  force  was  only  force  ofrea- 
fon  and  Law  ^   thefcale  muji  needs  yield  when  weight  is  put  into  it  ^  and  your  Grace 
kiiows  to  what  pjjs  ,  many  Bifhoprichj  were  brought  ,fome  to  loo.  per  annum,  fame 
50.  Of  Waterford,  Kilfenoragh,  and  fame  others  \fome  to  five  marks  axCloyn  and  Kil- 
macduagh.  Hob' i« /ewe  Dzocfflfj  ax  i«  Ferns  and  Leighlin,  there  was  fcarce  a  living 
left,  that  was  notfarm'd  out  to  the  Matron,  or  to  fame  for  his  ufe,  at  two,  three,  four,  or  five 
founds  pet  znnum,  for  a   long  time,   three  lives  ,  or  a  hundred  yeares.     How    the 
Chantries  of  Ardee,Dondalk  &c.     were  employed  to  maintaine  Triers  and  fryers,  which 
are  now  the  chief  maintenance  ofthe  Incumbents. In  all  this  my  part  was  only  labour  and 
expencejbut  I  find  that  lojfes  makf  a  deeper  impreffton  than  benefits,  1  cannot  flop  mens 
mouths  ^but  I  challenge  the  world  for  one  farthingl  ever  got  either  by  References  or  Church 
preferments;!  fly  to  your  Grace  as  an  Anchor  at  this  time,when  my  friends  cannot  help  me. 
Godkitows  how  I  have  exulted  at  nightythat  day  I  had  gained  any  confiderable  Revenue  to 
the  Church,  little  dreaming  that  in  future  times  that  Mjhould  be  que(iioned  as  treajonable, 
I  never  too\the  Oath  of  judge  r-r  Counfellour  ,yet  do  I  not  k>iow  wherein  I  ever  in  all  thofe 
pafjages  deviated  fromthe.Rule  of  Jujiice.     My  truji  is  in  God,  that  as  my  intentions  were 
f:ncere^fo  he  will  deliver  me.     \k»ow  not  how  I  came  to  be  afjifiant  to  the  Bifhop  of 
Down."  except  it  were  that  at  the  fame  time  I  had  References  from  my  Lord, and  compofed 
all  the  differences  between  that  See  and  my  Lords  o/Ardes,  Claneboy,  Conway,  ondo- 
thers.     Ifendyour  Grace  the  copy  of  a  Petitinn  endofed  as  was  fent  me.     'the  Sollicitor 
who  getts  the  hands  is  one  Gray    cenfured  in  the  Starr-Chamber  in  one  Stewards  eafe^ 
1  hear  he  has  got  ^ool  by  it,andthat  the  mofiofthcfuhfcribtrs  didnotkiiow  what  they 
fuhfcribed  ,but  in  general  that  it  was  for  the  purity  of  Religion   ,  and  the  Honour  of  their 
Nation.     They  fay  he  has  gathered  a  rabble  nf  ii^oo  hands ,  all  obfcure  perfons  y  not  one 
that  I  k^mw,  but    Patrick  Derry  of  the   Newry,  a  Recufant ,  not  one  Englifhman.     \t 
wereno  difficult  tafk,,  if  that  werethought  the  w.iy,  toget  half  of  thofe  hands  to  a  contra- 
ry   petition   and  5000  more   of  a  better    rank^.fince  \was  Bifhop, \  never  difplaced 
any  man  in  my  Diocefs  ,  hut  Mr  Noble/or  profefjed  Popery  ,    Mr.  Hugh  for    cojifeffed 
Sivaony,and  Mr  Dunkine  an  illiterate  Carztc  for   refufing  to  fray  far  his  MajeHie. 
Almighty  God  blefs  yourGrace ,  even  as  tiye  Church  fiands  in   need  of  you  ,  at  this  time, 
which  is  the  hearty  and  faithfull  prayer  of. 
Apr.  25.  1641.  Your  Graces 

Obedient  fervant  and  fufFragan  Jo .*  Derenfis. 
To  which lett«thePrimate  anfwcrsvery  compallionately  amongother  things  faying. 
\  affure  you  my  care  never  flackfn'din  follicitin^  your  caufe  at  Court,  with  as  great 
vigilancy,asif  it  did  touch  mine  own  proper  perfon.  I  never  intermitted  any  occafion  of 
mediating  with  his  ttLijejiie  inynur  behalf , who  [iill  pittyed  your  cafe,  ack>towledged  the 
faithfullnefs  of  your  fervices  both  to  the  Church  and  to  him,  avowed  that  yiu  were  no  more 
guilty  of  treafon  than  himfelfandafjured  me  that  he  would  do  for  you  all  that  lay  in  his  power 

&c; 


■ It^LIFE  of  Primate  BR  AM  HALL. 


-rr-Trd  iuartord  tbt  mghrbeforihu  fnferirrgC  rvhich  ttasmofl  Chrifiim  and 
^InfJmom  ad  (luporem  ufqOM  '"^ '"  ''^^  ^'\  gtvingme  in  charge  amongothcr 
ZmcHlars,  tofuthimvmindojyoH  ,  and   cjwe  other  mo  Lords  that  are  under  the 

^' Thc'IoodVrimat  had  the  ill  fate  to  be  mifreprefented  to  the  world  in  my  Lord 
Straffurds  ciCabut  it  was  but  a  piece  of  Their  art  that  hoped  to  palhate  their  wicked- 
nefs  by  Riving  out  that  ib  pious  and  learned  a  Prelate  advifed  the  King  to  cotrfent 
to  his  Death  which  no  man  would  think  his  Grace  would   have  done,  had  he  not 
dcfcrvcd  it.  '  I  cannot  but  take  notice  of  the  Gallantry  of  that  perfonjWho  had  be- 
fore made  interccltion  to  the  King  againfthimfelf,to  remove  that  unfortunate  thing 
C  meaning  his  life  3 out  ot  the  way  of  a  bleffed  agreement,  and  yet  in  the  eve  of 
his  fuffering  was  fo  careful!  ofhisfrjends:  and  certainly  fuchan  addrefs  came  with 
very  prevailing  circumflanccs,  as  the  lad  Rtqiiell  of  fo  Noble  a  Soul.  And  the  King 
was  jurtto  him  in  it,   and  _refolved  that  dncc  the  lot  had  falleti  up9»   the    Earlehc 
would  providethatthc  Bilhop  fhould  efcape  ,  and  therefore  before  he  had  dryed 
liis  eyes  for  the  one,  he  fent  over  his  letter,  to  prevent  the  like  occalion  otforrow  for 
the  other  :  but  iho  there  was  the  word  of  a  King,  there  was  hardly  fo  much  power 
to  procure  obedience,however  at  length  he  was  reftored  to  liberty,  but  without  any 
publick  affoilment,  the  charge  lying  Kill  dormant  againfl  him,to  be  awakened  when 
ihcy  pleafed.  But  alafTc  thefe  were  riafhcs  that  caufed  more  fear  than  hurt,  the  -fiery 
matter  at  lall  burft  out  into  (uch  Thunderclaps,that  the   foundation  of  the  whole 
Kingdom  reekd,5c  the  Bilhop  of  Df  rry  washardly  gott  down,  before   the  tirl^  crack 
to  that  City  ,  where  he  was  of  great  ufe  as  long  as  he  flayed.     The  place  is  one  of 
the  flrongefl  in  the  Kingdom,  but  the  people  feft  nm  more  fecurely  omccoam  of  their 
wallSjthan  of  their  watch-man  ;  as  AUxandei  when  his  friend  had  the  Guard. 

Sir.  theltm  0  Neil  had  an  eye  upon  his  Lord-fhip  and  the  place,  but  he  had  litlc 
hopes  of  getting  the  one  ,  without  dellroyingthe  other, and  therefore  he  refolved 
to  take  up  where  Sr.  Bryan  had  left,  and  contrived  to  bring  him  to  a  more  difhon- 
ourable  death.  To  which  end  he  diredts  a  letter  to  his  Lord-fhip  and  defired  that 
according  to  their  Articles  fucha  Gate  fhould  be  delivered  to  him,  expeding  that 
the  Scot]  would  upon  the  difcovery  become  his  executioners.  But  God  that  delivered 
him  from  the  Lynn  delivered  him  from  the  bear ,  and  covered  his  head  when  he  knew 
not  of  that  danger  that  hung  over  it,  fo  ordering  the  matter  that  the  perfon  who 
was  to  manage  it,  either  with  horror  of  the  treachery,  or  feare  leaf!  he  might/a// 
into  the  Fnt^  digged  forthe  Bifhop,  ran  clear  away  with  the  Letter,  the  plott  never 
coming  to  light,  till  Sr.  P;[;f /;»«  himfelf  difcovered  it-  I  with  fome  pcrfons  that 
pretend  toa  great  Sagacity  in  difcovering  Popifh  defigns  would  conlidcr,  whether 
thofe  jealoufies  they  foment  among  us  ,  are  not  the  very  train  to  tho^e  mines  the 
Papifts  hope  to  fpring ,  and  by  them,  to  blow  both  them  and  us  up.  This  Politick 
Arrow  of  Sr.  Thelim's  was  drawn  out  of  an  Ecclefiallical  Quiver,  and  was  but  a 
particular  inlianceof  the  great  Arcanum  and  myjiery  of  their  hiqtti:)'.  By  creating 
fearsand  diilrulls  among  us  they  make  their  breaches,  and  doubt  not  at  laft  to 
enter,  and  it  is  flrange  to  fee,how  fooliflily  feme  men  arefiill  taken,  when  the  Hale 
has  been  fo  often  difcovered, how  greedily  they  entertain  any  whifpers  of  this  kind, 
as  if  they  defired  the  Church  oi'  England  (\\oi\\d  be,  what  they  pretend  tobe  afraid 
(hee  is  ,  of  intelligence  with  the  Church  ol  Rome. 

But  tho  this  delign  took  no  place,  the  Bifhop  found  no  fafty  there:  The  town 
dayly  filled  with  difcontented  perfons  out  of  Scotland,  and  he  began  to  grow  afraid 
that  the  men  oiKtilah  would  deliver  him  up.  One  night  they  turned  a  piece  of 
ordinance  againft  his  houfe  ,  to  affront  him,  and  he  then  was  perfwaded  by  his 
friends  to  look  on  it  a?  a  warning  piece.  He  took  the  advice,and  foon  after  fhip- 
pcd  away  privately  for  Em^/W:  Having  efcaped  with  his  life,  ibe  tookg  joyfully 
theffoiling  of  his  goods,  and  was  abundantly  rewarded  for  all  his  lofTes  in  a  gracious 
Reception  from  his  Royal  Malkr.  who  by  this  time  had  but  too  great  need  of  the 
Services  of  fuch  perfons.  The  Bifhop  of  Derry  ,  that  his  might  be  the  more  figni- 
ficant,  repaired  into  his  owne  Country  ,  where  by  his  brave  Example,  by  his  fre- 
quent Exhortations  from  the  Pulpit,  by  hisincefTant  labours  with  the  Gentry,  and 
*^'«orudent  advices  to  the  Marquefs  of  NfB'-C'»'He.he  putt  greatlifeintohisMajefties 

affaires 


Ibe   LIFE  of  Primate   BRAMHALL. 


affaires.  The  Marquefs  much  refpedrcd  whatever  he  faid,  having  by  fuccefs  in 
fome  notable  inftances  good  experience  of  the  wifedomethat  condu<fted  his  Coun- 
fells  v  and  in  confideration  of  his  fufferings  oifered  him  500I  out  of  the  pubhck  fiock 
which  he  asgeneroufly  refafed,  and  fo  taught  all  his Majeities-yubjecftsa  noble  Lcffon* 
faying  that  to  take  any  thing  fnom  the  King  in  his  exigences  was  a  Robbing  of  the 
Publick,  andthathehad  ever  abhorred  that,  next  to  (acrilegc.  In  lieu  of  this  he 
was  willing  tojpeitd  ,  and  to  bejpent ,  to  bleed  to  the  lalt  drop  for  the  Royal  caufe 
fending  a  confiderable  prcfcnt  of  Plate  to  his  Majcftie  to  Nottingham;  which  wasaf- 
er  coyned  for  his  ufe   at  Scjrbomugh. 

At  this  time  alfo  his  pen  was  emp'oyed  in  defending  by  argument  what  was  proper 
for  others  to  doe  by  fword  and  pike.  The  treatife  called  the  furpent  fahe,  or  remedy 
for  the  bitingof  an  ajpe^wis  the  eiTedc  of  his  retirements  from  the  noife'of  Drumm 
and  Trumpet  :but  alas  /  the  deaf  adder  was  not  to  be  charmed^charm  he  never  fo  roifdy. 
If  a  man  will  liop  his  Ears,  he  is  proofagainrt  the  moft  mulical  Incantation  I  will 
not  take  on  me  tofignify  how  well  he  difcharged  himfelf  in  this  Argument  becaufe 
I  have  theTeftimony  of  Primat  'L'/?;frtoproduce,ina  letter  to  his  Lordfhipfrom  Ox- 
ford 1^44.  Which  faythv  I  have  at  length  received  ynur  baokjngether  with  your  fermon 
Preacht  before  the  beginiiig  ffthis  great  northern  expedition,  on  the  good  fuccefs 
whereof  the  fettkment  of  the  rvhok  Kingdom  norv  dependethj  cannot  fufficiently  Commend 
your  dexterity  inckaring  thofe  points^  which  have  not  been  fo  fjtiJfaQorily  handled  by  thofe 
who  have  tah^n  pains  in  the  fame  argument  before  you,  and  Iprofefr  I  have  profited  more 
thereby,  than  by  any  of  the  book^  I  have  read  before,  touching  that  fubjel}  8cc. 

I  have  heard  alfo  of  another  difcourfe  publifhed  by  him  about  that  time  called 
the  hijlory  of  Hull,  which  I  find  not  among  thefe  now  printed,  but  of  the  fubiecS 
there  is  fomething  faid  at  the  later  end  of  the  foregoing  treatife 

Thus  adive  he  continued  all  the  time  of  his  being  in  England,  v/hkh  was  till  the 
battell  oiMarjhn  Moore,  about  which  time  it  is  faid  that  if  fome  advice  his  Lord- 
(hip  gave  Cperfwading  to  a  Cunctation_)had  been  followed,his  Majefties  Interell  had 
been  longer  liv'd  in  the  N«rtfc,which  fo  funk  in  the  fortune  of  that  day  that  the 
Marquesof  ]\rfwCd/?/e,  and  hisLordfliip,  whith  feveral  of  great  Quality  (  Torj^fur- 
rendring  within  aforthnight)  fliipd  themfelves  for  forreign  parts. 

The  next  news  we  have  of  him  is  at  Brexf///,  where  he  continued  for  moft  part 
till  the  year  1^48  with  Six  Benry  devic  th.^  Kings  Refident:  preaching  conlkntly  evc« 
ry  Lords  day ,  frequently  adminiftring  the  Sacrament  and  confirming  fuch  as  defi- 
red  if,  among  others  the  Gentleman  of  whom  I   had  this  account,  Walter  Cooper 
Efq.  ThsEngliJh  Merchants  of ^wtwfr/',  ten  leagues  thence  ufed  to  be  monthly  of  his 
Audience  and  Communion,  and  were  his  bell  benefadlors.  The  Zeal  otTome  of  thofe 
Gentlemen  had  engaged  them  in  a  difputation  with  fome  of  the  Jefuits  about  Tran- 
fubliantiation,but  finding  themfelves  overmatcht,they  fled  to  the  Bilhopof  Derryto 
anfwer  for  them, who  when  he  had  chidden  them  for  their  hardinefle  in  venturing  out 
of  their  depth,  when  they  could  not  fwimm,fet  them  againe  one  firm  ground.    He 
wrote  fomething  there  on  that  occafion,  which  he  delivered  to  tiierr,  which  alfo 
hasefcaped  this  Impreilion.  At  firft  he  had  allowance  of  the  Jefuits  Library,for  ha- 
ving none  of  his  own,  he  was  forced  to  whet   his  Sword  among  the  Philijiines  with 
whom  he  was  to  fighti  but  the  fecond  time  he  went  thither, they  all  with  drew,  to 
one  man,who  with  much  civility  acquainted  him,  he  was  the  latl  man,  and  prayed 
him  not  to  take  it  ill,  that  he  muft  attend  his  occafions  abroad.    Being  once  more 
ferv'd  (b,  he  applyed  himfelfe  to  that  of  the  Dowi^ica^/,  where  he  had  admiliion,  till 
he  fini{hed,whathe  intended,  of  which  lam  forry  Icangive  no  further  account.  In  the 
yeari^48.he  returned  into  Jre/W,wherel  can  fpeik  of  nothing  but  of  hisfafferings.all 
his  ftages  being  but  from  one  danger  &  mifery  to  another. Tho  he  had  not  like  Paph- 
Mutius  or  Pow»w«  or  other  ofthc  old  Cnnfe(Tours,the  marks  of  his  ConfeJJion,  in 
hiseycs  or  his  foreheadiyet  he  was  not   without  beata  vulnera,in  his  fortunes,ahnoft 
running  through  all  St.Pauls  perils  and  labours,  2  Cor.  11.26.  27. 28.   With    whom 
be  might  glory  inhis  infirmities,thztis  hisatflictbns  &tei-Rtations,thohehad  alfo  thofe 
endowments  whereini/  any  man  might  be  bold,he  might  heboid  alfo,  All  the    while  he 
was  here,  he  had  his  life  continually  in  his  hand,  being  in  perils  by  lrijh,\n  perils  by 
bitvwne  Countrey  men,  and  in  perils  byfalfe  brethren.     At  tymerickjht  Earl  of  Kop- 


m  comon 


the  LIFE  of  Primate  BR  AM  HAL  L 


Tonm    £Ot  luch  a  tall  coming  downe  a  paire  ot  Itairs,  that  he  lived  onely  fo  long 
to  declare  his  faith  (  at  the  Bifhop  oiVerry's  inftance)  as  it  is  profeffcd  in  the  Church 
of  E«e/j«^.-  which  gave  fuch  offence  to   the  Romanifts  there,  who  would  have  re- 
ported he  dyed  3Papill,if  hehad  not  fpoke  at  all, that  they  threatned  the  Bifnops 
death,  if  he  did  not  fuddcniy  depart  the  town.      At  Tortumnagh,  afterwards  he  and 
fuch  as  wtnt  with  him  enjoyed  more  freedom  under  the  Marquesof  Clan  Kic\ards 
protectlon,and  an  allowance  of  the  Church  fervice.  At  the  Revolt  of  CorJ^,he  had 
a  very  narrow  deliverance,  which  CrcmTPell  was  fo  troubled  at,  that  he  declared,  he 
would  have  given  a  good  fumm  of  inoncy  for  that   Irijh  Camerhury.    But  God  that 
delivered  him  from  the  Lyon  and  the  hear  ^delivered  him  from  the  Fhilifiine  aljo^  and  gave 
him  this  argument  ot  being  a  good  man,  that  he  was  fo  hated  of  thofc   that  were 
noti  as  it  was  faidof  Chriftianityit  mull  needs  be  a  good  Religion,becaufe  Nero  per- 
fecuted  it.     But  of  all  his  Efcapes  that  out  oi  Ireland^    was  the  moft  wondcrfull, 
the  little  bark  he  was  in,  was  clofcly  hunted  by  two  of  the  Parliament  frigats,roany 
of  them  being  then  on  this  coaft,and  when  they  werccome  fo  near,thatall  hopes  of 
being  faved  were  taken  away,  he,  wfcow  the  windes  a»d  the  Seas  ohey^  was  pleafed 
miraculoufly  to  pre(erve  him,  and  fnatch  liim  out  of  their  teeth:  for  on  a  fudden, 
juft  as  they  were  ready  to  feize   the  prcy,the  wind    /iackened  on  the  two  Shipps 
intoaperfedcalm,  and  as  it  were  flew  upon  her  wings  into  the  failes  of  the  little 
veffell  and  carryed  her  away  in  view.   And  Godxvai  in  the  wind,  and  Cod  was  in  the 
calm:  when  he  pleafes  neither/ire  ftall  hurne,  nor  Lyons  devour,  nor  winds  blow,nor 
any  inftrument,or  fecond  caufe  do  their  office,that  thehelp  that  isdonjje  may  bekfiown 
to  do  it  himfelf  This  was  fo  fignal  a  Providence  that  it  is  hardly  to  be  parallelM  ia 
flory.  That  indeed  oiSt.Athanafius  was  very  remarkable, who  being  purfued  on  the 
watcr,turned  about  in  the  face  of  his  Enemies,and  being  asked  amongft  otheres  if  they 
had  feen  Athanapus^  he  himfelf  anfwer'd,he  went  lately  that  way,   and  fo  avoided 
them.  This  had  very  much  of  witt  and  Art,  and  argued  an  unbroken  and  prefent 
mind,  butthe  Biftiop  ofVerry's  was  all  miracle.Such  deliverances  asthefe  as  they  arc 
great  obligations  to  3  thankfull  and  holy  life,fbare  they  ufually  indications  toothers 
that  God  has  fome  great  work  to  do  by  that  Perfon  whom  he  is  Co  carefull  to  pre- 
ferve.     But  that  he  might  not  think,he  was  delivered  from  the  Sea  to  peri(h  inthe 
wildernefs,hc  found    that  the  goodnefs  of  God  had  prevented  him,  for  he  had  no 
{ooner  fung  the  Lordsfong  inaftrange  Landfot(o  wonderful!  a  deliverance,  but  he  faw 
a  table  fpread,and  fet  out,and  furnifhed  with  food  unexpectedly  dropt  from  Heaven. 
The  fumme  of7oo  l.had  been  fo  long  due  to  hira  for  fome  falmon  he  had  taken  in  the 
River  B<JK«,  and  knt  beyond  Seas,  (  a  River  very  famous  for  the  plenty  of  that  fi(h) 
that  it  had  been  long  fince  confidered  as  dcfperat:but  all  is  not  loft  that's  hidden : 
God  had  onely  laid  it  up  for  him  till  he  wanted  it,  and  now  in  his  greateft  necellity 
let  it  fall  into  his  1  ap.     This  was  a  very  feafonable  relief  both  to  his  Lordlhip,  and 
to  many  Royal  ConfelTors  to  whom  even  of  his  penury  he  diftributed  fo  Iiberally,that 
the  blejfing  of  fuch  as  were  ready  to  peripfell  on  hitn;  as  may  be  feen  in  feverall  oftheir 
Letters. 

It  was  not  upon  every  head  fo  golden  a  fiiowcr  did  defccnd,nor  could  this  flock 
laft  long,  efpecially  when  his  Lordftiips  heart  wasaslargeas  theoccafion  ofhischa- 
fity:But  it  becomes  not  aProphet  of  all  men  to  be  a  niggard  of  hisbread,  when  God 
makes  "Ravens  to  Minifterto  their  wants  i  fome  indeed  wcrtfo  offended atthe  perfe- 
ction, that  at  this  time  befell  the  Church  that  they  went  over  to  Kome  to  fill  their 
bellyes.  Hunger  is  a  pinching  argument  and  a  great  tcmptation,efpecially  ifthe  head 
be  as  empty  as  theftomach:  but  God  be  thanked,  the  number  of  the  Apoftates  was 
not  very  great.  There  were  few  that  did  not  conlider,  that  profeliing  to  believe  In 
a  crucifyedMeffias,outwardfplcndour  could  be  no  infallible  mark  of  the  trucChurch, 
(he  is  nevermore  Glorious  in  his  eyes  who  fee  snot  as  mm  fees,  than  when  (he  feems 
nothing  but  darknes  and  obfcurityin  thofe  of  the  world,  being  then  in  conjundi- 
on  with  her  High  Prieft  who  was  confecratcd  by  his  fufferings .  Thedifpenfa- 
tjon  indeed  was  very  gloomy  and  uncomfortable  for  the  prefent,butGod  was  plea- 
fed  even  then,  to  gild  one  fide  of  the  cloud  in  which  flice  was  wrappt,  and  make  it 
a  pilar  of  light  to  the  true  Ifraclites,  tho  fome  faw  nothing  but  adarke  fide,and  by 
an  odd  fort  of  Logick  concluded  her  fas  Job**  friends  judged  of  him  J  wicked  and 

erroneous 


Ihe    L 1  h  E  gf    rnmatt    BRAMHALL. 

erroneous,  bccaule  fhe  was  miferable  and  atflided.  But  the  Bilhop  ot  Deny 
knew  into  what  he  was  baptized,  and  look't  on  the  Croffe  that  (he  then  bore  as 
the  enlignc  of  that  truth,  under  which  he  doubted  notj^e  would  prove  trium^hami 
and  theretorcwith  Cato  he  was  faithfull  to  the  conquer'd  fide,  and  with  Mofes 
cboji  a§iiBion  rvith  the  people  of  God  rather  than  the  pleasures  of  fin  for  a  feafon  : 
At  home  he  had  been  mahgned  as  a  Papift,  abroad  he  is  perfecuted  becaufe  he  isa 
Protcftant .  this  is  a  very  hard  Cafe  ,  and  they  appear  unreafonable  and  perversmen 
thzifeeh^afterfuchfignsfic  will  be  fatisfyed  of  our  linceiity  tothe  Proteftant  Religion 
■with  no  cheapi-r  a  demondration  than  a  perfecution  ;  but  fome  brave  Heroes  have 
llruggled  all  their  lives  with  the  like  ill  fate,  who  could  never  purchafe  the  reputa- 
tion of  valiant  men,  till  ihey  dyed  in  Arms.  The  world  I  hope  is  by  this  time 
happily  undeceived,  and  yet  there  want  not  foire  Df>w^grt^«f/,  who  with  a  prodigi- 
ous conhdence  hope  fiill  to  impofe  upon  the  people  with  the  old  pretences,tho  one 
would  think  it  were  too  foon  to  temptthem  with  the  fame  bait.They  noweafily  fee 
through  the  cobweb  covering,and well  remember  how  ihtixCivill  &C which  is  dearer 
to  them  than  their  eyes  ^  their  Ilf%w«r  Intereft  was  undermined  andfliakenat  the 
foundation,  under  a  colour  ot  liberty:  how  under  a  pretext  of  faving their  fleeces, 
their  fhcpheards  were  ravifli'd  from  themby  fuch  as  fparednotthe  flock,but  tore  even 
their  fle(h  and  fuck'dthcir  blood,  and  who  in  the  mean  time,  only  bawled  for  the 
Proteiknt  Religion  ,  while  the  others  wrote  and  fuifred  for  it.  I  might  inftance 
in  many  who  attended  his  Majeflie  abroad,  and  many  who  waited  on  his  caufe  at 
home,thatare  fmce  fallen  afleep,and  fbme  who  are  yet  living,  whofe  names  I  for- 
bear, becaufe  faints  are  not  canonized  before  they  dye.  But  it  has  been  very  well  ob- 
ferved,  that  none  were  more  fufpeded  ofPopery,  than  the  Bifliop  oiVerry  and  Dr. 
Cofens,  and  none  more  convinced  their  enemies  of  theinjuliice  of  fuch  a  calumny  by 
their  writings.  It  might  be  expeded,!  (hould  give  fome  particular  Accompt  of 
the  many  difputations  thisperfon  had  about  Religion  with  theLeainedofall  nationSj 
fome  times  by  appointment  and  formal  challenge  ,  and  fomctimes  by  occafion  and 
rencounter  ,  for  he  fcarce  came  into  anyplace,but  he  was  aflaulted,and  he  never  de- 
nyed  the  combate  ,  and  as  feldom  left  the  field,  but  he  gave  his  Adverfary  fome 
mark  of  his  skil  and  courage.  Butlmuft  beg  the  Pleaders  pardon  if  I  be  moft  fi- 
lent,whcre  he  moft  defires  I  (hould  (peak.I  was  encouraged  when  I  firft  was  perfwa- 
ded  to  write  his  life  ,  to  believe  I  fliouldhave  been  able  to  have  fa  id  fomethingon 
thofe  many  perfonal  engagemants  he  had  fcr  the  Church  :  but  am  now  told  that 
fuch  as  could  have  furniOiedme  beft,are  dead,nor  can  I  be  relieved  from  his  own  we- 
moires^  which  with  an  hundred  fermons  he  intended  to  Print  were  all  fo  torneby  the 
ratts  before  his  death  ,  that  it  is  not  to  be  hoped  to  build  any  thing  out  of  fuch 
Ruines, which  only  fpeak  how  great  a  man  he  wa?.But  among  fuch  remains  as  there 
are,  there  want  not  prooffs  enough  not  only  of  his  learning  and  his  diligence  for  the 
Churchjbut  ofhis  skill  and  travell  alfo  in  the  Tohtk\i^  in  behalf  of  his  facred  Ma- 
jefty.  He  gave  good  affiftanceto  the  Glorious  ]^o;urojs  in  his  addreflesto  fuch  per- 
fons,  whofe  aid  he  prayed,  as  may  be  fecn  in  fevcral  Letters  writt  to  his  Lord-fliip 
by  that  Noble  Gentleman,  who  was  both  the  Honour  and  rf^roiJc^  of  his  country  , 
between  whom  and  the  Bifhop  oCDerry,  there  was  a  very  great  friendihip,  and  fuch 
acorrefpondence  fetled,  that  neither  was  a  ftranger  to  what  the  other  did  in  his 
Majefties  fervice.  he  would  often  recommend  hisCaufc  to  the  favour  and  juflice  of 
forreign  Princes  from  various  heads  and  topicks,  fctt  olT  with  variety  of  Learning 
from  hiftory  and  flate  obfervations,  efpecially  in  this  Cafe,  wherein  the  perfon  of 
the  King  was  not  onely  to  be  confidei'd,  but  fiveraignty  itfelf,  and  the  Rights  of 
McKflTc/?/.' fweetning  his  arguments  (fill  feafonably  and  fuitably  to  the  perfons  to 
whom  he  addrefTed.  And  at  the  fame  time  he  let  all  men  fee,  that  his  Majefties 
Intereft  lay  in  his  Conftancy  to  that  Faith  which  his  blcffed  Father  recommended 
with  his  dying  breath,  to  his  care  and  protedtion,  not  only  as  the  fureft  way  of  fal- 
vation,  but  the  beft  Policy. 

But  we  may  well  imagine  the  R9w2j>»]h  were  not  all  this  while  afleep:  They  were 
endeavoring  to  perfwade  his  Majeftie  to  hope  his  Reftauration,by  embracing  their 
Religion,  The  defign  indeed  was  worth  their  labouring  for,  but  being  of  fo  great  a 
weight,itis  wondred  theyfet  notanianofbetter  fliouldcrs  toit,thanM;/mfrfjinwhom 

nothing 


The  LIFE  of  Primate  BKAMHALL. 

r. "rnnears  fo  conlldcrable  as  his  conhdence.    that  indeed  wanted  a  Rebuke, 

TK^lr^'Ets  needed  not  an  anfwer.  So  finewlefs,  jointlefs,  and  faplefs  a  dif- 
f  rardv  falls  from  men  employed  in  deHgns  of  fuch  moment.  Yet  his  prefump- 
'^""'c  were  very  high,  and  his  head  fo  heated  with  the  phancy  of  being  canonized 
f  °  this  fervicc  that  he  pronounces  as  boldly  as  if  he  were  fitting  in  the  infallible  chair 
ih  the  triple  Crown  upon  his  head:  but  the  BiQiop  oiDerry  made  it  foone  ap- 
^'  that  the  good  mjn  had  taken  very  wrong  meafures,  and  that  his  defign  was 
^"remalicious  than  Cluuitab!c,and  that  he  hoped  to  make  the  people  fufpea  the 
Kin£^bcingaPapi!l,rather  than  at  all  to  make  him  fo,  TheBifliopwas  too  vigilant 
•  the  King's  and  theChiirchcscaufe  not  to  fee  thedangcr  of  publifliing  fuch  adefignc 
however  weakly  lay'd,  and  managed-,  and  therefore  in  time  prevented  the  mifchief 
it  night  do  in  that  excellent  anfwer  which  appears  hrft  oi  thefe  difcourfes.  His 
Majeilie  alfo  was  obliged  to  the  vanity  of  this  Attempt,  fince  it  gave  him  an  op- 
portunity of  declaring  himfell(that  for  which  his  People  (hall  ever  lovehimj  a  rep<l- 
ved  ?rote\idnt.  his  Royal  Father  ,  of  whom  the  world  was  notworthy^didi  not  thankM 
God  in  vain,  that  he  had  a  fon  ,  who  he  had  reafon  to  believe  ,  would  love  the 
Church  as  wellashe  did,  j«i  greater  love  than  tbif,  had  no  man.  His  MajeftJe  thought 
itas  great  Piety  to  juiiify  the  confidence  of  fuch  a  Father,  as  unreafonable  to  turn 
Papill  bccaufc  fonie  men  that  calithcmfelvesProtellants  had  cutt  off  his  head  with 
a  Sword  consecrated  at  Kome,  and  (hed  his,  and  hisSubjefts  blood,  by  vertue  of  fuch 
principles  as  no  where  receive  more  countenance,  than  in  that  Church.  If  hisMa- 
ieftie  mull  leave  the  Church  o(  England  becaufe  of  this  praftice  ,  which  her  dodrine 
loudly  difclaimes ,  yet  modefty  would  not  invite  him  to  Kome,  where  the  Principle 
is  allowed  &  juftifyed,and  never  was  condemned,  we  have  heard  of  a  Holy  Ligne  in 
francezs  well  as  a  folemn  League  and  covenant  m  Scotland. 

His  Majeftie  was  therefore  refolved  to  tarry  the  Lords  leifure,and  by  no  indireft 
meanstoobtain  the  Blellinghc  had    in  flore  for  him.     But  thothe  King  flood 
invincible  as  a  Rock,  fome  of  the  court  had  their   foundation  in  the  fand,  and  began 
to  totter  when  they  faw  him  attempted  with  fuch  confidence  i  tho  his  conftitution 
lefifted  the  infeftion,  it  met  with  a  fympathy  in  the  blood  of  fome  others.     But  the 
BifhopofPerrjiltood  like  Aaron  between    the  living  and  the     dead,  and   ftayedihe 
flaaue,  by  this  feafonable  and  learned  difcourfe  ,  for  the  fuccefs  whereof  then,  and 
the  value  of  it  at  all  times,  he  merits  the  thanks  of  all  the  Reformed  Churches,which 
fome  of  them  were  fo  ingenuous    as  to  pay  him.     He  had  now  dipped  his  pen,  but 
could  not  be  allowed  to  dry  it.     Every  day  almoft  produced  a  frefh  challenge,  and 
almoll  as  often  a  new  Adverfary,or  an  old  one  with  a  new  fword  ;  but  atlaft  find- 
dini;  how  litle  they  gained  by  particular  quefiions,  wherein    fome  hunted    centre  to 
the  other,  and  by  their  difcordant  notes  gave  occafion  to  the  Proteftants  to  upbraid 
them  with  the  want  of  that  harmony,of  which  they  ufcd  to  boafl,  they  thought  fit  to 
joyn  their  throats,in  one  common  cry,and  to  drown  all  his  anfwersto  their  objedions 
in  the  clamour  o(  Schifme.  This  indeed  he  acknowledges  as  a  great  crime  fa  fin  that 
is  not  only  contrary  to  that  Law  of  charity,  that  is  the  bond  of  peace  andperfeHnes^  but 
has  a  Legion  in  its  belly,  and  is  accountable  for  all  the  Evils  that  are  confequent  to 
the  want  of  difcipline,  without  whiih  nofociery,  without  a  miracle  of  Providence, 
can  long  fubfil^_)  fo  the  molt  plaufible  and  popular   obje61:ion,they  can  make  againft 
Ub.-but  turpeeii  Vodoremiic.  The  Bilhop  foon  blewaway  the  dull,which  they  threw 
in  weakeyes,&  helpt  them  to  fee  not  only  the  innocence  ofthcChtirch  ofEngland,b[it 
the  guilt  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  in  that  point.     And  this  is  fo  demonlirated  to  him 
that  reads  without  prejudice,  and  examines  his  arguments  and  Authorities,  that 
he  will  have  no  need  of  the  wifdome  of  SoLmon  to  difccrn   who   is  the  mother  of 
the  brat.     W^re  the  quertion  to  be  flated  between  Rome,  and   fome   other  Commu- 
nions (  whom  the  Errours  and  the  Cruelty  of  that  Church  may  have  forced  to  a  ne- 
ccflity  of  fcpararion  in  fome  things,  in  which  they  might  have  maintained  their 
unity  witliour  fin  )  perhaps  the  child  ought  to  have  been  divided,  but  a^the  cafe 
flands  b:twecn  us  and  them,  he  has  made  it  hers,  who  blufhed  not  to  cry  JVhore  firjl. 
If  the  book  wherein  he  has  done  this  fervice  wanted  it,  I  could  produce  many 
Atteftations  of  its  worthibut  take  one  for  a11,fromDr.Mor-/o'the  prefcnt  Lord  Bifhop 
oifVintoM,   who  ina  letter  to  the  Bifhop  of  Pfir^  fays.    1  nevtr  faw  any  thing  writ- 
ten 


The    LIFE  of  Private  BK  AM  HALL, 


ten  of  that  argument  fo  clearly^  fo  fMy  ^fo  convincingly,  and  therefore  1  heartily  thanh^ 
your  Lord-fl^ip  fjf  it.,  not  only  in  my  otvne  name  ,biitoftbe  rvhole  Clergy  and  Church 
o/Englanti,  which  thereby  is  notably  vindicated^  form  the  greateli  prejudice  that  lay 
uponher^or  could  rvith  any  probability  be  obje&ed  to  her  &c. 

To  this  difcourfc,received  by  all  the  Proteftants  with  great  fatisfa<Sion,Dr,  Kichard 
Smith  Bifliop  oiCbakedon  made  anfwcr,  but  the  BiQiop  of  Verry  (tood  the  Afjault^ 
and  kept  his  Vo[\,  not  loofing  an  inch  of  the  ground  he  had  gained,  neither  ftarting 
himfeU  from  the  Qiiei^ion,  nor  fulfering  his  Antagonifl:  to  wander  from  it,  by  the 
intervening  of  any  new  mattcrian  artifice  fomc  Lawyers  pradiife  at  the  Barr  todraw 
the  Counfell  ot  the  other  fide  from  the  argument  that  would  nick  thecaufc.But  he 
did  not  only  confider  this  Art  in  the  Opponent ,  but  tlie  indifcretion  of  fome-Df/f«- 
^fwfxwho  contend  fiercely  forfome  flight  Outworks,which  it  may  be,it  matters  not 
-whether  they  be  in  the  poflellion  of  the  one  fide  or  the  other,but  being  gain*d  when 
fo  earncftly  defended,  often  give  that  occafion  of  triumph,  that  thcCaufcmay  fome 
time  fuffer  in  the  opinion  ofthofe  that  behold  the  adtionfand  who  raakc  thcmfelves 
Judges  of  it  )  on  the  accompt  of  the  lofs  ofthat  in  which  it  was  no  way  concern*d. 
"  Clearing  himfelf  therefore  of  all  fuch  forreign  matter,as  might  intricate  the  queftion 
and  hinder  his  profpeft  into  it,hc  fixes  his  foot  upon  the  fpot ,  and  defends  the 
Ch\ixc\\oi England  under  fuch  a  guard,  that  he  did  not  only  quench  all  the  fiery  darts 
vpith  ihejlneldof  the  Faith  {he  profefTcs,  but  beat  back  the  impeachment  of  criminal 
fchifmc  on  the  head  of  her  great  Adverfary  the  Church  o(Kome. 

when  the  Bifliop  oi Chalcedon  had  done,a  very  Tbrafonick^znd  oftentatious  per- 
fon  enters  the  lilts  of  this  Centroverfie,  with  that  unufual  confidence,  as  if  hefpokc 
nothing  hutfcience  and  demonfiration  ;  but  the  greateft  proof  he  made  of  any  thing 
wasof  an  infolent,  bitter,  and  unchriftian  fpirit. 

The  Queftion  of  fchifm  being  difpatched  ,  a  new  objection  is  flarted,  againft  our 
Orders,  and  a  pretty  tale  forged  of  a  Na^shead  finely  dre(T'd,andfetofflike  a  fight 
to  draw  in  and  cheat  poor  people  of  their  money.  Theftory  pafTcd  as  currently 
among  them  as  any  Legend  in  the  Livss  of  their  Saints,  being  afTertcd  confidently 
by  fome  of  their  Dodtors,and  affirmed  to  be  owned  in  the  houfe  of  Lords  by  fome 
of  our  BifhopSjWho  they  faid,offered  to  engage  to  juftify  ir.What  is  it  they  will  not 
attempt  or  fay,  that  will  thus  abufe  the  credulity  ofthofe  fimple  fouls  who  depend 
(b  entirely  upon  fuch  Makers  and  teachers  ofLyes>  why  do  they  not  tell  them  that 
the  Englifh  have  all  horns  &  hoofs,  &  long  tailes,  that  they  eat  Children  at  their 
Sacraments,  or  worfhip  an  A^es  Head  ?  they  may,  with  as  much  truth  and  juftice: 
But  I  fuppofe  the  Bifhop  of'Derry's  difcourfe  on  this  fubjedt  with  the  Authorities 
for  the  matter  of  fad  now  Printcd,has  put  an  eternal  Clence  to  that  flander,  fo  that 
tWcTslaggs  head  will  never  hereafter  be  heard  to  fpeake,unlefs  it  be  with  Baalambs Affe^ 
to  reprove  the  madncfs  of  the  Prophet.  I  fhall  fay  no  more  of  his  writings  againft 
the  Papirts,but  conclude  with  what  was  faid  of  them  by  one,  than  whom  no  man 
Gould  Iprake  bttter  ,  the  late  excellent  Bifliop  of  Doirw,  Dr.  Taylor  in  his  Funeral 
Sermon. When  ever  there  is  a  man  will  dcfire  to  be  fatiffyed  in  thofe  great  Queliions 
C  viz.  between  Rome  and  us  )  the  Bifliop  of  Derrys  book  (hall  be  their 
Oracle. 

And  yet  they  have  not  given  that  fatisfadion  to  all  men,  for  fome  have  been  fo  nice, 
that  they  fancied  they  frae'.t  not  only  the  Bifliop** ,  but  the  Popes  foot  in  all  his 
writings  againft  him:but  thefearc  they  that  think  we  muft  runfromRowe  and  out 
Witts  together,  whofc  temper  isfarr  removed  from  the  generous  Chri  flan  fpirit, 
which  can  digcft  for  Peace  fake  fmaller  in- expediences,  and  places  not  the 
cfTence  of  Religion  either  in  mere  Schoole  opinions,  or  any  particular  formes  of 
•wcrfliip,  but  in  faith  and  charity  and  holypcfs  towards  God,  and  obedience  to  Go- 
vernours,Let  thefc  be  fecured,and  he  was  ready  for  peace  with  one  fide  or  other  ; 
hut  it  is  to  nopurpofe  to  maitg  abatements  to  either^  while  the  one  eattnot  give  a  jledfali 
'Rule,  ai'.d  the  other  claimesfucha  ^oa>er  as  pall  make  it  bend  in  every  Age,  as  the  Jnterejl 
of  the  Romane  Court  requires. 

Sf,  Aujime  had  as  well  the  Manichees  on  one  hand  to  conteft  with,  as  the  Pelagians 
on  the  other:  the  Bifliop  of  r>f rr)f  had  in  like  manner  had  to  deal  with  perfonsof 
fo  very  like  Perfvvafions,  that  it  is  noteafy  to  diftlnguifh  them,  and  among  them  of 

n  the 


The  LIFE  of  Frtmate  BRAMHALL. 

"tU  forincrfortjWith  Mr.HofciVa  very  natural  Philofophcr,whofedo<flrines  have  had  To 
c-reat  a  ihare  in  the  debauchery  of  this  Generation,  that  a  good  Chriftian  can  hardly 
hear  his  name  without  faying  of  his  prayers ,  unlefs  perhaps  he  may  forbeare  out  of 
fome  compalh'on  to  the  man,  andunwillingnes  to  raife  the  evil  fpirit ,  which  was 
fo  moved  at  the  Bi(hop  of  Derry's  God  bhf!  us^  as  if  he  were  in  torment  andfeare 
rvhere  no  fear  e  was,  at  the  name  of  that  Imaginary  Vorver.     Other  philofophers  made 
it  their  bufines  to  reform   men,  his  was  to  corrupt  philofophy   it  felf,  andinftead 
ofcorrcding  thcobliquity  of  mens  manners,  to  make  the  Rule  crooked:  andthere- 
fore  it  is  not  greatly  to  be  wondrcJ,  if  many  of  that  Age  efpecially,  that  are  not  fitt 
hearers  of  other  Ethicks,  had  his  in  gruat  admiration,  lince  his  Nectftty  gives  them 
the    ercatell  Liberty.     I  know  none    that  envycs  him  the  honour  of  hisLcar- 
nin2,  but  none  without    indignation  can  think  of  it  being  fo  bafely  proftituted  to 
to  be  apandor  to  bcrtia]ity,&  to  fervc  only  as  a  ftrong  vehicle  to  convey  the  poyfon 
infufcd  in  ifjmore  fpeedily,8c  make  it  work  more  powerful!  even  upon  many  ofthe 
noblcrpartsofthefe  Kingdomes.Butgood  Judges  have  thought  he  has  not  lick'dhim- 
felf  wcllof  thofe  wounds  the  Bifhop  ofDerry  gave  him.  And  asSeUen  found  hifto- 
rians ,  and  Philologers  in  the  Order  he  fo  haughtily  defpifed,  fodid  Mr.  Hobbx  phi- 
lofophers.that  had  obferved  other  principles  than  matter  and  motions  and  fatall  ne- 
cellity  in  the  world.     And  tho  this  great  Leviathan   takes  pleafure  in  that  deluge 
oiAtheifm  he  has  fpucd  cut  of  his  mouth,  and  roules  with  great  wantonnefs  in  the 
deep,  attended  with  a  numerous  (hoal  of  his  own  fpawning,  yet  the  hookjiftillin  hit 
nofe.     And  I  do  not  doubt  but  thofe  his  bruti(h  dodferines  will  appear  as  unfavoury 
tra{h,  when  the  Grace  of  God  has  humbled  thefe  Kirtgdoms  by  fome    difcipline 
which  they  greatly  want,  and  brought  them  back  to  that  charity  and  fobriety,from 
which  they  have  as  greatly  departed,  tho  they  are  noa>  a gratefiiU  ban\ett  t^)  the  Com- 
f anions  ;  but  till  then  the  hofe  of  him  is  in  vain.     We   are  told   by  the  Noble  D». 
P/f////,that  it  is  the  conceipt  ofthe  later   Jervs,  that  the  Leviathan  is  a  dainty  difli, 
feafon*d  and  referved  by  God  for  the  entertainment  of  the  Mfj/rj/ and  his  friends : 
but  fure  this  can  be  none  of  it,  for  the  foul  beaft  has  fuch  an  hautgoufi,  that  Chrif 
I\ians  have  no  llomach  to  it  hcre,and  I  fuppofc  their  appetites  will  not  be  more  car- 
nal in  the  Refaredlion. 

But  let  us  leave  Mr.  Hobbs  and  his  Leviathan,  who  mcthink?  refemble  Lucian  Sc 
his  great  hfli  which  contains  fo  manykingdoms  and  fo  many    falflioods,    &  wait 
further  on  the  Bifhop,    paying  the  fupercilious  Dffg>Mi«f//f  this  acknowledgement 
for  afatewel,  that  the  words  ufed  by  God  of  that  Crcature^Sc  borrowed  by  him  as 
a  Motto  for  the  Hieroglyphick  of  his  Commonwealth,areas  applicable  tohimfelf.viz. 
«po«  "Earth  there  is  not  his  lik^\tho  I  cannot  add  what  follows, n'fco  is  made  rpithoutfeare.. 
There  are  two  difcourfes  yetunfpoken  oF,  at  which  I  doubt  fome  offence  will  be 
taken,  viz.  Fairrvarning  &c.     And  that  ofthe  Sabbath.     But  in  the  firft  of  thefe  his 
Lord-fhlp  hasfo  manifefted  the  inconfiftency  of  the  admired  difcipline    with   the 
Rights  of  the  Civill  Magillrate,  the  Privileges  of  Pjjrlijmenr.iud  the  liberty  and  pro- 
perty ofthe  Subjeft  and  all  orders  and  degrees  of  men,  that  no  man  can  reafonably 
be  diftafled,  that  would  not  run  into  the  fire   for  fear  of  being  burned,  or  that 
loved   not  bondage  rather  than  liberty.  But  Smtpiilnus    perfons  out  of  a  fear  of 
fnper(iitton    often    run  into  it. 

The  doftrine  ofthe  Sabbath  is  a  kind  of  No/i  me  tangere,  it  was  difficult  for  him 
to  handle  it  without  burning  of  his  fingers,  fome  men  having  as  great  a  veneration 
for  that  precife  time,  as  an  abomination  forall  other  dayes  and  circumfiances  of 
worfliip,  which  yet  are  as  capable  of  that  Relative  holynes,  th^t  arifes  only  from 
their  deftination  to  facred  offices^  whiles  others  levell  it  with  the  other  feffivals,  and 
fome  profane  ones  (wholly  difparking  the  enclofure  )  make  it  common  with  the  or- 
dinary dayes  of  the  week. 

Of  his  difcourfe  in  this  caufe(  ifwc  may  take  the  word  of  one  well  able  to  judgc^ 
the  Bifhop  of  DoipwC  before  mentioned  jhas  fometimes  faid,he  had  feen  nothing 
better,  and  that  he  hadfhewed  a  clear  and  fcholaffick  head,  and  a  mind  free  from 
Juperftitinn  and  profanejs.  His  Lord-fhip  was  no  enemy  to  the  duties  of  the  day,  nor 
the  fevcreft  obfervation  of  it, provided  they  proceeded  not  from  falfe  and  miflaken 
conceiptSj  as  ifwc  were  obliged  prccifely  by  the  Law  ofthe  fourth  Commandment. 

whick  ' 


The  L I  FE  of  Pnmaie  BKAMHALL. 


which  It  is  vilible  we  do  not  conceive  we  are,  further  than  in  the  general]  and" 
by  way  of  accommodation  and  reductionior  as  if  the  minutsof  one  day  were  more 
holy  than  ot  another,  or  that  fuch  minuts  didfandtify  the  duties  pertormed  in  them 
Thefe  are  fond  imaginations,&:  fuppofe  us  ftil  under  the  obligation  of  the  bandrvrit- 
irtg  ofordinances.BM  there  is  a  Natural  Eiy«/()',that  is  the  ground  of  the  fourth  Com- 
mandment ,&  is  of  eternal  force  in  (his  mattcr,5c  there  is  a  formal  moral  obligation 
on  us  from  the  fifthw  there  is  a  Pvcfped  due  to  the  pradice  of  theChriliian  Church 
which  either  appointed  cv:  obferved  this  d3y,becaufc  flie  was  commanded  or  bccaufe 
(he  had  power  without  itv  and  there  is  a  great  value  in  the  Argument  of  the  Day 
the  Re(urre<ftion  of  our  Lord',  and  an  honour  done  to  his  Pcrfon  in  the  defignationi 
and  from  the  Religious  obfrrvation  of  it  fuch  a  vifibie  influence  on  the  lives  of  men* 
who  are  thereby  made  more  foberand  more  holy  (*  I  do  not  fay  from  the  time  but 
the  facred  Offices  of  it)  that  wc  are  not  without  Arguments  and  encouragernents 
to  a  ftrictcr  account  of  our  manner  of  fpending  it,  than  is  too  generally  pradifed  . 
And  therefore  tho  there  arc  Mathematical  and  other  arguments  (  which  truly  I 
could  wi(h  were  well  anfwered  J  againil  the  morality,  there  can  benoneagainft  the 
Offices,  the  piety,  and  Charity  ot  the  Lords  day;  and  thele  certainly  render  our  per- 
fons  more  acceptable  tho  perform'd  on  fuperfiitious grounds,  than  the  omillion  of 
them  can  do.efpecially  if  the  duty  be  fliut  out  by  any  fecular  ernployment  or  Recre- 
ation^  unlefs  Mercy  bring  the  difpenfation  for  the  want  of  Sacrifice. 

Among  his  other  labourshc  had  defigned  fomthing  about  Liturgy,of  which  he pro- 
mifes  fomthing,page  5ii«  Fairwarning  cap  12. &  for  that  end(a$hetold  the  Pafsage 
himfelfto  Dr.  ?^<j%r;deligned  a  journey  into  Spain,  where  what  advantages  he  ex- 
pcfted  in  thatitudy  I  know  not  .'But  he  met  with  an  unexpected  diveriion  in  his 
firft  days  journey  into  that  Kingdomi  for  he  no  fooner  came  into  thchoufe  where 
he  intended  to  refreih  himfelf,  but  he  was  known  and  called  by  his  name  by  the 
Hoftefs.  And  his  Lordfliip  admiring  ar  his  being  difcovered,flie  foon  revealed  the 
fecrct  and  ihe  wed  him  his  owne  picture,  and  affured  him  there  were  feveral  of  them 
in  the  road  that  being  known  by  them  he  might  be  feiz'd  and  carryed  to  the  Inquifi- 
tioH^  and  that  her  hulband  among  others  had  po  vver  to  that  purpofe,  which  he  would 
certainly  make  ufe  of,  if  he  found  him.  TheBiftiop  faw  evidently  he  was  a  condem- 
ned man  being  already  hanged  in  E^g?c,  and  therefore  made  ufe  of  the  advertife- 
mcntand  efcaped  out  of  the  power  of  that  Court.  This  is  the  beit  way  fome  men 
have  of  anfwering  arguments,  and  fo  SuStephen  was  ftoned  to  death,  becau(c  the 
Jetvs  could  not  refirtthe  wifdomby  whichhe  fpake. 

Thus  1  have  given  a  Relation ,  fuch  as  my  Information  would  allow  me  of  the 
hazard  this  Renowned  Champion  of  the  Church  oiEtrghnd  ran  through  at  home 
8c  abroad,8cnow  the  day  which  the  Lordhadmade  beginsto  dawn, wherein  it  pleafed 
God  to  looke  dorene  and  vifit  his  Vine  &  the  place  of  his  Vineyard^&  to  lay  his  hand  up- 
on ihe  man  of  his  Right  hand  to  ma\e  him  jirong  for  himfelf.  He  had  before  told  Mili- 
iter,  that  God  had  nobler  wayes  of  reltoring  his  Majeliie  than  by  battles  and 
blood(hed>by  changing  the  hearts  of  his  Creatures  at  his  pleafure,and  turning  EJati's 
vowed  revenge  into  love  and  kindnes,of  which  change  there  was  then  fo  little  ap- 
pearance, that  we  may  conclude  if  the  intimation  of  it  proceeded  not  from  a  fpirit 
illuminated  with  Prophecy,  yet  it  was  an  argument  of  a  great  judgement  and  fa- 
gacioufnes  in  the  affaires  and  minds  of  men.  He  was  neither  aboaftcr  oi  Kevi  lations 
nor  an  obfcrver  of  <^rMwf /,and  yet  he  would  often  before  the  Rebellion  of  Ireland, 
^cakot  one,  that  then  much  troubled  him,  which  was,  that  being  in  a  very  faire 
Cathedrall  Church,he  thought  it  fuddenly  fell  upon  him,  (o  that  he  was  almoft  bu- 
ry'din  the  Rubbifli  but  having  with  much  difncuhy  got  out  and  looking  upon  it 
fometime,  he  faw  it  rife  up  without  any  noiff,  of  every  part  whereof  he  lived  to  fee 
the  veritication.That  wonderful  Providence  that  had  covered  the  head  of  his  A»ointed^in 
the  day  of  battle^&  ca.ixYed  him  in  a  cloud  like  our  5jwo«r  from  the  midd:  of  his  Ene- 
mies, when  they  were  fecking  of  his  Lifevhad  now  turn'd  the  hearts  of  the  dtf obedient 
io  thetvifdomof  the  JulhSc  thereby  opened  a  way  to  fett  his  King  upon  the  holy  hill 
o(Sion  info  filent  and  rtrange  a  manner,  as  no  hiflory  affords  a  greater  proof,  that 
God  has  not  abandoned  the  Empire  of  the  world  tochance,but  ftill  mantainshis  do- 
minion over  the  Spirits  of  men,no  leffe  an  hand  could  carry  on  a  bufinefs  of  fo  great  a 

weight 


The  LIFE  of  Frim^e  BR^MHALL. 

wcielit  androulcluchaiioncuplhc  hill,  againll  the  inclinations  and  interefts  of  fu 
:!:„ ',  m^n  who  had  power  in  their  hands, and  whofe  guilt  prompted  them  to  make 


rot 
inent  in- 


manv  men  who  had  power  in  their  hands, ana  wnoie  gum  prunipica  rnem  to  n 
fc  otif  to  oppofc  it.    Bi't  the  men  nhofe  hands  were  mighty  foundmthing.  I  will 
denv  bu't  many  who  had  contributed  to  the  Death  ot  the  Father,  were  Eminent  in- 
firumcnts  in  the  Reftauration  of  the  Son,buteven  that  helps  to  makeup  the  Demon- 
firation.     The  Royall  Caufe  had  long  fuffercd  between  two  Uakfaaors,h\it  one  of 
them  at'laft  became  a  Pfw//f"',  and  his  Majcltiehasremcmbred  himfo  farr    fincehe 
tamt  into  his   Ki»gdom,th3Z  I  hope  he  wiWnevci    return   to  his  folly. Cwcc  not  on]Y 
his  Religion  and  Loyalty,  but  his  Gratitude  lyes  in  the  way  to  hinder  any  fuch  de- 
fection.    Hi^MajcHic  from  thefirft  day  of  his  happy  Reftauration  defigncd  the  ad- 
vancernent  of  thcBifliop  ofDfrry,  but  it  was  not  readily  knownc,  upon  lohat   Hill 
the  Lioht  was  to  be  placed .     It   was  rumour'd  efpeciajly  in  Tor/;jf^frf,  becaufe  they 
mightily  hoped  it,  that  he  fliould  have  been  their  Arch-bi(hcp,and  his  going  downe 
into  that  Countrey  was  fomc  occafion  of  the  Report,  for  they  received  the  Vifit  fo 
kindcly,  that  they  became  fond  of  his  continuance  among  them,  all  being  defirous 
to  renew  their  old  acquaintance,  or  contradl  a  new  one  with  a  man  fo  univerfally 
farao-Rs .     The  moft  learned  of  the  Clergy  were  defirous  of  the  honour  to   preach 
before  him,  the  younger  to  be  ordained  by  him,  upon  whom  accordingly  (^  being 
licenfedby  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  TorJ;^^  he  layd  his  hands.     Among    others 
he  there  found  his  old  friend  Dotftor  JT^j^r,  and  received  him  with  great  kindneft 
and  tendernefs,  whom  he  had  concluded  dead,  having  heard  nothing  of  him:   but 
he  was  onely  buried  in  an  obfcure  and  fmall,and  therefore  notfcandalous.  Living,  of 
about  twenty    pounds  pr. annum  ,  in  which  by  the  tavour  of  his  friends,  he  had 
allowance  of  performing  Divine  offices,  as  appointed  by  the  Church,  after  many 
Afflidions  and  Imprifonmcnts  for  the  King.  One  Mickjethveait  was  by  him  prefent- 
cd  to  his  Lordftiip,  for  refolution  in  that  Cafe  which  afterward  troubled  many,  viz. 
Presbyterial  ordmation,  which  he  had  received  when  young  and  not  fkilld  in  An.- 
tiquityi  with  which  the  more  he  was  acquainted, the  more  he  was  concerned.  The 
Bifhop  of  Perry  was  not  willing  to  enter  into  it  till  he  had  advifed  with  theBifliops 
at  London^  to  whom  he  propounded  the  Cafe,  and  after  their  Return,  he  proceeded 
to  fatiffy  his  confeience,  by  giving  him  Epifcopall  ordination.  Of  this  fubied  I  (hall 
have  occ?.fion  to  fpeakc  more  in  another  place. 
By  this  time  it  was  publickly  kno  wne  that  his  Majcftic  dcfigned  to  oblige  this  Church 
by  fending  the  Bifhop  ofVerry  to  the  Government  of  it,  as  one  that  beft  knew  her 
Conftitution  and  dif{cmpers,and  accordingly  he  was  made  Arc!>Bi(hop  oi' Armagh^ 
Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland,  Indeed  no  man  could  be  more  acceptable 
to  the  Clergy  here,  becaufe  none  fo  fit  to  repaire  the  breaches  of  the  Church  by 
knowing  to  what  part  every  flone  &  every  piece  of  timber  belonged, as  this  fkillfull 
Architect,  who  by  alfigning  the  proper  place  for  every  thing,  had   the  fatisfadion 
tofeethe  ifTue  ofhisdreame,  the  building  rife  fuddenly,rife  out  of  its  Afhes,  with- 
out thenoife  ofhammer,or  any  contradidion,the  Authority  of  his  Perfon  and  ofhis 
Judgement  filenced  all  the  oppofition,  which  one  of  lefle  veneration  miglit  pollibly 
have  met  with.  All  mens  expedations  were  fixed  on  him,  and  many  of  the  Prime 
Nobility  and  Clergy  in  England ^-whoiz  names  much  more  their  Letters  would   tire 
the  Reader,congratulated  the  Churches  happinefs  in  his  Promotionv  which  the  Queen 
of  Bohemia  in  her  Letter  to  his  Grace,  prayes  him  to  be  confident  that  none  of  his 
fricndsjis  more  glad  of,or  wilhcs  him  morehappines,  than  his  ever  moft  affectionate 
friend  Queen  Elizahetf.\.     And  indeed  all  lookt  on  Iiis  Grace  as  another  Abiathar, 
that  bore  the  Ark  of  the  Lord  before  David,  and  was  atfiidtcd  in  all  his  aftlidions. 
&  therefore  joyfully  acknowledged  him  as  the  fittcfl:  Perfon  for  the  High  Priefthood. 
The  Light  coald  not  be  more  welcom  after  long  and  difconfolate  night,  than   his 
Grace  was  to  this  Church,  to  which  he  came  like  the  Great  Athanafnis  to  his  Chair 
after  many  peregrinations, and  a  tedious  exile  but  tho  young  menClike  thoieat 
the  building  of  the    fecond  temple^rcioyced  greatly,  the  old  who  had  feen  him  in 
his  cxaltation,walking  in  the  meridian  ofhis  Itrength  and  lufire  could  not  refrain 
weeping,nor  onely  for  the  joy  of  his  return,but  becaufcthey  faw  his  body  rerymuch 
broken  with  Age,  and  Perfecution  and  labour,there  being  \erp  fpeeches  or    h/iguages 
in  thefe  parts  of  the  world,  where  his  voice  vpas-mt  heardinor  was  his  fancy  without 

fome 


Ihs    LIFE  of  Primate    BRAMHALL. 


Come  dimmff  from  the  vexation.  But  thefe  things  tho  they  might  make  him  lefs  ac- 
tive, they  made  him  more  jutlicioiK.  Thofe  qualities  that  rendered  him  a  fit  folli- 
ci/or  for  the  Church,  as  he  would  call  himfelfjhad  nowlcft  him,and  in  their  Room 
•that  vvifdom  from  experience  in  futfering  as  well  as  acting  fucceeded,which  became 
him  wlien  he  was  made  her  judge  and  Patron  .  And  the  fenfe  that  he  had  of  his 
crazy  and  infirm  Hate  made  him  more  Indufhious,  than  it  would  wellallow  and 
God  made  him  fuccesfull  in  a  great  work.  ' 

It  was  one  ofhis  Majefties  tirlt  carcstogiwKJ/to  God  the  things  that  are  Gods' 
and  accordingly  he  reltored  unto  the  Church  all  her  Tcmporalties  in  as  full  manner 
as  (he  flood  potTefFed  in  the  year  ii54i,on  all  which  the  Powers  before  in  being  had 
extended  their  ufurpation. 

In  Right  aHo  of  his  Power  o?  Uvefliture^  he  proceeded  by  his  Letters  Patents  to 
appoint  the  BKhops  in  the  feverall  vacant  fees,  andiiTued  his  Royal  mandate  to  the 
ArchBifhop  of^rwj^fe  fortheir  Confecration,  by  vertue  whereof  his  Grace  in  one 
day  withtheatliftance  of  thofe  few  that  had  outlived  the  Pcrfecution,  laid  his  hands 
on  two  Arch^ijhops  viz.  on  Dean  Margetfon  then  made  ArchBifhop  of  Vuhlin  and 
Dr.  Pullen  of  Tuam:  and  on  ten  Bipops,  viz.  Dean  Boyle  Lord  Bi(hop  of  Cor}^  Dean 
Fark^r  oi  Elfin,  Dr.  Taylor  ofVorvn,  Syng  ofLymerich^.FriceofLeighlin,  Bak^r  of  Wa' 
terford,  IVild  of  Virry^Leffly  ofDrommore,  Worth  of  Killalorv,  and  Ball  of  Killala. 

Thus  were  feveral  Paflors  (et  over  the  flocks:   Kildare  onely  was  yet   without  a 
(hepherd,  asaffording  little  wooll  or  milk  tohim  that  fiiould  feed  it.      But  it  was 
not  long  (o,Dt.7homas  Price  found  the  loft  flieep,  and  took  care  of  iti  and  bccaufe  he 
was  contented  and  Faithful  in  a  very  little  he  was  afterwards  tranflatedto  the  Arch- 
Bifhoprick  of  Cafhel,  and  fo  made  Kuler  of  many  Cities.      This  fo  folemn  and  rare 
an  Adion  (  Confidering  their  number  )  was  performed  in  the  Cathedrall  Church  of 
St.  Patricks  D«i/w,  the  Sermon  being  preached  by  the    pious,    Eloquent,  and 
learned  Biihop  of  Poiyw,  the  Lords  Jujiices  and  Council  attending  the  Ceremony,  all 
parts  whereof  were  fo  gravely  and  ritely  performed  that  it  gave  much  pleafure  to 
that  Great  and  Noble  audience.  Thus  having  like  the  Apoftles  at  Jerufalem  receiv- 
'ed  Poveer  from  on  high  immediatly  before  their  difperfion  to  the  feverall  flocks  over 
Tphich  the  Holy  Ghoft  had  made  them  overfeers^the  then  Bifhop  of  Lymerick^  and  now  of 
Cork,  entertained  theftate  and  them  in  Chrift-Church  in  Dublin^  with  a  moft  ftafon- 
ablc  and  pious  difcourfe  on  thofe  words  of  the  Apofilc  2.  Thcf.  3.  i.  2.  than  which 
none  could  be  found  more  appofite  to  the  occafion,  and  which  of  themfelvcs  had 
theeffedt  of  a  Sermon,  ftrikin^;  the  fancy  and  raifmg  the  devotion  of  the  Congre- 
gation, finally  brethren  Pray  for  us  ,  that   the  word  of  the  Lord  may  have  free  courfe 
and  be  Glorified,  even  as  it  is^  vpith  you:  and  that  vee  may  be  delivered  from  unreafenable 
and  tvickfd  men  ,for  all  men  have  not  faith. 

Prefently  after  this,  each  betaking  himfelf  to  his  Proper  Charge,the  Primate  went 
downe  into  the  Country  to  vifit  his  Diocefs,  where   we  cannot   fuppofe,   but  he 
found  great   diforder  among  the  fervants,  fomc  fmiting  their  Fellows,  in  the 
fo  long    abfence    of  the    Lord,  many    imbibing  very    (Trong    prejudices  from 
their  education  in  an  evil  time  both  againlt  his  Perfon,and  the  doctrin  and  difcipline 
of  the  Church-,  but  by  lenity  and  reproof,by  argument  and  perfwafion,  by  long  (uff- 
ering  and  podrin,he  gained  upon  them  even  Ijcyond  his  own  hopes.  He  ufed  to  fay 
men  mufthavefome  time  to  return  to  their  witts,that  had  been  fo  long  out  of  them, 
knowingCas  heobferved  in  one  of  his  fpeeches  in  Parliament  of  Civil  Government) 
that  res  facile  redeunt  in  pri\}inum  jiaium.  I  (hall  give  but  one  inftance   (  but  it  is  a 
memorable  one^  of  his  Graces  Prudence  in  turning   the  edge  of  tie  moft  Popular 
objedion  of  that  time  againd  Conformity  :     when  the  Benefices  were  called  at  the 
vifitation,(everal  appeared  and  exhibited  onlyfuch  Titles  as  they  had  received  from 
the  late  Powers,Hc  told  them,they  were  no  legall  Titles,but  in  regard  he  heard  well 
ofthem,hewas  willing  to  make  fuch  to  them,  by  Inltitution  and  Indudion,  which 
they  humbly  acknowledged  and  intreated  his  Lordfhip  fo  to  do:  but  defiring  to  fee 
their  Letters  of  orders^Comc  had  ro  other,but  their  Ccrtificats  of  ordination,  by  fome 
Presbyterian  Cla(res,  which  he  told  them  did  not  qualify  them  for  any  Preferment 
in  the  Church.    Whereupon  the  QuelUon  immediately  arofe,  are  rve  not  Miiiiilersof 
the  Gifpell,  to  which  his  Grace  anfvvered,  that  that  was  not  the  Que(\ion,at  leaft  he 

0  ■  dcfired 


TbTTTFE  of  Frimaie  BRAMHALL 

d^l.rcd  tor  l^eace  (akcot  ^vhlch  l>c  hopes,  rhcy  woe  M.mucrs  too,  that  that  might 
not  be  the  Q..c(tion  for  that  tirr.e.     I  difpute  not  faid  he  the  value  of  your  Ordina- 
tion   northofe  Afts  you  have  excrcifcd  by  vertue  of  >t ,  what  you  are,  or  might  do 
hcre'whcn  there  was  no  Law,  or  in  other  Churches  abroade  ;  but  we  are  now  tp 
confider  our  fclvcs  as  a  National  Clmrcb  limited  by  Law,  which  among  other  things 
takes  chicfe  care  to  prcfcribe  about  Ordination:  and  I  do  not  know  how  you  could 
recover  the  means  of  theChiirch,!fany  ftould  refufcto  pay  you  yourTithes,ifyou  are 
not  ordained  as  the  Law  of  this  Church  rcquircth,  and  I  am  dcfirous  that  fliee  may 
have  your  labours,and  you  fuch  portions  ot  her  Revenue  ,  asfliallbe  allotted  you,  in 
a  Icaal  and  affured  way.     By  this  means  he  gained  fuch  as  were  learned  and  fober, 
and  for  therein  it  was  not  much  matter.     Old   Govcrnours  do  not  much  care  for 
difputing ,  nor  Old  Generalls  for  righting-,  the  lefs blood  is  flicd,  the  more  Glori- 
ous is  the  conqucll:  vvhen  the    warr  is  civill,  the  lefs  the  Enfigns  are  (lained  and 
torne  the  nobler    is  the  vidory.     In  fuch  cafes  an  Ovation  is  more  Glorious  than  a 
Triuwph.    ]ni\  as  I  was  about  to  clofe  up  this  particular  1  received  full  affurance  of 
all  I  offered  in  it,  which  for  the  Readers  fake  I  thought  ritt  to  add  being  the  very 
words    which  his   Grace  caufcd  to  be    inferted    into  the  Letters  of  one  Mr. 
Edward  Pjrkjnfiu^vvhom  he  ordained  at  that  time,and  from  whom  I  had  them  by  my 
Reverend  Brother  &  Neighbour  the  Lord  BKhopoi  KiUalotv.Nan  annihihntes  -priores 
Ordines  (fi  quos  hahmt  )  nee  validttatem  aitt  jnvaliditatem    eorundem  determinantefy 
multo  minus  omnes  Ordines  facros  Ecckfiarum    Forinfecarum  condemnantes,  quos  profrio 
Judici  relinquimns^  Jed  Jolummodo  fuppkntes,  qmcqmdprius  defnit  per  Canones  lEcckfi^  , 
Anglicjnx  requifitum,  et   Frovidentes  Pact  Ecchfia  ut  fchifmatis   tollatur  occafio  ,  & 
conjcientjis  FidelzHmfatisfiat,  nee  ullo  modo  duhitem  de  ejus  Ordinalione,  ant  Actus  fuos 
Trefbyteriales  tanquam  invalidos  averfentur  :  in  cu\us  ret  tefiimonium. 

By  this  Prudence  and  moderation  he  greatly  foftned  the  fpirit  of  oppofition,  and 
got  effed-ually  doubled  the  point  he  aimed  at.  And  indeed  upon  fuch  terms,whe- 
thex  Epifcopacy  be  a  diftindt  Order  ^  or  an  higher  degree  h-\  the  fame  Order  of  prieft- 
fliood  ,  whether  it  be  of  Divine^  or  Apofiolieal ,  or  of  but  early  EcclefiajUcal  Inftitu- 
tion,thofe  men  have  but  fmal  regard  to  the  Peace  and  Unity  of  the  Church,that  will 
Hand  off,  and  fo  keep  the  wound  ftill  raw  and  bleeding.  In  the  time  of  the  Law  the 
charader  of  Priflhood  we  know  wasconvey'd  as  it  were  ex  traduce,  and  by  propa- 
gation in  a  natural  Line,  God  fo  appointing.  Yet  in  a  time  of  perfecution,  in  the 
Babylonifh  captiuity,  fome  had  crept  into  the  office,that  derived  not  t'rom  Aaron 
who  not  being  found  Regeftred  in  the  Genealogy  were  removed  as  polluted,  and 
rot  allowed  to  eat  of  the  holy  things,till  a  Priell  flood  up  with  Vrim  &  "thummim. 
Nehem.y^S^.S^^  <55.yet  none  of  their  former  Adts  were  qucftioned  while  they  paffed 
under  the  cfteem  of  Priefts.  The  cafeis  in  fome  rcfpeds  like  Ours,OurPriefthood 
indeed  is  not  after  thcLaa>  of  a  carnall  Commandment^  but  yet  the  Ecclefialtical  manu- 
traduclion  thereof  in  a  way  of  Civill  Generation  anfwcrs  to  their  natural.  He  that 
was  not  then  of  the  Line  of  Aaron,  never  could  be  taken  into  the  Priefthood 
of  that  Order  ,  but  now  men  are  taken  into  this  Minifiry  ,  but  no  man 
iah,esthe  Honour  to  himjelf;  &  ifany  do  fo,  or  fland  not  vifibly  in  theOrdinary  feriet, 
he  is  to  be  confidercd  as  one  that  has  broke  the  Order ,  8c  removed  as  one  that 
cannot  rind  his  Regitier,  without  queftioning  the  validity  of  his  former  Adts.  For  the 
value  of  fuch  Ads,  astotheEffcds  of  them,pcrhaps,dcpends  not  fo  much  among 
honcft  and  fimpleChrillians,or  the  qualities  orqualihcationsof  the  Difpenfers,as  the 
JaithSc  integrity  of  thofe  to  whom  they  arc  dirpenfed-,&  he  is  effedtually  baptized 
that  has  a  moral  affurance  of  his  being  fo,  and  would  be,  if  he  had  noti  and  foof  the 
other  Sacrament.  And  therefore  a  continuance  in  the  office  is  not  ■■>  to  be  pleaded 
from  the  value  offuch  Ads,  as  arife  rather  from  the  Mercy  of  God  ,  accepting  ofthc 
good  meaning  &  pardoning  the  ignorance  of  honcft  minded,  butabufcd  people,  than 
from  the  habit  or  character  oftheAdminiftratour. But  fpeciallyfince  the  door  was  open 
for  their  Regular  entrance,if  they  would  not  come  in,why  lliould  not  the  Thjhatha  put 
•away  fuch  Priefts,  till  one  fhould  Hand  up  with  Fr/jw,  that  is,  till  fuch  an  Autority  in 
*vhichwceoughttoacquie(ce,  either  a  free  General  Council,  or  one  at  leaftof  the  Prote- 
flant  Churches,  {hould  determine  the  Cafe  /  till  fuch  time  ,  astheChurch  ofEngland 
/land  now  reformed  according  to  the  Pattern  of  Primitive  Antiquity,  wee  may  fay, 
Kebavean  Ah  ar, of  which  they  baveno  right  to  eat  whothus  Minifler  to  a  Schifirx.  The 


ihe     L  ir  E  of    tnf?iate    B  R  A  M  H  A  L  I 


iiicif,icat,  tiu:  IS,  tnc  Ipintai!  Concernments  of  this  Church  his  Gi^icm-u.  ^i 
in  pcrfonjthe 'e.s,  that  is  the  temporal  by  Proxyi  deputing  Sr.  George  Atc'hinfC 
Dr.  rKf/^'-,  and  Ca^t.  'ibomss  Chjmhers.  by  Commilfion  to  fettle  his^£jt«tc,  who 
did  :;!!  fhings  in  tlut  matter  fo  hi":  rdtisfad:ion. 

Tie  Govcrmiient  of  the  Kingdom  was  then  adminiftred  by  Sr.  Muurice  Lajlaee 
the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  the  Earles  of  Orrery  and  hlontrath  as  Lords  Julticcs  and 
a  ParHarnciit  funimonedand  convened  together  with  aConvocation,Mu>iS.i(56t. 
Of  this  the  Primate  was  Prcfident  by  his  Place,  and  of  tiie  Lords  Houfe  in  the  cdicr 
made  Speaker  by  his  merit.  That  OHice  and  the  charadcr  which  the  Loid  Chan- 
cdhir  then  bore  being  inconfilkntjthe  Lordsjuflices  thought  none  httcrforit  thanhis 
Grace  ,  't!io  fome  endeavours  were  ufcd  (ot  Mother  whofe  only  unhappinefs  it  was 
to  be  overmatcht  in  his  Competitions.  It  is  not  cafy  to  fay,  which  of  the  two 
places  he  filled  belt, whether  the  Statefman  or  Divine  fhined  with  greater  brightnefs. 
Hs  had  a  judgment  n)c!ear,and  a  fpeech  fo  plain  and  per(walive,thathc  could  rea- 
dily unravell  any  intricacy,  and  divide  all  the  parts  of  the  Controvcrfy  info  theis 
proper  lides,  fo  that  the  heavier  fcale  woukl  callly  fhew  it  felf.  In  fhort  he  (o  mo- 
der;U;d  and  ftated  all  quertions  that  arofe,  that  I  believe  few  Affemblies  can  boaft 
ccfo  great  an  Inrerell  being  difputed  with  fo  little  noifcf  tho  there  wanted  not 
fomej  in  thofe  kind  of  Arguments  wherein  men  are  not  ufually  the  moft  filent.  Ths 
value  which  thcPdrlijineiu  had  for  hisGrace  appeared  very  early  in  appointingCcm- 
mittce;  of  both  Houfes  to  examine  what  was  upon  Record  in  either  of  their  books 
againll  him,  or  the  Earle  ot  Sirafford;  and  they  found  the  AjTronts  and  Injufticc  fo 
great,  that  nothing  could  be  greater  but  the  Honour,  which  they  did  them,  in  or- 
dering all  the  fcandalous  Charges  to  which  the  preceding  Parliament  had  g-ven  but 
too  much  count£n3nce,to  be  torne  out  of  their  bookes,  which  was  done  accordingly. 
The  (7f-/zj(.ci»?io«  had  fuch  a  fenfc  of  the  meritorious  fervices,  he  did  the  Church, 
ai;d  for  which  he  had  been  fo  much  troubled,chat  they  acknowledge  them,  in  arj 
!a(irumeri.t  of  Hfcogwifio^  which  was  defigncd  to  be  made  publick,  but  was  un- 
happily midiyed  or  loft. 

The  Army  that  had  fcrved  Julian,  as  foon  as  they  had  an  opportunity,  not 'only 
chofe  hvianus  a  ChrilUan  for  their  general,  but  declaring  themfelvesfo,  (hewM  it 
was  tyranny  and  feare  that  made  them  deny  with  their  mouths, what  they  believ'd 
in  their  hearts.  I  cannot  commend  the  Cowardife,  but  I  do  the  Repentance,  and 
I  hope  none  will  malicioudy  Itretch  the  comparifon  beyond  what  is  intendedjifl 
fay  many  of  theHoufe  ot  Commons  (hewed  in  two  great  inftances,thatthey  had  been 
alfo  under  a  force  in  denying  their  Allegiance  to  their  Prince,or  their  ohedienceto  the 
Church.  For  an  evidence  of  this  laft  they  defired  to  receive  the  BlefTed  Sacriment 
•from  the  Primats  hands,  which  his  Grace  accordingly  adminiftred  to  them,  having 
before  fed  them  with  a  Sermon  of  Repentance,  as  with  bitter  herbs  at  the  Pafs-over^ 
wherein  his  Grace  inlilkd  much  on  the  miftakesof  that  Duty,  urging  that  it  was 
ri«t  completed  by  Confellion  and  forrow  without  forfaking  and  amendment,  and  I 
doubt  not,but  theyconfirmed  and  bound  upon  themfelves  by  holy  &  feverc  vows  , 
the  dodrine  of  the  one  at  their  fo  folemu  reception  of  the  other. 

The  other  inftance  was  of  their  Loyalty  in  recognising  his  Majefties  Title,  and  de- 
claring their  joy  for  his  Reftauration ,  to  which  moft  of  them  had  feverally  contri- 
butcd;Nbr  ftaydthey  hcre,but  proceeded  biiskly  to  a  joyntcenfure  with  theLords,of 
that  which  had  driven  him  from  them,ev&n  outrunning  the  Convocation  in  their  zeal 
to  condemn  the  folemne  League  and  Covenant  to  the  fire,  as  that  which  had  en" 
flamed  three  Kingdoms  i  which  tho  it  was  potent  enough  to  murder  the  Father  in 
fpigh:  of  Duty  &  Alkgiance^wzs,  feeble  in  Refloring  theSon,vvhenit  was  to  fight  a- 
cainftthe  E'/g^gffWH/.Andas  if  this  had  been  too  litle,they  after  declare  in  the  Adtof 
"Z/M/f-cwir)',  for  they  oblige  others  to  do  fo,  that  it  has  no  obligation,  and  was  in 
it  felt  an  unlawtuU  Oath,and  impofed  contrary  to  the  known  Laws  and  Liberties  of 
the  Kingdom.lt  is  not  my  bulines  to  wade  further  into  this  matter.  And  I  expeft  it 
may  he  objedred,  that  this  was  but  an  ill  argument  of  Loyalty  fincc  the  defence  of 
the  Kings  perfon  was  one  branch  of  the  Covenant  it  (elf.I  (hall  fay  nothing  to  this  , 
but  whK  Crmippell  faid  to  {^im;  Presbyterians  in  Scotland^  when  they  charged  him 
zn^tnzKu,n^  with  tht  breach  of  ttieir  oath  in  putting   the  King  to  death-     He 

told 


"TL?  LIFE  of  FrimaH   BHAMTjALL. 

■^J^donc  in  purfuance  and  by  vertue  of  the  Covenant   which  did 


told  f'^^'"  '.      „   obliec  them  to  defend  the  King  in  thetnaintenanceof  the  true  Reli- 
but  condition  ^^j  ^^  b^^^^  ^^^^^.  ^  opppugner  of,  but  it  abfolutely  engag'd  them  to 
§'°"'aUmalienantstocondignpuni{hment,and  that  confequently  the  King  being 
u'"h  ad  ot  them  their  right  hand  was  a  right  hand  of  tmqmty, t.\\zt  oppos'd  the  cutting 
r     n"      Bv  which  anlwcr  they  faw  themfelves  intangled  in  their  own  fnare,  and 
"    tialmcn  bya  fairconaruflion  of  the  words  of  theCovcnant  arc  ready  todohim 
*l?-^^^  fticc  tliat  he  conquered  that  nation  as  well  by  his  argument  as  his  ftvord. 
p  t\"mu(\  return  to  the  Primate  whom  yet  I  have  not  forgott  in  this  account,  un- 
I  ft  we  can  imagin  fo  active  a  perfon  in  fuch  a  place  was  iflcep  when  a  thing  of 
W    rioment  was  in  agitation.       I  know  fome  will  be  ready  enough  to  exciife  me 
n  avine  any  way  digrefscd,as  allowing  him  to  have  had  the  greateft  (hare  in  it, 
d  I  am  not  willing  to  contradict  them,  tho  we  have  fcverall  ends  in  our  agree- 
ment in  this  particular. 

During  the  Sellion  of  this  Parliament  feverall  advantages  were  obtained,  more 
were  defigned  for  the  Church,in  which  his  Grace  was  very  induflrious.      Several 
of  the  Bifliops  muft  acknowlcdg  their  Augmentations  to  hisinterceifion,  aslikewifc 
the  Inferiour  Clergy  the  forfeited  Impropriate  Tiths,and  the  whole  Church,  all  the 
advantageous  Claufes  in  the  Acts  oi  Setkment  &  ex^la}^ation,\ho  of  many  of  them  (he 
reapsfmall  benefits  as  of  the  two  Acres  out  of  the  hundred  for  Glebes  in  the  firft, 
which  were  after  reduced  to  ten  in  every  parifh  in  the   Laft  Ad,  but  out  of  this  fo 
Pious  Provi(ion,not  fo  much  as  one  Acre  was  fetled  on  any  one  Church.  But  this  is 
owing  to  fome  mal-admini(tration,  when  the  Piety  of  the  King  and  the  Bounty  of  the 
parliament   intended   better  things. 

There  were  two  Bills  for  the  pafling  whereof  his  Grace  took  very  ^reat  pains  , 
but  was  defeated  in  both.  And  fome  were  of  opinion^  that  truly  it  was  better  for  the 
Church  that  neither  (liould  pafs  than  that  both  fliould  . 

The  firft  was  for  making  the  tithing  table  ofVlJhr,  the  rule  for  the  whole  King- 
dom there  being  the  fame  reafon  now  for  its  being  received  in  the  other  Provinces, 
that  was  at  firft  for  its  admiffion  into  that.      The  Lands  of  thefe  countreys  being 
formerly  employed  in  tillage  are  now  fo  much  converted  to  Pafiurage  as  the  eafieft 
?c  mo{\  profitable  kind  of  husbandry,  that  whole    Baronies  are    overfpred  with 
Cattle  out  of  which  very  litle  profit  arifes  to  the  Mini(ter,out  of  the  greater  fort 
nothing,  as  liGcd  took^  no  care  for  Oxe»,  and  therefore  defervcd  no  acknowledgment 
for  his  Providence;  in  fo  much  as  he  who  Miniflers  to  the  people  Spirituall  things^ 
reaps  fo  litle  of  their  Carnal,  that  I  know  a  Prebend  in  the  Diocefs  of  LjiwmcJ^Cfor- 
merlyofgood  value  _)  that  has  been  Set  for  fome  years  of  late  by  this  means  for 
four  pence  a  year.    Yet  in  this  his  Grace  could  find  no  Relief. 

The  other  Bill  was  for  enabling  the  Bifhops  to  make  Lcafcs  for  fixty  years,  in 
which   he    had  no  better  fuccefs .  For  mofl  of  both  Houfesthat  wi(hcd  wel  to  the 
Church  Schad  fuffered  in  her  Caure,oppofed  it.Some  of  the  Bifhops  appearing  openly 
againft  it,  not  withi\anding  the  great  rt  fped  they  had  for  his  graces  judgement :  as  the 
thenLordBilhopof  Corfe,nowLord  Archbifliopof  rK^//«,&(ither?.This  was  indeeda 
great  trouble  to  his  Grace,  and  made  him  fay,furcly  I  have  liv'd  long  enough,  I  be- 
gin to  doubt  I  have  loft  my  Reafon,  for  my  integrity  I  will  never  lofc-,  I  that  have 
fuffered  fo  much  for  the  Patrimony  of  the  Church  formerly,  cannot  betray  it  in  my 
old  Age.      And  indeed  the  confidcration  of  his  Integrity  and  of  his  wifdom  toge- 
gether  with  the  experience  he  vouched  of  fome  goodeffedls  of  a  like  ftatute  formerly 
mentioned,  in  rcfpeft  of  fome  N'rf/^frw  Bifhopricks,  prevailed  fo  far,   that  nothing 
was  wanting  at  la{i,but  the  Royall  Afsenf,  but  before  that  pafsed,an  Erour  wasdif- 
covered  in  the  Bill  which  was  very  fatall  to  icfor  before  it  could  return  amended  out 
oi  England  the  Earl  of  Orrery  by  the  Duke  of  Ormonds  aflliming  that  Government 
wasat  liberty  to  fpeake  his  fenfe  in  the  Cafe.  HisLordflJp  hada  great  regard  forthc 
perfonsoftheprefcnt  bifhopsSc  for  their  fuffering5,but  he  had  a  greater  for  fuccefIion,in 
favour  whereof,  Ac  for  the  fupport  of  their  rirdtr^t  conceiv'd  the  Church  was  endowed, 
and  not  for  the  fake  of  the  men  of  any  one  Age  however  meritorious. In  fhcrt  the  inju- 
f\ice  of  one  Bifnop  fweeping  away  the  half  cFthc  ellate  of  the  cl  urch  fcr  fo  long  a  time 
asfixtyyears>  leaving  onely  the  bare  ftatute  Rent  for  his  fucccfTcrs  the  opportunities 

fuck 


7he  L I  FE  of  Primate  B  R-  A  M  H  A  LL. 


uch  Lealcs  would  give  the  Tenants  to  alter  and  contound  the  bounds  ot  die 
Church  Lands  with  fuch  of  their  owne  as  are  contiguous  Tofw^ich  there  want  not 
already  fome  precedents  and  there  will  be  many  more inftances  of  this  kind  for 
the  want  of  inquilitions  pcjl  Mortem)  with  many  other  not  only  inconveniences 
but  mifchiefs  which  he  prcfaged  tothe  Churc'i,as  the  confequences  of  fucha  Power 
werefo  demonftrated  by  that  fore:  of  Rcafon,  of  wit  and  Eloquence  that  alwayes 
attends  that  Noble  Orator.thmhc  Bill  was  thrown  out  of  the  Houfe  of  Lords  where 
it  had  received  the  rirrt  encouragcment:fome  of  thofe  who  were  moll  concerned  for 
it,  returning  his  Lordlliip  thanks  tor  the  illumination  he  had  given  them  in  that 
point. 

How  the  Primate  came  tobe,'as  many  of  his  owne  ordsr  judged)  of  the  wrong 
fide  of  the  queftion  in  this  matter  I  know  not.  But  I  know  this,it  was  no  advantage 
he  propoi'ed  to  himfelf  that  blinded  his  eyes,remembring  to  have  heard  him  fay,that 
mofl  of  his  Lands  were  fet  out  by  his  predecelTor  for  a  long  time  yetunexpired 
&  that  he  would  iill  them  up  to  fixty  years ,  without  requiring  any  fine,that  the 
Tenants  might  be  encouraged  to  improve  them. 

The  foregoing  paffage  has  brought  into  my  mind  another  Expedient  as  a  more 
equall  contrivance  C  in  the  opinion  of  fome  )  between  all  parties  concerned  viz; 
the  prefent  Bilhophis  fuccelTors  and  the  Tenants^ which  I  will  venture  to  fet  downe 
andfubmit  to  better  judgments.  Firll  that  a  terrier  of  all  the  Bilhops  Lands  be  made 
and  returned  into  the  Remembrancer's  Office,  there  to  be  made  matter  of  Record 
fo  that  every  Bifhop  at  his  entrance  into  his  See,may  Cif  he  pleafe  )  take  a  copy  of 
it ,  with  his  Co,!jiat,in  order  to  his  giving  bonds  for  his  firft  fruits.  2.  That  no  Ec- 
clefialHcall  Corporation  (hall  renew  any  Leafe  of  any  part  of  the  Eftate  belonging 
thereunto,  without  firft  adivifing  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council  thereof^Sc  that  a 
Commidion  upon  fuch  fignification  (hould  ilTue  to  enquire  feverally  into  the  true 
value  of  the  faid  Eftate,  and  upon  return  thereof,  the  Bilhopsor  other  Church  Cor- 
poration,fhould  be  licenfed  to  let  at  the  ftatute  Rent,  viz.  not  under  half  the  value 
for  twenty  one  years,compoanding  with  the  Tenant,  as  he  can,  for  the  fine,incon- 
iideration  of  the  abatement  of  the  complement  of  the  full  improved  renti  and  that  at 
every  feven  years  end,or  within  fix  months  after  at  farthelt,  the  Tenant  rtiall  be  ob- 
liged under  a  penalty  to  tender  a  years  Rent  to  the  Bifhop'a  year's  rent  as  the  Lands 
are  then  fet)and  the  Bilhop  obliged  to  receive  it,&  in  conlideraxion  thereof  to  make 
up  his  Leafe  for  as  many  years  as  at  firft  were  covenanted  for.  Were  a  ftatute  provided 
to  this  purpofe,  it  is  conceived  it  would  fecure  the  Churches  title  altogether  as  well, 
if  not  better,than  enquiries  poft  >M';r(fOT,  which  are  now  rarely  made.  It  would  fecure 
the  Tenant  his  Emprovements,  and  confequently  encourage  him  to  make  them,  it 
would  fecure  the  Rent,  and  make  it  in  time  the  calieft  in  the  Kingdom,  and  more 
equally  divide  the  fines,than  now  they  are,  when  one  Bifhop  forcftalis  fuccelfion  for 
Twenty,  if  the  other  Bill  had  paflcd,  for  threefcore  year?. 

The  Primate  :  was  about  this  time  alarum'd  with  a  great  fit  of  ficknefs.  It  was 
the  fecond  fit  of  a  palfey  which  wasfo  violent,  that  all  thought  it  would  not  have 
ftayed  for  a  third .  But  it  pleafed  God  to  add  fome  months  yet  unto  his  life,  in 
which  he  defigned  great  things,  knowing  that  when  fich  diftempers  knock  at  a 
mans  doore,  the  found  of  the  Majiersfeet  is  notfarr  behind  them.  before  his  Death 
-  he  was  very  intent  upon  a  Regall  vilitation  in  order  to  the  corredlion  of  fome  dis» 
orders  he  had  obferved.and  the  fctlement  of  Minifters  upon  their  Cures  with  more 
convenience  and  comfort  to  themfelvesand  their  refpedlive  Charges.  Nonrefidence 
was  a  thing  he  frequently  declaimed  againft  as  the  ruin  of  the  Church  with  great 
zeale,and  therefore  he  greatly  defired  to  have  the  Ad  for  uniting  and  dividing  of 
Parifhes  put  in  execution.  I  have  fcen  a  mapp  of  the  Diocefs  oi^ Armagh  which  his 
Grace  had  drawn  purpofely  for  this  end,  intending  to  diftributc  it  parochially  and 
appoint  places  for  the  building  of  Churches,  with  more  advantage  to  the  Minifter 
and  People:Plantations  being  moveable  things  and  not  nailed  to  a  place,  but  float- 
ing  from  one  to  another  efpecially  after  a  long  and  dcftrudJive  Civil!  war.  So  that 
we  may  fay  of  them    what  the  Poet   does  of  words 


M«/. 


The  LIFE  of  ?  rim  ate  BR  AM  HALL. 


hMu  rentfceutur  qttxjam  cecidere,  cadentqi 
^Hxmncjuntin  honortdcc. 

In  his  Graces  Diocefs  and  province,  this  care  had  been  poflibly  fucefiijlly  im- 
cloved  but  in  others  where  Benefices  arc  generally  very  fmall,and  interwoven  with 
Impropriations,  I  doubt  that  A^:  will  be  tound  in  the  operation  very  imperfe<a,if 
rot  in  fomeplaceswholy  impracticable.  And  indeed  fome  are  fearefuU  fucha 
laudable  deiigne  without  which  I  never  expedt  to  fee  the  Church  well  fettled,will 
hardly  ever  be  brought  to  any  good  effect,  till  the  Impropriations  be  bought  (  for 
otherwife  I  have  no  hopes  )  and  the  Endowments  of  the  Cathedrals  be  layed  in 
Common  with  the  ordinary  Cures ^ro  tempore^^nd  the  Bi(hops  empowred  to  make 
new  eredtions  for  the  fevcrall  Dignities  and  Canonrics  in  thofe  foundations  more 
commodioufly,  than  they  either  are  at  prefcnt  or  can  be  by  vertue  of  that  Ad. 

Some  fay  his  Grace  had  an  other  end,  in  this  vifitationi  viz. to  bring  the  Church 
under  a  new  Tax.  A  new  Tax  we  may  underftand  three  wayes,  either  a  new  rate 
to  be  fcton  all  Livings  whatever,  as  well  thofe  that  are  already  rated,  as  thofe  that 
are  not  i  or  a  Taxation  of  thole  that  are  not  yet  brought  into  any  Accounts  or 
thirdly  after  the  union  and  divifion  of  pari(hes,a  proportionable  adjullment  (to  fuch 
an  union  and  divifionj  of  all  Charges,  not  onely  the  hrit  fruits  and  twentieth  parts, 
but  others  to  which  thofe  Livings  were  fubjed  in  their  former  bounds  and  circum- 
fcriptions. 

I.    Whoever  thinks  the  Primate  underftood  the  firll  of  thefe,  rniftook  the  man  and 
does  much  undervalue  his  Judgment.His  Grace  was  too  wel  acquainted  with  the  laws, 
ever  to  think  of  any  fuch  thing:  The  Crotvn  Rentf  out  of  the  Church,  fuch  as    firft 
fruits  which  are  cafuall,  and  the  twentieth  part  which  is  a  ftanding  and  conftant 
Revenue,  being  once  fixed  by  a  ftatute,  and  a  Commiflion,  and  Authority  purfuant 
thereunto,are  not  furely  any  more  fubjecft  to  be  raifed,than  any  other  branch  of  the 
Jioyall  Revenue.  Something  of  this  was  propofed  to  King  James,bat  he  would  not 
hearof  it  i  and  of  late  fuch  a  projedl  was  fctt  on  foot,  and  fome  perfons  were  not 
difpleafed  to  fee  the  ftone  falling  upon  the  Churchy  which  fliee  had    afterward  the 
fatiffadion  to  fee  ground  to  powder,the  defign  being  dafhed  in  pieces  by  the  ableft 
in  the  law.  But  why  (hould  any  be  fo  pleafed  with  the  Churches  groaning  under  an 
Arbitrary  PowfrofraifingMony  without  an  Adt  of  Farliament,at  the  fliadow  where- 
of they  themfelves  ligh,as if  the  mountain  were  ready  to  fail  upon  thcm,though  it  be 
as  farr  of  as  the  Vyrene  ,  Let  us  but  alittle  while  turn  the  tables ,  and  fuppofc  that 
a  fiatute  upon  confidet  ation  of  the  Difference  of  Lands  in  peint  of  value  and  good- 
nefs  directed  the  Lord  Chancellor/raw /iwe  io  tm;e  to  conliitute     Commifiioners 
under  the  Great  Seal  to  enquire  into  the  refped'ive  value  of  the  faid  Lands,and  accor- 
dingly to  lix  the  Crown  or  Quit-rent  in  fevcrall  Counties  or  Baroniesi  let  us  fup- 
pofc alfo  that  fuch  Commiflions  have  been  iffued  out  and  fpcd,  and  the    Authority 
fullyexecutedi  (b  that  i>/^ci(„^cre  (hould  pay  but  a  pcnny»and  white  Acre  fix  pence 
in  the  judgment  of  the  Commifiioners  ",  and  that  this  return  has  been  received  and 
made  Record,  and  for  an  hundred  years  or  more  the /b>f(/jr^  a>id  rule  of  fuch  pay- 
mentsibecaufe  blacky  Acre  in  procefs  of  time  comes  to  be  as  good  as  n>hite  Acre  ,{\\zll 
itbe  again  valued,  and  made  to  pay  as  much?  will  not  the  proprietor,  fay,  my  Rent 
is  afcertained,and  cannot  be  enhanfed  without  a  new  (tatute,  and  if  this  be  allowed 
there  will  be  no  need  of  Parliaments,for  every  ycarnew  Commiflions  may  iffacfrom 
time  to  time  to  enquire  and  raife  our  Rents  ?  Now  if  this  be  good  Law  for  a  Lay 
man  why  is  it  not  for  Clergy  men?  are  tlicy  Icfs  free-born  Subjects,  or  have  they  not 
as  great  afliarc  in  MagnaCharta  as  others,furcly  we  arc  deceived  or  our  flakes  are  as 
well  fccured  there  as  any  Eftate  in  the  Kingdom;  either  all  or  none  are  lyable  to  this 
Impofition.  But  I  think  there  are  few  that  are  not  fatiffyed  in  the  point,  fince  the 
late  Lord  Chiefe  juftice  Saiury(  a  man  generally  learned  and  in  his  own  Profellion 
fecond  to  none,  and  of  an  Integrity  and  Loyalty  cquall  to  his  fkill^    delivered  his 
Judgment  on  that  Argument  in  an  elaborate  and  prolix  Difcourfe  at  the   Councill 
Table  .  I  (hall  only  obferve  one  thing  which  I  am  furethe  Primate  vvas  no  11  ranger 
to,and  that  is  a  Claufe  in  the  Ad  for  eight  entire  fubfidies  by  the  Clergy  An»o  deci- 
moCar.  Primifol.  69.  where  the  fubfidies  are  limited  to  four  fliiliings  in  the  pound 

ac- 


The    LIFE   of  Private  EK  AM  HALL. 


according  to  the  valuation  or  eftimation  then  of  Record  in  the  ExchequerTorThaT 
hereafter    (hould  remain  in  thefaid  Court  where  m  former  valuation  was  thereof  Re- 
cord already  J'>r  the  payment  ef  the  troemietb  fart  to  Henry  the  eight  in  the  z^th  of  his 
Rtigne  ;    Whereby  ( there  being  at  that  timca  difcourfeof  anew  Taxation  Jthere 
is  a  manifeft  exception  of  fuch  Livingsas  were  already  valued,from  any  new  burden: 
So  that,  I  niult  needs  fay,  they  reckon  without  adviling  with  his  Grace,  who  think 
he  intended  any  fuch  thing  in  the  Regal    vifitation   he  defigned. 
But  befides  the  illegality  his  Grace  could  not  butconfider  many  inconveniences  that 
muft  needs  attend  fuch  a  Taxation^  It  it  could  be  done  it  were  not  titt  either  on  the 
Account  of  Policy  or  Religion:  In  refpcct  of  the  firft,  weknowitis  now  as  well  the 
Intereft  as  the  duty  of  the  Church  to  preach  (  and  topractice  as  (hee  preaches)  Loy- 
M  pnndpks  to  the  psopk.hut  opprefftonrvillmah^  even  wife  men  mad   when  they 
ly  under  the  neceffities  oi  hunger  and  cold,  and  cannot  get<z  piece  of  Bread  by  beinz 
in  the  Priejh  Office, hwt  are  famiih'd  at  the  Alter  at  which  they  ferve,  I  will  not  fay  but 
fiejh  andblood  which  enters  not  into  the  Kingdom  of  God  may  tempt  fome  to  enter  into 
the  Conventicles  offedition .  Jconfefs  I  do  not  know  any  that  I  think  would    but 
I  leave  it  to  be  confider'd  whether  fomc  might  not  do  fo,  fmcc  others  have,  that'were 
never  under  fo  great  atemptation,as  this  project  might  in  time  bring  over  them  by 
making  the  comfortable  Endowments  of  our  Pious  Anccrtors  infignificantby  large 
and  grievous  impofitions.This  may  fecm  an  idle  confideration  with  Reference  to  the 
Church-men  of  this  Age,  in  whofe  Loyalty  his  Majeitie  cannot  have  a  greater  aflU- 
ranee,  than  they  have  in  his  Majefties  Gracious  and  Good  natureC  of  which  no  man 
ever  was  a  greater  inftance  )  a  full  fecurity  from  all  fears  of  any  fuch  feverity.  It  is 
for  Pharaohs  that  do  not  kpow  Jofeplf  to  expect  bricks  above  the  allowance  of  ikaw. 
The  fecond  thing  on  whofe  account  fuch  a  Tax  would  be  inconvenient,  is  that  of 
Religion.     An  ignorantand  vicious  Clergy     muft  vilibly  be  the  confequent  ofit , 
and  we  know  of  what  that  would  be  the  Antecedent,either  Popery.orCthat  to  which 
we  are  neare  ^  down  right  Atheifme,    for  ignorance   is  the  mother  of  t/7<*^  and  folly 
ofthif.     What  encouragement  would  there  be  to  ftudy  ,and  what  human  argument 
toreftrainthe  Clergy  from  vice,  when  deprivation  would  be  a  preferment,  unlefsthc 
zeale  of  Religion  (hould  warme  fome  few  noble  foules  that  could  of  their  owne 
maintain  their  Children  in  the  office  ofthe  Miniftry,after  they  had  bred  them  to  iti  none 
would  be  at  thecxpenceofmony&  of  time  that  fuch  an  education  requiresvmen  would 
rather  bind  their  Children  to  mean  Artizans,  who  often  arrive  at  greater  fortunes,  and 
are  generally  more  refpeded  than  to  breed  them  up  to  be  poor  Triejisy  who  having  ferv- 
cd,it  may  be  three  Apprenticcfliips  in  fchooles  and  Univerfities,are  at  laft  grudged  their 
fmall  morfell,  &  maligned  as  time-fervers  andhirelingt  becaufe  they  preach  obedience 
to  the  King  for  the  Lords ]ak,e,znd  have  but  a  penny  for  their  labour  in  the  Vineyard^ 
It  is  too  much  as  the  Cafe  is  now,  to  bedefpifed,  and  pufhed  at,and   gored   by  the 
inferior  people  ,  it  would  be  worfe  to  be  farmed  and  fleeced  and  polM  by  publick 
Exa<3:ors.His  grace  underrtood  the  Liiw,the  King  and  Rf/i^.iC'i better  than  to  intend 
fuch  a  valuation  ofthe  Church  Preferments,  which  is  fo  much  againft  the  Interell;  of 
all  three.2.  Poilibly  his  Grace  might  have  intended  the  fecond  fort  ofTaxation,  viz. 
of  fuch  Livings  as  were  not  already  taxed,butl  doubt  that  would  not  have  fignifyed 
muchinhisMi)2ftiesExchequer,Ifuppofe  thelate  CommillionersoftheTreafury  did 
not  rtnd  the  advantage  anfwerable  to  their  great  cxpeftations,  that  they  havenotyet 
that  lean  hear  of  returned  thofe  valuations  (  lately  made  )  into  the  Exchequer, 

3.  And  therefore  lam  humbly  of  opinion,  thatif  his  Grace  intended  any,  it  was 
chiefly  a  Tax  purfuant  to  fuch  an  Union  and  Divifionof  Pari(hes,  as  before  is  men- 
tioned. Where  Pariflies  fliould  be  divided,  to  divide  the  Charges  fuitably,  where 
united,to  joyn  them.and  where  any  fmall  Living  not  formerly  rated  was  joined  to 
another,  toad  fome  allowance  for  it  ;  And  fo  with  the  Schedule  of  the  unionstohave 
returnMone  for  the  firil  fruits-to  the  Councill, which  in  convenient  time  might  have 
hadtheconfirmation  of  an  A6I:  of  Parliament,and  being  Lodg'd  in  the  Exchequer 
together  with  the  bounds  ofthe  pariflies  fo  united  be  made  the  ftanding  meafure 
ofthe  Charch  Revenue  tor  ever.Such  a  Tax  as  this  would  then  indeed  have  been  ab- 
folutely  nsce(firy,ualefs  the  King  would  have  been  pleafed  to  have  remitted  all,&:  left 
the  Chilli-eit  as  free,is  th^Y  were  before  the  Bifliops  of  Eome  ufarpcd  ,  notonly  on 


The  LIEF  of  i'ridmte   BRAMHALL 


^'Zc  lurifdi<^ions  but  the  proffits  and  Ecclefiaftical  preferments  that  came  through 
h  \  anJs  At  firft  fomcthing  was  given  them  as  a  Gratuity,and  then  it  was  ex- 
nSd '  &  at  iall  challenged  as  a  dcbt.But  by  a  ftatute  of  the  26.0/  Henry  UnEnglaiid, 
d  2%'  of  the  fame  King  in  Jrehnd^  thofe  Payments  were  verted  in  the  Crown. 
'^''And'thc  Clergy  are  fo  far  from  repining  at  this  Honorary  acknowledgement  to  his 
Maicfticforhis  Gracious  Defence  of  the  Faith,  and  Protcdrion  of  their  Perfons  and 
Ellates  that  I  am  well  affurcd  (  I  fpeake  for  one  and  for  many  )  they  wi(hthe  Re- 
venue twice  as  great  as  it  is,  rather  than  it  fliouid  be  any  way  diminiflied,  and  up- 
on the  termcs  before  layed  down  ,  it  would  vifibly  rife  to  that  value  without  any 
fcnfibic  trouble  or  burden  to  them, 

Whatfoever  that  Primate  meditated  in  this  Matter,  we  know  he  brought  nothing 
to  perfc6tion.     Tbejhaduws  of  the  ese>u>ig  began  novo  to  ftretch  themfelves  upon  /;/w,and 
to  admonilh    hira   that  his  Sabbath  and  Kefrejhment  was  notfarr  off,  whei-ein  he 
fliouId  rf/?  from  his  Labours.    He  had  run  indeed  a  very  large  ^rc^,  fometimes 
in  and  Comctimcs  out  o( a.  doud^through  evillandthrough  Good  Report,  but  it  pleafed 
God  to  let  him  fett  in  a  fair  and  clear  Heaven.  A  little  before  his  death  he  took  care 
iofett  his  houfe  in  order,to  vifit  his  Dioces ,  and  provide  for  the  repairing  of  his  Ca- 
tlicdral  &  other  works  proper  for  his  paftoral  care:  on  his  return    at   Vundalk^^he 
enquired  for  the  place  where  one  ofhisPredeceflbrs  the  famous  Kichardus  Jrmachan- 
us  was   buried  j  and  fpake  with  great  kindnes  and  veneration  of  him  ,   and  refol- 
vcd  to  have  built  a  monument  to  his  memory :     Such  a  cognation  there  is  between 
the  fouls  of  Great  perfons  whatever  difiance  there  is  between  the  times  they  have 
convcrfed  here  below*     The  Age  that  learned  man  lived  in,and  thofe  after  did  not 
think  fitt  to  honour  him  with  any  memorial,  but  the  brand  of  Herefy  in  their  books, 
for  after  fuch  a  way  it  feems  did  that  Fiotts  Frelate  veorfhif  the  God  of  his  father  s^\ii  had 
rot  our  Primate  been  fb  fuddenly  gathered  unto  hii,he  would  have  {hew'd  that  though 
his  body  were  fo  negle(3:ed,  and  his  Reputation  fligmatized  by  thofe  of  the  Roman 
Chmch^yctProtejlants  have  hope  of  him  in  the  Refurrecftion,  where  he  will  have  more 
juftice  and  mercy  than  he  found  at  their  Tribunal.  About  the  middle  of  May  166^. 
his  Grace  returned  to  Dublin-,  at  his  vifitation  he  had  been  pleaCdto  beftow,  up- 
on my  refignation,his  Arch  Deaconryf  which  he  had  before  given  me_)  on  my 
neareft  Relation,at  theRequeft  of  my  moft  Noble  and  mol\  obliging  Lord  the  Earle 
ofOrrfryi  faying  he  was  well  affured, his  Lord-fhip  and  the  then  Bifhop  of  Cori^j 
care  and  kindnes  would  provide  better  for  me,in  whicli  his  grace  was  not  miftaken, 
and  when  I  took  my  final  leave  of  him  at  Dublin  ,  he  was  pleaf'd  to  add,  that  he 
could  not  rcfufe  what  my  Lor^had  defired  of  him  ,  and  he  knew  it  would  be  for 
my  good,  but  however  as  long  as  he  lived  and  had  power  in  the  Church,     I  might 
be  confident,  I  had  a  friend  there.     Such  was  the  courtefy  and  humility  of  this 
Excellent  perfon-     But  within  a  (hort  time  after,  the  difconfolate  news  followed 
mcofhis  Death.  He  had  then  aTryal  for  fomepart  of  his  temporal  Eflate  at  Omagh 
with  Sr.Audley  Mervyn  depending  in  the  Court  of  Claimes,and  therc,at  the  time  of 
hearing,  being  as  I  Remember  the  latter  end  of  7?wf,the  third  fitt  of  the  palfey  fo 
fmote  him,that  he  funk  in  the  Court, was  carryed  out  lenfelefs,  andcontinued  fo,till 
death  finifhed  his  work.     Had  the  caufe  been  unjuft,or  adjudged  againft  him,forae 
ccnforiousfpirits  would  not  have  fpared  tohavemadc  left-hand  judgments  from  the 
circumtlances  of  his  death,  buthis  Right  foappear'd  on  the  Argument  that  he  was 
a  Conquerour,  in  his  death  and  vidtory  and  honour  waited  on  him  to  the  grave: 
His  death  was  quick  indeed,  but  it  was  not  fudden,  it  was  a  greater  furprize  to  us 
than  to  him.  T/;e  arrovp  roasjhot  homejbut  he  fare  the  draxving  cfit.He  found  himfelf 
Ihaken  at  theRoot,at  the  laft  a(rault,and  knew  he  could  not  withlland  the  next,and 
therefore  prepared  for  it,  &  difpofcd  wifely  &  pioufly  of  all  his  Affaires.His  Eftate 
he  fetled  upon  his  fon  Sr.Thomas  Bramhal!  Baro«f«,recommending  the  care  of  him  & 
fometruft  in  it  to  thcPuke  oWrmi>nd,8c  theEarle  oWrmyhy  whofe  confent  he  mar- 
ly'dthc  daughter  of  vvorthySr.P<jK/DaijjiiLt.Clerk  of  the  council,but  dying  without 
Iffue  the  eftate  defcended  to  his  three  daughters  by  difpofition.  Thceldef^  of  them 
only  was  marry'd  before  hisGraces  death  toSr.JanujCrjh.im  fen  to  theEarle  Monteith, 
anoble  and  which  ismorea  very  Lcya!  Family  oi  ScoiLfidjthc  other  two  fincG,onc 
^oA]dexTn2n7oxteathoi'Droghedah^S<.  tlie  other  to  Standijh  Hartjhng  Efquire.To  con- 
clude 


The  LIFE    of  Frimate  B  R  A  M  HA  L  L, 


elude,  to  ftiew  that  he  dy'd,as  he  had  hved,  a  Generous  Benefa&or  to  tlieChur  h~ 
he  left  500  /.for  a  lcgacy,as  a  matter  ot  Piety  andBounty  towards  the  repair  of  th' 
C:iihcdr3.\\  o(  Armagh,  ^r\dS:.  Feter I  ztDroghedab.  ^ 

Thus  lived  and  dyed  the  mort  Reverend   and  learned  Primate  Bramhall,  whofeJif 
andaftionsas  they  were  expofed  to  various  cenfures,  fo  perhaps  may  this  ReJatio 
of  them.    However  (ho  mary  may  convince  it  of  imperfcdtion,    none  can  of  fal- 
%'ood.l  have  been  very  carefull  not  to  fwcrvc  from  the  TruthCtho  I  have  bJIen  fhorc 
"df ft  )  and  have  kept  clofc  to  the  fublUnce  of  fuch 'Accounts  as  I  have  reafon  to  believe 
Attthetitkl^,  eficemingmyfelf  as  much  obliged  by  the  Rule  T>g  mortuis  nil  nifi  ve^ 
■TKOT,  as,  nilnifi  bonttm.  ■   if  I  have  feemcd  any  wayes   indecently  to  refle<5t  on  fome 
"forts  of  men  pretending  much  to  Religion  and  thereby  indirectly  to  wound  Religion 
it  felf,  I  mull  fo  farr  commend  my  fclf,  to  fay  ,  it  is  not  much  in  my  temper  or 
judgment  to  do  either, and  that  I  only  defign'd  to  melt  the  fword  that  does  the 
inifchictj  without  oiTcndingthe  painted    Scabbard,     Sanmd''s  mantle  is  venerable 
but  who  can  love  the  I>evil  under  it,  tho  he  ftrive  to  hide  his  Cloven  foot  with  a 
broad  Fhyhdery> 

But  tho  I  have  faid  much  ,  it  will  not  be  amifs  to  add  a  littlefmore  particularly) 
ofhis  Character.     His  perfon  was  of  the  middle  fiature,and  active,  but  his  mine  and 
prefence  not  altogether  fo  great  as  his  endowments  of  minde.  His  complexion  hieh- 
ly  fanguine,  pretty  deeply  tinctured  with  choler, which  in  his  declining  yeares  became 
predominant  &  would  fometimes  overflow  not  without  feme  tartnefs  ofexprellion 
but  it  proceeded  no  further.    It  was  faid  of  Arch-Bi(hop  Cr««mfr,  do  him  an  ill 
office,  he  will  do  you  a  good  one.It  has  been  obferv'd  of  Primate  Bramball  if  he  do 
you  an  injury  in  fpeaking,  he  will  make  you  reparation  in  doing,  if  you  would  have 
him  kind  ,  make  him  angry  but  oppofe  him  not,    For  fo  the  fiorm  often  cndes  in  a 
(hower  of  goodneffe,  I  am  not  Ignorant  how  much  he  hath  fuffered  on  this  8c  other 
accounts  with  fomc  that  love  peeviflily  to  ftick  upon  a  fore  place,and  to  frett  and 
gall   it  more,  under  a  pretence  of  hiding  it  i  furcly  their  charity  will  be  far  from 
tovering  a  multitude  nf  faults,  that  cannot  conceal  one  infirmity ,  but  delight  in  be- 
holding and  expofing   their  Fathers  nai^dnejfe  :  His  converfation  was  free  and  fa- 
niiliar,patient  of  any  thing  indifcourfe  but  opittiafireteihh  {peech  ready  &  intelligible 
fmooth  and  ftrong,  free  from  affectation  of  phrafe  or  phancy,  faying  it  was  a  boyifh 
fport  to  hunt  for  words,  and  argued  a  penury  of  matter,  which  would  al  wayes  find 
cxprellion  for  it  felf.  His  intellectuals  were  very  pregnant,  and  they  were  greatly 
improved  by  labour  and  ftudy. 

If  you  confider  him  as  a  fcholar,  his  Excellency  was  in  the  Kationall  and  Argu- 
mentative part  of  Learning,  and  therefore  as  a  Divine,  he  fateinthehigheftleat  of 
polemick  Theology.  He  wasalfo  far  travelled  in  the  Eccllefiafticall  and  other  Hifto- 
ries,  and  in  the  Pulpit  an  excellent  perfwafive  Orator.  So  that  he  was  among  the 
Biibopshere  like  St:  Paul  among  the  Apoftles.  Allfpaks  by  the  fame  fpirit,  but  not 
alike  logically.  All  fpake  and  wrote  truth,  but  St.  Paul  difputed  and  reafoned  and 
proved  his  Propofitions :  like  Aquinas  among  the  5cho]emen,others  might  be  more 
nice,  but  none  more  methodical  and    fubftantial-,  and  like  Athanafius  among  the 
Prelates,  tenatious  of  theCatholick  Tradition,  bold  in  the  defence  of  it,  and  patient 
in  fufFering  for  it. 

Yet  he  was  very-farr    from  any  thing  like  Bigotry.     He  had   a  great  allow- 
ance 6c  Charity  for  men  of  different  perfwafions ,  looking  upon  thofe  Churches  as 
in  a  tottering  condition  that  flood  upon  nice  opinions,  as  if  the  Temple  were  re- 
verf'dj  and  the  weight  ofit  to  reft  upon  the  pinnacles.     And  accordingly  he  is 
much  celebrated!  for  that  diftinction  between  Articles  neceffary  for  Peace  and  Or- 
dery  8c  thofe  that  are  neceffary  to  Salvation  ,  for  the  wholfome  S>c  healing  vertue 
that  is  in  it,  towards  the  cure  of  5chifme.     And  he  hath  often  declared   that  the 
Church  was  not  to  be  healed  but  by  Cfwera/  fropofuions'   Ifhebe  conildered  asa 
Ei(hop&  Ruler,  he  had  in  an  eminent  degree  all  the  vertues^nd  helps  of  Government. 
So  tha.t  it  is  not  very  eafy  to  determine  where  his  Talent  lay,  in  the  Chair,  or  the 
Pulpit,  at  the  Councill  Table,  or  Confiftory.     He  was  C  contrary  to  the  Common 

q  obfer- 


T^TlFFE   of  FrmateBKAM  hall.  " 

-dnFTvation  )  in  omnibus  Altquu,  T^iJn^M^xmHS.  ~" 

It  was  bv  God's  Providence  fo  ordained,  that  he  fliould  fuccecd  very  enjinent 
Pons  in  the  two  Churches  of  Derry  and  Amagh,  and  it  was  his  Honour  that  he 
«me  behind  them  in  time  onely.  Primate  Z/y&er  his  immediate  predeceffor  was 
verv  famous  in  his  generation  i  and  Primate  BrjjKfc<j«  no   kffe.    The  memory  of 
boththcfe  worthy  Prelats  will  never  dy  •,  Their  learning  indeed  was  not  altoge- 
ther in  eodem  f^eticre  ;  but  both  very  extraordinary  in  their  way.     And  we  have 
areat  reafon  to  bleffe  God  for  them  both.     Nor  can  any  one  Church  in  our  dayes 
boaft  of  the  immediate  fucceilion  of  one  fo  famous  a  Prelate  to  another.  I  (hall  con- 
clude the  life  ofthis  Enoinent  Primate  with  my  prayers  for  the  King  and  the  Royal 
Family,  the  CWcfc  and  the  Hifrac/?}  j that  the  one  may  never  want  a  councellor  as 
wife  and  faithful!,  and  the  other  a  Biihop  as  learned  and  induftrious,as  juft  and  mer- 
ciful! as  zealous  and  judicious,  ascouragious  and  vigilant  v  which  if  God  be  pleafed 
to  grant,  then  ihould  England  both  in  its  Keligious  and  civil  ftate  be   again  the 
E«"ry  of  ail  lier  Eaeraies  abroad,  and  all  would  fay  of  us  ,  Happy  Tr me  ,  Ha f^y 
Qhmb ,  Hippy  Vtopk. 


TheEndefthe  LIFE. 


HYPO  M  N  E   M  O  N  E  U  iM  A. 

Pofito  quod  habcbat  monale, 

Diemm  ac  F^m<e  Satur 

JEvHin  agic  in  (Sloriaj 

JOANNES  BR  AM  HAL  LUS, 

In    Theologia   ProfeforrimulSiPrimas, 

aui  STRAFFORDIOdebuit 

Quod  Derrcnfis  Scdis  fadus  fit ornaonen turn, 
C  A  R  O  L  O3  qu6d  Armachauji  Dccus , 
At  5  I  B  I  quod  utramque  dignitatem  &  meruit  & 
Vera- R  cligionis  in  Hi/'^m^       (^auxit« 
Erat  &  Sacerdof^  &  Sacrificmm^  fed  &  Stator. 
Sub  ejus  aulpiciis  tarn  faclicitcr  militavit  Ecclefiaj 
Ut  vel  hie  Triumfhantem  facile  dixeris* 
Civiles  inter  Difcordias, 
Prolpero  Regni  Principifque  ftatu , 
Dcique  cujtu  una  collapfis, 
Iffe  etiam  cecidit  : 
(  Nequc  enim  aliter  potuit  perire  ) 
Cum  iis  refurrexit^  cum  ii{clem  viSurm,  (ftites; 
Quam  diu  vel  Monarchia  vel  Piem  [murx  fint  fuper- 
Poenas  a  rebellibusj&//'/i/,  led  invidia  dignas: 
Hon  ore  fle&cbatur,  Oftracifmo  inJignitUif, 

Dum  in  illo  Ecclefia  Anglicana  vel  exulartt  vel  pere- 

(grinaretur. 

At  non  tarn  vidus  quam  in  pofterum  povidens 

FQrtm£  potius  quam  bofli  ceffn-^ 

More  plane  Parrhico,  fuziem  iaculabatur, 

^  ^  ""       '  Nifi 


Nifi  quod  c -idem  fagltdj 
Et  vulnera^  Sc  Medelam  meditatm  fit, 
Papiftic<e  Calvmiflic£q;  Stiperftitioms , 
Simul  &  Atheifmi  malleus  : 
Romam  &  Genevam  lubegir, 
Quodc]^  mdigis  Her culeumt{k,       (fiorem 
HOBBESIUMquovisjVd  {xxo^Leviathane  rnonftro- 

Perdomuir  •  C'^iu 

Infulamq;  tot  intertextam  laurels  aeternitati  confecra- 

Viator  ne  BR AMHALLUM  qugerites 
'      Inter  iaxa  &  rudcra^peritura  temporis  trophasa, 
IHcin  literarum  monunientis  fua  Hhiftruxit  maiLtnorsiy 
Longaeviora  ^gyptiac^.Si  fupra  Pjramidas  miranda : 

Setbum  noftrum  non  aliae  decent  Columns ^ 
Quamquaefcicntiam&veritaterae  Diluvio  vindicent, 
Hae  Chrifiiamm  decent  Aicidem; 

Has  cum  demum  ftatuiflct, 

Religiofas  lites  longum  juflit  facefcere, 

Et  mi  Jitia  probe  fundus  ccffit  quicti. 

Nobis  &  feris  Nepotibus 

Mcrito  infcribamus  licet  Literariis  hlsColumnis 

NON  ULTRA. 


A 

General  Table 

^^  OfArchbifhop  BR  AM  hall's 

VV   O   R    K   S. 

In  the  Order,  as  they  are  now  Printed- 

TOME  I.     Coittaineth  tht  VifcQurfes  againji  the  Romanics. 

I.'    |~»HE  Anfwer  to  Militiere,  with  Militiere^s  Letter  prefixed  Page  i. 

_!_    2.  A  juft  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England,  from  the  unjuft 

Afperfion  of  Criminal  Schifm  /'•5i« 

3.  A  Replication  to  the   Bi(hop  of  Chalcedony  Survey  of  the  Vindication 

of  the  Churcli  of  England  from  Criminous  Schifm  f.  140. 

4.  A  Reply  to  S.  ff^s  Refutation  of  the  Bilhop  of  Derry's  juft  Vindication 

of  the  Church  of  England  p.  260. 

5.  Schifm  guarded,  andbeatenback  upon  therightOwners  p.  2^1. 

6.  The  Confccration  of  ProteftantBiftiops  vindicated,and  the  Fable  of  the 
Nags  head  Ordination  refuted  p.  427. 

TOME  II.     Jgainft  theEugUih  Sedarier. 

I .  A  Fair  Warning  to  take  heed  of  the  Scotch  Difcipline  p.  i^pt. 

2.  The  Serpent  Salvcv  or.  The  Obfervators  grounds  difcuflcd  f*525< 

5.  His  Vindication  of  Himfelf,  and  the  Epifcopal  Clergy,  from  the  charge  of 
Popery  ,againft  Mr.  Baxter  p.  6o'J- 

TOME  III.     Againji  Mr.  Hobs. 

I .  A  Defence  of  true  Liberty  from  Antecedent  and  Extrinfecal  Ncccffity        p.  ^4.7. 

2.  Caftigations  of  Mr.  Hohs  his  Animadvcrfions,  &c,  p.  733. 

5.  The  catching  of  the  Leviathan  f.  86p. 

TOME 


T  O  M  E  I  V.     On  MifceVattee  SnhyUs. 
i    A  Treatife  concerning  (he  Sabbath ,  and  the  Lords  Day.  Never  before 
***     publilh't  f'?07. 

h  Scxmon  on  2  Sam.  i'o.  12.  Before  the  Marquefs  of  NePfcafik ,  being 
ready  to  meet  the  Scotch  Army,  Jan.  28.1^43.  /.  93p. 

-.,  \ScTmonon?faI.i26.y.April2^.i66i.hcmgthc  Day  of  His  Majefties 
^   Coronation.  ^Vith' Two  Speeches  in  the  Houfe  of  Peers  P-PSS- 

4.  A  Sermon  on  Prov.  28.  15.  before  the  Honourable  Houfe  of  Commons  , 
at  their  folemn  receiving    the  Sacrament,  in  ;St.  Vatrick/,  Vuhlin^  Jan. 
i6.\66i.  p'$6ff. 

5.  Of  perfons  dying  without  Baptifm  f.  979 

6.  An  Anfwer  to  two  Papers,  of  Proteftants  Ordination,  &c.  p.  ^84. 
7  An  Anfwer  to  S.  JsPs,  Objections  againft  Proteftants  Ordination  p.  p88« 


I 


TOME  I; 


. 


TOME   I. 

Containing  the  Discourses  againft  the 

ROMANISTS 


The  VICTORY  of  TRUTH- 

OR,    AN 

EPISTLE 

FROM 

M^  de  la  Militiere , 

Counfellor  in  Ordinary  to  the  King  of  FRANCE 

Tothe  Kino  of  GREAT  BRITAIN, 

to  invite  His  M  A  J  E  s  T  Y    to  embrace  the 
Catbolicli  Faith, 

S  I  R, 

H  E  Wifedom  of  God's  Comfeh  U  far 
above  the  p'ttdence  of  men ^  who  are  al- 
together void  of  the  knorvledge  of  hit 
Grace.  One  fort  ,  who  kfiow  neither  God^ 
nor  hU  Providence ,  look^upon  all  the  events 
of  humane  life^  at  if  they  happened  by 
chance.  "They  imagine  that  that  which  we 
caD  good  /«c^,  or  ill  luck^^  hath  no  other 
caufe  than  hazard.,  and  that  which  every 
mans  prudence  or  imprudence  hrings  to  the 
conduU  of  his  life.  Others ,  who  ackifow- 
ledge  a  'Divine  Frovidence^  but  one ly  after 
the  manner  that  God  hath  manifefted  it  to 
the  world  by  the  inftruUions  and  judgments 
of  his  Lav?  ,  think^  that  all  the  goods , 
which  heap  profierities  upon  them ,  are  the 
effeCfs  and  teftimonies  of  the  favour  where- 
cherijheth  thofe  that  are  hii  ■■,  And  that  the  Ills.,  that  opprefi  mans  life  with 
are  arguments  of  the  anger  and  hatred  of  God  upon  thofe  he  handles  after  thai 
But  Chriftians ,  to  whom  Cod  hath  revealed  by  the  Co^el  the  counfei  of  hie 

A  mercy 


ivith  God 
miferies , 
manner. 


The  ViBory  of  Truth  ;    Or, Tome  I. 


mercy  ,n  Jejh  Chriil ,  k?or. ,  ^at  in  his  Croji  oh  n^htch  for  fatUfying  the  JujHce  of 
the  Lrv  he  hath  born  the  pain  of  ar  fun ,  he  hath  changed  for  thoje  he  cah  to  /;« 
Communion  the  ttfe  of  JfflUions.  And  that  he  imfloyts  themfirjt  to  humble  them^and 
to  make  them  ackitorr  ledge  their  fin,  that  they  may  define  deliverance,  to  the  end  they  may 
comebythti  rvay  to  the  Faith  ofhU  Grace,  which  doth  deliver  them.  And  rvhen  they  are  en- 
tred  into  Communion  with  him  by  Faith,  and  that  the  exercife  of  the  fame  afPiCtions  ac- 
comPhlheth  in  them  the  JFork,  "/  hif  Grace,  in  giving  them  ,  by  hii^  confolation  in  their 
patience  the  hope  of  the  glorious  happinefs  which  he  hath  promised  them  ,  and  which 
carries  "over  all  their  affections  to  the  loving  of  him.  Jhofe  therefore  that  have  this  Faith 
a^dth'n  hope,  are  of  a  judgment  far  differing  from  the  opinion  of  men  of  the  world,  up- 
on the  event  ifGiods  and  Evils  which  accompany  mans  life. 

Confidering,  Sir,   the  prefent  fortune  of  your  Serene  Majejiy,   far  removed  fi-om    the 
Maieliick  Condition  of  your  Birth,    I  humble  my  felf  with  you  in  the  fight  of  the  pow- 
erful hand  of  God,   who  U  the  onely  Judge  ,  and  onely  Majier,  of  Monarchs,    to  afcend 
by  the  jieps  ,  whereto  the  Goffel  addreffes  uf,  even  into  the  counfel  of  hU  infinite  mercy. 
And  I  find  there  ^   that  the  dififier  of  this  great  Calamity  ,    which    environs  you,  vs  a 
jym\of  the  wifdiim  of  the  King  of  Kings,   who  will  fhew  in  you,   whom  he  hath  ho- 
tt  wed  with  his  VnUion ,   and  h'vs  Image ,   an  admirable  effeU  of  hU  Grace    and  of  his 
Tower.     I  f>y  ,  Sir,  Ihat  under  the  Cloak^ of  fo  niany  fad  adventures ,  which  try  you 
by  revolutions  fo  flrange ,  that  all  the  Univerfe  doth  tremble;    the    King  of  Heaven^ 
and  of  the  Earth,   who  hath  humbled  hi mf elf  for   you,    infinitely   more   low  than  you 
are,  draweth  himjelf  near  unto  you.     He  comes   to  tak^   you  by  the  hand,   not  onely  to 
re-eihblip  ynn  in  your  Ihrone,   but  to  makg  you  to  fit  in  his,  that  you  may  reign  with 
him  eternally,  after  you  have  imployed  the  Scepter,    which  he  Jhalt  put  again  into  your 
hand ,  to  re-efiablijh  his  Kingdom  amonq^  your  people.     It  is   very  eafie  for  me.  Sir  ,  to 
ffive  you  a  reafon  of  this  judgment  I  mak^  of  that  of  God  upon  your  facred  Perfon,  and 
to  explicate  unto  yon  ,  not  oneiy  the  catifes  and  effeds  of  the  W  which  is  come  upon  you  , 
but  alfo  the  way  ,  the  ufe  ,  and  the  fuccefi  of  the  remedie  ,  which   the  hand  of  God  wiU 
give  jou  ,    to  accomplifh  in  you  this  work^    of  his  mercie.     If  we  feek^  the  Caufe  for 
which  we  behold  that  the  hand  of  Cod  hath  made  it  felf  fo  grievoufiy    heavie  upon  the 
fiar.red  Head  of  the  King  your  Father ,  and  which  purfues  yet  after   him  ,  your  Koyai 
Perfon  with  fi)  rjiany  finijier  accidents  ,  which  hath   caufed  this  great  deflation  to  come 
upon  all  yjirr  Kingdoms,  this  confiifion  ,  and  this  fubverfion  of  their  peace  and  former 
projperitie  ,  this  change  into  which  they  are  fo  blindly  precipitated ,  to  part  with  the  form 
tf  Government  that  Cod  hath  ejlablijhed  amongft  them  ,  under  which  they  had  lived  fo 
happily  for  fo  many  Ages  paji ,  to  become  fiaves  of  the  Xokg ,  which  the  armed  hand  of 
a  Tyrant  hath  put  upon  their  head  under  the  falfe  name  of  Liber  tie,  it  will  be  very  eafe 
for  us  to  find  the  Caufe  ,  and  to  ackitowledge  it  by  the  Effeds. 

Toti  are  not  ignorant ,  Sir  ,  and  all  the  world  knows  it  with  you  ,  that  the  fubjeS 
far  which  this  Parricidal  Parliament  hath  fo  cruelly  perfecuted  the  King  your  Father  ,  hath 
been  the  Ecckfiaftical  Government ,  of  which  they  defired  to  change  the  Form ,  by  abolijh- 
ing  Epifcopacie  ,  and  fuppreffing  the  Littirqie ,  and  the  Ceremonies ,  by  which  the  Pro- 
tefiams  of  your  Kingdom  had  yet  retained  fome  Image  of  the  Catholick^  Church.  Ihofe  ^ 
which  ihey  call  Puritans  and  Presbyterians,  who  would  live  under  the  Form  of  the  Genc- 
vian  Vifcipline  ,  could  not  endure  the  Form  of  that  Ancient  Order  ,  which  the  Knyal 
Authorise  had  retained  as  injiituted  by  Divine  Authoritie  ,  and  for  this  very  thing  necef- 
fary  for  its  Conformitie ,  to  preferve  in  Chriftian  Eflates  the  Form  of  a  Monarchical  Go- 
vernment. From  thence  it  is  come  ,  that  the  Puritan  and  Presbyterian  FaCiion  hath  con- 
ceiv'd  ,  and  alreayes  kept  in  its  breqji,an  implacable  hatred  againft  Monardncal  Govern- 
ment ,  by  reafon  of  their  averfion  from  the  Epifcopal.  That ,  which  the  prudence  of 
King  ]amcs  ,  your  Majejlies  Grandfather  ,  Sir  ,  having  judicioufy  tak^n  notice  of,  did 
as  widely  inform  his  Pojleritie  ,  by  an  exprefi  Book^,  to  takg  heed  of  tt.  And  this  King 
kiiowing  Church  ,  as  well  ijf  State-matters  ,  forefeeing  the  inconvenience  that  might  arife^ 
txprefjing  fi-om  his  mouth  that  which  touched  him  at  the  heart ,  had  this  familiar  ffeech , 
NoBilhop,  no  King-,  which  is  become  a  lamentable  Prophefie  under  his  Sitcceffoter. 
But ,  0  Good  God !  what  Succeffour  .?  Such  an  one  certainly  ,  that  had  neither  caufe  mr 
pretext  capable  to  fiir  up  the  hatred  of  SubfUs  againji  a  King  fo  merciful ,  fo  juji ,  and 
fo  loyal ,  fo  amiable  to  his  People  ,  fo  venerable  to  his  Netghboitrs  ,  that  upon  this  onely 

preju^ 


To  M  E  f.  An  Epiftle  oi  M'.  dcla  Militiere^  &c,. 


frejudication^  rpherein  the  Puritan  Fad  ion  had  injiruaed  them ,  in  makjng  them  be- 
lieve ,  that  under  that  Form  of  Government ,  and  ancient  Service  ,  the  King  and  the 
Bijhops  had  an  intention  to  re-ejiablifh  in  the  Realm  the  Catholic}^  Religion.  Ihis  is  the 
foyfon ,  rphich  the  Puritan  Fathon  hath  blown  into  the  hearts  of  the  People  ,  tofU  them 
with  hatred  againfi  a  King  fo  love-reorthy. 

And  thvs  Republican  Parliament  ,  endeavouring  to  ereB  it  felf  in  a  Sovereign  Aw 
thoritie  ,  by  annihilating  that  of  the  King  ,  hath  net  thought  any  occafwn  more  favou- 
rable to  their  defgn^  than  to  act  the  Puritan  ,  that  they  might  come  to  the  execution  of 
their  defres  ,  w]jkh  they  have  done  at  lali  by  the  Sacrilegious  Parricide  of  tfxir  Arch- 
bijhop  and  of  their  King.  This  rras^  Sir,  the  grand  rvork^  of  mans  malice,  and  the 
Devils  firatagem ,  rvhich  caufeth  the  Ills  vehich  are  fallen  upon  your  Crorvn  and  Perfon, 
by  the  pitiful  fate  of  that  fuccejjion  niich  ought  to  have  befallen  you.  But  the  Jujiice  and 
JVijedom  of  God  in  this  con]unCture  ,  hath  other  ends.  Every  one  k^orps  that  this 
Archbijhop^  nourijhed in  the  Schifm  from  the  Catholick^  Church,  had  no  other  thought, 
nor  inclination,  than  to  re-unite  in  one  Bodie  the  People  divided  into  Self s  among  them- 
felves,  as  n-ell  as  from  the  Church,  and  to  rnaks  himfelf  Chief  Head  of  this  Schijma- 
tical  Bodie. 

And  n^e  fee  God  hath  permitted ,  that  hii  own  People,  divided  againji  it  felf ,  hath 
catffed  his  Head  to  be  cut  off. 

The  King  otherrvije  accomplifhed  in  all  Royal  and  moral  Virtues ,  did  ufe  in  the 
Schifm  ,  by  the  Lave  of  his  PredecejJ'ours  ,  the  Authority  which  God  had  given  him  in 
temporal  matters  ,  for  governing  of  jpiritual ,  and  called  himfelf  the  Head,  h  is  for 
that  reafon,  that  God  chaflizing  in  his  Perfon  the  fault  of  his  Predeceffours  ,  would  let  uf 
k>tow  by  the  Tragical  Spedacle  of  an  unheard-of  Death  ,  in  a  King  no  lefl  innocent  than 
larvful ,  that  fo  (irange  an  effeCt  of  ha  anger  hath  had  no  other  caufe,  than  to  inftruU  all 
other  Princes  that  are  in  Schifm ,  with  rphat  jeveritie  God  will  revenge  his  glory,  for  their 
injuring  the  Vnitie  and  Authoritie  of  his  Church. 

But  if  fuch  is  the  EffeSi  of  Divine  Jujiice  and  TVifedom  in  the  caufe  of  your  misfor- 
tune ,  Sir,  his  mercie  goes  far  before  it  ■>  and  this  is  the  effeU  that  concerns  you.  For 
God  mak^s  it  here  plainly  appear  unto  your  Alajeftie,  that  the  Reformation,  which  the 
Authours  of  the  Schifm  in  this  later  Age  have  pretended  to  mak^ ,  hath  been  (  under 
the  pretext  of  fo  good  an  outfide )  no  other  thing  in  effeU  than  the  entire  ruine  at  well  of 
the  Faith,  and  Form  of  the  Chttrch  ,  as  of  the  Order  it  felf  infiituted  by  God  for  the  Go- 
verning of  men.  This  is  the  Lejion  which  God  fets  before  your  eyes  ,  in  the  Hifrorie  of 
this  fM  Revolution ,  which  hath  given  you  a  wound,  the  feeling  whereof  is  to  he  your 
infiruUion.  Tou  fljall  fee  ,  Sir  ,  through  all  the  circumjlances  of  thefe  Tragical  effect 
which  have  produced  the  trouble ,  and  changed  the  form  of  your  Ejiates ,  and  which  have 
raviped  from  you  the  Crown  :  That  the  New  Religion  which  your  Predecejfours  embra- 
ced after  the  Schifm  ,  is  the  onely  efficient  caufe  ,  by  the  very  Maxims  and  Foundations  of 
the  defwn  ,  which  its  Authours  have  called  the  Reformation  of  the  Church. 

Their  New  Opinions  did  very  eafily  fide  themfelves  under  this  apparent  colour,  through 
the  clefts  of  the  Schifm  into  thefiirit  of  the  Bijhops  ,  who  made  themfelves  culpable.  But 
neither  they  themfelves  that  received  this  Noveltie  ,  nor  the  Kings  that  authorized  them  , 
did  thinhjhey  fljould  charge  themfelves  with  Uriah'/  Packet ,  which  would  abolijh  both  the 
Authoritie  of  the  Bijhops  ,  and  the  Sovereigntie  of  Kings.  For  men  are  alwayes  blind  in 
the  Worh^  of  Darhjtef! ,  which  they  do  by  the  inftinSi  of  the  Devil ,  who  goes  difguizing 
himfelf  into  an  Angel  of  Light ,  that  he  may  induce  them  for  to  commit  them.  And 
their  paeons  which  di  blind  them ,  do  infenfrbly  draw  them  into  precipices  of  mijhaps  , 
whereof  neither  the  extraordinary  freepnefi  nor  depth  is  by  them  difcerned. 

Certainly ,  whofoever  Jhould  have  demanded  of  Peter  Martyr  himfelf,  and  Martin 
Bucer  ,  who  carried  Calvin'/  Reformation  into  England  ,  if  they  went  to  bring  in  the 
Brownifts  Opinions,  who,  by  Maxims  received  from  their  hands  ,  did  a  little  after  thinks 
upon  a  more  exaCt  puritie  ,  by  the  motions  which  they  fuppofe  the  Holy  Ghoji  fuggejis  un- 
to them  ,  from  whence  it  is  that  they  efieem  themfelves  more  Reformed  Puritans  i  Wljofo- 
ever  lik^wife  jhould  have  enquired  of  them  ,  If  they  came  to  tell  them  they  might  be  of 
what  Religion  they  pleas' d  ,  and  for  the  extinHion  of  all  Ecclefiajlical  Difcipline  ,  of  aU 
Rule  and  Form  of  a  common  Faith  ,  according  to  the  Opinion  of  the  Independents  ?  IVho- 
foever  jhould  at  lajl  have  asi^d  them ,    JFJmher  the  Sword  of  the  JVord  they  carried  in 

A  2  iheift 


The  Viaory  of  Truth;   Or, TomeI. 


their  tnoHihs  t.^  to  cut  off  their  King^s  and  B>pofs  heads  that  they  mgh  gtve  a 
Tmauther>,er.,  as  Jell  to  the  K>.gdom  a.  to  *he  Church,  -j-^  ""'f  they  have 
aJflrd^-They  r.ould  have  fmrn  mthout  doubt  rv^ththetrha.ds  upon  the  nerv  Gofiel 
tZ carried abof^t  them,  that  their  intentms  mre  farther  d,j\am  front  thefe  ihougbts 
thii  4he  Earth  U  from  HeV.  And  neverthehfl  ihis  thing  is  no  wayes  to  be  doubted  of; 
and  altogetkr  apparent  at  prefent,  that  Calvin  Martyr ,  Buccr  ^  ^W //;.  Bi^ops 
which  admitted  their  Reformation  ,  and  the  King  which  authorized  it,  have  brought  in 
bvthe  maxims  of  their  Foundations  not  onely  Protefiants  ,  but  aljo  Brotvnijis  and  Inde- 
pendents, the  Bijhops  that  receivd  this  Reformation  ,  fan>  mt  that  of  it  ivould  be  bred 
the  SeH  'of  the  Presbyterians ,  Enemies  to  the  Hierarchie  of  the  Church  ,  and  aV  the  Or- 
der of  its  Jnftitutions  ,  as  rvetl  fir  the  Service  as  for  the  Government ,  and  would  ruine 
their  Amhoritie ,  that  they  might  aboliflj  Roy  alt  le  it  f elf  But  neither  did  Calvin, 
Martyr  nor  Bucer  li^iorp  ,  that  from  the  maxims  of  their  Reformation  voould  firing  up 
the  Brorvnifts  and  Independents  ,  who  would  ruine  their  Reformation  by  introducing  an 
indifference  concerning  all  Opinion  in  Religion. 

Ihis  is  that ,  Sir ,  which  the  Hijiorie  of  things  hapned  in  the  progrefl  of  this  Refor- 
mation C  the  knowledge  whereof  your  Maje^ie  at  this  prefent  carries  engraven  in  your 
heart  by  too  bitter  feelings  )  reprefents  unto  your  eyes  ,  to  the  end  aV  the  world  may  fee 
the  nature  and  Genius  by  the  effeUs  cf  its  maxims.     I  will  reprefent  them  ,  Sir  ,  to  the 
eyes  of  your  Majeflie ,  and  by  a  demonfiration  fo  lively  and  evident ,  that  no  reafon  can 
contradiU  it.     fou  pall  fee  ,  that  the  pain  you  fuffer  ,    and  under  which  your  Ejiate 
groans,  is  the  true  efftci  ^  as  the  very  punijhment,  of  the  fms  your  Fathers  committed^ 
and iranfmitted unto  you  ,    then,   when  under  the  pretext  of  this  blind  Reformation ^ 
they  abandoned  the  Faith  of  the  Church  ,    and  her  Communion.     For  it  is  after  this 
manner  the  jujl  vengeance  of  God  punijheth  fin  by  it  felf,  and  that  its  own  proper  work^ 
becomes  the  punijhment  it  deferves.     "this  Religion  ,  for  which  the  Bijhops  ,    the  Kings, 
and  the  Teople  have  forfook^  the  Church  ,    hath  dejhoyed  the  Bijhops  ,    and  the  Kings , 
and  reduced  the  People  to  live  without  Bijhops  ,  without  Kings  ,    without  a  Form  of  Go- 
vernment,   and  without  Vifcipline  in  Religion  ,  under  the  lyrannie  of  aMonJier,    who 
without  being  either  King  or  Bijhop  ,    attributes  to  himfelf  all  Authoritie  both  in  State 
and  in  Religion,     this  which  I  declare  unto  your  Majeflie ,    Sir  ,    is  ,    to  makg  you 
underjiand ,   that  this  terrible  worh^  of  the  Hand  of  Cod ,    which  afffids  you  after  this 
manner  ,   is  neverthekji  a  judgment  of  his  mercie  for  you  :    For  you  may  fee  he  fends 
yoH  not  this  trouble ,  but  that  you  may  perceive   the  fin,    whereof  it  is  the  off-ffring^ 
that  you  may  draw  your  felf  from  the  one  and  from  the  other,  by  the  k>rowledge  which  he 
gives  you  of  the  horrour  you  fhould  have  for  the  Caufe  ,    by  the  grief  you  refent  by  its 
F.ffeU.     Tou  JhaV  fee  it ,  Sir  ,  clearly  enough  by  the  confequents  of  the  maxims  upon 
which  the  Authours.'of  the  Reformation  which  your  Fathers  embraced^    have  laid  their 
Foundations. 

The  Foundations  of  tJoe  Reformation  of  Calvin  are  laid  upon  thej'e  two  Maxims,  which 
he ,  and  all  thofe  which  have  forfoo]{^  the  Church  ,  as  himfelf  hath  delivered  as  indubi- 
table to  the  People  which  have  followed  him  :  The  Firji  is.  That  the  Church  was  fal- 
len into  ruine  and  defolation,  by  Errour  in  its  Faith  ,  by  Idolatry  in  its  Service, 
and  by  Tyranny  in  its  Government,  the  Second ,  That  to  reform  and  re-eftablifli 
it  in  its  Original  Purity,  the  Faith  of  its  Dodtrine,  of  its  Service,  and  of  its  Go- 
vernment, was  to  be  reduced  to  the  onely  precepts  of  the  Scripture  ,  of  the  fenfe 
whereof  every  Believer  ought  to  be  Judge,  for  his  own  proper  Salvation,  by  the 
light  of  the  Holy  Ghort  which  conduds  him.  they  faw  that  if  they  did  mtfuppofe 
thefe  Mitxims  for  the  caujes  of  their  Reformation  ,  they  could  not  pretend  any  which 
might  oblige  them  to  forjak^  the  Church,  which  they  had  a  mind  to  leave,  that  they  might 
frame  a  Contrary  Partie,  and  make  war  againfi  her.  For  they  could  mt  deny  the  Church 
from  which  they  feparated,  the  title  of  the  true  Church  ,  hut  in  accufing  of  it ,  as  they 
have  done,  of  Errour  ,  Idolatrie,  and  of  tyrannie.  And  if  we  fuppofe  this  accufation 
for  true  ,  they  could  not  bring  in  the  neceffuie  of  a  Separation ,.  to  make  their  Reformati- 
on, hut  in  excluding  the  Authorise  of  Tradition  ,  and  the  Judgment  of  the  Church,  and 
by  reducing  the  rule  of  the  Reformation  to  the  Scripture  it  J'elf,  interpreted  by  every  mans 
judgment. 

tour  Majeflie  ,  Sir ,  Jhall  new  fee  ,   that  of  thofe  Maxims  which  the  Bifhops  of  your 

Realm 


T  o  M  E  I.  An  Epiftle  ot   M^  dc  la  Milttiere ,  &c. 

Kealm  (  already  become  Schifmatickj  )  received  for  the  cjtifes  of  the  Reformation  rvhich 
they  admitted ,  there  tp^k  firji  of  all  Formed  the  SeU  of  Pttritan-Fresbyterians  againfi 
the  Froteftant-Epifcopalians  ,  who  could  not  ftthfli  againft  them ,  upon  the  Foundation  of 
ihefe  Maxims.  And  that  at  the  length  the  Brorvnijis  ,  the  more  Keformed  Puritans ,  did 
raife  themfehes  upon  the  fxme  Foundations^  who  have  fince  begot  the  Independents  for 
the  mine  of  the  Presbyterians  ,  by  the  fame  reafons  by  which  the  others  had  ruined  the 
Protejiants  and  Epifcopacie  ,  and  with  Epifcopacie  Royaltie  it  felf:  In  fuch  fort  ^  that 
all  this  dreadful  difordtr ,  which  mak^s  your  Kingdoms  to  be  a  Chaos  of  lamentable  dif- 
order^  in  which  your  Authoritie  finds  it  felf  put  out  ,  comes  from  thefe  Principles  of 
Reformation  ,  which  are  the  natural  fource  thereof. 

"That  this  is  fo  ,  your  Majejlie  ,  Sir  ,  jnay  clearly  perceive  it.  JVlnn  the  Bijhops  con- 
fented  to  thefe  Principles  of  Reformation^  they  abandoned  by  them  the  Faith  of  the  Ca- 
iholick^  Church  concerning  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mafi  ,  concerning  Tranfubjiantiation  in  the 
Holy  Euchariji  ,  concerning  the  number  and  vcrtue  of  the  [even  Sacraments  i  concerning 
Jujiification  real  and  inherent  in  the  Faithful^  and  of  their  Merits,  and  the  Invocation 
of  Saints'-,  concerning  Prayer  for  the  Dead,  and  of  Furgatorie '■>  concerning  the  Autho- 
ritie of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  adhering  of  all  the  Faithful  to  the  See  of  St.  Peter  at 
Rome.  But  they  retain,  neverthelefl,  the  Epifcopal  I)i(rnitie  and  Authoritie  ,  with  a 
pai-t  of  the  Liturgie,  and  Ceremonies' of  the  Catholic^  Church. 

But  the  Puritan-Presbyterians  haite  cajl  atvay  all  Form  of  Hierarchie  ,  and  communitie 
of  the  Liturgie  and  Ceremonies  which  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  as  pernicious  remainders  of 
the  Papal  'Tyrannie  and  Idolatrie ,  of  they  call  them,  "that  they  might  oppofe  both  Par- 
ties ,  according  to  the  firjl  Maxim  of  their  Reformation  ,  they  brought  in  a  Form  of  Go- 
vernment altogether  novel ,  and  compofed  a  Form  of  Service  altogether  new.  Vpon  which 
they  have  had  fo  much  advantage  againji  the  Protejiants  in  combating  them  with  the  rea- 
fons of  their  common  Principles  ,  and  in  fiirring  up  the  People  heated  with  the  zeal  of 
Reformation ,  that  it  was  impojjible  for  them  to  fitbfji  ,  if  the  Puritans  could  but  once  be 
fupported ,  by  the  Authoritie  of  Parliament ,  againft  the  Authoritie  of  the  King ,  who 
onely  did  fupport  the  Protejiant  Caufe  ,  not  by  arguing  ,  hut  by  command.  For  Contro- 
verfie  ,  by  their  Principles  ,  Wds  all  for  the  Puritans  againft  the  Proteftants. 

Could  they  ,  without  'tradition ,  and  by  the  Holy  Scripture  alone  ,  interpreted  by  the 
judgment  of  every  one ,  ftnd  Epifcopal  Vignitie  ,  and  its  Authoritie  ,  with  diftindion  , 
and  fuperioritie  of  power  above  the  other  Paftors  and  Minifters  ?  Ihey  could  certainly , 
■without  doubt ,  by  the  Authoritie  of  the  Holy  Scripture  ,  affifted  by  Tradition ,  which 
declares  the  lawful  fenfe.  But  in  doing  this ,  the  ViUorie  which  it  gives  them ,  obligeth 
them  to  confent  likgwife  to  the  Authoritie  ,  and  Primacie  of  the  Pope  ,  for  the  Government 
of  the  Vniverfal  Church  ,  as  founded  in  the  Primacie  St.  Peter  received  in  the  CoVedge  of 
the  Apoftles,  as  well  for  the  Form  of  the  Government  of  the  Vniverfal  Church  ,  as  of  eve- 
ry particular  Church  ,  from  whence  every  Bijhop  derives  his  Authoritie.  Then  thus  it 
tnuft  be,  either  that  the  Protejiants  abandon  Epifcopacie  as  a  feed  of  Tyrannie,  and  be- 
come Presbyterians;  or,  in  retaining  it ,  to  enter  again  into  the  Communion  of  the  Pope  , 
and  Bifhops  who  adhere  to  him.  Though  there  be  no  need  to  fieak^  here  ,  that  their  file 
Divifion  mak^s  it  impojfible  for  them  to  fubfft ,  by  the  reafon  which  the  great  Bijhop  and 
Martyr ,  St.  Cyprian ,  reprefents  to  all  Bift>ops ,  in  declaring  the  obligation  they  have 
ftrongly  to  retain  the  Vnitie  of  the  Church  ,  by  the  not-to-be-divided  Vnitie  of  Epifcopacy^ 
whereof  every  one  doth  folidly  pojfef  his  Jhare.  Vpon  which  he  admonijheth  them  ,  that 
if  any  one  goes  to  feparate  himfelf,  it  jhall  happen  unto  him  ,  as  to  a  Beam  drawn  front 
the  bodie  of  the  Sun,  which  Jhall  have  no  more  part ,  through  its  divifion,  in  the  unitie 
of  the  light  which  continues  in  the  bodie  :  As  to  a  Bough  broken  from  the  Tree ,  which 
Jhall  firing  no  more  ,  having  no  more  jhare  in  the  fap  which  remains  in  the  bodie  and  in. 
the  root  of  the  Tree  :  Even  liks  a  Rivulet,  cut  of  from  the  Fountain ,  which  will  dry 
up  ,  having  no  more  to  do  with  the  courfe  of  the  water  which  runs  from  the  Spring: 
This  U  thatalfo  ,  Sir  ,  which  your  Bifhops  cannot  avoid.  It  muft  be  ,  that  being  fepa- 
rated  from  the  Mother-Church ,  they  (hould  be  extinguijhed ,  and  fhould  vanifh  away ,  as 
its  come  to  pafi.  It  muft  be  ,  that  their  very  pain  was  the  proper  work^  of  the  caufe  of 
their  errour.     That  their  Reformation  made  them  lofe  their  Form. 

But  if  the  Puritans  have  had  this  advantage  upon  the  Proteftants  ,    by  the  Common 
Principles  of  their  Reformation  ,  that  which  the  fame  Principles  have  ^iven  the  Brown- 

B  'i" » 


The  Viaory  of  Truth  ;    Or , Tome  L 

irt/  to  mthdrarP  themfelves  from  the  Puritans  of  the  Genevian  Wciphne ,  in  the  mure 
exah  Pmtie,  r^hich  their  ffirh  ,  Interpreter  of  the  Scripture  fuggejis  unto  them  ^  U 
Met  more  great.  Behold  bore  they  combat  the  one  partie  agatnft  the  other  ,  and  the  viaory 
of  the  hit  The  Turitans  of  the  Genevian  Vifciphne  have  determined  of  Articles  of 
faith  andhave  formed  the trCoifijfion,  to  which  they  oblige  a^  thofe  that  receive  their 
Commmion.  But  this  Latf ,  which  prefcrihes  by  Authorine  a  common  Belief  among  aS 
the  Communicants  ,  cannot  agree  with  the  judgement  that  every  Believer  can  and  ought  tJ 
mak^  of  the  fenfe  of  the  Scriptures  ,  by  the  a0ance  of  the  Holy  Chojl ,  according  to 
the  fecond  common  Maxim  of  their  Reformation.  For  if  one  fuppofes  it  true  ,  no  other 
Authorttie  can  bear  rule  over  the  Confcience  ,  jtor  prefcribe  it  any  thing  beyond  the  fenje 
that  the  Spirit  fuggefis  to  it  in  the  interpreting  of  the  Scripture.  Vpon  which  the  Brovp- 
nijis  alfo  fet  upon  the  Presbyterians  by  all  the  fame  Authorities ,  upon  which  they  have 
founded  theirs  to  feparate  themfelves  from  the  Church  ,  and  abandon  its  determinations. 
"They  maintain ,  "That  to  oblige  the  Faith  of  faithful  men  to  a  formular  confeffton  ,  which 
can  have  no  other  than  an  humane  Authoritie  ,  //  to  bring  them  forthwith  under  the  Pa- 
pal'Tyrannic  ^  from  which  the  Holy  Chojl  hath  freed  them.  Againji  this  the  Calvinifts 
bate  no  reply ,  which  doth  not  wound  themfelves  with  their  own  hands ,  and  which  u  not 
their  condemnation  pronounced  by  themfelves.  For  they  can  anfwer  nothing  pertinently  ^ 
if  they  do  not  borrow  the  reafons  the  Church  hath  againji  them.  So  God ,  perpetual  Pro- 
testor of  his  Churchy  caufes  her  Enemies  to  pronounce  her  ViSiorie  with  their  own  mouths: 
whilfi  that  they  ijjued  from  the  teeth  and  the  mouth  of  the  Serpent ,  to  makg  war  with 
her  y  do  wage  it  among  themfelves  ,    and  hfti one  another. 

From  thefe  Brownijis  ,  as  your  Majeftie  ,  Sir  ,  kotows  much  better  ,  are  come  the  In- 
dependents ,  whicJ}  are  not  rifen ,  but  fince  the  advantage  the  Puritan-Presbyterians  had 
upon  the  Protejiants  ,  by  the  Authoritie  of  the  Parliamentitrs.  It  vf  thofe  that  have  pro- 
duced thU  falfe  Prophet  of  blood  and  faughter  ,  to  end  this  laji  Ali  of  Infernal  Refor- 
mation, that  he  himfelf  preaches  to  his  Mufulmans  ,  with  his  Sword  in  his  hand,  after 
he  hath  broh^  the  Crofi  ,  and  changed  the  Epifcopal  Crofier  into  a  Murderer's 
Axe. 

By  this  fame  Jpirit  of  the  Brownijis  ,  in  which  he  hath  been  originally  injiruHed ,  hy 
ufing  Vijputes  he  deduces  Fundamental  Maxims  of  the  common  Reformation  among  them^ 
he  wars  againji  the  Presbyterians  with  much  more  advantage  than  he  did  againji  the  Prote- 
flants.  From  whence  he  promifes  himfelf  to  mah^  them  all  fubmit  to  his  opinion,  which  is 
an  indifference  of  all  opinion  of  Religion. 

iVhich  Jhall  fallout  without  doubt  according  to  hn  own  mind ,    if  they  will  follow  the 
Confequences  of  their  own  Maxims  :  For  the  reafon  of  which  ,  he  gives  libertie  to  every 
man  to  believe  and  prophefie  that  which  they  think^  the  Spirit  fuggejis  to  them.     But  he 
thinks  "*  making  thefe  Peoj/le  ,  feparated  from  the  Church ,  tajie  the  Libertie  of  Confci- 
ence ,  hejhall  rally  all  their  different  Seds  into  one  Bodie  ,     to  fet  them  againji  the  Bodie  of 
the  Cathohck^Church ,   to  the  end  he  may  dejiroy  the  Pope  ,    and  the  Bijhops  that  conduU 
her,  and  may  exterminate  the  Kings  that  de fetid  her.     He  calls  that   the   great   Work^of 
God.     He  afrures  the  fuccefi  to  all  them  that  follow  him ,   by  the  revelation  which  he  makes 
them  believe  he  had  at  his  Fafts,  his  Prayers  ,  and  his  reading  the  Holy  Scriptures.     But 
it  is  no  marvel  he  can  affemble  fuch  a  number   of  Followers  by  the  arguing  of  their  Ma- 
xims:  for  fince  they  had  already  prroduced  thefe  different  bodies  of  reform'' d  Battalions  , 
and  reforming  ,  even  to  infrnitie,  Protejiants ,  Presbyterians,  and  Brownijis,  who  in  a 
perpetual  war  cannot  agree  amoyig  themfelves :  He  comes  farther  ,  as  more  fit  to  ferve 
himfelf  of  theis  Maxims ,  to  put  them  to  the  Ho  there  ,   by  the  indifference  ,  and  by  abn- 
lijhing  all  Laws  that  rule  upon  the  Confcience,  and  leaving  every  mans  thoughts  free,  and 
the  liberty  to  prophefie  and  interpret  the  Scriptures,  according  to  the  fenfe  hisjpirit  diUates 
to  him.     For,  as  to  the  remainder  ,  he  troubles  not  himfelf  to  fee  by  this  J}irit,  the  pro- 
digious number  of  Sells  and  InfeSs  to  fwarm  about ,  who  daily  vomit  forth  more  mon- 
ftrous  opinions  than  can  come  from  the   hottomlefl  pit.     For  let  there  be  what  difference 
there  will  among  them  ,  they  all  agree  in  his  indifferencie. 

By  this  Catajhrophe  of  tlx  Reformation  ,  undertaken  by  thofe  that  have  divided  the 
Omrch  in  thefe  later  Ages ,  you  fee ,  Sir,  what  hath  been  both  the  defign  and  Genius. 
IhU  is  not  I  that  reprefent  the  truth  of  it  to  you ,  Cod  hath  Jet  it  before  your  eyes  ,  cr  J 
may  rather  fay,  in  your  heart,  written  in  Charaiiers  which  Jhall  never  be  blotted  out. 

And 


T  o  M  E  J.  An  Epiftle  of  M"".  de  la  Milttiere,  &c.. 


j4}id  to  m-ite  them  reith  hU  own  hand  ^  he  himfelf  U  defended  from  Heaven ,  environed 
Tvith  the  fire  and  thunder  of  his  anger,  which  appears  enlightened  upon  you.  Bui 
from  the  middle  thereof  you  hear  the  voice  of  his  mercie  ,  recalling  you  to  him,  and  de- 
claring to  you  ,  that  all  this  he  hath  done  ,  to  let  you  know  the  fins  of  your  Fathers 
by  drawing  you  out  of  them  ,  that  he  may  call  you  back^  into  hU  Church  ,  where  all  bene- 
diCtion  jhall  be  given  you.  For  true  Fietie  and  Religion  ,  whereof  Jhe  hath  been  made 
the  Guardian,  finds  there  (as  the  Apofile  Jpeakj)  the  promifes  of  prefent  life,  and  of 
that  which  is  to  come,  And  your  Faith  ,  which  God  will  work^  in  you  by  the  vertue  of 
the  Croji ,  in  the  prefent  afjliUion  whe-rein  you  are  ,  fubmitting  all  your  defires  to  the 
Wifedotn  of  his  Counfel ,  and  power  of  his  jirength  ,  Jhall  meet  there  the  comfort  of  your 
patience,  comformable  to  the  hope  you  Jhall  put  in  him.  Tou  will  fay  then  ,  Sir  when 
you  confider  your  felf,  and  the  work^  that  God  Jhall  have  wrought  in  you ,  7hat  the  Wife- 
dom  of  the  Judgements  of  God  are  without  hottcme  I  "That  the  knowledge  thereof  it 
very  difficult!  7hat  it  is  impofible  to  find  it  out,  if  he  himfelf  doth  not  manifefi  it ! 
He  will  manifefi  it  to  you  ,  Sir ,  and  you  may  fee  it ,  if  you  confider  the  great  ahyfi  that 
Tooi  between  you  and  God  \  how  far  you  were  drawn  from  him  ,  before  he  came  to  you 
after  this  manner  ,  and  drew  himfelf  near  to  you ,  that  he  might  draw  you  to 
him. 

IVJjen  the  King  your  Father  had  the  Crown  upon  his  Head  ,  and   was  fitting  upon  his 
'throne  in  the  middle  of  his  flourijhing  Kingdoms ,  in  the  abundance  of  all  profi>eritie  and 
glorie  ■■,  And  that  you  ,  Heir  to  this  Majefiie  and  Royal  Pomp ,  bred  up  your  jpirit,  among 
thefe  mundane  delights  ,  of  the  defire  and  hope  of  adding  to  the  Utfire  of  your  Grandfa- 
thers ,    the  jplendour  of  your  brave  Anions,    wherewith  your  politick^  and  militarie  vir- 
tues Jhould  adorn  your  life ,  and  the  Hifiorie  of  your  Reigns  What's  this  then,    when 
all  the  reafons  of  State ,    as  well  as  thofe  wherewith  your  Confidence  had  been  onely  injiru- 
(ted,  -would  have  kgpt  you   engaged  in  this  new  Religion  ,  the  err  our  whereof  you  have 
fucki  i^  ^'th  the  mi\  of  your  Jnfancie  ,  your  eyes  and"  your  ears  fljould  have  been  capa- 
ble of  feeing  and  hearing  the  Truths  which  now  mak^  k^own  to  you  tJje  Fault,   and  the 
condemnation ,  which  God  by  the  wifedom  and  power   of  his  Judgements  hath  drawn 
from,  it  felf,  and  his  proper  work^  ,    that  you  may  feel  the  effe£ls  ?  How  Jhould  you  have 
been  able  to  have  difcovered,  under  this  jair  Jhew  of  Reformation  ,  whereof  Jhe  hath  ta- 
k^n  title  ,  under  this  Jf  Undid  lufire  which  Jhe  hath  put  upon  her  face ,  of  Knowledge 
and  Eloqueme  ,  the  gifts  whereof  Jhine  in  her  Dolours  and  Mini{iers  \  of  the  reading , 
and  particular  regard  Jhe  commands  them  to  have  towards  the   Holy  Scriptures  ^  of  the 
Familiar  texts  ,  which  adorn  their  Faftours  Vifcourfes  and  Preachings  ■■,  of  the  popular 
exercifes  of  her  Pfalmes  and  Canticles  ■■,  of  the  Prayers  and  Orifons  which  are  extraU- 
ed  and  interwoven  with  the  Vnderfianding ,  which  gives   confolation :  Should  you  have 
been  able  to  have  difcovei-ed ,  I  fay  ,    that  under  this  appearance  of  Pietie  (he  had  dif- 
avow'd  her  firength  ,  if  God  had  not   at  prefent  let  you  fee   it  in  the  works  "f  horrour 
and  confufion,   deadly  to  Chrijiian  pietie  and  charitie,  defiru&ive  to  all  Form  of  Religion, 
Enemies  to  all  Order  of  God,  which  Jhe  hath  produced  by  the  confequences  of  her  Fttnda- 
mental  Maxims  ?  Sir,  Had  your  Majefiie  tak^n  notice  of  the  impofiure  and  deceit  which 
the  Father  of  lyes  hath  hidden  under  thefe  Baits ,  that  they  themfelves ,  whom  he  made 
the  firfilnfiruments  and  Authours  of  the  divifion  of  the   Church  ,  did  not  perceive,  for 
they  would  have  abhorred  it  had  they  kjtown  it  would  have  been  fuch  ?  this  is  then  truly 
the  great  work^of  God,  whereof  this  falfe  Prophet  undirfiands  not  the  reafon  ,  when  he 
Jpeaks  thus :  God  hath  certainly  done  this  work^:  And  God  hath  raifedup  himfelf,  to  put 
this  confufion  among  them  which  have  forfak^n  the  Vnitie  of  the  Church,    in  dividing 
themfelves  into  a  thoufand  SeSs  ,   of  which    they  ach^wledge  at  prefent ,   that  no  one 
can  call  himfelf  the  Church.     For  the  SeCt  of  the  Protefiants   cannot  pretend  to  it,    fince 
Jhe  her  felf  fubfifis  no  more  :  but  that  every  one  fees  her  jufily  perijhed,  by  the  fame  Ma- 
xims that  feparated  her  from  the  Church  i  and  that  the  Presbyterians  ,    which  feduced 
them  ,  have  now  defiroyed  them.    For  the  Se6i  of  the  Presbyterians ,  which  is  under  the 
yok^  of  the  Independents ,  who  cut  their  throats  with   the  fame  Swords  wherewith  they 
warred  againfi  the  Church  :  For  they  brought  them  ,  by  their  own  Maxims,  to  renounce 
all  Difcipline  ,  all  Government,  all  Law,   and  all  Rule  of  Vnitie,    attdby  confequence 
all  Form  of  the  Church,     "this  curfed  Cham  hath  then  difcovered  his  Father^s  filthinefl, 
that  is  to   fay  ,  of  the  firji  Authour    of  this     pretended    Refm-mation  ,    who   being 

B  2  df^fiK 


8 


The  Victory  of  Truth;  Or  ^  T  o  m  e   I. 


drunk    with  the  trine  of  hU  enour ,     did  not  himfelf  K'^otp  it. 

But  if  God  pleafes  ,  the  imptdence  of  this  brazen  face  ,  who  hath  lojl  aV  flmmefac'd- 
»c(i  hmn,  not  afraid  \o  difcover  ,  by  his  Independence,  the  Foundations  of  this  frepjie- 
rm  MomatioM ,  Jhall  noTP  touch  his  brethren  with  compmUion  and  pame  ,  that  they 
tniy  return  to  their  common  Father. 

He  rrill  caufe  the  Tresbyterians  and  Troteftants  to  underjiand ,  that  it  was  the  jpirit  of 
fenflefneS  and  errour  ,  which  made  Luther  conceive  and  undertake  the  defign  of  dividing 
the  Church,  under  pretext  ef  a  falfe  Reformation.  From  whence  they  will  perceive  (if 
they  can  hut  come  to  themfelves  )  that  one  ought  not  to  defire  ,  neither  that  any  one  can 
do  any  thing  true  or  lawful,  but  in  the  union,  and  by  the  confent  of  the  Church,  and 
the  rule  of  "tradition ,  which  fhe  hath  received  from  the  Apojlles ,  and  conferved  by  a 
continued  fuccefjion. 

As  God  Sir  ,  draws  light  out  of  darh^iefi ,  fo  your  Majejiie  fees,  that  he  makgsyour 
fjlvation  to  come  out  of  your  calamitie.  But  this  is  not  for  you  alone.  That  rvhich  he 
jviH  do  in  your  Perfon ,  he  wilt  bring  to  pajl  in  all  your  Kingdoms  by  your  Perfon.  And 
not  onely  in  all  your  Kingdoms  ,  but  in  all  the  places  ,  and  in  all  thofe  which  arefepara- 
ted  from  the  Church,  as  your  Kingdoms  are, 

"tljat  which  you  have  fuigular  in\this  caufe  ,  is  ,by  being  the  greate^  King  of  the  party 
divided  from  the  Church ,  and  that  your  Kingdoms  are  the  greatejl  and  moji  flourijhing 
Ejiate  that  hath  received  this  noveltie  of  Religion  ,  where  jhe  hath  found  the  moji  power- 
ful SanBuarie,  and  where  Jhe  hath  planted  her  Seat  the  moji  eminent ,  and  mnji  ajfuredi 
This  is  lik^wife  a  reafon  why  God  hath  put  her  into  this  confufwn ,  in  defrroying  her  by  the 
different  Se&s  which  Jhe  her  f elf  hath  ingendred  ,  that  alltfje  world  may  k^tow  the  Spirit 
of  errour,  from  whence  Jhe  hath  tak^n  her  Original. 

For  all  the  world  at  prefent  fees  what  this  Spirit  is,  and  its  nature  ■■>  if  it  is  the  Spirit 
of  Chriji ,  it  is  the  jpirit  of  peace  and  truth  i  if  it  be  the  Spirit  of  Satan  ,  it  is  the 
§irit  of  trouble  and  errour  ,  rohich  hath  raifed  the  trouble  and  errour  which  rules  at  pre- 
fent in  your  Kingdoms. 

Since  fuch  is  the  Spirit  of  this  new  Reformation  ,  and  its  Maxims ,  fuch  are  its  works, 
that  are  at  this  day  difcovered,  and  made  evident :  who  is  that  man  that  can  defend  it? 
that  can  preferve  it  in  his  Confcience  ?  that  can  have  repofe  or  comfort  in  his  foul ,  by  ad- 
hering to  it  ?  There's  no  more  need  of  Viffiutes,  or  Arguments  to  convince  it:  She  is 
convinced  by  her  felf,  according  to  the  charader  the  Spirit  of  God  bath  jiamp'd  upon  the 
heretical  man ,  by  the  pen  of  the  Apojile  St.  Paul ,  who  commands  us  to  depart  for  thefe 
reafons:  There  is ,  faith  be ,  a  perverted  fpirit ,  that  is  condemned  by  it  felfl  This 
is  the  image  that  all  the  world  doth  fee  at  prefent  in  this  Reformation ,  and  its  Ge- 
niits. 

Bttt  there  rejis  now  one  thing  to  do,  which  is  ,  to  apply  this  remedie  of  Salvation  to  the 
Confcience  of  the  people  feduced  by  the  errour.  There  is  no  more  to  do  than  to  anoint  the 
wound  the  Scorpion  hath  made  with  the  cyl  rvhere  it  hath  keen  bruifed.  For  the  way  to 
heal  them  is  now  very  eafw ,  by  reafon  their  Rt formation  hath  received  fuch  a  mifei-able 
fuccijl.  There  is  nothing  more  eafie ,  than  to  make  the  people  k^iow  thereupon  by  the  convi- 
ction of  their  Pajiours  ,  upon  the  very  Foundations  and  Maxims  of  their  Reformation,  that 
they  have  neither  Church  nor  Faith  :  Bttt  then  rvlxn  they  fuppofed  (  contrary  to  the  pro- 
mife  of  Jejus  Chriji  )  the  Church  was  fallen  into  ruine  ,  for  pretext  of  reforming  it , 
they  have  not  been  able  to  form  another  ,  rvhich  hath  the  conditions  of  the  true  Church, 
but  an  inpnitie  of  different  and  contrary  Seds  among  them  ,  none  of  rohich  can  be  the 
Church  ■■>  but  in  rejeSing  the  Authoritie  of  Tradition  for  interpreting  the  Scripture ,  and 
the  Judgement  of  the  Church  for  the  declaration  of  her  Faith,  Tl)ey  have  abandoned  the 
Vmtie  of  the  Faith  ,  that  every  one  might  abound  in  his  on>n  fenfe  ,  by  the  different  opi- 
nions they  have  conceived.  That  which  of  neciffttie  muji  caji  them,  as  it  is  come 
to  pafi ,  into  the  Independence  of  all  rule ,  and  the  indifference  of  all  opinion  in  Re- 
ligion. 

.  -^"^  '*^  modejiie  to  accufe  the  Church  of  Frrottr  in  all  the  Ages  ,  hath  been  the  begin- 
ftygto  mak^  the  Authours  of  this  Reformation  agree ,  that  the  Church  remained  pure 
in  Faith  during  the  time  of  the  Four  jirji  general  Councils  j  they  have  afforded  us  a  way 
bythistodifabufethe  people,  they  do  ahufe  ,  when  they  accufe -the  Church  at  this  day 
0}  trrour  in  the  Heads  of  her  Faith  ,  which  they  have  rejeited.     Far  they  can  no  longer 

avoid 


t 


To  M  E  I.  An  Epiftle  ot    M^  de  la  Mihtiere  ^  &c 

avoid  falling  into  a  manifeji  contradiction  of  the  fenfe  rchich  they  impute  to  the  ancient 
Fathers  in  points  of  Faith  ,  rfhich  are  in  controverfe  betrfeen  us.  They  cannot  brand  the 
Church  at  this  day  for  having  a  different  Opnion  in  Faith  from  the  Ancient  Church , 
witi^OHt  cutting  their  throats  with  their  own  proper  comradi&tons  ^  upon  the  opinion  they  at- 
tribute to  the  Fathers. 

So  that  there  is  nothing  more  to  do  for  the  informing  the  Feopk  ,  Jeparated  from  the 
Church  of  the  'truth  ,  and  obliging  them  to  enter  again  into  her ,  than  to  make  them  un- 
derftand  the  cheat  rvhereveith  they  have  been  furprized  under  the  name  of  Keformation  ^ 
by  convincing  ,  in  their  prefence  ,  their  Ministers ,  cf  an  evident  contradiVtion  (f  them- 
felves ,  by  the  confequences  of  the  Fundamental  Maxims  of  their  'Reformation.  From 
whence  refults  the  indubitable  Vetnonfrration  ,  rchich  proceeds  from  the  jfirit  of  lying  and 
errour. 

If  it  pleafe  your  Majejiie  ,  Sir ,  to  imploy  this  vcay  for  your  injlru&ion ,  and  the  fa- 
iisfaCtion  of  your  Confcience  ,  that  your  Converfwn  and  Return  to  the  Church  may  both 
open  the  hearts ,  and  the  veay  for  all  the  reji  to  folloa>  your  example.  Tou  cannot  do  it 
more  folemnly ,  or  commodioufly  ,  than  in  the  place  wherein  yon  are  at  the  prefent.  We 
have  in  this  place  Five  Minijiers  of  the  Communion  feparated  from  the  CatholicI^ 
Church ,  who  have  gotten  themf elves  as  much  credit  and  atithoritie^  through  the 
efleem  of  their  fufficiency  ,  and  reputation  of  their  zeal ,  M  any  that  are  in  their  whole 
bodie. 

Tour  Majejiie,  Sir,  may  eafily  obtain  of  the  King  your  good  Brother  and  Friend , 
that  they  be  called,  by  his  Authmitie ,  to  come  (  with  all  thofe  of  their  Communion  where- 
with they  would  be  affifled  )  and  appear  in  prefence  of  Monfeur  the  Archhijhop  of  Paris , 
and  Monfieur  his  Coadjutor ,  and  the  CathoUck^Voaors,  which  he  JJjall  pleafe  to  bring 
with  him.  And  there,  Sir ,  your  Majejiie  being  prefent,  they Jhall  jpeak,  and  anfwer  with  all 
fecuritie  and  libertie  ,  that  which  their  fririts  and  confcience  doth  fuggtji  to  them  ,  upon 
the  evident  contradiBions  of  the  principles  and  confequences  of  their  Reformation ,  that , 
in  aV  their  different  SeUs  which  have  forfak^n  the  Church  under  this  pretext,  there  is 
neither  Church  nor  Faith.  And  that ,  upon  the  Points  of  Faith  ,  where  they  have  ac- 
cufed  the  Church  of  Errour  ,  and  have  takgn  the  opportunitie  to  feparate  themfelves  from 
her ,  they  are  lik^wife  feparated  from  the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  all  Ages.  So 
that  they  cannot  any  wayes  accufe  us  of  diverfnie  of  opinion  with  the  Ancient  Church  , 
but  that  they  again  fall  into  an  evident  contradiCiion  of  themfelves  ,  as  well  as  of  the  An- 
cient Fathers  ,  and  of  us. 

7hefe  Minijiers ,  Sir  ,  will  deny  neither  the  defire  of  you  f  Majeftie  ,  no-r  the  Command- 
ment of  the  King  your  good  Brother  ,  to  render  the  dutie  both  to  their  charge  and  to  their 
confcience  ,  unlefl  by  their  tergiverfation  they  will  betray  the  weak^tefi  of 
their  caufe  ,  and  the  condemnation  which  they  themfelves  p-onoiptce  in  their 
Hearts. 

But  they'll  love  rather  (aslthink^)  ingentioujly  to  prefent  themfelves,  to  yield  to  the 
truth  ,  which  they  cannot  contradict ,  than  to  inarr  the  hlam.e  cf  being  acl^owledged  for- 
mal enemies  of  the  peace  and  re-union  of  the  Church,  through  the  perverfnefi  of  an  ob- 
Jiinate  Faith.  1  kriow  not  what  to  thinks  that  they  fhotild  rather  love  to  fling  themfelves 
headlong  ,  with  their  people  ,  into  the  confufon  and  diforder  of  Independencie  ,  and  in- 
difference of  all  opinion  in  Religion  ,  than  to  avouch  the  errour  and  blindnefi  of  thofe  who 
were  the  frijl  Egreffors  from  the  Church  by  thefe  Maxims  ,  which  have  caji,  by  their 
eonfequences ,  their  Followers  into  this  aby^  of  Ireligion,  whereinto  we  fee  them  at  this 
prefent  fallen. 

And  when  the  Minijiers  would  let  themfelves  be  carried  away  to  fo  unlucky  a  thought, 
J  do  no  wayes  believe  that  in  Ytdiucc  the  People  would  foliow    them,  and  adhere  to  their 

opinions. 

This  is  wherefore.  Sir  ^  1  dare  hope  that  the  Minijiers  which  are  in  Paris  ,  being  obli- 
ged by  the  defire  of  your  Majejiie  ,  and  the  will  of  their  Sovereign  ,  to  fubmit  to  this 
Law  ,  which  their  own  Confcience  impofes  on  them  for  the  fatUfacfion  of  their  own  Peo- 
ple (for  the  People  will  have  no  leji  affection  ,  and  will  he  no  kfi  defiroHS  to  fee  the  fuc- 
cefi  of  the  appearance  of  their  Minijiers ,  and  the  anfwer  theyfliaV  mak^  )  wiV  yield  to  it , 
and  will  rather  chufe  to  wall{,  in  the  way  of  honour,  and  a  good  confcience  ,  than  bajely  to 
appear  defertors  ,  at  one  and  the  fame  time  ,  both  of  their  Caufe,  and  good  Faith.      _^ 


The  Viaory  of  Truth  ;    Or  , T  o  m  e  I. 

itn     r      ,   n„,^c  tn  Pais    Sir     and  tph.itfoever  they  du ,  rphether  they  foJlnrv  the  mo- 
.     y{l7%lTofFfac^^^^^^^^  Jr^hethe/the  Spim  rf   Vnde  f.ggefts  unto 

Zmto  avoid  a>,d  fly  both  the  one  and  the  other  ,  your  MajelUeJhV  ^aV  alwayes  have  aU 
f  V  MifaaioK  for  departing  flom  the  errour  ,  which  you  Jhall  jee  prjak^n  or  condimn- 
ed  bv  its  orvn  Mi>Mers  i  and  entring  into  the  Church  ,  rvhich  U  the  FiVar  of  truth , 
andRork  of  Agis ,'  againjl  which  you  fee  all  the  fail  of  different  Seds ,  running  at 
every  wind  of  VoUrine  ,  through  the  deceit  of  them  that  conditS  them  ,  to  breaJ^  and 
Ihiptvrack.  themfelves.  And  n-hen  your  Majejiie  jhall  he  entred  into  the  Church  after  thit 
manner,  and  when  all  the  world  Jhall  fee  ,  that  the  defre  to  glorife  God,  by  the  fear  ch- 
iitrr  for  the  Truth,  the  repofe  of  your  Confcience  ,  and  for  the  love  of  your  Salvation , 
(hill  have  been  your  whole  motive  i  Tou  need  not  doubt ,  Sir  ,  hut  your  example 
trill  make    the    lik^   imprejjion  in   all  the  fouls    that    are    touched  with  the  fear  of 

God, 

Tou  need  not  doubt ,  <S'/V  ,  forfo  much  Of  God  hath  elevated  your  Majeflie  in  Birth 
and  eminent  Via^nitie  above  the  reji  that  are  in  the  Communion  wherein  you  have  lived. 
They  all  feeing  thefe  circumjlances  of  your  change,  and  entrance  into  the  San&uarie  of 
the  Church  upon  the  wings  of  the  Vitiorie  of  Truth ,  which  carries  you  thither  alone  , 
will  he  llirred  up  to  give  glorie  to  God  for  the  fame  caufes  for  which  you  jhall  be  rendred 
to  him. 

It  concerns  you  then  ,  Sir  ,  to  makg  your  entrance  by  this  means ,  and  that  you  ferve 
your  felf  of  this  way  to  addreji  your  felf  thither  ,  to  the  end  your  Converfwn  and  Re- 
turn to  the  Church  ,  bring  to  her ,  with  you  ,  by  the  folemn  conviUion  of  the  errou*' 
which  h^th  difmemhred  her ,  not  onely  thofe  which  the  divifwn  of  your  fathers  hath  torn 
from  her  ,  but  alfo  all  the  reji  which  the  fame  caufe  hath  feparated.  For  by  the  power 
which  Truth  hath  upon  the  Confcience  of  men ,  when  it  is  apparent ,  there  U  no  doubt 
but  it  will  come  to  paj!  after  this  manner. 

iVhenthe  Teople  jhall  fee  that  the  Minifiers  called  in  the  prefence  of  your  Majejiie,  ei- 
ther by  their  avowing  of  the  Truth  ,  or  refufal  to  appear ,  jhall  have  been  themfelvet 
the  Minijiers  of  your  Converfion  ,  every  one  will  enter  upon  the  examination  of  the  cait- 
fes  and  reafons  of  the  Truth,  which  jhall  have  moved  you  thither,  which  jhall  have  jto 
lefi  vertue  to  make  the  like  imprejjion  in  their  fouls  ,  by  the  fame  means. 

For  whether  the  Minijiers  do  fincerely  yield  to  the  Truth ,  which  they  will  not  k^tow 
how  to  comradi& ,  or  whether  they  condemn  themfelves  by  their  refufal  of  an  ingenuouf 
proceeding  ,  the  event  of  their  Convocation  jhall  be  alik^  and  univerfal  in  all  places , 
where  the  fame  way  to  call    back,  the   Teople  to  the  Church  jhall  be  pradifed. 

There  are  no  Minijiers  in  France  will  k^ow  what  to  anfwer  ,  when  thofe  of  Paris 
Ihall  be  made  dumb.  No  others  will  by  any  manner  of  means  dijpute  them  concerning 
their  fu^cienci'e.  But  if  they  are  wanting  to  the  dutie  of  a  good  Confcience,  you  may 
eafily  meet  many  more  ingenuous ,  who  will  m  wayes  refufe  to  acknowledge  the  Truth. 
By  thvf  way  the  People,  who  feek^  nothing  but  their  Salvation  ,  and  who  have  no  inter- 
e\i  more  precious  ,  will  be  ravijhed  to  fee  themfelves  at  lafi,  by  a  plain,  folid  and  (jn- 
cere  inftrulHon ,  upon  the  true  underftanding  of  matters  of  the  Catholick^  Faith  ,  drawn 
from  this  Labyrinth  of  Vij^utes  ,  which  are  given  them  for  matter  of  Reformation,  no 
lejs  Enemies  to  Tietie  than  Chrijiian  Charitie. 

For  this  effect ,  Sir ,  defiring  to  be  affijiing  to  the  defign  of  making  the  People  fee,  by 
the  conviClion  of  their  Minijiers ,  that  being  feparated  from  the  Church  under  thif  pre- 
text nf  Reformation ,  they  are  left  by  that  means  without  Faith  ,  and  without  the 
\  Church;  And  then  when  one  perfwades  them ,  that  in  the  §)ue\}ions  controverted  in 
Faith  ,  the  Church  teaches  contrary  to  what  the  Ancient  Church  hath  believed;  thofe  that 
accufe  them  cannot  do  it  but  by  a  formal  contradiUing  both  the  Holy  Fathers  and  them- 
felves, which  isanecejfary  argument  of  lying  and  errour:  I  here  put  forth  into  the  light 
"  ^'il'^  7'"<'at(/f ,  wherein  thefe  two  Truths  are  rendred  evident. 

They  have  formed  no  Controverfe  more  important,  according  to  their  own  opinion,  than 
that  of  Tra»fuh\\amiation  in  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Eucharijl.  They  accufe  us  for  ha- 
ving introduced  ,  by  the  truth  of  this  change ,  the  necefjitie  of  adoring  Jefm  Chrijl  in  this 
Sacrament,  or  the  Sacrament  it  felf ,  which  we  maintain  to  be  Jefus  Chriji  himfelf. 
They  impute  unto  us  ,  that  in  this  we  have  altered  the  Faith  of  the  Ancient  Church  ,  to 
which  they  fay ,  both  thU  change ,  and  the  adoration  df  the  Sacrament,   hath  been  un- 

hpown. 


Tome  f.  An  Epiftle  of  M'.  dc  la  Milttiere,  &c. 

kl'oxp>t.     They  mal^  this  the  principal  caufe,  forfooth  ,  of  their  file  neceffitie  of  fepsrating, 
themfelves  from  us,  ^ 

And  being  not  able  to  deny ,  that  the  whok  Ancient  Church  did  fnkmnly  offer  the  Sa- 
crifice of  the  Bodie  and  Blood  of  Jefm  Chrijl  to  God  his  Father  ,  according  to  his  inflitu- 
tion^  in  the  Holy  Eucharifl  ^  they  alfo  cloaks  their  difference  in  this  fitbje£i ,  from  the 
Ancient  Church,  and  from  «<,  rvith  this,  "that  the  Ancient  Church  did  not  believe  ( oi 
theyprefiume  )  T'ranfiubllantiation  with  us,  nor  by  confiauence  the  Sacrifice,  as  we  do, 
f&H  ■>  ^'•'''*  ^°  ^^^  purpofe,  as  they  refiU  in  our  Belief  Iranfubliantiation  ,  fo  they  have 
for  the  fame  re afon  likewife  abolifioed  the  Sacrifice,  which  the  Church  celebrates  at  this 
frefent.  J  have  made  it  evident.  Sir  ,  that  the  Faith  of  the  Church  at  this  day  is  con- 
formable to  the  Ancient  upon  thU  change ,  in  a  Book^  which  J  have  piiblifljed  againfi 
the  defences  brought  by  Minijier  Aubertin  upon  the  Pajjages  of  the  Holy  Fathers  ,  in  bis 
Book^  of  the  Eucharifi. 

I  have  reduced  the  Vemonfiration  of  the  Truth  to  this  point,  viz.  That  all  the  Holy  Fa- 
thers have  believed ,  that  by  the  change ,  which  interpofes  it  felf  in  this  Sacrament , 
there  is  rendred,  the  fame  Flefh  ,  and  the  fame  Blood  of  Jefus  Chrifi  ,  received  by  the 
mouths  of  Believers  ,  whereof  Jefm  Chriji  jpeakj  in  St.  John  ,  where  he  commands  us 
to  eat  and  drin\  them  ,  that  we  may  have  eternal  life.     The    Minijier   hath  not   been 
able  to  contradict  this  truth ,  but  in  formally   contradiSiing   the  finfe  ,  which  the  Au- 
ihours  of  his  opinion ,  before  him ,  have  attributed  to  the   Fathers ,  as   conformable  to 
them ,  and  in  making  the  fenfe  of  the  Fathers  formally  contrarie  to  that  of  Jefus  Chrifi, 
and  that  which  he   attributes   to  them  frmally     contrary   to  the  true  fenfe  which  they 
have  and  do  declare  in  clear  and  expreji  words,     I  have  convinced  him  by  the  proof  of  an 
evident  Vemonfiration  in  this  little  Treatife.     And  if  he  be  called  to   anfrver  upon  this 
Conviiiion  ,  the  Truth  will  be  found  to  he  victorious  ,  either  by  his  good  or  his  evil  Faith. 
And  as  their  Confidences  tell  them ,  and  bite  them  for  having  introduced ,  by  their  Re- 
formation ,  all  Opinions  equally  contrarie  to  the  Faith,  of  the  Church  of  all  Ages,   when  they 
fee  themfelves  reduced  to  this  extremitie  i  they  cafi  themfelves  into  the  retrenchment  of  their 
Fundamental  Maxims ,  which  is  to  admit  of  no  Rule  of  Faith ,  but  that    of  the  Scri- 
pture ,  interpreted  hy  every  mans  reafon.     Vpon  that  I  have  convinced  them  by  a  Vemon- 
firation without  Reply ,  that  hy  the  defign  of  their  Reformation  ,  founded  upon  the  ufe  of 
this  Rule  ,  they  have  lofi  both  the  Church  and  Faith.     Which  they  mufi  avouch  if  they 
he  called  to  anftver  there  ,  or  the  Truth  fi^all  confirve  its  advantage  by  the   refufial  they 
JhaV  mak^, 

I  mofi  humbly  intreat  your  Majefiie  ,  Sir,  that  you  will  be  pleafied  to  let  this  little 
rvor}{_  have  the  glory  to  appear  to  the  JForld  under  your  Royal  Name  ,  for  a  prop  which 
will  be  able  to  ferve  your  Faith  ,  as  an  Infirument  of  the  Truth ,  the  ViCtorie  whereof 
nught  happily  to  gain  you  to  the  Church  :  And  by  gaining  you  ,  to  bring  with  you  her 
Peace ,  and  re-union  of  all  the  Parties  that  are  divided  from  her.  For  affuredly 
this  grace  of  Heaven  is  not  far  from  us,  if  we  our  felves  do  not  draw  our  fielves 
back; 

And  I  am  certain  ,  that  if  it  pleafie  the  prudence  of  the  Bijhops  ,  which  the  Holy 
Ghofi  hath  eflablifi^ed  for  the  conduCl  of  the  Church  (  as  I  hope  they  will  be  pleafied)  to 
ferve  themfelves  towards  the  People  that  have  abandoned  their  Crolier ,  of  the  way  that  I 
propofe  and  prefent  to  your  Majefiie  '•,  they  fi^all  fiee  ,  without  much  pain  ,  and  in  a  lit- 
tle time ,  the  firayed  Sheep  returning  to  them  ,  by  the  very  hand  of  thofe  which  k^ep 
them  withdrawn  from  their  She epf olds.  For  in  effeU,  when  the  evidence  of  this  demon- 
firated  Truth  fhall  once  have  taken  its  place  (by  the  fweetnefi  of  the  amiable  conferences^ 
■where  (he  ought  to  be  treated  with  all  finceritie  and  libertie  )  in  the  fiirit  of  all  our  fepa- 
rated  Brethren  ,  as  well  Minifiers  as  people  ,  they  will  confent  with  joy  to  re-enter  into 
the  Catholick^  Church.  So  much  the  more  willingly ,  that  by  the  reafions  of  the  truth  of 
her  Faith ,  acknowledged  conformable  to  the  Tradition  of  all  Ages ,  they  fijall  fio  acknow- 
ledge her,  in  all  her  parts ,  to  be  the  True  Seed  from  which  the  Holy  Spirit  hath  caufedPi- 
etie  and  Charitie  to  faring,  flourifh,  and  fruBifre  in  BeUevers. 

From  whence  it  follows  hy  the  fame  reafon ,  that  the  true  and  lawful  Reformation , 
all  good  men  of  the  Church  define  in  the  Church  ,  doth  depend  no  otherwife  than  upon  the 
underfianding  and  pradice  of  thefie  fame  Truths  ,  by  the  dutie  to  which  they  addrefi  all 
Believers ,  in    the  different  Vocations  whereto  God  calls  them,     hi  all  which,  the  end, 

C  2  which 


II 


The  \^i6i-ory  of  Truth;   Or,  T  o  m  e  I. 

tPhichis  proPojUthem,  is  no  other  than  to  live  umted  among  them  andrvhhjefiis 
Clmd  hi  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghoji  ,  to  ferve  God  tinder  the  ohedience  of  the  Govern- 
ment which  he  hath  Put  into  the  hands  of  the  Bif^'ofs  ,  rvhich  feed  the  Flock,  with  an  una- 
nimoM  conQnt  under  the  Atithoritie  of  the  efiecial  Chair  of  St.  Peter ,  ejtahlifhed  at 
Home  by  two  Principals  of  the  Ap> files,  ^/.  Peter  ,  and  St.  Paul,  from  which  whofo- 
everfeparateshimfelf,  is  a  Schifmatick^,  and  out  of  the  Commmion  of  the  Church. 

Vponthis,  Sir,  I  am  imholdened  to  Jpeak^fir  this  lafi  time  to  your  Majeftie  ,  that  Of 
you  may  if  you  will,  by  the  way  which  I  fropofe  to  you,  lay  the  Foundation  of  this  worl{_, 
by  your  Converfwn  and  entrance  into  the  Catholic}{,  Church  :  Tou  will  find  alfo ,  that 
the  (uccefl  jhall  be  ,  in  the  hand  of  God,  the  indubitable  way  of  re-eftahlifhing  you  in 
vour  fhrone.  Certainly  all  will  agree  with  me,  that  this  worJ{_  is  upon  fuch  conditions ^ 
that  if  it  had  received  its  accomflijhment  in  Paris  ,  with  the  Minijlers ,  and  People  fepa- 
rated  from  the  Church  ,  there'' s  no  place  in  all  France  wherein  they  would  refufe  to  do 

the  Hk- 

Jnd  if  once  the  love  of  the  Peace  ,  and  the  re-union  of  the  Church  ,  had  thus  gained 

the  heart  of  our  feparated  Brethren  which  are  in  this  Kingdom ,  acknowledging  in  this 
manner ,  that  the  onely  fafe  and  necejfarie  Reformation  ought  to  be  this  ,  which ,  by  the 
truth  of  the  Definitions  of  the  Faith  of  the  Church ,  in  her  VoUrine  ,  in  her  Service , 
and  in  her  Government ,  jhall  re-efiahlijh  a  Chriftian  life  among  Chriflians  :  the  other  Peo- 
ple and  Pajiours  (  and  the  Pafi ours  for  the  love  ,  and  by  the  very  motion  of  the  People  ) 
which  are  in  the  fame  Communion  in  other  parts  of  Europe  ,  wiU  without  doubt  do  the 
fame  thing. 

Think^you  ,  Sir  ,  that  if  your  Subje&s  of  Scotland  ,  and  thofe  which  are  in  England 
and  Ireland  ,  faithful  and  affeciionate  to  your  Crown  and  Perfon  ,  feeing  the  fuccej!  of 
this  projeSi  hapned in  France,  to  which  your  Converfwn  JhaV  have  given  the  beginning 
and  motion  ,  they  will  refft  the  call  of  the  fame  grace  ,  and  that  they  can  be  able  to  find 
in  their  hearts  ,  in  their  mouths,  and  in  their  hands  ,  either  reafon,  nr  means ,  for  to 
hinder  themfelves  to  follow  that  which  aV  thofe  of  their  Commttnion  Jhall  have  done  here? 
And  after  this  -will  you  doubt ,  that  the  Bleffing  of  God ,  who  is  never  -wanting  to  his 
promifes ,  will  not  accomplijh  in  you  fully  that  which  he  hath  promifed  to  thofe  that  be- 
lieve in  him  ,  by  the  mouth  of  his  own  Son ,  when  he  tells  them  ,  Search  the  Kingdom 
of  God  ,  and  his  righteoufnefs  ,  and  all  things  fhall  be  added  unto  you  ?  Will  you 
doubt ,  that  in  thits  fearching  of  his  Kingdom  ,  you  Jhall  not  find  alfo  your  own  ?  And 
that  Heaven  will  not  lik^wife  render  unto  you ,  upon  the  Earth  ,  this  temporal  recompence, 
for  a  tok^nef  that  you  Jhall  have  fought,  and  which  you  Jhall  receive  in  Heaven  for 
eternitie  ? 

Tes  ,  Sir ,  the  Word  of  God  deceives  no  man  i  it  is  more  firm  and  immovable  than 
the  Heaven  and  the  Earth  ;  for  the  one  and  the  other  Jhall  vanijh  away,  but  one  J'ole  Jota 
of  the  Word  uttered  from  the  mouth  of  the  Son  of  God,  Jhall  not  pafi  away.  When  I 
tell  you  theje  things  ,  founded  upon  the  'Truth  which  he  hath  jpik^n  unto  Uf  ,  believe  that 
this  is  he  himfelf  that  addrejfes  them  to  you  by  my  mouth.  It  is  he  himfelf  that  calls 
you.  It  is  he  himfelf  that  firetcheth  forth  his  Hand  towards  you.  Jt  is  he  himfelf , 
that  by  his  Hand  hath  conduced  you ,  for  this  end,  to  the  place  where  you  are.  Kecol- 
leci  again  your  felf  upon  all  the  thoughts  of  your  heart ,  fince  the  time  your  Majefiie 
parted  from  hence ,  to  the  time  your  Majefiie  returned  back^ 

Thinl^upon  all  that  you  have  been  willing  to  do ,  and  upon  all  that  which  it  hath  plea- 
fed  God  to  do  with  you  :  For  he  hath  done  all  the  things  ,  both  what  you  fee,  and  what 
you  fuffer ,  upon  your  Perfon  ,  and  upon  your  Efiate. 

He  hath  put  you  into  the  Efiate  you  are  ,  to  mak^  you  underfiand  his  voice  ,  and  for 
to  oblige  you  to  fay  to  him  ,  Lord  ,  what  wilt  thou  that  I  do  ? 

Tom  have  thought  to  be  able  to  re-afcend  upon  your  'throne ,  by  the  means  of  thofe  of 
your  SuhjeUs ,  who  appear'' d  to  retain  for  you  ,  and  for  your  Crown ,  that  fidelitie  to 
which  a  more  ancient  Bond  held  them  obliged  more  ^raightly  than  all  others.  God  would  not 
have  it  fo.  "fhey  had  a  defign  to  bind  your  Confidence  to  the  Laws  of  their  Reformation, 
by  an  oath  to  objerve  the  conditions  of  their  Covenans  ,  and  by  abjurittg  your  opinions , 
that  drew  more  near  the  Catholick^  Religion. 

TJyey  hoped  by  this  means  ,  that  in  conferving  upon  your  Head  fome  Form ,  at  leaft  ap- 
parent ,  of  the  Royal  Government ,  under  which  they  had  fe  happily  obeyed  your  Fathers 

j'or 


T  o  M  E  I.  An  Epiftle  of  Mr.  de  la  Militiere ,  &c.  i  o 


for  fo  mavty  Ages  ,  they  Jhotild  avoid  the  falling  mder  the  Jlavage  of  the  7yramy  which 
if  called  Cromwell's  Commonwealth. 

And  that  they  Jhould  defend  by  this  rvay  the  faCiioufnefi  of  their  Keliglon  from  giving 
place  to  his  Independencie ,  Jfhat  is  it  come  to  ?  God  hath  dejhoyed  all  their  Cottnfels, 
He  hath  routed  aU  their  Armies  by  the  Arm  of  this  Falfe  Prophet  ,  by  whofe  mouth  he 
convinces  ,  and  confounds  in  the  face  of  their  Minifiers  ,  by  mouth  and  by  rcritingr  the 
Kules  of  their  Covenant ,  by  the  proper  Maxims  of  tlmr  Kefoi-mation.  God  hath  delive- 
red them  into  his  hands  ,  and  impofed  upon  them  the  yo^e  of  his  abfolute  domination.  They 
muji  now  fubmit  to  the  Laves  of  hU  Independencie  ,  and  of  his  Commonrvealth  the  name 
whereof  ferves  for  a  Mafque  to  his  Tyrannie. 

But  God  hath  delivered  you  ,  Sir  ,  and  hy  a  conduU  if  his  Providence ,  full  of  trem- 
hling  and  admiration  ,  he  hath  reithdraren  your  Sacred  Perfon  from  a  thoufand  dangers  , 
xvhich  threatned  it  from  the  ftcrie  and  crueltie  of  this  Monjier ,  rrho  Jpared  neither  the 
Jirce  of  Iron^  nor  the  value  of  Gold  ^  to  find  the  means  of  violently  taking  axvay  your, 
life.  Ion  havefecn ,  Sir  ,  the  anger  of  God  to  defend  upon  your  Head  ,  rvho  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  Scripture  ,  hath  loojhed  the  Belts  of  Kings  ^  and  bound  their  Reins  with 
Cords. 

Ton  have  feen  his  Arm^  armed  with  his  rage ,  to  defeat  your  Armies.  Combating  at 
their  head  you  have  done  bravely  ^  with  your  hand  ^  and  tvith  your  courage  ^  all  that  the 
generofitie  of  a  valiant  and  magnanimous  Prince  could  do  ^  to  afjociate  Vidorie  to  the  jufiice 
of  your  Arms,  fou  have  there  jhed  your  Blond ,  and  feen  that  of  your  faithful  Subjects  to 
frream  through  the  fields  covered  with  their  bodies. 

Tour  valour^  and  their  unfearful  hearts ,  had  for  a  time  gotten  the  advantave  of  the 
great  number  of  your  Enemies ,  who  faw  themfelves  readie  to  turn  their  backs  :  But  the 
chance  of  Arms  turning  in  an  inflant  for  them^  this  ill  hap  ^  fatal  to  your  Crown  ^  ravijh'd 
from  you  in  this  laji  ConfliU  ^  according  to  humane  appearance^  both  the  way  ,  and  hope 
of  recovering  it.  But  God  hath  wayes  unknown  to  men ,  and  his  wayes  are  not  our  wayes. 
It  is  not  in  our  weakitefi  that  he  magnifies  his  Jlrengih  ,  and  in  our  lowlinefi  that  he  mak^s 
his  heighth  to  be  feen. 

Then  when  you  were  thus  deprived  of  your  Forces^  and  all  humane  means  offafetie  ta- 
k^n  from  you  ,   he  came  to  you  under  another  vifage ,  and  armed  you  with  a  fenfe  ofhar^ 
dineji  and  r efolution  ,  which  was  above  the  jpirit  of  a  man  ,  for  the  Partie  which  yon 
made  choice  of  for  your  fecuritie.     Tou  refolv'd  with  your  felf  to  fee\  it ,  by  expofmg 
your  fole  Perfon  in  the  folitarinefi of  wayes,  and  in  the  deprt  of  Forrefis,  to  the  hazard 
of  a  thoufand  fad  Accidents  ■■>  after  you  had  hidden  all  the  Mark^  of  that  Majeftie,  which  is 
horn  with  you  ,  under  a  Form  borrowed  from  the  moft  bafe  condition ,  that  the  eyes  of  the 
People,  which  owe  you    after  God  the  fecond  homage,  might  not  k>tow  what  you  truly 
were.    Tou  have  pa^ed  after  this  manner  ,  without  afionifhment ,  and  withottt  fear  ,  acroS 
a  thoufand  objeHs ,  which  the  imagination  at  every  fiep  prefented  to  you.    ft  is  there  , 
where  you  ackjiowkdge  God  hath  encamped  his  Angels  about  you  ,  for  your  guard  ,  and 
for  your  defence.     It  is  there  ,  where  he  made  a  fimple  Peafant  ,  and  an  infirm  Woman  , 
the  very  Angeb  of  his  affiance  ,  for  to  be  your  guide  :  giving  to  the  pmplicitie  of  the  one, 
and  to  the  frailtie  of  the  other  ,  prudence  and  refolution  necejjarie  to  conduCl  you  ,    with  as 
much  judgement  as  fmcere  loyaltie  ,  and  to  bring  you ,  as  a  frranger  and  ttnk^own  perfon 
both  the  objeti  of  every  mans  fcorn  and  disdain  ,  into  the  Capital  Citie  of  your  Ancefiors 
Inheritance.    It  is  there  ,  where  before  fearing  (  by  reafon  of  the  Orders  fet  forth  againji 
your  life  ,  and  for  difcovering  you  )  the  meeting  jo  many  Faces  that  would  regard  yours, 
the  Hand  of  God  hath  withdrawn  the  eyes  of  aV  thofe  who  had  a  heart  to  hurt  you.     And 
he  hath  opened  them  to  him  alone  ,  for  to  acknowledge  you ,  who  without  being  prevented, 
either  by  a  Fore-fight ,   or  expellation  of  you ,  became  the  Angel  of  your  conduti,  for  your 
crowing  the  Seas  ,  depending  upon  our  Banks ,  and  moreover,  rendringyou  to  the  eyes  of 
the  ^een  your  dear  Mother  ,  to  whotn  your  Prefence  hath  caufed  a  g-eater   ceffation  of 
grief,  and  rendred  a  greater  joy ,  than  you  did  at  your  Birth, 

God  hath  then  after  this  manner.  Sir ,  made  you  to  return  hither  into  theBofome, 
wherein  your  Majeftie  hath  begun  to  live,  to  the  end  he  may  give  you  a  new  one  ,  by  your 
being  born  again  into  the  Spiritual  Bofome  of  your  Eternal  Mother.  Tou  may  fee  the  con- 
duB  andCounfel  of  God,  who  calls  you  to  him  by  aCall  fo  marvellous,  having  heard  the 
Prayers  and  Vowes,  the  Sighs  and  Tears  of  this  CatholicllPrincefi,  to  give  her  the  joy  to 

D  fee 


14 


The  \"\doty  of  Truth  ,  Or,  An  Epiftle,  &c.      T  o  m  e  l- 


fee  wnmtdredjpjrtJk^ofthegfeateftGracesJhe  hath  received  from  God ^  andrehich 
(he  hath  implored fr  yoti  eirrfmce your  Birth,  nvthout  ceafwg. 

Sbicejhe  if  the  Daughter  of  Henry  the  Great ,  the  Glorie  of  mofi  Chrijlian  Kings,  Jhe 
implores  of  Cod  for  you  the  inheritance  of  that  Grace  he  received  from  hU  hand,  rvho  fet 
him  at  one  and  the  fame  time  both  in  the  Church  ,  and  upon  the  'Throne.  -Her  faith  im- 
plores it,  her  patience  hopes  it ,  and  her  pietie  pail  obtain  it.  IhU  if  the  conflation  fhe 
(tffhs  after ,  for  refloring  kr  from  fo  many  bitter  affliUionr,  which  pe  hath  fuclq  in  at  lei- 
fure  ,  and  that  the  hand  of  God  hath  poured  upon  her,  in  hU  Som  Chalice ,  by  which  he 
troves  the  conftancie  of  thife  xvho  love  him. 

to  the  tears  of  this  deflate  Princep ,  I  add.  Sir,  the  Innocent  Blood  ped  before  Cod  by 
the  King  your  Father,  tirhotn  Ithink^  I  may  be  able  veithout  fear  tojiile  happy.  For  if  tve 
Iwk^uPonthe  caitfeofhif  Death,  he  hath  been  perfeczited  and  cruelly  fain ,  being  able  to  avoid 
the  one  and  the  other  from  the  hands  of  hit  Enemies  ,  if  he  would  have  fubmitted  his  Con- 
fcience  to  their  Covenant,  and  confented  to  the  aboliping  of  Epifcopacie. 

But  he  hath  loved  rather  to  glorifre  God  by  the  Confejjion  of  a  good  Confcience ,  and  for 
ftpporiing  a  Dignitie  which  he  hath  believed  to  have  been  inftituted  by  Cod,  according  to 
the  Opinion  of  the  Catholick^  Faith.  Certainly  we  ought  to  believe ,  that  it  is  to  this  Faith^ 
which  he  hath  preferred  before  the  greateft  things  in  the  world,  to  which  we  muft  afcribe,  and 
acknowledge  fir  the  fruits  thereofthe  Pietie,Humilitie,PatieHce,ConJlancie,Kefignation  to  the 
tVillof  God  ,  Submijjion  even  to  that  cf  men,  for  the  love  of  God,  which  wehave  feenin 
him,  and  which  his  Ferfecuiion,  Suffering,  Trifon  ,  unworthy  Jntreatings  ,  criminal  Procee- 
ding, Degradation,  Condemnation,  the  horrour  and  crueltie  of  hn  Punipment ,  likgto  which 
the  Sun  did  never  yet  fee  an  example  on  the  Earth ,  have  rendred  him  more  iHuftrious  and 
more  bright-pining  than  the  light  of  the  Sunitfelf.  We  may  fay,  that  that  firmneji  of 
this  Faith  hath  been  in  his  heart  a  fecret  work^  of  Cod ,  for  re-uniting  him ,  in  this  iryal 
cf  the  laft  moments  of  his  life,  to  his  Catholick^  Church  ,  in  the  number  of  his  Faithful 
Eled,  many  of  which  (faith  St.  Auftin  )  invifibly  belong  to  the  Church  ,  though  they  are 
not  rendred  rHembers  vifibly.  Andwe  ought  to  believe ,  that  this  Crown,  which  he  hath 
gained  by  the  conftancie  of  his  Faith ,  hath  been  woven  for  him  by  the  hands  of  Jefus 
thrift  ,  the  King  of  Kings,  hearing  the  Prayer  and  Interceffionof  the  moft  happy  §)ueen  his 
Grandmother ,  who  hath  in  the  fame  manner  ped  her  blood,  and  given  up  her  foul  into  the 
hands  of  Cod,  by  one  and  the  fame  punipment,  with  a  Faith  and  Conftancie  not  to  be  imi- 
tated ,  for  the  Catholick^  Faith ,  which  woi  the  very  caufe  of  the  hatred  and  perfecution  pe 
received  from  her  People ,  andmqft  near  Kihfwoman ,  from  whom  the  Succejfion  of  the 
Crown  belonged  to  her.  For  the  Prayers  of  the  moft  happy  Martyrs  in  Heaven  tend  to  ob- 
tain continually  of  God,  by  Jefus  Chrift,  the  accomplipment  of  the  fame  Grace  they  have 
received  here  below  ,  imploring  it  for  thofe  that  have  need,  to  the  end  that  their  Faith  may 
lealfo  confummated  by  a  perfeCt  Charitie.  This  is  the  Grace,  Sir,  you paU makg  tryal  of^ 
when  your  Majeftiepall  attain  this  Faith  by  your  re-union  with  the  Church.  Ton  (hall feel 
likiwife  the  efftH  of  the  Prayers  and  Interceffion  this  glorious  Princtfi  makis  to  God  for  you 
hy  Jefus  Chrift;  to  the  end,  that  when  you  pall  be  re^ored  to  his  Church,  the  throne  un- 
jufty  tak^n  away  both  from  her,  and  from  you ,  pall  be  rendred  to  you  in  the  tniddle  of  your 
Suh]eUs,  thereto  eftablip,  by  the  fame  Grace   the  Kingdom  of  Jefus  Chrift. 

To  thefe  Prayers  ,  which  all  the  Angels  and  Saints  which  are  in  the  Church  in  Heaven , 
andinEarth,mak^toGodforyourMajeftie,Ijoyn,  Sir,  my  Vows  and  Supplications, 
with  this  teftimonie  of  my  Devotion  to  your  moft  humble  fer  vice ,  in  a  Subje6f  which  Ihave 
efteemed  the  mo^  important ,  and  moft  worthy  to  gain  me  the  honour  of  the  good  Favour  of  your 
Majeftie  /  and  that  to  ftile  my  felf, 

SIR, 

Of  yottr  Majeftie  the  moft  Humble,  moft  Faithful, 
and  moft  Obedient  Servant, 

La  MILITIERE. 


I^ 


DISCOURSE!, 


A     N 


A    N 


S    W 

T   O 


E    R 


M\  de  la  Milidere 

His  Impertinent  Dedication  of  his  Imaginary  Triumph  i 

O  R.    H  I  S 

EPISTLE 

TotheKiNG  of  GREAT  BRITAIN, 

wherein  he  inviteth  his  MAJESTY  to  forfake  the 
Church  of  England^  and  to  Embrace  the  Roman  Catholic^ 
Religion, 

By  John  Bramhall  D.D.  and  Lord  Bifhop  of  Derry. 

SIR, 

O  U  might  long  have  difputed  your  Queftion  of  Tranfubftan- 
tiation  with  your  learned  Adverfary  ,  and  proclaimed  your 
own  Triumph  on  a  filver  Trumpet  to  the  World ,  before  any 
Member  of  the  Church  of  England  had  interpofed  in  this  pre- 
fent  exigence  of  our  Affairs.  I  know  no  necellity  that  Chri- 
ftians  mart  be  like  Cocks ,  that  when  one  crows  ,  aV  the  reft  mufl  ■^'*''' 
crow  for  company. 

Monfieur  Auhertine  will  not  want  a  furviving  Friend  ,  to 
teach  you  what  it  is  to  found  a  Triumph  before  you  have 
gain'd  the  Vidory.     He  was  no  Fool  that  deiired  no  other  Epitaph  on  his  Tomb  -.    „ 
than  this  ,  Here  lies  the  Authour  of  thisfentence  ,  frurigo  di^utandi  fcaUes  Ecclefia,  ^^110011^ 
the  itch  of  difputing  is  the  fcab  of  the  Church. 

Having  viewed  all  your  ftxength  with  a  fingle  eye  ,  i  find  not  one  of  your  Argu- 
ments that  come  home  to  Tranfubftantiation  ,  but  onely  to  a  true  Real  Prefence , 
which  no  genuine  Son  of  the  Church  of  England  did  ever  deny  ,  no  nor  your  Ad- 
verfary himfelf  Chrift  faid  ,  This  is  my  Body  i  what  he  faid  ,  we  do  ftedfaftly  be- 
lieve ^  he  faid  not  after  this  or  that  manner  ,  neque con,  neqtiefub  ,  neqite  trans  ■■>  And 
therefore  we  place  it  among  the  Opinions  of  the  Schools ,  not  among  the  Articles 
of  our  Faith. 

The  holy  Eucharift  ,  which  is  the  Sacrament  of  Peace  and  Unity ,  ought  not  to 

D  2  be 


he  tiifljop  of  Perry  V  Anfn>er  to  T  O  M  E  I. 


■ ,  I  atter  of  ftrife  and  Contcnrion.  There  wanted  not  abufes  in  the  Ad- 
No  a  ffcrcnce  ^''.":',  '[''"  of  this  Sacrament,  in  the  moft  pure  and  primitive  times:  asPropha- 
in  the  church  '"""'"j  ,.,,•,,.  i.^eft  amon£  the  Corinthians.  The  Simonians  ,  and  Menandri- 
dircftly  about  ncfs  '^"^  ""^''f ' "^''S  imps^of  Sathan,  unworthy  the  name  of  Chriftians,  did 
tt'^T  ^''i:Nrr.£^  theuf  o^  ^^^  "°^  f°^  any  difference  about 
800  .carl:  ^^'^t^J'^tit  it  fcif  but  about  the  Natural  Body  of  Chrift  ;  They  held  ,  that  his 
nc'd.l'x'n-   Tujh,  and  Hood,  and  Fafwn,  were  not  tme  and  real ,  hm  imaginary  and  fhantajhcai 

</;/Kgjr.^  ^j^„j(./^ff;.  did  forbear  the  Cup ,  but  it  was  not  for  any  difference  about  the 
Sacrament  it  fclfi  They  made  Two  Sods,  a  good  God,  whom    they  called  »•» 
or  Light  ■,  and  an  evil  God  ,  whom  they  tearmed  w't©-  or  Darknefs,    which  evil 
c'^od   they  faid ,  did  make  ibme  Qeatures  of  the  Dreg,  or  more  feculent  parts  of 
the  Matter ,  vrhich  were  evil  and  impure  i  and  among  thefe  Evil  Creatures  they 
cfteemed  VVine  ,    which  they  called  the  GjhI  of  the    Dragon  :  For  this  caufe ,  not 
upon  any  other  fcruple  ,    they  wholly  abftained  from  the  Cup  ,    or  ufed  water  in 
r„  Ser.  4.  de  the  place  of  wine  i  which  Epiphaniuf  recordeth  among  the  Errors  of  the  Ebiottiter 
^ad.  Epiph.  ^^^  'Xatiattf ,  and  St.  Augu\Hne  of  the  Aquarians.     Still  we  do  not  find  any  clalh- 
Vir.  i^-f^'  ing  either  in   word  or  writing  diredlly   about  this  Sacrament ,   in  the  univerfal 
^YcU.        Church  of  Chrilt,  much  lefs  about  the  prefence  of  Chriif  in  the  Sacrament.     lie- 
Bel.  It -de      que  nHus  veterum  dif^utat  contra  hmc  errorem  frimis  fexcentis  Annis. 
SacEKch.c.i'      y{,e  f^rfl  that  are  fuppofcd  by  Bfl/^rwiw  to  have  broached  any  Error  in  the 
Church  about  the  Real  prefence  ,  were  the  Jcomnachi ,  after   700  years.     Trimi  qui 
V     veritatem  corporis  Domini  in  Euchariiiia  in    qu£ftionem  vocarunt^  fuerunt  Iconomachi 
poll  Annum  Domini  700.  onely  becaufe  they  called  the  Bread  and  Wine  the  Image  of 
Be/.  Hid.  Syn.  ChriiVs  Body.     This  is  as  great  a  miftake  as  the  former.     Their  difference  was 
i/k..  2  >ifl-6-  meerly  about  Images,  not  at  all  about  the  Eucharift  i  fo  much  F^/f/KW  confefleth, 
Dijp.  119-  f-'-  that ,  hi  his  judgement ,    they  were  not  to  be  numhred  with  thofe  who  deny  the  prefence 

of  Chrift  in  the  Euchariji. 
Yet  differfnt        we  may  well  find  different  obfervations  in  thofe  dayes ,  as  one   Church  confe- 
Obfervations,  ^J^^■^^„  leavened  Bread,  another  unleavened  i  One  Church    making  ufe  of  pure 
wine    another  of  wine  mixed  with  water  ■■,  One  Church  admitting  Infents  to  the 
Communion ,  another  not  admitting   them  i  but  without  Controverfies,  or  Cen- 
fures,  or  Animoiity  one  againft  the  other;  We  find  no  Debate's  or  Difputes  concer- 
ning the  prefence  of  Chrift's  Body  hi  the  Sacrament ,  and  much  lefs  concerning  the 
manner  of  his  prefence,  for  the  firA  800  years . 
Ami  ilifferetit]      Yet  all  the  time  we  find  as  different  exprelEons  among  thofe  Primitive  Fathers, 
ExprenTions.     as  among  our  Modern  Writers  at  this  day  ,  fome  calling  the  Sacrament  »(&ey7g«  of 
Chrtjl's  Bodie ,  the  figure  of  his  Bodie ,  the  Symbol  of  his  Bodie ,  the  myfterie  of  hit  Bo- 
die.,   the  exemplar  type  and  reprefentation  of  his  Bodie,  faying.,    that  the   Elements  do 
not  recede  from  their  Natures  Others   naming  it  the  true  Bodie  and  Blood  of  Chrij}^ 
changed,  not  in  Jhape,  but  in  nature,   yea ,  doubting  not  to  fay  ,  that  in  this  Sacra- 
ment we  fee  Chrijl  ,  we  touch  Chrijl ,  we   eat  Chriji ,   that  we  faften  our  teeth  in  hit 
very  FUjh  ,  and  mak^  onr  tongues  red  in  his  Blood.     Yet  notwithlianding  there  were 
no  Queilions ,  no  Quarrels ,    no  Contentions  amongft  them  ;    there  needed  no 
Councils  to  order  them ,   no  Conferences  to  reconcile  them,  becaufe  they  content- 
ed themfelves  to  believe  what  Chrift  had  faid  ,  this  is  my  Bodie ,  without  prefiuning 
on  their  own  heads ,    to  determine  the  manner  how  it  is  his  Body  •,  neither  weigh- 
ing all  their  own  words  fo  exactly  before  any  Controverfie  was  raifed  ,  nor  ex- 
pounding the  fayings  of  otiier  men  contrary  to  the  Analogy  of  Faith. 
Thefirn  diffe.      The  firft  doubt  about  the  pretence  of  Chrift's  Body  in  the  Sacrameiit ,  (eems  to 
rencc  about   ^  have  been  moved  not  long  before  the  year   <?oo.  in  the   dayes  of  Bertram  and  Pa- 
chrm^in"h"  fi^'4^'ff ,  but  the  Controverfie  was  not  well  formed,  nor  this  new  Article  of  Tran- 
Sacrament.      fublhntiation  fufficiently  concodled  in  '  the    dayes  of  Berengaritts ,    after  the  year 
1050.  as  appeareth  by  the  grofs  miftaking  ,  and  miftating  of  the  Queltion  on  both 
tides.  Firlt  Berertgariut ^  if  we  may  truft  his  Adverfaries ,  knew  no  mean  between 
a  naked  Figure ,  or  empty  fign  of  Chrift's  prefence ,  and  a  Corporeal  or  Local  pre- 
fence, and  afterwards  fell  into  another  extreme  of  impanation;  on  the  other  fide, 
the   Pope    and   the  Council  made   no  difference   between  Confubftantiation  and 

Tranfub- 


Discourse/.        the  Epijile  of  M\  de  la  MWitlcre^  Sec,  17 


Tranfubllantiation ,  they  underftood  nothing   of  the  Spiritual  or  indivifibk  being 

of  the  Flefli  and  Blood  of  Chrift  in  the  Sacrament ,    as  appeareth  by  that  ignorant 

and  Capernaitical  Retradiation  and  Abjuration  ,  which  they  impole  upon  Bereit^a- 

rius.  Penned  by  Vmberm  a  Cardinal,    approved  by  Pope  Nichols ^  and  a  Council,  Rom  UtbNic. 

"Ego  BereHgariiif,  6^c.  j, 

I  Berengarius  do  confev.t  to  the  H>ly    Roman  Jpoftolkk^  See  ,  and  pofeji  reith   my 
Month  and  my  Hearty    to  hold  the  fame  Faith  of  the  S.Krament  of  the  Lords  Supper  , 
rpith  Pope  Nicholas  and  this  holy  Synod  ,   &c.     And  what  the  Faith  of  Pope  Nicho- 
/jf  and  this  Synod  was,  follows  in  the  next  words i  That   the  Bread  and  JFine , 
rehich  are  fet  upon  the  Altar  after  Confecration  ,  are  not   onely    the  Sacrament  ^  but  the 
very  Bodie  and  Blood  of  Chrift.     This   ftems  to   favour  ConfubJtantiation,    rather 
than  Tranfubftantiation.     If  the  Bread    and    Wine  be  the  Body    and  Blood  of 
Chrift ,  then  they  remain  Bread  and  Wine  ftill  ■■,  If  the  Bread  be  not  onely  the  Sa- 
crament ,  but  alio  the  thing  of  the  Sacrament ,  if  it  be  both  the  fign  and  the  thing 
fignitied  ,  how  is  it  now  to  be  made  nothing  ?  It  follows  in  the  Retradation  i 
Tlut  the  Bndie  and  Blood  of  Chrift  is  fenfibly  ,  not  onely  in  the  Sacrament ,  but  in  truth 
handled  and  broken  by  the  hand  of  the  Prieft  ,    and  bruifed  by  the  teeth  of  the  Faithful. 
If  it  be  even  fo  ,  there  needs  no  more  but  feel  and  be  fatished.     To  this  they  made 
Berengariui  {w£2t  by  the  Confubftantiate  Trinitie,  and  the  Holy  Gojpels ,    and  accurfe 
and  Anathematize  all  thole  who  held  the  contrary;  yet  thefe  words  did  fo  much 
(candalize  and  offend  the  Gl offer  upon  Gratian  ,  that  he  could  not  forbear  to  admo- 
nifh  the  Reader  ,  tint  tmleji  he  undeijiood  thofe  words  in  a  found  fenfe ,  he  vcould  fall 
into  a  greater  Haefe  than  that  0/ Berengarius.     Not  without  reafon  ,  for  the  molt  DeConf.diji. 
favourable  of  the  School-men  do  confefs ,  that  thefe  words  are  not  properly  and  l/"^'  ^'' 
literally  true ,  but  figuratively  and  Metonymically,  underftanding  the  thing  con- 
taining by  the  thing  contained  ,  ai  to  fay  the  Body  of  Chriit  is  broken  or  bruifed  , 
becaufc  the  quantity  or  Species  of  Bread  are  broken  and  bruifed.  They  might  as  well 
fay ,  That  the  Bodie  and  Blood  of  Chrift  becomes  fufty  and  fower  ,  as  often  as  the 
Species  of  Bread  and  Wine  before  their  corruption   become  fufty  and  fower.     But 
the  Retradtation  of  Berengarius  can  admit  no  fuch  figurative  fenfe  ,  that  the  Bodie 
and  Blood  of  Chrill  in  the  Sacrament  are  divided  and  bruifd  fenfibly  ,    not  onely  in  the 
Sacrament  (  that  is  the  Species  )  hut  alfo  in  truth.     A  moft  ignorant  Capernaitical 
AlTertion  i  For  the  Body  of  Chrift  being  not  in  the  Sacrament  modo  quantitativo 
according  to  their  own  Tenet,  but  indivillbly  ,  after  a  fpiritual  manner  ,  without 
cxtrinfical  extenfion  of  Parts,' cannot  in  it  felf,  or  in  truth  ,  be  either  divided  or 
bruifed. 

Therefore  others  of  the  School-men  go  more  roundly  and  mgenuoufly  to  work  , 
and  confefs  ,   Thit  it  is  an  abufwe  and  exceffive  exprefion^  not  to  be  hdd  or  defended^  j^ig^^Q^i, 
and  that  it  happened  to 'S.exfn^znns ^  (  they  fhould  have  laid  to  Pope  Nicholof  ^    and  Bonav.Stc. 
Cardinal  Vmbertus  )  as  it  doth  noith  thofe  who  out  of  a  deteftation  of  one  errour  encline  to 
another. 

Neither  will  it  avail  them  any  thing  at  all ,  that  the  Fathers  have  fometimes  ufed  • 

fuch  exprelEons  0^  feeing  Chrift  in  the  Sacrament ,  of  faftening  our  teeth  in  his  Flejh , 
and  fnakjnz  our  tongues  red  in  his  Blood.'  There  is  a  great  difference  between  a  Ser- 
mon to  the  People,  and  afolemn  Retradation before  a  Judge.  The  Fathers  do  not 
fay,  that  fuch  expreflions  are  true ,  not  onely  Sacramentally  or  figuratively,  (as 
they  made  Berengarius  both  fay  and  accurfe  all  others  that  held  otherwife)  but  alfo 
properly  ,  and  in  the  things  themfelves.  The  Fathers  never  meant  by  thefe  Forms 
of  fpeech  to  determine  the  manner  of  the  Prefence  ,  (  which  was  not  dreamt  of  in 
their  dayes  )  but  to  raife  the  Devotion  of  their  Hearers  and  Readers  i  to  advertife 
the  people  of  God  ,  that  they  fhould  not  reft  in  the  external  fymbols ,  or  figns , 
but  principally  be  intent  upon  the  invifible  Grace ,  which  was  both  lawful  and 
commendable  for  them  to  do.  Leave  us  their  Primitive  liberty ,  and  we  will  not 
refrain  from  the  like  expreflions. 

I  urge   this  to  fhew ,   that  the  new  Doflrine  of  Tranfubftantiation    is  fo  far 
from  being  an  old  Article  of  Faith,    that  it  was  not    well  digefted  ,  nor  rightly 
underilood,  in  any  tolerable  meafure,  by  the  greateft  Clerks ,   and  moft  concerned,   • 
above  a  thoufand  years  after  Chrift. 

D  3  The 


g jfj^  pifhop  of  Dcrry V  Anfwer  to  T  O  M  E  T . 

The  hilt  dcrinition  or  determination  of  this  manner  of  the  Prefence  was  yet  la- 
SccinA-Jfr't-  tcr  in  thc  Council  of  Laterait ,  in  the  dayes  of  Innocent  the  Third,  after  the 
dift.ii-i-i-  year  1200.  Jnte  L:itaancni£  Concilium  Tranfubjiantiam  non  fint  dogma  fidei.  And 
T.^qli-  ^'  \^\^^.^  jhc  fruit  of  it  was  ,  let  Vafqttes  bear  witnefs  :  Audita  nomine  Tranfubjlantiati- 
Th/(\ctermi/  onis  ,  &c.  'the  very  natne  of  7ranjuhftantiation  being  but  heard,  Jo  great  a  Controver- 
nationof  the  r  j-^  arife  among' the  later  School-men  concerning  the  Nature  thereof,  that  the  more 
manner  of  the  ,  endeavoured  to  wind  themfelves  out ,  the  more  they  rvrapped  themfelves  in  greater 
eTSoudgate'  difficulties  ,  rphereby  the  Myjierie  of  Faith  became  more  difficult,  loth  to  be  explained, 
to  a  Deluge  of  ^„^  ,„  ig  underjhnd  ,  and  more  expofed  to  the  Cavils  of  its  Adverfaries.  He  adds  , 
Coniroverfies.  ^.j^^j.  jj^^    name  of  Converfion  and    T^ranfubjlantiation  gave    occafwn  to  thefe  Contro- 

verfies* 

No  fooner  was  this  Bell  rung  out ,  no  fooner  was  this  fatal  Sentence  given ,  but 
as  if  Pandora's  Box  had  been  newly  fet  wide  open ,  whole  Swarms  of  noyfom 
Queftions  and  Debates  did  fill  the  Schools,  Then  it  began  to  be  difputed  by  what 
meaiis  this  Change  comes :  whether  by  the  Bcnedicftion  of  the  Elements  ,  or  by 
the  repetition  of  thefe  word's  of  Chrilt ,  this  is  my  Bodie  ?  The  common  current 
LS>.  de  cor.  of  your  Schools  is  for  the  later  :  But  your  judicious  Archbifliop  of  Cdifarea,  fince 
Thiol  Schol.  the  Council  of  Irent  ,  in  a  Book  dedicated  to  Sixtus  the  Fifth ,  produceth  great 
reafon  to  the  contrary. 

Then  was  the  Quertion  ftarted ,  what  the  demonftrative  Pronoun  Hoc  fignifies  in 
thefe  words,  Ih'vs  is  my  Bodie}    whether  this  Thing,  or  this  Subftance ,  or  this 
Bread,  or  this  Bodie,  or  this  Meat ,  or  thefe    Accidents,  or  that  which  is  con- 
tained under  thefe  Species,  or  this  Jndividuum  Vagum,oi  Laftly  (which  feemsftran- 
ftcnpTh   ger  than  all  the  reft)  this  Nothing? 

mr'em.  Then  it  began  to  be  argued  ,  whether  the  Elements  were  annihilated  >  whether 

the  matter  and  form  of  them  being  deftroyed ,  their  Effence  did  yet  remain  ?  or 
the  E/Tence  being  converted ,  the  Exiflence  remained  ?  whether  the  Sacramental  Ex- 
iftence  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrilt  do  depend  upon  its  natural  Exiftence  ? 
Guidmend.l,v  y^.\^Q^\^Q^  the  whole  Hoft  were   Tranfubftantiated  ,  or  onely  fbme  parts  of  it ,  that 
''^ """'  is ,  fuch  parts  as  {hould  be  diftributed  to  worthy  Communicants  ?  or  whether  in 

thofe  parts  of  the  Hofi:  which  were  diftributed  unto  unworthy  Communicants ,  the 
matter  of  Bread  and  Wine  did  not  return?  Whether  the  Deity  did  afTumethe 
Bread ,  or  the  Species  thereof,  by  a  new  Hypoftatical  Union ,  called  Impanation  , 
either  abfolutely,  oi  reCp£&ivdy,Mediante  Corpore}  Whether  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Chrift  might  be  prefent  in  the  Sacrament  without  Tranfubftantiation  ,  with  the 
Vafq.  difp,  Bread  or  without  the  Bread  ?  Whether  a  Body  may  be  Tranfubftantiated  into  a 
184  c.  8.  gpjj^jj  J  ^^^  ^  which  is  moft  ftrange  )  whether  a  Creature  might  be  Tranfubftantia- 
ted into  the  Deity? 

Then  the  School-men  began  to  wrangle  what  manner  of  change  this  was,  whe- 
ther a  material  change ,  or  a  formal  change  ,  or  a  change  of  the  whole  fubftance , 
,  both  matter  and  form  ?  and  if  it  were  a  Converfion  of  the  whole  fubftance ,  then 
whether  it  was  by  way  of  Production,  or  by  Addudlion,  or  by  Confervation  ? 
each  of  which  greater  Squadrons  are  fubdivided  into  feveral  leffer  Parties,  {peaking 
as  different  language  as  the  Builders  of  Babel ,  peftering  and  perplexing  one  ano- 
ther with  inextricable  difficulties. 

It  cannot  be  a  new  Produdlion  (  faith  one  )  becaufe  the  Body  of  Chrift  ,  where- 
into  the  Elements  are  fuppofed  to  be  converted  ,  did  pre-exift  before  the  change  i 
neither  can  that  Body  which  is  made  of  Bread,  be  the  fame  Body  with  that  which 
was  born  of  a  Virgin. 

If  it  be  not  by  Produftion  (  fay  others  )  but  onely  by  Adduftion  ,  then  it  is  not 
a  Tranfubftantiation  ,  but  a  Tranfubiation  ,  not  a  change  of  Natures ,  but  a  local 
fucceflion.  Then  the  Piieft  is  nor  the  maker  of  his  Maker  ,  (  as  they  ufe  to  brag  ) 
but  onely  puts  him  into  a  new  pofiture  or  prefence ,  under  the  Species  of  Bread  and 
Wine. 

Howbeit  this  way  by  Addudion  be  the  more  common,  and  the  fafer  way  (  i£ 
we  may  truft  Bfl/ar/»i«e  ^  yet  of  all  Converfions  or  Changes,  it  hath  leaft  affinity 
^ith  Tranfubftantiation.  Suppofe  the  Water  had  not  been  turned  into  Wine  at 
Cam  of  Galilee  by  our  Saviour  ,  but  poured  out ,  or  utterly  deftroyed  ,  and  Wine 

new 


Discourse  I.       the  Epi/ile  of  M".  de  la  Miliciere,   &c. 


new  created  ,  or  adduced  by  Miracle  into  the  Water-pots ,    in  fuch  a  manner     that 

the  introdudion  of  the  Wine ,  (hould  be  the  expulfion  of  the  Water ,    not'onely 

conccmitanter  but  cattfaliur^  in  fuch  cafe  it  had  been  no  Tranfublhntiation.  Mofes  his 

Rod  was  truly  changed  into  a  Serpent ,  but  it  was  by  Produdion  ,  if  his  Rod  had 

been  conveyed  away  invifibly  ,  by  Legerdemain ,  and  a  Serpent  had  been  adduced 

into  the  place  of  it ,  what  Tranfubftantiation  had  this  been  >    None  at  all  i   no 

though  the  addudtion  of  the  Serpent  had  been  the  means  of  the  expulfion  and  de-  "^ 

ftrudion  of  the  Rod.     It  is  fo  far  from  Tranfubftantiation ,  that  it   is  no  Conver- 

fion  at  all.     The  fublknce  ot  the  Elements  is  not  converted,  for  that  isfuppofed  to 

be  deftroyed  ■,  The  Accidents  are  not  converted ,  but    remain  the  fame  they  were. 

It  is  no  Addudion  at  all,  when  the  Body  of  Chrilt  (  which  is  the  thing  fuppofed  to 

be  adduced  )   remain^  ftill  in  Heaven ,  where  it  was  before. 

It  cannot  be  a  Confervative  Converfion  ,  fay  others ;  for  the  (amc  individual 
thing  cannot  be  Con(erved  by  two  total  diftindl  Conlervations  :  but  if  this  were  a 
Conlervative  converfion,  the  Body  of  Chrill  (hould  be  Conferved  by  two  total  di- 
fiind  Confervations ,  the  one  in  Heaven ,  the  other  in  Earth  ■,  Yea  ,  by  ten  thou- 
fand  diftindl  total  Confervations  upon  Earth,  even  as  many  as  there  are  confecrated  p  r  r 
Hofts  ■-,  Which  feems  to  be  ridiculouf^  and  veithont  any  ntccfitie  adminifters  great  occafwn  ■j^^d.ikT,  c.\. 
to  the  Adverfjries  ofChrifitM  Keligion  ^  of  jeajihig  and  deriding  the  M}jieries  of  our 
Faith. 

So  here  we  have  a  Tranfiibllantiation  without  Tranfubftantiation  ;  A  produdi- 
on  of  a  Modus  or  manner  of  being  ,  for  a  produdion  of  a  Subftance-,  An  Annihila- 
tion fuppoled,  yet  no  Annihilation  confeffed  v  An  Addudion  ,  without  any  Addu- 
dion  'i  A  terminm  ad  quern ,  without  a  terminus  a  quo.  Who  (hall  reconcile  us  to  our 
felves  ?  But  the  End  is  not  yet. 

Then  grew  up  the  Queftion  ,  what  is  the  proper  Adequate  Body  which  is  con- 
tained under  the  Jpecies  or  Accidents  ?  whether  a  material  Body ,  or  a  fubllantial 
Body  ,  or  a  living  Body  ,  or  an  organical  Body ,  or  an  Humane  Body  ?  whether 
it  have  weight  or  not ,  ancf  why  it  is  not  perceived  ?  whether  it  can  be  (een  by  the 
eye  of  mortal  man  ?  whether  it  can  adt  or  fuffer  any  thing  ?  whether  it  be  movable 
or  immovable  ?  whether  by  it  felf,  or  by  Accident ,  or  by  both  ?  whether  it  can 
move  in  one  place ,  and  reft  in  another ,  or  be  moved  with  two  contrary  moti- 
ons, as  upwards  and  downwards.  Southwards  and  Northwards,  at  the  fame 
time  ? 

Addtothefe,  whether  the  Soul  of  Chrift,  and  the  Deity,  and  the  whole  Tri- 
nity ,  dp  follow  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrift  under  either  Jpecies  ,  by  Concomi- 
tance ?  vvhether  the  Sacramental  Body  muft  have  fuffered  the  fame  things  with  the 
Natural  Body  ?  As  fuppofing  that  an  Hoft  confecrated  at  Chrift's  laft  Supper ,  had 
been  referved  until  after  his  Pallion  v  whether  Chrift  muft  have  died,  and  his  Blood 
have  been  adrually  fhed  in  the  Sacrament?  Yea,  whether  thofe  wounds  that  were 
imprinted  by  the  Whips  in  his  Natural  Body  ,  might  and  Hiould  have  been  found  iii 
his  Sacramental  Body  without  flagellation  ? 

Likewife ,  what  Blood  of  Chrift  is  in  the  Sacrament  >  whether  that  Blood  onely 
which  was  (bed  ,  or  that  blood  onely  which  remained  in  the  Body  ,  or  both  the 
one  and  the  other  ?  And  whether  that  Blood  which  was  n\ed  was  affumed  again 
by  the  Humanity  in  the  Refurredlion  ? 

'Then  began  thofe  Paradoxical  Queftions  to  be  iirft  agitated  in  the  Schools:    whe- 
ther the  fame  Individual  Body,  without  divifion   or  difcontinuation  from  it  felf, 
can  be  locally  in  ten  thoufand  places ,  yea ,  in    Heaven  and  in   Earth  at  the  flme 
time  ?  or  if  not  locally ,  yet  whether  it  can  be  fpiritually    and  indivifibly  ?    And 
whether  it  be  not  the  fame  as  to  this  purpofe ,   whether  a  Body  be  locally  or  fpiri- 
tually prefent  in  more  places  than  one  ?  BeHarmine  feems  to  encline  to  the  affirma-  Bell.  L.liyde 
tive.     'though  to  he  any  where  SacramentaVy  doth  not  imply  the  taking  up  of  a  place,  ^ich.c.i.in 
yet  it  implies  a  true  and  real  Yre fence  \  and  if  it  he  in  more  Hofls  or  Altars  than  one  , 
it  feems  no  lefi  oppofite  unto'lndivifibility  ^  than  the  filling  tip  of  many  places.    Nay,  he 
is  paft  feeming  pofitive ,  that  rvithout  doubt  if  a  Body  cannot  be  in  T^tpo  places  locally , 
it  cannot  be' Sacrament  ally  in  'ttvo  places.  Jn  4.  D.  44. 

Compare  this  of  Bellarmine  with   that   oi  Aquinas,  'that  it  is  impoftble  for  one  ^i.A,2.q.%i 

,  Body 


20 


—  T/.'^  B//Jjoly  of  DerryV  ylvfrper  to  T  O  M  F.  I- 

R/^  in  he  in  more  places  than  one  locally,  no,  not  by  Miracle,  hecauje  it  implies  a 
^odyfop  .  And  coniider  upon  what  tottering  Foundations  you  build  Articles 
f  r-th  Itisimpoliible,  and  implies  a  Contradidion  ,  for  the  Body  of  Chrift 
b  locally  in  more  Hofts  than  one  at  the  fame  time  (  faith  Jqmnas.  )  But  it  is  as 
•'^  o/iible  and  implies  a  ContraditSion  as  much  ,  for  the  Endy  ot  Chrill  to  be 
Samentally  in  more  Hofts  than  one  at  the  fame  time  as  to  be  locally  (  faith  Bel- 
larmine. )  The  Inference  is  plain  and  obvious. 

And  many  fuch  ftrange  Queltions  are  moved,  as  whether  it  be  poflible  the  thing 
contained  fhould  be  athoufand  times  greater  than  the  thing  containing  >  whether 
a  definitive  being  in  a  place ,  do  not  imply  a  not-being  out  of  that  place  >  whether 
more  Bodies  than  one  can  be  in  one  and  the  fame  place  ?  whether  there  can  be  a 
penetration  of  Dimcnlions  ?  whether  a  Body  can  fubiilt  after  a  fpiritual  manner,  fo 
as  to  take  up  no  place  at  all ,  but  to  be  wholly  in  the  whole  ,  and  wholly  in  every 
part  ?  Moreover  whether  the  whole  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrifi:  be  in  every  particle 
of  the  Bread  ,  and  of  the  Cup  ?  and  if  it  be  ,  then  whether  onely  after  tlic  divifion 
of  the  Bread  and  Wine,  or  before  divifion  alfo  >  And  in  how  many  parts ,  and  in 
which  parts ,  is  the  whole  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrift  ?  whether  in  the  leaft  parts  ? 
and  if  in  the  leaft  parts ,  then  whether  in  the  leaft  in  kind  ,  or  the  leaft  in  quantity, 
that  is ,  fo  long  as  the  Species  may  retain  the  name  of  Bread  and  Wine  ?  or  fo  long 
as  the  matter  is  divifible  ?  and  whether  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrift  be  alfo  in  the 
indivifible  parts  ,  as  points  ,  and  Imes  ,  and  fuperficies  ? 

Laftly ,  whether  Accidents  can  fubfift  without  their  Subjeds ,  that  is ,  whether 
they  can  be  both  Accidents  ,  and  no  Accidents  ?  whether  all  the  Accidents  pf  the 
Elements  do  remain  ,  and  particularly  whether  the  quantity  doth  remain  >  whether 
the  ether  Accidents  do  inhere  in  the  quantity  as  their  fubjedt  ?  that  is ,  whether  an 
Accident  can  have  an  Accident  ?  whether  the  Quantity  of  Chrift's  Body  be  there? 
and  whether  it  be  there  after  a  quantitative  manner,  with  extenficn  of  Parts,  ei- 
ther extrinfecal  or  intrin(ecal  ?  and  whether  the  quantity  of  the  Body  of  Chrift  be 
diftind;  and  figured  ,  or  indiftindt  and  unfigured  ?  whether  the  Accidents  can  nou- 
rifh  or  make  drunken  or  corrupt ,  and  a  new  Body  be  generated  of  them  >  And 
what  fupplies  the  place  of  the  matter  in  fuch  generation  ?  whether  the  quantity , 
or  the  Body  of  Chrift  ,  or  the  old  matter  of  the  Bread  and  Wine  reftored  by  Mira  - 
cle  ,  or  new  matter  created  by  God  ?  And  how  long  in  fuch  corruption  doth  the 
Body  of  Chrift  continue  ? 

Whofoever  is  but  moderately  verged  in  your  great  Do(fl:ors  ,  muft  needs  .know 
that  thefe  Queftions  are  not  the  private  doubts  or  debates  of  fingle  School-men,  but 
the  common  Garboils  and  general  engagements  of  your  whole  Schools.    • 

Wherefore  it  had  been  a  meer  vanity  to  cite  every  particular  Authour  for 
each  Queftion ,  and  would  have  made  the  Margin  fvvell  Ten  times  greater  than 
the  Text. 

From  this  bold  Determination  of  the  manner  of  the  Prefence  how  ,  have  flowed 
Two  other  differences:    Firft,  The  detention  of  the  Cup  from  the  Laity  ,  meerly 
upon  prefumption  of  Concomitance ,  firft  decreed  in  the  Council  of  Confiance,   af- 
ter the  year  1400.     Let  what  will  become  of  Concomitance,  whileft  we  keep  our 
felves  to  the    Inftitution  of  Chrift  and  the  univerfal  Pradice  of  the  Primitive 
Church.     It  was  not  for  nothing  that  our  Saviour  did  diftinguifh  his  Body   from 
his  Blood  ,  not  onely  in  the  Cenfecration  ,  but  alfo  in  the  Diftribution  of  the  Sa- 
crament.    By  the  way  give  me   leave  to  reprefent  a  Contradiftion  in  Bellarmine , 
Lib.  A-  de  £«-  ^^''^h  I  am  not  able  to  reconcile.     In  one  place  he  faith ,  "Ihe  Frovidence  of  Cod 
cbarift.c.ii.  ^  marvellous  in  Holy  Scripture;  for  St.  Luke   hath  put  ihefe   words    [do  you  this  3 
after  the  Sacrament  given  tinder  the  Form  (f  Bread,    but  he  repeated  it  not  after  the 
giving  of  the  Cup ,  that  ree  might  underftand ,  that  the    Lord  commanded  that  the  Sa- 
crament jhould  be  dijlributed  unto   aV  under    the  Form  cf  Bread,  but  not  under  the 
Form  of  Wine.     And  yet  in  the  next  Chapter,  but  one,  of  the  fame  Book ,  he  doth 
pofitively  determine  the    contrary ,  upon  the  ground  oP  Concomitance ,  that  the 
CJp:}7.  Bread  maybetakgn  arvay  if  the  Cup  be  given  ^  hut  both  cannot  be  tak^n  an'ay  together. 

Can  that  be  taken  away  which  Chrift  hath  exprefly  commanded  to  be  given 
toall? 

A  Se- 


Discourse  1.        the  Epiftle  of  M\  de  la  Miliciere  ,  &c. 


1 1 


A  Second  difference  flowing  from  Tranfubftantiation  ,  is  about  the  Adoration  ot' 
the  Sacrament  i  One  of  thofe  impedimejits  which  hinder  our  Communication  with 
you  in  the  Celebration  of  Divine  Offices  .  We  deny  not  a  Venerable  refped  unto 
the  Confecrate  Elements  ,  not  onely  as  love-tokens  (ent  us  by  our  beft  Friend  , 
but  as  the  Inftruments  ordained  by  our  Saviour ,  to  convey  to  us  the  Merits  of  his 
.  Palfion  :  But  for  the  Perfon  of  Chrift ,  God  forbid  that  we  (hould  deny  him  Di- 
vine Worfliip  at  any  time ,  and  efpecially  in  the  ufe  of  this  Holy  Sacrament  i  We 
believe  with  St.  Auliine  ,  that  No  mm  eats  rf  that  Flejh  ,  but  firji  he  Adores.  But 
that  which  oifends  us  is  this ,  That  you  teach  and  require  all  men  to  Adore  the  very 
Sacrament  with  Divine  Honour.  To  this  end  you  hold  it  out  to  the  People.  To 
this  end  Corpm  Chrifti  Day  was  inftituted  about  300  years  iince.  Yet  we  know  that  conc.  VUti. 
even  upon  your  own  grounds  you  cannot ,  without  a  particular  Revelation  ,  have 
any  infallible  afTurance  that  any  Hort  is  Confecrated  i  And  confcquently  you  have  no 
aflurance  that  you  do  not  commit  material  Idolatry. 

But  that  which  weighs  moft  with  us  is  this ,  That  we  dare  not  give  Divine  Wor- 
fliip unto  any  Creature ,  no  not  to  the  very  Humanity  of  Chrift  in  the  Abftrad 
(  much  left  to  the  JHoft  )  but  to  the  whole  Perfon  of  Chrift  ,   God    and  Man ,  by 
reafon  of  the  Hypoftatical  Union  between  the  Child  of  the  blelTed  Virgin  Mary  , 
and  the  Eternal  Son  ,  reho  is  God  over  all  blejjed  for  ever.     Shew  us  fuch  an  Union 
betwixt  the  Deity  and  the  Elements ,  or  Accidents ,  and  you   fay  fomething.     But 
you  pretend  no  fuch  things  i  The  higheft  that  you  dare  go  is  this.     As  they  that  ad-  3^//.  4.  jg  £„. 
ored  Chrrji  a>hen  he  tfoi  ttpon  Farth^  did  \_  after  a  cei'tain  kjnd  of  mamfir~\  ado-re  his  char.  c.  19. 
Garmems,    Is  this  all  ?  This  is  after  a  certain  kjnd  of  manner  indeed.    We  have  enough.  I^^dum  msdi. 
There  is  no  more  Adoration  due  to  the  Sacrament    than  to  the  Garments  vdiich 
Chrift  did  wear  upon  Earth.     Exadt  no  more. 

Thus  the  fearalefi  Coat  of  Chrift  is  torn  in  pieces  ■■,  Thus  Faith  is  minced  into 
ftireds,  and  (pun  up  into  nicities ,  more  fubtil  than  the  Webs  of  Spiders  , 

Fidem  minutis  dijfecam  ambagibw  , 

^  Vt  qxifque  eft  lingua  nequior. 

Eecaufc  curious  wits  cannot  content  themfelves  to  touch  hot  Coals  with  Tongs , 
but  they  muft  take  them  up  with  their  naked  Fingers  ,  nor  to  apprehend  Myfteries  of 
Religion  by  Faith ,  without  defcanting  upon  them  ,  and  determining  them  by  Rea- 
fon ,  whilft  themfllves  confefs  that  they  are  incomprehenfible  by  humane  Reafon, 
and  imperceptible  by  Mans  imagination  v  Hotv  Chri^  is  prefent  in  the  Sacrament ,  can  Aq.}.  3"^7*. 
neither  be  perceived  by  fenfe^  nor  by  imagination.     The  more  inexcufable  is  their  pre-  Art  •}. 
fumption  to  Anatomize  Myfteries,  and  to  determine  (upernatural ,  not  revealed. 
Truths  upon  their  own  heads ,  which  if  they  were  revealed ,    were  not  pollible  to 
be  comprehended  by  mortal  man  ■■,  As  vain  an  attempt ,    as  if  a  Child  fliould  think 
to  lade  out  all  the  water  out  of  the  Sea  with  a  Cockle-ftiell.     Secret  things  belong  to  jjgm.,  2$.  3p. , 
the  Lord  our  God,  hut  things  revealed  unto  m  ,   and  our  Children  for  ever. 

This  is  the  reafon  why  we  reft  in  the  words  of  Chrift  ,  "Ihis  if  my  Body ,  leaving 
the  manner  to  him  that  made  the  Sacrament  i  we  know  it  is  Sacramental ,  and 
therefore  efficacious ,  becaufe  God  was  never  wanting  to  his  own  Ordinan- 
ces ,  where  man  did  not  fet  a  Bar  againft  himfelf.  But  whether  it  be  cor- 
poreally or  fpiritually,  (  I  mean  not  onely  after  the  manner  of  a  Spirit,  but  in  a 
fpiritual  (enfe)  whether  it  be  in  the  Soul  onely,  or  in  the  Hoft  alfo,  whether  by 
Confubftantiation  or  Tranfubftantiation  i  whether  by  Produdion  ,  or  Addudtion , 
or  Confervation,  or  AfTuraption ,  or  by  whatfoever  other  way  bold  and  blind  men 
dare  conjecture ,  we  determine  not. 

Motum  fent'tmiu  ,  modum  nefctmw,  prjifentiam  credimus.  Vurand. 

This  was  the  Belief  of  the  Primitive  Church,  this  was  the  Faith  of  the  ancient 
Fathers ,  who  were  never  acquainted  with  thefe  modern  Queftions  de  modo,  which 
edifie  not ,  but  expofe  Chriftian  Religion  to  contempt.  We  know  what  to  think, 
and  what  to  fay  with  probability ,  modefty ,  and  fnbmillion  in  the  Schools  i   But 

wc 


22 


The  Bifhop  of  DcrryV  An  fiver  to 


TOME  I. 


Againfl  multi- 
plying of  QiiC. 
fiions  anii 
Controvcrfits. 


Theoccafion 
of  this  Di- 
fcourfc. 


r.  1.- 


TheAutlioui's 
indifci  eticn, 


To  no  pur- 

pofe. 

The  King  is  a!. 

ready  a  better 

Caiholick  than 

himfclf. 

Difcur[HS  mo- 

dejlu)  Jefuila- 

Tump   1^. 

Watfon5i:^arf. 

lib.  1.2.  Art.j^, 


we  dare  neither  fcrue  up  the  Quciiion  to  fuch  a  heighth,  nor  didarc  our  Opinions 
to  others  Co  Magillerially  as  Articles  of  gaith. 

Nffcire  veli'e  qu£  Magijler  maximus 
Ducere  non  vult ,  erudita  eft  vtfcitia, 

O  !  how  happy  had  the  Chriftian  World  been  ,  if  Scholars  could  have  fate  doWn 
contented  with  a  latitude  of  general ,  fufKcient ,  faving  Truth  ,  (  which  when  all 
is  done  muft  be  the  Olive-branch  of  Peace ,  to  fhew  that  the  deluge  of  Ecclefiafti- 
cal  divifion  is  abated  )  without  wading  too  far  info  particular  fubtilties ,  or  doting 
about  ^e\\ions  and  Logot7iachies  ^  whereof  cometh  envy  ^  ft^'fc  ■,  railings^  evil  furmi- 
j„,^s  ^  t,erverfe  difintings.  Old  controverfies  evermore  raife  up  new  Controverfies , 
and  yet  more  Controverfies ,  as  Circles  in  the  water  do  produce  other  Circles. 

Now  clpccially  thefe  Scholaftical  Quarrels  feem  to  be  unfeafonable  ,  when  Zend's 
School  is  newly  opened  in  the  World  ,  who  fometimes  wanted  Opinions  ,  but  ne- 
ver wanted  Arguments  i  Now  when  Atheifm  and  Sacriledge  are  become  the  Mode 
of  the  Times  i  Now  when  all  the  Fundamentals  of  Theology  ,  .Morality,  and  Po- 
licy ,  are  undermined  and  ready  to  be  blown  ups  Now  when  the  unhappy  conten- 
tio;:s  of  great  Princes  ,  or  their  Minil>ers  ,  have  hazarded  the  very  being  of  Mo- 
narchy and  Chriftianity  ■-,  Now  when  Behnt  (hakes  her  bloody  whip  over  this  King- 
dome,  it  bccometh  well  all  good  Chriftians  and  Subjeds,  to  leave  their  litigious 
Queliions ,  •  and  to  bring  water  to  quench  the  tire  of  civil  DifTention  already  kind- 
led ,  rather  than  to  blow  the  coals  cf  Difcord  ,  and  to  render  themfelves  cenfura- 
ble  by  all  dilcreet  perfbns ,  like  that  half-witted  fellow  perfonated  in  the  Oratour, ' 
^i  dm  capiti  niederi  debnifiet,  redttviam  curavit  ■>  When  his  head  was  extremely  di- 
ftempered  ,  he  buficd  hiitifelf  about  a  liriall  pufh  on  his  fingers  end. 

But  that  which  createth  this  trouble  to  you  and  me  at  this  time  ,  is  your  Preface, 
and  Epiltle  Dedicatory  j  wherein  to  adorn  your  vainly-imagined  Vitftory  in  an  un- 
feafonable Controverfie,  you  reft  not  contented  that  your  Adverfary  grace  your  Tri- 
umph, unlefs  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  his  Subjeds,  yea  and'all  Proteftants 
befides,  attend  your  Chariot.  Neither  do  you  onely  defire  this,  but  augurate  it ,  or 
rather  you  relate  it  as  a  thing  already  as  good  as  done  :  for  you  tell  him,  that  his  eyes 
and  his  ears  do  hear  and  fee  ihofe  Truths,  which  maks  '■'"'^  *"  h^oxf  the  Faults  of  that  Neif 
Keligion  rehich  hehadfuckt  in  with  his  mil\-,  you  fet  forth  the  caufes  of  his  Converfi- 
on,  ihe  tears  of  his  Mother  ,  and  the  Blood  of  his  Father,  whom  you  fuppofe  (  againft 
evident  truth)  to  have  died  an  invifible  Member  of  your  Koman  Catholick  Church, 
And  you  prelcribe  the  means  to  perfed  his  Converfion,  which  muft  be  a  Conference  of 
your  Theologians  with  the  Minifters  of  Charenton. 

If  your  Charity  be  not  to  be  blamed,  to  wifli  no  worfe  to  another  than  you  do  to 
your  felf,  yet  prudent  men  defire  more  difcrction  in  you,  than  to  have  prefented  fuch 
a  Treatife  to  the  view  of  the  World,  under  his  Majefties  Protedion,  without  his  Li- 
cence, and  againft  his  Conlcience  :  Had  you  not  heard  that  fuch  groundlefs  infinua- 
tions  as  thefe,  and  other  private  whifperings  concerning-  his  Fathers  Apoftatifing  to 
the  Roman  Religion,  did  lofe  him  the  hearts  of  many  Subjedls?  If  you  did  ,  why 
would  you  inlift  in  the  fame  fteps,  to  deprive  the  Son  of  all  poffibility  of  recovering 
them  ? 

If  your  intention  be  onely  to  invite  his  Majefty  to  embrace  the  Catholick  Faith,  you 
might  have  fpared  both  your  oyl  and  labour.  The  Catholick  Faith  flourifhed  1200. 
years  in  the  World,  before  Tranfubftantiation  was  defined  among  your  felves.  Perfons 
better  acquainted  with  the  Primitive  times  than  your  felf  (unlefs  you  wrong  one  an- 
other) do  zckno-wlcds^e,  that  the  Fathers  did  not  touch  either  the  Word  or  the  Matter  of 
Tranfuhjhntiation.  Mark  it  well,  neither  Name  nor  thing.  His  Majefty  doth  firmly 
believe  all  fuptrnatural  Truth  revealed  in  ficredWrit.'  He  embraceth  chearfiilly 
vvhatlbever  the  holy  Apoftles,  or  the  Nicene  Fathers,  or  blelTed  Jthanafius,m  their  re- 
fpeftive  Creeds  or  Summaries  of  Catholick  Faith  did  fet  down  as  neceflary  to  be  be- 
lieved. He  is  ready  to  receive  whatfoever  the  Catholick  Church  of  this  Age  doth 
unanimoufly  believe  to  be  a  Particle  of  faving  Truth. 


But 


Discourse  I.        the  Epift/e of  Mr.  cie  la  MWmere  ^  Sec.  2^ 


But  if  you  (eek  to  obtrude  upon  him  the  Roman  Church ,  with  its  adherents,  for 
the  Catholick  Church,   excluding  Three  parts  of  Four  of  the  Chriftian  World  from 
the  Communion  of  Chrift  i  or   the  Opinions  thereof,  for  Articles  and  Fundamen- 
tals of  Catholick  Faith ,  neither  his  Reafon ,  nor  his  Religion,  nor  his  Charity,  will 
fuiferhim  to  liiten  unto  you.     The  Truths  received  by  our  Church  ,  are  fufficient  in 
point  of  Faith  to  make  him  a  good  Catholick.     More  than  this ,  your  Kuman  Bi- 
ftiops  ,  your  Koman  Church  ,  your  Tridentine  Council ,  may  not ,  cannot,  obtrude 
upon  him.     Liften  to  the  Third  general  Council,   that  of  Epbefuf  ^    which  de-  Par.  2  AH. 6. 
creed,  i^zxit  fhouldbe  lawful  for  no  man  to  publjjh  nr  compofe  another  Faith   or  Creed  '^''' 
than  that  which  rvof  defined  by  the  Nicene  Council  \  And  that  rrhofoever  Jhonld  dare  to  Not  lanful  to 
eomfofe  or  offer  any  fuch  to  any  per  fans  willing  to  be  converted  from  Paganifm^    Judaifm^  add  to  the  old 
orHerefie^  if  they  were  Bijhops  or  Clerks,  Jhould  be  depofed  ;  if  Lay-men,  anathema- ^'^^^'^• 
tifed. 

Suffer  us  to  enjoy  the  fame  Creed  the  Primitive  Fathers  did  ,  which  none  will  fay  to 
have  been  infufficient ,    except  they  he  mad ,  as  was  alledged  by  the  Greek^  in  the  Coun-  Concil.  Flo. 
cilof  Florence.     You  have  violated  this  Canon,  you  have  obtruded  a  New   Creed  ^^P'-°'l^/''^' 
upon  Chriftendom  :  New  I  (ay,  not  in  words  onely ,  but  hi  fenfe  alfo.  Pii'sMartt. 

Some  things  are  d'  Symbolo  ,  fome  things  ate  contra  SymhoUtm  ,  and  fome  things  what  are  Ad- 
are  onely  pr£ter  Symbolum.     Some  things  are  contained  in  the  Creed ,  either  Expre-  ditions  to  the 
fly  or  Virtually,  either  in  the  Letter  or  in  theSenfe,  and  may  be  deduced  by  evident  ^h"aj'eoneIv 
confequence  from  the  Creed,  as  the  Deity  of  Chrift,  his  Two  Natures ,  theProcef-  Explications; 
lion  of  the  Holy  Ghoft.  The  Addition  of  thele  was  properly  no  Addition,  but  an  Ex- 
plication V  yet  fuch  an  Explication,  no  pcrfon,  no  Affembly    under  an  Oecumeni- 
cal Council,  can  impofe  upon  the  Catholick  Church.  And  fuch  an  one  your  I'riden-  jiq.2.i.q.ii 
tine  Synod  was  not.  An.  10. 

Secondly,  fome  things  axe  contra  Symbolum,  contrary  to  the  Symbolical  Faith, 
and  either  Exprefy  or  Virtually  overthrow  fome  Article  of  it.  Thefe  Additions  are 
not  onely  unlawtlil  ,  but  Heretical  alfo  in  themfelves,  and  after  convidion  render 
a  man  a  Formal  Heretick^^  whether  fome  of  your  Additions  be  not  of  this  nature ,  I 
will  not  now  di(pute. 

Thirdly,  fome  things  are  neither  of  the  Faith  ,  nor  againft  the  Faith ,  but  onely 
befides  the  Faith  i  That  is ,  opinions  or  truths  of  an  inferiour  nature  ,  which  are 
not  fo  neceflary  to  be  aftually  known  :  for  though  all  revealed  truths  be  alike  ne- 
ceflary  to  be  believed  when  they  are  known  ,  yet  all  revealed  truths  are  not  alike 
neceflary  to  be  known.  It  is  not  denied,  but  that  General  or  Provincial  Councils 
may  make  Conftitutions  concerning  thefe  for  Unity  and  Uniformity ,  and  oblige  all 
fuch  as  are  fubjedt  to  their  Jurifdiftion  to  receive  them,  either  ABively  ,  or  Fafftve- 
ly ,  without  contumacy  or  oppofition.  But  to  make  theie ,  or  any  of  thefe  ,  a  part 
of  the  Creed,  and  to  oblige  all  Chrift ians  under  pain  of  damnation  to  know  and 
believe  them ,  is  really  to  add  to  the  Creed  ,  and  to  change  the  Symbolical  ,  Apo- 
ftolical  Faith ,  to  which  none  can  add ,  from  which  none  can  take  away ,  and 
comes  within  the  compafs  of  St.  FauPs  curfe  :  If  we,  or  an  Angel  from  Heaven  ,  Gal.  i.3. 
pall  Preach  unto  you  any  other  Gojpel  (  or  Faith  )  than  that  which  we  have  Preached, 
let  him  be  accurfed.  Such  are,  your  Univerfality  of  the  Koman  Church ,  by  the  in- 
ftitution  of  Chrift  (  to  make  her  the  Mother  of  her  Grandmother  the  Church  of 
Jerufalem  ,  and  the  Miftrefs  of  her  many  elder  Sifters  )  your  Doflrine  of  Purga- 
tory and  Indulgences  ,  and  the  Worfhip  of  Images  ,  and  all  other  Novelties  defi- 
ned in  the  Council  of  Trent,  all  which  are  comprehended  in  your  New  Koman 
Creed ,  and  obtruded  by  you  upon  all  the  World  to  be  believed  upon  pain  of  Da- 
mnation. He  that  can  extrad  all  thefe  out  of  the  Old  Apoftolick  Creed  ,  muft 
needs  be  an  excellent  Chymift ,  and  may  fafely  undertake  to  draw  water  out  of 
a  Pumice. 

That  Afflidions  come  not  by  chance  ',  that  Profperity  is  no  evidence  of  God's  ^  ^^ 
favour,  or  Adverfity  of  his  hatred;   that  Cfoffes  impofed  by  God  upon  his  fer- c'rolTesarenot- 
vants ,  look  more  forwards  towards  their  amendment,  than  backwards   to   their  alwayes  pu-    .j 
demerits,  and  proceed  not  from  a  Judge  revenging  ,  but  from  a  Father  correcfling,  "ifhm_ents,huc. 
or  (  which  you  have  omitted  )  from  a  Lord  Paramount ,  proving  and  magnifying  peftions,  or 
before  the  World  his  own  Graces  in  his  Servants ,  for  his  Glory  and  their  Advan-  tryals. 


24  The  Bifljop  of  Perry's  Anfwer  to TOME    I. 

taae    arc  undeniable  Truths  which  we  readily  admir.     As  likewife  that  the  dim 
eyeof  man  cannot  penetrate  into  the  fecretdifpenfations  of  God's  temporal  judg- 
ments and  mercies  in  this  hfe  ,  fo  as  to  fay  this  man  is  punifhed  ,  that  other  chalti- 
lid  ,  this  third  is  onely  proved, 
which  the  All.      But  you  forget  all  this  foon  after  ,  when  you  take  upon  youtofearch  into,  yea 
thourprefcDt-   ^^ore,  to  determine  the  grounds  and  reafons,  why   the  hand  of  Cod  ^  m  rpeV  at  the 
ly  forgets.         parlument ,  hath  been  fo  heavie  ufon  the  Head  of  hvs  late  Majejiie  ,   and  his  'Royal  Sou. 
*'  Namely  on  Gods  part ,   hecaufe  he  called  himfelf  the  Bead  of  the  Church ,  Godfurfofxrtg 

P.  3;  ly  his  punipnient ,  to  teach  alt  other  Princes  that  are  in  the  Schifm  ,  vcith  tvhat  feveritie 

he  can  vindicate  his  glorie,  in  the  injurie  dune  unto  the  Vnitis  and  Authoritie  of  his 
Church.     And  on  the  Parliaments  part ,  hecaufe  he  vpould  not  confent  to  the  Abolition  of 
''■'■''*■  Epifcopacie  ,  and  fuppreffton  of  the  Liturgie  ^  and  Cerimonief  efiahliped  in  the  Church  of 

England. 

Firft ,  what  warrant  have  you  to  enquire  into  the  Anions  of  that  BlefTed  Saint 
and  Martyr,  which  of  them  ftiould  be  the  caufes  of  hisfuflerings  ?  not   remembring 
Toh  9.  J.         that  the  Difciples  received  a,  check  from  their  Mafter  upon  the  like  prefumption  : 
lVl}o  finned  ?  this  man,  or  his  Parents  ,  that  he  rvas  born  blind  ?  Jefus  anfvrered ,  nei- 
ther hath  this  man  finned ,   nor  his  Parents  ,   but  that  the  worths  of  God  Jhould  be  made 
tnanifeji  in  him. 
EettergrounJs       yi^^,  Hcroical  Virtues ,  the  flaming  Charitie ,  the  admirable  Patience  ,  the  rare 
fufferines^a"  humility ,  the  exemplary  Chaftitie  ,  the  conftant   and  frequent  Devotions ,  and 
thofe  of  the       the  invincible  Courage  of  that  happy  Prince ,  not  daunted  with  the  ugly  face  of  a 
Authour.        moft  horrid  Death  ,  have  rendred  him  the  Glory  of  his  Country  ,  the   Honour  of 
that  Church  whereof  he  was  the  chiefeft  Member  ,  the  admiration  of  Chriftendom, 
and  a  Pattern  for  all  Princes ,  of  what  Communion  focver  ,  to  imitate  unto  the 
end  of  the  World.     His  Sufferings    were    Palms,  his  Prifbn  aParadift,  and  his 
Death-day  the  Birth-day  of  his  happinefs  ■■,  whom  his  Enemies  advantaged  more  by 
their  crueltie ,  than  they  could  have  done  by  their  courtefie.     They  deprived  him 
of  a  corruptible  Crown  ,  and  inverted  him  with  a  Crown  of  Glory  i  They  fiiatch- 
j,,.     g         ed  him  from  the  fweet  fociety  of  his  deareft  Spoufe,  and  from  moil  hopeful  O/zT/tf 
Branches.,  to"placehim  in  the  bofome  of  the  holy  Angels.     This  alone  is  ground 
enough  for  his  Sufferings ,  to  manifeft  unto  the  World  thoft  tranfcendent  and  unpa- 
rallel'd  Graces  ,  wherewith  God  had  enriched  him  ,  to  which  his  Sufferings  gave 
the  greateft  luftre  ,  as  the  Stars  (hine  brighteft  in  a  dark  Night. 
The  Authour's      The  like  liberty  you  affume  towards  the  other  moft  glorious  Martyr  ,  the  late 
rafti  cenfure      Archbifliop  of  Canterbury ,  a  man  of  profound  Learning  ,  and  exemplary  Life  , 
Archbilhopof  of  clean  hands ,  of  a  moft  fincere  heart ,  a  Patron  of  all  good  Learning  ,  a  Profef- 
Cttnt.  for  of  Ancieitf  Truth ,  a  great  Friend  indeed ,  an  earneft  Purfuer ,  of  Order^  Uni- 

ty ,  and  Uniformity  in  Religion ,  but  moft  free  from  all  fmifter  ends ,  either  ava- 
ritious  or  ambitious  ,  wherewith  you  do  uncharitably  charge  him  ,  as  if  he  fought 
onely  hU  own  Grandeur  ,  to-  make  himfelf  the  Head  of  a  Schifmatical  Body.  Iii 
brief,  you  therefore  cenfure  him  ,  becaufe  you  did  not  know  him.  I  wifti  all  your 
great  Ecclefiafticks  had  his  Innocency  ,  and  fervent  zeal  for  God's  Church  ,  and  the 
peace  thereof,  to  plead  for  them  at  the  Day  of  Judgment. 

By  applying  thefe  particular  AfBidlions  according  to  your  own  ungrounded  Fan- 
cy ,  what  a  wide  gap  have  you  opened  to  the  liberty  and  boldnefs  of  other  men  ? 
who  if  they  (hould  affume  to  themfelves  the  fame  freedom  that  you  have  done  , 
might  fay  as  much,  with  as  much  rea(bn  ,  concerning  the  preffu res  of  other  great 
Princes  abroad  ,  that  God  afflidts  them  ,  becaufe  they  will  not  become  Protcftants , 
as  you  can  fay  that  God  afflided  our  late  King ,  ■  becaufe  he  would  not  turn 
Papirt. 

But  if  you  will  not  allow  his  Majefties  Sufferings  to  be  meerly  probatory  v  And 
if  ( for  your  fatisfadion  )  there  muft  be  a  weight  of  fin  found  out  to  move  the 
Soverelens  ^^^^'  *^^  *^o<l's  Juftice  ,  why  do  you  not  rather  fix  upon  the  body  of  his  Subjeds  , 
Hiay  be  taken  ^"^  ^^  '^^^  ^  difloyal  part  of  them  ?  We  confefs  that  the  beft  of  us  did  not  deferve 
away  for  the  ^^^ch  a  Jewel ,  that  God  might  juftly  fnatch  him  from  us  in  his  wrath  for  our  ingra- 
<"^°a!^^''^  titudc,  Reafon  ,  Religion  ,  and  Experience  do  all  teach  us  ,  that  it  is  ufual  with 
5ut);ett».         Almighty  God  ,  to  look  upon  a  body  Politick  ,  or  Ecclefiaftick  ,  as  one  man ,  and 

to 


Di5CoaRSE  I.       theEpiftleofU.'.  de  la  Militierc,  &c.  2"; 

to  deprive  a  perverie  people  of  a  good  and  gracious  Governour  ■■,  as  an  expert  Phy- 

fician ,  by  opening  a  vein  in  one  member  ,  cures  the  diikmpers  of  another.     For  Pro.  s8.  a. 

the  tranfgrejjtons  of  a  Land  ,  many  are  the  Vrinces  thereof. 

It  may  be  that  Two  or  Three  of  our  Princes  at  the  moft    (  the  greater  part  Not  above  mo 
whereof  were  Koman  Catholicks  )  did  ftile  themfelves,  or  give  others  leave  to  ftile  o'"''^^^.'^  °f 
them  ,  the  Heads  of  the  Church  ,  within  their  Dominions.     But  no  man  can  be  fo  caHed  Heafls 
fimple  ,  as  to  conceive  that  they  intended  a  fpiritual  Headfhip  ,  to  infufe  the  life  and  of  the  Church, 
motion  of  Grace  into  the  hearts  of  the  Faithful ,  fuch  an  Head  is  Chrilt  alone  i  No 
nor  yet  an  Ecclefiaftical  Headfhip  \  We  did  never  believe ,    that  our  Kings  in  their 
own  Perfons  could  exercife  any  adt ,  pertaining  either  to  the  power  of  Order  or  Ju- 
rifdidion  :  Nothing  can  give  that  to  another,    which  it  hath  not  it  felf.     They  poi^tkaf  "^jj 
meant  onely  a  Civil  or  Political  Head  ,  as  Satil  is  called  the  Head  of  the  Tribes  of  i  sam.  15. 17. 
Ifrael  v  to  fee  that  publick  Peace  be  preferved  ■■,  to  fee  that  all  Subjeds ,  as  well  Ec- 
clefiafticks  as  others ,  do  their  Duties  ,  in  their  feveral  places  •,  to  fee  that  all  things 
be  managed  for  that  great  and  Architeftonical  end ,  that  is ,  the  Weal  and  bcneht 
of  the  whole  body  politick  ,  both  for  foul  and  body.     If  you  will  not  trufl  me  , 
Hear  our  Church  it  (elf:   When  we  attribute  the  Sovereign  Government  of  the  Church  to  ^^^'  ?7' 
^e  King  ,    vpe  do  not  give  htm  any  power  to  adminifler  the  Word  or  Sacraments  ■■,    but 
onely  that  Frerogative  which  God  in  Holy  Scripture  hath  alrvayes  aUctred  to  Godly  Vrinces^ 
to  fee  that  aU  States  and  Orders  of  their  Subjerts ,    Ecclefiajhcal  and  Civil ,      di  their 
"Duties,  and  to  pinijh  thnfe  who  are  delinquent  with  the  Civil  Sword.     Here  is  no  Exts.Paraph 
Power  afcribed-,   no  Punifhment  inflided  ,  but  meerly  PoHtical,    and  this  is  appro-  Art.conf.Auc'. 
ved  and  juftified  by  St.  Clara  ,  both  by  reafbn  ,   and  by  the  examples  of  the  Parlia-   ■^'''-  ?7' 
msnt  o^  Paris.     Yet  by  vertue  of  this  Political  Power  ,   he  is  the  Keeper  of  both 
Tables ,  the  Preierver  of  true  Piety  towards  God  ,    as  well  as  right  Judice  towards 
men  ■■>  And  is  obliged  to  take  care  of  the  fouls,  as  well  as  the  skins  and  carcafes,  of 
his  Subjedts. 

This  Power ,    though  not  this  Name,   the  Chriftian  Empcrours  of  old   afllimed  The  ChriOian 
unto  themftlves ,  to  convocate  Synods ,  to  prefide  in  Synods  ,  to  confirm  Synods  ,  E'nperoui's 
to  efiablifh  EcclefiafVical  Lawes ,  to  receive  Appeals  ,   to   nominate  Bifhops ,    to  Head" 
ejedt  Bifhops,  to  fupprefs  Herefies,  to  compofe  Ecclefiaflical  differences,  in  Coun- 
cils, out  of  Councils,    by  themfelves,  by  their  Delegates-,    all  which  is  as  clear  in 
the  Hiftory  of  the  Church ,  as  if  it  were  written  with  a  beam  of  the  Sun. 

This  Power^  though  not  this  Name  ,  the  Ancient  Kings  of  England  ever  excr-  Tlie  old  Kings 
cifed  ,  not  onely  before  the  Reformation,    but  before  the  Norman  Conquefl  ,  as  ap-  p'^5"*'f^'' j 
pears  by  the  Afts  of  their  great  Councils,  by  their  Statutes,  and  Articles  of  the  ^o"""'""'"- 
Clergy,  by  fb  many  Lawes  of  provifion  againft  the  Bifhop  of  Komes  conferring 
Ecclefiaftical  Dignities  and  Benefices  upon  Forreigners ,  by  fo  many  fharp  oppofiti- 
ons  againft  the   exaftions  and  ufurpations  of  the  Church  of  Kome,  by  fo  many 
Lawes  concerning  the  Patronage  of  Bifhopricks  ,  and  Inveftitures  of  Bifhops,  by 
fo  many  examples  of  Church-men  punifhed  by  the  Civil  Magiftrate.    Of  all  which 
Jewels  the  Rowizw  Court  had  undoubtedly  robbed   the  Crown,  if  the  Peers  and 
Prelates  of  the  Kingdom  had  not  come  in  to  the  refcue. 

By  the  Ancient  Laws  of  England  it  is  Death  ,  or  at  lealt  a  Forfeiture  of  all  his 
Goods,  for  any  man  to  publifn  the  Pope's  Bull  without  the  King's  Licence.     The 
Popes  Legate  without  the  King's  leave  could  not  enter  into  the  Realm.     If  an  Or-  See  Authori- 
dinary  did  refufe  to  accept  a  refignation  ,  the  King  might  fupply  his  defedt.     If  any  |hefe°in  c<jn>- 
Ecclefiaftical  Court  did  exceed  the  bounds  of  its  jufl  Power,  either  in  the  nature  (frre'sCafe.  ia 
of  the  caufe  ,  or  manner  of  proceeding  ,  the  King's  Prohibition  had  Place.     So  in  Judge  coot"* 
cfFedt  the  Kings  of  England  were  alwayes  the  Political  Heads  of  the  Church  within  R^poi"- 
their  own  Dominions.     So  the  Kings  of  France  are  at  this  day. 

But  who  told  you  that  ever    King  Charles  did  call  himfelf  the  Head    of  the  ^charUi 
Church?  thereby  to  merit  fuch  an  heavy  Judgement.     He  did  not,   nor  yet  King  k. /amfx/nor 
7<«w«f J  his  Father,  nor  Queen  E/iiJSfltft/;  before  them  both ,  who  took  Order  in  her  Q^£/f^<ifff* 
Firfl  Parliament,  to  have  it  left  out  of  her  Title.     They  thought  that  name  did  ftiiC'lH^ajtsof 
{bund  ill ,  and  that  it  intrenched  too  far  upon  the  Right  of  their  Saviour.     There-  "^     " 
fore  they  declined  it,  and  were  called  onely  Supreme  Governours,  in  all  Caufe s ,  over 
allperfens  Ecckfufiic-al  and  Civil')  which  is  a  Title  demure  infeparable  from  the  Crown 

E  of 


^5  '        Ibe  btfJ^op  of  Perry's  J^f}frt>er  to  TOME  l 

of  all  Sovereign  Princes  ;  Where  it  is  wanting  de  faUo  (  if  any  place  be  io  unhappy 
to  want  it  )  the  Kingis  but  half  a  King  ,  and  the  Commonwealth  a  Serpent  with 

Two  Heads.  ,     , ,  ,    ,     ,  -r     i .        .„  . 

Thus  you  fee,  you  are  doubly,  and  both  wayes,  miferably  miftaken.  Firft, 
King  Charles  did'never  ftile  himfelf  Head  of  the  Church,  nor  could  with  patience 
endure  to  hear  that  Title.  Secondly  ,  a  Political  Headfhip  is  not  tnimiom  to  the 
Vnity^  or  Authority-^  of  the  Chunh.  The  Kings  of  Ifrael  and  Judah  ,  the  Chriftian 
Emperours,  the  Ettglijh  Kings  before  the  Reformation  ,  yea,  even  before  the  Co.n- 
quelt   and  other  Sovereign  Princes  of  the  Kow^w  Communion  have   owned  it  fig- 

Eut  it  feems  you  have  been  told  ,  or  have  read  this  ,  in  the  virulent  Writings  of 
Sanders     or  FarfoHs  ,  or  have  heard  of  a  ludicrous  fcoffing  propofition  of  a  Marri- 
age between  the  Two  Heads  of  the  Two  Churches,  Sixtus  ^mtus ^  and  Queen 
The  Amhours  Elizabeth ,  for  the  re-uniting  forfooth  of  Chriftendome.     All  the  iatisfa(ftion  I 
fatisfaftion to    ^q^jj  enjoyn  you,  is  to  perfwade  the  Bifhop  of  Rome,    (  if  Gregory  the  Great 
Pope'to^eave     were  living ,  you  could  not  fail  of  fpeeding)  to  imitate  the  piety  and  humility  of 
thac  vain  Title,  our  Princes  v  that  is ,  to  content  himfelf  with  his  Patriarchical  dignity  ,  and  prima- 
cy of  Order ,  &  Principium  Vnitatis  ,  and  to  quit  that  much  more  prefumptuous  , 
and  (  if  a  Pope's  word  may  pafs  for  current  )  Antichriftian,  term  of  the  Bead  of  the 
CathoUck^  Church.     If  the  Pope  be  the  Head  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  then  the  Ca- 
tholick  Church  is  the  Pope's  Body ,  which  would  be  but  an  harfh  expreilion  to 
Chriftian  ears :  then  the  Catholick  Church  fhould  have  no  Head ,  when  there  is  no 
Pope  i  Two  or  Three  Heads,  when  there  are  Two  or  Three  Popes  >    an  unfound 
Head  ,   when  there  is  an  Heretical  Pope  i  a  broken  Head ,  when  the  Pope  is  cenfu- 
red  or  depoftd  i  and  no  Head  ,  when  the  See  is  vacant.     If  the  Church  muft  have 
one  Univerfal ,   Vifible ,  Ecclefiaftical  Head  ,  a  general  Council  may  beft  pretend  to 
that  Title. 
p.  1.  Neither  are  you  more  fuccefsful  in  your  other  Reafon,  why  the  Parliament  perfe- 

HatredofEpi-  cuted  the  King  i   becaufe  he  maintained  Epifcopacy  ,  both  out  of  Confciettce  and  Intereji  , 
fcopacynot       rvhich  they  fought  to  aboHJh.     For  though  it  be  ealily   admitted,  that  fcme  (editious 
wh/the  ParU.  and  heterodox  perfons  had  an  evil  eye ,  both  againft  Monarchy  and  Epifcopacy  , 
ament  perfe-     from  the  very  beginning  of  thefe  troubles ,  either  out  of  a  fiery  zeal ,  or  vain  aife- 
cutcd  the  King:  (ftation  of  Novelty ,  (  like  thofe  ,  who  having  the  Green-ficknefs ,  prefer  chalk  and 
meal  in  a  corner,  before  wholefom  meat  at  their  Fathers  Table ,    (  or  out  of  a  gree^ 
dy  and  covetous  defire  of  gathering  fome  flicks  for  themfelves  upon  the  fall  of  thofe 
great  Okes :  yet  certainly  they  ,  who  were  the  contrivers ,  and  principal  adtors  in 
thisbufinefs,  did  not  more  malign  Epifcopacy  for  Monarchies  fake  ,  than  Monar- 
chy for  Epifcopacies.     What  end  had  the  ISluncio's  Fadtion  in  Ireland  againft  Epifco- 
pacy >  whofe  mutinous  courfes  apparently  loft  that  Kingdome.     When  the  King's 
confent  to  the  Abolition  of  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland  was  extorted  from  him  by  the 
Presbyterian  Fadion  (  which  probably  the  prime  Authours  do  rue  fufficiently  by  this 
time  )  were  thofe  Presbyterian  Scots  any  thing  more  favourable  to  Monarchy  >    To 
come  to  England ,  the  chief  Scene  of  this  bloody  Tragedy  :  If  that  party  in  Parli- 
cment  had  at  firft  propofed  any  fuch  thing  ,  as  the  Abolition  either  of  Monarchy , 
or  Epifcopacy  ,  undoubtedly  they  had  ruined  their  whole  defign  •■,  until  daily  tu- 
mults ,  and  uncontrollable  uproars  had  chafed  away  the  greater,  and  (bunder,  part 
of  both  Houfes :  Their  firft  Proteftation  was  fblemnly  made  to  God  ,  both  for  King 
and  Church  ,  as  they  were  by  Law  eftablifhed. 
The  true  can-        Would  you  know  then  what  it  was  that  conjur'd  up  the  ftorm  among  us  ?  It  was 
fesofthe  trou-  fome  feigned  jealoufies  and  fears,  (  which  the  firft  Broachers  themfelves  knew  well 
hies  in  Eng'     enough  to  be  Fables )  dilperfed  cunningly  among  the  People ,    "that  the  King  furpo- 
land.  f(il  to  fubvert  the  Fundamental  Lances  of  the  Kingdome  ,  and  to  reduce  the  free  EnglMh 

Sub'je^  to  a  condition  of  abfolute  favery  under  an  Arbitrary  Government.  For  which 
maliie  weight  of  malicious  untruth ,  they  had  no  fupporters ,  but  a  few  Bull-rufhes. 
Secondly  ,  that  he  meant  to  apoftate  from  the  Proteftant  Religion  to  Popery  ,  and 
to  that  end  had  raifed  the  Irijh  Rebellion  by  fecret  Encouragements  and  Commiffi- 
ons-.  For  which  monftrous  calumny,  they  had  no  other  foundation  (except  the  fo- 
lemn  Religious  Order  of  Divine  Service  in  his  own  Chappel,  and  Cathedral  Chur- 
ches ) 


Discourse  f.        the  Epijileof  M\  de  la  Militiere ,  &c. 


V  ^ 


ches  )  than  fome  unfeafonable  Difputes  about  an  Altar ,  or  a  Tabic ,  and  the  per- 
milfion  of  the  Pope's  Agent  to  make  a  fhort  ftay  in  England ,  more  for  reafon  of 
State  than  of  Religion.  And  fome  fenflefs  fi(flions  of  fome  Irijh  Rebels,  who  ha- 
ving a  Patent  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Ireland  for  their  Lands ,  to  colour  their  bar- 
barous murthers ,  ihewed  it  to  the  poor  fimple  people  as  a  Commillion  from  th* 
King  to  leavy  Forces.  And  Laftly ,  fome  impious  pious  frauds  of  fome  of  your  own 
party,  whofe  private  whifpers,  and  printed  infinuations,  did  give  hopes  that  the 
Church  of  England  was  coming  about  to  (hake  hands  with  the  Koman  in  the  points 
controverted  i  Which  was  meerly  devifed  to  gull  fome  filly  Creatures,  whom  they 
found  apt  to  be  catched  with  chaff  ■■,  for  which  they  had  no  more  pretext  of  truth 
tlian  you  have  for  your  groundlefs  intimations  in  this  unwelcome  Dedica- 
tion. 

Thefe  fufpicions  being  compounded  with  Covetoufnefs  ,  Ambition  ,  Envy,  Emu- 
lation  ,  dcfire  of  Revenge ,  and  Difcontent ,  were  the  fourfe  of  all  our  Calamities. 
Thus  much  you  your  {elf  confefs  in  effecfl  i  that,  thif  fuppifnion  ,  that  the  King  and 
Bijhops  had  an  intention  to  re-eftablifh  the  Rormn-Catholick^  'Religion ,  was  the  venome  ^'  ^' 
n>hich  the  Turitan  Faction  infufed  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  to  fill  them  with  hatred 
again]}  a  King  worthy  of  love  v  And  the  Parliament  judged  it  k  favourable  accaftnn  for 
their  defign  ,  to  advance  themfelves  to  Sovereign  Authority.  Be  Judge  your  felf  how 
much  they  are  acceflary  to  our  fufferings,  who  either  were  ,  or  are,  the  Authours  or 
Fomenters  of  theft  damnable  flanders. 

There  was  yet  one  caufe  more  of  this  cruel  perfecution,  which  I  cannot  conceal 
from  you,  becaufe  it  concerns  fome  of  your  old  acquaintance.  There  was  a  Bifhop 
in  the  World  (  lofers  may  have  leave  to  talk  )  whofe  privy  Purfe,  and  fubtil  Coun- 
fels  ,  did  help  to  kindle  that  unnatural  war  in  his  Majefties  Three  Kingdoms.  Our 
Cardinal  Wolfey  complained  before  his  death  ,  7hat  he  had  ferved  his  King  better  than 
his  God.  But  certainly  this  pradice  in  your  friend  ,  was  neither  good  fervice  to  his 
God,  to  be  the  Authour  of  the  effufion  of  fo  much  innocent  blood  -,  nor  yet  to  his 
King  ,  to  let  the  World  fee  fuch  a  dangerous  precedent.  It  is  high  time  for  a  man  to 
look  to  himfelf ,  when  his  next  neighbours  houfe  is  all  on  a  flame. 

As  hitherto  I  have  followed  your  (teps ,  though  not  altogether  in  your  own  me- 
thod ,  or  rather  your  own  confufion  i  So  I  fhall  obferve  the  fame  courfe  for  "the  fii- 
ture.  Your  difcourfe  is  fo  full  of  Meanders  and  windings ,  turnings  and  return- 
ings  ,  you  congregate  HeterogeneoKs  matter  ,  and  fegregate  that  which  is  Homogene- 
ous ,  as  if  you  had  made  your  Dedication  by  ftarts ,  and  fnatches  i  and  never  dige- 
fted  your  whole  difcourfe.  On  the  contrary  ,  where  I  meet  with  any  thing,  it  (hall 
be  my  defire  to  difpatch  it  out  of  my  hands,  with  vvhatfoever  pertains  unto  it, 
once  for  all.  I  hope  you  expeft  not  that  I  (hould  amufe  my  felf  at  your  Rhetorical 
flowers,  and  elegant  expreiiions  ■■,  they  agree  well  enough  with  the  work  you  were 
about.  The  Pipe  playcs  fweetly,  whilft  the  Fowler  is  catching  his  prey.  Trap- 
pings are  not  to  be  condemned  ,  if  the  things  themfelves  are  good  and  ufeful  ■■,  but 
I  prefer  one  Pomegranate  Tree  loaden  with  good  fruit ,  before  a  whole  row  of  Cy- 
prefles  that  ferve  onely- for  ihew.  Be  fure  of  this ,  that  where  any  thing  in  your 
Epiftle  refledls  upon  the  Church  of  England  ,  I  (hall  not  mifs  it  tirll  or 
laft,  though  it  be  but  a  loofe  unjoynted  piece,  and  Co  perhaps  hitherto  un- 
touched.   , 

Amongft  other  things  which  you  lay  to  our  charge,  you  glance,  at  the  leaft  wcareondy 
Twelve  times ,  at  our  fuppofed  Schifm  :  But  from  firft  to  la(t ,  never  attempt  to  accufed  of 
prove  it ,  as  if  you  took  it  for  granted.     1  have  fhaped  a  Coat  for  a  Schifmatick  ,  SchiCn. 
and  had  prefented  it  to  you  in  this  Anfwer  i  but  confidering  that  the  matter  is  of 
moment ,  and  merits  as  much  to  be  ferioufly  and  folidly  weighed ,  as  your  naked 
Crimination  without  all  pretext  of  proof  cleferves  to  be  flighted,  left  it    might 
ftem  here,  as  an  impertinent  digreflion,  to  take  up  too  much  place  in  this  (hort  Di- 
fcourfe, I  have  added  it  at  the  Conclufion  of  this  Anfwer ,  in  a  (hort  Trad  by  it 
felf,  that  you  may  perufe  it  if  you  pleafe.  PresbyteTum 

You  fall  heavily  ,  in  this  Difcourfe,  upon  the  Prebyterians ,  Brownifts,  and  In-  hSi  bcen"'^' 
dependents.    If  they  intend  to  return  you  any  Anfwer  ,  they  may  (end  it  by  a  mef-  p^ome\  bdl 
fenger  of  their  own.     As  for  my  part , .  I  am  not  their  ProAor ,  I  have  received  no  frico'ls. 

E  2  Fee 


,8  Jhe  Bi^jop  of  DerryV  Anfwer  to  T  O  M  E    I. 


fee  from  them.  But  if  I  Ihould  undertake  to  plead  their  Caufe  upon  my  own 
head  by  our  old  EfigUjh  Law ,  you  might  call  me  to  an  account  for  unlawful 
maintenance.  Onely  give  me  leave  as  a  by-ftander  to  wonder  why  you  are  fo  cho- 
lerick  a^ainil  them ,  for  certainly  they  have  done  you  more  fervice  in  England  than 
ever  you  could  have  done  for  your  felves. 

And  I  wonder  no  lefs  why  you  call  our  Reformation  ,  a  Calviniftical  Keformati' 
P  on  ,  brought  into  England  by  Bucer  ,  and  Peter  Martyr  j  a  blind  Reformation^  yea  , 

il,e  intire  ruine  of  the  Faith ,  of  the  very  Form  of  the  Church ,  and  of  the  civil  Govern- 
ment of  the  Commonvpealth  injiituted  by  God.     Though  you  confefs  again  in  our  fa- 
vour   Ihatif  our  jirji  Reformers  had  been  interrogated ,  whether  they  meant  any  fuch 
P.  4*  thing ,  they  would  have  purged  themfelves ,   and  avouched  their   Innocence  with  their 

hands  upon  the  new  Gojf'el.  The  gifts  of  Enemies  are  no  gifts.  If  fuch  as  thefe  are 
all  your  courtefies ,  you  may  be  pleafed  to  take  them  again  ■■,  Our  firft  Reformers 
might  lafely  fwear  upon  the  Gofpel ,  old  or  new  ,  that  they  meant  no  fuch  thing. 
And  we  may  as  fecurely  fwear  upon  all  the  Books  of  God  ,  old  or  new,  that  there 
is  no  fuch  thing.  But  why  our  Gofpel  fhould  be  younger  or  newer  than  SixttK 
^intiif  his  Gofpel ,  or  Clemens  OCfavuf  his  Gofpel ,  paffeth  my  underftanding,  and 
yours  alfo. 

Comparifons  are  odious  ,  therefore  I  will  not  fay ,  that  the  true  Englijh  Pvote- 
ftant  landing  to  his  own  grounds  ,  is  the  beft  fubjeft  in  the  world  :  But  I  do  fay  , 
that  he  is  as  good  a  fubjcd'  as  any  in  the  World  ,  and  our  Principles  as  innocent , 
and  as  auxiliary  to  civil  Government,  as  the  maxims  of  any  Church  under  Hea- 
ven i  And  more  than  yours  ,  where  the  clafhing  of  Two  Supreme  Authorities ,  and. 
the  exemption  of  your  numerous  Clergy  from  the  Coercive  power  of  the  Prince  , 
and  fome  other  Novelties ,  which  I  forbear  to  mention ,  do  alway  threaten  a 
florm. 

Tell  me  ,  Sir  ,  if  you  can  ,  what  Church  in  Europe  hath  declared  more  fully ,  or 
more  favourably  for  Monarchy  than  the    poor  Church  of  England ,  "that  the  meji 
l.Cant.  ^-^y  and  Sacred    Order  of  Kings    is  of  Divine  Right,    being  the   Ordinance  of  God 

himfelf ,  founded  in  the  prime  Lawes  of  Nature,  and  clearly   ejiablijhed  by  expreji  Texts , 
both  of  the  Old  and  New  Tefiament.     Moreover ,  that  this  power  is  extended  over  all 
their  SubjeSs  ,  Ecclefiajiical  and  Civil  i  That  to  fet  up   any  Independent  coaUive  power 
above  them ,  either  Papal  or  popular ,  either  direUly  or  indireUly  ,  is  to  undermine  their 
great  Koyal  Office  ,  and  cunningly  to  overthrow  that  mofl  Sacred  Ordinance  ,  which  God 
hitnfelf  hath  ejiablijhed.     That  for  their  SubjeCfs  to  bear  Arms  again^  them  ,  offenfve  or 
defenfive,  upon  any  pretends  whatfoever ,  is  to  refiji  the  powers    which  are  ordained 
of  God. 
TheEngltfti         And  why  do  you  call  our  Reformation  C^j/wiKiffiw/ >  contrary  to  your  own  Con- 
Refornution     faience  ^  contrary  to  your  own  Confeflion  ,  That  in  our  Reformation  we  retained  the 
flical.'""'    '    ancient  Order  of  Epifcopacy ,  at  Injiituted  by  Vivine  Authority ,  and  a  Liturgy,  and  Ce- 
p,  a.  rernonies ,  whereby  we  preferved  the  Face ,    or  Image  of  the  Catholick,^  Church;     And 

that  for  this  very  caufe  the  Vifciplinarians  of  Geneva,  and  the  Presbyterians ,  did  con- 
ceive an  implacable  hatred  againft  the  King  for  the  Churches  fahg  ,  and  out  of  their  aver- 
fiontoit.  Did  they  hate  their  own  Reformation  To  implacably?  If  thefe  things  be 
to  be  reconciled ,  reddat  mihi  minam  Diogenes.  He  that  looks  more  in  Difputation 
to  the  Advantage  of  his  party  ,  than  to  the  Truth  of  his  grounds ,  had  need  of  a 
llrong  memory.  We  retained  not  onely  E/'i/co/'^Jc^' ,  L^wr^j/,  zndi  Ceremonies,  but 
all  things  elfe  that  were  conformable  to  the  Difcipline  ,  and  publick  Service  of  the 
Primitive  Church  rightly  underftood. 

No ,  Sir ,  we  cannot  pin  our  Faith  upon  the  fleeve  of  any  particular  man :  as 
one  ufed  to  fay  ,  We  love  m  Nifms  •,  neither  Calvinifm ,  nor  Lutheranifm  ,  nor  Jan- 
M.  Tht.  Sq.  ftnianifm ,  but  ondy  one  ,  that  we  derive  from  Antioch  ,  that  is  Chrifiianifm.  We 
honour  Learning  and  Piety  in  our  fellow-fervants  ,  but  we  defire  to  wear  no  other 
badge  or  cognizance  than  that  we  received  from  our  own  Mafler  at  our  Baptifm. 
Bucer  was  as  Ht  to  be  Calving  Mafter  ,  as  his  Scholar.  So  long  as  Calvin  continued 
'Viit\\\nm  in  Germany,  he  was  for  Epifcopary  ,  Liturgy,  and  Ceremonies  (  and  for 
affurance  thereof  fubfcribed  the  Augt^ane  Confeffion  )  and  his  late  Learned  Siiccef^ 
for,  and  Affertor  in  Gf«fra  ,  Monfuur  Deedate ,  with  fundry  others  of  that  Com- 
munion , 


F.i 


Discourse  I.        the  Epiftle  of  Mr.  de  U  Miliciere ,  &c.  29 


mnnion ,  were  not  averfe  from  them.  Or  why  do  you  call  Reformation  blind  ? 
It  was  not  blindnefs ,  but  too  much  affedation  of  knowledge  ,  and  too  much 
peeping  into  controverted  and  new-fangled  Queftions  that  hath  endamaged  our  Re- 
ligion.   It  15  you  that  teach  the  Colliers  Creed,  not  we. 

Howfoever  you  pretend  to  prove ,  that  our  Reformation  was  the  ruine  of  the 
Church  ,  and  Common-wealth  ;  we  exped  you  (hould  endeavour  to  prove  it.  You 
cannot  fo  farmiftake  your  felf,as  to  conceive  your  Authority  to  be  the  fame  with  us , 
that  Tythagons  had  among  his  Scholars ,  to  have  his  Dictates  received  for  Oracles 
without  proof.  What  did  I  fay  ,  that  you  pretend  to  prove  it?  That's  too  low  an 
exprellion  ,  you  promife  us  a  Vemonjlratim  of  it ,  fo  lively  and  evident ,  that  no  reafnn  P«  4- 
fljjU  be  able  to  contradict  it.  Are  you  not  atfraid  ,  that  too  much  expe<ftation  fhould 
prejudice  your  Difcourfe  by  diminifliing  our  applaufe  ? 

^id  tamo  dignumferet  hie  promifjor  hiatu  ? 

Do  you  think  of  nothing  now  but  Triumphs?  Lively  and  evident  demonflration, 
not  to  be  contradicted  by  reafon,  is  like  the  Phenix,  much  talked  of,  but  fcldome 
feen.  Moft  men ,  when  they  fee  a  man  Itrip  up  his  fleeves  ,  and  make  too  large 
promifes  of  fair  dealing,  do  fufpecft  juggling.  No  man  proclaimeth  in  the  Market 
that  he  hath  rotten  Wares  to  fell  i  And  therefore  we  muft  be  careful,  notwithftand- 
ing  your  great  promifes  ,  to  keep  well  Epicharmus  his  Jewel ,  'Remember  to  diftrufl. 
By  your  permiliion ,  your  gliflering  Demonflration  is  a  very  counterfeit , 
not  fo  valuable  as  a  Brijlol  Diamond,  when  it  comes  to  be  examined  by  the 
Wheel. 

Sometimes  nothing  is  more  neceflary  than  Reformation.     Never  was  Houfe  ^  r  r  m  ■  „ 
well  builded ,  that  now  and  then  needed    not  reparation.     Never  Garden  Co  well  jj  fometimes 
planted  ,  but  muft  fometimes  be  weeded.     Never  any  Order  fb  well  inlHtuted,  but  ncccfTary. 
in  long  tradt  of  Time  there  will  be  a  bending  and  declining  from  its  Primitive  per- 
feftion  ,  and  a  neceffity  of  reducing  it  to  its  hrit  principles.     Are  your  Houfes  of 
Religion  which  are  Reformed  ,  therefore  the  lefs  Religious  >  Why  then  did  all  the 
Princes  and  Commonwealths  in  Europe  ,  yea  ,  the  Fathers  themfclves  in  the  Council 
of  'Trent,  cry  out  fo  often ,  Co  earneftly  for  a  Reformation  ?    yet  were  forced  to 
content  themlelves  with  a  vain  (hadow  for  the  fubftance,  as  Ixion  embraced  a  cloud 
for  Juno  ,  or  Children  are  often  ftilled  with  an  empty  bottle. 

But  Reformation  is  not  agreeable  to  all  perfons.     JitdM  loved  not  an  Audit ,    be-  Reformation 
caufe  he  kept  the  Bag.     Dull  Lethargick  people  had  rather  fleep  to  death  ,  than  to  not  agreeable 
be  awaked,  and  mad  phrenetick  Bigots  are  apt  to  beat  the  Chirurgeon  that  would  to  all  perfons, 
bind  up  their  wounds  •,  but  none  are  fo  averfe  from  Reformation  as  the   Court  of  «fP«cia'ly  '•i*' 
Home ,  where  the  very  name  is  more  formidable  than  Hannibal  at  the  Gates  ■■,  yea ,  ^^me. 
than  all  the  five  terrible  things.     No  marvail  they  are  affraid  to  have  their  Oranges 
fquee-zed  to  their  hands  v  if  they  were  infallible  as  they  pretend  ,  there  was  no  need 
of  a  Reformations   we  wi{h  they  were,  but  we  fee  they  are  not. 

On  the  other  fide  ,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Reformation,  when  it  is  un(eafonable.  There  is  dan- 
or  inordinate  ,  or  excellive ,  may  do  more  hurt  than  good  ■■,  when  Reformers  want  ^j j"n  ^  °''' 
^uft  Authority ,  or  due  information  ,  or  have  fmifter  ends,  or  where  the  remedy 
may  be  of  worfe  confequence  than  the  abule  ,  or  where  men  run  out  of  one  ex- 
treme into  another  i  therefore  it  is  a  rule  in  prudence.  Not  to  remove  an  ill  cujiome, 
when  it  is  vpeH  fettled,  unlefs  it  bring  great  prejudices,  and  then  it  is  better  to  give 
one  account  why  we  have  taken  it  away ,  than  to  be  alwayes  making  Excufes  why 
we  do  it  not.  Needlefs  alteration  doth  diminifh  the  venerable  efteem  of  Religion, 
and  leflen  the  credit  of  ancient  Truths.  Break  ice  in  one  place,  and  it  will  crack  in 
more.     Crooked  fticks,by  bending  ftreight,  are  fometimes  broken  into  Two.  The  right  rule 

There  is  a  right  mean  between  thefe  extremes,  if  men  could  light  on  it,  that  is,  ^^  eorraati- 
Tielther  to  deftroy  the  Body  out  of  hatred  to  the  fores  and  ulcers,  nor  yet  to  che-  OurReforma- 
ri(h  the  fores  and  ulcers  out  of  a  doating  affedtion  to  the  body  i  that  is,  neither  to  tionnotthe 
deftroy  ancient  Inftitutions  ,  out  of  a  zealous  hatred  to  fome  new  abufes ,  nor  yet  to  [-"i'°^^  ^^''''' 
doat  fo  upon  ancient  Inftitutions,  as  for  their  fakes  to  cherifh  new  abufes.  Common* 

Our  Reformation  is  juft  as  much  the  caufe-of  the  ruine  of  our  Church  and  Com-  wealth. 

E  3  monwealthj 


The  Bifljop  of  DerryV  Anftver  to 


TOME   I. 


Ourfirfl  fup- 
pofed  Maxim, 

Theeatholick 
Church  can- 
not come  to 
rufne,  or  be 
guilty  of  Idot 
latry  or  Ty- 
ranny. 


Chryl. 


Catholick  and 
Roman  not 
Convertibles. 


Rev.  ?:  5. 

u 

The  Roman 
Church  it  felf 
notabfolutely 
fairntotuine 


mon-wcalth,  as  the  building  oiJenderden  Steeple  was  the  caufe  of  Goodmn's  Sands , 
or  the  ruine  of  the  Countrey  thereabouts,  bccaufe  they  happened  both  much  about 
the  fame  time. 

-— -  Careat  fucceffibm  opo. 

May  he  ever  want  fuccefs ,  who  judgeth  of  AAions  by  the  Event.  Our  Reforma- 
tion hath  ruined  the  Faith,  juft  as  the  plucking  up  of  weeds  in  a  Garden  ,  ruins  the 
good  Herbs.  It  hath  ruined  the  Church,  juft  as  a  Body  full  of  fuperflous  and  vicious 
humours  is  ruined  by  an  healthful  purgation.  It  hath  ruined  the  Common-wealth,  juft 
as  pruning  of  the  Vine  ruins  the  Elm.  No ,  no,  Sir,  our  fufferings  for  the  Faith,  for 
the  Church,  for  the  Monarchy,  do  proclaim  us  Innocent  to  all  the  World,  of  the  ru- 
ine cither  of  Faith,  or  Church,  or  Monarchy.  And  in  this  capacity  we  chufe  rather  to 
fterve  as  Innocents,  than  to  fwim  in  plenty  as  Nocents. 

But  this  is  but  one  of  your  doubles  to  keep  us  from  the  right  Form.  It  is  your 
new  Roman  Creed  that  hath  ruined  the  Faith.  It  is  your  Papal  Court  that  hath  rui- 
ned the  Church.  It  is  your  new  Doftrines  of  the  Pope's  Omnipotence  over  Tempo- 
ral perfons  in  order  unto  Spiritual  ends,  of  abfolving  Sub jeds  from  their  Oaths  of  Al- 
legiance, of  exempting  the  Clergy  from  fecular  Jurifdidion,  of  the  lawfulnefs  of  mur- 
thering  Tyrants  and  excommunicated  Princes,  of  iEquivocationand  the  like,  that  firft 
infeded  the  World  to  the  danger  of  Civil  Government.  Yet  far  be  it  from  me  to 
make  thefe  the  univerfal  Tenets  of  your  Church,  at  any  time  ,  much  lefs  at  this  time, 
when  they  are  miich  fall'n  from  their  former  credit,  neither  can  I  deny,  that  fundry 
dangerous  pofitions,  deftrudive  to  all  civil  Societies  ,  have  been  tranfplanted  by  our 
Sedaries,  and  taken  too  deep  root  in  our  quarters,  but  never  by  our  fault.  If  God 
fhould  grant  us  the  benefit  of  an  Oecumenical  or  Occidental  Council,  it  would  be- 
come both  you  and  us  in  the  firft  place  to  pluck  up  fuch  feditious  opinions  ,  root 
and  branch. 

You  {ay  our  Cahinijiical  Reformation  (  fb  you  are  pleafcd  to  call  it  as  you  would 
have  it,  for  the  moderate  and  orderly  Reformation  of  England  was  the  terrour  and 
eye-fore  of  Kome  )  is  founded  Mfon  "Trvo  Maxims;  The  one,  that  the  Church  teas  fall'n 
to  ruine  and  deflation,  and  become  guilty  of  Idolatry  and  tyranny. 

This  is  neither  our  Foundation,  nor  our  Superftrudion,  neither  our  Maxim ,  nor 
our  Opinion.  It  is  fo  far  from  it,  that  we  hold  and  teach  the  dired  contrary.  Firft, 
that  the  Gates  of  Hell  Jhalt  never  prevail  againji  the  Vniverfal  Church,  that  though  the  rain 
defend,  and  the  floods  come,  and  the  winds  blovp  and  beat  upon  it,  yet  it  (hall  never  fall  to 
ruine  or  deflation;  becaufe  it  is  builded  upon  a  Kock.  Secondly  ,  we  believe  that  the 
Catholick  Church  is  the  faithful  Spoufe  of  Chrift  ,  and  cannot  be  guilty  of  Idolatry, 
which  is  fpiritual  Adultery.  Thirdly,  we  never  faid ,  we  never  thought ,  that  the 
Oecumenical  Church  of  Chrift  was  guilty  of  Tyranny.  It  is  principled  to  fuifer 
wrong,  to  do  none,  and  by  fuffering  to  Conquer,  as  a  flock  of  unarmed  Sheep ,  in 
the  ixiidil  of  a  company  of  ravenous  Wolves,  A  nerv  and  unheard-of  kind  of  warfare, 
<K  if  one  jhould  throw  an  handful  of  dry  flax  into  the  midji  of  a  flaming  flre  to  extin- 
guijh  it. 

But  I  prefume  this  is  one  of  the  Idiotifms  of  your  Language ,  in  which  by  the 
Church  you  alvyayes  underftand  the  Roman  Church  ,  making  Roman  and  Catholick 
to  be  Convertibles.  As  if  Chrift  could  not  have  a  Church,  nor  that  Church  any  pri- 
viledges,  unlefs  the  Court  of  Rome  might  have  the  Monopoly  of  them.  There  is 
a  vaft  difference  between  the  Catholick  Church  and  a  Patriarchal  Church.  The  Ca- 
tholick Church  can  never  faih  any  Patriarchal  Church  may  Apoftate  and  fail.  We 
have  a  promile  that  the  Candle  (hall  not  be  put  out ,  we  have  no  promife  that  the 
Candlefiick^Jhall  not  be  removed. 

But  fuppofing  that  (which  we  can  never  grant)  the  Catholick  Church  and  Roman 
Church  were  Convertibles,  yet  ftill  you  do  us  wrong.  Firft  ,  we  do  not  maintain , 
that  the  Roman  Church  it  felf  is  fall'n  to  ruine  and  deflation  '■>  we  grant  to  it  a  true 
Metaphyfical  being,  though  not  a  true  Moral  being  ;  we  hope  their  errours  are  ra  • 
ther  in  Supcrftrudures,  than  in  Fundamentals^  wc  do  not  (ay  that  the  Plants  of  fa- 
ving  Truth  (which  are  common  to  you  and  us)  are  plucked  up  by  the  roots  in  the 

Roman 


Discourse  I.       the  Epi  file  of  Mr.  de  la  Militiere,  Sic. 


3' 


Koman  Church,  but  we  fay  that  they  are  over-grown  with  weeds,  and  in  danger  to 
be  choaked. 

Next  for  Idolatry,  whether,  and  why,  and  how  far  we  may  accufe  your  Church 
of  it,  deferves  farther  Confideration.  Firft  you  agree  with  us ,  That  God  alone  is 
the  Objed  of  Religion,  and  confequently,  that  all  Religious  Worfliip  is  due  termina- 
tively  oiiely  to  him  ■■,  that  God  alone  is  to  be  invocated  abfolutely  or  ultimately,  that 
is,  fo  as  to  grant  our  requel^s,  and  fulfill  our  defires  by  himfelf ,  and  that  the  Saints 
are  not  the  Obje&s  of  our  prayers ,  but  joynt-Petitioners  with  us,  and  InterceflTors  for 
us  to  the  Throne  of  Grace. 

Secondly,  we  profefs  as  well  as  you,  that  there  is  a  proportionable  degree  of  Ho- 
nour and  refpedt  due  to  every  creature  in  Heaven  and  Earth,  according  to  the  digni- 
ty of  it,  and  therefore  more  honour  due  to  a  glorified  Spirit  than  to  a  mortal  man : 
But  withall  we  add,  that  this  honour,  is  not  ServimtU  but  Charitatis,  net  of  Service 
as  to  our  Lords  and  Mafters ,  but  of  Love  and  Charity  as  to  our  Friends  and  Fel- 
low-fervants ,  of  the  fame  kind  and  nature  with  that  honour  which  we  give  to 
holy  njen  on  Earth.  And  herein  we  are  confident  that  we  fhall  have  your  con- 
fent. 

Thirdly,  we  agree  in  this  alfo,  that  abundant  love  and  duty  doth  extend  an  ho- 
nourable refped:  from  the  perfbn  of  a  dear  friend,  or  noble  benefador,  to  his  pofte- 
rity,  to  his  memory,  to  his  Monument,  to  his  Image,  to  his  Reliques,  to  every  thing 
that  he  loved,  or  that  pertained  to  him,  even  to  the  Earth  which  he  did  tread  upon, 
for  his  fake.  Put  a  Liefhebber^  or  Vtrtuofo^  among  a  company  of  rare  picftures,  and  he 
will  pick  out  the  beft  pieces  for  their  proper  value.  But  a  friend  or  child  will  more 
efteem  the  Pidure  of  a  Benefador,  or  Anceftor,  for  its  relation.  The  refped  of  the 
one  is  terminated  in  the  Pidure,  that  of  the  other  is  radicated  in  the  Exemplar.  Yet 
ftill  an  Image  is  but  an  Image ,  and  the  kinds  of  refped  muff  not  be  confounded. 
The  refped  given  to  an  Image,  muft  be  refped  proper  for  an  Image,  not  Courtfhip, 
not  Worfhip  ,  not  Adoration.  More  refped  is  due  to  the  perfon  of  the  meane/l 
begger  than  to  all  the  Images  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoff  les ,  and  a  thoufand  Primitive 
Saints  or  Progenitors.  Hitherto  there  is  either  no  difference  or  peril  either  of  Ido- 
latry or  Superftition. 

Wherein  then  did  confifl  this  guilt  of  Idolatry  contraded  by  the  KomanCtrnxch.  > 
I  am  willing  for  the  prefent  to  pafs  by  the  private  abufes  of  particular  perfons , 
which  feerh  to  me  no  otherwife  chargeable  upon  the  whole  Church,  than  for  Conni- 
vance. As  the  making  Images  to  counterfeit  tears,  and  words  ,  and  geffures ,  and 
complements,  for  advantage,  to  induce  filly  people  to  believe  that  there  was  fome- 
thing  of  Divinity  in  them  i  and  the  multitude  of  fiditious  Reliques ,  and  fuppofititi- 
ous  Saints,  which  credulity  firfl  induced  ,  and  fince  covetoufiiefs  hath  nourifhed.  I 
take  no  notice  now  of  thofe  remote  fafpicions  or  fuppofitions  of  the  polEbility  of 
want  of  intention,  either  in  the  Prieft  that  confecrates  the  Sacrament,  or  in  him  that 
Baptized,  or  in  the  Bifhop  that  ordained  him  ,  or  ih  any  one  through  the  whole 
line  of  Succeflion  i  in  all  which  cafes  Caccording  to  your  own  principles)  you  give 
Divine  Worfhip  to  corporeal  Elements,  which  is  at  leaff  material  Idolatry. 

I  will  not  ftand  now  to  examine  the  truth  of  your  diftindions,  of  x«Tf«i«and  J»X'i«, 
yet  you  know  well  enough,  that  ^kK''*  is  no  religious  Worfhip ,  and  vo-ij j-sxi,*  is  coin 
lately  minted,  that  will  not  pafs  for  currant  in  the  Catholick  Church.  Whilff  your 
common  people  underftand  not  thefe  diftindions  of  degrees  of  honour,  what  hold'? 
them  from  falling  downright  into  Idolatry  ? 

Neither  do  I  urge  how  you  have  diffributed  the  Patronage  of  particular  Coun- 
tries, the  Cure  of  feveral  Difeafes,  the  protedion  of  all  diffind  Profeifions  of  men, 
and  all  kinds  of  Creatures,  among  the  Saints  ,  jufl  as  the  Heathen  did  among  their 
Tutelary  Gods  ■■,  nor  how  little  warrant  you  have  for  this  pradice  from  experience  i 
nor  Laflly,  how  you  build  more  Churches ,  ered  more  Altars ,  offer  more  prefents, 
pour  out  more  prayers,  make  more  vows ,  perform  more  offices  to  the  Mother  than 
to  the  Son.  Yet  though  we  fhould  hold  our  peace ,  methinks  you  fhould  pon,der 
thefe  things  ferioufly,  and  either  for  your  own  fatisfadion,  or  ours  ,  take  away  fuch 
unnecefTary  occafions  of  fcandal  and  dif^union. 

But  I  cannot  omit,  that  the  Council  oi^Trent  is  not  contented  to  enjoyn  the  Ado- 
ration 


whether  the 
Roman 
Church  be 
guilty  cf  Iilo- 
latry. 


32 


The  bi/hop  of  DerryV  Atifrver  to 


TOME  I. 


The  Roman 
Court  mod 
Tyrannical. 


Our  fecond 
fuppofed  Mai 
xim. 


ration  of  Chxili  in  the  Sacrament,  (  which  we  never  deny  )  but  of  the  Sacrament 
it  felt'  C  that  is ,  according  to  the  common  current  of  your  School-men,  the  Acci- 
dents or  Species  of  Bread  and  Wine  ,  becaufe  it  contains  Chrifi:  )  Why  do  they  not 
add  upon  the  fame  grounds,  that  the  pix  is  to  be  adored  with  Divine  Worfliip  ,  be- 
caufe it  contains  the  Sacrament  ?  Divine  honour  is  not  due  to  the  very  Humanity  of 
Chrift,  as  it  isabltradted  from  the  Deity,  but  to  the  whole  perlbn,  Deity  and  Huma- 
jiity,  hypollatically  united.  Neither  the  Grace  of  Union,  nor  the  Grace  of  Uniftion 
can  confer  more  upon  the  Humanity  than  the  Humanity  is  capable  of.  There  !■; 
no  fuch  Union  between  the  Deity  and  the  Sacrament ,  neither  immediately  ,  nor  yet 
mediately,  »2f^/iJ«^^  corf  ore. 

Neither  do  you  ordinarily  afcribe  ^a-rt'ntt  or  Divine  Worfliip  to  a  Crucifix,  or  to  the 
Image  of  Chrirt,  indeed  not  Terminatively,  but  Tranfeuntly  ,  fo  as  not  to  reft  in  the 
Image  or  Crucifix,  but  to  pa(s  to  the  Exemplar,  or  Perfon  crucified?  But  why  a 
piece  of  Wood  (hould  be  made  partaker  of  Divine  honours  even  in  Trattjitu  ,  or  in 
the  palTage,  pafTeth  my  undcrftanding.  The  Heathens  wanted  not  the  fame  pretext 
for  all  their  grofs  Idolatry.  Let  them  plead  for  themfelves.  Non  ego^&c.I  do  not  wor- 
Jhip  thatjlone  which  J  fee,  btit  Jferve  him  whom  J  do  not  fee. 

Laftly,  whilft  you  are  pleafed  to  ufe  them,  I  may  not  forget  thofc  ftrange  infblent 
forms  of  Prayer,  contained  in  your  Books ,  even  ultimate  Prayers ,  if  v.'e  take  the 
words  as  they  found  ,  diredlcd  to  the  Creatures ,  that  they  would  frote£i  you  at  the 
hour  of  death,  and  deliver  you  from  the  Devil,  and  confer  f^iritual  ffaces  upon  you,  and 
admit  you  into  Heaven,  precibus  meritifque,  hy  their  prayers  and  merits.  (  You  know 
what  Merit  fignifies  in  your  language,  a  Condignity,  or  at  leaft  a  Congruity  of  defert ) 
The  Expofition  of  your  Doftors  is ,  that  they  {hould  do  all  this  for  you  by  their 
prayers,  as  improper  a  form  of  fpeech,  as  if  a  Suppliant  intending  onely  to  move  an 
ordinary  Courtier  to  mediate  for  him  unto  the  King  ,  (hould  fall  down  upon  his 
knees  before  the  Courtier,  and  befeech  him  to  make  him  an  Earl,  or  a  Knight ,  or  to 
beflow  fuch  an  Office,  or  fuch  a  Pardon  upon  him ,  or  to  do  fome  other  Grace  for 
him,  properly  belonging  to  the  Prerogative  Royal.  How  agrees  this  with  the  words, 
precibus  tneritifque  ?  A  begger  doth  not  deferve  an  Alms  by  asking  it.  This  is  a  fnare 
to  ignorant  perfons,  who  take  the  words  to  fignifie  as  they  found.  And  ( it  is  to  be 
feared)  do  commit  downright  Idolatry  by  their  Paftors  faults ,  who  prefcribe  fuch 
improper  forms  unto  them. 

Concerning  Tyranny  ,  which  makes  up  the  arrear  of  the  firft-fuppofed  Maxims: 
We  do  not  accufe  the  Roman  Church  of  Tyranny,  but  the  Knman  Court.  If  either 
the  unjuft  ufurpation  of  Sovereign  power,  or  the  extending  thereof  to  the  deflru<fli- 
on  of  the  Laws  and  Canons  of  the  Church,  yea,  even  to  give  a  Non  ohfiante,  either  to 
the  Inftitution  of  Chrifi,  or  at  leaft  to  the  uniform  practice  of  the  Primitive  Ages ,  or 
to  them  both  ;  If  the  fwallowing  up  of  all  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidliion  ,  and  the  arro- 
gating of  a  fupercivil  power  paramount  •,  If  the  caufing  of  poor  people  to  trot  to 
Kome  ,  from  all  the  Quarters  of  Europe ,  to  wafte  their  Livelyhoods  there  i  If  the 
trampling  upon  Emperours  and  the  difciplining  of  Monarchs  be  Tyrannical  i  either 
the  Court  of  Kome  hath  been  Tyrannical ,  or  there  never  was  Tyranny  in  the 
World. 

I  doubt  not  but  fbme  great  Perfons  when  they  have  had  bloody  Tragedies  to  a<2: 
for  their  own  particular  ends ,  have  fometimes  made  the  Koman  Church  a  ftalking- 
horfe,  and  the  pretence  of  Catholick  Religion  a  blind  to  keep  their  Policies  undifcer- 
ned:  But  if  we  confider  ferioully  ,  what  cruelties  have  been  really  aded  throughout 
Europe,  either  by  the  Inquifitor's  General ,  or  by  perfons  fpecially  delegated  for  that , 
purpofe  ,  againft  the  ^F^jWe;?/^/ of  old ,  and  againft  the  Proteftants  of  later  dayes, 
againft  poor  ignorant  perfons,  againft  women  and  children,  againft  mad-men,  againft 
dead  carcafes,  as  Bucer,  &c.  upon  pretence  of  Religion ,  not  onely  by  ordinary  forms 
of  puniftiment ,  and  of  death  ,  but  by  fire  and  faggots,  by  ftrange  new-devifed  tor- 
tures, we  fliall  quickly  find  that  the  Court  of  Rome  hath  died  it  felf  red  in  Chriftian 
blood,  and  equalled  tlie  moft  Tyrannical  perfecutions  of  the  Heathen  Empe- 
rours. 

The  other  Maxim  whereupon  you  fay  that  our  Reformation  was  grounded  ,  was 
this,  That  the  onely  way  to  reform  the  Faith,  and  Liturgy,  and  Government  of  the  Church, 

K>ai 


Discourse  I.       the  Epiftle  of  Mr.  de  la  MWit'iere    &c. 

VTM  to  coitform  them  to  the  d:dates  cf  holy  Scripture  ,  of  the  fenfe  tvhereof  every  Private  P-4. 
Chrifiian  ou^ht  to  be  the  Judge,  by  the  light  of  the  Spirit^    excluding  tradition  ,  and  the 
pthUck_  Judgement  of  the  Church.     You  add,  That   we  cannot  prove  Eptfcopacy  by  Scri-  ^-  5* 
ptiire,  tvithout  the  Eelp  of  tradition--,  And  if  roe  do  admit  of  tradition  ,  we  muji  achtorv- 
ledge  the  Papacy  for  the  Government  of  the  Catholick^  Church,  Of  founded  in  the  Primacv  of 
5^  Peter.  -^  •' 

Your  Second  fuppofed  ground  is  no  truer  than  the  former-,  we  are  as  far  from  Muchmifta- 
Anarchy  as  from  Tyranny.  As  we  would  not  have  humane  Authority,  like  Medufas  '^^"* 
head  ,  to  transform  reafonable  men  into  fenllefs  ftones ;  So  we  do  not  put  the  reins 
of  Government  into  the  hands  of  each,  or  any  private  perfon ,  to  reform  according 
to  their  phantafies.  And  that  we  may  not  deal  like  blunddltrs,  or  deceitful  perlbns, 
to  wrap  up  or  involve  our  felves  on  purpofe  in  confufed  Generalities,  I  will  fet  down 
our  fenfe  diftindtly.  When  you  underftand  it,  I  hope  you  will  repent  your  rafli  cen- 
furing  of  us,  of  whom  you  had  Co  little  knowledge. 

Three  things  offer  themfelves  to  be  confidered  :  Firft,  concerning  the  Rule  of  Scri-  The  Scripture 
pturei  Secondly,  the  proper  Expounding  thereof  and  Thirdly,  the  manner  of  Expo-  ^^^  "^"'^  °^^^' 
iJtion.  ^       pernatural 

Concerning  Scripture  we  believe  ,    That  it  was  impoffible  for  humane  reafon  ,     "*'  '' 
without  the  help  of  divine  Revelation,  to  find  out  thofe  fupernatural  Truths  which 
are  neceffary  to  Salvation.     Secondly  ,  that  to  fupply  this  defc<a  of  natural  reafon  , 
God  out  of  his  abundant  goodnefs  hath  given  us  the  holy  Scriptures ,   which  have 
not  their  authority  from  the  Writing  which  is  hmr.ane  ,  but  from  the  Revelation 
which  is  divine,  from  the  Holy  Ghoft.     Thirdly,  that  this  being  the  purpofe  of  the 
Holy  Ghoft,  it  is  blafphemy  to  fay  he  would  not ,  or  could  not  attain  unto  it  •,  and 
that  therefore  the  Holy  Scriptures  do  comprehend  all  neceffary  fupernatural  Truths. 
So  much  is  confeffed  by  Bellarmine,  that  all  things  which  are  neceffary  to  be  believed,  and  ^  f  '^'  ^"^^ 
to  be  done  by  all  Chrijiianx  ,  were  preached  to  aU  by  the  ApojHes  ,  and  were  all  written.  ^"'"'^'"' 
Fourthly ,  that  the  Scripture  is  more  properly   to  be  called  a  Rule  of  fupernatural 
Truths  than  a  Judge  ■■>  or  if  it  be  fometimes  called  a  Judge ,   it  is  no  otherwife  than 
the  Law  is  called  a  Judge  of  Civil  Controverfies  between  man  and  man  ,  that  is,  \he 
Rule  of  judging  what  is  right,  and  what  is  wrong.    That  which  (heweth  what  is 
ftraight,  (he  weth  like  wile  what  is  crooked. 

Secondly,  concerning  the  proper  Expounders  of  Scripture,  we  do  believe  that  the  Who  are  the 
Gofpel  doth  not  confift  in  the  words,  but  in  the  fenfei  nan  in  fuperficie,fed  inmeduM ;  properex- 
And  therefore  that,  though  this  Infallible  Rule  be  given  for  the  common  benefit  of  scripture  aoA 
all,  yet,  every  one  is  not  an  able  or  fit  Artift  to  make  application  of  this  Rule  ,  in  all  howfar.  ' 
particular  cafes.  To  prelerve  the  common  right,  and  yet  prevent  particular  abufes 
we  diftinguifh  Judgement  into  Three  kinds: 

Judgement  of  Difcretion ,  Judgement  of  Direftion  i  and  Judgement  of  Jurif- 
didtion. 

As  in  the  former  Inftance  of  the  Law,  (  the  ignorance  whereof  excufeth  no  man) 
every  Subject  hath  Judgement  of  Difcretion ,  to  apply  it  particularly  to  the  prelerva- 
tion  of  himlelf^  his  eftate  and  intereft  i  The  Advocates ,  and  thofe  who  are  skilful  in 
the  Law,  have  moreover  a  Judgement  of  Diredion  ,  to  advife  others  of  lefs  know- 
ledge and  experience  i  But  thole  who  are  Conftituted  by  the  Sovereign  power ,  to 
determine  emergent  difficulties,  and  differences,  and  to  diftribute  and  adminifter  Ju- 
ftice  to  the  whole  Body  of  a  Province  or  Kingdome,  have  moreover  a  Judgement  of 
Jurifdidion,  which  is  not  onely  Difcretionary,  or  Diredive,  but  Authoritative,  to 
impole  an  Obligation  of  obedience  unfo  thofe  who  are  under  their  charge.  If  thefe  laft 
fhall  tranfgrefs  the  Rule  of  the  Law ,  they  are  not  accountable  to  their  Inferiours, 
but  to  him  or  them  that  have  the  Sovereign  power  of  Legiflative  Judicature  s  Ejus 
efl  legem  inter pretari,  cujtu  eji  condere. 

To  apply  this  to  the  cafe  in  queftion  concerning  the  Expofition  of  the  Holy  Scri- 
pture. Every  Chriftian  keeping  himfclf  within  the  bounds  of  due  obedience  and 
fubmiffion  to  his  lawful  Superiours,  hath  a  Judgement  of  Difcretion  ;  Prove  all  things,  i  Thert  j.  21. 
holdfa[i  that  which  U  good.  He  may  apply  the  Rule  of  Holy  Scripture  for  his  own  pri- 
vate inftrndion,  comfort ,  edification  and  diredion  ,  and  for  the  framing  of  his  life 
and  belief  accordingly.     The  Paftors  of  the  Church  (  who  are  placed  over  God's 

people 


u 


[be  bifJjop  of  Derry V  Anfrper  to 


TOME  I. 


The  manner 
of  expounding 
Scripture. 


Tliis  it  con- 
formable to 
the  doftrine 
and  praftice 
of  our  Church. 
Can.  l6og. 
Crtn.451. 
Sec  the  Pre- 
face to  the  Bi- 
ftiops  Bible. 

Can,  }4. 

Can.  1571. 
n't.  Conciona' 
Wet. 


people  as  watchmen  and  guides  }  have  more  than  this ,  a  Judgment  of  DireUion^  to 
expound  and  interpret  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  others ,  and  out  of  them  to  inftrudl 
the  ignorant,  to  reduce  them  who  wander  out  of  the  right  Way,  to  confute  errours  , 
to  foretell  dangers,  and  to  draw  fmners  to  repentance.  The  chief  Pallors ,  to  whofe 
care  the  Regiment  of  the  Church  is  committed  in  a  more  fpccial  manner,  have  yet  an 
higher  degree  of  Judgment,  a  Judgment  of  Jurifdituon  ^  to  prefcribe,  toenjoyn, 
to  conftitute,  to  reform,  to  cenfure,  to  condemn  ,  to  bind  ,  to  loofe.  Judicially  ,  Au- 
thoritatively, in  their  refpedive  charges.  If  their  Key  fhall  err  ,  either  their  Key  of 
Knowledge,  or  their  Key  of  Jurifdidion,  they  are  accountable  to  their  refpedive  Su- 
periours,  and  in  the  laft  place  to  a  General  Council,  which  under  Chrift  upon  Earth, 
is  the  higheft  Judge  of  Controverfies.  Thus  we  have  feen  what  is  the  Rule  of  Faith, 
and  by  whom,  and  how  far  refpedively,  this  Rule  is  to  be  applyed. 

Thirdly,  for  the  manner  of  expounding  Holy  Scriptures,  (  for  there  tftay  be  a  pri- 
vacy in  this  alio ,  and  more  dangerous  than  the  privacy  of  the  Perfon  )  many 
things  are  neceflary  to  the  right  interpretation  of  the  Law  ,  to  underftand  the  rea- 
fon  of  it ,  the  precedents ,  the  terms ,  the  forms ,  the  reports ,  and  ability  to 
compare  Law  with  Law.  He  that  wants  all  thefe  Qualifications  altogether ,  is  no 
interpreter  of  Law.  He  that  wants  but  fome  of  them  ,  or  wants  the  perfection  of 
them  ,  by  how  much  the  greater  is  his  defed  ,  by  fo  much  the  lefs  valuable  is  his 
expofitioni  And  it  he  fhall  out  of  private  fancy  or  blind  prefumption ,  arrogate 
to  himfelf ,  without  thefe  requifife  means,  or  above  his  capacity  and  proportion  of 
Knowledge  ,  a  power  of  expounding  Law,  he  is  a  mad -man. 

So  many  things  are  required  to  render  a  man  capable  to  expound  the  hdly  Scri- 
ptures ,  fome  more  neceflarily,  fome  lefs  i  fome  abfolutely  ,  fome  refpedively  :  As 
Firft ,  to  know  the  right  Analogy  of  Faith ,  to  which  all-  Interpretations  of  Scri- 
pture mul^  be  of  neceifity  conformed.  Secondly,  to  know  the  pradice  and  tradi- 
tion of  the  Church  ,  and  the  received  Expofitions  of  former  Interpreters  in  the 
fucceflive  Ages  ,  which  gives  a  great  light  to  the  finding  out  of  the  right  (enfe. 
Thirdly ,  to  be  able  to  compare  Texts  with  Texts ,  Antecedents  with  Ccnfe- 
quents  ,  without  which  one  can  hardly  attain  to  the  drift  and  fcope  of  the  Holy 
Ghoft  in  the  obfcurer  palTages.  And  Laflly  ,  it  is  fomething  to  know  the  Idiotifms 
of  that  Language  wherein  the  Scriptures  were  written.  He  that  wants  all  thefe 
requifites  ,  and  yet  takes  upon  him  out  of  a  Phanatique  prefumption  of  private  Il- 
lumination to  interpret  Scripture  ,  is  a  doting  Enthufiaft  ,  fitter  to  be  refuted  with 
Scorn  than  with  Arguments.  He  that  prefumes  above  that  degree  and  proportion 
•which  he  hath  in  thefe  means,  and  above  the  talent  which  God  hath  given  him,  (as 
he  that  hath  a  little  Language  ,  yet  wants  Logick,  ©r  having  both  Language  and 
Logick,  knows  not,  or  regards  not,  either  the  Judgement  of  former  Expofitors,  or 
the  pradice  and  tradition  of  the  purcfl  Primitive  Ages ,  or  the  Symbolical  Faith  of 
the  CathoHck  Church )  U  not  a  likely  workp^an  to  build  a  Temfle  to  the  Lord,  but  ruine 
and  dejirudion  to  himfelf  .,•  and  his  feduced  follojvers.  A  new  Phyfician  (  we  fay  )  re- 
quires a  new  Chuich-yard  •,  But  fuch  bold  ignorant  Empericks  in  Theology ,  are 
Ten  times  more  dangerous  to  the  Soul,  than  an  ungrounded  unexperienced  Quack- 
falver  to  the  Body. 

This  hath  alwayes  been  the  Dodrine,  and  the  pradice  of  our  Englijh  Church  i 
Firft ,  it  is  fo  far  from  admitting  Lay-men  to  be  Diredive  Interpreters  of  holy  Scri- 
pture, that  it  allows  not  this  Liberty  to  Clergy-men  fo  much  SiS  to  glof!  upon  the 
Text,  until  they  be  Licenfed  to  become  Preachers.  Secondly,  for  Judgement  of 
Difcretion  onely ,  it  gives  it  not  to  private  perfbns  above  their  Talents  ,  or  beyond 
their  laji.  It  difallows  all  Phantaftical ,  and  Enthufiaftical  prefumption  of  incom- 
petent and  unqualified  Expofitors.  It  admits  no  man  into  Holy  Orders,  that  is , 
to  be  capable  of  being  made  a  Diredive  Interpreter  of  Scripture ,  howfoever  other- 
wife  qualified  ,  unlefs  he  be  able  to  give  a  good  account  of  his  Faith  in  the  Latin 
Tongue ,  fo  as  to  be  able  to  frame  all  his  Expofitions  according  to  the  Analogy 
thereof.  It  forbids  the  Licenfed  Preachers  to  teach  the  Jieople  any  Vodrine  as  neceffary 
to  be  religimify  held  and  believed ,  rchich  the  Catholick^  Fathers  ,  and  old  Bijhopsofthe 
Trimitine  Chttrch  ,  have  not  coVeQed  out  of  the  Scriptures.  It  afcribes  a  Judgement  of 
Jurifdidion  over  Preachers  to    Bifhops  ,  in  all  manner  of  Ecclefiaflical  Duties ,  as 

appears 


Discourse  1.        the  Epiftie  of  M\  de  la  Miliciere  ,  &c.  21^ 


appears  by  the  whole  Body  of  our  Canons.     And  e(pecially  where  any  diiTerence 
or  publick  Oppofition  hath  been  between  Preachers ,  about  any  point  or  dodrine '^*"''^'^- 
deduced  out  of  Scripture.     It  gives  a  power  of  determining  all  emergent  Contro-  ah.'zo^.' 
-verfies  of  Faith  above  Bifliops  to  the  Church,  as  to  the  mtnefS  and  kiefer  of  the  Sacred  Can.  jdoj. 
Oracles  ■■,   and  to  a  larrful  Synod,  as  the  reprefemathe  Church.  Can.  139. 

Now,  Sir,  be  your  own  Judge,  how  infinitely  you  have  wronged  us ,  and  your 
felf  more,  (iiggefting  that  temerarioufly,  and  without  the  fphere  of  your  knowledge, 
to  his  Majerty,  for  the  principal  ground  of  our  Reformation,  which  our  fouls  abhor! 
Is  there  no  mean  between  ftupidity  and  madnefs?  Muft  either  all  things  be  lawful  for 
private  perfbns,  or  nothing  ^  Becaufe  we  would  not  have  them  like  David's  Horfe 
andMuk,  without  underftanding,  do  we  therefore  put  both  Swords  in  their  hands, 
to  reform  and  cut  oif,  to  plant  and  to  pluck  up,  to  alter  and  abolifli  at  their  plcafure? 
We  allow  them  Chriitian  liberty  ,  but  would  not  have  them  Libertines.  Admit 
fome  have  abufed  this  juft  liberty ,  may  we  therefore  take  it  away  from  others  >  So 
we  (hall  leave  neither  a  Sun  in  Heaven,  nor  any  excellent  Creature  upon  Earth,  for 
all  have  been  abufed  by  fome  perfbns,  in  fome  kinds,  at  fbme  times. 

We  receive  not  your  upftart-fuppofititious  traditions,    nor  unwritten  Fundamen-  The  Engliffi 
tals:  But  we  admit  Genuine,Univerfal,  Apoftolical  Traditions,  As  the  Apollles  Creed,  Church  an  c- 
the  perpetual  Virginity  of  the  Mother  of  God  ,    the  Anniverfary  Fcftivals  of  the  ftg^Jnot  to' 
Church,  the  Lenten  Falh     Yet  we  know  that  both  the  duration  of  it,  and  the  man-  Apoftolical, 
ner  of  obferving  it ,  was  very  different  in  the  Primitive  times.     We  believe  Epifco-  traditions, 
pacy,  to  an  ingenuous  perfon,  may  be  proved  out  of  Scripture  without  the  help  of 
Tradition  ■■,  but  to  fuch  as  are  froward,  the  perpetual  Pradice  and  Tradition  of  the 
Church,  renders  the  interpretation  of  the  Text  more  authentick,  and  the  proof  more 
convincing.     What  is  this  to  us  who  admit   the  Pradice  and  Tradition  of  the 
Church ,  as  an  excellent  help  of  Expofition  >  life  is  the  beft  interpreter  of  Laws, 
and  we  are  fo  far  from  believing  ,  that  JVe  cannot  admit  Tradition  rvithout  ahtving 
the  Papacy  ,  that  one  of  the  principal  motives  why  we  rejeded  the  Papacy  ,   as  it  is 
now  eftabliflied  with  Univerfality  of  Jurifdidion ,  by  the  Inftitution  of  Chrift,  and 
fuperiority  above  Oecumenical  Councils,  and  Infallibility  of  Judgement ,  was  the 
conftant  Tradition  of  the  Primitive  Church. 

So  ,  Sir ,  you  fee  your  Demonftration  (haken  into  pieces.  You  who  take  upon 
you  to  remove  whole  Churches  at  your  pleafure ,  have  not  fo  much  ground  left  you 
as  to  fet  your  Inftrument  upon.  Your  Two  main  ground-works  being  vanifhed  , 
all  your  Presbyterian  and  Independent  fuperftrudions  do  remain  like  fo  many  Bub- 
bles, or  Caftles  in  the  Air.  It  were  folly  to  lay  clofe  fiege  to  them  ,  which  the  next 
puff  of  wind  will  difperfej  ruunt  fuhduBU  teda  Columnis. 

Howfoever,  though  you  have  miftaken  the  grounds  of  our  Reformation ,  and  of 
your  difcourfe  ;  yet  you  charge  us,  that  rpe  have  renounced  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Maji, 
Tranfubftantiation,  the  Seven  Sacraments  ,  Juilification  by  inherent  righteoufnefl ,  Merits,  ^'^' 
Invocation  of  Saints,  Prayer  for  the  Dead,  rvith  Purgatory,  and  the  Authority  of  the  Pope. 
Are  thefe  all  the  neceflary  Articles  of  the  new  Roman  Creed  ,  that  we  have  renoun- 
ced >  Surely  no,  you  deal  too  favourably  with  us.  We  have  in  like  manner  renoun- 
ced your  Image-worfhip ,  your  half  Communion ,  your  Prayers  in  a  tongue  un- 
known, &c.  It  feems  you  were  loth  to  mention  thefe  things. 

Firft  ,  you  fay  we  have  renounced  your  Sacrifice  of  the  Mafs.     If  the  Sacrifice  of  oftheSacri^' 
the  Mafs  be  the  fame  with  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs,    we  attribute  more  unto  it  ficcofthe 
than  your  felves",  we  place  our  whole  hope  of  Salvation  in  it.    If  you  underftand  ^ 
another  Propitiatory  Sacrifice ,  diftind  from  that  (  as  this  of  the  Mafs  feems  to  be, 
for  confeffedly  the  Prieft  is  not  the  fame  ,  the  Altar  is  not  the  fame  ,  the  Temple  is 
not  the  fame  )  If  you  think  of  any  new  meritorious  fatisfadion  to  God  for  the  fins 
of  the  world ,  or  of  any  new  fupplement  to  the  merits  of  Chrifl's  Paflion ,  you 
mufl  give  us  leave  to  renounce    your  Sacrifice  indeed ,  and   to  adhere   to  the 
Apoftle  •,   By  one  Offering  he  hath  perfeUed  for  ever  them  that  are  fan&ified.  Heb.io.(4J 

Surely  you  cannot  think  that  Chrifl  did  adually  facrifice  himfelf  at  his  laft  Sup- 
per C  for  then  he' had  redeemed  the  World  at  his  laft  Supper,  then  his  fubfequent 
Sacrifice  upon  the  Crofs  had  been  (uperfluous  )  nor  that  the  Prieft  now  doth  more 
than  Chrift  did  then.    We  do  readily  acknowledge  an  Euehariftical  facrifice  of 

Prayers 


3^ 


Ihe  Bijh-op  of  Derry  V  Anfrver  to 


TOME   I. 


pitheCoIIeflt 
for  ihtfe 
FeaftJ. 


OfTranfub- 
flamiation. 


Of7Sflcra- 
mcDtt. 

I$38. 

1547* 


]»m.  M4. 


Ofjuftificati' 
on. 


Rom.  8.  33. 


©f  Merits. 


Prayers  and  Praifess  wc  profefs  a  commemoration  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs  i  and 
in  the  Language  of  Holy  Church,  things  commemorated  are  related  as  if  they  were 
then  aded  i  As,  Almighty  God  ^  wjyo  haft  given  w  thy  Son  [^  as  this  day  3  to  be  born 
of  a  pure  l^irgin.  And  ,  Tfhofefraife  the  younger  Innocents  have  \_  this  day  1  fet  forth. 
And  between  the  Afcenfion  and  Pentecoft  ,  which  haft  exalted  thy  Son  Jefm  Chrift 
ifith  great  Irtumfh  into  Heaven ,  tve  befeech  thee  leave  us  not  comfortleji,  but  fend  unto 
ui  thy  holy  Spirit.  We  acknowledge  a  Reprefentation  of  that  Sacrifice  to  God  the 
Father,  we  acknowledge  an  Impetration  of  the  benefit  of  it,  we  maintain  an  Ap- 
plication of  its  vertue  :  So  here  is  a  Commemorative,  Impetrative,  Applicative 
Sacrifice.  Speak  diiiindly,  and  I  cannot  underftand  what  you  can  defire  more. 
To  make  it  a  Suppletory  Sacrifice,  to  fupply  the  defeds  of  the  onely  true  Sacrifice 
of  the  Crofs,  I  hope  both  you  and  I  abhor. 

The  next  crime  objeded  by  you  to  us  is  ,  that  we  have  renounced  Tranfubftan- 
tiation.  It  is  true,  we  have  rejeded  it  defervedly  from  being  an  Article  of  our 
Creed  •,  you  need  net  wonder  at  that.  But  if  we  had  rejeded  it  400.  years  fbon- 
er ,  that  had  been  a  Miracle.  It  was  not  To  foon  hatched.  To  find  but  the 
word  'Tranfubftantiation  in  any  old  Authour  ,  were  flifEcient  to  prove  him  a  coun- 
terfeit. 

Your  next  Article  of  the  (eptenary  number  of  the  Sacraments  is  not  much  older. 
Never  Co  much  as  mentioned  in  any  Scripture ,  or  Council ,  or  Creed  ,  or  Father, 
or  ancient  Authour  ■■>  firft  devifed  by  Feter  Lombard;  firft  decreed  by  Eugenius  the 
Fourth  i  firft  confirmed  in  the  Provincial  Coiincil  of  Senes  ,  and  after  in  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent.  Either  the  word  Sacrament  is  taken  largely ,  and  then  the  wafhing  of 
the  Difciples  feet  is  called  a  Sacrament  ,  then  the  onely  fprinkling  of  Aflies  on  a 
Chriftians  head  is  called  a  Sacrament ,  then  there  are  God  knows  how  many  Sacra- 
ments more  than  Sevens  Or  elfe  it  is  taken  ftridly  for  a  vifible  fign  ,  inftituted  by 
Chrift,  to  convey  or  confirm  Grace  to  all  fuch  partakers  thereof ,  as  do  not  let  a 
bar  againft  themfelves  ,  according  to  the  Analogy  between  the  Sign  and  the  thing 
fignified.  And  in  this  fenfe  the  proper  and  certain  Sacraments  of  the  Chriftian 
Church  ,  common  to  all ,  or  (  in  the  words  of  our  Church  )  generally  necejfary  to 
Salvation  ,  are  but  Two ,  Baptifm  and  the  Supper  of  our  Lord.  More  than  thefc 
St.  Ambrofe  writes  not  of  in  his  Book  de  SacramentU,  becaufe  he  did  not  know  them. 
Thefe  we  admit  for  genuine,  and  general  Sacraments.  Their  Sacramental  vertue  we 
acknowledge. 

The  reft  we  retain  more  purely  than  your  (elves,  though  not  under  the  Notion  of 
fuch  proper  and  general  Sacraments.  As  Confirmation ,  Ordination ,  Matrimony  , 
Penitence  (  though  we  neither  approve  of  your  prepofterous  manner  of  Abfoluti- 
on  before  fatisfadion  ,  nor  of  your  ordinary  Penitentiary  tax  )  and  Laftly ,  the  Vi- 
fitation  of ,  and  Prayer  for, the  fick  ,  which  onely  is  of  perpetual  neceffity.  The 
Undion  prefcribed  by  St.  James ,  being  appropriable  to  the  miraculous  gift  of  heal- 
ing ,  or  recovering  men  out  of  ficknefles ,  then  in  ufe  i  Whereas  your  cuftome  is 
clean  contrary  ,  neuer  ,  or  rarely  to  anoyl  ?jiy  man  ,  until  he  be  paft  all  hope  of 
Recovery.  The  Ordinary  and  moft  received  cuftome  of  preparing  fick  perfons  for 
another  world  in  the  Primitive  Church ,  was  Prayer  and  Ablblution  ,  or  the  bene- 
fit of  the  Keys ,  and  the  Viaticum  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrift  ,  which  wc 
retain. 

Concerning  Juftification ,  we  believp  that  all  good  Chriftians  have  true  inherent 
Juftice ,  though  not  perted ,  according  to  a  perfedion  of  degrees,  as  Gold  is  true 
Gold,  though  it  be  mixed  with  fome  drols.  We  believe  that  this  inherent  Juftice 
and  Sandity  doth  make  them  truly  jult  and  holy.  But  if  the  word  Juftification 
be  taken  in  jenfu  forenfi ,  for  the  acquittal  of  a  man  from  former  guilt ,  to  make  an 
offender  juft  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  ,  as  it  is  oppofed  to  Condemnation ,  Jt  if  God 
that  juftifieth ,  who  is  he  that  condemneth  ?  Then  it  is  not  our  inherent  righteoufnefi 
that  juftifieth  us  in  this  fenfe  ,  but  the  free  Grace  of  God  for  the  merits  of  Jefus 
Chrift. 

Next  for  Merits ,  we  never  doubted  of  the  neceffity  of  good  Works ,  without 
which  Faith  is  but  a  fidion.  We  are  not  fo  ftupid  to  imagine  that  Chrift  did  wafli 
us  from  our  fins ,  that  we  might  wallow  more  fecurely  in  fin  ,  but  that  we  might 

firvt 


Discourse  J.        the  Epijile  of  M\  de  la  Militiere ,  &c.  27 


ferve  him  in  holineji  and  righteoufneji  all  the  dayes  of  our  life.     We  never  doubted  of  the 
reward  of  good  Works   ■■,  Come  ye  hle^fed  of  my  Father^  &c.  For  I  was  hungry  ,  and  ye 
fed  me.     Nor  whether  this  reward  be  due  to  them  in  Jufticej  Hf«cf/orf/;  w /iji</ wp /or     ^■ 
me  a  Crovpn  of  righteoufneji  ^  which  the    Lord  the  jufi  ^  Judge   Jhali  give  me  in    that^    ™"^'   ' 
day.    Faithful  promife  makes  due  debt.     This  was  all  that  the  Ancient  Church  did 
ever  underftand  by  the  name  of  Merits.     Let  Fetaviut  bear  witnefs  ■-,  Antiqui  Patres  p-^^,,  ^^.j^r 
omnes,  &  fra  c£teris  AugujHnus  ,  cumque  iU  confentiens  Romana  &  Catbolica  pietas  ag-  m\.  C  4. 
nofcit  merita  eo  fenfu  ,  nimirum  ut  neque  Vet  gratiam  uh  antecedant  merits  ,  &  hxc  rpfa 
turn  ex  gratia ,  turn  ex  gratuita  Dei  follicitatione  tota  pendeant.     AU  the  Ancient  Fathers 
eJpetiaVy  St,  Au&'m ,  and  the  Roman  and  CathoUque  Faith  confenting  with  them,  do  ac- 
knowledge Merits  in  thiffenfe,  that  no  Merits  go  before  the  grace  of  God,  and  that  thefe 
very  Merits  do  depend  wholly  an  grace ,   and  on  the  free  promife  of  God.     Hold  you  to 
this,  and  we  (hall  have  no  more  diflference  about  Merits.    Do  you  exad  more 
of  us ,  than  all  the  Fathers  ,    or  the  Roman  and  Catholique  piety  doth  acknow- 
ledge ? 

It  is  an  eafie  thing  for  a  wrangling  Sophifter  to  difpute  of  Merits  in  the  Schools  , 
or  for  a  vain  Oratour  to  declaim  of  Merits  out  of  the  Pulpit :  but  when  we  come 
to  lye  upon  our  Death-beds ,  and  prefent  our  felves  at  the  laft  hour  before  the  Tri- 
bunal of  Chrifti  it  is  high  time  both  for  you  and  us  to  renounce  our  own  merits  , 
and  to  caft  our  felves  naked  into  the  Arms  of  our  Saviour.  That  any  Works  of 
ours  (  who  are  the  beft  of  us  but  unprofitable  fervants  ,  which  properly  are  not  ours, 
but  God's  own  gifts  i  and  if  they  were  ours  ,  are  a  jk/?  debt  due  unto  him ,  fetting 
afide  God's  free  promife  ,  and  gracious  acceptation)  fhould  condignly  by  their  own 
intrinfecal  value  delerve  the  joys  of  Heaven  ,  to  which  they  have  no  more  propor- 
tion than  they  have  to  fatisfie  for  the  eternal  torments  of  Hell,  This  is  that  which 
we  have  renounced  ,  and  which  we  never  ought  to  admit. 

If  your  Invocation  of  Saints  were  not  fuch  as  it  is,  to  requefl  of  them  Patronage  Of  InvocatioD 
and  Protedion ,  fpiritual  graces ,  and  celeftial  joys,  by  their  prayers ,  and  by  their  of  Saints, 
merits  (alas  the  wifeft  Virgins  have  oyl  in  their  Lamps  little  enough  for  themfelves  ) 
Yet  it  is  not  neceflary  for  Two  Reafonsv  Firft,  no  Saint  doth  love  us  fo  well  as 
Chrift.  No  Saint  hath  given  us  fuch  aflurance  of  his  love ,  or  done  fo  much  for  us 
as  Chrift.  No  Saint  is  fo  willing  ,  or  able  to  help  us  as  Chrift.  And  Secondly,  we 
have  no  command  from  God  to  invocate  them. 

So  much  your  own  Authours  do  confels  ,  and  give  this  reafon  for  it.     Leji  the  s.clara  Prob. 
Centiles  being  converted,  Jhould  believe  that  they  were  drawn  back^  again  to  the  worfhip  of  57,  ex  ffiran^ 
the  Creature.     But  we  have  another  command  ,  CaU  upon  me  in  the  day  of  trouble ,  ''<>• 
and  I  wiU  hear  thee.     We  have  no  promife  to  be  heard  ,  when  we  do  invocate  them  •, 
But  we  have  another  promife,  iVhatfoever  ye  JhaU  ask^  the  Father  in  my  name ,  yefly.ill 
receive  it.     We  have  no  example  in  holy  Scripture  of  any  that  did  invocate  them  , 
but  rather  the  contrary  j  See  thou  da  it  not  \  I  am  thy  feVow-fervant ,  worjhip  God.  We  rj,  jj 
have  no  certainty  that  they  do  hear  our  particular  prayers ,  efpecially  mental  pray- 
ers ,  yea,  a  thoufand  prayers  poured  out  at  one  inftant  in  feveral  parts  of  the  world. 
We  know  what  your  men  fay   of  the  glafs  of  the  Trinity  ,  and  of  extraordinary 
Revelatioixs :  But  thefe  are  bold  conjedbures  without  any  certainty ,  and  inconfiftent 
the  one  with  the  other. 

We  do  fometimes  meet  in  Ancient  Authours ,  with  the  Interceflion  of  Saints  in 
General ,  which  we  alfo  acknowledge  j  Or  an  oblique  Invocation  of  them  Cas  you 
term  it)  that  is  ,  a  prayer  dircAed  to  God  ,  that  he  will  hear  the  interceflion  of 
the  Saints  for  us ,  which  we  do  not  condemn  i  Or  a  wifti ,  or  a  Rhetorical  Apo- 
ftrophe  ,  or  perhaps  fomething  more  in  fome  Imgle  Ancient  Authour  :  But  for  an 
Ordinary  Invocation  in  particular  neceflities ,  and  much  more  for  publick  Invocati- 
on in  the  Liturgies  of  the  Church,  we  meet  not  with  it  for  the  firft  fix  hundred 
years,  or  thereabouts  i  All  wliich  time,  and  afterwards  alfo ,  the  common  princi- 
ples and  tradition  of  the  Church  were  againft  it.  So  far  were  they  from  obtruding 
it  as  a  neceflary  fundamental  Article  of  Chriftian  Religion. 

It  is  a  common  fault  of  your  Writers ,  alwayes  to  couple  Prayer  for  the  Dead  ,  ^^^d^"  '^^ 
and  Purgatory  together,  as  if  the  one  did  neceflarily  fuppofe  ,  or  imply  the  other  v  vvith  Purgato- 
In  whofc  fteps  you  tread.     Prayer  for  the  Dead  hath  often  proceeded  upon  miftaken  ry. 

F  grounds, 


'^8  IheBilJjopof  Dcny's  Anfrver  to TOME    I. 


Tartarui- 


"rounds     often  from  true  grounds ,  both  inconfiftent  with  your  Purgatory.    Many 
have  held  an  Opinion ,  that,  though  the  fouls  were  not  extinguished  at  the  tinne  ot 
their  feparation  from  the  body,  yet,  they  did  lye  in  fecret  receptacles  ,  m  a  profound 
-ordeep  lleep,  until  the  Refunedion,  doing  nothing,  fuffenng  nothing  in  the 
mean  time  ,  but  onely  the  delay  of  their  glory.     Others  held  ,  that  all  mull  pafs 
through  the  lire  of  Conflagration  at  the  Day  of  Judgement.     Thefe  opinions  were 
inconUlknt  with  your  Purgatory,  yet  all  thefe  ,  upon  thefe  very  grouuds  ufed  pray- 
er for  the  Dead.     Others ,  called  the  merciful  Doftors,  held ,  that  the  very  pains 
of  Hell  might  be  leffencd  by  the  prayer  of  the  living.    Such  a  prayer  is  that  which 
we  meet  with  in  your  own  MilTal :  0  King  of  Glory ,  deliver  the  fouls  of  all  the  faith- 
ful deceafed ,  from  the  j>ai»s  of  Belt ,  from  the  deep  Lak ,  from  the  tnnuth  of  the  Lion 
(  that  is ,  the  Devil  )  that  the  bottomlefr  fit  of  Hell  do  not  frvallow  them  up.     A  man 
may  lawfully  pray  for  that  which  is  certain,  if  it  be  to  come,  but  one  cannot  law- 
fully pray  for  that  which  is  paft.     The  fouls  which  are  in  Purgatory  (  by  your  lear- 
ning )  arc  part  the  fear  of  Hell.     Nor  can  this  Petition  be  any  wayes  fo  wrefted,  as 
to  become  appliable  to  the  hour  of  Death.     This  prayer  is    not  for  the  man,  but 
for  the  foul  feparated  ■■,  not  for  the  foul  of  a  lick  man  ,  or  of  dying  man  ,  but  for 
the  fouls  of  men  adtually  deceafed.     Certainly  this  prayer  muft  have  reference ,  ei- 
ther to  the  deeping  of  the  fouls ,  or  to  the  pains  of  Hell  y  To  deliverance  out  of 
Purgatory  it  can  have  no  relation.     Neither  are  you  able  to  produce  any  one  prayer 
publick  or  private  ,  neither  any  one  indulgence  to  that  purpofe ,  for  the  delivery  of 
any  one  foul  out  of  Purgatory  ,  in  all  the  Primitive  times,   or  out  of  your  own 
ancient  MilTals  or  Records.     Such  are  the  Innovations  which  you  would  impofe  up- 
on us ,  as  Articles  of  Faith ,  which  the  greateft  part  of  the  Catholick  Church  never 
received  until  this  day.     Moreover ,  though  the  fms  of  the  Faithful  be  privately  and 
particularly  remitted  at  the  day  of  Death  ,  yet  the  publick  promulgation  of  their 
pardon  at  the  Day  of  judgement  is  to  come.     Though  their  fouls  be  alwayes  in  an 
eftate  of  BlcfTcdnefi ,  yet  rhey  want  the  confummation  of  this  Blefledneft  ,  exten- 
(ively  at  leaft  ,  until  the  body  be  re-united  unto  the  foul,  (  and  as  it  is  pioufly  and 
probably  believed  )  intenfively  alfo  ,  that  the  foul  hath  not  yet  fo  full  and  clear  a 
vifion  of  God  ,  as  it  (hall  have  hereafter.     Then  what  forbids  Chriftians  fo  pray  for 
this  publick  Acquittal ,  for  this  Confummation  of  BleiTednefs  ?  So  we  do  pray ,  as 
often  as  we   fay  ,   "Tby  Kingdom  come  ,  or  ,    Come   Lord   Jefus  ,  come  quickly.     Our 
Church  is  yet  plainer  ,  that  tpe  with  thii   our  Brother ,  and  all  other  departed  in  the 
faith  of  thy  Holy  Name  ,  may  have  our  perfeU  Confummation  of  Bleffednefi  in  thy  everlafi- 
ing  Kingdom.     This  is  for  enough  from  your  more  gainful  prayers  for  the  Dead  ,  to 
deliver  them  out  of  Purgatory. 
The  Authority      Laftly ,  concerning  the  Authority  of  the  Pope  ,  It  is  he  himfelf  that  hath  re- 
of  the  Pope,      nounced  his  lawful  Patriarchal  Authority.     And  if  we   fliould  offer  it  him  at  this 
day,  he  would  difdain  it.     We  have  onely  freed  our  (elves  from  his  Tyrannical 
Ulurped  Authority.     But  upon  what  terms,  upon  what  grounds,  how  far,  and 
with  what  intention ,  we  have  feparated  our  felves,  or  rather  have  fuffered  our 
fclves  to  be  feparated  from  the  Church  of  Rome ,  you  may  find  if  you  pleafe  in  the 
Treati(e  of  Schifm. 
p.  5,  I  cannot  chufe  but  wonder  to  (ee  you  cite  St.  Cyprian  againil  us  in  this  cafe,  who 

feparated  himfelf  from  you ,  as  well  as  we  ,  in  the  dayes  of  a  much  better  Bifhop 
than  we  ,  and  upon  much  weaker  grounds  than  we ,  and  publiflied  his  diflent  to 
the  World  in  Two  African  Councils  i  He  liked  not  the  fwelling  Title  of  Bilhop  of 
Bilhops ,  nor  that  one  Bilhop  (hould  Tyrannically  terririe  another  into  obedience  i 
No  more  do  we.  He  gave  a  Primacy ,  or  Principality  of  Order  to  the  Chair  of 
St.  Feter ,  as  frincipium  uniiatps  >  fo  do  we  :  But  he  believed  that  every  Bilhop  had 
an  equal  (hare  of  Epilcopal  Power  i  fo  do  we.  He  provided  apart ,  as  he  thought 
rit  in  a  Provincial  Council  for  his  own  (afety  ,  and  the  fafety  of  his  Flock  i  fo  did 
we.  He  writ  to  your  great  Bilhop  as  to  his  Brother  and  Colleague ,  and  dared  to 
reprehend  him  for  receiving  but  a  Letter  from  fuch  as  had  been  cenfured  by  the 
African  Bilhops.  In  St.  Cyprians  (en{e,  you  are  the  Beam  that  have  feparated  your 
felves  from  the  body  of  the  Sun  '■>  you  are  the  Bough  that  is  lopped  from  the  Tree; 
you  are  the  ftteam   which  is   divided   from  the  Fountain:  It  is  you,  principal- 


Discourse  I.        the  Eptft/e  of  M^  de  la  Militicre ,  &c.  op 


ly  you,    that  have  divided    the    Unity    of  the     Church. 

You  colled  as  a  Corollary  from  our  fuppofed  Principje  of  the  right  and  fufficiency  '^'li'*"  ''"- 
of  private  iudgement,  enlightned  by  the  Spirit,  that  no  humane  Authority  can  bind  bind^theCon- 
the  Confcience  of  another ,  or  prefcribe  any  thing  unto  it.     I  have  formerly  fhewed  fcience. 
you  your  grofs  miftake  in  the  Premifes.     Now,  if  you  pleafe,  hear  our  fenfe  of  the 
Condufion.     Humane  Laws  cannot  be  properly  faid  to  bind  the  Confcience,  by  the 
fble  Authority  of  the  Law-giver  i  But  partly  by  the  equity  of  the  Law ,  every  one 
being  obliged  to  advance  that  which  conduceth  to  a  publick  good,  thou  Jh  alt  love 
thy  neighbour  af  thy  felf-,  And  efpecially  by  Divine  Authority  ,  which  commands  eve- 
ry foul  to  be  fMbje^  to  the  higher  pre ers ^  jor    Confcience  fak^i  net  prudentially  onely. 
The  Queftion  is  foon  decided  ,  juft  Laws  of  lawful  Superiours  ,  either  Civil,  or  Ec- 
clefiaftical,  have  Authority  to  bind  the  Confcience    in  themfelves,  but  not  from 
themfelves. 

How  fliall  we  believe  that  it  vs  not  you,  hut  God,  that  reprefents  thefe  things  to  hps  p,^.  ,j. 
Majejiie  ,  that  addrejfeth  them  to  him  by  your  mouth,  that  caHeth  him  ,  that  Jiretcheth  out  The  Author  a 
h^s  hand  to  him ,  that  hath  fet  thefe  things  before  h'vs  eyes  ,  in  Characiers  not  to  be  de-  '"'j'  Enthufi- 
faced  ?  What  ?  That  his  Majefty  fhould  turn  Kow-JM-Catholick  '>  Are  they  like  Bf /-  '^*'"'' 
J&(?z^'s  Charafters  ?  and  are  you  the  onely  P«»if/ that  can  read  them  ?   We  do  not 
ieca  Cloven  Tongue  upon  your  head,  nor  a  Dove  feeming  to  whifper  in  your  ear. 
Be  not  too  confident ,  left  Come  take  it  to  be  a  little  t aiuc  of  Anabaptifm  •,  perhaps 
you  have  had  as  ftrange  phantafies  as  this  heretofore,  whiUl  you  were  of  a  contrary 
party. 

Be  it  what  it  will  be,  you  cannot  offer  it  to  his  Majefty  with  more  confidence,  or 
pretend  more  intimacy  with  God  ,  or  to  be  more  familiarly  acquainted  with  his 
Cabinet-Counfel ,  than  a  Scotch  Presbyter  ■■>  And  yet  your  felf  would  not  value  all 
his  confidence  at  a  Button.  Wife  men  are  not  eafily  gained  by  empty  fhcws  or 
pretences  ,  that  fignifte  nothing  but  the  Pretenders  vanity,  nor  by  Enthuilanical  in- 
terpretation of  Occurrences.  It  is  onely  the  weight  of  reafon  that  reprefTeth  the 
fcale  of  their  judgement  ,.and  maketh  them  to  yield  and  fubmit  unto  it. 

Howfbever  it  be  God, or  you,  that  reprefent  thefe  things  to  his  Majefty  ;  you  tell 
us ,  that  the  end  if  to  reduce  him  from  thofe  errours  -which  he  juch^d  in  with  hU  milk^ 
rvhich  in  the  dayes  of  Peace  ,  and  abundance  ,  it  had  been  difficult  far  him  to  difiover  : 
But  noTP  his  eyes  and  hU  ears  do  fee  and  hear  thofe  Truths  ,  which  mak^  it  evident  to  him 
that  Cod  hath  condemned  them  to  reduce  him  to  the  Communion  of  the  Church ;  wherein 
you  promife  him  all  manner  of  Blellings.  Who  told  you  of  his  Ma)efties  new  il- 
lumination'' or  what  have  you  feen  to  believe  any  fuch  thing  ?  When  you  dare 
avouch  fuch  grofs  untruths  of  himfelf ,  to  himfelf,  how  fhould  he  cr.ot  your  pri- 
vate Prefumptions ,  which  you  tell  him  as  anew  Mercury  dropped  down  from 
Heaven. 

You  tell  us  that  it  is  necefTary  for  every  one  to  adhere  to  the  true  Church  ,  which  U  The  Romahifli 
the  Keeper  of  SavingTruth.     That  is  true  ,  but  nothing  to  his  Majefty,    who  hath  "^'1"'"  ^"''* 
more  right  already  in  the  Catholick  Church  than  your  felf:     You  tell  us  moreover  cSchfs'Ee-'^ 
that  this  Church  is  the  Koman  Church.     That  is  not  true^  but  fuppofe  it  were  moft  cefTary  to  Sal- 
true  ,  as  it  is  moft  falfe ,  what  fhould  a  man  be  better  or  nearer  to  jhe  knowledge  of  vation. 
the  Truth,  and  confequently  to  his  Salvation,  for  his    fubmilhon  to  the  Roman 
Church  ;  As  long  as  you  cannot  agree  among  your  felves  ,  either  what  this  Roman  Yet  cannot 
Church  is,  or  what  this  infalliBle  Judge  is?  One  faith  it  is  the  Pope  alone  i    Ano-  l^'^^^^^fs"^ 
ther  faith  no,  but  the  Pope  with  his  Conclave  of  Cardinals  i  A  Third  will  go  no  lefs  what  this  Ro- 
than  the  Pope  and  a  Provincial  Council  i  A  Fourth  will  not  be  contented  withoiit  man  Church 
the  Pope  and  a  General  Council  v    A  Fifth  is  for  a  General  Council  alone,  either  "• 
with  or  without  the  Pope  i  A  Sixth  Party  (  and  they  are  of  nofmall  cfteem  amongft 
you  here  at  this  prefent  J  is  for   the  EfTential  Church,  that  is,  the  Company  of  all 
faithful  People,  Whofe  reception  (  fay  they )  makes  the  true  ratification  of  the  A£ts 
of  its  reprefentative  Body.     It  were  as  good  to  have  no  infallible  Judge,  as  not  to 
know  or  agree  who  it  is.     Be  not  fo  cenforious  in  condemning  others,   for  not  fub- 
mitting  to  your  Roman  Church  or  infallibje  Judge ,  nor  fo  pofitive  to  make  this  fub- 
milEon  fo  abfolutelyneceffiry  to  Salvation,  until  you  agree  better  what  this  Judge 
or  Church  is.  It  is  five  to  one  againft  you  ,  that  you  your  felf  mifsthe  right  Judge. 

F  2  What- 


40 


Ihe  BjjJjop  of  Dcrr}/'/  Anfrver  to TOME    I. 


Th  FnPlifh  vvhatibcvcr  become  of  your  Church,  you  i^y  Ours  ii  perijhed  by  the  proper  Axioms 

Pcrifticd.  Lv,,^,Ud,e  of  a  Chnrch.     Tliis  is  hard.    He  peri(heth  Twice  that  penfheth  by  his 

•'•  '•  own  wcaptns.     Even  fo  Jofeph's  Brethren  told  K^fc  himfdf,  with  Confcience 

onllfv  cnouc^h    One  is  not.    This  is  that  which  the  Court  of  Kowe  would  be  con- 

Cen.4»..3.     f "'"["'   ^chaVe  at  any  rate.     This  hath  been  the  end  of  all  their  Negotiations  and 

Inflruftions    by  all  means  to  fupport  the   Presbyterian  Fadion  in  England  againft 

Epifcopacy  I  Not  that  they  loved  them  more  than  us,   but  that  they  feared  us  more 

^  ^  There  was  an  IfraelitiOi  Church  ,  when  Eliai  did  not  fee  it  i  but  he  muft  be  as 
blind  as  Bartimxnf,  that  cannot  fee  the  Englifl}  Church.  Wherefoever  there  is  a 
lawful  Eh?///^  Paftor ,  znd  zn  Englifh  Flock,  and  a  Subordination  of  this  Flock  to 
that  Paftor  there  is  a  Branch  of  the  true  Englijh  Proteftant  Church.  Do  you  make 
ro  difference  between  a  Church  perfecuted,  and  a  Church  extinguifhed  ?  Have  pa- 
tience and  exped  the  Cataftrophe.  It  may  be  all  this  while  the  Carpenter's  Son  is 
making  a  Coffin  for  Julian.  If  it  pleafe  God  ,  we  may  yet  fee  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land which  is  now  frying  in  the  fire  ,come  out  like  Gold  out  of  the  Furnace,  inore 
pure',  and  more  full  of  lufter.  If  not,  his  Will  be  done.  Juji  art  thou,  0  Lord, 
and  righteoms  are  all  thy  judgements.  The  Primitive  Church  was  as  glorious  in  the 
light  of  God,  when  they  ferved  him  in  Holes  and  Corners,  in  Cryptif,  Sacellis  , 
Conventiculis  ,  Ecclefiolis  ,  as  when  his  Worlhip  was  more  fplendidly  per- 
formed in  Bafilicis  and  Cyriacis  ,  in  goodly  Churches  and  magnificent  Cathe- 
drals. 

Your  Defign  flops  not  at  the  King  of  Great  Britain  ,  but  extends  it  felf  w  all  his 

r.8,  Sub]eUs^  yea,  to  all  Proteftants  whatfoever.     I  wonder  why  you  ftay  there,  and 

would  not  add  all  the  Eaftern  Churches,   and  the  Great  Turk  himfelf ,  fince  you 

The  Author's   ^■^■^^^^^^  have  done  it  with  another  Penful  of  Ink ,  and  with  as  much  pretence  of  Rea- 

vain  Dreams.    ^^^  ^  to  fecure  himfelf  from  the  joynt-Forces  of  Chriftendom  thus  united  by  your 

means.     A  ftrong  Phantafie  will  difcover  Armies   and  Navies  in  the  Clouds,   men 

andhorfes,  and  chariots  in  the  fire,  and  hear  Articulate  Didates  from  the  Bells. 

This  is  not  to  write  waking  but  dreaming. 

Yet  you  make  it  an  eafie  work  v  to  effeU  which ,  there  needs  no  Vijputation ,  but 
onely  to  behold  the  Heretical  Ceniuf  of  our  'Reformation  ,  which  is  fuffciently  condemned 
p,  8.  9.  by  itfelf^  if  men  rviV  onely  tal^  the  pains  to  compare   the  Fundamental  Principles  thereof 

with  the  Confequences.     Great  Houfes  and  Forts  are  builded  at  an  eafie  charge  in  Pa- 
per.   When  you  have  confulted  with  your  Architcds  ,   and  Engineers ,  you  will 
find  it  to  be  a   work  of  more  difficulty.     And  your   Adverfaries   Refblution  may 
teach  you ,  to  your  coft  ,  what  it  is  to  promife  to  your  (elf  fuch  an  eafie  Conqueft 
before  the  Fight  •,  and  let  you  fee  that  tho(e  golden  Mountains, which  you  have  phan- 
tafied,  have  no  fubfiiknce  but  in  your  Brain,  and  fend  you  home  to  feek  that  felf- 
Convidion  there,    which  you  fought  to  faften  upon  others.     When  you  are  able  to 
prove  your  Univerfal  Monarchy,  your  new  Canon  of  Faith,  your  new  Treafury 
of  the  Church  ,  your  new  Koman  Purgatory  ,   whereof  the  Pope  keeps  the  Keyes , 
your  Imagc-Wor(hip ,   your  Common-Prayers  in  a  Tongue  unknown ,  your  detai- 
ning of  the  Cup  from  the  Laity  in  the  publick  Adminiflration  of  the  Sacrament , 
and  the  reft  of  your  new  Creed  ,  out  of  the  Four  firft   General  Councils ,  or  the 
Univerfal  Tradition  of  the  Church  in  thole  dayes  ,  either  as  Principles  or  Funda- 
mental Truths ,  (  which  you  affirm  )  or  fo   much  as  ordinary  points  of  Faith , 
(  which  we  deny  )  we  will  yield  our  lelves  to  be  guilty  both  of  Contradidionand 
Schifm.     Until  you  are  able  to  make  thefe  Innovations  good ,   if  were  beft  for  you 
to  be  filent ,  and  leave  your  vaporing.     Defperatc  undertakings  do  eafily  forfeit  a 
mans  Reputation. 
P-9.  ^c.  Now  are  we  come  to  the  moft  fpecious  Piece  of  your  whole  Epiftle ,    that  is. 

His  vainer         Jhe  Motion  or  Propvfition  of  a  Conference^  by  Authority  of  the  King  of  France,  at  the 
a  Conferenc?  ^"ft''^'^^  'f  *^^  ^"'g  "/  Great  Britain  ,  before  the  Archbifhop  of  Paris  ,  and  his  Coadju- 
tor ,  between  fame  of  your  Roman  Catholick^  VoUours  ,    and  the  Minifiers  of  the  Re- 
formed Church  at  Paris ,  whom  you  do  delervedly  commend  for  their  lufficiency 
and  7eal.     You  farther  fuppole,  that  the  Minijiers  of  the  Reformed  Church  will  accept 

of 


Discourse  I.        the  Epiftie  of  i\P.  de  la  Miliciere ,  &c.  ^i 


of  j'ucb  a  Vijfzitauon  ^  or  hy  their  ler^iverfatioit  betray  the  rveaknejl  of  their  Caufei 
And  you  conclude  confidently  beyond  fuppofition ,  "that  they  mil  be  confuted  and 
convitied ,  and  that  their  converfion  or  convitiion  rvill  afurd  fufficient  gronnd  to  the  King 
^  Greaf  Britain ,  to  embra.ce  the  Communion  of  the  Roman  Catholick^  Church  ■■,  And 
that  his  converfion  rfill  reduce  all  confciemious  Protejiants  to  Vnity  and  due  Obe- 
dience. 

I  will  contrad  your  larger  Palm  to  a  Fift.  If  the  King  of  Great  Britain  delire  a 
folemn  Conference  _^  the  King  of  Fr^wce  will  enjoyn  it  •,  If  he  enjoyn  it ,  the  Mini- 
fters. will  accept  iti 'if  they  do  accept  it ,  they  are  fure  to  be  convidedi  If  they  be 
convided  ,  the  King  of  Great  Britain  will  change  his  Religion  ■■,  If  he  change  his 
Religion  ,  all  confciencious  Proteftants  will  be  reduced  ■■,  And  all  this  to  be  done  , 
not  by  the  old  way  of  Difputing,  No  ,  take  heed  of  that ,  the  burnt  Child  dread'^ 
the  fire  ,  But  by  a  proper  new  way  of  refuting  old  Proteflant  Principles  by  new  In  • 
dependent  Pradifes.  Why  was  this  Remedy  found  out  no  fooner  ?  This  might 
have  eafed  the  Cardinals  in  thjeir  Confultations  about  propagating  the  Faith  ■■,  This 
might  have  faved  Cardinal  Allen  all  his  Machiavilian  Inftruftions  to  his  Englijh 
Emiflaries  ■■,  This  may  in  a  (hort  time  turn  the  Inquifitors  out  of  their  employment 
for  want  of  an  Objed: ,  and  not  leave  fuch  a  thing  as  Heretical  pravity  in  the 
"World.  How  muft  men  praile  your  Fortune ,  and  applaud  your  Invention  >  But 
ftay  ,  the  fecond  thoughts  are  wifer  •,  What  if  this  Chain  fuppofed  to  be  of  Ada- 
mant ,  fhould  prove  a  rope  of  Sand  ?  And  fo  it  is  :  I  have  feen  a  Sorites  difgraeed, 
and  hifled  out  of  the  Schools ,  for  drawing  but  one  lame  leg  after  it  i  this  is  foun- 
dred  of  all  Four  ,  from  the  beginning  to  the  later  end  there  is  nothing  in  it  but 
future  Contingents  ,  which  are  known  onely  to  God  ,  not  one  Grain  of  neceflary 
Truth. 

Firft,  Sir,  be  not  angry  if  a  man  take  away  the  fabjedl  of  your  whole  Dif-  The  King  of 
courfe  i  It  is  but  your  officioufnels ,  the  King  defires  no  fuch  Conference.  Let  England  de- 
them  defire  Conferences  who  waver  in  their  Faith.  All  thefe  bluftering  ftorms  have  fir^'  "o  ftjcf" 
radicated  him  deeper  in  his  Religion.  And  chiefly  that  which  you  make  the  chief-  C°°'"^°^^' 
eft  motive  to  his  Apoftating,  the  Martyrdom  of  his  Royal  Father,  and  an  heredi- 
tary love  to  that  Church  which  he  hath  juftitied  with  his  Blood. 

Secondly,  if  his  Maiefty  (hould  incline  to  fuch  a  Conference  ,  do  you  think  he  if  he  fhould, 
would  defert  the  Englijh  Clergy ,  who  have  forfaken  their  Country,  their  Friends ,  he  had  neitiier 
their  Eftates ,  out  of  their  Confcience,   out  of  their  Duty  to  God  and  their  Sove-  ^"^°''  ^°^, 
raign  ;  who  underftand  the  conftitution  of  the  Englip  Church  much  better  than  hh^Englilh  " 
yourfelf,  or  any  Foreigners  how  futficient  foever  ,  and  caft  himfelf  wholly  upon  Clergy. 
Strangers  ,  whofe  Reformation  (  you  fay  )  is  different  from  that  of  England ,    in 
the  Points  of  Epifcopacy,  Liturgy,    and  the  Ceremonies  of  the  Church?  Say, 
What  was  the  Reafon  of  this  grofs  Omillion  ?  Were  you  affraid  of  that  Image  of  the 
Church  C  as  you  call  it  in  a  flighting  manner  )  which  they  retained  ?  Or  did  you 
not  think  any  of  the  Englijh  Nation  worthy  to  bear  your  Books  at  a  Conference  ? 
it  hath  been  otherwift  heretofore ,   and  you  will  find  it  otherwife  now,  when  you 
come  to  prove  it.     I  know  not  whether  England  hath  been  more  fortunate  or  un- 
fortunate fince  the  Reformation  ,  in  breeding  as  many  able  Polemique  Writers  on 
both  fides,    as   any  Nation  in  Europe  ■■,  Stafleton  ^  Harding^   Tarfons  ^    Sanders^ 
Fy-eymlds,  Bijhop ,  &c.  for  the   Roman   Church:  Jert>ell,  Andrerps  ,  Abbot  ^  Laud, 
IVlnte  ,  Yield ,  Montague ,   Reynolds  ,  TFhitak^r  ,    &c.  for  the  Englijh  Church  i  (  I 
forbear  to  name  thofe  that  are  living  )  and  many  more  who  come  not  fhort  of  thefe, 
if  they  had  pleafed  to  communicate  their  Talents  to  the  World;     This  is  fuch 
a  contumely  that  reflefts  upon  the  Nation  ,  and  you  muft  be  contented  to  be  told 
of  it. 

Thirdly,  how  are  you  fure  that  the  King  of  France  and  his  Couiicil  would  give  such  aConfe- 
way  to  fuch  a  PublLck  Conference  ?  Private  Infinuations  ufe  to  prevail  much  when  rcncc  not  fit 
a  man  may  Lavere  &  tack^  to  and  again  to  compafs  his  Ends.     Authority  or  the  to  be  granted 
Sword  may  put  an  end  to  Controverfies :  But  Publick  Conferences  for  the  mofl:  p^'*^^ '''"8  of 
part  do   but  Itart  new  Quefiions ,  and  revive  old  forgotten  Animofities.     What 
were  the  I>onati(is  the  better  for  the  Collation  at  Carthage  ?  The  Mind  of  a  man  is 
generous,  and  where  it  looks  for  Oppofition  ,  it  fortifies  it  (elf  againlHt.     Vrban 

F  3  the 


r 


4-^ 


IheBifJjopof  Perry's  M^''^''  TOME    I. 


Nor  ro  be  ac- 
cepted by  the 
Minirters  of 
the  Reformed 
Churcl). 


be  expefted 
froiB  it. 


The  Authors 
impertinence 
and  faucinefs 
with  the  King. 


1  c-  I  .u  WIS  the  wifdl  Pope  you  have  had  of  late ,  who  by  his  Moderation  and 
Sunl  o  kd  --h  o/tfccW,  whKhthe  violence  of  his  PredeccfTors  had 
court enc  cuu^^^  ^^^^^  ^^,  ^^^^^     ^^^  ^^jj  ^^^^^  ^^^^^  g^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  prevalent 

[ban  tiK  blullring  Blalb  of  the  North-wind.  Multiplying  ot  Words  more  commonly 

''l?urTlf'tm!''vhS  youfo  confident,  that   the  Minifters  of  the 

Rrformed  Church  would  admit  of  fuch  a  Publick  Difputation  upon  thofe  terms 

II  u  propofe  ,  That  is  ,  to  accept  of  the  Archbilhop  of  Parif  and  his  Coad- 
^  Xwo  Pcrfons  interefled,  for  competent  Judges.  I  am  as  confident  of  the 
'"^Tarv  that  they  would  ra|her  chufe  to  fuffer  ,  than  wrong  their  Caufe  lb  muchi 
r'rliL  iit  per  plnra  ,  quod  fieri  foteji  pr  famiora.     It  were  a  readier  way  for  them, 

d  but  the  fame  in  effedt,  to  fubfcribe  to  a  blank  Paper  ,  and  to  fubmit  without  Di- 

Nor  could  any  P'lifjyy'  fuppofe  (all  this  notwithftanding  )  fuch  a  Conference  fliould  hold  , 
fuch  Succefs  ^^^^^  reafon  have  you  to  promife  to  your  felf  fuch  fuccefs  as  to  obtain  fo  eafie  a 
Vidory  ?  You  have  had  Conferences  and  Conferences  again  at  Poijy,  and  other  Pla- 
ces and  gained  by  them  juft  as  much  as  you  tiHght  put  in  your  eye  and  fee  never 
the  worfe.  When  Conferences  are  onely  made  ufe  of  as  Pageants ,  to  grace  the  In- 
troduction of  fome  new  Profelyte,  and  to  preferve  his  Reputation  from  the  afperfi- 
on  of  Defultorious  Levity,  they  feem  much  more  efficacious  than  they  are.  As 
they  know  well  enough  who  are  privy  to  what  is  adled  in  the  withdrawing-Room. 
The  time  was  when  you  have  been  as  confident  in  a  contrary  Opinion,  that  Cuch 
a  Free  Conference  would  have  fcaled   the  Walls  oP  Rome ,    and  levelled  the  Popes 

Triple  Crown. 

Sixthly  whether  the  Minifters  fhould  accept  of  fuch  a  partial  unequal  Confe- 
rence or  not,  or  whatfoever  fhould  be  the  fuccefs  thereof  i  you  trefpafs  too  boldly 
upon  his  Majefties  patience  ,  to  didtate  to  him  fo  Pragmatically ,  fo  Magifterially  , 
what  he  fhould  do,  or  would  do,  in  fuch  a  cafe  ,  which  is  never  like  to  be.  Doth 
his  Fathers  conftancy  encourage  you  to  believe,  that  he  is  a  Keed  Jhaken  with  the 
Wind'*  iiui  fauca confidirat,  fatile  promttciat.  He  that  weighs  no  more  Circumftan- 
ces  or  Occurrences  than  ferve  for  the  a<lvancement  of  his  Defign ,  pronounceth  fen- 
tenceeafily ,  buttemerariouily,  an4  for  the  moft  part  unfoundly.  When  fiich  a 
thing  as  you  dream  of  fhould  happen ,  it  were  good  manners  in  you  to  leave  his 
Majefly  to  his  Chriftian  Liberty.  But  to  trouble  your  felf  and  others  about  the 
Moon's  fhining  in  the  water,  fo  unfcafonably ,  fo  impertinently  ,  or  with  what  will 
come  to  pafs  when  the  Sky  fells,  is  unbefeeming  the  Counfeller  of  a  King. 

Laflly  ,  confider  how  your  Pen  doth  over-run  your  Reafon ,  and  over-reach  all 
grounds  of  Probability,  to  afcribe  unto  his  Majefties  change  fuch  an  infallible  Influ- 
ence upon  all  Proteftants ,  as  to  reduce  them  to  the  Koman  Communion  ,  not  onely 
his  own  Subjedts ,  but  Foreigners.     His  blefled  Father's  Example  had  not  fo  much 
influence  upon  the  Scots  his  Native  Subjedts.     He  was  no  Changeling  indeed,  nei- 
ther to  the  right  hand,  nor  to  the  left.     Hemy  the  Fourth  ,  his  Grandfather  ,  did 
turn  indeed  to  the  KoiHioi  Church.     Had  his  change  any  fuch  influence  upon  the 
Proteftant  Party  in  France  ?  I  know  no  followers  fuch  a  change  would  gain  him  "> 
but  1  forefee  clearly  how  many  Hearts  it  would  loofe  him.     Certainly ,  Sir,  if  you 
would  do  a  meritorious  Piece  of  fervice  to  his  greateft  Adverfaries  ,  you  could  not 
fix  upon  any  thing  that  would  content  them  more  highly  ,  than  to  fee  you  fuccef^ 
ful  in  this  Undertaking.     I  have  done  with  your  Propofition.     He  that  compares  it 
and  your  Determination  together ,  will  eafity  judge  them  to  be  twins,,  at  the  firfl 
fight. 

As  a  Motive  to  his  Majefties  Converfion  ,  you  prefent  him  with  a  Treatife  of 
Tranfubftantiation  ,  and  defire,  that  it  may  afpar  unto  the  World  under  his  Royal 
Name. 

I  meddle  not  with  your  Treatift ,  fisme  of  your  learned  Adverfaries  Friends- will 
give  you  your  hands  full  enough.'  But  how  can  his  Majelty  protedt  or  patronize  a 
Treatife  againft  his  judgement,  againft  his  Confcience,  contrary  to  the  Dodtrine  of 
the  Church  of  England  ,  not  onely  fince  the  Reformation,  but  before  >  About  the 
year7co.  the  Body  of  Clmji  wherein  he  fitfered ,  and  his  Body  Consecrated  in  the  Hofiy 

differ 


His  Pen  over- 
runs his  Wit. 


His  improper 
choice  of  a 
Patron  for  his 
Treatife. 
Seim.  Saxon 
in  fcfla  P4- 
chgt. 


Discourse  I.       the  Epiftle  of  M\  de  la  Militiere,  &c. 

'    — ^■^ ' 

Jifer  much,  the  Body  wherein  he  fuffered  rvof  born  of  the  Virgin  ,  conjifting  of  flffl, 
and  hones  ,  and  humane  members  j  his  Spiritual  Body  ,  rchich  vce  call  the  Hoji ,  confijh 
of  many  Grains  ,  without  blood  ,  bones ,  or  humane  members  ;  wherefore  nothing  is 
to  he  mderjiood  there  Corf  orally ,  but  all  Spiritually.  Tranfubftantiation  was  neither 
held  for  an  Article  of  Faith,  nor  a  Point  of  Faith,  in  thofe  dayes. 

You  charge  the  Proteftants  in  divers  places ,  That  they  have  neither  Church  nor 
Faith,  but  have  loj\,both.  And  at  the  late:  end  of  your  Treatife  you  undertake  to 
demonftrate  it :  But  your  Demonftration  is  a  meer  Paralogifm.  You  multiply 
your  Terms,  you  confound  your  Terms ,  you  change  and  alter  your  Terms,  con- 
trary to  the  Rules  of  right  arguing ,  and  vainly  beat  the  air ,  concluding  nothing 
which  you  ought  to  prove ,  nothing  which  your  Adverfary  will  deny.  You  would 
prove  that  Protellants  have  no  Church.  That  you  never  attempt  ■-,  But  you  do  at- 
tempt to  prove  (how  pitifully  God  knows)  that  they  are  not  the  onely  Church , 
that  is  ,  the  one.  Holy  CatholickcChurck  This  they  did  never  affirm,  they  did  ne- 
ver think.  It  fiifficeth  them  to  be  a  part  of  that  Univerfal  Church  ■■,  more  pure , 
more  Orthodox ,  more  Catholick,  than  the  Roman  ,  alwayes  profeffing  Chrift  vifi- 
bly ,  never  lurking  invifibly  in  another  Communion,  which  is  another  of  your  mi- 
ftakes.  1  (hould  advife  you  to  promife  us  no  more  evident  Vemonfirations  j  either 
your  skill ,  or  your  luck,  is  fo  extreamly  bad. 

In  the  (econd  place  you  affirm,  tha.t  Faith  is  founded  upon  Divine  Authority,  and 
Revelation ,  and  depoftted  with  the  Church.  All  that  is  true  •,  But  that  which  you 
add  ,  that  it  is  founded  in  the  Authority  of  Chrift  freaking  by  the  mouth  of  his  Church-. 
By  this  Church  underftanding  the  Church  of  this  Age  ,  and  (  which  is  yet  worfe  ) 
the  Church  of  one  place ,  and  (  which  is  worft  of  all  )  the  Bilhop  of  that  one 
Church  ,  is  moft  falle.  , 

And  fo  is  that  which  you  add ,  that  the  Faith  of  Proteftants  is  founded  upon  their 
own  reafonings  ,  which  mak^s  fo  many  differences  among  them.  Reafon  niuft  be  fubfer- 
vient  in  the  application  of  the  Rnle  of  Faith  >  It  cannot  be  the  Foundation  of  Faith. 
Bad  reafbning  may  bring  forth  differences  and  errors  about  Faith ,  both  with  you 
and  us ,  but  the  abufc  of  Reafon  doth  not  take  away  the  ufe  of  Reafon.  We  have 
this  Advantage  of  you,  that  if  any  one  of  us  do  build  an  erroneous  Opinion  upon 
the  Holy  Scripture,  yet  becaufe  our  adherence  to  the  Scripture  is  firmer  and  nearer 
than  our  adherence  to  our  particular  error,  that  full,  and  free ,  and  univerfal,  affent 
which  we  give  to  Holy  Scripture  ,  and  to  all  things  therein  contained  ,  is  an  im- 
plicite  Condemnation  and  Retradtation  of  our  particular  error ,  which  we  hold  un- 
wittingly ,  and  unwillingly,  againft  Scripture.  But  your  foundation  of  Faith  being 
compofed  of  uncertainties,  whether  this  man  be  Pope  or  not,  whether  this  Pope  be 
judge  or  not ,  whether  this  Judge  be  infallible  or  not ,  and  if  infallible ,  wherein , 
and  how  far  i  the  faith  which  is  builded  thereupon  cannot  but  be  fallible  and  uncer- 
tain. The  ftri<^er  the  adherence  is  to  a  falfe ,  uncertain  ,  o*-  fallib'e  rule,  the  more 
dangerous  is  the  error.  So  our  right  Foundation  purgeth  away  our  error  in  Super- 
ftruSioni  and  your  wrong  Foundation  leffens  the  value  of  your  truths ,  and  doubles 
the  guilt  of  your  errors. 

I  will  (  by  your  leave  )  requite  your  Demonftration,  and  turn  the  mouths  of  your 
own  Canons  againft  your  (elf 

That  Church  which  hath  changed  the  Apoftolical  Creed  ,  the  Apoftolical  Succef- 
fion ,  the  Apoftolical  Regiment ,  and  the  Apoftolical  Communion ,  is  no  Apoftoli- 
cal, Orthodox  ,  or  Catholick,  Church. 

But  the  Church  of  Rome  hath  changed  the  Apoftolical  Creed  ,  the  Apo- 
ftolical Succeflion ,  the  Apoftolical  Regiment  »  and  the  Apoftolical  Commu- 
nion. 

Therefore  the  Church  of  Rome  is  no  Apoftolical,  Orthodox ,  or  Catholick, 
Church. 

They  have  changed  the  Apoftolical  Creed ,  by  making  a  new  Creed  ,  wherein 
are  many  things  inferted,  that  hold  no  Analogy  with  the  old  Apoftles  Creed  -,  The 
Apoftolical  Succeflion ,  by  ingroffing  the  whole  Succeflion  to  Rome ,  and  making  all 
other  Biftiops  to  be  but  Popes  Vicars  ,  and  Subftitutes  ,  as  to  their  Jurifdidion  i 
The  Apoftolical  Regiment  by  ereding  a  vifible   and  Univerfal  Monarchy  in  the 

Churchi 


43 


p.  10.  ri. 

P.  a2J. 
Mis  uDskilful- 
nefs,or  hison- 
fortunatenefs, 
in  his  Demon- 
ftration. 


The  great  ad- 
vantage of  the 
ProtclUnt 
above  the  Ro» 
man-Catholick 
in  the  choice 
of  his  founda* 
tion. 


44 


The  billjop  of  Vevxy's  Anfwer  to 


TOME  I. 


p.  12. 

His  Majeflics 
Apoflacy  is 
not  the  way  to 
his  reftitution. 


I  Pet.  1. 7. 


The  obligati* 
on  of  the  Scats 
to  his  Majefty 
thegreatcft  of 
any  Subjefts 
in  the  known 
world. 


Church  •  And  LalUy    the  Apoltolical   Communion ,    by  excommunicating  Three 
parts  of  die  Holy  Catholick  Apoftolick  Church.  _ 

Acain  That  Church  which  refolves  its  Faith,  not  ,mto  Div me  Revelation  and 
Authority,  but,  into  Humane  Infallibility,  or  the  Infallibility  of  the  prefent  Church, 
without  knowing  ,  or  according,  what  that  prefent  Church  is,  whether  the  Virtual, 
or  the  Reprefcntative,  or  the  cfTential  Church ,  or  a  body  compounded  of  fome  of 
thcfc ,  hath  no  true  Faith. 

But  the  Churcli  of  Kome  refolves  its  Faith  ,  not  into  Divine  Revelation  and  Au- 
thority, but  into  the  Infallibility  of  the  prelent  Church  ,  not  knowing,  or  not  ac- 
cording' ,  what  that  prefent  Church  is  ,  whether  the  Virtual  Church  ( that  is  the 
Pope  ,  ;  or  the  Reprefentative  Church  (  that  is  a  General  Council  )  or  the  ElTen- 
tial  Church ,  (  that  is  the  Church  of  Believers  dilTufed  over  the  world  ,  )  Or  a  body 
compounded  of  fome  of  thefe ,  (  that  is  the  Pope  ,  and  a  General  or  Provincial 
Council.  ) 

Therefore  the  Church  of  T<^ome  hath  not  true  Faith.  The  great  number  of  your 
Writers  is  for  the  Pope ,  that  this  Infallibility  is  fixed  to  his  Chair.  But  of  all  other 
Judgments  ,  that  is  moft  fallible  and  uncertain  v  for  if  Simony  make  a  Nullity  in  a 
Papal  Eled:ion  ,  we  have  great  realbn  to  doubt ,  that  that  Chair  hath  not  been  fil- 
led by  a  right  Pope  thefe  laft  hundred  years.  Thefe  are  no  other  but  your  own  Me- 
diums i  fuch  luck  you  have  with  your  Irrefrajrable  Vemonjhations. 

In  cafe  his  Majejly   tviU  turn  Roman-Ciit^o/icJl^,    you  fromife  him  reftitution  to  his   ^ 
Kingdoms. 

Great  undertakers  are  leldom  good  perforrners  i  vt'hen  you  are  making  your  Pro- 
felytes,  you  promife  them  golden  Mountains ,  but  when  the  work  is  done ,  yoa 
deal  with  them,  as  he  did  with  his  Saint,  who  promifed  a  Candje  as  big  as  his  Maft, 
and  offered  one  no  bigger  than  his  finger.  Do  you  however  think  it  reafon,that  any 
man  (hould  change  his  Religion  for  temporal  refpec^-s ,  tI\ough  it  were  for  a  King- 
dom ?  Jeroboamii6.£o  y  you  may  remember  what  was  the  luccefs  of  it. 

You  propole  this  as  the  readiefl  means  to  reflore  him.  Others  who  penetf ate  deeper 
into  the  true  ftate  of  his  affairs  ,  look  upon  it  as  the  readieft  way  to  ruine  his  hopes, 
by  the  alienation  of  his  friends,  by  the  confirmation  of  his  foes,  and  in  fome  fort 
the  juftification  of  their  former  feigned  tears.  Do  you  think  all  JRowaw-Catholick 
Princes  defire  this  change  as  eameftly  as  your  felf ?  Give  them  leave  firft  to  confiik 
with  their  particular  Interefts.  A  common  Intereft  prevails  more  with  Confede- 
rates than  a  common  Faith.  The  Sword  diftinguifheth  not  between  Proteftants  and 
Papifls* 

But  what  is  the  ground  of  this  your  great  Confidence  ?  No  lefs  than  Scripture. 
Seeh^yeftrft  the  Kingdom  of  God ,  and  the  righteoufneji  of  it ,  and  all  other  things  fhaU  be 
added  unto  you.  You  fay  the  Word  of  God  deceives  no  man.  True,  but  you  may 
deceive  your  felf  out  of  the  Word  of  God.  The  Conclufion  alwayes  follows  the 
weaker  part ,  fuch  as  this ,  are  commonly  your  miftaken  grounds,  when  they  come 
to  be  examined.  The  Text  faith  ,  Seeh^  the  Kingdom  of  Cod-,  You  would  have  his 
Majefty  defcrt  the  Kingdom  of  God  :  The  Promife  is  of  all  things  necefTary  or 
convenient  i  You  will  be  your  own  Carver ,  and  oblige  God  Almighty  to  King- 
doms and  particular  Conditions :  The  Promife  is  made  (  as  all  temporal  promifes 
are,)  with  an  implicite  exception  of  the  Crofs  ,  unlets  God  fee  it  to  be  otherwife 
more  expedient  for  us  i  He  that  denies  us  gold,  and  gives  us  patience  and  other 
graces  more  precious  than  Gold  ,  that  denies  a  temporal  Kingdom  to  give  an  eternal , 
doth  not  wrong  us.     This  was  out  of  your  head. 

That  the  5e«x  had  an  ancienter  Obligation  to  fidelity  towards  his  Majeffy,  and 
that  Royal  Family,  than  the  Englijh,  is  a  Truth  not  to  be  doubted  or  difputed  of,  I 
I  think  I  may  fafely  add  ,  than  any  Nation  in  Europe ,  or  in  the  known  World  to 
their  Prince  ,  his  Majefty  being  the  Hundred  and  tenth  Monarch  of  that  Line ,  that 
hath  fwayed  the  Scepter  of  that  Kingdom  fucceflively.  The  more  the  pity  that  a 
few  treacherous  Sheba's ,  and  a  pack  of  bawling  feditious  Orators  ,  under  the  vi- 
2ar  and  fhadow  of  pure  Religion  ,  to  the  extreme  fcandal  of  all  honefl  profeffors, 
(hould  be  able  to  overturn  fuch  an  ancient  Fabrick ,  and  radicated  fucceflion  of 
Kingly  Government. 

But 


I 


Discourse  I.       the  Epiftle  of  M".  de  la  Militiere,  &c. 

But  take  heed  ,  Sir ,  how  you  believe  that  any  ingagement  of  the  Presbyterian 
Fadlion  in  Scotland ,  proceeded  either  from  confcience ,  or  gratitude ,  or  fidelity  or 
aimed  at  the  re-fetling  of  his  Majefty  upon  his  Throne.    No,  no  ,  their  hearts  were 
double,  their  Treaties  on  their  parts  were  mere  treacheries  from  the  beginning.    I 
mean  not  any  of  thofe  many  loyal  Patriots,  that  never  bowed  their  knees  to  Baal- 
berith,  the  God  of' the  Covenant ,  in  that  Nation  ;  Nor  yet  any  of  thole  ferious  Con- 
verts ,  that  no  fooner  difcovered  the  leger  de  main  of  a  company  o{  canting  Impofiors 
but  they  (ought  to  flop  the  ftream  of  Schifm  and  Sedition  ,  with  the  hazard  of  their 
own  lives  and  eftates  i  Nor  even  thofe  whole  eyes  were  longer  held  with  the  fpirit 
of  flumber  ,  by  fome  ftronger  fpells  of  Difciplinarian  Charmers ,  but  did  yet  later 
open  their  eyes ,  and  come  in  to  do  their  Duties ,  at  the  Sixth  or  Ninth  hour.    All 
thefe  are  expunged  by  me  out  of  this  black  Roll.    Let  their  Pofterities  enjoy  the 
fruit  of  their  refpedive  Loyalties  •■,  And  let  their  memories  be  daily  more  and  more 
blefled.     But  I  mean  the  obftinate  Ring-leaders ,  and  Standard-bearers  of  the  Pres- 
byterian  Covenant  o(  both  Rohes  J  and  the  Setters  up  of  that  mifhapen  Jc/o/.     It  is 
from  thefe,  I  (ay ,  that  no  help  or  hope  could  in  reafon  be  expeded.     They  who 
fold  the  Father,  and  fuch  a  Father,  were  not  likely  to  prove  loyal  to  the  Soni 
They  who  hanged  up  one  of  the  moft  ancient  Gentlemen  in  Europe ,  the  gallant 
Marquefs  of  Montrofe,  being  then  their  lawful  Vice-Roy ,  like  a  dog  in  fuch  bafe  and 
barbarous  manner ,  together  with  his  Ma jeftiei  Commijfion^  to  the  publick  difhonour 
of  their  King  ,  in  the  chief  City  of  that  Kingdom  ,  in  a  time  of  Treaty  >   They 
who  purged  the  Army  ,  over  and  over ,  as  loth  on  their  parts  willingly  to  leave  one 
dram  of  honefty,  or  loyalty  in  it  ,  who  would  not  admit  their  Fellow-fubjeds  of 
tnuch  more  merit  and  courage  than  themfelves  to  ailift  them  i  They  who  v/ould  not 
permit  his  Majefty  to  continue  among  the  Souldiery ,  left  he  (hould  grow  too  popu- 
lar ■,  They  who  after  they  had  proclaimed  to  the  World  his  Title  and  Right  to  the 
Crown ,  yet  fought  to  have  him  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  it ,  and  from  the  exe- 
cution of  his  Kingly  Office,  until  he  (hould  abjure  his  Religion^  call  din  upon  his  Fa- 
rents  ,  alienate  his  loyal  SubjeSs,  and  ratifie  the  ufurpations  of  his  Rebels  \  Thefe 
C  thefe  I  fay  )  were  moft  unlikely  perfons  to  be  his  reftorers.     Was  it  ever  heard  be- 
fore, that  Subjeds  acknowledged  a  Sovereign  ,  and  yet  endeavoured  to  exclude 
him  from  his  Rights  ,  until  he  had  granted  whatfbever  feemed  good  in  their  eyes  > 
<Dthers  maybe  more  fevere  in  their  judgments  ,  but  I  for  my  part  could  be  well  con- 
tented ,  that  God  would  give  them  the  honour  to  be  the  Repairers  of  the  breach , 
who  have  been  the  Makers  of  the  breach-,  to  be  the  Reftorers  of  Monarchy,  who 
have  been  the  Ruiners  of  Monarchy  i  to  be  the  re-eftabli(hers  of  peace ,  who  have 
been  the  chiefeft  Catalines  and  promoters  of  War.     But  that  can  never  be  whilft 
they  juftifie  their  former  rebellious  pradices,  and  after  they  have  eaten  and  devou- 
red,  wipe  their  mouths  ,    and  fay  ^   What  have  we  done?  until  they   acknowledge 
their  former  errors.     Repentance  onely  is  able  to  knit  the  broken  bone  ■■>  why  fliould 
they  be  more  affraid  to  confels  their  faults ,  and  ft\ame  the  Devil ,  than  to  commit 
them? 

Yet  I  cannot  fay  with  you ,  that  this  hath  robbed  his  Majefty  of  all  hopes  and  means 
of  recovery.  We  may  not  limit  God  at  any  time,  who  commonly  with-holds  his 
help  until  the  Bricks  be  doubled  ,  until  the  edge  of  the  razor  doth  touch  the  very 
throats  of  his  Servants,  that  the  glory  of  the  Work  may  wholly  redound  to  him- 
felf.  We  may  not  limit  God  to  thofe  means  which  (eem  moft  probable  in  our  eyes. 
So  long  as  Jojfeph  trufted  to  his  Friend  in  Court ,  God  did  forget  him  ■■,  when  Pha- 
raoh's Butler  had  quite  forgotten  Jofeph ,  then  God  remembred  him.  God  hath  no- 
bler wayes  of  reftitution  than  by  Battails ,  and  bloud-ihed,  that  is,  by  changing 
the  hearts  ofhis  creatures  at  his  pleafure,  and  turning  Efaus  vowed  revenge  into 
love  and  kindnefs. 

I  confe(s ,  his  Majejlies  refolution  was  great ,  (b  was  his  prudence  ,  that  neither 
fear  (  which  ufeth  to  betray  the  foul, )  nor  any  indifcreet  Adion  ,  or  word  ,  orge- 
(ture ,  in  (b  long  a  time  (hould  either  difcover  him,  or  render  him  fufpeded.  When 
I  confider  that  the  Heir  of  a  Crown  ,  in  the  midft  of  that  Kingdom  where  he  had 
his  breeding ,  whom  all  mens  eyes  had  ufed  to  Court  as  the  riling  Sun ,  of  no  com- 
mon features  or  phyiiognomy  ,  at  fuch  time  when  he  was  not  onely  believed  ,  but 

known 


Their  Trea- 
cher}'. 


The  loyal 
Scots  exce- 
pted. 


The  difloyal 
Scots  deciphfe- 
redj 


No  hope  from 
that  party  un- 
til they  re- 
pent. 


P.I?. 

God  niuft  nsc 
be  limited  to 
time  or  means 
ofdeliverance. 


P.  14. 

His  Majeftiei 
efcapeoutof 
England  ai- 
med miracu- 
lous. 


^6 


Ihe  btfhop  of  DerryV  Anfwer  to 


TOME  L 


And  Teems  to 
ptefage  that 
Goil  harh  fome 
things  to  do 
with  him. 

P.  14 

Prayers  and 
tears  the  pro- 
per Arms  of 
Women ; 
Efpecially  of 
Mothers. 


Ytt  not  fo 
powerful  1  as 
his  Fathers  in- 
lerceflion  now 
in  Heaven. 
P.  14- 

The    Authors 
inftance   of 
Henr)    the 
great  not  per- 
tinent. 
Plutarch. 

P.  14. 

The  jufr  com- 
mendation of 
K.  Charles. 


It  is  grofs  im- 
pudence to 
feign  that  he 
dyed  a  Roman 
Caiholick 


The  Aiithors 
confifTion  con- 
futes his  de- 
monftiation  , 
thatProteftanis 
hate  00  Faith. 


known  to  be  among  them  ,  when  every  Comer  of  the  Kingdom  was  full  of  Spies 
to  fearch  him ,  and  every  Port  and  Inn  full  of  Officers  to  apprehend  him  ",  I  fay  ._^ 
that  he  flioiild'travail  at  fuch  a  time  ,  fo  long ,  fo  far  ,  fo  freely  ,  in  the  fight  of  th?  ^ 
Siui,  expofed  to  the  view  of  all  perfons  ,  without  either  difcovery,  or  fufpicion, 
foems  little  lefs  than  a  miraclev  That  God  had  fmitten  the  eyes  of  thofe  who  met 
him  with  blind nefs,  as  the  eyes  of  the  Sodomites  .,  that  they  could  not  find  Lof's 
door  ,  or  the  Syrian  Souldiers ,  that  were  fent  to  apprehend  'EUjha  i  This  ftrange 
efcape',  and  that  former  out  of  Scotland  ,  where  his  condition  was  not  much  better, 
nor  his'Perfon  much  fafcr,  do  feem  ftrangely  to  prefage  ,  that  God  hath  yet  fome 
great  Work  to  be  done  by  him  in  his  own  due  time. 

You  attribute  this  rare  deliverance,  and  the  hopes  of  his  Converfion  ,  in  part  m 
the  prayers  and  tears  of  his  Motho'  i  prayers  and  tears  were  the  onely  proper  Arms  of 
the  old  Primitive  Chriftians  v  more  particularly  they  are  the  beft  and  mofi:  agreea^ 
ble  defence  of  that  fex  i  but  efpecially  the  prayers  and  tears  of  a  Mother ,  for  the 
Son  of  her  defires,  are  moft  powerful.  As  it  was  faid  of  the  prayers  and  tears  of  Mo- 
nica ,  for  St.  Aujline  her  Son,  ^eri  non  fotuit  ut  filius  ifiarttm  lacrymarum  periret ;  It 
could  not  be  that  a  Son  (hould  perifh  for  whom  fo  many  tears  were  (hed.  God  fees 
her  tears  ,  and  hears  her  prayers,  and  will  grant  her  requeft ,  if  not  according  to  her 
will  and  defire ,  (  we  often  ask  thofe  things ,  which  being  granted  ,  would  prove 
prejudicial  to  our  felves  and  our  friends  )  yet  ad  utilitatem ,  to  his  Majefties  greater 
advantage  ,  which  is  much  better  :  She  wifheth  him  a  good  Catholick  ,  and  God 
will  preferve  him  a  good  Catholick  as  he  is.  We  do  not  doubt  but  the  prayers  of 
his  Father  (  reho  norp  foVores  the  Lamb  in  his  whites )  for  his  perfeverance  ,  will  be 
more  effedual  with  God  ,  than  the  prayers  of  his  Mother  for  his  change. 

Your  inftance  of  his  Majeflies  Grandfather  ,  your  grand  King  Henry  the  Fourth  is 
not  fo  appofite  ,  or  fit  for  your  purpofe.  He  gained  his  Crown  by  turning  himlelf 
towards  his  people  ;  you  would  perfwade  his  Majefty  to  turn  from  his  people  ,  and 
to  caft  away  his  poflibilities  of  reftitution  ,  that  is  ,  to  cut  off  a  natural  leg  ,  and  tak^ 
one  of  rvood. 

To  the  tears  of  his  Mother  you  add  the  bloud  of  hit  Father ,  whom  you  juftly  ftile 
happy ,  and  (ay  moft  truly  of  him ,  that  he  preferred  the  Catholick^  Faith  before  hit 
Croron  ,  his  liberty,  his  life,  and  whatfuever  n>as  moji  dear  unto  him.  This  faith  was 
formerly  rooted  in  his  heart  by  God,  not  fecretly  and  invifihly  in  the  la(t  moments  of 
his  life  to  unite  him  to  the  Romzn-Catholick^  Church  ,  but,  openly  during  his  whole 
Reign  ,  all  which  time  he  lived  in  the  bofom  of  the  true  Catholick  Church.  Yet 
you  are  fo  extremely  partial  to  your  felf,  that  you  affirm  that  he  died  invifblyz 
Member  of  your  Rom^«-CathoHck  Church,  as  it  is  by  you  contra-diftinguiihed  to 
the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  World.  An  old  pious  fraud,  or  artifice  of  yours  ,  learned 
from  Machiavel,  to  gain  credit  to  your  Keligion  by  all  means,  either  trueorfalfe; 
but  contrary  to  his  own  profeflion  at  his  death  ,  contrary  to  the  exprefs  knowledge 
of  all  that  were  prefent  at  his  murther.  Upon  a  vain  prefumption  ,  that ,  "fakm, 
rifi  veftra  Ecchfia,  nulla  pareret  filium.  And  becaufo  you. are  not  able  to  produce  one 
living  witnefs  ,  you  cite  St.  ylufiin  to  no  purpofe,  to  prove  that  the  Ele£i  before  they 
are  converted ,  do  belong  invifihly  to  the  Chnrch  ■■,  Yea ,  and  before  they  were  born  alfo. 
But  St.  Anftine  neither  faid  nor  thought ,  that  after  they  are  converted  they  make  no 
vifible  profellion  ,  or.profefs  the  contrary  to  that  which  they  believe.  Seek  not  thus 
to  adorn  your  particular  Church,  not  v/\th.  borrowed  but  with  jMf w  5ai«f  J ,  whom 
all  the  World  know  to  have  been  none  of  yours.  What  Faith  he  profefTed  living, 
he  confirmed  dying.  In  the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  England  he  lived ,  and 
in  that  Communion  at  his  death  he  commended  his  foul  into  the  hands  of  God  his 
Saviour.  That  which  you  have  confelTed  here  concerning  King  Charles ,  will 
fpoil  your  formiCr  demonftration ,  that  the  Frotejlants  have  neither  Church  nor 
Faith. 

But  you  confefs  no  more  in  particular  here ,  than  I  have  heard  fome  of  your  fa- 
mous Rowan  Dodors  in  this  City  acknowledge  to  be  true  in  general',  And  no  more 
than  that  which  the  Eilhop  of  Chalcedon  (  a  man  that  cannot  be  fufpedted  of  par- 
tia'ity  on  our  fide,  )  hath  affirmed  and  publifhed  in  Two  of  his  Books  to  the  world 
m  Print  i  That  Frstejiantibas  credentibus  ,  Sec.  perfons  living  in  the  Communion  of  the 

Frote- 


Discourse  I.       the  Epiftie of  M\  de  la  Militiere,  &c.  4^7 

Frotejiant  Church  ,  if  they  endeavour  to  leant  the  truth ,  and  are  not  able  to  attain  unto  it 
hilt  hold  it  intplicitely  in  tlx  p-eparation  of  their  minds  ,  and  are  ready  to  receive  it  tvhen 
God  fhaUhe  f  leafed  to  reveal  It  (  which  all  good  Proteftants  and  all  good  Chrifdans 
are  )  they  neither  want  Church ,  nor  Faith  ,  nor  Sahation.  Mark  thefe  words  well. 
They  have  neither  Church  ,  mr  Faith ,  lay  you  ■■,  If  they  be  thus  qualified  (  as  they 
all  are  )  they  neither  want  Church  ,  nor  Faith  ,   nor  Salvation  ,  faith  he. 

Laftly,  Sir,  to  let  us  fee  ,  that  your  intelligence^  is  as  good  in  Heaven  as  it  is  Hisintdli 
upon  Earth ,  and  that  you  know  both  who  are  there ,  and  what  they  do  ,  you  tell  gence  as  good 
us ,  That  the  Crown  and  Conquelt ,  which  his  lateMajefty  gained  by  his  fuiferings    '"  ""''^"  " 
was  procured  by  the  interceliion  of  his  Grandmother  Queen  Mary.     We  ihould  be  "^°°  ^"^' 
the  apter  to  believe  this ,  if  you  were  able  to  make  it  appear ,  that  all  the  Saims  in 
Heaven  do  know  all  the  particular  necelfities  of  all  their  pofterity  upon  Earth. 
St.  Jujiine  makes  the  matter  much  more  doubtful  than  you ,  that's  the  leaft  of  his 
AlTertion  ,  or  rather  to  be  plainly  falfe  ;  Fatendum  eji  nefiire  quidem  mortuos  quid  hie  Aug.  de  ma 
agatur.     But  with  prefumptions  you  did  begin  your  Dedication  ,  and  with  prefum-  f"  """•  '^•'*' 
ptions  you  end  it.     In  the  mean  time ,  till  you  can  make  that  appear  i  we  obferve 
that  neither  Queen  Mary's  conftancy  in  the  Konz^«-Catholick  Faith,  nor  Henry  the  No  Faith  fuffi- 
Fourth's  change  to  the  Roman-CzthoYick  Faith  ,  could  fave  them  from  a  bloudy  end.  aSnliTodv 
Then  by  what  warrant  do  you  im.pute  King  Charles  his  fufferings  to  his  error  in  Re-  aftempts.  ° 
ligion  ?  Be  your  own  Judge. 

Heu  quanth  de  jpe  decidimw  I  Alas !  from  what  hopes  are   we  fall'n  !  Pardon  our  The  Author 
error ,  that  we  have  miftaken  you  fo  long.     You  have  heretofore  pretended  your  ""'^^  '?"^" 
felf  to  be  a  moderate  perfon  ,  and  one  that  feriouily  endeavoured  the  re-uniting  of  '^^°'"^'l''  ^P""". 
Chriftendom  by  a  fair  Accommodation.     The  wid'eft  wounds  are  clofed  up  in  time,  fT/kingYheVc" 
and  ftrange  Plants  by  Inoculation  are  incorporated  together  and  made  one  ■■,  And  is  "n'o"  of  chri- 
there  no  way  to  clofe  up  the  wounds  of  the  Church ,  and  to  unite  the    difagreeing  "^1"^°™- 
members  of  the  fame  myftical  body  ?  Why  were  Caleb  and  Jofhua  onely  admitted 
into  the  Land  of  promife  ,  whilll  the  carcafes   of  the  rert  periihed  in  the  Wilder- 
iiefs ,  but  onely  becaufe  they  had  been  Peace-makers  in  a  time  of  Schifm  >  well 
fare  our  Learned  and  Ingenuous  Country-man  St.  Clara  ,  who  is  altogether  as  per- 
Ipicacious  as  your  felf,  but  much  more  charitable.     You  tell  us  to   our  grief     that 
there  is  no  accommodation  to  he  exfeUed  i  that  Cardinal   Richelieu  vhm  too  good  aChri- 
ftian  ,  and  too  good  a  Catholick^^  to  have  any  fuch  thought  ■-,  that  the  one  Religion  is  true    P-  sp4' 
the  other  falfe  ,  and  that  there  it  no  fociety  between   light  and  darkjieji.     This  is  plain 
dealing,  to  tell  us  what  we  muft  truft  to.     No  Peace  is  to  be  expedted  from  you  , 
unlefs  we  will  come  unto  you  upon  our  knees,  with  the   words  of  the  frodiga] 
Cfci/i  in  our  mouths.  Father  forgive  lU  ^  voe  have  f:nned againfi  Heaven,  and  againfi 
thee.     Is  not  this  rare  Courtefie  ?  If  we  will  fubmit  to  your  will  in  all  things,  you 
will  have  no  longer  difference  with  us.  So  we  might  come  to  fhake  a  worfe  Church 
by  the  hand  ,  than  that  which  we  were  feparated  from. 

If  you  could  be  contented  to  wave  your  laft  Four  hundred   years  determinati-  tl  ^  ^^ 
ons ,  or  if  you  liked  them  for  your  felves ,  yet  not  to  obtrude  them  upon  other  general  A^ 
Churches  ■■,    If  you  could  red  fatisfied  with  your  old  Patriarchal  forcer  ,    and  your  commodation. 
Principium  ttnitatis  ,   or  Primacy  of  Order  ,  much  good  might  be  expefted  from  free 
Councils,  and  Conferences,  from  moderate  perfons  i  And  wc  might  yet  live  in  hope 
to  fee  an  Union,  if  not  in  all  Opinions,  yet  in  Charity  ,  and  all  neceflary  points  of 
faving  Truth ,  between  all  Chriftians  i  to  fee  the  Eajiem  and  Wejiern  Churches  joyn 
hand  in  hand  ,  and  fing  ,    Ecce  quamhonum  &  quam  jucundum  eji  hahitare  fratres  in 
unum  ;    Behold  horp  good  and  pleafant  a  thing  it  is  for  Brethren  to  dtvell  together  in  uni- 
ty.    But  whilit  you  impofe  upon  us  daily  new  Articles  of  Faith  ,  and  urge  rigidly, 
what  you  have  unadvifedly  determined  \   we  dare  not  facrifice  Truth  to  Peace ,  nor 
be  feparated  from  the  Gofpel ,  to  be    joyned  to  the  Koman-Chuxch.    Yet  in  the 
point  of  our  feparation  ,  and  in  all  things  which  concern  either   Dodrine  or  Difci- 
pline  ,  we  profefs  all  due  obedience  and  fubmiflion  to  the  Judgment  and  Definiti- 
ons of  the  truly  Catholick  Church  s  Lamenting  with  all  our  hearts  the  preftnt  con- 
dition of  Chriftendom,  which  renders  an  Oecumenical  Council,  if  not  impolfible 
(  mens  judgements  may  be  had  ,  where  their  perfons  cannot  )  yet  very  difficult ,. 
wifhing  one ,  as  general  as  might  be  ,  and  (  until  God  fend  fuch  an  Opportunity) 

endea- 


48 


The  bjffjop  of  VerTy'sjhfiperto 


TOME  I. 


pnHeivouring  to  conform  our  felves  in  all   things,  both  mLredendts,  &  Agendis 
0  whatfoc^fr  is  unitorm  in  the  belief  or  pradice  ,  in  the  Dodtrme  or  D.rcipline,of 
\lc  univcrfil  Church  ;  And  Laftly  ,  holding    an  Adual  Communion  with  all  the 
divided  parts   of  the  Chriftian  world,  in  moft  things,  &mvm,  according  to 
ourdefires,  in  all  things. 


FINIS. 


DISCOURSE  11. 


A  J  UST 

VINDICATION 

OF  THE 

Church  of  England 

FROM 

The  VtJJHjl  Afferfion  of  Criminal 

SCHISM. 

Wherein 
The  Nature  of  Criminal  SCHISM,  the  divers  forts  oiSchifmatick* 

the  Liberties  and  Priviledges  of  National  Churches,  the  Rights  of  Sovereign  Ma* 
giftrates ,  the  Tyranny ,  Extortion ,  and  Schifm  of  the  Koman  Court,  with  the 
Grievances  ,  Complaints,  and  Oppolition  of  all  Princes  and  States  of  the  Koman 
Communion  of  Old,  and  at  this  very  Day,  are  manifefled  to  the  View  of  the 
World.  , 


By  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  God,  John  Bramhall 
Dr.  in  Divinity ,  and  Lord  Bifliop  of  Deny, 


Tacian.  in  Epijh  ad  Semp-o».  My  Name  is  Chriftian ,  my  Sirname  is  Catholick.  By 
the  one  I  am  known  from  Jnjideh ,  by  the  other  from  Heretick^  soidScbif 
matick{. 


D  V  BL  iNh 

Printed  in  the  Year,  M-  DC.  LXX.  IV. 


•   r 


pwm% 


^|i 


THE 


CONTENTS 


Of  the  Parriculai 


CHAPTERS. 


CHAP.    I. 

HE  Scope  aftdfumtfie  of  this  Treatife. 

CHAP.    II. 


T 


Page  S3* 


ihejlatifig  of  the  ^efiion  rvhat  is  Schifta ,  who   are  Scbifmafjc^s ,  a»J 
Tphat  isfignifedbj  the  Church  of  England  in  this  ^efijott,         p.  55, 

CHAP.    III. 

ihat  thefeparatiott  from  the  Court  of  Rome  was  not  madi  bj  Trotefiants 
but  ^ovaan-Catholifl^j  thcttffehes.  p^  52! 

C  H  A  P.    I  V. 

That  ihi  King  and  Kingdom  ^/England  ,  in  their  feparation  from  Rome, 
did  mah^  no  mrs>  tavi>  j  hut  vindicate  the   ancient  Law  of  the  Land, 

P.  69. 

C  H  A  P.    V, 

ihat  the  Britannick  Churches  votre  ever  exempted  from  all  Forreignjurif- 
di£iiottjor  the  frji  Six  hundred  years ,  and  Jo    ought    to  continue. 

P.79. 
C  H  A  P.    V  I. 

ihat  the  King  and  Church  of  England  had  both  fuftcient  Authority^  and 
fufficient  Grounds,  to  vpithdraw  their  obedience  J  rom  Rome.  P.85. 

CHAP.   V  I  r. 

That  all  Kingdoms  and  Republic^  ff  the  Komaa   Communion ,  Germany  , 

France, 


«?2 


The  Contents  of  the  C  h  a?  t  t  R  s. 


France  ,  Spain  ,  Portugal ,  Sicily ,  Brabant ,  Venice  ,    do  the  fame 
thing  in  effeS  ,  vhen  they  havt  ecgafion  i  or  at  Uaji   do  plead  for  it, 

P.  101. 

CHAP.    VIII. 

7hat  the  Fope  and  Court  of  Rome  are  many  ways  guilty   of  Schfm ,   and 
the  true  canfe  of  the  t>iJfentions  of  chrifiendom.  P.  I22, 

CHAP.    IX. 

An  Apfwer  to  the  ObjeSions  of  the  RomaDifts.  P.  127. 

CHAP.   X, 
ihe  Conchfton  of  the  Trtatifi.  P.  136. 


. $3 

DISCOURSE  II. 

-  -   ■  -■■-■■■■ 

A  JUST 

VINDICATION 

OF  THE 

Church  of  England. 

c  H  ^  p.  i. 

The  Scope  and  Sumwe  of  this  Treatife, 

Othing  hath  been  hitherto  ,  or  can  hereafter  be  objeded  to 
the  Church  of  England ,  which,  to  Grangers  unacquainted  '^"^j^'??  "?'"* 
with  the  ftate  of  our  Affairs  ,  or  to  fuch  of  our  Natives  as  fefted  to  the 
have  onely  looiied  upon  the  cafe  fuperficially  ,  hath  more  church  of 
colour  of  Truth,  at  firft  fight,  than  that  of  Schifm  :  that  we  England  than 
have  withdrawn  our  obedience   from  the  Vicar  of  Chrift ,  ^^^™' 
or,  at  leaft,  from  our  lawful  Patriarch,  and  (eparated   our 
(elves  from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church.     A 
grievous  accufation  I  confefi ,  if  it  were  true  :  for  we  ac- 
knowledge that  there  is  no  Salvation  to  be  expedied  ordinarily  without  the  pale  of 
the  Church.  >,  ./i.  :'.':j;v: 

But    when  all  things  are  judicioufly  weighed  in  the  Billance  of  right  feafon  ,  But  nothing 
when  it  (hall  appear  that  we  never  had  any  fuch  forreign  Patriarch  for  the  firft  Six  ^°^^  unjuftly. 
hundred  years  and  upwards  >  And  that  it  was  a  grofs  Violation  of  the  Canons  of 
the  Catholick  Church ,  to  attempt  after  that  time  to  obtrude  any  (brreign  Juri(Hi- 
ftion  upon  us  ;  That  before  the  Bi(hops  of  Kome  ever  exercifed  any  Jurifdidlion  in 
Britain  ,  they  had  quitted  their  lawful  Patriarchate  wherewith  they  were  inverted  by 
the  Authority  of  the  Church,  for  an  unlawful  Monarchy  pretended  to  belong  un- 
to them  by  the  Inftitution  of  Chrift  ;  That  whatfoever  the  Popes  of  Kome  gained 
upon  us  in  after-Ages,  without  our  own  free  con(ent ,  was  meer  tyranny  and  u(ur- 
pation  i  That  our  Kings  with  their  Synods  and  Parliaments  had  power  to  receive , 
retrad,  and  abrogate,  Whatfoever  they  found  by  experience  to  become  burthen(bm 
and  infupportable  to  their  Subjedts  i  That  they  did  ufe  in  all  Ages ,  with  the  con- 
fent  of  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  England ,  to  limit  and  reftrain  the  Exercife  of 
Papal  power ,  and  to  provide  remedies  againft  the  daily  incroachment  of  the  K"- 
man  Court,  fo  as  Henry  the  Eighth, at  the  Reformation  of  the  Englijh  Church,  did 
but  tread  in  the  fteps  of  his  mdft  renowned  Anceftors,  who  flourifhed  whilft  Po- 
pery was  in  its  Zenith  ,  and  purfued  but  that  way  which  they  had  chalked  out  un- 
to him ,  a  way  warranted  by  the  pradice  of  the   moft  Chriiiian  Emperors  of  old, 

G  3  and 


54 


A  Juft  Vindication TOME    11 


and  frequented  at  this  day  by  the  greanft,  or  rather  by  all  the  Prirxes  cf  the  ■^cwan 
Ccrr.miinion  fo  often  as  they  find  occafion  i  When  it  {hall  be  made  evident ,  that 
the  Bifliops  of  Home  never  injoyed  ary  quiet  or  fettled"  pLffellion  of  that  power 
which  was  after  dcfervcdly  caft  out  of  Irtgland,  (o  as  to  beget  a  lawful  prefcripti- 
eii  ;  And  Lallly ,  that  we  have  not  at  all  feparated  our  felves  from  the  Ccmmunion 
of  the  Catholick' Church  ,  nor  of  any  part  thereof,  Jioman  or  other  ,  qua  tales  ^  as 
they  are  fuch  ,  but  onely  in  their  Innovations ,  wherein  they  have  feparated  them- 
felves  firft  from  their  Common  Mother,  and  from  the  fellowfhip  of  their  ovi^n  Si- 
fters j  I  fay  when  all  this  ihall  be  cleared  ,  and  the  Schifm  is  brought  home  and 
laid  at  the  right  door  ■■>  then  we  may  fafcly  conclude,  that  by  how  much  we  fhould 
turn  more  Homan  than  we  are  (  whilft  things  continue  in  the  fame  condition  )  by 
fo  much  we  fhouJd  render  our  feWes  lefs  Catholick  ,  and  plunge  our  ftlves  deeper 
into  Schifm ,  whilft  we  feek  to  avoid  it. 

For  the  clearer    and  fuller  difcuflion  and  demonftration  whereof,  I  {hall  ob- 
fcrve  this  method  in  the  Enfuing  Difcourfe.    . 
Themetliod         Firft  ,  toliate  the  queffion,  and  {hew  what  is  Schifm  in  the  Abflrad?  who  are 
*h^'*Df'* ' rfc    Schifmaticks in  the  Concrete  ?  and  what  we  underiland  by  the  Church  of  England 
'«w  •   in  this  Cueftion  ? 

Secondly,  I  will  lay  down  Six  Grounds  or  Propofitions ,  every  one  cf  which 
fingly  isfufficient  to  wipe  away  the  ftain  and  guilt  of  Schifm  from  the  Church  of 
England;  how  much  more  when  they  are  all  joyned  together  ?  My  Six  Grounds  or 
Propofitions  are  thefe  :  Firft  ,  that  Proteftants  were  not  the  Authors  of  the  late 
great  Separation  from  Kome ,  but  I?.cw««-Catholicks  themfelves ,  fuch  as  in  all  other 
points  were  chief  Advocates  and  Pillars  of  the  Kcman  Church  ,  and  fo  many  ,  that 
the  names  of  all  the  known  Diffenters  might  be  written  in  a  little  ring.     Secondly , 
that  in  abandoning  the  Court  of  Kome  ,  they  did  not  make  any  new  Law,  but  one- 
ly declare  and  reftore  the  old  Law  of  the  Land  to  its  former  Vigor  ■■,   and  vindicate 
that  Liberty  left  them  as  an  inheritance  by  their  Anceftors ,  from  the  incroachments 
and  ufurpations  of  the  Court  of  Rome.     Thirdly  ,  that  the  ancient  Brinjh  and  Sco- 
ti(h  ,  or  Jrijh^  Churches  were  ever  exempted  from  the  Patriarchal  Jurifdiftion  of  the 
Rcmau  Bi{hops  ,  until  Rome,  thirftirg  atter  an  uriverfal  unlawful  Monarchy  ,  quit- 
ted their  lawful  Ecclefiaftical  power  ;  And  fo  ought  to  continue  free  and  exempted 
from  all  forreign  Jurifdidion  of  any  pretended  Patriarch  for  evermore ,  according 
tothefaijiousCauon  ofthe  General  Council  of  Lphfitf  ,  which  Crz-grry  the  Great 
levererced  as  ore  ofthe  Four  Gofpels.     Fourthly  ,  that  though  the  Authors  of  that 
Separation  had  not  themfelves  been  Tman-C^xhoYicks;  and  though  the  Ads  or  Sta- 
tutes made  for  that  end  had  not  been  meerly  declarative  ,  but  alfo  operative  i   and 
although  Britain  had  not  been  from  the  beginning,  both  dejtire  ,  and  de  faCo  ,  ex- 
empted from  Romtin  Jurifdidion  ,  yet  the  King  ard  Church  of  Englafid  had  both 
fu{ficient  Authority ,  and  fufEcient  grounds  ,  to  withdraw  their  obedieoce  as  they 
did.    Fifthly  ,  that  all  the  Sovereign  Princes  and  Republicks  in  Europe  of  the  Ko- 
tnan  Communion  ,  whenfoever  they  have  occafion  to  reduce  the  Pope  to  reafon,  do 
either  pradife  or  plead  for  the  fame  right,  or  both.     Sixthly  ,  that  the  Papacy  it  felf 
C  qua  talif  )  as  it  is  now  maintained  by  many,  with  univerfality  of  Jurifdidion, 
or  rather  fole  Jurifdidion  ,  Jure  divino ,  with  fnpexiority  above  General  Councils, 
with  infallibility  of  judgment ,  and  temporal  power  over  Princes  ,  is  become  by  its 
rigid  cenfures ,  and  new  Creeds,  ard  exorbitant  Decrees,  in  a  great  partadually, 
and  altogether  caufally ,  guilty  both  of  this  and  all  the  great  Schifms  in  Chriften- 
dom. 

Laflly,  1  will  give  a  fatisfaftcry  anfwer  to  thofe  objcdions,  which  thofe  of 
the  Komm  Communion  do  bring  agaiiift  us  to  prove  us  Schifmaticks. 


CHAP.  IL 


Discourse  II.        of  ths  Church  of  England 


55 


CHAP    II. 

7he  fiating  of  the  Quejiion ,  what  is  Schifm  ?  who  are  Schi- 
fmatichj  ?  and  what  is  fignified  by  the  Church  of  England  in 
this  Quejiion  ? 

Every  fudden  paflionate  heat ,  or  mifunderftanding ,  or  fhaking  of  charity 
amongit  Chriftians  ,  though  it  were  even  between  the  principal  Paftors  of  the 
Church ,  is  not  prefently  Schifm  ■■,  As  that  between  St.  Paul  and  Barnabof  in 
the  Ads  of  the  Apoftles,  who  dare  fay  that  either  of  them  were  Schifinaticks  >  or 
that  between  St.  Hierom  and  Rufitiut ,  who  charged  one  another  mutually  with  Ht* 
refie :  Or  that  between  St.  Chryjbjiome  and  Epiphanius  ,  who  refufed  to  joyn  in  Pray- 
ers V  St.  Chryfojhme  wi(hing  that  Epiphanius  might  never  return  home  alive  i  And 
Epiphanm  wittnagthzt  St.  Chryfojiomemi§,ht  not  dye  z  Bi{hop:  both  which  things 
by  the  juft  difpofition  of  Almighty  God ,  fell  out  according  to  the  paflionate  and 
uncharitable  delires  of  thefe  holy  perfons ,  who  had  Chriftian  Charity  ftill  radicated 
in  their  hearts,  though  the  violent  torrent  of  fudden  paffion  did  for  the  tim^  bear 
down  all  other  refpefts  before  it.  Thefe  were  butperfonal  heats,  which  refle(3:ed 
not  upon  the  publick  Body  of  the  Church ,  to  which  they  were  all  ever  ready  to 
fubmit,  and  in  which  none  of  them  did  ever  attempt  to  make  a  party  ,  by  gather- 
ing Difciples  to  himfelf.  Such  a  paffionate  heat  is  aptly  ftiled  by  the  Holy  Ghoft , 
n^t'"f^og^  zparoxyfme  ^  or  a  (harp  fit  of  a  feaverifh  diftemper,  which  a  little  time , 
without  any  other  application,  will  infallibly  remedy. 

Secondly  ,  every  premeditated  claflung  of  Bifliops  or  Churches  about  points  of 
Doftrine  or  Difcipline  long  and  refolutely  maintained ,  is  not  prefently  criminous 
Schifm  V  fb  long  as  they  forbear  tocenfure  and  condemn  one  another,  and  to  ex- 
pel one  another  from  their  Communion,  and  are  ready  to  fubmit  to  the  Determina- 
tions of  a  General  Council.  Such  were  the  contentions  of  the  Koman  and  African 
Bifhops  about  Rebaptiiation  and  Appeals.  It  were  hard  to  fay  ,  that  thofe  Two 
blelTed  Saints ,  Cyprian  ind  At^ine  ^  and  all  thofe  pious  Prelates  who  joyned  with 
Aem ,  lived  and  dyed  Schifmaticks.  With  this  general  truth  agrees  that  of  Dodlor 
JJoldm  fully ,  that  rehen  there  is  a  mutual  divifwn  of  two  parts  or  members  of  the  myfti- 
cal  body  of  the  Church  ,  one  from  the  other ,  yet  both  retain  Communion  with  the  Vniver- 
fal  Church  ,  which  for  the  mojlpart  flings  from  fame  doubtful  opinion  ,  or  lefs  neceffary 
fart  of  Divine  Worfhip  i  ^tarmunque  partem  amplexus  fuerU^  Schifmaticm  mn  audier  , 
tjuippe  quod  Vniverfa  Ecclefia  neutram  damnarit  i  whatfoever  part  one  takff,  he  is  no  Schif- 
maticl^,^  becaufe  the  Vniverfal  Church  hath  condemned  neither  part.  Whether  he  hold 
himfelf  to  this  principle,  or  defcrt  it ,  it  is  not  my  purpofe  here  to  difcufs. 

But  this  is  much  founder  Dodrrine  than  that  of  Mr.  Knott ,  that  the  parts  of  the 
CliUTch  cannot  he  divided  one  from  another  ,  except  they  be  divided  from  the  whole  ,  be- 
caufe thefe  things  which  are  united  to  one  third ,  are  united  alfo  between  themfelves. 
Which  error  he  would  feem  to  have  fucked  from  Dodtor  Totter  ,  whom  he  either 
would  not ,  or  at  leaft  did  not,  underftandv  That  whofoever  profeffeih  himfelf  to  for- 
faki  the  Communion  of  any  one  member  of  the  Body  ofChrift  ,  muft  confefi  himfelf  confc 
quently  to  forfak^  the  whole.  Of  which  he  makes  this  ufe ,  That  Proteflants  forfake 
the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome :  And  yet  do  confefs  it  to  be  a  member  of 
the  Body  of  Chrift  ■■>  therefore  they  forfake  the  Communion  of  the  whole  Church. 
The  Anfwer  is  eaGe  ,  that  whofoever  doth  feparate  himfelf  from  any  part  of  the 
Catholick  Church  ,  as  it  is  a  part  of  the  Catholick  Church,  doth  feparate  himfelf 
from  every  part  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  and  confequently  &om  the  Univerfal 
Church,  which  hath  no  exiflence,but  in  its  parts. 

But  if  one  part  of  the  Univerfal  Church  do  feparate  it  felf  from  another  part ,  not 
Abfolutely,  or  in  Eflentials,  but  Refpedively,  in  Abufes  and  Innovations ,  not  as  it 
is  a  part  of  the  Univerfal  Church ,  but  onely  fb  far  as  it  is  corrupted  and  degene- 
rated i  it  doth  ftill  retain  a  Communion  ,   not  onely  with  the  Catholick  Church  , 

and 


Every  paffio- 
nate heat  not 
Schifai 


Ecclefianical 
quarrels  of 
long  continu- 
ance Dot  al- 
ways Schifm. 


Nen,  HoMin 
Append,  it 
Schifm-  An,f, 

nt'  484- 


Infidelity  uB- 
mssked,  Seft. 
175.pag.s9iJ 

Hempag.Si^' 


-^^ "^  A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  11. 


and  with  all  Orthodox  Members  of  the  Catholick  Church ,  but  even  with  that  cor- 
rupted Church  from  whicli  it  is  feparated,  except  onely  in  corruptions.  We  may 
well  inlarge  the  former  ground ,  that  if  Two  particular  Churches  {hall  feparate 
themfclves  one  from  another  ■,  And  the  one  retain  a  communion  with  the  Univerfal 
Church,  and  be  ready  to  fubmit  to  the  Determination  thereof i  and  the  other  re- 
nounce the  Communion  of  the  Univerfal  Church,  and  contumacioufly  delpife  the 
Jurifdidlion  and  the  Decrees  thereof^  the  former  continues  Catholick  ,  and  the  later 
becomes  Schifmatical.  To  {hew  that  this  is  our  prefent  condition  with  the  Church 
of  Kmw,  is  in  part  the  Scope  of  this  Treati{e.  They  have  fubjedled  Oecumenical 
Councils ,  which  are  the  Sovereign  Tribunals  of  the  Church ,  to  the  Jurifdidion  of 
the  Papal  Court.  And  we  are  mo{l:  ready  in  all  our  Differences  to  ftand  to  the 
judgment  of  the  truly  Catholick  Church,  and  its  lawful  Reprefentative ,  a  free  Ge- 
neral Council. 

But  we  are  not  willing  to  have  their  virtual  Church ,  that  is ,  the  Court  of  Rome, 
obtruded  upon  us  for  the  Catholick  Church ,  nor  a  partial  Synod  of  Italians  for  a 
free  General  Council. 

Thirdly  ,  there  may  be  an  aftual  and  criminous  feparation  of  Churches  which 
ters'may  bT     formerly  did  joyn  in  one  and  the  fame  Communions  and  yet  the  Separaters  be  in- 
free  from         nocent ,  and  the  perfons  from  whom  the  feparation  is  made  be  nocent  and  guilty  of 
Schifm,and     Schifm,  becaufe  they  gave  ]uti  caufe  of  {eparation  from  them.     It  is  not  the  fepara- 
tiie  ether  par-  ^j^^  ^  ^^^  ^1^^  ^^^^-^  ^  ^^^^^  makes  the  Schifm.     St.  Taitl  himfelf  made  fuch  a  fepa- 
Aft.  19. 9-       ration  among  his  Difciples;  And  limothy  is  expreily  commanded,  that  if  arty  man 
I  Tim,  6.  $.      did  teach  othervPtfe  ,  and  confented  not  to  whokfom  words ,  even  to  the  reords  of  our  Lord 
Jefuf  Chriji ,  and  to  the  Vodrine  which  is  according  to  Codlineji  ,    «»'c«ff»  airi  t«f  to»to»  ,' 
JVithdraro  thy  felf,  (land  aloof,  or  feparate  thy  felf ,  from  fuch  perfons.     It  is  true , 
that  they  who  firil  defert  and  forfakc  the  Communion  of  their  Chri{lian  Brethren , 
are  Schifmaticks ,  but  there  is  a  moral  defection  as  well  as  local  :  It  is  no  Schifm  to 
•  -    .  forfake  them ,  who  have  fir{l  themfelves  forfaken  the  common  Faith ;  wherein  we 

j^cj_^^^^jjjjj.  have  the  confeilion  of  our  Adverfaries,  "fhey   who  firft  feparated  themfelves   from  the 
eil.Ch.  7.Seft.  primitive  pure  Church,  and  brought  in  corruptions  in  Faith  ,  Traitice  ,  Liturgy  ,  and  uje 
ua.  pjg.jj4.  of  Sacraments  ,  may  truly  be  fiid  to  have  been  Hereticlq  ,   ly  departing  from  the  pure 
faith  '■>  and  Schifmaticks ,  by   dividing  themfelves  from  the  external  Communion  of  the 
true  uncorrupted  Church.     It  is  no  Schi{m  to   feparate  from  Hereticks  and  Schifma- 
ticks in  their  Herefie  and  Schifm.     This  is  all  the  crime  which  they  can  objed:  to  us. 
The  Court  of  Home  would  have  obtruded  upon  us  new  articles  of^  Faith ,   we  have 
rejeded  them  i  They  introduced  unlawful  rites  into  the  Liturgies  of  the  Church , 
andufeofthe   Sacraments,  we  have  reformed  them  for  our  (elves  i  They  went 
about  to  violate  the  Jufi;  Liberties  and  Priviledges  of  our  Church  ,  we  have  vindica- 
ted them.     And  for  (b  doing,  they  have  by  their  Cenfures  and  Bulls  (eparatedus, 
and  chafed  us  from  their  Communion.     Where  lies  the  Schifm  ? 
To  withdraw        Fourthly,  to  withdraw  obedience  from  a  particular  Church,  or  from  a  lawful 
obedience  IS     Superior ,  is  not  alwayes  criminous  Schifm.     Particular  Churches  may  fometimes 
crinunoi^^*     err  ,  and  fometimes  clafli  with  the  Univerfal  Church.     Patriarchs  and  other -fobor- 
Schifm.  dinate  Superiors  may  err  ,  and  fometimes  abufe  their  Authority  ,  fometii;ties  forfeit 

their  Authority ,  fometimes  difclaim  their  Authority  ,  or  ufurp  more  Authority  than 
ldempag.481.  is  due  unto  them  by  the  Canons.  They  would  perfwade  us  ,  that  obedience  is  to  be 
yielded  to  a  Church  determining  errors  in  points  not  fundamental.  But  they  confound 
obedience  of  acquiefcence  with  obedience  of  conformity'.  They  forget  willingly 
that  we  acknowledge  not  that  they  ever  had  any  lawful  Authority  over  us-,  par  in 
parem  not  habet  poteftatem.  Equals  have  no  Jurifdidion  over  their  equals.  The  one- 
ly difficulty  is ,  that  this  feems  to  make  Inferiors  Judges  of  their  Superiors,  the 
flock  of  their  Pa{tor ,  the  Clergy  of  their  Bifhop  ,  the  Eifhop  of  his  Metropoli- 
tan ,  the  Metropolitan  of  his  Patriarch  i  whereas  in  truth  it  onely  gives  them  a 
Judgment  of  difcretion  ,  and  makes  themnot  to  be  Judges  of  their  Superiors  ,  but 
onely  to  be  their  own  Judges,  yi/w  moder amine  inculpate  tuteU ,  to  preferve  them- 
felves from  Sin  or  Herefie  obtruded  upon  them  under  the  fpecious  pretences  of  Obe- 
dience and  Charity,  This  is  not  ^f/iwre ,  hat  profiicere  i  not  to  renounce  due  obe- 
dience to  their  lawful  Superiors,  but  to  provide  for  their  own  fafety. 

Some 


Discourse  1 1.       Of  the  Church  of  England. 


^7 


Some  things  are  fo  evident,  that  the  Judgment  cf  the  Church  or  a  Superior  is 
not  needful.  Some  things  have  been  already  judged  and  defined  by  the  Church  and 
need  no  new  determination.  ' 

If  a  Superior  prefumc  to  determine  contrary  to  the  determination  of  the  Church 
it  is  not  Rebellion,  but  Loyalty ,to  difobey  him.  ' 

When  Emomius  the  Arrian  was  made  Biihop  ,  not  one  of  his  Flock,  rich  or  poor    Tteod  i  4 
young  or  old,  man  or  woman,  would  communicate  with  him  in  the  publick  Ser-  '4-    '        ' 
vice  of  God  ,  but  left  him  to  Officiate  alone.     When  Nejioriuf  did  firft  publifli  his 
Herefie  in  the  Church  in  thefe  words,  If  any  man  caU  the  Virgin  Mary  the  Mother  of 
God  ,  let  him  he  accurfed  ■■,  the  people  made  a  noife ,  ran  out  of  the  Church     and   *v"'''  '^'  ^' 
refufed  ever  after  to  communicate  with  him.     Valentinian  the  Emperor  (hunned  the  ^^''''fl""""- 
communion  of  Sixm  the  Third.  Many  of  the  Koman  Clergy  withdrew  themfelves  ^"w-  2*  ^'  t. 
from  the  communion  of  Analiafius  their  Bifhop ,   becaufe  he  had  communicated  ^""'' 
with  the  Jcaclans.     Knjiim  znd  Sebajiianuf  ^  Two  of  the  Pope's  chiefeft  Deacons   Fti't^/'A 
did  not  onely  themfelves  forbear  the  tommunion  of  Vtgilius ,  but  drew  with  them  a  Lihd.^ad" 
good  part  of  the  Church  of  'Kome^  and  other  Occidental  Churches.  Maurit  apud 

It  cannot  be  denied  ,  but  that  among  many  examples  of  this  kind  ,  fome  are  re-   ^'"^' "'  ^'o""* 
prehenfible ,  not  becaufe  they  did  arrogate  to  themfelves  a  Liberty  which    they  *^°* "" 
had   not,    but  becaufe   they  abufed   that    Liberty   which  they  had,  either   bv 
iniltaking  the  matter  of  fi& ,  or  by  prefuming  too  much  upon  their  own  judge- 
ments. 

To  prevent  which  inconveniencies ,  the  Eighth  Synod  decreed  ,  not  by  way  of 
cenfure ,  but  of  caution  ,  as  a  prefervative  from  (iich  abufes  for  the  future  ,  that  no 
Cler\^  before  diligent  examination  and  Synodical  fentence ,  fiould  feparate  himfelf  from  the  *•  Sjn.  c.  to. 
communion  of  his  proper  Bijhap  ,  m  Bijhop  of  his  Metropolitan  ,   no  Metropolitan  of  his 
Patriarch. 

Then  what  is  Schifm  ?  Schifin  fignifies  a  criminous  fciflure ,  rent ,  or  divificn  in 
the  Church  ,  an  Ecclefiaftical  Sedition  ,  like  to  a  mutiny  in  an  Army,   or  a  fadtion  c^hy"  ''"^'^ 
in  a  State.     Therefore  fuch  ruptures  are  called  by  the  ApolUe    indifferently      x'M^-m  i  Cor?i.  lo 
or  fix'^^oit"  SchifmSjOr  feditious  fegregations  of  an  aggregate  body  into  Two  oppo-  »  Cor',  g.  3.' 
lite  parties.   And  there  feems  to  me  to  be  the  fame  difference  between  Herefie  pro- 
perly fo  called  ,  and  Schifm ,  which  is  between  an  inward  ficknefs ,  and  an  out- 
ward wound  or  ulcer.     Herefie  floweth  from  the  corruption  of  Faith    within  i 
Schifm  is  an  exteriour  breach ,  or  a  folution  of  continuity  in  the  body  Ecclefiaftick. 
Confider  then  by  what  Nerves  and  Ligaments  the  Body  of  the    Church  is  united 
and  knit  together ,  and  by  fo  many  manner  of  ruptures  it  may  be  Schifmatically  rent 
or  divided  afunder. 

The  Communion  of  the  Chriftian  Catholick  Church  is  partly  Internal,  partly  Ex-  wh     '    r 
ternal.     The  Internal  Communion  confifts  principally  in  thefe  things  :  To  believe  tcrnalCom-* 
the  fame  intire  fubftance  of  faving  necelTary  Truth  revealed  by  the  Apoftles  ,  and  to  niunion  doth 
be  ready  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  the  mind  to  embrace  all  other  fupernatu-  *^°°'''** 
ral  verities  when  they  fhall  be  fufficiently  propofed  to  them  •,  To  judge  charitably 
one  of  another  i  To  exclude  none  from  the  Catholick  Communion  and  hope  of 
Salvation ,  either  Eaflern  ,  or  Weftern  ,  or   Southern ,  or  Northern  Chriftians 
which  profefs  the  Ancient  Faith  of  the  Apoftles  and  Primitive  Fathers ,  eftabliflied  in 
the  firft  General  Councils,  and  comprehended    in  the  Apojhlick^  Nicene  and  Atha- 
ftafian  Creeds  ■■,  To  rejoyce  at  their  well-doing  ,  To  forrow  for  their  fins  ,  To  con- 
dole with  them  in  their  fufFerings ,  To  pray  for  their  conftant  perfeverance  in  the 
true  Chriftian  Faith  ,  For  their  redudion  from  all  their  refpedive  errors,   and  their 
re-union  to  the  Church  in  cafe  they  be  divided  from  it ,   that  we  may  be  all  one 
flieep-fold  under  that  One  Great  Shepherd  and  Bifhop  of  our  Souls  ;     And  Laftly 
to  hold  an  adual  External  Communion  with  them  in  Votif  ,  in  our  defires  '  and  to 
endeavour  it  by  all  thofe  means  which  are  in  our  power.     This  Internal  Communi- 
on is  of  abfolute  necelfity  among  all  Catholicks. 

External  Communion  confifts  rirft  in  the  fame  Creeds ,  or  Symbols,  or  Confe/li-  t«-Dal^commuI 
ons  of  Faith,  which  are  the  ancient  badges  or  cogniiances  of  Chriftianity.     Se-  niondothcMl 
condly,  in  the  participation  of  the  fame  Sacraments.     Thirdly  ,  in  the  fame  ex-  f!"^- 
ternal  Worfhip  and  frequent  ufe  of  the  fame  Divine  Offices .  or  Liturgies  .  or  Forms 


of 


"^S 


A  Jnji  Vindication 


TOME  1 


that  is,  a 
the  Head  of  the  Uni- 


of  fervin^'  God.  fourthly  ,  in  the  ute  ot  the  fume  pubhck  Kites  and  CercmonKs. 
Fifthly  in  giving  communicatory  Letters  from  one  Church  ,  or  one,  perfon  to  ano- 
ther And  Laftly,  in  admilHon  of  the  fame  Difcipline,  and  fubjedtion  to  the  fame 
Supream  Ecclefiaftical  Authority  ,  that  is  ,  Epifcopacy ,  or  a  General  Council :  for 
=,<:  Lcle  Bifhops  are  the  Heads  of  particular  Cliurches  i  fo  Epifcopacy, 
General  Council , 
verfal  Church.  _  . 

Internal  communion  is  due  alwayesfrom  all  ChriftiJns  to  all  Chnftians,  even  to 
thofe  with  whom  we  cannot  communicate  externally  in  many  things ,  whether  cre- 
ExterpalCom*  ^^^^  ^  ^^  agenda  ,  Opinions,  or  Pradices.  But  external  adual  communion  may 
miinton  maT  ^^^^^^j'^^gg  ^^  fufpended  more  or  lefs  by  the  juft  cenfures  of  the  Church  ,  cUve  no>t 
errante.  As  in  the  primitive  times  (bme  were  excluded  a  coetn  farticipantium  ,  onely 
from  the  u(c  of  the  Sacraments  v  others  moreover,  a  rxtjt  procumbemium  ^  both 
from  Sacraments  and  Prayers  v  others  alfo ,  a  cxtu  audientinm  ,  from  Sacraments , 
Prayers,  and  Sermons i  and  LalUy,  (bme,  a  ccetH  fidelium,  from  the  (bciety  of 
Chriltians.  And  as  external  Communion  may  be  fufpended  ,  fo  likewife  it  may 
Ibmetimes  be  waved  or  withdrawn  by  particular  Churches  or  perfons  from  their 
neighbour-Churches  or  Chriftians  in  their  innovations  and  errors.  Efpccially  when 
they  go  about  to  obtrude  new  fancies  upon  others  for  fundamental  Truths  and  old 
Articles  of  Faith.  Chriftian  Charity  is  not  blind,  fo  as  not  to  diftinguifli  the  integral 
and  dfential  parts  of  the  Body  from  fuperfluous  wens  and  excrefcences.  The  Ca- 
nons do  not  oblige  Chriftlans  to  the  arbitrary  Didates  of  a  Patriarch ,  or  to  fuck  in 
There  is  not  all  his  errors  ,  like  thofe  fervile  flatterers  of  Vionyftus  the  5?ci/i«« Tyrant ,  who  lick- 
the  like  nccef-  ^j  yp  h|g  ye^y  fpettle ,  and  protelkd  it  was  more  fweet  than  Nedar. 


munion  may 
be  fufpendcil 


Ami  with- 
drawn. 


fity  of  commu 
nicacjng  in  all 
Cxccrnalf. 


Chriftian 
Commuoion 
implies  not  It 
nity  inallOpi. 
niont. 


Neither  is  there  the  like  degree  of  obligation  to  an  exadl  Communion  in  all  Ex- 
ternals. There  is  not  fo  great  conformity  to  be  expedted  in  Ceremonies ,  as  in  the 
EffentialS  of  Sacraments,  ( the  Queens  Daughter  was  arrayed  in  a  garment  wrought 
about  with  divers  colours  )  nor  in  all  Sacraments  improperly  and  largely  fo  called 
by  fome  perfons  at  fome  times ,  as  in  Baptifm  and  the  Holy  Eucharift ,  which  by 
the  confent  of  all  parties  are  more  general ,  more  neceffary  ,  more  principal  Sacra- 
ments. Neither  is  fo  exadt  an  harmony  and  agreement  ncceflary  in  all  the  explica- 
tions of  Articles  of  Faith  ,  as  in  the  Articles  themfelves  v  nor  in  Superftrudions, 
as  in  Fundamentals  i  nor  in  Scholaflical  Opinions  ,  as  in  Catechetical  grounds.  Nor 
fo  rtrid  and  perpetual  an  adherence  required  to  a  Particular  Church  ,  as  to  the  llni- 
verfal  Church  ■-,  nor  to  an  Ecclefialtical  Conftitution  ,  as  to  a  Divine  Ordinance,  or 
Apoftolical  Tradition.  Humane  priviledges  may  be  loft  by  difufe ,  or  by  abufe. 
And  that  which  was  advifedly  eftabliflied  by  Humane  Authority ,  may  by  the  fame 
Authority  upon  fufficient  grounds  and  mature  deliberation  be  more  adviledly  abro- 
gated. As  the  limits  and  diftindions  of  Provinces  and  Patriarchates  were  at  firft 
introduced  to  comply  with  the  civil  Government,  according  to  the  diftribution  of 
the  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire ,  for  the  prelervation  of  Peace  and  Unity  ,  and 
for  the  eale  and  benefit  of  Chriftians ,  fo  they  have  been  often ,  and  may  now  be, 
changed  by  Sovereign  and  Synodical  Authority ,  according  to  the  change  of  the 
Empire ,  for  the  peace  and  benefit  of  Chriftendom. 

Neither  the  Rules  of  prudence ,  nor  the  Laws  of  Piety ,  do  oblige  particular 
,  Churches  or  Chriltians  to  communicate  in  all  opinions  and  pradices  with  thole 
particular  Churches  or  Chriftians  with  whom  they  hold  Catholick  Communion. 
The  Komaii  and  African  Churches  held  good  communion  one  with  another,  whileft 
they  differed  both  in  judgment  and  pradice  about  rebaptization.  Cannot  one 
hold  communion  with  the  Fathers  that  were  Chiliafts ,  except  he  turn  Mille- 
nary ? 

The  Britifli  Churches  were  never  judged  Schifmatical ,  becaule  they  differed  from 
the  reft  of  the  Weft  about  the  obfervation  of  Eafter.  We  fee  that  all  the  famous 
and  principal  Churches  of  the  Chriftian  World ,  Grecian^  "Roman  ^  Troujiant  ^  Ar- 
menian ^  Abijjene  ^  have  their  peculiar  differences  one  with  another,  and  each  of 
them  among  themfelves.  And  though  I  am  far  from  believing ,  that  when  Logo- 
machies are  taken  away ,  their  real  dilTentions  are  half  fo  numerous  ,  or  their  errors 
half  fo  foul,  as  they  are  painted  out  by  their  Adverfaries  i  (  emulation  was  never 

equal 


Discourse  II.        Of  the  Chmch  of  EnsJ^nd^  ^o 

equal  Judge , )  And  though  I  hope  Chrift  will  fay,  Come  ye  hlejfed,  to  many, 
whom  fiery  Zealots  are  ready  to  turn  away  with  Go  ye  curfed^  yet  to  hold  communi^ 
on  with  them  all  in  all  things ,  is  neither  lawful,  nor  poiiible. 

Yea,  if  any  particular  Patriarch ,  PreUte,  Church,  or  Churches,  how  eminent 
foever ,  {hall  endeavour  to  obtrude  their  own  fingularities  upon  others  for  Catho- 
lick  verities ,  or  (hall  enjoyn  finful  Duties  to  their  Subjetfts,  or  (Tiall  violate  the  un- 
doubted priviledges  of  their  Inferiors,  contrary  to  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers--,  It  is 
very  lawful  for  their  own  Subjecits  to  difobey  them  ,  and  for  ftrangers  to  (eparatc 
from  them.     And  if  either  the  one  or  the  other  have  been  drawn  to  partake  of  their 
errors ,  upon  pretence  of  Obedience,  or  of  Catholick  communion  ,  they  may  with- 
out the  guilt  of  Schifm  ,  nay  they  ought,  to  reform  themfelves,  fo  as  it  be  done  by 
lawful  Authority  ,  upon  good  grounds ,  with  due  moderation  ,   without  excefs, 
or  the  violation  of  Charity  :  And  fo  as  the  feparation  from  them  be  not  total     but 
onely  in  their  errors  and  innovations  i  nor  perpetual ,  but  onely  during  their  di- 
ftempers.     As  a  man  might  leave  his  Fathers ,  or  his  Brothers  Houle  being  infeded 
with  the  Plague ,  with  a  purpofe  to  return  thither  again  fofoon  as  it  was  cleaned. 
This  is  no  more  than  what  Gerfon  hath  taught  us  in  limdry  places  :  Tt  is  latvful  by 
the  Lan>  of  Nature  to  refift  the  tnji^ry  and  violence  of  a  Pope.     And,  If  any  onejhould 
convert  his  Papal  Dignity  to  be  an  injiriment  of  tvick^dneji  to  the  deJiruCiion  of  any  part  of  ^'^'  'J!?'''  V^* 
the  Church  in  Temp'oralitief ,  or  Spiritualities  ;  And  if  there  appears  no  other  remedy  but  ^[ibde  '^tfer. 
by  n^ithdrarpin^  ones  felf  from  the  obedience  of  fuch  a  ragingporver,  until   the  Church  or- a  Pa'p.Conf.i^'. 
Council  pall  provide  otherrvife  ■■,  it  if  latvful.     He    adds   farther,  Ihat   it  is  lawful  to  Petnii.  Eech 
fight  hisfentences  ,  yea  to  tear  them  in  pieces ,  and  throne  them  at  his  head.  Ccitsf.  lo. 

BeVarmine  in  effeQ:  faith  as  much  i  As  it  is  lawful  to  refiji  the  Pope^  if  he  JJjould  in-  Lib.i.ieR«m. 
vade  our  bodies  •■,  So  is  it  lawful  to  refji   him   invading  nf  fouls ^  or  troubling  the   Com-  Poft.ciyP'' 
monwealth:  And  much  more  if  he  pould  endeavour  to  defiroy  the  Church  i  IJ'ay  it  is  law-    ■    ..  j  .iv.V;:3' 
ful  to  reffr  him  by  not  doing  that  which  he  commands ,   and  by  hindering  him  fr:im  putting      '^t  •"  •?  •*•»'•> 
his  will  in  execution.     We  ask  no  more.     The  Pope  invaded   our  fouls  by  exadfino- 
new  Oaths  ,  and  obtruding  new  Articles    of  Faith.     He  troubled  the  Common^ 
wealth  with  his  extortions  and  ufurpations  :  He  deftroyed  the  Church  by  his  Provi- 
fions ,  Refervations ,  exemptions,  &c.  we  did  not  judge  him  ,  or  punilh  him     or 
depofehim,  or  Exerciftany  jurifdidionover  himi  but  onely  defended  ourfelves 
byguarding  his  blows,  and  repelling  his  injuries. 

I  may  not  here  forget  St.  Jgnatiw  the  Patriarch  o£  Confiantinopk ,  whom  Pope 
John  the  Eighth  excommunicated  for  detaining  the  Jurisdiction  of  Bulgaria  from 
the  See  of  Rome  :  But  he  difobeyed  the  Popes  cenfures,  as  did  alfo  his  Succeflbrs, 
and  yet  was  reputed  a  Saint  after  his  death  i  whom  Baronius  excufeth  in  this  man- 
ner ,  Neque  eji  ut  puis  oh  litem  hanc^  &c,  Ln  no  man  thinks  that  for  this  controverfie  Ig-  Bar.  Turn.  fo. 
natius  wof  either  difafeS^d  to  the  Roman  See^  or  ingrateful,  feeing  he  did  but  defend  the  an.  878.  n.  420 
Rights  of  his  own  Church ,  to  which  he  WM  bound  by  Oath  under  pain  of  eternal  damna- 
tion.    If  it  be  not  onely  lawful  but  necefiary  (  in  the  Judgment    of  Baronius )  yea 
neceffary  under  the  pain  of  damnation,  for  every  Bifhop  to  defend  the  rights  of  his 
particular  See ,  againft  the  incroachments  and  ufurpations  of  the  Reman  Bifhop  , 
and  to  contemn  his  cenfures  in  that  cafe  as  invalid  ;  How  much  more  is  it  lawful , 
yea  neceflary,  for  all  the  Bifhopsin  the  world  to  maintain  the  right  of  their  whole 
Order,  and  of  Epifcopacy  it  felf,  againft  the  opprelfions  of  the  Court  of  Row? , 
which  would  fwallow  up,  or  rather  hath  fwal lowed  up,  all  original  Jurifdidtion 
and  the  whole  power  of  the  Keys.     From  this  Dodrine  Dr.  Holden  doth  not  dilTenf,  AppenJ.  tti 
Non  tamen  is  ergo  fum ,  &c.  Tet  I  am   not  he  who  dare   affirm ,   that  difeafes  and  bad  Scbijmat, 
manners  and  humours  may  not  fometimes  be  mingled  in  any  Society  or  Body  tvbatfoever  i  ^"'^  ^'f'  ^    *' 
yea  J  confejl  that  fuch  kjnds  of  faults  are  fometimes  to  be  plucked  up  by  the  roots  ,  and  the 
over-luxurious  branches  to  be  f rimed  away  with  the  hook^     It  is  true,  he  would  not 
have  this  Reformation  in  Eflential  Articles  ,  (  we  offered  not  to  touch  them  )  nor 
without  the  confent  of  lawful  Superiors:  we  had  the  free  and  deliberate  confent  of 
all  our  Superiors  both  Civil  and  Ecclefiaflical.     A  little  after  he  adds,  J confef! alfo, 
thit  particular  and  Of  it  were  private  abufes  ^  which  have  onely  infe&ed  fame  certain  per- 
fons  or  Churchy  whether  Epifcopal  or    Archiepifcopal  ,    or    National.,  may  he   tah^n 
away  by  the  care  and  diligence  of  that  particular  Coagt-egation  :  we  attempted  no  more. 

We 


6o 


A  Juft  Vjndicatwn 


TOME  I. 


Thf  fottsof 
Schifin. 


WlMt  the  Ca- 
tholick 
Church  figni- 
fies. 

Ctllat.  earth. 
Ctl.i-n.too. 


Each  member 
oftheCatho- 
Ikk  Church  is 
Catholickin* 
clufivcly. 


Schifm  ii 
changeable. 


And  for  the 
moft  part 
complicated 
with  Heretical 
pravity. 


We  fee  then  what  meer  Schifm  is  :  a  culpable  rupture  or  breach  of  the  Catholick 
communion  ,  A  loofing  of  the  band  of  peace,  a  violation  of  Chriftian  charity,  a 
diffolving  of  the  Unity  and  Continuity  of  the  Church  i  And  how  this  crime  may 
be  committed  inwardly,  by  temerarious  and  uncharitable  judgment  i  when  a  man 
thinks  thus  with  himfelf ,  Stand  from  me  ^  for  J  am  holier  than  thou  :  By  lack  of  a 
true  Chriftian  Sympathy  or  fellow-feeling  of  the  wants  and  fuiferings  of  our  Chri- 
ftian Brethren;  By  not  wifliing  and  defiring  the  peace  of  Chriftendom,  and  the  re- 
union of  the  Catholick  Church  :  By  not  contributing  our  prayers  and  endeavours 
for  the  fpeedy  knitting  together  and  confolidating  ot  that  broken  bone  :  And  out- 
wardly, by  rejcding  the  true  badges  and  cognifances  of  Chriftians,  that  is,  the  anci- 
ent Creeds :  By  feparating  a  mans  felf  without  fulficient  ground  from  other  Chrifti- 
ans in  the  participation  of  the  fame  Sacraments ,  or  in  the  ufe  of  the  fame  Divine 
Offices  and  Liturgies  of  the  Church  ,  and  publick  Worfhip  and  Service  of  Al- 
mighty God ,  or  of  the  fame  common  Rights  and  Ceremonies :  By  refufing  to  give 
communicatory  Letters  to  Catholick  Orthodox  Chriftians :  By  not  admitting  the 
fame  Difcipline  ,  and  by  denying  and  withdrawing  our  obedience  unlawfully  from 
lawful  Superiors ,  whether  it  be  the  Church  Univerfal ,  or  particular  ,  elTential  or 
reprefentative ,  or  any  fingle  Superior,  either  of  Divine  or  Humane  inftitution: 
By  feparating  of  themfelves  from  the  communion  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  as  the 
Novatiarts'i  or  by  reftraining  the  Catholick  Church  unto  themfelves,  zs  the  J)o»atiJls 
of  old,  and  the  Komanijis  at  this  day. 

what  the  Catholick  Church  fignitics ,  was  fufficiently  debated  between  the  Ca- 
tholick Bifhops,  and  the  Schilmatical  Vonatip  at  the  Colloquy  oi  CaTthage\  Nei- 
ther the  Church  of  Kome  in  Europe,  nor  the  Church  of  Cartenna  in  Affrkk,^  with 
the  feveral  Churches  of  their  refpedive  communions ,  but  the  whole  Church  of 
Chrifl  fpread  abroad  throughout  the  whole  World.  Afrorum  Chridiamrum  Catholi- 
corum  hxc  vox  eft ,  &c.  Ihts  is  the  voice .  of  the  Affrican  Catholick^ChriJiiam  ,  we  are 
jnyned  in  communion  with  the  ffhole  Chriftian  VTorld  >  Ihis  is  the  Church  vehich  we  have 
chojen  to  be  maintained,  &c. 

Now  the  Catholick  Church  being  tntum  homogeneum ,  every  particular  Church, 
and  every  particular  perfon  of  this  CatholicK  communion  doth  participate  of  the 
fame  name  inclufively ,  fo  as  to  be  juAly  called  Catholick  Churches ,  and  Catholick 
Chriftians  V  But  not  excluiively,  to  the  prejudice  or  fhutting  out  of  other  Church- 
es or  other  perfbns.  As  the  King  of  Spain  ftiles  himfelf ,  and  is  ftiled  by  others 
the  Catholick  King,  not  as  if  he  were  an  Univerfal  Monarch ,  or  that  there  were 
no  other  Sovereign  Princes  in  the  World  but  himfelf.  So  the  Church  of  Rome  is 
called  a  Catholick  Church  i  and  the  Bilhop  of  Kome ,  a  Catholick  Bifhop ;  And  yet 
other  Churches  and  other  Bifhops  maybe  as  Catholick,and  moreCathohck  than  they. 
I  like  the  name  of  Catholick  well,but  the  additionof  Rowjwis  in  truth  a  diminution. 

Schifm  for  the  moft  part  is  changeable ,  and  varies  its  Symptoms  as  the  Chama?- 
leon  colors.  As  it  was  faid  of  the  Schifm  of  the  Vonatifts ,  that  the  pafion  cf  a  dif- 
ordered  woman  brought  it  forth ,  ambition  nourifhed  it,  and  covetoufieft  confirmed  it.  And 
therefore  it  is  as  hard  a  task  to  fhape  a  Coat  for  Schifmaticks ,  as  for  the  Moon  , 
which  changeth  its  fhape  every  day.  The  reafon  is ,  becaufe  having  once  defcrted 
the  Catholick  communion,  they  find  no  beaten  path  to  walk  in  ,  but  are  like  men 
running  down  a  fteep  hill  that  cannot  ftay  themfelves,  or  like  fick  perfons  that  tofs 
and  turn  themfelves  continually  from  one  fide  of  their  bed  to  the  other,  fearching 
for  that  rcpofe  which  they  do  not  find.  Hence  it  comes  to  pafs,  that  Schifm  is  ve- 
ry rarely  found  for  any  long  fpace  of  time  without  fome  mixture  of  Heretical  pra- 
vity ,  it  being  the  ufe  of  Schifmaticks  to  broach  fome  new  Dodrine  for  the  better 
juftification  of  their  feparatioii  from  the  Church.  Heretical  errors  in  point  of  Faith 
do  eafily  produce  a  Schifm  and  Separation  of  Chriftians  one  from  another  in  the  life 
of  the  Sacraments ,  and  in  the  pyblick  Service, of  God  j  As  the  Artan  Herefie  pro- 
duced a  different  Doxology  in  the  Church  v  T:he  Orthodox  Chriftian  faying ,  Glory 
be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Ghoft:  And  the  Heretical  Arian, 
Glory  be  to  the  Father,  by  the  Son  ,  in  the  Spirit.  So  of  later  times ,  the  opinions  of 
the  lawfulnefs  of  detaining  the  cup  from  the  Laity ,  and  of  the  necelfity  of  adoring 
the  Sacrament ,  have  by  confequence  excluded  the  Proteftants  from  the  participa- 

tjoo 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Church  of  Enghnd. 


6i 


Fourwavfsro 
become  Here- 
tical. 


tion  of  the  Eucharift  in  the  Koman  Church;     Thus  Herefic    doth    naturally    de- 
ftroy  Unity  and   Uniformity  :    That  is  one  Symptome  of  Schifin. 

But  it  delboyes  Order  alfo  ,  and  the  due  iubordination  of  a  flock  to  their  lawful 
Pallor  ,  nothing  being  more  common  with  Hereticks  ,  than  to  contemn  their  old 
Guides,  and  to  choole  to  themfelves  new  Teachers  of  their  own  fadions,  and  fo 
ered  an  altar  againft  an  altar  in  the  Church  :  That  is  another  principal  branch  of 
Schifm.  So  a  different  faith  commonly  produceth  a  different  difcipline  ,  and  diffe- 
rent forms  of  worlhip. 

A  man  may  render  himlelf  guilty  of  Heretical  piravity  Four  wayes.    Firft,  by 
disbelieving  any  fundamental  Article  of  Faith  ,  or  necelTary  part  of  faving  Truth 
in  that  fenle  in  which  it  was  evermore  received  ahd  believed  by  the  Univerlal 
Church.     Secondly ,  by  believing  any  fuperllitious  errors  or  additions  which  do 
virtually  by  neceffary  and  evident  confequence  fubvert  the  Faith,  and  overthrow  a 
fundamental  Truth.     Thirdly ,  by  maintaining  lefTer  errors  obftinately ,  after  fuffi- 
cient  convidion.     Bift  becaufe  that  confequence  which  feems  clear  and  neceffary  to 
one  man,  may  feem  weak  and  obfcure  to  another  i  And  becaufe  we  cannot  pene- 
trate into  the  hearts  of  men ,  to  judge  whether  they  be  obflinate,  or  do  implicitely, 
and  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds,  believe  the  Truth  i  it  is  good  to  be  fparing 
and  referved  in  cenfuring  Hereticks  for  obfHnacy.     Fourthly,  by  maintaining  lefTtr 
errots  with  frowardnefs  and  oppoiltion  to  lawful  determinations.     Though  it  be 
not  in  the  power  of  any  Council,   or  of  all  the  Councils  in  the  World ,  to  make 
that  Truth  fundamental  which  was  not  fundamentals    or  to  make  that  propofition 
Heretical  in  it  felf,  which  was  not  Heretical  ever  from  the  dayes  of  the  Apoftles  •,  or 
to  increafe  the  necefTary  Articles  of  the  Chriftian  Faith,  either  in  number  or  fub- 
(tance  v  yet  when  inferior  Queftions  not  fundamental  are  once  defined  by  a  lawful 
General  Council,  All  Chriftians,though  they  cannot  afTent  in  their  judgments,  are  obli- 
ged to  paffive  obedience,to  pofTefs  their  fouls  in  patience.  And  they  who  fhalloppofe 
the  Authority,  &  difturb  the  peace  of  the  Church,deferve  to  be  punifhed  as  Hereticks. 
To  fum  up  all  that  hath  been  faid  i  Whofoever  doth  preferve  his  obedience  intire 
to  the  Univerfal  Church  ,  and  its  reprefentative  a  General  Council ,    and  to  all  his 
Superiors  in  their  due  order  ,  fo  far  as  by  Law  he  is  obliged  i  who  holds  an  internal 
communion  with  all  Chriftians  ,  and  an  external  communion  fo  far  as  he  can  with 
a  good  confcience  i  who  approves  no  Reformation  but  that  which  is  made  by  law- 
ful Authority ,    upon  fufficient  grounds ,  with  due  moderation  j  who  derives  his 
Chril^ianity  by  the  uninterrupted  Line  of  Apoftolical  SucceHioni  who  contents  him- 
ftlf  with  his  proper  place  in  the  Ecclefiaflical  Body  i  who  disbelieves  nothing  con- 
tained in  Holy  Scripture ,  and  if  he  hold  any  errors  unwittingly  and  unwillingly 
doth  implicitely  renounce  them  by  his  fuller  and  more  firm  adherence  to  that  infalli- 
ble Rule  i  who  believeth  and  pradifeth  all  thofe  credenda  and  agenda,  which  the  Uni- 
verfal Church  fpread  over  the  face  of  the  Eartli  doth  unanimoufly  believe  and  pra- 
ftife  as  necefTary  to  Salvation,  without  condemning  or  cenfuring  others  of  diffe- 
rent Judgment  from  himfelf  in  inferior  Queftions ,  without  obtruding  his  own  opi- 
nions upon  others  as  Articles  of  Faith  ■■,  who  is  implicitely  prepared  to  believe  and 
do  all  other  fpeculative  and  practical  Truths ,  when  they  fhall  be  revealed  to  him : 
And  in  fum  ,  qui  fententiam  diverfe  opinionU  vinculo  non  p-£ponit  unitatis ,  that  pre- 
fers not  a  fubtlety  or  an  imaginary  truth  before  the  bond  of  peace  i  He  may  fecurely  ^"^' 
fay  ,  My  name  is  Chrijlian ,  my  firmme  is  Catholick. 

From  hence  it  appeareth  plainly,  by  the  rule  of  contraries,  who  are  Schifma-  whoareSchi- 
ticks  i  whofoever  doth  uncharitably  make  ruptures  in  the  myftical  Body  of  Chril^ ,  fmaticks. 
or  fets  up  altar  againft  altar  in  his  Church,  or  withdraws  his  obedience  from  the 
Catholick  Church ,  or  its  reprefentative  a  General  Council ,  or  from  any  lawful 
Superiors ,  without  jult  grounds-,  whofoever  doth  limit  the  Catholick  Church  unto 
hisownSed,  excluding  all  the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  World  ,  by  new  Dodtrines , 
or  erroneous  cenfures ,  or  tyrannical  impofiticns  i  whofoever  holds  not  internal 
communion  with  all  Chriftians ,  and  external  alfo ,  fo  far  as  they  continue  in  a  Ca- 
tholick conftitution  i  whofoever  not  contenting  himfelf  with  his  due  place  in  the 
Church,  doth  attempt  to  ufurp  an  higher  place  ,  to  the  difordcr  and  difturbancc 
of  the  whole  body,  whofoever  takes  upon  him  to  reform  without  juft  Authority  ^ 

H  an4 


who  are  Ca- 
tholicks. 


Aug.  I.  2.  COM. 


-^^ ""^  \        A  Jufi  Vindication  TOME  I. 


and  Eood  grounds  ■■,  And  Laftly ,  whofoever  doth  wilfully  break  the  Line  of  Apo- 
llolic^l  SucccliJon  ,  which  is  the  very  nerves  and  lincws  of  Ecclefial^icaJ  unity  and 
communion ,  both  with  the  prefent  Church  ,  and  with  the  Catholick  Symbolical 
Churcli  of  a'll  fucccllive  Ages  j  He  is  a  Schifimtick  (  qua  talis ^ )  whether  he  be 
guilty  of  Heretical  pravity,  or  not. 

Now  having  fecn  who  are  Schifmaticks ,  for  clearing  the  ftate  of  the  Queftion  , 

aJinood*  ""    whether  the  Church  of  E;/g/^W  be  Schifmatical  or  not,  it  remaineth  to  fliew  in  a 

the  Church  of    v;ot6.    what  we  underfiand  by  the  Church  of  England. 

£HgUnd.  pij.0.  ^  ^yg  underftand  not  the  Englijh  Nation  alone  ,  but  the  Englijh  Dominion , 

including  the  B«f# ,  znd  Scotijh^  or  Jrijh  Chrirtians  i  for  Ireland  was  the  right 
Scotia  msjor  :  and  that  which  is  now  called  Scotland ,  was  then  inhabited  by  Britijh 
and  Irip ,  under  the  names  of  Ti&s  and  Scots. 

Secondly,  though  I  make  not  the  leaft  doubt  in  the  world  ,  but  that  the  Church 
of  EitTland  before  the  Reformation  ,  and  the  Church  of  England  after  the  Reforma- 
tion ,^are  as  much  the  fame  Church  i  as  a  Garden,  before  it  is  weeded  ,  and  after  it 
is  weeded  ,  is  the  fame  Garden  i  or  a  Vine ,  before  it  be  pruned  ,  and  after  it  be  ' 
pruned  and  freed  from  the  Luxuriant  Branches ,  is  one  and  the  fame  Vine  :  yet  be- 
caufe  the  Kotnan-CathoVicks  do  not  objed  Schifm  to  the  Popifti  Church  of  England, 
but  to  the  Reformed  Church  i  Therefore  in  this  Queftion ,  by  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land^ we  underftand  that  Church  which  was  derived  by  lineal  fucceffion  from  the 
Tiritifli ^  Englijh,  and  S'wri/^  Bifhops ,  by  mixt  ordination,  as  it  was  legally  efla- 
blifhed  in  the  dayes  of  King  Edward  the  Sixth  ,  and  fiourifhed  in  the  Reigns  of 
Queen  Elizabeth  ,  King  James  ,  and  King  Charles  of  bleffed  memory ,  and  now 
groans  under  the  heavy  yoke  of  perfecution  i  whether  this  Church  be  Schifinatical 
by  reafon  of  its  feceflion  and  feparation  from  the  Churcli  of  Kotne ,  and  the  fuppo- 
fed  withdrawing  of  its  obedience  from  the  Patriarchal  Jurifdidtion  of  the  Roman 
Bifliop  ?  As  for  other  afperfions  of  Schifm  ,  of  leffer  moment ,  we  fhall  meet  with 
them  in  our  Anfwcrs  to  their  Objedions.  • 


G  H  A  P.    III. 

That  the  feparation  from  Rome  rvits  not  made  by  Proteftantf , 
but  by  Komzn'Catholicl{s  them f elves, 

Roman  Catlio.  /-|-%  ms  being  the  flate  of  the  Queftion ,  I  proceed  to  examine  the  firfi 
ihore  d  fhe  JL  S^ound  or  Propofition  :  that  the  Englifh  Protejiants  roere  not  the  firft  Au- 
feparation  ihors  of  the  Separation  ,  hut  principal  Roman-C^t^o/iciy  ,  ffeat  Advocates  in 

ftom  Rme.  their  dayes ,  and  Fillars  of  the  KonAn-Church.  Whether  the  Ad  or  Statute  of  Sepa- 
ration were  operative  or  declarative,  creating  new  right ,  or  manifefling,  or  refto- 
ring  old  right  i  Whether  the  power  of  the  Koman-Coutt  in  England  was  jufl  or  ufuf- 
ped,  abfolute  and  immutable,  or  conditional  and  changeable  i  Whether  the  pof^ 
feilion  thereof  was  certain  and  fetled,  or  controverted  and  unquiet,  (  though  no 
man  throughly  verfed  in  our  Laws  and  Hiftories  caii  reafonably  doubt  of  thefe 
things,)  This  is  undeniably  true,  that  the  feceflion  and  fubftradion  of  obedience 
was  not  made  by  our  Reformers ,  or  by  any  of  their  friends  or  favourers ,  but,  by 
their  capital  Enemies  and  Perfecutors ,  by  Zealots  of  the  Koman  Religion. 

And  this  was  not  done  fecretly  in  a  corner ,  but  openly  in  the  fight  of  the  Sun , 
An.dtid  MoH.  difputed  publickly,  and  determined  before-hand ,  in  both  our  Univerfities ,  which 
Iplh'v^i.Ox'-  ^^^"  ^ong deliberation ,  and  much  difputation,  done  with  all  diligence  ,  2eal,  and 
cn.ef.iio.        confcicnce,  made  this  final  refelution  and  profeflion:   Tandem    in  hanc  fententiam 
itnanimiter  eonvenimiu  ,  ac  Concordes  fuimm ,   videlicet  Romanum  Epifcopjim  majorem 
aliqiiam  JurifdiCiionem  mn  habere  fM  a  Veocollatam  infacra  Scriptura  in  hoc  Regno  An- 
gliiC ,    qtciim  alium  qitemvis  externum  Epifcopttm:  "that  the  Roman  Rifhop  had  no  great- 
er JarifdiSion  within  the  Kingdom  of  England  conferred  vp»n  him  by  God  in  holy  Scri- 
pure^  than  any  other  forreign  Rifliop.     After  this  the  fame  was  voted  apd  decreed  in 

our 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Chttrch  of  Eng,hnd.  5-, 

our  National  Synods :  AndLaftly,  after  all  this,  received  and   eftablifiied  in  full  Sac.  Sjn.  an. 
Parliament,  by  the  free  confent  of  all  the  Orders  of  the  Kingdom,  with  the  con-  '5  30.  et    m.' 
currence  and  approbation  of  Four  and  twenty  Bifhops  ,  and  Nine  and  twenty  Ab-  '^*'* 
bats,  then  and  there  prefent.  _  To  pafs  many  other  Statutes,  take   the  very  words 
of  one  of  the  main  Ads  it  felf:  7/.«f  England  jf  an  Empire,  and  that   the' King  as  a4HeB.8.ri2 
Head  of  ihe  body  politick^,   confijling  of  the  Spirituality  and  temporality^  hath  plenary   Romanifts'fiift 
poTver  to  render  final  Jujiice  fir  all  matters,  &c.     Firft,  England  is,  that  is    ori^^i-  ^^"^  ^^^  ^'"? 
nally ,  not  (hall  be  by  vertue  of  this  A&.  What  is  it  ?  an  Empire.     If  it  be  an  Em-  ^\/'i  ^h 
pire,  then  the  Sovereigns  thereof  have  the  fame  Priviledges  and  Prerogatives  with-  church!     '  *^ 
in  their  own  Dominions  ,  which  the  old  Emperors  had  in  theirs.     If  the  King  be 
Head  of  the  body  politick^  confijHng  of  the  Spirituality  and  temporality ,  then  in  £«?- 
land  the  King  .is  the  political  Head  of  the  Clergy ,  as  well  as  of  the  Laity.     So  he 
ought  to  be,  and  not  he  onely,  but  all  the  Soveraign  Princes  throughout  the 
World  ,  by  the  very  Law  of  Nature. 

What  becomes  now  of  that  grand  exception  againft  Proteftants,  for  making  their 
King  the  Head  or  Sovereign  Governor  C  for  thefe  Two  are  convertible  terms  )  of 
the  Englijh  Church  or  Clergy  >  A  Title  firfi  introduced  by  RowjK-Catholicks  ,  and 
lince  waved  and  laid  afide  by  Proteftants ,  not  Co  much  for  any  malignity  that  was 
in  it,  as  for  the  ill  founds  fakev  becaufe  it  (eemed  to  intrench  too  much  upon  the        '^  '^  -r- 
juft  right  of  our  Saviour,  and  being  fubjed  to  be  mifunderftood  ,  gave  offence  to 
many  well-affeded  Chriftians.     And  what  doth  this  Law  fay  more  than  a  creat 
Cardinal  faid  not  long  after  >  One  that  was  as  near  the  Papacy  as  any  that  ever^iill 
it,  and  was  thought  to  merit  the  Papacy  as  well  as  any  that  had  it  in  his  dayes.     I 
mean  Cardinal  Poolin  his  Book  de  Conalio :  Hoc  munns  Jmperatoribm   Chrijii  fidem   RffpaJ 
pofejfu  Veus  iffe  Pater  aftgnavit ,  ut  Chrijii  filH  Dei  Vicarias  partes  gerant  •,  God  the  ^^A-   ^^' 
Father  hath  ajjigned  this  O^lce  to   ChrijUan   Emperors  ,  that   they  fhonld  act  the  fart  of 
Chriji  the  Son  of  God ,  (  in  General  Councils.)  And  yet  more  fully  in  his  Anfwer  to 
the  next  Queftion  ,  Tontifex  Kormnns  m  caput  facerdotale   Vicarias  Cbrijii  vert  capitis        r     jf!) 
partes  gerit,  at  Ce far  ut  caput  regale  ,  dec.     Ibe  Pope  as  a   Priefily  Head  doth  execute    ^^'^^'''^'^^'' 
the  Office  of  Chri{i  the  true  Head  \  but  we  may  alfo  truly  fay ,  that  the  Emperor  doth  ex- 
ecute the  Office  of  Chriji  as  a  Kingly  Head.     And  fo  he  concludeth :    Chrirt  faid  of 
himfelf,  M  power  is  given  me  both  in  heaven  and  earth :  In  utraque  ergo  poteftate,  e^Ci 
therefore  we  cannot  doubt  but  Chriji  bath  his  Deputies  for  both  thefe  poolers  ,    the  Pope* 
in  the  Cffurch ,  the  Emperor  in  the  Common  wealth.     Thus  writes  the  Popes  own 
Legate  to  his  Brother  Legates  in  the  tridentine  Council ,  when  he  delired  to  fa- 
vour his  Mafter  asmuch  as  he  could. 

But  I  proceed  to  our  Statute:  TSfce  Khig  of  England  hath,  that  is  ,  already  in 
prefent,bythe  fundamental  conftitution  of  the  Monarchy,  not  (hall  have  from  hence- 
forth ,  plenary  power ,   without  the  Licence ,  or  help,  or  concurrence  of  any  for- 
leign  Prelate  or  Potentate  i  plenary,  not  folitary  :   To  render  final  Jujiice,  that  is 
to  receive  the  laft  appeals  of  his  own  Subjeds,  without  fear  of  any  review  from' 
'Rome,  01  zt  Rome,  jor  all  matter  sE-QcleCidSWczl  and  Temporah  Ecclefiaflical  by  his 
Bilhops,  Temporal  by  his  Judges.     There  is  a  great  difference  between  a  Kings  ad- 
miniftring  Juftice  in  Ecclefiaftical  cau(es  by  himfelf,  and  by  his  Bilhops.     Liften  to 
the  Canon  of  the  Milevitan  Council :    It  hath  pleafed  the  Synod ,  that  what  Bijhnp  fie-  Cone  Mil.  2. 
ver  paV  requeji  of  the  Emperor  the   cognifance  of  publicly  judgmrnt  (  in  fome  cafes)  he   ^''"'   "' 
be  deprived  of  his  honSur.     But  if  he  petition  to  the  Emperor  for  Epifcopal  judgment     *''"'"^''"*  '°'** 
(  that  is,  to  make  Bilhops  his  Deputies  or  Commilfioners  to  hear  it)  itfhofdd  mt 
prejudice  him.     They  forbid  a  Biihop  of  his  own    accord  ,  in  thefe  dayes ,  and  in 
fome  cafes,to  make  his  firfl:  addrefs  for  Jultice  to  a  fecular  Magiftrate :  But' they  do 
not  forbid  him  to  appear  before  a  fecular  Magiftrate  being  cited  •,  And  they  allow 
him  in  all  cafes  though  of  pure  EccleGaltical   cognifance ,  to  (eek  to  a  Sovereign 
Prince  for  an  equal  indifferent  Hearing  by   Bilhops    delegated  and  authorifed  by 
him. 

The  Teftimony  of  this  Statute  is  fo  clear  and  authentick  in  it  felf,  that  it  need 
not  be  corroborated  with  any  other  Ads  of  the  fame  kind.  Yet  Three  things  are 
urged  againft  it.  Firft  ,  that  Henry  the  Eighth  at  this  time  was  a  favourer  of  the 
Proteftants.    Secondly  ,  that  he  cared  not  for  Religion  ,  but  looked  onely  to  the  fa- 

H  2  tisfadioB 


^4  A  Juji  Vindication  TO M  E  I. 

tisfailion  of  his  own  humours  and  lufts.  Thirdly  ,  that  to  withhold  due  obedi- 
ence is  as  Schifinatical ,  as  to  withdraw  it  i  And  that  the  Reformed  Church  of 
England  may  be  innocent   of  the  one,    and   yet  guilty  and  necefTary    to    the 

He D.  the  8th       ^^  jj^^  ^^^  Exception  I  reply ,  That  Henry  the  Eighth  was  fo  far  both  then  and 

tTcProtenanw  long  after,  from  being  a  friend  or  favourer  of  the  Proteftants  ,  that  he  was   a  moft 

bitter  pcrfccutor  of  them.     After  this  the  Pope  himfelf ,  ( though  he  was  not  well 

pleafcd  to  lofe  fo  fweet  a  morfel  as  England  was  }  (o  well  approved  of  Henry  the 

Eighth's  rigorous  proceedings  againft  the  Proteftants ,  that  he  prppofed  him  to  the 

Nift.Conc.       Emperor  as  a. pattern  for  his  imitation.     Infomuch ,    as  fome    ftrangers  in  thofe 

's'^'j^'  6  8*  ^^>'"  <^oming  into  England,  have  admired  to  fee  one  (uffer  for  denying  the  Pope's 

'  '  ^  '  Supremacy,  and  another  for  being  a  Proteftant  at  the  fame  time.     So  though  they 

looked  divers  wayes ,  yet  like  Sampfon's  Foxes ,  each  had  his  firebrand  at   his 

tail. 

But  to  clear  this  point  home,  there  needs  no  more  but  to  view  the  Order  of  the 
Statutes  made  concerning  Religion  and  Eccleliaftical  JurifdiiSion  in  the  Reign  of 
that  King. 
25.  H.  8.  The  Ad  for  no  perfon  to  be  cited  out  of  his  own  Diocefs ,  except  in  certain  ca- 

24.  H.  8.        fes,     The  A(ft  prohibiting  all  Appeals  out  of  England  to  the  Court  of  Rome.     The 

25.  H.  8.        Ad  for  the  fubmillion  of  the  Clergy  to  the  King.     The  Adt  for  payment  of  Firll 
2^.  H.  8.        fruits  to  the  Crown.     An  Adt  for  Exoneration  from  all  exaftions  of  the  Court  of 

Rome.     The  Ad  declaring  the  King  to  be  Supream  Head  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
28.  H,  8-  i^^j^    An  Ad  againft  Popi(h  Bulls,  Faculties,  and  Difpenfations :  And  the    Ad 

for  utterly  extinguifhing  the  Ufurped  Authority  of  the  Roman  Bifhop  were  all ,  or 
t!ie  moll  of  them,  cnaded  before  the    Eight   and  twentieth  year  o?  Henry  the 
Eighth.     And  if  my  Notes  fail  me  not  i  (for  we  are  chafed  from  our  books)  they 
were  all  received  and  eftablifhed  in  Ireland  the  very  fame  year ,  the  Lord  Gray  being 
then  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland.     All  this  while  there  were  no  thoughts  of  any  Re- 
formation i  All  this  while  the  Proteftants  found  little  grace  from  King  Henry  i  nor 
indeed  throughout  his  whole  Reign  ,  ordinarily. 
As  for  the  fuppreffion  of  Monafteries  in  his  time  ,  I  fhall  deal  clearly  ,  and  de- 
^^'  •  *"(■«"  clare  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  judgment  of  moderate  Englijh  Proteftants  concern- 
naftcdc!?    °'  ing  that  Ad.     Firft  ,  we  fear  that,  covetoufnefs  had  a  great  oar  in  the  boat ,  and 
that  fundry  of  the  principal  Adors  had  a  greater  aim  at  the  Goods  of  thftiChurch , 
than  at  the  Good  of  the  Church :  Or  otherwife  ,  why  did  they  not  (  as  they  pre- 
tended and  gave  out  )  preferve  the  fpoils  of  the  cloifters  for  publick  and  charitable 
Ufes ,  as  the  foundation  of  Hofpitals  ,  and  freebg  the  Commonwealth  from  a  part 
cf  beB"^ars°°     °^  its'neceffary  charges  >  Why  did  they  not  reftore  the  appropriated,  (  or  as  we  call 
"  '       them  truly  impropriated  tythes  )  to  the  Incumbents  and  lawful  Owners ,  who  hadi 
adual  cure  of  fouls,  from  whom  they  had  been  unjuftly  withheld  ?  efpecially  con- 
fiderinc  that  in  fome  Pariftes  the  poor  Vicar's  ftipend  was  not  fufficient  to  maintain 
a  good  Plowman.    The  Monks  pretended  that  they  had  able  members  to  difcharge 
the  cure  of  fouls,  and  what  difference  whether  the  Incumbent  were  a  fingle  perfon, 
or  an  aggregated  body  >  But  what  meer  Lay-men  could  pretend  is  beyond  my  un- 
derftanding. 

Secondly ,  we  examine  not  whether  the  abufes  which  were  then  brought  to 
light  were  true  or  feigned',  but  this  we  believe,  that  Foundations  which  were  good 
in  their  original  inftitution ,  ought  not  to  be  deftroyed  for  accefTory  abufes  j  or  fc«r 
tlie  faults  of  particular  perfons.  So  we  fhould  neither  leave  a  Sun  in  Heaven,  for 
that  hath  been  adored  by  Pagans  i  nor  a  fpark  of  fire,  or  any  eminent  creature, 
how  beneficial  foever  upon  earth ,  for  they  have  all  been  abufed.  Therefore  Lycur- 
gas  is  juftly  condemned  ,  becaufe  out  of  an  hatred  to  drunkennefs  he  cut  down  all 
the  Vines  in  Sparta  ■■,  whereas  he  fhould  have  brought  the  Fountains  of  wates 
nearer. 

Thirdly,  when  the  Clergy  in  a  Kingdom  are  really,  (and  not  upon  the  feigned 
pretences  of 'Sacrilegious  perfons  )  grown  to  that  exceiiive  Grandeur,  that  they 
quite  overbalance  the  Laity ,  and  leave  the  Commonwealth  neither  fufficient  men  , 
nor  fufficient  means,  to  maintain  itfelfi  it  is  lawful  by  prudent  Laws  to'reftrain 

thck 


I 


Discourse  IL        Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  5t- 

their  farther  growth  ,  as  our  Anceftors  and  all  tlie  Nations  of  Europe  have  done  by 
prohibiting  new  Foundations  of  Religious  Houfes ,  and  the  alienation  of  Lands  to 
the  Church,  without  fpecial  Licence ;  as  we  (hall  fee  hereafter.  And  if  the  excefs 
be  fo  exorbitant ,  that  it  is  abfolutely  and  evidently  deftruftive  to  the  coniUtution  of 
the  Commonwealth,  it  is  lawful  (  upon  fome  conditions  and  cautions  not  neceflary 
to  be  here  inferted  )  to  prune  the  fuperfluous  branches,  and  to  reduce  them  to  a 
right  temper  and  equilibrium  ,  for  the  prefervation  and  well-being  of  the  whole  bo- 
dy Politick.  It  hath  been  alwayes  held  lawful  in  fome  cafes  to  alienate  fome  things, 
that  had  formerly  been  given  to  the  Church,  as  for  the  redemption  of  Chriftian  Ca- 
ptives, for  the  fulknance  of  poor  Chrittians  ,  who  are  living  Temples,  in  the  dayes 
of  Famine,  and  for  prefervation  of  the  Church  it  felf  from  demolition  i  But  era- 
dication ,  to  pluck  up  good  inliitutions  root  and  branch ,  is  not  reformation,  which 
weprofeft,  but  deibudtjon. 

To  conclude  this  digreliion.  So  as  Monafteries  were  moderated  in  their  number, 
and  in  their  revenues",  So  as  the  Monks  were  retrained  from  medling  between  the 
Paflorand  his  flock,  that  is  the  Bark  and  the  Tree,  as  it  was  of  old  ,  Monacbm  in 
cppido ,  Fifcif  in  arido  ,  a  Monk  in  a  great  Town  was  thought  like  a  little  tiOa  upon 
dry  land  v  So  as  the  abler  fort ,  who  are  not  taken  up  with  higher  tludies  or  weigh- 
tier imployments ,  were  inured  to  beftow  their  fpare  hours  from  their  devotions  m 
fome  prohtable  labour  for  the  publick  good  ,  that  idlenefs  might  be  ftripped  of  the 
cloak  of  contemplative  devotion.  So  as  the  vow  of  perpetual  ccelibate  were  redu- 
ced to  the  form  of  our  Ettglijh  Univerfities ,  fo  long  a  fellow  ,  fo  long  unmarried , 
or  of  the  Canonefles  and  Biggins,  on  the  other  fide  the  Seas,  which  are  no  longer 
reftrained  ftom  wedlock  than  they  retain  their  places  or  habits-,  So  as  their  blind 
obedience  were  more  enlightened  ,  and  fecured  by  fome  certain  rules  and  bounds  ; 
So  as  their  mock-poverty  (  for  what  is  it  elfe  to  profefs  want,  and  fwim  in  abun- 
dance,) were  changed  into  a  competent  maintenance -,  AndLaftly,  So  as  all  opini- 
on of  (atisfadtion  and  flipererogation  were  removed  ■■,  I  do  not  fee  why  Monafteries 
might  not  agree  well  enough  with  reformed  devotion. 

So  then  ,  Henry  the  Eighth  at  the  time  of  his  fecellion  from  Rome ,   and  long  af-  Hcary  the  8rh 
ter  ,  even  fo  long  as  he  lived  ,  was  neither  friend  nor  favourer  of  the  enfuing  refor-  ^°  friend  to 
mation  ,  nor  ordinarily  of  Proteftants  in  their  perfons.     As  may  yet  more  manifelt-  aj'u'-n  T' 
ly  appear  by  that  cruel  Statute  of  the  Six  Articles  i  which  he  made  after  all  this ,  in 
the  One  and  Thirtieth  year  of  his  Reign,  as  a  Trap  to  catch  the  Lives  of  the  poor 
Proteftants.     A  Law  both  writ  in  blood,  and  executed  in  blood. 

But  fuppofe  that  HfMry  the  Eighth  had  been  a  friend  to  Proteftants,  what  fhall  MuchFers 
we  fay  to  all  the  Orders  of  the  Kingdom  ?  What  fliall  we  fay  to  the  Synods,  to  the  f'^°'"^  ^'f"? 
Univerfities  ,  to  the  Four  and  twenty  Bifhops,  and  Nine  and  twenty  Abbats ,  who  i,°^in  the  fc- 
confented  to  this  Ad  >  were  all  thefe  Schifmaticks  ?  Was  Heath ,  Bonner,  1'oHjijll  ^  paTuhahom 
Gardiner,  Stoj^ey ,  Thurleby,   8cc.  all  Schifmaticks  ?   If  they  were,  then  Schifma-  Rome. 
ticks  were  the  greatefl  oppofers  of  the  Reformation  ,  the  greatefl  enemies  of  the 
Proteftants,  and  the  greateft  pillars  and  upholders  of  the  Rowjw  Religion.     Thefe  AH.  (fy  Mtn: 
were  they  that  granted  the  Supremacy  to  King  Henry  the  Eighth  ■,  Archbilhop  War-  «"•'  5?4-'5^8. 
ham  told  him  it  was  his  right  to  have  it  before  the  Pope.     Thefe  were  they  that  jj„^'t.  ■^^l, 
preached  up  the  Supremacy  of  the  King  at  St.  Faul's  Crofs  ,  and  defended  his  Supre-  (^  LongUndu 
macy  in  Printed  Books.     Thele  contented  to  the  Adls  of  Parliament  for  his  Supre-  ?•  ??'• 
macy  ,  and  the  extinguiftiing  of  the  power  of  the  Roman  Bifhop  in  Enghnd.    Thefe 
were  they  who  helped  to  make  the  Oath  of  Supremacy ,  and  took  it  themfelves  , 
and  all  others  of  any  Note  throughout  England  ,  except  onely  Fijher  Bifliop  of  Ro-  H'tfl.  aliquot 
chejler ,  and  Sir  Ihomx  Moor  ,   who  were  in  Prifon  before  it  was  Enadled  ,  for  op-  •^■"■'-  ^^'t'-an: 
pofing  the  King's  Marriage,  and  the  fuccellion  of  his  Children  to  the  Crown ,  af-  'JA/"fjc.^,,, 
ter  it  was  Ordained  in  Parliament.     And  wife  men  have  thought  that  the  former  jro;«r.pi;7. 
had  taken  it ,  if  he  had  not  been  retarded  by  the  expectation  of  a  Cardinals  Hat ,  >.  ii5« 
which  was  come  as  fer  as  Calice. 

Or  rather  what  fhall  we  fay  to  the  whole  Body  of  the  Kingdom  ,  if  we  may  be- 
lieve  the  Teftimony  of  Stephen  Gardiner  Bifho.p  of  IFinchejier  ,  a  Learned  Perfon  of  pj^gus  ]„  ^^ 
very  near  relation  to  King  Henry ,   and  in  all  other  things  a  great  Zealot  of  the  Ro-  ft-ng  out  the 
w^,':  Catholick  party ,  ia  his  Book  of  true  Obedience,  publifhed  with  a  Preface  to  it  Pope. 

H  3  made 


-^  "  Ajtiji  Vindication  T  O  M  E  t. 


made  by  Biftiop  Ba^w-     Thus  he,  Nb/orre>ig«   'Bifljof  hath  authority  atnong  uf  ■>  AU 
it  veri  OltJ.  forts  of  People  are  agreed  with  m  upon  thU  pint  with  mojijiedfajl  confent,  that  m  manner 
of  perfoit  bred  or  brought  up  in  England,  hath  ought  to  do  in  Rome.     A  full  confellion 
oF  an  able  Adverfary,  to  which  I  fee  not  what  can  be  excepted,  unleG  it  be  faid  of 
hiin,  as  it  was  of  Jeneas  Sylvius,  Stephanus  probavit,  Wintonienfis  negavit,   Dodor 
Gardiner  approved  it,  but  the  Bifhop  of  Winchefter  retradted  it.     Admit  it  were  fo, 
as  it  was  indeed,  what  is  that  to  the  ftedfaft  unanimous  confent  of  the  whole  King- 
dom ?  which  appears  not  onely  from  hence,  but  from  To>/iWs  Epiftle  to  Cardinal 
Oted  by  K'Og  ^^^^^  ^^^^  Bek^njhar(>\  Commentary  of  the  Soveraign  and  Ahfolute  power  of  Kings  •-, 
Tr'ifli'ci    nodo  As  h'kewife  of  the  difference  between  Kingly  and  Ecclefiajiical  power  y  And  Laftly  and 
triflex  emeus,  piincipally,  by  a  book  fet  forth  by  the  Engli(h  Convocation,  called,  7iE?e  Jnjlitution  of 
print.  Anro.    ^  Qhriftian  man.     And  to  (hew  yet  further,  that  Ireland  was  unanimous  herein  with 
^mA  Inland.    England,  we  find  in  the  Three  and  thirtieth  year  of  Henry  the  eighth,which  was  be- 
fore all  thoughts  of  Reformation,  not  the  Irifli  onely,  as  the  0  Neals,  0  Relies,  0 
Councel  bock  Birns,  0  Carols,&c.  But  alfb  the  E»g///&  Families,  as  the  Vefmonds,  Barries,  Koches, 
of  Ireland  ja.  Bourkj,  whofe  pofterities  do  ftill  continue  Zealous  Romanifts,  did  make  their  fub- 
3?,34'"'         millions  by  Indenture  to  Sir  Anthony  Sellenger,  then  chief  Governour  of  that  iCing- 
*  dom,  wherein  they  ack^towledged  King  Henry  to  be  their  Soveraign  Lord,  and  confejjed 

the  Kings  Supremacy  in  allcaujes,  and  utterly  renounced  the  JurifdiSinn  of  the  Tope.     So 
the  Eifliop  of  Ifinchefter  might  well  fay,  that  there  was  an  Univerfal  and  llcdfaft 
confent  in  the  (eparation  from  Rome. 
The  pretend-       The  Second  Exception  weighs  fo  little,  that  it  fcarce  deferveth  an  Anfwer.     Ad- 
ed  Crimes  of   mitting,  but  not  granting,that  any,or  all,the  Calumnies  of  that  party  againft  Henry 
l^e'lfh'tothe  ^^^  Eig'ith  were  true,  whereof  divers  by  their  impollibility,  and  by  the  contradidli- 
Refonnation.    on  of  their  Authours,  do  carry  their  own  condemnation  written  in  their  fore-headsv 
And  although  Henry  the  Eighth  had  been  our  Reformer,  as  he  was  not  ■,  yet  all  this 
would  lignihc  nothing  as  to  this  prcfent  queftion.     God  doth  often  good  Works  by 
ill  Agents.     Jehu'j  heart  was  not  upright  towards  the  Lord,  yet  God  ufed  him  as  an  In- 
llrument  to  reform  his  Church,  and  to  punifli  the  Worfhippers  of  Baal.     We  have 
heard  of  late  of  an  aggregative  Treafon,not  known  before  in  the  World  i  But  ne- 
ver untill  now  of  an  aggregative  Schifin.     The  addition  of  twenty  fins  of  another 
nature  cannot  make  that  to  be  Schifm  which  is  not  Schifhn  in  it  (elf.     We  are  forty 
for  his  fins,under  a  condition,  that  is,  in  cafe  they  were  true,  which  for  part  of  them 
we  have  no  great  Reafon  to  believe  ■■>  But  we  are  abfolutely  without  condition  glad 
of  our  ownlibertie.     The  truth  is,  God  Almighty  did  ferve  himfelf  of  a  mod:  un- 
lawful difpenfation  granted  by  the  Pope  to  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  to  Marry  his 
j/olinf.  in       Brothers  Wi(e,  as  an  occafion  of  this  great  work.     I  fay  unlawful,  becaufe  it  was  af- 
jfen.  8.  ;.92?.  ter  judged  unlawful  by  the  Univcr(itiesof  England,  France,  Italy,  after  mature  delibe- 
//<!*  22.  H.  ration,  and  fome  of  them  upon  Oath,  and  by  above  an  hundred  fbrreign  Dodors  of 
principal  Reputation  for  Learning.     The  coals  of  the  Kings  fufpicion  were  kindled 
in  Spain,  France,znd  Flinders,  no  enemies  to  the  Pope,  and  blown  by  Cardinal  U^olfey 
for  fmifler  ends  i  But  it  was  Cranmer  that  (truck  the  nail  home.     And  God  di(pofed 
all  things  to  his  own  glory. 

To  their  Third  Exception,  That  to  withhold  obedience  is  Schifmatical  as  well  as 
to  withdraw  it  ;  1  anfwer  firft,  that  they  cannot  accufe  us  as  acceffaries  to  Schifm, 
until  thty  havefirft  condemned  their  own  great  Patrons,  Champions  and  ConfefTors 
for  the  principal  Schifmaticks.  Did  Kow<2«-Catholicks  themfelves  find  right  and 
fufficient  reafon  to  turn  the  Pope  out  of  England  at  the  fore-door,  in  fair  day-light, 
as  an  Intruder  and  Ufurper  ?  And  do  they  expert  that  Prote(tants,  who  never  had  a- 
ny  relation  to  him,  (hould  let  him  in  again  by  ftealth  at  the  back-door  ? 

%trpii(sejicitur,  quam  non admittitur,ho^es. 

It  is  true,  Queen  Mary  afterwards  gave  him  houfc-room  again  in  Englandfor  a 
fliorttime.^  But  he  raged  fo  extreamly,  and  made  fuch  bonerires  of  poor  innocent 
Chriftians  in  every  corner  of  the  Kingdom,  that  it  is  no  marvail  if  they  defired  his 
room  rather  than  his  company. 

I  have  often  wondred  how  any  rational  man  could  fatisfie  himfelf  fo  as  to  make 

tht 


DiscoiiR^iE  II.       of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  ^j 


the  feverity  of  our  Lavves,  or  the  rigour  of  our  Princes  fince  the  Reformatioii,  a 
motive  to  his  revolt  from  our  Church.     Surely  thelnquifition  was  quite  out   of  his  oar  Lavis  are 
mind  i  but  I  meddle  not  with  forreign  affairs.     He  might  have  confidered,  that  more  "ud     Jgjind 
Proteliants  luffered  death  in  the  fliort  Raign  of  Queen  Mary^  Men,  Women,  and  ^.°^'^  Catho- 
Children,  than  Ro»wjK-Catholicks  in  all  the  longer  Raigns  of  all  our  Princes  fince    "■ 
the  Reformation  put  together.     The  former  by  fire  and  faggot,  a  cruel  lingring  tor- 
ment, ut  fentiremje  mori^  that  they  might  feel  themlelves  to  dy  by  degrees  :  The 
other  by  the  gibbet,  with  feme  opprobrious  circumftances,  to  render  theit  futferings 
more  exemplary  to  others-     The  former  meerly  and  immediately  for  Religion,  bc- 
caule  they  would  not  be  ICow^«-Catholicks,  without  any  the  leaft  pretext  of  the 
violation  of  any  political  Law  ;  The  latter  not  meerly  and  immediately  for  Rehgi- 
on,  becaule  they  were  Row^;«-Catholicks,  for  many  known  Kowa«-Catholicks  in 
England  have  lived  and  dyed  in  greater  plenty,  and  power,  and  Reputation  in  every 
Princes  Raign,  fince  the  Reformation,  than  an  E«g///&-Protertant  could  live  among  the 
JriJh-Koman-CzthoYicks,  fince  their  Infiirredion.     If  a  fubje<fl  was  taken  at  Mafj  it 
(elf  in  England^  which  was  very  rare,  it  was  but  a  pecuniary  muld:.     No  ftranger 
was  ever  quefiioned  about  his  Religion.     I  may  not  here  omit  King  James  his  affir-  ^^'^'  ^'^^' 
hiation.  That  no  man  in  his  Raign,  or  in  the  Raign  of  iiis  Predeceffor  Queen  Elizia- 
beth^A\A  fuifer  death  for  Conlcience  fake  or  Religion. 

But  they  fuffered  for  the  violation  of  civil  Laws,  as  either  for  not  acknowledging 
the  political  Supremacy  of  the  King  in  F.cclefialHcal  caufes  over  Ecclefiafiical  per- 
Ibns,  which  is  all  that  we  afiert  i  which  the  R.wM«-Catholicks  themfelves  in  Henry 
theEighth^'s  dayes  did  maintain  as  much,  or  perhaps  more  than  we.  We'  want  not 
the  conlent  of  their  own  Schools,  or  the  concurrent  pradlife  of  Kings  and  Parlia- 
ments of  their  own  Communion,  As  SanUa  Clara  doth  confefs,  Vjlde  niulti  daUorei^ 
&c.  Verymatiy  Vodors  do  hold.jbat  for  the  publiik^benefitof  the  Commonrveahh^  Princes  Ii^  Artie,  it i 
have  JnrijdiCiionin  many  caufes,  otherwife  being  cf  Ecchfiajiical  cogmfance^by  pojitire  f'4'9-4'o. 
Virtue  Law,  and  by  the  Law  of  Nature.  And  though  himfelf  feem  rather  to  adhere  ' 
to  others  whoafcribe  unto  them  meerly  a  Civil  power  i  yet  he  acknowledgeth,  with 
the  fiream  of  Schoolmen,  that  by  their  Soveraign  Office  by  accident,  and  indiredtly, 
for  the  defence  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  theprefervation  of  publick  Juftice  and 
peace,  they  have  great  power  over Ecclefialtical  perfons  in  Ecclefiaftical  caufes,  in  ma- 
ny cafes  i  As  they  may  command  Bifhops  to  difpvfe  their  fpiritual  affairs  to  the  peace  of  the 
Cammimrvealth^lbeymay  remove  the  frorvard from  their  offices,  They  may  defend  the  op- 
p-effed  Clergy  from  the  unjuji  opprejjions  of  EcckfiaiHcal  Judges,  &c.  which  he  confef- 
feth  to  bea's  much  as  our  Article  fetteth  forth.  What  the  pradtife  of  other  Kings  and 
Princes  is  herein,  we  {hall  (ee  more  fully  wheni  come  to  handle  my  fifth  Propofitioni 
Or  elfe  for  returning  into  this  Kh)gdomfo  qualified  with  forbidden  orders  as  the 
Lawes  of  the  Land  do  not  allow  (  The  State  of  Venice  doth  not,  the  Kingdom  of 
France  hath  not  abhorred  from  the  like  Laws)  Or  LaftIy,for  attempting  to  (educe 
fome  of  the  Kings  Subjeds  from  the  Religion  Eflablilhed  in  the  Land.  In  all  thefe 
cafes  befides  Religion,  there  is  fomething  of  Elecftion  i  He  that  loves  Danger  dotb  rften 
ferifhinit.  The  truth  is  this.  An  hard  knot  mufl  have  an  heavy  Mall  i  Dangerous 
and  bloudy  pofitions  and  prad:ifes  produce  fevere  Lawes.  No  Kingdom  is  deftitute 
of  neceflary  remedies  for  its  own  Confervation.  If  all  were  of  my  mind,  as  I  be- 
lieve many  are,  I  could  wifli  that^ll  Seditious  Opinions,  and  over  rigorous  Statutes, 
■with  the  memory  of  them,  were  buried  together  in  perpetual  oblivion.  I  hold  him 
fcarce  a  good  Chriftian  that  would  not  caft  on  one  fpade  full  of  earth  towards  their 
interment.     Pardon  this  digrellion,  if  it  be  one  ■■,  Cruelty  is  a  Symptome  of  Schifin.  Though  the 

Secondly,  I  anfwer, that,  though  the  Ko>w^wi/h  could  be  contented  to  brand  their  firfi  feparater* 
ownfriends  for  the  principal  Schifmaticks:  yet,  they  (hall  never  be  able  to  prove  us  *y"«  Schifma- 
acceflaries,  or  fatten  the  fame  Crime  upon  us,  who  found  thclcparation  made  to  our  jj-ee.' 
Iiandsi  who  never  had  any  thing  to  do  with  Komes  who  never  ought  them  any  Ser- 
vice but  the  reciprocal  duty  of  lovei  who  never  did  any  adV  to  oblige  us  to  them  i 
or  todifoblige  usfrom  them.     Indeed  it  were  fomething,  if  they  could  produce  4 
Patent  from  Heaven  of  the  Popes  Vicariate  General  under  Chrift  over  all  Chriftians  i 
(  But  that  we  know  they  can  never  do  )Orbut  fo  much  as  an  old  Canon  of  ageneral 
Council  that  did  fubjedt  us  to  their  ]uri(di(flion ;  So  as  the  fame  were  neither  lawful* 

ly 


— To  ^      A  Jtiji  Vindication  TOME  I. 

Iv  revoked  nor  their  power  forfeited  by  abufe,  nor  quitted  by  therafelves.  Until  then 
they  ma/ withdraw  their  charge  of  Schifm.      _ 

Nay  yet  more,  though  they  could  )ultihe  their  pretended  title ,  yet  we  adting  no- 
thiu''  bat  prefcrving  all  things  in  the  fame  condition  we  found  them,  are  not  cenfu- 
rable"as  formal  Schifmaticks,  whileft  we  err  invincibly,  or  but  probably,  and  are  im- 
plicitely  prepared  in  our  minds,  to  obey  all  our  juft  Superiors  ,  fo  far  as  by  Law  we 
are  bound,  whcnfoever  we  (hall  be  able  to  underftand  their  right. 

There  have  been  many  Schifms  in  the  Roman  Church  it  ftlf.  Sometimes  Two 
Popes,  fometimes  Three  Popes  at  a  time.  One  Kingdom  fubmitted  to  one,  this 
to  ano'ther,  that  to  a  Third  ,  every  one  believing  him  to  whom  he  fubmitted  to  be 
the  right  Pope  ,  and  every  one  ready  to  have  fubmitted  to  the  right  Pope ,  if  they 
had  known  who  he  was.  Tell  me  ,  were  all  thole  that  fubmitted  to  Antipopes 
prefcndy  Schifmaticks  ?  That  were  too  hard  a  cenfure.  The  Antipopes  themfelves 
were  the  Schifmaticks,  and  the  Cardinals  that  elected  them,  and  all  thefe  who  fup- 
poitcd  them  fcr  avaritious,  or  ambitious,  or  uncharitable ,  ends. 

We  may  apply  to  this  purpofe  that  which  St.  Atijiine  faid  concerning  Hereticks  , 
^i  f'nteiniainfuam^  qitamvis falfam  atque  ■perverJam^nuVd  pertinaci  animofnate  defendit, 
Aug.Epifl.       p-£j}rtim  guam  non  dudacia  Iriefumptmif  fu£  pepererit ,  fed  a  feduBU  &  in  errorem  la- 
'  '' '"  '  pfis  parentibm  accepit  v  quxrit  autem  cauta  fulicitudine  verjtatem^  corrigi  paratus  cum  in- 

venerit ,  nequaquam  ejl  inter  Hxreticos  depittandm.  He  that  defends  not  his  falfe  opinion 
with  pertinacious  animofity^  having  not  invented  it  himfelf^  but  learned  it  from  his  er- 
ring parents  ■■,  Jf  he  inquire  carefully  after  the  truth ,  and  be  ready  to  embrace  it,  and  to 
correti  his  errors  rehen  he  finds  them^  he  is  not  to  be  reputed  an  Heretic!^ 

If  this  be  true  in  the  cafe  of  Hereiie  ,  it  holds  much  more  Ikongly  in  the  ca(e  of 
Schifm  ,  and  efpecially  that  Schifm  which  is  grounded  onely  upon  Humane  conftitu- 
tions.     He  that  difobeys  a  Lawful  Superior  through  invincible  ignorance ,  whom 
he  deferted  not  himfelf ,  but  found  him  cait  off  by  his  Parents ,  if  he  be  careful  to 
underftand  his  duty  ,  and  ready  to  fubmit  fo  far  as  in  juftice  he  is  bound ,   he  is  not 
to  be  reputed  a  Schifmatick.     It  men  might  not  be  faved  by  a  general  and  implicite 
Repentance,  they  were  in  a  woful  condition  v  for  who  can  tell  how  oft  he  offendeth  ? 
PuHp.  I?,      cieanfe  thou  me  from  my  fecret  faults.     And  if  by  general  and  implicite  repentance, 
why  not  by  general  and  implicite  faith  >   why  not  by  general  and  implicite  obedi- 
ence ?  So  as  they  do  their uttermoft  endeavours  to  learn  their  duties,   and  are  ready 
to  conform  themfelves  when  they  know  them.     God  looks  upon  his  creatures  with 
all  their  prejudices,  and  expeds  no  more  of  them   than  according  to  the  talents 
which  he  hath  given  them.     If  I  had  Books  for  that  purpofe  ,  I  might  have  cited 
many  Laws  and  many  Authours  to  prove ,  that  ^he  final  Reparation  from  Kome  was 
made  long  before  the  reformation  of  the  Church  of  England.     But  it  is  a  Truth  fo 
evident  and  fo  undeniable  by  all  thefe  who  underlland  our  affairs,  that  I  feem  to  my 
felf  to  have  done  overmuch  in  it  already. 
Protcftants  no       1  do  exped  that  it  fhould  be  urged  by  fome  ,  that  there  was  a  double  feparation 
Authors  cf  the  of  the  Church  of  Eng/jW  from  Rome  :   The  former  from  the   Court  oiKome'-,  the 
ftpararion        fecond  from  the  Church  of  Kome:  The  former  in  point  of  Difciplinei  the  later  in 
Church  of        point  of  Dodrine  :  The  former  made  in  the  dayes  of  Hewry  the  Eighth,  the  other 
Kome.  in  the  dayes  of  Edward  the  Sixth ;    That  if  the  Proteftants  were  not  guilty  cf  the 

former ,  yet  certainly  they  were  guilty  of  the  later. 

To  this  I  give  Two  Anfwers  :  Firft ,  that  the  fecond  feparation  in  point  of  Do- 
(flrine  doth  not  concern  this  Queflion,  IFhether  the  Church  of  England  be  Schifmati- 
cal^  but  another.  Whether  the  Church  of  England  be  Heretical ,  or  at  leaft  Heterodox , 
C  for  every  error  doth  not  prefently  make  an  Ha^refie  )  which  cannot  be  determined 
without  difculling  the  particular  differences  between  the  Church  of  P-ome  and  the 
Mr  Knoi  inf.  Church  of  England.  It  is  an  undeniable  principle  to  which  both  parties  do  yield 
tiMm.f.  534.  firm  aflent ,  that  they  who  made  the  firji  feparation  from  the  Primitive  pure  Church  ,  and 
brought  in  corruptions  in  Faith  ,  Liturgy^  or  ufe  of  the  Sacraments,  are  the  guilty  par- 
ty. Yea  though  the  feparation  were  not  local,  but  onely  moral ,  by  introducing  er- 
rors and  innovations ,  and  making  no  other  feceliion  :  This  is  the  ilTue  of  our  con- 
troverfie.  If  they  have  innovated  firft ,  then  we  are  innocent ,  and  have  done  no 
more  than  our  duties.  It  is  not  the  feparation  ,  but  the  caufe,  that  makes  a  Schif^ 
matick.  Secondly 


Discourse  IL        Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  5^ 


Secondly,  I  anfwer,  that  as  iloWi^^-Catholicks  (not  Proteftants)  were  the  Au- 
thors of  the  Separation  of  'England  from  the  Court  oi'Kome  ■■,  Co  the  Court  of  KDme 
it  felf  C  not  Proteftants  )  made  the  Separation  of  England  from  the  communion  of 
the  Church  of  Ko>w ,  by  their  unjuft  and  tyrannical  cenfures,  excommunications, 
and  interdidions,  which  they  thundred  out  againft  the  Realm,for  denying  their  fpi- 
ritual  Sovereignty  by  Divine  Right ,  before  any  reformation  made  by  Proteftants.  It 
was  not  Proteftants  that  left  the  communion  of  the  Church  of  Rome  ^  but  the  Court 
of  Rome  that  thruft  all  the  Englifh  Nation  both  Proteftants  and  Kcw^«-CathoIicks 
together  out  of  their  doors ,  and  chafed  them  away  from  them",  when  Pope  Paul 
the  Third  excommunicated  and  interdided  England ,  in  the  dayes  of  Henry  the  B«//<<  Pduli 
Eighth  ,  before  ever  any  reformation  was  attempted  by  the  Proteftants.  In  that  con-  l' "''"'    ^.f "" 
dition  the  Proteftants  found  the  Church  and  King,dom  of  England  in  the  dayesof  J.7.p!i3t. 
Edreard  the  Sixth.     So  there  was  no  need  of  any  new  Separation  from  the  commu- 
nion of  the  Church  of  Kome^  the  Court  of  Kome  had  done  that  to  their  hands.   So 
to  conclude  my  Firft  Propofition,  Whatfoever  fome  not  knowing,  or  not  weighing, 
the  ftate  of  our  Affairs ,  and  the  Ads  and  Records  of  thofe  times  have  raftily  or  ig- 
norantly  pronounced  to  the  Contrary  i  it  is  evident  that  the  Proteftants  had  no  hand 
either  in  the  Separation  of  the  Englijh  Church  from  the  Court  of  Kome ,  or  in 
their  feparation  from  the  Church  of  Kome  :  The  former  being  made  by  profeffed 
2lo/Mj«-Catholicks,  the  later  by  the  Court  of  Rowf  it  {elf  j  both  before  the  Refor- 
mation following  in  the  dayes  of  Edward  the  Sixth  ,  both  at  a  time -when  the  poor 
Proteftants  fuffered  death  daily  for  their  confcience  upon  the  Six  bloody  Articles. 


CHAP.    IV. 

That  the  King  and  Kingdom  of  England,  in  the  Separation 
from  Rome ,  did  maJ^e  no  mn>  Lavp  ,  but  'vindicate  their 
ancient  Liberties, 

TH  E  Second  Conclufion  upon  examination  will  prove  as  evident  as  the  for- 
mer ,  That  Henry  the  Eighth^  and  thofe  Romzn-Catholicks  ^ith  him,  who  made 
the  great  Separation  from  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  did  no  new  thing ,  but  what 
iheir  Tredeceffors  in  all  ages  had  done  before  them  ,  treading  in  the  jle^s  of  their  Chrijiian 
Ancelhrs. 

And  Firft  ,  it  cannot  be  deny'd,  but  that  any  Perfon  Or  Society  that  hath  an  Eminent  per^ 
eminent  reputation  of  learning,  or  prudence  ,  or  piety,  or  authority,  or  power,  (°"*  f'^'^c  greic 
hath  ever  had ,  and  ever  will  have ,  a  great  influence  upon  his  or  their  neighbours,  out  an^^^lo  "^ 
without  any  legal  Jurifdidtion  over  them,  or  fubjedtion due  from  them.  diftion.       ' 

Secondly,  it  is  confefled ,  that  in  the  primitive  times  great  was  the  dignity  and  The  dignity  of 
authority  of  the  Apoftolical  Churches,  as    Kome  ^  Antioch^  Ephefm  ^  Hierw/j/fw,  ^Jl^^P?*^"''"' 
Alexandria,  which  were  founded  by  the  Apoftles  themfelves  i  And  that  thofe  anci-      °"    ** 
ent  Chriftians  in  all  their  differences  did  look  upon  the  Bilhops  of  thofe  Sees  as  ho- 
nourable Arbitrators  ,  and  faithful  Depofitaries  of  the  genuine  Apoftolical  Traditi- 
ons ,  efpecially  wherein  they  accorded  one  with  another.     Hence  is  that  of  Tertul-  z,  de  Pro- 
lian  ,  Conjlat  omnem  dol3rinam  qu£  cum  illk  Ecclefik  Apojlolicis ,  matricibus  ,  &  origina-  fc-  advcrf. 
libus  ,  conjjiirat,  &c.     Whatfoever  doHrine  agrees  with  thofe  Apojiolical,  original,  mother-  ^"'1' 
Churches^   is  to  be  refuted  true.     And  in  this  fenfe  and  no  other,  St.  Cyfriany 
a  great  admirer   and  imitater  both  of    the    matter    and  words  of  lertuUian , 
whom  he   honoured  with  the    Title   of  his  Majier ,    doth   call  the  Church  of  ^^      Epiji.  ». 
Kome  a  Matrix ,  and  a  root.     But  if  the  Tradition  varied ,    as  about  the  oblcr- 
vation  ofEajicr,  between  ViCior  Biftiop  of  Kome,  and  Polycrates  BiOiop  ofEphefm,  the 
one  prefcribing  from  S.Peter  and  S.Paul,  the  other  from  S.  John  :  the  refpedive  Chur- 
ches did  conform    themfelves  to  their  Superiours  i    or  if  they  were  free,    (  as 

the 


_„                                        A  jHfi  Vindication  T  O  M  E  1. 

/^ - 


the  Britamique  Churches  were;  to  their  own  judgment  i  or  to  the  example  of  their 
Neiahbour  Churches  i  or  kept  them  to  the  Tradition  dehvercd  unto  them  by  their 
fi  itconvcrters.  As  in  this  very  controverlle  about  E^ffr,  and  fome  baptifmal  Rites, 
the  £r///>  and  Scotijh  Bifhops  alwayes  adhered  to  the  Ealkrn  Church.  A  ftrong 
prcfumption  that  thence  they  received  the  Faith,  and  were  not  fubordinate  to  the 
Patriarchal  See  of  Koiue.  But  yet  all  this  honourable  refped  proceeded  from  a  free 
prudential  compliance,  without  any  perpetual  or  neceflary  fubjedion.  Afterwards 
fomeChurchesloft,  fome  gained,  the  place  and  dignity  of  Apollolical  Churches,  ei- 
thcrbycullom,  fo£/'/?e/«^Joft  itiorbythe  Canonsof  the  Fathers,,  fo  Conjianumple 
Kovel.iii'  «•   jjj       jj.  .^  or  Laftly,  by  Imperial  priviledges,  fo  JujUmam  and  Carthage  obtained 

It  ii  no  mar-     *  Thirdly,  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  of,  but  that  after  the  year  fix  hundred,  after  that 

vel    thar  the  -poric  Boniface  had  quitted  his  Patriarchal  dignity,  by  affuming  a  more  lofty  title  of 

Pope  winded  ^j^y^jfai  Eifliop,  The  fuccceding  Popes  by  the  connivence,  leave,  or  confent,  of  our 

Eneland  '"by  Kings,  did  fometimes  more,  fometimes  lefs,  upon  pretence  of  their  univcrfal  Jurif- 

degrees.  didion,  by  degrees  thrult  in  their  fickle  into  the  Eeclefiaftical  affairs  of  Ewg/^Ki/. 

Whofoever  fhall  ponder  duly  with  what  a  depth  of  prudence  the  Koman-Couit  hath 

mefiiaged  all  occafions  and  occurrences  to  the  advantage  and  advancement  of  that 

See  and  confequentlyto  thcimp^overaentof  their  own  authority  i  whofoever  fhall 

weigh  (erioufly  with  what  art  and  cunning  the  Papacy  (  as  it  now  is  )  was  tacked 

into  the  Church  contrary  to  wind  and  weather,  and  how  their  beginning  of  Unity 

was  (crued  up  to  an  Omnipotence,  and  Univerfality  of  power  j  whofoever  fhall  duly 

confider  what  advantage  they  made  to  that  See,  and  therein  to  themfelves,  by  the 

onely  countenancing  of  P/:'oc(»f  his  bafe  and  bloudy  Murther,  or  of  Charles  Martel  his 

more  glorious  and  fuccefsful  revolt,  will  not  wonder  to  obferve,how  they  did  watch 

their  times  when  we  had  Princes  of  weak  judgments,  or  neceflitous,  or  fuperflitiouSj 

or  of  unjuft  or  Litigious  Titles,  to  wind  themfelves  into  Britain,     Nay,  rather  he 

will  admire  that  they  did  not  radicate  themfelves  more  deeply  and  more  firmly 

therein  i  which  without  doubt  they  had  effedled,  but  for .  their  exorbitant  rapines, 

whileft  they  thought  that  like  Foxes  they  might  prey  mofl  boldly  farthefl  from  their 

own  Kennel  '■>  An<ilia  verb  hortus  mjier.  deliciarum  ,  pttein  inexhaufius  </J,  ubi  multa 

U41- f  "I'osf "  abundant,  multa  de  multisextorqueri  pofimt  -^  1  hat  England  indeed  rvat  his  garden  of  de- 

£(/.L»nrf.i64o.  light,  a  Well  that  could  not  he  draxvn  dry.     And  where  many  things  did  abound,  out  of 

much,  much  might  be  extorted. 

But  firfi  this  intrufion  was  manifeftufurpation  and  Tyranny  s  This  was  the  Gan- 
grene of  the  Church,  which  no  fubfequent  poffelhon  or  fubmiflion  could  warrant, 
no  Trad  of  time  or  Prefcription  fufficiently  confirm,     ^tod  ab  initio  futt  invalidum 
/cjfliOfw^'orij  MOM  co«r<j/f/c/t,  That  which  is  not  onely  unjufl,  but  invalid  in  its  be- 
ginning, can  never  be  made  valid  by  the  empty  pretenfe  of  a  following  cuflom  os 
No  $«on,      prefcription.    Neither  do  I  find  in  truth  that  any  of  the  petite  Saxon  Kings,  or  their 
b"''^'k"^       Subjedts,  though  fome  of  them  indebted  to  St.  Gregory  for  their  firft  Converfion,  and 
evel  madiwy  all  of  them  much  weakned  by  their  Sevenfold  divifion,  (  for  at  firfl  of  Seven  Kings 
obliging  fubr  there  was  but  onely  one  who  was  a  Chril^ian,  namely  the  King  of  Kent  •■,  Neither 
miflion  to  the  ^^^j  j^  ^^^  of  his  ProgenyC  who  did  afterwards  unite  the  Heptarchy  into  a  Monarchy) 
^^^'  much  lefs  that  any  of  the  fucceeding  Kings  of  'England,  or  of  Great  Brittain  united, 

did  ever  make  any  Solemn,  formal  or  obliging  acknowledgment  of  their  fubmifiion 
to  the  Bifhop  of  B.ome. 
Bed.L.t:c.t6.       But  on  the  contrary,  when  ^«/?i>f  firfi:  arrived  in  E;^/^M^i,  he  flaied  in  the  I/le  of 
fhanet,  until  he  knew  the  Kings  pleafure,  and  offered  not  to  Preach  in  Kent,  until  he 
had  the  Kings  Licenfe  for  him  and  his  followers  to  Preach  throughout  his  Domini- 
Bed.  1. 1,  c.  ap.  ^^^^    g^  ^^^  P^^jy  jj^^jj.  jurifdidion  ,  but  even  the  exercife  of  their  pafloral  fundi- 
on  within  that  Realm,  was  by  the  Kings  leave  and  Authority.     The  donation  or  re . 
Agnation  of  King  John,  whereby  he  went  about  to  make  a  free  Kingdom  fervile  and 
feudatary  to  the  Pope,  did  concern  the  Crown  more  than  the  Miter,  and   was  foon 
hifTed  out  of  the  World  to  the  perpetual  fhame  and  infamy  of  fuch  mercenary  Pa- 
florsi  yet  to  obtain  this  Ludibrious  ad  the  power  of  the  Keyes  was  abufed,  and 
the  Kingdom  of  England  flood  interdided  by  the  fpace  of  fix  years  and  three 
Moncths. 

The 


7' 


Discourse   IJ.        Of  the  Church  of  Enojund. 

The  Popes  in  later  times  had. fome  power  in  En^land^  of  courtefic,  not  of  Duty,  ~ 

butnevcr  that  Omnipotence  which  they  gaped  after.     Sometimes  they  fent  their  p^fv^M? 
Nuncio's  or  Legates  into  E?ig/W.     So  they  did  of  old  into   other  Patriarchates.  Englaad  was 
Sometimes  they  admitted  Appeals  from  E>7g/;z««^  to  Rome.     So  they  did  of  old  from  of  courteUc. 
Africki     Sometimes  they  Excommunicated  the  E;f^///&Subje<fls.     So  did  Pope  Fic7or 
long  fince  excommunicate  all  the  Afiatick^.     But  neither  Afu  nor  Jfrick^  for  all  that 
did  acknowledge  the  Popes  Jurifdidioo.     On  the  other  fide  ,fometimes  their  Legates 
were  not  permitted  to  enter  into  the  Realm,  or  after  their  arrival  thrull  out  of  the 
Realm,  unlefs  they  would  give  caution  by  Oath  for  their  good  demefnour.     Some- 
times their  Bullsand  Excommunications  were  flighted  or  damned,  and  they   who 
procured  them  foundly  punifhed  for  their  labours.     Sometimes  all  Appeals  to  Rome 
were  prohibited  under  molt  (evere  penalties,  and  their  decrees  rejeftcd.     All  this 
while  our  Kings  and  Bifliops  called  Councils,'  the  one  under  civil  punifliments ,  the 
other  under  Ecclefiaftical,  madeEccleliaftical  Laws  and  Conliitutions  in  their  Synods 
and  Parliaments,  yeaexprefs  Conftitutions  againfl  the  Court  of  Kome'k  felf,  with  as 
much  tartnefs  and  vehemency  as  King  Hewry  the  Eighth.     And  with  this  onely 
difference,  that  they  endeavoured  to  draw  the  people  out  of  the  Popes  clawes  at 
liome,  and  he  thought  it  more  expedient  to  throw  the  Pope  over  the  Britijh  Sea 
once  for  altogether.     The  old  and  lawful  Patriarchal  power  of  the  Roman  Bifhops 
within  their  own  deftrifts,  had  been  renotmced  long  iDefbre  by  themfclves.     Their, 
new  univerfal  Monarchy,  ereded  by  themfelves,  was  not  capable  of  piefcriptions  > 
or  if  it  had,  yet  fuch  a  dubiousunquietpolTelfion  as  the  Popes  did  hold  in  England  zt 
the  mercy  and  diTcretionof  the  right  owners,  was  not  fiifficient  to  make  a  legal  pre- 
fcription,  or  to  juftifie  their  pretended  Title,  or  to  render  them  bona  fidei  pojjejj'oref, 
lawful  and  confcionable pofleflbrs.     This  is  that  which  I  am  now  to  dcmonltrate  in 
this  (econd  ground. 

The  moft  famous  (  I  had  almoft  faid  the  onely  )  appellant  from  Enzland  to  Rome      .. .,     . 
that  we  read  of  before  the  Conqueft  was  THlfride  Arch-Bifhop'of  T<vj^,  who  not- ^'(fgr^at '^p. 
withftanding  that  he  gained  fcntence  upon fentence  at  Romem his  favour  i  And  not-  pellant. 
withftanding  that  the  Pope  did  (end  exprefs  Nuncio's  into  England^  on  purpofe  to  fee 
his  lentence  executed  i   yet  he  could  not  obtain  his  reftitution  or  the.  benefit  of  his 
fentence  for  fix  years,  during  the  Raigns  of  King  Egbert  and   AJfrede  his  Son.   Yea 
King  -<4//re«/e  told  the  Popes  Nuncio's  exprefly,  77wf /;? /wm^rf^  t/?wj   as  hU  Parents 
fir  their  grave  lives  and  honourable  ajpelis,  but  he  could  not  give  any  anient  to,  their  Legati-  '^''  "*' 
»«i  Becaufe  it  TVjf  againji  reafon,  that  a  perpm  tivice  condemned  by  the  rohole   Council   of" 
the  En^\i(h,fioKld  be  reftored  upon  the  topes  Letter.     If  they  had  believed  the  Pope  to 
be  their  competent  Judge,  either  as  univerfal  Monarch,  or  fo  much  as  Patriarch  of 
Brittain^  cr  any  more  than  aii  honourable  Arbitrator,  (  which  all  the  Patriarchs  were 
even  without  the  bounds  of  their  proper  Jurifdidtions*)  how  comes  it  to  pais  that 
two  Kings  fuccelfively,  and  the  great  Councils  of  the  Kingdom,  and  the  other  Arch- 
Biihop  Tljeodore  with  all  the  prime  EcclefialHcks ,  and  the  flower  of  the  Enghjh 
Clergy,  did  fo  long  and  fb  refolutely  oppofe  Co  many  fentences  and  Meflages  from 
Rome,  and  condemn  him  twice,  whom  the  Pope  had  abfolved  ?  Conilderthat  JFilfride 
was  an  Arch-Bifhop,  not  an  inferiour  Clerk  h  And  if  an  appeal  from  England  to  Rome 
had  been  proper  or  lawful  in  any  cafe,  it  had  beenfb  in  his  cafe.     But  it  was  other- 
wife  determined  by  thoie  who  were  mofl:  concerned. 

Mij/wfji/^ryfuppofeth,  either  by  Infpiration,  or  upon  his  own  head,  that  the  King 
and  the  Arch-Bifhop  Theodore  were  fmitten  with  remorfe  before  their  deaths,  for  the 
injury  done  to  Wilfride  and  the  flighting  of  the  Popes  Sentence,  Letter  and  Legates. 
Ettt  the  contrary  is  moft  apparently  true  •,  for  firft,  it  was  not  King  Alfrede  alone, 
but  the  main  body  of  the  Clergy,  that  oppofed  the  Popes  Letter,  and  the  reftitution 
of  ?F///ri^,  in  that  manner  as  it  was  decreed  at  Rwzp. 

Secondly,  after  Alfrede  and  Theodore  were  both  dead,  we  find  the  Popes  fentence 
'and  Wilfrides  reftitution  ftill  oppofed  by  the  furviving  Bifhops, in  the  Raign  of  Alfre- 
des  Son.  To  clear  the  matter  paft  contradidtion,  letusconfider  the  ground  of  this 
long  and  bitter  contention  i  Wilfride  the  Arch-Bifhop  was  become  a  great  pluralift, 
and  had  ingrofTed into  hishandstoo  many  Ecclefiaftical  Dignities.  The  King  and 
the  Church  of  England  thought  fit  to  deprive  him  of  fome  of  them,  and  to  confer 

thera 


72 


A  jHJi  Vindication 


TOME  1 


Dc  Eltfl.  ro- 
te/I. c  4.Sitni- 
ficafli,  iSC. 
Bar.  at.iioz* 
m.  8, 


Malm.  1. 1,  dt 
Oefl.  Pontif. 
Anilor. 


Hived'  i» 
Nen.i. 


Malm,  itid. 


Matth.  Par. 
411.1164. 

Rog.  Havei. 
in  Nen>2, 


Lf  gatioM  iS 
rare  as  Ap« 

peals. 

Spelm-  Conct 
an*  787. 


then  upon  others,  mifride  appealed  from  their  fentence  unto  Kome.  The  Pope  gave 
fcntcncc  after  (cntcncc  in  favour  of  Wtlfrtde.  But  tor  all  his  fentences  he  was  not,  he 
could  riotbjrcltorecl,untilhshad  quitted  two  of  his Monafieries,  which  were  inque- 
IHon  Henpejihiil  dtJUy  oc  Jiifo//,  which  of  all  others  he  loved  moft  dearly,  and  wherche 
was  afterwards  interred.  This  was  not  a  conque(l,but  a  plain  waving  of  his  fentences 
from  Kcwt'  and  a  yielding  of  the  queftioni  for  thofe  had  been  the  chief  caufes  of  the 
controveriic.  So  the  King  and  the  Church  after  ^//rf^fj- death  ftill  made  good  his 
conclulion  That  it  was againftrea(bn,  that  a  perfon  twice  condemned  by  the  whole 
Council  of  the  Englip ,  Ihould  be  reftored  upon^he  Popes  Bull.  And  as  he  did  not, 
(b  neither  did  they,  give  any  alTent  to  the  Popes  legation. 

So  unfortunate  were  appeals  to  Kome  in  thofe  dayes  :  And  as  unfrequent  as  un- 
fortunate •,  for  from  that  time  until  Anfelmes  dayes  after  tlie  Norman  Conquefl:  in  the 
Raign  of  Henry  the  firft,  we  do  hardly  meet  with  another  appeal.  Then  Pope 
Tafchalis  the  fccond  had  devifed  a  new  Oath  for  Arch-Bifhops,  when  they  received 
their  Pall  i  An  Oath  much  wondered  at  in  all  places,  as  a  ftrange  innovation,  Signifi- 
ciifH  reaes  &  Regnhnajores  admiratione  permotos.,  &c.  Tou  fignifieduntome  that  Kings  and 
Nuhks  were  moved  rvith  admiration.,  that  the  Tall  vpm  offered  unto  you  by  our  Minijiers^ 
upon  condition  that  yoHJhoiMtakg  an  Oath  rvhich  they  brou^t  you  written  from  us,  &£. 

This  Oath  was  that  which  animated  Anfelme  to  conteft  fb  hotly  with  the  King. 
The  main  controvcrfie  was  about  this  very  qucftion  of  Appeals  to  Rome.  The 
King  pleaded  the  fundamental  Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Land,  Confuetudo  Kegfu 
mei  ejl  a  Patremeoinflttuta^  utnuliuf  pr£ter  licentiam  Regis  appeUetur  Tapa.  ^ui  confu- 
etadines  regni  to^it,poteflatem  quoque  &  coronam  Regis  violat,  &c.  Jt  is  a  cuftomof  -my 
Kingdom  injiitutedby  myfather^thatno  Tope  may  be  appealed  unto  without  the  Kings  Li- 
cenjt:  Hethat  tak^th  away  the  Cujloms  of  the  Kingdom,  doth  violence  to  the  power  and 
Crown  of  the  King.  Itistobe  noted,  that  the  Laws  Eftablifhed  by  his  Father  (that 
was  William  die  Conquerour  )  were  no  other  than  the  Lawes  of  Edward  the  Confef^ 
for,  that  is  to  fay,  the  old  Saxon  Laws.  So  he  might  juftly  fay,  both  that  it  was  an 
ancient  immemorial  Cuftom  of  the  Kingdom,  andalfo  that  it  was  inftituted  or  efta- 
blifhed  by  his  Father.  So  Hoveden  ttWs  us,  that  at  lajl  he  yielded  to  the  requefi  of  his 
Barons  &c.  That  was  by  his  authority  to  confirm  the  Laws  of  King  Edward. 
But  the  befl  was,  that  though  y^«/f /we  the  Arch-Bifhop  was  obliged  by  Oath  to  the 
Pope,  yet  theBifhops  were  notfb  fcon  brought  into  the  fame  bondage.  And  there- 
fore the  former  Authour  tells  us,  that  Jn  his  exeqmndis  omnes  Epifcopi  Anglic  Trimati 
fuofuffragiurn  neghrttnt^ln  the  execution  of  thefe  things,  all  the  Bijhops  of  England  did 
deny  their  fuffrage  to  their  Trimate.     So  unanimous  were  they  in  this  point. 

Which  unanimity  of  the  whole  Realm  both  Clergy  and  Laity  doth  appear  yet 
more  evidently  by  the  Statute  of  Clarendon,  made  in  the  Raign  of  the  grand-child  of 
this  King,  when  all  the  Prelates  and  Peers  of  the  Realm  did  confirm  the  former  an- 
cient Brittifh  Englifh  cuftom,  not  onely  by  their  confents,  but  by  their  Oaths,  whereof 
wefhall  haveoccafion  to  fpeak  more  hereafter.  And  upon  this  cuflom  was  that  Law 
grounded,  which  ourHiftoriesdo  make  mention of^5/  quU  inventus  fuerit  literas  vel 
mandatumferens  Domini  Tap£,  Scc.capiatur,  et  de  eoficut  de  Regis  traditore  &  regm,fine 
dilatione  fat  JHJiitia.  Jf  any  one  be  found  bringing  in  the  Topes  Letter  or  Mandate,  let  him 
he  apprehended,  and  let  juflice  pa^  upon  him  without  delay  as  a  Traitor  to  the  King  and 
Kingdom.  And  generaUy  every  man  is  interdiUed,  or  forbidden,  to  appeal  to  the  Tope, 
An^  the  Legations  from  Rome  were  almofl  as  rare  as  Appeals  to  Rome,  during  the 
Raignsof  all  the  Brit//;  and  ^S'^^xom  Kings,  until  ihn  Norman  conqueft.  As  Gregory 
Bifhop  of  Ojfi«>«  the  Popes  own  Legate  did  confefs.  That  he  was  the  firfl  Roman 
Triefi  that  wasfent  into  thofe  parts  of  Brittain,  from  the  time  of  St.  Auftin.  And  thofe 
Legates  were  no  others  than  ordinary  Meflengers  or  EmbafTadors,  fent  from  one 
Neighbour  to  another.  Such  a  thing  as  a  Legantine  Court,  or  a  Nuncio's  Court, was 
not  known  in  the  Bm//&  World  in  thofe  Ages,  and  long  after.  It  is  not  enough  to 
fhew  that  one  Roman  Bifhop  did  once  fend  over  one  or  two  Doctors  to  help  to  pro- 
pagate or  confirm  the  Faith,  or  to  lend  their  helpinghandsto  Religion  fainting. 

This  may  well  fet  forth  their  Devotion ,  and  our  obligation.     But  further  as  to  the 
prefent  queftion  it  fignifies  juft  nothing. 

Favours  ceafcto  be  favours,  when  they  are  done  onpurpofe  to  deprive  men  of  their 

an-. 


Discourse   I  J.         Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  72 


ancient  liberties,  Tiie  Brhijh  Bifliops,  zw^EngliJh  al(b,  have  done  as  much  for  other 
Nations,  over  v^?hom  they  did  never  challenge  any  Jurifdiftion.  The  French  Church 
fent  over  German  and  Lupuf  to  help  and  root  up  the  relids  of  Telagianifm  in  Bri- 
tain ,  yet  did  never  pretend  thereby  to  any  Authority  over  the  Britain^ 

Add  to  this,  that  during  all  the  time  from  St.  Gregory  to  the  Conquefi: ,  it  was  Saxon  Kings 
ufual  for  the  Bnfz>  ,  Saxon,  and  I>^«7>  Kings ,  with  their  Clergy  or  great  Coun- "i^-^^,?^'^'^''* 
oil,  to  make  Ecclefuftical  Laws,  and  to  regulate  the  external  Difcipline  of  the  ^  ''^^    '""' 
Church  within  their  Dominions  :  Witneft  the  Laws  of  Excombert ,  Jva  ,    TFithred , 
JIfrede  ^  Edtvard,   Atheljian,  Edmond,  Edgar,  Athelred,  Camttm,  znd.  Edtvard  the 
ConfefTor ,  among  whole  Laws  one  makes  it  the  Office  of  a  King  to  govern  the  Church  Cap.  15. 
Of  the  Vicar  «/  God.     Another  implyes  a  power  in  the  King  and  his  Judges,    to  tak^  Cap.  5. 
cogHifance  of  rvrong  done  in  Ecclefufiical  Courts.     It  was  to  this  holy  King  Edward 
the  ConfelTcr  ,  that  Pope  Nicholas  the  Second  by  his  Bull  for  him  and  his  Succef- 
fors ,  granted  thefe  enfuing  Priviledges  to  the  Kings  of  England  for  ever  i  Namely, 
the  Advocation  and  proteHion  of  a\l  the  Churches  of  England  ,   and  forver  in  his  Head 
to  mak^  juji  Ecclef  apical  Conftitutions ,  rvith  the  advice  of  their  Bijhops  and  Ahbats.  ^P^^'"'^""'^' 
This  Grant  is  as  full  or  fuller  ,  than  that  which  Vrban  the  Second  made  to  Roger 
Earl  of  Sicily,  from  whence  the  Kings  of  Spain  at  this  day  do  not  onely  challenge, 
but  enjoy,  in  a  manner  all  Ecclefiartical  power  in  Sicily.     If  the  Pope  had  ever  had 
any  fuch  right  as  he  pretends ,  this  onely  Bull  were  fufficient  to  juftifie  our  Kings. 
But  they  enjoyed  this  very  power  from  the  beginning ,  as  an  eflential  flower  of 
their  Crowns,  without  any  thanks  to  the  Pope.     To  makg  juji  Ecclefiajiical  Conftitu- 
tions in  the  Tope's  ftead,  {aith  the  Bull.     To  govern  the  Church  as  the  Vicar  of  God,  faith 
the  Law  of  the  Land. 

The  Bifhops  of  Kome  have  ever  been  very  kind  ,  in  granting  thofe  things  which  ficeofthe'^Ko" 
were  none  of  their  own  ,  and  in  making  deputations  and  delegations  to  them  who  man  Bifhc^s. 
flood  in  need  of  their  help,  being  lawfully   inverted  in  that  power  and  dignity, 
which  the  Popes  pretended  out  of  their  goodnefs  to  confer  upon  them,  but  in  truth, 
did  it  onely  for  the  reputation  of  their  See  ,    and  for  maintaining  the  Opinion  of 
their  own  Grandeur.     Whether  the  Deputation  were  accepted  or  not,  they  did  not 
much  trouble  themfelves.     So  they  dealt  with  Hofm ,  Prefident  in  the  Council  of 
Nice--,  So  they  dealt  with  the  Patriarch  of  J Hjiiniana prima  ■■,  So  they  icrved  good 
King  E«/n?jr^,  and  many  others.         _  KormanKlngi 

This  Legiflative  power  in  Ecclefiaftical  caufes  over  Ecclefiaftical  perfons,  the  Nor-  enjoyed  the 
man  Kings  after  the  Conqueft  did  alfo  exercife  trom  time  to  time ,  with  the  advice  ^^"^  power, 
and  confent  of  their  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal.     Hence  all  thofe  Statutes  con- 
cerning Benefices,  Tyths,  Advowfbns,  Lands  given  in  Mortmain,  Prohibitions, 
Confliltations ,  Trxmunires,  ^are  impedits ,  Priviledge  of  Clergy,  Extortions  of 
Ecclefiaftical  Courts  or  Officers ,  and  regulating  their  due  Fees ,  Wages  of  Priefts , 
Mortuaries,  Sanduaries,  Appropriations,  and   in  fumme,   all  things  which  did 
belong  to  the   external  fubfilknce,  regiment,    and   regulating    of  the  Church, 
and  this    in  the  Reigns  of  our  befl:  Kings,  long  and  long  before  the  Reforma- 
tion. Cap  •  qum.  de 

Othobone  the  Popes  Legate,  under  Vrban  the  Fifth,  would  have  endowed  Vi-  -Apprspr.is. 
cars  upon  appropriated  Redlories ,  but  could  not.     But  our  Kings  by  Two  ^^^-  ffs/c  12.^' 
tutes  or  A(5ts  of  Parliament,  did  eafdy  effedt  it.     With  us  the  Pope  could  not  make 
a  Spiritual  Corporation,  but  the  King.     The  Pope  could  not  exempt  from  the  Ju-  2  N.  ^-c.  g. 
rifdidtion  of  the  Ordinary,  but  the  King  ,   who  by  his  Charter  could  convert  Secu-  « -W-  k'^-  4* 
lars  into  Regulars.     The  Pope  could  not  grant  the  Priviledge  of  the  Ciftercians  and 
other  Orders ,  to  be  free  from  the  payment  of  Tyths  v  but  the  King.     The  Pope 
could  not  appropriate  Churches ,  but  the  King  :  We  find  Eight  Churches  appropri' 
ated  to  the  Abby    of  Cropland  by  the  Saxon  Kings ,  Three  Churches  appropriated 
to  the  Abby    of  Battel!  by  the  Conquerour ,  and  Twenty  by  Henry  the  Firfl  to  the 
Church  oiSarUbury.    The  King  in  his  great  Council  could  make  void  the  Certifi- 
cates of  Ordinaries  in  cafes  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognizance,  and  command  them  to  ab- 
(blve  thofe  perfons  who  were  judged  by  his  Authority  to  be  unjuftly  excommunica-  g  jf  g^  ,j. 
ted.     The  Pope  could  not  Tranflate  an  Arch-Bifhoprick,  or  a  Bifhoprick  ,  but  the  cooi^  Report; 
King.     The  difpofition  of  Ecclefiaftical  preferments  upon  lapfe ,  accrued  not  to  the  Cawdrieiciie* 

I  Pope, 


"Y^  A  Jufi  Vindication  T  O  M  K  J. 


Deacon  to  the  Bipop  ,  from  the  Bipop  to  the  Archbijhop  ;  and  if  the  Arcb-bifl)op  failed  to  do 
ittftjce,  the  laft  complaint  muft  be  to  the  King  ,  to  give  order  for  redrefi,  that  is  ,  by  fit 
Delegates.  But  there  might  be  no  farther  or  other  Appeals  without  the  conlent  of 
the  King:  whereby  tlie  Nunciatures,  and  Legantine  Court,  and  the  Court  of 
Rome  it  {elf  are  all  at  the  King's  mercy.  Wherein  did  the  Pope's  great  ftrength  lie 
in  thofe  dayes?  when  his  hands  were  fait  tied  both  at  home  and  abroad  , 

Another  Cuftom  was  ,  that  no  Ecclefiajlical  ferfon  might  depart  out  of  the  Kingdom 
without  the  Kings  Licence  (  no  not tho.ugh  they  were  fummoned  by  the  Bifliop  of 
Roym. )  And  if  the  King  permitted  them  to  go  ,  yet  if  he  required  it ,  they  muji  give 
caution  or  fecurity  to  a&  nothing  hurtful  or  prejudicial  to  the  King  or  Kingdom,  in  their 
going  thither ,  abiding  there,  and  returning  home.  You  fee-our  Anceftors  were  jealous 
of  Rome  in  thofe  dayes.  "Whether  it  was  their  providence  or  their  experience  that 
Taught  them  this  Leilbn,  certainly  their  prudence  to  prevent  dangers  was  very  com- 
mendable. 

A  Third  Cuftom  was  ,  that  the  revenues  of  all  Ecclefiaftical  Dignities  belonging  to 
the  King's  demeifne  ,  during  the  vacancy,  were  to  be  received  by  the  King,  as  free- 
ly as  the  rents  of  his  own  demeifnes.  Tell  me,  who  was  then  the  Patron  and  Politick 
Head  of  the  Church  ? 

A  Fourth  Cuftom  was  ,  that  when  an  Archbifliopric\,  Bipoprivk,,  Abbacy  or  Friory 
did  fall  void ,  the  eledion  was  to  be  made  byfuch  of  the  Principal  Dignitaries  or  Members 
of  that  rejpeaive  Church  which  was  to  he  filled ,  as  the  ^ing  fhould  call  together  for  that 
pirpofe  ,  with  the  Kings  confent ,  in  the  King's  own  Chappel.  And  there  the  Tcrfon  ele- 
cted was  to  do  his  homage  and  fealty  to  the  King,  as  to  his  Liege  Lord.  The  later  form 
of,  Dei  &  Apoftolic£  fedis  gratia  ,  had  taken  no  root  in  England  in  thofe 
dayes.    . 

The  reft  are  of  the  fame  nature,  as  that  Controverfies  concerning  Advowfons 
ought  to  be  determined  in  the  King's  Courts  Benefices  belonging  to  the  King's  Pa- 
tronage could  not  be  appropriated  without  his  Grant. 

When  a  Clergy-man  was  accufed  of  any  Delinquency ,  the  King's  Court  ought 
to  determine  what  part  of  his  accufation  was  of  Civil ,  and  what  part  of  Ecclefia- 
ftical cognifance.  And  the  King's  Juftice  might  (end  to  the  Ecclefiaftical  Court  to 
fee  it  ordered  accordingly.  None  of  the  King's  Servants  or  Tenants  that  held  of  him 
in  capite  might  be  excommunicated,nor  their  Lands  interdided,  before  the  King  was 
made  acquainted. 

when  it  was  queftioned  whether  a  Tenement  were  of  Ecclefiaftick  or  Lay-fee, 
the  King's  Juftice  was  to  determine  it  by  the  Oaths  of  Twelve  men.  All  Ecclefia- 
ftical perfons  who  held  any  poffellions  from  the  King  in  capite  ,  were  to  do  fuit  and 
fervice  for  the  fame  as  other  Barons  did  ,  and  to  joyn  with  the  King's  Barons  in  the 
King's  Judgments ,  until  it  came  to  fentence  of  death  ,  or  diminution  of  Mem- 
bers. 

To  this  memorial  all  the  Nobility  and  Clergy  of  the  Englijh  Nation  did  fwear 
nrmly ,  in  the  word  of  Truth  ,  to  keep  all  the  Cuftoms  therein  <;ontained,  and  ob- 
ferve  them  faithfully  to  the  King  and  his  Heirs  for  ever.  Among  the  reft,  Thomas 
Becl^et  the  iVrchbiftiop  oi^  Canterbury  himfelf ,  was  carried  along  with  the  crowd  to 
take  his  Oath  i  though  fhortly. after  he  fell  from  it,  and  admitted  the  Pope's  abfblu- 
tion. 

By  the  Statute  of  Carlile ,  made  in  the  dayes  of  Edward  the  Frrft,  it  was  decla- 
s  e  Vc  r-  •^'^^  '  ''^^^'^  '^■'^  ^"^y  Church  of  England  was  founded  in  the  eftate  of  Prelacy  ,  mthin  the 
lile.  Realm  of  England  ,  by  the  Kings  and  Peers  thereof  ■-,  And  that  the  feveral  Incroach- 

ments  of  the  Biftiop  of  Rome  fJ3eciried  in  that  Adt,  did  tend  to  the  annullation  of  the 
jiate  of  the  Church ,  the  difmheriting  of  the  King  and  the  Peers ,  and  the  deftruUion  of 
the  Laws  and  Rights  of  the  Realm ,(  contra  formam  collationis  )  contrary  to  the  difiofition 
and  will  of  the  firji  Founders.  Obferve  [  in  theftate  of  Prelacy  "]  not  of  Papacyi  [with- 
in the  Realm  ~\  not  without  itj  \_  Ry  the  Kings  ~\  not  by  the  Popes  v  of  whofe  exor- 
bitant and  deftrudlive  ufurpations  as  our  Anceftors  were  moftfenfible,  fo  they  want- 
,ed  neither  will  nor  power  to  remedy  them. 

\    To  corroborate  this  Law  Tiy  former  prefidents ,  and  thereby  to  fhew  that  our 
.Kings  were  ever  accounted  the  right  Patrons  of  the  Englijh  Church.     V^m^Edel- 

walk^ 


\ 

Discourse   IJ.         Of  the  Church  of  Er\p]2iv]d.  -,,' 

^ . /  S 

wa/j^made   iViljride  Bifhop  of* the  South  Saxons^  now   Chichelier.     King   Alfrede 

made  Afkrtie  BilTiop  of  Sherhurn,  and  Oeneneid^hm    Bithop  of  mncbefier.     Edivard  ptm.i-^  '^'^' 

the  Confeflbr  made  Roifrf  Archbifliop ,  whom  before  from  a  Monk  he  had  made  2  57- '    ^"'' 

Bifhop  oi  London.     Thus  the  Saxon  Kings  in  all  Age;  beftovvcd  Bifhopricks  with-  ^^•'■^•P  '■$• 

out  any  contra diftion.     The  Narwjw  .Kings  followed  their  example.     No  fooner /j'/^* 

was  Stigand  de^d ,  but  William  the   Conquerour  elecled  Lanfrank^  Abbat  of  St.  Ste~        •'•/•2°4. 

fhens  in  Caen  to  be  Archbifhop.     William  Kufm  upon  his  Death-bed  eletftcd  Anfdme 

to  be  Archbifhop  of  C««frWj.     And  until  the  dayes  of  Hfrft;)/ th;  Firft ,  the  Popes 

never  pretended  any  right,  nor  laid  any  claim,to  the  Patronage  of  the  Englijh  Chur-   • 

ches. 

The  Articles  of  the  Clergy  do  prefcribe,  that  eleUhns  be  free  ^  fo  at  the  King's  r.onrte  ArticuUclerL 
ct  ejlire  ,  or  Licence  to  ekci  be  jirft  obtained ,  and  afterrpords  the  ekHion  he  made  <^ood  by 
the  Royal  ajSent  and  confirmation.  And  the  Statute  of  Provifors,  Onr  Sovereign  Lord 
the  King  and  his  Heirs ,  Jhalf  have  and  enyiyfir  the  time,  the  collations  to  the  Archbip- 
oprickj  and  other  Dignities  ekUive  which  be  of  his  Advowry,  fuch  as  his  Progenitors  bad 
before  free  ekiiion  was  panted.  Sith  the  firji  ekdioiis  TCfere  granted  by  the  King's  2, o- 
genitors  upon  a  certain  form  and  condition,  as  namely,  to  demand  Licence  of  the  King- to 
chufe  ,  and  after  choice  made,  to  have  his  Koyal  afient.  iVinch  condition  being  k^pt  the 
thing  ought  by  reafon  to  return  to  its  firfi  Nature. 

Further,  by  the  fame  Statute  of  Provifors  it  is  declaratively  Enadted,  That  it  ?>       p     , 
the  Right  of  the  Crown  of  England  ,  and  the  Law  of  the  Realm  ,  that  upon  fuch  mif-  ^"^     ^  ^" 
chiefs  and  damages  happening  to  the  Realm ,  (  by  the  incroachments  and  oporeiiions 
of  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  mentioned  in  the  Body  of  that  Law  )  Ihe  King  ought  ,   and 
is  bound  hy  his  Oath  ,  with  the  accord  of  his  people  in  Tarliamettt ,    to  mal^  remedy  and 
Law  for  the  removing  of  fuch  mifrhiefs.     We  find   at  leaft  Seven   or  Eight  fuch  Sta- 
tutes made  in  the  Reigns  of  feveral  Kings  againfl:  Papal  Provifions ,  Refervations 
and  Collations  ,.  and  the  mifchiefs  that  flowed  from  thence. 

Let  us  liften  to  another  Law  ,  The  Crown  of  England  hath  been  fo  free  at  all  times 
that  it  hath  been  in  no  earthly  fubjedion  ,  but  immediately  fubjeVted  to  God  in  all  things 
touching  its  regality  ,  and  to  no  other  ,  and  ought  not  to  be  fubmitted  to  the  Tope.  Ob-  l^  K.2.C.5, 
ferve  thefe  exprelfions,  free  at  all  times,  free  in  all  things,  in  no  earthly  fubjedli- 
on,  immediately  fubje<Sed  to  God  ,  not  to  be  fubmitted  to  the  Pope.  And  all  this 
in  Ecclefiiftical  affairs  ,  for  of  that  nature  were  all  the  grievances  complained  of  in 
that  Law,  as  appears  by  the  view  of  the  Statute  it  fslf  Then  if  the  Kings  of 
England  and  the  reprefentative  Body  of  the  Englip  Church  do  reform  themfelves  ac- 
cording to  the  Word  of  God  ,  and  the  purert  Patterns  of  the  primitive  times ,  they 
owe  no  account  to  any ,  as  of  duty  ,  but  to  God  alone. 

By  the  fame  Statute  it  is  Enadted ,  That  they  who  jhall  procure  or  frofecute  any  To- 
fiflf  Bulb  and  Excommunications  (  in  certain  cafes  )  jhall  incur  the  forfeiture  of  their 
Efiates,   or  be  banijhed ,  or  put  out  of  the  Kin£s  prote£iion.     By  other  Statutes  it  is 

Ena.Aed  ,  Thzt  whofoeverjhould  draw  any  of  the  Kings  SubjeHs  out  of  the  Realm,  (to  2n.F      C 
Rome)  in  plea  about  any  caufe ,  whereof  the  cognifance  behngeth  to  the  King's  Court,  or     '    '^' 

Should  fue  in  any  forreign  Court  to  dfeat  any  Judgment  given  in  the  Kings  Court , 
(that  is,  hy  appealing  to  Rome  )  they  jhould  incur  the  pme  Tenalties.  The  body  of 
the  Kingdom  would  not  fuffer  Edward  the  Firft  to  be  cited  before  the  Pope.  Henry 
the  Sixth,  by  the  Counlel  of  Humphry  Duke  of  Glocejier ,  the  Protedor,  protefted 
againft  Pope  Martin  and  his  Legate  ,  That  they  would  not  admit  him  con- 
trary to  the  Laws  and  Liberties  of  the  Realm  ■■,  and  diflented  from  whatfoever 
he  did.  AS.  and  Aton, 

So  we  fee  plainly,  that  the  King  and  Church  of  England  ever  enjoyed  as  great 
or  greater  Liberties  than  the  Gallicaa  King  and  Church.  And  that  King  Henry  the 
Eighth  did  no  more  in  effed  ,  than  his  Progenitors  from  time  to  time  had  done  be- 
fore him.  Onely  they  laboured  to  dam  up  the  ftream ,  and  he  thought  it  more  ex- 
pedient to  flop  up  the  Fountain ,  of  Papal  Tyranny  v  not  by  limiting  the  habitual 
Jurifdidlion  of  the  Roman  Bifliop ,  which  was  not  in  his  power  to  do ,  but  by  (iib- 
ftrading  the  matter  ^  and  reftraining  the  adlual  exercife  of  it,  within  his  own  Do- 
minions. And  it  is  obfervable,  that  in  thegreateft  heat  of  thefe  contentions,  the 
Prelates  of  the  Realm  being  prefent  in  Parliament ,  difavowed  the  Pope's  incroach- 

I  2  ments. 


^5  A  jHJi  Vindication  T  O  M  E  1- 


mcnts  and  offered  the  King  to  Hand  with  him ,  in  nhefe  and  all  other  cafes  touching 
his  Crown  and  Kegality.,  as  they  n^ere  bound  by  their  Allegiance.  That  is,  according 
to  the  Law  of  Feuds ,  according  to  their  homage  done ,  and  according  to  the  Oath 
which  they  had  taken  at  their  Inveftitures  and  other  Bi(hopricks. 

Indeed     of  later  dayes  during  thofe  bloody  wars  between  the  Houfes  of  TorJ[;_ 
and  Ljncjjier  ,  the  Popes  {bmetimes  invaded  this  undoubted  Right  of  our  Kings  de 
faao    not  de)nre ,  as  was  eafie  for  them  to  do ,  and  tendered  to  the  Bifhops  at  their 
Invellitures  another  Oath  of  their  own  making,  at  lirft  modert  and  innocent  enough, 
Pontif.  vetm-  tliat  they  (hould  obferve  regnloi  Sandnrum  Fatrtmt,  the  rules  of  the  Holy  Fathers-,  But 
PonnfMxum-  ^f^^j.  d^^^y  altered  thg  Oath,  and  falfiricd  their  Pontirical  as  well  as  their  Faith,  chan- 
cing reeuhis  SmBorum  Patrum  ,  into  'Regalia  Saudi  Petri ,  that  they  fliould  maintain 
the  Royalties  of  St.  Teter.     A  (hamelefs  forgery,  and  admitting  them  to  be  interpre- 
ters of  their  own  Forms,  opening  a  gap  to  rob  Kings  of  their  faireft  Jewels  of  their. 
Crowns,  and  Bifhops  not  onely  of  their  Jurifdiftions ,    but  alfo  of  their  loyalty 
and  allegiance  to  their  lawful  Sovereigns  ,  unlefs  they  take  the  Oath  with  a  Prote- 
Ex  Rfiilf-       Itation  ,  as  our  Archbifhop  Cranmer  did ,  That  he  would  not  bind  himfelfto  any  thing 
Cranm.  p.  4-    contrary  to  the  Laves  of  God  or  tin:  Realm,  or  the  benefit  thereof;  Nor  yet  limit  bimfelf 
Hall  in  Her-S.  jn  ffje  Reformation  er  Government  of  the  Chioxh.     Before  which  time.  Two  oppofitc 
^'^■^°^'  and  repugnant  Oaths  were  adminilked  to  the  Bifhops ,  as  Henry  the  Eighth  made  it 

appear  plainly  in  Parliament. 

Many  thiogs  in  prudence  might  be  done  but  for  fear  of  fuch  like  alterations  and 
incroachments.  Our  Kings  gave  Peterpence  to  Rome  as  an  Alms  •,  But  in  procefs 
of  time  it  was  exadted  as  a  Tribute.  The  Emperours  for  more  fblemnity  chofe  to 
be  fworn  by  the  Pope  at  Rome,  as  the  Kings  ot  France  at  Rhemes,  and  the  Kings  of 
England  at  }fefiminj}er.  And  this  was  millnterpreted  as  a  doing  homage  to  the 
Pope. 

Rex  ven'it  ante  fores  jurans  priuf  urb'n  ho»ores  , 
Vojl  homo  fit  ?ap£  ,  fumit  quo  dame  coronam. 

The  King  doth  come  before  the  gate, 
Firfl  fwearing  to  the  Cities  ftate. 
The  Pope's  man  then  he  doth  become. 
And  of  his  gift  doth  take  the  Crown. 

Poets  might  be  bold  by  Authority :  But  it  refled  not  there.  Good  Authours  aP' 
Occh.  tart.  a.  fi^'"  the  challenge  in  good  earneft.  And  Clement  the  Fifth  in  one  of  his  Canons  or 
CIS.  *    Decrees  doth  conclude  it ,  Veclaramw juramenta pr^diHa  fidtlitatis  exijiere  & ce»feri 

Vefent.  ^  re  debere-,  JFe  declare  that  the  aforefaid  Oaths  are  and  ought  to  be  ejleemed  Oaths  of  Allegi- 
^•'hc'sovc-  ^^"'  ''^^y  ^^^^^  particulars  together ,  Our  Kings  from  time  to.  time  called  Councils, 
reigntyofour  made  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  punifhed  Ecclefiaftical  perfons ,  and  fee  that  they  did 
KingMnEc-  their  duties  in  their  callings ,  prohibited  Ecclefiaftical  Judges  to  proceed,  received 
clefiafiical  appeals  from  Ecclefiaftical  Courts,  rejeded  the  Laws  of  the  Pope  at  their  pleafurc, 
defufl^ca[  '^'  with  a  nolumm ,  we  will  not  have  the  Laws  of  England  to  be  changed  ,  or  gave  Ic- 
|)erfons.  giflative  interpretations  of  them  as  they  thought  good,    made  Ecclefiaflical  corpo- 

rations ,  appropriated  Benefices  ,  tranflated  Epifcopal  Sees ,  forbid  appeals  to  RomCy 
rejcd:ed  the  Pope's  Bulls ,  protefled  againft  his  Legates ,  queftioned  both  the  Le- 
gates thetnfclvcs,  and  all  thofe  who  acknowledged  them  in  the  Kings  Bench",  I  may 
add  ,  and  made  them  pay  at  once  an  hundred  and  eighteen  thoufand  pounds,  as  a 
compofition  for  their  eftatcs ,  condemned  the  excommunications  and  other  fentences 
of  the  Roman  Court,  would  not  permit  a  Peer,  or  Baron  of  the  Realm  to  be  excom- 
municated without  their  confents,  enjoyed  the  Patronage  of  Bifhopricks,  and  the 
inveRitures  of  Bifhopricks ,  inlarged  or  reftrained  the  Priviledge  of  Clergy,  prefcri- 
bed  the  indowmcnt  of  Vicars,  fet  down  the  wages  of  Priefts ,  and  made  Ads  to  re- 
medy the  oppreilions  of  the  Court  of  Rome. 

what  did  King  Henry  the  Eighth  in  elfecfl  more  than  this  ?  He  forbad  all  fuits  to 
the  Court  oi Rome  by  Proclamation,  which  Sanders  calls  the  beginning  of  tTie 
Schifm  •>  divers  Statutes  did  the  fame.    He  excluded  the  Pope's  Legatesi  ^o  did  the 

Law 


I 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Church  of  EnQ,hnd. 

Law  of  the  Land  ,  without  the  King's  fpccial  Licence.  He  forbad  appeals  to  Rome    Anuq».  Brh 
(b  did  his  Predeceffors  many  ages  betore  him.     He  took  away  tlie  Pope's  difpenfaci-  ^-  ?^S- 
onsi   what  did  he  in  that  but  rel^orc  the  Englijh  BiOiops  to  their  ancient  Right     and   ^"^  ffsiryi^ 
the  Laws  of  the  Country  with  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  to  their  vigour  ?  He'chal-  t1i^n"his"pro 
.  /enged  and  alTumed  a  political  Supremacy  over  Ecclefiaftical  perfons  in  Ecclefiaftical  dcccflbrs.  ^ 
^aufesi  So  did  Edward  the  ConfefTor  govern  the  Church  as  the  Hear  of  God  in  bis  own 
Kingdom.     So  did  his  Predeceffors  hold   their   Crowns  as   immediately  ruhjeded  to 
Cod^  not  fiibjeaed  to  the  Pope.     On  the  other  fide,    the  Pope  by  our  Englijh  Laws 
could  neither  reward  freely  ,  nor  punifli  freely  ,  neither  whom,  nor  where    nor 
when,  he  thought  fit ,  but  by  the  confent  or  connivance  of  the  State.     He  could 
neither  do  juftice  in  England  by  the  Legates  without  controllment ,   nor  call  Eng~ 
lip  men  to  Kome  without  the  King's  Licence.     Here  is  finall  appearance  of  a  good 
legal  prefcription  ,  nor  any  pregnant  figns  of  any  Sovereign  Power  and  Jurifdidi- 
on,  by  undoubted  right,  and  fo  evident  uncontroverted  a  Title  as  is  pretended. 

I  might  conclude  this  my  fccond  Propofition  with  the  Teflimonies  of  the  greateft   'r      l^")^2f 
Lawyers  and  Judges  of  our  Land.     Artilb  ought  to  be  credited  in  their  own  Art.   Lauyers."^ 
That  the  Laws  made  by  King  Henry  on  this  behalf,  wejre  not  operative,but  declara-  fitzhetb.Nat. 
tive  ■■,  not  made  to  create  any  new  Law  ,   but  onely  to  vindicate  and  reftore  the  an-  *''^*-44- 
cient  Law  of  Engjand ,    and  its  ancient  Jurifdidion  to  the  Crown.     There  had  c"'^''/ "mf 
needed  no  reftitution ,  if  there  had  not  been  fbmc  ufurpation.    And  who  can  won-  '      *> 

der  that  the  Court  of  Kome  fo  potent ,  fo  prudent ,  fo  vigilant  and  intent  to  their 
own  advantage,  fhould  have  made  fome  progrefe  in  their  long  delUned  projed 
during  the  Reigns  of  Six  or  Seven  Kings  immediately  fuccecding  one  another,  who 
were  all  either  of  doubtful  Title  ,  ormeer  Ufurpers  without  any  Title,  fuch  as  ca- 
i-ed  not  much  for  the  flowers  of  the  Crown ,  fo  they  might  but  hold  the  Diadem  it 
(elf  from  their  competitors  ? 

Therefore  our  Ecclefiaftical  Law  was  called  the  King's  Law,  becau(e  the  edge  and 
validity  of  it  did  proceed  from' Authority  Royal ,  our  Ecclefiaftical  Courts  were  fti- 
led  the  King's  Courts ,  by  his  Judges. 

It  is  true ,  the  habitual  Jurifdidion  of  Biftiops  flows  from  their  Ordination :  But 
the  adual  exercife  thereof,  in  publick  Courts,  after  a  coercive  manner,  is  from 
the  gracious  concelGons  of  Sovereign  Princes.  In  a  word  ,  the  Law  being  meerly 
intended  as  a  remedy  againft  ufurpation,  it  cannot  be  a  new  Law  ,  but  onely  a  Le- 
gillative  Declaration  of  the  Old  Common  Law  oi' England. 

I  will  conclude  this  Chapter  with  the  words  of  Bilhop  Bilfon  :    As  for  his  Patri- 
archate by  Cod's  Lan>  he  hath  none  j  in  this  Kealm^  for  Six  htntdred years  after  Chri(l  he 
had  none ',  for  the  lajl  Six  hundred years^looh^ng  after  greater  matter sjye  would  have  none;  The  true  dif- 
above^  or  againfi,  the  Prince's  Sword ,   he  can  have  none  ■y  to  the  Subverfion  of  the  Faith     '^'■• 
or  oppreffion  of  his  Brethren  he  ought  to  have  none  \  you  mu^  fee\  farther  for  SuhjeBionto  ^^"'** 
his  Tribunal  i  This  Land  oweth  him  none. 


CHAP.   V. 

That  the  Britannick  Chnrches  n?ere  ez^er  exempted  from  Forreign 
JurifdiSiion  for  the  frji  Six  hundred  years ,  andfo  ought 
to  continue, 

THirdly ,  fuppoling  that  the  Reformed  Church  of  England  had  feparated  it 
(elf  from  Kome  ,  and  fuppofing  that  the  Municipal  Laws  of  the  Realm  then 
in  force,  had  not  warranted  fuch  a  reparation,  yet  the  Britip  Churches, 
that  is  ,  the  Churches  of  the  Britijh  Illands ,  England ,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  &c. 
by  the  conftitution  of  the  Apoftles-,  and  by  the  iolemn  fentence  of  the  Catholick 
Church  ,  are  exempted  from  all  forreign  Jurifdidion  ,  and  cannot  be  Schi- 
ihiatical  in    the    lawful   Vindication   of  a    juft  Priviledgc    Co   well    founded : 

fo* 


78 


A  Juft  Vindication 


TOML  I 


Cone.  Efh  in 
Epil}   Smi.d, 
ad  Ntflar. 
Amhr.  fy  alii. 
Btl.di  Pont. 
L.  4-  C.  JJ. 
The  Suprema- 
cy in  the 
whole  Col- 
ledge  of  the 
Apoflles- 
AH.  I. 
Ail.  6. 

A!}  8   ^,1$. 
AH  It. 
Ail.  i5- 


Thf  Pthcr 
Ap"(Hcsiiail 
SucccAbi  $  as 
well  as  St.  Pe- 
ter. 


Why  the  Ei- 
{hopof  Rome 
Sr.  Ftte/t 
SuccelTor  ra- 
ther than  of 
Antioch. 
Plat,  in  vita 
Sanai  Petri. 


The  highefl 
conftitution  of 
the  Apoftles 
exceeded  not 
National  Pii- 
Tiiatcs. 


Can,  AfOft'ii* 


How  fomc  Pri. 
mates  came  to 


for    the   clearer    manifeltation    whereof  let   us    confider : 

Fird  That  all  the  Twelve  ApolHes  were  equal  in  milfion,  equal  in  commiffion, 
equal  in'power,  equal  in  honour,  equal  in  all  things,  except  priority  of  order ,  with. 
out  tvhich  no  Society  can  well  fubfirt. 

S.:>  much  Behrmine  confefleth  ,  that  by  thele  words  ,  Js  my  Father  fint  me .,  fo 
fold  I  you '.,  our  Saviour  endowed  them  with  all  the  fulnefs  of  power  that  mortal 
men  were  capable  ofl  And  therefore  no  fingle  Apoitle  had  Jurifdidion  over  the 
reft,  far  in  J>arem  non  habet  fotejlatem -y  but  the  whole  Colledge  of  Apoflles,  to 
which  the  fupreme  Mefnagery  of  Ecclefialtical  affairs  did  belong  in  common:  whe- 
ther a  new  Apoflle  was  to  be  ordained  i  or  the  Office  of  Deaconfhip  was  to  be  ere- 
d^edi  or  lit  perfons  were  fo  be  delegated  for  the  ordering  of  the  Church,  zs  Peter 
znd  John.,  J ud^K  znd  Sylath  cr  informations  of  great  moment  were  to  be  heard  , 
as  againit  Peter  hinifelf  >  (  though  Peter  out  of  modefiy  might  condefcend,  and  fub- 
mit  to  that  to  which  he  was  net  obliged  in  duty  i  yet  it  had  not  become  the  other 
Apoftles  to  fit  as  Judges  upon  their  Superiour,  placed  over  them  by  Chrilf  )  or 
whether  the  weightier  QiietHons ,  of  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles  ,  and  circumcifion, 
and  the  law  of  Mofes ,  were  .  to  be  determined  ,  ftill  we  find  Supremacy  in  the  Col- 
ledge. 

Secondly,  That  drouCe  dream,  that  the  plenitude  of  Ecclefiafticall  power  and 
Jurifdidion  was  given  by  Chrifl  to  St.  Peter  as  to  an  ordinary  "Paftour ,  to  be  deri- 
ved from  him  to  liis  SuccefTours ,  but  to  the  reft  of  the  Apoftles  as  delegates  for 
fearm  of  life,  to  dy  with  themfelves  ,  as  it  is  lately  and  boldly  afTerted,  without 
reafon  ,  without  Authority ,  either  divine  or  humane  i  fo  it  is  moft  repugnant  to 
the  Dodrine  of  the  Fathers^  who  make  all  Bilhops  to  be  the  Vicars  and  EmbafTa- 
dors  of  Chrifl ,  (not  of  the  Pope)  and  Succeffours  of  the  Apoftles  ,  indifferently, 
ricaria  ordinatione^  who  make  but  one  Epifcopacy  in  the  world ,  whereof  every 
Eifhop  hath  an  equal  fhare.  St.  Peter  was  a  Paftour  ,  and  the  Paftaral  Office  is  of 
perpetual  nccelUty  in  the  Church.  Truei  but  fo  were  all  the  reff  of  the  Apoftles 
Paliours  as  well  as  he.  And  if  we  examine  the  matter  more  narrowly,cKi  bono  /  for 
whole  advantage  this  diftindlion  was  devifed  ?  it  was  not  for  St.  Peter's  own  ad- 
vantage, who  fetting  afide  his  principality  of  order',  is  confefTed  to  have  had  but 
an  equal  fhare  of  power  with  his  Fellow  Apoftles  ,  but  for  the  Pope's  advantage, 
and  the  Koman  Courts ,  whom  they  defire  to  inveff  folely  with  the  Key  of  all  origi- 
nal Jurifditflion. 

And  if  we  trace  on  this  Argument  a  little  farther,  to  fearch  out  how  the  Bifhop 
of  F^ome  comes  to  be  St.  Peter's  Heir,  ex  affe.,  to  the  exclufion  of  his  Elder  Brother 
the  Bifliop  of -(^Mtiocfe,  they  produce  no  authority,  that  I  have  feen,  but  a  blind 
ill-grounded  Legend  ,  out  of  a  counterfeit  Hegefipfus ,  of  St.  Peter's  being  about  to 
leave  Konte  ,  and  Chrift's  meeting  him  upon  the  way,  and  admonifhing  him  to  re- 
turn to  Kome ,  where  he  muft  be  crucified  for  his  Name  i  which  reafon  halts  on 
both  fides  •>  The  foundation  is  Apocryphal ,  and  the  fuperflrudion  is  weak  and  un- 
jointed  without  any  necelTary  connexion. 

Thirdly,  It  appeareth  not  to  us ,  that  the  Apoftles  in  their  days  did  either  fet  up 
any  univcrfal  Monarchy  in  the  Church ,  or  fo  much  dilate  the  borders  or  bounds  of 
any  one  man's  fingle  Jurifdidlion ,  as  to  fubjedt  fo  great  a  part  of  the  Chriftian 
World ,  as  the  W'eftern  Patriarchate,  to  his  obedience.  The  higheft  that  they 
w-ent,  if  any  of  thofe  Canons  which  bear  their  names  be  genuine,  was  to  Natio- 
nal or  Provincial  Primates  or  Patriarchs  i  for  a  Protarch  or  Primate  and  a  Patri- 
arch ,  in  the  language  of  the  ancient  Church  fignificd  one  and  the  fame  thing ,  in 
vvliofc  prcheminence  there  was  more  of  order  and  care ,  than  of  fingle  JurifHidtion 
and  power.  Read  their  Three  and  thirtieth  Canon.  It  behoves  the  iijhofi  of  every 
dijiinU  Nation  to  kttoro  htm  who  is  their  firji ,  (  or  Primate  )  and  to  ejieem  him  of  their 
Head.  And  to  do  nothing  that  U  of  dijfficulty .,  or  great  moment,  contrary  to  his  opinion. 
But  neither  let  him  do  any  thing  veithout  the  opinion  of  all  them.  This  National  Prima- 
cy, or  Protarchate,  or  F'atriarchate,  under  which  the  firitannick  Churches  flourifhed 
for  many  ages,  is  the  very  fame  which  we  contend  for. 

Fourthly,  it  is  worthy  of  our  inquiry,  how  in  procefs  of  time  fome  Primates 
did  obtain  a  much  more  eminent  degree  of  honour,  and  a  larger  (hare  in  the  Go- 

rcrn- 


Discourse  II.        OftheChnreJjofEnsitsLnd,  yp 


vernment  of  the  Church  than  others.     And  of  this  their  adventitious  Grandeur^  we  be  more  re* 
hnd  three  principal  fountains:  Firlt, ancient  cuftomesi  Secondly,  the  Canons  of  the  fpeftedin  ihe 
Fathers-,  And  Thirdly,  the  ediftsof  Chriftian  Princes.  Church  than 

Firft,  ancient  cuftomes.  Upon  this  ground  the  Hrft  genera!  Council  of  Nke  fettled  Either' by  cn- 
the  authority  and  priviledges  of  the  three  Patriarchal  Sees  of  Kome^  Alexandria^  and  ftom. 
Antioch^  Let  ancient  cujioms  prevail.     And  thefe  cuftoms  commonly  proceeded  either  <^'"'*  ^'^^  ^'  ^• 
from  the  memory  of  the  Apoftles,  who  had  founded  fuch  Churches,  from  whence 
as  from  Apoltolical  fountains  their  neighbours  did  fetch  found  dodrinc,  and  reci- 
procally paid  to  them  due  refped.     SoHe/JJtf  propofed  in  the  Occidental  Council 
of  5Wi^,  in  favour  of  the  See  of  Kome  ,  Voth  itfkafe  you  that  we  jhouU  honour  the  or  from  the 
memory  cf  St.  Peter  ?  Or  from  the  more  powerful  principality  of  the  City,  which  is  Grandeur  of 
•    alledged  by  the  Council  of  C/:7jWo«  asa  reafonofthe  greatnefs  both  of  the  Sees  of ''^^  City. 
'Kome  and  Conjijntinople,  becaufe  they  vrere  the  feats  of  the  Emperourf.  ^'""^'  g 

Secondly,  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers,  either  without  cultome,  or  againft  cuftome.  /,«*^3  ^a<nu</^ 
Thus  the  Bilhop  of  Hierufalem,  an  Apoltolical  See,  was  raifed  above  the  Bifhop  of  «> ,  &c- 
Cxfarea^  an  Imperial  City,notvvithftanding  the  contrary  cuftome.     Thus  Conjlantino-  ^'"  '^y  f^^crecs 
fie,  becaufe  it  was  newly  made  the  feat  of  the  Empire,  was  equalled  to  an  Apoltolical      Councils. 
See,  that  is  Rowe,  and  preferred  before  all  the  reft,  by  the  general   Councils  of  Con- 
ftantinofle  andChalcedon,  notwithftanding  the  oppoiition  of  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  by 
his  Legats,  who  grieved  the  more  to  fee  Ihracia,  which  he  conceived  to  belong  to  his 
own  Jurifdiftion,  to  be  annexed  to  a  rival  See. 

Lartly,the  Edidsof  Soveraign  Princes,  who  out  of  favour,  cither  to  the  place  of  Or  by  Edifli 
their  Birth,  or  of  their  refldence,  or  of  their  own  foundation ,  or  for  the  Weal-pub-  °^  Prices, 
lick,  and  better  accommodation  of  their  Subjeds  •,  have  enlarged  or  reflrained  Patri- 
archates within  their  own  Territories,  and  railed  up  new  Primats  or  Patriarchs  as 
they  thought  lit.    But  of  this  more  in  my  next  Conclufion. 

Fifthly,notwithftanding  the  preheminence  of  the  five  great  Patriarchs  of  Kome^  ^jny  Primats 
Conliantinopk^  Alexandria,  Amioch  Oind  Hierufalem'-,  and  their  great  Power  and  Au-  fubjefts  to 
thority  in  the  Church,  efpecially  in  general  Councils  i  yet  there  were  many  other  "°°^  of  the 
Protarchsor  Patriarchs,  who  had  no  dependance  upon  them  at  all   out  of  Council,  ^^^  ^/^^^  ^^' 
iior  ought  them  any  obedience, but  onely  a  precedence  and  honourable  refped. 

Kkj^ww^  a  Prieft  of  the  Koman  Church  who  lived  not  long  after  the  Council  of  Ruff-  hifl. 
NicCi  and  one  who  underRood  the  ancient  proper  bounds  of  the  Koman  Patriar-  ^"^-  ^'  '-f^* 
chate  as  well  as  any  man,  doth  limit  it  to  the  Suburbicary  Churches,  that  is  a  part  of 
Italy,  znd  three  I{l3.nds,  Sicily,Sardinia,o.nd  Corf ca.     Africk^had   a  Primate  of  their 
own  at  Carthage  v  the  reft  of  Italy  at  Millain  ■■,  France  at  Aries  or  Lions  •>  Germany  at 
Vienna-,  Britain    was  removed  far  enough  out  of  this  account. 

But  this  appears  moft  clearly  in  the  cafe  between  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  and  the  xhe  cafe  be- 
Cyprian  Bilhops,  fentenced  in  the  general  Council  of  Ephefus.     The  Patriarch  of  tween  the  Pa- 
Antioch  challenged  the  ordination  of  the  Cyp-rian  Bifhops,  and  confequently  a  P^frijr-  tyiwch  of  An- 
chal  Jurifdidion over  them  ■-,  for  all  other  Rights  do  follow  the  right  of  ordination.  'I"-''  ^r^o^'s* 
They  denied  both  his  right  of  ordination  and  jurifdidion.  The  difference  was  heard.        " 
The  witneffes  were  examined  for  matter  of  fad.  And  a  fentence  was  given,  not  one- 
ly in  favour  of  the  Cyprian  Bifhops,  but  of  all  others  which  were  in  the  lame  condi- 
tion.    Among  which  number  were  our  Brittannique  Churches,  as  fhall  evidently  ap- 
pear in  this  eiifuing  difcourfe. 

But  tirft  let  us  liften  to  the  words  of  the  Council ;  Since  common  difeafes  do  need  Cone.  Ephtf. 
greater  remedies,  becaufe  they  bring  greater  damage-,  If  it  be  not  the  ancient  ct^iom  that  fari.i.A8.7. 
the  Bijhop  of  Antioch  ordain  in  Cyprus,  as  the  Council  'u  fufficiently  fatisfed ;  "Ihe  Cy- 
prian Pr£lates pall  hold  their  rights  untouched  and  unviolated,  according  to  the  Canons  of 
■the  holy  Fathers,  and  the  ancient  cuftom,  ordaining  their  oTvn  Bifhops.     And  let  the  famt 
be  ohferved  in  other  Viocejfes,  and  in  all  Provinces ,  Ihat  no  Bifljop  occupy  another  Province, 
which  formerly  and  from  the  beginning  was  not  under  the  power  of  him,  or  his  predecef- 
fors.     If  any  do  occupy  another  Province^  or  fubjeCt  it  by  force,  let  him  refiore  it,  that  the 
Canons  of  the  Fathers  be  not  fighted,mr  pridf  creep  into  the  Church  under  the  pretext  of 
worldly  power  ,  leji  by  little  and  little  that  liberty  be  loji  which  Chrijl  purchafedfor  ut 
with  his  blood.     Iherefore  it  hath  pleafed    the  Holy  Synod,   that  every  Province  injoy  its 
rights  and  cujhms  unviolated^  which  ithad  from  the  beginning.     Thefe  words  from  the 

be- 


A  Jnji  Vindication  TOME  1. 


h  <•■''  ininc'  «.'  »?^-"'  *'"^"  ■>  ^""^  twice  repeated.     It  is  no  marvel  if  fbme,  addided 
to  die  interest  of  Kw;e,  have  gone  about  by  Slight  of  hand,  but  very  unfuccefful- 
Jv     to  Iliuffle  this  Canon  out  of  the  Ads  ot  the  Council.     If  the  Fathers  in  that 
Holy  and  Oecumenical  Council ,  were  fo  tender  and  fenfible  o{  pride  creeping  into  the 
Church  in  thofe  dayes  ,  and  of  the  danger  to  lofe  their  CWifiian  liberty  in  the  ca{e  of 
the  Bifhop  of  Amioch ,  who  neither  pretended  Divine  Right ,  nor  Univerfal  Juril- 
didion    nor  Superiority  above  Councils ',  what  would  they  not  have  faid  or  done 
in  this  prefeut  cafe  of  the  Bilhop  of  Kome^  who  challengeth  not  onely  the  right  of 
Ordaining     but  the  grace  of  Ordination  ,    and  Sovereign  JurifdidJion  ■■>  not  over 
Cyprttf  onely ,  but  over  the  whok  Chriliian  world  ■-,  not  from  Cuftom ,  or  Canons, 
or  Edifts     but  from  the  inftitution  of  Chrilt  ■■,  who  makes  all  the  validity  of  the 
Decrees  of  thofe  Oecumenical  Councils  which  his  Prcdcceffors  received  and  reve-   • 
renced  as  the  Gofpcl,  to  depend  upon  his  own  confirmation? 
Gteg.  L.i.Ep.      To  apply  this  home  to  the  Quellion.     The  General  Council  ofEphefuf  declared, 
34.  That  no  Bifliop  fhould  occupy  any  Province,  which  before  that  Council,  and  from 

Thecafccfjhe  ff;,^  iggifi„j),^  ^  had  not  been  under  the  Jurifdidion  of  him  or  his  Predecelfours , 
(hops'appb'cd.  And  that  it  any  Patriarch  ufurped  any  Jurifdidion  over  a  free  Province ,  he  fhould 
quit  it  ^  for  jo  it  pleafed ,  not  the  Pope,  but  the  Holy  Synod,  that  every  Province 
(hould  enjoy  its  ancient  Kights  pure  and  inviolate.  Now  if  it  {hall  evidently  appear , 
that  the  Bifl-iops  of  'Rome  never  exercifed  any  manner  of  Jurifdidion  over  the  Bri- 
tannick^  Churches  from  the  beginning  i  no  nor  yet  before  the  general  Council  of 
Eplnfuf,  nor  for  Six  hundred  years  after  Chrifti  that  is,  until  they  themfelves  had 
difowned  their  Patriarchal  right  •,  when  Pope  Boniface  the  Third ,  who  entred  into 
the  Koman  See  about  Three  years  after  the  death  of  Gregory  the  Great ,  obtained 
from  PhociK  an  ufurping  Emperor  to  be  univerfal  Bifhop ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  an  ufurping 
Monarch  over  the  Church  ■■>  which  fell  out  fo  foon  after  the  arrival  of  Jtijline  in 
England ,  that  there  wanted  time  to  have  fettled  the  Roman  Patriarchate  in  Britain, 
though  the  Britanr  had  been  as  willing  to  receive  it,  as  they  v^ere  avcrfe  from  it : 
and  if  no  true  general  Council  fince  that  time  hath  ever  fubjeded  Britain  under  the 
Roman  Court  •,  Then  the  cafe  is  clear ,  that  Rome  can  pretend  no  right  over  Britain , 
without  their  own  confent,  nor  any  farther  ,  nor  for  any  longer  time  than  they  are 
pleafed  to  oblige  themfelves  ■■,  Then  the  fubftquent  and  violent  ufurpations  of  the 
KwMiJM  Biihops,  cannot  render  them  Bow^e^^fi  poffefiores ,  lawful  owners  ,  but  that 
they  are  alwayes  bound  to  quit  their  incroachments  ,  and  the  Britannick^  Churches , 
and  thofe  who  derive  by  fuccellion  from  them ,  are  alwayes  free  to  vindicate  and  re- 
affume  their  ancient  rights  and  priviledges. 
The  proof  in  I"  this  controverfie  by  Law ,  the  burthen  of  the  proof  ought  to  reft  upon  them, 
thiscaufe  who  affirm  a  Right ,  and  challenge  a  Jitrifdidion  i  not  upon  us  who  deny  it.  Men 

ought  to  reft  gj.^  ^q^  pyt  (-q  prove  Negatives.  Let  them  produce  their  Regifters ,  and  fhew  for 
ver°far*i«  ^^'  ^^^  ^^^  ^'^  hundred  years  what  Ecclefiaftical  Courts  the  Roman  Bifliops  or  their  Le- 
gates have  held  in  Britain,  what  caufes  they  have  removed  from  thence  to  Rome,  up- 
on appeals  ,  what  fentences  given  in  Britain  they  have  repealed  there,  what  Britijh 
fubjeds  they  have  excommunicated  ,  or  fummoned  to  appear  at  Rome  i  let  them 
(hew  what  Biihopricks  they  have  conferred  in  Britain  in  thofe  dayes  ,  what  Britifh 
Biftiops  did  then  intitle  themfelves  to  their  Bifhopricks ,  by  the  Grace  of  God ,  a}td  (f 
the  Jpoftolick^See  ■■,  let  them  declare  to  the  world  how  many  of  our  Britijh  Primates 
or  Patriarchs  of  IVrJ^,  London ,  or  Caerleon,  have  conftantly,  or  at  all,  repaired  to 
Rome ,  to  be  ordained ,  or  have  received  Licences ,  or  Difpenfations  thence  for 
their  Ordination  at  home ,  or  elfewhere  v  for  Ordinationis  jus  cetera  jura  fequuntur  , 
He  who  is  neceflarily  by  Law.  obliged  to  have  recourfe  to  a  forreign  Prelate  for  his 
Ordination  ,  is  thereby  implyed  to  be  inferiour  or  fubjed  to  his  Ordainer.  If  they 
can  fay  nothing  to  any  of  thefe  points  ,  they  may  difclaim  their  Patriarchal  right  in 
Britain,  and  hold  their  peace  for  ever. 

The  reafons  why  I  fet  Tor^  before  London  in  the  order  of  our  Britifh  Patriarchs , 
or  Primates,  are  thele  •,  Firft ,  becaufe  I  find  their  names  fubfcribed  in  that  order  in 
the  Council  of  Arks ,  held  in  the  year  3 14.  confifting  as  fome  fay  of  200.  as  others 
fay  of  6qo.  Bifliops,  convocated  by  Conftantine  the  Great,  before  the  firft  Council  of 
A7cf ,  to  hear  and  determine  the  appeal  of  the  Donatijts ,  from  the  fentence  of  the 

Impe- 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Church  ofEw^dind.  g-^ 

Imperial  Delegates ,  whereof  the  Biihop  oiKome  was  one.     It  were  a  ftrange  fidit 
in  thefe  dayes ,  to  fee  a  Pope  turn  Legate  to  the  Emperors  ,  in  a  caufe  of  Ecclefia- 
fiical  cognifance.     Secondly ,  for  the  fame  reafon  that  Konie  and  Confiantbwple  in 
thole  dayes  of  the  Koman  puiflancc ,  were  dignified  above  all  other  Churches     be- 
caufe  they  were  then  the  Seats  of  the  Emperors.     Torl^  was  then  an  Imperial  City 
the  Metropolis  of  the  chief  Britannick^  Province ,  called  at  that  time  maxima  C£fari- 
tnfis  ,  where  Severiu  the  Emperor  died ,  and  had  his  funeral  pile  upon  Severs  kill 
a  place  adjoyning  to  that  City ,  where  Conjiatnine  the  Great  was  born  ,  in  domo  Re- 
gali  vocata  Pertenna,  in  the  Royal  Palace  ,  whereof  fbme  poor  remainders  are  yet  to 
be  (een,  then  called  Pertenna,  now  a  fmall  part  of  it  called  vulgarly  Bederna,  a  very 
ealie  miftake ,  if  we  confider  that  the  Britip  pronounce  P  for  B,  and  Tlike  d'  fituate 
near  Cbrift-ChurchiwCKrirfRegij-,  or  in  the  King's  Court,  on  the  one  hand ,  and 
extending  it  felf  near  to  St.  helm's  Church  upon  the  Walls,  now  demoliflied    on  the 
other  hand. 

Although  their  filence  alone  to  my  former  demand,  (  at  leaft  of  fo  many  whom  I 
have  feen  that  have  written  upon  this  fubjeftj)  be  a  fufficient  convidion  of  them , 
and  a  fufficient  vindication  of  us-,  yet  for  farther  manifelhtion  of  the  Truth,   let  us 
confider  Firft,  that  if  we  compare  the  ages  and  originals  of  the  Roman  and  Britan- 
«ic^  Churches ,  we  (hall  find ,  that  the  Britamiick^  is  the  more  ancient  and  elder  Sifter  "^P^  Brit  an- 
totheKowjwitfelfi   The  Brit(Z«//icjl^  Church  being  planted  hy  Jofeph  o(  Arimathea,   "'''i^'^^rch 
in  the  Reign  of  Tiberim  Cifar  ,  whereas  it  is  confeffed  that  St.  ?eter  came  not  to  fhe'SVn!^" 
Rome,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  that  Church,  until  the  Second  year  oiClaudim ,  fe-   Cil'y  de  exdd. 
cundc  Claudii  anno  in  Italiam  vemt.     So  it  we  look    to  the  beginning,  according  to   ^  ""?"•  ?"'^* 
the  diredion  of  the  Council  oCEphefm,  the  Britannic!^  Church  in  its  firft  original  was    s'^Hnnlnf 
free  from  the  Jurifdidlion  of  the  Biihop  and  Court  of  Rome ,  where  there  was  nei-   sir.  L.  44.' 
ther  Biftiop,  nor  Court,  nor  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidrion,  at  that  day. 

Secondly ,  that  it  continued  free  in  enfuing  ages  appears  evidently  ,  by  that  op-  The  Briran- 
pofition  which  the  Church  of  Britain  maintained  againft  the  Church  of  Rome    fi-   "''k.  Churches 
ding  with  the  E^i/ier-M  Churches  about  the  Queftion  of  thofe  times,  concerning' th  e  ^'^^'^  ^""i '.'^^ 
Oblervation  of  Ej/Jfr ,  and  Adminiftration  of  Baptifm,  wherein  ^///?iw  about  the  the  iicmS: 
Six  hundredth  year  laboured  to  conform  them  ,  but  ui  vain.     Is  it  credible  that  the 
whole  Britijh  and  Scotijh  Church  fhould  fo  unanimoully  have  diflTented  from  Rome 
for  many  hundred  years  together  ,  if  they  had  been  fubjed  to  the  Jurifdidion  of  the 
Roman  Bifhop  ,  as  of  their  lawful  Patriarch,  or  that  the  BiChop  of  Rome  in  all  that 
time  fliould  never  fo  much  as  queftion  them  for  it ,  if  they  had  been  his  Subjeds  > 
Even  then  when  Pope  FzSo/-  durrt  attempt  to  deny  or  withdraw  his  communion 
from  all  the  Jfiatick^  Churches,  about  the  fame  bufinefs.     Neither  were  the  Britifh 
Churches  at  lai^  conformed  to  Rome  by  any  Patriarchal  power ,  but  by  many  confe- 
rences ,  by  the  necelfity  of  their  civil  aifairs ,  and  by  long  trad  of  time  ,  fome  foon- 
er  ,  fome  later.     Along  trad  of  time  indeed  ,  when   fbme  in  the  moft  Septentrio- 
nal parts  of  thefe  Provinces  were  not  reduced  until  a  little  before  the  late  Reforma- 
tion. 

Thirdly ,  among  the  principal  priviledges  of  Patriarchal    power ,  is  the  right  of  Briti/h  Bi- 
Ordination.     That  all  Metropolitans  at  leaft  (hould  either  be  ordained  by  the  Patri-   ^°P*  <""<iain- 
arch,  or  by  Licence  from  the  Patriarch.  ^^  ''  home. 

This  appears  clearly  Jn  the  Difpute  between  the  Patriarch  of  Amioch  ,  and  the 
Cyprian  Bilhops.    But   where  the  Bifhops  were  avv>-x.itt\iii ,  and  aunnfut    indepen- 
dent upon  ,  not  fubjed  unto ,  any  forreign  Prelate  ,  there  ,  they  ordained  at  their 
own  pleafures  ,  needed  no  Licence.     Such  were  our  Bm//&  Primates,  not  ordained 
alwayes,  or  ordinarily  at  Rome ,  but  according  to  the  Cyprian  priviledges ,  creating 
new  Bifhopricks  ,  ordaining  new  Bilhops  at  their  own  pleafures ,  without  giving 
any  account  to  Rome.     So  we  read  of  St.  Telam  ,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  his 
own  Country  by  an  Epidemical  ficknefs  for  a  long  time ,  that  at  his  return  he  confe- 
crated  and  ordained  Bifhofs  as  he  thought  ft.     'that  he  made  one  Hifmael  Bijhop  ofS.  Da-  ^Y»  •t""* 
vids  ,  and  in  lik^  manner  advanced  many  other  men  of  the  fame  order  to  the  fame  degree ,  "^".'^  Iffl). 
fending  them  throughout  the  Country ,  and  dividing  the  Parijhesfor  the  heji  accommodaii-  Br7t!»,  $4 
on  y  the  Clergy,  and  of  the  People.     And   if  there  were  no  other  proof  of  our  ex- 
emption ,  but  onely  the  fmall  number  of  the  Bilhops  that  were  ordained  by  all  the 

flK> 


g^  ^J^fl  Vindication  TOME  I. 

fucceedin^  Popes  for  about  the  fir/l  Three  hundred  years ,  until  the  death  of  MUr- 
cellhm  ■  h.  were  fufficient  to  (hew,  that  the  Bi(hops  ot  Rome  in  thofe  dayes  had  lit- 
tle or  nothing  to  do  out  of  their  own  Province ,  and  that  their  Jurifdidion  extend- 
ed nothin-^  near  Co  far  as  Britain. 

Saint  Peter  Ordained  but  Three  in  his  fuppofed  Five  and  twenty  years,  that  is  Li- 
tmaudCietus  (  ut  facerdotak  Minifieritm  Kom^no  populo  &  advenif  bene  femiemibus 
^^'"'  exhiberent  )  and  Clement ,  to  whom  he  bcqueatlied   his  Epifcopal  Chair.     Limts  but 

Eleven  ,  Clement  but  Fifteen  ,  Jnacletus  but  Six  ,  Emriftus  but  Five  ,  Alexander  but 
Five    5ix/»f  but  Four ,  &c.    Thefe  were  few  enough  for  their  own  Province,  and 
none'  to  Ibarc  for  'Britain.     In  the  whole  term  of  Three  hundred  years ,  there  were 
few  above  Two  hundred  Bifhops  Ordained  at  Kome.     Italy  alone  may  brag  well 
near  of  as  many  Bifhops  at  onetime,  as  many  fucceeding  Popes  did  ordain  in  all 
their  ages.     Let  them  not  tell  us  of  the  fcarcity  of  Chriftians  in  thofe  dayes.     The 
Writint's  of  Tfr*«iW ,  and  St.  C)'prwM,  and  the  Councils  held  within  the  time  li- 
mited ,  do  evince  the  contrary.    No ,  the  firfl  badge  of  their  Patriarchal  Authority 
in  Britain,  was  (ending  of  the  Pall ,  as  the  onely  badge  during  the  times  of  the  Bri- 
tains  and  Saxons  i  And  the  rtrft  Pall  that  came  into  Britain ,  was  after  Six  hundred 
yeais. 
Ti-  AnfweroF       But  this  doth  yet  appear  much  more  clearly  from  the  Anfwer  of  Viomthm  the 
Dionothus-        Reverend  and  Learned  Abbot  of  Bangor ,  which  according  to  the  manner  of  thofe 
times.,  was  an  Univerfity  or  Seminary  of  Learning  and  piety  among  the  Britons^ 
and  he  the  well-deferving  Reftor  of  it ,  made  in  his  own  name ,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  Britons ,  when  they  prefTed  him  to  fubmit  to  the  Roman  Bifhop  as  his  Patri- 
arch,this  Profellion,that  he  knerv  no  obedience  due  to  him  whom  they  called  the  TopeJ^ut  the 
Spe!m>  Conf,     obedience  of  love ,  and  that  under  God  they  were  to  he  governed  by  the  BiJJjop  of  Caerleon. 
An:6oi'  Obferve  firll ,  what  ftrangers  the  Bnwi«j- were  to  the  PiJ/JiJcy ,  "That  man  rvhom  yott 

call  the  Fope.     Secondly ,  that  they  acknowledged  no  fubjedlion  or  fubordination  , 
fto  obedience  whatfbever,  due  from  them  to  Rome,  but  onely  reciprocal  duty  of  love, 
that  was  juft  the  fame  that  Rome  did  owe  to  them.     Thirdly ,  that  under  God ,  that 
is ,  immediately  without  any  Forreign  Prelate  or  Patriarch  intervening,  they  were  ta 
be  governed  by  the  Bifhop  of  Caerleon ,  as  their  onely  Primate  and  Patriarch.  Which 
priviledge  continued  to  the  fucceeding  Bifhops  of  that  See  for  many  Ages  after- 
wards, faving  that  the  Archiepifcopal  Chair  was  removed  from  Caerleon  to  St.  Da- 
vids ,  in  the  Reign  of  King  Arthur.     And  Laflly,  obferve  the  time  when  this  An- 
fwer was  made ,  after  the  hrll  Six  hundred  years  were  expired.     So  it  is  a  full  de- 
monflrative  convincing  proof  for  the  whole  term  prefixed. 
Confirrred  by        But  Icaft  any  man  fliould  cavil  and  fay  ,  that  Vionothus  was  but  one  man  ,  and 
Two  Britifl)      that  the  Body  of  the  Briti(h  Clergy  might  be  of  another  mind  ,  that  which  follows 
Synods.  ilrikes  the  Queftion  dead:    That  Au^ine,  St.  Gregorie's  Legate,  propofing  Three 

things  to  the  Britans :  Firft,  that  they  fhould  fubmit  to  the  Roman  Bifhopv    Second- 
ly ,  that  they  fliould  conform  to  the  Cuftoms  of  the  Roman  Province  about  the  ob- 
fcrvation  of  Eaftcr ,  and  the  Adminiffration  of  Baptifm  •,  and  Laftly  ,  that  they 
Spel.  Cone.       fhould  joyn  with  him  in  Preaching  to  the  Saxons  :   all  the  Britijh  Clergy  affembled 
an.6o\.  themfelves  together  ,  Bifhops  and  Prieffs  in  Two  feveral  Synods ,  one  after  ano- 

ci^ii!"""  "'*  ^'""sr  ,  to  deliberate  hereupon,  and  after  mature  confideration ,  they  rejedted  all  his 
Bedtt  tfy-  om-  propofitions  Synodically  ,  and  refufed  flatly  and  unanimoully  to  have  any  thing  to 
Ttrs  alii-  do  with  him  upon  thofe  terms.     Infomuch  as  St.  Aufline  was  neceffitated  to  return 

8^©'"  ^"'^'"'^  over  the  Seas ,  to  obtain  his  own  confecration ,  and  after  his  return ,  to  confecrate 
hedal  2.C. 2.  ^^^  Saxon  Bifliops  alone,  without  the  affiftance  of  any  other  Bifhops.     They  refufed 
indeed  to  their  own  coft>  Twelve  hundred  innocent  Monies  oi^ Bangor ,  fliortly  after 
lort  their  lives  for  it.     Rome  was  ever  builded  in  blood.     Howfoever  thefe  words 
[  quamuis  Auguflino  pritis  mortiio  ]]  have  fince  been  forged  and  inferted  into  Venera- 
Ant.  Brit.        ble  Bede ,  to  palliate  the  matter,  which  are  wanting  in  the  Saxon  Copy.     The  con- 
^-  "^i'  curring  TelHrnonies  of  all  our  Hifloriographers  witnctling  the  abfblute  and  unani- 

mous refufal  of  the  Britons  to  fubmit  to  Rome  ,  and  the  matter  of  Fad  it  felf,  do 
confirm  this  for  an  undoubted  truth  beyond  all  exception.  So  clear  a  truth  it  is  , 
that  the  Britijh  Churches  for  the  firfl  Three  hundred  years ,  neither  ought  nor  paid 
auy  fubjedion  to  Rome.    Whence  might  well  proceed  that  Anfwer  oiEkutheriw  to 

King 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  gj- 


King  Luciuf  ( if  that  Epiftle  be  not  counterfeit)  when  lie  defired  him  to  fend  over 
a  Copy  of  the  Koman  Laws ,  That  he  jhotild  chufe  a  Lan>  [  Ecclefiaftical  ]  out  of 
Uoly  Writ  by  the  Council  of  his  Kingdom  ^  thzt  is,   principally   of  his  Bifliopsi    for 
(faith  he)  you  are   the  Vicar  of  Ch rift  in  your  Kingdom.     The  fame  in  t^cdc 
which  is  contained  in  the  Laws  of  'Edward  the  Confeffor.     Hence  it  is  that  both  Matm-'Prol. 
our  Hiftories  and  our  Laws  do  ftile  our  Archbifhops  Primates,    which  in  the  Lan-  "J^'^'i'  ^^^' 
guagQ  of  the  Primitive  times  ,  fignifies  as  much  as  Patriarchs.  And  fometimes  call  olTmr'uC'' 
them  cxprefly  by  the  very  name  of  Patriarchs  it  felf     Hence  Vrban  the  Second  en-  cu'res dift. 21: 
tertained  and  welcomed  Jnfelm  ,  our  Archbifhop   of  Canterbury  ,  into  the  Council 
of  Barre  ,  tanquam  alterim  orbk  Papam  ,  as  the  Pope  of  another  world'-,  Or  as  others 
relate  the  paffage  ,  as  the  Apojik  of  another  rvorld ,  and  a  Patriarch  rporthy  to  be  re- 
verenced. 


C  H  A  P.    VI. 

That  the  King  and  Church  of  England  had  both  fufficient  Au- 
thor ity  ,  and  fnfficient  Grounds^  to  withdraw  their  Obedience 
from  Rome ,  and  did  it  with  due  Moderation. 

SO  from  the  perfons  who  made  the  Separation  ,  from  the  Laws  and  Statutes 
of  our  Realm  which  warranted  the  Separation  ,  and  from  the  ancient  Liber- 
ties and   Priviledges  of  the  Briw««zcJ^  Churches ,     I  proceed  to  my  Fourth  Sovereign 
ground  drawn  from  the  Imperial  Prerogatives  of    our   Sovereign  Princes  i   ^hat  Princes  have 
though  we  Jhould  wave  aU  the  other  advantages,  yet  they  had  power  to  alter  in  the  exter-  ''T'^^  '°  ^'-^'^ 
ttal  VifcipUne  and  Kegiment  of  the  Church,  whatfoever  was  of  humane  injlitution,  for  the  d-humanein- 
benefit  and  advantage  of  the  body  politic}^  ftuution  in 

Dodlor  Holden  propofeth  the  cafe  right  by  way  of  Objedlion ,  But  peradventure  E9<^'5''*f^''^al 
the  Protejlants  will  fay  ,  Ihat  the  King  or  Supreme  Senate  of  every  Kingdom  or  Common-  ^''^en'i"^' 
wealth,  have  power  to  make  Laws  and  Statutes,    by  which,  eithtr  dtreUly,  or  at    leajl  Schifm.  Art.^ 
indireUly  ,  -Of  well  the  Clergy  as  the  Laity  of  that  Kingdom  or  Commonwealth,  are  bound  f-  5'^. 
to  rejeCf  allforreign  JurUdiUion,  Superiority,  and  Vependance  v  And  that  this  Legifa- 
tive  power  is  ejfentially  annexed  to  every  Kingdom  and  Commonwealth,  feeing  that  other- 
wife  they  cannot  prevent  thofe  dangers  which  may  fpring  and  ijfue  from  that  fountain  to 
their  defiruUionandruine. 

The  Proteftants  do  fay  fo  indeed  without  all  peradventure ,  upon  that  very 
ground  which  is  alledged  in  the  objedion.     Neither  do  the  Proteftants  want  the    e       t     de 
fufFrage  of  Koman-CzthoYizks  therein.     Becaufe  humane  nature  (  faith  one  )  cannot  be  prim! fiimnii 
dejlituteof  neceffary  remedies  to  its  own  prefervation.     And  another,  To  whom  a  Kingdom  Pontificu  cat' 
is  granted,  of  necefftty  all  things  are  efieemed  to  be  granted  without  which  a  Kingdom  can-  '•"«'"•.  4- 
not  be  governed.     And  a  Kingdom  cannot  be  governed,  unlefl  the  King  en'py  this  power  even  ^''^'' '"  f'^l: 
over  Clerks,  S<c.  Neceffary  remedies  are  no  remedies,  unlefs  they  be  juft,  but  worfe  clt'Itia  Sarc, 
than  the  difeafe.     And  being  juft,  the  Subjed  is  obliged  to  adtive  obedience.  Clara  in  Art. 

But  let  us  fee  what  the  Dodor  pleads  in  anfwer  to  his  own  objedtion.  Firft  he  '*'•' 
pafleth  by  the  native  power  of  civil  Soveraign  Empire,  which  ought  not  to  have  sehij'm.f.Ul' 
been  omitted  •,  for  therein  confifts  the  main  force  of  the  argument.  But  as  to  the 
Ecclefiaftical  part,  he  faith  he  could  demonftrate  clearly,  if  it  were  needful,  that  the 
dependence  of  Bijhops,  and  other  Orthodox  ChriJ}:ians,upon  the  Pope,  being  rightly  conceived 
as  it  is,  and  as  it  if  really  necejfary,  accordingto  the  certain  and  true  principles  of  Catho- 
lick^Keligion,  doth  not  bring  any  the  leafifijadow  of  danger  to  the  Commonwealth,  though  in 
hoftility  with  the  Pope,  or  of  a  different  communion  from  the  Pope.  If  we  lived  in  Plato's 
Commonwealth,  where  every  one  did  his  duty,  this  reafon  were  of  more  force.  Far 
be  it  from  us  to  imagine,  that  the  right  exercife  of  any  lawful  power,  grounded  up- 
on the  certain  and  true  principles   of  Catholick  Religion,  (hould  be  dangerous  to 

K  any 


86 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


Protcftants  in 
their  Refor- 
mation have 
altered  no 
Articles  of 
Religion  nor 
facred  Rites , 
nor  violated 
Charity, 


P.  528. 


Nor  fwerved 
from  the  Law 
ofNatuic,  or 
pofitivc  Laws 
efGod> 


any  Society.  But  this  is  not  our  cafe.  What  if  the  Bifhops  and  Court  oi  Rome 
haveVwerved  from  thofe  certain  and  true  principles  of  Catholick  Religion  >  or  have 
abufcd  that  power  which  was  committed  to  their  truft  by  Chrift,or  by  his  Church  ? 
or  have  Ufurped  fnore  Authority  than  did  belong  unto  them?  or  have  Engrofied 
all  Epilcopal  Jurifdicftion  to  themfelves,  leaving  the  Bifliops  of  the  Land  but  Cy- 
phers in  their  own  Diocefes  ?  or  have  hazarded  the  utter  ruine  and  deftrucftion  of 
the  Church  by  their  Simony,  Extortions,Provifions,  Refervations,  and  Exempfions? 
or  have  obtruded  new  unwarrantable  Oaths  upon  the  Subje(fts,  inconfiftent  with 
their  allegiance  ?  or  have  drained  the  Kingdom  of  its  Treafure  by  pecuniary  ava- 
ricious arts  ?  or  have  challenged  to  themfelves  a  negative  voice  againft  the  right  heir 
of  the  Crown  h  or  authority  to  depofe  a  crowned  King  ,  and  abfolve  his  Subjects 
from  their  oaths  and  allegiance  to  their  Soveraigns  ?  And  have  {hewed  themfelves 
incorrigible  in  all  thefe  things.  This  is  our  cafe.  In  any  one  of  thefe  cafes,  much 
more  in  themallconjoyned,  it  is  not  onely  lawful,  but  very  neceffary  for  Chriftian 
Princes  to  reform  fuch  grofleabufes,  and  to  free  themfelves  and  their  Subjedts  from 
fuch  a  tyrannical  yoke ,  if  they  can  by  the  direction  of  a  general  Council,  if  not  of 
a  Provincial.     And  it  is  not  Schifm  but  Loyalty  in  their  Subjeds  to  yield  obedi- 


ence. 


The  fame  Author  proceeds,  That  no  civil fower^hove  Soveraignfoever,  can  eorreU  the 
Fttftd^memal  Articles  of  Chrijiian  faith^mr  fervert  the  order  of  facred  rites  received  by  uni- 
verfal  tradition  as  inflimted  by  Chriji^  norjujlifie  any  thing  by  their  EdiOs  which  if  againjl 
Chrijlian  Charity.     To  all  this  we  do  readily  aflent,  and  never  did  prefume  to  arro- 
gate to  our  (elves ,  or  to  exercife  any  fuch  power.     But  ftill  this  is  wide  from  our 
cafe,     what  if  the  Bifhop  of  Kowehave  prefumed  to  coyn  and  attempted  to  obtrude 
upon  us  new  Articles  of  Faith,  as  he  hath  in  his  new  Creed,  and  to  pervert  the  {acred 
rites  inlHtuted  by  Chrift,  as  in  his  with-holding  the  Cup  from  the  Laity  ?  Then 
without  doubt  not  we,  but  he,is  guilty  of  the  Schifm.    Then   it  is  lawful  to  {epa- 
rate  from  him  in  his  innovations,  without  incurring  the  crime  of  Schifrn.     This  is 
laid  down  by  the  Author  him{elf  asan  evident  conclu{ion,  and  we  thank  him  for  iti 
That  it  is  necejjary  for  every  Chrijlian  to  ach^ovpledge  no  authority  under  Heaven^  either 
Ecclefaftical  or  Civil^  that  hath  porver  to  abrogate  thofe  things  that  are  revealed   and  in- 
jlitutedhy  Chriji,or  to  determine  thofe  things  rfhich  are  oppnfite  unto  them,  quod  SchiC- 
mztlsoTigo  foTCt,  which  Jlfonld  be  the  original  of  Schifm.     But  where  that  Author  in- 
fers as  a  Corollary  from   the  former  Propofition  ,  That  no  Edi&  of  a  Sovereign 
Trince  can  Juliifie  Schifm  ,  becaufe  all  Schifm  if  dejinidive  to  Chrijlian  Charity  i  I  muft 
crave  leave  with  all  duerefpedrto  his  perlbn,  to  his  learning,  to  his  moderation,  and 
to  his  Charity,  to  red:ifie  that  miftakc.     If  by5c/ji/?w  he  underftand  criminal  Schifhi, 
that  which  he  faith  is  moft  truei  That  were  not  onely  to  juftifie  the   wicked,  which 
is  an  abomination  to  the  Lord,  but  to  juftifie  wickednefsit  felf    But  every  feparation  or 
Schifm  taken  in  a  large  (enie  is  not  criminal,  nor  at  all  deftrudlive  to  Chri/lian  Cha- 
rity.    Sometimes  it  is  a  necelTary,  Chriftian,  charitable,  duty.     In  all  the  cafes  that  I 
have  fuppofed  above,  and  fhall  prove  hereafter,  they  that  make  the  Separation  conti- 
nue Catholicks,  and  they  that  give  the caufc  become  the  Schifmaticks. 

But  it  may  be  urged.  That  this  proceeds  from  the  merit  of  the  cau{c,not  from  the 
authority  of  the  Soveraign  Prince. 

I  anfvvcr,  it  proceeds  from  both.  Three  things  are  nccelTary  to  make  a  publick 
Reformation  lawful :  juft  grounds,  due  moderation,  and  fufficient  authority.  There 
may  be  juft  grounds  without  fufficient  authority,  and  fufficient  authority  without 
juft  grounds  i  and  both  fufficient  authority  and  juft  grounds  without  due  moderati- 
on. But  where  thefe  three  things  concur,  it  juffifies  the  Reformation  before  God 
and  man,  and  renders  that  feparation  lawful,  which  otherwife  were  Schifmatical. 

Lallly,itis  allcdged.  That  the  power  of  the  Soveraign  Magijlrate  U  not  fo  abfolute  that 
he  can  command  any  thing  at  his  pleafure,  fo  asto  oblige  his  Subjects  obedience,  in  things  re~ 
pMgnant  tnthe  Law  of  nature^or  the  pofnive  Law  of  God.  No  Orthodox  Chrifiian 
can  doubt  of  this  truth.  The  authority  of  the  Inferiour  ceafeth,  where  the  Superi- 
our  declareth  his  pleafure  to  the  contrary.  T>a  veniam  Imperator,  tit  carcerem,  ilk 
gehennam  minatur  i  Tar  don  me  0  Emperour,  thou  threatnefl  me  with  imprifonment,  hut 
Qod  Almighty  with  Hell-fire.     But  this  is  nothing  to  our  cafe,  neither  the  Law  of 

Na- 


Discourse  II.        of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  §7 


Nature,  nor  the  Law  of  God  doth  injoytiBri/i/fe  Chriftians  to  buy  pardons,  and  in- 
dulgences, and  difpenfations,  and  Bulls,  and  Palls,  and  privikdges   at  Rome,  contrary    -"vs«:--:- 
to  the  fundamental  Laws  of  the  Realm.     JSowi/Jce  the  eighth  by  his  Bull  exempted     .   •    ■ .;. 
the  Univerfity  of  Oxford  from  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Archbifliop   of  Cjjmrbnry^  Ex'Arehtvir 
whereupon  did  grow  a  controverlle  between  Thomai  Arundd  Archbifliop,  and  the  le^a'fci^a^lu- 
Univerfityv  And  the  faid  Bull  was  decreed  tobe  void  by  two  fucceeding  Kings,  the'* Aixtiqlh. 
Richard  thefecond,  and  Henry  the  fourth  in  Parliament, as  being  obtained  in  pr<ejudi-  A'^'"^-  Car.tab. 
cium  CoroH£  /«<f,  &  Legum  &  conjuetudinHtn  Regni  fmenervationem^  to  the  fre]udice  of 
hU  Imperial  Croven,  and  to  the  rveakniug  of  the  Lams  and  Cuiiomes  uf  h'u  Realm.,'  ■']  ■ 

But  this  difobedicnce  to  the  decrees  of  Soveraign  Princes  muft  be  joynfd  with  in  cafes  doubt- 
pallive  obedience,  it  muft  be  onely  when  and  where  their  commands  are  evidently  •""'  "'"^  "'^3'  °°' 
unjuft,  fuch  as  P/jjrW^x  commanding  the  Hebrew  Midwives  to  liill  all  the  Male  k"''^^'^^  j'\ 
Children,  or  ^j«/'s  inioyning  his  guard  to  flay  the  Priefts  of  the  Lord,  or  like  Lawl^^Exorf. 
Nf^Kc Wwsiizar's Idolatrous  edid,  charging  all  men  to  fall  down  and   worfiiip  his  1.17.  i.  Sam. 
golden  Image.     For  otherwi(e  if  the  cafebe  doubtful,  it  is  a  riile  in  cafe-Divinity,  =**'  •'* 
Subditt  tenenturin  favorem  Legii  jitdicare,  Suh')cd[s  zxe  bound  to  judge  in  favour  of 
the  Law,  Otherwife  they  run  into  a  certain  crime  of  difobedience,  for  fear  of  an 
uncertain.     A  War  may  be  unjuft  in  the  Prince,  and  yet  the  Souldier  be   guiltlefs. 
Nor  is  the  Subjed  obliged  to  fift  the  grounds  of  his  Soveraign  commands  too  nar- 
rowly.    It  happens  often, that  rfww/acif  Princi]>em   iniquitas  imperandi,  inHocentem  -^H/«/?.UnJufi 
fubditumardo  ferviendi.  The  Prince  may  be  unjuft  in  his  commands,  and  yet  the  Sub-  mavhe"iu(lly 
jedlinnocent  in  his  obedience.     Take  the  cafe  at  the  worfl:,  it  muft  be  doubtful  at  obeyed, 
theleaft ,  the  Pope's Soveraignty  and  thejurifdidlion  of  the  Roman  Court  being  re- 
jeded  by  three  parts  of  the  Chriftian  world,  and  fo  unanimouflyfliaken  off  by  three 
Kingdoms.     And  in  fuch  a  cafe,  who  is  fitteft  to  be  judge?  the  Pope ,  the  People,  or 
the  King?   Notthe  Pope,heis  the  perfon  accufed  i  and /r;/;fr^  expeSatur  cnjuflibet 
authoritas  contra  feipfum,  ItU  in  vain  to  expe£l  that  one  jhould  imploy  hU  authority  againji 
himfelf.     Not  the  people  i  would  a  Judge  take  it  well,  that  a  Gaoler  fliould  detain 
thePrifonerfrom  Execution,  untill  he  were  fatisfied  of  the  juftice  of  his  fentence  ? 
or  a  Pilot  that  he  may  not  move  his  Rudder  according  to  the  alterable  face  of  the 
Heavens,  but  at  the  difcretion  of  the  ordinary  Mariners?   No,  whenfoever  any  Qug, 
ftion  hath  been  moved  between  any  Kingdom  or  Republick  of  what  Communion 
fbever  and  the  Court  of  ilowf, concerning  the  libertiesand  priviledges  of  the  one    or 
the  extortions  and  incroachments  of  the  other,  they  ha\'e  evermore  aflumed  the  laft 
Judicature  to  themfelves,  as  of  right  it  dothbelong  unto  them.  Princes  arc 

The  Rom^«i/f J- themfelves  do  acknowledge,  that  Sovereign  Princes ,  by  the  Law  cblig^to 
of  God  and  Nature,  not  onely  may,  but  are  in  Juftice  obliged  to  oppofc  theTy-  ^bjeftsfrom 
ranny  of  Ecclefiaftical  Judges,  and  to  proted  and  free  their  Subjedtsfrom  their  vi-  the  Tyranny 
olence  and  opprelGon.     Parfons  himfelf  wondreth  ,  that  any  man  fliould  deny  this  °^  Ecclefiafli- 
power  to  Kings  in  their  own  Kingdoms.     But  we  are  fully  fatisfied  and  affured ,  ^ '  jr^cl^',. 
that  that  univerfal  power  which  the  Pope  claims  by  Divine  right  over  all  Chrlfti-  ^J.citati  a 
ans ,  and  particularly  over  the  Britannick^  Churches,  without  their  confents  ■■>  and  SanSa  Clara 
much  more  that  Jurifdidion  which  defj£io  he  did ,  or  at  leaft  would  have  exercifed  '"  ^"'  ^'"  '* 
there,  (  and  Icfs  than  which  he  would  not  go  )  to  the  deftrudion  of  their  natural  ^^^'  ^  *^'* 
and  Chriftian  Liberties  and  Priviledges,  was,  and  is,  a  tyrannical  and  opprellive 
yoak.     And  thus  far  all  R(w^?-Catholicks  not   intereffed ,  nor  prepoffefled  with 
prejudice  ,  do  accord  fully  with  us  ,  that  by  whomfoever  Papal   power  was  given 
fwhethcrby  Chrift,  or  his  Apoftles,  or  the  Fathers  of  the    Church  in  fucceeding 
ages)  it  was  given  for  edification  ,  not  for  deltrudion.  And  that  the  Roman  Court 
in  later  dayeshath  fought  to  impofe  grievous  opprellive  and  intolerable  burthens  up- 
on their  Subjeds  ,  which  it  is  lawful  for  them  to  fliake  off,  without  regarding  thdr 
cenfure,  as  we  fliall  fee  in  the  next  Propofition.     But  becaufe  all  are  not  fo  well  fa- 
tisfied about  the  jult  extent  of  Papal  authority  and  power,  we  muft  fear-ch  a  little 
higher. 

Secondly,  we  do  both  agree,  that  Sovereign  Princes  may  be  enabled,  and  au-   c    n    ci 
thorized,  either  by  conceilion ,  or  by  prefcription  for  time  immemorial,  (perhaps  p^^il^"'* 
it  were  more  properly  faid  by  vertue  of  their  Sovereign  Authority  over  the  whole  417-. 
body  politick  ,  whereof  the  Clergy  are  a  part  )  to  exercife  all  external  Ads  of  Ec- 

K  2  clefiaftical 


yy  Ajttfl  Vindication  TO  Mil  I 


c'efuftical  rocrcive  Jurifdidion ,-  by  themfelves  ,  or  at  leaft  by  fit  Delegates ,  pr^ici- 
e,  cife  Txtcf'  Vknio  luU  iMiiU  Sacerdotibuf  ,  ut  excommmicent  rebelles  &  contuwaces.     And  this  is 
nal  aSscf  Ec  aftcrted  in  the  cafe  of  Abbelfcs,  which  being  women  are  lefs  capable  of  any  fpiritu- 
clcfiartical  Ju-   gj  lurjfdid-ion.     The  truth  is ,  that  all  Ecclefiaftical   Courts ,  and  all  EcclehafUcal 
rifdiaion  by  ;  ^J^^i^^  Jurifdidtion  did  flow  at  rirft  ,  either  from  the  bounty  and  goodnefs  of  So- 
fit  Delegates.     ^'^-^^  Prirtces  to  the  Church  ,  or  from  their  connivance  ,  or  from  the  voluntary 
content  anJ  free  fubmillion  of  Chriftians ;  Volenti  non  fit  injuria ,  confent  takes 
awayerrour,  (  I  except  alwayes  that  Jurifdidion  which  is  purely  fpirifual,  and 
an  clTential  part  of  the  power  of  the  Keyes,  whereof  Emperors  and  Kings  are  not 
capable.)  So  whenfoever  the  Weal-publick  and  the  common  fafety  of  their  people 
doth  require  it ,  for  advancement  of  publick  peace  and  tranquillity  ,  and  for  the 
ereat€r  eafe  and  convenience  of  the  fubjed  in  general ,  according  to  the  Viciliitude 
and  convcrfion  of  humane  affairs,  and  the  change  of  Monarchies,  they  may,upon 
well-grounded  experience  in  a  National  Synod  or  Council ,  more  advii^dly  retradi 
what  their  prcdecefTors  had  advifedly  granted  or  permitted  i  and  alter  the  face 
and  rules  of  the  external  Difcipline  of  the  Church  ,  in  all  fuch  things  as  are  but  of 
humane  right,  when  they  become  hurtful  or  impeditive  of  a  greater  good :  in  which 
cafes  their  fubjeds  may  with  good  confcience,  and  are  bound  in  duty  to  conform 
themfelves  to  their  Laws.     Otherwife  Kingdoms  and  Societies  fliould  want  necefla- 
ry  remedies  for  their  own  prefervation,  which  is  granted  by  both  parties  to  bean  ab- 

furdity. 

Wei^h  all  the  parts  of  Eccleiiaftical  Difcipline ,  and  confider  what  one  there  is 
The  Emperors  which  Chriftian  Emperors  of  old  did  not  either  exercife  by  themfelves  ,  or  by  their 
of  old  did  the  Delegates,  or  did  not  regulate  by  their  Laws  ,  or  both,  concerning  the  priviledges 
fame.  ^j^j  revenues  of  Holy  Church,  the  calling  of  Councils,  the  prefiding  in  Councils, 

the  diffolving  of  Councils,  the  confirming  of  Councils,  concerning  Holy  Orders, 
concerning  the  patronage  of,  and  nomination  to,  EcclefialHcal  Benefices  and  Dig- 
nities concerning  the  Jurifdidion ,  the  fufpenfion,  depofition,  and  ordering  of 
Bifhops  ,  and  Priefts  ,  and  Monks,  and  generally  all  Perfons  in  Holy  Orders,  con- 
cerning Appeals,  concerning  Religion  and  the  Rites  and  Ceremonies  thereof,  con- 
cernin<*  the  Creeds  or  common  Symbols  of  Faith,  concerning  Herefie,  Schifin,  Ju- 
daifm°  the  fuppreffion  of  Seds,  againft  Swearing,  Curfing  ,  Blafpheming,  Pro- 
phaneft,  and  Idolatry,  concerning  Sacraments ,  Sandruaries ,  Simony,  Marriages; 
Divorces,  and  generally  all  things  which  are  of  Eccleiiaftical  cognifance,  wherein 
lie  that  defires  fatisfadion  ,  and  particularly  to  fee  how  the  coercive  power  of  Ex- 
cleliaftical  Courts  and  Judges  did  flow  from  the  gracious  concellions  of  Chriftian 
Princes ,  may  (  if  he  be-  not  too  much  polTefled  with  prejudice )  relblve  himlelf ,  by 
«  reading  the  firft  Book  of  the  Code ,  the  Authentich^  or  Novels  of  Jn(iinian  the  Empe- 

Woxif/.  8?.  ror  and  the  Capitulars  of  CW/ej- the  Great ,  and  his  Succeflbrs  Kings  of  Fr^izwf. 
We  have  been  requefted ,  did  Juftinian^  hy  Menna.  the  Archbijhop  of  this  City,  lelo- 
ved  of  Cod,  and  univerfal  Patriarch ,  to  grant  this  priviledge  to  the  tnoft  reverend 
Clerks ,  &c.  in  pecuniary  caufes  referring  them  firft  to  the  Biffiop  ,  and  ,  if  he  could 
not  compofe  or  determine  the  difference ,  then  to  the  fecular  Judge :  And,  in  cri- 
minal caufes,  if  the  crime  were  civil,  to  the  civil  Magiftrate  i  if  Eccleiiaftical ,  to 
_.,  .     the  Eifliop.     By  the  Council  of  our  Bijhops  and  Nobles   (  faid  Charles  the  Great  )   tfe 

have  Ordained  Bifljops  throughout  the  Cities ,  ( that  is ,  we  have  commanded  and  au- 
thorized it  to  be  done  )  and  do  decree  to  affemble  a  Synod  every  year ,  that  in  our  pre  • 
fere  the  Canonical  Decrees ,  and  Larvs  of  the  Church  may  be  reftored.  I  befeedi 
you  ,  what  did  our  King  Henry  and  the  Church  of  England  more  at  the  Reforma- 
tion? 

It  is  true  ,  Sovereign  Princes  are  not  faid  properly  to  make  Canons ,  becaufe  they 
do  not  prefcribe  them  under  pain  of  Excommunication  ,  or  fufpenfion,  or  degra- 
dation, or  any  fpiritual  punilhment.  But  to  affirm  that  they  cannot  make  Ecclefi- 
aftical  Conftitutions ,  under  a  civil  pain,  or  that  they  cannot  Cefpecially  with  the 
advice  and  concurrence  of  their  Clergy  aflembled  in  a  National  Synod  )  reform  er- 
Tours  and  abufes,  and  remedy  incroachments  ,  and  ufurpations ,  and  innovations , 
either  in  Faith  or  Difcipline,  and  regulate  the  New  Canons ,  or  Cuftoms  of  Intru- 
ders and  Upftarts,  by  the  Old  Canons  of  the  Primitive  Fathers,  is  contrary  to  the 

fenfc 


Drs COURSE  II.        of  the  Church  of  Ensjsind.  §p 

ftnfe  and  pradice  of  all  antiquity.     King  Solomon  depoled  Abiathar  from  the  Hieh 

Priefthood  ,  and  put  SatL,c  in  his  place.     Nor  want  we  Prefidents  of  Popes  them-  Popes  conven. 

(elves  who  have  been  convented  before  Emperors,  as  Sixm  the  Third  before  Vakn-  ted,imprifo- 

iinian ,  though  Vlatina  mince  the  matter  a  little  too  much  ,  (  damnatm  BaiTus  calum-  ^^^^  depcfed, 

mator  iniquus  anmente  Valcntiniano  ,  &c.  )  Leo  the  Third  before  Charles  the  Great :    ^^  Emperors. 

Th#t  have  been  bani(hed  by  Emperors,  as  Liberm  unjuftly  banifhed  by  Conjiamim ' 

and  more  unjulHy  reftored  ■-,  Sylveriw  juftly  baniOied  by   Jicjijnian :    That  have  been 

imprifoned  by  Soveraign  Princes ,  as  Pope  John  the  Firlt  by  Theedork:    That  have 

been  depofed  by  them,  as  John  the  Tweltth  by  0//.'o  the  Great,  and  Grfewy  the 

Sixth  by  Henry  the  Second  ,  Henricus  Secunduf  in  Italiam  cum  magna  exercitu  vem- 

ens^  habita  Symdo,  cxm  Ecnedi&um  nonum  ^  Sylveltrum  Tm/zw,  Gregorium  .^tx-   Platin.in 

turn,  tanquam  tria  teterrima  monftra  abdkare  fe  magjjham  coegijptt ^  occ.     Henry   the  ^^'t- ^' 

Second  coming  into  ItzXy  veith  a  great  Army  ^  having  convocated  a  Synod  ^  tchen  he  had 

compelled  Eenedid  the  Ninth  ,  Sylveller  the  Third,  and  Gregory  the  Sixth     as  Thee 

moji  filthy  Monjlers  to  quit  their  Government  ,  he  created  Syndeger  Bijhop  of  Bamberge  , 

afterxpards  Clement  the  Second ,  Pope.     Of  old  when   any  Schifin  did  infeft  the  Ko- 

»M/«  Church,  (asltl^nk  no  See  in  the  World  hath  been  oftnerrent  afunder  by 

pretenders  to  the  Papacy)  the  Emperors,  when  they  pleafed,  did  aiTume  unto 

themfelves  the  cognifance  thereof,  and  determine  the  fucceilion  either  by  themfelves 

or  by  their  Exarch  ,  or  Delegates:   as  Honorius  between  Boniface  the  Firll  and  Eula- 

Um\  Theodork  the  King  between  Symmachiis  znd  Laimntius  ^  the  Exarch  of  Raven-   Plat,  in  Bon. 

na  between  Sergius  the  Firft  and  Pafchalis;  Otho  the  Third  between  John  the  Seven-   '•  ^''"* " 

teenth  and  Gregory  the  Fifth.     But  when  thefc  Imperi.^  adls  are   done  in  Synods     ^^'"' 

they  are  more  authentick,  and  more  conform  to  Antiquity. 

Thirdly ,  our  learned  and  ingenuous  Country-man  Davenport,  under  the  name  of 
Francifcus  a  San£fa  Clara,  (  far  be  it  from  me  to  cenfure  Chri^ian  charity  and  mode- 
ration for  luke-warmnefs ,  or  Athciftical  neutrality,  like  thofe  whofe  chief  Religi- 
on confifts  in  crying  up  a  Fadion ,  I  rattier  wi{h  he  had  been  more  univerfally  ac- 
quainted with  our  Engli/h  Dodrine  )  in  his  Paraphraftical  Expolition  of  our  Enalijh 
Articles,  to  this  Qjertion  ,  Hovp  and  rvhether  it  be  lawful  in  points  of  Faith  to  appeal    P.  425/ 
fi-om  the  Fope ,  and  decline  his  Judgment?  cites  the  refolution  of  Gerfon  in  thefe  words 
following,  H'c  etiam  praCficatum  e{l per  quofcunque  Reges  &  Principe s  ,  &c.  This  alfo 
hath  been  praCtifed  by  all  Kings  and  Princes ,  who  have   withdrawn   themfelves  fi-om  the 
obedience  of  thofe,  whom  fuch  or  fuch  did  judge  to  be  Popes,  which  fubjiraCtions  neverthe- 
lejiwere  approved  by  the  facred  Council  o/Conftance,  fome  exprefly  ,   fame  implicitely.    An.  ij'o.  _ 
The  moft  Chriftian  King  Lewis  the  Twelfth  ,  convocated  a  National  Council  of  the  Jfro»°r"a^ 
French  Church  at  Towers,  wherein  fundry  Articles  were  propofed  ,  deliberated  of,   lows  ro  withl 
and  concluded  ,  touching  thefe  affairs.     The  Third  Article  was,  that  if  the  Pope  drawobedi- 
fhould  invade  another  Prince  in  an  hoftile  manner  ,  and  excite  other  Princes  to  in-  '""  ^^^^  ''^ 
vade  his  Territories',  whether  that  Prince  might  not  lawfully  withdraw  himfelf  u°ncaures' 
from  the  obedience  of  fuch  a  Pope  ?  (where  obferve,  that  though  this  cafe  alone  be 
fpeciried,  as  being -fitted  to  that  present  Controverfie  between  the  V^m'^  oi^  France 
and  the  Pope ,  yet  all  other  cafes  of  the  fame  nature  or  confequence  are  included) 
And  conclufum  eji  per  Concilium,Principem  poffe  ab  obedient ia  Pap£  fe  fubducere  ac  fub-  Cmc.  Turtn. 
trahere  ;  non  tamen  in  totum  ,  &  indifiintie  ,  fed  pro  tuitione  tanthm  ac  defenfonejuri-  ^rfP-  ad  Art. 
urn  fuormn  temporalium  '-,  It  was  concluded  by  the  Council ,  that  the  Prince  might  with-   ^' 
draw  himfelf  from  the  obedience  of  the  Pope  i  yet  not  totally,  nor  indiftinBly  ,  but  onelyfor 
the  defence  of  his  temporal  Rights.     The  Fourth  Propofition  was,  when  fucli  a  fub- 
ftradlion  was  lawfully  made  ,  what  the  Prince  and  his  fubjeds  ,  more  particularly 
Prelates  and  other  EcclefiafHcks ,  ought  to  do  in  fuch  things,  for  which  they  had 
formerly  no  recourfe  to  the  Apoftolick  See  ?    And   conclufum  eflper  concilium  fervan- 
dum  efieJHS  commune  ,  antiquum  ,  &  pragmaticam  SanUienem  regni  ,  ex  decretvs  Sacro-  Refp.adArt.i* 
fanSi  concilii  Bafileenfis  defumptam  '■>    It  was  concluded  by  the  Council ,  that  the  ancient 
common  right  wm  to  be  preferved ,  and  the  pragmatical  SanSion  of  the  Kingdom ,  talt^n 
out  of  tlx  pecrees  of  the  Sacred  Council  of  Bafil.     The  Eighth  Propofition  was,  if  the 
Pope  proceeding  unjuftly ,  and  by  force,  fhould  pronounce  any  cenfures  againft  fiich 
a  Prince,  whether  they  ought  to  be  obeyed  ?  And  conclufum  efl  unanimiter  per  Conci- 
lium, talem  fefitentiam  nullam  ejfe,  nee  de  jure  ^  vel  alio  quocunque  modo  ,  ligarct  It  wat  ^''f'^^^*'^' 

K.  3  att-' 


po 


A  Jufi  Vmdication 


TOM£  I 


com 


In  TraH.  de 
pated.  Pat* 
<fy  Imperatt 


Prinas  may 
reform  new 
Canons  by  old. 


Part.i  An.6. 

C  7- 

Ve  rtfol  fid. 

I.f.  c.S.Lta. 


Parriarchal 
power  fubjeft! 
to  Imperial. 

Lib.  a.  Ef.6v 


^.nJHdcdmanimoufy  by  the  Council,  that  Jnch  a  Sentence  iras  of  no  force,  not  binding  in 
'^Latp  or  any  other  way  i  which  opinion  or  refolution  of  theirs  the  above-mentioned 
Author  faith,  he  ought  not  to  condemn  whilcft  the  Church  doth  tolerate  it. 

Behold  a  principal  caufe of  the  feparationof  the  Englilh  Church  from  the  Pope, 
the  iifurpation  and  incroachments  of  the  Roman  Court  upon  the  Political  rights  of 
the  Crown,  which  they  would  not  let  go,untill  they  were  quite  fliaken  off. 

Jntoniits  de  HcfellU  a  zealous aflertour of  rhe  Papal  authority  concludes  ,  that  the 
Pope  being  anheretick^,  or  an  ApoJiate,though  but infecret,  it  is  lawful (  without  anyfen- 
tence  or  declaration  preceding  )  for  any  of  his  Subjeds  that  k>tow  it,  EfheciaVy  for  Kingt 
and  Trinces,  to  depart  font  him,  and  withdraw  themfelves  from  tinder  his  power  by  that 
natural  right  which  they  have  to  defend  themfelves. 

This  may  well  be  doubted  of  in  the  cafe  of  private  perfons,  before  fentence,  by 
thofe  who  believe  him  to  be  conftituted  by  Chrift  the  Sovereign  Monarch  of  the 
Univtrfal  Church  i  Butin  the  cafe  of  Sovereign  Princes  with  Provincial  Councils, 
when  General  Councils  cannot  be  had,  and  much  more  when  General  Councils  have 
given  their  fentence  formerly  in  the  cafe(  as  the  Councils  of  Conftance  znd  Bafil  have 
done  concerning  the  Papacy,  )  and  with  us  who  are  fuificieatiy  refolved  that  St. 
Feter  had  no  preheminence  above  his  fellowes,but  onely  principality  of  order  and  the 
beginning  of  Unity  i  and  that  whatfbever  poAver  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  hath  more 
than  any  other  Bifhop,  it  is  mecrly  from  the  cuftomes  of  the  Catholick  Church,  or 
from  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers, or  from  the  Edids  of  Prlnces,and  may  be  taken  a- 
way,uponfufficientgrounds,  by  equal  authority  to  that  by  which  it  was  acquired*, 
I  fay  in  this  our  cafe  there  «an  be  no  doubt  at  all.  And  yet  it  can  much  lefsbe 
doubted  whether  a  Sovereign  Prince  with  a  National  Synod  may  remedy  the  in- 
croachments and  ufurpations  of  the  Roman  Court,  within  his  own  dominions,  or 
exclude  new  Creeds  and  new  Articles  of  faith,  lately  devifedand  obtruded,  contrary 
to  the  determination  of  the  General  Council  of  Ej'/'f/iw,  of  which  let  us  hear  what 
is  Docftor  Holdens  opinion,  Notumeji  inter  d^holicos  omnes  tanquam  axioma  certijlimum^ 
&c.  It  is  k^own  that  all  Catholickj  do  hold  this  as  a  moji  certain  axiome,that  nothingottght 
or  maybe  maintained  for  a  Chriiiian  revealed  truth,  but  that  which  was  received  by  our 
Ancejiors,  and  delivered  from  one  generation  to  another  by  continued  fuccejjjon  from  the  times 
of  the  Apoftles.  This  is  all  that  we  have  done,  and  done  it  with  due  fubmiffion  to 
the  highefi  Judge  of  Ecclcfiafticalcontroverfies  uponEarth,  that  is  a  general  Council. 
If  the  Court  of  Kowe  will  be  humorous,  like  little  Children,  who  becaufe  they  can- 
not have  fome  toy  that  they  have  a  mind  to,  do  caft  away  all  that  their  Parents  have 
given  them,  we  cannot  help  it. 

Over  and  above  all  the  former  grounds,  which  the  Romanifls  themfelves  do  in 
fomc  fort  acknowledge,  I  propofe  this  further,  that  Patriarchal  power  in  external 
things  is  fubjed  and  fubordinate  to  Imperial.  When  Maurititu  the  Emperour  had 
made  a  Law  that  no  Souldier  fhould  turn  Monk ,  untill  his  warfare  were  accom- 
plifl^ed,  St.  Gregory  Bifhop  oi'Kome  difliked  the  Law,  and  reprefented  his  fenfe  of 
it  to  the  Emperour,  but  withall  according  to  his  duty  publifhed  it :  Ego  quidem  mijji- 
onifubjedits  eandem  legem  per  diverfts  terrarum  partes  tranfmitto,  &  quia  lex  ipfa  omnipo~ 
tenti  Veominime  concordat,  Ecce per  fuggeftionis  mea  paginam  dominit  nunciavi  ■>  utrobique 
ergo  qua  dehui  exolvi,  qui  &  Imperatori  obedientiamprxbui,  &  pro  Deo  quid  fenfi  minime 
tacui.  J  being  fuhje£i  to  your  command  have  tranfmitted  yottr  Law  to  be  publijhed  through 
diverfe  parts  of  the  World.  And  becaufe  the  Law  itfelfis  not  pleafwg  to  Almighty  God  , 
J  have  reprejentedmy  opinion  thereof  to  my  Lords  i  wherefore  J  have  performed  my  duty  ott 
both  fides,  in  yielding  obedience  to  the  Emperour,  and  not  concealing  what  I  thought  for 
God.  A  moO:  rare  and  Chriftian  prefident  of  that  great  Patriarch,  and  fit  <j  for  our 
obfervation  and  imitation  in  thefe  dayes  i  He  acknowledged  the  Emperour  to  be  his 
Lord,  and  himfelf  to  befubjedt  to  his  commands.  And  though  no  humane  invention 
can  warrant  anadthatis  morally  evill  in  it  lelfi  yet,  if  it  be  onely  impeditive  of  a 
greater  good,  as  that  bleffed  Saint  did  take  this  Law  to  be,  the  command  of  a  Sove- 
reign doth  weigh  down  the  fcale,  and  obligeth  a  Patriarch  to  obedience  in  a  matter 
that  concerns  Religion,  How  much  more  doth  the  cbmmand  of  the  Englifh  Mo- 
narch and  the  Englifh  Church  difoblige  an  Englifh  fubjed  from  a  forreign  Patriarch, 
whofe  Original  right  is  but  humane  at  the  moft,  and.inthe  cafe  in  queftien  between 
Rome  and  England^nons  at  all.  But 


Discourse  II.        Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd^  pi 


But  to  come  up  yefcloferto  the  Queftion.     The  general  Councils  of  Confiautino- -^^ 
pie  and  Chalcedm,  with  the  prefence,  concurrence,and  conhrmation,  of  Iheodofm  the  h^c  changed 
greatandMarto«theEmperours,  notwithftandingtheoppofitionof  the  Roman  Bi-  Patriarchs, 
(hop  by  his  Legates,  did  advance  the  Bifhop  of  Conjiantimple  from  being   a  poor 
Suifragan  under  the  Metropolitan  of  HeracUa,  to  be  the  fecond  Patriarch,  and  equal  Conc.ConJt. 
in  dignLty,power,and  all  manner  of  priviIedges,to  the  iirft,  and  alligned  unto  him  S""*  V-a  / 
for  his  Patriarchate  Po«/w,  and  ^j?j  the  lefs,  and  T/jr^icw,  and  fome  other  Countries  Canii, 
part  of  which  Territories  they  fubflraded  from  the  obedience  of  the  Roman  Bifhop 
at  leaft  over  which  the  Roman  Bifhops  challenged  Jurifdidtion  ,  and  part  from  other 
Patriarchs.     And  the  reafon  of  this  alteration  was  the  fame  for  which  Cxjarea  of 
old  was  a  long  time  preferred  before  Hierufalem  ,  and  Alexandria  before  Jmioch^  and 
Kome  before  all  others,  to  conform  the  Ecclefiaftical  Regiment  to  the  Political,  becaulc 
Conftantinople  was  made  of  a  mean  City  the  feat  of  the  Eaftern  Empire,  and  had  as 
many  Diocefes  and  Provinces  fubjed  unto  it  as  old  Rome  it  [df. 

But  left  it  may  be  conceived,  that  this  was  not  done  at  all  by  Imperial  power,  but 
by  the  authority  of  the  Oecumenical  Synods,  we  may  obferve  further,  that   Juftinian  oy  h  •  a 
the  Eftiperour  by  his  fole  Sovereign  Legiflative  power  did  new-found  the  Patriar-  Xrify[ 
chate  of  JujUniana  prima,  and  allign  a  province  unto  it,  and  indow  it  with  moft  Ntvel.'u: 
ample  priviledges,  freeing.it  from  all  appeals,  and  all  acknowledgment  of  fiiperiori-  ^ 

ty,  giving  the  Bifhop  thereof  equal  power  with  that  which  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  had  ^'''"^'  '3»' 
in  his  Patriarchate.  The  fame  priviledges  and  prerogatives  were  given  by  the  fame 
Emperour,  by  the  fame  Legillative  authority,  to  the  Bifhop  of  Carthage,  notwith- 
ftanding  that  the  Bifhops  of  Rome  did  al  wayes  pretend  that  Carthage  was  under  their 
Jurifdidlion.  I  deny  not  that  Vigilius  and  Gregory  fucceeding  Popes  did  make  depu- 
tations to  the  Bifhop  of  Jujliniana,  to  fupply  their  places.  But  this  was  but  an  old 
Roman  iinenefs.  The  BilTiops  of  Jnfli>jiana  needed  none  of  their  Commiffions. 
Jujiinian  the  Father  and  founder  of  the  Imperial  Law  knew  well  enough  how  far 
his  Legiflative  power  did  extend.  And  ^fcghthe  Ad:  was  notorious  to  the  whole 
world,  and  inferted  into  the  body  of  the^Tw,  yet  the  Fathers  of  that  age  did  not 
complain  of  any  Innovation,  or  Ufurpation,  or  breach  of  their  priviledges,  or  viola- 
tion of  their  rights. 

King  Henry  the  Eighth  had  the  fame  Imperial  power,  and  was  as  much  a  Sove-  p    v/j^  «• 
reign  in  his  own  Kingdoms,  as  Jujiinian  the  Emperour  in  his  larger  Dominions,  (  as  S'loUralgl* 
William  Rjtfus,  Son  and  fuccelTor  of  the  Conquerour  faid  moft  truly,  that  the  Kings  of  as  the  Empe- 
England  have  all  thofe  liberties  in  their  oa>n  Kingdoms,  rvhich  the  Emperours  had  in  the  ''°"" 
Empire  )  and  had  as  much  authority  to  exempt  his  own  fubjedts  from  the  Jurifdidi-  ^'*"^'  ^""J" 
on  of  one  Patriarch,  and  transfer  them  to  another  iefpecially  with  the  advife,  content 
and  concurrence  of  a  National  Synod.     So  King  ^rf^iwr  his  predeceflbr  removed  the 
Primacy  from  Caerleon  to  St.  Davids,  and  another  of  them  to  Canterbury,  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  their  fubjeds  according  to  the  exigence  of  the  times. 

If  the  Pope  had  been  the  King  of  England's  Subjedt ,  as  former  Popes  were  the 
Emperors  ,  he  might  have  ferved  him  as  they  did  fome  of  his  predecelTors ,  called  a 
Council ,  regulated  him  ,  and  reduced  him  to  order  and  reafon  i  or,  if  he  proved 
incorrigible ,  have  depofed  him.  But  the  Pope  being  a  ftranger,  all  that  he  could 
juftly  do  was  what  he  did,  rather  than  to  fee  his  Royal  prerogative  daily  trampled 
upon  ,  his  Laws  deftroyed  ,  his  Subjeds  opprcffed  i  rather  than  to  have  new  Arti- 
cles of  Faith  daily  obtruded  upon  the  Englijh  Church  ■■,  rather  than  to  incur  the  pe- 
ril of  wilful  Idolatry ,  againft  Confcience  ,  and  therefore  formal  ■■,  to  cafhier  the  Ro' 
man  Court ,  with  all  their  pardons  and  indulgences,  and  other  Alchymiftical  devi- 
ces ,  out  of  his  Kingdoms :  until  time  fhould  teach  them  to  content  themfelves 
with  moderate  things,  which  endure  long  v  or  until  either  a  free  Oecumenical 
Council,  or  an  Ewropxan  Synod,  fhould  fettle  Controverfies,  and  tune  the  jarring 
firings  of  the  Chriftian  world.  In  the  mean  time  we  pitty  their  errours,  pray  for  their 
amendment,  and  long  for  a  re-union. 

Now  the  juft  grounds  of  fuch  fubdudion  or  feparation  are  of  Two  forts,  cither  ^wo  (brtiof 
the  perfonal  faults  of  the  Popes,  or  their  Minifters ,  as  in  the  cafe  of  Simony  and  grounds  for 
Schifm ,  which  ought  in  juftice  to  refled  upon  none  but  the  perfons  who  areguiltyi  fubftraftion  of 
Or  eUe  they  are  faulty  principles  and  rules ,  as  well  in  point  of  Dodrine  as  of  Dif-  obc<li«>cc. 

cipline. 


p2 


A  Jkft  Vindication 


TOME  Tf. 


Our  Firft 

greuDd. 


Chtmnit  Exa 
Cone.  Tritf. 


cipline  fuch  as  the  obtruding  of  new  Creeds,  the  preffing  of  unlawful  Oaths, 
and  the'  palpable  ufurpation  of  the  undoubted  rights  of  others.  And  thcfe  do  jufti- 
fie  and  warrant  a  more  permanent  feparation,  that  is,  until  .they  be  reformed, 
wherefore  having  taken  a  view  of  the  fufficiency  of  the  Authority  of  our  Princes  to 
reform  v  In  the  next  place  it  is  worthy  of  our  ferious  confideration  what  were  the 
true  grounds  of  the  feparation  of  the  Kingdom  and  Church  of  England  from  the 
Court  of  Rome :  And  Secondly ,  whether  in  the  fubdudion  or  fubftradion  of  their 
obedience  or  Communion  they  obferved  due  moderation. 

The  grounds  of  their  feparation  were  many  :  Firft  ,  the  intolerable  extortions 
and  excellive  P\apine  of  the  Court  of  Kome ,  committed  in  that  P\.ealm,  by  their  Le- 
gates and  Nuncio's,  and  Commiffioners,  and  Colledors  ,  and  other  inferiour  Of- 
ficers and  Harpies,  enough  to  impoverifh  the  Kingdom ,  and  to  drain  out  of  it  all 
the  Treafure  that  was  in  it,  and  leave  it  as  bare  as  a  Grafhopper  in  Winter,  by  their 
indulgences  and  pardons  for  all  kind  of  fin  at  a  certain  rate,  Regiftred  in  their  Pe- 
nitentiary Tax.  Yea  as  Ticdius ,  the  Pope's  pardoner  made  his  brag  in  Germany  , 
though  a  man  had  ravilhed  the  Mother  of  God ,  yet  fo  foon  as  the  Money  did  but 
chink  in  the  bottom  of  the  Bafon,  prefently  the  foul  flew  out  of  Purgatory,  To 
thefc  we  may  add  their  Difpenfations  of  all  forts,  and  Commutations ,  and  Abfblu- 
and  Contributions ,  and  Refervations  ,  and  Tenths ,  and  Firfl-fruits  ,  and 


tions . 


M«nt. 


Appeals,  and  Palls  ,  and  a  thoufand  other  Artifices  to  get  Money  :  as  Provifions, 
Collations,  Exemptions,  Canonizations,  Divolutions ,  Revocations,  Unions, 
Commendams ,  Tolerations,  Pilgrimages,  Jubilees.  Nulla  hk  arcana  revelo ,  faith 
Mantuan , 


Venalia  mhU 

T^empb  ,  Sacerdotes  ,  altaria^  Sacra,  coron£  , 
JgnU ,  thura ,  peces ,    cxlum  Hi  vxnak ,  Ve-ufque. 

Temples,  Priefts,  Altars,  Miters  ,tR)ly  Orders,  Prayers,  Mafles ,  Heaven, 
and  God  himfelf  arc  falable  at  'Rome.  It  is  no  marvel ,  they  that  buy  muft  fell  i 
And  whileft  I  am  writing  thefe  things ,  comes  frefh  intelligence  of  a  Book  lately  (et 
forth ,  de  Simonia  ptefenm  PoMtificis ,  (  they  fay  )  not  penned ,  but  didated,  by  fuch 
as  know  right  well  the  moft  fecret  Cabals ,  and  Intrigues  of  the  Conclave  >  Nam 
prupiuifama  eft  hos  tangere  Vivos  >  which  I  can  eafily  impute  more  to  the  fault  of  the 
place,  than  of  the  man.  The  oblation  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrifi:  is  fold , 
faftings  and  penitentiary  works  are  fold  ,  qui  non  pottft  jejunare  per  fe ,  poteft  jejunare 
per  alium ,  vel  poteji  dare  mmmttm  pro  jejunio.  The  merits  of  the  Saints  being  alive 
are  fold ,  their  relids  being  dead  are  fold  ,  Scapulars  and  Monaftick  Garments  are 
fold.  The  Jerpes  with  their  Oxen ,  Sheep ,  and  Doves,  were  but  petty  Merchants 
in  comparifon  of  thefe  great  Bankers.  Did  any  man  defire  a  Pall  >  The  Law  it  felf 
Dijl- 100. 1 J  a.  did  dired  them  what  to  do,  FaVium  non  datur  nift  fortiter  poftulanti  i  The  Pall  would 
not  be  given  but  to  thofe  that  knocked  hard  with  a  filver  hammer.  Was  any  man  a 
InHen.i.an.  Suppliant  to  the  Court  of  Rowf .?  Matthew  Farts  puts  him  into  a  right  way ,  Tunc 
fedes  clerrentiffima  qu£  nuVi  deejle  confuevit,  dummodo  alhi  aliquid  vel  rubei  intercedat  , 
pr£fcriptos  Fontifices  &  Ablates  adpriftinas  dignitates  mifericorditer  revocaviti  Then  the 
moft  piitifiil  See,  tchich  is  not  accuftomed  to  he  wanting  to  any  Suppliants,  fo  they  bring 
white  or  yellow  Advocates  along  with  them ,  did  mercifully  rejiore  the  faid  Bijhops  and 
Abbats  to  their  former  dignities.  It  is  almoft  incredible  ,  what  a  mafs  of  Treafure 
they  colltded  out  of  England  in  a  ftiort  time,  onely  from  inveftitures  ,  and  feme 
Bnf.ji/»r'  other  exadions  from  Bii^ops  ,  in  Four  years,  no  lefs  than  an  hundred  and  fixty 
thoufand  pounds  fterling  ,  as  was  found  by  Inquifition.  Archbifliop  Cranmer  paid 
for  his  Bulls  that  concerned  his  Confecration  and  Pall  Nine  hundred  Ducats,  to  fuch 
an  highth  were  the  extortions  of  the  Rojm^m  Court  mounted.  Ex  ungue  leonem. 
Judge  by  this  what  the  Pope's  yearly  income  or  revenue  out  of  England mioht  be, 
by  all  thefe  arts  which  we  have  formerly  mentioned  ,  and  many  more :  Sometimes 
under  pretenfe  of  recovering  the  Holy  Land  :  Sometimes  to  relieve  the  poverty  of 
the  Roman  Court:  Sometimes  in  palfries  ;  Sometimes  in  forged  Bills  of  Exchange : 
Sometimes  in  extorted  fubfidies :  Sometimes  to  a  certain  fumme  ;  Sometimes  to  the 

fifth 


no;. 


Ant 

r^6. 


Discourse  H.        Of  the  Chtrcb  of  Ene^hnd.  or. 


fifth  part  of  theirgoods :  Sometimes  to  the  third  part  of  Refidents  -,  and  the  half  of 
non-Refidents  :  Sometimes  in  yearly  revenues  i  as  two  Pr;beods  of  every  Bifliop, 
and  the  value  of  the  maintenance  of  twoMonksfrom  every  Abbat :  Sometimes  out 
of  the  goods  of  rich  Clergy-men  vi'hodied  inteftate  :    Sometimes  a  years  wages  for 
payment  of  Souldiers  v  fome  Five,  fome  Ten,  (bme  Fifteen  according  to  their  Eftates: 
Sometimes  in  Jewels,  of  all  which  he  that  delires  to  be  more  fully  informed,  needs 
but  to  read  Matthew  Farif^who  defcribes  the  abufes  and  extortions  of  the  Roman 
Bifhops  Graphically  throughout  his  Hiftory.    And  in  one  place  he  bemoans  the  con- 
dition of  England  in  thefe  words:  Erat  tgitur  videre  dolorem  frxcord'ukm  getiM  Janiio-  Mutb.   Parif. 
rim  irrigare,  querelas  entmperejirjfina  multiplicare,  dicentihus  rmtllvs  citmfmgultii  cruen-  An.  U37. 
tato^  melm  eft  nobif  mori  quam  videre  malagentU  noftr£  &  Sandorum,     V<e  Angltx  qtt£ 
quondam  princeps  frovinciarum^  domina  gentittm^/peculum  Ecclefix,  Keligionis  exemplum, 
mmefada  eftfub  tribute.  Conculcaverunt  earn  igmbiks^  &fjaa  eft  hi  prxdam  degeneribus^ 
&c.  7herefore  a  man  might  fee  forrow  of  heart  rvater  the  eyelids  of  holy  men^  complaints 
breaf^put^and  grones  multiplyed,  many  faying  rvith  bloody  fighs^  It  is  better  for  us  to  dy 
than  to  fee  the  mifery  of  our  Nation^  and  of  holy  perfom.     IVo  be  to  England  xvhich  once 
was  the  Princefiof  Provinces,  th  Ltdy  of  Nations,   the  glafi  of  the  Church,  a -pattern  of 
Religion,  but  mtv  is  become  tributary.  Ignoble  feUorves  have  trodenher  underfoot,  and  Jhe  is 
made  a  prey  to  bafeperfons. 

Neither  was  this  the  complaint  of  the  vulgar  onely  :  All  eonfcientious  men  were 
of  the  fame  mind.     Who  hathnnt  Iieardof  the  bitter  complaints  and  free  declama- 
tions of  Crofthead  the  Learned  and  Religious  Bifliop  of  Lincoln,  againft  the  Tyranny 
and  Rapine  of  the  Roman  Courts,  both  in  the  time  of  his  health,  and  upon  his 
death-bed ;  for  which  he  was  ftiled  Romamrum  mjUeiis,  The  hammer  of  the  Romans  ?  Math.  Par.  i« 
whereby  he  fo  much  irritated  the  Pope,  that  he  would  have  depofed  him,  and  ac- •^•5- ''"•"5J- 
curfed  him  in  his  lifetime,  if  he  had  not  been  difTwaded  by  his  Cardinals  in  refpetft 
of  the  learning,  and  holinefs,and  delerved  reputation,  of  the  Bifliop  v  and  after  his 
death  would  have  had  his  Corps  difinterred  and  buried  in  a  dunghill,  but  that  the 
Bifliop  appeared  to  him  the  night  before,  and  gave  him,  orfeemed  to  give  him,  fuch  z  ., 
(hrewd  remembrance,  partly  with  words,  and  partly  with  his  crofier-flaff,  that   the  1254. 
Pope  was  much  terrified  and  half  dead,  fo  that  he  could  neither  eat  nor  drink  the 
day  following. 

The  Pope  excommunicated  Sewalus  the  Archbifliop  of  Tori^with  Bell  Book  and  • 
Candle,     hutnon  cttravit  voluntati  Papalirelirto  Juris  rigoremuliebriter  obedire.     ^a- ^'^^"'  ^''*'' 
propter  quanta  magis  pr£cipiente  Papa  maledicebatur,tanto  plus  a  populo  benedicebatur,taci-  **^'* 
te  tamen,  propter  metum  Romamrum.     He  cared  not  tofubmit  TPomaniJlAy  to  the  Popes  roill, 
leaving  the  ftreight  rule  of  the  Larp.     fVhere fore  the  more  he  rcas  accnrfed  by   the  Popes 
command,  the  more  hemasbleffedof  the  People,  but  fecretly  for  fear  of  the  Romans.     In  his  idem  Anno 
laft  iicknefs  he  fummoned  the  Pope  before  the  Tribunal  of  the  high  and  incorrupti-  1258. 
ble  Judge,  and  called  ilj|eaven  and  Earth  to  be  his  witnefTes  how  unjuftly  the  Pope 
had  opprefled  him :   Vixit  Vominm  Petro,  &c.  Ihe  Lordfaid  unto  St.  Peter,  fed  my 
jheep,not  clipthem,notfleal  them,  not  unbowell  them,  not  devoicr  them.     Tliey  who  defire 
to  know  what  opinion  theE>igliJhha.d  of  the  greedine{s  and  extortion  of  the  Court  Plo^rnans 
of  Rome,  may  find  them  drawn  out  to  the  life  by  Chaucer  in  fundry  places.    '  J^j!'*'  ^°'^  ^"^* 

Such  thriving  Alchymifts  were  never  heard  of  in  our  dayes,  nor  in  the  dayes  of 
our  fore-Fathers,  that  with  fuch  eafe  and  dexterity  could  change  an  ounce  of  lead 
into  a  pound  of  gold.  So  they  had  great  reafon  to  fay  oi^  England  thu  it  was  a 
Well  that  could  not  be  drawn  dry.  And  Englandhzd  as  much  reafon  to  whip  thefe 
Buyers  and  Sellers  out  of  the  Temple.  This  complaint  is  neither  new  nor  particu-" 
lar  as  we  fliall  fee  flirther  in  due  place. 

The  fecond  ground  of  our  Anceftors  Reparation  of  themfelves  from  the  Court  of  Ourferond 
Rome,  were  their  moft  unjuft  ufurpations,  and  daily  incroachments  and  intrench-  Sround. 
ments,  and  extream  violations  of  all  forts  of  rights.  Civil  and  Eccleiiaflical,  Sacred 
and  Prophane.  They  indeavoured  to  rob  the  King  of  the  faireft  flowers  of  his 
Crown:  as  of  his  right  to  convocate  Synods,  and  to  confirm  Synods  within  his  own 
Dominions,  of  hisLegiflative  and  Judiciary  power  in  Ecclefiaflical  caufes,  of  his 
PoliticalJurifdi<3:ionoverEcclefiafticalperfons,of  his  Ecclefiaftical  Feuds  and  Inve- 
ftitures  of  Bi(hops,of  his  juft  Patronages  of  Churches  founded  by  Iiis  Anccftors,  and 

of 


PS 


A  Jnfi  Vindication 


TOME  T. 


Epifc.    Elien- 
f.s. 


Plat.iiiGrti' 
7. 


Ian.  Ijcam. 
f.i8. 


Admom  to  the 
Nobility  by 
Card.  ABin, 
1588. 


Exam.Cathih 
^34. 


Math.  Paril'' 
Anno  I344> 


Idem,  Annt 
1253. 


AnnnL  fol- 
303. 


Ep-    Card. 
Bill,  ad  G.- 
Blackjf» 
Anhpr. 


of  the  hit  appeals  of  hisfubjeds.  And,  as  if  all  this  had  been  too  little,  taking  ad- 
vantaee  of  King  John's  troubles,  they  attempted  to  make  the  Royal  Scepter  ot  Eng- 
land Feudataryand  Tributary  to  the  Crofier-ftaff  of  Kome  at  the  annual  rent  of  a 
Thoufand  marks.  Neither  is  this  the  cafe  of  Englatid  alone,  feeing  they  make  the 
like  prctenfions  in  matter  of  fad  almoft  to  all  Europe.  To  fay  nothing  now  of  that 
Dominion  which  fomeof  them  have  challenged  indireftly,  others  dircdtly  over  So- 
vereign Princes :  Nos  w!peria,regna,principatHf,&  qukquid habere  mortaks pojimt,  aw 
ferre  &  dare  pnjje.  IFe  have  pon>er  to  take  away  and  to  give  Empires^  Kingdoms^  Prin- 
cipaltties,  and  rehatfoever  mortal  men  can  have  ;  becaufe  I  confefs  that  it  is  not  gene- 
rally received  by  the  "Roman  Church. 

Mr.  B/rfc/^tvfZ/madeArchprieft  of  EMg/Wby  C/mf«rthe  Eighth,  cites  Cardinal 
yii'fw,with  much  honour  to  his  memory,  but  much  fcandalized  at  his  Dodrine,  that 
none'can  be  admitted  King  of  England  without  the  Pope's  leave  :  His  words  are 
thcfe.  Without  the  appmhation  of  the  See  Jpniiotiqtte,  none  can  he  lawful  King  or  §jueen 
of  England  by  reafin  of  the  ancient  accord  made  between  Alexander  the  Third  the  year 
1 1 7 1 .  and  Henry  thefecond  then  King,  when  he  was  abfolvedfor  the  death  of  St.  Thomas 
of  Canterbury,  T/7<?t  no  marf  might  lawfully  tak^  that  Crown,  nor  be  accounted  as  King, 
till  he  were  confirmed  by  the  Sovireign  Tafior  of  our  fouls  which  for  the  timejhould  be. 
^ins  accord  afterwards  beingrenewed  about  the  year  12 10.  by  King  ]ohn,  who  confirmed 
the  fame  by  Oath  toVzndu\phus  the  Tope's  Legate,  at  the  fpecial  requeft  and  procurement  of 
iheLords'and  Commons,  as  a  thing  mofl  neceffary  for  prefrvation  of  the  Kealm  from  unjuji 
vfurpationof  Tyrants,  md  avoiding  other  inconveniences  which  they  had  proved,  and  might 
eafily  fall  again  into,hy  the  diforder  of  feme  wicked  King.To  which  he  adds  with  the  like 
difapprobation  a  like  Teftimony  of  Stanifaw  Chrijianovic,  a  Polonlan  Author,  who 
infers  upon  the  former  ground  that  the  Pope  may  depolethe  King  of  England,  as 
being  but  a  Tributary  King,  his  words  are  thefe  :  lUudimpie  Legifatores  per  jusjuran- 
dumextorquenta  Catholicis,  8cc.  The  Law-makers  do  jmpioufy  by  an  Oath  extort  this  from 
Catholicks,  to  deny  that  the  King  may  he  depofed  by  the  Pope,  and  his  Kingdoms  and  Coun- 
tries by  him  difpofed  of.  For  if  by  an  honourable  and  pious  grant  the  Kingdom  have  he- 
come  Tributary  to  the  Pope,  why  may  he  not  difpofe  of  it  ?  UHiy  may  he  not  depnfe  the 
Prince  being  refradoryand  difibedient?  Thus  a  bold  ftranger  altogether  ignorant  of 
our  Hiftories  and  of  our  Lawes  {hoots  his  bolt  at  all  adventures  upon  the  credit  of  a 
fhameful  fiftion.  But  from  whom  did  they  learn  this  Icffon  ?  Even  from  the  Pope 
himfelf  Bifhop  Croftheadhzd  been  a  kttle  bold  with  the  Pope  for  his  extorting  cour- 
les,  calling  him  Antichrijl,  and  murtherer  of  Souls,  and  comparing  the  Court  of  Kome 
to  Behemoth,  thatputteth  hU  meuthto  the  Kiver  ]ordsLnthinkingto  drink.it  up,  andftiling 
the  opprellionof  the  Englifii  Narion  an  JEgypiian  Bond<ige.  He  had  good  reafon  » 
for  the  Court  of  Kome  in  thofe  dayes  was  grown  paft  (hame,  (  rubore  depofno  _)  and 
confequently  paft  grace.  The  Pope  irritated  with  this  ufage  breaks  out  into  this 
paflionate  expreflion,  Nonne  Kex  Anglorum  nofter  eft  VafaUus,  ^,  ut  plus  dicam,  manci- 
pium  ?  Is  not  the  King  of  England  our  VaJJal,  or  rather  cur  Slave  ?  Or  rather  are  thefe 
fit  guefts  to  be  entertained  in  a  Kingdom  that  make  no  more  of  our  Sovereign 
Princes  than  their  VafTals  and  Slaves,  who  can  neither  be  admitted  to  the  Crown 
without  their  leave,  nor  hold  it  but  by  their  grace  > 

This  relation  of  Cardinal  Jllen  brings  to  my  remembrance  the  queftion  of  Neo- 
ptolemus  to  Vlyjfes,  when  he  fhould  have  taught  him  the  Art  of  lying,how  it  waspof- 
fblefor  one  to  tell  a  lye  without  blueing  ?  The  Arch-Prieft  is  much  more  ingenuous, 
affirming  that  the  ajfertions  touching  both  thefaid  Kings  for  matter  of  fad  were  untruei 
That  Henry  thefecond  never  made  any  fuch  accord  with  Alexander  the  third,  for  ought 
that  he  could  ever  read  in  any  Chronicle  of  credit  ■■>  Then  that  the  Oath  which  Heniy  the  fe- 
cond  did  tak^for  himfe  If (not  (or  his  heirs,^was  this,  that  he  vfould  not  depart  from  him 
or  hvs  fucceffors^fo  long  as  they  fhould  intreathim  as  a  Catholiik.King\  That  thefaS  of  King 
John  if  of  more  probability,  but  of  as  little  /rat/:),  which  he  confirms  by  the  Tefiimony 
of  Six  Thomas  Moor  a  Lord  Chancellor  of  England,zrmT\  of  Extraordinary  learning, 
of  great  parts,  of  ib  good  affedions  to  the  Koman  See,  that  he  is  fuppofed  to  have 
dyed  for  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  and  is  commended  by  CzxAiral  BeVarmine  to  Mr. 
Blackwell  as  a  Martyr,  and  a  guide  of  many  others  to  Martyrdom,  cum  ingenti  Anglic* 
nationU  gloria,  ccxuiri\y  one  who  had  as  much  means  to  know  the  truth,  both  by  view 

of 


I 


Discourse  II.       Of  the  Churcb  of  Ensjznd.  p;- 


of  Records,  andotherwife,  as  any  man  living:  Thus  writcth  he.  If  he  (  the  An- 
thourof  the  Beggars  Supplication  J  Jay  as  indeed  fame  Writers  fay  ^  that  King  ]ohn  Sopplic.  of  . 
made  flnglyid  and  Ireland  tributary  to  the  Tope  and  the  See  JpojUick^^  by  the  grant  of  a.  ^°"'''P'  "J*^* 
Iboufattd  Marks  ■>  we  dare  furely  fay  again  ^  that  it  is  itntrne ,  and  that  all  Rome  nei- 
ther can  fhew  fuch  a  Grants  n-jr  ever  could  ,  And  if  they  could ,  it  were  nothing  worth. 
For  never  cnuld  any  King  of  England  give  away  the  Realm  to  the  Pope,  or  mak^  the  Land 
tributary,  though  he  would. 

As  to  that  of  Henry  the  Second  ,  without  doubt  the  -Archprieit  had  al!  the  rcafon 
in  the  world  for  him.  Cardinal  Allen  did  not  write  by  infpiration ,  and  could  ex- 
ped  no  more  credit  than  he  brought  authority.  There  is  a  vaft  difference  between 
thefe  Two  ,  that  no  manfhaU  be  accounted  King  of  England  ,  ttntil  he  be  confirmed  by 
the  Pope:  And  this  other,  that  the  King  in  his  own  pe^fm  would  not  defert  the  Pope ,  fo 
long  as  he  imreated  him  lik^  a  Catholick^King.  The  former  is  moft  diflionourable  to 
the  Nation ,  and  Diametrally  oppofite  to  the  fundamental  Laws  of  the  Land.  The 
later  we  might  take  our  felves  without  offence  to  God  or  our  own  Confciences.  But 
to  make  our  Kings  their  vaffals  and  their  Oaves ,  to  impoverifli  their  Realm,  and 
to  commit  all  thofe  exorbitant  mifdemeanors  againft  them,  which  we  have  related 
in  part ,  and  (hall  yet  defcribe  more  fully,  was  neither  to  intreat  them  like  Catholick 
Kings,  nor  like  Chriftian  Kings,  nor  yet  like  political  Kings. 

And  (o:  h\s  St.7homas  o(  Canterbury  ,  we  do  not  believe  that  the  Pope's  Canoni- 
zation ,  or  to  have  his  Name  inferted  into  the  Calendar  in  red  letters,makcs  a  Saint. 
We  do  abominate  that  murther  as  lawlefs  and  barbarous ,  to  fprinkle  not  onely  the 
pavements  of  the  Church ,  but  the  very  Altar  with  the  blood  of  a  Prelate  v  and  we 
condemn  all  thofe  who  had  an  hand  in  it ,  But  we  do  not  believe  that  the  caufe  of 
his  fuffering  was  fuflEcient  to  make  him  a  Martyr  ,  namely  ,  to  help  Forreigners  to 
pull  the  faireft  flowers  from  his  Prince's  Diadem  by  violence ,  and  to  perjure  him- 
felf,  and  violate  his  Oath  given  for  the  obfervation  of  the  Articles  of  Clarendon.  Hoveden.in 
All  his  own  Suffragan  Eifhops  were  againf^  him  in   the  caufe,  and  juftified  the  ■^'""»'' f-*9*' 
King's  proceedings  ,  as  appeareth  by  Two  of  their   Letters,  one  to  himfelf ,  the 
other  to  Pope  Alexander  tl>£  Third.     The  Barons  of  the  Kingdom  reputed  him  as 
a  Tray  tor  :   ^o  proff'ederis  Prodi  tor  ?  ExpeCta  ,   &  audi  judicium  tunm  j  Whither  go-  jji„, 
eft  thou  ,  "Iraytur  .?  flay ,  and  hear  thy  ]udinnent.     This  is  certain ,  the  firft  time  that 
ever  any  Pope  did  challenge  the  right  of  Inveftitures  in  England,  was  in  the  dayes 
of  Henry  the  Firft  i  and  Pafchal  the  Second  was  the  firft  Pope,  that  ever  exafted  an 
Oath  from  any  Forreign  Biihop,  above  Eleven  hundred  years  after  Chrift.     Before 
that  time  they  evermore  fwore  Fealty  to  their  Prince,  deHomigUs,  de  Feudis,  de 
Sacramentis  Epifcoporum  ,   Laicis  antea  exhihitis  ■■>  'There  was  great  confnltalion  ah.mt  the  f /'*''  "*  ^*' 
Homage  ,  and  Fealty,  and  Oaths  of  Bijhops  in  firmer  ages  fworn  to  Lay-men.  Thefe  new       **" 
articles  of  Faith  are  too  young  to  make  Martyrs. 

Concerning  the  Second  inftance  of  King  John ,  though  I  attribute  much  to  the 
Authority  of  Sir  Ihomas  Moor  in  that  cafe,   who  would  never  have  been  £o  confident, 
unlefs  he  had  fuppofed  that  he  had  {earched  the  matter  to  the  bottom  i  yet  his  zeal 
to  the  Papacy  ,  and  his  unwillingneft  to  fee  fuch  an  unworthy  ad  proceed  from  that 
See,  might  perhaps  miflead  him :  for  I  confefs  fundry  Authours  do  relate  the  cafe  -^'"f*-  P<trif- 
otherwife.    That  there  was  a  Prophefie  or  Prediftion  made  by  one  Peter  an  Hermite,  ""■""• 
that  the  next  day  to  Afcenfion  Sunday  there  fhould  be  no  King  in  England  ■■>  That 
Pope  Innocent  the  Third  being  angry  with  King  John  ,  excommunicated  him,  inter- 
dided  the  Kingdom,  deprived  him  of  his  Crown  ,  abfolved  his  Subjeds  from  their 
Allegiance,  animated  his  Barons  and  Bifhops  againft  him ,  gave  away  his  Realm  to 
Philip  King  of  France ,  fent  Pandulplm  as  his  Legate  into  England  to  fee  all  this  exe- 
cuted.    The  King  of  France  provides  an*  Army  accordingly.     But  the  crafty  Pope 
underhand  gives  his  Legate  fecret  inftrudions ,  to  fpeak  privately  with  King  John^ 
and  if  he  could  make  a  better  bargain  for  him ,  and  draw  him  to  fubmit  to  the  (en- 
tence  of  the  Pope ,  he  fhould  ad  nothing  againft  him ,  but  in  his  favour.     They  do 
meet.  King  J^^wfubraits,  the  Pope  orders  him  to  refign  his  Crown  and  Kingdoms 
to  the  See  o(  Rome.     So  (  they  fay  )  he  did,  and  received  them  the  next  day  of  the 
Pope's  Grace  as  a  feudatary  at  the  yearly  Rent  of  a  Thoufand  Marks ,  for  the  King-  ^•"'^  PatiJ. 
doms  of  England  and  Ireland  ,    and  did  Homage  and  fwear  Fealty   to  Pope  Inno-  ""•  '*'J* 
cent.  Bat 


~^  A  Juft  Vindicaticn TOME  t . 


But  whereas  the  Cardinal  adds  upon  his  own  head ,  that  this  was  done  at  thefpe- 
cial  requeft  and  procurement  of  the  Lords  and  Commons ,  it  is  an  egregious  forge- 
ry and  well  deserves  a  whetrtone  i  for  all  the  Three  Orders  of  the  Kin^om ,  Bi- 
Harpf.adji-  fliJps  Earons ,  and  Commons,  did  protdt  againft  it  in  Parliament,  notwith- 
cul.  14.  c. 5-  flandin'^  any  private  Contrad  that  might  be  made  by  Kiug  John;  and  that  they 
Citat.  Sana.  ^^^^^^  defend  themfdves  by  Arms  from  the  Temporal  Jurifdidion  of  the  Pope.  But 
^  the  other  Anfwer  of  Sir  Ihomoi  Moore  is  moft  certain  ,  and  beyond  all  exception , 

that  if  either  Henry  the  Second  ,  or  King  John  had  done  any  fuch  thing  ,  it  was 
rot  worth  a  ru(h  ,  nor  ilgnified  any  thing  ,  but  the  greedinefs  and  prophanenels  of 
thefe  pretended  Vicars  of  Chrift  ,  who  proftituted  and  abufed  their  Office ,  and  the 
power  of  the  Keys ,  to  ferve  their  bafe  and  avaritious  ends ,  and  lets  the  world  fee 
how  well  they  deferved  to  be  thruft  out  of  doors.  What  >  That  no  man  might  be 
cforoned^  or  accounted  King  of  England,  tmil  he  rcere  confirmed  by  the  Pope  .?■  By  the 
Law  of^ England,  Kex  non  moritur ,  the  King  never  dyes  ;  and  doth  all  afts  of  So- 
vcrei^'^nty  before  his  Coronation  as  well  as  after. 

They  robbed  the  Nobility  of  their  Patronages ,  thofe  Churches  which  their  An'- 
certors  had  foimded  and  endowed,   being  by  provifions  from  Kome  frequently  con- 
ferred upon  Strangers ,  which  could  not  fpeak  one  word  of  Englijh ,  nor  did  ever 
tread  upon  Englijh  ground ,  Infomuch ,  that  at  one  time  there  were  fo  many  Italians 
^"h  ^'^An.      beneficed  in  England ,  that  they  received  more  Money  yearly  out  of  it ,  than  all  the 
1245'.  Ep.  Vni-  Revenues  of  the  Crown,  to  the  high  diflervice  of  Almighty  God,  the  great  fcan- 
on.Angi.'ad     dal  of  Religion ,  the  decay  of  Hofpitality ,  and  the  utter  ruine  of  the   Englijh 
Innocent.  church. 

But  the  leaft  (hare  of  their  oppreffions  did  not  light  upon  the  Bifliops,  who  by 
their  Difpenfations ,  and  Relervations  of  cafes,  and  of  Penfions  ,  and  Exemptions, 
and  Inhibitions,  and  Vifitations,  and  Tenths,  andFirft-fruits,-  and  Provifions,  and 
fubfidiary  Helps  ,  were  impoverifhed  and  difabled  to  do  the  Duties  of  their  Fundi- 
on.  They  take  their  aim  much  amifs^who  look  upon  Epifcopacy  as  a  branch  of 
,  Popery,  or  a  device  of  the  Biftop  of  Rome  to  advance  his  own  greatnefs.  Whereas 

the  contrary  is  moft  certain,  that  the  Pope  is  the  greatell  Impugner  of  Bifhops,  and 
the  Papacy  it  felf  fprung  from  the  unjuft  ufurpation  of  their  juft  rights.  Let  it 
be  once  admitted,  that  Bilhops  are  by  divine  right,  and  inftantly  all  his  difpenfations, 
and  refervations,  and  exemptions,  and  Indulgences,  and  his  Conclave  of  Cardinals, 
and  the  whole  Court  of  Ko»«',fhrink  to  nothing.  This  was  clearly  perceived  by 
both  parties  in  the  ventilation  of  that  famous  queftion  in  the  Council  of  Trent,  con- 
cerning the  divine  right  of  Bifhops,  propofed  by  the  Almains,  Polonians  and  Hunga- 
rM«/,feconded  bravely  by  the  Spaniards,  profecuted  home  by  the  French,  owned  by 
the  Archbifhop  of  TarU  as  the  dodrinc  of  Sorbone,2T\d  onely  crofTed  by  the  Jtalian 
tadrion,  to  preferve  the  glory  of  their  own  Country,  and  the  advantages  which  that 
nation  doth  reap  from  the  Papacy.  By  whofe  frowardnefs  and  prevarication  (  in  all 
probability)  the  re-union  of  the  Church,  and  the  univerfal  peace  of  this  part  of 
Chriftendom  in  necefTary  Truths,  was  hindredat  that  time. 

I  prefume  the  cafe  was  not  fo  very  ill  in  forreign  parts,  but  yet  ill  enough.  Or 
otherwifeSt.  Bernard  would  not  have  made  fo  bold  withEugeniuf,  adding  that,  if  the 
dayes  were  not  evil,  he  would  fpeak  many  more  things,  Why  do  yon  thriijiyour  fickje 
Bern.  1. 3.  de  into  other  mens  harveji?  &c.  He  complains  of  the  confufion  of  appeals,  how  they  were 
Corfiderat,  admitted  contrary  to  Law  and  Right,  befides  Cuftom  and  Order,  without  anydi- 
flindion,  of  place,  or  manner,  or  time, -or  caufe,or  perfon.  He  complains  further  of 
the  exemption  of  Abbats  from  their  Bifhops,  Bifhops  from  their  Archbifhops,  Arch- 
bifliops  from  their  Primates.  And  this  he-  ftiles  Murmtir  &  commtmem  querimomam 
Ecckfiarum,  The  murmuring  and  common  coifiplaint  of  the  Churches. 

Laftly,they  cheated  and  impoveriflied  the  people  by  their  difpenfations  and   com- 
mutations, and  pardons,  and  indulgences,  and  expeditions  to  recover  the  holy  Land, 
and  Jubiles,  and  pilgrimages,  and  agnm  Vei's,  and  a  thoufand   pecuniary  Artifices. 
So  as  no  fort  of  men  efcaped  their  lingers. 
Tlie  Third  The  third  ground  of  their  feparation  from  Rowe  was,  becaufe  they  found  by  ex- 

ground,  perience  that  fuch  forreign  Jurifdidion  fo  exercifed  was  deftrudive  to  the  right  ends 

of  Eccleilaftical  difcipline,  which  is  in  part  t,p  preferve  publick  peace  and  tranquilli- 
ty, ■ 


Discourse  II.       of  the  Church  of  Enghnd,,  gj 


ty,  to  recein  fubjeds  intluc  obedience,  and  to  oblige  people  to  do  their  duties  more 
confcientioully.  Far  be  it  from  any  Chriftian  to  imagine  that  policy  is  the  Spring- 
head of  Religion.  There  never  was  yet  anyone  Nation  fb  unpolitick  and  brutifhly 
barbarous,  but  they  had  fome  Religion  or  other.  They  who  obeyed  no  Governours 
but  their  Parents,  paid  religious  duties  to  fome  God  i  they  who  wanted  Clothes  to 
their  backs,  wanted  not  their  facred  Ceremonies  ;  they  who  were  without  municipal 
Lawes,  were  fubjedof  themlelves  to  the  Law  of  Confcience.  But  where  Religion 
hath  loft  its  influence  and  vigour  by  contempt,  and  much  more  where  the  influence 
of  Religion  is  malignant  i  where  Policy  and  Religion  do  riot  fupport  one  another 
but  interfere  one  with  another  •,  Societies  are  like  Caftles  builded  in  the  air,  without 
any  firm  foundation,  and  cannot  long  endure,  like  as  that  fingle  Meteor  Cajhr  ap- 
pearing without  Follux  portends  an  unfortunate  voyage.  Let  lu  flatter  our  [elves  as 
much  as  we  pkafe  (  faid  "Tuty  to  the  Komans  )  we  have  not  overcome  the  Spaniards  in 
Nr<niher,  nor  the  Galls  hi  Force,  nor  the  Carthaginians i»  Craft,  nor  the  Grecians  in  Art 
nor  the  Italians  inVnierfcanding^hut  the  advantage  which  -we  have  gained  over  them  wat 
by  'Religious piety.     So  great  an  influence  hath  Religion  upon  the  body  Politick. 

Wherefore  our  Anceftors  having  fcen  by  long  and  coftly  experience,  that  the  Ty- 
rannical Jurifdidion  of  the  Roman  Court,  inftead  of  peace  and  tranquillity  did  pro- 
duce dil-union  in  the  Realm,  fadions  and  animofities  between  the  Crown  and  the 
Miter,  inteftinc  difcord  between  the  King  and  his  Barons,  bad  intelligence  with 
Neighbour-Princes,  and  forreign  Wars  i  Having  feen  a  ftranger  folicited  by  the 
Pope,  either  to  deftroy  them  by  War,  or  to  fubdue  them  to  the  obedience  of  the 
Roman  Court  •,  Having  Ceen  their  native  Country  given  awayas  a  prey  to  a  forreign 
Prince,  Fhilipof  France,  and  the  Pope  well  near  featedin  the  Royal  Chair  of  Eftate, 
for  him  and  hisfucceflbrs  for  ever,  to  the  endkfs  diflionour  of  the  'Enalijh  name  and 
Nation,  by  the  cheating  tricks  of  Pandulphus  his  Legate  •,  Having  feen  Engltjh  Rebels 
canonized  at  Rome,  and  .made  Saints  ■■,  it  was  no  marvel  if  they  thought  it  high 
time  to  free  themfelves  fromfuch  a  chargeable  and  dangerous gueft. 

Fourthly,  betides  the  former  bad  influence  of  forreign  Jurifdidtion  upon  the  body  The  Fourth 
Politick,  they  found  fundry  other  inconveniences  that  incited  them  to  feparate  from  6™"°'** 
Rome  :  They  muft  have  been  daily  fubjed  to  have  had  new  Creeds  and  new  Articles 
of  faith  obtruded  upon  them:  They  muft  have  been  daily  expofed  to  manifold  and 
manifeft  peril  of  Idolatry,  and  finning  againft  God  and  their  own  Conlciences:  They 
muft  have  forfaken  the  Communion  of  three  parts  of  Chriftendom,  which  are  not 
Roman,  to  joyn  with  the  fourth  :  They  muft  have  approved  the  Pope's  apparent 
Rebellion  againft  the  fupream  Ecclefiaftical  power,  that  is,  a  general  Council:  And 
their  Bifliops  muft  have  fwom  to  maintain  himinthele  his  Rebellious  Ufurpations. 
Whether  they  ftiould  prefer  their  native  and  Chriftian  liberty,  or  give  them  up  for 
nothing  v  whether  they  (hould  preferve  their  Communion  with  the  Catholick 
Church,  or  with  the  Court  of  Rome  ■■,  whether  they  Ihould  defert  the  Pope,  or  in- 
volve themfelves  in  Rebellion,  Schifm,  Sacriledge,  and  Perjury,  the  choice  was  foon 
made. 

Laftly,  they  (ee  that  the  Popes  had  difclaimed  all  that  juft  power  which  they  had 
by  humane  right,  and  challenged  to  themfelves  a  fpiritual  Monarchy  or  Sovereignty 
by  divine  right,  whereby  their  fuflTerings, which  in  themfelves  were  unfupportable 
were  made  alfo irremediable,  from  thence.  Wherefore  they  fought  out  a  fit  expe- 
dient for  themlelves,  being  neither  ignorant  of  the  old  Britannick^  exemption  and 
liberties  of  the  Englijh  Church,  nor  yet  of  the  weaknefs  of  the  Roman  pretences. 
Our  progenitors  knew  well  enough  that  their  Authority  extended  not  to  take  away 
any  the  leaft  particle  of  divine  right,  if  there  had  been  any  fiich.  Nor  could  they 
juftly  be  accufed  of  violating  that  humane  right,  which  had  been  quitted  long  be-* 
fore  V  nor  be  blamed  rightly  for  denying  obedience  to  him  from  whole  Jurifdidion 
they  were  exempted  by  the  Canon  of  an  Oecumenical  Council,  and  who  had  himfelf 
implicitely  renounced  that  Ecclefiaftical  right  which  he  held  from  the  Church, 

Perhaps  fome  may  conceive  a  defed  in  the  manner  of  proceeding  of  the  King 
and  Church  of  England,  that  they  did  not  firft  make  a  Remonftrance  of  their  grie- 
vances, and  feek  redrels  of  the  Pope  himlelf.  So  the  Council  of  Towers  thought  it 
fit.     Vifam  eft  tamen  Concilio,  ante  omnia  mittendos  Legatos  ad  I>.  Tapam  Julium,  &c* 

L  h 


pS 


A  Juji  Vtndication 


TOMli  I 


Core-  TuTon. 
fln.  ijio.  in 
fine. 


ExiraUidei 
Annah  (t  A- 
qxitAii't' 


Baron  »■!'• 

Grei-9^^ 
EkS-fyE-Ua. 

fttejiate 


Math.  Parif. 
«in.  124$. 


U.An-  1246. 


Id,  An.  124$: 


Itfemeth  aood  to  the  Council ,  that  in  the  firji  place  Mejfengert  be  fern  from  the  French 
Church  to  the  Pope,  who  may  admnip  him  ivith  brotherly  love,  and  according  to  the 
Evanaelii^al  form  of  correction ,  to  defji  from  his  attempts  ,  and  to  embrace  peace  and  con- 
cord with  the  Princes.  But  if  he  will  not  hear  the  MeJJengers,  let  him  be  de?nanded  to 
convocate  a  free  Council ,  according  to  the  Vecres  of  the  Holy  Council  of  Balilc.  And 
this  being  done,  and  his  Jnftver  received,  farther  provifion  Jhall  be  made  according  to 

*To  this  I  Anfvver  ,  Firll ,  That  it  had  been  reafonable  and  juft  indeed,  that  we 
had  made  our  Firrt  addrefs  to  the  Pope ,  if  we  acknowledge  the  Roman  Bifhop  t-o 
be  our  lawful  Patriarch  :  but  the  fame  refped  is  not  due  to  an  Ufurper.  Secondly  , 
we  have  feen  by  frequent  experience  ,■  how  vain  and  fruitlefs  fuch  addrefles  have 
proved  from  time  to  time.  According  to  the  former  advice  of  the  Council  of 
'lowers  ,  the  King  of  f  ranee  fcnt  AmbalTadors  to  Rome  v  but  the  Pope  refufcd  to 
hear  them ,  or  to  convocate  any  Council ,  and  before  his  death  anathematized  Ma- 
ximilian King  of  the  Romans ,  the  Kings  of  f  ranee  and  oi  Navarre, -iwA  divers  other 
Princes  ,  Cardinals  ,  and  Bifhops  \  deprived  the  Kings  and  Princes  of  their  rcfpe- 
dtive  Realms  and  Principalities,  the  Bifhops  of  their  Dignities  and  Benertces  i  and 
gave  their  Kingdoms  aud  Principalities  to  the  tirft  that  could  take  them-,  from  which 
le'ntence  they  appealed  to  a  future  Council. 

The  moft  ancient  arbitrary  impofition  of  the  Popes  upon  the  Britifij  Churches, 
was  the  Pall ,  an  honourable  ,and  at  firft  innocent,  Enfign  of  an  Archbifliop,  other- 
wile  of  no  great  moment-,  firft  introduced  in  the  Reigns  of  the  Saxon  Kings  after 
the  Six  hundredth  year  of  Chrill.  But  in  procef^  of  time  it  became  vendible  ,  and 
a  great  fumme  was  exad-ed  for  it ,  whereof  Canutm  long  fince  complained  at  Rome, 
and  had  remedie  promifed  ,  as  he  well  deferved  of  that  See  i  but  how  well  it  was 
obfervcd  ,  the  experience  of  after-ages  doth  manifeft,  when  both  the  price  was 
augmented,  and  withall  an  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  the  Pope  impofed  ;  Eledo  in  Ar- 
chiepifcopum  fedes  Apuftolica  Pallium  non  tradet ,  mfi  priiis  pr£jiet  fidelitatif  &  obedient i<e 
juramentum 't  T^he  See  ApoftoUch^will  not  deliver  the  Pall  to  anEleU  Archbifliop,  unlefs 
he  frrji  fwear  fidelity  and  obedience  to  the  Pope.  What  was  become  of  their  old  Oath 
of  Allegiance  to  their  King  > 

In  the  jear  1245.  the  King,  the  Lords  Spiritual  and   Temporal ,  and  the  whole 
Common- wealth  of  England ,  joyned  together  unanimoufly   in  a  complaint ,  i  and 
exhibited  their  grievances  to  Rome  ,  That  the  Pope  extorted  more  than  his  Vcter-pence 
out  of  the  Kingdom  ,  contrary  to  Law  ,  that  the  Patrons  of  Churches,  were  defrauded  of 
their  rights  ,  Strangers  preferred ,  fouls  endangered ,   their    bullion  exported,  the  King- 
dom impoverijhed ,  provifions  made ,  penfions  exaCied  :  That   the  Englilh  were  drawn 
out  of  the  Realm  by  the  Authority  of  the  Pope  ,  contrary  to  the  Cujloms  of  the  Kingdom, 
They  complained  o€the  toming  among  them  of  the  Pope's  infamous  Mef!enger  ,  (  non  ob- 
ftante  )  by  which  Oaths ,  Cujloms,  Writings,  Grants,   Statutes,  Rights,  Priviledges, 
were  not  onely  weah^ed ,  but  exinanited.    They  covcvpXzmtA  oi  Collections  ,  without  the 
Kin£s  leave  ,  that  hospitality  wm  not  kgpt ,  the  poor  not  fuflained,  the  Word  not  preached. 
Churches  not  adorned ,  the  cure  of  fouls  negleHed ,  "Divine  O^ces  not  performed,  and 
Churches  ruined  by  the  abufes  of  the  Papal  Court.    I  cannot  omit  one  claufe  in  the  Let- 
ter of  the  Lords  to  the  Pope,  Nifi  de  gravaminibus  Domino  Regi  &  regno  illatif  Rex  & 
regniim  citihs  liber entur  ,  oportebit  nos ponere  murjtm pro  Domo  Domini,  &  libertate  fe- 
gni.     ^lod  qtiidem,  ob  Apofrolic£ fedis  reverentiam  ,hucn[que  faccre  dijiulimm '■>   Vnkfs 
the  King  and  Kingdom  be  quickly  freed  from   thefe  grievances  ,  we  muji  makg  a  wall  (  of 
defence  or  partition  )  for  the  Hoitfe  of  the  Lord  ,  and  the  liberty  of  the  Kingdom,   which 
we  have  hitherto  forborn  to  do  out  of  our  reverent  rejpeH  of  the  Apojiolick^  See,     They 
feem  to  allude  to  that  wall  which  Severm  made  to  fave  the  Kingdom  from  the  in- 
curfions  of  the  Scots  and  Pi^s.     Surely  that  was  not  more  neceflary  then,  than  that 
wall  of  partition  which  Henry  the  Eighth  made  afterwards,  to  fave  the  Realm  from 
the  affronts,  and  extortions,  and  injurics,of  the  Roman  Court. 

Neither  did  they  make  their  addrefles  to  the  Pope  alone  ,  but  to  the  Council  of 
Lyons  ,  by  the  Prodors  of  the  whole  Nobility  and  Commonalty  of  England  ,  for  re- 
dress of  the  violent  oppreffions,  intolerable  grievances ,  and  impudent  exa£lions  which  were 
praCtifedin  England ,  by  means  of  that  hateful  claufe  ,  non  obftante  ,  too  often  inferted 


Discourse  JL       Of  the  Cfmrcb  of  Ens}3ind.  g<p 


in  the  P^fe^s  Letters.  They  reprcfented  that  there  were  fo  many  Italians^  for  t!ie 
inoft  part  ignorant  and  unlearned,  that  underftood  not  one  Englilh  word,  nor  did 
ever  tread  upon  EngliJIj  ground,  beneficed  among  them,  that  their  yearly  revenue 
exceeded  the  revenue  of  the  Crown.  Neither  did  they  complain  onely,but  threaten  '*"'*'"• 
and  fwear  that  they  would  not  permit  fuch  abufes  for  the  future.  But  what  cafe  did 
the  poor  Englijh  find  by  complaining  to  the  Pope  either  in  Council  or  out  of  Coun- 
cil ?  Martine  the  Pope's  Commillioner  (  for  he  could  not  (end  a  Legate  without  the  7^.  ^„.  1245^ 
King's  confent  j  extorts,  excommunicates,  interdids  ■■,  the  Pope  himfelf  is  angry, 
becaufe  likefturdy  children  tbey  durii  cry  and  rvhimfer  when  they  rvere  beaten^  and  per- 
fwades  the  King  of  France  to  invade  England^  and  either  to  depofe  the  King,  or  fub- 
jed  him  to  the  Court  of  Kowf,  which  lolt  the  Pope  the  heart  of  the  Englifh.  The 
King  told  them  that  their  King  began  to  kick^  againji  him^  and  play  the  Frederick.  And 
they  threatened,  that  if  he  perfifted  theyPmild  be  forced  to  do  that  which  would  make  h'n 
heart  akg.  After  this  Eia^jr^  the  Third  made  his  addreflfes  likewife  to  Rowe  for  re- 
medy of  grievances,  in  the  year  1343.  How  didhefpeed?  No  better  than  his  Great  ^'*^f"'t-P-^^^' 
Grandfather  Hewry  the  Third.  The  Pope  was  offended,  and  termed  his  modefl  ex- 
pofiulation  Rebellion.  But  that  wife  and  magnanimous  Prince  was  not  daunted 
with  words  i  to  requite  their  invedives,  he  made  the  fbtutes  of  Provifoes  and  prx- 
tnmire,  diredly  againfl  the  incroachments  and  ufurpations  of  the  Court  of  Rome. 
Wherebyhe  fo  abated  theirpower  in  E^^^/.w^fbrfuudry  Ages  following,  that  a  Dean 
and  Chapter  were  able  to  deal  with  them,  not  onely  to  hold  them  at  the  fwords 
point,  but  to  foil  them. 

Laftly,  King  Henry  the  Eighth  himfelf  had  been  long  a  fuiter  unto   Clement  the 
feventh,  to  have  his  PredecefTor  Julius  thefecond's  difpenfationforhis  Marriage  with 
his  Brothers  Wife,  to  be  declared  void.     But  though  the  Pope's  own  Dodtors  and 
Univerfities  had  declared  thedifpenfation  to  be  unlawful  and  invalid  ,    and  although 
the  Pope  himfelf  had  once  given  forth  a  Bull  privately  to  his  Legate  Cardinal  Cam-  ^f^^lP?,^^ 
ffgiw  for  the  revocation  thereof,  wherein  he  declared  the  Marriage  to  be  null,  and  °J^,\Sande- 
that  the  King  could  not  continue  in  it  without  fin  i  yet  the  King  found  fo  little  tus. 
refpedl  either  to  the  condition  of  hisper{bn,or  to  the  juliice  of  his  caufe,  that  after 
long  delayes,  to  try  if  he  could  be  allured  to  the  Pope's  will,  in  the  conclufion  he 
received  a  flat  denial.     This  was  no  great  incouragement  to  him  to  make  any  more 
addrefTes  to  Kome.     So  what  was  threatned   and  effeded  in  part  in  the  days- of 
Henry  the  third,  and  Edtoard  the  third,  was  perfededin  the  reign  of  Henry  the  eighth, 
when  thejurifdidion  of  the  Court  of  Rome  in  England  w2s  abolifhed,  which  makes 
the  great  diftance  between  them  and  us.     Different  opinions  are  often  devifed  or  de- 
fended on  purpofe  to  maintain  fadion.    If  animofities  were  extinguifhed,  and  the 
minds  of  Chriflians  free  from  prejudice,  other  controverfies  might  quickly  be  recon- 
ciled, and  reduced  to  primitive  general  Truths.    The  power  Paramount  of  the  Court 
of  Rome  hath  ever  been,  and  flill  is,  that  infana  laiirm,  which  caufeth  brawling  and 
contention,  not  onely  between  us  and  them,  but  between   them  and  the  Eaflern 
Churches,  yea,  even  between  them  and  thofe  of  their  own  Communion,  as  .we  (hall 
(ee  in  the  next  Chapter  i  Yea,  the  original  (burce  and  true  caufe  of  all  the  (iparati- 
ons,  and  reformations  made  in  the  Church  in  thefe  laft  ages  v  As  all  the  Effetes  of  Mmmalde 
Cajiile  did  not  forbear  to  tell  the  Pope  himfelf  not  long  fince  in  a  printed  Memorial,  ^"^  ^^e^^- "'' 
and  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal!  likewife.     To  conclude  this  point,  Thefe  former  ^sll.' ^"' 
Kings  whoreignedinE«g/Wabout  the  years  1200.  and   1300.  might  properly  be  Luftt'.gemjtMs. 
called  the  firft  Reformers  i  and  their  La wes  of  Provifo's,  and  Pr£munire's,  01  more  P'4J' 
properly  premoneres^thc  beginning  of  the  Reformation.     They  laid  the  foundation, 
and  Henry  the  Eighth  builded  upon  it. 

Now  having  feen  the  Authority  of  our  Reformers,and  the  juflicc  of  their  grounds :  ^hc  modera- 
inthelart  place  let  us  obferve  their  due  Moderation  in  the  manner  of  their  Separation,  tionofthesi*. 
Firft  they  did  not,  we  do  not,  deny  the  being  of  any  Church  whatfoever,  Roman  or  ilifl>  Re^f- 
other,  nor  pofiibility  of  Salvation  in  them,  efpecially  fuch  as  hold  firmly  the  Apoftles  "^'^*' 
Creed,  and  the  faith  of  the  four  firft  General  Council  i  though  their  Salvation  be 
rendred  much  more  difficult  by  humane  inventions,  and  obftrudions.     And  by  this  Conccank. 
very  fign  did  St.  Cyprian  purge  himfelf  and  the  African  Bifhops  from  Schifm,  Nemi-  de  Bapii^. 
item  jttditantes,  am  h  jure  commwiionU  aliquem  ^  fi  diverfttm  fenferit^  amoventes.     Judg-  ^*^''' 

L  2  ing 


,oo  J  Jufi  Vindication  TOMIil- 


ina  no  mart^  removing  no  man^otn  our  Commtmionjor  difference  in  opinion.     We  do  in- 
deed require fixbfcription  to  our  Articles,  but  it  is  onely  from  them  who  are  ourown, 
not  from  ilrangers  i  nor  yet  of  all  our  own,  but  onely  of  thofe  who  feek  to  be  initia- 
ted into  Holy  Orders,  or  are  to  be  admitted  to  fome  Ecclefiaftical  preterment.    So  it 
is  in  every  mans  Election  whether  he  will  put  hunlclf  upon  a  neceflity  of  fubfcripti- 
on  or  noti  neither  are  our  Articles  penned  wkhJnatknias  orcurfesagainftall  thofe, 
even  of  our  own, who  do  not  receive  them  •,  but  ufed  onely  as  an  help  or  rule  of  Uni- 
ty among  our  felves.     Si  quU  diver fum  dixerit.  If  any  of  our  own  (hall  fpeak,or 
preach,  or  write  againft  them,  we  queftion  him.     Bixi  ft  quis  diverfum  fenferit^  if  any 
man  fliall onely  think  othcrwife  in  his  private  opinion,  and  trouble  not  the  peace  of 
the  Church,  we  qucftion  him  not.    We  prefumc  not  to  cenfurc  others  to  be  out  of 
the  pale  of  the  Churcli,  but  leave  them  to  ftand  or  fall  to  their  own  Mafter.     We 
damn  nonefor  diflenting  from  us,  wedo  not  feparate  our  felves  from  other  Churches, 
imlefstlieycliafc  us  away  with  their  cenfures,  but  onelyfrom  their  Errors.  For  clear 
Can.  30.        manifeftation  whereof,  obfcrvethe  Thirtieth  Canon  of  our  Church,  It  was  fo far  from 
ihepiirpofe  of  the  Church  0/ England  toforfak^  and  rejed  the  Churches  of  Italy,  France, 
Spain,  Germany,  or  any  fuch  likg  Churches  in  all  things  which  they  held  and  pradifed^  &c. 
that  it  onely  departedfrom  them  in  thoje  particular  points  wherein  they  were  fallen  both  front 
themfelves  in  their  ancient  integrity^  and  from  the  Apafiolical  Churches^  which  were  their 
firjl  founders.     So  moderate  are  we  towards  all  Chriltians,  whether  forreigners  or  do- 
inefticks,  whether  whole  Churches  or  fingle  perfons. 

But  because  the  Koman-CiithoVicks  do  lay  hold  upon  this  charitable  AfTertlon  of 
ours,  as  tending  mainly  to  their  advantage:  Behold  (  fay  they  )  Proteftants  do  ac- 
knowledge apolhbility  of  Salvation  in  the  Kow^« '  Church  ■,  but  RomjM-Catholicks 
deny  all  pollibility  of  Salvation  in  the  ProteftantChurches :  Therefore  the  Religion 
of  Ro»iiJ«-Catholicks  is  much  fafer ,  than  that  of  Proteftants  (Hence  proceeded  their 
Treatife  of  Charity  Mijiak^n  ,  and  fundry  other  Difcourfes  of  that  nature ,  wherein 
there  arc  Miftakes  enough  ,  but  little  Charity)  For  Anfwer,  If  this  Objeftion  were 
true ,  I  fhould  love  my  Religion  never  the  worfe.     Where  I  find  little  Charity ,  I 
look  for  as  little  Faith.  But  it  is  not  true  ,  for  when  the  bufinefi  is  fcarched  to  the 
bottom,  they  acknowledge  the  fame  pollibility  of  Salvation  to  us ,  which  we  do  to 
them  ,  that  is,  to  fuch  of  either  Church   refpedlively ,  as  do  not  erre  wilfully ,  but 
ufe  their  beft  endeavours  to  find  out  the  Truth.     Take  Two  Tcftimonies  of  the  Bi- 
Proteft,  plain    {hop  oi  Chalcedon  ,  If  they  (  that  is,  the  Proteftants  )  grant  not  falvation  to  fttch  Fa- 
confeffion,        pii^ts  OS  they  count  vincihly  ignorant  of  Roman  Err  ours  ,  hut  onely  to  fuch  iK  are  invind- 
C6. 13.  p.is'i  iiy  ignorant  of  them,   they  have  no  more  Charity  than  we  •,  for  we  grant  Church  ,  favinz 
Fait[\     and  Salvation,  to  fuch  Froteflants  of  are  invincibly  ignorant  of  their  errours,  Ana 
in  his  Book  of  the  Diftindion  of  Fundamentals ,  and  not-Fundamentals ,  he  hath 
Ch.  ».  f«6i/     the(e  words ,  If  Froteftants  allow  not  faving  Faith,Church,  and  Salvation ,  to  fuch  offm- 
fully  err    in  not-Fundamentals  fufficiently  propofed,  theyfheWm  more  Charity  to  erring 
Chrijiians  than  Catholicks  do.  For  we  allow  all  to  have  faving  faith ,  to  be  in  the  Churchy 
in  way  of  falvation,  (  for  fo  much  of  hehngeth  to  Faith  ,)  who  hold  the  Fundamental 
points,  and  invincibly  err  in  not-Fundamentals,  becaufe  neither  are  thefe  fufficiently  propofed 
to  them,  nor  they  in  fault  that  they  are  not  fo  propofed. 

Secondly  ,  as  our  ftparation  is  from  their  Errours ,  not  from  their  Churches  ;  (b 
we  do  it  with  as  much  inward  Charity  and  Moderation  of  our  Affe6tions,as  we  can 
pollibly  •,  willingly  indeed  in  refped  of  their  errours ,  and  efpgcially  their  tyranni- 
.  cal  exactions  and  ufurpations ,  but  unwillingly  and  with  reludiation  in  refpedt  of 
their  perfbns ,  and  much  more  in  refped  of  our  common  Saviour.  As  if  we  were 
to  depart  from  our  Fathers ,  or  our  Brothers  Houfe  ■-,  or  rather ,  from  Come  conta- 
gious fickncfs  wherewith  it  was  infeded.  Not  forgetting  to  pray  God  daily  to  re- 
l\ore  them  to  their  former  purity,  that  they  and  we  may  once  again  enjoy  the  com- 
fort and  contentment  of  one  anothers  Chriftian  Society.  We  pray  for  their  conver- 
fion  publickly  in  our  Litany,  in  general  ;  and  exprefly  and  folemnly  upon  Good 
Friday  ,  though  we  know  that  they  do  as  (blemnly  curfe  us  the  day  before.  If  this 
be  to  be  Schifmaticks  ,  it  were  no  ill  wi(h  for  Chriflendom  that  there  were  many 
more  fuch  Schifmaticks. 

Thirdly  ,  we  do  not  jurrogate  to  our  felves  either  a  new  Church,  or  a  new  Reli- 
gion > 


D  IS  couRs  E  1 1.       of  the  Church  of  England,  ,  p  i 


gion,  or  new  Holy  Orders  i  for  then  we  muft  produce  new  Miracles ,  new  Reve- 
lations, and  new  cloven  Tongues  for  our  Juflification.  Our  Religion  is  the  fame  it 
was,  our  Church  the  fame  it  was,  our  Holy  Orders  the  fame  they  were  in  fub- 
ftance ,  differing  onely  from  what  they  were  formerly ,  as  a  Garden  weeded ,  from 
a  Garden  unweeded  ■,  or  a  body  purged  from  it  felf,  before  it  was  purged.  And 
therefore  as  we  prefume  not  to  make  new  Articles  of  Faith ,  much  lefs  to  obtrude 
fuch  innovations  upon  others  -,  fo  wc  are  not  willing  to  receive  them  from  others, 
or  to  mingle  Scholaftical  Opinions  with  Fundamental  Truths.  Which  hath  given 
occafion  to  fome  to  call  our  Religion  a  negative  Religion  j  not  confidering  that  our 
pofitive  Articles  are  thole  general  Truths ,  about  which  there  is  no  Controverfie, 
Our  Negation  is  onely  ot  humane  controverted  additions. 

Laftly,  wearejreadyin  the  preparation  of  our  minds,  to  believe  and  pra<3:ife  , 
whatfoever  the  Catholick  Church  (  even  of  this  prefent  age  )  doth  univerfally  and  _. 
unanimouHy  believe  and  pradtile.     ^tod  apud  niubos  uniim  invenitur^  non  efi  erratum,  t^! 
fed  traditum.    And  though  it  be  neither  lawful  nor  poflible  for  us  to  hold  adhial 
communion  with  all  forts  of  ChrilHans  in  all  things ,  wherein  they  vary  both  from   ' 
the  Truth  ,  and  one  from  another ,  yet  even  in  thole  things  we  hold  a  communion 
with  them  in  our  defires  ,  longing  for  their  converfion  and  re-union  with  us  in 
Truth. 


CHAP.   V  H. 

That  all  Princes  and  RepHhlichj  of  the  Roman  ComtttMnion , 
do  in  effeSl  the  fame  thing  when  they  ba've  occafion ,  or  at 
leafl:  do  plead  for  it. 


TertuU.  tri' 


s 


O  we  are  come  to  our  Fifth  Conclufion  ,  that  whatfoever  the  King  and  Church 
of  England  did  in  thefeparation  of  ihemfelves  from  the  Court  of  Rome  it  is  no 
more  than  all  Soverei^t  Frinces  and  Churches  (  none  of  vpha.tfoever  Communions  ex- 
cepted )  do  praUife  or  pretend-of  often  of  they  have  occafion.  And  Firft  ,  for  all  Prote- 
ftant  Kings,  Princes,  and  Republicks,  it  admits  no  denial  or  difpute. 

Secondly,tor  the  Grecian  and  all  other  Eaftern  Churches, it  can  be  no  more  doubt- 
ed of  than  of  the  Proteftants ,  fince  they  never  acknowledged  any  obedience  to  be 
due  from  them  to  the  Bifliops  of  Kome ,  but  onely  an  honourable  refpedt  as  to  the 
prime  Patriarch  and  beginning  of  Unity.  Whole  farewell  or  leparation  is  faid  to 
have  been  as  fmart  as  ours,  and  upon  the  fame  grounds  in  thefe  words >  fVeacknotv-  Gerf.Vart.  4 
ledge  thy  porver,  we  cannot fatisfie  thy  covetoufnefs^  live  by  yourfehes.  Ser.Je  face 

But  my  aim  extends  higher  to  verifie  this  of  the  Roman-Czt\\olick  Princes  and  ^  ""''•  ^''^' 
Republicks  themfelves ,  as  the  Emperor,  the  moft  Chriftian  and  Catholick  Kings 
the  Republick  of  Venice,  and  others.     To  begin  with  the  Emperors :  I  do  not  mean 
thofe  ancient  Chriftian  Primitive  Emperors  ,  who  lived  and  flouriflied  before  the 
days  of^  Gregory  the  Great.     Such  a  Court  of  Kowe  as  we  made  our  fecellion  from 
was  not  then  in  being ,  nor  the  Colledge  of  Pari.Ti-Priefts  at  Rome  turned  then  into 
a  Conclave  of  Cardinals ,  as  Eccleiiaftical  Princes  of  the  Oecumenical  Church.    So 
long  there  was  no  need  of  any  leparation  from  them ,  or  proteftation  againfl  them. 
But  I  intend  the  later  Emperors  tmce  Gregorie's  time ,  after  the  Popes  fought  toufurp 
an  univerfal  Sovereignty  over  the  Catholick  Church  ,  and  more  particularly  the  Oc- 
cidental, that  is  to  fay,  the  French  and  German  Emperors. 

Yet  the  Reader  may  be  pleafed  to  take  notice,  that  the  cafe  of  our  Kings  is  much 
different  from  theirs  in  Two  refpeds.  The  cafe  of 

Firft ,  they  believed  the  Roman  Bifliop  to  be  their  lawful  Patriarch     (  whether  ^f'^nf/no* 
iuftlyornot,  is  not  the  fubjedt  of  this  prefent  Difcourfe,  )  but  we  do  utterly  deny  ^«^^^«"'* 
his  Patriarchal  Authority  over  usv  And  to  demonftrate  our  exemption ,  do  produce     """*"^* 
for  matter  of  right  that  famous  Canon  of  the  General  Council  of  Ephefuf  ,  made  in 

L  3  the 


loa 


Ajnjl  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


Cap  9?. 


Craiusin  fca- 

Coc  linns  in 


Gofdiifl-  Con- 
ff;"f.  Imper. 
Imprest 
Francofurti, 
an.  r  607.  p.  r. 
Jag-  61. 


Ibidem. 


Dat.  Avinjo- 
ns,  an.  igaj. 
^piid  Gold  f, 
t.  f  <»£•  98. 


In  comitiii 
Remerfibui 
ify'  f'rancofur- 
ttnfibut. 


Gcldafl-  pitri. 
p6g.  141. 


the  cafe  of  the  Cyprian  Bifhopsi  and  for  matter  of  fad,  the  unanimous  Votes  of  Two 
Britijh  Synods ,  and  the  concurrent  Teftimonies  of  all  our  Hilioriographcrs.  Some 
have  been  formerly  cited :  We  might  add  to  them  the  ancient  Britijh  Hirtory  ,  called 
by  the  Author  thereof  Bn<^'<!f ,  wherein  he  relates  this  Anfwer  of  the  Britifi  to  Ju- 
cufiine^  Se  Caerleonenfi  Jrchiepifcopo  obedire  vnluifle  ,  Auguitino  atttem  Romano  Le- 
gato  omnim  nolui^e  ^  nee  AngVis  inimicif  &  paulo  ante  TaganU  (  a  qtiibus  fm  fedibm 
pulfierartt  )  fnbejiefe^  quifemper  ChrijUani  fuerunt  ^  voluijie:  That  they  would  obey  the 
Jrchbifhnp  0/ Caerlcon,  (  that  was  their  Bnfi>  Primate,  or  Patriarch,)  but  they 
would' not  obey  AuRine  the  Bijhop  of  Rome's  Legate  :  Neither  would  the  Britains  ,  whs 
had  evermore  been  Chrilhans  from  the  beginning,  be  under  the  Englifh  ,  who  were]  their 
eneti'ies  and  but  newly  converted  from  Paganijm,  by  whom  they  had  been  driven  out 
of  their  ancient  habitations.  The  fame  Hillory  is  related  by  fundry  other  very  ancient 
Authors. 

A  fecond  difference  between  our  Englifh  Kings  and  the  later  German  Empefors  is 
this,  that  our  Kings  by  the  fundamental  conftitutions  of  the  Kingdom  are  hereditary 
Kings,  and  never  dy.  So  there  is  an  uninterrupted  fuccelfion  without  any  vacancy. 
But  the  Emperors  are  eledive,  and  confequently  not  inverted  in  the  adual  pofTeffion 
of  their  Sovereignty  without (bme  publick  folemnitiesi  whereof  fome  are  eflential, 
as  the  votes  of  the  Eledrors  i  fbme  others  ceremonial,  as  the  1  aft  Coronation  of  the 
Emperor  by  theBifliop  of  Rome,  which  was  really,  and  is  yet  titularly,  his  Imperial 
City.  But  the  Popes  who  had  learned  to  make  their  own  advantage  of  every 
thing,  (acred  or  civil,  took  occafion  from  hence  to  make  the  World  believe  that  the 
Imperial  Crown  was  their  gift,  and  the  Emperors  their  Liegemen.  So  Adrian  the 
fourth  doubted  not  to  write  to  Frf^^mcfe^Bjr/^drojJIi  the  Emperor,  Infigne  corona  bene- 
ficium  tibicontulimuc  ■■,  which  was  fo  offenfively  taken,  that  ("as  the  German  Bifhops 
in  their  letter  to  the  fame  Pope  do  affirm  )  the  whole  'Empire  was  moved  at  it,  the  ear  cj 
his  Imperial  Majefty  could  not  hear  it  with  patience,  nor  the  Frinces  endure  it,  nor  they 
themfelves  either  dur(i  or  could  approve  it.  Whereupon  the  Pope  was  forced  to  ex- 
pound himfelf^  that  by  benefrcium,  he  meant  nothing  but  bonum  fa&um,  a  good  deed  » 
and  by  contulimm,  r\oxKm^hu.t  impofuimttf^  that  he  had  put  the  Crown  upon  him.  So 
the  Emperor  complains  in  his  letter  to  the  Bifliops,^  pi&ura  ccepit,  a  piSura  ad  Scri- 
pturamprocejjit;  a  Scriptura  in  Author itatemprodire  conatur,  ccc.  It  began  with  p.vntiftg, 
from  painting  it  proceeded  to  writing,  and  at  laji  they  fought  to  jujlifie  it  by  Authority. 
We  will  not  (  (aid  he  )ftifftr  it,  we  will  not  indure  it,  we  will  rather  lay  down  our  Imperial 
Crown,  than  fuffer  the  Empire  it  felf  to  he  depofed  with  our  confent.  Let  the  pidures  he 
defaced,  let  the  writings  be  retraced,  that  perpetual  monuments  of  enmity  between  tlye 
Scepter  and  the  Miter  may  not  continue. 

Thus  Pope -(^c/rww  failed  of  his  defignj  But  his  SuccefTor  jfofc^  the  22.  renewed 
the  Papal  claim  againft  LudovicUf  the  fourth,  in  higher  terms,  as  appearcth  by  his  own 
Bull,  wherein  he  affirms,  that  after  the  translation  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  the  Gre- 
ciij«j-tothcCfrWii«j-by  hispredeceffbrs  the  Popes, /«w»z;<f  ille  honor  benefitium  Pontifr- 
cif  Maximi  ejje  folet :  the  Empire  ufed  to  be  the  Pope'' s  gift  y  Adding,  that  the  eledtions 
of  the  German  Princes  were  invalid,  unlefs  the  l?opc(univerfiorb'is  Chrilliani  Pater  at- 
que  Princeps,  Dei  Optimi  Maximi  Legatus ,  fuo  numine  faveat  &  afpiret,  )  fhould  ap- 
prove it ;  And  rinally,  commanding  the  Emperor  to  quit  his  Crown  and  Imperial  Dig- 
nity, and  not  toreajj'ume  them  but  by  his  command,  nift  jujfu  &  mandato  noftro.  But  the 
Emperor  appealed,  the  Eledtors  and  other  Princes  protefted  againft  the  Pope's  pre- 
tended power  ■■,  And  the  Emperor  and  all  the  States  of  the  Empire  made  a  folemn 
conftitution  againft  it. 

This  was  the  fccondrepulfe,  yet  the  Popes  were  not  foeafily  (haken  off.  It  fortu- 
ned about  the  year  1400,  that  the  Eledoral  Colledge  depoled  ^f«cf/J»«/ from  the 
Empire,  and  chole  Rupert  Prince  Palatine  in  his  place,  communicating  the  whole 
bufinefs,  whileft  it  was  in  agitation,  to  the  Pope,  to  have  his  fpiritual  advice,  and  the 
countenance  of  the  Apoftolick  See  i  but  yet  referving  the  power  entirely  to  them- 
felves. Howfoever  Pope  Bc«(/ice  the  Ninth  layes  hold  of  this  opportunity,  and  de- 
clares by  his  Bull,  that  the  Eledors  did  it  by  his  Authority,  author itate  nojira  fufulti  i 
and  confirms  the  (aid  deprivation  as  good  and  lawful. 

This  incertainty  of  fuccelfion,  and  this  Papal  pretention  made  fundry  Emperors 


more 


Discourse  II.        Of  the  Chttrch  of  Enghnd.  lO^ 

more  fearful  to  grapple  with  the  Popes,  or  to  right  themfilves  from  their  grievous 
exadions  and  ufurpations.     Inthe  year  1455.  after  the  death  of  Mcfci)/^/  '/^^  P'fif', 
the  Germzni  bervailed  their  cmditiontoTTederkk  the  7hird,a>td  fiiight  to  perfwade  him     .      .  p. 
that  he  vcould  no  longer  obey  the  Roman  Bijhops^  itnlefithey  would  at  leajl  give  rpay   to  a  2."* '  '"  " 
TragmaticalSanUion  for  the  maintenance  of  the  likrties  of  the  Gem\2n  Nation  ■■>  like  that 
of  the  French  Kings  for  the  priviledges  of  the  Gallicane  Church.     They  fhevved  that 
their  condition  wasmufih  worfe  than  the  French  and  Italians^  whofe  (ervants  (  efpeci- 
ally  the  Italians  )  without  a  change  they  were  defervedly  called.     Kogabant,  urgebant  Carol.  Molt- 
Proceres,  populique  Germanise  gravijjimif  turn  rationibm  turn  exempli! ^tum  militatem  turn  "*'"  "l.^'"''* 
necejjttatevi  Imperii,  &c.  "the  Princes  and  People  of  Germany  intreated   and  preyed  both 
the  advantage  andneci0ty  of  the  Empire.     'They  implored  hit-  fidelity,  they  prayed  him  pi^,  ihidem 
for  his  Oaths  fake,  and  to  prevent  the  infamy  and  dijhonour  of  their  Nation,  that  they  alone  MoUb.  ibidem, 
might  not  want  the  fruit  of  their  National  decrees,  that  he  had  as  much  power,  and  was  as 
much  obliged  thereunto  Of  other  Kings,  &c.  Nee  certe  froctil  abfuit,  &c.    It  wanted  not 
much,  faith  Platina.     Mtf/w<€w  goes  further,  Hw  rationibiuvihus  &  permotus  Imperator, 
8cc.  'The  Emperor  being  overcome  and  moved  with  thefe  reafons,  was  about  to  mah^  as  full 
a  SanUionfor  hU  Subie£is,asthe  King  of  Ytznct  hath  done  for  his.     What  hindred  him? 
Onely  the  advice  of  JEneas  Sylvius,  who  perfwaded  him  rather  to  comply  with  the 
Pope,  than  with  his  people,  upon  this  ground,  that  Princes  dif agreeing  might  be  recon- 
ciled, but  between  a  Prince  attdhii  people,  the  enmity  was  immortal.     Motus  hac  ratione 
Imperator,fpreta  populorum  pojlulatione,  JEneam  Oratorem  deligit,  qui  ad  CdViftum  mittere-  .... 

tur.  The  Emperor  being  moved  with  this reaj'on,defpifing  the  requeji  of  his  people,  fends  "  '  '  ' 
the  fame  jEneas  as  his  Ambaffador  to  Calliltus.  The  truth  is  this.  The  Emperor  fea- 
red the  Pope,  and  durlt  not  truft  his  own  Subjefts.  Whence  it  proceeded,  that  fe- 
ven  years  before  his  death  he  not  onely  procured  his  fon  Maximilian  to  be  Crowned 
King  of  the  Romans,  but  alfb  took  him  to  be  his  companion  in  the  Empire,  ne  pofl  obi- 
iumfutim  (  utfa£iumfui]Jet  )  transferretur  imperium  in  altam  familiam  :  leji  the  Empire 
after  his  death  (  as  without  doubt  it  had  come  to  pafl )  Jhould  have  been  transferred  tnto  Molin, 
another  family.  Yet  not  withftanding  thefe  barrs  or  remora's,  the  uncertainty  offuc- 
ceffion,  and  Papal  pretenfions,  the  Emperors  have  done  as  much  in  relation  to  the 
Court  of  Kome,  as  the  Kings  of  England. 

Firft,  Henry  the  eighth  within  his  own  Dominions  did  exercife  a  power  of  con- 
vocating  Ecclefiaftical  Synods,  confirming  Synods,  reforming  the  Church  by  Synods, 
and  fupprellingupff  art  innovations  by  ancient  Canons.-    The  Emperors  have  done  £(j,pjj.or5  c^g^ 
the  fame.    Charles  the  Great  called  the  Council  of  Frjwci^ffir^,  confifting  of  300.  vocatedand 
Bifhops  :  witnefs  his  own  letter  to  Elipandus.     Juffimus  SanCiorum  Patrum  Synodak  confirmed  Sy- 
ex  omnibus  undique  nofirx  ditionisEcclefiis  congregari  Concilium.     We  have  commanded  Ij"^*'  ^P**  ^"^ 
a  Synodical  Council  to  be  congregated  out  of  all  the  Churches   within  our  Dominions,  ed  the  Church 
Neither  did  he  onely  convocate  it,  but  confirm  it  alfo.     Ecce  ego  vejiris  petitionibus  Ap»d  Golda- 
fatisfaciens,  congregationiS acerdotum  auditor  &  arbiter  adfedi.     Vecernimuf  &   Deo  da-fl'"'*-^*^*'*' 
nante  decrevimm  quideffetde  hac  inquifitiane  firmiter  tenendum.     Behold  Ifatisfying  your  ^''^'  ^' 
requefts(  thitis,of  xhcElipandianszndFoelicians  who  m'ide  Chrill  but  an  adoptive 
(on  of  God,  )  did  Jit  in  the  Council  both  as  an  hearer,  and  as  a  Judge,    We  determine 
and  by  the  gift  of  God  have  decreed  what  is  to  be  held  in  this  inquiry.     And  it  is  very 
obfervable  how  he  difpofed  the refolutions  of  this  Council  into  four  Books;  The  .,.. 
firft  book  contained  the  fenfeof  the  Koman  Bifhop  and  his  Suffragans  i  The  fecond     ' 
of  the  Archbifhop  of  MiKiiw  and  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileta,  with  the  reft  of  the 
Jfii/i;z«  Bithops  •,  The  third,  the  votes  of  the  German,  French,  and   Britijh  Bifhopsi 
The  laft, his  own  content.     ThcRomans  had  no  more  part  therein  than  others,  to 
fetdown  their  own  faith,  and  to  reprefent  what,  they  had  received  from  theApo- 
ftles. 

Neither  did  they  onely  convocate  Councils,  and  confirm  them,  but  in  them  and  by  ■£«'*•  S«  Ca}t- 
themreformed  innovations,  and  reftored  ancient  truths  and  Orders.  So  did  the  fame  "^ 
Emperor  ,  By  the  Council  of  our  Bijhops  and  Nobles  we  have  ordained  Bifhops  throughout 
the  Cities,  and  do  decree  to  ajfemhle  a  Synod  every  year,  that  in  our  prefence  the  Canonical 
decrees  and  laws  of  the  Church  may  be  reflored.  Ludovicus  Pirn  convocated  a  Council 
ztAquifgrane  to  reform  the  abufes  of  the  Clergy,  and  confirmed  the  fame,  and  com- 
manded the  Conftitutions  thereof  to  be  put  in  Execution,  as  appeareth  by  his  own 

Epiftlc 


[04  A  J HJi  Vindication  TOMEL 


Epiftle  to  ^r«o  Archbilhop  of  ^a/siwrge.     Othotht  rirft  called   a  Council  at  Rome, 

G«li»fl.  p.  I.  and  caufed  John  the  Twelfth  to  be  depolcd,  and  Leo  the  Eighth  to  be  chofen  in  his 

f*e- 12.  place.     The  fentence  of  the  Council  was,  FetiniM  ma^itudittem  Imperii  veflri,  Sec. 

JFe  befeechyoMT  Imperial  Majejiie^  that  fitch  a  Monjler  may  he  thrujl  out  of  the  Roman 

»f  "'24. '"         Church.     And  the  Emperor  confirmed  it  with  a  placet,  we  are  phased. ' 

'  Henry  the  Fourth  called  a  German  Synod  at  Wormes ,  and  another  of  Germans  and 

Italians  at  Brixia ,  wherein  fentence  of  deprivation  was  given  againd  Gregory  the  Se- 
venth ,  and  confirmed  by  the  Emperor,     ^orum  fentemix  quodjujla  &prohabilis  co- 
IJmf.Ai-       ram  Veo  hominibufque  videbatur ,  &c.  ego  quoque  ajkntiens  omne   tibi  Papains  jus  quod 
^  50.  habere  vifitf  es  ahrenuncio,  &c.  Ego  Henricus  Kex,  Dei  gratia,  cum  omnibus  Epifcopis 

nofirU  tibi  dicimus ,  Vefcende ,  defcende.  To  whofe  fentence ,  becaufe  it  fecmed  juft 
and  reafonable  before  God  and  men ,  I  alfo  aflenting  ,  do  declare  thee  to  have  no 
right  in  the  Papacy ,  as  thou  feemeft  to  have.  I  Henry ,  by  the  Grace  of  God  , 
King  of  the  Romans,  with  all  our  Bifhops  do  fay  unto  thee,  Defcend  from  thy  Seat , 
defcend. 

So  Frf^ric/^  the  Firft  called  a  Council  ztTapia,  to  fettle  the  right  fucceffion  of  the 
CoUalf.  Part>  P-ipacyjWherein  Koland  the  Cardinal  was  rejeded,and'F/f?or  declared  lawful  Bifliop  of 
I-  fag-  70"        Kome.     And  all  this  was  done  with  due  fubmillion  to  the  Emperor.     ChriJliaHijJimuf 
Imperator ,  6^c.  "the  mnji  Chrijlian  Emperor  in  the  laji  place  after  all  the  Bijhops  and  Cler- 
gy, by  the  advice  and  upon  the  Petition  of  the  Council,  received  and  approved  the  eleHion 
vf  Vidor. 

I  will  conclude  this  Firft  part  of  the  parallel  with  the  words  of  the  fame  Empe- 
ror, in  the  fame  Council,  ^amvis  noverim  officio  acdignitate  Imperii  penes  nos  ejje  po^ 
.     ,       teflatem  congregandorum  Conciliorum  ,  &c.  Although  I  kitoxp  ,  that  by   vertue  of  our  Of- 
Geliis"FreJ.  I .  fi'^^  '""^  Imperial  Dignity  ,  the  power  of  calling  Councils  refis  in  w ,  efpeciaVy  in  fo  great 
lib.  z.  t.  $6,    dangers  of  the  Chttrd) :  For  both  Conftantine ,  and  Thcodofius ,  and  JulUnian  ,  and 
of  frejher  memory  Charles  the  Great ,  and  Otho ,    Emperors  ,  are  recorded  to  have  done 
thU  i  Tet  I  do  commit  the  Authority  of  determining  this  great  and  high  bufinefs  to  your 
ipifedom  andporver,  that  is,  to  the  Bifhops  there  aflembled. 
The  Eniiijfj  ^.ixx.  it  may  be  objedted ,  That  the  Emperors  with  their  Synods  never  made  any 

no  °Sch!fmaci-  ^""^^  Schifinatical  Reformation  ,  as  that  which  was  made  by  the  Proteftants  in  Eng- 
mI,  land.     I  Anfwer,  Firft,  that  the  Schifiii  between  the  ilo/wa«  Court  and  the  Engl^ 

Church ,  C  other  Schifm  I  know  none  on  our  parts)  was  begun  long  before  that  Re- 
formation ,  in  the  dayes  of  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  and  the  breach  fufficiently  proclaim- 
ed to  the  World  ,  both  by  Komijh  Bulls ,  and  Englijh  Statutes.  Wc  could  not  be 
the  firft  feparators  of  our  felves  from  them  ,  who  had  formerly  thruft  us  out  of  their 
doors.  It  is  not  Schilmatical  to  fubftradl  obedience  from  them  to  whom  it  is  not 
due,  who  had  extruded  us  out  of  their  Society  ;  but  it  is  Schifmatical  to  give  jufl 
caufe  of  fubftradtion. 

Secondly  ,  I  Anfwer,  That  there  was  a  great  nccefGty  of  Reformation  both  in 
Germany  and  England.     For  proof  whereof ,  I  produce  Two  WitnefTes  beyond  ex- 
ception ,  the  one  a  Pope  ,  the  other  a  Cardinal.     The  former  is  Adrian  the  Sixth  , 
in  his  Inftrudtions  to  his  Legate ,  in  the  year  1522.  which  the  Princes  of  the  Em- 
ColdaO.  Purt.  pire  take  notice  of  in  their  Anfwer.     His  words  are  thefe  i  Scimus  in  hac  SanU^  fede 
■a.  Fag.  zf.&  aliquot  jam  ann'vs  multa  abominanda  fiti^ ,  &c.  Ife  ktiorp  that  for  fame  hy-paji  years,  ma- 
''•  )iy  things  to  be  abominated  have  been  in  this  holy  See ,  abufes  in  Spiritual  matters,  excef- 

fes  in  commands  ■■>  and  to  conclude ,  all  things  out  of  order  ,  &c.  wherein  for  fo  much  at 
concern  us ,  thoujhalt  promife  that  rve  will  ufe  aV  eur  endeavour  ,  that  firft  this  Court  from 
whence  per  adventure  {  (mt  tno\i^  )  all  the  evU  did  ffring ,  may  be  reformed -y  that  at 
lorruption  did  flow  from  thense  to  the  inferiour  parts  (  of  the  Church,  )  fo  may  health 
and  Kefvrmation.  To  procure  which  ,  we  do  hold  our  felves  fo  much  morejlri&ly  obliged^ 
by  how  much  we  do  fee  the  whole  world  greedily  defne  fuch  a  Reformation,  0  Adriane, 
ft  nunc  viveres! 

The  other  Witnefs  is  Cardinal  Pool,  who  makes  Two  main  ends  of  the  Council 

of  Trent :  The  one,  the  reconciling  of  the  Lutherans;  The  other,  ^0  paQoipfut 

-    .    p,       Eccleft£pr£cipua,  vel  potins  omnia  fere  membra  ,  ad  veterem  difciplinam  &  inflituta ,   a 

fe'concilio'"    «?«'^«^  tionparnm  declimrunt,  revocentur  \  To  confider  how  the  principal  members  of  the 

t«g.  8^.    '      Church ,  or  rather  almojl  a]}  the  members ,  might  be  reduced  to  their  ancient  Vifcipline  and 

Ordi-. 


Discourse   IJ.  •      Of  the  Church  of  Enojsind.  lo^ 

Ordinancef ,  from  tvhich  they  had  ftverved  much.     Yet   uhcn   himfelf  was  fent  after- 
wards by  Panl  the  Fourth  ,  to  reform  the  Church  of  England,  it  feemeth  that  he  ^ '/"''"'>'''! 
had  forgotten  thofe  great  deviations  of  the  principal  members ,  and  thofe  very  re-  Veallfise'/' 
prefentations ,  which  he  himfelf,  with  Eight  other  feleded  Cardinals  and  Prelates, 
had  made  upon  Oath  to  Pj«/ the  Third.    Then  he  faw  ,  that  this  lying  flatterino^ 
principle  ,  that  the  Pope  is  the  L-ird  of  all  Benefrcss ,  and  therefore  cannot  be  a  Simmiach^ 
was  the  Fountain,  Ex  quo  tancjuam  ex  equo  Trojano  irrupere  in  Ecclefiam  Dei  tot  abn-  f^^^fi^:  J'le!! 
ftu  ,  &  tamgraviftmimorbi ,  &c.  From  which  as  from  the  Trojan  horfe ,  fo  many  abu-  Lutef'!? '^''"* 
fes  and  fo  grievous  difeafes  had  broken  into  the  Church  of  God,  and  brought  it  to  a  de^e-  i<Si7,"b.'i5i 
rate  condition,  to  the  derifwn  of  Chrijlian  Txeligion,  and  bla^hemin^  of  the  Name  ofChrijh  «5rc. 
And  that  the  cure  mtiji  begin  there  ,  from  whence  the  difeafe  did  firing ,  by  taking  away 
all  abufes  in   Difpenfations  of  all  kinds ,  and  Ordinations,  and  Collations,  and 
Provifions ,  and  Penfions ,  and  Permutations ,  and  Refervations ,  and  Coadjutor- 
fliips,  and  expecllative  Graces,  and  Unions,  and  Non-refidence  ,    and  Exempti- 
ons, and  Abfolutions ,  and  all  fuch  pecuniary  artifices :   becaufe  it  it  not  lawful  by 
any  means  to  reap  any  gain  from  the  exercife    of  the  power  of  the  Keys.     ToUantitr.  (  fay  pj-.. ,  .g^ 
they  )  h£  macuU ,  &c.     Let  thefe  fiots  betaken  away  ,  to  which  if  any  entrance  be  gi- 
ven in  any  Commonwealth  or  Kingdom  wbatfoever  ,  it  muji  needs  fall  headlong  injiantly  or  Ahm  i4r$. 
veryjhortly  to  ruine. 

Thirdly,  I  anfwer,  that  the  Emperors  and  the  German  Church  ,  did  not  onely  Goldafl. part. 
defire  a  Reformation,  as  appeareth  by  the  Letter  of  Sigifmond  the  Emperor  to  the  ■•  f«'4*» 
King  of  France,  Maxima  defderio  jamdudum    tenebamur,  &c.    IFe  have  long    deji- 
red  greatly  to  fee  the  onely  Spoufe  of  Chriji  the  Catholick^  Church  happily  reformed  in  our 
dayes ,  but  after  we  were  ajfumed  to  the    Impei-ial  Government  ,  our  defxre  pajfed  into 
command ,  &c.  And  the  adviles  of  Conftance  conceived  by  the  Deputies  of  the  Ger- 
man  Nation  in  that  Council,  againft  fome  fpecial  abufes  of  the  Pope  and  his  Cardi- 
nals :  And  by  the  ad vifes  of  Mt?«t/ made  and  concluded  in  that  City  by  the  States  jdemp.iig, 
of  the  Empire,  in  the  time  of  the  Council  of  £j/i/e,for  preferving  the  Authority  of 
General  Councils  i  for  relief  from  grievances  i  for  procuring  of  conditions   from 
the  Pope  ■■,  forprefervation  of  their  jurt  liberties -,  and  for  prevention  of  the  abufes,'  Idem  p.  us, 
and  excefles,  and  extortions  of  the  Row^«  Court :  Andhy  the  hundred  Grievances  of  ^'^^"' ?•  ^> '^ 
the  German  Nationpropokdto  the  Pope's  Legate  by  the  Princes  and  Lords  of  the  ^'^^* 
J{.WK<a«Empire,againit  the  injuries, extortions,  and  ufurpations  of  the  See  oi^  Rome 
and  the  incroachmentsandopprefhons  of  Ecclefiaftical  Courts,  and  perfons:  And 
Laftly,  by  the  gracious  promife  of  C/;jr/f J- the  fifth  to  hold  a  Dyct  within  half  a  iJemp.i.p. 
year,  wherein  it  fhould  be  refolved,  what  way  the  differences  in  Religion  fhould  be  '77. 
fettled  and  quieted,  whether  by  a  General,  or  National  Council,  or  Imperial  Dyet. 

Neither  did  theEmperour  and  the  German  Nation  onely  indeavour  to  reform,  but 
they  did  in  fome  meafureadually  reform  the  excelTes  of  the  Koman  Court,  and  o-^'^'l-hhh 
ther  Ecclefiaftical  abules  and  innovatioiis  >  as  it  hath  already  been  verified  of  Charles  *°'' 
the  Great,  and  Ludovicuf  Pius.     This  appeareth  yet  more  plainly  by  the  Concordates 
(  as  they  are  ftiled)  of  the  Germzn  Nation  with  Gregory  the  13  th  And  the  agreements 
of  Frf <ifrjc^the third  and  the  Princes  of  the  Empire  with  Pope  Nicholof  the  fifth,  iJen p.  til* 
whereby  the  excefles  and  abufes  of  the  RowjK  Court  are  fomething  abated,  and  re- 
duced :  And  by  the  Ghoftlyor  Ecclefiaflical  Reformation  made  by  Sigifmond thcEm-  Uemp^  170,' 
peror,in  the  year  I43<S,  containing  37  Chapters  or  Articles,  for  regulating  the  Pope 
and  his  Court,  Cardinals,  Archbifhops,Bi(hops,  Suffragans,  Abbats,  Monks,  Friars, 
Nunnes,  and  all  fortsof  Ecclefiaftical  or  Religious  perfons. 

I  cannot  here  omit  a  witty  anfwer  of  this  Emperor,  as  he  was  deliberating  with 
fome  Ecclefiaftical  perfons  about  a  Reformation,  and  one  faid  it  muft  begin  with  the 
Minimes.     No,  {aid  he,  non  a  Minoritis,  fed  a  Major itis,  not  with  the  Minimes,  but  with  Catal.  tefiium 
the  Maximes,  or  great  ones,  that  is,  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals,  and  the  Court  of  *"'''*'•'* 
Kome. 

This  appears  alfo  by  the  Interim,  or  declaration  of  Religion  made  by  Charles  the 
fifth,  attefted  with  his  Imperial  feal,  and  accepted  and  approved  by  the  States  of  the 
Empire,  aflembled  in  a  Dyet  at  Aufburg,  May  15.  in  the  year,  1548,  where  the  whole  Gold.  part.  >. 
exercife  of  Religion  is  eftabli(hed,untill  the  definition  of  a  Council  (  I  produce  it  p.  109, 
notto(hew  whatit  was, but  what  power the^Emperor  did  aflumein  point  of  Religi- 
on ) 


,o5  A  Jiiji  Vindication  TOME  I" 


on)  wherein  thefe  words  are  contained:  ^<W  aiitem  in  jupradi^ia.  decUratione  fitb 
Ktibrica  de  ceremomU  &  iifu  SMramentorum  inter  alia  dtciuir  ,  \_  in  quas  tamen  ii  quid 
irrcpfit  quod  caufam  dare  poilit  Superftitioni,  tollatur]  'Kej'ervat  fibi  pli  Casfarca 
Mtieliof ,  &c.  And  rvhereas  in  the  aforefaid  Declaration ,  wider  the  Kubrick^  of  Ceremo- 
nies ,  and  the  ufe  of  the  Sacrament!^  among  other  things  it  j*  faid  ,  \_  into  the  which  ne- 
verthelefs,  ij  any  thing  have  creft  that  may  adminifter  occafwn  of  Siiperjiition,  let  it  be 
tai^n  away.  3  Wvs  Imperial  Majejiy  doth  referve  unto  himjelf  alone  in  this  and  the  /% 
Articles  K>here  ^  and  of  often  of  it  JhaV  be  needful  ^  now  and  hereafter  ^  the  right  to  car- 
rel ^  to  add ,  to  detract ,  rff  it  Jhall  feem  juji  and  equal  to  himfelf^  according  to  the  prefent 
exigence  of  a^airs. 
Gs)U.PaTt.2i  Laftly,  this  appeareth  by  the  Declaration  of  Ffr^i^W  the  Emperour  ,  made 
P-^91'  in  the  year  1555.  in  favour  of  the  Jugujiane  Confeliion,  and    the   ProfefTours 

thereof. 

Secondly,  the  Kings  of  England,  in  their  Great  Councils,  did  make  themfelves 

the  laft  Judges  of  the  Liberties ,  and  Grievances,  and  Neccllities  of  their  people  , 

even  in  cafes  Ecclefiaftical ,  not  the  Pope.     They  had  reafon.     In  vain  is  the  Court 

of  Rome's  determination  expeded  againlt  it  felK     The  Emperors  did  the  fame.  So 

edd.P.i.f.     Lodovic  the  Yovnh ,  in  his  Apology  againft  Pope  John  the  22th.  declareth.   That 

'°^*  the  Pope  ought  not ,  cannot  be  a  competent  Judge  in  his  own  caufe.     The  Pope 

challengeth  (ixch  a  confirmation  of  the  Emperor,  without  which  his  Election  was 

invalid.     The  Emperor  determined  the  contrary,  in  the  Dyet  oi^  Frankford ,  An. 

Jditn  p.  59.       1358.     Veclaramus  quod  Imperialif  Vignitof  eji  immediate  a  folo  Deo,  &c,  JFe  declare  ^ 

The  Ernpe-       ^/,_jf  ^j^^  Imperial  Dignity  is  immediately  from  God  alone  •,  And  that  'Election  gives  afuffi- 

themkUes  the  "^"*  ^'  ^^^  '     ^'''^  '^'^^   ''■'^  Papers  approbation  or  difapprobation  ({gnifies  nothing.     The 

Jaftjuagesof  Pope  attempted  to  divide  Italy  ixom  the  German  Empire  ,  by  his  fulnefs  ot  power. 

their  Liberties  The  Emperor  declares  the  Ad"  to  be  invalid,  and  of  no  moment. 

and  neceffi-  When  the  Princes  and  States  of  the  Empire  had  prefented  the  hundred  grievances 

Goidaff.  Pdrt>  ^^  ^^^  German  Nation  to  the  Pope's  Legate  ,  they  add  this  Conclufion  :  ^"odfi  enu- 

2.^.58,  merata  onera  atque  gravamina,  &c.  But  if  the  abovefaid  burthens  and  grievances  be  not 

■removed  reithin  the  time  limited  ,  nrjooner  ,  from  the  eyes  of  men  ,  and  abolijhed  andab- 

rogjted ,  C  TPhich  the  Liy-States  of  the  Empire  do  not  expeti ,  )  then  they  would  not  have 

hk  Holinefs  to  be  ignorant ,  that  they  neither  can  nor  ■will  bear ,  or  indure  the  aforefaid 

moji  prejjing  and  intolerable  burthens  any  longer ,  but  find  out  other  means  of  eafe ,  and 

vindicate  their  former  Liberties  and  Immunities.     As  the  fenfe  of  their  fufferings 

was  their  own,  fo  they  would  have  the  remedy  to  be  their  own ,  and  not  leave  the 

cure  to  a  Tyrannical  Court. 

To  this  add  the  Proteftation  and  the  Oath  of  the  Eledoral  Colledge  ,  and  the 
other  Princes  of  the  Empire  ,  mentioned  in  their  Letter  to  Benedill  the  12th.   i^od 
Idem  p. I.  p.    jura,  honores,  bona,  liber  tates,  &  confuetudines  Imperii ,  &c.  That  they  rvould  main- 
'°°'  tain,  defend,  and  prejerve  inviolated ,  with  all  their  power  and  might ,  the  rights,  ho- 

nours, goods,  liberties  and  cujioms  of  the  Empire  ,  and  their  own  Ekrioral  right  belong- 
ing to  them  by  Law  or  Cujiom  ,  againfi  all  men,  of  what  preheminence ,  dignity  ,  or  ftate 
foever,  (  that  is  to  fay  in  plaintearms,  againft  the  Pope  and  his  Court ,  )  notwitb- 
Jianding  any  perils  ,  or  mandates,  or  procejjes,  whatfoever  ,  that  is,  notwithftanding 
any  Citations,  or  Bulls,  or  Excommunications,  or  Interdidions  from  Kome. 

T^ke  but  one  Inftancemore:  Ferdinand  the  prefent  Emperor,  out  of  an  una- 
voidable neceiiityi  to  extinguifii  the  flame  of  a  bloody  inteftine  War,  and  to  favc 
the  Empire  from  utter  ruine ,  contrads  a  Peace  with  the  King  of  France ,  the 
Swedes,  and  their  Adherents,  whereby fundry  Bifhopricks ,  and  other  Ecclefiafti- 
cal  Dignities ,  were  conferred  upon  Proteftants ,  Lands ,  and  other  Hereditaments 
of  great  value,  were  alienated  from  the  Church  in  perpetuity,  free  exercife  of  their 
Religion  was  granted  to  thofe  of  the  Augujiane  Confeliion  ,  Annates ,  Confirmati- 
ons ,  and  other  pretended  Papal  rights  were  abolifhed.  The  Pope's  extraordinary 
Nuncio  protefted  againft  it.  And  Pope  Innocent  himfelf,  by  his  Bull  bearing  date 
tiilm't"'Ro"ma  ■^<'^^"*^' 2<5.  in  the  year  165 1,  declared  the  contrail  to  be  void ,  annulled  it ,  andcon- 
Anm  165 1,  demned  it  as  injurious  and  prejudicial  to  the  Orthodox  Religion,  to  the  See  of  Rome ,  and 
to  the  rights  of  Holy  Church ,  notwithftanding  the  municipal  Laws,  and  immemorial  Cu- 
jioms of  the  Empire ,  and  »otwithlianding  any  Oaths   taken  for  the  ohfervation  thereof. 

Yet 


Discourse  II.        Of  the  Church,  of  Enghnd,  107 


Yet  the  Emperor  and  the  Princes  oi'Cermany  ihnd  to  their  contrads,  affert  the  mu- 
nicipal Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Empire,  and  afTume  unto  themfelves  to  be  the 
onely  Judges  of  their  own  priviledges  and  neceflities. 

Thirdly ,  H^my  the  Eighth  challenged  to  himfelf  the  Patronage  of  Eifhopricks 
and  Inveftitures  of  Bi(hops,  within  his  own  Dominions.     The  Emperors  did  more :  Gold.  part.  i. 
Adrian  the  Fourth  taxed  Fredcrkl{,the  Firft  ,   for  requiring  homage  and  fealty  ofBi-  Pa^-'si-  Em- 
fhops  ,  Et  mamtf  eortm  facratJS  manibui  tuis  inmdii^   and  that  be  held  their  conficrated  P^^fors  injoyed 
hands  in  his  hands.     The  Emperor  denied  it  not ,  but  juftitied  it ,  Ah  hU  qui  reTaha  ^°'*^"""** 
noftra  tenent.,  curhomagium  &  regalia  Sacramenta  non  exiganm  ?  Why  ma^  tee  mt  re- 
quire homage  and  Oaths  of  Allegiance  from  them  ,  who  hold  their  Lands  of  our   Jmpn-ial 
Cromt  ?  The  Ecclefiaftical  Lords,  in  their  Letter  to  Innocent  the  Third,  do  ac- 
knowledge, thzt  the  Fees  rehich  they  held  from  the  Empire.,   they  had  received  at  the  Idem  p.  it. 
hands  of  Otho  the  Fourth.)  and  had  done  himhvmage^  and  frvorn  fealty  to  him.     And 
this  before  his  Imperial  Coronation  at  Rome. 

H?«ry  the  Fifth  goes  yet  farther,  and  accufeth  Pope  Pafchal,  that  without  any 
hearing,  he  fought  to  take  away  from   the  Empire   the  Inveftitures  of  Bifliops, 
which  the  Emperors  his  predeceflnrs  had  enjoyed  from  the  time  of  Charlemain  ,  by  the 
fiace  of  ^00. years,  and  uprfards :  A  fair  prefcription.     But  this  is  not  all.   The  Em-  ^'^"'P-  *3» 
perors  did  long  enjoy  the  patronage  of  the  Papacy  it  felf ,  and   the  difpofition  of 
the  Ro»M;??t  Bilhoprick.  Adrian  the  Firft,  with  the    whole  Clergy  and    people  oi  Idemp.i. 
Rome,  quitted  all  their  claim  ,   right ,  and  intereft  ,  to   Charles  the  Great ,  as  well 
in  the  Eledions  of  the  Popes ,  as  Inveftitures  of  Bidiops.     And  Leo  the  Eighth  did  **•  34» 
the  like  to  Otho  the  Firft,  which  is  a  truth  in  Hiftory  Co  apparent,  that  no  man  can 
deny  it  with  his  credit,  nor  queftion  it  with  reafon. 

Fourthly,  the  Kings  oC  England  Cufkrcd  no  appeals  to  Rome  out  of  their  King- 
doms, nor  Ro>wi«  Legates  to  enter  into  their  Dominions,  without  their  Licence. 
No  more  did  the  Emperors,  though  they  acknowledg  the  Roman  Bilhop  to  be  their 
Patriarch,  which  we  do  not.     Hadrian  the  fourth  complained  of  Frederick^  the  rirft   ^""P^S-  $*• 
That  hejhut  both  the  Churches  and  the  Cities  of  his  Kingdom  againji  the  Pope's  Legates  Emperors 
a  latere.     And  more  fully  in  his  letter  to  the  German  Bifhops,  that/;f  had  made  an  ediU,  have  cxdudsd 
that  no  man  out  of  his  Kingdom  Jhould  have  recourfe  to  the  Apojhlick^  See.     To  the  for-  ^^S^^**  &ct 
mer  part  of  the  charge  the  Emperor  anfwers,  Cardmalibuf  veftris  claufji  funt  Ecclefrx 
&  nonpatent  civitates,  quia  non  videmus  eos  prxdicatoresj'ed pr£datores ;  non  pacis  corro- 
boratores,fed  pecuni£  raptores  i  non  orbU  reparatores,fed  auri  infatiahiles  corrafores :  Our  p 
Churches  and  Cities  are /hut  to  your  Cardinals,  becaufe  vee  do  not  fee  them  Preachers    hut    "'      * 
robbers  i  not  cenfirmers  of  peace,  but  extorting  catchers  of  mony  v  not  repairers  of  the 
■world,  but  infatiabk  fir apers  together  of  Gold,    Thus  much  he  writ  to  the   Pope  him- 
felf    To  the  fecond  part  of  the  charge  he  znCwtxs,1hat  he  had  not/hut  up  the  entrance 
into  Italy,  or  the  pajjageout  of  Italy  by  ediCi,  nor  would Jhut  it  up  to  iraveHers  orfuch  as 
had  necejfary  occafwns,  and  the  teflimony  nf  their  Bijhops  for  their  voyage  to  the  See  of 
Kome\  but  he  intended  toremedy  thofe  abufes,  by  which  all  the  Churches  of  his  Kingdom  *"•'?•' 
were  hurthened  and  impoverijhed.     That  the   whole  body  of  the  Empire  were  of  the 
famemind,  it  appears  by  the  Ad vifes  of  Ments;  And  by  the  hundred  grievances  of  ^' *' ^' '^^  ** 
the  German  Nation,  which  the  Princes  and  Peers  of  the  Empire  protefted  that  they 
neither  could,nor  would,  indure  any  longer. 

Fifthly,the  Kings  of  E;/g/jW(i  declared   the  Pope's  Bulls  to  be  void.     They  had  Andneglc- 
good  reafon,  for  they  were  not  under  his  Jurifdidion,  nor  within  the  fphere  of  his  fted  the  Pop* 
adivity.    The  Emperors  did  not  fo  generally,  but  yet  they  took  upon  them  to  be  ^^''>  ^'* 
Judges  whether  the  Pope's  key  did  err  or  not.   PiKf  the  fecond  by  his  Bull  condemned 
all  appeals  from  the  Pope  to  a  General  Conndl,  as  erroneous,  deteftable,void  and  pejiilent,  ^""''  ''**'' 
and  fubjeded  all  thofe  who  (hould  ufe  them  after  two  raoneths  to  execration   ipfo 
faHo,  of  what  condition  foever  they  were.  Emperors,  Kings  or  Bifhops.     Yet  'long  ^X///.  e<,r, 
after  this  Charles  the  Fifth  appealed  from  Clement  the  Seventh  to  a  General  Council  i  $;  <»i  Crimi- ' 
Adfacri  Generalis  Coneilii  &  tonus  Chrijiianitatis  cogtitionem  &  judicium  remittenda  cen-  ""'•  ^'  Clem, 
fuimus;  lUiqne  nos&  omnia  qu£  cum  S.  vfjhra  habere  pojfumiis,  am  deinceps  habiturifimiu  '* 
omninofubjicimuf.     Wherein  he  did  but  infift  in  the  fteps  of  his  prcdecelTors.     Lewis 
the  Fourth  did  the  fame  to  Johnthe  22thv  And  in  the  Dyetof  Frankford  decreed  them  ^f^'J^^L  '* 
eSi  thatjhauld  affent  to  the  Pope's  Bull  to  be  gnilty  of  treafon,andto  have  forfeited  all  their  104.  ^ 

fiii 


io8  A  Juji  Vindication  T  O  M  E  X. 


fees  n>hkh  they  held  of  the  Empire  ;  becaufe  the  femence  <f  a  Fupe  contrary  tn  Cod,  or  to 
holy  Scripti^re,  or  to  th.H  due  obedience  which  a  SuhjeU  owes  to  his  Frince,  k  of  jto  moment 
cr  validity.  And  fuch  the  Princes  and  Peers  of  the  Empire  did  unanimouily  de- 
clare the  Pope's  Bull  to  be,  contra  Veum,  &  jujiitiam,  &  jttr'n  ordinem  i  contrary  to  God, 
contrary  to  holy  Scripture,  and  contrary  to  due  order  of  Law. 

Sixthly,  jy^ry  the  Eighth  deprived  the  Pope  of  his  Annates ,  Tenths,  and  Fi^ft- 
'''d'r'  d      fruit;  in  E«g/W,  of  his  Pall-money ,  and  other  extorted  revenues.     What  did  the 
upon  Papil      Emp;ror  and  Germans  lefs  than  he  >  In  the  Advices  of  Ments  it  is  concluded  ,    that 
pretended        the  Fope  pall  receive  nothing,  either  before  or  after,  for  Confirmations,  Ekcflions,  Ad- 
rights,  millions,  Collations,  Provifions,  Prefentations,  holy  Orders,  Palls ,  Benedidions, 
Chap.  lo.       ^■"'^-  "Pf'"  P^i"  ^^^^  ^^^  TranlgreiTor  thereof,  either  in  exading,  or  giving,  or  pro- 
Jn  c'onclufme  miling  ,  jhould  incur  the  pmiijhment  due  to  a  Simoniacal  perfon.     And  though  thefe 
St£.  21.          were  but  Advices,  yet  the  King  of  the  Romans  and  Eledrors  did  covenant  mutual- 
ly to  alh'ft  and  defend  one  another  in  the  maintenance  ot  them  againft  all  meni  And 
yet  farther  ,  procured  them  to  be  confirmed  and  enlarged  in  the  Council  of  Bafle , 
by  the  addition  of  Inveflitures ,  Bulls,  Annates,  Firft-fruits,  &c.     This  was  too 
fweet  a  morftl  for  the  Pope  to  lofe  willingly ,  when  the  Archbifhop  of  Ments  paid 
for  his  Pall  (  worth  about  Six  pence  )  Thirty  thoufand  Florens. 

By  the  Concordates  or  Accord  ,  made  between  the  Emperor ,  and  Princes  of  Gfr- 
iM^;/^  , -and  McW^  the  Fifth  ,  the  Annates  are  in  part  remitted,  or  taken  away. 
The  Eftates  of  the  Empire  afTtmbled  at   Nurenberg  reprefented  to  Adrian  the  Sixth, 
Gold.  Fart.  2.  that  Annates  were  given  for  maintenance  of  the  War  againft  the  Turks,  and  how  comely 
pul.  74-  ify      a  thing  it  were  that  theyjljould  be  rejhred  to  the  fame  ufe.     The  Princes  added  farther, 
3**  That  they  were  but  granted  for  a  certain  term  ,  which  was  efBuxed.     The  hundred 

Grievances  reft  not  here,  but  fay  moreover  ,  that  they  were  butdepofited  at  Rome,  to 
be  preftrvedfaithfuVyfor  that  ufe.     And  Laitly,    Charles  the  Fifth,  in  his  Refcript^ 
Cap.  1 9.  ''^'^5  'he  Pope,   That  other  Ki^gs do  Mot  fuffer  the  ^nils  of  the  Churches  attd  Annates  to 

RcPc.Num.      be  traujfiorted  out   of  their  Kif'gdoms  to   Rome,  fo  imv  erf  ally ,   atid  fo  abundantly. 
44-  Seventhly,  to  draw  to  a  Conclufion  ,  Henry  the  Eighth  impofed  an  Oath  of  Fi- 

delity or  Allegiance  upon  his  Subjed:s,  Ecclefiaftical  as  well  as  Temporal,     So  did 
Frfi/cncJ^  the  Firft  Emperor  of  that   name:  I  fwear  ,  that  from  henceforth  J  will  be 
l)okd03thio{f'^'^^f"^*''^y  Liege-Lord,  Frederick  the  Emperor   of  the  Romans;  againji  all  men 
Allegiance.      C  the  Pope  is   included ,   or  rather  intended  principally  >  of  by  Law  J  am  bound  > 
^  . .  n  -^"d  J  will  help   him  to  retain  his  Imperial   Crown  ,   and  all  his  Honour  in  Ita- 

Hwry  the  Eighth  toofe  away  Popifh  Pardoiis,  and  Indulgences ,  and  Dilpenfari- 

ons  j  The  German  Nation  likewife  groaned  under  the  burthen  of  them.     Among 

their  Hundred  grievances ,  that  of  Dilpenfations  was  the  firft ,  and  that    of  Papal 

The  Germans  Indulgences  the  third  i  eithef  for  lins  paft ,  or  fo  come,  modbtinniat  -dextra  ,  (it  is 

againft  Far*      jj^^jj.  ^^^  phrafe. .)  They  call  thefe  artifices  meer  impoflures  ,  by  which  the  very  mar- 

gcoccs,  fye.     *■""'  "/  Germany  wof  fucked  up  ,  their  ancient  liberty  was  enervated  ^  and  thejmerit  of 

Chrift'sFaffion  became  flighted, 
tl""",""'  *'  LzRIy,  Henry  the  Eighth  aboliflied  the  ufurped  jurifdidion  of  the  Biftiop  ofRome, 

^'  within  his  Dominions.    The  Emperors  did  notfo,  whether  they  thought  it  not 

fit  to  leave  an  old  Patriarch  j  or  becaufe  they  did  not  fufficiently  confider  the  right 
bounds  of  Imperial  power ,  efpecially  being  feconded  with  the  Authority  of  an 
Emperors        Occidental  Council  i  or  becaufe  they  did  not  fo  clearly  diftinguifh  between  a  begin- 
havedepofed    ning  of  Unity  and  an  Uiiiverfality  of  ]urifdidion  i  or  becaufe  they  had  other  re- 
pealed from'*"  "^^^J'^s  wherewith  to  help  themfelvesi  I  cannot  determine.     But  this  we  have  feen, 
them,  ^c.       That  the  Emperors  have  depofed  Popes,  and  have  appealed  from  Popes  to  General 
Councils,  and  have  maintained  their  Imperial  Prerogatives  againft  Popes,  and 
made  themfelves  the  laft  Judges  of  the  liberties  and  neceffities  of  the  whole  Body 
Politick. 

Frederick^  the  Third ,  in  the  Dyet  of  Nurenburg ,  fequeftred  all  the  Moneys  that 

Gold.  Part.i.  fliould  be  raifed  in  Three  years  from  Indulgences  and  Abfolutions ,  whether  Papa! 

Xkm.'9.'        ^^  Conciliary ,  towards  the  raifing  of  Twenty  thoufand  men  for  the  defence  of  the 

Empire  againft  the  Turk.     The  refblution  of  the  Elecfl  Archbiftiop  of  trevers  againft 

Gregory  the  Seventh ,  was  this ,  Hb  pins  per  hunc  SanSi^ ,  qu£  modb  extremum   trahit 

&iri' 


Discourse]!.       Of  the  Church  of  Ens^hnd.  loo 


fiintim,  per/clitetur  Ecckfu^  ex  me  dico,  (jityd  mihm  ei  pojihac  ohedientiam  jervabo  occ. 
Le^l  the  holy  Church  which  ii  nnvc  brought  to  the  mz.JJP  incttrr  more  danger  by  Im  means 
Jjleakj^f  myjelf,thjt  hereafter  I  rvillferforrmno  obedience  to  him,(  that  is,  Pope   Hilde- 
hrand )     Neither  was  this  his  refolution  alone.     All  the  German  Bifhops  were  of  ^'*^-  47. 
the  fame  mind  :   Becaiffe  thy  entrance  into  the  Papacy  vp,;s  begun  mthfi  great  periuriey  ; 
and  the  Church  of  God  U  brought  intofuch  a  grievoiu  fiorm   through  the  abufe  of  thy  In- 
novations^ and  thy  life  and  converfation  is  foikdwith  fo  manifold  infamy  :  As  rve  promi- 
fed  thee  no  obedience^fo  rre  let  thee  kt^nn^that  for  the  future  we  rvill  perform  none  unto  thee.  '^^ 
Et  quia  nemo  n(^irkm(  tit  publico  declamas  )  tibihacleniisfuit  Epifcopus^  it  a  nuUi  noflrkm 
a.  modo  eris  Jpoftolicm  :  And  of  thou  haji  reputed  none  of  lu  forBijhops  hither ij  j  So  here- 
after none  of  m  wiU  ejleem  thee  for  the  Succejfor  of  St.  Peter.     Which  fcntence  was  con- 
firmed by  the  Emperour  :  EgoHenricus  Kexcum  omnibus  Epifcojjis  meis  tibi  dico^  Vef- 
cende,  defcende. 

The  tir ft  Council  of  Pif^  did  not  onely  fubftrad:  their  obedience  from  Tcter  de 
L?<>?^, calling  himfelf  BenediCl  the  Thirteentli ,  and  Angelm  de  Corario  callin»   him- 
(elfGi-fgor)!  the  Twelfth  i   But  they  decreed  that  it  was  lawful  for  all  Chriftisns,  and 
accordingly  did  command  them  tOfubllrad  their  obedience  from  them.     Of  which  ^'^'  ^'  ^  ^' 
Council  the  Council  of  Conflance  was  a  continuation.     The  fecond  Council  of  Tifa  ^  JT- "''^^"'^ 
fufpended  Julius  the  fecond  from  the  Papacy,  and  commanded  all  Chriftians  to  with-  cliTiiatii 
draw  their  obedience  from  him.     The  fofmcr  had  the  confent  of  the  Emperour  :p<*r' 52!^ 
the  later,  his  alfiftance  and  protedtion  i  as  appeareth  both  by  the  folemn  promife  of'** 
the  Emperour's  Ambafladors  made  in  Council ,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
Council  it  (elf. 

I  will  conclude  this  firft  part  of  my  paralkll  concerning  the  Empire  with  two 
anfwers  of  Gfm<2«'Bifliops.  The  firft  of  the  Gfrm.w  and  French  to  Anaftafus  t\\Q 
Second,  wherein  they  tell  him  plainly,  that  they  did  not  underjiand  that  veto  companion., 
which  the  ItilunPhyficians jifed  to  cure  the  infirmities  of  France.  They  tax  them  for 
fcekingto  reftrain  the  abfolutionof  fouls  to  Kome. 

They  require  that  Italian  Biftiop  that  is  without  iln  to  caft  the  firft  ftone  at  them  i 
They  a'dvifc  them  not  to  ufe  their  pretended  Authority  againft  their  Bifhops,  left  the 
blowfliould  recoil  upon  themfelves,  for  that  theirs  had  not  learned  to  fear  above  that 
which  was  needful  i  They  tell  them  that  furely  they  in  Italy,  think  that  the  Galls  had 
loft  all  thefe  three,  Verbum.,  Ferrum,  &  Ingeniitm,  their  Tongues,  their  Wits,  and  their 
Weapons.      -  ■   "  .  ' 

And  fo  they  conclude,  Efi<;jw^  imlinata  effet  area  Teliamenti  nofiri      noflrorum  ^^f^^'/" 
Epifcporum  effet^&mn  illnrum,inclinatam  relevare.     Althougli'the  ark^of\heir  Cove-  7*'?"""  j  Jl'*.' 
mnt  was  falling^yet  it  belonged  to  their  own  Bipops,  and  not  ti)  :them,toJift  it  up  a-  'SM^a^l'- 
gain,  .  nalip.^i. 

The  other  anfwer  was  of  the  Archbifhops  of  Cologn  and  Triers,  with  the  Synod 
of  Cologn  to  Nicholas  the  Firft.  Wherein,  after  many  bitter  expreflions,they  have  thefe 
words:  Hisde  cai/fis  ms  cum  fratribus  mjiris  &  coVegis,  neque- ediCtU  tuif  fiamus  neque 
vocem  tuam  agmfdrnus, neque  tuas  Bullas  tonitruaqiie  tua  timemus.-  For  thefe  reafons  we 
■with  our  brethren  and coVegufs^do  neither  give  place  to  thy  edids^  nor  ackitowledg  thy  voyce 
nor  fear  thy  tlmndring  BuUs. 

I  expe^  that  fome  will  be  ready  to  objed,  that  thefe  fubftradtions  were  but  per-        ''^'  '°* 
fonal,  from  the  prefent  Pope, not  from  the  See  of  Row?,  which  is  true  in  part.  But  the 
fame  Equity  and  rule  of  Juftice,  whichi  warrants  a  feparation  from  the  perfon  of  the 
Pope  ,  for  perfonal  faults ,  doth  alfo  juftifie  a  more   durable  feparation  from  the 
SeeofRo?Me,  that  is,  from  him  and  his  Succeflbrs,  for  faulty  Rules  and  Principles 
dther  in  Dotflririe  or  Difcipline,  until  they  be  reformed. 

From  Germany  out  pafs  is  open  into  France,  wh.ere  the  cafe  is  as  clear  as  the  Sun,  The  French 
how  their  Kings,  fthough  acknowledged  by  the  Popes  themfelves  to  be  moft  Chri-  novaffils  of 
ftian,  the  eldeft  Sons  of  the  Church ,  and  otherwife  the  great  Patrons  and  Prote- ^'^^  ■'^'"""' 
ftors  of  the  Koman  Sec, )   with  their  Princes  of  the  blood  ,  their  Peers     their  Par-  ^°*^^'   - 
liaments,  their  Embafladors,  their  Schools  and  Univerfities ,  have  all  of  them    in 
all  ages, affronted  and  curbed  theKoman  Court,  and  reduced  them  to  a  ri^ht  tem- 
per  and  conftitution,  as  often  as  they  deviated  from  the  Canons  of  the  ^Fathers, 
and  incroached  upon  the  Liberties  of  the  GaUicane  Church.     Whereby  tlie  Popes 

M  juiif. 


I  ,  o  A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  J. 


Jurildidion  in  France  ,  came  to  be  mecrly   difcretionary ,  at  the  pleaturc  of  the 
Hincmare  had  been  condemned  by  Three    Trench  Synods  for  a  turbulent  perfon. 


anc 


_.id  deposed.     Pope  Adrian  the  Second  takes  Cognifance  of  the  caufe  at  Konte^  and 

requires  Carolns  Calvus  the  King  of  france  ,  to  (end  Hincmare  thither  with  his  Ac- 

cufers,  to  receive  Juftice.    The  King's  Apologetick  Anfwer  will  (hew  how  he  re- 

Goldiiii.  Con-   ^^q^^j^  j^^     y^iJ^  mirati  fumiis  uhi  hoc  diCiator  EpijioU  Jcripmm  invenerit ,  e^e  ApoftoU- 

t.'t'.p^'u!'    cii  Authoritate  pr£cipiendnm  ,  ut  Kex  correUor  iniqimum  &  diJiriSor  reorum  ,  atcjueje- 

cmdiim  Leges  EcclefiajhcM  at  que  mundanx  ultor  crimintim,  reum  legaliter  ac  regulariter 

pro  excejfibus  fitU  danmatum^  fua  fretum  potentia  Romam  dirigat  i    We  wondered  much 

where  he  who  dictated  the  Pope's  Letter  hath  found  it  written^  of  commanded  by  Apojloli- 

cal  Authority^  that  a  King ,  who  is  the  correUor  of  the  tinjujl ,  the  puni(her  of  guilty  per- 

fms^  and  according  to  all  Laws  Ecckftaftical  and  Civil,  the  revenger  of  crimes ,  Jhould 

fend  a  guilty  perfon  ,  legaU'^  and  regularly  condemned  for  his  excejfes ,  to  Rome.    He  tells 

'  him,  that  the  Kings  of  France  were  reputed  terrarum  Domini ,  not  Epifcoporum  Vice- 

Vomirii,  or  Villici  i  Lords  Varamount  within  their  Dominions  ,  not  Lieutenants  or  Bay' 

liffsofBifliops.     ^U  igitur  hanc  inverfam  Legem  infernus  evomuit  ?  ^is  Tartarus  de 

ftivs  abditvi  &  tenebrofis  cuniculvs  eruUavit  ?  W\-)at  Hell  hath  difaprged  thu  diforderly  Law? 

What  bottomlefs  depth  hath  belched  it  up  out  of  its  hidden  andobfcure  holes  ? 

The  Kings  of  France  have  convented  the  Popes  before  them.  So  Charles  the 
Great  dealt  with  Leo  the  Third  \  and  Lotharius  with  Leo  the  Fourth. 

Tiie  Kings  of  France  have  appealed  from  Popes  to  Councils :  So  Philip  the  Fourth 
with  the  advice  of  all  the  Orders  of  France  ,  and  the  whole  Gallicat'e  Church ,  ap- 
pealed from  Boniface  the  Eighth ,  and  commanded  his  appeal  to  be  publi(hed  in  the 
great  Church  at  Paris.  So  Henry  the  Great  appealed  from  Gregory  the  Fourteenth, 
and  caufed  his  appeal  to  be  affixed  to  the  Gates  of  St.  Peter's,  Church  in  Kome.  So 
the  School  of  Sorbone  appealed  from  Boniface  the  Eighth  ,  Be»ediU  the  Eleventh,  Pi- 
tts the  Second  ,  and  Leo  the  Tenth. 

The  Kings  of  France  have  protefted  againlt  the  Popes  Decrees  ,  and  flighted 
them  i  yea,  in  the  very  face  of  the  Council  of  Trettt.  Witnefs  that  proteftation  of 
the  Emba(rador  of  France ,  made  in  the  Council ,  in  the  name  of  the  King  his 
C^liafl.  Tom.  ivi3(^ej.^  '<■  vve  refufe  to  be  fubjed  to  the  commands  and  difpofition  of  Pius  the 
3-  ?'57'.  c;  pQyj.j.j^  ^  ^e  rejedt ,  refufe  and  contemn  all  the  Judgments,  Cenfures,  and  De- 
"  crees  of  the  faid  Pius.  And  although  (  molt  Holy  Fathers  )  your  Religion,  Life, 
"  and  Learning  was  ever ,  and  ever  (hall  be,  of  great  efteem  with  usv  Yet  feeing 
"  indeed  you  do  nothing  ,  but  all  things  are  done  at  B.ome  rather  than  at  Trent  , 
"  and  the  things  that  are  here  publifhed  are  rather  the  Decrees  oiPius  the  Fourth,  than 
"  of  the  Council  of  Trent ,  we  denounce  and  proteft  here  before  you  all ,  that 
"  whatfoever  things  are  decreed  and  publilhed  in  this  A(rembly ,  by  the  meer  will 
"  and  pleafure  of  Pius ,  neither  the  molt  Chriftian  King  will  ever  approve,  nor  the 
"  French  Church  ever  acknowledge  to  be  Decrees  of  a  General  Council.  Befides 
"  this  ,  the  King  our  Mafter  commandeth  all  his  Archbilhops  ,  and  Bifhops ,  and 
"  Abbats ,  to  leave  this  AlTembly  ,  and  prefently  to  depart  hence ,  then  to  return 
"  again ,  when  there  (hall  be  hope  of  better  and  more  orderly  proceedings.  This 
was  high  and  fmart ,  for  the  King  and  Callican  Church,  fo  publickly  to  rejed ,  re- 
fufe, and  contemn,  all  Papal  Decrees,  and  to  challenge  fuch  an  intereft  in ,  and 
power  over, the  French  Archbilhops  and  Bi(hops,  as  not  onely  to  Licenfe  them,  but 
to  command  them  to  depart  and  leave  the  Council ,  whither  they  were  (iimmoned 
by  the  Pope. 

The  French  Kings  have  made  Laws  and  Conftitutions  from  time  to  time ,  to  re- 

prefs  the  infolencies  and  exorbitances  of  the  Papal  Court ,  fo  often  as  they  began  to 

prejudice  the  Liberties  of  the  Gallicane  Church ,  with  the  unanimous  confent  of 

An.ii6T.        their  Princes,  Nobles,  Clergy,  Lawyers,  and   Commons.     As  againfl  their  be- 

ftowing  of  Ecclefiaftical  Dignities  and  Benefices  in  France ,  and  their  grofs  Simo- 

i<n.  i4od.        ny  and  extortion  in   that  way,  againlt    the  payment  of  Annates  and   Tenths  to 

Ak.  ut8         ^"'"^ '  ^"'^  generally  for  all  the  Liberties  of  the  Church  of  France.     Againlt  refer- 

An,i\ii.        vations,  and  Apoftolical  graces,  and  all  other  exactions  of  the  Court  oC  Rome, 

Charles  the  Seventh  made  the  pragmatical  Sandion,  to  confirm  all  the  Ads  of  the 

Coun- 


Discourse   II.         Of  the  Church  of  Ens^hnd.  m 


Councils  oi  Conjunce  and  £<{/?/ ,  againft  the  tyranny  and  ufurpation  of  the  Pope.  It 

is  true  that  LercU  the  Eleventh  ,  by  the  flattering  perfwafion  of  JEmoi  Sylvius^  then 

Pius  the  Second  ,  did  revoke  this  Sandion.     But  the  King's  Prodtor ,  and  the  Re- 

d-or  of  the  Univerfity  of  Pjw,  did  oppofe   rhemfelves  formally  to  the  Regiftring 

and  Authorizing  of  this  Revocation.     Whereupon  the  King  defired  the  advice  of    , 

his  Parliament  in  Writing ,  which  they  gave  to  this  effedl.    That  the  Revocation  of 

that  SanUion  tended  to  the  conftifwn  of  the  whole  Ecclefiajlical  Order ,   the  depopulation  of  p^^  that  of 

France ,  the  exhaujiing  and  impoverijhment  of  the  Kingdom^  and  the  total  mine  of  the  Augufl.  i6.an. 

French  Church.     Hereupon  the  King  changed  his  mmd,  and  made  divers  Declara-  '473. 

tions  and  Edids  conformable  to ,  and  in  purfuance  of,  the  Pragmatical  Sandion.  ^„.  j^g^^- 

After  this,   the  Three  Eftates  aflcmbled  at  Towfrx ,  made  it  their  Hrft  and  inftant  ^n.  1517. ' 

requeft  to  Charles  the  Eighth ,  that  he  would   preferve  inviolable  the  Pragmatical 

Sandion,  which  they  reputed  as  the  Tahdium   of  France,     And  in  the  National 

Council  aflembled  by  Lems  the  Twelfth,   in  the  fame  City,   it  was  again  con- 

rirmed. 

But  the  Pope  ftormed ,  and  thundered  ,  and  excommunicated,  and  interdidted 
Lervis  the  Twelfth ,  Francis  the  Firll: ,  and  the  whole  Realm ,  and  expofed  it  as  a 
prey  to  the  Firft  that  could  take  it  1,  and  gave  plenary  Indulgence  to  every  one  that 
(hould  kill  a  French-man.     King  Francis  fainted  under  fuch  fulminations,  and  came 
to  a  compofition  or  accommodation  with  Lfo  the  Tenth,  which  was  called  con- 
venta ,  or  the  concordate.    On  the  one  fide  ,  the  Pope's  friends  think  he  wronged 
himlelf  5  and  his  Title    to  a  Spiritual  Sovereignty ,  very  much  ,  by  defcending  to 
fuch  an  accommodation  i     and  exclude  Prance  out  of  the  number  of  thofe  Coun- 
tries which  they  term  pay'^s  de  obedience,     as  if  the  French  were  not  loyal  obedient: 
Subjeds  ,  but  Rebels  to  the  Court  of  Kome.     On  the  other  fide ,  the  Prelates,  the 
Univerfities ,  the  Parliaments  of  Fw^ce,  were  as  ill  contented  that  the  King  {hould  Fafcicuhs 
yield  one  inch ,  and  oppofed  the  accord  :  Infomuch  ,  as  the  Univerfity  of  Paris  ap-  rtrum  cxpt- 
pealed  from  it  to  a  future  Council ,  and  expedited  Letters  Patents  ,  fealed  with  tend.  <&•  fuii- 
the  Univerfities  Seal ,  containing  at  large  their  grievances  ,  and  the  reafons  of  the  ""'•  ''"?'■#* 
Appeal  , which  after  were  publiihed  to  the  world  in  Print.  '*"' 

1  cannot  here  omit  the  free  and  jult  Speech  of  a  French  BiOiop.  When  Henry  the 
Fourth  had  ,  in  a  manner ,  ended  the  civil  Wars  of  France,  by  changing  from  the 
Proteftant  to  the  Ro/wj«-Catholick  Communion  ;  Yet  the  Pope  ,  who  favoured  the 
contrary  party  ,upon  pretence  of  his  dillimulation,and  great  dangers  that  might  en- 
fue  thereupon  ,  for  a  long  time  deferred  his  reconciliation ,  until  the  French  Prelates, 
by  their  own  authority,  did  firft  admit  him  into  the  bofom  of  the  Church.  At 
which.time  oge  of  them  ufed  this  Difcourfe ,  JVat  France  all  on  fire  ^  and  had  they  not 
rivers  enough  at  home  ^  but  they  muji  run  *tf  far  ai  Rome,  to  Tyber  ,  to  fetch  tvater  to 
quench  it  ? 

Since  that  in  Cardinal  Richliett's  days ,  It  is  well  known  what  Books  were  freely 
printed,  and  publickly  fold  upon /'o«f«f«/,  of  the   lawfulnefs  of  ereding  a  new,  ^ 

or  rather  reftoring  an  oId,proper  Patriarchate  in  France,  as  one  of  the  Liberties  of 
the  Gallicane  Church.  It  was  well  for  the  Roman  Court ,  that  they  became  more 
propitious  to  the  French  affairs. 

Take  one  inftance  more  which  happened  very  lately.     The  Pope  refufed  to  ad- 
mit any  new  Bi(hops  in  Portugal ,  upon  the  nomination  of  the  prefent  King,  be- 
caufehe  would  not  thereby  (eem  to  acknowledge  or  approve  his  Title  to  the  Crown, 
in  prejudice  of  the  King  of  Spain  ,  whereby  the  Epiicopal  Order  in  Portugal ,  and 
the  other  Dominions  belonging  to  that  Crown ,  was  well  near  extinguifhed ,   and 
(carcely  fb  many  Bifliops  were  left  alive ,  or  could  not  be  drawn  together,  as  to 
make  a  Canonical  Oi'dination.     The  Three  Orders  of  Portugal  did  reprefcnt  to  the  Bahtus  ovi' 
Pope,  that  in  the  Kingdoms  of  Portugal  and  the  Algarbians ,  wherein  ought  to  ""'P*^*  ^3* 
have  been  Three  Metropolitans ,  and  Ten  Suffragans,  there  was  but  One  left,  and 
he  by  the  Pope's  difpenfation  non-Refident.     And  in  all  the  Aftatich^Vtovmcd^  but 
One  other  ,  and  he  both  fickly  and  decrepit.     And  in  all  the  African  and  Ameri-  ^p/;,_j„;^   „. 
can  Provinces ,  and  the  IQands,  not  One  furviving.     But  the  Pope  continued  inex-  mir«x,  p,  ao. 
orable  v  whereupon  they  prefent  their  requeft  to  their  Neighbours  and  Friends, 
the  French  Prelates,  befeeching  them  to  mediate  for  them ,  with  his  Holinefs.  And 

Ma  if 


1,2  A  Juft  Vindlration  T  O  M  E  K 


if  he  continue  (Hll  obltinatdy  deaf  to  their  juft  Petition,  to  fupply  his  defedthem- 
felves  and  to  Ordain  them  Biihops  in  cafe  of  neceliity.  The  French  did  the  Of- 
fice of  Neighbours  and  ChriiHans.  The  Synod  of  the  French  Clergy  did  write  to 
ra  ri  •  the  Popeon  their  behalf,  in  y^/ri/,  1(551.  But  that  way  not  fucceedmg,  they  fent 
Gan'cHiatl.  One  of  their  Bi(hops ,  as  an  exprefs  Envoy  to  his  Holinefs ,  to  let  him  know  ,  that 
Jnntc.  Faf.  if  he  ftill  rcfufed,  they  cannot  nor  will  be  wanting  to  themfclves ,  to  their  neigh- 
10.  hours,  but  would  fupply  his  defedl.  What  the  ilTue  of  it  is  fince,  I  have  not  yet 

heard. 

But  to  leave  matter  of  Faft,  and  to  come  to  the  Fundamental  Laws  and  Cu- 
ftoms  of  France.  Every  one  hath  heard  of  the  Liberties  of  the  French  Church  ,  but 
.f,  ,  every  one  underftands  not  what  thofe  Liberties  are,  as  being  better  known  by  their 
"droits^  Li-  pradice  at  home ,  than  by  Books  abroad.  I  will  onely  feled  fome  of  them  out  of 
beriiei  de  their  own  authentick  Authorities.  And  when  the  Reader  hath  confidered  well  of 
tEiUft  Gain-  them  ,  let  iiim  judge  what  Authority  the  Pope  hath  in  France  ,  more  than  difcreti- 
^p^o'lbertate  onary  at  the  good  pleafure  of  the  King,  or  more  than  he  might  have  had  in  other 
EetlefitGat  places,  if  he  could  have  contented  himfelf  with  reafou.  Proteftants  are  not  fo  un- 
lic.  adverjiis  difcreet,  or  uncharitable,  as  to  violate  the  peace  of  Chriftendom,  for  a  Primacy 
Rman.  Au-     q^  Headlliip  of  Order,  without  fuperiority  of  Power  ■■>  or  for  the  name  of  his  Ho- 

^Paif/tnu'cti-  ^'"^^^ '  °^  ^'^^  ^  ^^^^■>  '^^^^  P"^^  ^^^^^  "°^  ^°°  ^^^^  '  ^"^  ^""^  ^  ^^^  innocent  forma- 

r;<e.  lities. 

I.  The  Vo^e  cannot  command  or  ordain  any  thing,  direUly  or  indirectly ^  concerning  any 

The  liberties    temporal  affairs,  within  the  'Dominions  of  the  King  of  France. 

'ch^^h^"*'^  2.  the  Spiritual  authority  and  power  of  the  Fope,  U  not  abfolute  in  France,  hut  limi- 
ted and  retrained  by  the  Canons  and  Rules  of  the  ancient  Councils  of  the  Church  ,  recei- 
ved in  that  Kingdom.  Where  obftrvc  firlt ,  That  the  Pope  can  do  nothing  in  France 
as  a  Soveraign  Spiritual  Prince,  with  his  waj  ci?/i^«?e'j ,  either  againfi:  the  Canons, 
or  befides  the  Canons :  Secondly  ,  That  the  Canons  are  no  Canons  in  France ,  ex- 
cept they  be  received.  This  fame  priviledge  was  anciently  radicated  in  the  Funda- 
mental Laws  of  England.  This  priviledge  the  Popes  endeavoured  to  pluck  up  by 
the  roots.  And  the  contentions  about  this  priviledge ,  were  one  principal  occafion  of 
the  feparation. 

5.  No  command  whatfoever  of  the  Tope  ,  can  free  the  French  Clergy  from  their  obliga- 
tion, to  obey  the  commands  of  their  Sovereign. 

4.  The  moft  ChrilHan  King  hath  had  power  at  all  times,  according  to  the  oc- 
currence and  exigence  of  affairs,  to  affemble  or  caufe  to  be  ajfembkd  Synods,  Provincial 
or  National,^r\d  therein  to  treat  not  onely  of  fuch  things  asconcern  the  confervation 
of  the  Civil  Eftate,  butalfi  of  fuch  things  as  concern  Ecckfia^ical  order  and  difcipline  in 
his  own  Dominions.  And  therein  to  make  Rules,  Chapters,  Lawei,  Ordinances, 
and  Pragmatick  SandVionsi^  his  own  name,  and  by  hU  awn  Authority.  Many  of  which 
have  been  received  among  the  decrees  of  the  Catholick  Church,  and  fome  cf  them 
approved  by  General  Councils. 

5.  "the  Pope  cannot  fend  a  Legate  a  Latere  into  FTznce,with  power  to  reform,  'judge,col- 
late,  dijpenfe,  or  do  fuch  other  things  accuftomedto  be  fpecified  in  the  Authoritative 
Bull  of  his  Legation,  except  it  be  upon  the  defire,  or  with  the  approbation  of  the  moft 
Chriftian  King.  Neither  can  the  faid  Legate  execute  his  charge  untill  he  hath  pro- 
mifedthe  King  in  writing,  under  his  oath  upon  his  Holy  Orders,  not  to  make  ufe  of 
his  Legantine  power  in  the  Kings  Dominions  longer  than  it  {hall  pleafe  the  King: 
And  that  fo  foon  as  he  fliall  be  admoniihed  of  the  Kings  pleafure  to  forbid  it,  he  will 
give  it  over  :  And  that  whileft  he  doth  ufc  it,  it  (hall  be  exercifed  conformably  to  the 
Kings  will,  without  attempting  anything  to  the  prejudice  of  the  decrees  of  General 
Councilor  the  Liberties  and  Priviledges  oi'the  Gallicane  Church,  and  the  Univerfities 
of  France, 

6.  'the  Commi^ons  and  Bulls  of  the  Pope's  Legates  are  to  he  feen,  examined,  andap- 
provedbythe  Courtof  Parliament  >  and  to  be  regiftred  and  publifiied  with  fuch  Cau- 
tions, and  modiHcations  as  that  Court  fhall  judge  expedient  for  the  good  of  the 
Kingdomv  and  to  be  executed  according  to  the  faid  Cautions,andnot  otherwife, 

7.  The  Prelates  of  the  French  Church,  (  although  commanded  by  the  Pope, )  for 
what  caufe  foeveritbe,  may  not  depart  out  of  the  Kingdom,  without  the  King's  Com- 
mandment or  Licence.  8.  The 


Discourse  11.       of  the  Church  of  EnQ}sind.  ,j5 


8.  The  Pope  can  neither  by  himfelf,  nor  by  his  Delegates,  judge  of  any  thing 
which  concerneth  the  lUte,  prcheminence,  or  priviledges,  of  the  Crown  of  Frjwr 
nor  of  any  thing  pertaining  to  it :  Nor  can  there  be  any  queftion  or  procefs  about 
theftate  or  pretention  of  the  King,  but  in  his  own  Courts. 

p.  Papal  Bulls,  Citations,  Sentences,  Excommunications,  and  the  like,  are  not  to 
be  executed  in  Frj«cf  without  the  King's  Command,  or  permillion  :  And  after  per- 
miilion,  onely  by  authority  of  the  King,and  not  by  authority  of  the  Pope,  to  ftiun 
confullon  and  mixture  of  Jurifdidrions. 

10.  Neither  the  King,nor  his  Px.ealm,  nor  his  Officers,  can  be  excommunicated  or 
intcrdided  by  the  Pope,  nor  his  Subjcds  abfolved  from  their  Oath  of  Allegiance. 

11.  The  Pope  cannot  impofePenilons in Fnwcf  upon  any  benerices  having  cure  of 
fouls,  nor  upon  any  others,  but  according  to  the  Canons,  according  to  the  exprefe 
condition  of  the  refignation,  or  iz^i  redimendam  vexa:io-,iem. 

12.  All  Bulls  and  Miliives  which  come  from  Rome  to  Fra^ice  ztc  to  be  ftenand 
vifited,  to  try  if  there  be  nothing  in  them  prejudicial  in  any  manner  to  the  Eftate  and 
Liberties  of  the  Church  of  Fm^w,  or  to  the  Royal  authority. 

13.  It  is  lawful  to  appeal  from  the  Pope  to   a  future  Council. 

14.  Ecclefiaftical  perfbns  maybe  convented, judged,  and  (cntenced  before  a  fecu- 
lar  Judge  f)r  the  firft  grievous  orenormious  crime,  or  for  lefler offences  after  arelapfe, 
which  renders  them  incorrigible  in  the  eye  of  the  Law. 

1 5.  All  the  Prelates  of  France  are  obliged  to  fwear  fealty  to  the  King,  and  to  re- 
ceive from  him  their  inveftitures  for  their  fees  and  manours. 

16.  The  Courts  of  Parliament,  in  cafe  of  appeals  as  from  abufe,  have  right  and 
power  to  declare  null,  void,  and  to  revoke, the  Pope's  Bulls  and  Excommunications, 
and  to  forbid  the  execution  of  them,  when  they  are  found  contrary  to  facred  de- 
crees, the  liberties  of  the  French  Church,  or  the  prerogative  Royal. 

17.  General  Councils  are  above  the  Pope,  and  may  depofe  him,  and  put  another 
in  his  place,  and  take  cognizance  of  appeals  from  the  Pope. 

18.  AllBiJhops  have  their  porver  immediately  from  Chriji^  not  from  the  Pope,  and  are 
eqtuVyfttccejJ'ors  of  St.  Peter  and  the  other  Apofiles,  and  Vicars  of  ChrijL 

ip.   Provifions,  Refervatious,Expe(ffative  Graces,drc.have  no  place  in  France.  - 

20.  The  Pope  cannot  exempt  any  Church,  Monaftery,  or  Ecclefiaftical  body  from 
the  Jurifdidion  of  their  Ordinary,  nor  ered  Bifhopricks  into  Archbifliopricks,  nor 
unite  them,  nor  divide  them,without  the  King's  Licence. 

21.  All  thofe  are  not  Hereticks,  excommunicated,  or  damned,  who  differ  in  fome 
things  from  the  dodrine  of  the  Pope,  who  appeal  from  his  decrees,  and  hinder  the 
execution  of  the  ordinances  of  him  or  his  Legates. 

Thefe  are  part  of  the  liberties  of  the  CaUcane  Church.  The  ancient  Britip 
Church  needed  no  fjch  particular  priviledges,  fince  they  never  knew  any  fbrreifTX 
Jurifdidion  :  The  E«^/{/^  Britifli  Church  which  fucceededthemin  time,  in  place,  and 
partly  in  their  members  and  Holy  Orders,  ought  to  have  injoyed  the  fame  freedom 
and  exemption.  But  in  the  days  of  the  Saxon,  Vanijh,  and  Norman  Kings,  the  Popes 
did  by  degrees  infinuate  themfelves  into  the  mefnagcry  of  Ecclefiaftical  affairs  in 
EnglanJ.  Yet  for  many  ages  the  Ettglijh  Church  injoyed  all  thefe  Gj:///m7/(?  privi- 
ledges, without  any  remarkable  interruption  from  the  Koman  Court.  As  in  truth 
they  do  of  right  by  the  Law  of  nature  belong  to  allSovereign  Princes,  in  their  own 
Dominions.  Otherwife  Kingdoms  fhould  be  dellitute  of  neceffary  remediesfor  their 
ownconfervation.  And  in  later  ages,  when  the  Popes,  having  thruff  in  their  heads^ 
did  ftrive  to  draw  in  their  whole  bodies  after  ■,  the  whole  Kingdom  cppofed  them, 
and  made  Laws  againff  their  feveral  grofsintrufions,  as  we  have  forrncvly  feen  in  this 
difcourfc,  and  never  quitted  thefe  Englijh  (  as  well  asGallicane  )  LiLcrties,  untill  the 
Reformation. 

But  perhaps  we  may  find  more  loyalty  and  obedience  to  the  C^rrt  of  Ko>w  in  the  TheKinRof 
CatholickKing.     Not  at  all.     Whatfoever  power  King  Ffewry  or  any  of  his  Succef^  spafr-aHeni 
fors  did  ever  affume  to  themfelves  in  England  as  the  Political  Heads  of  the*  Church ,  ih^L'^nles  of 
tlie  fame,and  much  more,doth  the  Catholick  King  not  onely  pretend  urto,  b  :r  cxer-  chcsT"  ^^^^' 
cife,  and  put  in  pradice,in  his  Kingdom  of  Sicily,  both  by  himfelf  and  by  his  De- 
legates, whom  he  liibftitutes  with  the  fame  Authority,  to  judge  and  punifhall  Ecclefi- 

M  3  atfical 


114 

Edi3. 

i 
Car.^.  ] 

Decemb. 

•J.An.   , 

I  $26. 

1 

Baron. 

Tom.     ' 

11.  An. 

1097.    - 

itMm.19 

.  edit,   i 

M*gunt- 

I 

A  Jnfi  Vindication  TOME  I. 

aftical  crimes,  to  excommunicate  and  abfolve  all  Ecclefiartical  pcrfons,  Lay-men, 
Monks,  Clerks,  Abbats,  Bilhops ,  Archbidiops  ,  yea,  and  even  the  Cardinals 
themfelves  which  inhabit  in  Sicily.  He  fuffers  no  appeals  to  'R.ome  ■■>  He  admits  no 
Nuncio's  from  Rome  ,  /Itqiie  dermtnt ,  reJ^eUu  Ecckfiajiica  JurifdicmnU  ,  neque  ipfam 
Jpojiolicam  fidem  recogmfcere  ,  &  habere  faperiorem  ,  nifi  in  cafu  prxvemionis  ■-,  And  t9 
conclude ,  he  ach^owkdgeth  not  any  fHperionty  of  the  See  of  Rome  it  felf^  but  onely  in 
cafe  of  prevention. 

What  faith  Baronius  to  this  ?  He  complains  bitterly  ,  that  pr£tensa  Jpojiolica  Att~ 
ibid.  num.aS.  fhoyi[ate  contra  Apnjhlicam  ipfam  fedem  grande  piaculum  perpetratur,  &c.  Vpon  pre- 
tence of  Apojiolick^  Authority^  a  grievous  offence  is  committed  againji  the  Apofiolicl^See  , 
the  Power  whereof  is  weak^ed  in  the  Kingdom  of  Sicily,  the  Authority  thereof  abrogate  d, 
the  Jurifdidion  wronged ,  the  Ecclefiajiical  Laws  violated ,  and  the  Rights  of  the  Church 
Ibid.  num.  39i  dijfipated.  And  a  little  after  he  declaims  yet  higher  :  ^id  tu  ad  ijia  dixeris^  LeUor? 
IVhat  wilt  thou  fay  to  this  ,  Reader?  but  that  under  the  name  of  Monarchy  ,  befdes  that 
one  Monarch  ,  which  all  the  Faithful  have  ever  acknowledged  of  the  onely  vifible  Bead  in' 
the  Church  ,  another  Head  is  rifen  up ,  and  brought  into  the  Kingdom  of  Sicily  ,  for  a 
Monjier  and  a  Prodigy^  occ.  But  for  this  liberty  which  he  took  ,  the  King  of  Spain. 
fairly  and  quietly,  without  taking  any  notice  of  his  Cardinalitian  Dignity  ,  cauled 
his  Books  to  be  burned  publickly. 

It  will  be  objeded  ,  That  the  King  of  Spain  challengeth  this  Power  in  Sicily^ 
not  by  his  Regal  Authority  as  a  Sovereign  Prince,  but  by  the  Bull  of  Vrbanm  the 
Second  ,  who  conftituted  Roger  Earl  of  Sicily  ,  and  his  Heirs ,  his  Legates  a  latere 
in  that  Kingdom  ,  whereby  all  fucceeding  Princes  do  challenge  to  be  Le- 
gati  nati ,  with  power  to  fubftitute  others ,  and  qualifie  them  with  the  fame  Autho- 
rity. 

But  Firft ,  if  the  Papacy  be  by  Divine  right ,  what  power  hath  any  particular 
Pope  to  transfer  Co  great  a  part  of  his  Office  and  Authority  from  his  Succeffbrs  for 
ever ,  unto  a  Lay-man  and  his  heirs,  by  way  of  inheritance  ?  If  every  Pope  fhould 
do  as  much  for  another  Kingdom,  as  Vrbanm  did  for  Sicily ,  the  Court  of  Rome 
would  quickly  want  imployment. 

Secondly  ,  if  the  Bull  of  Vrbanuf  the  Second  was  fo  available  to  the  fucceed- 
ing Kings  of  Sicily,  which  yet  is  difputed  ,  whether  it  be  authentick  or  noti  whe- 
ther it  be  full ,  ordefedive,  and  mutilated  i  why  (hould  not  the  Bull  oC  Nicholas 
the  Second,  his  Predeceflbr ,  granted  to  ovit  Edward  the  Confeflbr ,  and  his  Suc- 
ceflbrs  ,  be  as  advantagious  to  the  fucceeding  Kings  of  England?  Why  not  much 
rather  ?  feeing  that  they  are  thereby  conftituted  or  declared  ,  not  Legates ,  but  Go- 
vernours  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  in  the  Pope's  place ,  or  rather  in  Chrift's  place  * 
feeing  that  without  all  doubt  Sicily  was  a  part  of  the  Pope's  ancient  Patriarchate , 
but  Britain  was  not ;  And  Laftly  ,  feeing  the  fituation  of  Sicily,  fo  much  nearer  to 
Rome  ,  renders  the  Sicilians  more  capable  of  receiving  Juftice  from  thence  ,  than 
the  Englijh. 

Thirdly ,  the  King  of  Spain  when  he  pleafeth  ,  and  when  he  fees  his  own  time , 
doth  not  onely  pretend  unto,  but  affume  ,  in  his  other  Dominions ,  that  felf-fame 
Power  or  effential  Right  of  Sovereignty ,  which  I  plead  for  in  this  Treatifc.     It  is 
not  unknown  to  the  world ,  how  indulgent  a  Father  Vrban  the  Eighth  was  fome- 
times  to  the  King  and  Kingdom  of  France,  and   how  paliionately  he  afTedled  the  ■ 
intereft  of  that  Crown  ;    and  by  confequence  ,  that  his  ears  were  deaf  to  the  re- 
quefts  and  Relnonfirances  of  the  King  of  Spain.     The  Catholick  King  refents  this 
partiality  very  highly ,  and  threatens  the  Pope,  if  he  perfift ,  to  provide  a  remedy 
for  the  grievances  of  his  Subjeds,  by  his  own  Power.     Accordingly  to  make  good 
his  word  ,  he  called  a  General  Affembly  of  all  the  Eftates  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Cajlile,  toconfider  of  the  exorbitancies  of  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  in  relation  to  his 
Majefties  Subjeds,  and  to  confult  of  the  proper  remedies  thereof.     They  did  meet 
and  draw  up  a  Memorial ,  confifting  of  Ten  Articles,  containing  the  chiefeft  abu- 
ics  ,  and  innovations  ,  and  extortions  of  the  Court  of  Rome ,  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Cafiile.     His  Majefty  fends  it  to  the  Pope,  by  Friar  Domingo  Pimentell ,  as  his  Em- 
bafladour  i  The  Pope  returned  a  (mart  Anfwer  by  Seignior  Maraldo  his  Secretary. 
The  King  replied  as  (harply.  All  which  was  afterwards  printed  by  the  fpecial  com- 
mand of  his  Catholick  Majefty.  The 


1 

1 


1  /  < 


Discourse  II.       Of  the  Church  of  Eneland. 

The  fumme  of  their  complaint  was ,  Firft ,  concerning  the  Pope's  impofing  of 
penfions  upon  Dignities,  and  other  Benefices  Ecclefiaftical ,    even  thofe  which  had  Memrid  de 
cure  of  fouls,  in  favour  of  ftrangers  ,  in  an  exceliive  proportion,    to  the  Third  /^  ""»«</'<"' 
part  of  the  full  value  :  That  although  Benefices  were  decayed,  in  many  places  of  ^'*"''''^''- 
S^ain,  Two  third  parts  of  the  true  value  i   yet  the  Court  of  Kome  kept  up  the  pen-         '' ''  '* 
fions  at  the  full  heighth :  That  it  was  contrived  fo,  that  the  Penfions  did  begin  long 
before  the  Beneficiaries  entred  upon  their  Profits ,  infomuch ,  as  they  were  indebted 
fometimes  Two  years  Penfions  ,  before  they  thcmfelves  could  tafte  of  the  fruits  of 
their  Benefices  i    and  then  the  charge  of  Cenfures ,  and  other  proceedings  in  the 
Court  of  Kome ,  fell  fo  heavy  upon  them ,  that  they  could  never  recover  themfelves: 
And  further,  that  whereas  all  Trade  is  driven  in  current  filver  ,  onely  the  Court  of 
Kome ,  which  neither  toils ,  nor  fweats  ,  nor  hazards  any  thing  ,  will  be  paid  one- 
ly in  Duckats  of  Gold  ,  not  after  the  current  rates,  but  according  to  the  old  value: 
That  to  feek  for  a  remedy  of  thefe  abufes  at  Kome,  was  fuch  an  infupportable  chargej 
by  reafon  of  Three  inftances ,  and  Three  fentences  ,  neceflary  to  be  obtained,  that 
it  was  in  vain  to  attempt  any  fuch  thing.  This  they  cried  out  upon  as  a  moft  grie- 
vous yoke. 

They  complained  likewife  of  the  Pope's  .granting  of  Coadjutorlhips  with  future  cap  4. 
fuccelfion,  whereby  Ecclefiaftical  Preferments  were  made  hereditary,  Perfbns  of  parts 
and  worth  were  excluded  from  all  hopes,  and  a  large  gap  was  opened  to  moft  grofs 
Simony. 

They  complained  of  the  Pope's  admitting  of  Refignations ,  with  Refervation  of  Cap.  5^ 
the  greateft  part  of  the  Profits  of  the  Benefice,  infomuch ,  that  he  left  not  above  an 
hundred  Duckats  yearly  to  the  Incumbent  out  of  a  great  Benefice. 

They  complained  moft  bitterly  of  the  Extortions  of  the  Koman  Court,  in  the  cafe 
of  Difpenfations :  That  whereas  no  Difpenfation  ought  to  be  granted  without  juft  ^^'^'  .  - 
caufev  now  there  was  no  caufe  at  all  inquired  after  in  the  Court  of  Kome^  but  one- 
Jy  the  price  :  That  a  great  Price  fupplied  the  want  of  a  good  caufe:  That  the  gate 
was  fhut  to  no  man  that  brought  Money  :  That  their  Difpenfations  had  no  limits 
but  the  Pope's  will :  That  for  a  Matrimonial  DifpenfatioUjUnder  the  Second  Degree' 
they  took  of  great  Perfons  8000.  or  12000.  or  14000.  Duckats. 

They  complained  that  the  Pope ,  being  but  the  Churches  Steward  and  Difpenfer,  cap.  7. 
did  take  upon  him  as  Lord  and  Mafter,  to  difpofe  of  all  the  Rights  of  all  Ecclefia- 
ftical Perfons ;  That  he  withheld  from  Bifliops,  being  the  true  Owners    the  fole 
difpofing  of  all  Ecclefiaftical  Preferments ,  for  Eight  months  in  the  year:'  That  he 
ought  not  to  provide  for  his  own  profit ,  and  the  neceffities  of  his  Court ,  with  fo 
great  prejudice  to  the  Right  of  Ordinaries ,   and  Confufion  of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Or- 
der ,  whileft  he  fuffers  not  Bifhops  to  enjoy  thbir  own  Patronages  and  Turifdidions. 
They  cite  St.  'Bernard,  where  he  tells  Pope  Eugenim,  that  the  Roman  Church  (  where-  ^^^'  ^^'  ^'"'* 
of  he  was  made  Governour  by  God)  wai  the  Mother  of  other  Churches  ,  hut  not  the  Lady  ^'^'  *^^''^' 
or  Mijirefs  :  And  that  he  himfelf  woi  not  the  Lord  or  Majier  of  other  Bifhops    hut  one  of 
them. 

Thfy  complained ,  that  the  Pope  did  challenge  and  ufurp  to  himfelf;  as  his  own,  cap.  8. 
at  their  deaths,  all  Clergy-mens  Eftates ,  that  were  gained  or  raifed  out  of  the  re- 
venue of  the  Church  :  That  a  rich  Clergy-man  could  no  fooner  fall  fick,  but  the 
Pope's  Colledors  were  gaping  about  him  for  his  Goods ,  and  Guards  (et  'prefently 
about  his  Houfe :  That  by  this  means,  Bifhops  have  been  deferted  upon  their  death- 
beds, and  famifhed  for  want  of  meat  to  eat:  That  they  have  not  had,  before  they 
were  dead,  a  Cup  left  to  drink  in ,  nor  fo  much  as  a  Candleftick  of  all' their  goods: 
(  it  is  their  own  expreffion)  That  by  this  means  Creditors  were  defrauded,  Procef^ 
fes  in  Law  were  multiplied,  and  great  Eftates  wafted  to  nothing. 

They  complained  ,  that  the  Popes  did  ufurp  as  their  own ,  all  the  revenues  of  r  , 
Bifhopricks ,  during  their  Vacancies,  fometimes  for  divers  years  together,  all  which  ***'' 
time  the  Churches  were  unrepaired ,  the  poor  unrelieved  ,  not  fo  much  a's  one  alms 
given,  and  the  wealth  of  Spain  exported  into  a  forreigu  Land ,  which  was  richer 
than  it  felf.  They  wifli  the  Pope  to  tak^  it  as  an  argument  of  their  rejpeSl  to  the  See  of 
■  Rome,  that  they  do  not  go  about  forthwith  to  reform  thefe  abufes  by  their  own  Authority^ 
in  imitation  of  other  Provincer.    So  it  was  not  the  unwartantablenefs  of  the  <i£t  in  it 

fclf, 


ii6 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOME  1. 


Cap.  10. 


Ibidem  Cap.^ 

10. 


^iitm. 


fcif,  but  meerly  their  refped  that  did   withhold  them. 

They  coitiplained  of  the  great  inconveniencics  and  abufes  in  the  exercift  of  the 
Nuncio's  OlUce  :  That  it  is  reckoned  as  a  curfe  in  Holy  Scripture,  to  be  governed 
by  perfons  of  a  different  Language:  That  for  Ten  Crowns,  a  man  might  purchafe 
any  thing  of  them:  That  the  Fees  of  their  Office  were  fo  great,  that  they  alone 
were  a  fufficicnt  punifliiment  for  a  grievous  crime.  They  added  ,  that  feU-intercft 
was  the  root  of  all  thefe  evils  :  Thztfuch  abufes  as  thefe  ,  gave  occafwn  to  all  the  Re- 
formations and  Schifins  of  the  Church.  They  added.  That  thefe  things  did  much 
trouble  the  mind  of  his  Catholick  Majefty ,  and  ought  to  be  ferioufly  pondered  by 
all  Sovereign  Princes ,  qui  intra  Ecckfiam  potejlatU  adepts  culmina  tenent  •,  ut  per  ean- 
dtm  potejlattm  dijdplinam  Ecclefiafticam  muniant.  Behold  our  Political  Supremacy. 
Tiiey  proceeded,  that  often  the  Heavenly  Kingdom  U  advantaged  by  the  Earthly.  Ihat 
Chttrch-nien  aUingagainfi  faith  and  right  difcipline  ^  may  be  reformed  by  the  rigour  cf 
Frinces.  Let  the  Princes  of  thu  vcorld  k^oxp  (  fay  they  )  that  they  owe  an  account  to 
Cod  of  the  Church  ,  tvhich  they  have  received  from  him  into  their  protedioti.  For  whether 
peace  and  right  Ecclefiajiical  Vifcipliue  be  iftcreafed  or  decayed  hyChrifiian  Frinces^  God 
rriH  require  an  account  from  them  ^  who  hath  trujied  his  Church  unto  their  Forver:  They 
tell  his  Holinefs ,  it  was  a  work  worthy  of  him ,  to  turn  all  fuch  Courtiers  out  of 
his  Court,  who  did  much  hurt  by  their perfons,  and  no  good  by  their  examples: 
Adding  this  DilHch  i 

Vivere  qui  fanVic  cupitvs ,  difcedite  Romsi, 
Omnia  cum  liceanty  non  licet  ej[e  bonum. 

And  for  remedy  of  thefe  abufes  ,  they  propofcd,  that  the  Pope's  Nuncio's  Ihould 
not  meddle  with  the  exercife  of  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidtion  ,  but  be  meerly  in  the 
nature  of  Embafladors :  That  all  Ecclefiaftical  caufesfhould  be  determined  at  home, 
according  to  the  Canons :  That  the  Pope  fliould  delegate  the  difpenfation  of  mat- 
ters of  grace  to  fbme  fit  Commillioners  within  the  Kingdom  :  That  Ecclefiaftical 
Courts  or  Kota^s  ftiould  be  eredcd  within  the  Realm ,  wherein  all  caufes  fhould  be 
finally  determined  without  recourfe  to  Kome^  except  in  fuch  cafes  as  are  allowed  by 
the  ancient  Canons  of  the  Church. 

Laftly ,  they  reprefented  that  his  Majefiy  was  juftly  prefled  by  the  continual  cla- 
inours,  and  reiterated  inftances  of  his  SubjeiSs ,  to  whofe  alliftance  and  protedtion 
he  was  obliged  to  contribute  whatfoeverhe  was  able,  as  their  Natural  Lord  and 
King,  to  procure  their  Weal  with  all  his  might,  by  all  juft  means,  according  to 
the  didates  of  natural  reafon  i  and  to  remedy  the  grievances  which  they  fuffered 
in  their  perfons ,  and  in  their  goods,  by  occafion  of  liach  like  abufes ,  not  pra^ftifed 
in  other  Kingdoms.  Efpecially  this  propofition  being  fo  conformable  to  the  Apo- 
ftolical  precepts ,  and  to  the  facred  Canons  of  Councils. 

They  tell  the  Pope ,  that  their  Firft  addrefs  is  to  him ,  to  whom,  as  Univerfal 
Paftour ,  the  Reformation  thereof  doth  moft  properly  belong ,  that  there  might  be 
no  need  to  proceed  to  other  remedies  prefcribed  by  the  Votiors  of  the  Church.  And  in  the 
Margin  they  cite  more  than  Twenty  (everal  Authours,  to  ftiew  what  the  Magiftrate 
might  do  ,  in  cafe  the  Pope  fhould  refufe  or  negledl  to  reform  thefe  abufes.  So  you 
feethey  confefTed  plainly ,  that  there  were  other  lawful  remedies  i  and  intimated 
fufficiently ,  that  they  muft  proceed  to  the  ufe  of  them ,  in  cafe  the  Pope  refufed  or 
negle<3:ed  to  do  his  duty.  That  was  for  the  Sovereign  Prince ,  with  his  Biftiops  and 
ElTates,  to  eafe  his  Subjedts,  and  reform  the  abufes  of  the  Roman  Court  within  his 
own  Dominions-  Arid  this  by  direftion  of  the  Law  of  Nature  »  upon  our  for- 
mer ground ,  that  no  Kingdom  is  deftitute  of  necefTary  remedies  for  its  own  pre- 
(ervation.  But  they  chofe  rather  to  tell  the  Pope  this  unwelcome  MefTage  in  the 
names  and  words  of  a  whole  cloud  of  Kowa^-Catholick  Dodlours,  than  in  their 
own. 

In  fine ,  the  Pope  continued  obftinate ,  and  the  King  proceeded  from  words  to 
deeds  •,  and  by  his  Sovereign  power ,  ftopped  all  proceedings  in  the  Nuncio's 
Court.  And  for  the  fpace  of  Eight  weeks ,  did  take  away  all  intercourfe  and  cor- 
refpondence  with  Rome ,  (  This  was  the  Firft  Ad  of  Henry  the  Eighth ,  which  San- 

dert 


Discourse  IF.       Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  ii? 

ders  calls  the  beginning  of  the  Schifm, )  until!  the  Pope  being  taught  by  the  comy 
experience  ot  his  Predeceflbrs,  fearing  julily  wliat  the  confequents  of  thefc  things 
might  be  in  a  little  time,  was  contented  to  bow,  and  condefcend  to  the  Kings  defirS. 

To  (hew  yet  further,  that  the  Kings  of  Spain,  when  they  judge  it  expedient  do 
make  themfelvcs  no  Grangers  to  Eccleiuftical  atiairs,  we  read  that  Charles  the  Fifth  ■^''■'543-' 
renewed  an  edid  of  his  predecefTors  at  iVWri^,  That  B^Us  and  Mijftves  fern  from  l£VaI\ol 
B.omt  jhould  be  vijited,  tojee  that  they  contained  nothitfg  in  them  prejudicial  to  the  Crojvn       ^'^  ^ 
or  Church  of  Spain  i  which  was  Aridiy  obfcrved  within  the  Spanijh  Dominions. 

1  might  add  upon  the  credit  of  thi^Portuguefes,  how  Alexander  Cafiracan  was'dif-  Lufuanu 
graced  and  expelled  out  of  Spain,  for  publiihing  the  Pope's  Bulls,  and  that  the  Papal  gemitus.  fag. 
cenfures  were  declared  void  :  And  how  the  Pope's  Delegates  or  Apoftolical  Judges  ^^' 
have  been  baniflicd  out  of  that  Kingdom,  for  maintaining  the  priviledces  of  the  '"*^*  ^'* 
Jioman  Court. 

And  when  the  King  of  Spain  objededtothe  Pope  the  Penfions  which  he  and  his 
Court  received  yearly  out  of  Spain,  from  Eccleliaftical  Benefices  and  Dignities  i    the 
Pope's  Secretary  replyed,  that  all  the  Papal  penfions  put  together ,  did  fcarcely  a- 
mountto  fo  much  as  one  onely  penfion  impofed  by  the  King  upon 'the  Archbifhop- 
rick  of  Sevil.     Neither  did  the  King  deny  the  thing,  but  jultiHe  it,  as  done  in  favour 
of  an  Infante  of  Ca^ifc :  And  did  further  acknowledge  that  it  was  not  unufual  for  Memotialde 
the  Kings  of  Spain  to  impofe  penlions  upon  Ecclefialtical  preferments,  to  the  fourth  ^^  '""l^/'"''    . 
part  of  the  value,  excepf  in  the  Kingdom  of  Callicia.     This  was  more'  than  ever  any  ^^"''"''' 
King  of  E>;/;/<i«^  attempted,  either  before,  or  after,  the  Reformation. 

Before  we  leave  the  Dominions  of  this  great  Prince,  let  us  cart  our  eyes  a  little 
upon  Brabant  and  Flanders.  Who  hath  not  heard  of  a  Book  compofed  by  Janfeniuf 
Bifhop  of  rpres,  called  Auguliinus ;  and  of  thofe  great  animolTties  and  contentions 
that  have  rifen  about  it  inmoft  Koman-dtholkk  Countries?  I  meddle  not  with  the 
meritof  the  caufe,  whether  JanfeniiuibWowedSt.  Jujiine,  or  St.  Jnfline  his  Ancients 
or  whether  he  bereconciliable  tohimfelf  in  this  queftion.  I  do  willingly  omit  all 
circumftances,  but  onely  thofe  which  conduce  to  my  prefent  purpofe.  So  it  was  that 
Vrbane  the  Eighth  by  his  Bull  cenfured  the  faid  Book,  as  maintaining  divers  temera- 
rious and  dangerous  pofitions,  under  the  name  of  St.  Aujiine,  forbidding  all  Catho- 
licks  to  print  it,fell  it,or  keepit,for  the  future.  This  Bull  was  fent  to  the  Arch- 
bifliop  of  Mechline,  and  the  Bilhopof  Gant  to  fee  it  publiOied  and  obeyed  in  their 
Provinces.     But  they  bqth  refufed,  and,  for  refufing,  were  cited  to  appear  at  Kome :  "' 

and  not  appearing  by  themfelves,or  their  Pro  Aors,  were  fufpended  and  interdided 
by  the  Pope,  and  the  copy  of  the  fentence  affixed  to  the  door  of  the  great  Church  in 
BruSels.  Although  in  truth  tliey  durft  not  publilh  the  fentence  of  condemnation 
-without  the  Kings  Licence  i  and  were  exprefly  forbidden  by  the  Council  o{  Brabant 
to  appear  at  Rome  under  great  penalties,  as  appeareth  manifeftly  by  the  Proclamation 
ovFlacaet  of  the  Council  themfelves  dated  at  BrufJelr^May  12.  16'^^. 

Wherein  they  do  further  declare,  that  it  was  Sennelicls  enOg  notofj,&c.  tvet!  k^oron  W  n     • 

and  mtorioitfly  true  that  the  Snb]e£ls  of  thofe  Provinces,  nf  -what  flute  or  condition  foever,  eifJter  MtT. 
could  not  be  cited  nnr  convented  out  rf  the  Land,  neither    in  perfon,  nor  by  their  Pro&or    VelpiumTypO' 
(fllbW  OOClinfet  boot t>et bOff  ban  JKOOmcn)  ««  not  by  the  Court  o/Rome  it  fell  trafh.Reo- 
And  further  thzt  the  Frovifwns,SpiritualCenfnres,Excommunications,Sujj)enfions  and  Jn-  *""  "^***      ^ 
ierdiBians  of  that  Cotirt,  might  not  be  publijhed  or  put  in  execHtion,mthont  the  Kin/r^s  ap- 
probation, after  the  Councils  deliberation.     And  yet  further, they  do  ordain  that  t'he  faid 
defamatory  writing  (  fo  they  call  the  Copy  of  the  Pope's  fentence)  Jhould  be  torn  in 
pieces  in  the  great  Hall  of  theCottrt  at  BruiTels  by  the  door-keeper,  condemning  and  abolijh' 
ingthe  memory  thereof  for  ever.     Thus  all  Chrirtendom  do  joyn  unanimoufly  in  this 
truth,  that  not  the  Court  of  Rome,  but  their  own  Sovereigns  in  their  Councils  arc 
the  laft  Judges  of  their  National  Liberties  and  Priviledges.  ' 

I  pafs  from  Spain  to  Por/«g^/,  where  the  King  and  Kingdom  either  are  at  this  pre- 
fent time,  or  very  lately  were,  very  much  unfatisfied   with  the  Popei  and  all  about  The  King  of 
their  ancient  cuftoms  and  eflential  rights  of  the  Crown:  As  the  nomination  ot  their  ^^""£"1^°* 
ownBi(hops,without  which  condition  they  tell  the  Pope  plainly,  that  they  neither  ' 

can  nor  ought  to  receive  them :  That  if  others  than  the  Sovereign  Prince  have  the  name- 

ingof  them-,  then  fu^eUedperfons  may  be  intruded,  and  the  Realm  can  have  no  fecuri-  -^l^^'""/*  ^" 

mtat,pag.iQt 
ty  ■•  Pat.  ii. 


11^ 


A  Jnji  Vindication  T  O  M  li  I 


Pag>  40- 


ty  :  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  all  good  men,   and   the  judgment  of  moft  Learned 

Vat  5»'  men,  that  herein  the  Tope  doth  moji  grievrnfy  derogate  from  the  right  of  the   Cromi : 

That  it  is  done  in  favour  of  the  King  of  Cajiile^ldi  he  Ihould  either  revolt  from  his 

FagiA-  obedience  to  the  Pope,  or  make  War  againll:  him:  And  that  if  provifion  be  made 

contrary  to  juiikc,  for  the  private  interefri  of  the  B.oman  Court  fihrift's  right  is  betray- 

Fh-  yi'  fj^     They  advife  the  Pope  to  let  the  World  know  that  he  hathcare  of  fouls,  andkaves 

temporal  things  to  Trinces  :  That  if  he  perfift  to  change  the  cuftom  of  the  Church  to 

^"t-  3''         fi^e  prejudice  of  Portugal,Portugal  mzy  sind  ought  to  preferve  its  right  •,  and  that  if 

he  love  Caftile  more  than  Portugal,  Portugal  w  not  obliged  to   obey  him  more  than 

Callile. 

There  are  other  differences  like  wife,  as  namely  about  the  imprifoning  of  fome  Pre- 
lates for  Treafon,  to  which  they  make  this  plea,  that  f/;e  Laro  doth  re  arrant  it:  7hat 
Ecckfiajiical  immunities  are  not  oppofte  to  natttral  defence  :  'That  it  is  he  that  hurts  his 
Countrey,  rvho  hurts  his  oven  immunity. 

A  third  difference  was  about  the  Kings  intermedling  in  the  controverfies  of  Reli- 
gious perfonsv  to  which  they  anfwer,That  the  protection  of  the  Trince  is  not  a  violation^ 
hut  a  dtfence^of  the  rights  of  the  Church  :     That  it  is  the  duty  of  Catholick^  Trincei  to  fee 
Pat  iz  regular  difcipline  he  obferved.    The  Fourth  difference  is  about  Taxes  impofed  upon  Ec- 

clefiaftical  perfons,  and  the  taking  up  the  revenues  of  Bifhopricks  in  the  vacancy  i  to 
which  they  give  this  fatisfadion  that  all  orders  of  men  are  obliged  in  ptflice  to  contribute 
to  the  common  defence  of  the  Kingdom^and  their  orvn  tieceffary  protedion'-,  and  that  the  re- 
venues of  the  vacant  Bifliopricks  could  not  be  better  depofited  and  conferved,  than  when 
they  are  imployed  by  the  Trince  for  thepublichjfenefrt,  cum  onere  reftituendi. 

In  fumme  they  wifh  the  Pope  over  and  over  again  to  confider  ferioufly  the  danger 
of  thefe  courfes,  now  when  Herefie  (hews  it  fejf  with  fuch  confidence  throughout 
Europe  :  That  the  minds  of  men  are  inclined  tofufpeded  Opinions ;  That  St.Tetert 
Ship  which  hath  often  been  in  danger  in  a  calm  Sea,  ought  not  to  be  oppofed  to  the  violent 
courfe  of  jufl  complainers, who  think  themfelves  forlaken:  That  the  Church  of  Rome 
hath  lofi  many  Kingdoms,  rchich  have  tpithdraivn  their  obedience  and  reverential  rejpeS 
from  it,  for  much  lejfer  reafons :  That  they  had  learned  with  grief,  by  tbeir  lafl  repulfe, 
that  their  fubmiflions  and  iterated  fupplications  had  prejudiced  their  right ;  That 
the  Kings  Ambajjador,  the  Clergies  Meffenger,the  Agenffrom  the  tfjree  Orders  of  theKing- 
dom,had  found  nothing  at  Rome  from  trvo  Topes  but  negleUs,  affronts,a7id  repulfes:  And 
Laltly,  for  a  farewell,  that  Portugal  and  all  the  Provinces  that  belong  unto  it  in  Eu- 
rope, Afia,  Africa  and  America,  is  more  than  one  fwgle  Jheep.  which  is  as  much  as  if 
they  fhould  tell  him  in  plain  down  right  terms,  that  if  he  lofe  it  by  his  own  fault, 
helofeth  one  of  the  faireft  flowers  in  his  Garland.  What  the  iffue  of  this  will  be, 
God  onely  kpowes,  and  time  murt  difcover. 

I  will  conclude  this  point  with  the  Anfwer  of  the  Univerfity  of  Lifbone  to  certain 
Jmpeff-  Obr  Queftions  or  demands,  moved  unto  them  by  the  States  or  Orders  of  Tortugal. 
itflo*'""'  The  firft  Queftion  was,  whether  in  cafe  there  were  no  recourfe  to  the  Pope,  the 
King  of  Tortugal  might  permit  the  confecration  of  Bifhops  without  the  Pope  in  his 
Kingdom  ?  To  which  their  Anfwer  was  Affirmative,  that  he  might  do  it,  becaufe 
Epifcopacy  was  of  divine  right,  but  the  refervation  of  the  Topes  approbation  was  of  httmane 
right,  which  doth  not  bind  in  extreme,nor  in  very  great,necefny. 

The  Second  Queflion,  Whether  there  was  extreme  neceflity  of  confecrating  new 
Bifhops  in  Tortugal  ?  Their  Anfwer  was  Affirmative ,  That  there  was,  becaufe  there 
was  but  One  Bifhop  left  in  Tortugal ,  and  Six  and  twenty  wanting  in  the  tell  of  the 
King's  Dominions. 

The  Third  Queftion  was,Whether  Tortugal  had  then  been  obliged  to  have  recourfe 
to  the  Pope  for  his  approbation?  The  Anfwer  was  Negative,That  they  had  noti  Firfl, 
Becaufe  the  Caftilians  had  attempted  to  flay  their  Embaffadors  before  the  eyes  of  Vr^ 
ban  the  Eighth,  and  Innocent  the  Tenth,(b  there  was  no  fafe  recourfe:  And  Secondly, 
Becaufe  their  Embaffadors  could  not  prevail  with  the  Pope  in  Nine  years,by  all  their 
folicitations :  So  there  was  no  hope  to  obtain. 

The  Fourth  Queftion  was ,  Whether  the  permiffion  of  this  were  Scandalous  ? 
The  Anfwer  was  Negative  ,  That  it  was  not:  Firft ,  Becaufe  it  was  a  greater  fcan- 
dal  to  want  Bilhops;  Secondly,  Becaufe  the  King  had  ufed  all  due  means  to 

obtain 


¥aiti%- 

Pafil- 

Pog-Ai' 

Pag.  44. 

Pag.  AS- 

Discourse  II.       Of  the  Clmrch  of  England.  i  ,p 


obtain  the  Pope's  approbation:  Thirdly,  Becaufe  it  was  done  out  of  extreme  ne- 
cellity. 

The  Fifth  and  Laft  Queftion  was ,  How  Bifhops  were  to  be  provided  >  They 
anfwered.  That  it  was  to  be  done  according  to  Law,  by  the  eledion  of  the  refpedtive 
Chapters,  and  by  the  prcfentation  of  the  King ,  as  it  was  of  old  in  Spain  and  Tortit- 
gal,  and  was  ftill  obferved  in  Germany  and  elle  where. 

From  Spain  and  Portugal ,  it  is  now  high  time  to  pafs  over  into  Italy :  where  we 
meet  with  the  Republick  of  Venice  ,  obhged  in  fome  fort  to  the  Papacy  for  that  ho- 
nour, and  grandeur,  and  profit,  and  advantage  ,  which  the  Italian  Nation  doth 
reap  from  it.  Yet  have  not  they  wanted  their  difcontents,  and  differences ,  and  dif- 
putes  with  the  Court  of  Kome. 

The  Republick  of  Venice  had  made  feveral  Laws :  As  Firft,  that  no  Ecclefiafti-  Maii  *?.  An. 
cal  perfon  Ihould  make  any  claim  or  pretence  to  any  bona  Emphytentica ,  (  as  the  1 601.  J  an. to. 
Lawyers  call  them  )  that  is,  waft  lands,  that  had  been  planted  and  improved  by  ^"^ '*P?- 
the  great  charge ,  and  induftry ,  and  good  culture ,  of  the  Fee-farmers,  which  were  An?"6ol^' 
pofTeffed  by  the  Laity  :     Secondly, that  no  perfon  whatfoever,  within  their  Domi-  Buha  Pauli 
nions,  (hould  found  any  Church  ,  Monaftery  ,  Hofpital ,  or  other  Religious  houfe   gn'nti  dat. 
without  the  fpecial  Licenfe  of  the  State,  upon  pain  of  imprifonment ,  and  banifli-  ^^"1'  ^^'  ''* 
ment,  and  confifcation  of  the  foil  and  buildings  ;     Thirdly,  that  none  of  their  fub-  Veminn 
jeds  fhould  alienate  any  Lands  to  the  Church,  or  in  favour  of  any  Ecclefiaftical  per-  Lawi. 
fons,  fecular  or  regular ,  without  the  fpecial  Licence  of  the  Senate ,  upon  pain  that 
the  Lands  Co  alienated  fhould  be  fold  ,  and  the  Money  divided  between  the  Com- 
monwealth, the  Magiftrate  executing  the  Law,  and  the  party  profecuting  the  Pro- 
cefs :  Fourthly,  the  Duke  and  the  Senate  had  imprifoned  an  Abbat  and  a  Canon,  for 
certain  crimes  whereof  they  itood  convidted. 

Pj«/ the  Fifth  refented  thefe  things  very  highly,  and  commanded  the  Duke  and 
Senate  of  Venice  to  abrogate  thefe  Laws  ,  fo  prejudicial  to   the  Authority  of  the  Bulla  eadem 
Pope  ,  to  the  Rights  of  Holy  Church,    and  to  the  Priviledges  of  Ecclefiaftical  per-  ThcPopt/i 
fons  ,  and  to  fet  their prifoners  forthwith  at  liberty:  Or  otherwife,in  cafe  of  difobe-  ^""' 
dience  ,  he  excommunicated  the  Duke  and  Senate,    and  all  their  partakers  i  and 
fubjeded  the  City  of  Venice,  and  all  the  Dominions  thereunto  belonging   to  an  In- 
terdidti  and  moreover,  declared  all  the  Lands  and  Goods,  which  either  the  City 
of  Venice  ,  or  any  of  the  perfons  excommunicated  ,  did  hold  of  the  Church  to  be 
forfeited:  And  Laftly,  commanded  all  Ecclefiaftical  perfons ,  high  and  low,  upon 
their  obedience  ,  to  publifh  that  Bull,  and  to  forbear  to  celebrate  all  Divine  Offices 
according  to  the  Interdid ,  upon  pains  contained  therein  ,  as  alfo  of  Sufpenfion 
Sequeftration,  Deprivation,  and  incapacity  to  hold  any  Ecclefiaftical  Preferments  for 
the  future. 

But  what  did  the  Venetians ,  whileft  Paul  the  Fifth  thundered   againft  them  in  Slighted  by 
this  manner  >  They  maintained  their  Lawsi  They  detained  their  Prifoners  ■■,  They  'he  Venetiam. 
protefted  publickly  before  God  and  the  world,  againft  the  Pope's  Bull,  as  unjuft  and  ^'■»ffr<eZ.fon<ir- 
void  ,  made  without  reafon,  againft  the  Scriptures ,  and  the  Dodtrine  of  the  Holy  Ve^e"'Fa'!l'* 
Fathers,  and  the  Canons  of  the  Church,  to  the  high  prejudice  of  the  fecular  pow-  Muii6.\6Qi. 
cr ,  with  grievous  and  univerfal  fcandal  i  They  commanded  all  the  Clergy  within 
their  Dominions  to  celebrate  Divine   Offices  duly ,  notwithftanding  the  Pope's  In- 
terdid.     And  at  the  fame  time ,  they  publifhed  and  licenfed  fundry  other  Writings 
tending  to  the  lefTening  of  the  Papal  greatnefs ,  and  Jurifdidtion  of  the  Koman 
Court.     Sundry  of  which  Books  were  condemned  by  the  Inquifition ,  as  containing 
in  them  many  things  temerarious,  calumniou{,fcandalou(jeditioiisjchifm.7tic'3l^  heretical, 
and  the  reading  and  keeping  of  them  was  prohibited,  under  pain  of  excommunici-  ffJoriatar' 

*'0"-    .       ,  ■  tic.l.4.p.i4i' 

Durmg  this  conteftation ,  the  Duke  of  Venice  died  i  and  the  Pope  prohibited 
the  Venetians  to  proceed  to  the  Elcdlion  of  a  new  Duke.  The  Senate  notwith-  ■'''""  '• ''  ^ 
ftanding  the  Pope's  injundtion  or  inhibition ,  proceed  to  the  Eledtion.  The  people  ''*" 
are  unanimous  ,  and  refolute  to  defend  their  juft  Liberties.  The  Clergy  celebrate 
Divine  Offices  duly,  notwithftanding  the  Pope's  Interdidl.  Onely  One  Order, 
with  fome  few  others ,  adhered  to  the  Pope,  and  for  their  labour,  were  baniftied 
«Out  of  the  Venetian  City  and  Territories.    The  Pope  called  home  his  Legate  from 

Venice. 


I20 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TO  M  E  I. 


VenettAn  Do- 
diines. 

Pud.  Pad. 
Jftft.  part.  1. 4 
h  >45- 


Nicomaco 
Philal.  aver' 
timent  vert, 
pal.  2?. 


Venice.  The  Venetians  revoked  their  Embaffadors  ordinary  and  extraordinary  troni 
Kome.  The  Pope  ineitcd  the  King  of  Spain  to  make  war  againlt  the  Pvcpublick ,  to 
reduce  them  to  the  obedience  of  the  Church.  And  the  Venetians  being  aided  by  their 
Koman-Catholick^  AWks^  armed  themfelves  for  their  own  defence.  _ 

It  is  not  unworthy  of  our  obfervation,  what  was  the  Dodiine  of  the  Venetian 
Preachers  and  Writers  in  thofe  days  ,^as  it  is  fummcd  up  by  an  Eyc-witnefs ,  and  a 
great  A(Sor  in  thofe  affairs  :  That  God  had  conjlituted  Two  Govermnents  in  the  jvorld  ; 
i  the  one  fiiritual ,  the  other  temporal .,  either  of  them  Snvereinn  in  their  kind.,  and  inde- 
pendent the  one  upon  the  other:  That  the  care  of  thefiiritual  vcm  committed  to  the  Apo- 
jUes  and  their  Succeffors.  Not  to  St.  Peter  as  a  fingle  Apoftle,  and  his  SucceiTors 
alone,  cither  at  y^OTwc^,  or  at  Rome,  as  if  all  the  reft  were  but  Delegates  for  term 
of  life,  wherein  they  agreed  juftly  with  us  •,  that  as  each  particular  Bifliop  is  there- 
fpedive  Head  of  his  proper  Church  ",  fo  Epifcopacy,  or  St.  Cyprian's  nnm  Epifcopa- 
tui  ,  the  conjoynt  body  of  Biftiops,  is  the  Ecclefiaftical  Head  of  the  militant  Church : 
That  the  care  of  the  temporal  Government  i^  committed  to  Sovereign  Princes :  That  theje 
Ttro  cannot  intrude  the  one  into  the  office  of  the  other :  That  the  Pope  hath  no  power  to 
annuU  the  Laves  of  Princes  in  temporal  things  ^  tior  to  deprive  them  of  their  Ejlates,  nor 
to  free  their  Stib]eUsf-om  their  Allegiance:  That  the  attempt  to  depofe  Kings  tvm  but  '^20 
years  old ,  contrary  to  Scriptures ,  contrary  to  the  examples  of  Chriji  and  of  the  Saints  : 
That  to  teach  ,  that  in  cafe  of  controverfie  hetrveen  the  Pope  and  a  Prince  ,  it  ii  lairftd  to 
perfeaite  him  by  treachery  or  force  i  Or  that  his  rebellious  Stibjeiis  may  purchafe  by  it  remif- 
ftonoffins^  ifafeditiousandfacrilegioufVo&rine:  That  the  exemption  of  Ecclefiajiical 
perfons  and  their  goods  from  the  fecular  power  ,  is  not  from  the  Late  of  God  ,  but  from 
the  piety  of  Princes ,  fometimes  more  ,  fometimes  lefs ,  according  to  the  exigence  of  af- 
fairs :  That  Papal  exemptions  of  the  Clergy  are  injome  places  not  received  at  all,  in  other 
places  but  received  in  part  '■>  And  that  they  have  no  efficacy  or  validity  farther  than  they  are 
received:  Th^t  nottvithfianding  any  exemption ,  Sovereigns  have  porvcr  over  their  perfons 
and  goods.,  vohenfoever  the  neceffity  of  the  Commonrfealth  recjttires  it :  That  if  any  exem- 
ption vphatfoever  he  abufed  to  the  dijlurbance  of  the  pitblick^  tranqttillity ,  the  Prince  is  obli- 
ged to  provide  remedy  for  it :  That  the  Pope  ought  not  to  hold  himfelf  Infallible  ,  nor  pro- 
mife  himfelf  fitch  Divine  Affifl:ance  :  That  the  Authority  to  Bind  and  Loofe  if  to  be  tmder- 
ftood ,  clave  non  errante  :  That  ivhen  the  Pope  hath  cenfured  or  excommunicated  a 
Prince ,  the  Doctors  may  lan^fully  examine  rehether  his  k^y  have  erred  or  not  ■■,  And  rchen 
the  Prince  is  certified  that  the  Cenfure  againfr  him  or  his  Stibje&s  is  invalid.,  he  may  and 
ought ,  for  the  prefervation  of  publick^peace.,  to  hinder  the  execution  thereof,  prcfirviurr  his 
Keligion  and  convenient  reverence  to  the  Church :  That  the  excommunication  of  a  inulti- 
tude,  or  a  Prince  that  commands  much  people ,  is  pernicious  and  facrilegioiis  :  That  the 
nerv  name  of  blind  Obedience  lately  invented ,  rvas  unknown  to  the  ancient  Church  ,  and 
to  all  good  Theologians  •,  deftroyes  the  efience  of  virtue,  which  is  to  tvnrk^  by  certain  k>!orf- 
ledge  andeleCiion  ■■>  expofeth  to  danger  of  offending  God,  excufeth  not  the  errors  of  ajpirt- 
tual  Prince,  and  rvas  apt  to  raije  fedition ,  as  the  experience  of  the  lajl  Forty  years 
had  manifelied.  What  Conclufion  would  have  followed  from  thcfe  PremifTes,  if 
they  had  been  throughly  purfued ,  it  were  no  difficult  matter  to  determine. 

It  may  perhaps  be  objedred.   That  the  Venetian  State  had  thefe  priviledges  grant- 
ed to  them  by  the  Popes  ,  and  Court  oi'Kome.     And  it  is  thus  far  true.  That  they 
had  Five  Bulls ,  Two  of  Sixtus  the  Fourth ,  One  of  Innocent  the  Eighth  ,  One  of 
Alexander  the  Sixth ,  and  the  laft  of  Paul  the  Third.     But  it  is  as  true ,  that  none  • 
of  thefe  Bulls  concerned  any  of  the  matters  in  debate  ,  but  onely  the  punifhment  of 
delinquent  Ckrgy-men.     It  hath  been  an  old  fubtlety  of  the  Popes,  that  when  the 
Emperors  fer  Councils  had  granted  any  Ecclefiaftical  priviledges  or  honour  to  any 
perlbn  or  Society  which  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  crols  ■■,  yet  ftraightway  their 
Bulls  did  fly  abroad  ,  either  of  Conceflion  ,  or  Confirmation ,  or  Delegation ,  to 
make  the  world  believe  that  nothing  could  be  done  without  them. 

But  how  or  by  what  right  did  the  Venetians  claim  thefe  priviledges^  By  virtue 
of  any  Papal  Bulls  ?  No  fuch  thing.  But  by  the  Law  of  Nature,  as  an  efTential 
right  of  Sovereignty ,  and  by  a  moft  ancient  Cuftom  of  1200.  years,  that  is,  a 
thoufand  years  before  the  Firft  Bull  was  dated,  as  appeareth  by  a  Letter  of  the 
Senate  of  Venice  to  the  Venetian  Commons  their  Subje<fts. 

Secondly , 


Discourse  If.       Of  the  Chnrch  of  Eng]a.nd. 


121 


Secondly  ,  it  may  be  urged  further ,  that  the  Venetians  did  not  make  a  7otal 
and  perpetual/eperation  trora  Home.  No  more  did  England^  iiby  Kome  we  under- 
Itand  the  Clmrch  of  Kome.  Firft  not  Total,  but  onely  tn  particular  points  wherein  they 
were  fallen ,  both  from  themfehes  in  their  ancient  integrity ,  and  from  the  Apoftolical  Can.  30. 
Churches  rvhich  were  their  Firfi  Founders ,  which  are  the  very  words  of  our  Canon: 
Secondly ,  not  perpetual ,  but  onely  temporary,  until  their  errors  be  amended  ,  and* 
abufes  reformed. 

But  if  by  Kome  be  underftood  the  Koman  Court ,  the  cafe  of  Venice  and  Enabnd 
is  much  diiferent.  They  acknowledge  themfclves  to  be  juftly  fubjed:  to  the  Roman 
Patriarch  i  we  do  altogether  deny  his  Jurifdidiion  over  us :  The  vicinity  of  Venice 
renders  them  capable  of  receiving  Juftice  from  Kome--,  which  the  diftance  of  Ena- 
land^hcing  fo  far  divided  by  Seas  and  Mountains,  doth  hinder  us  of:  Their  interef} 
invited  them  to  a  conjundion  with  Rome^  ours  is  againft  it.  But  yet  they  take  care 
for  their  own  fecurity  and  indemnity  ,  that  the  Papacy  ,  which  they  fubmitted 
unto ,  {hould  be  toothlcfs  ,  not  able  to  bite  them  or  injure  them.  If  that  Papacy 
which  they  fought  to  have  obtruded  upon  us,  had  been  fuch  an  one,  in  probability 
they  had  not  fo  quickly  been  turned  out  of  doors. 

LalHy,  it  may  be  objeded,  that  the  Points  in  difference  between  Kome  and  us, 
be  many  more,than  thofe  which  were  in  difference  between  Kome  and  Venice.  This 
indeed  is  molt  true  i  but  not  much  material.  More  or  le/s  do  not  vary  the  kind  or 
nature  of  any  thing.  Whether  their  Liberties  or  ours  be  of  greater  or  lelfer  extent,  is 
impertinent  to  our  Qucftion.  If  Venice  ought  to  enjoy  their  ancient  Liberties  and 
Cultoms ,  then  fo  ought  England  alfo.  If  the  Venetians  ought  to  be  the  lafl  Judges 
of  their  own  pretenfions ,  what  their  ancient  Cuftoms  and  Liberties  were  i  thenfo 
ought  we  to  be  likewife.  Not  the  Pope  and  his  Conclave  of  Cardinals  ;  which  if 
Venice  would  not  endure,  we  have  much  left  reafon  to  endure  it.  What  Canons 
have  been  received  with  us,  and  how  far,  and  where  our  Ihoe  did  wring  us ,  none 
knew  (b  well  as  our  felves. 

The  chiefeft  difference  between  our  cafe  ,  and  that  of  Venice  ,  feems  to  me  to  be 
this:  That  we  were  put  to  an  after-game  ,  fo  were  not  they  :  They  preferved  their 
rights  and  priviledges ,  then  in  Quefiion  ,  intire  from  the  ufurpations  of  the  Ro- 
man Court  i  we  were  neceih'tated  in  part  to  retrive  and  vindicate  ours :  Theirs  was 
properly  a  Confervationi  ours  a  Reformation  :  They  might  thank  the  unanimity  of 
their  Subjeds ,  the  loyalty  of  their  Ckrgy  ,  and  their  nearer  acquaintance  with 
Kome,  for  their  advantages  we  might  blame  the  Barons  Wars,  and  the  contenti- 
ons between  the  Houfes  of  Tor^  and  Lancajier ,  and  a  kind  of  fuperftitious  venerati- 
on of  that  See,  occafioned  by  our  diftance  and  want  of  experimental  knowledge, 
for  our  difadvantage. 

But  to  come  to  the  Cataflrophe  of  this  bufinefs ,  both  fides  grew  weary  of  the 
difference.     Chriftian Princes  mediated  a  Peace  ,  efpecially  the  molt  Chriftian  King.  Jn'iJ'h"P^^' 
The  Venetians  were  contented  to  (hake  hands  and  be  friends  with  the  Court  of  netitn  trou-' 
Rome  :  But  without  any  reparation,  or  fubmiffion  ,  or  confeflion  ,  or  fo  much  as  •»'«. 
a'requefl  to  be  made  on  their  parts.     They  refufed  to  abrogate  any  one  of  the  Laws 
complained  of     They  refijfed(  though  the  Pope  did  prefs it  molt  inftantly,  and  the 
Cardinal  Joyeufe  did  affure  them  that  it  would  be  more  acceptable  to  his  Holinefs  than 
the  conquefl  of  a  Kingdom, )  to  readmit  the  banifhed  perfons  into  their  City.     They 
lefufed  to  take  an  Abfolution  CromKome  ;  Yea,  they  were  fo  far  from  it,  that  when 
the  Ambaffadour  intreatedthat  the  Duke  might  receive  a  benediction  from  him  pub- 
lickly  in  the  Church,  both  the  Duke  and  the  Senate  did  refolutely  oppofe  it,  becaufe  it 
had  fome  appearance  of  an  Abfolution. 

A  man  would  have  thought  that  this  might  have  fufficed  to  have  taught  the  Popes 
more  wit,  than  to  have  hazarded  their  reputation  again,  fo  near  home,  where  they  arc 
fo  well  known.  But  it  did  not.  They  adventured  after  this  to  make  their  fpiritual 
weapons  fubfervientto  their  temporal  ends,  by  Excommunicating  and  Interdicting 
the  Duke  of  Parma  and  his  Subjeds,  with  little  better  fuccefs. 

I  expedt  that  it  fhouldbe  alledged.  That  all  theProjeds  of  France  for  a  new  Pa- 
triarchate, and  the  Memorials  of  Caflile^^nd  the  bleatingsof  Portugal,  dec.  were  but 
pcrfonated  fliews ,  to  terrifie Popes  into  their  duties,     Andin  part  I  do  believe  it  to 

N  be 


122  A  Jufi  Vindication  TOME  I. 

be  true.  But  withal  they  mult  yield  thus  much  unto  me,  that  it  is  tor  children  to  be 
terrified  with  grimaces,  or  painted  vizards,  which  fignifie  nothing.  To  work  upon 
wife  men  there  muft  beprobableand  juft  grounds,  that  fuch  things  as  are  pretended 
may  be,  and  will  be,effcded.  Wehavefaid  enough  tofliew  that  all  ChrilHan  Na- 
tions do  challenge  this  right  to  themfelves,  to  be  thelall  Judges  of  their  own  Liberties 
and  Priviledges. 


I 


CHAP.    VIII. 

That  the  Pope  and  the  Court  of  Rome  are   vioji  gnilty  of  the 
Schifm. 

Am  come  now  to  my  Sixth  and  laft  Propolition,  which  brings  the  Schifm  home 
to  their  own  doors.  Wherein  I  endeavour  to  demonftrate,  that  the  Church  of 
The  Church,  ""  Rome,  or  rather  the  Pope  and  the  Court  0/ Rome,  are  caufaVy  guilty  both  of  this 
r"[h/S*''  Schifm,and  almo\l  all  other  Schifms  in  the  Church.  Firft,by  feeking  to  ufurp  an  higher 
cfRtmehfoMT  place  and  power  in  the  body  Ecdefiaftical,  than  of  right  is  due  unto  them.  Se- 
ways  guilty  of  condly,  by  feparating,  both  by  their  Doftrines  and  cenfures,  three  parts  of  the 
Schifm.  Chriftian  World  from  tlieir  Communion,  and,  as  much  as  in  them  lyes,  from  the 

Communion  of  Chrirt.  Thirdly,  by  rebelling  againft  Geiieral  Councils.  Laftly, 
by  breaking  or  taking  away  all  the  lines  of  Apoftolical  Succelliou  except  their  own. 
Firft,  they  make  the  Church  of  Kome  to  be  not  onely  the  Sifter  of  all  other  Patri- 
archal Churches,  and  the  Mother  of  many  Churches,  but  to  be  the  Lady  and  Miftrefs 
of  all  Churches  ■■,  to  be  not  onely  a  prime  jlone  in  the  building,  but  the  vei^  foundati- 
on ■■>  to  be  not  onely  a  rf/pfd?iw  foundation,  in  relation  to  this  or  that  time  and  place, 
(  as  all  the  Apoftlesand  all  Apoftolical  Churches  were,  and  all  good  Paftours  and  all 
Orthodox  Churches  are,  )but  to  beanabfolute  foundation  for  all  pcrfons,  in  all  pla- 
I  Cor.  3.  II.  ces,  at  all  times,  which  is  proper  to  Chrilt  alone  :  Other  foundation  can  noman  lay  than 
that  which  U  laid,  even  Jepis  Chrifl.  They  hold  it  not  enough  for  the  Roman  Church 
to  be  a  top- branch,  unlels  it  may  be  the  root  of  Chriftian  Religion,  or  at  leaft  of  all 
that  ]urifdi(ftion  which  Chrift  left  as  a  Legacy  to  his  Church.  In  all  which  claim 
by  the  Church  of  Kome,  they  underftand  not  the  eflential  Church,  nor  yet  the  re- 
preientative  Church,  a  Roman  Synod,  butthe  Virtual  Church  which  is  inverted  with 
Ecclefiaflical  power,  that  is,  the  Pope  with  his  Cardinals  and  Minifters.  When  any 
member  how  eminent  foever  fcorns  its  proper  place  in  the  body,  whether  natural,  or 
Political,  or  Ecclefiaflical,  and  feeks  to  ufurp  the  Office  of  the  head  \  it  muft  of  ne- 
cellity  produce  a  diforder,  and  difturbance,  and  confufion,  and  Schilrn  of  the  re- 
rpe<flive  members.    This  is  one  degree  of  Schifmatical  pravity. 

But  in  the  (ccond  place,  we  prefs  the  crime  of  Schifin  more  home  againft  the 
Court  of  Kome,  than  againft  the  Church  of  Kome.     It  is  the  Court  of  Kcme  which 
partly  by  obtruding  new  Creeds,  and  new  Articles  of  faith  •>  and  efpecially  this  do- 
(ftrine,  That  it  is  neceflary  for  every  Chriftian  under  pain  of  damnation  to  be  fubjedl 
to  the  Biftiop  of  Kome,  as  the  Vicar  of  Chrift,  by  divine  Ordination  upon  earth, 
(  that  is,  ineffed,  to  be  fubjed  to  themfelves  who  are  his  Council  and  Officers,  3 
yea,  even  thofe  who  by  reafon  of  their  remoteneft  never  heard  of  the  name  of  Kcme, 
•without  which  it  will  profit  them  nothing  to  have holden  the  Catholick  Faith  intire- 
ly :  And  partly  by  their  Tyrannical  and  Uncharitable  cendires  have  {eparated  all 
the  Afiatick^,  Afrrican,  Grecian,  Kufpan,  and  Protefiant  Churches  from  their  Commu- 
nion, not  onely  negatively,in  the  way  of  Chrijiian  difcretion,  by  withdrawing  of  them- 
felves for  fear  of  infcdion  i   But  privatively  and  j4uthoritatively,bY  way' of  Jurifdidi- 
e»,  excluding  them  C  fo  much  as  in  them  lyeth)from  the  Communion  of  C/;ri/f  i 
though   thole  Churches  fo  chafed  awayby  them  contain  three  times  more  Chriftian 
fouls  than  the  Church  of  Kome  it  felf,  with  all  its  dependents  and  adherents  imany 
of  which  do  fuffer  more  preffures  for  the  Teftimony  of  Chrift ,  than  the  Romanijh 
do  gain  advantages ,  and  are  ready  to  (bed  the  laft  drop  of  their  blood  for  the  leaft 

known 


Discourse  If.        Of  the  Cfmrch  of  Eno^hnd.  j^;? 


known  particle  of  faving  Truths  onely  becaufe  they  will  not   ftrike  topfail  to  the 
Pope's  Crofs -keys,  nor  buy  Indulgences  and  fudi  hke  trinkets  at  Rome.    It  is  not 
pafton  ,  but  a^iion  ,  that  makes  a  Schifm.ttickj,    to  defert  the  Communion  of  ChrijU^ 
ans  voluntarily ,  not  to  be  thruft  away  from  it  unwillingly.     For  divers  years  in  the 
beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Reign  ,  there  was  no  Kecufant  known  in  Engbnd  •■, 
But  even  they  who  were  moft  addided  to  Komtn  Opinions,  yet  frequented  our 
Churches  and  publick  AfTemblies,  and  did  joyn  with  us  in  the  ufe  of  the  fame  Pray- 
ers and  Divine  Offices ,  without  any  fcruple,  until  they  were  prohibited  by  a  Papal 
Bull-,  meerly  for  the  intereft  of  the  Koman  Court.     This  was  the  true  beginning  of 
the  Schifm  between  us  and  them.     I  never  yet  heard  any  of  that  party  charge  our 
Liturgy  with  any  error ,  except  of  omillion,  that  it  wanted  fomething  which  thev 
■would  have  infertcd-,  I  wifli  theirs  as  free  from  exception,  to  try  whether  we  would 
(hun  their  Communion  in  the  publick  Service  of  God.     Charity  would  rather  chuft 
to  want  fomething  that   was  lawful  ,  than  willingly  to  give  occafion  of  offence. 
But  to  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  Schifm  in  the  Third  place  ■■,  the  Papacy  it  felf 
(qua  talli^y  as  it  is  now  maintained  by  many,  with  fuperiority  above  General 
Councils,  and  a  Sovereign  Power  paramount  to  confirm  or  rejed  their  Sandtions 
isthecaufe  either  procreant ,  or  confervant,  or  both,  of  all  or  the   mofi  part  of 
the  Schifms  in  Chrillendom.     To  rebel  againft  the  Catholick  Church  ,  and  its  re- 
prefentative ,  a  General  Council ,  which  is  the  lafl  vifible  Judge  of  Controverfies 
and  the  fupreme  Ecclefiaftical  Court,  either  is  grofs  Schifm,  or  there  is  no  fuch  thin^^ 
as  Schifmatical  pravity  in  the  world. 

I  fay,  the  Bifliops  of  Kome  have  exempted  themfelves  and  their  Court ,  from  the 
Jurifdiftion  of  an  Ofc«mrazWCo««ci/,  and  made  themfelves  Sovereign  Monarchs, 
and  Univerfal  Bifhops,   in  tonus  Eccleji^  injuriam  &  dijfcijjjonem  ■■,  to  the  xvrang  of  the  Gregorl 


ons  of  Sovereign  Princes  and  Synods-,  contrary  to  their  own  Laws  which  allow  Ap- 
peals from  them  ,  To  often  as  they  tranfgrefs  the  Canons,  and  fubjedt  them  to  the 
Judgment  of  the  Church,  not  onely  in  cafe  of  Herefie,   which  the  moft  of  them- 
felves do  acknowledge  ,  and  Schifm  and  Simony  ,  which  many  of  them  do  not  de-  ^'  '^  Capitu* 
ny  :   but  alfo  of  Scandal  •,  contrary  to  fb  many  Appellations  from  them  by  Chriffian      '^'^'  ^°' 
Princes,  Prelates,   and  Univerfities  i  contrary  to  the  judgment  ofalmofl  all  the  c.  n     r  • 
Cifjlpine  Frehtcs ,  Spanip ,  French,    Dutch,  aifemhled  zt  Trent ;    contrary  to  the  ccmpe7enrer."' 
Decrees  of  fb  many  Councils  both  General  and  Provincial,   which  have  limited  ^£^.7-Glqff: 
their  Jurifdidtion ,  fet  down  the  true  reafon  of  their  greatnefs ,   refcinded  their  fen-  '^  fij"?"  <^'fl' 
fences ,  forbidden  appeals  to  them,  condemned  their  pragmatical  intrufionof  them-  m'^qu'i^'' 
fclves  into  the  affairs  of  other  Churches ,  as  being  contrary  to  the  Decrees  of  the 
Fathers  which  have  judged  them ,  and  condemned  them  of  Herefie ,  Schifm ,  Si-  Hifl.  Cone. 
mony,  and  other  mifdemeanors ,  which  have  depofed  them  by  Two  or  Three  at  a  ''"'^•^-  7.  lo. 
time,  whereof  one  was  undoubtedly  the  true  Pope.     Thefe  things  are  fo  obvions 
in  the  Hiftory  of  the  Church ,  that  it  were  vanity  and  loft  labour  to  prove  them. 
But  efpecially  contrary  to  the  Councils  of  Conlhnce  and  Baftl ,  which  have  decreed  r      r   n 
cxprefiy  ,  that  the  Top  Ufubjed  to  a  General  Council,  oi  well  in  matter  of  Faith,  as  of  Seff.\, 
manners  :  So  M  he  may  not   onely  be  correUed  i  but  if  he  be  incorrigible ,  he  depofed. 
This  is  determined  in  the  Council  of  Conjlance ,  and  confirmed  in    the  Council  of  Con.  BafiL 
Bafil,  with  this  addition,  that  rvhofoever  oppfeth  this  truth  pertinacioujly,  U  to  he  reputed  ^'^•^' 
an  Heretick- 

This  Decree  of  the  Council  wounds  deep ,  becaufe  it  is  fo  evident  and  clear  in 
the  point ,  and  becaufe  the  Decrees  thereof  were  confirmed  by  Martine  the  Fifth.  But 
the  Komanifts  have  found  out  a  falve  for  it.  That  Tope  Martine  confirmed  onely  thofe 
"Decrees  rehich  vcere  conciliarly  made,  that  is,  with  the  influence  and  concurrence  of 
the  Pope,  as  the  condemnation  of  JVickJiff  znd  Hufs  :  but  not  thole  Decrees  which 
■were  not  conciliarly  made,  that  is,  which  wanted  the  influence  of  the  Pope  ;  as  the 
Decree  of  the  Superiority  of  the  Council  above  the  Pope.  Which  ouglu  to  be  under* 
flood  (fay  they)  onely  of  dubious  Popes. 

For  clearing  of  which  doubt ,  I  propofe  feveral  Coniiderations  : 

N  2  Firft, 


c 


134 


A  Jttft  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


The  Popes 
confirmation 
of  Councils 
of  no  value. 


The  decree  of 

the  Councils 

Superiority 

above  the 

Popcmoft 

conciliarly 

made. 


Firft  that  it  is  not  material,  whether  the  Decree  were  conrirmcd  by  the  Pope, 
or  not.'  There  are  Two  forts  of  ConHrmation,  Ap^rubative  ^  and  Jjiihoritative.  " 
Approbative  ConHrmation  is  by  way  of  Teftimony ,  or  Suffrage ,  or  Reception. 
And  fo  an  Inferiour  may  confirm  the  Ads  of  his  Superiour  i  as  it  is  faid  ,  that  the 
Saintfjhall judge  the  TPor Id,  that  is  ,  by  their  Dodrine  ,  by  their  example,  and  by 
their  approbative  fuffrage  i  Jjifi  art  thou,  0  Lord ,  a}id  right  are  thy  judgments.  Au- 
thoritative Confirmation  impUes  either  a  fole  Legiflative  power ,  or  at  leaft  a  nega- 
tive voice  :  Whereas  it  is  as  clear  as  the  light ,  that  the  Popes  anciently  never  had 
either  the  one  or  the  other  in  the  Catholick  Church.  We  meet  with  no  Confirma- 
tions of  General  Councils  of  old  ,  but  onely  by  the  Emperors ,  whereby  Ecclefia- 
ftical  Sandtions  became  Civil  Laws ,  and  obliged  all  the  Subjeds  of  the  Empire  un- 
der a  civil  pain.  Wherefore  it  is  no  matter ,  whether  the  Pope  confirmed  the  De- 
cree or  not  whether  it  was  confirmed  or  unconfirmed  ■■>  it  lets  us  fee  what  was 
the  Catholick  Tradition  ,  and  the  fenfc  of  the  Chrifiian  world  in  thofe  days ,  and 

we  abide  in  it. 

Secondly ,  I  reply  ,    that  this  Decree  was  moft  conciliarly  made  ,    and  confe- 
quently  confirmed  i  made  after  due  examination  and  difculiion,  without  any  under- 
hand packing  or  labouring  for  voicesi  made  in  the  publick  Sellion,  not  privately,be- 
fore  the  Deputies  of  the  Nations.  For  clearing  whereof  take  this  Dilemma.Either  this 
decree  and  the  fubfequent  Ads  done  by  virtue  and  in  execution  thereof, were  concili- 
arly made  and  confirmed,and  confequently  valid  in  the  judgment  of  the  Komaniftt 
themfelves,or  unconciliarly  made,&  confequently  according  to  their  rules,notconfirmed 
but  invalid.  If  they  grant,that  this  Decree  was  conciliarly  made  and  confirmed,  then 
they  grant  the  Queftion.  If  they  fay  it  was  not  conciliarly  made  nor  confirmed,  then 
Afor««e  the  Fifth  was  no  true  Pope,  but  an  intruder  and  anufurper,&  confequently  his 
Confirmation  was  of  no  valuer  for  inpurfuance  of  this  very  Decree,&  by  virtue  of  that 
Dodrine  therein  delivered,  the  other  Popes  were  depofed,  and  he  was  created  Pope. 
But  to  clear  that  paffage  from  all  ambiguity.     There  were  in  the  Council  of  Co«- 
ftance  the  Deputies  of  the  Nations,  as  a  feleded  Committee  ,  to  examine  matters, 
and  profecute  them ,  and  prepare  them  for  the  Council.    What  was  done  apart  by 
thefe  Deputies ,  by  this  Committee  ,   was  not   conciliarly   done.     But  what  was 
done  in  the  publick  Seilion  of  the  Council ,  upon  their  report,  that  was  conciliarly 
done.     Now  fo  it  was,  that  one  Falk^nherch  had  publifhed  a  dangerous  and  fcditi- 
ous  Book ,  which  had  been  complained  of  to  the  Deputies  of  the  Nations,  and  con- 
demned by  them  :  But  the  conjoint  Body  of  the  Council ,  in  their  publick  Sellion  , 
had  not  condemned  it  conciliarly.     Yet  after  the  Council  was  ended,  and  after  the 
Cardinal  had  given  the  Fathers  their  Conge  ,  or  leave  to  depart ,  and  difinifled 
them  with  I>w««i ,  iteinpace;  Fathers,  depart  in  peace  ■>  and  the   Fathers  had  an- 
fwered  ,  Amen  \    When  there  was  nothiug  left  to  do,  but  to  hear  a  Sermon ,  and 
begone,  the Embaffadors  of  Po/o«i^ and  LJ/«a»w ,  very  unfeafonably  prefTed  the 
Pope  to  condemn  that  Book ,  alledging,  that  it  had  been  condemned  by  the  De- 
puties of  the  Nations.     To  which  the  Pope  anfwered,  that  he  confirmed  onely  thoft, 
ASs  of  the  Council  which  tcere  Conciliarly  made.     That  is  to  fay ,  Not  the  Ads  of 
the  Deputies  of  the  Nations  apart ,  but  the  publick  Ads  of  the  whole  Sellion.  This 
is  the  genuine  (enfe  of  that  paflage  ,  which  bears  its  own  evidence  along  witfi  it, 
to  every  one  that  doth  not  wilfully  Ihut  his  eyes.  This  was  an  accidental  emergent, 
after  the  Synod  was  ended,  and  not  the  fblemn  purpoftd  Confirmation. 

And  concerning  that  Glofs,  that  the  Decree  is  to  be  underftood  onely  of  dubious 
Popes  ,  or  Popes  whofe  title  is  litigious  ,  as  it  contradids  the  Text  it  felf,  which 
includes  all  Dignitaries  whofoever,  of  whatfoever  title ,  peaceable  or  litigious , 
Popes  or  others  i  So  it  is  fufficiently  confuted  by  the  very  execution  of  the  Decree. 
An  Inferiour  may  declare  the  law  fill  right  of  his  Superiour,  and  where  there  are 
divers  pretenders ,  eftablifli  the  pofleffion  in  him  that  hath  the  beft  title.  But  to 
make  right  to  be  no  right,  to  turn  all  pretenders  right  or  wrong  out  of  pofTellion, 
onely  by  the  laft  Law  of  Salus  populi,  hcc.for  the  tranquillity  of  the  people  ,  This  is  a 
Prerogative  of  Sovereign  Princes  ,  and  a  badge  of  Legiilative  Authority.  This 
was  the  very  cafe  of  the  Council  of  Conjiance  ■■>  They  turned  out  all  pretenders  to 
the  Papacy ,  the  right  Pope  and  the  Antipopes  all  together.    Some  of  them  indeed  I 

by 


Discourse   II.         Of  the  Church  of  Er]s}a.n6.  12c; 


by  perfvvafion,but  fuch  pcrfwafion  as  might  not  be  refilkd  i  and  one  whole  title 
feemed  cleareft,  which  rendered  their  perlwafions  as  unto  him  ineffedual,  by  plain 
power.  For  fo  the  Council  with  the  conlent  and  concurrence  of  Chrillian  Princes 
did  rind  it  expedient  for  Chriftendom. 

Lallly,  though  the  Popes  do  not  aboliflithe  order  of  Bifliops,  or  Epifcopacy  in  the 
abftrad,  yet  they  limit  the  power  of  Bifhopsin  the  concrete  at  their  pleafure,by  Ex- 
emptions and  Refervations,ho!dingthem{elvcs  to  be  the  Bifliops  of  every  particular 
See  in  the  world,  during  the  vacancy  of  it  ",  and  making  all  Epifcopal  Jurifdidion 
to  fiowfrom  them,  and  to  be  founded  in  the  Pope's  Laws  ■■,  Becaufc  it  was  but.  de- 
legated to  the  reft  of  theApoftles  for  term  of  life  ,  but  relided  foly  in  St.  Feterzs  an 
Ordinary,  to  delcend  from  him  to  his  SucceflTors  Bitliops  of  Row?,  and  to  be  im- 
parted by  them  to  other  Bifhops  as  their  Vicars  or  Coadjutors,  aflumed  by  them  in- 
to dime  part  of  their  charge.     By  this  account  the  Pope  muft  be  the  univerfal  or 
oncly  Bidiop  of  the  world.    The  Keys  muft  be  his  gift ,  not  Chrifts ,  and  all   the 
Apoftles  except  St.  Peter^  muft  want  their  SuccelTors  in  Epifcopal  J  urifdidion.    What 
is  this  but  to  trample  upon  Epifcopacy,  and  to  make  them  equivocal  Bifhops,  to  dif^ 
folve  the  primitive  bonds  of  brotherly  Unity,  to  overthrow  the  Difcipline  inftituted 
by  Chrift,  and  to  take  away  the  line  of  Apoftolical  Succellion  ? 

The  name  of  Oecumenical  or  Univerfal  Bifhop  is  taken  in  three  fenfes,  one  with- 
out controverfie  lawful,  one  controverted  whether  lawful  or  unlawful,  and  one  un- 
doubtedly unlawful  and  Schifmatical.  In  the  firft  feofe  an  Univerfal  Bifhop  fignifies 
no  more  than  an  eminent  Bifhop  of  the  Univerfal  Church,  implying  an  Univerfality 
of  care  and  vigilance,  but  not  of  Jurifdidlion.  And  in  this  fenfe  all  the  five  Proto- 
Patriarchs  ufed  more  Emphatically  to  be  called  Univerfal  Bifhops  :  Either  by  reafon 
of  .their  reputation  and  influence  upon  the  univerfal  Church,  or  their  prefldence  in 
General  Councils. 

In  another  fenfe,  an  univerfal  Bifhop  fignifies  fuch  a  Bifhop  who  belides  an  uni- 
verfal care,  doth  alfo  challenge  an  univerfal  Jurifdidfion.  This  was  that  title  which 
John  Bifhop  of  Conftantinopk  affedted,  omnibus  prxejfe^  nuHtfubeJfe  :  And  again,  Cuniia  Greg.  Ep.  1. 4'. 
Chrijii  membrafibimet  fuppotiere  VniverjaUtatU  appeVatione.  This  was  that  title  which  ^^'  34)6"  38. 
Gregory  the  Great  and  his  predeceffors  refufed,  (  if  they  did  refufe  any  fuch  title.  ) 
For  it  were  evident  madnefs  to  fancy,  that  ever  any  General  Council  did  offer  any 
particular  Bifhop  the  title  of  the  onely  Bifhop  of  the  World.  This  title  in  this  fenfe 
was  that  which  Gregory  himfelf  did  condemn,  as  a  vain,  profane,  wich^d,  bla^hemonf, 
AntichrijVian  name. 

Laftly,  the  name  of  Univerfal  Bifhop  may  betaken  exclufively,for  the  onely  Bifhop 
of  the  world.  Which  fenfe  was  far  enough  from  the  intention  eitlier  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  or  John  of  Cnnjlantinopk,  who  had  both  of  them  fo  many  true  Arcnbifhops 
and  Bifhops  under  them.  But  this  fenfe  agrees  well  enough  with  the  extravagant 
ambition  of  the  later  Popes,  and  of  the  Koman  Court,  who  do  appropriate  all  ori- 
ginal J  urifdidion  to  themfelves.  So  many  ways  is  the  Court  o(  Kome  guilty  of 
Schifmatical  pravity. 

Befides  thefe  branches  of  Schifm, there  are  yet  two  other  novelties  challenged  by 
the  Popes,  and  their  Parafitical  Courtiers  (but  neither  thefe  nor  the  other  yet  defi- 
ned by^ their  Church)  both  deftrudive  to  Chriftian  Unity,  both  apt  to  breed  and  nou- 
rifh,  to' procreate  and  conferve,  Schifm  :  An  infallibility  of  judgment,  and  a  tempo-  ccnc.  SinneJ^ 
ral  power  over  Princes  either  diredfly  or  indiredlly.     General  and  Provincial  Coun-  &  Plat'  in 
cils  are  the  proper  remedies  of  Schifm.     But  this  challenge  of  Infallibility  diminifh-  ^i^^^^'t""-^ 
eth  their  Authority,difcrediteth  their  definitions,  and  maketh  them  to  be  fuperfluous  £pif,_  ^jfoijt/ 
things.     What  needs  fb  much  expence  ?  fb  many  confultations  ?  fo  much  travel  of  vitam  a^en-  . 
fo  many  poor  old  fallible  Bifhops  from  all  the  quarters  of  the  world  ?  when  there  '"• 
is  an  infallible  Judge  atl?.owf,that  can  determine  all  Queftions  in  his  own  conclave,  c'hf'".'JrCa- 
without  danger  of  error.     Was  MarceVinus  fuch  an  infallible  Judge  when  he  burned  f </.  Ecclef. 
incenfe  to  Idols  ?  or  Liberim  when  he  confented  to  the  Arians,  and  gave  his  fuffrage  Script. 
to  the  condemnation  of  blefTed  Athanafm}  otHonorim  when  he  was  condemned  ^"^'^J^"**' 
and  accurfed  in  the  fixth  General  Council  for  a  Monothelite  ?  or  John  the  22th.  when  Qgjf^„'scr- 
he  was  condemned  by  the  Theologues  of  Parij,  before  the  King,  with  found  of  men  onEarter 
Trumpets  ,  for  teaching  that  the  fouls  of  the  juft  fhall  not  fee  God  until  the  general  Day. 

N  3  Refur- 


126  A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  I. 


Refurredion  ?  Were  tho(e  fiicceeding  Popes,  John^  and  Martine,  and  Formojiu,  and 
Stephen  and  Ronutfim^andlheoJoritf^  and  jfo/j«,and  BenedidHs^and  Sergiitf,  who  clafh- 
ed  one  with  another,  and  abrogated  the  decrees  one  of  another  over  and  over  again, 
fuch  infallible  Judges?  Neither  is  it  a  meer  matter  of  Fad  to  decree  the   Ordinati- 
ons of  a  lawful  Bifliop  to  be  void.     To  omit  many  others. 
^       But  ho-wCnevcrthiy  tell  us^Thzt  the  firii  See  canmt  be  judge  J.     I   will  not  trouble 
Cenc.  Sinufff.        j^j^-  ^bout  the  credit  of  the  Authorities,  whether  they  be  true  or  counterfeit  i  Nor 
"'"'         vvhether  the  firft  See  fignifie  Rowe  alone,  or  any  other  of  the  Prato-pjfmrcfcj;fj-.  Thus 
much  is  certain,  that  by  judgment  of  difcretion  any  private  man  may  judge  the  Pope, 
and  withdraw  fromhim  inhis  Errors,  and  refill  him  if  he  invade  either  the  bodies 
or  the  fouls  of  men,  as  Bellarmvte  confefTeth  :  That  in  the  Court  of  Confcience  eve- 
ry ordinary  Partourmay  judge  him,  and  bind  him,  and  loofe  him,  as  an  ordinary 
man  :  And,  by  their  leaves,  in  the  external  Court,  by  coercive  power,  if  he  commit 
civil  crimes,  the  Emperor  i  if  Ecclefiartical,  a  Council,  or  the  Emperor  with  x 
Counci'    may  judge  him,  and  in  fbme  cafes  declare  him  to  be  fallen  from  his  Papal 
dignity  by  the  fentence  of  the  Law  •,  in  other  cafes  if  he  be  incorrigible,  dcpoie  him 
by  the  (entence  of  the  Judge.     But  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the  judg- 
ment of  Subjcdts  ("as  thofe Ecclefiafticks  were)  and  the  judgment  of  a  Sovereign 
Princes  between  the  judgment  of  a  General  Council,  and  the  judgment  of  anAP- 
fembly  of  Suffragans  and  inferiors.     And  yet  the  Rowj«  Clergy  are  known  to  have 
depofed  Liberius  their  own  Bifliop, and  iuftly.     Or  otherwife  Fcelix  their  Martyr  had 
been  aSchifmatick. 

Their  other  challenge  of  Temporal  power,  whether  diredly  or  indiredly,  and  in 
ordhte  ad  ffiritualia  ^  cznnot  chuk  but  render  all  Chrirtians,  efpecialJy  Sovereign 
Princes  jealous  and  fufpiciousot  their  power,  and  averfe  from  the  Communion  of 
thole  perlbns,  who  maintain  fo  dangerous  pofitions  fo  deRrudive  to  their  propriety. 
Tiie  power  of  the  keys  doth  not  extend  it  felf  to  any  fecular  rights,  neither  can  Ec- 
clefiaftical  cenfures  alter  or  invalidate  the  Laws  of  God  and  Nature,  or  the  munici- 
pal Laws  of  a  Land  ,  all  which  doinjoynthe  obedience  of  children  to  their  Pa- 
rents, and  of  Sub  jedtsto  their  Sovereigns.  Grf/rorj  the  Seventh  began  this  pradice 
againlif-feMry  the  Fourth.  But  what  Gregory  did  bind  upon  Earth,  God  AJmighty 
did  not  bind  in  Heaven.  His  Papal  bleliing  turned  to  a  curfe  i  and,  inftead  of  an 
'  Imperial  Crown,  Kodolph  found  the  juft  reward  of  his  Treafon. 

The  beft  is,  that  they  who  give  thefe  exorbitant  priviledges  to  Popes,  do  it  with 
fo  many  cautions  and  refervations,  that  they  fignifie  nothing,  and  maybe  taken  a- 
way  with  as  mucheafe  as  they  are  given.  _ 

The  Pope  ffay  they  )  is  infallible,  not  in  his  Chamber,  but  in  his  Chair  •,  not  in 
the  Premiffcs,  but  in  the  Conclufioni  not  in  Conclufions  of  matter  of  Fad:,but  in  Con- 
clufions  of  matter  of  Faith-,  not  alwayes  in  all  Conclufions  of  matter  of  Faith ,  but 
onely  when  he  ufeththe  right  means  and  due  diligence.  And  who  knoweth  when 
he  doth  that  ?  So  every  Chriftian  is  infallible,  if  he  would  and  could  keep  himfelf 
to  the  infallible  rule  which  God  hath  given  him.     Tah^  notbhig^  and  hold  it  fall. 

So  likewife  for  his  temporal  power  over  Princes,  they  fay  the  Pope,  not  as  Pope, 
but  as  afpiritual  Prince, hath  a  certain  kind  of  power,  temporal,  but  not  meerly  tem- 
poral •,  not  direftly,  but  indircdtly,  and  in  order  to  (piritual  things,  ^o  teneam 
vultm  nmtamem  Protea  nodo  ? 


C  H  A  P. 


DiscQuasE  If.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd. 


127 


C  H  A  P.    I  X. 

Art  Anfwer   to  the   ObjeSiioti  brought  by  the  Romanics      to 
pro've  the  Englifh  Frotefiants  to  be  Schifmatkks. 

BUT  it  is  not  enough  to  charge  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  unlefs  vvc  can  difcharge 
our  felves,  and  acquit  our  own  Church  of  the  guilt  of  Schidn,  which  they  feck 
to  caft  upon  us.  Firft  ,  they  objed  ,  that  we  have  feparated  our  felves  Schi- 
fmatically  from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church.  God  forbid.  Then  we 
will  acknowledge  ,  without  any  more  to  do ,  that  we  have  feparated  our  felves 
from  Chrift ,  and  all  his  Holy  Ordinances  ,  and  from  the  benefit  of  his  Pallion 
and  all  hope  of  Salvation. 

But  the  truth  is ,  we  have  no  otherwife  feparated  our  felves  from  the  Communi- 
on of  the  Catholick  Church,  than  all  the  primitive  Orthodox  Fathers  and  Dodors  ^^  ^^''^  ""* 
and  Churches   did  long  before  us ,  that,  is ,  in  the  Opinion  of  the  Donatifts  ,  as  fcfv«Tom"hc 
we  do  now  in  the  Opinion  of  the  Komanijis  ■■,  becaufe  the  Romanijis  limit  the  Catho-  Catholick 
lick  Church  now  to  Rome  in  Italy  ,  and  thole  Churches  that  are  fubordinate  to  it     Church, 
as  the  Donatirts  did  then  to  Cauenna  in  Affric\^  and  thofe  Churches  that  adhered 
to  it.     Wc  are  fo  far  from  (eparating  our  felves  tirom  the  Communion  of  the  Catho* 
lick  Church  ,  that  we  make  the  Communion  of  the  ChrilHan  Church  to  be  Thrice 
more  Catholick  than  the  Romanics  themfelves  do  make  it ,  and  maintain  Commu- 
nion with  Thrice  fo  many   Chrirtians,  as  they  do.     By  how  much  our  Church 
fhould  make  it  felf ,  as  the  cafe  ftands,  more  Roman  than  it  is,  by  fo  much  it  fhould 
thereby  become  lefs  Catholick^  than  it  is. 

I  have  fhewed  before,  out  of  the  Canons  and  Conftitutions  of  our  Church,  that 
we  have  not  feparated  our  felves  limply  and  abfolutely  from  the  Communion  of 
any  particular  Church  whatfoever  ,  even  the  Roman  it  felf,  fb  far  forth  as  it  is 
Catholick ,  but  onely  from  their  errors  wherein  they  had  firft  feparated  themfelves 
from  their  predecefTorSi 

To  this  I  add,  that  it  Was  not  we,  but  the  Court  of  Rome  it  felf,  that  firft  fe- 
parated EngUndi^xom  the  Communion  of  the  Church  oiRome  ,  by  their  unjuft  cen- 
fures.  Excommunications ,  and  Interdidlions  ,  which  they  thundred  out  againft  the  ^''''  ■'''"'''  3- 
Realm,  for  denying  their  Spiritual  Sovereignty  by  Divine  Right,  before  the  Reforma-  "schifmf'/' 
tion  made  by  Proteftanrs.  .  ;•  Jep^'  ' 

Secondly  ,  we  are  charged  with  Schifmatical  contumacy  and   difobedience  to  the  Th*  Council 
Decrees  and  Determinations  of  the  General  Council  of  7rent.     But  we  believe  that  p  ^''*"' "°' 
Convent  of  Trent  to  have  been  no  General ,  nor  yet  Patriarchal  i  no  free  ,  no  Laiv-     "'"^• 
/«/,  Council.     How  was  that  General,  where  there  was  not  any  one  Eifhop  out  of 
all  the  other  Patriarchates,  or  any  Prodtors  or  Commillioners  from  them ,  either 
prefent,  orfumraonedto  be  prcfent,  except  perad venture  fome  titular  European 
Mock-Prelates  without  cures ,  fuch  as  Olaus  Magtm  ,  intituled   Archbifhop  of  Vp~ 
Jala-',  Or,  Sir  Rofcfrt  the  5(;o»i/^-»w« ,  intituled  Archbifhop  of  ^rw^gj[; .?  How  was 
that  General ,  or  fo  much  as  Patriarchal ,  where  fo  great  a  part  of  the  Weft  was  ab- 
fcnt ,  wherein  there  were  Twice  fo  many  Epfcopelles  out  of  Italy,  (  the  Pope's  pro- 
fefTed  VafTals ,  and  many  of  them  his   hungry   Parafitical  peniioners ,  )  as  there 
were  out  of  all  other  Chriflian  Kingdoms  and  Nations  put  together  ?  How  was 
that  General,  wherein  there  were  not  fo  many  Bifhops prefent ,  at  the  determinati- 
on of  the  weightiefl  controverfrcs,  concerning  the  rule  of  Faith ,  and  the  expofiti- 
on  thereof,  as  the  King  of  England  could  have  called  together  in  his  own  Domini- 
ons ,  at  any  one  time  upon  a  moneths  warnining  ?  How  was  that  General ,  which 
was  not  generally  received  by  all  Churches?  even  fome  of  the  Roman  Communion 
pot  admitting  it. 
We  have  feen  heretofore ,  how  the  French  EmbafTador,  in  the  name  of  the  King, 

and 


I^ 


8 


A  Jujl  Vindication 


T  O  M  K  [ 


Nor  free. 
Skid.  I.  H' 


Jlift.  Con. 
Trid. 


Nor  lawful. 


SUid.l-  23, 


We  have  not 
fu  60  rafted 
our  obedience 
from  our  law- 
ful Faciiarch. 


The  Ktmdn 
B'fhops  quit- 
ted their  Pa" 
triarchate. 


and  Church  of  France,  protefted  againft  it.  And  until  this  day  ,  though  they  do 
not  oppbfe  it,  but  acquiefce ,  to  avoid  fuch  difadvantages  as  murt  infue  thereupon  i 
yet  they  did  never  admit  it.  Let  no  man  fay  ,  that  they  rejcded  the  determinati- 
ons thereof  onely  in  point  of  Difcipline,  not  ot  Dodrine  v  for  the  fame  Canonical 
obedience  is  equally  due  to  an  acknowledged  General  Council  in  point  of  Difci- 
pline, as  in  point  of  Dodrine. 

And  as  it  was  not  General ,  fo  neither  was  it  free,  nor  lawful.  Notjffe,  where: 
the  place  could  afford  no  fecurity  to  the  one  party,  where  the  accufer  was  to  be  the 
Judge ,  where  any  one  that  fpake  a  free  word  had  his  mouth  flopped  ,  or  was  tur- 
ned out  of  the  Council ,  where  the  few  Proteftants  that  adventured  to  come  thi- 
ther ,  were  not  admitted  todifpute,  where  the  Legates  gave  auricular  Votes » 
where  the  Fathers  were  noted  to  be  guided  by  the  Spirit ,  fent  from  Rome  in  a 
Male,  where  divers  not  onely  new  Bifhops,  but  new  Bifliopricks,  were  created  , 
during  the  fitting  of  the  Convent ,  to  make  the  Ta^alins  able  to  over-vote  the  Tra- 
montains. 

Nor  yet  lawful  in  regard  of  the  place  ,  which  ought  to  have  been  in  Germany. 
Acior  debet  rei  forum  feqiti.  A  guilty  perfon  is  to  be  judged  in  his  Province.  And 
the  caufc  to  be  pleaded  where  the  crime  was  committed.  And  likewife  in  regard 
of  the  Judge.  In  every  Judgment  there  ought  to  be  Four  diftind  perfons  •,  The  ac  • 
cufer,  the  witnefs ,  the  guilty  perfon ,  and  the  Judge.  But  in  the  Council  of  Tre«f, 
the  Pope  by  himfelf,  or  his  Minifters ,  aded  all  thefe  parts  himfelt.  He  was  the 
right  guilty  perfon  ,  and  yet  withall  the  accufer  of  the  Protejiants ,  the  witnefs 
againft  them  ,  and  tlieir  Judge.  Laftly  ,  no  man  can  be  lawfully  condemned  be- 
fore he  be  heard.  But  in  this  Council  the  Proteftants  were  not  allowed  to  propolc 
their  cafe,  much  lefsto  defend  it  by  lawful  difputation. 

Thirdly  ,  it  is  objeded  ,  and  here  they  think  they  have  us  fure  locked  up ,  that 
we  cannot  deny  but  that  the  Bifliop  of  Kome  was  our  Patriarch  ,  and  that  we 
have  rebelled  againft  him,  andcaftoflf  our  Canonical  obedience  in  our  Reforma- 
tion. 

To  this  fuppofed  killing  Argument  I  give  Three  clear  Solutions. 

Firft,  That  the  Britifh  Iflands  neither  were  ,  nor  ought  to  be  ,  fubjed  to  the  Ju- 
rifdidion  of  the  Kctnan  Patriarch ,  as  hath  been  fufticiently  demonftrated  in  my 
Third  Conclufion.  For  all  Patriarchal  Jurifdidion  being  of  humane  inftitution , 
muft  proceed  either  from  fome  Canon  or  Decree  of  a  General  Council ,  or  of  fuch 
a  Provincial  Council  as  had  power  to  oblige  the  Britons  to  obedience  i  or  from  the 
Grant  or  Concellion  of  fome  of  their  Sovereign  Princes  ■■,  or  from  the  voluntary 
fubmiffion  of  a  free  people  ■■,  Or  Laftly,  from  cuftom  and  prefcription.  If  they  had 
any  fuch  Canon,  or  Grant ,  or  Submiffion  ,  they  would  quickly  produce  it  i  but 
we  know  they  cannot.  If  they  plead  cuftom  and  prefcription  immemorial ,  the 
burthen  muft  reft  upon  them  to  prove  it.  But  when  they  have  fearched  all  the  Au- 
thors over  and  over  who  have  written  of  Britip  affairs  in  thofe  days  ,  and  all  their 
Records  and  Regifters,  they  (hall  not  be  able  to  find  any  one  Ad  ,  or  fo  much  as 
any  one  footftep ,  or  the  leaft  fign  of  any  "Roman  Patriarchal  Jurifdidion  in  Britain, 
or  over  the  Britain!^  for  the  firft  doo.  years.  And  for  after-ages ,  the  Roman  Bifhops 
neither  held  their  old  Patriarchate,  nor  gained  any  quiet  fettled  poffeffion  of  their 
new  Monarchy. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer ,  That  Patriarchal  power  is  not  of  Divine  Right,  but  Hu- 
mane Inftitution  i  and  therefore  may  either  be  quitted,  or  forfeited,  or  transfer- 
red. And  if  ever  the  Bifhopsof  Rome  had  any  Patriarchal  Jurifdidion  in  Britaign  i 
yet  they  had  both  quitted  it,  and  forfeited  it  over  and  over  again,  and  it  was  lawfully 
transferred.  To  feparate  from  an  Ecclefiaftical  Authority  which  is  difclaimed  and 
difavowed  by  the  pretenders  to  it,  and  forfeited  by  abufe  and  rebellion,  and  lawfully 
transferred,  is  no  Schifrn. 

Firft,Ifay  they  ^«mf^  their  pretended  PiJtrMrcW  right,  when  they  affumed  and 
ufurped  to  themfelves  the  name  and  thing  of  Univerfal  Bifhops,  Spiritual  Sovereigns, 
and  fole  Monarchsof  the  Church,  and  Matters  of  all  Chriftians.  To  be  a  Patriarchy 
and  to  bean  Vniverfal  Bijhop,  in  that  fenfe  are  inconfiftent,  and  imply  a  contradidion 
in  adje&o  ■■>  The  one  profeffeth  Humane,  the  other  challengeth  Divine  Inftitution.  The 


one 


Discourse  1 1,       Of  the  Church  of  England. 


i  -. 


■? 


one  hath  a  limited  Jurifdidion  over  a  certain  Province,  the  other  pretended!  to 
limited  Jurifdidion  over  the  whole  World.  The  one  is  fubjedl  to  the  Canons  ol  ^'" 
Fathers,  and  ameer  executor  of  them,  and  can  do  nothing  either  a^ainit  rhcm  or 
befidesthem  ■■,  The  other  challengeth  an  abfokite  Sovereignty  above  tae  Canons  be- 
fides  the  Canons,  againlUhe  Canons,  to  make  them,  to  abrogate  them,  to  iuipend 
theirinfluencehy  aHo«-oijM;«fe,  to  difpence  with  them  in  fuch  cafes  wherein  the  Ca- 
nongivesno  difpenfative  power,  at  his  own  pleafure,  when  he  will,  where  he  will 
to  whom  he  will.  Therefore  to  claim  a  power  paramount  and  Sovereign  Monar- 
chical Royalty  over  the  Church,  is  implicitely  and  m  ejfed  to  difclaim  a  Patriarchal 
:       Arillocratical  dignity'. 

'  So,  Non  teUm  cymbuTn^teutremcymbareliqnit:  It  was  not  we  that  deferted  our  pre- 

tended Patriarch,  buf  our  pretended  Patriarch  deferted  his  Patriarchal  OiHce.  So 
long  as  the  Popes  contented  themfel  ves  with  Patriarchal  rights,  they  foared  no  higher 
than  to  be  the  executors  of  the  Canons.  When  Acacius  complained  that  he  was 
condem.ned  by  the  fole  Authority  of  the  Koman  Bilhop,  without  a  Synodal  fentence 
Cehfm  the  Pope  then  pleaded  for  himfelf,  that  Acacius  was  not  the  beginner  of  a  new  Qele  t.  84. 
etror^  hut  the  follower  of  an  old  i  And  therefore  it  was  not  neceffary  that  a  new  Synodal  qu.  t.'  ' 
fentence  fhoidd  be  given  ajainjlhim^but  that  the  oldf^jjuld  be  executed.  Therefore  (  imh 
he  j  JhaveonelypHtanoldfentenceinexecution^notfromulgedanew. 

And  as  they  had  quitted  their  Title,  fo  likewife  they  had  forfeited  it,  both  fay  their 
Rebellion,  and  by  their  exorbitant  abufes.     FirlJ,  by  their  notorious  Kebellion  zzainiX  ^l^l°u'"\^^ 
General  Councils.     The  Authority  of  an  Inferiour  ceafeth  when  he  renounceth  his  "  ^*^^''^^"°°' 
loyalty  to  his  Superior,  from  whom  he  derives  his  power.     A  General  Council  is  the 
Supreme  Ecclefu(tical  power,  to  which  Patriarchal  power  was  always  fubordinate 
and  fubjedt.General  Councils  with  the  confent  of  Sovereign  Princes  have  exempted  uTnt'T"' 
Cities  and  Provinces  from  Patriarchal  Jurifdiftion  i  with  the  confent   of  Sovereign  cZ' Nic^m.  s,. 
Princes  they  have  ereded   new  Patriarchates,  as  at  Hierufakm  and  Cofijiantinopk',  '• 
and  made  the  Patriarch  of  Co«ii<j«n«op/e  equal  in  all  priviledges  to  the   Patriarch  of  ^'"g^^"^'' 
old  Rome.  *■  "^ 

Againlt  this  Supream  Ecclefiaftical  power  the  Popes  have  not  onely  rebelled  them- 
felves,  but  have  compelled  all  Bifliops  under  their  Jurifdidion  to  take  an  Oath  to 
maintain  their  rebellious  ufurpations.  When  a  Prefident  of  a  Province  (hall  rebell 
againrthis  Sovereign  Prince,  and  feek  to  ufurp  the  whole  Empire  to  himfelf  and  im- 
pofe  new  Oaths  of  Allegiance  upon  his  fellow-fubjeds,  it  is  not  Treafon,  but  Loyal- 
ty  in  them  to  thruft  him  by  the  head  and  fhoulders  out  of  the  gates  of  their  City. 
When  a  Steward  not  impofed  upon  the  family  by  the  Malkr,  but  chofen  in  truft  by 
hisfellow-fervants,  during  their  Maftcrs  abfence,fhallfo  far  violate  his  truft  that  he 
will  by  forcQ  make  himfelf  theMafterof  theFamily,andufurpa  Dominion,  not  onelr 
over  his  fellows,  but  over  his  Mafters  Wife  and  Children,  and  oblige  his  fellow  fer- 
vants  to  acknowledge  ah  independent  Sovereign  power  in  him  v  it  is  not  want  of 
duty,  but  fidelity,  to  fubftrad  their  obedience- from  him. 

This  is  our  cafe  with  the  Korr.an  Bifhops.  They  have  fought  to  ufurp  a  Domini- 
on over  the  Catholick  Church,  the  fpoufe  of  Chrift,  and  all  their  fellow- fervant?. 
Then  ought  not  all  good  Chriftians  to  adhere  to  the  Catholick  Church,  and  deferta 
Schifmatical  Patriarch  ?  They  have  rebelled  againft  the  reprefentative  Church  a  Ge- 
neral Council.  Should  we  involve  our  felves  in  their  Rebellion,  and  Perjury  by 
fwearing  to  maintain  and  make  good  their  Ufurpationsi  I  confefs,  Infcriours  are  not 
competent  Judges  of  their  Superiors.  But  in  this  cafe  of  a  fubordinate  Superiour 
andin  amatterof  Herefie  or  Schifm  already  defined  by  the  Church,  the  fentence  of 
the  Judge  is  not  neceffary,  the  fentence  of  the  Law,  and  the  notoreity  of  the  fad  arc 
fuiScient.     It  is  not  we  that  judge  hinx,  but  the  Councils  of  Conjiance  and  Baftle. 

Neither  could  our  Anceftors  hope  to  have  a  General  Council  fuddenly,  whileft  Co 
great  a  part  of  Chriftendom  was  under  the  Turk^;  nor  a  free  Occidental  Council, 
whileft  the  ufurper  had  all  Ecclefiaftical  power  in  his  hands.     What  remained  then, 
but  to  reform  themfelvesi'  According  to  the  fage  advice  of  Cfr/3«,  J  y?^  that  the  Re-  ^"f-i-f'»- 
formation  of  the  Church  will  never  be  effeUed  by  a  Council^  without  the  prefidence  of  a  Cifa/;^'/. *'**** 
well  affeded,  wife  and  conjiantfiuide.     Let  the  Members  therefore  frovide  for  themfelves 
throughout  the  Kingdoms  and  Vrovinces^wbenthcy  fhaU be  abk^  and  kjtotv  kotp  to  emtpafl 
thh  worki  More- 


i:^o 


A  Jujl  Vvidication 


TOMET 


And  by  abufe. 


Atatth)  Pat. 
#«i.  1103. 

Ideman.iicj. 
j4n.  1113. 

jijich.  Clem, 
de  corrupio 
Eccltfi^  ftatu, 

Matth.  Pari/, 
an.  u6i. 


Briton,  to.  II. 
An.  1027. 


Patriarchal 
power  wai 
lawfully  tranf- 
feired. 


The  power 
which  we  re« 
jefted  was  not 
Patriarchal 
norCanonical. 


Moreover,  as  they  have  forfeited  their  power  by  their  Pxebellion,  ib  they  have  moft 
juftly  alfo  by  their  rapine,  extortions,  and  terrible  and  exorbitant  abufcs,  the  moft 
{hameful  abufes  that  ever  were  committed  by  perfons  trufted.  To  pafs  by  the  hun- 
dred grievances  of  Germany^  the  complaints  and  Proteftations,  and  Pragmatical  San- 
dionsof  France^  the  Memorials  of  Caftile  ,  the  fobbsof  Fortiigal,  and  to  conhnc  my* 
difcourfe  to  the  fulTerings  of  our  own  Nation,  which  have  been  more  particularly 
related  already  in  this  Treatife,  when  I  fet  down  the  grounds  of  our  Reformation  i 

Theyrobbed  the  King  of  hisinveilitures  of  Bilhops,  which  Ber,ry  the  Firfl  pro- 
tedred  to  the  Pope  himfclf  by  his  Prodlor,  that  he  would  not  lofe  for  his  Kingdom, 
and  added  threatnings  to  his  Proteftations.  Yet  to  gratihe  A»[elm^  who  f  though 
otherwife  iTioft  deferving )  was  the  firll  violater  of  the  ancient  cuftoms  of  our  King- 
dom in  that  kind,  he  waved  his  right.  But  foon  after  refumed  it,  made  Jxodolph 
Bifhop  of  London  Archbifliop  of  Canterbury,  and  invefted  him  by  a  CrOfiCr  and  a 
Ring.     The  like  he  did  to  many  others. 

They  robbed  the  King  of  his  Patronages, by  their  Collations,  and  Provifions,  and 
expedative  Graces.  Two  or  three  or  ten  Benefices  were  not  accounted  fufficient 
for  a  Roman  Courtier  in  thole  dayes,  but  an  hundred,  or  two  hundred,  or  more. 
They  robbed  him  of  the  laft  Appeals  of  his  Subjeds,  contrary  to  the  ancient  Laws 
of  England.  They  fomented  the  rebellion  of  his  own  Subjeds  at  home,  fomctimes 
of  his  Barons,  foraetimes  of  his  Bifhops,  playing  faft  andloofeonboth  fides  for  ad- 
vantage. They  dif-inherited  him  of  his  Crown.  They  gave  away  his  Kingdom 
for  a  prey  to  a  forreign  Prince.  They  incited  ftrangers  to  make  war  againlt  him. 
And  they  themfelves  by  meer  collufion  and  tricks  had  well  near  thrufthim  out  of  his 
Throne. 

They  robbed  the  Clergy  in  a  manner  of  their  whole4uHrdi<^ion  by  their  Exemp- 
tions, and  Refervations,aud  Vifitations,  and  Sufpenfions,  and  Appeals,  and  Legan- 
tine  Courts,  and  Nunciatures,  thrufting  their  fickles  into  every  mans  harveft.  They 
robb:d  them  of  their  eliates  and  livelyhoods,  by  their  Provifions,  and  Penfions,  by 
their  Co-adjutorfhips,  and  Firft-fruits,  and  Tenths,  by  the  vaft  charge  of  their  In- 
veftitures,  and  Palls,  and  I  know  not  how  many  other  forts  of  Exaftions,  and  ar- 
bitrary Impofitions.  The  moft  ancient  of  thefe  was  the  Pall,  whereof  our  King 
Canutus  complained  long  finceat  Kotne,  and  had  remedy  promifed. 

They  robbed  the  Nobility  and  Commonalty  many  wayes,  as  hath  been  formerly 
related.  If  all  thefe  werenota  fufficient  caule  of  forfeiture,  certainly  abufe  did  ne- 
ver forfeit  Office. 

And  though  they  had  fbmetimes  had  a  juft  Patriarchal  power ,  and  had  neither 
forfeited  it  by  rebellion  nor  abufe  i  Yet  the  King  and  the  whole  body  of  the  King- 
domby  their  Legiflative  power  fubftradting  their  obedience  from  them,  and  eredting 
a  new  Patriarchate  within  their  own  Dominions,  it  is  a  fufficient  warrant  for  all 
Englijh-mcn^to  fufpend  their  obedience  to  the  one,and  apply  themfelves  to  the  other, 
for  the  welfareand tranquillity  of  the  whole  body  politick,  as  hath  before  been  de- 
clared. 

Thirdly,  I  anfwer,  that  obedience  to  a  juft  Patriarch,  is  of  no  larger  extent  than 
the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  do  injoyn  it.  And  fince  the  divifion  o£  Britaign  from 
the  Empire,  no  Canons  arc,  or  ever  were,  of  force  with  us,  further  than  they  were 
received,  and  by  their  incorpor:^tion  became  Britannique  Lawes.  Which  as  they  can- 
not, nor  ever  could,  be  impofed  upon  the  King  and  Kingdom  by  a  forreign  Patriarch 
by  conftrainti  ib  when  they  are  found  by  experience  prejudicial  to  the  publickgood, 
they  may  as  freely,  by  the  fame  King  and  Kingdom,  be  rejefted. 

But  I  ftiall  wind  up  this  firing  a  little  higher  ■,  Suppofe  that  the  whole  body  of 
the  Canon  Law  were  in  force  in  England,  (  which  it  never  was  )  yet  neither  the 
Papal  power  which  we  have  caftiiered,  nor  any  part  of  it  was  ever  given  to  any 
Patriarch  by  the  ancient  Canons,  and  by  confequence  the  feparation  is  not  Schifma- 
tical,nor  any  withdrawing  of  Canonical  obedience.  What  power  a  Metropolitan 
had  over  the  Bifiiops  of  his  own  Province  by  the  Canon-Law,  the  fame  and  no  o- 
ther  had  a  Patriarch  over  the  Metropolitans  and  Biftiops  of  fundry  Provinces  with- 
in his  own  Patriarchate.  But  a  Metropolitan  anciently  could  do  nothing  out  of 
his  own  Diocefs,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Major  part  of  the  Bifhops  of  his 

Pro- 


Discourse  If.       Of  the  Church  of  En^hrtd.  Y21     ' 

Province.     Nor  the  P^friarch  in  like  manner  without  the  advice  and  coiifent  of  his 
Metropolitans  and  Bitliops. 

Wherein  thenconfilted  Patriarchal  Authority?  In  ordaining  their  Metropolitans 
(  for  withinferiour  Bifliops  they  might  not  meddle,)  or  confirming  them,  or  impo- 
fing  of  hands,  in  giving  the  Pall  ■■,  Inconvocating  Patriarchal  Synods,  and  prelldine 
in  them  :  In  pronouncing  fentence  according  to  the  plurality  of  voices  :  (  That 
was  when  Metropolitical  Synods  did  not  fuffice  to  determine  fome  emergent  diffi- 
culties or  differences  }  And  Laftly,  in  fbme  few  honorary  priviledges,  as  the  accla- 
mation of  the  Bifhops  to  them  at  the  latter  end  of  a  General  Council',  and  the  like 
which  iignifie  nor  much.  In  ail  this  there  is  nothing  that  we  dillike  or  would  feek 
to  have  abrogated.  Never  any  Patriarch  was  guilty  of  thofe  exadtions,  extortions, 
incroachments  upon  the  civil  rights  of  Princes  and  their  Subjeds,  or  upon  the  Ec- 
clefiaftical  rights  of  Biaiops,or  of  thofc  Provilions,  and  Penfions,  and  Exemptions, 
and  Refcrvations,  and  Difpenfations,  and  Inhibitions,  and  Pardons,  and  Indulgences' 
and  ufurped  Sovereignty,  which  our  Reformers  banilhed  out  o'f  England.  And' 
therefore  their  feparation  was  not  any  wayes  from  Patriarchal  Autharity. 

I  confefs,that  by  reafon  of  the  great  difficulty  and  charge  of  convocating  fo  ma- 
ny Bifliops,  and  keeping  them  fo  long  together  untill  all  caufes  were  heard  and  de- 
termined •,  and  by  reafon  of  thofe  inconveniencies  which  did  fall  upon  their 
Churches  in  their  abfencei  Provincial  Councils  were  firft  reduced  from  twice  to  once 
in  the  year,  and  afterwards  to  once  in  Three  years.  And  in  procefs  of  time  the 
hearing  of  Appearand  fuch  like  caufes,  and  the  execution  cf  the  Canons  in  that  be- 
half, were  referred  to  Metropolitans,  untill  the  Papacy  fwallowcd  up  all.  the  Au- 
thority of  Patriarchs,  and  Metropolitans,  and  Bifhops.  Serpens  ferpemem  mfi  ederet 
non  fieret  draco, 

Perad  venture  it  may  be  urged  in  the  Fourth  place,  That  Gregory  the  Great,  who 
by  his  Minifters  was  the  firli  converter  of  the  Englifh  -Nation,  about  the  Six  hun- 
dredth year  of  our  Lord  did  thereby  acquire  to  himfelf  and  his  Succeflbrs  a  Patriar- 
chal Authority'  and  power  over  England  for  the  future.  We  do  with  all  due  thank- 
fulnefs  to  God,  and  honourable  refped  to  his  memory,  acknowledge,  that  that  blefTcd 
Saint  was  the  chief  inftrument  under  God,  to  hold  forth  the  tirft  light  of  faving  truth 
to  the  Englifh  Nation,  who  did  formerly  fit  in  darknefi  and  in  the  (hadow  of  death 
whereby  he  did  more  truly  merit  the  name  of  Great,  than  by  poflelling  the  chair  of 
St.Feter.  And  therefore  whilell  the  fometimes  flourifliing,  now  poor  perfecuted. 
Church  of  England,  (hall  have  any  being. 

Semper  boms  nomenque  fuum  laudefqtte  manebiint. 

But  whether  this  benefit  did  intitle  St.  Ofgory  and  his  SuccefTors  to  the  Patriar-  ^'''fgor^the 
chate  of  all  or  any  part  of  the  Britijh  Iflands,  deferves  a  further  confidcration.  ^d  no'patri- 

Firft,confider,  that  at  that  time,  and  untill  this  day,  half  of  Britain  it  ik%  and  archal  right  in 
two  third  parts  of  the  BriwKwic^Illandsdid  remain  in  the  pofleliion  of  the  Britans   £ngl'>"<i^y 
OT  Scottijh  and  Irifi,  who  iHll  continued  Chriftians,  and  had  their  Bilhops  and  Pro-  ''15.™"*'^''°'* 
tarchs,  or  Patriarchs  of  their  own,  from  whom  we  do  derive  in  part  our  Chriftiani-  *    ' 
ty,  and  Holy  Orders,  and  Priviledges.     Without  all  controverfie  the  converfion  of 
the  Saxons  by  St.  Gregory  could  not  prejudice  the  juft  liberties  of  them  or  their  Sue- 
ceflbrs. 

Secondly,  confider,  that  the  half  of  Britain  which  was  conquered  and  pofTefled 
by  the  Saxonf^  was  not  folely  and  altogether  peopled  by  Saxons.  A  world  of  Britijh 
Chriftians  did  remain  and  inhabit  among  the  Conquerours.  For  we  do  not  rind 
cither  that  the  Saxons  did  go  about  to  extirpate  the  Britijh  Nation,  or  compell  them 
to  turn  Renegadoes  from  their  Religion,  or  fo  much  as  demoliffi  their  Churches  i 
But  contented  themfelves  to  chafe  away  perfons  of  eminency,  and  parts,  and  power, 
whom  they  had  reafon  to  fufped  and  fears  and  made  ufe  of  vulgar  'perfons  and 
fpirits,for  their  own  advantage.  This  is  certain,  that  Britainhdng,  an  Ifland,  'whi- 
ther there  is  no  accefs  by  land,  all  thofe  who  were  tranfported,  or  could  have'  been 
tranfported  by  Sea  on  fuch  a  fuddain,  could  not  of  themfelves  alone  in  probability  of 
reafon,  have  planted  or  peopled  the  fixth  part  of  fo  much  land  as  was  really  poffef- 
fed  by  the  Saxons.  ^^^ 


132  A  Jiifi  Vindication  TOME  I- 


And  therefore  we  need  not  wonder  if  Queen  'Bertha  a  Culnife  and  a  ClirilHan,  did 
•find  a  Congregation  of  Chriftians  atCafiterhiry  tojoyn  with  her  in  her  Religion,  and 
BclL.i.c.3S.  a  OiurchcalledSr.MjrfwJ  buildcd  to  her  hands  and  Hood  in  need  of  Letbar(>tts  a 
Eidiop  to  order  the  affairs  of  Chriftian  Religion,  before  ever  St.  y4tiflin  fet  foot  upon 
Eitgliflj  ground.  Neither  did  the  Britijh  want  their  Churches  in  other  places  aIfo,as 
Bfi.  I.I.  c,26.  appears  by  that  Commillion  which  the  King  did  give  to  Jujiitt,  (  among  other 
things  )  to  repair  the  Churches  that  were  decayed.  Thefc  poor  fubdued  perfons  had 
as  much  right  to  their  ancient  privilcdges,as  the  reft  of  the  unconqucred  Britons. 

Thirdly,  confider,that  all  thatpart  of  Britain  which  was  both  conquered   and  in- 
habited by  the  5i?xo«x,  was  not  one  intire  Monarchy,  but   divided  into  feven  diliind: 
Kingdoms,  which  were  not  fo  fuddenly  converted  to  the  Chriftian  Faith,  all  at  once, 
but  in  long  tradl  of  time,  long  after  St.  Gregory  flept  with  his   Fathers,  upon  fcvcral 
occafions,  by  (everal  perfons.     It  was  Kent  and  fome  few  adjacent  Counties  that  was 
converted  by  Aufline.     It  is  true,  that  'EthelbertKmg  of  Kent  after  his  own  converfi- 
on,  did  indeavour  to  have  planted  the  ChrilHan  Faith  both  in  the  Kingdoms  of  Nor. 
//^«>wifr/<iW  and  the  Ej/f-/4»g/fj-,  with  fair  hopes  of  good  fuccefs  for  a  feafon.     But 
alas,  it  wanted  root.     Within  a  fhort  time  both  Kings  and  Kingdoms  apoftated 
from  Chrill:,  andforfook  their  Religion.     The  Kingdoms  of  the  TFefi  Saxons  and  of 
Speed  in  the    the  South  Saxons  wider  Kingils  their  King,  who  did  unite  the  Heptarchy  into   a  Mo- 
Ir"/? V'^*^^     narchy,  were  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Berinus  an  Italian^  by  the  pcrfwafions  of 
jtn.eitT"'    Ofreald K\x\^o^  Northumberland.     Ofivald  Kins,  oi^  Northumberland  was  baptized  in 
Bed.  L.  ?.  c.     Scotland^  and  Religion  luckily  planted  in  that  Kingdom  by  Aidan  a  Scottijh  Bifliop. 
4, 6"  5-  ?f«i/a  King  of  Mf»"«:«  was  converted  and  Chriftened  by   Fi«a««^  SuccelTor  oi  Aidan 

^"'•^■^■'^■"' by  the  means  of  a  marriage  with  a  ChriftianPrincefs  of  the  Royal  Family  of  Nor- 
St  edinrht  i^^uf^berland.  SigibertKmgoithc'EaiiAngks^invihok  days,  and  by  whofe  means, 
Kmgsofthc  Religion  took  root  among  the  Eii/J  5ii:)C(?«j-,  was  converted  and  Chriftened  in  Fr^?Kf. 
Eafi-Anifet,  All  thefe  Saxons  which  were  converted  by  Britains  or  Scots^  may  as  juftly  plead  for 
An,  614.  thgjr  oy  immunities  as  the  Britains  themfelves.    We  acknowledge  St.  Gregory  to 

have  been  thefirft  that  did  break  the  ice.  And  yet  we  fee  how  fmall  a  proportion  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  Britip  Iflands  do  owe  their  converfion  to  Kome,  in  probability 
not  a  tenth  part. 

Fourthly,  confider,  that  the  converfion  of  a  Nation  to  the  Chriftian  Faith,  is  a 
good  ground  in  equity  (  all  other  circumftances  concurring,  )  why  they  fliould  rather 
f Libmit  themfelves  ,  era  General  Council  affign  them,  to  that  See  that  converted 
them,  than  to  any  other  Patriarchate,  as  was  juftly  pleaded  in  the  cafe  between  the 
Bifliopsof  Kome  and  Conftantinopk^  about  the  right  of  Jurifdidion  over  the  Bulgari- 
ans. But  the  converfion  of  a  Nation  is  no  ground  at  all  to  invert  their  converter 
prefently  with  Patriarchal  Authority  over  them,  or  any  Ecclefiartical  Superiority  > 
efpecially  where  too  great  a  diftance  of  place  doth  render  fuch  Jurifdidion  ufelefs 
and  burthenfome  v  and  moft  efpecially  where  it  cannot  be  done  without  prejudice 
to  a  former  owner,  thruft  out  of  his  juft  right  meerly  by  the  power  of  the  fword, 
(  as  the  Britijh  Primates  were,  )  Or  to  the  fubjedting  of  a  free  Nation  to  a  forreign 
Prelate,  without  or  beyond  their  own  con(ent.  In  probability  of  reafon  the  Britans 
ought  their  firft  converfion  to  the  E^yffm  Church,  as  appeareth  by  their  accord  with 
them  in  Baptifmal  rites,  and  the  observation  of  Earter-,  Yet  never  were  fubjed  to 
any  Eaftem  Patriarch.  Sundry  of  our  Brm}^  and  Englijh  Bifliops  have  converted 
forreign  Nations,  yet  never  pretended  to  any  Jurifdidlion  over  them. 

Fifthly  and  Laftly,  confider.  That  whatfoever  title  or  right  St.  Gregory  did  ac- 
quirc,or  might  have  acquired  by  his  piety  and  deferts  towards  the  Englifli  Nation, 
it  wasperfonal,  and  could  notdefcend  from  him  to  fuch  Succeflbrs,  who  both  for- 
feited it  many  wayes,  and  quickly  (  within  four  or  five  years  )  after  his  death  quitted 
their  Patriarchate,  and  (et  an  higher  title  to  a  (jairitual  Monarchy  on  foot,  whileft  the 
moft  part  of  England  remained  yet  Tagan^  when  Pope  Boniface  did  obtain  of  Thocof 
the  Ufurper,  (  an  Ufurping  Pope  f/om  an  llfurping  Emperour)  to  be  Univerfal 
Biftiop. 

Their  Canon-ftiot  is  part,  that  which  remains  is  but  a  fmall  volly  of  Muskets. 

^  They  add,  that  we  have  Schifiiiatically  feparated  our  (elves  from  the  Communion  of 

our  Anceftors,  whom  we  believe  to  be  damned ;  That  we  have  feparated  our  felves 

from 


12 


3 


Discourse   II.       Of  the  Church  of  Ensjuid. 

from  our  Ecclefiaftical  PredecefTours ,  by  breaking  in  funder  the  line  of  Apoftolical 
Succeiiion  ,  whileil  our  Presbyters  did  take  upon  them  to  Ordain  Bifhops  ,  and  to 
propagate  to  their  SuccelTors  more  than  they  received  from  their  PredeceflTors:  That 
our  Presbyters  are  but  equivocal  Presbyters ,  wanting  both  the  right  matter  and 
form  of  Presbyterial  Ordination  (  to  extingui(b  the  Order  is  more  Schifmatical  , 
than  to  decline  their  Authority.  )  And  Lartly  ,  that  we  derive  our  Epifcopal  Jurif- 
di(ftion  from  the  Crown. 

Firft ,  for  our  natural  Fathers ,  the  Anfwer  is  eafic.  We  do  not  condemn 
them ,  nor  feparate  our  felves  from  them.  Charity  requires  us  both  to  think  well  , 
and  fpeak  well,of  them  i  but  Prudence  commands  us  like  wife  to  look  well  to  our 
felves.  We  believe  our  Fathers  might  partake  of  fome  Errours  of  the  Roman 
Church  i  we  do  not  believe  that  they  were  guilty  of  any  Heretical  pravity,  but  ^^  condemn 
held  always  the  Truth  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds ,  and  were  al-  "°'°"''f'- 
ways  ready  to  receive  it  when  God  (hould  be  pleafed  to  reveal  it.  Upon  thele 
grounds  we  are  fo  far  from  damning  them ,  that  we  are  confident  they  were  faved 
by  a  General  Repentance.  He  that  (earcheth  carefully  into  his  own  heart ,  to  find 
out  his  errors,  and  repenteth  truly  of  all  his  known  fins  ,  and  beggeth  pardon  for 
his  unknown  errours,  proceeding  out  of  invincible,  or  but  probable,  ignorance  ,  in 
God's  acceptation  repenteth  of  all.  Otherwile  the  very  bcft  of  Chriltians  were  in 
a  miferable  condition.     For  ivho  can  tell  horv  pft  he  offendeth  ? 

The  fecond  Accufation  of  Priefts  confecrating  Bifhops,  is  grounded  upon  a  fenfe-  Our  Bi/hops 
left  fabulous  fidion ,  made  by  a  man  of  a  leaden  heart  and  a  brazen  forehead ,  of  I  not  Ordained 
know  not  what  AlTembly  of  fome  of  our  Reformers  at  the  fign  of  the  Nags-head  in  t>y  Presbyters. 
Cheap-fide^  or  rather  deviled  by  their  malicious  enemies  at  the  fign  of  the  Whetjhne 
in  Tofes-head-AVey.     Againft  which  lying  groundlefs  drowfie  dream ,  we  produce 
in  the  very  point  the  Authentick  Records  of  our  Church  ,  of  things  not  afted  in  a 
corner,  but  pubUckly  and  folemnly,  recorded  by  publick  Notaries,  prelerved  in  '*lj''°1  <'^^'" 
publick  Regifters  ,  whither  every  one  that  defired  to  fee  them  might  have  accefs,  HcMo'%t.c,^' 
and  publifhed  to  the  world  in  Print  whileft  there  were  thoufands  of  Eye-witnefles 
living  ,   that  could  have  contradidcd  them  if  they  had  been  feigned.     There  is  no 
mofe  certainty  of  the  Coronation  of  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  or  Edrvard  the  Sixth,  than 
there  is  of  that  Ordination,  which  alone  they  have  been  pleafed  to  Queftion,  done 
not  by  one  (  as  Attfline  conlecrated  the  firft  Saxon  Prelates, )  but  by  Five  confecra- 
ted  Bilhops.     Let  them  name  the  perlbn  or  perfons,  and,  if  they  were  Bilhops  of 
the  Church  of  England ,  we  will  ihew  them  the  day  ,  the  place ,  the  perfons,  when, 
and  where,  and  by  whom,  and  before  what  publick  Notaries  or  fworn  Officers, 
they  were  ordained  v  and  this  not  by  uncertain  rumours,  but  by  the  Ada  and  In- 
ftruments  themfelves.     Let  the  Reader  chufe  whether  he  will  give  credit  to  a  fwt)rn 
Officer, or  a  profefTed  Adverfary  i  to  Eye-witnefles,  or  to  malicious  reporters  upon 
hear-fay  i  to  that  which  is  done  publickly  in  the  face  of  the    Church,  or  to  that 
which  is  faid  to  be  done  privately  in  the  corner  of  a  Tavern. 

Thefe  Authentick  evidences  being  upon  occafion  produced  out  of  our  Ecclefiafti- 
cal Courts ,  and  deliberately  perufed  and  viewed  by  Father  Oldcorn  the  Jefitite  ,  he 
both  profefled  himlelf  clearly  convinced  of  that  whereof  he  had  fo  long  doubted  , 
(  that  was  the  legitimate  fugcellion  of  Bifhops  and  Priefts  in  our  Church  , )  and 
wifhed  heartily  towards  the  reparation  of  the  breach  of  Chrifiendome  ,  that  all  the 
world  were  fo  abundantly  fatished  as  he  himfelf  was :  blaming  us  as  partly  guilty 
of  the  grofs  miftake  of  many ,  for  not  having  publickly  and  timely  made  known  to 
the  world  the  notorious  falfhood  of  that  empty  ,  but  far  fpread ,  afperfion  againft 
our  fuccelfion.  As  for  our  parts ,  we  believe  Epifoopacy  to  be  at  leaft  an  Apoftoli- 
cal Inftitution ,  approved  by  Chrift  himfelf  in  the  Kevelation  ,  ordained  in  the  In- 
fancy of  Chriftianity  as  a  remedy  againft  Schifin  •,  and  we  blefs  God  that  we  have  a 
clear  fuccelfion  of  it. 

Our  matter  and  form  in  the  Ordination  of  Presbyters  islmpofition  of  hands  ;  Our  matter 
And  thele  words ,  Keceive  the  Holy  Ghojl;  Whoje  fins  thou  d<>ji  forgive ,  they  are  forgi-  Presbmrial 
ven ,  and  rvhofe  fins  thou  doji  retain  ,  they  are  retained  ■■,  Be  thou  a  faithful  Dijpenfer  of  OrdinatioD 
the  iVord  and  Sacraments.     The  Form  moft  agreeable    to  the  Gofpel ,  pradifed  juftified. 
throughout  the  Occidental  Church  for  a  Thoufand  years ,  approved  by  the  Fathers, 

O  and         ■ 


154 


A  Jtift  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


An.tiif 


We  derive  no 
Jurifdiftion 
from  the 
Ctonn. 


BlmJel-   Aft- 
tat.  p.  3«8. 
&c 

Kftiops  not 
fubjeft  to,  nor 
Ordained  by, 
presbyters  of 
elitn  Biitain. 
P.  370. 


d  bv  the  mo/i  found  and  learned  Koman-C:Ltho\kks  thenilelvcs.  The  Form  of 
O  d'  ation  in  the  Grefk  Church  is  no  more  but  this,  Impolition  of  hands,  and  the(e 
words  The  Vivine  Grace  rehkh  always  citreth  that  which  U  infirm  ,  doth  treate  [  or 
promote  ]  J.B.  a  venerable  Sub-Veacon  to  be  a  Deacon  ,  or  a  venerable  Deacon  to  be  a 
prieji ,  or  a  Prieji  beloved  of  God  to  be  a  Bijhop.  And  yet  no  man  ever  doubted  of  the 
validity  of  their  Ordination  ,  but  they  did  always ,  and  do  at  this  day  execute  their 
Fundions  in  the  Roman  Cliurch ,  and  difcharge  all  Duties  belonging  to  their  rcfpe- 
dive  Orders ,  as  freely  as  in  the  Greeks  Church  it  felf  We  have  the  fame  Matter 
that  they  have  ,  we  have  the  Form  more  fully  than  they  have ,  the  Romanifis  them  • 
felves  being  Judges.  Then  what  madnefs  is  it  to  allow  of  their  Ordination,  and 
difpute  of  ours  i  and  upon  a  pretended  defed  in  Matter  or  Form ,  to  drive  men 
to  be  re-ordained.     Is  not  this  te  have  the  Faith  of  our  Lord   Jefus  Chrijl  inreJpeClof 

ferfons  ? 

Thefe  grounds  are  over-weighty  to  be  counterbalanced  by  the  Tradition  of  the 
Patine  and  of  the  Chalice,  an  upftart  cuftom  or  innovation, conHrrned  but  the  other 
Day  by  the  Decree  of  Ettgeniiis  the  Fourth  i  a  time  too  late  in  Confcience  for  intro- 
ducing either  a  double  Matter  and  Form ,  or  a  new  Matter  and  Form  of  that,  which 
is  acknowledged  by  them ,  and  not  denied  by  us  in  a  larger  fenfe ,  to  be  a  Sacra- 
ment. All  we  fay  is  this ,  That  it  is  not  a  Sacrament  generally  neceifary  to  Salva- 
tion ,  as  Baptifm  and  the  Holy  Eucharift  are. 

Neither  do  we  draw  or  derive  any  Spiritual  JurifdiUion  from  the  Crown:  But 
cither  Liberty  and  Torper  to  exercife  ASuaUy  and  Laafully  upon  the  SubjeAs  of  the 
Crown  ,  that  habitual  Jurifdidlion  which  we  received  at  our  Ordination  i  Or  the 
inlargement  and  dilatation  of  our  Jurifdidion  Objedively  ,  by  the  Princes  referring 
more  caufes  to  the  cognifance  of  the  Church  than  formerly  it  had  i  Or  Laflly  ,  the 
increafe  of  it  Subjectively,  by  their  giving  to  Eccleliaftical  Judges  an  external  coer- 
cive power  ,  which  formerly  they  had  not.  To  go  yet  one  ftep  higher.  In  cafes  that 
arc  indeed  Spiritual,  or  meerly  Ecclefiaftical,  fiich  as  concern  the  Doftrine  of 
Faith,  or  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments,  or  the  Ordaining  or  Degrading  of 
Ecclefiaftical  perfons  ,  Sovereign  Princes  have  (  and  have  onely  )  an  ArchiteSonical 
power,  to  fee  that  Clergy-men  do  their  Duties  in  their  proper  places.  But  this 
power  is  always  moft  properly  exercifed  by  the  Advice  and  Miniftery  of  Ecclefiafti- 
cal perfons  i  And  fometimes  neceflarily  ,  as  in  the  degradation  of  one  in  Holy  Or- 
ders by  Ecclefiaftical  Delegates. 

Thereforeour  Law  provides,  that  nothing  (hall  be  judged  Herefie  with  us  de 
novo ,  but  by  the  High  Court  of  Parliament,  wherein  our  Bilhops  did  always  bear 
a  part ,  with  the  aflent  C  that  is  more  than  advice)  of  the  Clergy  in  thtir  Convo- 
cation* In  fumme,  we  hold  our  Benefices  from  the  King  ,  but  our  Offices  from 
Chrift.  The  King  doth  nominate  us.  But  Biftiops  do  Ordain  us.  I  touch  thefe 
things, more  briefly  now ,  becaute  I  have  handled  them  more  at  large  in  a  full  An- 
fwer  to  all  the  Objedions  brought  by  S.  N.  Dodour  of  Theology ,  in  the  Twenti- 
eth Chapter  of  the  Guide  of  Faith ,  or  the  Third  Part  of  his  Antidote  againft  our 
Hdly  Orders,  our  Jurifdidion ,  and  Power,  to  expound  Scripture  ,  which  if  God 
fend  opportunity,  may,  if  it  be  thought  convenient,  perhaps  one  day  fee  the  light. 
The  confounding  of  thofe  Two  diftind  Adts,  intimated  by  me  in  this  Paragraph  , 
that  is.  Nomination  ox  FleQion  ,  with  Ordination  or  Confecration,  hath  begotten  ma- 
ny miftakes  in  the  World  on  feveral  fides ,  among  which,  the  refped  I  owe  to  the 
Britijh  Churches  will  not  permit  me  to  pafs  by  one  untouched. 

I  have  read  related,  but  confufedly ,  out  of  Venerable  Bede  ,  fundry  Hiftories  . 
by  very  learned  Authours,  of  Aidan  a  Scottijh  Bifhop ,  fend  to  Ofwald  King  »/ Nor- 
thumberland,  /or  the  converfwn  of  his  people  from  the  Ifand  of  Hy ,  wherein  root  one  of 
the  principal  Monajieriei  of  the  Northern  or  Ulfter-Scots,  &c.  Sicque  eum  ordinantes  ad 
prddicandiim  miferunt ,  So  the  Colledge  ordaining  him  Bijhop  fent  him  to  preach;  as  like- 
wife  of  Columbanus  his  coming  into  Britaign ,  where  he  had  alfigned  unto  him  the 
Ifland  Hy  or  l>na  ,  for  the  building  of  a  Monaftery.  Habere  autem  folet  ipfa  Jnfula 
ReCtorem  femper  Abbatem  Presbyterum ,  cujus  juri  &  omnis  Provincia,  &  ipfi  etiam  Epi- 
fcopi  ordine  inufitato  debeant  ejfe  j'ubjedi :  That  Ifland  ufed  to  have  a  Governottr  an  Abbat 
m  Presbyter^  to  rfhofe  Jwisdiiiitn  htb  the  whole  Prtvince,  and  th  Bijhopt  themfehes,  hy 

«0 


Discourse  If.       Of  the  Chttrrh  of  Eng]a.nd. 


n"? 


an  ttnufml  order  ouglnto  be  jttbjed.     Thefe  Teftimonies  they  account  fo  clear     as  to  ^"£.26^. 
be  able  to  inlightcn  the  dulleft  eye.     Arid  hence  they  conclude,  not  onely  that  PrcT- 
byters  may  ordain  Bifhops,  and  be  their  Spiritual  Governours ,  but  that  it  was  i'-Ji- 371. 
communis  qmdammodo  Anglorum  ommimi  regttla  ,  A  common  rule  of  all  the  Eni/lilh 
in  a  manner ,  that  BilTiops  being  Monks  ,  lliould  be  fubjed:  to  their  Abbats.        * 

I  honour  Bede  as  the  light  of  his  Age  ,  who  jufily  gained  to  himfelf  the"  name  of 
Venerable  throughout  the  Occidental  Church.     And  I  doubt  not  but  he  writ  what 
he  heard.     But  certainly  he  could  not  have  fuch  clear  diftind  knowledge  of  particu- 
lar circumftances  ,  as  they  who  have  been  upon  the  place ,  and  feen  the  Records 
thereof. 

f  irlt,  there  is  a  great  miftake  in  the  perfon  i  Columba  and  Columbanw  lived  botli 
in  the  fame  Age,  but  CoJumbanus  was  much  the  younger ,  who  propagated  Chrifti- 
an  Religion  much,  but  it  was  in  other  parts  of  the  World.  It  was  not  Columbanus, 
but  Columba ,  that  converted  the  Britijh  Scots ,  and  Founded  both  the  Bifhoprick  of 
PtTi^  by  another  name  ,  and  the  Abby  of  Pftyy.  And  likewife  the  Bifhoprick  of 
the  llles  in  Scotland  ,  and  the  Abby  of  Jona  ,  he  whom  the  Irijh  call  to  this  day  Co- 
limklU  ,  quia  m}tltarum  ceVarum  Fater  ,  (  as  his  own  Scholar  gives  the  reafon  in  the 
defcription  of  his  life,  (  becaufe  he  was  the  Father  or  Founder  of  many  Churches  or 
Cells. 

Secondly  ,  they  confound  the  places,  the  Abby  oCVerry  or  Verrimagh^  quod  lin- 
gua Scotorum  figmficat  campum  roborum  ,  (  faith  Bede, )  which  in  Iri(h  (  that  was 
the  ancient  Scottifi  )  fignifies  a  field  or  plain  of  Oak/  ,  which  was  indeed  fituated  in 
the  Territories  of  the  Northern  Vliter  Scots ,  with  the  Abby  of  lona  fituated  in  Bri- 
taign. 

Thirdly,  they  confound  the  Adions,  Miflion,  which  is  no  more  than  Nomina- 
tion or  EJedion  ,  with  Ordination  or  Confecration.  Who  (b  proper  to  chute  a 
Eilhop  as  the  Chapter  ?  So  was  that  Convent  until  the  Reformation.  Who  (o  pro- 
per to  Ordain  as  the  Bi(hop?  For  neither'Perry,  nor  the  llles,  did  ever  want  a  Bi- 
Ihop  from  their  Firft  Converfion.  So  ,  referenda  fingula  fingulis ,  the  words  of  Bede 
are  plain,  the  Chapter  named,  and  the  Bilhcp  Ordained. 

Fourthly,  they  miftake  the  fubiedion.  The  Abbat  was  the  Lord  of  the  Mannor 
and  fo  the  Bifhop  was  fubjed  to  the  Abbat  in  temporalibus.  But  the  Abbat  was  eve- 
ry where  fubjed  to  the  Eifhop  in  Spiritualibw  ^  who  did  annually  vifit  both  the  Ab- 
by and  the  Abbat,  as  by  the  Vifitation-Rolls  and  Records,  ( if  thefe  inteftine  wars 
have  net  made  an  end  of  them)  may  appear.  You  fee  upon  what  conjedrural 
grounds  Criticks  many  times  build  new  Paradoxes ,  which  one  latent  circumftance 
being  known,  is  able  to  difperfeand  dilEpate  ,  with  all  their  probable  prefumpti- 
ons.  If  it  had  nut  been  thus,  it  is  no  new  thing  for  an  Abbat  to  challenge  Epifco- 
pal  Jurifdidion,  or  to  contend  with  his  Bifhop  about  it.  What  is  this  to  meer  Pref- 
byters,  qua  tales  ? 

Laftly ,  they  contradid  Venerable  Bede.  He  faith  it  was  ordine  inufitato  ,  by  an 
unufual  order.  They  fay  it  was  in  a  manner  the  common  rule  of  aV  the  Englifh.  And 
this  they  fay  upon  pretence  of  a  Decree  of  the  Council  of  Hereford ,  thaty«c/;  Bi- 
Jhops  as  had  voluntarily  profeffed  Monkery ,  Jljould  perform  their  promifed  obedience,  which 
is  altogether  impertinent  to  their  purpofe.  Doch  any  man  doubt ,  whether  Bifhops 
might  freely  of  their  own  accord ,  enter  into  a  Religious  Order  ?  or  that  they 
were  not  as  well  obliged  to  perform  their  Vow  as  others  ?  Some  Emperors  have 
done  the  fame.  Yet  no  man  will  conclude  from  thence ,  that  Emperors  are  inferiour 
to  Abbats. 

Such  miliakes  are  all  their  iiilhnces ,  except  they  light  by  chance  upon  an  unfor- 
med Church  .  before  it  were  well  fettled.     As  if  a  manfhould  argue  thus  ;  There  "nfonrieJ 
have  been  no  Biihops  in  Virginia ,  during  the  Reigns  of  King  James  and  King  fit'^pr'^e^c'edcw. 
Charles.,  therefore  the  Clergy  there  were  Ordained  by  Presbyters.  We  knowthe con- 
trary ,  that  they  had  their  Ordination  in  England,  So  had  the  Clergy,  in  unformed 
Churches,  forreign  Ordination. 

This  is  part  of  that  which  we  have  to  fay  for  a  proper  Patriarchate ,  and  for  our 
exemption  from  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Koman  Court,  from  which  our  feparation  is 
much  wider  than  from  the  Koman  Church,     Other  differences  may  make  particular 

O  2  breaches , 


I  g5  A  Jnft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  I. 


breaches,  but  the  Koman  Court  makes  the  univerfal  Schifm  between  them  and  all  the 
reft  of  the  Chriftian  World ,  and  hath  been  much  complained  of,  and  in  part  fha- 
ken  off  by  feme  of  their  own  Communion.  I  could  wi(h  with  all  my  heart ,  that 
they  were  as  ready  to  quit  their  pretended  Prerogatives,  which  not  we  alone  ,  but 
all  the  World  except  themfelves,  and  a  great  part  of  themfelves  privately  ,  fo  con- 
demn, as  we  {hould  be  to  wave  our  juft  Priviledges,  and,  if  need  were,  to  facrifice 
them  to  the  common  peace  of  Chriftendom. 

This  were  a  more  noble  and  a  more  fpecdy  way  to  a  re-union,  than  a  Pharifaical 
compaflingof  Sea  and  Land  to  make  particular  Profelytes  of  all  thofc  whom  ei- 
ther a  natural  levity  ,  or  want  of  judgment ,  or  difcontent ,  or  defpair ,  to  (ee  the 
Church  of  E«g/iJ«^re-eftabli(hed,  or  extream  poverty ,  and  expedation  of  fome 
fupply,  have  prepared  for  their  baits  j  whom  they  do  not  court  more  until  they  have 
gained  them,  than  they  negled  after  they  think  they  have  them  fure  ,  as  daily  expe- 
rience doth  teach  us. 


C  H  A  P.    X. 

The  Conclnfion    of  thn  Trcatife. 

THis  is  the  Treatife  of  Schifm  intimated  in  my  Anfwer  to  Monfmtr  de  la  Mili- 
tiere  ,  but  not  promifed  by  me  ,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  Imprellion,  not 
jn  tni5  r,mi.  fhould  have  judged  it  proper  to  give  an  Englip  Anfwer  to  ^.French  Authour. 

rai.2'}.  3  '  Howfoever  being  publiflied  I  own  it,  except  the  errours  of  the  Prefs.  Among  which 
Pat  aa.  /.  la.  ^  defire  the  ChrilHan  Reader  to  take  notice  elpecially  of  one,  becaufe  it  perverts  the 
for  {Neither    fenfe.  It  is  noted  in  the  Margin. 

doyoM  )  read  They  who  have  com  poled  minds  free  from  diftrading  cares,  and  means  to  main- 
C  '"*'"*.'"  J,  -J  tain  them  ,  and  friends  to  affifl  them  ,  and  their  Books  and  Notes  by  them  ,  do  lit- 
amended  in  '  ^'^  imagine  with  what  difficulties  poor  Exiles  ftruggle,  whofe  minds  are  more  in- 
this  Edition  tent  on  what  they  (hould  eat  to  morrow  ,  than  what  they  (hould  write ,  being  cha- 
by  as  light  a  fed  as  Vagabonds  into  the  mefcilefs  World  to  beg  relief  of  ftrangers.  An  hard  con- 
change  as  vvas  jjfjQj^  ^  jj^gj  when  the  meaneft  Creatures  are  fecured  from  that  fear  of  wanting  ne- 
a  note  of  In-  ceflary  fuftenance ,  by  the  bounty  of  God  and  Nature  :  that  onely  men ,  the  beft  of 
terrogation.  Creatures,  (hould  bedibjedted  to  it  by  unde(erved  cruelty.  Perufe  all  the  Hiftories 
For  as  then  I  of  the  hteft  Wars ,  among  Dutch  ,  French  ,  Srredes  ,  Danes ,  Spaniards ,  Poles , 
^'etnberthis  '^^''*''^^  ^"^  Turk^ ,  and  you  (hall  not  meet  with  the  like  hard  meafure.  Did  the 
corrcaion  of  King  of  Spain  conquer  a  Town  from  the  Hollanders  ?  He  acquired  a  new  Domini- 
thc  Author  on  ,  but  the  property  of  private  men  continued  the  fame.  Did  the  Hollanders  take 
himfelf.  jn  a  Town  from  the  Spaniard  ?  They  made  provifion  for  the  very  Cloifterers  ,  du- 

ring their  lives.     So  did  our  Henry  the  Eighth  al(b  at  the  diflblution  of  the  Abbies. 
Violent  things  1  aft  not  long. 

Or  if  Exiles  can  fubfift  without  begging  ,  yet  they  are  neceffitated  to  do  or  fuP- 
fer  things  otherwife  not  fo  agreeable  to  them.  Wherein  they  dcferve  the  pity  of 
all  good  men.  When  Alexander  had  conquered  Darius ,  and  found  many  Grecians 
PialaJch'  *"  ^^^  Army ,  he  commanded  to  detain  the  Athenians  prifoners  ,  becaufe  having 
means  to  live  at  home,  they  chofe  rather  to  ferve  a  B^rtarMM  i  and  the  Tbejfali- 
ans ,  becaufe  they  had  a  fruitful  Country  of  their  own  to  till :  But  (  faid  he )  fulfer 
the  T^hehans  to  go  free,  for  we  have  left  them  neither  a  City  to  live  in,  nor  fields  to 
till.  This  is  our  condition. 

When  the  free  exercife  of  the  Koman  Religion  was  prohibited  in  England  ,  and 
they  wanted  Seminaries  at  home  for  the  education  of  their  youth  ,  and  means  of 
Ordination  i  yet  by  the  bounty  of  forreign  Princes ,  and  much  more  by  the  free 
contribution  of  our  own  Country-men  of  that  Communion  ,  they  had  Golledges 
founded  abroad  for  their  (ubfiftance.  So  careful  were  they  to  propagate  and  per- 
petuate their  Religion  in  their  native  Country.     The  laft  Age  before  thefc  unhap- 

py 


Discourse  II.      Of  the  Chnrch  of  En^hud.  \  xy 

py  troubles  was  as  fruitful  in  Works  ot  Piety  and  Charity  done  by  Proteltants,  as 
any  one  preceding  Age  fince  the  converfion  of  Britain.  And  although  we  cannot 
hope  for  that  forreign  allillance  which  they  found  ,  yet  might  we  have  expevfttc'.  a 
larger  fupply  from  home ,  by  as  much  as  our  Profeflburs  are  much  more  numerous 
than  theirs  were.  Hath  the  fword  devoured  up  all  the  charitable  Obadiahs  in  our 
Land  ?  Or  is  there  no  man  that  lays  the  afflid-ion  of  Jnfefh  to  heart  >  Yet  God  that 
maintained  his  People  in  the  Wildernefs  without  the  ordinary  fupply  of  food  or 
rayment,  will  not  defert  us,  until />£■  turn  our  capivity  as  the  riven  in  the  South.  Where 
Humane  help  faileth, Divine  begins. 

But  to  draw  to  a  Conclufion.  We  have  feen  in  this  (hort  Treatife  how  the 
Court  o^Kome  hath  been  the  caufe  of  all  the  differences  and  broils  between  the  Em- 
perors with  other  Chriftian  Princes  and  States,  and  the  Popes.  We  have  (een  that 
from  the  excefles  ,  abufcs ,  innovations  and  extortions  of  that  Court,  have  fprung 
all  the  Schifms  of  the  Eaftern  and  Weftern  Church  ,  and  of  the  Occidental  Church 
■within  it  felf.  We  have  heard  the  Confelfion  of  Pope  Adrian^  thzt  for  fnme  years  by' 
paj}  many  things  to  be  abominated  had  been  in  that  holy  See  ,  abujes  in  Jfiritual  matters 
excejies  in  commands  ,  and  all  things  out  of  order.  We  have  heard  his  promife  to  en- 
deavour the  Reformation  of  his  own  Court ,  from  whence  peradventure  all  f!)e  evil  did 
ffrtng  ,  that  as  corruption  didflovo  from  thence  to  the  inferiour  parts  ,  Jo  might  health  and 
Reformation.  1o  tvhich  he  accounted  himfelffo  much  more  obliged^  by  how  much  he  did  fee 
the  whole  World  greedily  defire  a  Reformation. 

We  have  viewed  the  reprefentation  which  Nine  feleded  Cardinals  and  Prelates 
did  make  upon  their  Oaths  to  Paul  the  Third  :  That  this  lying  flattering  principle , 
that  the  Pope  is  the  Lord  of  all  Benefices ,  and  therefore  could  not  be  Simoniacaf  was  the 
fountain ,  from  whence  ,  as  from  the  Trojan  Horfe  ,  fo  many  abufes,  and  fa  grievous  dif- 
eafes  had  broken  into  the  Church ,  and  brought  it  to  a  dejperate  condition  ,  to  the  derifwn  of 
Chrtjiian  Religion^  and  blalpbeming  of  the  Name  cfChrift ,  and  that  the  cure  muji  benn 
there ,  from  whence  the  difeafe  didjpring. 

We  may  remember  the  Memorial  of  the  King  oC  Spain,  and  the  whole  King- 
dom of  Cafiile  ;  That  the  abufes  of  the  Court  of  Rome ,  gave  occafwn  to  all  the  Refor- 
mations and  Schifms  of  the  Church.  And  the  complaint  of  the  King  and  Kingdom 
oi  Portugal,  That  for  thefe  reafons  many  Kingdoms  bad  withdrawn  their  obedience  and 
reverential  refped  from  the  Church  of  Rome.  Thefe  were  no  Proteftants.  The  iirft  ftep 
to  health,  is  to  know  the  true  caufe  of  our  difeafe. 

It  hath  been  long  debated ,  whether  the  Proteftant  and  Roman  Churches  be  rc- 
concileable  or  not.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  make  my  felf  a  Judge  of  that  Contro- 
verfie.  Thus  much  I  have  obferved  ,  that  they  who  underftand  the  fewefl  Con- 
troverfies  make  the  molt ,  and  the  greateft.  If  Queftions  were  truly  itated  by  mo- 
derate perfons ,  both  the  number  and  the  heighth  would  be  much  abated.  Many 
differences  are  grounded  upon  miflakes  of  one  anothers  fence.  Many  are 
meer  Logomachies  or  contentions  about  words.  Many  are  meerly  Scholaiiical 
above  the  capacity  and  apprehenfion  of  ordinary  brains.  And  many  doubtlefs  are 
real  both  in  credendis  and  agenda  ,  both  in  Dodtrine  and  Difcipline.  But  whether 
the  diftance  be  fb  great ,  or  how  far  any  of  thefe  are  neceffary  to  Salvation  or  do 
intrench  upon  the  Fundamentals  of  Religion,  requires  a  ferious  ,  judicious  and 
impartial  confideration.  There  is  great  difference  between  the  reconciliation  of  the 
perfons ,  and  the  reconciliation  of  the  opinions.  Men  may  vary  in  their  judgments 
and  yet  preferve  ChriHian  Unity  and  Charity  in  their  Affedions  one  towards  ano- 
ther, fo  as  the  errours  be  not  deltrudlive  to  Fundamental  Articles. 

I  determine  nothing  ,  but  oncly  crave  leave  to  propofe  a  queftion  to  all  mode- 
rate Chriftians ,  who  love  the  peace  of  the  Church ,  and  long  for  the  re-union 
thereof.  In  the  firft  place  ,  if  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  were  reduced  from  his  univerfa- 
lity  of  Soveraign  Jurifdidtion  ,  jure  Vivino  ,  to  his  principium  unitatis  aud  his 
Court  regulated  by  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers ,  which  was  the  fcnfe  ofthe'ccuncils 
ofConftance  and  Bafile  ,  and  is  dciired  by  many  Roman-dtholkks  as  well  as  we. 

Secondly ,  if  the  Creed  or  neceffary  points  of  faith  were  reduced  to  what  they 
were  in  the  time  of  the  four  tirlt  Oecumenical  Councils ,  accordint^  to  the  de- 
cree of  the  third  General  Council  Con.  Eph.  Part.  2.  A^t.S.cj.  (Who  dare  fay 

that 


V 


A  Jnji  Vindtcatim TOME  U 


that  the  faith  ot  the  primitive  Fathers  was  infufficicnt>  )  Admitting  no  additio- 
nal Articles, but  ondy  rcceflary  cxplicationsi  And  thoie  to  be  made  by  the 
avthority  ot  a  General  Ccuncil,or  one  fo  general  as  can  be  convocated :  And 
lallly  ,  fuppijf rg ,  that  Icme  things  Irom  whence  oPercts  either  given  or  takeft, 
(  which  whether  right  or  wrong,  do  not  weigh  hall  fo  much  as  the  unity  of 
Chriftians,  )  were  put  out  ot  divine  offices  ,  which  would  rot  be  refuftd  ifani- 
mofities  were  taken  away  ,  and  charity  rellored  s  I  fay  ,  in  cafe  thefe  three  things 
were  accorded  ,  which  feem  very  rcalonable  demands  ,  whether  Chriftians  might 
not  live  in  an  holy  communion ,  and  joyn  in  the  (ame  publick  woifhip  of  God, 
free  from  all  Schifmatical  feparation  of  themfelves  one  from  another,  notwith- 
ftanding  diveriities  of  opinions  ,  which  prevail  even  among  the  metribers  of  the 
lame  particular  Chiurches ,  both  with  them  and  us. 


DISCOURSE  III. 


A 

REPLICATION 

To  the  B I  S  H  O  P  of 

CHALCEDONs 

Survey  of  the 

VINDICATION 

Church"'E.gla„d 

From  Criminous 

SCHISM. 

Clearing  the  E  N  G  L I S  H  from  the  afperfion  of  Cruelty. 

With  an  Appendix  in  Anfwer  to  the 
Exceptions  of  5'.  JV. 


By  the  right  Reverend  John  Bramhall  D.D. 
and  Lord  Bifliop  of  Deny, 


D  V   B  L  I  N, 

Printed  in  the  Year  M.  DC.  LXXIV. 


140 


^' 


THE 


CONTENTS 

O  F    T  H  E 

CHAPTERS. 


A 


N  ANSWER,  to  Ri  C.  tbt  lijhof  of  ChalcedonV  Trefgee 

Page  143, 
C  H  A  P.    I. 


A  Replj  to  the  Firji  Chapter  of  the  Survey 

G  H  A  P.    IF. 

Concerning  the  fitting  of  the  ^efthn 

CHAP;     III. 


Page  15  V 


Page  iC6, 


whether    Protejiants    were    Authours  of  the  Sefdrdtien  from  Kome 

Page  176. 
CHAP.     IV.  Page  189. 


CHAP.    V^ 
CHAP.    VI. 


Pageaoo. 


Soveraign  Princes  in  fame  ctfet  have  f  over  to  tbange  the  txterint  tUgh 
went  of  the  Church  Page  a  i  a. 

C  H  A  P.    VII. 

That  aU  Ptincef  4nd  RepMbUckj  of  the  Roman  Communion ,  do  in  effeSi 
the  fame  things  vcbicb  King  Henry  did  Page  228. 

CHAP.    VIII. 

ihdt  the  Pefe  and  Court  of  Rome  are  moji  guilty  of  the  Schifm     P.  J  37* 

CHAP.    IX. 
A  Defence  of  our  Anftoers  to  the  ObjtSiens  of  the  Romanifts  P*  245. 

CHAP.    X. 


A  Reply  to  S.  W'/,  Refutation  of  the  fijhop  of  Deny'/ Juji  Vindication  of 
the  church  of  England  -  Page  260. 


141- 


^g^^a^^p^ 


'•^  ^ -^  -^  --isr  %y  -^ 

To  the  Clnifiian  R.  e  a  b  e  r. 


r^^^'^I^^J"  Brijiiaf}  Reader^  of  vchat  Commumonfoever  thou  heeit,  fo 
^^^^(0Mi.    ^^^"  ^^^fi  vcubin  the  Commumon    of    the  Oecumenical 

M  '-i^  Church:,  either  in  a&  or  in  dejire,  I  offer  this  fecond  Jrea^ 

C  ^r.  Ufe  of  Schifm  to  thyferjoui  view  and  unpartial  judgment. 
/«^^>^v^.*^»*^  ihefortMet  teas  aVmdicMtion  of  the  Church  <?/ England, 
^^^^^e^^P^  this  later  is  a  Vindication  of  my  felf^  or  rather  both  are 
iun^  >S%*'^  Vindications  oj  both.  In  vindicating  the  Church  then, 
I  did  vindicate  my  Jelf.  And  in  vindicating  my  felf  nort>,  I  do  vindicate 
the  church.  What  I  have  performed  I  do  not  fay ^  I  dare^not  judge  ,  the 
wofi  moderate  men  are  fear cely  competent  judges  of  their  orcn  VPorks. 

No  man  canjufilj  blame  me  for  honouring  my  Jpiritual  A/other  the  Church 
of  England,  tn  vehoje  IVomb  I  was  conceived.^  atwhofe  Brejis  Iwas  nourifh- 
edj  and  in  whofe  Eofom  I  hope  to  dy.  J^ees,  by  the  injiinii  of  nature^  ds 
love  their  hives,  and  Birds  their  nefis.  But  Cod  it  my  witnefs  ihatj  accord- 
ing to  myuttermoji  talent  and  poor  nnderfianding,  I  have  endeavoured  to  fet 
doTvn  the  nailed  truth  impartially^  without  either  favour  or  prejudice-^the  two 
capital  enemies  of  right  judgwtnt.  fhe  one  of  %vhicb  like  a  falfe  mirror 
(loth  reprefent  things  fairer  andjiraighter  than  they  are  '-,  the  other  like  the 
tergue  infe&edwith  choler  makes  tbefweetefi  meats  totaji  bitter.  My  de- 
fire  bath  been  to  have  truth  for  my  chiefeji  Friend,  and  no  Enemy  but  Error. 
If  I  have  had  any  byafsj  it  hath  been  defre  of  Veace^  which  our  common 
Saviour  left  as  a  Legacy  to  hisChurch^ihat  1  might  live  to  fee  the  re'union 
of  Chrijiendom^for  which  ifiall  alwayes  bow  the  knees  of  my  heart  to  the 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jefud  Chrijl.  It  is  notimpojfible  but  that  this  defire  of 
Vaity  may  have  produced  fome  unwilling  error  of  Love^  but  certainly  I  *m 
mo (i  ji-ee  from  the  wilful  love  of  Error.  In  ^e^ions  ef  an  inferior  nature 
Chn^  regards  a  charitable  Intention  much  more  than  aright  Opinion. 

Bowfoever  it  be,  ifubmit  my  felf  and  my  poor  indeavours,  FirB,  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Qatholick.Oecumcnical  effcntial  Church j  which  if  fome  of 
latedayes  have  indeavoured  to  hifsoutof  the  Schools  a;  a  fancy,  I  cannot 
help  it.  From  the  beginning  it  w.fs  not  fo.  And  if  I  fiould  mistake  the 
right  Catholick.Church  out  of  humane  frailty  or  ignorance.^  which  for  mj 
part  I  have  no  reafon  in  the  tVorld  tofujpeSl  i  yet  it  is  not  impojfibte,  when 
the  Romanics  themfelves  are  divided  into  five  or  frxfeveral  opinions,  what 
this  Catholic  k^Church,  or  what  their  Infallible  "judge  is')  I  do  implicitly  and 
i»the  preparation  of  my  mindfubmit  mj  felf  to  the  true  Catholick^Chureh, 
theSpoufe  of  Chrifi,  the  Mother  of  the  Saints^  the  Fillar  of  Truth.  And 
feeing  my  adherence  is  firmer  to  the  Infallible  Rule  of  Faith,  that  is,  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  interpreted  by  the  Catholick.Churchthan  to  mine  own  pri- 
vate ludgmeni  or  Opinions^  although  I  frould  unwittingly  fall  into  an  Error, 
yet  this  cordial  fubmijjion  is  an  implicite  Retractation  thereof,  and  lam 
confident  will  be  fo  accepted  by  the  Fathir  of  mercies,  both  from  me  and  all 

others 


142 


To  theChriftian   Reader: 


others  roho  ferioufy  and  fiucerely  dofeeh^ajter  Teace  and  truth. 

Lik^wife  I  fubmit  my  felf  to  the  Keprejentative  Church,  that  is  a  pee 
General  Council,  or  fo  Central  as  can  he  prccfired  j  and  untill  then  to  the 
Church  of  England  ivherein  I  vpat  baptized,  or  to  a  National  EngliJIo  Synod. 
1o  the  determination  of  allwhich^  and  each  of  themref^t&ively^  according 
to  the  diUw^  degrees  of  their  Authority,  I  yield  a  c^^nioxnnty  and  com- 
pliance, or  at  the  leaji^  and  to  the  hvpeji  of  them,  an  acquiefcence. 

finally  I  crave  this  favour  f-om  the  courteous  Reader^  that  becaufe  tie 
Surveyer  hath  overfeen  almojt  all  the  principal  proofs  of  the  Cauft  in  <ga«* 
Jiion  (  K>hicb  I  conceive  not  to  be  fo  clearly  and  candidly  done,  )  he  veiU  take 
the  pains  to  pcrufe  the  Vindication  it  felf.  And  then  in  the  name  of  Cod 
ttt  hint  folloTP  the  di&ate  of  right  reafon.  For  as  thatfcale  maji  needs  fet' 
ikdovpn  rehereitito  mojl  neight  isput^fo  the  mind  cannot  chufe  but  yield  to 
the  rrc'ght  of  ^erfficuom  Demonjiration. 


'43 


DISCOURSE    III. 

A  N  S^W  E  R 

To  K.C,tbeBijho{of  Chalcedon's 

P  R  iE  F  A  C  E. 

^Examine  not  the  impediments  of  R.  C.  his  undertaking  this  seH  t]  i 
furvey.  Onely  I  cannot  but  obferve  his  complaint  of  extreme 
want  of  wcf/JiryBffo^f,  having  all  his  own  Notes  by  him,  and 
fuch  ftore  of  excellent  Libraries  in  Tarts  at  his  command',  than 
which  no  City  in  the  World  affords  more,  few  fo  good\  cer- 
tainly the  main  difad vantage  in  this  behalf  lies  on  my  fide. 

Neither  will  I  meddle  with  his  motives  to  undertake  it.  I 
have  known  him  bng  to  have  been  aPerfon  of  great  eminence 
among  our  Engliflj  Roman-Catholkk^r^  and  do  elleem  his  undertaking  to  be  an  ho- 
nour to  the  Treatiie.  Bos  laffus  fortius  pedemjigit,  (  faid  a  great  Father)  The  weary 
Oxetreadeth  deeper.  Yet  there  is  one  thing  which  I  cannot  reconcile,  namely  a  fear 
leajl,  if  theJnftver  were  longer  deferred,  thefoyfon  of  the  faid  treat ife  might  Jpread  fur- 
ther^and  become  more  incurable.  Yet  with  the  fame  breath  he  tells  us,  that  J  bring'  no- 
thing new  worth  anfrvering.  And  inhisAnfwer  to  the  firft  Chapter,  that  no  other 
Englijh  Minijier  (  for  ought  l>e  kiiows  )  hath  hitherto  dared  to  defend  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land jfrow  Schifm  in  any  efpecial  treatife.  Yes  diverfe  ■■,  he  may  be  pleafed  to  inform 
himfelf  better  at  his  leifure.  What,  is  the  Treatife  fo  dangerous  and  infedious  > 
Is  the  way  fo  unbeaten  ?  And  yet  nothing  in  it  but  what  is  trivial?  Nothing  new 
that  deferves  an  anfwer  >  1  hope  to  let  him  fee  the  contrary.  He  who  difparageth 
the  work  which  he  intends  to  confute,  woundeth  his  own  credit  through  his  Adver- 
faries  fides.  But  it  feemcth  that  by  fjrveying  over  haftily,  he  did  quite  ovcrfte  all 
our  principal  evidence,  and  the  chiefeft  firmaments  of  ourcaufe.  I  am  fure  he  hath 
quite  omitted  them,- 1  fiiall  make  bold  now  and  then  to  put  him  in  mind  of  it. 

Hence  he  proceedeth  to  Five  obfervable  points,  which  he  efteemeth  fo  highly,  that 
hchclkveth  they  alone  may  ferve  for  a  full  refutation  of  my  Eoo)^  Then  he  muft  have 
very  favourable  Judges.  HisFirft  point  to  be  noted  is  this,  that  Schifm  isafitbjianti- 
.il  divifwn^or  a  divijwninfnme  fubjlantialpart  of  the  Church:  and  that  the  fubftantial 
farts  of  the  Church  are  thefe  three^  Frofe^on  of  Faith,  Communion  in  Sacraments  and 
LiwfulMinijlery.  I  confefs  I  am  not  acquainted  with  this  language,  to  make  Pro- 
telfion  of  Faith,  Communion  in  Sacraments  and  lawful  Miniftery,  which  are  no  fub- 
{\2nces,  to  he  fubjiantial  parts,oi^  zny  thing^dtherThyfical  01  Metaphyfical.  He  defi- 
neth  the  Church  to  be  a  Society.  Can  thefe  be  fubftantial  parts  of  a  Society  >  As 
much  as  rationability  being  but  a  Faculty  or  Specifical  Quality  is  a  Subftantial  part  of 
a  man,  becauR:  it  is  a  part  of  his  Definition,  or  his  ElTential  Difference, 

But  I  fuppofe  thzthy  fubftantial  parts  he  means  ejfentials,  as  we  ufe  to  fay  the  Three  Enenti- 
fame  Church  in  fuhftance,  or  the  fame  Religion  in  fubflance,  that  is  in  efence.     And  if  ah  of  a  true 
fo,  then  he  might  havefpared  the  labour  of  proving  it,  and  prelling  it  over  and  over.  Church. 
For  we  maintain  that  an  entire  profelfion  of  favjng  truth,  a  right  ufe  of  the  Word 
apd  Sacraments,  and  an  union  under  lawful  Paftors,  being  taken  joyatly,  do  diftin- 
guifh  the  ChuichcfTentially  from  all  other  Societies  in  the  World.    We  have  been 

tola 


144 


A  Jnji  Vindication 


TOMEL 


and  a  perfeS 
Church' 


told  heretofore  of  other  Notes  of  the  Church  which  did  not  pleafeus  fo  well,  as  An- 
tiquity, and  Univerfality,  and  Splendour,  d^c.  which  may  be  prtfent  OK  abfent,  with 
the  Church  or  without  the  Church.     As  if  a  man  Oiould  defcribe   money  by  the 
weight  and  colour  and  found,  or  defcribe  a  King  by  his  Crown  and  Scepter,  or 
defcribe  a  man  as  Tlato  did,  to  be  a  living  Creature  with  two  kggs  without  feathers^ 
which  Diogenes  eafily  confuted  by  putting  a  naked  Cock  into  his  School,  faying  he- 
hold  Flato's  man.  Such  feparable  commutiicable  Accidents  are  not  N'otes  «.£i' «^t!,  .^  aV, 
abfolutelyand  at  all  times,but  vl' >«€?'>&  <«•'",  accidentally  and  at  fometimes',  whereas 
thefe  thtee  do  belong  unto  the  Catholick  Church,and  to  all  true  particular  Churches, 
infcparably,  incommunicably,  and  reciprocally,  and  are  proper  to  the  Church  quarto 
modo,  toeverytrue'Church,onely  to  a  true  Church,  and  alwayes  to  a  true  Church. 
Yetl  foretell  him,  that  this  liberal  concellion  will  not  promote  his  caufe  one  hairs 
breadth  :  As  will  appear  in  the  fequel  of  this  Difcourfe. 
Great  diffe-  But  yet  this  ejfentiality  muft  not  be  prefled  too  farr,  for  fear  leaft  we   draw  out 

rcncebetvveeu  blood  in  the  place  of  milk.     I  like  Stapktons  diftindion  well,  of  the  «^/«rf  and 
iirue  Church  ^jj-^^^g  ^^f  ^  Church ,  from  the  integrity  and  ferfeSion  thereof.     Thefe  three  e^entials 
do  conftitute  both  the  one  and  the  other,  both  the  thence  and  the  perfeaion  of  a 
Church.    Being  perfea  they  confummate  the  integrity  of  a  Church,  being  impetfeU 
they  do  yet  contribute  a  being  to  a  Church.     It  doth  not  follow  that,  becaufe    Faith 
is  eflential,  therefore  every  point  of  true  Faith  is  eiTential  i  or  becaufe  difcipline 
iseffentialjthereforeeverypartof  rightdifciplineiseffentiali  or  becaufe  die  Sacra- 
ments are  effcntiai,  therefore  every  lawful  rite  is  effential.     Many  things  may  be  law- 
ful, many  things  may  be  laudable,  yea  many  things  may  be  neceflary  necejfitate  prxcepti^ 
commanded  by  God,  of  divine  Inftitution,  that  are  not  eflential,nor  neceflary,  Mfccjp- 
tate  medii.     The  want  of  them  may  be  a  great  ^e/(?d?,itmay  be  a  great  Jj«,  and  yet  if 
it  proceed  from  invincible  neceliity  or  invincible  ignorance,  it  doth  not  abfolutely 
exclude  from  Heaven.     The  eflences  of  things  are  unalterable,  and  therefore  the 
loweft  degree  of  faving  Faith,  of  Ecclefiaftical  Difcipline,  of  Sacramental  Commu- 
nion that  ever  was  in  the  Catholick  Church,  is  fufEcient  to  preferve  the  true  being 
of  a  Church.     A  reafonable  Soul  and  an  humane  Body  are  the  eflential  parts  of  a 
man.     Yet  this  body  may  be  greater  or  leffer,  weaker  or  ftronger',  yea  it  may  lofe  a 
legg  or  an  arm,  which  before  they  were  loft,  were  fubordinate  parts  of  an  eflential 
part,  and  yet  continue  a  true  Humane  Body  though  imperfedt  and  maimed, without 
dcftroyingthe  ejience  of  that  Individual  man.     Senfibility  and  a  loco-motive  faculty 
are  eflential  to  every  living  Creature.     Yet  (bme  living  Creatures  do  want  one 
lenfe,  (bme  another,  as  fight,  or  hearing.     Some   fly,  fome  run,  fome  fwim,  fbmc 
creep,  fome  fcarcely  creep  :  and  yet  flill  the  cflence  is  preferved.     Naturalifts  do 
write  of  the  Serpent,that  if  there  be  but  two  inches  of  the  body  left  with  the  head, 
the  Serpent  will  live,  a  true  Serpent,  but  much  maimed  and  very  imperfed. 

Much  lefs  may  we  conclude  from  hence  that  the  want  of  true  effentials  in  cafes 
n'otTonciufiye  of  invincible  neceliity  doth  utterly  exclude  from  Heaven,  or  hinder  the  extraordi- 
toCod. 


Aftual  want 
of  Efftntiali 


nary  influence  of  divine  Grace:    No  more  than  the  adual  want  of  Circumcifion  in 

the  Wilderne(s  did  prejudice  the  Jews.     God  ads  with  means,  without  means, 

againft  means.     And  where  the  ordinary  means  are  defired,  and  cannot  be  had,  he 

fupplies  that  defed  by  extraordinary  Grace.     So  he  fed  the  Ifraelites  in  a  barren 

Wildernefs,where  they  could  neither  (bw  nor  plant,  with  Manna  from  Heaven. 

True  Faith  is  an  eflential ;  yet  Infants  want  adual  Faith.     Baptifm  the  laver  of 

"Regeneration  is  an  elfentiaU  yetthere  maybe  the  Baptiftn  of  the  Spirit, orthe  Baptifm 

of  Blood,  where  thereis  not  the  Baptifm  of  water.     He  that  defires  Baptifm  and 

cannot  have  it,  doth  not  therefore  want  it.     So  likewife  Eccleiiaftical  Difcipline  is 

an  eflential  of  a  true  Churchi  yet  R.  C.  himfelf  will  not  conclude  from  thence  that 

adualfubordinationtoevery  link  in  the  chain  of  the  Hierarchy  is  (b  eflentially  ne- 

cefTary,  that  without  it  there  can  be  no  falvation.    Thus  he  faith,  We  profcfi  that  it  it 

C6.8.  SeS,.i'  ftecejjary  to  falvation  to  be  under  the  Pope  as  Vicar  of  Chrift.But  we  fay  not  that  it  u  necefa- 

ry  neceliitate  tnedii, fo  as  none  can  befaved  tpho  do  not  aCiuaVy  believe  it,unkj!it  be  fugici- 

ently  propofed  to  them.     What  he  confeflTeth,  we  lay  hold  on,  that  fubjedion  to  the 

Pope, is  not  ff/frnM/Zy  neceflary.    .What  he  affirmeth  further,  that  it  is  preceptively 

oeceffary  or  commanded  by  Chrift,  we  do  altogether  deny.     I  urge  this  onely  for 

this 


Dtscoukse  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  Eughnd.  i  ^.t:    _ 

this  purpofe,  that  though  Ecckllaftical  Difcipline  be  an  elTential  of  the  Church  •,  yet 
(  by  his  own  confeiiion  )  every  particular  branch  of  it  may  not  be  eflential ,  though 
othcrwife  lawful  and  necelTary  by  the  commandment  of  God. 

But  if  by  pofelpon  of  Faith  he  underRands  particular  forms  of  Confeiiion,  often  p    •    i  ^ 
diifering  in  points  of  aninferiour  iiature,  not  comprehended  either  adually  or  virtu-  Riahts,Fo'nw 
ally  in  the  Apoftles  Creed,  or  perhaps  erroneous  Opinions  :  If  by  Coww?«i3«  7«  Sacra-  Opinio'rj,no  * 
»;f«t/ he  underltand  the  neceffary  ufe  of  the  fame  Rites,  and  the.  fame  forms  of  ^^°"^''' 
Adminiftration,  whereof  fome  may  be  lawful,  but  not  neceflary  to  be  ufed  ■■>  others 
unlawful,  and  neceflary  to  be  refufed  :  Laftly,  if  by  lavsfiil  Miniftery  he  underftand 
thofe  links  of  the  Hierarchy,  which  have  either  been  lawfully  eftablifhed  by  the 
Church,  as  Patriarchal  Authority  ;  or  unlavi^fully  ulurped,  as  Monarchical  power : 
•we  are  fo  far  from  thinking  that  thefe  are  eflential  to  the  Church,  that  we  believe 
that  fome  of  them  are  intolerable  in  the  Church. 

The  other  Branch  of  this  firft  note,  that  Schijm  is  a  divifwn  in  fame  fuhflanfial  parts 
cf  the  Church  of  Cod,  is  true,  but  not  in  his  fenfe.  All  Schifrn  is  either  between  Patri- 
archal Churches,  or  Provincial  Churches,  or  Diocefan  Churches,  or  fome  ofthele 
reipedively,  orfome  of  their  refpedive  parts.  But  his  fenfe  is,  that  all  Schifm  is 
about  the  Eflence  of  Religion.  A  ftrange  paradox!  Many  Schifms  have  arifen  in  Schifm  is  not 
the  Church  about  Rites  and  Ceremonies,  about  Precedency,  about  Jurifdidion,  about  Effcntials?"' 
the  Rites  and  Liberties  of  particular  Churches,  about  matter  of  FacfV.  Obftinacy 
in  a  fmall  error  is  enough  to  make  a  Schifm.  St.  Paul  tel's  us  of  Divifions  and 
Factions  and  Schifms  that  were  in  the  Church  of  Corinth  i  yet  thefe  were  not  about 
the  Eflentialsof  Religion, but  about  a  right-handed  error,  even  too  much  admirati- 
on of  their  Paftors.  The  Schifm  between  the  Ro>wj«  and  ^jz^«c^ Churches,  about 
the  oblervation  of  Eajier,  was  far  enough  from  the  heart  of  Religion.  How  many 
bitter  Schifms  have  been  in  the  Church  of  Kme  it  (elf,  when  two  or  three  Popes  at 
a  time  have  challenged  St.  Tetirs  Chair,  and  involved  all  Europe'm  their  Schifmatical 
contentions  ?  Yet  was  there  no  manner  ot  difpute  about  Faith  or  Sacraments,  or 
HoIyOrdcrs,  or  the  Hierarchy  of  the  Churchi  but  meerly  about  matter  of  Fad:, 
whole  eledion  to  the  Papacy  was  right. 

From  the  former  ground,  K.  C.  makes  two  colledions  ,  Firft  that  Schifnt  U  a  moji 
pievous  crime,  and  a  greater  Sin  than  Idolatry,  becaufe  it  tendeth  to  the  dejirtidion  cf  the 
whole  Church,  Tvhnfe  ejience  confjieth  in  the  union  of  all  her  fuhfiantial  parts,  and  her 
deihudion  in  the  divifwn  of  them.    What  doth  this  Note  concern    the  Church  of 
England,  which  is  altogether  guiltlefs  both  of  Schifm  and  Idolatry  >  I  with  the 
Church  and  Court  of  Kome  maybe  as  able  to  clear  themfelves.     I  am  no  Advocate 
for  Schifrn.    Yet  this  feemeth  flrange  paradoxical  dodirine  to  Chriftian  ears.  What 
is  all  Schifm  a  more  grievous  Sin  than  formal  Idolatry  >  Who  can  believe  it  >  Schifm  Schifm  is  not  a 
is  a  defed  of  Charity,  Idolatry  is  the  height  of  impiety,  and  a  publick  affront  put  greater  fin 
upon  Almighty  God.     Schifm  is  immediately  againft  men, Idolatry  is  diredly  againft  ''^'°  Wolatry. 
God.   And  the  Fathers  hold  that  Judas  finned  more  in  defpairing  and  hanging  him- 
felf,  than  in  betraying  his  Mailer,  becaufe  the  later  was  againft  the  humanity,  the 
former  againft  the  Divinity  of  Chrift.   Idolatry  is  a  fpiritual  Adultery,  and  fo  ftiled 
every  where  in  holy  Scriptures.    A  fcolding  contentious  Wife  is  not  fo  ill  as  an  Adul- 
terefsi  neither  is  thatSouldier  who  ftraggles  from  his  Camp,  or  deferts  his  General 
out  of  pallion,  fo  ill  as  a  profelTed  Rebel,  who  attempts  to  thruft  fome  bafe  Groom  i  Cor.  io.s», 
into  his  Sovereigns  Throne.  St.  Pi?x</ calls  Idols  Peri//,  and  their  Altars  the  Tables  of  ai* 
Devils.  Can  any  fin  be  more  grievous  than  to  give  divine  honour  to  the  Devil  > 

It  is  true  that  fome  Schifm  in  refped  of  fome  circumftance  is  worfe  than  fome 
Idolatry,  as  when  the  Schifm  is  againft  the  light  of  a  mans  knowledge,  and  the  Ido- 
latry proceeds  out  of  ignorance  :  But  the  learned  Surveyor  knoweth  very  well,  that 
it  is  a  grofs  fallacy  to  argue  a  diCfo  fecunditm  quid  ad  didum  fimpliciter,  to  apply  that 
which  is  fpoken  rcfpedively,  tofomeone  circumftance,  as  if  it  were  fpokcn  abfolutc- 
ly,to  all  intents  and  purpofes :  as  if  one  Ihould  fay  that  many  men  were  worfe  than 
Beafts,  becaufe  each  kind  of  Beafts  hath  but  one  peculiar  fault,  and  that  by  natural 
neceffitation, as  the  Lyon  cruelty,  the  Fox  fubtilty,  the  Swine  obfcenity,  the  Wolf 
robbery,  the  Ape  flattery,  whereas  one  may  find  an  Epitome  of  all  thefe  in  one  man, 
and  that  by  free  Eledioni  yet  he  were  a  bad  difputant  who  fhould  argue  from 

P  hence 


,  ^6  A  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  I- 


hence,  that  the  nature  of  Man  isabfolutely  worfe  than  the  nature  of  brute  Bcafis. 
AHKfl.li'ie       Saint  At^Hn  (Jith  indeed  that  Schifmaticks  haptifing  Idolaters  do  cure  them  of  the 
Bapt.  c.  8.        tpound  of  their  Idolatry  and  infidelity^  but  rvound  them  more  grievoufy  Tvith  the  wound  of 
Schifm.     The  deepeft  wound  is  not  always  the  molt  deadly,     for  the  Sword  IqVed  the 
Opt.  1. 1'  Idoljters,hut  the  Earth ftvallomd up  the  Schifmatickr.     And  Optatus aMs^ that  Schifm 

Ufummum  malum,  the  greateji  evil.     That  is,  not  abfolutely,  but  refpcdively,  in  fome 
pcrfons,  at  fome  times.     No  man  can  be  fo  ftupid  as  to  imagine  that  Schifm  is  a 
greater  evil  than  the  fin  againft  the  Holy  Ghoft,or  Atheifm,  or  Idolatry.     The  reafbn 
of  Optatus  his  affcrtionfolloweth,  the  fame  in  effcd  with  St.  Ai'fiines,  for  the  IdoU- 
tro;«- Nine vites  upon  their  Fafting  and  Prayer  obtained  pardon,  but  the  earth  freaUovced  up 
Korah  and  hit  company.     AH  that  can  becollcded  from  St.  Aufiin  or  Optatm,  is  this, 
that  God  doth  fomctimes  puni(h  wilful  Schifmaticks  more  grievoufly  and  exempla- 
rily  in  this  life,  than  ignorant  Idolaters  '■>  which  provcth  not  that  Schifm  is  a  greater 
fin  than  Idolatry.     Jeroboam  made  God's  people  Schifmaticks,  but  his  hand  was 
dryed  up  then  when  he  ftretched  it  out  againft  the  Prophet,  yet  the  former  was 
the  greater  fin.     The  judgments  of  God  in  this  life  are  more  exemplary  for  the  a- 
raendment  of  others,  than vindidive  to  the  delinquents  themfelves.     And  for  the 
moft  part  in  the  whole  Hiftory  of  the  Bible,  God  feemeth  to  be  more  fenfible  of  the 
injuries  done  unto  his  Church  and  to  his  fervants,  than  of  the  difhonour  done  unto 
himfelf.     In  the  Ifle  of  Man  it  is  death  to  fteal  an  Hen,  not  to  fteal  an  Horfe,  becaufc 
there  is  more  danger  of  the  one  than  of  the  other,  in  refped  of  the    fituation  of 
the  Country.    Penal  Laws  are  impofcd,  and  punifhments  inflidted,  according  to 
the  exigence  of  places,  the  difpofitions  of  perfons,  and  necelHties  of  times. 

But  becaufe  he  hath  appealed  to  St.  ^«/?i»,  to  St.  Aujiin  kt  him  go:  Idefire  no 
better  Expofitor  of  St.  Aujiin  than  St.  Aujiin  himfelf.  Exceptis  illis  duntaxat  quicun- 
quein  vohisfmit fcientes  quidverumft,  &  pro  animofitate  ju£perverfitatis  contra  veritatem 
Ait£iifl.Ep.i9,  etiam  fihi  notijjimam  dimicantes.  Horum  qnippe  impietM  etiam  Idololatriam  forfuan  fti- 
perat.  Excepting  onely  thofe  [^Donatifts "]  vchofoever  among  you  kiiorv  rfhat  is  true,  and 
out  of  aperverfe  animoftty  do  contend  againji  the  truth,  beingmoji evidently  kiJon>n  to  them- 
felves  :  For  thefe  mens  impiety  doth  peradventure  exceed  even  Idolatry  it  felf.  The  cafe 
is  clear,  St.  Aujiin  and  Optatus  did  onely  underftand  wilful!  perverfe  Schifinaticks, 
who  upheld  a  feparation  againft  the  evident  light  of  their  own  Confcience,  compa- 
ring thefe  with  poor  ignorant  Idolaters  i  and  even  then  it  was  but  a  peradventure, 
peradventure  they  are  veorfe  than  Idolaters.  But  1  wifli  R.  C.  and  his  party  would 
attend  diligently  to  what  follows  in  St.  Aujiin,  to  make  them  leave  their  uncharitable 
Ibidem.  cenfuring  of  others  :  Sed  quia  non  facile  convinci  pojjhnt,  inanimo  namque  latet  hoc  ma- 

lum, omnes  tanquam  a  nobis  minus  alieni  leviori  feveritate  coerceminj.  But  becaufe  thefe 
can  not  be  eafily  conviUed,for  this  ei/i/C obftinacy  )  lies  hid  in  the  heart,  vpe  do  ufe  more 
gentle  coercion  to  you  all,  as  being  not  jo  much  alienated  firom  us.  I  wi(h  all  men  wer£ 
as  moderate  as  St.  Atijiin  was,  even  where  heprofeffeth  that  he  had  learned  by  Ex- 
perience the  advantage  of  feverity.  St.  Attjiin  and  the  primitive  Church C  in  the 
perfon  of  which  he  fpeaks)  fpared  the  whole  {edtof  the  Vonatijis,  and  looked  upon 
them  as  no  fach  great  ftrangers  to  them,  becaufe  they  did  not  know  who  were  obfti- 
nate,  and  who  were  not,  who  erred  for  want  of  light,  and  who  erred  contrary  to  the 
light  of  their  own  Consciences.  The  like  Spirit  did  poflefs  Optatus ,  who  in  the 
treatife  cited  by  K.  C.  doth  continually  call  the  Donatiils  Bref^rew,  not  by  chance  or 
inanimadvertence,  but  upon  premeditation  i  he  juftifieth  the  title,  and  profeffeth 
himfelf  to  be  obliged  to  ufe  it  •,  he  would  not  have  done  fo  to  Idolaters.  And  a  little 
before  in  the  fame  Book,  he  wonders  why  his  Brother  Tarmenian  (  being  onely  a 
Schifmatick  )  would  rank  himfelf  with  Hereticks,  who  were  falfifers  of  the  Creed, 
that  iSjthe  old  primitive  Creed  which  the  Council  of  7rent  it  felf  placed  in  the  front 
of  their  Ads,  as  their  North-ftar  to  dired  them.  I  wi(h  they  had  fleered  their 
courfe  according  to  their  Compafs. 

To  cutoff  a  limb  from  a  man,  or  a  branch  from  aTrff  C  faith  he  )is  to  delhoy  them.  Moft 
true.  But  the  cafe  may  be  fuch  that  it  is  neceffary  to  cut  off  a  limb  to  (ave  the 
aTim.  J.17.  whole  body,  as  in  a Gangreen.The  wordof  crroris  a  Canker  orGangreen  acyayt^euta. 
not  Cancer  a  Crab-fifli,  becaufe  it  is  retrograde,  which  was  Anfelm's  milUke.  So 
when  fuperfluous  branches  are  lopped  away,  it  makes  the  Tree  thrive  and  profper 
Jhe  better.  Hk 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enejsind.  j^j 

His  Second  Conclufion  from  hence  is,That  there  can  be  mjujl  orfufficient  caufe  given  There  may  be 
for  Schifm^  becaufe  there  can  be  no  juji  caufe  of  committing  fa  great  a  Sin-,  And  be-  jufl caufe  of 
caufe  there  ii  no  falvation  out  of  the  Churchy  which  he  proveth  out  of  St.  CypriaH  and  S^pararion,  no 
St.  ^Mftin,  to  little  purpofe,  whileft  no  man  doubts  of  it  or  denies  it.    And  hence  schifm^*^"^ 
he  inferrs  this  Corollary,  that  I  fay  untruly  that  the  Church  of  Rome  is  the  caufe  of 
this  Schifm  and  all  other  Schifms  in  the  Churchy  becaufe  there  can  he  no  juji  caufe  oj  C*.  i.  F4.<4. 
Schifm.     My  words  were  thefe,  that  [ffce  Church  of  Rome,  or  rather  tht  Pope  and  '^'^* 
Court  of  Rome,  are  caufally  guilty  both  of  this  Schifm  and  almoji  all  other  Schifms  in  the 
Church.  ]  There  is  a  great  difference  between  thefe  two.    But  to  difpel  umbrages, 
and  to  clear  the  Truth  from  thefe  mifts  of  words :  We  muft  diftinguilh  between  the 
Catholick  Oecumenical  Church,  and  particular  Churches,  how  eminent  foever  >     as 
likewife  between  criminous  Schifm  and  lawful  feparation.    Firft,  I  did  never  (ay 
that  the  Catholick  or  Univerfal  Church  either  did  give,or  could  give,  any  juii  caufe 
of  feparation  from  it  i  yea  I  ever  faid  the  contrary  exprefly.  And  therefore  he  might 
well  have  fjaared  his  labour  of  citing  St.  Auftin^  and  St.  Cyprian^  who  never  under- 
ftoodthe  Catholick  Church  in  his  fenfe.  His  Catholick  Church  was  but  a  particu- 
lar Church  with  them.    And  their  Catholick  Church  is  a  Majl  of  Monflers  and  an 
Hydra  of  many  Heads  with  him. 

But  I  did  (ay,  and  I  do  fay  v  that  any  particular    Church  without  exception  o'  *■'  ^"  ^' 
whatfoever,  may  give  juft  caufe  of  feparation  from  it  by  Herefie,  or  Schifm,  or  abufe  churches  may 
of  their  Authority,  in  obtruding  Errors.    And  to  fave  my  felf  the  labour  of  proving  give  juft  catJe 
this  by  evidence  of  Reafon,  and  by  Authentick  Teftimonies,  I  produce  K.  C.  him-  °^  reparation, 
felf  in  the  point,in  this  very  Survey.     Neither  can  there  be  any  fubjlantial  divifion  from 
any  particular  Churchy  unlejlfhe  be  really  Hfretical  or  Schifmatical^  J  fay  really^  becaufe  fhe  ^'  ^'  *' 

may  be  really  Heretical  or  Schifmatical^  and  yet  morally  a  true  particular  Churchy  becaufe 
(he  is  invincibly  ignorant  cf  her  Herefie  or  Schifm^  and  fo  may  require  profe^on  of  her 
Herefie,  Oi  a  condition  of  communicating  with  her.  In  which  cafe  divifion  from  her  U  no 
Schifm  or  Sin,  but  virtue,  and  neceffary.  And  when  I  urge  that  a  man  may  leave  the 
Communion  of  an  erronenui  Church,  as  he  may  leave  his  Fathers  houje  when  it  is  infeUed 
jvith  fame  contagious  fickfiefi,  with  a  purpofe  to  return  to  it  again  when  it  iscleanfed-yhe  Ch.tt.F.iy, 
anfwers,that  this  may  be  true  of  a  particular  Church,  but  cannot  be  true  of  the  Vniverfal 
Church.     Such  a  particular  Church  is  the  Church  of  'Rome.  Prefip,  Jo. 

Secondly,  I  never  faid  that  a  particular  Church  did  give,  or  could  give,  fufEcient 
caufe  to  another   Church  of  criminous  Schifm.     The  moft  wicked  fociety  in  the 
World  cannot  give  juft  caufe  or  provocation  to  fin',  'their  damnation  U'jufi,  who  fay, 
let  uf  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.     Whenfoever  any  Church  fhall  give  fufEcient  ^"''•3«8' 
caufe  to  another  Church  to  feparate  from  her  i  the  guilt  of  the  Schifm  lyes  not  up- 
on that  Church  which  makes  the  feparation, but  upon  that  Church  from  which  the 
{eparation  is  made.     This  is  a  truth  undenyable,  and  is  confeffed  plainly  by  Mr. 
Knott,'They  who  firft  feparatedthemf elves  from  the  primitive  pure  Church,  and  brought  in  /n/iunmalk. 
corruptions  in  Faith,  PraSife,  Liturgy,  and  ufe  of  Sacraments,  may  truly  be  faid  to  have  '*-7-/fS' ua. 
been  Heretick^,by  departingfrom  the  pure  Faith  ■,  and  Schifmatickj,by  dividing  themfelves 
from,  the  external  Communion  of  the  true  uncorrupted  Church.     We  maintain  that   the 
Church  of  Rome  brought  in  thefe  corruptions  in  Faith,  Pradife,  Liturgy,  and  ufe  of 
the  Sacraments  i  and  which  is  more,  did  require  the  profeilion  of  her  Errors,  as  a 
condition  of  communicating  with  her.     And  if  fo,  then,  by  the  judgment  of  her 
own  Doctors,  the  Schifm  is  juftly  laid  at  her  own  door,  and  it  was  no  fin  in  us,  but 
virtue  and  neceffary,  to  feparate  from  her.     I  acknowledge  that  St.  Jujiin  faith  pr£-  Lib.  a.'  cent, 
fcindend£  unitatis  nulla  eft  jufta  neceffitas^'There  is  no  fu^cient  caufe  of  dividing  the  unity  *f-  •'''"'»»«»• 
of  the  Church.     But  he  fpeaks  not  of  falfe  dodtrines  or  finful  abufes  in  the  place  *'"* 
alledged,  as  if  thefe  were  not  a  futficient  caufe  of  feparation.     He  proves  the  exprefs 
contrary  out  of  the  words  of  the  Apoftle  Gal.  1.8.  and  i.T'im.  i.  3.  He  fpeaks  of 
bad  manners  and  vitious  humours  and  fmifler  arfe<flions,  efpecially  in  the  Preachers, 
as  Envy,  Contention,  Contumacy,  Incontinency.     This  was  his  cafe  then  with  the 
Donatifts,  and  is  now  the  cafe  of  the  Anabaptifts.     That  thefe  are  no  fufficient  caufe 
of  dividing  Unity,  he  proveth  out  of  Phil,  i.v.   15.  id.  17. 18.  He  faith  that  in 
thefe  cafes  there  is  no  fufficient  caufe,  cwm  difciplinx  feveritatem  conftderatio  culiodiendit 
facis  refrxnat  aut  divert  ■■,  When  the  confideration   of  preferving  peace  doth  reftrjin  or  delay 

P  2  the 


148 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


Sen.  9. 
Pioteftants 
have  forfaken 
no  ancient 
Churches. 


thefererityofEcclefi(^iicalT>iJ'ciplme.     He  faith  not  that  in  othercafes  there  can   be 
no  fufficient  caufe.  What  doth  this  concern  us  who  believe  the  fame  > 

His  Second  note  is  this,  that  Protejlants  have  forfaken  the  Pope^  the  Papacy,  the  Vni- 
wrfat  Komzn  Church,  and  aV  the  ancient  Chrijiian  ChHTches,  Grxchn,  Armenian, 
iEthiopian,  in  their  Communion  of  Sacraments ;  and  to  clear  themfelves  from  Scbifm, 
mu(i  bring  juji  caufe  ef  feparation  from  every  one  of  thefe.  I  anfwer  that  we  are  fepa- 
rated  indeed  from  the  Pope  and  Papacy,  that  is,  from  his  Primacy  of  power,  from 
his  Univerfality  of  Jurifdidtion  by  divine  right,  which  two  are  already  Elhblilhed 
from  his  Superiority  above  General  Councils  and  Infallibility  of  Judgment,  which 
are  the  moft  received  Opinions  and  near  Eftablifhing  in  the  Roman  Church,  We 
have  renounced  their  Patriarchal  power  over  us,  becaufe  they  never  exercifed  it  in 
Britain  for  the  Firft  lix  hundred  years,  nor  could  cxercife  it  in  after  Ages  Without 
manifeft  Ufurpation,by  reafon  of  the  Canon  of  the  Oecumenical  Council  of  Ephe- 
fiK.  Yea  becaufe  they  themfelves  waved  it,  and  implicitely  quitted  it,  prefently  af- 
ter the  Six  hundredth  year.  Difufe  in  Law  forfeits  an  Office  as  well  as  Abufc. 
But  we  have  not  feparated  from  the  Pope  or  Papacy,  as  they  were  regulated  by  the 
Canons  of  the  Fathers.  We  look  upon  their  Univerfal  Koman  Church  as  an  up- 
ftart  Innovation,  and  a  contradiction  in  adjedo.  We  find  no  fbotfleps  of  any  fuch 
thing  throughout  the  Primitive  times.  Indeed  the  BiOiops  of  Komehzve  fometimes 
been  called  Oecumenical  Bifhops  i  fohave  the  other  Patriarchs,  for  their  Univerfal 
care  and  Prefidency  in  General  Councils,  who  never  pretended  to  any  fuch  Univer- 
fality of  power.  But  for  all  ancient  Churches,  Cr£cian,  Armenian,  JEthiopian,  &c. 
none  excluded,  not  the  Koman  it  felfi  we  are  fb  far  from  forfaking  them,  that  we 
make  the  Scriptures,interpreted  by  their  joynt  belief  and  pradile,  to  be  the  rule  of 
our  Reformation.  And  wherein  their  SuccefTors  have  not  fwerved  from  the  exam- 
ples of  their  PredecefTors,  we  maintain  aftridt  Communion  with  them.  Onely  in 
Rites  and  Ceremonies, and  fuch  indifferent  things,  we  ufe  the  liberty  of  a  free 
Church,  to  chufe  out  fuch  as  are  moff  proper  for  ourfelves,  and  mofl  conducible  to 
thofc  ends  for  which  they  were  firft  Inffituted,  that  is,  to  be  advancements  of  Order, 
Modcff  y,  Decency,  Gravity,  in  the  fervice  of  God,  to  be  adjumcnts  to  Attention  and 
Devotion,  furtherances  of  Edification,  helps  of  Memory,  exercifes  of  Faith,  the 
leaves  that  preferve  the  fruit,  the  fhell  that  preferves  the  kerncll  of  Religion  from 
contempt.  And  all  this  with  due  moderation,  fo  as  neither  to  render  Religion 
fordid  and  fluttifh,  nor  yet  light  and  garifh,  but  comely  and  venerable. 

Laffly,  for  Communion  in  Sacraments,  we  have  forfaken  no   Sacraments  cither 
Inflituted  by  Chriff,  or  received  by  the  primitive  Chriff ians.     We  refufe  no  Commu- 
nion with  any  Catholick  Chriffians  at  this  day,  and  particularly  with  thofc  ancient 
Churches  which  he  mentions,  though  we  may  be,  and  have  been  mif^reprefented  one 
unto  another  ;  yea  though  the  Sacraments  may  be  adminiffred  in  fome  of  them  not 
without  manifeft  imperfedfion,  whilff  finful  duties  are  not  obtruded  upon  us  as  con-  , 
ditions  of  Communion.     Under  this  caution  we  ffill  retain  Communion  in  Sacra- 
ments with  2lowij«-Catholicks.    If  any  perfon  be  Baptized  or  admitted  into  Holy 
Orders  in  their  Church,  we  Baptize  them  not, we  Ordain  them  not  again.     Where- 
in then  have  we  forfaken  the  Communion  of  the  Koman  Church  in  Sacraments  ? 
Not  in  their  ancient  Communion  of  genuine  Sacraments,but  in  their  feptenary  num- 
ber, and  fuppofititious  Sacraments ',  which  yet  we  retain  for  the  moff  part  as  ulcful 
and  religious  Rites,  but  not  under  the  notion  of  Sacraments  •,  not  in  their  Sacra- 
ments, but  in  their  abufes  and  finful  injundions  in  the  ufe  of  the  Sacrament :     As 
their  Adminiftration  of  them  in  a  tongue  unknown,  where  the  people  cannot  fay 
Amen  to  the  Prayers  and  Thankfgivings  of  the  Church,  contrary  to  St.  Paul :     As 
their  detaining  the  Cup  from  the  Laity,  contrary  to  the  Inff itution  of  Chrift,  drinh^ 
ye  all  of  this,  that  is,  not  all  the  Apoff les  onely  i  for  the  Apoffles  did  not  Confecrate 
in  the  prefence  of  Chrifl,  and  (  according  to  the  dodrine  of  their  Schools,  and 
pradlife  of  their  Church  )  as  to  the  participation  of  the  Sacrament  at  that   time, 
were  but  in  the  condition  of  Laymen :  As  their  injundion  to  all  Communicants  to 
adore,  not  onely  Chrift  in  the  ufe  of  the  Sacrament,  to  which  we  do  readily  alTenf, 
but  to  adore  the  Sacrament  it  felf:  And  Laffly,  as  their  double  matter  and  form  in  the 
Ordination  of  a  Prielt,  never  known  in  the  Church  for  above  a  Thoufand  years  after 

Chrill. 


InSacramcntt, 


I  Cor.  14. 
Mattb.  26.zi> 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Chmcb  of  Ens,hi\d.  1^9 

Chriil.  Thefe  and  fuch  like  abufes  were  the  onely  things  which  we  did  forfal<e  : 
fb  as  I  may  truly  fay,  non  uUm  Cymbam^  teVitrem  Cymba^  reliquh  :  It  was  not  we  that 
did  forfake  them  in  the  Communion  of  their  Sacraments ,  but  it  was  their  Sacra- 
ments that  did  forfake  us.  And  yet  we  do  not  ccnfure  them  for  thefe  Innovations  in 
the  ufe  of  the  Sacraments  or  the  like,  nor  thruft  them  out  of  the  Communion  of 
the  Catholick  Church,  but  provide  for  our  felves,  advife  them  as  Brethren,  and  fo 
leave  them  to  ftand  or  fall  to  their  own  Mafter.  So  on  our  parts  there  is  a  Refor- 
mation, but  no  Separation. 

His  third  point  is,  that  Proteftanti  vary  in  giving  the  pretended  jufi  caufe,  of  their  Sell.  3. 
feparation  from  the  Roman  Church.     For  at  the  firji  their  onely  caufe  wm  the  abufe  of 
fame  that  preached  Indulgences.     Since  fame  others  give  the  adoration  of  the  bkjfed  Sacra- 
ment,  or  Communion  in  one  kjnd;  others  give  the  Oath  made   by  Pius  tibe  Fourth^  vcbicb 
tbey  call  a  nerv  Creed  i  others  other  caufes.     Which  variety  it  a  certain  fign  of  their  un- 
certainty of  any  truejuji  caufe  of  their  feparation.  That  the  Pardoners  and  Preachers  of 
Indulgences,  and  the  envy  of  other  Orders,and  the  palfionate  heat  of  the  Court  of 
Kome^  (  tange  montes  &fumtgabunt,  touch  the  high  mountains  and  they  will  fmoak,) 
did  contribute  much  to  the  breach  of  this   part  of  Chriftendom,  is  confefledly 
true. 

But  it  is  not  onely  the  abufe  of  fome  Preachers  of  Indulgences,  but  much  more  The  truecaufe 
the  abufe  of  Indulgences  themfelves  which  we  complain  oft  that  a  Treafury  fiiould  oJi  of  fome"'' 
be  compofed  of  the  blood  of  Chrift,  and  the  fufferings  and  fupererogatory  works  ProteftantJ. 
of  the  Saints,  to  be  difpofed  by  the  Pope  for  money.     What  is  this,  but  to  mingle 
Heaven  and  Earth  together;  the  imperfed:  works  of  man,  with  the  Sacrificed  blood 
of  Chrift?  Neither  was  it  the  Dodtrine  and  abufe  of  Indulgences  alone,  but  the  In- 
jundlion  to  adore  the  Sacrament  alfo  and  Communion  in  one  kind,  and  the  new 
Creed  of  Pius  the  Fourth,  or  the  new  Articles  fince  comprised  in  that  Creed,  and 
the  Monarchy  of  the  Pope  by  divine  right,  and  fundry  other  abufes  and  Innovati- 
ons all  put  together,  which  gave  juft  caufe  to  fome  Proteftants  to  (eparate  them- 
ftlves,  fo  far  as  they  were  aftive  in  the  feparation.     But  we  in  England  were  iirft 
chafed  away  by  the  Pope's  Bulls.  •  If  thefe  abufes  were  perhaps  not  difcovered,  or 
at  leaft  not  pleaded  all  at  once,  what  wonder  is  it.     Vies  diei  eruSat  verbum,  &  nox  pr  j^ ,  *, 
mUi  tndicat  fcientiam^  Azy  unto  day  uttereth  fpeech,  and  night  unto  night  fheweth 
knowledge. 

His  fourth  point,  which  he  faith  is  much  to  be  noted,  is  reduced  by  himfelf  to  a 
Syllogifm,  Whofoever  feparate  themfelves  infubjiance(  that  U  in  effentials  )  from  the  fub- 
jiance  of  a  Catholick.and  true  Church  infubjiance,  are  true  Schifmatickj.  But  Protejiants 
have  feparated  themfelves  in  fubftance  from  the  Roman  Churchy  rvhieh  U  a  Catholick^ and 
true  Church  in  fubftance:  therefore  Protejiants  are  true  Schifmatickj,  His  Propofition  is 
proved  by  him,  becaufe  the  fubfiances  of  things  do  coniill  in  indivifbili  and  the 
changing  of  them  either  by  Addition  or  by  Subtradtion  is  not  a  Reformation,  but  a 
Deftruftion,  of  them.  And  therefore  it  is  a  contradiction  to  fay  that  a  Church 
which  hath  the  fubftance  or  the  effence  of  a  Church,  can  give  juft  caufe  to  depart 
from  her  in  her  effentialsi  and  not  onely  a  contra didion,  but  plain  Blafphemy,  to 
fay  that  the  true  Church  of  Chrift  in  elfence,  his  myftical  body,  his  Kingdom,  can 
give  juft  caufe  to  forfake  it  in  effentials.  The  Affumption  is  proved  by  him,  becaufe 
we  confcfs  that  the  Roman  Church  is  a  true  Church  in  fubftance,  and  yet  have  for- 
faken  it  in  the  effentials  of  a  true  Church,  namely  the  Sacraments,  and  the  publick 
worfhip  of  God. 

His  Propofition  admits  little  difpute.     I  do  acknowledge  that  no  Church  true  or 
falfe,no  fociety  of  Men  or  Angels,  good  or  bad,  can  give  juft  or  fufficient  caufe,  to 
forftke  the  effentials  of  Chriftian  Religion,  or  any  of  them,  and  that  whofoever  do 
(b,  are  either  Hereticks,  or  Schifmaticks,or  both,  or, which  is  worfe  than  both,  down 
right  Infidels  and  Apoftates.     For  in  forfaking  any  effential  of  Chriftian  Religion  ElTcncM of  _ 
they  forfake  Chrift  and  their  hopes  of  Salvation  in  an  ordinary  way.     But  here  is  ^^^u,  "^  ""T 
one  thing  which  it  behooveth  R.  C.  himfelf  to  take  notice  ofj  That  if  the  effences  deftroyed  by 
of  all  things  be  indivifible,  and  are  deftroycd  as  well  by  the  Addition  as  by  the  Addition  a» 
Subftadtion  of  any  effential  parti  how  will  the  2lo»j^«  Church  or  Court  make  an-^^«'l  a'Sub- 
fwer  to  Chrift  for  their  Addition  of  fo  many  (not  explications  of  old  Articles,but)  """""'• 

Pj  ncvi 


150  A  Jufi  y indication  T  O  M  E  J. 


new  pretended  neceflary  eflential  Articles  of  Faith  ,  under  pain  of  damnation, 
(  which  by  his  own  Rule  is  to  dellroy  the  Chrillian  Faith,  )  who  have  coined  new 
Sacramentsi  and  added  new  matter  and  tbrm,  that  is,  eflentials  to  old  Sacraments-, 
who  have  multiplyed  facred  Orders, and  added  new  lincks  to  the  chain  of  the  Hie- 
rarchy. This  will  concern  liiin  and  his  Church  more  nearly,  than  all  his  notes  and 
points  do  concern  us. 

Concerning  his  AfTumption,  two  Queftions  come  to  be  debated :  Firft  ,  whether 

the  Church  of  Kome  be  a  True  Church,  or  not?  Secondly,  whether  we  have  dcpait- 

Hovv  the  ^d  from  it  in  Elfentialsi'     Touching  the  former  point,  a  Church  may  be  faid  to  be  a 

Church  of        true  Church  two  wayes:  Metaphyfically,  and  Morally.     Every  Church  which  hath 

ilomeitanilis  j^g  Eflentials  of  a  Church,  how  tainted  or  corrupted  foever  it  be  in  other  things, 

Chu'rch"'        isMetaphyficallya  true  Church,  for  e«J- e^yfr«wco«i'm««f«r.     So  we  fay  a  Thief 

is  a  true  Man,  that  is  a  reafonable  creature,  confilHng  of  an  humane  body  and  rea- 

fonable  foul.     But  fpeaking  Morally  he  is  a  faulty  niching  vitious  perfon,  and  fo  no 

true  man.     So  the  Church  of  Ko/we  is  Metaphylically  a  true  Church,  that  is  to  (ay, 

hath  all  the  eflentials  of  a  ChrilHan  Church;  but  morally  it  is  no  true  Church,  be- 

caufe  erroneous.  Contraries,as  Truth  and  Error  may  be  predicated  of  the  fame  fub- 

jcd-,  fo  it  be  not  ad  idem/fecmdum  idem,  &  eodtm  tanpore.  Truth  in  Fundamentals 

I  Cor.  !?•  !»•  and  Error  in  Superftrudrures  may  confil^  together.  The  Foundation  is  right  but  they 

have  bitilded  much  Hay  and  Stubble  upon  it  And  in  refped  of  this  Foundation  (he  may, 

and  doubtlefs  doth, bring  forth  many  true  Members  of  Chrift,  Children  of  God, 

and  Inheritors  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.     The  Church  of  the  Jews  was  mod: 

erroneous  and  corrupted  in  the  days  of  our  Saviour  i  yet  he  doubted  not   to  fay, 

fpM.'al'      Salvation  U  of  the  Jews.     I  know  it  is  faid  ,  that  Chriji  hath  given  himfelf  fur  his 

Church  tofanCiifie  it,  and  ckanfe  it,  andprcfent  it  to  himfelf  a  glorious  Church,  without 

fiot  or  Tvrinkle.    But  that  is  to  be  undcrftood  inchoatively  in  this  life  i  tlie  pcrfcdion 

and  confumraation  thereof  is  to  be  expcded  in  the  life  to  come. 

To  the  fccond  Queflion,  whether   the  Church  of  England  in  the  'Reformation 
have  forfaken  the  Eflentials  of  the  Roman  Church  ?  I  anfwer  Negatively,  we  have 
not.     If  weeds  be  of  the  ElTence  of  a  Garden,  or  corrupt  Humors,  or  Botches,  or 
Wchave  not    -yYenns,  and  Excrefcences,be  of  the  Eflence  of  man  :  If  Errors,  and  Innovations, 
Church^n'Er-  and  Superftitions,  and  fuperfluous  Rites,  and  pecuniary  Arts,  be  of  the  E(rence  of  a 
fcntials.  Church-,  then  indeed  we  have  forfaken  the  Roman  Church  in  its  E(rentials :  other- 

wife  not.  We  retain  the  fame  Creed  to  a  word,  and  in  the  fame  fenfe  by  which 
all  the  primitive  Fathers  were  faved  -,  which  they  held  to  be  fo  fufficient,  that  in  a 
General  Council  they  did  forbid  all  perfons  (under  pain  of  depolition,  to  Bifliops 
c^J-^/'*-''-'' and  Clerks,  and  Anathematifation  to  Lay-men)  to  compofe  or  obtrude  any  other 
AB.6.f.7.  upon  any  Perfons  converted  from  Paganifm  or  J udaifm.  We  retain  the  fame  Sa- 
craments and  Difcipline  which  they  retained  •,  we  derive  our  Holy  Orders  by 
lineal  Succeflion  from  them,  we  make  their  Dodlrine  and  their  Pradice  (  under  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  and  as  beft  Expofitors  thereof _)  a  Standard  and  Seal  of  Truth  be- 
tween the  Romanics  and  us.  It  is  not  we  who  have  forfaken  the  E(rence  of  the 
modern  Roman  Church  by  Subftradion',  but  they  who  have  forfaken  the  Effence  of 
the  ancient  Roman  Church  by  Addition.  Can  we  not  forfake  their  new  Creed 
unlefs  we  forfake  their  old  Faith  ?  Can  we  not  reduce  the  Liturgy  into  a  known 
tongue,  but  prefently  we  forfake  the  publick  wor(hip  of  God  ?  Can  we  not  take 
away  their  Tradition  of  the  Patine  and  Chalice,  and  reform  their  new  matter  and 
form  in  Presbyterian  Ordination  (which  Antiquity  did  never  know,  which  no 
Church  in  the  World  befides  themfelves  did  ever  ule)  but  prefently  we  forfake  Ho- 
ly Orders?  The  truth  is,  their  Errors  are  in  the  excefs,  and  thefe  ExceflTes  they 
themfelves  have  determined  to  be  Eflentials  of  true  Religion.  And  fo  upon  pretence 
of  interpreting,  they  intrude  into  the  Legiflatlve  Office  of  Chrift ,  and  being  but  a 
Patriarchal  Church,  do  ufurp  a  power  which  the  Univerfal  Church  did  never  own, 
that  is,  to  Conrtitute  new  elTentials  of  Chriftian  Religion.  Before  the  determinati- 
on their  excefTes  might  have  paft  for  probable  Opinions  or  indiflTcrcnt  Pradifes,  but 
after  the  determination  of  them  as  Articles  of  Yz\t\\,extraquam  non  eft.  fahts,  rvith- 
out  Tvhich  there  U  nofalvation(  they  are  the  words  of  the  Bull  )  they  became  inexcu- 
fable  errors.     So  both  the  pretended  Contradi^ion  and  the  pretended  BL'^hemy  are 

vanifh- 


Discourse  1 1 1.       Of  the  Chnrch  of  England.  i  q  i 


vaniftied  in  an  Inftanr.     It  is  no  contradidion  to  fay,  that  a  true  humane  body  in 

fubftance   may   require  Purgation  i  nor  Blafphcmy  to  fay,  that  a  particular  Church 

(  as  the  Cliurch  ot  Kvme  is  )  may  err,  and  (  which  is  more  than  we  charge  them 

withall )  may  Apolbte  from  Chrift.     In  the  mean  time  we  preferve  all  due  refpe<9: 

to  the  Umverfal  Church,  and  doubt  not  to  fay  with  Sc.  Jujiin,   that  to  dijj-itte  againji  Auiufl-ep.  n8i 

the  fenfe  thereof^  is  moji  vjfoknt  mad»ef!. 

His  Fifth  point  to  be  noted  hath  little  new  worth  noting  in  it,  but  Tautologies  Nor  differ  in 
and  Repetitions  of  the  fame  things  over  and  over.    Some  ^Protejiants  (  faith  he  j  do  fubftance 
impudently  dtny  that  they  are  fuh[iamiMy  jefarated  from  the  Komzn  Church.     If  this  ^''°"i,'?' ^^ 
be  Impudence,   what  is  Ingenuity^  If  this  be  fuch  a  grofs  Error  for  man  to  be  '"""  ^'""'''^  ' 
afliamed  of,  what  is  evident  Truth  >  We  expeded  thanks  for  our  moderation,  and 
behold  reviling  for  our  good  will.     He  might  have  been  pleafed  to  remember  what 
himfelf  hath  cited  fo  often  out  of  my  Vindication,  That  our  Church  fince  the  Re- 
formation is  the  fame  in  fubjlance  that  it  ivas  before.     If  the  fame  in  Subftance  then 
not  fubftantially  feparated.     Our  comfort  is  that  Cakb  and  Jofhua   alone  were  ad- 
mitted into  the  Land  of  promife,  becaufe  they  had  been  Peace-makers  in  a  feditious 
time,  and  indeavoured  not  to  enlarge  but  to  make  up  the  breach.     He  adds  that 
the  chiefeji  Frotejiants  do  confeji  that  they  are  fubjlantially  feparated  from  the  Roman 
Church.    Who  thefechicft/lProteftantsare,  he  tel's  us  not,nor   what  they  fay,  but 
refers  us  to  another  of  his  Treatifes,  which  I  neither  know  here  hovv  to    compaft, 
nor,  if  I  could,  deem  it  worth  the  labour.     When  thefe  principal  Proteftants  come 
to  be  viewed  throughly  and  (erioufly  with  indifferent  eyes,  it  will  appear  that  cither 
by  [_fubliamially']  they   mean  really^  that  is  to  fay  that  the  differences  between  us 
are  not  meer  Logomachies, or  contentions  about  words  and  different  forms  of  ex- 
preiiion  onely,  but  that  there  are  fome  real  Controverfies  between  us  both  in  creden- 
dU  and  ajptdis^  and  more,  and  more  real,iM  agendis,  than  in  credendis.     Or  Secondly 
that  by  [fubftance  ]  they  undcriland,  notthe  old  Effentials  or  Articles  of  Chriftian 
Religion,  wherein  we  both.agree,  but, the  new  Effentials  or  new  Articles  of  Faith 
lately  made  by  the  Komanijls,  and  comprehended  in  the  Creed  of  Piiis  the   Fourth 
about  which  we  do  truly  differ.     So  we  differ  fubilantially,  in  the  language  of  the 
prefent   Komanijif  :  But  we  differ  not  fubfiantially,  in  the  fenfe  of  the  primitive 
Fathers.     The  Generation  of  thefe  nevv  Articles  is  the  corruption  of  the  old  Creed. 
Or  Lafily,  if  one  or  two  Protellant  Authors  either  bred  up  in  hofHlity  againfl  new 
Kome^  as  Hannibal  was  againfi  old  KomcyOt  in  the  heat  of  contention,  or  without 
due  coniideration,  or  out  of  prejudice  or  patlion,  or  a  diftempered  zeal,  have  over- 
fliot  themfelvesj  what  is  that  to  us  ?  Or  what  dpth  that  concern  the  Church  of 
England? 

He  faith  ,  St.  ^«/?/«  told  the    Po«jifi/?x,  that  though  they  were  with  him  in  many 
thing!  ^  yet  if  theyrveremt  with  him  in  few  things^  the  many  things  wherein  they  were 
with  him  would  not  frojit  them.     But  what  were  thefe  few  things  wherein  St.  Auflin 
required  their  Communion  ?  Were  they  Abufes,  or  Innovations,  or  new  Articles  of 
Faith?  No,  no,  the  truthis,St.  ^«/?i«  profefled  to  the  Pw^fi/fx ,  that  many  things 
and  great  things  would  profit  them  nothing  (  not  onely  if  a  few  things,  but  )  if  one 
thing  were  wanting :  videant  quam  multa  &  qukm  magna  nihil  pnfint,  ft  unum  quidem 
defuerit^  &  videant  quid  ft  ipfum  unum.     And  let  them  fee  what  this  one  thing  is.  What  de'^att.  t  'i. 
was  it  }  Charity.    For  the  Vonatifis  moft  uncharitably  did  limit  the  Catholich;C\mi<:h 
to  their  own  party,  excluding  all  others  from  hope  of  Salvation,  jufl  as  the  Koma- 
•Ki/?j  do  now,  whoare  theright  Succe0brsof  the  Donatifis  in  thofe  few  things   or 
rather  in  that  one  thing.     So  often  as  he  produceth  St.  Aufiin  againll  the  Vonatijis^ 
he  brings  a  rod  for  himfelf.     Furthermore  he  proveth  out  of  the   Creed  and  the 
Fathers  that  the  Communion  of  the  Church  is  neceffary  to  Salvation,  to  what  pur- 
pofe  I  do  not  underftand,  (  unlefs  it  be  to  reprove  the  unchriftian  and  uncharitable 
cenfures  of  the  Koman  Court.  )  For  neither  is  the    Roman  Church  the  Catholickc 
Church, nor  a  Communion  of  Saints  a  Communion  in  Errors. 

Hisfixth  and  lafl  point,  which  he  propofeth  to  judicious  Proteftants,  is  this,That 
though  it  were  not  evident,  that  the  Proteftant  Church  is  Schifmatical,  but  onely 
doubtful  V  Yet  it  being  evident,  that  the  Roman  Church  is  not  Schifmatical,  becaufe 
(  xDoAoi  Sutclif  QoakScih)  they  never  went  out  of  any  k^wwn  Chrijiian  Society^ 

nor 


15^ 


A  Jhji  Vindication 


TOMlil. 


It  is  not  lawful 
or  prudent  to 
leave  the  Ent- 
lijh  Church 
and  adhere  to 
the  Roman 
for  fear  of 
Schifm. 


The  prcfent 
Church  of 
Rome  depart- 
ed out  of  the 
ancient 
Church  of 
Rome, 


nor  can  any  Proteftant  prove  that  they  did>it  is  the  mort  prudent  way  for  a  man  to 
do  for  his  Soul, as  he  would  do  for  his  Lands,  Liberty,  Honour  or  Life,  that  is,  to 
chufe  the  fafcftway,  namely  to  live  and  dy  free  from  Schilin  in  the  Communion 
of  the  Roman  Church. 

lanfwer,  Firft,  thathc  changeth  the  fubjed  of  the  Queftion.  My  Propofition 
was  that  the  Church  of  England  is  frce,from  Schifm  :  he  ever  and  anon  cnlargeth 
it  to.all  Proteftant  Churchesv  and  what  or  how  many  Churches  he  intendeth  un- 
der that  name  and  notion  I  know  not.  Not  that  I  cenfure  any  forreign  Churches, 
(with  whofeLaws  and  Liberties  lam  not  fo  well  acquainted  as  with  our  own; 
but  becaufe  I  conceive  the  cafe  of  the  Church  of  England  to  be  as  clear  as  the  Sun 
at  noon-day,  and  am  not  willing  for  the  prefent  to  have  it  perplexed  witli  Hetero- 
geneous difputes.  Sooftenasheftumblethupon  this  miftake  I  muft  make  bold  to 
tell  him  that  he  concludes  not  the  contradidory. 

Secondly,  I  anfwer,thathe  difputes  fx  non  conce^s^  laying  that  for  a  foundation 
granted  to  him,  which  is  altogether  denyed  him,  namely  that  it  is  a  doubtful  cafe, 
whether  the  Church  of  England  be  Schifmatical  or  not.  Whereas  no  Church  un- 
der Heaven  is  really  more  free  from  juft  fufpicion  of  Schifm  than  the  Church  of 
England^  as  not  cenfuring  nor  excluding  uncharitably  from  her  Communion  any 
true  Church  which  retains  the  eflentials  of  Chriftian  Religion. 

Thirdly,  I  anfwer,  that  it  is  fo  far  from  being  evident  that  the  Roman  Church  is 
guiltlefs  of  Schifm,  that  I  widi  it  were  not  evident  that  the  Roman  Court  is  guilty 
of  formal  Schifin,  and  all  that  adhere  unto  it,  and  maintain  its  cenfures  of  material 
Schifm.  If  it  be  Schifm  to  defert  altogether  the  Communion  of  any  one  true  par- 
ticular Church,  what  is  it  not  onely  to  defert,butcaft  out  of  the  Chureh,by  the  bann 
of  Excommunication,  fo  many  Chriftian  Churches,  over  which  they  have  no  jurif- 
didWon ,  three  times  more  numerous  than  themfelvesi  and  notwithftanding  fome 
few  (  perhaps )  improper  exprellions  of  fome  of  them,  as  good  or  better  Chriftians 
and  Catholicks  as  themfelves,  who  fuffer  daily, and  are  ready  to  fuffer  to  the  laft 
drop  of  their  blood  for  the  name  of  Chrift. 

If  contumacy  againft  one  lawful  fingle  Superior  be  Schifmatical',  what  is  Rebel- 
lion aginft  the  Sovereign  Ecclefiaftical  Tribunal,  that  is  a  General  Council  >  But  I 
am  far  from  concluding  all  indiftinftly.  I  know  there  are  many  in  that  Church, 
who  continue  firm  in  the  dcdtrine  of  the  Councils  of  Conftance  and  Bafile^  attri- 
buting no  more  to  the  Pope  than  his  frincipium  VnitatU^  and  fubjeding  both  him, 
and  his  Court ,  to  the  iurifdidion  of  an  Oecumenical  Council. 

Fourthly,  I  anfwer  that  fuppofing,  but  not  granting,  that  it  was  doubtful,  whe- 
ther the  Church  of  England  were  Schifmatical  or  nor,  and  fuppofing  in  like  man- 
ner that  it  were  evident  that  the  Church  of  Rome  was  not  Schifmaticah  yet  it  was 
not  lawful  for  a  Son  of  the  Church  of  England  to  quit  his  fpiritual  Mother.  May 
a  man  renounce  his  due  Obedience  to  a  lawful  Superior  upon  uncertain  fufpicions  > 
No.  In  doubtful  cafes  it  is  always  prefumed  fro  Rege  &  Lege^  for  the  King  and  for 
the  Law.  Neither  is  it  lawful  (  as  a  Father  faid  of  fome  Virgins,  who  caft  them- 
felves defperately  into  a  River,  for  fear  of  being  defloured  )  to  commit  a  certain  crime 
for  fear  of  an  uncertain.  Yea  to  rife  yet  one  ftep  higher,  though  it  were  lawful, 
yet  it  were  not  prudence,  but  folly,for  a  manto  thruft  himfelf  into  more,  more  ap- 
parent, more  real  danger,  for  fear  of  one  lefler,  lefs  apparent,  and  remoter  dangers 
or  for  fear  of  Charybdis  to  run  headlong  into  ScyVa.  He  who  forfakcs  the  Englijf* 
Church  for  fear  of  Schifm,  to  joyn  in  a  ftrider  Communion  with  Koww,  plungetli 
himfelf  in  greater  and  more  real  dangers,  both  of  Schifm,and  Idolatry,  and  Herefic. 
A  man  may  live  in  a  Schifmatical  Church,  and  yet  be  no  Schifinatick,  if  he  err  in- 
vincibly, and  be  ready  in  the  preparation  of  his  mind  to  receive  the  truth  whenfoe- 
ver  God  fliall  reveal  it  to  him,  nor  want  (  R.  C.  himfelf  being  Judge  )  either 
Faith,  or  Church,  or  Salvation. 

And  to  his  reafon,  whereby  he  thinks  to  free  the  Church  of  Rome  from  Schifin, 

■  becaufe  they  never  went  out  of  any  Chriftian  Societyi  I  anfwer  two  ways,  Firft,  It 

is  more  Schifmatical  to  caft  true  Churches  of  Chrift  out  of  the  Communion  of  the 

Catholick  Church,  either  without  the  Keys,    or  clave  errante ,  with  an  erring  Key, 

than  mecrly  and  fimply  to  go  out   of  a  particular  Church.    This  the  RomanHis 

have 


Discourse  III.    Of  the  Chnrch  of  EnsiUnd,  ii^o 


have  done,  although  they  had  not  done  the  other.  But  they  have  done  the  other 
alfo.  And  therefore  I  add  my  Second  Anfwer  by  naming  that  Chriftian  Society, 
out  of  which  the  prefent  Church  of  Rome  departed,  even  the  ancient  primitive  Ko- 
nian  Church,  not  locally,  but  morally,  which  is  worfe,  by  introducing  corruptions 
in  Faith,  Liturgy,  and  u(e  of  the  Sacraments,  whereby  they  did  both  divide  them- 
felves  Schifmatically  from  the  External  Communion  of  the  true,  primitive,  uncor- 
rupted  Church  of  Chrili,  and  became  the  caufe  of  all  following  feparation.  So 
both  ways  they  are  guilty  of  Schifm,  and  a  much  greater  Schifm  than  they  objcd  to 
us. 

All  that  follows  in  his  Preface,or  the  moft  part  of  it,  is  but  a  reiteration  of  the 
fame  things,  without  adding  one  more  grain  of  reafon  to  enforce  it.  Jf  I  did  con-  ^' 
fider  that  to  divide  any  thing  in  any  of  itsfubjiantialparts^  is  not  to  reform,  but  to  dejhroy 
the  effence  thereof  &c.  Jf  I  did  confider,  thjt  tkre  are  three  fuhjlamial  parts  of  a  true 
Church  in  fuhjiance^occ.  Jf  I  did  confder,  that  any  divifion  of  a  true  Church  in  any 
fubjlantial  part  thereof  is  impious,  becaufe  it  is  a  de\\riSion  of  ChrijVs  myfiical  hody^  Scc. 
If  I  did  confider  aUthefe  things.  Sec.  IJhould  clearly  fee  that  the  Englifli  Proteltant 
Church,  in  dividing  her  felffrom  the  fuhfiance  of  the  PvOman  Church  in  all  her  formal 
fubjiantial  parts,committed  damnable  fin,  and  that  I  in  defending  her  therein  commit  dam- 
nable fin.     I  haveferioully  and  impartially  weighed  and  confidered  all  that  he  faith. 

I  have  given  him  a  full  account  of  it,  that  we'  have  neither  leparated  our  felves 
from  the  myftical  body  of  Chrift,  nor  from  any  eflential  or  integral  part  or  member 
thereof,  I  have  {hewed  him  the  Original  of  his  mifiake,  in  not  diftinguiihing  be- 
tween Sacred  Inltitutions,and  fubiequent  Abufes  i  between  the  genuine  parts  of  the 
body,  and  Wenns  or  Excreicences.  And  in  conclufion  (  waving  all  our  other  ad- 
vantages, I  do  not  for  the  preftnt,  find  on  our  parts  the  leaft  fhadow  of  criminous 
Schifm.  He  prayes  God  to  open  my  eyes  that  J  may  fee  this  Truth.  I  thank  him  for 
his  Charity  in  wiihing  no  worfe  to  me  than  to  himfelf.  But  Errors  go  commonly 
masked  under  the  cloak  of  Truth. 

FaJlit  enitn  vitium  Jpecie  virtutis  &  umbri.  , 

I  pray  God  open  both  our  eyes,  and  teach  us  to  deny  our  felves,  that  wc  may  (ec 
his  Truth,  and  prefer  it  before  the  ftudy  of  advancing   our  own  party  (  For  here 
the  beft  of  us  k>tort>  but  in  part,  and  fee  as  through  a  Glafi  darkly)  that  we  may  not  have  i  Cor.  i].  p. 
the  faith  of  Cbriji  in  refpeU  of  perfons.  la. 

That  which  follows  is  new  indeed,     "to  Communicate  with  Schifmatick^  U  tohe  ^*'"'^'^' 
guilty  of  Schifm.     But  the  Englifli  Church  joyns  in  Communion  of  Sacraments  and  pub- 
lick^Prayers  with  Schifmaiickj,  namely  Puritans,  and  Independents.     This  is  inculcated 
over  and  over  again  in  his  book.     But  becaufe  this  is  the  firfl:  time  that  I  meet  with 
it,  and  becaufe  I  had  rather  be  before  hand  with  him  than  behind  hand,  I  will  give 
it  a  full  anfwer  here.     And  if  I  meet  with  any  new  weight  added  to  it  in  any  o- 
thcr  place,  I  fhall  endeavour  to  clear  that  there,  without  wearying  the  Reader  with  To  Commu* 
Tautologies  and  Superfluous  Repetitions.     And  firft  I  deny  his  Propofition.     To  "''^*'«  "'fh 
Communicate  with  Hereticks  or  Schifmaticks  in  the  fame  publick  Affemblies,  and  to  fj'^no^/i^vavi 
be  prefent  with  them  at  the  fame  Divine  Offices,  is  not  always  Herefy  or  Schifm,  Schifin. 
unlefs  one  Communicate  with  them  in  their  Heretical  or  Schifmatical  errors.     In 
the  primitive  Church  at  Antioch  when  Leontius  was  Bilhop,  the  Orthodox  Chriftians 
and  the  ^rrwwj  repaired  to  the  fame  AlTemblies,  but  they  ufed  different  forms  of 
Doxologies, the  Orthodox  Chriftians  faying,  G/ffrji^ew  j/^e  Father,  and  to  the  Son^ 
4nd  to  the  holy  Ghoji,  And  the  Arrians  faying.  Glory  be  to  the  Father,  by  the  Son,  in  the 
Spirit.     At  which  time  it  was  obferved,  that  no  man  could-  difcern  what  form  the 
Bilhop  ufed,  becaufe  he  would  not  alienate  either  party.     So  they  Communicated 
withJ^rrij«/,  butnot  in  Arrianifm,  with  Hereticks,  but  not  in  Herefie.     Take  a- 
nother  inflance,  the  Catholick^  and  Novatians  did  Communicate  and  meet  together 
in  the  fame  Affemblies.     JUo  atttem  tempore  parum  aherat  quin  Novatiani  &  CathoUci  ^         , 
fenit'HS  cottjpirajient.     Nam  eadtm  de  J)eo  fentientes,  communiter  ab  ArrianU  agitati,  in  ly. 
fimilibns  calamitatibw  corjiitmi,fe  mutua  compleCii  benevolentia,  in  unum  conveuire,  pari- 
ter  erare,  eipertmt.     And  further,  decmerunt  deinceps  inter  fe  Commmicare.    At  that 

timt 


»'^4 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOMEI. 


nicate  with 
Schifmacick: 


time  it  wanted  little  that  the  Novatians  and  Catholick^s  did  not  altogether  conjfire  in  one  ; 
for  having  both  the  fame  Faith  concerning  God,  fuff'ering  the  fame  perfecution  from  the 
Atxhns^and  being  both  involved  in  the  fame  calamities,  they  began  to  love  one  another,  to 
affembUtogethtr,  and  to  fray  together  ■■,  And  they  decreed  from  that  time  forward  to  com- 
municate one  with  another.     The  primitive  Catholicks  thought  it  no  Schilhi  to  com- 
munkatc  with  Novatians,  thzt  is  with  Schtfmatickj,  Co  long  :is  they  did  not  com- 
municate with  them  in  their*Nbr<j(wHi/w,  that  is,  in  their  Scfcifw.     Have  the  Eng- 
lifh  Proteftants  matriculated  themfelves  into  their  Congregational  Affemblies?  Have 
they  juftified  the  unwarrantable  intrufion  of  themfelves  into  facred  Fundlions,  with- 
out a  lawful  calling  from  Chrift  or  his  Church  >  Or  their  difpenfing  the  greateft 
myfteries  of  Religion  with  unwafhen,  or  it  may  be,  with  bloody  hands  ?  As  for 
communicating  with  them  in  a  Schifmatical  Liturgy,  it  is  impollible  ;  they  have  no 
Liturgy  at  all,  but  account  it  a  ftinting  of  the  Spirit.     And  for  the  Sacrament  of 
the  blefled  body  and  blood  of  Chrill,  it  is  hard  to  fay  whether  the  ufe  of  it  among 
them  be  rarer  in  moft  places,  or  the  Congregations  thinner.     But  where  the  Mini- 
fters  are  unqualified,  or  the  form  of  Adminiftration  is  erroneous  in  eflentials,  or  fni- 
ful  duties  are  obtruded  as  necefiary  parts  of  Gods  fervice,  the  Enghjh  Protelbnts 
know  how  to  abftain  from  their  Communion.  Let  the  Roman  Catholicks  look  to 
themfel\fes  i  for  many  fay  (  let  the  Faith  be  with  the  Authors  )  that  fundry  of  the 
Sons  of  their  own  Church,  have  been  greater  ticklers  in  their  private  Conventicles 
and  publick  Aflemblies,  than  many  Proteftants. 

Secondly,  I  deny  his  Aflumption  (that  the  Church  of  England  doth  joyn  in 
Communion  of  Sacraments  and  publick  Prayers  with  any  Schifmaticks.  What  my 
TheChnrchof  thoughts  are  ofthofe  whom  he  terms  Puritans  &  IndependentSjthey  will  not  much  re- 
nofcoiimu^  gard,nor  doth  it  concern  the  caufe  in  queftion.  Many  Mufhrome-Seds  may  be  fprung 
up  lately  in  the  World  which  I  know  not  ,  and  pofterity  will  know  them  much 
lefs,  like  thofe  mifliapen  creatures  which  were  produced  out  of  the  flime  of  Nilus 
by  the  heat  of  the  Sun,which  perifhed  foon  after  they  were  generated  for  want  of  fit 
organs.  Therefore  I  pafs  by  them,  to  that  which  is  more  material.  If  the  Church  of 
England  have  joyned  in  Sacraments  and  publick  Prayers  with  Schifmaticks,  Jet  him 
{hew  it  out  of  her  Liturgy,or  out  of  her  Articles,  or  out  of  her  Cations  &  Conltituti- 
ons,for  by  thefe  (he  fpeaks  unto  us.  Or  let  him  fhew  that  any  genuine  Son  of  hers  by 
her  injundion,  ordiredion,  or  approbation,  did  ever  communicate  with  Schifma- 
ticks :  or  that  her  principles  are  fuch  as  do  jultifie  or  warrant  SchiGn,  or  lead  men 
into  a  Communion  with  Schifmaticks :  other  wife  than  thus  a  National  Church  can- 
not Communicate  with  Schifmaticks.  If  to  make  Canons  and  Conflltutions  againft 
Schifmaticks  be  to  cherifh  them  :  If  to  punifh  their  Conventicles  and  clandeftine 
meetings  be  to  frequent  them  :  If  to  oblige  all  her  Sons  who  enter  into  Holy  Or- 
ders, or  are  admitted  to  care  of  Souls,  to  have  no  Communion  with  them,  be  to 
Communicate  with  them  :  then  the  Church  of  England  is  guilty  of  Communicating 
with  Schifmaticks  ;  or  otherwife  not. 

But  I  conceive  that  by  the  Englijh  Church  he  intends  particular  perfons  of  our 
Communion.  If  fo,  then  by  his  favour  he  deferts  the  caufe,  and  alters  the  ftate  of 
the  Queftion.  Let  himfelf  be  Judge,  whether  this  confequence  be  good  or  not. 
Sundry  Englijh  Proteilants  are  lately  turned  Komijh  Profelytes  >  therefore  the  Church 
of  England  is  turned  Roman  Catholick.  A  Church  may  be  Orthodox  and  Catho- 
lick,and  yet  fundry  within  its  Communion  be  Hereticks  or  Schifmaticks  or  both. 
The  Church  of  Corinth  was  a  true  Church  of  God,  yet  there  wanted  not  Schifma- 
ticks and  Hereticks  among  them.  The  Churches  of  Calatia  had  many  among 
them,  who  mixed  Circumcifion  and  the  works  of  the  Law  with  the  Faith  of 
Chrili.  The  Church  of  Fergamus  was  a  true  Church,  yet  they  had  Nicholaitans 
among  them,  and  thofe  that  held  the  Dodrine  of  Balaam.  The  Church  o(  Ihya- 
tira  had  a  Preaching  Jefabel  that  (educed  the  fervants  of  God. 

But  who  are  thefe  Englijh  Proteflants  that  Communicate  fo  freely  with  Schifma- 
ticks ?  Nay  he  names  none.  We  muft  take  it  upon  his  word.  Are  they  peradven- 
ture  the  greater  and  the  founder  part  of  the  Englijh  Church?  Neither  the  one  nor 
the  other.  Let  him  look  into  our  Church,  and  fee  how  many  of  our  principal 
Divineshavelofl  their  Dignities  and  Benefices,  onely  becaufe  they  would  not  take 


I  Cor.  f.2.11 

C.I$.I2. 


Rev.i-l4'-ii- 

30. 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  EnohuS  ,-- 

i ^ .  /  S5_ 

a  Schifmatical  Covenant,  without  any  other  relation  to  the  Wars.  Let  him  take  a 
view  of  our  llniverfities,  and  fee  how  tew  of  our  old  Profcifors,  or  Redtors  and  Fel- 
lows of  Colledges,  he  finds  left  therein.  God  faid  of  the  Church  of  IJrael,  that  he 
had  referved  to  him(elf  Seven  thoufand  that  had  not  bowed  their  knees  unto  BjjL 
I  hope  I  may  fay  of  the  Church  of  England,  that  there  are  not  onely  Seven  thoufand,' 
but  Seventy  times  feven  thoufand  that  mourn  in  lecret,  and  widi  their  heads  were 
waters  and  their  eyes  fountain  of  Tears,  that  they  might  weep  day  and  night  for 
tiie  Devaftation  and  Defolation  of  the  City  of  their  God. 

And  if  that  hard  weapon  Neceffity  have  enforced  any  (  pethaps  with  an  intenti- 
on fo  do  good  or  prevent  evil  )  to  comply  further  than  was  meet,  I  do  not  doubt 
but  they  pray  with  Namjn,7he  Lord  be  merciful  to  me  in  this  thing.  Suppofe  that 
Ibmc  Perfons  of  the  Englijh  Communion  do  go  fometimes  to  their  meetings,  it 
may  be  out  of  Confcience  to  hear  a  Sermon  i  it  may  be  out  of  curiofity  as  men  go 
to  iee  May-games,  or  Monfters  at  Fairs ;  it  may  be  that  they  may  be  the  better  able 
to  confute  them  i  as  St.  P^w/ went  into  their  heathenith  Temples  at  Athens,  and 
viewed  their  Altars,  and  read  their  In(criptions,  yet  without  any  approbation  of 
their  Idolatrous  Devotions.  Is  this  to  Communicate  with  Schifmaticks  ?  or  what 
doth  this  concern  the  Church  of  England  ? 


C  H  A  P.   I. 

A   Reply  to  the  Firji  Chapter  of  the  Snr'vey. 

HOw  this  Chapter  comes  to  be  called  a  Survey  of  the  firft  Chapter  of  my  Vindi-  Seft.  r. 
wiMW,  Ido  notunderftand,unlefsitbeby  an  Antiphrafis,   the  contrary  way, 
becaufe  he  doth  not  Survey  it.     If  it  had  not  been  for  the  Title,  and  one  paffage 
therein,!  fiiould  not  have  known  whither    to  have  referred  it.     In  the   Firft  place 
he  taxeth   m:  for    an   omiliion  ,  that    J  teV  not  IVhy  the  ohjeUion  of  Schifmjeem- 
eth  more  forcible  again^  the  Englilh  Church  than  tlx  ohjeUion  of  Herefie.     And  to  fup- 
ply  my  fuppofed  defed:  he  is  favourably  pleafed  to  fet  it  down  himfelf     The  trjte 
reafon  rvhereof  (  /aitla  he  )  ii  becaufe  Herefie  is  a  matter  of  Vo&rine,  rfhich  if  7iot  fo  evi- 
dent as  the  matter  of  Schiftn,  rehich  is  a  vifble  matter  of  FaU,  namely  a  vifible  feparation 
in  Communion  of  Sacraments  and  piblick^rvorjhip  of  God.     I  corifefs  I  did  not  think  of 
producing  reafons  before  the  Queftion  was  ftated  •,  but  if  he   needs  have  it  to  be 
thusi  before  we  inquire  why  it  is  fb,  we  ought  firft  to  inquire  whether  it  be  Co.  For 
my  part  I  do  not  believe  that  either  their  Objedions,  in  point  of  Herefie,or  in  point  Objeftions  a- 
of  Schifm,  are  fo  forcible  againft  the  Church  of  England.     So  he  would  have  me  to  ch"'ch'''f 
give  a  reafon  of  a  non-entity,  which  hath  neither  reafon  nor  being.     All  that  I  faid  England  ia 
was  this,  that  there  is  nothing  more  colourably  objected  to  the  Church  of  England,  point  of 
at  firft  fight,  to  ftrangers  unacquainted  with  our  Affairs,  or  to  fuch  Natives,as  have  Schifm  arc  co« 
looked  but  Superficially  upon  the  cafe,  than  Schifm.     Here  are  three  Reftridions,  fordble!'  °°' 
colourably,  at  firji  fight,  to  grangers.    Colourably,  that  is,  iwt  forcibly,  nor  yet  fo  much 
as  truly.    He  who  doubteth  of  it,  may  do  well  to  try  if  he  can  warm  his  hands  at 
a  Glow-worm.     At  firfi  fight,  thzti'i,  not  hj  force,  hut  rzther  by  deception  of  the 
fight.     So  frefii-water  Seamen  at  firfi  fight  think  the  (hore  leaves  them,  temque  ur- 
bcfque  recedunf-,  but  ftraightways  they  find  their  error,  that  it  is  they  who  leave  the 
fhore.     To  Strangers,  &c.  that  is,  to  unskilful  Judges.     A  true  Diamond  and  a 
counterfeit  do  feem  both  alike  to  an  unexperienced  perfbn.     Strangers  did  believe 
■  cafily  the  Athenian  Fables  of  Bulls  and   Minotaurs    in  Creet.     But  the  Graciani 
knew  better  that  they  were  but  fidtitious  devifes.     The  (eemiiig  ftrength  lyeth  not 
in  the  Objedions  themfelves,  but  in  the  incapacity  of  the  Judges. 

But  to  his  reafon  ,  the  more  things  are  remote  from  the  matter ,  and  devefted 
of  all  circumftances  of  time ,  and  place,  and  perfons ,  the  more  demonftrable  they 
are;  that  is  the  reafon  why  Mathematicians  do  boaft  that  their  Principles  are  fo  evi- 
dent ,  that  they  do  not  pcrfwade  but  compel  men  to  believe.  Yet  in  the  matter  of 
Fad ,  and  in  the  application  of  thefe  evident  Rules ,  where  every  particular  cir- 

cunH 


1^6  A  Juji  l^indication  TOME  x. 


cumlhnce  doth  require  a  new  conliaeration  ,  how  ealily  do  they  err  >  infomuch  as 
let  Twenty  Geometricians  meafure  over  the  fame  plot  of  ground ,  hardly  Two  of 
them  (hall  agree  exadtly.  So  it  fcemeth  than  an  errour  ui  pomt  of  Dodrine ,  may 
be  more  ealily  and  more  evidently  convinced  ,  than  an  errour  in  matter  of  Fad.  He 
faith,t/;e  fefaration  is  visible.  True  \  but  "whether  the  feparation  be  criminous?  whe- 
ther party  made  the  Hrft  feparation?  whether  there  was  jult  caufe  of  feparation  > 
whether  fide  gave  the  caufe?  whether  the  Keys  did  err  in  feparating?  whether 
there  was  not  a  former  feparation  of  the  one  party  from  the  pure  primitive  Church, 
which  produced  the  fecond  feparation?  whether  they  who  feparated  themfelves  or 
others  without  juft  caufe,  do  err  invincibly  ,  or  not?  whether  they  be  ready  to  fub- 
mit  themfelves  to  the  fentence  of  the  Catholick  Church  >  is  not  fo  cafie  to  be  difcer- 
r.ed.  How  many  reparations  have  fprung  about  Eledions  ,  or  Jurifdidion  ,  or 
Precedency  ,  all  which  Rights  are  molt  intricate,  and  yet  the  knowledge  of  the 
Schifm  depends  altogether  upon  them.  This  Surveyor  himfelf  confefleth ,  That  a 
Church  may  he  really  lleretical  or  Scbifmatical ,  and  yet  morally  a  true  Church,  becaufejhe 
is  invincibly  ignorant  of  her  Berefie  or  Schifm ,  in  which  cafe  it  is  no  Schifm  ,  but  a  necef- 
fary  duty  to  ^e^arate  from  her.  In  this  very  cafe  propofed  by  himfelf,  I  defire  to 
know  how  it  is  fo  eafic  by  the  onely  view  of  the  feparation ,  to  judge  or  conclude 
of  the  Schilm. 

But  the  true  ground  why  Schifm  is  more  probably  objeded  to  the  Church  of 
E«g/<j«fl!  than Herefie ,  is  a  falfe  but  prejudicate  opinion,  That  the  Bifliop  o(Rome 
is  the  right  Patriarch  of  Britain  h  That  we  dcferted  him,  and  that  the  differences  be- 
tween us  are  about  Patriarchal  Rights^all  which  with  fundry  other  fuch  like  miftaken 
grounds ,  are  evidently  cleared  to  be  otherwife  in  the  Vindication.  This  is  all  that 
concerns  my  Firft  Chapter.     The  reft  is  voluntary. 

The  next  thing  obfervable  in  his  Survey  is.  That  Trotefiants  confefs  that  they  have 
feparated  themfelves  not  onely  from  the  Roman  Church  ,  but  alfo  from  all  other  Chijiiatt 
Churches,  in  the  communion  of  the  Sacraments  and  fublic\,  JForJhip  of  God:  And  that 
m  caufe  hut  necefpty  of  Salvation  can  yijHfe  fuch  a  feparation  fram  the  crime  of  Schifm, 
And  it  mujl  needs  feem  hard  to  prove  that  it  was  neciffary  for  the  Salvation  of  Tro- 
tefiants ,  to  maks  fttch  a  feparation  from  all  Churches  in  the  World :  as  if  there  had 
heen  no  Chrijiian  Church  ,  in  vehofe  communion  in  Sacraments  they  could  find  Salvation^ 
rvhevce  it  will  foVon> ,  that  at  that  time  there  was  no  true  Church  of  God  upon  earth.  For 
proof  of  the  Firft  point.  That  Proteftants  have  feparated  from  all  Chriftian  Churches, 
he  produceth  Calvin,  ChiUingworth,  and  a  Treatife  of  his  own. 

It  were  to  be  wifhed  ,  that  Profeflbrs  of  Theology  would  not  cite  their  Teftimo- 
nies  upon  truft  ,  where  the  Authors  themfelves  may  eafily  be  had  ,  (  onely  impoffihi- 
lity  is  lironger  than  neceljity,  as  the  Spartan  Boy  once   anfwered  the  old  Senator  after 
^ueht*to*be      ^^e  Laconical  manner, )  and  that  they  would  cite  their  Authors  fally  and  faithfully  , 
dwd fully  and  not  by  halves,  without  adding  to  ,  or  new  molding  ,  their  Authorities  according 
fiiithfully.        to  their  own  fancies  or  interell.     It  may  feem  ludicrous ,  but  it  was  a  fad  truth  of 
a  Noble  Enghjh  Gentleman,  fent  Embaflador  into  forreign  parts,  and  with  him  an 
Honourable  Efpy  under  the  notion  of  a  Companion  ,  by  whom  he  was  accufed  at 
his  return  to  have  fpoken  fuch  and  fuch  things,  at  fuch  and  fuch  times.  The  Gentle- 
man pleaded  ingenuoufly  for  himfelf,  that  it  might  be  he  had  fpoken  fome  of  thofc 
things,  or  it  might  be  all  thofe  thiags,  but  never  any  one  of  them  in  that  order  , 
nor  in  that  fenfe.    1  have,  faidhe,  feveral  Suits  of  Apparel ,  of  purple  cloath  , 
of  green  Velvet,  of  white  and  black  Sattin.     If  one  fhould  put  my  Two  purple 
Sleeves  to  my  green  velvet  Dublet ,  and  make  my  Ho{e ,  the  one  of  white  Sattin  , 
the  other  of  black ,  and  then  fwear  that  it  was  my  Apparel  i  they  who  did  not 
know  me ,  might  judge  me  a  ftrange  man.     To  difbrder  Authorities ,  to  contraft 
or  enlarge  them ,  to  mifapply  them  befides  the  fcope  ,  contrary  to  the  fenfe ,  of  the 
Authour,  is  not  more  difcommendable  than  common.     I  have  (een  large  Volumes 
containing  fome  Hundreds  of  Controverfies  (  as  was  pretended  )  between  Prote- 
ftants and  Papifts ,  and  among  them  all  not  above  Five  or  Six  that  I  could  own  i 
as  if  they  defired  that  the  whole  woven  Coat  of  Chrift  fhould  be  torn  more  infun- 
der  than  it  is ,  or  that  they  might  have  the  Honour  to  conquer  fo  many  fiditious 
Monfters  of  their  own  making.     I  have  fecn  Authorities  mangled  and  imfapplied  , 

juft 


Discourse  III.    Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd,  ^^j 


juft  like  the  Embafiadors  Cloaths ,  fo  as  the  right  Authours  would  hardly  have  been 
able  to  know  them.  So  much  prejudice,and  partiality' ,  and  an  habit  of  alteration, 
is  able  to  do  ,  like  a  tongue  infeded  with  Choler,  which  makes  thefweeteft  meats 
to  tafte  bitter  i  or  like  coloured  glafs ,  which  makes  every  objedt,  we  fee  through  it 
to  appear  of  the  fame  colour. 

•-  Wherefore  I  do  intreat  R.  C.  to  fave  himfelf ,  and  me ,  and  the  Reader,  fbmuch 
labour  and  trouble  for  the  future  ,  by  forbearing  to  charge  the  private  Errours  or 
Opinions  of  particular  perfons  (  it  skilleth  not  much  whether  )  upon  the  Church  of 
England ,  the  moft  of  which  were  meer  Grangers  to  our  affairs,  and  many  of  them 
died  before  Controverfies  were  rightly  ftated,  or  truly  underftood  ,  for  none  of 
which  the  Church  oi England  is  any  way  obliged  to  be  refponfable  :  And  likcwifc 
by  forbearing  to  make  fo  many  empty  references ,  to  what  he  believes  or  pretends 
to  have  proved  in  fome  of  his  other  Booiis.  See  the  Authour  of  the  Frotejiant  Reli- 
gion: See  the  dijiinUion  of  Fundamentals  and  not  Fundamentals:  See  the  firfficient  pro- 
pofer  of  Faith  :  See  the  Pmejiants  plain  Conffivn :  See  the  Flowers  of  the  Englifh 
Church:  See  the  Epijlle  to  King  James  :  See  the  prudential  BaHance:  See  the  collation  of 
Scripture.  To  what  end  can  this  ferve ,  but  either  to  divert  us  from  the  Queftion 
we  have  in  hand  ?  or  to  amufe  the  Reader  ,  and  put  him  into  a  belief  of  fome 
great  atchievements  which  he  hath  made  elfewhere  ?  or  to  excufe  his  prefent  de- 
feds  ,  upon  pretenfe  of  large  fupplies  and  recruits ,  which  he  hath  ready  in  ano- 
ther place ,  but  where  the  Reader  cannot  come  to  fee  them  ?  And  what  if  the 
Reader  have  them  not  to  fee  ,  as  it  is  my  condition  in  prefent  ?  What  am  I  or  he 
the  worfe  ?  If  he  fee  no  more  in  fome  of  them,  than  I  have  feen  heretofore,  he 
will  fee  a  great  many  of  miftated  and  miftaken  Queftions  ,  a  great  many  of  Logo- 
machies or  contentions  about  words, a  great  many  of  private  Errours  produced  as 
common  Principles  of  Proteftants ,  a  great  many  of  Authours  cited  contrary  to 
their  genuine  fenfe  and  meaning,  and  very  little  that  is  material  towards  the  dif- 
culHon  of  this  or  any  other  Qiicflion. 

Jult  as  Mr.  Chillingworth  is  cited  here  to  prove  ,  that  Froteftants  have  feparated  protef?jint» 
themfelves  in  communion  of  Sacraments^  and  piblich^ Service  of  God  ,  mt  onely  front  the  coDfefsnofc- 
Roman-C/;z<rc/j ,  but  alfo  from  all  other  Chrijljan  Churches  in  the  World ,  which  is  not  paration  from 
onely  contrary  to  his  fenfe  ,  but  alfb  contrary  to  his  very  words  in  the  place  alledg-  ^^'^  'Jni^erfal  ^ 
ed.     It  is  not  all  one  (  faith  he  )  though  you  perpetually  confound  them  ,  toforfaks  the  er-  ^chl^' 
vottf  of  the  Church  ,  and  toforfahg  the  Church't  or  to  forfal^e  the  Church  in  her  errours,  and  p.  I'j'z? 
fmply  to  forfak^  the  Church,  Sec.  "the  former  then  tvas  done  by   Frotejlants  ,  the  later  Tpas 
not  done.     Nay,  not  onely  not  from  tJje  Catholick^  Church  ,    but  not  fo  much  as  from  the 
Roman  ,  did  they  feparate  Tpei  omnia,  but  onely  in  thofe  praUices  ivhich  they  conceived 
fufer^itioiu  or  impious.     If  ot  onely  from  the  Roman  Church  ,  but  alfo  from  all  other 
Chriftian  Churches  in  the  world  ,  faith  R.  C.  Not  onely  not  from  the  Catholick  ^-  ^'  *• '» 
Church,  but  not  fo  much  as  from  the  Roman  Church,  faith  Mt.  ChiHingrvorth.  In 
Communion  of  Sacraments  and  publick  Worfhip  of  God ,  faith  R.  C.  Onely  in 
thofe  pradlices  which  they  conceived  fuperftitious  or  impious  ,  faith  Mr.  Chilling- 
worth. 

But  becaufe  there  is  no  Queflion  wherein  they  ftudy  more  to  blunde'r  and  trouble 
the  water ,  and  to  involve  themfelves  in  dark  Clouds  of  obfcure  generalitiesj  I  will 
do  my  endeavour  to  diftinguifh  that  which  is  deceitful  and  confufed  ,  and  reprefent  ^     f        . 
the  naked  Truth  to  the  eyes  of  the  Reader.     Firfl   I    acknowledge  ,  That  the  ^°L]n°  but 
Ghuirch  of  Rome  is  a  true  Chriftian  Church  in  that  fenfe  that  I  have  declared,  that  is,  onely  in  her 
Metaphylically ,  becaufe  it  ftill  retains  all  the  ElTentials  of  a  true  Church.     To  have  Efo"* 
feparated  from  it  in  any  of  thefe,  had  been  either  formal  Herefie ,  or  formal  Schifm, 
or  both.     But  we  have  retained  all  thefe  as  much  as  themfelves ,  and  much  more 
purely  than  themfelves :  For  it  may  feem  doubtfial  whether  fome  of  their  Superfliti- 
ous  Additions,  do  nor  virtually  overthrow  fome  of  the  Fundamentals  of  Religion. 
But  with  us  there  is  no  fuch  danger. 

Secondly,  I  acknowledge  that ,  befides  the  EfTentials  of  Chrifiian  Religion ^  the 
Church  of  Rome  retains  many  other  Truths  of  an  inferiour  nature ,  in  Dodtrine,  in 
Difcipline  ,. in  Sacraments,  and  many  lawful  and  laudable  Pradtices  and  Obferva- 
tions.    To  have  feparated  from  thefe  ,  had  been  at  leaft  material  Schifm,  unlefs  the 

Q,  Church 


I SH  A  Jttji  Vindication  TOME  I. 

Church  of  Kowe  Ihould  obtrude  them  upon  other  Churches ,  as  neceflary  and  fun- 
damental Articles  of  Chriilian  Religion ,  and  fo  prefume  to  change  the  ancient 
Creed,  which  was  depofited  with  the  Church  by  the  Apofl!es,as  the  common  Badge 
and  Cognifance  of  all  Chrillians  for  all  fuccecding  Generations. 

Thirdly  ,  It  is  agreed  that  one  may  not ,  one  muft  not,feparate  himfelf  from  the 
communion  of  a  True  Chrillian  Church  ,  for  the  vices  or  faults  of  particular  Per-  ' 
fons  in  point  of  manners.     We  may  not  leave  the  Lord's  Field  becaufe  there  arc 
Tares,  nor  his  Floar  becaufe  there  is  Chaff,  nor  his  Houfe  becaufe  there  are  Veflels  of 
diflionour,  nor  his  Colledge  becaufe  there  was  a  Judas. 

Fourthly,  Some  Errors  and  Abufes  arc  not  limply  finful  in  themfelvcs  i  but  to 
thofc  that  did  firft  introduce  them,  to  thofe  who  maintain  and  pradtife  them  for 
ambitious  or  avaritious  ends  ,  they  are  finful.  Thefe  are  preflures  and  grievances  to 
the  Chrirtian  Flock,  rather  than  fins.  They  fuffer  under  the  burthen  of  them  ,  buf 
they  are  innocent  from  the  guilt  of  them.  And  fo  reumfacit  Superiorem  miquitas 
imperandi,  innocentem  fubditum  ordo  ferviendi  ■-,  A  Superior  may  fin  in  his  Commands, 
and  yet  his  Subjedl  be  innocent  in  his  Obedience.  Thefc  are  no  juft  caufc  of  fepara- 
I  Ff».4-  8.  tion  to  a  private  Chriflian  ,  Charity  covers  a  multitude  of  fins.  But  they  are  juft  caufe 
of  Reformation  to  a  National  Church  or  a  Synod. 

Fifthly,  There  are  fome  Errors  in  difputable  points,  and  fomc  Abufes  arc  meer 
Exceflcs  without  guilt ,  rather  blemifhes  than  fins:  And  for  thefe  alone  no  man 
ought  to  (eparate  himfelf  from  a  Chriftian  Society  •,  or  abandon  a  True  Church  for 
trivial  diffcntions.  Our  Duty  in  fuch  a  cafe  is  to  pray  and  perfwade,  without 
troubling  the  Peace  of  the  Church ,  and  to  leave  the  reft  to  God.  Let  m  therefore  as 
Phil.  3. 15!  ^'^^y  '^^  ^^  ferfed,  be  thus  minded:  and  if  in  any  thing  ye  be  othertpife  minded,  Godjhall 
reveal  even  th'n  untn  you. 

Laftly,  We  affirm,  that  in  the  Superftruftions  of  Chriftian  Religion,  the  Church 
of  Kowe  hath  added  and  mixed  fundry  Errors  and  Abu(es  of  greater  confequence, 
and  finful  Innovations ,  in  point  of  Dodrine,  and  Difcipline  ,  and  Adminiftration 
of  the  Sacraments,  and  Feafts,  and  FaftSj^'^'c.     This  we  are  ready  to  maintain. 
Neither  doth  (lie  onely  profefs  and  pradife  thefe  Errors  and  Abufes,  which  perhaps 
by  fome  perfons  at  fome  times  might  bp  feparated  without  a  feparation  i  but  (he 
obtrudes  them  upon  all  others  as  effential  Truths  and  neceflary  Articles.     She  in- 
joyns  fundry  of  them  as  a  condition  of  her  Communion.     She  commands  all  Chri- 
ftians  to  believe  and  pradtife  them  under  pain  of  damnation  i  and  whofoevcr  refu- 
feth  ,  fiie  cafteth  them  out  of  her  Society.     Such  is  their  new  Creed  in  point  of 
Faith,  diredfly  contrary  to  the  Canon  of  the  General  Council  cf  Efhejm.     Such  is 
the  Pope's  Supremacy  of  Power  in  point  of  Difcipline ,  expredy  contrary  to  the 
Determinations  of  the  Councils  of  Conftance  and  Bafile.     Such  is  the  adoration  of 
the  Species  of  Bread  and  Wine,  the  detention  of  the  Cup  from  the  People ,  their 
unknown  language,  &c,  in  the  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments ,  and  in  the  pub- 
lick  fervice  of  God.     From  thefe  finful  duties  thus  inioyned  as  ncccfTary,  all  men 
ought  to  feparate.     Lawful  Authority  of  man  may  oblige  one  to  fuifer,  but  no 
Authority  of  man  can  warrant  or  oblige  one  to  do,  finful  duties.     Such  a  caufc 
juftifies  a  feparation, until  the  abufe  be  reformed  for  which  the  feparation  was  made. 
And  being  thus  feparated  from  finful  Innovations,it  may  bclawful  or  convenient  to 
reform  lelTer  errors ,  which  were  not  of  fuch  dangerous  confequence,  nor  had 
been  a  fufficicnt  caufe  of  feparation  of  themfelves. 

But  here  I  muft  advertife  the  Reader  of  a  double  manner  of  exprcfUon,  ufed  by 
Efjglijh  Proteftants  concerning  this  feparation.  They  agree  that  the  Koman  Church 
retaineth  the  Effentials  of  a  true  Church.  They  agree  that  fhe  hath  introduced 
Errors  and  Abufes  into  Chriftian  Religion.  They  agree  that  fhe  obtrudes  finful 
Innovations  as  necefTary  conditions  of  her  Communion.  They  agree  that  the  fe- 
paration is  onely  from  thefe  Errors  and  Abufes,  and  are  ready  to  return  to  a  Com- 
munion, when  thefe  Errors  and  Abufes  are  removed.  So  in  efFed  they  fay  the  very 
fame  thing,  neither  more  nor  lefs.  But  becaufe  thefe  Errors  and  Abufes  are  inhe- 
rent in  their  Confellions, Liturgy,  and  forms  of  Adminiftration  of  holy  Sacramentsi 
Therefore  fome  fay  that  they  are  feparated  from  the  External  Communion  of  the 
Roman  Church.    And  becaufe  thefc  Errors  and  Abufes  arc  but  Adventitious  and 

Ac- 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Ensi^hnd.  it-p 


accidentally  inherent, and  may  be,  and  ought  to  be,  removed  ;  Therefore  others  fay 
that  their  feparation  is  not  from  the  Communion  of  the  Roman  Church,  as  it  was, 
and  may  be,  and  ought  to  be,  but  onely  from  the  Errors  and  Abufei.  The  one' 
fpeaks  fimply  and  abfblutely  from  the  Errors  and  Abufes  :  The  others  fpeak  refpe- 
Siivdy^znd fecuridum  quid^  from  the  external  Communion  of  the  Roman  Church,  that  is, 
fo  far  as  it  is  corrupted  by  thefe  Errors  and  Abufes,  and  not  further,  arid  fo  in  fenfe 
they  fay  the  very  fame  thing. 

And  therefore  it  is  meer  Sophiftry  and  a  groundlefs  cavil  to  argue  from  their  fe- 
paration from  Errors,  to  their  feparation  from  Truthsi  and  from  their  feparation  in 
Abufes,  to  their  feparation  in  the  Sacraments  themfelves.     Suppofe  one  who  is  ap- 
pointed to  minifter  dyet  to  another,  will  give  him   nothing  but  poyfonous  meats, 
and  he  knowing  it,  will  not  receive  it  ■■,  tell  me  who  is  the  refuferi  he  that  will  not 
eat  poyfon,  or  he  that  will  not  give  him  healthful  food  ?  The    Rowi^iK-Catholicks 
do  protefs  themfelves  to  be  as  loyal  to  their  Sovereign,  as  any  of  his  belt  Subjedsi 
and  that  they  are  as  ready  as  any  others  to  give  aflurance  of  it  by  Oath.     Yet  they 
fay  there  are  fome  claufes  inlerted  in  the  form  prefcribed,  which  they  may   not,  they 
dare  not,  take.    If  any  man  (hould  accufe  them  hereupon,  to  have  deferted  the 
Communion  of  the  EngUJh  Monarchy  in  point   of  Loyalty,  they  would  be  angry, 
and    they  had  good  reafon  for  it.     Upon  the  Ckme  equity  let  them  forbear  to 
accufe  us  of  leaving  the  Communion  of  their  Church  in  Sacraments,  when  wc 
onely  left  their  Abufes.     Diltinguifli  between  old  InAitutions  and  new  Errors,  and 
the  cafe  is  clear. 

Likewife  fuppofing,  but  not  granting,  that  we  were  not  chafed  away  by  tlie  cen-  *  «  ^. 
fares  of  the  Court  of  Rowe,  but  had  out  of  Confcience  feparated  our  (elves  from  Notthc'fepj- 
their  errors  in  fuch  manner  as  I  have  declared^  yet  the  crime  or  guilt  of  the  SchiGn  ration,  butrhe 
Hicks  clofe  to  them.     A  confciencious  Chriftian  is  as  much  chafed  away  by  impofing  ""''"^  °1^" 
upon  him  the  performance  of  finful  dutie?,  as  by  the  thunderbolt  of  Excommuni-  '''^Schifm, 
cation.     Schifm  is  a  voluntary  feparation,  but  our  feparation  was  no  more  volunta- 
ry on  our  parts,  than  the   three   Children  were  willing  to  be  caft  into  the  fiery, 
Furnacei  that  is,  they  did  chufe  rather  to  dy  Innocents  than  to  live  Nocents,  to  fuffer 
burning  rather  than  to  commit  Idolatry.     To  be  fep3rated,might  be,our  Confequent 
will,  becaufe  we  could  not  help  it.     But  it  was  far  enough  from  our  Antecedent 
will,  or  that  wedid  defireit.     If  we  fhould  fee  one  pudied  and  thruft  out  of  an 
houfe  with  Swords  and  Whips  and  Clubs,  would  any  man  in  his  right  wits,  call 
this  man  a  Fugitive  and  a  Runaway,  or  accufe  him  to  have  forfaken  the  Houfe  ? 
Sin  is  a  more  dangerous  Edge-tool  than  a  Sword,  and  the  wrath  of  God  heavier 
than  the  weight  of  Clubs,  and  the  fecret  lafhes  of  a  guilty  Confcience  fharper  than 
Whips.  _   If  they  did  impofe  upon  us  a  neceffity  of  doing  finful  duties  and  offend- 
ing God,  and  wounding  our  own  Confciences,  whileft  we  Itayed  among  themi  then 
we  did  not  leave  them,  but  they  did  drive  us  from  them.     Jofefh  came  into  his 
Makers  houfe  to  do  his  duty,  his  Miftrcfs  tempts  him  to   Sin.     Jofefb  flies  away. 
What  ?  From  his  duty  ?  No.     But  from  the  offence  of  God,  and  fhe,  that  thought 
to  hold  him,  was  the  perfbn  that  did  drive  him  away. 

He  urgcth  that  nothing  i«t  Henejjity  of  Salvation  can  jujiifie  fuch  a  feparation  (  as  he  .  .        ^^ 
hath  fancied  to  himfelf)  J^ow  t^e  cr«»e  of  Schifm.     Let  it  be  fo.     He  might  have  to  Salvation  kj 
fpared  his  Authors  in  the  margent  to  prove  it.     His  defcd  lies  on  the  other  fide,  forfake  known 
Doth  not  he  think  it  neceffary  to  Salvation  for  every  man  fo  far  as  he  can  to  efchew  Errour$.  , 
deadly  Sin  ?  Or  thinks  he  that  a  man  may  live  fecurely  in  known  Errors,  contrary 
to  the  dictate  of  his  Confcience,  without  any  prejudice  to  Salvation?  This  was 
our  condition.     But  yet  there  wot  Salvation  to  he  had  in  the  Church  of  Rome.     So  it 
mas  not  neceffary  to  Salvation  to  make  fuch  a  feparation.     A  ftrange   confequence,  jufi 
like  this  other:  God  hath  mercy  in  ftore  for  finner«,  therefore  it  is  not  neceffary  to 
Salvation  to  forfake  fin.     Gods  extraordinary  mercy  is  one  thing,  our  duty  ano « 
ther.     Becaufe  his  compalfion  is  great,  towards  his  poor  Creatures  that  offend  out 
of  invincible  ignorance,  is  it  therefore  not  neceffary  to  Salvation  for  thofe  who  are 
convinced  of  their  Errors,  to  follow  the  commandment  of  God,  and  the  light  ci'f  « 

their  own  Confcience  ^  This  is  fo  evident  that  it  admits  no  doubt. 

He  id<is^Th3.z  we  Jeparjted  our  felves  not  onely  front  the  Roman  Churcb^  but  from 


i6o  A  J ufi  Vindication  TOME  I. 

allChrijiian  Churches  in  the  JForld^  as  if  there  had  been  no  Chrijlian  Church  in  the  World, 
in  Tphvje  Communion  TPe  could  find  Salvation^  whence  it  will  follow  that  at  that  time  in 
their  conceits^  there  reai  no  true  Church  upon  Earth.     This  he  inculcates  over  and  over 
in  {cveral  places,  according  to  his  manner.     And  in  his  Ninth  Chapter  and  Fifth 
CpSeH.s.    Ceta^ion^  he  Triumpheth  in  it,  where  he  endeavors  to  prove  out  of  Cahme,  and 
Chiliingworth,  and  Dodor  Fatter,  that  Proteftants    feparated  thcmfelves  from  the 
whole  World.     Tliat  is,  as  he  exprefleth  himfelfin  other  places,  from  all  Chrifiian 
Churches.     And  particularly, /row  (/;f  Roman,  Grscian,  Armenian,  <j?;^  iEthiopian 
Church,  and  all  other  ancient  Churches  vehatfoever.     If  it  be  fo,  then  he  may  truely  call 
us  penitiis  toto  divifos  orhe  Britannos.     Of  the  Koman  Church  in  particular,  and  hovf 
that  pollibility  of  Salvation  in  any  Church  is  not  in  true  reafon  impeditive  of  its 
juft  Reformation,  we  have  already  fpoken  fufficiently.     It  remaineth  to  give  an  An- 
fwer  concerning  our  feparation  from  thefc  Eaftcrn  Churches.     Our  particular  Rc- 
OiirRcforma-   formation  cannot  be  faid  to  be  any  feparation  from  them.    For  they  do  neither  prc- 
tion  noSepara-  ^^^^  ^^  j^^  ^^^  Catholick  or  Univerfal  Church,  as  the  Koman  dothi  nor  challenge  any 
"°"*  Jurifdidion  over  the  BritannickJZhutchcs,  as  the  Court  of  Kome  dothv  neither  do  wc 

Ca!.i.9.  deny  them  the  right  of  Chriftian  Churches,  or  the  right  hand  of  fellowfliip.  In 
Co-ordinate  Churches,  whereof  one  is  not  fubordinate  to  another,  fome  Churches 
reforming  themfelves,  and  not  cenfuring  or  condemning  others  which  are  unrc- 
formed,  whileft  they  preferve  their  duty  entire  to  the  Oecumenical  Church,  and  its 
reprefentative,  a  General  Council,  do  not  feparate  from  other  Churches,  but  from 
their  own  Errors.  In  a  large  Garden  fuppofe  there  ihould  be  many  quarters,  fomc 
weeded,  fome  unwcededi  there  is  indeed  a  feparation  of  the  Plants  from  the  Weeds 
in  the  fame  quarters,  but  no  feparation  of  one  quarter  from  another.  Or  if  a  man 
(hall  purge  out  of  himfelf  corrupted  humours,  he  doth  not  thereby  feparate  him- 
felf  from  other  perfons,  whofe  bodies  are  unpurged.  It  is  true,  that  fuch  weeding 
and  purging  doth  produce  a  diftindion,  between  the  quarters  weeded,  and  the 
quarters  unweeded,  and  between  Bodies  purged  and  Bodies  unpurged.  But  either 
they  ftand  in  no  fuch  need  of  weeding  or  purging,  or  it  is  their  own  fault  who  do 
not  weed  or  purge  when  they  have  occafion.  If  they  will  needs  mifconftruc  our 
lawful  Reformation,  to  be  an  unlawful  and  uncharitable  feparation,  how  can  we 
help  it  ?  We  have  feparated  from  no  Eaflern,  Southern,  Northern,  or  Western  Church. 
Art.  30.  Our  Article  tells  them  the  fame.  Either  let  them  produce  fomc  Ad  of  ours,  which 

makes  or  implies  fuch  a  feparation,  or  let  them  hold  their  peace  for  ever. 

But  all  this  noife  proceeds  trom  hence,  that'  K.  C.  conceives  that  we  will  no 
more  joyn  with  thofe  Eaftern  Churches,  or  any  of  them,  in  their  Creeds,  in  their 
Liturgies  or  publick  forms  of  ftrving  God,  nor  Communicate  with  them  in  their 
Sacraments, than  we  do  with  the  Church  of  Kome.    If  we  Communicate  not  with 
nunicateSt^-eKom<?K  Church  in  fome  things,  it  is  not  our  faults.    It  is  not  their  ferving  of 
the  Eaftern      God,  nor  their  Sacraments  that  we  diflikci  but  their  diflervice  of  God,  and  corrupt- 
Churches,       ing  of  the  Holy  Sacraments.    But  for  thefe  Cracian ,  KuJJtan ,  Armenian ,    and 
Jbiftne  Churches,  I  find  grofs  Superftitions  objedcd  to  (bme  of  them  ,  but  not 
proved.    I  find  fome  inufitate  expreflions  about  fome  myfteries  which  are  fcarcely 
intelligible  of  explicable,  as  the  proceffion  of  the  Holy  Ghoft,  and  the  Union  of 
the  two  natures  in  Chrift,  which  are  not  frequently  ufed  among  us,  but  I  believe 
their  fenfe  to  be  the  fame  with  ours.  The  Grecians  do  acknowledge  the  Holy  Ghoft 
to  be  the  Spirit  of  the  Son.    And  all  the  other  Churches  are  ready  to  accurfe  the 
Errors  both  of  Nefiorius  and  Eutyches. 

But  that  which  fatisfies  me  is  this,  that  they  exad  of  no  man,  nor  obtrude  upon 
him,  any  other  Creed,  or  new  Articles  of  Faith  than  the  Apoftolical,  Ntcene,  and 
^r/M«<?/?i?«Creeds,  with  the  explications,  of  the  General  Councils  of  Efhfftu,  Con- 
ftantinople,  and  Chalcedon,  all  which  we  readily  admit,  and  ufe  daily  in  our  Liturgy. 
If  the  Church  of  Kome  would  reft  where  they  do,  we  might  well  have  difputablc 
Quefiions  between  us,  but  no  breach  of  Unity  in  point  of  Faith.  Like  wife  in  point 
of  Difcipline,  all  thefe  Churches  afcribe  no  more  to  the  Pope  than  a  Primacy  of 
Order,  no  Supremacy  of  Power  or  Univerfal  Jurifdidion.  They  make  a  General 
.  Council ,  with  or  without  the  Pope's  fuffiragc,  to  be  the  higheft  Eccleiiaftical  Tribu- 
nal. Let  the  Komanijii  reft  where  they  do  reft,  and  all  our  Controverlics  concern- 
ing 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghud,  i5l 

ing  Ecclefiaftical  Difcipline  will  fall  to  the  ground.  Thirdly,  they  have  their  Litur- 
gy in  a  language  underRoodi  they  adminilkr  the  Sacrament  in  both  kinds  to  all 
Chriftians.  They  do  not  themfelves  adore,  much  lefi  compel  others  to  adore,  the 
fpecies  of  Bread  and  Wine.  Howfoever  they  have  a  kind  of  elevation.  They 
have  no  new  matter  and  form,no  Tradition  of  the  Paten  and  Chalice  in  Presbyte- 
rian Ordination,but  onely  Impofition  of  hands.  They  know  no  new  Sacrifice,  but 
the  Commemoration,  Reprefentation,and  Application  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs. 
Juft  as  we  believe.  Let  the  Komaniih  but  imitate  their  moderation,  and  we  (hall 
fttait  come  to  joyn  in  Communion,  in  Sacraments,  and  SacramentalsaKb.  Yet  thefe 
are  the  three  effentials  of  Chriftian  Religion,  Faith,  Sacraments,  and  Difcipline.  So 
little  ground  had  R.  C.  to  tell  us,  that  we  had  feparated  our  felves  from  all  Chrilti- 
an  Churches  in  the  World. 

But  Calvin  faith,  tve  have  been  forced  to  make  a  feparation  from  all  the  World.     Admit  ^■^l^' 
he  did  fay  fo.  What  will  he  conclude  from  hence  that  the  Church  of  England  did  ^elanlhlhot. 
the  fame  >  This  confequence  will  never  be  made  good  without  a  Tranfubitantiation  p.  244.  Edit.' 
of  Mr.  Calvin  into  the  Englijh  Church.     Hehimlelf  knowcth  better  that  we  honour  Laufan.  157?' 
Calvin  for  his  Excellent  parts,but  wedo  not  pin  our  Religion  either  in  Dodrine,  or 
Difcipline,  or  Liturgy,  to  Calvin's  fleeve.     Whether  Calvin  (aid  fo  or  not,  for  my 
part  I  cannot  think  otherwife  but  that  he  did  fo  in  point  of  Difcipline,  until  fome 
body  will  be  favourably  pleafed  to  (hew  me  one  formed  National,  or  Provincial 
Church  throughout  the  World,  before  Gf«ez/^,  that  wanted  Bifliops,  or  one  lay-El- 
der that  exercifed  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  in  Chriftendom.     I  confefs  the  Fratret 
Bohemi  had  not  the  name  of  Bifhops,but  they  wanted  not  the  Order  of  Bifhops  un- 
der the  name  of  Seniores  or  Elders,  who  had  both  Epilcopal  Ordination  (  after 
their  Presbyterian  )  and  Epilcopal  Jurifdidtion,  and  Epifcopal  Succellion  from  the 
Bifhops  of  the  Waldenfes^  who  had  continued  in  the  Church  under  other  names, 
time  immemorial,  and  gave  them  charge  at  their  Reformation  (  long  before  Luthers 
time  )  to  preferve  that  Order.     All  which  themfelves  have  publifhed  to  the  World 
in  print.     I  confefs  like  wife  that  they  had  their  Lay-Elders  under  the  name  of  ■R""'?  /"'^/"fc 
Fresbyteri,  from  whence  Mr.  Calvin  borrowed  his.     But  theirs  in  Bohemia  pretended  ^  difciflinA 
not  to  be  Ecclefiaftical  Commilfioners,  nor  did,  nor  durft,ever  prefnme  to  meddle  hemomm. 
with  the  power  of  the  Keys,  or  exercife  any  Jurifdidlion  in  the  Church.     They 
were  onely  inferior  Officers,  neither  more  nor  lefs  than  our  Church-Wardens  and  ibid. 
Sydemen  in  England.     This  was  far  enough  from  ruling  Elders.    Howfoever  what 
doth  this  concern  the  Church  of  England,  which  never  made,  nor  maintained,  nor 
approved,any  fuch  feparation  ? 

No  more  did  Calvin  himfelf  out  of  judgment,  but  out  of  neceflity  fo  comply  ^"l^'"  i" 
with  the  prefent  eftate  of  Geneva,  after  the  expulfion  of  their  Bifhop.     As  might  be  pjfc^acy? 
made  appear,  if  it  were  needful,  by  his  publick  profelfion  of  their  readinefs  to  re- 
ceive fuch  Bilhops  as  the  primitive  Bifhops  were,  or  otherwife  that  they  were  to  be  EpiS.  ad 
reputed  nulla  nan  anathemate  digni  \  By  his  fubfcription  to  the  Aitgujtane  ConfeJJi-  Mart. 
o«,  which  is  for  Epifcopacy,  c«i /^ri^(?m  w/f«/  ac  libens  fubfcripfi  ■■,  By  his  Confellion  ^'"'l'"^' 
to  the  King  of  Polonia.     "The  ancient  Church  injiituted  Fatriarchates,  and  afftgned  pri-  ^j,^,  p'oloni£. 
macy  to  fingle  Provinces,  that  Bifhops  might  be  better  k^it  together  in  the  Bond  of  Vnity. 
By  his  defcription  of  the  charge  of  a  Bilhop  that  (hould  joyn  himfelf  to  the  reform-  Cah.Ep.  lin- 
ed Church,  to  do  hit  indeavour,  that  all  the  Churches  within  his  Bi(hoprickJbe  purged  from  pff  Gen.  an. 
Errors  and  Idolatry-',  to  go  before  the  Curates  (  or  Pafiors  )  of  his  Viocefr  by  hit  example,  '*7°'  '''•  '^°* 
and  to  induce  them  to  admit  the  Keformation  ;  And  Laftly  by  his  Letters  to  Archbiihop 
Cranmer,  the  Bifhop  of  London,  and  a  Bifliop of  Folonii. 

I  have  fearched  the  Hundred  one  and  fortieth  Epiifle,and  for  fear  of  failing,  the  Jhe^'faced'hc 
Hundred  and  one  and  fortieth  page  alfoin  my  Edition,  but  I  do  neither  find  any  out  of  the 
fuch  Confellion,  nor  remember  any  fuch,  nor  lind  any  thing  like  it  in  the  place  cited.  Edition  of 
except  peradventure  he  mean  this, that CabiH,juftifying  Epifcopacy  and  condemn-  ^""^^'"'J' 
ing  the  Papacy,  hath  thefe  v/oids,h  U  one  thing  to  receive  moderate  honour,  fuch  as  man  fhops  Edit'ioa 
is  capable  of,  and  another  thing  to  rule  the  whole  World,  t\\dX'K,zs  the  Pope   would  do.  waithatof 
Calvin  (peaks  of  the  Pope's  ambitious,  affedtation  of  an  Univerfal  Empire,  not  of  Cfufv/i.which 
his  juft  right  or  polTelfion.  I  hope  he  doth  not  prefently  feparate  from  all  Chrift ian  o"a^°ned  hi» 
Churches ,  who  feparates  from  the  Pope,  becaufe  the  Pope  pretends  an  Univerfal  £p_  ad.  K, 

0,3  ]u- i'c/on.  ip«. 


II 


1 62  A  Juft  Vindication  TOME  I. 

Jurifdidioii.  Thus  it  is,  when  men  make  their  own  Colledtions  to  be  other  mens 
Confeilions.  But  fuppofing  that  Calvin  had  faid  any  Cuch  thing,  it  mult  be  under- 
ftood  Synecdochically  of  the  Weftern  Churches,  the  whole,  tor  a  part,  as  they  fay  at 
fan!,  le  Mond  de  Parity  the  JVorld  of  TarU^  or  as  a  Father  faid,  7he  World  mourned  and 
4rrtfl.c.  18.  rcondredto  fee  it  felf  turned  knm.  But  Calvin  (aid  further,  That  the  Jdolatrous 
Sea.  i3.  j^^j^  1^^^ ^^'jj-^^  ^11  j^-^^^  ^^j^  ■2^g^ig  ^o„i  fijg yjrjj  fg  ffj^  lafi.     This  confirms  the  former 

Expofltion,  aV  Kings  and  People.,  that  is  in  thefe  Occidental  parts  of  Chriftendom. 
Certainly  Calvin  did  not  dream  of  the  Duke  of  Mufcovia^  or  Prejier  John,  much  lefs 
of  the  great  Ttirk^^  or  Sophy  of  Perfia,  within  whofe  Territories  moft  of  thefe 
Churches  are.    They  have  maifes  indeed,  but  no  adoration  of  the  Elements,  and 
confcquently  no  Idolatrous  Ma(!es,  which  Cj/ri«  difliked. 
Perhaps  he  will  fpeed  better  with  Dr.Po«f  r's  Teltimony.To  let  K.Cfee  plainly  what 
Doftor  Potter  credit  is  to  be  given  to  fuch  Citations,!  will  reduce  his  argument  out  of  Dr.  Potter  to 
cleared.  ^  Syllogifm.All  tcparation  from  the  Univerfal  Church  is  Schifmatical :  but  Protcftants 

confefs  that  their  feparation  is  from  the  Univerfal  Church.His  Propofition  is  proved 
out  of  Dr.  Potter  Sect.  ^.p.  74.  This  is  true.  Dr. Power's  words  are  thefc,7'/jfrtf  neither 
Ch.9.  SeU.  J.  w''^-''  «'"'  ^''^  ^<"  ^^y  i^l^  '^'*"fi  f"  depart  from  the  Church  of  Chrift^no more  than  from  Chriji 
himfelf.    His  AfTumption  is  proved  out  of  Dr.  Potter  SeH.  2.f.  48.  Some  Jeparatiott 
,  C  voluntary  ) /row  all  vifble  Churches  doth  not  exclude  from  heaven.     If  Proteltants 

'  '  ly  open  to  the  lath,  and  have  no  better  memories,  it  is  an  eafie  matter  to  confute 

them  out  of  their  own  Confeilions,  or  rather  let  the  Reader  judge  what  credit  is  to 
be  given  to  fuch  Citations.     Dr.  Potter''s  words  are  thete,  Jf  feparation,  fuch  as  hath 
Sell, 2.  p.  49-  been  Jaid,  from  all_vifble  Churches,  do  not  exclude  from  Heaven.     Firtt,  K.  C.  omits  thefe 
viox6iS,jttch  M  hath  been  faid,  which  words  quite  deftroy  his  proof.     The  feparation 
whereof  he  fpeaks  there,  is  onely  External,  not  Internal  •,  from  all  particular  vifiblc 
Churches,  not  from  the  Univerfal  Church.     His  words  are  thefe,  A  man  may  be  a  true 
vijible  Member  of  the  holy  Catholick-Ctwrc/?  who  U  not  aduaVy  (  otherrctfe  than  in  vow) 
a  Member  of  any  true  vifible  Church.    The  inltances  or  cafes   which  he  prnduceth  arc 
two,  the  one  of  a  man  unjultly  Excommunicated  clave,  errante,  who  is  not  in  the 
adtual  External  Communion  of  any  particular   Church,  yet  if  he  Communicate  in 
F^'/'  A/7  '      dcfire,/wj^cit  ei  adfalutem,  it  is  fufficient  to  favc  him,  which  he  proves  out  of  BeVar- 
iS^Au'^ujUe''  mine  and  St.  Atfftin  2nd  others.     Neither  will  K.  C.  himfelf  deny  it.     The  other 
Ver.  Rel.  c.  6.  inltance  is  of  lertullian,  who  in  his  later  days  did  fall  off  from  the  Catholicks,  out 
of  an  indiferete  piety  ?  Wljy  may  we  not  hope  that  Cod  pardoned  the  Errors  of  his  honefi 
zeal?  And  herein  alfo  he  hath  the  confent,  and  concurrence  of  R.  C.  himfelf:  That 
they  who  err  invincibly,  and  hold  the  Truth  implicitely  do  want  neither  Church,  nor 
Faith,  nor  Salvation.    Wliat  do  thefe  cafes  concern  the  prefent  controverfie  ?  Not 
at  all. 

And  as  R.  C.  fubltrads ,  fo  he  adds  the  word  voluntary  upon  his  own  head  , 
which  is  not  in  Dr.  Potter.     He  who  is  excommunicated  unjultly  ,  is  not  excom- 
municated with  his  good  will.     TertuVian  did  not  wilfully  run  into  Errour.  Igno- 
rance deltroyes  liberty  in  many  cafes  ,  as  well  as  force.     Dr.  Pp«fr  (peaks  onely  of 
.,  fuch  who  are  in  voto  ,  in  their  deftres ,  or  willingly  withJn  the   Conjmunion  of  the 

'  '  Church,    and  declares  the  contrary  expredy  ,  that  voluntary  and  ungrounded  fepanp- 

t ion  from  the  Catholick^Communion,  is  without  doubt  a  damnable  Schifm. 

Laltly ,  Dr.  Potter  fpeaks  not  of  the  ordinary  way  of  Salvation,  but  of  God's  ex- 
traordinary mercy :  Why  may  we  not  hope  that  Cod  pardoned  the  errour s  of  his  honeji 
zeal  ?  Cannot  God  pardon  formal ,  much  more  material  Schilm  ,  and  convert  a 
Schilmatick  at  the  lalt  gafp ,  if  it  pleafe  him  >  The  Primitive  Church  refufed  to  re- 
ceive fome  forts  of  Offenders  to  their  adual  Communion  ,  and  yet  left  them  to  the 
mercy  of  God  for  their  Salvation. 
*v;/^*'*"  .  But  his  chiefelt  Teltimonies  are  taken  out  of  Mr.  ChilUngworth,  c.  5.  p.  273.  That 
CbiUingmrtb  p^„^fjj^„,j.  ^^^  /or/i%  the  external  Communion  of  the  vifible  Church.  And  p.  274. 
Mr.  Knott  objecting  ,  that  (eeing  there  was  no  vifible  Church  but  corrupted  ,  Lu- 
ther forfaking  the  external  Communion  of  the  corrupted  Church  ,  could  not  but 
torfake  the  external  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church  :  Mr.  ChilUngworth  an- 
fwers  ,  Let  this  he  granted.  And  p.  291.  Jt  is  not  improbable  that  it  may  be  lawful  and 
noble  jor  one  man  to  ofpofe  (  in  Faith  )  the  World.     I  Anfwerv  Firlt ,  that  by  external 

Com- 


ro2 


Discourse  III.    Of  the  Ctmrcb  of  England 

Communion ,  Mr.  Chillingwortb  meant  nothing  but  Errours  in  the  external  Com- 
munion i  and  by   the  vifible  Church ,  a  conliderable  part  of  the  vifibic  Church.  P.  245. 
Hear  himfelf.  Indeed  that  Luther  and  hUfolhtvers  left  off  the  pradice  of  thofe  corrupti- 
ons, tvherein  the  whole  vifible  Church  did  communicate  formerly  ,     (  rphich  I  meant 
rrhen  I  acknowledged  above  that  they  forfiok,  the  external  Communion  of  the  vifible 
Church)  or  that  they  left  that  fart  of  the  vifible  Church  in  her  corruption  ,  which  w'o/ild 
mt  be  reformed  ;  Thefe  things  if  you  defire^  J  Jhall  be  willing  to  grant ,    and  that  by  a 
j    SyntcAodxc  of  the  whole  for  the  fart ,   he  might  be  faid  to  forfak^   the  vifible  Church , 
'    that  is  ,  a  fart  of  it ,  and  the  greater  part.     But  that  properly  Jfeaking,    he  forfwk^  the 
whole  vifible  Church ,  I  hope  you  will  excufe  me  if  I  grant  mt  this.     And  he  gives  this 
reafon  ,  becaufc  a  great  part  of  the  Church  )oyne"d  with  Luther.     He  might  have 
added  a  ftronger  reafon  as  I  think  ,  that  Luther's  hrlt  Quarrel  with  the  Pope  was 
about  Indulgences ,  and  the  Supremacy,  &c.  wherein  Luther  did  not  defert,  but  joyn 
in  Communion  with,  the  much  greater  part  of  the  vifible  Church.     If  afterwards 
Luther  fell  upon  other  Queiiions  ,  not  Co  agreeable  to  the  Eaftern  Church ,  yet  they 
were  no  Articles  of  the  Creed  ,  nor  neceffary  points  of  Chriftian  Religion.     The 
fame   Interpretation   he    gives  elfewhere  ,    Jhe  firji   Reformers   as    well    as  the  F.  su. 
Donatirts,  &c.  oppofed  the  commands  of  the  vifible  Church  ,  that  is  ^  of  a  great  part 
of  it. 

Secondly ,  I  anfwer  ,  That  what  is  faid  of  the  unlverfal  corruption  of  the  vifible 
Church,  is  not  delivered  pofitively,  but  doubtfully,    and  upon  fuppofition,  not 
grounded  upon  any  matter  of  Fad  :  Jt  is  not  improbable  ,  and  if  we  were  put  to  our  ^'  '^'' 
Oaths,  wejhould  furely  tejlifie  no  fuch  thing  for  you  ■■,  which  words  do  follow  imme- 
diately in  the  place  formerly  cited.     And  in  another  place ,  Neither  tofuppofe  a  vifible 
Church  ,  before  Luther ,  which  did  not  err,  is  to  comrade  this  ground  of  Dr.  Potters  , 
that  the  Church  may  err,  unlefs  you  will  have  its  believe  that  may  be   and  muft  be  is  all 
one  ,  and  that  all  which  may  be  true,  is  true.     Neither  Dr.  Totter ,  nor  Mr.  Chilling- 
worth,  did  ever  maintain  a  feparation  from   the  whole  Chriftian  World  in  any  one  C.  $.P.  »73' 
thing  ,  but  from  fome  Churches  in  one  thing  ,  from  fome  in  another  ,  not  necefia- 
ry  to  Salvation ,  wherein  they  difTented  one  from  another.     That  which  is  one  and  the  Tert. 
fame  in  all  places,  is  no  err  our ,  but  delivered  by  Cbriji  and  his  Apoflles.     St.  Auftine 
gives  nor  much  more  latitude,  Ihat  which  the  whole  Church  holds ,  and  was  not  injii- 
tuted  by  Councils  ,  but  alwayes retained ,  is  rightly  elleemed  to  have  been  delivered  by  ^  a.c 
Apolhlical  Authority.     Let  Mr.  Chillingworth  be  his  own  Interpreter,  It  is  one  thing  Don.  c.  a  j. 
to  feparate  from  the   Communion   of  the  whole  World,  another  to  feparate  from  all  the  «•  *•  P- io2. 
Communions  in  the  f  For  Id  :  One  thing  to  divide  from  them  who  are  ttnited  amona  them- 
felves ,  another  to  divide  from  them  ,  who  are  divided  among  themfelves.     The  Donatifts 
feparated  from  the  whole  Chrijlian  World  united ,  but  Luther  and  his  followers  did  notfo. 
In  all  this ,  here  is  not  a  word  againft  the  Church  of  England ,  nor  any  thing  mate- 
rial againft  any  particular  Proteftant.    A  perfed:  harmony  and  unanimity  were  to  be 
wiflied  in  the  Univerfal  Church,  but  fcarcely  to  be  hoped  for  (  until  this  mortal  rtncewSg 
hath  put  on  immortality  )  in  all  difputable  Queftions.     The  Romanijis  have  no  fuch  the  RomaiijU 
perfedt  Unity  in  their  own  Church  ,  perhaps  as  many  real  Differences ,  as  there  are  ^^  between 
between  us  and  the  GrfcM^J- ,  or  between  us  and  themfelves  i  but  onely  they  arc  j!'^™ '""'^ '^^^ 
pleafed  to  nickname  the  one  Herefies ,  and  to  honour  the  other  with  the  Title  of  churches  or 
Scholaftical  Queftions.  Our  communicating  with  Schifmaticks  hath  been  already  an-  "S- 
fwered.  C  i.S.  i?. 

In  the  later  part  of  this  Chapter,  he  chargeth  me  with  Four  faults  at  a  time,  able  ^^q  , 
to  break  a  back  of  Stech  Firft  ,  That  I  endeavour  to  clear  the  Englifh  Froteftant 
Church  from  Schifm  ,  but  not  other  Troteftant  Churches.     I  do  not  underftand  exadlly 
the  Hiftory  of  their  Reformation  ,  nor  the  Laws  and  Priviledges  of  Forreign  par- 
ticular Churches.  ^«i  pauca  confider  at  facile  pronuntiat  i  He  that  confidereth  few  cir- 
cumftances ,  giveth  the  Sentence  cafily,  but  feldom  juftly.     He  addeth ,  That  ei- 
ther it  argues  little  Charity  in  me,  or  little  skjll  to  defend  them.     And  elfewhere  he  in' 
ftanceth  in  the  Scottifli  and  French  Huguenots ,  and  layeth  down  the  reafon  of  my  -      -    . 
fiknce ,  hecaufe  J  condemn  them  as  Schifmaticks ,  for  wanting  that  Epifcopacy  ,  which  I    "'*       ' 
require  as  efientially  necejfary  to  a  Catholick^Church.     In  the  mean  time  let  him  remem- 
ber, what  it  is  to  raife  difcord  and  make  variance,  Prov.  6.  16.     If  the  want  of 

Epi- 


164- 


A  Juji  Vtndtcation 


T  O  M  b:  I. 


Whether  all 
thofe  be  Schif- 
maticks  "ho 
want  EiftiopS' 


IhtRimatiillt 
no  fit  perfons 
to  objeft 
Schifra  to  Pre- 
teAaat!. 


Epifcopacy  were  my  onely  reafon  ,  why  do  I  not  defend  the  Bohemian  Brethren , 
the  Vanijh ,  Srvedijh  ,  and  feme  German  Proteftants  ,  all  which  have  Bifhops  ?  But 
becaufe  he  preffeth  me  fo  much  ,  I  will  give  him  a  farther  account  of  my  felf  in  this 
particular  than  I  intended,  or  am  obliged. 

I  confefs  I  do  not  approve  tumultuary  Reformations  ,  made  by  a  giddy  ignorant 
multitude ,  according  to  the  Didates  of  a  feditious  Oratour.  But  withall  I  mud 
tell  him  ,  that  God  would  not  permit  evil ,  but  that  he  knows  how  to  extraft 
good  out  of  evil  \  and  that  he  often  ufeth  ill  Agents  to  do  his  own  works,  yea, 
even  to  reform  his  Church.  Jehu  was  none  of  the  beft  men  ,  yet  God  ufed  him  to 
purge  his  Church,  and  to  take  away  the  Priefts  of  Baal.  The  treafon  of  Judas 
became  fubfervient  to  the  fecret  Councels  of  God,  for  the  Redemption  of  the  world 
by  the  Crofs  and'Paflion  of  Chrift.  I  do  alfo  acknowledge  ,  That  Epifcopacy  was 
comprehended  in  the  Apoftolick  Office  ,  tanquam  trigontK  in  teiragom  ,  and  that  the 
diftindtion  was  made  by  the  Apoftles  with  the  approbation  of  Chrift  ■,  That  the 
Angels  of  the  Seven  Churches  in  the  Kevelation  ,  were  Seven  Bifhops ',  That  it  is  the 
moTt  filly  ridiculous  thing  in  the  World,  to  calumniate  that  for  a  Papal  Innovation, 
which  was  eftabliflied  in  the  Church  before  there  was  a  Pope  at  Kome  ■■,  which  hath 
been  received  and  approved  in  all  Ages  fince  the  very  Cradle  of  Chriftianity  ,  by  all 
forts  ofChnRians, Europeans,  Affricans  ^Afiatick^ ,  Indians,  many  of  which  never  had 
any  intercourse  with  Kome  ,  nor  fcarcely  ever  heard  of  the  name  of  Rome, 
If  femper,  ubique,  &  ab  omnibm,  be  not  a  fufficient  plea ,  I  know  not  what  is. 

Butbecaule  I  elkem  them  Churches  not  compkatly  formed,  do  I  therefore  ex- 
clude them  from  all  hope  of  Salvation  ?  or  efteem  them  Aliens  and  Strangers  from 
the  Commonwealth  of  Jfiael  ?  or  account  them  formal  Schifmaticks  ?  No  flich 
thing.  Firft  ,  I  know  there  are  many  learned  Perfons  among  them  ,  who  do  paf- 
fionately  affedt  Epifcopacy  ■■,  feme  of  which  have  acknowledged  to  my  fcif ,  that 
their  Church  would  never  be  rightly  fettled  until  it  was  new  moulded.  Baptifin 
is  a  Sacrament,  the  door  of  Chriftianity,  a  matriculation  into  the  Church  of  Chrift: 
Yet  the  very  defire  of  it  in  cafe  of  necellity ,  is  fufficient  to  excufe  from  the  want 
of  adual  Baptifm.  And  is  not  the  defire  of  Epifcopacy  fufficient  to  excufe  from  the 
adtual  want  of  Epifcopacy  in  like  cafe  of  necellity  ?  Or  (hould  I  cenfure  thefe  as 
Schifmaticks  ? 

Secondly,  There  are  others ,  who  though  they  do  not  long  Co  much  for  Epifco- 
pacy ,  yet  they  approve  it ,  and  want  it  onely  out  of  invincible  neceffity.  In  fome 
places  the  Sovereign  Prince  is  of  another  Communions  the  Epifcopal  Chairs  are  fil- 
led with  Rowi/&  Bifhops.  If  they  fhould  petition  for  Bifhops  of  their  own  ,  it 
would  not  be  granted.  In  other  places ,  the  Magiftrates  have  taken  away  Bifhops, 
whether  out  of  policy ,  becaufe  they  thought  that  Regiment  not  fo  proper  for  their 
Republicks,  or  becaufe  they  were  afhamed  to  take  away  the  Revenues,  and  pre- 
ferve  the  Order ,  or  out  of  a  blind  Zeal,  they  have  given  an  account  to  God :  they 
owe  none  to  me.  Should  I  condemn  all  thefe  as  Schifmaticks  for  want  of  Epifcopa- 
cy, who  want  it  out  of  invincible  necellity  > 

Thirdly ,  There  are  others  who  have  neither  the  fame  defires  i  nor  the  fame 
efteem  of  Epifcopacy ,  but  condemn  it  as  an  AntichrifHan  Innovation,  and  a  rag 
of  Popery.  I  conceive  this  to  be  mofl  grofs  Schifm  materially.  It  is  Ten  times 
more  Schifmatical  to  defert  ,  nay  ,  to  take  away  (  fo  much  as  lies  in  them)  the 
whole  Order  of  Bifhops ,  than  to  fubflradl  obedience  from  one  lawful  Bifhop.  AH 
that  can  be  faid  to  mitigate  this  fault  is  ,  that  they  do  it  ignorantly ,  as  they  have 
been  miffaught  and  mifinformed.  And  I  hope  that  many  of  them  are  free  from  ob- 
ftinacy ,  and  hold  the  Truth  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds ,  being 
ready  to  receive  it ,  when  God  fhall  reveal  it  to  them.  How  far  this  may  excufe 
(  not  the  crime,  but )  their  perfons  from  formal  Schifm,  either  a  mo  or  a  tantn,  I  de- 
termine not,  but  leave  them  to  ftand  or  fall  before  their  own  Mafler. 

But  though  thefe  Proteffants  were  worthy  of  this  contumely,  yet  furely  the  Ko- 
manifis  are  no  fit  perfons  to  objcdt  it ,  whofe  opiniajhety  did  hinder  an  Uniform  Re- 
formation of  the  Welfern  Church.  Who  did  firft  inveit  Presbyters  with  Epifcopal 
Jurifdidion,  and  the  power  of  Ordaining  and  Confirming  ,  but  the  Court  of  Rome, 
by  their  Commillions  and  Delegations ,  for  avaritious  ends  ?  And  could  they  think 

that 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Chnrcb  of  Eughnd.  i5t- 

that  the  World  would  believe,  that  neceliity  is  not  as  ftrong  and  eifedtual  a  dif- 
penfation  as  their  mercenary  Bulls  ?  It  is  not  at  all  material ,  whether  Epifcopacy 
and  Priefthood  be  Two  diltinct  Orders  ,  or  diftin(fl  Degrees  of  the  fame  Orders 
the  one  fubordinate  to  the  others  whether  Epifcopal  Ordination  do  introduce  a 
new  Charader ,  or  extend  the  old.  For  it  is  generally  confeiTed  by  both  Parties 
Protcftants  and  Rom<i«-Catholicks  ,  that  the  fame  power  and  authority  is  necelTarv 
to  the  extenfion  of  a  Charafter ,  or  grace  given  by  Ordination  ,  which  is  required 
to  the  Inrtitution  of  a  Sacrament ,  that  is  not  Humane,  but  Divine.  Thefe  avari- 
cious pradices  of  that  Court ,  (  though  it  be  not  commonly  obferved  )  were  the 
Firft  fource  of  thefe  prefent  controverfies  about  Epifcopacy  and  Ecclefiaftical  Difci- 
pline,  which  do  now  fo  much  difturb  the  peace  of  the  Church. 

The  Second  fault  which  he  imputeth  to  mo  is  ,  That  I  endeavour  to  clear  the  Eng- 
]i(h  Church  from  Schifm  onely  in  relation  to  the  Church  of  Rome ,  not  to  all  other  Chur- 
ches. It  was  altogether  needlefs  to  have  troubled  his  own  head  ,  or  his  Readers 
with  this.  For  Firft ,  He  efteems  none  of  all  thofe  Churches  to  be  true  Churches  , 
hux  a  Maji of  Mongers ,  an  Hydra  of  many  heads,  or  fo  many  Packs  of  Hereticks'  C.2.S.6. 
and  Schifmaticks,  making  the  Koman  Church  and  the  Catholick  Church  to  be 
Convertibles.  Secondly ,  It  had  not  onely  been  vain ,  but  a  fign  of  guilt ,  to  make 
a  defence  before  we  were  accufed.  None  of  thofe  Churches ,  nor  any  body  elfe 
that  ever  I  heard  of,  hath  accufed  us  for  deferting  them',  before  K.  C.  and  he  hath 
received  his  Aufwer.  If  if  had  been  needful,  the  Church  of  Kome  had  faved  us  that  ^'  *^''*  ^'■^' 
labour  by  ejccommunicating  them  before-hand.  I  onely  wifh  more  intelligence  be- 
tween us  and  them. 

My  Third  fault  is  ,  Th^t  J  endeavour  principally  to  jufiife  our  feparation  from  the  theChurchof 
Romzn  Church,  for  the  perfonal  faults  of  Tapes.     And   my  Fourth  fault  is.  That  I  EnUndhai 
jujiifie  our  feparation  from  the  Court  of  fs.omt  for  their  evil  manners.     That  this  is  not  better  groundt 
lawful  to  do ,  he  proves  by  fundry  Authorities  and  Arguments ,  I  think  the  rather  ^^^^  perfonal 
becaufe  no  man  denies  it ,  or  doubts  of  it,  or  becaufe  he  would  infinuate  to  his  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
Fveader  that  we  do  deny  it.     If  he  had  pleafed  ,  he  might  have  contradled  thefe 
Two  faults  into  one.    'The  Pope  and  his  Court  make  but  One  Confiftory ,  and  per- 
fonal  faults ,  and  evil  manners  are  the  fame  thing.     It  had  been  needful  to  have 
joyned  thern  together ,  to  give  them  a  little  more  weight :  for  being  twifted     they 
weigh  not  half  a  grain.     Firft ,  I  deny  that  we  hold  perfonal  faults  or  evil'  man- 
ners a  fufficient  caufe  of  feparation.     Secondly  ,  That  feparation  \yhich  was  made 
was  made  by  themfelves ,  not  by  us.    Thirdly,  I  deny  that  the  Pope ,  or  Court  of 
^ome  ever  had  right  to  any  Jurifdidion  over  us:  and  if  they  ever  had  any  pretence 
of  right ,  we  had  other  manner  of  grounds  for  feparation  than  evil  manners :     As 
new  Articles  of  Faith  i  obtruding  of  idolatrous  ,  fuperftitious ,  and  finful  Duties. 
groG  Ufurpation  of  the  Rights  of  the  Sovereign  Prince,  and  all  Orders  and  degrees 
of  Subjeds,  the  overthrow  or  endangering  of  the  publick  peace  and  tranquillity  of 
the  Kingdom :  unlawful  Oaths  contrary  to  our  Allegiance  to  our  King,  contrary  to  ' 

that  Duty  which  all  Chriltians  do  owe  to  General  Councils  ;  And  Laftly,the  Pope's 
quitting  of  his  Patriarchal  Power.  Yet  by  his  leave.  Tyranny,  Opprelfion,  and 
Rapine,  are  fbmewhat  more  than  perfonal  faults,  and  may  be  jull  grounds  to  Prin- 
ces and  Commonwealths  to  fubftrad  obedience  ,  until  there  be  a  Reformation  of 
exorbitant  Abufes.  Some  perfonal  faults  ,  as  Simony  and  Schifm,  may  give  juft 
occafion  to  Chriltians  to  feparate  from  pretended  Popes.  But  there  are  other  faults 
inherent  in  the  Office  of  the  Pope ,  not  his  Epifcopal  Office  ,  which  was  inflituted 
ty  Chrift  or  his  Apoftles  i  nor  his  Patriarchal  Office ,  which  was  inftituted  by  the 
Church  i  but  his  pretended  Monarchical  Office ,  whereby  he  hath  ufljrped  a  Power 
paramount  over  the  higheft  Tribunal  of  the  Church  ,  that  is,  a  General  Council, 
whereof  more  (hall  be  faid  in  due  place.  Thefe  faults  give  juft  caufe  to  a  General  '»/•  <•  7-  ft 
Council  to  feparate  the  Popes  themfelves ,  and  to  take  away  their  domineering 
Courts  i  or  to  a  Sovereign  Prince  with  a  National  Council ,  to  ftiake  off  their  Ty- 
rannical Yoke. 


€  H  A  P. 


r^5  A  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  I- 


C  H  A  P.   II. 

Concerning  the  jiating  of  the  Qnefiion, 

Sea  u  T  ^  ftating  the  Queftion  I  obferved  this  Method  i  Firft,  To  fliew  what  Ecckfia- 

I  ftical  Separations  were  not  Schifmatical.  As  Firft  ,  Thofe  Separations  which 
proceed  out  of  a  fudden  paflionate  heat,  without  attempting  to  make  any  par- 
ties ,  as  thofe  between  St.  Taul  and  'Barnabas  •,  St.  Uierome  and  Kuffinuf  i  St.  Chry- 
fojiome  and  Epphanius.  Secondly  ,  Premeditated  cla(hings  of  Bifhops  or  Churches 
long  maintained  ( if  they  forbear  to  cenfure  one  another,  and  be  ready  to  fubmit  to 
the  Determination  of  a  General  Council  )  are  not  Schifmatical ;  as  thofe  between 
the  Koman  and  African  Bifliops  about  Appeals  and  Rebapti^ation.  Thirdly,  Where 
juft  caufe  of  Separation  is  given  j  for  there  the  Separaters  are  innocent ,  and  they 
who  give  the  caufe  are  Schifmaticks.  Fourthly  ,  Separation  ,  from  an  erroneous 
Church,  or  Paftor ,  in  their  Errors.  Ofallthefe,  and  their  Proofs  ,  K.  C.  takes 
no  notice  at  all,  butpafleth  filentlyby  them,  without  either  granting,  denying  ,  or 
diftinguifliing. 

The  Firft  Exception  that  he  takes ,  is  againft  my  Two  fuppofed  Definitions  of 
F.  $7.  P.  8.    Schifm :  The  former  is  ,  Schifm  U  a  crimimuf  fcijlitre ,  rent ,  or  division  in  the  Church, 
an  Ecclefiaftical  Sedition ,  likf  to  a  mutiny  in  an  Army  ,  or  a  faUion  in  a  State.     The 
P.  60.  P.  13.   Second  ,  Meet  Schifm  is  a  culpable  rupture  or  breach  of  the  Catholic\_  Communion.  And 
P  -^  to  fupply  my  dcfcdl ,  he  promileth  a  better  Definition  of  his  own.     "True  Schifm  0 

'     '  a  voluntary  divifmt  in  fame  fubfiantial  part  of  the  true  Church.     Really  ,  I  do  not  won- 

der if  my  Definitions  be  not  comp!ear.     I  do  not  take  my  felf  to  have  fo  happy  a 
vein ,  that  all  that  I  utter  fhould  be  a  Definition.     I  did  not  hold  it  needful ,  nor 
had  any  purpofe  to  define  Schifhi,  but  onely  to  explain  it,   which  my   very  words 
might  have  taught  him.     Schifm  fgnifes  a  criminous  figure ,  not  is  ,  but  fignifies. 
And  thofe  Two  fimilitudes  added  to  the  foot  of  my  pretended   Definition,  lil^e  a 
mutiny  in  an  Army  ,  orfaUion  in  a  State.     Similitudes  are  apt  to  illuftrate ,  but  not 
to  define.     The  Definition  and  the  thing  defined  are  ever  the  farpe.     Thofe  thing/ 
which  are  like  one  another,  are  never  the  fame.     But  let  us   view  h^s  grand  Exce- 
ptions to  my  fuppofed  Definitions. 
All  Schifm  Is        My  Firft  great  fault  is.  That  I  do  not  exprefsit  thus:  in  feme  fuhtlaniiat  part  nr  parts 
notinElTcn-     of  the  Church.     For  aV  Schifmisinefentials,  otherrvife  divifion  in  Ecckfiajlical  Ceremo- 
*"'*•  niet,  or  Scholafiical  Opinions Jhould  be  Schifm.     Here  is  nothing  new    but  his  reafon, 

to  which  I  Anfwer,  that  all  differences  in  Rites  and  Ceremonies  are.not  Schifmati- 
cal i  but  if  unlawful  or  finful  Rites  be  obtruded  by  any  Church,  as  a  condition  of 
their  Communion,  and  a  feparation  enfue  thereupon  ■■,  the  Obtrudcrs  of  finful  Rites, 
and  they  who  break  the  Unity  of  the  Church,  for  difference  in  indifferent:"  Rites,  are 
guilty  of  Schifm.  So  likewife  Scholaftical  Opinions  are  free,  and  may  be  defended 
both  ways  Scholaftically  i  but  if  they  be  obtruded  Magifterially  upon  Chriftians  as 
neceffary  Articles  of  Faith,  they  render  the  obtruders  truly  Schifmatical.  This  is 
the  cafe  of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  both  thefe  particular  inftances  :  and  therefore  it 
is  not  true,  that  all  Schifm  is  a  Divifion  in  the  effentials  of  Religion,  or.  its  fuhfian- 
tial  parts.  When  Pope  ViSor  Excommunicated  the  Eaftern  Churches  about  the  ob- 
fervation  of  Eafter,  the  difference  was  but  about  Rite,  aut  Kitus  potius  tempore  (  faith 
a  Roman  Catholick  )  or  rather  the  time  of  a  Rite.  Yet  it  occafioned  a  Schifm,  for 
cither  ViSfor's  Key  did  err,  znd  then  he  was  the  Schifmaticki  or  it  did  not  err,  and 
then  they  were  the  Schifmaticks.  What  the  opinion  of  Iren£us  and  the  Fathers  of 
that  age  was,  Eujebius  tells  us,  that  their  Letters  were  extant,  whf  rein  they  chid 
Vi&or  fharply  about  it.  There  was  much  and  long  contention  between  the  Sees  of 
Rome  and  Conjiantinopk,  concerning  the  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  of  Bulgaria ,  a 
weer  humane  Rite,  nothing  to  the  fubftance  of  the  Church.     And  John  the  Eighth 

Ex- 


Discourse  1 1 1.       Of  the  Church  of  England. 


167 


Bjr.  AnnaU 
an.  8781 


Excommunicated  Ignatius  the  Patriarch  about  it.  Here  was  a  Schifin,  but  no  ciTcnti- 
al  of  Religion  concerned.  How  many  grofs  Schifms  have  been  in  the  Church  of 
Jlow^  meerly  about  the  due  eled:ion  of  their  Popes,  a  matter  of  humane  right, 
which  was  fometimes  in  the  Emperors,  (bmetimcs  in  the  People,  fometimes  in  the 
whole  Roman  Clergy, and  now  in  the  Colledge  of  Cardinals!"  EfTcntials  of  Religi- 
on ufe  not  to  be  Co  mutable. 

Nay,  1  believe  that  if  we  fearch  narrowly  into  the  firft  fource  and  Original  of  all 
the  famous  Schifhris  that  have  been  in  the  Church,  as  Novatianij'm  ,  and  Vonjtifm^ 
&c.  we  fliall  find  that  it  was  about  the  Canons  of  the  Church,  no  fubftantials  of 
Religion.  Novatians  hrft  reparation  from  Cornelius,  was  upon  pretence  that  he  him- 
felf  was  more  diiely  eleded  Bifliop  of  Kome,  not  about  any  efTential  of  Religion.  I 

The  firtl  Original  of  the  Schifm  of  the  Vonatilh,  was  becaufe  the  Catholick  Church 
would  not  Excommunicate  them  who  were  accufed  to  have  been  trjditores.  On 
the  other  fide,  feliajftmui  raifcd  a  SchiGn  in  the  Church  of  Carthage,  and  fet  up  Altar 
againft  Altar,  becaufe  the  laffi,or  thofe  who  had  fallen  in  time  of  perrccution,might 
not  prefently  be  reftored,upon  the  mediation  of  the  Confeffbrs,  or,as  they  then  ftiled 
them.  Martyrs.  What  Schifms  have  been  railed  in  the  Church  of  England  about 
round  or  fquare,  white  or  black,  about  a  Cap,  or  a  Surpleft ,  or  the  fign  of  the 
Crofs,  or  kneeling  at  the  receiving  of  the  blelfed  Sacrament,  or  the  ufe  of  the  Ring 
in  Marriage?  What  bitter  contentions  have  been  among  the  Francifians  in  former 
times  about  their  Habits,  what  colour  they  fhould  be,  white,  or  black,  or  gray  v  and 
what  fafhion,  long  or  fliort,  to  make  them  more  conformable  to  the  rule  of  St. 
Francis  >  W  ith  that  violence  have  thele  petty  quarrels  been  profecuted,  in  fo  much  Antimachh' 
as  two  fucceeding  Popes, upon  two  folemn  hearings,durftnot  determine  them.  And  vel.  h  Epifi. 
nothing  was  wanting  to  a  complete  Schifm  but  a  (entence.  ^^  ^f^* 

He  might  have  fpared  his  Second  proofs  of  his  three  fubftantial  parts,  he  meaneth 
efTential  properties,  of  the  Church,  until  it  had  been  once  denyed.  Yet  I  cannot 
but  obferve  how  he  makes  Herelle  now  worfe  than  Schifm,  becaufe  Herefy  denyetb 
the  truth  of  God,  which  fitnfle  Schifm  doth  not ,  whereas  formerly  he  made  Schifin 
worfe  than  Idolatry. 

The  Second  fauU  whichhe  imputeth  to  me  is,  That  Jco«/o««J  nteer  Schijm  with 
Schifm  mixed  tcith  Herefy,  and  bring  in  matters  of  faith  to  juiiifie  our  Vivifion  from  the 
Roman  Church.     The  fecond  fault  is  like  the  former,  both  begotten   in   his  own 
,  brain.    Let  him  read  my  fuppofed  definition  over  and  over  again,  and  he  fhall  not 
find  the  leaft  trace  of  any  fuch  confufion  in  it.  To  bring  in  their  Errors  in  matter  Errors  in 
of  Faith,  to  juftifie  us,  not  onely  from  Herefie,  but  from  meer  Schifm,  is  very  pro-  '^^  j,' '' •°ftfi'' « 
per.  He  himfelf  hath  already  confefTed  it :  I  hope  he  will  ftand  to  his  word,  for  it  fcparation, 
is  too  evident  a  Truth  to  be  denyed  i  that  fuppofing  they  hold  Errors  in  matters  of 
Faith,  and  make  thefe  their  Errors  a  condition  of  their  Communion  ;  it  is  not  one- 
ly lawfttl,  hut  necejjary,  and  a  virtue  to  fe^arate  from  them.     Their  very  Errors  in  mat- 
ters of  Faith,  and  their  impofing  them  upon  us  as  neceflary  Articles,  do  juftifie  a 
feparation  from  them,  and  acquit  us  before  God  and  man  from  all  criminous  Schifm 
■whether  meer  or  mixed.     The  fin  of  Korah,  Vathan,  and  Abiram  was  not  mccr 
Schifm,  but  Ambition,  Treafon,  and  Rebellion.     Korafc  would  have  had  the  High- 
Priefthood  from  Aaron\  and  Vathan  and  Abiram  would  have  been  (bvereign  Princes 
in  the  place  of  Mofes,  by  right  of  the  Primogeniture  of  Kuben. 

So  he  proceeds  to  my  other  Definition.  Meer  Schifm  is  a  culpable  Rupture  or  breach 
of  the  Catholick^Communion,to  which  he  faith  I  add  in  the  next  page,  rvithout  fuffici- 
ent  ground,  and  (hould  have  added  alfo,  in  Sacraments  or  lawful  Minijiry,  and  Laftly 
have  (hewed,what  is  ay«j^cie«*  ^o«W.  But  he  miftakes  throughout :  for  Firft  to 
^ave  added  without  fufficient  grounds,  had  been  a  needlefs  Tautology,  which  is 
not  tolerable  in  a  Definition.  To  fay  that  it  is  culpable,  implies  that  it  wants  fuffi- 
cient grounds.  For  if  it  had  fufficient  grounds,  it  were  not  culpable.  Secondly, 
to  have  added  in  Sacraments  or  lawful  Miniftry,had  been  to  fpoil  the  Definition,  or 
De(criptionrather,and  to  make  it  not  convertible  with  the  thing  Defined  or  Def- 
cribed.  I  have  (hewed  that  there  are  many  meer  Schifms, that  are  neither  in  Sacra- 
ments nor  lawful  Miniftry.  .  Laftly,  I  have  (hewed  what  are  fufficient  grounds,  and 
that  the  Church  of  Rome  gave  fufficient  caufe  of  feparation,  if  he  pleaic  to  take  It 
into  conlideration.  He 


68 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOME  1. 


StH.   s. 
Mcnral  Schifm. 


I  John  3.  i5> 
Rom  5.99. 

Sea.  %• 


Communion 
in  all  points 
of  Faith  not 
neceffary  al- 
ways. 


Sacraments 
purely  and 
corruptly  Ad- 
miniftred  the 
fame  Sacra- 
ments. 


He  faith,  internal  Comnimion  if  not  necejjary  to  mak^  a  matt  a  Member  of  a  vijible 
Churchy  or  t»  maks  him  a  Catholickj,  neither  is  it  put  into  the  definiiion  of  the  Church. 
Let  it  be  ^o,  I  am  tar  from  fuppoling  that  none  but  Saints  are  within  the  Commu- 
nion of  a  true  vifible  Church  :  But  I  am  fure  it  is  a  good  caution  both  for  tliem 
and  us.  There  is  a  mental  Schifm  as  well  as  a  mental  Murther.  IVJ.'ojoever  hateth 
hii  Brother  U  a  Murtherer.  What  will  it  avail  a  man  to  be  a  Catholick  in  the  eye  of 
the  World,  and  a  Schifmatick  in  the  eye  of  God  ?  to  be  a  Member  of  the  vifible 
Church, and  to  be  caftinto  utter  darknefs  ?  He  is  not  ajen>  who  is  one  outwardly^ 
neither  is  that  Circumcision  which  is  outward  in  the  flejh.  But  he  is  a  Jew  who  is  one 
inwardly ^ani  Circumcifwn  is  that  of  the  heart.  (  So  he  is  not  a  Catholick  who  is  one 
outwardly,  but  he  who  is  a  Catholick  inwardly  ;  whofc  praife  is  not  of  men,  but  of 
Cod. 

Then  I  fet  down  wherein  the  external  Communion  of  Catholicks  doth  confill , 
in  the  fame  Creeds  or  Confelfions  of  Faith,  in  the  participation  of  the  fame  Sacra- 
ments, in  the  fame  Liturgies  or  divine  Offices,  in  the  ufe  of  the  fame  publick  Rites 
and  Ceremonies,  in  the  Communicatory  Letters,  and  admiffion  of  the  fame  Dif. 
cipline.  Thefc  Obfervations  about  the  parts  of  the  Catholick  Communion,  are  Co 
innocent,  fo  indifferent, and  fo  unfubfervient  to  either  party,  that  I  hoped  they  might 
pafs  without  any  cenfure.  But  behold  there  is  not  one  of  them  can  efcape  an  ex- 
ception. To  the  Firft  part  of  Catholick  Communion  in  the  fame  Creeds,  he  takes 
Two  exceptions i  tiri\Th:xt  Communion  in  Faith  is  pretended  afufficient  excufe  from 
true  Schifm.  Fear  it  not  i  no  man  dreameth  that  Communion  with  the  Church  in 
her  Creed  doth  acquit  from  Schifm  i  but  not  Communicating  with  the  Church  in 
her  Creed,  doth  make  both  Schifm  and  Herefie.  The  having  of  Faith  doth  not 
fupply  the  want  of  Charity  i  but  the  want  of  one  necefTary  requifite,  renders  the 
having  of  another  infufficient.  Bonum  ex  fingulis  circumflantiis^  malum  ex  quolibet 
defeBu. 

His  Second  Exception  is.  That  triiefaving  faith  requireth  not  onely  a  Communion 
in  the  Creed,  but  in  all  Gods  words  cleerly  revealed  to  him,  and  fufficiently  propofed.  I 
Anfwer,  What  is  necefTary  for  this  man,  at  this  time,  in  this  place,  is  one  thing  > 
what  is  neceflary  for  all  Chriltians,  at  all  times,  in  all  places,  is  another  thing. 
Though  all  revealed  truths  be  alike  neceffary  to  be  believed,  when  they  are  known, 
yet  all  revealed  truths  are  not  alike  neceffary  to  be  known.  And  they  who  know 
them  net, are  not  obliged  to  Communicate  in  the  belief  of  them,  until  they  know 
them.  So  to  believe  them  when  they  are  revealed  to  us,  is  a  neceffary  duty  of  all 
Chriftians ;  And  yet  the  explicite  belief  of  them  is  no  neceffary  part  of  Chriftian 
Communion.  He  that  holds  faft  the  old  Creed  of  the  Church,  hath  all  things  that 
are  abfblutely  neceffary  in  point  of  Faith.  Perhaps  he  thinks  that  the  determinati- 
on of  the  Koman  Church  is  a  fufficient  propofal :  we  know  no  fuch  thing.  Let 
him  Firft  win  the  privilege  and  then  enjoy  it. 

To  the  Second  and  Third  parts  of  Catholick  Communion  he  objeds.  That  it  is 
not  fu^cient  to  participate  in   Catholic)^  Sacraments,   unlefi  it  be  done  with  Catholickj, 
This  is  true.  How  can  they  be  parts  of  Catholick  Communion,  if  no  Catholicks 
do  participate  of  them  ?  But  here  are  Two  advertifements  necefTary :  the  One, 
that  Sacraments  purely  Adminiftred,  and  Sacraments  corruptly  Adminiftred,  fo  long 
as  the  Abufes  do  not  deflroy  the  EfTence,  are  the  fame  Sacraments.     As  Baptifm 
Adminiftrcd  in  pure  water, and  Baptifm  Adminiflred  with  Salt  and  Spittle  alfb,  is 
the  fame  BaptiCn.   The  other,  that  it  is  not  any  Church  of  one  denomination  what- 
foever,  either  Koman  or  other,  that  either  is  the  Catholick  Church,  or  is  to  Judge 
under  Chrift  who  are  true  Catholicks.  There  are  many  more  Catholicks  without 
the  Roman  Communion,  than  within  it.    Our  Separatifls  in  England  having  Firfl: 
laid  their  own  drowfie  conceits  for  infallible  grounds,  that  their  Difcipline  is  the 
Scepter  of  Chrift,  that  they  alone  are  Zion,  and  all  other  Societies  Babylon  ;  then 
they  apply  all  the  power,  and  priviledges,  and  prerogatives  of  the  Church  unto 
themf^lves.    So  the  Church  of  Kome  having  flattered  it  felf  into  an  Opinion,  that 
fhe  alone  is  the  Catholick  Church,  and  all  other  Churches  divided  from  her.  Hereti- 
cal or  Schifmatical  Conventicles, though  they  be  Three  or  Four  times  larger  than 
her  felfi  prefently  lays  hold  on  the  Keys  of  the  Church,  opens  and  fhuts,  lets  in  and 
thrufls  out,  makes  Catholicks  and  unmakes  Catholicks,  at  her  pleafure.  He 


Discourse  III.    Of  the  Church  of  England.  "  ^ — J^ — ' 

He  tels  us  That  the  Cmmmion  of  the  Church  doth  not  neceffarily  imply  the  fame  Ritet 
and  Ceremonies.  I  know  it  right  well.  The  Queens  Daughter  was  arraied  in  a 
Garment  wrought  about  with  clivers  colours.  No  men  have  been  fo  much  to 
blame  as  the  Church  of  Rome,  in  obtruding  indifferent  Rites  as  neceffary  duties 
upon  other  Churches.  But  yet  the  more  Harmony  and  Uniformity  that  there  is  in 
Rites,  the  greater  is  the  Communion.  The  Church  is  compared  to  an  Army  with 
Banners.  What  a  diforderly  Army  would  it  be,  if  every  Souldier  was  left  free  to 
wear  his  ownColours,  and  to  give  his  own  Words? 

I  know  the  Communion  of  the  Church  did  not  conlift  in  Communicatory  Let- 
ters, but  they  were  both  exprellions,  and  excellent  helps  and  adjuments,  of  Unity, 
and  Antidotes  againrt  Schifm.  What  he  faith  now  the  Third  time  of  our  Com- 
municating with  Schifmaticks,  hath  been  anfwercd  already. 

Wherefore  (  faith  hc)fince  I.  D.  hath  failed  fo  many  ways  in  defining  Schifm    let  tw  Setl  4' 
define  it  better.    And  then  he  brings  in  his  Definition  Triumphantly :  Irue  Schifm  is        ' 
a  voluntary  divifion  in  fame  fubfiantial  part  of  the  true  Church,  that  is,  in  fome  effential 
of  Chriflian  Religion.     Where  lyes  the  difference  >  I  call  it  a  feparation,  and  he 
calls  it  a  divifion-,  I  fay  culpable,  and  he  faith  voluntarily  i  omnis  culpa  eft  vohmta- 
ria.     My  exprellions  are  more  fignificant  and  Emphatical.    All  the  difference  lyes 
in  theCe  words,  in  fome  fublianiial  part  of  the  true   Church.     Which  fot   the  form  of 
exprelh'onis  improper,  to  make  Effential  Properties  to  be  fubllantial  parts  •,  and  for 
the  matter  is  molt  untrue  :  for  there  have  been,  are,  and  may  be,  many  Schifms 
•which  do  not  concern  any  Effentials  of  Chrillian  Religion.     I  would  borrow  one 
word  more  with  him,  why  he  calls  it  rather <?  divifion  of  the  true  Church,  than  a  di-  fo'lSSo  f'ill 
vifion  from  the  true  Church.     I  know  fome  Kmj«-Catholicks  have  doubted  and  remain  in  the 
fufpended  their  judgments,  whether  Schifmaticks  be  ftill  Members  of  the  Catholick  Catholick 
Church,  others  have  determined  that  they  are :  And  we  are  of  the  fame  mind,  that  ^'^"■"<^''- 
in  part  they  do  remain  ftill  coupled  and  mortifed  to  the  Church,  that  is  in'thofe 
things  wherein  they  have  made  no  feparation,  ex  ea  parte  in  textura  compage  detinen- 
tur,  in  c£tera  fcifi  funt.     And  that  in  this  rcfpedt,  the  Catholick  Church  by  their   j    «/»  f  .  i 
Baptifm  doth  beget  Sons  and  Daughters  to  God.     And  we  think  we  have  St.  Au-  deslft.  c«»I. 
fiin  for  us  in  this  alfo.     Vna  efi  Ecclefm  qu£  fola  Catholica  mminatur,  &  quicquid  fuum  DtHaiiJiat, 
hahet  in  Communionibuf  diverforum  hfich  unitate  feparatis,  per  hoc  quod  fuum  in  iii  habet 
itfa  utique general,  non  ilU.     This  perhaps  is  contrary  to  R.  C.  his  Opinions    how-  ^^""  '•  '"• 
ioever  we  thank  him  for  it :  But  we  do  not  think  Schifmaticks  to  be  equally'  in  the 
Church  with  Catholicks,  nor  to  be  capable  of  Salvation,  without  Repentance  par- 
ticular or  general. 

He  faith.  That  Vniverfal  Schtfm  or  a  divifion  from  the  rohole  Church  U  altfays  xviclt- 
td,  becaufe  the  Vniverfal  Church,  can  give  no  jujl  caufe  of  divifion  from  her.     And  he 
proves  it  out  of  St.  Jufiin:  His  words  are  thek,fi  pofunt,  quod  fieri  non  potefl,  aliqui  Autufl.  Ep.i9; 
babereiullameaufain,quaCommunionemfuamfeparent  a  Communione  orbii  terrarum.    If 
any  could  have  ajuficaufe  to  feparate  their  Communion  fi'om  the  whole  Communion  nf 
the  rehole  IForld,  which  cannot  be.     Let  him  always  bring fuch  proofs  which  concern 
not  us,  but  make  diredtly  againft  himfelf.    Itisthey  whohavefeparated  them- 
(elvcs  from   the  Convmunion  of  the  whole  World,  Grecian,    Ruffian,  Armenian 
Abifjtne,  Ptoteftant,  by  their  cenfures.     We  have  made  no  abfolute  (eparation  even 
from  the  R3»M«  Church  it  Celt'.    I  fay  more,  that  all  Schifm  whether  Univerlal  or 
particular  is  wicked.     But  ftill  he  confounds  Schifm,  which  is  always  unlawful 
Vvith  fepcration  which  is  many  times  lawful,  ( I  take  the  word  accordin"^  to  its  ufe* 
riot  according  to  its  derivation.  )  Hear  R.  C.  his  ingenuous  ConfeUion  in  this 
place,  which  overthrowes  and  calls  flat  to  die  ground,  all  that  he  hath  endeavou- 
rfed  to  build  in  this  Survey.     Neither  indeed,  can  there  be  any  fubjiantial  divifion  fi-om  ^j  <-.  hhcoa^ 
sny  particular  Church,  nnkfl  fhe  be  really  Hefeticalor  Schifmatical.     I  fay  really,  becaufe  felfioo. 
Jhe  maybe  really  Heretical  or  Sehifmatical,and  yet  morally  a  true  particular  Church    be- 
caufe  fhe  U  invincibly  ignorant  of  Betefy  or  Schifm,  and  fo  may  require  prpfejjion  of  her 
Herefy,as  a  condition  of  Communicating  with  her,  in  which  cafe  divifion  from  her  if  nit 
Schifm  or  Sin,  but  virtue  and  neceffary.     Apply  but  this  to  the  Roman  and  Englijh 
Churches, and  the  controverfie  is  ended.     The  Roman  Church  is  fuch  a  particular 
Church  as  he  hath  here  deferibed.     The  EngUfh  Church  hath  been  feparatcd,  (but 

R  we 


170  A  Jiift  Vindication  TOME  T 


we  will  luppofe  cliat  it  had  leparated  it  felf  J  from  the  Roman.     In  this  cafe,  by  his 
own  confcilion,  the  Scliifm  lyes  at  the  door  of  the  Roman  Churcli,  from  which  the 
feparation  was  made,  if  they  feparated  Firft,from  the  pure  primitive  Church  which 
was  before  them,  not  locally, but  morally.     Yer,  faith  he, this  Erroneous  Church  is 
ftill  moraVy  a  true  particular  Church.  Either  this  Church  hath  not  all  effentials  of  a 
Chriftian  Church,  and  then  how  doth  it  ftill  continue  a.  true  Church  >  Or  it  hath 
all  the  effentials,  and  then  a  true    Church  in  (ubftancc  may  give  juft  ground  to 
fcparate  from  her  in  material  Herefie  and  Schifm.     I  will  be  as  free  v^ith  him  con- 
cerning the  Univerfal  Church.     If  any  man  or  Society  of  Chriftians  fcparate  them- 
felves  from  the  United  Communion  of  the  whole  Catholick  Church ,  difperfcd 
throughout  the  World,  I  cannot  excufe  him  from  Schifm.     For  whether  the  Ca- 
tholick Church  of  this  prefent  Age  may  err  or  not,  this  is  certain  (he  cannot  err  Uni- 
verfally  in  any  thing  that  is  neceffary  to  Salvation,  nor  with  obftinacy.     And  other 
inferiour  errors  (if  there  be  any  fuch  )  are  not  of  weight  enough  to  yield  fufficient 
ground  of  feparation,  from  the  Communion  of  the   Catholick   Church  United. 
But  for  the  divided  parts  of  the  Catholick  Church,  a  man  may  differ  from  all  of 
them  in  inferior  points, forrie  in  one  thing,  fome  in  another,  wherein  they  differ  one 
from  another,  and  fcparate* from  fome  of  them   in  their  errors  without  criminous 
Schifm  i  And  yet  maintain  a  perfect  Union  with  the  Catholick  Church  United. 

I  muft  not  here  forget  to  put  R.  C.  in  mind,  of  fundry  Propofitions  laid  down 

by  me  in  this  place,  tending  much  to  the  clearing  of  this  prefent  Controverfic,  all 

which  he  paffeth  by  untouched  :  as  this.  That  external  Communion  may  fome- 

timesbclawfuUyfufpcnded,  or  withdrawn  :    That  there  is  not  the  like  neceliity  of 

Communicating  in  all  externals  :    That  Catholick  Communion  implies  not  Unity 

in  all  Opinions :    That  inferiors  in  fome  cafes  may  lawfully  fublirad:  Communion 

'•         from  their  Superiors,  and  in  fpecial  the  Bifhop   of  Rome:  That  in  tradt  of  time, 

abules  will  creep  into  Chriftian  Churches,  and  ought  to  be  reformed. 

Se8. 5.  Onely  whereas  I  faid  in  the  Vindication,  that  the  ancient  'BritannkkS-hmch.ts  were 

never  judged,('  that  is  cenfured  by  a  judgment  of  Jurifdidion  )  to   be  Schifmaticks 

for  their  different  obfervation  of  Eafier^  ( he  faith  )  they  rvere  judged  Schifmatkkf^ 

both  hy  Catholick^  of  that  time,  and  ftnce,  and  Froteflants,  and  that  he  hath  proved  it  in 

one  of  his  Treatifes.  I  never  faw  hisTrcatife,but  I  know  his  manner  of  proof  well 

''^■'1  elf  ""h     (Enough.     I  fay  it  over  again,  that  I  do  not  believe  that  they  were  ever  judged 

D«vcr  judged"  Schifmaticks  for  it,  either  by  the  Church,  or  by  a  Council,  or  by  any  lawful  or  fup- 

Schifinaticks:    pofed  Superior,  which  ftiews  plainly  that  they  were  not  under  the  Jurifdidionof 

the  Bifhop  of  Rome.    For  it  is  not  credible  that  he  fhould  Excommunicate  the 

^Ji^/icfcBifhopsfor  that  obfervation, and  fuffer  his  own  Subjects  to  differ  from  him 

under  his  Nofe,  which  is  the  onely  reafon  why  I  urged  it.     And  I  exped  the  proof 

.of  the  contrary  at  the  Greeks  Calends.     My  Affertion  is  Negative,  that  they  were 

not  fentenced  as  Schifmaticksi  this  is  Affirmative,  that  they  were  cenfured.     The 

burthen  of  the  proof  lyes  upon  him.    Let  him  (hew  who  judged  them,  when,  and 

where,  or  that  they  were  cenfured  at  all. 

Se8,6.  I  (hewed  clearly  in  the  Vindication,  out  of  the  Colloquy  between  the  Catho- 

licks ,  and  Vonatijh  at  Carthage  ,  that  the  Catholick  Church  is  no  Church  of  one 

denomination,  but  the  whole   Chriftian   World.     True,  faith  he,  Neither  the 

Whanuhe^^  Chttrch  of  the  City  of  Rome  ,  Kor  of  Affrick  ,  is  the  Catholic^  Church,  but  the  xphok 

^j.^^     '      Church  ofChrijl.     By  the  Church  of  Rome ,  I  underftand  not  either  the  Church  of 

the  City  of  Rome ,  or  the  Diocefs  of  Rome  ,  or  the  Patriarchate  of  Rome  ,  but  all 

,Churches  of  the  Roman  Communion ,  which  altogether  do  not  make  the  Fourth 

part  of  the  Chriftian  World.    Yea,  (aith  he,  but  the  whole  Church  is  not  fuch  a  muU 

titude^  or  multitudes  ,  of  Chriftians  who  agreed  onely  in  Fundamentals ,  but  difaff-ee  in 
other  foints  of  Faith ,  and  differ  tphoVy  in  Communion  of  Sacraments.  All  thefe  great 
multitudes  of  Chriftians,  he  feareth  not  to  call  a  mafs  of  Monfters  ,  and  an  Hydra  of 
many  Heads,  becaufe  they  are  not  xpholly  one  inprofe0on  of  Faith,  Communion  of  Sa- 
craments ,  and  lawful  Miniftery,  as  that  Catholick  Primitive  Church  was.  1  won- 
(der  he  fhould  forget  their  own  diftindtion  of  the  Virtual,  Reprefentative,  and  EfTen- 
tial  Church ,  that  is ,  the(e  multitudes  of  difper(ed  Chriftians.  I  hope  there  be 
others  that  will  not  fleight  them  (b  much.  I  confefs,  that  the  Primitive  Catholick 

Church 


Discourse  III,       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  171 


Church  had  an  exadl  Communion  in  all  EfTentials ,  or  Fundamentals ,  and  in  ma- 
ny other  things.     But  that  they  had  differences  alfb  of  kfTer  moment  in  points  of 
Dodrine  and  Difcipline  ,  and  forms  of  Adminiftration  of  the  Holy  Sacraments , 
and  Liturgies  ,  no  man-can  doubt  that  hath  his  eyes  in  his  head.     Vet  theie  lefler 
inconfiderable  differences  could  produce  no  Schifm  ,  whileft  one  Church  did  not 
condemn  another  ,  and  all  did  fubmit  themfelves  to  the  determination  of  a  General 
Council,  as  the  higheft  Judge  of  controverfies  upon  Earth.     The  reafbn  of  their 
Agreement  was  plainly  this ,  becaufe  all  Churches  received   the  Primitive  Creed  , 
and  no  Church  exacted  more  in  point  of  Faith  than  the  Primitive  Creed.  It  would 
better  become  the  Church  of  Rome,  to  repent  of  their  rafh  temerarious  cenfure,  in 
excluding  above  Three  parts  of  the  Chriftian  World  from  the  Communion  of 
Saints ,  out  of  Paffion  and  Self  intereft ,  becaufe  they  will  not  acknowledge  the  Su- 
premacy of  the  Roman  Biihop,  no  more  than  their  Predeceflbrs  did  before  them ,  Interefl  makes 
from  the  beginning.     If  thefe  difperfed  and  defpifed  multitudes  of  Chrijiians  would  Catholicks 
but  fubmit  to  the  Roman  Yoke,  their  Religion  would  be  found  Orthodox  enough,  ""aom^"*"^' 
and  they  would  no  longer  be  held  a  mafs  of  Mongers ,  and  an  Hydra  of  many  Heads  , 
butpafsmufter  for  good  Catholicks.     Take  an   Inftance  or  Two.     Ot' all  thefe  j-j^^^_  3  j^^j^ , 
multitudes  of  Chrijiians ,  the  ASyriayts ,  or  the  Nejiorians^  have  not  the  beft  repute,  cited  "by  Da- 
Yet  when  Eliof ,  a  petty  Patriarch  of  Muzal ,  fubmitted  to  the  Bi(hop  of  Rome ,  ftor  Field  L 
and  fent  the  confellion  of  his  Faith ,  it  was  found  to  be  Orthodox.     Of  later  days,  3-  «•  i» 
about  the  year  15575.  when  part  of  the  RuJJians  ,  fubjcd  to  the  Crown  of  Poland^ 
fubmitted  themfelves  to  the  Papacy ,  becaufe  they  could  not  have  free  accefs  to  the 
Patriarch  of  Conjiantinople  i  in  their  fiibmiiiion  they  articled  for  the  free  exercife  of  j^^^  j^j^. 
the  Greeks  Religion.     To  come  nearer  home.     This  is  certain,  that  Pius  the  Fourth 
fent    Vincentio  Parpilia    with  Letters   of  Credence  to  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  with 
fecret  Inftrudionsi  for  he  intreated  her  in  his  Letter,  to  give  the  jame  credit  to  his 
Agent ,  which Jhe  vcould  do  to  himfelf.     If  thefe  Inftruftions  were    not  written  ,  we 
need  not  wonder.     Such  Inftrudtions  are  not  to  be  feen  publickly  ,   unlefs  they 
take  eifed.     But  fome  of  our  Authours  of  great  note ,  in  thefe  days  write  pofitive- 
ly  ,  others  probably ,  upon  common  report ,  that  he  offered  the  Pope's  Confirma-  Babing.  upoa 
tion  of  the  Englijh  Liturgy  ,  and  the  free  ufe  of  the  Sacrament  in  both  kinds ,  &c.  ^'*""'"'  f •  7' 
{b  the  would  joyn  vvith  the  Romijh  Church ,  and  acknowledge  the  Primacy  of  the  ^  m  An    I 
Chair  of  Rome.     It  is  Intereft ,  not  Religion,  that  rfiakes  Catholicks ,   and  Here-  Elif.An.isioi 
ticks ,  or  Schifmaticks ,  with  the  Court  of  Rome.     Laftly  ,  All  thefe  famous  Chur- 
ches ,  or  the  mofl  of  them  ,  which  he  calls  (  multitudes  of  Chriftians  )  have  a 
perfcdt  concord  both  among  themfelves ,  and  with  the  Primitive  Church  ,  in  all 
Effentials.     How  fhould  it  be  otherwife ,  whileft  they  hold  the  fame  Creed  with- 
out Addition  or  Subftradion?  They  agree  in  moft  lefTer  Truths.     They  hold  their 
old  Liturgies ,  and  forms  of  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments  ,  with  lefs  variati- 
on than  the  Church  of  Rome.    If  there  be  fome  differences  among  them,  the  Ro~ 
manijls  have  as  great  among  themfelves.     One  of  thefe  Churches  alone ,  the  Church 
o(  ConjiantinopleJ:\ath  as  many  dependents  and  adherents,  as  all  the  Churches  of  the 
Roman  Communion  put  together.     And  I  believe ,  a  greater  harmony  within  it  felf 
in  Dodrine,  Sacraments,  and  Difcipline.     Whereas  he  chargethme,  that  J /ro- 
fefs  to  communicate  voith  the  Catholicks  Church  onely  in  fundamentals,  not  in  any  other 
thing  ,  he  wrongs  me  much ,  but  himfelf  more.     For  I  profefs  my  felf  ready  to  ad- 
here to  the  united  Communion  of  the  true  Catholick  Church  in  all  things,  whether 
they  be  Fundamentals  or  no  Fundamentals  v  whether  they  be  credenda  or  agenda  , 
things  to  be  believed  or  to  be  pradiced. 

He  faith  ,  T^he  Church  of  Rome  is  not  homogeneal  rvith  the  Proteflant  Church.    This  SeS-  ?• 
is  true ,  qua  tales  as  they  are  Roman  and  Proteftant.     The  Roman  Church  is  not  a 
Proteftant  Church  ,  nor  the  Proteftant  Church  a  Roman  Church.     Yet  both  the 
one  and  the  other  may  be  homogeneous  Members  of  the  Catholick  Church.  Their  .      .    _ 

difference  in  Effentials  B  but  imaginary.     Yet  he  goes  about  to  prove  it  by  Three  J^^^;"|„'aj^ 
Arguments.     Firft  ,  An  Idolatrous  Church  differs  efftntiaHy  from  a  irue  Church.     But  ^ jjHy  ^q],, 
he  faith ,  J  charge  the  Church  of  Rome  rvith  Idolatry  ,  in  the  Adoration  of  the  Sacra-  trous. 
ment.    Judge  ,  Reader  ,  if  this  be  not  like  the  envious  man  in  the  Fable,  who  was 
contented  to  have  one  of  his  ovifl  Eyes  put  out ,  that  his  Fellow  might  lofe  both 

R  2  his 


72  A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  I. 


his  Eyes     He  had  rather  his  own  Church  (hould  be  queftioned  of  Idolatry ,  than 

that  the'Proteltant  Church  (hould  be  a  coheir  with  her  of  Salvation.     Becaufe  the 

I  ctr.  12.16.   £ar  is  not  the  Eye,  it  it  tkrefore  nut  of  the  Body  ?  In  the  places  alledged  by  him,  I 

do  not  charge  the  Church  of  Kome  with  Idolatry.     In  the  one  place  I  fpeak  of  the 

Adoration  of  the  Sacrament  as  an  abufe,  but  not  one  word  of  Idolatry.    In  the 

other  place,  I  fpeak  of  the  peril  of  Idolatry,  but  not  a  word  of  the  Adoration  of 

the  Sacrament.     If  he  cite  his  Authpurs  after  this  manner  ,  he  may  prove  what  he 

f"''Eucb  c  lilt.     Again,  the  Sacrament  if  to  be  adored,  faid  the    Council  oi  Trent  ^  That  is, 

9jY'         '   '  formally  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chriji ,  fay  fome  of  your  Authours,  we  fay  the  fame. 

The  Sacrament ,  that  is  ,  the  flecks  of  Bread  and  IFine  ,  fay  others.  That  we  deny, 

and  elkem  it  to  be  Idolatrous.    Should  we  charge  the  whole  Church  with  Ido- 

■  latry,for  the  error  of  a  party?  LalUy  I  Anfwer,that  a  true  Church  out  of  invincible 

ignorance  may  fall  into  material  Idolatry.   He  himfelf  confeiTeth  that  it  may  fall 

in  material  Herefie  and  Schifmi  And  Schifm  with  him  is  worfe  than  Idolatry. 

Though  the  Church  of  Kome  do  give  divine  Worlhip  to  the  Creature,  (  or  at  lealt 

a  party  among  them  )  yet  lam  fo  charitable  as  to  hope,  that  they  intend  it  to  the 

Creator. 

From  the  Adoration  of  the  Sacrament,he  pafleth  to  J  unification  by  fecial  Faith  onely^ 
and  from  thence  to  thf^roptiatary  Sacrifice  in  the  Mafs.  As  if  Two  Churches  could 
not  differ  about  any  Quellicns,nay  not  in  the  forms  of  expreffion,but  prefently  the 
one  of  them  muft  eeafe  to  be  a  true  Church.     I  dare  fay,  that  when  I  have  decla- 
Spcdal  Faith    red  my  Faith  inthefe  Two  particulars,  he  dare  not  ftep  one  ftep  beyond  me.    Or  if 
is  no  Article     he  do,  he  fteps  into  a  manifeft  Error.     I  do  acknowledge  true  inherent  righteouf- 
»f  our  Creed.  ^^^^  -^^  ^^^^  y^f^^  though  imperfed,  by  which  a  Chriftian  is  rendred  truly  juil,a^  Gold 
is  true  Gold,  though  it  be  mixed  with  fome  drofs.     But  if  Juftification  be  oppofcd 
to  condemnation,  and  figniHe  a  legal  acquittal  from  guilt  formerly  contraded,  as 
Rm.  8.  33.     jj  ^  Qgj^  that  JHJiifietb,  who  is  he  that  condemneth  ?  Then  it  is  the  free  Grace  of  God 
that  jultiheth  us  for  the  merits  of  Chrift,  by  the  new  Evangelical  Covenant  of  be- 
lieving.    But  where  doth  the  Church  of  England  teach,  that  man  is  juftified  by  (pe- 
M  rki6-i6.    cial  Faith?  Nowhere.     He  that  believeth  and  if  Baptized  pall  be  faved,  that  is  a  part 
of  the  Catholick  Faith  :  But  I  believe  and  am  Baptized,thzt  is  juftifying  Faith :  There- 
fore I  JhaV  be  faved,  thzt  is  fpecial  Faith.     There  may  be  Catholick  Faith   without 
juftifying  Faith,  and  juftifying  Faith  without  fpecial  Faith, becaufe  a  man  may  truly 
believe  and  yet  not  know  Co  alTuredly  tliat  he  doth  believe,  and  that  he  (hall  perfe- 
vere  in  his  belief,  as  to  be  able  to  infer  the  Conclufion.  Special  Faith  is  a  rare  Jewel, 
not  to  be  acquired  but  by  long  experience,  by  being  deeply  radicated  in  holinefs,  and 
by  the  extraordinary  grace  of  God.     So  far  he  errs  from  Truth,when  he  faith.  That 
JujiificatioH  by  fpecial  Faith  is  prora  &  puppis,  the  Life  and  Soul  and  definition  of  a. 
Trotejiant.     But  fuppofing  it  were  true,  what  a  ftrange  arguing  were  this  ?  All 
Proteftants  believe  juftification  by  fpecial  Faith;But  the  Church  of  Rowe  condemneth 
fpecial  Faith  :  Therefore  the  Proteftant  and  the  Roman  Church  are  not  both  true 
Churches.    As  if  it  were  impoftible  for  one  true  Church,  to  condemn  the  Opinions 
of  another.     But  we  (hall  meet  with  this  fubjedl  of  fpecial  Faith  again. 
Papids  can  And  for  his  power  to  offer  Sacrifice,  Protejhntf  have  as  much  power  as  Komanijlt. 

P^f^«"<*  f°  "°  The  holy  Eucharift  is  a  Commemoration,  a  Reprefentation,  an  Application  of  the 
tlunl^Prore.'^^  all-fufficient  propitiatory  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs.     If  his  Sacrifice  of  the  Ma(s  have 
flantt.      *     any  other  propitiatory  power  or  virtue  in  it,  than  to  Commemorate,  Reprefent,  and 
Apply,  the  merit  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs,  let  him  fpeak  plainly  what  it  is, 
BeS.  1. 1.  Je     Beltarmine  knew  no  more  of  this  Sacrifice  than  we.Sacrificiumcrucis,8cc.  The  Sacrifice 
Mi]t.  e.  8$.     f}jg  Crofiremitteth  aVfini  pafl^prefent,  and  to  come  >  feeing  it  acquired  a  moji  fuffcient  price 
for  the  fins  of  the  vohole  World.     And  therefore  that  Sacrifice  being  finked,  and  fins 
being  remitted  ■,  there  remains  not  any  Oblation  for  fin  lih^  to  that,  that  is,  for  acqui- 
ring a  price  or  value  for  the  remijfion  of  fins.     To  what  ufe  then  (erves  the  Sacrifice  of 
the  Mafs  ?  Hear  him  out.     ASmcfunt^  Sec.  There  are  yet,  and  will  be  unto  the  end  of 
the  World,  thofe  to  whom  this  price  of  deliverance  is  to  be  applyed.     If  this  be  all,  as 
clearly  it  is,  to  apply  that  price  of  deliverance,  which  Chrift  paid  for  usi  then  what 
noife  have  they  raifed  in  the  World  to  no  purpofe?  Then  our  Sacrifice  is  as  good  as 
theirs.    Of  our  not  Communicating  with  them  in  Sacracients,  he  hath  received  an 


ac- 


Discourse  III.    Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  17:^ 

account  formerly  v  and  of  our  Miniders  wanting  power  to  offer  Sacrifice ,  he  (hall 
receive  a  juft  account  in  due  place. 

I  faid,  that  a  man  might  render  himfelf  guilty  of  Heretical  pravity  four  waysi  ^'8  8 
Firft,  by  disbelieving  any  fundamental  Article  of  Faith,  or  neceflary  part  of  faving  Four  wayj  ro 
Truth.     For  though  Fundamentals  onely  be  fimply  neceflary  to  be  known  of  all  incur  Hcietical 
Chril^ians,yet  there  are  many  other  Truths  revealed  by  God,  which  being  known,  P"*''^* 
are  as  neceflary  to  be  believed  as  the  Fundamentals  themfelves,     And  to  difcredit  any 
oneofthefelefler  Truths,  after  it  is  known  that  God   hath  •  revealed  it,  is  as  much 
as'  to  deny  the  truth  of  God,  or  to  deny  all  the  Fundamentals  put  together.     A- 
gainft  this  he  urgeth,  that  Herefie  is  incurred  by  disbelieving  any  point   of  Faith   rohjt- 
foever,  if  it  be  fufficiently  propofed.     Right,  if  it  be  fo  propoled  that  a  man  knows 
it  to  be  a  revealed  truth,  or  might  know  it,  if  he  did  not  obftinately  (hut  his  eyes 
againft  evident  liglir.     But  the  Church  of  Kome  is  no  fuch  fufficient  or  infalHble 
propofer,  that  every  man  is  bound  to  receive  its  determinations  as  Oracles.     But 
R.  C.  leaves  thefe  words  out  of  my  difcourfe,  [  or  necejfary  part  of  favin"  truths  1 
that  is  neceffary  to  fome  pcrfons,  in  fome  places,  at  fometimes,  to  whom  they  are 
fufficiently  revealed.     Is  this  fair  dealing  ? 

Secondly,  I  faid  that  the  Hercfre  was  incurred,  by  believing  fuperf^itious  Errors 
or  Additions,  which  do  virtually  and  by  evident  confequcnce,  overthrow  a  funda- 
mental truth.  This  is  denied  by  R.  C.  becaufe  Faith  is  an  aflent  to  divine  Revelations 
upon  the  Authority  of  the  Revealer,  and  therefore  is  neither  gotten  nor  loH^  nor  tJereJy  in- 
curred, by  confequence.  Doth  he  not  know  that  whofoevcr  believeth  a  revealed 
truth,  doth  of  neceifity  believe  all  the  evident  con(equences  of  it  >  As  he  that  be- 
lieves that  Chrift  is  God,  doth  of  neceifity  believe  that  he  is  eternal.  And  if  he 
maintain  that  erat  quando  non  erat,  There  reus  a  time  rvhen  he  rvof  not,  he  doth  impli- 
citly deny  his  Deity,  and  incur  the  crime  of  Here(ie.  Hath  he  forgotten  what  their 
own  Dodorsdo  teach,  that  a  ConcUtfion  of  Faith  may  be  grounded  upon  one  Fropofition  Bell-de  Eccie. 
inevident  (that  is  revealed  )  and  anotJjer  Fropnfition  evident,  (  th:it  is  not  revealed)  mi7i». /.j.ciS- 
but  evident  initfelf  ?  The  Hypoftatical  Union  of  the  Two  natures  divine  and  hu- 
mane in  Chrift,  is  a  fundamental  truth,  that  the  bleifed  Virgin  is  the  Mother  of 
God,  that  Chrilt  had  both  a  divine  and  humane  will,  are  evident  con(equences  of 
this  truth,  not  exprefly  revealed.  Yet  for  denying  the  former  Nejiorius,  for  denying 
the  later,  the  Monothelites  were  condemned  as  Hereticks. 

Thirdly,  Herefie  may  be  incurred  by  obftinate  perfifting  in  lefTer  Errors,  after  a 
man  is  convidled  in  his  Con(cience,  that  they  are  Errors,  either  out  of  animofity,  be- 
caufe  he  (corns  to  yield,  or  out  of  Covetous,  Ambitious,  or  other  finifter  ends. 
And  La(tly,Here(ie  is  incurred  by  a  troward  and  peevi(h  oppolition,  to  the.  Decrees 
of  a  General  Council,  to  the  diliurbing  of  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  Church. 
Againft  thefe  Two  lafl  ways  of  incurring  Herefie,  R.  C.  faith  nothing  direftly,  but 
upon  the  by,  he  taxeth  me  of- Two  errors.     Firft,  that  1  fay.  No  Council  can  mjk^  The  power  of 
that  a  point  of  Faith,  TPhich  tpof  not  ever  fuch.     We  agree  in  this.  That  no  Council  *^.^""^'^°'"'* 
can  make  that  a  Fundamental,  which  was  not  a  Fundamental,  nor  make,  that  a  revea-  °^'" 
led  truth,  which  was  not  a  revealed  truth.     I  acknowledge  further  that  a  General 
Council,  may  make  that  revealed  truth  neceffary  to  be  believed,  by  a  Chriftian  as  a 
point  of  Faith,  which  formerly  was  not  neceffary  to  be  believed,  that  is  whenfoevcr 
the  reafons  and  grounds  produced  by,  the  Council,  or  the  Authority  of  the  Council 
(  which  is,  and  always  ought  to  be  very  great,  with  all  fober,  difcreet  Chriftians, ) 
do  convince  a  man  in  his  Confcience  of  the  truth  of  the  Councils  definition.     In 
doubtful  Queftions,  if  there  be  no  mifcarriage,  no  packing  of  Votes,  no  fraud  u(ed 
in  the  Council,  like  that  in  the  Council  of  Ariminum  for  receiving  Chrift  and  rC' 
jefting  hotnooufios,  and  if  the  determination  be  not  contrary  to  the  tradition  of  the 
Church,  who  would  not  rather  fufped  his  own  judgment,  than  a  General  Councils? 
I  confefs  yet  further,  that  when  a  General  Council  hath  determined  any  Controver- 
fie,no  man  may  oppofe  its  determination,  but  every  one  is  bound  to  acquiefce,  and 
poflelshis  Soul  in  patience,  though  he  be  not  convidled  in  his  Confcience  of  the 
truth  of  their  fentcnce.     And  if  any  man  out  of  peevilhnefs,  or  ftubbornnefs  (hall  op- 
pofe their  definition,  to  the  difturbance  of  the  Peace  and    Tranquillity  of  the 
Church,  he  deferves  to  be  punifhed  as  an  Hcretick, 

R  3  Then 


74- 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOM  EI- 


The  Pope's 
confirmafion 
adds  nothing 
to  General 
Councils. 


Platina. 


Acquiefcencc 
to  the  decrees 
of  a  General 
Council  is  nc- 
ceiTary'j 


(  Ctr.9, 16. 


Then  wherein  lyes  the  difference  ?  Firrt,  in  R.  C.  his  mifreciting  my  words  ac- 
cording to  his  ordinary  cuftom.  I  faid  onely  this,  that  a  Council  could  not  make 
that  Propofition  Heretical  in  it  felf,  which  was  not  ever  Heretical,  nor  incicafe  xhc 
ncceffary  Articles  of  the  Chriliian  Faith,  either  in  number  or  fublhnce.  What  I 
faid  is  undeniably  true.  Firfi,  [  in  it  felf  ^  That  is  in  its  own  nature,  without  any 
reference  to  the  Authority  of  a  Council.  And  Q  vecejjary  Articles  of  the  Chr/flioH 
faith  ]  that  is,  abfolutely  and  fimply  necelfary  for  all  Chriftian?.  If  the  Propofiti- 
on were  Heretical  in  it  felt,  then  they  that  held  it  before  the  Council  were  Hereticks, 
as  well  as  they  who  hold  it  after  the  Council.  And  that  is  a  ncceffary  Article  of 
the  Chrirtian  Faith,  without  the  adual  belief  whereof  Chriftians  could  never  be 
(aved. 

This  is  fufticient  to  anfwer  his  Oljjedion.  But  for  the  Readers  fatisfacflion  I  add 
moreover,  that  the  Komaaijls  believe  a  General  Council,  not  onely  to  be  fallible 
without  the  concurrence  and  conrirmation  of  the  Pope,  (  whofe  priviledge  and 
Prerogative  the  moft  of  them  do  make  the  fole  ground  of  the  Chur-ches  Infallibili- 
ty, )  but  alfo  without  his  concurrence  to  have  often  erred  a(5lually.  But  with  the 
concurrence  and  confirmation  of  the  Pope,  they  make  the  determination  of  a  Ge- 
neral Council  to  be  infallible.  On  the  other  fide  we  know  no  fuch  infallibility  of 
the  Pope,  but  the  contrary.  After  Stephen  had  taken  up  the  body  of  Formofus  his 
predecefTor  out  of  his  grave,  fpoiled  him  of  his  pontifical  Attire,  cut  off'  his  two 
Fingers,  and  caft  his  body  into  "lyher^  it  became  an  ufual  thing  with  the  following 
Popes,  either  to  infringe  or  abrogate  the  Ads  of  their  Prcdcceffbrs.  Neither  was 
this  Ad:  of  Stephen  an  error  mcerly  in  matter  of  Fadt,  but  -principally  in  matter  oi" 
Faith,  that  the  Epifcopal  Charader  is  deleble.  We  know  no  fuch  confirmation 
needful,  nor  of  any  more  force  than  the  fmgle  Vote  of  a  prime  Bifhop  of  an  Apo- 
ffolical  Church.  And  therefore  we  give  the  fame  priviledges  to  a  Council  uncon- 
firmed (  which  they  acknowledge  to  be  fallible  )and  to  a  Council  confirmed  by  the 
Pope.  We  have  no  affurance  that  all  General  Councils  were  ,  and  ever  (hall  be  fo 
prudently  Wi-pj^^fi^,  and  their  proceedings  always  fo  orderly  and  upright ,  that  we 
dare  make  all  their  fentences  a  fufficient  conviction  of  all  Chriftians,  which  they  are 
bound  to  believe  under  pain  of  Damnation.  IfK.C,  be  not  of  my  mind ,  others 
of  his  own  Church  have  been,  and  arc  at  this  day.  Whom  I  forbear  to  cite,  becauft 
I  prefume  it  will  not  be  denied.  In  fumme,  I  know  no  fuch  virtual  Church  as 
they  fancy.  Antiquity  never  knew  it.  I  owe  obedience  (  at  leaft  of  acquiefcence  ) 
to  the  reprefentative  Church  ■■,  and  I  refolve  for  ever  to  adhere  C  to  the  bell  of  my 
underftanding  )  to  the  United  Communion  of  the  whole  EfTential  Church ,  which 
I  believe  to  be  (b  far  infallible  ,  as  is  neceflary  for  attaining  that  end ,  for  which 
Chrift  beRowed  this  Priviledge,  that  is.  Salvation. 

Neither  let  him  think  that  I  ufe  this  as  an  artifice ,  or  fubterfugc  ,  to  decline  the 
Authority  of  General  Councils.  I  know  none  we  need  to  fear.  And  I  do  freely 
promife  to  rejed  the  Authority  of  none  that  was  truly  General ,  which  he  (hall 
produce  in  this  Queftion.  As  for  the  Occidental  Councils ,  they  are  far  from  being 
Gcneia'. 

My  other  ruppo(ed  Error  is  that  I  fay.  That  though  a  Chriftian  cannot  alTent  in 
his  judgment,  to  every  Decree  of  a  General  Council ,  yet  he  ought  to  be  (ilent , 
and  pofTefs his  foul  in  patience.  That  is,  until  God  give  another  opportunity, 
and  another  Council  fit ,  wherein  he  may  lawfully ,  with  modefty  and  fubmiflion, 
propofe  his  reaR^ns  to  the  contrary.  Ih'u  (  he  faith  )  is  to  hind  men  to  be  Hypo- 
crites and  Vijiembters  in  matter  of  Eeligion  ,  and  by  their  plettce  to  fupprefs  and  bury 
Divine  truths  and  brings  them  within  the  compafs  of  St.VsiuVs  Woe  h  Woe  be  unto  me^ 
if  J  Eva>fgelize  not.  Excellent  Dodrine,  and  may  well  ferve  for  a  part  of  the 
Rebels  Catechifm.  Becaufe  my  Superior  is  not  Infallible ,  If  I  cannot  aflent  un- 
to him,  muft  I  needs  oppofe  him  publickly,  or  other  wife  be  guilty  ofHypocrifie 
and  Dillimulation?  If  he  (hall  think  fit  in  difcretion ,  to  filence  all  difpute  about 
fome  dangerous  Queftions ,  am  I  obliged  to  tell  the  World ,  that  this  is  to  fup- 
prefs or  bury  Divine  Truth  >  If  he  (hall  by  his  Authority  fufperid  a  particular  Pa- 
ftor ,  from  the  exercife  of  his  Paf^oral  Office  ,  muft  he  needs  preach  in  defiance  of 
him ,  or  el(e  be  guilty  of  St.  Paul's  Woe ,  }Foe  be  unto  me  ,  becaufe  I  preach  not  the 

Go^el  ? 


Discourse  HI.       Of  the  Church  of  EnQ,hiid.  lyt- 

Gojpel  ?  I  dellre  him  to  confulc  with  Bellarmine.     Jit  Catholickj  do  agree ,  tbut  if 

the  Pope  alone  ,  or  the  Pope  vpith  a  particular  Council,  do  determine  any  controverfie  in 

Religion  i  whether  he  can  err  ,  or  whether  he  cannot  err ,  he  ought  to  be  heard  obediently  p'"' '''  ■'^"''• 

of  all  ChriiUans.     May  not  I  obferve  that  duty  to  a  General  Council,  which  all  Ko-  ^'^'  ''^' 

»H4«-Catholicks  do  pay  to  the  Pope?  or  i»  there  a  lefs  degree  of  obedience  than  paf- 

five  obedience?  Certainly  thefe  things  were  not  well  weighed. 

Where  I  fay ,  that  by  the  Church  of  England  in  this  Queftion ,  I  underftand  that  SeH. 9. 
Church  which  was  derived  by  lineal  SucceUion  ,  from  Britijh  ,  Englijh ,  and  Scotijh 
Eiihops ,  by  mixt  Ordination ,  as  it  was  legally  elhbliflicd  in  the  days  of  Edivard  Mixt  Ordln*. 
the  Sixth  ,  and  flourilTied  in  the  Reigns  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  King  James  ,    and  ''°''' 
King  Charles;  and  now  groans  under  the  heavy  yoke  of  perfecution  ,   to  let  us  fee 
what  an  habit  of  alteration  is  ■,  he  excepts  againlT:  every  word  of  this.     Firft , 
againft  the  lineal  fuccejpon ,  becaufe  none .  of  tbefi  ancient  Bijhops  taught  jtijiification  by 
Faith  alone.     This  is  an  Argument  from  the  Staff  to  the  Corner.     I  Ipeak  of  a  fuc- 
cellion  of  Holy  Orders  ,  and  he  of  a  fuccellion  of  Opinions.     And  when  the  mat- 
ters come  to  be  fearched  to  the  bottom,  he   will  be  found  at  a  default  here  alio. 
Thofe  ancient  Bilhops  held  the  fame  jurtitication  by  Faith  that  we  do. 

In  the  next  place ,  he  excepts  againft  mixt  Ordination ,  as  partly  Papijhcal,  part- 
ly Protejiantical.  He  errs  the  whole  Heavens  breadth  from  my  meaning.  Before 
Aujline  preached  to  the  5:JXo«j-,  there  were  in  Bn'fwz  ancient  Britifh  Bilhops,  and 
ancient  Scotijh  BifRops ,  who  had  their  fevcral  lines  of  fuccelfion  ,  to  which  Ah- 
ftine  added  Englijh  Biihops ,  and  fo  made  a  Third  fuccellion.  Thefe  Three  were 
diftind:  at  firll,  but  afterwards  in  trad  of  time  ,  they  came  to  be  mixed  and  uni- 
ted into  One  fuccellion.  So  as  every  Englijh  Bifhop  now  derives  his  fuccclh'on 
from  Britijh^  Scotijh ,  and  Englijh  Biihops.  This  is  the  great  Bug-bear  of  mixt  Or-  ' 

dination. 

He  tells  us,  Thzt  King  Ed  wzrd.  the  Sixth  n^as  a  Child.    Hemillakes.     Kings  are-..    _    ,.- 
never  Children  nor  Minors  whikft  they  have  good  Tutors,  and  good  Councel- churchlaw- 
Jors.  Was  he  more  a  Child  than  King  Jehoajh  ?   and  yet  the  Church  was  reformed  fully  eftablifti- 
during  his  minority.    This  was  no  Childilh  Ad,  thanks  to  Jehoiada,  a  good  Uncle  '^• 
and  Protedor. 

He  demands,  Horv  that  Church  was  legally  ejiablijhed  in  King  Edward'x  days, 
which  was  efiahlifhed  contrary  to  the  likjng  of  the  moji  and  beji  of  the  Bipops ,  whereof 
divers  were  caji  in  Prifon ,  for  not  ajlenting  to  the  ereBing  of  it  ?  And  I  ask  how  it  was 
not  legally  eftablifhed ,  which  was  eflablifhed  by  Sovereign  Authority  ,  according 
to  the  diredion  of  the  Convocation ,  with  the  Confirmation  of  the  Parliament  ? 
What  other  legal  Eftablilhment  can  there  be  in  England  ?  By  the  Laws  of  England, 
a  Bifhop  had  but  his  fingle  Vote ,  either  in  Parliament  or  Convocation.  Some  Bi- 
(hops  were  imprilbned  indeed,  but  neither  the  moft  nor  the  beft  of  the  Englijh  Bi- 
(hops ,  whether  for  not  affenting ,  or  for  other  reafbns ,  will  require  farther  proof 
than.his  bare  Afiertion.  This  is  certain,  that  every  one  of  them  had  freely  renounced 
the  Pope  and  Papacy,  in  the  Reign  oi^ Henry  the  Eighth. 

He  faith  ,  I  (hould  have  added  that  Church  which  was  fupprejled  by  the  laji  Parlia-  Not  lawfully 
tnent ,  under  King  Charles.  Why  fhould  I  add  a  notorious  untruth  ,  as  contrary  to  fuppreffed. 
my  Confcience  as  to  my  Affcdions  ?  1  might  have  faid  opprelTcd ,  I  could  not  fay 
fupprelTed.  The  external  fplendor  was  abated ,  when  the  Baronies  of  the  Bi- 
ihops ,  and  their  Votes  in  Parliament  were  taken  away ,  but  the  Order  was  not 
extinguifhed.  So  far  &om  it ,  that  King  Charles  himfelf  fuffered  as  a  Martyr  for 
the  Ew^/i/fe  Church.  If  his  meaning  be,  that  it  was  fuppreflcd  by  an  Ordinance  of 
one  or  both  Houfes  without  Authority  Royal ,  he  cannot  be  fo  great  a  ftranger  in 
England,  as  not  to  know  that  it  is  without  the  Sphere  of  their  adivity. 

Yet  he  is  pleafed  to  ftile  it  a  dead  Church  ,  and  me  the  Advocate  of  a  dead  Church  i  The  Enl'/fi 
even  as  the  Trees  ar6  dead  in  Winter  when  they  want  their  leavesi  or,  as  the  Sun  is  ^^j"{7  ""' 
fct  when  it  is  behind  a  Cloud  i  or  ,  as  the  Gold  is  deftroyed  when  it  is  melting  in 
the  Furnace.  When  I  fee  a  feed  caft  into  the  ground ,  I  do  not  ask  where  is  the 
greennefs  of  the  leaves?  where  is  the  beauty  of  the  flowers  ?  where  is  the  fweetnels 
of  the  fruit  'i  but  I  expcd  all  thefe  in  their  due  fcafon  :  Stay  a  while ,  and  behold 
the Cataftrophe.     The  rain  is  fallen ,  the  wind  hath  blown,  and  the  floods  have 

beaten 


1 76  A  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  I. 


beaten  upon  tlicir  Church  i  but  it  is  not  tallen,  tor  it  is  founded  upon  a  Rock.  The 
light  is  under  a  Buihtl ,  but  it  is  not  extinguiflied.  And  if  God  in  juftice  (hould 
think  fit  to  remove  our  Candleftick,  yet  the  Church  of  England  is  not  dead  ,  whileft 
the  Catholick  Churcli  furvives. 

But  under  per-       LafiJy^  He  denies  that  t^e  Englifii  Chufch  it  under  perfecution  :  And  though  fome 
ccuuon,  ^^  ^^^  Church  dujujfer^  yet  it  U  not  for  'Religion  ,  but  matters  of  State.     What  can  a 

man  expeft  in  knotty  Queftions  from  them ,  who  are  fo  much  tranfported  with  pre- 
judice ,  as  to  deny  thofe  things  which  are  obvious  to  every  eye.  If  it  be  but  fome 
that  have  fuifered ,  it  is  fuch  a  fome  as  their  Church  could  never  fhew  ,  wherein  he 
tliat  dellres  to  be  more  particularly  informed ,  may  read  the  Martyrology  oi  London^ 
or  the  Lirt  of  the  Univerlifies ,  and  from  that  paw  ,  guefs  at  the  proportion  of  the 
Lion.  But  perhaps  all  this  was  for  matters  of  State.  No ,  our  Churches  were 
not  demolifhed  upon  pretence  of  matters  of  State,  nor  our  Ecclefiaftical  Reve- 
nues expofed  to  fale  for  matters  of  State.  The  refufal  of  a  Schifmatical  Covenant 
is  no  matter  of  State.  How  many  of  the  Orthodox  Clergy  ,  without  pretence  of 
any  other  Delinquency ,  have  been  beggered  ?  How  many  neceflitated  to  turn  Me- 
chanicks  or  Day-labourers  ?  How  many  ftarved  ?  How  many  have  had  their  hearts 
broken  ?  How  many  have  been  imprifoned  >  How  many  baniflied  from  their  Na- 
tive Soil,  and  driven  as  Vagabonds  into  the  mercilefs  World  ?  No  man  is  fo  blind , 
as  he  that  will  not  fee. 

Sil}.  10.  His  Tenth  Seftion  is  a  Summary  or  Repetition  of  what  he  hath  already  faid  , 

wherein  I  find  nothing  of  weight  that  is  new,  but  onely  one  Authority  out  of 
St.  Auftine  ,  That  Catholicks  are  every  vchere  ,  and  Heretickj  every  where  ■■,  hut  Catho- 
lickf  are  the  fame  every  rrhere ,  and  Heretickj  different  every  where.  If  by  Catholick^ 
he  underftand  Koman-Catholick^ ,  they  are  not  every  where  ,  not  in  KuJJia ,  nor  in 
JF.thiopia;  and  excepting  fome  hand-fulls  ,  for  the  moft  part  upon  toleration,  not  in 

L.4.  ctnt.cre-  ^ny  of  the  Eaftern  Churches.     The  words  of  St.  Aufiine  are  thcfe.     Vbicunque  funt 

kon.  c.  tfi.  ijii ,  illic  Catholica  ,  ficut  in  Africa  ubi  &  vos  >  non  autem  ubicunque  Catholica  efi,  aut 
vos  ejiis  ,  aut  Uxrefis  quxUhet  earum  ;  Wherefoever  they  are ,  there  i4  the  Catholicl{_ 
Church  ,  as  in  Africa  where  you  are  i  but  wherefoever  the  Catholic}^  Church  is ,  you  are 
mtj  nor  any  of  thofe  Herefies.  St.  Aujiine''s  fcope  is  to  (hew  ,  that  the  Catholick 
Church  is  more  diffufed,  or  rather  Univerfel ,  than  any  Se<S,  or  all  SccSls  put  to- 
gether. If  you  pleafe  ,  let  this  be  the  Touchftone  between  you  and  us.  But  you 
will  fay ,  that  you  are  united  every  where  ,  and  we  are  different  every  where.  No- 
thing left.  You  arc  united  in  one  pretended  Head ,  which  fome  of  you  acknow- 
ledge more  ,  fome  lefs.  We  are  united  in  the  fame  Creed ,  the  fame  Sacraments, 
and  for  the  moft  part  the  fame  Difcipline.  Befides ,  of  whom  doth  St.  Aufiine 
{peak  in  that  place  ?  Oit\\Q  Novatians^  Arians  ,  Fatripajjtans ,  Valentinians ,  Tatrici- 
ans  ^  Apellites,  Marcionites^  Ophites  ■■,  all  which  condemned  all  others  but  thcm- 
fclves ,  and  thereby  did  feparate  themfelves  Schifmatically  from  the  Catholick 
Church  ,  as  it  is  to  be  feared ,  that  you  do.  Our  cafe  is  quite  contrary.  We  re- 
form our  felves,  but  condemn  no  others. 


CHAP.    III. 

Whether  Protejiants  were   Authonrs  of  the   Separathn  fram 
Rome  ? 

Prweft'ints  \?l  7  ^  ^^^  "°^  ^°"^^  ^^^^  ''^^^'"^  *^  QuefUon-  to  proofs ,  where  we  (hall 
not  Authors  of  V  V  ^°°"  ^^  ^^'^  ^-  ^-  ^^^^  ^^^^^i"^  himfelf  of  the  Province  which  he  hath  un- 
the  Schito.  dertaken.    To  (hew ,  that  Proteftants  were  not  the  Authours  of  the  Sepa- 

ration from  Rowe,  b\xt  Koman-Catholick^  ^  I  produced  i  Firft,  The  folemn  unani- 
mous refolution  of  our  Univerfitics  in  the  point ,  that  the  BUhop  of  Kome  had  no 
greater  Jurifdidlion ,  within  England  conferred  upon  him  by  God  in  the  Scripture  , 

than 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Chnrch  of  Enghnd.  lyj 

than  any  other  Forreign  Bifliop  ■■>  Secondly,  The  Decrees  of  Two  of  our  National 
Synods  i  Thirdly,  Six  or  Seven  Statutes  or  Ads  of  Parliament  i  Fourthly,  The 
Atteftation  of  the  prime  Koman-Catholtck^  Bifliops  and  Clergy  ,  in  their  printed 
Books,  in  their  EpilHes  ,  in  their  Sermons,  in  their  Speeches,  in  their  Infiitutions 
Fifthly  ,  The  unanimous  confcnt  of  the  whole  Kingdom  of  England  ,  teftified  byv 
Billiop  Gardiner  ■■,  and  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland ,  proved  out  of  the  Council- 
Book  i  Laftly,  The  Pope's  own  Book  ,  wherein  hs  interdided  and  excommunica- 
ted the  whole  Church  of  Er«g/rf«^ ,  before  the  Reformation  made  by  Proteftants  : 
So  as  apparently  we  were  chafed  away  from  them.  Hear  the  judgment  of  a  Stran- 
ger. This  year  the  Po^e  brake  the  vcife  patience  ,  or  rather  difftmulation  ,  which  for  Tottr  ^'fj,  J",'' 
years  together  he  had  ufed  towards  England  :  And  fent  againji  the  King  a  terrible  thun-  1538*. 
dring  BhU  ,  fnch  as  never  was  tifed  by  hif  Predecejiors ,  nor  imitated  by  his  Suceefors.  It 
will  coll  him  fome  tugging  to  break  fuch  a  Six-fold  cord  as  this  is.  What  doth  he 
Anfwer  to  all  this  ?  Not  one  word.  And  fo  1  take  my  firft  ground  pro  confe^o , 
That  Proteftants  were  not  Authours  of  the  Separation  of  the  Englijh  Church  from 
Knme. 

Yet  fomething  he  faith  upon  the  by  ,  which  is  to  be  examined:  Firft,  That  they  SeS.  *. 
who  made  the  King  Head  of  the  Churchy  veere  fo  far  from  being  Zealots  of  the  Roman 
Religion^  that  they  were  not  then  of  the  Roman  Religion  ,  but  Schifmatickj  and  Here- 
tick;  outwardly ,  wbatfoever  they  were  inwardly.  What  a  change  is  here  ?  Even  now 
when  they  oppofed  the  Reformation,  they  were  the  beft  Bifhops  :  and  now,  when 
they  oppofe  the  Pope's  Supremacy  ,  they  arc  Schifmaticks  and  Hereticks.  Let  them 
be  what  they  were,  or  whatfoever  he  would  have  them  to  be,  certainly  they  were 
no  Prouliants,  And  if  they  were  not  KorHan-CathoUckj ,  they  were  of  no  Chriftian 
Communion,  They  profefled  to  live  Koman-Catholickj ,  and  they  dyed  Roman- 
Catholickf.  The  Six  bloody  Articles  contrived  by  them  ,  and  executed  by  them  in 
the  Reign  of  King  Henry ;  and  the  Bonetires  which  they  made  of  poor  Proteftants 
in  the  days  of  Queen  Mary ,  do  demonftrate  both  that  they  were  no  Proteftants,  and 
that  they  were  Zealots  of  the  Roman  P>.cligion. 

But  C faith  he)  the  Ejfence  of  the  Roman  Religion  doth  conjift  in  the  Primacy  of  the 
Pope.  If  it  be  fo ,  then  whereas  the  Chriftian  Religion  hath  Twelve  Articles ,  the 
Roman  Religion  hath  but  One  Article,  and  that  none  of  the  Twelve,  namely,  the 
Supremacy  of  the  Pope.  But  this  needs  make  no  difference  between  us:  For  they 
denied  not  the  Pope's  Priwjcy,  that  is ,  of  Order,  but  his  Supremacy  of  Power. 
Neither  is  his  Supremacy  either  the  EfTence,  or  fo  EfTential  a  part,  of  the  Roman- 
Catholick,Bdlcf ,  but  that  many  of  the  Roman-Catholicity  Communion  have  denied 
it  of  old,  as  the  Councils  of  Crnftance  and  Bafile,  and  many  do  deny  it ,  and  more 
doubt  of  it ,  at  this  day.  But  let  that  be  as  it  will.  In  all  other  Controverfies 
they  were  pure  Romanifts ,  and  the  denomination  is  from  the  greater  part.  Cer- 
tainly they  were  no  Proteftants,  which  is  enough  for  mypurpofe. 

He  tells  us  from  Bifhop  Gardiner  ,  That  the  Parliament  was  with  much  crtielty  The  parlia* 
conftrained  to  aholijh  the  Primacy  (  he  means  Supremacy  )  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome.  A  mentnotcoiH'. 
likely  thing  indeed ,  that  a  whole  Parliament ,  and  among  them  above  Fifty  Bi-  ?«"«<*• 
fhops  and  Abbots ,  fliould  be  forced ,  without  any  noife,  againft  their  Confcience  , 
to  forfwear  themfelves  ,  to  deny  the  Effence  of  their  Faith  ,  and  (  to  ule  his  own 
words  )  to  turn  Schifmaticks  and  Hereticks.  How  many  of  them  loft  their  lives 
firft  >  Not  one ,  Not  one  changed  his  Soil  >  not  one  fuffered  imprilbnment  about 
it.  For  howfoever  the  matter  hath  been  mifconftrued  by  (bme  of  our  Hiftoriogra- 
phers ,  Bifliop  Piper  and  Sir  Thomas  Moor  were  imprifbned  before  this  A<ft  of  the 
Supremacy  was  made ,  for  denying  the  King's  Marriage  ,  and  oppofing  a  former 
Ad  of  Parliament,  touching  the  Succeffion  of  his  Children  to  the  Crown.  Thus 
much  is  confeffed  by  Sanders  in  his  Book  de  Schifmate,  p.  73.  b.  concerning  Fijlier , 
and  ^.81.  concerning  Sir  Thomas  Moor,  ^u  Lex  poft  Mori  apprehenfwnem  conftitnta 
erat  i  The  Lirv  (  of  Supremacy  }  veas  made  after  the  apprehenfton  of  Sir  Thomas 
Moor.  Of  this  much  cruelty  ,  I  do  not  find  fo  much  as  a  threatning  word ,  or  a 
fbotftcp,  except  the  fear  of  a  Prew««irf.  And  is  it  credible,  that  the  whole  repre- 
fentative  of  the  Church  and  Kingdom,  fhould  value  their  Goods  above  their  Souls> 
Or  that  Two  fuccelEve  Synods,   and  both  our  Univerfities  (  ttemine  dijientiente  ) 

(hould 


-g  A  Juft  Vindication T  O  M  E  L 


Ihould  be  fo  eafily  conftrained  ?  But  who  conftramed  the  moft  learned  of  the  Bi- 
{hoD!?  and  the  grcateft  Divines  in  the  Kingdom  ,  to  tell  the  King  that  it  was  hu 
Kieln,  to  publilh  Catechifms,  or  Inftitutions  ,  and  other  Books-,  and  to  preach 
Sermons  at  St.  Pjwi's  Crofs,  and  elfewhere ,  for  maintenance  of  the  King's  Supre- 
macy ?  Thefc  Ads  were  unconftrained.  Hear  the  Teftimony  of  Queen  'Elizabeth, 
iiven  in  their  life-time  ,  to  their  faces  ,  before  the  moft  Eminent  Embaffadors  of 
the  grcatcft  Perfons  in  the  World  ,  when  Bifhop  Gardiner  might  have  contradid- 
ed  it  if  he  could.  When  the  Emperor  ,  and  other  Koman-CathoHck^  Princes,  in- 
terceded with  her  for  the  difplaced  Bifliops,  (he  returned  this  Anfwer  ,  That  they 
did  norv  obflinately  rejed  that  VoUrine  ,  which  moji  part  of  themfelves  ,  under  Henry  the 
^1-"'^Af"i59  E#?/^ ,  ^»d  Edward  the  Sixth ,  had  of  their  own  accord ,  with  heart  and  hand  ,  fub-  .. 
'^     '  lic%  in  their  Sermons  and  Writings  taught  unto  others  ,  when  they  themfelves  were 

not  private  Terfons  ,  but  publick,  Mag^lrates.  The  Charge  is  fo  particular,  that  it 
leaves  no  place  for  any  Anfwer.  Firft,  of  their  own  accord  •,  Secondly,  not  onely 
under  Hoiry  the  Eighth ,  but  Edward  the  Sixth  i  Thirdly  ,  when  they  themfelves 
were  publick  Magiftrates  i  Fourthly,  with  heart  and  hand ,  not  onely  in  their  Ser- 
mons,  but  alfo  in  their  printed  Writings.  Againft  Subfcriptions  and  printed  Wri- 
tings there  can  be  no  defence.  But  upon  whofe  credit  is  this  conftraint  charged 
upon  King  Henry  s'  Upon  Bifhop  Gardiner^s  ?  In  good  time ,  he  produceth  a  Wit- 
nefs  in  his  own  caufe.  He  had  an  hard  .heart  of  his  own  ,  if  he  would  not  have 
favoured  himfclf,  and  helped  to  conceal  his  own  {hame,  after  King  Henry  was 
B  n-.op  Gardi-  ^^^j^  Mortui  non  mordent.  Is  not  this  that  Stephen  Gardiner  ,  that  writ  the  Book 
^^^'  de  Vera  Obedientiii^io  juftihe  the  King's  Supremacy  ?  Is  not  this  that  Stephen  Gar- 

diner that  tells  us  ,  T.hat  no  Forreign  Bijhop  hath  Authority  among  us  ,  that  all  forts  of 
people  are  agreed  with  us  upon  this  pint  with  mofi  fledfaji  confent ,  that  no  manner  ofper- 
fon  bred  or  brought  up  in  England  ,  hath  ought  to  do  with  Rome  ?  Is  not  this  he  that 
had  fo  great  an  hand  in  framing  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  ,  and  in  all   the  great 
Tranfadrions  in  the  later  days  of  King  Henry  ?  Was  not  he  one  of  them  who  tick- 
speed  in  Hen.  u^l  the  Kings  ears  with  Sermons  againji  the  Tope's  Supremacy  ,  who  was  a  Contriver 
8.c.ai-n-i05.  of  the  Six  bloody  Articles  againft  the  Proteftants  ,  and  was  able  by  his  power  with 
the  King,  to  bring  the  great  Favourite  of  thofe  times  to  the  Scaffold  for  Herefie 
and  Treafon.     To  conclude,  if  any  thing  did  conftrain  him ,  it  was  either  the  Bi- 
fhoprick  o{  London  or  IVinchefier  i  qr,  which    I  do  the  rather  believe  out  of  Chari- 
ty ,  the  very  power  of  Confcience.     So  much  himfelf  confeffeth  in   the  Concluhon 
of  his  Book  de  Vera  Obedientia,  where  he  propofeth  this  Objedlion  againft  himfeh^ 
De  Vera  O^e-  that  oi  a  Bijhop  he  had  fwom  to  maintain  the  Supremacy  of  the  Tope.    To  which  he  An- 
dientia,infinc.  fwers  ,  Thit  what  was  hohly  fworn  is  7nore  holily  omitted,  than  to  mak^  an  Oath  the 
Bond  of  Iniquity.     He  confeffeth  himfelf  to  have  been  married  to  the  Church  of  Rome 
bona  fide  ,  as  to  hif  Second  Wife ,  but  after  the  return  of  hU  Firjl  Wife  (  that  is  the 
Truth  )  to  which  he  was  ej^onjed  in  h'n  Baptijm ,   being  conviUed  with  undeniable  evi- 
dence ,  he  was  nece0tated  out  of  Confcience  ,  to  forfake  *he  Church  of  Rome  in  this  par- 
ticular ^tejiion  of  Supremacy  ,  and  to  adhere  to  his  Firji  Wife  the  Truth ,  and  after  her 
to  hU  Trince  ,  the  Supream  Head  of  the  Englilh  Church  upon  Earth. 

His  next  attempt  is,  to  prove  that  the  Trotejiants  were  the  Authours  of  the  Sepa- 
ration from  Rowe.     And  he  names  Three ,  Cranmer ,  Cromwell,    and  Barnes.     He       « 
might  even  as  well  fay  ,  That  two  or  three  common  Souldiers  of  the  Carthaginian       I 
^  Army,  (  and  perhaps  not  one  of  them  at  the  Fight )  were  the  Authours  of  the  Ko-       I 

ma>!  overthrow  at  Cann£.  It  was  the  Univerlities  that  approved  the  Separation  ' 
unanimoufly.  It  was  the  Synods  that  diredled  the  Separation.  It  was  the  King 
that  eftabliflied  the  Separation.  It  was  the  Parliament  that  confirmed  the  Separati- 
on. How  could  two  or  three  Privadoes,*  without  Ncgromancy ,  have  fuch  an 
efficacious  influence  upon  the  llniverfities ,  and  Synods ,  and  Parliaments  ,  and  the 
King  himfelf  ?  Yet  they  might  have  an  hand  in  it.  No  ,  nor  fo  much  as  a  little 
.finger.  As  much  as  the  Fly  that  fate  upon  the  Cart-wheel  ,  had  in  raifing  of  the 
duft.'  The  two  Houfes  of  Parliament  alone  did  confift  of  above  <5oo  of  the  moft 
able  and  eminent  Perfons  in  the  Kingdom.  What  had  thefe  three  been  able  to  do 
among  them,  fuppofing  they  had  been  then  Proteftants ,  and  of  the  Houfe?  Even 
as  much  as  three  drops  of  hony  in  a  great  vefTel  of  Vinegar,  or  three  drops  of  Vine- 
gar in  a  great  veffel  of  hony.  But 


Discourse  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  lyg 

But  let  us  fee  what  it  is,  which  he  obTcdts  againft  Cranmer  and  the  reft  ,  That  Ardibiihop 
Cranmer ,  whom  J  will  not  deny  to  have  been  a  friend  and  favourer  of  Protejlants  advi-  Crtnmer. 
fed,  Ihat  the  Kingjhoitld  fee\,  no  more  to  the  Court  nf  Romei  and  that,  bidding  adieu 
to  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  hejhould  confult  with  the  mojl  Learned  in  the  Vniverfities  ofEa* 
rope,  at  home  and  abroad.  There  was  no  hurt  in  all  this.  There  could  be  no  fuf- 
picion  ,  that  the  moft  Learned  in  all  the  Univerlities  of  Europe ,  (hould  be  enemies 
to  the  juft  Rights  of  the  Roman  Court.  But  upon  th'u  (  faith  he  )  it  was  by  Com~ 
mi^on  difj'uted  by  the  Divines  in  both  Vniverfities.  And  fo  he  concludes  triumphant- 
ly. Behold  Cranmer  the  fr^t  Authour  of  fecelhon  from  the  Pope.  I  Anfwer  That 
this  fecelfion  was  no  feceihon  of  the  Church  of  E«^/j«</i  nor  this  Difputation  any 
Difputation  concerning  the  Jurifdidion  ot  the  jLoman  Court  over  the  Englijh 
Church  ,    but  onely  concerning  a  particular  Procefs,  there  depending  ,    between  ' 

King  Henry  and  Queen  Catherine,  about  the  validity  or  invalidity  of  their  Marri- 
age, and  the  Pope's  difpenfation ,  which  Cranmer  maintained  to  be  determinable 
by  Divine  Law,  not  by  Canon  Law.     The  truth  is  this,  Dr.  Stephens,  and  Dr.  Fox, 
two  great  Miniftcrs  of  King  Henry ,  and  Dr.  Cranmer,   chanced  to  meet  without 
any  defign  at  Waltham ,  where,  Difcourfe  being  oflered  concerning  this  Procels 
Cranmer  freely  declared  his  judgment,  that  the  Marriage  of  a  Brother  with  his  Bro- 
thers Wife ,  was  unlavvflil  by  the  Law  of  God ,   and  that  the  Pope  could  not  di- 
fpenfe  with  it.     And  that  it  was  more  expedient  and  more  proper ,  to  feek  to  have 
this  caufc  determined  by  the  beft  Divines  and  llniverfities  of  Europe ,  than  by  the 
dilatory  proceeding  of  the  Roman  Court.     This   was  related  to  the  King.     The 
King  fent  for  Cranmer.     He  offered  freely  to  juliitie  it   before  the  Pope.     And  to  ^.^^j  g^^„ 
demonftrate  both  that  this  was  no  feparation  from  Rome,  and  that  Cranmer  himfelf  &c,  in  Hen.  8*. 
was  no  Proteftant  at  thattime  ,  it  is  acknowledged  by  all  our  Hifloriographers  ■, 
that  after  this ,  Cranmer  ,  with  others  ,  was  fent  as  an  Embaffador  or  Envoy  to 
Rome ,  and  returned  home  in  the  Pope's  good  Grace  ,  not  without  a  mark  of  his 
favour ,  being  made  his  Penitentiary.     Likewife  ,  faith  another ,   Cranmer  that  un- 
rporthy  Archbijhop  of  Cznteibury  ,  was  his  (  the  Ezr\  o(  Hartfords  )  right  hand,  ^«^  c™?ch«^fe* 
chief  aftftant  in  the  wor\_,  althottgh  but  a  few  moneths  before  he  was  of  King  Harrie'x  cond  Edition 
Religion  i  yea  ,  a  great  Patron  and  Profecutor  of  the  Six  Articles.     That  is  as  much  as  pag-  4'  ?• 
to  fay ,  no  friend ,  no  favourer,  of  Proteftants.     So  this  vidtorious  Argument  fails  •S-*'"'-''^  ^"^W- 
on  both  fides.     Some  other  places  he  citeth  concerning  Cranmer,   That  he  freed  the  ^s"''''^c'^»Jii^f- 
King  sconfcience  from  the  yok^  nf  Papal  Dominion,  that   is  to  (ay,  in    that  Procefe. //w/er/KJt 
That  by  his  counfel,  defiruCfion  was  provided  divinely  to  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  that  is  ,  qwtidiedum 
occafionally ,  and  by  the  juft  difpoiition  of  Almighty  God,     That  the  King  was  ^'.i"'*'"*'  ^^^' 
brought  by  Cxanmet^s  fingular  virtue,  to  defend  the  caufe  of  the  Co^el ,  that  is,  in  ^"'"** 
that  particular  cafe,  that  the  Pope  cannot  difpenfe  contrary  to  the  Law  of  God. 
And  Laltly  ,  That  the  Papal  power  being  difcovered  by  King  Henry'j  Authority ,  and 
Cranmer' J- ,  did  eafily  fall  dotvn.     I  much  doubt  if  I  had  the  Book ,  whether  I 
fhould  find  thefe  Teftimonies  fuch  as  they  are  cited.     Howfoevcr  it  may  be  true  , 
difringuendo  temper  a,  and  referenda  fmgttlafmgulU.     They  could  not  be  fpoken  of  the 
firfl  Separation,  when  Cranmer  had  no  more  Authority  than  a  private  Dodtor,  but 
of  the  following  times.  King  Henry  fupprefTed  the  Papal  Tyranny  in  England  by  his 
Legiflative  Power,  and  Cranmer  by  his  difcovery  of  their  ufurpations ,   and  care  to 
fee  the  Laws  executed. 

Againft  Crowjpf/ he  produceth  but  one  Teftimony,  That  it  was  generally  concei- 
ved, and  truly  (  as  never  thought,)  That  the  politick^  ways  for  taking  away  the  Popes  Crommtf. 
Authority  in  Enghnd  ,  and  the  fupprefjion  of  Religions  Houfes,  were  principally  devifed 
iy  Cromwell.  Firfl,  this  is  but  an  Argument  from  vulgar  Opinion.  Secondly, 
•when  Archbifhop  Warham,  and  the  Synod ,  did  rirft  give  to  King  Henry  the  Supre- 
macy ,  and  the  Title  of  Head  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  Cromwell  was  no  Proteftant. 
He  had  lately  been  Cardinal  Wolfe's  Sollicitor,  and  was  then  Maffer  of  the  Jewel- 
Houfe,  of  no  fuch  power  to  do  any  great  good  or  hurt  to  the  Proteftants.  And 
at  his  death  he  profefTed,  that  he  was  no  Sacramentary  ,  and  that  he  died  in  the 
Catholick  Faith.  Lord  Cherbwy  in  H  8.  anno  1540.  Holl.  an.  32.  H.  8.  fol. 
242. 

But  for  the  fupprellion  of  Religious  Houfes,  it  is  not  improbable.    He  might 

well 


1 80  A  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  1. 


•well  have  learned  that  way  under  Cardinal  Jf^olj'ty  ,   when  he  procured  the  fuppref- 
fion  of  Forty  Mcnaftcries  of  good  note,  for  the  foundmg  of  his  Two  Colledges  at 
Oxford  and  Jfftvkh.     In  which  bufinefs  our  Hiftorians  fay  ,  the  Pope  licked  his  own 
Fingers,  to  the  value  of  Twelve  Barrels  full  of  Gold  and  Silver. 
Barntt.  Laftly  ,  For  Dr.  Barnes  poor  man  ,  he  was  neither  Courtier  nor  Councellor,  nor 

Convocation  man,  nor  Parliament  man.  All  the  grace  which  ever  he  received  from 
King  Henry  ,  was  an  honourable  death  for  his  Religion.  He  faid  ,  That  he  ,  and 
fiich  other  wretches  as  he  ,  had  made  the  King  a  whole  King ,  by  their  Sermons.  If  they 
did  (b  it  was  well  done.  The  meaning  of  a  whole  King  ,  is  an  Head  of  the  Churchy 
faith  R.  C.  It  may  be  fo  ,  but  the  confequence  is  naught.  Perhaps  he  meant  a  So- 
vereign Independent  King  ,  not  feudatory  to  the  Pope ,  which  he  that  is ,  is  but 
half  a  King.  Not  onely  of  old  ,  but  in  later  times  ,  the  Popes  did  challenge  a  pow- 
er Paramount  over  the  Kings  of  England  within  their  own  Dominions  ,  as  appear- 
eth  by  the  Pope's  Bull ,  fent  to  James  ihtYikhYAn^oi  Scotland  ^  wherein  he  de- 
clareth,  Th^t  he  had  deprived  KingYlcm'^  of  hU  Kingdom  ^  as  an  Heretick.y  a  Schif- 
mutick^y  an  Adulterer  ,  a  Mitrtherer ,  a  Sacrilegioitt  ferfon  \  And  Lazily ,  a  Kehel  and 
SpenH9c.2i>  convid  of  Isfse  Majeftatis  ,  for  that  he  had  rifen  againji  him  (  the  Pope  )  who  was  his 
Lord. 

But  now  fuppofmg  all  R.  C.  his  Suggeftions  had  been  true  ,  That  Cranmer  and 
Cromwell  had  been  Proteftants  at  that  time  ,  and  had  been  in  as  much  grace  ,  and 
had  had  the  like  opportunity  of  addrefs  to  the  King,  as  they  had  after wardsi  that 
Cranmer  had  perfwaded  the  King  as  a  Divine,  and  Cromwell  as  a  Politician,  to  (e- 
parate  from  the  Court  of  Rome  j  and  that  Barnes  had  preached  againft  the  Pope's 
Supremacy  :  Yet  this  is  far  from  the  Authoritative  Separation  of  the  whole  Church, 
and  Kingdom,  from  the  Court  oiKome.  Moral  perfwalions  may  incline,  but  cannot 
nccellitate  the  will. 

Therefore  not  confiding  to  thefe  broken  Reeds,  at  length  he  admits,  that  Roman 
Catholicks  were  the  Authors  of  the  Separation ,    Be  itfo  that  Romzn-Catholick^  were 
the  Authors  of  the  Divifion  ■■,  that  is  worfe  for  Proteftants  ,  becaufe  then  Frotefiants  centi- 
nue  a  rvick^d  Schifm^  wickedly  begun,  againji  Confcience ,  again}}  k^own  Truth  ;  and  con- 
fequently  ,  a  fm  againji  the  Holy  Ghoji,  And  to  make  his  Affertion  good  ,  he  produ- 
l..icon.  Farm,  ^^.j.]^  j^j^g  Authority  of  Optatuf,  It  appearetb  evidently  that  you  are  the  Heirs  of  Schif- 
maticks.     He  who  reads  this  would  believe  ,  that  Optatus  fpake  pofitively  of  Prote- 
Pfpi*^' '^' ''^   iiants,  when  he  (peaks  onely  of  Donatifts,  Cnm  h£c  ita  gefia  tfie  manifejiijftine  con- 
[hc  Donat^ifls,  ft^*  ■>  &  vos  H^redes  ejfe  Traditorum  &  Schifmaticorum  eviaenter  appareaft  Seeing  it  is 
notProte-        moji  evident,  that  thefe  things  did  fall  out  thus,  that  is,    that  Majorinus   (  whofe 
ftantj.  Ch:iit  Tarmenianus  did  now  foffcis )  did  divide  himftlf  from  the  Communion  of 

Ctecilianus ,  and  (et  up  a  Chair  againft  a  Chair  in  the  fame  Church ,  or  a  new  Chair, 
^£  ante  ipfum  Majorinum  originem  non  habebat  i  and  feeing  Majorinus  was  a  Tradi- 
tor  and  a  Schifmatick  ,  it  appears  evidently  that  Parmenian  was  the  heir  of  a  Schifma- 
tickg   Now  what  doth  this  concern  us  ?  The  Donatifts  fet  up  a  new  Chair  againft 
an  old  Chair  in  the  ftme  Church",  we  have  done  no  fuch  thing.  God  make  us  able 
to  keep  up  the  old.     Secondly,  the  Donatifts  (eparated  themfelves  from  all  other 
Churches,  we  feparate  our  felves  from  no  Churches,  neither  from  the  Chair  of  C*- 
cilian ,  nor  of  Peter  ,  nor  of  Cyprian.     But  if  we  would  know  ,  not  onely  who 
are  the  Heirs  qf  the  Donatifts  ,  but  who  are  their  Heirs  in  their  Schifin ,   we  may 
find  them  eafily.     It  is  the  Rowa»-Catholicks  themfelves  >  Firft,  In  theirunchari- 
tablenefs,  in  breaking  the  Bond  of  Brotherly  Unity.  The  Catholicks  owned  the 
Donatifts  for  their  Brethren ,  but  the  Donatifts  refufed  to  own  the  Catholicks  for 
Opt.  1. 1,  conf  •    their  Brethren ,  ^uamvis  &■  jlli  non  negem,  &  omnibus  notum  fit,  &c.  Although  they  de' 
If  tit.  in  initiS'  ny  it  not,  and  it  is  kyioren  to  aVmen  ,  that  they  hate  us,   and  accurfe  us  ,  and  will  not  be 
called  our  Brethren  ,  yet  &c.  without  doubt  they  are  our  Brethren.    And  a  little  after  ,^ 
And  becaufe  they  will  not  have  the  Epifcopal  Colledge  common  with  us ,  let  them  not  be 
our  Fellow-Collegians,  if  they  will  not  •,  yet,  as  J  faid  before  ,   they  are  our  Brethren, 
This  is  juft  the  cafe  between  them  and  us  ,  we  offer  them  the  right  hand  of  Bro- 
therhood ,  as  the  Catholicks  did  to  the  Donatifts ,  but  they  refufe  it ,  as  the  Dona- 
tifts did  to  the  Catholicks.     Secondly  ,  The  Donatifts  feparated  the  whole  Catho- 
lick  Church  from  their  Communion  ,  and  fubftitutcd  themfelves ,  being  but  a  final! 

part 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  Ene,hnd  iHc 


part  of  the  Chriftian  World  in  the  place  of  the  Catholick  Church.     Juft  as  the 
KomaHijh  do  at  this  day.     Opatus  fpeaks  home  unto  them  both,  the  old  and  new        , 
Vonatijif.     Si  fro  voluntate  vejira  in  angujhon  coarSatis  Ecclefiam,  Sec.  If  ye  fir  your  ^J"   '  ^l^'"J^, 
pleafure  do  thruji  the  Church  into  a  jlraight^if  ye  jubflraU  all  Natiom.rvhere  it  ti.m  which  tin!"" 
the  Son  of  Cod  hath  merited? tphere  is  that  which  the  Fathir  hath  given  him  ?  IrviV  give  I'fal.  z. 
■  thee  the  Heathen  fur  thine  inheritance,and  the  uttermnji  parts  of  the  Earth  for  thy  pojjejji- 
on,     IFhy  do  yoH  infringe  this  promife  ?  or  impnfin  this  Vniverfal  Kingdom?  &cc.  Suf- 
fer the  Son  to  poffeji  his  Fathers  gift.     Suffer  the  Father  to  fulfill  his  promife.     JVhydo 
you  fet  bounds  and  limits  ?  Andjiillye  endeavour  to  perfjvade  men  that  the  Church  is 
onely  with  you.     Let  the  Reader  judge  who  are  the  right  heirs  of  the  Vonatijis.  . 

The  reft  of  his  difcourfe  is  a  groundlefs  asking  of  the  Queftion.     Firft,thofe  Ko-  j^°iJf"nS 
wa«-Catholicks  did  make  no  feparation  from  the  Roman  Church,  but  from  the  Ko-  notagainfl 
man  Court.     Secondly,  they  (eparated  from  the  Koman  Court  onely  in  its  Innovations  confciencein 
without  criminous  Schifm.     Thirdly,  we  cannot,  we  dare  not,be  fo  uncharitable  as  *^'''  f^P*"^*"* 
to  judge  that  the  whole  Kingdom,  and  all  the  Paftors  of  the  Church,  did  fih  a-  °"' 
gainft  their  Confciencei  but"  we  believe  firmly  that  it  was  the  clear  light  and  evidence 
of  truth,  that  made  them  fo  unanimous  in  their  feparation.     Fourthly,  though  they 
had  finned  againft  the  known  truth,  not  being  done  of  malice,  it   was  not  the  fin 
againft  the  Holy  Ghoft.  St.  Teter  did  not  fin  againft  the  Holy  Ghoft  when  he  denied 
Chrift.     Fifthly,  though  they  had  finned  againft  Confcience  in  feparating,  yet  the 
fault  being  not  in  the  thing  done,  but  in  the  Confcience  of  the  doer,  we  being  better 
informed  may  with  a  good  Conlcience  hold,  what  they  with  a  bad  Confcience.  did 
take  away.     Laftly,  though  they  had  finned,  not  onely  in  feparating  againft  Con- 
fcience, but  alfo  in  the  very  adt  of  feparation  \     yet  we  who  found  the  feparation 
made  to  our  hands,  who  never  did  any  aft  either  to  oblige  us  to  Kome^  or  to  diC- 
oblige  us  from  Kome.,  holding  what  we  received  from  our  Anceftors,  and  endeavou- 
ring to  find  out  the  truth,  and  ready  to  receive  it  whenfoever  God  fhall  reveal  it 
unto  us,  are  not  cenfurable  zi  Schifmiticks,  as  I  proved  out  of  St.  Auftine^  though 
K.  C.  be  pleafed  to  take  no  notice  of  it. 

Here  he  makes  a  (hort  double  and  will  needs  have  Henry  the  Eight  to  have  been  jfcnrfiht 
a  fubjiantial  Proteflant.     If  he  was  a  Proteftant,  doubtlels  he   was  a  fiibftantial  Pro- Eighth  no  Pro- 
teftant.     But  why  a  Proteftant  <•  Doftor  Barnes  and  many  more  who  were  burned  teftanc. 
by  him  for  Proteftants,  would  hasdly  have   believed  it.     But  he  faith,  Henry  the 
Eight  was  an  Antipapift,  and  that  is  fufficient  to  make  a  Proteftant.     If  that  be 
(ufficientto  make  a  Proteftant  it  is  well,  other  wife  one  of  his  friends  tells  us,  iVehad 
a  King  who  by  hii  Laxos  abolished  the  Authority  of  the  Pope,  although  in  all  other  things  Agi^f-I'  j, 
he  would  follow  the  Faith  of  his  Anceftors.     Lately  he  told  us,  that  the  Elfence  and  59.' 
Life  and  Soul  and  Definition  of  a  Proteftant,  was  to  hold  Juftification  by  Faith 
alone  ■■,  then  Henry  the  Eighth  was  no  Proteftant,  for  he  did  not  hold  juftification  by 
Faith  alone.  Now  he  makes  the  Effence  of  a  Proteftant,  to  be  impugning  the  Popes 
Supremacy. I  had  not  thought ElTences  or  Definitions  had  been  fo  mutable:  but  for 
my  part  I  am  glad  of  the  change.     If  all  Antipapifts  be  Proteftants,  then  all  the 
Grecian,  Armenian,  Abyfen,  Kujjian,  Chriftians  are   Proteftants  -■>  then  we  fhall  not 
want  Proteftants  to  bear  us  company  in  the  Church  of  Rome  it  felf^  fo  long  as  there 
are  any  followers  of  the  Councils  of  Conjlance  and  Baftl. 

But  fome  Proteftants  have  confefTed,  That  he  was  a  Member  of  the  Catholickfihurch.  schifm.p.  103 
why  not  ?  There  are  many  Members  of  the  Catholich^Chuxch  befides  Proteftants.  b.  Tteniqne 
Others  call  him  a  true  "Defender  of  the  true  Faith,  a  Defender  of  the  Gofpel,  an  Embra-  nulla  in  re  a 
cer  of  the  pure  Gofpel  of  Chri^,  reje&ing  devices  of  men  contrary  thereunto.  All  this  may  fi.^'  9f'^?j*''* 
be  true,  and  yet  they  neither  fay  nor  intend  this  abfolutely,  but  comparatively  j  not  illfJJl'i^^J^ 
Univerfally,but  refpe(3:iveIy,tofome  particular  controverted  points,  and  principally  luxuri^  caufa 
.this  of  the  Supremacy. 

I  charged  fome  for  making  the  cruelty  of  the  Proteftants,.  and  the  rigour  of  their  f^P.f^  njc 
Lawsthe  motives  of  their  falling  away  from  the  Englijh  Chutch  ■■,     and  fliewed  ^.jjiQQ-^J'f  ^uj- 
that  more  Proteftants  fuffered  not  cnely  death,  but  extreme  torments  in  death,  for  peaal  Laws. 
Religion,  in  the  (hort  Reign  of  Queen  Mary,  than  Roman-dtholkks  in  all  the  much 
longer  Reigns  of  all  the  ProtelVant  Princes  fince  the  Reformation  i     and  tliat  the 
Kingdom  of  France  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Venice  had  made  the  like  Laws  to 

S  ours. 


i8:t 


A  Jnji  Vindication T  O  M  E  i- 


ours.     Whatlbcver  I  fay  in  our  defence  he  takes  no  notice  of,  but  declaims     againa 
the  iniullicc  of  our  Laws  and  Judges,  not  without  a  fpecious    (hew  of  reafon 
Wherefore  becaufe  it  intrencheth  upon  the  honour  of  our  Church  and   Nation,! 
will  take  the  liberty  tofearch  this  fore  to  the  bottom.  .  ,  ^     ,. 

I  confefs  that  no  man,or  Society  of  men,can  be  )ulHy  punilhed  (  notwithftandmg 
the  brutilTi  Opinions  of  fome  perfons  )  becaufe  they  are  noxious,  unlefs  they  be 
noxious  in  the  eye  of  the  Law.  No  not  by  a  Legiflative  Authority.  Where  a 
man  cannot  give  fentence  innocently,  he  cannot  vote  mnocently.  The  reafon  is 
plain,  lyi^ere  there  if  no  Law,  there  is  no  TraHJgrefton  ■■>  and  where  there  is  no  Tranf- 
ereifion,  there  is  no  guilt,  nor  juftpunilhment. 

•     Secondly,!  confefs  that  a  Law  made  Uke  a  Cafting-net,  to  throw  over  iTien? 
^'  '*  lives  is  '5>-f  «»e/.»'wTx.t  ,a  molt  lawlefs  Law.     In  the  Twelve  TablesCwhicli  Lhy  calls 

L  I  rf<or<.ror.  the  fountains  of  publick  and  private  right  i  which  alone  faid  My,  do  excel!  all 
theLibrariesof  all  the  Philofophers  in  the  World )it  is  thus  Enaded,  accordmg 
11,^.12, f«*.  jQ  fhe  excellent  concife  fimplicity  of  their  ftile,  Privilegia  ne  imogam.  Let  no  pri- 
Mn  Gar  in  ■vite  Laws  be  made  to  any  mans  hurt  or  prejudice.  Likewife  it  was  the  Law  of  Solon^ 
The'^pbra-  That  w  Lawjhotild  be  made  of  particular  men,  '.*V  f-J  ^3'  -«"'  y'  ««»"  *;>"«"..  vh. 
fl>""-  unlefs  it  were  impofed  upon  all  the  ^t^f«w«/ indifferently  (  faid  JJemojihenes.)  For 

cont.  Ariflo-  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^  thebans  had  a  mind  to  banilh  Heraclitut,  they  durft  not 
malm.  name  him,  but  pointed  him  out  in  general,  JT  there  was  any  man  in  this  City  that  ne- 
ver lauaht  and  hated  all  Mankind,  let  him  depart  before  Sun-jet  y  Thmkmg  vamly  to 
hide  the'  nakednefs  of  their  Law  with  a  few  figg-leaves  of  general  cxprellions. 
So  Univerfally  was  this  received  throughout  the  World,  that  Laws  (hould  not  be 
made  for  the  ruine  of  particular  Subjecfts. 

Thirdly,  W^e  muft  take  notice  that  many  things  are  lawful  inpublick  Juftice,  that 
is,in  Warr,  or  Legillation,  or  the  like,  which  are  not  lawful  in  particular  jufticc 
between  SubjcdV  and  Subjed.     As  it  is  lawful  to  pull  down  any  Citizens  houfc,  to 
fave  the  whole  City  from  fire.     It  is  lawful  to  make  uFe  of  any  mans  land,  to  make 
a  bank  to  fave  the  whole  Country  from  inundation  i  in  which  cafes  neverthelels 
the  publick  is  obliged  to  repair  the  Subjeds  damage.     Suppofe  the  greater  part  of 
a  City  Ihould  force  the  honeficr  part  to  fubmit  to  their  pleafurc,  and  contribute  td 
their  Rebellious  courfes  ,  or  force  them  to  it,  the  party  forced  is  Innocent.     Yet 
in  the  recovery  of  the  Town,  the  honeft  Citizens  areas  fubjedt  to  be  flain,  their 
houfes  to  be  burned,  their  goods  to  be  plundered,  as  the  moft  -difloyal :  And  juftiy. 
For  it  being  lawful  to  reduce  the  City  to  Obedience  by  Warr,  this  juftifies  all  ne- 
ceflary  means  of  redudrion.     And  the  honeft  party  who  fuffer  without  fault,  can- 
not blame  the  Magiftrates  for  their  (li/ferings,  nor  the  Souldiers  who  do  their  corr^ 
mands,  but  their  fellow  Citizens.     But  when  this  neceffity  is  over,  and  the  City  is 
reduced,  and  diftindlion  can  be  raade,particular  Juftice  muft  take  place  again,&  then 
none  ought  to  fuffer  but  Delinquents,  according  to  the  degree  of  their  Delinquency. 
Fourthly,  To  proceed  one  ftep  nearer  to  the  cafe  in  Queftion.    The  fame  necefli- 
ty  doth  juftifie  thofeLaws  which  are  Enadcd  for  the  common  fafety  and  Tranquil- 
lity of  the  whole  body  politick,  under  whatfoever  penalties  they  are  pleaftd  to  im- 
pofe,  as  banifhment,  confifcation  of  goods,  imprifbfiment,  or  death  it  felf^  fb  they 
be  proportioned   to  the  exigence  of  the  dangers  greater  or  lefler,  though  there 
Laws  prove  burthenfome  to  particular  Citizens,  or  reftrain  Subjecfts  from  the  excr- 
cife  of  thofe  things  which  otherwife  were  beneficial,  lawful,  and  laudable  to  them 
in  particular.    Suppofe  a  General  ftiould  make  an  Edift,  That  no  Souldier,  under 
pain  of  death,  ftiould  leave  the  Camp  :  Yet  one  goes  to  vifit  his  Father  being  fick, 
and  fuffcrs  for  it.     This  is  not  for  doing  his  filial  duty,  but  for  violating  of  his 
General's  Edid.    In  Ireland  it  was  forbidden  by  Statute,  under  pain  of  moft  levere 
punifhmcnt,  to  u(c  the  words  Crumabo  and  Butlerabo,  becaufe  they  were  Badges  of 
Fadion,  and   incentives  to   Sedition.    The  Philiftims  did  not  fuffer  a  Smith  in 
Ifiael,  leaft  the  Hebrews  fliould  make  themfelves  Swords  and  Spears.     The  King  of 
Spain,  weighing  the  danger  that  might  arife  from  the  numerous    multitudes  of 
Moors  within  his  Dominions,  fent  them  all  packing  away  by  an  Edid.     The  Athe- 
»MKJ  thought  it  no  injufticeto  banifli  their  chicfeft  and  moft  loyal  Citizens,  if  they 
feared  a  Tyranny,  or  ncceliify  of  State  did  require  it.     All  Nations  have  their  Im- 

bargucs 


Discourse  I II.        Of  the  Church  of  EnghnA.  i8^ 

bargues,  and  prohibited  goods,  and  forbid  all  Commerce  and  Converfation  with 
thole  that  are  in  open  holHlity  againlt  them.  If  a  Ship  arrive  from  any  places  in- 
ferred with  (bme  contagious  diieafe,  tlicy  keep  the  palTengers  from  mixing  with 
their  Subjefts,  until  they  have  given  lufHcient  proof  that  they  arc  found.  If  they 
find  caufe  to  banifli  a  Citizen,  either  for  a  prefixed  term,  or  for  ever,  under  pain  of 
death,  or  forfeiture  of  all  their  goods,if  there  be  a  necellityin  it  tofecure  the  Com- 
monwealth, they  may  do  it.  And  if  the  perfons  fo  banifhcd  will  return  on  their 
own  heads,  upon  pretence  that  they  love  their  Country  fo  well  that  they  cannot 
live  out  of  it  i  or  if  any  of  them  being  a  Clergy-man  fliould  pretend  that  he  re- 
turns out  of  Confcience  to  do  the  Offices  of  his  Function  among  his  Countrymen", 
it  is  not  the  Law,  but  they  who  pull  the  penalty  of  the  Law  upon  themfelves.  In 
fum,  it  is  clear  that  whenfoever  a  Prince  or  a  Republick,  out  of  jurt  neceliity,  and 
for  the  prefervation  of  the  Commonwealth,  (hall  retrain  their  fubjcdrs  from  any 
thing  that  threatens  the  fame  with  imminent  dangers,  upon  whatfoever  penalty  it 
be,fo  jt  be  proportionable  to  the  danger,  it  is  juft.  And  if  the  Subjedl  will  not 
obey,  his  blood  is  upon  his  own  head.  The  onely  Queliion  is,  whether  there  was 
at  that  time  not  onely  a  pretended,  but  a  real,  necedity  to  make  thofe  Laws,  which 
they  call  fanguinary  or  bloody,  for  the  prefervation  of  the  Commonwealth.  This 
is  the  cafe  between  the  Ko?KJ»i/b  and  us,  upon  thcfe  Two  hinges  this  controverfic 
is  moved. 

Then  to  leave  the  Thefis,  and  come  unto  the  Hypothdis,  and  to  (licw  that  at 
that  time  there  was  a  real  neceilfty  for  the  making  of  thole  Laws.  Firft,  let  it  be 
obferved,  that  after  the  feceffion  of  the  Englijh  Church  from  the  Court  of  Kome,  .   ■ 

the  fucceeding  Popes  have,  for  the  moft  part,  looked  upon  England  with  a  very  ill 
eye-     Witnefs  that  terrible  and  unparallelled  Excomn!unication  and  I  nterdidlion  of 
England^  a  Deprivation  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  formerly  mentioned,  publifhed  at  Vtin-  Sditd.de  Scbif 
kjrh^^^  bccaufe  they  durft  bring  it  no  nearer.     Witnels  the  Bull  of  Anathematizati-  L.t. 
on  and  Deprivation, by  Fius  the  Fifth,  againft  Queen   Elizabeth   and  all  her  adhe-  C<»(/.  Aimal. 
rents,  abfolving  all  her  Subjcds  from  their  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  without  fo  much  ^''^•^•'•f-^' 
as  an  admonition  preceding.     Witnefs  the  Popes  Negotiations  with  the  Engli(h, 
Spanijh^  French,  and  Portughefes,  to  have  Queen  Elizabeth  taken  away  by  murthcr, 
and  the  Frame  of  the  Government  altered,  publifhed  at  Kome  by  Hieronymo  Catena 
Secretary  to  Cardinal  ^/exWm/o,  in  the  time,  and  with  the  priviledge  of,  Sixtus  jtieml.2,t,^\. 
the  Fifth.  Witnefs  the  Legantine  Authority  given    to  Sanders,  and  the  hallowed 
Banner  fent  with  him  and  A]len  Two  Romip  Priefts,  to  countenance  the  Earl  of 
Df/wflW  in  his  Rebellion  :    and  the  Phsnix  plume  fent  to  Teroxpen,  to  incourage  W?m/-2.p.98. 
him  likewife  in  his  Rebellion,  &  a  plenary  Indulgence  for  him  and  all  his  adherents  ^'^^'"J-  ^-P- 
and  allillants,  from  C/mra*  the  Eighth.     Laftly  ,  witnefs  the  Two  Briefs  fent  by  ^p![fj'^^°' 
the  fame  Pope  to  exclude  King  James  from  the  inheritance  of  the  Crown  of  Eng- 
land, unlels  he  would  take  an  Oath  to  promote  the  Koman-CathoVick  intereft. 

This  is  not  all.  In  the  lecond  place  the  Popes,  to  have  the  greater  influence  upon 
England^did  themfelves  found  Ofconferve  (evcral  Colleges  or  Seminaries  of  Englijh 
Priefts  at  Kome,  at  Khemes,  at  Votvay  ■■,  where  the  Englijh  youth  were  trained  up 
more  for  the  advantage  of  the  Pope,  than  of  their  Prince  and  Native  Country, 
what  thole  Principles  were  which  were  then  infufed  into  them,  I  have  neither 
means  at  prefent,  nor  in  truth  defire,to  inquire,  becaulc  I  hope  that  at  this  day  they 
are  dilclaimed  by  all  or  the  moft  learned  and  moderate  perfons  of  thole  Societies  : 
Onely  for  the  juftification  of  my  Native  Country,  give  me  leave  to  fet  down  fome 
of  them  in  the  words  of  the  former  learned  Hiftoriographer.  Sujpicions  alfo  n-ere  caml  AnnaJ. 
daily  raifed  by  the  great  }tumber  of  Priefis  creeping  more  and  more  into  England,  rrho  /.  g.  p.  ii. 
frivily  felt  mens  minds,  jf read  abroad^'that  Princes  Excommunicate  rvere  to  be  depofed : 
and  rvhijpered  in  corners,  Thatfuch  Princes  as  profejfed  not  the  Roman  Religion,  had  for- 
feited their  Title  and  Regal  Authority :  That  thofe  men  which  had  entered  into  holy  Or- 
ders, tvere,  by  a  certain  Ecclefiaflical  freedom,  exempted  from  all  JurifdiViion  of  Princes, 
and  not  bound  by  their  Laws,  nor  ought  to  reverence  their  Ma]ej}y  :  And  that  the  Rifliop 
0/ Rome  hath  fitpreme  Authority  and  mol}  full porver  over  the  whole  World,  yea  even  in 
Temporal  matters  :  And  that  the  Magijhates  of  England  were  no  lawful  Magifirates  i 
tnd  therefore  not  to  be  accounted  for  i/Iagijirates  :  Tea,  that  all  things  whatfoever  done  by 

S  3  the 


""TsT  ~  A  Juji  Vindication  T  O  M  E  1. 

the  'Queens  Autimity,  from  the  time  that  the  Bull  declatory  oj  Pius  Quintus  vcm  ftiblijh- 
(d  «vrf  hy  the  Ljsps  of  God  and  Man  altogether  vuid^  and  to  he  tjleemed  nothing.  And 
fome  of  them  difkmbkd  not  that  they  voere  returned  into  England  Jfith  no  other  intent, 
than  by  reconciling  in  confelftim,  to  alfolve  every  one  in  particular  from  all  Oaths  of  AUe- 
ciatice' and  Obedience  to  the  ^een.  Judge  how  fuch  EmifTaries  dclerved  to  be  wel- 
comed into  a  Kingdom.     More  might  be  added,  but  this  it  felf  is  enough  or  too 

much. 

Laftly,  View  all  the  Tieafons  and  Rebellioas  that  were  in  Queen  Elizabeth''^  time, 
and  fee  from  what  fourcc  they  did  fpring.     farfons  propofcd  to  Papills  the  depofing 
of  the  Queen,  (b  far  forth  that  fome  of  them  thought  to  have  delivered  him  into 
the  Magillratcs  hands  i    and  wrote  a  Book  under  the  name  of  Vokman,  to  intitlc 
the  Infanta  of  Spain  to  the  Crown  of  England.     Of  Sanders  1  have  fpoken  formerly. 
Onely  let  mc  add  this.  That  when  he  was  found  dead,  they  found  in  his  pouch  Ora- 
tions and  Epiftlcs  to  confirm  the  Rebels,  with  promife  of  aflifiance  from  the  Bi- 
nu.  li.pM'  ^OP  of  ^"'"^  ^"'^  others.     P^wconfefled,  That  that  which  finally  fettled  him  in 
/.  ?-V  7'4-*    '  his  treafonable  purpofe,  to  kill  the  Queen,  was  the  reading  of  AVetis  Book,  that  Prin- 
ces Excommunicated  for  Herefie  were  to  be  deprived  of  life.     Ballard  was  himfelf 
a  pricft  of  the  Seminary  of  Khemes.     Sec  his  confpiracy.     I  pafs  by  the  commoti- 
ons raifed  in  Scotland  by  Britce^  Creighton,  znd  Hates.    Squire  zccaCed  J f^alpookfot 
fT'p-^i"^^     putting  him  upon  it  to  poyfon  the  Queen.     I  fpeak  not  of  the  conftllion  of  John 
Nicholas,  nor  the  Tefiimony  of  Eliot  mentioned  in  their  own  Apology,  becaufe  they 
Apol.  M*Tt.      are  not  of  undoubted  Faith.     This  is  moft  certain.  That  when  Campian  was  inter- 
p.  339.  rogated  before  his  dcath,whcther  Queen  Elizabeth  were  a  lawful  and  rightful  Queen, 

herefufed  toanfwer  :  And  being  asked.  If  the  Popefliould  fend  forces  againft  the 
Queen,  whether  he  would  take*  part  with  the  Queen  or  the  Pope,  he  openly  profefled 
and  teftified  under  his  hand,  that  he  would  ftand  for  the  Pope.  The  fame  Author 
f  J  p  11."'  addeth,  That  his  fellows  being  examined  in  like  manner,  either  refufed  to  anfwer, 
or  gave  fuch  ambiguous  and  prevaricatory  anfwers,  that  fome  ingenuous  Catho- 
licks  began  to  fufpedl  that  they  foftered  fome  Treachery. 

Lay  all  thefe  together,  their  dilloyal  anfwers,  their  feditious  tenets,  fo  many 
Treacherous  attempts,  fo  many  open  Rebellions,  fo  many  Dcpofitions  and  Depri- 
vations and  Exclulions,  fomany  Books  brim-Pall  of  prodigious  Treafoni  at  liich 
a  time  when  the  ieditious  Opinions  of  that  party  were  in  their  Zenith  v  when  fedi- 
tious pcrfons  crowded  over  daily  in  fuch  numbers  i  when  the  Heir  apparent  of 
the  Crown  of  England  was  a  Row^M-Catholick:  And  let  any  reafonable  man  judge, 
whether  the  Kingdom  of  England  had  not  juft  caufe  of  fear  >  whether  they  were 
not  neceffitated  to  provide  nequid  detrimenti  caferei  Ke^ublica,  that  the  Common- 
fpealthjhouldf^jiaitt  no  lofl\  whether  our  Statefmen  who  did  then  fit  at  the  ftern, 
were  not  obliged  to  their  Prince  and  to  their  Country,  to  provide  by  all  means 
poflible  for  the  fecurity  of  their  Prince  and  tranquillity  of  their  Country,  which 
could  not  be  done  at  that  time,  without  the  exclufion  of  fuch  Bigots  and  Bowtifeus 
from  among  them,  nor  they  be  poffibly  excluded  but  by  fuch  fevere  Laws, 
a*'''  ''^»  V'  Thefe  are  the  very  reafons  given  in  the  Edid  it  felf ,  That  it  did  plainly  appear  to 
jitdTt.  '  ^^^  Majejiy  and  her  Council ,  by  many  examinations  ,  hy  their  ovon  Letters  and  confefsi- 
ens  ,  andhy  the  aSual  con^iracies  of  the  lih^  perfons  fent  into  Ireland  hy  the  Fope,  that 
the  end  and  fcope  offending  them  into  her  Mdjefties  Dominions  ,  rvas  Jo  prepare  the  Sub' 
jeUs  to  afsifr  forreign  Invaders,  to  excite  thep>eofle  to  Kebellion,  and  to  deprive  her  Majefty 
of  her  Crown,  and  Dignity,  and  life  it  felf. 

Yet  may  we  not  accufe  all  for  the  faults  of  fome.  Though  many  of  them  who 
were  bred  in  thofe  Seminaries  ,  were  Peidioners  of  the  Pope  ,  the  King  of  Spain  ^ 
or  the  Duke  of  Cuife  ,  all  which  at  that  time  were  in  open  Hoftility  with  the 
Crown  of  England,  f  Is  it  not  lawful  to  forbid  Subjedts  to  be  bred  in  an  Enemies 
Country,  or  to  turn  their  Penfioners  ?  or  if  they  do  go  out  of  themfelves  ,  to  ex- 
clude them  from  their  Native  Soil  >  )  Yet  in  other  places ,  and  it  may  be  in  thofe 
Colledges  alfo  ,  many  others  preferved  their  Principles  of  Loyalty.  At  the  fame 
time  Dr.  Bifhop  ,  ■  one  of  the  Koman  Communion  ,  writ  *  Book  to  prove ,  That 
the  Conftitution  obtruded  upon  the  World ,  under  the  name  of  the  Lateran  Coun- 
cil ,  upon  which  the  Pope's  Authority  of  depofing  Princes ,  and  abfolving  Subject 

from 


Discourse  111.      Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  igi- 


from  their  Allegiance  is  founded  ,  was  not  decreed  by  the  Fathers  ,  nor  ever  ad- 
mitted in  England ,  but  was  a  private  Decree  of  Pope  Innocent  the  Third.  If  all 
his  Fellows  had  held  the  fame  moderation ,  there  had  been  no  need  of  fuch  Laws. 
But  it  is  a  remedilefs  mifery  of  Societies,  that  when  dirtind:ion  cannot  be  made  be- 
tween the  guilty  and  the  innocent,  publick  Juftice  (  which  feeks  to  prevent  the 
common  danger)  looks  upon  the  whole  Society  with  one  eye.  And  if  any  innocent 
perfons  fuffer,  they  mult  not  blame  the  Law,  but  their  own  Fellows,  who  gave  juft 
occafion  for  the  making  of  fuch  fevere  Laws, 

So  we  fee  how  many  things  here  were  of  their  own  Eledion.     Firft,  They  were 
warned  by  an  Edidl  not  to  Irudy  in  thofe  Seminaries  ,  which  were  founded  and 
maintained  by  fuch  as  were  at  that  time  in  publick  Hoftility  with  the  Crown  of 
England.    Ncverthelefs   they  would    do  it.     They  were  commanded  to  return 
home  by  a  prefixed  time.     They  would  not  do  it.     This  alone  had  been  fufficient 
to  punifti  them  as  Traytors  by  the  ancient  Laws  of  the  Land.     Yet  farther  ,  they 
wer.e  commanded  upon  pain  of  death,  not  to  return  mzo  England,  nor  to  exer- 
cife  their  Prieftly  Fundions  there.     Yet  they  did  it.     And  one  of  them  writ  a  Let-  EJm.    Camf. 
ter  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council ,  That  be  n>as  come  over,  and  would  not  defiji  until  he  epfl-  *i 
had  either  turned  them  to  be  F\Om3Ln-Catholickj,  or  dyed  ufon  their  Lances,  Ckic,  A. 

To  conclude  ,  if  we  view  the  particular  Laws,  we  fhall  find  that  they  looked  ^''^' 
more  upon  the  Court  of  Rowf,  than  the  Church  of  Rome.  The  Adt  and  Oath  of 
Supremacy  were  framed  in  the  days  of  Henry  the  Eighth ,  by  Rc»jj«-Catholicks 
themfelves.  The  Firft  penal  Laws  of  this  nature,  that  I  find  made  by  Queen  Eliza- 
beth ,  were  in  the  Sixth  year  of  her  Reign ,  againft  thofe  who  (hould  maintain 
the  Authority  of  the  Pope  Thrice  by  Word  or  Writing  ,  or  refufc  the  Oath  of  Su- 
premacy Twice.  The  Second,  in  the  Fourteenth  year  of  her  Reign  ,  againft  thofe 
who  (hould  pronounce  the  Queen  to  be  an  Heretick,  Schifmatick  ,  or  Infidel.  And 
like  wife  thofe  who  brought  over  Bulls  from  the  Bifliop  of  Rome ,  to  reconcile  any 
of  the  Queens  Subjefe ,  or  Indulgences,  or  Agnus  Dei ,  or  the  like.  Yet  was  this 
never  put  in  execution  for  Six  years ,  until  the  execution  of  it  was  extorted.  All 
this  either  concerned  the  Court  of  Rome ,  or  fuch  Ads  as  were  not  neceflary  to  a 
Roman-CzthoVick  for  the  enjoyment  of  his  Confcience.  A  man  might  believe  free- 
ly what  his  Confcience  didiated  to  him ,  or  pradtife  his  own  Religion ,  fb  he  pra- 
ted not  too  much  ,  nor  medled  with  others.  Afterwards  in  the  Twenty  third  year 
of  her  Reign ,  ilTued  out  the  Proclamation  againft  the  Englijh  Seminaries,  wherein 
her  Subjedts  were  bred  Penfioners  to  the  Enemies  of  her  Crown.  The  laft  Laws  of 
this  kind  were  made  in  the  Twenty  fourth  year  of  her  Reign,  againft  thofe  who 
Ihould  difTwade  Englijh  Subjedts  from  their  obedience  to  their  Prince  ,  or 
from  the  Religion  eftablifhed  ,  or  {hould  reconcile  them  to  the  Church  of 
Rome. 

In  all  thefe  Laws ,  though  extorted  from  the  Queen  by  fo  many  Rebellions,  and 
Treafons  ,  and  Deprivations ,  and  extremeft  neceffity,  there  was  nothing  that  did 
refledt  upon  an  old  quiet  Queen  Mary's  Prieft  ,  or  any  that  were  Ordained  within 
the  Land  by  the  Romijh  Biftiops  then  furviving  ,  fo  they  were  not  over-bufie,  and 
medled  with  others.  Thefe  might  have  fufficed  for  officiating  to  Roman-Ca.tho~ 
licks ,  if  the  Pope  had  pleafed  :  But  he  preferred  his  own  ends  before  their  fafety  , 
Non  his  inventus  orta  parentibus  infecit  £qunr  fanguine.  Thefe  were  not  principled  for 
his  purpofe  ,  nor  of  that  temper  that  his  affairs  required.  And  therefore  he  eredl- 
ed  new  Seminaries  ,  and  placed  new  Readers  according  to  his  own  mind  i  and  in 
conclufion ,  forced  the  Queen  to  ufe  necelfary  remediesto  fave  her  felf  and  the 
Kingdom.  Thefe  things  being  premifed ,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  Anfwer  to  all 
which  R.  C.  faith. 

Firft  ,  he  faith.  That  in  all  the  pretended  cafes  of  Treafon ,  there  is  m  eledion  but 
of  matters  of  Religion,  and  that  they  fuffer  meerly  for  matters  of  Religion  ,  without 
anyfherv  of  true  'treafon.  I  confefs  that  Treafe)n  is  complicated  with  Religion  in  it. 
But  I  deny  that  they  fuffer  meerly  for  Religion ,  any  more  than  he  that  poyfoncd  an 
Emperor  or  a  Prior  in  the  Sacrament ,  could  have  been  faid  to  fuffer  for  admini- 
flring  the  Sacrament ,  and  not  rather  for  mixing  poyfon  with  the  Sacrament  \  or 
than  he    who,  out  of  blind  obedience  to  his  Superior ,  kills  a  man  ,  can  be  faid  to 

S  3  fuifet 


,  g^  A  Jufi  y indication  T  O  M  t  I. 


fuffer  death  for  liis  Confcience  ■,  or  he  ,  who  being  infcdlcd  with  the  Plague  ,  and 
lecking  to  infedt  others,  if  he  be  (hot  dead  in  the  attempt ,  can  [ic  be  faid  to  ("urfer 
for  his  ficknefs.  In  fo  many  dellgns  to  take  away  the  Queens  Hfe  ,  in  fo  many  Re- 
bellions, in  fo  many  feditious  tenets ,  info  many  traytorous  Books',  and  Laftly, 
in  adhering  unto  ,  and  turning  Tenfioner  to  a  pubiick  profcfild  Enemy  of  their 
Prince  and  Native  Country  ,  can  he  fee  no  Treafon  ?  nothing  but  matters  of  Reli- 
gion? If  he  cannot,  or  will  notj  yet  they  who  were  more  nearly  concerned  in  it,  had 
reafon  to  look  better  about  them. 

He  asks  hon>  Jean  iearm  that  political  Supremacy,  which  U  Supremacy  in  all  caufss  , 
to  wit^  Ecclefiaftical  or  'Religioiu  ?  I  Anfwer  ,  Very  well  ;  As  the  King  is  the  Keep- 
er of  both  Tables,  to  fee  that  every  one  of  his  Subjcdis  do  his  duty  in  his  place, 
whether  Clergy-man  or  Lay-man  ,  and  to  inflidt  political  punifliment  upon  them 
who  are  delinquent.  And  where  he  faith  that  ^een  Elizabeth  challenged  more^  he 
doth  her  wrong.  She  challenged  no  more.  And  moreover  in  her  Firft  Parlia- 
ment took  order  to  have  tht  Bead  of  the  Englifh  Church  left  out  of  her  Ti- 
tle. 

He  demands  farther.  Whether  Nero  by  the  fame  right  might  not  have  condemned 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  of  treafon ,  fur  coming  to  Rome  rvith  forbidden  Orders,  andfeekc 
ing  tofeduce  hU  Subjeds  from  the  jkeligion  eflablifhed  .?  No ,  for  no  Orders  were  for- 
bidden in  Kowe  by  Law,  trueorfalfe.  Neither  did  thofe  blefled  Aportles  feducc 
Subje(fls,  when  they  converted  them  from  vanities  to  ferve  the  Living  God.  Let 
him  (hew  that  St.  Peter  by  his  declaratory  Bull  did  deprive  Nero  of  his  Empire,  and 
abfblvc  his  Subjedls  from  their  Allegiance ,  or  had  his  Emiffaries  to  incite  them  to 
Rebellion,  or  fent  hallowed  Banners  ,  and  Phoenix-plumes ,  and  plenary  Indul- 
gences ,  to  thofe  who  were  in  Arms  againft  him  ,  or  plotted  hl^w  to  take  away  his 
life ,  or  that  Chriftians  in  thofe  days  did  publifh  any  fjch  feditious  Books  ,  or 
broach  Opinions  fo  pernicious  to  all  civil  Government.  And  then  his  Queftion  will 
defcrve  a  farther  Anfwer.  Until  then  it  may  fuffice  to  tell  him  the  cafe  is  not  the 
fame.  Still  he  confounds  political  Supremacy  with  Ecclefiaftical ,  and  the  accidental 
abufcs  of  Holy  Orders  with  Holy  Orders  themfelves.  f 

Upon  this  miftake  ,  he  urgcth  an  Enthymeme  againft  us  ,  Fopijh  Friefthood  and 
Troteftant  Mimftry  are  the  fame  infubjiance :  Therefore  if  the  one  be  Ireafonabk,  the  other 
is  Treafonable  alfo.  His  coniequence  is  jult  fuch  another  as  this  i  Thomas  and  Nicho- 
las arc  both  the  fame  creatures  infubftance,  that  is,  menv  Therefore  if  Thomas  be  a 
Traytor ,  Nicholas  is  another.  How  often  mull  he  be  told  ,  that  their  Treafon  did 
not  lie  in  the  fubftance  of  their  Holy  Orders  ,  but  in  the  abules ,  and  in  the  Treafo- 
nable crimes  of  the  perfons  conftituted  in  Holy  Orders,  in  tiieir  difobedience  to  the 
Laws,  in  being  Peniioncrs  to  pubiick  enemies  of  the  Kingdom,  &c. 

But  he  preffeth  this  Argument  yet  farther.  Jf  Popijff  Priefts  can  be  larpfully  'forbid-' 
den  by  Protefiants  to  return  into  England  ,  contrary  to  the  Larvs  under  pain  of  Treafon  > 
then  Proteftant  Minifiers  may  be  alfo  forbidden  by  Puritans  and  Independents  to  return  in- 
to England,  contrary  to  their  Laws,  upon  painvf  Treafon. 

Hoc  Ithacus  velit,  &  magna  mercentur  Achivi. 

This  is  that  which  many  of  them  defirc.  They  doubt  not  at  long  running  to 
deal  well  enough  with  the  reft  ,  but  the  Englifh  Protellants  are  a  beam  in  their  eye. 
To  his  Argument  I  Anfwer  by  denying  his  Confequence,  which  halts  downright 
opon  all  Four.  Firft  ,  Let  him  (hew  that  thofe,  whom  he  tearms  Puritans  and  In- 
dependents ,  have  the  fame  juft  power.  Secondly  ,  That  there  is  fuch  a  Law  in 
f()rce.  Thirdly,  That  there  are  as  juft  grounds  now  for  fuch  a  Law  as  there  were 
then,  That  the  Proteftant  Clergy  on  this  fide  the  Seas  are  fo  formidable,  either  for 
their  number ,  or  for  their  dependency  upon  the  Pope  or  Forreign  Princes.  Let  him 
fhcw  that  they  left  the  Kingdom  contrary  to  Law ,  and  have  been  bred  here  in  fuch 
Seminaries  contrary  to  Law  ,  and  are  fo  principled  with  feditious  Opinions,  which 
threaten  fuch  imminent  and  unavoidable  danger  and  ruine  to  the  Kingdom.  If  he 
fail  in  any  one  of  thefe,  as  he  will  do  in  every  one  of  them,  his  Confequence  falls  flat 
to  the  ground. 

In 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Chmch  of  Eng^hud.  ig^ 


In  the  clofe  of  this  Chapter  ,  he  produceth  Two  Tcftimonies  beyond  exception, 
to  prove  that  Popijh  Priefts  in  England  died  for  Religion.     The  one  of  King  James 
in  his  Apology  for  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.     I  do  mijiantly  maintain^  that  n>htch  I  have  ^''^' "'' 
faid  in  my  Apology  ^  that  no  man  either  in  tny  time  ^  or  in  the  late  ^eem  ^  ever  dyed 
here  for  his  Confcience^  Priejh  and  Popiflj  Church-men  onely  excepted ,  that  receive  Orders 
beyond  Seas.     The  other  of  Queen  Elizabeth ,  That  Jhe  did  thinks  that  moji  of  the-  Crnr.b..  Amcl 
foorPrtejis^  rvhumjl^e  executed,  pcere  not  guilty  pf  Treafon  ,  and  yet  Jhe  executed  them  Eli^.an,ii5i.- 
for  "Treafon.     What  fatisfadion  he  will  make  to  the  Ghofts  of  theft  Two  great  Prin- 
ces ,  I  know  not.     This  is  apparent ,  that  he  hath  done  them    both  extreme 
wrong.     Firft  ,  to  King  James  ,  by  coupling  together  Two  divided  and  disjoint- 
ed fentenccs  ,  and  likevvile  by  cutting  off  his  fentencc  in  the  middcft.     For  evident 
pfoof  .whereof ,  I  will  here  lay  down  the  fentence  word  for  word  ,  as  rhey  are  in 
the  French  Edition  ,  for  I  have  neither  the  LatiiK  nor   the  Englijh  by  me.     I  main- 
tain conjiantly,  and  it  U  mojl  true  tphich  I  faid  in  my  Apology  ,  that  never,  neither  in 
the  time  of  tlx  late  ^een  ,  nor  in  my  time ,  any  man  whatfoever  hath  been  executed  fim- 
flyfor  Keligion.     Here  is  a  full  truth  without  any  exception  in  the  World.     Then 
follows  immediately  •,  For  let  a  man  be  tK  much  a  Papifi  as  he  will,   let  him  publijh  it 
abroad  tvith  as  much  conjiancy  and  zeal  m  hepleajeth,  hn  life  never  was ,  nor  U  in  dan- 
ger for  it.     Provided  that  he  attempt  not  fome  fad ,  exprejiy  contrary  to   the  Laivs,  nor 
have  an  hand  infome  dangeroiu  and  unlanful  enterprize.     Then  follows  the  Excepti- 
on ,  Priefls  and  Popiflj  Church-men  excepted,  rphich  receive'their  Orders  beyond  the  Seas, 
Which  Exception  is  not  referred  to  the  former  claufe  ,  never  hath  been  executed fitn- 
flyfor  Religion  ,  but  to  the  later  claufe,  his  life  never  teas ,  nor  U,  in  danger  for  it. 
Their  lives  were  in  danger  indeed  ,  being  forfeited  to  the  Law ,  but  they  were  ne- 
ver executed ,  by  the  grace  and  favour  of  the  Prince.  The  words  following,  which 
he  hath  altogether  clipped  off ,  do  make  the  fraud  mod  apparent:  IVho   Q  which 
Priefts  ]  for  many  and  many  Treajbns  and  Attempts  which  they  have  kindled  and  devifed 
againji  thU  ejlate,  being  once  departed  out  of  the  Kingdom ,  are  prohibited  to  return  ,  under 
pain  of  being  reputed ,  attainted,  and  convided  of  the  crime  of  Treafon.     Andneverthe- 
lefs  ,  if  there  were  mtfbme  other  crime  befides  their  fimple  return  into  England  ,  never 
any  of  them  were  executed.     Wc  fee  plainly  that  thefe  penal  Laws  were  not  made  in 
Order  to  Religion  ,  but  out  of  neceflary  reafon  of  Eftate  to  prevent  Treafon.   Nor 
was  any  man  executed  for  difbbedience  to  thofe  penal  Laws  ,  unlefs  it  was  compli- 
cated with  (bme  other  crime. 

To  come  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  If  that  which  he  faith  here  be  true,  then  that  flow-* 
er  of  Queens  was  a  Tyrant  worle  than  Nero,  to  thirft  not  onely  after  humane  blood, 
but  after  innocent  blood  ;  yea  ,  after  the  blood  of  thofe  who  were  defigned  to  the 
Service  of  God.  Shall  we  never  have  one  Teftimony  ingenuoully  cited  ?  Reader , 
I  befeech  thee,  take  the  pains  to  perufe  the  place,  and  thou  fhalt  rind  that  nothing 
was  more  merciful  than  that  Royal  Queen  ,  and  nothing  more  cruel  than  the  Pope 
and  their  Superiors  ,  who  ficririced  thofe  poor  Priejis  to  the  ambition  of  the  Roman 
Court ,  having  firft  blindfolded  them  with  their  Vow  of  Obedience  ,  and  expofed 
them  to  flaughter,  astheTwrJly  do  their  common  Souldiers,  onely  to  rill  up  Ditch- 
es with  their  Carcafes,  over  which  thcmfclves  may  mount  the  Walls. 

Firft  ,  the  Author  alledged  ,  doth  teftiric  ,  That  the  ^teen   never  thought  mens  Camb,  Annal, 
Confciences  were  to  be  forced ,  no  fign  of  purpofed  cruelty  i  §u£que  dolet  quoties  cogi-  £/i^.4».i58i, 
tur  ejfeferox.     Secondly,  that  (he  complained  many  times,  Thit  fhe  was  driven  of 
ueceffity  to  tak^  thefe  courfes ,  unlefsflie  would  fee  the  de(lru£iion  »f  her  felf  and  her  Siib- 
jeCts  ,  under  colour  of  Confcience  and  the  Catholick^Religion.     Tell  me,  who   are  the 
fupream  Judges  of  the  publick  dangers  and  neceiiities  of  England^  Is  not  the  Prince? 
At  leaft  with  his  Council  and  the  Reprefentative   Body  of  the  whole  Kingdom. 
When  all  thefe  unanimoully  have  declared  that  there  is  a  nccelfity,  and  have  pre- 
ftribed  the  beft  means  that  poifibly  they  could  devife  to  prevent  the  danger*  fiiall  a 
Forreign  Prelate ,  and  he  not  onely  interefled  ,  but  the  very  fource  of  all  the  dan- 
ger, have  power  to  contradidl  it  ,  and  to  fend  his  fufpefted  EmifTaries  more  fre- 
quently than  ever  into  the  Kingdom?  A  Pit  is  digged,  true,  but  the  Authors  of 
thefe  fediti.ous  Opinions  and  Pradifes  are  they  who  digged  it.     The  Queen  did 
what  flie.could  to  cover  it ,  by  her  Proclamations  and  Ads  of  Parliament,  to  prc- 

moni(h 


■^  "  J  Juji  Vindication  TOMEl. 

monilh  every  one  of  the  danger.     If  the  Pope  and  their  Superiors  would  be  fo  cruel 
to  thruft  out  their  EmiiTaries  upon   defperate  attennpts,  upon  their  Vow  of  blind 
Obedience    and  a  promife  of  Celeftial  rewards  ,  their  blood  is  upon  the  ir  heads. 
The  Queen  faid  farther,  That/yr  the  mofi  part  of  thejefiVy  Priejis  ,  Jhe  did  not  believe 
them  to  be  guilty  of  pradifing  the  depuSion  of  their  Country.,    but  their  Superiors  »•«•<• 
fbey     whom  Jhe  held  to  be  the  injiruments  of  this  foul  crime  ,  forafmuch  ai  they  trho  were 
Cem\  committed  the  full  and  free  dipfition  ofthemfelves  to   their  Superiors.     So  Firft , 
K.  C.  inftrts  thefe  words  into  the  Queens  fpcech  [  rphom  Jhe  executed  ]  (he  execu- 
ted none,  (he  condemned  none.     Thofe  who  were  executed  in  her  long  Reign  of 
above  Fourty  four  years,  were  not  fo  many.     This  exprellion  would  have  fitted  the 
(hort  Reign  of  Queen  Mary  much  better.     Secondly  ,  He  adds  thefe  words,   [  veere 
oftilty  oflreafon  1  whereas  the  Queen  faid  no  fuch  thing  ,  but  [  were  guilty  ofpra- 
Bifing  the  dejirudion  of  their  Country. ']  Can  none  have  an  hand  in  the  deftruftion  of 
their  Country ,  but  oncly  they  who  are  pradicers ,  and  plotters ,  and  contrivers  of 
it  ?  Are  none  guilty  of  Treafon ,  but  onely  they  who  pradifed  the  deftrudion  of 
their  Country  ?  There  are  In(truments  in  Treafon  as  well  as  Engineers ,  who  are 
not  privy  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Confpiracy,&  yet  fuifer  juftly  for  ading  their  parts  in 
it.Yea,without  pradiling  or  ading,the  very  concealment  of  Trea(bnaIone,is  fufficient 
by  the  Law  of  England,8chy  the  Law  of  Nations,to  condemn  a  perfon  for  not  difco- 
vering  it.  La(tly,  He  leaves  out  thefe  words  which  are  a  clear  Expofition  of  the 
whole  fentence.     But  their  Superiors  were  they  xvhom  fhe  held  to  he  the  Injlruments  of 
this  foul  crime  ,  forafmuch  as  the  Emifaries  did  commit  the  whole  dijpofure  ofthemfelves  to 
their  Superiors.     So  (he  makes  the  Superiors  and  fome  others ,  who  were  molt  bu- 
fie  ,  moft  (ubtil  ,  and  moft  affeded  among  them  ,  to  be  the  Contrivers  and  grand 
Traytors.     But  for  the  molt  part  of  the  filly  Priefts  ,  (he  took  them  to  be  but  Exe- 
cutors of  the  defigns  of  their  Superiors  ,  to  (hoot  tho(e  Bolts  which  they  had  made, 
and  to  pull  the  Chefnuts  out  of  the  fire  with  their  naked  fingers  for  their  Superiors 
to  eat.     What  dealing  may  others  exped  from  them  in  Citations,  who  are  not  af- 
fraid  to  caft  undeferved  dirt  upon  Majelty,  and  prevaricate  with  their  natural  Prin- 
,      cefs  ,  under  the  gracious  protedion  of  whofe   jult  Government ,.  they  firft   beheld 
the  light?     It  may  ferve  as  one  infiance  of  his  undue  citing  Teftimonics  ,  and  Au- 
thorities ,  that  whereas  1  fay  j  that  dangerous  and  bloody  pofitions  and  pradices , 
produce  fevere  Laws  i  and  that  I  wi(h  all  feditious  Opinions  and  over-rigorous  Sta- 
tutes ,  with  the  memory  of  them  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion :  he  inferreth  that  I 
feem  to  confefs  ,  Thsit  the  Laws  made  agairj^i  CathoUck^ ,  were  cruel  and  unjufl.     Hc 
did  well  to  fay  [_  it  feemeth  ^  for  I  neither  fay  the  one  nor  the  other ,  though  my 
wi(hes  be  the  fame  they  were.     On  the  contrary ,  I  ju(tifie  them  upon  this  undeni- 
able ground,  that  no  Kingdom  is  deftitute  of  necelTary  remedies  for  its  own  conlcr- 
vation.    That  which  I  faid  ,  I  fpake  indifferently  both  of  their  Laws  and  ours. 
That  Law  which  was  juflly  Enaded ,  may  be  over-rigoroufly  executed ,    when 
that  neceffity  which  was  the  onely  ground  of  the  Law  is  abated.     I  wilh  the  neceP 
fity  had  not  been  then  fo  great  as  to  require  Laws  written  in  blood ,  and  that  a  \cC- 
fer  coercion  would  have  fufficed  then  for  a  remedy.    The  necelGty  being  abated 
I  wi(h  the  rigor  may  be  likewife  abated.     To  divide  their  Laws  and  our  Laws,  or 
the  necedity  and  the  remedy  is  a  fallacy, and  contrary  to  what  I  faid,  when  I  wi(h- 
cd  all  feditious  Opinions  and  over-rigorous  Statutes  were  buried  in  Oblivion. 

He  zditth,Thzt  perhaps  mine  own  perfecution  hath  taught  me  this  lenity.  At  laft 
he  confelfcth  that  we  fuifer  perlecution,  which  even  now  he  denyed.  The  Earl  of 
Strafford  than  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.,  did  commit  much  to  my  hands  the  political 
Regiment  of  that  Church,  for  the  fpace  of  Eight  years.  In  all  that  time  let  him 
name  one  Reman-CzthoVick,  that  fuffered  either  death  or  imprifonment,  or  fo  much 
as  a  pecuniary  muld  of  Twelve  pence  for  his  Religion  upon  any  penal  Statute. 
If  he  cannot,  as  I  am  fure  hc  cannot,  then  it  is  not  my  prefent  perfccutlon  that 
taught  me  that  lenity.  I  remember  not  one  Ko»2<?M-Catholick  that  fuffered  in  all 
that  time,  but  onely  the  titular  Archbi(hop  of  Cajhels,  who  was  indeed  imprifoned 
for  Three  or  Four  days,  not  onely  upon  fufpicion,  but  upon  information  out  of 
Spain,  that  he  was  a  Penfioner  of  rhe  Catholick  Kings,  and  being  found  19  be  no 
fuch  dangerous  perfon,  upon  ray  reprefentation  was  difmiffed, 
>  Let 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  i8p 


Let  no  man  hence  imagine  that  we  ncgleded  our  duties.  We  did  out  work  by 
more  noble  and  more  fuccefsful  means  than  penal  Laws,  by  building  of  Churches 
and  manfion-Houfes  for  Minifters,  by  introducing  a  learned  Clergy,  by  injoyning 
them  relldence,  by  affording  them  countenance  and  protedlion  and  means  of  ho- 
fpitality,  by  planting  and  ordering  Schools  for  the  education  of  youth,  and  by  look- 
ing carefully,  to  the  Education  and  Marriages  of  the  King's  .Wards.  To  look  to 
the  Ecclefiaitical  Regiment  was  the  care  of  particular  Biihops.  To  look  to  the 
jlublick  fafetyof  the  Kingdom,  and  to  free  it  from  Sedition  marked  under  the  Vifard 
of  Religion,  was  the  care  of  the  Sovereign  MagiHrate. 


CHAP.   IV. 

IN  the  Fourth  Chapter  of  the  Vindication  I  fet  forth  the  dignity  of  Apoftolical  Stli.i. 
Churches,  and  the  great  influence  they  had  upon  their  Neighbour  Churches,  ThcKingj  of 
yet  without  any  legal  Jurifdidion  over  them,.efpecially  the  Koman  Church  in  vfm  Political 
the  Well.     I  (hewed  how  they  endeavoured  to  convert  this  honourable  Prefidcncy  Heads  of  the, 
into  Monarchical  power  i  But  that  the  power  which  they  endeavoured  to  Ufurp,  fnrW/* 
was  in  it  felf  uncapable  of  Prefcription  i    and  if  it  had  been  capable,  yet  they  had  *'*^"'^'*' 
no  Prefcription  for  it  :     That  the  Bntifh^  Saxon^  Vamjh,  and  Norman  Kings,  fuc- 
ceffively  were  the  onely  Patrons  and  Protestors  of  the  Church  within  their  Domi- 
nions, anddifpofed  of  all  things  concerning  the  external  Regiment  thereof^  by  the 
advifc  of  their  Prclats,  called  Ecclefiaftical  Synods,  made  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  puniih- 
ed  Ecclefiaitical  perfons, prohibited  Eccletiaftical  Judges,  received  Appeals  from  Ec- 
clefiaftical Courts,  rejeded  the  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  ot  the  Popes  at  their  pleafures, 
gave  Legiflative  interpretations  of  other  of  their  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  as  they  thought 
good,  in  order  to  their  own  Dominions  i  made  Ecclefiaftical  Corporations,  appro- 
priated Ecclefiaftical  Benefices,  rranflated  Epifcopal  Sees,  forbid  Appeals  to  Rome 
rejeded  the  Pope's  Bulls,  protefted  againft  his  Legats,  Queftioned  both  the  Legates 
and  all  thofe  who  acknowledged  them  in  the  Kings  Bench,  condemned  the  Ex- 
communications and  other  fentences  ol  rhe  Roman  Court,  enlarged  or  'reftyained 
the  priviledges  of  the  Clergy,  prcfcribed  the  endowment  of  Vicars,  fet  down  the 
•wages  of  Priefts,  and  made  Ads  to  remedy  the  opprclfions  of  the  Roman  Court. 
And  all  this  was  ftiewed  evidently,  not  out  of  the  finglc  Teftimonies  of  fome  ob- 
fcure  Authors,  but  out  of  the  Cuftoms  and  Common-Law  of  the  Realm,  out  of  the 
Reports  of  our  Judges  and  greateft  Lawyers,  out  of  the  Laws  of  Edrvard  the  Con- 
feflbr,  the  Statutes  of  Clarendon  and  Carlile,  the  Articles  of  the  Clergy,  the  Statutes 
of  Provifors,  and  many  other  Statutes  made  with  the  general  conlent  of  the  whole 
Kingdom.     It  is  not  poflible  in  any  caulc  to  produce  more  Authentical  proc6  than 
thefe  are  :  To  all  which  in  particular  R.  C.  anfwers  not  one  word.  So  as  once 
more  I  take  it  for  granted,  that  Henry  the  Eighth  did  nothing  in  his  (eparation  from 
the  Court  of  Rome,  but  what  his  moft  Renowned  AiKeftors  had  chalked  forth  unto 
him. 

All  that  he  faith,  with  any  (hew  of  oppofition  to  this,  is  Firft,  That  nihatfoever 
Kings  do  is  not  btpful;  Whereas  I  (peak  not  of  any  fingle  Kings,  but  of  the  whole 
fuccellion  of  Britijh,  t:.nglip^  Vanip^  and  Norman  Kingsi  nor  of  Kings  alone,  but  of 
them  with  theconfent  and  concurrence  of  the  whole  Kingdom,  Clergy  and  Laity, 
which  proves  irrefiragably,  that  what  they  did,  was  the  Cuftom  and  common  funda- 
mental Law  of  the  Kingdom  i  and  that  there  is  no  Prefcription,  nor  can  be,  againft 
it.  That  they  did  it  defaSo,  is  enough  to  make  good  my  alTertion,  that  Henry  the 
Eight  did  no  new  thing,  but  what  his  Prcdecelfors  in  all  ages  had  done  before 
him.  Notohd^idtS 

Secondly,  he  faith,  That  Kings  may  refifl  the  Exercife  or  ASts  of  Papal  prver  fome-  ofP^P*' pow- , 
times,  and  yet  ackiion>ledge  the  power.     Whereas  the  Laws  and  Teftimonies  which  I  "'^j^Yt  felf  i 
produced,  do  not  onely  fpeak  againft  fome  ads  of  Papal  power,  but  againft  the  contrary  to  ' 
power  it  felf^  againft  the  Pope's  power  to  make  Laws,  to  fcnd  Legats,  or  Bulls,  or  our  Laws. 

Ex- 


i5?o 


A  Jufi  Vindication  TO  M  E  1, 


Excommunications  without  liccnfc,  the  power  to  receive  Appeals,  the  power  to 
make  Ecclefiaftical  Corporations, the  power  to  difpofe  of  Ecclefianical  Benefices, 
&c.  W'liat  lawful  power  had  the  Pope  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  of  E;tglj»J,  who  by 
the' Law  of  England  could  neither  fend  a  Legate  thither  to  do  Jufticc  there,  nor  call 
the  Delinquents  or  Litigants  to  Rome  to  do  Juftice  there,  without  licenfe  ?  Our 
Laws  fpeak  not  onely  againft  Pattdulplm,  or  this  or  that  Legate,  but  againft  all  Le- 
gates, that  come  without  licenfe  i  nor  againft  the  Bull  or  Excommunication  of 
Puul  the  Third  alone,  but  againft  all  Bulls  and  Excommunications  which  were 
brought  from  Kume  into  the  Kingdom,  without  licenfe.  Fruftranea  eft  ea  potentis 
qu4c  imtqitam  deduct  pteft  in  aUum^  In  vain  is  an  abfolute  power  given  to  a  fingle  per- 
fon  to  execute  that  which  he  cannot  execute  without  another  mans  licenfe.  Laftly, 
our  Laws  do  afcribe  this  very  power  to  the  King  which  the  Pope  doth  challenge. 
The  Patronage  of  the  Church,  the  power  to  make  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  the  power 
to  call  Ecclefiaftical  Synods,  the  power  to  difpofe  of  all  things  which  concern  the 
external  Regiment  of  the  Church,  by  the  advife  of  his  Clergy  and  Council,  within 
his  own  Dominions.  In  vain  doth  he  diftinguifli  between  the  ads  or  cxercife  of 
Papal  power  and  the  power  it  felf,  feeing  our  ancient  Lav^  doth  not  onely  forbid 
the  Exercife  of  Papal  power,  but  deny  the  power  it  felf. 

He  faith,  Jf  J  rvould  indeed  prove  thatWtm^  -the  Eight  did  but  vindicate  hU  ancient 
Liberty^  I  (l}ouId prove  that  Englifh  Kings  before  him  did  challenge    to  be  Heads  of  the 
Church  immediatly  under  Chrift^  by  which  tleadjhip,  as  it  was  expreffed  in  King  Ed- 
ward'/ time,  all  JurifdiUion  both  in  Spiritual  and  "temporal  caufes  defcended  from  the 
Crown.    To  prove  that  Henry  the  Eighth  did  but  vindicate  his  ancient  Liberty,  it 
is  not  neceffary  that  1  ftiould  juftirie  all  the  extravagant  expreilions,  or  oyiie  infmu- 
ations  of  Parafitical  flatterers.     Our  Kings  neither  do  challenge,  nor  ever  did  chal- 
lenge, all  Jurifdidion  in  fpiritual  caufes,  nor  any  part  of  the  power  of  the  Keys, 
either  to  their  own  ufe,  or  to  derive  it  to  others.     Great.  Palaces  (eldom  want  their 
Moths,  or  Great  Princes  their  Flatterers,  who  are  ready  to  blow  the  Coals  of  Am- 
bition,&  adorn  their  Mafters  with  ftollen  Plumes,fuch  as  the  Canonifts  were  of  old  to 
the  Popes.     It  is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at,  if  fome  Proteftants  did  overfhpot 
themlelves  in  fbme  expreilions  upon  this  fubjeft,  having  learned  that  language  from 
a  Ro>w<j«-Catholick  before  them.     Eifhop  Bonner^  being  the  Kings  Embaffador  with 
Clemeiit  the  Seventh,  did  fo  boldly  and  highly  fet  forth  his  Mafters  Supremacy  in  the 
AlTcmbly  of  the  Cardinals,  that  they  thought  of  burning  him,  or  calling  him  into 
a  vefiel  of  Icalding  Lead,  if  he  had  not  provided  for  his  own  fafety  by  flight. 
Actvorth  contra  Monarch.  Sandcri^  I.  2.  p.  195.   It  would  better  become  him  and 
me,  if  any  (iich  thing  had  been ,  to  give  unto  C£far  that  which  is  Cafars^  and  unto 
God  that  which  is  Gods.     It  is  enough  to  my  purpofe  to  have  (hewed  that  all  King 
HcwnV's  Predcceflbrs  did  both  challenge  and  enjoy  this  Political  Headfhip  of  the 
Church,  as  I  have  (hewed  throughout  all  the  parts  and  branches  thereof,  if  he  could 
fee  Wood  for  Trees.     Thefe  very  flowers  and  jewels  of  the  Crown  enumerated  by 
me  in  this  Chapter,  and  demonftrated  out  of  our  Laws  in  my  Vindication,  do  make 
up  that  Politick  Headfhip,  that  is,  a  power  Paramount,  to  (ee  that  all  pcrfbns  do 
their  duties  in  their  callings,  and  that  aJl  things  be  adted  by  fit  Agents,  which  are 
recelTary  to  that  great  and  Architedlonical  end,  that  is,  the  fafety  and  tranquillity  of 
the  Commonwealth.     This  is  that  Title  which  Edward  xht  ConfefTor  did  enjoy  be- 
fore the  Conqueft,  namely,  Ihe  Vicar  of  Cod  to  govern  the  Church  within  hif  own  Do- 
mim»ns^  which  is  neither  more  nor  lefs  than  the  Political  Head  of  the  Church.    In  a 
great  Family  there  are  fevcral  Offices,  as  a  Divine,  a  Phyfician,  a  School-mafter,  and 
every  one  of  thefe  is  fuprcme  in  his  own  way  i  yet  the  Mafter  of  the  Family  hath 
an  Oeconomical  power  over  them  all,  to  (ee  that  none  of  them  do  abufe  their  truft 
to  the  dilturbancc  of  the  Family.    Our  Parliament  Rolls,  our  Ecclefiaftical  Regi- 
fiers,  the  Records  of  the  Kings  Bench  and  Common  Pleas,  do  all  prove,  that  it  is 
no  Innovation  for  our  Kings  to  interpofe  in  Ecclefiaftical  affairs.     I  do  confefs 
that  fome  of  thefe  flowers  which  were  peculiar  to  the  King,  as  the  Patronage  and 
Inveliiturfs  of  Bifliops,in  later  days  were  fnatched  from  the  Crown  by  the  violence 
of  Popes  i  but  for  many  of  the  reft,  and  efpecially  for  that  which  did  virtually  in- 
clude them  all,  that  is,  the  Lcgiflativc  power  in  Eccleiiaftical  caufts,  wherein  the 

whole 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd,  ipt 

whole  body  of  the  Kingdom  did  claim  a  nearer  intereft,  in  refpedt  of  that  receptive 
power  which  they  have  ever  injoyed,  to  admit  or  not  admit  fuch  new  Laws  where- 
by they  vsrere  to  be  governed,  it  had  been  folly  and  madnefs  iu.  the  Popes  to  have 
attempted  upon  it. 

One  doubt  fiill  remains,  How  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidtion  could  be  faid  to  be  derived 
from  the  Crewn.    (  For  they  might  be  apt  enough  in  thole  days  to"  ufe  fuch  impro-  Jurifdiftion  k 
per  exprelfions.  )     Firll,  with  the  RowwMi/fj  themlelves  I  diftinguilh  between  habi- fromOrdina- 
tual  and  adual  Jurifdidion.     Habitual  Jurifdidion  is  derived  onely  by  Ordination.  "°"'  ^^^      , 
Adual  Jurifdidion ,  is  a  right  to  exercile  that  Habit,  arifing  from  the  lawful  appli-  the'ffatter!'^  ' 
cation  of  the  matter  or  fubjed.     In  this  later  the  Lay  Patron,  and  much  more  the 
Sovereign  Prince,  have  their  refpedive  Interefts  and  concurrence.     DiocefTes  and 
Parifhes  were  not  of  Divine  but  Humane  Inftitution.     And  the  fame  perfbns  were 
born  Subjeds  before  they  were  made  Chriftians.     The  Ordinary  gives  a  School- 
maftera  licenfe  or  habitual  power  to  teach,  but  it  is  the  Parents  of  the  Children 
•who  apply  or  fubftrad  the  matter,  and  furnifh  him  with  Scholars,  or  afford  him  a  lit 
fubjed  whereupon  to  exercife  this  hjbitual  power. 

Secondly,  we  muft  alfo  diftinguifh  between  the  interior  and  exterior  Court,  be- 
tween the  Court  of  Confcience  and  the  Court  of  the  Church.     For  in  both  thefe 
Courts  the  power  of  the  Keys  hath  place,  but  not  in  both  after  -the  (ame  manner. 
That  power  which  is  exercifedin  the  Court  of  Confcience,  for  binding  and  loofing  jarifdiaion 
of  fins,  is  foiely  from  Ordination.  But  that  power  which  is  exercifed  in  the  Court  enlarged  and 
of  the  Church,  is  partly  from  the  Sovereign  Magiftrate,  efpecially  in  England  where  forrifiei  ""h 
Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  is  enlarged  and  fortified  with  a  coercive  power,  and  the  bv^FrincMr^^ 
bounds  thereof  have  been  much  dilated  by  the  favour  and  piety  of  Chriftian  Prin- 
ces,  by  whom  many  caufes  have  been  made  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognizance  which  for- " 
merly  were  not,  and  from  whom  the  coercive  or  compulfory  power  of  fummoning 
the  Kings  Subjeds  by  Proceffes  and  Citations  was  derived.     It  is  not  then  the  pow- 
er of  the  Keys, or  any  part  or  branch  thereof  in  the  exercife   of  Ecclefiaftical  Jurif^ 
didion,  even  in   the  exterior  Court  of  the  Church,  which  is  derived  from  the 
Crown :  But  it  is  coercive  and  compulfory  and  coroboratory  power,  it  is  the  ap- 
plication of  the  matter,  it  is  the  regulating  of  the  exercife  of  adual  Ecclefiaftical 
Jurifdidion  in  the  Court  of  the  Church, to  prevent  the  oppreffions  of  their  Subjeds, 
and  to  provide  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  Commonwealth,  which  belongs  to  Sove- 
reign Princes. 

As  to  his  Corollary  that  never  any  King  of  England^hcfore  Henry  the  Eighth,  did  , 

challenge  an  exemption  from  all  JwifdtQion  under  Chriii,  it  is  as  grofs  a  miftake  as  all  Eighdh'not  cx- 
the  reft.     For  neither  did  Henry  the  Eighth  challenge  any  fuch  exemption  in  the  cmptfrom  the 
Court  of  Confcience.'   Among  the  Six  bloody  Articles  eftabliftied  by  himfelf,that   PO"er  of  the 
of  Auricular  Confelfion  was  one.  Nor  in  the  Court  of  the  Church,  feeing  the  di-  y* 
red  contrary  is  exprefly  provided  for  in  the  Statute  it  felf.     The  Archhijhop  of  Can- 
terhuT^  for  the  time  beings  and  his  Succejfors^fhaU have  potper  and  Authority  from  time  to  ^"xy,      '    * 
time,  by  their  difcretions  to  give^grant^  and dij^ofe^by  an  injlrument  under  the  Seal  of  the 
faid  Archbijhop,  unto  your  Majejly  and  to  your  Heirs  and  SuccejJors^Kingi  of  this  Realm  ^ 
Of  rveU  all  manner  of  fuch  Licences ,  Vij^enfations^  Compofttions,  Faculties,  Grants,  Kef~ 
cripts,'Delegacies,hJhruments,  and  all  other  tpritings,  for  caufes  not  being  contrary  or   re- 
pugnant to  holy  Scriptures  and  Laws  of  God,  as  heretofore  hath  been  ufed  and  accufromed 
to  he  had  and  obtained  by  your  Highnefs,  or  any  of  your  mnjl  noble  Progenitors,  or  any  of 
yours  or  their  Subjeds  at  the  See  of  Rome.     So  vain  a  fuggeftion  it  is,  That  King 
Henry  the  Eighth  did  free  himfelf  not  onely  from  Papal  Authority,  but  alfo  and  Of  well 
from  Epijcopal,  Archiepifcopal,  and  ail  Spiritual,Authority  either  abroad  or  in  England. 

And  his  Argument  which  he  prefferh  fb  ferioufly  to  prove  it  is  as  vain,  That  the  *' 

Head  of  a  Company  is  under  none  of  that  Company.  The  Pope  himfelf  is  under  his 
ConfeiTor,  who  hath  power  to  bind  him  or  loofe  him  in  the  Court  of  Confcience. 
The  Mafter  of  a  Family  is  under  his  own  Chaplain  for  the  Regiment  of  his  Soul, 
and  under  his  Phyfician  for  the  government  of  his  body.  What  fhould  hinder  it, 
that  a  Political  Head  may  not  be  under  an  Ecclefiaftical  Paftor  >  The  Kings  of 
England  are  not  onely  under  the  fbrreign  Jurifdidion  of  a  General  Council,  but  alfo 
under  their  Ecclefiaftical  Paftors,though  their  own  Subjeds.  Onely  they  are  ex- 
empted from  all  coercive  and  compulfory  power.  Let 


'~T^  A  Jtiji  Vindication  TOME  1. 

Let  us  try  whether  he  be  more  fortunate  in  oppoling,  than  he  hath  been  in  an- 
fwering.  "the  Kings  of  England  (  laith  he  )  permitted  Appeals  to  Rome  in  Ecclrfiajii- 
cal  caujes,  as  U  evident  in  St.   Wilfrides  cafe ,  rvho  tp,is  never  reproved  mr  difif^d  far 

Saint  Wilfrid,    appealing  trvice  to  Rome.   Not  fo,  but  the  clear  contrary  appeareth  evidently  in  St. 

Wilfrides  cafe,     though  he  was  an  Archbifhop,  and  it  an  Appeal  had  been  proper 

Sptl.Cm<An.  in  any  cafe,  it  had  been  in  that  cafe.-    This  pretended  Appeal  was  not  onely  much 

705.  difliked,but  rejeded,  by  Two  Kings  fuccellivcly,  by  the  other  Archbifhop,  and  by 

the  body  of  the  Englijff  Clergy,  as  appeareth  by  the  event.  For  Wilfride  had  no 
benefit  of  the  Pope's  fentences,  but  was  forced  after  all  his  ftruggling,  to  quit  the 
Two  Monafteries  which  were  in  Queftion,  whether  he  would  or  not,  and  to  fit 
down  with  his  Archbifhoprick,  which  he  might  always  have  held  peaceably  if  he 
would.  This  agrees  with  his  fuppofed  Vifion  in  France^  that,at  his  return  in,to  his 
Country,  he  fhould  receive  the  greateft  part  of  his  poffellions  that  had  been  taken 

Bed.l.i.  Ec,  from  him,  that  is^pr£fi{latumEcclef  £  fu£, his  Archhi{hopudi,hut  not  his  Two  Mo- 

bifl.c.^o.  '  nalteries.  But  this  is  much  more  plain  by  the  very  words  of  King  ^4/^/^^,  cited 
by  me  in  the  Vindication,  to  which  Jl.  C.  hath  offered  no  Anfwer,  That  he  honoured 
the  Tope's  Nuncios  for  their  grave  lives  and  honoufable  lookj.  Here  is  not  a  word  of 
their  credential  Letters  :  O  how  would  a  Nuncio  ftorm  at  this,  and  take  it  as  an 
affront  !  The  King  told  them  further.  That  he  could  not  give  any  affent  to  their  Lega- 
tion. So  that  which  K.  C.  calls  permitting,  was  in  truth  down-right  diffenting  and 
rejeding.  The  reafon  follows,  becauje  it  wtH  againfi  reafon,  that  a  perfon  trvice  con- 
demned by  the  whole  Cottncil,of  ifce  Englifh,  fhottld  he  restored  upon  the  Tope's  Letter, 
Is  not  this  difliking  ?  "What  could  the  King  fay  more  in  civility,  than  to  tell  the 
Pope's  Nuncios  that  their  Marters  demands  were  unrcafonable  ?  or  what  could  be 
■  more  to  the  purpofe,  and  to  the  utter  ruine  of  R,  C.  his  caufe,than  that  the  Decrees 
of  the  Pope  were  impugned,  not  once  but  twice,  not  by  a  few  faftious  perfons,  but 
by  Two  or  Three  Kings  fuccellively,  and  by  Iheodore  the  Archbifliop  of  Cinterbury^ 
a  Roman,  with  the  flower  of  the  Clergy,  and  the  whole  Council  of  the  Englijh  > 

St.  AKflin  and       ^^  procecdeth,  "They  never  difik^d  that  Frofejfton  of  St.  Auftin'j  FeUorcs,  that  the  See 

hi»  Fellows.      Apoftolickjjad  fent  them  to  preach  in  Britany  ,  as  Jhe  is  accujiomed  to  do  in  all  the  IForlS. 

Bed.  1. 2.  c.  4.  Firft  ^  why  fliould  they  diflike  it  ?  they  had  no  reafon  for  it.  No  good  Chriftiau. 
can  diflike  the  Husbandman's  fowing  of  Wheat,  but  every  good  Chrif^ian  doth  dif- 
like the  envious  man's  fupcrfemination ,  or  fowing  of  Tares  above  the  Wheat :  or  if 
there  had  been  reafon ,  how  could  they  diflike  that  which  in  probability  they  did 
not  know  ?  The  Letter,  out  of  which  thefe  words  are  cited,  was  not  written  to 
the  Englijh  Kings  ,  but  to  the  Scottijh  Bifliops ,  by  Laurentiits  ,  Succeffor  to  Juftin , 
indic  Sec  of  Canterbury,  zndMelituf  o{  London  ,  and  Jufius  oi  Rochefter  ,  which 
Three  were  all  the  Bifhops  of  the  Roman  Communion,  that  were  at  that  day  in  Bri- 
tain. 

But  if  perchance  he  imagine  that  the  Pope's,  fending  Preachers  into  Britain ,  doth 
either  argue  an  ancient ,  or  acquire  a  fubfequent,  Jurifdidion  over  Britain ,  he  errs 
doubly:  Firft,  They  did  nothing  without  the  King's  Licence  for  matter  of  Fad, 
they  produced  no  Papal  Mandates  ,  which  had  been  in  vain  to  a  Pagan  King.  At 
their  firft  Arrival  the  King  commanded  them  to  abide  in  the  Ifle  of  Thanet ,  until 
his  farther  pleafure  was  known.     They  did  fo.     Afterwards  they  were  called  in  by 

Bti.1.  irf;8$/  his  command  ,  he  gave  them  an  exprefs  Licence  to  preach  to  his  Subjeds ,  and  af- 
ter his  own  Converlion ,  majorem  prxdicandi  licmtiam ,  a  farther  and  larger  Licence. 
So  the  Converfion  of  Kwt  was  by  the  Pope's  endeavours,  and  the  King's  Autho- 

SctStetdie.^^^y'     ^^'^^"'^'y  ■>  Formatter  of  Right,  Converfion  gives  no  juft  Title  to  Jurif3i- 

c.9.iiU2i,  '  <^jon.  How  many  Countries  have  been  converted  to  the  Chriflian  Faith  by  the  Bri- 
tains  and  Englijh,  over  which  they  never  pretended  any  Authority? 

It  foUoweth,  they  never  difliked  that  5f.  Gregory  Jhduld  fubjeCf  all  the  Triefts  of 
"Bntzm  undtr  St.  Aullin,  and  give  him  power  to  ereH  two   Archiepifcopal  Sees,  and 

Bed. I.  i.c.29,  twelve  Epifcopal  Sees  under  each  of  them.  Whom  could  Ethelbert ,  being  himfelf  a 
Novice  in  Chrif\ianity ,  better  truft  with  the  difpofing  of  Ecclefiaftical  affairs  in  his 
Kingdom  ,  than  thofe  who  had  been  his  Converters  ?  But  either  St.  Gregory  in  his 
projeds,  or  rather  Juftin  in  his  Informations ,  did  mightily  over-fhoot  themfelves  i 
for  the  Twentieth  part  of  JSn><;i«  was  not  in  EtheHert's  power.    And  all  the  other 

Saxon . 


Discof^FSE  f  n         Of  the  Church  of  England.  ip;, 

Saxon  Kings  were  Pagans  at  that  time.  We  have  leen  that,  after  the  death  of^u- 
fiin  and  Gregory  ,  there  were  ftill  but  one  ArchbiHiop  ,  and  two  Bifliops,  of  theii^-- 
miitt  Communion  throughout  the  Brifawwici^lllands.  The  Britifl}  and  Scotijh  Bifhops 
were  many ,  but  they  renounced  all  Communion  wiih  Kome.  The  Britip  Bifliops 
profefled  plainly  to  Auflin  himfelf  in  their  Synod,  that  they  would  not  acknowledge 
him  for  their  Archbifiiop.  And  the  Scotijh  Bilhops  did  Co  much  abhor  from  the 
Communion  of  the  Bifliops  of  the  Knman  Communion ,  that  (  as  themfclves  com-  '  '' ''  ^' 
plained)  PiZg^ww  one  of  the  5cof7/&  Bifliops  refufcd  to  eat  with  them,  or  to  lodge  ged- 1.2  c  a 
with  them  in  the  fame  Inn:  And  yet  he  tells  us  in  great  earnefl,  that  they  never  dif-  '  '  •   • 

liked  it. 

He  addcth ,  They  never  dijlik^d  that  St.  Melit  fljould  bring  the  Decrees  of  the  Roman  St.  Kelits. ' 
Synod  ^  to  he  obferved  of  the  Church  of  England.     It  may  be  (o.     But  whether  it  was 
Co  or  not ,  whether  they  liked  them  or  dilliked  them ,  whether  they  received  them 
or  rejeded  them ,  FfWfrj^/eBf^  who  is  his  Author  fpeaketh  not  a  word.     This  is  ^' ^- "^^  4' 
not  proving  ,  but  prefuming.     And  why  might  they  not   receive  them  ,  if  they 
found  them  to  be  equal  and  beneficial  ,  non  propter  authoritatem  Legiflatoris ^  fed  pro- 
pter £quitatem  Legu  ■■,  not  for  the  Authority  of  the  Roman  Synod  ,  but  for  the  equity  .,.,    t 
of  their  Decrees^  And  what  were  their  Decrees  ?  Ordinationes  de  vita  &  quiete  Mo-     ' 
ttachorum  •■,  Orders  for  the  good  converfation  and  quiet  of  Monks ,     a  matter  of  no 
great  importance  ">  but  great  or  fmall ,  the  Decrees  of  the  Koman  Synod  were  of  no 
force  in  England ,  unlefs  they  were  received  by  the  King  and  Kingdomi  and  if  they 
were  received  by  the  King  and  Kingdom,  then  they  were  naturalized  and  made  the 
Laws  o£ England,  not  of  Pope  Boniface  an  ufurping,  and  (if  we  may  trufi:  St.  Gregory 
his  PredeceiTor)  an  Antichriftian  Prelate.  »  7  / 

they  tvillingly  admitted  a  Bif-iop  of  CantCThmy  fent  to  them  and  chofen  by  the  Pope,  jo,  * 
why  fliould  they  not  admit  him  ?  feeing  it  was  their  own  defire  and  requeft  to  the  An    Arch- 
Bifliop  of  Kowe,  in  refpeft  of  the  great  fcarcity  of  Scholars  then  in  England ,  to  bifhop  fenr 
{end  them  one ,  as  appeareth  by  the  very  Letter  of  Vitalianuf  ,  Hominem  denique  do-  ^"^"^  ^'""'' 
cibilem  ,  &  in  omnibus  ornatum  Antijlitem  ,  fecttndnm   velirorum  Scriptorum  tenorem  , 
minime  valuimtts  nunc  reperire  i  We  could  notfind.for  the  prefent ,  fuch  a  compleat  Tre-  L.  4.  c,  i, 
lat  Of  your  Letters  require;  and  by  the  reception  of  the  King,  ^od  cnm  Nuncii   certo 
varrfijfent  Regi  Egberto   adejje    Epifcopum   quern  petierant  a  Romano  Antifiite  i  JVhen 
Kwg  Egbert  had  certain  notice  that  the  Bijhop  (  Theodore  )  vcof  come  ,  vohom  they  had 
defired  of  the  Roman  Prelate.     So  he  was  not  obtruded  upon  them  againft  their  wills, 
which  was  the  cafoof  Patronage  between  us  and  them. 

They  ack^oreledged  that  St.  Peter  tvx  the  fecial  Porter  of  Heaven^  tvhom  they  would 
obey  in  all  things.    I  underftand  not  why  he  urgeth  this,  except  it  be  to  expofo  the  3^. st' Peter 
llmplicity  of  thole  times  to  derifion.     The  cafe  was  this ,  There  was  a  Difputation  Forter  of 
between  Coleman  and  Wilfrid  about  the  obf;rvation  of  Eafler.     Coleman  pleaded  a  Heaven. 
Tradition  from  St.  John  ,  upon  whofo  bofom  Chrifl:  leaned,  delivered  to  them  by 
Columba  their  firfl:  Converter.     Wilfrid  pleaded  a  different  Tradition  from  St.  Peter^ 
to  whom  Chrifl'gave  the  Keys  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.     The  King  demanded 
whether  that  which  was  faid  of  St.  Pfwr  was  true  ?     They  acknowledged  it  was  i 
And  whether  any  thing  of  like  nature  was  faid  to  St.  Columb?  They  laid  no.  There- 
upon the  King  conluded ,  hie  eji  Ojiiarius  iVe  cut  ego  contradicere  nolo^  &c.  nc  forte  me 
adveniente  ad  fores  Kegni  Caelorum  ,  non  fit  qui  referet ,  averfo  iJlo  qui  Claves  tenere  pro- 
batur  ;  This  is  the  Porter  vehom  JvoiU  not  contradiB  ,  lejl  peradventure  when  I  come  to  the 
Gates  of  Heaven,  there  be  none  to  open  unto  me  ,  having  made  him  averfe  to  me  ,  tvho  is 
proved  to  k^ep  the  Ke^x.No  man  can  be  fo  fimple  as  to  believe  that  there  are  Gates,  & 
Keys ,  and  Porters  in  Heaven.     It  were  but  a  poor  Office  for  St.  Peter  to  fit  Porter 
at  the  Gate,  whileft  the  reft  were  feafting  within  at  the  Supper  of  the  Lamb,     The 
Keys  were  given  to  St.  John  as  much  as  to  St.  Peter. 

They publickjy  engraved  in  the  Front  of  their  Churches,  that  St.  Vctct  wm  higher  in  Cdmd-    Brit, 
de^ee  than  St.  Paul.     Let  them  place  St.  Peter  as  high  as  they  pleafe,  fo  they  place  ^  '**'o^b'. 
him  not  fo  high  as  Chrift  ,  nor  make  him  Superior  to  the  whole  conjoint  Collcdgc  rior'to  St. 
of  Apoftles.     The  truth  is. this.     King  Ina  builded  a  magnificent  Temple  at  Cla-  PavtU 
ftenbury  to  the  honour  of  Chrift ,  and  memory  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  i  and  upon 
the  fame  caufed  fome  Verfes  to  be  engraven,  wherein  St.  Peter  am\  St.Paulwae 

T  com- 


A  Jufi  Vtndtcation  TOM  E  J" 

compared  together,  VoGior  hie  momtU  ,  celfwr  il'e  gfadn  v  Or  ,  St.  Paul  rvai  tnort 
karned  hut  St  Peier  higher  in  degree  :  St.  Paul  opened  the  hearts  ,  St.  Peter  the  ears  : 
St.  Paul  opened  Heaven  by  hit  VoBrint^  St.  Peter  by  hit  Keys  :  St.  Paul  was  the  rs>ay, 
St.  Peter  the  gate  :  St.  Peter  was  the  roek^,  St.  Paul  the  Architect.  Theological  truths 
ought  not  to  be  founded  upon  Poetical  Licence.  He  knows  right  Well  that  their 
own  Dodtors  do  make  St.  Paxl  equal  hi  all  things  to  St.  Peter,  except  in  primacy  of 
Order.  We  acknowledge  that  St.  Feter  was  the  beginning  cf  Unity  i  why  then 
might  he  not  have  the  rirft  place ,  according  to  his  primacy  of  Order  >  But  tlv 
Qucftion  between  them  and  us  is  of  another  nature ,  concerning  a  Supremacy  of 
power,  when  St.  Peter's  Nets  were  full ,  he  did  but  beckon  and  his  tcllows  came 
to  partake :  But  the  Court  of  Kome  ufe  him  more  hardly.  For  whatfoevtr  was 
ever  faid  or  done  to  his  honour  or  advantage,  relb  not  upon  his  perfon  ,  who  was 
ftill  no  more  but  a  Fellow  of  the  Apoftolical  Colledge  ,  but  devolves  wliolly 
upon  his  SuccefTors  ,  to  make  them  Monarchs  of  the  Church  and  Marters  of  all 
Chriftians. 
L.  7.fhr.  They  differed  their  Bifhops  to  teach  ,  That  St.  Peter  had  a  Monarchy  ■■,   Wns   next 

<•  «'■  after  Ckijl,  the  Foundation  of  the  Church  •,  And  that  neither  true  Faith  mr  good  Ltfg 

MoMTc"  '     reouldfave  out  of  the  Vnity  of  the  Roman  Church.     As  if  our  Ancefiors  had  ever  un- 
_  derftood  the  Koman  Church  in  that  fenfe  which  they   do  now  ,  for  the  Univerfal 
Church,  or  heard  of  their  new-coined  diftindion  of  a  mediate  and  immediate  foun- 
dations as  if  St.  Peter  was  laid  immediately  upon  Chrili ,  and  all   the  relt  of  the 
,    Apoftles  upon  St.  Peter :  Or,  as  if  the  Court  oiKome  were  St.  Peter's  fok  Heir.  If 
'   their  Bi(hops  had  taught  any  fuch  Dodtrine  in  the  Councils  of  Conjiance  and  BafiU 
they  would  have  gone  near  to  have  been  cenfured  for  Hereticks,  unlefs  they  had  ex- 
plained themfelves  better  than  he  doth.     Though  it   is  true,  that  after  the  Popes 
by  violence  and  fubtilty  had  gained  fo  much  upon  the  World,  as  to  be  able  to  im- 
pofe  new  uprtart-Oaths ,  Firft  ,  Upon  Archbi(hops  ,  and  then  upon  Bifhops  ,  in- 
conliftent  with  their  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  and  had  falfirted  the  very  forms  of  their 
own  Oaths  from  Kegulas  SanUorum  Patritm ,   the  Rules  of  the  Holy  Fathers  ,  to 
Kegalia  SanUi  Petri,  the  Royalties  of  St.  P^ffi  then  they  had  the  Bifhops  bound 
hand  and  foot  to  their  devotion;     But  who  were  thefe  Bifliops?  What  were  their 
names?  What  were  their  words  >   Who  were  the  Kings  that  fuffered  them?  Nay 
he  telleth  us  not,  but  leaveth  us  in  the  dark:     Firft,  to  divine  what  was  his  dream, 
and  then  to  (hew  hiin  the  interpretation  of  it.    Onely  he  referreth  us  to  a  T  reatife 
of  his  own,  czlkd  the  flovcers  ojf  the 'EngViih  Chttrch ,  which  I  never  fee  nor  heard 
of  but  from  himftlf.     if  there  be  any  thing  that  is  pertinent  and  deferveth  an  An- 
fwer ,  had  it  not  been  as  eafie  f o  have  cited  his  Authors ,  as  himfelf ,  in  the  mar- 
gent  ?  When  his  latent  Teftimonies  come  to  be  viewed  and  examined  ,  it  will  be 
found  that  his  Monarchy  is  nothing  but  2  primacy  or  principality  of  Orders  his  foun- 
dation  a  refpedtive  ,not  an  abfolute,  foundation  i  and  his  Roman  Church  the  Catho- 
lick  Church  i  Or  elfe  it  will  appear ,  that  inftead  of  gathering  flowers,  he  hath  been 
weeding  -the  Dodfors  of  the  Church. 
Bti.  l-A'tc-ii.      j^ify  admitted  Legates  of  the  Pope,  whom  hefenf  to  examine  the  Faith  of  the  Englift 
J»hn  the  pre-  c;,^^^^     -j-j^^  intended  Pope  was  Pope  Agatho  :  The  pretended  Legate  was  JohH 
the  Precentor,  whom  the  Pope  fent  into  England  at  fuch  time  as  the  Herefie  of  £«- 
tyches  was  frequent  in  the  Oriental  parts ,  nt  ctijw  efiet  fidei  Anglorum  Ecclefa  dili- 
genter  edifcerety  that  he  jhmld  learn  out  diligently   v^hat  was  the  Faith  of  the  Englifl\ 
Church  :  He  faith  not  to  examine  juridically  ,  but  to  learn  out  diligently.     This  Jolnf, 
.his  (uppofed  Legate  ,  had  no  more  power  than  an  ordinary  Meflenger.     Well,  a 
Synod  was  called  :  by  whom  ?  by  the  fuppofed  Legate  ?  No,  but  by  the  Effglifh. 
who  prefided  in  it?  the  pretended  Legate?  No,    but  Theodore  the  Archbiftiop  of 
Canterbury.     There  is  not  the  leaft  footftep  of  any  forreign  Jurifdidtion  or  Auth(> 
rity  in  the  whole  bufinefs. 
M4I,  1 1.  "^^^y  C""*/^^  divers  Bijhopricks  to  be  ereded  at  the   commandment  of  the  Pop^.     If  Jt 

Rtt-e.f.  had  been  proper  for  the  Pope,  or  if  he  had  had  power  to  have  ercdled  them  himfclfj 
B'flTopricks  .why  did  he  put  it  upon  others  ?  To  command  them  to  credt  new  Biflioprieks  had 
/f!ni  by  ^hc  ^^'^^  ^  power  paramount  indeed.This  was  more  than  to  execute  the  Canons.  The 
i'opc  anfwcr-  Hiftory  is  recited  not  in  the  Ninth  Chapter  .  but  in  the  Fifth  Chapter  of  the  Si' 
cd.  cond 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  jot- 

cond  Book  of  iVilliam  o^  Malmesbwy ,  Ve  Gejivs  Regum  Anglorum  ,  not  as  his  own 
relation  ,  but  tranfcribcd  out  of  a  namelefs  Writer,  Verbis  eifdem  qttihui  invent  fcri- 
pa  interferam.     In  the  days  of  Edtvard  the  Elder  ,  the  Region  of  the  We{t-Saxons 
had  wanted  Bifliops  C  ^'pon  what  ground  doth  not  appear;  per  feptem  annos  ^knos^ 
fcven  whole  years.     And  it  may  be  that  fbme  of  the  Bifhopricks  had  been  longer 
vacant ,  perhaps  ingrofled  by  the  Bifliops  of  Winchejier  and  Slmebome  ^  which  Two 
I  find  to  have  been  always  of  great  note  in  the  Court  of  the  Weji-Saxon  Kings.  The 
ground  of  my  conjedure  is  the  words  of  the  Author,  ^od  olim  duo  habuerunt  in 
quinque  divtjerum  ■■,  What  tm^o  for  fame  Jpace  nf  time  had  pnfejjed ,  they  divided  into  five. 
Tormofm  the  then  Pope  refented  this  i  K.  C.  remembers  what  Tragical  ftirs  he  made 
at  Kome  \  but  as  to  this  particular ,  a  better  man  might  have  done  a  worfe  deed. 
Hejent  hU  Letters  into  England ,  mifit  in  Angliam  Epijiolas,  and  it  feemeth  that  they 
were  very  high,  ^ida  Papa  TormoCo  pr^ceptum  fit  ■■,  but  pr£ceptum  fignifies  a  Lef- 
fon  or  Inftrudtion ,  as  well  as  a  Commandment.     And  again,  t>abat  excommunica- 
tionem&  maledidionem  Regi  Edwardo,  &  omnibus  SubjeCiis  ejus;  He  befioTved  an  Ex- 
communication and  a  ciirfe  upon  King  Edward  ,  and  all  hii  fubjeCir.     Why  ,   what  had 
the  poor  Subjedts  offended  ?  or  King  Edward ,  for  any  thing  that  appeareth  ?  This 
was  fharp  work  indeed  ,    the  lirtt  Summons  an  Excommunication  with  a  Curie  : 
A  man  of  Eormofus'Kis  temper,  who  was  indeed  a  Bifhop  of  an  Apoftolical  Church, 
though  he  violated  his  Oath  to  obtain  it  i  and  who  fuppofed  himfelf  to  be  not  one- 
ly  the  Patriarch  of  Britain ,  but  a  Malier  (  of  mifrule, ;  in  the  Church  ,  might  ad- 
■  venture  far  :  But  to  do  him  right,  I  do  not  believe  that  this  was  any  formal  fen- 
tencei  that  had  been  too  palpably  unjufl  before  a  citation.  I  remember  not  that  any 
other  Author  mentions  it,  which  they  would  have  done,  if  it  had  been  a  (blemn  In- 
terdid,in  thofe  days.     And  this  namelefs  Author  calls  it  but  an  Epiflle.     Moreover 
he  tells  us  of  honourable  prefents  fent  to  the  Pope,  but  not  a  word  of  any  Abfolu- 
tion,  which  had  been  more  to  his  purpofe,  if  this  had  been  an  Excommunication. 
It  could  be  nothing  but  a  threatning,  That  unlefs  this  abufe  were  reformed  he  » 

would  hold  no  Communion  with  them:  As  Vi^or  a  much  better  Pope,  and  in  much 
better  times,  de^lt  with  the  Jfaticl^,  over  whom  he  had  no  Jurifdidtion.  There  is 
a  vaft  difference  between  formal  Excommunication,and  withholding  of  Communi- 
on ■,  as  alfb  between  impofing  Ecclefiaftical  punifhment ,  and  onely  reprefenting 
what  is  incurred  by  the  Canons. 

where  Obferve  with  me  Two  things,  Firfl,  R.  C.  his  great  miflake,  that  here  was 
•a  command  to  ereft  new  Bilhopricks,  to  which  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  oblige 
not,  and  therefore  it  muft  proceed    from  Soveraign  Authority,  whereas  here  was 
onely  a  filling  or  fupplying  of  the  empty  Sees.     The  Authors  words  zve^de  renovan- 
dis  Epifcopatibus,  of  renewing,  not  ered:ing,Biihopricks  ■■>  znd  per  fep tern  annos  deftitu- 
ta  Epijcopis,  they  had  wanted  Bifhops  for  feven  years.     Laftly,  the  names  of  the 
Sees  fupplyed,  which  were  all  ancient  Epifcopal  Sees  from  the  Firft  Converfion  of 
the  Weji-Saxons^  do  evince  this.     IVinchefier,  Schireborne  or  Salesbury^JPIlls,  Crediyiton  Wil  M^lmef. 
now  Exceter^  and  the  Bifhoprick  of  Cormcall,  called  anciently  St.  Germans.   Sf^cond-  I-  i-Ree-  «•  ^• 
ly,  Obferve  that  whatfoever  was  done  in  this  bufinefs,  was  done  by  the  Kings  Au- 
thority, congregavit  Kex  Edwardus  Symdum^  King  Edward  ajjembkd  a  Synod,  faith 
the  fame  Author  in  the  place  cited  :  And  he  calls  the  fentence  of  the  Synod  Vecre- 
tjm  RfgM,  the  Kings  Decree.-   This  is  more  to  prove  the  King's  Political    Headfhip 
in  convocating  Synods,  and  confirming  Synods,  than  all  his  conjeiftures  and  furmi- 
fes  to  the  contrary. 

"They  with  all  humility  admitted  Legates  of  the  Pope  in  the  time  0/ Kenulphus  tf«^  £.  j2.  Jf/s.-. 
Ofh^and  admitted  the  ereSinn  of  a  nen>  Archbijhoprick^in  England.  Why  fhould  they  c.  is. 
not  admit  Legates  ?  What  are  Legates  but  Meffengers  and  Ambaffadors  ?  The 
Office  of  an  AmbafTador  is  Sacred,  though  from  the  Great  Turk.  But  did  they 
admit  them  to  hold  Legantine  Courts,  and  fwallow  up  the  whole  Ecclefiafiical  Ju- 
rifdidtion  of  the  Kingdom  ?  King  Offa  defired  to  have  a  new  Archbifhoprick  eifa- 
blifhed  at  Lichfield  within  his  own  Dominions  i  and  before  he  had  the  concurrence 
of  Pope  Adrian,  had  excluded  the  Archbifhop  of  Canterbury  out  of  the  Mercian 
Kingdom, by  Royal  Authority.  On  the  other  fide  Kenulphm  defired  to  have  the 
Archbifhoprick  fettled,  as  it  was  formerly  at  Csnterbwy.     This  is  nothing  to  enfor- 

T  2  ced 


ig6 


A  Juji  Vindication 


TOME  !. 


Ediat.  tfnd 
Ealrtdin  Ora- 
If.  ad  Efijdf 
p»i.  Wllhttd.  4 
fni  Sftlm. 


c-d  Uirifdidion.  England  always  admitted  the  Pope's  Legates  and  his  Bulls  with 
confcnt  of  the  King,  but  not  otherwife.  Here  again  he  cites  no  Authority  but  his 
own. 


Clergymen 
not  excmored 
from  fccular 
Judge*. 


Plat,  in 
Poliiics. 


7'l'ey  profefed  that  it  belonged  to  Bijhop  to  ptnip  Pnefis  and  Keligiom  men^  and  not 
to  Kings.    Nomandoubtsof  it  in  their  fenfe, but  they  who  leave  nothing  certain 
in  the  World.     Here  is  nothing  but  a  heap  of  confufed  generalities.     In  Ibme  ca- 
fes the  punifhment  of  Clergymen  doth  not  belong  to  Kings,  but  Archbifhops,  that 
is  cafes  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognizance,  tryablc  by  the  Canon-Law  ,  in  the  Firll  in- 
flancc.    In  other  cafes  it  belongs  not  to  Archbifhops,  but  to  Kings,  to  be  their 
Tudge's,  as  in  cafes  of  civil  cognizance,  or  upon  the  laft  appeal  :  Not  that  the  King 
IS  bound  to  determine  them  in  his  own  perfon,  but  by  rit  Deputies  or  Delegates. 
Tlato  makes  all  Regiment  to  confilt  of  thcfe  Three  parts,  knowing,  commanding, 
and  executing  :  The  Firft  belongs  to  the  King  and  his  Council,  The  Si^cond  to  the 
King  in  his  perfon ,  The  Third  to  the  King  by  his  Deputies.     So  the  King  governs 
in  the  Church, but  not  as  a  Church-man  i  in  the  Army,  but  not  as  a  Souidier  i  In 
the  City,  but  not  as  a  Merchant  i  in  the  Country,  but  not  as  an  Husbandman. 
Our  Kings  did  never  ufe  to  determine  Spiritual  orEcclefiaftical  caufes  in  their  own 
perfonSjbut  by  meet  feleded  Delegates.     Perfons  of  great  maturity  of  Judgment, 
of  known  Dexterity  in  the  Canon  Laws,  of  approved  Integrity :  And  Laftly  fuch 
(  at  leaft  (bme  of  the  number  )  as  were  qualified  by  their  callings  to  cxcrcife  the 
power  of  the  Keys,  and  ro  adt  by  Excommunication  or  Abfolution,  according  to 
the  exigence  of  the  caufev  and  who  more  proper  to  be  fuch  Delegates  in  Quel^ions 
of  moment  than  Archbifhops  and  Bifhops  ?  This  is  fo  evident  in  our  Laws  and 
Hiftories,  that  it  is  not  onely  loft  labour,  but  ihame-to  oppofe  it.     KingE^/^ar's 
words  in  the  place  alledged  were  thefe.     Med  folicimdinis  eji^  Sec.  It  belongs  to  my 
cjre  to  provide  tiecejfaries  for  the  Miniiiers  of  Churches^  Sec.  and  to  tak^  order  for  their 
peace  and  (juiet^  the  Examination  of  whofe  manners  belongs  to  yon,  whether  they  live   con- 
tinently^ and  behave  themfelves  honejily  to  them  that  are  without^  whether  they  be  folici- 
touf  in  performing  divine  Offices,  diligent  to  inftrtii}  the  People,  fiber  in  their  Converfations^ 
mode}}  in  their  Habits,  difcreet  in  their  Judgments.     No  man  doubts  of  this.     But 
for  all  this  Edgar  did  not  forget  his  Kingly  Office  and  Duty.     See  the  conclufion  of 
the  fame  Oration  to  the  Clergy,  contempa  funt  verba,  veniendum  efi  ad  verbera,  Sec. 
Tvords  are  dejpifed,  it  mufi  come  to  blows,  "thou  hafi  with  thee  there  the  venerable  Father 
Edelwald  Bijhop  of  Winchefter,  and  Ofwald  the  7noft  reverend  Bijhop  of  Worcefler.  I 
commit  that  hufineji  to  you,  that  perfons  of  bad  Conversation  may  be  cajl   out  of  the 
Churches,  and  perfons  of  good  life  brought  in  by  your  Epijcopal  cenfitre,  and  my  Koyal  Au- 
thority.   So  Edgar  did  not  forget  his  Political  Headfhip. 

What  King  Withred  f3.id  was  fpokenin  the  Council  of  Becancelde,  where  he  him- 
felf  fate  as  a  civil  Prelident,  and  where  the  Decrees  of  the  Council  ifTued  in  his 
name  and  by  his  Authority, /frwi/er  decernimm,  &c.  His  words  are  thcfe,  Jt  belongs 
to  him  (  the  King )  to  mak£  Earls,  Vuk^s,  Noblemen,  Princes,  Pre f  dents,  and  fecular 
Judges,  but  It  belongs  to  the  Metropolitan  or  Archbijhop  to  govern  the  Churches,  to  choofe 
Bifhops,  Abbats,  and  other  Prelates,  Sec.  If  King  tTithred  had  faid.  It  belongs  to  the 
Pope  to  govern  the  Churches,  it  had  made  for  his  purpofe  indeed  •,  But  faying  as 
he  doth,  it  belongs  to  the  Metropolitan,  it  cuts  the  throat  of  his  caufe,  and  fhews 
clearly  what  we  fay,  that  our  Metropolitans  are  not  fubordinate  to  any  fingle  Eccle- 
fialtical  Superior.  As  for  the  bounds  between  the  King  and  the  Archbifhop,  we 
know  them  well  enough  :  he  needed  not  trouble  his  head  about  it. 

They  fuffered  their  Subjedts  to  profefs,That  qui  non  communicat  Ecclefjt  Romans 

tUreticus  eft  ;  quicquid  ipfaftatuerit,  fufcipio  ■■,  &  quod  damnaverit,  damno  :  He  U  an 

neretiik^that  holds  not  Communion  with  the  Church  0/ Rome  i  what  pe  determines,  I 

Xonrthath  no  '^""''' '  f  hat  (he  condemns,  J  condemn.     Suppofing  thefe  to  be   the  very  words  of 

ccrtiintyofln  j?"''"'"''?  ^^ough  1  have  rw  reafbnto  truft  his  citations  further  than  I  fee  them-,  and 

allibilitie.        fuppofing  them  to  have  been  fpoken  in  R.  C.  his  fenfe  i  yet  Ealred  was  but  one 

Dodtor,  whofe  Authority  is  not  fit  to  counterbalance  the  pnblick  Laws  and  Cu- 

ftoms  and  Records  of  a  whole  Kingdom.     Neither  doth  it  appear  that  they  who 

fate  at  the  Stern  in  thofe  days  did  either  fuffer  if,  or  fo  much  as  know  of  it.  Books 

were  not   publifhed   then  fo  foou  as  they  were  written,  but  lay  moft  commonly 

dor- 


B>idm> 


Eatrtd 
Str.  3$.  rn 

I4.c.//4i<- 


Discourse   IIJ.       Of  the  Churdh  ofEn^diwd.  jgy 

dormient  many  years,  or  perhaps  many  ages,  before  they  fee  the  Sun.     But  Eakcd 

his  fenfe  was  not  the  fame,  it  could  not  be  the  fame  with  K.  C.  his.     No  man  in 

thofe  days  did  take  the  Church  of  Kome  for  tfie  Kom^iM-Catholick  or  Univerfal 

Church,  but  for  the  Diocefs  of  Kome^  which  their    beft    Prodlors    do  make  to  be 

no  otherwife  infallible  than  upon  fuppofition  of  the  infeparability  of  the  Papacy 

from  it,  which  BfJ/^^rw/w  himfelf  confelTeth  to  be  but  a  probable  Opinion,  Nif^wf  Bett.de  Rom, 

Serif  tma  neque  Traditio  habet^fedem  Apnjiolicam  itafixam  ejfe  Romje,  ut  itide  auferri  non  Pont.  1. 4.  c.<. 

foUit;  Ibere  U  neither  Scripture  nor  Iraditim  to  prove  that  the  Apofiolick  See  is  fo  fixed  to 

Rome  that  it  cannot  be  removed  front  it.     Therefore  thefe  words  of  Ealred  cannot  be 

applyed  to  this  prefent  Queftion,  becaufe  the  fubjedt  of  the  Queftion  is  changed. 

And  if  they  be  underltood  fimply  and  abfolutely  of  an  Univerfal  Communion  with 

the  Church  of  Kome  both  prefent  and  future,  they  are  unfound  in  the  judgment  of 

BeVarmine  himlclf.     It  remains  therefore  that  they  are  either  to  be  underltood  of 

Communicating  in  eflentials  i  and  fo  we  Communicate  with  the  Church  of  Rome 

at  this  day  :  Or  that  by  the  Church  of  Rome  EaJreddid  underftand  the  Church  of 

Kome  of  that  age,  whereas  all  thofc  exceptions  which  We  have  againft  them  for 

our  not  Communicating  with  them  adtually  in  all  things,  are  either  fpriing  up  fincc 

Ealred's  time,  or  at  leaft,  ilnce  that  time,  made  or  declared   neceflary  conditions  of 

their  Communion.     Laftly,  I  defire  the  Reader  to  take  notice,  that  thefc  words  of 

Ealred  do  contain  nothing  againft  the  political  Supremacy  of  Kings,  nor  againft  the 

Liberties  of  the  Englijh  Church,  nor  for  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Court  of  Kome  over 

England,  and  fb  might  have  been  pafTed  by  as  impertinent. 

Tihey  endited  their  Letters  to  the  Pope  in  thefe  roords,  Summo  &  Vniverfali  Eccl^ti  Adreiii  i/itk 
Fajiori  Nicolao  Edwardus  Dei  gratia  Anglis  Kex  dehitam  fuhjeUionem  &  omnimo-  ^j^'lf^'r 
dttmfervitium.    It  (eemeth  that  the  Copies  differ, (bme  have  not  Pi^ori  but  Patri,  gupcrfcripti- 
nor  Vniverfali  but  Vnivcrfal'n  Ecclefue,  and  no  more  but  Obedientiam   for  omnimodum  ons  to  J'op««. 
fervitium.  But  let  him  read  it  as  he  lift,  it  fignifies  nothing.  There  cannot  be  imagi- 
ned a  weaker  or  a  poorer  argument  than  that  which  is  drawn  from  theSuperfcription 
or  Subscription  of  a  Letter.  He  that  enrolls  every  man  in  the  Catalogue  of  his  friends 
and  fervants,who  fubicribe  themfelves  his  loving  or  obliged  friends^  or  hit  faithful  and 
obedient  fervants,  will  find  his  friends  and  fetvants  (boner  at  a  Feaft  than  at  a  Fray. 
Titles  are  given  in  Letters  more  out  of  Cuftorti  and  Formality  than  out  of  Judg- 
ment and  Truth.     The  Pope  will  not  ftick  to  endite  his  Letter  to  the  King  of  the 
Romans,  and  yet  fufFerhimto  have  nothing  to  do  in  Rome.    Every  one,  who  endited 
their  Letters  to  the  high  and  mighty  Lords  the  States  General,  did  not  prefently 
believe  that  was  their  juft  Title  before  the  King  of  Spain's  Refignation.     Titles  are 
given  fometimes  out  of  courtefie,  {bmetimes  out  of  necclfity,  becaufe  men  will  not 
lofe  their  bufmefs  for  want  of  a  complement.     He  that  will  write  to  the  great 
Duke  of  Mufcovia  muft  ftile  him  Emperor  of  Ru^a.     How  many  have  loft  their 
Letters  and  their  labours  for  want  of  a  mon  Frere  or  mon  Coufme^  my  Brother  or  my 
Coufin? 

It  were  beft  for  him  to  quit  his  argument  from  Superfcriptlons,  otherwife  he  will 
be  flie  wed  Popes  calling  Princes  their  Lords,  and  themfelves  their  Subjeds  and  Ser- 
vants, yea  Princes  moft  glorious  and  moft  excellent  Lords,  and  themfelves  Servants 
of  Servants,  that  is.  Servants  in  the  fuperlative  degree;  They  will  find  Cyprian  ta 
his  Brother  Cornelius  health^and  Juftinian  to  John  the  mofl  holy  Archbifljop  of  the  ,  City 
of  Rome,  and  Patriarch.  Did  St.  Cyprian  believe  Cornelim  to  be  his  Mafter,  and  ftilc 
him  Brother?  or  owe  obedience,and  fervice  and  fend  but  health  ?  Had  it  been  come- 
ly to  ftile  an  Ecclefiaftical  Monarch  plain  Archbifhop  and  Patriarch,  and  for  the 
Chriftian  World  to  fet  down  onely  the  City  of  Rome  ? 

But  what  doth  he  take  hold  on  in  this  Superfcription  to  their  advantage  ?  Is  it 
the  -jvordfummo  ?  That  cannot  be,  it  is  confefTcd  generally  that  the  Bifhop  of  Kome 
had  priority  of  Order  among  the  Patriarchs.  Or  is  it  the  word  Vniverfali?  Nei- 
ther can  that  bev  all  the  Patriarchs  were  ftiled  Oecumenical  or  Univerfal,  not  in  ref^ 
pe<fl  of  an  Univerfal  power,  but  their  Univerfal  care,  as  St.  Paul  faith,  "The  care  rf 
aV the  Churches  did  lye  upon  him,  and  thch  pitCidenct  in  Gencxil  Councils.  It  can-  tcor.tuilii 
not  be  the  word  Pafiori;  All  Bifliops  were  anciently  called  Paftorsi  Where  then  lyes 
theftrength  of  this  Argument  ?  In  the  words  duejiibje^ion?  No.    There  i$  fub« 

T  3  jeai- 


,p8  A  J  lift  Vindication  TOMEl. 


jedion  to  good  advife,  as  well  as  to  juft  commands.  The  principal  Patriarchs  bore 
the  ercatcfl  fway  in  a  General  Council-,  in  that  rcfped  there  was  fubjcdion  due  unto 
them.  The  la(t  words  all  forts  of  fervice,  are  not  in  fome  Copies,  and  if  they  were, 
vtrboTumut  mtnmorum,  as  they  are  commonly  ufed,as  well  trom  Superiors  to  their 
Inferiors, as  from  Inferiors  to  their  Superiors,  they  fignifie  nothing. 

I  wonder  he  was  not  afraid  to  cite  this  Superfcription,  coniideringthe  claufc  in 
Pope  Nicholof  his  letter  to  King  Edrvard^  VobU  verb  &pojieris  veflrvs  Kegibm  commini- 
AiUtd-wd-     ^^  Advocationem  &  luitionem  ejufdem  loci^  &  omnium  totius   Anglia  Ecckfiarum^  ut 
vice  ttojird^  cum  confilio  Epifcoj>orum  &  Abbatum^  conftituas  ubique  qux  ytjlaftim.  King 
Edtvard  by  the  fundamental  Law  of  the  Land,  was  the  Vicar  of  God   to  govern  the 
Church  of  God  mthin  hU  Dominions.     But  if  he  had  not,  here  is  a  better  Title  from 
the  See  of  Kome  it  ftlf^  than  that  whereby  the  King  of  Spain  holds  all  the  Ecclefia- 
llical  Jurifdidtion  of  Sicily  to  him  and  his  lieirs  at  this  day. 
Wilfmt-  Anno       They  profejfed  that  it  was  Herefte  to  deny  that  the  Tepe  omni  prefidet  creatura^  is  ahotie 
i%%6.  every  creature.     That  is  no  more  than  to  fay, that  the  Bifhop  of  Kome,  as  fuccefTor 

^°7Ahr^^  to  Sr.  P«fr,  is />«»«/>/«»« 'Z/'«itatif,the  beginning  of  Unity,  or  hath  a  principality  dt 
bove  all  crea/  Ordcr(  not  of  Power  }above  all  Chriftians.  It  will  be  hard  for  him  to  gain  any 
turts.  thing  at  the  hands  of  that  wife  and  vidorious  Prince  Edward  the  Third,  who  diC- 

pofed  of  Ecclefiaftical  dignities,  received  homage  and  fealty  from  his  Prelats,  who 
writ  that  fo  much  admired  Letter  to  the  Pope  for  the  Liberties  of  the  Englijh 
Church,  cui  pro  tunc  Fapa  aut  Cardinales  rationabiliter  rejpondere  nefciebant,  to  which  the 
Walfint.Annii  pgpg  ^jjj  Q^yjifj^js  (j^  jtgfj^ow  at  that  time  how  to  give  a  reafonable  anfwer.     Where- 
in he  pleads,  that  his  Anceltors  had  granted  free  Ele<flions,adirogiJf«»z  &  injlantiam 
didx  fedif^pon  the  earnefi  entreaty  of  the  See  of  Rome,  which  now  'they  endeavoured 
to  Ufurp  and  Seize   upon,  who  made  himfelf  in  Parliament  the  Judge  of  all  the 
grievances  which  the  Kingdom  fultained  from  the  Pope,  who  made  exprefs  Laws 
a 5. £.3.        againft  the  opprellions  of  the  Koman ^Court,  declaring  publickly.  That  it  was  his 
duty^and  that  he  was  bound  by  his  Oath  to  maks  ^fmedies  againji  them.     This  was  more 
than  Twenty  fuch  complements  as  this,  which  is  moft  true  in  a  right  fenle.     That 
it  was  but  a  complement  appeareth  evidently  by  this.     The  Queftion  was  about 
Edward  the  Third's  right  to  the  Crown  of  France,  and  his  confederation  with 
Lewis  of  Bavaria;  thefe  were  no  Ecclefiafiical  matters,  the  King  ftnt  his  AmbafTa- 
dors  to  the  Pope,  to  treat  with  him  about  his  right  to  the  Crown  of  France.     But 
rotwithftanding  his  fupercminent  judgment,  he  gave  them  in  charge  to  treat  with 
WMnti  Ann*  ^^^  Pope,  not  as  a  Judge,  but  as  a  private  per/on,  and  a  common  friend  not  inform  nor  in 
134}: ,  fg^'f^i  of  judgment.     He  attributeth  no  more  to  the  Pope,  than  to  another  man,  ac- 

cording to  tne  reafbns  which  he  fhall  produce.    His  own  words  are  theft,  parati 
femper  nedum  a  vejiro  fando  cundis  prefidente  judicio,  imo  a  qmlibet  alio  de  veritate  con- 
irarii  (fi  quit  earn  noverit )  humiliter  injormari,  &quijponte  rationi  fubjicimur  aliam 
datam  nobis  inteVigi  veritatem  cum  plena  &  humili  gratitudine  compleaemur.     Bei»z  f^^ 
dy  always  humbly  to  be  informed  of  the  truth  of  the  contrary(if  any  man  k^ow  it)  not 
onely  from  your  holy  judgment  beingplaced  in  dignity  before  all,  (01  as  it  is  in  another 
place  before  every  Creature  }  hut  from  any  other.     And  we,who  are  fubjeU   to  reafm  »f 
our  own  accord,wi\l  embrace  the  truth,  with  humility  and  thankjulnef!,  when  it  if  made 
iinovcn  unto  us.     This  was  Edward  the  Third's  Refolution  to  fubmit  to  reafon,  and 
the  evidence  of  the  truth,  from  whomfoever  it  proceeded.    Yet  though  the   cafe 
was  meerly  Civil,  and  not  at  all  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognizance,  and  though  Edward 
the  Third  did  not,  would  not,truft  the  Pope  with  it  as  a  Judge,  but  as  an  indiffe- 
rent Friend,  yet  he  gives  him  good  words.  That  his  'judgment  was  placed  in  dignity  a- 
hove  all  Creatures,  which  to  deny  was  to  allaw  of  Herefte. 

Why  do  we  hear  words,  when  we  fee  Deeds  ?  The  former  Popes  had  Excom- 
municated Leivis  of  Bavaria,  and  all  who  fhould  acknowledge  him  to  be  Emperor. 
Wdi/Irr  Ibid'  Nevcrthelefs  Edward  the  Third  contracted  a  firm  league  with  him,  and  moreover 
became  his  Lieutenant  in  the  Empire.  Pope  Be«f«/i5  takes  notice  of  it,  writes  to 
King  FJward  about  it,  intimates  the  decrees  of  his  predecefTors  againft  Lewis  of 
Bavaria  and  his  adherents,  flgnifying  that  the  Emperor  was  deprived,  and  could  not 
make  a  Lieutenant.  The  King  gives  fair  words  in  general,  but  notwithftanding  all 
that  the  Pope  could  do  to  the  contrary  proceeds,  renews  liis  league  with  the  Empe- 


DiscouBsE  I/I.        Of f/jeChMtc/j of  En^hnd.  ^       ipp 

ror,  and  his  Commillion  for  the  Lieutenancy,  and  trailed   more  to  his  own  judg- 
ment than  totiiefnperemi?tfnt  judgment  of  the  Pope. 

So  he  draws  to  a  Conclufion  of  this  Chapter,and  though  he  have  proved  nothing 
in  the  World,  yet  he  asks,  JFhat  greater  power  did  ever  Tope  challenge  than  here  if  pro- 
fefed/'  Even  all  the  povvcr  that  is  in  controveriic  between  us  and  them.    He  chal- 
lenged the  Political  Headfhip  of  the  Engliflj  Church,  under  pretence  of  an  Ecclefia- 
ftical  Monarchy.     He  challenged  a  Legillative  power  in  Ecclefiaftical  caufes.     He 
challenged  a  Difpenfative  power  above  the  Laws,  againft  the  Laws  of  the  Church, 
whenfoever,  wherefocver,  over  whomfoever.  He  challenged  liberty  to  fend  Legates, 
and  hold  Lcgantine  Courts  in  England  without  licence.     He  challenged  the  ri»ht  of 
receiving  the  laft  Appeals  of  the  King's  Subjedls.     He  challenged  the  Patronage  of 
the  Englijh  Church,  and  Invcftitures  of  Bilhops,  with  power  to  impofe  a  new  Oath 
upon  them,  contrary  to  their  Oath  of  Allegiance.     He  challenged  the  Firft  Fruits 
and  Tenths  of  Ecclefiaftical  livings,  and  a  power  to  impole  upon  them  what  Pen- 
fions  or  other  burthens  he  plea(ed.     He  challenged  the  goods  of  Clergymen  dying 
intelhte,  &c.  All  which  arc  exprefly  contrary  to  the  fundamental  Laws  and  Cu- 
■  ftoms  of  England. 

He  confelfeth,  That  it  is  lawful  to  refiji  the  Pope,  invadinf^  either  th  Bodiei  onthe 
SohIi  of  men,  or  trottbling  the  Commonvpeahh  ,  or  indeavouring  to  dejlroy  the  Church, 
I  ask  no  moicYezforfnoth,  faith  he.  If  J  may  be  Judge,  what  doth  invade  the  Soul. 
No  I  confefs  I  am  no  rit  Judge.  No  more  is  he.  The  main  Quelnon  is  who  (hall 
be  Judge,  what  are  the  Liberties  and  Immunities  of  a  National  Church,and  what  arc 
the  grievances  which  they  fuftain  from  the  Court  of  Rome.  Is  it  equal  that  the 
Court  of  Kowethemlelves  (hould  be  the  Judges,  who  are  the  perfbns  that  do  the 
wrong  ?  Nothing  can  be  more  abfurd.  In  vain  is  any  mans  fentence  expedted  a- 
gainft  himfelf  The  moft  proper  and  the  higheft  judicature  upon  Earth  in  this  cafe, 
is  a  General  Council,  as  it  was  in  the  ca{e  of  the  Cyprian  Bifhops  and  their  pretend- 
ed Patriarch.  And  until  that  remedy  can  be  had,  it  is  lawful  and  behooveth  every 
Kingdom  or  National  Church,  who  know  beft  their  own  rights,  and  have  the  rnoic 
feeling  where  their  Shoe  wrings  them,  to  be  their  own  Judges^  I  mean  onely  by  a 
Judgment  of  Difcretion,toprcferve  their  own  rights  inviolated,  ahd  their  perfons 
free  from  wrong,/«t  mnderamine  inculpate  tutels.  And  efpecially  Sovereign  Princes, 
are  bound  both  by  their  Office,and  by  their  Oiths,to  provide  for  the  fecurity  and 
indemnity  of  their  Subjeds,  as  all  Kowj^f-Catholick  Princes  do  when  they  have 
occafion. 

And  here  he  falls  the  Third  time  upon  his  former  Theme  ,  that,  in  things  in- 
ftituted  by  God,  the  abufe  doth  not  tak^  away  the  ufe.  Which  we  do  willingly  acknow- 
ledge,and  fay  with  St.  Aujiine,Neque  enimfi  peccavit  Cscilianus,  idea  hdreditatem  fu-  ' 

amperdidit  Chriftuf,&  fceleratd  impudemie  eft  propter  crimina  hominif  qux  orbi  terra-  •^"/"/'•^f' $*• 
rum  non  poffis  ojlendere,  Commitnionem  orbis  terrarum  veVe  damnare.  Neither  if  Ceci- 
lian  offended,  did  Chrift  therefore  lofe  his  inheritance.  And  it  is  wicked  impudence  for 
the  crimes  of  a  man,  which  thou  canft  notfhew  to  the  World,  to  he  tpilling  to  condemn  tht 
Communion  of  the  world.  But  neither  was  that  Authority  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome, 
■which  we  have  rejedted,either  of  Divine  or  Apoftolical  Inftitution  ;  Nor  have  wc 
rejedted  it  for  the  perfonal  faults  of  fome  Popes,  but  becaufe  it  was  faulty  in  it  fdf: 
Nor  have  we  feparated  our  felves,  from  the  conjoyned  Communion  of  the  Chriftian 
World  in  any  thing.  I  wifh  the  Kemanifts  were  no  more  guilty  thereof  than 
we. 

Of  King  Henrie*s  exemption  of  himfclf  from  all  Spiritual  Jurifdi(Sion  we  have  f(ff •  «• 
fpoken  formerly  in  this  very  Chapter. 


CHAP.    V. 


100 


A  Jnji  Vindication  TOME  L 


T 


C  H  A  P.     V. 

*Hc  fcope  of  my  Fiftli  Chapter,  was  to  fiiew  that  the  Britamk\  Cliurches 
were  free  from  all  forreign  Jurifdi<Sion  for  the  Firft  Six  hundred  ycars,and 

Co  ought  to  continue.     For  the  clearing  of  which  point,  I  (hewed  that 

there  was  a  parity  of  power  among  the  Apoftles  •,  And  that  the  Sovereignty  did 
not  reft  in  any  fingle  Apoftle,  but  in  the  Apoftolical  Colledge.    1  (hewed   that  in 
the  age  of  the  Apoftles,  and  the  age  next  fiKceeding,    the  higheft  Order  in  the 
Church,  under  the  Apoftles,  were  National  Protarchs  or  Patriarchs  ■,  And  by  what 
means,  and  upon  what  grounds,  in  after  ages  fome  of  thefe  Patriarchs  came  to  be 
"archsin-  exalted  above  the  reft,  and  to  obfcure  their  fellows.     But  each  of  thefe  within  their 
depencknt  iip-  own  Patriarchates,did  challenge  a  Jurifdiftion  independent  upon  any  fingle  Superi- 
on  a  fingle  Su-  or,    as  might  be  made  clear  by  many  inftances.  When  Athanafius  and  Fauluf  pro- 
perior.  cured  the  Letters  of  Pope  y^*''"^  for  their  reftitution  (  1  meddle  not  with  the  me- 

Stcrat.  ■  •c.  ,^.^_  ^j.  ^j^^  ^^^^^  ^  ^j^^  Bi(hops  of  the  Eaji  took  the  reprehenfion  ot^  Julius  as  a  con- 
tumely, they  called  a  Council  at  ^jitiw/;,  they  accufed  Julius  (harply,  and  (hewed 
that  he  had  nothing  to  do  to  contradict  them,  more  than  they  did  contradict  him 
when  he  thruft  Novam  out  of  the  Church.  Neitl^er  did  the  great  Proto-Patriarchs 
challenge  this  independency  onely,  but  other  \ciki  Patriarchs  alfo,  as  St.  Cyprian. 
When  Fortmatus  FdhcijUimus  and  others,  being  fentencedand  Excommunicated  in 
^/ric^^addreffed  their  complaint  to  the  Bifhop  of  Kome,  let  us  hear  what  St.  Cy- 
cnr.  tp.  1 1,  f^^'*^  ^^'"^  ^f  i^'  What  caufe  had  they  to  come  and  relate  the  making  of  a  falfe  Bipop  a- 
Ep.  3*.  gainji  true  hijhops  ?  Either  that  rvhich  they  have  done  pleafeth  them,  and  they  ferfevere  in 

their  n-ickcdnefi,  or  if  it  dijpleafe  them;  and  they  faV from  it,  they  knotv  rfhether  to  return : 
for  rohereas  it  is  decreed  by  us  all,  and  it  is  equal  andjujl,  that  every  ones  caufe  fhould  he 
heard  there  where  the  crime  veas  committed,  and  a  certain  portion  of  the  Lords  flock^ii 
ajfigmd  to  each  Tajior,  which  he  is  to  govern,  and  to  give  an  account  of  his  anions  to  the 
Lord  :  Therefore  it  behooveth  thofe  whom  we  are  over  not  to  run  up  and  down,  nor  to 
break^the  frrm  concord  of  Bijhops  by  their  fubtle  and  deceitful  rapnej!.  But  to  plead  their 
caufe  there  where  they  may  have  both  accufers  and  witneffes  of  their  crimes,  unlefi  the 
Authority  of  the  African  Bifhops,  who  havefentenced  them  already,  feem  to'aferv  defter  ate 
cafl-aways  to  be  inferior,&c.  To  (ay,  with  BeVarmine,  that  St.  Cyprian  (peaks  onely  of 
the  Firft  inftancc,is  to  contradid  St.  C>i|^m«  himlelf,  who  faith  expre(sly  that  the 
I  caufe  had  been  fentenced  already  in  Africk^ 

Then  1  (hewed  the  bounds  of  the  ancient  Koman  Patriarchate  out  oi"  Kuffinus, 
The  reft  of  the  Chapter  may  be  reduced  to  a  Syllogifm.  Whatfoever  Church  or 
Churches  were  free  and  exempted  from  the  forreign  Jurifdidtion  of  the  Koman 
Court,  from  the  beginning, until  the  General  Council  o(  Ephefus  ,  ar\6i  after  until 
the  Six  hundredth  year  of  Chrift,  ought  to  continue  free  and  exempted  for  ever,  not- 
withftanding  the  fubfequent  Ufurpation  of  any  forreign  Prelate  or  Patriarch.  This 
was  clearly  and  irrefragably  proved  out  of  the  words  of  the  Council  it  felf^  And 
Cone.  Epiiefin.  if  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  did  intrude  himfelf  after  that  time  he  is  a  Robber  and  an 
Part-i.  AH.'!,  ufu^pg^^  ^^^  ^^^  never  prefcribe  to  a  legal  pofTeflion,  according  to  the  famous  rule 

of  the  Lawi  Adversits  furem  aterna  Authoritas  e(to. 
Britain  enjoy- '    ^^^  ^^^  Britannick^  Churches  were  free  and  exempted  from  the  forreign  Jurifdi- 
ed  the  Cyfri-    <^ion  of  the  Roman  Court  from  the  beginning ,  until  the  General  Council  of  Ephe- 
«n  privilcdge.  fits,  and  after,  until  the  Six  hundredth  year  of  Chrift.     This   AfTumption  was  pro- 
ved Firft  by  their  filence,  upon  whom  the  proof  in  Law  doth  reft,  being ■* not  able 
to  produce  one  in(tance  of  the  exercife  of  their  Jurifdidion  in  Britain,  or  any  of  the 
Maiib.  Par'i  ^'"'.'•^""''^k.^Hands ,  for  the  firft  Six  hundred  years,  and  in  fome  parts  of  them  fcarce- 
»"  ff-  ?.  4iino'  ^y  ^^^  '200.  years.    When  the  Pope's  Legate  would  have  entred  into  Scotland  to  vi- 
i2}8.  fit  the  Churches  there  about  the  year  1238;  Alexander  the  Second,  then  King  of  the 

Scots,  forbad  him  to  do  (b,  alledging,  That  none  of  his  Predecejfors  had  ever  admit- 
ted anyfiich ,  neither  would  befuffer  it  ■■,  and  therefore  willed  him  at  his  own  peril  to 

for- 


^'  ^ : -^ _  _^__ 

Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  <7f  Ensiland 


3CI 


forbear.     Secondly,  By  priority  of  Foundation  ,  the  Bmannkh^Chnxch.  being  the  el- 
der Siller ,  and  ancienter  than  the  Roman,  and  therefore  could  not  be  fubjed  to  the 
Roman  Church  from  the  beginning  i  that  was,  before  there  was  a  Roman  Church. 
Thirdly  ,  It  was  proved  by  the  Right  of  Ordination   and  Eledion  of  all  our  Pri- 
mates: For  all  other  Right  of  Jurifdidion  doth  follow  or  purfue  the  Right  of  Ordi- 
nation.    But  it  is  moft  evident ,  that  all  our  Bntijh  Primates,  or  Archbilliops,  were 
nominated  and  eleded  by  our  Princes  with  Synods,  and  ordained  by  their  own  Suf- 
fragans at  home  ,  as  Vubricius  ,  St.  David ,  Samfon ,  &c.  not  onely  in  the  Reigns 
oi Atirelms  Ambrefius,   and  King  Arthur,  but  even  until  the  time  oi Henry  the  Firlt, 
after  the  Eleven  hundredth  year  of  Chrift  ,  as  Giraldiis  Cambrenfis  witnefleth.   Sem-  irtnernr. 
fertamen,  &c.  Tet  altvays  until  the  fuVConqueJi  nf  Wzks  hy  the    King  0/ England  C^mi. /.2.c.r. 
Henry  the  Firji,  the  Bi/hopr  0/ Wales  TPere  confecrated  by  the  Archbifhop  of  St  .Divides: 
and  he  liketvife  was  confecrated  by  other  Bifljops  as  hU  Suffragans^  rvithoui  profeffing  any 
manner  offubjeSion  to  any  other  Church.     But  principally  "it  was  proved  by  the  An- 
fwer  oiVionothfUS ,  the  Reverend  and  Learned  Abbat  and  Redor  of  the  Monaftery 
and  Univerfity  of  Bangor ,  and  from  the  folemn  Sentence  or  Decree  of  Two  Britijh 
Synods  in  the  point,  recorded  by  all  our  Hiftoriographers ,  who  write  the  PiGts  of 
thofe  times. 

I  confefs  he  nibbles  hare  and  there  at  fome  odd  ends  of  this  Difcourfc  ,  buttaketh 
no  manner  of  notice  of  the  main  grounds,  efpecially  the  Two  Britifh  Synods  which 
are  exprels  in  the  point,  and  the  Anfwer  of  Vionothxs ,  that  they  refufed  abfolutely 
to  fubmit  to  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Pope ,  or  to  receive  Aujiin  for  their  Archbifhop, 
That  as  for  that  man  rvhom  they  called  the  Pope,  they  ought  him  no  obedience,  but  the  obe- 
dience of  Love,  That  they  were  immediately  under  Cod,  'fuhjeS  to  the  Bijhop  ofCaer-  ' 
Leon :  But  let  us  take  a  view  of  his  Exceptions. 

Firft,  he  faith  ,  That  Bel'armine  hath  not  thefe  words  :  T^hat  Chrifi,in  faying  thefe  BtlUrmine 
voordf.  As  my  Father  fent  me  fo  fend  I  you  ,  did  endue  hif  Apajiles  with  aU  fulnefs  of  ^^^i^\i\ 
fower ,  that  mortal  men  were  capable  of.     Neither  did  I  cite  his  words ,  but  his  fenfe,  quaj  jn^owerl 
as  he  might  (ee  by  the  Character  i  but  that  Bellarmine  (aid  as  much  or  more  than 
this ,  I  will  now  make  it  good.     Let  him  fpeak  for  himfelf.     therefore  that  the  Apo- 
files  received  their  JurifdiBion  immediately  from  Chrijl ,  Firji  ,  the  words  of  our  Lord  du  ^'  ^  ^'  *"* 
tejiifie  ,  John  20.  As  my  Father  fent  me,  fo  fend  I  you,  which  place  the  Fathers  Chry-  •^""'•'•'J* 
fodome  and  Tn£ophyhi\  do  fo  e>cpound ,  that  they  fay  plainly  that  the  Apoflles  were 
made  hy  thefe  words  the  Vicars  ofChrifi:  Tea  ,  that  they  received  the  very  Office  and  Au- 
thority ofChriji.     He  addeth  out  of  St.  Cyril,  That  by  thefe  words  the  Apojiles  were 
created  Apojiles  and  Do&ors  of  the  whole  world  i   and  that  we  might  underjiand ,  that  all 
Ecclefiajiical power  ii  contained  in  Apoftolical  Authority;  therefore  Chrijl  added.  As  my 
Father  fent  me ,  fquidem  Fater  mifit  Filium  fumma  potejlate  praditttm.  Further  he  pro  • 
veth  out  of^ St.  Cyprian,  That  whatfoever  power  Chriji  didpromife  or  give  to  St.  Peter, 
when  he  faid ,  To  thee  wilt  I  give  the  Keys  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  and  feed  my  Sheep, 
he  did  give  parem  poteftatem ,  an  equal  power  ta  the  rejl  of  the  Apojiles  in  thefe  words. 
And  afterwards  he  calleth  it  JurifdiSionem  plenifimam,   a  moji  full  JurifdiHion.  Lay 
all  this  together ,  that  by  thefe  words  he  made  them  the  Vicars  of  Chrift ,  and  con- 
ferred upon  them  the  very  OfEce  and  Authority  of  Chrift  ,  made  them  Apoftles  and 
Dodors  of  the  whole  World  ,  gave  them  all  Ecclefiaftical  power,  an  equal  power 
to  St.  Peter^ '.  And  L'aftly,  a  moft  full  Jurifdiftion  i  and  compare  them   with  that 
which  I  faid ,  that  by  thefe  words  Chrift  gave  them  all  the  plenitude  of  Ecclefiafti- 
cal power  that  mortal  men  were  capable  ot".     And  if  he  fay  not  more  than  I  did,  I 
am  fure  he  faith  no  lefs.     Is  mortal  man  capable  of  more  than  the  Vicariate  of  th« 
Son  of  God,  yea  ,  of  his  Office  and  Authority  ?  Can  any  thing  be  more  high  than 
that  which  is  higheft,  more  full  than  that  which  is  fulleft ,  or  more  univerfal  than 
that  which  comprehends  all  Ecclefiaftical  power  within  it?  It  had  been  fufficient  to  my 
purpofe  if  he  had  faid  no  more ,  but  onely  that  it  was  equal  to  St.  Peer's.     If  it  £.  4  y,  jj,, 
were  needful,  I  might  cite  other  places  out  of  Bf^arwwe  to  make  my  words  good.  Pont.c.ii, 
Therefore  the  Lord  left  unto  hU  Apojiles  (by  thefe  words)  hh  own  place  ,  and  would  that 
theyjhould  enjoy  hU  Authority  in  governing  the  Kingdom. 

'&ut  Bellarmine  tdltth  MS,  'T\^^tth'vf  if  meant  not  in  re^etl   of  themfelves  ,  hut  in  re-        . 
fed  ofali  other  men.    I  know  Behrmim  faith  fo ,   not  in  this  place  but  elfcwhere.  j»/„,  *^*, 

But        * 


102 


A  Juft  Viudicjtton 


TOM  E  I 


O^r.  it  unU> 
Ecclepi. 


Cirti  Jtvin. 
/.'I.e.  14. 
How  Peter 
head  of  the 
reft. 


A  fopeiioTity 
of  Order  i«^ 
fufficient  to 
prevent 
Schilin. 


But  Fwlt  he  faith  Tt  upon  his  own  head  without  any  Authority  None  ot  the  Fa- 
Sers  ever  tauRht,  that  St.  P^^r  had  a  bupremacy  o  Power  and  Jurifdidion  over 
the  rert  of  the  Apollles.     All  that  they  fay  is,  that  he  was  the  beginning  ot  Unity, 

d  the  Head  of  the  Apo/lolical  Colledge-,  that  is ,  in  order  and  eminence,  Tnmp 
^Ap(ihloTuni,  as  Virgil  is  called  the  Prince  of  Poets ,  or  St.  Vaul  the  Head  of  Nations, 
or  St.  7^»vx  the  Bifliop  of  Bifliops.         _  ^,     ^    „.      . 

Secondly  ,This  Anfwer  is  altogether  impertinent.  The  Queltion  is  not  between 
lis  what  the  Apoftles  were  in  refped:  of  their  perfonal  adions  among  themfelves 
one  towards  another,  though  even  this  were  abfurd  enough  to  fay,  that  St.  Petfr 
had  power  to  fufpend  his  Fellow-Apoftles ,  either  in  their  Offices  ,  or  in  their  Per- 
fons  :  But  the  Queftion  between  us  is,  what  the  Apoftles  were  in  refped  of  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  Chrilhan  World,wherein  by  this  dirtindion  he  granteth  them  all  to 

be  equal. 

Thirdly,  By  his  leave  he  contradids  himfelfv  for  if  St.  Pf  tf  r  had  any  Power  and 
Jurifdidion  over  the  reft  of  the  Apoftles ,  and  they  had  none  mutually  over  him-, 
then  if  was  r\oipr  potejlas,  an  equal  power  ,  for  par  in  parent  non  habct  potejiatem.  If 
his  power  was  fuller  than  theirs  ■■,  then  theirs  was  i\ot  flenijjima  fonjias  :  If  his  pow- 
er was  higher  than  theirs,  then  theirs  was  not  fumma  potejias  :  If  there  was  fonjc 
Ecckfiaftical  pdwer  which  they  had  not  i  then  all  Ecclefiafiical  power  was  not  com- 
prehended in  Apoftolical  Authority,  then  the  power  ot  opening  and  (hutting  is  lar- 
ger than  the  power  of  binding  and  loofing ,  and  to  feed  ChriiVs  Sheep  is  more  than 
to  befent  as  his  Father  fent  him\  all  which  is  contrary  both  to  the  Truth,  and  to  what 
himlelf  hath  taught  us. 

Laftly,  if  St.  Veter  had  not  onely  a  primacy  of  Order,  but  alio  a  Supremacy  of 
Power  and  Jurifdidion  over  the  reft  of  the  Apoftles  ■■,  then  his  Succeffors  Limis^  and 
Ckius ,  and  Clemens ,  were  Superiors  to  St.  John ,  and  he  was  their  Subjedt ,  and 
lived  under  their  Jurifdi<5tion ,  which  no  realbnable  Chriftian  will  eafily  believei 
Uncerant  utique  &  cxtcri  Apofioli  quodfmt  &  Petrus  pari  confnrtio  pradtti ,  &  honoris^ 
&  potejlatis  ■■,  fed  exordium  ab  Vnitate  profcifcitur^&fprimatus  Petro  datur  ,  «t  Ecckfia 
una  movjhetur.  If  they  were  equal  in  honour  and  power ,  then  the  Primacy  muft 
be  of  Order.  That  thefe  words  \_  to  thee  vpHI  I  give  the  Keys  "^  and  \_fefd  my  Sheep~\ 
do  include  Power  and  Authority,  I  grant:  but  that  they  include  a  Supremacy  of 
power  over  the  reft  of  the  Apoftles  i  or  that  they  include  more  power  than  thefc 
other  words  Q  as  my  Father  fent  me,  fo  fend  I  you  ^  I  do  altogether  deny. 

I  acknowledge  the  Words  of  St.  Hierofme,  That  one  was  chofen ,  that  an  Head  be- 
ittg  cotifiituted  the  occafion  ofSchijm  might  be  tak^n  away.     But  this  Head  was  onely  an 
Head  of  Order  :  And  truly  what  St.  Hierofme  faith  in  this  place    leemeth  to  me  to 
have  reference  to  the  perfons  of  the  Apoftles,  and  by  Schifm  to  be  underftood  con- 
tention and  altercation  among  the  Apoftles  themfelves,  which  of  them  (hould  be  the 
greatcft ,  as  Markup.  34.  To  this  I  am  induced  to  inclines  Firft ,  by  the  Word  occa- 
fio,  he  faith,  not  as  ellewhere  for  a  remedy  of  Schifm^  but  to  take  away  occafion  of 
Schifin  or  Contention.     Secondly  ,  By  the  Words  following  in  St.  Hierofme ,  Magi- 
fier  bonus  qui  occafwnem  jurgii  debuerat  auferre  Vifcipulps  v  To  takg  arc  ay  occafion  of  chi- 
ding from  hv!  Vifciples'',  and  in  adolefcentem  quern  dilexerat  caufam  prmbere  videretur  in~ 
vidiA  ■,  becaufe  Teter  was  the  Eldeft,  and   John  the  Youngeft  ,  our  Saviour  would 
notfeem  to  give  caufe  of  envy  againft  him  whom  he  loved.To  take  away  occafion  of  chi- 
ding from  his  Dilciples ,  and  not  to  give  caufe  of  envy  againft  his  beloved  Difciple, 
do  feem  properly  to  refped  the  Apoftolical  Colledge.  But  let  this  be  as  it  will,  I  urge 
no  man  to  quit  his  own  fenfe. 

He  preflethhis  former  Argument  yet  farther,  Thzt  a  fuperiority  of  Order  is  not  fuf- 
ficient  to  tak^  arvay  Schifm  ,  without  a  fuperiority  of  power  and  Authority.  I  Anfwer, 
That  in  all  Societies  an  Head  of  Order  is  neceflary  to  prevent  and  remedy  Schifm , 
that  there  may  be  one  to  convocatc  the  Society,  to  propofe  Doubts,  to  receive 
Votes ,  to  pronounce  Sentence.  And  if  there  be  a  judiciary  Power  and  Authority 
in  the  body  of  the  Society ,  it  is  a  fufficient  remedy  againft  Schifm.  As  in  a  Col- 
ledge ,  Schifm  is  as  well  prevented  by  placing  the  power  jointly  in  the  Provoft  and 
Fellows,  as  by  giving  the  Provoft  a  Monarchical  power  over  the  Fellows.  And  in 
»he  Catholick  Church  by  placing  the  Supremacy  of  Ecclefiaitical  power  in  a  Coun- 
cil, 


JDiscouRSE   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd. 


ao3 


cil ,  or  by  placing  it  in  a  iingk  perfon.  And  thas  the  Sovereign  power  over  the 
Univerfal  Church  was  ever  in  an  Oecumenical  Council,  utoil  of  later  days ,  that  the 
Popes  having  gotten  into  their  hands  the  bcltowing  of  the  moft  and  bell  Eeclelia- 
ilical  preferments  in  Europe ,  did  find  out  their  own  advantage  in  that  behalf  above  a 
general  Council,  which  hath  neither  Dignities  nor  Eenehccs  to  befiow.  When,  or 
where,  or  by  whom,  the  primacy  of  Order  was  conferred  upon  St.  Feter,  it  concerns 
R.  C.  to  enquire  more  than  me. 

They  have  yet  another  evailon,  that  the  higheft  Ecclefiamcal  power  was  given  The  reft    fa 
not  onely  to  St.  Peter  ^  but  to  all  the  relt  ot   the  Apoftlcs  v  but  to  St.  Peter  as  an  or-  ^°"  «  well  as 
dinary  Paftor  to  defcend  prom  him  to  his  SticceJJ'ors ,  becaufi  they  rvere  appointed  Heads  of  ^'^"''' " 
the  Vtiiverfal  Church ,  rchkb  th(y  coitld  not  govetii  tvithout  Vniverfal  pojvir  •,  and  to 
the  reft  of  the  Apoftles  as  Delegates  or  Commilfioiicrs  onety  fir  term  of  their  lives 
not  to  defcend  to  their  Snccefjors.     This  diflincftion  I  called  a  drowfie  dream     hatched 
lately  without  either  reafon  dr  aiithority  Divine  or  Humane.     Againft  this  he  takes 
exception.     And  I  am  ready  to  mamtain  my  AlTertion:     That  if  he  can  produce 
but  one  Text  of  Holy  Scripture  expounded  in  this  feni'c  by  any  one  ancient  Inter- 
preter, or  but  one  Sentence' of  any  one  Council,  oi^  finglc  Father,  for  a  Thouftnd 
years  after  Chrift ,  who  taught  any  fuch  Dodrine  ,  or  made  any  fuch  diftin(Sion  as 
this  i.s,  direftly  without  far-fetched  confequenccs ,  and  I  will  retradt:  but  I  arts' 
confident  he  cannot  produce  one  Author  or  Authority  in  the  point.     All  his  reafon 
is ,  becaufe  St.  Peter  was  the  ordinary  J>aftor  of  the  Church,  and  the  reft  of  the  Apo- 
ftles  but  Delegates,  which  is  a  meer  begging  of  the  Queftron.     Neither  was  St.  Pe- 
ter fole  Paftor  of  the  Church,  nor  his  Univerfal  Authority  neceflary  to  a  true  Paftori 
neither  were  the  Apoftles  meer  Duiegates ,  for  then  they  could  have  had  no  Succef- 
fors,  which  yet  he  acknowkdgeth  that  they  had.     Sometimes  Beliarmine  will  admit  f' ^^'/'i*u 
no  proper  Succeifors  of  the  Apoftles  ,  no  ,  hot  of  St.  Peter ,  as  an  Apoftle.     At  o-  i.^.'' 
ther  times  he  makes  the  Pope  an  Apoftolical  Bifliop  ,  his  See  an  Apoftolical  See,  and 
his  Office  to  be  an  Apoftlefhip.    It  is  ftrange  the  Spirit  of  God  fhould  be  fo  filent  in 
a  piece  of  Dodrine  which  they  afTert  to  be  fo  neceifary,  and  that  the  blefTed  Apo- 
ftles ,  and  the  Nicene  Fathers,  and  holy  Athdftafms  fliould  be  fo  forgetful,  as  not  to 
infert  it  into  their  Creeds.  But  that  the  whole  Church  fhould  be  ignorant  of  fuch  it 
Myftery  for  Fifteen  hundred  years,  is  not  credible. 

I  pafs  by  their  comparifon  of  a  Bifhop,  whois  Paftor  and  Ordinary  of  htS  tj^6'- 
ceTs,  wh6fe  Office  defcends  to  his  SuccelTors ,  and  a  Friei'  licenfed  by  the  Pope  to 
preach  throughout  the  lame  Diocefs ,  whofe  Office  determineth  with  his  Life.  So 
what  they  cannot  prove  they  endeavour  to  illuftrate.  Before  they  told  us  that  the 
Apoftles  were  the  Vicars  of  Chrift,  are  they  now  become  the  Vicars  of  St.  Pfter  and 
his  Coadjutors  ^Before  they  taught  us  that  the  Apoftolical  power  was  fumma  &-ple- 
«i//iWi?/'otf(Jiij-,  a  moft  high,a  mofttull  power,  and  comprehended  all  Eccleliaftical 
power.  And  is  it  now  changed  to  a  Licence  to  preach  ••  No  ,  the  Apoftles  had 
more  than  Licences  to  preach  ,  even  as  ample  power  to  goveVn  as  St.  Peter  him- 
felf  The  Pope  having  inftituted  one  man  into  a  Bifhoprick  cannot,  during  his  in- 
cumbency, give  the  joint-government  of  his  Church  to  another.  This  were  to  re- 
voke his  former  grant.  Sea.  s. 

I  confefs  ,  that  which  R.  C.  faith ,  is  in  part  a  truth  ,  That  the  rcH:  of  the  Apo-  ""•''"^'■'^''Jn^. 
Ales  did  not  leave  an  tTniverfal  and  Apoftolical  Authority  and  Juififdidtion  to  their  nicablc  aualr- 
Succcflbrs.     But  it  is  riot  the  whole  Truth  ,  for  no  more  did  St.  Peter  himfclf.  The  fication  of  rhd 
Apoftles  had  diverfe  things  peculiar  to  their  perfons ,  and  proper"  for  the  firft  Plan-  Apoftla. 
ters  of  the  Gofpel ,     which  were  not  communicated  to  any  of  t'htrr  SuccelTors:    As 
ITniverfality  of  yurifdi<ffiori  ,fof  which  their  SuccelTors  have  Aflignatron  to  particu- 
lar charges  •>     Immediate  Or  c'xffaordinary  vocation, for  which  theii'  SuccelTors  have 
Epifcopal  Ordination  i     The  gift   of  ftrange  Tongues,  and  infallibility  of  Judg- 
ment ,  for  which  we  have  Chriftian  School*  and  Univerfifi'es  i     The  grace  of  doing 
miracles,  and  giving  the  Holy  Ghoft  by  Impofition  of  Hands.     If  the  Bifliops  6f 
Rome  will'  take  upon  them  to  be  St.  Pffer's  Heirs  ex  ajje ,  and  pi'etend  that  their  Of- 
fice is  an  ApoftlelTiip,  arid  that  they  therrifelvcs  are  truly    ApoiMidi ,  adudmg  3i\\ 
others  from  that  priviledgfi-,  let  us  fee  theni  do  fome'  Miracles,    or  l^ieak  ftrarig,c 
Languages,  which  were  Apoftolical  Qualificatloris-.    tf  they  cannot,  certainly  thify 

arc 


A  Juft  Vindication TOME  1, 

~~—      r.  u,  ■„  ,v  ade    and  though  their  See  be  Apoftolical ,  yet   their  Of- 

T  'IZImI     Norway  they  challenge  more  than  they  (hew  good  cvi- 

hcc  IS  no  AH^'^''^'P^  ^,^^^.,,  i^  ^lealed  to  confer  upon  them.     Tlie    Bilhops  oi' 
t"''   'rr'tcnd  to  none  of  thefe  priviledges ,  but  onely  this  of  Univerfal  Jurifdidioni 
r'rhoush  they  challenge  btlidcs  this  an  Infallibility  of  Judgment,  yet  it  is  not  an 
ADoftolical  Infallibility,  becaull-  they  challenge  no  Infallibility  by  immediate  revela- 
f    TiGod     but  from  the  diligent  ufe  of  the  means  i  neither  do  they  challenge 
^'"'l  fallibJity  in  their  Sermons  and  Writings  as  the  Apoftles  did  ,  but  onely  in  the 
Conclufions  of  matters  of  Faith.  And  why  do  they  pretend  to  this  Apoftolical  qua- 
lification more  than  any  of  the  reft  ?  Either  becaufe  that,it  they  fliould  pretend  to 
of  the  reft     the  deceit  would  prcfently  be  difcovered  ,  for  all  men  know  that 
thcv  can  work  no  Miracles ,  nor  (peak  ftrange  Languages ,  nor  have  their  Calling 
immediately  from  Heaven  ,  but  are  elcded  by  their  Conclave  of  Cardinals ,  many 
times  not  without  good  tugging  for  it.     Or  elle  becaufe  this  claim  of  Univerial 
'        power  and  authority  doth  bring  more  moliture  to  their  Mill,  and  more  advantage 
to  the  Court  oiKome. 

This  is  certain  ,  that  when  the  Pope  is  firft  eleded  Eifliop  ,  it  may  be  of  fome 
other  See,  before  he  be  cledVed  Pope,  he  is  ordained  after  the  ordinary  form  of  all 
other  Bifliops  v  he  receives  no  other  ,  no  larger  Character ,  no  more  authority  and 
power,  cither  of  Order  or  of  Jurifdidion,  than  other  ordinary  Bifliops  do.  Well, 
after  this  he  is  eledlcd  Pope  ,  but  he  is  ordained  no  more.  Then  feeing  the  power 
of  the  Keys,  and  all  habitual  Jurifdidion  is  derived  by  Ordination ,  and  every  Bi- 
{hop  receiveth  as  much  habitual  Jurifdidion  at  his  Ordination  as  the  Pope  himfelfv 
tell  me  Firfl ,  how  the  Pope  comes  to  be  the  root  of  all  Spiritual  Jurifdidlion? 
which  though  it  be  not  the  general  Tenet  of  the  Roman  Church,  as  K.C.  faith 
truly  >  yet  it  is  the  common  Dodrine  of  the  Konian  Court.     Secondly,  tell  me, 

C.S.Jt'  howcomes  this  dilatation  of  his  power,  and  this  Apoftolical  Univerfality  ?  Since 
all  men  do  confefs  that  the  fame  power  and  authority  isncceffary  to  the  exteniion  of 
a  Charader  or  Grace  given  by  Ordination  ,  which  is  required  to  the  inftitution  of 
a  Sacrament ,  that  is ,  not  Humane  but  Divine.  But  the  eleftion  of  the  Cardinals 
is  a  meer  Humane  policy,  without  all  manner  of  Sacramental  virtue,  and  there- 
fore can  neither  render  his  Judgment  infallible,  nor  his  Jurifdidion  Univerfal. 
Whatcanthe  newelediondo  ?  Onely  apply  the  new  matter,  that  is ,  make  him 
Bifliop  of  that  See  whereunto  he  is  eleded.  They  who  eled  him  are  the  Bilhops  cf 
the  Komatt  Province ,  and  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Fit 
pcrfons  indeed  ,  to  chufe  a  Bifhop  of  Rome  y  but  no  fit  perfbns  to  chule  an  Univer- 
fal Bifliop  for  the  whole  Church.  It  were  too  much  honour  for  one  Nation  to  have 
the  perpetual  Regiment  of  Chrift's  Church  throughout  all  ages.  And  whom  do 
the  Conclave  chufe  ?  An   Univerfal   Paftor  ?    No  ,   but    exprefly  a    Bilhop  of 

Rome. 

They  have  a  Third  Novelty  as  ill  as  either  of  thefe  which  I  touched  even  now, 

that  the  Regiment  of  the  Church  being  Monarchical ,  as  in  a  Kingdom,  all  Civil 

Authority  is  derived  from  the  King  ,  fo  in  the  Church  all  ordinary  juriWidion  of  Bi- 

BtilA.  de     {\^o^s  defcends  immediately  from  the  Pope.     If  all  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  be  de- 

R*.  Ftat.  «♦  ^j^^^  £-j.pj^  ^^  p^pg  ^  jjg  ^jl  (^jyji  Authority  is  from  the  Kingi  then  as  Civil  Magi- 

''*'  ftrates  do  exercife  their  Civil  Authority  in  the  Name  of  the  King,  fo  Bifliops  ought 

AH  Epifcopall  to  exercife  their  Spiritual  Jurifdidion  in  the  name  of  the  Pope.  But  this  they  do  not, 

JurUdifiJon  •*  this  they  never  did. 

*°*  ^90^*      Again ,  If  Spiritual  Jurifdidion  be  derived  to  Bilhops  from  the  Pope ,  by  what 

trom  l?wp  •  ^^y  ^  j^y  ^j^^^  means ,  by  what  channel,  doth  it  defend  ?  Either  it  mult  be  by 
Commilfion  ,  or  by  Ordination.  But  it  is  not  by  Commiffion.  No  Bifliops  did 
ever  need  or  cxped  any  Commiffion  from  Rome ,  for  the  exercife  of  Ecclefiaflical 
Juriflidion  within  his  Diocefs.  Neither  is  it  by  Ordination ,  they  are  very  few 
indeed,  that  receive  Ordination  from  the  Pope,  How  many  thoufand  Bifliops  have 
.  been  and  are  flill  in  the  World  ,  that  never  received  any  Ordination  from  any  Pope, 

•>  eithermediately  or  immediately,  but  derive  the  line  of  their  Succellion  from  the 

other  Apoflles?  If  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  be  conveyed  by  Ordination ,  then  it  if? 

\  a  part  of  the  Charader  or  Grace  conferred  ,  which  is  Divine  and  Sacramental.    1 

hope 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  England^  ' ^^T 


hope  the  Pope  will  be  wifer  than  to  challenge  to  himfelf  the  conferring  of  Sacra- 
mental Grace. 

I  made  a  Queftion  how  the  Bifhcp  of  Kome  came  to  be  St.  Peter's  Heir  ex  ajje 
to  the  exclufion  of  hjs  eldelt  Brother  the  Bifhop  of  yiHtioch,  where  St.  Peter  was  The  Chair  of 
Firii  Bifhop,  where  Chriftians  had  their  Firft  denomination.     I  had  reafon,  fori  St.  i»««r  not 
never  read  that  the  Church  was  governed  by  the  Law  of  Gavelkind,  that  the  young-  ^^^^  '?  ■'^"'"e 
eft  murt  inherite.     I  faid  moreover  that  they  produced  nothing  that  I  had  feen  but  r^  ^'""^ 
a  blind  Legend  out  of  a  counterfeit  Hegefippus.     I  fpake  not  this  to  the  difparage-     '^  ^' 
ment  of  that  venerable  Saint,  but  to  dilcredit  that  fuppofititious  Treatifc.     He 
faith,  If  I  had  read  Bellarmine,  Iponld  have  found  the  fame  tejiifed  by  St.  Marcellus 
the  Pope,  by  St.  AmhroCe^  and  St.  Athanafius.     I  have  read  Betlarmine,  and  I  find  no  ^-a-  <ii  Pontt 
fuch  thing  tertihed  by  Marcdlm^  more  than  this,  That  Peter  came  to  Rome  by  the  com-  ^'""-  '•  '*• 
tnandement  of  the  Lord  ■■>     Nor  by  Jthanafm  more  than  this.  That  when  Peter  heard 
that  he  muji  undergo  Martyrdom  at  Rome,  he  did  not  lay  afide  hit  voyage,  hut  came  to 
Rome  reith  jny.     What  Conclufion  can  any  man  make  from  thefe  Premiiles  ?  St. 
Amhrofe  indeed  faith  more,  but  as  little  to  his  purpofe,  Tiiat  St.  Peter  being  about 
tngo  without  the  iVah  in  the  night  did  fee  Chriji  meet  him  in  the  gate,  and  enter  into  the 
City,  to  whom  Peter  faid,  L-rd  rvhether  goeji  thou  ?  Chriji  anfrvered,  I  come  to  Rome  to 
be  critcified  again  i     And  that  Peter  nnderjiood  that  the  anfvcer  of  Chriji  had  relation  to 
hii  orvn  Martyrdom.     I  have  likewife  read  what  Bellarmine  citeth  out  of  St.  Gregory 
elfewhere,  that  Chrift  faid  to  St.  Peter  J  come  to  Rome  to  be  crucified  again.     For  he  Btl.de  Pont, 
who  had  been  crucified  long  before  in  his  oron  perfonjaid  that  he  ivas  to  be  crucified  again  ^om.l.i.cai' 
in  theperfon  of  St,  Peter.     Though  thefe  things  be  altogether  impertinent,  yet  I  re- 
hearfe  them  the  more  willingly,  to  let  the  Reader  fee  upon  what  lilly  grounds  they 
build  Conclufions  of  great  weight.     We  receive  the  Fathers  as  competent  WitnelTes 
of  the  Faith,  and  Praftife,  and  Tradition  of  the  Church  in  their  refpedive  ages  i 
we  attribute  much  to  their  expofitions  of  the  Holy  Text :   but  in  thofe  things 
which  they  had  upon  the  credit  of  a  fuppofititious  Author,  the  Conclufion  always 
follows  the  weaker  part.     How  common  a  thing  hath  it  been  for  credulous  piety 
to  believe  ,  and  to  record  rumors  anA  uncertain  relations  ,  if   they  fee  no  hurt  in 
them,  and  if  they  tended  to  piety?     But  in  a  cafe  of  this  moment  to  give  an  infalli- 
ble Judge  to  the  Church,  and  a  fpiritual  Prince  to  the  Chriliian  World,  to  whom  all 
are  bound  to  fubmit  under  pain  of  Damnation,  we  ought  to  have  had  better  Au- 
thority than  fuch  a  blind  Hiflory.    Yet  this  is  all  the  plea  they  have  in  the  World 
for  the  divine  right  of  their  fuccellion.     How  came  St.  Amhrofe,  or  St.  Gregory  to 
know  a  matter  of  Fadt,  done  fome  centuries  of  years  before  they  were  born  ? 
They  had  it  not  by  Revelation,  nor  other  Authority  for  it  than  this  of  a  counter- 
feit HegefippHf,  in  the  judgment  both  of  Baronim  and  Bellarmine,  except  onely  the 
borrowed  name,  not  much  ancienter  than  themfelves. 

Suppofing  that  St.  Peter  had  had  fuch  a  fpiritual  Monarchy  as  they  fancy,  and 
fuppofing  that  this  Apocryphal  Relation  was  as  true  as  the  Gofpel,  yet  it  makes  no- 
.  thing  in  the  World  for  the  Pope's  fuccellion  to  St.  Pwr  therein,  but  rather  the 
contrary.  That  St.  Peter  fub  finem  vita,  jufl  upon  the  point  of  his  death  was  lea- 
ving of  Rowze,{heweth  probably  that  he  had  no  intention  to  dye  there,  or  to  fix  his 
See  there.  That  Chrift  did  premonifh  him  of  his  Martyrdom  in  Kome,  and  that  he 
affented  to  it  with  joy,  hath  nothing  in  it  to  prove,  or  fb  much  as  to  infinuate  ei- 
ther the  Adt  of  Chrift,  or  the  Ad  of  St.  Peter,  to  invert  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  with 
the  Sovereignty  of  Ecclefiaftical  power.  Had  they  urged  this  Hifiory  onely  to 
fhew  how  Chrifl  fore-arms  his  fervants  againft  impendent  dangers,  or  how  he  re- 
putes their  fufferings  for  his  fake  to  be  his  own,  it  had  been  to  the  purpofe:  But 
they  might  even  as  well  prove  the  Pope's  Supremacy  our  of  our  Saviour's  words  in 
the  Gofpel  to  St.  Peter,  When  thou  art  old  thou  (halt  fir  etch  forth  thy  hands,  and  another  -  , 
fhallgird thee,  and  carry  thee  tvhither  thou  rvouldeji  not:  For  our  Saviour  did  fignifie  by  "*'''  * 
thcfe  words  by  rvhat  death  St.  Vetei  Jhould glorifie  God.  Thefe  words  have  Authori- 
ty, though  they  be  nothing  to  the  purpofe  i  but  thofe  they  cite  have  neither  Autho- 
rity,nor  any  thing  that  comes  near  the  purpofe. 

They  fee  this  well  enough  themfelves,  what  a  weak  unjoynted  and  unncceflary 
eonfequencc  this  is,  wherefore  they  fuppofe  that  Chrifl  faid  fomething  to  St.  Peter 

U  which 


' ' A  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  I. 

a  06 J  ■' . — — 

Bel.  d.  urn.     ^ui,h  is  not  recorded,  to  command  him  to  fix  his  Chair  ^t  Rome   Non  eji  mproba- 

ti  £pS''^''^>'«''-  ">"'^^^"'  ^'""^'  fome  Fathers  fay  that  Feter  did  fuffer 
Martyrdom  at  Kcweby  the  commandment, or  at  Icaft  accordmg  to  the  premoniti- 
of  Chrift  //  if  ttot  improbable  that  the  Lord  did  Uk^tfife  openly  command  him  that  he 
fimildfo  fix  his  Chair,  or  See,  at  Kome^thatthe  Romm  Bijhoppotild  abfoluiely  JHCwd 
I'ini  JLitlge  Reader  freely,  it"  thou  didft  ever  meet  with  a  poorer  foundation  of 
a'divlric  right,  hc^:al\(e it  jeemeth  not  improbable  zltogethei  to  a  profefTed  fworn  Valfal 
and  partial  Advocate,  well  fed  by  the  party. 

It  is  no  marvel  if  they  build  but  faintly  upon  fuch  a  groundlefs  prefumption, 
JtiMm.  Ji;^t  forte  non  fit  dejnre  divino,  although  per  adventure  it  is  not  by  divine  right.     He 

rnieht  well  have  omitted  his  peradventure. 

Wherefore  doubting  that  this  fuppolition  will  not  hold  water  ,  he  addcth,  That 
ihoHoh  it  fvere  not  true,  it  rvoitld  not  prove  that  the  Tope  U  not  Succefor  to  St.  Peter  ex 
afTe,  but  onely  that  he  is  notfo  jure  divino. 

It  is  an  old  artifice  of  the  Rom,/«i/fj-,when  any  Papal  priviledge  is  controverted, 
to  Queftion  vs;hether  the  Pope  hold  it  by  divine  right  or  humane  right,  when  in 
truth  he  holds  it  by  neither-,  fo  diverting  them  from  fearching  into  the  right  Que- 
ftion, whether  he  have  any  right  at  all,  taking  that  for  granted  which  is  denyed. 
N    bv  hu-  B"^  fo'^  humane  right  they  think  they  have  it  cockfure,  Ihe  reafon  w  manifefi,  be- 

manerighti       caufe  St.  Peter  himfelf  left  the  Bilhnprick^of  Antioch,  but  continued  Bifhop  of  Rome  un- 
til his  death.    This  will  afford  them  no  more  help  than  the  other.     When  the  Apo- 
ffles  did  defcend  and  deign  to  take  upon  them  the  charge  of  a  particular  Church,  as 
the  Church  of  Kome  or  Antiocb  i  they  did  not  take  it  by  inff itution  as  we  do. 
They  had  a  General  inffitution  from   Chrifl  for  all  the  Churches  of  the  World. 
When  they  did  leave  the  charge  of  a  particular  Church  to  another,  they    did  not 
quit  it  bya  formal  rcfignatior,as  wedo.    This  had  been  to  limit  their  Apolfolical 
power,  which  Chrift  had  not  limited.     But  all  they  did  was  to  depute  a  Eifhop  to 
the  ai^al  cure  of  Souls  during  their  abfence,  retaining  ffill  an  habitual  cure  to 
themfelves.     And  if  they  returned  to  the  fat^e  City  after  fuch  a  deputation,  they 
were  as  much  Bifliops  as  formerly.    T'hus  a  Bifhop  of  a  Diocefs  fo  difpofeth  the 
a<fiual  cure  of  Souls  of  a  particular  Parifh  to  a  Redor,that  he  himfelf  remains  the 
principal  Redor  when  he  is  prefent.     St.  Veter  left  Kome  as  much  as  he  left  Antioch^ 
and  dyed  Bifhop  of  ^«mc&,  as  much  as  he  dyed  Bifhop  oi  Rome.    He  left  Antioch. 
and  went  to  Rome^  and  returned  to  Antioch  again,  and  governed  that  Church  as 
formerly  he  had  done.    He  left  Rome  after  he  Firft  (ate  as  Bifhop  there,  and  went    to 
Antioch,  and  returned  to  Rome  again,  and  ftill  continued  the  principal  Redorof  that 
Church.    Linus  and  Clemens  or  the  one  of  them  were  as  much  the  Bifhop  or  Bi- 
fhops  of  Rome  during  the  life  of  St.  Veter  and  St.  Vaul,  as  Evodifu  and  Jgnatim  or 
the  one  of  them  were  the  Bifhop  or  Bifhops  of  Antioch.    Suppofe  a  Redor   having 
Two  Benefices  dyes  upon  the  one  of  them,  yet  he  dyes  the  Redor  of  the  other  as 
much  as  that.     I  confefs    an  Apoftle   was  not  capable  of  pluralities,  bccaufe  his 
Commiflion  was  illimited,  otherwife  than  as  a  Bifhop  is  Redor  of  all  the  Churches 
whhin  his  Diocefs.     And  though  he  can  dye  but  in  one  Parifh,  yet  he  dyes  Gover- 
nour  of  all  the  reff  as  much  as  that.     If  we  may  believe  their  Hiftory,  St.  Veter  at 
his  death  was  leaving  Roiwe,  in  probability  to  weather  out  that  ftorm  C  which  did 
hang  then  over  his  head  )  in  Antioch,  as  he  had  done   in  a  former  perfccution.     If 
thispurpofehad  taken  effed,  then  by  their  Dodrine  St.  Veter  had  left  the  Bijhoprick^ 
of  Rome,  and  dyed  Bifhop  of  Antioch.     Thus  much  for  matter  of  Fad. 

Secondly,  For  matter  of  Right,  I  do  abfolutely  deny  that  St.Veters  death  at  Rome 
doth  entitle  the  Biihop  of  Rome  as  his  Succelibrto  all  or  any  of  thofe  priviledges 
and  prerogatives  which  he  held  in  another  capa'city,  and  not  as  he  was  Biihop  of 
Rome.  Suppofe  a  Bifhop  of  Canterbury  dyes  Chancellor  of  England,znot\\cx  Bifliop 
.  ayes  Chancellor  of  the  Univerlity  oi  Cambridge  or  Oxford-,  muft  their  refpedtive 
SuccelTors  therefore  of  neceflity  be  Chancellors  of  England  or  of  that  Univcrfity? 
No,  the  right  of  Donation  devolves  either  to  the  Patron  or  to  the  Society.  So 
tuppofing,  but  not  granting,  that  one  who  was  by  fpecial  priviledge  the  Redor  of 
the  Catholick  Church  dyed  Bifhop  of  Rome,  it  belongs  cither  to  Chrift  or  his  Vice- 
gerent 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  En^Und  207 

gerent  or  Vicegerents,  invefted  with  Imperial  power,  to  name,  or  to  the  Church  it 
(elf,  to  choofe,  a  Succeflbr.  If  they  could  (hew  out  of  Scripture  that  Chrift  ap- 
pointed the  Bifliops  of  Kome  to  fucceed  St.  Veter  in  a  fpiritual  Monarchy,  it  would 
ftrike  the  Queftion  dead  :  Or  that  St.  ?eter  did  defign  the  Bifliop  of  Kome  to  be 
his  Succeflbr  in  his  Apoftolical  power:  Or  Lal^ly,  that  the  Catholick  Church  did 
ever  eled  the  Koman  Bifliops  to  be  their  Ecckfiafhcal  Sovereigns,  it  were  fomethingi 
But  they  do  not  fo  much  as  pretend  to  any  fuch  thing.  The  truth  is  this,  that  after 
the  death  of  St.  ?eur  that  preheminence  (  I  do  not  fay  Sovereignty  )  which  he  had 
by  the  connivence  or  cuftom  of  the  Church,  devolved  to  his  Succeflbrsin  his  Chair, 
the  Patriarchs  of  Rorwe,  Alexandria  (  for  I  look  upon  St.  Mar\  as  St.  Teter^s  Difci- 
ple )  and  Antioch,  among  whom  the  Bilhop  of  Rome  had  priority  of  Order,  not  of  • 
Power  •,  to  which  very  primacy  of  Order  great  priviledges  were  due.  Yet  not  fo 
but  that  the  Church  did  afterwards  add  Two  new  Protopatriarchs  to  them,  of 
Conjiantpwple  and  Hkrujakm^znd  equalled  the  Patriarch  of  Conjianmople  in  all  pri-, 
viledges  to  the  Patriarch  of  Kome  :  which  they  would  never  have  done,  nor  have 
propofed  the  honour  which  they  gave  to  Kome  with  a  placet  ?  T>oth  it  pleafe  you 
that  we  hoHojir  the  memory  of  St.  Peter  ?  if  they  had  believed  that  St»  Peter's  death 
at  Kome  had  already  fettled  a  fpiritual  Monarchy  of  that  See,  which  had  been  alto- 
gether as  ridiculous,  as  if  the  Speaker  of  the  Houfeof  Commons  fliould  have  mo- 
ved the  Houfe  in  favour  of  the  King,  Voth  it  pkafe  you  that  we  honour  the  King 
rvitb  a  ptdiciary  porver  throughout  his  oren  Kingdom  } 

Hitherto  K.  C.  hath  not  faid  much  to  the  purpofe,  now  he  fells  on  a  point  that  5ffl.4' 
is  material  indeed  (  as  to  this  ground  )  if  he  be  able  to  make  it  good.  That  the  Bi- 
Jhops  of  Rome  exercifed  Ecclrfiajhcal  JurifdiVtion  over  t/^f  Britannick  Churches  before 
the  General  Council  of  Ephefus,or  at  leaft  before  the  Six  hundredth  year  of  Chrift.  Firft 
he  complaineth  that  few  or  no  Records  of  Britijh  matters  for  the  Firft  fix  hundred  years 
do  remain.  If  fb  few  do  remain  that  he  is  not  able  to  produce  fb  much  as  one  in- 
ftance,  his  cau(e  is  defperatc.  Howfoever  he  proveth  his  intention  out  of  Gildof, 
who  confefleth  that  he  compofed  his  Hiftory,  mntam  ex fcriptvs  Patria^&cc.mt  fo  GUd> in P rol* 
much  from  Britifh  writings  or  Monuments  (  which  had  been  either  burned  by  their  ene- 
mies with  jire^  or  carried  beyond  Sea  by  their  baniped  Citizens  )  as  from  tranfmarine  Re- 
lations. Though  it  were  fuppofed  that  all  the  Britijh  Records  were  utterly  perifh- 
cd,  this  is  no  Anfwer  at  all  to  my  demand,  fo  long  as  all  the  Roman  Regiftcrs  are 
extant :  Yea  fo  extant  that  Platina  the  Pope's  Library  keeper  is  able  out  of  them 
to  fet  down  every  Ordination  made  by  the  primitive  Bifliops  of  Rome^  and  the 
perfons  ordained.  It  was  of  the(e  Regiflers  that  I  fpake,  [  let  them  produce  their 
Regifters.  ]  Let  them  fliew  what  Britifh  Bifliops  they  have  ordained,  or  what  Bri- 
tifh Appeals  they  have  received  for  the  Firft  fix  hundred  years.  Though  he  be 
pleafed  to  omit  it,  I  fliewed  plainly  out  of  the  Lift  of  the  Bifliops  ordained,  Three 
by  St.  Pfffr,  Eleven  by  Linus^  Fifteen  by  Clement,  Six  by  Anacktus,  Five  by  Evari- 
ftus.  Five  by  Alexander,  and  Four  by  Sixtus,  &c.  that  there  were  few  enough  for 
the  Roman  Province,  none  to  {pare  for  Britain. 

He  faith  St.  Peter  came  into  Britain,  Converted  many,  made  Bifliops,  Priefts,  and 
Deacons :  That  Saint  Eleutherius  lent  hither  his  Legates  Fugatius  and  Vamianuf^ 
who  Baptized  the  King,  Queen, and  moft  of  his  People  :  That  St.  Vi£{or  fent  Le- 
gates into  Scotland,  (  it  feemeth  they  had  no  names  )  who  Baptized  the  King, 
Queen,  and  his  Nobility  :     That  St.  Ninian  was  Cent  from  Rome  to  Convert  the  ' 

Southern  Pidrs  :  That  Pope  Cxleftine  conlccrated  Pahdiui  and  fent  him  into  Scot- 
land, where  as  yet  was  no  Bifliop  i  and  St.  P^fricj^ into  Ireland,  and  St.  Germane 
and  Lttpiis  into  Britain,  to  confute  the  Pelagian  Herefie  ■■>  And  in  the  year  59^  St. 
Gregory  lent  over  St.  Auftin  and  his  Companions,  to  Convert  the  Saxons,  and  gave  ' 

him  power  over  all  the  Bifliops  in  Britain,  and  gave  him  power  to  eredt  Two  Ar-  '"' 

chiepifcopal  Sees ,  and  Twenty  four  Epifcopal :  And  moreover  that  Vuhritiiw, 
Primate  of  Britannie,  was  Legate  to  the  See  Apoftolick :  And  Laftly,  That  St. 
Samfm  had  a  Pall  from  Rome.  I  confefs  here  are  ftore  of  inftances  for  Preaching, 
and  Baptizing,  and  Ordaining,  and  Converting  :  but  if  every  word  he  faith  was 
true,  it  is  not  at  all  material  to  the  Queftion.  Our  Queftion  is  concerning  exterior 
Jurifdidion  in  foro  Ecclefu.     But  the  Ads  mentioned  by  him  are  all  Ads  of  the 

U2  Key         - 


2o8 


A  Jhft  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


whether  St. 
Ffjff  conver 
ledBtitaJD? 


nuph.] 


Key  of  Order  not  of  the  Key  of  Jurifdidion.  If  he  do  thus  miftakc  one  Key  for 
another  he  will  never  be  able  to  open  the  right  door.  He  accuficmcth  himfeif  to 
call  every  ordinary  MefTenger  a  Legate.  But  let  him  {hew  me  that  they  ever  excr- 
cifcd  Lcgantine  Authority  m  Britain.  That  he  doth  not,  bccaufe  he  cannot.  The 
Britannick^nd  EngUJh  Churches.have  not  been  wanting  to  fend  out  devout  perfons 
to  Preach  to  forreign  Nations,  to  Convert  them,  to  Baptize  them,  to  Ordain  them 
Pallors-,  yet  without  challenging  any  Jurifdid-ion  over  them. 

Now  to  his  particular  inftances.  We  ftiould  be  glad  that  he  could  prove  Sr. 
Teter  was  the  Firft  Converter  of  Britain,  and  take  it  as  an  honour  to  the  Britan»ick^ 
Church :  But  Metaphrajies  is  too  young  a  witnefs,  his  authority  over  finall,  and  his 
pcrfon  too  great  a  ftranger  to  cur  affairs.  If  it  could  be  made  appear  out  of  Eufe- 
bius  it  would  Hnd  more  credit  with  us.  If  St.  Peter  did  ever  tread  upon  Britijh 
ground,  in  probability  it  was  before  he  came  Firft  to  Kome,  which  will  not  be  Co 
pleafing'  to  the  Romaiiifli.  For  being  banifhed  by  Claudim,  he  went  to  HierufaUm, 
and  fb  to /^«wc/',  and  there  governed  that  Church  the  Second  time.  Whether  St. 
Feter  or  St.  Faul,  or  St.  James,  or  Simon  Zelotes,  or  Ariftobuluf,  or  Jnfeph  of  Arima- 
thea,  was  the  Firft  Converter  of  Britain,  it  makes  nothing  to  the  point  of  Jurildidi- 
on,  or  our  fubjedtion  to  the  Eifhop  of  Kome.  But  for  Jnfepb  of  Arimathxa  wc 
have  the  concurrent  Teftimonies  of  our  own  Writers  and  others,  the  Tradition  of 
the  'Eiigl'Sh  Church,  the  reverent  refpedt  borne  to  Glafletihtiry,  the  place  where  he 
lived  and  dyed,  the  ancient  Charaders  of  that  Church,  wherein  it  is  ftiled,  the  be- 
ginning of  Keligion  in  thU  Ifland,  the  burial  place  of  the  Saints,  huilded  by  the  Vifciples 
of  the  Lord.  The  very  name  of  the  Chappel  called  St.  Jofephs,  the  Arms  of  King 
Arthitr  upon  the  walls,  and  his  Monument  found  there  in  the  Reign  of  Henry  the 
Second,  do  all  proclaim  this  truth  aloud. 

His  Second  inftance  hath  more  certainty  in  it.  That  Pope  Elcutberiuf  fent  Fugati- 
Of Elen'heriKt  ^  ^j^j  Damianuf,  Two  learned  Divines,  into  Britain,  to  Baptize  King   Luciuf.     But 
'^"fWn^!""  '^  '^  ^  ^^^^  *^^^  Lucius  was  Covertcd  before,  either  in  whole  or   in  part,  and  (cnt 
Two  eminent  Divines  of  his  own  Subjeds  Eluanus  Avalonius,  Eluan  of  Clafienbury, 
the  Seminary  of  Chriftian  Religion  in  Britain,  and  Medx  ir.tu  of  Belga,  that  is,  of 
iVth,  a  place  near  adjoyning  to  Glajienbury,  to  Home,   to  intreat  this  favour  from 
Pope  Ekutherius,     So  whatfoever  was  done  in  this  cafe,  as  it  was  no  Ad  of  Jurif- 
didion,  fo  it  was  not  done  by  Eletttkeriw  by  his  own  Authority,  but  by  Licence 
and  upon  requeft  of  King  Limuf.     And  not  to  diminifli  the  deferts  of  Fugatius  and 
Vamianw^vihoiw  all  probability  wereftrangers  and  underftood  not  the  Language, 
certainly  Eluan  and  Medrvin  and  many  more  Britifh  Natives  had  much  more  oppor- 
tunity to  contribute  to  the  Converfion  of  their  Native  Country  than  Forreigners, 
who  were  necelfitatcd  to  fpeak  by  an  Interpreter,  at  leaft  to  the  vulgar  Britans. 
And  V'lHort         Concerning  Pope  ViSor's  fending  of  Legates  into  Scotland  to  Baptize  the  King, 
into  Smtand.  Queen,  and  Nobles,  when  he  tells  us  who  was  the  King,  who  were  the  Legates,  and 
who  is  his  Author,  he  may  exped  a  particular  anfwer.     But  if  there  be  nothing  hi 
it  but  Baptizing,  he  may  as  well  fave  his  labour,  unlcfs  he  think  that  Baptizing  is  an 
Ad  of  Jurifdidion,  which  his  own  Schools  make  not  to  be   fo  much  as  an  Ad  of 
the  Key  of  Order.     Ireland  was  the  ancient  Scotland.     The  Irijh  Scots  were  conver- 
ted by  St.  Patrick^,  the  Britip  Scots  by  St.  Columha. 

Next  for  St.  Ninian,  he  was  a  Britan,  not  a  Koman.  Neither  doth  I'cnerable  Bede 

Sinun-  fay  that  he  was  taught  the  Chriftian  Faith  at  Kome  iimply,  but  that  he  was  taught  it 

there  regularly,  that  is,  in  refped  of  the  Obfervatron  ot  Eafier,  the  Adminiftration  of 

Baptifm,  and  fundry  other  Rites,  wherein  the  Britijf}  Church  differed  from  the  Ko- 

man.    Nor  yet  doth  Bede  fay  that  he  was  fent  from  Kome   to  Convert  the  Pids  : 

His  words  are  thefe,  Ihe  Southern  ?iUs  (  as  men  fay  }  longbefore  this  had  left  the  error 

Bed.  I.  J.  c.  4.  of  their  Idolatry,  and  received  the  true  Faith  by  the  preaching  of  Ninias  a  Bifl^op,  a  mofl 

Keverend  and  Hily  man  of  the  Britifti  Nation,  who  was  taught  the  Faith  and  myfteries 

of  truth  regularly  at  Rome.     Capgrave  finds  as  much  Credit   with  us  as  he  brings 

Authority.     And  in  this  cafe  faith  nothing  at  all  to  the  purpofCjbecaufe  nothing  of 

Jurifdidion. 

P*Oadii,i  mA      From  St.  JUinian  he  proceeds  to  TaVadiuf  and  St.  Patrick;     Pope  Ca^leftine  Confecra- 

SuPMirick'     ted  Palladius  and  fent  him  into  Scotland:  And  not  forgetful  of  lTddii\d,fent  thither  St. 

Patrick 


Discourse  111.      Of  the  Church  of  Engiarid  ^^^ — 

fatrik^  In  all  the  inftances,  which  he  hath  brought  hitherto,  we  rind  nothing  but 
Preaching,  and  Converting  and  Chnltening,  not  one  fyllable  of  any  Jurifdidion. 
Will  the  Britifl}  Records  afford  us  fo  many  initances  of  this  kind,  and  not  fo  much 
as  One  of  any  Legillative  or  Judiciary  Ad>  Then  certainly  there  were  none  in  thofe 
days.  Whether  FallaMus  was  fent  to  the  Britijh  or  Injh  Scots,  is  difputable  :  But 
this  is  certain,  that  whitherfoever  he  was  fent,  he  was  rejected,  and  ibortly'  after 
dyed.  In  whofe  place  fucceeded  St.  Yatrkk^  Iherefore  hit  Vifciplei  hearing  of  the  g  y  •  -,  « 
^ath  of  V3.]hdMS  the  Archdeacon,  8cc.  came  to  St.  Vztvkk  and  declared  it,  jt>ho,havina  Fa'trit!'Li.  ' 
received  the  Epjcopal  degree  from  a  Prelate  called  A.va.tOTjiraightn>ay  tookjhlp,  &c.  Here 
is  nothing  of  Cxleflinus  but  of  Arator,  nor  of  a  Mandate  but  St,  Fatrich!s  free  De- 
votion. 

He  faith,  the  fame  Tope  fent  thither  St.  German  and  Lupus  to  confute  the  Pelagian 
Herefie  :  and  both  Erkzns,  Scots,  Vids,andh[{h,P!>il'ingly  accepted  thefe  Legates  of  the  ^"'"■*'"*'*^^ 
Topes,  nor  denyed  that  they  had  any  Authority  over  them.     \  am  weary  of  fo  many  im-  ^''^'*'' 
pertinencies.     Still  here  is  not  one  word  of  any  Jurifdidion  of  the  Kofnan  BifliopS 
over  the  Brit'^  Church,  but  of  their  Charity  and  Devotion,  which  we  wilh  their 
Succeffors  would  imitate.  I  confefs  that  Troj^er  faith  that  Talladim  was  fent  by  Cae-  Prcjp.  in 
leflinuf.     If  it  were  fo,  it  concerns  not  this  caufe.     But  Conjiantim  and  Venerable  ^brtn.  ■     ■ 
BedeznA  ahtioil  all  other  Authors  do  affirm  pofitively  that  they  were  both  fent  by  9"'^'""*'*  • 
a  French  Synod,  to  allift  the  Britans  their  Neighbours  agaihft  the  Telagians.     And  T'.  ^"""' 
it  is  molt  probable  i  for  they  were  both  French  Bilhops,  St.  German  of  Auxerre,Lupuf  Bed.  /.  i.  c.  j;. 
of  Troyes.     Baronius  labours  to  reconcile  thefe  Two  different  Relations  thus.  It  may  Baron,  m. 
be  the  Tope  did  approve  the  choice  of  the  Synod,  or  it  may  be  that  Cccleffine  left  it  to  the  "**'* 
election  of  the  Synod,  to  fend  whom  they  pleafed.     Admit  cither  of  thefe  fuppofitions 
was  true,  it  will  bring  no  advantage  to  his  caufe,  but  much  difadvantage.     If  the 
Bilhop  of  B-pme  had  been  reputed  to  be  Patriarch  of  Britain,  and  much  more  if  he 
had  been  acknowledged  to  be  a  fpiritual  Monarch,  it  is  not  credible  that  the  Britan- 
ntci^  Church  fhould  haVe  applyed  it   felf  for  allif^ance  altogether  to  their  Neigh- 
bours, and  not  at  all  to  their  Superiot.     He  addeth  that  they  tviHingly  accepted  thefe 
Legates  of  the  Tapes.    He  is  fiill  dreaming  of  Legates  :  If  they  were  Legates,  they 
were  the  Synods  Legates,  not  the  Popes.     As  much  Legates  ajid  no  more  than  the 
Meffengers  of  the  Bntip  Church,  which  they  fent  to  help  them,  vvere  Legates •>  Conlfant.l.c. 
eodem  tempore  ex  Britannia  direda  Legatio  Callican'n  EpifcopU  nunciavit,&c<:.  at  the  fame  ^^' 
time  the  Britijh  Legates  Chewed  their  condition  to  the  French  Bifhops,  what  need 
the  Catholick  Faith  did  ftand  of  their  prefent  affiftance.     Had  they  not  reafon  to 
•welcome  them  whom  themfelves  had  invited,  who  were  come  onely  upon  their  oc- 
calion  ?  Or  what  occaiion  had  they  to  deny  their  Authority,  who  neither  did   ufurp 
any  Authority  ,  nor  pretend  to  any  Authority  ^  They  came  to  difpute,  not  to 
judge.    Aderat  popului  SpeSator futurw  ac  Judex.    I  know  Co«,*a«f/«f  and  Venerable  Wfm.ir. a  j,'    ' 
Bede  do  call  them  Apojiolicos  Sacerdotes,  Apojlolical  Bifhops,  not  from  their  million 
but  moft  plainly  for  their  Apoflolical  Endowments,fwj  in  iVU  Apoftohntm  injiar gloria 
&  Authoritas,  &c. 

That  St.  Gregory  did  fend  Auliin  into  England  to  Convert  the  Saxons  is  moft  ^'ft'"*- 
true  ■■,  that  the  Britijh  Churches  did  fuffcr  him  to  exercife  any  Authority  or  Jurifdi- 
dion over  them,  is  moll  untrue.  Touching  the  precife  time  of  his  coming,  Hiflo- 
riographers  do  not  agree  exadly.  All  accord  that  it  was  about  the  Sixth  hundredth 
year  of  Chrifi:,  a  little  more  or  lefs.  Before  this  tim'e,  Cyprtis  could  not  be  more  free 
firom  forreign  Jurifdidion  than  Britain  was.  After  this  time  we  confefs  that  the 
Bifhops  of  Kome,  by  the  confent  or  connivence  of  the  Saxon  Kings,  as  they  came 
to  be  Converted  by  degrees,  did  pretend  to  fome  formalities  of  right  or  Authority 
over  the  E«g///fe  Church,  at  rirfUn  matters  of  no  great  eonfequence,  as  beftowing 
the  Pall  or  the  like.  But  without  the  confent,  or  againft  the  good  pleafure,  of  thi 
King, they  had  no  more  power  at  all. 

Jcotfry  of  Monmouth  faith  that  Dubritius,  Primate  uf  Firitain,  v^as  Legate  of  the  D«tmr4// 
See  Apojiolicki     I  fhould  fooner  have  believed  it  if  he  had  proved  it  out  of  Gildjf, 
who  lived  in  or  about  the  age  of  I)ubritiuf,thin  upon  the  credit  of  Jeoffry  of  Mon- 
mouth, who  lived  fb  many  hundred  years  after  his  death,  whofe  Writings  have  been 
cenfured  as  too  full  of  Fables.     It  were  over  fupine  credulity  to  give  more  credit  td 

n  3  liim. 


OIO 


A  Jnft  Vindication  TOME  I. 


him  than  to  the  moll  eminent  Perfons  and  Synoas  of  the  fame  and  the  enfuing  age. 
Vubritiiii  was  Primate  of  Wales  in  the  days  of  Kmg  Arthur,  and  religncd  his  Arch- 
bifhoprick  of  Caer-Leon  to  St.  David  who  removed  his  Archiepifcopal  See  from 
thence  to  Menevia,  now  called  St.  Vavids  by  the  licence  of  King  Arthur,  not  of  the 
Pope.  King  Arthur  began  his  Reign,  as  it  is  commonly  computed,  about  the  year 
<; id.  perhaps  fomcthing  fooncr,or  later,  according  to  different  accounts.  But  cer- 
tainly after  the  Council  of  Ephefuf,  from  whence  we  demonftrate  our  exemption. 
And  fo  it  can  neither  advantage  his  caufe,  nor  prejudice  ours.  We  are  told  of 
ftore  of  Koman  Lcgats,  and  yet  not  fo  much  as  any  one  a(it  of  Jurifdidtion,  preten- 
ded to  be  done  by  any  of  them.  Certainly  either  they  were  no  Papal  Legates,  or 
Papal  Legates  in  thofe  days  were  but  ordinary  Meflengers, and  pretended  not  to  any 
Legantine  Court,or  Legantinc  Power  fuch  as  isexercifed  now  a  days. 
St.  S  mUit  ^'-  Samfon  (  faith  he  )  had  a  PaVfrom  Rome,  xpherefore  untruly  faith  L.  D.  that  the 

PaV  tpof  firji  introduced  in  the  Reign  of  the  Saxon  Kings,  after  Six  hundred  years  of 
Chriji,    He  miftakes  my  meaning  altogether,  and  my  words  alfo.    I  faid  not  that 
the  rirft  uie  of  the  Pall  began  after  the  Six  hundredth  year  of  Chrin:,but  the  abufe  of 
it,  that  is,  the  arbitrary  imfofmon  thereof  by  the  Popes  upon  the  Britilh  Churches  »  when 
Vind'P-9^'     they  would  not  fuffer  an  Aichbifhop ,  duly  eleded    and  inverted,  to  exercile  his 
function,  until  he  had  bought  a  Pall  from  Rome.    I  know  the  contrary,  that  they 
-  were  in  ufe  formerly.     But  whether  they  were  originally  Enfigns  of  honour,  con- 
ferred by  Chriftian  Emperors  upon  the  Church  namely,  Conjlantine  and   Valeminian, 
as  is  mort  probable,  or  aflumed  by  Patriarchs,  is  a  difputable  point.     This  is  cer- 
tain, other  Patriarchs  and   Archbifliops  under  them  had  their  Palls  in  the  primitive 
times,  which  they  received  not  from  Kome.     This  Samfon  was  Archbifliop  of  Wales, 
and  had  his  Pall  i  but  it  appeareth  not  at  all  that  he  had  it  from  Rome :  It  may  be 
that  they  had  it  from  their  Firlt  Converfion,or  rather  that  the  Britijh  Primates  them- 
felves  aflumed  it,  in  imitation  of  forreign  Patriarchs,  as  they  might  well  do.     This 
Pall  he  carried  with  him  into  lefler  Britain,  in  the  time  of  an   Epidemical  fickneft, 
Pol.yirg.l.i'  and  fuch  extreme  mortality •>  ut  mortui  £gros,  £gri  integros  turn  metu  turn  tahe  infece- 
hifl-  Anil.        riitt,  Co  that  the  dead  did  infeCi  thefick^,  thefck^  infeli  the  found  both  with  fear  and  con- 
tagion.   That  the  fame  Bifliop  never  returned  to  his  See  again  appears  to  me  more 
than  probable  by  this,  that  his  Succeflbrs  for  many  ages  reteined  their  Metropoliti- 
cal  Dignity,  but  ever  after  wanted  the  ufe  of  their  Pall.     Certainly  he  who  was  (b 
careful  of  his  Pall  when  he  forlbokc  his  See,  would  have  been  more  careful  to  have 
brought  it  back  with  him,  when  he  returned  to  his  See.     What  time  this  Samfon 
lived,and  when  that  contagious  fickneft  raged  fo  cruelly,  is  more  doubtful  s  whe- 
ther it  was  in  the  Reign  of  Maglocuntts  the  Fifth,  or  in  the  Reign  of  Cadivallader 
the  Ninth  in  fuccellion  after  King  Arthur,  or  long  after  both  thefe.     Giratdus  Cam- 
Itin.  Cttmb.  I.  brenfis  makes  him  to  be  the  Five  and  twentieth  Archbifliop  after  St.  David:  Sederunt 
I.C.I.  a  tempore  Dzv'id  fuccejjj  vis    temporum  curriculis  Archiepifcopi  ibidem  viginti  quinque, 

&c.  thelart  of  which  was  this  Samfon.     And  then  CoWo-ws, "Tempore  Samfbnis  hw 
jus  pallium  in  hunc  modum  eft  tranflatum,  &c.  In  the  time  of  this  Samfon   the  Pall  was 
m      H    d    *'"^"i?'<"''^<^  "f'^  *^^j*  manner  ;  Ihe  peflilence  increafmg  throughout  Wales  during  his  in- 
AntV9^>    '   '^'""^^"cy,  whereof  the  people  dyed  by  heaps,  &c.  The  fame  is  teftilied  by  Ro^er  Bove- 
den  in  the  life  of  King   John,  that  this  Samfon,  whom  he  makes  the  Four  and 
twentieth  Archbifhop  after  St.  P<»t'i«i,  flying  from  an  infeftious  yellow  jaundice, 
did  tranfport  with  himfelf  into  Little  Britain  the  Pall  of  St.  David,  &c.  So  K.  C. 
had  need  to  retrad  his  rafli  cenfure  of  me,  that  I  faid  untruly.  That  the  Pall  was 
Firft  introduced  in  the  Reigns  of  the  Saxon  Kings  i  for  neither  did  I  fay  fo,  neither 
doth  he  prove  that  it  was  not  fo.     A  few  of  thefe  Hiftories  would  quickly  fpoil  the 
Pope's  market  for  his  Palls.    The  Menevian  Archbifliops  had  but  one  Pall,  that  was 
St.  David's  Pall^  for  him  and  all  his  SucceiTors, whereas  the  Pope  compells  every  fuc- 
cecding  Archbifliop  to  buy  a  new  Pall, 
King  Jamti'      .  ^'"?  James  doth  not  at  all  fpeak  of  the  Bifliop  of  Romes  right,  but  how  far 
himfcjf  would  condefcend /or  fface/aferi  which  words  being  exprefly  ufed  by  the 
King  in  the  place  alledged,  are  guilefully  omitted  by  R.  C.  Much  lefs  doth  he  fpeak 
of  any  Supremacy  of  power,  or  fubmiliion  to  the  Popes  Jurildidlion  in  any  of  the 
cafes  CoQtroverted  between  us  and  them.     Our  differences  are  not  about  any  bran- 
ches 


JJiscouRSE   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Ene^hud, 


21  I 


ches  of  Pitriarchal  power.  If  they  like  King  James  his  propoiition,  why  do  they 
not  accept  it  ?  If  they  like  it  not,  why  do  they  urge  it  ?  A  Church  may  be,  and  is 
urually,cal]ed  a  Mother  Church  in  Two  fenfes  :  either  becaufe  it  is  the  Church  of  ^  *  e  l . 
a  Metropolis  or  Mother-City  ,  and  Co  no  man  can  deny  but  the  Church  of  Kome^  yj^, 
among  many  others,  is  a  prime  Mother-Church :  Or  elfe,  becaufe  it  hath  Converted 
other  Churches  to  the  Chriiliaa  Faith.  And  {b  alfo  we  acknowledge  that  the 
Church  of  Kome  is  a  Mother-Church  to  fundry  of  our  Saxon  Churches,'  and  a 
Silkr  to  the  Britijh  Church,  but  a  Miftris  to  no  Church. 

I  (lie wed  clearly ,  that  that  power  which  the  EilTiops  of  Kome  do  challenge  and 
ufurp  at  this  day  ,  is  incompatible  and  inconfiftent  with  true  Patriarchal  power,  and 
that  thereby  they  themfelves  have  implicitdy  quitted  and  difclaimed  that  true  power 
which  was  conferred  upon  them  by  the  Catholick  Church.  So  by  feeking  to  turn 
Spiritual  Monarchs ,  they  had  loft  their  iuft  Title  of  Patriarchs.  But  withal  that 
Britain  was  never  rightly  a  part  of  their  Patriarchate.  To  this  he  anfwers  nothing, 
but  obje<fts.  That  this  U  to  dspofe  all  the  Popes  fince  Boniiace  the  "Third,  for  more  than 
a  tbottfaud  years  ,  and  fay  ,  that  they  have  all  loji  their  Patriarchate  '■>  And  cries  out , 
O  intolerable  prefttmpion  !  Thus  he  confoundeth  Papal  and  Patriarchal  power  ,  ma- 
king things  inconfirtent  to  be  one  and  the  fame  thing.  If  they  have  loft  their  Patri- 
archal power,  it  is  their  own  fault  who  quitted  it  ;  it  is  his  fault  who  doth 
no  better  defend  it.  With  as  much  reafon  he  might  plead ,  that  he  who  faith  that 
a  Reftor  of  a  Church  ,  by  accepting  of  a  new  incompatible  Benefice,  had  quitted 
his  old  ,  doth  deprive  him  of  his  former  Benefice  i  Or  that  he  who  faith ,  the  King 
oi Spain  hath  quitted  his  Title  to  the  United  Provinces  ,  doth  thereby  depofe  hira 
from  his  Monarchy.  O  intolerable  miltake  ! 

I  faid  not  ignorantly ,  but  moft  truly,  that  the  Britifl}  (  I  will  add  alfo  the  Scoti/h  SeH.  J, 
Church  )  for  many  hundred  years  fided  with  the  Eajiern  Church  in  the  obftrvation 
of  E^^fr.     He  faith.  That  tj!;fy  did  not  fide  entirely  rvith  them.     Neither  did  I  fay 
they  did.     They  obferved  Eajler  always  upon  Sunday,  which  Polycrates  and  thofe 
Afiatich^  that  joined  with  him  did  not.     And  fo  they  had  nothing  common  with 
the  Jews,  thofe  Parricides ,  as  Cot^lantine  the  Great  calls  them ,    who  murthered 
Chrift ,  and  herein  they  did  join  with  the  Roman  Church ,  but  it  is  as  evident  that 
they  did  not  obferve  it  upon  the  fame  Sunday  with  the  Church  oiKome.     This  is 
clear  by  thole  two  Britijh  Synods  mentioned  by  Venerable  Bede.     This  being  one  of 
AuiUn's  propofitions  to  them,  that  they  fliould  conform  themfelves  to  the  Roman   „  .  ,  j^    g. 
Church  in  the  obfervation  oCEafier,  and  after  folemn  difcullion  altogether  rejeded 
by  them.     That  in  this  they  fided  with  the  Ei^ern  Church,  appeareth  as  evidently 
by  the  publick  conference  between  Colman  and  IFilfrid  about  this  very  buimefs, 
wherein  Co/«i<j«  did  exprefly  and  prdfefledly  maintain  the  tradition  from  St. /(j^^,  Bed.l.z.caSi 
before  the  tradition  from  St.  Peter. 

Laftly ,  To  fay  that  this  manner  of  obfcrving  Eafler  was  but  rifen  in  Scotland  a 
little  before  the  year  638.  upon  the  authority  of  Pope  John,  is  ridiculous  ,  (  for  it  is 
moft  evident ,  that  it  was  as  ancient  as  their  Chriftianity,  )  contrary  to  reafon,  for 
the  Britains  and  Scots  had  no  commerce  with  the  Oriental  Chriftians  in  thofe  dayes, 
and  contrary  to  Authority,for  Colman  in  that  difputation  did  derive  it  froni  St.  John 
the  Apoftle. 


CHAP.    VI. 


C  12 


A  Jud  Vind'cation 


TOME  1. 


Vind.p.^i- 


Aqui.  Sum.  J. 
i-quiH   83. 
An.  2.  (ir  10, 

A  K'ng  hath 
all  power 
needful  for 
the  prcfervaci- 
or.  of  his 
KiDgdooi. 


A  refpeftive 
nectflity  is  a 
fufficient 
preund  of  a 
Retbi-mation. 


An.ii.ii 


CHAP.     VI. 

So'vei-eii^tt  Princes  in  feme  cafes  have  power  to  change  the  exter- 
nal Regiment  of  the  Chnrch. 

JF  tlie  Reader  doth  not  find  fo  much  in  this  Reply  as  he  defires  and  cxpcds,  let 
him  blame  K.  C.  who,  according  to  his  cultom,  omitteth  all  the  chitfeft 
'  grounds,  and  the  whole  contexture  of  my  difcourfe,  onely  fnatching  here  and 
there  at  a  word  or  a  piece  of  a  fcntence.  I  (hall  deal  more  fairly  with,  him.  In 
the  Firlt  place  I  complain  that  befides  the  omitting  of  thofc  main  principles  where- 
upon my  difcourfe  in  this  Chapter  is  grounded,  which  are  received  by  both  parties, 
he  doth  me  wrong  in  Rating  of  the  Queftion.  For  whereas  I  (ct  down  Four  con- 
ditions or  limitations  neceffary  in  every  Reformation,  Firft,  that  it  be  made  advifed- 
]y  upon  well  grounded  experience  i  Secondly,  that  it  be  done  in  a  National  Synodi 
Thirdly,  that  it  be  oncly  in  matters  of  humane  right  ■■>  Fourthly,  that  nothing  be 
changed, but  that  which  is  become  hurtful  or  impeditive  of  a  greater  good  :  he 
leaves  out  Three  of  thefe  reftridions  altogether,  and  onely  mentions  one,  that  it  be 
in  matters  of  humane  Inftituticn,  as  if  the  reft  were  of  no  confideration.  He  can- 
not chufc  but  know  that  by  the  Dodrine  of  their  own  Schools,  if  a  man  do  vow 
any  thing  to  God,  which  afterwards  is  found  to  be  hurtful  and  impeditive  of  a 
•  greater  good,  it  maketh  his  vow  null  and  void,  &  difobligeth  him  from  performance 
of  it.  If  it  be  true  in  a  vow  to  God,  it  is  more  true  in  a  promife  made  to  man, 
and  he  needeth  no  difpenfation  to  retrad  it. 

But  let  us  follow  his  ikps.  Firft,  whereas  I  alledge  their  own  Authors  to  prove 
that  to  whom  a  Kingdom  is  granted  all  neceffary  power  is  granted,  without  which 
a  Kingdom  cannot  be  governed,  he  diftinguiftieth  between  the  wceffity  of  the  King- 
dom, and  the  benefit  of  the  Kingdom  :  a  King  hath  potver  to  do  whatjoever  is  neceffary  for 
the  Government  of  his  Kingdom,  but  not  vohatfoever  U  for  the  benefit  of  his  Kingdom. 
To  this  I  anfwer  Firft,  That  he  confounds  tovper,  and  the  exercije  of  Tovatr,  or  the 
recelhty  of  the  one  with  the  neceliity  of  the  other.  Power  is  the  neceffary  quali- 
fication of  a  King.  But  the  Ad  or  Exercifeof  that  powecmay  be  free,  and  {LiflSci- 
ently  grounded  not  onely  upon  the  neceliity,  but  upon  the  benefit,of  the  Kingdom. 
A  Lcgiflative  power  is  neceffary  to  a  King,  but  this  doth  not  imply  that  he  cannot 
make  a  Law  except  onely  in  cafes  of  ab(blute  necelhty.  Power  to  adminifter  an 
Oath,  or  to  commit  a  Malcfador  is  a  neceffary  qualification  of  a  Judges  yet  he  may 
adminifter  an  Oath  upon  difcretion,  or  commit  a  man  upon  fufpicion.  If  a  King 
or  u  Judge  invefted  with  fuch  a  power  (bould  mffapply  it,  or  err  in  the  Exercifc  of 
it,  he  owes  an  account  to  God  and  tlie  Prince  from  whom  he  received  the  power  ; 
but  the  Subjed  is  bound  at  leaft  to  pallive  Obedience.  Now  let  him  fee  his  own 
miftake.  The  Queftion  between  us  is  whether  a  power  to  reform  abuftsiind  incon- 
veniences be  neceffary  to  a  King,  to  which  all  his  Subjeds  owe  at  leaft  paliive  Obe- 
dience. He  anfvvers, concerning  the  exercile  of  this  power,  in  what  cafes  a  King 
may  lawfully  ufe  iti  but  if  the  King  milhke  the  cafe,  yet  the  Subjed  owes  pallive 
Obedience. 

Secondly,  I  Anfwer  that  there  is  a  double  neceffity,  Firft,  a  fimple  or  abfblute  re- 
ccility  j  Secondly,  arefpedive  neccAuy  fecttndiim  quid,  which  we  may  call  a  neceliity 
of  convenience,  wliich  is  a  true  necelhty ,  and  a  fufficient  ground  of  a  Chriftian 
Law,  that  is,  rather  to  make  fuch  a  Law,  than  to  fuftain  fuch  indignities,  or  to  run 
iuch  extreme  hazards, or  lole  fuch  great  advantages  :  As  it  feemeth  good  to  the  Holy 
Ghcji  and  to  its,  to  lay  upon  you  no  greater  burthen  than  thefe  neceffary  things.  And  of 
Four  things  thcfe  were  Three,  to  abftain  from  meats  offered  to  Idols,  and  from 
blood,  and  from  things  ftrangled.  None  of  which  things  were  neceffary  in  them- 
felvcs,  either  necefitate  medii,oi  necefjtate  frscepti.     But  they  were  neceffary  to  avoid 

(can- 


Discourse  III.        Of  the  Chiircb  of  En^hnd.  2,^ 


fcandal  and  to  gain  advantage  upon  the  Jews,  and  to  retain  them  in  a  good  Opinion 
of  Chrii^ian  Religion.  St.  James  ufed  the  fame  argument  to  St.  Paul,  thou  fteji  Aii.^t/i^ 
Brother  how  many  thonfands  of  Jews  there  are  which  believe,  and  they  are  all  zealous  of 
the  Law  &c.  If  the  advantage  be  but  fmal!,  it  is  not  worth  abrogating  a  Law  or 
changing  a  received  cuftoms  but  if  it  be  great,  Malofemel  exaij'are  quare  fecerim,  Senec. 
quam  jetnper  qttare  mnfecerim;  It  is  better  to  make  one  juit  Apology  why  a  man  doth 
abrogate  fuch  a  prejudicial  cullom,  than  to  be  making  daily  excufes  why  he  doth 
not  abrogate  it.  Vivere,  non  ejl  vita  Jed  vakre.  To  live  is  not  to  draw  out  a  lin- 
gering breath,  but  to  injoy  health.  So  the  health  and  convenience,  and  good  con- 
ftitutionof  a  Kingdom,  is  more  to  be  regarded,  than  the  bare  miferable  being  of 

*  Thirdly,  1  anfwer  that  our  Pverormation  in  England  was  not  onely  beneficial  and  Our  Reforma- 
advantagious  to  the  Kingdom,  but  neceflary,  to  avoid  intolerable  extortions,  and  on  wa  ntcef- 
Profs  unjuft  and  General  ufurpations  of  all  mens  rights.     They  found  plainly  that  ^^y' 
This  forreign  Jurifdiftion  did  interfere  with  the  Sovereign   power.     The  Oaths 
which  Bifhops  were  forced  to  take  to  the  Pope  were  examined  in  Parliament,  and  f^J-J/^o^  "" 
found  to  be  plainly  contradictory  to  their  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  and  repugnant   to 
that  duty  which  they  did  owe  to  General  Councils.     They  found  that  they  were 
daily  expoled  to  peril  of  Idolatry ,  and  in  danger  daily  to    have   new   Articles  of 
Faith  obtruded  upon  them.  They  fee  that  the  Pope  had  implicitly  quitted  their  Pa- 
triarchal right,  and  challenged  a  Sovereignty  over  the  Church  by  Divine  right. 
Lafily,  they  fee  that  this  forreign  Jurifdidion  was  become  not  onely  ufelefs,  but  de- 
ftrutftive  to  thofe  ends  for  which  Patriarchal  Authority  was  firft  infiituted. 

As  the  Hangings  are  fitted  to  the  Houfe,  fo  was  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Tte  ^^S'""^' 
Church   fitted  and  adopted  to  the  then  State  of  the  Empire,  when  thefe  Eccldialli-  conformed  to 
cal  Dignities  were  Firft  ereded,  for  the  eafe  and  benefit  of  the  Subjed,  to  the  end  that  of  the 
that  no  man  flvould  be  necellitated  to  feek  further  for  Ecclefiaftical  Juftice  than  he  did  CommoD- 
for  Civil  nor  to  travel  without  the  bounds  of  his  own  Province  for  a  final  fentence.  "^^'t''- 
Therefore  wherefoever  there  was  a  civil  Metropolis,  there  was  placed  an  Ecclefiafti- 
cal Metropolitan  alfo.     And  where  there  was  a  Secular  Protarch,  there  was  confti- 
tuted  an  Ecclefiaftical  Patriarch,  to  avoid  the  confufion   and  claftiing  of  Jurifdidi- 
ons.     This  is  plain  out  of  the  Decree  of  the  Council  of  C/;^/cf^o« ,  that  whereas 
fome  ambitious  perfons,  contrary  to  the  Laws  Ecclefiaftical,  had  multiplyed  Metro- 
political  Sees,  making  Two  in  one  Province,  where  there  was  but  one  Mother 
City  or  one  Civil  Metropolis,  the  Council  defined  that  no  man  (hould  attempt  any 
fuch  thing  for  the  future,  But  thofe  Cities  which  had  been  adorned  with  the  name  of  Conc.  Cbale- 
Metropolis  by  the  EdiCis  of  Kings,  fiiould  onely  injoy  that  privilcdgei     And  more  c.ii,re/u. 
plainly  by  that  of  Anacletus,  cited  h^  Cratian,\i  we  may  credit  him,  Provinces  were  ^'^-  99- 
divided  long  before  the  comming  of  Chrijijor  the  moji  part.     And  afterwards  that  divifi- 
on  was  renewed  by  the  JpojUes  and  5f. Clement  ottr  predecefjorjo  that  in  the  chief  Cities 
of  all  Trovinces,where  long  f  nee  were  Primates  of  the  Secular  Law,  and  the  highefl  judi- 
ciary  Power,  6"c.  Ihere  the  Divine  and  Ecclefiaftical  Lzws  commanded  Patriarchs  ot 
Primates  to  he  placed  and  to  be,which  two  though  they  be  different  in   names,  yet  retaiu 
the  fame  fenfe.     This  was  well  fo  long  as  the  Empire  continued  in  the  fame  State,     , 
and  the  Provinces  kept  their  ancient  bounds.     But  now  when  the  State  of  the  Em- 
pire is  altogether  changed, the  Provinces  confounded  and  the  Dominions  divided 
among  leffer  Kings,  who  are  fometimes  in  hoftility  one  with  another,  and  the  Sub- 
jeds  of  one  Prince  cannot  freely  nor  fecurely  repair  for  Juftice  into  the  Dominions 
of  a  forreign  Prince,  without  prejudice  to  themfelves,  and  danger  to  their  native 
Country  :     It  is  very  meet  that  the  Subjeds  of  every  Sovereign  Prince  (hould  have 
final  Juftice  within  the  Dominions  of  their  own  Sovereign,  as  well  in  Ecclefiaftical 
caufes  as  Political.      And  this  is  agreeable  with  the  fundamental  Laws  and  Cuftoms 
of  England,  which  neither  permit  a  Subjed  in  fuch  cafes  to  go  out  of  the  Kingdom, 
nor  any  forreign  Commillioncr  to  enter  into  the  Kingdom,  without  the  King's  Li- 
cenfe.     Upon  this  ground  the  Biftiops  of  Scotland  were  freed  fi-om  their  Obedience 
to  the  Primate  of  Tor\_,  and  the  Bifhops  of  Mufcovia  from  the  Patriarch  of  Co«- 

fiantinopU.  ,  ,  ,  r 

But  (  faith  he  )  That  which  Ufer  the  benefit  of  the  Kingdom,  may  be  contrary  to  tbe 

good 


A  Jufi  Vindication  TOME  I. 

214     ^ '   ' 

— Church,  and flmild  n^e  prefer  a  Kingdom  kfore  the   Clmrch,  the    Body  before 

off llTar-      %So,ltarth  he  ore  Heaven  ?  I  Anfwer  that  Gan.  and  Lofs,  Advantage  and  Difad- 
c°mft.ncc5to   "'  oueht  not  to  be  weighed  or  clktmed   from  the  conlideration   of  One  or 
beconfidered.  y^yp^jrcumlhnces  or  emergents.     All  charges  damages  and  rcprifes  muft  f  irll  be 
call  up  and  dedudcd,  before  one  can  give  a  right  eltimatc  ot  beneHt  or  lofs.     If  a 
Merchant  do  reckon  onely  the  price  which  his  commodity   coft  him  beyond  Sea, 
without  accounting  Cuftoms  Freight  and  other  charges,  he  will  foon  perifh  his 
Pack.    If  the  benefit  be  onely'  Temporal,  and  the  lofs  Spiritual,  as  to  gain  Gold  and 
Ptx  1.7-      lofe  Faith,  rehkh  if  more  freciuuf  than  Gold  that  ferijheth,  it  is  no  benefit  but  lofs.  What 
*       '  "   '      (hould  it  advantage  a  man  to  gain  the  rohole  World  and  lofe  his  orvn  Soul  ?  The  Englijh 
Church  and  the  Englip  Kingdom  are  one  and  the  fame  Society  of  men,  differing 
not  really  but  rationally  one  from  another,  in  refped  of  fome  diftindl  relations. 
As  the  Vine  and  the  Elm,  that  fullains  it,  they  flourifli  together  and  decay  together. 
Bonum  exfingulis  circumjiantiis,  that  which  is  truly  good  for  the  Kingdom  of  Eng- 
land cannot  be  ill  for  the  Church  of  England,  and  that  which  is  truly  good  for  the 
Englijh  Church  cannot  be  ill  for  the  Englijh  Kingdom.     We  may  in  reafon  dillin- 
gurOi  between  ^/fxWfr's  friend  who  ftudies  to  pleafehim,  and  the  King's  friend 
who  gives  him  good  advife.     The  one  is  a  friend  to  his  perfon,  the  other  to  his 
"  Office.     But  in  truth  whileft  Alexander  is  King,  and  the  perfon  and  Office  are  Uni- 

ted he  that  is  a  true  friend  to  Alexander  is  no  enemy  to  the  King,  and  he  who  is  a 
true  friend  to  the  King  is  no  foe  to  Alexander.     Indeed  if  by  the  Church  he  under- 
ftand  the  Court  of  Kome,  then  that  which  was  good  for  the  Kingdom  of  England 
was  prejudicial  to  the  Church  in  point  of  Temporal  profit.     But  feeing  as  he  con- 
k^a\'the  Soulis  to  be  preferred bejore  the  Body, it  turns  to  their  greater  advantage 
by  leffening  the  account  of  their  extortions. 
Our  Refonna-      He  addeth.  That  a  Kingdom  is  but  a  part  of  the  Church,  and  it  U  not  in  the  power 
tion  not  con*  of  any  part,  onely  for  its  particular  profit,  to  alter  what  is  inftiiuted  by  the  Vniverfal 
trary  fo  the      Church,  fr  her  Vniverfal  good,  no  more  than  it  is  in  the  power  of  a  part  of  the  Kingdom 
^mTcoud'  '  <^  "f^  ^^^'''^  "'■  ^'■"^ ""^^5 '"  ''''*'''  /"''  ''^ private  intertfi  what  hath  been  decreed  by  ParliO' 
d\%.  ment  for  the  good  of  the  Kingdom.     His  inftance  of  a  Shire  or  a  Province  is  altogether 

impertinent,  for  no  particular  Shire  or  Province  in  England  hath  Legillative  Autho- 
rity at  all  as  the  Kingdom  hath.  But  particular  Corporations  being  inverted  with 
power  from  the  Crown  to  make  Ordinances  for  the  more  commodious  government 
of  themfelves,maymake  and  do  make  ordinarily  by  Laws  and  Ordinances,  not 
contra  againfl  the  Ads  of  Parliament,  but  prater  bciides  the  Ads  of  Parliament. 
And  let  him  go  but  a  little  out  of  the  Kingdom  of  England,  as  fuppofe  into  the 
JJIeof  Man,ot  into  Ireland, though  they  be  branches  of  the  Englijh  Empire,  yet  he 
(hall  find  that  they  have  diliind  Parliaments,  which  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
King,  have  ever  heretofore  enjoyed  a  power  to  make  Laws  for  themfelves  contrary 
to  the  Laws  of  the  Englijh  Parliament.  But  we  are  fo  far  from  feeking  to  abro- 
gate or  to  alter  any  inftitution  of  the  Univerfal  Church,  or  its  reprefentative  a 
General  Council,  in  this  cafe,  that  on  the  contrary  we  crave  the  benefit  of  their 
Decrees, and  fubmit  all  our  differences  to  their  decifion.  No  General  Council  did 
ever  give  to  the  See  of  Rome  Jurifdidion  over  Britain.  And  though  they  had,  yet 
the  ftate  of  things  being  quite  changed,  it  were  no  difobedience  to  vary  from  them 
in  circumftances,  whileft  we  perfift  in  their  grounds. 

To  make  my  word  good  I  will  fuppofe  the  cafe  to  have  been  quite  otherwise 
than  it  wasiThat  Proteftants  had  made  the  feparationi  That  they  had  had  no  ancient 
Laws  for  prefidentsj  That  the  BriM««ic)l^Churches  had  not  enjoyed  the  Cyprian  pri- 
viledgefor  the  Firfl  Six  hundred  years:  Yea  Iwill  fuppofe  for  the  prefent.  That 
our  Primates  were  no  Primates  or  Patriarchs^  And  that  the  BritannicJ^^Churches  had 
been  fubjeded  fo  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  by  General  Councils.  Yet  all  this  fuppo- 
fed  upon  the  great  mutation  of  the  ftate  of  the  Eqnpire,  and  the  great  variation  of 
affairs  fince  that  time,  it  had  been  very  lawful  for  the  King  and  Church  of  England 
to  fubftrad  their  Obedience  from  the  Biftiops  of  Rome  (  though  they  had  not  quit- 
{  ted  their  Patriarchate  )  and  to  have  ereded  a  new  Primate  at  home  among  them- 

felves.   Provided  that  what  I  write  onely  upon  fuppofition ,  he  do  not  hereafter 
alledge  as  (poken  by  way  of  conceffion. 

Wc 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  2i< 


'  We  have  feen  formerly  in  this  Chapter  that  the  Ellablifliment  of  Primates  or 
Patriarchs  and  Metropolitans  in  fuch  and  fuch  Sees,  was  meerly  to  comply  and  con- 
form themfelves  to  the  Edidls  and  civil  ConlHtutions  of  Sovereign  Princes,  for  the 
cafe  and  advantage  of  Chrillians,  and  to  avoid  confufion  and  clafhing  of  Jurifdi- 
ctions:  That  where  there  was  a  civil  Exarch  and  Protarch  Eftabliflied  by  the  Em- 
peror, there  (hoiild  be  an  EcclefialHcal  Primate  or  Patriarch  :  And  where  a  City 
was  honoured  with  the  name  and  priviledge  of  a  Metropolis  or  Mother  City,  there 
(hould  be  a  Metropolitan  Bilhop.  The  pradifc  of  Bilhops  could  not  multiply  thefc 
Dignities, but  the  Edids  of  Emperors  could.  And  this  was  in  a  time  when  the 
Emperors  were  Pagans  and  Jnfidtls. 

Afterwards  when  the  Emperors  were  become  Cliriftians,  if  they  newly  founded 
or  newly  dignified  an  Imperial  City  or  a  Metropolis,  they  gave  the  Bilhop  thereof 
a  proportionable  Ecclefialtical  preheminence  at  their  good  pleafure :  Either  with 
a  Council,  as  the  Councils  of  Co)ijlantinopk  and  Chalcedon  (with  the  conlent  and 
Confirmation  of  Jbeodofim  and  Martian  Emperors  )  did  advance  the  Bifliop  of  Con- 
jiaminople  from  being  a'  mean  Suffragan  under  the  Metropolitan  of  Heradea,  to  be 
equal  in  Dignity,  power,and  all  forts  of  priviledges,  to  the  Bi(hop  of  Rome.  And 
this  very  ground  is  aliigned  by  the  Fathers,  becaufe  that  City  (  Conftantinople  )  wai 
become  thefeat  of  the  Emj)ire;  (  So  ,'great  a  defire  had  the  Fathers  to  conform  the  Ec- 
ckfiaftical  Regiment  to  the  Political)  Or  without  a  Council,  as  Jujlinian  the  Em- 
peror by  his  (ole  Legillative  power  eredled  the  Patriarchate  of  JttjHnijna  prima,  and 
endowed  it  with  a  new  Province  fubfiradted  from  other  Bi(hops,  freeing  it  from  all 
Appeals.  The  like  Prerogatives  he  gave  to  the  Bifhop  of  Carthage,  notwithltand- 
ing  the  pretentions  of  the  Bifliop  ot  Rome.  And  this  was  not  done  in  a  corner,  jvo^j/.  ij«  ^ 
but  inferted  into  the  publick  Laws  of  the  Empire, for  all  the  World  to  take  notice  iji. 
of  it.  So  unqueftionable  was  the  power  of  Sovereign  Princes  in  things  concern- 
ing the  Order  and  external  Regiment  of  the  Church  in  thofe  days,  that  neither  the 
Bifhop  of  Rome,  nor  any  other  Patriarch  or  Bilhop  did  ever  complain  againft  it. 
Shall  the  prefence  of  an  Exarch  or  Lieutenant  be  able  to  Dignifie  the  City  or  place 
of  his  retidence  with  Patriarchal  Rites,  and  (hall  not  the  prefence  and  Authority  of 
the  Sovereign  himfelf  be  much  more  able  to  do  it  ?  Is  fo  much  re{pe<fl  due  to  the 
Servants,  and  is  not  more  due  to  the  Mafter  ? 

That  the  Britijh  and  the  Englijh  Kings  had  the  fame  Imperial  Authority  to  alter 
Patriarchates  within  their  own  Dominions,to  exempt  their  Subjects  from  the  Ju- 
rifdidion  of  one  Primate,  and  transfer  them  to  another,!  (hewed  in  the  Vindication  p.^ij 
by  the  examples  of  King  Arthur,  who  tranflated  the  Primacy  from  Caer-Leon  to  St. 
Davids  above  Eleven  hundred  years  (incci  And  Henry  the  Firft  who  fubjcsfled  St. 
J)avids\o  Canterbury  aboveFive  hundred  years  fince,for  the  benefit  of  his  Subjedls. 
Neither  did  any  man  then  complain  that  they  Ufurped  more  power  than  of  right 
did  belong  unto  them. 

Tin's  is  not  to  alter  the  Inftitutions  of  the  Univerfal  Church  or  of  General  . 
Councils  (fjppofing  they  had  made  any  fuch  particular  E(^abli(hment)  but  on  the  fncg^f'Jhert. 
contrary  to  tread  in  their  fteps,  and  to  purfue  their  grounds,  and  to  do  that  (  with 
all  due  fubmiifion  to  their  Authority  )  which  they  would  have  done  themfelves  in 
this  prefent  exigence  of  Affairs.  Make  all  things  the  fame  they  were,  and  we  are 
the  fame.  To  perfifi  in  an  old  Obfervation  when  the  grounds  of  it  are  quite 
changed,  and  the  end  for  which  the  Obfervation  was  made,  calleth  upon  us  for  an 
alteration, is  not  Obedience  but  Obftinacy.  General  Councils  did  never  fo  fix  Pa- 
triarchal power  to  particular  Churches,  as  that  their  Eftablifhment  (hould  be  like  a 
Law  of  the  Medes  and  Perfians,  never  to  be  altered  upon  any  change  of  the  Chrifti" 
an  World  whatfoever.  But  to  be  changed  by  themfelves  (  as  we  fee  they  did  ElVa- 
blifh  Fir(t  three  Protopatriarchates,  then  Four,  then  Five. )  Or  when  General  Coun- 
cils cannot  be  had  (  which  is  the  miferable  condition  of  thefe  times  )  by  fuch  as 
ha^e  the  Supreme  Authority  Civil  and  Ecclefiaftical  in  thofe  places  where  the 
change  is  to  be  made.  Suppofe  a  Patriarchal  See  fhould  be  utterly  ruined  and  de- 
ftroycd  by  War  or  other  accidents,  as  fome  have  been  v  or  (hould  change  the  Bible 
into  the  Alchoran^  and  turn  Turks  as  others  have  done»  (uppofe  a  fuccefiion  of  Pa- 
triarchs fliould  quit  or  refign  their  Patriarchal  power  explicitly  or  implicitly,  or 

fov- 


2l6 


A  Jttfi  Vindication  TOME  !♦ 


"forteititbydirufeorabulciOr  Ihould  obtrude  Heretical  Errors  and  Idolatrous  pra- 
,?f«uDon  the  Churches  under  their  Jurifdidion,  fo  as  to  leave  no  hope  of  reme- 
rlfnm  their  Succeflbrsi  Or  (hould  go  about  to  enforce  them  by  new  Laws  and 
n  tl  ■  to  maintain  their  llfurpations  over  General  Councils,  to  which  all  Chrirtians 
are  more  obliged  than  to  any  Patriarch  :  Laftly  fuppofe  a  Patriarchal  City  fhall 
1  "n  the  Dominions  of  one  Prince,  and  the  Province  in  the  Dominions  of  another, 
Iho  arc  in  continual  War  and  Hoftility  the  one  with  the  other,  fo  as  the  Subjcds 
^^  neither  have  Licence  nor  Security  to  make  ufe  of  their  Patriarch,  ought  not  the 
''^(bcftive  Provinces  in  all  thefe  cafes  to  provide  for  themfelvcs  >  Put  the  cafe  that 
a  Kins  "  oing  to  War  in  the  Holy  Land  fhould  commit  the  Regency  to  his  Council, 
d  they  conftitute  a  Governor  of  a  principal  City,  who  fails  in  his  trull,  and  makes 
the  Citizens  fwear  Allegiance  to  himfelf,  and  to  maintain  him  againll  the  Council  v 
all  men  will  judge  that  the  Citizens  (hould  do  well,  if  he  were  incorrigible,  to  turn 
him  out  of  their  Gates.  Chrift  was  this  King,  who  afcending  into  the  holy  of 
holies  left  the  Regiment  of  his  Church  with  the  Apoftolical  Colledge  and  tlieir  Suc- 
celTors  a  General  Council.  They  made  the  Bilhop  of  Koine  a  principal  Governor, 
and  Iie'rebells  againft  them.'    There  needs  no  further  application. 

Now  to  clofe  up  this  point,  the  end  is  more  excellent  than  the  means.  The  end 
of  the  primitive  Fathers  in  Eibblifhing  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church  in  a 
Conformity  to  the  Civil  Government  was  fahu  Fopuli  Chrijiiam,  the  eafe  and  ad- 
vantage of  ChrilUans,  the  avoyding  of  Confufion,  and  the  clafhing  of  Jurifdidi- 
ons.  We  purfue  the  fame  ends  with  them,  we  approve  of  their  means  in  particu- 
lar as  moil  excellent  for  thofe  times,  and  in  general  for  all  times,  that  is,  the  con- 
forming^ of  the  one  Regiment  to  the  other.  But  God  alone  is  whhom  any  Jhadotv 
of  utrttiHg  by  change.  It  is  not  in  our  power  to  prevent  the  Converfion  of  fubluna- 
ly  things.  Empires  and  Cities  have  their  difeafesand  their  deaths  as  well  as  men. 
One  is,  another  was,  a  Third  (hall  be.  Mother  Cities  become  Villages,  and  poor 
Villages  become  Mother  Cities.  The  places  of  the  refidence  of  the  greateft  Kings 
and  Emperors  are  turned  to  defarts  for  Owls  to  fereech  in  and  Satyrs  to  dance  in. 
Then  as  a  good  Pilot  muft  move  his  Rudder  according  to  the  variable  face  of  the 
Heavens  s  fo  if  we  will  purfue  the  prudent  grounds  of  the  primitive  Fathers, 
we  muft  change  our  external  Regiment  according  to  the  change  of  the  Empire. 
This  is  better  than  by  adhering  too  ftridly  to  the  private  intereft  of  particular  pla- 
ces to  deftroy  that  publick  end  for  which  external  Regiment  at  Firft  was  fo  Efta- 
blifiied.  I  confefs  that  this  israoft  proper  for  a  General  Council  to  redrels.  Every 
thing  is  bcft  loofed  by  the  fame  Authority  by  which  it  was  bound.  But  in  cafe  of 
necelfity,  where  there  can  be  no  recourfe  to  a  General  Council,  every  Sovereigu 
Prince  within  his"  own  Dominions,  with  the  advife  and  concurrence  of  his  'Clergy, 
and  due  fubmillion  to  a  future  Oecumenical  Council,  is  obliged  to  provide  remedies 
for  growing  inconveniences,  and  to  take  order  that  external  Difciplinc  be  fo  Admi- 
nlftred  as  may  moft  conduce  to  the  Glory  of  God,  and-the  heneht  of  his  Chriftian 

Subjects. 

I  made  Three  conditions  of  a  latvful  Reformation, juft  grounds, due  moderation, 

Divora  lawful  ^^^  fufficient  Authority.  He  faith,  Henry  the  Eight  had  none  of  theje  :  Firft,  no  jufi 

but  no  erami  ground,  hecaufe  his  ground  reoiy  that  the  Pope  would  not  give  him  leave  to  forfaks  ^^  ^'f'^- 

of  the  Refer-    fitl  Wife  and  taki  another.    Perhaps  the  Popes  injuftice  might,  by  Gods  juft  difpofiti- 

matioD.  Q„^  jjg  3JJ  occafion,  but  it  was  no  ground,  of  the  Reformation  :  And  if  it  had,  yet 

neither  this  nor  his  other  exceptions  do  concern  the  caufe  at  all.     There  is  a  great 

difference  between  bonum  and  bene,  between  a  good  adion  and  an  aftion  well  done : 

An  adbn  maybe  good  and  lawful  in  it  fclf,  and  yet  the  ground  of  him  that  adleth 

it  finifter,  and  his  manner  of  proceeding  indired,  as  we  lee  in  Jehu's  Reformation. 

This  concerned  King  Henries  perfbn,  but  it  concerns  not  us  at  all.    King  Henry 

^ll'**  /•/.'*  Pi^o^^fte^  that  it  was  his  Confcience,  they  will  not  believe  him.  Queen  Katherine 

iBo.  ^  An.il.  accufed  Cardinal  fFolfey  as  the  Author  of  it,  (he  never  accufed  y^nne  Bolen  who  was 

fol  i'-  •  in  France  when  that  bufmefs  began.  The  Bilhop  of  Lincoln  was  imployed  to  Oat- 

^'lV*f  Rowe''  ■^'^^'  ^"'^  Bilhop  Gardiner  and  Dr.  Fox  to  Cambridge,  to  fee  the  caufe  debated.     Ee- 

oprc^ed  th/     fidcs  our  ov.'n  Univerfities,  the  Univerfities  of  Paris,  Orleans,  Angerv,  Burges,  Bononia, 

Dilpenfttio"-    f  jdua,'thloufe, mil  kno\v  not  how  many  of  the  m.oft  learned  Dodtors  of  that 


Discourse  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  Eng^hnd.  ^l^ 

age,  did  all  fubfcribe  to  the  unlawfulnefs  of  that  Marriage,  which  he  calleth  lawful. 
The  Bifhop  of  JForcefier  proiecutcd  the  divorce  :  The  Bifliops  of  Tori^,  Durefme^  Hall  An.    i* 
Cjbf/?fr,  were  fent  unto  Queen  Katherint  to  perfwade  herto  lay  afide  the  Title  of  ^'  ^* 
Queen  :  The  Bi(hops  ofCaKterbury^  Lojidon^  lyiiichejier^  Bath^  Lincoln^  did  give  fen* 
tence  againft  the  Marriage :  Bifhop  Bo«Kfr- made  the  appeal  from  the  Pope.     The 
greateft  iHcklers  were  moft  zealous  R"»Kii«-Gatholicks.     And  if  wife  men  were  not 
miftaken,  that  biilineft  was  long  plotted  between  Kpme  and  France  and  Cardinal 
yro/ffj/jto  break  the  League  with  the  Emperor,  and  to  make  way  for  a  n<;w  Mar- Acworth  ««. 
riage  with  the  Dutchefs  of  Jknfon^  Sitter  to  the  King  of  Frame,  and  a  llrider  Sand-  /.  a.ci 
League  with  that  Crown.     But  God  did  take  the  wife  in  their  own  craftineft.     Yea  '^&  'i- 
even  Clement  the  Seventh  had  once  given  out  a  Bull  privately  to  declare  the  Mar-  g  r'/"'2^f  * "' 
riage  unlawful  and  invalid,  if  his  Legate  Campegm  could  have  brought  the  King  to  Sand.V*  Schif. 
■"Comply  with  the  Popes  defircs.     I  will  conclude  this  point  with  Two  Teftimonies,  />•  n  6"  12. 
the  one  of  Stephen  GardiTier'^iihopof  Winchefter,  ®ttid  a  laid  debuit  am  potuit,  &Ci  ^'^^'    ^',°^* 
What  elfe  ought  the  King  or  could  the  King  do,  than  reith  the  full  confent  of  his   People  /i(f,"a* atnd 
and ytdgrneni  of  his  Churchy  to  be  loojedfrom  an  unlawful  contraSi,  and  to  enjoy  one  that  GjW.M.j.721. 
TPitf  lawful  and  allorved,  and  leaving  her  whom  neither  Law  nor  Equity  did  permit  him  to 
hold,  to  apply  himfelf  to  a  chaji  and  lawful  Marriage  ?  In  which  caufe,  whereas'the  fen- 
tence  of  the  word  of  God  alone  had  beenfufficient,  to  which  all  ought  to  fubmit  without  de- 
fay,  yet  his  Majejiy  dijdained  not  to  ufe  the  cenfures    of  the  graveji  men  and  moft  famous 
Vniverfuies.     The  Second  is  the  Teliimony  of  Two  Arclibifliops,  Two   Dukes, 
Three  Marqueflcs,  Thirteen  Earls,Five  Bifhops,  Six  and  twenty  Barons,  Two'  and 
twenty  Abbats,  with  many  Knights  and  Docftors,  in  their  Letter  to  the  Pope,  Gaufa 
ipfitif  jullitia.  Sec,  "the  juflice  of  the  caufe  itjelf  being  approved  every  where  by  the  judg-  -if  C^"'"* 
mentf  of  mnji  learned  men,  and  determined  by  the  fuffrages  of  mnji  famous  Vniiitrfttks,  j^^o.  p.  502. ' 
being  pronounced  and  defined  by  EY)^\i(h,fT:cr\ch,lti\m'i5,  as  every  one  among  them  doth   Sufficne  Jane, 
excel  the  reft  in  learning,  dec.  Though  he  call  it  a  lawful  Marriage,  yet  it  is  but  one  "''o?*'  debut!- 
Dodors  Opinion.     And  if  it  had  been  lawful,  the  Pope  and  the  Clergy  were  more  ^c""^'  '^^"*' 
blame-worthy  than  King  Henry. 

Secondly,  he  iaith  he  wanted  due  moderation,  becaufej^"?  forced  the  Parliament  by  TheParlia. 
fear  to  confent  to  his  proceedings.     I  have  (hewed  fuificiently  that  they  were  not  forced,  mcnt  not  for- 
by  their  Letter  to  the  Pope,  by  their  Sermons  preached  at  St.  Pauls-Crofs,  by  tKeit  "''• 
perfwafions  to  the  King,  by  their  printed  Books ;  to  which  I  may  add  their  Decla- 
ration, called  the  Bifhops  Book,figned  by  Two  Archbilhops  and  Nineteen  Bifliops.  •'''""  P'  '34» 
Nor  do  I  remember  to  have  read  of  any  of  note  that  oppofed  it  but   Two,  who 
were  prife)ners  and  no  Parliament  men  at  that  time  :  Sir  "thomas  Moor(  yet  when 
King  Henry  writ  againft  Luther,  he  advifed  him  to  take  heed  how'  he  advanced  the 
Pope's  Authority  ton  much,  left  he  diminilhed  his  own  )  And  Btfliop  Fifher  who 
had  confented   in  Convocation  to  the  King's  Title  of  the  Supreme  Head  of  the 
Englijh  Church  [_  (juantkm  per  Chriiji  legem  licet.  ]]  But  becaufe  Biftiop  Gardiner  is  An.  tsio. 
the  onely  witnefs  whom  he  produceth  for  proof  of  this  Allegation,  I  will  fhew 
him  out  of  Stephen  Gardiner  himfelf,  who   was  the  Tyrant  that  did  compel  him. 
^dn  potiffs  orbi  rationem  reddere  volui^  &c.  J  defred  rather  to  give  an  account  to   the 
World  what  changed  my  Opinion,  and  competed  me  to  dijjent  from  my  former  words  and  ^^  ^^     -^  ^ 
deeds.     That  compelled  me  (  tofpeak^it  in  good  time  )  which  compelleth  all  men  when  God  jiemia  Ibid, 
thinkithfit,  the  force  of  truth  to  which  all  things  at  length  do  obey.     Behold  the  Tyrant,  j>.  719. 
not  Henry  the  Eight,  but  the  force  of  Truth,  which  compelled  the  Parliament.     Take 
one  Tcftimony  more  out  of  the  fame  Treatife.     But  I  fortified  my  felffo  that  (as if 
I  required  the  judgment  of  aV  myfenfes  )  1  would  not  fubmit  nor  captivate  my  underliand- 
ing  to  the  ktiown  and  evident  truth,  nor  take  it  to  be  fufficiently  proved,  unlefi  Jfirfl  heard  it 
with  mine  ears,  andfmelt  it  with  my  nofe,  and  fee  it  with  mine  eyes,  and  felt  it  with  my 
hands.    Here  was  more  of  Obftinacy  than  Tyranny  in  the  cafe.     Either  Stephen 
Gardiner  did  write  according  to  his  Confcience,  and  then  he  was  not  compelled  i 
or  elfe  he  diffembled,  and  then  his  Second  Teftimony  is  of  no  value.     It  is  not  my 
judgment, but  the  judgment  of  the  Law  it  felf:  Semel  falfm ,  femper  prefumitur  fal- 
fuf. 

To  the  Third  condition  he  faith  onely,  that  Henry  the  Eighth  had  not  fufficierit 
Authority  to  reform,  Y\t&,hecaufe  it  was  the  power  of  afmallpart  of  the  Church  againji 


31 


g-"      — '  A  Jtift  Vindication  TOME  U 


t.i. 


the  rfbok  1  have  fhewed  the  contrary,  that  our  Reformation  was  not  made  m  op- 
pofition  but  in  purfuance  of  the  ads  of  General  Councik,  neither  did  our  Refor- 
Hicrs  meddle  without  their  own  Spheres.  And  Secondly,  becmfe  the  Papacy  is  of 
divine  right.  Yet  before,  he  told  us  that  it  was  doubtful,  and  very  courteoufly  he 
would  put  it  upon  me  to  prove,  that  the  Kegiment  of  the  Chttreh  by  the  Fofe  U  of 
humane  JnlhtMtio».  But  I  have  learned  better,  that  the  proof  refts  upon  his  fide, 
both  bccaufe  he  maintains  an  Affirmative,  and  becaufe  we  arc  in  poffellion.  It  were 
an  hard  condition  to  put  me  to  prove  againft  my  Confcience,  that  the  Univerfal 
Reacncy  of  the  Pope  is  of  humane  right,  who  do  abfolutely  deny  both  liis  divine 
right  and  his  humane  right. 

His  next  Exception  is,  that  it  it  nofufficiettt  warrant  for  Trinces  to  meddle  inj^iritttal 
tmttets  becaufe  fome  Trinces  have  donefo.  If  he  think  the  external  Regiment  of  the 
Church  to  be  a  matter  meerly  fpiritual,  he  is  much  miftaken.  I  cite  not  the  exor- 
bitant adts  of  fome  fmgle  Prince  or  Princes,  but  a  whole  fucceffion  of  Kings,  with 
their  Convocations,  and  Parliaments, proceeding  according  to  the  fundamental  Laws 
of  the  Kingdom.  So  he  might  have  fpared  his  inftanccs  of  Saul  and  Vzziah. 
'        ^^^^  But  he  faith,  that  what  King  Henry  didinfuch  matters  vpm  plainly  again[i  hk  own 

didnoiaa'a-     Confcience^as  afpeareth  by  hit  frequent  andearneft  defires  to  be  reunited  to  the  Pope.     It 
gainllConfci-    js  a  bold  prefumption  in  him  to  take  upon  him  to  judge  of  another  mans  Confci- 
ence, gj^j-g^    Qoj  alone  knows  the  fecret  turnings  .and  windings  of  the  heart  of  man. 
Though  he  had  dcfired  a  reconciliation  with  Kome,  yet  Charity  requires  that  wc 
(hould  rather  judge  that  he  had  changed  his  mind,  than  that  he  violated  Hs  Con- 
fcience.   Neither  will  this  uncharitable  cenfure,  if  it  were  true,  advantage  his  caufe 
>•  j.D  V:a  the  black  of  a  Bean.    His  Confcience  might  make  the  Reformation  finful  in  him, 
but  not  unlawful  in  it  {elf.    The  lawfulnefs  or  unlawfulnefs  of  the  Adion  within 
it  fclf,  depends  not  upon  the  Confcience  of  the  doer,  but  the  merit  of  the  thing 
*•  3«/i5»        done.    His  witneffes  are  Bifhop  Gardiner  and  Nicholas  Sanders.     The  former  a  great 
•  ■  ■  Councellor  of  King  Henry^  a  contriver  of  the  Oath,  a  propugner  of  the  King's 
Supremacy,  both  in  Print  and  in  his  Sermons,  and  a  perfccutor  of  them  who  op- 
*              pofedit.    For  a  Preacher  to  Preach  againft  his  own  Confcience,  comes  near  the  fin 
againft  the  Holy  Ghoft.    He  had  rcafon  to  fay  he  was  conftrained,  both  to  hide 
his. own  ftiamc,  and  to  flatter  the  Pope  (after  his  revolt  )  whom  he  had  fo  much 
oppofcd,  efpccially  in  the  days  of  Queen  Mary:  Otherwife  he    had    miffed  the 
Chancellorfhip  of  England^znd  it  may  be  h^d  fuffered  as  a  Schifmatick.     Yet  let  us 
hear  what  he  faith,  that  King  Hfnry  had  a  purpofe  to  refign  the  Supremacy  when  the 
tumult  was  in  the  North  :  And  that  he  waf  imployed  to  the  Emperor  to  defire  him  to  be 
a  mediator  to  the  Pope  about  it.     All  this  might  have  been,  and  yet  no  intention  qi 
Reconciliation.     Great  Princes  many  times  look  one  way  and  row  another.     And 
if  an  overture  or  an  empty  pretence  will  fervc  to  qualh  a  Rebellion,  or  prevent  a 
forreign  War,  will  make  no  fcruple  to  u(e  if.     But  upon  Biftiop  Gar  diners  credit 
in  this  caufe  we  cannot  believe  it.     This  was  one  of  them  who  writ  that  menacing 
Letter  to  the  Pope  juft  before  the  Reformation,  that  if  he  did  not  hear  them,  certe 
LcriCheth,     interpretabimur  mfir't  nobis  curam  effe  reliBam^  ut  aliunde  nobis  remedia  conquiramits, 
M05I"  '''°*  *^y  ^ould  certainly  interpret  it,  that  they  were  left  to  themfelves  to  taki  care  of  themfilves, 
to  feek^their  remedy  from  elfewhere.     This  was  a  fair  intimation,  and  they  were  as 
good  as  their  words.     This  was  the  man  who  writ  the  Book  de  Veri  Obedientii^ 
downright  for  the  King's  Supremacy  againft  the  Pope.  Laftly,  this  is  he  who  pub- 
liftied  to  the  World ,  that  aU  forts  of  Peope  with  us  were  agreed  upon  this  point  with 
mififtedfaji  confent,  that  no  manner  of  perfonhred  or  brought  up  in  England,  hath  ought 
to  do  with  Rome.  It  had  been  ftrange  indeed  that  all  forts  of  people  (hould  be  una- 
nimous in  the  point,  and  the  King  alone  go  againft  his  Confcience. 

His  later  witx\ck,Nii:bolas  Sanders,  is  juft  fuch  another,  whofc  Book  de  Schifmate 
Is  brina-full  of  virulent  flanders  and  prodigious  Hdions  againft  King  Henry.  He 
feigncth  that  when  his  death  did  draw  nigh,  he  began  to  deal  privately  with  fome  Bijhops, 
of  the  way  how  he  might  be  reconciled  to  the  See  Apoftolick.  Teftimony  he  produceth 
none,  but  his  own  Authority.  They  who  will  not  believe  it  may  chufe.  But  that 
which  foUowcthjfpoyleth  the  credit  of  his  Relation,  ThatoHf  of  the  Bijhops  being 
deubtfid  whether  this  might  mt  he  a  trap  to  catch  him,  anfwered  that  the  King  was  wifer 
■^  '"•  thm 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd,  210 


than  aVmen^  that  he  hadcajl  of  the  fofis  Supremacy  by  divine  Infpiration^  and  had  no-  Confilh  Divint 
thing  now  to  fear.    That  a  King  fhould  be  laying  fnares  to  catch  his  Bifliops  appro- 
pinquante  hora  worm, when  the  very  hour  of  his  death  was  drawing  near  ■■>  and  that  Sand.de 
a  Bilhop  (hould  flatters  dying  man  fo  abhominably  againft  his  Confcience,  (  as  he  Sc6//fl».p.io2. 
makes  this  to  be  )  is  not  credible.  , 

But  there  is  a  Third  Author  alledged  by  others  who  de(ervcd  more  credit.  That 
it  was  but  the  coming  Two  dayijhort  of  a  Foji  to  R.omc,  which  hindred  that  the   recon-  r    j    ^   t, 
cikment  was  not  aUually  made.     But  here  is  a  double  miftake,Firft,  in  the  time,  this  /«/.  ja8. 
was  in  the  year,  1533.  before  fhe  reparation  was  made,  cwrrfW/fKotrf.    Some  intima- 
tions had  been  given  of  what  was  intended,  but  the  Bell  was  rot  then  rung  out. 
Certainly  the  breach  muft  go  before  the  reconcilement,  in  order  of  time.     Secondly 
in  the  Subjed  •,  this  treaty  was  not  about  the  Jurifdiftion  of  the  Court  of  Rome 
over  the  Englijh  Church,  but  about  the  divorce  of  King  Henry  and  Queen  Katharine. 
The  words  are  thefe.  That  if  the  Pope  would  fuperfede  from  executing  his  fenter.ce^  until 
he  (  the  King  )  had  indifferent  Judges  who  might  hear  the  hufineji,  he  would  alfo  fuper- 
fede  of  what  he  was  deliberated  to  do  in  withdrawing  his  obedience  from  the  Roman  See. 
The  Bilhop  of  P^m  procured  this  propofition  from  the  King,  and  delivered  it  at 
Rome.     It  was  not  accepted.     The  Kings  aiifwer  came  not  within  the  time  limi- 
ted.    Thereupon  the  Pope  publifhed  his  fentence,  and  the  feparation  followed.     So 
this  was  about  the  change  of  a  Wife,  not  of  Religion,  before  cither  King  Henrfs 
fubrtradioh  of  obedience,  or  the  Pope's  fulmination. 

In  the  next  place  he  dirtinguilheth  between  the  Pope  and  the  Papacy,  acknow- 
ledging That  it  may  be  lawful  in  fame  cafes  tofubjirad  obedience  from  the  Pope,  but  in 
no  cafe  from  the  Papacy,  which  he  prctumeth,6ut  doth  not  prove,  to  be  of  divine  In- 
^itution,  whereas  Protijlants  (  faith  he  )for  the  faults  of  fame  Popes  ,  have  feparated 
ihemfelves  both  from  Pope,  Papacy, and  Roman  Church.  And  here  again  he  falls  upon 
his  former  needlefs  Theme,  That  perfonal faults  are  no  fufjicient  (ground  of  a  revolt  from 
a  good  hftithtion.  If  he  had  been  pleafed  to  obferve  it,  I  took  away  this  diftindion 
before  it  was  made,  (hewing  that  the  perfonal  faults  of  Popes  or  their  Minifters  P-  128. 
ought  not  to  refled  upon  any  but  the  perfons  guilty  i  but  faulty  principles,  in  Do- 
ctrine or  Difcipline,  do  warrant  a  more  permanent  feparation,  even  until  they  be 
reformed. 

I  do  acknowledge  the  dirtindtion  of  Pope,  Papacy,  and  Church  of  Rome,  but  I  tlmfhl^"rt 
deny  that  we  have  feparated  from  any  one  of  them  for  the  faults  of  another.     As  pacy   was  not 
the  Pope  may  have  his  proper  faults,  lb  may  the  Papacy,  fo  may  the  Church  of  Rome,  forthefaulrsof 
We  have  (cparated  our  felves  from  the  Church  of  Rome  onely   in  thofe  things  ^°P''' ''"'  °^ 
wherein  (he  had  Firft  feparated  her  fclf  from  the  ancient"Ro>Kii«  Church.     In  all  o-  \^  \^\f  Papacy 
ther  things  we  maintain  Communion  with  her.     We  are  ready  to  yield  the  Pope 
all  that  refped  which  is  due  to  the  Bilhop  of  an  Apoftolical  Church,  and  whatlb- 
ever  external  honour  the  Fathers  did  think  fit  to  caft  upon  that  See,  if  he  would 
content  himfelf  therewith.     But  the  chief  grounds  of  our    feparation  are  thofc 
which  are  inherent  in  the  Papacy  it  (elf,  qua  talis,  as  it  is  now  defended,  as  they  (eek 
to  obtrude   it  upon  us:  the  lawlefs  exorbitant  opprellion  of  the  Rotojm  Court  i 
the  Sovereignty  of  the  Pope  above  General  Councils  ■■,  his  Legidative  and  Judiciary 
power  in  all  Chriftian  Kingdoms,  againft  the  will  of  the  right  Owners  i  his  pre- 
tended right  to  convocate  Synods,  and  confirm  Synods,  and  diiTolve  Synods,  and 
hold  Legantine  Courts,  and  obtrude  new  points  of  Faith  as  necelTary   Articles,  and 
receive  the  laft  Appeals,  and  difpofe  of  all  Ecclefiaflical  Dignities  and   Benefices  at 
his  pleafure,  and  impofe  Tenths  and  Firfl  Fruits  and  Sublidies  and  Penfions,  to  in- 
ve(t  Bi{hops,and  (ell  Pardons,  and  Indulgences,  and  Palls.     Thele  and  the  like  arc 
not  the  Faults  of  Innocent  the  Tenth,  or  Vrban  the  Eighth,  or  Sixtus,  or  Piuf,  or 
^/fxWfr,  or  C/fwp«/,  or  any  particular  Pope.     But  they  are  the  Faults  of  the  Pa- 
pacy it  felf,  woven  into  the  body  of  it,  and  without  the  acknowledgement  of  which, 
they  will  fuffer  us  to  hold  no  Communion  with  the  Papacy.     I  do  not  fay  that  they 
are  infeparable,  for  the  time  hath  been  when  the  Papacy  was  without  thofe  blc- 
mi(hes  v  but  that  it  is  folly  at  this  time  to  hope  from  them  for  the  ancient  liberty  of 
the  Church,  as  the  Country-man  expedlcd  that  the  River  (hould  be  run  out,  and 
become  dry, 

X  2  Rufrim 


320 


A  Jttjl  Vindication  TOME  U 


KufticKS  expeHat  ut  defluat  amn'tf^  at  iJle 
Lahitur,&  labetur,  in  omne  volnbilif  £vum. 

We  exped!tedrcmedy,and  hoped  for  Reformation  from  the  time  of  Henry  the 
Firft  in  whofc  Reign  their  encroachments  did  begin  to  grow  fignal  and  notorious, 
until' the  days  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  throughout  the  Reigns  of  Seventeen  fucceeding 
Kings,  and  found  not  the  leaft  cafe  from  them,  but  what  wc  carved  out  our  felves. 
No  Law  uf  God  or  man  doth  require  that  we  OiOUld  wait  eternally.  The  Lord 
^t '?•  '•  of  the  Vineyard  thought  Three  years  enough  to  exped  fruit  of  the  fruitlefs  Fig- 
Tree,  and  when  it  improved  not  in  the  Fourth  year,  the  Sentence  iflued  againli  if, 
cut  it  down,  why  cumbreth  it  the  ^omd. 
whether  He  urgcth  that  ///owe  Vo^ts  have  wronged  England  temporally,  far  more  Popes  have 

Popes  have  lenefited  it  much  more  both  temporally  and  [piritmHy  •,  Sugicit  unns  huic  operi  :  This 
done  more  ^vere  more  comely  in  our  mouths  than  in  theirs.  Some  man  would  go  make  an 
^°if  °/ ri'^  eftimateof  Papal  Importations,  as  Parchment,  and  Lead,  and  Wax,  and  CrolTes, 
not  material.  Jgnus  det's,  and  Reliques  ■-,  and  their  Exportations,  Gold,  Silver,  Jewels,  and 
whatfoever  the  Land  afforded  either  for  necellity  or  delight.  But  I  will  (pare  his 
modelly,  and  fuppofe  more  than  ever  he  will  be  able  to  prove.  Ancient  virtues  or 
benefits  do  not  juftifie  an  old  Inllitution,  when  it  is  grown  ufelefs  and  fubjed}'  to  def- 
perate  abufcs.  The  Brafen  Serpent  was  Inftituted  by  God  himfelf  i  it  was  a  fingu- 
lar  Type  of  Chrift  i  it  faved  the  temporal  lives  of  the  Jfraelites,  and  pointed  them 
out  the  right  way  to  eternal  life.  Yet  when  it  was  become  ufelefs  and  abufed  ovct 
much^Hezekiah  is  commended  for  breaking  it  in  pieces,  and  calling  it  Nehufhtan,  an 
a  Khg.  18. 4.  yfgje(^  piece  of  common  Brafs,  that  had  quite  loft  its  ancient  virtue.  Tiie  Order  of 
the  Templars  was  Inftituted  about  the  Year  1120.  Scarcely  any  Order  can  fliew 
fuch  an  hopeful  beginning  at  their  Firft  Inftitution,  or  fuch  an  huge  progreft  to- 
wards gpeatnefs  in  fo  fliort  a  Revolution  of  time.  He  who  (hall  read  thefe  extra- 
ordinary praifes  which  are  given  them  by  St.  Bernard,  (  who  is  thought  to  have 
been  the  Author  of  their  Rule;  will  take  them  rather  to  have  been  a  Society  of 
Angels  than  of  mortal  men.  Yet  in  the  days  of  Clement  the  Fifth,  they  were  ge- 
nerally fuppre(red  throughout  the  whole  World  as  it  were  in  an  inftant,  not  (for 
common  faults,  but  horrid  crimes,  and  prodigious  villanies,by  the  joynt  con(ent  of 
the  Occidental  Church  and  Sovereign  Princes.  I  inquire  not  whether  their  accu- 
fation  was  juft  or  not i  but  from  hence  I  do  colled  that,  in  the  judgment  of  this 
occidental  World,  a  good  Inftitution  may  be  defervedly  abrogated  for  fub(equent 
abufes.  As  we  had  not  the  fame  latitude  of  power,  which  they  who  cenfured 
them  had  >  fo  we  did  not  adt  without  our  own  Sphear,or  the  bounds  of  the  Eftg- 
lijh  Dominions. 
Sffl.  2.  In  the  Vindication  1  urged  Three  points,  wherein  the  Komans  do  agree  with  us. 

Firft,  that  Sovereign  Princes  not  onely  may,  but  in  juftice  are  obliged,  to  repre(s  the 
tyranny  of  Ecclefiaftical  Judges,  and  protedt  their  Subjedts  from  their  violence,  and 
free  them  from  their  oppreflive  Yoke.     To  this  he  anfwereth  nothing.     Secondly, 
that  Princes  may  be  inabled  either  by  grant  or  by  pre(cription  (  I  added  by  their  So- 
vereign Authority  over  the  whole  Body  politick  )  to  exerci(e  all  external  Ecclefia- 
ftical Jurifdidionby  themfelves  or  by  ht  Delegates,  and  to  make  Ecclefiaftical  Laws 
for  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church,  to  which  their  Subjedls  owe  obedience. 
This  alone  were  fufficient  to  free  us  from  Schifm.     But  to  all  this  likewife  he  {aith 
not  one  word  good  or  bad.     Thirdly,  that  it  is  lawful  in  feveral  cafes  to  fubftrad 
t      T  t      '^^^'^•^"ce  from  the  Pope.     And  among  other  proofs  I  cited  the  Council  of  Tower f. 
Refp,  *i  An.  "^^  ^'^'^  onely  he  anfwers,That  they  ack^towledged  it  lawful  to  withdraw  obedience  from 
J. 4,  8,  this  or  that  Pope,  in  this  or  that  cafe,  but  not  from  Papal  Authority  it  felf.     Whereas  t 

fliewed  him  in  the  Vindication,  that  the  fame  equity  which  doth  allow  fubftradlion 
It  w«  lawful  of  obedience  from  this  or  that  Pope  for  per(bnal  faults,  as  Schifm  or  Simony,  doth 
oWiS"  likewife  allow  fubftradion  of  obedience  from  him  and  his  Succc(rors  fbr  faulty 
from  pap«i  principles,  as  obtruding  new  Creeds,  preffing  of  unlawful  Oathes,  palpable  Ufur- 
Authority  cor-  pation  of  undoubted  Rites,  even  until  they  be  reforaied.  Papal  Authority,  with- 
fupted.j         out  the  Pope,  is  but  an  imaginary  Idea  i  whofoever  fubftrads  obedience  from  the 

true' 


221 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  En^ghud. 

true  Pope,  fubftrads  obedience  from  the  Papal  Authority.     Perhaps  indeed  not 

fimpiyorabfolutely,  but  refpedtively,  as  he  faith  i«  tfck  or  that  cafe.     But  what  if 

the  Pope  will  not  luffer  them  to  pay  their  obedience  in  part,  fo  far  as  it  is  due,  but 

have  it  entire  according  to  his  own  demands,  er  none  at  alL     Then  it  is  not  they 

who  feparate  themfelves  from  Papal  Authority,  but  it  is  Papal  Authority  which  fe- 

parates  them  from  it.     Either  he  underftands  Papal  Authority  fuch  as  it  ought  to 

be  de]ure  i  and  then  we  have  fubltraded  no  obedience  from  it,  for  we  ought  it 

none,  and  are  not  unwilling  for  peace  fake  to  pay  it  more  refpedt  than  we  do  owe: 

Or  elfe  by  Papal  Authority  he  underftands  a  fpiritual  Monarchy,  fuch  36  it  is  now, 

with  fuperiority  above  General  Councils,  and  Infallibility  of  Judgment,  and  Legilla- 

ti.ve  Authority,  and  Patronage  of  all  Ecclefiaiiical  Preferments,  &c.  And  then  the 

llniverfal  Church  did  never  acknowledge  any  fuch  Papal  Authority,     And  then  to 

withdraw  our  obedience  from  it,  is  not  to  fubftrad  obedience  from  a  lawful,  but 

from  an  unlawful  and  Tyrannical  power.     When  Sovereign  Princes  do  withdraw 

obedience  ^om  this  or  that  Pope^  in  thif  or  that  cafe,  they  make  themfelves  Judges  of  Pr'^ces  the  lafl 

the  difference  between  them  and  the  Court  of  Rome,  as  whether  the  Pope  have  in-  in;ufS*done 

vaded  their  priviledges,  or  Ufurped  more  Authority  than  is  due  unto  him,  or  in  con-  ro  their  Sub- 

temninghiscenfuresC  which  the  Council  of  Towfrj- doth  exprefly  allow  them  to  jefts  by  Popes. 

do  )  and  judging  WiSether  the  Pope's  Key  have  erred  or  not.    Yield  thus  much,  and 

the  Queftion  is  at  an  end,  That  Sovereign  Princes  within  their  own  Dominions  are 

the  lalt  Judges  of  their  own  Liberties,  and  of  Papal  oppreffions  and  Ufurpations, 

and  the  validity  or  invalidity  of  the  Pope's  cenfures. 

There  is  one  thing  more  in  this  difcourfe  in  this  place  which  I  may  not  omit, 
Tiiat  Papal  Authority  is  Infiituted  immediately  by  Cod,  hut  not  Ke^al,     Cujuf  contrari- 
umverumeji.     He  was  once, or  feemed  to  be,  of  another  mind.     For  of  Almighty  on  e -a 
Cod  his  meer  bounty  and  great  grace  they  (  Kings  )  receive  and  hold  their  Diadems  and  Kei.jMtbl 
Princely  Scepters,  St.  Paul  faith  exprefly,  (peaking  of  civil  powers :  "Ihe  powers  that  p-  n. 
be,  are  ordained  of  God  :  and  rvhofoever  refijieth  the  power,  refijieth  the  Ordinance  of  ^""i' '  ?•  >  i  & 
God,  and  they  that  rcfjljhal!  receive  to  themfelves  damnation.     The  eternal  Wifdom  of  »'^     »    < 
the  Father  hath  faid,  By  me  Kings  Keign,  and  Princes  decree  Jujiice.     If  they  be  or-  Kingly  Autho- 
dained  by  God,  and  Reign  by  God,  then  they  are   Inl^ituted  by  God.     Therefore  rity  from  God, 
they  are  juftly  ftiled  the  living  Images  of  God  that  faveth  all  things.     He  who  faid,  °°^  i'apa'. 
By  me  Kings  Reign ,    never  faid    by  me  Popes  Reign.     Kings  may  inherit  by  the 
Law  of  man,  or  be  eleded  by  the  Suffrages  of  men.     But  the  Regal  Office,  and 
Regal  power,  is  immediately  from  God.     No  man  can  give  that  which  he  himfelf 
hath  not.     The  People  have  not  power  of  Life   and   Death.     That  muft  come 
from  God.     By  the  Law  of  nature  Fathers  of  Families  were  Princes,  and  when 
Fathers  of  Families  did  conjoyn  their  power  to  make  one  Father  of  a  Country,  to 
whom  doth  he   owe  his  power  but  to  God,  from  whom  Fathers  of  Families  had 
their  power  by  the  Law  of  nature  ?  As  for  the  Pope  he  derives  his  Epifcopal  pow- 
er from  Chrili,  his  Patriarchal  power  from  the  Church ,  and  Monarchical  power 
-from  himfeiC 

After  this  in  the  Vindication!  defcended  to  feveral  new  Confiderations,  as  name-  ^^^ 
ly  the  power  of  Princes  to  reform  new  Canons  by  the  old  Canons  of  the  Fathers, 
the  fubjediion  of  Patriarchal  power  to  Imperial,  which  1  (hewed  by  a  iignal  exam- 
ple of  Pope   Gregory  who  obeyed  the  command  of  Mauritius  the  Emperor,  though 
he  did  not  take  it  to  be  pleafing  to  Almighty  Go^,  the  eredtion  of  new  Patriarchates  The  groutids 
by  Emperors,  and  the  tranflation  of  primacies  by  our  Kings.     And  fo  I  proceeded  ^/"""^  fepara- 
to  the  grounds  of  their  ftparation  :  Firft,  the  intolerable  Rapine  and  Extortions  of  "°''' 
the  Roman  Court  in  England  :  Secondly,  their  unjult  Ufurpations  of  the  undoub- 
ted rights  of  all  Orders  of  men,  and  particularly  how  they  made  our  Kings  to  be 
their  Vaflals  and  the  Succelfion  to  the  Crown  arbitrary  at  their  pleafures.    Third- 
ly, becaufe  our  Anceftors  found  by  experience  that  fuch  forreign  JuriidiiflioH  was 
deftrudlive  to  the  right  ends  of  Eccleliaftical  Difciplinc.     Fourthly,  fundry  other 
inconveniences,  to  have  been  daily  fubjetS  to  the  impofition  of  new  Articles  of 
Faith,  to  be  expofed  to  manifeft  peril  of  Idolatry,  to  have  forfaken   the  Commu- 
nion of  Three  parts  of  Chriffendom,  to  have  approved  the  Pope's  Rebellion  agaijilt 
General  Councilsj  and  to  have  their  Biftiops  fwear  to  maintain  liim  in  his  Rebcl- 

Xj  liou's 


222  A  Jtift  Vindication  TOMEl. 


lious  Ufurpations.  Laflly,  the  priviledge  of  the  Britamick^  Churches,  the  Popes 
difclaiming  all  his  Patriarchal  Authority,  and  their  challenging  of  all  this  by  Di- 
vine right,  which  made  their  (ufferings  irremediable  from  Rome.  Lafily,  I  (hewed 
that  our  Anccftors  from  time  to  time,  had  made  more  addrcflfes  to  Rome  for  reme- 
dy than  either  in  duty  or  in  prudence  they  ought  to  have  done.  All  this  he  paf- 
feth  by  in  filcnce,  as  if  it  did  not  concern  the  caufe  at  all.  Onely  he  repeats  his 
former  dilUndtion  between  the  Pope,  the  Papacy,  and  the  Roman  Church,  which  hath 
been  fo  often  confuted  already,  and  blameth  Proteftants/or  revolting  from  the  Roman 
Church  for  the  faults  of  fome  fevo  Popes.  As  if  all  thefe  things  which  are  mentioned 
here,  and  fct  down  at  large  in  the  Vindication,  were  but  lome  infirmities,  or  fome 
petty  fa\ilts  of  fome  few  Popes.  I  have  (hewed  him  clearly,  that  the  moll  of  our 
grounds  are  nof  the  faults  of  the  Popes,  but  the  faults  of  the  Papacy  it  felf.  And 
as  i^ot  forfaking  the  Church  of  Rome,  he  doth  us  wrong.  I  (hewed  him  out  of  our 
Canons  in  this  very  place,  that  we  have  not  forfaken  it,  but  onely  left  their  Com; 
Csn.  30.  munion  in  fome  points,  wherein  they  had  left  their  Anceftors,  we  are  ready  to  ac- 
knowledge it  as  a  Sifter  to  the  Bri/<i«Kicl^  Church,  a  Mother  to  the  Saxon  Church, 
but  as  a  Lady  or  Miftrefs  to  no  Church. 
c,^  4.  Afterwards  he  defcendeth  to  Two  of  the  grounds  of  cur  Reformation,  to  (hew 

that  they  were  infufficient,  7he  nerv  Creed  of  Pius  the  fourth,  and  the  withholding  the 
Cup  from  the  Laity.     Two  of  Two  and  twenty  make  but  a  mean  indudtion.     He 
may  if  he  pleafc  fee  throughout  this  Treatife  that  we  had  other  grounds  bcfides 
The  Pope's     thefe.    Yet  Iconfefs  that  in  his  choi(e  he  hath  fwerved  from  the  rules  of  prudence, 
new  Articles    and  hath  not  fought  to  leap  over  the  hedge  where  it  was  lowelK     Firft(  faith  he  ) 
of  Faith  a  )ull^^  7^^  ftexe  Creed  could  not  he  the  cauje  of  the  feparation,  hecaufe  the  feparation  rvas  made 
^oa,^         '  before  the  Creed.    He  faith  true,  if  it  had  been  onely  the  redu(!lion  of  thefe  new 
myfteries  into  the  form  of  a  Creed,  that  did  offend  us.     But  he  knoweth  right 
well  that  thefe  very  points,which  Piuf  the  Fourth  comprehended  in  a  new  Symbol 
or  Creed,  were  obtruded  upon  us  before  by  his  predeceffors  as  neceffary  Articles  of 
the  Roman  Faith,  and  required  as  nece(rary   conditions  of  their  Communion,  fo  as 
we  mufl  either  receive  thefe,  or  utterly  lofe  them.    This  is  the  onely  difference, 
that  Piui  the  Fourth  dealt  in  grofs,  his  predeceffors  by  retail.     They  fafhioned  the 
(evcral  rods,  and  he  bound  them  up  into  a  bundle.     He  faith.  That  the  neve  Creed  U 
nothing  hut  certain  points  of  Catholicity  Faith  propofed  to  be  ftvorn  of  fome  Ecclefiaflicat 
Catholickjerfons,  as  the  3P  Articles  rvere  in  the  Protejiants  new  Creed  propofed  by  them.  ' 
to  Minijiers.    Pius  the  Fourth  did  not  onely  injoyn  all  Ecclefiafticks,  Seculars,  and 
Regulars,  to  fwear  to  his  new  Creed,  but  he  impo(ed  it  upon  all  Chriftians,  as  veram 
fdem  Catholicam  extra  quam  nemo  falvuf  effe  potefl,  (they  are  the  very   words  of  the 
Bull  )  as  the  true  Catholicity  Faith  without  believing  of  which  no  man  catt  be  faved. 
This  is  a  greater  Obligation  than  an  Oath,  and  as  much  as  the  Apoftles  did  impofe 
for  the  Reception  of  the  Apoftolical  Creed.     We  do  not  hold  our  39  Articles  to  be 
fuch  necelTary  Truths,  extra  quam  non  ejifalm,  without  which  there  u  no  Salvation,  nor 
injoyn  Ecclefiaftick  perfons  to  fwear  unto  them,  but  onely  to  fubfcribe  them,  as 
Theological  Truths,  for  the  prefervation  of  Unity  among  us,  and  the  extirpation  of 
fome  growing  errors. 
The  detaining      Secondly,  He  adds  that  the  dcteyning  of  the  Cup,  could  be  no  fufficicnt  ground 
of  the  Cup  in    of  feparation,  becaufe  Proteftants  do  confefs.  That  it  is  an  indifferent  matter  of  it 
the  Sacrament /f//,  and  nojufl  caufe  tofeparate  Communion.     Doth  the  Church  of  England  confe(s  it' 
iepuuktt"^  to  be  an  indifferent  matter  ?  No,  nor  any  Proteftant  Church.     All  their  publick 
•^      °  '      Confertions  do  teftifie  the  contrary.     Nay  more,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  -one 
Proteftant  in  his  right  wits  did  ever  confefs  any  fuch  thing.     But  this  it  is  to  nibble 
at  Authors,  and  to  ftretch  and  tenter  their  words  by  confequences  quite  beyond 
«heir  fenfe.     It  may  be  that  Luther,  at  fome  time  faid  fome  fuch  thing,  but  it  was 
before  he  was  a  formed  Proteftant,  whileft  he  was  half  lleeping  half  waking.     Etl- 
larmine  ftiles  it  in  initio  Apojiafis.    But  after  his  eyes  were  well  opened,  he  never 
confeffed  any  fuch  thing,  but  the  juft  contrary.     Suppofe  that  Brentius  faith,  that 
abftemious  perfons,  fuch  whofe  nature  doth  abhor  Wine,  may  receive  under  one 
;'  kind  i  what  a  pitiful  argument  is  this  drawn  from  a  particular  rare  ca(e  of  invin- 

cible neceflity,  to  the  common  and  ordinary  ufc  of  the  Sacrament?  The  Elephant 

was 


Discourse:  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  232 


was  exempted  from  doing  obeifance  to  the  Lyon,  becaufe  he  had  no  knees.  But 
it  is  the  height  of  injuftice  to  withhold  his  right  from  one  man ,  becaufe  another 
cannot  make  ufe  of  it.  Suppose  that  MclanHhon  declare  his  own  particular  opinion, 
that  thofe  Countries  where  Wine  is  not  to  be  had  ftiould  do  well  to  make  ufe  of 
honied  water  in  the  Sacrament.  What  doth  this  fignihe  as  to  the  caufe  he  hath  in 
hand,  whether  they  ufe  fome  other  liquor  in  the  place  of  Wine,  or  ufe  no  liquor  at 
all  <•  Invincible  neceffity  doth  not  oncly  excufe  from  one  kind  but  from  both  kinds. 
And  where  the  Sacrament  cannot  be  had  as  it  ought,  the  defire  to  have  it  fufEceth 
before  God.  We  read  of  fome  Chriftians  in  India  where  they  had  no  Wine,  that 
they  took  dry  Raifons  and  fteeped  them  in  water  a  whole  night,  and  u(ed  that  li-  qj,^^^^^^  g^^^ 
quor  which  they  fqueefed  out  of  them  in  the  place  of  Wine  for  the  Sacrament,  lojd  formtt  ce- 
lt would  trouble  one  as  much  in  many  parts  of  the  World  to  find  right  Bread,  as  hl>rarKii,^(* 
Wine.  That  nourifhment  which  Indians  eat  in  the  place  of  Bread,  being  made  of 
the  Roots  of  Plants,  doth  differ  more  from  our  Bread  made  of  Wheat,  than  Cyder 
or  Perry  or  honied  water  do  differ  from  the  juice  of  the  Grape,  which  are  fuch  ma- 
ny times,  as  are  able  to  deceive  a  good  taft.  If  Wine  were  as  rare  and  precious  in 
the  World  as  right  Balm,  which  they  make  to  be  the  matter  of  a  Sacrament,  there 
were  more  to  be  faid  in  it.  They  themfelves  do  teach  that  it  is  abfolutely  neceffa- 
ry,  that  the  Sacrament  be  confecrated  in  Wine,  and  that  it  be  confumed  by  the 
Priefr.  They  who  can  procure  Wine  for  the  Prieff,  may  procure  it  for  the  people 
alfo,  if  they  will.  The  truth  is,  all  thefe  are  but  made  Dragons.  No  man  ever 
was  fo  ablfemious  but  that  he  might  tafl  fo  much  Wine  tempered  with  Water,  as 
they  ufe  it,  as  might  ferve  for  the  Sacrament,  where  the  leafi:  imaginable  particle 
conveyeth  Chrift  to  the  receiver,  as  well  as  the  whole  Chalice  full.  Neither  is  there 
any  Chriilian  Country  in  the  World,  where  they  may  not  have  Wine  enough  for 
this  ufe,  if  they  pleafe. 

So  notwithltanding  any  thing  he  faith  to  the  contrary,  their  daily  obtruding  new  papifls  right 
Articles  of  Faith,  and  their  detaining  the  Cup  in  the  Sacrament,  were  juft  grounds  Heirs  of  the 
of  feparation,  but  not  our  onely  grounds.     We  had  Twenty  other  grounds  befides  ^^oDatiflj. 
them.     And  therefore  he  had  little  reafon  to  fay.  That  at  kafl  the   Firji   Proteftatits 
n>ere  Schifmaticks^  and  in  thisrefped  to  urge  the  Authority  of  O^tatuf  againft  us,  to 
prove  us  to  be  the  Heirs  of  Schifmaticks.     Optatus  in  the  place  by  him  cited,  fpeaks  ^„  t  I  2' 
againff  the  Traditors^vfith  whom  we  have  nothing  common,  and  the  Vonatijls  their 
own  Anceflors,  not  ours,  whofe  cafe  is  thus  defcribed  there  by  Optatuf,  cujus  tu  Ca- 
thcdram  tenes^qu£  anteipfum  Majorinum  origtnem  mn  habebat.rphofe  Chair  thoupojp^cfi^ 
which  had  no  original  before  Majorinus,  a  Schifmatical  Donatifl.     This  is  net  our  cafe. 
We  have  fet  up  no  new  Chairs,  nor  new  Altars,  nor  new  SuccefUons,  but  continued 
thofe  which  were  from  the  beginning.     There  is  a  vafl  difference  between  the  ere- 
<fting  of  a  Chair  againff  a  Chair,  or  an  Altar  againlf  an  Altar,  which  we  have  not 
done-,  and  the  repairing  of  a  Church  or  an  Altar  wherein  it  was  decayed,  which  we 
were  obliged  to  do. 

In  the  next  place  he  endeavoureth  to  prove  by  t/>f  gfwrj/  Vo&rine  of  Protefiantf,  whether  Fro- 
that  they  differ  from  TapiHf  in  fundamental  points  neceffary  to  Salvation.     If  they  do,  it  teflants  and 
is  the  worfe  for  the  Romanijis.     In  the  mean  time  the  Charity  of  Proteff  ants  is  not  i'ap'Os  <i  flfer 
to  be  blamed.     We  hope  better  of  them.     And  for  any  thing  he  faith  to  the  eon-  '°  E'^^°"^'* 
trary  we  believe  that  they  do  not  differ  from  us  in  Fundamentals.     But  let  us  fee 
what  it  is  that  the  Protefiants  fay.     Some  fay  that  Popijh  errors  are  damnable.     Let 
it  be  admitted,  many' errors  are  damnable  which  are  not  in  Fundamentals.     Errors 
which  are  damnable  in  themfelves,  are  often  pardoned  by  the  merey  of  God,  who 
looks  upon  his  Creatures  with  all  their  prejudices.     Others  fay,  that  Popif^f  and 
Protejiant  opinions  are  diametraTy  oppofite.     That  is  certain,  they  are  not  all  Logoma- 
chies.    But  can  there  be  no  diametral  oppolition  except  it  be  in  Fundamentals  ? 
There  are  an  Hundred  diametral  oppofitions in  Opinion  among  the  Komanifts  them- 
(Hves,  yet  he  will  not  confefs  that  they  differ  in  Fundamentals.     Laflly,  others  fay 
that  the  Keligion  of  Protefiants,  and  the  Religion  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  are  not  all  one 
for  fubfiance.     I  Anfwer  Firfl,  that  the  word  fubjhnce  is  taken  fometimes  ffridtly,  for 
the  effentials  of  any  thing,  which  cannot  be  feparated  without  the   deffrudion  of 
the  fubjed.     Thus  a  man  is  faid  to  be  the  fame  man  in  fubffance,  while  his  Soul 

and 


— ^^r A  JhJj  Vindication  T  O  M  E  C 

and  Body  are  united,  though  he  have  loft  a  leg  or  an  arm,  or  be  reduced  to  skin 

and  bone.  And  in  this  fenfe  the  Proteftant  and  PopiOi  Church  and  Rcljgion  are  the 
fame  in  fubflance.  At  other  times  the  word  fubftance  is  taken  more  largely  for  all 
real  parts,  although  they  be  feparated  without  the  deftrudion,  and  fometimes  with 
the  advantage  of  the  fubje(a.  And  fo  all  the  members,  yea  even  the  flefh  and 
U  blood  and  other  humors  are  of  the  fubftance  of  a  man.  So  we  read,  7hine  eyes  did 
'/*'•  *''■  '  Qg  „iy  fubftance  being  yet  «nferfe£i,  and  in  thy  hooks  were  all  my  members  rvriuen.  And 
in  this  fenfe  the  Proteftant  and  Popifh  Religion  are  not  the  fame  in  fubftance.  Se- 
condly the  word  fubftantials  may  either  lignifie  old  fubftantials,  believed  and  pra- 
<flifed  by  all  Churches  in  all  ages,  at  all  times,  which  are  contained  in  the  Apoftles 
Creed  (  And  thus  our  Religion  and  the  Roman  Religion  are  the  fame  in  fubftance) 
Ct  new  fubftantials  lately  coyned  and  obtruded  upon  the  Church,  as  thofe  Articles 
which  arc  comprehended  in  the  Creed  of  Piuf  the  Fourth ;  And  in  this  fenfe  our 
Religion  and  theirs  are  not.  the  fame  in  fubftance.  The  former  fubftantials  were 
made  by  God,  the  later  fubftantials  deviled  by  man. 

I  pleaded  that  when  all  things  were  fearched  to  the  bottom,  Romj«-Catholicks 
i'ai.-ifts  ac  do  acknowledge  the  fame  pollibility  of  Salvation  to  Protcftants,  which  Protcftants 
knowledge  do  afford  to  Ko»irfK-Catholicks :  And  for  proof  thereof  I  produced  Two  Tefti- 
''°'''r'l''7°n  "ionics  of  his  own.  To  this  he  anfwers  Firft,  that  Protejlants  do  aUow  fazing  Faith 
a"niuch  u  we  and  Salvation  to  the  Roman  Church  and  to  formal  Papijis.  But  'Romin-Catholic}{s  do 
•f th«ir».  deny  faving  Faith  and  Salvation  to  the  Proteftant  Church  and  to  formal  Protcftants^  and 

grant  it  onely  tofuch  Protejlants  of  are  invincibly  ignorant  of  their  Errors^  who  are  not 
fcrmal  Protcftants^  but  rather  Proteftantibus  credentes  ,  perfons  deceived  by  giving  too 
much  truft  to  Protcftants.  We  fay  the  very  fame,  that  we  allow  not  faving  Faith  or 
Salvation  to  the  Popifh  Church,  as  it  is  corrupted,  but  as  it  retains  with  Protc- 
ftants, the  fame  common  principles  of  faving  Truth,  and  is  ftill  joynted  in  part  to 
the  Catholick  Church  :  Nor  to  formal  Papifts,  but  to  fuch  as  err  invincibly,  and 
are  prepared  in  their  minds  to  receive  the  Truth  when  God  fhall  reveal  it.  Such 
are  not  formal  Papifts,  but  Pap^U  credentes,  fuch  as  give  too  much  truft  to  Pa- 
pifts. 

His  Second  Anfwer  is  a  Second  Error,grounded  onely  upon  thofe  imaginary  Ideas 
which  he  hath  framed  to  himfelf  in  his  own  head,  of  the  opinions  of  particular 
Proteftants,  and  laboured  much  to  little  purpofe,  to  prove  by  conjedtural  confc- 
quences,  which  hang  together  like  a  roap  of  Sand,  That  Proteftants  affirm  that  fuch 
Merr  in  fundamental  Articles^  and  fuch  as  err  finfuVy  in  »ot  fundamentals,  may  be  faved. 
Neither  the  Church  of  England,  againft  which  he  ought  to  bend  his  forces  in  this 
Queftion,  nor  any  genuine  Son  of  the  Church  of  England,  nor  any  other  Prote- 
ftant Church  ever  faid,  that  Papifts  might  be  faved,  though  they  held  not  the  fun- 
damentals of  faving  Truth,  or  though  they  held  leffer  Errors  pertinacioufly  without 
Repentance.  If  any  particular  Proteftants  were  ever  fo  mad  to  maintain  any  fuch 
thing  in  an  ordinary  way,  for  we  fpeak  not  now  of  the  extraordinary  difpenfations 
of  God's  Grace,  in  cafe  of  invincible  neceflity,  we  difclaim  them  in  it.  Let  him 
not  fpare  them.  But  I  believe  that  when  all  is  done,  about  which  he  makes  fuch 
a  ftir,  it  will  prove  but  Moonfhine  in  the  water. 
Sefl.  6.  ^^  ^h^t  I  ^id,  that  our  feparation  is  from  their  Errors,  not  from  their  Church, 

Our  fepjrat'on  he  anfwereth,  that  itjherps  my  ignorance  what  their  Church  if.  For  their  Church  ii  a 
onely  fromEr-  Society  -partly  in  their  pretended  Errors ;  and  therefore  they  whofeparate  from  them,fepa- 
f®"'  rate  from  their  Church.     In  my  life  I  never  heard  a  weaker  Plea  :  But  I  defire  no 

other  advantage  than  what  the  caufe  it  felf  affords.  Doth  he  himfelf  believe  in 
eameft,  that  any  Errors  are  effentials  of  a  Church  ?  Or  would  he  perfwade  us  that 
weeds  are  eftentials  of  a  Gardens  or  Ulcers  and  Wenns  and  fuch  fuperfluous  ex- 
crefcences  effentials  of  an  humane  body  ?  Or  do  weeds  become  no  weeds,  and  Er- 
rors no  Errors,  becaufe  they  are  called  pretended  weeds  or  pretended  Errors,  or 
faecaufe  they  are  affirmed  to  be  Effentials  >  This  is  enough  to  juftirie  my  diftindion. 
So  it  was  not  my  ignorance  but  their  obftinacy  thus  to  incorporate  their  Errors  into 
their  Creeds,  and  matriculate  their  abufes  among  their  facred  Rites.  In  vain  da 
■«*»».  •$.  9-  they  worjhip  me  (  faith  God  )  teaching  for  DoUrines  the  Commandments  of  men.  Sup- 
pofc  an  Arrian  or  a  Pelagian  fhould  charge  him  to  be  a  Schifmatick  or  an  Apoftate, 

be- 


22 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Ctmrcb  <?fEne;land, 

becaufe  he  defertcd  their  Communion :  To  which  he  (hould  Anrwer,  that  his  repa- 
ration was  from  their  Arrian  or  FeUgian  Errors,  not  from  their  Church,  as  it  was  a 
Chriftian  Church,  and  that  he  held  al]  other  common  principles  of  ChrilHanity 
with  them.  And  fuppofe  the  Arrian  or  Pelagian  (hould  plead,as  he  doth,  that  their 
Church  if  a  Society  partly  in  their  pretended  Errors,  or  that  their  pretended  Errors  are 
Eflentials  of  their  Church  and  of  their  Religion  i  This  might  well  aggravate 
their  own  faults,  but  not  infringe  the  truth  of  his  Anfwer.  Errors  continue  Errors 
though  they  be  called  Eflentials.  There  was  a  time  before  Arianifm  did  infeft  the 
Church,  and  there  fucceeded  a  time  when  it  was  caft  out  of  the  Church.  .Their 
old  Eflentials,which  were  made  E/Tentials  by  Chrift,  we  do  readily  receive  :  Their  ■ 
new  Eflentials,  which  were  lately  devifed  by  themfelves,  we  do  as  utterly  rejed  i 
and  fo  much  the  rather,  becaufe  they  have  made  them  Eflentials.  Their  Church 
flouriflied  long  without  thefe  Errors  ;  and  we  hope  the  time  will  come  when  "it 
(hall  be  pwrgcd  from  thefe  Errors. 

In  fetting  forth  the  moderation  of  our  Ettglip  Reformers,!  fhcwcd  that  we  do  wctrrce^ 
not  arrogate  to  our  felves  either  a  new  Church,or  a  new  Religion,  or  new  Holy  Or-  to  o-jr  (fives 
ders.     Upon  this  he  falls  heavily  Two  wayes.     Firft  he  faith,  it  is  falfe,  at  he  hath  "°  "^^''       -J 
fijerced  by  inmmerable  7ejHnwmes  of  Proteflants.     That  which  I  fay  is  not  the  falfer  ^^'"•"''»  ^'^* 
becaufe  he  calls  it  fo,  nor  that  which  he  faith  the  truer  becaufe  I  forbear.     For  what 
I  faid  I  produced  the  Authority  of  our  Church ;  he  ktteth  that  alone,  and  fticketh 
the  falfhood  upon  my  fleeve.     k  feemeth  that  he  is  not  willing  to  engage  againf! 
the  Church  of  England :  For  Ml  he  dcclineth  it,  and  changeth  the  fubjedt  of  the 
Qiiefiion  from  tlie  Englijh  Church  to  a  confuted  company  of  particular  Authors  of 
different  opinions,  of  dubious  credit,  of  little  knowledge  in  our  Ettglijl}  affairs,  tCn- 
tered  and  wrefied  from  their  genuine  (enfe.     Sets  tu  fimulare  CHprejfum,  quid  'hoe  f 
It  was  not  the  drift  or  fcope  of  my  undertaking  to  anfwer  old  Volumes  of  imper- 
tinences.    If  behave  any  Teftimonies  that  are  material,  in  the  name  of  God  let 
him  bring  them  into  the  Lifts,  that  the  Reader  may  fee  what  they  fay, and  be  able  to 
compare  the  Evidence  with  the  Anfwer,  and  not  imagine  more  than  is  true.  Let  him 
remember  that  I  premonifh  him,  that  all  his  innumerable  Ttjhmonies   will  advantage 
him  nothing. 

Secondly,  he  would  perfwade  us,  that///*  Tffreytf  that  ettr  Cbttreh,  Religitn^  and  Whether  omt 
Holy  Orders^were  the  fame  with  theirs^  thenjvhat  need  had  rve  to  go  out   of  theirs  for  Rel'g'on  be 
Salvation  ?  then  we  are  convinced  of  Schifm.     Alas  poor  men  !  what  will  become  of 'l^-*^^*  ""'' 
us  ?  Hold  what  we  will,  fay  what  we  can,  rtill   we  are  Schifmaticks  with  them.  wc'/rcno°°'' 
If  we  fay  our  Church, Religion,  and  Holy  Orders  are  the  fame  with  theirs,  then  we  Schifmaticks. ; 
are  Schifmaticks  for  deferring  them.     If  we  fay  they  are  not  the  fame,  then  we  are 
Schifmaticks  for  cenfuring  and  condemning  them.  But  we  appeal  fjpm  the  fentencd 
of  our  Adversary  to  the  fentence  of  that  great  Judge  who  judgeth 'righteous  judg- 
ment.    We  are  either  Wheat  or  Chaff,  but  neither  their  tongues  nor  their  pens  muf^ 
winnow  us.     If  we  fay  our  Church,  Religion,  and  Holy  Orders,  be  the  fame  with 
theirs,  we  are  no  Schifmaticks,  becaufe  we  do  not  cenfure  them  uncharitably.     If  we 
fay  they  be  not  the  fame,  we  are  flill  no  Schifmaticks,  becaufe  we  had  then,  by  their 
own  confelfion,  juft  reafon  to  feparate  from  them.     But  to  come  up  clofer  to  hi? 
argument:  Religion  is  a  virtue,  which  confjfteth  between   Two  extreams,  Herefie 
in  the  defed,  and  Superftition  in  the  excefs.     Though  their  Church,  Religion  and 
Holy  Orders  be  the  fame  with  our3,and  free  from  all  Heretical  defeds,  yet  they  may 
be  and  are  fubjed  to  Superllitious  exceffes.     Their  Church  hath  fundry  blemifhes: 
Their  Religion  is  mixed  with  errors-,  and  grofs  abufes  have  crept  into  their  Holy 
Orders.     From  thefe  Superftitious  errors  and  abufes  wt;  were  obliged  to  feparate  our 
felves,  wherein  they  had  Firft  feparated  themfelves  from  their  PredecefTors.     So  if 
there  be  Schifm  in  the  cafe,  it  was  Schifm  in  them  to  make  the  Firft  feparation,  and 
Virtue  and  Piety  in  us  to  make  the  Second.     I  faid  moft  truly  that  our  Pofitivi 
Articles  are  thofe  general  Truths  about  which  there  is  no  controverfie.  Our  Negafi^ 
on  is  oriely  of  humane  controverted  Additions.     Againll  thi'S  he  excepts  fimdry 
ways,  Firfl,  Becaufe  our  principal  pofitive  Article  it  that  of  J ujiift cation  by  fpecial  Fsith^ 
rphich  ( <LS  he  Ciith  )  if  tnofi    of  aV  in  controverfie.     AquintK  makes  a  great  difference  e),,^/?.  ,4.  ^^ 
between  opinari-  and  credere,  bet-ween  a  Scholafticai  opinion  and-  »  nccefl&ry  Article  ^j  An.  i. 

of 


-TT^'^'^  ^      A  J  lift  Vindication  T  O  M  E  T 

of"  Faith      Sometimes  the  Underftanding  doth  fludluate  indifferently  between  the 
Two  parts  of  the  contradidion :  and  this  is  properly  doubtmg.     Sometimes  it  in- 
clineth  more  to  the  one  part  than  to  the  other,  yet  not  without  fome  fear  or  lufpici- 
on  of  the  truth  of  the  other  part :  This  is  properly  Opinion.     Sometimes  the  lln- 
derlbndmg  is  determined  fo  as  to  adhere  perfedrly  to  the  one  part :  And  this  de- 
termination proceeds  either  from  the  intelligible  objedt,  mediately  or_  immediately ", 
and  this  makes  Knowledge  :  Or  from  the  will  upon  confideration  of  the  Authority 
and  truth  of  the  revealer  i  and  this  makes  Faith.     Juftitication  by  fpecial  faith  was 
•fi    •         never  accounted  an  Article  of  the  Engl'ip  belief,either  by  the  Englifh  Church,  or  by 
KS°f°ith  any  genuine  Son  of  the  Englijh  Church.     If  he  truft  not  me,  let  him  read  over  our 
no  Article  of    Articles  and  reading  fatistie  himfelf.     I  confefs  fome  particular  perfons  in  England 
our  Church,     jjj  foretimes  broach  fuch  a  private  Opinion,  but  our  moll:  learned  and  judicious 
Profeflbrs  did  diflike  it  altogether  at  that  time,  as  I  have  heard  from  fome  of  them- 
felves.    But  fliortly  after  it  was  in  a  manner  generally  rejeded,  as  Francijcus  a  Sanda 
LI     ,        Clara  ingenuouily  confeireth,d?'jj>K  hie  novw  error  vix  naius  apud  nolirates  j'efuhm  eji, 
'    '     '        ^fi^  jiofff  ih'ps  )tew  error  being  jcarcely  born  among  our  Countrymen  was  buried.  And  more 
_  jy_j5_        plainly  clfewhere  •,  quibus  omnibus  bene  penfat  is  Jane  nulla  hodie  leperietur  differentia 
in  confejfione  Jnglicii,  &  fanilifima  definitione  7ridentim  ■■,  all  which  things  being  duely 
rvdghed  truly,  there  rvill  be  found  no  difference  at  this  day,  in  the  Englifli  Confeffion,  and 
ihefacred  definition  of  the  Tridentine  Council,mcining  about  this  Subject  of  Jujiifica- 

tion. 

But  faith  he,//  theybe  not  pints  if  our  faith,  what  do  they  in  our  Confjjions  (f 
Taith  s'  I  Anfwer  they  are  inlerted  into  our  Confefiions,  not  as  fupplements  of  our 
Creed,  or  new  Articles,  but  as  explanations  of  old  Articles,  and  refutations  of  their 
fuppolltitious  Principles.  Contraries  being  placed  together  by  one  another,  do  make 
„     .      one  another  more  apparent, 
no  ArtKlttof       He  proceedeth.     Have  not  Protejiants  a  pofnive  Faith  of  their  negative  Articles  ,  as 
Faith.  Wf  1/  as  of  their  pofitive  Articles  ?  Commandements  may  be  either  Affirmative  or  Ne- 

gative ;  and  the  Negative  Commandements  bind  more  firmly  than  the  Affirmative^ 
becaufe  the  Affirmative  bind  always,  but  not  to  the  Adual  exercife  of  Obedience  at 
all  times-, /fwpfr, but  not  adfemper.     But  Negative  Commandments  bind  both  femper 
and  adfemper,  both  always,and  to  all  times.     But  we  find  no  Negatives  in  the  Rule 
of  Faith  :  For  the  Rule  of  Faith  confifts  of  fuch  fupernatural  Truths  as  are  ncccfla- 
ry  to  be  known  of  every  Chriftian,  not  onely  nece^tate  precept,  becaufe  God  hath 
commanded  us  to  believe  them ,  but  al(b   necejjitate  medii ,  becaufe  without  the 
knowledge  of  them  in  fome  tolerable  degree,  according  to  the  meafure  of  our  ca- 
pacities, we  cannot  in  an  ordinary  way  attain  to  Salvation.     How  can  a  Negative 
be  a  means.     Non  entvs  nulla  eji  efficacia.     In  the  Apoftles  Creed,  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end,  we  find  not  the  leaft  Negative  Particle;   And  if  One   or  Two  Nega- 
tives were  added  in  the  fubfequent  ages,  as  that ,  begotten  not  made,  in  the  Nicene 
Creed  •■>  they  were  added  not  as  new  Articles,  but  as  explanations  of  the    old,  to 
meet  with  fome  emergent  errors,  or  difficulties,  juft  as  our  Negatives  were. 

Yea  though  perhaps  fome  of  our  Negatives  were  revealed  truths,  and  confequent- 
ly  were  as  neccffary  to  be  believed  when  they  are  known  as  Affirmatives  i  yet  they 
do  not  therefore  become  fuch  necefTary  Truths  or  Articles  of  Religion,  as  make  up 
the  Rule  of  Faith.  I  fuppofe  yet  further,  that  though  fome  of  our  Negatives  can 
be  deduced  from  the  pofitive  fundamental  Articles  of  the  Creed,  fome  evidently, 
fome  probably,  as  the  neceflity  of  the  confequence  is  more  or  lefs  manifcll :  For  it 
is  with  confequcnces  as  it  was  with  Thiloh  row  of  Iron  Rings  i  the  Firft  that  touch- 
ed the  Load-ftone  did  hang  more  firmly  i  the  reft  which  were  more  remote  iYiW  more 
loofly.  I  fay  in  fuch  a  cafe  that  no  man  was  bound  to  receive  them,  either  as  Ar- 
ticle's, or  as  Confequences,  but  onely  he  that  hath  the  light  to  fee  them,  nor  he  fur- 
ther than  the  evidence  doth  invite  him.  And  howfoever  they  are  no  new  Articles, 
but  Corollaries  or  deductions  from  the  old.  So  grofsly  is  he  miltaken  on  all  fides, 
when  he  faith  that  Trotefiants,^  he  fhould  fay  the  Englifl}  Church  if  he  would  fpeak 
to  the  purpofe, )  have  a  pofitive  belief,  that  the  Sacrament  is  not  the  body  of  Chrifi. 
Which  were  to  contraditt  the  words  of  C\\M,This  is  my  body.  He  knowes  better, 
that  Proteflants  do  not  deny  the  thing,  but  their  bold  determination  of  the  manner 

by 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  ^ly 

by  Tranfubftantiation,themfelves  confelling  that  the  manner  is  incomprehenGble  by 
humane  reafon.  Neither  do  Protelhnts  place  it  among  the  Articles  of  the  Faith, 
but  the  Opinions  of  the  Schools.  .  .nli  ■  '^  .^j  ,,'!..,,';,'''' 

He  acknowledgeth.  That  if  I  had  a  true  p-ef oration  of  mind  to  believe  rphMJhi'ver  ''^'Swj;      ' 
the  true  real  Catbolick^Cburcb  VniverfaVy  believetb  and  p-aaijeth^  the  matter  rvere  ended,  ^bmiffion^t" 
Butheaddeth  tbit  by  tbe  Catbolick^Cburcb^  I  mean  an  imaginary  Chttrch,  or  multitude  of  ihc  Citholic^ 
wbatfoever  Chrijiiani,  Catholickj,  Heretick^^  Scbifmatickj^  rvbo   agree  in  fundiniental  Church  fuffici-' 
foints^  hut  difagree  in  other  pints   of  Faith,  and  rvbolly  in  Commtmion  of  Sacraments^  *^'"  ^°  falvati- 
and  minijiery  of  them.     I  accept  this  offer,  and  I  tye  him  to  his  word.     If  he  liand  °°* 
to  this  ground,  there  are  no  more  Controveriies  between  him  and  me  for  the  future 
but  this  one  ,  what  is  the  true  Catholick  Church  ?  whether  the  Church  of  Kome 
alone  with  all  its  Dependents,or  the  Church  of  the  whole  World,  Roman,  Grecian, 
Armenian,  AbyJJene,  Kttjjian,  Frotefiant,  which  after  all  their  brags  of  amplitude  and 
Univerfality,  is  Three  times  greater  tlian  themfelves?  I  defire  no  fairer  iiTue  between 
him  and  me.     1  do  from  my  heart  fubmit  to  all  things  which  the  true   Catholick 
Church,  diffufed  over  the  World,  doth  believe  and  pradife.     And  if  I  fhould  en  in 
my  judgment  what  the  Catholick  Church  is  (  as  I  am  confident  that  he  and  his  fel- 
lows do  err)  though  I  have  no  reafon  in  the  World  to  fufpedt  my  prefent  judgment, 
I  do  furthermore  profefs  my  readineS  to  fubmit  to  the  right  Catholick  Church 
whenfoever  God  fhall  be  pleafed  to  reveal  it  to  me.     This  is  fufficient  to  preferve 
me  from  being  a  Schifmatick  :  This  is  fufficient  for  the  Salvation  of  a  Chriltian.  » 

He  telkth  us  indeed  fometimes  that  the  Koman  Church  is  the  true  Catholick  ' 

Church,  and  is  diffijfed  all  over  the  World.     Let  him  take  Roman  in  the  largeft 
(cnfe  he  can  ■-,  yet  Itill  it  is  but  a  particular  Church  of  one  denomination,  not  Ca- 
tholick or  Univerfal.    Whom  have  they  of  their  Communion  in  the  large  Abyejfefie 
Empire,  confifting  of  Seventeen  Kingdoms  >  Not  one.     Whom  have  they  of  their 
Communion  in  the  Rw/7Fj«  Empire  nearer  home  ?  Scarcely  one.     Whom  have  they 
of^eir  Communion  in  all  the  Eaikrn  Churches  ?  Perhaps  Two  or  Three  hand- 
fulB,in  comparifon  of  thofe  innumerable  multitudes  of  Chriftians,  who  are  Subjedl 
to  the  other  Patriarchs.     Before  they  were  fo  forward  and  pofitive  in  voting  for  papids  agrei: 
themfelves,  that  they  are  the  Catholick  Church,  that  they  are  the  infallible  Judge,  not     what  i» 
it  had  been  meet  that  they  had  Firlt  agreed  among  themfelves  what  this  Catholick  *'^^'''  'nfalJible 
Church  is,  to  which  every  Chriftian  is  bound  to  fubmit :  whether  it  be  the  virtual  P^'^P*""'^*    • 
Churcli,  that  is  the  Pope  or  the  Pope  joyntly  with  his  Conclave  of  Cardinals,  orthe 
Pope  with  a  Provincial  Council,  or  the  Pope  with  a  General   Council ,  that  is,  the 
reprefentative  Church,  or  a  General  Council  without  the  Popei  or  Laftly  the  ElTen- 
rial  Church  difperfed  over  the  face  of  the  World  i  for  into  fo  Many  Opinions  they 
arc  divided. 

He  addeth  that  thefe  great  multitudes  of  Cbrijiians,  whereof  we  (peak,  are  not  Vm- 
ted  among  themfelves,  but  divided  in  pmts  of  Faith,  ht  Communion  of  Sacraments,  and 
the  minijiery  of  them.     Let  St.  Au^ine  Anfwer  him,  Acmum  amem  aliquid  videris  di-  Aut  tpifl.  48. 
cere,cKm  Catholics  nomen  mn  ex  totiuf  orhU  Communione  interpetaris,fed  ex  ohfervatio-  "^^^  ^^^  °f 
ne  Fraceptorum  omnium  divimrum,  atque  omnium  Sacramentorum.     Tihou  feemeji  to  thy  Pm°univerrall 
felf  tofpak^very  rvittily,  when  thou  doji  not  interpret  the  Catholic^Church  by  the  Com-  Cotnmunion, 
munion  of  the  iphole  World,  hut  by  the  Catholick^Faith,  and  the  right  obfervation  of  all  not  right  b<s 
«fce  5'j(TtfmfKti-,and  true  Difcipline,  that  is,  in  their  fenfe,  fubmillion  to  the  Roman  ^^^^ 
Court.     This  laft  badge,   which  St.  Aujiin  did  not  know,  is  the  onely  defed  of 
tho(e  multitudes  of  Chriftians,  that  they  will  not  acknowledge  the  Monarchical 
Power  of  the  Roman  Bifhop.     As  wc  have  (een  by  experience,  that  when  fome  few 
of  thcfc  Eajlem  or  Northern  Chriftians  have  reconciled  themfelves  to  the  See  of 
■  Rome,  and  acknowledged  the  Papacy,  they  were   ftreight  adjudged  Orthodox  and 
found  Chriftians,  in  all  other  things.     And  the  latter  of  thefe  did  proTide  expreily 
for  themfelves  at  the  time  of  their  fubmillion,  that  they  would  retain  their  Greekijh 
Religion  and  Rites.     He  himfelf  in  this  very  place  confefleth   them  to  agree  in  fun-  q  ,  j.  seH.  ji. 
iamentalpoints,t\a.t'is,  to  htim  from  fundamental  Errors.     And  for  other  lefler 
Controveriies,  they  have  not  half  fo  many  among  them,  as  the  Romanifts  3.vnor\^ 
themfelves. 

As  to  his  marginal  note  out  of  T^ertuVian,  That  Hitretici  pacemcum  orrmihtts  mifcent, 

Heretickf  ^ 


,38  A  Juft  Vindication TOME  I. 

HeretkKf  mingle  themfelvet  rpith  all  Seiis,  making  it  a  Symptome  of  Herelie,  to.be  over 
cafieinadmittingothers  to  their  Communion.  I  do  confefs  it  is  a  fault  indeed. 
More  aangc-  gyt  pirll  what  doth  this  concern  the  Church  of  E;?^/W  z'  Secondly,  the  greater 
ro""''^''^J|'_'*^»  fault  lyes  on  the  othei*  hand,  to  be  over  fevcre,and  over  rigorous  and  cenforious  in 
duderothe'rs  calling  out,  or  holding  Others  from  their  Communion,  and  more  dangerous  to  the 
in  OUT  Com-  church  of  Chrill.  In  this  kindoffended  the  Po«^»}fj-,  the  Not;«fw«j,the  Luciferi- 
"ri"/?.°!i  ""^  (^^'  oltl  •  And  the  Komamjis  at  this  day.  This  hath  more  of  the  Patriarchal 
Garb  in  it^ftjtidfrofftjnefor  1  am  holier  thantboti. 
fill   \biov.' 


;:;:;t,^',u:  c  h  a  p.  vn. 

7hat  all  Princes   and  Keptiblichj  of  the  Roman  Communion 
do  in  effeSi  the  fame  things  which  King  Henry  did. 

X  T  X  T  E  are  come  now  unto  his  Seventh  Chapter,  wherein  I  am  much  be- 
The  FoJitick  ^^  ^^  holden  to  him  for  ealing  me  of  the  labour  of  replying.  For  whereas 
lirmceiin  ^  proved  my  Intention  at  large  by  tl;e  Ads  ,  Laws  ,    and  Decrees  of 

Ecclefiafticall   the  Emperors,  with  their  Councils  ,  and  Synods,  and  Eledoral  Colledge ,  by  the 
caufes.  Laws  of  Frj«ce ,  the  Liberties  of  the  G.i///cj«e  Church  ,  the  Ads  of  their  Parlia- 

ments, and  Declarations  of  their  Univerfities ,  by  the  pradice  of  the  King  oiS^atn, 
his  Councils,  his  Parliaments  ,  in  Sicily,  in  Caliile  ,  in  Brabant  and  Flanders  ,  by 
the  fbbbs  oi^Furtugal ,  and  their  bleatings ,  and  the  Judgment  of  the  Univerfity  of 
Lifbone,  by  the  Laws ,  and  Proclamations ,  and  other  Ads  of  the  Rcpublick  ot  Vi~ 
nice,  throughout  68  Pages  •,  He  vouchfafeth  not  to  take  notice  of  any  one  pardcu- 
Jar  of  all  this ,  except  onely  fome  few  heads  ,  of  what  I  urged  concerning  the  *-n- 
perors,  which  he  reciteth  in  lefs  than  one  Page,  and  never  attempts  to  Anfwer  one 
fyllable  of  them  in  particular.  Yet  are  thefe  fo  diametrally  oppofite  to  tiie  pretended 
i  Rites  of  the  Pope,  his  Legiflative  power,  his  Convocating  of  Synods,his  Conrtrming 

Synods,his  fending  out  Bulls,his  receiving  Appeals,hisPatronage  of  Churchesjiis  Par- 
dons and  Difpenfations ,  his  Exemption  from  all  humane  jndgment,  his  (ending  of 
Legates,hi3  Tenths  and  Firft-fruits,  his  Superiority  above  General  Councils,  his  Ex- 
communications, and  in  a  word,  his  whole  Spiritual  Sovereignty,  that  nothing  can 
be  more  oppofite.    In  thcle  Prefidents  we  did  clearly  (ee  that  Elfential  power  and 
right  of  Sovereignty ,  which  I  plead  for  in  this  Book ,  to  make  Ecclefialtical  Laws 
for  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church,  to  difpofe  of  Ecclefiaftical  preferments, 
to  reform  EcclefialUcal  Errors  and  Abufts,  to  be  the  laii:  Judges  of  their  own  Li  - 
berties  and  Grievances,  to  reftrain  Ecclefiaftical  Tyranny,  and  to  (ee  that  all  Ec- 
clefiaftical perfons  within  their  Dominions  do  their  Duties.     And  if  thefe  Inftances 
were  not  enough ,  many  more  might  be  produced  of  the  beft  Chril^ian  Princes. 
W/!.  Cere.      Faultht  Third  writ  to  Charles  the  Fifth ,  That  the  Vecrees  o/Spira  were  djn^rous 
Trid.  An.        jy  {,jj  gg„i  ^  commands  him  to  put  atvay  all  Dilutes  of  Keligion  from  the  Imperial  Viet , 
and  refer  them  to  the  Tope ,  to  order  nothing  concerning  Ecclefiaftical  Goods  ,  tn  revukg  the 
Grants  made  unto  the  Rebells  againft  the  See  of  Rome.     Otherwife  he  Jhould  be  forced  to 
An.  I545J        ttfi  greater  feverity  againft  him  than  he  would.    Yet  Cardinal  de  Monte  was  more  angry 
than  his  Matter,  faying,  Thzt  he  would  put  hit  Uolinefs  in  mind,  rather  to  abandon 
the  See  ,  and  reftore  the  Keys  to  St.  Peter ,  thanfuffer  the  Secular  poveer  to  arrogate  Au- 
thority to  determine  caufes  of  Religion.     The  Emperor  did  not  trouble  himfelf  much 
at  it.     But  the  Pope  having  created  Three  Spanijh  Cardinals ,  he  forbad  them  to  ac- 
cept the  Arms ,  or  ufe  the  name  or  habit.     And  not  long  after  publifhed  a  Refor- 
^B.i)4«.       "'^^'On  of  the  Clergy ,  containing  Twenty  three  pointsi  Firft ,  Of  Ordination  and 
Eledion  of  Minifters  i  Secondly  ,  Of  the  Office  of  Ecclefiaftical  Orders  •,  Thirdly, 
Of  the  Office  of  Deans  and  Canons  ■■,  Fourthly,  Of  Canonical  hours  ■■>  Fifthly  ,  Of 
Monafteries-,  Sixthly,  Of  Schools  and  Univerfities  •,  Seventhly  ,  Of  Hofpitals  j 
Eighthly,  Of  the  Office  of  a  Preacher  ■■,  Ninthly  ,  Of  the  Adminiftration  of  the  Sa- 
cra- 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Chnrcb  of  En^hnd,  229 

craments;  Tcnthly,  Of  the  Adminiftration  of  Baptilm  v  Eleventhly,  Of  the  Ad- 
miniftration  of  Confirmation  i  TvTelfthly,  Of  Ceremonies  •,  Thirteenthly ,  Of  the 
Mafs  i  Fourteenthly,  Of  the  Adminiftration  of  Penitences  Fifteenthly,  Of  the  Ad- 
miniftration of  extreme  Undrioni  Sixteenthly,  Of  the  Adminiftration  of  Matrimo-  ' 
nyi  Seventeenthly  ,  ofEccleiiaftical  Ceremonies  s  Eighteenthly,  Of  the  Difcipline 
ofthe  Clergy  and  People-,  Nineteenthly,  Of  plurality  of  Benefices  i  Tvventithly, 
Of  the  Difcipline  of  the  People-,  One  and  twentithly,  Of  Vifitations  i  Two  and 
twentithly,  Of  Councils  j  Three  and  twentithly,  Of  Excommunication.  Charles 
the  Fifth  and  the  German  Dyet  did  afllime  to  themfelves  a  Legiflative  power  in  Ec- 
ckfiaftical  caufes.  None  of  our  Princes  was  ever  more  devoted  to  Rome  than  Queen 
l/bry  -,  yet  when  Paul  the  Fourth  revoked  Cardinal  Pool's  Lcgantine  power  in  Ena- 
land ,  and  defigned  one  Piius  a  Francifcan  to  come  Legate  in  his  place,  Shejhut  all 
the  Ports  <»/ England  agahtjl  all  Mefiengers  from  Rome  ,  and  commanded  all  the  Briefs 
(  and'Bulls  )  to  be  tak^n  from  the  Bearers^and  delivered  unto  her.  So  well  was  {he  fa- 
tisfied  ,  that  no  Koman  Legate  hath  any  thing  to  do  in  England ,  without  the  Prin- 
ces Licence.  But  I  have  brought  Inilances  enough,  until  he  be  pleafed  to  take  notice 
of them. 

To  all  which  he  returns  no  Anfwer ,  but  thefe  general  words.  Seeing  L.  D.  hath 
aVedged  divers  fads  of  CatholicJ^Princes  in  difobeying  Pafal  Authority  ,  and  thence  infer- 
reth  that  they  did  as  much  as  King  Henry,  who  not  onely  difoheyed^  but  denied  Papal 
Authority,  let  us  alledge  both  more  ancient  and  greater  Emperors,  who  haveprofeRed 
that  they  had  no  Authority  in  Ecclefiajiical  caufes,  and  avowed  Papal  Authority.  After 
this  rate  he  may  furvey  th<^  whole  World  in  a  few  minutes.  Let  the  Reader  judge, 
•whether  I  have  not  juft  caufe  to  call  upon  him  for  an  Anfwer.  Are  they  onely  di- 
vers fsUs  of  Catholick^ Princes  ?  By  his  leave  they  are  both  Facfls,  and  Decrees,  and 
Conftitutions  ,  and  Laws,  and  Canons,  ofthe  moft  famous  Emperors  and  Princes  <i 

ofChriftendom,  with  their  Dyets  ,  and  Parliaments ,  and  Synods,  and  Councils,  ^'■'•■'^ 

and  Univerfities  :  or  doth  it  feem  to  him  that  they  onely  difobeyed  Papal  Authority  ?  ^V   ' 

When  he  reads  them  over  more  attentively ,  he  will  rind  that  they  have  not  onely         t  'T 
difobeyed  Papal  Authority,  but  denied  it ,  as  he  faith  Henry  the  Eighth  did  ,  in  all  ^' 

the  principal  parts  and  branches  of  it,  which  are  in  controveriie  between  them  and 
tis.  Nay  ,  they  have  not  onely  denied  to  the  Pope  that  which  he  calls  Papal  Authd*- 
rity,  to  convocate  Synods  ,  to  conrirm  Synods,  to  make  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  to 
difpofe  of  Ecclefiaftical  Preferments ,  to  receive  the  laft  Appeals  in  Ecclefiaftical  cau- 
fes ,  but  they  have  exercifed  it  themfelves  :  They  have  difpofed  ofthe  Papacy  they  V 
have  depofed  the  Popes  ,  they  have  (hut  out  his  Legates,  they  have  appealed  'from 
his  fentences,  they  have  not  fufFered  their  Subjeds  to  go  upon  his  Summons ,  they 
have  caufed  his  Decrees  to  be  torn  in  pieces  moft  difgracefully  ,  and  made  Edidts 
and  Statutes  ,  and  Pragmatical  Sandions  againft  his  Ufurpations,  they  have  regula- 
ted the  Clergy  ,  and  reformed  the  Churches  within  their  Dominions.  And  when 
they  thought  fit,  during  their  pleafures ,  they  have  flopped  all  entercourfe  with 
Rome.  The  Kings  oi Spain  fuffer  no  more  Appeals  from  Sicily  to  the  Court  of 
Rome ,  than  our  Princes  from  England  ,  and  exercife  all  manner  of  Ecclefiaftical  Tu- 
rifdi(flion  by  Delegates ,  which  certainly  neither  they,  nor  other  Princes  would  do, 
if  they  did  at  all  believe,  that  the  Papacy  was  an  Univerfal  Spiritual  Monarchy,  infti- 
tuted  by  Chrift. 

But  it  feemeth  that  he  dfelighteth  more  in  the  ufe  of  his  fword ,  than  of  hisbuck- 
leri  and  in  ftead  of  repelling  my  Arguments,  he  bufieth  himfelfin  making  new 
knots  for  me  to  unty.  He  knows  well  that  this  is  no  Logical  proceeding  i  and  I 
might  juftly  ferve  him  with  the  fame  fauce.  But  I  feek  onely  the  clear  difcovery  of 
Truth  ,  and  will  purfue  his  fteps  throughout  his  Oppofitions.  The  rirft  thing  that 
he  objedeth  to  me  is  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  ,  made  by  King  Henry  md  his  Church  ,  in  I^^  ^"^  ."'" 
which  Oath  (  faith  he  )  arefworn  Five  things.  Firji,  that  the  King  if  England  is' not  meA^'^'^^  '^' 
onely  Governour  ,  but  onely  and  fupreme  Governour.  Secondly ,  Not  onely  in  fame ,  but  in 
all  Ecclefialiical  things  and  caufes.  Thirdly ,  As  well  in  all  EcclefafticA  caufes  as  tem- 
poral. Foitrthly  ,  fhat  no  forreign  Prelate  hath  any  Spiritual  Jurijdicfion  in  England. 
fifthly,  Allforreign  JttrifdiSion  U  renounced.  This  he  is  pleafed  to  call  the  frrji  new 
Crted  ofthe  Englifli  Vretedant  Church,  by  which  it  it  hecomt  both  Heretical  and  Schifma- 

Y  tical. 


A  Jnji  Vtndtcation  T  O  M  E  I. 

,jcj/  Before  I  give  a  diftind  Anfwcr  to  this  Objedion  ,  it  will  be  needful  in  the 
FirlV  place  to  put  him  in  mind  of  fome  things  which  I  have  formerly  demonftrated 
to  him  touching  this  particular ,  which  he  hath  been  pleafed  to  pafs  by  in  filence. 
S»nd.  it  pjjjj  who  it  was  that  firft  prefented  this  Title  to  King  Henry  ,.Archbi(hop  IVarr- 
Scbi/m-f'  *'•  ^j,„  '( whom  ^Wer/ calleth  an  excellent  man)  and  a  Popifti  Convocation.  Se- 
5n£,M7-'  condly ,  Who  confirmed  this  Title  unto  him  ?  Four  and  twenty  BiIhops,and  Nine 
hJi  i*'!.  »'•  and  twenty  Abbats  in  Parliament,  none  diffenting.  There  was  not  one  Proteftant 
^'^'  among  them  all.     Thirdly,  Who  were  the  flatterers  of  King  Yienry  ^  that  preach- 

ed up  his  Supremacy  ,  and  printed  books  in  defence  of  tliis  Supremacy ,  and  let 
forth  Catechifms  to  inl1:ru(it  the  Subjeds,  and  teach  them  what  the  Supremacy  was, 
who  contrived  and  penned  this  very  Oath  ,  and  were  the  firft  that  took  it  them- 
felves    and  incited  all  others  to  take  it ,  even  Bifhop  Gardiner^  Tonfiall^  Heathy 
Bonner,  StokiJIey,  'fburleby,&c.  all  K.  C.  his  Friends ,  the  greatefl  Oppoftrs  of  the 
Reformation,  and  the  rougheft  perfecutors  ofProteftants.     Laftly,  Confider  what 
Pol.  i:  Cone,  j  ^-jtej  out  of  Cardinal  Paale,  That  Cod  the  Father  hath  ajjigned  this  Office  to  Chrijiiart 
Relp-  ad  qx.  £,,j,efror/ ,  that  theyjhottld  aU  the  fart  of  Chriji  the  Son  of  Cod.     And  again  ,  7he  Pope 
74.  cr  75«       ^^  ^  Prirjily  Head  doth  execute  the  Office  of  Chriji  the  trite  Head  •,  but  n>e  may  aljo  truly 
fay ,  that  the  Emperor  doth  execute  the  Office  of  Chriji  as  a  Kingly  Head. 

Thefe  things  being  premifed  to  dull  the  edge  of  his  argument,  now  I  proceed 
to  a  dired  Anfwer:  and  Firft  I  charge  him  with  chopping  and  changing  the  word? 
of  the  Oatli.  The  words  of  the  Oath  are  thefe.  That  the  Kings  Highnefs  is  the  one- 
lyfupreme  Governour  in  this  Kealm  :  But  in  Paraphrafing  upon  them ,  and  prelfing 
them,  he  renders  them  thus,  not  onely  Governour  ^  hut  onely  andfupreme  Governour. 
There  is  a  vaft  difference  between  thefe  Two,  to  (ay  the  King  is  the  onely  fupreme 
Governour  of  the  Realm  of  England,  which  fignifies  no  more  but  this  ,  that  there 
is  no  other  fupreme  Governour  of  the  Realm  but  he,  which  is  moft  true  :  and  to  fay 
that  he  is  the  onely  and  fupreme  Governour ,  which  implies  that  there  is  no  other 
Governour  but  he,  which  /smoft  falfe  ;  There  are  both  Spiritual  and  Civil  Gover- 
nours  in  England  befides  him.  To  fay  the  Pope  is  the  onely  fupreme  Bifliop  in  his 
own  Patriarchate ,  is  moft  truei  but  to  fay  that  he  is  the  onely  and  fupreme  Bifhop 
in  his  Patriarchate,  is  moft  falfe  :  this  were  to  degrade  all  his  Suffragans,  and  allow 
no  Bifliop  in  his  Province  but  himfelf. 

Secondly ,  I  Anfwer  ,  That  there  is  no  Supremacy  afcribed  to  the  King  in  this 
Oath ,  but  merely  Political,  which  is  elTentially  annexed  to  the  Imperial  Crown  of 
every  Sovereign  Prince.  The  Oath  faith ,  That  the  King's  Highnefs  is  the  onely 
fupreme  Governour  of  his  Highnefs  Realms  and  Dominions,  what  doth  Saint 
t  F«.s.  13,  P^to- himfelf  fay  lefs  to  his  own  Succeflbrs  as  well  as  others  ?  Submit  your  fe  Ives  to 
every  Ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lord's  fake,  whether  it  be  to  the  King  as  fupreme.  How 
often  doth  St.  Gregory  acknowledge  the  Emperor  to  be  his  fupreme  Governour,  or 
Sove»eign  Lord  ?  and  profefs  obedience  and  fubjedion  unto  him,  and  execute  his 
commands  in  Ecclefiaftical  things  ?  That  Commonwealth  is  miferable  and  fubjedl 
to  the  clafliing  of  Jurifdidions,  where  there  are  Two  Supremes,  like  a  Serpent  with 
Two  heads,  at  either  end  one. 

The  Oath  addeth  in  all  Spiritual  or  Ecclefiaftical  things  or  caufes.     This  is  true  with 
fome  limitations i  as  Firft,  either  by  himfelf,  or  by  fit  Subftitutes,  who  are  Ecclefi- 
aftical perfons.    For  our  Kings  cannot  excommunicate  or  abfblve  in  their  own  pcr- 
lons.    Secondly ,  It  is  to  be  undcrftood  of  thofe  caufes  which  are  handled  in  f ore  con- 
tenttofo,  in  the  exterior  Court ,  not  in  the  inner  Court  of  Confcience.     Thirdly, 
Either  in  the  firft  or  in  the  fecond  inftance,  by  receiving  the  appeals,  and  redreffing 
the  wrongs  of  his  injured  Subjeds.     Some  things  are  fo  purely  fpiritual,  that  Kings 
have  nothing  to  do  in  them  in  their  own  Perfons ,  as  the  preaching  of  the  Word  , 
the  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments ,  and  the  binding^nd  looting  of  Sinners.  Yet 
the  perfcns  to  whom  the  difcharge  of  thefe  Duties  doth  belong  ,  and  the  perfons 
towards  whom  thefe  Duties  ought  to  be  difcharged  being  their  Subjeds,  they  have 
a  power  Paramount  to  fee  that  each  of  them  do  their  Duties  in  their  feveral  ftati- 
TK-  •  "^u^  ^^^^^^  indeed  are  Ecclefiaftical ,  but  the  power  of  governing  is  Political. 
Art.  Red.       ■^"'1,'^  the  true  ftnfe  of  the  Oath  ,  neither  more  nor  lefs,  as  appeareth  plainly  by 
Anth  Art.  yj^^  Thuty  feventh  Article.     IVliere  we  attribute  to  our  Princes  the  chief  government,  by 

which 


M 


2:ji 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Cbnrch  of  England, 

n-hicb  Titles  n>e  underjijnd  the  minds  of  fime  jlanderoui  Folkr  to  be  offended  i  me  give  not 
to  our  Princes  the  mimjhing  either  of  God's  Word  or  of  the  Sacraments,  but  that  onely  pre- 
rogative tvhich  Tvefee  to  have  been  given  always  to  all  godly  Princes  in  holy  Scriptures  by 
Godhimfelf:  thU  U^that  theyfhould  rule  all  Ejiates  and  Degrees  committed  to  their  charge: 
by  God ,  rvhether  they  be  Ecckftajiical  or  Temporal ,  and  rejirain  with  the  civil  Sivord  the 
jiiibborn  or  evil  doers.  Here  is  no  power  averted,  no  puniQiment  to  be  inflided  by 
the  King  in  his  own  perfon,  but  onely  Political.  I  confefs  perfons  deputed  and 
delegated  by  the  King  ,  do  often  excommunicate  and  abfolve  ,  and  a6t  by  the 
power  of  the  Keys,  but  this  is  by  the  virtue  of  their  own  habit  of  Jurifdidion.  All 
which  the  King  contributes  by  his  CommilHon  ,  is  a  liberty  and  power  to  ad  in 
this  particular  cafe ,  and  an  application  of  the  matter  ,  which  a  Lay-Patron,  or  a  ^^'"'"'-  '^^  \ 
Malier  of  a  Family  ,  or  a  fubordinate  Magiftrate  may  do  ,  much  more  a  Sovereign  thoTicACaf*' 
Prince.  This  power  many  Ri?wrf«-Catholick  Dodors  do  juftirie.  The  King  of  »o, 
Spain  cites  above  Twenty  of  them.  Let  the  Frinces  cf  this  world  k^otv ,  that  they  owe 
an  account  to  God  of  the  Church  ,  which  they  have  raceived  from  him  into  their  protedtiom 
for  whether  peace  and  right  Ecckfai,lical  Difcipline  be  increafed,  or  decayed  by  Chrijiian 
Princes ,  God  reill  require  an  account  from  them ,  who  hath  trujhd  his  Church  unto 
their  power.  All  this  power  the  King  of  Spain  exercifeth  in  Sicily,  in  all  Ecclefia- 
rtical  caufes  ,  over  all  Eccleiiaftical  perfons ,  as  well  in  the  firft  inftance  as  the  fe- 
cond.  This  power  a  Lay-Chancellor  exercifeth  in  the  Court  Chriftian  ;  This  pow- 
er a  very  Abbefs  exercifeth  in  the  Roman  Church  over  her  Nuns.  Whileft  all  the 
Mariners  are  bulled  in  their  feveral  employments,  the  Sovereign  Magiftrate  fits  at 
the  Stern  to  command  all,  and  order  all  for  the  promotion  of  the  great  Architedo- 
nical  end,  that  is  the  fafety  and  welfare  of  the  Common- wealth. 

It  follows  in  the  Oath  [  as  well  as  tempm-al  ~\  that  is ,  as  truly,  and  as  juftly ,  but 
not  as  fully,  nor  as  abfolutely.     [_  And  that  no  forreign    Prelate  hath  or  ought  to  havt 
any  Jurifdidion  or  Authority  Ecckfiajlical  or  Spiritual  within  this  Kealm,  ~\  That  is  to 
fay,  neither  the  Pope  nor  his  Court.     For  a  General  Council  which  is  no  ftanding 
Court,  but  an  aggregate  body ,  compofed  partly  of  our  felves ,  is  neither  inclu- 
ded here  nor  intended.     If  this  be  the  new  Creed  of  the  Engliih   Proteftant  Church,  as 
lie  calls  it  in  fcorn,  it  was  the  old  Creed  of  the  Britannick.  Church,  «s  I  have  pro- 
ved evidently  in  the  Vindication.   If  this  profellion  of  Royal  Supremacy  in  our  fenfe 
^omak^  mett  Hereticksand  Schifmatick^,  we  (hall  fweep  away  the  moft  part  of  the 
J?  Oman  Dodors  along  with  us.     And  for  Sovereign  Princes  we  fhall  leave  them  ■^  ^'"^^  C^"' 
few,  except  fome  neceffitous  perfons ,  who  could  not  fubfift  otherwife  than  by  the  'rafh'^in  A^T. 
favourable  influence  of  the  RowiiJK  Court.     Very  many  VoQors  do  hold,  that  for  the  37, 
common  good  of  the  Kepublick^,   Princes  have  JurifdiUion  in  many  caufes  otherwife   fub~ 
jeU  to  the  Ecclefajiical  Court ,    not  otiely  by  the  poftiive  Law  of  God,  but  by  the  Law  of 
Nature.     And  many  more  give  them  a  power  indiredly  in  caufes  Ecclefiaftical  over 
Ecclefiaftical  perfons ,  fo  far  as  is  neceltary  for  the  prefcrvation  of  the  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  the  Commonwealth  ,  tiec  putem  ullum  DoUorem  Catholicum  refragari,  J^i'^""' 
faith  the  fame  Author  in  the  place  cited,  Ndther  do  Jthink^  that  any  CathoUck^  VaSor 
will  be  agaittji  it. 

Now  I  have  faid  my  mind  concerning  the  Oath  of  Allegiance ,  who  they  were 
that  firft  contrived  it ,  and  in  what  fenfe  we  do  maintain  it ,  I  hope  agreeably  to 
the  fenfe  of  the  Chriftian  World  ,  except  fuch  as  are  prcpoffefTed  with  prejudice 
for  the  Court  of  Kome.  As  our  Kings  out  of  reverence  to  Chrift  did  freely  lay  by 
the  Title  of  Supreme  Heads  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  fo  though  it  be  not  meet  for 
me  to  prevent  their  maturer  determinations,  I  fhould  not  be  difpleafed  if  out  of  a 
tender  confideration  of  the  Confciences  of  Subjeds ,  who  may  err  out  of  invincible 
ignorance  ,  they  would  be  pleafed  to  lay  by  the  Oath  alfo.  God  looks  upon  his  '^  ■^'''*' 
Creatures  with  all  their  prejudices ,  why  fhould  not  Man  do  the  fame  ?  It  feemeth 
to  be  hard  meafure  to  deftroy  men  for  meer  fpeculative  Opinions,  which  it  may  be 
are  not  in  their  own  power  ,  fo  long  as  there  is  neither  Blafphcmy  nor  Sedition  in 
the  cafe.  It  is  often  ealier  to  fecure  a  man's  adions  ,  than  to  cure  the  errors  of  his  _  . 
judgment.  Nocomradn 

In  the  next  place  he  chargeth  me  with  conttadiding  of  my  felf,  becaufe  I  fay  ,  ftion  in  my 
The  Emperors  and  other  Frinces  of  the  Roman  Communion  have  dene  the  fame  things  in  wordi. 

Y   2  efea. 


a^2  A  Jtifi  yindication TOME  1. 

f/rfl,  with  the  King  of  England  i  And  in  another  place  I  confefs,  that  the  Kings  of 
England  have  abolijhed  the  JurtfdHtioH  of  the  Bijhop  of  Rome,  but  the  Emperors  have 
„ot°  This,  he  faith  ,  is  to  give  my  fe  If  the  lie.  Certainly  he  was  in  feme  heat  or 
paliion  when  this  word  of  difgrace  dropped  from  his  Pen,  as  commonly  Difputers 
are,  when  they  rind  that  they  have  gotten  the  wrong  end  of  the  ibff.  If  he  had 
advifcdly  read  over  my  Afrertion,it  is  this,  that  either  they  have  done  the  fame  thing 
in  eifcd ,  or  at  leaft  have  pleaded  for  it.  If  either  part  of  the  disjundion  be  true, 
my  Aflertion  is  a  Truth ,  and  no  contradiftion  i  much  lefs  a  lie,  which  implieth 
that  it  is  both  againft  Truth  and  againft  Confciencc.  Now  I  have  (hewed  clearly 
in  the  Vindication,  that  they  have  not  onely  pleaded  it,  but  fwornit,  that  they 
would  maintain  the  Rights ,  Liberties ,  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Empire  inviolated  , 
againll  the  Pope  and  the  Court  of  Rome.  And  that  they  have  protellcd  that  they 
would  not  liavehis  Holinefs  to  be  ignorant  that  they  neither  could  nor  would  in- 
dure  his  intolerable  preflurcs  any  longer,  but  would  vindicate  themfelves. 

Farther ,  to  do  the  fame  thiftg  in  effcdt ,  doth  not  fignirie  to  do  the  fame  indivi- 
dual adion  ,  nor  alwayes  the  fame  fpeciricaladion,  but  onely  that  which  are,ueth 
the  fame  power ,  or  implyeth  the  fame  confequences.  If  an  Ordinary  do  fafpend  a 
Clerk  from  his  Benerice,  or  degrade  him  from  his  Holy  Orders,  fo  long  as  the 
Qaeliion  is  onely  whether  he  be  under  Jurifdidion  of  the  Ordinary,  it  is  all  one  in 
cffed  ,  whileft  the  one  proveth  the  intention  as  well  as  the  other.  If  a  Thief  fteal  a 
(hilling  or  a  pound ,  it  is  not  the  (ame  thing  in  effedt ,  becaufe  the  Thief  prctend- 
eth  no  right  to  what  he  takcth  s  But  if  a  Magiftrate  impofe  a  tribute  of  a  (hilling 
or  a  pound ,  where  the  Queition  is  onely  whether  he  have  power  to  impoie  tribute 
or  not ,  it  is  all  one  in  effedj  for  his  Title  is  as  juft  to  the  one  as  to  the  other,  and 
as  he  impo(eth  a  (hilling  to  day,  fo  he  may,  i(^he  have  occaiion  ,  impofe  a  pound 
to  morrow.  The  whole  and  all  the  parts  are  the  fame  in  effcd  :  The  EtTiperors 
have  done  all  the  particular  Adts  which  the  Kings  of  England  have  done  concerning 
Patronage,  Inveftitu res ,  Legiflation,  Reformation,  Legates,  Appeals,  Tentlis, 
Firft-fruits,  &c.  And  moreover  have  depofed  Popes,  which  the  Kings  of  England 
never  attempted  to  do  ,  though  they  have  not  made  One  general  Ad  of  Abolition. 
Why  is  not  this  the  fame  in  e(fed  ?  He  that  fatisfieth  a  Debt  in  Pillols ,  and  he  who 
fatisfieth  it  in  cracked  Groats  ,  do  both  the  fame  thing  in  effed.  To  conclude. 
They  who  a(rume  the  right  to  be  the  laft  Judges  of  their  own  Liberties  and  Privi- 
ledges ,  in  all  differences  between  them  and  the  Court  of^ Rome  ,  do  the  (ame  thing 
ineifed ,  whether  the  refpedive  Priviledgcs  of  the  one  or  the  other  be  more  or  le(si 
But  the  Emperors  and  the  Kings  of  E«g/W  did  a(rume  to  them(elves  the  right  to 
be  the  laft  Judges  of  their  own  Liberties  and  Priviledges ,  in  all  differences  between 
them  and  the  Court  of  Rome.  And  therefore  though  the  one  might  take  or  miftake 
himfelf  to  be  within  the  old  Roman  Patriarchate,  which  the  other  was  not,  or  what- 
foever  other  differences  there  might  be  in  the  extent  of  their  Liberties ,  or  in  their 
Claims ,  yet  they  did  the  (ame  thing  in  effed.  The  onely  difference  between  the 
Emperors  and  Henry  the  Eigiith  is  this ,  That  they  denied  the  Papacy  in  parcels , 
and  he  denied  it  in  gro(sj  They  denied  his  Sovereign  Legillative  power,  they  deni- 
ed his  Patronage  of  Churches ,  they  denied  his  Inveftitures  of  Bi(hops ,  they  denied 
his  Superiority  above  General  Councils,  they  denied  his  Tenths  ,  and  FirR-fruits , 
and  Pardons ,  and  Indulgences,  and  Difpen(ations.  So  they  pulled  away  his  (tolen 
feathers  one  by  one,  and  Henry  the  Eighth  uncafed  him  all  at  once,  but  except  fomc 
Patriarchal  Rites,  (which  Britain  never  acknowledged,  which  are  no  parts  of  the  Pa- 
pacy,) they  left  him  as  naked  the  one  as  the  other.  This  1  might  well  call  the  fame 
Sea.^.  thing  in  effed. 

ConltMntinet  Now  are  we  come  to  take  a  View  of  his  WitnelTes ,  to  try  if  he  be  more  fortu- 
Ryffin.l.  I.  nate  in  offending  than  he  is  in  defending.  But  truly  they  are  fuch,  that  their  very 
names  and  their  well  known  ads  do  fufficiently  confute  all  his  evidence.  The  Firft 
is  Conftantine  the  Great ,  who  prnfefled  openly  that  he  could  not  judge  of  Bipops.  No  (uch 
thing.  He  faid  onely  ,  that  they  could  not  be  ytdged  of  all  men.  When  all  men  have 
Imperial  power ,  his  argument  will  have  more  force  in  it ,  but  nothing  to  his  pur- 
pofe.  The  onely  Queftion  between  us  is  about  the  Papacy  ,  and  his  proof  makes 
onely  for  the  Priviledgcs  of  Epifcopacy.    whatfoever  Conftantine  did  at  this  time , 

was 


t.t. 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enphnd.  o->-> 
i :^ '•?:> 


was  a  meer  prudential  ad:.     He  had  convocated  the  Bifhops  together  againll  Amu., 
and  inlkad  of  endeavouring  to  fupprefs  the  common  Enemy,   they  fell  into  quar- 
rels and  mutual  complaints  one  againlt  another ,  about  buiinefTes  of  no  moment.  • 
Conjiantine  feeing  ,  quod  per  hujufmodi  jurgia  caufa  [ttmmi  negotii  frujiraretiir ,  that  the 
main  bufinefs  againft  ^rz«j- was  hindred  by  thefe  unreafonable  brawlings,  and  wc 
iimotejceret  ulli  honiintm.,  &c.  to  prevent  fcandal,  that  the  faults  and  contentions  of 
Priefts  might  not  appear  to  the  world  ,  he  fuppreffed  them  ,  and  referred  them  to 
the  judgment  of  God.     This  was  a  more  prudent  courfe ,  and  more  conducible  at 
j     that  time  to  the  advantage  of  Chriftian  Religion  ,  than  to   have  examined  every  Thndortt.  I. 
fcandalous  Accufationof  one  againft  another.  Yet  even  in  this  there  appeareth  fuffici-  i-  c  ii-l 
ent  proof  of  Co«/b«iw's  judiciary  power  over  the  Biihops.     Firft  ,  They  did  all 
offer  their  mutual  accufations  one  of  another  to  him,  as  to  their  proper  judge  : 
S-;condly,  He  commanded  them  all  to  put  their  Accufations  in  writing,  and  to  de-  * 
liver  them  to  his  hands :  Thirdly,  He  bound  them  all  up  in  a  bundle ,  and  fealed 
them  :  Fourthly  ,  He  made  them  friends,  and  then  burned  them  in  their  prefence, 
and  impofed  upon  them  a  perpetual  amnel^y  or  Law  of  forgetfulnels.     All  thefe 
were  judiciary  A(fls.     It  is  true  Conjiantine  honoured  Bifhops  very  much  i  he  made 
them  his  Companions  in  his  Voyages,  his  Fellow-Commoners  at  his  Table-,  he  caft 
his  Cloak  over  their  faults.     But  this  was  not  for  want  of  judiciary  power    over  EufeB  J     '? 
them  ,  but  becaufe  they  were  confecrated  to  God  ,  and  he  believed  that  in  thus  dovig^  God  Confl'untJ.  i. 
tpottld  become  propitious  to  him.     But  at  othe»  times  ,.  the   cafe  is  as  clear  as  theSun,  <■•?$, 
He  prefcribed  to  the  Bijhops  thofe  things  rvhich  did  pertain  to  the  profit  of  the  Churches.  ^^""^  '•  i'  ''• 
He  referred  the  Caufe  of  C^cilianus  (  an  Eccleiiaftical  caufe  )  to  Miltiades  BiOiop  of  ' 
Rome,  and  Marcus,  and  F^heticius  ,  and  Maternus,  and  Marinus ,  as  his  Delegates   £«[?*•  ffi!}.  I 
or  Commilfioners,  vifum  ejl  mihi ,  it  hath  jeetned  good  to  me ,  &c.  He  accepted  A p-  '°'-i"*  ^»i*  ' 
peals  from  the  judgement  of  the  Bifhops :  He  commanded  Cxciliamts  to  repair  to  '^'"''^'' 
Anulinus  the  Proconful,  and  Patrittus  Vicar  of  the  Prefers ,  as  deputed  and  autho-  Eufet.  H,ji,  /. 
rized  by  him  as  Judges  to  do  juftice  upon  Ecclefiaftical  Delinquents.     He  fcnt  for  ^°-''-°' 
the  Bifhops  afTembled  by  his  Commandment  at  a  Council  iirft  at  Tyrus,  then  at  Hi- 
erufalem  ,  that  they  (hould  repair  mth  fpeedto  Conftantinople,  e  vejiigio  .adcalira  w- 
jira  maturetit ,  to  give  an  account  to  him  of  their  adlions ,  and  to  lliew  how  fin- 
cerely  they  had  behaved  themfelvcs  in  their  judgments.  In  a  word  ,  he  meddled  fo  ^'"**'  '•  ^-c 
much  in  Eccleiiaftical  affairs  ,  that  he  made  himfelfjf  ,«  cowwow   Bijhop  conjlituted  by  so'.»     i 
God.    I  will  conclude  with  his  own  Profeliion  in  an  Epiftle  to  the  NicomeMans  ,  Jf  ly.     '  '    "' 
rve  have  chaji  and  Orthodox  Bijhops,  and  endowed  with  humanity,  we  re'yyce:  but  if  any 
one  pall  attdaciotijly  and  unadvifedly  be  vehemently  affected  to  the  memory  and  praife  of  f^^ji'.   '  "''• 
thufe  pelis  (  Eufebius  and  other  Bifhops  )  he  jhalljiraight  be  reprejfed  by  my  execution  as          '  '  '  'tV 
the  Minijier  of  God.     And  accordingly  they  were  fpoiled  of  their  Dignities,  and  caft  J^'^lnr. 
out  of  the  Cities.                                                                                                     ^'.'^'•9, 

His  (econd  Witnefs  is  Valentinian  in  an  Epijlle  to  'Iheodnfus  i  but  which  Vakntini'  VaUmhian^' 
an  ,  which  Theod'fws,  where  this  Epiftle  is  to  be  found,  he  is  lilent,  and  leaveth  us,  The  place  is  fn 
if  it  were  worth  the  labour  ,  to  feek  for  a  needle  in  a  bottle  of  hay.     But  the  truth  Conr;  C*W.f  aC: 
is ,  thfre  is  nothing  in  it  which  concerneth  thisQneftion,  nothing  which  we  deny.  ,hc  third  ""^"^ 
The  word^,  as  they  be  alledged  by  him,  are  thefe  :  All  Antiquity  hath gip:n  the  itnmia>it9 
Principality  of  Priejihood  over  all  to  the  Bijhop  of  the   City  o/Rome.     Our  Queftion  is  t'le  yonger 
concerning  the  Political  Principality  of  Kings  and  Emperors,  and  his  Anfwer  is  T'^^K'^f/U 
concerning  the  Principality  of  Priefthood.     Let  them  retain  their  Principality  of  ^  ^^  reththe 
Priel^hood  ,  fo  they  leave  to  Sovereign  Princes  their  juft  Principality  of  Power,  We  fo,ceof  this 
are  ready  to  give  them  a  Principality  of  Priefthood  if  that  would  content  thern.  Tcflimony, 
And  neither  all  Antiquity  nor  any  Antiquity  ^id  ever  give  them   a  Principality  of  f!i""R'i '"l'"8 
Power  :  Or  at  leaft  fuch  a  Supremacy  of  fingle  ,  Sovereign  ,  Monarchical ,  Power,  ^^ere^coir* 
as  they  require,  about  which  our  Controverfie  now  is.  A  Lord  Chief  Jufiice  hath  yiainsj  defli- 
a  principality  of  Order  among  his  Brother  Judges  of  the  fame  Coif  and  Bench,  and  tore  of  Books, 
tn  fome  circumftantial  refpedts  a  kind  of  Emlnency  or  Principality  of  Power  ,  but  ^^  f°"''*  ""^ 
no  flnglc  Supremacy ,  fo  as  to  be  able  to  crofs  their  Votes  with  a  non  objiante.  Such 
a  Supremacy  of  Sovereign,  fingle,  Univerfal  power  of  Priefthood  the  Church  of 
God  did  never  know ,  either  at  Kome  or  elfewhere.     The  Bifhops  of  Kome  were  fo 
far  from  having  power  over  General  Councils ,  that  they  had  no  fingle jpower  over 

Yj  th  t 


2^4 


A  Juft  Vindication T  O  M  E  !♦ 

their  Fellow-Patriarchs.  So  tar  from  having  power  over  Emperors,  that  they  have 
been  delegated  by  Emperors  as  their  Commillioners  m  EcclefialUcal  Caufes,  have 
been  convened  before  Emperors,  and  depofed  by  Emperors.  Primitive  Bifhops 
life  to  Itile  Popes  their  Brethren  ,  their  Colleagues,their  Fellows ,  but  never  Eccle- 
fiaftical  Princes.  If  he  mean  the  fecond  Valmtinian  ,  his  authority  weighs  nothingi 
he  was  a  young  Novice  mifled  by  his  Arian  Mother ,  a  wilful  ill-advifed  woman. 
If  he  mean  another  Valentinian^  I  {hall  (hew  him  that  he  exercifed  this  political  Su- 
premacy in  Ecclellalfical  affairs  ,  it   may  be  to  the  QuelUoning  of  his  Prince  of 

Priefts. 
^  c  His  Third  Witnefs  is  "Theodcfms  the  younger,  in  his  Epiftlc  to  the  Synod  ofEphc' 

Tbetaofiut  ^.^  words  are  thefe  :  Jt  is  not  lawful  for  him  that  is  not  a  Bifhop  ,  to  meddle  with 

Ecclefiafiical  matters.    Yet  he  did  meddle  with  Ecclefiaftical-matters.     This  is  that 
7heodofiuf  that  argued  with  the  Bifliops  upon  the  Holy  Scriptures  ,  as  if  he  himfelf 
S$cra.l'  7>     had  been  a  Bifhop.     This  is  th^i  theodnfm  which  made  this  following  Law  ,  fFe 
c.i2.  decree  that  n>ho  follotv  the  wJgodly  faith  of  Neftorius,  or  obey  his  wicked  Dedrine,  if 

Enaerl  p.ia.  .  ^^  j^-^^pj  ,  be  cajl  out  of  the  Holy  Churches  s  but  if  Lay-men,  anathematized.  This 
is  that  "Theodofits  that  Convocated  the  General  Council  of  Efhefus  by  his  Authority 
Royal,  and  fent  Candidianuf  thither  to  be  his  Deputy,  among  other  things  k*  dili- 
aenter  infpiceret,  &c.  to  loo]ijiiligemly  to  the  hehavionrs  of  the  Bipops  ,  to  fee  that  no  dif- 
fefttions  did  arife  among  them,  to  dijiurb  the  Conjultations  of  Synods  s  and  to  reprcft 
them  likewife  v  otherwife  he  might  as  »vell  have  ftaid  at  home.  Among  the  In- 
ftrudions  of  Iheodofms  given  to  Candidianus  are  the  words  alledged ,  Candidianum 
fid  banc  facram  Syntodum  abire  jujjimus ,  fed  ea  lege,  &c.  We  command  Czn6\6.izmiS  to 
coto  this  holy  Synod,  but  upon  this  condition  ,  that  he  fhould  have  nothing  to  do  with 
^uejiions  and  Controverfies  which  concern  VoUrittes  of  faith  ,  for  it  is  unlawful  for  one 
not  Keffjired  in  the  Catalogue  of  Bifhops ,  to  thruji  himfelf  into  Ecclefi^lical  affairs  and 
confftltations.  This  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  that  Candidianus  was  not  fent  by  the 
Emperor  to  difpute  in  the  Council  about  Theological  Queftions  ,  which  it  is  pro- 
bable he  did  not  underil:arding ,  nor  to  overawe  the  Bifliops  or  controll  their 
Votes.  Wc  are  of  the  fame  mind  with  Iheodofms,  and  fay  as  much  as  he,  that  it 
is  not  fit  for  every  man  promifcuoufly  to  difpute  of  Theological  Queftions  :  and 
though  we  give  the  Sovereign  Regiment  of  the  Church '  in  feme  fenfe  to  Princes 
within  their  own  Dominions  ,  yet  we  would  not  have  them  to  govern  it  upon 
their  own  heads ,  but  upon  mature  advice  of  Free  Synods  of  Ecclefiafiical  pcrfons , 
who  are  their  proper  Counfellors  in  Church  Affairs.  All  men  know  that  Candidia- 
nus could  have  no  decifive  voice  in  a  General  Council.  So  we  would  not  have 
Princes  meddle  with  the  Keys  of  the  Church,  either  the  Key  of  Knowledge  ,  or 
the  Key  of  Order.  We  confefs  that  fome  Caufes  in  the  Firft  Inftance  belong  pro- 
perly to  Bifliops,  yet  the  laft  Appeal  may  be  to  the  King.  We  fay  there  are  many 
things  which  Kings  cannot  do  in  their  own  perfbns,  and  yet  may  be  done  by  fit  De- 
legates by  their  Royal  Authority. 
_  .    .  .  His  Fourth  Witnefs  is  Valentinian  tlie  Elder  :  Jt  U  not  lawful  for  me  who  am  oftJx 

the  elder.  Veopte,  to  fearch  curiouflyfuch  matters;  let  Friefts  who  have  care  of  thefe  things  meet 
St^t.  I.  (,t,Tt  where  they  pleafe.  The  cafe  was  this,  Valentinian  hzdzffochted  his  Brother  Valens 
with  him  in  the  Empire.  Valens  was  an  Arian ,  Valentinian  an  Orthodox  ChrilH- 
UtmUt.  <.^«  an  i  yet  fo  as  he  troubled  not  thofe  who  were  of  a  contrary  Opinion.  He  being  at 
this  time  in  his  Voyage  through  Ihracia  towards  Rome,  the  Orthodox  Bifliops  about 
the  Hellefpont ,  and  in  Bi»fcy«M ,  fent  their  Deputies  unto  him,  to  requcft  him  to 
give  them  leave  to  Affemble  together  in  Council ,  for  the  Eflablifliraent  of  the  right 
Faith,  whereinthey  acknowledged  htm  the  Political  Head  of  the  Church.  It  was 
concerning  the  ConCabftantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father  ,in  fo  fublime  a  Quc- 
ftion  ,  concerning  the  Confubftantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father  v  in  this  exi- 
gence of  Affairs ,  being  in  his  Voyage ,  in  the  prefenee  of  his  Brother  aftd  Fellovr 
Emperor,  who  was  an  Arian ,  and  a  great  Perfecutor  of  all  thofe  who  held  the 
Confubftantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father,  whofe  Subjeds  thefe  Bifhops  were, 
as  they  found  to  their  coft  prefently  after  his  return  from  accompanyhig  of  his  Bro- 
ther fome  part  of  his  way,  what  more  prudent  or  mote  plaufible  Anfwer  could  fo 
moderate  a  Prince  have  givai ,  than  that  he  did  give  ?  Though  we  giw  to  Sove- 
reign 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Chnrch  of  En^hnd,  23c; 

reign  Princes  within  their  own  Dominions  a  Legillative  power  in  Ecclefiaftical  cau- 

fes,  yet  not  without  good  advice,  efpecially  in  fuch  high  points  of  Faith  as  that 

was,  and  who  are  more  ht  Counfellors  for  Princes  in  fuch  cafes  than  Synods,   and 

Bifliops  >  The  fame  Method  is  obferved  by  us  at  this  day.     The  Synod  contrives  he 

Articles  and  Canons  ,  and  the  King  confirms  them,  and  makes  them  Laws,     BuC 

did  Vakmniaft  nothing  himfelf  in  fuch  cafes ,  but  leave  all  to  Priefts  ?  No,  he  him- 

felf  Contirmed  the  confubltantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father,  quam  etiam  mftra  J*'^'/'*'  *• 

celfitudo  fajjim  ^r£dicanmaHdavit  ^  JFhicb  our  Highnefs  hath  commanded  to  be  preached  ' 

every  where.     This  very  Valentinian  was  one  of  the  Authors  of  that  famous  Law  to 

exprefsthe  covetoufnels  of  the  Clergy,  which  St.  Ambrofe  and  St.  Hierome  do  Co 

much  complain  of,  not  again':  t!ie  Emperors  who  made  the  Law  ,  but.againft  the 

Clergy  who  deferved  it.     In  the  Code  we  iini  Ecclefia^ical  Laws  made  by  this  ve-  cod. 

ry  Vakntinian  ,  as  that  to  Florianuf  ,  That  a  Bijhop  rtbjptizing  one  rvhe  had  been  for" 

merly  Baftized^  out  of  ignorance  of  the  Ljjv,  jhonld  be  deprived  of  blf  Bijhoprickc  It  W3S 

this  very  Valeminian  oi  whom  Theodoret  fpeaketh  ,  that  in  Occidentem  profeUm  ,  &c. 

Going  into  the  Wcji  hefurnijhed  that  Region  rvith  excellent  Larvs  ,  and  did  begin  with  the 

Freaching  of  true  Piety.     He  convocated  the  Bifliops ,  and   commanded  them  in  ths 

place  of  Auxemim  an  Arian  ,  to  chufe  an  Orthodox  Biihop  for  the  See  of  Millain 

and  after  ibme  debates  they  did  chule  St.  Ambrofe.     Some  may  /ay  if  it  was  his 

right,  why  did  he  not  chufe  him  himfelf  (•  I  Anfwer,That  the  Synod  of  Bifliops  did 

deiire  him  to  chufe  one  ,  as  knowing  his  right ,  and  when  St.  Ambrofe  was  chofen 

and  refufed  for  a  time  ,  jubet  Ambrolium  extemplo  &  initiari  myjleriis^  &  Epifcopum  rh  dl  i.     < 

crdinari  ^  The  Kmpeioi  commanded  him  forthwith  to  be  initiated  in  the  holy  Myjieries, 

and  to  be  ordained  Bijhop.     Neither  was  this  the  cafc  of  Conjiantine  ,  or  7heodofjuf^  or  inFroemi)  I. 

Valentinian  alone  i  Socrates  writes  more  generally ,  That  from  ConftantineV  time  U 

rvhentU  Emperors  became  Chrijiians,  Ecclefiajlical  affairs  feemed  to  depend  upon  their 

becki 

His  Fifth  witnefs  is  Bafilius.  Bafilius  Emperor  in  the  Seventh  Synod,  jpeak^th  thus  to 
the  Laity.  He  is  miftaken,  Bafilius  was  nc  Emperor  in  the  time  of  the  Seventh  ^"-^''"^ 
Synod,  but  Conjiantine  and  Jwzf,  but  it  is  true  that  in  the  time  of  the  Eighth  Synod 
Bajilius  was  Emperor  and  made  a  Speech  to  the  Laity.  The  cafe  is  this,  one  Bardas 
a  Patrician  and  Michael  the  former  Emperor  by  their  unfeafonable  and  prepofterous 
intermeddling  in  EcclelialUcal  bufinefles  had  brought  the  Oriental  Church  into  great 
dangers,  whereupon  Bafilim  then  Emperor  ufcth  thefc  words,  Ntdla  modo  nobis  licet 
&c.  It  U  no  way  lawful  far  m  (  Laymen  )  to  move  Speech  of  Ecckfiaftical  cattfes,  nor  at 
all  to  refijl  the  whole  Church^and  opfofe  an  Vniverfal  Synod.  For  the  fearchim  and  In-  ■^"•S^ji 
quifition  into  thefe  things  belongs  to  Patriarchs,  Bijhops^  and  Priefts.  Bafiliits  was  in  the 
right.  It  is  not  lawful  for  Laymen  to  treat  of  Ecclefiaftical  caufes  in  General 
Councils  as  BiChops  do,  that  is  to  fay,  to  have  decifive  Voices,  or  to  meddle  above 
their  capacities,  much  lefs  ought  they  frowardly  to  oppofe  General  Councils,  or  to 
vie  reafon  for  reafon  with  them.  Tlie  Bifliops  form  of  fubfcrif^ion  was  this,  E?(f 
B.  definiens  fubfcripfi,  I.  B.  have  ftthfcribed  to  this  as  my  definition.  The  Laymans  form 
was  this,  E^o  L.  confemiens  ftSfcripft,  I.  L.have  fubfcribed  to  tfjis  as  giving  n^  confent 
to  it.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  defining,  and  confentijig.  But  as  Kings 
are  never  minors,  becaufe  they  are  prefumed  to  have  a  wife  Council,  fo  they  are  ne- 
ver to  be  confidered  as  ignorant  Laymen,  who  have  a  learned  Council  of  Ecdefia- 
ftical  perfons  to  diredl  them.  All  this  while  he  troubles  himfclf  to  no  purpole  a- 
bout  the  deliberative  part  but  meddleth  not  at  all  with  the  Authoritative  part,  which 
onely  is  in  Queftion  between  us.  Sovereign  Princes  by  their  Royal  Authority  have 
power  to  incorporate  the  Decrees  of  Councils  into  the  Laws  of  the  Land,  and  to 
iubjed  the  violaters  of  them  to  civil  puniflimentSi 

HisSixth  witnefs  is  Cfc^/f  J  the  great,  Charles  t^fgrfij^w  Ctmtims  profejjeth  that  Chartef  the 
he  gave  the  Clmrch  of  Breme  to  St.  Wilehade  by  command  of  the  high  Bifhop  and  Vni-  ^^"^' 
verfal  Pope  Adrian,  ^S^c.  by  which  words  we  fee  by  whofe  Authority  he  meddled  in  Spiri-  Alheri.Crgntt 
tnal  matters.     It  is  a  great  degree  of  confidence  to  dare  to  cite  Charles  the  great,  to  Metr.l.  i.e.  7. 
prove  that  it  is  not  lawful  for  Sovereign  Princes  to  meddle  in  Ecclefiaftical  affairs, 
To  cite  him  who  convocated  Councils  yearly  by  his  own   Authority,  and  reformed  Vindicat.  c.  7. 
tlie  Church.    Who  &te  himfelf  in  Synods,  not  onely  as  a  hearer  but  as  a  Judge,  t*t'  r<»3. 

that 


^— A  Juji  Vindication  T  O  M  K  I. 

that  is,  with  the  advife  of  his  Ecclefiaftical  Council ,  Auditor  &  Arbiter  adfui,  and 

made  Ecclcfiaftical  Decrees  in  his  own  name,  dijernimus  &  T>eo  donante  decrevimw. 
Who  made  himfelf  Judge  of  the  Popes  thcmfelves,  who  difpofcd  by  his  own  Au- 
thority not  onely  of  the  Bifhoprick  of  Breme,  which  was  then  a  place  but  newly 
conquered  by  himfelf,  and  newly  converted,  but  of  all  the  Bifhopricks  throughout 
the  Empire,  not  excepting  the  Biflioprick  of  'Rome  it  felf  To  whom  this  very  Pope 
Adrian^  whom  he  citeth,  with  the  Clergy  and  people  of  Rdwf,  did  folemnly  refign, 
rcleafe  and  acquit  for  ever  all  their  claim,  right,  and  intereli  in  the  Election  of 
fucceeding  Popes.  The  cafe  cited  was  this.  St.  ^ri/f/j^i/f  wasan  Englifhmanfent 
by  the  Englip  King  and  Bifhops  to  convert  thole  Countries  to  the  Chriilian  Faith. 
C/jfir/fx  the  Great  who  had  newly  conquered  thole  parts,  and  defired  much  their 
converfion,  finding  the  great  merits  of  this  Wilehade^  rcmunerare  je  digno  conftituit 
EpifcoPatti,  He  rejolved  to  belhw  a  good  Bijhoprick^upon  him.  And  therefore  he  called  him 
forth  and  commanded  him  to  be  confecrated  B'Jhop  of  Breme.  The  cafe  is  as  clear  in  the 
Hiftory  as  the  noon  day.  Charles  the  great  founded  and  ercded  Eifhopricks  at  his 
p]cafi\Te,Epifcofiilem  conjlitmmm  Cathedram^  znd  gave  them  ILich  priviJedges  as  he 
thought  fit^extat  privikgium  eidemEcclefi£  a  me  moratO'  Kege  collatttm.  He  endowed 
theChurches,  and  commanded  the  Inhabitants  to  pay  their  Tythes  and  other  du- 
ties to  them,  hoc  mftro  Mjjejiatif  prssrepto.  That  was  not  by  the  Authority  of  Pope 
Adrian.  All  the  poor  pretence  which  he  catcheth  from  hence,  is,  tliat  Charles  the 
great  (aid  thsit  fummi  Fontijicis  &  univerfalif  Epifiopi  hdnnni  pr£cepto^  by  the  pre- 
cept of  the  chief  and  llniverfal  Bifhop  Adrian  he  had  beflowed  this  Biflioprick 
upon  Ifilehade.  Yet  all  men  know,  that  prxceptum  fignifies  a  lelTon,  or  inftrudi- 
on,  or  advile,  as  well  as  a  command.  At  the  molt  it  was  but  a  complement,  or 
command  of  courtelle,  or  a  ghoftly  advife,  honoured  with  that  name,  which  is  fa- 
miliarly done.  True  Patrons  do  difpofe  their  Churches  themlelves,  not  give  man- 
dates to  others  to  difpofe  them  for  them.  It  were  ridiculous  to  imagine  that 
Charles  the  great  was  the  Patron  of  the  Biflioprick  of  Kime  it  {elf^  (  as  without 
doubt  he  was,)  and  that  he  was  not  the  Patron  of  the  Church  of  Breme  which  he 
had  newly  conquered,  or  that  Adrian  who  refigned  'Rome  fliould  continue  Patron  of 
"Breme. 
«»«ft»  dJ  H^^  Seventh  witnefs  is  Juflinian  to  Pope  John  the  Second,  Wefufernot  any  thing 

Jtan.  it  Tchich  belongs  to  thejiate  of  Churches  not  to  be  kiiotvn  to  your  Holtneji^  rvho  is  the  Head 

U  Ctiitt        of  aVholyChurchh.     I  wifli  he  hadbeen  pleafed  to  fetdown  the  title  of  the  Letter, 
J»ftifitant       ViUor  Juftinianus,  piuf^falix,  indytits^  triumphator^femper  Auguftus,  Joanni  SandiJJimo 
Archiepifcopo  alm£  Vrbis  Roms,  &  Fatriarch^^ 'Where  Archbifliop  and  Patriarch  are 
his  higheft  titles,  there  is  no  Monarchy  intended.     The   words  are  rightly  cited, 
faving  thathe  omitteth  a  claufc  in  the  middle,  |^a//W^/>  that  rvh'ich  is  changed  be 
manifft  and  undoubted^  ~\  and  a  dangerous  reafon  at  the  end  \_for  in  all  things  as  it  is 
faid  voe  hajien  to  augment  the  honour  and  Authority  of  your  See.  ']  If  the  Papacy  bad 
been  a  Spiritual  Monarchy  inftituted  by  Chrift,  it  did   not  ly  in  Jupnian'^s  power 
to  augment  it.     But  it  is  plain  the  honour  and   Authority  of  the  Roman  See  pro- 
ceeded from  the  bounty  of  Chriftian  Emperors,  and  the  Decrees  of  the  Fathers. 
Neither  is  there  any  thing  in  the  words  above  mentioned  worthy  of  a  reply.     Sup- 
pofe  Juflinian  made  known  his  own  Ecclefiaftical  Ordinances  to  the  Pope,  to  the 
end  that  he  might  obey  them  and  execute  them.     This  is  no  great  matter.     So 
ooth  a  Sovereign  Prince  to  every  Governour  of  an  inferiour  Corporation.    Laws 
are  no  laws  until  they  be  promulged.    If  the  Pope  had  made  the  Laws,  and  made 
them  known  to  the  Emperor  it  had  been  more  to  his  purpofe.     But  all  the  llrcngth 
of  his  argument  lies  in  thefe  words,  who  U  Head  of  all  holy  Churches.     And  yet  he 
canriot  chufe  but  know,  that  Juflinian  doth  mean  and  mufl:  of  neceflity  mean  an 
Head  of  Order,  and  cannot  pollibly  mean  an  Head  of  Power  and  Jurifdidion, 
having  himfelf  exalted  feveral  other  Churches  as  Jufliniana  and   Carthage  to  an 
equal  degree  of  power  and  priviledges  with  Rome  it  felf.     A  man  may  fee  to  what 
^a^  ■    '^  ^'^'^^"'  ^^<^"  ^^  '^  forced  to  produce  fuch  witnelTes as  C/wr/c/  the  great  5c 
Juninian  A  fay  Juflinian  who  baniflied  VopeSilveriuf^  who  created  Jufliniana  prima 
andCm/wgenewPatriarchatcsby  his  Imperial  power,  who  made  fo  many  Laws 
concerning  Ecclefiaftical  perfons,  and  Benefices,  and  Holy  Orders,  and  Appeals,  and 
'  the 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Chnrch  of  EDg}3.nd.  ^^_ 


the  Patronage  of  Churches,  concerning  Religion,  the  Creed,  Sacraments,  Herelie 
Schifm,  Sanduaries,  Simony,  and  all  matters  of  Ecclefialli.cal  cognifance,  that  if  all 
other  precedents  ancient  and  modern  were  loft,  Jf^linians  alone,  who  was  the  Father 
of  the  Imperial  Law,  were  fufticient  to  evince  the  political  Supremacy  of  Sovereign 
Princes  over  the  Church  within  their  own  Dominions. 

His  Three  laltwitneffes,  are  King  E^ar,King  Withred^  and  Edtvard  the  Third. 
But  thefe  Three  have  been  produced  by  him  before  in  this  very  Treatife,  and  there  S"?' '"  4« 
fully  anfwered,  and  feeing  no  new  weight  is  added  in  this  place  to  his  formej;  ,d^f-  ^^^'  '' 
courfe,  I  will  not  weary  the  Reader  or  my  felf  with  unnece/Tary  repetitions,    ."-j' 


3[:.'iil 


CHAP.     VIII,  .TO.    ,, 

That  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome   are  moU  guilty  of  "fhe^ 
Schifm. 

WE  are  come  now  to  my  Sixth  and  Jaft  ground  that  the  guilt  of  the 
Schilin  reits  upon  the  Pope  and  the  Court  of  Kome.     The,  Firft  thing  £.  ,.  c,„/. 
which  I  meet  with  is  his  marginal  note  out  oi  St.  Au^in^  Cathedra  quid  PetiU. 
tihi  fecit  Ecclefix  Komznx^  What  hurt  hath  the  See  of  Rome  done  thee/  But  Firft,  <•  5»« 
Fetiluns  ca(e,to  whom  thefe  words  were  fpokcn,  is  not  our  cafe.     He  called  all  the 
Catholick  Sees,  throughout  the  World,  Chairs  cf  Pejhle>ice\  Co  do  not  we.     Neither 
doth  St.  j4ulHn  attribute  any  thing  lingular  to  the  See  of  Kmne  in  this  place,  more 
than  to  the  See  of  hierufakm^ot  any  other  Catholick  See.     Si  omnes  per  totum  orbem 
tales  effetit^quales  vanifjitnc  criminaris.  Cathedra  tibi  quid  fecit  Eeckfite  Rornana?,  /«  qu^ 
Vetnxs fedit,&i>f  qua  hodie  Anil\a.i'ms  fedet^vel  Ecclefi£  UkioColymitmx  in   qua  Ji- 
cohus  fedit,  &  in  qua  hodie  ]o\\zimcs  fedet  ?  ^uhiums  in  Catholica  unitatt  connedimur, 
&  a  quibui  vos  nefario  furore feparajiif.     It  is  not  we  that  have  firioufly  feparated  our 
felves  from  either  of  thefe  Sees.     But  it  is  the   Court  of  Kww  which  hath  made 
the  feparation  both  from  Hzfrw/j/fw, and  from  us. 

In  the  next  place  he  inquireth  what  I  intend  by  th'n  frefent  Schifm,  rvhether  the  Schifm 
of  Protefiants  in  general,  or  of  Englifh  Froteiiams  in  particular  ?  and  whether  by  cau- 
I'ally  J  ttnderjland  a  fuffcient  caufe  that  freeth  from  fin  ?  Doubtlefi  I  muft  underftanda 
fufticient  caufe  that  freeth  the  innocent  party  from  fin,  or  underftand  nothing  :  For 
an  unfufficicnt  caufe  is  no  cauft  :  But  his  Indudion  is  imperfe(ft.  I  do.  neither 
underftand  the  Schifm  of  the  Proteftant  Church  in  general,  nor  the  Schifm  of  the 
Englifh  Church  in  particular,  but  diredtly  the  Schifm  of  the  Roman  Church,  which 
did  Firft  give  juft  cau(e  of  feparation,  not  onely  to  Proteftant  Churches,  but  to  all 
the  Eartern  Churches  i  and  then  did  make  the  feparation  by  their  unjuft  and  un- 
charitable cenfures.  But  he  faith  there  can  be  no  juji  caufe  of  Schifm.  Tlie  greater  is 
their  fault  who  are  the  true  Schifmaticks  ^  Firft,  by  giving  juft  caufe  of  feparation 
from  their  Errors,  and  then  making  the  feparation  by  their  cenfures.  It  is  true,there 
can  be  no  juft  caufe  of  criminous  Schifm,  bccaufe  there  can  be  no  juft  caufe  of  fin :  It 
U  not  lawful  to  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.  But  there  may  be  both  juft  caufe  of 
feparation,  and  juft  feparation  without  any  crime  or  fin, yea  vertuous  and  neeeflary, 
as  is  confefled  by  themfelves.  In  all  fuch  cafes  the  fin  of  criminous  Schifin  lyes  at  _  ,. 
their  doors,  who  introduced  the  Errors  ,  and  there|)y  Firft  feparated  themfelves  i^jnfid. 
irom  the  uncorrupted  Church  which  was  before  them.  mmailieii  c.  7; 

Before  he  come  to  Anfwer  my  arguments  hepropofeth  an  objeftion  of  his  own,/'  "*•  t*  'J* 
that  neither  the  Church,  nor  Court  of  Rome  did  give  any  fufticient  caufe  of  fepa- 
ration cither  to  L«i/>fr  or  to  Hfwry  the  Eighth.  In  profecution  whereof  he  fuppofedi  •  '"'-^ 
that  Luther  had  no  caufe  of  feparation  but  the  abufe  of  fame  Preachers  of  Indulgences  ,  r  1  i 
n>hom  the  Pope  of  that  time  rebuild  feverely\  Nor  Henry  tht  Eighth  but  the  excommuni-         *      " 
cation  c/ Clement  the  Seventh.   That  oi Luther  is  altogether  without  the  compafs  of 
the  Qi^ftion  between  him  and  me,  which  concerneth  only  the  Church  of  England^ 

I 


Vindication  TOME  !♦ 


1  (hall  only  make  bold  to  tell  him  that  whenfoever  it  comes  to  be  examined  ,  it 
will  be  found  that  Luther    had  many    other  caufes    of  what  he    did ,  than  the 
abufe  of  fame  freacheri  of  Indulgences.  If  he  will  not  give  me  credit,  let  him  confult 
the  Hundred  grievances  of  the  German  Nation.    That  the  Pope  rebuked  thole  Prea- 
chers of  Indulgences  feverely,  is  more  than  I  have  read:  onely  this  I  have  read, 
that  Caroluf  MilitiiK  did  fochide  lecelius  the  Pope's  Pardoner  about  it,  that  (hortly 
after  he  dyed  of  griet:         ''"  ■•   ■^^>»tn-- 
TTic     excom-      Concerning  henry  the  Eighth,  the  Excommunication  of  Clement  the  Seventh 
Diunication  of  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  j-^^^  l^^j^^g  ^  ^qj^j  adequate  caufe  of  his  reparation,  that  it  was  no  more 
Ei£hth.  but  a  fingle  occafion.     The  original  priviledges  of  the  Britilh  Churches,  the  ancient 

liberties  and  immunities  of  the  Englijh  Church-,  daily  invaded  by  the  Court  of 
Jiome  the  ufurpation  of  the  juft  Rights  and  Flowers  of  his  own  Crown,  the  other- 
wife  'rcmedilcfs  oppreliion  .of  his  SubjciSs  ,  and  the  examples  of  his  noble  Pre- 
dcceflbrs   were    the   chief  grounds,  of  his   proceedings  againll    the    Court    of 

He  asketh  ,  could  not  Henry  the  Eighth  have  been  faved  though  he  was  excommuni- 
cate? Yes ,  why  not  ?  Juftice  loofcth  unjuft  toads.  But  I  fee  that  this  Quellion  is 
eroundcd  upon  a  double  dangerous  error.  Firft,  That  all  reformation  of  our  felves 
is  a  finful  feparation  from  other  Churches.  Whereas  he  himfelf  confelfeth ,  that  it 
is  fometimes  vertuous  and  neceflary.  Nay,  every  reformation  of  our  felves  is  fo  far 
from  being  a  fmful  feparation  from  others ,  that  it  is  no  feparation  at  all  ,  except  it 
be  joyned  with  ccnfuring  and  condemning  of  others. 

The  fccond  Error  intimated  in  this  Queftion  is  this ,  that  fo  long  as  there  is  pof- 
fibility  of  falvation  in  any  Church  ,  it  is  not  lawful  or  at  leaft  not  necelTary  to  (e- 
parate  from  the  abufes  and  corruptions  thereof.  A  Church  may  continue  a  true 
particular  Church  ,  and  bring  forth  Children  to  God  ,  and  yet  out  of  invincible  ig- 
norance maintain  material  Hercfie ,  and  require  the  profeffion  of  that  Herefic  as  a 
condition  of  communicating  with  her  ,  in  which  cafe  it  is  lawful ,  nay  neceflary 
after  convidion  to  feparate  from  her  errors.  Thofe  errors  and  corruptions  arc  par- 
donable by  the  goodnefs  of  God  to  them  who  err  out  of  invincible  ignorance, 
which  are  not  pardonable  in  like  manner  to  them  who  fin  contrary  to  the  light  of 
their  own  Confciencf.  • 

He  addeth     that  this  excommunication  roas  not  the  fault  of  the  Roman  Church, 
which  neither  caufe d  it  n»r  ap-^roved  it.     Yea  faith   ht^  divers  of  them  diflik^ed  it  both 
then  andfince^  not  as  unjuji^but  as  imprudent ,  and  fome  have  declared  themfelves  po- 
fitively    thoit  a  Trirtee  and' a  multitude  are  not  to  be  excommunicated.     It  were  to  be 
wilhed  for  the  good  of  both  parties  ,  that  all  men  were  fo  moderate.     To  his  Ar- 
gument I  give  Two  Anfwers :  Firft,  As  the  Church  of  Home  did  not  approve  the 
excommunication  of  Henry  the  Eighth  ■■,  fo  neither  did  Henry  the  Eighth  feparate 
himfelf  from  the  Church  of  Kome ,  but  onely  from  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome. 
Secondly     What  are  we  the  better  that  fome  in  the  Koman  Church  are  moderate , 
fo  long  as  they  have  no  power  to  help  us,  or  hinder  the  ads  of  the  Roman  Court? 
They  teach  that  a  Prince  or  a  multitude  arc  not  to  be  excommunicated.     But  in  the 
mean  time  the  Court  of  Kome  doth  excommunicate  both  Princes,  & multitudes,and 
whole  Kingdoms,  and  give  them  away  to  Grangers  v  whereof  there  arc  few  King- 
ioms  or  Republicks  in  Europe  that  have  not  been  fenfible  more  or  lefsi  and  particu- 
larly England  hath  felt  by  woful  experience  in  fundry  ages.   Clement  the  Seventh  ex- 
communicated King  Henry ,  but  Fattl  the  Third  both  excommunicated  and  inter- 
didtcd  him  and  the  whole  Kingdom  i  and  this  was  the  firft  feparation  of  the  Church 
of  England  from  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  the  original  of  the  Schifm  ,  wherein  the 
Church  of  England  was  meerly  paffivc.  So  the  Courf  of  Rome  was  the  firft  caufe  of 
the  Schifin. 
StO,  2,  We  are  come  now  to  my  firft  Argument ,  to  prove  the  Court  of  Rome  to  be  catf- 

fally  Schifmatical :  My  Propofition  is  this :  Whatfoever  doth  leave  its  proper  place 
in  the  body,  either  Natural ,  or  Political,  or  Ecclcfiaftical ,  to  ufurp  the  Office  of 
the  Head,  or  to  ufurp  an  higher  place  in  the  body  than  belongs  unto  it,  is  the  caufe 
of  diforder,  difturbance,  confufion,and  Schifm,  among  the  Members;  my  Af- 
fumption  is  this  i  But  the  Virtual  Church  of  Rome,  that  is,  the  Pope  with  his  Court, 

being 


Discourse  lil.       Of  the  Church  of  Engjiind.  220 

being  but  a  coordinate  Member  of  the  Catholick  Church,  doth  fcek  to  ufurp  the  Of- 
iice  of  the  Head  •■,  being  but  a  Branch  ,  doth  challenge  to  himfelf  the  place  of  the 
Root  >  being  but  a  flone  in  the  building ,  will  needlefs  be  an  abfblute  Foundation , 
for  all  perfons ,  places ,  and  times  i  being  but  an  eminent  Servant  in  the  Family , 
takes  upon  him  to  be  the  Mafter. 

To  the  Propofition  he  taketh  no  exception  :  And  to  the  AlTumption  he  confefleth 
that  the  Church  of  Kome,  in  right  of  the  Pope,  doth  feek  to  be  Miftrefs  of  all  other 
Churches,  and  an  external  fubordinate  foundation  of  all  Chriftians  in  all  times  and 
places ,  which  is  no  more  than  is  contained  in  the  new  Creed  of  Fins  the  Fourth,  bhI,  PH.  4 
J  ackitorvledge  the  KoTOin  Church  to  be  the  Mother  md  Mijirefs  of  all  Churches -y  And  I 
pomife  and  [wear  true  obedience  to  the  Bijhop  of  Rome  as  to   the  Vicar  of  Jefm  Chrift. 
But  all  this  he  juftifieth  to  be  due  to  the  Pope,  and  included  in  the  Supremacy  of 
his  Paftoral  Office ;  But  he  faith  ,  that  it  U  not  the  VoUrine  of  the  Vnivetfal  Roman 
Church  ,  that  the  Pofe  U  the  root  of  aU  Spiritual  JurifdiCfion,     Though  it  be  not  the 
Dodrinc  of  the  whole  Koman  Church,  yet  it  is  the  Dodrine  of  their  principal  Wri- 
ters at  this  day.     It  is  that  which  the  Popes  and  their  Courtiers  do  challenge,  and  ^^  Church  of 
we  have  feldome  {een  them  fail,  firft  or  laft,  to  get  that  fettled  which  they  defired.  dationofChrl- 
The  Pope  hath  more  Benefices  to  beftow  than  a  Council.     If  the  Church  of  Rome  ftians. 
be  the  foundation  of  all  Chriiliansi  then  Linus,  and  Cletus ,  and  Clemens,  W€rc  the 
foundations  of  St.  John ,  who  wa5  one  of  the  Twelve  foundations  laid  immediate-  J^tv.  »i  941 
ly  by  Chrift.     Hov«,can  the  Church  of  Rome  be  the  foundation  of  all  Chriftians, 
when  they  do  not  agree  among  themfelves ,  that  the  Chair  o{ St.  Peter  is  annexed 
to  the  See  of  Kome  by  divine  right  ?  How  can  the  Church  of  Kowf  be  the  founda- 
tion of  all  Chriftians  at  all  times ,  when  there  was  a  time  that  there  were  Chriftians 
and  no  Biftiop  or  Church  at  Kome .?  when  it  happens  many  times,  as  in  this  prefent 
vacancy ,  that  there  is  no  Biftiop  at  Kome  ?  St.  Teter  was  Biftiop  of  Antioch  before  he 
was  Biftiop  of  Kome  >  then  there  was  a  time  when  Antioch  was  the  Miftrefs  and 
foundation  of  all  other  Churches ,  and  not  Kome.     St.  Feter  might  have  continued 
Biftiop  of  Antioch  until  his  death,  and  then  Antioch  had  ftill  been  the  Miftrefs  and 
foundation  of  all  other  Churches.    He  might  have  been  neither  Biftiop  of  Antioch 
nor  Kome,  and  then  the  other  Churches  had  wanted  flich  an  hereditary  Miftrefs.  All 
this  is  confelfed  by  BeVarmine.    Doth  Faul  the  Ninth  make  us  new  Articles  of  Faith,  /  ,   j^  pj„,_ 
of  fo  great  contingency,  that  ^ycre  not  of  perpetual  neceifity  ?  How  can  the  Rom, en. 
Church  of  Kome  be  the  foundation  of  all  Chriftians  in  all  places ,  when  there  have 
been  Co  many  Chriftian  Churches  ever  fince  the  dayes  of  the  Apoftles ,  who  never 
had  any  thing  to  do  with  Kome ,  nor  fcarcely  ever  heard  of  the  name  of  Kome  ? 
If  the  Pope  be  the  Mafter  of  all  Chriftians ,    he  is  but  a  young  Mafter  ;    for  1 

we  find    no  fuch  expreflion  in  all  the  primitive  times.    Why  were  the  ancient  ' 

Biftiops  fo  grofly  overfeen  to  ftile  him  their  Brother ,  their  Collcgue,  their  Fellow  , 
who  was  their  Mafter  ?  It  might  be  modefty  in  the  Pope  to  ufe  fuch  familiar  ex- 
prellions  ,  as  a  General  calls  all  his  Army  Fellow-Souldiers  •,  but  it  was  never 
heard  that  a  private  Colonel  or  Captain  did  call  his  General  Fellow-Souldier,  or  a 
Servant  call  his  Mafter  Fellow-Servant,  or  an  ordinary  Clerk  call  a  Biftiop  his  Bro- 
ther. St.  Feter  writ  himlelf  a  Fellow-Elder,  not  a  Mafter.  If  St.  Faul  had  known  i  Ptt.  5,  u 
that  the  Koman  Church  had  been  the  Miftrefs  and  foundation  of  all  other  Churches , 
he  would  have  given  them  their  due  title  ,  and  the  whole  Scripture  had  not  been  fo 
filent  in  fo  neceflary  a  point. 

But  he  faith  ,  The  Fore's  Supremacy  U  neither  againji  the  Itvo  Creeds ,  nor  the  frjl 
Four  General  Councils ,  intimating  thereby  that  it  excludes  none  from  Salvation  , 
and  confequently  is  no  fufficient  caufe  of  feparation.  I  Anfwer  ,  Fjrft,  that  it  is 
againft  the  Four  firft  General  Councils  ,  if  this  were  a  proper  place  for  the  difcuilion 
of  it.  I  Anfwer,  Secondly  ,  That  though  it  were  not  oppofite  to  the  Creed  ,  or 
the  firft  Four  General  Councils ,  yet  if  it  be  not  virtually  included  in  the  Creed,  be- 
ing, as  it  is,  by  them  obtruded  upon  all  Chriftians  as  an  Article  of  Faith,  or  a  necef^ 
fary  partof  faving  Truth,  extra  quam  non  efifaluf,  without  which  there  Is  no  falva- 
tion,  it  becomes  a  juft  and  fufficient  caufe  of  feparation  to  all  thoft  upon  whom  it  is 
fo  obtruded.  Of  this  more  in  the  next  Argument. 
My  fecond  Argument  may  be  thus  reduced ,  That  Court  which  obtruded  newly 

coyned  '^"'■^' 


2^0 


A  jHJi  Vindication  TOM  E  U 

coyncd  Articles  ot  Faith ,  fuch  as  the  Dodrine  of  the  feven  Sacraments,  Tranfub- 
The  Church  Ihntiation,  Purgatory  ,  Invocation  of  Saints  ,  Worfhipping  of  Images,  Indulgen- 
of  Rome  ces ,  and  efpecially  the  Pope's  Supremacy ,  upon  the  Chnftian  World ,  as  abfolutely 

obtrudeth  new  pgcciTary  to  falvation  ,  and  neccrfary  conditions  of  Catholick  Communion,  and  Ex* 
Articles  °[e      communicateth  and  Anathematizeth  above  Three  parts  of  the  ChrilHan  World  for 
[o'nmu'nTca"'  not  admitting  them  ,  is  fearfully  Schifmatical  i  But  the  Court  of  'Rome  doth  all  this, 
teth  for  not  re.  That  thefe  are  no  old  Articles  ,  appeareth  by  all  the  ancient  Creeds  of  the  Church , 
ctiving  their,    ^[^crein  they  are  neitlier  explicitely  nor  virtually   comprehended.     That  they  are 
made  new  Articles  by  the  Court  of  Kome^  appeareth  by  the  Bull  of  Pw  the  Fourth, 
An.  15*4.        vvherein  they  are  added  to  the  old  Creed  ,  m  unius  &  ejufdemfidei  profejjio  uniformi' 
UT  ah  ommhuf  exhibeatur^  "that  the  profeffion  of  out  and  the  fame  faith  may  he  declared 
uniformly  by  all,  and  one  certain  form  thereof  be  made  kitotvn  to  aS.     And  Laftly ,  That 
the  Court  oiRome  hath  folemnly  excommunicated  with  the  greater  Excommunica- 
tion, and  Anathematized ,  and  excluded  (  fo  far  as  lieth  in  their  power  )  from  the 
Communion  of  Chrift  ,  all  the  Crxcian,  KulJian,  Armenian  ,  Aby^en ,  and  reform- 
ed Churches,  being  Three  times  more  in  number  than  themfelves,  for  not  recei- 
ving theft  new  Articles ,  or  fome  of  them ,  and  efpecially  for  not  acknowledging 
the  Sovereign  Power  and  Jurifdidrion  of  the  Roman  Eifliop  and  his  Court ,  appear- 
An.  I S69'        gtii  undcsiably  by  the  famous  Bull  of  Pi/w  the  Fifth,  called  Bulla  Cikȣ,  becaufe  it  is 
read  in  die  C«n£  Domini^  or  upon  Thurfday  before  Eafter. 

In  way  cf  Anfwer  to  this  ,  he  asketh  hovp  thU  wm  any  cauje  «f  King  HenryV  re- 
volt ?  I  Reply,  Firll ,  That  though  Henry  the  Eighth  had  not  thought  of  this,  and 
(b  it  had  not  been  fd«/j  f  rocre^wj- ,  a  produftive  caufe  of  the  feparation ,  yet  to  us  it 
is  a  moft  juft  caufe  to  condemn  them  of  Schifm.  Secondly,  The  revolt,  or  more 
truly  the  feparation,of  the  Church  of  E«^/ij«^  from  the  Church  ot  Rome,  was  not 
made  by  Uemy  the  Eighth  or  the  Englifli  Church  ,  but  by  the  Pope  and  Court  of 
Rome,  who  excommunicated  him  and  his  Kingdom  for  not  enduring  their  en- 
croachments and  ufurpations.  He  and  his  Kingdom  were  paffiveinit,  onelythe 
Court  oiRome  was  doubly  adive,  Firft  ,  In  revolting  from  the  right  Difcipline  of 
their  PredecefTors  j  And  Secondly ,  In  excluding  the  party  wronged  from  their 
Communion.  But  in  the  feparation  oi  England  from  the  oppreflions  of  the  Court 
of  Rome ,  I  confcfs  that  Henry  the  Eighth  and  the  Kingdom  were  adlive.  And  this 
2lie  Papacy  a  ^^j^  ground  to  avoid  the  tyranny ,  ambition  ,  and  avarice  of  the  Roman  Court  was  . 
raiioD*'  '''*"  the  chief  impulfive  caufe,  both  to  the  E»fg/(/&  and  EiJJjfrM  Chriftians.  For  though 
the  Sovereignty  of  the  Roman  Bifliop  was  not  obtruded  upon  them  in  form  of  a 
Creed,  yet  it  was  obtruded  upon  them  as  a  neceflary  point  of  Faith.  If  Henry  the 
Eighth  had  any  other  private  finifter  grounds  known  onely  to  himfelf,  they  do 
not  render  the  Reformation  one  jot  the  worfe  in  it  (elf, but  onely  prove  that  he  pro- 
ceeded not  uprightly,   which  concerneth  him,  not  us. 

Secondly ,  he  Anfwereth,  That  though  they  frojefs  that  it  k  nteeffary  iojalvation  ta 
be  under  the  Pope  as  Vicar  of  Chrili,  yet  they  fay  not  that  it  U  neceflary  neceflitate  medii, 
fo  M  none  can  be  faved  who  do  net  aduaVy  believe  it.     If  all  this  were  true  ,  yet  it  were 
too  much  to  oblige  the  whole  Chriftian  world  to  (ubmit  to  the  Pope  as  the  Vicar  of 
Chrift ,  by  virtue  of  the  commandment  of  God.    But  I  fear  that  Pope  Fitu  by  his 
Bull ,  and  all  they  by  their  fwearing  in  obedience  thereunto  ,  do  make  it  to  be  ne- 
ceflary necejfitate  medii ,  fo  as  none  can  be  faved  who  do  not  adually  believe  it.  And 
then  there  was  little  hope  of  falvation  throughout  the  whole  Chriftian  world  in  the 
times  of  the  Councils  ot  Conflattce  and  Bafile  ,  but  of  the  Pope's  own  Court,   which 
was  then  the  onely  Noah's  Ark.     The  words  of  their  Oath  are  thefc  ,  Hanc  veram 
Catholicam  fdem^  extra  quam  nemo  falvM  ejfepotefi,  &c.  T'hif  true  Catholtc\Faith,rvith- 
^  out  xfhich  no  man  can  le  faved,  which  Iprofefs  freely,  and  hold  truly  in  frejent,  J  do  pro- 
*«".  ?4i(/«  4;  mife,  vow,  andfwear  ,  by  the  help  of  Cod ,  to  retain  and  confefs  perfeS  and  inviolated 
moji  cotifiantly ,  to  my  Uft  gajp  ;  and  will  tak^  care  ( fo  far  as  in  me  lyeth  )  to  eauje  it  t$ 
he  taught  and  preached  to  all  thafjhall  be  committed  to  my  charge.     If  it  were  not  neceffi- 
xy  necefttate  medii ,  fome  might  be  faved  without  it,  namely,  all  thofe  who  are 
invincibly  ignorant  of  it.     But  they  fwear  exprefly  that  no  man  can'be  faved  without 
»  ••  And  fo  make  it  to  be  an  eflential  Article  of  the  Catholick  Faith. 

Thirdly,  he  Anfwereth  ,  that  th  Roman  Church  fhe  (hould  fay  the  Roman 

Court) 


OiscoURSE  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Eughnd. 


^41 


Court)    doth  not  excommunicate  all  the  ChrijUans  o/Aflrick,  Afia ,  Greece ,  aw^/ Ruf-The    Pope  ex 
lla     hut  onelyfuch  as  do  err  vincibly  or  finfuVy  ,  fuch  as  are  formal  or  objlinate  Hereticks  com^iumcatES 
vr  Schifmaticlis.     'there  are  imumerabk  in  thoje  Churches  who  are  but  credentes  Hereti-  '^f  ^f"«rn 
cis  Sc  Schifmaticis  ,  becaufe  the  CatholicJ^Faith  was  never  fufficiently  preached  to  them. 
And  thefe  the  To^e  doth  not  excommunicate.     I  wifh  he  did  not :  But   his    own  Bull 
fpeaks  the  contrary,  that  he  excommunicates  them  all  folemnly,  anniverfarily,  with 
the  greater  excommunication.     The  Bull  makes  no  fuch  diftindion  between  Here- 
ticks or  Schifmaticks  ,  and  thofe  who  give  credit  to  Hereticks  or  Schifmaticks.  The 
Bull  hath  no  fuch  exception  of  thofe  who  err  out  of  invincible  ignorance.     If  the 
G-ecians  be  not  all  cxcomrnunicated  ,  then  by  the  fame  reafon  the  Protefknts  are 
not  all  excommunicated ,  there  is  no  difference.     Yet  he  feemeth  to  extenuate  their 
fault  ,  becaufe  the  Faith  was  never  fufficiently  preached  to  them ,  whereas  in  truth 
they  hold  the  Pope's  Declaration  to  be  a  fufficient  Propofal.     I  do  not  fay  that  the 
efficacy  of  thisraCh  cenfure  doth  extend  either  to  them  all,  or  to  any  of  them  all. 
But  they  owe  no  thanks  to  the  Court  of  Rome  for  fparing  them  ,  but  to  Chrift  {ox 
annulling  their  fentence.     So  much  as  lyeth  in  them,  they  exclude  them  all  from  the 
communion  of  Chriftian3,and  all  hope  of  falvation.     How  cometh  it  to  pafs  that 
he  who  pleaded  but  even  now  ,  that  a  multitude  ought  not  to  be  excommunicated 
on  a  fudden ,  is  contented  to  give  way  to  the  folemn  annual  excommunication  of 
fuch  innumerable  multitudes  of  Chriftians  ?  to  whom  himfelf  confefleth  that  the 
Catholick  Faith  (he  meaneth  their  newly-coined  Articles)   was  never  fufficiently 

Freached. 

Fourthly  ,  he  anfwereth ,  that  the  Tope  doth  not  exclude  them  hy  hU  excommunicati- 
on ,  hut  onely  declares  that  they  are  excluded  by  their  own  Herefie  or  Schifm.     It  is  a 
great  Queftion  in  the  Schools,  whether  any   fentence  of  binding  and  loofingbc 
more  than  declaratory.     But  this  is  certain ,  that  as  to  this  cafe  now  in  Queftion  be- 
tween him  and  me  ,  it  is  all  one  whether  the  fentence  of  the  Pope  do  cut  them  off 
from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  or  onely  declare  them  to  be  cut 
off.     For  ftill  the  fame  rupture  or  Schifmatical  feparation  of  one  part  of  the  Catho- 
lick Church  from  another ,  doth  follow  thereupon.  If  the  Pope  doesjuftly  exclude 
them ,  or  declare  them  to  be  excluded  ,  the  Schifm  lyeth  at  their  own  doors.  If  the 
Pope  do  either  unjuftly  exclude  them ,  or  declare  them  to  be  excluded,   the  Schifirt 
lyeth  at  his  door.     I  know  Ecclefiaftical  Canons  do  fometimes  infli(ft  penalties  up- 
on Delinquents  ipfofaUo,  or  by  the  fentence  of  the  Law  :  Sometimes  they  do  more- 
over require  the  fentence  of  the  Judge.     The  fentence  of  the  Law  takes  place  fooner 
than  the  fentence  of  the  Judge  :  But  the  Delinquent  ftands  not  legally  convided  , 
until  a  juridical  Declaration.     And  in  all  fuch  cafes  the  Law  muft  be  confefTed,  the 
Fad  notorious.     But  in  this  cafe  of  the  Eaftern  Churches ,  there  is  no  Law,  there  is 
no  Canon  that  inflideth  any  penalty  of  Herefie  or  Schifm  upon  them,  their  Delin- 
quency is  not  notorious ,  or  rather  it  is  evident  that  they  are  no  Delinquents.  They 
have  no  competent  Judge  except  a  General  Council ,  whereof  they  make  the  great- 
eft  part  themfelves.  Finally,  the  proceeding  againft  them  was  illegal,  temerarious,  and 
coram  non  Judice. 

I  faid ,  that  for  divers  years  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's- xd^n  ,  there 
were  no  Recufants  known  in  E«g/W,  until  Papifts  were  prohibited  by  a  Bull  to  No  Recuftrtts 
joyn  with  us  in  our  publick  Form  of  ferving  God.     This  (  he  faith  )  U  moftfalfe.  [ewfin  the  be- 
If  it  be  fo  ,  I  am  more  forry  :  it  v\/as  before  my  time.     But  I  have  no  reafon  to  be-  ginning  of  Q^ 
lieve  it  to  be  falfe.     If  1  had  the  ufe  of  fuch  Books  as  I  defire,  I  (hould  (hew  great  Eljx.a'^eths 
Authors  for  it.     And  as  it  is  1  fhall  produce  fome  not  to  be  contemned  ,  who  fay  ""^'S"' 
not  much  lefs.     Firft,  I  cite  a  Treatife  printed  at  London  by  John  Day ,  about  the 
time  when  Fiui  the  Fifth's  Bull  was  publiffied  againft  Queen  Elizabeth ,  called  the  Jffhe  grcar^' 
difckfmg  of  the  great  Bttll  that  roared  at  my  Lord  Bijhofs  Gate  ,  with  a  declaratory  ad-  euH. 
dition  to  the  fame.     In  hope  of  thefuccejs  ofthU  Bull^  a  number  of  Fapifls  that  fome- 
times did  commtmicate  with  lit  ^  or  at  the  leaji   came  ordinarily  to  otir  fiiblic\  prayers , 
have  of  late  forborn.     With  which  Author  Mr.  Cawi/fM  agreeth ,  who  faith ,  that //^<r 
more  modeji  Papijis  didforefee  an  heap  of  miferies  hanging  over  their  heads  by  the  means  CamJEti^ait 
of  this  B«2/,  who  formerly  could  exercife  their  oren  Keligion  fecurely  enough  within  their  ""*  '*■'•■ 
oxen  private  houfes^  or  elfe  without  anyfcruple  of  Confcience^  were  content  to  go  to  Church 


142 


A  JhJI  yindicjtion  TOME  I. 


io  beat  the  Englifh  Servicf.  The  reafon  of  this  inditferency  aiid  ccmpliance  is  fct 
Itn^ct'f  *"*  down  by  one  of  their  own  Autiiors,  becaulcthc  Qiieen,  toremoz'e^  as  much  as  migln 
Cbufchu  .  y^  Jlfcrufks  out  of  the  Peoples  heads,  and  to  mak^  them  thhik^  that  the  fame  Senice 
EJii.an.i6Si.  ^.J^tUrrim  contiitued jhll,&c.  provided  that  in  the  Common-Prayer  Book^  there pould  be 
'*'*^*"  fmiepari^of  the  old  frjtne  fiili  upheld  ,  &c.  by  ivhjch  dexterous  management  of  affairs  the 

common  People  were  injiantly  killed  afleep^  and  complied  to  fxfj^^  thing. 
C*mi.  EiiK.-  Concerning  the  Catalogue  which  he  cites  out  of  Mr.  Camden ,  of  fo  many  Papifis 
(Td.  t$i9-  that  were  deprived  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  'Elizabeth's  time,  it  makes  nothing  at 
'^"^'f'ff  T  a"  againll  that  which  I  faid.  They  weje  not  deprived  for  being  Recufants ,  or  re- 
Dortl"an  Ro-  filling  to  hear  the  Englifl'  Service  ,  but  for  refuhng  to  take  the  Oath  of  Supremacy , 
inanCaiho-  35  the  fame  Author  iaith.  Neither  is  that  account  Mr.  CrfWf«V  account ,  but  the 
lifks  It  the  account  of  the  ilo»w/«-Catholicks  thcmfelves.  His  words  are  thcfe  ,  Ihe  number  of 
Reformation.    ^  according  to  their  own  account,  throughout  the  whole  Kingdome.     Which  account 

Mr.  Camden  doth  in  part  corretfl  and  contradid.  For  he  telleth  there  of  Three  Fo- 
pifli  Bifliops  that  changed  their  Religion  of  their  own  accords ,  the  Bifhops  oiChe- 
lier ,  ff^orcejier,  and  St.  Afaph.  But  fuppofe  this  account  were  true  ,  what  great 
matter  was  it  for  an  hundred  and  ninety  at  the  m6i\,  of  all  ranks  and  conditions, 
high  or  low ,  to  futfer  deprivation  for  their  Religion  throughout  the  whole  King- 
dom of  England,  wherein  ,  without  his  Abbats  and  his  Abbefles ,  which  he  reckons 
among  the  reft  to  make  up  the  number  ,  there  are  above  Nine  thoufand  Parifli- 
Churches ,  befides  all  Dignitaries  and  Prebendaries  of  Cathedral  and  Collegiate 
Churches ,  and  Mafters  and  Fellows  of  Colledges.  It  was  a  very  fmall  inconfide- 
rable  proportion.  He  will  not  vouchfafe  our  preient  fufferings  the  name  of  perfe- 
cution  :  yet  there  is  neither  the  City  o{  London,  nor  either  of  our  Univerfities , 
wherein  more  of  us  have  not  fuffered  for  our  Confciences,  than  of  Papifts  in  thofe 
days  throughout  tlie  whole  Kingdom  of  England.  In  the  City  of  London  alone  we 
find  an  hundred  and  twenty  Pallors  of  Parilh- Churches ,  whereof  Fourty  were 
Doiftors  in  Theology ,  turned  out  of  their  Benefices  and  Homes ,  plundered  ,  im- 
prifbned,  and  many  of  them  dead  under  the  burthen  of  their  grievous  preiTures, 
befides  all  the  numerous  Dignitaries ,  Prebends ,  and  inferior  Clergy-men  belong- 
ing to  the  Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Pii?// ,  and  the  Collegiate  Church  ofSt.  P«fr, 
and  their  rcfpeAive  Quires.  I  could  fay  more  touching  your  Kcmijh  Confeffors  at 
that  time ,  That  they  refuftd  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  more  out  of  compadt  than 
Confcience  ,  hoping  by  their  unanimity,  and  for  fear  of  wanting  means  of  Ordi- 
nation ,  to  necelfitate  the  State  to  continue  them  all.  But  when  they  faw  how  mi- 
ferably  they  were  deceived  ,  and  their  Churches  rilled  with  fuch  as  were  returned 
from  banifhment,  of  whom  they  dreamed  not,  ConjurationU  eos  paenituit ,  they  re- 
A  the  P^^*''^  of  their  foolifh  plot.  And  when  it  was  too  late  ,  multi  ad  Judices  recurrum, 
iani/frW.  2. '"""""''"'"" '^g'^"/^''''*  •)  ac  petunt  fibi  contra  Pontifcem  jurare  licere ,  many  of  them  run 
p.i9T,  io  the  Judges,  conjejjed  their  obftinacy ,  and  de fired  leave  to  tak^  the  Oath ,   as  they  had 

done  in  King  Henrys  days.  But  let  the  faith  of  this  reft  upon  the  Author. 
SeS.  4, ,  To  my  Third  Argument  he  giveth  no  Anfwer  in  his  Survey,  but  what  was  ta- 

ken away  in  the  Vindication  before  it  was  made.     Thefumof  my  Argument  wa-; 
this :  That  Court  which  rebelleth  againft  the  higheft  Tribunal  of  the  Church  ,  and 
V  affumeth  a  fovereign  Power  over   it  to  it  felf,  is  Schifmatical  i  but  the  Court  of 

Kome  rebelleth  againft  the  fupreme  Tribunal  or  Judicatory  of  the  Militant  Church  , 
that  is,  thcReprefentative  Church  ,  or  a  General  Council.  The  Reader  will  excufe 
me  if  I  do  fometimes  complicate  Two  or  Three  medios  terminos  together  for  brevity 
fake. 

His  Firft  Exception  is.  That  whereas  J  fhotild  prove  that  the  Papacy  is  the  caufe  of 
Scbifm  :  I  do  (eek^  to  prove  that  the  Papacy  is  Schifm.  To  fay  the  Papacy  is  Schifm  is 
non-{enle.  I  hope  1  may  have  leave  to  write  comm.on  fen(c.  Butldidfay,  and 
I  do  fay  that  the  Court  of  Kome  is  in  Schifm  ,  or  Schifmatical.  To  fay  it  is  in 
SchifiTi ,  and  to  fay  it  is  the  caufe  of  Schifm,  is  the  fame  thing-,  for  it  is  not  the  (e- 
paration,but  the  caufe  that  makes  the  Schifm.  They  who  give  juft  caufe  of  fepara-  ' 
tion  are  Schifmatical ,  and  they  who  take  it  are  iijnocenr. 

Secondly ,  he  demandeth.  How  the  Papacy,   as  it  is  now  maintained  by  many,  coufd 
>>e  a  fuff.cient  ground  of  ftparation  to  the  Proteji ants  ,  efpecially  of  feparation  ^om  the 

vehcie 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Church  of  l^nphwd.  ^.^ 

^ — L ^43 


Tvhole  Roman  Church''  I  Anfwer,  very  welh  becaufeit  was  then,  and  Two  or  Three 
ages  before  that ,  maintained  in  the  fame  manner  ,  or  rather  an  higher  degree  ,  by 
the  Court  of  T.ome  and  fome  others  of  the  Komxn  Church ,  though  not  fo^many  as 
at  this  day.  Our  feparation  from  the  Court  ciRome  is  total  and  abiolute,  becaufc 
we  know  no  legal  Subjedtion  which  we  owe  to  the  Court  of  Rome.  But  I  know 
no  fuch  abfolute  feparation  on  our  parts  from  the  Church  of  Rome,  but  onely  a  dif- 
ference from  them  in  their  erroneous  Opinions,  and  a  forbearance  to  pradrife  fome 
other  things,  which  are  made  by  them  conditions  of  their  external  Communion, 
wherein  we  cannot  joyn  with  them  with  a  good  confcience.  The  making  of  their 
Errors  to  be  EfTentials  and  necefTary  Conditions  of  Catholick  Communion  ,  makes 
the  breach  appear  greater  than  it  is.  That  this  is  clearly  the  fenfe  of  our  Church  I 
havefhewedout  of  the  Thirtieth  Canon.  '     Vind  c.6.f. 

So  he  comes  to  his  main  Anfwer,  That  to  rebel  agaittfl  a  compkat  General  Council 
jnyned  with  the  Tope  as  Bead  thereof^  if  grofs  Schifm:  But  not  to  rejlji  an  incompleat  Ce-  coun"ciil^corn!i 
tieral  Council  without  the  Pope.     This  Anfwer  is  fufficiently  confuted  in  the  Vindica-  pleat  without' 
tion  ■■>  Firft ,  By  the  authority  of  St.  Gregory  ,  who  makes  it  to  be  Schifmatical  in  '^  ^°^' 
the  Pope  to  challenge  fuch  an  Univerfal  Headfhip  of  Power.     Secondly,  By  the 
Pope's  own  Laws  ,  and  by  their  profeliions  of  Obedience  to  the  Canons.     Thirdly,! 
By  the  Appeals  made  by  Princes,  and  Prelates  ,  and  Univerfities  from  the  Popes  to 
General  Councils.     And  Lallly,  By  the  exprefs  Decrees  of  the  Councils  ofConjiance 
and  Bafile  in  the  point.     To  which  I  add ,   that  thofe  very  Decrees  of  General 
Councils  which  have  been  not  onely  not  ratified  but  oppofed  by  the  Popes,  have  ne- 
verthelcfs  been  evermore  received  and  obeyed  as  Laws  in  the  Catholick  Church,  for 
the  Authority  of  the  Council.     As  the  Decree  of  the  Council  oiChalcedon  for  equal- 
ling the  Patriarch  of  Conjiantinople  to  the  Patriarch  oi^Rome  ,  was  protefted  againft 
by  the  Pope's  Legates  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  their  Matter ,  and  yet  was 
ever  held  and  pradlifed  as  an  authentick  Rule  by  the  Catholick  Church ,  and  reve- 
renced by   St.  Gregory  as  a  part  of  the  Gofpel.     Juflinian  the  Emperor  called  the 
Fifth  General  Council ,  at  which  Vigiliw  the  then  Pope  refufed  to  be  prefent ,  or  to 
give  any  confent  unto  it,  for  which  his  frowardnefs  he  wasbaniftied  by  the  Empe-    ' 
ror.     This  in  R.  C.  his  judgment  was  an  incompleat  General  Council ;  Yet  in  all  ^'"^'  ^'  ^^''^' 
fucceeding  Ages,  and  by  the  Popes  themfelves ,  it  was  honoured  and  elleemed  as  a  'Br'on-Anna:, 
true  General  Council.     I  confefs  a  General  Council   was  not  held  compleat  in  the  in  Cone.i." 
primitive  times ,  when  fuch  an  Affembly  might  be  had  ,  without  the  prefenceofthe 
Five  Protopatriarchs  by  themfelves  or  their  Deputies.     But  to  think  that  any  one  of 
the(e  ,  either  the  Roman  Patriarch  or  any  other  had  an  Headfliip  of  Power  over  the 
Council,  or  a  Negative  voice  againft  the  Council  ,  is  a  nvoft  groundlefs  fancy, 
whereof  we  find  not  the  leaft  footftep  in  all  Antiquity.     And  therefore  R.  C.  might 
well  haveforborn  his  comparilbn  of  King  and  Parliament  as  altogether  impertinent. 
The  King  was  confefTedly  an  Head  of  Power  over  the  Parliament,  fo  was  not  the 
Pope  over  a  General  Council.     The  King  had  evermore  a  Negative  voice  in  Parlia- 
ment ,  lb  had  the  Pope  never  in  a  General  Council.     When  the  Parliament  had 
made  up  their  Bills,  they  preferred  them  alwayes  to  the  King  by  way  of  Petition,, 
but  the  Bi(hops  in  a  General  Council  by  way  of  Definition.     Ego  A.  definiens  fitb- 
firipfj.     In  a  General  Council  the  Prefident  (  who  is  no  more  than  a  Prolocutor  or 
Speaker  in  Parliament  )  makes  his  laft  Addrefs  to  the  Body  of  the  Council  in  this 
fort ,  placet .?  au't  non placet  ?  doth  it  pleafe  you,  or  not?  But   in  Parliament  after 
the  Members  have  voted  content  ^  ot  not  content,  the  laft  Addrels  muft  be  to  the 
King  i  and  he  is  free  to  fay  the  Kivg  tvili  have  it ,  or  the  King  tpiU  advife.  If  a  gene- 
ral Council  have  not  the  Eights  and  Priviledges  of  a  General  Council ,  unlefs  the 
Pope  be  prefent  as  the  Head  thereof,  and  concur  with  it  ,  to  what  purpofe  were 
fhofe  Queftions  fo  canvafed  in  the  Weftern  Church  ,  whether  a  General  Council  be 
above  the  Pope  ?  and  whether  a  General  Council  can  dcpofe  the  Pope  ?  Doth  any 
ftian  think  that  our  Anceftors  were  fo  fimple ,  as  to  queftion  whether  the  Body  be 
above  the  Head  >  or  to  hope  that  the  Pope  would  concur  willingly  to  his  own  de- 
pofition?  This  we  know  for  certain,  that  the  Council  of  Cwz/fjwi?  without  the 
prefence  or  concurrence  of  the  Pope ,  did  Decree  themfelves  to  be  a  lawtul  con>- 
fleat  General  Council,  Superior  to  the  Pope,  and  that  he  was  fubjed  to  their  ccn-  _ 

Z  2  furcs. 


044 


A  Juji  Vindication T  O  MEN 


fares.     And  depofcd  Three  Popes  at  a  time.     And   their  Ads  were  confirmed   in 

%?'lhis'Decfetofthe  Council  o^  Conflance  he  giveth  Two  Anfwers:  Firft, 
Tbc  Degree  of  ^\^, ,-,  i,  ^obabk  tim  ,he  Ceunctl  meant  onely  of  donhtful  Topes.  But  I  did  take 
,hc  council  of  ' "  tiii/Anfwer  in  the  Vindication  Two  wayes.  Firit  Bccaufe  it  is  contrary 
conflj"''  lor  •*  ''  .^  y^^^  -pj^e  words  of  the  Council  are  thefe  \_  Ihe  Pope  J  that  is,  a  Pope 
''soScPope  truly  eleded  and  lawfully  admitted  :  It  is  uncertain  whether  a  doubtful  Pope  be 
£f«l.  Pope  or  no  [  J*  /«^Jf«  *"  ^  General  Council  that  is  ,  a  General  Council  with- 

out  the  prefence  or  concurrence  ot  the  Pope  ,  luch  as  the  Council  ot   Con{Una 
was     [As  rcellin  matter  of  Faith  as  of  manners.  1  This  is  more  than  doubtful 
Titles    p  •«  he  may  not  onely  be  correUed ^  but  if    he  be  tHcorrigible    be  depnfed.^ 
So  a  Council  may  cortedl  the  Pope  ,  and  if  they  pleafe  continue  him  ,  or  it 
thev  rtnd  him  incorrigible  ,  depofe  him.     Men  arc  not  corredcd  for  weak  and 
litieious  titles ,  but  tor  faults   in  Faith  or  manners.     Neither  can  they  be  faid  to 
be  depofed ,  who  are  onely  declared  to  have  been  Ufurpers.     Secondly ,  I  con- 
futed this  Anfwer  by  the  execution  of  the  Decree.     The  Council  did  not  onely 
declare  who  was  the  right  Pope ,  which  is  a  judiciary  ad ,  and  may  be  done 
by  an  Inferiour  towards  his  Superiour ,  but  they  turned  out  Three  Popes  toge- 
ther   whereof  One  without  controverde  was  the  right  Pope.     And  fo  made  right 
to  be  no  right  for  the  publick  good  of  the  Church  ,  which  is  a  badge  of  Soveraiga 
and  Legiflative  Authority. 

His  Second  Anfwer  is  ,  That  thU  Decree  vex  not  conciliarly  made ,  and  confe- 
^uently  not  confirmed  by  Martine  the  Fifth.     This  Anfwer  was  likewife  taken  away 
in  the  Vindication.     Firft ,  Becaufe  the  Popes  Confirmation  is  but  a  novelty  ,  ne- 
ver pradifed  in  the  Ancient  Church  ,  and  fignifieth  nothing.     The  Pope  and  hi? 
Legates  did  fubfcribe  in   the  fame  mannet  and  form  that  other  Bifhops  and  their 
Legates  did.     And  that  was  all.     Secondly  ,  becaufe  Pope  Martine's  Title  to  the 
Papacy  did  depend  meerly  upon  the  Authority  of  the  Decree.     If  this  Decree  were 
not  a  lawful  Decree  of  a  lawful  General  Council  ,  and  fuch  a  Council  as  haJ 
power  to  depofe  the  former  Pope  ,  then  Pope  Martine  was  no  Pope  ,  but  an  Ufur- 
per ,  and  then  his  confirmation  fignified  nothing  alfo   in  that  refped.     Laft  ,  I 
fliewed  that  it  was  conciliarly    made.     And  what  the  word    conciliarly  there 
fignifieth  out  of  the  Ads  of  the  Council.     And  that  paflage  was  not  intended  fot 
a  confirmation ,  but  an  occafional  Speech  after  the  end  of  the  Council ,  after  the 
Fathers  were  difmilTed ,  in  anfwer  to  an  unfeafonablc  propofition    made  to  the 
Pope     by  the  AmbalTadors  oi  Polonia  and  Lititania ,   about  a  feditious  Book, 
which  they  allcdging  to  have  been  condemned  by  the  Deputies  of  the  Nations, 
but  not  being  able  to  affirm  that  it  W3S  condemned  in  the  publick  Ads  of  the 
Sellion  :  The  Pope  anfwered  ,  That  he  approved  what  had  been  conciliarly  done. 
To  all  this  he  anfwereth  nothing ,  but  that  the  word  [_  conciliariter  or  conciliarly  3 
fmifieth  rather  the  manner  of  a  Council ,  than  of  a  Council.     Let  it  be  fo.     Is  not 
the  decreeing  of  any  tWng  publickly  in  the  Selfion ,  the  manner  of  the  Councils 
Ading  ?  The  Deputies  of  the  Nations  were  like  a  Committee    of  Parliament , 
who  have  no  power  to  decree  ,  though  they  be  a  Committee  of  the  whole  Houfe, 
but  onely  to  prepare  things  for  the  Houfe.     Now  fuppofe  the  King  at  the  clolc 
of  the  Parliament ,  being  requefted  to  confirm  fome  Ads  of  a  Committee,  fhould 
ufe  the  very  fame  expreliion  which  Martine  the  Fifth  did ,  That  he  would  hold 
and  obferve  inviolably  all  things  determined  and  concluded  by  that  Parliament , 
Tarliamentariter  or  Parliamentarily.     Doth  not  this  evidently  confirm  all  the  Ads 
and  conclufions  of  the  Parliament  ?  Or  what  can  this  in  reafon  exclude  but  onely 
the  Ads  of  the  Committees.     To  fay  as  R.  C.  faith.  That  he  confirmeth  onely 
thofe  AUs  which  were  done  with  dut deliberation^  is  as  much  as  to  fay  ,  that  he  confir- 
meth juft  nothing  at  all.     How  fhall  it  be  known ,  or  who  (hall  be  Judge  ,  what 
was  done  with  due  deliberation  ,  and  what  was  not  ?  Neither  doth  it  weigh  any 
thing  at  all  to  fay  (  as  he  doth  )   that  the  word  concilium  doth  exclude  the  Depu- 
ties of  the  Nations,  without  adding  conciliariter ■,  for  Firft,  it  is  a  rule  in  Law 
that  abundans  non  vitiate  A  werd  or  two  too  much   do  no  hurt.     Secondly  ,  The  De- 
puties of  the  Nations  did  fit  apd  Ad  by  the  Authority  of  the  Council,  and  cori- 
^  fcquently 


Discourse  III.        Of  the  Chitrch  of  England. 


H'^ 


fcquently  their  Ads  were  mediately  and  in  fome  fort  the  Ads  of  the  Coun-ij. 
Laftly,  Whether  the  Decree  of  the  Council  were  conhrmed  or  not,  to  me  feem-- 
eth  a]l  one.  The  end  of  convocating  fo  many  Bifhops  is  to  reprefent  the  con- 
fent  of  all  thofe  refpedive  Churches  from  %vhich  they  are  fent ,  and  to  witnefs 
the  received  belief.  We  fee  by  their  Votes,  what  was  the  received  opinion  of  the 
Occidental  Church.  And  we  feeotherwife  fufficiently  what  was  thereceived  opinion 
of  the  Eailern,  Southern,  and  Northern  Churches.  So  as  the  Roman  Court  will  not 
be  able  to  find  One  National  Church  of  that  age  throughout  the  World,  to  main- 
tain their  exorbitant  claims. 

To  my  Fourth  Argument  drawn  from  the  Popes  challenge  pf  all  Epifcppal 
Jurifdidion ,  and  confequently  the  breaking  of  all  the  lines  of  Apoftolical  Suc- 
celfion  except  his  owni  and  to  my  Two  additional  Arguments  concerning  the  Infal- 
libility of  the  Pope's  judgment  and  his  power  over  Princes  ,  he  anfwereth  no- 
thing, but  th:it  they  are  not  defined  by  the  Roman  Church,  and  therefore  cannot  be 
a  caufe  of  departing  from  her  Communion.  Neither  have  I  endeavoured  to  charge 
the  crime  of  Schiirn  upon  the  Komm  Church  in  general ,  but  upon  the  Roman 
Court ,  and  the  violent  propugners  thereof,  whofe  Tenets  thefe  are.  I  wi{h  the 
Roman  Church  reftored  to  its  ancient  fplendour  of  an  Apoftolical  Church  and 
the  principal  Protopatriarchate ,  and  its  beginning  of  Unity. 

Notwithftanding  the  weaknefs  of  his  Anfwers ,  yet  he  layes  down  this  for  a 
conclufion  ,  Thzt  rphatfoever  I  noxp  pretend,  our  feparatim  tPOi  Schifmatically  be- 
gun. And  thence  infers  upon  a  ground  brought  by  me ,  ^od  ab  initio  fidt  in- 
validum,  tra&ii  temporis  non  convalefcit.  That  it  is  Schifmatical  jiill.  Firft ,  I  deny 
his  ground,  the  feparation  was  not  made  by  us,  but  by  them.  What  we  did  . 
-was  not  Schifrnatical ,  but  juft  and  neceflary.  Secondly ,  His  Inference  is  grofs- 
lymiftaken,  and  the  Rule  which  I  brought  altogether  mifapplicd.  That  which 
was  invalid  from  the  beginning ,  cannot  become  valid  by  prefcription  or  trad  of 
time,  but  it  may  become  valid  by  fubftquent  Ads  of  parties  intcrefied.  And 
that  which  was  uncharitably  begun  and  Schifmatically ,  may  be  charitably,  pioufly, 
and  neceflarily  continued,  as  by  many  reafons  and  inftances  may  be  made  appear 
but  that  it  is  befides  our  Queftion. 


CHAP.     IX. 

A  Defente  of  our  Anfwers  to  the  OhjeBions    of  the  Rom^^- 

IN  the  firfi  place  he  obferveth  a  difference  between  Proteflants  and  Roman- 
Catholicks ,  That  Protejiantf    da    not  charge   Komzn-CathoUckj   rvith  formal  5^^ 
Schifm  ,  but  onely  rvith  caufal  Schifm ,  tvhereas  Komiii-Catholiclq  do  charge  Fro-  Some  Rom. 
tenants  with  formal  Schifm.     To  which  1  give  Three  Anfwers.     Firrt ,  It  Prote-  Cath  formal 
ftants  do  not  charge  them  with  formal  Schifrn  ,  their  charity  is   the  greater ,  and  ^'^'^''inaticfo, 
the  Ilo»za«-Catholicks  are  the  more  obliged  to  them.     Certainly  we  have  better 
grounds  to  charge  them  with  formal  Schifm  ,  than  they  have  to  charge  us.     But 
indeed  Proteftants  do  charge  the  Roman  Court ,    and  all  Roman-Co-thoYicks  who 
maintain  it ,  and  adhere  unto  it  out  of  ambitious  ,  avaritious  ,  or  other   finiftef 
ends,  and  not  out  of  fimplicity  of  heart,  and  invincible  or  at  leafl  probable  igno- 
rance, with /ormij/ 5cfc;y»7. 

Secondly ,  caufal  Schifm  may  be,  and  in  this  cafe  of  the  Romanifts  is,  as  well 
formal ,  nay  fbmetimes  more  formal  then  adual  Schifm ,  or  to  fpeak  more 
properly  then  adual  (eparation.  Whofoever  give  juft  caufe  of  feparation  to 
others  ,  contrary  to  the  light  of  their  knowledge ,  out  of  uncharitable  or  other 
finifter  ends ,  are  caufal  and  formal  Schifmaticks.  Whereas  they  who  feparate 
a^ually  and  locally  upon  juft  caufe,  are  no  criminous  Schifraaticks  at  all,  and 
they  wrt^o  feparate  adually  without  juft  caufe,  may  do  it  out  of  invincible  igna- 

Z :?  f  ance  , 


~7^ —  A  Jufi  Vindication TOME  U 


rancL',  and  condqucntly  they  are  not  formal  but  oriely  material  Schifmaticks* 
Thirdly  ,  When  the  cafe  comes  to  be  exadly  weighed ,  it  is  here  juU  as  it 
is  in  the  ca'fe  of  poliibiiity  of  Salvation ,  that  is  to  lay ,  the  very  fame.  Pro- 
tcfhnts  do  not  charge  all  Roman  Catholicks  with  formal  Schifm ,  but  onely 
fuch  as  break  the  bond  of  Unity  finfully  ,  whether  it  be  by  feparating  thera- 
felves  ,  or  others,  unduly  from  the  Catliolick  Communion  ,  or  giving  jurt  caufe 
of  fepiration  to  others.  Nor  doth  K.  C.  himfelf  charge  all  Proteltants  with 
formal  Schifm.  For  he  confeffeth  that  all  thofe  Proteltants  who  err  invinci- 
bly do  tvant  neither  Clmnh  norfahatmt.  Formal  Schifmaticks  ,  whileft  they  con- 
tinue formal  Schifmaticks,  want  both  Church  and  Salvation  i  therefore  whofoe- 
vcr  want  neither  Church  nor  Salvation  are  no  formal  Schifmaticks. 

The  reafon  of  his  former  affertion  is   this ,   becaufe  Vroteflams  can  name  no 
Church  out  of  whofe  Cnmmunion   the  prefent  Church    of  Rome  departed.     His  rea- 
fon (hews  that  he  confounds  material   and  formal  Schifm,  with    caufal    and  a- 
dual  Schifin.     Whereas  adual   Schifm  may  fometimes   be  onely  material,  and 
caufa!  Schifm  may  alfo  fometimes  be  formal.     To  his  Reafbns  I  give  two  clear 
Anfwers.     Firft ,  Proteftants  can  name  a  particular  Church  out  of  whofe  Com- 
The     prefent  munion  the  prefent  Roman  Church  departed ,  even  the  pure  and   uncorrupted 
^h°"*hAe-      Church  of  Kome,  which  was  before  it  ,  by  introducing  errors ,  abufes,  andcor- 
partca  out  of  ruptions  into  it.     There  is   a  naoral  departure    out  of  a  Church  as  well    as  a 
the  ancient      local ,  and  acknowledged  by   themfelves  to  be  culpable  and  criminous  Schifin. 
Roman  Secondly,  That  Church  which  departs  out  of  the  Communion  of  rhe  Catho- 

Cnurch;         jj^j^  ^^  Univerfal  Church,  is  more  Schifmatical  then  that  which  departs  onely 
out  of  the  Communion  of  a  particular  Church ,  both  becaufe  our  Obligation 
And  which  isfs  greater  to  the  Catholick  Church  then  to  any  particular  Church,  and  becaufe 
worfc ,  °"fj^"j|  the  Catholick  or  univerfal  Church  doth  comprehend  all  particular  Churches  of 
Church,         one  denomination  in    it.     When  the  Court  of  Kome  by  their  cenfures  did  fepa- 
rate  three  or  four  parts  of  the  Chriftian    World ,  who   were  as  Catholick    or 
more  Catholick  then  themfelves,  then  they  departed  out    of  the    Communion 
of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  as  the  Donatifts  did  of  old.     There  is  but  this  dif- 
ferrcnce  between  the  Donatifts  and  them,    that  the  Donatifts  did  it   onely  by 
their  uncharitable  opinions ,  and  verbal  cenfures ,  but   the  Court  of  Kome    did 
it  moreover  by  a  folemn  Juridical  Decree ,  which  is   much    the  greater   degree 
of  Schifin. 

He  telleth  us,Thati(  is  vain  to  lik^n  them  to  the  J)onatJfisJ>ecaufe  theT>onatiJlsfaidthat 
the  CatholickjChurch  of  that  time^  tvaf  but  a  part  of  the  Churchy  (  iK  Protefiants  fay  mrv  of 
the  Roman,)  for  wohich  Saint  Auftlne  laughed  at  them.  Tlie  truth  is,  the  Donatifts  faid, 
t'b       c  f  ^^^^  '^^y  being  but  a  fmall  part  of  the  Catholick  Church,  ( if  any  part, )  were  the 
Pe.  t.i%.      ^"^^^  Catholick  Church,and  that  the  true  Catholick  Church  was  noCatholickChurch, 
The  Romanics  ncr  any  part  of  it,  which  is  exprefly  contrary  to  what  he  faith  here.     Juft  as 
true  Donatifts.  the  Romanifts  fay  now,  that  they  themfelves,   being   with  all' their   dependents 
not  a  fourth  part  of  the  Chrlftian  World,  are  the  Catholick  Church ,  and  tftat 
the  Patriarchate   o£  Confiantinople  which  is  as  large  as  theirs,  and  the  Patriar- 
chate of  Alexandria ,  whicli  Including  tlie  feventcen  Kingdoms  of  Frefier   John^ 
all  Chriftlans ,  and  dependents  upon  that  Patriarchate,  is  likewife  as  large,  and 
the  Patriarchates  of  Antioch  and  Hierufakm ,  and  all  the  leffer  Patriarchates  in 
the  Eaft ,  and  the  whole  Empire  of  Kujfia  ,  and  all  the  Proteftants  in  Ettrope , 
are  no  parts  of  the  Catholick  Church.     Is  not  this  to  make  the  part  to  be  the 
whole ,  and  the  whole  to  be  nothing  beyond   that  part ,  as  the  Donatifts  did. 
Ovum  ovo  mnfmilius.     And  therefore  Saint  Attftine  might  well  laugh  at  them 
or  rather  pltty   them  as  indeed  he  did  ,  for  fpeaking    fuch  evident   abfurdities. 
Si  mihi  diceres  quod  Ego  fm  Petllianus ,  non    invenirem    quommoda  te  refelkrem , 
wiji  at{t  ]ocantem  riderem ,  aut  infanientem  dolerem.     Sed  quia  jocari  te  non   Credo , 
Ibid.  vides  quid  reflet.     Jf  thou  Jhouldefl:  tell  me  that   J  j?m  Petllian,  (or  any  fuch  thing 

that  is  evidently  falfe  )  I  Jhould  not  k^ow  hore  ta  confute  thee,  itnlefs  I  Jhould 
either  Laugh  at  thy  folly,  or  pity  thy  frenzie.  But  becaufe  J  believe  not  that  thou  jeaflefl, 
nu*  u  ^^^^  remaineth.  When  they  tell  us  in  fuch  earneft  ,  that  the  Roman 
Church  is  the  Catholick  Church ,  they  might  even  as  well  tell  us  that  Fetili- 
««  was  Saint  Atijline.  Their 


JDiscouRSE  III.       Of  the  Chnrch  of  Enghud,  -247 

Their  firft  objedion  is  ,  that  we  have  feparated  our  felves  from  the  Com-  ^^^'•^-  6*  2. 
munion  of  the  Catholick  Church  i  to  which  I  gave  this  Anfwer  ,  that  we  had 
not  Icparated  our  felves  from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church ,  for 
we  are  ready  to  believe  and  pradice  whatfoever  the  Catholick  Church  doth  una- 
nimoully  believe  and  pradtife.  No,  nor  yet  from  the  Roman  Church  in  the 
tflentials  of  Chriftian  Religion  ,  or  any  of  them ,  but  only  in  their  errours  and 
innovations ;  and  that  it  was  the  Court  of  Rome  that  made  the  feparation.  To 
this  Anfwer  he  takes  great  exception ,  but  as  it  feemeth  to  me  in  a  mod 
confufed  manner.  For  method  fake  I  will  reduce  all  which  he  faith  to  Four 
heads.  Firll ,  "That  the  Church  of  Rome  U  the  true  Catholick^  Church.  Secondly, 
That  ive  have  feparated  our  felves  from  it  in  effentials.  Thirdly  ,  That  all  the 
other  Tatriarchates  ( except  the  Roman)  arena  parts  of  the  Catholick^  Church. 
Fourthly,  That  we  hold  no  Communion  veith  them.  To  all  thefe  I  have  answer- 
ed formerly    in  this  Treatife ,  and     therefore  now  I    {hall  touch  them  more 

That  the  Roman  Church  is  the  Catholick  Church  he  proveth  thus,  becaufe  It  if  a  church  not  the 
Company  of  Chriftians  ,  injiituted  by  Chri[l ,  f^read  over  the  IVorld ,  and  intirely  u-  catholick 
nited  in    the  profeffion  of  faith  ^  and  Communion  of  his  Sacraments  nnder   his  Offi-  Church. 
cers.     And  therefore  he  bids  us  out  of  St.  Aujiin,  either  give  or  take,  dthct  xccdvc  ^^' " '^''^'' '^ 
their  Church  ,  or  (hew  one  of  our  own  as  good.     This  Argument  is  ground- 
ed upon  a  wrong  fuppofition,  that  the  Catholick  Church  is  a  Church  of  oneDenomi- 
lution,  as  Roman,  or  Grecian,  &c.  Which  we  do  altogether  deny  as  implying  an  evi- 
dent contradidion.  SecondIy,We  deny  that  the  Row^w  Church,  including  the  Papacy, 
in  refpedt  of  which  it  challengeth  this  univer(ality,and  to  be  the  foundation  of  Chrifti- 
an  Religion,and  the  Miftrefs  of  all  other  Churches,  is  inftituted  by  Chrift,or  by  his 
Church  i  this  is  their  own  ufurpation.  Thirdly,  we  deny  that  the  2lo^M.««  Church  is 
fpread  over  the  World.     Divide  Chriftendom  into  five  parts,  and  in  four  of  them 
they  have  very  little  or  nothing  to  do.  Perhaps  they  have  here  a  Monaftery,or  there 
a  fmall  handful  of  Profelytes.     But  what  are  five  or  fix  peribns   to  fo  many 
millions  of  Chriftian  Souls ,  that  they  fhould  be  Catholicks  ,  and  not  all  the  o- 
thers  ?  This  was  not  the  meaning  of  Saint  Auftine  in   the  place  alledged.     Date 
vtihi   hanc  Ecclefiam  ft  apud  vos  ejl ,  ojiendite  vos  communicare    omnibus  Gentibus  , 
quas  ](im  videmus  in  hoc  femine  benedict.     Date  hanc ,  aut  furore  depofito  accipitCy 
nan  a  me ,  fed  ah  illo  ipfo  in  qua  benedicuntur  omnes  Gentes.     Give  me  this  Church 
if  it  he  rvith  you  :  Shen>  that  you  commnnicate  rvithall  Nations  which  tve  fee  to  be 
bUjied  in  this  feed.     It  is  not  a  few  particular  perfons ,  nor  fome  hand-fulls  of 
Profelytes,  but  multitudes  of  Chriftian  Nations  that  make  the  Catholick  Churchv 
Th.z  Romani^ls  are  fo  far  from  communicating  with  all  thefe  Nations,  that  then 
excommunicate  the  far  greater  part  of  them.     Fourthly  ,  We  deny  that  fuch  an 
exadt  entire  Union  in  all  points  and  opinions  which  are  not  Eflentials  of  Chri- 
fiian  Religion  ,  is  neceflary  to  the  being  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  or  that  the 
Romanifls  have  a  greater  Unity  among  themlelves  or  with  others ,  than  fundry 
of  thofe  Churches  which  they  have  excommunicated.     Fifthly ,  I  deny  that  the 
Officers  of  the  Court  of  Rome  or  any  of  them  (  qua  tales  )  are  either  the  Offi- 
cers of  Chrift  or  of  his  Church.     And  Laflly  ,  If  all  this  were  true  ,  well  might 
it  prove  the  Church  of  Rome  a  Catholick  Church ,  that  is  ,  a  part  of  the  Catho- 
lick Church ,  but  not  the  Catholick  or  Univerfal    Church.     Still    there    would 
want  Univerfality.     To  be  fpread  through  the  Chriftian  world  is  one  thing ,  and 
to  be  the  common  faith  of  the  Chriftian  world  another  thing. 

Secondly  ,  He  proveth  that  they  did  not  exclude  us ,  but  that  we  did  feparate 
our  felves,  becaufe  England  denied  the  fopes  foveraigiity  by  divine  right,  before  the  if  ^enkl   of 
Tupe  excommunicated  them.     And  fo  though  it  wM  not  perfedly  Protejiant ,  yet  it  n>af  the  Popes  Su- 
fibjiantially  Troteiiant.     I  take  him  at  his  word.     Then  all  the  Eaftern ,  Nor- P'^oiacymak- 
thern  ,  and  Ethiopick  Chriftians  are  fubftantially  Proteftants  as  well  as  we :    for  fhe  vvSid"  u' 
they  all  deny  the  Popes  foveraignty  either  by  divine  or  humane  right.     Then  all  fuH  of  4)^^,^^ 
the  world  were  fubftantially  Proteftants  in  the  time  of  the  Councils  of  Conjlance  ftantj. 
and  Bsifle  ,  except  the  Court  of  Rome ,  that  is  ,  the  Pope  and  his  Officers.  Then 
we  want  not  brethren  that  are  fubftantially  Proteftants  as  well  as  we  ,  in  the  bo- 

fome 


24S  A  Jiift  Vwdicjtion  TOMFK 


fomt  of  the  Kematt  Church  at  this  day.     To  feck  to  obtrude  tliis  fpiritual  Mo- 
narchy upon  u5  was  caufal  Schifin,  to  excommunicate  us  for  denying  it  was  adual 

Schi(iri.  .       _,     .  , 

To  prove  that  we  have  departed  from  them  in  EflTentials  ,   he  oncly  faith,  that 

Our  ftp*"*'!- ^y^,  I, JVC  left  them  limply  ,  abfolutely  ,  nay  wholly  in  the  Communion  of  Sacra- 
cniialT.  '°  '  Jncnts ,  and  publick  VVorfliip  of  God  ,  and  the  entire  ptofcliion  of  faith,  which 
are  Eflentials  to  a  Church.  How  often  hath  this  been  anfwered  already  ?  That 
every  Opinion  which  a  particular  Church  doth  profefs  to  be  cflcntial,  is  either 
an  Effential  or  a  Truth ,  or  that  every  abufe  crept  into  the  Adminillration  of 
the  Sacraments ,  is  of  the  Eflence  of  the  Sacraments ,  is  that  to  which  we  can 
never  §ive  alTcnt.  Let  them  keep  themfelves  to  the  ancient  Creed  of  the  Church, 
as  they  are  commanded  by  the  Council  of  Ephefiu  ,  and  we  fliall  quickly  join 
with  them  in  profeilionof  Faith.  Let  them  ufe  the  ancient  forms  of  Admini- 
ftration  of  the  Sacraments ,  which  the  primitive  Roman  Church  did  ufe ,  and  we 
(hall  not  forbear  their  Communion  in  Sacraments.  Did  the  ancient  Roman  Church 
want  any  ElTcntials  ;  Or  are  the  primitive  Roman  and  the  prefent  Roman  Church 
divided  in  Eflentials.  If  they  differ  in  Eflentials ,  then  we  ought  not  to  join  in 
Communion  with  the  prefent  Church  of  Rome.  If  they  differnot  in  Eflentials, 
no  more  do  we. 

Thirdly,  He  provcth  that  the  other  Patriarchates  are  not  the  Catholick  Church, 
nor  true  parts  thereof ,  becaufe  they  are  divided  in  profeliion  of  Faith,  in  com- 
munion of  Sacraments  ,  and  iu  Church-Officers.     Yea  (  faith  he  )  it  were  dotage 
to  think^  that  the  Catholick^  Church  can  conf^ft  of  Heretical   and   Schifmatical  Churches, 
as  J  cannot  deny  hut  they  are  ,  excep  I  rvill  deny  the  thirty   nine    Articles  of  the 
Church  of  England  to   which  J  have  fvporn.     1  Anfwer ,    That  thole    Churches 
which  he  is  pleafcd  to  undervalue  fo  much  ,  do  agree  better  both  among  them- 
_..        J.         felves  and  with  other  Churches  ,  than  the  Roman  Church  it  felf ,    both  in  pro- 
Qf,„rc[,gj  ,rm  felfion  of  Faith  ( for  they  and  we  do  generally    acknowledge   the   fame  ancient 
parti    of  the  Creeds  ,  and  no  other  )  and  in  inferiour  Queilions ,    being  free   from  the  intri- 
Catfiolick        cate  and  perplexed  difficulties  of   the  Roman  Schools.     In  point  of  Difcipline 
Church.  jj^gy  j^^^^  j^Q  complaint  againff  them ,  faving  that  they  and  we   do  unanimoufly 

refufe  to  acknowledge  the  fpiritual  Monarchy  of  the  Roman  Eifhop.  And  con- 
cerning the  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments ,  I  know  r.o  Objedtion  of  any 
great  moment  which  they  produce  againft  them.  How  {hould  they,  when  the 
Pope  allowed  the  Ruffians  the  exercife  of  the  Cree]i^  Religion  ?  It  is  true  ,  that 
ihey  ufe  many  Rites  which  we  forbear ;  But  difference  in  Rites  is  no  breach 
of  communion  ,  nor  needeth  to  be ,  for  any  thing  that  I  know  ,  if  dillance  of 
place  and  difference  of  Language  were  not  a  greater  impediment  to  our  acflual 
communion ,  fb  long  as  the  Sacraments  are  npt  mutilated  ,  nor  fmful  duties  in- 
joined  ,  nor  an  imknown  tongue  purpofely  ufed.  How  are  they  then  Schifmati- 
cal Churches  ?  onely  becaufe  they  deny  the  Popes  Supremacy.  Or  how  are 
they  Heretical  Churches  ">  Some  of  them  are  called  Nejhrians ,  but  moft  inju- 
lioufly  ,  who  have  nothing  of  Neftorius  but  the  name.  Others  have  been  (iifpe- 
^ed  of  Eutychianifm ,  and  yet  in  truth  Orthodox  enough.  They  do  not  add 
the  word  \_flioque ,  and  from  the  Son  ]  to  the  Creed  ,  and  yet  they  acknowledge 
that  the  Holy  Ghoft  is  the  Spirit  of  the  Son ,  which  is  the  very  fame  thing  in 
fcnCe.  It  is  no  new  thing  for  great  Quarrels  to  ari{e  from  meer  miftakes.  He 
would  perfwadc  the  World  that  there  is  fomething  in  our  Englip  Articles  which 
rcfleds  fadly  upon  the  Creeks  Church  ,  to  declare  them  guilty  of  Herefie  or 
Schifm.  Either  he  is  deceived  himfelf ,  or  he  would  deceive  others.  There  is 
no  fuch  thing  ,  nor  the  leaft  infinuation  againft  them ,  either  diretSIy  or  by  con- 
fequence.  But  he  is  fallible  ,  and  may  err  in  this,  as  well  as  he  doth  in  faying 
that  I  have  been  fivorn  to  them :  we  do  ufe  to  fubfcribe  unto  them  indeed  ,  not 
as  Articles  of  Faith  ,  but  as  Theological  Verities ,  for  the  prefervation  of  Unity 
among  our  felves  >  but  never  any  Son  of  the  Church  of  Englaud  was  obliged  to 
fwear  unto  them,  or  punifhed  for  diifenting  from  them  in  his  judgment ,  fo  he  did 
not  publifl\  it  by  Word  or  Writing. 
Sea.  J.  Secondly  ,  They  charge  us  with  Schifmatical  difobedience  to  the  determination 

ef 


Discourse  HI.      Of  the  Cimrch  of  England 24.9 

of  the  General  Council  of  Tre«f.  To  which  I  anlWered  ,  That  that  Council  The  Council 
was  neither  general ,  nor  free  ,  nor  lawful,  Firft ,  Not  general ,  becaufe  there  °'"  T"'^'  n°t 
■was  not  one  Bifliop  prefent  out  of  all  the  other  Patriarchates ,  and  but  a  part  6«ntr»l : 
of  the  Occidental  Church.  Secondly,  Of  thofe  who  were  prefent,  two  parts 
'  "were  Italians ,  and  many  of  them  the  Pope's  Penfioners.  Thirdly  ,  At  the  de- 
finition of  fome  of  the  weightieft  Controverfies ,  there  were  not  fo  many  Br^ 
(hops  as  the  King  of  England  could  have  called  together  in  a  moneth  within 
his  own  Realms.  Fourthly ,  It  was  not  generally  received  by  the  Romanifh. 
To  this  he  anfwers ,  that  there  were  fome  Grecian  Bijhopf  there.  Perhaps'  one 
or  two  titular  Bilhops  without  Bifhopricks  ,  not  impowered  by  commilfion  , 
nor  fent  with  Inftrudions  from  any  Patriarch  :  Thefe  were  no  Grecian  Bifhops. 
He  addeth,  that  it  U  not  necefiary  to  fummon  Heretical  or  Schifmatical  Bijhopi 
Yes  the  rather ,  before  they  be  lawfully  condemned ,  as  thefe  never  were.  Bc- 
fides  this  is  begging  of  the  Queftion.  When  or  where  were  they  convicted  of 
Herefie  or  Schifm  ?  This  is  but  the  opinion  of  the  lefler  and  unfounder  .part 
of  the  Church ,  againft  th?  greater  ancf  founder  part.  Upon  this  ground  the 
Vonatijis  might  have  called  a  Council  in  Affrick^^  and  nick-named  it  a  General 
Council.  He  faith  ,  it  U  obeyed  by  all  Catholick/  for  matters  of  Faith  ,  thowrh 
not  for  matters  of  FaS.  He  meancth  by  all  Roman-CzthoVicks.  But  if  it  we're 
the  fupreme  Tribunal  of  the  Militant  Church  ,  it  ought  to  be  obeyed-  for  mat- 
ters of  Fad  alfo  ,  fo  far  as  they  are  Ecclefiaftical.  Break  ice  in  one  place  and  it 
will  crack  in  more.  He  faith  ,  Pius  the  Fourth  fent  moji  loving  Letters  to  ^ueen 
Elizabeth  ,  but  hU  Mejfengtr  wof  not  admitted  into  England.  As  wc  have  in  hor- 
rour  the  treacherous  and  tyrannical  proceedings  of  Paul  the  Third  and  Piuf  the 
Fifth  againft  our  Princes  and  Realms :  So  we  acknowledge  ,  with  gratitude  ,  thp 
civilities  of  Fiuf  the  Fourth,  Certainly  he  took  the  more  prudent  way  for  a  Chri- 
ftian  Prelate.  ■ 

Secondly,  The  Council  of  Trent  was  not  frcev  Firft,  Becaufe  the  place  affor-  "°'""""* 
ded  no  fecurity  to  Proteftants.  Secondly  ,  The  Accufer  was  the  Judge.  Third- 
ly ,  Anyone  who  fpake  a  free  word  ,  was  either  filenced  or  thruft  out  of  the 
Council.  Fourthly ,  The  Proteftants  who  came  on  purpofe  to  difpute ,  were 
not  admitted.  Fifthly  ,  The  Legates  gave  auricular  Votes ,  and  fome  of  the 
Council  did  not  ftick  to  confefs ,  that  it  was  guided  by  the  Holy  Ghoft  ,  fent 
from  Rome  in  a  Male.  Sixthly ,  New  Biftipprjcks  were  created  during  the  Seff- 
fion  ,  to.  make  the  Papalins  able  to  overvote  the  Iramontains.  To  all  thefe  Ex- 
ceptions he  anfwereth.  That  if  the  Pope  had  been  their .  Jjadge  ,  it  had  been  rio 
more  Mnjuji  ,  than  for  a  King  to  judge  his  oton  notoriouf  Rebels  ',  but  the  Pope  ,  out- 
of  hit  abundant  favour  ,  made  the  Council  their  Judge ,  jphich  he  needed  not  their 
herefes  having  been  formerly  larvfully  condemned.  He  fuppoftth  ,  without  any 
proof,  that  the  Pope  is  an  abfolute  Monarch  of  the  Church,  which  all  the 
Chriftian  World  except  themfelves  doth  deny.  He  (hould  remember  that  thefe 
arc  their  own  Objections  ,  and  that  he  is  now  to  prove ,  not  to  didate.  Whe- 
ther the  Pope  did  judge  the  Proteftants  by  himfelf ,  or  by  a  Council  confift- 
ing  for  the  moft  part  of  his  own  Clients  and  Creatures  ,  who  knew  no  motioh 
but  by  his  influence ,  is  all  one  in  effed*.  He  knew  that  he  liad.madc  his.game 
fure  enough  under-hand  ,  whiieft  the  Italian  Epifeopals  were  fo  numerous  and 
partial :  If  the  Pope  did  rather  choofe  to  refer  the  Proteftants  t6  the  Council , 
it  was  not  out  of  favour  to  them ,  as  a  more  equal  and  indifferent  way  ,  but  ro 
take  the  envy  off  from  himfelf.  If  Chriftian  Princes  defire  to  have  a  free 
Council ,  they  muft  reduce  it  to  the  form  of  the  Council  of  Confhnce,  and  re- 
vive the  Deputies  of  the  Nations.  Whereas  he  faith ,  that  the  Protejiants  rvere 
formerly  larvfully  condemned  ,  either  they  were  ftrange  phantafins  of  Proteftants , 
or  it  was  a  ftrange  prophetical  Decree.  Laftly  ,  He  demands  hotv  I  can  fay  that 
it  mas  not  a  fee  Council ,  where  trvo  or  three  fafe  condnCts  rvere  granted ,  vehere  the 
Council  bound  it  f elf  to  determine  the  cantroverfie  by  Hly  Scripture,  Apojiohcal  tra- 
dition, approved  Councils  ,  confent  of  the  Catholick^  Church  ,  and  authority  of  Hdy 
Fathers  ?  Yes,  I  can  fay  well  enough  for  all  this  ,  that  the  Council  was  not  free, 
FiliuU  duke  canit  volucrem  dam  decipit  auceps  ,  The  pipe  playes  fweetly  whilelt   the. 

Fowlct 


at;o 


A  Jufl  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


Not  lawful. 


//({J  Cone 

TridJ.i 

IJ4S. 


an- 


The  Prote- 
Hanti  not  con- 
demned by 
the  Patriarch 
o(Conftanti- 
ntple,  but  the 
Romaniris. 


Fowler  is  about  hts  prey.  No  man  ,  faith  Tully  proc  aimeth  m  the  Market  that 
he  hath  rotten  wares  to  fell.  When  men  intend  molt  to  play  tricks  ,  they  do 
often  arip  up  their  Heeves  ,  to  make  a  {hew  of  upright  dealing.  Scriptures  , 
Tradition,  Councils,  Fathers,  Churches,  are  excellent  Rules  beyond  excep- 
tion yet  an  inexpert  or  partial  Artift  may  make  a  crooked  line  with  them. 
Any  one  of  thefe  proofs  would  fatisrie  us  abundantly  ,  but  this  was  a  meer  em- 
pty flourifh.  The  Proteftants  had  fafe  condudt  granted ,  but  yet  thofe  that  re- 
paired to  the  Council  were  not  admitted  to  difpute. 

Thirdly  ,  As  tlic  Council  of  Jrettt  was  not  a  general ,  nor  a  free  Council ,  fo 
neither  was  it  a  lawful  Council  :  Firfl: ,  Becaufe  it  was  not  in  Germany  :  A  guil- 
ty pcrfon  is  to  be  judged  in  his  own  Province.  Secondly  ,  Becaufe  the  Pope 
alone  by  himfelf  or  his  Minifters  aded  all  the  four  parts  of  Accufer,  Witnefs, 
euilty  perfon  ,  and  Judge.  Thirdly  ,  Becaufe  the  Proteftants  were  condemned 
before  they  were  heard.  To  this  he  anfwerefh  iirft  ,  That  Trent  is  in  Germany  : 
wherein  he  is  much  miftaken  ,  for  proof  whcreot  I  produce  firft  the  publick  pro- 
tefhtion  of  the  Gfrwjw  Proteftants ,  Thzt  to  p-omife  a  Council  in  Germany,  znd 
to  choofe  Trent,  reas  to  mock^  the  rporld  ,  That  Trent  cannot  hefaidto  be  in  Geimz- 
ny  but  onely  becaufe  the  Bijhoj)  U  a  Prince  of  the  Empire ,  othertvife  that  for  fecu- 
rity  it  h  as  rvell  and  m  much  in  Italy  and  in  the  Fope's  power  as  Rome  it  felf.  To 
which  the  Pope  himfelf  giveth  teftimony  in  his  Anfwer  to  the  Cardinal ,  Bifliop , 
and  Lord  of  Trent ,  when  he  defired  maintenance  for  a  Garrifon  from  the  Pope 
to  (ecure  the  Council ,  That  there  tvas  no  fear  fo  long  as  none  but  Italians  rvere  in 
Trent ,  and  engageth  himfelf  to  fecure  it.  The  grievances  which  they  complained 
of  were  done  in  Germany^  the  redrefs  which  they  fought  was  in  Germany.  Ger- 
many ,  not  Italy  ,  had  been  the  proper  place  for  the  Council. 

jR,  C.  proceedeth  ,  The  Froteftants  were  the  firji  Accufers  of  the  Tope.  It  may  be 
fo  ,  but  not  in  a  legal  or  judiciary  way.  He  confefTeth ,  That  in  doubtful  cafei 
there  ought  to  he  four  diflinU  petfons  ,  the  Accufer  ,  the  Witnefs ,  the  perfnn  accuf  d , 
and  the  J«dge^  hut  not  in  notorious  nhel'ion^  in  which  cafe  there  needs  neither  Witnefs 
nor  Accufer.  And  doth  not  this  merit  the  reputation  of  a  doubtful  cafe  ,  wlierein 
fo  great  a  part  of  the  Occidental  Church  are  ingaged  ?  who  are  ready  to  prove 
evidently  ,  that  he  who  is  their  accufer  ,  and  ufurps  the  Office  of  their  Judge ,  is 
the  notorious  Rebel  himfelf.  I  confefs  ,  that  in  fome  cafes  the  notoriety  of  the 
faft  may  fupply  the  defed  of  witneffes  i  but  that  mufl  evermore  be  in  cafes  for- 
merly defined  by  the  Law  to  be  Rebellion  ,  or  Herefie ,  or  the  like.  The  Popes 
Rebellion  hath  been  already  condemned  in  the  Council  of  Conftance ,  and  his  He- 
retical maintaining  of  it  in  the  Council  of  Bafle  i  But  the  Proteftants  renouncing 
of  his  ufurped  authority  ,  hath  never  yet  been  lawfully  defined  to  be  either  the  one 
or  the  other. 

Yet  he  faith ,  The  Frot^ants  reere  condemned  not  onely  by  the  Council  of  Trent , 
•  but  by  the  Fatric.-ch  of  Conftantinople  ,    to  whom  they  appealed.     One  that  readeth 
this  and  knowcth  not  otherwife  ,  would  believe  that  the  ProteA?.nts  in  general 
had  appealed  from  the  Council  of  Trwf,  and  were  juridically  condemned  by  the 
Patriarch  of  Confiantinople .    Who  gave  the  Appellants  procuration  to  appeal  in  the 
name  of  the  Proteflants  in  general  ?  Who  gave  the  Patriarch  oi^Conlhntinople  pow- 
er to  receive  the  Appeal  ?  Where  is  the  condemnation  -'  Is  the  Englijh  Church  in- 
cluded therein  ?  No  fuch  thing.     The  cafe  was  this.     One  or  two  foreign  parti- 
cular Proteftants  made  a  reprefentation  to  the  Patriarch  of  Confiantinople  ,  of  fbme 
controverfics  then  on  foot  between  the  Church  of  Rome  and  them :  And  he  deli- 
vered his  opinion  ,  it  fhould  feem  ,  asK.  C  conceiveth,  more  to  the  advantage 
of  the  Romanifts  than  of  the  Proteftants.     This  he  calleth  an  appeal  and  a  con- 
demnation.    I  crave  pardon  of  the  Reader ,  if  I  do  not  in  prefent    give  him  a 
puncftual  and  particular  account  of  the  Patriarchs  Anfwer  :  It  is  thirty  years  fince 
I  faw  it  i  neither  do  I  know  how  to  procure  it.     Thus  far  I  will  charge  my  me- 
mory ,   that  the  Queftions  were  ill  chofen  and  worfe  ftated  ,  and  the  Patriarchs 
anfwer  much  more  to  the  prejudice   of  the  Church  of  Rome  than  of  the  Church 
of  England.     The  right  ftating  of  the  Queftion  is  all  in  all.  When  the  Churcli  of 
England  hdivc  any  occafion  to  make  their  addrefTes  that  way,  they  will  make  them 
more  appofite,  and  more  to  the  purpofe.  But 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Chnrcb  of  Enojind.  2<i 


But  lince  he  hath  appealed  to  the  Patriarch  o{  Conlhntinopk  ^    to  the   Patri- 
arch of  Conjhntinople   let  him  go.     I  mean  Cyrillm ,  iince  the  time  of  Hieremy , 
whom  that  learned  Gentleman  Sir  Ihonm  Koe ,  then  Embafladour  for  our  iatd 
King  at  Conftanmofle ,  had  better  informed  of  the  true  ftate  and  belief  of  the 
Eitglijh  Church.  _  He  pubfijhed  a  Treatife  of  his  own,  much  about  the  year  1630, 
which  he  called  'Of*>Kiyi,r7cyit^TiauKnt  m^tut.  or  a  confeffion  of  the  Chrijiiayi  Faith] 
fo  conformable  to  the   grounds  of  the  Church  of  England^  that  it  might    fecm 
rather  to  have  been  written  by  the  Primate  of  Canterbury  ,  than  by  the  Patriarch 
of  Cunjiantinopk.     I  will  cull  out  a  few  flowers  and  make  a  polie  for  him  ,  to 
let  him  fee  whether  the  Patriarchs  of  Conjiatttinople  do  condemn  the  Church  of 
E'lgland^  or  the  Church  of  Kome.     In  the  fecond  Chapter  he  declareth  ,  Thai: 
the  authority  of  the  Scripture  is  above  the  authority  of  the    Church ,  'o«  >«';  is-i»   ^.nt, 
&c.  for  it  is  not  equal  (  or  like  )  to   be  taught  of  the  Holy  Ghqjl ,  and  to  be  taught 
f,    of  man.     In  his  Tenth  Chapter  he  declareth  ,  That  ©'»'*;  aiSjair®',  mortal  >%en  ^'^'^''  ^-"•'^•^ 
can  by  no  means  be  the  head  of  the  Church ,  and  tint  our  Lord  Jefm  Chriji  alone  is  ^'*^*''^' 
the  Head  of  it.     In    the  Thirteenth  Chapter  he  aflerteth   Juftirication    by  Faitia 
alone ,  juft  according  to  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church  of  England.     In  the  Fif- 
teenth Chapter  he  acknowledgeth    but  Two  Sacraments.     In  the    Seventeenth 
Chapter  he  profefleth  a  true  real  prefence  of  Chrill  the  Lord  in  the  Eucharift, 
juft  as  we  do  ■,  and  rejedleth  the  new  device  of  Tranfubftantiation.     In  the  Eigh- 
teenth Chapter  he  difclaimeth  Purgatory,  &c.     All  this  he    declareth  to  be  the 
Faith  which  Chrilt  taught ,  the  Apoftles  preach'd  ,  and  the  Orthodox  Church 
ever  held  ,  and  under taketh  to  make  it    good  to  the  World.     And  after,   in 
his  Anfwer  to  fome  QuelUons  which  were  pjopofed  to  him ,  he  excludeth  the 
Apocryphal  Books  out  of  the  Canon  of  Holy  Scripture  ,  and  condemnetii  the 
worfhip  of  Images.-     In  a  word ,  he  is    wholly  ours.     And  to  declare  to  the  Knolta  TMrt(. 
World  that  he  was  fo  ,  he  refolved  to  dedicate  his  confeffion  of  the  Faith  of  the  ,^^'/''  '*"' 
Creeks  Church  to  the  King  of  England.  p.isoi."*' 

When  this  Treatife  was  firlt  publifhed  ,  it  is  no  niarvel  if  the  Court  of  Kome^ 
and  the  congregation  for  propagating  of  the  Roman  Faith  iu  Greece  did  ftorm  at 
it ,  and  ufe  their  uttermoft  endeavour  to  ruine  him.  But  he  jultified  it  before  the 
EmbafTadors  of  Row^w-Catholick  Princes  then  remaining  at  Conjiantinojjle ,  and 
came  off  fairly  in  defpight  of  all  thofe  who  did  calumniate  him ,  and  caft  falfe 
afperiions  upon  him.  Befides  his  own  autograph  ,  and  the  teftimonies  of  the 
Ambaifadors  then  prefcnt,  if  there  had  been  nothing  elfe  to  juftiiie  this  truth , 
the  inftrudlions  given  by  Cardinal  Bandini  to  Cannachi  RnJJt  in  the  name  of  the  W.p.  i$ob. 
Pope  ,  alone  had  been  fufficient  proof,  and  the  plots  Which  they  contrived  againft 
him ,  either  to  have  him  taken  avi^ay  by  death  or  depolltion  :  For  at  the  fame 
time  they  decried  the  Treatife  here  as  fuppofititious ,  and  accuftd  him  there  as 
criminous,  for  being  the  Author  of  it.  But  God  delivered  him  out  of  their 
hands. 

He  pleadeth  moreover  ,  That  the  Bijfjops  affembled  in  Trent  tvete  not  the  Popes 
Minifters.  Yet  he  knoweth  right  well  that  they  had  all  taken  an  Oath  of  O- 
bedience  to  the  Pope  ,  for  maintenance  of  the  Papacy.  Were  thefe  equal  Judg- 
es ?  I  confefs  there  were  many  noble  Souls  amongft  them  who  did  limit  their 
Oath  according  to  the  Cannons  of  the  Church.  But  they  could  do  nothing ,  be- 
ing over-voted    by  the    Popes   Clients  and  Penfioners. 

He  asketh  rvho  were  the  accufers ,  rvitnejjes ,  and  Judges  of  the  Tope  in  the  ?ar~ 
liament  1534,  but  Ki«g  Henry  himjelf  and  hps  Miniiiers}  I  anfwer  that  they  were 
not  King  Henrie's  Miniiters ,  but  the  Truftees  of  the  Kingdom  i  they  were 
hot  fworn  to  maintain  King  Henrie's  ufurpations  y  they  aded  not  by  a  judi- 
ciary, but  by  a  legillative  power  j  neither  did  they  make  any  new  Law,  bat 
bnely  declare  the  ancient  Law  of  the  Land.  Otherwiie  they  medled  not  with 
the  perfon  of  the  Pope  or  his  Office.  If  Luther  proceeded  not  in  form  of  Law 
againft  the  Pope  ,  it  is  no  marvel.  I  remember  no  procefs  in  Law  that  was  be- 
tween them.  He  challenged  onely  verbum  informans  ,  not  virgam  reformantenu  , 
Do  you  think  that  if  he  or  any  other  had  cited  the  Pope  to  have  appeared  in  Ger^. 
many  or  England^  he^  would  have  obeyed  the  Summons  ^  They  might  as  wel) 

have' 


■2:^2  A  J  lift  Vindication ^ TOME  K 

"  have  called  again  yefitrday.     Hovvfocvcr  Lutheis    ads  concern   not  us. 

S  fl-  4-  Their  Third  Objedion  is  ,  That  wc  have  quitted  our  lawful  Patriarch  ,  which 

why  R  •  C  arcuinait  he  faith  he  rviU  omit ,  becaufe  we  have  j}eken  enough  of  that  before.  Either 
not  iv^llirg  to  J  °^  iniiiaken  ,  or  tliis  is  a  fallacy  ot  no  caufe  tor  a  caule.  The  true  caufe  why 
pK  Parriarf  he  omittcth  it  being  not ,  becaufe  wc  have  fpokcn  enough  of  it,  (  for  he  hath 
chal  Fewer,  continually  declined  it  )  but  rather  becaufe  he  (eeth  that  it  is  incompatible  with 
that  {bvercignty  and  univerfality  of  power  which  the  Komatt  Bifhops  do  challenge 
at  this  day.     Let  them  lofe  the  fubllance,  whilert  they  catch  at  the  {hadow. 

But  in    the    place  of  this  he  propofeth  another  objedion  which  he  callcth 
their  nt'fi   forcible    argument    againjl  us.     Which    in  brief  is  this.     No  Church  it 
to  be  lift  in  which  filvation  is  to  be  had^  but  we  confej!  timt   the  Roman  Church 
is  a  true  Church  in  Julftance^  the  true  Church ,  &c.  I  cannot   but   obferve  what 
difference  there  is  in  the  judgements  of  Men ,  for  of  all  their  objedions  I  take 
this  to  be  the  weakeft.     And  (b  would  he  alfo,  if  he  would  ceafe  to  confound 
the  Catholick^  Church  ^  with  a  Catholick  Church  ,  that  is,  the  univerfal    Church 
with  a  particular  Church,  and  diftinguifli   the  ellentials  of  a  Church,  from  the 
corruptions  of  a  Church  ,  and  make  a  difference  between  a  juft  reformation  of 
our  tdvcs ,  and  a  caullefs  feparation  from  others.     But  be  the  argument  what  it 
tr  n  the  will  ,  forcible  or  weak  ,  it  hath  been  anfwered  abundantly  in  this  Treatife  over  and 
Pn/.  Si  c.  I-  over  again.     And  therefore  though  he  pleafed  (  I  ufe  his  own  expreffions  )  to  fay 
/.I.  it  often  ^  to  repat  it  often  ^  to  inculcate  it :  Yet  I  dare  not   abufc    the   patience  of 

the  Reader  with  fo  many  needlefs  Tautologies. 

He  taxeth  me  for  not  Anfvvering  fome  teftimonies  which  he  hath  colleded  in 
a  Book  of  his,  called  the  Proteftants  plain  Confeffion,  which  he  faith  I  have 
read,  and  therefore  1  ought  not  to  have  difftmbled  them,  but  perhaps  J  thought  them 
too  hard  to  be  Anfwered.  I  confefs  I  have  read  fome  of  his  Books  formerly,  but 
I  deny  that  I  have  one  of  them  in  prefent.  If  I  had  ,  doth  he  think  it  reafon- 
able ,  or  indeed  pollible ,  that  in  one  Chapter  I  (hould  take  notice  of  all  that 
hath  been  written  upon  this  Subjed.  I  confefs  I  have  anfwered  many  Imperti- 
nences in  this  Treatife,  but  a  man  would  r.ot  willingly  go  fo  far  out  of  his  way 
to  feck  an  Impertinence.  When  I  did  read  fome  of  his  Treatifes ,  I  pitied  the 
mifpending  of  fo  much  time,  in  weeding  and  wrefling  of  Authours,  of  feveral 
reformations,  who  writ  in  the  beginning  of  the  Controverfie  between  fleeping 
and  waking.  Sometimes  he  condemneth  us  of  Schifm  for  communicating  with 
them-,  fome  other  times  he  citeth  them  as  our  Clallical  Authours,  and  at  other 
times  from  the  different  Opinions  of  the  Sons  of  the  fame  Church ,  he  impug- 
neth  the  concluiion  wherein  they  do  all  accord.  As  if  I  {hould  argue  this :  If 
the  bread  be  tranfubftantiated  into  the  body  of  Chriil ,  it  is  either  by  produdion 
or  addudion  ,  but  fuch  and  fach  Ko/w^M-Catholick  Authours  do  deny  that  it  is  by 
produdion,  and  fuch  and  fuch  other  Koman  Catholick  Authours  do  deny  that  it  is 
by  addudion ,  therefore  by  the  plain  confellion  of  Ro»w«-Catholicks  there  is 
no  Tranfubftantiation.  If  I  had  omitted  any  teftimonies  of  weight  cited  by  him 
in  this  Treatife ,  as  he  hath  done  the  moft  of  all  my  grounds ,  than  with  better 
reafon  he  might  have  called  it  dijfembling. 

He  feemeth  to  me  to  take  this  courfe ,  oncly  to  make  his  credulous  Reader 
believe  that  there  is  more  in   his   books  than  there  is.     It   is  the  Church    of 
England  which  he  hath  undertaken  to  combate.    Let  him  not  leave  his  chofen 
Province  to   leek  out    petty  adverfaries  among  ftrangers ,  and  think  to  wound 
the  Church  of  England  through  their  fides.    He  needeth  not  to  be  fo  much  a- 
broad ,  whileft  he  may  have  enough  to  do  at  home. 
Pet  ?.  4c.         ^^  urgeth  that  there  is  no  falvation  out  of  the  Church ,  no  more  than  there  was  out 
The  Church  "/  the  Ark^  of  Noah ,  horpfoever  or  for  whatfoever  one  went  out.     That  Noahs  Ark 
oJRowf  St.     was  a  figure  of  Baptifm ,  St.  Veter  doth  affure  us:  and  it  may  alfo  very  fitly 
nol^KcAht^'  reprefeiit  the   Church  ,  but  that  is  the  Catholick  or  univerfal  Church  ,  and  then 
Aik.  we  yield  the  concluiion,  that  there  is  no  falvation  out  of  the  Church.     But 

particular  Churches  are  like  feveral  Chambers,  or  Partitions  within  the  Ark  of 
Noah.  A  man  might  go  out  of  one  of  them, until  it  was  clcanfed,  into  a- 
nother  without  any  danger.    The  Church   of  Rome  is    '0  not  Noahs   Ark  but 

St... 


2S5 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Church  of  Rne,]2ind. 

St.  Peters  Boat.  The  reft  of  the  Apoftles  had  their  Boats  as  well  as  Saint  Peter: 
he  beateth  but  the  air  in  citing  St.  Aujiin  and  Saint  Hierome  againft  us  ,  who  have 
neither  left  the  Church  ,  nor  the  Communion  of  the  Church. 

He  maketh  our   Church  to  be  in  worfe  condition    than    the  Church  of  the 
Donatifts,  bccaufe  Protejiants  grant  that  the  Church   of  Rome  doth   jhll  retain  the 
ejfence  of  a  true  Church ,  bict  the  Vomtifts    did  deny  that  the  Catholic^  Church  of 
their  time  vp^s  a  true  Church.     Doth  he  not  fee    that  he  argueth   altogether  a- 
gainft  himfelf  ?  The  Schifm  of  the   Donatifts  confifted    therein,   that  they  did 
uncharitably  ccnfure  the  Catholick  Church  to  have  loit  the  eflence  of  the  Churchi  Our  charity 
this  was   indeed   to  go  Schifmatically  out  of  the  Communion   of  the  Church:  '^".^^  "*  f'o™ 
and  on  the  other  fide  this  is  our  fafety  and  fecurity ,  that  wc  are  fo  far  frorti  ^*''^* 
cenfuring  the   Catholick  Church  ,  that  we  do  not  ccnfure   the  'Roman  Church 
■which  is  but  a  particular  Church,  to  be  no  Church,  or  to  have  loii  its  Com- 
munion with  Chrift ,  nor  have  feparated  from  it  in  any    eflential   of  Chriftian 
Religion  ,  but  oncly  in  corruptions  and  innovations.     Our  Charity  freeth  us  from 
Schifm.     The  uncharitablenefs  of  the  Donatifts  rendred  them  Schifmaticks.    It 
may  be  a  good  lelTon   for  the  Romanifts,  who  tread  too   much  in    the  Ikpps 
of  the  Donatifts. 

What  Calvine  faith ,  That   God  accounteth  him  a  forfak^r  of  his  Religion^    who  get^  6 
objiinately  feparateth  himfelf  from  any  Chilian  Society^  which  k^epeth  the  true  Mi-  Cal' Infl.  I  4. 
ni\lery  of  the   Word  and  Sacraments.     Or  that  there  may  fame  vice  creep  into    the  ci.Btc.  ,* 
Minijlery  of  the  rvnrd  and  Sacraments ,  which  ought  not  to  alienate  us  from  the  Com- 
munion of  a  true  Church ,  Or  Laftly ,  that  we   muji  pardon  errors  in  thofe  things 
which  may  be  unknoivn   without  violating  the  fum    of  Religion^  or  without  lofi    of 
Salvation^  or  wejhall  have  no  Church  at  all,  doth  not  concern  us  ,  who  do  not  dream 
of  an  Anabaptiftical  perfedion,   and  upon    this  very  ground    do    admit   them 
to  be  a  true  Church  ,  though  imperfed  ,  who  have  not  feparated   our  felves 
but  been  chafed  away  ,  who  have  onely  forfaken  errours  ,  not  Churches  ,  much 
left    obftinately ,  and  leaft  of  all  in  efTentials ,  who  would  gladly  be  contented 
to  wink  at  fmall  faults ,  fo  they  would  not  obtrude  finful  duties  upon  us    as 
a    condition  of  their  Communion. 

The  fame  anfwer  we  give  to  Perkins  and   Zanchy ,  cited  onely  in  the  Margin 
whofe  fcope  is  far  enough  from  going  about  to   perfwade  us  that  we  ought  not 
to  feparate  from   the  Church  of  Rowe,  for  which  they  are  cited  by  him.     Ra- 
ther on  the  contrary,   if  they  or  any  of  them  have  been  over  rigorous  towards 
the  Church  of  Rome ,  and  allow  it  not  the   eflence  of  a  Church ,    what    doth 
that   concern  the  Church  of^  England}   will  he  blame  us  for    being  more  mo- 
derate?Truft  me  thefe  Authours  were  far  from  extenuating  the  errours  of  Popery. 
He  telleth  us  ,  That  they  fay  unto  us   m  St.  Auftine  faid  unto  the  Donatifts 
If  ours  be   Religion  yours  is  feparation.     They  may  rehearfc  the  fame   words  in- 
deed ,  but  neither  is  Saint  Juiiins  cafe ,  their  cafe  ,  nor  the  Donatifts  cafe  our 
cafe.     Sometimes  they  cry  down  our  Religion  as  a  Negative  Religion ,  as  faul- 
ty in  the  defed.     And  now  (hey  accufe  us  of  Superftition  in  the  excefle.  We 
approve  no  Church  ,  with  which  they   communicate ,  and  we  do  not. 

Vo^or  field  faith,  that  if  they  can  prove  the  Komzn  Church  to  be  the  Church 
they  need  not  ufe  any  other  Argument.  It  is  moft  certain ,  we  all  fay  the  fame. 
But  ftill  he  confoundeth  the  Church ,  that  is  the  univerfal  Church  ,  with  a  Church, 
that  is  a  particular  Church  ,  and  a  Metaphyfically  true  Church ,  with  a  mo  - 
rally  true  Church.  Why  doth  he  cite  Authours  fo  wide  from  that  which  he 
knoweth  to  be  their  fenfe. 

In  this  Sedlion  there  is  nothing  but  cramhe  bis   co&a,  a  repetition  of  what  he  Sed.  5. 
hath  formerly  faid  over  and  over,  of  Proteftants  feparating  themfelues  from  the 
whole  Chriftian  World  in  Communion  of   Sacraments.    Oncly   he  addeth  the 
authorities    of  Mafter  Calvine  ,   Docftor  Potter ,    and  Mafter  Chillingrvorth,  which  ^"P-  '^-  '• 
have  already  been  fully  anfwered.  Sea.i. 

He  faith ,  J  indeavour  to  prove  the  Lawful  Ordination  of  our  firii  "Bijhops  in  ^  „  . 
Hjteen  Elizabeths  time  by  the  teflimony  of  Publick^  Regifters ,  and  confeffion  of  Fa-  '  '  ' 
ther  Oldcorn.     He  knoweth  better  ifhe  pleafe,  that  the  hrft  Proteftant  BilTiops 

A  a  were 


2K4- 


A  Jufi  Vindiration TOME  L 


were  not  in  Ouccn  Elrz.bctbs  time ,  but  in  Edrrard  the    fixths  time.     It  they 
were  not   IWknts  they  did  them  the  more   wrong  to  burn  them  for  it.  The 
w^lHndical  Rceiftcrs   do  make  their  Ordination  lo   plain,  that  no    man  who 
our  Ora.n»-    ^%''r  '"' ^,  jJs  cvcs  can  be  in  doubt  of  it.     He   confeffeth  that  lather  Old- 

ttrn    ufilfti:"*      WI  1    bl'i   open  HIS   <.)<.3   van  ,10  n.  r  111 

"""'  ^orn  did  jay  our   RefUhrs  were  authenucah     So  muft  every  one  fay  or  think  that 

Iccth  th;m  ,  and  every  one  is  free  to  fee  them  that  will.  But  Father  Oldcorn 
■was  a  vrifoner  ,  and  judged  others  by  himfelf.  Yct  neither  his  imprifonment  nor 
his  charity  did'  make  him  (werve  in  any  other  point  from  his  Roman  Catho- 
lick  opinions.  Why  did  he  change  in  this  more  than  in  any  of  the  reft?  Be- 
-aufc  there  is  no  defence  againft  a  Flail  ,  no  refifting  evident  dcmonftration , 
which  doth  not  perfwade  but  compel   men  to  believe. 

But  n^herefore  were  mt  thefe  Jiegijlers  Jherced  before  King  James  hif  time  ?  They 
were  alwaies  Ihewed  to  every  man  that  dcfircd  to  fee  them.     Regifters  are  pub- 
lick  Records ,  the  fight  whereof  can  be  refufed  to  no  man.     The  Officers  hand 
is  known  ,  the  Office  is  fecured  from  all  fuppofititious  Writings ,    both  by  the 
lOath  and  by  the  honcfty  of  him  that  keepeth  the  Regifter ,  and  by  the  tcftimony 
of  all  others  ,  who  view  the  Records  from  time  to  time.     He  might  as  well  ask 
why  a  Proclamation  is  not  (hewed  >  Which  is  rtrft  publickly  promulged,  and  af^, 
ter  that  affixed  to  the  gates  of  the  City  ,  and  of  the  Common-Hall ,  and  all  other 
publick  places.     If  he  could  have  excepted  againft  the  perfbns ,  either  confccra- 
ters  or  confecrated  ,  as  that  there  were  not  fuch  perfoiis ,   or  not  fo  qualified , 
or  not  prefent  at  that  time  ,  he  had  had  fome  reafbn  for  himfelfl     But  Epifcopal 
Ordination  in  'England  was  too  folemn  and  too  publick  an  Adt  to  be  counterfeited. 
And  moreover  the  proceedings  were  publifhed    in  print ,  to   the  view  of  the 
World ,  whileft  there  were  very  many  living ,  who   were  eye-witnefTes  of  the 
Ordination. 

And  yet  by  his  favour,    if  there  had  not  been  fo  many  Proteftant  Bifliops  there  , 

as  there  were,  it  might  have  made  the  Ordination  illegal ,  but  not  invalid ,  for 

which  I  will  give  him  a  prefident  and  a  witnefs  beyond  exception.     The  prefi- 

dent  is  Jufline  the  hrlt  Converter  of  the  Englijl) ,  the  Witnefs  St.  Gregory.  Et  qui- 

.  dem  in  Anglorum  EcclefiH^  &c.  And  truly  in  the  Englifh   Church ,  wherein  there  if 

Greg,  ^'ff'"^^  fig  gf},(r  Bifhof  but  thy  felf^   thou  canfi  mt  ordain  a  Bifhup  otherwife  than  alone,  &c. 

Int.   .     mi  •  ^^^  ^^^^^  y^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^y-  g^^  ^   Bijhofs  are  ordained  throughout  alt  places  ,  Ordination 

ought  not  to  be  made  without  three  or  four  Bijhops, 

He  asketh  why  Bijhop  Jewell  or  Bijhop    Home  did  mt  aVedge  thefe  Regifiers  when 
they  were  charged  tjy  Pr.  Harding  W  Pr.  Stapleton  to  be  no  confecrated  Bijhops  ?  I 
might  even  as  well  ask  him  when  he  citeth  an  authority  out  of  St.  Aujline ,  why 
fuch  or  fuch  an  Authour  that  writ  before  him  upon  that  Subjed,  did  not  cite  it> 
and  thereupon  conclude  that  it  was  counterfeit.     An  argument  from    authority 
negatively  is  worth  nothing.    Perhaps ,  for  I  can  but  guefs  until  he  cite  the  pla- 
ces ,   Dr.  Stapleion  or  Harding  did  not  except  againft  the  number  or  qualification 
of  the  Ordainers ,  but  againft  the  matter  or  form  of  their  Epifcopal  Ordination. 
Perhaps  judging  them  to  be  Hercticks,  they  thought  they    had  loft  their  chara- 
fter  ,  which  yet  he  himfelf  will  acknowledge  to  be  indeleble  :  Perhaps  the  accu- 
fation  was  general  againft  all  Proteftants ,   and  they  gave  a  general  Anfwer.    Per- 
haps they  were  better  verfed  in  the  Schools  than  in  Records  :  Or  Laftly  perhaps , 
or  indeed  without  perhaps ,  they  infifted  upon  the  illegality  of  their  Ordination, 
in  refpeft  of  the  Laws  of  England  ,  not  upon  the  invalidity  of  it ,  as  (hall  clearly 
appear  in  my  next  Anfwer.     In  all  thefe  cafes  there  was  no  occafion  to  alledge  the 
Regifters. 

iVloywere  they   not  fhewed  (*  (aith  he  )  when  Bijhop  Bonner  excepted  againfl  the 
ftid  Home  at  the  Bar  ?  What  need  had  the   Bifhops  to  defire   that  their  Ordinatioa 
fliould  he  judged  fuffcient  by  Varliament  Eight  years  after  ?  Now  let  him  take  one 
Anfwer  for  all.     There  was  an  Aft  paffed  for  authorizing  the  Book  of  Common- 
prayer  ,  and  the  Book  of  Ordination  ,  as  an  Appendix  to  it ,  to  be  ufcd  through- 
out Ene^Lrid ,  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  the  Sixth.     This  Adt  was  repealed  in  tha 
time  of  Queen  Mary,  and  afterwards  revived  by  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  as  to  the  Book 
of  Common-prayer  ,  intending  ,  but  not  exprefly  mentioning  the  Book  of  Or- 
dination 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  i^  Rnghnd.  qi-c- 


dination  ,  which  was  an  Appendix  to  it.     So  it  was  rcftorcd  again  ,  either  ex- 
prefly  under  the  name  of  the  Book  of  Common-prayer  ,  as  containing  the  pub- 
lick  Prayers  of  the  Church  for  that  occafion ;  or   at  lead  implicitely  ,  as  being 
printed  in  the  Book  of  Common-prayer  from  the  beginning ,   as  an  Appendix  to 
it.     Upon  this  pretended  omilhon  Bifliop  Bonner  excepts  againrt  Bifhop  Home's 
Ordination  ,  not    againft  the  validitie  of  it  (  what  have  Parliaments  to  do  with 
the  effentials  of  Ordination  ?  )  but  againft  the  legality  of  it  as  to  the  Realm  of 
England ,  by  reafon  of  the  former  pretended  omilfion.     So  to  take  away  fcru- 
ple ,  the  Parliament  enadled  that  it  fliould  be  deemed  good  in  the  eye  of  our 
Englifh  Law.     The  Parliament  knew  well  that  they  had  no    power    to  make 
that  Ordination  valid  in  it  felf  which  was  invalid   in  it  felf ,  nor  to  make  that 
invalid  which  was  valid.     This  had  been  to  alter  the  eflentials  of  Ordination. 
But  they  had    power ,  for  more  abundant  caution ,  which    never  doth   hurt 
to  take  away  that  fcruple  which  was  occafioned  by  a   Statute  of  Queen  Mary 
which  in  truth  was  fufficiently   removed   before.     What  is  this    now   to    our 
Regifters ,  whe'ther  they  be  authentick  or  not  ?  No ,  we  beg  no  help  from  a- 
ny  civil  Ads  or  Sanftions  to  maintain    our.  Ordinations,   either  for  matter 
ox  form.     But  we  are  ready  to  juftifie  them  by  thole  very  rules  which  he  faith 
the  Council  o(  Trent   offered  to  the  Proteftants,  namely  Scripture,  Tradition, 
Councils  ,  Fathers ,  and  efpecially  the  pradife  of  the  Catholick  Churchi 

But  he  faith  ,  n>e  are  not  ordered  to  offer  trite  fubjiantial  facrifice  ,  Not  expre- 
fly  indeed.  No  more  were  they  themfelves  for  eighthundred  ycarsafter  Chrift  , and 
God  knows  how  much  longer.  No  more  are  the  Greek  Church,  or  any  other 
Chriftian  Church  in  the  world  ("except  the  Roman^  at  this  day.  Yet  they  acknow- 
Icdg  them  to  be  rightly  ordained,and  admit  them  to  exercife  ail  offices  of  their  Pricft- 
ly  Fundlion  in  Rome  it  felf,  which  was  alledged  by  me  in  the  vindication^  and  is  paf- 
fed  over  in  filence  by  R.  C.  in  this  furvey.  The  Greeks  have  no  more  mention 
of  a  Sacrifice  in  their  ordination  then  we.  The  Grace  of  God  promotes  fueh  a  venerable 
Deacon  to  be  a  Tresbyter,  yet  the  Church  of  Rome  approveth  their  Ordination  and  all 
their  other  Rites,  fo  they  will  but  onely  fubmit  to  the  Popes  fpiritual  Monarchy,as 
we  have  feen  in  the  cafe  of  the  Patriarch  of  A/xz^i/,  and  the  Ruffians  fubjedt  to 
the  Crown  of  Po/uMwi  and  the  like  favour  was  ofkied  to  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  upon 
the  fame  condition.  It  is  not  fo  long  fince  Pope  Gregory  ereQed  a  Greek.  Colledge 
at  Rome  to  breed  up  the  youth  of  that  Nation,  where  they  have  liberty  of  all 
the    Greeki(h   Kites ,  onely  ack^orvledging  the  Supremacy  of  the  Pope. 

But  though  we  have  not  exprefs  words  for  offering  of  Sacrifice,  nor  the  tra- ^'""'''"''''/" 
dition  of  the  Patine  and  the  Chalice  (  no  more  had  their   own  Anceftors  for  %-^*ji!'lhe 
a  thoufand  years  )  yet  we  have  thefe  words,  Receive  the  Holy  Ghoft  :  whofe  fins  tift'of  Amu- 
thau  doeft  remit ,  they  are  remitted,  &c.    Be  thou  a  faithful  difpencer  of  the  JFord  rath  4. 
and  Sacraments ,  then  which  the  Scriptures    and  Fathers  did  never  know  more,  '^^  it-ff'rence 
which  their  own  Dodors  have  juftified  as  comprehending  all  effentials,  which  ffr^ghtl^'un- 
being  jointly  confidercd ,  do  include  all  power  neceffary  for  the  exercife  of  the  derflood. 
Paftoral  Office.     We  acknowledge  an  Euchariftical  Sacrifice  of  Praife  and  Thankf- 
givingi  a  commemorative  Sacririce  ,  or  a  memorial  of  the  Sacrifice  of  thcCrofsj 
a  reprefentative  Sacrifice ,  or  a    reprefentation  of  the  Paffion  of  Chrift    before 
the  eyes  of  his  Heavenly  Father  ;  an  impetrative  Sacrifice,  or    an  impetration 
of  the  fruit  and  benefit  of  his  Paflion,  by  way  of  real   prayer  i  and  laflly  an 
applicative  Sacrifice ,  or  an   application  of  his  merits  unto  our  Souls.     Let  him 
that  dare  go  one   ftep  further  then  we   do ,  and  fay   that  it  is    a  fuppjetory 
Sacrifice  to  fupply  the  defeds  of  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs.     Or  elfe  let  them  hold 
their  peace  and  fpcak  no    more  againft  us  in  this  point  of  Sacrifice  for  ever. 

Yet  in  his  margint  he  hath  placed  a  cloud  ofoux  Dodtors,  iFhitakers,  Mor- 
ton, Chillinetporth  ,  Potter,  Fulk^,  Reiiiolds ,  Lmmer  ^  without  citing  a  fyllabk 
of  what  they  fay  ,  faving  onely  Litimer  and  Reinolds ,  that  the  nami  of  Priefi 
importeth  Sacrifice  or  bath  relation  to  Sacrifice.  In  good  time  i  to  do  him  a  cour- 
telie  we  will  fuppofe  that  all  the  reft  fay  as  much.  Such  Sacrifice,  fuch  Prieft. 
Let  the  Reader  Learii  not  to  fear  dumb  fhews.  There  is  nothing  which  any 
of  thefe  fay  which  will  either  advantage  his  caufe  or  prejudice  ours, 

A  a  2  Here 


" 7  A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  ^ 

— Here  he  profdlcth    to  omit  the    furvcy    of  my  laft   chapter,  yet  becaufe  he 

touchcth  fomc  things  in  it  upon  the  by ,  I  am  obhged  to    attend  his  motion^ 
Firft     I  wonder  why  he  (hould  term  us  fugitives.     If  we  be  fugitives,  what  is 
he  himfclf?  No,  we  are  Exttles  ^  excluded  out  of  our  Countrey ,  not  Frojugi, 
fugitives  of  our  own  accord  from  our  Countrey.     And  we  hope  that  he  who 
Jeth  on  his  rvay  weeding  ,  and  beareth  forth  good  feed,  fljaV  return  mthjoy  and  bringhis 
%eaves  with  htm.     If  not ,  God   will  provide    a    rerting    place   for  us ,    either 
under  Heaven  or  in  Heaven.     iVe  praife  thee  0  Cod,  we  ackjiowledge  thee  to  be  the  Lord. 
In  the  conclulion  of  my  Treatife  I    propcfed    Three  ready    means  for  the 
uniting  of  all  Chriftian  Churches  ,    which  feemed  to  mc  very  reafonable.    One 
of  them  was.   That  whereas  fome  Seds   have  contradted  the  Chriftian  Faith 
over  much ,  by  reviving  fome  Herefies  condemned    by  the   primitive  Church  > 
and  on  the  other  fide ,  the  Church  of  'Rome  had  enlarged    the  Chriftian  Faith 
over  mucli ,  by  making  or  declaring  new    Articles   of  Faith  in  this  laft  age  of 
the  World ,  the  Creed  or  Belief  of  the  Church  containing  all  .points  of  Faith 
neceflary   to  be  known  of  all  Chriftians ,  fhould   be   reduced  to   what   it  was 
in  the  time  of  the  firft  Four  general    Councils   C  I  might  add  )    and    many 
ages  after.     No  man  dares  fay,  that    the  Faith  of  the  primitive    Fathers  was 
imperfedt  or  infufficient.     Againll  this  he    maketh    Three   Objedions  i    Firft , 
There  ate  fun-  That  there  are  no  fuch  fundamental  pints  of  Faith  as  Proteftants  imagine  ,  fitffl:ient 
damentals.        ^^  jalvation ,  though    other   points    of    Faith  fufficiently   fropofed  he  not  believed. 
This  Obje(3:ion  is  compounded   of  truth  and  falfhood.     That    there  are  fuch 
Fundamentals  he  himfelf  confeffeth  elfewhere ,  which   are    neceflary    not  onely 
necejjitate  pr^cepti ,    but  necejjjtate   medii  :    and  if  he    did    not    confefs  it,    the 
^rfc. 5."'     authority  of  the  Apoftle  would  evince  it.  That    the  belief  of  thefe  alone  is 
<^c.  fufficicnt  for  the  falvation  of  them  to   whom    no    more    is    revealed  ,  he  dare 

not  deny  ;  And  that  the  belief  of  thefe  is  fuflicient  to  them  who  do  not  be- 
lieve other  truths  which  are  revealed  unto  them ,  no  Proteftants  did  ever  ima- 
gine. Obferve  how  cunningly  he  confounds  the  ftate  of  the  Queftion.  The 
Queftion  is  not ,  what  is  neceflary  for  a  man  to  beliete  for  himfelf:  This  is 
as  different  as  the  degrees  of  mens  knowledge ,  but  what  may  lawfully  be  im- 
pofed  upon  all  men  ,  or  what  may  be  exafted  upon  other  men  to  whom  it 
is  not  revealed ,  or  to  whom  we  do  not  know  whether  it  be  revealed  or  not 
Then  if  he  would  have  objeded  cny  thing  material  to  the  purpofe ,  he  fhould 
havefaids  That  the  belief  of  all  Fundamentals  is  not  fuflicient  to  falvation, 
unlefs  other  points  of  Faith  be  impofed  or  obtruded  upon  all  men ,  whether 
they  be  revealed  or  not  revealed  to  them.  And  this  had  been  diredly  contrary 
to  the  plain  Decree  of  the  general  Council  of  Ephefut ,  That  no  new  Creeds 
nor  new  points  of  Faith  {hould  be  impofed  upon  Chriftians ,  more  than  the 
Creed  then  received. 

His  fecond  Objedion  is  this  ,  though  there  were  fuch  Fundamentals ,  yet  feeing 
Troteftants  confefs  they  h^ow  not  which  they  are  ,  one  cannot  k^iow  by  them  n>ho  hold 
.  .  /o  much  as  is  neceffary  to  a  true  Church.  I  do  not  blame  either  Proteftants  or 
neal^ry  w  be  Others ,  efpecially  private  and  particular  perfons  ,  if  they  be  very  tender  in  fet- 
beleeved  to  ting  down  precifely  what  points  of  Faith  are  abfolutely  neceflary  to  falvation  , 
falvation  ordt-  the  rather  becaufe  it  is  a  curious,  needlefs ,  and  unprofitable  fpeculation.  Since 
^"^^y  the  blefled  Apoftles  have    been  fo   provident    for  ihe   Church  ,  as  to  depofite 

and  commit  to  the  cuftody  thereof  the  Creed ,  as  a  perfcd  Rule  and  Canon  of 
Faith ,  which  comprehendeth  all  Dodlrinal  points  which  are  abfolutely  necefla- 
ry for  all  Chriftians  to  falvation ,  it  were  great  folly  and  ingratitude  in  us  to 
wrangle  about  circumftances ,  or  about  fome  fubftantial  points  of  lefler  con- 
cernment ,  whether  they  be  fo  neceflary  as  others.  This  is  fuflicient  to  let  us 
know ,  who  hold  (b  much  as  is  neceflary  to  a  true  Church  in  point  of  Faith  , 
even  all  thofe  Churches  which  hold  the  Apoftles  Creed  ,  as  it  is  expounded  in 
the  Four  firft  general  Councils. 
St'thfnifEf.  '^'^  ^^^^^  ^^^  '^"^  Objedion  followeth  :  AV points  of  Faith  fufficiently  propofcd  are 
feniiali.  *  ^Jf^^ttial  and  fundamental ,  mr  can  any  fuch  point  be  disbelieved  without  infidelity , 
and  giving  the  lye  to  God  ,  iK  Frotejiants  jometimes  confefs.     If  by  fufficicnt  propo- 

fal 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  Ens,hnd.  257 

fal  he  underftands  the  propofal   of  the  Church  of  Rome ,  I  deny  both  parts  o 
his  AfTertion  :  Many  things  may  be  propofed   by  the  Church  of  Rome  which  are^ 
neither  fimdamental  truths ,  nor  inferiour  truths ,  but  errours  which  may  be  dif- 
believed  without  either  inrtdelity  or  fin.     Other  men  are  no  more  fatisfied  that 
there  is  fuch  an  infallible  proponent,  then  they  fatisfie  one  another  what  this  in- 
fallible proponent  is.     If  either  a  man  be  not  aflured  that  there  is  an  infallible 
proponent ,  or  be  not  aflured  who  this  infallible  proponent  is  ,   the  propofition 
may  be  disbelieved  without  giving  God  the  lye.     But  if  by  fufficient  propofal  he 
underllands  God's  adtual  revelation  of  the  truth,   and  the  convidion  of  the  con- 
fcience  ,  then  this  third  Objedion  is  like  the  firft  ,  partly  true ,  and  partly  falfe. 
The  later  part  of  it  is  true,  that  whofoever  is  convinced  that  God  hath  revealed* 
any  thing ,  and  doth  not  believe  it  ,  giveth  God  the  lie  i  and  this  the   Prote- 
ftants  do  alwayes  affirm.     But  the  former  part  of  it  is  ftill  falfe.     All  truths  that 
are  revealed  are  not  therefore  prefently  Fundamentals  or  Eflentials  of  Faith ,  no 
more  than  it   is  a  fundamental  point   of  Faith  that  St.  Paid  had  aCloak.     That 
■which  was  once  an  eflential  part  of  the  Chriftian  Faith ,  is  alwayes  an  eflential 
part  of  the  Chriftian  Faith  v  that  which  was  once  no  Eflential  ,  is  never  an  EC- 
fential.     How  is  that  an  eflential  part  of  faving  Faith ,  without  which  Chriftians 
may  ordinarily  be  faved  ?  But  many  inferiour  truths  are  revealed  to  particular 
perfons ,  without  the  adlual  knowledge  whereof  many  others  have  been  faved 
and  they  themfelves  might  have  been  faved  ,  though  thofe  truths  had  never  been 
propofed  or  revealed  to  them.     Thofe  things  which  may  adefe  or  abejje ,  be  prc- 
fent  or  abfent ,  known  or  not  known ,  believed  or  not  believed  ,    without  the 
deftrudion  of  faving  Faith  ,  are  no  Eflentials  of  faving  Faith.     In  a  word    fbme 
things  are  necefTary  to  be  believed  when  they  are  known,   onely  becaufe  they  are 
revealed  ,  otherwife  conducing   little  ,    or   it   may   be  nothing  ,    to  falvation. 
Some  other  things  are  necefTary  to  be  believed ,  not  onely  becaufe  they  are  re- 
vealed ,  but  becaufe  belief  of  them  is  appointed  by  God  a   necefl!ary  means  of 
falvation.     Thefe  are  ,    thofe  are  not ,    EfTentials  ot  Fundamentals  of  faving 
Faith.  f 

Another  means  of  reunion  propofed  by  me  in  the  Vindication  ,  was  the  re-  •A"^'^'  fope$ 
duClion  of  the  Biihop  of  Rome  from  his   univerfality   of  foveraign  Jurifdidiion  fo^eSlmvl^ 
jure  divine  ^  to  his  exordium  unitatis ,  and  to  have  his  Court  regulated  by  the  Ca-  rtdivm. 
nons  of  the  Fathers ,  which  was  the  fcnfe  of  the  Councils  of  Conflance  and  Ba- 
f!e.     Againfl  this  he  pleadeth  ■■>  Firft  ,  That  ancient   Topes  praUifed  or  challenged 
Epijcopalor  Fajhral  Jitthority  ovet  aU  Chriftians ,  jure  divino ,  in  greater  Ecclefia- 
ftical  caufes.     And  for  the  proof  thereof  referreth  us  to  BeVarmine.     To  which  I 
Anfwer  ■,  Firfi: ,  That  the  Paftors  of  Apoftolical    Churches    had  ever  great  au- 
thority among  all  Chriftians,  and  great  influence  upon  the   Church,  as  Honou- 
rable Arbitrators  ,  and  faithful  Depofitaries  of  the  genuine  Apoflolical  Tradition^ 
but  none  of  them  ever  exercifed  Sovereign  Jurifdidion  over  all  Chriftians.     Se- 
condly ,  I  anfwer  ,  That  the  Epiftles  of  many  of  thofe  ancient  Popes  ,    upon 
which  their  claim  of  univerfal  Soveraignty  jure  divino  is  principally  grounded 
are  confefTcd  by  themfelves  to  be  counterfeits.     Thirdly  ,   I  anfwer ,   That  anci- 
ent Popes  in  their  genuine  Writings  do  not  claim  ,  nor  did  pra<ftife  Monarchical 
power  over  the  Catholick  Church,  much  lefs  did  they  claim  it  jure  divino,  but 
what  power  they  held  ,  they  held  by  prefcription ,  and  by  the  Canons  of  the 
Fathers ,  who  granted  fundry  priviledges  to  the  Church  of  Rome ,  in  honour  to 
the  memory  of  St.  Peter ,  and  the  Imperial  City  of  Rome.     And  fome  of  thofe 
ancient  Popes  have  challenged  their  authority  from  the  Council  of  Mce ,    though 
without  ground,  which  they  would  never  have  done ,  if  they  had  held  it  jure  OftbeChuTc% 
divino.     And  for  anfwer  to  BfKirw/w  ,  whom  he  onely  mentioneth  in  eeneral     j''S'<»«;3'« 
refer  him  to  Dr.  FieW.  '      '"''•*^' 

In  the  next  place  he  citeth  St.  Hierame^  That  Chrifi  made  one  Head  among  the 
T'lvelve  to  avoid  Schifm.     And  hove  much  more  necejjary  (  faith  R.  C.  )  is  fuch  a  Head  ,.     , 

in  the  univerfal  Church?  It  was  difcreetly  done  of  him  to  omit  the  words  going  L.9'^«h(^' 
immediately  before  in   St.   Hierome  ■■,  But    thou  fayeft  the    Church  U  founded  upon  jo^i^' 
St.  Peter,     "the  fame  U  done  in  another  place  upon  all  the  Apoftles  ■■,  they  all  receive  the^ 

h^yes 


"TT^  '  A  Ju(i  Vindkation TOME  U 

^  y\a  of  the  Kimdm  cf  Heaven  ,  a>!d  the  ftrengtb  of  the  Church   u  eflabUflnd  equally 

vion  tim  all.    \  have  Oicwcd  him  formerly  in  anhver  to  tbis  }.Mace  ,   that  in  a  bo- 

dy  endowed  with  power  ,  as  tlic  Church  is  ,  an  Headdiip  of  Order  alone  is  a  fu^ 

Hcicnt  remedy  againlt  Schifm.     His  [  how  much  more  ]  fliould  be  how  much  lefs  : 

Sop  c.  5.       a  llngle  perfon  is  more  capable  of  the  government  of  a  fmall  Society  ,  than  of  tha 

Sea  I.  uhole  world.  ^,  .      ,  r        -r,,,  ,  . 

After  this,  he  citcth  MelarUhon^  As  there  are  jome  Bijhops  rpho  govern  divert 
Cent.  ^Pifl'      Churches     the   Bijhop  of  Rome    governeth  ali   Bijhops ,  and   this    Cammcal  policy  J 
Thetlef.lA-     ^y^^j^^^jg  ^,;jg  „,j,t  Joth  dijallow.     1  cannot  in  prefent  procure  that  Century  of  The- 
oloeical  EpiiHes ,  but  I  have  perufcd  Melandhon's  Epiftles ,  publifhed  by  Ca^ar 
Tucerus     wherein  I  hnd  no  fuch  Epiftle.     I  examine  not  whether  this  Epiftle  by 
him  cited    be  genuine  or  counterfeit  ,    and  if  genuine  ,   whether  MelanCihon's 
words  be   rightly    rchearfed ,  and  if  rightly  rehearfed  ,  at    what   time  it  was 
written     whether  before  he    was  a  formed    Proteftant    or  after.     It^ppeareth 
plainly  in  the  words  here  cited  ,  that  Melatitihon  was  willing  to  acknowledge  the 
Papacy  onely  as  a  Canonital  policy.     And  fo  we  do  not  condemn  it  ,  whileft  it  is 
bounded  by  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers.     But  then  where  is  their  jw  divimm  or 
the  Inftitution  of  Chrift  >  Where  is  their  abfolute  or  univerfal    Soveraignty  of 
Power  and  JurifdiAion  ?  In  all  probability  if  thefe  be  the  words  of  MelanUhm  , 
his  meaning  was  confined  to  the  'Roman  Patriarchate ,  which  was  all  the  Church 
that  he  was  much  acquainted  with.     And  that  either  thefe  are  none  of  his  words, 
or  that  they  were  written  before  he  was  a  formed  Proteftant,  or  that  he  intended 
onely  the  Koman  Patriarchate ,  is  moft  evident    from  his  later   and  undoubted 
Writings ,  wherein  he  doth  utterly  and  conftantly  condemn  the  Papal  univerfal 
Monarchy  of  the  Koman  Bifhop. 
A  modetate         And  LaAly  ,  what  MelanCihon  faith  ,  is  onely  in  point  of  prudence  or  difcre- 
Papacyir.iglit    tion  ,  \_he  thin^  no  wife  man  ought  to  difil^  if.  3  We  are  not  fo  ftupid  as  not  to 
piove  "'^f'^"' '  {^e  but  that  fome  good  ufe  might  be  made  of  an  exordium  VnitaiU  Eccleft^ic£  ^ 
torn.  '"^*^'      efpecially  at  this  time  when  the  Civil  Power  is  fo  much  divided  and  diftraded. 
But  the  Quere  is  even  in  point  of  prudence ,  whether  more  good  or  hurt  might 
proceed  from  it.     We  have  been  taught  by  experience  to  fear  Three  dangers  i 
Firft  ,  when  we  give  an  Inch,  they  are  apt  to    take  an   Ell :  Tyrants  arc  not 
often  born  with  their  teeth  ,  as  'Richard  the  Third  was,  but  grow  up  to  their 
excefs  in  procefs  of  time.     Secondly  ,  When  we  give  a  free  Alms ,  (  as  Feter-pence 
were  of  old  )  they  ftraight-way  interpret  it  to  be  a  tribute  and  duty.     Thirdly  , 
What  wc  give  by  humane  right ,  they  challenge  by  Divine  Right  to  the  See  of 
B-ome.     And  fo  will  not  leave  us  free  to  move  our  rudder  ,  according  to  the  va- 
riable face  of  the  Heavens  ,  and  the  viciffitude  of  humane  affairs. 

Thefe  are  all  the  Teftimonies  which  he  citeth ,  but  he  prefenteth  unto  us  ano- 
ther dumb  {he-w  o( Englijh  Authours  in  the  Margin,  Ifhitakfrs ,  Laude,  Fotter , 
ChilirgTvorth  ,  Mmntague ,  befides  fome  Forreigners.     But  if  the  Reader  does  put 
himfelf  to  the  trouble  to  fearch  the  feveral  places ,  notwithflanding  thefe  titles 
or  fuperfcriptions ,  he  will  find  the  boxes  all  empty  ,  without  one  word  to  the 
puipcfe ,  as  if  they  had  been  cited  by  chance  ,  and  not  by   choice.     And  if  he 
(hould  take  in  all  the  other  Writings  of  thefe  feveral  Authours  ,  they  would  not 
advantage  his  caufe  at  all.     Bifliop  Mountaeue  is  efteemed  one  cf  the  moft  indul- 
gent to  him  among  them ,  (  though  in  truth  one  of  his  faddeft  Adverfaries,  ) 
yet  I  am  confident  he  dare  not  ftand  to  his   verdid:.     Habeat  potejiatem  Ordin'n , 
Ec^rtart      ^""f^f"'' J^ ,  Confilii ,   Co^ifuhationU  ,  Conclufonif ,  Executionis ,   delegatam.     Suhfit 
j(/?.f,\?S.*    <"<"■»'  ilia  poteftof  Ecc/t/ire,  aufribilis  fit  perEcckfiam,  citm  non  fit  in  VivinU  Scri- 
pturis  infiituta  ,  non  Petro  perfonaliier  addiVia  :  Let  the  Bifliop  cf  Rome  have  delega- 
ted unto  him  ,  (  that  is  by  the  Church  )   a  power  cf  Order  ,  'Diredion ,  Counfel , 
Corfiiltaiion  ,  Conclufion ,  (  or  pronouncing  fentence  )   and  putting  in  execution.  But 
kt  that  power  be  JubjeCi  to  the  Church ,  let  it  be  in  the  Churches  power  to  taki  '* 
away ,  feeing  it  is   not  inftituted  in  the  Holy  Scriptures ,  nor  tyed  perfonaVy  unto 

The  c     lufi  ^^^^^' 

^^e  concu  -      To  conclude  ,  the  fame  advice  which  he  giveth  unto  me,  I  return  unto  himr 

fcIC     Att(ndite  ad  Feiram  unde  excifi  (j\U  \  Look^  unto  the  rock^  whence  ye  are  hewn. 

Look 


Discourse  HI.      Of  the  Chnrch  of  England.  2«;9 


Look  unto  the  Church  of  Bierujjlem ,  and  remember  ,  That  the  Lan>  came 
out  of  Zion  ,  and  the  Word  of  the  Lord  out  of  Hierufalem.  Look  unto  the 
Church  of  Antioch ,  where  the  Vifcipks  were  firjl  called  Cbrijhans :  Look 
unto  the  other  Eajiern  Churches  in  whofe  Regions  the  Son  of  Righteoufhefs 
did  fliine,  when  the  Day  of  Chriftianity  did  but  begin  to  dawn  in  your  Coafts. 
Look  to  the  primitive  Church  of  Kome  it  felf ,  Whofe  Faith  wof  fpok^n  of  through- 
out the  whole  World  ,  and  needed  not  the  Papplemental  Articles  of  Tim  the  Fourth. 
Laftly ,  Look  unto  the  true  Catholick  Oecumenical  Church  ,  whofe  Priviledees 
you  have  ufurped  ,  and  feek  not  to  exclude  fo  many  Millions  of  Chriftians  from 
the  hope  of  Salvation  ,  and  the  benefit  of  Chrifis  PalGon  ,  in  rohom  all  the  Nations 
of  the  World  neere  to  he  blejfed.  This  indeed  is  the  onely  fecure  way  both  to  Unity 
and  Salvation  ,  to  keep  that  entire  Form  of  DoGrine  without  addition  or  diminu- 
tion ,  which  was  fufficient  to  (ave  the  holy  ApolHes ,  which  was  by  them  contra- 
ded  into  a  Summary  ,  and  depofited  vr ith  the  Churches  to  be  the  true  badge  and 
cognifance  of  all  Chriftians  in  all  fucceeding  ages  ,  more  than  which  the  primitive 
Fathers ,  or  rather  the  reprefentative  Church  of  Chrift  ,  did  forbid  to  be  exaded 
of  any  perfon  that  was  converted  from  Jewrfin  or  Paganilm ,  to  Chri/tianity.  And 
Of  many  as  walk^according  to  thit  Kulf  (  of  Faith  ^  Peace  be  upon  them  and  Mercy,  and 
upon  the  Ifrael  of  Cod. 


odo 


Ji  Jufi  Vindication 


TOME  I. 


REP    L  Y 

T  O 

S,  VF\  Refutation  of  the  Bifliop  of 
Verrys    juft    Vindication  of  the    Church  of 

England. 

\^^  H  E  moft  of  S.  W"  Exceptions  have  been  already  largely  and  par- 
""K^  ticularly  fatisfied  in  the  former  reply  to  the  Bifliop  of  Chakedon. 
^5  Yet  left  any  thing  of  moment  might  efcape  an  anfwer ,  I  will 
5  review  them ,  and  anfwer  them  generally  and  fuccindly,  as  they 
*•  are  propofed  by  him.  To  his  Title  of  DoiPM-Pf rry.  I  have  nothing 
to  fay ,  but  that  it  were  ftrange  if  he  fliould  throw  a  good  caft ,  who  feals 
his  bowl  upon  anunderfong. 

S  E  C  T.     I. 

IN  the  firft  place ,  he  profefleth  to  flicw  the  impertineacy  of  my  grounds , 
and  to  ftick  the  guilt  of  Schifm  not  onely  with  colour^  but  reith  undeniable 
evidence,  upon  the  Enghjh  Church,  by  the  very  pofition  of  the  cafe  or  ftating  of 
the  queftion  between  us  ■■>  and  this  he  calleth  a  little  after  their  chief  ObjeCfiott 
againjl  us  :  what  then  ?  is  ftating  of  the  queftion  and  Objeding  all  one  >  I  con- 
fefs,  the  right  pofition  of  a  cafe  may  difpel  umbrages,  and  reconcile  contro- 
verfies,  and  bring  much  light  to  the  truth.  But  as  the  Lyon  asked  the  Man 
in  the  Fable,  vcho  made  the  pUtire  ?  we  may  crave  leave  to  demand,  whofliall 
put  this  cafe  ?  furely  he  meaneth  a  Koman  Catholick.  For  if  a  Proteftant  ftatc 
it ,  it  will  not  be  fo  much  for  their  advantage ,  nor  the  bare  propofition  of  it, 
bear  fuch  undeniable  evidence  in  it. 

I  hope  a  man  may  view  this  Engine    without  danger.     Jn  the  heginmng  of 

Henry  the  Eighths  Keign ,  and  immediately  before  his  fubftradion  of  Obedience 

from  the  See  of  Kome  ,  "the  Church  of  England,  agreed  vpith  the  Church  of  Rome, 

and    all  the  refi  of  her    Communion  in   itvo  points,  which  were    then  and  ftiV  are 

the  bonds  of  unity  ,   betwixt    aV  her  members ,  the  one  concerning  Faith ,  the  other 

Government.     For  Faith ,  her  rule  was  ,  that  the  Vodrines  which  had  been  inherit 

ted  from  their  Forefathers  as  the  legacies  of  Chrift  and  hU  j4p(ftles ,  were  folely  to 

t>e  ack^oxvledged  for  Obligatory ,  and  nothing  in    them  to  he  changed.     For  Covern- 

ment ,  her  principle  was  ,  that  Chrifl  had  made  S.  Peter  firft ,  or  chief,  or   Frince 

cf  hU  jipnjiles,  who  was  to  be  the  firji  mover  tinder  him  in   the  Church  after  hi* 

departure  out  of  this  world ,  and  that  the  Bijhops  of  KorciQ  as  fticcejfors  of  S.  Peter 

inherited  from  him  this  privikdge  ,   &c.  A  little  after  he  acknowledgeth,  that  the  firft 

principle  includeth  the  truth  of  the  fecond.     And  that  there  is  this  manifeft  evidence 

fr  it ,  that  ftill  the   latter  Age  could  not  he  ignorant  of  what  the   former  believed , 

and  that  as  long  as  it  adhered  to  that  method ,  nothing  could  be  altered  in  it. 

Before  we  come  to  his  application  of  this  to  the  Church  of  England,  or  his 
inference  from  hence  in  favour  of  the  Church  of  "Kome,  it  will  not  be  amifs 
to  examine  his  two  principles,  and  (hew  what  truth  there  is  in  them,  and  how 
falftiood  is  hidden  under  the  vizard  of  truth.  In  the  firft  place ,  I  defirc  the 
Reader  .to  obferve  with  what  fubtilty  this  cafe  is  propofed,  that  the  Church  of 

Eng- 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  261 


England  agreed  rpitb  the  Church  of  Rome  and  all  the  refi  of  her  Communion.  And 
again ,  that  the  Eijhop  of  Rome  exercifed  this  Poa>er  in  all  thofe  Countries  xvhich  k^pt 
Communion  rvith  the  Church  of  Rome.  So  feeking  to  obtrude  upon  us  the 
Church  of  Kome ,  with  its  dependants  for  the  Catholick  Church.  We  owe  re- 
fped  to  the  Church  of  Kome  as  an  Apoftolical  Church ,  but  we  owe  not  tliat 
conformity  and  fubjedion  to  it ,  which  we  owe  to  the  Catholick  Church  of 
Chrilt.  Before  this  pretended  feparation ,  the  Court  of  Kome  by  their  temera- 
rious cenfures  had  excluded  two-  third  parts  of  the  Catholick  Church  from  their 
Communion  ,  and  thereby  had  made  themlelves  Schifmatical.  The  world  is 
greater  than  the  City ,  all  thefe  Chriftian  Churches  which  are  excommunicated 
by  the  Court  of  Rowe,  onely  becaufe  they  would  never  (  no  more  than  their 
Anceftours  )  acknowledge  themfelves  Subieds  to  the  Bilhop  of  Kome ,  did  in- 
herit the  Dodtrine  of  faving  Faith  from  their  forefathers ,  as  the  Legacy  of 
Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  ,  and  have  been  as  faithful  depofitaries  of  it  as  they. 
And  their  Teftimony  what  this  Legacy  was ,  is  as  much  to  be  regarded  as  the 
Teftimony  of  the  Church  of  Kome ,  and  fo  much  more ,  by  how  much  they 
are  a  greater  part  of  the  Catholick  Church. 

Secondly,  I  obferve  how  he  makes  two  principles,  the  one  in  Dodrinc,  the 
other  in  difcipline  i  though  he  confefs  that  the  truth  of  the  latter  is  included 
in  the  former,  and  borroweth  its  evidence  from  iti  onely  that  he  might  gain 
the  more  opportunity  to  fhuffle  the  latter  ufurpations  of  the  Popes  into  the  an- 
cient difcipline  of  the  Church  i  and  make  thefe  upftart  novelties  to  be  a  part 
of  that  ancient  Legacy. 

Fruflra  fit  per  plura  quod  fieri  poteji  per  pandora.  ■•,  It  is  in  vain  to  make  two 
rules ,  where  one  will  ferve  the  turn.  I  do  readily  admit  both  his  rirll:  and 
his  fccond  rule  reduced  into  one  in  this  fubfequent  form  :  That  thofe  Do- 
drines  and  that  difcipline  which  we  inherited  from  our  forefathers,  as  the  Le- 
gacy of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  ,  ought  folely  to  be  acknowledged  for  obli- 
gatory, and  nothing  in  them  to  be  changed,  that  is  Subftantial  or  EffcntiaL 
So  the  Church  of  England  maintains  this  rule  now  as  well  as  they.  The 
queftion  onely  is,  who  have  changed  that  Dodrine  or  this  Difcipline,  we  or 
they  ,?  We  by  fubftradion,  or  they  by  addition  >  the  cafe  is  clear,  the  Apo- 
ftles contraded  this  Dodrine  into  a  Summary,  that  is ,  the  Creed  i  the  primitive ' 
Fathers  expounded  it  where  it  did  ftand  in  need  of  clearer  explication.  The 
General  Council  of  Ephefm  did  forbid  all  men  to  exad  any  more  of  a  Chri- 
ftian  at  his  Baptifmal  profeffion.  Into  this  Faith  were  we  Baptized ,  unto  this 
Faith  do  we  adhere  i  whereas  they  have  changed  and  enlarged  their  Creed  by 
the  addition  of  new  Articles ,  as  is  to  be  feen  in  the  new  Creed  or  Confef- 
fion  of  Faith  made  by  Fiuf  the  Fourth:  fo  for  Dodrine.  Then  for  Difci- 
pline, We  profefs  and  avow  that  Difcipline  which  the  whole  Chriftian 
world  pradifed  for  the  firft  fix  hundred  years  ,  and  all  the  Eaflern  ,  South- 
ern and  Northern  Churches  until  this  day.  They  have  changed  the  beginning 
of  Unity  into  an  llniverfality  of  Jurifdidion  ,  and  Soveraignty  of  Power  a- 
bove  General  Councils ,  which  the  Chriftian  world  for  the  firft  Six  Hundred 
Years  did  never  know,  nor  the  greateft  part  of  it  ever  acknowledge  until 
this  day.  Let  St.  Peter  be  the  firft  or  chief,  or  in  a  right  fence  the  Prince 
of  the  Apoftles,  or  the  firft  mover  in  the  Church  ,  all  this  extends  but  to  a 
primacy  of  order ,  the  Soveraignty  of  Ecclefiaftical  power  was  in  the  Apo  ■ 
ftolical  Colledge  ,  to  which  a  General  Council  now  fucceed  th.  It  is  c- 
vident  enough  whether  they  or  we  do  hold  our  felves  bettet  to  the  Legacy 
of  Chrift  and  His  Apoftles. 

Thirdly ,  Whereas  he  addeth  ,  that  the  Bijhop5  of  Rome  at  fuccejjors  of  St. 
Peter  inherited  his  priviledges ,  and  aUually  exercifed  this  povper  in  all  thofe  Coun- 
tries Tphicb  h^pt  Communion  with  the  Church  of  Rome ,  that  very  year  wherein 
this  unhappy  feparation  began  •,  as  it  cometh  much  ftiort  of  the  truth  in  one 
refped ,  for  the  Popes  exercifed  much  more  power  in  thofe  Countries  which 
gave  them  leave,  than  ever  St.  Peter  pretended  unto  i  fb  it  is  much  more 
(hort  of  that    Univerfal  Monarchy   which   the  Pope  did  then ,  and  doth  ftil! 

B  b  claim. 


T^^^ —  "  A  Jnji  Vindication  T  O  M  E  T> 

claim      For     as  1  have  already  faid,  two  Third  parts  of  the  ChrilHan  world  were 
not    at    that'    time   of  his  Communion ,  but    excommunicated   by   him     onely 
becaufe  they  would   not  fubmit  their    necks    to    his    yoke.     And    thofe   otner 
Countries  which  yielded  more  obedience  to  him ,   or  were  not  fo  well  able  to 
contell  againrt  him ,  yet  when  they  were  over  much  pinched ,   and  his  opref- 
fions  and  ufurpations  did  grow  intolerable,  did   oppofe  him,,  and  make   them- 
felvcs    the  lall  Judges  of  their  own   Liberties  and  grievances,  and  of  the  Li- 
mits of  Papal  authority ,  and  fet  bounds  unto  it ,  as  1  have  demonftrated  in 
the  Vindication.     So  whereas  this  refiiter  doth  undertake  to  ftate  the  cafe  clear- 
ly    he  comtth  not  near  the  true  queftion  at    all ,   which  is  not ,  whether  the 
Bifliop  ofKow.'f  had  any  authority  in  the  Catholick  Church-,  he  had  authority 
in  his  Diccefs  as  a  Bifliop  i  in  his  Province  as  a  Metropolitan ;  in    his  Patriar- 
chate    as  the  chief  of  the  iive  Protopatriarchs  s  and   all  over  ,  asthe  Bifliop  of 
an  Apoftolical  Church  ,  or   fuccefTour  of  St.  Teier.     But  the  true  quertion  is , 
what  are  the  right  limits  and  bounds  of  his  authority  ?  whether  he  have  a  le- 
giflative  power  over  all  Chriftians  ?    whether  the  patronage    and  difpofition  of 
all  Churches  doth  belong  unto  him  ?  whether  he    may  convocate  Synods ,  and 
exercife  Jurifdidtion  ,  and  fell  palles,  pardons  and  indulgences ,  and  fend  legates, 
and  fct  up  Lcgantine  Courts ,  and  impofe  penfions  at  his  pleafure  ,  in  all  King- 
doms without  confent   of  Sovereign  Princes,  and  call    all  Eccleiiaftical  caufcs 
to  Kome ,  and  interdid  whole  nations ,  and  infringe  their    Liberties  and  Cu- 
ftoms ,  and  excommunicate  Princes ,  and  deprive  them  of  their  Realms ,  and  ab- 
folve  their    Subjedts   from  their    allegiance  ?  Let  thefe    pretended  Branches  of 
Papal  Power  be  Lopped  off,  and  all  things  reftored  to  the  primitive  form,  and 
then   the  Papacy  will  be  no  more  like  that  itifaiia  Laurus  ,  the  caufe  of  conten- 
tion or  divifion    in  all  places.     In  the  mean  time  ,  if  they  want  that  refped 
which  is  due  unto  them ,  they  may    blame  themfelves ,  who  will   not  accept 
what  is  their  juft  right,  unlefs  they  may  have  more. 

Fourthly ,  That  which  follows  is  a  great  miftake  ,  that  it  was  and  U  the  conjiant 
helitf  rf  the  Caiholic]i^  world  ,  that  thefe  frmci^ks  are  Chriji^s  own  Ordination  recorded 
in  Scripture.     What  ?  that  St.  Feter  had  any  power  over  his  Fellow-Apoftles  ?  or 
that  the  Bifliop  of  Kome  fucceeds  him  in  that  power?  It  doth  not  appear  out  of 
the  holy  Text  that  St.  Peter  was  at    B-ome^    except  we  underftand  Kome  by  the 
name  of  Babylon.     If  it  \>e  ChrijVs  own  Ordination  recorded  in  the  Scriptures  ,  that 
St.  Peter  fliould  have  all  thefe  Priviledges,  and  the  Bifliop  of  Kome  inherit  them 
as  his  Succeffor ,  then  the  great  General  Council  of  Chalcedon  was  much  to  be 
blamed  ,  to  give  equal  Priviledges  to  the  Patriarch  of  Conjlantinople ,  with  the 
Patriarch  of  Kome  •,  and  to  efteem  the  Imperial  City  more  than  the  Ordination 
of  Chrifl.     Then  the  whole  Catholick  Church  was  much  to  be  blamed,  to  re- 
ceive fuch  an  unjufi:  Conflitution  not  approved  by    the  then  Bifliop  of  Kome. 
Laftly.,   This  is  fo  far  from  the  conftant  Belief  of  the  Catholick  World,  that  it 
is  not  the  Belief  of  the  Koman  Chiirch  it  felf  at  this  day.     The  greateft  Defen- 
ders of  the  Pope's  Supremacy  dare  not  fay ,  that  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  fucceedeth 
St.  Ptttr  hy  Chriji^s  own  Ordination  ,  but  onely  by  St.  Peter^  dying  Bifhop  oiKome. 
They  acknowledge  that  St.  Pf^fr  might  have  dyed  Bifhop  of  Antioch ,    and  then 
they  fay  the  Bifhop  of  Antioch  had  fucceeded  him  ,  or  he  might  have  died  Bifhop 
of  no  place ,  and  then  the  Papacy  had  been  in  the  difpofition  of  the  Catholick 
Church  ,  though  he  died  at  Kcme ,  as  without  doubt  it  is ,    and  may  be  contra- 
cted ,  or  enlarged  ,  or  tranflated  from  one  See  to  another  ,  for  the  advantage  of 
Chriflian  Religion.     His  manifeft  evidence ,  which    he  flileth  fo  ample  a  memory 
and  fucc(fion  as  U  ftrovger  than  the  ftcck^  of  hifmane  government  and  aQion  ;  That 
is ,  that  jiill  the  later  age  cculd  not  be  ignorant  of  what  the  former  believed ,    and  as 
long  as  it  adhered  to  that  method^  nothing  could  be  altered  in  it^  is  Co  far  from  a 
Demonflration ,  that  it  fcarcely   deferveth    the  name  of  a  Topical  Argument. 
For  as  an  univerfal  uncontroverted    Tradition  of  the  whole  Chriflian  world  of 
all  ages  united ,   is  a  convincing  and  undeniable  evidence ,  C  fuch  a  Tradition  is 
the  Apoftles  Creed  ,  comprehending  in  it  all  the  necefTary  points  of  faving  Faith, 
repeated  daily  in  our  Churches,  every  Chriflian  ftanding  up  at  it,  both  to  ex- 

prefs 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Eughnd.  '26^ 

preG  his  aflent   unto  it ,  and  readinefs  to  maintain  it ,  profefled  by  every  Chri- 
liian  at  his  Baptifm ,  either  perfonally  when  he  is  of  age  fufficient ,  or  by  his 
Sureties ,  when  he  is  an  Infant ,  and  the  Tradition  of  the  univerfal  Church  of 
this  age ,  a  proof  rot  to  be  oppofed  nor  contradided  by  us.  )  So  the  tradition 
of  fome   particular  perfons  ,  or  fome  particular  Churches,  in  particular  points  or 
opinions  of  an  inferiour  nature  ,  which  are  neither  lb  necelTary  to  be  known , 
nor  fo  firmly  believed,  nor  fo  publiquely  and  univerfally  profefTed  nor  deri- 
ved downwards  from  the  Apoflolical  ages  by  fuch  uninterrupted  fucceflion,  doth 
produce  no  fuch  certainty  either  of  evidence  or  adherence.     When  the  Chriftian 
World  is  either  not  united ,  or  divided  about  particular  opinions  or  inferiour 
points  of  Faith  ,  it  proveth  moft  probably  that  there  was  no  Apoftolical  tradition 
at  firft  ,  but  that  particular  perfons  or  places  have  aflumed  their  refpedive  opi- 
nions in  fucceeding  Ages.     Or  other  wife  there  is  a  fault  in    the  conduit- pipe,  or 
an  errour  and   failing  in  the  derivation  of  the  tradition.    And  both  thefe  do  take 
much  away  from  affurance  ,  more  or  lefs  according  to  the  decree  of  the  oppo- 
fition.     In  fuch  queflionable  and  controverted  points  as  thefe  ,  which  are  neither 
fo   univerially  received ,  nor  fo  publiquely  profelTed ,  his  aflertion  is  groundlefs 
and  erroneous ,  that    the    htter  age  cannot  be  ignerant  what  the  former  believed. 
Yes  ,  in  fuch  controverted  points  this  prefent  Age  may  not  know  ,  Yea  ,  doth  not 
know   what  it  felf  believeth ,  or  rather  opiniateth  ,  until  it  come  to  be  voted 
in  a    Synod.     The  moft  current    opinions   in  the  Schools  are  not  always  the 
moft  generally  received  in  the  Church ,  and.  tho(e  which  are  moft  plaufible  in 
one  place ,  are  often  hiffed  out  of  another.     And  though   it  were  pollible  for 
a  Man  to    know  what  opinion  is  univerfally  moft    current,  yet  how  fhall  he 
know  that  the  greater  part  is  the  founder  part  ?  or  if  he  did   how  (hall  he  know 
that   what  he  believeth  in  fuch    points  is  more  than  an  indifferent  opinion?  Or 
that  it  was    depofited    by  the  Apoftles  with  the  Church,  and    delivered  from 
Age  to  Age  by  an  uninterrupted  fucceflion  ?  No  ways  but  by  univerfal  tradition 
of  the  Chriftian  World  united  ,  either  written  or  unwritten  :  but  this  is  all  the 
evidence  which  they  can  exped  ,  who  confound   univerfal  tradition  with  par- 
ticular tradition,  the  Koman-Chutch  with    the    Catholick  Church,  the  Chri- 
ftian world  United  with  the  Chrilfian  World  divided  ,  and  Scholaftical  opinions 
with  Articles  of  Faith. 

Yet  from  thefe  two  principles  he  maketh  two  inferences,  the  one  aeainft 
the  Church  of  England  ,  that  fince  the  reformation  neither  the  former  rule  of  «- 
ttity  of  Faith ,  nor  the  Second  of  Vnily  of  Government  have  had  any  tower  in  the 
Englifh  Church.  Whileft  he  himfelf  knoweth  no  better  what  we  believe  who 
live  in  the  fame  Age ,  how  doth  he  prefume  ,  that  the  latter  Age  cannot  be 
ignorant  of  what  the  former  believed  ?  I  have  ftiewed  him  already  how  we  do 
willingly  admit  this  principle  wherein  both  his  rules  are  comprehended  that 
the  dodrines  and  difcipline  inherited  from  our  Fore-fathers  as  the  Legacies  of 
Chrift  and  his  Apoftles ,  are  folely  to  be  acknowledged  for  Obligatory  and 
nothing  in  them  to  be  changed.  This  is  as  much  as  any  perfon  difinteWed 
can  or  will  require.  And  upon  this  principle  we  are  willing  to  proceed  to  a 
trial  with  them.  There  is  a  fallacy  in  Logick,  called  of  more  interrogations  then 
one ,  that  is  ,  when  feveral  queftions  of  different  natures,  to  which  one  uniform 
anfwer  cannot  be  given,  yea,  or  no,  are  mixed  and  confounded  to<>ether.  So 
he  doth  not  onely  fet  down  this  fecond  rule  concerning  Government  ambieu- 
oufly ,  that  a  Man  cannot  tell  whether  he  make  St.  Peter  onely  an  head  of  or- 
der among  the  Apoftles,  or  an  head  of  fingle  Power  and  Jurifdidion  alfo  0- 
ver  the  Apoftles ,  but  alfo  he  (hutfles  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  into  St.  Peters  place 
hy  Chrijh  own  ordination  ,  and  confounds  St.  Peters  Exordium  Vnitatis  with  the 
ufurpcd   Power  of  Popes  ,  as  it   was  adually  exercifed  by  them  in  latter  Ages. 

His  fecond  inference  is  in  favour  of  the  Church  of  Kome ,  that  the  Ronmn- 
Church  with  thofe  Churches  which  continue  in.  Communion  with  it  ^  are  the  onely 
Churches  which  have  true  VoCirine  in  virtue  of  the  firji  principle  above  mentioned- 
Mnd  the  right  Government  in  virtue  of  the  fecond ',  and  confeqnently  are  the  entire 
Catholick,  or  Vniverfal  Church  of  Chrijlians ,  all  others  by  misbelief  or  Schifm  bein^ 

Bb  2  excluded 


0^4 


A  Juji  Vindication TOME  I. 

1  <  A  Our  anfwcr  is  ready,  that  the  Church  ofKowe,  or  the  Court  of 
Se  have  fophidicated  the  true  Dodrine  of  Faith  by  their  fupplemental  Arti- 
cles and  erroneous  additions ,  contrary  to  the  hrft  principle,  and  have  intro- 
^  d  into  the  Church  a  tyrannical  and  unlawful  government  contrary  to  the 
fecond  principle,  and  are  (o  far  from  being  the  entire  Catholick  Churc-h,that 
by  them  both,  they  are  convided  to  have  made  themfelves  guilty  of  fuperftition 

and  SchifiTi'  ^ .  ,        ,  .  »  ^-.i       t    ^ 

And  lallly  where  he  faith ,  that  my  onely  way  to  clear  cur  Church  from 
Schii'tn  is  either  by  difiroviiig  the  former  to  be  the  neceffiry  rule  of  Unity  in  Faith; 
or  tie  Liter  the  necefary  bond  of  Government  ^  he  is  doubly  miftaken.  Firft,  We 
are  the  perfons  accufed ,  our  Plea  is  negative  or  not  Guilty.  So  the  proof  ly- 
eth  not  upon  us ,  but  upon   him  to  make  good  his  accufation  by  proving  us 

Schifmaticks.  ^   ,. ,       n  n  j         .  c  ^■ 

Secondly  if  the  proof  did  reft  upon  our  fides ,  we  do  not  approve  of  his 
advice  :  It  is  not  we  who  have  altered  the  Dodrine  or  Difcipline  which  Chrift 
left  to  his  Church  by  our  fubftradtions  ,  but  they  by  their  additions.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  Chrifts  Legacy  ought  to  be  preferved  inviolable  i  but  we  deny 
that  Chrift  bequeathed  fpiritual  Monarchy  over  his  Church  to  St.  Teter,  and  that 
the  Bifliop  of  Rome  is  St.  Feters  Heir  by  Chrifts  Ordination.  And  that  this  was 
the  conftant  belief  cf  the  Catholick  world  at  any  time.  This  is  his  Province  ; 
let  him  either  make  this  good  or  hold  his  peace. 


s 


S  E  C  T.     1 1. 

O  his  Prologue  is  ended,  now  we  come  to  his  animadverfions  upon  my 

arguments.  My  firft  ground  was,  becaufe  not Proteftants ,  hut  Koman-Catho- 

licks  themfelves  did  make  the  firft  feparation.  To  which  his  firft  anfwer  is. 
If  it  were  fo  ,  horv  doth  that  acquit  w,  fince  continuance  in  a  breach  of  thif  nature 
is  as  culfable  of  the  beginning  ?  Many  ways.  Firft  ,  It  is  a  violent  prefumption 
of  their  guilt  and  our  innocence ,  when  their  beft  friends  and  beft  able  to  judge, 
who  preached  for  them,  and  writ  for  them  ,  who  aded  for  them,  andfufterecl 
for  them  ,  who  in  all  oth'er  things  were  great  Zelots  of  the  Ro»;/;«-Religion , 
and  perfecuted  the  poor  Proteftajits  vi^ith  fire  and  Faggot ,  did  yet  condemn 
them ,  and  juftify  this  feparation.  Secondly ,  Though  it  doth  not  always  cx- 
cufc  a  toto  ,  from  all  guilt  and  puniftiment,  to  be  mifled  by  others  into  errour, 
Jfthe  blind  lead  the  blind ,  both  fall  into  the  ditch,  yet  it  doth  always  cxcufe  a 
tanto  ,  it  lefleneth  the  fin,  and  extenuateth  the  guilt.  Perfons  mifled  by  the 
example  and  Authority  of  others  are  not  fo  culpable  as  the  Firft  Authours  and 
ringleaders  in  Schifm.  If  this  feparation  be  an  Errour  in  Proteftants ,  the  Ro- 
ww«-Catholicks  do  owe  an  accompt  to  God  both  for  themfelves  and  us,  did  they 
find  caufe  to  turn  the  Pope  out  of  England,  as  an  intruder  and  ufurper ,  and 
could  Proteftants ,  who  had  no  relation  to  Rome ,  imagine  that  it  was  their 
duties  to  bring  him  in  again  ? 

Thirdly,  In  this  cafe  it  doth  acquit  us  not  onely  a  tanto,  hut  a  toto ,  not  one- 
ly from  fuch  a  degree  of  guilt  but  from  all  Criminous  Schifm  ,  fo  long  as  we 
feek  carefully  after  truth ,  and  do  not  violate  the  didates  of  our  Conlciences. 
If  he  will  not  believe  me  let  him  believe  St.  Juftin.  He  that  defends  not  his 
Epift*  1 6a.  ^^jj-g  gpj„i„f^  „ifi,  pertinacius  animofuy,  having  not  invented  it  himfelf,  hut  learned 
it  from  hU  erring  Farents ,  if  he  enquire  carefully  after  the  truth  ,  and  be  ready  to 
embrace  it ,  and  to'  correU  his  errours  when  he  finds  them ,  he  is  not  to  be  refuted 
an  Heretick  ,  If  this  be  true  in  the  cafe  of  Berefie ,  it  is  more  true  in  the  cafe 
of  Schifm.  Thus  if  it  had  been  a  crime  in  them ,  yet  it  is  none  in  us  ■,  but 
in  truth  it  was  neither  crime  in  them,  nor  us,  but  a  juft  and  necefTary 
duty. 

Secondly ,  He  anfwereth  ,  That  it  is  no  fufficient  proof  that  they  were  no  Froteftants, 
becaufe  they  perfecuted  Froteftants  ;  for  Frotefiants  perfecute  Froteftants ,  Lutherans  , 
Calvinifts  ,  Zwinglians,    Puritans  ,  and  Brownifts  perfecute    one  another.     What 
then  were  JVarham ,  and  Heath  ,  and  thurksby  ,  'tttnfcail ,  and  Stok^fey ,  and  Gar- 
diner, 


Discourse   III.       Of  the  Cfmrcb  of  Eno^hud.  ^Sk 


diner,   and  Bomier ,  &c.  all  Protelknts?    Did  Proteftants  enjoy  Archbifiiopricks 
and  Bifliopricks  in  England  ,  and  fay  Maffes  in  thofe  dayes  ?   will  he  part  Co  eafily 
with  the  greatert  Patrons  and  Champions  of  their  Church  ,  and  oppofers  of  the 
Reformation?  If  he  had  writ  thus  much  whilcft  they  were  living,  they  would 
have  been  very  angry  with  him.     Yet  at  the  lead   if  they  were  Proteftants ,  let 
him  tell  me  which  of  thefc  Seds  they  were  of,  Lutherans ,  6v.     But  he  telleth 
us  ,  that  the  renouncing  of  the  Pope  is  the  tnofl  ejjential  part  of  our  Keformation     and 
jo  they  had  in  them  the  quintessence  of  a  Protefiant.     He  is  miftaken  ,  this  part  of  the 
Reformation  Avas  done  to  our  hands  ,  it  was  their   Reformation  ,  not  ours.     But 
if  he  wUl  needs  have  the  Kingdoms  and  Churches  of  England  and  Ireland  to  have 
been  all  Proteftants  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  dayes ,  onely  for  renouncing  the  Pope's 
abfolute  univerfal  Monarchy  ,  I  am  well  contented  ,  we  fhall  not  loCe  by  the  bar- 
gain.    Then  the  primitive  Church  were  all  Proteftants,  then  all  the  Grecian,  Kuf- 
fan ,  Armenian  ,  Abyfen  Chriftians  are  Proteftants  at  this  day  i  then  we  want  no 
fture  of  Proteftants  even  in  the  bofome  of  the  Koman  Church  it  Cd€ 

S  E  C  T.    1 1 1. 

MY  fecond  ground  (  faith  he  )  was  ,   becaufe  in  the  pparatioa  of  England 
from  Rome  there  was  no  neve  harp  made  ,  but  onely  their  ancient  Liberties  vin- 
dicated.    This  he  is  pleafed  to  call  notorioujfy  falje  and  impudence  it  felf,  becaufe 
a  Larv  rvas  made  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  time  ,  and  an  Oath   invented ,  by  which  wof 
given   to  the  King  to  be  Head  of  the  Church  ,  and  to  have  all  the  power  the  Ptpe  did  at 
that  timepojfes  in  England.     Is  this  the  language  of  the  Roman  Schools  ?  or  doth  he 
think  perhaps  with  his  outcries  and  clamours  ,  as  the  lurks  vvith  their  Alia  ,  Alia, 
to  daunt  us  ,  and  drive  us  from  our  caufe  ?  Chriflian  Reader ,  of  what  Commu- 
nion foever  thou  art ,  be  but   indifferent ,  and  1  make  thee  the  Judge  where  this 
notorious  falfliood  and  impudence  doth  reft  ,  between  him  and  me.     I  acknow- 
ledge this  was  the  Title  of  my  Fourth  Chapter  ,  that  the  King  and  Kingdom  of  Eng- 
land in  the  feparation  from  Rome  ,  did  make  no  new  Law  ,  but  vindicate  their  ancient 
Liberties.     It  feemeth  he  confoteth  the  Titles  ,  without  looking  into  the  Chapters; 
Did  I  fly  ,  they  made  no  new  Statutes  ?  No,  I  cited  all  the  new  Statutes  which 
they  did  make  ,  and  particularly  this  very  Statute  which  he  mentioneth  here.     Yet 
f  faid  V  they  made  no  new  Law  ,  becaufe  it  was  the  Law  of  the  Land  before  that 
Statute  was  made.     The  Cuftoms  and  Lihexties  oC  England  3.re  the  ancient  and 
common  Laws  of  the  Land  ■■,  whenfoever  thefe  were  infringed  ,  or   an  attempt 
inade  to  deftroy  them  ,  (  as  the  Liberties  of  the  Crown  and  Church  of  England 
had  then  been  invaded  by  the  Pope  )  it  was  the  manner  to  reftore  them  ,  or  to  de- 
clare them  by  a  Statute  ,  which  was  not  operative  to  make  or  create  new  Law , 
but  declarative  to  manifeft  or  to  reftore  ancient  Law.     This  I  told  him  exprefly  in 
the  Vindication,  and  cited  the  judgment  of  our  greateft  Lawyers,  Fitz  Herbert,  and  ^""^-  '''•  4* 
my  Lord  Cookj.o  prove  that  this  very  Statute  was  not  operative  to  create  new  Law,  ^''^'  '^' 
but  declarative  to  reftore  ancient  Law.     This  appeareth  undeniably  by  the  fta- 
tute  it    (elf.     That  England  U  an  Empire  ,  and  that    the  King  as   head   of  the 
body   Politick^conffringof  the  Spirituality  and  lemporality  ,  hath  plenary  power  to  ren- 
der final  Jujiice  for  af  matters.     Here  he  feeth   exprefly  that    the   political   fupre- 
macy  or  headfliip  of  the  King  over  the  Spirituality  as  well  as  Temporality,  which 
is    all  that   we  aflert  at  this  day  ,  was  the  ancient  fundamental  Law  of  Eng- 
land.    And  left  he  (hould  accufe  this  Parliament  of  partiality ,  I  produced  ano- 
ther that  was  more  ancient. 

"fl^e  Crown  of  England  hath  been  fo  free  at  all  times  ,  that  it  hath  been  in  no  earth-  „  „ 
Jy  fubjeCtion,  but  immediatly  fubjeUid  to  God  in  all  things  touching  it's  Kegality  ,  attd  i^.'x.  a.'c!  s* 
to  no  other ,  and  ought  not  to  he  fubmitted  to  the  Pope.  Here  the  Kings  Politi- 
cal Supremacy  under  God  is  declared  to  be  the  fundamental  Law  of  the 
Land.  Let  him  not  fay  that  this  was  intended  onely  in  Temporal  matters,  for 
all  the  grievances  mentioned  in  that  ftatute  are  exprefly  Ecclelialtical.  What 
was  his  meaning  to  conceal  all  this  and  much  more ,  and  to  accufe  me  of 
impudence. 

Secondly, 


166 


A  Jiifl  Vvidication TOME  1, 


Secondly    He  faith,  that  J  bring  diverfe  allegations  wherein  the   Fofes  pretences 
mre  not  admitted ,  or  where  the  Pope  is   exprejiy  denied  the  Tower  to  do  juch  and 
fitch  thines.     'Do  rve  profefr  the  Pope  can  pretend  no  more  than  hh  right  ?  Doth  he 
thij'k  a  le'ejtimate  authority  U  rejeded ,  when  the  particular  faults  of  them  that  are 
in  authority  are  refjied  .?  He  ftileth  the  Authorities  by  me  produced  meer   Al- 
legations ,  yet  they  are  as  authentick  Records  as  England  doth  afford.     Bnt  though 
he  be  willing  to  blanch  over  the    matter  in  General  exprellions  of  the   Popes 
pretences,  and  fuch  or  ftich  things ,  as  if  the    controverfy  had   been  onely   about 
an  handful  of  Goats  wool ,  I  will  make  bold  to  reprefent  fome  of  the  Popes 
pretences,  and  their  Declarations  againft  them.     And  if  he  be  of  the  fame  mind 
with  his  Anceftours  in  thofe  particulars ,  he  and  I  (hall  be  in  a  probable  way 
of  reconciliation  as  to  this  queftion.     They  declared  that  it  was  the  cullom  oic 
M  tm  I  i-de  Common   Law  of  the  Land  ,  ut  nuVus  prater    licentiam   Regis    appelletur  Papa^ 
Czft-t''"'-       thzt  no  Pope  might  be  appealed  unto  without  the  Kings   Licence,     They  made  a  Law, 
Arg-  Reg.       that  ij  any  one  were  found  bringing  in  the  Popes  Letters  or  Mandates  into  the  Kingdome  , 
Honed,  in  *,'•  ^^^  ^y^^  ^^  apprehended ,  and  let  Jufiice  pafiupon  him  without  delay  ,  as  a  Traitor  to  the 
King  and  Kingdome.     They  exercifed  a  legiflative  Power  in  all  Ecclefiaftical  cau- 
fes,  concerning  the  external  fubiiftence,  Regiment,  and  regulating  of  the  Church, 
and  over  all  tcclefiaftical  pcrfons ,  in   all  ages  as  well   cf  the  Saxon  as  of  the 
"Norman  Kings.     They  permitted  not  the  Pope  to  endow  Vicars  ,  nor  make  fpi- 
ritual  corporations,  nor  exempt  from  the  Jurifdidion  cf  the  ordinary ,  nor  ap- 
propriate Churches ,  nor  to  difpofe  Benefices  by  lapfe ,  nor  to  receive  the  Re- 
venues in  the  vacancy ,  but  the  King  did  all  thefe  things  ,  as  I  {hewed  at  large 
in  the   vindication.    They    permitted   not    the  Popes    Canon  Law    to    have 
ao,//'.  3.  f-9«  any  p]ace   in  Ew^/^iw^  further  then  they  pleafed  to  receive  it.     They  gave  the 
King  the  laft  appeal  of  all  his  Subjefts ,  they  afcribed  to  him  the  Patronage  of 
Bifhopricks ,  and  inveftitures  of  Bifhops.     They  fuffered  no  Subje<ft  to  be  cited 
to  Rvme  without  the  Kings  Licence.     They  admitted   no  Legates  from  the  Pope, 
but  meerly  upon  courtefie ,  and  if  any  was  admitted,  he  was  to  take  his  Oath  to 
do  nothing  derogatory  to  the  King  or  his  Crown.     If  any  man  did  denounce  the 
S/<if.  Chretid.  Pope's  Excommunication  in  England  without  the  King's  confent ,  or  bring  over 
Stat.  Carlilo.  the  Pope's  Bull  ,  he  forfeited  all  his  goods.     So  the  Laws  of  England  did  nof  al- 
^'"'J'}"''      low  the  Pope  to  cite  or  excommunicate  an  Englijh  Subjeft ,  nor  difpofe  of  an  En- 
27."£<//'cA.5.  g^'./^^'^n^fi'^^j  ^^^  fend  a  Legate  a  latere,  or  fo  much  as  an  authoritative  Bull 
16  Ktch,2,    into  England  J  nor  to  receive  an  appeal  out  of  England,  without  the  King's  Li- 
0  i-  cence. 

Plactt.an.i-       But,  faith  he,   To  limit  an  Authority ,  implies  an  admittance  of  it  in  cafes  to  whicb 

FUit.  /in.      *^Jf  rejiraints  extend  not.     This  was  not  meerly  to  limit  an  Authority,  but  to  deny  it. 

32,  tf  34'      What  lawful  Jurifdidliou  could  remain  to  him  in  England,  who  was  not  permit- 

Edv.  1.  ted  by  Law  to  receive  any  appeal  thence  ,  nor  to  fend  any  Citation  or  Sentence 

thither  ,  nor  execute  any  Authority  over  an  Englijh  Subject ,  either  at  Rome  by 

himfelf,  or  in  England  hy  his  Deputy,  without  Licence?  That  he  exercifed  all 

thefe  adts  at  fometimes  there  is  no  doubt  of  it.     But  he  could  not  exercife  them 

lawfully  without  confent.  Give  us  the  fame  limitation  which  our  Anceftors  alwaies 

claimed  ,  that  no  Forreign  Authority  (hall  be  exercifed  in  England  without  leave, 

and  then  give  the  Pope  as  much  authority  as  you  pleafe ,  volenti  non  fit  injuria , 

confent  takes  away  error.  He  is  not  wronged  who  gives  leave  to  another  to  wrong 

him. 

He  demandeth  Firfl  ,  Were  not  thofe  Laws  in  force  in  the  beginning  of  Henry  the 
Eighth's  Raign?  Yes,  but  it  is  no  ftrange  matter  to  explain  ,  or  confirm  ,  or  re- 
new ancient  Laws  upon  emergent  and  fijbfcquent  abufes ,  as  we  fee  in  Magna  char- 
ta,  the  Statute  of  Provifo's  ,  and  many  other  Statutes.  Secondly,  He  asketh  w^e- 
iher  we  began  our  Religion  there  ,  that  is ,  at  that  time  when  thefe  ancient  Laws 
were  m.ade,  No ,  I  have  told  him  formerly  that  thefe  Statutes  were  onely  declara- 
tive what  was  the  ancient  common  Law  of  the  Kingdom.  We  began  our  Reli- 
gion from  Jcfeph  of  Jrimathea's  time,  before  they  had  a  Church  at  Rome,  But  it 
is  their  conftant  ufe  to  make  the  leafi  Reformation  to  be  a  New  Religion.  Laflly, 
He  enquireth  whether  there  be  not  equivolent  Laws  to  thefe  tn  France ,  Spain ,  Ger- 
many , 


I'ljcoufiSE  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  267 

imnji  and  Italy  it  felj\  and  yet  they  are   Catholick^ ,  and    hold   Commnnion  toith 
the  Fope  ?  Yes  ,  there  are  fome  fuch.  Laws  in  all  thefe  places  by  him   mentio- 
ned ,  perhaps    not  fo  many,  but   the  liberties  of  the  French  Church  are  much 
the  fame  with  the  EngUp  ,  as  I  have  fhewed  in  the  Vindication.     And  there- ^''' 7- P-* t "'' 
fore  the  Popes  friends  do  exclude  France  out  of  the  number  of  thefe  Countries 
which  they  term  Fays  d'  obedience  ,  Loyal  Countries.     What  u/e  fome  other  Coun- 
tries can  make  of  the  Papacy  more  than  we  in  England^  concerns  not  me  nor 
this    prefent    difcourfe.     And   here  to  make  his   conclufion  anfwerable    to  his 
preface  in  this  Sedion  ,  he  cries  out ,  How  ridiculous ,  How  impudent  a  manner  ■ 
oj  jpeaki>fg  is  this  ?  to  force  his  Headers  to  renounce  their  eyes  and  ears ,  and  ali  e- 
Tidence.     Nay    Reader,  it    is  not  I  that  go  about  to  force    thee  to  renounce 
thy  eyes  or  ears  or  thy  evidence  ,  but  it  is  he  that   is  troubled  for  fear  thou 
fhouldeft  ufe  thine  Eyes  and  Ears  to  look  upon  the  evidence.     And  therefore 
like  the  Priefts  of  Cybele  on  purpofe  makes  all  thisnoife,  to  deaf  thine  Ears 
kalt  thou  {houldeft  hear  the  lewd  cries  of  otir  •  Laws. 

S  E  C  T.    I  V. 

TH  E  Scope  of  my   fifth  Chapter   was  to  fliew  that  the  Britamtkk^  Chur- 
ches (  that  is ,  the  Churches  of  the  Britanic\  JJIands  )  were  ever  exempt- 
ed from  Forraign    Jurifdidion  for  the  iirft  fix  hundred  Years ,  and  fo   ought 
to  continue.     His  jnrd  exception  to  this   is  ,  Hon>  the   Britannick  pritiledges  do 
belong  to  us  ?  Have  rce  any  title  from   the    Britannick   Churches ,   otherwije  than 
by  the  Saxon  Chri{hans  ,  who  onely  were  our  Ancejhurs  ?  &c.     Yes  ,  well  enough. 
Firfc    JFaks    and  Cornwall  have    not  onely  a   local ,  but  a  pcrfonal  fucceliion. 
No  man  can  doubt  of  their  right  to  the  priviledges  of  the  Britannick^  Churches. 
Secondly ,  there  is  the  fame  reafon  for  the  Scots  and  Pids ,  who  were  no  more 
fubjeded    to  Forreign   Jurifdidion  ,    than    the     Britons  themfe'ves.     All  thefe 
put  together ,    Britons ,  Scots  and  PiSs  ,  did  polTefs  about  two   third  parts   of 
the  Britannick.  Jfands  after  the  Saxon  Conquefts  were  confummated.     Thirdly,  a-^ 
mong  the  Saxons  themfelves  the    great   Kingdoms  of  Mercia  and  Northumber- 
land were  converted  by  the  ancient  Scots ,  and  had    their  Religion    and  ordi- 
nation firft  from  them  ,  afterwards  among  themfelves ,  without  any  Forreign  de- 
pendance ,  and  fo  were  as  free  as  either    Britons  or  Scots ,  and  ought  to  con- 
tinue fo.     Fourthly  throughout  the  reft  of  England  a  world  of  Britijh  Chriftians 
after  the  conquefts  did  ftill  live  mixed  with  the  Saxons,  fuch.  as  they  had  no 
need  to  fear  fuch  as  might  be  ferviceable  to  them,  as  it  commonly  falleth  out 
in  all  Conquefts ,  otherwife  the  Saxons  had  not  been  able  to  people  the  fixth 
part  of  the  Land  .     Who  can  deny  thefe  poor  conquered  Chriftians ,  and  their 
Chriftian  pofterity ,  though  mixed  with  Saxons  ,  the  juft  privile.dges  of  their  An- 
ceftours.     Laftly ,    the  Saxon    Conqueft   gave    unto   them   as    good    Title    to 
the  priviledges,  as  to  the  lands  of  the  Britons.,  fo  foon  as  they  were  capable 
of  them.     And  fo  at  their  firft  converfiou    they  were  free  ,  and  continued  free 
and  further  than  themfelves  pleafed  to  confent  ought  to  continue  free  for  ever. 

Secondly  he  objedeth  that  this  pretended  execution  of  the  Britijh  Churches  isfalfe. 
For  nothing  is  more  evident  in  Hijiory  ,  than  that  the  Britifh  Churches  admit  d  ap~- 
pellation  to  Rome  at  the  Council  ofSardica.  Before  he  can  alledge  the  authority 
of  the  Council  of  Sardica  ,  he  muft  renounce  his  divine  inftitution  of  the  Papa- 
cy. For  that  Canon  fubmitteth  it  to  the  good  pleafure  of  the  Fathers  •-,  -and 
groundeth  it  upon  the  inemory  of  St.  Feter  ,  not  the  inftitution  of  Chrift.  Fur- 
ther ,  how  doth  it  appear ,  that  the  Britifh  Bifhops  did  afTent  to  that  Canon  ? 
This  is  meerly  prefumption  without  any  procfe.  The  Council  of  Sardica  was 
no  generall  Council  after  all  the  Eajiiim  Bifhops  were  departed  as  they  were  before  the 
making  of  that  Canon.  Neither  were  the  Canons  of  the  Council  of  Sardica  ever  re- 
ceived in  Enghnd^or  incorporated  into  theE«g/i/&laws,&  without  fuch  incorporation, 
they  did  not  bind  Englijh  Subjed>\  Laftly,  this  Canon  is  contradided  by  the  great 
gsn;ral  council  of  Chalcedm^  which  our  Church  receiveth.  There  appeareth  not  the 
leaft  footlfep  of  any  Papal  Jurifdidion  exercifcd  in  EngUitd  by  Elcutherins,  but  the 


coiy 


I 


•68 


Clii  s 


A  Juft  Vindication TO  M  E  K 

■ ,    I     Lcsillativc  part  to  king  Uicius^  and  the  Briufl}  Billiops. 

And  it    Voyz  L<Bieitm  "  ^   j-^^^^  ^p  ^h,  ^,„f,  by  Tahdius ,  as  we  have  ve- 

from  Pclag.an.rm  ,  or  con  ^_^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^  ^^^   .^  ^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^.^^ 

'^  II  ro/'tirexercife  of  any  Papal  Jurifdidion  in  Britaui ,  Preaching  and  Con- 
^^^-  and  Baptizing  ,  and  Ordaining,  are  afts  of  the  Key  of  Order,  not  of 
^"■fd^dion  But  the(e' inrtances ,  and  whatfoever  he  hath  in  anfwer  to  the  Bri- 
■^Y^'  obfervation  of  Eajhr  .zxz  preffed  more  home  by  the  Bifliop  6i Chakedon ^zxil 
dearly  fatisfied  in  my  reply  to  him.     Whether  I  refer  the  Reader. 

But  f  faith  he  )  that  which  is  mainly  to  the  furpoje  is^  that  jince  this  frivikdge  f  he 
meaneth  the  Supremacy  )  defcends  upon  the  Fope  as  fuccefmr  to  St.     Peter ^  horv  far 
't  was  executed  may  be  unkiiown,  but  ,  that  it  was  due^  none  can  be  ignorant,     words 
are  but  wind ,  when  they  are  utterly  deftitute  of  all  manner  of  proofe.     We  ac- 
knowledge the  Pope  to  be  fucceffour  of  St.     feter^  and  ( if  he  do  not  forfeit  it  by 
his  own  fault)  we  are  ready  to  {5ay  him  fuch  refped  as  is  due  to  the  Bifhop  of  an 
Apoftolical  Church-,  but  for  any  fpiritual  Monarchy, or  Univerfal  Jurifdidion  ,  we 
know  no  manner  of  Title  that  he  hath.     His  pretence  is  more  from  ?hocM  the  u- 
furper,than  from  St.  Veter.     And  here  though  I  know  not  this  Hereditary  pri- 
viledge  of  the  Pope  defcended  from  St.  Yeter ,  ( there  is  no'  knowledge  of  that 
■which  hath  no  being  )  and  the  burthen  of  proving  it  lyes  upon  him  •,  yet  he 
taxeth  me  for  leaving  it ,   and  jpending  my  time  about  the  Popes  Patriarchal  power. 
I  obferve  how  ready   they  are  all   to  decline  all  manner  of  difcourpj  concern- 
ing the  Popes  Patriarchal  Power  -,  And  yet  for  a  long  time ,  it  was  the  fairell  flower 
in  their  Garland  ,  I  know  not  what  is  the  reafon  ,  but  we  may  well  conjedure, 
becaufe  they  find  that  their  fpiritual  Monarchy ,  and  this  Patriarchal  dignity  ,  arc 
inconfiftent  the  one  with  the  other  ,  in  the  fame  fubjed.     They  might   as  well 
make  a  King  to  be  a  Sheriffe  of  a  Shire ,  or  a  Prefident  of  a  particular  Province 
within    his    own  Kingdom  ,    as    make  a  fpiritual  Monarch  to  be  a  Patriarch. 
And  yet  a  Patriarch  he  was, ,  and  fo  always  acknowledged  to  be  ,  and  they  can- 
not deny  it. 

Among  other  proofs  of  the    Britijh  Liberty ,  I  produced  the  anfwer  of  Vi- 
oHothu  to  Aujiin ,  no  obfcure  perfon  as  he  makes  him  •,   but  a   man  famous  for 
his  Learning ,  Abbot  and  Re&or  of  the  famous  Univerfity  of  Bangor ;   wherein 
there  were  at 'that  time  above  2100  Monks  and  Students  ,  at  the  very  clofe  of  the 
firft  (ix  hundred  Years,  'that  he  k>tew  no  obedience  due  to  him  whom   they  called   the 
Pope     but  obedience  of  Love :  And  that  under  God  they   were  to  be  Governed  by  the 
Bijhop  of  Caerleon.     This  Record  he  calleth,  apiece  of  a  wornWclih  Manufcript, 
and  a  manifeji  forgery  of  a  Counterfeit   h^tave.     And  to  prove  it  Counterfeit ,  he 
produceth  three  reafons.     Firft,   That  the  word  Pope  without  any  addition  is  put  for 
ihe  Bifhop  of  Rome  -,    which  if  our  great  Antiquaries  can  (hew    in  thefe  dayes  ,  he 
■will  confefs  himfelf  furprized.     I  (hall  not  need  to  trouble^  any  of  our  great  Anti- 
quaries about  it.     It  will  fuffice  to  commit  him  and  his  friend  Cardinal  Bihr- 
mine  together  about  it.     I  fee,  friends  are  not  always  of  one  mind.     Thus  he, 
WeRo.    Cumabfolute  pronunciatur  Papa  ^  ipfe  foluf  intelligitur  ^  ut  patet  ex  confilio  Chalcedo- 
Pont.c.gi.'    nenfi:    Beatijfimus   &  Apoftolicus  vir  Papa  hoc  nobis   pr^cipit.     Nee  additur  Leo, 
AH.  is.  aitt  Romanus ,  aut  nobis  Romx  ,  aut  aliquid  aliud.     If^oen  the  word  Pope  is  put  alone, 

the  Bifhop  of  Rome  onely  is  to  be  underjiood ,  iK  appeareth  out  of  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon ,  f  7he  mofi  bkf!ed  and  Apojiolical  man  ,  the  Pope  doth  command  us  this  ~\ 
Neither  is  their  added  Pope  Leo  ,  or  the  Pope  of  Rome ,  or  the  Pope  of  the  City  of 
Rome ,  or  any  other  thing. 

His  Second  Exception  hath  no  more  weight  than  the  former  ,  That  there  was  no 
fuch  Bifhoprick^as  Caerleon  in  thofe  dayes  ,  the  See  being  tranflated  fifty  years  before 
that  to  St.  David'j  i  Where  is  the  contradidioh  >  The  name  of  t\^  old  Diocefs  is 
Caerleon.  The  new  See  or  Throne  was  the  new  Abbey  Church  ereded  at  Mene- 
•via  ,  which  place  pofterity  called  St.  Davids.  But  St.  Davids  could  not  be  called 
St.  Davids  whileft  he  himfelf  lived  ,  nor  afterward ,  until  Cuftcme  and  trad  of 
time  had  confirmed  fuch  an  appellation.  Some  would  make  us  believe ,  that 
St.  David  and  St.  Gregory  dyed  upon  the  fame  day  ,  and  then  he  was  Hill  living 

wircn 


Discourse  I II.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  q^o 


when  Vilwth  gave  this  Anfwer.     But  let  that  be  as  it  will ,  for  it  is  not  much  ma- 
terial.    St.  Vavid  after  the  Tranflation  of  his  See  dyed  Archbifliop  of  Caerleon  ■■, 
Tunc  ohiit  fanCuffmiu  VrbU  Lcgiomtm  Jrchiepijcopus  David  in  Menevise  Cimate,  &c.  Sr;f.  Hili- 1. 
Then  dyed  the  mort  holy  Archbifhop  of  Caerleon  ,  St.  David,  in  the  City  of' Me-  "•'•  ?• 
fievia  y  And  long  after  his  death  it  ftill  retained  the  name  of  Caerleon ,  even  after  Pag.  io6. 
it  was  commonly  called  St.  Davids.     So  much  Sir  Bemy  Spelman  might  have  put 
him  in  mind  of  i  VifceJJerat  ante  h£c  dignitof  a  Caerlegtone  ad  Landaviam  fnh  Dubri- 
tio  ,  &  mox  a  Landavid  ad  Meneviam  cum  fanUo  Davide  ,  &c.     Sed  retento  pariter 
Caerlegionis  iitulo.     And  left  he  fliould  account  Sir  Henry  Spelman  partial     Jet  him 
hear  Giraldw  Camhrenfis  ,  Babuimw  afud  Meneviam  VrbU  kgiomm  Archiepijcopos 
juccifive  vigimi  quinque ,  quorum  primus  fuit  SanSiu  David,  &c.  IFe  had  at  Mene-  ^M^mnev!* 
via,  Yive  and  twenty  Archhijhops  0/ Caerleon,  whereof  St.  David    ivof  the  Firft.diflinH.i.  ' 
What  can  be  more  plain  ?  {hould  a  man  condemn  every  Authour  for  counterfeit' 
wherein  St.  Albans  is  called  Verulam  prefently  after  St.  Alban's  death  ?  It  is  an  or- 
dinary thing  for  the  fame  City  to  have   Two  names ,  and  much  more  the  fame 
Bilhoprick  ;  one  from  the  old  See,  another  from  the  new  :  or  one  from  the  Dio- 
cefs  ,  another  from  the  See  :  as  the  Bifhop  of  OJfory  or  Kilkenny  indifferently. 

His  Third  Exception  is  fo  flight ,   that  I  cannot  find  the  edge  of  it ,  becaufe 
Sir  Eenry  Spelman  found  no  other  antiquity  in  it  worth  the  mention  ,  rvhich  jhrewdly 
implyes,  that  the  Book^was  made  for  this  alone.     And  how  doth  he  know  that  Sir 
Henry  Spelman  found  no  other  antiquities  in  it  ?  There  might  be  many  other  Bri- 
ti(h  Antiquities   in  iti  and  yet  not  proper  for  a  colledion  of  Ecclefiaftical  Councils : 
Or  if  there  had  been  no  other  antiquity  in  it ,  would  he  condemn  his  Creed  for  a 
counterfeit ,  becaufeit  is  not  hudled  together  confufedly  ,  with  fome  other  Trea- 
tifes  in  one  Volume  ?  But  to  demonftrate  evidently  to'  him  how  vain  all  his  tri- 
fling is  againft  the  teftimony  of  Diomthm ,  why  doth  he  not  anfwer  the  corrobora- 
tory proof,  which  I  brought  out  of  Venerable  Bede  and  others  ,  of  two  Briti^  Sy- 
nods, held  at  the  fame  time  ,  wherein  all  the  Britijh  Clergy  did  renounce  all  obe- 
dience to  the  Biflaop  ot  Kome ,   of  which  all  our  Hifloriographers  do  bear  witnefs> 
Why  doth  he  not  anfwer  this ,  but  pafs  by  it  in  fo  great  filence  ?  He  might  as  well 
accufe  this  of  forgery  as  the  other ,  fince  it  is  fo  well  attefted,  that  Diomthm  was  a 
great  Aftor  and  Difputer  in  that  bufinefs. 

SECT.    5. 

IN  my  Sixth  Chapter ,  I  proved  Three  things  :  Firfi: ,  That  the  King  and 
Church  of  England,  had  fufficient  authority,  to  withdraw  their  obedience 
from  the  Koman  Patriarch.  Secondly  ,  That  they  had  juft  grounds  to  do  it.  And 
Thirdly,  that  they  did  it  with  due  moderation. 

Concerning  the  firft  point ,  he  chargeth  me  the  fecond  time ,  for  infifting  up- 
on a  wrong  Plea  >  that  is ,  their  Patriarchal  authority  ,  which  he  confefleth  to  be 
humane  and  mutable.    I  have  formerly  intimated  ,  why  they  are  fo   loath  to  en- 
tertain any  difcourfe  concerning  the  Pope's  Patriarchate :  becaufe  they  know  not 
how  to  reconcile  a  Monarchy  of  Divine  Inftitution,  with  an  Ariflocracy  of  hu- 
mane Inftitution.     When  I  firft  undertook  this  fubjedt ,  I  conceived ,    that  the 
great  ftrength  of  the  Koman  Sampfon  did  lie  in  his  Patriarchate  •,  But  fince  this  Re- 
futer  quitteth  it ,  as  the  Pope  himfelf  hath  done  ,  not  for  Six  hundred  years  onely 
(he  fpeaks  too  fparingly }  but  for  a  thoufand  years  ,  ever  fince  Phocof  made  Boniface 
Univerfal  Biftiop  ,  1  am  well  contented  to  give  over  that  fubjed  ,  upon  thefe  two 
conditions  >  Firft  ,  that  he  do  not  prefume  that  the  Pope  is  a  fpiritual  Monarch 
without  proving  it.    Secondly  ,  That  he  do  not  attempt  to  make  Patriarchal  Pri- 
viledges  to  be  Royal  Prerogatives. 

Yet  he  will  not  leave  this  humane  right  before  we  have  refolved  him  Three  Que- 
ftions.  Firft,  (  faith  he  )  fuppofe  the  Chriftian  world  had  chofen  to  themfelves  one  head 
for  the  prefirvation  of  Vnity  in  Keligion  ;■  What  wrongs  mu(i  that  head  do ,  to  be  fuffi- 
cient grounds  ,  both  for  the  depofitinn  of  the  perfon  ,  and  abolition  of  the  Government  ? 
Nay ,  put  the  cafe  right ,  Suppofe  the  Chriftian  World  fliould  chufe  one  for  or- 
der fake ,  to  be  their  Prefident ,  or  Prolocutor  in  their  General  Aflembly  ,  and  he 

C  c  fliould 


ijo 


A  Jnji  Vindication  TOME  I* 


'dioald  endeavour  to  make  himfcir  their  Prince  ,  upon  fonrie  feigned  Title ,  Did  not 
he  defervc  to  be  turned  out  of  his  employment ,  and  if  they  found  it  expedient  to 

have  anot  er  c^o  ^^       r-^^^  ^  ^^^j.  ^jj-^  alteration  fhould  be  made  by  fome  om  party  of 

I    rZmanCommn-wealth,  tvhich  tnuji  feparate  it  felf  fromthe  commmion  of  the  reji 

rrlfilLmy  ;  Ought  mt  far  mightter  caufes  than  thefe  to  be  expeHed  ?  One  mirtake 

I     ets  anorlier    as  one  circle  in  the  water  doth  produce  another  :  We  have  made 

fuch  feparat'ion  from  any  juft  authority ,  inftituted  by  the  Catholick  Church: 

we  nourish  a  more  Catholick  Communion  than  themfelves.     But  if  our  Steward 

Ml  forfake  us,  becaufe  we  will  not  give  him  leave  to  become  our  Mafter,  who  can 

help  it  ^ 

Thirdly     He  fuppofcth ,  that  hy  fettitt^  afide  this  Supreme   Head,  eternal  dijlenti- 

ns  vfiU  inevitably  foUoxv  in  the  whole  Church  ojfChrifi  i  and  then  demandeth,  JVhether 
the  refufal  to  comply  vitf^  *^^  humours  of  a  lujiful  Trince  ,  be  ground  enough  to  renounce 
Co  necefjary  an  authority  ?  How  (hould  the  refufal  to  comply  be  any  fuch  ground? 
Certainly  he  means  ,  the  compliance  rvith  the  humourt  of  a  lujiful  Prince.  I  pafs  by 
the  extravagancy  of  the  expreiiion.'  Whatfoever  they  have  faid  ,  or  can  fay  con- 
cerning Henry  the  Eighth  ,  fo  far  as  it  may  refled  upon  the  Church  of  England  ,  is 
cleared  in  my  Reply  to  R.  C. 

Firft  He  begs  the  qucftion ,  Chnlt  never  inltituted  the  Apoltles  ,  never  conftitu- 
ted  the  Catholick  Church,  never  acknowledged  any  fuch  Supream  Head  of  Power 
and  Jurifdidiion. 

Secondly,  The  Church  and  Kingdom  of  E«g/j«d,  had  more  lawful ,  juft  and 
noble  grounds  for  their  feparation  from  the  Court  of  Rome ,  than  any  bafe  parafi- 
tical  compliance  with  the  humours  of  any  Prince  whatfoever. ,  as  he  cannot  chufe 
but  fee  in  this  very  Chapter.     But  who  is  fo  blind  as  he  that  will  not  fte  ? 

Thirdly ,  We  do  confefs,  that  the  Primitive  Papacy,  that  is,  an  Exordium  unitatif^ 

a  beginning  of  unity  i  was  an  excellent  means  of  Concord.     We  do  not  envy  the 

Bi(hop  of  Kome  ,    or  any    Honour    which  the    Catholick  Church  did  allow  him  i 

.    But  modern  Papacy  which  they  (eek  to  obtrude  upon  us  ,  is  rather  fas  Mlus  {aith) 

Kihi  dipf  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^j-  ^jj  jiflentions ,  and  Controverfies  of  the  Chriftian  World. 

""*'"■  Laftly ,  To  his  demand  concerning  the  Englip  Court  and  Church  ,  Whether  1 

rvould  condefcend  to  the  rejeGion  of  Monarchy  ,  and  to  the  extirpation  of  Epifcopacy  \  for 

the  mifgovernment  of  Trinces  ,  or  abufrs  of  Prelates  ?  lanfwer,  No  j  But  this  will  not 

advantage  his  caufe  at  all ,  for  Three  Reafons ; 

Firft     Never  were  any  fuch  abufes  as  thefe  objeded  ,  either  to  Princes  or  Pre- 
lates in  England. 

Secondly,  We  feek  not  the  extirpation  of  the  Papacy  ,  but  the  reduftion  of  it  to 
the  primitive  conftitution. 

Thirdly,  Monarchy  and  Epifcopacy  are  of  divine  inftitution,  Co  is  not  a  Papal 
Soveraignty  of  Jurifdidion.  His  Parliamentary  Prelacy  hath  more  found  than 
weight.  We  need  not  be  beholden  to  Parliament  for  the  Juftification  of  our  Pre- 
lacy ,  as  he  will  find  that  undertakes  it. 

S  E  C  T.  V  I. 

»  jX  7  E  are  now  come  to  the  grounds  of  oar  feparation  from  the  Court  of 
Y  y  p^ome.  Reader  ,  Obferve  and  wonder  !  All  this  while  they  have  been 
calling  to  us  for  our  grounds  :  They  have  declaimed  ,  that  there  can  be  no  juft 
grounds  of  fuch  a  feparation.  They  have  declared  in  the  Hypothefis,  that  we  had 
no  grounds,  but  to  conjply  with  the  Humours  of  a  luftful  Prince.  Now  we  pre- 
fent  our  grounds  being  reduced  to  Five  Heads. 

Firft  ,  The  moft  intolerable  extortions  of  the  Roman  Court ,  committed  from 
age  to  age  without  hope  of  Remedy. 

Secondly,  Their  moft  un  juft  ufurpations  of  all  Rights  ,  Civil,  Ecclefiaftical ,  fa- 
cred  and  prophane  of  all  Orders  of  men  ,  Kings ,  Nobles ,  Biftiops ,  &c. 

Thirdly ,  The  malignant  influence  ,  and  cfteds  of  this  Forraign  ]urifdidion , 
deftrudive  to  the  right  ends  of  Ecclefiaftical  Difcipline,  producing  difunion  in 

the 


"-■  ^■■.      I         ■   ■      ■■  -  ■!■■     ■■  I       ■■  m  

Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  of  England.  27 

the  Realm,  fadions  and  animolities  between  the  Crown  and  the  Mitre,  intefthie 
difcord  between  the  King  and  his  Barons ,  bad  intelh'gence  with  Neighbour  Prin- 
ces ,  and  Forraign  wars. 

Fourthly,  a  lilt  of  other  inconveniencies,  or  rather  mifchicfs  that  did  flow  from 
thence:  as  to  be  daily  Subjedl  to  have  new  Articles  of  Faith  obtruded  upon  them  > 
expofed  to  manifeit  peril  of  Idolatry  ,  to  forfake  the  Communion  of  Three  parts 
of  Chriftendom ,  to  approve  the  Popes  Rebellion  againit  General  Councils  and  to 
have  their  Bifliops  take  an  Oath  contrary  to  their  Oath  of  Allegiance,  to  maintain 
the  Pope  in  His  Rebellious  ufurpations. 

Laftly,  the  weaknefs  of  the  Popes  pretences,  and  the  exemption  of  the  Brita- 
mck  Church  from  Forraign  Jurifdidion  by  the  decree  of  the  General  Council  of  £- 
phefus  :  Certainly  ,  he  ought  to  have  (liewed  ,  cither  that  thefe  grounds  conioyned 
were  not  fufficient ,  or  that  they  were  not  true  ,  or  that  there  were  other  remedies  i 
But  he  is  well  contented  to  pafs  by  them  all  in  fdence,  which  is  as  much  as  yield 
the  caufe. 

Thus  he.  It  is  then  of  little  concernment  to  examine,  vohether  his  complaints  hi  true  or 
falfe  ,  fince  he  does  not  jhere  there  was  ne  other  remedy  but  divifion  ?  What?  is  it  of 
little  concernment  to  examine  whether  the  grounds  be  fufficient  or  noi  It  belongs 
not  to  me  to  (hew  that  there  was  no  other  remedy,  that  is,  to  prove  a  negative  •,  but 
if  he  will  anfwer  my  grounds ,  it  belongs  to  him  to  (hew  that  there  was  other  re- 
medy, yet  fo  far  as  a  negative  is  capable  of  proof;  I  have  die  wed  even  in  this  Chap- 
ter ,  that  there  was  no  other  remedy :  I  fhewed  that  the  Pope  and  his  Court  were 
not  under  the  Jurifdidlion  of  the  King  or  Church  of  England ,  fo  as  to  call  them  to 
a  perfonal  account ,  I  (hewed  that  the  Englijfj  Nation  had  made  their  addreffes  to 
the  Pope ,  in  Council ,  out  of  Council ,  for  eafe  from  their  oppre/lions  ,  in  divers 
ages ,  and  never  found  anybut  what  they  carved  out  to  themfebes  at  home  after 
this  manner.  He  adds  ,  And  much  more  (nice  it  is  h^orvn,  if  the  Authority  be  ofChriiis 
inftitution  ,  nojuft  caufe  can  pojftbly  be  given  for  its  abolijhment.  This  is  a  very  Enthv- 
mematical  kind  of  arguing ,  If  the  sky  fall,  we  (hall  have  larks.  He  knows  ric>ht 
well ,  that  it  is  his  alfumption  which  is  latent ,  that  we  deny  ,  that  we  have  abo- 
li(hed  anything  which  either  Chrift  or  his  Church  did  inftitute. 

He  proceedeth ,  But  moft  ,  becaufe  all  other  CatholickCountries  might  have  made  the 
fame   exception  rvlncb  Enghnd  pretends;  yet  they  remain  Hill  in  Communion  mth  the 
Church  of  Rome,  and  after  rve  have  brol^  the  Ice  ,  do  mt  hold  itreafonahk  to  follo«>  our 
example.    Few  01  no  Catholick  Countries  have  fufiained  fo  great  oppreflion  from  the 
Court  ofKome  as  England  hath,which  the  Pope  himfelf  called  his  Garden  of  delieiht 
a  Well  that  could  not  be  drawn  dry.  All  other  Countries  have  not  right  to  the  Cyprian 
Priviledge  to  be  exempt  from  Forreign  Jurifdidion  ,  as  Britain  hath.     Yec  all  other 
Catholick  Countries ,  do  maintain  their  own  Priviledges  inviolated     and  make 
themfelves  the  laft  Judges  of  their  grievances  from  the  Court  of  Rome.  'Some  other 
Catholick  Countries  know  how  to  make  better  ufeof  the  Papacy  than  England  doth- 
yct  England  is  not  alone  in  the  fcparation ,  fo  long  as  all  the  Eaiiern,  Southern 
Northern  and  (b  a  great  part  of  the  Weftern  Churches  have  feparated  themfelves  froni 
the  Court  of  Rome  ,  and  are  feparated  by  them  from  the  Church  of  Rome  as  well 
as  wev  yet  if  it  were  otherwife,  we  mull  live  by  precepts,  not  by  examples. 

Nay,  (  faith  he  )  "f he  former  ages  of  our  Countrey  had  the  fame  caufe  to  caji  the  Popes 
Supremacy  out  of  the  Land :  yet  rather  preferred  to  continue  in  the  peace  of  the  Church 
than  attempt  fo  dejirudive  an  innovation,  Miftake  not  us  fb  much  ,  we- defire  to  live  in 
the  peaceable  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  as  well  as  our  Anceflours  as 
far  as  the  Roman  Court  will  give  us  leave  :  neither  were  our  Anceftours  fo  ftupid  to 
fee  themfelves  fo  fleeced  and  trampled  upon  ,  and  abufed  by  the  Court  of  Rome  and 
to  fit  (till  in  the  mean  time,  and  blow  their  nofes.  They  did  by  their  Laws  exclude 
the  Popes  Supremacy  out  of  England,  fo  far  as  they  Judged  it  necefTary  for  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  Kingdom,  that  is,  hispatronage  of  Churches,  his  Legates  and  Le- 
gantine  Courts,  his  Bulls  and  Sentences,  and  excommunications ,  his  Legi- 
ilative  Power,  his  Power  to  receive  appeals ,  except  onely  in  cafes  where  'the  King* 
dom  did  give  confent.  They  threatned  him  further  to  make  a  wall  of  fcparation  be- 
tween him  and  them:     We  have  more  experience  than  our  Anceflours  had  ,  that 

C  c  2.  theit 


V' 


A  Jnft  Vmdication  T  O  M  E  T- 


their  rcmccUcs  were  not  foveraign  or  J^^i^^t  ero"gh  i  that  if  wf  give  him  leave 
to  thruft  in  his  head,  he  will  never  reft  until  he  hath  drawn  in  all  his  body  after, 
whilelt  there  are  no  bonds  to  hold  him  but  National  Laws. 

Lalilv  He  pleads  that  the  pretences  on  vehicb  the  Lnglilh  Schijm  rvaf  oTigtmly 
made  n-ere far  different  from  thofe  which  J norv  tjki  up  to  defend  it.  What  inward 
motives  or  impullives  our  Reformers  had  to  feparate  from  the  Court  of  Rome , 
Godknoweth,  not  I ,  that  concerneth  themfelves  ,  not  me.  But  that  there  were 
fufticient  grounds  cf  feparation,  I  dcmonftrate  ,  that  concerneth  the  caule  ,  that 
concerneth  me.  Their  inanimadvertence  might  make  the  feparation  lefs  juftiriable 
to  them  ,  but  no  lefs  lawful  in  it  felf ,  or  to  us.  Thefe  caufes  are  as  juft  grounds 
to  us ,  now  to  continue  the  feparation  ,  as  they  could  have  been  to  them  ,  than  if 
they  had  been  obferved  ,  to  make  the  feparation,  and  moll  certainly  they  were 
then  obferved  ,  or  the  greateft  part  of  them  ,  as  the  liberty  of  the  Enghjh  Churchy 
the  weaknefs  of  the  Pope's  pretences  ,  the  extortions  of  the  Court  of  Rome,  their 
grofs  ufurpation  of  all  mens  rights  ,  and  the  inconliftency  of  fach  a  forreign  DiC- 
cipline  with  the  right  ends  of  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion.  Thefe  things  he  ought  to 
have  anfwered  in  particular ,  if  he  would  have  faid  any  thing  at  all  i  but  it  feem- 
ptMt.  eth  he  chofe  rather  to  follow  the  counfel  of  Alcihiadei  to  his  Uncle ,    when  he 

found  liim  biifie  about  his  accounts ,  that  he  (hould  ftudy  rather  how  to  give  no  ac- 
count. 

SECT.   VII. 

H  E  next  thing  which  I  fet  forth  ,  was  the  due  moderation  of  the  Church  of 
_    England  in  their  Reformation.     This  he  calleth  a  very  pkafant  1opic\,  ^uk- 
quid  recipitur,  recipitur  ad  modum  recipientif.     The  faddeft  Subjeds  were  very  plea- 
fant  Topicks  to  Vemocritm.     The  Hrft  part  of  our  moderation  was  this ,  we  deny 
not  to  other  Churches,  the  true  being  of  Churches,  nor  poflibility  of  Salvation, 
nor  feparate  from  the  Churches,  but  from  their  accidental  errours,  and  this  I  {hew- 
ed to  have  been  St.  Cyprian^s  moderation  ,  whereby  he  purged  himfelf  and  his  par- 
ty from  Schifm ,  neminem  judicantk,  &c.  judging  no  man  ,  removing  no  man  from  our 
Commnnion ,  for  difference  in  opinioti.     ThU  is ,  faith  he,  to  declare  men  Idolaters  ,   and 
Tpjck^d,  and  neverthelefs  to  communicate  with  them  ,  reconciling  thus,  light  to  dark^ejs  , 
and  making  Chriji  and  Antichrifr  to  he  of  the  fame  Society.     I  fpake  of  our  forbearing 
to  cenfure  other  Churches ,  and  he  anfwers  of  communicating  with  them.     That 
is  one  aberration  from  the  purpofe.   But  I  may  give  him  more  advantage  than  that 
in  this  cafe.     It  is  one  thing  to  communicate  with   material  Idolaters ,  Hereticks, 
or  Schifmatieks  in  their  Idolatry  ,  Herefie  ,  or  Schifm ,    which  is  altogether  un- 
lawful :  and  it  is  another  thing  to  communicate  with  them  in  pious  Offices,  and 
religious  Duties ,  which  may  in  fome  cafes  be  very  lawful.     The  Orthodox  Chri- 
fiians  did  fometimes  communicate  with  the  Heretical  Arians.     And  the  primitive 
Catholicks  with  the  Schifmatical  Novatians,   in  the  fame  publick  Divine  Offices, 
as  I  have  formetly  (hewed  in  this  Treatife.     But  they  communicated  with  them  in 
nothing  that  did  favour  the  Herefie  of  the  one ,   or  the  Schifm  of  the  other.     The 
Catholicks  called  the  Vonatifrs  their  Brethren ,  and  profcffed  that  they  were  obliged 
to  call  them  Brethren,  as  we  read  in  Optatm.     But  the  Vonatifis  would  not  vouch- 
fafe  to  acknowledge  the  Catholicks  for  their  Brethren  upon  this  Refuters  princi- 
ples ,  that  a  man  cannot  fay  his  orvn  Religion  is  trjte,  but  he  muff  fay  the  oppofte  isfalfe, 
nor  hold  his  own  certain ,  without  cenfuring  another  mans.     Yet  it  was  not  the  Catho- 
licks ,  but  the  Vonatifis  that  did  mingle  light  and  darknefs  together.     Thefe  fol- 
lowing principles  are  fo  evident  and  fo  undeniable,   that  no  man  can  quefiion  the 
truth  of  them,  without  .queflioning his  own  judgement.  i.That  particular  Chur- 
ches may  fall  into  errours.     2.  That  all  errours  are  not  EfTentials ,  or  Fundamen- 
tals.    3.  That  thofe  errours  which  are  not  in  EfTentials,  do  not  dcftroy  the  true  be- 
ing of  a  Church.     4.  That  neverthelefs  every  one  is  bound  according  to  the  jufl 
extent  of  his  power ,  to  free  himfelf  from  them.     To  dote  fb  upon  the  body  as  to 
cherifh  the  ulcers,  and  out  of  hatred  to  the  ulcers  to  deftroy  the  being  of  the  body, 
are  both  extreams.     That  is ,  fo  to  dote  upon  the  .name  of  the  Church  ,  as  to  che- 
rifh 


I 


iJ'tscouRSE   IJI.       Of  the  Church  of  Rnojind. 


75 


rifh  the  errours  of  it ,  or  to  hate  the  errours  (b  much  as  to  deny  the  being  of  the 
Church. 

Prepofterous  zeal  which  is  like  Hell ,  hot  without  light,  maketh  errours  to  be 
ElTentials ,  and  dilferent  Opinions  different  Religions  ,  becaufe  it  will  not  dirtin- 
guifli  between  the  good  Foundation  which  is  Chrilt ,  and  the  hay  and  ftubble  that 
is  builded  thereupon. 

The  fccond  proof  of  our  moderation  is  our  inward  charity  j  we  leave  them  un- 
willingly, as  a  man  would  leave  his  Fathers  or  his  Brothers  Houfe  infected  with 
the  Plague  ,  defirous  to  return  lb  foon  as  it  is  cleanfed.  His  anfwer  is  j  that  ifive 
did  manifefi  it  by  our  external  trorks ,  they  might  have  occafwn  to  believe  it.  I  did 
prove  it  by  our  external  works,  namely  ,  our  dayly  prayers  for  them  in  our  Lita- 
ny ,  and  efpecially  our  (blemn  anniverfary  prayer  for  their  converfion  every  good 
Friday ,  though  we  are  not  ignorant  how  they  do  as  (blemnly  anathematize  us  the 
day  before. 

The  third  proof  of  our  moderation  was  this ,  that  we  do  not  challenge  a  nevir 
Church,  a  new  Religion ,  or  new  holy  Orders  i  we  obtrude  no  innovation  upon 
others ,  nor  defire  to  have  any  obtruded  upon  our  felves  ■,  we  pluck  up  the  weeds 
but  retain  all  the  plants  of  (aving  truth.     To  this  he  objefts  two  things  : 

Firft,  to  taks  away  goodnefs  if  the  greateft  evil^  and  nothing  is  more  mifchievom  than 
to  abrogate  good  laws  and  good  fra&ices.  This  is  not  to  fight  with  us ,  but  with  his 
own  {hadow  jl  fpeak  of  taking  away  errours,  and  he  fpeaketh  again!!  taking  away  • 
goodnefs:  I  fpeak  of  plucking  up  weeds,  and  he  fpeaks  againft  abrogating  good 
laws  and  pradices  ;  yea,  of  taking  away  the  New  Tejiament.  Where  is  the  contra- 
diction between  us  ?  Thefe  are  no  weeds  but  good  plants.  We  retain  whatfbevet 
the  primitive  Fathers  judged  to  be  neceffary  ,  or  the  Catholick  Church  of  this  pre- 
fent  age  doth  unanimoufly  retain  ,  which  is  fufficient.  We  retain  other  opinions 
alfo  and  pradices  ,  but  not  as  neceflary  Articles  or  Eflcntials.  Let  him  not  tell 
us  of  the  Scots  Reformation ,  who  have  no  better  an  opinion  of  it  than  it  de- 
ferves. 

His  (econd  Obje(ftion  is ,  that  he  who  pofitively  denies ,  ever  adds  the  contrary  to 
what  he  takes  away  i  he  that  mak^s  it  an  article  that  there  is  no  Purgatory^  no  Mafs,  no 
prayer  to  Saints  ,  has  m  many  ^rtirUs  t*s  he  who  holds  the  contrary,  "therefore  this  hind 
of  moderation  is  a  pure  folly.  It  may  be  he  thinketh  fo  in  earneft,  but  we  know  the 
contrary.  We  do  not  hold  our  Negatives  to  be  Articles  of  Faith.  How  (bould  a 
Negative,  that  is,  anon  ens  ^  be  a  Fundamental  ?  This  is  a  true  propofition,  ei- 
ther there  is  a  Purgatory ,  or  there  is  not  a  Purgatory.  But  this  other  is  a  falfe 
propofition  j  either  it  is  an  Article  of  Faith  that  there  is  a  Purgatory ,  or  it  is  an 
Article  of  Faith,  that  there  is  no  Purgatory.  Faith  is  a  certain  aflent  grounded 
upon  the  truth  and  authority  of  the  Revealer  ,  Opinion  is  an  uncertain  inclining 
of  the  mind  more  to  the  one  part  of  the  contradidion  than  the  other.  There  are 
an  hundred  contradi(^ions  in  Theological  opinions  between  the  Komanifis  them- 
felves,  much  greater  than  fome  of  thefe  three  Controverfies  ,  wherein  he  inftan- 
ceth.  Yet  they  dare  not  fay ,  that  either  the  affirmatives  or  negatives  are  Articles 
of  Faith. 

In  things  not  neceflary  ,  a  man  may  fluctuate  fafely  between  two  opinions  indif- 
ferently ,  or  incline  to  the  one  more  than  the  other  without  certain  adherence ,  ot 
adhere  certainly  without  Faith.  We  know  no  other  neceffary  Articles  of  Faith , 
but  thole  which  are  comprehended  in  the  Apol^les  Creed. 

The  lafi:  proof  of  our  moderation  was  our  readinefs  in  the  preparation  of  our 
minds  to  believe  and  pradife  whatfoever  the  Catholick  Church ,  even  of  this  pre- 
{ent  age  doth  univerfally  believe  and  pradife.  7);^,  he  (aith,  w  the  greateji  moekjbol 
propofition  of  all  the  refi.  Wherefore?  For  two  reafons.  Firft,  JVe  fay  there  is  no 
univerfal  Church.  Then  we  have  not  onely  renounced  our  Creed,  That  i3,the  badge 
of  our  Chriftianity,  whereof  this  is  an  exprcfs  Article ,  but  our  reafon  alfo.  If 
there  be  many  particular  Churches :  wherefore  not  one  univerfal  Church  ,  whereof 
Chrifl:  Himfelf  is  Head  and  King  ?  His  onely  ground  of  this  calumny  ,  is  becaufe 
we  will  not  acknowledge  the  Ro>w.j«  Church,  that  is,  a  particular  Church  to  be 
the  univerfal  Church.         ^ 

The 


274 


A  Jufi  Vindication T  O  M  E  !♦ 

The  Second  reafon  is,  becaule  we  fay  tf  there  be  a  CatholickChurch,  it  is  indeter- 
Jd  Zt%orn.nKnor.sr.hicbHU,  Then  it  ,s  all  oneasif.t  were  not  N.« 
Ztn-J&  J  apparent^  eadent  ejl  ratio. '  It  is  a  brave  thing  to  calumniate  boldly  , 
thft  fomediing  may  fiick.  We  know  no  virtual  Church  indeed  ,  that  is ,  one  per- 
(  n  who  hath  in  himfelf  eminently ,  and  virtually  as  much  certainty  of  truth  and  in- 
f  llb'litv  of  Tudgement,  as  the  univerfal  Church ;  but  we  acknowledge  the  repre- 
fentative  Church,  that  is,  a  General  Council ,  and  the  effential  Church  ,  that  is » 
the  multitude,  or  multitndes  of  believers  ,  either  of  all  ages  which  make  the  Sym- 
bolical Churcli ,  or  of  this  age  which  make  the  prefent  Catholick  Church  •■,  but 
mala  mens ,  trtaiuf  animus.  He  knoweth  right  well  that  they  themfelves  are  di- 
vided into  five  or  fix  feveral  opinions  what  that  Catholick  Church  is  ,  into  the  Au- 
thority whereof  they  make  the  laft  refolution  of  their  Faith.  So  it  is  not  true  of  us, 
but  of  themfelves  it  is  true,  that  their  Catholick^Church  is  tndetermi»tate^t\at  is,  they 
know  not  certainly  what  it  is. 

S  E  C  T.  V  1 1 1. 

MY  Fifth  ground  was  ,  that  what  the  King  and  Church  o{ England  did,  in  the 
feparation  of  the«ifelves  from  the  Court  of  'B.ome ,  is  no  more  then  all  other 
Princes  and  Republicks  of  the  Koman  Communion  have  done  in  efFe<ft  ,  or  pleaded 
for    that  is,  made  themfelves  the  laft  judges  of  their  own  liberties  and  grievances. 
For' proof  whereof  1  inltanced  in  the  Emperors,  the  Kings  of  Fr^Kce,  and  the  liber- 
ties of  the  Sallicane  Church,  the  Kings  oiSfain  in  their  Kingdoms  and  Domini- 
ons o(  Sicily,  CajiiU,  f  lander t  ,  the  Kings  of  Tortugal ,  the  KepuhVick  oi  Veniee  ^ 
and  in  all  thefe  particular  cafes  which  were  in  difference  between  the  Popes  and  us  , 
concerning  the  calling  of  Ecclefiaftical  Synods  ,  making  of  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  diC- 
pofing  Benefices,  reforming  the  Churches  within  their  own  Dominions,  rcjedling 
the  Popes  fentences ,  Bulls,  Legates,  Nuncios,  (hutting  up  their  Courts,  forbid- 
ding appeals  ,  taking  away  their  Tenths,  firft  fruits,  Penfions,  Impofitions,  &c. 
To  all  which  neither  R.  C.  nor  S.  W.  anfwers  one  word  in  particular.    Yet  he  pays 
irve  in  Generals.     Yir  Vokfiis  verjatur  in  Generalihus.  If  his  caufe  would  have  borne 
it,  we  had  had  a  more  particular  anfwer. 

Firft     he  asketh  tvhat  mnjenfe  rcill  not  an  ill  cauje  mng  s  dejperate  Man  to  ?  Conee- 
do  omnia ,  I  grant  all  faving  onely  the  Application.    He  muft  feek  for  the  nonfenfe, 
and  the  ill  caufe  ,  and  the  defperate  Man  nearer  home.     But  what  is  the  ground  of 
his  exception  ?  nothing  but  a  contradiction,  Firft,  I  reottU  perfwade  the  World  that 
Tapijis  are  moji  injurious  to  Trinces  ,  perjudicing  their  Crown,  and  fuhjeding  their  Do- 
minions to  the  will  of  the  Tope,  and  when  Ihavefcarce  done  faying fo,  tcith  a  contrary 
blajl  J  drive  as  far  back^again  ,  eotifeffiing  all  Jfaid  to  hefalfe  ,  and  that  the  fame  Tapifls 
hold  the  VoUrine  of  the  Frotifiants  in  effeB.     If  he  will  accufe  other  men  of  contradi- 
dion  ,  he  muft  not  overihoot  himfelf  fo  in  his  expreffions ,  but  keep  himfelf  to  the 
rules  of  oppofition ,  ad  idem ,  fecmdum  idem ,  &  eodem  tempore.    Papifts  may  be  in- 
jurious to  Princes  in  one  refpeft ,  and  do  them  right  in  another.    They  may  be 
difloyal  at  one  time  ,  and  Loyal  at  another.    Here  is  no  {hadow  of  contradidion. 
But  his  greateft  fault  is  to  change  the  fubjed  of  the  propofition.    I  did  not  plead 
either  that  Papifts  were  injurious  to  Princes  ,  or  that  the  fame  Papifts  did  hold  the 
very  Dodrine  of  the  Proteftants ,  nor  (b  much  as  mention  Papifts  in  General ,  ei- 
ther to  juftifie  them  or  to  accufe  them.     But  I  faid ,  that  the  Pope  and  the  Court 
of  Kerne  had  been  injurious  to  Koman-dthoYick  Princes ,  and  that  Koman-Catho- 
lick  Princes  with  their  parry  had  done  themfelves  right  againft  Popes  and  their  Court. 
Here  is  no  contrary  blaft,  nor  contradiction  ,  any  more  than  it  is  a  contradidion 
to  fay  ,  that  the  Guelphes  maintained  the  Popes  caufe  againft  the  Emperour,  and  the 
Cihilines  maintained  the  Empcrours  caufe  againft  the  Pope,  becaufe  both  fadions 
were  Rcwa^-Catholicks ,  both  Italians. 

He  urgeth ,  That  the  Topes  did  not  caft  out  of  their  Communion  thofe  Catholick,  ^^ 
vines  who  ofpofed  them,  which  argueth  ,  that  it  is  not  the  Rom^in  Religion ,  nor  any 
puhlich^  tenet  in  their  Church  that  hinds  any  to  thefe  rigorous  affertions  which  the  Frote^ 
[iants  condemn,    I  know  it  is  not  their  Religion,    Our  Religion  and  theirs  is  theftjne 


Discourse  ni.       Of  the  Church  of  En^,hnd  271? 


I  know  it  is  not  the  General  Tenet  of  their  Church.     But  it  is  the  Tenet  of  the 
Court  of  Rome,  and  the  Governing  party  amonglt  them.     It  is  but  a  Poor  comfort 
to  one  that  is  opprefled  by  their  Court ,  to  know  that  there  are  particular  Dodtors 
which  hold  that  he  is  wronged.     But  to  his  queftion.     Did  the  Pope  never  ex- 
communicate thofe  Dodors  that  oppoled  him  ?  Yes ,  fundry  times ,  both  Prince? 
and  Dodors,  and  whole  Nations.    Sometimes  he  fpared  them  perhaps  he  did  not 
rake  notice  of  them  whilert  they  were  living,  the  Pope  and  his  Court  have  fomewhat 
elfe  to  do  than  to  inquire  after  theTenets  of  private  Dodors.     Perhaps  they  lived 
about  the  time  of  the  Councils  of  Conjlance  and  Bafik  ,  when  it  had  been  eaiier  for 
the  Pope  to  have  caft  himfelf  out  of  his  Throne,  than  them  out  of  the  Church  i  or 
perhaps  they  lived  in  places  without  his  reach  :  he  knows  who  it  was  that  faid.  My 
Lord  the  Emferour  defend  me  with  the  Sword,  and  I  will  defend  thee  with  my'Pen. 
What  did  the  Sorbon  Dodours  in  former  Ages  value  the  Court  of  Rome  ?  Now  of 
late  the  Court  of  Rome  have  learned  another  method  to  purge  their  Dodours    when 
they  difpleafe  them.    It  is  a  (hrewd  fign  when  Men  are  glad  to  Cut  out  the 
Tongues  of  their  own  witneffes. 

Here  he  falls  into  a  bitter  invedive  againft  our  Bloody  Laws  ,  and  Bloodier  Execu- 
tion. It  is  hard  when  they  come  to  accufe  us  of  Blood  guiltinefs ,  I  could  requite 
him  with  a  Black  Lilt  ofMurthers  and  MaflTacres  to  the  purpose  indeed:  the  Wal' 
denfes  alore  might  furnifh  me  with  overmuch  ftore  of  matter,  whofelirft  beginning 
isfo  ancient ,  that  it  feemeth  tome  like  the  Spring  head  of  Niluf,  fcarcely  to  be 
fearched  out,  but  innocent  Blood  cryeth  Loud  enough  of  it  felf,  withouthelp. 
I  chufe  rather  at  this  time  to  ufe  the  Buckler  than  the  Sword :  the  Accufation  of 
them  is  no  acquital  of  us  i  whatfoever  he  faith  here  againft  the  Church  or  State  of 
England  for  cruelty ,  is  clearly  and  fatisfadorily  anfwered  in  my  Reply  to  the  Bifhop  ^' ''  ^^^'  "*' 
of  Chalcedon-,  whither  I  refer  him. 

Afterwards  he  telleth  how  unluckje  T  am  in  this  Chapter  ,  that  do  ahfolutely  dear 
iheir  Religion  of  Calumny  ^   which  Frotejiants  moji  injurioufly  charge  upon  them,  that 
their  Vajjalage  to  the  Pope  deilroys   their  Subjection  to   their  Prince  y  by  citing  fo  many 
inflances,  where  Catholickj  remaining  fmh,  have  difobeyed the  Pope.     Their  Religion 
is  the  fame  with  ours  ,  that  is  ,  ChrilHan ,  and  needeth  not  to  be  cleared  from  be- 
ing a  fource  of  fedition  ,  or  an  incentive  to  Rebellion.     It  is  not  Accufed  by  us, 
but  the  envious  man  hath  fowcd  tares  among  the  wheat.     No  man  can  deny  but 
that  (editious  opinions  have  been  devifed  and  difperfed  and  cherifhed  in  the  Church 
of  Rome  in  this  laft  Age  ,  which  were  deftrudive  to  Loyalty ,   and  due  fubjedion 
to  Princesi  and  how  fome  of  our  own  Countrey  Men  came  to  be  feafoned,with  thefe  ^''^'^*''f*  3« 
pernicious  principles  more  than  other  nations,  I  have  partly  (hewed  in  the  place  al-     '  '  ^' 
ledged.     The  inilances  by  me  cited  in  this  Chapter  were  before  thefe  poilbnous  o- 
pinions  were  hatched  ,  and  fo  are  altogether  impertinent  to  that  purpofe  for  which 
he  urgeth  them.     They  prove  that  thofe  Roman-Cztholicks  at  that  time  were  Loyal 
Subjeds ;  they  do  not  prove  that  all  Kow^«-Catholicks  at  this  time  are  Loyal  Sub- 
jeds  i  that  were  to  infer  a  General  conclufion  from  particular  premiflTes     or  to  ar- 
gue a   minore  ad  majus  affirmative,  which  is  mere  Sophirtry.     But  I  (hall  readily 
grant  more  than  he  proveth  ,  and  as  much  as  he  can  feek  with  reafbn     that  thole 
feditious  Dodrines  were  never  Generally  received ,  nor  yet  by  the  greater  and 
(bunder  part  of  the  Roman  Church  ,  and  that  at  this  day  I  hope  they  are  almoft 
buried.     If  ever  God  be  fo  gracious  unto  us,  as  to  fuffer  us  to  meet  together  in  a 
Council  or  Alfembly  ,  either  of  the  Chriftian  world  ,  or  of  the  Wefiern  Church  i 
the   firft  thing  to  be  done  were  to   weed  out   all  feditious  opinions ,   both  a- 
mong  them  and  us ,  which  are  fcandalous  to  Religion,  and  deltrudive  to  all  Ci- 
vil Societies. 

In  the  next  place  he  fancieth  to  himfelf  a  platform  ofthe  ChrilHan  Church.  Ihaf 
Chrill  being  to  build  his  fpiritual  Kingdom  upon  the  Bafu  of  a  multitude  of  Earthly  King- 
doms ,  faw  it  necejfary  ,  to  makg  a  Bond  of  Vnity  betwixt  the  Churches ;  that  far  thii 
reafon  be  gave  the  principality  among  his  Jpojlles  to  St.  Pctet,and  confequently  to  hisSuc- 
efjfours  the  Bipops  of  Rome,  which  one  See  might  by  the  ordinary  providence  of  Al- 
mighty God ,  hgep  a  continuance  of  Succtffion  from  St.  Peter  to  the  end  of  the  World  , 
which  the  vicifuude  of  humane  nature  ,  permitted  not  to  all  the  Apojhlical  Sees.     Hence 

Rome 


-^^5  ^  /J  Juft  Vindication  T  O  M  E  U 

^  Rome  /x  inve\hd  mtb  the  ^ivlkdge  cf  Mother  and   Mfriji  of  the  Church    and  the 

Unae  upon  t^hkb  the  common  government  and  Vmty  of  the  Church  defends  M 
beina  removed,  the  Church  van,Jheth  into  a  pm  Anarchy.  Lxcelkntly  well  con- 
trived Sir  Ihomai  Moor's  Eutopia  ,  or  my  Lord  Verulam  s  new  Atlantis ,  may 
eivep'laceuntoit;  What  great  pity  it  was  that  he  had  not  been  one  of  Chrifts 
Counfellers  when  he  firll  formed  his  Church  ?  Onely  it  feemeth  a  little  too  faucy 
with  Chrift.  Chriftians  fhould  argue  thus ,  Chrift  formed  his  Church  thus  , 
therefore  it  is  the  befi  form  :  Not  thus  ,  this  is  the  beft  form  ■■>  tlierefore  Chrirt 
formed  his  Church  after  this  manner. 

The  old  Hermite  prayed  to  God  for  rain  and  fair  weather  for  his  Garden, 
ashe  thought  moft  expedient  for  it,  and  had  hisdefire,  yet  his  Garden  did  not 
profper  ,  whereas  other  Gardens  which  wanted  that  fpecial  priviledgc  profpered 
well  •,  his  Brother  Hermite  told  him  the  reafon  of  it.  7hou  fool  didji  thou  thinks 
thyfelf  rvifer  than  God:  I  wonder  he  did  not  go  one  ftep  higher,  to  make  the 
Bifliop  of  Kome  univerfal  Emperour  alfo  •,  for  prevention  of  Civil  Wars ,  and 
bloodlhed  among  Chriftians  ,  and  fo  he  might  have  been  Kfx  idem  hominum  di- 
vumq;  Sacerdof. 

Now  let  us  take  his  frame  in  pieces  ,  and  look  upon  it  in  parcels.     St,  Paul  rec- 
kons up,  not  one  but  feven  bands  of  Unity  among  Chriftians,  one  Body,  one  Spi- 
rit ,  one  Hope  of  our  calling ,  one    herd ,  one  faith  ,    one    Tapifm ,  one  God ,   and 
Ei)h.4. 4-        Father   of  ail.    Firft  ,  o«e     Body,  What  can   be  more    prodigious  than    for  the 
members  of  the  fame  Body  to  War  one    with    another  >  One  Spirit ,  that  is , 
the  Holy-Ghoft,  which  is  the  Soul  that  enliveneth  the  Church  >  Can  there  be  a  bet- 
ter Bond  of  Unity  to  the  Body  ,  than  the  Soul .?  One  Hope  of  our  Calling ,  We 
muft  be  all  friends  in  Heaven ,  Why  do  we  bite   and  kick  one  another  in  the 
way  thither  ?  One  Lord  ,  by  whofe   blood  we  are  redeemed  ,  (hould  they  pur- 
fue  one  another  as  mortal  enemies  ,  who  ferve  the  fame  Lord  ?  One  Faith  deli- 
vered by  the  Apoftles  ,  do  not  adulterate,  it  with  new  devifes,  to  raife  conten- 
tions.   One  Baptifm ,  we  are  marked  with  the  fame  cognifcance,  we  ufe  the  fame 
word,we  fight  under  the  fame  ftandard,  why  do  we  miftake  one  another  for  enemies? 
Laftly,  One  Cod  and  Father  of  all,  who  is  above  all  by  his  excellency,  through  all  by  his 
providence, and  inall  by  the  inhabitation  of  hisGrace-,^i'oz;e  all  as  Father,«^rowgfc  all 
as  Son,  in  all  as  Holy-Ghoft-,  for  Chriftian  to  fight  againft  Chriftian,  is  to  divide  this 
one  God,  and  commit  him  againft  himfelf.    Among  all  thele  bands  of  unity, 
why  did  St.  Vaul  forget(  unus  Papa  )  one  Bifliop  of  Rome ,  or  fpiritual  Monarchy 
,  If  there  had  been  any  fuch  thing  ,  here  had  been  the  proper  place  for  it. 

Secondly  ,  I  will  not  difpute  with  him  about  this ,  whether  Chrifl  did  give  St. 
Peter  a  principality  among  the  Apoftles  ,  fo  he  do  not  rob  Paul  to  cloath  Peter ,  but 
likewife  oonfent  to  me ,  that  this  was  but  a  Principality  of  Order  j  and  that  the 
principality  of  Power,  did  reft  in  the  Colledgeof  the  Apoftles  there:  and  now 
in  their  Succeflbrs  a  General  Council,  which  is  a  fiifficient  band  of  Unity,  aslhavfe 
formerly  demonftrated.  I  wi(h  this  Refuter  had  expreffed  himfelf  more  clearly 
whether  he  be  for  a  beginning  of  Order  and  Unity ,  or  for  a  finglehead  of  Pow- 
er ,  and  Jurifdidion »  for  to  me  he  feemeth  to  hover  between  two ,  as  if  he 
would  gladly  fay  more  for  the  Pope  if  he  could. 

Thirdly  ,  it  followeth ,   and  confequemly  to  hU  Success  ■■,  I  like  the  General  pro- 
portion well  enough  :  and  confequemly  to  his  Succeffours.    For  the  reafon  of  the 
iirft  inftitution  being  of  perpetual  neceffity  ,  feemeth  to  imply  ftrongly  ,  that  fuch 
■  an  Headftiip  of  Order  ought  to  continue  in  the  Church  ,  or  at  leaft  may  lawfully 

be  continued  in  the  Church.  But  I  like  not  his  application  to  the  Bijhops  of  Rome, 
or  his  Succeffours  in  the  See  of  Rome  i  That  confequence  is  but  like  a  Rope  of 
fand.  There  is  no  neceffity  at  all ,  that  he  who  fucceedeth  a  man  in  a  particular 
Biftioprick,  fhould  fucceed  him  in  a  higher  Office,  which  is  not  annexed  to  that 
Biftioprick.  As  if  a  man  ftiould  argue  thus  i  Such  a  Bifhop  of  fuch  a  See  died 
Lord  Chancellour  of  England  v  therefore  all  fucceeding  Biftiops  of  the  fame  See  , 
muft  fucceed  him  likewife  in  the  Chancellourftiip  of  England.  If  the  Catholick 
Church  do  nominate  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  for  the  time ,  that  is  another  matter  i 
but  that  is  no  perpetuity  to  the  Bilhops  of  that  See  for  ever,  whether  the  Church 
will  or  not.  Ccr- 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Church  <?f  England.  2 


77 


Certainly,  Chrilt  did  leave  thechiet  Meiuagery  of  his  Family  to  his  fpoufe,that 
is ,  the  Church  ,  and  not  to  any  fingle  fervant ,  further  than  as  fubfervient  to  his 
Spoufe.  But  to  make  Rome  to  be  tk  Mijirifiof  the  Church  ,  as  this  R.efuter  doth  , 
and  the  Bi(hop  of  Rome  the  Majler  of  the  Church ,  is  fuch  an  indignity  and  affront ' 
as  no  Husband  would  tolerate  ,  much  L^fs  Chrift  ,  who  is  propofed  to  all  Husbands  ^^^'  *"  ''* 
as  the  perfed  pattern  of  conjugal  Love.  Husbands  Love  your  Wives  as  Chrift  Loved 
the  Church. 

His  argument  drawn  from  the  viciffitude  of  humane  affairs ,  cuts  the  throat  of 
his  caufe:  For,  what  privilcdge  hath  Rome  from  this  viciilitude  more  than  other 
places?  It  may  be  demohfhed  and  deftroyed  by  enemies ,  it  may  be  fwallowed 
by  an  Earthquake  as  fome  great  Cities  have  been ,  it  may  become  Heretical  or  Ma- 
humetan.  And  in  all  thefe  cafes  muft  it  dill  continue  Miftrifs  of  the  Church  ?  That 
were  an  hard  condition.  Nemo  [aliens  Ligatfibi  manus  ,  The  Church  never  difpo- 
feth  fo  of  her  Offices ,  that  fhe  may  not  be  able  to  move  the  rudder ,  according 
to  the  change  of  wind  and  weather,  and  to  change  the  Mefuagery  of  Ecclefia- 
ftical  affairs,  according  to  the  viciffitude  of  humane  things. 

Let  not  the  Refuter  trifle  between  a  primacy  of  Order  ,  and  a  Supremacy  of  Pow- 
er :  a  Tyranny  and  an  Anarchy  are  the  two  extreams.  The  Church  may  (hake  off 
Tyranny,  and  yet  not  vanifh  intoaptre  Anarchy  ,  nor  the  frame  thereof  be  utterly  dif- 
folvedj  thefe  are  but  made  Dragons.  Between  a  Tyranny  and  an  Anarchy  there 
is  an  Ariftocracy ,  which  was  the  ancient  Regiment  of  the  Chriffian  Church  i 
they  know  no  Monarch  but  Chrift  their  fpiritual  King.  A  primacy  of  Order  is  as 
fulhcient ,  nay  more  fufficient  in  this  cafe  ,  to  prevent  all  thefe  dangers  which  he 
feemeth  to  fear,  and  to  procure  all  thole  advantages  which  he  mentioneth  than 
a  Supremacy  of  Power.  And  I  hold  it  a  reafonable  propolition ,  that  whofbever 
is  admmitted  to  the  one ,  fhould  difclaim  the  other. 

In  the  next  pafTage ,  he  forgetteth  himfelf  over  much ,  when  he  maketh  the 
Fnpe's  principality  to  be  the  bridle  vehich  our  Saviour  hath  put  into  the  mouth  ef  his 
Church  :  So  he  makes  the  Church  to  be  the  Beafl ,  and  the  Pope's  Office  to  be  to 
ride  upon  the  Church  i  No ,  he  quite  milbketh  the  matter.  Our  Saviour  hath  put 
the  bridle  into  the  hand  of  his  Church  ,  Vic  Ecclefa ,  tell  it  to  the  Church  not 
into  the  mouth  of  his  Church  i  and  the  Pope  at  the  befl  is  but  one  of  the  Churches 
Efcuries.  Next,  he  proclaimeth  the  advantages  of  the  Papacy.  He  doth  well 
to  cry  up  his  caufe  :  No  man  proclaimeth  in  the  Market  that  he  hath  rotten  wares 
to  fell.  But  it  is  but  with  an  if,  Jf  ihii  authority  were  duly  preferved  and  governed, 
no  dijiention  in  Faith  or  Vifcipline^  nay  not  any  war  among  Chrijiian  Princes  ,  could  an- 
noy the  world.  What  Chriftian  Prince  can  chufe  but  be  glad  to  have  an  arbitrator  fo  pru- 
dent ,  fo  pious  ^fo  difinterrejfed  as  a  good  Pope  fhould  be  ?  He  brings  to  my  mind  our 
old  diftinftion  between  Plato  znd  Arijiotk,  Plato  fcripfit  fomnians,  Artftoteles  vigilans , 
Plato  Writ  dreaming ,  and  Ariftotle  waking  :  the  one  looked  upon  men  as  they 
ought  to  be ,  and  the  other  as  they  were  ,  which  was  much  more  proper  for  one 
that  was  to  write  politicks. 

If  all  things  were  as  they  (hould  be  ,  we  fliould  have  a  braveworld  :  but  if 
we  look  upon  the  cafe  without  an  if  ,  ox  at  he  fhould  he  ,  we  fnall  find 
the  Papacy  as  it  is  fetled ,  or  would  have  been ,  fo  far  from  deferving  thefe 
Eulogiums  which  he  gives  it,  that  it  hath  been  the  caufe  either  procreating,  or 
conferving  ,  or  both,  of  all  the  Schifms  ,  and  all  the  greater  Ecclefiaftical  diffen- 
tions  in  Chriftendom  ,  and  rather  an  incentive  to  war  for  its  own  intercft  and  ad- 
vantage ,  than  a  means  of  peace  and  reconciliation  among  Chriftian  Princes. 

But  now  reader,  look  to  thy  (elf  that  thou  receive  no  hurt,for  he  hath  undertaken  to 
let  us  fee  all  the  arrows  which  J  have  fhot  againft  them^f ailing  down  tcpon  mine  own  head. 
Yes ,  at  the  Gree\  Calends  ,  when  an  oblique  and  a  perpendicular  motion  are  the 
fame.  But  let  us  fee  how  he  attempts  to  prove  it :  Becaufe  the  Papacy  ftands  firm , 
andftrong  in  all  thefe  Countries  which  have  refijied  the  Pope  ,  when  they  conceived  that 
lye  encroached  on  their  Liberties ,  &c.  whereas  the  Reformation  has  made  England  an ' 
headlefi  Synagogue  ,  without  Brotherhood  or  Order.  Neither  fo ,  nor  fo  ,  the  Eaftern  , 
Southern,  and  Northern  Churches  admit  no  Papacy  ,  nor  any  thing  higher  than 
the  chiefeft  Patriarch.     A  great  part  of  the  IVeflem  Churches ,  have  ihaken  off  the 

D  d  Roman 


TTb       ~~"  A  JjtfiVwdication  T  O  M  E  K 

KomjH  Yoke  i  and  the  reft  who  do  ftill  acknowledge  the  Papacy  ,  do  it  with  fuch 
cautions  and  rcfcrvations ,  and  reOridlions ,  efpecially  France  and  Sicily,  that  I 
think  the  Cardinal  Legate  in  the  Council  of  Irem  ,  had  reafon  to  fay ,  that  he 
n-oiild  rather  ferftvade  the  Top  io  give  jtp  his  Keys  to  St.  Peter  ,  than  hold  them  upon 
fuch  terms.  1  believe  ,  not  one  of  them  all  doth  admit  fuch  a  Papacy ,  as  the  Ko- 
man  Court  endeavoured  to  have  obtruded  upon  them. 

Whereas  he  ftileth  'England ,  an  headlefs  Synagogue ,  without  Brotherhood  or 
Order ,  he  fceth  or  may  fee  ,  that  for  Order ,  we  are  as  much  for  it  as  himfelf : 
for  Chriftian  Brotherhood ,  we  maintain  it  three  times  larger  than  himfelfi  and  for 
his  headlefs  Synagogue  ,  they  want  no  Head  who  have  Chrift  for  a  fpiritual  Head , 
a  General  Council  tor  an  Ecclefiaftical  Head ,  and  a  gracious  Chriftian  Prince  for  a 
Political  Head.  That  Title  would  better  have  become  themfelves  about  two  or 
three  moneths  fince ,  who  fometimes  have  two  or  three  heads ,  fometimes  a  bro- 
ken head  ,  fometimes  never  an  head. 

The  Proteftants  do  not  attempt  to  make  themfelves  a  diftincSl:  Body  from  the  reft 
of  the  Chriftian  world  ,  much  lefs  do  they  arrogate  to  themfelves  alone  the  name 
of  the  true  Church,  as  the  Romamjis  do  i  but  they  content  themfelves  to  be  part 
of  the  Catholick  Church.  That  they  have  any  differences  among  them  either  in 
dodrine  or  difcipline  ,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  Court  of  Kcme,  which  would  not  give 
way  to  an  uniform  Reformation  of  the  Wefiern  Church  ■■>  But  that  their  Controver- 
fies  are  neither  fo  many  ,  nor  of  any  fuch  moment  as  he  imagineth  ,  the  Harmony 
of  Confelhons  publifhed  in  Print ,  will  demonfirate  to  all  the  world.  So  far  is  he 
wide  from  the  truth ,  that  they  have  no  more  Unity  than  a  body  compofed  of 
1urh§  ,  Jetvs  ,  Heretichj  ,  and  Chrijlians  ;  who  have  neither  the  fame  body ,  nor 
the  lame  fpirit ,  nor  the  fame  hope  of  their  Calling ,  nor  the  fame  Lord  ,  nor  the 
fame  Faith,  nor  the  fame  Baptifm  ,  nor  the  fame  God  to  their  Father  :  But  he 
faith  ,  our  Faith  corfifteth  in  unknown  Fundamentals,  n>hich  U  a  ttieer  Jhift.,  until 
we  exhibit  a  lift  of  fuch  points.  We  need  not ,  the  Apoftles  have  done  it  to  our 
hands  in  the  Creed  ,  and  the  Primitive  Church  hath  ordained ,  that  no  more  fhould 
be  exaded  of  any  ,  of  lurkj  or  Jetvs  in  point  of  Faith  ,  when  they  were  convert- 
ed from  Taganifm  ,  or  Jevpifm  to  Chriftianity. 


I 


SECT.    IX. 

N  the  Eighth  Chapter  ,  I  proved  that  the  Pope  ,  and  the  Court  cf  Rome,  were 
moft  guilty  of  the  Schifm ,  and  fhall  rot  need  to  repeat  or  fortifie  any  thing  •, 
that  which  he  oppofeth  being  of  fo  little  confequence. 

To  the  firft  argument,  he  denieth  that  the  Church  of  Rome  U  but  a  Sifler  or  a  Mo- 
ther ,  and  mt  a  Mijirifs  to  other  Churches  :  It  if  their  faying  it ,  and  our  denying  it 
C  faith  he  3  till  they  have  proved  what  they  affrm.     To  gratifie  him,  I  will  do  it 
though  it  be  reedlefs.     Let  him  confult  with  St.  Bernard  m.  his  fourth  Book  of  Con- 
federation ,  to  his  m.oft  loving  Friend  Ewgw/«<  the  Pope,  (bhe  ftiles  him,  Aman- 
tijjime  Euge^i.     If  they  would  lifien  to  St.  Bernard's  honeft  advice ,  it  would  tend 
much  to  the  peace  of  Chrifterdcme.     Si  auderem  dicere  ,  if  J  durft  fay  it ,  thefe  are 
the  paftures  of  Devils  rather  than  of  Sheep.     And  ,  Exi  de  Hur  Chalda^orum  >    or. 
Go  out  of  thii  Hur  of  the  Chaldeans  (  Rome  )  Jt  mil  not  repent  thee  of  thy  banifh- 
ment ,  to  have  changed  the  City  for  the  world.     But  to  fatisfie  his  demand.     Thus 
Bernard,  it     that  Father,  Confideres  ante  omnia  fanBam  Romanam  Ecckfiam  cui  T>eo  auCiore  pr^es 
twfidti.  I  4-    Ecckfiarum  matrem  ejje  non  Vcminam ,  te  vero  non  Vcminum  Epifcoporum,  fed  unum  ex 
jpfis.     Above  all  things  confdtr ,  that  the  holy  Roman  Church  over  which  thou  art  placed 
by  God  ,  is  a  Mother  of  other  Churches  ,  not  a  Lady  or  Mifirifs  ,  and  thou  thy  felf  art 
not  a  Mafttr  of  other  Bijhops  ,  but  one  of  them. 

Secondly ,  He  denieth  that  the  Church  ef  Rome  ohtrudeth  any  new  Creeds,  where- 
as I  accufed  not  the  Church  of  Rome  for  it ,  but  the  Court  of  Rome ,  and  for  proof 
produced  the  Bull  of  Fim  the  Fourth  in  the  point ,  as  it  is  fet  down  at  the  end  of 
the  Council  of  Irent ;  wherein  he  ftts  forth  a  new  Form  of  Confeflion  of  Faith  , 
containing  many  new  Articles ,  which  he  enjoyneth  all  the  Clergy,  and  all  Reli- 
£ious  perlons  to  fwear  unto  ',  and  that  they  will  teach  it  to  all  others  under  their 

charge , 


Discourse  III.      Of  the  Chnrch  of  Enghnd.  3jy 


charge,  that  there  may  be  an  uniform  Contellion  of  Faith  among  ChrilHans  ,  Ex- 
tra qiuim  non  eji  fains  ,  without  which  there  is  no  falvationi  If  he  deny  this  autho- 
rity ,  he  and  I  arc  nearer  an  union  than  the  Court  of  B~ome  and  he. 

My  third  Argument  was ,  becaufe  they  maintain  the  Pope  in  his  rebellion  againft 
a  general  Council.     To  this  Argument  he  anfwers  not  a  word  ,  fo  as  I  am  confir- 
med more  and  more  in  my  fufpicion,  that  notwithftanding  all  his  fpecious  preten- 
ces for  the  Papacy  ,  he  himfelf  is  one  of  thofe  ,  who  prefer  the  Council  before  the 
Pope  ,  and  attribute  to  the  Pope  onely  an  Exordium  ttnitatU.     But  he  fpareth  me 
not  upon  the  by,  telling  the  Reader,  that  Hay  the  axe  not  to  the  root  of  Schilm    but 
to  mine  orvn  legs  ,  and  bids  me  good  night ,  my  rvits  are  in  the  darJ^     If  it  were  Co  that 
I  {hould  fieal  a  nap ,  it  is  neither  felony  nor  treafon,  Aliquando  bonus  dormitat  Ho- 
meruf.     But  what  is  it  that  raifeth  this  great  wind  of  words?  Forfooth  becaufe  I  fay 
that  (  the  Papacy  )  (qua  talU)zs  it  is  now  maintained  by  many,  with  Superiority 
above  General  Councils  ,  &c.  is  the  caule  ,  either  procrcant ,  or  confervant     or 
both,  of  all ,  or  the  molt  part  of  the  Schifms  in  Chriftendom.  l^ofay  as  it  is  main- 
tained by  many  ^  doth  imply  ,  that  it  is  not  fo  maintained  by  all  ^  and  therefore  not  the 
Fapacy ,  qua  talis  •,  for  jo  Catholicks  have  not  the  leafi  difference  among  them.     He 
might  as  well  tell  us,  that  wherein  they  all  agree,  they  have  no  difference.     But 
do  not  fome  Row^M-Catholicks  fubjed  the  Pope  to  a  General  Council  ?   and  other 
fubjed  a  General  Council  to  the  Pope?  Do  not  the  greater  part  of  them  ,  both  for 
number,  dignity,  and  power  ,  who  fit  at  the  Stem  ,  who  hol(f  the  Bridle    Cthat 
he  fpoke  of  even  now)  in  their  hands  ,  to  govern  the  Church,  fah']c£t  a  General 
Council  to  the  Pope  ?  And  then  might  not  I  fay  well  [  the  Papacy  qua  ialisl  my 
conclufion  was  not  againft  the  Church  of  Kome  in  general,  but  againft  the  Pope 
and  Court   of  Rome ,  that  they  were  guilty  of  Schifm.     And  now  to  let  him  fee 
that  I  did  not  deep,  I  will  reduce  mine  argument  into  form  ,  without  a  [_qua  talis.! 
They  who  fubjed:  a  General  Council ,  which  is  the  higheft  tribunal  of  Chriftians 
to  the  Pope  ,  are  guilty  of  Schifm  i  but  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Kome ,  with  all 
their  maintainers  ,  that  is  ,  the  much  greater  part  of  their  writers  do  fubjeft  a  Ge- 
neral Council  to  the  Pope  •,  therefore  they  are  guilty  of  Schifm.     Of  the  fame  na- 
ture is  his  exception  to  my  fourth  charge.  They  who  takeaway  the  line  of  Apoftoli- 
cal  fucceflion  throughout  the  world  ,  except  in  the  See  of  Kome ,  who  make  all 
Epifcopal  Jurifdidion  to  flow  from  the  Pope  of  Kome  ,  and  to  be  founded  in 
his  Laws  ,  to  be  imparted  to  other  Bifliops,  as  the  Popes  Vicars  and  Coadjutors 
aflumed  by  them  into  part  of  their  charge ,  are  Schifmaticks  -,  but  the  Pope  and 
Court  of  Kome ,  and  their  maintainers  do  thus. .  To  which  his  onely  anfwer  is 
that  this  is  a   more  grofs  and  falfe  imputation  than  any  of  the  rejl.     Becaufe  it  is  not 
their  General  Tenet,    neither  did  I  urge  it  againft  them  all  in  General. 

But  becaufe  he  takes  no  notice  of  thefe  Tenets,  but  as  Private  opinions ,  If  you 
rvill  dijpute  again^i  private  opi  nions  ,  cite  your  Authours  ,  and  argue  againji  them    not 
the  Church.     Let  him  know  ,  that  thefe  are  the  moft  common  and  moft  currant 
opinions  of  their  writers.     Of  the  former,  BeVarmine  CsXth ,  that  it  is  almnji  de  fide  De  coticil,  1. 1 
a  point  of  Faith.    He  faith  that  the  Council  of  Florence  feemed  to  have  defined  it     <^-  'T- 
though  not  fo  expreflyi  and  that  the  Council  of  Lateran  hath  defined  it  moft  ex-  ^* """  '•  ** 
prefly.     And  the  words  of  that  Council  feem  to  import  no  left,  that  it  is  moft  ma-  '*'*' 
nifeli  that  the  Bijhop  of  Rome  hath  authority  ever  all  Councils,     fanquam  fuper  omnia 
Confilia  authoritatem  hahentem.     And  for  the  latter  opinion  ,  Bellarmine  declares  it 
to  be  moft  true  ,  qu<e  fententia  s\l  veriffima  ,  cites  great  Authours  for  it  ■■,  and  faith 
that  it  feemeth  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  old  Schoolmen,  That  Bijhopsdo  de-  De  Rom.pont. 
rive  all  their  JurifdiUionfrom  the  Tope  ,  as  aH  the  virtue  of  the  members  is  derived  from  '•  4-  '■>  »*  6" 
the  head ,  or  as  all  the  virtue  of  the  branches  fprings  from  the  root ,  or  as  the  water  in  **** 
the  flream  floncs  from  the  fountain  ^  or  as  the  light  of  the  beams  is  from  the  Sun.     This 
is  high  enough. 

D  d  2  SECT. 


So 


A  Juft  Vindication  TOME  I, 


I 


SECT.     lo. 

Anfwered   that  we  hold  Commurion  with  thrice  fo  many  Chriftians  as  they  do. 
He  replye'th,  that    ij  hy  Chriftiatts   I  mean  ihofe  who   lay  claim  to  the  name  of 
Chrift     he  neither  denies  my  anfrrer  ,  }ior  envies  me  my  multitude  ;  for  Manichees  , 
Gnoflicks    Carpocratians,  Arians,  Neftorians ,  Eutychians ,  &c.  rvithout  number^ 
do  aViifiir^  the  honour  of  this  title  ,  adding  that  he  doth  mofi  faithfully  proteft ,  he  doth 
mt  think    I  have  any  foUd  reafon  to  refufe  Communion  to  the  rvorft  of  them.     O  God 
how  is  it  pollible  that  prejudice  and   partiality  ,  or  an  habit  of  alteration  (hould 
makeChriftians  and  Paftours  ofChrifts  flock  to  fwcrve  fo  far,not  only  from  truth  and 
charity  but  from  all  candor  and  ingenuity ?Wherein  can  he  or  all  the  world,charge  the 
Church  ofEngliind,  or  the  Church  of  Greece,  or  indeed  any  of  the  Eaftern,  Southern 
or  Northern  Chrillians,with  any  of  thefe  Herefies?  It  is  true,  feme  few  Eafiern  Chri^ 
ftian?  in  comparifon  of  thofe  innumerable  multitudes,  are  called  Neliorians,znd  fome 
others     by  reafon  of  fome  unufual  expreflions  fufpeded  of  Eutychianifm ,  but 
both  moft  wrongfully.     Is  tliis  the  requital  that  he  makes  to  fo  many  of  thefe  poor 
Chriftians  for  maintaining  their  Religion  inviolated ,  fo  many  ages  under  Mahu- 
metan  Princes  ?  Tet  Michael  the  Archangel ,  when  he  difiuted  with  the  Devil  about 
*  the  body  of  MoCcs ,  durjl  not  bring  a  railing  accufation  againjl  him  ;  butfaid,  the  Lord 

rebuke  thee.  The'beftis,  we  are  either  wheat  or  Chaff  of  the  Lords  floor  >  but 
their  tongues  muft  not  winnow  us.  Manes  a  mad  man  ,  as  his  name  fignifies  , 
feigned  himfelf  to  be  Chrift  ,  chofe  twelve  Apoftles ,  and  fent  them  abroad  to 
preach  his  errours,  whofe  difciples  were  called  Manichees  >  they  made  two  Gods, 
one  of  good  called  light:  another  of  evil  called  darknefsi  which  evil  God  did 
make  impure  creatures  of  the  more  fsculent  parts  of  the  matter  i  he  created  the 
world  i  he  made  the  old  teftament  ■■,  Hereupon  they  held  flefli  and  wine  to  be 
impure;  and  Marriage  to  be  unlawful ,  and  ufed  execrable  purifications  of  the 
creatures  i  They  taught  that  the  foul  was  the  fubftance  of  God ;  that  war  was 
unlawful  ■,  that  bruit  beafts  had  as  much  reafon  as  men  :  that  Chrift  was  not  true 
man  nor  came  out  of  the  womb  of  the  Virgin  ,  but  was  a  phantafm  '■>  that  John 
Baptjji  was  damned  for  doubting  of  Chrift  i  that  there  was  no  laft  Judgement  i 
that  fins  were  inevitable :  many  of  which  errours  they  fucked  from  the  Gnofticks 
and  Carpocratians.  The  Ne^orians  divided  the  perfon  of  Chrift  i  and  the  Eutychi- 
ans confounded  his  natures  :  What  is  this  to  us,  or  any  of  thofe  Churches  which 
we  defend?  we  accurfe  all  their  errors.  If  he  be  not  more  careful  in  making  his 
charge  ,  he  will  foon  forfeit  the  ftock  of  his  credit. 

He  ingageth  himfelf  that  if  I  canjhew  him  but  one  Church ,  which  never  changed  the 
Vodrine  which  their  Fathers  taught  them  ,as  received  from  the  ApojHes  ^  which  is  not  in 
communion  with  the  Roman  Church  ,  he  will  be  of  that  ones  communion.  I  wifli 
he  may  make  good  his  word.  I  ftiew  him  not  onely  one,  but  all  the  Ea^ern, 
Southern,  Northern,  and  I  hope  Weftern  Churches  ,  who  never  changed  their  Creedi 
which  comprehends  all  thefe  neceflary  points  of  faving  truth  ,  which  they  recei- 
ved from  their  Anceftours ,  by  an  uninterrupted  Line  of  Succeffion  from  the  Apo- 
ftles. As  for  Opinions  or  Truths  of  an  infcriour  nature  ,  there  is  no  Church 
of  them  all ,  that  hath  changed  more  from  their  Anceftours  ,  even  in  thefe  very 
controverfies  that  are  between  them  and  us,  than  the  Church  of  Kome.  For  the 
clear  proof  whereof  I  refer  him  to  Dodtor  Fields  appendix  to  his  third  book  of  the 
Church ,  and  the  firft  part  of  his  appendix  to  four  books  ,  at  the  latter  end  of 
the  firft  Chapter. 

I  pleaded  that  the  Council  of  7rf«f  was  not  general  i  I  had  reafon.  The  con- 
ditions of  a  general  Council  recited  by  Bellarmine  arc  ,  that  the  fummons  be  general: 
there  none  were  fummoned  but  onely  out  of  the  IVeftern  Church.  That  the  four 
Frotopatriarchs  be  prefent  by  themfelves  or  their  deputies  i  there  was  not  one  of  them 
ConcTu!  T.c  P'^^^^"'^-  That  fome  be  prefent  from  the  greater  part  of  all  Chriftian  Provinces-,  there 
17.  '"  '  '  were  none  out  of  three  parts  of  four  of  the  Chriftian  world.He  faith,//je  o//jfrP^/rMrc/;j 
were  Hfr^j/c^i-.Though  it  were  true, yet  untill  they  were  lawfully  heard  and  condem- 
ned in  a  General  Council,  or  refufed  to  come  to  their  trial,  and  were  condemned  for 

their 


l^iscouRSE    III.       Of  the  Church  of  En^hnd.  ^oi 

their  oblHnacy,  they  ought  to  have  been  fummoned  ■■,  yea  ,  of  all  others,  they  efpe- 
cially  ought  to  have  been  fummoned.  But  where  were  they  heard  ,  or 
tried,  or  condemned  of  Herefie,by  any  Council  orPerfon  that  had  Jurifdidionover 
themi'Others  of  his  fellows  will  be  contented  to  accufe  them  of  Schifm,and  not  pro- 
nounce them  condemned  Hereticks.  Guido  the  Carmelite  is  over  partial  and  temera- 
rious in  accufing  them  without  ground,asfome  of  his  own  party  do  confefs,and  vin- 
dicate them  :  And  Jlpfmtfus  a  Cafiro  taketh  his  information  upon  truft  from  him. 
The  plain  truth  is ,  their  onely  crime  is ,  that  they  will  not  fubmit  to  the  Popes 
fpiritual  Monarchy ,  and  fo  were  no  fit  Company  for  an  Jtalim  Council. 

His  demand,     (  Is  not  a  Parliament  the  generall  reprefentative   of  the  natioft,  unlefi 
every  Lord  though  a  kiiorvn  and  condemned  Kebel  be  fummoned?  or  unlefi  every  menili'r 
that  hath  a  right  to  ft  there  be  prefent>   )  is  altogether  impertinent.     Neither  hath 
the  Pope  that  Power  over  a  General  Council  that  the  King  hath  over  the  Parlia- 
ment-, Neither  are  the  Protopatriarchs  known  condemned  Rebelsi  Neither  is  this 
the  ca(e,  whether  the  neceflary  or  negledive  abfenceof  fome  particular  members 
but  whether  the  ablence  of  whole  Provinces  ,  and  the  much  greater  part  of  the 
Provinces  of  Chrijlendom  for  want  of  due  fummons ,  do  difable  a  Council  from 
being  a  General  reprefentative  of  the  whole  Chritlian  world.     And  as  it  is  imper- 
tinent, fo  it  makes  altogether  againft  himlelfl     Never  was  there  a  Seffion  of  a 
National  Parliament  in  England ,  wherein  fo  few  members  were  prefent ,  as  were 
in  the  pretended  General  Council  of  Trent ,  at  the  deciding  of  the  moft  weighty 
controverfie  concerning  the  rule  of  Faith.     Never  was  there  lawful  Parliament  in 
England  wherein  there  were  more  Knights  and  BurgefTes  out  of  one  Province,  than 
out  of  all  the  reft  of  the  Kingdomi  Never  was  there  lawful  Parliament  in  England, 
the   Aifls  whereof  either  of  one  kind  or  of  another  might  be  queftioned  by  any 
fingle  Province  ,  as  the  Ads  of  the  Council  of  Trent ,  in  point  of  Difcipline  ,  or 
queftioned  by  the  Chaich  of  France.     The  queftion  is  not,  whether  Eccleliafti- 
cal  Superiours  may  forbear  to  execute  ,  but  whether  inferiours  may  renounce  and 
proteft  againft  the  execution.  One  of  the  prime  priviledge  of  Parliament  is  to  ipeak 
freely  :  but  this  was  not  allowed  in  the  Council  of  Trent. 

He  excepteth  againft  Jome  angry  exprejfjons  of  mine  ,  Where  I  call  the  Biftiops  of 
Italy  hungry  parafnical  penfioners ,  not  forefeeing  it  might  be  retorted  upon  mine  own 
condition.  And  here  he  addeth  in  a  (coffing  manner,  Itfeemeth,  my  Lord,  yott 
k^ep  a  good  Table  ,  fpeah^the  truth  boldly  ,  and  have  great  Revenues  independant  of  any, 
I  {pake  not  there  out  of  Paffion  againft  them  ,  nor  of  ancient  Italian  Bifliops,but 
meer  Epifcopals ,  a  great  part  of  which  were  Italians ;  Nor  all  of  them ,  but  only 
fuch  as  were  the  Popes  creatures ,  raifed  and  maintained  by  him  for  his  own  ends  •• 
Whether  thefe  werc;[)J5  hungry  parafitical  penfioners,  they  know  beft,  who  know 
moft.  As  for  my  fclf,  I  never  raifed  my  felf  by  any  infmuationx  :  I  was  never  pa- 
rafitical penfioner  to  any  man ,  nor  much  frequented  any  mans  Table.  If  mine 
own  be  not  fo  good  as  it  hath  been  ,  yet  contentment  and  a  good  conlcience  is  a 
continual  feaft ,  and  a  golden  bed  of  reft.  And  I  thank  God  ,  I  can  fay  heartily 
with  Holy  Job  ,  The  Lord  gave,  and  the  Lord  hath  tak^n  arvay,  Blefied  be  the  Name 
of  the  Lord.     What  was  this  to  his  caule. 

To  prove  the  Council  of  Trent  was  not  free  ,  I  cited  fome  things  out  of  the 
Hiftory  of  that  Council,  and  fome  things  out  of  Sleidan.  To  which  he  anfwer- 
eth  nothing  but  this,  "Xhzi  it  U  a  falfe  injurious  calumny  ,  taT^nout  0/ Sleidan,  ac- 
counted by  their  party  aftark^  liar  and  forger.  This  is  a  very  eafy  kind  of  refuting  , 
as  good  as  Bellarmine  thou  lyeft. 

To  the  Plea  of  the  Patriarchal  authority  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome ,  over  Britain , 
I  gave  three  folutions. 

Firft  ,  that  Britain  was  no  part  of  the  Roman  Patriarchate. 
Secondly, That  although  it  had  been, yet  the  Popes  have  both  quitted, and  forfei- 
ted their  Patriarchal  Power,and  though  they  had  not,yet  it  is  lawfully  transferred. 
Thirdly,  that  the  difference  between  them  and  us  is  not  concerning  any  Pa- 
triarchal rights.  To  none  of  thefe  doth  he  offer  to  give  any  anfwer  ,  but  onely 
to  one  piftage  ,  where  I  indeavour  to  prove  that  a  {piritnal  Monarchy  from  Chrijl, 
and  a  Patriarchal  authority  from  the  Church  are  inconfiftent.     From  whence  the 

Rea- 


•82 


A  Juji  Vindication  TOME  L 


Reader  may  make  this  colk(ition,that  bcca^fe  the  Pope  was  undoubtedly  conlhtuted 
a  Patriarch  by  the  Church,  therefore  as  undoubtedly  he  was  not  inlhtutcd  a  fpiritual 
Prince  bv  CM?.  And  all  theanfwer  that  he  giveth  to  this  is,thatl  argue  weakjyand 
rill'    Satis  pro  imverio.     This  is  Magiftical  enough:  as  if  he  were  another  Py/Zw- 
(,//'    that    we    muft  receive  his  didtates  for  Oracles.     I  will   fet   down  the 
imiment  for  the  Readers  fatisfadion.     It  may  be  at  the  fecond  reading,  this 
Reflitcr  will  not  find  it  altogether /o  reeak  "^^  filly-     1o  ^e  a  Patriarchy  and  to 
be  an  iiniverj'al  Bifhop  in  that  fenje  ,  are   inconfftent ,  and    imply  a  contradidim  in  ad- 
iefto.     Ihe  one  profejfeth  humane^  the  o<^fr  challengeth  divine  inftitutioni  the  one 
hatha  limited  Jurifdidlion  over  a  certain  Province  i  the  other  pretendeth  to  an 
unlimited  Jurifdidtion  over  the  whole  world  :  the  oneisSubje(ft  to  the  Canons  of 
the  Fathers ,  arid  a  meer  executer  of  them  ,  and  can   do  nothing  either  againft 
them  or  befides  them  i  the   other  challengeth  an  abfolute  Soveraignty  above  the 
Canons     befides  the  Canons  ,  againft  the  Canons ,  To  make  them ,  to  abrogate 
them    to  fufpend     their    influence  by   a  non    obftatite ,    to  difpenfe  with  them 
in  fuch  cafes  wherein  the  Canons  give  no  difpenfative  Power ,  at  his  own  pleafure, 
when  he  will,  where  he  will,  to  whom  he  will.     Therefore  to  claim  a  Power 
Paramount,  and  Soveraign  Monarchical  regality  over  the  Church ,  is  implicitely 
and  in  effedl  to  difclaim  a  Patriarchal  Ariftocratical    dignity,  and  on  the  other     ' 
fide ,  the  donation  and  acceptance  of  fuch  a  Patriarchal  Ariftocratical  dignity,  is  a 
convincing  proof  that  he  was  not  formerly  poffeffed  of  a  Sovereign  Monarchical 
Royalty. 

To  the  point  of  Sacrifice ,  he  faith ,  that  I  hide  it  in  ohfcure  iermi ,  and  Jhuffe 
certain  common  tvords.     In  Anfwer,  I  believe  his  meaning  is  quite  contrary  ,  that  I 
have  fet  it  down  over  diftinftly.     If  I  fhufHe    any  thing  ,  1  muft  fhuffle  my  own 
words,  for  I  fee  no  Anfwer  of  his  to  (huffle  among  them.    His  exception  againft 
our  Regifters,  that  he  could  never  hear  that  any  Catholick^efieemed  indications  were  ever 
admitted  to  a  free  perufal  of  them,  ftiews  onely,  that  he  underftandeth  not  what  our 
Regifters  arc.     They  are  publick  Offices^  whither  every  man  may  repair  at  his  plea- 
fure  v  and  if  he  will  be  at  the  charge  of  a  Search  and  a  Tranfcription,  may  not  on- 
ly perufe  them  freely,6ut  have  an  authentick  copy  of  any  A(ft  that  is  there  recorded. 
Towards  the  conclufion  of  his  Treatife  ,  he  inveigheth   againft  our  uncharita- 
bleneft  ,  that  it  is  not  enough  to  JatUfie  our  uncharitable  eyes  ,  that  Jo  many  of  them 
have  been  h  anged  dravcn  and  quartered  for  their  Kcligion  ,  telling  us ,    that  on  aU  occa- 
fions  ice  ate  ftili  upbraiding  the  liberty  given  to  Fapifts ,  and   advifeth  us  ,  never  here- 
after to  be  fo  impertinent  at  to  repine  at  their  liberty.     D'oubtleft  ,  he  found  this  in 
his  own  fancy  s  for  in  my  Difcourfe  there  is  nothing  either  of  repining  or  upbrai- 
ding :    but  this  point  of  the  penal  Laws  hath  been  formerly  handled  at  large. 

Laftly  ,  To  his  expedient  to  procure  peace  and  unity  ,  that  is  ,  To  receive  the 
root  of  Chrijiianity ,  that  is  a  praUical  infallibility  in  the  Church.  We  do  readily  ac- 
knowledge that  the  true  Catholick  Church  is  fo  far  infallible ,  as  is  neceflary  to  the 
Salvation  of  Chriftians,  that  is  the  end  of  the  Church.  But  the  greater  difficulty 
Pag.  148.  will  be ,  what  this  Catholick  Church  is,  wherein  they  are  not  onely  divided  from 
us ,  but  more  among  themfelves. 

But  becaufe  he  hath  another  exception  to  a  teftimony  of  mine  in  ^jf  Schifm  dif- 
Vind.  fag.       armed.     1  will  make  bold  to  give  it  an  Anfwer  here  alfo:  Even  rvhen  the  Grecians 
vpere  difgufted,  andrefufed  unity ,  they  ackttorvledged  the  power  of  the  Bijhop  of  Rome, 
M  appears  by  a  teflimony  of  Gerfon  ,  cited  by  your  friend  Bijhop  Brounhall  againft  him- 
felf,  which  witnejfeth  that  the  Greeks  departed  from  the  then  Vope  ,  with  thefe  words  , 
ff^e  ackitowkdge  thy  power^  we  \_cannot  fatispe your  covetoufnefs  ^  live  by  your  felves."^ 
Doth  he  think  that  power  is  always  taken  in  the  better  (enfe  ?  The  words  are  not 
potejlatem  tuam  recognofcimus  ,  we  acknowledge  thy  juft  power  >    yet  even  poteflas  is 
taken  fometimes  in  the  worfer  fenfe :  as ,  potejias  tenehrarum ,    the  power  of  dark^ 
nejfe :  but  potentiam  tuam  recognofcimus ^  we  acknowledge  thy  mighti  which  words 
might  be  ufed  by  a  true  man  to  an  High-way  robber.     The  Greeks  accounted  the 
Latines  Hereticks  and  Schifmaticks ,  and  principally  upon  this  ground  of  the  Pope's 
claim  of  a  Spiritual  Monarchy  ,  and  that   Gerfon  apprehended  their  words  in  this 
fchle,  it  may  appear  by  the  context.     His  Pofition  is  this,  Ihat  mn  ought  not gene^ 

rally 


lOf 


Discourse  III.       Of  the  Church  of  Enghnd.  ^28:! 

raVy  to  he  bound  by  the  pcf:tive  determinations  of  Fo^es ,  to  hold  and  believe  one  and  the 

fame  form  of  Government ,  in  things  that  do  not  immediately  concern  the  truth  of  our 

Faith,  and  the  Grjpet.     From  thence  he  proceedeth  to  fet  down  feme  different  Cu- 

ftoms  of  the  Grff/^  and  L4t?«f  Churches ,  both  which  he  doth  juftifie,  Citing  St. 

Aujhne  to  prove,  that  in  all  fuch  things  the  cufiome  of  the  countrey  is  to  be  ob- 

ferved.     And  among  the  reft  of  the  Differences  ,  this  was  one,  that  the  Cretk^ 

Church  paid  not  fuch  Subfidies  and  Duties  as  the  Galiicofte  Church  did.     It  feem- 

eth  that  the  Pope  would  have  exadted  them ,  and  that  thereupon  the  Grecians  did 

fcparate  from  him  ,  ufing  this  free  expreflion ,  Totentiam  tuam  recogmfcimus ,  avart-  ^"^'  ^'/' 

tiam  tuam  implere  mn  po^umus ,  vivite  fer  vos  i  We  knoip  thy  might,  ne  are  not  able  i'^Mrit'ciUU 

to  jatUfe  thy  covetoujnefs ,    live  by  your  felves.    And  from  thence  the  aforelaid  iinfiderat. 

Authour  draweth  this  Conclufion  ,  that/?er  hanc  cmfderationem  bene  eaptam,  &c. 

Upon  this  confideration  ,  they  might  proceed  to  the  Reformation  of  the  French 

Church,  and  the  Liberties  thereof ,  notwithftanding  the  contradiction  which  perhau 

fame  of  the  Court  of  Rome  would  mak^.     There  is  not  one  word  or  fyllable  herein 

that  maketh  againft  me,  but  there  is  both  the  practice  of  the  Crffi^  Church,  and 

the  Opinions  of  Cerfon  ,  for  the  juftification  of  our  Reformation ,  and  Separation 

from  the  Court  of  Romf. 


COURSE  IV. 


■> 


^ 


SM 


GUARDED, 

And  beaten  back  upon  the 

Right  Owners. 


SHEWING, 

That  our  great  Controvcrfic  about  Papal  Power  is  not  a 
CUieftion  of  Faith,  but  of  Intereft  and  Profit,  not  with 
the  Church  of  Kome ,  but  with  the  Court  of  Kome  , 
wherein  the  true  Controverfie  doth  confift,  who  were 
the  firft  Innovators ,  when  and  where  tbefc  Papal  Inno- 
vation'!  firfl:  began  in  England^  with  the  Oppofition  that 
was  made  againft  them. 


By  JOHN  BRAMHALL  D*  D.  Bifliop 

of  D  E  R  R  y* 


ACTS  XXV.  10. 
J  fiand  at  Caefar'j  Jndgemem-feat  ,  ivhere  I  ought  to  be  judged. 

PSALM  xix.  2. 
Vies  diei  eruUat  Verhum ,  &  nox  mUi  indkat  Scientiam. 


D  V  B  L  IN, 
Primed  AnnoDom.  M.  DC.  LXX.  V, 


I 


2hy 


THE 


TENT 


Of  the  Particular 

SECTIONS  &  CHAPTERS. 


Clear  and  civil  Anfmr  to   the  railing  Accufaticn  of  S.  W.  in  bh 

late  book^^  called^  Schiftn  Difpatch'd.  Page  29  i 

A  Surrejoynder,  or  Defence  of  the  BtJ/jop  of  Derry  V   Replji  to  ihe 

appendix  of  Mr,  William  Serjeant.  p.,ge  395 

Seftion  I.  Chapter  i.  Pagg  297 

Section  f.  Chapter  2*  Page  302 

Section  I.  Chapter  3.  Page  306 

SedionI    Chapter  4. 

iht  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome  did  breaks  the  Bonds  of  Vnitj  ,  not  ive. 

Page  3c  9 
Section  f.  Chapter  5. 

To  xfhom  ihe  Patronage  of  the  EugWila  church  j  doth   of  right   helong. 

Page  314 
Sedion  I.  Chapter  6* 
ihe  Pope  hath  no  Legijlative  power  in  England.  Page  316 

Sedion  I.  Chapter  7. 
ihe  Pope  hath  no  'judiciary  porter  in  England.  Page  3  go 

56(^1100  I.  Chapter  8. 
Of  Papal  Dijpenfations.  •  Page  334 

Seftion  I.  Chapter  9. 
Our  Larees  meddle  not  with  Spiritual  Jurifdii^ion*  Page  337 

Section  (-   Chapter  ic. 
Jn  Anfwer  to  Rfr.  Serjeant,  concerning  immediate  Tradition ,  and  hk  iw& 
Rules  ofVnity.  Page  342 

Seclion  I.   Chapter  ii* 
ihe  Creed  is  the  old  Rule  ofFaith^  our  Article),  no  points  ofFaiih^  who  fJfi 
fitlh  the  Council  tf/Ephtfiis.  Page  345. 

Seftion  I.    Chapter  12. 
We  charge  not  ihe  (  hurch,  hut  the  Pope  and  his  party.  Page  351 

Section   I  I. 
lh.it  they  who  cafi  Papal  power  out  ^/England  ,  wcreno  Protejiants  ,   but 
R(  man-Catholicks  throughout^  except  or.ely  in  thai  ene  point  of  the  Pa- 
pacy. Page  358 

E  e  2  Se- 


-?M ; 

Section   1  I  I. 

7hat  Hcniy  the  Eighth  made  no  ticiv  Lavp ,  but  cnely  vindicated  the  aticicut 
Liberties  of  hngland.  Page  364 

Sett  ion  I  V. 

ihat  ihe  Britannick  (Churches  rvert  ever  excepted fr Off*  Ferreign  Jnrifdi&i- 

on  for  the  fir  (i  fix  hundred  jiedrs,  andfo  ought  to  continue.       Page  370 

'•^  Seftion   V. 

ihat  the  King  and  Church  <?/ England  had  fuffcient  authority  to  withdraw 

their  obedience  from  Komc.  lageg?? 

Seftion  V  I. 
ihat  ihe  King  and  Church  of  England  ,  hadfufficient  Grounds  to  feparate 
fiom  the  Court  of  Rome.  Tage  382 

Seaion  VII. 
ihat  the  King  and  ^  hutch  <?/ England  proceeded  rvith   due   moderation. 

rage  595 

feftion  VIII' 

ihat  all  Princes  and  Republic's  of  the  Roman  Communion ,  do  in  effcS  the 

fame  thing  which  Henry  the  Eighth  did^  tvhcn  they  have  occafion  ,  or  at 

ihe  leafi  to  plead  for  it.-  I  age  405 

Seftion  I  X. 
That  the  Fope  and  Court  of  Rome  are    moft  guilty  of  that  Schifme. 

Page  412 
Seaion  X. 
^n  Anfmr  to  their  ObjeUions,  page  416 


DIS- 


i%9 


To  the  Chriftian 

READERS, 

Efpecially  the  Romao-Catholicks  of 

ENGLAND. 

Chriftian  Reader , 

H  E  grftrt  hufihyig  in  the  Controverfe  cojuemhtg  Tapal power,  or  the  Vif- 
cipline  of  the  Church  ^  hath  been  either  abmt  the  true  fcnfe  of  fome 
li  lexts  of  Holy  Saiptire  ■■)  At,  thou  art  Pftfr ,  ani  upon  this  Rock 
will  I  build  my  Church ,  and,  to  thee  will  I  give  the  Keys  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven,  and  Feed  my  Sheep  :  Or  about  frnie priviledaes 
conferred  upon  the  Roman  See  by  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  ,  and  the  Edi^s  of  Empe- 
rours  ,  but  pretended  by  the  Roman  Court ,  and  the  maintainers  thereof ,  to  be  held  by 
Divine  Kight.  J  endeavour  in  this  Ireatife  to  difabufe  thee  ,  and  to  pert'  that  this  chal- 
lenge of  Divine  Kight ,  U  but  a  Blind,  or  Diverfon  ,  to  reithhold  thee  from  finding  nut 
the  true  State  of  the  ^eftion.  So  the  Hare  mak^s  her  doubles  and  her  jumps  before  Jhe 
comes  to  her  Form,  to  hinder  'tracers  from  finding  her  out. 

I  demonflrate  to  thee ,  that  the  true  Controverfe  U  not  concerning  St.  Peter ,  we  have 
m  formed  difference  about  St.  Peter  ,  nor  about  any  point  of  Faith  ,  but  of  i,:terefl  and 
profit  i  nor  with  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  but  with  the  Court  of  Pome  ,  and  wherein  it 
dothconfifi,  namely^  in  thefe  ^ejiions ;  lVl)o  fhaU  confer  Englifli  Bifhopricks  .?  who 
jhaU convocate  Englilh  Synods  ?  who  jhaV receive  "Tenths,  and  Ftrji-fruiti ,  and  Oaths  of 
Allegiance  and  Fidelity  ?  IVhcther  the  Tope  can  mak^  binding  Laws  in  England  ,  with- 
out the  confent  of  the  King  and  Kingdom  ,  or  dijpenfe  with  Englifh  Laws  at  his  own 
pkafure ,  or  Ci^J'Englilh  Subjects  to  Rome  without  the  Prince's  leave  ,  orfet  up  Legan- 
iine  Courts  in  England  againji  their  wih  ?  And  this  J  Jhew  not  out  of  the  opinions  of 
particular  Authours  ,  but  out  of  the  puhlick.  Laws  of  the  Kingdom. 

J  prove  moreover  out  of  our  Fundamental  Laws ,  and  the  IVritings  of  our  befi  Hiflo-^ 
riographers,  that  all  theje  Branches  of  Tapal  power  were  Abufes ,  and  Innovations  ,  and 
Z/furpatiofts  ,  firji  attempted  to  be  introduced  into  England  above  Eleven  hundred  years 
after  Chriji  ,  with  the  names  of  the  Innovators,  and  the  precife  time  when  each  innovation 
began,  and  the  oppofition  that  was  made  againji  it,  by  our  Kings  ,  by  our  Bijhops,  by  our 
Teers  ,  by  our  Parliaments  ,  with  the  groans  of  the  Kingdom  under  thefe  Papal  innova' 
tions  and  extortions, 

Lik^wife  in  point  of  DolJrine  ,  thou  hali  been  inftru&ed  that  the  CathoUck^  Faith  d:Hh 
comprehend  all  thofe  points  which  are  controverted  between  us  a>id  the  Church  of  Rome  . 
without  the  exprefs  belief  whereof  m>  Chrijiian  can  be  faved :  whereas  in  truth  aU  thefe 
are  but  opinions  ,  yet  fome  more  dangerous  than  others.  If  none  of  them  had  ever  been 
ftarted  in  the  world,  there  is  fufpcient  to  Salvation  for  points  to  be  believed  in  the  Apo- 
ftlcs  Creed.  Into  this  Apoftolical  Faith  profejfed  in  the  Creed  ,  and  explicated  by  the 
Four  frji  General  Councils ,  and  onely  into  this  Faith  we  have  aV  been  haptifed.     Fat 

F  ,         be 


igo 


To  the  Chriftian  R EADERS.  TQME1> 


he  it  from  m  to  imagine  ,   that  the  CathoJkk  Church  haih  evermore  haptijed,  a«d  doth 
ihli  haPtife  but  into  ore  half  of  the  Chriftian  Faith. 

Jn  futnme  doft  thoH  d(f.re  to  live  in  the  Conmttmon  of  the  true  Catholtc\  Church  } 
So  do  J  But  as  J  dare  not  change  the  csgnifame  of  my  Chriftimity ,  that  is  my  Creed  , 
nor  enlarge  the  Chriftian  Faith  (  J  mean  the  EJfentiah  cfit  )  beyond  thofe  bounds  which 
the  Jpoftles  have  fet :  So  I  dare  not  ( to  ferve  the  interefl  of  the  Roman  Court  )  limit 
the  CatholicK  Church  ,  tfhich  Chrift  hath}ur  chafed  with  his  bloody  to  a  fourth  or  a  fifth 
part  of  the  Chriftian  world. 

IhoH  art  for  tradition  ^fo  am  I.  But  my  tradition  is  not  the  tradition  of  one  particu- 
lar Church  contradiSed  by  the  tradition  of  another  Churchy  but  the  univerfal  and  perpe- 
tual tradition  of  the  Chriftian  world  united.  Such  a  tradition  is  a  full  proofs  which  is 
received  kmptx  ,  ubique,  &  ab  omnibus  i  always^  every  where ^  and  by  all  Chrifti- 
ans.  Neither  do  J  look^  upon  the  oppcfmoM  of  an  handful  of  Heretickj,  (  they  are  no 
more  being  compared  to  the  innumerable  multitudes  of  Chrijiians , )  in  one  or  two  ages^ 
Of  inconfftent  with  univetfality  ,  any  more  than  the  highejl  mountains  are  inconfftent 
with  the  roundnefs  of  the  earth. 

Ihou  dtfreft  to  bear  the  fame  ref^eU  to  the  Church  of  Rome  that  thy  Ancejiours  did; 
fo  do  J.  But  for  ihatfulnefs  of  power ,  yea ,  coaOive  power  in  the  exuriour  Court,  ever 
the  StibftUs  if  other  Princes  ,  and  againfi  their  wills  ,  devifed  by  the  Court  of  Rome  , 
not  by  the  Church  c/Romci  it  is  that  pernicious  fource  from  whence  all  thefe  Vfurpations 
did  ftring.  Our  Anceftours  from  time  to  time  made  Laws  againft  it :  and  our  Reforma- 
tion in  point  of  VifcipUne  being  rightly  underftood^  was  but  a  furfuing  cf  their fleps.  *fhe 
true  Controverfie  is.  Whether  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  ought  by  Divine  "B-ight  to  have  the 
external  Jiegiment  of  the  Englifli  Church,  and  coaUive  jurifdiSion  in  Englilh  Courts ^ 
over  Enghlh  SubjeCis  ,  againji  the  will  of  the  King  and  the  Laws  of  the  Kingdom. 


2pl 


I  DISCOURSE  IV. 

SCHISM 

GUARD  E  D> 

Apd  beaten  back  upon  the 

Right  Owners: 

Or,  A  Clear  and  Civil 

ANSWER 

To  the  R.ailii)g 

ACCUSATION 

OrS.H^.  in  his  late  BOOK,  called, 

Shifm  Difpatchd 

Hatfoever  S.  If.  alias  Mr.  5'frjf<?«t  doth  intimate  to  the  contrary, 
(for  he  dare  not  cough  out,)  it  is  a  moft  undeniable  truth,  that  no 
particular  Church  ,  (  no  not  the  Church  cfKome  it  felf  J  is  ex- 
empted from  a  polfibility  of  falling  into  errours  in  Faith.    When 
tliele  errours  are  in  Eflentials  of  Faith ,   which  are  neceiTary  to 
falvation  necejfitate  medii ,  they  deftroy  the  being  of  that  Church 
which  is  guilty  of  them.  But  if  thefe  errours  be  in  inferiour  point?, 
fuch  as  are  neither  abfolutely  neceflary  to  Salvation  to  be  known ,  nor  to  be  be- 
lieved before  they  be  known  •,  fuch  an  Erroneous  Church  Erring  without  obfli- 
nacy  and  holding  the  truth  implicitly  praparatione  animi ,  may  and  doth  ftill  con- 
tinue a  true  member  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  and  other  Coordinate  Churches 
may  and  ought  to  maintain  Communion  with  it  ,    notwithftanding  that  they 
diflcnt  in  opinion.     But  if  one  Church  before  a  lawful  determination  (hall  ob- 
trude her  own  Errours  or  opinions  upon  all  other  Churches    as    a  neceffary 
condition  qf  her  Communion  ,    or   after  determination  {hall  obtrude  doubtful 
opinions  (  whether  they  be  Erroneous  or  not  )  as  ncceffary  Articles  of  Chriftian 

F  f  2  Faith    . 


09^ 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


Faith,  andfo  not  oncly  explain,  but  like  wife  enlarge  the  Ancient  Creeds  ,  (he 
bccometh  Schifmatical :  As  on  the  other  fide ,  that  Church  which  fliall  not  out- 
wardly acquiefcc  after  a  legal  determination  ,  and  ceafe  todifturb  ChriiUan  Unity, 
thoueh  her  Judgement  may  be  found  ,  yet  her  pradife  is  Schifmatical. 

This  is  the  very  caft  betwixt  the  Churches  of  Row?  and  England^   She  obtrud- 
cth  doubtful  opinions  as  neccffary  Articles  of  Faith  ,  and  her  own  Errours  as 
jieceffary  conditions   of  Communion  ,  Which  Mr.  Serjeant  every  where  mifleth 
and  mifteth  with  his  prevarications.     1  cannot  more  fitly  refemble  his  difcoiufe 
than  to  a  Winter  Torrent ,  Which  aboundeth  with  Water  when  there  is  no  need 
of  it     But  in  Summer  when  it  (hould  be  ufeful ,  it  is  dried  up  ;  So  he  is  full  of 
proofs  (  which  he  mifcaJleth  Vemonjirations  )  where  there  is  no  controverfie  between 
us    and  where  the  water  flicks  indeed  i  he  is  as  mute  as  a  fifh.    He  taketh  great 
pahis  to  prove  that  the  Catholick  Church  is  infallible  in  fuchthings  as  are  neceffary 
to  Salvation.    Whom  doth  he  ftrike  ?  He  beateth  but  the  air  ,  We  fay  the  fame : 
But  we  deny  that  his  Church  of  Jiom^  is  this  Catholick  Church ,  and  that  the 
Differences  between  us  are  in  fuch  things' as  are  neceffary  to  Salvation.  Here  where 
he  fhould  demonftrate  if  he  could ,  he  favours  himfelf.     He  proveth  that  it  is  un- 
reafonable  to  deny  that  or  doubt  of  it  which  is  received  by  the  Univerfal  Traditiof 
of  the  whole  Chriflian  World.    What  is  he  fecking  ?  Surely  he  doth  not  ftek  the 
Queftion  here  in  Earneft  ,  but  as  he  who  fought  for  an  Hare  under  the  I„eadsi  be- 
caufe  he  muft  feek  her  as  well  where  {he  was  not ,  as  where  (he  was.     We  con- 
fefs  that  virriting  addeth  no  new  authority  to  tradition  ,  Divine  writings  and 
Divine  tradition ,  Apoftolical  writings  and  Apo(\olical    traditions ,  if  they    be 
bothalike  certain  ,  have  the  fame  authority:  And  what  greater   certainty  can  be 
imagined  than  the  Univerfall  Attefiation  of  the  Catholick  Symbolical!  Church  of 
Chrift.     But  the  right  Controverfy  lyeth  on    the  other  hand.     We   deny  that 
the  Tradition  whereupon  they  ground  their  Opinions  ,  wherein  we  and  They 
diffent ,  is  univerfall ,  either  in  regard  of  time  ,  or  place. 

He  endeavoureth  with  Tooth  and  Nayle  to  eftablifli  the  Roman  Papacy  Jure  di- 
ww ,  but  for  the  extent  of  Papall  power  he  leaveth  it  free  to  Princes ,  common- 
wealths ,  Churches ,  Univerfities ,  and  particular  Dodors  to  Difpute  it,  and 
bound  it ,  and  to  be  Judges  of  their  own  priviledges.  Yet  the  main  controverfie, 
I  might  (ay  the  onely  neceffary  controverfie  between  them  and  us ,  is  about  the 
extent  of  Papal  power,  as  (hall  be  (een  in  due  place.  If  the  Pope  would  content 
himfelf  with  his  exordium  umtatis ,  which  was  all  that  his  primitive  pra^decefTours 
had  ,  and  is  as  much  as  a  great  part  as  his  own  Sons  will  allow  him  at  this  day  j 
we  are  not  fo  hard  hearted  and  uncharitable  ,  for  fuch  an  innocent  Title  or  Office, 
to  difiurb  the  peace  of  the  Church.  Nor  do  envy  him  fuch  a  prcheminence  a- 
mong  Patriarchs  as  St.  Feter  had  (  by  the  confeflion  of  his  own  party  )  among 
the  Apoftles.  But  this  will  not  be  accepted  ,  either  he  wiU  have  all  or  none ,  Pa- 
tronages, Tenths,  Firft  Fruits  ,  Inveftitures,  appeals  ,  Legantine  Courts,  and  in 
one  word  an  abfolute  Soveraignty  or  nothing.  It  is  nothing  unlefs  he  may  bind 
all  other  Bifhops  to  maintain  his  ufurped  Royalties ,  under  the  pretended  name 
of  Kegalia  SanUi  Petri^  by  an  Oath  contradicflcry  to  our  old  Oath  of  Allegiance, 
although  all  thefe  enchroachments  are  direftly  deftrudive  to  the  ancient  Laws  and 
liberties  both  of  the  Britijh  and  Englijh  Churches.  So  we  have  onely  caft  off  his 
boundlefs  Tyranny.  It  is  he  and  his  Court  who  have  deferted  and  di(claimed  his 
own  jufl  regulated  authority  ,  as  appeareth  by  the  right  ftating  of  the  Queftion. 
But  Mr.  Serjeant  Lapwing-like  makes  the  raoft  pewing  and  crying  when  he  is 
furtheft  from  his  Neft.  What  he  is,  I  neither  know  nor  much  regard.  I  conclude 
he  is  but  a  young  Divine  ,  becaufe  he  himfelf  ftileth  his  Treatife  the  Prentifage 
of  his  endeavours  in  controverfie  pag.  2.  And  is  it  not  a  great  boldnefs  for  a  fingle 
apprentice  (  if  he  do  not  (hoot  other  mens  bolts  after  he  hath  beftowed  a  Rheto- 
rical varnifh  upon  them  )  to  take  up  the  Bucklers  againft  Two  old  Doctors  at  once, 
and  with  fo  much  youthful  prefumptionof  vidtory,  that  his  Titles  found  nothiug 
but  difarming^  and  difpatching,  and  knocking  dotvn,  as  if  Cxfars  Motto.  J  came  , 
IpTP,  I  overcame^  were  his  Birthright  ?  He  that  is  fuch  a  conquerour  in  \\\sappren- 
tifage ,  what  viftories  may  not  he  promife  himfelf,  when  he  is  grown  to  be  an  ex- 
perienced 


DfscouRSE  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  293 


pcrienced  Mafter  in  his  profellion  ?  But  let  him  take  heed  that  his  over  daring 
do  not  bring  him  in  the  conclufion  to  catch  a  lartar  ^  that  is  in  plain  E>/g///&,  to 
lofe  himfelf.  The  caufe  which  he  oppugneth  is  built  upon  a  rock  ,  though  the 
wind  blufter,  and  the  waves  beat,  yet  it  cannot  fall. 

I  hear  moreover  by  thofe  who  feern  to  know  him ,  that  he  wais  fometimes  a 
Novice  of  our  Eygltjh  Church ,  who  deferted  his  Mother  before  he  knew  her  i 
If   it    be  fo  ■■>    he    oweth  a  double    account   for  Schifm,    and  one  which  he 
■will  not  claw  oif  fo  eafily.     And  if  no  man  had  informed    me ,  I  ihould  have 
fufpeded  fo  much  of  my  (elf:  We  find  ftrangers  civil  and  courteous  to  us  every 
where  in  our  Exile ,  except  they  be  fet  on  by  fome  of  our  own  i  but  fundry  of 
thofe  who  have  run  over  from  us,    proved  violent  and  bitter  Adverfaries  without 
any  provocation,  (  as  Mr.  Serjeant  for  example.  )  I  cannot  include  all  in  the  fame 
Guilt,    whether  it  proceed  from  the  Confcioufnefs  of  their  own  guilt  in  deferting 
us ,  at  this  time  efpecially  v  or  the  contentment  to  gain   companions  or  fellow 
profelites :  or  they  find  it  neceffary  to  procure  themfelves  to  be  trufted  i  or  it  be 
injoyned  to  them  by  their  Superiours  as  a  policy  to  make  the  Breach  irreparable: 
Or  what  elfe  is  the  true  reafon  I  do  not  determine.  But  this  we  all  know,thatFow- 
lers  do  not  ufeto  purfue  thofe  Birds  with  clamour  which  they  have  a  defire  to  catch. 
His  manner  of  writing  is  petulant  railing  and  full  of  Pravarication  ,  as  if  he 
had  the  gift  to  turn  all  he  touched  into  Abfurdities,  Calumnies,  and  Contra- 
didions.     Sometimes  in  a  good  mood  ,  he  acknowledgeth  my  poor  labours  to  be 
a  pattern  of  rvit  and  indufiry;and  that  there  is  much  commendable  in  them  at  other  timesi 
in  his  pallion  he  maketh  them  to  be  abfwd^non-fenfical/idiculous^and  every  xvhere  contra- 
ditiory  to  themfelves^  and  me  to  be  vcorfe  than  a  mad  man  or  born  foal.     Good  words, 
If  better  were  within  better  would  come  out.  Sometime  he  confeifeth  me  to  be  can- 
did and  dotvnright^  and  to  fpeak^plain;  at  other  times  he  accufeth  me  for  afalfifier  and 
a  Cheater  rvithout  ingenuity.  A  fign  thar  he  uttereth  whatfoever  cometh   upon  his 
tongues  end,  without  regard  to  truth  or  falfhood.  If  he  can  blow  both  hot  and 
cold  with  the  fame  Breath  ,  there  is  no  great  regard  to  be  had  of  him. 

The  Spartans  brought  their  Children  to  love  Sobriety  by  (hewing  them  the  de- 
teitable  Enormities  which  their  Servants  committed  being  drunken  :  lb  the  onely 
View  of  Mr.  Serjeants  railing  writings  are  a  fufficient  Antidote  to  a  ftayed  man 
againft  fuch  extream  fcurrijity.     And  I  wonder  that  the  Church  of  Kome  which 
is  fo  provident  that  none  of  her  Sons  in  their  writings  fwerve  from  their  rule  of 
Faith  ,  fhould  permit  them  fo  Licentiouily  to  tranfgrefs  the  rule  of  good  manners: 
and  whileft  they  (eem  to  propugn  true  Piety,  to  abandon  all  civility,  as  if  Zeal  and 
Humanity  were    inconfil^ent.     When  Michael  the  Arch-angel  difputed  with  the 
Devil  about  the  body  of  Mofes,  he  durftnot  bring  a  railing  accufation  againft  him. 
whether  doth  this  man  think  himfelf  to  have  more  privUedge  than  an  Arch-Angel, 
or  us  to  be  worfe  than  Devils?  When  the  Holy  Ghoft  fell  upon  the  Apoflles,  it 
was  indeed  in  fiery  Tongues  to  exprefs  Devotion  ;  but  likewife  in  cloven  Tongues 
to  exprefs  Difcretion.     St.  Tattl  would  have  the  Servant  of  the  Lord  to  he  gentle  to  all 
men,  in  meektiefi  tnihttUing  thofe  that  oppofe  themfelves  ,  if  God  peradventure  will  give 
them  repentance  to  the  ack>wTvledging  of  the  truth  :   this  is   the  right  way  to  gain  z  Tim.  *.  4; 
Soules.     The  mild  beams  of  the  Sun  wrought  more  effedually  upon  the  Travail- 
er  ,  than  the  bluftering  blafts  of  the  Noxthvpind.     Cenerofus  eji  animus  bominU.     The 
mind  vf  man  U  Generous^  and  is  more  eafily  led  than  drawn  :   The  Lord  was  not  in 
the  Loud  wind,  nor  in  the  Earthquake,  nor  in  the  Fire ,  but  in  a  ftill  voice.    Such  '  King-i>  '»• 
a  one  Mr.  Serjeant  is  not. 

If  he  had  objcdted  but  Two  or  Three  abfurdities  or  contradi(ftions ,  it  had 
been  able  to  have  troubled  a  man,  becaufe  ijiere  might  have  been  fome  Verifimili- 
tude  in  it;  but  when  he  Metamorphofeth  my  whole  difcourfe  into  abfurdities  and 
contradiftions,  that  they  lye  as  thick  as  Samfnnh  Enemies  ,  heaps  upon  heaps  mth  judg.tj.  iqj 
the  Jawbone  of  an  Afle ,  it  (heweth  plainly  that  they  are  but  made  Dragons , 
without  any  reality  in  them.  Like  that  rtrange  Monfter,  wliioh  a  cunning  cheat 
promifed  to  (hew  his  credulous  Spectators ,  An  horfe  whofe  head  Itood  in  ths 
place  of  his  tail :  And  when  all  came  to  all ,  he  himfelf  had  tyed  the  horfe  to  the 
manger  the  wrong  way  i  There  needs  no  application.  So  an  expert  Puppet- 
player 


7  94- 


Schifw  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  h 


player  can  at  his  plcafurc  make  the  little  Adors  chide  and  right  one  with  ano- 
ther and  knock  their  own  heads  againft  the  Pofts,  by  fecret  motions  which  he 
hinifclt"  lendcfh  them.  So  the  Pidure  of  a  glorified  Saint ,  by  changing  of  the 
nro(pc(51:,  may  be  turned  into  a  poor  Lazar. 

He  profcfTeth  that  he  hath  the  gitt  ot  unprejudiced  fwcerity,  \i  he  could  be  cre- 
dited upon  his  bare  word  :  But  remember  to  dijlruji ,  was  Epidemhls  Jewel.  No 
man  proclaimeth  in  the  ftreets  that  he  hath  rotten  wares  to  fell  :  and  Juglers 
when  they  are  about  to  play  their  tricks,  ufe  to  ftrip  up  their  fleeves  in  aflurancc 
of  fair  dealing.  What  pledge  he  hath  given  us  in  this  Treatife  of  fuch  Candor 
and  u>tprejudiced  fnicerity,  we  may  obferve  by  the  fcquele. 

In  fum  Reader,  he  complaineth  much  of  TPordi>ig;  yet  he  himftlf  hath  nothing 
but  word's.     He  calleth  earneftly  for  rigid  Vetnonftrations  ,  but  produceth  none  > 
And  if  the  nature  of  the  Subjed  would  bear  one,  he  knows  a  way  how  to  turn 
it  into  a  contradidlion.     He  hateth  cmtradiUions  with  all  his  heart ,  Miftake  him 
not  i  it  is  in  another  not  in  himfelf.     It  were  to  be  wiihed  that  he  knew  a  little 
better  what  contradiAions  are  ,  leaft  innocent  propofitions  go  to  wrack  in  his  fury 
under  the  Notion  of  Contradidions  ,  As  poore  old  women  doe  for  witches  in 
fome  part  of  the  world.    He  is  a  great  Friend  to  Chriftian  Peace ,  and  a  mighty 
defirer  of  Vnity  if  we  may  truft  his  word  j  If  he  be  indeed  ,  it  will  be  the  better 
for  him  one  day  ,  but  who  would  have  thought  it ,  that  fcratching  and  biting 
among  reafonable  men  were  a  ready  way  to  Unity.     I  doubt  it  is  but  fuch  an  U- 
nity,    as  Kabjhaksth  defired  between  Senacherib  and  Uezehiah^  a  flavifli   Unity. 
I  propofed  but  Three  Expedients  in  the  Conclufion  of  my  Vindication  of  the 
Church  oi  England^  to  obtain  a  wifhed  Peace  in  Chriftendom,  fuch  as  themfelves 
cannot    deny  to  be  lawful ,  and  all  moderate   men  will  judge  neceflary  to  be 
done.    To  reduce  the  prefent  Papacy  to  the  Primitive  form  ,  The  EfTentials  of 
Faith  to  the  Primitive  Creed  ,  and  Publick  and  Private  devotions  to  the  primitive 
Liturgies:  But  this  peaceable  man  is  fo  far  from  liftening  to  them,  that  he  doth  not 
vouchfafeto  take  notice  of  themiBut  in  anfwer  wifheth  us  To  receive  the  root  efChri- 
fiianky^  that  is  Fradical  Infallibility  in  the  Church  (  he  meaneth  the  Church  of  Rome  ) 
which  being  denied  there  is  no  Religion  left  in  the  world.  His  ftile  is  Toofliarp,his  Judge- 
ment over  partial ,  his  Experience  Too  fmall ,  his  fentences   and  cenfures  over 
lafh  and  rigorous  ,  his  Advices  Too  Magifterial,  to  be  a  fit  inftrument  of  procu- 
ring Peace.     But  kt  us  liften  to  thofe  truths  which  he  propofeth  whether  they 
be  as  he  avoucheth  (  with  more  confidence  than  difcretion  )  «s  evident  in  them- 
felves   as  that  "Ttpo  and  Ihree  make  Five.     If  he  can  make  this  good ,  his  work 
is  done  :  But  if  there  be  no  fuch  thing  ,  as  thou  wilt  find  ,  learn  that  all  is  not 
gold  that  gliders  ;  And  let  him  take  heed  that  his  new  light  be  not  an  ignis  fa- 
ijiuf  ,  which  maketh  Precipices  fcem  plain  ways  to  wandring  mifled  perfons-. 


Discourse  IV.  Scbifm  Guarded.  Qp^ 


fiiiiififf'iittfi$ 


SURREJOYNDER, 


o  R 

Defence  of  the  Bifliop  of  Derrys  R  e  p  l  T  to  the 
Ajpndix  of  Mr.  William  Serjeant, 

Sf2fi2^  H  E  Firft  part  of  his  Rejoynder  is  a  Corollary,  drawn  from  his  for* 
1^  T  i^  "^^'^  Principles  ,  brought  againft  Dr.  Hammond.  That  little  remains 
E^  T  H^  to  be  replied  to  me  in  fuhjiantial  points  ^  fmce  neither  can  J  deny  there  is 
jiajj.^*^  norv  a  Breach  made  between  us  ■■,  nor  do  J  pretend  demon(lraliie  and  rigo- 
^^  roiu  evidence,   that  the  Pope's  authcrity   tras  an  ttfurpation  :  Kcr  Lajily, 

Do  J  pretend  that  probable  reajons  are  a  fuffciem  ground  to  renounce  an  Authority  fo 
Jirongly  fupported  by  long  pojjejjion  ,  and  univerfal  delivery  of  immediate  Forefathers  as 
come  from  Chriji ,  or  that  it  nras  prudence  to  hazard  a  Schifm  upon  the  unctrtain  Lottery 
of  a  probability.  Thefe  grounds  are  fuppofed  by  him  to  be  dtmonftrated  againft 
Dr.  Bammond  ,  and  are  barely  repeated  here  ,  to  try  if  he  can  kill  two  Birds  with 
one  Bolt  made  of  a  Bur.  But  I  rcfule  the  Province  at  prefent  as  a  needlefs  and  a 
thanklefs  office  i  needlefs  ,  in  refped:  of  his  learned  Adverfary,  who  will  (hew 
him  fufficiently  the  weaknefs  of  his  pretended  Demonftration  i  and  thanklefs     in  , 

refpeft  of  himfelf ,  who  had  taxed  me  in  this  Pvcjoynder  of  bufying  my  felf  to'an-  ^'  ^*^' 
fwcr  an  Objedion  that  was  not  addrefled  to  me. 

Yet  left  Mr.  Serjeant  (hould  feign  that  I  feek  Subterfuges  i  I  will  briefly  and  clear- 
ly declare  my  fenle  of  his  grounds  as  they  are  here  propofed  ,  that  he  may  fight  no 
more  with  his  own  ftiadow ,  as  it  is  his  common  ufe  i  in  hope  I  may  recover  his 
good  opinion  of  my  candour  and  ingenuity.  And  if  it  pleale  him  ,  he  may 
borrow  Diogenes  his  Candle  and  Lanthern  at  noon-day  ,  to  fearch  for  contradi- 
<!^ions. 

Firft  ,  That  there  is  a  breach  between  them  and  us ,  is  too  evident  and  void  of 
Queftion.  Whether  they  or  we  be  guilty  of  making  this  breach  ,  they  by  excom- 
municating us  ,  or  obtruding  unlawful  conditions  of  their  communion  upon  us, 
or  we  by  feparating  from  them  without  fufficient  grounds  ,  is  a  Queftion  between 
us.  But  that  which  changeth  the  whole  ftate  of  the  Queftion  is  this,  If  any  Biftiop, 
or  Church,  or  Court  whatfoever  ,  (hall  prefume  to  change  the  ancient  Difcipjine 
of  the  Church  and  Dodtrine  of  Faith  ,  either  by  addition  or  by  fubftradlion  ,  ei- 
ther all  at  once  ,  or  by  degrees  ,  and  in  fo  doing  ft^all  make  a  breach  between  them 
and  the  Primitive  Church  ,  or  between  them  and  the  prefent  Catholick  Churdi ; 
To  feparate  from  him  or  them  in  thofe  things  wherein  they  had  firft  feparated  from 
the  ancient  or  prefent  Catholick  Church,  is  not  Schilrn  but  true  piety.  Now  we 
affirm  that  the  later  Bifhops  of  Kome  did  alter  the  Difcipline  of  the  Church  and 
Dodrine  of  Faith,  by  changing  their  beginning  of  Unity  into  a  plenitude  and 
univerfality  of  Soveraign  Jurifdiftion  ,  and  by  adding  of  new  ElTentials  of  Fsith 
to  the  Creed  i  and  in  fo  doing  had  made  a  former  breach  between  themfelves 
and  all  the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  world.  Here  the  Hinge  of  the  Controveriie  i? 
moved.  Hitherwards  all  his  fuppofed  Demonftrations  ought  to  have  looked.  Nei- 
ther vvill  it  avail  him  any  thing  to  fay,  there  can  be  no  fufficient  caufe  of  Schifm  ;  for 
in  this  cafe  the  lepsration  is  not  Schifm  ,  but  the  caule  is  Schiim. 


■1 


296 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  !♦ 


„         1]      jf  by  Vemonjirative  and  rigorous  Lvidence  he  underflands  pcried  De- 
lations    according  to  the  exad  Rules  of  Logick  ■■,  Neither  is  this  caufe  ca- 
""??  of  fuch  Dcmonftrations  ,  nor  can  his  Mediums  »mount  unto  it :  but  if  by 
T)!!no>,liraUve  Evidence  ,  he  underfiands  onely  convincing  proofs,  as  it  feemeth  by 

ofins  it  to  probable  reafons ,  I  have  made  it  evident,  that  the  Pope's  Authori- 
tv  which  he  did  fometimes  exercife  in  England,  before  the  Reformation,  when 
thev  permitted  him  ,  and  which  he  would  have  exercifed  alwayes  de  futuro,  if  he 
lid  have  had  his  own  will ,  was  a  mere  ufurpation  and  innovation  never  at- 
tempted in  the  Britifit  Churches  for  the  firft  Six  hundred  yearsi  attempted  but  not 
admitted  by  the  Saxon  Churches  for  the  next  Five  hundred  years  i  and  damned  by 
the  Laws  of  the  fucceflive  Norman  Kings  ever  fince ,  as  deftrudive  to  the  Rights 
of  the  Englifh  Crown ,  and  the  Liberties  of  the  Englifi  Church  ,  as  fhall  be  main- 
tained wherefoever  occafion  offers  it  felf  Yet  all  this  while  I  meddle  not  with 
his  beginning  of  Vnity  i  if  he  wants  that  refped  for  me  ,  it  is  his  own  fault. 

And  this  includeth  an  Anfwer  to  his  Third  ground,  that  the  Papal  authority 
which  we  rejeded  ,  was  fo  Jirongly  fupparted  by  long  foffejlton  ,  and  the  ttniverfal  De- 
livery of  Forefathers  at  tome  from  Chrift.     He  had  alwayes  Ibme  fhew  of  right  for  his 
beginning  of  Vnity ,  but  no  pretence  in  the  world  for  his  Soveraifftty  of  povcer. 
To  make  Laws,  to  repeal  Laws,  to  difpenfe  with  the  Canons  of  the  Univerfal 
Church,  to  hold  Legantinc  Courts  ,  to  difpofe  of  Ecclefiaftical  preferments,  to 
call  the  Subjeds  out  of  the  Kingdoms ,  to  impofe  Tributes  at  his  pleafure  ,  and 
the  like.    We  will  (hew  him  fuch  an  ufurpation  as  this  i  Let  him  prove  (uch  a  Pa- 
pacy by  univerfal  Tradition  ,  and  he  (hall  be  great  j4pol!o  to  me.    We  do  not  hold 
it  prudence  to  hazard  a   Schifm  upon  probabilities  :  but  truft  mc,  fuch  a  multitude  of 
palpable  Ufurpations  as  we  are  able  to  reckon  up,  fo  contrary  to  the  Fundamen- 
tal Laws  of  England ,  which  were  grounded  upon  the  ancient  Priviledges  of  the 
Britip  and  Saxon  Churches  ,  together  with  the  addition  of  Twelve  new  Articles 
or  EfTentials  to  the  Creed  at  once  by  Fius  the  Fourth  (  I  fay  addition  not  explica- 
tion )  are  more  than  probabilities.     He  converfeth  altogether  in  Generals ,  a  Papa- 
cy or  no  Papacy  ,  which  is  commonly  the  method  of  Deceivers  :    but  if  he  difpute 
or  treat  with  us ,   we  muft  make  bold  to  draw  him  down  to  particulars  i  particu- 
lars did  make  the  breach. 

I  cenfured  his  light  and  ludicrous  title  of  Voven-derry  modeftly  in  thefe  words. 
Jt  were  ftrange  if  he  Jhould  tbrotp  a  good  caft  ,  who  foals  his  BotvI  upon  an  underfong  , 
alluding  to  that  ordinary  and  elegant  expreifion  in  our  Englifh  Tongue,  Seal  your 
Bow/ B'eW,  that  is,  be  careful  to  begin  your  work  well. 

Vimidimi  fadi ,  qui  bene  cepit ,  hahet. 

The  Printer  puts  Jeals  for  foals ,  which  eafie  errour  of  the  Prefs ,  any  rational 
man  might  have  found  out;  but  Mr.  Serjeant's  Pen  runs  at  random,  telling  the 
Reader ,  that  I  am  myfticaVy  proverbial ,  that  I  am  far  the  better  hovpler.     Surely  he 
did  but  dream  it.     And  that  he  himftlf  is  fo  inexpert ,  ck  not  to  nnderftand  tfhat  if 
meant  by  fealing  a  Boivl  upon  an  underfong.     If  he  were  fuch  a  Stranger  in  his  Mo- 
thers Tongue ,  yet  he  might  have  learned  of  (bme  of  his  friends  what  foaling  a 
Bowl  was ,  rather  than  burthen  the  Prefs ,  and  trouble  the  world  with  fuch  em- 
pty and  impertinent  vanities.     Neither  did  his  pleafant  humour  reft  here ,  but 
twice  more  in  his  (hort  Rejoynder  he  is  purfuing  this  innocent  Bowl.     Afterwards 
he  telleth  us,  that  I  was  beholden  to  the  merry  Stationer  for  thU  Title,  who  tvithout  hU 
hfforvledge  or  approbation  would  needs  makg  it  his  Poli-pa{i  to  his  Bill  of  Fare.     This 
Anfwer  if  it  be  true ,  had  excufed  himfelt:  but  it  (heweth  that  the  Stationer  was 
over- fcurriloufly  audacious,  to  make  fuch  Antepafts  and  Pofipafts  at  his  pleafure. 
Neither  is  it  likely,  that  the  Compnfer  wot  fuch  a  perfed  ftranger  to  our  Language,  as  he 
intimateth  in  his  Epiftle,  and  the  merry  Stationer  Co  well  ver(ed  in  our  Vnderfongs. 
But  after  all  this  he  owneth  it  by  telling  us ,  that  the  jeaft  was  very  proper  and  fatal. 
Yes  ,  as  fatal  as  it  is  for  his  Rejoynder  to  contain  666  pages ,   which  is  juft  the 
number  of  the  Beaft.     His  merry  Stationer  might  eafily  have  contrived  it  other- 
wife  ,  for  fear  of  a  fatality ,  by  making  one  page  more  or  lefs ;  but  his  mind  was 

other- 


\ 


DiiCoufiSE  IV.  Scbifm  Gnarded.  207 

other  wife  taken  up  ,  how  to  cheat  his  Curtomers  with  counterfeit  Bills  of  Fare  , 
which  they  will  never  find  ,  I  will  endeavour  to  cure  him  of  his  opinion  of  Fa' 
tality. 

SECT.    I.    Caf  I. 

BEcaufe  Mr.  Serjeam  complaineth  much  of  wording  ,  and  yet  giveth  his  Readet 
nothing  but  words ,  and  calleth  Co  often  for  rigorous  demonjlrations^  yet  produ- 
ceth  nothing  for  his  part  which  refembleth  a  ftrid  Demonftrationi  and  becaufe  this 
iirft  part  of  his  Difcourfe  is  the  Bafis  or  Ground-work  of  the   whole  Building 
whereof  he  boafteth  that  it  doth  charge  the  guilt  of  Schifm  upon  our  Churchy  not  onely  l 

rvith  colour ,  but  jvith  undeniable  Evidence.  I  will  reduce  his  Diicourfc  into  a  Lo- 
gical Form  ,  that  the  Reader  may  fee  clearly  where  the  wateir  flicks  between  us. 
Whatfoever  he  prateth  of  a  rigorous  demonjirative  way  as  being  onely  conclufive  it  is 
but  a  copy  of  his  countenance.  He  cannot  be  ignorant ,  or  if  he  be,  he  will  find 
by  experience  ,  that  his  glittering  principles  will  fail  him  in  hisgreateft  need  and 
leave  him  in  the  dirt.  I  have  known  fundry  phantaftick  perfons  who  have  been 
great  pretenders  to  Df»M»/fmno«,  but  always  fucceflefs,  and  for  the  moft  part  ri- 
diculous. They  are  fo  conceitedly  curious  about  the  premiiTes,  that  commonly 
they  quite  miftake  their  conclulion :  caufes  encumbred  with  circumrtances  and 
thofe  left  to  the  eledion  of  free  Agents  ,  ate  not  very  capable  of  Demon- 
ftration. 

The  Cafe  in  difference  between  us  is  this  as  it  is  ftated  by  me.  Whether  the  Church  c^ly  ^-^ 
of  England  have  roithdraron  thenijelves  from  Obedience  to  the  Vicar  of  Chriji  and  fe-  nied  ».  lod'. 
farated  from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick^  Church. 

And  upon  thofe  Terms  it  is  undertaken  by  him  in  the  words  immediatly  fol- 
lowing. And  that  thU  crime  U  jullly  charged  upon  his  Church  not  onely  with  Colour 
hut  with  undeniable  Evidence  of  fa£i ,  will  appear  by  the  pofnion  of  the  cafe »  and  the 
nature  of  his  exceptions.  We  liave  the  State  of  the  Controverfie  agreed  upon  be- 
tween us ,  Now  let  us  fee  how  he  goeth  about  to  prove  his  intention. 

WljatChurch  foever  did  upon  probable  reafons  without  any  necejfary  or  convincing  grounds 
hreak^  the  Bonds  of  Unity  ordained  by  Chriji  in  the  Gnfpel  and  agreed  upon  by  all 
true  Churches^  is  guilty  of  Schifm  :  Bitt  the  Church  of  Enghnd  in  Henry  the  Eighths 
days  dtdupon  probable  reafons  without  any  necejfary  or  convincinggrounds,  brea\the  Bonds 
of  Vnity  ordained  by  Chriji  in  the  Gofpel  and  ag-eed  upon  by  all  true  Churches  there- 
fore the  Church  of  England  is  guilty  of  Schifm.  I  do  readily  affent  to  his  Major  pro- 
pofition,  and  am  ready  to  grant  him  more  if  he  had  pleafed  to  infett  it  That 
that  Church  is  Schifmatical  which  doth  break  the  Bonds  of  Unity  ordained  by 
Chrift  in  his  Gofpel ,  whatfoever  their  reafons  be  whether  convincing  or  probable 
and  whofoever  do  either  confent  to  them  or  dilTent  from  them  :  But  I  deny  his 
Minor  which  he  endeavoureth  to  prove  thus. 

Whjitfoever  Church  did  renounce  or  rejeH  thefe  Two  following  rules  or  principles^  firji 
that  [_  The  Dodlrines  which  had  been  inherited  from  their  Forefathers  as  the  Le- 
gacies of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  were  folely  to  be  acknowledged  for  Obliga- 
tory ,  and  nothing  in  them  to  be  changed. "]  Secondly  that  [_  ChriH:  had  made  St. 
Teter  firft  or  chief  or  Prince  of  his  Apoltles,  who  was  to  be  the  Firft  mover  un- 
der him  in  the  Church  after  his  departure  out  of  this  World  ,  and  to  whom 
all  others  in  difficulties  concerning  matters  belonging  to  llniverfal  Faith  or  Go- 
vernment, fhould  have  recourfe,  and  that  the  Bifhops  of  Kome  as  Succeffours  from 
Sf  Peter^  inherited  from  him  this  priviledge  in  refpedt  of  the  Succeffours  of  the 
refl  of  the  Apoflles.^  "That  Church  did break^the  Bonds  of  Vnity  ordained  by  Chriji  in 
his  Gofpel,  and  agreed  upon  between  the  Church  0/ England  and  the  Church  of  Rome 
and  the  reji  of  her  Commnnion.  But  the  Church  of  England  did  all  this  in  Henry 
the  Eighths  days  that  very  year  wherein  this  unhappy  feparation  began ,  upon  meerly 
probable  no  convincing  grounds.     Therefore  &c. 

To  his  forrtier  propotition  I  made  this  exception  ,  That  he  would  obtrude  upoii 
us  the  Church  of  Rome  and  its  dependents  for  the  Catholick^  Church.  Upon  this  he 
flyeth  out  as  'tis  his  Cufiome  into  an  inveftive  difcourfe ,  telling  me ,  /  look,  a 

G  g  fquint 


T^S  Scbifm  Gnarded. T  O  M  E  I. 


fuint  at  his  fcfuion  of  the  cafe.     He  wiil  not  hnd  ic  fo  m  the  conclufion ,  And 
'tiat  J  itriie  Hjcus-Fccus  liks  to  divirt  my  Spedatcrs  eyes.  With  a  great  deal  more 
of  fuch  like  froath  ,  wherein  there  is  not  a  fyllable  to  the  purpofe  ,  except  this, 
th-'t  he  did   not  mention  the  rfcrd  Cjtbiylick^  in  that  f  Lee.     The  greater   was  his 
fiijt.    It  is  a  foul  Solecifm  in  Logicii  not  to  conclude  contradiftorily,     I  did  men- 
tion f^e"  Cjtbolick^  Cb-ttrch  in  the  State  of  the  queftion.     metber  the  Church  <?/ Eng- 
land bad  fef orated  it  felf  from  the  Ccrnmuriyn  cf  the  Catholtck^Chtcrch.     And    he 
had  undertaken  in  the  words  immediatly  following  ,  ta  charge  that  i<ery  Sckifm 
upon  Its  rvitb  undeniable  eiidence.     And  in   his  very   Firft  Eflay  fhuffles  out  the 
Catbolick^Cburcb,  and  in  the  place  thereof  thruils  in  the  Church  of  Rome  rrith  all  the 
nfi  if  her  Con:municy..'ii.i  might  have  known  that  we  do  not  look  upon  the  Church 
of  Kcme  with  all  the  reft  of  her  Ccmmunionas  the  Catholick  Church  v  Nor  as 
above  a  Fifth  part  cf  the  prefent  Catholick  Church  i  And  that  we  do  not  afcribe 
any  fjch  infallibility  in  neceflary  truths  to  the   Kcmxrt  ChurcTi    with  all  her  de- 
pendants ,  as  we  do  to  the  true  Catholick  Church  ,  Nor  dteem  it  always  SchiA 
matical  to  feparate  from  the  modem  Kiman  Church  ,  Namely  in  tho(e  points 
wherein  fhe  had  Firft  feparated  both  from  the  Primitive  Koman  Church ,  and 
from  the  prefent  Cathohck  Church.     But  we  confefs  it  to  be  always  Schifinatical 
to  feparate  from  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick  Church  United.     Thus  much 
he  ought  to  take  notice  of,  and  when  he  hath  occafion  hereafter  to  write  upon 
this  Subjcd ,  not  to  take  it  for  granted  (  as  they  ufe  to  do  )  that  the  Catholick 
Church  and  the  Kcman  Church  are  convertible  Terms ,   or  tell  us  a  Tale  of  a 
Tub  what  their  Tenet  if ,  that  ihefe  Churches  vphich  continue  in  Communion  veitb  the 
Roman  are  tJjt  otuly  true  Churches.     We  regard  not  their  Schiiinatical  and  unchari- 
table Tenets  now,  no  more  than  we  regarded  the  fame  Tenets  of  the  Vonatijls 
of  old.     They  mult  produce  better  authority  than  their  own  ,  and  more  fubftan- 
tial  proofs  than  he  hath  any  in  his  budget,  to  make  us  believe  that  the  Roman 
Church  is  the  Catholick  ChurcL     It  is  charity  to  acknowledge  it  to  be  a  Catholick^ 
Church  mcluGvely  '■>  but  the  greateft  uncharitablenels  in  the  world  to  make  it  the 
CatbolickjChurcb  excluCveIy,that  is  to  feparate  from  Chrift  and  from  hope  of  Salvati- 
on as  much  as  in  them  lieth,  allChriftians  who  are  not  of  their  own  Communion. 
Howfoever  ,  it  is  well  that  they  who  uled  to  vaunt  that  the  Enemy  trembled  at  the 
r.ame  cf  the  Catholick^  Church ,  are  now  come  about  themfelves  to  make  the  Catho- 
lick Church  to  be  an  appendix  to  the  Roman.  Take  notice  Reader  that  this  is  the 
Fiift  time  that  Mi.Serjeaftt  turns  his  back  to  the  Qaeftion,  but  it  will  not  be  the  laft. 
My  next  task  is  to  examin  his  Two   Rules  or  Bonds  of  Unity.     And  firft  con- 
cerning his  Rule  of  Faith,  I  don't  or.cly  approve  it  but  thank  him  for  it  ■■,  and  when 
The  Rule  of     I  have  a  purpofe  to  confute  the  Tv.elve  rew  Articles  of  Pius  the  Fourth,  I  will 
Faith.  jjot  deGre  a  better  medium  than  it.     And  I  do  cordially  fubfcribe  to  his  Cenfure  , 

that  the  tranlgreffb  Jis  thereof  are  indeed  thofe  who  are  truly  guilty  of  that  Horrid 
Schifm  which  is  now  in  the  Chriftian  world. 

To  his  fecond  Rule  or  Principle  for  Government  that  Clyrifl  made  St.  Peter  frjl 

cr  Chief  or  Frir.ce  cflis  Aperies  ,  who  was  to  be  thefirfi  merer  under  him  in  the  Church 

The  Rule  cf^     after  he  departed  cut  (fthif  world  ,  to  whom  all  others  fhould  have  reccurfe  in  greater 

cc  antrc"r.    T^ifcuhies.  If  he  had  iiot  been  a  meet  Novice  and  altogether  ignorant  of  the  Tenets 

ficabouiSi.     cf  our  E/fg///&  Church,  he  might  have    knc^vn  that  we    have  no  ccntrcverfy 

PettT.  with  Saint  Peter,   nor  with   any  other  about   the  Priviledges    of  Saint   Peter. 

Let  him   be  Firft  ,    Chief,    cr  Prince  of  the   Apojiks  ,    in  that  {enie   wherein 

the  Ancient  Fathers ,  ftiled  him  fo  ,  Let  him  be  the  Firft  Minifterial  mover ,  And 

why  fhould  not  the  Church  have  recourfe  to  a  prime  Apoftle  or  Apoftolical  Church 

in  doubtful  cafes  >  The  learned  Bifhop  of  Wimbefter  ( of  whom  it  is  no  fhame  for 

him  to  learn  ^  might  have  taught  him  thus  much,  notonely  in  his  own  name, 

but  in  the  name  of  the  King  and  Church  of  England ,  Neither  is  «  que(iioned  among 

Rtft  ai  A}il  ^  wbeihtr  St.  Vcicxhad  a  Primacy,  hut  what  that  Primacy  was.     And  whether  it  were 

BtlAirr..  c:  i,  juch  an  one  as  the  Pope  dcth  new  chillenge  to  himfelf ,  and  you  challenge  to   the  Pope. 

But  the  King  dath  Kct  deny  Peter  to   haie  been  the  Prime  and  Prince  cf  the  Apoftles.     I 

wonder  how  it  ccmeth  to  pafs  that  he  who  commonly  runneth  over  in  his  expref- 

fions  ,  fhould  now  on  a  fuddain  become  fo  dry  upon  this  Subjed-.    If  this  be  all , 

he 


JD  IS  COURSE   I V^  Schifm  Guarded.  -^_ 

^yy 

he  needed  not  to  have  forfaken  the  Communion  of  the  Ch'dich  oi  Eftghnd ,  for  a- 
iiy  great  Devotion  that  he  beareth  to  St.  PeUr ,  more  than  we. 

But  yet  we  dare  not  rob  the  re.t  of  th;  Apo'iles  to  cloath  St.  Peter,  Wefay  clear- 
ly with  St  Cytrixii.Uac  erant  utique  c£teri  Afniioli  quodfiiit  Petrus,  T-^?  confortio  p-£.  CjfrUitdtV. 
diti  &  honor  IS  &  jioteliatis ,  fed  exordiy.m  ah  Vnitate  poH^fcitttr ,  TriMjsus  Petro  da-  ""•*'<  ^"iff- 
ttcrut  una.  Clmjii  Ecckfia  &  nna  Cathedra  moniiretKr^  The  idi  nfthe  Jpcftk:  rrere  even 
the  fame  tlnng  that  VttCT  tvis ,  endovced  with  an  t^.ital  Feilorrfhip  bath  of  b:n:ur  and 
fewer  :  hut  the  beginning  coweth  from  Vnity,  the  Primacy  U  gizvn  to  Peter  ,  to  figmi^e 
one  Chttrch  and  one  Chair.     It  is  well  known  that  St.  Cy-ria'  made  all  the  Biiho- 
pricRsinthe  world  to  be  but  one  Ma(s,  Ep^copatus  u;ms  eji  Epijcoporum  multcrtm 
eoncordi  numereftate  difxfuf,  whereof  every  Bifhop  had  an  entire  part ,  cicuf  a  fin-  £»  <  ^    /• 
ptlU  in  folidttm  fars  tenetirr.     All  that  he  attributeth  to  St.  Peter,  is  this  beginning  AMin.itvta- 
of  Unity,  this  primacy  of  Order  ,  this  preheminence  to  be  the  Chief  of  Eifnops     '*"" 
To  be  Biftiop  of  tJye  principal  Chitrch  from  whence  Sacerdotal  Vnity  did  j^mg     Yet  I 
.  efteem  St.  Cyprian  as  favourable  an  expofitor  to  the  See  of  Kcme,  as  any  they  will  *f-  $$•*' 
find    out  of  their  own  Chair  that  was  no   more  interreffed  in  that  See.     This  ^"^'^ 
primacy  neither  the  ancients  nor  we  do  deny  to  St.  Peter  ,  of  Order  ,  of  Place     of 
Preheminence,  if  this  firit   Moverihip    would  {erve  his  turn,  this  controv-.-rfie 
were  at  an  end  for  our  parts.     But  this  Primacy  is  over  lean  ,  the  Court  of  Kome 
have  no  Guilo  to  it ,  They  thirft  after  a  viiible  Monarchy  upon  earth ,  an  abfb- 
Inte  Ecclefiaftical  Soveraignty  ,  A  power  to  make  Canons,  to  abolilh  Canons    to 
difpenfe  with  Canons  ,  to  impofe  penfions,  to  di(pofe  dignities,  to  decide  contro- 
verfies  by  a  Gngle  authority  ,  this  was  that  which  made  the  breach  ,  not  the  inno- 
cent Primacy  of  St.  Peter ,  as  I  (hall  demonltrate  by  evident  proofe  as  clear  as  the 
Noon-day-lightl 

Obferve  Reader,that  ^ir.Ser^,eant  is  making  another  Vagar;  out  of  the  Lifts,to  feek 
for  his  adverfary  where  he  is  fure  not  to  rind  him,  hereafter  if  he  have  a  mind  to 
employ  his  pen  upon  this  Subjed,  and  not  to  bark  at  the  Moon-fhinein  the  water 
let  him  endeavpur  to  demonftrate  thefe  Four  things  which  we  deny  indeed. 

Firft  ,  That  each  ApoiiJe  had  not  the  fame  power  over  the  Chril^ian  world  by 
virtue  of  Chrift's  CommilEon  (  As  my  father  Jent  me  ,  fo  frndlytm  ,  which  St.  Pf- 
jfrhad.  7»;io.Ti. 

Secondly  ,  that  St.  Peter  ever  exercifed  a  Gngle  JurifdicHon  over  the  perfons  of 
the  reft  of  the  Apottles,  more  than  they  over  him  ,  befides  and  over  and  above  his 
Primacy  of  Order ,  or  beginning  ot  Unit^^. 

Thirdly,  That  St.  Peter  alone  had  his  CommilEon  granted  to  him  by  Chriit  \  as 
to  an  Chdinary  Paji^ia- ,  to  him  and  his  SuccelTors,  and  all  the  relt  of  the  .^poitles 
had  their  Commillions  onely  as  Delegates  for  term  of  life  i  This  new  hatched  Di- 
ftin(^on  beini^ie  foundation  of  the  prefent  Papacy  ,  I  would  be  elad  to  fee 
one  good  Aut^Pb  for  it,  who  writ  within  a  thoufand  years  after  Chriil. 

Laftly,  That  the  Soveraignty  of  Ecclefiaftical  power  and  Jurifdidion  refted  in 
St.  Peter  alone  ,  and  was  exercifed  by  him  alone  ,  and  not  by  the  Apoftolical  Col- 
ledge  ,  during  the  Hilrory  of  the  Ads  of  the  Apollles. 

Now  let  us  proceed  from  St.  Peter  to  the  Pope  ,  which  is  the  {econd  part  of  his  The  Pope  Sas. 
rule  of  Government.     And  that  the  Bipops  rf  Rome  ,  as  Succedyrs  of  St.  Peter  ,  in-  ceffoor  to  S» 
herited  from  him  this  Privikdge  in  re^eS  of  the  Succefirrs  f  the  reii  of  the  Apyirks ,  and  '*""'• 
adually  exercijed  bis  power  in  aH  the  Coitntrits  which  k^ft  communion  with  the  Church  of 
Rome,     what  Priviledge  ?  to  be  the  hrlt  Biihop ,  the  chief  Bilhop  ,  the  principal 
Bifhop ,  the  firft  Mover  in  the  Church ,  juft  as  St.  Peter  was  among  the  Apoftles  ? 
We  have  heard  of  no  other  Priviledge  as  yet.     If  a  man  would  be  pleafed  out  of 
meer  pity  to  his  ftarving  caufe ,  to  fappofe  thus  much  ,  what  good  would  it  do 
him  ?  Doth  he  think  that  the  Pope  or  the  Court  of  Korm  would  ever  accept  of 
fjch  a  Papacy  as  this,  or  thank  him  for  his  double  diligence  ?  He  muft  either  be 
meanly  verfed  in  the  Primitive  Fathers ,  or  give  little  credit  to  them ,    who  will 
deny  the  Pope  to  fucceed  St.  Peter  in  the  Konun  Biihoprick ,  or  will  env^'  him  the 
Dignity  of  a  Patriarch  within  his  juli  Bounds.     But  the  Breach  between  Rome  and 
E-^gland  was  not  about  any  Epifcopal ,  Metropolitical ,  or  Patriarchal  Rights.    A 
Patriarch  hath  more  power  in  his  proper  Biihoprick ,  than  in  his  Province ,  and 

G  g  2  mors 


200 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  K 


■  niore  in  his  Province,   than  in  the  rdt  of  his  Patriarchate  :  but   Papal   power  is 

much  ercater  than  any  Bidiop  did  ever  challenge  in  his  own  Diocefs.     In  my  An- 

fwer  to  his  Aflumption  ,  I  fliall  fhew  fufficiently  who  they  were  that  brake  this 

Bond  of  Union ,  and  are  the  undoubted  Authours  of  Schifm. 

ot  by  But  before  I  come  to  that ,  I  would  know  of  him  how  the  Pope  did  inherit  all 

chr°ls  ordi-  ji^ofe  Priviledges  which  he  claimeth  from  St.  Teter ,  or  how  he   holds  them  by 

nation.  C/w/jiV  own  Ordination  in  Holy  Scripture  'f  Firft  all  the  'Eaflern  Churches  do  affirm 

confidently,  that  the  moft  of  thefe  Priviledges  were  the  Legacies  of  the  Church  re- 

prefentative ,  not  Chrift  or  St.  Teter.     And  it  feemeth  to  be  very  true  by  that  of  the 

c  rdtc  Council  of  Sardica  ,  Si  -vohU  placet  SanUi  Petri  memoriam  homremw.     If  all  thefe 

Cone,  .  ar  t .  p^.^.j^j       ^^j.^  ^h^  popes  inheritance,  it  was  not  well  done  of  old  Ofius  to  put  it    y 

'  ^  upon  a  Si  placet,  content  or  not  content ,  and  to  affign  no  better  a  reafon,than  the 

memory  of  a  Predeccflbur.  It  feemeth  likewife  to  be  true  by  the  Council  of  Chalce- 

dott  which  attributeth  the  primacy  of  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  to  the  decrees  of  the  Fa- 

Cmc.  cbaUed.  ^j^^^^  ^^j  ^j^^  dignity  of  that  imperia-l  City  s  And  when  the  Popes  Legates  did  oppofc 

^^' ^^'  the  Ails  of  the  Council ,  Gloria fffimi   Judices  dixerunt ,  the  mofi  Glorious   Judges 

faid     let  both  parties  plead  the  Canons.     By  the  Canons  that  great  Council  of  fix  hun  • 

dred'  and  thirty  Fathers  did  examine  it  i  By  the  Canons  they  did  determine  it,  there 

was  no  inheritance  pretended  in  the  cafe. 

Secondly  ,  If  the  Bifliop  of  Kome  did  hold  all  his  Priviledges  by  inheritance 
from  St.  Teter ,  hew  much  were  Three  fuccellive  Popes  overfeen ,  Zofxmus ,  Bonifa- 
ciui    and  C£leftinuf ,  to  ground  them  upon  the  Canons  of  the  Council    of  Nic^ , 
and 'thefe  either  counterfeited  or  miftaken  for  the  Canons  of  Sardica  ?  Which  when 
the  African  Fathers  did  find  out  by  the  true  Copies  of  the  Nicene  Council,  they  re- 
jeded  that  part  of  Papal  power  ,  as  appeareth  by  their  Letter   to  Pope  C^lejiine, 
Epifl-Conc,     JFe  earnejily  befeech  you,  that  henceforvpards  you   do  net  eafily  lend  an  ear  to  fuch  as 
A\r.  ad  ctU-  ^gjfjg  jj-gfn  hence  :  Nor  (  which  BeHarmine  cuts  off  guilefully  )  receive  any  more  fuch  at 
ftin-  are  excommunicated  by  us  into  your  Communion  ,  with  this  {harp  Intimation,  Ne  fu- 

mofum  typum  feculi  in  Ecckfiam  videamur  inducere.  If  (bveraign  Judicature  did  be- 
long to  the  Bilhop  ot^  Rome  by  inheritance  from  St.  Teter,  why  did  Three  Popes 
challenge  it  upon  the  Decrees  of  the  Nicene  Council  ?  and  why  did  the  African  Fa- 
thers refufe  to  admit  it ,  becaufe  it  was  not  contained  in  the  Decrees  of  the  Nicene 

Thirdly  ,  If  by  Prince  of  Bifhops  Mr.  Serjeant  underftands  an  abfolute  Prince , 
one  who  hath  a  fingle  Legiflative  power,  to  make  Canons  ,  to  abolilh  Canons,  to 
difpcnfe  with  Canons  as  feemeth  good  in  his  own  eyes,  if  he  makes  a  greater  Prince 
of  the  Steward ,  than  he  doth  of  the  Spoufe  of  Chrift ,  he  will  have  an  hard  Pro- 
vince to  fecure  himfelf  &om  the  cenfures  of  the  Councils  of  Confiance  and  Bafile , 
in  the  former  of  which  were  perfbnally  prefent  one  Emperour ,  t*vo  Popes  ,  two 
Patriarchs ,  all  the  Cardinals ,  the  EmbalTadors  of  all  the  PrinceA.the  JVefi ,  and 
the  Flower  of  Occidental  Scholars,  Divines  ,  and  Lawyers.  Tnele  had  reafon  to 
know  the  Tradition  of  the  Univerfal  Church  as  well  as  Mr.  Serjeant. 

Laftly ,  Before  he  can  determine  this  to  be  an  undeniable  truth ,  and  a  necellary 
Bond  of  Vnity ,  that  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  is  Inheriter  of  all  the  Priviledges  of  St.  Te- 
ter   and  that  thU  Trinciple  is  ChrijFs  orvn  Ordination  ,  recorded  in  Scripture,  he  muft 
firft  reconcile  himfelf  to  his  own  party.     There  is  a  Commentary  upon  the  Syno- 
dal Anfwer  of  the  Council  of  Bafle ,  Printed  at  Colone  in  the  year  \6i^.   wherein 
cmmtnt  in  £-  is  maintained  ,  That  the  Trovinces  fuhjeCi  to  the  Four  great  Tatriarchs  from  the  hegin- 
fifi  Synod'l     mng  of  the  Chrifiian  Church ,   did  h^oTv  no  other  Supreme  hut  their  own  Tatriarchs, 
conc,Bartl'  po-  j^fjj.  if  the  Tope  he  a  Trimate  ,  it  is  by  the  Church;  If  he  be  the  Head  of  all  Churches  , 
Vj  \      .Q,  it  U  by  the  Church :  and  whereof  K>e  have  faid ,  that   it  Is  expreffed  in  the  Council  of 
Nice  ,  that  many  Trovinces  were  fubjeSed  to  the  Church   of  Rome  by  Eccleftajiical  cu- 
ftome  ,  and  no  other  right ,  the  Synod  Jhould  do  the  greateji  injury  to  the  Bijhop  of  Rome, 
if  it  jhould  attribute  thofe  things  to  him  onely  from  cuflome  ,  which  were  his  due  by  Di- 
vine right. 
Cttfnn  de  vita      Gerfon  goeth  much  more  accurately  to  work  ,  diftinguifliing  Papal  rights  into 
jpitit,  anim£.  Three  forts  i  Divine ,  which  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  challengeth  by  fucceffion  from  St. 
Teter :  Canonical ,  wherewith  he  hath  been  trufted  by  General  Councils :  and  Ci- 


5 

vil 


Schifm  Guarded,  oqi 


x'i/,  granted  to  that  See  by  the  Emperours.  Of  the  firlt  fort  he  reckoneth  no 
more  but  Three  Privikdges-,  To  call  Cemcils ^  To  give  Sentence  mth  Councils,  and 
Jw'udidion  purely  jfiritual. 

Among  the  Propofitions  given  into  the  Council  of  Tifa  ,  and  Printed  with  the  ^P^onc-pi' 
Acts  of  the  Council ,  we  hnd  thefe  i  Firft  ,  Although  the  Tope  ,  as  he  if  the  Vicar  of'^y/'^^,'  '^J 
Chrijl,  may  after  a  certain  manner  be  called  the  Head  of  the  Church  ■■>  yet  the  Vnity  0/ ii? /o/.'dp'."' 
the  Church  doth  not  depend  necefiarily  ,  or  receive  its  beginning  from   the  Vnity  of  the 
Tope.     Secondly,  The  Church  hath  power  and  authority  originally  and  immediately  from 
Chrifi  its  Head ^  to  congregate  itfelf  in  a  General  Council,  to  preferve  its  Vnity.     It  is 
added  ,  That  the  Catholic^  Church  hath  thif  porver  alfo  by  the  Law  of 'Nature.     Third- 
ly ,    In  the  ABs  of  the  Apojiles  we  read  of  Four  Councils  convocated ,  and  not  by  the 
Authority  of  Peter  ,  but  by  the  common  confent  of  the  Clmrch.     And  in  one  Council  ce- 
lebrated at  Jerufalem  ,  we  read  not  that  Peter ,  hut  that  James  the  Bijhop  of  the  place 
was  Trefdent ,  and  gave  Sentence.     He  concludeth  that  the  Church  may  call  a  General 
Council  without  the  Authority  of  the  Tope  ,  and  in  feme  cafes  ,  tho7fgh  he   comrade  it. 
The  Writers  and  Writings  of  thole  times  ,  in  and  about  the  Councils  of  Conftance 
and  Bafile  ,  and  the  Two  Tifan  Councils ,  do  abound  with  fuch  exprellions. 

Before  he  determined  pofitively.  The  Divine  right  of  the  Papacy,  as  it  includeth  Can.h.U.t.f!; 
a  Soveraignty  of  power  ,  he  ought  to  confider  ferioufly  what  many  of  his  own  C«/- """crf. ' 


Trimacy  Soto^.fcrt. 

to  any  particular  Church  ;  That  it  cannot  be  proved  that  the  Bijhop  of  Rome  if  terpe-  '^'fl'  '4»  *•  *• 
tttal  Trince  of  the  Church  •■>  That  the  Glofs  which  preferreth  the  Judgment  of  the  „''•  j'  j  k 
2low<aM  Church  before  the  Judgment  of  the  world,  U  very  fmgular ,  andfoolifh,  and  cifiaflfdotSi. 
unworthy  to  be  followed  \  That  it  hath  been  a  Catholich^  Tenet  in  former  times     that  4.  «•  !* 
the  Trimacy  of  the  Kotnzn  Bijhop  doth  depend  not  upon  Vivine,  but  Humane  riaht    Cent tir.de  ft' 
and  the  pofttive  Decrees  of  the  Church  •,  That  men  famous  in  the  ftudy  of  Chrifti-  'a^'c'l  ■ 
an  Theology,  have  not  been  affraid  in  great  Aflemblies  tn  afiert  the  humane  right  qftf/cel  ^Baf. 
the  Tope.     He  ought  to  confider  what  is  faid  of  a  great  King  ,  that  Theologians  of-  cone.  li. 
firmed  that  the  Tope  was  the  Head  of  the  Church  by  Divine  right ,  but  when  the  Kiner  ^{"'^'  '•  9- 
required  them  to  prove  it ,  they  could  not  demonftrate  it :  And  Laftly  ,  What  the  Bi-  ^'^'  ^*'*''* 
(hop  of  ChalcedoH  faith  lately  to  us,  it  fuffceth  that  the  Bijhop  of  Rome  it  St.  PeterV    *'*"'' ''  *' 
Succefjour  •,  and  thU  all  Fathers  tejiifie ,  and  all  the  CatbolichjChterch  helieveth    but  whe- 
ther he  he  fo  jure  divino  or  humano ,  is  no  point  of  Faith. 

Here  ,  Reader ,  I  muft  intreat  thee  before  we  proceed  a  fiep  farther  to  read  his  Schijm  dif^r- 
Aflertion  ,  That  the  conjiant  belief  of  the  Catholick,  JVorld  was  and  is ,  that  this  prin-  ""^P-  J04. 
ciple  (  namely ,  that  the  Bifhop  of  'Kome  inherited  the  Priviledges  of  St.  Teter  ) 
if  Clmji''s  own  Ordination  recorded  in  Scripture ,  derived  to  w  by  the  Jirongefl  evidences 
that  our  nature  it  capable  of.  What  a  ftrange  confidence  is  this,  to  tell  his  Readers 
he  cares  not  what ,  fo  it  may  ferve  his  prcfent  turn  ?  How  fhould  this  be  recorded 
in  Scripture  ,  when  the  Bifhoprick  of  Keme  is  never  mentioned  in  Scripture  nor 
fo  much  as  whether  St.  Teter  ever  was  at  Rome  ?  Except  we  underftand  Rome  by 
Babilon  ?  But  this  is  too  remote  and  too  obfcure  to  be  Chrift's  own  Ordinance.  If 
it  be  recorded  in  Scripture ,  it  is  either  in  Nicodemus  his  Gofpel ,  or  in  the  Pope's 
Decretal  Epiftles.  Certainly  in  the  genuine  Scripture  there  is  no  manner  of  men- 
tion of  any  fuch  thing. 

Hear  the  ingenuous  confeffion  of  a  more  learned  Adverfary ,  Negue  Scriptura,  ne-  g  g  v  .  . 
que  Traditio  habet ,  fedem  Apojlolicam  ita  fixam  ejfe  Rom£ ,  ut  tnde  auferri  mn  pojft  ■■>  por/l'i.t.  4, 
There  is  neither  Scripture  nor  Tradition  to  prove  that  the  See  of  St.  Peter  isfo  fixed  to 
Rome ,  that  it  cannot  be  tak^n  from  it.  But  if  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  did  inherit  the 
Priviledges  of  St.  Teter  by  Chrift's  own  Ordination  recorded  in  Scripture  then 
there  were  Scripture  to  prove,  that  it  cannot  be  taken  away  from  Rome.  ChrilFs 
own  Ordination  muft  not  be  violated.  Behold  both  his  grounds,  Scripture  and 
Tradition  fwept  away  at  once. 

It  will  not  ferve  his  turn  at  all  to  fay,  that  I  take  him  in  a  reduplicative  fenfe    as  c  t,-r    j  , 
ifhej^ak'fthe  Bijfops  of  Rome,  as  of  Rome.     Either  Chrilt  ordained  in   Scri-  ^04! 
pture ,  that  the  Biihop  oi  Rome  (hould  fucceed  St.  Teter  in  his  priviledges  i  and  then 

the 


I02 


Schifffi  Guarded.  TQMfe  I. 


Ml  4 


the  Bifliop  ot"  Kome  doth  ihcceed  St.  Peter  as  Bifliop  of  Rome.     Or  Chrift  hath  not 
ordained  in  Scripture  that  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  fliould^fucceed  St.  Teter  in  his  privi- 
ledges  j  and  then  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  is  not  St.  Peter  s  Succeffour  by  Chrift's  own 
Ordina'tion.     He  may  be  his  Succeflbur  upon  another  accounts  but  by  Chrift's  own 
Ordination  recorded  in  Scriptnre  he  cannot  be  ,  if  Chrift  himfelf  hath  not  ordain- 
ed in  holy  Scripture  that  he  (hould  be.     He  addeth,  that  J  picked  thefe  words  out  of 
a  Paragraph  a  leaf  after.     Why  ?  is  he  not  bound  to  fpeak  trutli  in  one  Paragraph  , 
as  well  as  in  another  ?  Or  will  he  oblige  one  who  combatteth  with  him,  to  watch 
where  his  Buckler  is  ready,  and  be  fure  to  hit  that  >  Thefe  things  are  as  clear  as 
the  light ,  and  yet  he  vapours  about  my  frivolous  and  impertinent  Anfrvers ,  and  n>on- 
ders  how  ayty  man  can  have  the  patience  to  read  fitch  a  Trifier.     Let   the  Reader  judge 
which  Scale  hath  more  weight  in  it.     How  fhould  the  Bifl-^op  o/Rome'j  Siicceffiou 
to  St.  Peter  be  ChrijVs  own  ordination  recorded  in  Scripture,  when  both  his  fellows, 
and  he  himfelf^  do  ground  the  Bifhop  oi  Rome's  right  to  fucceed  St.  Peter  upon  the 
Belli  tie  Rom.  p^^fj.  pf  gf^  pff(r  ^  namely  ,  his  dying  Bifhop  of  Rome  ?  BeVarmine  diftinguiflieth 
^""'Alb"!'  between  the  Bipjop  rf  Rome's  Succefion  of  St.  Vcter  ,  and  the  reafon  of  his  Succefiott. 
i».  an    1.4*  j^^  Succffion  f faith  he)  m  from  the  irjUiution  ofChri{l  by  Divine  right,  and  command- 
ed by  ChriJ}--,  but  the  reafon  of  this  Sucajfjon  is  from  the  Fad  of  St.  Peter ,  not  from  the 
infiituiion  of  Chriji.     Which  two  are  irreconcileable.     For  if  Chrift  commanded  , 
that  the  Billiop  of  Rome  (hould  fucceed  St.  Peter  (  as  he  feith  )  Vem  iffe  jufit  Ro- 
nriae  figi  ApofioUcam  Petri  fedem ,  qu£  autem  juhet  Vem  mutari  ah  hominiluf  non  pof- 
funt;  Then  not  the  Faft  of  St.  Peter,  but  the  Mandate  of  Chrift,  is  the  reafon  of 
the  Succeffion.     There  was  no  need  that  St.  Peter  fhould  do  any  thing  to  perfe<3: 
the  commandment  of  Chrift  :  and  on  the  other  fide ,  if  the  fad  of  St.  Peter  be  the 
true  reafon  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome's  SuccefEon ,  then  it  is  evident ,    that  Chrift  did 
not  command  it.     Let  it  be  fuppofed  to  avoid  impertinent  Difputes,  that  Chrift 
did  create  a  chief  Paftor  of  his  Church,  as  an  Office  of  perpetual  neceflity,  with- 
out declaring  his  pleafure  who  fhall  be  his  SuccefTour,  but  leaving  the  choice  ei- 
ther to  the  chief  Paftour ,  or  to  the  Church ,  without  peradventure  in  fuch  a  cafe, 
the  Office  is  from  Chrift,  and  the  perpetuity  is  from  Chrift  i  but  the  right  of  the 
Succeffour  is  from  them  who  make  the  application  ,  Whether  it  be  the  chief  Pa- 
ftour ,  or  the  Church,     The  Succeflion  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  to  St.  Peter ,  is  not 
recorded  in  Scriptnre  i  The  fad:  of  St.  Peter  is  not  recorded  in  Scripture  y   No  fuch 
ordination  of  Chrift  is  recorded  in  Scripture ,  that  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  fhould  be 
St.  Peter's  SuccefTour  :  And  therefore  it  is  impoflible  that  the  Succeflion  of  the  Bi- 
fhop of  Kowe  to  St.  Peter,  fhould  be  Chrift's  own   ordination  recorded  in  Scri- 
pture. 

Then  what  is  this  Mandate  of  Chrift  ?  and  where  contained  ?  The  Mandate  is 
an  old  Legend  contained  in  M<ir-cfK«w  ,  Leo,  Athanafus,  Amhrofe,  and  Gregory^ 
fome  of  which  point  at  it ,  others  relate  it ,  rone  define  it  as  a  matter  of  Faith. 
That  St.  Peter  a  little  before  his  Pajjion  ,  being  ready  to  depart  out  of  Rome ,  did  meet 
Chrifi  in  the  Gate ,  who  told  him  ,  that  he  came  to  Rome  to  be  crucified  again  ■-,  thereby 
intimating ,  that  St.  Peter  mufl  fufFer  martyrdome  there.  Here  is  no  mandate  of 
Chrift  to  St.  Peter  to  fix  his  See  at  Rome  ,  much  lefs  that  he  fhould  place  it  there 
for  ever  ,  never  to  be  removed.  True  (  faith  BeVarmine  )  but  yet  non  eft  improba- 
hile  Vominum  etiam  aperte  juffif^e  ut  Sedemfuam  Petrus  ita  figeret  Roma?  ,  ut  Roma- 
nus  Epifcopus  abfoluic  ei  fuccederet-,  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Lcrd  did  command  plain- 
ly that  ¥cter pould  fix  his  See  at  Rome  ,  that  the  Roman  Bipop  fhotild  fucceed  him  ab- 
folutely.  Alas  !  this  is  but  a  poor  ground  to  build  a  mans  faith  upon  ,  that  it  is  not 
improbable.  And  therefore  the  faid  Authour  proceedeth  ,  Tametfi  forte,  &c.  Al- 
though peradventure  it  be  not  of  Divine  right ,  that  the  Roman  Bi/hop  ,  becaufe  he  is  the 
Roman  Bifhop  ,  dothjucceed  St.  Peter  in  the  prefedure  of  the  Church. 

And  though  it  were  fuppofed  a  point  of  Faith ,  That  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  were 
St.  Peters  SuccefTour :  yet  it  cannot  be  a  point  of  Faith  ,  that  Pope  Vrhan,  or  Pope 
Clement  are  St.  Peter's  SuccefTours,  and  true  Bifhops  of  Rome  ,  becaufe  there  can 
be  no  more  than  moral  certainty  for  it.  Who  can  afTure  us  of  their  right  Baptifms 
and  right  Ordinations,  according  to  the  common  Roman  grounds  ?  How  can  we 
be  fure  of  their  Canonical  Ekdion,  that  two  third  parts  of  the  Cardinals  did  con- 
cur 


1 


303 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 

cur ,  or  that  the  Eledtion  by  Cardinals  now ,  and  by  the  Emperors  ,  and  by  th^ 
people  formerly  were  all  authentick  Forms ,  though  I  doubt  not  but  any  of  thep> 
might  Icrve  to  obtain  an  humane  right  >  But  efpecially ,  what  can  fecure  us  from 
the  taint  of  Simoniacal  pravity,  which  they   who  knew  the  Intreagues  of  States 
do  tell  us ,  hath  born  too  great  Vogue  in  the  Conclave  of  late  dayes?   And  if  it 
cannot  be  a  point  of  Faith ,  to  believe  the  prefent  Pope  is  St.  Peter's  SuccefTour  for 
thefe  reafons  ■■,  neither  can  it  be  a  point  of  Faith,  that  any  of  them  all  hath  been 
his  Succeflbur  for  the  fame  reafons.     I  do  not  urge  thefe  things  to  encourage  any 
man  to  withdraw  obedience  from  a  lawful  Superiour,  either  upon  improbable  or 
probable  fuppofitions ,  but  to  (hew  their  temerarious  prefumption ,  who  do  fo  ea- 
fily  change  humane  right  into  Divine  right ,  and  make  many  things  to  be  necefla- 
ry  points  of  Faith,  for  which  there  never  was  revelation ,  or  more  than  moral  cer- 
tainty, 

SECT.    I.    Ca^'  2. 

H  E  next  thing  which  offereth  it  felf  to  our  ccnfideration ,  is  his  minor  Pro-  a   \    a- 
pofition  ,  Whether  the  Church  of  England  did  break^thefe  Bmds   of  Vnity,  Sec.  mediate  trS'i- 
But  I  hold  it  more  methodical  to  examine  rirlt  the  proofs    of  his  major  ,  That  "on  no  certaia 
thefe  rvere  the  right  Bonds  of  Vnity  ,  and  fb  difpatch  that  part  out  of  my  hands.         ™'^» 

AU  Tvhieh  vejs  agreed  tcpon  unanimoujly  between  the  Church  of  Rome  and  its  Depen- 
dents, and  the  Church  of  England ,  and  delivered  from  hand  to  hand  in  them  al!  by  the 
oral  and  immediate  Tradition  of  a  world  of  Fathers  to  a  world  of  children  fucceljively  as 
a  Rule  of  Faith  or  Difcipline  received  from  Chriji  and  his  Aptftles,  which  fo  vaji  a  mul- 
titude of  Eye-witnejSes  did  fee  vifibly  pralJifed  from  age  to  age^  is  undoubtedly  true  and 
fiich  a  rule  is  infallible  and  impoffible  to  be  crooked. 
But  thefe  two  Kules  are  fuch  Rules. 

And  fo  he  concludeth  that  they  are  incapable  of  Vfurpations  ,  and  as  eafe  to  teach 
Faith  ,    as  children  learn  their  ABC. 

I  have  given  his  Argument  as  much  force  and  edge  as  I  could  poffibly  ■■,  but  all 
this  wind  fhakes  no  corn.     His  other  two  Rules  were  not  fb  much  to  be  blamed 
as  this  Rule  of  Rules  ,  oral  and  immediate  Tradition.     Of  fuch  oral  and  immediate 
Tradition  it  was,  that  our  Saviour  told  the  Scribes  and  Pharifees,  That  they  made  Ma.  15^  6: 
the  commandments  of  Cod  of  none  efied  by  their  Tradition.     And  St.  Peter  told  the  di- 
fperfed  Jewes ,  that  they  were  redeemed  by  the  bloud  of  Chriji  from  their  vain  conver-  '        **  *  ' 
fation ,  received  by  Tradition  from  their  Fathers.     Thefe  were  fuch  Traditions  as  the 
Jewes  pretended  they  had  received  from  Mofes  and  the  Prophets :  as  the  Romanijis 
pretend  now  to  have  received  their  Tradition  from  Chriji  and  his  Apojlks.     Other- 
wife,  we  do  not  only  admit  oral  Traditions  in  general,  as  an  excellent  Introdudion 
to  the  Dodrrine  of  Saving  Truth,  and  a  fingular  help  to  expound  the  holy  Scri- 
ptures, but  alfo  particular  unwritten  Traditions  derived  from  the  Apoftles ,  and 
delivered  unto  us  by  the  manifeft  Teftimony  of  the  primitive  Church ,  being  agree- 
able to  the  holy  Scriptures.     The  Apoftles  did  fpeak  by  infpiration  as  well  as  write 
and  their  Tradition  ,  whether  by  word  or  writing  indifferently  was  the  Word  of 
God  ,  into  which  Faith  was  refolved  :  The  Traditions  of  the  Catholick  Church 
of  this  prefent  or  another  age  ,  have  this  privilcdge  to  be  free  from  all  Errours  that 
are  abfolutely  deftrudive  to  Salvation  :  but  this  they  have  not  from  the  nature  of 
Tradition  \  which  is  fubjedt  to  errour  ,  to  corruption  ,  to  change  ,  to  contradi- 
<ftion. 

Mobilitate  viget ,  virefque  acquirit  eundo. 

But  from  the  fpecial  providence  and  protedtion  of  Chrift ,  who  hath  promifed  to 
be  with  his  Church  until  the  end  of  the  World. 

In  fumme,  I  deny  both  his  Propofitions  i  Firft,  his  Major.  Immediate  Tradi- 
tion from  parents  to  children,  is  not  a  certain  and  infallible  Rule  of  Truth  and 
Faith.  Traditions  are  often  doubtful,  do  often  change  with  the  times ,  and  fome- 
times  contradid  one  another  :  As  we  fee  in  the  different  Traditions  of  the  Eajient 

and 


:o4 


Schifm  Guarded. T  O  M  E  I* 


aiK 


id  JFcliern  Churches  about  the  obfervation  of  Eafter  ■■,  and  the  Councils  of  N^?ctf 
and  FranKford  about  Images,  &c.  Neither  points  of  Faith  ,  nor  Papal  Rights  are 
fo  vilible  as  he  imagincth.  Credulity  ,  and  ignorance  ,  and  prejudice  ,  and  paili- 
on  and  intcrcll ,  do  all  ad  their  parts.  Upon  his  grounds  there  can  be  no  Ec- 
clcluliical  Ufurpationsi  yet,  experience  teacheth  us  ,  that  there  have  been  fuch 
llfiirpations  in  all  Ages.  If  he  had  feafon  to  renounce  the  immediate  Tradition  of 
Jiis  Father,  and  Grandfather,  and  great  Grandfather ,  then  others  may  have  the 
like  and  better  reafon.  Let  him  believe  the  Sun's  dancing  upon  Eaftern-Moxn^  and 
the  Swan's  finging,  and  the  Pelican's  digging  of  her  Breaft  with  her  Bill ,  and  all 
the  Stories  of  King  Arthur  and  Kobin  Hood ,  for  it  may  be  he  hath  received  all  thefe 
from  his  Elders  by  immediate  Tradition. 

He  himfelf  confefTeth ,  that  the  pfkjfion  of  Government  mufl  he  fiich  a  pojfejjion  ,  as 
may  be  trefimabk  to  have  come  from  Chriji ,  not  of  fitch  an  one  as  every  one  kitows  vohen 
it  began^  p.  45?.  To  what  purpofe  is  it  to  pretend  Tradition  for  all  thofe  Branches 
of  Papal  power  ,  which  are  in  controverfie  between  them  and  us,  {eeing  all  of 
them  had  their  firft  original  Eleven  hundred  years  after  Chrift  ? 

Secondly,  This  is  not  all ,  he  afcribeth  moreover  too  much  to  the  immediate 
Tradition  of  the  prefent  Church  ,  but  much  more  than  too  much  to  the  immediate 
Tradition  of  his  Elders ,  to  make  it  abfolutely  infallible  cut  mn  potejl  fubeffe  falfunty 
and  to  refolve  Faith  into  it ,  the  laft  refolution  of  Faith ,  muft  be  into  that  which 
is  formally  the  "Word  of  God.  The  voice  of  the  prefent  Church  may  be  materially 
the  Word  of  God,  in  regard  of  the  matter  and  thing  teftified  :  but  it  cannot  be 
formally  the  Word  of  God  ,  in  refpedl  of  the  Witnefles  and  manner  of  teftifying. 
But  immediate  Tradition  is  often  a  Seminary  of  Errours. 

Thirdly  ,  He  makes  the  oral  and  immediate  tradition  of  Fathers  to  their  chil- 
dren ,  to  be  a  more  ready  and  a  more  fafe  Rule  of  Faith  than  the  holy  Scriptures, 
which  are  the  Canons  of  Faith  •,  and  fo  ready,  that  it  is  as  eafic  ,  as  for  Boyes  to 
learn  their  ABC.  and  fo  fafe ,  that  it  is  impoffible  to  be  made  crooked. 
Aue'.  1. 4.  con-      Laftly  ,  He  confoundeth  the  Tradition  of  the  Koman  Church  ,  with  the  Tradi- 
trtDenatiflai,  tion  of  the  Catholick  Church  v  yet  the  one  is  but  particular,  the  other  univerfal 
tap.  24.  Tradition.     St.  Auguftine  fetteth  us  down  a  certain  Rule  ,  how  to  know  a  true  ge- 

nuine Apoftolical  Tradition  ■■>  ^uod  timverfa  tenet  Erclefia ,  tiec  concilivs  inftitutum  , 
fedfemper  retentum  f/f,  mn  nifi  authoritate  Apojiolica  traditum  verijjime  creditur  i  What- 
foever  the  whole  Church  doth  hold ,  zvhich  vpai  not  hiflitnted  by  Councils ,  but  alrrays  re- 
ceived., U  tnoji  rightly  believed  to  have  been  delivered  by  Apofiolical  authority.  Thefe 
three  marks ,  conjointly  do  moft  firmly  prove  an  Apofiolical  Tradition.  I  do  not 
deny ,  but  that  there  have  been  Apoftolical  Traditions  which  have  wanted  fome 
of  theft  marks ,  but  they  were  neither  neceffary  to  Salvation  ,  nor  can  be  proved 
at  this  day  after  fixteen  hundred  years  jto  have  been  Apofiolical  Traditions.  What- 
(bever  wanteth  either  univerfality  or  perpetuity  is  not  abfolutely  neceflary.  Nei- 
ther can  the  reception  of  one  Apofiolical  Church  ,  prove  a  Tradition  to  be  Apofio- 
lical ,  if  other  Apofiolical  Churches  do  rejed  it ,  and  contradid  it. 

To  conclude,  We  give  all  due  refped  to  Tradition  i  but  not  fo  much  to  oral 
Tradition  as  to  written  Tradition  ,  as  being  more  certain,  lefs  fubjed  to  mifiakes, 
and  more  cafily  freed  from  mifiakes,  (Liter a  fcripta  manet,  A  ferious  perfon  ,  if  he 
be  but  to  deliver  a  long  meffage  of  importance  from  one  to  another  ,  will  be  care- 
ful cither  to  receive  it  in  Writing ,  or  put  it  in  Writing. )  Nor  fo  much  to  particu- 
lar immediate  Tradition,  as  we  do  to  univerfal  and  perpetual  Tradition.  He over- 
Ihooteth  himfelf  beyond  all  aim  ,  in  aflirming  of  immediate  and  particular  Tradi- 
tion ,  that  where  it  hath  place  ,  it  is  impoflible  for  ufurpations  or  abufes  to  enter 
or  find  admittance.  He  might  as  well  tell  us,  that  it  is  impoffible  to  make  a  croo- 
ked line  with  a  leaden  Rule.  Particular  Tradition  is  flexible ,  and  is  often  bended 
according  to  the  interefis  and  inclinations  of  particular  ages ,  and  places ,  and  per- 
fons  :  He  faith  ,  that  there  can  he  m  encroachment ,  fo  as  men  adhere  to  this  method , 
that  is  immediate  Tradition.  He  telleth  us,  that  they  did  adhere  to  this  method, 
and  that  there  was  fuch  immediate  Tradition  •,  and  yet  we  have  feen  and  felt  that 
encroachments,  and  ufurpations,  and  abufes,  did  not  onely  creep  into  the  Church, 
biit  like  a  violent  Torrent ,  did  beat  down  all  oppofition  before  them.     I  produce 

but 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ^q- 


\  but  two  WitnelTes  ,  but  they  are  beyond  exception  :  The  one  is  Pope  Adrian  the 
fixth ,  in  his  Inrtrudlions  to  his  Nuncio  Francifcuf  Cberegatm  ,  when  he  fent  him 
to  the  Germane  Princes  at  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg^  We  ktiow  ,  that  in  the  holy  See  fcv  "^'""^  ^^^'^'fl- 
\  fome years  faji  ^  many  things  have  been  to  be.  abominated  ,   Abttfes  in  Jpiritaal  things    ^°"J^'^"'^"' 
'  Excejfes  in  Mandates ,  and  all  things  changed  perverfly.     Neither  w  it  to  he  marvelled  at^ 
ifjjck^efs  defcend  from  the  Head  to  the  Members  ,  from  the  chief eji  Bijhops  to  other  infe- 
riour  f relates  ,  &c.  And  again  ,  Wlxrein  forfo  much  ai  concerneth  us,  you  (hall  pro- 
mife ,  that  rve  rvill  do  our  uttermoji  endeavottr  ,  that  in  the  firjl  place ,  thii  Court    front 
xfhence  peradventure  this  evil  hath  proceeded ,  may  be  reformed ,  that  as  the  corruption 
fiotped  from  thence  to  all  inferiours  i  fo  lik^TPife  the  health  and  reformation  of  all  may  pro- 
ceed from  thence.    Pope  ^^m«  confefleth  abominable  abufes,  and  exce/Ies    and 
perverfe  mutations  and  corruptions  i  and  yet  Mr.  Serjeant  would  make  us  believe 
that  where  this  Method  of  oral  and  immediate  Tradition  is  uftd,  there  can  be  no 
changes.     Either  this  Method  was  not  ufed ,  or  this  Method  is  not  a  (ufficient 
prefervative  againft  innovations:  both  wayes  his  Demonfttation  falleth  to    the 
ground.     My  other  Witnefs  is  the  Council  of  Nine  chief  Cardinals ,  who  upon 
their  Oaths  delivered  up  as  their  verdid,  a  bundle  of  abufes,  grivoui^ abufes    abu- 
fes not  to  he  tolerated,  (they  are  their  own  words  j  yea    Monfiers ,  to  Paulihe        •      /  « 
Third  ,  in  the  year  1538.  befeeching  him  that  thefejpots  might  be  taken  atvay  ,  tehich  ^cHrd-'frntr' 
if  they  were  admitted  in  any  Kr-tgdom  or  Kepublic\,  would  firaight  bring  it  to  ruine.  Lmet.  p.\6i2t 
Never  any  man  did  make  encroachments  and  innovatiorts  to  be  impollible  before  ^  '4°* 
this  man. 

His  AfTumption  is  as  falfe  as  his  major  Propofition ,  But  thefe  two  Rules  Cwhereof  There  was  no 
this  is  one  part ,  that  the  Bifhops  of  R,.we,  as  SuccelTors  of  St.  Feter  )  did  inherit  Tradition  for 
from  him  this  priviledge  ,  to  be  the  rirlt  ,  or  chief,  or  Princes  of  Bifnops    &c.)  ^•'5  ^"'"^ 
Were  agreed  upon  unanimoufy  between  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  and  its  dependents^   and  *^'8'"°'^^''* 
the  Church  of  England ,  and  delivered  from  hand  to  hand  in  them  all,  by  the  oral  and   ^^^*^* 
immediate  tradition ,  of  a  world  of  Fathers  to  a  world  of  children  fuccejjjvely  as  a  Rule  ■ 
of  Vifcipline  received  from  Chriji  and  his  Apojiles,  &c.     If  all  this  were  true     it  con- 
cerneth us  nothing ,  we  may  perhaps  differ  from  them  in  judgement,  but  have  no 
formed  quarrel  with  them  about  this  that  I  know  of.     We  are  willing  to  fubmit 
not  onely  to  the  Ordinances  of  Chrifl,    but  to  the  jult  Ordinances  of  man    and  to 
yield  for  the  common  peace  and  tranquillity  of  Chriftendom,  rather  more  than  is 
due ,   than  lefi.     But  otherwife,  how  was  that  unanimoufly  agreed  upon  between 
the  Churches  of  Rome  and  England,  and  fo  delivered  by  Fathers  to  children  as  a 
thing  accorded,  whereof  the  Church  of  Rome  is  no  better  accorded  within  it  felf 
unto  this  day  ?  1  mean  concerning  the  Divine  right  of  the  Bifhop  oCRome    to  all 
the  priviledges  of  St.  Peter ,  when  the  Pope's  greateft  Champions  maintain  it  Co 
coldly  as  a  thing  that  is  not  improbable  ^  that  per  adventure  may  be,  perad  venture  may 
not  be ,  as  grounded  upon  2fa£l  of  St.  Peter  ,  that  is  as  much  as  to  fay    not  upon 
the  Mandate  of  Chriil  > 

And  though  we  fhould  be  fo  kind-hearted  ,  as  to  fuppofe  that  there  is  fbme  part 
of  Papal  power,  in  the  abftrad ,  not  in  the  concrete ,  which   is  of  Chrill's    own 
inftitution ,  namely ,  7he  beginning  of  Vnity  ,  that  is  a  power  to  convocate  the 
Church ,  and  to  prcfidc  in  the  Church ,  and  to  pronounce  the  (entence  of  the 
Church,  fo  far  and  no  farther  than  power  purely  fpiritual  doth  extendi  although 
there  be  no  fpecial  mandate  of  Chrilt  to  that  purpofe ,  for  one  to  be  the  SuccelTour 
of  St.  Peter  ,  or  any  prime  or  chief  of  all  other  Bifhops :  yet  in  the  judgment  even 
of  the  greateft  oppofers  of  Ecclefiaftical  Hierarchy  ,  it  is  the  didate  of  Nature 
that  one  (hould  prefide  oVer  the  reft  ,  Ex  Vei  ordinatione  perpetiti  necefiefuit     eji  &  ^'K'  '''/*''/* 
erit,  utin  Presbyterio  qui^iam  &  loco  &  dignitate  primus  a&ioni  gubernandl  profit,  f*^'"^' 
Yet  what  is  this  to  that   great  Bulk  of  Ecclefiartical  Authority  which  hath  been 
conferred  upon  that  See  by  the  Decrees  of  Oecumenical  Councils  i  and  by  the  ci- 
vil Sindions  of  Chriftian  Emperours,  which  being  humane  Inftitutions ,  may  be 
changed  by  humane  Authority  ?  Can  one  fcruple  of  Divine  right  convert  a  whole 
mafs  of  humane  right  into  Divine  >  We  fee  Papal  power  is  not  equal  or  alike  in  all 
places,  tut  is  extended  or  contra<ftvd  varioufly,  according  to  the  diflferent  Privi- 
ledges andLibertie?  of  feveral  Churches  and  Kingdoms.     Wc  fee  at  this  day  th: 

Hh  Popet 


:!,o6 


Schifni  Guarded.  TOME  1/ 


Pooe  hath  very  Httle  to  do  in  Sicily,  as  I  have  ftevyed  in  my  Vindication  of  the 
Church  of  E«2/W,  byrcafonthatoneof  his  Predeccflburs  long  fince  hath  alic- 
na  ed  in  a  manner,  the  whole  Eccleiiaftical  Junfdidtion  to  the  Sovereign  Prince 
of  thc'Countrey,  and  to  his  Heirs.  We  may  call  it  by  deputation  or  delegation  .• 
But  this  is  plain  ,  it  i?  to  him  and  his  Heirs  for  ever.  This  is  certain  ,  Divine  right 
cannot  be  extended  or  contracted  i  there  is  no  privUedge  or  prefcriptioii  againft 
Divine  right  i  that  which  bclongeth  to  one  perfon  by  Divine  right ,  cannot  be  ali- 
enated to  another  perfon  by  Humane  righti  for  then  Humane  right  fhould  be  /iron- 
izcr  than  Divine  right. 

In  fumme,  although  there  be  fome  colour  or  pretext  of  Divine  right  for  a  be- 
ginning of  Unity  ,  wherefoever  the  Catholick  Church  flwuld  Hx  it  i  yet  it  appear- 
eth  evidently  by  the  univerfal  pradtice  of  the  Chriftian  world  in  all  ages,  that  there 
is  no  colour ,  nor  fo  much  as  a  ftadow  of  Divine  right  for  all  the  other  Branches 
of  Papal  power,  and  thofe  vaft  Priviledges  of  the  Koman  Court.     In  the  Council 
„„-i  Cunfi*  o(CoiiJlance,  they  damned  moft  of  the  Articles  of  John  Wkkjiffe  down-right,  with- 
sl^'V.        *  out  hefitation :  but  when  they  came  to  the  one  and  fortieth  Article  (  It  U  not  necef- 
fjry  to  Salvation  ,  to  believe  that  the  Roman   Church  U  fujireme  among  ether  Churches  ) 
they  paufed  and  ufed  fome  refervation  ,  hUan  erronr  ,  if  by  the  Roman  Chttrcb  \e 
underiiood  the  Vniverfal  Church  ,  or  a  General  Council ,  or  forafmuch  as  he  Jhould  deny 
the  primacy  of  the  Pope  above    other  particular  Churches.     Their  judgement  is  clear 
enough ,  they  yielded  to  the  Pope  prmatum  not  fuprematum  ;  A  primacy  of  Order, 
not  a  fupremacy  of  power  •,  They  made  him  a  beginning  of  Vnity  to  aU  particular 
Churches,  yet  fubjefted  him  to  the  Univerfal  Church  •,  They  looked  upon  him  as 
Bighe^}  Bijhop,    and  Succeffour  of  St.  Peter  ,  but  they  believed  that  a  General  Coun- 
cil had  power  to  {hake  his  candlellick  ,  and  remove  it  ,  if  they  found  it  expedient 
for  the  good  of  Chriftendome. 

If  he  come  fo  far  fhort  of  Divine  right  in  his  fair  pretenfions  j  by  what  right 
will  he  feek  to  juftifie  all  his  foul  ufurpations  and  encroachments ,  which  have  no 
decree  of  any  Oecumenical  Council  to  warrant  them  ,  no  Imperial  Inftitution  to 
authorife  them ,  which  have  no  foundation  but  the  Pope's  own  Decretals?  But  I 
teferve  a  full  account  of  this  for  the  next  part  of  my  Anfwer.  Onely ,  Reader 
be  pleafed  to  take  notice,  that  it  behoved  Mr.  Serjeant  to  have  proved  his  Traditi- 
ons clearly  and  diftindly ,  as  to  thofe  parts  of  Papal  power  which  are  controvert- 
ed between  us  in  earneft,  with  the  univerfality  of  it,  and  the  perpetuity  of  it. 
This  he  neither  doth ,  nor  attempteth  to  do ,  nor  indeed  is  he  or  any  other  able  to 
do  ,  but  merely  ptefumeth  it ,  and  flubbercth  over  the  matter  in  deceitful  Ge- 
nerals. 

SECT.    I    Cap.  3. 

WE  are  come  now  to  the  laft  part  of  his  Demonftration,  which  was  the 
minor  or  aflumption  of  his  former  Syllogifm ,  That  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land in  Henry  the  Eighth's  dayet ,  did  breaks  thefe  Kules  of  Vnity  upon  probable  rea- 
fons,  not  convincing  grounds.  Which  being  the  main  Queftion,  he  (hould  have 
fortified  with  proofs  :  but  he  according  to  his  cullom  ,  thinks  to  carry  it  with  con- 
fidence and  clamours.  Does  not  aV  the  f For  Id  grant  aud  bold  ,  that  King  Henry  denied 
the  PofeV  Supremacy  ?  Does  not  all  the  World  fee  ,  that  the  pretended  Church  of  EnsL- 
land/b«(ix  novo  otherwife  in  Order.,  to  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  than  it  did  in  Henry  the 
Seventh's  dayes  ?  &c. 

Was  Papal  power  eafi  out  before  ?    was  it  not  in  aCiual  force  till      and  at    that 
time  ? 

We  beg  nothing  gratis,  hut  be^n  our  Procefiupon  Truth  ack^oroledged  by  the  whole 
World.  What  Papal  power  King  Henry  did  cafi  out,  and  what  Papal  power  we 
holdout,  I  fhalJ  demonftrate  to  the  World,  not  confufedly  but  diftindly  ,  by 
fuch  proofs  as  are  not  to  be  gainfaid  for  matter  of  Fz&. 

But  before  I  gird  my  feJf  to  the  Work  ,  it  will  not  be  amifs ,  for  the  freeing  of 
the  cau{e  from  future  cumber  about  Uiem  ,  to  give  fatisfadion  to  his  two  circum- 

ftances , 


Schifm  Guarded. 


507 


itances  ,  that  we  did  it  onely  iifon  probable  reaj'ons  ,  and  in  the  dayes  of  King  Henry  Mearion  cf 
the  Eighth.  exceptions 

For  theFirft,   He  keepeth  a  great  ftir  ,  and  buftling  every  where  about  our  pro-  ^^^^^^ '™per"- 
bable  reafotis ,  and  the  nature  of  our  Exceptions.     And  he  would  make  his  Reader  be- 
lieve, that  I  have  omUfed  this  part  of  his  words  guilefully.  All  w-hich  difcourfe  is  fu-  Schifm  difpar. 
perfluous  and  impertinent.     For  if  he  could  make  good  his  Conclufion,that  we  have  P^8'  *77- 
caft  out  that  which  Chriji  himfelf  did  ordain  in  Holy  Scripture  ,  no  reafons  nor  ex- 
ceptions can  be  fufficient,  or  fo  demonftrative  and  convincing  ,  as  to  juftiHe  a  wil- 
ful violation  of  Chrift's  own  Ordination.     Every  plant  (  faith  our  Saviour  }  which 
my  Heavenly  Father  hath  not  planted  ,  Jhall  be  rooted  up.     But  if  this  be  ChrilFs  own  ^'"'  '^'.'^'^ 
Plant  which  he  himfelf  hath  planted,  to  go  about  to  root  it  up,    were  plainly  to 
fight  againft  God.     We  renounce  all  reafons,  and  all  exceptions  againrt  Chrift's 
own  Ordination.     His  very  intimation ,  that  we  might  do  what  we  did  upon  de- 
monftrative reafons  ,  is  an  implicite  confeffion,  that  it  was  not  againli  Chrift's  ovw 
Ordination. 

There  was  no  need  why  I  (hould  meddle  with  mine  own  Exceptions  here,  that 
■was  his  office  in  the  pofition  of  the  cafe.  That  cafe  is  meanly  and  partially  ftated 
■which  is  ftafed  but  on  one  fide,  he  ought  to  have  included  my  Exceptions  in  his 
cafe  :  Befides ,  I  was  fure  to  meet  with  my  Exceptions  in  every  Sedioni  and  there- 
fore referved  them  for  their  proper  places  ,  as  being  loath  to  offend  the  Reader 
with  Twice-fodden  Coleworts.  But  let  him  not  fear  that  I  will  relinquifh 
my  Exceptions ,  I  fiiall  maintain  them  to  be  demonftrative  of  the  Pope's  ufur- 
pations  in  England,  and  leave  them  fireely  to  try  it  out  with  his  Demonftra- 
tions. 

The  fecond  Circumftance  is ,  concerning  the  time  when  the  breach  is  fiippofed  to     The  firft   - 
have  been  made.  In  the  dayes  afHemy  the  Eighth;  And  it  is  thus  far  true     that  breach  before 
then  the  breach  was  declared,  and  the  War  proclaimed  to  all  the  World :  but  this  ^'"\^  ^^^  *' 
breach  was  making  long  before  Henry  the  Eighth  was  born  •,  from  the  dayes  ""      "' 
of  Pope  Hildebrand ,  for  about  Four  hundred  years.     There  was  no  open  hoftility 
indeed  between  the  Court  of  Kome ,  and  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  En^h-'d : 
but  they  were  ftill  upon  their  Guards  ,  and  ftill  feeking  to  gain  ground  one  upon 
another ,  as  appeareth  by  the  Decrees,  and  Laws,  and  Machinations  of  thofe 
times.     A  breach  in  a  ftrong  Tower  is  long  making  ,  before  the  Walls  tumble  vifi- 
bly  down-,  A  Scathfire  is  long  kindling  before  it  break  out  in  an  univerfal  flame. 
A  Cronical  difeafe  is  long  gathering  and  forming    before  the  certain  Symptoms 
thereof  do  appear.     We  u(e  to  fay  ,  the  fecond  blow  mak^s  the  fray^  but  the  firft 
blow  makes  the  Battery  and  the  guilt.    All  that  time  that  they  were  forcing  their 
grofs  ufurpations  upon  us,  the  breach  was  making. 

I  have  done  with  his  two  circumftances.    The  fubftance  of  his  Affumption  re- 
■maineth.     But  before  I  grapple  with  him  about  that ,  give  me  leave  to  lay  down  TOlved^nV"* 
four  Grounds  or  Confiderations ,  fo  indifferent,  that  no  rational  man  can  deny  Schifm,  h  net 
them.     The  Firft  is.  That  every  one  who  is  involved  materially  in  a  Schifm  ,  is  a  formal  5c*^ 
not  a  formal  Schifmatick,  no  more  than  (he  that  marrieth  after  long  expedlation,  '"'«"^^* 
believing ,   and  having  reafon  to  believe  ,  that  her  former  Husband  was  dead  ,  is 
a  formal  Adultrcft  h  or,  than  he  who  is  drawn  to  give  Divine  Worftiip  to  a  crea- 
ture by  feme  mifapprehenfion ,  yet  addrelfing  his  devotions  to  the  true  God  ,  is  a 
formal  Idolater.     A  man  may  be  Baptifatus  voto   (  as  St.  Amhrofe  (aid  )  baptifed  in 
his  defire ,  and  God  Almighty  doth  accept  it :  why  may  he  not  as  well  communi- 
cate in  his  defire,  and  be  accepted  with  God  likewife?  If  St.  Jufiine  (ayes  true  of 
Herefie  ,  that  he  who  did  not  run  into  hU  errour  out  of  his  otvn  overweening  prefumption,  £ficjj^  i5.  „ 
nor  defends  it  pertinacioujfy.,  but  received  it  from  his  feduced  parents ,  and  is  careful  to 
fearch  out  the  truth ,  and  ready  to  be  QorreUed  if  he  find  it  out ,  he  is  not  to  be  reputed 
among  Heretick^. 

It  is  much  more  true  of  Schifm  ,  that  he  who  is  involved  in  Schifm  through  the 
errour  of  his  Parents  or  PredecelTors ,  who  feeketh  carefully  for  the  Truth,  and  is 
prepared  in  his  mind  to  embrace  it ,  whenfoever  he  fmds  it  ,  he  is  not  to  be  repu- 
ted a  Schifmatick.  This  very  Bond  of  Unity  ,  and  preparation  of  his  mind  to 
peace,  is  an  implicite  renuntiation  and  abjuration  of  his  Schifm  before  God.   This 

Hh  2  is 


— 2oS  Scbtfm  Guarded. T  Q  M  E  I 

is  as  comfortable  a  ground  for  ignorant  Koman-C^hoYxoks  ,  as  for  any  perfons  that 
I  know  who  are  hurried  hood-wink'd  into  erroneous  tenets  as  neceffary  points  of 
Faith,  and  Schifmatical  pradices ,  mcerly  by  the  authority  ,  and  to  uphold  the  in- 
fcrert  and  ambitious  or  avaricious  courfes  of  the  Koman  Court. 

My  fecond  ground  is  this ,  God  Almighty  doth  not  approve  of  that  unequal 
proverb ,  T^he  Fathers  have  eaten  forvre  grapes ,  and  the  childrens  teeth  are  fet  on  edge. 
w/arcnoc*  Pofkrity  is  not  guilty  of  theii-Anceftours  tranfgrellions,  farther  than  they  do  ci- 
chargeable      thcr  imitate  them  or  maintain  them.     Suppofe  thefe  calumnies  had  been  truths , 
with  the excef-  ^yhjch  fome  have  belched  forth  againft  our  Reformers,  that  they  had  facrilegious 
dcccnbursr*"  or  other  finifter  ends,  it  ftgnifieth  nothing   to  us,  fo  long  as  we  neither  juftifie 
them  ,  nor  imitate  them.     Jehu's  heart  was  not  over-upright,  and  yet  God  him- 
felf  approved  his  Reformation.     Suppofe  any  of  our  Reformers  have  run  into  any 
cxccffes  or  extremes,  either  in  their  expreliions ,  or  perhaps  in  their  adions,  (  as  it 
is  a  difficult  thing  in  great  changes  to  obferve  a  )uft  mean,  )  it  may  be  out  of  hu- 
mane frailty ,  as  Lycurgw  out  of  hatred  to  drunkennefs  ,  cut  down  all  the  Vines 
about  Sparta  :  or  it  may  be  out  of  policy  ,'  as  men  ufe  to  bend  a  crooked  rod  ,  as 
much  the  contrary  way  to  make  it  ftraight:   or,  as  expert  Matters  in  Mufick,  do 
fometimes  draw  up  their  Scholars  a  note  too  high  ,  to  bring  them  to  a  juft  tone* 
Whit  is  that  to  us  ,  fo  long  as  we  pradife  the  mean  ,  and  maintain  the  mean ,  and 
guide  our  felves  by  the  certain  Line  and  Level  of  Apoftolical  and  Primitive  Tradi- 
tion.   Charity  commands  us  to  think  well  of  our  Predeceflbrs  ,  and  Theology  to 
look  well  to  our  felves. 
Negative  Pre-      Thirdly,  That  difference  which  Divines  do  make  between  affirmative  and  nega- 
|J|^^""-P^y  tive  Precepts  (  that  affirmative  bind  alwayes,  but  not  to  all  times,  femper^  but 
th^n^  aflirjj^i,  not  j«i /fwf er  )  A  man  is  bound  alwayes  to  pray ,  but  is  not  bound  to  the  adual 
tivc/  exercife  of  Prayer  at  all  times,  but  negative  Precepts  bind  both  femper  and  ad  Jem- 

per  i  The  fame  I  fay  of  affirmative  and  negative  prefidents  v  affirmative  prefidents 
prove  alwayes  that  fuch  a  fad  was  done  ,  and  it  may  be  that  it  was  juftly  done  at 
that  time  in  that  cafe,  but  they  prove  not  a  right  ad  femper ,  to  do  it  at  all  times. 
The  reafon  is  evident,  particular  ads  may  be  done  by  connivance,  or  by  fpecial 
Licence-,  but  a  general  prohibition  implieth  a  perpetual  right.     As  for  inftancc  I 
produce  negative  Prefidents,  both  general  Laws  againft  all  Appeals  to  Rome  ,  that 
no  man  may  appeal  to  the  Pope  without  the  King's  Licence ,  and  particular  prohi- 
bitions out  of  the  King's  Courts ,  by  form  of  ordinary  jufticc ,   againft  fuch  and 
fuch  Appeals ,  or  fuch  and  fuch  Sentences  upon  Appeals  •,  this  argueth  a  perpetual 
right  to  forbid  Appeals  ,  whenfoever  it  is  judged  expedient.    On  the  other  fide, 
he  produceth  Prefidents  of  particular  Appeals  to  Rome,  (  which  he  may  do  of  later 
dayes,  but  for  the  firft  Eleven  hundred  years  it  was  not  fo.     This  proveth  onely 
the  King's  Licence  or  connivance  in  fiich  cafes ,  it  doth  not  prove  a  perpetual 
Right ,    becaufe  two  perpetual  Rights  contradidory  one   to    another  cannot 
be. 
Negitive  Vie-      My  fourth  and  laft  Ground  is  ,  that  neither  King  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  nor  any  of 
fidents  prove    our  Legiflators ,  did  ever  endeavonr  to  deprive  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  of  the  power 
more  nrongly  ^f  t^g  Keyes ,  or  any  part  thereof,  either  the  Key  of  Order,  or  the  Key  of  Jurifdi- 
dv c  '    <^ion ,  I  mean  Jurifdidion  purely  fpiritual ,  which  hath  place  onely  in  the  inner 

Court  of  confcience  ,  and  over  fuch  perfons  as  fubmit  willingly  :  Nor  did  ever 
challenge  or  endeavour  to  afTume  unto  themfelves  either  the  Key  of  Order  ,  or  the 
Key  of  Jurifdidion  purely  fpiritual.  All  which  they  deprived  the  Pope  of,  all 
which  they  afTumed  to  themfelves,  was  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church  by 
coadive  power  ,  to  be  exercifed  by  perfons  capable  of  the  refpedive  Branches  of 
it.  Thispower  the  Biffiops  of  Rowf  never  had,  or  could  have  juftly  over  their 
fubjeds,  but  under  them  whole  fubjcds  they  were.  And  therefore  when  we  meet 
with  thefe  words,  or  the  like,  that  tio  forreign  Prelate  JhaV  exercife  any  manner  of 
forcer ,  Jurifdidion ,  Superiority ,  preheminence ,  or  privikdge  Ecckfiaflical  or  Spiritual 
Toithin  this  Realm ,  it  is  not  to  be  underftood  of  internal ,  or  purely  fpiritual  pow- 
er in  the  court  of  confcience  ,  or  the  power  of  the  Keyes :  (  We  fee  the  contrary 
pradifed  every  day  i  )  but  of  external  and  coadive  power  in  EcclcfiafticaJ  caufes 

in 


bliii 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded. ^op 

inforo  conwuiofo.     And  that  it  is  and  ought  to  be  fo  underftood  ,  I  prove  clearly 
by  a  Provifo  in  one  main  Adl  of  Parliament ,  and  a  Canon  of  the  EngUJh  Churchy 

Firft  ,  The  Provifo  is  contained  in  the  Ad  for  the  exoneration  of  the  King's  v  .y  jr 
Subjeds  from  all  Exadions  and  Impofitions  paid  to  the  See  of  Rome.  Providfd  al-  8.  ca  iv.^'"* 
re  ayes  this  AU ,  nor  any  thing  therein  contained  ,  (hall  be  hereafter  interpreted  or  expoiin~ 
ded ,  thatyotir  Grace  ,  your  Nobles  and  SubjeCts  intend  by  the  fame  to  decline  and  vary 
from  the  congregation  of  Chrijl's  Church ,  in  any  things  concerning  tlx  very  Articles  of 
the  Catholic^  Faith  of  Chrijiendom  ,  or  any  other  things  declared  by  the  Scripture  and  the 
Word  of  God,  necepry  for  your  and  their  Salvations  ■-,  but  onely  to  mak^  an  Ordinance 
by  policies ,  necejiary  and  convenient  to  reprefs  Vice  ,  and  for  good  confervation  of  this 
Kealm  in  peace  ,  unity,  and  tranquillity  ,  from  ravine  andjpoil,  infuing  much  the  old, 
ancient  cufioms  of  this  Kealm  in  that  behalf.  They  profefs  their  Ordinance  is  meer- 
ly  political  ■■,  What  hath  a  political  Ordinance  to  do  with  pov^er  purely  fpiritual? 
They  feek  onely  to  preferve  the  Kingdom  from  ravine  and  ^oil :  power  purely  fpi- 
ritual can  commit  no  ravine  or  fpoil.  They  follow  ancient  Cufioms  of  the  Realms 
There  was  no  ancient  Cuftom  of  the  Realm  for  abolition  or  tranflation  of  power 
purely  fpiritual.  They  profefs  all  conformity  to  Holy  Scriptures ,  but  the  power 
of  the  Keyes  was  evidently  given  by  Chrift  in  Scripture  ,  to  his  Apoftles  and  their 
Succeflbrs ,  not  to  Soveraign  Princes.  If  any  thing  had  been  contained  in  this 
Law  for  the  abolition  or  tranflation  of  power  meerly  and  purely  fpiritual ,  it  had 
been  retraded  by  this  Provifo  at  the  fame  time  it  was  Enaded. 

The  Canon  is  the  37.  Canon ,  where  we  give  the  King's  Majefly  the  Supreme 
Government ,  JVe  do  not  give  our  Kings  either  ihe  Administration  of  Cod's  Word  or 
Sacraments,  which  th  JnjunSions  publijhed  lately  by  ^een  Elizabeth  ,  do  moji  evident' 
ly  declare,  but  onely  that  Prerogative  tohich  vee  fee  to  have  been  altpayes  attributed  to  aU 
Godly  Princes  by  himfelf  in  Holy  Scripture  ■,  that  is  ,  to  preferve  or  contain  aV  Efiates  and 
Orders  committed  to  their  trufi  by  God ,  whether  they  be  Ecckfiajiical  or  Civil  in  their 
Duties ,  and  rejlrain  contumacious  Offenders  with  the  Civil  Svpord.  You  fee  the  pow- 
er is  Political ,  the  Sword  is  political ,  all  is  political.  Our  King's  leave  the  pow- 
er of  the  Kcyes  and  Jurifdidion  purely  fpiritual ,  to  thofe  to  whom  Chrift  hath 
left  it. 

SECT.    I.     Cap.  4. 

AN  D  now  having  difpatched  the  circumftances  out  of  my  way,  and  laid  coarcofilome 
down  fbme  neccflary  grounds ,  I  come  diredlyto  the  fubflance  of  his  Af^  did  break  the 
fumption  ,  and  affirm  ,  That  neither  the  King  of  England  ,  nor  the  Church  of '^'"^*  of  U"'- 
England ,  neither  Convocation  nor  Parliament,  did  break  his  two  necefTary  Bonds  *^  °°'  ^**' 
of  Chriftian  Unity ,  or  either  of  them,  or  any  part  of  either  of  them.    But  that 
the  very  Breakers  and  Violaters  of  thefe  Rules ,  were  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome, 
they  did  break  his  Rule  of  Faith  ,  by  adding  new  points  to  the  necefTary  Dodrine 
of  Saving  Truth,  which  were  not  the  Legacies  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles,  nor  de- 
livered unto  us  by  univerfal  and  perpetual  Tradition.     The  Pope  and  Court  of 
Rome  did  break  his  fecond  Rule  of  unity  in  Difcipline ,  by  obtruding  their  excef- 
five  and  intolerable  ufurpations  upon  the  Chriftian  world,  and  particularly  upon 
the  Church  of  England ,  as  necefTary  conditions  of  their  Communion. 

It  appearcth  plainly  ,  by  comparing  that  which  hath  been  faid  with  his  pofltion 
of  the  cafe,  that  after  all  his  Brags  of  undeniable  evidence  and  unquejiionable  certain- 
ty ,  he  hath  quite  miffed  the  Queftion.  We  joyn  with  him  in  his  Rule  of  Faith  , 
we  oppofe  not  St.  Peer's  primacy  of  Order,  and  he  himfelf  dares  not  fay  ,  that 
St.  Peter  had  a  larger  ,  or  more  extended  power ,  than  the  reft  of  his  Fellow  Apo- 
ftles. And  though  we  cannot  force  our  underftandings  to  afTent ,  that  after  the 
death  of  St.  Peter  ,  Linus  ,  or  Cletus  ,  or  Clemens ,  or  Anacletus ,  were  Superiours 
to  St.  John ,  and  had  adual  jurifdidion  over  him ,  Who  had  as  large  a  Commilii- 
on  immediately  from  Chrift  ,  as  St.  Peter  himfelf,  and  larger  than  any  fucceeding 
Roman  Bifhop  ever  had  :  Yet  to  fhew  him  how  little  we  are  concerned  in  it ,  and 
for  his  clearer  convidion ,  we  are  willing  to  fuppofe  that  they  were  his  Superiours, 

and 


2IO 


Schifm  Guarded. 


TOME  L 


and  give 
this  caufe, 
And  here 


him  leave  to  make  all  the  advantage  of  his  fecond  Rule  which  he  can  in 
if  I  reo-arded  not  the  fatisfadion  of  my  felf,  and  the 


Reader  more 
But  I  am  fo 


thanTisoppofitio'nri  "light  withdraw  my  hand  from  the  Table, 
ereat  a  Friend  of  ingenuity,  that  I  will  for  once  difcharge  his  office,  and  (hew  the 
world  demonftratively  and  diftindly  ,  what  Branches  of  Papal  power  were  caft 
out  of  EnMnd  by  Henry  the  Eighth  i  upon  which  confideration  the  weight  of  the 
whole  controverlie  doth  lye.     For  it    is   agreed    between  us,  that  if  it    appear 
by  rmrorn  evidence  ,  that  all  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power,  which  were  renoun- 
ced and  caft  out  of  'England  by  Henry  the  Eighth  were  grofs  Vfurpuons,  then  his  re~ 
ttPuncm  VPAS  no  criminal  Breach ,   hut  a  lawful  felf-enfrancbifement.     And  by  undeni- 
able confequence  ,  the  guilt  of  Schifm  refivth  upon  them  who  made  the  ufurpati- 
ons    that  is ,  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Kome.     I  add  farther  upon  the  equity  of  my 
fecond  ground,  that  although  Henry  the  Eighth  had  caft  out  Something  more  than 
he  ought,  yet  if  we  hold  not  out  more  than  we  ought,  and  be  ready  to  admit  all 
which  ought  to  be  admitted  by  us,  then  we'  are  innocent  and  free  from  the  guilt 
of  Schifm  ,  and  it  refteth  folely  upon  them  ,  who  either  will  have  more  than  their 
due,  or  nothing,     W'herefoever  the  fault  is  ,  there   the  guilt  of  Schifm  is  :  If  the 
fault  be  fingle  ,    the  guilt  is  fingle  j    if  the  fault  be  mutual  ,    the  guilt  is  mu- 

And  for  rigorous  evidence ,  there  cannot  poffibly  be  any  evidence  more  demon- 
ftrative  what  Papal  power  was  caft  out  of  England ,  than  the  very  Ads  of  Parlia- 
ments themfelves  ,  by  which  it  was  caft  out.  Let  us  view  them  all.  The  firft  Ad 
made  in  the  reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  which  hath  any  reference  to  Kome^ 
is  the  Aft  for  holding  phtrality  of  Benefices  againji  the  LatUT  of  the  Land  ,  by  dijpenfa- 
tion  from  the  Court  of  Rome ,  making  Licences  for  non-refidence  from  the  Court  of 
'Rome  to  be  void ,  and  the  party  rcho  procurethfiich  Licences  for  J>luralities  or  non-refi- 
dence to  forfeit  twenty  pounds ,  and  to  lofe  the  profits  of  that  Benefice  which  he  hold- 
eth  by  fitch  Vijpenfation.  It  were  a  pretty  thing  indeed  ,  if  the  Church  and  King- 
dom ftiould  make  necefiary  Laws,  and  the  Pope  might  give  them  liberty  to  break 
them  at  his  pleafure. 

The  fecond  Aft  is,  that  no  perfon  JhaV  be  cited  out  of  the  Viocefi  where  he  dwelleth,  ex-^ 
cept  in  certain  cafes.  Which  though  it  may  feem  to  refleft  upon  the.Court  of  Kowf, 
yet  I  do  not  find  that  it  is  concerned  in  it ,  but  the  Arches^  Audience  ,  and  other 
Archiepifcopal  Courts  within  the  Realm. 

The  third  Aft  is  meerly  declarative  of  the  Law  of  the  Land,  as  well  the  Com- 
mon Laws  as  the  Statute  Laws,  and  grounded  wholly  upon  them  ,  as  by  the  view 
of  the  Statute  it  felf  doth  appear.  So  it  cafteth  out  no  forreign  power ,  but  what 
the  Laws  had  caft  out  before.  The  fum  of  it  is  this,  That  all  caufes  Matrimonial^ 
"Tefiamentary  ,  or  ahout  'tithes  ,  &c.  fhall  be  heard  ,  and  finally  judged  in  England^ 
ch.  II.  by  the  proper  Judges  Ecclefiaftical  and  Civil  refpeftively ,  and  not  elfewhere  ,  not- 

withftandin*^  any  forreign  Inhibitions ,  Appeals ,  Sentences  ,  Citations,  Sufpenfwns,  or 
Excommunications.  And  that  if  any  Englijh  Subjeft  procure  a  Procefs,  Inhibition,  Ap- 
peal, &c.  fi-om  or  to  the  Court  of  Rome ,  or  execute  them  to  the  hinderance  of  any 
Procefs  here ,  he  Jhall  incur  the  penalties  ordained  by  the  Statute  of  provifion  or  premu- 
nire ,  made  in  the  Sixteenth  year  of  King  Kichard  the  Second,  againft  fuch  as  make 
,  provifion  to  the  See  of  Kome.  This  Law  was  enlarged  afterwards  to  all  Caufes 
'  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognifance  ,  and  all  Appeals  to  Kome  forbidden. 

The  fourth  Aft  is  an  AU  for  punijhing  of  Herepe  ,  wherein  there  are  three  clau- 
{es  that  concern  the  Bifliop  of  Kome.     The  firft  is  this  ,  And  that  there  be  many  He- 
re fie  s  ,  and  pains  and  punifliments  for  Herefies,  declared  and  ordained  in  and  by  the  Ca- 
ij.  Htn<  8.  c,  ft^fiical  SanBions,and  by  the  Laws  and  Ordinances  niadeby  the  Topes  or  Bijhops  o/Rome, 
•4*  and  by  their  Authorities ,  for  holding ,  doing,   preaching  of  things  contrary  to  the  faid 

Canonical  Sandions,  Laws,  and  Ordinances  ,  which  he  but  humane ,  being  meer  repu- 
gnant and  contrariouf  to  the  Koyal  Frerogative  ,  Kegal  JitrifdiUion  ,  Laws,  Statutes, 
and  Ordinances  of  this  Kealm.  The  fecond  claufe  is ,  that  no  Licence  be  obtained  of 
the  Bijhop  of  Rome  to  preach  in  any  part  of  thU  Kealm  ,  or  to  do  any  thing  contrary  to 
the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  thii  Kealm  ,   or  the  Kings  Prerogative  Koyal.     The  third 

claufe. 


Whit  bran- 
ches of  Papal 
Power  were 
caft  out  of 
England  by 
Henry  the  6, 


14.  Hen.  8. 


15.  Htn-^> 


Schifm  Guarded, 


1 1 


claulc  tolloweth  ,  that  the  Decrees  of  the  Bijhops  of  Rome,  not  confirmed  by  Holy 
Scriptures^  xvere  never  commonly  attejied  to  be  any  Law  of  God  or  man  within  this  Realm. 
And  that  itflnuld  not  be  deemed  Eerefie  to  f^eak^  or  do  contrary  to  the  pretended  Power  or 
Authority  of  the  Bipop  o/Rome,  made  or  Given  by  Humane  Laws  and  not  by  Scriptures^ 
mr  tofpeak^or  Aa  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  ,  being  contrary  to  the 
Laws  of  this  Kealm.  ^  ^  j^^^  g^  ^^ 

The  Fifth  Ad  is  an  A<fl  concerning  the  Submiffion  of  the  Clergy  to  the  Kings  '^ 
Majefty,  The  fcope  of  it  is  this  ,  Thzt  the  Clergy  fhallmt  ajfemble  in  Convocation^ 
nor  maki  or  prcmulge  any  new  Canons  ,  without  the  Kings  Licenfe.  Hitherto  there  is 
nothing  new  in  point  of  Law.  Then,  that  the  Kings  fhould  have  Tower  to  name  and 
confiitHte  two  and  thirty  Commiffioners ,  ilxteen  of  the  Clergy ,  and  other  fixtecn  of 
the  Peers  and  Parliament  ,  to  view  the  EcckfiafiicalLawr  of  the  Kingdom,  and  declare 
-which  were  lit  to  be  retained ,  and  which  were  to  be  abrogated.  The  'fame  Law  is 
conrirmed  and  enlarged.  i    «■     9    ' 

The  Sixth  Law  reibaineth  the    payment  of  Tenths  and  Firft  Fruits  to    the  iL   '"'     '' 
Bifhcp  of  Rome.    And  prefcribeth  how  Arch-Bifliops ,  Bifhops  &c.  Are  to  be  c- 
leded  and  confecrated  within  the  Realm ,  without  payment  of  any  thing  to  Rome 
for  Bulls  and  Palls,  &c. 

The  feventh  Law  is ,  an  AB  of  Exoneration  of  the  Kings  Subjects  from  Exaeiions  *'  ^'"'   ' 
and  Impositions  heretofre  paid  to  the  See  of  Rome,  for  Penfions  ,  Peterpence     Licen- 
fes,  Vifpenfations  ,  Confirmations,  Faculties,  &c.     And  for  having  Licences  and  Dif- 
penfations  within  the  Realm ,  without  further  fuing  for  the  fame  i  As  being  Vfur- 
fations  contrary  to  the  Law  of  the  land. 

The  Eighth  Adt  is  concerning  the  Kings  Highnefs  to  be  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  a^  ^'  8•M^I• 
of  England  (  that  is  Political  Head  )  and  to  have  Authority  to  redrefs  all  Err  our  i  He- 
re fies  and  Abufes  in  the  fame.  That  is  to  fay  with  external  coadHve  Jurisdidion. 
We  never  gave  our  Kings  the  power  of  the  Keys ,  or  any  part  of  either  the  Key  of 
Order,  or  the  Key  of  Jurifdidion  purely  fpiritual :  but  onely  that  coadive  power  in 
the  external  F^egiment  of  the  Church,  which  their  PredecefTours  had  always  enjoyed. 
The  ninth  Ad  is ,  for  the  annexing  Tenths  and  Firji-fruits  to  the  Crown  for  the 
better  fupportation  of  the  burthens  of  the  Commonwealth.  '  »o  /f-  8.  m.  j» 

The  tenth  Ad  is ,  an  ACl  extinguifhing  the  Authority  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome ,  or  jj  H,  8.  c.  lo; 
extirpating  it  out  of  thU  Realm:  that  is  ,  r\ot  the '&\{ho^  oi  Rome's  primacy  of  Order 
not  his  beginning  vf  Vnity,  not  that  refped  which  is  due  to  him  as  Bifhop  of  an  A- 
poftolical  See.  If  he  hath  not  thefe ,  it  is  his  own  fault ,  this  is  not  our  quarrel : 
it  is  fo  far  from  it ,  that  we  do  not  envyhim  any  juft  Legacies  of  Chriilian  Empel 
lors  or  General  Councils.  But  that  which  our  Anceftors  did  extinguifh,  and  en- 
deavour to  extirpate  out  of  England ,  was  the  Pope's  external  coadive  power  over 
the  King's  Subjeds  inforo  contentiofo ,  as  we  fhall  fee  by  and  by,  when  we  come  to 
ftate  the  quarrel  rightly  between  us. 

After  this  Ad  there  followed  an  Eleventh  Ad,  made  for  corroborating  of  this 
tift  Ad  ,  to  exclude  the  ufurped  power  and  JuriJdiSion  of  the  Bifhops  of  Rome.     And  ^*  ^•^•'•5' 
both  thefe  Ads  are  backed  with  new  Oaths ,  as  thofe  times  were  fruitful  of  Oaths 
fuch  as  they  were. 

The  laft  Ad  of  any  moment ,  was  an  Ad  of  Ratification  of  the  Kin^s  Majefiies 
Stile  of  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of  England ,  making  it  Treafon  to  attempt  to  jS  If'  8.MJ.  ji 
deprive  the  King  of  it.  But  as  well  the  Eighth  Ad ,  which  gave  the  King  that 
Title  of  the  Head  of  the  Church ,  as  this  twelfth  Ad ,  which  makes  it  treafon  to  at- 
tempt to  deprive  the  King  of  it ,  are  both  repealed  ,  and  never  were  reflored.  So 
are  likewife  the  tenth  Ad,  of  extinguifhing  the  authority  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome 
and  the  eleventh  Ad  made  for  corroboration  of  that  Ad,  with  both  their  Oaths  in- 
cluded in  them. 

All  that  hath  been  added   fince  of  moment ,  which  concerneth  the  Bifhop  of 
Rome ,  is  one  Ad  ,  Rejhring  to  the  Crown  the  ancient  Jurifdidion  over  the  State  Ec~  * 
clefafiical  and  Spiritual,  and  ahoUfhing  all  forreign  power  repugnant  to  the  fame.     Here 
is  no  new  power  created  in  the  Crown ,  but  onely  an  ancient  Jurifdi&ion  reftored. 
Here  is  no  forreign  power  abolilhed,  but  onely  that  which  is  repugnant  to  the  ancient 
Laws  of  England  ,  and  to  the  Prerogative  Royal.  In  a  word ,  here  is  no  power  afcri- 

bed 


^« 


^chifm  Guarded.  TOME  1. 


Led  to  our  Kings ,  but  meerly  political  and  coadive ,  to  fee  that  all  their  Subjcds 
do  their  duties  in  their  d'veral  places.  Coaftive  power  is  one  of  the  Keys  ot  the 
Kingdom  of  this  World  ,  it  is  none  of  the  Keys  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven. 
This  might  have  been  exprefled  in  words  lefs  fubjed  to  exception.  But  the  cafe 
is  clear.  The  Grand  Aft  xxv.  Hen.  8.  ca^.  1 2.  The  Injunftions  of  Queen  Elizabeth^ 
The  Articles  of  our  Church,  An.  37.  do  all  proclaim  that  this  power  is  meerly 
political.  ChriftgaveSt.  PfW  a  Commillion  to  preach,  to  baptize,  to  bind  and 
loofe  in  the  court  of  Confcience  i  but  where  did  he  give  him  a  Commiffion  to  give 
Licences,  to  grant  Faculties,  to  make  Laws ,  to  difpenfe  with  Laws  ,  to  receive 
Appeals,  to  impofe  Tenths  and  Firll-fruits  in  other  mens  Kingdoms,  whether  the 

S  Luke  II.  14*  jight  owner  will  or  no  ?  Who  gave  him  power  to  take  other  mens  Subjcfts  againft 
their  wills  to  be  his  Officers  and  Apparitors  ?  That  is  more  power  than  Chrift  him- 
felf  did  challenge  here  upon  Earth. 

And  now.  Reader,  take  a  ftand,  and  look  about  thee  >  fee  among  all  thefc 
Branches  of  Papal  power  which  were  call  out  of  England  ,  if  thou  canlt  find  ei- 
ther of  St.  Teter's  Keys  ,  or  his  primacy  of  Order,  or  his  beginning  of  Vnity  ,  or  any 
thing  which  is  purely  fpiritual ,  that  hath  no  farther  influence  than  meerly  the 
court  of  Confcience.  No,  but  on  the  other  fide,  behold  a  pack  of  the  grofleft 
Ufurpations  that  ever  were  hatched  ,  and  all  fo  late  ,  that  it  was  above  a  thoufand 
years  after  the  death  of  St.  Peter ,  before  any  of  his  pretended  Priviledges  did  fee 
fhe  Sun  in  England  ■■>  obferve  them  one  by  one. 

The  firft  is  ,  a  povcer  to  dijfenfe  with  Englifh  Stib]eUs ,  for  holding  plurality  of  Be- 

ai  Nen.  8.  c.    nefces  contrary  to  the  Lan>f  of  England  •■>  and  for  non-ref  dents  contrary  to  the  Sta- 

*  J*  tutes  of  the  Realm.     It  had  been  much  to  have  made  Merchandife  of  his  own  De- 

crees >  but  to  difpenfe  with  the  Laws  of  the  Land,  Non  auderet  h£c  facere  Vidua 
mulieri,  he  durft  not  do  fo  much  to  a  poor  Widow-woman,  as  he  did  to  the 
Church  and  Kingdom  of  England ,  to  difpenfe  with  their  Laws  at  his  pleafure.  It 
is  but  vain  for  the  Flower  of  our  Kingdom  ,  to  aflemble  and  confult  about  health- 
ful Laws  :  if  a  Forreigner  hath  power  to  difpenfe  with  the  breach  of  them,  as  it 
ftemeth  good  in  his  eyes ,  they  might  as  well  fit  them  down  quietly,  and  fall  to 
pilling  of  rufhes. 

The  (econd  Branch  of  Papal  power  ,  which  was  excluded  out  of^  England,   was 

Cmc,  Bafit-     ^he  Pope's  Judiciary  power  ,  1  do  not  mean  in  controverfies  of  Faith  ,  when  he  is. 

St^.\6.tr.       in  the  Head  of  a  Council:  Yet  Eugenius  the  Fourth  confeffeth  ,*  that  iw  points  of 

revoc.  buU*  j.  faith  ,  the  fentence  of  the  Council  if  rather  w  le  attended,  than  the  fentence  of  the  Pope.  ■ 
But  I  mean  in  points  of  mtttm  and  tuum  ,  not  onely  in  feme  rare  cafes  between 
Bifliop  and  Bifhop ,  which  had  been  lefs  intolerable ,  and  had  more  fhew  of 
Juftice  i  but  generally  in  all  cafes  promifcuouily  ,  as  if  the  whole  Nation  wanted 
cither  difcrction  or  Law  to  determine  their  own  differences  at  home ,  without  the 
help  of  the  Koman  Courtier  to  fqueefe  their  Purfes.     It  was  not  Henry  the  Eighth , 

14  Hen.  8.  c?  I'ut  the  old  Lawcs  of  England  which  gave  them  this  blow  againft  Appeales  to 

IX.  Kotne. 

The  third  Branch  of  Papal  power,  which  was  turned  out  of  England  by  Henry 
the  Eighth  ,  was  the  Pope's  Lcgiflative  power ,  efpecially  in  making  new  Herefieg 
by  his  own  Authority,  and  for  his  own  intereft,  prefcribing  the  punifhment ,  as  if 
all  the  World  were  his  Subjedls.  Mr.  Serjeant  may  be  pleafed  to  inform  himfelf 
better,  that  the  Pope's  Canons  and  Decretals  never  had,fince  the  firft  converfion  of 
England ,  the  force  or  power  of  Laws  in  England ,  until  they  were  received  by  the 
Nation ,  nor  then  any  farther  than  they  were  received. 

The  fourth  Branch  is ,  the  Soveraign  Patronage  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  with  all 
thofe  rights  and  appurtenances  which  belong  thereunto  i  as  to  convocate  the  Cler- 
gy, and  diffolve  their  Affembly,  to  exempt  their  Pcrfons  from  fccular  Judgment-, 
to  have  the  difpofition  of  Ecclefiaftical  Dignities,  and  the  cuftodium  of  them  in  the 
Vacancy.  But  thefe  things  are  fo  notorious,  to  all  thofe  who  are  acquainted  with 
the  Ecclefiaftical  cufloms  of  England ,  that  there  can  be  no  manner  of  Queftion  of 
it.  The  Convocation  was  always  called  and  diffolved  ,  by  the  abfolute  and  pre- 
cife  Mandate  of  the  King  to  the  Archbifhop  i  yea  ,  even  when  thf  Archbifliop 
was  the  Pope's  Legate,  and  when  he  might  have  challenged  another  right,  if  the 

Pope 


Schifm  Guarded.  o  i  5 


Tope  lud  had  any  pretence.  The  Temporalities  of  the  Bifhopricks  in  the  vacancy 
were  ever  feifed  into  the  hands  of  the  King  ,  until  he  granted  out  his  Writ  of  Mi«- 
iium  amoveof,  or  Oihr  la  main:  If  ordinary  Patrons  did  not  prefent  in  due  time  to 
a  Benefice ,  it  devolved  to  the  Ordinary,  and  from  him  to  the  King,  there  it  Hay- 
ed ,  Nid'mn  tempits  occnrrit  Kegi. 

The  rifth  Priviledge  was  ,  the  receiving  of  Tenths  and  Firfl-fruifs  ,  which  were 
a  late  encroachment  of  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  upon  the  Clergy ,  without  any  juft 
ground ,  and  upon  that  fcore  were  condemned  in  the  Councils  of  Confiance  and 
Bafde ,  and  now  were  feifed  into  the  King's  hand  ,  towards  the  difcharge  of  the 
Ecclefiaftical  burthens  of  the  Kingdom. 

-  The  M  Pcrquilite  which  the  Pope  loft,  was  all  the  Profits  of  his  Court  by 
Bulls,  and  Palls,  and  Penfions ,  and  Refervations ,  and  Exemptions ,  and  Licen- 
ces, and  Difpenfations ,  and  Confirmations,  and  Pardons,  and  Indulgences  and 
an  hundred  other  pecuniary  Artifices  pra(fti(ed  in  his  Court  at  Kome  and  in  his 
Legantine  Courts  and  Nunciatures  abroad.  But  this  abufe  is  fo  foul  that  the 
Pope's  own  feleded  Cardinals  do  cry  fliame  upon  it,  as  much  as  we ,  and'lay  down  r  f  dlS> 
this  General  Rule  ,  that  it  U  not  lawfid  to  maks  ^'D'  g''"^  h  *f^^  exercife  of  the  Keys  Card, 
feeing  vce  have  the  firm  Word  of  Chrijl ,  freely  ye  have  received^  freely  give  ^  &c.  Fot 
M  the  ufe  which  now  prevaileth,  doth  difgrace  the  See  o/Rome  ,  and  dijiurheth  ChrilU- 
an  people  •-,  fo  the  contrary  pradice  would  bring  much  honoifl-  to  thit  See^  and  marvellottfly 
edifie  the  people. 

Thefe  are  the  real  differences  between  the  See  of  Rome  ^  and  the  Church  and  The  true  differ 
Kingdom  of  Ew'g/W,  concerning  the  Papacyi  all  thefe  alterations  which  we  have  "^^"^  *''°"* 
about ,  Ihoit  art  Peter,  and  the  Keys  given  to  St.  Peter,  and  Feed  my  Sheep     and  '^^^^'^*'^' 
J  have  prayed  for  thee,  3xe  hut  like  to  the   tinckling  of  Cybeles   Prielfs  upon 'their 
Cymbals,  on  purpofe  to  deaf  the  ears  of  the  Spectators,  and  to  conceal  the  cryes 
and  ejulations  of  poor  opprefTed  Chriitians,  To  reduce  them  into  a  little  better  me- 
thod than  they  lye  in  the  Statutes. 

The  main  Queflions  are ,  or  may  be  reduced  to  four  Heads.  The  firft  grand 
Quef^ionis,  concerning  the  Soveraignty  of  the  E>'^/i/&  Church,  in  refpecSof  the 
external  Regiment  thereof.     This  hath  four  fubordinate  Branches. 

Firft ,  Who  is  the  right  Patron  of  the  Englijh  Church  under  God ,  the  King  or 
the  Pope  ?  Secondly,  Who  hath  power  to  convocate  Synods  of  the  King's  Sub- 
jeds  within  England ,  the  King  ,  or  the  Pope  >  Thirdly,  Whether  the  Pope  hath 
juftly  impofed  new  Oaths  upon  the  Archbifhops  and  Bifhops  >  Fourthly,  Whethef 
Tenths  and  Firft-fruits  in  England  be  due  to  the  See  of  Rome  ? 

The  (econd  Queftion  is ,  concerning  the  Pope's  Legiflative  power.  Whether 
the  Canon  Law ,  or  the  Decretals,  have  been  anciently  efteemed  binding  Laws  fn 
England ,  or  ought  to  be  fo  elkemed ,  except  they  be  received  by  the  Englijh  Na- 
tion,  and  matriculated  among  our  Laws. 

The  third  is,-concerning  his  Judiciary  power:  i. Whether  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  can 
receive  Appeals  from  England,  by  the  ancient  Laws  of  that  Land ,  and  fend  for 
whom  he  pleafeth  to  Rome  ?  2.  Whether  Bulls  and  Excommunications  from  Rome 
can  be  lawfully  executed  in  England  ,  except  the  King  give  leave  for  the  execution 
of  them  ?  3.  Whether  the  Pope  can  fend  Legates  ,  and  fet  up  Legantine  Courts  in 
"England,  by  the  ancient  Laws  of  that  Realm. 

The  fourth  Difference  is ,  concerning  the  Pope's  Difpenfative  power ,  Whether 
the  Pope  can  difpenfe  with  the  Laws  of  England  ?  2.  Whether  we  ftand  in  need  of 
his  Difpenfations .? 

In  every  one  of  thefe  Differences  ,  we  maintain  ,  that  the  Bifhop  of  Rome    and 
the  Court  of  Rome  have  been  guilty  of  moft  grofs  Ufurpations. 

I  i  SECT. 


21 


Schifvt  Guarded. TOME  1» 


SECT.    1.    Cap.  5. 

To  whom  the  /-|"^  O  begin  with  the  Firft  ',  If  it  were  neceflary  to  call  in  any  Forreign  fubfi- 
paircnage  of  I  (jjary  fuppHes ,  for  the  farther  fortifying  of  the  King  oi 'England' 5  Soveraign 
^^^l^"\!'d  h  Patronage  under  God ,  of  the  Church  within  his  Territories  i  I  might 

ofr^ghtbc-  find  ftrong  recruits  from  the  Crff^  Emperors ,  to  (hew  that  they  always  pradilcd 
long  this  power  within  their  Dominions ,  to  place  Bifhops  in  vacant  Sees  >  and  that  the 

GreglA  R'S  contrary  was  haSenm  inauditum ,  never  heard  of  in  St.  Gregory's  days.  To  them  I 
iniili-  \i'C<*'  jpjght  ajd  the  french  and  German  Emperors ,  who  not  only  enjoyed  the  fame  pri- 
'  *  viledge  by  ancient  Cuflom  ,  but  to  whom  the  K.(»MiX»  Bifhops  difclaimed  it,  with 

all  their  Clergy ,  Judges,  and  Lawyers i  Adrian  the  Firft  to  Charles  the  Great, 
Anno  774.  And  Leo  the  Eighth  to  the  Emperor  Otho ,  Anno  p6^.  I  might  pro- 
duce the  Prefidents  of  the  Spanijh  Monarchs,  Conc.T'okt.  12.  cap.  6.  It  were  a 
moll  unreafonable  thing ,  that  Soveraign  Princes  {hould  be  trufted  with  the  Go- 
vernment of  their  people,  and  have  their  Bifhops ,  who  muft  participate  in  the 
Government ,  by  informing  the  Confciences  of  their  Subjedls  ,  be  obtruded  on 
them  by  ftrangers.  I  cannot  omit  the  obfervation  of  a  Learned  Bifhop,  that,  ^a- 
cmique  ratione  ad  FontificatHm  pateret  ingrejliis ,  nemo  Apofiolic£  Cymba  guhernacuh 
l.i.ca.V.'^'  f-^^dTf  ^'^^  >  ni  prm  Jmperatoris  authority  intercefijjet ,  By  what  way  foever  the  eleUion 
of  the  Fope  was  made ,  (  And  BeVarmine  mentioneth  feven  changes  ,  in  the  manner 
of  chufing  the  Pope, )  Tet  no  man  wof  ever  admitted  to  the  adual  Government  of  the 
Apojiolical  See,  without  the  Emperor's  confirmation. 

But  our  ca{e  is  ftrong  enough  without  twifting  any  Forreign  Prefidents  with  it. 
WMam  the  Conqueror,  IViViam  Kufuf ,  znd  Henry  the  Firft  ,  did  enjoy  the  right 
of  placing  in  vacant  Sees  ,  by  the  tradition  of  a  Ring  ,  and  of  a  Crofier  ftaffe  , 
without  ever  (eeking  for  Forreign  approbation ,  or  ordination ,  or  confirmation  , 
as  their  Predeceflbrs,  Kings  of  E«g/<*«<i  and  Britain,  had  done  before  them  ,  elfeit 
had  been  very  ftrange.  The  Roman  Kota  will  give  decifive  Sentence ,  for  him  to 
be  Patron  of  a  Church ,  who  firft  builded  it ,  and  endowed  it.  But  then  after 
Eleven  hundred  years  were  effluxcd,  (  a  ftrange  time  to  fet  up  a  divine  right,  ) 
Gregory  the  (eventh  ,  other  wife  called  Fope  hildehntnd  )  and  after  him  Pope  Calix- 
ius  ,  did  condemn  all  Inveftitures  taken  from  a  Lay  hand,  and  prohibit  the  Arch- 
bifhops  to  conlecrate  any  perfons  fo  inverted  \  Frafens  audivi  in  Romano  concilio 
jipttd  E*dme' P"'"^^^^^' ■>  ^^ith  Anfelm ,  1  heard  it  rvith  mine  own  hears  prohibited  in  the  Roman 
ritm  (&  Hove- Court.  But  what  were  their  reafbns  ?  I  believe  ,  notoverrigorom  Vemonjlrations. 
den  in  Hen.  i:  The  firft  was  frequent  fufJDicion  of  Simony :  an  unheard  of  piece  of  Juftice,  fotake 
away  an  hereditary  right ,  for  fufpicion  of  a  perfonal  fault.  The  fecond  and  third 
reafons  are  contained  in  the  Letter  of  Adrian  the  Fourth  ,  to  Frederick^  the  Firft  , 
Apud.  Goldaji.  Ab  his  qui  Vii  funt ,  &  filii  excelfi  omnes  ,  homagium  requires  ,  fideli- 
'  tatem  exigis ,  &  maniK  eorum  facratoi  manibiu  tuis  tnneUis  \  'Thou  requirell  homage  of 
thofe  who  are  Gods ,  and  all  the  children  of  the  M'ft  High ,  thou  exadeji  an  Oath  of  fide' 
lity ,  and  kfiitteft  their  Jacred  hands  within  thy  hands.  A  ftrange  prefumption  in  a  So- 
veraign  Prince,  if  you  mark  it  well ,  to  hold  his  Subje(^s  hands  within  his  hands, 
whileft  he  was  fwearing  his  Allegiance. 

But  the  main  Exception  was,  the  Homage  or  Oath  of  Fidelity  it  felf.  And  was 
it  not  high  time  think  you  ,  to  except  againft  their  fwearing  of  fidelity  to  their  na- 
tive Prince,  whom  the  Bifhops  of  Rome  intended  to  exempt  from  his  Jurifdidion, 
and  to  make  them  turn  Subjeds  to  themfelves  •,  as  they  did  in  a  great  part  effed  it 
very  (hortly  after.  Then  was  the  time  whereof  Vlatina  fpeaks,  that  there  wo!  great 
confultation  about  the  Homage ,  and  Fealty ,  and  Oaths  of  Bifhops  ,  which  in  former 
FUt.  in  Pale.  fif„^j  ^^y^  fveorn  to  Lay-men.  Were  they  fo  indeed  ?  Here  is  an  ingenuous  confelE- 
'•  on  of  tlie  Pope's  own  Library  Keeper. 

Indeed  at  the  firft ,  whileft  they  were  robbing  the  King  of  the  Jewels  of  his 

Crown  ,  they  preached  up  nothing  but  free  Eledions  •,  but  after  they  had  once  (ei- 

Mat.  Psr.an'  ^^^  ^^^'"^  P^^Y  ■>  ^'^^Y  changed  their  note  forthwith  to  Dei  &  Apoftolic£  fedU  gratili  ^ 

i»if.  By  the  grace  of  God ,  and  the  Apnflolick^See:  or  ex  pknitudine  ecclefiaftic£  potejlatity 

out  of  the  fulnefs  of  our  Ecclefiajlical  porver.     And  when   this  Bell   had  rung  out  3 

while, 


I 


Schtfm  Guarded.  21  c 


while  ,  E^ypt  never  abounded  more  with  Caterpillars ,  than  our  Native  Countrey 
did  with  provilions ,  and  refervations ,  and  pentions  ,  with  all  the  hellifli  arts  of 
fublimated  Simony.  Then  our  belt  Dignities  and  Benefices  were  filled  with  Stran- 
gers (  who  could  not  fpeak  an  ErtgUJh  word  ,  nor  did  ever  tread  upon  Eftglijh 
ground, )  daily  more  and  more ,  until  thefe  well-chofen  Paftours,  who  knew  how 
10  fliear  their  Flocks,  though  they  did  not  know  how  to  feed  them ,  received  year-  Mat.  Par.  m 
]y  out  of  the  Kingdom,  more  than  the  revenues  of  the  Crown.  He  were  very  -Wsn.  j.<jb. 
fimple,   who  (hould  think  the  Court  of  Rome  did  not   lick  their  own  Fingers. ''^'*      • 

There  remaineth  but  one  thing  to  be  done,  to  ftick  the  guilt  of  this  intolerable 
Ufuipation  undeniably  upon  the  See  of  Ro^Wf ,  that  is  to  (hew  ,  that  the  Inveftiture 
of  Eifhops  was  the  undoubted  right  of  the  Crown. 

This  is  as  clear  as  the  Sun ,  both  in  our  moft  authentick  Hiftoriographers  and 
Records,  if  I  had  the  means  to  produce  them  ,  and  alfo  in  our  ancient  Laws,'pub- 
liflied  long  fince  to  the  World  in  Print ,  and  thefe  not  enadlive  of  new  Law',  but 
declarative  of  the  Fundamental  Law  of  the  Land. 

Firft  for  our  Hiflories,  Cervafm  Vorobernettfis  relateth  ,  that  Lanfrank,  defired  of 
Jfifuw  the  Conquerer  ,  the  Patronage  of  the  Abbey  o^St.JttJiin:  but  the  King 
anfvvered  ,  Se  velle  omms  baculos  pajioraks  in  manu  tenere  ,   that  he  rvould  k^ep  all  the 
Crofierjhfs  ( that  is ,  the  Inveftitures  )  in  hU  orvn  hand.     The  fame  is  teli:ified  of 
^«/>/ffz  himfelf ,  by  one  whofe  authority  cannot  be  doubted  of ,  He  (Anfelm) 
after  the  manner  and  example  of  his  TredectfSor^  vpm  induUed  according  to  the  culhm  of 
the  Land^  and  did  homage  to  the  King  (  homo  Regis  fadtus  eft  )  as   Lanfrankg  (  his  ^'^^'"*  ''*'  '^ 
PredecelTor  ,  in  the  Archbifhoprick  of  Canterbury ,  in  hU  time  had  done.     And  the  ^''^*  *°' 
manner  of  his  Inveftiture  is  related  ,  how  the  Bifhops  pulled  him ,  and  haled  him  r  j^  /■*  »• 
as  it  were  by  violence  to  the  King's  Bed-fide  (  William  Kufuf  )  where  he  lay  fick ,  fng.  i». 
and  helped  to  thruft  the  Crofier-ftaffe  by  force  into  his  hand.     Yet  all  that  time' 
though  Anfelm  had  many  other  pretences ,  he  had  no  exception  againft  Inveftiture 
by  a  Lay-hand  :  but  fhortly  afi:er  it   grew  to  fuch  an  heighth  ,  (  and  Anfelm  was 
the  chief  Stickler  in  it  )  that  William  the  Agent  of  King  Henry  the  Firft ,  protefted 
openly  to  Pope  Fafchall^  Whatfotver  U  faid  on  this  fide  or  on  that ,  7  rvould  have  all 
men  here  prefent  to  knorv ,  that  my  Lord  the  King  of  England  ,  rviH  not  fuffer  the  lofiof 
his  Jnvejiitures ,  for  the  loJS  of  his  Kingdom.     To  whom  Pope  Pafchall  anfwcred  as  ^'"''"*  ''  '  ** 
refolutely,  but  not  fo  juftly,  Knorp  thou,  I  fpeak,  it  before  God ,  that  Pafchall  the  Tope  ^'**"  '^' 
'tpill  not  fufer  him  to  k^ep  them  tvithout  puntjhment^  no  not  for  the  redemption  of  his  head. 

Neither  was  this  the  cafe  of  Anfelm  or  Lanfrankg  alone  ,  but   the  common  cafe 
of  all  Bifhops  in  thofe  days.     Hear  the  confeliion  of  the  fame  Author ,  To  conclude 
the  very  caufe  (  of  the  difference  between  the  King  and  Anfelm )  feemed  a  nero  thing  ^^^'"•J^"'  . 
(  or  innovation  )  to  this  our  age ,  and  unheard  of  to  the  Englifh  ,  from  the  time  that  "'' '''^"'■'"^ 
the  Normans  began  to  reign  (  that  I  fay  not  fooner,  )  for  from  the  time  that  William 
the  Norman  conquered  that  Land^  no  Bijhop  or  Abbat  rvx  made  before   Anfelm     tvho 
did  not  firji  do  Homage  to  the  King^  and  from  his  hand  by  the  gift  of  a  Crofier  Staffe 
receive  the  Invejliture  to  his  Bijhoprick^  or  Abbacy  ,  except  Two  Bijhops  of  Rochefter' 
who  were  Surrogates  to  the  Archbiftiop  of  Canterbury^  and  indu(fted  by  him  by  the 
King's  Concellion. 

Yea,  by  his  favour ,  fb  did  Anfelm  himfelf,  though  he  fought  afterwards  to 
wave  it-,  and  though  he  be  loath  to  fpeak  out,  (that  I  fay  not  fooner )  yet  he 
might  have  faid  fooner ,  and  others  do  fay  fooner  •,  as   Ingulph  the  Abbat  of  Croxv- 
iand ,  in  the  time  of  the  Conquerer  •■>  For  many  years  paji  ,  there  hath  been  no  free 
ekCtion  of  Frelates  ,  but  the  Kings  Court  did  confer  all  Dignities  according  to  their  plea- 
sure, by  a  King,  and  by  a  Crofier.     And  this  Cuflom  had  held  not  onely  for  many  Malmft'tle 
years  but  for  many  Ages,  Kwg  Edgar  did  grant  to  the  Monckj   0/ Claftenbury  the  tefl.Keg  I  t. 
free  Elediion  of  their  Abbat  for  ever  :  but  he  referved  to  himfelf  and  to  his  Heirs  the  Potp-  f*?-  S- 
er  to  inveji  the  Brother  Ek^ed  by  the  tradition  of  the  Pajioral  Jiafe.     Thus  for  our  Hi- 
ftories ,  now  for  our  Laws  whereof  I  (hall  need  to  cite  but  three. 

The  Firft  is  the  Statute, or  Ajfife,  or  Memorial  o( Clarendon  containing  part  of  the 
ancient  Liberties  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Realme  ,  made  in  the  General  Affembly  of 
the  Kingdom  ,  King,  Bifhops,  Peers,  to  which  they  gave  both  their  oaths  afTertory 
for  the  truth  of  it,  and  Promiffory  for  performance  of  it.    The  Fourth  Cuftom  was 

I  i  2  this , 


^,^  sThifm  Guarded.  TOME  I 


this     that  rrhen  an  Jrch-Bipoprkk,  BiMmk,  Abb^y  or  Fmry  did  fall  void ,   the 
Eledion  was  to  be  made  by  fucb  of  the  Frinafal  Vignitaries  or  Members  of  thatnfpeaive 
Church  which  was  to  be  filled  as  the  Ki»g  fhottld  call  together  for  that  pirfofe^  with  the 
Kings  co>ifc>!t,  in  the  Kings  own  Chappel.     And  there  the  Terfvn  EleEied  was  to  do  his 
Homage  and  Fealty  to  the  King  as  to  his  Liege  Lord,  The  Pope  had  no  part   to  Ad  , 
neither  to  colIate,nor  confent,  nor  confirnn,  nor  Inftitute  ,  nor  Iiidua:,  nor  ordain. 
Jive  fifi^oiT-        The  Second  Law  is  the  Statute  of  Carlile  made  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Firft. 
Ficks  in  Eni-    The  fiim  of  it  is  this  ,  That  the  King  U  the  Founder  of  aV  Bijhoprickj  ,  and  ought  ta 
landhthe       j^^^,g  f},g  Cuftody  of  them  in  the  Vacancies,  and  the  right  ofTatroHage  to  prefent  to  them. 
Kings.  ^^^  ^^^^   ^^^  Bifhop  of  Rome  vfurping  the  right  of  Fatr^nage  ,  giveth  them  to  aliens. 

Ihat  this  tendeth  to  the  annullation  of  the  State  of  Holy  Church,  to  the  difmheriting  ofKings^ 
and  the  defiruUion  of  the  Kealm.  And  they  ordained  in  full  Parliament  that  this  it  an 
oppreljlion(thzt  is  asmuch  as  an  encroachment  or  U.iiirp2tion)and  fltould  not  befuffered. 
The  third  Law  was  made  in  the  iph  Year  of  Edward  the  Third  ,  called  the 
Statute  of  Frovifors ,  wherein  they  affirm  that  Ekdions  were  Firji  granted  by  the 
Kings  Frogenitors  upon  a  certain  Form  or  Condition  to  demand  Licenje  of  the  King  to 
chufe ,  and  after  the  Eledion  to  have  his  Koyal  Affent.  VFinch  Conditions  not  being 
kfpt  ,  the  thing  ought  by  reafon  to  refvrt  to  his  Firji  nature.  And  therefore  conclude  , 
that  in  cafe  Refervation ,  Collation  or  Frovifwn  be  made  by  the  Court  of  Rome  of  any 
Archbifhopric]{6cc.0ur  Soveraign  Lord  the  King  and  his  Heirs  pall  have  and  enjoy  the  Col- 
lations for  the  fame  time  to  thejaid  ArchbiJhopricks,'Bifhoprickf,and  other  dignities  Ekliive 
vphich  he  of  Hit  Advowre  ,  fuch  as  His  Frogenitors  had  before  the  Free  Eledion  was  grant- 
ed. They  tell  the  King  plainly  that  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England  and  the  Law 
of  the  Land  if  fuch  ,  that  the  King  is  bound  to  mak^  remedies  and  Laws ,  againfl  fuch 
mifchiefs.  And  they  acknowledge  that  he  is  Advowee  Faramont  immediate  of  all 
Churches ,  Frebends  ,  and  other  Benefices  which  are  of  the  Advowry  of  Holy  Church. 
That  is  as  much  as  Soveraign  Patron  of  the  Church  j  Where  no  Eledion  can  be 
made  without  the  Kings  Conge  £  Eflire  or  leave  antecedent,  nor  ftand  good  with- 
out his  fubfequent  confent  •■,  it  is  all  one  as  if  the  Crown  did  collate. 
The  right  to  I  come  next  to  the  (econd  Branch  of  the  Firft  Queftion  ,  about  the  Patronage 
fv^s^'a^"*'  ^^  *^^  Church  ,  who  hath  Power  to  convocate  and  diflblve  Ecclefiaftical  AfTem- 
thc  RuiM  *  "  ^''^^  ^  ^^^  whether  the  Crown  or  the  Pope  have  ufurped  one  upon  another  in 
this  particular  ?  I  cannot  tell  whether  Henry  the  Eighth  or  Faul  the  third  ,  did 
miftake  more  about  that  Aiery  title  of  the  Head  of  the  Englip  Church,  Hc«ry  the 
Eight  fuppofing  that  the  right  to  convocate  and  diffolve  Ecclefiartical  AfTemblies  , 
and  to  receive  Tenths  and  Firft  Fruits,  did  Effentially  follow  this  Title  ■■>  And  Faul 
the  Third  declaring  it  to  be  Heretical  and  Schifmatical.  To  be  head  of  the  Englifh 
Church ,  is  neither  more  nor  lefs  than  our  Laws  and  Hiftories,  ancient  and  modern, 
do  every  wheieafcribc  to  our  Englifh  Kings  ■,  To  be  Governours  ofChriJiians  ■■,  To 
be  the  Advocates  of  the  Church,  To  be  Patrons  and  Advowees  Faramont  of  all  Churches 
To  be  Defenders  of  the  Faith  there  profeffed  ,  And  to  ufe  the  words  of  the  Convo- 
cation it  (elf,  Ecclefi£  Arglicana  FroteUores  fingulares ,  Vnicos  &  Supremos  Vominos. 
The  fame  body  may  have  feveral  Heads  of  (everal  kinds  upon  Earth,  as  Political 
and  Ecclefiaftical  >  and  then  that  which  takes  care  of  the  Architedonical  end  ,  to 
fee  that  every  member  do  his  Duty ,  is  always  Supream-,  That  is  the  Political  head. 
This  truth  Cardinal  Pool  did  fee  clearly  enough  ,  and  reconcile  the  fecming  differ- 
ence by  diftinguifhing  between  a  Regal  head,  and  a  Sacerdotal  head.  This  truth  the 
French  Divines  fee  well  enough ,  and  doubt  not  to  call  their  King  the  "terrene  head 
PilHideCtnc.  ^f  '^^  Church  of  hit  Realm  ,  without  attributing  to  him  any  Sacerdotal  right.  We 
|itf,7o.  had  our  Sacerdotal  heads  too  in  England ,  without  feeking  for  them  fo  far  as  Rome\ 

As  the  Arch-Bifliops  of  Canterbury  in  the  Reigns  of  our  Englifh  Monarchs,  who  of 
old  was  Nulliuf  unquam  Legati  ditioni  Subjedus ,  Never  Subjed  to  the  jurisdi&ion  of 
any  Legate.  When  the  Pope  fent  over  Guy  Arch-Bifhop  of  Vienna  into  England  as 
his  Legate  throughout  Britaign  for  the  Apoftolical  See ,  It  was  received  with  won- 
Eadm'i  I.  ?.  ^^^  ^^^  admiration  of  all  men.  Inaxditumfci licet  in  Britannia  cundi  fcientes  quem- 
>.  58.  '  '  libet  hominum  fuper  fe  vices  Apojiolicas  gerere  ,  nififolum  Epifcopum  Cantuaria  :  AH 
men  did  k>tow  that  it  was  never  heard  in  Britaign ,  that  any  man  whatfoever  had  Afojio- 
lical  Fovpcr  over  them  ,  hut  onely  the  Arch-bifliop  of  Canterbury.     And  accordingly 

the 


3^7 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded^ 

the  new  Legate  did  fpeed  ,  foit  followeth  ,  Wherefore  as  he  came  fo  he  returned ,  re- 
ceived as  Legate  by  no  man ,  nor  having  exercifed  any  part  of  his  Legantine  Power. 
This  was  the  ground  of  that  Letter  of  the  Englifli  Bilhops  to  the  Pope.  That  the 
Church  of  Canterbury  might  not  be  deprived  of  its  dignity  in  his  times,  and  that  he  f^of""*'*  ^'^ 
Tpould  neither  diminijh  it  himfelf,  nor  fuffer  it  to  be  diminijhed.  As  appeareth  by  the 
Popes  acknowledgment  in  his  anfwer. 

But  to  come  up  clofe  to  the  difference ,  Tlie  Queftion  is  not  whether  the  Bifliop 
of  Rome  hath  authority  to  call  Synods.  He  is  a  Bi(hop ,  a  Metropolitan  ,  a  Pa- 
triarch ,  a  Prince  in  his  own  Dominions.  As  a  Bifliop  he  may  convocate  his  Dio- 
cefs.  As  a  Metropolitan  his  province  i  As  a  Patriarch  his  Patriarchate,  under  the 
pain  of  Ecclefiaftical  Cenfure ,  more  or  le&  compulfory  according  to  that  degree 
of  coadive  Power  which  hath  been  indulged  to  him  in  thefe  diftind  capacities  by 
former  Sovereigns  :  And  as  a  Prince  he  may  convocate  his  Subjeds  under  Political 
pains.  The  more  thgfe  Two  Powers  are  United  and  complicated  ,  the  more  ter- 
rible is  the  cenfure.  And  therefore  our  Kings  would  have  their  Bifhops  denounce 
fpiritual  pains  alfo  againR  the  Violaters  of  their  great  Charters.  Spiritual  pains  are 
more  heavy  than  Political ,  but  Political  moft  commonly  are  more  fpeedy  than  fpi- 
ritual. And  more  certain i  Spiritual  pains  do  not  follow  an  erring  Key,  but  Poli- 
tical do. 

Neither  will  I  difpute  at  prefent  whether  the  Bifliop  o^Kome  by  his  reputed  Pri- 
macy of  Order  otBeginning  of  Unity  may  Lawfully  call  an  Oecumenical  or  Occiden- 
tal Council,  by  Power  purely  Spiritual,  which  confifts  rather  in  advife  than  in 
Mandates  properly  fo  called,  or  in  Mandates  of  Courtefie  not  coadtive  in  the  Ex- 
teriour  Court  of  the  Church  :  confidering  the  Diviiion  and  Subdivifion  of  the  an- 
cient Empire ,  and  the  prefent  Diftradtions  of  Chriftendom  ,  it  feemeth  not  altoge- 
ther inconvenient.    We  fee  the  Primitive  Fathers  did  affemble  Synods  and  make 
Canons  before  there  were  any  Chriflian  Emperours  i  but  that  was  by  Authority 
meerly  Spiritual  s  they  had  no  coadive  Power  to  compel  any  man  againft  his  Will. 
The  Uttermoft  they  could  do  was  to  feparate  him  from  their  Communion ,  and  to 
leave  him  to  the  Coming  or  Judgement  of  Chrift.  Let  him  be  Anathema  Maranatha.     ^       g 
The  true  controverfie  then  is  this ,  Whether  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  by  his  Legates,  ['^^     *  *  ' 
have  coaftive  Power  in  the  exteriour  Court ,  to  convocate  Synods  of  Englijh 
Subjedls  in  England ,  when  he  will ,  where  he  will ,  whom  he  will,  without  their 
contents ,  and  without  the  leave  of  the  Sovereign  Prince  or  King  o{  England  :  The 
caft  being  thus  ftated  determineth  it  felfl     Where  fliould  the  Pope  appoint  a  place 
of  meeting  in  England  without  the  leave  of  the  King  of  England*  We  fee  by  often 
experience ,   that  if  the  Pope  have  a  deiire    to  fummon  a   Council  in  Italy , 
•within  the  Dominions  of  another  Sovereign  Prince  or  Republick  ,  although  they 
be  of  his  own  Communion ,  he  muft  Firft  ask  leave ,  and  obtain  leave ,  before  he 
can  tell  how  to  do  it  i  Or  how  fhould  he  pretend  to  any  coadtive  Power  in  England^ 
•without  the  King's  grant  or  leave,  where  the  Power  of  the  Militia  and  all  coadtivc 
force  is  legally  inverted  in  the  King  ?     Thus  for  point  of  right. 

Now  for  matter  of  Fadl ;  Firit,  I  do  utterly  deny,  that  any  Bifnop  of  Rome^hy  his 
own  Authority,  did  Convocate  any  Synod  in  the  Britijh  Ifland,  during  the  Firrt  Ele- 
ven hundred  years,  or  prefide  in  any  by  his  Legates,  or  confirm  thCBl  by  his  Autho- 
rity. If  he  be  not  able  to  produce  fo  much  as  one  inftance  to  the  contrary  ,  he  may 
cry  guilty  to  the  Ufurpation  whereof  he  is  accufed,  and  hold  his  peace  for  ever. 

Secondly,  I  do  confeff  that  after  eleven  hundred  years,  the  Bifliops  of  Rome 
taking  advantage  of  our  Civil  combuftions,  and  proftituting  the  reputation  of  the 
Apoftolical  See  to  their  temporal  ends,  did  by  the  leave  of  our  Kings,  (  not  other- 
■wife,)  fometimes  call  Synods  in  England ,  and  prefide  in  them.     The  Firrt:  Synod 
held  in  E«g/>^«i  by  any  of  the  Popes  Legates  was  ^t  London,  in  the  year  112  5.  fcy 
Joannes  Cremenfis ,  xvhich  moved  England  into  no  fmall  indignation  ,  to  fee  a  thing  tiU  Gervaput  D»r 
then  unheard  of  in  the  Kingdom  of  England  ,  A  Prieji  fitting  Preftdent  upon  an  high  robornenjiit 
"throne  above  Arch-Bijhops ,  Bijhops,  Abbats  Sec.     But  remember  my  Third  ground 
or  confideration  of  the  difference  between  affirmative  and  negative  Prefidents.    All 
which  this  proveth ,  is  that  the  King  did  give  leave  or  connive  at  that  time.    But 
it  doth  not  prove ,  it  cannot  prove  a  right  to  do  the  fame  at  other  times  when  the 
King  contradideth  it.  Further 


Schiftn  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  1 

2h:  to"  take  notice  that  there  is  a  great  deal  of  difference,  between 

Further  we  oug  ^^^  ^^^  ^„gitjh  Convocation.  Although  in  truth  our  Convoca- 
an  ordinary  Sync  ^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^  j^^  ^1^^  ^^^^^  ^^.j^.  ^^  Sun^^on  them  , 
tionsbeSyno  ^y  '^jj  ^j^^,  ^k^gy  of  the  Realm  were  net  prefent  at  an  ordinary  Sy- 
Convocart  jj^^j^^'^j^^jg  ciergy,of  the  Kingdom  were  prefent  at  a  Convocation  either 
"°  li  •  Verfons  or  by  their  Prodors  fufficiently  authorifed.  Secondly  ,  the  ab- 
r"  f  rierev  had  no  fuch  Obligation  to  the  Ads  of  a  Papal  Synod,  as  they  had  to 
vT  Adts  of  a  Royal  Convocation  ,  fub  Hypotheca  honor um  omnium ,  under  the  Caw 
!;i  or  Fledae  of  aV  their  Goods  and  Ufiates. 

Laftlv  to  drive  the  nail  home ,  and  to  dcmonftrate  clearly  the  Groflenefs  of  this 
Papa^l  ufurpationv  it  remaineth  onely  to  {hew  that  by  the  ancient  Laws  of  England 
the  calling  of  Convocations  or  Synods  ,  belonged  properly  to  the  King,  not  to 
the  Eiftop  of  Kome  or  his  Legates.  And  Firft  by  reafon-  By  the  Laws  of  England 
more  ancient  than  the  Popes  intrufion,  no  Koman  Legat  could  enter  into  the  King- 
dom without  the  Kings  leave ,  nor  continue  in  it  longer  than  he  had  his  Licenfe 
as  we  (hall  fee  hearafter ,  and  therefore  they  could  not  convocate  any  Synods  nor  do 
any  Synodical  Ad  without  the  Kings  leave.  Secondly  by  Records  of  the  EngUflt 
Convocation  it  felf,  that  the  Convocations  of  the  Clergy  of  the  Realm  of  England  are , 
altpays  have  been,  and  ought  to  be  ajfembled  by  the  Kings  wn>,  Anno  1532. 

Thirdly  ,  by  the  Form  of  the  writ,  which  hath  ever  been  the  fame  in  all  fucceed- 
in?  Ages ,  conftantly  direded  from  the  King  to  the  Englifh  Arch-Bifhops  for  their 
diftind  provinces  ,  The  very  form  fpeaks  it  Englijh  fuffiiciently.  For  certain  difficult 
and  urgent  bufine^es  concerning  the  defence  and  fecurity  of  the  Englifh  CWcfe,  and  the 
peace  trauqnillity  ,  publick^good  and  defence  of  our  Kingdom  and  SubjeUs ,  We  command 
and  require  you  by  that  Allegiance  and  Love  which  you  oroe  to  us, that  you  caufe  to  be  Con- 
vocate d  with  convenient  fpeed  in  due  manner  all  andfingular  Bi/hops  of y  cur  Province,Veant 
and  Triors  of  Cathedral  Churches ,  &c.  And  the  whole  Clergy  of  your  Viocefs  and  Tro- 
vince    to  meet  before  yon ,  &c.  Another  Writ  did  always  iffue  from  the  King  for  the 
diflblution.     We  command  you  that  you  difiolve  or  caufe  to  he  dijfolved  this  prejent  Con- 
vocation     this  very  day  ,  in  due  manner ,   without  any  delay  ,  &c.  Laftly  by  the  con- 
curring Teftimonies  of  all  our  Hiftoriographers,  That  all  the  Space  of  time  of  eleven 
hundred  years  ,  wherein  the  Popes  did  neither  call  Councils,  nor  Prefide  in  them, 
nor  confirm  them,  and  after  unto  the  very  Reformation  j  Our  Kings  did  both  call 
Councils,  and  Prefide  in  them,  and  Confirm  them,  and  own  their  Laws:  as  I 
have  (hewed  him  by  the  Laws  of  Ercombert,  Ina,Withred,  Alphred,  Edwerd,  Atheljiatt^ 
Edmund,  Edgar,  Athelred,  Canutm,  and  Edwardthc  ConfelTor  in  my  Vindication.    And 
particularly  that  Theodore  Arch-Bi(hop  of  Canterbury  Prefided  in  a  Council,  in  the 
prefence  of  John  the  Popes  Legate.     That  King  Edward  AfTembled  a  Synod  and 
Confirmed    the  Ads  of  it  as  Vecretum  Regis  ,    'the  Kings  Vecree :  That  King 
Withred  called  a  Council  at  Becancelde  and  prefided  in  it ,  and  that  the  Decrees  of 
the  Council  ilTued  in  his  name  and  by  his  Authority.     Firmiter  decemimm  Sec.     in 
my  anfwer  to  the  Bi(hop  of  Chalcedon.    All  this  hepretendeth  to  have  anfwered  :' 
but  it  is  with  deep  filence.    If  he  defire  more  Prefidents  and  more  witneffes,  he  may 
have  a  cloud  of  Authors  upon  holding  up  his  Finger ,  to  prove  undeniably  that 
King  Henry  di*not  innovate  at  all  in  challenging  tohimfelf  the  right  to  Convocate 
the  Clergy  and  difTolvethem,  and  confirm  their  Ads  within  his  own  Dominions, 
but  followed  the  l\eps  of  his  Royal  PredecefTours  in  all  h^cs ,  from  the  Firft  plan- 
ting of  Religion  untill  his  own  days. 

And  not  onely  of  his  own  Anceftours  but  his  Neighbours.  The  Prefident  of 
Charles  the  great  is  very  confpicuous.  To  omit  all  my  former  Allegations  in  this 
SintdHiPran-  behalf,  In  the  French  Synod.  I  Charlemain  Vuki  and  Frince  of  the  Frankes  by  the 
ctca  i.  Tomi  Advife  of  the  Servants  of  God  and  my  frince  s  ,  have  congregated  the  Bijhops  which  are  in 
Ctnc.  Petri'  ^y  Kingdom  with  the  Priejls  to  a  Synod,  for  the  fear  of  Chrifi  to  Councel  me,  how  the 
^^^^  J_,aw  of  God  and  Ecckfiaftical  Religion  may  be  recovered,  which  in  the  Vays  of  forepajfed 

Trinces  is  diffipated  and  fallen  to  ruine  &c.  And  by  the  Councel  of  my  Clergy  and  Princes 
■we  have  ordained  Bijhops  throughout  the  Cities  and  confiituted  over  them  Arch-Bifhop  Bo- 
niface the  Popes  Lgate ,  Qui  eft  miflus  Sandi  Petri. 

And  we  have  Decreed  every  Tear  to  congregate  a  Synod,  that  in  our  Prefence  the  Cano- 
nical 


.. \_ 

Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  3jp 

nkal  Vecrees  and  the  rights  of  the  Church  may  he  refiored,  and  Chriftian  Religion  reform- 
ed.     And  in  the  Synod  of  Jrles  held  under  the  faid  Emperour  ,  they  begin  the 
Synod  with  a  Solemn  Prayer  for  the  Emperour.     The    Lord  of  all    things  eflabUfh 
in  the  Confervation  of  bis  Faith ,  our  moll  Serene  and  Religious   Lord  the  Emperour 
Charles  ,  by  whofe  Command  tve  are  here  congregated.     And  they  conclude  the  Synod 
with  a  Submillion  to  him  ,  Thefe  things  rrhich  roe  judged  n>orthy  to  be  amended    roe 
have  briefly  noted  and  Decreed  them  to  be  frefented  f  our  Lord  the   Emperour  :  hefeech- 
inghis  Clemency  that  if  ayiy  thingbe  here  wanting^   it  may  be  ftip^lied  by  his  Prudence 
if  any  thing  be  amijlitmay  be  amended  by  btf  Judgement,  if  any  thing  be  reafonably  taxed 
it  may  be  perfeUed  by  his  help ,  through  the  aftjiance  of  the  Divine  Clemency.     So  the 
Council  oiToures  begin  their  Synodical  Ads,  That  vehich  xvas  enjoyned us'by  fo great  ^*'''^"'' 
a  Prince  tee  accompliflied  in  meeting  at  the  time  and  place  appointed,  where  heincr  cmare- 
gated  vee  noted  fuch  things  by  Chapters  as  needed  to  be  amended  according  to  the  Canoni~ 
cal  Rule ,  to  bejhevced  to  our  mnjl  Serene  Emperour.     So  they  conclude  their  Acts 
Thefe  things  vee  have  ventilated  in  our  Jjjembly,  but  bovo  our  moji  Pious   Prince  mil  be 
pleafed  to  difpofe  of  them  ,  vee  his  faithful  Servants  areready  at  his  beck^and  pkafure  with 
a  vpilling  mind.     Laftly  the  Synod  called  Synodus  Cabilanenfis  in  the  days  of  the  faid  Ihidem» 
Emperour  beginneth  thus ,  Our  Lord  Jefus  Chriji  aftjiing  us  ,  and  the  mofi  renowned 
t^mperour  Charles  commanding  us  &c.  Ife  have  noted  out  certain  Chapters  wherein  re- 
formation jeemednecejiary  tous^which  are  hereafter  inferted,iobe  prefented  to  our  faid  Lord 
the  Emperour,  and  referred  to  bis  mo^facred  Judgement ,  to  be  confirmed  by   his  prudent 
examination  of  thofe  things  which  tpe  have  reafonably  Decreed,  and  wherein  we  have 
been  defeSive  ,  to  be  fupplied  by  his  wifdom.  So  they  conclude ,   We  have  ventilated  thefe 
things  in  our  Affembly,  but  hove  it  (hall  pleafe  our  mofi  Pious  Prince  to  difpofe  of  them 
wehis  faithful  Servants  with  a  willing  mind    are  ready  at  ^hs  beck^and pkafure.  One 
Egg  is  not  liker  to  another,  than  thefe  Synodical  Reprefentations  are  to  our  old 
Englifi}  Cuftoms  ,  Yet  thefe  were  Catholick  times  ,  when  Kings  convocated   Sy- 
nods of  their  own  Subjeds ,  and  either  confirmed  or  rejeded  their   Ads     as  thev 
thought  meet  for  the  publick  good:  and  did  give  the  Popes  own  Legate  his  Power 
of  prefiding  in  them  by  theii  Conftitutions,  who  joyned  with  the  relt  in  thefe  Sv- 
nodical  Ads. 

I  proceed  to  the  Third  branch  of  the  Pope's  Firft  ufurpation, concerning  the  tv-  Oathof  AJI<* 
ing  of  E«g/i/&  Prelates  by  oath  to  a  new  Allegiance  to  the  Pope.   No  man  can  ferve  glance  due  co 
two  Supreme  Mailers  ,  where  there  is  a  polhbility  of  clafhing  one  with  another.  It  K'npsfrom 
is  true  one  is  but  a  Political  Soveraign  ,  and  the  other  pretendeth  but  a  Spiritual  ^'"^''?°* 
Monarchy  :  Yet  if  this  fuppofed  Spiritual  Monarch  ,  (hall  challenge  either  a  dired  Pop&°    ' 
power  and  Jurifdidion  over  the  Temporal  in  the  exteriour  Court  fas  Pope  Boniface 
did  ,  Nos,  nosimperia,  Regna,  principatus  &  quicquid  habere  mortales  pofiunt     auferre 
&darepeffe-,  We,  even  we  have  power  totakg  away  and  give  Empires,  Kingdoms  prin- 
cipalities, and  whatfoever  mortal  men  are  capable  of)  Or  challenge  an  indired  power 
to  difpofe  of  all  temporal  things  in  order  to  Spiritual  good,  C  which  is  the  opinion 
di  Bellarmin  and  his  party  )  Or  Laftly  (hall  declare  thofe  things  to  be  purely  Spiritu- 
al which  are  truly  Political ,  as  the  patronage  of  Churches  and  all  Coadive  power 
in  the  exteriour  Court  of  the  Church  >     In  all  fuch  cafes  the  fubjed  muit  defertthc 
one  or  the  other,  and  either  fuffer  juftly  as  a  Traytor  to  his  Prince  ,  or  be  Subieded 
unjuflly  to  the  cenfures  of  the  Church  ,  and  be  made  as  an  Heathen  or  Publican. 
This  is  a  fad  cafe. 

But  this  is  not  all ,  If  this  poor  Subjed  fliall  be  further  perfwaded  i  that  his  Spi- 
ritual Prince  hath  Authority   to  abfolve   him    from  all     Sins  ,  Laws     Oaths 
knowing  that  his  Temporal   Prince  doth  challenge  no  fuch  extravagant'  power  * 
what  Emperour  or  King  can  have  any  affurance  of  the  fidelity  of  his  own  natural 
Subjeds  ?  It  is  true  ,  a  Clerk  may  fwear  Allegiance  to  his  King ,   and  Canonical  o- 
bedience  to  his  Bilhop ,  but  the  cafes  are  not  like.     No  Canonical  obedience  either 
is  or  can  be  inconfiftent  with  true  Allegiance.     The  Lawful   Canons  obli<>e  with- 
out an  Oath.     And  all  that  Coadive  power  which  a  Bifhop  hath  ,  is  derived  from  •     • 
the  Prince  and  Subjeded  to  the  Prince. 

The  queftion  then  is  not  whether  a  Paftor  may  enjoyn  his  Flock  to  abftain  from 
an  unjutl  Oath  i  An  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  a  natural  Prince  is  juftifiable  both  before 

God 


/ 


^20 


Schifw  Gnarded.  T  O  M  E  I-. 

—-- — --~^r<iox  vet  whether  tiie  Clergy  have  immunities  ,  or  ought  to  enjoy 
God  and  man  ^^'^^^^  ^,^^,^  ,^ore  capable  of  ferving  God:  it  is  always  the  rirlt 
immunities  lucn^^^  ^^^^^^^^  ^^  England.  Let  the  Church  injny  her  immmuues.  The 
^"^^ft  n"is°not  whether  Clergy  men  tranfgrelimg  of  the  Canons,  ought  tobe  tryed 
qucltion  _^^^  judges  according  to  the  Canons ,  efpecially  in  the  Firll:  inftance.  For 
u  d  e"L3  w  of  England  the  Delinquent  was  always  allowed  the  liberty  to  appeal  to 
r  r  r  But  the  quelHon  is  whether  the  Pope  by  any  ad:  or  Decree  of  his  can  acquit 
V  lih  SubjeAs  ,  or  prohibit  them  to  do  homage  and  fwear  Allegiance  to  their 
K'ne  according' to  the  ancient  Laws  of  the  Realm,  becaufe  they  are  Clergymen: 
And  can  command  them  whether  the  King  will  or  not ,  to  take  a  new  Oath  never 
heard  of  or  pradtifed  formerly  i  An  Oath  oi^  Jllegiance  and  Obedience  to  himlelS  So 
it  is  called  exprefly  in  the  Edition  of  Gregory  the  Thirteenth ,  EleCio  in  Jlrchiepifco- 
pum  fedes  Jpojiolica  TaVium  non  tradet ,  nift  prim  pr£}ietfidelitatis  &  Ohedientix  Ju- 
ramentttm ,  ^he  Apo{hlical  See  mil  not  deliver  the  Fall  to  an  Jrch-Bijhop  eleU ,  mleft 
he  Firft  takf  an  Oath  of  Fidelity  and  Obedierxe. 

We  have  feen  already  how  Henry  the  Firft  was  quietly  feifed  and  poflefled  of  the 
Homage  of  his  Prelates  and  their  Oaths  of  Fidelity  •,  and  his  predeceflbrs  before 
him.     So  vve  have  heard  Tlatina  confclling  ,  that  before  the  Popedom  of  Vafchalis 
the  Second     the  Homage  and  Feudal  Oaths  of  Bijhops  rrere  performed  to  Lay  Men. 
that  is  to  Kings,  not  Popes.     Thus  much  Eadmeruf^  and  Nauckrm^  and  William  of 
lAalmesbury^d.n^Hoveden.^'a^  Jorvalenfis  ^o2\\z{{u.xQ.\xs.     This  agreeth  fweetly  not 
RidUys  Vtew  ^^       ^^.^j^  ^'^^  Ancient  L.JR'  o{ Feuds  ,  from  whence  they  borrowed  the  name  of  Jn- 
fccleltM-    veftitures  ;  but  aUb  h  confirmed  by  the  Decree/  of  ancient  Councils ,  as  diverfe 
'toletan  Councils,  and  that  of  Aquifgrane^  which  who  fo  defireth  to  fee ,  may  find 
them  cited  at  large  by  King  James  in  his  Apology  for  the  Oath  of  Allegiance. 
But  thefe  Oaths ,  and  Homages ,  and  Regal  Inveftitures ,  as  they  were  a  Bond 
7      Qfpeace  and  Unity  between  the  King  and  his  Clergy,  fo  they  were  a  great  Eye- 
fmf(l°ca'S6'  fore  to  the  Bilhops  of  Kome  becaufe  they  crofled  their  main  defign  to  make  them- 
felves  the  onely  Liege  Lords  of  the  Ecclefiafticks.  As  appeareth  by  that  fcvere  Check 
which  Adrianthc  Fourth  gave  Fredrick,  the  Firft  ,  for  requiring  Homage  and  Fealty 
of  Bifhops    who  are  Gods,  and  for  holding  their  Sacred  hands  in  his  hands.     It  ftayed 
not  here    'that  Homage  and  Oath  of  Fidelity  which  Gregory  the  Seventh  and  Calix- 
tiK  did  rob  the  King  of,  their  immediate  Succeflbur  Pafchalif  the  Second  did  afllimc 
to  himfelf  as  we  find  by  the  unanimous  confent  of  all  H';toriographers,  and  by  the 
o  /     Canon  ofFafchalis  himfelf  recorded  by  Gregory  the  Ninth,  SigiiificalU  8cc.  7houfig~ 
Eha  Po'ieZ   fiedji  that  Kings  and  the  Peers  of  the  Kingdom  were  moved  with  Admiration ,   becaufe 
(aU-  the  Pall  was  offered  to  thee  by  our  Apocrifiaries^ttpon  Condition  to  taks  that  Oath  which  they 

brought  thee  written  from  w,&c.The  admiration  (heweth  the  novelty  of  it.  He  confeP- 
feth  there  that  the  Oath  was  not  eftablifhed  by  the  Canon  of  any  Counciljbut  by  Papal 
Authority,  and  Juftifieth  it.  For  fear  of  further  evil :  That  is,  Apoftating  from  the 
Obedience  due  to  the  Apoftolick  See.  The  very  title  doth  aflure  us  that  it  was 
an  Oath  of  Fidelity  and  Obedience.  W/hzt  manner  of  afTurance  can  Soveraign  Princes 
promife  themfelves  of  thofe  Subjedts,  who  have  fworn  Allegiance  and  Obedience 
to  a  forreign  Prince? 

This  Form  at  Firft  was  modeft  and  moderate,  bounding  the  Obedience  of  Arch- 
Bilhops  by  the  Rules  of  the  holy  Fathers ,  as  we  find  in  the  old  F.oman  Pontifical : 
but  it  was  quickly  changed  from  Kegulaf  SanUorum  Patrum^  to  Kegalia  Sandi  Petri^ 
as  we  find  in  the  new  Pontifical.     The  change  in  Letters  was  not  great,  but   in 
the  fenfe  2hom\rah\Q.,Semel  falfus  femper  prxfumitur  falfus.     He  who  is  apprehended 
in  palpable  forgery,  is  always  defervcdly  fufpedled  of  forgery.  With  what  Face  can 
Mr.5f  rjf^wt  tell  us,that  where  the  method  of  immediate  "Tradition  hath  place,  it  is  im- 
polliblc  for  encroachments  to  gain  Admittance.     Where  we  fee  fuch  Hocus  Pociu 
tricks  played  before  our  eyes  in  their  Pontifical.     Bellarmin  would  perfwade  us  that 
in  St.  Gregory  the  firfts  time  there  was  fuch  an  Oath  of  Obedience  fully  made  to  the 
<'"^  ^f'fl'  ^  Billiop  of  F^ome.     But  he  doth  either  abufe  himfelf.  Or  fecketh  grofsly  to  abufe  us 
Mic^i. '  *"*  firft  ^^^  ^^^^  mentioned  in  St.  Gregory  ,  was  not  an  Oath  of  Obedience  or  Allegi- 
ance    but  promijjio  cujufdam  ^pifcopi  hdrefimfuam  anathematizantU ,  A  promife  ef  a 
certain  Bijhop  anathematizing  h'vs  hxrefy^  or  an  Oath  of  abjuration.     S:condly  the  Oath 

menti- 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ->  o  o 

. — ■ — ■ — ^ 0    0 

mentioned  by  St.  Gregory ,  was  not  impofcd  by  his  authority  ,  but  taken  freely 
by  the  converted  Bifliop,  to  fatisrie  the  world  and  to  take  away  all  fufpicionof 
Hypocrify  ,  (  ne  non  pura  mente  feu  fimulate  reverfus  exijiimer  )  dictated  to  his  own 
Notary  by  the  advife  of  his  Clergy,  Notario  meo,cum  confenfu  Tresbyterorum  &  Via- 
conorum  at(jne  Ckricoriim  ^  fcribendum  diSavi,  It  was  no  common  cafe  of  all  Bifhops 
neither  did  it  comprehend  any  fuch  obligation  to  maintain  the  pretended  Royalties 
of  St.  ?eter. 

And  as  they  extended  the  matter  of  their  Oath  ,  fb  they  did  the  fubjed ,  about 
an  hundred  years  after  in  the  time    of  Crf^ory  the  Ninth,  enlarg ing  it  from  Arch- D^;KVfj«r<n= 
Bifhops  to  all  Prelates ,  Bilhops ,  Abbats,  Priors.  And  now  what  remains,  but  to  do.  cap.  4. 
cry  up  the  authority  of  the  Canons  above  all  imperial  Laws  ? 

Cedrnt  Arma  log^^  coHcedat  Latirea   Linguae:  As  Bellarmin  doth ,  who  denyeth 
the  fuperiority  of  Princes  above  Clergymen,  Frhicifes  Seculares  refpeiitt  Ckricorum  '-> 
nonfmt  Principef  ,  Princes  are  no  Princes  of  Clerkj  ,  &c.     Political  Lares  have  no  coa- 
aive  ohltgation  over  Clerks  ^  but  onely  diredive  ,  The  Civil  Laws  of  Emperours  mull  r/^' ''"''' 3 
give  place  to  the  Canons  of  Popes.     What  new  Monfter  is  this  ,  To  receive  Pro-        * '"' 
tedlion  from  the  Laws  of  Princes ,  and  to  acknowledge  no  Subjedion  to  the  Laws 
of  Princes  ?  If  Princes  fhould   put  Church  men  out  of  their  Protedtion  ,  as  Bellar- 
min exempts  them  from  all  coadtive  Obligation  to  the  Laws  of  Princes,they  would 
quickly  rind  their  Errour.     It  is  an  honour  to  Princes  to  preserve  to  Churchmen 
their  old  immunities,  but  is  it  a  fhame  to  Churchmen,  hke  fwine  ,  to  eat  the  Fruit 
and  never  look  up  to  the  Tree  from  whence  it  falleth. 

We  have  viewed  the  fpoil  committed  evidently,  when,  and  by  whom.  He  whofe 
office  it  was  to  prelerve  all  others  from  fpoil,  could  not  preferve  himfelf.  It  is  a  rule 
in  Law  ,  Ante  omnia  fpoliatuf  reflitui  debet.  Before  all  other  things  he  that  if  fpoiled ought 
to  be  rejiored  to  his  right.  And  our  old  Englifh  Laws  are  Diametrally  oppofite  to 
thele  new  Papal  Ufurpations ,  in  all  the  parts  of  them.     Firft  though  the  Kings 
and  Kingdom  of  England,  were  always  careful  to  preferve  the  priviledges  of  Holy 
Church     (In  all  our  Great  Charters  that  was  the  hrll  thing  was  taken  care  for)  yet 
not  as  due  by  Divine  Law  ,  and  much  lefs  by  the  Laws  of  the  Pope,  (  which  they 
never  regarded,  )  but  as  Graces  and  priviledges  granted  by  the  Kings  o^ England  ,    *  r    . 
and  therefore  they  excluded  from  benefit  of  Clergy  fuch  fort  of  delinquents  as  they  *      '     ' 
thought  rit,  zs  proditores ,  Traitours  againli  the  perfon  of  the  King,  Itfidiatores  6H  i  c  t 
viarum,  fuch  as  lay  in  wait  to  do  mifchief  upon  the  High  ways  j  VeppHlatores  agro- 
rum  ,  fuch  as  depopulated  the  Land.  And  the  moft  (evere  Laws  that  ever  they  made 
are  the  rtatutes  of  Premtmire  and  Provifors,zefl.m^  Churchmen  ,  for  fiding  with  the 
Bifliop  oiRome  in  his  Ufurpations,  even  to  the  forfeiture  of  their  Goods  and  Lands, 
their  loflfeoftheir  Liberty,  and  the  putting  them  out  of  the  Kings  protedfion. 

Secondly  ,  our  Laws  do  acknowledge  every  where  that  Homage  and  Allegiance 
is  always  due  to  the  King  from  all  Clergymen  whatfoever.     Edivard  the  rirll  injoy;;- 
ed  all  the  Prelates  upon  their  Faith  (or  Allegiance)  vrhich  they  ought  him.     They  know  '        *' "'  ** 
no  Fidelityfor  Allegiance)  which  is  due  to  the  Pope  from  znyEnglijh  man  either  Cler- 
gy-man or  Lay-mani  but  the  juft  contrary,that  they  were  bound  by  their  Allegiance 
to  fight  for  the  King  againft  the  Pope,  for  the  redrefs  of  thele  and  fuch  like  Ufur- 
pations.    In  the  Fourteenth  Year  of  'Richard  the  fecond ,  all  the  (piritual  Lords  did 
anfwer  unanimoufly  ,  That  if  any  Bifhop  oi  England ,  were  excommunicated  by 
the  Pope  for  having  executed  the  fentences  and  commandments  of  the  King ,  Ihe  16  Ric.  i.r^, 
fame  is  againji  the  King  and  his  Crorvn,  and  they  TPiU  and  ought  to  be  rvith  the  King  in 
thefe  cafes  larvfuUy  ,  and  in  all  other  cafes  touching  hU  Crown  and  his  Regality  ,   as  they 
be  bound  in  their  Allegiance.     Our  Laws  know  no  Oath  of  Allegiance  or  Fealty  due 
to  any  perfon  but  the  King  ,  they  make  the  King  to  be  Advowee  Paramont^  Supreme  tj  edi  ij 
Lo'rd  andPatron,  Guardian,  Protestor,  and  Champion  oftheChurch  of  England. 

Laltly  thefe  Papal  Oaths  do  necelTarily  fuppofe  a  voyage  to  Rome,  either  to  take 
the  Oath  there,  or  if  the  Oath  was  fent  them  into  England ,  one  claufe  in  the  Oath 
was,  that  they  fliould  come  to  Rome  in  perfon  to  receive  the  Popes  commands 
within  a  prerixed  time.  But  this  is  diredtly  contrary  to  the  Laws  oi  England ., 
which  allovv  no  Subjed,  Clergy -man  or  other ,  to  go  to  Rome  without  the  Kings 
leave.     Thus  much  both  the  Prelates  and  Peers  of  the  Realm  told  Anfelm,vfhQn  he 

K  k  had 


^^4 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


u  J        ■  A.r.  „;<>  flip  PoDC      Thus  much  we  had  atteHed  by  the  General  affembly 
had  a  ^^^\'^J^lX^,^,;,,,  ot  Aiiu.c  o^  Clarendon,  where  one  of  the  Cuftoms  or 
I  nwlfof  the  Kinadom  is,  Tliat  No  EcchMical  perfin  might  depart  ont  of  the  King- 
M..t.  P^r.       "^om   r^nhout  theKh,gs  Lkef.    No    not  though  he  were  exprefly  fummoned 
Anno  u64-      .     J  ^  ^[(\^op  o(Rome.     And  at  a  Parliament  held  at  Northampton  ni  the  Reign  of 
Htveden-         ^       ^j^^  -pj^^j  ^   jt  ^as  enaded  that  if  any  perfons  departed  out  of  the  Kingdom,  un- 
leSthey  rvoitld  return  mthin  ap/efxed  timt ,  andanfrver  it  in  the  Court  of  our  Lord  the 
King.     Let  them  he  outlarved.     This  was  the  unanimous  complaint  of  the  whole 
Mat  Par.  M.  Kini'domto  the  Pope,  That  the  Englijh  rvere  drawn  out  of  the  Realm  by  his  authority. 
If  4i«      *       contrary  to  the  Cufloms  of  the  Kingdom.     No  Clery-man  may  go  to  Rome  without  \the 
Kings  Licenfe-,  fay  the  ancient  Laws  of  the  Realm:  Every  Englifli  Prelate  pall  come 
to  Rome,  upon  my  command  faith  the  Pope :  What  Oedipus  can  reconcile  the 
C  Enghflj  Laws  and  Papal  mandates?  Commonly  good  Laws  proceed  from  evil  man- 
ners    and  abufes  do  ordinarily  precede  their  remedies.     But  by  the  Providence  of 
our  Ancellours  our  Englip  remedies  were  preexiftant  before  their  Ufurpations.   Noh 
remittitur  fecarum  nifi  rejiituatur  oblatum  ,   Until  they   rellore  thofe  rights  whereof 
they  have  robbed  the  King  and  Kingdom,    We  may  pardon  them  ,  but  they  can 
hope  for  no  forgivenefs  from  God.     I  will  conclude  this  point  with  an  ancient  fun- 
He8.  Boet.      damental  Law  in  the  Erittannick,  Jfand ,  Si  quU  cum  alio  focietatem  cojerit ,  Fidem  & 
^il^'  ebfequium  adverfiu  quemlibet  profejfus ,  capite  punitor  ,  Jf  any  SubjeS  enter  into  a  league 

with  another  [  Prince  )  profe^ng  Fidelity  and  obedience  to  any  one  (befides  the  King) 
Let  him  loofe  his  head. 
Tenthsand  I  <^oi"e  to  the  laft    Branch  of  the    Firft    Papal   Ufurpation7f«t/;x  and   Firji 

Firft-fmits  fruits.  If  Chrift  be  itill  crucified  between  Two  Thieves,  it  is  between  an  old 
ufurpcd  by  the  Qygj.gj.ovvn  Officer  of  the  Roman  Court,  and  a  Sacrilegious  Precifian.  The  one 
^°^^  is  €o  much  for  the  fplendour  of  Religion ,  the  other   for  the  purity  of  Reli- 

gion j  that  between  them  they  deftroy  Religion.  Their  faces  like  Sampfon^s 
Foxes ,  look  contrary  wayes  ,  but  both  of  them  have  Fire-brands  at  their 
tails  ;  both  of  them  prate  of  Heaven  altogether ,  both  of  them  have  their 
hearts  nailed  to  the  Earth.  On  the  one  fide ,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  avaricious 
pradlifes  of  the  Roman  Court,  the  Papacy  might  have  been  a  great  advantage  to  the 
Chriftian  world  in  point  of  Order  and  Unity ,  atleaft  it  had  not  been  fo  intolerable 
a  burthen ",  It  is  feared  thcfe  will  not  fuffer  an  Eugenius  an  Adrian  or  an  Alexander 
to  be  both  honefi  and  longlived.  On  the  other  fide  thefe  counterfeit  Zelots  do  but 
srenenew  the  policy  of  the  Two  old  Sicillian  Gluttons ,  to  blow  their  nofes  in  the 
difhes,  that  they  might  devour  the  meat  alone  :  that  is  cry  down  Church  Revenues 
as  fupcrfiitious  &  dangerous,  becaufe  they  gape  after  them  themfelves.  If  it  were  not 
for  thefe  Two  fadions  ,  we  might  hope  to  fee  a  reconcilliation.  Self  interefl  and 
ftlf  profit  are  both  the  procreating  and  conferving  caufe  of  difunion. 

Who  would  Imagin  that  the  large  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  fhould  not  content  or 

(uffice  an  old  Biftiop  abundantly,  without  praying  upon  the  poor  Clergy  for  Tenths 

and  Firft  fruits ,  and  God  knows  how  many  other  ways  >  The  Revenues  of  that 

See  were  infinite,  yet  the  Bifhops  often  complained  of  want :  Gods  blelfing    did 

Mat.  Pat.  an.  not  goe  atong  with  thefe  Ravenous  Courfes.     So  Pharohs  lean  Kin  devoured  the  fat, 

12*9.  yet  were  nothing  the  fatter  themfelves.     The  firfl  Tenth  which  the  Pope  had  from 

the  Efiglijh  Clergy  was  onely  a  fingic  Tenth  of  their  moveable  Goods ,  not  by  way  of 

Impofition,but  as  a  Benevolence  ,  or  free  gift  out  of  Courtefy.     But  the  Romait 

Bilhops  having  once  tafled  the  fweet ,  meant  not  to  give  over  fo. 

Non  mijfura  aitem  nifi  pkna  cruoris  hirudo. 

The  next  ftep  was  to  impofe  Tenths  upon  the  Clergy,  not  in  perpetuity 
or  as  a  certain  Revenue  due. to  the  Papacy,  but  for  a  fixed  number  of  years, 
as  ja  ftock  for  the  defence  of  Chriftcndom  againft  the  incurfions  of  the  lurk^ 
About  the  fame  time  Firft  fruits  began  to  be  exadled,  not  generally,  but  on- 
ly of  the  Popes  own  Clerks ,  as  a  Gratuity ,  or  in  plain  Englifl} ,  as  a  hand- 
fome  Cloak  of  Simony.  But  he  that  perfedcd  the  work  ,  and  made  both  Tenths 
Phi'  in  xitz  ^"^^  ^^^^  Fruits  a  certain  annual  Revenue  to  the  See  of  Rome ,  was  Boniface  the 
^ijflif^cunonr Ninth,  or  Jo/;«  the  Two  and  Twentieth  his  SuccefTour  i  fo  faith  Ptoi««,   and 

with 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  031; 

With  him  almoft  all  other  writers  do  agree.This  Boniface liveddihoxxnha  year  Fourteen  . 

h.undred,  whom  Xurfelline  maketh  to  have  been  the  rejlorer  of  Papal  Majejiy  ^  whofe  B.nija"h'i!o*- 

prudence  did  traufceiid  his  Age  ,  for  he  was  but  Ihtrty  Tears  old.     He  was  the  iKLirper,  «/ 

that  took  away  from  the  Ko»w«j-  the  free  choice  of  their  Magiftratcs.     John  the  J*'/*'".  ^»"» 

Two  &  Twentieth  lived  in  the  time  of  the  Council  o(  Cotifiance,  fome  thing  above  ^'"^'fi"' 

the  Fourteenth  hundredth  year.     It  was  he  that  called  the  Council ,  and  was  him- 

felf  depofed  by  the  Council  for  grievous  Crimes,  and  the  payment  of  Firft-fruits 

abolifhed.     For  neither  the  payment  of  Tenths  nor  Firit-fruits  did  agree  wifh  the  Condh  conjl, 

palate  of  the  Councils  oiConftance  andBjf:/e,Notwithftanding -their  guiJded  pr>;tences.  ^"i'  '';"•' 

The  Council  of  Conftance  decreed  ,  that  it  was  not  lawful  for  the  Bifhnp  of  Rome  ^'''^^-/'-^'S^, 
to  impofe  any  Jndidions  or  ExaBions  upon  the  Church  ,  or  upon  Ecclefaliicall  perfons  in 
the  nature  of  a  7enth  or  any  other  way.     Which  decree  was  pafTed  in  the  Nineteenth 
Sellion  ,  though  it  be  related  afterward.     According  to  this  Decree,  Pope  Martyn 
ifflied  out  his  Mandate  ,  J-Fe  command  that  the  Laws  which  prohibit  tenths  and  other  ibid. p.  1164I 
"Burthens  to  be  impofed  by  the  Pope  upon  Churches  and  Ecclefujiical  perfoiu^  be  ohferved    *  J  n.  16. 
more  firiQly.     And  the  Council  of  Bafxl  commandeth  ,  that  m  well  in  the  Roman  ^'"'"  ^''fi^' 
Court  as  elfe  where  &CC.     Nothingbe  exaCted  for  tenths  or  F irji-fruit s  &cc,  SJf  n. 

But  for  all  this  the  Popes  could  not  hold  their  Hands.     Leo  the  Tenth  made 
a  new  impofuion  for  three  years ,  adtriemtium  proxime  futurum  ,  for  the   old  ends.  conciL  Later, 
And  itfhould  ftem  that  their  mind  was ,  that  thence  forward  as  the  caufe  lafted  /«*  Leoneio.' 
fo  fhould  the  impofition.     But  the  German  Nation  were  not  of  the  fame  mind  ,  -JJ^*' 
who  imde  this  their  nineteenth  Giievince  ^  for  as  much  as  concerneth  tenths  ,  which  - 

'EcclefalUcal  prelates  paid  yearly  to  the  Pope ,  which  the  German  Princes  fome  years  fince  ^^n,  cation 
did  confent  unto  ,  that  they  fhould  be  paid  to  the  See  of  Rome  for  a  certain  time ,  upon 
condition  ,  that  this  Money  jhould  be  depofited  at  Rome  as  a  liock,^  for  defence  againji 
the  turk^^  and  no  otherwife.     But  the  time  is  effuxedfince,  and  the  Princes  have  learned 
by  experience  ,  that  the  Moneys  have  not  been  imployed  againji   the  turkj ,  but  converted 
to  other  ufes  Sec.  The  Emperour  Charles  the  Fifth  was  not  of  the  fame  mind  ,  as  ap- 
peareth  by  his  Letter  to  Pope  Adrian  the  Sixth ,  wherein  he  reciteth  the  fame  fraud, 
and  requireth  that  the  tenths  may  be  detained  m  Germany  ,  for  that  ufe  for  which  •^^'"'  OoUafl. 
they  were  firft  intended.     Laftly  JF/f«ry  the  Eighth  and  the  Church  and  Kingdom  *"' '^"* 
of  England  were  not  of  that  mind  ,  nor  intended  to  indure  fuch  an  egregious  cheat 
any  longer  ,  fo  extreamly  contrary  to  the  fundamental  Laws  of  the  Kingdom,  and 
delbudive  to  them.     By  which  Laws  the  King  himfelf  (  who  onely  hath  Jegifla- 
tive  power  in  England, )  may  not  comgel  his  Subjeds  to  pay  any  fuch  peniions ,  j^  £^.  cap,  i. 
Tvithout  the  good  will  andajient  of  the  Arch-Bijhops  ,  Bipops  ,  Earles,  Barons  ,  Knights^ 
JBurgeJfes  and  other  Freemen  of  the  Land.     Much  lefs  can  a  Forraign  Prince  or  Prslate 
■whatfocver  he  be,  impofe  any  fuch  payments  by  his  own  Authority.     This  is  that 
■which  is  fo  often  condemned  in  our  Statutes  of  Prow/or  j  ,  Namely^  the  impoflng 
Penfionsand  exporting  the  Treafure  of  the  Realm.     The  Court  o(  Rome  is  Co  far 
from  any  pretence  of  reparation ,  that  if  their  predecefTours  were  living  ,  they  were 
obliged  to  make  reftitution,     Thefe  are  all  the  differences  that  are  between  us,  con-  V"^y  f'^ 
cerning  the  Patronage  of  the  Church  of  England.  tee's' cUl'Egli' 

Yet  now  leaft  he  fhould  urge  that  thefe  Laws  alledged  by  me  are  fingular  abfo-  je  GaUicane. 
lute  Laws  ,  nor  confonant  to  the  Laws  of  other  Chriftian  Kingdoms,  I  wilj  Paral-  Es  pro  liber' 
lei  them  with  the  Laws  and  Liberties  of  France ,  which  he  himfelf  acknowled^eth  ^jjf^^^'^f'^ 

I  «-<ii-i/-»  I  11.-...  .r         -i^i"         Oalttcana  all' 

to  be  a  Catholick  Countrey  ,  as  they  are  recorded  m  Two  Authentick  Books  ,  One  yerfui  Roma' 
of  the  rights  and  Liberties  of  the  Gallican  Church.     The  other  ,  the  defence  of  the  nam  Aulam 
Court  of  Paris  for  the  Liberty  of  the  Gallican  Church  againji  the  Roman  Court ,  both  ^'/^"f"/*' 
Printed  by  Authority.     Firft  for  the  patronage  of  the  Church.  ri*.        "* 

The  Fourth  Liberty  is ,  the  King  hath  power  to  Afjemble  or  caufe  to  be  AJfemhled , 
Synods  Provincial  or  National^&  therein  to  treat  of  fuch  things  as  concern  ecclefujiical  Order, 

The  fevcnth  Liberty  is,  the  Prelats  of  the  French  Churchy  although  commanded  by  the 
Pope,  for  what  caufe  foever  it  be ,  may  not  depart  out  of  the  Kingdom  without  the  Kings 
commandment  and  Licence. 

The  Eleventh  Liberty  is ,  the  Pope  cannot  impofe]  Penfions  in  France  upon  any  Bene- 
fices having  cure  of  Souls  ,  Nor  upon  any  other,  but  according  to  the  Canons,  8cc. 

The  Fourteenth  Liberty  is ,  Ecclefiajlical  perfons  may  be  convented  ,  Judged ,  and 
Sentenced  before  a  Jecular  Judge  for  the  Firji  enormous  Crime,  or  for  leffer  offences  after 
a  Tclapfe.  K  k  2  The 


:;26 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I, 


-r        h   Liberrvis  ,    All  the  Prelates  of  France  are  obliged  to  jrvear  Fealty  to 
The  f^'"^^"^^^^^-^.^  from  htm  their  Itveliitures  for  their  Fees  and  Mamurs. 
xKlneteenth  Liberty  is,  ?rovi{mis,  JLefervatioits,  exfeVtatrue  graces  have  noplace 

in  ^^""^ly^j^^  brief  fum  of  thofe  Liberties  which  concern  the  Patronage  of  the  Cal- 
r  rhu  ch  agreeing  perf£<fl:ly  with  our  old  Englijh  Cuftoms.  I  Ihall  (hew  him 
\c"c  me  perfe<S  Harmony  between  their  Church  Liberties  and  our  Englijh  Cuftoms. 
the  Affife  of  Clarendon,  the  Statutes  of  Provifors  znd  Premunire  ,  throughout.  Ei- 
thci  Mu  Serieant  n\\.\i\  make  the  Gj//icj«  Church  Schifmatical,  which  he  dare  not 
d  and  if  I  conjedture  rightly  hath  no  mind  to  do:  or  he  muft  acknowledge  our 
E«g/;>  Laws  to  be  good  Catholick  Laws  for  company. 

SECT.   I.    CaJ'.   6. 

hath  -■"HE  next  Ufurpation  which  offereth  it  felf  to  our  confideration,  is  the  Popes 
no  kgiflativc  I  legillative  power  over  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  E>?g/jW,either  in  his  perfon 
power  in  ^^  ^v  his  Legates.  For  the  clearer  underfianding  whereof,  the  Reader  in  the  iirft 
Enihnd.  ,^^^  ^^^^  ^,e  pleafed  to  take  notice,  that  we  receive  the  ancient  Canons  of  the  Ca- 

tholick Church ,    and  honour  them  more  than  the  Komanijls  themfelves ;  as  being 
feleded  out  of  the  Canons  of  Primitive  Councils,  before  the  Ro»j^«  Bifhops  did 
challenge  any  plenitude  of  Legillative  power  in  the  Church  ,  and  cfpecially  of  the 
Firft  Four  General  Councils:  Of  which  Kmg  James  faid  moft  truly  ,  that  Publics 
TmM^-      Ordinim  r.njlrum  SanUione  recepta  fmit,  They  are^ceived  into  our  Lairs.    We  acknow- 
narehlptt-  4'  ledge  that  juft  Canons  of  Councils  lawfully  congregated  and  lawfully  proceeding , 
1  Eli.  c.  I-     Yi-3,vt  power  to  bind  the  confclence  of  Subjeds  as  much  as  Political  Laws ,  in  them- 
felves not  from  themfelves  as  being  humane  laws ,  but  from  the  Ordinance  of  God, 
who  commandeth  obedience  of  Subjedts  to  all  forts  of  Superiours.     We  receive  the 
*s"ir'S-         Canons  of  other  Primitive  Councils  ,  but  not  with  the  fame  degree  of  reverence  as 
we  do  the  Firl^  Four  General  Councils.     No  more  did  St.  Gregory  of  old,  No  more 
doth  the  Pope  now  in  his  Solemn  Profeffion  of  his  Faith  ,  at  his  Eledtion  to  the  Pa- 
pacy    according  to  the  Decree  of  the  Council  of  Conflance.     That  which  reftrained 
them'    rearaineth  us.     I  am  more  troubled  to  think  ,  how  the  Pope  (hoM  take 
himfelf  to  bean  Ecclefiaftical  Monarch,  &  yet  take  fuch  a  Solemn  Oath,7«  the  Name 
of  the  Holy  and  undivided  Trinity  ,  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Choft ,  to  k^ep  the  Faith  of  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon  to  the  kaji  Tittle.     "V^iiat  the  Faith  of  the  Fathers  of  Chakedon 
was  in  this  great  controverfie  about  the  Papacy,  may  appear  by  the  Sixteenth  Sef- 
fion,  and  the  acclamation  of  the  Fathers  to  the  fentence  of  the  Judges ,  H£c  jufta 
Sententia  ,  h£c  omnes  dicimus  ,  hxc  omnibw  placent  &c.     This  is  ajuji  Sentence,  Thefe 
things  roe  ail  fay  ,  Tbefe  things  pleafe  us  all  &c. 

Secondly,  We  acknowledge  that  Bifliops  were  always  efteemed  the  proper  Judges 
of  the  Canons  ,  both  for  compofing  of  them  aiid  for  executing  of  them  :  but  with 
this  caution,  that  to  make  them  Laws  the  confirmation  of  the  Prince  wasrequiredi 
CflNfli»'  J"/*'*  and  to  give  the  Bilhop  a  coadive  power  to  execute  them,  the  Princes  grant  orcon- 
cont.  Antim.in  ^eil^on  was  needful.    The  former  part  of  this  caution  is  evident,  in  Jujiinians  con- 
Sjn'i'  firmation  of  the  Fifth  General  Synod.     H£c  pro  communi  Pace  Eccltfiarum  Sandif- 

fmarutn  ftatuirnHf  ,  h£c  fententiavimui  ,fe(]ttentej  SanBorum  Patrum  dogmata,  &c.  Thefe 
things  we  ordain,ihefe  things  we  have Jentenced ,  followingthe  opinion  of  the  Holy  Fa- 
thers ,  dec.  §ux  Sacerdntio  vifa  funt  &  ah  Jmperio  confirmata  :  JFlnch  were  approved 
hy   the   Clergy  ,     and  confirmed  by    the   Emperour.      The    Second  part   of    the 
Caution   is  evident   out  of  the  Laws   of  William    the   conquerour  ,    ^«i  de- 
Hovtdcn.         cimam   detinuerit  ,   per  jnflitiam    Epifcopi    &  Regis  fi   necejfe  fuerit  ,     ad  Jolu- 
tionem  arguatur  ,  &c.     JFIjo  fliall  detain  his  Tythe  ,    Let  him    be  convinced  to  pay 
it  by  the    Jujlice  of  the  Bijhop,  and  if  it  be  needful  of  the  King,    For  thefe  things 
St.  Auftin  Preached  and  taught,  and  tbefe  things  (that- is,  both  Tylhs  and  JiirijdiUion) 
were  granted  from  the  King,  the  Barons  and  the  people.     So  hitherto  there  is  no  diffe- 
rence between  us ,  they  acknowledge  that  the  King  is  the  keeper  of  both  the  Tables: 
And  we  fay  that  for  the  Firft  Table  the  Bilhops  ought  to  be  his  Interpreters. 

Thirdly,  As  we  queftion  not  the  Popes  Legillative  or  coadive  power  over  his 
own  Subieds :  fo  we  fubmit  to  the  Judgement  of  the  Catholick  Church,  whether 

he 


Schifm  Guarded.  027 


he  ought  to  have  a  Primacy  ot  order  as  the  SuccelTour  of  St.  ?eter ,  and  as  a  con- 
fcquent thereof ,  a  right  ("if  he  would  content  himfelf  with  it;  to  fummon  Coun- 
cils ,  when  and  where  there  are  no  Chrillian  Sovereigns  to  do  it :  and  to  joyn  with 
other  Bitliops  in  making  fpiritual  Laws  or  Canons  fuch  as  the  Apoftles  made    and  ^^'  ^^  *5' 
fuch  as  the  Primitive  Birfiops  made  before  there  were  Chrillian  Emperours.'  But 
then  thofe  Canons  are  the  Laws  of  the  Church  ,  not  of  the  Pope  :  As  thofe  Canons 
in  the  Ads  of  the  Apoftks  were  the  Laws  of  the  Apoftolical  Colledge  ,  The  Jpoflks 
and  Elders  and  Brethren ,  not  the  Laws  of  St.  Teter.     Then  their  Laws  have  no  co- 
adive  Obligation  to  compel  Chriftians  in  the  outward  Court  of  the  Church  againlt 
their  wills ,  or  ,  further  then  they  are  pleafed  to  fubmit  themfelves.     All  exteriour 
coadive  power  is  from  the  Sovereign-  Prince ,  and  therefore  when  and  where  Em- 
perours and  Kings  are  ChrilUans ,  to  them  it  properly  belongeth  to  fummon  Coun- 
cils ,  and  to  confirm  their  Canons ,  thereby  making  them  become  Laws.     Becaufe 
Sovereign  Princes  onely  have  power  to  Licenfe  and  command  their  Subjeds  to  af- 
femble,  to  Allign  fit  places  for  their  Aflembling ,  to  proted  them  in  their  AlTemblies 
and  to  give  a  coadive  power  to  their  Laws ,  without  which  they  may  do  their  beft 
to  drive  away  wolves ,  and  to  oppofe  Heresick/  ■■,  but  it  muft  be  with  fuch  Arms  as 
Chrift  had  furnifhed  them  withal,  that  is,  Perfwallons,  Prayers,  Tears  and  at  the 
mod  feparating  them  from  the  Communion  of  the  Faithful ,  and  leaving  them  to 
the  Judgement  of  Chrift. 

The  Controvcrfie  is  then  about  new  upftart  Papal  Laws,  either  made  at  Rom 
(  fuch  are  the  Decretals  of  Gregory  the  Ninth ,  Boniface  the  Eighth ,  Clement  the 
Fifth  and  fucceeding  Popes  :  )  Or  made  in  England  by  Papal  Legates  ,  as  Otho  and 
Uthobone;  Whether  the  Pope  or  his  Legates ,  have  power  to  make  any  fuch  Laws 
to  bind  Englifh  Subjeds ,  and  compel  them  to  obey  them  againft  their  wills  ,  the 
King  of  England  contradiding  it.  The  Firft  time  that  ever  any  Canon  of  the  Bi- 
Ihop  of  Kome  ,  or  any  Legiilative  Legate  of  his  ,  was  attempted  to  be  obtruded 
upon  the  King  or  Church  of  England,  was  Eleven  Hundred  years  after  Chrift.  The 
Firft  Law  was  the  Law  againft  taking  Inveftitures  to  Bifhopricks  from  a  Lay-Hand. 
And  the  Firft  Legate  that  ever  prefided  in  an  EngUp  Synod  was  Johannes  Cremenfu^ot 
both  which  1  have  fpoken  formerly.  Obferve  Reader  and  be  aftoniftied,  if  thou 
haft  fo  much  Faith  to  believe  it ,  That  the  Pope  ftiould  pretend  to  a  Legiflative 
power  over  Britip  and  Englijh  Subjeds  by  divine  right ,  and  yet  never  offer  to  put 
it  in  execution  for  above  Eleven  Hundred  years. 

It  remaineth  now  to  prove  evidently  that  Henry  the  Eighth  by  his  Statute  made, 
for  that  purpofe,  did  not  take   away  from  the  Biftiop  of  Rome ,  any  priviledee 
which  he  and  his  Predeceffburs  h4d  held  by  Inheritance  from  St.  Peter  ,  and  been 
Peaceably  poflelTed  of  for  Fifteen  Hundred  Years ;    But  on  the  contrary,   that 
Eleven  hundred  Years    after    St.  Feter  was  dead  ,    the  Biihops  of  Rome  did 
Firft    invade    the  right  of    the  Crown   of  England  ,    to  make  Laws  for  the 
external  Regiment    of  the  Church  ,   which  the    predecefTours    of   Henry    the 
Eighth  had  enjoyed  Peaceably,  untill  the  days  of  ^FiZ/ww  Kw/«f ,  nemine  contradi- 
cente.     And  that  the  Kings  Laws   were  evermore  acknowledged  to  be  true  Laws 
and  obligatory  to  theEw^/i/^Subjedsibut  that  the  Popes  decrees  were  never  efteemed 
to  be  binding  Laws  in  England,  except  they  were  incorporated  into  our  Laws,  by 
the  King  and  Church  or  Kingdom  of  England.     Whence  it  followeth  by  irrefra- 
gable confequence  ,  that  Henry  the  Eighth  was  not  the  Schifmatick  in  this   par- 
ticularibut  the  Pope  and  thofe  that  maintain  him,or  adhere  to  him  in  his  ufurpations. 
Firft  ,  for  the  Kings  right  to  make  Laws ,  not  onely  concerning  the  outward 
Regiment  of  the  Church  ,  but  even  concerning  the  Keys  of  Order  and  Jurifdidion, 
fo  far  as  to  oblige  them  who  are  trufted  with  that  power  by  the  Church,  to  do 
their  duties,  it  is  fo  evident  to  every  one  who  hath  but  caft  his  eyes  upon  out  Englijh 
Laws,  that  to  beftow  labour  on  proving  it ,  were  to  bring  Owls  to  Athens.    Their 
Laws  are  extant  made  in  all  Ages ,  concerning  Faith  and  good  Manners,  Herefie  , 
Holy  Orders,  the  Word ,  the  Sacraments,  Bifhops ,  Priefts  ,  Monkes,  the  Pri- 
viledges  and  Revenues  of  Holy  Church ,  Marriages ,   Divorces ,    Simony  ,  The 
Pope  ,  his  Sentences ,  his  opprelfions  and  Ufurpations,  Prohibitions ,  Appeals  from 
Ecclefiaftical  Judges,  and  generally  all  things  which  are  ofEcclefiaftical  cognifancci 

and 


q^S 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  I 


and  this  in  tliofe  times  wiiich  are  acknowledged  by  the  Kumatiijh  themfelvcs  to  hav^ 

been  Catholick.     More  than  this ,  they  inhibited  the  Popes  own  Legate  to  attempt 

to  Vecree  any  thing  contrary  to  the  Kings  Crown  and  dignity  ,  And  it  they  approved  the 

iH4f.  Par.an.  q^^^^^^  of  the  Popes  Legates  ,  tliey  confirmed  them  by  their  Royal  Authority  ,  and  fo 

F/,7V;/or«.  incorporated  them  into  the  Body  of  the  Englijh  Laws. 

an,  i"»j7.  Secondly ,  That  the  Popes  Decrees  never  had  the  force  of  Laws  in  England  with- 

out the  confirmation  of  the  King  ,  Witnefs  the  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Lateran 
as  they  are  commonly  called  :  But  it  is  as  clear  as  the  day  to  any  one  who  readeth 
the  Eleventh,  the  Six  and  Fourtieth  ,  and  the  One  and  Sixtieth  Chapters,  that 
they  were  not  made  by  the  Council  of  Lateran  ,  but  fome  time  after  i  perhaps  not 
by  Innocent  the  Third,  but  by  fome  fucceeding  Pope.  For  the  Author  of  them  doth 
diftinguifli  himfelf  expreily  from  the  Council  o(  Lateran  ,  It  n>as  well  provided  in  the 
Council  of  Lateran  &c.  But  becaufe  that  Statute  is  not  obferved  in  many  Churches ,  we 
confirming  the  foresaid  llatute  do  add  8cc.  Again,  It  is  known  to  have  been  prohibited  in 
the  Council  of  Lateran  ,  &c.  But  we  inhibiting  the  fame  more  firongly  &c.  Howfoe- 
ver,  they  were  the  Popes  Decrees  ,  but  never  were  received  as  Lawes  in  England^ 
as  we  fee  evidently  by  the  Third  Chapter,  that  the  goods  of  Clergy-men  being  con- 
vided  oiHerefie  be  forfeited  to  the  Church  ,  that  aV  Officers  Secular  and  Ecclefafiical 
Jhould  tah^  an  Oath  at  their  admijjion ,  into  their  Office ,  to  their  power  to  purge  their 
"territories  jrom  Herefie  ,  That,  if  a  temporal  Lord  did  negled,  being  admonijhed  by  the 
Church  to  purge  his  Lands  from  Herefie  ,  he  (hould  he  excommnnicated ,  And  if  he  con- 
temned to  fasisfie  within  a  ICear^  the  Fope poutd  abfohe  his  Subjetis  from  their  Allegiance. 
And  by  the  Three  and  Fourtieth  Chapter  ,  That,  no  EcciefiaiHcal  perfon  be  compelled 
tofwear  Allegiance  to  a  Lay-man.  And  by  the  Six  and  Fourtieth  Chapter  that  Eccle- 
fialUcal  perfons  he  free  from  taxes.  We  never  had  any  fuch  Laws ,  ali  Goods  forfeited 
in  that  kind  were  ever  confifcated  to  the  King  i  We  never  had  any  fuch  Oaths, 
every  one  is  to  anfwer  for  himfelfi,  We  know  no  fuch  power  in  the  Pope  to  abfolvc 
Subjedts  from  their  Allegiance  in  our  Law  i  With  us ,  Clergy-men  did  ever  pay 
Subfidies  and  taxes  as  well  as  Lay-men.  This  is  one  liberty  which  England  hath , 
not  to  admit  of  the  Popes  Laws  unlefs  they  like  them. 
to/f.j.s;.  f.  A  Second  liberty  of  Ewg/W  is  to  rejed:  the  Popes  Laws  in  plain  terms.  The 
Pope  made  a  Law  for  the  Legitimation  of  children  born  afore  Matrimony ^as  well  as  thofe 
born  in  Matrimony  ^  The  Bifhops  moved  the  Lords  in  Parliament,  that  they  would 
give  their  confent  to  the  Common  Order  of  the  Church:  But  all  the  Earls  and  Barons  an- 
fwered  with  one  voice ,  that  they  would  not  change  the  Laws  of  the  Kealm,  which  hitherto 
had  been  ufed  and  approved.  The  Popes  Legiflation  could  not  make  a  Law  in  England^ 
without  the  concurrence  of  three  Orders  of  the  Kingdom:  and  they  liked  their  own 
old  Laws  better  than  the  Popes  new  Law. 

A  Third  liberty  of  England,  is  to  give  a  Legiflative  interpretation  to  the  Popes 
Laws  which  the  Pope  never  intended.  The  Bifhop  oi^Kome  by  a  conftitution  made 
at  the  Council  of  Lions  ,  excluded  Bigamijis  (  Men  twice  Married  )  from  the  privi- 
ledge  of  Clergy  ,  that  is,  that  fhould  Marry  the  Second  time  de  future:  But  the  Par- 
liament made  an  A<^  that  the  conftitution  (hould  be  underftood  on  this  wife ,  that 
whether  they  were  Bigamijis  before  the  conjiitutioH,  or  after,  they  Jhould  not  be  delivered  ta 
the  Prelates  ,  but  Jujiice  (hould  be  executed  upon  them  as  upon  other  Lay-people.  Ejus  efi 
Legem  Intcrpretari  cujus  eji  condere.  They  that  can  give  a  Law  a  new  fenfe  ,  may 
abrogate  it  if  theypleafe. 

A  Fourth  liberty  G^Englandis  to  call  the  Popes  Laws  Vfurpations,  Emhroachmentf, 

Mifchiefs,  contrary  to,  and  defirudive  of  the  Municipal  Laws  of  the  Realm  ,  derogatory  to 

the  Kings  Regality:  And  to  puni(h  Cnch  of  their  Subjeds  as  fhould  purfue  them,  and 

obey  them  ,    with  Imprifonment ,  with   Confifcation  of  their  Goods  and  Lands  ,  with 

Outlawing  them,  and  putting  them  out  of  the  Kings  Protedion.      Witnefs  all  thofe 

noble  Laws  of  Provifors  and  Premunire  ,  Which  we  may  truly  call  the  Palladium  of 

England,  which  prefcrved  it  from  being  fwallowed  up  in  that  vaft  Gulf  of  the  Roman 

27  £  a'  Court  V  made  by  Edward  the  ¥hR,Edward  the  Third  ,  Richard  the  Second,  Henry 

1  H.\'cah  J,  ^^^  Fourth.     All  thofe  collations,  and  refervations,  and  provifions, and  priviledges, 

f(y  4.  '  and  (entences,  which  are  condemned  in  tho(e  ftatutes ,    were  all  grounded  upon  the 

7M'^cap-6  Popes  Laws,  and  Bulls,  and  Decrees ,  which  out  Anceftours  entertained  as  they 

deferved.  Qthobon 


Schifm  Guarded.  qac 


Othubon  the  Pope's  Legate  in  England^  by  the  command  ot'Vrban  the  Fifth,  made 
a  Conrtitution  for  the  endowmenC  of  Vicars  in  Appropriations,  but  it  prevailed  not: 
whereas  our  Kings  by  Two  Ads  of  Parhament  did  ealily  efFed  it.     No  Ecclefiafti- 
cal  Adisimpoliibic  to  them  who  havea  kgiflativepower-,  but  many  Ecclefialtical  '5  .x-   . 
Ads  were  beyond  the  fphere  of  the  Pope's  adivity  in  England.     The  King  could  ^  ^'  "*■  '"•'  • 
make  a  fpiritual  Corporation  ,  but  the  Pope  could  not.     The  King  could  exempt 
from  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Ordinary,  but  the  Pope  could   not.     The  King  could 
convert  Seculars  into  Regulars,  but  the  Pope  could  not.     The  King  could  granr  ^  j{..,ca 
the  priviledge  of  the  Ctftercians,  but  the  Pope  could  not.     The  King  could  appro-  eV  4.        *    ' 
priate  Churches ,  but  the  Pope  could  not.     Our  Laws  never  acknowledged  the  *  ^-  4-  «•  3» 
Pope's  plenitude  of  Ecclellaftical  power  ,  which  was  the  ground  of  his  legillation.  ^''' 
Etiphemim  objedcd  to  Gelafm  ,  that  the  Bifliops  of  Kome  alone  could  not  condemn 
Acatiitf,  ab  una  non  potiii^et  damnari.     Gelafm  anfwercd,  that  he  was  condemned  by  Gelaf  Epiji. 
the  Council  of  Cbalcedon ,  and  that  his  predeceljor  was  but  the  Executcr  of  an  old  Law   '*''  t'luflxm. 
aiidnotthe  Jitthow  nfanerp.     This  was  all  theancient  Bifhops  of  Kome  did  chal- 
lenge, to  be  Executors  of  Ecclefiaftical  Laws,  and  not  fingle. Law-makers.     I  ac- 
knowledge ,  that  in  his  Epiftle  to  the  Bifliops  of  Vardan'ia^  he  attributeth  much  to 
the  BiOiops  oiKome  with  a  Council',  but  it  is  not  in  making  new  Laws  or  Canons 
but  in  executing  old  ,  as  in  the  cafe  ofAthanafm  and  Chryjoftome.     The  privikdaes  - 

of  the  Abbey  of^  St.  Auftin  in  England  granted  by  the  Popes ,  were  condemned  as  null,  Eadm  l.i: 
or  of  no  validity  ,  becaufe  they  were  not  ratified  by  the  King  ^  and  approved  by  the  f- 91-' 
Peers*      W'lWhm  the  Conquerer  would  not  fiffer  any  man  within  his  Dominions ,  to  re- 
ceive the  Tope  for  Apojiolical  Bijhop  ,  but  by  his  command  ■-,  nor  to  receive  his  Letters  by    Eadm,  /.  i. 
any  means,  unlefs  they  werefirjl  pewed  to  him.     It  is  likely  this  was  in  a  time  of  ^'^' 
Schifm,  when  there  were  more  Popes  than  one,  but  it  (heweth  how  the  King  did 
intereft  himfelf  in  the  affairs  of  the  Papacy ,  that  it  fliould  have  no  farther  influence 
upon  his  Subjeds  than  he  thonght  fit.     He  ,  who  would  not  furfer  any  man  to  re  • 
ceive  the  Pope's  Letters  without  his  leave  ,  would  much  lefs  fuffi'r  them  to  receive 
the  Pope's  Laws  without  leave.     And  in  his  prefcript  to   Kemigius  Bifliop  of  Lin- 
coln,  Know  ye  ,  all  Earls  and  Vifcounts  ,  that  1  hare  judged ,  that  the  Epifcopal  for 
Ecclefiaftical  )  Laws  ,  which  have  been  of  force  until  my  time  in  the  Kingdom  of  Eng- 
land ,  being  not  weV  cnnfiituted  according  to  the  precepts   of  the  holy  Canons ,  Jhould  be 
amended  in  the  common  Aflembly ,  and  with  the  Cotoicil  of  my  Archhijhops,  and  the  reji 
of  the  Bifliops  and  Abbats ,  and  all  theVrinces  of  my  Kingdoms.     He  needed  not  the 
help  of  any  Forreign  Legiflation  ,  for  amending  Ecclefiaftical  Canons,  and  the  ex- 
ternal regiment  of  the  Church. 

Now  let  us  fee,  whether  the  Liberties  of  France  be  the  fame  with  our  E«^///& 
privilcdges.  The  fecond  Liberty  is  this ,  The  Spiritual  Authority  and  power  of  the 
Pope  ,  is  not  ahfolute  in  France,  (  if  it  be  not  abfolute  ,  then  it  is  not  lingly  Legifia- 
tive,  )  but  limited  and  re(irained  by  the  Canons  and  ancient  Councils  of  the  Church.  If 
it  be  limited  by  ancient  Canons,  then  it  hath  no  power  to  abrogate  ancient  Canons 
by  new  Canons.  Their  ancient  Canons  are  their  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  ,  as  well  as 
ours  ,  and  thofe  muft  he  received  into  that  Kingdom.  They  may  be  excellent  Advi- 
fcrs  without  reception ,  but  they  are  no  Laws  without  publick  reception  i  Canons 
are  no  Canons,  ckhci in  England ^  or  in  France,  farther  than  thej'  are  recei- 
ved. 

The  third  Liberty  is  ,  No  command  tvhatfoever  of  the  Pope  (  papal  decrees  are  his 
chief  Commands  )  can  free  the  French  Clergy  from  their  Obligation,  to  obey  thecoma 
mands  of  their  Sovereign.  But  if  Papal  power  could  abrogate  the  ancient  Laws  of 
France ,  it  did  free  their  Clergy  from  their  obedience  to  their  Soveraign  Prince. 

The  fixteenth  Liberty  is.  The  Courts  of  Parliament  have  power  to  declare  null  and 
voide  the  Popes  Bulls,  when  they  are  found  contrary  to  the  Liberties  of  the  French  Churchy 
or  the  Vrerogative  Koyal. 

The  twentieth  Liberty  ,  The  Pope  cannot  exempt  any  Church,  Monaftety  ,  or  Eccle- 
fiaftical Body  from  the  jurifdiBion  of  their  Ordinary  ,  nor   ereH  Bifhopricks  into  Archbi- 
(hoprickj,  mr  unite  them,  nor  divide  them  ,  without  the  Kings  Licence.     England  and 
France  as  touching  their  Liberties  walk  hand  in  hand. 
To  conclude ,  the  Pope's  legiflative  powex  in  England ,  was  a  grofs  Ufurpation 

and. 


5?o 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  I 


and  was  fupprcfTcd  before  it  was  well  romed.     But  they  are  affraid  of  the  old  rule. 
Break  ice  btone  place  ,  and  it  tpill  crack '»  '«<"'<••     ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  confefs  one  crrour,  they 
(hould  be  fufpecfted  of  many  v  if  their  Infallibility,  was  loft,  all  were  gone.     And 
therefore  they  refolve  to  bear  it  out  with  head  and  flioulders ,  and  in  place   of  dif- 
claiminga  fingle  power,  to  make  Ecclefiaftical  Laws ,  and  to  give  them  a  coadive 
obli'^ation  in  exteriour  Courts  ,  they  challenge  a  power  to  the  Pope  C  fomefayor- 
dinaniy,  others  extraordinarily i  fome  fay  diredly  ,  others  indiredtly,)  to  make 
and  abrogate  political  Laws  throughout   Chriftendom  ,  againft  the  Will  of  Sove- 
raign  Princes.     They  who  feem  moft  moderate  and  cautelous  among  them,  ajebad 
enough  ,  and  deferve  right  well  to  have  their  works  inferted  into  the  Rebels  Cate- 
H         chifm.     Jf  a  civil  Larv  be  hurtful  to  the  fouls  of  SubjeSs  ^  and  the  Frince  tvill  not  abro- 
fL  I-  i'"'^-  gate  it  >  if  another  civil  Law  be  healthful  to  the  fouls  of  the  Sithjelfs ,  and  the  lemforal 
Prince  wilt  not  enaU  it,  the  Tope  as  afiiritual  Prince  may  abrogate  the  one  ,  and  ejiablijh 
the  othn:     For  civil  power  is  inferiour,  and  confequentlyfubje£i  to  j}iritual power.  And, 
7he  EcclefajiickKepuhlickought  iobeperfiU  andfufficient  to  attain  its  end:  But  the  pow- 
er to  difpofe  of  things 'Temporal ,  is  nectffary  to  attain  jfiritual  ends.  And,  It  is  not  laW" 
ful  to  chufe  an  Infidel  or  Heretical  Prince,  but  it  is  the  fame  danger  or  damage  to  chufe  one 
who  U  no  Chrifiian ,  and  to  tolerate  one  who  is  no  Chrijiian;  and  the  determination  of  the 
^ejUon  whether  he  be  fit  to  be  tolerated  or  not,  belongs  to  the  Pope.     In  good   time. 
From  thefe  premises  ,  we  may  well  exped  a  neceflary  collufion.     Who  ever  fee 
fuch  a  rope  of  Sand  ,  fo  incoherent  to  it  felf,  and  confifting  of  fuch  heterogeneous 
parts,  compofed  altogether  of  miftakes?  Surely  a  man  may  conclude,  that  either 
noUe  pinxit ,  the  learned  Authour  painted  this  Cyprefs  tree  in  the  night ,  or  he  hath 
a  pitiful  penurious  caufe  ,  that  will  aiford  no  better  proofs.     But  I  hope  the  quar- 
rel is  dead  or  dying,  and  with  it,  much  of  that  animofity ,  which  it  helped  to  raife 
in  the  World.     At  leaft  I  muft  do  my  Adverfaries  in  this  caufe  that  right ,  I  find 
them  not  guilty  of  it.     Let  it  dye  ,  and  the  memory  of  it  be  extinguiflied  for  ever 
and  ever. 

SECT.    I.    Cap.  7. 

^01  pafs  over  from  the  Pope's  legiflative  power ,  to  his  judiciary  power.  Per- 
ThePopc  hath  j^  ^^^^  ^^^  Reader  may  exped  to  find  fomething  here  of  that  great  Controverfic 
Sowerin  E«-  between  Proteftants  and  Papifts  v  wliether  the  Pope  be  the  laft  ,  the  higheft ,  the 
land.  infallible  Judge  of  controverfies  of  Faith  ,  with  a  Council  or  without  a  Council  > 

For  my  part  I  do  not  find  them  fo  well  agreed  at  home ,  who  this  Judge  is.  All 
fay  it  is  the  Church ,  but  in  determining  what  Church  it  is  ,  they  differ  as  much  as 
they  and  we.  Some  fay  it  is  the  EfTential  Church  by  reception  ,  whatlbever  the 
Univerfal  Church  receiveth  is  infallibly  true:  Others  fay  it  is  the  Reprefentativc 
Church ,  that  is ,  a  General  Council  ;  Others  fay  it  is  the  Virtual  Church  ,  that  is, 
the  Pope:  Others  fay  it  is  the  Virtual  Church  and  the  Pveprefentative  Church  toge- 
ther, that  is,  the  Pope  with  a  General  Council :  Lafilyi  others  fay  it  is  the  Pope 
with  any  Council,  either  General ,  or  Patriarchal,  or  Provincial ,  or  (I  think)  his 
Colledge  of  Cardinals  may  (erve  the  turn. 

And  concerning  his  Infallibility ,  all  men  confefs  that  the  Pope  may  err  in  his 
judgment ,  and  in  his  Tenets ,  as  he  is  a  private  Dodor  ,  but  not  in  his  Definiti- 
ons. Secondly ,  the  mofl  men  do  acknowledge ,  that  he  may  err  in  his  Definiti- 
ons,  if  he  define  alone  without  fbme  Council ,  either  General  or  Particular.  Third- 
ly ,  others  go  yet  higher  ,  that  the  Pope  as  Pope  ,  with  a  particular  Council , 
may  define  erroneoully  or  Heretically ,  but  not  with  a  General  Council.  Laftly , 
many  of  them  which  go  along  with  others  for  the  Pope's  Infallibility,  do  it  upon 
a  condition,  St  maturus  frocedut  ,  &  conftlium  audiat  aliorum  Pajlorum  ,  Ifhepro- 
BtB-JeRamt  ceed  maturely  ,  and  hear  the  cuunfel  of  other  Pajiors.  Indeed  Bfi^/i^rwiw  faith ,  that  if 
ant.  ,4.c4.,i«  ^j^y  ^^^  (hould  demand  ,  Whethtr  the  Pope  might  err  if  he  defined  rafhly  ?  without 
doubt  they  would  all  atifwer  ,  that  the  Pope  could  not  define  rafldy.  But  this  is  meer 
prefumption  without  any  colour  of  proofl  I  appeal  to  any  rational  man  ,  of  what 
communion  fbever  he  be,  whether  he  who  (aith ,  "Ihe  Pope  cannot  err  ,  if  he  proceed  ii 
maturely  upon  due  advice^  do  prefume  that  theP  ope  cannot  proceed  immaturcly,  or     i 

with- 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ^^i 

without  due  advice ,  or  not  rather ,  that  he  may  proceed  ralhly  ,  and  without  due 
advice-,  other  wife  the  condition  was  vainly  and  fuperHuoufly  added.  Fruflra  fit 
per  plura  quod  fieri  MeHpTfauciora.  _        ^.    ^     „ 

But  the  truth  is ,  we  have  nothing  concerning  this  Queftion ,  nor  concerning  any 
Turi(ai<ftlonmeerly  Spiritual,  in  all  the  Statutes  of  HfKry  the  Eighth.  They  do 
all  intend  coadlive  Jurifdidion  in  the  exteriour  Court  of  the  Church:  yet  although 
nothing  which  he  faith  doth  conftrain  me,  I  will  obferve  my  wonted  ingenuity. 
We  eivc  the  Supreme  Judicature  of  controverfies  of  Faith,  to  a  General  Council  i 
and  the  Supreme  power  of  Spiritual  cenfures,  which  are  coadtive  onely  in  the  court 
of  confciencc:  but  if  the  Sovcraign  Prince  (hall  approve  or  confirm  the  Ads  of  a 
General  Council  ,  then  they  have  a  coadive  power  in  the  exteriour  Court ,  both 
political  and  Ecckfiaftical.  There  is  nothing  that  we  long  after  more,  than  a  Ge- 
neral Council  rightly  called ,  rightly  proceeding  •,  or  in  defed  of  that,  a  free  Oc- 
cidental Council ,  as  General  as  may  be.  But  then  we  would  have  the  Bifhops  to 
renounce  that  Oath  which  hath  been  obtruded  upon  them,  and  the  Council  to  de- 
clare it  void.  7.  A.  Bifho^-y  &c.  rotU  he  faithful  to  St.  Peter ,  and  to  the  Holy  Apofioli- 
cal  Church  of  Rome,  aiid  f  our  Lrd  Pope  Alexander,  &c.  JwiV  be  an  ajjijiam  to  retain 
ai'd  to  dtfertd  the  Roman  Tapacy ,  and  the  Royalties  of  St.  Peter.  Where  this  Oath 
is  efleemed  obligatory,  I  do  not  fee  how  there  can  be  a  free  Council. 

But  1  retire  my  felf  to  that  which  concerneth  our  prefent  Queftion  ,  arid  the  Laws 
of  Kin^  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  concerning  Judiciary  power  in  the  exteriour  court  of 
the  Church.     The  firlt  Branch  of  this  third  Ufurpation  is  ,  Wlmher  the  Bifhop  of  ._^ 

Rome  can  receive  Appeals  from  England,  and  fend  for  vphat  Englifli  SuhjeSs  he  plea-  r^eilcno  aS 
feth  to  Rome,  rvithottt  the  Kings  leave?  The  firft  prefident ,  and  the  only  prefident  peals  from 
that  we  have     of  any  Appeal  out  of  England  to  Kome,  for  the  Firft  thoufand  yearS  England, 
after  Chrift,  was  that  of  Wilfrid  Archbifhop  of  Torfc^;  though  to  fpeak  the  truth, 
that  was  rather  an  equitable  than  a  legal  Appeal  to  the  Pope  ,  as  the  only  Biftiop  of 
an  Apoltolical  Church  in  the  Weji  ,  and  an  honourable  arbitrator ,  and  a  Faithful 
depofitary  of  the  Apoftolical  Traditions  ,  not  as  a  Superiour  Judge.     For  neither 
were  the  adverfe  parties  fummoned  to  Rome  ,  nor  any  witfiefles  produced  ,  both 
•which  ought  to  have  been  done  in  a  Legal  Appeal.     But  the  fuccefs  was  fo  contra- 
ry to  the  Popes  Intereft ,  and  the  refolution  of  the  King  ,  Church  ,  and  Kingdoni 
of  Enzhnd  fo  unanimous  (Thatffco'  could  not  affent  to  the  Fopes  Legation  ,  hecaufe  it 
TPM  againli  reajon  that  a  perfon  tvcice  condemned  by  the  rrhole  Council  of  the   Englifh , 
Jhouldbe  rejhred  upon  the  Fopes  Letter)  that  England  was  never  troubled  with  any 
more  Appeals  to  Kome  until  after  the  conqueft.     Neither  durft  the  Pope  fend  any 
Bulls  or  mandates  then,  but  a  plain  Letter. 

The  next  Appellant  was  Anfelm  a  ftranger  (  who  knew  riot  the  liberties  of  Eng^ 
land  )  in  the  days  of  Henry  the  Firft ,  as  fucceQefs  as  IFzlfrid  had  been.     Will  you 
truft  the  Teftimony  of  a  King?  C  and  I  know  not  why  a  King  fhould  not  be  truikd  Malm,  it  gei 
for  the  cuftoms  of  his  own  Kingdom, )  Hear  King  Henry  the  Firft  the  Son  of  the  iP"  Jo"- 
Conquerour  ,  Jt  if  a  Cttllom  of  my  Kingdom  injlituted  by  my  Father  ,  C  inftituted  in-     "'^     '* 
deed     but  not  Firft  inftituted  ,  for  it  was  an  old  Saxon  Cuftom  )  that  no  Fcpe  be 
jippdkd  to  TPiihout  the  Licenfe  of  the  King.     Another  Law  of  the  fame  King  was ,  ^^^  ^^^.  ^ 
By  all  means  we  difcharge  forraign  Judgments.     If  you  will  not  truft  the  King  ,  truft  c.  ^,. 
the  whole  Kingdom  upon  their  Oaths,  in  the  days  of  Henry  his  Grandchild.  The 
Firft  Enghfh  Cuftom  recited  in  the  Allize  of  Clarendon  is  this ,  That  ail  Appeals  in  Mat.  Par.  am 
England  mjiji  proceed    regularly   from    the    Archdeacon  to    the    Bifhop  ^  from  the  "H- 
Bifhop  to    the  Archhifhop  ,   and   if  the   Archbifhop   failed    to  do  Juflice  ,    the  I4  Eaiir,frt„U 
complaint  mu{i  be  to  the  King  to  give  order  for  redrefl.     If  wc  will  not  truft   the  $.j>-iij. 
King  and  Kingdom  ,  Yet  let  us  truft  the  Pope  himfelf :  Thus  Fafchal  the  Second 
writeth  to  our  Henry  the  Firft  ^Ihe  Fopes  Nuncio's  and  Letters  do  find  no  reception  n>ith~ 
in  thy  Jurifdi&ion^  there  are  no  complaints  from  thofe  parts,  no  Appeals  are  deiUned  to  the 
Apoliolick^See.     The  Abbat  of  T/;oc«fy  found  this  true  by  experience,  who  lay  long  ^ovtieno^i 
inprifonnotwithftandinghis  Appeal  to  Kome.     The  cafe  is  fo  plain,  that  I  (hall  "^" 
not  cite  one  Authority  more  in  it ,  bat  onely  one  of  our  Statute  Laws  ,  made  not 
onely  by  the  affent  r  as  isufual)  but  upon  the  prayer,  and  grievous  and  clama- 
rous  complaints  of  the  Peers  and  Commons  ■,  That  becaufe  Feopk  are  drawn  out  of  t:Kvii,EJt!>. 

LI  the  3. 


— —  Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  1 

wj-^ _^ _ — _ . 

*/,.  KeJm  to  anlr^tr  things  ,  the  cogmjhtce  r^hereoj  bdoytgeth  to  the  Kings  Courts,  and 
r     4  A      ents  of  the  Kings  Conrts  are  impeached  in  another  Court  (  tlie  Court  of 
the   P^'^^^J^J*^  disinheriting  of  the  King  and  hU  Crown  ,  and  the  undoing  and  dtlhuUion 
fZ  Common  Law  of  the  LMd  :  Therefore  it  is  ordained  ,  that  whofoevcr  Pall  draw 
I  out  of  the  Kealm  in  Flea.if  he  do  not  appear  upon  Summons  and  conform  to  the  Sen- 
"  '^"e   of  the  Kings  Court ,  he  fhjU  forfeit  Lands  and  Goods,  he  Outlawed  and  Jmprifoned, 
*^' Againft  fuch  fortifications  grounded  upon  Prefcription  and  Imperial  Laws  ,  the 
Canon  of  the  Council  of  Sardica  will  make  no  great  Battery.     Take  the  Council 
of  Sardica  at  the  bert  ,   waving  all  exceptions ,  yet  certainly  it  was  no  General 
Council  ■■>  If  it  were  ,  it  had  been  one  of  the  Four  Firft.     If  it  had  been  a  General 
Council  it  felf ,  Three  fucceding  Popes  were  much  to  blame  ,  to  Father  the  Canons 
of  it  upon  the  Firft  General  Council  of  Nice.     The  Canons  of  the  Council  of  Sar- 
dica did  not  bind  the  Africans  of  old,  much  lefs  bind  us  now.     Secondly,  the  Canon 
of  Sardica  doth  onely  give  way  to  Appeals  to  Kome  in  cafes  between  Two  Bifhops; 
but  the  Court  of  Kome  admitteth  Appeals  from  inferiour  Clergy-men  ,  from  Lay- 
men    from  all  forts  of  men  ,  in  all  forts  of  caufes  that  are  of  Ecclefiaftical  cogni- 
fancc.     Thirdly  ,  The  Canon  of  Sardica  is  a  meer  pcrmiliion ,  no  precept ,  what 
may  be  done  in  difcretion  ,  not  what  ought  to  be  done  of  necellity  ;  It  was  pro- 
pofed  with  a  Si  vob'n  placet ,  If  it  pkafe  you ,  and  the  ground  of  it  is  a  complement. 
Let  us  honour  the  memory  of  St.  Peter.     Fourthly,  There  is  one  great  circumftancc 
in  our  cafe ,  which  varieth  it  quite  from  that  propofed  by  Ofim  to  the  Sardican  Fa- 
thers    that  is,  thr't  our  King  and  the  Laws  of  the  Realm  do  forbid  Appeals  to 
Home.    If  there  had  been  fuch  an  Imperial  Law  then,  do  we  think  that  the  Fathers 
of  Sardica  would  have  been  fb  dilloyal ,  or  (b  Umple  to  think  to  abrogate  the  Im- 
perial Laws  by  their  Canons,  which  are  no  Laws  but  by  the  Emperours  confirma- 
tion? No,  the  Fathers  of  that  Age  did  know  their  duty  too  well  to  their  Empe- 
rour     and  if  they  could  have  fbrefeen  what  avaritious  pradtifes  and  what  grofs 
opprellions  ,  would  have  fprung  in  time  from  this  little  feed  of  their  Indulgence , 
they  would  have  abominated  them.     Laftly,  fuppofing  the  5(jrJici»«  Council  had 
been  of  more  Authority  ,  and  the  Canon  thereof  of  more  extent  than  it  was,  and 
more  peremptory  ,  and  that  there  had  been  no  fuch  intervening  impediment  why 
Englifh  Subjeds  could  not  makeufe  of  that  remedy :  Yet  the  Council  oi  Sardica  can 
give  but  human  right,  and  a  contrary  prefcription  for  a  Thoufand  Years,  is  a  fuf- 
ficient  Enfranchifement  from  all  pretence  of  humane  right. 

The  Second  branch  of  this  Ufurpation  ,  is  as  clear  as  the  former ,  concerning  Pa- 

Of  Papal  Bulls  pal  Bulls  and  Excommunications ;  That  by  our  Ancient  Laws  they  cannot  be  ex- 

and  excom-     ecuted  in  England  without  the  Kings  leave.     In  the  Alfize  of  Clarendon  this  is 

niunicationv,^^  found  to  be  one  of  the  ancient  Cuftoms  oi^  England,  That  none  of  the  Kings  Servants 

ro1*itf4. '         <"■  Tenents  that  held  of  him  in  Capite  ,  might  be  excommunicated ,  or  their  Lands  inter- 

diSed,  before  the  King  was  made  acqnainted.     There  was  a  ievere  Law  made  in  the 

Hivti  in  Hen,  j^ajgn  of  the  fame  King  ,  If  any  man  be  found  bringing  in  the  Vopes  Letter  or  Man- 

*•  date ,   Let  him  be  apprehended,  and  let  Jufiice  pafs  upon  him  without  delay,  as  a  Tray^y 

tor  to  the  King  and  Kingdom.     Itfeemeth  that  the  Firft  and  Second  Henries,  were 

i/^li'  *'      i^o  mote  propitious  to  Korne  than  Henry  the  Eighth.     Take  one  Statute  more  ;  it 

was  enadted  in  full  Parliament  by  Richard  the  Second  ,  that  if  any  did  procure  or  pur- 

fue  any  fuch  Frocejfes  orExcommunications  in  the  Court  of  Rome,  as  are  there  mentioned, 

that  is,    concerning    prefentations  to  benefices  or  dignities  Ecclefiaftical:    they 

■who  bring  them  into  the  Realm ,  or  receive  them  or  execute  them  ,  pall  be 

put  out  of  the  Kings  proteSion't  their  Lands,  Goods  and  Chattels  be  confifcated  to  the  King, 

and  their  bodies  attached.     They  had  the  fame  refped  for  the  Popes  Bulls  as  often  as 

Hi    4<    4«  *^^y  ^^'^  ""^^  ^'^^  ^tm  ,  in  Henry  the  Fourths  time  ,  as  we  fee  by  the  Statute  made 

againft  thoie  ,  who  brought  or  projecuted  the  Popes  Bulls  granted  in  favour  of  the  Cifter- 

Platfta  An.     cians.     By  the  Law  of  England  if  any  man  denounced  the  Popes  Excommunication, 

?a.  &  J4«       without  the  AfTent  of  the  King,  he  forfeited  all  his  Goods ,  and  it  is  recorded  in 

^'^^'  '*         particular  ^  how  the  Kings  Writ  ifTued  out  againft  the  Bifliops  of  London  and  Nor~ 

rvich,  as  being  at  the  Kings  Mercy ,  hecsiufe  contrary  to  the  Statute  of  Chrcndon  ,  by 

Noved-An.      theFopes  Mandate,  they  had  interdicted  the  Lands  of  Earl  Hugh  ,  and  had  publifhed 

i\6i.Ma'       ^^  Excommunication  without  the  Kings  Licenfe ,   which  the  Pope  had  given  out  againft 

hint. 


Drs COURSE   I V.  Schifm  Guarded.  222 


him.  All  thefe  Laws  continued  Hill  in  force ,  and  were  never  repealed  in  England, 
neither  before  Henry  the  Eighth  began  the  Reformation  ,  nor  fince  by  Queen  ^Mary, 
but  have  ever  continued  in  full  force  until  this  day. 

LaAly ,  For  Legates  and  Legantine  Courts,  there  could  be  no  Appeal  in  Eng-  OrpjpalLe- 
/^;;^to  any  Legate  or  Nuncio,  without  the  King's  leave:  but  all  Appeals  mult  be  gates, 
from  the  Archdeacon  to  the  Bifhop,  from  the  Bifhop  to  the  Archbifhop,  from  the 
Archbifliop  to  the  King ,  as  we  fee  exprefly  by  the  Statute  of  Allize  of  Clarendon 
formerly  cited.     The  Kings  of  England  did  ever  deem  it  to  be  an  unquefiionable  right  Eaiimerut  /.'!• 
of  the  Crown  (  as  Eadmerus  teftifieth  )  to  fitffer  none  to  exercife  the  Office  of  a  Legate  in  ?■  "^• 
England ,  if  the  King  himfelf  did  not  defire  it  of  the  Tope  ,  upon  fame  great  quarrel  that 
could  not  be  jo  well  determined  by  the  Jrchbijhop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  other  Bifhops  i 
■which  priviledge  was  confented  unto  by  Pope  Calixtus.     By  the  Laws  of  England,  ji,jj 
if  a  Legate  was  admitted  of  courtefie,  he  was  to  takg  hii  Oath  to  do  nothing  derogato-  plat.  An.  r. 
ry  to  the  King  and  hU  Crown.     Henry  the  Sixth  ,  by  the  counfel  of  Humphrey  Duke  ^'"-  ?• 
of  Gloccjier  the  Protedtor ,  protefted  againft  Pope  Martin  and  his  Legate ,  that  they 
would  not  admit  him  w«tMr)»  fo  the  Laws  and  Liberties  of  the  Realm,  and  difiented 
from  whatfoever  he  did.     And  when  the  Pope  had  recalled  Cardinal  PooWs  Commif-  a  ii      . 
fion  of  Legate  for  England,  and  was  fending  another  Legate  into  England,  Queen  numems.  ^°' 
Mary  being  very  tender  of  her  Kinfman's  Honour ,  for  all  her  good  affedion  to 
Rome  ,  was  yet  mindful  of  this  point  of  old  Englifh  Law ,  to  caufe  all  the  Sea- 
ports to  be  (lopped  ,  and  all  Letters,  Briefs ,  and  Bulls  from  Rome,  to  be  interce- 
pted and  brought  to  her.     She  knew  this  was  an  old  Englijh ,  not  a  new  Prote- 
ftant  priviledge :  neither  would  fhe  ever  admit  the  new  Legate  to  appear  as  Legate 
in  her  prelence. 

Now  let  us  fee  how  thefe  old  Engliflt  Cuftoms  do  agree  with  the  French  Liber- 
ties ,  "the  Tope  cannot  fend  a  Legate  a  latere  into  France  ,  with  power  to  reform  ,  judge, 
collate  ,  dif^enfe,  except  it  be  upon  the  defire  ,  or  with  the  approbation  of  the  moji  Chnjii- 
an  King.  Neither  can  the  Legate  execute  his  charge  ,  until  he  hath  promifed  the 
King  under  his  Oath  upon  his  Holy  Orders  ,  to  make  no  longer  ufe  of  the  Legan- 
tine power  in  the  King's  Dominions ,  than  it  pleafeth  him ,  that  he  fhalj  attempt 
nothing  contrary  to  the  Liberties  of  the  Gallican  Church :  and  it  is  lawful  to  appeal 
from  the  Pope  to  a  future  Council. 

Another  Liberty  is ,  "the  Cornmiffions  and  Bulls  of  Topes  are  to  be  viewed  by  the 
Cftirt  of  Parliament ,  and  regijired ,  andpublijhed  with  fuch  Canons  as  that  Court  JhaU 
judge  expedient. 

A  third  Liberty  is  ,  Papal  Bulls  ,  Sentences  ,  Excommunications  ,  and  the  lil^e ,  are 
not  to  be  executed  in  France  ,  without  the  Kings  command  or  permiffion. 

Laftly,  neither  the  King,  nor  hU  Realm,  nor  his  Officers,  can  be  excommunicated 
mr  interdi&ed  by  the  Pope. 

And  as  England  and  France ,  fo  all  the  (eventeen  Provinces  did   enjoy  the  {ame 
priviledges ,  as  appeareth  by  the  Placcaert  of  the  Council  of  Brabant ,   dated  at  Bru- 
xells  May  i2.  An.  1^53.  wherein  they  declare  ,  that  it  wm  notorioufy  true  ,   that  the 
SubjeUsofthofe  Provinces  ,  ofwhatjlate  or  condition  foever  (  that  is,  the  Clergy  as 
well  as  the  Laity)  cannot  be  cited  or  convented  out  of  the  Land,  no  not  before  the  Court 
of  Rome  itfelf.  And  that  the  cenfures  ,  excommunications ,  &c.  of  that  Court,    might 
not  be  publijhed  or  put  in  execution  ,  without  the  King's  approbation.     It  feemeth  that 
if  the  Pope  had  any  judiciary  power  of  old,  he  muft  feek  it  nearer  home  >  people 
had  no  mind  to  go  over  the  Alps  to  leek  for  Juftice.     And  that  Ordinance  of  St. 
Cy[>rian,  had  place  every  where  among  our  Anceftors,  Seeing  it  is  decreed  by  all,  and  Cypr.aJCor' 
it  is  equal  andjuji  that  every  man's  caufe  be  heard  there  where  the  crime  was  committed  ^  "el,  Ep.  sj. 
and aportion  of  the  FlocX^is  affigned  to  every  Pajiour,  which  he  may  rule  and  govern, 
and  mull  render  an  account  of  his  Anions  to  the  Lord :  It  behoveth  thofe  whom  we  are 
over  ,  not  to  run  up  a»d  down,  nor  to  fe/wcl^  Bifhops  who  agree  well ,   one  againjl another, 
by  their  cunning  and  deceitful  rajhnefs  s  but  to  plead  their  caufe   there  ,  where  they  may 
have  both  Accufers  and  Witneffes  of  their  crime;  unlefs  the  Authority  of  the  African  Bi- 
fhops who  have  judged  them  already,  feem  left  to  a  few  defferate  and  lojl  perfons,  &c. 
To  fay  St.  Cyprian  meant  not  to  condemn  Appeals,  but  only  the  bringing  Caufes 
out  otAfrick.  to  Rome  in  the  firft  Inrtance ,  is  a  (hift  as  delperatc  as  that  of  thofe  Fu- 

L  I2       -  gitives. 


5^4 


Schifm  Guarded, 


TOME  U 


eitivcs  For  St.  CyVrian  telleth  us  plainly,  that  the  caufe  was  already  judged ,  and 
Sentence  given  in  AfrkK^  The  rirft  Initance  was  paft ,  and  this  Ganon  was  made 
againft  Appeals  out  oi Africa  to  P.ome. 

S  E  C  T.    I.     Cap.  8. 


Of  Papal  dif- 
pcnfatlons. 


Memofial  de 
fa  Wageilad. 
Calolica  cap. 
6. 


SO  from  his  judiciary  power,  I  come  to  Papal  difpenfations ,  the  laft  of  the 
grofTer  Ufurpations  of  the  Bifhops  of  Rome-',  where  I  have  a  large  Field  offer- 
ed me  to  expatiate  in  ,  if  I  held  it  fo  pertinent  to  the  prefent  Controverfie.     The 
Pharifees  did  never  c'ilate  their  ThylaCieries  fb  much  ,  as  the  Roman  Courtiers  did 
their  difpenfative  power.     The  Pope  difpenfeth  with  Oaths  ,   with  Vows ,  with 
Laws    he  loofeth  from  fins  ,  from  cenfnres  ,  from  punifhments.     Is  not  this  a 
IkangeKey,  which  can  unlock  both  fins,  and  cenfures  ,  and  punifliments  ,  and 
laws     and  Oaths,  and  Vows  ,  where  there  are  fo  many  and  fb  different  wards  > 
It  is  two  to  one  that  it  proveth  not  a  right  Key,  but  a  picklock.     Their  dodlrine 
of  Difpenfations  was  foul  enough  ,  efpecially  in  fuch  cafes  as  concern  the  law  of 
God  or  Nature  s  as  Oaths,  Vows,  Leagues,  Marriages,  Allegiance.     For  either 
they  make  the  Difpenfation  to  be  onely  declarative,  and  then  the  purchafer  is 
meerly  cheated ,  who  pays  his  Money  for  nothing :  or  elfe  they  make  all  con- 
tradls ,  leagues ,  promifes  to  be  but  conditional ,  if  the  Pope  approve  them  ,  which 
deftroyeth  all  mutual  trufl  and  human  Society  :  Or  thirdly ,  They  make  the  Pope's 
Difpenfations  to  be  a  taking  away  of  the  matter  of  the  Vow  or  Oath  ,  that  is,  the 
promife,  as  if  the  papal  power  could  recal  that  which  is  paft  i  or  make  that  to  be 
undone  to  day  ,  which  was  done  yefterday  j  or  that  not  to  be  promifed  ,    which 
was  promifed  :  Or  laftly  ,  They  do  difpenfe  with  the  law  of  God  and  Nature ,  as 
they  do  indeed ,  whatfoever  they  pretend  to  the  contrary  ,  or  all  this  kind  of  Dif- 
penfations fignifie  nothing. 

But  the  pradice  of  Difpenfations  was  much  more  foul",  witnefs  their  penitenti- 
ary Tax  ,  wherein  a  man  might  fee  the  price  of  his  fin  before-hand  ,  their  common 
Nundination  of  pardons,  their  abfolving  Subjeds  from  their  Oaths  of  Allegiance , 
their  loo  fing  of  Princes  from  their  folemn  Leagues,  of  Married  people  from  the 
Bonds  of  Matrimony,  of  Cloyfterers  from  their  Vows  of  Celibate,  of  all  forts  of 
perfons  from  all  Obligations  civil  or  facred.  And  whereas  no  Vijpenfation  ought  to 
be  granted  tvithoutjufi  caufe ^  norv  there  U  no  caufe  at  aU  enquired  after  in  the  Court  of 
Rome,  but  only  the  price.  This  is  that  which  the  Nine  choice  Cardinals  laid  fo 
dole  to  the  confcience  of  Vaul  the  Third  --,  How  facred  and  venerable  the  Authority  of 
the  Laws  ought  to  be ,  how  unlawful  and  perniciow  it  U  to  reap  any  gain  from  the  exer- 
cife  of  the  Keys.  They  inveigh  fadly  throughout  againft  Difpenfations ,  and  among 
other  things ,  that  Simonical  perfons  were  not  affraid  at  Rome  ,  frrfl  to  commit  Si- 
mony ,  and  prefently  to  go  buy  an  Abfolution  ,  and  fo  retain  their  Benefice.  Birnt 
venena  juvant.  Two  grofs  Simonies  make  a  Title  at  Rome ,  thanks  to  the  Pope's 
Difpenfations. 

But  I  muft  contra(5t  my  difeourfe  to  thofe  difpenfations  which  are  intended  in  the 
Laws  oi^  Henry  the  Eighth,  that  is,  the  power  to  difpence  with  Enghjh  Laws  in  the 
exteriour  Court ,  let  him  bind  or  loofe  inwardly  whom  he  will,  whether  his  Key 
err  or  not ,  we  are  not  concerned.  Secondly,as  he  is  a  Prince  in  his  own  Territo- 
ries ,  he  that  hath  power  to  bind  ,  hath  power  to  loofe-,  he  that  hath  power  to 
make  Laws  ,  hath  power  to  difpence  with  his  own  Laws.  Laws  are  made  of 
common  events.  Thofe  benign  circumftances  which  happen  rarely  ,  are  left  to  the 
difpenfative  Grace  of  the  Prince.  Thirdly  as  he  is  a  Bifhop ,  whatfoever  difpenfa- 
tive  power  the  ancient  Ecclefiaftical  Canons  ,  or  Edidts  of  Chriftian  Emperours  , 
give  to  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  within  thofe  Territories  which  were  Subjedt  to  his  Ju- 
rifdidion by  human  right,  we  do  not  envy  himi  fo  he  fuffer  us  to  enjoy  our  ancient 
priviledges  and  immunities :  freed  from  his  encroachments  and  ufurpations.  The 
chief  ground  of  the  ancient  Ecclefiaftical  Canon  was.  Let  the  old  cuftoms  prevail.  A 
pofTellion  or  prefcription  of  Eleven  hundred  years,  it  is  a  good  ward  both  in  law 
and  confcience  againft  human  right ,  and  much  more  againft  a  new  pretenfe  of  di- 
vine right.    For  Eleven  Hundred  years  our  Kings  and  Bifhops  enjoyed  the  fole  dif- 

pen- 


I 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ^-f, 

. _=_= ■■ _ „ .  !>57 


penfative  power  ,  with  all  Englilh  Laws  Civil  and  EccIefiaflicaJ.  In  all  which  time 
he  is  not  able  to  give  one  inftance  of  a  Papal  difpenfation  in  England^  noranyfha- 
dow  of  it  when  the  Church  was  formed.  Where  the  Bifhops  o^Kome  had  no  le^ 
gillative  power ,  no  judiciary  power  in  .the  exteriour  Court ,  by  necefTary  confe- 
quence  they  could  have  no  difpenfative  power.  The  Firft  refervation  of  any  cafe 
in  England  to  the  cenfurc  and  abfblution  of  the  Pope,  is  fuppofed  to  have  been 
thatof-(4/i'm«<f  the  Popes  Legate,  in  an  EngUJh  Synod  in  the  year  1138.  Neque 
qiiifijttam  ei  prater  Romanum  po«/i/Fcfw  ,  nifi  mortis  nrgente  perkuh^  modumpaniten- 
U£  fiiialls  injmgat.  Let  m  man  injoyn  him  the  manner  affinal  fenance  but  the  Bijhop 
o/Rome  ,  except  in  danger  of  death.  '■ 

But  long  betore  this  ,  indeed  from  the  beginning,  our  own  Bifhops  (  as  the  moft 
proper  Judges ,  who  lived  upon  the  place  ,  and  fee  the  nature  of  the  crime  and  the 
degree  of  the  delinquents  penitence  or  impenitence,  j  did  according  to  equity  relax  i""""'  ^i^t 
the  rigour  of  Ecclefiaftical  Canons  i  asthey  did  all  over  the  Chriftian  world  before    "'^''^'    '^  ' 
the  Court  of  Rome  had  ufurped  this  gainful  Monopoly  of  difpenfations.  '  In  the 
Laws  of  ^/arcti alone,  and  in  the  conjoynt  Laws  of  Alured  and  Gmthrun   we  fee 
how  many  forts  of  Ecclefiaftical  crimes  were  difpenfed  withal  by  the  fole  aiithoritv 
of  the  King  and  Church  of  England ,  and  fatisfadion  made  at  home  to  the  Kine 
and  to  the  Church,  and  to  the  party  grieved,  or  the  poor,  without  any  manner 
of  reference  at  all  to  the  Court  o£Rome ,  or  to  any  forreign  difpenfation.     The 
like  we  find  in  the  laws  of  fbme  other  Saxon  Kings.     There  needed  no  other  pe- 
nitentiary tax.     P««/b«  the  Archbiihop  had  excommunicated  a  great  Count     He  ^^'^'^'J^''^' 
made  his  peace  at  Rome^  and  obtained  the  Popes  command  for  his  reftitution  to  the  ^*'  ^  ^'      * 
bofome  of  the  Church.     Vunjlan  anfwered,  JrviHobey  the  F ope  rviVingly  rvhen  J  fee 
him  penitent  ,  bnt  it  is  not  Gods  will  that  he  (hould  lie  in  his  fin  free  from  Ecclefia- 
ftical difcipline  to  infult  over  us.     God  forbid  that  I  (hould  relinquifli  the  Law  of  ^*«</-  P-  48x» 
Chril^  for  the  caufe  of  any  mortal  man.     Roman  difpenfations  were  not  in  fuch  re- 
queft  in  thofe  days. 

The  Church  oi  England  difpenfed  with  thofe  Nuns ,  who  had  fled  to  their  Nun- 
neries not  for  the  love  of  Religion,  but  had  taken  the  veil  upon  them  meerly  for  fear 
of  the  French  v  and  this  with  the  council  of  the  King  in  the  days  of  Lanfrank:    and  ^'"'•^'  ^^ '  5** 
with  Queen  Maud  the  wife  of  Ueyiry  the  Firft  in  the  like  cafe,  in  the  days  oiAnfelm  p  dm- 1 
without  any  fuit  to  Rome  for  a  forreign  difpenfation.  j_^     '  *  ?*  '• 

There  can  be  nothing  more  pernicious  than  where  the  facred  name  of  law  is  pro- 
ftitutedto  avaritious  ends',  Where  Statutes  or  Canons  are  made  like  Pitfalls  or  Traps 
to  catch  the  Subjedts  by  their  purfes :  Where  profitable  faults  are  cherifhed  for  pri- 
vate advantage  by  mercenary  Judges,  as  beggars  do  their  fores.     The  Roman  Rota 
doth  acknowledg  fuch  ordinary  avaricious  difpenfations,  to  be  Odious  things.  The  de- 
ledied  Cardinals  make  them  to  be  facrilegious  things, an  unlarvful felling  of  the  pon>er 
of  the  Key/.Commonly  they  are  called  Vulnera  Legum,The  wounds  of  the  laws  :  And  17  Edv,  ti 
our  Statutes  of  Provifors  do  ftile  them  exprefly  the  undoing  and  delhu&ion  of  the  Com- 
mon Lavp  of  the  Land.     The  King ,  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal ,  and  the 
whole  Commonwealth  of  England  ,  complained  of  this  abufe  as  a  mighty  Grie- 
vancei  Ofthejrequent  coming  among  them  ofthvs  infamous  MeJJenger  the  Popes  Non  ob-  **''*•  P^t'tin, 
ftante,(that  is  his  difpenfations )ty  which  Oaths  ^  Cuftoms^  Writings  ,  Grants    Statutes    ^*45« 
Rights^  Triviledges  ^  roere  not  onely  iveakgnedbut  exinanited.     Sometimes  thefe  dif^ 
penfative  Bulls  came  to  legal  Tryals ,  and  were  condemned.     By  the  Law  of  the 
Land  the  Archbifhop  of  Canterbury  was  vifiter  of  the  Univerfity  of  Oxford:    Boni- 
face the  Eighth  by  his  Bull  difpenfed  with  this  Law  ,  and  exempted  the  Univerfity 
from  the  Jurifdidfion  of  the  Archbifhop.     Whereupon  there  grew  a  controverfie 
and  the  Bull  was  decreed  void  in  Parliament  by  two  fucceeding  Kings,  as  being  ob^  Ex  Arch.  Tht> 
tained  to  the  prejudice  ef  the  Crojvn^  theTveak>iingtf  the  Laws  and  Cujioms  of  the  King-  ^""dit. 
dom^  (  in  favour  of  Lollards  and  Heretickf  )  and  the  probable  ruin  of  the  Caid  Vni-  ^*^"''9'  ^' 
.,,rfuy.  \t9u 

How  the  liberties  of  France  and  the  Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  England  do  accord  in 
condemning  this  ufurpation,we  have  feen  formerly  ,  The  power  of  the  Pope  is  not  ab- 
Jolute  in  fmnce  ^  but  limited  and  reftrained  by  the  Canons  of  ancient  Councils.     If  it  be 
limited  and  reftrained  by  Ancient  Canons,  then  it  is  not  Paramount  above  the  Ca- 
nons , 


Schifm  Guarded. 


TOME  I 


6Hen\4ica.u 


ApoU  Card. 
Bett.  contra 
prdf. Monti' 
f.66. 

Epifl.  Cler. 
Leod-  centra 
Pafch.  a.  in 
2.tom>  conC' 


BeO.  Ibid- 


u  •♦  V  ^^c  rlirnpnfative  to  give  Non  Obftante's  to  the  Canons.  And  the 
tZ'ul  l:  nTe.'^^^Tcornrr.i..  ,  Ufou  ,e  W  ^ornt^ed^^rder  l.s  0.n,  upon 
LmoIv  Orders  that  he  rrill  not  attemp  any  thing  tn  the  exerafe  of  hps  Legantine  porver, 
t  the  mtdice  of  the  Decrees  ofGenei-al  Councils,  or  the  pnviledges  of  the  French  Church. 
Then  he  muft  give  no  difpenfations  agaiilfl  the  Canons,  or  contrary  to  thofe  pri- 

^'  Thus'we  have  viewed  all  the  real  differences  between  the  Church  of  Rome  and 
us  concerning  Papal  power  which  our  Laws  take  notice  of.  There  are  fome  other 
petty  abufes  which  we  complain  of,  but  they  may  be  all  referred  to  one  of  thefe  four 
heads.  The  Patronage  of  the  Church  of  E«^/^«-^ ,  the  Legiflative,  the  Judiciary, 
and  difpenfative  powers.  Other  differences  are  but  the  opinions  of  particular  per- 
fons:  But  where  no  Lire  U  ,  there  U  no  'traiifgrejjton.  We  have  feen  evidently ,  that 
Henry  the  Eighth  did  caft  no  branch  of  Papal  power  out  of  England,  but  that  which 
was  diametrally  repugnant  to  the  ancient  Laws  of  the  Land,  made  in  the  Reign  of 
Henry  the  Fourth ,  Richard  the  Second ,  Edward  the  Third  ,  Edrpjrd  the  Firll:,  Hen- 
ry the  Third ,  Henry  the  Second  :  And  thefe  Laws  ever  of  force  in  England  ,  never 
repealed  ,  no  not  fo  much  as  in  Qiieen  Maries  time,  when  all  the  Laws  ot  Henry 
the  Eighth  and  Edward  the  Sixth  which  concerned  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  were  repeal- 
ed. So  that  I  profefs  clearly,  I  do  not  fee  what  advantage  Henry  the  Eighth  could 
make  of  his  own  Laws  ,  which  he  might  not  have  made  of  thofe  ancient  laws-,  ex- 
cept onely  a  gawdy  title  of  Head  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  which  furvived  him  not 
long  ■■,  and  the  Tenths  and  Firfl  Fruits  of  the  Clergy,  which  was  fo  late  an  ufurpa- 
tion  of  the  Pope ,  that  it  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things ,  when  thofe  ancient  laws 
were  made. 

And  fince  I  have  mentioned  the  Novelty  of  that  upfiart  llfurpation  ,  give  me 
leave  to  let  you  (ee  how  it  was  welcomed  into  E;«^/i?«^,whilft  it  was  but  yet  hatching 
with  the  {hell  upon  the  head  of  it ,  by  a  law  of  Henry  the  Fourth,  about  an  hundred 
years  before  Henry  the  Eighth,  (fo  late  this  Mufhrom  began  tofprout  up.)  For  the 
grievous  complaints  made  to  the  King  by  his  Commons  in  Parliament,  of  the  horrible  mif- 
chiefs  and  Damnable  cujiome  which  if  introduced  of  new  in  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  that 
none  could  have  provifun  of  an  Archbifhoprick^,  untill  he  had  compounded  with  the  Popes 
Chamber  to  pay  great  excejfive  fumms  of  Money  ,  as  well  for  the  Firfl:  Fruits  as  other  lef- 
fer  Fees  and  perquifites  ,  &c.  The  Ring  ordaineth  in  Parliament ,  oi  well  to  the  ho- 
nour ofGod,as  toefchew  the  dammage  of  the  Realm  and  peril  of  Souls,  That  whofoever 
(hall  pay  fuch  fums  fliould  forfeit  all  they  had ,  or  as  much  as  they  might  forfeit. 
Wherein  are  Henry  the  Eighths  laws  more  bitter  againft  the  Bifhop  of  Rome,ot  more 
levere  than  this  is  ? 

To  conclude ,  we  have  feen  the  precife  time  when  all  thefe  Weeds  did  Firft  be- 
gin to  peep  out  of  the  earth,  the  very  Firfl:  introdudtion  to  the  intended  pageant, 
was  the  fpoiling  of  Chriftian  Kings  of  the  Patronage  of  the  Church ,  which  Bellar- 
mine  confefTeth  that  they  held ,  Per  non  breve  tempus ,  For  a  long  time.  A  long  time 
indeed  ,  fo  long  as  there  had  been  Chriflian  Princes  in  the  world ,  from  Conjiantine 
the  great  to  Henry  the  Fourth  in  the  Empire  ••>  and  yet  longer  with  us  in  Britain , 
from  King  Lucim  to  Henry  the  Firfl.  The  Clergy  of  Liege  fay  ,  Nimium  effuxit 
tempus  quo  h£c  confuetuda  incepit ,  &c.  It  is  too  long  fince  this  cujlom  (  of  fwearing 
fidelity  to  Princes  )  did  begin.  And  under  this  cufiom  Holy  and  Reverend  Bijhops  have 
yielded  up  their  Souls  to  God ,  giving  to  Cxfar  that  which  was  Csfars  ,  and  to  God  that 
which  was  God's.  But  then  rofe  up  Pope  Hildehrand  otherwife  called  Gregory  the 
Seventh,  FortifjimusEcckfiaVeivindex,  The  moji  undaunted  vindicator  of  the  Church 
of  God,  who  feared  not  to  revoke  and  defend  the  Old  Holy  Ecclefiaftical  Laws.  With 
this  accordeth  the  Church  of  Liege  ,  Hildebrandus  Papa  author  hujus  Novelli  Schif- 
matis  ,  primus  levavit  Sacerdotakm  Lanceam  contra  Diadema  Regni ,  &c.  Pope  Hil- 
dehrand the  author  of  thU  new  Schifm  ,  firjl  lift  up  his  Epifcopal  Lance  agjinfl  the  Royal 
Diadem.  And  a  litle  after.  Si  utriufque  Legis  totam  Bibliothecam ,  &c.  If  I  turn  over 
the  whole  library  of  the  old  and  new  law ,  and  ail  the  ancient  expofitors  thereof,  J  (hall  not 
find  an  example  of  this  Apojiolical  precept^  onely  Pope  UUdebnnd  perfeSed  the  Sacred  \ 
Canons,  when  he  commanded  Maud  the  Marchionefl  to  fubdite  Henry  the  Emperour  ^  fori 
rcmiflion  of  her  fins. 


Schtfm  Guarded.  ^~.- 


Itake  no  exceptions  to  the  perfon  of  Pope  Hildibrand^oihiiis  have  done  it  fnfficient- 
ly.Whether  the  title  of  Antichrift  wasfafiened  upon  him  juftly  or  unjuftly  ,  I  regard 
j:ot.     Yet  it  was  in  the  time  of  this  Hildebrand  and   Fafihaliihis  Succeflbur,  that 
the  Archbifliop  of  Floroice  affirmed  by  revelation  ,  (  for  he  protefted  that  he  k^ew  it  ^^'"^  ^P-  S^i 
nioli  certainly  )    that  Antichrijl   was   to  be  revealed  in  that  age.     And  about  this  f;"'"-"  ^"'^' 
time  the  JFaldenfes  (  of  whom  St.  Bernard  faith,  that  if  vae  inquire  into  their  Faith         '"  ^'"'^' 
nothing  rvas  more  Chrifiian:  if  in  to  their  Converfation,mthing  was  moreirreprehenfibk    ) 
made  their  Succeliion  from  the  Biiliop  of  Kome.     And  not  long  after  in  the  year 
1 1 20.     Publiflied  a  Book  to  the  world  that  the  great  Antichrilt  was  come  i  That 
The  prefent  Governours  of  the  Koman  Church,  armed  with  both  powers  fecular  and  jojeph  Mede 
Spiritual,  who  under  the  fpecious  Name  of  the  Spoufe  of  Chrift  did  oppofe  the  ^^  iV»merM 
right  way  of  Salvation  ,  were  Antichrirt.  Danielk- 

But  I  cannot  but  wonder  what  are  thofe  old  Holy  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  which 
Bellxmiine  mentioneth  ,  thofe  Injiitutions  of  the  Holy  Fathers  which  Hildebrand  himfelf  Plat,  in  Vit» 
profefTeth   totollow,  SMdorumpatrttminjiitutafeqiientess  Why  do  they  mention  ^'■^^- 7- 
what  they  are  not  able  to  produce  ,  or  pretend  what  they  never  can  perform  ?  Bel- 
larmine  hath  named  but  one  poor  counterfeit  Canon  ,  without  Antiquity    without 
Authority  ,  without  life ,  without  Truth.     If  Mr.  Serjeant  be  able  to'  help  him 
with  a  recruit ,  it  would  come  very  feafonably  :  for  without  fome  fuch  helps     his 
pretended  Inliitutions  of  the  Fathers  will  be  condemned  for  his  own  Innovations 
and  for  arrant  Ufurpations,  and  the  Guilt  of  Schifin  will  fall  upon  the  Koman 
Court. 

SECT.    I.     Cap  p. 

But  I  expecH:  itfiiould  be  objeded,  that  befides  thefe  Statutes  which  concern  the  Our  Laws 
patronage  of  the  Englifh  Church,  the  Legiflative,  the  Judiciary ,  the  Difpenfa-  meddle  not 
tive  power  of  Popes ,  there  are  Two  other  Statutes  made  by  Hfwry  Eighth  i  The  ""!' 'P'''!"i»I 
one  an  AU  for  extinguijhing  the  Attthority  of  the  Btjhop  o/Rome  ,  The  other  an  A£lfor  •^g'^'uc^'a"* 
ejiablijhing  the  Kings  Sttcce^on  in  the  Crown,  wherein  there  is  an  Oath  ,  that  the  Bi-  cap.  lo.j/. 
jhop  of  Rome  ottght  not  to  have  any  JiirifdiSion  or  Authority  in  this  Realm.     And  that  Hc».  8.'  capt 
it  is  declared  in  the  37.  Article  of  our  Church,   that  the  Bipop  of  Rome  hath  no  '■• 
JitrifdiUion  in  this  Kingdom  of  England.     And  in  the  Oath  ordained  by  Queen  E" 
lizabeth  ,  That  no  Forreign  Prelate  hath  or  ought  to  have,  any  JurifdiiJion  or  Authority 
EcclefiajUcal  or  Spiritual  within  this  Kealm. 

I  anfwer  this  Objedion  three  ways.  Firft ,  as  to  the  two  Laws  of  Henry  the 
Eighth  ,  They  are  both  repealed  longfince  by  Queen  Mary  ,  and  never  were  refto- 
red  by  any  fucceeding  Prince  :  If  there  were  any  thing  blame  worthy  in  them  let  it 
dye  with  them.  I  confefs  I  approve  not  the  conftruing  of  one  Oath  for  another 
nor  the  fwearing  before  hand  to  Statutes  made  or  to  be  made.  But ,  Ve  mortuis  nil 
nifx  bonum. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer  according  to  the  equity  of  my  Second  ground,  that  although 
it  were  fuppofed  that  our  Anceftours  had  over-reached  themfelves  and  the  truth 
in  fome  exprellions  :  yet  that  concerns  not  us  at  all  ,  fo  long  as  we  keep  our  felves 
exatflly  to  the  line  and  level  of  Apoftolical  Tradition. 

Thirdly  ,  and  principally  I  anfwer.  That  our  Anceftours  meant  the  very  ftme 
thing  that  we  do.Our  only  difference  is  in  the  u(e  of  the  '^ox^s  Spiritual  Authority  or 
Jurifdidion ,  Which  we  underftand  properly  of  Jurifdidlion  purely  Spiritual    which 
extendeth  no  further  than  the  Court  of  Conlcience.     But  by  Spiritual  Authority  or 
Jttrifdi&ion  ,  they  did  underftand  Ecclefiaftical  Jurifdidion  in  the  exteriour  Court 
■which  in  truth  is  partly  Spiritual ,  partly  Political  ■■,  The  Interiour  habit  which  en- 
ableth  an  Ecclcfiaftical  Judge  to  Excommunicate ,  or  Abfolve,  or  Degrade,  is  meer- 
ly  Spiritual ,  but  the  Exteriour  coadion  is  originally  Political.     So  our  Anceftours 
cad  out  External  Ecclefiaftical  Coadive  Juriididion,  the  fame  do  we:  They  did 
not  take  away  from  the  Pope  the  power  of  the  Keys ,  or  Jurifdidion  purely  Spiri- 
tual ;  No  more  do  we. 

To  clear  the  whole  bufinefs,    We  muft  know ,  that  in  Bifliops  there  is  a  Three- 
fold powers  the  Firft  of  Order,  the  Second  of  Interiour  Jurifdidion,  the  Third 

of 


;p Scbifm  Gnarded.  "  T  O  M  £  i > 


ofExtenourjurifdidtion.     ThrFidt  is  reftrred  to  the  Confecrating  and  Admini- 

ftrinR  of  the  Sacraments ,  the  Second  to  the  Regiment  of  Chnftians  in  the  Intenour 
Court  of  Confcience,  the  Third  to  the  Regiment  ot  Chriftian  People  in  the  Exte- 
riour  Court  of  the  Church.     Concerning  the  Two  former ,  I  know  no  controverfie 
between  the  Church  of  Kome  and  us  but  one  ,  Whether  the  Eifnop  of  Kume  alone 
do  derive  his  Jurifdidion  immediatlyfiom  Chriji  ,  and  all  other  Bijhops  do  derive  theirs 
mediately  by  him?  Yet  I  confefs  this  controverlie  is  but  with  a  part  of  the  Church 
oi' Kome:  For  many  of  them  are  of  our  mind ,  th^t  all  Eijhop  hold  their  JttrifdiUion 
immediately  from  Chriji,  as  well  as  the  Top.     And  if  it  were  otherwife,  it  were  the 
grofTell  abfurdity  in  the  World.     For  Thoufands  of  Biflicps  in  Chrijiendom  ,  do  not 
at  all  derive  their  Holy  Orders  from  St.  Teter ,  or  any  other  Koman  Bilhop ,  either 
mediately, or  immediately  (efpecially  in  Afia  and  Africa)  but  from  the  other  Apoftle?. 
Muft  all  thefe  poor  Bilhops  want  the  Key  of  Jurifdidion,  and  be  but  half  Bi(hops, 
to  humour  the  Court  of  Kome  ?  For  they  never  had  Ordination,  or  Delegation,  or 
Commillion  from  Kome ,  either  mediately  or  immediately ,  yet  the  Chriftian  World 
hath  evermore  received  them  for  true  compleat  Bifliops. 

But  wc  have  a  controverfie  with  fome  others  who  acknowledge  no  power  of  Go- 
verning in  a  Bifliop  but  meerly  diredive,  neither  more  nor  lefs  than  a  Phyfitian  hath 
over  his  Patient,  to  advice  him  to  abftain  from  fome  meats  becaufe  they  are  hurtful 
to  him  i  which  advice  the  Patient ,  may  either  obey  or  rejed  without  fin.     But  all 
the  Schools  have  tyed  Two  Keys  to  the  Church's  Girdle,  the  Key  of  Order  and  the 
4.  a  I.  I^ey  of  Jurifdidion,  and  I  do  not  mean  to  rob  my  Mother  of  One  of  her  Keys. 
I.   or.  4.      • /^/,^j„,^//jf^j^^j;/ J  co«7eM«taji(,K»'it/>iiRotf.''  A  Rod  is  more  than  chiding.     The 
principal  Branch  of  this  Rod  is  Excommunication  ( a  Punifhmcnt  more  to  be  feared 
in  the  Judgement  of  the  Fathers  than  all  Earthly  Pains,  )  the  Spiritual  Sword ,  like 
the  cutting  of  a  member  in  the  Body  natural ,  or  the  Outlawing  of  a  Subjed  in  the 
Body  Political.    It  is  a  queftion  in  the  Schools  ,  Whether  the  Paftors  Sentence  in 
binding  and  loofing  ,  be  onely  declarative  ,  or  alfo  operative  >  As  if  fuch  glorious 
promifcs ,  and  fo  great  folemnity  wherewith  this  power  was  given  ,  did  imply  a 
naked  declaration  i  Keys  are  not  given  to  fignifie  the  door  is  open  or  fliut,  but  to 
open  or  fhut  it  indeed.     For  my  part  I  have  always  efteemed  this  Queftion ,  to  be  a 
meer  Logomachy  or  contention  about  words.     They  who  make  the  fentence  onely 
declarative  in  refped  of  man  ,  do  acknowledge  it  to  be  operative  in  refped  of  God. 
And  they  who  make  it  to  be  operative  ,  make  it  to  be  operative  by  the  Power  of 
God  ,  not  of  man.     Whether  the  effed  be  attributed  to  the  principal  caule ,  or  to 
the  Inftrument ,  being  rightly  underftood  ,  it  is  both  ways  true. 

But  this  will  not  excufe  our  Innovators  ,  who  have  robbed  the  Church  of  one 
of  her  Keys  ,  the  Key  of  Spiritual  Jurifdidion.  They  are  fo  Jealous  of  the  Ho- 
nour of  God  ,  that  they  deiiroy  the  beauty  of  the  World,  and  Jump  over  the  backs 
of  all  Second  caufesi  and  fo  they  would  make  the  Holy  Sacraments  to  be  barefigns. 
As  it  was  faid  of  old ,  the  Svpord  of  the  Lord  and  of  Gideon  :  So  we  may  fay  now , 
1.  Cor.  1.  !»•  the  Key  of  Chrift  and  his  Paflor.  St.  Taul  taxeth  the  Corinthians  for  faying  Jaw  of 
Paul ,  I  am  of  Apollo ,  I  am  of  Cephas ,  Jam  0/ Chrift ,  iVlm  (  faith  he  )  U  Chriji 
divided?  Is  Chrift  divided  from  his  Minifters  ?  As  it  is  an  Errour  on  the  one  hand 
to  depend  fo  much  upon  Taul,  and  Aph,  and  Cephas ,  or  any  of  them ,  as  not  to 
depend  principally  upon  Chrift  :  fo  it  as  an  Errour  on  the  other  hand  tc  depend  fo 
upon  Chrift,  as  to  negled  Taul,  Apollo,  and  Cephas. 

In  fum,  Chrift  made  his  Apoftles  not  only  Lawyers  to  give  advife,  but  Judges  to 
Toh.  zo.  XI       S'^^  Sentence.  He  gave  them  not  onely  a  command  but  a  commillion.  As  my  Father 
fent  me,  fo  fend  I  you.  That  is,  I  do  conftitute  you  my  Deputies,  and  Surrogates,  with 
as  ample  power  and  commillion  as  my  Father  gave  me  i  Bind,Loo{e,  Remit,  Retain, 
whatsoever  you  do  on  earthfC/aw  nonerrame,as  long  as  your  Key  erreth  not)  I  coniixm 
in  Heaven.     This  is  the  difference  between  the  Binding  and  Loofing  of  Chrift,  and 
the  binding  and  loofing  of  his  MiniftersiHis  power  is  Original,  Primitive,Sovereign, 
ImperiaUTheir  power  is  derivative,Subordinate,  Delegate,  Minifterial.His  fentence  is 
abfolute  ad  fententiandtim  fimpliciter.  Their  Sentence  is  conditional  i«^  Sententiandum 
fi.     His  Key  never  errcth ,  Their  Key  may  err,  and  many  times  doth  err.     To  con- 
Aft.!  J.  iS.     chide,  the  Apoftles  had  a  Legillative  Power  ,  Itfeemed  good  to  the  Holy  Gho^,  and  to 


as 


Scbifm  Guarded.  nog 


Ui ,  to  lay  upn  you  no  greater  Burthen  than  theje  necejiary  things.     The  Obfervation  of 
Sunday,  was  an  Apoltolical  precept,  fo  is  the  Order  of  Deacons.     They  had  a  Ju- 
diciary power,   and    their  Tribunals  •,  Jgainji  an  Elder  receive  not  an  accufation,  but  ijim  <    19 
before  Irco  or  Three  witnejjes.     They  had  a  Difpenfative  Power ,  To  whom  1  forgave  ' 

any  thing,  for  your  fuk^s  forgave  lit  in  the  prfon  of  Chriji  >  But  all  this  is  onely  in  the  2  Con  1. 10' 
Inceriour  Court  ot  Confciencc. 

The  Third  Power  of  Bifhops,  is  the  power  of  Exteriour  Jurifdidtion  in  the  Court 
of  the  Church ,  whereby  men  are  compelled  againft  their  wills  by  Exteriour  means. 
This  the  Apoltks  had  not  from  Chrili  ,  nor  their  Succeffburs  from  them.  Neither  Joh;  |8;  j^. 
did  Chrift  ever  aflume  anyfuch  power  to  himfelf  in  the  World ,  My  Kingdom  isnot  ^"^^  »*-*4- 
of  thU  World:  And ,  Man  ,  rvho  made  me  a  Judge  or  divider  over  you  ?  Yet  the  great- 
elt  Controverfies  at  this  day  in  the  Ecclefiartical  Court  are  about  pollelfions     as 
Glebes,  Tiths,  Oblations,  Portions,  Legacies,   Adminiftrations ,  &c.     And  i^  E' f. de ton/id 
it  were  not  for  thefe  ,  the  leii  would  not  be  fo  much  valued  ,  in  criminibm  nan  in  lib.  i. 
-  ToffejftonibiK  frotejias  vtjlra  ,  qmniam  propter  ilia  &  nan  propter  has  accepijiis  Claves 
KegniCdilorum  ,  Saith  St.  Bernarde  well  to  the  Pope.     Tour  pon>er  is  in  crimes  not  in 
pojfefrons:  for  thofe  and  Mot  fir  thefe  you  received  the  Keys  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven. 
But  fuppofe  the  Controverfie  to  be  about  a  crime  ,  yet  who  can  fummon  another 
mans  Subjedts  to  appear  where  they  pleafe,  and  imprifon  or  punifli  them  for  not 
appearing  without  his  leave  ?  All  that  power  which  Ecclefiallical  Judges  have  of 
External  Coadion ,  they  owe  it  wholy  either  to  the  Submillion  of  the  parties, 
where  the  Magiftrate  is  not  Chriftian  fas  the  Jews  at  this  day  do  undergo  fuch  Pe- 
nitential Ads  as  are  enjoyned  them  by  their  Superiours  ;   becaufe  the  Reverence  of 
them  who  obey,  doth  fupply  the  defe(fls  of  their  power  who  command  )  or  where 
the  Magiftrate  is  Chriftian,  they  owe  it  to  his  Gracious  conceffions.     Of  which  if 
any  man  doubt,  and  defireto  fee  how  this  Coadtive  power,  how  thele  External 
priviledges  ,  did  Firft  come  to  be  enjoyned  by  Ecclefialtical  perfbns  ,  Let  him  read 
over  the  Firft  Book  of  theCo^,  and  the  Authenticks  or  Novels  of  Juftinian.     And 
for  our  Englilh  Church  in  particular.  Let  himconfult  with  our  beft  Hiftoriographers. 
Eadmeruf  was  one  whom  they  need  not  fufped  of  partiality ,  as  being  Pope  Vrbanes 
own  Creature ,  and  by  his  fpecial  appointment  placed  over  Anfelm,  at  his  own  in- 
treaty  ,  as  a  fupervifer  to  exercifehis  obedience.     Whofe  Injundions  had  fo  much 
poweroverhim  ,  That  if  he  placed  him  in  his  Bed ,  he  would  notonely  not  rife  tvithom 
hU  command ,  but  notfo  much  as  turn  himfelf  from  one  fide  to  another.     Vt  cum  Cttbili  ^'*''"f'^'  Y^' 
locafiet ,  mnfolumfme  pracepto  ejus  non  furgeret  fed  nee  latus  inverteret.     What  marvel  j  "p***.  120.    '' 
is  it  if  the  ancient  Liberties  of  the  Englijh  Church  went  Firft  to  wrack  in  AnfeMs  *' 
days,  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  iioo  (  for  he  died  Anno  noi  )  who  being  a 
Stranger  Primate,had  Co  totally  furrendered  up  his  ownreafon  to  the  Popes  creature? 
Yet  this  Eadmerm  faith  oi  Lanjrrank^,  Histoifdom  recovered  other  cujioms ,  which  the  Eadmer.l.i: 
Kings  of  England  by  their  Munificence,  had  granted  to  the  Church  of  Czntcibmy  in  *•**"' 
ancient  times ,  and  ejiablijhed  them  for  ever  by  their  Sacred  Decrees,  that  it  might  be  mojl 
free  in  all  things.     All  external  exemption  and  coadtion  is  Political ,  and  proceedeth 
originally  from  the  Sovereign  Prince. 

This  is  that  which  St.  Paul  teacheth  us  ,  "the  weapons  of  our  warfare  are  not  Carnal. 
The  weapons  of  the  Church  are  Spiritual ,  not  wordly  not  external :  But  citations, 
and  compulfories ,  and  Signivicavits ,  and  Writs  ad  excommunicatum  capiendum 
(  which  are  not  written  by  the  Bifhops  own  hand,  yet  at  his  beck  )  and  Appa- 
ritors ,  and  Jaolers ,  &c.  Are  weapons  of  this  World ,  and  tend  to  ex- 
ternal Coadion.  For  all  which  ,  the  Church  is  beholden  to  the  Civil  power  to 
whom  alone  external  Coadlion  doth  properly  and  originally  belong.  This  is  that 
which  St.  Chryfoliome  obferved  in  his  comparifon  between  a  Biihop  and  a  Shepherd  ,  ^^yl''^""' '^' 
Jt  if  not  Unfful  to  cure  men,  with  fo  great  Authority  of  the  Shepheard  cureth  his  Sheep,  th. 
For  it  is  jreefoT  the  Shepherd,  to  bind  hit  peep,  to  drive  them  from  their  meat  to 
hum  them,  to  cut  them :  But  in  cafe  of  the  Bilhop  ,  the  Faculty  of  curing  conffteth  not 
in  him  who  adminijireth  the  Thyfick^,  but  in  him  that  is  fick^^  Sec'  St.  Chryfoji  fpeaketh 
of  power  purely  Spiritual,  which  extendeth  it  felf  no  further  than  the  Court  of  Con- 
fciencc ,  where  no  man  can  be  cured  againft  his  will :  But  Sovereign  Princes  have 
found  it  expedient ,  for  the  good  both  of  the  Church  and  of  the  Common  wealthy 

Mm  to 


^ 


40 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  l» 


to  ilrenethen  the  Eifliops  handsTby  imparting  fome  of  their  Political  Authority  to 

him-,  from  wliofe  gracious  indulgence,  all  that  external  coadfive  power  which 
Bifhops  have  ,  doth  proceed. 

Now  to  apply  this  to  our  purpofe-     Wherefoever  our  Laws  do  deny  all  Spiritual 
lurifdiAionto  thePopein  England,  it  is  in  that  fenfe  that  we  call  the  Extcriour 
Court  of  the  Church,  the  Spiritual  Court ;  They  do  not  intend  at  all  to  deprive  him 
of  the  power  of  the  Keys ,  or  of  any  Spiritual  power  that  was  bequeathed  unto  him 
by  Chrift  or  by  his  Apoftles ,  when  he  is  able  to  prove  his  Legacy.     Yea  even  in 
relation  to  England  it  felf ,  Our  Parliaments  never  did  pretend  to  any  power  to 
change  or  abridge  divine  right.     Thus  much  Our  very  Provifo  in  the  body  of  our 
Law  doth  teftihe  ,  that  it  was  no  part  of  our  meaning  ,  to  vary  from  the  Articles 
„     g       of  the  Catholick  Faith  in  anything.   Nor  to  vary  from  the  Church  of  Chriji  in  any 
An  Aft"forEx«  other  thing  ,  declared  by  the  Holy  Scripture  and  the  vpord  of  God ,  necejfary  to  falvation. 
oncratioB.       If  we  have  taken  away  any  thing  that  isof  Divine  right,  it  was  retraded  before  it 
was  done.     Then  followeththe  true  fcope  of  our  Reformation,  Onelytomaks  an 
Ordinance  by  policies  neceffary  andconvenient ,  to  repreji  vice  and  for  good  converfation  of 
the  Kealm  in  Peace,  Unity,  and  Tranquillity,  from  ravine  and  Spoil ,  infuing  much  the 
ancient  cujioms  of  this  Kealm  in  that  behalf.Thn  which  profefled  it  felf  a  Volitici^Ordi- 
nance  doth  not  ttieddle  with  Spiritual  Jurifdidion.     If  it  had  medled  with  Spiritual 
Jurifdidtion  at  all ,  it  had  not  infued  the  ancient  cuftomi  of  the  Kealm  of  England. 
E  imer  L  i.      ^'^  ^""^  ^^"^^  external  Papal  power  which  we  rejedted  and  caft  out ,  and  which 
p4£.  8.  '       '  onely  we  caft  out ,  is  the  fame  which  the  Englijh  Bifliops  advifed  Anfelm  to  re- 
nounce, when  it  was   attempted  to  be  obtruded  upon  the  Kingdom,  'Buth^otv, 
that  all  the  Kingdom  complaineth  againfl  thee ,  that  thou  endeavoureji  to  takg  away  from 
cur  common  Mafter  the  Flowers  of  his  Imperial  Crown ,  rvhofoever  tak^s  away  the  cujioms 
xvhich  pertains  to  his  Koyal  Dignity,  doth  tah£  away  his  Crown  and  Government  together  : 
for  vpe  prove  that  one  cannot  be  decently  had  without  the  other.     But  we  befeech  thee  con- 
fider ,  and  caf:  away  thy  Obedience  to  tfoat  Urban,  who  cannot  help  thee  if  the  King  be 
offended ,  nor  hurt  thee  if  the  King  be  pacified.     Shak^  off  the  Toks  of  SubjeHion  ,  and 
freely  ,  as  it  becomes  an  Archbijhop  of  Canterbury  ,  in  all  thy  adions  expeif  the  Kings 
_,.  pleafure  and  commands,     whatfoever  power  our  Laws  did  divert  the  Pope  of,  they 

I.  t^.i.  inverted  the  King  with  it ;  but  they  never  inverted  the  King  with  any  Spiritual 
power  or  Jurifdidlion ,  witnefs  the  injundtions  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  witnefs  the 
publick  Articles  of  our  Church  ,  witnefs  the  profeffions  of  King  James  ■■>  witnefs  all 
our  Statutes  themlelves ,  wherein  all  the  parts  of  Papal  power  are  enumerated  which 
are  taken  away  i  His  Encroachments ,  his  Vfurpations  ,  his  Oaths ,  his  Collations , 
Frovifwns,  Tenfions,  Tenths  ,  Firjl-fruits  ,  Refervations  ,  Falls,  Unions,  Commendams , 
Exemptions,  Vifpenfations  of  all  kinds.  Confirmations,  Licenfes,  Faculties  ,  Sufpen- 
fions.  Appeals  ,  And  God  knoweth  how  many  pecuniary  Artirices  more;  but  of 
them  all,  there  is  not  one  that  concerneth  J  urifdidion  purely  Spiritual ,  or  which 
is  an  Eflential  right  of  the  power  of  the  Keys  ■■>  They  are  all  Branches  of  the  Ex- 
ternal Regiment  of  the  Church  ,  the  greater  part  of  them  ufurped  from  the  Crown; 
fundry  of  them  from  Bifhops,  and  fome  found  out  by  the  Popes  themfelves,  as  the 
payment  for  Palls  ,  which  was  nothing  in  St.  Gregorie's  time,  but  a  (xe^  gift  or  Li- 
berality or  bounty,  free  from  irapofition  and  exadiion. 

Laftly  confider  the  grounds  of  all  our  grievances  ,  exprefTed  frequently  in  our 
Laws,  and  in  other  writers  ,  The  difmheriting  of  the  Prince  and  Peers,  The  dejlruHion 
and  annuVation  of  the  Laws  and  the  prerogative  Koyal,  the  vexation  of  the  Kings  Liege 
People ,  the  impoverifhing  of  the  Subjects  ,  the  draining  the  Kingdom  of  its  Treafure  ,  the 
decay  of  Hofpitality,  the  differvice  of  God ,  and  filling  the  Churches  o/England  withFor- 
reigners ,  the  excluding  Temporal  Kings  and  Princes  out  of  their  Dominions ,  the  Sub- 
je£iingof  the  Kealm  to  fpoil  and  ravine,  groffe  Simoniacal  contra&s,  Sacriledge,  Grievous 
and  intolerable  oppreffions  and  extortions.  Jurifdidlion  purely  Spiritual  doth  neither 
difinherit  the  Prince  nor  the  Peers,  nor  dcftroy  and  annul  the  Laws  and  Prerogative 
Royal  ,  nor  vex  the  Kings  Liege  People,  nor  impoverifh  the  Subjedl ,  nor  drain 
the  Kingdom  of  its  Treafures,  nor  fill  the  Churches  with  Forrcigners,  nor  exclude 
Temporal  Kings  out  of  their  Dominions ,  nor  Subjedt  the  Realm  to  fpoile  and  ra- 
vine.    Authority  purely  Spiritual  is  not  guilty  of  the  Decay  of  Hofpitality ,  or  dif^ 

fervice 


Schifm  Guarded. 


341 


fervice  of  Almighty  God  ,  or  Simony ,  or  Sacrilege  ■,  or  opprellions  and  Extor- 
tions.    No,  No,  it  is  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church,  by  new  Kow<jk  Laws 
and  Mandates  ,  by  new  Koman  Sentences  and  Judgements ,  by  new  Roman  Pardons 
and  difpenfations  ,  by  new  Roman  Synods  and  Oaths  ol  '^M^lity,  by  new  Roman 
Bifiiops  and  Clerks  •>  It  is  your  new  Roman  Tenths ,  anc  FIrit-fruits  ,  and  provi- 
fions  ,  and   Refervations ,  and  Pardons ,  and  Indulgences ,  and  the  reft  of  thofe 
hombk  mifchiefs  and  damnable  cujhms  ,  that  are  apparently  guilty  of  all  thefe  evils. 
Thefe  Papal  Innovations  we  have  taken  away  indeed ,  and  defervedly ,  having 
fhewed  the  exprefs  time,  and  place  and  perfon ,  when  and  where  and  by  whom 
every  one  of  them  wasFirft  introduced  into  England.  And  we  have  reftored  to  every 
Bird  his  own  Feather  ,  to  the  King  his  Political  Supremacy  ,  to  the  Peers  their  Pa- 
tronages ,  to  the  Bifliops  that  Jurifdidion  which  was  due  to  them  ,  either  by  Di- 
vine right  or  humane  right.     More  than  thefe  Innovations  we  have' taken  nothine; 
away  ,  that  I  know  of.     Or  rather  it  is  not  we ,  nor  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  who  did 
take  thefe  Innovations  away:  but  our  Anceftors  by  their  Laws,  Three,  Four  Five 
hundred  years  old  i  fo  foon  as  they  began  to  fprout  out ,  or  indeed'  before'  thev 
were  well  formed  ,  as  their  Statutes  yet  extant  do  evidence  to  the  world  >  But 
diat  filth  which  they  fwept  out  at  the  Fore  door  ,  the  Roman  Emiflaries  brought 
in  again  at  the  back  door.     All  our  part  or  fhare  of  this  work ,  was  to  confirm 
what  our  anceftors  had  done. 

I  fee  no  reafon  why  I  might  not  conclude  my  difcourfe  npon  this  S\xh]s&.  Mutatis 
Mutandis ,  witfi  as  much  confidence  as  Sanders  did  his  vilible  Monarchy ,  ^uifquis 
jurabit  per  Viventem  in  <eternum ,  &c.  Wljojoever  ihaH fvoear  hy  him  that  liveth  for  ever 
that  the  Church  of  England  is  not  Schifmatical ,  in  refpedt  of  any  Branches  of  Pa- 
pal power,  which  (he  hath  caft  out  at  the  reformation ,  he  (hall  not  forfwear  him^ 
felf;  But  Wagers,  and  Oaths,  and  Proteftations ,  are  commonly  the  arguments  of 
fuch  as  have  got  the  wrong  end  of  the  ftalfe.  I  will  Ihut  up  this  long  difcourfe  con- 
cerning Henry  the  Eighth's  reformation,  with  a  fhort  Apojirophe  to  my  Countrey- 
men  of  the  Roman  Communion  in  England. 

They  have  been  taught ,  that  it  is  we  who  Apoftate  from  the  Faith  of  our  Ance-  ^ 

ftors  in  this  point  of  the  Papacy,  that  it  is  we  who  renounce  the  Univerfal  and  per- 
petual Tradition  of  the  Chriftan  World.     Whereas  it  is  we  who  maintain  ancient 
Apoftolical  Tradition  againft  their  upftart  Innovations :  whereas  it  is  we  who  do 
propugne  the  caufe  of  our  Anceftors  againft  the  Court  oiRome.     If  our  Anceftors 
were  Catholick  in  this  caufe ,  we  cannot  be  Schifmatical.     Let  them  take  heedleaft 
whilft  they  fly,  out  of  a  Panical  fear,  from  a  fuppofed  Schifm,  they  do  not  plunge 
themfelves  over  head  and  ears  into  real  Schifm.  Let  them  choofe, whether  they  will 
joyn  with  their  Anceftors  in  this  caufe  ,  or  with  the  Court  oiRome  ,  for  with  both  ,<i  j,  •  ~, 
they  cannot  joyn.     If  true  Englijh  bloud  run  in  their  veins,  they  cannot  be  long  de-  4.         *' 
liberating  about  that  which  ^eir  Anceftors ,  even  all  the  Orders  of  the  Kingdom 
voted  unanimoufly,  "that  they  would  (land  by  their  King^  and  maintain  the  rights  of 
hii  Imperial  Croren,  againft  the  Vfurpations  of  the  Roman  Court. 

I  have  reprefented  clearly  to  you  the  true  controverfie ,  between  the  Church  and 
Kingdom  of  England  and  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  concerning  Papal  power  ,  not  as  it 
is  ftated  by  private  writers,  but  in  our  Englijh  Laws,  a  glafs  that  cannot  deceive  us 
for  fo  far  as  to  let  us  fee  the  right  difference.     Let  them  quit  thefe  grofs  Ufurpationsi 
why  fhould  they  be  more  alhamed  to  reftore  our  juft  rights,  than  they  were  to  plun- 
der us  of  them  >  Let  them  diftinguifh  between  Jurifdidion  purely  fpiritual ,  and 
Jurifdiftion  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  which  for  the  much  greateft  part  of  it  is  Po- 
litical :  between  the  power  of  the  Sword  ,  which  belongeth  to  the  Civil  Sovereign 
and  not  to  theChurch, further  than  he  hath  been  gracioully  pleafed  to  communicate 
if,  between  that  obedience  which  proceedeth  for  fear  of  wrath ,  or  from  fear  of  Gods 
Revenger  to  execute  rvrath  C  that  is,  the  Sovereign  Prince  )  and  that  obedience  which  r^  ^,^ 
proceedeth  meerly  from  Confcience  ",  And  then  there  is  hope  we  may  come  to  un- 
derftand  one  another  better. 

It  is  true  ,  there  are  other  differences  between  us  :  but  this  is  the  main  diffe- 
rence ,  which  giveth  denomination  to  the  parties ,  and  when  they  come  to  prefs 
thofe  differences ,  they  may  come  to  have  fuch  another  account  as  they  have  now. 

M  m  2  The 


Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  I 

34** ^ • . 

The  wider  the  hole  groweth  in  the  middle  of  the  Milrtone,  men  fee  clearer  through 
ir.  Vies  Viet  eruHat  verhum ,  &  nox  noUi  tndicat  fcienuanu  The  latter  day  is  the 
SchoUar  of  the  former. 

S  £  C  T.     I.     Cap.  10. 

BY  this  time  we  fee  that  Mr.  Serjeants  great  Viffatch  will  prove  but  a  fieevelefs 
Errand,  and  that  this  his  Firft  Moverjhip  in  the  Church  ,  which   he  thought 
coocerning  fliould  have  born  down  all  before  it ,  is  an  unftgnificanr  exprellion ,  and  al- 

imraediate  together  impertinent  to  the  true  controverfie  between  them  and  us.  Unlefs  as  Vida 
Tradition  and  jjj  encompafs  the  whole  circuit  of  Carthage  ,  with  a  Bull  hide  by  her  art :  So  he 
of  UDky.^  within  his  Firii  Moverjhip  can  comprehend  the  Patronage  of  the  Englijh  Church,  and 
the  right  to  convocate  and  diffolve  and  confirm  Englijh  Synods  ,  and  to  invalidate 
old  Oaths  and  to  impofe  new  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  and  to  receive  Tenths  and  Firft- 
fruits,  and  all  Legiflative  Judiciary  and  difpenfative  power,  coadively  in  the  Ex- 
teriour  Court  of  the  Church ,  over  Englijh  Subjects.  He  cannot  plead  any  Charter 
from  England ,  we  never  made  any  fuch  grant ;  and  although  we  had ,  yet  confi- 
dering  how  infinitely  prejudicial  it  is  to  the  publick  Tranquillity  of  the  Kingdom, 
we  might  and  ought  more  advifedly  to  retrad  what  we  unadvifedly  once  refolved. 
And  for  prefcription  he  is  fo  far  to  feek  that  there  is  a  clear  prefcription 
of  eleven  Hundred  years  againft  him.  So  there  is  nothing  remaineth 
for  him  to  ftick  to  ,  but  his  empty  pretence  of  divine  right  ,  which  is 
more  ridiculous  than  all  the  reft  ,  to  claim  a  divine  right  of  fuch  a  Sovereign  power, 
which  doth  Branch  it  felf  into  fo  many  particulars  ,  after  Eleven  Hundred  years, 
which  for  fo  many  Ages  had  never  been  acknowledged ,  never  pradifed  in  the  En- 
glijh Church  either  in  whole  or  in  part. 

We  cannot  believe  that  the  whole  Chriftian  World  were  Mole-eyed,  or  did  fit  in 
darkneft  for  fomany  centuries  of  years  ■■>  until  Pope  Hildebrand ,  and  Pope  Tafchalif^ 
did  ftart  up  like  two  new  lights  with  their  Weapons  in  their  hands ,  to  thump 
Princes  and  knock  them  into  a  right  Catholick  belief^ 

And  indeed  this  anfwer  to  his  pretended  demonftration ,  by  a  real  demonftration 
where  the  true  controverfie  doth  lye,  and  who  are  the  true  Innovators,  doth  vir- 
tually anfwer  whatfoever  he  hath  faid.  So  I  might  juftly  ftop  here  and  fufpend  my 
former  pains ,  butthat  I  have  a  great  mind  to  try  if  I  can  find  out  one  of  thofe  ma- 
ny falfifications,  and  contradictions,  which  he  would  make  us  believe  he  hath  ef- 
. .  pied  in  my  difcourfe  ,  if  it  be  not  the  deception  of  his  fight, 
oneiy  pro-  f '"^^  ^^  telleth  us,  that  our  bejl  champions  do  grant ,  that  our  Faith  and  its  grounds  are 

bablc.  but  probable.    Surely  he  did  write  this  between  fleeping  and  waking  ,  when  he 

could  not  well  diitinguilh  between  neceflary  points  of  Faith,  and  indifferent  opi- 
nions concerning  points  of  Faith  :  or  to  ufe  Cajetans  exprellion ,  between  determina- 
re  de  fide  formaliter  ,  and  determinare  de  eo  quodejifidei  Materialiter ,  Between  points 
of  Faith  neceflary  to  be  believed ,  And  fuch  Queftions  as  do  fometimes  happen  in 
things  to  be  believed.     As  for  Eflentials  of  Faith,  the  Pillars  of  the  Earth  are  not 
founded  more  firmly,  than  our  belief  upon  that  undoubted  Rule  of  Vincentim ., 
§uicquid  ubique  fernper  &  ab  omnibus,  &c.     Whatfoever  we  believe  as  an  Article  of 
our  Faith,We  have  for  ittheTeftimony  and  approbation  of  the  whoIeChriitian  world 
of  all  Ages,  and  therein  the  Church  of  Rome  it  felf.     But  they  have  no  fuch  per- 
petual or  Univerfal  Tradition,  for  their  Twelve  new  Articles  of  Pope  Piiu.     This 
objediion  would  have  become  me  much  better  than  him.     Whatfoever  we  believe  , 
they  believe,  and  all  theChriftian  World  of  all  placesiand  all  Ages,  doth  now  believe, 
and  ever  did  believe-,  except  condemned  Hereticks:  But  they  endeavour  to  obtrude 
new  Eflentials  of  Faith  upon  the  Chriftian  World,  which  have  no  fuch  perpetual,  or 
fuch  Univerfal  Tradition.     He  that  accufeth  another,  fliould  have  an  eye  to  himfeIG 
Voes  not  all  the  World  fee,  that  the  Church  o/England  Jiandsnotv  otherrvife  in  order  to 
the  Church  ofRome ,   than  it  did  in  Henry  the  Sevenths  days  ?  He  addeth  further  , 
that  it  is  confejfed  that  the  Vafal power  in  Ecclefiajiical affairs  rvas  caji  out  o/England  in 
Henry  the  Eighths  days,     I  anfwer  that  there  was  no  mutation  concerning  Faith , 
nor  concerning  any  Legacy  which  Chrift  left  to  his  Church  ,  nor  concerning  the 

power 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  -^1^-, 

■■        Q-tj' 

power  of  the  Keys ,  or  any  Jurifdiftion  purely  Spiritual :  but  concerning  Coadtive 
power  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  concerning  the  Political  or  External  Regi- 
ment of  the  Church ,  concerning  the  Patronage  or  civil  Sovereignty  over 
the  Church  oi^  England  ^  and  the  Legiflative ,  Judiciary  ,  and  Difpenfative  powet 
of  the  Pope  in  England ,  over  Englijh  Subjeds ,  Which  was  no  more  than  a  reinfran- 
chifement  of  our  feJves ,  from  theupftart  Ufurpations  of  the  Court  of  Kome ,  of  all 
which  I  have  (hewed  him  exprefly  the  rirrt  fource,  who  began  them  ,  when  ,  and 
where-,  before  which  he  is  not  able  to  give  one  inliance,  of  any  fuch  pradtifes  at- 
tempted by  the  Bidiop  of  Rome ,  and  admitted  by  the  Church  of  England. 

who  it  is  that  Looks  afquint  or  awry  upon  the  true  cafe  in  controverfy  between  us 
let  the  ingenious  reader  Judge.  I  do  not  deny,  nor  ever  did  deny  ,  but  that  there 
was  a  real  (eparation  made  ,  yea  made  by  us  from  their  Ufurpations  :  but  I  both 
did  deny  and  do  deny ,  that  there  was  any  feparation  made  by  us  from  the  in(htution 
of  Chriji ,  or  from  the  principles  of  Chrijlian  Vnity.  This  feparation  was  made  long 
fmccby  themfelves,  when  they  rirft  introduced  thofe  novelties  into  the  Church,  and 
this  feparation  of  theirs  ,  from  the  pure  Primitive  Dodtrine  and  Difcipline  of  the 
Church  ,  doth  acquit  us  ,  and  render  them  guilty  of  the  Schifm  before  God  and 
man. 

And  therefore  it  is  a  vain  and  impertinent  allegation  of  him  to  tell  us ,  that  Go- 
vernours  may  lawfully  declare  themfelves  publickjy  and  folemnly ,  againji  the  remunceri 
of  their  Authority  by  Excommunication  i  unlefs  he  could  (hew  that  the  Bifhop  of 
Kome ,  hath  fuch  an  abfolute  Sovereignty  over  us  as  he  imagineth ,  extending  it 
felf  to  all  thofe  Ads  which  are  in  controverfie  between  usi  and  that  in  the  excer- 
cife  of  the  power  of  the  Keys,  they  proceeded  duly  in  a  legal  manner  v  and  efpeci- 
ally,  that  they  did  not  miflake  their  own  ufurpation  for  the  Inftitution  of  Chriil ,  as 
we  affirm  and  know  they  did. 

His  whole  difcourfe  about  immediate  tradition,  is  a  bundle  of  uncertain  prefum- 
ptions  and  vain  fuppofitions.  Firft  he  fuppofeth  that  his  Kttle  of  fa  vajl  a  multitude 
cfEye-TPitneffes  of  Vifible  things  ,  is  Uniform  and  Univerfal :  but  he  is  quite  m.iftaken, 
thepradife  was  different.  The  Papalins  made  Laws  for  their  Ufurpations,  and 
the  Three  Orders  of  the  Kingdom  oC  England  made  Laws  againft  them.  To  whom 
in  probability  (hould  our  Anceftours  adhere,  to  their  own  Patriots,  or  to  ftrangers? 

Secondly  he  prefumeth  ,  that  this  uniform  pradife  of  his  Anceftours  was  invari- 
able without  any  (hadow  of  change  ,  but  it  was  nothing  left.  Firft  inveftitureS 
•were  in  the  Crown,  and  an  Oath  of  Fidelity  made  to  the  King  without  any  fcruple 
even  hy  Lanfranky^nd  ^w/e/w  both  ftrangers  ■,  afterwards  the  Inveftitures  were  de- 
cried as  prophane  ,  and  the  Oath  of  iidelity  forbidden.  Next  a  new  Oath  of  Alle- 
giance was  devifed  of  Clergymen  to  the  Pope  s  Firft  onely  for  Archbifhops  ,  then 
for  all  prelates  •,  and  this  Oath  at  Firft  was  moderate  ,  to  obferve  the  Rules  of  the  ho- 
ly Fathers  ,  but  fliortly  after  more  Tyrannous ,  to  miintain  the  Royalties  of  Saint 
Peter ,  as  their  own  pontiiicals,  the  old  and  the  new  do  witnefs.  Firft  when  they 
took  away  Inveftitures  from  the  Crown,  they  were  all  for  free  EleSions,  but  fhort- 
ly  after  there  was  nothing  to  be  heard  of  but  provif.ons,  and  fuch  Simonical  artsJ 
It  is  as  eafie  to  (hape  a  Coat  for  the  Moon,  which  altereth  every  day ,  as  to  fit  one 
conftant  Tradition  to  all  thefe  diverlitied  pradifes. 

Thirdly  he  fuppqfeh ,  that  all  Parents  have  Judgement  to  underftand  aright 
what  they  fee ,  and'wPpenetrate  into  the  (ecret  Cabals  and  Pradifes  of  their  times , 
And  ingenuity  void  of  felf  intereft  ,  to  relate  it  rightly  to  their  pofterity;  but  herein 
alfo  he  will  fall  much  (hort  of  his  aim.  Moft  Parents  know  what  is  aded  publickly: 
but  they  know  little  what  is  done  in  the  retiring  Room.  They  know  who  is  their 
Bifhop  :  But  who  invefted  him  ,  what  Oaths  he  hath  made ,  they  are  to  feek. 
Moft  Parents  fee  a  Bifliop  fit  in  his  confiftory :  But  by  what  authority  he  fits , 
whether  meerly  by  the  power  of  the  Keys,  or  partly  by  concelfion  of  the  Sovereign 
Prince ,  they  know  nothing.  What  do  they  underftand  of  any  diftindion  between 
Jurifdidion  Spiritual  and  Ecclefiaftical  Political  >  What  Legends  of  fopperies  have 
"^been  brought  into  the  Church  ,  bythis  Oral  Tradition  and  the  credulity  of  Parents?^ 
And  if  all  Parents  had  Judgment  to  underftand  thefe  things:  Yet  who  Ihall  fccure  us 
that  they  are  void  of  felf  intereft  ?  The  Philofopher  found  that  all  thepeople  fbrfook- 
him  ,  fo  foon  as  the  Market  Bell  began  to  ring  Laftly, 


Schifw  Guarded.  TOME  I 


la(Hv    he  fuppofeth  one  conltant  fuccellion  of  truth,  upon  this  lemur  ot  Method     \ 
rhroufthout  many  Ages.     Why  do  we  hear  words     when  we  fee  deeds  ?  We  fee 
them  change  dayly  i  if  they  had  not  changed  we  had  had  no  need  to  leave  their 
mpany.     I  have  ftewed  him  when  and  where  and  by  whom ,  all  thefe  changes 
wherein  they  and  we  differ  concerning  difcipline ,  did  come  into  the  Church  of 
'Enaland,  at  leall  all  thofe  which  made  the  Breach  between  us.     Immediate  Oral 
Tradition  ,  without  any  further  corroboration  ,  is  but  a  toy  :  perpetual  and  Uni- 
verfal  Traditon  is  an  undeniable  evidence i  or  (b  Univerfal  for  time  and  place,  that 
the  oppofers  have  been  cenfured  in  a  manner  Univcrfally  for  Hereticks or  Heterodox. 
In  a  chain ,  if  one  link  be  loofe ,  or  have  a  notorious  crack  or  Flaw ,  there  is 
little  truft  to  be  repofed  in.     Then  what  credit  is  to  be  given  to  the  pretended     i 
chain  of  Tradition ,  where  the  Eleven  Firft  Links  are  altogether  divided  from  the     i 
reft     and  faftened  to  the  hand  of  the  Sovereign  Prince ,  beyond  the  Pope's  reach  > 
The' Four  next  Links  are  full  of  Cracks  and  Flaws,  they  pulling  at  the  one  end,and     \ 
and  the  Prince  holding  at  the  other.     The  laft  Link  of  all ,  in  England  is  put  again     I 
into  the  hand  of  the  Prince.  Where  fo  many  centuries  are  wanting ,  he  is  like  but  to 
maintain  a  poor  Tradition.     All  this  while  I  fpeak  onely  of  the  External  Regiment 
of  the  Church. 

But  it  is  a  wonder  tome,  why  he  of  all  others  fliould  fo  much  magnifie  this 
Medium  of  immediate  Tradition  ,  as  an  infallible  rule :  For  if  I  be  not  mifmformed 
by  fome  Friends ,  his  Father  chalked  out  another  way  to  him  by  their  Examples  and 
Inftrudions,  to  hold  himfelfin  the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  England.  But  let 
that  pafs  as  not  much  material.  If  he  reduce  his  Argument  into  any  form,  he  will 
quickly  find  that  it  halteth  on  both  fides,  rehatfoever  we  received  by  immediate  "Tra- 
dition from  our  Father  f ,  as  the  Legacy  of  Chriji ,  is  infallibly  true;  but  we  received  thofe 
points  of  Difcipline  wherein  we  differ  ,  by  immediate  tradition  from  our  Fathers ,  as  the 
Legacies  ofChriji.    I  deny  both  his  propofitions ,  my  reafons  he  will  find  formerly 

at  large.  or 

I  charged  him  for  making  two  diftindt  rules  of  Unity ,  whereas  one  would  have 
lerved  his  turn  i  that  he  might  have  more  opportunity  to  (huffle  the  later  Ufurpati- 
ons  of  the  Popes,  into  the  ancient  difcipline  of  the  Church.     For  this  I  am  laflied,  -' 
iS  a  man  that  cannot  or  wiH  not  write  common  fenfe  ^  with  a  deal  of  fuch   poor  ftuife   ,' 
not  worth  repeating.     Cannot  a  man  abandon  his  Religion,  unlefs  he  abandon  his 
pivility  alfo  ?  He  might  remember  that  I  had  the  honour  to  be  a  Dodor  in  the  U-  ; 
niverfity,  I  think  aflbon  as  he  was  a  School  boy  in  the  Cbuntrey.     The  Firft  part  of 
my  charge  isconfeffed  by  himkK^thdit  his  firft  principle  doth  alfo  include  the  truth  of  the 
S,  D.  t<t'  Jo8.  jicond.  If  his  fecond  principle  be  comprehended  in  the  firft,  then  it  is  no  new  diftin<3: 
principle  ,  but  either  an  inference ,  or  a  Tautologie.     But  let  him  carve  and  mince 
his  principles  into  (hreds  if  he  pleafe ,  rather  than  I  will  draw  the  faw  of  conten- 
tion about  the  dream  of  a  (hadow.     To  the  fecond  part  of  my  charge  he  anfweretb, 
g  ,  that  neither  J,  nor  any  man  elfe  can  inftance  of  any  Vfurpation  which  did  ever  come  in  ^ 
S.  D.  tt'  4  4-  ^^-^^^^  ^^  Secular  or  Ecclefiaflical  Government ,  pretending  that  "femur ,  or  could  come  in 
fo  long  as  men  adhered  to  that  Method.     Doth  not  he  pretend  to  that  Tenour?  Or  indeed 
taketh  it  for  granted  ,  and  would  make  us  believe  they  do  adhere  to  that  method  ? 
If  they  do  not ,  his  demonftration  doth  not  weigh  a  grain.     Yet  I  have  {hewed  him 
heaps  of  Ufurpations  ,  more  perhaps  than  he  is  defiroustofie.     Some  men  have 
made  the  Pope  Infallible,  in  point  of  Faith  formerly  ;  but  he  is  the  firft  that  ever 
made  him  uncapable  of  ufurping  ,  and  I  think  will  be  the  laft  i  if  he  can  perfwade 
us  with  reafon  to  be  thus  mad,  he  to  deferveth  have  his  head  ftroked.     Go,  Go 
Mr.  Serjeant,  Learn  better :  there  are  more  ways  of  erring  in  point  of  Tradition 
either  real  or  fuppofed  ,  than  the  confpiracie  of  a  iVorld  of  Fathers ,  to  teV  a  TForld  of 
S,  D.  J4«  484*  Children  this  Lye  ,  that  Ten  years  ago ,  they  pradifed  that  which  all  the  World  befides 
hiioweth  ihey  did  not  praCiiJe.    Of  all  men  Juglers  pretend  moft  to  prefpicuous 
evidence. 

I  was  contented  to  admit  both  his  rules  in  General ,  to  try  what  ufe  he  could 

make  of  themagainft  us :  but  whether  I  u(e  fharpnefs  or  blandiflimcnis  ,  he  is  ftill 

S'D.  Pa.  485*  wafpiftii  See  Reader  the  right  Protejiant  Method,  which  w  to  bring  the  controverfie from 

a  determinate  ftate  to  indetermination  and  confiifwn;  I  fear  he  will  rather  diflike  my 

being 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  . 


94^ 


being  too  diftinca  and  particular,     I  have  (hewed  him  exprefly  what  Branches  of 
Papal  power  we  have  altogether  rejected  ,  and  what  we  are  not  unwilling  to  ac- 
I        knowledge,  for  peace  fake,  if  thac  would  content  him  i   which  is  more   than  he 
I       haih  done  hitherto  ,  as  much  as    he  will  do ,  and  I  fear  more  than  he  dare  do  • 
.They  are  not  free  from  their  Jealoulies  and  diflTenfions  at  home  among  themfelve.9 
Hitherto  he  hath  not  adventured  to  let  us  know,  into  what  Church  he  himfelf 
refolveth  his  Faith  i  whether  the  Virtual  Church  ,  that  is  the  Pope  ■■,  or  the  repre- 
fentative  Church  ,  that  is  a  General  Council  i  or  the  Eflential  Church    that  is  the 
whole  multitude  of  Believers ,  whofe  approbation  is  their  reception    'And  in  this 
very  Paragraph    he  hath  one  paflage  that  pointeth  at  the  laft  opinion ,  making  the  S.  D'  f.  A^si 
co>fent  of  Cathohck^Fathers,  mmediatly  atteJUng  that  they  received  this  Voarine  from 
their  Fore-fathers  ,  to  be  the  infallible  voice  of  the  Church. 

At  other  times  he  makcth  the  extent  of  Papal  power  to  be  a  matter  of  Indi/Fer-       S-  I^i 
cncy ,  wherein  every  Church  is  free  to  hold  their  own  opinions-     In  his  rule  of 
Difcipline,  he  maketh  St.  Peter  ondy  to  be  the  head ,  the  chief,  the  Prince  of  the  A- 
pojlles  ,  the  Firfi  mover  in  the  Church  •,  all  which  in  a  right  fenfe  we  approve     or  do 
not  oppofe.     Why  doth  he  not  acknowledge  him  to  be  a  vifible  Monarch  'an  ab- 
folute  Sovereign  ,  inverted  with  a  plenitude  of  Power,  Sovereign    Legiflative' 
Judiciary  ,  Difpenfative  >  All  the  rert  of  the  Apoilles  were  Firft  Movers  in  the 
Church  ,  even  as  well  as  St.  Peter  (except  onely  his  Primacy  of  Order  which  we 
allow.  )  When  your  men  come  to  anfwer  this  ,  they  feign  the  Apoftles  wetc  all 
equal  in  relation  to  Chriftian  peopk  ,  but  not  in  relation  to  one  another.     Yes 
even  in  relation  to  themfelves  and  one  another  \  as  hath  been  exprefly  declared 
long  fince  ,  in  the  Firft  General  Council  of  Efhefm  ,  not  now  to  be  contradidted 
by  them  •,   Petrm  &  Johannes  equates  funt  ad  alterutrum  dignitatis ,  Peter  and  John 
TPere  of  equal  dignity  one  towards  another.     A  Primacy  of  Order  may  confi/t  with  an 
equality  of  dignity  :  but  a  Supremacy  of  Power  taketh  away  all  parity  i  Par  in  fft^'!/" 
prem  non  habet  pte\}atem.     He  is  blind  who  doth  not  fee  in  the  Hirtory  of  the  Ads  Nefl  n.i 
of  the  Apoftles ,  that  the  Supremacy  or  Sovereignty  of  Power,  did  not  reft  in  M  J'S-^'/^f. 
tlie  pcrfon  of  any  one  fmgle  Apoftle ,  but  in  the  Apoftolical  Colledge.       .  ■''"•  ^'"f' 

Thefe  indefinite  generalities  he  ftileth  Determinate  points.  It  may  be  determinate 
for  the  general  truth :  but  Indeterminate  for  the  particular  manner  ,  about  which  all 
the  controverlie  is.  Yet  he  who  never  wanteth  demonftrative  arguments  to 
what  he  lifteth,  will  make  it  evident  out  of  the  very  word  reformation,  rvhich  Jeorm 
and  extol ,  that  we  have  broken  the  rule  of  Unity  in  Difcipline.  If' he  do  he  hath 
good  luck  ,  for  by  the  fame  reafon  he  may  prove  that  all  the  Councils  of  the 
Chriftiai)  World  ,  both  General  and  provincial,  have  broken  the  Bond  of  Vnity  by 
owning  and  extolling  the  very  Kiord  Reformation ,  both  name  and  thing. 

As  for  the  points  of  our  Reformation  ,  I  doe  not  referre  him  to  Platonicall  Ideas  to 
be  found  in  the  Concave  oftheMoone  :  but  to  our  Lawes  and  Statutes  .  made  by  all  t'he 
Orders  of  our  Kingdome  ,  Church  and  Commonwealth  \  not  as  they  are  wrelfed  bv 
the  tongues  and  pens  of  our  Adverfaries ,  (Malice  may  be  a  good  informer  but  a  bad 
judge  ,  Jbut  as  they  are  expounded  by  the  Genuine  and  Orthodox  Sons  of  the  En- 
gUjl)  Church  i  by  our  Princes ,  by  our  Synods,  by  our  fubfequent  Parliaments,  by  our 
Theologians,  by  our  mod  Judicious  Lawyers  i  in  their  Injunctions  ,  in  their  Acfts 
in  their  Canons  in  their  writings  i  which  he  may  meete  with  if  he  have  fuch  a  mind* 
in  earneft  ,  without  any  great  fearch,  in  every  Library  or  Stationers  fhop. 

SECT.    I.    Cap.  II. 

W^  doenot  fufFerany  man  to  reje^:  the  3p.  Articles  of  the  Church  of  The  Creed  I. 
V     V  Engand  at  his  pleafure ,  yet  neither  doe  we  looke  upon  them  as  Effentialls  th"  old  rule  of 
ot  iiving  Fziih.ot  Legacies  of  Chriii  <i«d  o/Z^ij^po/^/^x  :butin  a  meane,as  pious  Opi-  Patth.  Our 
nions  fittedforthe  Prefervation  of  Unity  ,  neither  doe  we  oblige  any  man  to  believe  '^""^'"  "^   , 
them,  but  onely  not  to  contradicft  them.     Yet  neither  ii  the  Bilhop  got  into  a  wood,  fi'faS'' 
nor  leaveth  his  reader  in  another,  farther  from  k>iowi>ig  what  thefe  Do^rines  offaving  the  Couurii  of 
faith  are  ,  than  he  wm  at  Firli.     It  is  Mr.  Serjeants  Eyelight  that  fails  him,  through  Ephefxi' 
too  much  light ,  which  maketh  him  mirtake  his  ancient  Creed  for  a  wood  ,  and 

the 


^  Schifnt  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  I 

^4-P ^ . — 

,^  j-^^  j^,„  (  perfons  wh6  are  gogle  eyed  (eldom  fee  well  J  wherein  all 
o  F,  *  .8,  thinks  neccflary  to  be  believed  are  comprehended.  And  although  he  inquire, 
S.  D.  p.  487.  rmngs  ^^^  ^^^^  '^,„„,  „f  ,^,  Vlvim  perfom ,  the  Sacraments  ,  Baptijm  of  Children , 
the  Government  of  the  Church,  the  cickiiowkdgtngjhere  ts  fuch  a  thing  as  Scripture,  to 
be  found  in  the  Creed  ?  The  Bifhop  is  fo  far  from  being  gravelled  with  fuch 
douchty  Queftions ,  that  he  pittieth  his  fimplicity ,  and  returneth  him  for  anfwer , 
that  if  he  be  not  mope-ey'd  he  may  find  the  Procelfion  of  the  Divine  perfons  in  his 
Creed  •,  that  the  Sacraments  and  Difcipline  of  the  Church  are  not  to  be  reckoned 
among  the  Credenda  or  things  to  be  believed  ,  but  among  the  ylgenda  or  things  to 
be  aded  •,  and  the  Holy  Scripture  is  not  a  particular  Dodrine  or  point  of  Faith  , 
but  the  rule  wherein  and  whereby  all  fundamental  Dodrins  or  points  of  Faith  are 
comprehended  and  tryed.  So  ftill  this  truth  remaineth  unlliakcn  ,  that  the  Creed 
is  a  Summary  of  all  particular  points  of  faving  Faith  ,  which  are  nece/Tary  to  be 

believed. 
S  D  t  487.  He  proceedeth  ,  that  the  Trotejlants  have  introduced  into  the  Church  fince  the  refor- 
mation no  particular  form  of  Government,  instead  of  that  they  renounced.  A  grievous 
accufation  !  we  had  no  need  to  introduce  new  forms ,  having  preferved  the  old. 
They  who  do  onely  weed  a  Garden  ,  have  no  need  to  fet  new  plants.  We  have 
the  Primitive  Difcipline  of  the  Church, and  neither  want  Spiritual ,  nor  Ecclefia- 
ftical ,  nor  Political  Government.  If  you  have  any  thing  to  fay  againft  it :  cough 
out  and  fpare  not.  And  although  we  want  fuch  a  free  and  general  Communion 
with  the  ChriiHan  World  as  we  could  wi(h  ,  and  fuch  as  Bifhops  had  one  with  ano- 
ther by  their /orwfi!/  Letters  :  Yet  we  have  it  in  our  defires  i  and  that  we  have  it  not 
actually ,  it  is  principally  your  faults,  who  make  your  llfurpations  to  be  conditions 
of  your  Communion. 

And  fo  I  leave  him  declaiming  againft  Libraries  of  Boohj  filled  veith  dead  words  , 
and  ithoufands  ofVohmsfcarcely  to  be  examined  in  a  mans  whole  life  time  ,  and  quib- 
\mg  zhout  Tore  father  s  ,  and  Inheriting,  and  Reformation,  and  Manajfet  Ben  Jfrael^ 
and  repeating  the  fame  things  over  and  over  again  ,  as  if  no  man  did  underftand 
him  who  did  not  hear  him  fay  over  the  fame  things  an  hundred  times. 

He  chargeth  me  that  having  granted  that  they  and  we  do  both  maintain  hU  rule 
Fag-  490'        of  Vnity ,  yet  I  do  immediatly  difgrace  it  by  adding  ,  that  the  ^eftion  is  onely  wha 
have  changed  that  DoUrine  or  this  Difcipline  ,  we  or  they  ?  We  by  fubjiraCiion  or  they  by 
Addition  ?  JVlnch  is  as  much  as  to  fay  the  pretended  Kule  is  no  Kule  at  all.  When  he  and 
his  merry  Stationer  were  fet  npon  the  Pin  of  making  contradidions  ,  doubtlefe  this 
was  dubbed  a  famous  contradidion  or  an  abfurdity  at  leaft.As  if  a  man  might  not 
hold  one  thing  in  his  Judgment ,  and  purfue  another  in  his  Pradice  ,  profefs  one 
thing  in  words  ,  and  perform  another  in  deeds.   Video  meliora  proboque ,  Veteriors 
fequor  •■,  Medea  faw  that  which  was  right  and  approved  it  i  but  fwerved  altogether 
from  it  in  her  pradife  ,  T^hey  profefs  (  faith  St.  Paul)  that  they  k^ow  God  ,  but  in 
Tk.  1. 18.       worki  they  deny  him.     The  Church  of  f^ome  profeiTeth*  in  words  ,  to  add  nothing 
to  the  Legacies  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  :  but  in  their  deeds  they  do  add  and  add 
notorioufly  i  as  the  Univerfality  of  the  'B.oman  Church  ,  the  Dodrines  of  Purgato- 
ry, of  Indulgences,ofWor{hiping  of  Images,  and  the  reft  of  the  new  Elfentials  ofFaith, 
\  i.xtra  quas  nemofalvus  ejje  potefl  (faith  Pope  Pius,)  Without  the  belief  of  which  no  max 

can  befaved.     Then  no  man  was  faved  for  a  Thoufand  years  afier  Chrift.     If  there 
be  the  leaft  Print  of  a  contradidion  here,  it  is  not  in  my  difcourfe,  but  between  their 
own  Principles  and  their  pradice.     He  taunteth  me  fufficiently  for  making  the 
Apoftles  Creed,  a  fummary  of  all  things  neceflary  to  be  believed  by  all  ChriiTians, 
calling  it  the  wildejl  'lopick^  that  ever  came  from  a  rational  head,  and  would  gladly  per- 
fwade  us  that  it  was  onely  an  Ad  of  prudence  ,  to  keep  out  heterogeneous  perfons 
in  that  prefent  age ,  which  was  to  be  inlarged  as  often  as  new  Herefies  did  arife. 
I  pity  the  young  man ,  who  is  no  better  acquainted  with  that  value,    which  both 
the  ancient  Fathers  and  his  own  Dodors  fet  upon  the  Creed.     Whileft  he  thinketh 
Tert.  dt  Vir^.  ^^  confute  me  ,  he  is  ignorantly  condemning  all  them.     He  condemneth  the  Fathers 
'cUmiRom.     who  made  it  to  be  the  one  only  immoveable  and  irreformable  rule  ofFaith:7he  fum  of  the 
Ef.  I.  adfrat.  whole  Catholick^  Faith  :  "The  Key  of  the  Chrijiian  Faith  :  "The  rule  or  fquare  of  the  Apo- 
D«/n«  fiolical  Sermons  (  after  the  compolition  of  it.  )     wherein  the  Apojiks  of  the  Lord  have 


col 


'A 


Schtfm  Guarded.  ^^y 


colkded  into  one  breviary  ,  all  the  points  of  the  Catholick^Faith  which  are  diffujed  through-  ^i«b.  Serm: 
out  the  Scriptures.     He  condemneth  ^^is  own   Authcurs  ,  who  accknowiedge  it  to  ? 8  AuftSerm. 
he  ajhort  com-preheiifton  or  fummary  of  all  things  to  believed,  Bellarmine  faith  it  con-  ^^-  '^"^"'f' 
taineth  the  fum  of  the  Cojfd :   And  more  plainly  ,  there  is  extant  that  mofl  ancient  Sym-  f  *,"'^-  """h. 
hoi  which  is  called  the  Creed  of  the  ApojUes,  hecaufe  the  Apojllet  compofed  it  to  this  end,  l!^Z'fp:  ^''^' 
that  it  might  be  agreed  among  all  men  what  was  the  fum  of  the  whole  Chrijiian  Faith.  D^^nj?. /",, 
Whereof  he  prodaceth  WitnclTcs,  St.  Ambrofe,  St.  Hierom,St.  Auflin^Maximmzdding  ["}■  9-  An^'i 
that  in  the  Creed' although   briefly)  is  contained  in  afummary,  the  whole  obje&  of  Faith.  *^'^ ^"ft- 
According  to  that  of  St.  Atiiiin,  the  Creed  is  afmple,  Jhort  ,  faUcomprehenfon  of  our  ih^l^c^p'l' 
Faith:  "that  the  fimplicity  may  provide  for  the  rudenefs  of  the  hearers;  the  Jhortnefsjor  their  Conc'-Trhenti 
memory  \  andthe  fitlnefi  for   their    Vodrine.     And   elfewhere  he  telleth  us,  that  aZ/ ■Si?/'J- 
Catholicks  do  confej!  ,  that  it  is  the  unwritten  word  of  Cod.     So  there  is  more  in  the 
Creed  than  a  meer  Shibokth  ,  to  diilinguifn  an  Ephramite  from  a  Gileadite.    It  is 
fundamentum  flrmum  &  micum  ,  not  onely  a  firm  ,  but  an  onely  foundation.     He 
asketh  me  whether  ever  Frotejiant  did  hold  ,  there  is  nothing  of  Faith  but  the  Twelve 
Articles  in  that  Creed  >  I  do  not  know  how  I  fcecome  to  be  obliged  to  anfwer  him 
to  fo  many  impertinent  Queftions :  but  for  once  I  will  not  refufe  him.     Proteffants 
do  know  as  well  as  himfelf ,  that  there  are  many  things  of  faith,  which  are  neceffary 
to  be  believed  by  fome  men  at  fome  times ;  as  that  St.  Paul  had  a  Cloak  :  but  there 
is  no  Article  or  point,  abfolutely  neceffary  to  Salvation  to  be  believed  which  is  not 
comprehended  within  the  Twelve  Articles  of  the  Creed.     And  here  ,  he  ferveth  us 
up  again  his  twice  foddeu  Coleworts  ,  that  the  Vrocejfion  of  the  Holy  Ghofl     the  Bab- 
tifm  of  Infants  ,  the   Sacraments ,  the  Scriptures ,  are  not  comprehended  in  the  twelve 
Articles.    I  have  but  newly  anfwered  the  very  fame  Objedion ,  and  here  Meander- 
like with  a  fuddain  turning  he  brings  it  in  again  :  but  I  will  not  wrong  the  Reader 
fo  much  ,  as  to  follow  him  in  his  Battologies.     Onely  if  he  think  the  Creed  was 
imperfeft  until  the  word  Filioque  was  added,  he  is  much  milUken. 

But  faith  he,  by  the  fame  Logick^  we  may  accufe  the  Church  ,  at  the  time  of  the  Ni- 
cene  Council ,  for  preying  the  word  confubjiantial.     Pardon  us  good  Sir     there  is  no 
Analogy  between  the  conftantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father,  and  your  up- 
Ibrt  Dodrines  of  Indulgences  and  Image- worfhip.     Indeed  the  word  confubftan- 
tial  ,  was  not  in  the  Creed  before  the  Ntcene  Council ,  but  the  thing  was     and 
was  reduced  from  the  Creed.     And  the  Apoflles  delivered  the  Creed  to  the  Church 
they  did  it  by  Oral  Tradition  :  and  this  is  that  famous  Tradition  much  mentioned' 
in  the  Fathers ,  which  you  do  altogether  mifapply  to  the  jufiifying  of  your  new 
patches,  and  when  they  delivered  the  Creed,  they  delivered  likewife  the  fenfe  of 
the  Creed  ,  by  the  fame  Tradition ;  And  it  was  the  mof}  proper  work  in  the  world 
for  thofe   Hrft  Oecumenical  Councils,  tofearch  out  and  determine  by  Tradition  the 
right  fenfe  of  the  Articles  wherein  they  were  delivered  by  the  Apollles.     But  for  us 
now  after  Fifteen  or  Sixteen  Hundred  years  to  inquire,  not  onely  into  new  fenfes 
t)f  the  old  Articles ,  altogether  unknown  to  the  ancients ;  But  to  find  out  new  Ar- 
ticles ,  which  have  no  relation  to  the  old  Articles ,  and  all  this  by  Tradition    is  ri- 
diculous.    For  whatfoever  Tradition  we  have,  we  have  from  former  A^es  fucceP- 
fively:  And  therefore  if  they  had  no  Tradition  forfuch  an  Article  ,  or  fuch  a  fenfe; 
we  can  have  none. 

But  fuch  are  the  Twelve  new  Articles,  added  to  the  Creed  by  Pius  the  Fourth  • 
not  onely  new  fenfes  of  old  Articles  ,  which  had  been  too  much,  but  new  Articles 
newly  coyned ,  which  have  no  Relation  to  the  old  Articles  at  all.  Some  things  are 
de  Symholo  contained  in  the  Creed  ,  fomethings  are  contra  Symbolum  againft  the 
Creed  ■-,  and  fomethings  prater  Symbolum ,  betides  the  Creed.  Firf^,  for  thofe  thint'S 
which  are  contained  in  the  Creed  ,  either  in  the  Lerter  or  in  the  Senfe  or  may  be 
deduced  by  good  confequence  from  the  Creed  i  as  the  Deity  of  Chrift  his  two 
Natures ,  the  procellion  of  the  Holy  Ghoft ;  the  addition  of  thefe  is  properly  no 
addition  ,  but  onely  an  Explication  i  yet  fuch  an  Explication  ,  none  under  a  Ge- 
neral Council  can  impofe  upon  the  Church.  Secondly ,  fuch  things  as  are  contrary 
to  the  Creed  ,  are  not  onely  unlawful  to  be  added  to  the  Creed  ,  but  they  are  He- 
retical in  themfelves.  Thirdly  ,  for  thofe  things  which  are  neither  of  the  Creed , 
nor  contained  in  the  Creed ,  either  explicitely  ,  nor  can  be  deduced  by  good  confe- 

N  n  quence 


■-7^  Schifm  Guarded. TOME  U 

quence  from  the  Creed  ,   and  yet  they  are  not  contrary  to  the  Cixed  ,  but  opini- 

ons  or  infcriour  truths  ,  which  may  be  beheved  or  disbelieved,  without  any  great 
dancer  of  HercfieC  of  this  nature  are  thofe  Twelve  points  or  Articles  which  Tim 
the  Fourth  added  to  the  Creed :  To  make  thefe  part  of  the  Creed  ,  and  to  oblige 
all  ChrilHans  to  believe  them  under  pain  of  Damnation ,  as  Vim  the  Fourth  doth  , 
without  which  there  is  no  Salvation  •,  is  to  change  the  Symbolical  Apoftolical  Faith , 
and  to  add  to  the  Legacy  of  Chrili  and  his  Apfiles.  Faith  doth  confilli«  indivi- 
fibiliy  and  theEiTential  parts  of  it,  cannot  be  contracted  or  inlarged. 

This  is  that  which  we  charge  the  Komattijis  withal,  and  which  I  fee  not  how 
they  will  be  able  to  (hake  off.  Not  the  Explication  of  the  old  Articles  of  Faith,  nor 
the  prefcribing  of  Inferiour  Truths  as  inferiour  Truths  to  thofe  who  are  under  their 
Jurifdidion ,  nor  the  obliging  of  their  Subjedls  not  to  oppofe  their  determinations 
for  peace  and  tranquillities  fake :  but  the  adding  of  new  Articles  or  Effentials  to  the 
Creed ,  with  the  fame  Obligation  that  the  old  Apoftolical  Articles  had ,  to  be  belie- 
ved under  pain  of  Damnation  ,  either  all  thefe  Twelve  new  Articles  which  were  ad- 
cd  to  the  Creed  by  Pius  the  Fourth ,  were  implicitly  or  virtually  comprehended  in 
the  Twelve  old  Articles  of  the  Apollles,  and  may  be  deduced  from  them  by  neceP- 
fary  confequence,  (  the  contrary  whereof  is  evident  to  all  men  :  )  or  it  is  apparent 
thatPiar  the  Fourth  hath  corrupted  the  Creed,  and   changed   the    Apoftolical 

Faith. 

He  might  even  as  well  let  our  Thirty  Nine  Articles  alone  for  old  acquaintance 
fake,  (  VijfueHda  non  diflecanda  eji  amicitia  )  as  to  bring  them  upon  the  Stage  ,  and 
have  nothing  to  fay  againft  them.  Some  of  them  are  the  very  fame  that  are  con- 
tained in  the  Creed:  fome  others  of  them  are  praiftical  truths,  which  come  not 
within  the  proper  lifi  of  points  or  Articles  to  be  believed  :  Laftly,  fome  of  them 
are  pious  opinions  or  inferiour  truths,  which  are  propofed  by  the  Church 
of  England  to  all  her  Sons,  as  not  to  be  oppofed  •,  not  as  Eflentials  of  Faith  necef- 
lary  to  be  believed  by  all  Chriftians  Neceffitate  medii ,  under  pain  of  damnation.  If 
he  could  charge  us  with  this  as  we  do  them  ,  he  faid  fomething.  The  Nicene , 
Conftamiuopohtan  J  Ephefian^  Chakedonian ^  and  Athanaftan  Creeds,  are  but  Expli- 
cations of  the  Creed  of  the  Apoftles,  and  are  ftill  called  the  Apoftles  Creed.  He 
will  not  for  (hame  fay  that  Fius  the  Fourths  Creed  ,  is  onely  an  Explication  of  the 
Apoftles  Creed,  which  hath  Twelve  new  diftind  Articles,  added  at  the  Foot  of 
the  Twelve  old  Articles  of  the  Apoftles. 

I  do  not  fay  that  there  can  be  no  neve  Uerefxe  ,  hut  what  is  againjifome  point  found  in 
the  Creed.  1  know  ,  that  as  there  are  fome  errours  heretical  in  their  own  nature , 
(b  there  are  other  errours  which  become  heretical ,  meerly  by  the  Obftinacy  of  them 
who  hold  them.  Yet  if  I  had  faid  fo,I  had  faid  no  more  than  fome  Fathers  fay,  and 
fundry  of  their  own  authors  v  Neq;  uVa  unquam  extitit  H£refis  qu£  non  hoc  Syntholo 
Catech/  damnari  fotuerit :  "there  rvas  never  any  Herefie  rvhich  might  not  be  condemned  by  thir 
Trevtr.  .  Creed.  And  fo  he  may  fee  clearly  if  he  will ,  that  it  was  no  imcomparabk  jirain  of 
ireakitejs ,  nor  felf  contradiUing  ahfurdity  ,  nor  nonfenfe ,  (  as  he  is  pleafed  to  vapour  ) 
to  charge  them  with  changing  the  Legacy  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles ,  by  the  addi- 
tion of  new  Eflentials  of  Faith. 

I  will  conclude  this  point  with  the  excellent  Judgement  of  Vincentius  Lirinenfisi 
Feradventure  fome  man  will  fay  fhah  there  be  no  grorvth  nen>  of  the  Keligion  of  Chrifl  in  the 
Church?  Tes ,  very  much'-,  butfo  that  it  be  a  growth  of  faith  not  a  change.  Let  it  in- 
creafe;  hut  onely  in  the  fame  liind  ^  the  fame  Articles  ^  the  fame  fenfe  ,  the  fame  Senten- 
ces. Let  the  Religion  of  Souls  imitate  the  manner  of  bodies^  &cc.  The  members  of  jn- 
fants  are  Ink  ,  young  mens  great  ^  yet  they  are  the  fame  Children  have  as  many  joy nts  as 
men  ,  &c.  But  ifa>'y  thing  be  added  to ,  or  tah^n  from  the  number  of  the  members ,  the 
body  mufi  of  nec/^ty  perifh ,  or  become  monjirous  ,  or  be  enfeebled :  fo  it  is  meet  that 
Clrrifiian  'Religion  dofollorp  thefe  Lavas  of  Proficiency^  &cc. 

But  now  he  brings  a  rapping  accufation  againft  me  ,  charging  me  with  Four  fal- 
fifications  in  one  fentence  :  and  then  concludes  triumphantly ,  Go  thy  way  brave 
tat'49i>      Bijhop ,  Jfthe  mxt  Synod  of  Protefiants  ^  do  not  Canonife  thee  for  an  Interpreter  of  Coun- 
cils ,  they  arefalfe  to  their  beji  interefts.     W  ho  fo  bold  as  blind  Bayard  >  Here  is  a  great 
deal  more  cry  than  wool,    £ut  let  us  cxamin  thefe  great  fallirications ,  my  words 

were 


Scbifm  Guarded.  ^  ... 


were  thele.  the  qttejiion  is  onely  who  have  changed  that  DoSrine  or  this  Vifciplhie  ,  ne 
or  they  ?  rve  by  SnbjiraCtion ,  or  they  by  Addition  ?  the  cafe  is  clear,  "the  Jpnjikicon- 
traced  this  VoCirine  into  a  Summary  ,  that  is  the  Creed,  the  Primitive  Fathers  expound- 
ed it  where  it  did  jiand  in  need  of  clearer  Explication.  Then  follow  the  words  which 
he  excepted!  againft,  the  General  Council  of  Epheius  did  forbid  all  men  to  exact  any 
more  of  a  Chrijiian  at  his  Baptifmal  profefjion.  It  is  Itrange  indeed  to  find  Four  falliri- 
cations  in  two  (hort  lines  ■■>  but  to  find  Four  falfifications  where  there  is  not  one 
fyllable  cited  ,  is  altogether  impolhble.  I  relate  as  of  my  felf  what  the  Council  of 
Ephefiu  did  ■■,  I  cite  no  authority  at  all,  neither  in  the  Text  nor  in  the  margin 
nor  put  one  word  into  a  different  Charadter.  His  pen  is  fo  accuftomed  to  over- 
leach  beyond  all  aim,  that  he  cannot  help  it  •,  a  Scotch-man  would  take  the  liberty 
to  tell  him  that  he  is  very  good  company. 

The  truth  is ,  I  did  forbear  to  cite  it,  becaufe  I  had  cited  it  formerly  in  my  an- 
fwcr  to  Monfeur  MiUtier  ,  where  he  might  have  found  it  if  he  had  pleafed  •,  that  it 
flfsuld  be  lawful  for  no  man  to  publifl}  or  compofe  another  Faith  (or  Crec' )  ihuitthat  Cc^icEpb- 
■which  was  defined  by  the  Nicene  Council ,  Jnd  that  whofoever  fljould  dare  to  compofe    ^  ''  ^"  "^^' 
or  offer  anyfuch  to  any  perfons  willing  to  be  converted  from  Paganifm,   Judaifm    or  Here-      ''  '* 
fie  ,  if  they  Jhould  be  Bijhops  or  Ckrks  jhould  be  depofed ,  if  Lay-men  Anathematifed. 
If  he  can  find  any  falfification  in  this ,  let  him  not  fpare  it :  but  to  find  Four  falfifi- 
cations, where  not  one  word  was  cited,  was  impollible.     In  a  word    to  deal 
plainly  with  him,  his  Four  pretended  falfifications  are  a  filly,  {enllefs,  ridiculous 
cavil. 

To  clear  this,  it  is  neceffary  to  confider  that  this  word  Faith  in  Holy  Scripture 
Councils  and  Fathers,  is  taken  ordinarily  for  the  Objedt  of  Faith,  or  for  the  furn 
of  things  to  be  believed  ,  that  is,  the  Creed;  and  fo  it  is  taken  in  this  very  place 
of  the  Council  of  Ephefus  ,  and  cannot  be  taken  otherwife  ■■,  for  it  is  undeniable 
that  that  Faith  which  was  defined,  publiihed,  and  compofed  by  the  Nicene  Fathers 
was  the  Nicene  Creed ,  or  the  Creed  of  the  Apoftles  explicated  by  the  Nicene  Fa- 
thers.    Secondly  we  muft  confider  that  theCatholick  Church  of  Chrift,  from  the 
very  Infancy  of  Chriftian  Religion,  did  never  admit  anyperfonto  Baptifm  in  an 
ordinary  way,  but  it  required  of  them  a  free  profelfion  of  the  Creed  or  Symbolical 
Faith,  either  by  themfelves ,  or  by  their  fureties  if  they  were  Infants:  and  fo  did 
B^pt'ae  them  in  that  Faith.  This  was  the  pradtice  of  the  Apoftolical  Churchy  this 
was  that  good  profefjion  which  Timothy  made  before  many  witnefles--,  This  was  the  Uni-      t- 
verfal  pradtife  in  the  Primitive  Church ,  and  continued  ever  fince  untill  this  day.    '^""•*' '*• 
Abreniincias  ?  Abrenuncio.     Credis  ?  Credo.     Doeft  thou  renounce  the  Devil  and  all  his 
tporkj  ?  J  do  renounce  them.     Dofi  thou  believe  in  God  the  Father  Almighty ,  &c.     AH 
this  I  jiedfajily  believe.     iVilt  thou  he  Baptized  in  this  Faith?  It  is  my  deftre.     This 
Baptiftical  profeffion  which  he  laughethignorantly  at,is  attefted  by  Fathers,byCoun- 
cils,  by  Liturgies,  ancient  and  modemj  even  by  the  Leiturgies  of  the  Roman  Church 
it  felf.     And  this  is  the  undoubted  fenfe  of  this  place  of  the  Council  of  Etihifm  that 
110 man  fhould dare  to  offer  any  other  Creed,  to  any  perfon  ,  willing  to  be  converted  from 
Faganifm  or  Judaifm  to  Chriftianity  ,  that  is  to  fay  to  be  Baptized.     Always  upon 
Palm  Sunday  ,  fuch  of  the  Catechumeni ,  as  were  thought  fit  to  be  admitted  into 
the  number  of  the  Faithful ,  did  petition  for  Baptifm  ( the  anniverfary  time  whereof 
did  then  approach,  who  from  their  joynt  petitioning  were  called  competentes    and 
from  that  day  forward,  had  fomc  affigned  to  expound  the  Creed  unto  them  where- 
of they  were  to  make  folemn  profeffion  at  their  BaptiGn  i  as  we  find  by  the  Homi- 
lies of  the  Fathers  upon  the  Creed,  made  to  the  competentes. 

So  we  keep  our  felves  to  the  old  Faith  of  the  wholeChrifiianworld,thatis  theCreed 
of  the  Apoftles,  explicated  by  the  Nicene,  Conftantinopolitan,  Ephefine,a.nd  Cbakedonian 
Fathers-,  the  fame  which  was  profefled  by  them  of  old  at  their  Baptifm,and  is  flill  pro- 
feffed  by  us  at  our  Baptifm,the  fame  wherein  all  the  Chriftian  world,  and  themfelves  a- 
mong  the  reft:  were  Baptifcd.None  of  us  all  ever  made  any  profeffion  atour  Baptifins, 
of  the  Univerfality  of  the  Roman  Church,  or  ofthe  Sovereign  Monarchical  power  of 
the  Koman  Bilhop  by  Divine  right ,  or  ofthe  Dodtrinc  of  tranfubfiantiation.  Indul- 
gences ,  Image-wor(hip,  or  the  like.  Wherefore  we  refolved  to  adhere  to  that 
Faith,  which  hath  been  profefled  always,  every  where,  and  by  all  perfons,  and 

N  n  a  parti-. 


^^o  Scbifm  Guarded  TOME  I» 

'  ""  particularly  both  by  them  and  us  at  our  Baptifms  i  in  which  Faith  and  which  a- 
lone  we  were  made  ChriiHans  ,  without  either  diminution  or  addition  of  any 
new  Eflcntials.  This  was  their  Faith  formerly,  and  this  is  ours  ftilj.  But  he  ob- 
iedcth  it  is  a  great  abfurdity,  that  thus  the  Creed  defined  by  the  Fathers  in  the  Council 
fat-  4?S..  o/Nice,  and  the  Jpojikf  Creed,  according  to  the  Bijhop  are  one  and  the  fame  Creed.  Have 
you  found  out  that?  Yes,  indeed  are  they,  and  always  have  been  fo  reputed  in  the 
Church  ,  even  in  the  Roman  Church  it  felf  in  their  ancient  Liturgies ,  which  call 
the  Nicene  Creed  the  Evangelical  Creed  ,  the  Creed  of  the  Jpojlles,  injpired  by  the 
Lord,  injiituted  by  the  Ap)files ';  and  when  he  groweth  older,  he  will  be  of  the 
fame  mind. 

I  hope  by  this  time  he  feeth,  that  although  I  did  not  cite  the  Council  ofEphefiu 
in  this  place ,  and  therefore  could  be  no  falfirier  of  it ,  Yet  the  Council  of  Ephefus 
faith  more  than  I  did  in  every  refped.  I  faid  onely  the  Council  did  forbid ,  but  the 
Council  it  felf  goeth  higher,  thzt  rchofoever  jhould  dare.  I  izid  forbid  to  exad  :  but 
the  Council  it  (elf  goeth  higher  ,  whofoever  Jhould  dare  to  compfe  ,  or  ptblifh,  or  offer. 
The  Original  word  Is  ngjo-fSf «.  ,  to  offer ,  and  as  it  is  tranflated  into  Latin ,  ^i 
vera  aufifuerint  aut  componere  fidem  alteram,  ant  proferre,  aut  off  err  e.  Whofoever  JhaU 
dare  to  compofe  ,  or  to  utter,  or  to  offer  another  f aith  or  Creed.  One  may  compofe 
Or  publifh  and  not  offer  •,  one  may  offer  and  not  exad:  but  whofoever  doth  exadt, 
doth  more  than  offer.  If  the  Council  doth  forbid  any  man  to  compofe  or  publiffi , 
or  offer  any  other  Creed ,  much  more  doth  it  forbid  them  to  exadl  it.  Thirdly  \ 
(aid  to  exaU  any  more  than  the  Apoftles  Creed  ,  as  it  was  explicated  by  the  Fathers , 
that  is ,  concerning  Effentials  of  Faith  :  but  the  Council  goeth  higher,  to  compofe 
or  publifh ,  or  offer ,  alteram  fdem  ,  another  Creed ,  containing  either  more  or  lefs , 
either  new  EfTentialsor  new  Explications.  I  faid  onely  at  our  Baptifmal  profeffton: 
but  the  Council  extendethit  farther  ,  to  the  reconciliation  of  Hereticks,  as  well  as 
the  Bdipt'iCmoi Pagans  zr\d  Jews  ■■,  and  generally  to  alloccafions,  not  allowing  any 
man  Clergy,  or  Lay  ,  to  compofe  or  publifh  any  other  Creed  or  formof  profellion. 
So  every  way  the  Council  faith  more  than  I  faid. 

But  he  faith  ,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Council  of  Baptifmal  prof(0on ,  except  the 
bare  word  Fidem.  Well,  Fides  in  that  place  fignifieth  the  Creed  ,  and  that  Creed 
which  all  Chriftians  did  profefs  at  their  Baptifm  ,  is  their  Baptifmal  profeflion.  But 
that  is  not  all  ,  for  as  Fides  fignifies  their  Creed  or  profeflion  of  Faith;  fo  thofe  o- 
ther  words  ,  to  any  perfons  rciliing  to  be  converted  from  Paganifm  or  Judaifm  ,  fignifi- 
eth as  much  as  who  defire  to  be  Chriflened  or  to  be  Baptifed.  But  he  faith,  thefe 
■words  if  the  propofers  of  another  Faith  be  Lay-men  ,  let  them  he  excommunicated  do 
maki  it  impojjible  to  have  relation  to  Baptifm,  becaufe  the  ordinary  Minifler  ofBaptifin 
is  a  Clergy-man.  If  a  Sophifter  fhould  have  brought  fuch  an  Argument  in  the 
Schools,  he  would  have  been  hiffed  out  for  his  labour.  Becaufe  one  part  of  the  Ca- 
non hath  reference  to  Lay- men ,  therefore  no  part  of  it  can  have  r  eference  to 
Clergy-men.  Jufl  like  this ,  an  Ethiopians  teeth  are  white,  therefore  it  is  impoffible 
that  any  part  of  him  (hould  be  black.  W  hereas  the  Canon  faith  exprefly  the  con- 
trary ,  if  they  be  Bifhops  or  Clerks  let  them  be  depofed  ,  if  Lay-men  Anathemati- 
zed. 

But  this  great  cenfurerhimfelf  doth  falfifie  the  Council  of  Ephefus  indeed  ,  twice 
in  this  one  place.  Once  in  omitting  the  word  ne;ir?{j«» ,  to  offer.  Secondly 
where  he  faith ,  that  Ckarifms  had  made  a  wicked  Creed,  It  was  not  a  wicked  Creed 
but  a  wicked  expofition  of  the  Creed  which  the  Council  condemned,  Depravata 
Symboli  Expofitio  ■•,  Which  was  indeed  produced  by  Charifus ,  but  neither  made  by 
him  ,  nor  approved  by  him ,  but  condemned  by  him  as  well  as  by  the  Council. 
Obferve  Reader,  with  what  grofs  carelefnefs  thefe  great  cenfurers  do  read  Authors 
and  utter  their  fiftitious  fancies  with  as  great  confidence.  He  would  have  called, 
this  forgery  in  another. 


SECT 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 


35 


SECT.    Ca^.  12. 

HE  faith, I  charged  their  whole  Church  ,  voith  changing  the  ancient  Vijcipline  of 
the  Church,  into  a  Sovereignty  ojjorver  above  General  Councils  ,  whereas  Icon- 
feji  that  it  U  not  their  VniverfalJenem  ,  andrvithal  ach^orcledge^that  they  who 
givefuch  exorbitant  priviledges  to  Popes ,  do  it  with  fo  many  cautions  ,  that  they  fignifie 
nothing  s  and  then  courteoufly  askes  me  ,  whether   this  be  a  matter  deferving  that 
Church  Vnity  Jhould  be  broken  fir  it  ?  I  do  eafily  believe  that  this  is  one  of  his  merr>  i  charge  not 
Stationers  contradidlions.     What  pittiful  cavils  doth  he  bring  for  juft  exceptions  ?  the  Church 
Firft,  I  do  not  clap  it  upon  their  whole  Church  ( that  is  one  injury,  or  if  I  fhould  fpeak  ^"^  ^^?  ^^^^ 
in  his  Language,  agroflfalftfication}  bat  upon  the  guilty  party.     Secondly,  I  never  '°^  '"^  *'"'^° 
faid  that  they  who  change  the  ancient  Government  of  the  Church  ,  into  a  Sovereignty 
cf  power  ,  do  it  with  fo  many  cautions  :  bat  I  fpake  exprefly  of  them  ,  who  afcribe 
infallibility  and  temporal  power  over  Princes  to  the  Pope  •,  This  is  another  injury 
or  Faliification.     Thirdly,  how  often  mufti  tell  him,  that  we  did  not  difunite 
our  felves  from  their  Church :  but  onely  reinfranchife  our  felves  from  their  Ufurpa- 
tions?  Laftly,  this  party  which  advanceth  the  Papacy,  above  the  reprefentative 
Church  ,  is  no  worfe  than  their  virtual  Church  ,  the  Pope  and  the  Court  of  Rome 
with  all  their  adherents ,  they  who  have  the  Keys  in  their  hands  :  fuch  a  party  as 
he  dare  not  fay  his  Soul  is  his  own  againft  them ,  nor  maintain  the  contrary  5  that  a 
General  Council  is  above  the  Pope. 

He  urgeth ,  that  I  afcribe  no  more  to  St.  Peter  and  the  Pope  for  their  firfi  Moverjhip,  pai.  496.  Firf^ 
but  onely  authority  to  fit  firfi  in  Council  orfomefuch  things.  I  afcribe  unto  the  Pope  ,  nioverftip: 
all  that  power  which  is  due  unto  him  either  by  Divine  right  or  humane  right ,  at 
the  Judgement  of  the  Church ,  but  I  do  not  hold  it  meet ,  that  he  {hould  be  his 
own  carver.  And  for  St.  Peter  ,  why  doth  he  not  leave  his  wording  of  it  in  Gene- 
rals, and  fall  to  work  with  arguments  in  particular,  if  he  have  any  ?  We  pifer  him 
a  fair  tryal  for  it ,  that  St.  Peter  never  enjoyed  or  exercifed  any  greater  or  higher 
power  in  the  Church,  than  every  one  of  the  Apoftles  had,  either  extenfively  or 
intenfively,  either  in  relation  to  the  Chriftian  world  ,  or  the  Apoftolical  Colledge  , 
except  onely  that  Primordium  VnitatU  or  Primacy  of  order  ,  which  he  fcoifeth  at 
every  where  :  Yet  neither  do  we  make  his  firft  moverfhip ,  void  of  all  Auivity  and 
influence  ,  as  he  accufeth  us.  Firft,  we  know  he  had  Apoftolical  power ,  which  was 
the  higheft  Spiritual  power  upon  earth.  As  my  father  fent  me  fo  fend  J  you.  Second- 
ly ,  fome  power  doth  belong  to  a  Firft  Mover,  even  by  the  Law  of  Nature,  befides 
the  firjl  feati  As  to  convocate  the  Members,  to  preferve  order,  to  propofe  fuch  things 
as  are  to  be  difcufled  ,  to  receive  the  Votes ,  to  give  the  Sentence,  and  to  fee  it  Ex- 
ecuted fo  far  as  he  is  trufted  by  the  body.  What  the  Church  of  England  believeth  ,  »  497.  1 
of  the  Popes  inheriting  St.  Peters  priviledges  •,  and  the  exercifi  of  that  power  before  the 
reformation.  And  how  the  Breach  was  made,  and  when,  I  have  fhewed  abun^ 
dantly  already. 

We  have  (een  his  rare  skill ,  in  the  difcovery  of  a  Falfification  or  a  contradidion  , 
now  let  us  fee  if  his  fcent  be  as  good  to  find  out  an  abfurdity.  Hemaketh  me  argue 
thus,  "the  Pope  did  not  exercifi  St.  Peteis power  ,  becaufe  he  exercifedSt.  Vetci^s power 
and  much  more  ,  which  is  as  much  as  to  fay  ,  totum  eft  minus  parte  i  and  more  does 
not  contain  leji:  and  then  he  crowes  out  his  vidory  aloud  i  a  hopeful  di§utant ,  who 
choofeth  rather  to  run  upon  fuch  Rock^ ,  &c.  What  Rocks  doth  he  mean  ?  I  hope  none 
of  the  Acroceraunia  :  thofe  ridiculous  things  which  he  calls  Rocks,  are  foapy  bub-  j 

bles  of  his  own  blowing.  This  inference  is  none  of  mine,  but  his  own:  is  it  not 
pofCble  for  this  great  pretender  to  fincerity ,  to  mifs  one  paragraph  without  falfifi- 
cations?  Give  him  leave  to  make  inferences  and  Periphrafes  \_  which  U  as  much  as  to 
fay  ~\  and  Africa  did  never  abound  fo  much  with  Monfters ,  as  he  will  make  the 
molt  rational  writing  in  this  world  abound  with  abfurdities.  I  defire  the  courteous 
Reader  to  view  the  place  ,  and  either  to  pitty  his  ignorance ,  or  deteft  his  impu- 
dence. The  words  which  I  anfwered  were  thefe ,  That  the  Bifhops  o/Rome  actu- 
ally exercifed  St.  Peters  power  in  all  thofe  Countries  ,  which  k^pt  Communion  with  the 
Church  of  Rome  ,  that  very  year  when  this  unhappy  feparation  began.    My  anfwer  wai^^ 

that 


Schifm  Guarded. TOM  E  I 


.J..t  fhk  aflertion  did  come  far  Jhort  of  the  trnth  in  one  reffeCt  ,  for  the  Po^es  exerdfed 
\  .^        ^g^^f^i^^  jphichgave  them  leave,  than  ever  St.  ?ctcT pretended 

WMcfo  worep  ^^  ^^^^^  inference  but  this,  "Xhe  Pope  exercifed  more  power  than  ever  St. 
to.  "^"^"^ '^^^^  ^3  fi,erefore  this  ajfertion  that  he  exercifed  St.  Octets  fotver  came  port 
Peter  f rfff«  ^^^^^  confequence  is  fo  evident,  that  it  can  admit  neither  denyal  or 
J     uJZ    'what  hath  this  to  do  with,  his  vehok  U  leji  than  the  part,  or  more  does 

""  BuTnowVuppofe  I  had  faid  ,  as  he  maketh  me  to  fay  on  his  own  head ,  that  in 
Half  more  than  ,  •  ^^^^  jhe  whole  is  kfs  than  the  part  ,  or  more  does  not  contain  the  lefl ,  what  had  he 
the  whole  ^       ^^  ^  Hath  he  never  heard  or  read ,  that  in  morality  the  half  is  more  than 

the  whole?  Hath  he  forgotten  his  Ethicks,  that  he  who  fwerveth  from  the  mean 
or  ftridt  meafure  of  virtue ,  whether  it  be  in  the  Excefs  ,  or  in  the  Defed  ,  is  alike 
culpable,  and  cometh  fhort  of  his  duty  >  If  the  Pope  as  SuccefTour  to  St.  Petfr,  did 
ufurp  more  power  than  St.  Peter  had  right  to  j  no  man  in  his  right  wits,  can  call 
it  the  adual  exercifing  of  St.  Peters  power. 

The  fecond  part  of  my  anfwer  was ,  that  as  the  Pope  exercifed  more  Power 
Papal  Ufurpa-  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  \i\m,  in  fome  places ,  where  he  could  get  leave;  fo  in  other  places 
tiomnotUm-     ^^j^^^^j^^^^j^^^gp^j.^gpj-pjjyj^  pf^j^g  Chriftian  world,  that  is  all  the   'Eafcern, 

'"  * '  Southern    and  Northern  Churches  )  his  Univerfal  Monarchy  which  he  claimed ,  was, 

Univerfaily  rejedled.    For  this  I  am  Firft  reviled.     Jre  moderate  exprejjions  ofpame- 
lefnefs  fuflicient  to  Charader  this  man?  &c.    If  better  was  within  better  would  come 
out.     But  Stult'n  "Thefaurus   ijie  efi  in  lingua  fitm  ,  nt  difcant  male  loqui  meliorihus. 
And  then  when  he  hath  Firft  cenfured  me,  he  attempteth  to  anfwer  me  ,as  well  as  he 
is  able     that  the  Pope  exercifed  his  power  over  them  ,  by  Excommunicating  them  as  re- 
-volters!   As  revolters  ?  In  good  time  ■•>  They  were  Chriftians  and  had  Governours 
of  their  own,  before  either  there  was  a  Church  of  Kome  ,  or  Bifnop  of  Rome, 
and  never  acknowledged  themfelves  to  be  his  Subjeds    until  this    day  ,    nor 
regarded     his     Excommunications    upon      that     fcore       at     all.       If   they 
were  revolters ,    the  Apoftolical  Age  and  all  fucceding   Ages  were    joyned   in 
the  revolt.     Thefe  are  his  rigorous  demonflrations ,  to  prove  the  Popes  fingle  Jurifdi- 
dion  by  Divine  right ,  from  his  own  impotent  adlions.     If  the  Pope  have  a  Su- 
premacy of  Power  by  Divine  right ,  he  hath  it  over  the  World  ,  but  that  we  fee 
evidently  he  never  enjoyed  from  the  beginning  ;  if  he  did  not  enjoy  it  Univerfaily 
from  the  beginning  ,  then  certainly  it  cannot  be  an  Apoftolical  Tradition. 

I  do  begin  with  the  Eajiern  Church ,  becaufe  their  cafe  is  plaineft ,  as  having  Pro- 
topatriarchs  of  their  own  ,  and  Apoftolical  Churches  of  their  own  :  but  when  that 
is  once  acknowledged  ,  I  (hall  be  contented  to  joyn  ijfue  with  him  in  the  TFefi,  Firft:, 
for  our  BrittannicK  Churches ,  and  next  even  for  the  Church  of  Kome  it  felf  i  that 
the  Pope's  Univerfal  Monarchy  ,  and  plenitude  of  Sovereign  power  by  Divine  right, 
was  neither  delivered  from  Parents  to  Children  by  perpetual  Tradition ,  as  a  Legacy 
of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  ,  nor  received  by  the  Sons  of  that  Individual  Church  as 
a  matter  of  Faith  ■■>  butonely  a  Primacy  of  Order  or  beginning  of  Unity  ,  which 
wedonot  oppofe,  nor  yet  thofe  acceffions  of  humane  power  i  which  Chriftian 
Emperours  and  Oecumenical  Councils ,  have  conferred  upon  that  See  ,  provided 
they  be  not  exaded  as  a  Divine  right. 

His  Firji  Moverjhtp  and  his  Firji  GovernourJhip,zrc  butGeneral  unfignificantTerms, 
which  may  agree  as  well  to  a  beginning  of  Unity  or  Primacy  of  Order ,  as  to  an 
abfolute  Monarchy  or  plenitude  of  Power.  If  he  will  fay  any  thing  to  purpofe  , 
he  muft  fay  it  particularly ,  particulars  began  the  Breach  ,  particulars  muft  ftop  the 
Breach.  I  have  given  him  an  account,  what  particular  diiferences  we  have  with 
him  concerning  St.  Peter ,  what  particular  differences  we  have  with  him  concerning 
the  Pope ,  let  him  apply  himfeif  to  thofe  ,  and  not  make  continual  cxcurfions  (  as 
he  doth  )  out  of  the  Lifts. 

When  I  acknowledged  an  authority  due  to  the  'Roman  Bifliop  in  the  Church ,  as 

What  refpefts  ^  gif^op  in  his  Diocefs ,  as  a  Metropolitan  in  his  Province,  as  the  Bifhop  of  an  A- 

duetothc        poftolical  See  and  Succeflbur  of  St.  Peter  ,  I  expeded  thanks  j  there  are  many  that 

°^'  will  not  yield  him  one  inch  of  all  thefe  fteps  without  a  new  conflid.     But  behold 

the  evil  natures  or  the  evil  manners  of  this  Age,  I  am  acoufed  for  this  offivohufnefs 

and 


Discourse  IV.  Scbifm  Guarded. 


?^? 


and  vtftncerity.  Yet  I  will  make  bold  to  tell  this  Apprentice  in  Theology,  that  whenfoever      Pae.  458 
the  cafe  cometh  to  be  folidly  difcufTcd  ,  it  will  be  found  that  the  principal  grounds 
(  if  I  had  faid  the  onely  grounds  ,  I  had  not  faidmuch  amifs)  of  the  Popes  pretend- 
ed Monarchy ,  are  the  juft  rights  and  priviledges  of  his  patriarchatefliip,  his  proto- 
patriarchatelhip  ,  and  his  Apoftolical  chair ,  miftaken  for  Royalties ,  for  want  of 
good  diftindtion.     I  know  the  Court  of  Rome ,  who  have  been  accuftmned  in  thefe 
latter  times,  to  milk  the  purfes  of  their  clients,  do  not  love  fuch  a  dry  primacy  (  as 
he  phrafeth  it  )  but  where  they  have  no  more  tight ,  and  other  Churches  have  a 
care  to  preferve  their  own  priviledges ,  they  muft  have  patience  perforce. 

His  Parallel  between  the  King  of  England  and  the  Pope,  wil  be  then  to  feme  pur- 
pofe,  when  he  hath  firrt  proved  that  the  Pope  hath  a  Monarchy  :  until  then  it  is  a  EiZ!(L 
meer  beggmg  of  the  Queftioni  whata  grofs  Solecifm  that  is  in  Logick^,  he  cannot  P^l  pcwer.  ' 
choofe  but  know.     But  fince  he  is  favourably  pleafed  to  difpenfe  with  all  men  for 
the  extent  of  Papal  power,  fo  they  believe  the  fubftance  of  it,  and  yet  he  himfelf 
either  cannot ,  or  dare  not  determine  what  the  fubftance  of  Papal  power  is  i  he 
might  out  of  his  charity  have  compalfion ,  and  not  flile  us  Mountebanks,  who 
know  no  diffcrrencc ,  between  Rww^n-Catholicks  and  our  felves  about  the  Papacy 
but  onely  about  the  extent  of  Papal  power.     Although  he  ftile  us  Hereticks  nov/ 
yet  he  was  lately  one  of  us  himfelf:  and  would  have  continued  fb  longer,  if  he  had 
underflood  himfelf  better ,  or  the  times  been  lefs  clowdy.     Lethim  call  itfubjlance 
let  him  call  it  extent ,  let  him  call  it  what  he  will ,  I  have  given  him  our  excepti- 
ons to  their  Papacy,  let  him  fatisfie-them  as  well  as  he  can  ,  and  let  truth  prevail : 
We  have  not  renounced  the  fubllance  of  the  Papacy ,  except  the  fubftance,  of  the 
Papacy  do  confift  in  coadive  power.     I  fide  with  no  parties ,  but  honour  the 
Church  of  England  and  welcome  truth  wherefoever  I  meet  it  j 

Tros  Tyriufve  mihi  nul'o  difcrimine  habetur. 

He  telleth  his  Reader,  that  J  grant  the  whok  queflion  ,  where  I  affirm  that  the  Bi- 
Jhop  of  Rome  had  authority  all  over,  as  the  Bijhop  of  an  Apojhlical  Church  ,  or  Succef' 
four  of  St.  Pf  if  r.  Much  good  may  it  do  him.  As  if  every  Bifliop  of  an  Apoftoli- 
cal Church  ,  were  ftraight  way  an  Univerfal  Monarch  ■■>  or  as  if  authority  did  al- 
ways necellarily  imply  Jurifdidion  ,  or  every  arbitrator  or  depofitary  were  a  legal 
judge.  I  had  realbn  to  place  a  'Bijhop  of  an  Apojhlical  Church  ,  in  my  climax  after 
a  Patriarch  ,  for  the  larger  extenfionof  his  authority  every  where,  not  for  the  high- 
er intenfion  of  his  Jurildidion  any  where. 

I  urged  that  if  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  did  fucceed  St.  Teter ,  by  the  ordinance  of 
Chrift  ,  in  this  priviledge  to  be  the  Prince  and  Sovereign  of  the  Church  ,  endowed 
with  a  fingle  Sovereignty  of  power,  that  the  Great  Council  of  Chalcedon  was  much 
to  be  blamed^  to  give  equal  priviledges  to  the  Tatriarch  of  Conftantinople  with  the  Pa- 
triarch of  Rome  ,  and  to  ejleem  the  JmperialCity  more  thanthe  Ordination  of  Chrift.  To 
the  Second  part  of  this  argument,  that  the  great  Council  of  Chalcedon,  did  ground 
the  advannement  both  of  Rome  and  Conjiantinopk  ,  upon  the  Imperial  Dignity  of 
thole  two  Cities  ,  and  to  much  more  which  is  urged  there  againft  him,  he  is  as 
mute  as  a  Fifli :  but  to  the  former  part  he  anfwereth  ,  thatfr  any  thing  I  h^ore  to  the 
contrary  Kome  might  remain  Superiour  in  JurifdiGion^  though  they  had  equal  priviledges. 
Very  pretty  indeed.     He  would  have  his  Readers  to  believe  ,  that  a  Sovereign  and 
his  Subjects  have  equal  priviledges.     Equals  have  no  power  one  over  another;  there 
may  be  a  primacy  of  Order  among  equals  ,  but  Supremacy  of  Power  taketh  away 
equality.     Doth  not  he  himlelf  makeitto  be  St.    Teters  priviledge  ,  to  be  Prince  of 
the  ApoftJes  ?  And  doth  not  he  tell  us  that  this  Priviledge  dcfcended  from  St.  Peter 
upon  the  Bilhop  of  Rome  ?  Then  if  the  Bifliop  of  Conftantinople  ,  have  equal  privi- 
ledges with  the  Bi(hop  of  Rowf  ,  he  is  equall  to  him  in  this  Priviledge  which  de- 
fcended  frm  St.  Peter. 

Let  him  liften  to  the  Eight  and  Twentieth  Canon  of  that  Council ,  where  hav-   RomaxiA 
ing  repeated  and  confirmed  ,  the  Decree  of  the  General  Council  of  ConftiantimpU  to  ^""^"""""/^^ 
the  fame  purpofe,  they  conclude  thus, /«r    the  (  Nicene  )   Fathers  did  juiily  (nve 
priviledges  to  the  See  of  old  Rome,  becaufe  it  tvas  the  Imperial  City.     And  the  hundred  csnc-  Cnnh.^ 

and    cap.  28 


anc 

fide  j„eot:avu   ,.. r ,.   ,.-, ,■ 4.-- 

''^u^l'^  trielnmplrLr^^^^  and  he  extolkd  and  magnified'in  Ecclefiafifcal 

itfeJW'^w  /  y^.       Ijg  g^^gfi^  ifi  order  from  it.     And  in  the  laft  fcntence  of 

"■^'''r/'cs  upon  the  review  of  the  caufe,  -The  Archbijhop  of  the  Imperial  City  of 
r  Lmnovk  or  nen>  Rome  ,  mufi  enjoy  the  fame  priviledges  of  honour,  and  have  the 
r  tomr  out  ofhU  own  authority  ,  to  ordain  Metropolitans  tnthe  Afiatick,  Pontick,  and 
Thracian  Viocefs.  That  is  as  much  in  Law  as  to  fay ,  have  equal  Jurifdidionj  for 
al  other  riehts  do  follow  the  right  of  Ordination. 

But  he  knoweth  right  well  that  this  will  not  fcrve  his  turn ,  his  laft  refuge  is  to 
denv  the  authority  of  the  Canon  i  telling  us  that  it  ma  no  freem ,  but  voted  tu- 
multHOuflv    after  moil  of  the  Fathers  rrere  departed.     And  milcalhng  it  a  hjjhrdiffue 
tinned  to  the  end  of  the  Council.     Which  is  altogether  as  falfe  as  any  thing  can  be  i- 
rnaEined  to  be.    It  was  done  before  the  Bifliops  had  their  Licenfe  to  depart  i  It 
had  a  Second  hearing ,  and  was  debated  by  the  Popes  own  Legates  on  his  behalf, 
before  the  moft  glorious  judges,  and  maturely  fentenced  by  them  ,  in  the  name  of 
the  Council.     This  was  one  of  thofe  Four  Councils ,  which  St.  Gregory  honoured 
next^o  theVour  Gofpels.    This  is  one  of  thofe  Councils  ,  which  every  fucceding 
Pope ,  doth  fwear  folemnly  to  obferve  to  the  leajl  tittle.    I  hope  the  Pope  hath  a 
better  opinion  of  it  than  he,  at  leaft  for  his  Oaths  fake. 

Good  Reader  obferve  ,  what  cMers  of  Forgeries,  this  great  cenfurer  hath  re- 
Schifm  difarm  j^^j  together ,  in  the  compafs  of  a  few  lines.  I  need  to  cite  no  other  authority 
'"'  "^'  to  convince  him,'  but  the  very  Ads  of  the  Council.     Remember  whileft  thou  liveft 

to  diftruft  fuch  authors.     Firft  he  faith  ,  This  was  no  free  Ad  ,  moft  falfly :  the  Bi- 
fliops all  owned  it  as  their  free  A(fl  by  their  fubfcriptions  ,  and  by  their  Teftimonies 
before  the  Judges.     Secondly  he  faith  ,  the  Clergy  of  Conftantinople  extorted  it,  with 
tumultuoM  importunity ,  moft  falfly  :  for  it  had  been  once  Decreed  before  in  the  free 
General  Council  of  Con{iantinople',  and  then  the  Clergy  0^ Conjiantinople,  did  intreat 
the  Popes  Legates  to  be  prefent  at  the  firft  debate  of  it ,  but  they  refufed :  and  when 
the  faid  Legates  alledged  in  Council  that  the  Fathers  were  forced  ,  they  unanimouf- 
Ivteftified  againft  them  ,  nemocoaHus  eft.     Thirdly  he  faith  ,  it  was  voted  after  moft 
of  the  Fathers  were  departed  ,  and  onely  thofe  of  the  party  of  Conftantinople  left  ,  moft 
fallly  :  the  Fathers  were  forbidden  to  depart ,  and  Three  of  the  Protopatriarchs 
with  their  fubordinate  Biftiops  determined  it ,  and  fubfcribed  the  firft  day.     Fourth- 
ly he  faith     it  was  difavotced  by  the  Patriarch  o/Antioch  and  thoje  under  him,  moft 
falfly :  for 'the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  and  thofe  under  him  did  ratifieit ,  and  fubfcribe 
it  in  Council.     Fifthly  he  faith  ,  No  Patriarch  0/ Alexandria  was  there;  Goodreafon; 
For  there  was  none  in  being ,  the  See  being  vacant ,  by  the  turning  out  oiViofcorm, 
Though  this  be  not  fo  falfe  as  the  reft ,  yet  it  is  as  deceitful  as  the  worft  of  them. 
Sixthly  he  faith  ,  the  Alexandrian  Metropolitans  and  Bifhops  refufed  to  fubfcribe  it. 
They  did  not  refufe  to  fubfcribe  it ,  but  they  requefted  the  Council ,  that  becaufe  it 
was  their  cuftom  to  fubfcribe  nothing,  until  firft  it  was  fubfcribed  by  their  Patri- 
arch   that  the  fubfcribtion  might  be  deferred,  until  they  had  a  new  Patriarch  chofem 
and  they  themfelves  were  contented  to  ftay  in  Chalcedon  ,  until  this  was  effedted. 
Now  judge  freely  Reader ,  whether  this  man  do  not  deferve  a  whetftone. 

That  which  followeth  concerning  immediate  Tradition  ,  is  but  one  of  his  ordi- 
nary Meanders,  or  an  improper  repetition  of  an  heap  of  untruths  and  uncertainties, 
blundred  together  to  no  purpofe  ,  without  any  proof.  That  the  "tradition  of  all 
Churches  of  the  Roman  Communion  is  neceffarily  an  Vniverfal  Tradition  i  That  onely 
thofe  Churches  of  the  Roman  Communion  do  adhere  to  the  rule  of  Tradition ,  and  aV  other 
Churches  have  renounced  it  •,  That  all  thofe  who  differ  from  the  Church  of  Rome  did  ne- 
ver pretend  immediate  Tradition  ,  for  thofe  points  wherein  they  differ  from  it:  are  fo  many 
grofs  untruths.  That  the  very  fame  which  is  delivered  by  fame  Chilian  Parents  to  their 
Children,  is  delivered  by  all  Chriftian  Parents  after  the  fame  manner;  That  whatfoever 
is  delivered  by  Chriftian  Parents  ofthU  age  ,  U  neceffarily  derived  from  the  Apnftks  by  an 
uninterrupted  fuccejfron  i  And  that  external  Unity  doth  neceffarily  imply  an  Identity  of 
Tradition  :  Are  contingent  uncertainties,  which  may  be  true  or  may  be  falfe.    His 

reafca 


Schifm  Guarded*  ^^^ 


reafbn ,  that  it  is  impojfiblefor  the  beginner t  of  a  Novelty ,  to  pretend  that  their  immedi- 
ate Fathers  had  taught  thsm ,  that  which  the  whole  world  fees  they  did  not ,  is  abfurd 
and  impertinent ,  and  may  (erve  equally  to  both  parties. 

Firft,  it  is  abfurd  and  contrary  to  the  fenie  of  the  whole  world.  We  fee  daylie  by 
experience ,  that  there  are  innovations  in  Dodrine  and  Difcipline,  and  both  parties 
pretend  to  ancient  and  immediate  Tradition  ,  he  might  as  well  tell  us. 

Nil  intra  efl  oleum  ,  nil  extra  eft  in  Nua  duri. 

The  Arians  pretended  to  immediate  Tradition  as  well  as  the  Orthodox  Chri-  C^«ngrt  tii> 
ftians.     Secondly,  it  is  impertinent  s  changes  in  Religion  are  neither  fo  luddein  nor  dif«r°i^'«' 
fo  vifible  as  he  imagineth  ,  but  are  often  made  by  degrees,  in   trad:  of  time,  at 
Icifure ,  infenfibly  ,  undifcemibly.     An  errour  comes  tirft  to  be  a  common  opinion, 
then  a  pious  Do<ftrine.  Laftly,  a  point  of  Faith  :  but  feldom  do  errours  appear  at  rirft 
in  their  own  fliape. 

Ta^t  enim  vitiumfpecie  vhrtutit  &  umlrS. 

A  beginning  of  Unity  in  time  may  grow  to  be  a  Sovereignty  of  Power.  Invc- 
flitures  were  taken  away  from  Kings  for  fear  of  Simony  :  and  this  fear  of  Simony 
before  the  wheel  had  done  running  ,  produced  the  moft  fubliraated  Art  of  Simony 
that  ever  was  devifed.  Who  would  or  could  have  (ulpeded  ,  that  tho(e  huge  crys 
for  free  liberty  of  Ele<Sion  ,  (hould  have  ended  in  Papal  provifions ,  or  the  exemp- 
tion of  Clergy-men  from  their  Allegiance  to  their  native  Prince ;  have  been  an 
Introduction  to  a  new  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  a  Forraign  Prelate  >  The  fubjedtion 
of  the  Emperours  to  the  Popes,  began  withPidures,  proceeded  to  Poetry  ,  and 
€nd»d  in  down  right  Maxims  of  Theology.  There  hath  alway  been  a  myftery  of 
Iniquity ,  as  well  as  a  myftery  of  Piety  v  the  Tares  were  fbwn  whileft  men  flept , 
and  were  not  prefently  diicerned.  It  is  not  I  who  have  changed  Faith  into  opini- 
on :  My  Faith  is  the  very  fame  that  always  was  profefled  throughout  the  Chriftian 
World ,  by  every  Chriltian  at  his  Baptifm,  and  comprehended  in  the  ancient  Creed 
of  the  Church.  But  it  is  they  who  have  changed  opinion  into  Faith  ,  when  Pins 
the  Fourth  matriculated  Twelve  new  opinions  ,  among  the  ancient  Articles  of  the 
Creed.  Let  them  be  probable ,  or  pious ,  or  erroneous  ,  or  what  you  will ;  I  am 
fure  they  are  but  opinions  and  confequcntly  no  Articles  of  Faith. 

I  faid  fuch  Opinions  of  an  Jnferiour  Nature  ,  are  not  fo  necejfary  to  be  h^own.     He  Op'nmns  no» 
asketh  ,  whether  they  be  nectffary  or  no  ?  Jf  they  be  not  necefary  ,   why  do  I  grant  them  to  necirtary. 
he  necejfary  by  joying,   they  are  not  fo  nece^ary  ?  Jf  they  be  necefSary  ,  why  call  I  them  hut 
Opinions  i  Doth  he  know  no  diftindtion  of  things  necelTary  to  be  known,  that  fome 
things  are  not  fo  neceffary  as  other  ?  Some  things  are  neceffary  to  be  known ,  «e- 
cejjitatemedii ,  to  obtain  Salvation  :  Some  things  are  neceffary  to  be  known  onely 
neceffitate  pracepti ,  becaufe  they  are  commanded  ,  and  they  may  be  commanded  by 
God  or  Man  i  the  latter  are  not  fo  neceffary  as  the  former.     Some  things  are  abfo- 
lurely  neceffary  to  be  known  by  all  men:  Some  other  things  are  onely  by  fome  men> 
Art  thou  a  Mafier  in  Ifrael  and  i^oweft  not  thefe  things  ?  Somethings  are  enjoyned  to   -r  t_  .,  -^p^ 
beheld  onely  for  Peace  fake  i  thofc  are  not  fo  neceffary  to  be  known  asthecom- 
mandements,  or  the  Sacraments,  or  the  Articles  of  the  Creed.     The  Popes  Infal- 
libility in  his  Definitions  of  Faith  ,  is  but  an  opinion  ,  and  yet  they  hold  it  necef- 
fary.    The  Superiority  of  a  General  Council  above  the  Pope  ,  was  a  neceffary  opi-  Bel  ie  csndU 
nion  in  the  time  ofConftanee  and  Bafile :  and  now  the  contrary  opinion  is/ere  <^  Fi-  '''  ^•'"P'^f* 
de  i  almoft  an  Article  of  Faith. 

He  knoweth  better  by  this  time  what  I  underfland  by  points  of  Faith  publicly 
ftcfejied  i  even  the  Articles  of  the  Creed ,  which  every  Chriftian  that  ever  was  from 
Chrills  time  untill  this  day,  profeffed  at  his  Baptifm.  All  the  Chriftian  world  have 
ever  been  Baptized  into  the  Faith  of  the  old  Creed,  never  any  man  yet  was  Baptized 
into  the  Faith  of  their  new  Creed  :  if  thefe  new  Articles ,  be  as  neceffary  to  be 
known  and  publickly  profeffed  for  the  common  Salvation  as  the  old ,  they  do  thetn 
wrong  to  baptize  them  but  into  one  half  of  the  Chriftian  Faith. 

Oo  He 


a 


-—^•^5 Schifm  Cnarded.  TOME  I. 

i^^^^^T^.       Hetroublethhimfelfneedlelly  wuh  Jealoulle  and  fufpidon,  Ij^^  ""der  the  no" 
peach  not  the    ii^^,  oi:  Faith  Vmverfally  profejjed ,  J.nd  the  Chrijhan  world  VMed ,  I  (hould  feek  : 
perpetuity  of   j|^^]jj,j.  qj.  patrociny  (ot  Arrianr  ^  oi  Soanians^  or  any  other  Mudirom  Sed  i  as  if 
Tradition.  ^       ^^  Chrift  were  not  delivered  by  Univerfal  Tradition,  or  not  held  by  the 

Cbriflun  world  Vnited,  becaufe  of  their  Oppofition.  I  do  not  look  upon  any  fuch 
SeiSs  which  did  or  do  oppofe  the  Univerfal  and  pepetual  Tradition  of  the  Catho- 
lick  Church  before  their  days,  as  living  and  lafting  ftreams ,  but  as  fuddein  and 
violent  Torrents  :  neither  do  1  regard  their  oppofition  to  tl^  Catholick  Church  , 
any  more  than  of  a  company  of  Phrenetick  perfons ,  whileR  I  fee  plainly  a  j^arte 
ante  that  there  was  a  time  when  the  wheat  did  grow  without  thofe  Tares,  and 
apartep(^  .,  that  their  errours  were  condemned  by  the  Catholick  Church.  This 
exception  of  his  hath  great  force  againfthis  immediate  Tradition  ■■>  Should  the  Chil- 
dren of  Arrians  or  Soclniam  ,  perfilt  in  their  Arrian  or  5oci«w»  Principles  ,  becaufe 
they  were  delivered  to  them  ,  as  the  Legacies  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles  ,  by  theic 
erring  parents  ?  But  againft  my  Univerfal  and  perpetual  Tradition  they  have  no 
force  at  all.  Neither  do  I  look  upon  their  petty  interruption,  as  an  empeachment 
to  the  fucceffion  from  the  Apoftles  ,  no  more  than  I  efteem  a  great  mountain,  to 
be  an  empeachment  to  the  roundnefs  of  the  Earth. 

Neither  was  it  the  Church  of  Greece ,  and  all  the  other  Eajiern  ,  Southern ,  and 
Northern  Churches ,  which  receded  from  this  Univerfal  Tradition  ,  in  the  cafe  in 
difference  between  us,  concerning  the  difcipline  of  the  Church  j  but  the  Church  of 
Kome  which  receded  from  them, 

Non  tellus  cymham ,  tellurem  cymha  reHqnit. 

He  knoweth  little  in  antiquity ,  wh©  doth  not  know  ,  that  the  Creed  was  a 
tradition  both  materially  ,  as  a  thing  delivered  by  the  Apoflles  ,  and  Formally  as 
being  delivered  by  Oral  Tradition:  But  he  who  fhall  fay  (  as  he  doth  )  that  ai 
the  points  controverted  betrveen  its  and  them ,  were  delivered  as  derived  from  the  Apojlles^ 
No  Tradition  j„  apraUice  as  dayly  vifible  as  is  the  Afofiles  Creed,  by  our  Forefathers;  as  invoking 
in'differcnce"  Saints  for  their  interce^ion,  the  lancfulnep  of  Images  ,  praying  for  the  dead.  Adoration 
b«wcenus.  of  the  Sacrament ,  ^c.  And  in  particular,  the  SubyVlion  to  the  Tope  as  Supreme  bead 
C  to  ufe  his  own  phrafe  )  is  a  Frontlefs  man.  His  very  mumbling  of  them ,  and 
chopping  of  them  by  halves,  as  if  he  durft  not  utter  them  right  out ,  is  a  fufficient 
Evidence  of  the  contrary.  We  do  not  charge  them  onely  with  invoking  Saints  for 
their  interceffion ,  or  to  fpeak  more  properly  with  the  invoking  God  to  hear  the 
interceffion  of  his  Saints :  but  with  more  infolent  forms  of  ultimate  prayers  to  the 
Creatures ,  to  proteU  them  at  the  hotcr  of  death  ,  to  deliver  them  from  the  Vevil ,  to  con- 
fer fpiritual  Graces  upon  them  ,  and  to  admit  them  into  heaven  ,  precibus  meritifque, 
not  onely  by  their  prayers  ,  hut  lih^vpife  by  their  merits.  As  improper  an  addrefs  ,  as 
if  one  fhould  fall  down  on  his  knees.before  a  Courtier,  and  befeech  him  to  give  him 
pardon ,  or  to  Knight  him ,  meaning  onely  that  he  fhould  mediate  for  him  to 
the  King. 

We  do  not  queflion  the  lawfulnefs  of  their  having  of  Images  i  but  worfhipping 
of  them ,  and  worfhipping  them  with  the  fame  worfhip  which  is  due  to  the  Pro- 
totype. We  condemn  not  all  praying  for  the  dead,  not  for  their  refurredion  ,  and 
the  confummation  of  their  happinefs  :  but  their  prayers  for  their  deliverance  out  of 
Purgatory.  We  our  (elves  adore  Chrift  in  the  Sacrament ,  but  we  dare  not  adore 
the  Species  of  Bread  and  Wine.  And  although  "we  know  no  Divine  right  for  it ; 
yet  if  he  would  be  contented  with  it ,  for  peace  fake  we  could  afford  the  Bifhop 
of  Kome  a  Primacy  of  Order  by  human  right,  which  is  all  that  antiquity  did  know. 
And  if  any  of  our  Ancel^ours  in  any  of  thefe  particulars  ,  did  fvverve  from  the  U- 
iiiverfal  perpetual  Tradition  of  the  Church,  we  had  much  better  warrant  to  return 
to  the  Apoftolical  Line  and  Level,  than  he  himfelf  had  to  dcfert  thofe  principles  te- 
incrarioufly  ,  which  his  immediate  Forefathers  taught  him ,  as  delivered  by  the  A- 
poftles  and  derrived  from  them. 

His  next  exception  is  a  meer  Logomachy,  that  I  call  two  of  his  aflertions  In- 
ferences,   what  doth  this  concern  either  the  perfon  or  the  caufe  ?  Either  this  is  to 

con- 


I 


Schifm  Guarded.  <,^_ 
. tS7 


contend  about  the  iTiadow  of  an  Afs,  or  I  know  not  what  is.  Let  them  be  premilTcr 
orconclufions  which  he  will,  they  may  be  fo  difpofcd  to  make  them  either  i  if 
they  be  neither,^  what  do  they  here  ?  if  they  be  conclufions ,  they  are  inferences 
He  calleth  the  former  conclufion  their  chief  ObjeVtion  ■■>  who  ever  heard  of  an  obje- 
ction without  an  Inference  >  And  the  fecond  is  fo  far  from  being  no  Inference  that 
it  comprehendeth  four  Inferences ,  one  from  the  iirft  principle ,  another  from  the 
fecond  principle  ,  and  the  third  from  both  principles.  That  Chwches  in  Commu- 
uion  with  the  Koman  have  the  onely  right  DoCirine  in  virtue  of  the  firji  principle,  and  the 
onely  right  Government  in  virtue  of  the  fecond  principle  ,  and  Vnity  necejfary  to  Salvation 
in  virtue  of  both  principles.  And  the  laft  conclufion  is  thegeneral  Inference  from  all 
thefe,  And  hyconfequence  roe  hold  them  ,  onely  to  mak^  the  entire  Catholick^Church. 

1  faid  truly  ,  that  we  hold  both  their  Rules  of  Unity  ,  I  add  that  we  hold  them 
both  in  the  right  fenfe  ,  that  is  ,  in  the  proper  literal  fenfe  of  the  words  :  bat  what 
their  fenfe  ot  them  is ,  conccmeth  them  not  us.  If  by  the  Tope's  Supremacy  he  un- 
dcrftand  a  Cngle  Sovereignty  or  Supremacy  of  power ,  by  virtue  of  Chrirt's  own 
Ordinance  v  we  hold  it  not  indeed  ,  neither  did  the  Catholick  Church  of  Chrift  e- 
ver  hold  it.  So  likewife  if  by  tradition  of  our  Ancejiours^  he  underihnd  Univerfal 
and  perpetual  Tradition  ,  or  as  it  were  Univerfal  and  perpetual  ■,  we  ioyn  hands 
with  him  ;  but  if  by  Tradition  he  underltand  the  particular  and  immediate  Tra- 
dition of  his  Father ,  or  Ten  Thoufand  Fathers,  or  the  greater  part  of  the  Fathers 
of  one  Province  or  one  Patriarchate ,  in  one  Age  ,  excluding  three  parts  of  the 
Catholick  Church  of  this  Age  ,  and  not  regarding  former  Ages  between  this  Age 
and  the  Apoitles  •,  we  renounce  his  rule  in  this  fenfe,  as  a  Bond  of  Errour  not  of 
Unity,  And  yet  in  General ,  according  to  the  Literal  fenfe  of  the  words  we  em- 
brace it  as  it  is  propofed  by  himfelfi  that  The  Vodrines  inherited  from  our  Fore-fathers 
as  the  Legacies  of  Chriji  and  his  Apoflles  ,  are  onely  to  be  ach^orcledged  or  Obliajtory. 
So  we  acknowledge  both  his  Pvules  in  the  Literal  fenfe  defallo^bat  the  Popes  fingle  Su- 
premacy of  power  and  particular  Tradition  were  never  principles  of  Unity  neither 
defaCio  nor  de  jure'j  andfo  he  may  feek  for  his  flat  Schifmatick  defa&o  ztRome. 

1  faid  there  was  a  fallacy  in  Logick  of  more  interrogations  than  one ,  when  que- 
ftions  of  a  different  nature  are  mixed  ,  to  which  one  uniform  anfwe'r  cannot  be 
given.  He  faith  he  put  no  Interrogatory  at  all  to  me.  True  i  but  he  propounded  am- 
biguous propoiitione  to  be  anfwered  by  me,  confounding  St.  Pfffr  and  the  Pope 
an  head(hip  of  order,  and  an  headfliip  of  power,  which  is  all  one.  An  head  of 
Order  hath  power  to  adt  tirft ,  as  well  as  fit  hrlt ;  but  he  adeth  not  by  his  own 
fingle  power  ,  but  by  the  conjundl  power  of  the  body  or  colledge. 

To  (hew  him  ,  that  I  am  not  aflianied  of  my  voluntary  railing  (  as  he  phrafeth  P"!-  S'o* 
it  )  too  filly  to  merit  tranfcribing  or  anfxvering  ,  I  will  tranicribe  it  for  him.  f  The 
Church  or  Court  of  Kome  have  Sophifticated  the  true  Dodlrine  of  Faith  by  their 
fupplemental  Articles ,  contrary  to  the  Firft  principle  i  and  have  introduced  into 
the  Church  a  Tyrannical  Government  ,  contrary  to  the  (econd  principle  :  and  are 
fo  far  from  being  the  entire  Catholick  Church ,  that  by  them  both  they  are  convi' 
<fled  to  have  made  themfelves  guilty  of  fuperftition  and  Schifm.  1  if  this  be 
railing,  what  Term  doth  his  Language  deferve?  If  this  be  filly,  what  pitiful 
ftuffe  is  his  > 

He  faid  my  onely  xvay  to  clear  our  Church  from  Schifm  ,  was  to  difprovehis  two  Rules.  The  proof 
I  anfwered  he  was  doubly  miftaken  ,  Firft  inputting  us  to  prove  or  difprove  ,  who  refts  on  their 
are  the  perfons  accufed,  the  defendants  duty  is  to  anfwer,  not  to  prove  :  that  is  the  ^"^'' 
duty  of  the  accufer.    They  accufe  us  of  Schifm  ,  therefore  they  ought  to  prove 
their  rules ,  whereon  they  ground  their  Accufation  ,  in  that  fenfe  wherein  they 
take  them  ■■,  not  put  us  to  difprove  them.     He  urgeth  that  by  thU  m-thod ,  no  Rebel 
ought  to  give  any  reafon  why  he  did  fo  ,  becauje  he  is  accufed  of  Rebellion   by  his  larrful 
Covernour.     By  his  leave,  he  that  condemneth  a  Subjed  of  Rebellion  ,  before  he 
have  proved  his  Accufation,  doth  him  wrong  ,  but  he  faith  ,  the  truth  is,  rvherefoe- 
ver  there  is  a  conteji ,  each  fide  accufes  the  other  ,  and  each  fide  defends  it  felf  again}}  the 
ethers  Accufations  :  but  we  were  the  FirJ}  accufers  ,  who  could  not  with  any  Face  have 
pretended  to  reform,  unlefs  we  Accufed  jirjl  our  AUual  Governour  of  Vfurpation.     I  told 
him  before  that  he  was  doubly  miftaken ,  now  I  muft  be  bold  to  tell  him  that  he  is 

O  0  2  three 


35S 


Scbifm  Guarded ^T  O  M  E  I. 


three  ways  miftakcn.  Firft  the  Pope  was  none  of  our  Adual  Governour  ,  in  the 
external  Regiment  of  the  Church  ,  by  the  Laws  of  England.  Second  y  our  r-r.-- 
mation  was  no  Accufation  ,  but  an  Enfranchifement  ot  our  felves  fub  moder, 


refor- 
amine 


*"^'/p"/rw/f/l ""Thirdly  /  I  Iiave  already  manifefted  the  llfurpations  of  the  Court 
'"fVonie  upon  other  manner  of  grounds  than  his  ambiguous  rules.  As  we  have  pro- 
ved our  intentions  fo  let  him  endeavour  to  prove  his 

My  Second  anfwer  was,  that  although  the  proof  did  rcH  on  nur  fides  :  Yet  J  did  not 
approve  of  his  advice  ,  that  was  ,  to  difprove  his  two  rules.  My  reafon  is  evident , 
we  approve  of  his  two  rules  as  they  were  fet  down  by  himfelf ;  it  is  not  we  but 
they  who  have  fwerved  from  them,  and  therefore  it  wei«  madnefs  in  us  to  difprove 
them.  He  faith  ,  he  dare  fwear  in  my  behalf  ^  that  J  never  fpake  truer  word  in  my  life , 
and  out  of  his  Supererogatory  kindnefs  offers  himfelf  to  be  bound  for  me  ,  that  ijhaU 
never  follorv  anyadvife  ,  that  bids  me  fpeak^home  to  the  point.  What  filly  nonfenle  is 
this  fhould  I  follow  any  mans  advife  to  difprove  that  which  I  approve  ?  I  have 
fpokcn  fo  home  to  the  point  without  any  advife  ,  that  I  expedl  little  thanks  from 
him  ,  and  his  fellows  for  it. 

what  he  prateth  of  a  Vijcipline  left  by  Chrift  to  the  Church  of  England  in  Henry 
the  Eighths  time ,  is  ridiculous  indeed.  And  it  is  equally  ridiculous  to  hope  to 
make  us  believe ,  that  the  removal  of  a  few  upflart  Ufurpations,  is  a  change  of  the 
pie-  5'?'  Vifcipline  left  by  Chrift  to  his  Church.  And  Laftly  it  is  ridiculous  to  fancy  ,  that  lat- 
ter Ufurpations  may  not  be  reformed  by  the  pattern  of  the  Primitive  times  ,  and 
the  ancient  Canons  of  the  Church  ,  and  the  pradife  of  fucceeding  Ages  ,  becaufe 
we  received  them  by  particular  Tradition  from  our  immediate  Fathers.  That  one 
place  which  he  repeateth  as  having  been  omitted  by  me  ,  hath  been  anfwered  fully 
to  every  part  of  it. 

The  reft  of  this  Sedion  is  but  a  repetition  of  what  he  hath  faid,  without  adding 
any  thing  that  is  new  •,  and  in  the  conclufion  of  this  Treatife  he  giveth  us  a  Sum- 
ma  totalis  of  it  again  (  either  he  muft  diftruft  his  Readers  memory  or  his  Judge- 
ment :  )  and  yet  for  fear  of  not  being  underftood  ,  he  recapitulates  it  all  over  again 
in  his  Index.  Surely  he  thinketh  his  difcourfe  fo  profound ,  that  no  man  under- 
fiands  him  except  he  repeat  it  over  and  over  again  :  and  for  my  part  I  did  never 
meet  with  fuch  a  Torrent  of  words ,  and  fuch  {hallownefs  of  matter.  And  Co  I 
leave  him  to  St.  Auftins  cenfure  alledged  by  him.  hi  mala  caufa  non  pofmt  aliter^ 
at  malam  caufam  quis  coegit  eos  habere. 


SECT.    II. 

Ihat  they  n>ho  caft  Papal  power  out  of  England  were  no  Froteftants  ,  but  Roman-C<»- 
iholickj  throughout  ^  except  onely  in  that  one  point  of  the  Papacy, 

Hitherto  (he  faith  )  he  hath  been  the  larger  in  his  reply  ,  becaufe  the  former  points 
rvere  fundamental  concerning ,  and  totally  decifive  of  the  ^eftion.  They  do  con- 
cern the  Queftion  indeed  ,  to  blunder  and  to  confound  Univerfal  Tradition  with 
particular  Tradition ,  a  Primacy  of  Order  with  a  fingle  Supremacy  of  Power  ,  Ju- 
rifdidtion  purely  Spiritual  with  external  JurifdidVion  in  foro  contenfwfo  :  otherwife 
they  concern  not  the  Queftion.  And  for  deciding  of  the  Queftioni  wherewithal  fhould 
he  decide  it?  who  hath  not  fo  much  as  alledged  one  Authority  in  the  cafe.  Divine  or 
Human,  not  a  Text  of  Scripture ,  not  a  Canon  of  a  Council ,  not  a  Teftimony  of 
a  Father-,  who  hath  not  fo  much  as  pretended  to  any  Univerfal  or  perpetual  Tradi- 
tion ,  but  onely  to  the  particular  immediate  Tradition  of  the  'Roman  Church  ;  and 
this  he  hath  onely  pretended  to,  but  neither  proved  it  ,  nor  attempted  to  prove  it, 
ncr  is  it  poilible  for  him  to  prove  by  the  particular  Tradition  of  the  Roman  Church 
it  felf ,  that  the  Biftiop  of  Rome  is  the  Sovereign  Monarch  of  the  Church  by  Chrifts 
own  Ordination.  His  onely  grounds  are  his  own  vapourous  fancies,  much  like 
Zenoes  Vaunts ,  who  ufed  to  brag  ,  that  he  fometimes  wanted  opinions ,  but  ne- 
ver wanted  Arguments. 

My  fix  grounds  he  ftileth  exceptions.    And  why  exceptions  ?  But  let  them  be 

grounds, 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 

grounds,  or  exceptions,  or  whatfoever  he  will  have  him  to  be  :  and  lee  them  take 
heed  that  every  one  of  thofe  Irifies  and  loyes  (  as  he  calleth  them  )  do  not  batfle  him 
and  trip  up  his  heels. 

I  plead  that  [  Rowj;;-Catholicks  did  make  the  firft  reparation.  ]     He  anfwcrs 
that  this  Plea  doth  equally  acquit  any   villain  in  the  rvvrU  ,  who  infijis  in  thejieps  of  hit 
Fore-father  villains.     Would  no  exprellion  lower  than  this  of  Villains  ferve  his  turn  > 
Who  can  help  it  >  If  thofe  Forefathers  (  whom  he  intimates)  were  Villains  or  any 
thing  like  Viliams  ,  they  were  his  Fore-fathers  Twenty  times  more  than  ours  i  We 
inherit  but  one  point  in  difference  from  them,  but  he  Twenty  :  The  denomination 
ought  to  be  from  the  greater  part.     If  any  of  them  were  deemed  more  propitious 
to  us  than  the  reft,  it  was  Henry  the  Eighth,  or  Archbifhop  Cranmer:  For  both  thefe 
we  have  their  own  confelh'on  that  they  were  theirs.     Firft,  for  Henry  the  Eight, 
m  had  a  Kingvoho  by  his  Laws  abolifhed  the  Jmhority  of  the  Fope^  although  in  all  o'  GuU.  Alan, 
ther  things  he  would  follow  the  Faith  of  his  Ancejhurs.     And  for  ArchbiOiop  Cranmer  Apoi-  cap.  4. 
hear  another  of  them ,  Cranmer  the  unworthy  Archbijhop  of  Canterbury  was  his  {xht  ?*^"  ^9' 
Earl  oiHartfords)  right  hand  and  chief  ajftjiant  in  the  wor}^^  although  but  a  few  moneths 
before^  he  was  of  King  Harries  Religion^  yea  a  great  Fatr.m  and  profecuter  of  the  fix  Ar- 
ticles.    But  to  deal  clearly  with  you ,  there  is  not  the  fame  reafon  to  imitate  a  No- 
torious knave  in  his  confeffed  knavery ,  and  to  follow  one  who  hath  not  onely  a 
reafonable  and  )uft  caufe  of  contending,  but  alfo  the  reputation  of  an  honeftman, 
even  in  the  judgement  of  his  adverfe  party ,  in  all  other  things ,  except  onely  there- 
in ,  wherein  he  is  adverfe  to  them.     Such  were  all  the  Adors  in  this  caufe  by  their 
confellion.     If  we  acknowledged,  that  they  who  caft  out  Papal  Ufurpations  were 
Schifmaticks  for  fo  doing  ,  he  faid  fomething  :  but  we  juftihe  their  Ad ,  as  pious 
and  virtuous  i  andfo  his  comparifon  hath  never  a  leg  to  run  on. 

I  pleaded ,  that  [  it  was  a  violent  prefumption  of  their  Guilt  and  our  Innocence, 
when  their  beft  friends,  and  beft  able  to  Judge ,  who  preached  for  them  and  writ 
for  them  ,  who  aded  for  them  and  fuffered  for  them  ,  who  in  all  other  things  were 
great  Zelotsof  the  Roman  Religion,  and  perfecuted  the  poor  Proteftants  with  rirc 
and  Fagot  ,  yet  condemn  them  and  juftifie  this  leparation.       He  minceth  what  I 
fay  according  to  his  ufe  ,  and  then  excepteth  ,  the  word  [beft]  might  have  been 
left  out  \  "They  ever  were  accounted  better  friends  who  remained  in  their  former  Faith 
andthe  other  Bijhops  looked  upon  as  Schifmaticks  by  the  obedient  party.     Yet  the  Bifliop 
of  Chakedon  doubted  not  to  call  them  the  beli  of  Bijhops.     He  fiiould  do  well  to  tell  ^"'^^'^  "^'  '^ 
us  for  his  credit  fake  ,   who  thole  other  Biftiops  were  ,  who  looked  upon  thele  as 
Schifmaticks.     Such  is  his  ignorance  in  the  ftate  of  thefe  times,  that  he  dreameth  of 
two  parties  ,  an  Obedient  party ,  and  a  Rebel'ious  party  ■>  whereas  there  were  no  par- 
ties but  all  went  one  way.     There  was  not  a  Bifhop,  nor  an  Abbot  of  Note  in  the 
Kingdom  ,  who  did   not  vote  the  Kings  Supremacy ,  Four  and  Twenty  BilTiops  , 
and  Five  and  Twenty  Abbots  perfoually  at  one  time.     There  was  nor  a  Bifhop  nor 
any  perfon  of  note  in  the  Kingdom ,  who  did  not  take  the  Oath  of  the  Kings  Su- 
premacy ,  except  Bifhop  Fijher  and  Sir.  Thomas  Moor  ■■,  who  were  imprifoned  for 
Treafon ,  either  true  or  pretended,  before  that  Ad  was  made,  for  oppofing  the 
Succeiiion  of  the  Crown.     If  he  will  not  truft  me  ,  let  him  truft  the  verdid  of  our 
Univeriitiesv  At  length  we  aV  agreed  unanimoujiy  in  thisfentence  and  were  of  one  accord^ 
that  the  Roman  Bifloop  hath 7to greater  Jurifdihion  given  him  by  God  in  Holy  Scripture^  AH  fy  Mora, 
in  this  Kingdom  of  England ,  than  any   other  Forreign  Bijhop.     The  fame  fcntence  Epifl.  Vn'if' 
was  given  by  our  convocations  or  Synods,  The  fame  fentence  was  given  by  our  Ox. Ep.t.  Sae. 
parliaments  with  the  fame  concord  and  Unanimity,  Ne  mine  diffentiente  \  We  had  ^^n.An.j. 
no  parties  but  one  and  all.     Let  him  liften  to  his  friend  Bifliop  Gardiner,  No  forreign  11%^  g*'* 
Bijl^np  hath  any  Authority  among  us;  all  forts  of  People  are  agreed  with  us  upon  this  point  u  De  nerd 
with  moji  jiedfali  confent ,  that  no  manner  of  perfon  bred  or  brought  up  in  ,  England  hath  Obedientiai 
ought  to  do  with  Rome. 

And  Ireland  was  unanimous  herein  with  England.     All  the  great  Families  as  well 
of  the  Irijh  as  of  the  Englijh  ,  did  acknowledge  by  their  Indentures  to  St.  Anthony 
St.  Leger  then  chief  Governour  of  Ireland,  the  Kings  Supremacy  and  ittterly  renounce 
the  JurifdiCtion  of  the  Pope.    Yet  it  was  not  the  meaning  of  our  Anceftours  then  ^  _        j   i. 
and  (  though  fome  of  them  had  been  fo  minded  )  it  is  notour  meaning  now  to  aTI\.i'^24 

meddle  Hin.  8. 


q<5o 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


meddle  with  the  power  of  the  Keys,  or  abridge  the  Bilhop  of  Rome  ot  any  Jurifdi- 
dion  purely  fpiritua! ,  or  any  Legacy  which  was  left  him  by  Chrill  or  his  Apoftks: 
hut  onciv  to  cart  out  his  ufurped  coadlive  Power  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  without 
the  leave  of  the  Sovereign  Prince ,  which  Chnll  and  his  Apol^les  did  never  excer- 
Te    or  difpofe  of,  or  meddle  with  ,  and  to  vindicate  to  our  Kings  the  Political  or 
Externa!  Regiment  of  the  Church  ,  by  themfelves  and  by  their  Bifhops  and  other 
fit  delegates ,  as  a  right  due  to  all  Chriftian  Princes  by  the  Law  of  God  and  nature. 
But  he  attributeth  all  this   to  the  Fear  of  the  Clergy  and  the  People  ,  znd  the 
Kings  violent  cruelty  :  and  for  proof  of  what  he  faith  ,  citeth  half  a  paflage  out  of 
Dodtor  Hammond  ,  but  he  doth  Dod:or  Hammond  notorious  wrong.     Dodor  Ham- 
mond fpeaketh  onely  of  the  Firji  preparatory  Ad ,  rvhich  occafwned  them  to  takg  the 
matter  of  rights  into  aferious  debate  in  a  Synodical  veay:  he  applieth  it  to  the  fubfe- 
qucnt  ad  of  renunciation  after  debate.     Dr.  Hammond  faid  onely,  it  is  eafie  to  be  be- 
lieved: Mr.  Serjeant  mzkelh  It  a  jitji  frefumption  or  confeft  evidence.     Dr.  Hammond 
(peakethof  r\o  fear  but  the  fear  of  the  Law  ,  the  Law  of  Fremmire ;  an  ancient  law 
made  many  ages  before  Henry  the  Eighth  was  born  ,  the  Palladium  of  England , 
to  prefer ve  it  from  the  Ufurpations  of  the  Court  of  Rome:  but  he  mifapplieth  it 
wholly  to  the  fear  of  the  Kings  violent  cruelty.     LalUy ,  he  fmoothers  Dr.  Ham- 
monds fenfe  exprefled  clearly  by  himfelf ,  that  there  is  no  reafon  to  doubt ,  but  that  they 
did  believe  rvhat  they  didproffi,  the  fear  being  the  occafion  of  their  debates^  but  the  rea- 
fons  or  arguments  offered  in  debate^  the  caufes  (  as  in  all  charity  we  are  to  Judge  )  of 
their  decifwn.     He  ufeth  not  to  cite  any  thing  ingenioufly. 

If  he  did  ,  he  could  have  told  his  Reader ,  that  this  anfwer  was  taken  away  by 
me  before  it  was  made  by  him.  For  two  whole  Kingdoms ,  the  Univerfities  ,  the 
convocations ,  the  Parliaments ,  to  betray  their  confciences ,  to  renounce  an  Article 
which  they  eftcem  necefTary  to  falvation  ,  onely  for  the  fear  of  a  Pfemunire  or  the 
lofs  of  their  goods  ,  to  forfwear  themfelves,  to  deny  the  Eflence  of  their  Faith , 
to  turn  Schifmaticks  ,  as  if  they  did  all  value  their  Goods  more  than  their  Souls , 
without  fo  much  as  one  to  oppofe  it  v  is  a  vain  uncharitable  furmife,  or  rather  it  is 
incredible  ,  and  not  onely  incredible  but  impoflible.  They  were  the  men  that  ad- 
.  -,  vifed  the  King  to  aflume  the  Supremacy.  Archbifhop  IFarham  told  the  King  it  peas 
Act  er  mn.  y.^  ^.^^y^  ^^  y^^^  .J  y^j-g^^  ^j^^  p^^^^  Bifliop  Gardiner  was  the  chief  framer  of  the  Oath 

of  Supremacy,  BithopTonjialind  Longlands  were  the  chief  Preachers  up  of  the  Kings 
Supremacy  at  St.  Paul's  CxoCs.  Tonftal  juftifieth  it  in  his  Letter  to  Cardinal  PooL 
Gardiner  and  Beck^njhaip  did  write  polemick  Books  in  defence  of  the  Kings  Suprema- 
cy. The  whole  convocation  did  fet  forth  a  Catechifm  ot  Catechetical  book,  to  in- 
ftrud  the  People  in  the  Kings  right  to  the  Supremacy,  called  the  injiitution  of  a 
Chrifiian  man.  Bilhop  Bonner ,  bloudy  Bonner ,  who  made  fuch  Bonefires  of  the 
poor  Proteftants,  being  then  the  King's  Embaffadour  with  Clement  the  Seventh, 
did  fo  boldly  and  highly  fet  forth  King  Henries  Supremacy  in  the  AiTembly  of  Car- 

frTsaiudTt.  finals  ,  that  they  thought  of  burning  him  or  cafting  him  into  a  vefTel  of  Scalding 

fHi9i'  '  '  Lead  ,  if  he  had  not  fecured  himfelf  by  flight. 

Suppofe  it  was  credible  that  they  all  voted  out  of  fear ,  and  took  the  Oath  ofSu- 
^  premacy  out  of  fear  ,  what  fear  could  conftrain  them  to  advife  the  King ,  to  aflTume 

the  Supremacy  as  his  right,  to  frame  the  Oath  of  Supremacy ,  to  inftrud  others  in 
the  King's  right  to  the  Supremacy  ,  by  private  Letters  ,  by  publick  Catechifms ,  to 
Preach  up  his  Supremacy  ,  to  propugn  his  Supremacy  in  their  Polemick  writings , 
in  their  Orations  before  the  Cardinals  themfelves  ,  with  hazard  of  their  lifes ,  to 
tickje  the  Kings  Ears  with  Sermons  againji  the  Pope^s  Supremacy?  Who  fhall   ftill 

Speed  tn  Hen.  j-^y  ^j^^j.  jj^^j-^  ^^^^  ^jj  ^^^  ^^^^  of  fear  ,  muft  be  a  very  credulous  man.     The  con- 

10$.  "  '  trary  is  as  evident  to  the  World  as  Noon  day  light.  I  will  conclude  this  point  of 
De  vera  Obe-  the  Fear  of  the  Kings  violent  cruelty  ,  with  Bilhop  Gardiners  Teftimony  of  himfcIG 
ditntia-  He  oh']t(\cth  thzt  as  a  Bijhop  he  had /worn  to  maintain  the  Supremacy  of  the  Pope.     To 

which  he  anfwererh,  that  what  was  holily  fworn^is  more  ho  lily  omitted,  than  tomak^  an 
Oath  ^  the  Bond  of  Iniquity.  He  confeffed  himfelf /o  have  been  married  to  the  Church 
of  Rome(bona  fide>/  to  hisfecond  wife  ;  but  after  the  return  of  his  firjl  wife  ( that  is 
the  truth  )  te  which  he  was  efpoufd  in  his  Baptifm  ,  being  tonvided  with  undeniable 
evidence  ,  he  was  necejjitated  out  oftonfcience  ,  to  jorfakg  the  Church  of  Rome  in  this 

particular 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.         '        '     '  77" 


fartictdtr  ^teftion  of  Supremacy  ,  and  to  adhere  to  hit  firjl  wife  the  truth,  and  after  her 
to  hi!  Frince  the  Supreme  head  of  the  Englilh  Church  upon  Earth. 

Secondly,  I  pleaded  that  [  although  it  doth  not  always  excufe  h  toto,  from  all 
guilt,  to  be  mifled  by  others  into  errour ,  yet  it  always  excufcth  a  tanto  it  extenuatch 
the  Guilt.  ]     This  Allegation  is  fo  evidently  true  ,  that  he  hath  not  conrtdeiice  e- 
nough  to  deny  it ,  (  which  is  a  wonder  , )  but  argueth  againft  it ,  Firft,  hoa>  could 
we  thinkjheir  example  to  le  fohvped ,  rehom  rve  corifefl  to  have  done  rehat  they  did  out  of 
fear?  Or  rather  what  a  (hamelefs  untruth  is  this?  His  witnefs  faith,that  tear  mioht  be 
B  the  occafion  of  the  debate, but  reafon  and  confcience  were  their  diredtnurs  inthe'deci- 
fioniand  we  have  demonftrated  that  their  adtions  could  not  poiiibly  proceed  from  fear. 
His  fecond  anfwer  is ,  tvhy  do  we  not  rather  foflotp  them  in  renouna^g  their  Schijm  as 
ihofe  Bi(hops  didajter  the  Kings  death  f  Once  proved  falfe,  is  always^prefumed  to'be 
falie.     Who  told  him  that  they  made  any  retra&ation  after  the  Kings  dtath  ?  after  thev 
wevc  heed  from  their  imminent  fear  ?  they  made  no  retracflation  ,  but  held  their  Bi- 
ftiopricks  in  King  Edwards  time  until  other  Queftions  did  arife,'  and  executed  the 
Stature  of  Supremacy  as  rigoroufly  as  they  did  in  Henry  the  Eighths  time.     For 
proof  whereof ,  I  cite  the  Teftimony  of  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  given  to  their  Faces  in 
their  lives  times ,  before  the  moft  eminent  EmbafTadours  of  the  greateft  Princes 
when  they  might  have  contradiAed  it  if  they  could  ,  when  the  Emperour  and  other 
Roman-CdithoVick  Princes  interceded  with  her  for  the  difplaced  Bifhops :  She  gave 
them  this  anfwer ,  that  they  did  mit>  objUnately  rejeCi  that  VoSrine  ,  which  moji  part    ^''"'<^-  ""• 
of  themjehes  under  Henry  the  Eighth  and  Edward  the  Sixth  ,  had  of  their  own  accord  ^''' """  *'^^' 
Twith  heart  and  hand ,  puhlickjyin  their  Sermons  and  writings  taught  unto  others     tvhen. 
they  themfelves  were  not  private  perfons  but  publick.  Magifirates.     Ob(crve  the  words 
firft  ,  of  their  own  accords.     Secondly ,  not  onely  under  Henry  the  Eighth  ,   but  Ed- 
rvard  the  Sixth  i  there  falleth  his  plea  to  the  ground.     Thirdly  ,  when  they  them- 
felves  v/eic  publick^  Magijirates  ,  and  confequently  in  a  capacity  of  doing  rather  than 
offufFering.     Laftly,   with  heart  and  hand,  not  onely   in  their  Sermons ,   but  alfo 
in  their  printed  Writings.     We  ufe  to  fay  ,  there  is  no  defence  againji  a  Flail :  cer- 
tainly againft  Subfcriptions  and  publick  writings  there  can  be  no  defence. 

To  the  Queens  Teftimony  I  add  another  of  Sanders  ,  that  the  Bijhops  o/Winche-  n    <;  h'l 
fter,   London,   Durrham,  Worcefter,   Chichefter,    Excellent  men  ^  and    inwardly  AnSc.Ti 
Catholicks ,  yet  being  made  Bijhops  in  the  Schifm  •,   they   had  not   the  Spirit  of  courage,  fat-  iSi-. 
therefore  they  refjied  faintly  to  the  Kings  Primacy  ,  or  rather  they  Subfcribed  fmply  both 
to  it  and  all  other  innovations  ,  which  feemed  not  to  contain  open  Herefie  ,  leaji  they  Ihould 
loofe  their  Bipopprick^.     When  may  we  expedt  a  true  word  from  him  > 

Third  Iy,he  urged  the  beginners  of  a  fault,  may  be  leji  culpable  than  their  follower  s^wheH 
their  provocationsbe  greater^their  frovocationswere  no  leji  than  expedition  of  death  and  deflru- 
dio'n  hy  the  Kings  inhuman  cruelty:  but  our  continuance  in  Schijm  compared  to  the  motives  of 
theirs  is  in  a  manner  ^xztis,  aU  our  reafons  being  for  our  livings  and  intereji  heretofore   and 
MOW  a  vain  glorious  itch  to  approve  our  felves  to  our  party. Wehive  had  many  proofs  of  his 
veracity,  here  is  one  more  of  his  charity.     Suppofe  his  new  light  had  lead  him  into 
ready  Paths  not  Precipices,  (  which  no  man  will  grant  him,  but  his  own  fellows:  ) 
Yet    why    fhould  he  accufe  us  of  Hypocrifie  rather  thanof  errour  in  Judgement 
who  have  loft  all  our  Eftates  for  our  confciences ,  which  probably  he  never  had  to 
lofe ,  nor  would  have  quitted  it  fo  if  he  had  had  it  ?  but  onely  that  his  own  guilt 
doth  didate  fuch  uncharitable  cenfures  to  him.     No  Mr.  Serjeant ,  we  are  no  fuch 
changlings  or  turning  weather  cocks  i  that  is  your  own  part:  And  you  may  live 
to  adl  it  over  again  ,  fuch  hot  water  freezeth  fooneft.     Are  you  fo  blind  ,  that  you 
do  not  fee  that  this  Accufation  might  be  retorted  upon  you ,  and  upon  your  great 
converts  whom  you  propofe  to  us  for  Patterns  ?  Who  as  you  fay  had  been  Schifma- 
ticks  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  time  ■■,  you  might  as  well  fay  for  the  tnoft  part  of  them 
in  Edward  the  Sixth's  time  alio  ,  and  had  no  other  way  in  the  v^orld  to  preferve  or 
recover  their  Bifhopricks  in  Queen  Maries  days,  but  by  pretending  at  leaft  fuch  a 
converlion.     But  we  are  not  fo  uncharitable  as  you,  we  judge  them  by  their  profcf- 
fion  and  leave  their  confciences  to  God. 

Thirdly,  I  pleaded  that  althongh  thofe  whocaft  the  Pope's  pretended  Sovereignty 
out  of  England,  had  been  Schifmaticks  as  they  were  not;  yet  we  cannot  be  charged 

with 


^62 


Schifm  Guarded. TOME  I. 

■  u  c  wCrr.  fo  lone^  as  we  feek  carefully  after  truth,  and  are  ready  implicitely  it» 
with  Schifm  ,  *°  J°"f /' J  .5  to  embrace  it ,  whenfoever  we  find  if  Becaufe  he 
the  preparation  ot  our  m^^    ^  ^.^^  ^^^^^^  my  argument  into  Syllogiftical  form. 

(hall  not  P'^'^^"'"     .      t  their  falfe  Opinions  themfelves,  but  learned  them  from 
Whofoever  invented  n^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^^^  ^     ^^^^  j^^^  Schifmaticks ,  ) 

t'^VT^cnA  them  not  with  pertinacious  animofity  ,  but  inquire  carefully  after 
ufh     and  be  ready  to  embrace  it ,  and  correft  their  errours  when  they  find 
h         But  if  we  had  any  falfe  opinions  we  invented  them    not  our  felves,  but 
;^""  a  them  from  our  erring  Parents.    Therefore  we  are  net  to  be  reputed  Here- 
•  ks  (  much  lefs  Schifmaticks  ,  )  if  we  defend  not  our  opinions  with  pertinacious 
"^tmofitv     but  inquire  carefully  after  the  truth,  and  be  ready  to  embrace  it ,  and 
eft  out  Errours  when  we  find  them.     The  Major  is  St.  Aufiins  to  a  word ,  and 
A»fi'  ^P'fl'     iTvielded  by  Mr.  Serjeant  to  be  true.    The  Minor  is  evident  to  all  the  world  and 
'^^-  cannot  be  denied  :  Therefore  the  conclufion  is  firm, 

1  do  not  urge  this ,  as  though  1  had  theleaft  fufpition  in  the  world  that  our  An- 
ceftours  did  err  ,    but  to  (hew  that  although  they  had  erred  ,  yet  wc  are  not  to  be 
leputed  Herericks  or  Schifmaticks  whileft  we  do  our  endeavours  to  find  the  truth  , 
and  embrace  it  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  our  minds.    Neither  do  I  urge  this 
to  convince  others  who    do  not  know  our  hearts ,  and  perhaps  will  not  believe 
us     when  we  tell  them  that  we  hold  the  truth  implicitely:  but  for  the  fatisfadion 
of  our  own  confciences.     We  know  whether  we  hold  opinions  pertinacioufly  or  noti 
and  whether  we  defire  and  endeavour  to  find  out  the  truth  or  not :  and   whether 
we  are  willing  to  embrace  the  truth  whenfoever  God  (hall  reveal  it  or  not  ••  None 
know  it  but  God  and  our  fclvcs ,  Mr.  Serjeant  cannot  know  it.     And  therefore  as 
his  anfwer  is  improper  and  contrary  to  the  Rules  of  Logick  ,  to  deny  the  conclulion 
or  condition  contained  in  the  conclufion  :  So  it  is  vain  and  prefumptuous  to  judge 
of  another  mans  confcience ,  which  is  known  onely  to  God  and  himfelfl    I  cited 
St.  Auftin  to  prove  the  propofition  which  he  yieldeth,  not  the  Aflumption  which  is 
too  evident  in  it  felf  to  be  denied  ,  much  lefs  to  be  a  witnefs  of  our  hearts  which 
it  was  impoffibe  for  St.  Aupn  to  know.    Judge  Reader  what  Ardelioes  and  bufie 
bodies  thefe  are  ,  cenfuring  and  damning  all  Proteftants  to  the  Pit  of  Hell  as  He- 
reticks  and  Schifmaticks ,  and  yet  when  they  are  prefled  home  ,  are  forced  to  con- 
fefs     thatifthey  do  endeavour  to  find  out   the  truth  ,  which  all  good  Chriftians 
do  ,'  then  they  are  neither  Hereticks  nor  Schifmaticks.     This  may  be  a  great  com- 
fort and  fatisfedion  to  all  confciencious  Proteftants ,  who  are  daylie  molefted  by 
,  thefe  men  and  terrified  with  fuch  bugbears  as  thefe.     But  Mr.  Serjeant  hath  devifed 

a  new  method  to  difcover  the  hearts  of  Proteftants  ,  by  the  Tejiimony  of  thetr  eyey^ 
and  the  undeniable  verdiCi  of  their  reajon ,  onely  by  viewing  my  anfwer  to  his  rirfl 
Sedion.     Kifttm  teneatU  amid  ? 

To  draw  the  faw  of  contention  to  and  fro,  about  Henry  the  Eighth ,  Warhtm , 

Heath  ^T^onjial,  Gardiner,  Bonner ,  dec.     Whether  they  were  Proteftants  or  Papifts 

is  impertinent,  and  frivolous  impertinent  -,  let  him  call  them  Proteftants,  or  Papith, 

or  neither ,  or  both ,  it  is  all  one  to  my  argument ,  that  it  is  a  violent  prefumption 

of  their  guilt  and  our  Innocence  ,  that  all   their  great  Scholars  who  Preached  for 

them ,  and  writ  for  them  ,  and  adled  for  them  ,  and  fuffered  for  them  in  all  other 

differences ,  fhould  defert  them  in  this.     And  frivolous  •,  to  contend  about  the  word 

when  we  agree  upon  the  thing.     The  thing  is  without  all  controverfie  or  difputc  * 

they  held  with  the  Proteftants  in  the  Article  of  the  Supremacy  ,and  with  the  Papift 

in  all  other  Articles  whatfoever. 

Now  whether  their  denominations  (hall  be  from  the  greater  part  as  it  is  in  all  o- 
ther  cafes ,  (  mix  one  drop  of  milk  with  twenty  or  Fourty  of  water,  and  we  call 
it  water  not  milk  )  or  from  the  lefTer  part  as  Mr.  Serjeant  would  have  if  ,  I  com- 
mit to  the  Readers  Judgement,  and  defire  him  to  determin  it  himfelfj  whatfbevet 
way  he  determins  it ,  his  Judgement  will  be  lefs  prejudicial  than  to  be  molefted 
with  fuch  wranglers. 

Proteftants  may  perfecutc  Proteftants ,  but  not  as  Proteftants,  and  Papifjs  may 
perfecute  Papifts  (  as  the  Janfenijls  perfecute  the  Jefuits, )  but  not  as  Papifls ;  even 
J[hmafh  mocks  are  termed  pcrfecutions ;  but  they  feldom  make  fuch  bloudy  Laws , 

againfi 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Guarded. 


a^anilt  thole  whom  they  acknowledge  to  be  ot  their  own  communions,  as  theLavv 
of  the  Six  Articles  was  ,  or  perfecute  them  with  lire  and  faggot  as  Bonmr  did.  He 
urgcth  that  betrveen  every  f^ecies  of  colonr  rrhich  we  have  names  for,  there  are  hundreds 
of  middle  degrees  for  n-hich  rve  have  no  names.  Well  argued  againft  himfelfi  Wit 
whither  wilt  thou?  Then  why  doth  he  call  them  Proteltants  ,  and  give  them  a 
name  ?  There  are  indeed  between  every  fpecies  of  colours ,  many  middle  degrees 
which  have  no  diftind  names:  but  therefore  we  give  them  the  names  of  thofe  co- 
Jours  which  they  come  neareft  to  i  either  with  a  diftindion  if  they  be  eafily  expref- 
fcd,  as  Grafs-green,  Sea-green,  Willow-green,  &c.  Or  without  any  diftinftion, 
the  white  of  an  Egg  is  not  fo  white  as  Snow  ,  yet  both  white.  If  he  would  pur- 
fue  his  own  Inftance,    this  controverfie  were  ended. 

He  prateth  of  the  ftibordhute  Se£is  cf  Froteliants  ,  and  hovp  changeable  they  are  every 
day.  He  loveth  to  have  a  Vagary  out  of  his  lifts.  It  is  his  Spiritual  Mother  the 
Church  of  'England,  that  gave  him  his  Chriflian  being ,  which  he  hath  undertaken 
to  combate  •■,  let  him  adorn  that  Spna  as  he  is  able  ;  and  if  he  did  it  with  more 
modefty  ,  he  were  lefs  to  be  blamed  than  he  is.  If  fhe  had  been  but  his  old  friend, 
yet  friendjln^  ought  to  be  uiijiitchd  by  degrees  not  torn  afunder  fnddainly.  But  to  caft 
durt  in  the  Face  of  his  own  Mother,  is  a  fhrewd  fign  of  an  ill  nature.  As  the 
fool  faid  to  a  favorite  ,  If  1  pH  J  can  rife  again  ,  hit  if  thou  fall  thou  reilji  never  rife 
again :  fo  if  we  change ,  there  is  no  great  danger  in  it ,  becaufe  we  keep  our  felves 
lirmly  to  our  old  Eflentials ,  that  is  the  Apoftles  Creed  •,  but  their  change  is 
dangerous,  who  change  their  Creed,  and  prefurne  to  add  new  Effentials  to  the 
old. 

He  beareth  fuch  a  perfedl  hatred  againft  Reformation ,  becaufe  it  is  deftruftive  to 
his  Foundation  of  immediate  Tradition ,  that  he  maketh  No  Papijl  and  a  B-eformer 
to  be  the  Charadler  of  a  Proteftant.  Popes  and  Cardinals  ,  Emperours  and  King- 
doms ,  Churches  and  Councils  have  all  aknowledged  both  the  lawfulnefs  and  ne- 
cellity  of  reformation.  What  doth  he  think  of  the  Council  of  Trf«f,  or  hath  he 
peradventure  never  read  it  ?  But  what  doth  he  think  of  the  Councils  of  Confiance 
and  Bafil ,  who  profefs  themfelves  every  where  to  be  qualified  to  reform  the 
Church  ,  tam  in  capitequam  in  membrU  ■■,  of  well  in  the  head  as  in  the  members  ?  They 
efcape  fairly  if  he  do  not  ceiifure  them  as  Proteftants :  For  they  were  great  refor- 
mers ,  and  they  were  no  great  papifts ,  placing  the  Sovereign  power  under  Chrift 
in  the  Church  and  not  in  the  Firll  Mover.  I  might  well  call  the  reformation  in 
Henry  the  Eighths  time  their  'Reformation  ,  the  Vapfis  Reformation  rather  than  ours  , 
if  the  Reformers  were  morePapilb  than  Protelbnts ,  as  is  moft  evident. 

I  prefled  him  that  \^  the  Renunciation  of  the  Bijhop  0/ Romes  abfohtte  Vniverfal 
Monarchy ,  by  Chrifts  own  Ordination ,  be  the  Effence  of  a  Proteftant ,  then  the 
Primitive  Church  were  all  Proteftants.  He  anfwereth  ,  it  is  flatly  falfe.  I  am  con- 
tented to  be  file  nt  for  the  prefent ,  but  when  time  ferveth  ,  it  may  be  made  appear , 
to  he  flatly  true  i  and  that  all  that  the  Primitive  Fathers  did  attribute  to  the  Bifliop 
cf  Rome  ,  was  no  more  than  a  Primacy  of  Order  or  beginning  of  Unity  i  and  that 
an  abfolute  Monarchy  by  Chrift  Ordination ,  is  ablblutely  repugnant  to  the  primi- 
tive Difcipline. 

I  proceeded  [  then  all  the  Grecian  ,  Rtifftan  ,  Armenian  ,  Abyffin  Chriftians  are 
Proteftants  this  day.  3  He  anfwereth,  that  it  U  partly  true  and  partly  falfe,  and 
and  ferveth  onely  to  prove  that  the  Protffiants  havefehtv  Schifmaticks.  And  why  partly 
true  and  partly  falfe?  when  all  the  world  feeth,  that  all  thele  Churches  do  diiown 
and  difclaim  the  Popes  Monarchy.  This  is  juft  the  old  condemned  Tenent  of  the 
Schifmatical  Vonatijis  ,  who  did  moft  uncharitably  limit  the  Catholick  Church  to 
their  own  Party ,  excluding  all  others  from  hope  of  Salvation ,  as  the  Romanijls  do 
now.  The  beft  is ,  we  muft  ftand  or  fall  to  out  own  Mafter  :  But  by  this  means , 
they  have  loft  one  of  the  notes  of  their  Church  ,  that  is  multitude,  for  they  exclude 
Three  or  Four  times  more  Chriftians  ,  out  of  the  Communion  of  the  Catholick 
Church  ,  than  they  admit  into  if. 

I  proceed  yet  higher  ,  \_  then  we  want  not  ftore  of  Proteftants ,  even  in  the  bo- 
fomz  oi xhc  Roman  Church  itfelf.  ^  Hisanfweris,  that  tojfeak,moderately,  it  ii 
an  impudent  faljhood  ,  and  aphin  im^ofihility  ,  for  vcbojcever  renounceth  the  fubjiance  of 

P  p  the 


363 


n 


5^  Schifm  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  1. 

,/;^  fopa  AHthority  ,  and  his  being  head  of  the  Churchy  betomes  totally  difitnited  from 

the  Church.     Good  words  !  His  ground  work  is  too  weak  to  fupport  the  weight  of 
fuchan  heavy  accufation.  A  Tritnacy  of  Order  implyeth  an  Headfhipzs  wdlasSuprema- 
cy  ofpovveri  neither  is  it  defiitute  of  all  power.  It  hathfome  power  Effential  annexed 
to  it,  to  congregate /m^  fma  fwe  ^irituali^to  propofe,to  give  fentence  according  to 
the  votes  of  the  Colledgei  it  may  have  an  acceflary  power,to  execute  the  Canons  ac- 
cordin<»  to  the  conftitutions  of  Councils,and  Imperial  Sandlions ,  and  confirmations. 
But  all  this  cometh  far  fiiort  of  that  headlhip  which  he  afTerteth  ,  a  Sovereign 
Monarchical  headjhip  of  ahfolute  potPer  ,  above  the  whole  Church  by  Cbrijis  Ordination. 
This  is  that  Headfhip  which  he  maintaineth   againft   me  every  where  ,    this 
is  that  Headfhip  which  the    Primitive  Church  never    acknowledged.     This  is 
that  headfhip  which  the  Grecians ,  Kujjjans ,  Armenians  ,  Abyjftnes  and  the  Church 
of  England  renounce  at  this  day.     This  is  that  headfhip  which  many  of  his  own 
Communion  who  live  in  the  bofome  of  the  Koman  Church  ,  do  not  believev  as  the 
Councils  ofConftance  ,  and  Baftle ,  and  Fifa  ,  the  School  of  Sorbon,  and  very  many 
others  every  where  who  do  all  rejedt  it ,  fome  more,  fome  lefs.     The   main  diffe- 
rence and  almoft  the  whole  difference  between  him  and  me,  is  concerning  coadtive 
power,  in  the  Exteriour  Court,  over  the  Sub  jeds  of  other  Princes ,  againfl  their 
wills  ■■)  this  is  fo  far  from  being  Univerfally  believed,   throughout  all  places  of  the 
Koman  Communion ,  that  it  is  pradically  received  in  few  or  no  places  ,  farther 
than  it  feemeth  expedient  to  Sovereign  Princes.    If  the  Pope  himfelf  did  believe 
that  he  had  fuch  an  abfolute  Sovereignty  of  Monarchical  power ,  in  the  exteriour 
Court  by  Chrif^s  own  Ordination  ,  to  him  and  his  SuccefTours,  how  could  he  ali- 
enate it  from  his  SuccefTours  almoft  wholy  to  the  Princes  of  Sicily ,  and  to  their 
Heirs  for  ever ,  within  that  Kingdom  :  Or  how  could  the  Princes  retain  it  ?  If 
the  King  and  Kingdom  of  France  did  believe,  that  the  Pope  had  fuch  an  abfolute 
Monarchical  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  by  Chrif^s  own  Ordination  >  how 
could  the  King  of  France  forbid  the  Popes  Legates  without  his  Licenfe ,  or  reflrain 
their  Legantine  Commiflions  by  his  Parliaments ,  or  fwear  them  to  ad  nothing 
contrary  to  the  liberties  of  the  GaVican  Church  ,  and  to  ceafe  to  execute  their  Com- 
miflions whenfoever  the  King  and  Kingdom  fhould  prohibit  them  ,  or  rejed  Papal 
Decrees  farther  than  they  are  received  in  that  Kingdom  ?  Or  if  the  Council  of  Bra- 
ham  did  believe  it ,  how  could  they  forbid  the  Subjedts  to  repair  to  Kome  out  of 
their  own  Countrey,  upon  the  Popes  Summons?  All  men  know  that  there  is  no 
Friviledge  or  prefcription  againft  Chrifts  own  Ordination.     G^ui  pauca  defdtrat 
facile  pronunciat.     This  is  ever  the  end  of  his  contradictions. 

Laftly  he  chargeth  me  foromiting  to  anfwer  to  his  reafon  ,  that  the  renouncing 
pa,  im  ^j^^  p^^^  j^  Fjfemial  to  Troteftatitifm.  Truly  I  neither  did  nor  do  hold  it  worth  an- 
fwering.  Cannot  he  diftinguifh  between  the  whole  Eflence  of  any  thing,  and  one 
Effential  ?  He  might  as  well  affirm,  that  he  who  believeth  but  one  Article  of  his 
Creed  is  a  Chriftian.  This  requireth  no  great  fkjll  to  explicate  it :  But  I  have  re- 
mitted this  Controverfe  to  the  Reader  asfittejlfor  his  determination. 


SECT.    III. 

"that  Henry  the  Eighth  made  no  nea>  Law  :  But  onely  vindicated  the  Ancient  Libert'ut 
of  England. 

CHriflian  Reader  thou  haft  feen  hitherto  ,  how  Mr.  Serjeant  hath  failed  alto- 
gether to  make  good  his  pretenfions  ,  and  in  ftead  of  thofe  great  mountains 
of  abfurdities  ,  and  falfifications ,  and  contradidions  which  he  promifed,  hath  pro- 
duced nothing  worthy  of  fo  weighty  a  caufe ,  or  in  ingenious  Schollar ,  but  his 
own  wilful  ridiculous  miflakes.  We  are  now  come  to  his  Third  Scdion  ,  wherein 
thou  mayeft  fee  this  young  Fhaeton  mounted  in  his  Triumphant  Chariot ,  driving 
the  poor  Bifhop  as  a  Captive  before  him  :  now  exped  to  fee  him  tumbling  down 
headlong ,  with  a  fall  anfwerable  to  his  height  of  pride  and  infolence.  He  profef^ 
feth  himfelf  vcilling  to  ftand  to  the  Award  cf  the  mrft  partial  Pretefiant  living ,  veho 

bath 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Guarded.  '  771 

— ^— a^^ 

batbfo  much  fmcenty  arto  acknowledge  the  Sims {hnwig  at  Noon  djy  ,  or  that  thTl^e 

thing  cannot  both  be  a}id  not  be  at  once.  If  after  this  lowd  confident  brag^  he  be 
not  able  to  make  any  thing  good  that  is  of  weight  againft  me,  he  hathlorfeited 
either  his  Judgement ,  or  his  ingenuity,  and  deferveth  not  be  a  writer  of  Controver- 
fies.  I  need  no  partial  Judges  ,  but  appeal  to  the  indiiFerent  Reader  of  what  com- 
munion foever  he  be  :  he  needeth  but  to  compare  my  Vindication,  his  Anfwer  my 
Reply,  his  Rejoynder,  and  my  Surrejoynder  together  in  this  one  fliort  Sedion'  and 
give  fentence  readily  who  is  the  Mountebank^and  Frevaricatonr.  ' 

And  Firrt  I  challenge  this  great  champion  of  downright  cowardife  ,  as  great  as 
ever  his  PredecefTour  ^rafo  (hewed  in  the  Comedy  '■■,  in  fmoothering  and  conceal- 
ing palpably  and  fhamefully  his  adverfaries  reafons,  and  declining  the  heat  of  the. 
alTault.  The  main  Subjed  of  this  Sedion  ,  was  to  (hew  that  the  ancient  Kinss' 
oiEngland,A\i  a(rume  as  much  power  in  Ecclefiaftical  affairs  as  Hf«ry  the  Eiahth  did- 
that  the  Laws  ofHm-j  the  Eighth  were  no  new  Laws,but  onely  renovations  and  con- 
firmations of  the  ancient  Lzvi^oi  England,  which  had  never  been  repealed  or  abroga- 
ted in  thedays  of  his  PredecefTours,  but  were  of  force  in  England  at  that  very  time 
when  he  made  hisLawsi  As  the  Statutes  o(Clarendon,Tbe  Statute  oCCarlile  The  Jrti- 
cles  of  the  Clergy,  The  Statutes  of  Provifnrs  and  other  old  Laws  made  in  the  time  of 
Henry  the  Firll.  Henry  the  Third,  Edward  the  Firft,  and  Edward  the  Third  Richard 
the  Second  ,  Henry  the  Fourth ,  all  of  them  dead  and  gone  many  ages  before 
Henry  the  Eighth  was  born.  I  (hewed  particularly,  that  they  fuffered  not  the  Pope 
to  fend  for  any  Englijh  Subjed  out  of  England  to  R-ome  without  leave  nor  to  fend 
any  Legate  into  England  without  leave  ,  nor  to  receive  any  appeal  out  of  Enrrland 
without  leave.  They  made  it  death,  or  at  leaft  the  forfeiture  of  all  a  mans  eftate  to 
bring  any  Papal  Bulls  or  excommunications  into  England.  They  called  Ecclefiaftical 
Councils ,  made  Ecclefiaftical  Laws ,  punifhed  Ecclefiaf^ical  perfons ,  prohibited 
Ecclefiaftical  Judges,  received  Ecclefiaftical  Appeals ,  made  Ecclefiaftical  Corpo- 
rations appropriated  Ecclefiaftical  Benefices,  rejedted  the  Popes  Laws  at  their 
pleafure  with  a  Nolumus  •,  we  will  not  have  the  Laws  oi' England  to  be  changed  or 
gave  Legiflative  interpretations  of  them  as  they  thought  fit.  All  this  I  have  made 
evident  out  of  our  ancient  Laws,  our-  Records,  our  Hilloriographers  ■■,  in  my  Vin- 
dication, in  my  Reply,  and  in  this  Treati(e.  And  therefore  I  might  well  retort  up- 
on him  his  own  confident  brag,  that  it  is  as  clear  as  the  S'tn'sjhining  at  Noon  day  or 
that  the  fame  thing  cannot  he  and  not  be  at  once--,  That  our  Anceftours  who  did  all  this 
and  much  more  than  this  ,  did  acknowledge  no  Monarchical  power  of  the  Pope  in 
the  Exteriour Court,  by  Chrifts  own  Ordination,  as  Mr.  Serjeant  afTerteth  i  and 
that  they  did  exercife  as  much  power  in  the  External  Regiment  af  the  Church  as 
Henry  the  Eighth  did  i  and  that  HeJtry  the  Eighths  Laws  were  no  new  Laws  'de- 
vifed  by  himfelf,  but  were  the  Laws  of  thefe  ancient  Kings  renewed  by  him  or 
rather  the  Fundamental  Laws  and  Liberties  of  E«g/jW ,  expofed  by  the(e  ancient 
Kings  as  a  buckler  againft  the  Encroachments  of  the  Roman  Court. 

Now  to  all  this  clear  evidence  what  anfwer  doth  Mr.  Serjeant  make  ?  Juft  "Thra- 
fo-liks-,  when  the  matter  comes  to  pu(h  of  Pike,  he  fneaketh  away  poji  prindpia ,  into 
the  fecureft  place  he  can  find.  Speak  the  truth  in  earneft  ,  did  Pyrrhus  ufe  to  do 
thus  >  It  is  not  pollible  to  fqueefe  one  word  of  particular  anfwer  out  of  him  :  one- 
ly in  General  he  faith  I  bring  divers  allegations  ,  wherein  the  Popes  pretenfes  were  not  Down  Derrj 
admitted  &c.  And  fo  proceedeth,  do  we profefi  the  Pope  can  pretend  to  no  more  than  fti-  3"- 
his  right  >  3cc.  Laws  and  Records  are  but  bare  Allegations  with  him  ;  and  pro- 
hibiting under  pain  of  Death  or  confifcation  of  Goods  ,  is  no  more  but  not  admit- 
ed.  Speak  out  man  ,  and  (hame  the  Devil,  whether  did  the  Pope  pretend  to  more  than 
hif  right  or  not  f  Whether  were  the  ancient  E«g/i/?^  Laws  juft  Laws  or  not?  This 
is  certain ,  his  pretentions  and  thefe  Laws  cannot  both  be  jail.  The  very  fubftancc 
of  Monarchical  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  is  prohibited  by  thefe  Laws  his 
Sovereign  Power  or  Patronage  of  the  Englifi  Church  ,  his  Judiciary  Power  ,  his 
Legiflative  power  ,  his  difpenfative  power  ,  all  are  loft  if  thefe  Laws  ftand.  All 
which  Mr.  Serjeant  blancheth  over  with  this  General  exprellion ,  fmh  and  fuel) 
things.  Will  the  Court  of  Rome  th^nk  fuch  and  fuch  an  advocate,  who  forfakes 
them  at  a  dead  lift?  I  trow  no. 

P  p  3  And 


-  Scbifm  Guarded.  TOME  1. 

And  although  I  called  upon  him  in  my  Reply  ,  for  a  fuller  and  more  fatisfadory 
anfvvcr  to  thefe  Laws  :  yet  he  giveth  none  in  his  Surrejoynder  ,  but  fnufflcth  up 
the  matter  in  Generals.  As  for  his  particularities  entrenching  on ,  or  pretended  to  en- 
trench on  the  Topes  Authority  ■■,  whether  they  were  lawfully  done  or  m,  how  fir  they  ex- 
tended ,  in  what  circumflances  or  cafes  they  held  ,  in  what  not ,  how  the  Letter  ofthofi 
Laws  U  to  le  underllood ,  Sic.  All  which  the  Bijhop  omits  ,  though  he  exprefs  the  bare 
words  i  h  belongs  to  Canon  and  Secular  Lawyers  to  fcuffe  about  them  ,  not  me.  I  bold 
tnyfelfto  theLijis  of  the  ^uefiion,  and  the  limits  of  a  controvertift.  Yes,  even  as 
7brafo  held  himfelf  to  the  Lijis  ,  when  he  ftole  behind  the  Second  wards.  This  is 
neither  more  nor  lefs ,  but  flat  running  away  ,  and  crying  to  the  Canonifts  for 
help.  If  the  Subjed  be  improper  for  him ,  why  did  he  undertake  it ,  and 
not  try  firll. 

— ~  ^id  ferre  recufent , 
§itidvaleant  humeri. 

Why  did  he  undertake  it  with  fo  much  youthful  confidence,  and  infulting  fcorn 
and  petulance ,  to  accufe  his  adverfary  of  impudence  .?  And  as  if  impudence  were 
too  moderate  a  Char aCler  for  him  ,  asaprofeji  and  fworn  enemy  of  truth  ^  fljame  ,  and  ho- 
nefly  ;  making  him  worfe  than  a  mad  man  or  horn  fool.  And  all  this  for  pretending 
that  Eenry  the  Eighth  did  no  more  againft  the  Papacy ,  than  His  Anceltour  Kings 
had  done  before  him :  And  now  when  his  cavils  are  thruft  down  his  own  throat , 
when  the  impudence  is  brought  home  to  him  ,  and  laid  at  his  own  door ,  when  the 
very  Laws  of  his  Anceftours  are  produced  wherein  they  provided  the  fame  reme- 
dies for  the  Koman  Court  that  Henry  the  Eighth  did  -,  he  would  withdraw  his  own 
neck  out  of  the  collar ,  and  leave  the  defence  of  his  caufe  to  the  Canon  and  Secular 
Lawyers  ,  to  Scuffle  about  the  fenfe  of  thefe  ancient  Laws  ,  and  whether  they  were 
Lawfully  done  or  no  ,  and  how  far  they  extended  ,  and  in  what  cafes  they  hold,  in  what 
not.  And  this  is  all  the  anfwer ,  which  he  vouchfafeth  to  thefe  ancient  Englijh 
Laws  i  that  it  is  as  much  as  to  (ay  ,  he  knoweth  not  what  to  anfwer ,  or  it  doth 
not  belong  to  him  to  anfwer  :  And  this  he  calleth  ,  holding  himfelf  to  the  Lijis  of  the 
§tieJiion,  but  all  other  men  call  it  leaping  out  of  the  Lifts  of  the  Qucftion,  and  a 
fhameful  deferting  the  caufe  he  had  undertaken  to  defend. 

I  ever  acknowledged  that  Henry  the  Eighth  made  fundry  new  Statutes  againft 
the  ufurpations  of  the  Court  of  Kome  :  but  I  add  that  thefe  Statutes  were  declara- 
tive of  old  Law ,  not  Enadtive  of  new  Law.  This  is  as  clear  as  his  Noon-day- 
light. And  I  proved  it  by  the  Authority  of  Two  of  our  greateft;  Lawyers ,  Fitz- 
Herbert  and  my  Lord  Cook^,  perfons  fuflicient  to  know  the  difference  be.  ween  a  Sta- 
tute declarative  of  old  Law  ,  and  a  Statute  Enadtive  of  new.  Secondly,  I  proved 
it  by  one  of  the  principal  Statutes  themfelves  :  thofe  Terms  of  Law  which  declare 
old  Law  ,  are  not  the  fame  .with  thofe  which  enadt  new  Law.  This  proof  is  de- 
monftrative.  Heurgeth,  if  there  were  fnmething  new  ,  it  was  new,  and  a  Statute 
we  Englifh  men  ufi  to  term  a  Law.  So  if  he  new  turn  his  Coat ,  thpre  is  fbmething 
new,  yet  we  Englijh  men  fay  ,  his  Coat  is  an  old  Coat  for  all  that.  Magna  Charta 
or  the  great  Charter  of  England ,  is  an  old  Law,  yet  it  hath  been  renewed  or 
newly  declared  by  almofl  every  fucceeding  King.  New  Statutes  may  declare 
old  Laws. 

He  faith  I  cite  Two  Proteftants,  Fifz-Hfr^frf  and  my  Lord  Cooh^,  both  of  mine 
own  party  ,  tofpeal^in  behalf  of  Proteftants.-  I  cite  no  Proteilants  as  Proteftants,  nor 
to  (peak  for  Proteftants,  nor  as  witneffes  in  any  cafe  in  difference  between  Prote- 
ftants and  Papirts  :  but  I  cite  Two  great  Englijh  Judges,  as  Judges,  tofpcak  to  the 
difference  between  a  Declarative  Statute  ,  and  an  Enadive  Statute  by  the  Law  of 
England;  and  who  could  be  fo  proper  witneiTes  of  the  Law  oi  England zs  they? 
Secondly,  who  told  him  that  Fitz-Herbert  was  a  Proteftant .?  No  mor'e  a  Proteftant 
than  himfelf,  for  any  thing  that  ever  I  could  perceive.  He  was  a  great  Judge  ,  li- 
ved in  Henry  the  Eighths  time ,  and  writ  fundry  works.  Where  he  fetteth  down 
the  charge  againft  a  Papift,  he  doth  it  in  fuch  a  manner  that  it  can  hurt  no  man  , 
except  he  will  confefs  himfelf  to  have -done  what  he  did  ohftinately  and  malicioufy  ] 

but 


Df 5 COURSE   IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 


3^7 


but  where  he  tctteth  down  the  charge  of  a  Juftice  of  Peace  againlt  Hereticks  or  Lol-  ^'tz-H^rberc 
lards  ,  he  giveth  it  home.     But  Mr.  Serjeant  hath  the  art  to  make  Proteftants  orp^,^/^^  .. 
Papills,  of  whom  he  lilt,  fo  it  ferve  his  prefent  turn.     Thirdly,  though  F/fz-  1^9. 
Herbert  and  my  Lord  Coci^f  had  laid  nothing  ,  yet  the  cafe  is  as  clear  as  the  light, 
that  this  very  Statute  is  Declarative  of  old  Fundamental  Law,  not  Enadtive  of  new 
Law, 

And  this  I  prove  Firft  by  view  of  the  Statute  it  felf.  He  that  hath  but  half  an 
eye  in  his  head ,  may  eafily  difcern  the  difference  between  an  Enadive  Statute ,  and 
a  Declarative  Statute..  An  Enadrive  Statute  looketh  onely  forward  to  the  time  to 
come,  and  medleth  not  at  all  with  the  time  paft  :  but  a  Declarative  Law  looketh 
both  ways ,  backwards  and  forwards ,  forward  to  the  time  to  come ,  and  back- 
ward to  the  time  paft.  Again  ,  the  very  form  and  Tenour  of  the  words  is  not  the 
fame  in  an  Enaftivc  Statute  and  in  a  Declarative  Statute  s  An  Enadlive  Statute  re- 
gardeth  onely  what  (hall  be  ,  but  a  Declarative  rcgardeth  what  is,  and  what  hath 
been  »  an  Enadive  Statute  createth  new  Law  by  the  Authority  of  the  prefent  Law- 
giver, a  Declarative  Statute  confirmeth  old  Law ,  and  is  commonly  grounded  up- 
on the  Fundamental  conlHtution  of  the  Kingdom.  Now  then  let  us  take  a  view  of 
this  very  Law.  By  divo-s  old  authentick^HiJioriei  and  Chronicle!  it  is  manifejily  deck-  34.  ffe>S,  dp 
red,  that  this  Kealm  of  England  in  an  Empire ,  and  fo  huth  been  accepted  in  the  world,  "• 
governed  by  one  Supreme  head  and  King  Sec.  Vnto  tvhom  a  body  ?olitichj:ompaci  of  all 
forts  and  degrees  of  people ,  divided  by  names  of  Spiritualty  and  Temporalty  ,  on>e  next 
to  God  a  Natural  Obedience ,  he  being  infiitiited  by  the  goodnefs  of  God,  with  plenary 
porver  to  render  final  Jujiicefor  all  mutters.  You  fee  plainly  that  this  Statute  looketh 
both  ways ,  forward  and  backward  ,  and  doth  hot  onely  create  new  Laws ,  but  al- 
fo  deelare  what  hath  been ,  what  is ,  and  what  ought  to  be  the  perpetual  Law  of 
England.  By  diver fe  old  authentich^Hijiories  and  Chronicles  it  is  manife^ly  declared , 
&c.     then  it  is  manifeft  that  this  is  a  Declarative  Law. 

He  faith  ,  J  quote  the  Schifmatical  King  himfelf,  and  the  Schifmatical  Parliament  to 
jpeak^in  their  orvn  behalf.     By  his  leave,  he  is  miftaken  ,  I  ground   not  my  rcafbn 
upon  the  Authority  of  the  King  and  Parliament ,  but  upon  the  form  or   Tenour  of 
the  Statute,  whether  thefe  words  do  contain  the  form  of  an  Enaftive  Statute, 
or  a  Declarative  Statute.     Secondly,  if  I  did  fo,  yet  he  hath  no  reafon  to  complain 
of  it ,  who  maketh  the  Pope  and  his  Council  to  be  the  laft  Judge  in  his  own  cafe. 
Thirdly  ,  I  (hall,  be  bold  to  (crue  up  this  pin  a  note  higher,   and  tell  him  that  if 
Henry  the  Eighth,  did  make  himfelf  the  laft  Judge  ,  in  thofe  differences  between  him 
and  the  Papacy ,  which  concerned  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  England,  he  did 
no  more  than  many  other  Chriftian  Kings  and  Princes  have  done  before  him  i  as 
I  have  (hewed  in  the  Empire,  Spain ,   Italy  ,  Brabant ,  &c.     Fourthly  ,    if  that 
which  was  Decreed  in  this  Law,  was  decreed  in  former  Laws,  ftanding  in  full 
force  and  unrepealed  ,  then  it  is  not  Enadtive  of  new  Law ,  but  Declarative  of 
old  Law  ;  but  1  have  produced  him  the  Laws  them(elves  ,  wherein  the  (elf  fame 
things  have  been  Decreed ,  and  he  turneth  his  back  upon  them ,  and  referreth  us 
to  the  Canonifts  foir  an  anfvver.     Laftly  ,  it  is  fo  far  from  being  true ,  that  tho(e 
Statutes  made  by  Henry  the  Eighth  were  new  Laws ,  that  thofe  ancient  Statutes  of 
Clarendon  ,  of  Carlile ,   the  Articles  of  the  Clergy,  the  Statutes  of  Provifors,  were  no 
new  Laws  when    they  were  made  :  but  new  Declarations  of  the  Fundamental 
Laws  of  England ,  or  of  the  Original  conftitution  of  the  Englifh  Empire  i  as  ap- 
peareth  undeniably  by  the  Statutes  of  Clarendon ,  the  Statute  of  Carlile  ,  and  the 
Statutes  oi^  Provifors ;  wherein  the  fame  truth  is  affirmed  as  pofitively  as  I  can  do 
it. 

But  now,  Reader,wi!t  thou (ee  a  convincing  proof,  of  the  extreme  carelefnefe 
and  uncon(cionabIe  ofcitance  of  this  great  Champion,  who  writeth  his  anfwers  at 
Randome  ,  and  never  fo  much  as  readeth  what  is  objected  againft  him.  I  cited 
two  Statutes  ,  the  one  of  24.  Hen.  8.  cap.  12.  The  other  of  16.  Ric.  2.  cap.  5.  The 
Printer  citeth  them  right  in  the  Margin  ,  but  a  little  confufedly  ;  but  when  Mr; 
Serjeant  cometh  to  anfvver  them  ,  he  confoundeth  them  indeed  ,  attributing  Ri' 
chard  the  Second's  Statute  to  Henry  the  Eighth.  And  left  any  man  (hould  cxcufb 
him  and  fay  it  was  the  fault  of  the  Printer ,  hear  himi  he  aledgeth  another  Statute 

made 


0.6% 


Schifvi  Guarded.  TOME  I. 

madetn  ihe-'A.oflicu..ihe8.     Yes,  well  guefled:    otherwife   called  the   i6.  of 
K    h    d  the  Second.  And  a  little  after,  what  matters  it  xchat  this  Statute  fays^  being  wade 
'/  ^"^  rs  after  his  ttnlarvful  marriage  vcitb  Anna  Bullen  ?  I  know  not  where  he  learn- 
j"thls'    except  it  was  from  the  old  Puppet-player  ,  who  would  have  Queen  Vida 
''^  be  Richard  the  Third's  Miftrifs  i  he  might  perchance  have  fuch  another  odd  fancy 
that  Richard  the  Second  was  Jnna  BuVens  Servant.     That  which  I  obferve  in  ear- 
ned is  this,  that  he  anfwereth  at  random  to  he  knoweth  not  what ,  and  never 
uerufeth  that  which  is  objected  againft  him.     If  it  had  been  fome  rare  piece  that 
was  cited     that  he  could  not  have  come  by  it ,  it  had  been  the  more  pardonable : 
but  it  is  an  EugUJh  Statute  which  he  might  have  found  in  every  Bookbinders  (hop, 
in  every  Lawyers  ftudy,  in  every  juftices  of  Peace  Clofet.     And  yet  he  is  as  confi- 
dent as  Gatven^the  bejl  Statute  he  could  pch^out  you  may  be  fare.     How  doth  he 
know  that  ?  We  all  fee  he  never  read  it ,  nor  knoweth  whether  it  be  a  Statute  or 
no.     Then  he  telleth  us  ,  there  is  not  a  Syllable  in  it  concerning  Spiritual  Jurifdi&ion. 
Well  guefled  by  iniHndl: :  but  for  once  his  inftind  hath  deceived  him  ■-,  if  excom- 
munication be  any  part  of  Spiritual  Jurifdidion,  there  is  more  than  one  Syllable 
of  Spiriturl  Jurifdi<ftion  in  it.     But  concerning  our  Englijh  Statutes  both  ancient 
and  new  ,  which  concern  the  cafting  of  Papal  Authority  out  of  the  King<lom,  I 
have  given  him  a  full  fatisfadory  account  formerly,  to  which  I  refer  him. 

We  have  feen  how  carelefs  he  is  in  reading  over  Laws  before  he  anfwer  them  : 
Now  let  us  obferve  the  fame  Ofcitance  or  want  of  Ingenuity  towards  his  adverfary  , 
that  he  may  learn  what  he  gets  by  his  falfifications. 

Nempe  hoc  quod  Veneri  donate  a  virgine  puppx.  ' 

Real  Falfifications  retorted  upon  him  inftead  of  his  feigned  ones.  He  anfwered, 
that  to  limit  an  Authority  ,  implies  an  admittance  of  it  in  cafes  to  which  the  limitation 
extends  not.  I  replied  ,  thatthefe  ancient  Laws  of  England  did  not  onely  limit  an 
Authority,  but  deny  it,  that  is,  deny  it  in  fuch  and  fuch  cafes  mentioned  in  the  Laws, 
deny  it  coadively  in  the  Exteriour  Court,  without  the  leave  of  the  Sovereign  Prince. 
So  the  Laws  may  differ,  the  reftraints  may  differ  the  leave  may  differ  indegrees,accord- 
ing  to  the  difference  of  places,  notwithftanding  this  denial.  That  which  he  beatethat, 
is  this  that  we  deny  all  Papal  power  wbatfoever,  but  other  Churches  do  onely  limit  it.  I  an- 
fwer, we  do  not  deny  the  Bifliop  of  Rowe  all  manner  of  power  »  We  deny  him 
not  the  power  of  the  Keys  ,  We  deny  him  not  any  power  purely  Spiritual ,  We  de- 
ny him  not  his  beginning  of  Unity  ,  if  he  could  be  contented  with  it :  but  We 
deny  him  all  Coadive  power,  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  over  the  fubjeds  of  o- 
ther  Princes ,  without  the  Sovereigns  leave.  If  feme  Princes  give  more  leave 
than  others,  as  finding  it  more  expedient  for  their  affairs.  We  do  not 
envy  it. 

But  he  urgeth  ,  that  I  do  not  deny  equivalent  Laws  in  Firance  ,  Spain  ,  Germany, 

Rtfli  y  »74'  ^^^^y*     ^  neither  deny  it ,  nor  affirm  it ,  or  I  affirm  it  onely  in  part  :  [  Yes ,  there 

are  (bme  fuch  Laws  in  all  thefe  places  by  him  mentioned,  perhaps  not  fo  many, 

but  the  liberties  of  the  french  Church  are  much  the  fame  with  the  Englijh.  ]     Some 

fuch  Laws  ,  notfo  many  ,  much  thejame  ,  are  no  proofs  of  Equivalence :  or  if  he  will 

call  them  Equivalent ,  it  is  ondy  fecundum  quid  not  fmpliciter  ,  refpedively  in  fome 

cafes  not  Univerfally  in  all  cafes.     But  he  hath  anothei:  place,  which  ftriketh  home 

wliere  I  affirm  that  [_  the  like  Laws  may  be  found  in  Germany^  Toland,  France  , 

Vind.  tat' li  Spain  ^  Italy,  Sicily,  and  i{  we  •wUltwH  Padre  Paolo,  the  Papacy  it  (elf]     But 

did  either  I  or  Padre  Paolo ,  fpcak  of  thofe  ancient  Englifh  Laws  by  me  cited,  made, 

to  reftrain  the  llfurpations  of  the  Bifliops  of  Rome  }  So  he  faith  ,  but  it  is  a  grofs 

falfification.     I  did  neither  fpeak  of  them  in  that  place ,  nor  Padre  Paolo  :   but  we 

both  fpeak  of  another  Law  of  a  quite  different  nature  from  thefe  ,  that  is  the  Law 

of  Mortmain  ,  a  Law  mcerly  Political  to  reftrain  men  from  giving  Lands  to  the 

Church  without  Licenfe.     Of  this  1  faid  there  are  found  like  Laws  to  it  in  Germany, 

Poland,  France^  Spain,  Italy  ,  Sicily,  and  Padre  Paolo  addeth  in  the  Papacy  itfelf. 

What  an  adverfary  have  I  to  deal  with  ,  who  either  underllandeth  not  what  the 

Law  of  Mortmain  is  ,  or  regardtth  not  how  he  falfifieth  his  Adverfaries  words  ? 

But 


Discourse  IV.  Schif/ft  Guarded.  ^^g 

But  from  theie  miftaken  and  mishapen  premilTes,  he  draweth  Tenn  conclufions 
every  one  of  them  driving  me  to  a  contradidion  or  abfurdity  at  lead.     The  Firft- 
Second  ,  Third  and  Fourth  ,  are  the  fame  in  Effect: ,  or  all  comprehended  in  the 
Firft  ,  that  it  is  oppofite  to  the  General  opmon  of  the  rvhole  morld  ^  Catholickj     Prote- 
fiants  ,  Puritans.     Secondly  ,  that  it  is  again{i  the  profejjion   of  the  Proteftams      who 
extol  that  happy  time  vphen  England  was  frreedfrom  the  Tok^  of  Rome,  Thirdly    that 
it  contradids  our  Reformation  in  the  point  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy  ,  there  could  be  no 
"Reformation  of  that  which  was  not  otherxvife  before'-,  and  therefore  Henry  the  Eitihth  added 
fomething  of  his  own  ,  to  thefe  ancient  Laws.     Fourthly  ,  he  faith  that  Dr.  Hammond 
acktwwledgeth  ^  that  Papal  power  wof  caft  out  of  England  i«  Henry  f/;f  Eighth's  days. 
And  the  Sixth  is,  that  this  pofition  is  particularly  oppofite  to  the  common  cnnfent  of  the 
CatholickjCountries  ,  who  aV  looked  on  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  and  the  Church  o/England 
ever  fince  Of  Schifmatical.     Doubtlcfs  he  meaneth  Kow<i«-Catholick  Countries.    Was 
it  not  enough  to  fay  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  General  opinion  of  the  whole 
world  ,  unlefs  he  added  Protelbnts ,  and  Reformers  ,  and  Dr.  Hammond    and 
2vo>wa«-Catholicks  ,  as  if  they  were  none  of  the  World  ?  Reader  ,  I  undertook 
to  prove  that  Henry  the  Eighths  Laws  againfl  the  Ufurpation  of  the  Roman  Bifhop 
were  no  new  Laws ,  but  ancient  Laws  of  England  ■■>  I  have  done  it  by  producing 
the  ancient  Laws  thcmfelves,  Five  or  Six  Hundred  years  old  :  and  I  am  yet  rea- 
dy to  fhew  farther ,  that  they  were  no  new  Laws  then  ,  but  the  Fundamental  Laws 
of  England  i  derived  from  the  Firft  founding  of  the  Britijh  and  Engliflj  Churches 
as  to  the  fubftance  of  them.     To  all  my  premilTes  or  particularities  (  as  he  calleth 
them  )  he  hah  been  able  to  anfwer  nothing ,  but  leaves  them  to  the  Canon  and 
feeular  Lawyers  to  fcuffle  about  them :  but  utterly  denieth  my  concluiion  ;  but  what 
an  abfurdity  that  is,  he  is  not  ignorant. 

But  alas !  what  doth  the  World  know  of  the  Municipal  Laws  of  England,  uri' 
tU  we  inftrudl  them  better  ?  and  what  opinions  can  Forreigners  have  of  us  but 
what  they  learn  from  him  and  his  fellows?  We  acknowledg  with  Dr.  Hammond 
that  Papal  Ufurpations  were  cart  out  of  England  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  time  ;  but 
we  add ,  not  by  the  creation  of  new  Laws  ,  but  by  the  vigorous  execution  of  the 
ancient  Laws  ,  being  firft  renewed  and  confirmed  by  himfelf.  We  acknowledge 
that  Heniry  the  Eighth  did  finally  fhake  of  the  Yoke  oiRome,  which  could  not  have 
been  done  ,  if  there  had  been  nothing  to  have  been  (haken  off  or  teformed  ;  but 
this  doth  not  hinder  ,  but  that  his  Predeceflburs  did  attempt  to  fhake  it  off  long  be- 
fore ,  even  at  the  firft  appearing  of  iti  yea  and  did  adually  fhake  it  off,  for  a  time  , 
in  a  great  part.  ' 

His  Fifth  ObjeAion  is,  that  according  to  me ,  the  Laws  made  by  Henry  the  Eighth , 
did  no  more  than  the  former  Laws.  Where  did  I  (ay  fo  ?  until  he  is  able  to  fhew  it 
me  ,  (  which  I  fhall  exped  at  the  Gree^ Calends  , )  I  fhall  fcore  it  up  among  his 
leffer  Falfifications.  And  for  his  inference  which  he  makes ,  that  he  never  heard  it 
pretended  that  they  did  Jhake  of  the  Roman  Tnke  in  part,  or  for  a  time,  therefore  they 
did  it  not  •,  it  ftieweth  but  his  ignorance  in  the  Laws  and  Hiftorie-;  of  his  Native 
Countrey.  If  he  had  perufed  them  diligently,  he  might  have  obferved  how  the 
Court  of  Rome  and  Crown  of  England ,  were  long  upon  their  Guards  watching 
One  another :  and  the  one  or  the  other  gained  or  loft  mutually  ,  according  tc> 
the  Vigour  of  their  prefent  Kings  or  Popes,  or  according  to  the  exigence  of  the 
times. 

His  Seventh  Objedtion  ,  that  the  lik^  Laws  to  ours  in  England  were  made  in  the 
Tapacy  it  felf ,  but  thofe  could  not  be  againfl  the  Popes  Headjhip  of  the  Church  :  and  his 
Tenth  Objedtion  that  then  there  never  was  a  Papiji  Countrey  in  the  world ,  becaufc  e- 
quivalent  Laws  to  ours  were  made  in  France ,  Spain ,  Italy ,  Sicily  ,  Germany  ,  Po- 
land, d^c.  And  his  anfwer  to  my  demand  |_  what  Lawful  JurifditSion  could  ic- 
main  to  the  Pope  in  England ,  where  fuch  and  fuch  Laws  had  force  ?  ~\  'the  fame 
that  remains  ftill  to  him  in  France ,  Spain ,  Italy  ,  where  the  liks  Laves  are  in  force , 
in  his  laft  paragraph  i  areadifh  of  unfavoury  mufhroms,  all  fprung  up  from  his 
own  negligent  miftake  or  wilful  Falfification  (let  him  chufe  whether  he  will)  in  y^i  -  ^^ 
confounding  the  Laws  of  Mortmain  with  the  other  Laws  againft  the  Popes  Ufurpa- 
tions i  Which  I  diftingaifhed  e.Kadtly  both  at  the  beginning  of  that  difcourie  [the  Vind.  p4'  14* 

Statute 


%lo 


Schifw  Gnarded.  T  O  M  E  I' 


Statute  of  Mortmain  juftijid']  and  at  the'  Conclullon    [  B«t   t^   leave   this    Vi- 

^    BLit'befidcsthisgrof^erroar  ,  there  want  not  other  inconfeqiiences  and  fallacies 
■    his  difcourfe  i  as  in  the  Seventh  Objedion  from  the  Popes  particular  Hcadfliip 
o"fhis  own  Church,  to  an  Univerfal  HeadOiip  over  the  Catholick  Church,  and 
from  an  Headfliip  of  order,  to  a  Monarchical  Headlhip  of  power  i  and  in  his 
Tenth  Obiedion  from  [  like  Laws  ]    to  the  fame    Laws ,    from    Laws   made 
to  Laws  duely  obferved.     We  had  Laws  made  againft  Non-con formijls  in  England^ 
will  heconclude  thence  that  we  have  no  Non-conformifts  in  Ewfl,/.^ .?   the  argu-    . 
ment  will  hold  better  the  contrary  way  ,  Ex  malis  morihus  bonx  leges.     And  in  his 
lafl  Paragraph  ,  from  Coadive  Jurifdidion  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  to  Jurifdidion 
purely  Spiritual  in  the  Court  of  Confcience  j  and  from  Coadive .Jurifdidion  with  ' 
the  leave  of  the  Prince  to  the  fame  without  leave.     We  fee  all  Komau  Catholick 
Countries,  do  Itint  the  Pope's  Coadive  Jurifdidion  over  their  Subjeds  more  or 
lefs ,  according  to  their  feveral  liberties ,  which  they  could  not  do  at  all ,  if  he  held 
it  by  Chrifts  own  Ordination. 

His  Eighth  Objedion,  that  upon  this  nen>  Lan>  made  by  Ucnxy  the  Eighth  ^En- 
ghnd  Jiood  at  another  dijiance  than  formerly  from  Rome  ,  is  a  fallacy  mn  caufx  pro  cati- 
fa,  when  a  falfe  caufe  is  alligned  for  a  truecaufe.  Our  Juft  Laws  are  not  the  right 
caufe  of  our  diftance  from  Kome  :  but  the  Popes  unjuft  cenfures ,  and  that  chara- 
der  which  fome  of  our  Countrey-men  give  of  us.  But  this  diftance  is  greater  a- 
mong  the  Populacy  than  between  the  Eftates  ,  who  do  not  much  regard  the  Pope's 
cenfures  ,  either  in  making  or  obferving  of  Leagues. 

To  his  Ninth  Objedion  in  his  order,  and  his  laft  in  my  order,  that  this  pofition 
tak^s  away  the  ^ueliion  ,  and  mak^s  all  the  controvertifts  in  England  on  both  fides  talk^ 
in  the  air  ,  hecaufe  it  makes  the  Pope  to  have  had  no  Authority  there  to  be  caft  out.  I 
anfwer ,  I  wi(h  it  did,  but  it  doth  not.  The  Pope  had  Authority  there ,  and  Au- 
thority ufurped  fit  to  be  caft  out ,  notwithl^anding  our  former  good  Laws.  But 
yet  I  muft  confefs  this  pofition  doth  much  change  thequeftion,  from  Spiritual 
Jurifdidion  in  the  Inner  Court  to  Coadive  Jurifdidion  in  the  Exteriour  Court, 
and  makes  him  and  many  other  fuch  Controvertills  talk  in  the  Air ,  who  difpute 
onely  about  Headfliips  and  Firft  Moverfliips ,  when  the  true  controverfie  lyeth  in 
point  of  Intereft  and  profit. 

SECT.    IV. 

'That  the  Britannick  Churches  were  ever  exempted  from  forreign  Jurifdidion ,  for  the 
firft  Six  Hundred  years  ,  and  fo  ought  to  continue. 

'  A  ^^^^  ^  '^^^  {hewed  the  equality  of  the  Apoftles  ,  except  onely  a  priority  dS: 
u\  Order  i  and  that  the  Supremacy  of  Power  did  not  reft  in  any  fingle  Apofto- 
lical  Colledge  i  that  National  Patriarchs  were  the  higheft  Order  conftituted  by  the 
Apoftles  in  the  Church  i  and  how  fbme  Patriarchs  came  to  be  advanced  above  o- 
thers  ,  with  the  true  dignity  of  preheminence  of  Apoftolical  Churches :  the  fum  of 
all  the  reft  of  this  Sedion  might  be  reduced  to  a  Syllogifm. 

"ihofe  Churches  which  were  exempted  from  all  Forreign  Jurifdidion  for  the  Firji 
600  years  ,  cannot  he  fubjeded  to  any  Foreig>t  Jurifdidion  for  the  future  againjl  their 
own  wills. 

B«t  ijW  f^e  Britannick  Churches  were  ever  exempted  from  Forreign  Jurifdidion  for  the 
Firfi  Six  hundred  years. 

The  Major  propofition  was  proved  by  me  undeniably  ,  out  of  the  Firft  General 
Council  of  Ephefns  v  to  which  Mr.  Serjeant  hath  objeded  nothing.  Next  I  pro- 
ved the  Minor.  Firft  by  prefcription.  Jffirmanti  tncumbit  probatio  ■■>  The  burthen 
of  the  proof  in  Law  refteth  upon  the  Affirmer  :  but  they  are  not  able  to  ftiew  fo 
much  as  one  fingle  Ad  of  Jurifdidion  ,  which  ever  any  Biftiop  of  Rome  did  is 

B)itjj>t^ 


I^iscouRSE  IV.  Sch'tfm  Guarded. 


Britaign  for  the  Firft  Six  Hundred  years.     Secondly,  I  proved  it  from  the  Antiqui- 
ticy  cf  the  Britamkk^  Church  ,  which    was  ancienter  than  the  Roman  it  felf  and    ' 
therefore  could  not  be  Subjedt  to  the  'Roman  from  the  beginning.     Thirdly  ,  becau(e 
the  Britannkk^  Churches  fided   with  the  Eaftern  Churches  againft  the  Roman  ,  and 
therefore  were  not  fubjed  to  the  Ronan.     Fourthly,  becaufe  they  had  their  Ordina- 
tions ordinarily  at  home,  which  is  an  Infallible  ilgn  of  a  free  Church  fub)e(ft  to  no 
Forreign  Jurifdidion.     Laftly  becaufe  they  renounced  all  Subjedion  to  the  Biftop 
of  Rome.     I  am  forced  to  repeat  thus  much  to  let  the  Reader  fee  the  contexture  of 
my  difcourfe ,  which  Mr.  Serjeant  doth  whatfoever  he  can  to  conceal     or  at  leaft 
,       to  confound  and  difjdynt. 

j  Out  of  this  he  picketh  here  and  there  what  he  pleafeth  ,  Firft  ,  he  pleadeth  that 

my  little  'u  the  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England  :  hut  the  Church  of  En^^land 

can  derive  no  title  from  the  Eritannick  or  Scottifli  Churches.     He  never  read     or^uite 

I       forgetteth  the  State  of  the  Queftion.     I  will  help  his  memory.     Let  him  read  the 

Vindication  [  by  the  Church  of  England  we  underftand  not  the  Englijh  Nation  Vi„j.  pa  62. 
alone,  but  the  Ew^/iy^  dominion,  including   the  Brittijh  ^  and  Scottijh     ox  Irijh 
ChrilHans.  3     So  at  una  wars  he  hath  yeilded  the  Eifhopricks  o(Chefler ,  ^Hereford  ' 
Worcejier    (  for  all  thefe  were  fuffragans  to   Caerleon  )  Walet ,  Cornwal    Ireland  ' 
Scotland  ,  with  all  the  adjacent  Iflands  ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  two  third  parts  of  the  En- 
glijh Dominion. 

Secondly,  he  pleadeth  that  for  this  many  Hundred  yean,  they  ackiiotvledged  the 
Popes  Authority ,  oi  rvell  as  the  Church  of  England.  I  anfwer  ,  that  this  will  do  him 
no  good ,  nor  fatiffie  the  Council  of  Ephefus  at  all.  which  hath  decreed  exprefly 
in  the  cafe  of  the  Cyprian  Prelates  ,  and  they  command  the  fame  to  be  obferved,  in  all 
Provinces ,  that  no  Bipop  occupy  another  Province  ,  rvhich  formerly  and  from  the  beginning 
ncas  not  under  the  power  of  him  or  his  Predeceffours  ,  and  if  any  do  occupy  another  Pro- 
■vince  (  that  in  this  cafe  ,)  let  him  rejhre  it,  that  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  be  Hotfleighted.  f^""/'  ^8^1. 
But  they  who  never  exercifed  one  Ad  of  Jurifdidion  in  the  Britannick^  \i[z.nd.  iot  ' 

the  Firit  Six  Hundred  years ,  cannot  pretend  that  it  was  under  their  power  ,  in  the 
time  of  the  Council  oiEphefus ,  or  long  after.  It  was  not  for  nothing  that  he  con- 
cealed the  words  of  the  Council. 

Yet  he  asketh  ,  what  do  the  Scots  concern  the  Church  o/Englands  Vindication  ?  Do 
they  not  ?  Are  not  the  Scots  a  part  of  the  Britannich^  Iflands  ,  and  fo  comprehend- 
ed under  the  name  of  the  Church  of  England  in  this  Qnellion  .?  Befides  he  muft 
know  that  I  challenge  fome  intereft  among  the  Irijh-Scots ,  from  whom  I  derive  my 
Epifcopal  Orders.     Againft  the  Jrijl:  Ordination  never  any  man  had  any  pretenfe 
of  exception  to  this  day.     The  Irip  were  the  ancient  and  principal  Scots  ,  and  the 
Britannick^Scots  a  colony  derived  from  them.     That  they  are  the  ancient  Scots    who 
did  joyn  with  the  Britains  in  not  fubmiting  to  the  See  oiRome  ,  I  (hall  (hew  him 
clearly  from  the  Authority  of  Larprence\  Succelfour  to  St.  Aujiin  in  his  Arch-bi(ho- 
prick,  and  the  other  Englijh  Bifhops  of  that  Age,  in  their  Letter  to  the  Bifhops  of 
Scotland  ,  To  conclude  he  took^  not  onely  care  of  the  nerv  Church  coHeSed  of  the  E>:nlijh 
hut  of  the  old  Inhabitants  of  Britain  ,  and  alfo  of  the  Scots  rvho  Inhabit  Ireland'^  the  ^f"^'  ^'^-  ^'' 
next  IJland  to  Britain.     For  ajjoon  as  he  kiievf  that  their  life  and  profeffion  in  their  Coun-      ' ''  '^'''  ^' 
trey ,  woi  liJ^  that  of  the  Britains  in  Britany  not  Ecctefiajiical ,  6cc.     That  is  to  fay 
not  Roman.     He  feeth  I  had  fome  reafon  not  to  leave  out  the  Scots. 

Befides  the  Britains,  the-S'cotJ-,  and  the  IriJh ,  lurged  that  [^  the  great  King- 
doms of  Mercia  and  Northumberland  were  converted  by  the  Scots  ,  and  had  their 
Religion  and  Ordination  firft  from  the  Scots  ,  afterwards  among  themfelves    with- 
out any  Forreign  dependance ,  and  fo  were  as  free  as  the  Britaijts.  ]     He  faith  all  the 
force  lyeth  in  thefe  words  [  without  any  Forreign  dependance  1  rvhich  I  obtrude  upon 
them  without  any  proof     His  miftakes  are  infinite ,  my  proof  is  demonrtrative 
They  who  had  their  firft  Ordination  from  the  Scots  ,  and  ever  after  were  Ordained 
among  themfelves,  never  had  any  Ordination  from  the  BilTiop  of  Rome  :  and  con- 
sequently were  never  Subjed  to  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Bi(hop  o(Rome  :  For  it  is  a 
maxim  in  the  Law,and  is  moft  evident  in  the  ca(e  of  the  Cyprian  BilTiops  in  theCoun- 
cil  of Ep/;e/I<x,that  the  right  ofjurifdidion  doth  follow  the  right  of  Ordination.  And 
if  it  were  not  fo  ,  yet  what  man  in  his  right  wits  could  imagin  ,  that  the  Scots  who 

Qj{  weic 


^_-                                          Schifm  Guarded.                   TOME  I. 
37  ** — — « 

wee  the  converters  ,  fhould  renounce  fubjedion  to  the  Bifliop  oiKome  themfelveS, 
and  teach  their  converts,  the  Mercians  and  Nonlmmbrians  to  fubmit  to  the  Bifliop 

of  ^ome  ,  ,     I        1  ■  t 

But  if  1  had  faid  no  more  ,  but  onely  that  they  were  without  any  Forreign  depen- 
dence, it  had  been  enough  on  my  part.  It  belongeth  not  to  me  to  prove 
a  Negative ,  and  fuch  a  continued  Negative  as  this  is  :  but  the  burthen  of  the 
proof  refieth  wholy  upon  him ,  both  in  reafon  and  Law  ,  to  prove  his  affirmative 
that  the  Mercians  and  Northumbrians  did  depend  upon  the  Bifhop  of  Kome  in  thofc 
days ,  in  point  of  pradice  ,  for  Ordination  and  Jurifdiftion  i  which  he  is  not  able 
to  do.  what  he  addeth  ,  that  J  faid  Ordination  vs  nothing  at  all  to  Jurisdiction^  is  for 
want  of  Underftanding ,  becaufe  he  is  not  able  to  diftinguifh  between  the  right  of 
Ordination^  and  the  AU  of  Ordaining.  We  attribute  to  the  5cow  the  Ad  of  Or- 
daining ,  not  a  Superiour  right  of  Ordination. 

In  the  next  place  I  urged  ,  that  \_  a  world  of  Brit^  Chriftians  flayed  behind , 
among  the  Saxon  Conquerours  ,  every  where  all  over  England^  fuch  whom  they 
had  no  caufe  to  fear  for  their  power,  adivity,  or  influence  upon  others-,  which  poor 
conquered  Chriftians  had  a  right  to  the  juft  priviledges  of  their  Anceftours.  3  .He 
would  perfwade  us ,  Firft  that  aW  of  them  ^  or  all  except  Jme  few  fied  into  Wiles 
or  Cornwal.  What  to  do  /  To  be  repacked  there  as  Herrings  .?  or  like  Cameli- 
ons  to  live  upon  the  air  and  leave  all  the  reft  of  the  Kingdom  defolate  ?  It  was  not 
Ten,  or  Twenty,  nor  a  Hundred,  nor  a  Thoufand  little  Veffels ,  could  bring 
over  Saxons  enough  with  their  Wifes  and  Children  and  Servants ,  to  plant  the 
Kingdoms  of  England-  We  fee  dayly  ,  that  the  very  Armies  of  fuch  Conquerours, 
do  confirt  for  the  greater  part  of  Natives  ,  and  that  it  is  not  their  Forreign  num- 
bers, but  their  military  skill  and  relblution  which  gaineth  them  the  vidory.  Look 
upon  all  the  Kingdoms  of  the  World,  Italy  ^  Spain,  France,  England,  &c 
And  what  are  they  but  mixed  focieties  of  Forreigners  and  Natives  ,  (5nq^ucrours 
and  Conquered  perfons,  now  incorporated  with  little  or  no  diftindion  ,  by  long 
tradof  time.  After  the  Norman  Conqueft  ,  Hundreds  of  Englijh  inhabited  England 
for  one  Norman.  In  the  beginning  of  the  late  Infurredion  in  Ireland ,  notwith- 
ftanding  thofe  great  numbers  which  came  over  daily  into  Ireland  and  Scotland  ,  to 
feek  for  plantations ,  for  Thirty  or  Forty  years  together  ,  yet  there  were  Ten  Irilh^ 
for  one  Englijh  and  Scotch  :  and  yet  we  do  not  find  that  thefe  Saxon  Wars  were  (b 
bloudy  as  the  Irip  Wars ,  or  that  either  they  perfecuted  the  perfons  of  the  Britaint 
with  cruelty  ,  or  fo  much  as  demoliflied  their  Churches. 

But  he  fuppofeth  ,  that  if  there  were  any  fuch  Britifli  Chriflians ,  yet  thy  became 
fjibjeCl  to  the  Pope.  I  believe  fome  of  them  were  fubjed  to  the  Pope  as  to  the  Bifliop 
of  their  Mother  Church,  and  all  of  them  as  to  the  Bifliop  of  an  Apoflolical  Church, 
that  is ,  to  be  guided  by  his  grave  advife  and  diredion  :  but  I  deny  that  ever  the 
Saxon  Bifliops  were  fubjed  to  the  Pope  ,  as  to  an  abfolute  Monarch  by  Chrifts  own 
Ordination,  or  that  the  Pope  enjoyed  the  Sovereign  Patronage  o{ the  Saxon  Church, 
or  the  Supreme  Legiflative  Judiciary  cr  difpenfative  power  over  it.  This  the 
Saxon  Kings  and  their  Bifiiops  under  them  ever  enjoyed ,  as  the  Britains  did  before 
them  :  and  this  is  all  which  our  Kings  defire ,  or  we  claim  for  them»  If  he  have 
any  thing  to  fay  to  this  point,  let  him  bring  authorities  not  words. 

He  faith  ,  l^his  is  all  one  as  if  fome  few  menfetling  by  accident  in  France  ,  Jhould  pre- 
tend an  exemption  from  the  French  Laws,  and  expeCi  Englifli  priviledges.  Nay  ,  it  is 
clear  contrary ,  as  if  fome  French-men  comming  into  Britain ,  and  planting  and 
propagating  there  ,  fhould  exped  the  Britijh  priviledges  to  their  pofterity.  So 
the  Saxons  planting  in  Britain ,  fo  foon  as  their  pofterity  was  capable  of  thetn 
by  becoming  Chriftians,  might  juftly  claim  the  Liberties  and  priviledges  of  Britiflt 
Chriftians.  , 

I  faid  [[  the  Saxon  Conqueft  gave  them  as  good  title  to  the  priviledges  as  to  the 
Lands  of  the  Britains. "]  He  ftileth  it  ,  a  rare  reafon  ,  as  if  I  meant  that  Ecclefafticat 
Jurifdidion ,  were  a  thing  of  that  nature  to  he  won  by  the  fword.  Or  rather  as  if  he 
meant  Coadive  Jurifdidion  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  and  Jurifdidion  purely  Spi- 
ritual, which  Chrift  left  unto  his  Church  ,  is  all  one.  I  do  not  mean  that  power 
purely  Spiritual  is  to  be  v/on  by  tlie  Sword ;  but  I  believe  that  exemption  from  Coa- 
dive 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Gnarded.  2^^ 


dtive  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court  is  to  be  won  by  the  fword!  So  the  Scots  eafeT 
the  Archbifliop  of  Tor^  of  the  trouble  of  a  great  part  of  his  province.  So  juft 
Conquerours  may  ,  and  do  often  change  the  External  policy  of  the  Church  ,  for 
the  publick  good. 

He  bids  me  ,  jheiv  that  the  Englifli  B'ljhofs  were  impomred  hy  the  Brifini  Brfhobf,  or 
elfe  let  me  coifefithat  they  could  inherit  no  privikdgesfrom  them.  I  can  fhew  him  that 
I  my  felf  was  impowered,  and  did  reeeive  my  Epifcopal  Ordination  from  the  ancient 
Scotch  Bifhops  by  an  uninterrupted  SuccellJon  ■■,  And  many  E>iglijh  Bifhops  have  re- 
received  their  Orders  mediately  or  immediately  from  the  Britip  Bifliops. 

I  faid  moil:  truly  ,  that  before  he  can  aUedge  the  Authority  of  the  Council  of  Sardica 
for  appeah  to  Rome  ,  he  mujl  renounce  the  Divine  injiitution  of  the  Papacy  ,  or  at  leaft 
the  Divine  right  of  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  to  the  Papacy  ;  becattfe  that  Canon  fubmit- 
ted  it  to  the  goodpleafure  of  the  fathers  ,  and  grounded  it  upon  the  Memory  of  St.  Peter 
not  the  injiitution  of  Clmjl.  The  reafpn  of  this  confequence  is  moft  evident.  Fo^ 
the  Conncil  of  Sardica  would  not,  nor  could  have  fubmitted  that  which  was  the 
Popes  right,  by  Chrifts  own  Ordination,  to  the  good  pleafure  of  the  Fathers 
whether  he  fliould  have  it  or  not  i  nor  would  have  alligned  their  refpecS  to  the 
memory  of  St.  Peter^  for  a  ground  of  that,for  which  they  had  the  Commandment  of 
Chrift  :  But  the  Council  of  Sardica  did  fubmitthe  Popes  right  to  receive  Appeals 
to  the  good  pleafure  of  the  Fathers ,  Placetne  ?  doth  it  pleafe you  that  we  honour  the 
memory  of  St.  Peter  ?  Therefore  ,  they  did  not  hold  this  «ght  of  the  Pope  to  re- 
ceive Appeals, to  be  due  to  the  Pope  by  Chrilts  own  Ordinance  or  Commandment  i 
This  he  is  pleafed  to  call  ,  aflat  Falfification  of  the  Council^  there  being  not  a  word  jit 
it ,  either  concerning  Papal  power  it  felf  or  its  injiitution ,  but  concerning  Appeals  onely. 
I  am  grown  pretty  well  acquainted  with  his  falfirications.  Did  I  fay  there  was  a* 
ny  thing  in  the  Council ,  concerning  the  Papacy  or  inftitution  of  it .?  if  I  did  let 
him  tell  us  where  and  when  ,  or  elle  it  is  his  own  falfification.  But  by  his  own 
confeffion  \  there  is  fomething  in  the  Council  concerning  Appeals  to  the  Pope , 
and  this  is  fubmitted  by  the  Council  to  the  good  pleafure  of  the  Fathers ,  and  no 
higher  ground  afligned  for  it,  than  the  refped:  to  the  memory  of  St.  Peter:  yet 
this  right  of  receiving  appeals-is  made  by  him  and  all  his  partakers,  an  EfTential 
Branch  of  Papal  power.  Therefore  ifhe  and  his  partakers  fay  true ,  the  Counci! 
of  Sardica  did  fubmit  an  Effential  Branch  of  Papal  power,  (or  Papal  power  in 
part  )  to  the  good  pleafure  of  the  Fathers  ■■,  which  is  as  much  as  to  (ay  they  held 
it  not  to  be  of  Divine  inftitution.  By  this  time  I  hope  he  underllandeth  my  mean-^ 
ing  better. 

He  prefumeth  ,  that  fame  Britilh  Bifbops  fate  in  the  Council  nf  Sardica  '■>  iJ'may  ht 
Athanafius  intimateth  as  much.     He  prefumeth  that  they  affented  to  the  Sardican  Canon 
about  Appeals-     It  may  be ,  or  it  may  not  be.     I  fliould  rather  aflent  to  their  voting 
to  acqurt  Athanafius  ,  who  teftiricth  of  them  that  they  were  right  to  the  Nicene  Faith.  Epifl:  ad  J*i 
But  furely  among  all  the  fubfcribers  in  the  Sardican  Council,  there  is  not  one  B«-  "^'"'tn. 
iijh  Bifhop  named.     And  in  the  Synodal  Letters  of  the  Council  it  felf,  wherein  they 
reckon  all  the  Provinces  ,  Britain  is  not  named.     But  what  is  the  right  of  receiving 
Appeals  ,  to  an  Univerfal  Monarchy ,  or  tlie  Decree  of  the  Council ,  to  Chrifts 
own  Ordination  ?  If  we  would  be  contented  to  abrogate  our  old  Laws,  and  c»ive 
the  Bifliop  of  Kome  leave  to  execute  that  power  which  the  Sardican  Fathers  didgiVe 
him ,  he  would  fcorn  it ,  and  much  more  their  manner  of  giving  it ,  Si  vo  bis  placet;        ..    «  .,. 
if  itpleafe  yvu  ,  or  if  it  feem  good  to  your  charity  let  us  honour  the  memory  of  St.  Peter  j  clp'\''  * 

as  both  the  Latin  afid  Grfc'/;_ edition  have  it. 

I  faid  that  the  Council  of  S^Lxdka.  wof  no  General  Council  after  the  Ra(kern  Bijhops 
were  departed,  not  out  of  any  ill  will  to  Athanafius,  or  favour  to  the  Arrians  (  as 
for  Arrianijm ,  the  Sardican  Fathers  did  no  more  than  the  Nicene  had  done  before 
them  :  )  but  out  of  another  confideration ,  becsufe  the  prelence  of  the  Five  great 
Patriarchs  with  their  refpedive  Bifliops ,  or  at  leaft  the  greater  part  of  them ,  was 
ever  more  held  neceffary  to  the  being  of  a  General  Council  •,  as  Behrmine  himfelf 
confefleth,  that  the  Seventh  Synod  judged  the  Council  of  Conftantinople  againji  Images 
to  have  been  no  General  Council ,  becaufe  it  had  not  Patriarchs  enough.  If  the  Council  »  •  .  ^• 
oi  Sardica  had  been  a  General  Council,  why  do  S,t,  Gregory  i\\c  great,  Ifiodore  ^'ia^r/!'^'    ' 

CLq2  ^  and 


i 
If 


■  Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 

^r^^Venaabk-Bede^c^m^c  omit  it  out  of  die  number  of  General  Councils  ?  Why 

did  St   Auftin  ,  Alyfm  ,  and  the  Ajrican  Fathers  fleight  it  >  And   which  is  more 
tl       ail  this     why  do  the  Eajhrn  Church  ,  not  reckon  it  among  their  Seven  Gene- 
al^Councils '  nor  the  iFejiern  Church  ,  among  their  Eight  Firft  General  Councils  ? 
To  conclude',  why  did  the  Englijh  Church  leave  the  Sardican  Council  out  of  the  num- 
ber of  General  Councils,  in  the  Synod  ofHedifeU  in  the  year  dSo.  And  embrace  one- 
ly  thefe  for  General  Councils  until  that  day ,  The  Council  of  Nice ,  the  Firft  of 
Conliantimple ,  the  Firft  of  Ep^e/KX,  the  Council  o^  Chakcdnn  and  the  fecond  of 
^^"tio^T'    Chakedon  ?  Here  he  may  fee  a  plain  reafon  ,  why  I  fay  the  Council  of  Sardka  was 
Vif     '  '       never  incorporated  into  the  Englip  Laws.     I  would  know  whether  he  or   I  be 
of  the  old  Engliffl)  Religion  in  this  point  >  The  Five  Firft  General  Councils  were 
incorporated  into  the  Law  of  England :  but  the  Council  of  Sardtca  was  none  of 
them,  therefore  no  General  Council.     I  have  given  him  a  further  account  concern- 
ing this  Council ,  SeS.  i.  c.  7.  to  which  I  refer  him. 

I  faid  ,  and  1  faid  moft  truly  ,  that  the  Canons  of  the  Sardican  Council  touching 
Appeals  were  never  received  in  England ,  nor  incorporated  into  our  Englifh  Laws. 
For  proof  hereof,  1  bring  him  an  evident  demonftration  out  of  the  fundamental  Law 
of  England ,  as  it  is  recorded  in  that  famous  memorial  of  Clarendon  i  All  Appeals 
in  England  muji  proceed  regularh  from  the  Archdeacon  to  the  Bijhop  ,  from  the  B/Jhop 
to  the  Archbijhop  ,  and  if  the  Archbijhop  failed  to  doJu{lice  ,  the  hafi  complaint  muji  be 
to  the  King,  to  give  nder for  redre^.  Our  Anceftours  had  not  fo  much  rcfpeft 
for  Pope  Julius  ,  nor  theught  Appeals  to  Rowe  any  honour  to  the  memory  of  Sf 
Teter. 

I  faid  ,  \__  the  Canon  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  was  contradided  after  by  the 
Great  Council  of  Chakedon.'^  He  rejoyneth  that  J  neither  thought  the  words  worth 
citing  ,  nor  the  Canon  where  the  Abrogation  of  the  Sardican  Canon  is  found  worth  men- 
tioning. Pardon  me  ,  I  faid  nothing  of  Abrogation  ,  but  I  did  fay  it  contradidted 
it :  and  for  proof  of  the  truth  of  what  I  faid  ,  take  the  very  words  of  two  Canons 
of  that  Council ,  But  if  a  Clerk^  have  a  caufe  againfl  his  own  Bifhop  ,  or  againfl  another 
Coneil.Cbalc,  Bijhop  ,  let  him  he  Judged  by  the  Synod  of  the  Province  :  but  if  a  Bijhop  or  a  Clerl^have 
far.  a.  Act,  ^  complaint  againfl  the  Metropolitant  of  the  fame  Province  ,  let  him  repair  either  to  the  pri- 
i4.cof'9«  mate  of  ike  Viocefi,  or  the  See  of  the  Koyal  City  0/ Conftantinople ,  and  let  him  he 
judged  there.  We  fee  every  Primate  ,  that  is  to  fay ,  every  Patriarch  in  General  in 
his  own  Diocefs  or  Patriarchate ,  and  the  Patriarch  of  Conjiantinople  in  particular 
out  of  his  own  Diocefs  ,  is  equalled  by  the  Council  of  Chakedon  to  the  Biftiop  of 
Rome.  The  fame  in  effedt  is  decreed  in  the  Seventeenth  Canon ,  that  if  there  fhali 
happen  any  difference  concerning  the  pofleffioiis  of  the  Churches ,  it/hall  be  lawful 
to  them  who  affirm  themfelves  to  be  grieved,  tofue  before  the  Holy  Synod  of  the  Province: 
but  if  any  man  be  grieved  by  his  Metropolitan  ,  let  him  be  judged  by  the  Primate  of  the 
Diocefi,  or  by  the  Holy  See  of  Conftantinople. 

I  have  read  thofe  filly  Evafions ,  which  your  greateft  Schollars  are  forced  to  make 
ufe  of,  for  anfwers  to  thefe  downright  Canons.  Sometimes  by  Primate  of  the 
Diocefs  (  which  fignifieth  all  Patriarchs)  they  underftand  the  Pope.  Do  men  ufe 
fuch  improper  expreflions ,  which  no  man  can  underftand  in  penning  of  Laws.' 
Is  it  not  a  great  condefcenfion  for  the  Vifible  Monarch  of  all  Chriftendom  ,  to 
ftoop  to  fo  mean  a  Title  as  the  Primate  of  one  fingle  Diocefs.  But  alas,  it  will  do 
him  no  good  :  For  if  it  were  taken  in  this  fenfe ,  it  were  the  moft  unjuft  Canon  in 
the  world ,  to  deprive  all  Patriarchs  of  their  Patriarchal  Jurifdidlion  ,  except  the 
Patriarch  of  B-ome  and  Conjiantinople.  The  Council  which  is  fb  careful  to  preferve 
the  Bifhop  his  right ,  and  the  Metropolitan  his  right ,  could  not  be  fo  carelefs  to 
deftroy  Patriarchal  right  i  or  the  Patriarchs  themfelves ,  who  were  prefent  at  the 
making  of  this  Canon  ,  fb  ftupid  to  joyn  in  it. 

At  other  times  they  tell  us  that  this  is  to  be  underftood  onely  of  the  Firft  inftance, 
not  of  Appeals.  This  is  weaker  and  weaker.  What  hath  a  Metropolitan  to  do 
,  with  private  caufes  of  the  Firft  inftance  ,  out  of  his  own  Bifhopiick  ?  What  have 
Patriarchs  of  Rome  and  Conjiantinople  to  do ,  to  judge  caufes  of  the  Firft  Inftance 
in  other  Patriarchates  ?  The  cafe  is  clear  :  if  any  man  be  grieved  by  his  Eifiiop  , 
he  may  appeal  to  his  Metropolitan  and  a  Synod  ;  and  if  any  man  be  grieved  by  his 

Metro- 


D(s COURSE   IV.  Schifm  Gnarded.  -,-- 


Metropolitan  he  may  Appeal  to  his  Patriarch.  And  if  this  abfurd  (enfe  (  which 
they  imagin  )  were  true  ,  yet  the  Bifhop  of  Coni^aminope  might  receive  Appeals, 
from  all  parts  of  the  World  ,  as  well  as  the  Bifhop  of  Kome.  Let  them  wind,  and' 
wreft,  and  turn  things  as  they  can  ,  they  (hall  never  be  able  to  reconcile  the  Papal 
pretenllons,  with  the  Council  of  Chakedon. 

I  have  neither  changed  my  mind  nor  my  note ,  concerning  Eleutherm  his  Letter 
to  King  Luciuf  •,  I  did,!  do  efteem  it  to  be  of  dubious  Faith.  So  much  I  intimated 
£  if  it  be  not  counterfeit.  ]  So  much  he  intimated  [  as  much  as  we  have  records 
in  our  Hiltories.  ]  Is  it  neceffary  with  him  to  inculcate  the  fame  doubt  over  and 
over  ,  fo  often  as  we  may  take  occafion  ?  Thus  far  then  we  are  of  accord  :  but  in 
the  reft  we  differ  wholy.  He  is  politive ,  af  much  as  xve  have  Records ,  the  Tope's  ^'^"  ^"^^ 
Authority  doth  appear  :  1  am  as  politive  ,  as  much  as  we  have  Records,  the  Kinc*'s  ^''^'''^* 
Authority  doth  appear.  For  if  thofe  Pvccords  be  true  ,  Eleutherhts  left  the  Legifla- 
tive  part  to  King  Lttcm  and  his  Bifhops.     This  was  enough  to  anfwer  him. 

Headdeth,  though  our  Faith  relieth  on  immediate  'Tradition  for  its  certain  Rule,  and 
Wt  upon  fragments  of  old  Authors ,  that  is  in  plain  Englifh ,  upon  his  bare  word 
without  any  Authority.     How  (hould  a  man  prove  ancient  Tradition  but    by 
Authors .?  Yet  after  all  this  flourilh  ,  he  produceth  us  not  one  old  Author ,  but 
St.  Frofper ,  a  ftranger  to  our  affairs ,  and  him  to  no  purpofe  :  who  faith  onely 
■what  he  heard  in  Italy  ,  that  Pope  Celeiline  fent  St.  German  in  his  orvn  flead  to  free 
the  Britains /row  Pelagianifm ,  and  converted  the  Scots  by  Palladius.     If  all  this  were 
as  true  as  Gofpel,  it  fignifierh  juft  nothing.     I  have  (hewed  formerly  that  there  is 
no  Adt  of  Jurifdi(ftion  in  it ,  but  onely  of  the  Key  of  Knowledge.     He  rejoyneth  , 
that  he  relied  on  thefe  rvords  \_  vice  fua  3  in  his  own  {lead  ,  vchich  (herceththat  it  belong- 
ed to  his  Office  to  do  it.     Why  (hould  it  not  >  The  Key  of  Order  belongeth  to  a  Bi- 
(Kop  ,  as  well  as  the  Key  of  Jurifdiftion  :  and  more  efpecially  to  the  Bilhop  of  an 
Apoftolical  Church  ,  as  Pope  Cekjline  was ,  and  in  fuch  a  cafe  as  that  was  ( the  Pe- 
lagian controverfie )  to  .teftifie  the  Apoftolical  Tradition  i  he  was  bound  by  his 
Office  to  do  it ,  and  he  trufted  St.   German  to  do  it  in  his  place.     All  this  is  no- 
thing to  the  purpofe  ;  there  is  no  Ad  of  Jurifdidion  in  the  cafe  but  of  charity  and 
Devotion.     Yet  if  it  were  not  altogether  impertinent  to  the  purpo(e  we  have  in 
hand  ,  I  (hould  (hew  him  that  there  is  Ten  times  better  ground  to  believe  that 
it  was  done  by  a  French  Synod ,  than  by  Pope  Celeflin  •,  not  out  of  an  obfcure  Au- 
thor ,  but  out  of  Authentick  undoubted  Hiftories  i  as  Conflantius  in  the  Life  of  St. 
German^  Venerable  Bede ,  Mattherp  iFejiminjier  ^  and  many  others.     Is  it  not  ftrange, 
that  they  being  fo  much  provoked,  are  not  able  to  produce  a  proof    of  one  Papal 
Adl  of  Jurifdidiion  done  in   Britain  for  the  firft  fix  Hundred  years. 

Here  he  catcheth  hold  at  a  faying  of  mine,  which  he  underllandeth  no  more  than 
the  Man  in  the  Moon  ,  that  (all  other  rights  of  Jurifdidion ,  do  follow  the  ri^^ht 
of  Ordination  )  which  he  taketh  as  though  I  meant  to  make  Ordination  it  felf  to 
be  an  Ad  of  Jurifdidion ,  though  I  deny  it,  and  diltinguifh  it  from  it.  To  make 
the  Reader  to  underftand  it :  we  mult  diftinguilh  between  adual  Ordination , 
and  aright  to  ordain.  Adual  Ordination  ,  where  there  was  no  precedent  Obliga- 
tion for  that  perfon  to  be  ordained ,  by  that  Biftiop ,  doth  imply  no  Jurifdidion  at 
all  •,  but  if  there  was  a  precedent  right  in  the  ordainer  to  ordain  that  man ,  and 
a  precedent  Obligation  in  the  perfon  ordained  to  be  ordained  by  that  Bi(hop , 
then  it  doth  imply  ,  all  manner  of  Jurifdidion  ,  fuitable  to  the  quality  of  the  or- 
^dainer  ;  as  if  he  were  a  Patriarch  ,  all  Patriarchal  Jurifdidion ,  if  he  were  a  Me- 
tropolitan ,  all  Metropolitical  Jurifdidion ,  if  he  were  a  Biihop ,  all  Epifcopal 
Jurifdidion.  And  the  inference  holdeth  likewile  on  the  contrary  fide,  that  where 
there  is  no  right  precedent  to  ordain  ,  nor  Obligation  to  be  ordained ,  there  is  no 
Jurifdidion  followeth  :  but  I  (hewed  out  of  our  own  Hiftories,  and  out  of  the 
Roman  Regifters ,  fo  far  as  they  are  fct  down  by  Platina ,  that  the  Bifliop  ot^  Rome 
Iiad  no  right  to  ordain  our  Britijh  Primaties ,  but  that  they  were  ordained  at«^lome  i 
and  therefore  the  BKhopof  Rome,  could  have  no  Jurifdidion  over  them. 

I  faid  ro  more  o(  Phocas  but  this ,  that  [  the  Pope's  pretcnfes  were  more  from  Paii,  Sect,t% 
PlKcas  than  St.  Peter.  1  He  referreth  me  to  his  anfwer  to  Dr.  Hammond.    And  I 
refer  him  to  Dr.  Hammond  for  a  reply,  as  impertinent  to  my  prcfent  bufinefs. 

When 


Xl6 


a 


Sch'i^m  Guarded. TOME  U 

— -   ,. ,  r,a   -innlv  iTiv  thoufthts  to  a  fad  meditation  upon  this  Subjedl: ,  I 

When  I  did  f^^'^  ;PP£/^hich  gave  me  the  moO  trouble ,  was  to  fatishe  my  felf 
confers  '"f  ""°"''^^^^^  but  in  concluiion,  that  which  had  beena  caufe 

fully  ^bout  me  1    f  ^^^  ^  ^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  fatisfaftion.     For  feeing  it  is  generally 

TfT'd  that'the  Bifhop  of  Pome  was  a  Patriarch  ,  I  concluded  that  he  could 
'^°V  he"a  Spiritual  Monarch.     The  reafons  of  my  refolution  I  have  fet  down  ,  and 

„:„.^  S  flnfwer  ;  vet  it  (hall  not  {eem  irkfom  to  me  to  repeat  them  ,  as  defiring 


narchy  or'Supremacy  of  power  over  the  whole  Church  ,  and  his  Patriarchal  dig- 
nity in  the  fame  Church ,  are  a  Sovereign  and  Subordinate  Government  of  the  fame 
perfon  in  the  fame  body  Ecclefiaftick.  The  reafon  of  the  Major  is  becaufe  Sovereign 
power  is  fingle  of  one  perfon  or  Society  :  but  this  Subordinate  power  is  conjoyrit 
of  fellow  Patriarch?.  Sovereign  power  is  Univerfal ,  but  this  Subordinate  power 
is  particular.  And  therefore  as  a  Quadrangle  cannot  be  a  Triangle  ,  nor  a  King 
a  Sherif  of  a  Shire  or  a  Prefident  of  a  Province  within  his  own  Kingdome  :  fo  nei- 
ther can  the  fame  perfon  be  an  Vniverfall  Monarch  and  a  particular  Patriarch. 

Secondly,  the  Spiritual  Sov(?reignty  of  the  Komatt  Bifhop  ,  is  pretended  to  be 
by  Divine  right,  his  Patriarchal  power  is  confefledly  by  human  right :  but  a  Spiri- 
tual Sovereignty  by  Divine  right,  and  an  inferiour  dignity  by  human  right  are  in- 
confiftent.  As  it  is  abfurd  to  Ciy  ,  that  God  {hould  make  a  man  a  Prince,  and  after 
the  peopl'e  make  him  a  Peer  :  or  God  (hould  give  him  a  greater  Dignity,  and  after- 
wards the  people  confer  a  lefs  upon  him. 

Thirdly ,  a  Sovereignty  above  the  Canons ,  befides  the  Canons ,  againft  the 
Canons  to  make  them  ,  to  abrogate  them  ,  to  fufpcnd  them  with  a  Non  obftante  ^ 
to  difpenfe  with  them  at  pleafure  ,  where  the  Canons  gives  no  difpenfative  power, 
and  a  Subjedtion  to  the  Canons ,  to  be  able  to  do  nothing  againft  them'  are  incon- 
fiftent :  but  fuch  a  Sovereign  power  is  above  the  Canons ,  and  fuch  a  Patriarchal 
power  is  fubjedt  to  the  Canons ,  therefore  they  are  inconfiftent. 

All  theanfwer  he  offereth  to  thefe  two  inftances  v  the  one  that  Bifhop  ll(hcr  rvas 
at  once  Bifhop   of  Ardmagh  ,  and  as  firch  the  Bijhop  of  Derries  fuperiour.     I  anfwer  , 
}irft  he  mif^aketh  much  ,  the  Primacy  oi Ireland  znA  the  Archbifhoprick  o^ Ardmagh 
are  not  two  diftinft  dignities  ,  but  one  and  the  felf  fame  dignity:  but  the  Monar- 
chical power  of  the  Pope  by  Divine  right ,  and  his  Patriarchal  power  by  human 
right,  are  two  diftinft  dignities.     Secondly  ,  the  Primate  of  Ireland  is  not  indow- 
ed  wi'th  Monarchical  power;  but  all  the  difficulty  here  lyeth  in  the  conjunction  of 
Monarchical  power  and  Subordinate  power.     His  other  inftance ,  mttji  a  perfon 
leave  off  to  he  Majier  of  hU  on>n  family  ,  becattfe  he  is  made  King  ,  and  his  Authority 
extendeth  over  all  England.     I  anfwer  ,  Firli,  his  zxgumtnt'vi  a  tranftion  into  ano- 
iher  Iqnd ,  or  an  excurfion  from  one  kind  of  power  to  another  ■■,  from  Political 
power  in  the  Commonwealth  to  an  Oeconomical  power  in  the  Family.     Secondly , 
it  is  one  thing  to  make  an  inferiour  perfon  a  King,  and  another  thing  to  make  a 
King  a  Con(table ,  or  to  make  Sovereignty  and  Subordination  coniift  together. 
When  a  King  doth  difcharge  the  place  of  a  General  of  an  Army ,  he  acquireth  no 
new  dignity  ,  or  power  ,  or  place ,  no  man  calleth  him  my  Lord  General  i  but  he 
doth  it  as  a  King,  by  his  Kingly  power  ,  to  which  no  higher  or  larger  power  can 
be  added  :  but  the  Bifhop  of  Kow?  did  not ,  doth  not  cxercife  Patriarchal  power  , 
by  virtue  of  his  Monarchy  by  Divine  Ordination  ,  but  by  human  right  i  Firft,  by 
cuftom  or  prefcription  i  and  then  by  the  Authority  of  the  Council  of  Nice.     All  the 
world  feeth  and  acknowledgeth  that  the  Eifliop  of  B.ome  hath  more  power  in  his 
Bifhoprick  than  he  hath  out  of  it  in  the  reft  of  his  Province  s  and  more  power  in 
his  Province  ,  than  he  hath  out  of  it  in  his  Patriarchate  ,  and  more  power  in  his 
own  Patriarchate,  than  he  hath  in  anothers  Patriarchate  :  but  if  he  had  a  Sovereign- 
ty of  Power  and  Jurifdidlion  by  Chrifts  own  Ordination,  he  fhould  have  the  fame 
power  every  where,  if  he  had  a  Sovereignty  of  power  and  Jurifdi<Sion  by  Chrifts 
own  Ordination,  then  all  Patriarchal  power  (hould  flow  from  him,  as  from  the 
Original  Fountain  of  all  Ecclefiaftical  honour.  But  the  contrary  is  moft  apparent, 

that 


Discourse   I V,  Schifm  Guarded.  077 


that  all  the  Patriarchs ,  even  the  Roman  himfelf,  did  owe  their  Patriarchal  power 

to  the  cuftoms  of  the  Church ,  and  Canons  of  the  Fathers.     Thefe  are  the  reafons 

why  I  conceive  Monarchical  power  and  Patriarchal  power  ,  to  be  inconiiftent  in  , 

one  and  the  fame  perfon ;  but  the  Pope  was  confelTedly  a  Patriarch  ,  therefore 

no  Monarch. 

The  next  thing  which  cometh  to  be  obferved  ,  is  his  exceptions  to  Diomthm  the 
learned  Abbat  of  Bangor  his  anfvver  to  Aujiin  ,  profelHng  Canonical  Obedience  to 
the  Archbiihop  of  Caerleon  in  his  own  name  ,  and  the  name  of  the  Britilh  Church  , 
and  difclaiming  all  obedience  ,  except  of  Brotherly  love  ,  to  the  Biftiop  of  Rome. 
His  Firft  exception  was  the  naming  of  the  Bilhop  of  Rome  [_  Pope  ]  without  any 
addition  of  name  or  place ,  contrary  to  the  ufe  of  thofe  times.  For  anfwer  I 
committed  him  and  his  friend  BeUarmm  together ,  JVlyen  the  word  Pope  is  put  alone  ,  ^gn  n  j^  ^>. 
the  Bijhop  of  Rome  is  onely  to  be  underwood  ,  as  appeareth  out  of  the  Council  of  Chalcc-  Rom.  Pont, 
don  []  the  mofi  bkjfed  and  Apoftolical  man  the  Fope  ,  doth  command  us  th'vi , ']  rvithout  f**?*  3^' 
adding  Leo  or  Rome  or  the  City  o/Rome  or  any  other  thing.  Hefleighteth  Bellarmin  and 
rebuketh  me  for  folly ,  to  think  that  Catholick  writers  cannot  difagre'e ,  and  an- 
fwereth  the  Council  that  though  the  word  \_  ?ope~\  be  alone  without  addition ,  yet  which 
is  equivalent^  the  comitant  circumftances  fufficiently  indigitate  perfon.  For  the  words  were 
fpoken  by  Boniface  the  Pope's  Vicegerent.  As  if  there  were  not  the  fame  indigitating 
circumftances  here  as  well  as  there ,  the  words  being  fpoken  by  Aujiin  the  Pope's 
Legate  and  Vicar  as  well  as  Boniface  ,  in  the  name  of  Pope  Gregory  to  the  Britains  , 
■which  were  anfwered  here  by  Vinoth. 

His  Second  exception  to  Vinoths  Teftimony  is ,  that  there  was  no  fuch  Bifhop- 
rick  as  Caerleon  in  thofe  days ,  the  See  being  removed  from  Caerleon  to  Menevia  or 
St.  Davids  ,  Fifty  years  before  this.  That  it  was  removed  before,this  I  acknowledge, 
but  how  long  before ,  this  is  uncertain.  Some  Authors  make  St,  Gregory  and  St. 
David ,  to  have  died  on  one  day  fome  years  after  this  meeting.  And  it  is  an  ufual 
thing  for  Bifhopricks  to  have  two  names ,  as  the  Bifhoprick  of  OJJory  and  Kilkenny 
is  the  fame  Bilhoprick  :  The  Bifhoprick  of  Kerry  and  Ardfert  is  the  fame  Bifhoprick 
the  See  oiDerry  was  long  removed  from  Ajiragh  to  Df  rr)',before  it  was  commonly  cal- 
led the  Bifhoprick  oiDerry  ■■,  and  fb  wzs.  Lindesfern  to  Durrham.  I  produced  Two 
witneffes  for  this  very  place  of  Caerleon  ,  that  it  ftill  retained  the  old  name.  The 
one  the  Britijh  Hiftory  •,  then  died  David  the  moft  holy  Archbijhop  of  Caerleon  in  tbe 
City  of  Menevia.  And  yet  it  is  thought  ,  that  the  Firlt  removal  of  the  See  was 
made  by  Dubrititu  to  Landaff,  and  after  from  Landaff  to  Menevia  by  St.  David  ^  at 
-whofe  death  it  was  (tiled  the  Archbifhoprick  of  Caerleon.  The  other  witnefs  was 
Geraldus  Cambrenfu ,  we  had  at  Menevia  Five  and  "twenty  Archhifhops  of  Caerleon 
fuccefively,  whereof  St.  David  wof  the  Firjl:  He  takes  no  notice  of  the  Firlt  Tefti- 
mony, andpuifs  at  the  Second  and  lleights  it :  but  anfwereth  nothing  material, 
but  that  which  will  cut  the  throat  of  his  caufe ,  had  Caerleons  Archbijhops  (  faith  p.  $04, 
he  3  onely  for  fome  conveniency  ,  refided  at  Menevia  ,  and  the  right  of  Jurifdi&ion  JiiU 
belonged  to  Caerleon ,  it  might  more  eafily  be  conceived  faiftbk.  Take  notice  then 
that  the  Bifhops  of  Caerleon  did  remove  from  a  populous  City  in  thofe  days  ,  (  as 
Caerlegion  or  the  City  of  the  Roman  Legion  was )  to  Menevia  ,  onely  for  the  con- 
veniency of  a  Iblitary  life  ,  and  contemplative  Devotion*  and  it  is  more  than  pro- 
bable ,  that  the  aftive  part  of  his  Jurifdidtion  was  (till  executed  at  Caerleon.  The 
See  is  changed  fo  foon  as  the  Church  is  builded  :  but  the  City  will  require  longer 
time  ,  to  be  fitted  for  Inhabitants  and  furnifhed.  All  that  he  oppofeth  to  this , 
is  that  was  ordinarily  called  the  Bijhoprick^of  Menevia.  Who  doubteth  of  it  >  but  that 
doth  not  prove  that  it  was  not  al(b  called  Caerleon.  It  was  Firlt  the  Bilhoprick  of 
Caerleon  zlone  J  then  the  Bi(hoprick  oi' Caerleon  ot  Menevia  indifferently  ,  afterward 
the  Ei(hoprick  of  Menevia  or  St.  Davids  indifferently  ,  and  now  the  BKhoprick  of 
St.  Davids  onely.  He  carpeth  at  the  name  of  Caerleon  upon  Vske.  Why  fo  ?  why 
not  as  well  Caerleon  upon  Vskf  ,  as  Kingjion  upon  Hull ,  or  Newark^  upon  "Trent  , 
or  Newcajile  upon  7ine  >  Where  there  are  feveral  Cities  of  one  name ,  as  there  were 
Caerlegions  or  Cities  of  Roman  Legions  in  Britain  ,  it  is  ever  uHial  to  give  them  fuch 
a  mark  of  diflincftion. 

But  why  doth  he  wrangle  about  names ,  and  perfecute  an  innocent  paper  after 

this 


37 


-y  Schifm  GHardccl.  TO  ME  1» 

this  manner  ?  The  thing  is  lure  enough  ,  that  there  was  one  Vimth  a  learned   Atx- 


batofBjw^'^  at  that  time,  who  did  oppofe  At4in  ^  and  l>and  for  the  Jurifdidion 
of  Iiis  own  Archbilhop  of  Caerkon  or  Menevja  ,  chufe  you   whether.     Thus  much 
he  himfelf  acknowkdgeth  in  this  very  Paragraph  ,  citing  out  of  Pif/f/w  ,  a  book 
of  this  very  Vhiophs,  the  Title  whereof  was  Vefenforimi  JurifMiionis  Sedis  Mcne- 
hiAA-       vcdCis  ■■>  an  apology  fir  the    Jurifdirtion  of  the  See  of  Mencvh.     And  againrt  wliom 
(hould  this  apology  be  ,  but  againfl:  Jujlin  and  the  Korruns  ?  no  men  elfe  did  op- 
pofe the  Jurifdiftiou  of  the  Bifhop  of  Menevia.     With  this  agrceth  that  oi Venerable 
Bede  ,  that  Auftin  by  the  help  if  King  Ethelbert ,  called  to  a  conference  (  or  Council  ) 
^'a'l^^^^  X  the  Bijhops  andVoBors  (fthe  greatejl  andneareji  Province  of  the  Britains  ;  and  began  to 
■*'  *    '  perftvade  them  n^ith  Brotherly  admonitions^  to  hold  Catholick^Peace  rvith  him  ^  to  under- 
take the  common  ivor}{^  of  Preaching  to  the  Pagans ,  fur  they   obferved  not  Eaiier  tn  due 
time,  and  did  many  other  things  contrary  to  the  Vnity  of  the  Church.     The  end  of  his 
firft  AiTcmbly  was  ,  they  rvouldgive  no  ajjent ,  neither  to  the  Prayers  nor  exhortations  ^ 
nor  reprelyenfions  of  Auitin  and  his  fellows  ,  hut  preferred  their  own  Traditions  before  all 
ethers  throughout  tbe  Church.     And  among  all  their  Traditions ,  there  was  none 
which  they  neld  more  tenacioufly  ,  then  this  inferted  in  this  Manufcript,  that  is 
the  Independent  Jurifdidtion  of  the  Brttijh  Primate,  which  they  never  deferted  till 
after  the  Norman  Conqueft.     To  maintain  the  Independence  of  their  own  Primate, 
is  as  much  as  to  difclaim  obedience  to  the  Pope. 

But  this  is  clearer  in  their  refolution  after  the  Second  Synod  ,  whereat  were/ew« 
Brit ijh  Bipops  and  very  many  learned  men ,  ejpeciaVy  of  the  moj}  noble  Monafiery  of  Bzn- 
gor ,  whereof  that  time  Vinoth  was  Abbat  i  who  gave  this  final  anfwer  to  Aujiins 
Three  demands ,  mentioned  here  by  Mr.  5frjwMt,  At  iU  nihil  horum  fe  facturos,  ne- 
qite  ilium  pro  Archiepifcopo  habituros  effe  rejpondebant :  They  anfwered  they  would  do 
none  of  them ,  nor  hold  him  for  an  Archbijhop,  Here  we  fee  Vinoth  was  Abbat  at  that 
time »  Vinoth  was  prefent  at  that  Council ,  and  all  the  Britains  did  not  onely  rejedl 
thoft  Three  propofitions  (  which  he  acknowkdgeth;  )  but  did  moreover  in  re- 
nouncing Auftin,  difclaim  St.Cregories  authority  over  them,  whofe  Legate  he  was. 
what  is  this  lefs  than  Vinoths  Manu(cript .? 

The  Author  of  the  old  Britip  Hiftory  called  Brutus  ,  relatcth  this  anfwer  of  the 
Britains  thus  i  Se  Czcrleoncnii  Archiepijcopo  cbedire  voluijfe ,  Augjtjiino  autem  Roma- 
no Legato  omnino  noluijie  :  That  they  would  obey  the  Archbijhop  of  Caerleon ,  but 
they  would  not  obey  Auftin  the  Roman  Legate.  Here  he  hath  exprcfs  Teftimony  of 
their  adhering  to  their  Britip  Primate  ,  and  their  renouncing  Papal  authority ,  and  • 
Laftly  of  the  very  name  of  the  Archhipop  of  Caerleon  at  that  day.  To  the  {ame 
purpofe  Graim  in  Scala  Cronica  ,  and  Grocelinus  in  his  greater  Hiftory  are  cited  by 
Cairn  de  Antiquit :  Acad.  Cantab. 

With  them  agreeth  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth ,  who  faith  there  were  at  leafl  One  and 
^fl^fi'v  li     '^"'^^*y  Hundred  Monks  in  the  Monafiery  of  Bangor  ,  who  did  all  live  ly  the  labour  of 
9,cti,4.'    '    if^^'>' o^'f^  hi"!^^  ,  and  there  Abbat  was  called  D'moth  ,  marveloujly  learned  in  the  libe- 
ral Arts  ,   who  pewed  to  Auftin   (  requiring  fubjeCiion  from  the  Britiih  Bipopt ,  md 
perfwading  them  to  undertake  with  him  the  common  labour  of  Preaching  )  hy  diverje  rea- 
fons  ,  that  they  did  owe  him  no  fubjedion  ,  nor  to  Preach  to  their  enemies.     Seeing^  they 
had  an  Archpre  late  of  their  own,  &c.     And  a  little  after  ,  Ethelbert  KiKg  o/tJ!;/Ken- 
tifhmen  ,  when  he  fee  the  Britains  did  dijdain  to  fubjelt  themfelves  to  Auftin  ,  Mtd  to 
difpife  his  Preaching  ,  ftirred  up  the  Saxon  Kings  to  colled  a  great  Army  againji  Bangot, 
to  dejiroy  Dinoth  the  Abbat,   and  the  other  Clerks  of  that  Monaftery  ,  who  bad  dtjpifed 
Auftin.     This  is  the  very  fame  in  effeA  with  Vinoth's  Welfli  Manufcript :  and  thete- 
fore  it  was  no  Welfn  Ballad ,  Firji  made  in  Edward  the  Sixths  time  ,  by  fame  Engli(h 
Schoolmafter,  to  teach  Welftiboys  Englifli  ,'as  Mr.  Serjeant  vapoureth. 
It'     C«mb  li       ^  '^^  h'"^  agreeth  Giraldus  Cambrenfs  ,  But  yet  always  until  Wales  wa  fully  Jui- 
».'f!i.       '  '  ^"^^-  ^^'<^f^  ^"^  ^""^  h  Henry  the  Firji  King  of  the  Englifli ,  the  Bipops  of  Wales 
tfere  confecrated  by  the  Archbipop  0/ Menevia.     And  he  (  the  Archbifhop  oiMentvia  ) 
in  liks  manner  was  confecrated  by  others ,  as  being  hU  Suffragans ,  without  making  any 
profeffion  of  SubjtCiion  at  all  to  another  Church.     They  all  agree  in  this  ,  the  Britains 
were  «i/Ttx<»a>.(( and  ivntiu^i,  allways  ordained  at  home,  indcpendant  upon  any  tor- 
jreign  Prelate ,  ought  no  fubjedtion  to  Rome.     And  therefore  it  is  no  great  wonder, 

if 


Discourse  I  V.  Scbifm  Guarded. 

. -5/y 

it  Pope  Gregory  did  not  know   when  he  was  the  favourite  both  of  the  P^^TIi^dBTTrT^ln 
people  ,  noc  long  betore  his  own  promotion  to  the  Papacy,  whether  the  lllanders «"'.  »•  f-u 
of  Britain  were  Pagans  or  Chnuians. 

To  the  fame  purpofe  fpeakcth  Nuholas  trevet ,  who  having  commended  this  2?i- 
Hoth  tor  a  learned  and  a  prudent  man,  he  addeth  that  Auilin  meeting  him  did  demand 
that  theyjhould  perform  fubjedton  to  him ,  as  a  Legate  fern  into  this  Land  by  the  Fope  and 
Conn  of  Rome  v  and  demanded  further  that  he  would  help  him  in  Treachincr  -  but  he 
denied  the  one  and  f  other  Still  Subjedion  is  denied.  With  thefe,  Bakm  wntms: 
ofP/««/,andthelifeot  Aujhn  m  Sir  Henry  Sfellman,  and  all  our  Antiquaries  d? 
agree  exadly.  And  none  of  our  Hiftoriographers  that  I  know  ,  do  difaeree  from 
it  in  the  lealt  who  write  upon  that  fubjed  ,  though  fome  fet  it  down  more  fulh^ 
than  others.  Judge  now  Reader  of  Mr.  Serjeants  knowledge  or  ingenuitv  who 
tcllcth  thee  fo  conhdently  that  the  right  ofSubjedion  never  came  into  play  :  and  when 
I  faid  the  Britijh  Clergy  did  renounce  all  obedience  to  the  Bifiiop  o{Rome  citinT 
[  Bede  and  all  others,]  telling  me  fo  confidently  that  I  belied  Eede  and  all  our 
Bijioriographers  at  once.  I  challenge  him  to  name  but  one  Hiftorioerapher  whn 
affirmeth  the  contrary  ,  to  that  which  all  thefe  do  affirm:  if  he  be  not  able Ta^ 
he  is  not  )  I  might  fafely  fay  without  asking  him  leave,  that  it  liriketh  the 
^eftion  dead.  ■'     ^ 

His  Third  exception ,  that  it  appearetb  not  that  Sir  Henry  Spellman  found  any  o- 
ther  Antiquity  w  that  Weini  Manujcnpt  vforth  mentioning  ,  is  fo  dull  and  unfieni 
ficant  a  piece  ,  that  I  will  neither  trouble  my  felf  nor  the  Reader  with  it  And 
fuch  like  are  his  other  Objedions  ,  which  he  prefTeth  not ,  but  toucheth  eentlv  • 
the  Heads  ot  them  will  not  merit  a  repetition  ,  having  been  anfwered  already  bv 
Dr.  Hammond.  ■'     ' 

But  when  he  is  baffled  in  the  caufe  ,  he  hath  a  referve ,  that  Venerable  Bede  and 
Cildas ,  and  Fox  in  his  Ads  and  Monuments ,  do  brand  the  Britains  for  wicked 
men  ,  ma\:ing  them  as  good  as  Atheifis  :  Of  which  Gang  if  this  Dinoth  rpere  one  he 
will  neither  mfl-J  the  Fope  juch  friends ,  mr  envy  them  to  the  Frotejiants.  What  needed 
this,  when  he  hath  got  the  worft  of  the  caufe  ,  to  revenge  himfelf  like  a  Pi«fce 
with  a  ftink  ?  we  read  no  other  Charader  ofVinoth  ,  but  as  of  a  pious  learned  and 
prudent  man.  KCildas  ,  or  Bede ,  have  fpoken  any  thing  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
Britains  ,  it  was  not  intended  againft  the  whole  Nation,  but  againft  particular  per- 
fons ,  there  were  St.  Davids ,  St.  Vubricius's ,  St.  Ihelaus's  ,  St.  Oudoceus's  and 
Vinoths  as  well  as  fuch  perfons  as  are  intended  by  Gildas  or  Beda.  What  have  thev 
faid  more  of  the  Britains  ,  than  God  himfelf  and  his  Prophets  have  fpoken  of  his 
own  People,  or  more  than  the  Saxons  have  faid  one  of  another ,  or  more  than 
maybe  retorted  upon  any  Nation  in  Europe  ?  Hive  Gildas  or  Beda  (aid  more  of 
the  Britains ,  than  St.  Bernard  and  others  have  faid  of  the  Irilh  ?  and  yet  Ireland 
was  defervedly  called  the  llland  of  Saints.  The  Queftion  is  whether  the  Britilh 
Church,  did  ever  acknowledge  any  Subjedion  to  the  Bifhop  of  Ro/we.  Let  him 
adorn  this  Sparta  ,  and  leave  other  impcrtinencies. 


SECT.      V. 

"that  the  King  and  Church  of  England   hadfufficient  authority  ,  to  veithdraip  their  obe- 
dience ^om  Rome. 

THe  Sixth  Chapter  of  my  Vindication  comprehended  my  Fourth  ground  con- 
fining of  thefe  Three  particulars.  That  the  King  and  Church  oi  England 
had  fufficient  authority  to  reform  the  Church  of  England  •■,  that  they  hid' 
fufficient  grounds  for  doing  it ,  and  that  they  did  it  with  due  moderation.  His 
Rejoynder  to  this  my  Fourth  ground  is  divided  into  Three  Sedions ,  whereof  this 
istheFirlh  Whatfoever  he  prateth  in  this  Sedion  of  my>«jj?/«g  away  the  whole 
^m-jiion  ,  by  balking  the  Bifiiop  o^Kome'i  divine  right  to  his  Sovereignty  of  power 
to  treat  of  his  Patriarchal  right ,  which  is  humane  •,  is  firll:  vain,  for°I  always  was 
and  fiill  am  ready  to  joyn  liTue  with  him  concerning  the  Bifiiop  of  Komes  Divine 

R  r  right 


^Q  Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I- 

"  richt  to  a  Monarchichal  power  in  the  Church  •,  faving  always  to  my  lelf  and  my 

caufe  this  advantage  ,  that  a  Monarchy  and  a  Patriarchate  of  the  fame  perfon  in 
the  fame  Body  Ecclefiaftical  are  inconlilknt.     And  this  right  being  faved  ,  I  fliall 
more  willingly  joyn  iffue  with  him  about  the  Pope's  Monarchy  ,  than  about  his 
Patriarchate.     Secondly ,  as  it  is  vain ,  fo  it  is  altogether  impertinent ,  for  my 
ground  is  this  ,  that  a  Sovereign  Prince  hath  power  within  his  own  Dominions 
tor  the  publick  good,  to  change  any  thing  in  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church, 
which  is  not  of  Divine  inftitution  :   but  the  Pojxs  pretended  Patronage  of  the  En- 
e//>  Church,  and  his  Legiflative  Judiciary  and  difpenfative  power,  in  theexteri- 
our  Courts  of  the  fame  Church  ,  do  concern  the  external  Regiment  of  the  Church, 
and  are  not  of  Divine  Inftitution.     Here  the  hinge  of  our  controverfie  doth  move, 
without  encombring  our  felves  at  all  with  Patriarchal  Authoriry.     Thirdly  I  fay  , 
that  this  difcourfe  is  not  onely  vain  and  extravagant ,  but  is  likewite  falfe  i  The 
Pope's  Patriarchal  power  ,  and  the  Authority  of  a  Bifliop  of  an  Apoflolical  Church, 
as  the  keeper  of  Apoflolical  Traditions  depofited  in  that  Church  ,  are  the  faireft 
flowers   in  his  Garland.     Whatfoever  power  he  prctendeth  to ,  over  the  whole 
Church  of  Chrift ,  above  a  Primacy  of  Order ,  is  altogether  of  human  right-,  and 
the  application  of  that  primacy  to  the  Bifhop  of  Kowe  ,  is  altogether  of  humane 
right.     And  whatfoever  he  prefumeth  of  the  Univerfal  Tradition  of  the  Chrillian 
Church ,  or  the  Notion  rehich  the  former  and  prefent  world ,  and  we  our  felves  before 
the  reformation  had  of  the  Papacy ,  that  is ,  of  the  Divine  right  of  the  Pope's  Sove- 
reignty ,  is  but  a  bold ,  a  ratling  ,  groundlefs  brag.     I  did  and  do  affirm,  that  the 
Pope  hath  quitted  his  Patriarchal  power  above  a  Thouland  years  fincej  not  expli- 
citly, by  making  a  formal  refignation  of  it ,  but  implicitly ,  by  affuming  to  himfelf 
a  power  which  is  inconfiftent  with  it. 

I  was  contented  to  forbear  further  difputing  about  Patriarchal  rights,  upon  Two 
conditions  \  One  that  he  fhould  not  prefume,  that  the  Pope  is  a  Spiritual  Monarch, 
without  proving  it.  The  other  that  he  ^ould  not  attempt  to  make  Patriarchal 
priviledges  ,  to  be  Royal  Prerogatives.  This  by  one  of  his  peculiar  Idiotifins ,  he 
calleth  bribit'g  of  me.  If  he  had  had  Co  much  civility  in  him,  he  might  rather  Jiave 
interpreted  it  a  gentle  forewarning  of  him  of  Two  errcurs ,  which  I  was  fure  he 
would  coiTimit.  After  all  his  bravadoes ,  all  that  he  hath  pretended  to  prove  ,  is 
but  a  Headfljip.,  a  Firft  Moverjhip ,  a  Chief  Governjhip ,  about  which  we  have  no 
difference  with  them  :  and  all  the  proof  he  bringeth  even  of  that ,  is  a  bold  pre- 
fumption  ,  that  tJiere  is  fuch  an  immediate  Tradition.  There  is  not  fo  much  as  a 
National  Tradition ,  for  thofe  brances  of  Papal  power  which  we  have  rejedted  , 
and  much  lefs  for  the  Divine  right  of  them.  And  if  tlijcre  were  fuch  a  particular 
Tradition  ,  yet  wanting  both  perpetuity  and  Univerfality ,  we  deny  that  it  is  a  fuf- 
ficient  proof  of  any  right.  This  and  the  priviledge  to  receive  appeals ,  which  is  a 
Protopatriarchal  priviledge ,  is  all  he  produceth. 

If  he  would  know  what  a  Spiritual  Monarch  is  ,  let  him  confult  with  Sanders 
de  Vifihili  Mofiarchia,  and  Bellarmine  in  his  Firfl  Book  de  Pontifice  Romano.  But 
he  is  quite  out  of  his  aim,  who  knoweth  no  mean  between  zflat  Tyrant  and  an 
ordinary  Chief  Govermur.  Upon  thefe  Terms ,  a  Prefidcnt  of  a  Council ,  a  Maflcr 
of  a  Colledge  ,  a  Major  of  a  Corporation  ,  fliould  be  fb  many  Monarchs.  I  have 
fhewed  him  what  are  thofe  Branches  of  Sovereign  Monarchical  power  which  the 
Popes  have  ufurped  ,  and  when  each  Ufurpation  did  begin  ,  (  the  firft  of  them  a- 
bout  HOC.  years  after  Chrift,)  with  rhe  oppofition  that  was  made  unto  them  by 
tk\t  King  and  Kingdom  of  Ijigland.  If  he  will  fpcak  to  the  purpofc ,  let  him  fpeak 
to  thefein  particular,  and  trouble  us  no  more  with  his  chief  Governourfhips, or  hold 
his  peace  for  ever.  All  the  controverfie  between  them  and  us  is  in  point  of  intereft, 
and  the  External  Regiment  of  the  Church,  which  is  due  to  every  Chriftian  So- 
vereign in  his  own  Kingdom.  It  is  not  we  ,  but  they  who  have  changed  their 
Governour. 

He  would  fain  perfwade  us  if  he  could,that  no  Catholick^wiJl  believe  that  a  Patriarch 
is  dependent  on  a  King  in  Ecclefiafiical  affairs :  yet  he  himfelf  hath  confefTed  formerly , 
that  they  hold  that  every  good  King  is  to  take  Order  to  fee  Ecclefajiical  Crievauces  reme- 
died ,  and  the  Canons  of  the  Church  obferved.     Then  Patriarchs  are  not  altogether  in- 
dependent 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Guarded. 


:?8 


dependent  upon  Kings  in  Ecclefialtical  affairs  ,  if  a  King  be  bound  to  fee  that  ,~ 
Patriarch  execute  the  Canons,  and  fee  Patriarchal  grievances  remedied.     Sovereign 
Princes  have  founded  Patriarchates ,  and  confirmed  Patriarchates ,  and  conferred 
Patriarchates  ,  and  taken  away  Patriarchates  ,  ftill  here  is  fome  dependance.    Gre- 
gory the  great  was  a  Patriarch  and  a  Pope  :  yet  he  acknowledged  ,  that  he*  ought 
due  fubjedtion  to  the  Law  of  Mauritius  in  an  Ecclefiaftical  affair  ■■,  I  being  fubha  to 
your  command  have  tranfmitted  your  LatP  to  be  publijhed  ^  through  divers  Pans  of  the  ^^'^' ^^'^'^' 
tporld :  and  because  the  Latp  it  Jelf  is  not  f  leafing  to  Almighty  God\  I  have  extrefjed  my  ^^'  ^'' 
opinion  thereof  to  my  Lords.     Wherefore  I  have  performed  my  duty  on  both  fides ,  in  yield- 
ing obedience  to  the  Emperour  ,  and  not  concealing  vehatj  thought  for  God.  "  But  Mr.  Ser- 
jeants reafon  is  filly  beyond  all  degrees  of  comparifon ,   otherrvife  St.  Peter  'could 
not  preach  at  Rome  ,  if  Nero  were  a  King  ,  nor  St.  James  at  Hierufalem  rvithout  m- 
iqnging  Herod.     See  what  a  doughty  argument  he  hath  brought.     Apofiles    or 
Patriarchs ,  or  Biflnops ,  or  Priefts  ,  may  perform  the  Ordinance  of  Chrift ,  not- 
withftanding  the  prohibition  of  Pagan  Emperours  and  Kings :  therefore  they  are 
independent  upon  them  ,  and  owe  no  fiibjeciVion  or  obedience  to  any  Kincs  Chri- 
flian  or  Pagan.     Yes  Sir ,  although  they  owe  them  onely  palTive  obedience^in  that 
yet  they  owe  them  adive  obedience  to  their  other  lawful  commands    even  in  Ec- 
clefiaftical affairs. 

But  now  he  faith  ,  he  mil  give  me  fair  Law.     Tut  the  cafe  Papal  Government  had 
not  been  of  Divine  ,  but  onely  of  humane  injiitution ,  yet  it  ought  not  to  have  been  rek' 
ded  ^  unlefs  the  abujes  had  been  irremediable.     I  allow  him  to  give  Law ^  znd  fhuffe 
and  cut ,  and  u(e  what  exprellions  he  pleafeth  ,  yet  I  ufed  but  an  innocent  allulion 
to  the  foaling  of  a  bowl ,  and  it  is  thrice  caft  in  my  teeth.     But  for  his  fair  Law 
1  thank  him ,  I  will  take  no  Law  from  him  ,  but  what  I  can  win  my  felf.     He 
would  be  glad  with  all  his  heart,  to  have  but  a  good  pretenfe  of  human  inftitution, 
for  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power,  which  are  really  controverted  between  us; 
but  I  deny  him  all  manner  of  inftitution  ,  both  Divine  and  Human,  and  have 
(hewed  that  they  are  but  upflart  Ufurpations  of  the  Popes  themfclves  ,  after  iioo. 
years ,  and  wanting  lawful  prefcription ,  even  in  thefe  laft  ages ,  which  ou»ht  to 
be  plucked  up  as  weeds  fo  foon  as  they  are  difcovered  ,  and  to  be  removed  before 
all  other  things  ,  by  thofe  who  are  in  authority  ■■>  Ante  omnia  fioliatus  refiitui  debet,  ^t't.  Ep.  /,  i 
And  here  he  is  at  us  again  with  his  often  repeated  and  altogether  miftaken  cafe  ■■,  ^^'^-  4^' 
■which  henceforward  I  (hall  vouchfafe  no  other  anfwer  to ,  but  pafs  by   it  with 

a  ure^l  «»ro/uiCof4'©'' 

He  demanded,  whether  J  would  condefcend  to  the  rejeS  ion  of  Monarchy  ,  or  extirpa- 
tion of  Epifcopacy  ,  for  the  mifgovernment  of  Princes  or  Prelates  >  I  anfwered  f  No  i  1 
We  fancy  not  their  method  ,  who  cannot  prune  a  tree  except  they  pluck  it  up  root 
and  Branch :  but  I  gave  him  three  reafons ,  why  this  could  not  advantage  his 
caufe.  Firfl ,  never  any  fuch  abufes  as  thefe  were  objeded  to  Princes  or  Prelates 
in  England  i  Secondly ,  we  defire  not  the  extirpation  of  the  Papacy  ,  but  the  re- 
duction of  it ,  to  the  primitive  conftitution.  Thirdly  i  Monarchy  and  Epifcopacy 
are  of  Divine  inftitution ,  fo  is  not  Papal  Sovereignty  of  Jurifdiftion.  To  the  hrlt 
he  faith  nothing  ,  but  by  way  of  recrimination  ,  the  moft  ignoble  kind  of  anfwer- 
ing  ,  efpecially  when  he  himfelf  cannot  but  condemn  them  in  ftis  own  confcience 
for  notorious  fidtions  of  Cretian  Minotaures  :  but  thefe  abufes  which  we  complain 
of,  are  the  proper  fubjedt  of  the  next  Sedtion. 

He  is  here  pleafed  to  relate  a  pretty  ftory  of  the  late  Archbifhop  of  Canterbury , 
that  he  confejjed  himfelf  to  be  in  a  Schifm  ,  in  a  private  difcourfe  (  I  warrant  it  was  pri- 
vate enough  ,  without  either  witnefs  or  parties  ,  )  as  this  Author  was  told  by  a  very 
grave perfon,  whofe  candour  he  hath  no  reafon  to  fu^ed.  And  why  doth  this  grave 
perfon  appear  in  a  Vizard  without  a  name  ,  or  appear  after  the  parties  death  ,  that 
durft  not  have  faid  it  in  his  life  time  ,  and  for  fear  to  be  detefted  now ,  tclleth  us 
it  was  in  private  ?  and  when  all  is  done  ,  it  is  ten  to  one  this  worthy  perfon  (  if 
he  be  in  rerum  natura  )  is  an  utter  enemy  ,  and  of  another  Communion.  We  have 
had  many  abominable  lies  fpread  abroad  in  the  world  ,  upon  the  bare  Teftimony 
of  feme  fuch  fingle  Adverfary  ■■>  as  the  Apoftacy  of  Bi(hop  King  ,  the  defccftion  of 
King  Charles  ,  the  hopes  they  had  of  my  Lord  o{  Straford  >  when  all  that  knew  my 

R  r  2  Lord 


I 


3^2 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  1, 


Lord  of  Strafford  and  that  witnefs  ,  knew  right  well  he   never  did  in  the  prefence 

of  any  other  ,  nor  ever  durft  offer  to  him  any  difcourfe  of  tliat  nature. 

To  tlie  Second  lie  anfwereth  ,  that  n?e  have  already  extirpated  the  Papacy  out  of 
England.  No  ,  we  iiave  onely  call:  out  fcven  or  eight  Branches  of  Papal  JuriP- 
didion  in  the  cxtcriour  Courf,  which  Chrill  or  his  Apoilles  never  challenged  ,  never 
exercifed,  never  medled  withal",  which  the  Church  never  granted  ,  never  difpo- 
fcd.  He  might  Aill  for  us  enjoy  his  Protopatriarchate  ,  and  the  dignity  of  an  Apo- 
litical Bilhop  ,  and  his  primacy  of  Order ,  fo  long  as  the  Church  thought  fit  to 
continue  it  to  that  Sec  ,  if  this  would  content  him. 

To  my  Third  reafon  he  excepteth.  If  Monarchy  be  of  Divine  Jn(iitution  ,  the  Vc- 
ncthns  and  /k  Hollanders  are  m  a  fad  cafe.  I  am  glad  when  I  rind  any  thing  in 
him  that  hath  but  a  relemblance  of  matter ,  more  than  wind  and  empty  words  , 
althougli  they  weigh  nothing  ,  when  they  come  to  be  examined.  The  Venetians 
and  Hollanders  may  be  in  a  fad  condition ,  in  the  opinion  of  fuch  rafh  cenfurers  as 
himfelf  is ,  who  have  learned  their  Theology  and  Politicks  but  by  the  halfs.  Who 
taught  him  to  argue  from  the  pofition  of  one  lawful  form  of  Government ,  to  the 
denial  of  another  ?  All  lawful  forms  of  Government  are  warranted  by  the  Law  of 
Nature  ,  and  fo  have  their  inftitution  from  God  in  the  Law  of  Nature  ■■,  the  porvers 

Rom.  13. 1,  that  be  are  ordained  of  Cod  ^  whether  they  be  Monarchical,  or  Ariftocratical ,  or 
Democratical,  Man  prepareth  the  Body  ,  God  infufeth  the  Soul  of  power,  which 
is  the  fame  in  all  lawful  tbrms. 

But  though  all  Lawful  forms  of  Government  be  warranted  by  the  Law  of  Nature, 
yet  not  all  in  the  fame  degree  of  eminency.  There  is  but  one  foul  in  the  body, 
one  Sun  in  the  Heaven  ,  one  Maikr  in  a  Family  ,  and  anciently  one  Monarch  ia 
each  Society;  all  the  firll  Governours  were  Kings.  The  Soul  of  Sovereign  power 
is  the  fame  in  all  forms ,  but  the  Organ  is  more  apt  to  attain  its  end  in  one  form 
than  another  i  in  Monarchy  than  in  Ariftocracy  ,  or  Democracy.  And  we  fay 
God  and  Nature  do  always  intend  that  which  is  beft.  Thus  it  is  in  the  Law  of 
Nature  which  is  warrant  fufficient  for  any  form  of  Government :  but  in  the  pofi- 
tivc  Law  of  God  ,  he  never  inftituted  or  authorifcd  any  form ,  but  Monarchy. 

In  the  lafl  Paragraph,  where  I  fay  that  the  Popes  Headfhip  of  Jurifdidtion  :  is 
not  of  Divine  inllitution  ,  he  excepteth  ,  that  it  m  my  bare  faying  ,  and  my  old  tricky 
to  fay  over  again  ,  the  very  point  in  difpute  betrveen  tts.  It  this  be  the  very  point 
in  difpute  between  us  ,  (  as  it  is  indeed  , )  it  is  more  fliame  for  him,  who  letteth  the 
very  point  in  dijpute  di]oue ,  and  never  offereth  to  come  near  it ,  efpecially  having 
made  fuch  lowd  brags  ,  that  he  rvould  charge  the  crime  of  Schifm  upon  the  Church  of 
England  rvith  undeniable  evidence  ,  and  prove  the  Popes  Headfliip  of  Jurifdi^ion 
or  power  ,  by  a  more  ample ^  clear,  and  continued  "fitle  ,  than  any  right  of  taw  or 
Human  Ordinances  can  offer. 

^tid  tanto  dtgnum  tulit  hie  promijfor  hiatu  ? 

As  for  my  part  I  know  my  Obligation  ,  whileft  I  am  upon  the  defenfive  ,  to 
make  good  my  ground  ;  and  when  it  is  my  turn  to  affault ,  I  (hall  difcharge  my 
duty.  If  he  have  any  thing  to  fay  to  the  Huguenots  of  frame  ,  they  are  at  age  to 
anfwer  him  themfelves  j  our  controverfie  is  cnely  concerning  the  Church  of 
England. 


SECT.     VI. 

Ihat  the  King  and  Church  of  England  ,  had  fufficient  grounds  to  faperate  from  the  Court 
of  Rome. 

T  had  reafon  to  wonder,not  at  our  Grounds^hwt  their  filence,t\i2.t.  having  fo  long  fo 
often  called  for  our  grounds  of  feparation  ,  and  charged  us,  that  we  have  no 
Grounds  ,  that  we  could  have  no  grounds ,  now  when  fufficient  grounds  are  offer- 
ed to  them  :  two  of  them  ,  one  after  another  fliould  pafs  by  them  in  deep  filence. 

And 


Discourse  IV.  Scbifm  Guarded.  ZoT 

And  this  difpatcher  being  called  upon  for  an  anfwer ,  unlefs  he  would  have  the  caufe 
fentenced  againft  him  ,  upon  a  Nihil  dicit    with  more  haft  than  good  fpeed  gives 
us  an  anfwer  and  no  anfwer ,  like  the  Title  of  an  empty  Apothecaries  Boxf    If 
there  be  any  Monfter,  the  Reader  may  look  for  it  on  that  fide  ,  not  on  our  fide!  He 
may  promife  the  View  of  a  ftrange  Monfier  in  his  Antepafts  and  Poftpafts    'and 
blow  his  Trumpet  to  get  pence  a  piece  to  fee  it  (  as  he  phrafeth  it ; )  but  if  the  Read- 
ers exped  till  he  (hew  them  any  fuch  rare  fight ,  they  may  wait  until  Dooms  day 
and  all  the  remedy  he  offers  them  is,  to  fay  he  ahufed  them  ,    as  he  doth  often.      ' 
Now  room  for  his  cafe  or  his  two  Principles  of  Vnity  ,  which  are  evermore' cal- 
led into  help  at  a  dead  lift.     But  h'n  cafe ,  is  not  the  true  cafe  ,  and  his  rules  are 
leaden  rules,  they  might  be  ftreight  at  the  beginning  ,  but  they  have  bended  them 
according  to  their  felt  Intereft.     Both  hit  cafe  and  hU  principles  have  been  fufficiently 
difcuffed,  and  fully  cleared  :  fo  that  I  will  not  offend  the  Reader  with  his  fleight 
difli  of  Cole  worts  fodden  over  and  over  again. 

He  is  angry  ,  that  I  make  our  feparation  to  be  tnhtx  from  the  Coicrt  of  Rome 
than  from  the  Church  of  Rome  i  and  ftileth  it  perfe{J  impudence.     So  my  affertion  be' 
evidently  true,  I  weigh  not  his  groundlefs  calumnies.     Let  any  man  look  upon 
our  Grievances ,  and  the  grounds  of  our  Reformation ,  Firll ,  the  intolerable  ex- 
tortion of  the   Koman  Court ,  Secondly ,  the  unjuft  llfurpations  of  the  Roman. 
Court,  Thirdly  ,  the  malignant  influence  of  the  Roman  Court  upon  the  body  poli- 
tick ,  Fourthly  ,  the  like  malignant  influence  of  the  Roman  Court  upon  the  body 
Ecclefiaftick ,  Fifthly  and  Laftly ,  the  Violation  of  ancient  liberties  and  exempti- 
ons by  the  Roman  Courf,and  he  cannot  doubt  from  whence  we  made  our  feparation. 
All  our  fufferings  were  from  the  Roman  Court  ■■>  then  why  fhould  we  fcek  for  eafe' 
but  where  our  (hoe  did  wring  us  ?  And  as  our  grievances ,  fo  our  Reformation 
was  onely  of  the  abulescf  the  Roman  Courts  Their  beftowinff  of  Prelacies  and 
dignities  in  England  to  the  prejudice  of  the  right  patrons  ;  their  convocating  Sy- 
nods in  England  without  the  Kings  leave  i  their  prohibiting  Englijh  Prelates  to 
make  their  old  Feudal  Oaths  to  the  King  ,  and  obliging  them  to  take  new  Oaths 
of  fidelity  to  the  Pope  ■■>  their  impofing  and  receiving  Tenths  and  Firll-fruits     and 
other  arbitrary  penfions  upon  the   Englijh  Clergy  i  And  Laftly,   their  Ufurp'ing  a 
Legiflative  Judiciary,  and  difpenfative  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court  by  political 
coadion.     Thefe   are  all  the  Branches  of  Papal  power  which  we  have  reieftedi 
This  Reformation ,  is  all  the  feparation  that  we  have  made  in  point  of  Difcipline! 
And  for  Doftrine ,  we  have  no  difference  with  them  about  the  old  Effentials  of 
Chriftian  Religion :  and  their  new  Effentials  ,  which  they  have  patched  to  the 
Creed,  are  but  their  erroneous  ,  or  at  thebeft  probable  opinions,  no  Articles  of 
Faith. 

He  is  ftill  bragging  of  his  Vemonfirations  ,  (  yet  they  are  but  blind  Enthymemati- 
cal  paralogifms ,  wherein  he  maketh  fure  to  {et  his  beft  leg  foremoft ,  and  to  conceal 
the  lamcnefs  of  his  difcourfe  ,  as  much  as  he  can  from  the  eyes  of  the  Reader  ) 
and  ftill  calling  upon  us  (ot  rigorous  Vemonjiratiott.     I  wifli  we  knew  whether  he 
underftand  what  rigorous  Vemonjiration  is  in  Logick  ,  for  no  other  Demonftration  is 
rigorous ,  but  that  which  proceedeth  according  to  the  ftridt  Rules  of  Logick 
either  a  priore  or  apofteriore  ,  from  the  caufe  or  the  effedl :  and  this  caufe  in  diffe- 
rence between  us ,  (  whether  thole  Branches  of  power  which  the  Pope  claimeth 
and  we  have  rejedted ,  be  the  Legacies  of  Chrift  ,  or  Papal  llfurpations  )  is  not 
Capable  of  fuch  rigorous  demonftration  ,  but  dependeth  upon  Teftimony     which 
Logicians  call  an  Inartificial  way  of  arguing.     But  if  by  rigorous  Vemonjiration     he 
underftand  convincing  proofs ,  thofe  grounds  which  I  offer  in  this  Sedtion,  do  con- 
tain a  rigorous    Demonjhation.     That   Difciplin:  which  is  brimful  of  intolerable 
Rapine ,  and  Extortion  ,  and  Simony  ,  and  Sacriledge  v  which  robbeth  Kint^s 
andSubjedts  Ecclefiaftical  and  Secular,  of  their  juft  rights  i  which  was  introdu- 
ced into  the  Church  of  England ,  Eleven  hundred  years  after  Chrift  •,  which  hath 
a  malignant  influence  upon  the  body  Politick ;  which  is  deftrudtive  to  the  rif^ht 
ends  of  Ecclefiaftical  Difciplinev   which  inftead  of  fecuring  men  in  Peace,  doth 
thruft  them  into  manifeft  and  manifold  dangers,  both  of  Soul  and  body-,  which 
is  contrary  to  G;neral  Councils ,  and  th;  antient  liberties  of  particular  Churches: 

qui 


Schtfm  Guarded.  TOME  !. 

:^84 — 

r     ~^  itiifuch,  is  no   Legacy  of  Chrift  ,  but  ought  to  be  purged  aud  re- 

T"  *  d  from  allfuch'abufcs  and  Udirpations :  but  fuch  is  that  Papal  Difcipline  , 
l"-"[  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  exercUfed  in  England  before  the  Reformation ,  and  lefs 
han  which  they   will  not  go  i  and  fuch  are  all  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power , 
•which  we  have  cafl  out. 

The  truth  of  this  aflertion  ,  I  have  made  manifeft  in  my  Vindkaiion  ,  c.  6.  and 
this  is  the  place  of  a  farther  examination  of  it ,  if  he  did  difcharge  the  part  of 
a  fair  folid  difputant  i  to  leave  his  windy  invedives  ,  which  iignifie  nothing  to  the 
caufc     but  to  his  own  fliame  ,  and  to  proceed  clofely  and  ingenioufly  to  the  inve- 
iligation  of  truth ,  without  prejudice  or  partiality.     But  on  the  contrary  ,  he  min- 
ceth  my  grounds,  and  concealeth  them, and  skippcth  over  whatfoever  dilliketh  him, 
and  choppeth  them ,  and  changeth  them,  and  confoundeth  them  ,  that  I  cannot 
know  mine  own  conceptions  again  ,  as  he  hath  drefTed  them,  and  difordered  them, 
and  mutilated  them.     I  propofed  Five  diftindl  grounds  of  our  Pxeformation ,   and 
carting  out  fo  many  Branches  as  we  did  of  Papal  power  •,  if  he  dealt  like  a  juft 
Adverfary,  he  fhould  purfue  my  method  ,  flep  by  ftep  ;  but  he  reduceth  my  Five 
grounds  into  Three ,  that  between  Two  methods  ,  he  may  conceal ,  and  fmoother 
whatfoever  he  hath  no  difpofition  to  anfwer ,  as  he  dealeth  with  many  points ,  of 
weight  and  moment ,  and  particularly  with  all  thofe  Teftimonies  and  Inftances , 
I  bring  to  prove  the  intolerable  extortions ,  and  manifold  Ufurpations  ,  and  ma- 
lignant influence  of  the  Roman  Court  upon  the  body  politick  and  Ecclefiallick  ,  be- 
ing much  the  greater  part  of  my  difcourfe.     But  I  do  not  altogether  blame  him  , 
for  they  arefo  foul ,  that  a  man  can  find  fmall  credit  or  contentment  in  defending 
them.    For  once ,  rather  than  loofe  his  Company  ,  I  will  purfue  his  method.    Let 
us  give  him  the  hearing. 

He  reduceth  my  Five  grouuds  to  Three ,  Firff ,  fuch  as  entrench  upon  Eternity 
and  confcience.  May  not  any  Heretick^  oh]eU  that  the  Church  impofed  mrv  Articles  of 
Faith  &c.  Or  complain  of  new  Creeds  ,  when  (l^e  addeth  to  her  puhlick^  profejjions 
fame  points  of  Faith  held  formerly  .?  might  not  he  complain  of  peril  of  Idolatry  ,  as  your 
Brother  Turitans  did  for  Surpleffes ,  Sec.  Might  not  he  pretend  that  all  Heretickj  and 
Schifmatich  were  good  Chrijlians ,  and  that  the  Church  was  Tyrannical ,  in  holding  them 
for  excommunicate  ?  Might  he  not  ^uffie  together  Faith  with  Opinion ,  andfalfy  alledge  af 
•  you  do  hear  ,  you  were  forced  to  approve  the  Popes  Rebellion  againji  General  Councils^  and 

tahi  Oaths  to  maintain  Papal  Vfurpations .?  This  is  all  the  anfwer  I  get  from  this  brave 
difputant ,  as  if  the  unjuff  complaints  of  the  Puritans  did  fatisfie  the  juft  excepti- 
ons of  the  Proteftants.     It  is  probable  enough,  that  he  himfelf  was  one  of  our 
Brother  Puritans  in  thofe  days:  otherwife  he  could  not  well  have  talked  fo  wildly 
of  peril  of  Idolatry  from  SurplelTes.     His  difcourfe  is  fo  fleight  and  impertinent , 
tliat  I  will  not  vouchafe  any  anfwer ,  but  leave  it  to  the  Reader  to  compare  my  Vitt- 
dication  and  Reply  with  his  Rejoynder.    That  they  have  added  new  EfTentials  to 
Faith  ,  is  fully  evinced  againft  them  in  this  Treatife  ,  Se£l,  i,cap,  1 1.     What  our 
Judgement  is  concerning  their  Idolatry  ,  he  fhall  find  exadly  fet  down  in  my  an- 
fwer to  Militier  Pag.    31.     As  for  the  Oaths  of  Fidelity  which  every  Bifhop  muft 
make  to  the  Pope  ,  he  may  fatistie  himfelf  SeO.  i.  cap.  5.  and  fee  the  form  of  it. 
cap.  7.     Or  if  he  defire  to  fee  a  latter  form  ,  let  him  take  this.     J  Henry  Archbijhop 
Aniiq-Ecckf.  of  Canterbury   wiUbe  Faithful  and  Obedient  to  St.  Peter  from  this  hour  as  formerly  ^ 
Brif.  vita  66.  ^^j^  fg  jj,^  j-]giy  Apoliolick^Church  f  Rome  •,  and  to  my  Lord  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth 
and  his  Succejfours.     IwiUgive  no  Council,  nor  conjent ,  nor  aCi  any  thing  towards  the 
lofs  of  their  lifes  ,  or  members ,  or  Liberty.     I  will  difcover  their  Councils  to  no  man  to 
their  prejudice ,  which  they  have  communicated  to  me  by  themfelves  or  their  Meffengers. 
J  will  help  them  to  retain  and  defend  the  Roman  Papacy  ,  and  the  Royalties  of  St.  Peter, 
(favine^  my  Order  )  again\\  all  men,     I  will  entertain  the  Popes  Legates  honourably  going 
and  coming,  and  help  them  in  their  necejjities.     J  will  vifn  the  Papal  Court  every  year  , 
if  it  be  on  th'ufde  the  Alpes  ,  and  every  Two  years  if  it  be  beyond  the  Alpes  ,  uyilefi  the 
Pope  difpenfe  with  me  ,  So  help  me  Cod  and  the  Holy  Gofpel.     What  fidelity  can  a  King 
expeft  from  a  Subjed:  who  hath  taken  this  Oath ,  if  the  Pope  plcafe  to  attempt  any 
thing  againff  him?  If  the  Popes  Superiority  above  a  General  Council  ,  be  but  held 
as  an  indifferent  opinion  in  their  Church  ,  and  not  a  point  of  Faith  ,  as  he  intima- 

teth  •• 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ogj- 

teth  :  yet  it  is  (Lich  an  opinion  as  he  dare  not  contradift  ,   it  is  jere  commtm'u^  it  is 

ahno\}  the  common  Opiiimt  of  all  B.Qm3.n  Catholicity^  if  Beilarmi>!e  iiy  true,  znd fere 

de  fide  ,  almo\i  a  point  of  Faith  ,  upon  which  modern  Topes  and  Councils  are  accorded. 

It  is  determined  exprefly  in  their  laft  General  Council  of  Lateran ,  that  the  Bijhop  of  ^'•"'  '^' 

Rome  alone  hath  atitlnrity  over  all  Councils. 

Were  the(e  all  the  grounds  he  could  find  ,  which  entrench  upon  Eternity  and  con- 
fcience  ?  He  might  have  found  more  ,  that  by  means  of  Papal  abufes  there  defcri- 
bed  ,  hojpitality  rcif  not  kept ,  the  poor  notfufiained ,  the  reord  not  Preached ,  Churches 
not  adorned ,  the  cure  of  Souls  negleCied ,  Vivine  Offices  not  performed ,  Churches  ruined. 
He  might  have  found  Oaths  ^  Cujioms  ^  Writings^  Grants ,  Statmts  ^  Kiqlns^  pri-  JMaitb.Par^ 
viledges^  to  have  been  not  onely  rceak^ned  hut  exinanated  ,  by  the  Popes  infamous  mejfen-  ""•  ^^^i' 
ger  called  Non  obfiante.  And  all  this  attefted  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal, 
and  the  whole  Common- wealth  of  England.  But  it  is  no  matter  whether  he  take 
notice  of  it  or  not ,  whikft  he  anfwereth  nothing. 

He  faith  my  Second  fort  of  Grounds  j  are  thofe  ,  vehich  relate  to  'temporal  in- 
conveniences and  injuries  to  the  States  ,  by  reafon  of  the  Popes  pretended  encroaclnnents 
Tphich  I  huddle  togetJjer  in  big  terms.  Do  I  huddle  them  together?  Nay  I  handled 
them  dirtinftly  under  Three  heads  or  Notions.  Firlt ,  the  intolerable  oppreifions 
and  extortions  of  the  Court  of  Rowf  in  points  of  Fadt ,  Secondly,  their  grofs  and 
grievous  Ufurpations  in  point  of  right ,  Thirdly,  the  malignant  influence  of  For- 
reign  Difcipline  in  point  of  policy.  It  is  he  that  huddles  them  together,  becaule 
they  are  fo  foul  and  fo  evident,  that  he  dare  not  take  a  view  of  them  fingly, 
much  lefs  repeat  them  :  and  fo  they  might  be  buried  in  oblivion  for  him ,  unlefs 
the  Fvcaderbe  pleafed  to  take  a  review  of  them.  I  fhall  not  willingly  add  a  word 
more  ,  either  to  the  Extortions  ,  or  malignant  influence ,  becaufe  I  judge  in  chari- 
ty ,  that  all  good  men  do  wifh  them  amended  as  well  as  I :  and  for  the  Ufurpa- 
tions ,  being  matter  of  perpetual  right ,  I  hope  I  have  cleared  them  fufficiently  in 
this  Treatife  throughout  the  Firft  Section. 

But  what  is  his  anfwer  to  all  this  .?  that  it  is  dijputable  hetrveen  Canon  and  Civil 
Laxvyers  ^  whether  many  of  thele  n>ere  abufes^  or  ]ttil  rigjjts ',  of  which  kjnd  of  contro- 
verfe  ,  he  neither  thinks  me  nor  himfelf  competent  Judges.  Adding  ,  that  thefe  quefH- 
ons  do  not  concern  our  prefent  quarrel.  How  ?  not  concern  our  quarrel  ?  They  are 
all  the  quarrel  we  have:  and  not  a  Prignacy  of  Order,  or  any  power  purely  fpiritual 
in  the  Court  of  confcience.  If  he  have  nothing  to  do  with  thefe  ,  why  doth  he 
meddle  to  no  purpofe?  VVhatfoever  power  was  given  by  Chrirt,  or  is  Recorded  in 
Scripture  ,  is  exprelly  excepted  out  of  our  Law.  And  once  more  Reader  obferve 
and  wonder  ,  that  thefe  men  ,  who  called  upon  us  often  for  the  grounds  of  our 
feparation  ,  muft  be  called  on  as  often  for  a  fair  anfwer.  He  promifed  to  (hew  the 
Readers  a  Monjler  in  this  SeUion  for  pence  apiece  :  It  feemeth  by  his  bogling,  he 
feeth  fomething  that  he  is  afraid  to  meddle  with.  I  doubt  he  will  prove  a  true  pro- 
phet of  himfelf ,  that  all  the  Readers  fatisfadion  for  their  money  will  be,  to  tell 
them  that  he  hath  abufed  them. 

But  it  may  be  he  is  better  at  his  fword  than  at  his  buckler ,  at  oppofing 
in  Gen£rals ,  than  defending  himfelf  from  particulars.  Although  he  hath  not 
given  us  one  particular  anfwer,  to  the  truth  orfalfhood  of  the  Crimes  and  incon- 
veniences objected :  yet  he  giveth  in  Seven  general  exceptions ,  but  it  is  with  as 
much  haft  as  the  dog  by  Nilns^  which  runs  and  driuks.  Firft ,  he  faith  thofe  incon- 
veniences rvhici)  7  mention^  if  they  bad  been  true ,  are  abufes  in  the  Officer  ,  not  faults 
in  the  Office  ,  which  ought  not  to  be  taken  arcay  from  them.  Intolerable  Extortions  and 
grofs  ufurpations ,  are  no  more  with  him  than  inconveniences.  This  objeftion  was 
anfwered  by  me  before  it  was  moved  by  him,  if  he  had  not  thought  fit  to  fmoother 
if,  where  I  diftinguifh  between  the  perrfonal  faults  of  Popesi  and  faulty  principles  or 
Laws,  and  fhew  how  far  the  one  and  the  other  do  warrant  a  feparation.  The 
former  onely    from    the   faulty   perfon ,  to  preferve  our  felves  from  participa-  > 

ting  with  him  in  his  Crimes  :  The  latter  from  the  faulty  Office,  fo  far  as  it  is  faulty,    ^  8$,        ' 
until  it  be  reformed.     Neither  have  we  taken  away  any  Otfiie,  but  onely  abufes 
and  ufurpations. 

Secondly,  he  cxcepteth,  tint  fome  of  thefe  pretended  abufes  ,  are  onely  my  own  de- 

dttUians 


Scbifm  Guarded. TOME  V 


-TT-  ^hich  Ijherv  not  evidently  out  of  the  Science  of  Foliticks  ,  but  out  of  two  or 

dMiuons  ,  ^^  J^^^^^  J  anlwcr,  that  experience  is  the  Polititians  bell:  Schoolma- 
Ibree  '"^j'^j!^"^^^  ^.^^^y  man  findeth  where  his  own  Shoe  wringeth  him ,  much  better 
U  '"  ^"ine  it  himlelf,  than  by  hearing  others  difcourfe  of  it.  But  I  thank  him  for 
by  wear|^^&  ^^^  tlie  next  time  1  have  occafion  to  make  ufc  of  it ,  I  fhall  demon- 
0  ^e^o  him  out  of  the  Science  of  Toliticks ,  that  Forreign  jurifdidtion  is  ufelefs  and 
h  raeable  to  the  Subjedt ,  dangerours  and  deftrudive  to  tlie  King  and  Common- 
""•^khi  a  Rack  and  Gibbet  to  the  confcience,  by  fubjeding  it  to  TwoSupremcs 
who  may  pofliWy  clalh  one  with  another  i  and  altogether  oppofite  to  the  Ecclefi- 
ftical  Policy  of  the  Primitive  times ,  which  conformed  the  bounds  of  Ecclefiaftical 
Jurifdidion  to  the  Civil.  r   u  r   .        jj    tr 

Thirdly  he  pleadeth  ,  that  J  do  not  prove  that  jome  of  theje  pretended  abufes  were 
not  {ufi  riphts,  hut  onely  jherv  that  luch  and  fitch  things  rvere  done  ^  and   that  either 
party  had  learned  Lawyers  for  them,  and  th^it  fometimes  the  Kings  renounced  their  pre~ 
tenfii ,  as  in  points  of  Jnvejiitures.     1  anfwer  that  the  oppofition  of  King  and  King- 
dom to  any  Branch  of  Papal  power  ,  flieweth  evidently  that  they  did  not  believe, 
that  the  Pope  had  any  right  to  it ,  Divine  or  Human  ,  and  clearly  deftroyeth  his 
foundation  of  immediate  Tradition.     How  (hould  they  leave  that  to  their  Chil- 
dren    as  a  Legacy  of  Chrift  or  his  Apoftles,  which  they  themfelves  rejedled  .?  our 
Kings  never  renounced  their  right  of  Inveftiturcs,  onely  they  confented  ,  that  they 
fhould  not  give  Inveftiturcs  in  their  own  pcrfons,  but  by  a  Bifhop  ,  ftill  retaining 
both  the  right  of  Patronage  and  their  feudal  Oaths. 

Fourthly  ,  he  faith  tijat  theJe  Temporal  Laws  which  I  cite  ,  concludes  not  evidently  a 
Eaimar  riaht  \  and  reafon  gives  more  particular  refpeU  to  Ecclefaflical  Laws  than  to  Temporal. 

I  anfwer  though  fuch  Laws  do  not  always  prove  a  right ;  yet  they  always  prove 
the  common  confent  of  the  Kingdom  ,  what  they  efteem  to  be  right;  they  always 
difprove  the  Popes  prefcription.  But  he  is  wholy  miftaken  ,  many  of  thofe  Laws 
which  I  cited  were  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  :  and  the  Pope's  Decretals  which  he  inti- 
mateth  for  Laws ,  are  no  Laws  ,  nor  ever  were  held  for  Laws  in  England ,  with- 
out the  receptiou  of  the  Cliurch  and  Kingdom.  Reafon  gives  more  refped:  to  the 
Sanftions  of  the  Bifhops  than  of  Kings,  in  cafes  purely  fpiritual;  but  more  refpedl 
to  the  Laws  of  Kings  than  of  Bifhops ,  in  the  External  Regiment  of  the  Church 
within  their  own  Dominions. 

Fifthly,  he  chargeth  me  for  faying ,  that  t^e  Pope  Vfurped  mofi  injuftly  aV  right 
Civil  Ecclefiaflical ,  Sacred,  Frophane,  oj  all  Orders  of  men ,  Kings  ,  Nobles,  Bi- 
fhops '  &c.  which  he  calleth  a  loud  mottthed  Calumny.  By  his  favour,  he  doth  me 
wrong,  and  himfelf  more,  with  his  foul  Language,  when  he  is  not  provoked  at 
all.  I  faid  not  [  all  right  ]  in  the  ahjirad,  but  [all  rights  1  in  the  concrete.  Hath 
heVorgotten  that  which  every  boy  in  thellniverfity  knoweth,  to  diftinguifh  betwixt 
fmgttla  generum  zn.A genera  fingulorum  ,  fume  of  aV  Sorts,  and  all  without  exception. 
My  words  onely  fignifie  fbme  rights  of  all  fortsi  as  is  evident  by  the  words  fol- 
lowing ,  Civil ,  Ecclefiajiical ,  Sacred  ,  Frophane ,  of  all  Orders  ^  of  men  ,  Kings  , 
Nobles  '  Bipops ,  &c.  Which  is  an  Ordinary  and  proper  expreffion  ,  and  cannot 
poilibly  be  extended  to  all  right  without  exception. 

Sixthly  ,  he  urgeth  that ,  grant  all  thefe  ahufes  had  been  true  ,  was  their  no  other  re- 
medy but  divifton  ?   Had  not  the  fecular  Governours  the  frvord  in  their  hand  ?  Did  it 
not  lye  in  their  power  to  chufe  whether  they  would  admit  things  deftrudive  to  their  rights  > 
I  anfwer  ,  that  it  doth  not  always  reft  in  the  power  of  the  Civil  Magiftrate  ,  to  do 
that  which  isbeft  in  it  felf,  efpccially  in  feditious  times ,  when  the  multitude  (  as 
a  good  Author  faith  )  do  more  readily  obey  their  Priefts  than  their  Kings.     But 
they  muft  move  their  Rudder  according  to  the  various  Face  of  the  Sky  ,  and  await 
for  a  fitter  opportunity  ;  as  our  Kings  did  ,  which  fell  out  at  the  Reformation , 
when  they  followed  his  Counfell  in  good  earneft  ,  and  with  the  civil  Sword  did 
lop  away  all    Papal    Ufurpations ,   and    abufes  >    Other  divifwn  than  this ,    to 
divide  between   the  rotten  and  the  found ,  we  made  none.     The  great  divillon 
which  followed  our  Reformation  ,  was  made  by  themfelves  and  their  cenfurers. 
Our  Articles  do  teftifie  to  all  the  world,  that  we  have  made  no  divifion  from  any 
Church  J  but  onely  from  errours  and  abufes. 

Seventhly  ^ 


Discourse  1  V.  Schtfm  Guarded. 


Seventhly,  he  jDleaderh  that  in  cafe  thefe  Temporal  inconveniences  had  not  b^TTZ 
therrvife  remediable ,  yet  Ecckfiafiical  Commtmion  ought  not  to  be  broken  for  Temper  I 
concernments.     To  prove  this  conclufion  he  bringeth  fix  reafons ,  fbme  pertinent 
fonrie  impertinent  and  very  improper  ,  but  he  might  have  faved  his  labour,     for  if 
he  underllard  his  conclulion  in  that  fenfe  ,  wherein  he  ought  to  under/hn'd  it    and 
wherein  I  hope  he  doth  underftand  it,    of  deferting  the  Communion  of  the'  Ca 
tholick  Church,  or  of  any  member  of  the   CathoHck  Church  qua  tale  ask  is  a. 
■  member ,  for  meer  Temporal  refpeds ,  concedo  omnia ,  I  grant  the  conclulion  • 
but  if  by  breaking  Ecclefiaftical  Communion ,  he  under/land  deferting  the  Commu- 
nion of  a  particular  Church  ,  as  it  is  erroneous ,  and  wherein  it  is  erroneous     his 
.  ccnclufion  is  not  pertinent  to  his  purpofe ,  nor  his  fix  proofs  pertinent  to  his  con- 
clufion.    But  he  might  remember,  Firft,  that  our  Grounds  by  his  own  confelfion 
do  not  all  relate  to  temporal  inconveniences  ,  but  fome  of  them  to  Eternity  and  c  n- 
fcience,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  confidered  conjoyntly.     Secondly  ,  that  we  do 
jiot  make  thefe  'Temporal  inconveniences  to  be  irremediable,  we  our  felve's  have»fou  id 
out  a  remedy  :  and  it  is  the  fame  which  he  himfelf  advifeth  in  this  place     to  thrult 
out  all  encroachments  and  Ufurpations  with  the  civil  fword.     If  they  'will  Pr  w 
angry  upon  this  ,  and  break  Ecclefiaftical  Communion  themfelves  ,  it  is  their  Ad 
not  ours  ,   who  have  aded  nothing ,  who  have  declared   nothing  againft  any  rieht 
of  the  Bifliop  of  Rome  Divine  or  human  ,  but  onely  againft  his  encroachments  and 
Ufurpations,  and  particularly  againft  his  Coadive  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court 
within  the  Englijh  Dominions.     They  might  take  us  to  be  not  onely   very  tame 
Creatures  ,  but  very  ftupid  Creatures  Firft,  tofuffer  them  to  entrench,  and  encroach 
and  ufurp  upon  us  daily,  and   then  to  be  able  to  perfwade  us  to  Ifachars  condition' 
to  undergo  our  burthen  with  patience  like  Affes,  becaufe  we  may  not  brea\Ecclefia- 
ftical  Communion  jor  Temporal  concernments.     We  have  done  nothing  but   what  we 
have  good  warrant  for  from  theXaws  of  God  and  Nature  i  let  them  fuffer'  for  it 
■who  either  feparate  from  others  without  juft  caufe ,  or  give  others  juft  caufe  to 
(eparate  from  them. 

In  the  next  place  followeih  a  large  Panegyrical  Oration  in  the  praife  of  Unity 
of  the  benefit  and  neceliity  of  it ,  mixed  with  an  invedive  againft  us  for  breaking 
both  the  bonds  of  Unity.  The  former  of  thofe  confiderations  are  altogether  fu- 
perfluous,  to  praife  Unity  which  no  man  did  everdifpraife,but  to  his  own  perpetual 
difgrace.  The  latter  is  a  meer  Tautology  or  rcpetion  of  what  he  hath  faid  before 
which  I  will  not  trouble  the  Reader  withal ,  but  onely  where  I  find  fome  nevv 
weight  added.  He  faith  we  acknowledge  the  Church  of  Rome  to  be  a  true  Church. 
Right,  Mctaphyfically  a  true  Church ,  which  hath  the  true  Eflence  and  being  of  a 
Church  ,  but  not  morally  true  or  free  from  Errours. 

He  demands ,  what  is  the  certain  method  to  k^iorp  the  true  fenfe  of  Scripture  ?  If  he 
pleafe  to  take  fo  much  pains  to  view  my  anfvver  to  Militter,  he  may  find  both  whom 
we  hold  to  be  fit  expofitors  of  Scripture  ,  and  what  is  the  right  manner  of  ex- 
pounding Scripture  •,  If  he  have  any  thing  to  fay  againft  it ,  he  fiiall  have  a  fair  hear- 
ing.    He  telleth  us  ,  that  our  befi  Champions    Chillmgworth  and  Falkland    do  very 
candidly  confeji ,  that  we  have  no  certainty   of  Faith  ,  but  probability  onely.     He  citeth 
no  place  ,  and  I  do  not  hold  it  worthy  of  a  fearch  ,  whether  they  do  confefs  it  or 
not.  It  is  honour  enough  for  them  to  have  been  genuine  Sons  of  the  Enalijh  Church 
(■  I  hope  they  were  fo, )  and  men  of  rare  parts,  whereof  no  man  can  doubt;  yet  one 
of  them  was  a  Lay-man  ,  it  may  be  neither  of  them  fo  deeply  radicated  in  theri»ht 
Faith  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  as  many  others.  But  our  chiefeft  Champions  are  thofe 
who  ftick  clofeft  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  ,  interpreted  according  to  the  Analogy  of 
Faith  ,  and  the  perpetual  Tradition  of  the  Univerfal  Church  :  but  for  that  aftcrtion 
which  you  Father  upon  them,  that  we  have  no  certainty  of  faith  but  probability  onely  y 
We  deteft  it.     And  when  you ,  or  any  other  is  pleafed  to  make  tryal,  you  will  find 
that  we  have  as  great  afTurance  altogether  for  our  Faith,  as  your  felves  have  for  your 
old  Articles  of  Faith  ;  and  much  more  than  you  have  for  your  new  Articles. 

He  accufeth  us  for  joyning  in  Communion  with  Greeks  ,  Lutherans  ,  Hit(Tuenots, 
perhaps  Socinians ,  Trefhyterians  ,  Adamites  ,  ^ak^rs ,  8cc.  And  after  hc'^aiJdeth 
R«w<i«-Catholicks.     Are  not  Buguemts  Prefbyterians  in  his  fenfe  ?  If  they  be  ,  why 

S  f  '  doth 


387 


Pas.  $7S 


P"--  }?3 


og  Scbifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 

'  "^h  he  difjoyn  them  .?  I  know  no  reafon  why  we  {hould  not  admit  Greeks  and  Lu- 

therans to  our  Coinmunion  ,  and  (  if  he  had  added  them  )  Armenims  ,  Abyfftnes^ 
Mttfcovites  ,  and  all  thofe  who  do  profefs  the  Apoflolical  Creed  ,  as  it  is  expound- 
ed by  the  Fird  Four  General  Councils  under  the  Primitive  Difcipline  :  and  the  Ko- 
»jj«-Catholicks  alfo,  if  they  did  not  make  their  erioars  tobc  a  condition  of  their 
Communion.  As  for  Adamites  and  ^nak^rs  we  know  not  what  they  are  ,  and  for 
Socin'uns  we  hold  them  worfe  than  Anians.  The  Anians  made  Chrift  to  be  a  Se- 
condary God  ,  erat  quando  non  erat :  but  the  Socinians  make  him  to  be  a  meer  crea- 
ture. And  for  Frefhyterians  what  my  Judgement  is,  lie  may  rind  fuljy  fet  down  in 
my  Reply  to  the  Biflwp  of  Chalcedons  Epifile. 

But  faith  he  ,  every  one  of  thefe  hath  a  different  head  of  the  Church  ,  the  Englifh 
head  w  the  King  ,  the  Kom2n-CathoUckJ:)ead  is  the  Pope  ,  the  Grecian  head  is  the  Pa- 
triarch ,  7he  Prefbyterian  headis-ft^e  Prefbytery  or,^  Synod  ,  and  the  Lutheran  head  is  the 
Parifl}  Minifter.  Firlt,  for  the  L«ffefr^«J- he  doth  them  egregious  wrong.  Through- 
out the  Kingdoms  oCDenmark^  and  Sweden  they  have  their  Bifliops,  name  and 
thing  ,  and  throughout  Germany  ,  they  have  their  Superintendents.  And  to  the 
reft  I  anfwer  him,  that  theirtere  feveral  Heads  of  the  Church  ,  Chrift  alone  is  the 
Spiritual  Head  ,  the  Sovereign  Prince  the  Political  Head ,  the  Ecclefiaftical  Head  is 
a  General  Council ,  and  under  that  each  Patriarch  in  his  Patriarchate  ,  and  among 
the  Patriarchs  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  by  a  Priority  of  Order.  We  who  maintain  the 
King  to  be  the  Political  Head  of  the  Englijh  Church,  do  not  deny  the  fpiritual  Head- 
(hip  of  Chrift  ,  nor  the  fupreme  power  of  the  reprefentative  Church  that  is  a  Gene- 
ralCouncil  or  Synod,nor  the  executive  Headfhip  of  eacb Patriarch  in  his  Patriarchate, 
nor  the  Bifhopof  Romes  Headlhip  of  Order  among  them  :  and  thus  this  great  Ob- 
jedtion  is  vaniftied.  By  this  he  may  fee  that  we  have  introduced  no  new  form  of 
Ecclefiaftical  Government  into  the  Church  of  England^  but  preferved  to  every  one 
his  due  right  if  he  will  accept  of  it ;  and  that  we  have  the  fame  dependance 
upon  our  Ecclefiaftical  Superiours  ,  which  we  had  evermore  from  the  Primitive 
times. 

He  chargeth  us ,  that  n>e  give  no  certain  Rule  to  know  which  is  a  General  Council, 
which  not ,  or  who  are  to  he  called  to  a  General  Council.  There  is  no  need  why  we 
fhould  give  any  new  Rules,  who  are  ready  to  obferve  the  old  Rules  of  the  Primitive 
Church.  General  Summons  to '  all  the  Patriarchs ,  for  them  and  their  Clergy  •, 
General  admittance  of  all  perfons  capable  ,  to  difcufs  freely,  and  to  define  freely, 
according  to  their  diftindl  capacities ,  and  laftly  the  prefence  of  the  Five  Protopa- 
triarchates  and  their  Clergy  ,  either  in  their  perfons ,  or  by  their  fuffrages,  or  in 
cafe  of  necellity  ,  the  greater  part  of  them  ,  do  make  a  General  Council.  Whileft 
we  fet  this  rule  before  us  as  our  pattern  ,  and  fwerve  not  from  it ,  but  onely  in  cafe 
of  invincible  neceflity  ,  wemay  well  hope  that  God  who  looketh  upon  his  poor 
Servants  with  all  their  prejudices ,  and  expet^eth  no  more  of  them  than  he  hath  en- 
abled them  to  perform  ,  who  hath  promifed  that  when  Two  or  Three  are  gathered 
together  in  his  name,  there  will  he  be  in  the  midft  of  them,  will  vouchafe  to 
give  his  afliftance  ,  and  his  bleUing  to  fuch  a  Council ,  which  is  as  General  as  may 
be  ,  although  perhaps  it  be  not  Co  exadtly  General  as  hath  been,  or  might  have  been 
now ,  if  the  Chriftian  Empire  had  flourifhed  ftill  as  it  did  anciently.  In  fum  ,  I 
fhall  be  ever  ready  to  acquiefce  in  the  determination  of  a  Council  fb  General  as  is 
pollible  to  be  had  ;  fo  it  may  be  equal ,  not  having  more  Judges  of  one  Countrey 
than  all  the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  world  ,  as  it  was  in  the  Council  of  trent ,  but  re- 
gulated by  the  equal  votes  of  Chriftian  Nations ,  as  it  was  in  the  Council  of  Con- 
flance  and  Bafile :  and  fo  as  thofe  Nations  which  cannot  in  probability  be  perfonally 
prefent  ,  may  be  admitted  to  fend  their  votes  and  fuifrages  as  they  did  of  old;  and 
Laftly ,  fo  it  may  be  free,  called  in  a  free  place  whither  all  parties  may  have  fecurc 
acccfs,  and  Liberty  to  propofe  freely,  and  define  freely ,  according  to  the  Votes  of 
the  Fathers  ,  without  being  ftinted ,  or  curbed  ,  or  overruled  by  the  Holy  Ghoft, 
fent  in  a  Curriers  Budget. 

And  for  the  laft  part  of  his  exception  ,  that  Heretic\s  Jhould  not  be  admitted  ^  I 
for  ftiy  part  fhould  readily  confent  i  provided  that  none  be  reputed  Hereticks,  but 
fuch  as  true  General  Councils  have  evidently  declared  to  be  Hereticks ,  or  fuch  a? 

will 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Guarded.  280 

will  not  pronounce  an  Anathema  againit  all  old  Herelies  ,  which  have  been  condem- 
ned  for  Herelies  by  undoubted  General  Councils.  But  to  imagin  that  all  thofe 
ftiould  be  reputed  Hercticks ,  who  have  been  condemned  of  Hereiie  or  Schifm  by 
the  'B.omayi  Court  for  their  own  Interert  ,  that  is  Four  parts  of  Five  of  the  Chriltian 
, world,  is  filly  and  fenfelefs ,  andargueth  nothing  but  their  fear  to  come  to  a  fair 
impartial  tryal. 

And  this  is  a  full  anfwer  to  that  whicli  he  alledgeth  out  of  Dr.  Hammond,  that 
General  Coitncils  are  mn>  morrally  impofrbk  to  be  had ,  the  Chriflian  rvorld  being  under 
Jo  many  Emfires ,  and  Divided  into  Jo  many  Communions.  It  is  not  credible  that  the 
Turk  will  fend  his  Subjeds ,  that  is  Four  Protopatriarchs  with  their  Clergy  to  a 
General  Council ,  or  allow  them  to  meet  openly  with  the  reft  of  Chriltendom 
in  a  General  Council,  it  being  fo  much  againft  his  own  Intereft  ,  but  yet  this  is  no 
impediment  why  the  Patriarchs  ,  might  not  deliver  the  (enfe  andfuifrages  of  their 
Churches,  by  Letters  or  by  meflengers  i  aand  this  is  enough  to  make  a  Council 
General.  In  the  Firft  Council  of  Nice ,  there  were  onely  Five  Clergymen  prefent 
out  of  the  Wefiern  Churches  i  in  the  great  Council  of  Chakedon  not  fo  many ;  In 
the  Councils  of  Conjiaminople  and  Epbejitt  none  at  all.  And  yet  have  thefe  Four 
Councils  evermore  been  efteemed  truly  General ,  bccaufe  the  IVefiern  Church  did 
declare  their  confent  and  concurrence.  Then  as  their  have  been  General  Oriental 
Councils ,  without  the  perfonal  prcfence  of  a  Weftern  Bilhop  :  fo  there  may  be  an 
Occidental  Council ,  withput  the  perfonal  prefence  of  one  Eajiern  Blfhop ,  but  by 
the  fole  Communication  of  their  (enfe  and  their  Faith.  Neither  is  fuch  Com- 
munication to  be  deemed  impoliible ,  confidering  what  correfpondence ,  the  MitC- 
covian  Church  did  hold  long  with  the  Patriarch  of  Conftantinope  ,  and  the  Abyjjine 
hath  long  held  ,  and  doth  ftill  hold  with  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria. 

It  is  confcffed  that  there  arc  too  many  different  Communions  in  Europe  ,  it  may 
be  fome  more  than  there  is  any  great  caule  for  ,  and  perhaps  different  opinions 
where  their  is  but  one  Communion ,  as  difficult  to  be  reconciled  as  different  Com- 
munions. But  many  of  thefe  Mulhrome  Sedts ,  are  like  thofe  inorganical  crea- 
tures bread  upon  the  Banks  of  Niluf ,  which  periflied  quickly  after  they  were  bred , 
for  want  of  ht  Organs.  The  more  confiderableparties,  and  the  more  capable  of 
reafbn  are  not  fo  many  >  if  thefe  could  be  brought  to  acquiefce  in  the  determinati- 
on of  a  free  General  Council ,  they  would  tow  the  other  like  lefTer  boats  after 
them  with  eafe. 

No  man  will  fay  that  the  Vtfity  of  the  Church  in  pint  of  Government ,  doth  conjifi 
onely  in  their  adual  fubordination  to  General  Councils.  General  Councils  are  extra- 
ordinary remedies  ,  proper  for  curing  or  compofing  new  differences  of  great  con- 
cernment in  Faith  or  Difcipline.  That  being  done  ,  General  Councils  may  prove 
of  more  danger  than  ufe.  Mo  healthful  man  delighteth  in  a  continual  courfe  of 
Phyfick.  But  Unity  confiftrai  alfo  ,  and  ordinarily  in  conformity  and  fubmilfion 
to  that  Difcipline  which  General  Councils  have  recommended  to  us ,  either  as  the 
Legacies  of  Chrift  and  his  Apollles ,  or  as  Ecclefiaftical  Policies  infiituted  by  them, 
with  the  concurrence  or  confirmation  of  Chriflian  Sovereigns ,  for  the  publick  good 
of  the  Catholick  Church. 

He  chargeth  us ,  that  rve  have  fn  formed  Gods  Church ,  that  there  is  no  meant  left  to 
ajfemhle  a  General  Cotoicil ,  having  renounced  his  Authority ,  rehofe  proper  Office  it  rvas 
to  call  a  General  Council.  His  errours  feldom  come  fingle,  but  commonly  by  clufters 
or  at  leaft  by  pairs.  What  height  of  conHdence  is  it  to  affirm ,  that  it  is  the  propet 
Cffce  of  the  Tope  to  call  General  Councils,  when  all  ingenious  men  do  acknowledge 
that  all  the  Firft  General  Councils  were  ab  Jmpratoribm  indiSa,  called  by  Emperours> 
To  which  the  Popes  friends  add ,  that  it  was  by  the  advife  and  rvith  the  confent  of  the 
tope.  And  Bellarmine  gives  divcrfe  reafons  why  it  could  not  be  otherwife  ,  Firft  , 
hecaufe  there  teas  a  Laa> ,  which  did  forbid  frequent  Ajfemblies  for  fear  of  jedition.  Se- 
condly becaufe  no  reason  doth  permit  that  fuch  an  Ajjemblyfhould  be  made  in  an  Imperial  jy  ^ggcIA  //*» 
City,  tfithoutthe  leave  of  the  Lord  of  the  place.  Thirdly  becaufe  General  Councils  i.caf^ii' 
were  made  then ,  at  the  ?ublic\charge'  He  might  have  added ,  that  Councils  did  re- 
ceive their  prote<ftion  from  Emperours ,  and  they  who  fit  in  Councils  were  the 
Subjects  of  Emperours. 

Sf2  In 


1 


90 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  1» 


In  the  Second  place  he  cncth  in  this  alfo,   that  m  have  tah^n  away  the  means  of 

ajlemblinp  General  Councils.  We  have  taken  away  no  power  from  the  Pope  of  con- 
vocating  any  Synods ,  except  onely  Synods  of  the  King  of  Englands  Subjeds,  with- 
in his  own  Dominions,  without  his  leaver  which  BfJ/^rwiwhimfelf  acknowledgeth 
to  be  agreeable  to  reafon.  If  the  Pope  have  any  right ,  either  to  convocate  General 
Councils  himlclf,  or  to  reprefcnt  to  Chrillian  Sovereigns  the  fit  fcafons  for  convoca- 
tion of  them,  either  in  refped  of  his  Beginning  ofVnity  ^  or  of  his  Protopatriar- 
chate ,  we  do  not  envy  it  to  him  ,  fince  there  may  be  a  good  ufe  of  it  in  refped  of 
thedivifion  of  the  Empire,  fo  good  caution  be  obferved.  Bellarmine  confefTcth  , 
that  by  that  power  which  we  acknowledge,  that  is,  that  though  the  Fope  be  no  Eccle- 
fuliical  Monarch  ,  hut  onely  chief  of  the  Frincipal  Fatriarchs  ,  yet  the  right  to  convo- 
cate General  Councils  ^  fl)ould  pertain  unto  him.  But  it  maybe,  this  is.  more  than 
Mr.  Serjeant  did  know. 
Dt  Condi,  i.  j^y  j^fj  Ground,  was  the  exemption  of  the  Britannic)!^  Churches  from  Forreign 
*^''*'  Jurifdidion,  by  the  General  Council  of  Epk/w.     As  to  the  exemption  of  the  Bri- 

tannick^  Churches,  he  referreth  himfclf  to  what  he  had  faid  formerly ,  and  fo  do  I. 
To  the  Authority  of  the  Council  of  Ephefm  ,  he  anfwereth  ,  That  howfoever  Cy- 
prus and  fame  others  are  exempted  from  a  Neighbouring  Superiour  ^  falfly  pretending  a]u- 
rifdiUion  over  them^  yet  I  paV  never  fljetp  afyhble  in  the  Council  of  Ephefus  ,  exempt- 
i'tg  from  the  ?ope''s  JurifdiCiion  as  Head  of  the  Church.  Not  diredly  ,  a  man  may 
fafely  fwear  it ,  for  the  Council  never  fufpeded  it,  the  world  never  dreamed  of  it, 
the  Popes  themfelves  never  pretended  to  any  fuch  Headfliip  of  Power ,  and  univer- 
'  fal  Jurifdidion  over  the  whole  Church,  in  thofe  dayes.  All  that  the  primitive  Popes 

claimed  by  Divine  right,  was  z  primacy  of  Order  ^  or  beginning  of  Vnity,  due  to 
the  Chair  of  St.  Feter  :  all  that  they  claimed  by  humane  right ,  were  fome  privi- 
kdges  ,  partly  gaine4  by  cuftom  or  prefcription ,  and  partly  granted  by  the  Fa- 
thers to  the  See  of  Kome ,  bccaufe  it  was  the  Imperial  City.  Bat  there  is  enough 
in  this  very  Canon  collaterally  to  overthrow  all  the  Ufurpations  of  the  'Roman 
Court.  There  is  no  need  that  Britain  (hould  be  named  particularly,  where  all  the 
Provinces  without  exception  are  comprehended  v  Let  the  fame  be  obferved  in  other  Di- 
ocefes  ,  and  in  all  Frovinces.  There  is  no  need  that  the  Eifliop  of  Rome  (hould  be 
expreffed  ,  where  all  the  Bifhops  are  prohibited  ,  Ihat  no  Bijhop  occupy  another  Fro- 
z'ince ,  which  formerly  and  from  the  beginning  wm  not  under  the  power  of  him  or  his  Fre- 
deceffours.  If  the  Fathers  were  fo  tender  of  pride  creeping  into  the  Church  in  thofe 
dayes,  or  of  the  danger  to  lofe  their  Chriftian  liberty  in  the  cafe  of  the  Bifhop  oi An- 
tioch ,  who  pretended  neither  to  Divine  right ,  nor  Univerfal  jurifdidion  :  what 
would  they  have  faid  or  done  in  the  prcfent  cafe  of  the  Bifhop  of  Kome ,  who  chal- 
lengeth  not  onely  Patriarchal  but  Soveraign  jurifdidion  ,  not  over  Cyprui  onely , 
but  over  the  whole  world  i  not  from  cuftom  or  Canons ,  but  from  the  Inftitution 
of  Chrift  ?  If  Mr.  Serjeant  be  in  the  right,  then  the  Bifllep  oi  Antioch  was  quite  out , 
to  fue  for  the  jurifdidion  of  Cyprus  which  belonged  more  to  the  Bifliop  of  Rome 
than  to  him.  Then  the  Bifhops  of  Cyprm  were  quite  out ,  to  challenge  the  Ordi- 
nation of  themfelves,  and  jurifdidion  over  one  another ,  as  a  proper  right  belong- 
ing to  themfelves  ,  which  they  hold  onely  by  courtefie  and  favour  from  the  Bifhop 
of  Rome.  Then  the  holy  Synod  was  quite  out ,  to  determine  fo  pofitively ,  that  not 
onely  Cyprus  ,  but  every  Province  Jhould  enjoy  its  rights  and  cujhms  inviolated ,  which 
it  had  from  the  beginning ,  without  zfalvo  or  faving  the  right  of  the  Bifhop  of  Rome , 
or  a  refiridion,  fo  long  as  he  pleafeth  to  permit  them,  and  to  do  it  in  fuch  Imperi- 
al terms ,  It  hath  pkafedthe  holy  Synod ,  or  fuch  is  our  pleafure.  Laftly ,  The  Pope 
himfelf  was  out ,  toratifie  the  priviledges  and  exemptions  of  the  Cyprian  Bifnops, 
not  onely  from  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch ,  but  from  himfelf  alfo  ,  and  to  fuffer  his 
Divine  right  to  be  trampled  under  foot,  by  Cuf^oms  and  Canons,  which  are  of  no 
force  without  him.  But  this  is  the  leaft  part  of  the  pafTages  in  the  Four  firit  Ge- 
neral Councils  ,  which  are  repugnant  to  the  Pope's  pretenfions  of  a  General  Monar- 
chy. The  Ealiern  Churches  do  ftill  adhere  firmly  to  the  primitive  Difcipline  ,  and 
for  this  caule  the  Pope  hath  thought  fit  to  excommunicate  them.  Si  violandumjm 
efl    regnandi  cauj^^  violandum  eji. 

Againfl  all  our  grounds,  the  moft  intolerable  extortions  that  ever  wcjc  heard 

of 


J3  IS  COURSE  IV.  Schifm  Gnarded. 

of,  moft  grievous  Ufurpations  ,  malignant  influence  both  upon  the  State  PolvT 
and  EcclcliafHck ,  and  undoubted  priviledgcs,  he  produceth  nothing  but  imme^ 
diate  tradition  :  and  you  niuft  be  content  to  take  his  bare  word  for  it  for  he  '" 
altogether  unfurnifhed  of  proofs.  Some  men  by  telling  ftrange  Stories'over  and 
over  ,  do  come  at  laft  to  believe  them.  It  may  be  ,  he  believeth  there  was  a  Tra- 
dition ,  for  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power ,  which  we  caft  out :  but  we  deny  it  al- 
together ,  and  require  him  to  prove  rirft  that  there  was  fuch  a  Tradition  in  E«?- 
land\  next,  that  a  particular  Tradition  is  a  fufficient  proof  of  Divine  Inftitu- 
tion. 

We  admit  readily,  That  «fef  Vnity  of  the  Church  k  of  great  importance  ,  and  the 
breakjifg  of  it  an  heinow  crime ,  and  that  no  ahufes  imaginable  are  fufficient  to\xcufefor 
a  total  defertion  of  a  jiijl  prver.     Thus  far  in  the  thefs  we  agree  ,  but  in  the  Hvpo- 
thefis  we  differ  ■■,  that  which  is  a  fufficient  ground  for  a  Reformation    is  not  a  fuffi- 
cient ground  for  an  Extirpation.     So  many ,  fo  grievous ,  fo  unconfcionable  ex- 
tortions ,  and  ufurpations,  and  malignant  influences,  as  we  complain  of  and  prove 
are  without  all  peradventure  a  fufficient  ground  of  Reformation,  which  is  all  our 
Anceftours  did  ,  or  we  defend ,   though  not  a  fufficient  caufe  of  the  extirpation  of 
any  juil  authority.     Our  grounds  are  fufficient  for  a  reformation  of  abufes  and  en- 
croachments, which  we  acknowledge,  and  which  is  ail  we  did  at  the  Reformati- 
on :  butfor  the  abolition  of  any  pi\  power,  it  is  his  fond  imagination     we  dif- 
claim  it  altogether.     We  have  ca(t  out  all  Papal  coacSive  jurifdidtion  in  the  exteri- 
our  Court,  as  being  political ,  not  Spiritual  j  but  for  any  Papal  jurifdidion     ei- 
ther purely  Spiritual ,  orjurtly  founded,    we  have  not  meddled  with  if,    Thofe 
things  which  we  have  caft  out ,   are  onely  abufes  and  ufurpations.     So  there  is  no 
need  of  that  confideration  which  he  propofeth,  whether  the  abufes  were  otherwife 
remediable,  or  not  :  for  our  Reformation  is  that  very  remedy  which  he  himfelf  hath 
prefcribed  ,  to  hold  out  encroachments  with  the  point  of  the  fword  ,  without  anv 
meddling  with  juft  right.     Other  divifion  than  this  (  which  he  himfelf  hath  allow- 
ed )  we  believe  our  Anceftours  intended  none,  we  hold  none,  and  fo  are  accounta- 
ble for  none. 

The  main  Queftion  is ,  Whether  the  Britannick^  Churches  were  de  fa&o  fubjedt 
to  K owe  or  not.     I  have  demonftrated  the  contrary  already  ,  that  they  were  not 
and  had  alwayes  their  Ordinations  at  home.     But  his  conclufion  which  he  puts  up- 
on me,  that  true  complaints  again}}  Governours  ,  whether  otherreife  remediable  or  no 
are  fufficient  reafins  to  abolijh  that  very  Government ,  is  a  vain  afTertion  of  his  own ' 
no  conclufion  of  mine. 

He  ftarteth  a  Queftion  here  little  to  his  own  credit,  Whether  he  that  maintaineth 
the  Negative  ,  or  he  that  maintaineth  the  Affirmative,  ought  to  prove.     He  faith 
(  according  to  his  old  Vacriks)  tlut  a  Negative  may   he  proved   in   LogicJ^     No  man 
doubteth  of  it ,  or  denieth  it,  ^k  enimpoteft  negare  ?  I  faid  on  the  contrary    that 
in  this  cafe  which  cometh  here  in  difference  betv/eenus,  according  to  the  ftridr 
rules  of  Law,  the  burthen  to  prove  ,  refteth  onely  on  his  fide  who  affirmeth.     As 
the  Queftion  is  here  between  us  ,  Whether  we  had  other  remedies,  than  to  make 
fuch  a  Reformation  as  we  did.     We  fay ,  No.     They  fay  ,  Yea.     It  is  poffible  to 
prove  there  might  be  other  remedies,  but  it  is  impoffible  to  prove  there  were  no 
other  remedies.     Galen  or  Hippocrates  himfelf  would  not  have  undertaken  fuch  a 
Task,  to  prove  that  there  were  no  other  remedies  for  a  Difeafe,  than  that  which 
they  ufed.     It  is  not  for  want  of  Logical  Forms ,  that  Negatives  are  not  to  be  pro- 
ved in  matter  of  Fad  ,  but  for  want  of  fufficient  Mediums,     He  faith  he  is  no  Bow- 
ler ,  and  fo  unexpert ,  as  not  fo  underhand  what  U  the  foaling  of  a  Bowie  ■■,  it  may  bs 
it  is  true,  but  if  I  fliould  put  him  to  prove  this  Negative  ,  it  is  impoffible.     But  fo 
far  as  a  Negative  of  that  nature  is  capable  of  proof,  I  did  prove  it  ,  by  our  Ad- 
dreffes  to  Popes  and  Councils,  and  long  expedation  in  vain,  that  we  had  no  other 
remedy  than  that  which  we  ufed  ,  to  thruft  out  their  Ufurpations  by  the  povver  of 
the  fword  ,  which  courfe  he  himfelf  advifeth  ,  and  we  pradifed.     The  divifion  is 
not  made  by  them  who  thruft  out  Ufurpations ,  but  by  them  who  brought  them  in 
and  defend  them. 
I  faid ,   that  not  onely  our  Ancejhitrs  ,  hut  aV  Catholick^  Countries  did  maintain  their 


.391 


own 


Sckifw  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


r.  «.?»• 


- — ;  ■,.,i,A„atnviolated,  andtmh  ihmjdves  the  I4  Judges   of  their  grievances^ 

o»-«r'/j»'f»t  ^   ^^^^^^     ^^^^^  j^g  concludeth  with  open  mouth,  therefore  there 

from  the  ^""^^Jj-^^    ^f^'^^  needed  no  divifwn.     Alas  poor  man,how  he  troubleth  him- 

^^l^  I     y^othing]  They  and  we  ufed  the  very  fame  remedies,  the  fame  that  he 

felt  ^?°".  "^i^j^  place,  7he  Popes  would  not  eafe  them  upn  many  Addrejfes  made.  Wmt 

1^  ?  had  not  the  King  ihe  Srvord  in  hit  ovpn  hands?  T>id  it  not  lie  in  his  power  to  right 

\     rif  as  he  Ulied .?  and  to  admit  ihofe pretended  encroachments  onelyfofar  as  he  thought 

■Ta>id  fitting.''  Yes  ,  the  King  had  the  Sword  in  his  hands ,  and  did  right  him- 

rif    and  calt  out  thofc  Papal  Usurpations  fo  far  as  he  found  jull  •»  and  now  when 


we 
we 


have  followed  your  own  advice  ,  you  call  us  Schifmatickj  and  Dividers.     Sir, 
are  no  Dividers  ,  but  we  have  done  our  Duties ,  and  if  we  prove  thofe  things 
which  we  cafl  out  to  be  Ufurpations  (  as  we  have  done  )  you  are  the  Schifmaticks 
by  your  own  confcilion. 

He  pleadeth ,  7/  fapal  Authority  he  of  Chrid's  inftitution  ,  then  no  jufi  caufe  cm 
p4ihlyhe  given  for  its  aholipment.  Right,  But  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power 
which  we  have  caft  out  ,  arc  neither  of  Chrift's  inftitution ,  nor  of  Man's  inftitu- 
tion but  meer  Ufurpations.  Neither  do  we  feek  toabolifhPapal  Authority,  but 
to  reform  it  from  accidental  abufes,  and  reduce  it  to  its  firft  inftitution.  The  be  ft 
Inftitutions  Divine  or  Humane  ,  may  fometimes  need  fuch  reformation.  Here  i9 
nothing  like  proof,  but  his  Jforld  of  Witneffes  ,  and  his  immemorial  Tradition^  prefu- 
ancd  not  proved. 

To  (hew  that  no  Nation  fuffered  fo  much  as  England,  under  the  Tyranny  of  the 
Koman  Court,  he  faith  I  produce  nothing  ,  but  the  pleafant  faying  of  a  certain  Pope. 
Well  would  he  have  a  better  witnefs  againft  the  Pope  ,  than  the  Pope  himfelf  ? 
liahemm  conftentem  reum.     He  was  pleafant  indeed  ,  but 

Ridenieni  dicere  verttm 

^uid  vet  at  ?  — 

What  hinder  eth  that  a  man  may  not  tell  the  truth  laughing?  He  asketh  whether  thofe 
lefiimonies  which  I  produce,  he  demonjirative  or  rigorous  Evidences  ?  I  think  he  would 
have  me  like  the  unskilful  Painter,  to  write  over  the  Heads  of  my  Arguments, 
this  is  a  Vemonjiration.  It  would  become  him  better  to  refute  them  ,  and  (hew 
that  they  are  not  Demonftrative  ,  than  to  trifle  away  the  time  with  fuch  frivolous 

Queftions. 

I  (hewed,  that  \_England  is  not  alone  in  the  (eparation ,  fo  long  as  all  the  Eajl- 
ern     Southern  ,  'Northern ,  and  fo  great  a  part  of  the  JVeJiern  Church ,  have  fepara- 
ted  themfelves  from  the  Court  oiKome,  and  are  feparated  by  them  from  the  Church 
of  Home  as  well  as  we.J  In  anfwer  to  this,  he  bids  me  ^evp  that  thofe  I  call  Chili- 
ans    have  any  infallible  or  certain  Rule  of  Faith  ,  &c.     This  is  firft  to  hang  men  up, 
and  then  to  examine  their  caufe ;  firft  to  excommunicate  four  parts  of  five  of  the 
Chriftian  world  for  their  own  Interefts,  becaufe  they  will  not  fubmit  their  necks  to 
the  Roman  yoke ,  and  embrace  their  upftart  Ufurpations,  with  as  much  Devotion 
as  the  genuine  Legacies  of  Chrift  and  his  Apoftles.     It  behoved  the  Court  of  Rome 
to  have  weighed  the  ca(e  more  maturely  ,  before  they  gave  fuch  a  temerarious  (en- 
tence,  againft  the  much  greater  part  of  Chriftendom ,  in  fo  weighty  a  caufe.     But 
fox  their  rule  of  Faith,  they  have  a  more  certain  and   authentick  rule  than  he  him- 
(elf ,  by  as  much  as  the  Apoftles  Creed  is  a  more  authentick  rule  of  Faith,  than 
Pius  the  Fourth's  Creed  i  and  the  Holy  Scriptures  a  more  infallible  ground ,  than 
particular  fuppofititious  Tradition ,  which  wanteth  both  perpetuity  and  univcrfali- 

,  I  faid  ,  that  [_  we  defircd  to  live  in  the  peaceable  communion  of  the  Catholick 
Church  ,  as  well  as  our  Anceftours ,  as  far  as  the  Roman  Court  will  give  us  leave.3 
He  anfwereth,  that  ^f  h^oweth  very  rveVvpe  rpould  be  glad  ,  that  the  Church  of  Rome 
mould  ovpn  lis  for  hers,  &c.  TW  Jack  Straw,  or  Wat  Tiler,  after  they  had  rebelled  ;, 
had  no  mind  to  be  hanged  ■>  That  it  U  no  charity  orcourttfie  to  us  ,  hut  a  requejl  of  an  it>t- 
reafonable  favour  from  tlnm , to  admit  us  into  their  Communion  ^  and  ifould  be  mojt  ab' 
furd  in  Government,  &c.  Whether  they  hold  us  for  theirs  or  not ,  is  not  muchma- 

tcrr 


3P 


-> 


Discourse  IV.  Scbifm  Guarded. 

terial  i  if  they  did  ,  it  were  the  better  for  themfelvesj  if  they  do  not ,  it  is  not  the 
worfe  for  us  :  fo  as  Chrirt  own  us  for  his,  it  skilleth  not  much  whether  they  lay  , 
Cotne  ye  bhlJed  ,  or  go  ye  curfed'^  whether  we  be  the  wheat  or  chaff,  their  tongues 
muft  not  winnow  us.  Although  he  fnuff  at  our  defire  of  Union,  yet  God  Ahnigh- 
ty  fets  a  greater  value  upon  it.  He  is  not  out  of  the  Church  ,  who  is  within  it  in 
the  defires  of  his  heart,  and  implicitly  in  the  preparation  of  his  mind.  Obferve, 
Reader,  who  are  the  procreative  and  conferving  caufes  of  this  Schifm.  They 
frighted  us  from  them  with  new  Articles  and  Ufurpations,  they  thruft  us  from  them 
with  new  cenfures  and  excommunications  i  and  if  we  had  a  mind  to  return,  they 
tell  us  it  were  abfurd  in  Government  to  readmit  m.  But  my  chiefeft  wonder  is ,  that 
he  who  was  the  other  day  ,  by  his  own  vote,  an  Arch  Kebel,  fliould  talk  fo  fud- 
denly  of  Hanging.  Sudden  changes  are  always  dangerous ,  and  for  the  moft  part 
perfonated. 

He  asketh  ,  whether  our  Ancefiours  did  renounce  the  Popes  Authority  as  head  of  the 
Church  ?  If  he  mean  a  head  of  Order ,  they  did  not  ,  no  more  do  we  :  if  he 
mean  a  head  of  Sovereign  power ,  they  did  and  fo  do  we.     Whac  I  granted  once 
I  grant  always,  it  is  for  Turncoats  (o  tak^  their  Srptngs.     I  wnte  femper  idem  ,  of^ 
the  fame  Religion  wherein  I  was  Baptized  :  can  he  do  the  fame  i*  But  he  urgeth  , 
that  J  makg  in  the  lop  of  my  Climax  ,  that  our  Ancejiours  threatnedto  ntakg  a  wall 
of  feparation    bettreen  the  Court    of   Rome  and   them ,    tvhich  fljetveth    that   they 
did  it  not :  hut  it  is  evident ,   that   roe  have  done  what  they  onely  threatned  to  do  ,  and 
plead  for  excufes ,  that  Tve  have  more  experience  than  our  Ancejiours  had.     I  made  it  the 
top  of  my  Climax  indeed  •,  honei^  mens  words  are  as  good  as  deeds.     But  doth  he 
think  that  our  Ancelloui^ljfc  onely  make  counterf^cit  Grimaces  ,  and  threaten  that 
which  they  could  not  Lawfully  have  performedM^/rf.The  Laws  and  the  threatning 
are  eafily  reconciled.     Our  Anceftours  made  very  (evere  Laws  againft  the  Ufurpati- 
ons of  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  as  I  have  (hewed  in  particular   throughout  :  but  they 
did  not  execute  them  fo  rigoroufly  ,  but  connived  at  many  innocent  or  not  perni- 
cious encroachments  ,  in  hope  the  Court  of  Rome  and  their  EmifTaries,  would  have 
kept  themfelves  within  fome  tolerable  bounds  of  moderation.     But  they  found  by 
experience,  and  we  by  much  longer  and  furer  experience,  that  all  our  hopes  were 
vain  ,  that  the  Avarice  of  the  Roman  Court  was  not  to  be  (atiated  or  to  be  Ainted, 
that  if  we  give  them  leave  to  thrufl:  in  their  head    they  would  quickly  draw 
in  their  body  after.     And  therefore  our  Anceftours  finding  this  true  in  a  great 
part,  did  threaten  them  to  mdkc  a  wall  of  feparation^thu  is,  to  execute  their  Laws  ri- 
goroufly ,  to  ufe  no  more  indulgence  or  connivence  ,  to  take  away  their  Coadive 
power  in  the  Exteriour  Court  altogether  ,  which  the  Laws  have  taken  away  before 
fufficiently.     And  we  being  confirmed  by  much  longer  and  furer  experience,  have 
accompliftied  what  they  threatned.     So  this  threatned  wall  of  Separation  xs  no  new 
Law  ,  but  a  new  mandate  to  execute  the  old  Laws;  and  our  experience  ,  and  our 
Anceftours  materially  is  the  fame  ,  but  ours  is  more  grounded  and  more  fure  i  their 
feparation  and  ours  was  the  fame  to  point  of  Law ,  but  not  of  Execution.     And 
the   reafon  why  our  Ancejiours  remedies  were  not  Sovereign  or  fufficient  enough,  was 
not  want  of  virme  in  the  remedy  ,  but   want  of  due  application.     Thus  all  Mr. 
arc  Serjeants  hopes  are  vaniflied,  and  his  contradidtions  tumbled  to  duft.    Great  is., 
truth  and  prevaileth. 

Yet  he  keepeth  a  great  ftir  and  buftling  ,  about  our  experience  more  than  our  An-  P-t£.  5:8. 
cefiours  ,  and  prayeth  me  in  his  Scoffing  manner  ,  Good  my  Lord  tell  m  what  this  new 
experiment  was  \  and  defpairing  as  it  were  of  fuccefs  in  his  requeft ,  he  addeth,  fmci 
you  are  refolvedio  make  afecretof  this  rare  experiment.  Now  I  have  told  him  the 
fecret ,  what  good  will  it  do  him  ?  as  much  as  he  may  put  in  his  eye  and  fee  never 
a  jot  the  worfe.  I  told  him  this  rare  fecret  before ,  inthefe  words,  we  have  more  _  tattl- 
experience  than  our  Ancejiours  had  ,  that  their  remedies  were  not  Sovereign  or  fufficient 
enough ,  that  if  we  give  him  leave  to  thruji  in  his  head ,  he  will  never  reji  until  he  have 
,  drawn  in  bis  whole  body  after,  whileji  there  are  no  Bonds  to  hold  him  but  National  Laws, 
But  I  was  not  bound  both  to  write  him  a  Ledure  and  find  him  eyes. 

Now  Readers  look  to  your  (elves,  out  commeth  the  great  Monfter ,  thathith 
been  fo  long  threatned,  (  as  he  phrafeth  it  (curriloufly  )  in  the  lik;nefs  of  a  dru'tk^tt 

Dutch" 


'm  Gnarded.  TOME  I. 


nnrrhman     fnaki^'iL  IndenUtres  with  hH  Legs  :  fo  faith  he  my  difcourfefl aggers  ,  now 
rrr  lor^  iotL  other  ,  far  d.Hamfde  of  the  contradmon.     The  Reader  (hall  find 
'rhat  the  tault  is  not  in  the  Innocent  Vutchman  ,  who  goeth  ftraight  enough  ;  but 
•     1  e  prevaricators  eys  ,  who  feeth  double.     Either  he  did  never  know  ,  or  he  hath 
f"  lottcn  what  a  contradidion  is.     The  itch  or  humour  of  contradifting  hath  1j 
f  r^poffelfed  him ,  that  he  regardeth  not  what  the  rules  of  contradiction  are.   The 
Fi'rll  contradidion  is,  that  the  Laws  of  our  Anceftours  were  not  remedies  fnfjicient  e- 
muph    \'CX  I  maintain  jioutly  that  in  the  fefaration  ^  no  new  Law  was  made  ^  that  is 
(  as  he'colledeth  )  the  fame  Laws  were  both  Juffcient  and  not  fufficient.     Is  this  the 
Monftrous  contradiftion  which  he  promifed  to  (hew  the  Readers /or  ;)f  wee  a  piece? 
fThe  fame  Laws  were  not  fulficient  in  the  days  of  our  Anceftours ,  and  yet  the 
lame  Laws  were  fufficient  in  the  days  of  Henry  the  Eighth]  hath  no  fliew  of  a 
contradidion  in  it ,  nor  of  any  the  leall  oppofition  ,  which  ought  always  to  be 
made  according  to  the  Rules  of  Logick  ,  at  thejame  time.     I  will  (hew  him  a  hun- 
dred of  thcfe  contradidions,  every  day  in  the  week  for  nothing.     Mr.  Serjeant 
was  no  Ro»w«-Catholick  ,  Mr.  Serjeant  is  a  Koman-CzthoYick ,    is  juft  fuch  another 
contradidion ;  or  the  fame  Plaifter  was  not  fufficient  to  cure  fuch  a  fore  at  one 
time     yet  it  was  fufficient  at  another  time  when  the  body  was  better  difpofed.  All 
his  contradictions  end  in  fmoak  and  laughter. 

The  Second  contradidion  is  ,  thatlfaid  the  Laws  of  other  Countries  were  equi- 
valent to  thofe  of  England  ■■>  but  I  acknowledge  elfewhere  that  the  Laws  of  other 
Countries  were  fufficient  i  and  here  I  fay  that  the  Laws  of  England  were  infufficient : 
So  they  were  equivalent  and  inequivaknt.  Here  is  another  coptradidlion  ,  like  the 
former.  The  fame  Laws  proved  fufficient  to  Francwff^t  proved  infufficient  to 
England.  It  is  another  rule  in  Logick  ,  oppofition  ought  to  have  the  fame  Subjed  and 
the  fame  Fredicate  without  ambiguity  :  but  here  the  predicate  is  diverfe  ,  fufficient  for 
France  ,  not  fufficient  for  England  ,  and  ambiguity  more  than  enough.  He  might  as 
well  argue,  the  fame  medicine  will  work  upon  a  child ,  which  will  not  work  up- 
on a  man :  therefore  the  fame  medicine  is  not  equivalent  to  it  felf. 

The  Third  contradidion  is  ,  that  I  fay  all  Catholick^  Countries  did  maintain  their 
privtledges  inviolate  ,  hy  means  which  did  not  maintain  them ,  or  by  Laws  which  were 
not  [undent  to  do  it.  Where  did  I  fay  this?  It  is  his  colledion  not  my  alTertion, 
but  let  it  pafs  mufkt  for  once.  Here  is  a  contradidion  deferves  a  Bell  and  a  Bablei 
Catholick  Countries  did  maintain  their  priviledges  inviolate  by  fuch  means  ,  at  one 
time  not  at  another  ,  in  one  place  not  in  another ,  in  one  degree  not  in  another,  in 
one  refped  not  in  another. 

The  la(t  mock  contradidion  is ,  that  I  fay  the  Laws  which  denied  the  Tope  all  Au- 
thority ,  and  were  aUually  in  force  ^  that  is,  aHually  left  him  none  ,  were  not  fufficient 
remedies  againji  the  abufes  of  that  Authority ,  which  had  quite  tak^n  them  away.     This 
is  not  finding  of  contradidions ,  but  making  of  them.     Give  him  leave  to  ufe 
this  [  id  ejl ,  that  U  ]  and  he  will  make  a  Hundred  contradidions  in  every  page 
of  the  Bible  •>  as  here  ,  aUually  in  force,  that  is  ,  which  adually  left  the  Pope  no  Au^ 
thority  ,  or  which  had  quite  takgn  his  authority  away.     If  this  [  id  efi  that  w  ]  be  mine, 
then  he  may  objed  the  contradidion  tome,  if  it  be  not  ,  then  he  may  keep  the 
contradidion  to  himfelf ,  fuch  as  it  is.     He  knoweth  ,  and  all  the  World  know , 
that  aLawisfaid  to  be  adually  in  force  ,  whileft  it  is  unrepealed  ■■,  in  this  fen(e  I 
did ,  and  all  men  but  himfelf  do  ufe  that  exprellion.     And  here  he  committeth 
a  Third  grofs  fault  againft  the  rule  of  oppofition ,  which  ought  to  be  ever  b-jS;  tS 
avTi ,  in  the  fame  refpeB.     The  Law  taketh  away  abufes  as  a  rule  :  but  the  Magi- 
ftrateby  due  execution  ,  as  an  Artificer.     The  Law  is  fufficient ,  Svhenitis  fuffi- 
ciently  penned  and  promulged  :  but  the  effi;d  followeth  the  due  execution.     The 
not  oblerving  of  this  obvious  and  eafie  truth,  hath  made  us  all  this  ftir  about  ima- 
ginary contradidions  ;  as  I  have  (hewed  in  my  anfwer  to  his  laft  paragraph,  which 
alone  is  a  fufficient  anfwer  to  all  thefe  pretended  contradidions  .•  but  whether  it 
will  be  fo  adually  in  force  to  procure  his  affent ,  is  more  than  I  know^  if  it  do  not , 
it  detradtth  nothing  from  the  fufficiency  of  the  anfwer.     Go  Mr.  Serjeant,  go, 
bring  us  lefswind  and  more  weight. 

Sdipiw 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Gnarded. 


I  Sipius  in  libra  memoratur  Perfiut  uHo- 

^uam  levis  in  tota  Marjitt  Amazoiiidc. 

.  In  the  laft  paragraph  is  nothing  but  a  calumny  againft  Henry  the  Eiehth 
which  he  is  not  able  to  prove :  and  if  he  were,  it  neither  concerneth  us  no^ 
the  queftion. 

SECT.    VII. 

Ihat  the  King  and  Church  of  England /rocfe<if</  with  due  moderation. 

TTHis  Sedion  doth  not  much  concern  either  us  or  the  merit  of  the  caufe     A 
"■•    Reformation  might  be  juft  and  neceffary ,  although  the  reformers  did  exceed 
the  bounds  of  due  moderation  i  neither  are  we  anfwerable  for  their  fucceffes    far- 
ther than  we  ourfelves  do  maintain  them.I  pafsby  his  pleafant  To/icjl^^unfaluted  as  be- 
ing impertinent,and  having  nothing  in  it  deferving  theleaftftay  of  a  ferious  Reader". 
I  reckoned  this  as  the  Firft  Branch  of  our  moderation  ,  that  we  deny  not  to 
other  Churches ,  the  true  being  of  Churches  nor  poffibility  of  Salvation     nor  fe- 
parate  from  Churches ,  but  from  accidental  errours.    For  all  his  fcoffing  '  if  their 
Church  would  ufe  the  Uke  moderation,  it  would  fa ve  the  World  a  great' deal  of 
needlefs  debate;    Againft  that  which  I  fay  ,  he  objedeth  thus ,  Now  the-  nutter  of 
faU  haih  evidenced  undeniably  ,  that  they  ( the  Protefiants  )  feparated  from  thofe  points 
which  were  the  principles  of  Vnity  both  in  faith  and  Government,     he  hath  brought  his 
matter  of  FaB  and  his  pinciples  of  Vnity  fo  often  upon  the  Stage  already,  and  they 
have  been  fo  often  clearly  anfwered,  that  I  will  not  infill  upon  fuch  a  thred  bare 
fubjecl,  or  trouble  the  Reader  with  an  irkfome  repetition.     We  have  feen  how  far 
his  principles  of  Vnity  ,  or  his  fundamental  of  fundamentals  is  true  ,  and   ought  to  be 
admitted  ;  and  in  a  right  fenfe  ,  we  adhere  much  more  firmly  unto  them    than 
the  Church  of  Kome  it  felK     ,  ' 

He  proceedeth  ,  that  the  Church  of  England  defines ,  that  our  Church  (  the  Church 
of  Kome  )  erreth  in  matter  of  Faith  Artie,  ip.  The  words  of  the  Articles  are 
Nonfolum  quoad  agenda  &  ceremoniarum  rituf  ^  verum  etiam  in  iis  qu£  credenda  funt^ 
that  is  ,  Not  onely  in  practical  Obfervations  and  ceremonial  rites ,  but  alfo  in  thofe  things 
which  are  to  be  believed ,  that  is  (  to  ufe  Cardinal  Cajetans  diftindion,  )  not  in  thofe 
things  which  are  de  fide  formaliter ,  in  neceffary  fundamental  Articles  (  for  we 
acknowledge  that  the  Church  of  Rome  doth  Itill  retain  the  Eflentials  of  Faith  )  but 
in  thofe  things  which  are  fidei  materialiter  ,  in  inferiour  queftions  which  happen 
in  things  to  be  believed  ,  that  is  to  fay  opinions^  wherein  himfelf  acknowledgeth 
that  a  particular  Church  may  err.  That  this  is  the  right  fenfe  of  the  Article 
appeareth  hence  V  that  the  contradiftinguifh  Credenda  or  things  to  be  believed  not  to 
Opinions  ,  but  to  agenda  things  to  be  prad:ifed. 

He  urgeth  ,  that  we  have  declared  fur  points  of  their  Faith  to  be  vain  fictions 
contradiCiory  to  God's  fFord,  Artie.  22.  That  is  to  fay  ,  their  Dodtrine  of  Purgatory  ' 
Indulgences  i  their  adoration  of  Images  and  Relique,  invocation  of  Saints.  Rieht' 
four  points  of  their  new  Faith ,  enjoyned  by  Pins  the  Fourth ,  but  no  Article  of  the' 
old  Apoftolical  Faith  ,  and  at  the  beft  onely  Opinions.  Yet  neither  doth  he  cite  our 
Article  right,  which  doth  not  define  them  to  be  contrary  to  Scripture,  but  onely 
befides  the  Scripture,  or  not  well  grounded  upon  any  Texts  ofScripture. 

He  addeth,  the  lik^  charaUer  if  given  of  another  pointy  Art.  28.  That  is  ,  Tranfub- 
flantiation.  Our  higheji  AB  of  Devotion^  Art.  ^i.  U  ililed  a  bla(l>hemous  fidion  and 
pernicious  impofture;  that  is,  the  propitiatory  Sacrifice  of  the  Maft.  Concerning 
Tranfubrtantiation  what  is  our  opinion  ,  I  refer  him  to  my  Anfwer  to  Militier  m 
the  very  beginning  of  it.  And  concerning  their  propitiatory  Sacrifice  of  the  MzCs 
to  the  fame  Anfwer,  pag.  35.  The  true  ftate  of  the  Controverfie  was  not  fb  clearly' 
underftood  at  firft  on  either  fide  ,  as  it  is  now.  He  cannot  go  one  ftep  farther  than 
we  do  in  that  caufe  ,  without  tumbling  into  dirtd  Blafphemy. 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  J. 


It  followeth  ,  y4>id  Art.  33.  that  tbofe  reho  are  cut  off  from  the  Church  ptblkkly  ^ 
nioulA  he  held  as  Heathens  and  Publicans.  Well,  here  is  no  diftin<ftion  between  Ko- 
wa^-CathoIicksandProteftants-,  and  Fraticifcus  hjanHa  Clara  ^  in  his  Paraphrafti- 
cal  Expofition  of  the  E;/g//>  Articles,  giveth  this  judgment  of  this  Article,  T^bis 
Article  is  CatholicK-,  and  agreeable  Oi  well  to  Holy  Scripture,  as  to  Antiquity.  Then 
why  doth  he  fnarle  at  this  Article  which  he  cannot  except  againft  >  Becaufe  he  con- 
ceiveth  that  the  Article  meaneth  Catholicks  ,  or  at  leaji  doth  include  them.  Judge,  Rea- 
der what  a  fpirit  of -contradidion  doth  polTefs  this  man,  who  when  he  is  not 
able  to  pick  any  quarrel  at  the  Words  of  the  Article  ,  calumniateth  the  meaning , 
upon  his  own  groundlefs  fufpicion. 

But  nothing  tvos  more  common  in  the  mouths  of  our  Freachers  ,  thatt  to  call  the  Pope 
Antichrijl ,  the  Church  of  Rome  the  Whore  0/ Baby  Ion,  idolatrous  ,  fuperflitious  ,  bla- 
fpemous  :  and  to  mak^  up  the  meafure  of  his  Forefathers  fins  ,  the  Btfl^op  calls  here  the 
Tiro  principles  oj  "Unity  in  Faith  and  Government ,  errours  and  falfhoods.  If  any  of 
cur  Preachers  being  exafpcrated  by  fome  fuch  Boutifeus  as  himfelf ,  have  in  their 
Pulpits  ufed  any  virulence  or  petulance  againft  the  Church  of  Rome  ;  let  him  make 
ufe  of  his  ftile  againft  them,  who  will  furnifli  him  with  Lettuce  fuitable  to  his  lipsi 
what  is  that  to  the  Church  of  England  ?  what  is  that  to  us  ?  ^id  immeremes  In- 
cites vexat  canU — Ignavus  adverfm  lupos?  Let  him  but  obferve  what  liberty  he  him- 
felf taketh,  without  any  manner  of  Provocation.  But  as  for  my  (elf  he  doth  me 
notorious  \/rong  ,  I  did  not  mention  any  principles  of  Unity  in  this  place  ,  nor  fo 
much  as  drcim  of  them,  but  that  he  mult  needs  bring  them  in  by  head  and  (boul- 
ders ,  in  every  Paragraph.  All  I  faid  was  this,  that  we  do  not  feparate  from  other 
Churches  ,  but  from  their  accidental  errours  :  but  fome  men  are  like  nettles,  touch 
them  gently  and  they  fling  you. 

The  Firft  part  ofour  moderation  was,not  to  cenfure  other  Churches  for  no  Churches 
nor  deny  them  pollibility  ofSalvation,nor  thruft  them  from  our  Communionv  which  I 
fhewed  in  the  example  of  St.  Cyprian.  In  anfwer  to  this  he  (heweth  the  unlawfulne(s 
of  communicating  with  Idolaters ,  which  is  reconciling  Chriji  with  Antichrift.  Was  not 
this  impertinent ,  if  he  himfelf  were  Judge  ? 

I  faid  ,  it  might  be  very  lawful  in  fome  cafes  ,  to  communicate  with  material  Idolaters 
Heretickj  and  Schifmatickj  ,  (  that  is  fuch  as  err  through  ignorance  and  frailty,  not 
obftinacy  )  in  Religious  Duties.  And  for  proof  hereof,  I  produced  the  inftance  of 
the  primitive  Chriltians ,  communicating  in  fome  cafes  with  the  Heretical  Arrians 
and  the  Schifmatical  Nciz/^fWK/.  ■  He  demands  Firft  who  forbids  them  to  go  vifit  the 
fch^?  I  add  ,  or  pray  with  them  alfo  ?  which  was  as  much  as  I  faid  there  ,  but  be- 
cau(e  he  fallcth  with  fuch  violence  upon  the  point ,  I  will  now  take  the  liberty  to 
exprefs  my  (elf  more  fully.  Firft  ,  it  is  to  be  remembred  that  I  did  fpeak  onely  of 
material  Idolaters,  Hereticks  or  Schi(hiaticks ,  not  formal.  Secondly,  of  Pious 
Offices,  not  of  Idolatrous  ads,  nor  any  thing  favouring  Herefie  or  Schifm.  Third- 
ly, I  do  now  exclude  ca(e  of  Scandal ,  for  juft  (candal  may  make  that  Ad  to  be 
unlawful  ,  which  in  it  felf  is  lawful.  Fourthly  ,  I  except  ca(es  of  Juft  Obedience , 
the  prohibition  of  a  lawful  Superiour,  Civil ,  or  Ecclefiaftical ,  may  make  that 
Ad  to  be  unlawful  ,  which  was  indifferent.  Laftly ,  I  diftingui(h  between  per(bns 
learned  and  grounded  in  Religion  ,  and  perfons  unlearned  and  ungrounded  i  the 
former  may  and  ought  to  communicate  with  Idolaters  ,  Hereticks ,  and  Schifma- 
ticks  ,  as  far  as  they  can  with  a  good  confcience ,  to  gain  them  to  the  truth  i  the 
latter  are  obliged  not  to  come  over  neer  to  pitch  ,  leaft  they  be  defiled. 

The  Queftion  being  thus  ftated  ,  I  believe  the  main  point  hath  no  great  difficulty 
in  it.  For  they  who  are  Idolaters,  Hereticks,  or  Schifmaticks  onely  materially, 
not  formally  ,  that  is ,  againft  their  meanings  ,  refolutions,  and  intentions  ,  are 
no  Idolaters ,  Hereticks  ,  or  Schifmaticks ,  in  the  eyes  of  God  or  difcerning  men  : 
neither  are  they  out  of  the  Pale  of  the  Church  ,  or  out  of  the  way  of  Salvation, 
De  fundament,  as  the  BiOiop  of  Chalcedon  faith  moft  truly ,  IFe  allow  all  thofe  to  have  fxving  Faith  ,  to 
c:  a.  fa£.  a.l  f^^  j^  ,;^^  Church ,  in  way  of  Salvation,  for  fo  much  as  belongeth  to  Faith ,  who  bold  the 
fundamental  points,  and  invincibly  err  in  not'Fundamentals.  But  all  Idolaters,  He- 
reticks, and  Schifiraticks,  who  are  onely  materially  Idolatrous,  Heretical,or  Schifma- 
tical,do  err  invincibly:  for  if  they  erred  vincibly,  then  they  were  formal  Idolaters , 
Hereticks,  or  Schifmaticks.  Thus 


^9l 


Discourse  IV.  Schism  Guarded. 

Thus  much  I  lay  down  for  certain  •■,  the  reft  I  onely  propole  ,  that  akhough  they ' — ~" 

•were  formal  Hcreticks  or  Schifmaticks ,  yet  they  are  not  altogether  out  dt  the  Pale 

of  the  Church  ,  but  onely  in  part ,  ex  ea  parte  in  texture  compjge  detinemttr    in  c£- 

tera  fafi  fiint ,  So  far  they  are  rvoven  into  the  rocb  ,  for  the  reft  they  are  divided]  as  St.  "^xfl-  I-    '--^e 

yiitjhn  iaith  ,  and  BeVarmine  out  of  him  acknowledgeth  that  they  are  abfolutely  in  ^"'"'^  ""'' 

the  Church  ,  until  they  go  out  of  it  by  obfiinacy  (  which  they  who  are  onely        ^°"^'' 


ma- 


as 


tcrial  Hcreticks  or  Schilmatickx  do  not :  )  and  after  they  are  gone  out  of  the  Church 
by  obrtinacy  ,  yet  they  are  ftill  in  the  Churcli  fecmdum  aliquid  mn  fimplidter     not 
abfolutely   but  refielTuvely  or  in  part.     And  after  he  hath  vapoured  a  lon«5  "me  to  no  BeHJe  Ecde 
purpofe  ,  thus  much  is  acknowledged  by  himfelf ,  as  longas  Schifmaticl^r  are  not  har-  I-  3:  c  4. 
dened  into  an  obftinacy  (  as  no  Schifmaticks  are  ,  who  are  onely  materially  Schifma- ■^"^'5^5' 
tical  )  ihere  is  a  prudential  Latitude  allorved  by  the  Church ,  delaying  her  cenfurers  c 
long  asjhe  canp(fibly  ,  rvithout  rvronging  her  Government  ■■,  as  teas  de  i^fko  pramjed  in 
England  till  the  7enih  of  ^een  Elizabeth.     This  is  full  as  much  as  I  faid ,  tiiat  it 
may  be  lawful  to  communicate  in  fome  cafes  with  material  Schifrnaticks. 

And  whatfoever  I  faid,  was  rather  to  make  charitable  confirudtion  of  their  ma- 
terial Idolatry  ,  than  out  of  fear  that  they  (hould  be  able  ,  to  attaint  us  of  any 
Schifm  either  material  or  formal :  if  he  had  any  thing  of  reality  to  obiecfl  aeainft 
us,  he  would  be  afhamed  to  intimate  our  inclinations  to  favour  Arrianifm  which 
he  himfelf  knoweth  our  fouls  abhor,  and  which  he  himfelf  knowcth  to  be  ex- 
prefly  condemned  ,  in  the  fecond  Article  of  our  Church.  He  may  finde  my  In- 
ftances  of  the  primitive  Chriftians  ,  communicating  with  the  Arrians  and  Novati- 
ons in  Church-Offices ,  in  my  Anfwer  to  the  Bifliop  of  Chalcedon's  Preface,  pag;.  i  "57 
if  he  have  any  thing  to  fay  to  them.  Neither  was  it  at  the  firft  fprouting  of  the 
Arrian  Herefie  ,  but  after  they  had  formed  feveral  Doxologies  to  themfelves  ■■,  not 
at  the  firll  beginning  of  the  Novatian  Schifm ,  but  towards  the  conclufion  of  it. 
i  cited  St,  C)frij«  for  no  other  purpofe,  but  to  fhew,  that  his  moderation  in  ab^ 
ft^ining  fr6tn  cenfuring  ,  did  preferve.  him  free  from  Schifm,  although  he  was  in 
anerrour.  When  O/'^mw  called  the  Z:>ci«attyir  his  Brethren  ^  he  did  not  mean  hi$ 
Brethren  in  Adam  ,  but  his  Brethren  in  Chrift,  and  wonders  why  his  Brother  Par- 
menian  (  a  Donatiji )  tpould  rank^  himfelf  mth  Hereticl{s ,  tvho  rvere  falfififrs  of  the 
Creed.  If  this  be  the  infallible  mark  of  an  Heretick,  let  Fius  partus  and  his  party 
look  to  themfelves. 

I  diilikcd  a  Pofition  of  his,  which  the  Reader  fhall  have  in  his  own  words,  lean- 
not  fay  my  Religion  if  trxe  ,  hat  I  mull  fay   the  Oppofite  U  falfe  i   mine  is  good^   but  I 
mujifay  the  Oppofneis  naught ;  mine  necefiary  ,  but  I  muji  judge  that  vohich  is  inconfi- 
jient  carries  to  damnation.     'Therefore  reho  does  not  cenfure  a  contrary  Religion  ,  holdf  ' 
not  his  orvn  certain ,  that  is^  bath  none.     Upon  this  he  purfueth  me  with  a  full  cry 
that  the  common  principle  of  Nature  £  if  any  thing  he  true  ,  t\x  oppofite  is  falfe  ^  1  or 
j^  a  thing  cannot  both  be  and  not  be  at  once "]  is  denied  by  the  Bipop.     Stay  Mr.  Ser- 
jeant., be  not  fb  fierce,  the  Bifhop  knoweth  as  well  as  your  felf,  that  the  difjundt- 
pn  of  contradidtories  is  eternal  >  and  it  feemeth  by  what  paffed  lately  between  us 
that  he  underftandeth  the  rules  of  oppofition   or  right  contradidrion  ,  better  than 
your  felf 

Firft ,  The  Emphafis  lieth  not  in  the  word  Q  trtte,']  but  in  the  words  £/iy1  and 
£  cenfure.  ]  Cannot  a  man  believe  of  hold  his  ovi^n  Religion  to  be  true,  but  he  mull 
neceffarily  fay  or  cenfure  another  mans ,  which  he  conceiveth  to  be  oppofite  to  it,  to 
be  falfe.  Truth  and  falfhood  are  contradictory  ,  or  of  eternal  difjundtion  j  but 
there  is  a  mean  between  believing ,  or  holding  mine  own  Religion  to  be  true  and 
laying  or  cenfuring  another  mans  (  which  perhaps  is  oppofite  J  to  be  falfe,  both 
more  prudential  and  more  charitable ,  that  is,  filences  to  look  circumfjsecftly  to  my 
felf,  arid  leave  other  men  to  ftand  or  fall  to  their  own  Mafter.  St.  Cyprian  did  be^ 
lieve  or  hold  his  own  Opinion  of  Rebaptifation  to  be  true  ,  yet  did  not  cenfure 
the  oppofite  to  be  falfe  ,  or  remove  any  man  from  his  communion  for  it.  Rabp^a- 
kih  was  more  cenforibas  than  Hezekiah ,  and  downright  Atheifts  than  conlcioha- 
ble  Chriftians. 

Secondly,  That  which  he  calleth  his  Religion,  is  no  more  in  truth  than  hisopi- 
nlon  ;  and  different  Opinions  are  ftiled  different  Religions.     In  Opinions  it  is  noi;' 

T  t  2  neceP- 


391. 


Schifw  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


ncccffarv  to  hold  with  any  party ,  much  Icfs  to  cenfjre  other  parties.     Sometimes 
OemiiiR  different  opmions  are  both  true ,   and  all  the  oppolition  is  but  a  contention 
b  1  It  words  ,  and  then  mutual  ccnfures  are  vain  :  fometimes  tbey  are  both  falfe , 
^  d  dicn  there  is  more  ufe  of  mutual  charity  than  mutual  cenfures  i  and  evermoire 
'        whether  true  or  falfe,  an  errour  againlt  charity  ,  is  much  greater  than  a  meer  fpe- 
culative  errour  in  judgment.  Prejudice  and  felf-love  are  like  a  coloured  glafs,  which 
makes  every  thing  we  difcern  through  it,  to  be  of  the  fame  colour :  and  on  the 
other  fide  ,  rancour  and  animofity,  like  the  tongue  infeded  with  choler,  maketh 
.  the  fwceteft  meats  to  taft  bitter  •,  in  each  refped  cenfures  arc  dangerous  ,  and  his 
'  principle  pernicious  ,  that  he  tvho  doth  not  cettfure  every  Religion  rvhich  he  reputeth  con- 
trary to  his  own  ,  hath  no  Religion. 

\  fet  down  fome  principles,  whereof  this  is  the  firft,  [^  particular  Churches  may 
fall  into  errours.  3  He  anfwereth  ,  'tw  true  ,  if  by  Errours  he  means  Opinions  ontly. 
JiJo  I  mean  Fundamental  Errours  alfo  ;  and  not  onely  fall  into  fome  Fundamen- 
tal Errours  but  aportate  from  Chrii\  ,  and  turn  T«r<^s ,  and  change  their  Bible  in- 
to the  Alchnran  s  whereof  we  have  vifiblc  experience  in  the  World.  He  anfwers , 
that  Frinciple  if  not  fo  undeniable  as  J  thinly.,  in  cafe  that  particular  Church  adhere  firm- 
ly to  her  rules  of  Faith  ^  immediate  Tradition.  Well  ,  but  we  fee  vifibly  with  our 
eyes  that  many  particular  Churches  have  not  adhered  to  any  Tradition  ,  univer- 
fal  or  particular  ,  mediate  or  immediate  ,  bnt  have  abandoned  all  Apoltolical  Tra- 
dition then  to  what  purpofe  ferveth  his  Exception  ,  in  cafe  that  Church  adhere 
firmly  to  immediate  Tradition,  when  all  the  World  feeth,  that  they  have  not  adhered 
firmly  to  Apoftolical  Tradition?  His  prefcrvative  is  much  like  that,  which  an  old 
Seaman  gave  a  Frefli-water  paflenger ,  when  he  was  to  go  to  Sea  ,  to  put  fo  many 
pibble  ftones  into  his  mouth ,  with  affurance  that  he  fliould  not  caft,  whilefi  he  held 
them  between  his  teeth.  What  fort  of  Tradition  ought  to  be  reputed  Apoftolical , 
what  not ,  I  have  fhewed  formerly. 

My  fecond  Principle  was  ,  that  \_  all  Errours  are  not  EfTentials  or  Fundamen- 
tals."] He  demands,  what  is  this  to  his  Propofition  tvhich  f^aks  of  Religion  ^  not  of 
Opinions  ?  Very  much,  becaufe  he  maketh  Opinions  to  be  EfTentials  of  his  Religi- 
on (  as  we  fee  in  the  new  Creed  of  ?iw  the  Fourth, )  fo  do  not  we.  To  the  third 
Principle  we  agree  thus  far  ,  that  an  Errour  de  fide  formaliter ,  or  in  thofe  things 
which  are  Efientials  of  Faith  ,  doth  deftroy  the  being  of  a  Church.  I  add  ,  that 
Errours  in  thofe  things,  qu£  funtfidei  materialiter  ,  that  is ,  in  inferiour  Queftions 
which  happen  in  or  about  things  believed,  or  which  are  not  in  Effentials ,  howfo- 
cver  they  may  be  lately  crowded  into  the  catalogue  of  Effentials ,  do  not  deftroy 
the  beeing  of  a  Church. 

My  fourth  Principle  was ,  that  [  every  one  is  bound  according  to  the  juft  extent 
of  his  power,  to  free  himfelf  fiom  fuch  Errours  as  are  not  in  Effentials.  ~\  He  an- 
fwereth   lV})y  fo  my  Lord  ?  if  thofe  Errours  he  not  Effential  ^  they   leave  according  to 
your  own  grounds  juffcient  means  of  Salvation ,  and  the  true  bein^  of  a  Church  •,  Hon> 
trove  you  then  you  ought  to  break.Church-Communion  .?  &c.     As  it  no  Errours  ought 
to  be  remedied  ,  but  onely  thofe  which  are  abfolutely  exclufive  from  all  hope  of  fal- 
vation  v  as  if  thofe  Errours  which  are  onely   itnpeditive  of  falvation ,  ought  not 
to  be  efchewed.     The  leaft  Errour  maintained  or  committed  againft  the  didate  of 
Confcience  is  a  fin ;  every  good  Chriftian  ought  to  do  his  uttermofi  endeavour  to 
free  himfelf  from  fin  i  it  is  not  lawful  to  do  evil  tiiat  good  may  come  of  it.    Yes, 
faith  he ,  bnt  not  to  breali^  Church  Communion  which  is  efkntially  dejiruGive  to  the  being 
(if  a  Church ,  or  to  endanger  our  fouls  where  there  is  no  necefjity.     Firit ,  they  who  free 
themfelves  from  known  Errours ,  do  not  thereby  break  Church-Communion :  but 
they  who  make  their  Errours  to  be  a  condition  of  their  Communion.    Let  him 
hear  the  conclufion  of  the  Eifliop  of  Chalcedon.     In  cafe  a  particular  Church  do  re- 
B  i  fS  rver    ^"'^^  profejfion  of  her  Herefie  ,  of  a  condition  of  communicating  with  her ,  divifon  fiom. 
(itp.a.f,  4.      '•-'<'''  "*  ''•"■f  ^4^  '^  '^°  Schifm  or  fin,  but  virtue  and  necejfary  ;  where  he  fpeaketh  onely 
of  material  Herefie.     It  was  they  who  made  their  Errours  the  condition  of  their 
Communion  ,  and  therefore  the  Schifm  and  fin  lyeth  at  their  doors.     Secondly  , 
Schifm  doth  not  deftroy  the    being  of  a  Church  ,  for  the  Church  continueth  a- 
.Cliurch  ftill,  after  the  Schifinatieks  are  gone  out  of  it:  but  it  deftroyeth  the  Schif- 
'^  maticks 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 


399 


niaticks  themfelves.     Laftly  ,  to  free  our  felves  froni  known  hrrours  ,  when  thev" 
arc  made  conditions  of  Communion  ,  is  fo  far  from  being  dangerous  to  Salvatio 
that  as  the  Eifliop  confeffeth  truly  ,  it  is  virtue  and  neccjfary.  "' 

The  fecond  proof  of  our  moderation  was  our  charity  ,  that  we  left  them  as  one 
fhould  leave  his  Fathers  Houfe ,  whileft  it  is  infeded  with  fome  contagious  fick 
jiefs,  with  an  hearty  defire  to  return  again  fo  foon  as  it  is  cleanfed.     This  charita' 
ble  defire  of  ours,  I  proved  by  our  daily  Prayers  for  them  in  our  Litany    that  God 
would  bring  them  out  of  the  way  of  Errour  ,  into  the  way  of  truth  •  'and  parti 
cularly  by  our  Prayer  on  Good  Friday  for  them.  That  God  vPould  have  mrcy  upon  ai 
Hereticks,  and  fetch  them  home  to  his  Flock,  that  they  may  be  faved  amona  the  remmni 
of  true  Ifraelites,  and  be  made  one  fold  under  one  Shepherd  Jefus  Chriji  our  Lord    A  d 
this  our  charity  is  the  more  confpicuous  by  this ,  that  in  bulla  ctena    that  is     the 
next  day  before ,  anniverfarily  ,  they  do  as  folemnly  curfe  and  anathematize  us 
To  this  he  aniwereth  i  Firrt  ,  that  they  do  more  for  us  ,  and  hazard  their  lives  dail'v 
to  convert  us.'    They  hazard  their  lives  to  ferve  a  forreign  intereft  ,  not  to  convert 
but  to  pervert  as  many  as  they  can  i  not  to  fow  good  feed  in  the  Lord's  Field  ' 
but  to  fuperfeminate  ,  or  fow  Tares  above  the  Wheat.     We  fhould  thank  thern 
more  to  Ihy  at  home  ,  than  to  compafs  Sea  and  Land  to  gain  Profelyiv?     as  i\  f 
Pharifees  did  ,  and  made  them  two-fold  more  the  children  of  Hell  than  ihcmfelves^ 
He  faith,  that  this  is  the  folemn  cujiom  of  their  Church  every  Good  Friday.     Let  it  be 
fo  :  but  they  have  not  the  fame  incentive  and  provocation  which  we  have     we  do 
not  curfe  and  anathematize  them  the  day  before ,  as  they  do  us.     This  advantage 
we  have  over  them  ,  that  we  render  blelfing  for  curling,  which  they  do  not. 

Heretickj-.,  Firft ,  he- 
Heretical;  Secondly, 
Flock.     To  the  firft 

I  anfwer,  that  a  particular  Church  which  is  onely  materially  Heretical     not  for- 
mally ,   doth  itill  continue  a  true  Church  of  Chrilh     The  Bifliop  of  Chalcedon  un- 
derftood  thefe  things  much  better  than  himfelf,  this  is  confclTed  by  him  in  the  place 
formerly  alledged  ,  A  particular  Church  may  be  really  Heretical  or  SchifmaticaL  and  yet  Brief  Survey 
morally  a  true  particular  Church  ^  becaufe  Jhe  u   invincibly  ignorant  of  her  Herefxe  or  cap:  i.  [(8:  4. 
Schifm.     We  agree  with  him  wholly  in  the  fenfe  ,  onely  we  differ  in  the  exprdlion 
What  he  calleth  really  Heretical ,  v/e  Mc  materially  Heretical;  and  what  he  called* 
morally  a  true  Church  ,   we  ufe  to  ftile  Mctaphyftcally  a  true  Church  ,  that  is     bv 
truth  of  Entity  ,  not  of  Morality.     Secondly,  I  anfwer.  That  the  Flock  ofChrift 
is  taken  varioufly  ,  fometimes  more  largely,  fometimes  more  ftridly  i  more  large- 
ly ,  for  all  thofe  that  are  in  domo  ,  by  outward  profeifion  ;  more  Itritftly,  for  thoft 
who  are  ex  domo  ••,  fo  in  the  Churchy  that  they   are  alfo  of  the  Church     by  inward 
Sandtification.     And  our  Colled:  hath  reference  to  this  later  acception  of  this  word 
L  Floch^:  ]  So  fetch  them  home ,  hleSed  Lord ,    to  thy  Floc\^  that  they  may  be    Ca- 
ved. -' 

He  taketh  it  ill ,  that  our  Church  hath  changed  thefe  words  in  the  MifTal  f  reca'l 
them  to  our  Holy  Mother  the  Catholick  and  Apojiolick^  Church,"]  into  this  dmndlitr  pu- 
ling ,  puritanical  exprejjion,  of  [  one  Flock^,  and  one  Fold,  under  one  Shepherd.  "1  Whe- 
ther it  be  becaufe  he  hath  a  pick  againlt  Scripture  Phrafes ,  as  founding  too  Preach- 
er-like i  or  rather,  becaufe  our  Church  did  prefume  to  name  the  right  Shepherd 
Jefiii  Chriji ,  and  not  leave  it  to  their  Gloffes  to  entitle  the  Pope  to  that  Office' 
But  certainly ,  the  Authority  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  is  not  formidable  at  all  to 
any  genuine  Sons  of  the  Church  of  England. 

I  do  readily  acknowledge,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  each  Orthodox  Church  to  ex- 
communicate Formal  Hereticks ,  and  them  who  fwervc  from  the  Apoftlcs  Creed 
as  the  Fvule  of  Faith  :  but  this  doth  not  oblige  the  Church  of  England  to  excom- 
municate all  material  Hereticks,  who  follow  the  didate  of  their  confcience  in  infe- 
riour  Qucftions  ,  which  are  not  Effentials  of  Faith  ,  and  do  hold  the  truth  impli- 
citely  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds.  Neither  do  I  ever  know,  that  the  Church 
oi:  England  did  ever  excommunicate  Papifts  in  grofs,  qua  tales 'hut  onely  fome 
particular  Papifts,  who  were  either  convifted  of  other  crimes,  or  found  puilty  of 
contumacy.     It  were  to  be  wiflied  ,  that  the  Court  of  Rome  would  ufe  the  fame 

mode- 


40 


o 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


moderation  ,  and  remember  how  Ir£iieus  reproved  Pope  FiSor,  7hat  he  had  not  done 

V  rb  lib      riohtly  ,  to  cut  ojffrom  the  Vnity  of  the  Myjlical  Body  of  Chrijl  ,  fo  many  and  fu  great 

cap    V-  CAmnhes  of  God.     This  is  that  great  non-fenfe ,  which  this  egregious  Prevaricatour 

'  j^jtli  found  in  our  Colled-,  that  f/;(?  Englifh  C/j/<rc/?  Mwzot  reconcile  herVnUrine  and 

her  pradice  together.     Let  him  not  trouble  his  head  with  that ,  but  rather  how   to 

reconcile  himlelf  with  his  own  Church.     He  will  have  Prayers  to  be  onely  words, 

Pae  590:       no  works  :   but  his  Church  maketh  Prayer ,  Fafting  and  Alms,  to  be  Three  fatisfa- 

dory  works. 

My  third  proof  of  our  moderation  was,  that  we  do  not  challenge  a  new  Church, 
a  new  Religion  ,  or  new  Holy  Orders  :  but  derive  our  Church  ,  our  Religion ,  our 
Holy  Orders ,  from  Chrilt  and  his  Apoftles  by  an  uninterrupted  Succellion  i  we 
obtrude  no  innovations  upon  others.  All  this  is  quite  omitted  by  this  great  pre- 
tender to  fincerity ,  and  yet  he  knoweth  or  may  know ,  that  there  have  been  pre- 
tended Reformers  ,  who  have  committed  all  thefe  excefTes.  But  he  catcheth  hold 
of  two  words  of  my  defence  ,  that  we  have  added  no  thing  I  wifh  they  could  fay 
as  much  )  nor  tahn  away  any  thing  but  errours.  To  the  former  part  he  excepteth , 
that  he  who  pofitively  denies  ,  ever  adds  the  contrary  to  what  he  tak^s  away  j  He  that 
mak^s  it  an  Article  there  is  no  Purgatory ,  no  Mafs^  no  Traytrs  to  Saints  ■,  hath  as  ma- 
ny Articles  as  he  who  holds  the  contrary.  I  have  taken  away  this  Anfwer  before, 
and  demonftrated  ,  that  no  Negative  can  be  a  Fundamental  Article ,  or  neceffary 
Medium  of  Salvation,  becaufe  it  hath  no  Entity  ■■>  That  there  are  an  hundred  great- 
er Difputes  and  Contradidions  among  themfelves  ,  in  Theological  Queftions ,  or 
in  thefe  things  qu£  funt  fdei  materialiter,  than  thofe  Three  are  between  us  and 
them;  Yet  they  dare  not  fay,  that  either  the  Affirmatives  or  Negatives  are  Arti- 
cles of  Faith.  The  Chriftian  Church  for  Fifteen  hundred  years ,  knew  never  more 
than  Twelve  old  Articles  of  Faith ,  until  Piuf  the  Fourth  added  Twelve  new  Arti- 
cles. And  now  this  young  P)'/fc<jgoMj  will  make  us  more  than  1200  Articles  ,  Af- 
firmative Articles ,  and  Negative  Articles  s  Fundamental  Articles  ,  and  Superftru- 
dive  Articles.  Every  Theological  truth  {hall  either  be  a  Fundamental  Article  ,  or 
an  indifferent  and  uiiconcerning  Opinion. 

He  faith  ,  Our  22.  Article  defneth  the  Negative  to  Purgatory  ■,  yet  I  ^  tikg  an  iU-tu- 
P^i- 59i        toured  child,  tell  my  old  crafie  Mother  the  Church  of  Enghnd  ,  that  Jhe  lyes.     I  hope 
by  this  time  the  Reader  knoweth  Efficiently ,  that  his  Pen  is  no  flander.     If  the 
Church  of  England  did  ever  ill ,  it  was  when  (he  begot  him.     Neither  do  I  tell  the 
Churcli  of  England  Jhe  lyes ,  nor  diffent  in  the  leaft  from  the  Definition  of  the 
Church  of  England;  neither  doth  the  Church  of  England  define  any  of  thefe  Que- 
ftions as  neceffary  to   be  believed  ,  either  neceffitate  medii ,  or  nece0tate  pr<eceptiy 
which  is  much  lefs,  but  onely  bindethher  Sons  for  peace-fake  not  to  oppofe  them. 
But  he  himfelf  can  hardly  be  excufed  from  lying ,  where  he  telleth  us  ,  the  good  fm- 
fk  Minijiers  did  fwear  to  maintain  them.     Perhaps  he  was  one  of  the  fimple  Mini- 
liers,  did  he  ever  fwear  to  maintain  them?  did  he  ever  know  any  man  who  did 
fwear  to  maintain  them  ?  For  him  to  urge  fuch  falflioods ,  after  they  have  been  lb 
bften  det<-ded ,  is  douhlcEffiontety,  periijjefuto  cut pudor per Ht.     He  inferreth  far- 
ther. By  the  Bijhops  Logich^,  thefe  Propofnions  ,  that  there  are  not  "two  Gods  ,  that  the 
"Devils  Jh all  not  befaved,  nor  the  Saints  in  Heaven  damned  •>  that  there  is  no  Salvation^ 
hut  through  ChriH  '■,  mu^  ceafe  to  be  Articles  of  Faith ,  and  become  indifferent  unconcer- 
fiing  Opinions ,  becaufe  they  are  Negative.     I  wifli  no  more  difparagemcnt  to  any 
man ,  than  to  be  the  Authour  of  fijch  an  abfurd  AfTertion  ,  Either  they  are  Funda- 
mental Articles ,  or  unconcerning  Opinions.     How  (hould  they  ceafe  to  be  Articles  , 
which  never  were  Articles  ?  That  there  is  one  God ,  and  one  Saviour  Jefus  Chrilt, 
that  the  life  of  the  Saints  is  everlafting  ,  and  the  fire  of  the  Devils  everlafling ,  are 
Articles  of  Faith  i  but  every  thing  which  may  be  deduced  from  thefe,   is  not  a  di- 
rtind  Article  of  Faith. 

To  the  later  part  of  my  Plea  ,  that  we  too\_  nothing  away  hut  teeeds,  he  pleadethi 
Firft,  tha.t  it  is  but  a  felf-fuppofition,  or  a  begging  of  the  Quefiion.  By  his  leave, 
I  have  demonftrated  ,  that  all  the  Branches  of  Papal  power,  which  areincontro- 
verfie  between  them  and  us,  are  all  grofs  ufurpationsand  weeds,  which  did  never 
fprout  up  in  the  Church  of  England  until  after  i  loc  years-,  no  man  can  fay  with- 
<  out 


401 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 

out  (hame  ,  that  fuch  were  planted  by  Chrill:  or  his  Apoftles.     Secondly  ,  he  exce-  ~ 

pteth,  th-it  totally  away  Errours,  is  arequifue  a&  of  JujUce,  not  a  proof  of  Moderati- 
on: On  the  contrary  ,  therefore  it  is  a  proof  of  Moderation,  becaufe  itisaregui- 
fite  ad  of  Jullice  ■■,  all  virtue  confilleth  in  the  mean  ,  or  in  a  moderation.  It  is  ijot 
his  particular ,  pretended ,  fuppofititious  Tradition ,  which  doth  fecure  us  that 
Chrift  was  ,  and  that  the  Holy  Scripture  is  the  genuine  Word  of  God :  but  the 
univerfal  and  perpetual  Tradition  of  the  Catholick  Church  of  Chrift. 

My  laft  proof  of  our  moderation  was ,  that  we  are  ready  in  the  preparation  of 
our  minds  to  believe  and  pradife  ,  whatfoever  the  Catholick  Church  of  this  pre- 
fent  Age  doth  believe  and  pradife.  And  this  is  an  Infallible  prefervative  to  keep  a 
man  within  the  Pale  of  the  Church:  whofoever  doth  this  cordially,  cannot  pollibly 
be  a  formal  Heretick  or  Schifmatick  ,  becaufe  he  is  invincibly  ignorant  of  his  Here- 
fie  or  Schifm  ••>  No  man  can  have  ajtiji  caufe  tofeparate  his  Commmnon  ,  a  Communi- 
one  orbis  Terrarum ,  jrom  the  Communion  of  the  Chrijlian  IForlJ,  If  he  would  have  *"'"  ^f''-4i 
confuted  this  ,  his  way  had  been  to  have  propofed  for.iething  which  the  Chriftian 
World  United  doth  believe  or  pradife  ,  which  we  are  nor  ready  to  believe  or  pra- 
dife.  This  he  doth  not  fo  much  as  attempt  to  do  ,  but  barketh  and  raileth  with- 
out rythm  or  reafon.  Firft  he  telleth  "us  we  fay  that  there  is  no  Vniverfal  Church 
Chufe  Reader  whether  thou  wilt  believe  him  or  our  Leiturgy  ,  wherein  we  pray 
daily  ,  that  God  tvitl  injpire  the  Vniverfal  Church  rvith  thejpirit  of  Truth,  Vnity,  and 
Concord.  He  telleth  us,  that  they  do  not  doubt  but  ree  have  renounced  our  Creed. 
Chufe  Reader  whether  theu  wilt  believe  him  or  our  Leiturgy ,  wherein  we  make 
profelfion  daily  of  the  JpoftoUck^,  Nifene  ,  and  Athanafian  Creeds.  He  telleth  us 
that  we  hz'V&renounced  our  reafon.  If  he  had  faid  onely  that  we  had  loft  our  reafon' 
it  is  more  than  any  man  in  his  right  witts  would  fay :  but  to  fay  we  have  renounced 
our  reafon ,  is  incredible. 

The  reafon  of  all  this  is ,  becaufe  vce  give  no  certain  rule  to  h>totv  a  true  Church  from 
an  Heretical.  Hefuppofeth,  that  no  Heretical  Church  is  a  true  Church.  The  Bi- 
(hop  of  Chalcedon  may  inftrud  him  better ,  that  an  Heretical  Church  U  a  true  Church 
rphileji  it  erreth  invincibly.  He  faith  that  he  hath  lived  in  circumftances,  to  be  at  rvell 
acquainted  with  our  DoUrine  as  moji  men  are:  Yet  he  profefleth  that  if  his  life  were  at 
ftaki  ,  he  could  not  determin  abfolutely  upon  our  conflant  pounds ,  whether  Trefbyterians 
Anahaptijlf  ,  or  ^akgrs  are  to  be  excluded  from  the  Vniverfal  Church  or  no.  The  near- 
er relation  that  he  hath  had  to  the  Church  of  England ,  the  more  (hame  for  him  to 
fcoffe  fo  often  at  the  fuppofed  nakednefs  of  his  Mother ,  and  to  revile  her  fo  viru- 
lently, vvithout  either  ground  or  Provocation  ,  which  gave  him  his  Chriftian  beinf. 
He  hath  my  charitable  Judgement  of  Prefbyterians ,  in  my  reply  to  the  Bifhop  of 
Chalcedons  Epiftle.  And  for  the  other  Seds ,  it  were  much  better  to  have  a  little 
patience  and  fuffer  them  to  dye  of  themfelves,  than  trouble  the  world  fo  much  about 
them :  they  were  produced  in  a  ftorm  and  will  dye  in  a  calm.  He  may  be  fure  they 
■will  never  molefthim  at  any  Councel ,  either  General  or  Occidental.  It  is  honour 
enough  for  them  to  be  named  in  earneft  by  a  Polemick  Writer. 

But  what  manner  of  difputing  is  this,  to  bring  Queftions  inftead  of  Arguments? 
As  what  new  Form  of  Difcipline  the  Proteftants  have  introduced  ?  What  are  the 
certain  conditions  of  a  right  Oecumenical  Council  ?  What  is  the  Univerfal  Church, 
and  of  what  particular  Churches  it  doth  confift  ?  What  are  the  notes  to  know  a 
true  Church  from  an  Heretical  .■?  We  have  introduced  no  new  Difcipline ,  but  re- 
tained the  old.  Our  conditions  of  a  right  Oecumenical  Council ,  are  the  fame 
they  were ,  not  altogether  fo  rigoroufly  exaded  in  cafe  of  invincible  necellky.  We 
are  readier  to  give  an  account  of  our  felves  ,  than  to  cenfure  others  ;  either  to  in- 
trude our  felves  into  the  Office  of  God,  to  diftinguifli  perfedly  formal  Schifmaticks 
from  material  ;  Or  into  the  Office  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  to  determine  precifc- 
ly  who  ought  to  be  excluded  from  her  Communion ,  who  not.  We  exclude  all 
thofe  whom  undoubted  General  Councils  have  excluded  ,  the  reft  we  leave  to  God, 
and  to  the  determination  of  a  free  Council  as  General  as  may  be.  But  becaufe  I 
would  not  leave  him  unfatisfied  in  any  thing,  1  am  contented  to  admit  their  own 
Definition  of  the  Univerfal  Church  ,  that  is,  the  company  of  Chrijiians  ki>it  together 
by  the  profefjion  of  the  fame  Faith  ,  and  the  Commmnon  of  the  fame  Sacraments  ^^inda- 

the 


4o2 


Scbifm  Guarded.  TOME  I. 


the  Govtrnment  of  lawful  Pajhurs.     Taking  away  that  purple  patch  ,  which  they 
■  u^ye  ajded  at  the  latter  end  of  it ,  for  their  own  interclt ,  and  efpeciaVy  of  the  Ro- 
an Bipop    "^  ''-'^  ""^b  ^''^"^  °(  ^'-""'^^  "/""*  ^^'''^'     -^""^  '^  ^'^^y  ^^  ftinted  at  a 
Priinacy  of  Order,  or  beginning  of  Unity ,  Ifhouldnot  have  excepted  againft 

'  He  objecfteth ,  that  Troteftants  have  no  grounds  to  dijiinguijh  true  believers  from  falfe. 
That  were  ftrange  indeed  ,  whileft  we  have  the  fame  Scriptures,  interpreted  by  the 
fame  perpetual  Tradition  of  the  Univerfal  Church,  according  to  the  fame  Analogy 
of  Faith  (  wherein  we  give  this  honour  to  the  Fathers  ,  not  to  be  Authors  but  wit- 
jiefles  of  Tradition  > )  whatfoever  grounds  they  have  to  diftinguiQi  true  believers 
from  falfe,  we  have  the  fame.     But  becaufe-.!  made  the  Apoftles  Creed  to  be  the 
rule  cf  Faith  ,  he  objedteth,  Firlt ,  then  the  Puritans  who  deny  the  Article  of  Chrijis 
defcent  into  Hell ,  muji  be  excluded  quite  from  the  Vniverfal  Church.     If  they  be  fo  , 
what  is  that  to  the  Church  of  England  ?  if  they  be  turned  out  ,  yet  let  them  be 
heard  Firft.     They  plead  that  the  manner  of  Chrilts  defcent  is  not  particularly  deter- 
mined :  but  let  it  be  determined  or  not ,  they  ought  to  be  turned  out  of  the  Uni- 
verfal Church  by  a  General  Council  i  and  it  may  be  they  will  fubmit  to  the  Au- 
thority of  a  General  Council,  then  there  will  need  no  turning  out.     Secondly  he 
objedieth ,  fo  a  man  may  rejf S  all  Government  of  the  Church  ,  the  proce^on  of  the  Holy 
Ohoji  ,  all  the  Sacraments^  aVthe  Scriptures^  and  yet  continue  a  Member  of  Gods  Church. 
Why  fo  ?  when  I  faidthe  Creed  was  afufficient  rule  of  Faith  ,  or  Credendnrum  of 
things  to  be  believed  ,  I  neither  faid  nor  meant ,  that  it  was  regtila  agendorum ,  a 
rule  offuch  things  as  are  to  hepraUifed--,  fuch  as  the  Ads  of  Diicipline  and  of  the  Sa- 
craments are.     The  Creed  contained  enough  for  Salvation ,  touching  the  procellion 
of  the  Holy  Ghoft  ,  before  the  words  {_  Filioque  ]  were  added  to  it :  and  there  is 
great  caufe  to  doubt ,  that  the  contentions  of  the  Eafternznd  J^efffrw  Churches  about 
this  Subjed  ,  are  but  a  meet  Logomachy  or  ftrife  about  words.    The  Scriptures  and 
the  Creed  are  not  two  different  rules  of  Faith ,  but  one  and  the  fame  rule ,  dilated 
in  the  Scripture ,  contraded  in  the  Creed  ;  the  end  of  the  Creed  being  to  contain  all 
fundamental  points  of  Faith  ,  or  a  fummary  of  all  things  neceflary  fo  Salvation,  to 
be  believed  Necefjitate  medii :  but  in  what  particular  writings  all  thefe  fundamental 
points  are  contained  ,  is  no  particular  fundamental  Article  it  felf ,  nor  contained  in 
the  Creed ,  nor  could  be  contained  in  it  i  finceit  is  apparent  out  of  the  Scripture  it 
felf,  that  the  Creed  was  made  and  depofited  with  the  Church  as  a  rule  of  Faith , 
before  the  Canon  of  the  new  Teftament  was  fully  perfeded.     Arrians  and  Socinians 
may  perhaps  wreft   the   words  of  the  Apoftles  Creed ,  to  their  Heretical  fenfe  : 
but  not  as  it  is  explained  by  the  Firft  Four  General  Councils ,  which  all  Orthodox; 
Chriftians  do  admit.     He  faith  they  and  we  differ  about  the  fenfe  of  Two  Articles 
of  the  Creed  ,   that  is  the  defcent  of  Chrift  into  Hell ,  and  the  Catholick  Church  , 
but  fetteth  not  down  wherein  we  differ.     He  hath  reafon  to  underftand  our  differ- 
ences ,  having  been  of  both  Churches :  but  I  for  my  part  do  rather  believe ,  that 
he  underftandeth  neither  part  right.     Howfoever  it  be,  the  different  fenfe  of  an 
Article  doth  make  an  Heretick,  after  it  is  defined  by  the  Univerfal  Church  ,  not 
before. 

He  faith  ,  he  hath  already  petved  in  the  foregoing  Sedion^  that  the  Proteflanti  grounds 
have  left  no  Order  and  Subordination  of  Vniverfal  Government  in  Gods  Church.     But 
he  hath  neither  (hewn  it  in  the  foregoing  Sedion  ,  nor  any  where  elfe  ,  nor  is  able 
to  fhew  it.     We  have  the  fame  fubordination  that  the  Primitive  Church  ,  of  Inferi- 
our  Clergy- men  to  Bifhops ,  of  Bifhops  to  Archbifhops  ,  of  Archbifhops  to  Patri- 
archs ,  and  of  Patriarchs  to  a  General  Council ,  or  as  General  as  may  be.     Let  him 
fhew  anyone  link  of  this  Subordination  that  we  have  weakened.     I  faid  £  we  ac- 
knowledge, not  a  Virtual  Church,  or  one  man   as  Infallible  as  the  Univerfal 
Church :  ]  He  rejoyneth  ,  nor  they  neither.    I  wifh  it  were  fo  Generally  ;   but  the 
Pope  and  Court  of  Rome ,  who  have  the  power  of  the  Keys  in  their  hands  (  whom 
onely  we  accufe  in  this  behalf )  do  maintain  the  contrary  i  that  a  General  Council' 
without  the  Pope  may  err  i  that  the  Pope  with  any  Council  General  or  particular 
cannot  erri  that  the  Infallibility  of  the  Church  is  radicated  in  the  Pope  ,  by  Virtue  of 
Chrifts  Prayer  for  St.  Peter,  that  his  Faith  fljould  not  fail ,  not  in  a  company  of  Coun- 

fellcrs , 


•i 


I J  IS  COL' USE  IV.  Schifm  Gnarded. 

i ^ 4°  3 

Iclkrs,  nor  in  a  Council  of  Bifhops  v  that  the  Pope  cannot    define  tcmerarioully  ^ ' 

in  matters  of  Faith  or  good  manners ,  which  concern  the  whole  Church.  What' 
a  General  Council  is,and  what  the  Univerfal  Church  is,  and  who  ought  to  be  exclu- 
ded from  the  one  or  the  other  as  Hereticks ,  I  have  (hewed  already  ■■,  namely  all 
thofe  and  onelythofe,  who  do  either  renounce  their  Creed  ,  the  bad c^e  of  their 
Chriftianity  ,  the  fame  Faith  whereinto  they  were  Baptifedi  or  who  differing  about 
the  fenfc  of  any  Article  thereof,  have  already  been  excluded  as  Hereticks  by  the 
fentence  of  an  undoubted  General  Council.  ' 

Howfoever  he  fleighteth  the  Controverfies  which  they  have  among  themfelves 
concerning  the  lad  refolution  of  Faith  ,  as  if  they  were  of  no  momenta  yet  they  are' 
not  of  fb  little  concernment  to  be  fo  fleighted.  What  availeth  it  to  fay  they  have 
the  Chiirch  for  an  infalhble  Judge  ,  whileli;  they  are  not  certain,  or  do'  not  know 
what  the  Cliurch  is ,  or  who  this  infallible  Judge  is?  May  not  a  man  fay  unto 
them,  as  E/ijj/j  faid  untotheij9<zf//7fj,  JVl.y  hah  ye  betrpeen  two  Opinions  ?  or  ra- 
ther, why  halt  ye  betwixt  five  or  fix  Opinions  ?  If  the  Pope  alone  be  infallible 
Judge,  follow  him-,  if  a  General  Council  alone  be  this  infalhble  Judge  follow  it- 
if  the  Eflential  Church  be  the  infallible  Judge,  adhere  to  iti  if  the  Pope  and  a  Ge- 
neral Council ,  or  the  Pope  and  a  particular  Council,  or  the  Pope  and  his  Conclave 
of  Cardinals  be  this  infallible  Judge  ,  follow  them. 

He  telleth  us  ,  that  their  Vniverfal  Church  U  at  vifible  as  the  Sun  at  Noon-day     to 
vpit ,  thofe  Countries  in  communion  tpith  the  See  of  Rome.     Without  doubt  they  are 
vifible  enough,  but  it  is  as  vifible,  that  theyare  not  the  Univerfal  Chujch.     What 
fhall  become  of  all  the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  World  >  they  are  the  elder  Chriliians 
and  more  numerous  four  for  one,  both  Patriarchs  and  people.     Icisagainft  reafon 
that  one  fingle  Protopatriarch  (hould  caft  out  four  out  of  the  Church,   Jnd  be  both 
Party  and  Judge  in  his  own  Caufe.     But  here  it  ends  not  i   if  the  Pope  will  have 
his  vifible  Church  to  be  one  Homogeneous  Body ',    he  muft  caft  our  a  great  macy 
more  yet  •,  and  it  is  to  be  fufpeded  ,  this  very  Dijpatcher  himfelf  among  the  reft,  for 
all  his  (hews.     They  flatter  the  Pope  with  General  terms  of  Head ,  and  Chief  Go- 
vernour  ,  and  Fir/f  Mover  ,  which  fignifie  nothing-,  but  in  reality ,  they  would  have 
the  Pope  to  be  no  more,  than  the  Duke  oi Venice  is  in  the  Venetian  Commonwealth 
that  is,  lefs  than  the  Senate  ,  but  greater  than  any  fingle  Senatour :  or,  that  which  r  i,   j 
a  general  Maifter  is  in  a  Religious  Order  i  above  all  Priours  and  Provincials,  but  lib.\.cah"v- 
fubjeift  to  a  Congregation  General.     Wherein  do  thefe  men  differ  from  us  > 


SECT.    V  1 1  L 

"that  all  Princes  and  Kepublick/  of  the  Roman  Communion  ,  do  in  efftd  the  fame  thina 
rvhich  Henry  the  Eighth  did  ,  rvhen  they  have  occafmt  ,  or  at  leaji  do  tkad 
for  it. 

THis  was  the  Title  and  this  is  ray  fcope  of  my  Fifth  ground  -,  which  I  mids 
good  by  the  Laws  and  Decrees  of  the  Emperours ,  with  their  Councils,  and 
Synods,  and  Electoral  Colledge,  by  the  Laws  of  France  ,  the  liberties  of  the 
Galican  Church  ,  the  A<ftsof  their  Parliaments ,  and  declarations  of  their  Univcr- 
fities  :  by  the  praftice  of  the  King  oi^ Spain  ,  his  Councils ,  his  Parliaments,  in  Si- 
cily, in  Cajiile  ,  in  Brabant  and  Flanders  :  by  the  fighs  of  Portugal,  and  their  bkatings 
and  the  judgement  of  the  Univerfity  of  Lisbone  :  by  the  Laws  and  Proclamations 
of  the  Republick  .of  Venice.     This  I  made  good ,  in  every  particular  branch  of 
Papal  power  which  we  have  caft  out  of  England  -,  the  Patronage  of  the  Enghfl> 
Church,  the  right  to  call  and  confirm  Synods,  to  confer  Bifhopricks,  to  receive 
Tenths  and  Firft-fruits  and  Oaths  of  Fidelity  ,  and  concerning  the  Supreme  Legi- 
ilative  Difpenfative  and  Judiciary  power,  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  External 
Regiment  of  the  Church.     To  all  this,  neither  the  Bifhop  of  Chalcedon  nor  Mr. 
Serjeant,  either  in  his  former  Ai\fwer,  or  in  this  Rejoynder  (  although  provoked,  ) 
have  offered  one  word  of  Anfwer. 

This  Plea  doth  utterly  deftroy  their  prefienfe  of  Divine  right  and  of  uninterrupted 

U  u  Tradi- 


404 


Schifm  Guarded. TDME  L 

-~        ~      ji  thefc  Branches  of  Papal  power.     Can  any  man  be  fo  Aupid  as  to 

7rjdiuo„    ior  an  ^^^.'^^^  .^,   ^.^^^^  ^  ^,^1^^  was  Fiift  tacked  into  the  Church  ,  with 

T'^^'hi  Oppolltion,  after  Eleven  Hundred  years  .?  or  that  to  be  grounded  upon 
"ctual  and  Univcrfal  Tradition  ,  which  hath  been  oppofed  in  all  Ages  f.nce  it 
'^^'^'^dcvifcd     in  all  places ,   by  all  forts  of  pcrlons  •,  Kmgs  and  their  Parliaments 
^  d  Councils    Synods ,  and  Univcrfities ,  Divines ,  and  Lawyers  ?  what  (hameful 
Tcrdverfation  is  this,  which  no  Ingenious  Adverfary  could  be  guilty  of,  but  out  of 
■  vincible  necellity  ?   thus  he  ferved  me  where  I  produced  all  ourdld  Englijh  Laws, 
Thus"  he  ferved  me  where  I  produced  their  own  Authors  to  teftifie  the  intolerable 
'Extortions  and  Ufurpations  of  the  Ro»wJ«  Court,  thus  he  fervethme  here,and  in  place 
of  fo  many  Laws  and  Proclamations,  and  Placacts,and  Synodal  Adts,and  Judgments 
of  Univcrnties,he  fliufflcth  in  fo  many  of  his  fiddle-faddle  contradidions  ,  which  are 
notall  worth  a  dcafNut.lf  it  were  not  thatlhave  proceded  fofar  already,&fofo  devorato 
hove.iurpe  cjl  in  cauda  dtficere,\  would  not  vouchfafe  to  anfwer  them  but  with  contempt. 
Thus  he  begins  ,  Nine  or  ten  jelf-comradiCiioni  in  one  SeUinn.     He  fpeaketh  mo- 
deflly  ,  i^  there  be  one ,  there  is  nine  hundred.     This   word  [  in  effedt  ]  faith  he  , 
deftrve)  a  Comment.     It  hath  a  Comment ,  wherein  his  feigned  contradidions  were 
fatisfied ,  before  they  were  hatched  by  him  •,  the  more  uningenuous  pcrfon  he  ,  to 
take  no  notice  of  it.Hc  may  rind  it  in  my  Reply  to  the  Bifnop  oiChakedon,  chap-  7. 
/  2.Pag.  228.     Other  Princes  of  the  Koman  Communion,  have  made  Laws  as  well 
as  we    to  renounce  and  abrogate  all  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  Authority  which  we 
caft  out ,  that  is ,  onely  Papal   Ufurpations  -,  but  neither  they  nor  we  ever  defined 
affaii'jl  Effential  right.     We  deny  not  to  the  Pope  a  Superiority  of  Order  above  the 
Archbifliop  of  Canterbury,  but  we  deny  him  a  Superiority  of  Power  in  the  Exte- 
riour  Court ,  that  is ,  we  deny  him  the  Supreme  Judiciary  Power  :  fo  did  they. 
King  Henry  the  Eighth  abolijhed  the  JurifdiUion  of  the  Bijhop  of  Rome  rpithin  hii  Do- 
tninions,  hut  the  Emper ours  did  not  fo\  If  they  did  not  fo,  yet  if  they  pleaded  for 
it ,  or  juftified  it ,  it  is  as  much  as  I  faid  :  and  if  they  did  it  by  parcels  f  as  I  have 
fliewed  they  did  3  though  they  did  it  not  in  grofs  ,  it  is  the  fame  thing  in  effed. 
Om  Ance(tours  threatned  the  Tope  ,  to  makg  a  rvaV  of  Separation  between  him  and  them , 
not  by  making  a  new  Law  ,  for  it  was  the  Common  Law  of  England  ,  but  by  de- 
claring the  Law  ,  by  executing  the  Law  :  And  though  they  had  threatned  him  to 
make  one  general  Law ,  againlt  all  his  Ufurpations  in  grofs  •,   yet  formerly  having 
made  fingle  Laws  againft  the  fame  in  particular ,  it  was  but  the  fame  in  effed.  This 
fucking  Contradidion  hath  been  anfwered  fufficiently  in  the  laft  Sedion.     He  faith, 
our  Controverfie  U  not  about  the  extent  of  Fapal  potPer  ,  but  about  the  right  it  felf.    The 
jufi  contrary  is  true  •,  our  controverfie  is  onely  about  the  extent  of  Papal  power,  or 
about  thofe  particular  Branches  of  Papal  power  which  we  have  caft  out.     He  loves 
to  hover  in  Generals,  but  we  {hall  bring  him  willingly  ,  or  againft  his  yvill ,  to  de- 
fcend  to  particulars. 

He  taketh  notice  here,  of  my  complaining  that  they  anftver  not  particulars,  and  J 
ajiure  the  Keadtr  ,  that  if  their  caufe  would  have  born  it ,  they  would  have  anfwered 
them.    Obferve  but  how  tame  he  is  upon  this  provocation, that  ufeth  to  be  fo  fierce 
■without  any  provocation.     All  the  Anfwer  it  doth  extort  from  him  is.  Was  ever 
manfo  ignorant  of  the  common  Laws  ofVijputing?  Needs  any  more  Anfrver  to  be  given  to 
particulars  which  one  yields  to,  than  to  jay  he  grants  them  ?  If  he  be  overmuch  ac- 
quainted with  the  Laws  of  Difputing ,  reddat  mihi  minam  Diogenes  ,  Let  him  who 
taught  me  Logick  ,  give  me  my  Money  again.     But  it  is  well  we  have  his  concede 
omnia ,  &c.  We  grant  aV  hU  particular  Injiances  of  thefe  contefts  between  Kings  and 
Topes:  yet  notfo  very  well  neither,  for  what  he  granteth   with  one  hand,  he  ta- 
keth away  with  the  other  ,  not  entring  into  that  Vijpute  ,  how  far  they  were  donejuji- 
ly ,  how  jar  unjufily  ,  which  vs  little  to  our  purpofe  ,  fince  the  Authority  it  j'elf  is  acknow- 
ledged on  both  fides.     It  is  little  to  their  purpofe  indeed ,  but  it  is  much  to  ours.     Is 
the  Papal  power  acknowledged  ,  where  the  Popes  Soveraign  power  ,  his  Legifla- 
tive  power ,  his  Judiciary  power ,  his  Difpenfative  power  are  all  oppofed  ?  Much 
good  may  his  dry  Fapacy  (  as  he  pleafeth  to  call  it  fometimes  )  do  him.     In  every 
one  of  thefe  Inftances ,  befides  meer  matter  of  Fad ,  there  is  an  Inference  to  mat- 
ter of  Right.     The  common  Laws  oj  Uijputing  require ,  that  he  (hould  have  anfwe- 
red 


Discourse   IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ^q^ 

red  that ,  as  w.^Il  as  granted  the  other.  If  his  Dif^atches  be  fuch  as  this,  he  may 
difpatch  more  Anfwers  in  a  day  ,  than  St.  Anjlin  could  have  made  Oppofitions  in  a 
year. 

when  I  faid,  what  ?  Is  the  Ground  of  Iiis  Exception  ,_  nothing  but  a  contradi- 
<ftion?  he  urgeth  ,  that  Imah^  account  a  contradiUion  is  a  matter  of  nothing.  No,  but 
I  meant,  that  his  vain  objeding  of  Imaginary  contradidions,  is  a  matter  of  no- 
thing. Twenty  of  them  will  not  amount  to  one  Flea-biting,  and  I  (hewed  him  , 
that  this  ridiculous contradidion  which  he  bringeth  here,  is  fuch  an  one.  The 
pretended  contradidicn  is  this,  that  their  DoCirine  concerning  the  Pope ,  is  injurious 
to  ?ri}i«es ,  and  prejudices  their  Crorcns  i  and  yet ,  that  they  hold ,  and  do  the  fame  in 
(ffeci ,  againjithePope^  that  Proteiiants  do.  A  doughty  contradidion,  both  parts 
are  as  true  as  can  be,  referenda  fvtgulj  finguUs ,  referring  what  I  faid  to  the  right 
Subjed  ,  as  I  applied  it.  The  Dodrine  of  the  Pope  ,  and  Court  of  Rome,  is  in- 
jurious to  Princes  ,  (  of  whom  I  fpeak  exprefly  ,  and  no  others : )  and  yet,  Sove- 
raign  Princes  and  their  Councils  have  held  and  done  the  fame  things  againft  the 
Pope ,  in  effed ,  that  Protefiants  do.  Juft  fuch  another  contradidion  as  this :  The 
Cuelphes  a.ic  for  the  Pope  ,  againft  the  Emperour,  yet  the  Cibellines  are  for  the  Em- 
perour  againft  the  Pope,  and  both  Fadions  Ko^WiZH-Catholicks.  Thus  he  changeth 
Subjeds,  and  Predicates,  and  times  ,  and  refpeds,  and  all  Rules  to  make  a  con- 
tradidion. But  his  defence  is  more  ridiculous  than  his  pretended  contradidion  , 
That  the  fuhjiame  of  the  Pope's  Authority  is  the  point  n^hich  belongs  to  me  to  impugn. 
So  the  contradidion  lieth  not  in  what  I  did  fay  ,  but  what  I  Hiould  have  faidi  or 
rather,  what  he  would  have  had  me  to  have  faid.  when  his  fubjiance  of  Papal  Au- 
thority, hath  loft  all  its  extent  (  which  he  gives  every  man  leave  to  queftion, )  it  is 
znJndivifihle'mAtti.  His  (econd  Exception  is  juft  fuch  another.  1  pleaded  that 
Q  I  fpeak  exprefly  of  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome :  ~\  He  rejoyneth,  Ni  my  Lord, 
but  I  would  not  let  you  change  the  SubjcCt  of  the  whole  ^eftion.  If  he  will  change  my 
fenfe,  he  muft  take  the  contradidion  upon  himfelC  Theie  are  the  common  Rules  of 
Diluting  with  this  great  Didator  in  Logick. 

I  chanced  to  fay,  that  [  our  Religion  and  theirs  is  the  fame.  ]  He  bids  me  an- 
fwer  j'erioufly  ,  whether  the  Roman  Religion  and  ours  do  not  differ  in  this  very  point  of 
the  Pope's  Supremacy  f  If  the  Roman  Religion  be  the  Chriftian  Religion  ,  then  our 
Religion  is  the  fame.  Every  difference  in  this  point  or  another  point,  doth  not 
make  a  diverfc  Religion.  A  Garden  weeded  ,  and  a  Garden  unvveeded  ,  is  the 
fame  Garden.  We  efteem  it  an  honour  to  be  Chriftians,  and  no  diftionour  to  us 
that  we  are  no  Papiftss  what  they  think  of  us  concerneth  themfelves  ,  not  us.  We 
do  gladly  admit  the  old  Apoftolical  Rule  of  Religion ,  but  we  like  not  their  new 
Rules  or  new  Creeds.  And  we  are  ready  for  peace  fake,  to  attribute  as  much  to 
the  Pope  ,  as  many  of  their  own  Dodors  do ,  that  is ,  a  Primacy  of  Order ,  or  be- 
ginning of  Unity  \  and  the  not  accepting  of  this,  renders  them  guilty  of  Schifm , 
and  breaking  the  Unity  of  God's  Church. 

He  demandeth  ,  If  thefe  rigorous  Afiertions  be  not  the  General  tenet  of  their  Church, 
rrJwm  do  we  impugn  ?  We  impugn  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome  ,  whofe  Tenets 
thefe  rigorous  Aftertions  are ,  upon  which  they  grounded  their  manifold  Ufurpa- 
tions ,  which  we  have  caft  out  defervedly ,  and  for  fo  doing ,  they  have  excom- 
municated us,  and  fo  broken  the  Unity  of  the  Church.  The  fubftance  of  the  Pope's 
juft  authority  ,  is  no  more  than  a  Primacy  of  Order ,  or  beginning  of  Unity  at  the 
moft ,  this  we  have  not  caft  out.  And  this  Ad  we  can  juftitie  by  better  Logick,^t\\3.n 
he  can  oppofe  it.  We  know  the  Pope  hath  fometimes  remitted  of  his  rigour,  when 
he  was  not  able  to  make  good  his  fentence  by  force  :  but  it  will  trouble  him  to  find 
one  inftance  of  a  Pope ,  who  hath  ever  retraded  his  unjuft  cenfures  out  of  pure 
confcience,  or  acknowledged  his  unjuft  Ufurpations.  Whether  he  did  or  no,  we 
do  not  much  regard  ,  being  done  with  an  erring  Key.  Many  millions  of  Chrifti^ 
ans  are  faved ,  which  are  out  of  his  Catholic)/^  world. 

Next  follow  Two  heavy  contradidions ,  able  to  make  Mihes  back  crack  with 
their  weight.  Take  them  in  his  own  words  ,  for  they  are  even  abfurd  enough 
without  any  aggravation.  The  Biftiop  faid,  that  aW  Catholi\  Kings  ,  abetted  by 
iheirVoVtors  And  Cafuijis,  did  refijl  the  Pope  in  his  Ufurpations,  but  here  to  fhew  how 

U  u  2  fomc 


4'.)6 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  l» 

lo^injoctors  at  lomctimcs  cfa^  the  Popes  Clutches ,  he  faith  ,  that  the  Tofemd 
h^Com  bjvefomethhtg  elfe  to  do  ,    tlu>ito  enquire  after  the  7enets  of  ^tvateVoCms. 
■vvh       av  not  this  grow  to  be  a  contradidtion  in  time  ?  It  is  no  conciliation  al- 
rea/v  "^  The  other  contradiction  is  yet  more  filly.     I  faid  ,  perhaps  fome  of  thofe  Vo- 
Qors  lived  about  the  time  nf  the  Comcilf  of  Conftance  and  Balile:   that  is  one  enuntia- 
f'on  '  what  is  the  other  >  Nay  there  is  none  at  all  of  mine.     Yet  he  cryeth /core  itp 
Jmhtr  (elf  contradiajon.     How  ?  A  contradidion  of  one  propofition  >  a  contradi- 
dion  with  a  perhaps  ?  fuch  a  contradidion  was  never  heard  of  in  our  days  ,  nor 
in  the  days  of  our  Forefathers.     But  though  it  be  not  a  felf  mttradiVtion ,  yet  per- 
haps it  may  contradid  the  truth:  no  truly  ,  it  contradids  the  truth  no  more  than 
it  fclf.     I  vvill  take  away  the  [  perhaps  ]  to  give  him  Line  enough.     Some  of  the 
Oppifrs  lived  in  thU  hjl  Age  :  Yet  the  Bidiop  faith /mw  of  them  lived  in  the  time  of 
the  Cototcils  of  ConlUnce.     This  is  the  Firft  time  that  ever  a  contradidtion  was  pre- 
tended betwixt  Two  particular  propofitions  fuch  as  thefe.     He  faith  ,  thsXnone  can 
teU  tvhat  J  mean  hy  their  living  out  of  the  Popes  reach:  I  to"d  him  my  felf ,  there   being 
protected  by  So'veraign  Power  i  My  Lord  the  Emperour  ^  defend  me  with  the  Sword  ^ 
and  I  »"iii  defend  thee  with  the  Ten. 

He  faith  ,  what  the  Sorbon  VcSors  thcjfght  if  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  concerns  not 
me  nor  the  ^ejiion.  They  ever  valued  the  Popes  Supremacy  as  a  point  of  Faith,  for  the 
not  doing  of  which  ,  we  arecaji  out  of  the  Church.  He  will  rind  ,  that  it  doth  con- 
cern m.e  and  the  Queftion.  If  the  Court  of  Rome  had  not  obtruded  another  manner 
of  Supremacy ,  than  the  Sorbon  Dodlors  allowed  ,  this  Schifm  had  never  been. 
For  all  the  Popes  Supremacy  ,  they  icadicated  Ecclefiaftical  power  in  the  Church  j 
they  fubjeftcd  the  Pope  to  the  Church  ;  they  made  him  no  Sovereign  Prince  but  a 
Duke  of  Venice  ,  Jefs  than  the  Senate  ,  that  is ,  lefs  than  a  General  Council.  All 
that  they  allowed  him  was  a  beginning  of  Unity :  where  have  we  difalowed  that  ? 

He  accufed  ,  Our  hloudy  Laws  and  bloudier  Execution.  I  referred  him  to  my  Re- 
ply to  the  Eifliopof  Chalcedon ,  where  this  QuelHon  is  clearly  Ihted ,  and  fully  dif- 
cuffed  :  and  I  expedted  an  account  from  him  ,  of  that  he  had  to  fay  againft  itfolid- 
ly  and  fully ,  but  I  fee 

Omnibus  hoc  vitittm  efl  Cantoribus  ,  inter  amicos 
Vt  niinquam  inducant  animum  cantare  rogati , 
Jn']t'.^t  mmquam  defijiant. 

He  delightcth  altogether  in  Generals  ;  and  I  Love  to  have  controverfies  circum- 
flantiated  ,  ^ti  pauca  confiderat  facile  pronunciat.  I  bring  more  than  pretended  fears 
and  Jealoufts  c^n  our  part ,  to  Juftirie  our  Laws  >  even  grofs  Treafon  by  the  Law 
of  Nations  on  their  parts. 

He  (aith  ,  that  in  my  48.  page^  I  clear  their  'Religion  from  defiroying  fubjeUion  to 
Princes.     All  I  fay  is  this  [  their  Fvtligion  is  the  fame  with  ours,  that  is  Chriftian  , 
and  neederh  not  to  be  cleared  from  being  a  Source  of  Sedition,  or  an  incentive  to 
Rebellion.  3     Here  is  fomething  to  clear  Chrillian  Religion ,  but  not  Popery  qua 
talis  ^  as  it  is  obtruded.     Well,  but  he  faith  he  will  fupply  that  defedt ,  Ijubfiime  i 
'Eut  the  Sufremacy  of  the  Pope  is  to  tu  a  point  of  Faith,  therefore  the  holding  of  it  ,  is  ac- 
cording to  him  no  ways  injurious  to  Princes.     Obferve  Reader  it  is  he  fubfumes,  not  I; 
fo  \i  is  he  that  clears  them  qua  tales  ,  as  they  are  Papifts  ,    not  I.     And  how  doth 
he  clear  them .?  by  a  Syllogifm  as  memorable  as  his  contradidions.     His  Affump- 
tion  is :  but  the  Supremacy  of  the  Pope  is  to  us  (  Kovazn-Catholicks  )  a  point  of  Faith  : 
tbertfore  the  holding  of  it  U  according  to  him  ( the  Bilhop  of  Terry  )  no  way  injurious 
to  Princes.     Stay  Sir  here  is  a  Syllogifm  with  a  vvitnefs ,  which  hath  more  in  the  con- 
clufion  than  there  was  in  the  premiffes  ,  namely ,  according  to  him.    Who  taught 
you  this  Logick  ,  tc  affume  for  your  felf,  and  conclude  for  me  ? 

Here  he  prefents  the  Reader  with  Two  new  Contradidions  of  mine,  as  filly  and 
fenflefs  as  the  reft.  They  are  thefe,  that  I  fay  the  Inflances  cited  by  me,  were  before 
the  d/jloyal  Opinions  of  //:»?  Romanifts,  andyetfome  of  my  Jnfianees  were  in  Cardinal 
Richlieu'x^j)'/,  and  f  nee  very  lately  :  Adding,  that  I  contradid  my  fdtyetonce 
m.re,  affrming,  that  I  hope  thofe  f editions  VaCirines^  at  this  day,  are  almoft  buried. 

What 


the 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ,^« 

. i . 407 

what  fatisfaffion  doth  this  man  owe  to  his  Reader  ,  to  conceal  from  hTm  all  the 
Prelidents  ,  Laws,  Sentences  of  Emperours,  Kings ,  Common-weaJths    Univer- 
fities,  and  to  prefent  him  nothing  but  fuch  fopperies  as  thefe  >   I  will  not'vouchafe 
to  fpend  any  time  about  them  ,  but  onely  give  the  Reader  an  Anadaes  clew    to 
guide  him  out  of  this  imaginary  Maze.     I  have  (hewed  him ,  what  thefe  feditious 
opinions  were  ,  where  they  were  hatched  ,  and  when  ■■,  namely ,  in  the  becinnine 
of  Queen  EltzabetFs  Reign.     And  though  fome  few  of  my  Inftanccs  were  after  ^'^'^  '*  -' 
that  time  ,  yet  die  main  body  of  them  was  much  more  ancient  ■■>  as  in  the  Empire   rt7  "^ 
from  Charles  the  Great  to  Charles  the  Fifth  ,  and  in  France  from  Carolus  Calvus  U  t  '''  ^' 
downward.     So  1  might  truly  fay  that  the  Lijiances  cited  by  me  ,  wfr^  lone  before 
thefe  dijloyal  Opinions  were  hatched :  and  yet  they  are  not  fo  lately  hatched""  but  / 
hope  they  are  almojl  buried  at  this  day.     A  man  would  have  thought  that  I  deVcrved 
thanks  for  my  charity ,  not  to  be  traduced.     But  it  is  all  one,  let  the  Reader  judge 
who  it  is  that  trippeth  up  his  own  heels.  '     ° 

When  I  fard.  It  k-.w  great  pity  that  he  tvm  not  one  ofChrijVs  Comfehrs  when  he  for- 
med  his  Chirrch  :  It  did  not  fuppofe  that  Chrift  had  any  Counfcllors ,  but  to  tax 
him  who  takes  upon  him  fo  Magifterially  to  didate,  what  was  necefTary  then  for 
Chrift  to  do.  This  I  called /iwci«f/r,  and  jullly.  Good  Chriftians  f  as  I  told  him  for- 
merlyj  ought  to  argue  thus:  Chrift  formed  his  Church  thus,  therefore  this  is  the  beft 
Form,'  not  thus,  this  is  the  beft  Form,  therefore  Chrift  formed  it  after  this  manner 
The  onely  reafon  why  I  cited  that  Text  of  St.  Paul ,  One  Body  ,  one  Spirit     one 
Hope,  one  Lord,  one  Faith,  one  Baptifm ,  one  God  and  Father  of  aV  wzs  thisi'that  ^^^^^^'^' 
St.  Paul  reckoning  up  feven  Bonds  of  Unity  ,  fliould  omit  this  which  Mr.  Serjeant 
makes  to  be  the  onely  Bond  of  Unity  ,  namely,  Vnm  Papa ,  one  Pope,  or  one  Bi- 
(hop  of  Kome.     Cfrriji  fare  it  neceffiry  to  mak,e  a  Bond  of  Vnity  between  the  Churches 
and  that  for  this  reafon  he  gave  the  Principality  to  St.  Peter  ,  and  confequently  to  the  Bi- 
fhops  of  Rome.     All  this  he  fuppofeth  on  his  own  Head ,  but  doth  not  go  about  to 
prove  any  thing :   if  St.  Paul  had  been  of  the  fame  mind ,  that  was  the  proper  place 
to  have  recorded  it ,  and  doubtlefs  he  would  not  have  omitted  it.     This  Areu- 
tnent  which  onely  I  ufed,    he  doth  not  touch,  but  fancieth  that  I  make  thefe  fe- 
ven Bonds  of  Unity,  or  obligations  to  Unity,    or  means  of  Unity,  to  be  feven 
marks  of  thofe  which  be  in  the  Church  ,  which  I  never  dreamed  of   and  tiiere- 
fore  I  pafs  it  by  as  impertinent  i  onely    adding  ,  that   our  Ground  for   Unity  of 
Faith  is  our  Creed  ■,  and  for  Unity  of  Government  ,  the  very  fame  Form  of  Difci- 
pline ,   which  was  ufed  in  the  Primitive  Church  ,    and    is  derived  from  them 


to  us. 


when  I  wiflied  that  he  had  exprejfed  himfelfmore  clearly  ,  whether  he  be  for  a  be- 
ginning of  Order  and  Vnity,  or  for  a  fingle  Head  of  Power  and  JnriJdi£iion ,  I  fpake  of 
St.  Peter ,  of  whom  the  cafe  is  clear ,  that  he  had  no  more  power  over  liis  Fellow- 
Apoftles,  than  they  had  over  him  ,  and  that  the  Supremacy  of  power  refted  in  the 
Apoftolical  Colledge:   All  that  St.  Pffer  had ,   was  a  beginning  of  Unity,  what 
St.  Peter  had  ,  the  Pope  may  pretend  a  claim  to  i  what  he  had  not,  the  Pope  hath 
no  pretence  for.     Ndtheijohn,  Patriarch  oi  Conftantinople,  nor  2ny  other  a.T\cknt 
Biftiop  ,  nor  yet  St.  Grt-gorji  himfelf ,  did  ever  dream  of  fuch  a  fingular  Headjhip  of 
Power  as  he  me;itions ,  that  is ,  that  no  Bijhop  in  the  Church  jhotdd  have  power  but  he  : 
Although  the  Court  of  Kome  ,  and  their  Adherents ,  come  very  near  it  at  this  day 
deriving  all  the  power  of  Jurifdidion  of  all  other  Biftiops  from  the  Pope.     That 
power  which  John  affeded  ,  and  St.  Gregory  impugned  then,  and  we  impugn  now 
is  the  power  of  Univerfal   Jnrifdiftion  in  the  Exteriour  Court  •,  if  that  were  an 
Herefie  in  him  (  as  he  confefleth, )  let  them  look  to  themfelves.     Neither  is  the  Bi- 
fli ops  Primacy  of  Order ,  fo  dry  a  Primacy  as  he  pretendeth,  nor  deftitute  of  thofe 
Priviledgcs  which  belong  to  a  Primate  of  Order  by  the  Law  of  Nature     to  call 
Aflcmblies  fub  poena  Spirituali ,  or  to  intimate  the  necellity  of  calling  them  to  pro- 
pofe  Doubts,  to  receive  Votes,  and  to  execute  fo  far  as  he  is  trufted  by  the  Church: 
This  is  the  fingle  power  of  a  Primate  of  Order ,  but  befides  this ,  he  hath  alfo  a 
conjoint  power  in  the  Government  of  the  Church.     What  he  faith  to  the  prejudice 
of  General  Councils,  I  have  anfwered  formerly. 
He  asks  me  ,  Iflut  other  Succefour  St.  Peter  had ,  who  could  fretend  to  an  Head/hit/ 

of 


Scbifffi  Guarded  TOME  I, 


Since  he  is  Co  great  a  friend  to  the  School  of  Sorbon. ,  he  cannot  well  be  ignorant 
xvhat  their  learned  Chancellour  hath  written  exprefly  upon  this  Subjedjin  his  Book 
de  Juferibilitate  ?af£ ,  not  the  taking  away  of  the  Papacy     but  removal  of  it. 
.  And  what  BeHarmine  confelTeth,  that  neither  Scripture  nor  Tradition  doth  prove  ,   that 
the  Apoftolical  See  is  fo  fixed  to  Rome  that  it  cannot  he  removed ,  He  urgeth  ,  that  then 
the  Church  jlmtld  remain  without  thk  principality  at  the  Death  of  every  Pope,  vmill  all 
the  Churches  in  Japan  ,  China  ,  and  India  had  given  their  conjent :  yet  1  acknowledge 
it  to  be  of  perpetual  mcejjity.     Firlt  he  dotli  nae  wrong  ,  I  did  not  fay  pofitively  that 
it  is  of  perpetual  necefity  :  but  that  I  like  it  well  enough,    and  the  reafon  being  of 
perpetual  neccffiiy  feemcth  ftrongly  to  imply  the  necellity  of  the  thing.     Secondly  I 
Anfwcr  ,  that  there  is  no  need  to  exped  fuch  far  fetched  fuffrages  ,  fo  long  as  the 
Primacy  may  remain  fixed  where  it  is,  unlefs a  General  Council  or  one  as  General 
as  may  be,  think  fit  to  remove  it:and  if  a  General  Council  remove  it:it  will  take  or- 
der for  the  future  fuccellion.  and  this  fame  reafon  doth  clearly  take  away  his  anfwer 
to  my  inilance,  that  as  the  Dying  of  fuch  aBifliop  Lord  Chancellour  of  England  , 
doth  not  perpetuate  the  Chancellourlhip  to  that  Biftioprick  ,   bccaufe  there  is  a 
Sovereign     Prince    to   cled  another :  fo  the  dying  of  St.  Peter  Bifliop  of  Rome^ 
doth  not  perpetuate  the  Primacy  to  that  Bifhoprick  ,  becaufe  a  General  Council 
■when it  is  inbcing,hath  power  to  transfer  it  to  another  See,if  they  find  it  expedient 
for  the  publick  good. 

The  Bifliop  knoweth  right  well ,  that  the  Church  of  Chrill  is  both  his  Spoufe 
and  hisFamily.hoih  the  Governefs  and  the  Governed-,  the  Supreme  Governefs  in  re- 
fped  of  its  reprefentative  a  General  Council ,  to  which  all  Eccleliartical  Officers 
higher  or  lower ,  whether  conftituted  by  Chrift  ,  or  fubftituted  by  the  Church  , 
do  owe  an  account  •,  and  the  Governed  in  refpedl  of  that  Vniverjality  of  Chri{\ians 
which  he  mentioneth.  And  this  founds  much  more  fvveetly  in  Chrirtian  ears ,  than 
to  make  either  the  Pope  the  Mafter,  or  the  Church  of  Rome  the  Mijirifi  of  the 
Church. 

He  brought  an  argument  for  the  fuccellion  of  the  Roman  Bifliop  ,  drawn  from 
the  Vicillitude  of  Humane  affairs.     I  retorted  it  upon  hin:i^felf ,  that  Rome  it  felf  was 
as  much  fubjed  to  this  Vicilljtude,  as  any  other  place  ,  [  it  may  be  deftroyed  with 
an  Earthquake. ']     He  faith,  it  muji  be  an  unheard  of  Earthquake,  which  can  fwalloro 
up  thewholeViocepif  the  City  be  defiroyed^yet  the  Clergy  of  the  Roman  Viocefi  can  eleCi  to 
themfelves  a  new  Bijhop.     But  this  new  eleded  Bifliop ,  fliall  be  no  more  the  Bifliop 
of  Rome  after  it  is  deflroyed ,  but  that  which  concerneth  him  and  the  caufe  more  is 
he  propofeth  my  Objedion  by  halfsi  I  faid  it  might  be  deftroyed  by  wars  ajfo  ,  that 
is  both  City  and  Diocefs  ,  and  became  a  place  for  Satyrs  to  Vance  in ,  and  Owls  to 
fcriech  i».     As  great  Cities  as  Rome  have  run  that  Fortune,  in  that  cafe  what  will 
become  of  his  eledion.     I  added  [  it  may  become  Heretical  or  Mahumetan.  ]    He 
aiifwereth,  true,  fo   may  the  whole   Churchy  ifithadpleafedGodfotoOrdercaufes. 
No,  by  his  leave  notfo ,  Chrifl  hath  protnifed  that  his  llniverfal  Church  fliall  never 
fail :  but  he  hath  not  promifed  that  Rome  fliall  never  fail.     I  faid ,  [  the  Church 
never  difpofeth  fo  of  her  Offices ,  as  not  to  be  able  to  change  her  Mefnagery,  ac- 
cording to  the  Vicillitude  of  Human  affairs.  ~\     He  oppofeth  ,  that  7  granted  in  the 
foregoing  Page  ,  that  Chrift  himfelf  and  not  the  Church  infiituted  this  principality  or  Pri- 
macy." and  bids  mcjfjew,  that  the  Church  bath  authority  to  change  Chrift s  Jnftitution. 
I  did  not  grant  it  but  fuppole  it;  but  whether  granted  or  fiippofed  it  is  not  material 
to  the  purpofe.     The  Church  hath  no  power  t©  change  Chrifls  inliitution  in  Effen- 
tials  ;  but  all  Ecclefiaftical  Officers  Whatfoever  are  her  Officers,  and  flie  hath  power 
to  difpofe  of  them,  and  govern  them,  and  to  alter  what  is  not  Eflfential. 

I  know  there  are  other  means  between  Tyranny  ,  and  Anarchy ,  bcfides  A- 
riflocracy,  even  all  Lawful  forms  of  Government ,  as  Monarchy  and  Democracy  :  but 
in  the  Government  of  the  Catholick  Church  Monarchy  and  Democracy  had  no  place , 
unlefs  it  were  in  refped  of  particular  Dioceffes  or  Provinces  •,  and  therefore  to  have 
named  Monarchy  here,  had  been  fuperfluous  and  impertinent.  But  t-lie  Govern- 
ment 


Discourse  1  V.  Schtfm  Cuardel.       ~"  ' 

mcnt  of  the  Primitive  Church,in  the  Apollks  and  their  Sacceirours,was  ever -^riUocra" 
tical,  Firrt,by  an  equal  participation  of  power  in  the  ApoUIesi  and  then,  by  a  fubor- 
dination  ot  Bifhops  in  their  SuccefTours ,  and  this  as  well  out  of  General  Coun- 
cils, as  in  them;  as  well  before  there  were  General  Councils ,  as  after.^   It  is  no't 
my  want  ot  memory ,  but  his  want  of  judgement,  to  purfue  fuch  (hadows  as  thefe 
and  nickname  them  contradidions.  ' 

He  asks  ,  hotv  jh.mld  a  Fnmate  of  Order  ^  rrho  hath  no  prrer  to  AH  at  aV  in  order 
to  the  Vniverfal  Church  ,  have  more  poiver  to  prevent   her  good^   or  procure  her  harm 
.then  one  Who  hath  Sovereignty  of  power  >  This  is  his  perpetual  pradice  to  difoute 
from  that  which  is  not  granted.     St.  Feter  was  a  Primate  of  order  among  the  Ann 
iiles ,  and  no  morei  yet  he  had  power  alfo  to  ad  fingly  as  an  ApoAIe  :  and  as  a  Pri' 
mate ,  among  the  ApoRles ,  he  had  power  to  adt  jointly  with  the  Apoftolical  Col" 
ledge  ,  fo  have  all  other  Primates  of  Order.     Whatfoever  Mr.  Serjeant  thinks    our 
Saviour  thouglit  this  Form  of  Government  as  conducible  to  the  good  of  his  Church 
both  to  procure  her  good ,  and  to  prevent  her  harm  ,  as  an  abfolute  Soveraigntv' 
I  do  not  feaj}  the  Reader  roith  contradiUions ,  nothing  is  more  true  than  my  Afferti- 
on  ,  but  he  abufeth  his  Reader  with  notorious  Fi(ftions. 

If  the  Papacy  be  the  Bridle  in  the  mouth  of  the  Church ,  then  without  perad- 
venture  the  Pope  is  the  Rider  :  though  the  Papacy  be  not ,  1  faid  enough  before  to 
let  him  fee  the  unhtnefs  of  his  ludicrous  Allegory  ,  and  taxed  him  for  it  :  if  he  de- 
light in  it ,  let  him  purfue  it ,  Nos  h£c  a  fcabie  tenemus  unguer.  How  the  Church 
doth  both  govern  ,  and  is  governed  ,  I  have  fliewed  him  formerly. 

In  his  Anfwer  he  fell  into  a  large  Encomium  of  the  Papacy  ,  demanding  amone 
other  things  ,  10}at  Chnftun  Prince  can  chufe  but  be  glad ,  to  have  an  Arbitrator  fo 
prudent  ,  fo  pioui  ,  fo  difinterejfed ,  as  a  good  Pope  Jhould  be ,  and  if  this  Authority 
rvere  duly  governed?  I  told  him  ,  that  to  look  upon  men  as  they  jhould  be  was  to 
write  dreaming.  He  rejoineth,  that /:>e  hoh^r  not  upon  men  at  all  in  this  place  but 
/peaks  of  the  Office  itfelf,  and  challengeth  me,  what  fay  you  to  the  Office  it  felf?  I 
anfwer ,  Firft ,  he  faith  not  truly  ,  for  he  did  looli^  at  men  in  this  place  ,  otherwi(e 
why  did  he  add  this  condition  ,  as  a  good  Pope  Jhould  be?  And  this  other  if  this 
Authority  were  duly  governed  ?  Certainly  he  who  looks  upon  an  Arbitratour  fo  pru- 
dent ,  fo  pious ,  fo  difinterefTed  as  a  good  Pope  fiiould  be,  looketh  fomcthing  up- 
on men.  And  fo  in  truth  he  ought  to  do :  but  his  fault  is  ,  that  he  looks  upon 
them  2iS  they  Jhould  be  ^  and  not  as  they  commonly  are,  which  is  the  fame  fault  I 
tax  him  with  ,  to  write  dreaming  ,  not  waking. 

Now  to  his  Queftion  ,  iVhatfayyou  to  the  Office  it  felf  ?  I  fay  firft  ,  that  though 
he  hath  ftated  it  pag.  62^.  yet  he  hath  not  ftatcd  it  at  all ,  neither  ( I  fear  j  dare  he 
ftatc  it ,  nor  is  willing  to  Itate  it.  He  telleth  us  indeed  fometimes  of  the  fubjiance 
of  the  Papacy  ,  but  wherein  the  fubftance  of  the  Papacy  confifts  (  except  fome  Ge- 
neral unfigniHcant  Exprelfions  of  an  Headfhip  ^  ox  Chief  Govcrmurjhtp  ^  or  firj}  Mo- 
verjhip ,  ablaut  which  we  have  no  controverfie  with  them  ,  and  which  are  equally 
appliable  to  a  Primacy  ofOrder,and  a  Soveraignty  ofpower)he  {aith  nothing.  Whe- 
ther the  Pope  be  an  abfolute  Monarch  ,  or  a  Duke  oi  Venice ,  inferiour  to  the  whole 
Senate  ;  Whether  he  have  a  coacftive  power  in  the  Exteriour  Court,  throughout  all 
other  Princes  Dominions  ,  without  their  leaves  ?  Whether  he  have  the  ri^^ht  to  con- 
fer Bilhopricks ,  convocate  Synods,  impofe  Penfions,  forbid  Oaths  of  Allegiance 
and  require  new  Oaths  of  Allegiance  to  himfelf,  fet  up  Legantine  Courts  receive 
Appeals ,  make  Laws,  difpenfe  with  Laws  at  his  pleafure  ,  he  faith  nothing:  yet 
thefe  are  the  onely  Controverfies  we  have  with  them,  to  ask  what  we  fay  to  the 
Pope's  Authority  ,  without  ftating  of  it ,  without  ftinting  of  it,  is  an  unreafona- 
ble  demand. 

I  fay  fecondly  ,  That  he  ought  to  explain  himfelf,  by  what  right  he  doth  chal- 
lenge this  authority,Divine  or  Humane,  or  onely  out  of  prudential  reafons.  If  he 
challenge  it  by  Divine  right,  or  Humane  right ,  he  ought  to  prove  the  right ,  ac- 
cording to  the  jult  extent  of  that  authority  which  he  doth  challenge ,  and  not  wave 
the  extent,  as  a  thing  indifferent.  If  he  challenge  it  out  of  prudential  reafons  it 
ought  to  be  confidered  ,  whether  the  hopes  or  the  hazards,  the  advantages  or  diG- 
advantages,  the  conveniences  ox  inconveniences  of  fuch  a  Form  of  Government 


409 


par- 


4IO 


Schifm  Guarded,  1  O  M  t.  i. 


rifpcaknot  of  the  Key  of  Order ,  as  may  overweigh  all  thofe  difad vantages 
which  they  have  fuftained  ,  by  the  Extortions ,  and  Ufurpations ,  and  malignant 
influence  of  the  Papacy.  If  he  attribute  no  more  power  to  the  Pope  ,  than  all 
^om'in-Catholtch^  Vniverfally  do  approve  ,  (  Which  is  the  onely  rule  that  he  giveth 
us  fo  know  what  is  the  liibltance  of  Papal  Authority  , ;  he  need  cot  be'fo  impe- 
tuous, this  QuelUon  is  neer  an  end. 

He  asks  whether  wt-,  a>fd  the  Kz{[ern  ,  Southern,  and  Northern  Chriftians  ,be 
under  the  Cntermientof  Fatriarchs  or  any  other  common  Government  ?  I  anfwer  we  and 
they  are  under  the  fame  common  Government ,  which  the  Primitive  Church  was 
under  from  the  days  of  the  Apoftles  ,  long  before  there  were  any  General  Councils-, 
that  was  the  Government  of  Bifliops  under  Primates  or  Patriarchs.  For  as  I  have 
faid  formerly  ,  a  Protarch  and  a  Patriarch  in  the  Language  of  the  Primitive 
Church  are  both  one.  We  have  as  much  opportunity  to  convocate  Synods  as  they 
had  then  ,  before  there  were  Chriftian  Emperours ,  and  more:  yet  by  fuch  Coun- 
cils as  they  could  congregate  ,  though  they  were  not  General ,  they  governed  the 
Church.  If  there  be  not  that  free  communication  of  one  Church  with  another 
that  was  then  ,  either  by  reafon  of  the  great  dilknce  ,  or  our  mutual  mifunder- 
ftanding  one  of  another  ,  for  want  of  the  old  Canonical  Epililei  or  Liters  formats  , 
the  more  is  the  pity;  we  are  forry  for  it ,  and  ready  to  contribute  our  uttennoft 
endeavours  to  the  remedy  of  it. 

With  thefe  Wejiern  Churches  which  have  (haken  of  the  Koman  Yoke  ,  we  have 
much  more  Communion,  by  Synods  ,  by  Letters  ,  by  publifliing  our  Confellions  : 
and  we  might  jullly  hope  for  a  much  nearer  Union  yet  both  in  Do{3:rine  and  Dis- 
cipline, if  God  would  be  gracioufly  pleafed  to  reflore  un  happy  Peace.  That  we 
have  it  not  already  in  fo  large  a  meafure  as  we  might,  is  their  onely  faults  ,  who 
would  not  give  way  to  an  uniform  Reformation.  Sometimes  they  acciift  us  for 
having  too  much  Communion  with  them ,  at  other  times  they  will  not  grant  us 
to  have  any  at  all. 

Concerning  the  reft  of  the  Wejiern  Churches  which  fubmit  to  the  Papacy  ,  we 
have  the  fame  Rules  both  of  Dodtrine  and  Difcipline  which  they  had.  We  have 
the  fame  that  they  have,  faving  their  additional  Errours.  We  have  broken  no 
Bonds  of  Unity ,  either  in  Faith  or  Difcipline >  we  have  renounced  no  juft  Autho- 
rity ,  either  Divine  or  Humane  i  we  adhere  to  the  Apoftles  Creed  ,  a5  the  ancient 
and  true  Rule  of  Faith  ,  into  which  alone  all  Chriftians  (  that  ever  were  )  have 
been  Baptized  ,  and  we  renounce  the  upftart  additional  Articles  of  Tim  the  Fourth. 
We  are  willing  for  Peace  fake  to  give  the  Pope  the  fame  Primacy  of  Order  ,  which 
St.  Teter  had  above  his  Fellow-Apoftles  :  but  the  Supremacy  of  Power  was  not  in 
St.  Teter  ,  but  in  the  Apoftolical  Colledge  i  neither  is  now  in  the  Bifhop  of  Home  , 
but  in  a  Council  of  Bifliops. 

He  faith  rve  maintain  a  larger  Brvotherhood  than  they  ,  hut  never  go  about  tojhew  any 
•vifible  lye  of  Government.  We  (hew  them  the  fame  badge  or  cognifance  of  our 
Chriftianity,  that  is,  the  fame  Creed,  and  the  fame  Dilcipline  or  Government , 
that  is  ,  the  fame  colours  ,  derived  down  from  the  Apoftles  by  an  uninterrupt- 
ed fucceflion  ■■,  the  fame  Dodtrine,  and  the  fame  Difcipline  is  Tye  enough.  To  take 
an  cxaft  view  ,  it  is  neceffary  the  Organ  fliould  be  perfed ,  the  medium  fit ,  and  the 
dijUnce  convenient  •,  if  any  one  of  thefe  were  defeftive  in  Mr.  'R.offes  view,  he  might 
^ell  miftake;  but  I  may  not  do  him  that  wrong  to  truft  your  Teftimony,  without 
citing  his  words. 

He  urgeth ,  if  Chri0:  have  left  any  Vnity  of  Government  in  his  Church  and  com- 
manded it  to  be  k^pt ,  and  we  have  iakin  a  courfe  to  leave  no  fuch  Vnity  ,  than  we  have 
rebelled  againft  Chrill  and  his  Church  and  falfy  pretended  to  have  him  our  fpiri- 
iual  head.  I  admit  this :  now  let  him  afTume.  But  you  (  Proteftants  )  have 
takiu  a  courfe  to  leave  no  Vnity  of  Government  in  the  Church ,  which  Chriji  left  and  cm- 
manded  to  he  kept.  I  deny  his  affumption  altogether  :  and  he  faith  not  one  word 
to  prove  it.     This  is  his  Enthymematical  manner  of  arguing. 

He 


Discourse  I  V.  Schifm  Guarded. 

Ht  proccdcth  ,  That  to  have  a  Generall  Council  for  an  Ecclefiajtical  Head  is  to 


411 


con- 


fcfi  that  there  is  no  ordinary  Vniiy  of  Government  in  Gods  Chnrch^  bttt  extroardinjry  onely 

when  a  Council  fits.     I  deny  this  prppofition  altogether,  and  the  reafon  is  evident  j 

becaufe  befides  a  General  Council  which  fitte-th  but  rarely  ,  neither  is  it  needful  that 

'it  fliould  lit  often  ,  nift  dignus  vindtce  nodnf  inciderit ,  there  are  particular  Councils 

which  in  leffer  exigents  ferve  the  turn  as  well  as  General  i     There  are  Patriarchs 

and  Bifhops  ,  which  are  ordinary  and  perpetual.     In  an  Arijlocracy  ,  it  is  not  ne- 

ceffary  that  the  Governours  (hould  be  evermore  adually  affembled.     In  the  Firft 

-Three  Hundred  years,  there  were  no  General  Councils  held  ,  there  was  lefs  hope 

of  ever  holding  them  then  ,  than  now  :   yet  there  was  an  ordinary  Vnity  of  Govem- 

■   ment  in  God's  Churdy  in   thofe   days  ,  for   which  they  were  not  indebted  at  all  to 

^ny  vifible  Monarch.     But  when  a  General  Council  doth  fit ,  the  Supreme  Ecclcfi- 

aftical  power  refts  in  if. 

He  wonders  why  I  Jhould  mak^  the  King  onely  a  Folitical  Head,  contrary  to  our 
common  affertion.  It  feemeth  that  though  he  hath  been  bred  amone  us  yet  he 
hath  not  been  much  verfed  in  our  Authors  5  no  man  that  ever  underiiood  himfelf 
made  him  otherwifc.  Yet  this  Political  Head,  hath  great  influence  wpon  Ecclefia- 
llical  caufes  and  perfons ,  in  tlie  External  P>.egiment  of  the  Church.  He  demand- 
eth  ,  is  there  any  orderly  common  T'ye  of  Government ,  obliging  this  Head  to  corrcfhond 
with  the  other  Head  ?  If  not ,  where  is  the  Vnity  .?  I  anfwer ,  yes,  the  diredtion  of 
the  Spiritual  Guides ,  that  is,  the  Bifliops  and  Synods  >  if  this  method  be  fo  great 
a  rarity  with  him  ,  it  is  his  own  fault.  He  had  faid  more  properly ,  to  correfbond 
rrith  the  other  Heads  thzn  Head. 

He  faith,  itisfalfe  to  fay  ,  that  they  have  fometimes  'Two  or  "Three  Heads     fince  there 
can  be  hut  one  true  ,  or  rightly  chofen  Tope.     True,  but  the  Eledlion  may  be  uncer- 
tain ,  that  no  man  living  can  know  the  trne  Pope  :  fo  whether  there  be  Three 
Popes ,  or  One  Pope  and  Two  Pretenders  ,  yet  if  the  right  Pope  cannot  be  made 
appear,   it  is  all  one  relatively  to  the  Church-,  if  the  Trumpet  give  an  uncertain  found 
who  (hall  prepare  himfelf  to  the  Battel.     He  telleth  us  farther  ,  that  when  the  See  of 
Rome  is  vacant  ,  the  Headf^np  is  in  the  chief  Clergy  whom  they  call  Cardinals     asfecure 
a  conrfe  as  mans  wit  can  invent.     As  chief  as  their  Cardinals  are  ,  the  much  ereateft 
part  of  them,  were  but  ordinary  Parifli  Priefts  and  Deacons  of  old.     The  Cardi- 
nals indeed  have  to  do  with  the  Church  of  Rome  in  the  vacancy  :  but  whatprctenfe 
have  they  from  St.  teter}  what  have  they  to  do  with  the  Univerfal  Monarchy  of 
the  Church  ?  before  he  told  us ,  that  their  Headfhip  was  Chrifts  own  Ordination  ■ 
row  he  telleth  us  that  this  Headfhip  is  fometimes  in  the  Colledge  of  Cardinals 
and  that  is  aifecure  a  courfe  as  mans  wit  can  invent.     What  a  contraMffioH  would  he' 
make  of  this  .<* 

He  demandeth  ,  doth  tJje  Harmony  of  confeffions  fhew ,  that  we  have  one  common 
certain  rule  of  Faith  ,  or  any  particular  fort  of  Government ,  obliging  us  to  an  Vnity 
under  the  Notion  of  Governed?  I  do  (hew  him  one  common  certain  rule  of  Faith  e- 
ven  the  Apollles  Creed  :  and  a  particular  fort  of  Government ,  even  the  fame  was 
ufed  in  the  Primitive  times.  What  am  1  the  better  ?  he  will  take  no  notice  of  them 
becaufe  I  will  not  fix  upon  that  rule  of  Faith  ,  and  that  Form  of  Government 
which  he  fancieth.  Yet  I  am  for  Tradition  as  well  as  he,  but  it  is  Univerfal  and 
perp)etual  Tradition  :  fuch  a  Tradition  is  the  Creed  ,  and  indeed  is  that  very  Tra- 
dition which  is  fo  renowned  in  the  ancients. 

He  chargethme  with  (aying,  that  Hereticks  can  have  no  Baptifm.     Let  him  either, 
make  his  accufation  good  ,  or  fuffer  as  a  falfifier.     All  that  I  fay  is ,  Turkf ,  Jews 
Heretickj  ,  and  Chrijiians  ,  have  not  the  fame  Baptifm.     The  reafon  is  plain ,  becaufe 
Turks  and  Jews  have  no  Baptifm  at  all.     Secondly  ,  we  ought  to  difiinguifh  be- 
tween the  Baptifm  of  Hereticks,  and  Heretical  Baptifin  i  if  the  Baptifm  it  felf  be 
good  ,  the  adminillration  of  it  by  Hereticks  doth    not  invalidate  it  all  :  but  if 
the  Heretick  Baptife  after  an  Heretical  Form ,  as  without  due  matter     or  not  in 
the  name  of  the  Trinity  i  fuch  Baptifm  is  Heretical  and  naught.     But  all  this  is 
needlefs  to  underftand  the  right  fcope  of  my  words,  I  faid  that  a  Body  confillin^-' 
of  Jews,  Turks,  Hereticks,^ni  Cbri{iians,hzd  not  the  fame  Baptifm;  I  did  not  fay  thai 
every  one  of  thefe  wanted  true  Baptifm-,  He  might  as  well  charge  me  with  fiyin* 
fhat  Chrijiians  can  have  no  true  Baptifm,  X  x  I 


12 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  i» 


Semen  ..  1  have  manitedcd  elfewhere ,  that  the  Creed  is  a  Lid  of  all  Fundamentals ,  and 

'itX.  in  the  fame  Sedion  and  Chapter  the  Reader  (hall  hnd,  that  the  Bi Jop  ,s  not  a  Fal- 

fiHcr  but  Mr.  Serjeant  is  both  an  egregious  Calumniator  and  Fallifier  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  EphefiK.  I  took  the  word  Tagamjm  ,  in  the  ancient  primitive  fenfe  ,  for  infi- 
delity  as  it  is  contradiOinguifhed  to  Chriiiianity.  The  true  reafon  of  that  appella- 
tion was,  becaufeCountrey  Villages  diJ.  continue  long  in  their  infidelity,  after  Ci- 
ties were'converted  to  Chriftianity.  So.  the  liirhs  are  the  onely  Pagans  which  we 
have  now  in  this  part  of  the  World.  What  a  piece  ofGoteham  rvifedom  is  thisi  to 
quarrel  about  names,  when  we  agree  upon  the  things,  tmh^  and  Pagans  in  my 
fenfe  were  the  fame  thing  ,  both  Infidels. 

But  he  inftruds  the  Learned  Bijhops,  that  the  Turks  ackytorvkdge  a  God.  So  did 
thePd^iJWJ'alfo,  if  LaCiantm  (zy  true,  Non  ego  ilium  lapidem  colo  quem  video ,  fed 
Jervio  ei  quern  non  video.  He  addeth,  that  I  affirm  the  Council  of  Ephefus  held  in  the 
Tear  430,  ordered  fomething  concerning  Turks  ,  vehich  jfrang  }iot  up  till  the  year  6^0.  and 
cateth  thU  goodjport.  If  there  be  any  fport ,  it  is  to  fee  "his  childi(h  Vanity.  If  I  li- 
fted to  play  with  words  ,  I  could  tell  him  ,  that  the  Mahumetans  {piy^ng  up  about 
the  year  6-^0^  the  lurk^  many  Ages  after.  But  the  anfwer  is  plain  and  cafie ,  the 
Council  oiEphefuf  did  give  order  for  all  ages  enfuing  concerning  Infidels:  but  lar/y 
are  Infidels ,  and  fo  it  gave  order  concerning Tmk^f. 

Socinians  and  Arrians  may  admit  the  Apojiks  Creed  interpreted  their  own  way ,  but 
they  ought  to  admit ,  as  it  is  interpreted  by  the  Firft  four  General  Councils ,  that 
they  do  not,  and  fo  they  believe  not  all  Fundamentals  as  they  fhould  do.  What 
he  objedeth  farther  ,  that  Puritans  hold  not  the  Article  of  Chriji's  defcent  into  Hell 
znd  the  Kom^n-Cathcfltck^  and  Fretefiants  differ  about  the  fenfe  of  two  other  Articles  ^ 
hath  been  anfwered  formerly.  The  Puritans  will  tell  him  ,  that  the  man- 
ner of  ChrilFs  defcent  hath  not  been  determined  hitherto:  and  I  doubt  much,  he 
underftandeth  not  the  Komifh  and  Englifi  Tenets  fo  well  as  he  (hould. 


S  E  C  T.    I  X. 

That  the  Tope  and  Court  of  Rome  are  mojl  guilty  of  the  Sehifm. 

MY  firft  Charge  was  this ,  That  Member  of  any  Society  which  leavcth  its 
proper  place  ,  to  afTume  an  higher  place  in  the  Body ,  is  Schifmatical.     But 
the  Pope  and  his  party  do  not  content  themfelves ,  that  the  Church  o^Kome  (hould 
be  the  Sifter  of  other  Patriarchal  Churches ,  and  the  Mother  of  many  Churches , 
unlefs  (he  be  Lady  and  Miftrils  of  aJl  Churches  i  or  that  the  Pope  (hould  be  the 
Brother  of  other  Biftiops ,  or  a  Fellow  of  other  Bi(hops  (  as  he  was  ftiled  of  old,) 
unle(s  he  may  be  the  Lord  and  Mafter  of  all  Bilhops.     That  the  former  is  his  pro- 
per place,  I  clearly  proved  by  Letters ,  not  of  himfelf  to  other  Bilhops,  that  might 
be  condefcenfion  ,  as  for  a  General  to  call  his  Officers  Fellow-fouldiers  :  but  of 
other  Bilhops  to  him,  no  Under-ofHcers  durft  prefume  to  call  his  General  Fellow- 
fouldier.     That  he  afliimeth  the  other  place  to  himfelf,  is  proved  out  of  the  New 
Creed  of  Tim  the  Fourth  s  I  ack>ton>kdge  the  Roman  Church  to  be  the  Mother  and  Mi- 
firifs  of  ali  Churches  :  and  I  promile  and  fwear  true  obedience  to  the  Bijhop  o/Rome, 
rfj  to  the  Vicar  of  Jefm  Chrifl.     And  in  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  ,  which  all  Bilhops 
fwear  to  the  Pope  ,  J  A.  B.  Bijhep^  &c,  will  be  faithful  to  St.  Peter  ,  and  to  the  holy 
Apoftoiical  Church  of  Rome ,  and  to  our  Lord  Tope  Alexander,  &c.     There  is  a  great 
diftance  between  the  old  Brother-Bi(hop ,  and  Fellow-Biftiop,  and  this  Oath  of  Al- 
legiance to  the  Pope ,  as  to  their  Liege-Lord. 

Firft ,  he  chargeth  me  ,  that  I  do  flatly  falfifie  his  words ,  which  do  never  deny 
hr  to  be  a  Mother ,  but  a  Sifier  onely.  Either  I  falfified  his  words  ,  or  he  falfiried 
mine.  My  words  were  thefe,  firji ,  they  mak^e  the  Church  of  Rome  ^  to  be  not  one- 
ly the  Sijier  of  all  other  Tatriarchal  Churches  ,  and  the  Mother  of  many  Churches  ,  hut- 
to  be  the  Lady  and  Miflrifs  of  all  Churches.  The  two  former  Branches  of  Sifter  and 
Mother,  are  both  acknowledged,  the  laft  onely  of  Lady  and  Miflrifs  is  denied. He 
falfifieth  my  words  in  his  Anfwer  thus,  becaufe  Jhe  tak^s  upon  her  to  be  Mifirifs  ^ 

vehett 


D 5. s COURSE   IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  ,^ 


3 


rpherejhe  is  but  Sijier  to  other  Churches,  You  fee  the  word  Mother  is  left  out  and 
becaufe  I  bring  it  in  again  as  I  ought ,  to  mal<e  the  Argument  as  it  was  before  his 
curtailing  of  it ,  1  ann  become  the  f  alllfier  with  him ,  and  he  who  is  the  Falfifier  in 
earneft  is  innocent. 

I  cited  the  words  of  St.  Bernard  ,  to  prove  that  the  Pope  was  not  Lord  or  Ma- 
ner  of  other  BilTiops,  and  the  Roman  Church  a  Mother  of  other  Churches  ,  not  a 
Lady  or  Mijirefs.     He  diftinguiflieth  between  T>omiiiam  and  Magijham  ,   an  Imperioiif 
frond  Lady  Mijh-efs,  md  a  Schoolmiftrijs  or  leacherefs  ;    adding, -that  they  uje  the 
tvord  Magillram  in  the  later  fetife.     So  they  fay  no  more  tlian  we ,  we  d6  acknow- 
ledge the  Church  of  'Rome  to  be  a  leacherefs  ,  and  the  Pope  a  teaebe-r  ,  as  it  is  an 
Apoftolical  Church ,  and  he  an  Apoftolical  Eilliop :   but  all  the  Queftion  is  of  the 
other  word  Vominum^  which  the  Pope  taketh  to  himfelf,  as  well  as  Migiftrum:  as 
we  have  feen  in  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  which  he  makes  all  Billiops  to  fwear. 
Neither  doth  St.  Bernard  oppofe  proud  Imperious  Dominion  to  gentle  Dominion 
but  he  contradiflinguifheth  Dominion  to  no  Dominion  :  and  thy  felfnot  a  Lord  of 
other  Bijhops  ,  hut  one  of  them.     Not  a  Lord  of  other  Bifliops  ,  faith  St.  Bernard:  A 
Lord  of  other  Bifhops,  faith  the  Oath  of  Fidelity  ,  I  mU  he  faithful  to  our  Lord  Pope 
Alexander. 

Hi;  urgeth,  that  the  Bijhop  hath  brought  a  Teflimony^  vehich  averts  the  Church  of 
Y\QTaz  to  be  the  Mother  of  other  Churches^  and  fo  of  the  Church  of  England  too.  St. 
Bernard  afferteth  the  Church  of  Rome  to  be  the  Mother  of  other  Churches,  fo  did 
the  Bifhop  :  but  not  to  be  the  Mother  of  all  other  Churches,  no  more  did  the  Bi- 
Ihop,  particularly  not  of  the  Church  of  BWi^w ,  which  was  ancienter  than  the 
Church  of  Rome  ^  and  fo  could  not  be  her  Daughter.  Let  them  prove  their  right 
that  they  arekour  Mother  ,  and  we  are  ready  to  do  our  Hlial  Duty,  faving  always 
that  Higher  duty  which  wc  owe  to  our  Mother  Paramount ,  the  Univerfal  Church. 
But  neither  can  they  prove  their  right  that  they  are  our  Mother,  neither  is  that 
fubjeftion  which  they  demand,  the  fubjedion  due  to  a  particular  Mother  ,  but  to 
an  univerfal  Lordir" 

But  Schifm  involves  in  its  Notion  difubedience,  &c.  And  fo  the  Bifliop  concludes  the 
Mother  Schifmatical ,  becaufe  ^e  is  difobedient  to  her  Vaughter,  His  rirft  errour  is ,  to 
make  the  Church  of  Rome  to  be  our  Mother.  The  fecond  ,  to  think  that  a  Mo- 
ther may  challenge  what  obedience  (he  lifteth  of  her  Daughter.  The  third,  that 
SchiCn  coniifteth  altogether  in  the  difobedience  of  Subjefts.  Caufal  Schifm  may 
and  doth  ordinarily  confift,  in  the  unlawful  injundrions  of  Superiours. 

My  Second  reafon  to  convince  them  as  guilty  of  Schifm ,  was  the  new  Creed  (et 
out  by  Pius  the   Fourth  ,  this  he  callcth  a  Calumny.     He  cannot  fpeak  lower  than  • 
calumnies^  abfurdities^  co'ntradi&ions ,  falfif cations ,  &c.     A  high  cj/«w??y  to  flander 
them  with  a  matter  of  truth  i  it  is  fuch  a  calumny  diS  they  will  never  be  able  to  fhake 
off.     He  referreth  the  Reader  to  what  he  hath  fa  id  in  the  Firft  Sedion,  and  I  to  my 
,anfwer  there.     He  faith  it  is  known  that  each  point  in  that  profeffion  of  Faith  C  that 
'is  the  Twelve  new  Articles  )  was  held  of  Faith  by  the  former  Church.     How  •"  held 
of  Faith?  as  an  Eflential  of  Faith.     And  this  known  ?  to  whom?  to  the  man  in 
the  Moon  ?  But  here  is  the  maddeft  contradidion  that  ever  was ,  and  might  well 
Kave  become  his  merry  Stationer.     It  is  a  contradidinn  to  pretend  that  he  ( Pius  the 
Fourth  )  made  a  nevp  Creed  ,  nH  it  bepervn  ,  that  any  of  thefe  points  was  not  formerly 
of  Faith  ,  and  be  proved  fatisfaUorily ,  that  the  Apojiler  Creed  contained  aVneceJJary 
points  of  Faith.     A  contradidlion  .?  I  fee  many  men  talk  of  Ro!>i«  HW,  who  never 
fhot  in  hisbowe  ;  talkof  contradidions,  who  know  not  what  they  are.     Obferve 
the  equity  of  thefe  men,  they  vifiblyinfert  Twelve  new  Articles  into  the  Creed, 
and  then  would  put  us  to  prove,  that  they  were  not  of  Faith  before,  and  that  all  necejfiry 
points  of  Faith  are  contained  in  the  Apoflks  Creed.  He  is  refolved  to  keep  Two  Ikings 
to  his  bo  we  ,  and  knoweth  not  which  of  them  to  truft  to.     Hear  you  Sir,  if  they 
be  Articles  of  Faith  now,  as  you  have  made  them,  then  they  were  alvVays  Ar- 
ticles of  Faith  :  and  all  thofe  were  damned  which  did  not  believe  them  i  but  that 
you  dare  not  fay. 

My  Third  charge  of  Schifm  was ,  becaufe  they  maintain  the  Pope  in  his  Rebellion 
againft  General  Councils  ;  here  he  diftinguiflieth  between  a  Schoolman  and  a  con- 

X  X  2  trovertift , 


774  "^chifm  Guarded TOME  1? 

trovcrtifi  to  no  manner  of  purpofe  ,  for  itis  altogether  impertinent.  There  is  1 
no  man  vvho  invcigheth  fo  much  againfi  «;«r^/>?g  and  ^ibling  as  himfelf ,  and  yet  ! 
the  world  hath  not  a  greater  mrder  or  ^tbkr  than  he  is. 

VN'herefore  to  prevent  the  Pvcaders  trouble  and  mme  own  ,  and  his  fliifting  and 
flinchin"  ,  and  to  tyehim  within  his  Compafle  perforce  •,  I  made  bold  to  reduce  my 
Aro'ument  to  a  Syllogiftical  Form.  They  who  fubjedt  a  General  Council ,  which 
is  the  higheft  tribunal!  of  Chriftians ,  to  the  Pope,  are  guilty  of  Schifm  ;  but  the 
Pope  and. Court  of  Kome  ,  with  all  their  maintainers ,  (  that  is ,  much  the  greater 
part  of  their  Writers ,  )  do  fubjed  a  General  Council  to  the  Pope.  Therefore  the 
Pope  and  Court  of  'Rome  with  all  their  Maintainers ,  that  is  the  much  greater 
part  of  their  Writers  ,  are  guilty  of  Schifm. 

Here  he  fhould  have  anfwered  punctually  to  the  propofition  o  r  affumption,  either 
by  denying ,  granting  ,  or  diftinguifhing  :  but  for  all  his  calling  for  a  rigorous  Ve- 
moiflrative  n>jy  ,  heliketh  it  not ,  becaufe  he  cannot  makefuch  impertinent,  ex- 
travagant excurfions  as  he  ufeth  to  do ,  which  are  the  onely  help  he  hath  at  a 
dead  lift.  All  the  Anfwer  he  giveth  is  this.  He  (the  Bi(hop)  u  accufed  of  a  con- 
tradiUion  and  nonfenfe^  and  to  clear  himfelf  he  tels  us,  he  rvill  nove  lay  afide  the  one  part 
of  the  contraction  ,  and  eudeavour  to  tnak^  good  fenfe  of  the  other.  To  what  propo- 
fition ,  to  what  term  doth  he  apply  this  Anfwer  ?  I  fee  no  contradidtion ,  I  fee  no 
nonfenfe  in  my  difcourfe ,  nor  any  body  living  but  himfelf^  Ifaid  no  fuch  thing 
as  he  pretendeth.  What  doth  the  man  mean  by  thefe  reaves  of  brainkfs  hutterd 
Fijh,  heterogeneous  incoherent  fopperies,  and  C/^iw^erafj  which  have  no  exigence 
but  in  his  own  part  ?  if  he  mean  to  anfwer  ,  let  him  do  it  clearly  like  a  SchoUar  ; 
fincc  I  hav^  found  this  way  to  tye  him  to  his  matter ,  and  reftrain  his  torrent  of 
words  ,  I  (hall  put  it  in  pradlice  oftner.  Yet  if  I  meet  with  any  fuch  thing  as  is 
fubftantial  among  his  vapouring  cxpreffions  ,  which  hath  but  the  leaft  refemblance 
of  an  anfwer,  though  it  be  not  reduced  into  form,  I  will  glean  it  out,  and 
examin  the  weight  of  it.  ©  , 

Such  is  this  which  followeth,  rt>as  it  for  this  opinion  of  the  Pope  ahove  the  Council, 
&c.     How  mere  they  guilty  of  Schifm  for  this  ?  tinlefs  they  had  denyed you  Communion 
for  holding  the  contrary ,  or  preji  upon  you  an  unconfcientious  approbation  of  it,  vohich  yoa 
h^ow  they  did  not.  fool  not  your  "Readers  my  Lord-,  it  was  not  for  this  "Tenet  which  you  im- 
pute to  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  but  for  that  of  the  Popes  Headjhip  or  Spiritual  JurifdiCiioit 
over  all  Gods  Church  held  by  all  Catholick^ ,  &c.     Fortchich  you  are  excommunicated. 
It  is  true  they  did  not  deny  us  Communion  for  holding  this  opinion,  nor  prefs  up- 
on us  an  unconfcientious  approbation  of  this  opinion  diredtly  ,  for  any  thing  that 
I  know  :  but  neverthelcfs ,  they  have  by  their  power  fubjeded  a  General  Council 
to  the  Pope  ,  they  have  procured  it  to  be  defined  (  though  not  exprefly  )  in  the 
Council  of  Florence,  and  to  be  exprefly  defined  in  the  Council  of  Lateran  uuder 
Leo  the  Tenth.     Hence  it  is  ■■,  that  all  the  Councils  fince  the  Councils  of  Conjiance 
and  Bafle ,  and  the  Two  Pifan  Councils ,  have  wanted  conciliary  freedom ,  and 
been  altogether  at  the  difpofition  of  the  Popes  •,  to  prorogue  them,  to  transfer  them, 
to  ftint  them ,  what  matters  they  might  handle ,  and  what  not ,  to  defer  their  de- 
terminations, untill  he  had  formed  or  created  a  party  ,  or  wrought  fome  of  the 
difienting  Bifliops  to  his  will ,   to  ratifie  or  rejedl  their  Decrees  at  his  pleafure. 
When  or  where  was  it  ever  heard  before ,  that  there  was  Twice  as  many   Bifliops 
of  One  Nation  in  a  General   Council ,  as  of  all  other  Nations  in  the  World  ? 
Hence  was  that  complaint  of  the  Fathers  in  the  Council  of  trent  ,  that  the  Synod 
was  guided  by  the  Holy  Ghoft  ,  fent  from  Rome  in  a  Male.    If  it  had  not  been  for 
this  thing ,  but  the  Fathers  had  been  permitted  freely  to   have  proceeded  in  the 
Council  ot  7rent ,  in  the  refolution  of  that  noble  Quehion  ,  concerning  the  refi- 
dence  and  Divine  rights  of  Bifhops ,  in  all  probability,  this  great  rent  had  been 
made  up ,  and  he  and  I  had  not   needed  to  have  difputed  this  Queition  at  this 
day. 

Thus  by  this  opinion  ,  and  by  their  finifter  pradtifes  to  eftablifli  it ,  they  are  cau- 
fally  and  formally  Schifmatical  :  and  have  been  both  the  creating  and  conferving 
caufe  of  this  great  Schifm  i  the  procreating  caufe ,  by  altering  the  Hierarchy,  and 
difordering  the  members,  which  doth  receflarily  produce  a  difturbance  and  Schifm 


m 


D is  COURSE  IV. Schifm  Guarded.  41^. 

in  the  body  i  and  the  conferving  caufe  ,  by  deftoying  the  freedom  of  Councils 
which  are  the  proper  remedies  of  Schifm.  Whether  thefe  latter  Councils  were 
Oecumenical,  or  occidental,  or  neither,  is  not  the  point  in  debate  i  They  are 
thofe  which  they  call  General  ■,  They  were  as  General  as  tliey  would  permit  them 
to  be  i  and  to  conclude  ,  it  was  their  fault  that  they  were  not  more  General.  So 
though  this  were  not  the  very  caufe  alledged  by  them ,  why  they  did  excommuni- 
cate us  :  yet  it  was  one  of  the  caufes  of  the  Schifm,  and  confequently  of  our  Ex- 
communication. 

I  leave  every  man  free  to  judge  for  himfelf ;  but  for  mine  own  part  I  am  fo  great 
a  Lover  of  the  Peace  of  Chrillendom ,  that  I  (hould  not  oppofe  the  Bifhop  of 
Komes  HeadOiip  of  Order ,  if  he  would  be  content  with  it  i  and  that  is  as  much 
as  many  whom  he  liilcth  his  own  Sons  do  yield  him.     But  though  that  be  fufficient 
for  the  Catholick  Church,it  is  not  fufficient  for  the  Court  oiKome  to  fill  their  coffers  5 
they  love  not  fuch  a  dry  Fa^acy.  I  difpute  onely  whether  the  Popes  right  be  Divine 
or  Humane ,  or  mixed  (  as  Cerfon  thought  i )  either  fcore  may  juftly  challeno^e 
duty  :  But  I  am  very  pofitive  ,  that  whatfocver  the  Bifhop  of  Rome  hath  more  than 
this  Primacy  of  Order  ,  or  beginning  of  Unity  ,  he  had  it  by  Humian  right ,  and 
by  Humane  right  he  may  lofe  it.     Neither  do  I  go  about  to  deprive  the  Eilliop  of 
Rome  ,  or  any  Bifhop  whatfoever  of  any  Jurifdiction  purely  Spiritual ,  which  was 
left  them  as  a  Legacy  by  Chrift  or  His  Apoftles :   but  I  deny  that  Apparitors,  or 
Purlivants  ,  or  Prifons  are  of  Chrilt's  InlHtution  >  I  deny  that  Chrill  or  his  Apoltles 
did  ever ,  either   cxercife  themfelves ,  or  grant  to  others  Authority  to  exercile 
Coadlive  Jurifdidlion  in  the  Exteriour  Court ,  over  the  Subjects  of  other  Princes 
within  their  Dominions  ,  and  without  their  leaves.     If  Subjeds  fubmit ,  volenti 
fton  fit  injuria ,  but  then  it  is  not  Coadtive  ;  If  Princes  give  leave  ,  (  as  they  have 
done  in  all  Ages,  fo  far  as  they  judged  it  expedient  for  the  publick  good  ,  then 
it  is  very  Lawful  ;  but  without  the  Subjedls  SubmilTion  ,  or  the  Princes  leave 
there  may  be  indeed  a  Spiritual  kind  of  Coadtion  in  the  Interiour  Court  of  confci- 
ence ,  but  no  true  Coadtion  in  the  Exteriour  Court  of  th^  Church. 

I  fee  he  underftandeth  not  the  fenfe  of  that  Logical  refiridion  ,  the  Papacy  as  it 
is  fuch  ■■,  which  figniheth  not  the  Papacy  as  it  ought  to  be,  or  fo  far  as  all  Roman' 
•Catholicks  do  agree  about  iti  but  the  Papacy  as  it  is  qualified  in  prefent ,  or  as 
it  is  owned ,  or  obtruded  ,  or  endeavoured  to  be  obtruded  by  the  Pope  and 
Court  of  Rome.  So  the  Tapacy  as  it  is  fitch  ^  is  oppofed  or  contradillinguifhed  to 
the  ancient  Papacy  in  the  purer  and  more  Primitive  times ,  which  vvas  not 
guilty  of  thofe  Ufurpations  which  the  modern  Popes  have  introduced.  Thus 
11  my  contradidion  doth  end  in  his  mifunderflanding. 
My  Fourth  and  lafl  charge  of  Schifm  upon  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rams 
was  thus.  They  who  take  away  the  line  of  Apollolical  Succeifion ,  throughout 
the  world  except  in  the  See  of  Rome ,  who  make  all  Epifcopal  Jurifdidtion 
to  flow  from  the  Pope  of  Rome  ,  and  to  be  founded  in  his  Laws ,  to  be  im- 
parted to  other  Bifhops,  as  the  Popes  Vicars  and  Coadjutors,  afTumed  by 
them  into  part  of  their  charge,  are  Schifmaticks :  but  the  Pope  and 
Court  of  Rome ,  and  their  maintainers  do  thus  ;  therefore  the  Pope  and  Court 
of  Rome ,  and  their  maintainers ,  are  Schifmaticks, 

To  this  argument ,  he  vouchafeth  no  Anfwer  at  all  it?-dae  form  as  it  ought 
!  to  be ,   and  I  have  no  reafon    to  infift  long  upon  his  voluntary  Jargon.     All 
I  the  Anfwer   which  he  intimateth  is   this ,  that  this  'tenet  is  not  General  among 
\ihem,   but  points  of  Faith  are  held  generally.     There  is    an  Anfwerlefs  Anfwer, 
'  without  confelling  or  denying  either  propofition ;    fuch    an  Anfwer   doth  not 
I  become  one  ,  who  maketh  himfelf  fo  great  a  Mafter  in  the  Art  of  Difputing  v  I 
j  charge  not  their  whole  Church  ,  but  the  Pope  and  Court  of  Rome ,  and  all  their 
Abetters  and  Maintainers ,  with  the  crime  of  Schifm.     I  conclude  no  more  than 
I  affume.     He  Anfwers  ,  that   the  rehole  Church  do  not  hold  thefe  tenets.     What  is 
that  to  the  purpofe  ?  as  if  a  particular  perfon ,  the  Pope ,  or  a  particular  Society, 
as  the  Court  of  Rome  ,  or  the  greater  part  of  a  Church  ,  as  all  their  Abetters  and 
Maintainers,  could  not  be  Schifmaticks,  except  the  whole  Church  be  Schifmati- 
cal,  which  is  mofl  abfurd.     I  am  free  to  charge  whom  I  will,  if  he  will  not  An- 
fwer 


Schifm  Guarded.  TOME  I, 

■7~J^r^^:^^^rj^^vhc  lilenTTbl^nThT  undertake  to  be  their  Advocate ,  kt 
him  defend  them  in  due  Form  as  he  ought ,  and  not  tell  us  ,  that  he  is  not  concern- 
edK  a  Controvert  ,  to  defend  any  thing  hnt  pomtr  of  Faith  Which  is  neither  better 
rinr  worfe  in  plain  Englijh  ,  than  to  run  away  from  the  Queftion.  All  our  contro- 
v'^rlie  is  whether  fuch  and  fuch  pretended  Priviledges  be  Papal  rights ,  or  Papal 
ufurpatio'ns:  If  he  dare  not  maintain  them  to  be  jurt  rights ,  either  by  Divine  Law 
or  Humane  Law  ,  and  refufe  to  contend  with  us  when  we  prove  them  to  be  ufur- 
pations ,  to  what  end  doth  he  intereft  himfelf,  and  break  other  mens  heads  with 
the  clattering  noife  of  his  Sabots. 


S  E  C  T.     X. 

An'Ahftverto  their  OhjedionSi 

THeir  firft  Objection  was ,  that  we  had  feparated  our  feWes  from  the  communi- 
on of  the  Cathofick  Church.     I  anfwered,  That  we  hold  communion  with 
thrice  fo  many  Catholick  Chriftians  as  tliey  do,  that  is,  the  Eajiern  ,  Southern,  and 
Northern  Chrirtians ,  befides  Protedants.     He  interpreteth  thefe  Chriftians  ,  with 
whom  we  hold  communion  to  be  numherlefs  multitudes  of  Manichees ,  Gncftick^,  Car- 
pocrations,  Arrians,   Nefiorians ,  Eutychians^&c.  A^ddiug,  th^it  he  p-otejteth  moji  fjith- 
fuVy,  he  doth  not  think,  that  I  have  any  jolid  reafon  to  refufe  communion  to  the  ivorji  of 
them.    Reader,  Learn  how  to  value  his /iiiffc/«//'rciff/?iJtw«j-  hereafter.     I  fliew  that 
we  all  dcteft  thofe  damned  Herefics ,  and  complain  of  his  partiality ,  and  want  of 
ingenuity  ,  to  abufe  the  Reader    with  fuch  lying  fuggellions,  which  he  himfelf 
knoweth  to  be  moft  falfe  ,  and  challenge  him  to  (hew  ,  that    any  of  us  are  guilty 
of  any  of  thefe  Herefics  ;  now  fee  what  he  produceth  to  free  himfelf  from  fuch  an 
horrid  calumny. 

Firfi:  he  faith  ,  that  the  Bipfpi  tas\is  evidently  this  ,  tojhetvfome  folid  reafons  why 
he  admits  fome  of  thefe  ,  and  re]eBs  others.     This   is   not  the  purging  of  his  old  ca- 
lumny ,  but  the  twifting  of  a  new  calumny  to  it.     I  abominate  and  anathematize 
them  all,  and  he  will  have  a  reafon  of  mc,  why  I  admit  fome  of  them  ,  and  rejed, 
others.     Well  done  brave  Difputant  ! 

/Secondly  he  urgeth  ,  Suppofe  he  could  not  charge  the  Church  of  England  ,  or  any  of 
thefe  other  Churches  with  any  of  thefe  Herefes  ,  are  there  no  other  Herefies  in  the  world 
but  thefe  old  ones  ?  Or  is  it  impojfible  that  a  new  Herefie  (hould  arife  ?  There  are  other 
Herefies  in  the  world  ,  and  it  is  pollible  that  a  new  Herefie  may  arife:  but  what 
doth  that  concern  the  Church  oi^ England  ?  unlefs  he  think  there  is  no  Herefie  in  the 
world,  nor  is  poliible  to  be,  but  the  Church  of  England  muR  be  guilty  of  it.  Wor- 
fe and  worfe. 

He  proceedeth ,   that  he  accufed  not  the  Church  of  England  or  the  Bifhop ,  for  holding 
thofe  material  points  ,  but  that  having  no  determinate  certain  rule  of  Faith  ,  they  had  no 
grounds  to  rejed  any  from  their  Communion  ,  who  hold  fome  common  points  of  Chrijiiani- 
ty  with  them.     It  is  well ,  habemus  confrtentem  reum.  Mr.  Serjeant  retrafts  his  chargej 
the  Church  of  England  dind  theBilhop  are  once  declared  innocent  of  thofe  old  He- 
refies, which  he  made  a  Mufter  of,  to  no  pupofe.    To  let  him  fee  that  I  fay  no- 
thing new  ,  and  how  he  thrafheth   his  own  Friends  blind-fold:  Feter  Lombard, 
'Thomas  a  Jefu ,  Cardinal  Tolet  and  many  others  ,  do  make  the  Queftion  about  the 
procelfion  of  the  Holy  Ghoft ,  to  be  verbal  onely  without  reality  i  and  that  the 
Grecian  expreflions  of  Spiritus  Filii ,  the  Spirit  of  the  Son  ,  and  per  F ilium  by  the 
OiiHthr'tHi  in  Son  ,  do  fignifie  as  much  as  our  Filioque  ,  and  from  the  Son.     And  of  the  Nejlorians  ^ 
vttajutii  UT-  Onttphrius  giveth  this  Judgment  ,  Thefe  Nejlorians  dofeem  to  me  ,  to  have  retained  the 
'"'  name  of  Neltorius  the  Hereticl^^  rather  than  his  erroitrs  :  for  I  find  nothing  in  them  that 

-J  7  r  favoureth  of  that  ScU.     And  for  the  fuppofcd  Eutychians ,  Thomas  a  Jefu  giveth   us 

^^'"■/.''^.p^"  ample  Teftimony,  that  the  fufpicion  did  grow  upon  a  double  miftakc.  They  were 
i:  c/i.  3.  «Sr  11  fufpeAed  of  Eutychianifm  becaufe  they  retained  not  the  Council  of  Chalcedon;  and 
they  received  not  tlie  Council  of  Chalcedon,  becaufe  they  fufpefted  it  of  Nefiorianijm; 
but  yet  they  accurfe  Eutyches  for  an  Heretick,  and  fo  did  the  Council  of  Chalcedon 

ana- 


I 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded. 


anathemarize  Nejiurm.     The  fame  is  aflerted  by  Brerervood ,  out  of  theconfeilio  ~ 
of  the  Jacobitey  ,  Ntjiorians ,  Armenians^Cophites  znA  Abyfines.     To  his  OLjcdtio 
I  anfwer:  Firft,  that  though  we  had  no  fuch  certain  rule  of  Faith,  yet  it  was  not 
prcfentfy  neccfTar^' ,  that  we  mult  tumble  headlong  into  fuch  abominable  errours 
as  many  of  thcfe  Hereticks  held,  which  the  difcreeter  Heathen  did  deteil.     Second- 
ly ,  We  have  a  certain  Rule  of  Faith  ,  the  ApoiHes  Creed  dilated  in  the  Scriptures 
or  the  Scriptures  contracted  into  the  Apoftles  Creed :  and  tor  that  ugly  Fardlc  of 
Hcrcfies ,  which,  he  mentioneth  ,  we  can  fhew  that  they  are  all  diametrally  oppo- 
fite-  to  the  Apoftles  Creed,  as  it  is  explained  in  the  four  firft  General  Councils. 
Reader  ,  have  a  care  to  preferve  Efidem  his  jewel ,  Remember  to  difiruji  fuch* 
faithful,  or  rather,  feigned /'roff/?a«o«j-. 

He  argueth ,  All  thoje  Heretich^  had  the  fame  rule  or  Grounds  of  Faith  that  Prote- 
flants  have  ,  namely,  the  Holy  Scripture  ;  therefore  they  are  all  of  the  Frotejiant  Commtt- 
ttiof!.     In  good  time.     All  thofe  Hcrcticks  had  the  fame  rule  or  Grounds  of  their 
Faith,  that  R(7>Kja-Catholicks  have,  namely,  the  Holy  Scriptures  i  therefore  they 
are  of  the  Koman-Cztholkk  Communion.     If  he  except ,  that  the  bare  Letter  of 
the  Scriptures ,  is  not  the  Ground  or  Rule  of  Faith  to  Roman-C:itholkks     but  the 
Scripture  Interpreted  according  to   the  Analogy  of  Faith  and  Tradition  of  the 
Church  :  the  Church  of  England  faith  the  very  fame  for  it  felf     So  if  this  be  the 
fource  of  all  errour  to  abandon    The  Tradition   of  the  Church  ,   we  are  far  e- 
nough  from  the  fcurce  of  all  errour.     This  is  the  onely  difference  in  this  particular 
between  me  and  Mr.  Serjeant ,  what  he  attributeth  to  the  Tradition  of  immediate 
Forefathers  ,  I  afcribe  to  the  perpetual  and  Vniverfal  Tradition  of  the  Cathohck  Church. 
Who  would  believe,  that  this  man  himfelf  had  deferted  the  Tradition  of  his  Im- 
mediate Forefathers. 

That  which  he  addeth,Q  the 'Tradition  of  immediate  Forefathers,  it  the  onely 
Gronnd  of  Faith's  certainty ,  and  the  denying  of  it  more  Fejlikntial  than  the  denying 
of  the  Godhead  of  Chrijl ,  or  the  ajferting  the  rvorji  of  thfe  errours  which  any  of  thoje 
old  Eereticks  held ,  as  there  are  Two  Gods ,  a  Good  God,  and  an  Evil  God  i  "1  is 
moft  falfe  and  dangerous  ,  to  tumble  into  a  certain  crime  for  fear  of  an  uncertain. 
What  he  addeth  concerning  SeCis  nero  fj/rung  up  in  England  ,  and  Luther  and  Ca- 
rolofladius ,  concerneth  not  us ,  ncr  the  preftnt  controverfic. 

I  faid  ,  that  fome  few  Ealiern  Chriftians  were  called  Nejlorians,  and  fbme  others 
by  reafon  of  fome  unufual  expreilions  fufpedec"  )f  Eutychianifm,  but  moft  wrone- 
fully :   and  in  our  name,  and  in  the  name  of  all  thofe  Churches  which  >h(Ad  Com- 
munion with  us,  I  accurfed  all  the  errours  of  thofe  Hereticks.     Notwithftanding 
all  this  ,  he  faith  that  nothing  is  more  right  than  to  call  them  fo^  that  what  J  fay  here  U 
contrary   to  the  public]:^  and  beft  intelligence  tve  have  from  thofe  remote  Countries    thit  I 
have  a  mind  to  cling  in  very  Brotherly  and  Lovingly  ,  rritb  the  Neftorians  and  Eutvchi- 
ans,  though  ] fay  I  will  not ,  that  J/?ro^?  th«fe  errours  which  I  accurfe  ^  ^ith  a  (gentle 
hand,  fiiling  them  but  unufual  expreffions.     Firft  ,  for  fo  much  as  concerneth  my  (elf 
I  have  renounced  thofe  errours  ,  I  have  accurfed  them  :  if  yet  he  will  not  credit  me* 
there  is  nothing  left  for  me  to  do  ,  but  to  appeal  to  God  the  fearcher  of  all  hearts' 
that  what  I  fay  is  true,  and  his  accufations  are  groundlefs calumnies.     But  as  to 
the  merit  of  the  caufe  he  addeth  ,  that  thefe  unufual  exprejjions  were  onely  thefe     that 
Chriji  had  Two  diJlinCi  perfons,  and  no  dijlinCl  natures.     Thus  he  faith      but  what 
Authors,  what  Authority  doth  he  produce,  that  any  of  thefe  Churches  are  guilty 
of  any  fuch  exprelfions  r"  None  at  all ,  becaufe  for  all  hit  good  intetligenee  ,  he  hath 
none  to  produce  nor  ever  will  be  able  to  produce  any  ,  and  fo  hps  good  intetlicrence 
mnH  end  in  fmoke  and  ftink  ,  as  his  mojl  faithful  proteftation  did  before.     I  will  con- 
clude this  poiot  to  his  fhame,with  the  Dodlrine  of  the  E>fg/i/&  Church  Art.  2.  That 
the  Two  Natures ,  Divine,  and  Human,   are  perfeQly  and  infeparably ,  conjoyned   in 
the  Unity  of  the  Perfm  of  Chriji.     Doth  this  agree  with  his  counterfeit  expreifions 
Chriji  hath  Two  dijiind  Perjons ,  m  dijiinCi  Natures. 

When  I  ufed  this  exprelfion  [,  the  beft  is,  we  arc  cither  wheat  or  chafFe  of  the 
Lords  Floor,  but  their  Tongues  mutt  not  winnow  us ,  ~\  thefe  words  [  the  beft  is  1 
had  no  fuch  immediate  relation  unto  the  words  immedlatly  following  f  we  are  et- 
fhcr  wh^at  or  chaffe  ,]  but  to  the  laft  words  [their  Tongues  muit  not  winnow 

us,  3 


4V 


,8 


Schifw  Guarded. 


TOME  I. 


us, 


1  making  this  tlic  compleat  fenfe  ,  n>e  are  either  rvheat  or  duffe ,  but  the  beji  is  , 
-hctherwcbewheatorc'-'^'     ^''''' • 
boyi(hi"ciy«fr/»_2isthisi' 


whether  wc  be  wheat  or  chaflfe  ,  their  tongues  mud  not   winnow  us.     What  poor 


Cyrily 
3> 


ad  Int 


Priw,  refp, 
cap,6,Ciiy- 


In  niv  Reply  to  the  Bifliop  ofChalcedm,  occafionally  I  (hewed  the  agreement  of 
theCwIchurches  with  the  Church  of  £m^/j«</,  in  the  greateft  Queaions  agitated 
between  us  and  the  Church  of  Rome,  out  of  Cyrill  late  Patriarch  of  Gmftantinople  , 
which  he  taketh  no  notice  of,  but  in  requital  ,  urgetli  a  paffage  out  of  Mr.  Rofs , 
in  his  Book  called  a  View  of  all  Religiom.     It  is  an  unequal  match,  between  Mi.Rofs 
a  private  Stranger,  and  the  Patriarch  of  Conftaminople  ,  in  a  caufe  concerning  his 
own  Church.     I  meddle  not  with  Mr.  Rof!e,  but  leave  him  to  abound  in  his  own 
fenfe     I  know  not  whether  he  be  truly  cited  or  not :  but  with  Maftcr  Ser]ea.nt , 
I  fliaU  be  bold  to  tell  him  ,    that  if  he  fpeaketh  ferioufly  ,    and  bona   fide , 
he  is  millaken   wholly  \    Neither  do    the   Greekes  place  mmh    of  their   Devotion 
in   the   JForJhip    of  the  Virgin    Mary  ,    and    painted     Images.     Hear   Cyrill   the 
Patriarch  ,    IVe  give  leave  to  him  that  will  ^    to  have    the  Images  of  Chriji  and  of 
the  Saints  ,    hut  we   difallow  the  adoration  and  wmpip  of  them  ,  as  prohibited  by 
the  Holy  Ghoji  in  Holy  Scriptures.     And  another  ,  Jhey  giye  great  honour  to  the  Virgin 
T\iity  the  Mother  of  Chriji ,  but  they  neither  adore  her  ^  nor  implore  her   aid.     And  for 
the  Interctfjion^  Prayers ,  help  and  merits  of  the  Saints ,  f  taking  the  word  [  Merit  ~\ 
in  the  fenfe  of  the  Primitive  Churcli ,  that  is  not  for  Vefert ,  but  for  Acquifttion^ ) 
I  know  no  difference  about  them,  among  thofe  men  who  underftand  thcmfclves-, 
but  onely  about  the  laft  words ,  which  they  invocate  in  their  letnples  rather  than 
Churches.     A  comprecation  both  the  Grecians  and  we  do  allow  ,  an  ultimate  Invo- 
cation both  the  Grecians  and  we  deteU  :  fo  do  the  Churcli  of  Rome  in  their  Do- 
ctrine, but  they  vary  from  it   in  their  praftice.     It  folio weth,  "they  place  Jitjiifica- 
tion  not  in  Faith,  but  in  works,  mort  falfly  ;  Hcare  Hieremy  the  Patriarch  i  we  mtiji  do 
good  work^ ,  but  not  confide  in  them  :  And  Cyri^  his  Succeffour  ,  JVe  believe  that  man 
is  jufiified  by  Faith,  not  IVorks. 

Before  we  can  determine  for  whom  thofe  Eafiern ,  Southern  ,  and  Northern  Chri- 
flians  are  ,  in  the  Queftion  concerning  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mafs  :  it  is  neceffary  to 
know  what  the  right  ftate  of  this  Controverfie  is.  I  have  challenged  them  to  go 
one  ftep  farther  into  it  tlian  I  do ,  and  they  dare  not ,  or  rather  they  cannot,with- 
out  Blafphemy. 

The  next  Inftance  concerning  Purgatory ,  is  fo  grofs  and  notorious  a  miftake  , 
rhat  it  were  a  great  (hame  to  confute  it  >  ihey  believe  ,  that  the  fouls  of  the  Dead  are. 
bettered  by  the  prayers  of  the  living.  Which  way  arc  they  bettered  ?  That  the  fouls 
of  damned  are  releafed  or  eafed  thereby  ,  the  modern  Greeks  deny ,  and  fo  do  we: 
That  there  are  any  fouls  in  Purgatory  to  be  helped,  they  deny,  and  fo  do  we:  That 
they  may  be  helped  to  the  confommation  of  their  Bleffcdnefs,  and  to  a  fpcedier  U- 
nion  with  their  Bodies  by  the  refurredlion  thereof,  they  do  not  deny  ,  no  more  do 
we  :  We  pray  daily,  7hy  Kingdom  come,  and  come  Lord  Jefm,  come  quickly  :  and 
that  we  ,  with  this  our  Brother  ,  and  aV  other  departed  in  the  Faith  ,  may  have  our  per- 
fe&  confmnmation  and  blifs  both  in  body  and  foul.  They  hate  Ecclefialtical  Tyranny , 
and  lying  fuppofititious  Traditions,  fo  do  we  i  but  if  they  be  kx  the  Authority  of 
the  Church,  and  for  genuine  Apoflolical  'traditions ,  God's  bleffing  on  their  hearts , 
fo  are  we.  Laftly  ,  The  Grecians  know  no  Feaft  of  Corpus  Chrijii ,  nor  carry  the 
Sacrament  up  and  down  ,  nor  elevate  it  to  be  adored.  They  adore  Chrift  in  the 
ufe  of  the  Sacrament,  fo  do  we  :  They  do  not  adore  the  Sacrament ,  no  more  do 
we. 

Yet  from  hence  he  inferreth  ,  that  there  U  not  a  point  of  Faith  wherein  they  difient 
from  the  Church  of  Rome ,  except  that  one  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy.  It  is  well  they 
will  acknowledge  that.  Yet ,  the  Grecians  agree  with  us  ,  and  differ  from  them  , 
in  his  two  Rules  or  Bonds  of  Unity.  In  the  Rule  of  Difcipline  ,  the  Grecians  and 
we  have  the  fame  Government  of  Bifliops  under  Patriarchs  and  Primates.  Second- 
ly ,  in  the  Rule  of  Faith  ■-,  the  Grecians  and  we  have  both  the  fame  Canonical  Books 
of  Scripture,  both  rejed  their  Apocryphal  Additions  from  the  genuine  Can(jn. 
They  and  we  have  both  the  fame  Aportolical  Creed,  both  rejed  the  new  Additi- 
ons of  Piu(  the  fourth.     In  fum  ,  they  and  we  do  both  deny  their  Tranfubflantia- 

tion  , 


Discourse  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  *jq 

tion ,  their  Purgatory  ,  their  jurtirication  by  Works  in  fenfu  forenfi  ,  their  Dodlrine 
of  Merits  and  Supererogation  ,  their  Septenary    number  of  the  Sacraments    theif 
Image-wordiip  ,  their  Pardons ,  their  private  MafTes ,  their  Half-communion-,  and 
to  be  brief,  the  Grecians  do  renounce  and  rejeft  all  thofe  Branches  of  Papal  power 
'•which  we  have  call  out  of  the  Church  of  England.     As  the  Pope's  Sovereignty  o- 
ver  the  Catholick  Church  by  Divine  right,  as  Niluf  faith-.  It  is  intolerable  that  the 
Roman  Bifhop  rvillnot  beftthjeB  to  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers ,  fwce  he  had  his  dignity 
from  the  Fathers.     Secondly,  his  Legiflative  power  ,  as  Peter  Stexcart,  Vice-Chan^ 
cdlor  o{  Ingoljlad ,  witnefleth,  that  the  Grecians  oW]e£i  it  as  an  errour  to  the  Li^- 
tines,  that  they  make  the  Pope's  Commandments  to  be  their  Canons  and  Laws.  Thirdly 
his  Judiciary  power ,  equalling  the   Patriarch  of  Conftantinople  to  the  Patriarch  of 
Rome,  or  rather  preferring  him.     Laflly,  his  Difpenfative  power ^  i?cc«/iw/;ij-Prfr- 
dons  and  Vijpcnfations  as  things  that  open  a  gate  to  all  kind  of  villany.     I  am  glad  that 
Nilui  is  in  his  good  grace  ,  to  be  ftiled  by  him  one  of  thegraveji  Eifhops  and  Authours 
of  that  party,  for  one  moderate  exprellion  wherein  he  faith  no  more  than  we  fay. 
His  friend  Po^'evine  calls  him  a  virulent  Adverfary  ;  and  if  ever  Mr.  Serjewt  read  him 
throughly,  it  is  ten  to  one  he  will  change  his  note.     Thus  much  for  my  communion 
with  the  Eajtern  Churches,  it  is  the  fame  with  the  Southern  and  Northern  Churches 
all  which  do  plead  better  Tradition  than  himfelf 

Whereas  he  faith  that  my  Alfertion,  that  the  Creed  contained  all  points  necejfary  ta 
he  believed,  is  grounded  onely  upon  my  falfifying  of  the  Council  of  Ephe[n5  ;  he  be- 
wrayeth  his  ignorance  both  in  the  Fathers,  and  in  his  own  Authours.  The  Scri- 
pture is  none  of  thole  particular  Articles  which  are  neceffiry  to  Salvation  to  be  be- 
lieved :  but  it  is  the  evidence  whereby  thole  Articles  are  revealed,  and  wherein  they 
are  comprehended :  the  Creed  was  compofed  before  the  Canon  of  Scripture  was 
perfeded.  They  have  not  onely  changed  from  their  Anceliours  in  Opinions  ,  but  they 
have  changed  their  own  Opinions,  into  necefTary  Articles  of  Faith  ,  which  is 
■vvorfe. 

I  denied  that  the  Council  of  7rent  was  a  General  Council ,  as  wantini>  the  re- 
quifite  conditions  of  a  General  Council  ,  which  they  themfelves  judge  to  be  neceflTa- 
ry.  The  Summons  ought  to  have  been  general ,  but  it  was  not.  The  great  Patri- 
archs ought  to  have  been  prefent  ,  but  they  were  not,  neither  the  Patriarchs  of 
Conjiantinople ,  Alexandria  ,  Antiod) ,  and  Bierufalem  ,  nor  any  of  them  •-,  nor  yet 
the  Patriarchs  of  y^rwewi.i ,  Abifjina  ,  Mofco,  MuffaV ,  &c.  nor  any  of  them.  He 
znCwcrcth,  they  had  no  right  to  be  fummoned  thither,  unlefs  tn  be  called  to  the  Bar  ai 
Velinquents,  nor  to  fit  there, nor  are  to  be  accounted  Chrijiians.  It  had  need  to  be  a  large 
Bar  indeed  to  hold  them  all.  Was  it  ever  heard  before  ,  that  a  Fifth  part  of  a 
Council  did  call  Four  parts  to  the  Bar  ?  Their  anceftours  had  right  to  be  fummon- 
cd  to  a  General  Council ,  and  to  fit  and  vote  there  as  well  as  the  bell ;  how  have 
their  pofierity  loll  this  right?  Had  they  been  heard  and  condemned  in  a  General 
Council  >  No.  But  he  urgeth,  rphat  need  hearing  ,  when  themfelves  in  the  Face  of 
the  whole  world  ,  publickly  confeffed  and  maintain  their  imputed  fault.  How  ?  ^vhat 
needed  hearing  i  O  jult  Judge !  He  that  giveth  a  right  Sentence  ,  yet  if  he  give  it 
without  hearing  ,  is  an  unrighteous  Judge.  T'hey  confejfed  their  imputed  fault :  but 
did  they  confefs  it  to  be  a  fault  ?  No  I  warrant  you  ,  he  cannot  fay  it  for  (liame. 
Or  how  flwuld  they  confefs  it  in  the  Face  of  the  whole  Chnlhan  world  ?  They  are  the 
Chrillian  world  themfelves ,  and  your  Roman  world  is  but  a  Microcojme  in  compari- 
fon  of  them. 

The  cale  is  lb  evident  and  notorious,  that  no  man  can  doubt  of  it.  The  con- 
tinent hath  not  left  St.  Peters  Boat,  but  St.  Peters  Boat  hath  left  the  continent. 
The  innovation  orfwerving  from  Apollolical  Tradition,  was  not  in  the  Chrillian 
World  ,  but  in  the  Court  of  Rome ,  who  would  have  advanced  their  Arillocrati- 
cal  power  to  a  Sovereign  Monarchical  power :  but  the  Chrillian  World  would  not 
give  way  to  it,  if  this  were  an  errour  in  them  ,  all  their  Anceliours  were  guilty  of 
it  as  well  as  they.  But  the  Court  of  Rome  being  confcious  to  themfelves  that  they 
were  the  Innovators  ,  to  free  themfelves  from  Tear  of  being  cenfured  by  the  Chri- 
llian World  ,  adventured  to  give  the  Firll  blow  ,  by  cenfuring  the  whole  Chri- 
llian World  it  felf.  This  was  a  bolder  A<ft  than  that  of  Pope  Vi£lor  ,  which  Jr^nxHs 
mifliked  fo  much,-  Y  y  Ha 


420 


Schifffi  Guarded.  T  O  M  E  l- 


H^  will  never  leave  his  Socr^tkal  manner  of  difputing  by  Qucrtions  s  rrhat  cer- 
K   /f  have  »-f  to  /l'"'«' ,  ^l'''*  ^'^^  """^  "f  ^'-"^  ^'''"■'''  •''  Although  I  needed  not , 
""r"  I  have  anfwered  this  demand  formerly.     All  thofe  are  of  the  Church  who  wear 
Ihl  badRC  and  cognifance  of  Chriftians  ,  that  is ,  the  Apoftlcs  Creed  as  it  is  expli- 
d  bv  the  Four  Firlt  General  Councils  ,  as  all  thofe  Churches  do ,  and  have  not 
Ten  calt  out  of  the  Church  by  the  Sentence  of  a  General  Council  ,  as  none  of 
thde  Churchec  have  =.  no  nor  yet  by  the  fentence  of  the  Roman  Church  it  felf,  if  we 
av  trurt  the  Bifliop  of  Chakedon's  Survey  cap.  8.     Neither  doth  the  Roman  Church 
^Excommunicate  aU  the  Chrijiiaus  of  Aifrick  ,  Afia  ,  Greece  and  Rullia,  but  <mely  fuch 
as  do  vincilly  orfwfitVy  err.     He  addeth  ,  that  there  are  innumerable  who  are  not  for- 
mal Hereticks,  but  onely  Iner^ticif  ccedentes.     Thcfe  connnue  good  Chrillians  ftill, 
and  are  Churcle;  ftill,  and  ought  not  to  be  excluded  from  General  Councils, 
though  fuppofcd  to  be  materially  in  an  errour  •,  much  lefs  being  innocent  and  in  no 
Hcrclie  or  Schifm  ,  either  formal  or  material. 

I  pleaded  that  though  it  were  true,  that  all  the  other  Fairiarchs  rr>ere  fuch  material 
Hereticks  ,  y^t  of  aV  others  they  ought  ejpecially  to  have  been  fummoned.  The  reafon  is 
evident,  becaufe  they  that  are  iick  have  more  need  of  the  Phyfitian,  than  they  that 
are  in  health.  Hence  he  inferreth ,  that  it  is  more  neccifary  that  Hereticks  be  called 
to  a  General  Council ,  than  Orthodox  Fathers.  Not  fo  ^  both  are  neceflary  ,  the 
one  to  cure  ,  the  other  to  be  cured :  but  the  efpecial  confideration ,  or  end  of  a 
Council ,  is  for  thofe  that  err  ,  that  they  may  be  reduced. 

1  faid  r  the  Pope  hath  not  that  authority  over  a  General  Council ,  that  the  King 
hatk  over  a  Parliament.  3     He  anfwereth  ,  that  he  ii  fo  plain  a  man  ,  that  he  under- 
liandeth  not  rvhat  the  j4utbority  of  Kingor  Tarliament  fignifies.     I  will  help  him.    The 
King  may  diflblve  a  Parliament  when  he  pleafeth  ;  fo  may  not  the  Pope  a  General 
Council  againrt  their  wills.     If  the  Kirig  dye  by  whofe  writ  it  was  called ,  the  Par- 
liament is  diflolved:  fo  is  not  a  General  Council  by  death  of  the  Pope.  The  King 
hath  a  Negative  voice  in  Parliament:  fo  hath  not  the  Pope  in  a  General  Council. 
I  urged  ,  that  the  Proto-Patriarchs  are  not  known  or  condemned  Rebels.     He 
Anfwereth  Firft  ,  this  is  onely  faid  again  ?iot  proved.     He  is  always  ftumbling  upon 
the  fame  block  :  it  doth  not  belong  to  me  to  prove  they  were  not  condemned  i  but 
to  himfelf  who  accufeth  them  ,  to  fliew  when  and  where  they  were  condemned. 
Secondly  he  Anfwereth,  that  their  errours  have  been  condemned  by  Councils  ,  and  far 
the  moji  part  jome'  of  their  orvn party  beingprejent.     But  the  condemningof  their  er- 
rours    is  no  fufficient  warrant  for  the  excluding  of  their  perfons  out  of  General 
Councils.     Neither  were  thefe  Councils  General  Councils ,  or  fuch  as  had  any  ]u- 
rifdidtion  over  the  Protopatriarchs.     Moreover  ,  they  condemn  Papal  errours  as 
well  as  he  condemneth  their  errours :  whether  is  more  credit  to  be  given  to  the 
Pope  ,  in  his  own  caufe  charging  all  the  Patriarchs  in  the  World  ,  or  to  all   the 
other  Patriarchs  unanimoufly  condemning  his  Ufurpatious  in  the  name  of  the  Ca- 

tholick  Church  ? 

He  demands  ,  whether  there  might  not  be  a  Parliament  of  England  ,  rvithout  having 
the  Fifth  Part  of  the  members  found  in  that  Council ,  and  yet  be  a  laijfful  Parliament  .<' 
I  dunk  there  mi^ht  ,  if  the  abfence  of  all  the  reft  proceeded  from  their  own  ne- 
gkd^  :  but  not  if  it  proceeded  from  want  of  fummons  ,  as  the  abfence  of  the  Pro- 
topatriarchs did. 

He  bids  me  rub  up  my  memory  ,  he  believes  I  will  find  an  Englifh  Larv,  that  Sixty 
Members  is  a  fufficient  number  to  mah^  a  Lawful  Parliament.  I  have  done  his  com- 
mands ,  and  I  know  no  fuch  Law ,  nor  he  neither  :  and  then  he  mult  be  a  very 
confident  man  to  cite  fuch  a  Law.  Perhaps  he  hath  heard  of  fome  Ordinance  of 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  how  many  Members  at  the  leaft  muft  be  prefent  at  doing 
of  fomc  Inferiour  Afts ;  but  neither  is  this  Ordinance  an  Englijh  Law  ,  nor  that 
Houle  an  Englifh  Parliament. 

He  faith  ,  J  excepted  againjl  the  fuperproportioned  multitude  of  Members  out  of  one 
Province ,  tphich  never  Lanful  Parliament  had.  Superproportioned  indeed  ,  where 
there  were  double  the  number  of  Italian  Bifliops  to  all  the  other  Bilhops  of  the 
Chriliian  World,  (this  is  no  equal  reprefentative : )  and  tliefe  alfembled  thither 
not  to  difpute  ,  as  he  fancieth  vainly  ,  but  mcerly  to  overvote  the  Iramontanes.     A 

few 


Discourse   IV.  Schiftu  Guarded.  ^^  i 

few  Bifhops  had  fufficed  to  relate  the  belief  or  Tradition  of  Italy  ,  as  well  as  the 
reft  of  the  World;  but  that  had  not  fufficed  to  do  the  Popes  work,  that  was,  to 
overfway  the  reft  of  the  Chriftian  World  ,  with  his  Sitperproportiofted  multitude  of 
Italian  Bifhops.  He  faith  ,  perhaps  1  tviU  pretend  that  had  the  Catholick^  Bijhops  out  of 
their  Provinces  been  there  ,  they  pcould  have  voted  againji  their  Fellorc  Catholick^ ^  in  he- 
half  oj  Luther  and  Calvin  ,  tvhich  were  a  tPife  anjvper.  I  heed  not  much  what  he 
calleth  wife  or  foolifli :  I  do  not  onely  pretend  ,  but  I  fee  clearly  ,  that  if  the  Ei- 
fhops  of  other  Countries  had  been  proportioned  to  thofe  of  Italy^  they  had  carried 
the  Debate  about  rcfidence  and  the  Divine  Right  of  Epifcopacy,  and  that  had  done 
the  bufinefs  of  the  We\hrn  Church  ,  and  undone  the  Court  of  Rome. 

But  he  qujte  omitteth  the  moft  material  part  of  my  difcourfe  ,  concerning  his 
refemblance  between  a  Parliament  and  a  General  Council  ■■,  that  [  the  abfcnce  of 
whole  Provinces  and  the  much  greater  part  of  the  Provinces  ,  either  of  England  or 
of  Chriftendom  ,  for  want  of  due  fummons,  doth  difable  fuch  a  Parliament  or  fuch 
a  Council ,  from  being  a  General  reprefentative  of  the  whole. "]  He  might  even  as 
well  fay  ,  that  an  Affembly  of  the  Peers  and  Burgeffes  of  If^ales  upon  fummons 
without  any  appearence  or  fummons  of  all  the  reft  of  the  Kingdom  of  England , 
was  a  lawful  Parliament  of  all  England  ;  as  fay  the  Council  ot  Trent  was  a  General 
reprefentative  of  the  Chriftian  World,  which  was  never  fummoned. 

I  proved  ,  that  the  Council  of  Trent  was  no  General  Council ,  becaufe  it  was 
not  Generally  received  ,  no  not  among  the  Occidental  Churches  •,  particularly,  by 
the  Church  of  France  in  point  of  DifcipUne.     He  anCvrercth  that  notwithftanding, 
they  ack>toit^ ledge  it  to  be  a  LaTcfttl  General  Council ,  and  receive  it  in  all  Determinations 
belonging  to  faith.     Adding ,  that  the  Difciplinarian  Laws  of  a  General  Coun- 
cil ,  dn  bind  particular  Countries  onely  in  due  circumjlances ,  and  according  to  their  conve- 
niences.    Bu:  the  contrary  is  moft  apparent ,  that  Councils  truly  General ,  being 
the  Supreme  tribunals  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  do  bind  particular  Churches  as 
■well  in  point  of  Dilcipline  as  of  Faith.     The  General  Councils  of  Conjiantinople 
and  Chakedon ,  did  fct  the  See  of  Conjiantinople  before  Alexandria  and  Antioch  ^  and 
equal  it  to  Kome ,  notwithftanding  the  Pope's  oppofition.     What  oppinion  the 
King  and  Church  of  France  had  of  the  Council  of  Trent  in  thofe  days  ,  appcareth 
by  the  folemn  Proteftation  of  the  French  Ambafladour,  made  in  the  Council  in 
the  name  of  his  Mafter  and   the  French  Church  ,  that  feeing  all  things  were  done  at 
Kome  rather  than  at  Trent ,  and  the  Decrees  there  publifhed  ,  were  rather  the  Decrees 
of  Pius  the  Fourth  thjn  of  the  Conncil  of  Trent ,  ire  denounce  (  faid  he  )  and  proteji  ^°^'^'  '*•  J- 1" 
hifore  you  all^  that  whatfever  things  are  Decreed  and  publijhed  in  thif  ajjembly  by  the 
tneer  will  and  pleafure  of  Pope  Vius ,  neither  the  moft  Chriftian  King  will  ever  approve  ^ 
nor  tlx  French  Church  ever  acknowledge  to  be  the  Decrees  of  a  General  Council. 

That  the  Council  of  Trent  was  not  a  free  Council  I  proved  ,  Firft  by  the  Tefti- 
inony  of  Sleidan  ■■,  Secondly,  by  the  bitter  complaint  of  the  Fathers  in  the  Council 
of  Trent  ^  that  it  was  guided  by  the  Spirit  fent  from  Rome  i«  a  Male  >  Thirdly  ,  by 
•  the  Popes  creating  not  onely  new  Bifhops ,  but  new  Bifliopricks  in  the  time  of  the 
Council ,  to  make  his  party  able  to  overvote  their  Oppofers.  To  the  Firft  he  faith, 
that  Sleidan  was  a  notorius  lying  Author  of  our  own  fide.  Who  fitter  to  relate  the 
Grievances  of  the  Proteftants  than  a  Proteftant  ?  which  he  did  not  fay  in  a  corner, 
but  publiftied  to  the  World  in  Print ,  when  they  might  have  refuted  it  if  they  could. 
To  the  Second  he  anfvvereth ,  that  it  w^k  a  jeering  expreffion.  Yes ,  it  was  biting 
as  well  as  jeering. 

Kidiciilum  acri  I 

Fortiut  &  melius  magnas  plerumquefecat  res. 

The  French  AmbafTadour  (  whom  he  thought  to  pafs  by  in  filence  )  did  not  jeer; 
yet  he  faid  the  fame  thing  in  fad  earneft.  To  my  Third  Argument ,  he  faith  it  is 
nothing  to  the  purpofe.  How  nothing  to  the  parpofe  ,  for  the  Pope,  when  his  af- 
fairs were  going  retrograde  ,  and  his  party  like  to  be  overvoted  ■,  to  create  new  Bi- 
Ihopricks ,  to  ordain  new  Bi(hops  ,  and  pack  them  away  prefently  to  the  Council 
to  ailift  his  party,  and  by  that  means  to  gain  a  plurality  of  Voices .?  Is  this  nothing 

Yy  2  to 


4'22 


w 

or 


Schifm      Guarded,  TOME 

'to  the  purpofc.n  his"opinion>It  may  be  he  thinks  that  Italy  had  not  Bifhops  enough 
ihcre  r  veuhev  had  two  Thirds  of  the  Council  before:  )  or  that  thefe  new  Bifhops 
drundVrVand  the  Tradition  and  Belief  of  M^  better  than  all  the  reft.  ^ 

If  it  be  his  mind  to  wave  the  Pope  s  Patriarchal  power ,  I  am  contented  ■■,  other- 
ife  Iiis  proof  will  not  weigh  much  ,  unlefs  w€  admit  Strangers  (  who  know  little 
^.'  nothing  of  our  Priviledges  ,  more  than  we  know  the  Cyprian  Priviledge,  before 
the  Council  of  Ephefuf  )  to  be  competent  Judges,  and  will  interpret  a  W^hrn  Pa- 
triarch to  be  tiie  oncly  Patriarch  of  all  the  Weji.  The  Archbifliop  of  TorH^is  Pri- 
mate oiEngland ,  and  yet  all  England  is  not  fubjedl  to  his  Jurifdidlion.  Forfeiture 
and  Quitting  are  two  diHind  charges  :  an  Office  is  forfeited  by  abufe ,  and  quitted 
by  alTuming  a.new  Office  inconfiftent  with  the  former^  as  I  have  (hewed  the  Papacy 
and  a  Patriarchate ,  that  is,  a  Soveraign  and  Subordinate  power  to  be.  But  a  Pa- 
triarchate and  a  Bifiioprick  ,  being  both  fubordinate  to  a  General  Council,  are  not 
inconfillent :  and  much  lefs  the  Office  of  a  King  ,  and  Mafter  of  a  Family, the  one 
being  Political ,  the  other  Oeconomical.  But  an  univerfal  Monarchy  by  Divine 
right ,  and  the  Prefidency  of  a  particular  Province  by  Humane  right ,  arc  inconfi- 
ftent ;  i  gave  him  my  reafons  for  it ,  and  he  nketh  no  notice  of  them. 

He  excepteth  againli  my  ftiling  Patriarchal  authority  ,  a  Tatriarchd  Arijlncratical 
dignity ,  which  he  calleth  my  timce-refeated  Nanfenfe.  It  is  well  he  did  not  make  it 
a  contradiction.  Hisreafonis,  becaufe  a  Patriarchate  is  a  Government  by  one  ,  an 
Arijiocracy  by  many.  The  anfwer  is  obvious  and  eafie ;  a  Patriarch  is  a  Monarch  in 
the  Government  of  his  own  Patriarchate,  yet  fubordinate  to  a  General  Council  : 
but  in  a  General  Council,  or  in  the  Government  of  the  Catholick  Church,  he  is  but 
one  of  the  Optimater  ,  or  a  Fellow-Governour  with  other  Bifhops.  He  faith  ,  it 
rctis  never  pretended  by  Catholickj^  that  the  Pope  tpm  the  King  of  the  Church.  I  won- 
der that  he  is  no  better  acquainted  with  the  Sorbone  Difputcs,  whether  the  Regiment 
of  the  Church  be  an  abfolute  Monarchy  tempered  with  an  Ariftocracy. 

We  have  a  meritorious  Sacrifice ,  that  is ,  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs  ■■,  We  have  a 
commemorative  and  applicative  Sacrifice ,  or  a  commemoration  and  application  of 
that  Sacrifice  in  the  Holy  Eucharifi.  A  fuppletory  Sacrifice ,  to  fupply  any  want  or 
defeds  in  that  Sacrifice ,  he  dare  not  own ,  and  unlefs  he  do  own  it  ,  he  faith  no 
more  than  we  fay. 

What  I  fpake  of  our  Regiflers,  I  intended  principally  of  that  Kegifler  of  the  right 
Ordination  of  Proteflant  Bijhops,  that  he  may  fee  when  he  will  for  his  love  ,  and  have 
the  Copy  of  any  Adt  in  it  for  his  Money:  but  he  had  rather  wrangle  about  it,  than 
take  fuch  pains  i  if  he  will  have  a  little  patience,  I  will  eafe  him  of  that  labour  and 
expences.  It  is  no  infuperablc  difficulty  ,  nor  any  difficulty  at  all  to  us ,  to  find 
out  that  Catholick^  Church  which  we  have  in  our  Creed :  but  to  find  out  his  Roman- 
Catholick.  Church,  is  both  a  contradidtion  i«  a^/^S"  :>  ^"^  an  Apple  of  contention  , 
ferving  to  commit  him  and  his  Friends  together  among  themfelves,  which  he  knpw- 
eth ,  and  therefore  declineth  it. 

I  called  not  the  ancient  Bifhops  of  Italy  either  Epifcopelles  ,  or  the  Pope's  hungry 
Parafitical  penfioners,  but  the  Flatterers  of  the  Roman  Court ,  and  principally  thole 
petty  Bifhops ,  which  were  created  during  the  Council  of  "Trent,  to  ferve  the  Pope's 
turn.  If  he  think  that  Court  free  from  fuch  Moths ,  he  is  much  miftaken.  Neither 
are  thefe  expreflions  mine  originally,  1  learned  them  from  the  ancient  Bifhops  of  Ita- 
ly themfelves ,  who  gave  them  thofe  very  names  of  Epifcopelles,  &c.  Neither  did  I 
tax  any  man  in  particular. 

He  defires  me  to  examine  my  conference  ,  rvhether  I  do  not  get  my  living  by  preaching 
that  Vodrine  which  J  put  in  my  Book^ ,  which,  hove  many  notorioui  Falfifes ,  contradiUt- 
ons ,  and  tergiverjations  they  have  in  them ,  may  be  judged  by  thii  prefent  Worl^.  Yes  , 
if  he  and  his  merry  Stationer  may  be  my  Judges.  Now  his  Work  is  ended  and  an- 
fwered  ,  I  will  make  him  a  fair  offer  ■•>  If  he  be  able  to  make  but  one  of  all  his  con- 
tradidtions ,  and  falfifications ,  and  abfurdities  good,  I  will  be  reputed  guilty  of  all 
the  refl  :  if  he  be  not ,  I  defire  him  both  to  examine  his  own  confcience  and  difcre- 
tion  ,  what  reward  he  dcferveth  both  at  the  hands  of  God  and  man  ,  for  fo  many 
notorious  calumnies.  As  for  his  faults ,  I  fhall  rather  leave  them  to  the  judgement 
of  the  Reader  ,  than  trouble  my  fclf  with  the  recapitulation  of  them. 

tn 


Di;s COURSE  IV.  Schifm  Guarded.  42-' 


"In  the  clofe  of  my  Difcourfe  I  Anfvvered  an  exception  of  his ,  that  I  cited  Ger- 
(bn  again^  my  felf.  The  words  of  Gerfon  (  or  rather  of  the  Eajient  Church  when 
they  feparated  from  the  Roman  )  are  thefe ,  Potentiam  tiiam  recognojcimus ,  avari- 
tiam  tuam  m^lere  non  pojjumns  ,  vivite  fer  vos  ■■,  JVe  know  thy  forver  ,  we  cannot  fa- 
tisfie  thy  covetoufnefs ^  live  by  your  felves.-  They  knew  that  he  had  a  Patriarcfial 
power  ,  and  that  he  was  the  Firft  or  chief  of  the  Patriarchs;  but  this  power  we 
deny  not ,  that  power  whfch  we  deny,  is  a  Supremacy  of  fingle  power,  and  that 
by  Chrirts  own  Ordination.  The  Queftion  is  ,  whether  the  Grecians  did  acknow- 
ledge fuch  a  power  due  to  the  Pope  in  thefe  words.  That  they  did  not ,  I  prove, 
Firil ,  by  the  Pradice  of  moft  of  all  the  Eajiern  Churches  ,  who  excommunicate 
the  Pope  yearly  as  a  Schifmatick  for  challenging  this  power.  Secondly  ,  I  prov? 
it  by  the  Teftimony  of  all  their  writers ,  efpecially  the  modern  Greeks  ,  as  Hirrany 
and  Cyril ,  the  Two  fucceeding  Patriarchs  of  Canfiantinople ,  and  Nilus  an  Arch- 
bilhop  ,  &€'  who  all  deny  this  power  to  the  Pope  in  the  name  of  the  Gref^  Church. 
Thirdly  ,  I  prove  it  by  his  own  confellipn  in  this  very  Chapter ,  'there  is  nd  one 
point  produced  by  him  ,  vphich  our  Church  loolq  upon  as  a  point  of  faith  ,  in  vehich  they 
dijfent  from  us  and  confent  rcith  the  Troteiiants ,  except  that  one  of  denying  the  Papers 
Supremacy.  How  >  do  they  grant  the  Popes  Supremacy ,  and  deny  the  Popes  Su- 
premacy ,  and  yet  continue  the  fame  without  variation  (  as  they  have  done  )  I 
do  not  fay  this  is  a  contradidlion  ,  but  let  the  Reader  Judge. 

His  reafons  are  meer  prevarications ,  not  reafons.  Firft  ,  here  is  no  Oppofition  be- 
tweenpower  and  covetoupiefs ^  unlefs  he  mean  all  Affirmatives  and  Negatives  (  what- 
foever  be  the  Subjeds  or  Predicates  , )  are  oppofites  i  and  if  they  were ,  it  figni- 
fieth  nothing.  Secondly  ,  he  demands  vehat  potper  had  the  Pope  over  them  except 
Spiritual  Jurifdtdicn  ?  I  anfwer ,  he  (hewed  them  fufficiently  at  the  divilion  of 
the  Greeks  Empire  i  and  then  they  flood  in  need  of  his  ailiftance  againft  the 
Turk. 

His  Third  ,  Fourth  ,  and  Fifth  Arguments,  may  be  reduced  to  one  ,  and  when 
they  are  twifted  ,  they  will  not  have  the  weight  of  one  fingle  hair.  The  difference 
vcas  about  undue  Subfidies  and  Taxes  ,  but  the  demanding  Subfidies  feems  incredible  , 
had  there  not  been  fome  preacknomledged  Povcer  to  ground  fuch  demands  upon^  Yes,  there 
•was  his  Protopatriarchal  power  ,  and  that  tendered  and  ftretched  out  to  the  uttcr- 
moft  extent :  and'  when  he  would  have  extended  it  yet  higher  ,  the  Grecians  cafr 
out  his  Ufurpations.  I  fee  he  doth  but  grope  in  the  dark  ,  I  will  help  him  to  fbme 
light.  Peter  Steward  upon  Caleca  tells  him  what  thefe  undue  Subfidies  and  Exadi- 
0ns  were  ,  rvhen  the  Popes  Legates  brought  yearly  tJje  Chrifnt  from  the  Apjioliek^See  to 
Conftantinople ,  they  rvould  not  depart  from  thence  ttalejs  they  had  Eighty  pound  TPeight 
of  Gold ,   befides  o.ther  gifts  beftovoed  upon  them. 

Laftly  he  addeth ,  Gerfon  concludes  that  upon  this  confederation  ,  they  might  proceed 
to  the  Reformation  of  the  French  Churches  ,  notvfithjianding  the  ContradiHion  winch  per-^ 
haps  fome  of  the  Court  of  Rome  would  mah^  j  which  evidenceth  that  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  Popes  jitii  power  was  retained ,  and  encroachments  on  their  Liberties  onely  denyed. 
Concedo  omnia.  His  Protopatriarchal  power  was  acknowledged ,  his  Sovereignty 
of  Jurifdidion  was  denyed  as  an  encroachment ;  and  this  is  the  fame  method, 
which  we  obferved  in  England. 

And  fo  Mr.  Servant  concludes  his  Kejoynder  ,  that  the  Bijhop  began  like  a  Bowler 
and  ends  likg  one  of  thofe  Artificers^  who  going  to  mend  one  hole  ,  ufe  to  makg  other  three. 
Juft  Mr.  Serjeant ,  juft,  as  your  mind  think^th  ,  fo  the  bell  clink^th.  If  there  be  any 
of  thofe  Artificers  here ,  it  is  your  felf,  whofe  conftant  cuftom  is  to  make  hole* 
where  there  are  none  ,  and  out  of  an  eager  defire  of  contradicting  others ,  to  plunge 
your  felf  irrecoverably  into  real  contradidion.  With  {currility  you  began  this  Ko 
juynder  and  with  fcurrility  you  end  it. 

That  which  followeth  is  a  di(h  of  Thrice  fodden  coleworti  ,  or  a  vain  recapi- 
tulation of  his  own  imaginary  achievements  ,  which  the  Reader  hath  been  troubled 
withal  too  often  already. 

1  have  done  with  Mr.  Serjeant^  Kejoynder ,  and  have  but  one  fhort  requeft  to  the 
Readers  That  if  he  meet  with  any  thing  iji  this  Treatife,  which  is  not  becomeing 
that  gravity  or  civility  which  one  Scholar  oweth  to  another,  efpecially  in  Theolo- 
gical 


4^4 


Schifm  Guarded. 


TOME  I. 


Ti^al  Inquifitions  SdM  rcfponfum  non  d,a»m  efe.  He  wi  1  be  pleafed  to  conhdcr , 
fha  i  Tha  d?y  poiLblc  to  anfwcr  fo  much  petulance,  without  (bme  tartnefs  For 
hff  arc  ifMr.5rr>.Mt  have  any  thing  to  fay  upon  this  Subjeft  let  him  fay  it 
Lomcallv '  and  he  will  not  have  caufe  to  complain  that  he  is  neglcded  i  but  it  he 
nurfuc  this  way  of  quMttg  and  rvording,  (  which  he  complaineth  of  in  others  with- 
out a  caufe  and  pradlifeth  himfelf)  I  (hall  make  bold  to  cull  out  and  anfwer  what- 
foever  I  judge  material ,  and  leave  the  reft  to  a  younger  Pen ,  which  will  attend  his 
Motions. 


DISCOURSE  \ 


T 


THE 

Confecration 
SUCCESSION 

Of  Protestant  Bishops  juftified. 

The  BISHOP  oh 

D   U   R   E   S    M   E 


Vindicated. 
AND  THAT 


Infamous  Fable 

Of  the   OrdinatIon    at  the 

NAGS-HEAD 


Clearly  confuted. 


By  JOHN  BRAMHALL  D»  D,  Bifliop 

of   D  E  R  R  y» 


Nfcf/Je  e/f  ,  ut  lancem  in  libra  ponderibiis  im^ofiiis   deprimi ,  fie  animum  ter^iculs 
cedere. 


D  V  B  L  I  N, 

Printed  AnnoDom*  M.  DC.  LXX.  V, 


4^7 


THE 


CONTENTS 


OF  THE 


CHAPTERS. 


G  H  A  P.    I. 

^r^  H  E  Occafton  of  this  Treatife.  Page  ^^^ 

G  H  A  P.    11. 

7he  VindicaHon  of  the  BiJJjop  of  Durefme.  Paag  a^q 

CHAP.    III. 

Three  Reafom  agaiajl  the  Nags-head  Confecration.  i .  From  the  contradi- 
£fio»s  of  the  Relaters.  2.  From  the  latenefs  of  the  Difcovery.  2.  From 
thefiriSnefs  of  our  Laws,  Page  A"? 

CHAP.    IV. 

The  fourth  and  fifth  Reafons  agaiuji  thk  improbable  Fi^ion ,  fiom  the  no- 
tieceffity  of  it ,  and  the  lefs  advantage  of  it,  l>agg  ..^ 

C  H  A  P.    V. 

Thejixth  andfeventh  Reafons ,  that  all  the  Records  of  England  are  dia- 
metrically   oppofite  to  their  Relation^  and  do   ejiablrp  onr  Relation. 

rage  447 

CHAP.     VI. 

The  eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth  Reafons  againftthat  fahuloui  Relation  ,  fiom 
the  Authority  of  our  Statute  ,  the  Bool^of  the  Lives  of  the  ArchbiJIoops 
of  Canterbury  ,  and  all  forts  of  mtneffes*  Page  455 

Zz  CHAP, 


4^8 


CHAP.    VII. 

rhe  Nags-head  Ordin/ition  U  hut  a  late  device.  Of  the  Earl  of  Notingham, 
g/J/jop  Bancroft  ,  Dr*  Staplcton,  the  Statute  tf .  EHzab.  and  the  ^eens 
VifpenfatioH.  Page  463 

C  H  A  P.    V  1 1 1. 

of  Eijlj0p  Booner  ,  the  Reordination  of  our  Clergy  ,  the  quality  of  their 
Witntjfes  ^  Mr.  Fitz-Uerbett's  fufiicions  ,  tieTeftintomes  of  their  Do* 
Sors^  and  the  puhlijlmg  of  our  Regifter  before  Mr.  Mafon,        Page  466 

CHAP.    IX. 

Vr.  Whitaker,  and  Dr.  Fulke  defended,  Bifiop  BarlowV  Confecration  ju» 
fiified ,  of  John  Stow's  tefiimonie ,  and  the  Earl  of  Notingham,  &(. 

Page  473 

C  H  A  P.    X. 

,  7he  fathers  iifjifi  too  much  upon  the  Authoritie  of  their  own  Tar  tie  ,  why 
Confecration  is  not  mentioned  m  rejiitutiou  5  the  exa&neft  of  our  Re- 
cords jujii^d.  Page  48 1 

CHAP.    XI. 

Of  our  Forms  of  Epifcopal  and  Friejily  Ordination ,  of  Zuinglianifm  ,  of 
Archbijhop  Laud ,    of  Ceremonies,      Out  ajfurance  of   our   Orders* 

Page  484 


k 


DIS- 


DISCOURSEVT 

C  H  A   P.     I 

The  Occafion  of  this  Treatife* 

H  E  faireft  Ears  of  Corn  are  fooneft  blafted ;  fo  the  more  cor- 
fpicuous  the  Church  of  England  was  among  the  Reformed 
Churches  (  as  not  being  framed  according  to  the  brainfick  di- 
<^ates  of  fome  feditious  Oratour,or  the  giddy  humoursof  a  tu- 
multuous multitude,  but  with  mature  deliberation  ,  and  the 
free  confent  and  concurrence  of  all  the  Orders  of  the  King- 
dom, )  the  more  it  was  fubje(Sed  to  the  envy  and  groundlefs 
calumnies  of  our  Countreymen  of  the  Koman  Communion  : 
But  of  all  the  llanderous  afperfions  caft  upon  our  Church, 
that  lying  Fable  of  the  Nagges-head  Ordination  doth  bear  the  Bell  away.  Thofe 
monftroas  Fictions  of  the  Cretian  Bulls  and  Minotaurs  ,  devifed  by  the  Athenians 
to  revenge  themfelves  upon  Minos  King  of  Creete  )  who  had  fubdued  them  in  a 
juft  War,  and  compelled  them  to  fend  their  Sons  to  him  for  Hoflages ,  )  were  not 
more  malicious ,  nor  the  (hamelefs  lye  of  Kentilh  Longtails  more  ridiculous.  The 
tirft  devifcr  of  it  doth  julHy  deferve  the  charader  of  a  man  of  a  brazen  forehead  , 
and  leaden  heart.  If  the  impartial  Reader  ,  after  he  hath  perufed  this  Treatife  , 
think  I  do  him  wrong ,  I  do  willingly  fubmit  my  felf  to  his  cenfure.  This  pro- 
digious Fable  received  its  deaths  wound  from  Mr.  Mafon's  Pen ,  and  hath  remained 
ever  fince  for  the  fpace  of  Thirty  years  buried  in  deep  oblivion.  And  thofe  a0ayes 
which  it  maketh  now  to  get  wing  again  ,  by  the  allirtance  of  two  Jgnatian  Fathers, 
are  but  the  vain  attempts  of  a  dying  Caufe.  Neither  would  I  have  troubled  the 
Reader  or  my  (elf  to  bring  Oivls  to  Athens ,  or  to  confute  a  Caufe  which  hath  been 
fo  demonftrativdy  confuted  to  my  hand ,  but  for  two  new  Additions  lately  fpread 
abroad.  The  one  by  Oral  tradition ,  which  concerneth  my  felf,  That  Father  T. 
and  Father  B.  had  foco'ifnted  the  Bijhop  of  Deny  in  the  pre  fence  of  the  King,  that  he 
faid  he  perceived  his  Father  had  made  me  a  Lord^  but  not  a  Bijhop  ■,  and  that  after- 
tvards  ,  by  my  power ,  I  bad  procured  thofe  Itpo  Jefuites  to  be  prohibited  that  prefence  : 
fo  that  iphereas  Father  Talbot  ufed  to  be  the  Interpreter  in  the  Spanifh  Treaties  ,  mtv  he 
was  not  admitted ,  and  Von  John  would  admit  no  other. 

So  the  Bi(hop  of  Verry  is  accufed  not  onely  to  have  been  publickly  baiflcd  ,  but 
alfo  to  have  been  a  difturber  of  publick  affairs.  Yet  I  know  nothing  of  all  this , 
which  concerneth  my  Cdf.  I  never  heard  of  any  fuch  conference ,  or  any  fuch 
words  ,  I  never  knew  that  Father  7albot  was  dehgned  to  that  imploiment.  I  was 
never  guilty  of  having  any  fuch  power  '-,  much  left  of  any  endeavour  to  turn  out 
any  man.  If  the  Fathers  (eemed  too  pragmatical  to  thofe  who  were  intrufted  ,  or 
to  involve  the  intereli  of  their  Religion  into  civil  Treaties,  what  is  that  to  me  ?  If  it 
were  true,  they  may  thank  themfelvesj  ifit  were  falfe,  they  may  thank  them  who  did 
it.  Whether  true  or  falfe  ,  I  never  had  a  hand,  nor  fo  much  as  a  little  finger  in  it. 

All  the  truth  thai  I  know  is  this.  Hearing  that  thefe  two  Fathers  had  fpoken 
largely  in  the  Court  of  the  Succelfion  of  our  Englifh  Bifhops,  but  never  in  my  pre- 
fence ,  I  ibught  out  Father  B.  and  had  private  conference  with  hitti  about  it  in  the 
]efuites  Colledge  at  Bruges,  and  afterwards  fome  difcourfe  with  Father  T.  and  him 
together  in  mine  own  Chamber.  Whatfocver  they  did  fay,  they  put  into  writing, 
to  which  I  returned  them  an  Anfwer ,  fhewing  not  onely  that  there  was  not ,  but 
that  it  was  morally  irapolhble  there  (hould  be  any  fuch  Ordination  at  the  Nags-head; 
from  that  day  to  this  I  never  heard  any  thing  of  it ,  that  concerned  my  felf.  Now 
if  a  man  fhould  fearch  for  an  Authour  of  this  fabulous  Relation,  he  Iball  be  fure  to 
have  it  fathered  upon  fome  very  credible  perfons,  without  names,  who  had  it  from 
John  an  Oaks  whileft  he  was  living,  and  he  had  it  from  John  a  Stiles,  and  he  had  it 
from  Nobody,  but  feigned  it  himfclfout  of  a  good  intentions  according  to  that 

Z  z  2  cafe, 


4^9 


4 


:;o 


Confecratmi  of  Proteftant  TOME  !♦ 


cafe    Theology  which  he  had  learned,  of  Machiaiel,  7o  advance  the  credit  of  Religion, 

by  all  means  pollihie  true  or  falfe.  i        .  x,  ,    p-n  c -n      r 

The  other  Addition  concerneth  the  Learned  and  Pvcvercnd   Bifliop  ot  Vurejm , 
one  of  the  ancienteft  Bifliops  this  day  living  in  the  Chriftian  World ,  being  95  years 
old  at  leaf!.     That  he  owned  and  jultified  the  Nags-head  Ordination  in  publick  Par- 
liament, in  the  HoLife  of  Peers:   It  is  very  well,  we  cannot  delire  a  better  place 
where  to  have  it  fpoken  ,  than  the  Houfc  of  Parliament  •,  nor  better  Witneffcs  than 
the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal.     Wc  have  no  man  of  the  Epifcopal  Order  ,  . 
whofe  memory  can  reach  fo  near  thofe  times,  or  in  whofe  integrity  we  do  more 
conhde    than  the  Bifliop  of  Ditrefme-,  he  might  hear  many  things  either  from  the 
perfons  pretended  to  have  been  then  confecrated  ,  or  from  the  Notaries  or  Witnef- 
fcs who  were  then  prefent  at  that  imaginary  Confecrations  or   at  the  leart  he  might 
receive  the  Tradition  of  that  Age  from  fuch  as  were  Eye-witneires  of  what  pafled. 
Let  it  be  put  to  his  Teftimony  if  they  think  fit,  (  without   doubt  he  is  the  fame 
man  he  was  then  J  or  to  the  TeHimony  of  any  other  of  his  age  and  reputation, 
whom  they  can  produce  :  we  refufe  no  fort  of  proof  but  onely  vain  kear-fay,  which 
as  our  Ewg/^y^-' Proverb  faith,  is  commonly  ,  and  in  this  cafe  moft  undoubtedly,  a 
}yer.     Nay,  we  would  not  refufe  the  Teftimony  of  Mr.  Neale  himfelf ,  though  a 
protcfltd  enemy,  who  was  the  onely  Founder  of  this  filly  Fable,  fo  he  might  be 
examined  upon  Oath,  before  equal  Judges ,  but  compel  him  to  (hame  the  Devil , 
and  eat  his  own  words  \  or  to  run  himfelf  into  fuch  palpable  abfurdities ,  contra- 
dictions, and  impollibilities ,  that  no  man  of  reafon  ,  how  partial  foever,  could 
give  any  credit  to  him.     My  firft  Task  fhall  be,  before  1  meddle  with  the  Fable  it 
felf,  to  vindicate  the  Bifliop  o(  Vttrejine,  and  the  truth  which  is  wounded  through 
his  fides ,  with  this  intimation  to  the  Reader,  that  if  this  branch  of  the  Legend  be 
proved  apparently  to  be  falfe ,  which  is  pretended  to  have  been  publickly  aded  in 
a  full  Houfe  of  the  Peers  of  the  Realm  ,  we  can  expcdl:  no  truth  from  the  volunta- 
ry report  of  one  fingle  ,  mean  ,  malicious  enemy,  to  his  own  party,  and  withal, 
a  confefTed  Spy,  of  what  was  done  at  the  N^gs-head.     Break  ice  in  one  place  ,  and 
it  will  crack  in  more. 


CHAP.     II. 

'The  Vindication  of  the  Bijho^  of  Durefme. 

TO  vindicate  the  Bifliop  of  Durefme  ,  I  fliall  firll  kt  down  the  Relation  of  this 
PafTage  in  the  words  of  the  Fathers  themfelves. 
hi  the  beginning  of  the  late  Parliaments  fame  Presbyterian  Lords  prefented  to  the  Vp- 
per  Houfe  a  certain  Book^^  proving ,  that  the  Proteftant  Bifhops  had  nofuccejfjon  or  confe- 
cration  ,  and  therefore  were  no  Bifhops ,  and  by  confequence   had  no  right  to  fit  in  Farlta- 
ment.     Hereupon  Dr.  Morton  ^  pretended  Bipop  0/ Durham  ,  rvho  U  yet  alive  ^  made 
a  Speech  againji  this  Boo]^  in  hk  oxvn  and  all  the  Bifhops   hehalf  then  prefent.     He  endea- 
voured to  prove  Succeffion  from  the  laji  Catholick^  Bifliops  ,  rvho  (faid  he  )   by  impofniun 
of  hands  ,  ordained  the  firfi  Proteflant  Bijhops  at  the  Nags-head  in  Cheap-fide ,  as  veat 
notoriim  to  aV  the  World  ■,  therefore  the  aforefaid  Book^ought  to  be  looked  upon  Of  a  ground- 
less Libel,     IhU  WiK  told  to  many  by  one  of  the  ancientejl  Peers  of  England  ,  prefent  in 
rarliament  nhen  Morton  made  his  Speech  ,  and  the  fame  he  is  ready  to  depofe  upon  his 
Uath:  Nay  ,  he  cannot  believe  that  any  wiH  be  fo  impudent ,  ai  to  deny  a  thing  fo  notori- 
ous ,  rchereof  there  are  as  many  Witneffes  livings  as  there  are  Lords  and  Bifhops  that  were 
that  day  in  the  Vpper  Houfe  of  Parliament. 

Here  are  three  PalTages i  One  concerning  a  Book  prefented  to  the  Upper  Houfe, 
agamfi  the  Succefhon  oiEnghfl,  Bifhops ,  by  fome  Presbyterian  Lords.  The  fecond, 
concerning  the  pretended  retutacion  of  this  Book  by  the  Bifliop  oi  Vurefme.Thc^KvxA, 
F^^ft  f  T?^^'^  ^'^^■^^  allegations  by  the  tefiimony  of  an  ancient  Peer  oi  England. 
Firft  for  the  Book.  It  is  moft  true  there  was  a  Book  written  about  that  time 
by  a  fingle  Lord  againfi  Epifcopacy,  and  dedicated  to  the  Members  of  both  Houfes 
of  Parliament.     No  wonder.     How  often  have  the  Parliaments  in  the  Reigns  of 

Queen 


Discourse     V.  Btfljops  Vindicated.  '      ^^j 

Ci,ieen  Elizabeth  and  King  James  been  troubled  with  fuch  reqiteiis  and  refrejentuti- 
ms.    It  is  no  Itrange  thing  that  a  weak  eye  fhould  be  offended  with  the  light  of  the 
Sun.     We  may  juitly  afcribe  the  reviving  of  the  Aerian  HereHi:  in  thefe  latter  days , 
to  the  difpenfations  of  the  Court  of  Kome  ,  who  licenfed  ordinary  Priefts  to  ordain' 
and  contirni ,  and  do  the  moft  Eflential  Offices  of  Bifliops.     So  their  Schools  do 
teach  us ,  a  Frieft  may  be  the  extraordmary  Mhiijier  of  Priefthood ,  and  hfmour  Orders 
by  the  delegation  of  the  Fope.     Again  the  Fope  may  confer  the  forcer  of  confirmation  upon 
a  fimple  Prieft.     By  fuch  exorbitant  pradifes  ,  as  thefe  they  chalked  out  tJie  way  to 
innovators.     And  yet  they  are  not  able  to  produce  one  precedent  of  fuch  a  difpen- 
fation  throughout  the  Primitive  times.    A  good  Chriftian  ought  to  regard  more 
what  the  whole  Chriftian  World  in  all  ages  hath  pradtifed  ,  then  what  a  few  con- 
ceited perfons  in  this  laft  age  have  fancied.     Among  all  the  TEajlern  ,  Southern     and 
Northern  Chriftians ,  who  make  innumerable  multitudes',  there  neither  is     nor  ever 
was  One  formed  Church  that  wanted  Bifhops.     Yet  thefe  are  as  far  from  fubmit- 
ting  to  the  exorbitant  power  of  the  Koman  Bifliop  as  we.     Among  ail  the  JVeflern 
Churches  and  their  Colonies,    there  never  was  one  formed  Church  for  isoo  Years 
that  wanted  Bifhops.     If  there  be  any  perfons  fo  far  poffelTcd  with  prejudice     that 
they  chufe  rather  to  follow  the  private  didates  of  their  own  phrenfie,  than  the  per- 
petual and  Univcrfal  pradife  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  enter  not  into  their  fecrets 
O  my  Soul. 

Thus  far  we  agree ,  but  in  all  the  reft  of  the  circumliances ,  (  though  they  be 
not  much  material  )  the  Fathers  do  pitifully  miftake  themfelves  ,  and  vary  much 
from  the  Teftimony  of  their  witne(s,  and  much  more  from  the  truth.  Firlt  the 
Author  of  this  Book  was  no  Prefbyterian  Lord  ,  much  lefs  a  company  or  cabal  of 
Prefbyterian  Lords  in  the  plural ,  but  my  Lord  Brookes,  one  that  had  as  little  favour 
for  Prefbytery  as  for  Epifcopacy. 

Secondly  ,  the  Book  was  not  prefented  to  the  upper  houfe.  It  might  be  brought 
into  the  houfe  privately,  Yet  not  be  prefented  to  the  Houfe  publickly.  If  it  had 
been  publickly  prefeiited  ,  the  Clerks  of  the  Parliament,  or  fome  of  them  muftneeds 
have  known  of  it ,  and  made  an  Ad  of  it ,  but  they  know  no  fuch  thing.  The 
Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  could  not  all  have  forgotten  it,  but  they  remember 
no  fuch  thing,  as  by  their  refpedive  certificates  prefently  (hall  appear. 

Thirdly  ,  as  the  Author  is  miilaken  ,  and  prefentation  miftaken.  So  the  Sub- 
jed  likewife  is  miltaken.  Sit  liber  Judex  ,  let  the  Book  fpeak  for  it  felf.  Thus  an 
able  friend  certifieth  me.  J  have  got  my  Lord  Brooks  Book^  which  he  wrote  againji  the 
Bifljops^  with  much  labour  ,and  perufed  it  rvith  no  lefs  patience.  And  there  is  not  in  it 
the  leaJiJhadoTP  of  any  argument^  that  the  Bifhops  ought  not  to  fit  in  Parliament  be- 
caufe  they  had  no  fuccejjion  or  confecration.  What  did  my  Lord  Brookes  regard  fuc- 
cellion  ,  or  confecration,  or  Holy  Orders,  who  had  a  Coachman  to  be  his  Preacher, 
The  lefs  Canonical  the  Ordination  had  been  ,  the  more  he  would  have  applauded 
it.  Time  ,  and  Place ,  and  Form ,  and  all  were  agreeable  to  that  Chriftian  liber- 
ty which  he  dreamed  of,  it  was  not  want  of  coiifecration  ,  but  confecration  it  felf 
which  he  excepted  againft,  as  all  men  knew  who  knew  him.  And  in  this  quarrel 
he  loft  his  life  ,  after  a  moft  remarkable  and  almoft  miraculous  manner,  at  the  liege 
of  Lichfield  Church  ,  upon  St.  Ceaddas  Anniverfary  day  ,  who  was  the  founder  of 
that  Church  and  Bifnop  of  it. 

I  know  the  Fathers  will  be  troubled  much,  that  this  which  they  have  publiftied 
to  the  view  of  the  World,  concerning  the  Bifhop  of  Durham  ,  as  a  truth  fi  evi- 
dent which  no  man  can  have  the  impudence  to  deny ,  (liould  be  denied ,  yea  denyed  po- 
fitively  and  throughout,  denyed  not  onely  by  the  Bifhop  of  Durham  himfelf  but 
by  all  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  that  can  be  met  with  ,  denyed  by  fome 
Lords  of  their  own  Communion,  who  underftands  themfelves  as  well  as  any  a- 
mong  them ,  though  their  names  are  not  fubfcribed  ,  to  the  certificate ,  denyed  by 
the  Clerks  of  the  Parliament ,  whofe  Office  it  is  to  keep  a  diary  of  all  the  Speeches 
made  in  the  Houfe  of  the  Peers.  For  proof  hereof ,  Firft  I  produce  the  proteftation 
of  the  Bifhop  of  Durefm  himfelf,  attefted  by  witnefs  in  the  prefence  of  a  Publick 
Notary.     Take  it  in  his  own  words. 

A  a  a  IVljereas 


43' 


Confecration  ofFroiejiaat 


T  O  M  E  1. 


mer,-  IS  J  Ji>i  nioli  injitrinupy  andfmdemfjiy  traduced,  by  a  namelfjs  Aitthour  ,  cal- 
low himfelf  N.  ^-'tn  a  B^okp'd  *<>  be  Primed  at  Rouen  1657.  intituled  [  a  Trcatifc 
ot  the  nature  of  Catholick  Faith  and  Hcrefie  ]  as  if  upon  the  frejemittg  of  a  certain 
Book.  I"  the  Vpper  Houfe,  in  the  beginning  of  the  late  Parliament ,  proving  ,  as  he  fiith, 
the  Prottftant  B'jliop  had  no  Succefton  nor  Confecration  ,  and  therefore  vcere  no  Bifhops  , 
and  by  confeqtieme  ought  not  to  fit  in  Parliament ,  IJhould  make  a  Speech  againji  the  fatd 
'p,oo]i^  in  my  orvn  and  all  the  Bipopj  behalf,  endeavouring  to  prove  Succeffion  from  the  bli 
Cjiholick^BiJhops  (  as  he  iberejiiles  them  ,  )  who  by  impofition  of  hands  ordained  the  fir\i 
Profejiant  Bifhops ,  at  the  Nagges-head  in  Cheapfide  ,  as  was  notorious   to  all  th* 

IForld,  ^c. 

I  do  hereby  in  the  pre  fence  of  Almighty  God,  folemnly  protejl  and  declare  to  all  the 
reorld    that  rehat  this  Authour  there  affirms  concerning  me  ,  is  a  mofl  notoriotts  untruth  , 
and  a  grnfs  fjnder  \  for  to  thebeli  of  my  knowledge  and  remembrance  ,  no  fuch  Book^  as  he 
there  mentions  teas  ever  prefented  to  the  Vpper  Houfe  in   that  or  any  other  Parliament, 
that  ever  I  fate  in  ■-,  and  if  there  had  ,  T  could  never  have  made  fuch  a  Speech  as  is  there 
pretended ,  feeing  I  have  ever  Ifinkgn  according  to  my  thoughts,  and  alwayes  believed  that 
fable  of  tlj£  Nagges-head  Confecration  to  have  proceeded  from  the  Father  of  lyes  ,  as  the 
Authmtique  Records  of  the  Church  flill  extant ,  tvhich  roere  fo  faithfully  tranfcribed,  and 
publijhed  byMr.  Ma(bn  ,  do  evidently  feihfre.     And  wherets  the  fame  impudent  Libeller 
•doth  moreover  fiy ,  that  xfhat  he  there  affirms  rvM  told  to  many  ,  by  one  of  the  ancienteji 
Peers  of  Ens,hnd  ,  prefent  in  Parliament ,  vohen  J  made  this  pretended  Speech  ,  and  that 
he  is  ready  to  depofe  the  fame  upon  his  Oath ,  and  that  he  cannot  believe  any  tpiII  he  fo  im- 
pudent, to  deny  a  thing  fo  notorious,  rvhereof  there  are  as  many  Witneffes  living,  ai  there 
are  Lords  and  Bijhops  that  rvere  that  day  in  tlye  Vpper  JJoufe  of  Parliament,  Sec.     Jan- 
frver,  that  lam  very  unrvilling  to  believe  any  Peer  ofEughadJbouldhavefo  little  fenfe  of 
his  confcience  and  honour  ,  as  either  to  ftvear,  or  fo  much  its  affirm  fuch  a  mtorieus  un- 
truth.    And  therefore  for  tlye  iuftifrcation   of  my  (elf ,  and  manifeftation  of  the  truth  in 
thU  particular,  J  do  freely  and  rvillingly  appeal  (  as  he  d'treds  me  )  to  thofe   many  Ho- 
nourable perfms ,  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  lemporal  yet  alive,  who  fate  in  the  Houfe  of 
Peers  in  that  Parliament,  or  to  as  many  of  them  us  this  my  protejiation  (hall  come  to,  for 
a  true  certificate  of  what  they  li^iow  or  believe  concerning  this  matter  ■■,  humbly  defiring 
them,  and  charging  it  upon  their  fouls,  as  they  will  anfwer  it  to  God  at  the  Day  of  Judge- 
ment ,  that  they  will  be  pleafed  to  teftifie  the  truth  ,  and  nothing  but  the  truth  herein ,  to 
the  bejl  of  their  kjtowledge  and  remembrance,  without  any  favour  or  affe&iun  to  me  at  all, 
1  cannot  reajonably  be  fitj^eHed  by  any  indifferent  man  ,  of  denying  any  thing  that  J  know 
or  believe  to  be  true,  jeeing  lamfo  Jhortly  ,  in  all  probability ,  to  render  an  account  to 
the  Searcher  of  hearts,  of  all  my  words  and  a&ions,  being  now  (  at  the  leafi )  upon  the 
Ninety  fifth  year  of  my  Age.     And  J  acknowledge  it  a  great  mercy  and  favour  of  God  , 
that  he  hath  referved  me  thus  long,  to  clear  the  Church  of  England  and  my  felf  of  this 
mofl  notorious  fiander  ,  before  he  tak^s  me  to  himfelf.     For  I  cannot  imagin  any  reafon 
why  this  jhamelefs  Writer  might  not  have  caji  the  fame  upon  any  of  my  Reverend  Brethren 
as  well  as  me,  but  onely  that  I  being  the  Eldeji ,  it  was  probable  I  might  be  in  my  grave, 
before  this  untruth  could  be  tah^en  notice  of  in  the  world.     And  now  I  thankfiad  I  can, 
chearfully  fmg  my  Nunc  dimittis  ,  unlefs  it  pleafe  him  to  referve  me  for  the  lik^  fervice 
hereafter ;  for  I  define  not  to  live  any  longer  upon  Earth ,  than  he  Jhall  be  pleaded  to  mak^ 
me  his  infrrument  to  defend  the  "truth  ,  and  promote  his  glory.     And  for  the  more  folemn 
and  full  confirmation  of  this  my  free  and  voluntary  proteliation   and  declaration  ,  J  have 
hereunto  fet  my  hand  and  Seal,  this  17.  dayof]u\Y  ,  Anno  Dom.    1^58. 

THOMAS  "DURESME. 

Signed,  jealed,  puhlifloed  and  declared  in  the  pre  fence  of  Tho:   Sanders /f/?.   Tho: 
Sanders  JK«.  John  Ear  wick  C/fri^.  R:  Gray.  Evan  Davies. 


Discourse    V.  Bifiops  Vindicated.  .-- 

J  Tobias  Holder  PK/)/ic^ Notary  ,  bein^re(]tte^edhy  the  Kight  Reverend  Father  in 
God  Thomas  Lord     'Bijliof  of  DurcTm,  at  the  Houfe  of  Thomas  Sanders  Efq;  in  the 
Parijh  if  Flamfkad,  in  the  County  of  Hartford  ,  in  the  tear  of  Our  Lord  ,  Moneth 
md  Day  above  f^cd fed  ^  vras  then  and  there  perfonaHy  prefent  ^   where  and  rvhen  the  fuid 
Reverend  Bifl^of  didfgn  ,  pthlifh  ,  and  declare  thU  h'n  Froteftation  and  Declaration  above 
Written^  to  be  h'n  AH  and  Deed,  and  didcaufe  his  Anthentick^Epifafsl  Seal,  to  be 
there  to  affixed  ,  in  the  prefence  of  the   Witmfier ,  whofe  Names  are  thereto  fubfcribed. 
And  did  there  and  then  ,  lik^rrife  pgn ,    pHbltfj ,   and  declare  as  hU  Ad  and  Deed  ' 
-  another  of  the  fame  Tenor  IVritten  in  paper ,    vehich  he  jtgned  xvith  his  Manual  Seal,  in 
the  pre  fence  of  the  jame  IVitneffes.     All  this  I  heard  ,fan> ,  and  therefore  kiwiv  to  be 
dine     ItTejiimony  whereof  I  have  fnbfcrihed  ,  and  thereto  put  my  ufnal  and  accujiomed 
Notaries  Sign. 

Tobias  Holder  Puhlick^  Notary. 

How  doth  this  fo  folemn  Froteftation  agree  with  the  former  Relation  of  the  Fa- 
thers ,  that  the  Bifhop  ot  Vurrham  affirmed  publickly  in  the  upper  houfe  that  the 
Firfi  Protejiant  Bijhops  were  confecrated  in  the  Nagges  Head  ,  that  they  were  not  confe- 
crated  at  Lambeth  ,  that  this  was  notorious  to  all  the  World,  that  it  is  not  credible  that 
any  will  be  fo  impudent  as  to  deny  it,  that  all  the  reji  of  the  Bipops  approved  his  affertion 
"by  their  f.lence  ,  and  were  glad  to  have  fuch  a  retiringplace  againji  the  Pre/by lerians  that 
jione  of  the  Bijhops  did  give  credit  to  Mr.  MafonS  newfound  Kegijlers  ,  Even  as  liaht 
and  darknefs  ,  or  truth  and  fallliood  ,  or  Two  contradidtory  propofitions  do  agree 
together.  This  is  the  Firfl:  Witnefs  whom  any  of  that  party  hath  adventured  to 
cite  publickly  and  diredtly  for  that  infamous  ftory  whileft  he  was  living.  And  they 
fee  the  fuccefs  of  it.  1  hope  they  will  be  wifer  hereafter  ,  than  to  cite  any  more 
living  witnefles. 

But  it  may  be  that  they  who  do  not  ftick  to  fupofe  that  our  Archbifhops  mak^s 
filfe  certificates  ,  may  objed  this  is  but  the  Teftimony  of  the  Bithop  o^Durrham  in 
Jiis  own  caufe.  Let  us  fee  whether  the  other  Bidiops  dilTcnt  from  the  Bifhop  of 
Vurrefm.  Take  the  Teftimony  of  them  ail ,  who  fat  in  that  Parliament  which 
are  now  living,  except  the  Bifhop  of  Bangor  ,  whofe  abfence  in  Wales  is  the  onely 
reafon  vvhy   he  is  not  a  fubfcribcr  with  thereil. 

Jfhereas  we  the  furviving  Bijhops  of  the  Church  of  England  ,  wh)  fat  in  theParlia- 
ment  begun  at  Wei\m\nl\cT  the  Third  day  of  November  1^40,     Are  required  ly  our 
Reverend  Brother  the-L^rd  Bijhopnf  Durefm,  to  declare  and  atteji  the  truth  ,  concernincr 
an  imputation  cajl  upon  him  in  the  pamphlet  of  that  namelefs  Author  ,  mentioned  in  hU 
protejiation  and  declaration  here  prefixed.  And  whereas  we  are  obliged  to  perform  what  he 
requejieth,   both  for  the  ]uftifi  cation  of  the  truth,  and  for  theckaring  of  our  felves  of  ano- 
ther (landerous  ajjerfon,  which  the  fame  Author  cajleth  upon  us, as  if  we  had  heard  onr  faid 
Reverend  Brother  mah^  fuch  a  Speech  jf  is  there  pretended ,  and  by  our  filence  had  approved 
what  that  Libeller  falfy  affirmeth  was  delivered  in  it.     JFe  do  hereby  folemnly  proteji  and 
declare  before  Cod  and  all  the  World ,  that  we  never  k^ew  of  any  fuch  Book^prejented  to  the 
Houje  of  Peers ,   as  he  there  pretendeth  ,  nor  believe  any  fuch  was  ever  prefented  :  and 
therefore  could  never  hear  any  fuch  Speech  made  againji  it ,  as  he  mentioneth  ,  by  our  [aid 
Reverend  Brother  or  any  other ,  much  kfs  approve  of  it  by  our  filence.     And  if  any  fuch 
Book^had  been  prefented ,  or  any  fuch  jpeech  had  been  made ,  there  is  none  among  us  fo  ig- 
norant or  negligent  of  his  duty  in  defending  the  truth ,  but  would  have  been  both  able  and 
ready  to  have  confuted  fo  gronndkji  a  fable  ,  as  the  pretended  confecration  of  Bijhops  at  the 
Naggs  head  ,  out  of  the  Authentick^  and  k>iown  Regijlers  of  the  CflmrchftiU  extant  , 
mentioned  and  faithfully  tranjcribed  and  publijhed  by  Mr.  Mafbn/o  long  before.     For  the 
confirmation  of  which  Truth,  and  attellation  of   what  ourfaid  Reverend  Brother  hath  here 
Kfitb    protefied  and  declared ,  we  have  hereunto  fet  our  hands.     Dated  the  ipth.   day  of 
July  ,  Anno  Domini  1^58. 

London.  A/.  Eli.  Br.  Sarum.  Bath.  &  Wells.  Jo.  Roffens.  Oxford. 

If  allthefe  proofs  feem  not  fatisfadory  to  the  Fathers,they  fhall  have  more.  Let  them 
take  the  Tctiimony  of  the^Principal  Peers  now  living,  who  fate  then  in  Parliament. 

A  a  a  2  jre 


"^^^^  C^fecranon  ofFrotcftant  T  O  M  E  T. 

JVe  of  ihe  Lords  IcmPorjl ,  whnje  names  are  here  nnderivritten  ,  who  fat  in  the  Parli- 

anicit  heoun  ^»  VVdhnindcr  the  Third  day  ./November  1640,  Bei^g  defired  by  the 
Bifhop  of  DincCm  to  tefiifJe  our  knoifledge  concerning  an  imputation  caji  upon  him,  about 
a  Speech  pretended  to  be  made  by  him  in  that  Parliament,  more  particularly  mentioned 
aJ difavoired  in  hU  prefixed  protejiation  ,  do  hereby  tefiifie  and  declare,  that  to  the  beft 
0^  our  prefcnt  kiion^ledge  and  remembrance  ,  no  fuch  Booh^  agaiftji  Bijhops  as  is  there  men- 
tioned ,  nux  prefenttd  to  the  Ihufe  of  Peers  in  that  Parliament.  And  confequently  that 
tio  fitch  Speech  as  w  there  pretended  ,  was  or  could  be  made  by  him  or  any  other  againji  it. 
In  "Teliimony  rvhereof  n>e  have  figned  this  our  attejiation  mth  our  own  hands.  Dated  the 
ipth.  day  of  July  Anno  Domini ,  1658. 

Dorcheller.   Rutland.    Lincolne.    Clieveland.   Dover.   Lindfey.    Southampton. 
DevonflMre.  Monmouth. 

To  this  proof  nothing  remaineth  that  can  be  added ,  but  onely  the  Teliimony 
of  the  Clerk  of  the  Parliament ,  who  after  a  diligent  fearch  made  in  the  Book  of 
the  Lords  Houfc  ,  hath  with  his  own  handwritten  this  (hort  certificate ,  in  the 
inargent  of  one  of  your  Books  pag.  p.  over  againft  your  relation,  Vpon  feareh  made 
in  the  Book^of  the  Lords  lioufe  ,  I  do  not  find  any  fuch  Book^prefented  ,  nor  any  entry 
of  any  fuch  Speech  made  by  Bifhop  Morton. 

Henry  Scobel  Clerk  of  the  Parliament. 

And  now  methinks  I  hear  t!ic  Fathers  blaming  of  their  own  credulity  ,  and  ra(h- 
nefs,  and  overmuch  confidence.  They  had  forgotten  Epi&etus  his  rule  ,  remember 
to  dijiruih  I  judge  them  by  my  k\i^ ,  Homo  fum ,  humani  a  me  nihil  alienum  puto.. 
One  circumltance  being  either  latent  or  miftaken  ,  may  change  the  whole  drift  and 
fcope  of  a  relation.  But  though  we  would  be  contented  to  lend  a  skirt  of  our 
coat ,  to  cover  the  fault  of  them  who  calumniate  our  Church  ,  yet  this  relation 
can  never  be  excufed  in  any  man  from  a  moft  grievous  miftake  ,  where  both  the 
perfon  ,  and  the  whole  fcope  of  his  Difcourfe  is  altogether  miftaken.  This  is  ai- 
med as  great  a  miftake  as  the  Naggs-head  Ordination  it  felf ,  where  a  confirmation 
dinner  was  miftaken  for  a  folemn  conlecration.  But  thofe  who  cherifii  fuch  mi- 
ftakes  for  advantage,  and  deck  them  up  with  new  matter,  and  publiQi  them  to  the 
World  for  undoubted  truths ,  cannot  be  excufed  from  formal  calumny. 

The  laft  thing  to  be  confidered  in  this  Firft  part  of  this  Difcourfe ,  being  the 

vindication  of  the  Reverend  Bilhop  of  Vurefm  ,  is  concerning  the  witnefs,  whom 

as  the  Fathers  do  forbear  to  name ,  fo  fhall  I.     Of  whom  they  fay  four   things  , 

that  he  is  one  of  the  ancient  Peers  0/ England  ,   that  be  was  prefent  in  Parliament  when 

Morton   made  this  Speech  ,  that  he  will  tak^  his  Oath  of  the  truth  of  it ,  and  that  he 

cannot  believe  that  any  will  befo  impudent  to  deny  it.     We  have  no  difpute  concerning 

the  antiquity  of  Peerage ,  let  that  pafs ;  but  I  am  confident  whatfoever  his  prefent 

judgement  had  been,  either  of  the  Speaker  or  of  the  Speech,  your  witnefs  would 

have  abftained  from  uncivil  Language ,  as  to  ftile  the  Reverend  Bifliop  of  Vurefm 

a  pretended  Bifhop ,  and  plain  Morton  ,  without  either  welt  or  gard  ,  he  would  not 

have  forgotten  all  his  degrees,  both  in  the  Church  and  Schools.     He  will  not  charge 

all  them  with  down  right  impudence ,  who  tell  him  that  he  was  doubly  miftaken: 

nor  call  that  notorious  to  all  the  World,  which  he  himfelf  acknowledgeth  that  he  never 

heard  of  before  in  his  life.     He  is  not  guilty  rof  thofe  inferences  ,  and  eo  nominees 

which  you  have  added.     I  do  not  believe  that  he  doth,  or  ever  did  know  the 

Eifliop  o(  Vurefm  ,  fo  well  as  to  fwear  this  is  the  irian  :  nor  doth  take  himfelf  to 

be  fo  exadtan  Analyfer  of  a  Difcourfe,  as  to  be  able  to  take  his  Oath  what  was  the 

true  fcope  of  it,  pro  or  comra  i  efpecially  when   fome  thing   is  ftarted  that  doth 

quite  divert  his  attention ,  as  the  found  of  the  Market  bell  did  the  Philofophers 

Auditors. 

This  is  my  charity.  And  my  ground  for  it  is  this.  When  I  had  once  confer- 
rence  with  him  about  this  relation  ,  he  told  me  the  name  of  the  Naggs-head  did 
flirpruchim,  and  he  betook  himfelf  to  inquire  of  another  what   it  meant.     And 

when 


Dis COURSE  V,  Bt flops  Vendicated.  4.0,^ 


when  r  urged  to  him  ,  that  it  was  incredible  that  any  Proteftant  Bifhop  fhould 
make  fuch  a  Speech  ,  unlefs  he  ufed  it  onely  by  way  of  fuppoiltion  ,  as  argumen- 
turn  ad  hnminem  ,  a  rcafon  fit  for  my  Lord  Brookf ,  that  fuch  a  confecration  as  that 
was  ,  agreed  well  enough  with  his  principles ,  he  told  me  he  knew  not  that :  the 
Bifliop  might  anfwer  fo  for  himfelf. 

To  conclude  ,  I  have  heard  the  Bifhop  of  Lincolne  did  once  mention  the  Fable 
of  the  Niggs-head  in  a  Speech  in  Parliament ,  but  with  as  mnch  detelhtion  of  it, 
as  our  Anceftours  ufed  to  name  the  Devil,  why  might  not  the  miftake  both  of  the 
perfon  ,  and  of  the  drift  or  fcope  of  his  Speech  ,  be  the  occafion  of  this  relation  ? 
I  had  rather  out  of  charity  ,  run  into  Two  fuch  right  handed  errours  ,  than  con- 
demn a  Noble  Gentlenan  of  whofe  ingenuity  I  never  had  any  reafon  to  doubt  of  a 
malicious  lye.  Take  it  at  the  very  bell ,  the  miflake  is  great  enough,  to  miftake 
both  the  perfon  of  the  fpcaker  ,  and  the  fcope  of  his  Speech.  I  hope  they  will  all 
do  that  which  in  confcience  they  are  obliged  to  do,  that  is  acquit  the  Bifhop  ofPwr- 
refm  and  crave  his  pardon  for  their  miftake.  if  they  do  not,  the  World  will  quit 
him ,  and  condemn  them.  But  the  greateft  miftakes  of  all  others  was ,  to 
publifli  fuch  a  notorious  untruth  to  the  World  ,  fo  temerarioufly  without  bet- 
ter advife. 


CHAP.    III. 

Ihree  rejfons  againfi  the  Naggs-Head  Confecration,  1.  from  the  contradiUions  of 
the  Kelateri^  2.  from  the  latenefs  of  the  Vifcovery  ^  ^.  from  the  StnUnefs  of  out 
Laws, 

NOw  having  beaten  down  the  Pillar  about  their  cars  :  which  they  had  let  up 
to  underprop  their  Naggs-head  Ordination  ,  it  remaineth  next  to  affault  the 
main  fable  it  felf,  as  it  is  related  by  thefe  Fathers.  Having  told  ,  how  the  Prote- 
Ibnt  Dodlors  who  were  defigned  for  Bifhopricks  in  the  beginning  of  Queeu  Eli- 
zabeths Reign ,  had  prevailed  with  Anthony  Kitchin  Bijfjop  nf  Landaffe ,  to  give  them  a 
meeting  at  the  Naggs-head  in  Cheap-fide,  in  hope  he  would  Ordain  them  Bishops  there. 
And  how  the  Eifiiop  of  Landaffe  through  Bipop  Bonners  threatnings  refufed  ,  (  all 
which  (hall  be  examined  and  laid  open  to  the  view  of  the  World  in  due  Order  , 
how  it  is  ftuffed  with  untruth  and  abfurdities.  )  they  add,  that  being  thus  deceived 
cf  their  expuration  ,  and  having  no  other  means  to  come  to  their  defires  (  that  is  ,  to  ob- 
tain confecration  )  they  refdved  to  ufe  Mr.  ^cories  help  ,  an  Apojlate  Religious  Frieji  , 
who  having  born  the  name  of  Bifhop  in  King  Ed  ward  the  Sixths  time  ,  was  thought  to 
have  fu^cient  power  to  perform  that  Office  ,  ejpeciaVy  in  fuch  ajirait  neceffity  as  they  pre- 
tended. He ,  having  cali  off  together  with  his  Religious  habit  all  fcruple  of  conjcience  , 
willingly  went  about  tlx  matter ,  which  he  performed  in  this  firt,  having  the  Bible  in 
Hand^and  they  all  hrieeling  before  himjhe  laid  it  upon  every  one  of  theirtleads  orShoulderss 
faying  ,  tali^  thou  Authority  to  Preach  the  word  of  God  fincerely.  Andfo  they  rofe  up  Bi- . 
Jhops  of  the  new  Church  of  England.  "This  Narration  of  the  confecration  at  the  Naggs- 
head  C  they  fay)  they  have  taken  out  of  Holy  wood,  Conftable  ,  and  T>r.  Champ- 
neys  works.  They  might  as  well  have  taken  it  out  of  i^fobs  Fables,  and  with  as 
much  credit  or  expectation  of  truth  on  our  parts. 

So  the  controverfie  between  them  and  us  is  this.  They  fay  that  Archbifliop  Par- 
ker ,  and  the  reft  of  the  Proteftant  Bifhops  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
Reign,  or  at  the  leaft,  fundry  of  them  were  confecrated  at  the  Nagges-head  in  Cheap- 
fide  together  ,  by  Biihop  Scory  alone  ,  or  by  him  and  Biftiop  Barlow  jointly  ,  with- 
out Sermon,  without  Sacramenf,  without  any  Solemnity,  in  the  year  1559.  fbut 
they  know  not  what  day,nor  before  what  Publick  Notaries,)  by  a  new  phantaftick 
form.  And  all  this  they  fay,upon  the  fuppofed  voluntary  report  ot  Mr.  Neale,(a.  fingle 
malicious  fpy  )  in  private  to  his  own  party  ,  long  after  the  bufinefs  pretended  to  be 
done. 

We  fay  Archbifhop  Parker  was  confecrated  alone  ,  at  Lamheth  ,  in  the  Church  ,^ 
by  Four  Bifhops ,  authorifed  thereunto    by  Commillion  under  the  Great  Seal  ot 

England , 


eTm/W,  withScrmon,  ^vith  Sacrament     with  all  due  Solemnities     upon  the  ly 

day  o(Vccemher,Amo  ,  5  5?.  before  Four  of  the  moft  emment  pubhck  Notaries  m 
eZ/W,  and    particularly  the   fame  pubhck    Notary     was    pnnc.pa    Acluary 
boti^    at  Cardinal  r<;/f/Confecration,  and  ArchbilhopP^r^erj-.     And  that  all  the 
l\  of  the  Bilhops  were  confccratedat  other  times,  fome  in  the  famemoneth,  but 
not  upon  the  fame  day,  fome  in  the  fame  year,  but  not  the  fame  moneth-,  and 
fome  the  year  following.     And  to  prove  the  truth  of  our  Relation  ,  and  falfliood 
of  theirs"",  wc  produce  the  Regiller  of  the  See  of  Canterbury,  as  authentick  as  the 
world  ha'tli  any  ,  the  Rcgiikrs  of  the  other  Fourteen  Sees  then  vacant,  all  as  care- 
fully kept  by  fvvorn  Oflicers  ,  as  the  Records  of  the  Vatican  it  fclf.     We  produce  all 
the  Commilfions  under  the  Privy  Seal  and  Great  Seal  of  England.     We  produce  the 
Rolls  or  Records  of  the  Chancery ,  and  if  the  Records  of  the  Signet-office  had  not 
been  unfortunately  burned  in  King  James  his  time  ,  it  might  have  been  verified  by 
thofc  alfo.    We  produce  an  Ad  of  Parliament  exprefs  in  the  point ,  within  feven 
years  after  the  Confccration:  We  produce  all  the  controverted  Confecrations  pub- 
liflicd  to  the  world  in  Print,  ^W2o  1572.  three  years  before  Archbifhop  P^r^r's 
death ,  while!!  all  things  were  frefli  in  mens  memories.     Thefe  bright  beams  had 
been  able  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  Mr.  Neak  himfelf,  whileft  he  was  living,  and  have 
made  him  recant  his  lewd  lye,  or  confefs  himlelf  flark  blind. 
The  Firft  rca-    •  The  firft  reafon  which  I  bring  againrt  this  ridiculous  Fable  ,  is  taken  from  the 
for),  palpable  contradicftion? ,  and  grofs  abfurdities  and  defedls  of  thofe  Koman-(Z3,i\\o- 

lick  Writers ,  who  have  related  this  filly  Tale  of  a  Tub  ,  and  agree  in  nothing  but 
in  their  common  malice  againfl  the  Cliurch  of  England.  It  is  no  flrange  matter  for 
fuch  as  write  upon  Hear- lay,  or  rely  upon  the  exadt  truth  of  other  mens  Notes  or 
Memories,fo  to  millake  in  fomeinconfiderable  circumftance,as  to  (et  down  the  name 
of  a  place  amifs,  which  may  be  the  Tranfcribers  fault ,  or  the  Printers ,  as  well  as 
the  Authours:  or  to  fay  two  Suffiragans  for  one  ,  when  there  were  two  named  in 
the  Commifiion ,  and  but  one  prefent  at  the  Confecration.  Such  immaterial  diffe- 
rences which  are  fb  remote  from  the  heart  of  the  Caufe ,  about  indifferent  circum- 
ftances,  may  bring  the  exadlnefs  of  the  relation  into  queftion,  but  not  the  fubfkn- 
tial  truth  of  if.  Such  petty  unfignificant  variations,  do  rather  prove  that  the  Re- 
lations were  not  made  upon  compadt  or  confederacy,  efpecially  where  there  are  ori- 
ginal Records  taken  upon  the  place  by  fworn  Notaries ,  whofe  Names,  and  Hands, 
and  Ad:s  are  as  well  known  to  every  man  verfed  in  the  Records  of  thofe  times  ,  as  a 
man  knowcth  his  ownHoule.  To  which  all  Relaters  and  relations  muft  fubmit , 
and  are  ready  to  fubmit  as  to  an  infallible  Rule. 

But  he  who  fhould  give  credit  to  fuch  a  filly  fenflefs  Fable  as  this  is  ,  which  is 
■wholly  compofed  of  abfurd,  improbable,  incoherent,  inconfiftent,  contradidtory  fi- 
dlions,  had  need  to  have  a  very  implicite  Faith.  The  greateft  fhew  of  any  accord 
among  them  is  about  the  Coniecrater,  yet  even  in  this  they  difagree  one  from  ano- 
ther. The  common  opinion  is ,  that  Bifhop  Scory  alone  did  confecrate  them.  But 
Mr.  Conjiable,  one  of  their  principal  Authours,  fuppofeth,  that  Bifhop  Barlotv  might 
joyn  with  him  in  the  Confecration.  And  Slanders,  whofe  Pen  in  other  cales  ufeth 
to  run  over,  one  who  had  as  much  malice  as  any  of  them ,  and  had  reafon  to  know 
the  paifages  of  thofe  times  better  than  all  of  them  ,  lea veth  it  doubtful,  when,  or 
where,  or  by  whom  they  were  ordained  ,  ^omodocunqxe  faUi  Jam  i\li  Pfeudoepifco- 
fi\,  by  what  means  foe  ver  they  were  ordained. 

But  they  difagree  much  more  among  themfelves ,  who  they  fhould  be  that  were 
ordained.  Firft ,  Mr.  VVaddefworth  (  whole  ingenuity  deferveth  to  be  commend- 
ed )  doth  not  fay  that  any  of  our  Bifliops  were  adually  confecrated  here,  but  onely 
that  there  teas  an  attempt  to  confecrate  the  Firji  of  them  ,  that  was  Archbifhop  Parker. 
But  that  which  del^roycth  the  credit  of  this  attempt  is  this,  that  it  is  evident  by  the 
Records ,  that  Archbifhop  Parker  was  not  pcrfonally  prefent  at  his  Confirmation  in' 
Bootes  Church,  or  at  his  ConHrmationtDinner  at  the  Nagges-head,  which  gave  the 
occafioD  to  this  merry  Legend,  but  was  confirmed  by  his  Prodtor  Nicholas  BulltHg- 
ham  Dodtor  in  the  Laws,  upon  the  Ninth  of  December ,  Anno  1 55^.  A  man  may 
be  confirmed  by  proxy,  but  no  man  can  be  ordained  by  proxy.  It  is  a  ruled  cafe 
in  their  own  Law,  Non  licit  Sacramentum  aliqmd  fritter  matrimcfiiim  abfemi  admini- 

firare 


Discourse     V.  ^ifhops  Vindicated.  ^^7 

^'  ..,■■.-      .1..  ■■  ■  ■■  ■    .-  —  .   ■  .         , 

firare.     So  if  there  was  an  attempt  to  confecrate  any  man  at  the  Nuggs-head ,  it 
mult  be  Dr.  BHVingham  ,  it  could  not  be  Archbifhop  Parker. 

Ochers  fay  there  was  more  than  an  attempt ,  that  one  or  more  of  them  were  a- 
dually  ordained  there  :  but  they  name  none.  Others  name  fome,  but  they  accord 
not  one  with  another  in  naming  of  them.  Some  (ay  ,  jFfWf/,  Sandr,  Horn^  Crin- 
dah  where  was  Archbifhop  Farl^r  ?  Others  fay  ,  Parker^  Grindal  ^  Horn ,  SxyJs. 
LaHIy  ,  others  (hy ,  they  were  all  ordained  there  ,  who  were  named  to  Billiopncks, 
and  number  Fifteen  of  them.  Thefe  Fathers  {peak  indefinitely  ,  Parker  a>:d  his 
feUojvf.  But  they  feem  to  extend  this  woTdfeVoivs  as  far  as  Dr.  Champiieys  fifteen: 
for  they  tell  us  ,  that  they  all  k^teeled  down  before  him^  and  he  hid  the  Bible  upon  every 
one  of  their  heads  or  Jhnclders.  Thus  thefe  Cadmean  Brethren  ,  like  thofe  (Mc  wit- 
nelTcs  which  tellihcd  againit  Chrift  ,  deflroy  one  another  with  their  mutual  contra- 
didlions. 

Thirdly,  the  time  is  a  principal circumftance  in  all  confecrations  ,  and  is  ever- 
more moll  pundtually  recorded  by  the  adluaries ,  or  Publick  Notaries.  But  in  this 
fabulous  relation ,  the  time  is  concealed.  It  (eemeth  the  Forger  was  no  good  adtu- 
ary ,  and  either  did  not  know  how  material  that  circumftance  was  :  or  had  for- 
gotten it.  Onely  Dr.  Champney  telleth  us ,  that  it  was  before  the  Ninth  of  Sep- 
umber  Anno  1559.  But  this  is  not  precife  enough  for  an  Adt;  and  moreover  ,  it 
is  moft  apparently  falfe  and  impollible.  For  whereas  there  are  Two  CommitliQns 
under  the  great  Seal  of^  England,  for  tlie  confirmation  and  confecration  of  Arch- 
bifhop Parker ,  both  recorded  in  the  Rolls  i  the  one  which  was  not  executed ,  da- 
ted tlie  faid  very  Ninth  Day  of  September  •■,  and  the  other  which  was  executed,  da- 
ted the  Sixth  Day  of  December  following  :  if  Dr.  Champney  faid  true,  Archbifhop 
Parkp"  was  confecrated  beforQ  he  was  confirmed  ,  yea  before  there  was  any  com- 
milfion  out,  either  for  his  confecration  or  confirmation  i  which  is  one  of  the  drow- 
flefl  dreams  that  could  drop  from  an  Englijh  pen. 

Laftly  ,  every  confccration  muft  be  performed  before  one  or  more  Publick  No- 
taries. (  We  (hall  fhew  them  Notaries  enough  of  great  eminence ,  beyond  all  ex- 
ception ,  for  Archbifhop  Parkers  true  confecration.  )  And  indeed  what  could  a 
confecration  avail  any  man ,  without  a  Publick  Notary  to  Record  it ,  to  make  an 
authentick  certificate  of  it  under  the  Seal  of  the  Principal  confecrater  ?  Now  who 
Recorded  the  Naggs-head  conkcntioa  ?  Who  drew  it  up  into  Ads?  Who  certified 
it  ?  No  body ,  becaufe  the  filly  Forger  did  not  underftand  what  things  were  re- 
quifite  to  a  confecration.  Onely  as  the  Athenians  (bmetimes  faid  of  Metio- 
chus  ,  Metiochus  grinds  the  corn,  Metiochus  bak^s  the  bread,  Metiochus  mends 
the  high  ways,  Metiochus  doth  all ,  an  evil  year  to  Metiochus :  fo  we  may  fay  of  Mr. 
Neak  •,  Mr.  Neale  was  the  fpie  ,  Mr.  Neale  was  the  witnefs  ,  Mr.  Neale  was  the 
Publick  Notary,  Mr.  Neale  was  the  chief  Enginer  of  Forger  ,  Mr.  Neale  was  all, 
what  honours  are  due  to  Mr.  Neale  ? 

§ui  tot  /{{jiinjiit,  qui  tMta  negotiafolm. 

So  they  fain  a  confecration  without  a  Publick  Notary ,  or  (  which  is  all  one  )  no 
man  ever  knew  who  that  Publick  Notary  was  i  at  a  time  impoffible,  or  elfe  no 
man  knoweth  at  what  time  ;  without  any  certainty  who  confecrated,  whether 
Scory  alone,  ot  Scory  znd  Barlotv  together,  or  God  knoweth  whoi  and  yet  with 
much  lefs  certainty  who  were  confecrated  ,  whether  none  at  all ,  but  onely  an  at- 
tempt was  made  ,  or  one ,  and  who  that  one  was  i  or  fome  indefinitely  ,  with- 
out naming  who  they  were  ,  or  how  many  they  were  •,  or  Four  exprelly  ,  but  dif- 
fenting  one  from  another  ,  who  thofe  Four  were.  Here  is  a  ftory  compofed  alto- 
gether of  uncertainties  and  contradiiftions  ,  like  a  man  and  no  man ,  hit  a  bird  and 
no  bird ,  on  a  tree  and  no  tree  ,  with  a  flone  and  noflone.  To  make  this  uncertain , 
groundlefs ,  contradidtory  humour,  to  be  the  touchftoneof  truth,  and  to  ovcr- 
ballance  all  the  authentick  Records  of  the  Kingdom  ,  in  a  matter  of  fuch  publick 
concernment ,  is  juft  to  make  the  Parifh  clock  go  truer  than  the  Sun ,  b:caufe  the 
Clerk  who  fets  it  is  our  Friend. 

My  Second  reifbn  againft  this  fenfeleft  Fable ,  is  the  late  difcovery  of  it  to  th( 

World 


Second  reafon 


— 7p       '  ''C^iif^crauon  oj  Protefrant TOME  1. 

woild     and  the  long  concealing  of  it  in  holes  and  corners  before  they  durft  ad- 
venture to  prefent  it  to  the  view  of  the  World.   Can  any  man  who  is  in  his  right 
.  wits  be  i'o  fiLipid  as  to  imagin  ,  that  the  Naggs-head  Ordination  happened  in  the  year 
cc;9.  and  (if  thefe  Fathers  fay  truly  )  v/z^  mtor'mify  kilorvn  to  all  the  world -,  and 
that  It  (liould  never  once  peep  into  the  Light  for  almoll  a  whole  age  after  it  was 
pretended  to  have  been  done ,  that  is  till  after  the  year  Sixteen  Hundred  >   we  ufc 
to  (ay  a  Monfter  is  but  Nine  days  vv'onder  :   but  this  ugly  Monger  was  not  taken 
notice  of  in  the  World  until  after  Forty  years.     The  reafon  is  evident ;  either  it 
was  then  but  newly  hatched  ,  or  it  had  been  kept  all  that  time  at  dry  nurfe  in  a 
■  clofet.     If  it  h^d  been  fo  notorious  to  aV  the  world  from  the  Year  i55p.  as  the  Fa- 
thers fain  ,  all  the  Windows   in  the  Na^gs-head  would  have  been   full  of  it,   and 
the  Room  would  have  ben  (hewed  to  all  their  Guefls ,  where  fuch  a  prodigions  pa- 
geant had  been  Aded. 

I  dare  appeal  to  the  Judgments  of  thefe  Fathers  thcmfclves ,  whether  it  be  cre- 
dible ,  that  this  ftory  (hould  be  notorioufly  known  to  the  World  ,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  Qiicen  Elizabeths  Reign,  and  yet  neither  Stapkton,  nor  Harding^  nor 
BrijiofP,  nor  Alan  ,  nor  Txeynolds  ,  nor  Parfoits^  nor  any  one  of  all  the  Koman-CiL- 
holick  Writers,  fhouldfomuch  as  mention  it  for  Forty  years  enfuingv  efpecially 
Writing  fo  much  as  they  did  upon  that  very  fubjcdl,  the  validity  or  invalidity  of 
our  Ordination.  How  could  their  filence  have  been  excufed  from  betraying  of 
their  caufe  ,  to  loofe  fuch  an  egregious  advantage  ?  Was  it  pcradventure  out  of 
affedtion  to  us  ,  to  conceal  the  defeds  of  the  J'roteftants  i"  No ,  they  had  will  e- 
nough  ,  but  they  durft  not  avouch  fuch  a  Monfirous  untruth  in  earneli  ,  ( if  ever 
they  did  hear  of  fuch  a  vain  rumour,  which  I  cannot  cafily  believe  ,  )  fo  contrary 
to  the  knowledge  of  that  age. 

Efpecially  let  them  tell  me  how  it  cometh  to  pa(s  ^  that  Nicholas  Sanders  ,  who 
profelTeth  to  write  the  Ecckftaftical  Hiftory  of  England  ,  from  the  One  and  Twentieth 
Tear  of  Henry  the  Eighth  s  until  tlie  Eight  and  Twentieth  Tear   of  ^leen  Elizabeth 
then  currant ,  in  his  Three  Books  of  the  Original  and  frogrefs  of  the  Englifh  Schifm^ 
hath  not  One  Syllable  of  the  Nags-head  Ordination}  He  wis  never  accufed  of  partiali- 
ty for  the  Protcftants,(but  as  malicious  againfl  theProteftaoits  as  any  man  could wifh:) 
nor  of  concealing  truths  to  their  advantage,but  of  devifing  Fables  to  tlicir  prejudice. 
He  having  related  the  form  of  our  Englijh  confecrations ,  partly  true  and  partly 
falfe,  proceedeth  to  this  Firrt  Ordination  of  Froteftant  Ei(hops,  in  the  beginning 
of  Qween  Elijaheths  Reigni  alledging  that  the  CatholickJBijhops  refufed  to  imfofe  hands 
D  Sch'(m       "^°^'  '^•"''"  '  '^^^  *^^^  ^^'^^  '•"''^  ^"^  ofihemfehes  Two  or  Three  Eijhops  ,  orfo  much  as  one 
AHti'l:  i-.'f:    Metropolitan.     What  a  (hameful  untruth  is  this ,  that  there  were  not  Two  or  Three 
400  Edit:        Protellant  Eiftiops,  when  the  Queens  Commillion  under  the  great  Seal  of  England 
Rom:  Recorded  in  the  Rolk ,  is  diredled  to  Seven  Proteftant  Bifhops,   exprefly  by  their 

names  and  tittles? 

He  addeth  ,  that  they  were  very  injiant  with  anlx'iih  ^rchbijhop  to  have prefded  at 
their  Ordination  ,  hut  he  would  not.  He  miftaketh  the  mater  altogether  ,  they  might 
have  had  Seven  Jrijh  Archbifhops  and  Bifhops  if  they  had  needed  them  •,  where  the 
proceedings  were  not  fo  rigorous ,  whera  the  old  Bifhops  complied  and  held  their 
places,  and  joyned  in  fuch  Ecclefiaftical  Adis,  until  they  had  made  away  to  their 
kindred  ,  all  the  lands  belonging  to  their  Sees.  We  found  one  Bifhoprick  reduced 
to  Five  Markes  a  Year  by  thefe  temporifers,  another  to  Forty  Shillings  a  Year,  and 
all  of  them  to  very  poor  pittances  for  Prelates.  But  by  this  means  there  wanted 
no  ordainers :  never  did  any  manqueftion  the  Ordination  of  the  Firll  Protellant  Bi- 
fhops in  Ireland  until  this  day 

Then  he  telleth  ,  how  being  tlius  rejeded  by  the  Catholick  Ei(hops,  and  the  Lijb- 
Archbilhop ,  they  applied  themfelves  to  the  Lay-Magijlrate  in  the  enfiiing  Parliament 
for  a  confirmation  ,  from  whence  they  were  called  Parliamentary  Bifhops.  By  whom 
were  they  called  fo  >  By  no  man  but  himfelf  and  his  Fellows.  How  many  Ordina- 
tions were  pafTed  over,  one  after  another ,  before  that  Parliament  >  Was  there  any 
thing  moved  in  this  Parliament ,  concerning  any  the  leaf!  Eflential  of  our  Epifcopal 
Ordination?  Not  at  all,  but  onely  concerning  the  repealing  and  reviving  of  an  En- 
glifh  Statute  •,  Enghfh  Statutes  cannot  change  the  Effentials  of  Ordination ,  either  to 

make 


Discourse     V.  Bipjops  Vindicated  ^29 


make  that  Confecrarion  valid  which  was  invalid  i  or  that  iiwalid  which  was  valid.  ' 

The  validity  or  invahdity  of  Ordination  ,  depcndeth  not  upon  Humane   Law     bur 

upon  the  Inftitution  of  Chrrft.  Neither  did  we  ever  llnce  that  Parliament ,  change 

one  fyllable  in  our  Form  of  Ordination.     Then  what  was  this  Contirmation  which 

he  fpeaks  of?  It  was  onely  a  Declaration  of  the  Parliament,  that  all  the  objcvflions 

which  thefe  men  made  againft  our  Ordinations,  were   flanders  and  calumnies i  and 

that  all  the  Bifhops  which  had  been  ordained  in  the  Queens  time,  had  been  rightly 

ordained  ,   according  to  the  Form  prefcribed  by  the  Church  oi'Engla>id,  and  the 

Laws  of  the  Land.   Thefc  men  want  no  conridence,  who  arc  not  aihamed  to  cite 

this  Statute  in  this  cafe.  But  we  (hall  meet  with  this  Parliament  again. 

In  all  this  impertinent  Difcourfe  ,  where  is  the  Fable  of  the  Nags-hejd  Ordinati- 
on !*  It  had  been  a  thoufand  times  more  material  than  all  this  Jargon.  And  you  may 
be  fure  it  had  not  been  miliing ,  if  there  had  been  the  leaft  grain  of  trUth  in  it  or  if 
there  had  but  been  any  fufpicion  of  it  when  that  was  written.  It  was  not  then  full 
thirty  years  after  Axchbifhop  Varh^r's  Confecration  ,  and  there  were  flore  of  Eye- 
witnelies  living  to  have  hifled  fuch  a  (enflefs  Fable  out  of  the  world.  And  therefore 
Saiiders  very  prudently  for  himfelf,  after  fo  many  intimations,  pafleth  by  their  Or- 
dination in  a  deep  filence  ,  which  was  the  onely  work  he  took  in  hand  to  (hew. 
^akfcHH(jue  fuerhtt ,  aut  qmmodocnnqtte  fa^i  fitnt  ijH  Ffmdoepifcofi^  6cc,  What  man- 
ner of  perfons  foever  thej'e  Falfe  Bijhopsivere,  or  after  what  manner  foever  they  rvere  or- 
dained,&cc.  If  Bifl^op  Scory  had  ordained  them  all  at  the  Nags- head ,  by  laying  a 
Bible  upon  their  heads,  and  this  Form  of  words,  lake  thou  Authority  to  preach  the 
Word  of  Gad  fuKerely  ^  Mr.  Sanders  needed  not  to  have  left  the  cafe  fo  doubtful  how 
they  were  ordained.  And  if  there  had  been  .the  leail  fufpicion  of  it  j  he  would  have 
blown  it  abroad  upon  a  filver  Trumpet  ■■,  but ,  God  be  thanked  ,  there  was  none. 
The  univerfal  iilence  of  all  the  Kipiijh  Writers  of  that  Age  ,  when  the  Nags-head 
Ordioiation  is  pretended  to  have  been  done,  in  acaie  which  concerned  thera  all  fo 
nearly,  and  which  was  the  chief  Subject  of  all  their  Difputes,  is  a  convincini^ 
proof  to  all  men ,  who  are  not  altogether  polTefled  with  prejudice  ,  that  either  k 
was  deviied  long  after,  or  was  fo  lewd  a  lye,  that  no  man  dared  to  own  it  whilcit 
thoufands  of  Eye-witne(res  of  Archbifhop  Parker^  true  Coniccration  at  Lambeth 
were  living. 

A  Third  reafon ,   again(t  this  ridiculous  Libell  of  the  Nags-head  Confecration     is 
taken  from  the  itridnefs  of  our  Laws  ,  which  allow  no  man  to  confecrate    or  be  ^''^  ^^^^'^  ^^^' 
confccrated,  but  in  a  facred  place,  with  due  matter  and  form,  and  all  the  Rights  '°"" 
and  Ceremonies  prefcribed  by  the  Church  oiEngland.     No  man  muft  be  con(ecra- 
ted  by  fewej:  than  Four  Bifliops ,  or  Three  at  lea(t  i  and  that  after  the  Election  of 
the  Dean  and  Chapter  is  duly  conhrmed  ,  and  upon  the  Mandate  or  Commidion  of 
the  King,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  under  the  pain  of  a  Premmire     that 
is,  the  forfeiture  of  Lands ,  and  Goods,  and  Livings,   and  Liberty,  and  Prote-  is  H,8.  c.io: 
<ftion.     They  allow  not  Confecration  in  a  Tavern  ,  without  due  matter  and  form 
without  th£  Ceremonies  and  Solemnity  prefcribed  by  the  Church ,  without  Elcdli- 
on,  without  Confirmation  ,  without  Letters  Patents ,  by  one  llngle  Biihop,  or  two 
at  the  moft ,  fuch  as  they  feign  the  Nags-head  Ordination  to  have  been.     Who  can 
believe,  that  two  Archbi(hops ,  and  thirteen  Bifhops,  having  the  reputation  of 
Learning  and  prudence  ,  fhould  wilfully  thruft  themfelves  into  an  ippaxcnt  premuni- 
re  ,  to  forfeit  not  onely  their  Archbilhopricks  and  Bifhopricks,  but  all  their  Eltates 
and  all  their  Hopes ,  for  a  phantaftick  form ,  and  (candalous  Confecration:  when 
the  Queen  and  Kingdom  were  favourable  to  them  ,  when  the  Form  prefcribed  by 
the  Church  did  pleafe  them  well  enough,  when  there  were  Protefhnt  Bilhops  of 
their  own  Communion  enough  to  confecrate  thera,  when  all  the  Qiurches  in  the 
Kingd.om  were  open  to  them  ,  unlefs  it  had  been  Midfummer-Moon  in  December 
and  they  were  all  Itark  mad,  and  then  it  is  no  matter   where  they  were  confccra- 
ted ? 

In  criminal  caufes,  where  things  are  pretended  to  be  done  againft  penal  Laws 
fuch  as  this  is ,  the  proofs  ought  to  be  clearer  than  the  Noon-day-light.      Here  is 
nothing  proved ,  but  one  fmgle  Witnefs  named  ,  and  he  a  profelTed  Enemy,  who 
never  tel\ihcd  upon  Oath,  or  before  a  Judge ,  or  fo  much  as  a  publick  Notary    or 

B  b  b 


to 


440  Confecration  of  Protejiant  T  O  M  E  !♦ 


to  the  bcc  of  a  Protcaant,  but  oncly  whifpered  it  m  corners  (  as  it  is  faid  by  Ad- 
verfaries)  among  fomeof  his  own  party.  Such  a  Teftimony  is  not  worth  a  deaf 
nut  in  any  cau(c-  between  party  and  party.  If  he  had  been  a  Witnefs  beyond  all 
exception,  and  had  been  duly  fworn  ,  and  legally  examined,  yet  his  Teftimony  in 
the  mod  favourable  caufe  had  been  but  half  a  proof,  though  an  hundred  did  teftifie 
it  from  his  mouth  ,  it  is  l\ill  but  a  fingle  Teftimony  :  And  as  it  is,  it  is  plain  prittle 
prattle ,  and  ought  to  be  valued  no  more  than  the  {hadow  of  an  Afs.  To  admit 
fiich  aTcftiomony,  or  an  Hundred  fuch  Teftimonies ,  againft  the  publick  Authen- 
tick  Records  of  the  Kingdom  ,  were  to  make  our  felves  guilty  of  more  madnefs  , 
than  they  accufe  the  Biftiops  of.  If  St.  Paul  forbid  'Timothy  to  receive  an  accufation 
againft  a  lingle  Presbyter ,  under  Two  or  Three  witnelTes  ,  he  would  not  have  us  to 
condemn  Fifteen  Bifliops  of  fuch  a  penal  crime  ,  upon  a  ridiculous  rumour,  contra- 
ry both  to  the  Laws  and  Records  of  the  Kingdom.  The  feverity  of  our  Laws 
doth  deftroy  the  credit  of  this  Fable. 


CHAP.     IV. 

The  Fcttrth  and  fifth  reafons  againji  th'n  improbable  fiBion  ,  from  the  no  necejfny  of  it  ^ 
and  the  lefs  advantage  of  it. 


M 


Fourth  Plea  is ,  becaufe  there  was  no  need  to  play  this  counterfeit  Page- 
_         ant.     We  ufe  to  fay  ,  Necelhty  hath  noLaw,  that  is,  regardeth   no  Law. 
In  time  of  War,  the  Laws  are  filent,  but  this  was  a  time  of  peace.     Firft,  there 
could  be  no  neceffity  why  they  (hould  have  a  clandeftine  Confecration ,    without  a 
Regifter  or  publick  Notary ,  when  they  might  have  had  an  Army  of  publick  Nota- 
ries ready  upon  their  whiflle,  even  under  their  elbows  at  'Bowes  Church ,  out  of  the 
Courts  of  the  Arches  ,  and  the  Audience  ,  and  Prerogative,    Secondly ,  there  was 
no  necelhty  why  they  (hould  anticipate  the  Queens  Letters  patents  for  their  confecra- 
tion ,  by  whofe  gracious  favour  they  were  elected ,  and  of  the  accomplifhmcnt 
whereof  in  due  time  they   could  not  doubt  i  unlefs  they  would  wilfully  deftroy 
their  own  hopes ,  by  fuch  a  mad  prank  as  this  had  been,that  is  ,  unlefs  they  would 
themfelves  hew  down  the  bough  where  upon  they  flood.  Thirdly ,  there  was  no  ne- 
celhty that  they  fhould  chufe  a  common  Tavern  for  the  place  of  their  confecration , 
when  the  Keys  of  all  the  Churches  in  the  Kingdom  were  at  their  command.  Fourth- 
ly ,  there  could  be  no  necelhty  why  they  fhould  defert  the    form  of  Ordination 
prefcribed  by  the   Law  ,   which  was  agreeable  both  to  their  judgements ,  and  to 
their  defires,and  totheir  duties,  to  omit  the  EfTentials  of  Ordination,  both  matter  and 
form, which  they  knew  well  enough,to  be  confecrated  after  a  new  brainllck  manner. 
Then  all  the  necelhty  which  can  be  pretended ,  is  want  of  a  competent  number 
of  Ordainers.     Suppofe  there  had  been  fuch  a  neceffity  to  be  ordained  by  Two  Bi- 
(hops,  or  by  one  Bifhop,  this  very  neceffity  had  been  a  fufHcient  difpenfation  with 
Rth.  Int.  8.  the  rigour  of  the  Canons ,  and  had  juftified  the  Ad.     As  St.  Gregory  pleadeth  to 
Auiufl.    '   '   Augtijiine^  In  the  Englifh  Church  wherein  there  is  no  other  Bijhop  but  thyfelf,   thou  canji 
not  Ordain  a  Bijhop  othermfe  than  alone.     And  after  this  manner  ,  our  Firft  Englijb 
Bifhpps  were  ordained.     And  fo  might  thefe  Proteftant  Bilhops  have  been  validly 
Ordained  ,  if  they  received  the  EfTentials  of  Ordination.     But  what  a  remedy  is 
this,  becaufe  they  could  not  have  a  competent  number  of  Bifhops,  according  to 
the  Canons  of  the  Church ,  and  the  Laws  of  England ,  therefore  to  rejedt  the  Ef^ 
fentials  of  Ordination  ,  for  a  defect  which  was  not  Effential ,  and  to  caft  of  obedi- 
ence to  their  Superiours ,  both  Civil  and  Ecclefiaftical  ?  This  had  been  juft  like 
little  Children  which  becaufe  they  cannot  have  fome  toy  which  they  defire  ,  caft  a- 
way  their  Garments ,  and  whatfoever  their  Parents  had  provided  for  them.    Want 
of  Three  Bifhops  might  in  fome  cafes  make  a  confecration  illegal  or  uncanonical , 
but  it  could    not  have  rendered  it   invalid  ,  as  this  filly  pretended  Ordination 

Rot  Id  P    /  ^'^^' 

-.  Elifab.  But  now  I  come  up  dofe  to  the  Ground-workof  the  Fable,and  I  deny  pofitively 

that  there  was  any  fuch  want  of  a  competent  number  of  Bifhops,  as  they  pretend. 

And 


Discourse  V.  Bifhops  Vendicated, 

And  for  proof  hereof ,  I  bringuo  vain  rumours  or  uncertain  conjed-ures,  but  the 
evident  and  authentick  Teftimony  of  the  Great  Seal  oi 'England  ^  affixed  to  the 
Queens  Letters  F.itentr  ,  for  authorifing  the  confirmation  and  confecration  of  Arch- 
bifhop  Tartar  ,  Dated  the  Sixtli  day  of  December  ,  Anno  155^.  Direded  to  Seven 
Protcrtant  Bilhops  ,  namely  ,  Anthony  Bilhop  of  Landaffe  ,  iViHiam  Barloip  fome- 
times  Bifhop  of  Bjf/;  and  JVelh  ,  and  then  eleil  Bifliop  of  Chichejier,  John  Scory 
fometimes  Bifhop  of  Chichejier  ,  then  Eled  Eifhop  of  Hertford  ,  Miles  Cover  dale 
fometimes  Bifhop  of  Exceter  ,  John  Suffragan  Bifhop  of  Bedford ,  John  Suffragan 
Bifliop  of  'thetford ,  and  John  Bale  Bifhop  of  Off',y  in  Ireland.  Three  are  a  Cano- 
nical number  ,  if  there  were  choifc  of  Seven  ,  then  there  was  no  want  of  a  com- 
petent number  to  ordain  canonically.  I  add,  that  if  it  had  been  needful ,  they 
might  have  had  Seven  more  out  of  Ireland ,  Archbifliops  and  Bilhops ,  for  fuch  a 
work  as  a  confecration.  Ireland  never  wanted  frore  of  Ordainers.  Nor  ever  yet 
did  any  man  objeft  ,  want  of  a  competent  number  of  confecraters ,  to  an  Irifi 
Protel^ant  Bifhop.  They  who  concurred  freely  in  the  confecration  of  Protcltant 
Bilhops  at  home,  would  not  have  denied  their  concurrence  in  England^  if  they  had 
been  commanded.  Which  makes  me  give  no  credit  to  that  vain  report  ,  of  an 
Irip  Archbifhop  Prifoner  in  the  Tower,  who  refuted  to  comply  with  the  deGres  of 
the  Proteftant  Bifhops, /or  h'a  liberty  and  a  large  reward.  But  thie  Archbifhop  wanteth 
a  name  ,  and  the  Fable  wanteth  a  groundi  the  wirnelTes  and  perfwaders  are  all  un- 
known. And  if  there  had  been  a  grane  ot"  Truth  in  this  relationi  yet  in  this  cafe 
one  man  is  no  man  ,  one  mans  refufal  fignifies  nothing. 

Againft  the  evident  truth  of  this  affertion.  Two  things  may  be  oppofed  out  of 
the  Relation  of  thefe  Fathers.  The  Firlt  is  particular  ,  concerning  the  Bifhop  of 
Landaffe  ,  that  he  was  no  Protenant ,  but  a  Roman  Catholick  until  his  Death.  So 
they  fay  indeed,  that  he  was  the  onely  man  of  all  the  Catholick^Bipjops,  that  took^the 
Oath  of  Supremacy.  Obferve  how  prejudice  and  partiality  doth  blindfold  men  of 
learning  and  parts  i  they  confefs  he  took  the  Oath  of  Supremacy  ,  and  yet  elteem 
him  a  good  Koman  Catholick.  I  fee  cenfures  go  by  favour  ,  and  one  may  fteal  an 
horfe  ,  better  than  another  look  over  the  hedge.  I  am  well  contented  ,  that  they 
reckon  him  for  fo  good  a  Catholick. .  ^ 

They  add  ,  that  he  k^ere  Parker  and,  the  refi  which  were  to  be  ordered  Bijhops  to  be 
Heretickf ,  and  aver fe  from  the  Voclrine  of  Komm-Cathfflick^Church ,_  rchich  he  conjiant- 
ly  adhered  unto  ,  (  the  Supremacy  onely  excepted")  during  his  life.  And  a  little  after 
they  tell  us,  that  he  defired  to  be  numbred  among  Catholick^.  Now  what  if  the  Bifliop 
of  Landaffe  after  all  this  fhould  prove  to  be  a  Proteftant  ?  Then  all  the  Fathers  flo- 
ry  is  quite  fpoiled.  And  fo*^  was.  If  he  knew  Parker  and  the  reft ,  to  be  Here- 
ticks  ,  he  knew  himfelf  to  be  one  of  their  Brother  Hereticks.  His  daily  Mifs  was 
the  EngUjh  Leiturgy  ,  as  well  as  theirs ,  He  adhered  conftantly  to  a  Proteftant  Bi- 
flioprick  during  his  life ,  as  well  as  any  of  them  ,  and  if  he  did  not  hold  it  as  long 
as  any  of  them  ,  it  was  Deaths  fault ,  and  none  of  his  fault. 

They  fay  thty  prevailed  with  him  to  give  them  a  meeting  at  the  Nags-head  in  Cheap- 
fide  ,  where  they  hoped  he  would  ordain  them  Biffyops^  dejpairing  that  ever  he  would  do  it., 
in  a  Church,  becaufe  that  would  be  too  great  and  notorious  a  fcandal  for' Catholicks.  They 
were  too  modeft.  They  might  eafily  have  prevailed  with  him  ,  or  have  had  him 
commanded  to  joyn  in  their  confecration  in  a  Church  ,  after  a  Legal  manner.  He 
who  did  not  flick  at  renouncing  the  Pope,  and  fwcaring  an  Oath  of  Supremacy  to 
His  Prince ,  would  not  have  liuck  at  a  Legal  Ordination  ,  upon  the  juli  com- 
mand of  his  Prince.  But  to  defire  him  to  do  it  in  a  Tavern ,  in  a  clandefiine  man- 
ner, without  the  Authority  of  the  great  Seal ,  before  their  eledtion  was  confirmed, 
was  to  defire  him  out  of  courtefie  to  run  into  a  Tremunire  ,  that  is  to  forfeit  his  Bi- 
fhoprick  of  Linda  fe  ,  his  eftate,  his  liberty.  Is  it  become  a  more  Notorious  fcan- 
dal  to  Catholicks,  to  Ordain  in  a  Church,  than  in  a  Tavern  ,  in  the  Judgement 
of  thefe  Fathers?  There  may  be  fcandal  taken  at  the  former,  but  notorious 
fcandal  is  given  by  the  later. 

Here  Bifliop  Bo//w  fteppeth  upon  the  flage,  and  had  well  near  prevented  the 
whole  pageant ,  by  fending  his  Chaphin  to  the  B'ljhop  of  Landaffe  ,  to  forbid  him  tin- 
der pain  of  Excommunication  to  exercife  any  fuch  power  of  giving  Orders  in  his  Viocefs^ 

B  b  b  2  w^fe 


44.1 


44 


•QWe^^fi./^  rfPr^T^/^^^  T  O  M  E  I 


';;i;tnmth  the'M>i^ei>fg  ternfied,  a>id othertpifi  moved   in  confaatce njujed tn  pro- 
ed    Biauip  BomuT  was  always  very  herce  which  way  foever  he  weat  :  It  Acworth 
fi'v  "true     he  e(cjpcd  once  very  narrowly  in  'p.ome  ,  either  burning  or  boiling  in 
Acvpitih  com-  |-y       ^^  I     ,     ^^^  j^^jj^^  ^y  violent  before  the  Aflembly  of  Cardinals,  againft  the 
rnr.S!        SS     onthe'bchalfofKcv/r^theEight     if  he  had  not  fecured  himfelf  by  ftight. 
'  aftervvards  he  made  fuch  Boneriresot:  Protcftants,  and  rendered  himfelf  fo  odious, 

that  his  Prifou  was  his  onely  fafeguard  from  being  torn  in  pieces  by  the  People. 
But  that  was  ,  dnm  (fetit  Ilium  &  htgetts  Gloria  Teucrorutn  ,  whileft  he  had  his  Prince 
to  be  his  lecond,  Now  he  was  deprived  ,  and  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  Eifho- 
prick  of  London  than  with  the  Bilhoprick  oiConjlantinople^  he  had  the  habitual  power 
of  the  Keys,  but  he  had  no  flock  to  exercife  it  upon*  If  he  had  continued  Bifhopof 
London  lull,  what  hath  the  Bifliop  of  London  to  do  with  the  Bilhop  oi'  Landaffe?  Par 
in  pjretn  non  bjbet  Jiotejiatem.  Thirdly,  Bon'' J"  Church  which  is  near  the  Nags- head, 
wherein  the  Ecclefial^ical  part'of  this  ftory  ,  fo  far  as  it  hath  any  truth  in  it,  was 
really  adted,  (  that  is  the  confirmation  of  Arch-bi(hop  Parkers  election  )  though  it 
be  in  the  City  of  London ,  as  many  Churches  more  ,  is  not  in  the  Diocefs  o{  London, 
but  a  peculiar  under  the  Jurifdidlon  of  the  Archbifhopof  C^wtfrWj. 

Laltly  ,  the  Fathers  fay  ,  that  when  Parker  and  the  refi  fee  that  he  had  refufed ,  they 
reviled  the  Poor  Old  Man  ,  caliin^r  him  doating  Fool ,  and  fome  of  them  faying  ,  nis  old 
Fool  think^th  that  we  cannot  be  Bijhops  ,  unlefy  ree  begreafed.     The  contrary  is  evident 
by  the  Records  of  the  confirmation  ,  that  Archbifliop  Parker  was  not  prefent  in  per- 
fon  ;  fo  this  whole  narration  is  compofed  of  untruths,  and  miftakes,  and  incon- 
gruities,  and  contradidlions.     But  that  which  difcovereth  tlie  falfity  of  it  appa- 
rently to  all  the  world  is  this,  that  the  Bifhop  of Landaff  lived  and  died  a  proteftant 
B;fliop  ,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  he  had  been  formerly  in  the  Reign  of 
King  Edward,  for  proofe  whereof  I  produce  two  of  their  own  Authours,The  one  is 
'^'Tv'     /        Szndeis^Btn  the  Btfl'ops^tvbo  had  bene  created  out  of  the  Church  in  thofe  moji  wicked  times, 
n'^j'so''  '     '  ^^''  bad  none  repented  from  their  hearts  of  their  Scbifme,being  not  contented  with  this  com~ 
mon  difpenfation  and  confirmation^  did  each  of  them  partictilarly  crave  pardon  of  their  former 
prievnjis  fault  from  the  See  Apoftoltck,,  and  Confirmation  in  their  Bifiioprickj, excepting  the 
Bijhop  of  Landaffe^who  omittingtt  rather  out  of  negligence  then  malice^did  onely  relapfe  into 
Schijme  in  the  reigne  of^ueene  Elifabetb,  as  we  interprete  it  by  the  juji  judgment  of  God, 
Cerfut,  Apol,  He3cknowlcdgeth,that  hebeeame  a  Proteftant  again,  that  is  in  their  language  rf/ij/^jf^ 
parte  6,  c,  i,  j^^g  Schifme,  The  Other  is  cited  by  Dodtor  Harding,  iVe  had  onely  one  foole  amoug  us 
(  We  fee  whofe  livery  the  fool  was  , }  who  now  J  kiiow  not  by  what  entifments  is  become 
yours,  being  unworthy  the  name  of  a  Lord  and  a  Bifhop,  whofe  learning  n  very  little,  and 
hh  credit  by  this  adion  much  loft.T\\\\s  writeth  Dr.  B^rdingo^ ihe  Biihop  o(Landaffe 
about  the  Fifth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  at  which  time  he  was  living,  and  continu- 
ed Proteftant  Biftiop  of  Landaffe. 

A  Second  Objedtion  againft  the  truth  of  that  which  hath  been  faid  of  the  com- 
petent Number  of  our  Proteftant  Bifhops  to  make  a  Canonical  Ordination  ,  is  ari 
exception  againft  all  the  Seven  Bifhops  named  in  the  Letters  Patents,  that  they  were 
no  true  Bifhops ,  becaufe  all  of  them  were  ordained  in  a  time  of  Schifm:  and  two 
of  them  in  King  Edwards  time,  according  to  a  new  form  of  Ordination,  and 
confequently  they  could  not  ordain.     'Ihat  Ordination  which  was  injiituted  by  Ed- 
Brookf  ^'veh  ^vard  the  Sixth,  was  judged  invalid  by  the  Cathotick^  ,  and  fo  declared  by  publick^jndg- 
C^/fJp  <«f"»   ^f„,  ly^  6)ueen  Maries  Reign  ,  in  fo  much  as  leafes  made  by  King  Edwards  Bifhops, 
though  confirmed  by  Vean  and  Chapter  rvere  not  ejieemed  available  ,   becaufe  they  were 
not  (  fiiti)  the  fintence  )  confecrated,   nor  Bifliops. 

To  the  Fir[\  part  of  this  Objedion  ,  that  our  confecraters  were  ordained  thcm- 
fclvcs  by  Schifmaticks  or  in  a  time  of  Schifm,  I  Anfwer  Three  ways.  Firft  this  ar- 
gument is  a  meer  begging  of  the  Queftion.  The  cafe  in  brief  is  this.  If  thofe 
branches  of  Papall  power  which  we  caft  out  oi England  by  our  Lawes  at  the  Refor- 
mation, were  plaine  ufiurpation ,  then  our  Reformation  is  but  a  reinfranchifcmentof 
our  felves,and  the  Schifme lieth at  their doore, then  they  may  queftion  the  validity  of 
their  owne  Ordination  upon  this  ground  ,not  ours:  But  we-are  ready  to  maintain 
to  all  the  world  that  all  thofe  branches  of  Papall  power  ,  which  we  caft  out  by  our 
lawes  at  the  Reformation,  were  groiTe  ufurpations,  Firft  introduced  into  England  a- 

bove 


Discourse    V.  Bijhops  Vindicated.  .    ^ 

■■ — TT.'S 


bove  eleven  hundred  yeares  after  Chrift.     So  this  part  of  the  Objedion  concerneth 
them  not  us. 

Secondly,  thefe  Fathers  know  well  enough,  and  cannot  but  acknowledge  ,  that 
according  to  the  Prhiciples  of  the  Catholick  Church  and  their  own  practice,  the 
Ordination  not  onely  of  Schifmatlcks ,  but  of  Hereticks  if  it  have  no  Eirential  de- 
fedt  is  valid  ,  and  the  pcrfons  fo  Ordained  ought  not  to  be  Reordained  ,  but  onely 
reconciled.  Many  Orthodox  Chriftians  had  their  Holy  Orders  from  Heretical 
Arrians.  .  liCranmer  ^  and  Latimer  ,  and  BarJoxp  ,  and  Hodglqas ,  were  no  true  Bi- 
(hops  ,  besaufe  they  were  Ordained  in  a  time  of  Scbifm  ■■>  then  Gardhier  ,  and  Bsn- 
ijer  ,  and  "Tunjial ,  and  'Thwlehy  ,  &c.  Were  no  true  BiQiops  ,  for  they  were  Or- 
dained in  a  time  of  Schifm  likewife ;  then  Cardinal  Pole  ,  and  Bifliop  JFatfon  and 
Cbrijiophorjon  ,  and  all  the  reft  of  their  Bifhops  were  no  true  Bidiops  who  were  Or- 
dained by  theft.  So  to  put  out  one  of  our  eyes  ( like  the  envious  man  in  the  Fable) 
they  would  put  out  both  their  own. 

Thirdly  I  Anfwer  ,  that  it  was  not  we  who  made  a  difcrimination  between  our 
Bifhops  and  their  Bifhops ,  as  to  the  point  of  Ordination  ,  but  the  Marian  Billiops 
themfelves  ,  who  made  a  mutual  compacft  ,  one  and  all  ^  that  none  of  them  Oiould 
impofe  hands  upon  any  new  eledted  Bifliops  i  thinking  vainly  ,  there  conld  no  o- 
ther  confecraters   have  been  found  out  ,  and  that  by  this  means  they  fhould  both 
preferve  their  Bifhopricks  and  bring  the  Qiieen  to  their  bent :  but  they  found  thcm- 
felves  miferably  deceived.     Many  Bifhops  who  had  been  chafed  out  of  their  Bifho- 
pricks in  Qo^cen  Mariet  days,  did  now  return  from  exile ,  and  fupply  the  place  of 
Confecraters.     Then  conjiirationis  eos  penit/iit  ^  The  Bijhops  repejited  of  their  confpiracy. 
Mnlti  ad  indices  recttrmnt ,    8iC      Many  oftbem  ran  to  the  Judges  ,  cinfijjed  their  ob:ii-  s^and     I  ""^ 
vacy  ,  and  defired  leave  to  tak^  the  Oath  of  Supremacy.     Thus  VVriteth  Acrvorth  an  Au-  fag:  107.'    ' 
thor  of  good  account  in  thofe  days.     If  this  foolifh  confpiracy  had  not  been.     We 
had  had  no  difference  about  our  confecrations. 

To  the  fccond  part  of  this  objedion,  that  the  form  of  Ordaining  ufed  in  King 
Es/irj/'J/ days  ,  was  declared  invalid  in  Queen  Maries  days,  I  Anfwer  Firfl,  that 
we  have  no  reafon  to  regard  the  Judgement  of  their  Judges  in  Queen  Maries  days  , 
more  than  they  regard  the  Judgement  of  our  Judges  in  Queen  Elizabeths  days.  They 
who  made  no  fcruple  to  take  away  their  lives,  would  make  no  fcruple  to  take  away 
their  Holy  Orders. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer  that  which  the  Fathers  call  a  fentence  ,  was  no  fentence. 
The  word  h  .Vicitur  ^  it  is  faid  or  it  is  reported  ^  wi  decretumefl ,  it  is  decreed. 
Neither  were  Queen  Maries  Laws  proper  rules  ,  nor  Queen  Maries  Judges  at  com- 
mon Law  the  proper  Judges,  of  the  validity  of  an  Epifcopal  confecration ,  or 
what  are  the  Eflentials  of  Ordination  ,  according  to  the  inftitution  of  Chrilt.  They 
have  neither  Rules ,  nor  grounds  for  this  in  the  Common  Law. 

Thirdly ,  I  Anfwer  that  the  Queltion  in  Queen  Maries  days  was  not  about  the 
validity  or  invalidity  of  our  orders,  but  about  legality  or  illegality  of  them  ,  not 
■whether  they  were  conformable  to  the  inftitution  of  Chrift,  but  whether  fhey  were 
conformable  to  the  Laws  of  England. 

The  Laws  of  England  can  neither  make  a  valid  ordination  to  be  invalid  ,  nor  aij. 
invalid  ordination  to  be  valid  ,  becaufe  they  cannot  change  the  inftitution  of  Chrift. 
In  fum  ,  King  Edtvards  Bifhops  were  both  validly  ordained  according  to  the  in- 
ftitution of  Chrift,  and  legally  ordained  according  to  the  Laws  oi England.  But 
Queen  Mary  changed  the  Law  ,  thit  that  form  of  ordaining  which  had  been  allow- 
ed in  King  Edwards  days  fhould  not  be  allowed  in  her  days.  Notwithftanding 
Queen  Maries  Law  ,  they  continued  ftill  true  Bifhops  ,  by  the  inftitution  of  Chrift, 
but  they  were  not  for  that  time  legal  Bifhops  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  o(  England  ^ 
which  is  the  Judges  rule.  But  when  Qiiecn  Elizabeth  reftored  King  Edrvards  Law, 
then  they  were  not  onely  true  valid  Bifliops ,  but  legal  Bifhops  again. 

That  corollary  which  the  Fathers  add ,  info  mitcbas  leafes  made  by  King  Edwards 
■Hfliops  thouq}}  confirmed  by  the  Dean  and  Chapiter  were  not  ejleemed  available  ,  becaufe 
they  were  not  confecrated  or  Bifliops ^  that  is  in  the  eye  of  the  Ensjifh  Law  at  that  time, 
figniheth  nothing  at  all.  Leafes  concern  the  benefice  of  a  Bithop  ,  not  the  Office  of 
a  Bifhop.  A  Bifhop  who  is  legally  ordained ,  though  he  be  invalidly  ordained  , 

may 


444 


Confecration  ofProtcfiant  T  O  M  E 1. 


may  make  a  leafe  which  is  good  in  Law.    And  a  Eidiop  which  is  validly  ordained 
if  he  be  illegally  ordained,  may  make  a  leafe  which  is  void  in  Law. 

Concerning  Bifliop  Bomiers  Confcience  ,.that  he  loft  his  Bilhoprick  for  his  confci- 
ence ,  and  therefore  it  is  not  probable  that  he  would  mak^  himfelf  guilty  offo  much  fa- 
a-Hedge  as  to  declare  Khig  Edwards  form  of  Ordination  to  be  invalid  for  the  profit  of  neve 
Leafes  i  it  belongcth  not  to  me  to  judge  of  other  mens  confciences.     But  for  Bifliop 
D?  Schil""'tt   5„„„f^j  confcience  I  refer  him  to  the  Teftimony  of  one  of  his  friends,  Mc/70/iW  San- 
'  V  ^Rm'      ^^^^  5  ^^'l^o  fpeaking  of  Bifliop  Gardiner  ,  Bifhop  Bonner  ,  Bifliop  7unjiall ,  and  the 
"'"       Bifliops  of  iVorceficr  and  Chichejier,  concludeth  with  thefe  words.  Jimide  ergo  reftite- 
ritmpieri  Kegis prituatui  jfirituali ,  imo  fimpliciter  fnbfcrifferunt ,   &  in  omnes  c£terai 
innovatiiines ,  qux  non  videbantur  ipfis  continere  apertam  H^refim^  ne  Epifcopatus  &  ho~ 
mres  terderent^  vel  ultra,  vel  contra  confcientiatn  coaUi  confenferunt,  'therefore  they  refjled 
the  (piritual  Primacy  of  the  King  being  but  a  boy  faintly  ,  yea  they  fubfcribed  to  itfunply, 
andtheycoiifented  to  all  the  reii  of  the  innovations ^  which  did  not  feem  to  them  to  contain 
manifli  h£refie  ,  cither  of  their  own  accord ,  or  compelled  againji  confcience  ,  leaji  they 
fljould  hfe  their  Bipoprtckj  andhonours.     We  fee  they  had  no  great  reafon  to  brag  of 
Bifliop  Bomiers  Confcience  ,  who  fometimes  had  been  a  great  favorite  of  Cranmer 
and  CromireV.     He  got  his  Biflioprick  by  oppofing  the  Pope  ,   and  loft  his  Biflio- 
prick  by  oppofing  his  Prince.     But  if  rcordination  be  fuch  a  facriledge  ,  many  Ro- 
mamp  are  guilt^'  of  groffe  facriledge  ,  who  reordain  thofe  Profelytes  whom  they 
fcduce  from  us,  with  the  fame  Eflcntials  ,  matter  and  form ,  impofition  of  hands, 
and  thefe  words  Receive  the  Holy  Choji ;  wherewith  they  had  been  formerly  ordain- 
■^  ^d  by  us. 

Laftly  ,  I  anfwcr ,  (  and  this  Anfwer  alone  is  fufficient  to  determine  this  contro- 
verfie, )  that  King  Edward^s  Form  of  ordination  was  judged  valid  in  Queen  Maries 
dayes  ^'  all  Catholicks,  and  particularly  by  Cardinal  Ponk ,  then  Apoftolical  Le- 
gate in  England,  and  by  the  tlien  Pope  Paul  the  Fourth,  and  ty  all  the  Clergy  and 
Parliament  of  England.     The  cale  was  this. 

In  the  Act  for  repealing  all  Statutes  made  againft  the  See  of  Rome  ,  in.  the  firft 
an4  Tecond  years  of  P/'i/ip  and  Marj',  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in  Parlia- 
ment affembled  ,  reprefenting  the  whole  Body  of  the  Realm  of  England^  prefented 
their  common  requeft  to  the  King  and  Queen  ,  that  they  would  be  a  means  to  the 
Legate  to  obtain  fome  Settlements  by  authority  of  the  Pope's  Holinefs ,  for  Peace- 
fake,  in  fome  Articles,  whereof  this  is  one  v  7hat  Jnftitutions  of  Benefices,  and  other 
promotions  Ecclefia{iical ,  and  Difpenfations  ,  made  according  to  the  Form  of  the  AU  of 
Parliament ,  might  be  confirmed.     Inftitutions  could  not  be  confirmed  ,  except  ordi- 
nations were  confirmed  •,  for  the  greateft  part  of  the  Englip  Clergy  ,  had  received 
both  their  Benefices  and  their  Holy  orders,  after  the  cafting  out  of  the  Pope's  ufur- 
ped  authority  out  of  England,  and  both  Benefices  and  Holy  orders  are  comprehen- 
ded under  the  name   of  Ecdefiaftical  promotions.     This  will  appear  much  more 
clearly  by  the  very  words  of  the  Cardinal's  Difpenfation ,  Ac  omnes  ecckfiajiicof  fecu- 
lares  ,  feu  qucrumtU  ordinum  regulares  prfonof  ,  qn<e  aliquaf  impetrationes  ,  dijpenfatio- 
nes ,  concejfiones  ,  gratias  &  indulta  ,  iam  or  dines  quam  heneficia  Ecckfiajiica,  feu  alias 
ji>>rituales  maierias,  prjitenfa  authoritate  fupremitatis  Ecclef£  Anglicans,  licet  nulliter 
&  defjcio  ohtinuerint ,  &  ad  cor  reverfa  Ecclefia  unitati  refiitut£  fuerint ,  infuis  ordi' 
ttihuf  &  beneficiis  ^  per  nofipfos  feu  a  nobis  ad  id  deputatos  mifericorditer  recipiemus,  pro- 
tit  pm  mult«  recepx  fuerunt  ,  fecumcjue  fuper   his  opportune  in  Domino   dijpenfabimus  i 
And  we  rviV gracioufly  receive '(  01  cntctta'm)  by  our  felves ,  or  by  others   deputed  by  us 
to  that  purpnff ,  (  as  many  have  already  been  received)  in  their  Qrders  ,  and  in  their  Be- 
nefices, aVEcckfiafiical  perfnns  ,  as  well  Secutar  as  Regular  ,  of  whatfoever  Orders, which 
have  obtained  any  Suits ,  Vifpenfations ,   Grants  ,  Graces  and  Indulgences  ,  as  well  in 
their  Eccl(fiajUcal  Orders  ,  as  benefices  and  other  fpiritual  metiers  ,  by  the  pretended  au- 
thority of  the  Supremacy  of  the  Church  of  England  ,  though  ineffeHually  and  onely  de  fa- 
fto,Jo  they  be  penitent ,  and  be  returned  to  the  tmity   oj  the  Church.     And  we  will  in 
duefeafon  difpenfe  with  them  in  the  Lord  for  thefe  things. 

Here  we  lee  evidently  ,  that  upon  the  requeft  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
poral ,  and  Commons  ,  being  the  reprefcntative  Body  of  the  Church  ,  and  King- 
dom oi' England,  by  the  intercellion  of  the  King  and  Queen,  the  Pope's  Legate  did 

receive 


Discourse     V.  Eijhops  Vindicated. 


receive  all  p^rfons,   which  had  been  ordained  or  beneficed ,  either  in  the  time  of 
King  Henry ,  or  King  Edward,  in  their  refpecftive  orders  and  benefices ,  whi^h  thcv 
were  aduaily  ponTelTcd  of,  at  the  time  of  the  making  of  this  difpenfat'ion  or 


445 


con- 


hrmation,  without  any  exception  or  condition ,  but  onely  this,  that  they  were  re- 
turned fo  she  unity  of  the  Catholick  Church.     Neither  was  there  ever  any  one  of 
them  who  were  then  returned  ,  either  deprived  of  their  Benefices ,  or  compeUed  to 
be  rcordained.     From  whence  I  argue  thus,  either  King  H:nry  'the  Eigirh's  Bi- 
IhopsandPrierts,  and  like  wife  the  Biihops  and  Priefts  ordained  in  Kinc^  Edrvard 
the  Sixth's  time,  had  all  the  Effentials  of  Epifcopal  and  Prieftly  ordination    which 
were  required  by  the  Inftitution  of  Chrift  ,  and  then  they  ought  not  to  be  rcordai- 
ned ,  then  C  in  the  judgement  of  thefe  Fathers  themfelves  j  it  is  a  grievous  Sacri- 
ledge  to  reordain  them  :  or  they  wanted  fome  Effential  of  their  refpedive  ordina- 
tions ,  which  wa.s  required  by  the  Inftitution  of  Chrirt  ■■,  and  then  it  was  not  in  the 
power  of  all  the  Popes  and  Legates  that  ever  were  in  the  world  ,  to  confirm  their 
refpedive  orders  ,  or  difpenfe  with  them  to  execute  their  Fundions  in  the  Church. 
But  the  Legate  did  difpenfe  with  them  to  hold  their  orders,  and  exercife  their  fe-' 
veral  Fundtions  in  the  Church,  and  the  Pope  did  confirm  that  difpenfation.     This 
djDth  clearly  deftroy  all  the  pretenfions  of  the  Komamjis  againft  the  validity' of  our 
orders. 

It  may  perhaps  be  ob;  ded  ,  that  the  difpenlative  word  is  recipiemuf ,  rt>e  mU  re- 
ceive ,  not  we  do  receive.     I  anfwer ,  the  cafe  is  all  onev  If  it  were  unlawful  to  re- 
ceive them  in  the  prefent,  it  was  as  unlawf  il  to  receive  them  in  the  future.     All 
that  was  done  after ,  war  to  take  a  particular  abfolution  or  confirmation  from  the 
Pope  or  his  Legate  ,  which  many  of  the  Principal  Clergy  did  ,  but  not  all  •,  No  not 
all  the  Bifhops,  not  the  Bifhop  of  Laadaf^  as  Sanders  witneflethi    yet  he  enjoyed  ^^  ■^'^*^/w.  I- 
his  BiOioprick ,  fo  did  all  the  reft  of  the  Clergy,  who  never  had  any  particular  *''*"*°'"- 
confirmation.     It  is  not  material  at  all ,  whether  they  were  confirmed  by  a  eeneral 
or  by  a  fpecial  difpenfation ,  fo  they  were  confirmed  or  difpenfed  with  at  all     to 
hold  all  their  Benefices,&  to  exercife  their  refpedive  Fundions  in  the  Church  which 
ijo  man  can  deny. 

Secondly,  it  may  be  objeded  ,  that  it  is  faid  in  the  Difpenfation,  Licet  mlliter 
&■  defaCto  ohtiriHerint ,  Although  they  had  obtained  their  Benefices  and  Promotions  in- 
cfeUually,  and  onely  in  fa^ ,  without  Pvights ,  which  doth  intimate  ,  that  their  or- 
ders were  void  and  null ,  before  they  had  obtained  this  difpenfation,  I  anfwer 
That  he  ftiled  them  void  and  null ,  not  abfolutely  but  refpedively ,  qmad  exerciti- 
jim,  becaufe  by  the  Koman  Law  they  might  not  be  lawfully  exercifed  without  a  di- 
fpenfation •,  but  not  quoad  charaderem,  as  to  the  charader.  If  tiiey  had  wanted  any 
thing  neceflary  to  the  imprinting  of  the  charader  ,  or  any  thing  eflential  by  the 
Inftitution  of  Chrift ,  the  Pope's  difpenfation  and  confirmation  had  been  but  like  a 
Seal  put  to  a  blank  piece  of  Paper.  And  fo  the  Cardinals  difpenfation  in  general 
and  particularly  for  Benefices  and  Eccleliaftical  promotions  i  Difpenfations  and 
Graces  given  by  fuch  order  as  the  Laws  of  the  Realm  allowed  and  prefcribed  in 
King  Henry's  time  and  King  Edward's  time ,  was  then  and  there  ratified  by  Ad  of 
Parliament. 

Laftly  ,  that  this  difpenfation  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  Pope  ,  I  prove  ^ 

by  the  confeilion  of  Sanders  himfelf^  though  a  malicious  Enemy.  He  ( that  is  Car- 
dinal Pole  ,  in  a  publick  Inftrument  fet  forth  in  the  name  and  by  the  aiuhorl''  of  the 
Pope  )  confirmed  all  Bijhops  which  had  been  made  in  the  former  Schifm  ^fo  they  tvere  Ca- 
lif«lick.  in  their  judgement  ofKeligion^and  the  fix  new  Bijhoprick^  which  King  Henry  bad 
ere&ed  in  tlx  time  of  the  Schifm.  And  this  writing  being  affixed  to  the  Statute^  was  pub- 
lijhed  with  the  reji  of  the  Decrees  of  that  Parliiment ,  and  their  minds  were  pacified. 
All  which  things  were  ejiahliped  and  confirmed  afterwards  ^  by  the  Letter  ofPopePznl 
the  Fourth. 

We  have  feen ,  that  there  were  a  competent  number  of  Proteftant  Bifhops  beyond 
exception  to  make  a  Confecration  i  and  fo  the  neceflity,  which  is  their  onely  bafis  or  ^'  ^'>>if»*.  /• 
Foundation  of  xh^Nags-head  Con£zcxniov\.,  being  quite  taken  away,  this  prodigi-  *"''"J'°' 
ous  Fable  having  nothing  elfe  to  fupport  the  incredibilities  and  inco'n'fiftencies  of  it, 
doth  melt  away  of  it  felf  like  Winter-ice. 

The 


Confecration  of  Proteftant 


TOME  I. 


re,  r.n  The  Fi»th  Rcifon  is  drawn  frcmi  that  well-known  principk  in  Rhetorick,-  Cui 
Afif,h  Karon  ^  J';^  f;';;^,^^^^';'^;,';,^3gc  couM  fi,ch  a  Confecration,  as  the  Nags-head  Confecrati- 
on is  Drctendcd  to  have  been,  bring  to  the  Confecraters  ,  or  the  perfons  confecra- 
t  d  God  and  Nature  never  made  any  tiring  in  vam.  The  hair  of  the  Head,  the 
Is  upon  the  Fingers  ends ,  do  ferve  both  for  ornament  and  muniment.  The 
leafs  ddcnd the  blolToms,  the  bloffoms  produce  the  fruit,  which  is  Natures  end. 
In  Senfitives  ,  tlie  Spider  doth  m)t  weave  her  Webs,  nor  the  filly  Bee  make  her 
Cells  in  vain.'  But  efpecially  intelledtual  creatures  have  alwayes  fome  end  of  their 
^dions.  Now  confider,  what  good  fuch  a  Mock-confecration  could  do  the  per- 
lons  fo  confecrated  ?  Could  it  help  them  to  the  polTeflion  of  their  Bifhopricks  by 
the  Law  of  Ei(?«/J«^-''  Nothing  leis.  There  is  fuch  a  concatenation  of  our  E«g/i/& 
Cuftomes  and  Records ,  that  the  counterfeiting  of  any  one  can  do  no  good,  except 
they  could  counterfeit  them  all ,  which  is  impoflible. 

when  any  Bifliops  See  becometh  void,  there  ifTueth  a  Writ  out  of  the  Exchequer 
to  (eifc  the  Temporalties  into  the  King's  hand,  as  being  the  ancient  and  well-known 
Patron  of  the  Ewg/#  Cliurch  ,  leaving  the  Spiritualties  to  the  Archbifliop,  or  to  the 
Dean  and  Chapter,  according  to  the  cuftom  of  the  place.  Next ,  the  King  grant- 
ed his  Co)ige  d'  EJlire ,  or  his  Licence  to  chufe  a  Bilhop  ,  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  ■■, 
upon  the  receipt  of  this  Licence ,  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  within  a  certain  number 
of  dayes,  chufe  a  Biibop ,  and  certiric  their  Eleifiion  to  the  King ,  under  the  com- 
mon Seal  of  the  Chapter. 

Upon  the  return  of  this  Certificate ,  the  King  granteth  out  a  Commiffion  under 
the  Great  Seal  oi  England  to  the  Archbifliop  ,  or  in  the  vacancy  of  the  Archbiflio- 
prick,  tofo  many  Bifliops,  to  examine  the  Eledion  »  and  if  they  find  it  fairly 
made ,  to  confirm  it ,  and  after  Confirmation ,  to  proceed  to  the  Confecration  of 
the  pcrfon  eledbed  ,  according  to  the  Form  prefcribcd  by  the  Church  of  England. 
This  Commiilion  or  Mandate  mufl  pafs  both  through  the  Signet-office  and  Chan- 
cery,  and  be  attefted  by  the  Clerks  of  both  thofe  Offices,  and  figned  by  the  Lord 
Chancellor  and  Lord  Privy  Seal,  and  be  inrolled.  So  as  it  is  morally  impolfibJe  there 
(hould  be  any  forgery  in  it. 

Upon  the  Receipt  of  this  Mandate ,  the  Biflxops  who  are  authorifed  by  the  King, 
do  meet  firrt  at  Borves  Church  in  London  ,  where  with  the  alliltance  of  the  -Chief 
Ecdcfialtical  Judges  of  the  Realm ,  the  Dean  of  the  Arches,  the  Judges  of  the 
Prerogative  and  Audience,  with  their  Regifters  to  aduate  what  is  done,  they  do 
folemnly  in  Form  of  Law  confirm  the  Ele(ftion.  Which  being  done,  and  it  being 
late  before  it  be  done  ,  the  Commiilioners  and  Judges  were  and  are  fomerimes  in- 
vited to  the  Nags-head  to  a  Dinoer ,  as  being  very  near  Borpes  Church ,  and  in  thofe 
dayes  the  onely  place  of  note.  This  Meeting  led  Mr,  Neale  (  a  man  altogether  un- 
acquainted with  fuch  Forms,)  into  this  fools  Paradife i  Firlt  ,  to  fiafped,  and  upon 
fufpicion,  to  conclude ,  that  they  were  about  an  Ordination  there  j  and  Lafily ,  to 
broach  his  brainfick  conceits  in  corners  ,  and  finding  them  to  be  greedily  fwallow- 
ed  by  fuch  as  vviflied  them  true,  to  affert  his  own  drowfie  fufpicion  for  a  real  truth. 
But  the  mifchief  is ,  that  Dr.  Parker  who  was  to  be  confecrated  ,  was  not  prefent  in 
perfon ,  but  by  his  Proxy. 

After  the  Confirmation  is  done ,  commonly  about  three  or  four  dayes ,  (  but  as  it 
happeoed in  Archbifhop  Fark^r's  cafe  nine  dayes,)  the  Commiilioners  proceed  to  the 
Confecration  s  for  the  moft  part  out  of  their  refpedl  to  the  Archbifhop,  in  the  Chap- 
pel  at  Lambeth,  with  Sermon,  Sacrament  ,  and  all  folemnity  requifitei  according 
to  the  Form  prefcribed  by  the  Church  of  England ,  in  the  prefence  of  publick  No- 
taries or  fworn  Officers ,  who  reduce  every  thing  that  is  done  with  all  the  circum- 
fiances  into  Ads ,  and  enter  them  into  the  Regifter  of  the  See  of  Canterbury;  where 
they  are  carefully  kept  by  the  principal  Officer  in  a  publick  Office  ,  as  Records  , 
where  every  one  who  defireth  ,  may  view  them  from  time  to  time ,  and  have  a 
Copy  of  them  if  he  pleafc.  And  it  is  to  be  noted  ,  that  at  any  Confecration,efpc- 
cially  of  an  Archbifhop,  great  numbers  of  principal  Courtiers  and  Citizens  are  pre- 
fent i  fo  as  it  is  no  more  pollible  to  counterfeit  fuch  a  Coufccration,  than  to  walk 
invifible  upon  the  Exchange  at  Noon-day. 

After  the  Confecration  is  done  ,  the  perfon  confecrated  is  not  prefently  admitted 

to 


Discourse     V.  Bi^jops  Vindicated.  a^j 


to  his  Bilhoprick.  Firlt  the  Archbilliop  maketh  his  Certihcate  of  the  Confecration 
with  all  the  circumftances  of  it ,  under  his  Archiepifcopal  Seal  ;  thereupon  the  King 
taketh  the  new  Bifliops  Oath  of  Fealty  and  commands  that  he  be  put  into  the adtual 
pofTeffion  of  his  Biflwprick:  then  he  is  inthroned  ,  and  at  his  Inthronifation  his  or- 
dination is  publickly  read  :  Then  he  injoyeth  his  fpiritualities ;  then  iffueth  a  Writ 
out  of  the  Exchequer  to  the  Sheriffe ,  to  reltore  him  to  the  Temporalities  of  his 
Eilhoprick.  This  cuftom  is  fo  ancient ,  fo  certain,  fo  general ,  that  no  E^^/i/?;- 
man  can  fpeak  againll  it. 

Here  we  fee  evidently  how  all  things  do  purfue  one  another  ,  and  what  a  nccef- 
fary  and  EfTential  connexion  there  is  between  them.  So  as  the  Itealing  of  an  E- 
ledtion  ,  or  the  (kaling  of  a  confecration  ,  can  get  no  man  a  Biflioprick  ,  as  Mr, 
Neale  dreamed.  He  that  would  advantage  himielf  that  way,  muft  falfirie  all  the 
Records  both  Ecclelialtical  and  Civil.  He  murt  falfifie  the  Records  of  the  Chancery, 
of  the  Signet  Office  ,  of  the  Exchequer  ,  of  the  Regifteries  ,  of  the  BiOiop ,  of 
the  Dean  and  Chapter.  He  muft  counterfeit  the  Hands  and  Seals  of  the  King  ,  of 
the  Archbifliop ,  of  the  Lord  Chancellour ,  the  Lord  Privy  Seal ,  of  the  Clerks 
andPublick  Notaries,  which  is  not  imaginable'.  If  Mr.  Neal  ^  who  Firft  devifed 
this  drowfie  dream  (  or  feme  body  for  him  )  had  had  more  experience  of  our  En~ 
glijh  Laws  and  Cuftoms ,  he  would  have  fained  a  more  probable  tale,  or  have  held 
his  peace  for  ever. 

Anfwer  me  ,  they  who  are  calumniated  to  have  had  their  Confecration  at  the 
Nags-head ,  did  they  mean  to  conceal  it  and  have  it  kept  (ecret  >  then  what  good 
could  it  do  them  ?  Ve  mn  exiftemibiu  &  non  apparentibus  eadem  eft  ratio :  If  it  were 
concealed  ,  it  was  all  one  as  if  it  had  never  been.  Or  did  they  mean  to  have  it  pub- 
liflicd?  Such  an  Ordination  had  been  fo  far  from  helping  them  to  obtain  a  Bifhoprick, 
that  it  had  rendred  them  uncapable  of  a  Biflioprick  for  ever:  and  moreover  fubie- 
dted  both  the  confccrarers  and  the  confecrated  to  deprivation ,  and  degradation 
and  a  Fremmire  ,  or  forfeiture  of  their  Lands  ,  Goods  and  Liberties ,  and  all  that 
were  prefent  at  it  to  excommunication.  Rome  is  a  fit  place  wherein  to  publifh  fuch 
Ludlbrious  Fables  as  this  i  where  they  can  perfwade  the  people ,  that  the  Prote- 
ftants  are  llupid  creatures,  who  have  loft  their  Religion  ,  their  reafon,  and  fcarcely 
retain  their  human  Ihapes.  It  is  too  bold  an  attempt,  to  obtrude  fuch  counterfeit 
Wares  in  England. 


C  H  A  P.      V. 

the  Sixth  and  Seventh  reafoni ,  that  all  the  Kecords  of  England  are  diametrally  oppofite 
to  their  Relation  ,  and  do  eftahlifh  our  Relation. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  taking  irt  the  outworks  :  now  I  come  diredly  to  aflauk 
this  Caftle  in  the  air.  That  which  hath  been  faid  already  is  fufficient  to  per- 
fwade any  man  ,  who  is  not  brimfal  of  prejudice  and  partiality  :  the  other  Five 
reafbns  which  follow  next ,  have  power  to  compell  all  men ,  and  command  rheir 
affents. 

My  Sixth  reafon  is  taken  from  the  diametral  oppofition  which  is  between  this  fa- 
bulous relation  of  the  Nags-head  ordination  ,  and  all  the  Records  of  England^  both 
Eccleiiaftical  and  Civil.  Firft,  for  the  time.  The  Romamfls  fay ,  that  this  ordina- 
tion was  before  the  Ninth  of  September  Anno.  1559,  but  it  is  apparent  by  all  the 
Records  of  the  Chancery,  all  the  diftindt  Letters  Patents  or  Commiffions  of  their 
refpedive  Confirmations ,  and  Confecrations  ,  whereupon  they  were  confecrated 
did  iffue  out  long  after  ■-,  namely  ,  Archbiihop  Varlt^rs  Letters  Patents  (  which  were 
the  Firft  )  upon  the  Sixth  day  of  December  following.  Next  the  Commiiiions  for 
Grindal ,  Cox  d.nd  Sands,  then  (ov  BuVingham,  Jewel ,  zn&  Vavies.  Then  for  Bf«7 
tkim  and  Bar%y  :  and  in  the  Year  following  for  Horn ,  AVey ,  Scambhr ,  and  P//- 
Iqnton.  He  that  hath  a  mind  to  fee  the  copies  of  thefe  Commiffions,  may  find  them 
Recorded  Verbatim  both  in  the  Rolls  of  the  Archbifliops  Regifter,  and  in  the  Rolls  ^^'- ■'''"'•  »4« 
of  the  Chancery.     To  what  end  were  all  thefe  Letters  Patents ,  to  authorife  fo 

C  c  c  many 


44 


8  Confecratim  of  Frotejiant  TOMEl* 


— '  "many  Conhrmaticms  and  Confccrations  ,  if  the  Coniecrations  were  done  and  palt 

lone  before  /  No  mans  Election  can  be  confirmed  in  England ,  but  by  virtue  of  the 
Kings  Letters  Patents.  Therefore  the  Letters  Patents  muR  proceed  the  Conhrma- 
tion  and  Confccration  ,  not  follow  after  it  Three  Moneths,  or  Four  Moneths  ,  or 
Six  Moneths ,  and  in  ibme  of  them  above  a  year. 

And  as  by  the  Records  of  the  Chancery,  fo  their  relation  is  proved  to  be  a  Notori- 
ous Fable  ,  by  all  the  Ecclefialtical  Records  i  Firlt ,  of  their  feveral  and  diftind 
Confirmations  ,  whicli  purfued  their  Cemmillions  punctually  i  then  of  their  feve- 
ral and  diltind  coufecrations  which  purfued  their  confirmations  pundually.  He 
who  defireth  to  fee  thefe,  may  find  authentick  Records  of  them  all  ,  both  con- 
firmations and  confccrations  ,  in  the  Regifler  of  the  Archbifliop  of  Camerbtiry.  It 
is  not  the  forging  of  one  Record  that  would  ferve  the  turn:  either  all  thefe  Records 
mull  bt  forged  ,  or  the  Nags-head  Ordination  is  a  fillie  (enfelefs  Fable. 

LalHy,  after  the  Confecration  followeth  the  inftallment  or  intlironifation,  which 
is  to  be  found  in  the  Regifter  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  :  and  the  reftitution  of 
the  new  Bifhop  to  his  Temporalities  by  virtue  of  the  Kings  Writ ,  mentioning  the 
confirmation  and  oath  of  fealty  to  tlie  King ,  as  being  Temporal  things.  Obferve 
how  every  one  of  thefe  do  purfue  another.  Axchbifhop  Tark^rs  Commillion  iffued 
Vecember  the  Sixth  ,  his  confirmation  followed  December  the  Ninth  ,  his  confecra- 
tion December  the  Seventeenth  ,  his  inthronifation  forthwith  ,  and  the  rellitution  to 
his  Temporalities  the  Firft  of  March  enfuing  ,  that  is  ,  at  the  latter  end  of  the  very 
next  Term  :  but  by  their  Relation ,  the  Confecration  was  long  before  the  Eledion 
was  confirmed  ,  which  cannot  be  i  the  Letter  Patents  to  licenfe  the  confirmation 
and  Confecration ,  come  out  Three  moneths  after  the  Confecration  was  done , 
which  is  incredible.  As  for  the  confirmation  ,  Mr.  Neale  who  was  theiir  contri- 
ver ,  knew  not  what  it  was.  The  inftalment  followed  Three  moneths  after  the 
Confecration  ,  and  the  reftitution  to  the  Temporalities  Six  moneths  after  ■■,  which 
have  no  probability. 

Thus  for  the  time ,  next  for  the  place.  Their  lying  relation  faith  ,  the  f  ledled 
Bifhops  were  Confecrated  at  the  Nags-head  :  All  the  Ecclefiaftical  Records  fay  they 
were  confecrated  at  Lambeth.  The  Kings  Commiffion  injoyneth  a  Legal  Confecra- 
tion according  to  the  form  prefcribed  by  Law  :  fuch  a  Legal  Confecration  curs  at 
Lambeth  was »  fuch  a  Legal  Confecration  theirs  at  the  Nags-head  was  not ,  neither 
for  the  place ,  nor  for  the  rites,  nor  for  the  EfTcntials  of  Confecration.  And  with- 
out good  affurance  that  the  Confecration  was  legal ,  neither  the  perfon  Confecra- 
ted could  have  been  inthroned  ,  nor  made  his  Oath  of  Fidelity  to  the  King ,  nor 
have  been  reftored  to  his  Temporalities ,  but  he  was  inthroned  ,  and  did  his  fealty, 
and  was  refiored  to  his  Temporalities  ,  that  is  as  much  as  to  fay  ,  that  his  Confe- 
cration was  Legally  performed  at  Lambeth ,  not  illegally  at  the  Nags-head. 

Thirdly  ,  for  the  confecrater.  That  Fabulous  F>.elation  faineth  that  there  was 
but  one  Confecrater  ,  or  at  the  mof\  Two :  the  authentick  Records  of  the  Church 
oi  England  teltifie,  that  there  were  Four  Confecraters,  the  Letters  Patents, require  that 
there  fhouldbe  Four  Confecraters,  and  without  an  authentick  certificate  that  there 
were  four  Confecraters ,  the  Kings  Writ  or  reftitution  had  not  iffued. 

They  fain  that  they  impofed  hands  mutually ,  Scory  upon  them  ,  and  they  upon 

Scory,  but  the  Records  witnefs  that  Scory  was  folemnly  ordained  bifhop  in  King 

Edwards  time,  the  Thirteenth  day  oi'  Juguli  Anno.   1 551, by  the  Archbifhop  of 

Ktt>  Can.       Canterbury  ,   the  Bifhop   of  London  ,   and  the  Suffragan  Bifhop-of  Bedford  i  and 

/■«/.  J  j4-         needed  not  to  be  reordained  at  the  Nags-head. 

Laftly,  for  the  perfons  confecrated ,  fome  of  them  fain  that  all  the  Eleded  Bi- 
tnops ,  and  all  of  them  fay  that  many  of  them ,  were  Confecrated  together  at  one 
time  with  Archbifhop  Partner :  but  all  the  Records  both  Civil  and  Ecclefiaftical  do 
teflifie  the  contrary ,  that  they  had  feveral  Commiffions ,  feveral  confirmations , 
feveral  Confecrations  ,  upon  feveral  days ,  in  feveral  moneths  ,  infeveral  Years, 
feveral  Confecraters,  as  appeareth  moft  evidently  not  onely  by  the  authentick  Re- 
cords of  the  See  of  Canterbury^ ,  but  alfo  by  the  Records  of  the  Chancery,  and  par- 
ticularly by  the  feveral  CommilGons  directed  exprefly  to  Archbifhop  Parker,  as  a 
Bifhop  adtually  confecrated  ,  for  the  Confecration  cf  all  the  rell ,  the  Three  Firfl 

of 


Discourse     V.  Bijhops  Vwdicated.  . 

of  which  Commillioiis  or  Letters  Patents  ,  bear  date  the  Eighteenth  of  December 
An.  1559.  that  is  the  very  next  day  after  Archbi(hop  Parker's  confecrationi  for  the 
confirmation  and  confecration  oiGrindM^  Coxe ,  and  Sands  ^  three  of  thofc  elcdtcd 
Bifhops.  He  that  doubteth  of  the  truth  of  thcfe  Letters  Patents,  may  find  them 
recorded  verbatim  ,  both  in  the  Archbifhops  Regiftry,  and  in  the  Rolls.  If  they  were 
confirmed  and  confecrated  by  Archbifhop  Turk^r ,  then  they  were  not  confecrated 
together  with  Archbifliop  PurJ^fr,  as  in  that  lying  relation  is  affirmed  i  and  with 
this  their  fubfcquent  Inftalbments  and  Rclfitntions  do  exadly  agree.  Either  all  the 
Records  of  England  mull  befalfe  ,  or  this  filly  Fable  of  the  Nags-head  is  a  prodio^i- 
ous  forgery. 

Thus  we  have  fcen  ,  how  the  Records  of  England ,   Civil  and  Ecclefiartical  ,  do  The  feventh 
contradidt  this  Tale  of  a  Tub.     My  (eventh   reafon  fheweth  ,  how  the  fame  Re-  reafon. 
cords  do  confirm  and  efiablifh  our  relation.     We  fay  firft ,  ( that  the  See  ot'Canter- 
bury  being  void  by  the  Death  of  Cardinal  ?ok ,  (  who  died  ,  as  fome  fay  ,  the  ve- 
ry lame  day  with  Queen  A/jry ,  others  fay,    the  day  following,  )   the  Queen  grant- 
ed her  Conge  d'Ejlire  to  the  Dean  and  Chdi'piQt  o£ Canterbury  to  chufe  an  Archbilhop.  '^'^^ ''<^''^"* 
This  is  clearly  proved  by  the  authentick   Copy  of  the  Conge  d'  Ejlire  it  felf  in  the  '^^^  ^"' 
Rolls.     Regina  dtkdis  fibi  in  Chrijio  Vecano  &  Ca^itulo  Ecclefi£  Metro^olitiae  Cantua-  ^'"'    ^'**  ^* 
rienfis  fahftem^  &c.  *•  ^^'f' 

Examinatur 

Richard  broughton. 

.  Secondly  ,  we  fay  ,  that  the  Dean  and  Chapter  having  received  this  Licence,  did 
chufe  Dr.  Mattherv  Parker  for  their  Archbifliop.  This  is  apparent  by  the  Queens 
Commilfion  tor  his  confirmation  and  reftitution,  wherein  there  is  this  claufc;  And 
thefaid  Dean  and  Chapter  ,  by  virtue  of  our  Licence  ,  have  chofsn  our  beloved  in  Chriji 
Matthew  Parker  Profejfor  of  'theology ,  for  Archbipo^  and  Paftor  to  them  and  the  afore- 
faid  Churchy  M  by  their  Letters  Patents  direUed  to  m  thereupon,  it  appear  eth  more 

Thirdly,  the  Queen  accepting  this  Election,  was  gracioufly  pleated  to  ilTue  out 
two  Commiliions  tor  the  Legal  confirmation  of  the  faid  Eledlion,  and  confecratin» 
of  the  faid  Archbifhop.  The  former,  dated  the  Ninth  of  September  ,  Anno  1559. 
diredled  to  Six  Bifhops ,  Cuthbert  Bithop  of  Durham  ,  Gilbert  Bifhop  of  Bath ,  Da- 
vid Bifhop  of  Peterborough ,  Anthony  Bithop  of  Landaff,  William  Barlorv  Bifhop,  and 
John  Scory  Bifhop ,  in  thete  words. 

Elizabeth  Dei  gratia  ,  Angli:t,  &c.  KevcrendU  in  Chrifto  patribits  ,  Cuthberto  Fpi- 
fcopo  Dunelmenfi,  Gilberto  Eathonienfi  Epifcopo  ,  Davidi  Epifcopo  Burgi  Sandi  Pe-  ,,  \i^J'  ^ 
.  trl ,  Anthonio  Landavenli  Epi/copo,  Willielmo  Barlow  Epi/copo  ,  €>  Johanni  Scory 
Epifcopo  ,  falutem.     Cum  vacante  nuper  Sede  Archiepijcopali  Cantuarienli  ,  per  mortem 
iiaturalem  Domini  Reginaldi  Pole  Cardinal'^  ,  tdtimi  &  immedijti  Afchiepifcopi  &  Pa- 
jioris  ejufdem^  ad  humilem  petitionem  Decani  &  Capituli  Ecclefx  nojir£  Cathedrals  & 
Metropoliticx  Chrifti  Cantuarienfis,  eifdemper  Liters  noftras  Patentes  licentiam  concef[e- 
rimm ,  aliumfbi  elifrendi  in  Archiepifcopum  &  Paflorem  Sedis  pndiU^.     Ac  iidem  De- 
caniif  &  Capitulum  vigore  &  obtenttt  licenti£  no(ir£  prxdiCta ,   dileCtum  nobis  in  Chrijio 
Magiflrum  Matthxum  Parker ,  Sacrx  7beologi£  Profeprem,  fihi  &  Ecclifi£  pradiVtx  ele- 
geruntin  ArchiepiJcopum&  Pajhrem ,  prout  per  Literas  fuas   Patentes,  Sigillo   enrwn 
communi  fgillatas  ,  nobis  inde  direUas ,  plenim  liquet  &  apparet.     Nos  eleCfionem  illam 
acceptantes,   eidem  ekViioni  Kegium  nujlrum  affenfum  adhibuimtts  pariter  &  favorem,   & 
hoc  vobis  tenore  prxfentium  fignifcamuf.     Kogantes ,  ac  in  fide  &  diledione  qttibus  nobis 
ienemini  firmiter  pr£cipiendo  mandantes ,  quatcnm  eundem  Magiflrum  Matthxum  Par- 
ker, inArchiepifcopum  &  Pajiorem  Ecclefi£  Cathedrahs  &  MetropoIitic£,  ChrijH     Can- 
•tuarienfis  pr£diU£ ,  fie  ut    pr£fenur  eleUum ,  ek&ionemque  pr£di6tjm  confirmare ,  & 
ewtdem  Magijlrum  Matthseum ,  in  Archiepifcopum  &  Pa^orem  Eccltfi£  pr£di&£  confccra- 
re,  c£teraque  omnia  &  futgHla  peragere  ,  qu£  veftro  in  hac  parte  incumbant  Officio  Pajh- 
rali  ^  juxtaformam  Satutorum  in  ea  parte  edit )r urn  &    proviforum  ,  velitis  cum  effe&. 

C  c  c  2  Jit 


4^  o  Confecration  ofFrotcjiant TOMET. 

In  cum  rci  u{iimommt,&c  fejie  Regina  afnd  Kedgrave,   Now  ^/V  Scptembris  ,    Anm 
2vf£«;  Elizabethan  Anglix,  e^cpn*""- 

Ter  breve  de  frivaio  Sigillo 

Examiiiatwr 

RI:   B  ROUGH  TON. 

Now  if  any  man  delire  a  reafon  why  this  firft  Commilfion  was  not  executed,  the 
bcft  account  lean  give  him  is  this.  That  it  was  diredted  to  Six  Bifliops,  without 
an  [  aut  mimif^  or  at  the  kajifour  of  you:']  Co  as  if  any  one  of  the  Six  were  fick  ot 
abfent,  or  refufcd  ,  the  rcrt  could  not  proceed  to  confirm,  or  confecrate.  And  that 
fome  of  them  did  rcfufe ,  I  am  very  apt  to  believe  ,  becaufe  three  of  them  not  long 
after  were  deprived.  But  the  Reader  may  note  ,  Firft ,  that  there  were  three  Pro- 
teftant  Bifliops  in  that  Firft  Commillion.  They  who  were  fuch  punctual  obftrvers 
of  the  Law  of  England ,  that  they  would  not  proceed  to  confecrate  without  a 
Fourth  ,  in  the  vacancy  ofboththe  Archiepifcopal  Sees,  certainly  would  never  give 
way  to  a  private  profane  ordination  at  the  Nags-head,  by  one  fingle  Bifliop.  And 
fecondly  ,  that  for  all  their  pretended  intelligence,  our  Englijh-Komijh  Writers  are 
great  ftrangcrs  to  the  truepaflfagcs  of  thole  times  ,  knowing  nothing  but  what  they 
hear  at  Rome ,  or  Kbemes ,  or  Voway.  if  it  were  other  wile,  we  Ihould  have  heard 
of  this  Commilfion  Iboner. 

The  fecond  Letters  Patents  which  were  executed ,  were  dated  the  fixth  of  De- 
cember following,  directed  to  Anthony  Bifhop  oiLandaff^  iVilliam  Barloip  fometimes 
Biftiopof  E^//',  now  Eledl  B'lihop  oC  Chichejier  ,  John  5cor)»  fometimes  Bilhop  of 
Chichejier  ,  now  Eledt  Bifhop  o(  Hereford,  MUes  Cover  dale  fometimes  Bilhop  of  Ex- 
ceter ,  Richard  Suffragan  Bifliop  of  Bedford,  John  Suffragan  Biflwp  of  "thetford ,  and 
John  Bale  Bifnop  oiOjiory  in  Ireland ,  in  thefe  words. 

Regina,  &c.     Reverendis  in  Chrijio  Vatribiu,  Anthonio  Landavenfi  Epifcopo ,  Wil- 
lielmoBarlow  quondam  Bathonienfi  Epifcopo  ,  nunc  Ciceftrenfi  eledo  ,  Johanni  Scory 
quondam  Cv:e?ixcT\Ci  Efifcopo ,  jrio/c  f /f ^o  Herefbrdienfi ,  Miloni  Coverdale  quondam 
Exonienfi  Epifcopo  ,  Richardo  Bedfordenli  ,  Johanni  Thedfordenfi  ,  Epifcopis  Suf- 
fraganeis,  johanni 'Ba.h  OffoiknCi  Epifcopo  ,  falutem.     Cum  vacante  nuper  Sede  Ar- 
chiepifcopali  Cantuarienfi  ,  per  mortem  naturakm  Domini  Reginaldi  Pole  Cardinality  ul- 
iimi&  immediati  Archiepifcopi  &  Taftoris  ejufdem,  ad  humikm  petitionem  Decani  & 
Capituli  Ecckfi£  nojir<e  Cathedralis  &  Metrcpolitic£  Chrifti  Cantuarienfi?,  eifdem per  Li~ 
teras  noflras  Fatentes  hicentiam  concefierimui  aliumfihi  eligendi  in  Archiepijcopum  &  Pa- 
ftorem  Sedis  pr£did£\  Ac  iidem  Decanus  &  Capitulum  vigore  &  obtentu  Licemia  mftrx 
pr^diftx  ,  diledum  nobis  in  Chriflo  Magijlrum  Matthsum  Parker  ,  facr£  Iheologix  Tro- 
fe^orem ,  fihi  &  Ecclefi£  pr^diBa  elegerunt  in  Archiepifcopum  &  Fajiorem,  prout  per  Li- 
teras  fiias  Tatenfes  nobis  inde  direlias ,  plenim  liquet  &  apparet.     Nos  ekdionem  illam 
acceptantes  ,  eidem  eledioni  Regium  nqftrttm  ajfenfitm  adhibuimus  pariter  &  favorem,  & 
hoc  vohis  tenore  prxfentium  fgnifcamus.     Rogantes  ac  in  fide  &  dileCiione  quihus  Nobis 
teneniini  frmiter  prxcipiendo  mandantes ,  quatenus  vos  aut  minus  quatuor  vellrttm  ,  eun- 
dem  Matthacnm  Parker  in  Archiepifcopum  &  Paftorem  Ecclefa  Cathedralis  &  Metropo- 
litic£  Chrijii  Cantuarienfis  pr£did£  ficut  pr£fertur  eleUum,  ele&ionemque  pr£diUam  con- 
prmare  ,  &  cmidem  Magiftrum  Matthsum  Parker  in  Archiepifcopum  &  Tajhrem  Eccle- 
Ji£  pr£diti£  confecrare  ,  c£teraque  omnia  &  fingula  peragere  ,  qu£  vejlro  in  hac  parte  in- 
aimbant  Offcio  Tajiorali,  juxtaformam  Statutorum  in  ea  parte  editnrum  &  proviforum  , 
velitis  cum  effeBu.     Suppkntes  nihilominm  fuprrma  Authoritate  mfiraRegia,   ex  mere 
motu  &  certafciemia  no\\ris  ,  f  quid  aut  in  his  qu£  juxta  mandatum  nojhum  pr£diUum 
ptr  vos  pent,  autmvobis,   aut  veftrnm  aliquo  ,  conditione ,  fiatu  ,  facuttatevejiris,  ad 
pr£miJJaperfciendadtfitautdeeriteorum,  qu£  per  Statuta  hujus  Regni   nofiri ,  aut  per 
Leges  Ecchfijlticas  in  hac  parte  requirwuur,  aut  neceffaria  fitnt,  temporis  ratione  &  re- 
rum  necefitjte  id pojhilante.     In  cujusrei ,  &c.  Tefte  Regina  ,  apud  Weftmonallerium 
fexto  die  Dccembris  ,  Anm  Regni  Regina  Elizabeth:^  Anglic,  &c.  fecundo. 

Examinatur  RI:  BROUGHTON. 

Before 


Discourse  V.  Biflops  Vendicated.  a!^i 

Before  I  proceed  further  ,  to  prevent  cavils ,  I  muft  acquaint  the  Reader  ,  that 
the  Suffragan  Bifhop  of  Bedford  is  mifnamed  Kichard  in  the  Rolls  i  by  what  miftake 
or  errour  ,  after  fb  long  time  it  is  folly  to  inquire.  We  may  conjedure  how  it 
might  eafily  ,  and  moll  probably  did  come  to  pafi  :  but  to  fay  pofitively  how  it  did 
come  to  pafs  )  whether  it  was  the  errour  of  the  tranfcriber ,  or  the  miltake  of  him 
who  gave  the  inftrudions ,  or  it  was  no  fault  at  all ,  (he  might  have  two  names, 
as  many  had  ,  and  many  have  and  own  them  feverally  )  it  Is  not  pollible.  In  the 
Ecclefiartical  Regiftcr  ot  the  Church  ,  he  is  always  Uiled  by  his  right  name  John, 
throughout  all  the  Adts  of  conhrmatioo  and  Confecration  of  Archbifliop  Yark^. 
Once  his  name  had  been  written  Richard ,  but  it  was  correded,  and  my  friend  af- 
fureth  me  ,  that  it  is  the  onely  word  in  that  long  narration  which  is  expungeu  or 
iuterlined  i  fo  exad  is  that  Record.  This  is  certain  ,  his  right  name  was  John , 
as  it  is  in  the  Regifter.  To  this  the  Records  of  his  own  Confecration,  and  Twen- 
ty other  Records  do  bear  witnefs. 

But  as  to  the  validity  of  the  Ad  or  Ordination,  it  is  not  material  whether  his 
name  were  John  or  Richard  ,  or  both,  or  neither.  So  he  was  truly  ordained  him- 
felf)  and  did  truly  concur  in  ordaining,  it  is  no  matter  how  he  is  ftiled  in  the  com- 
mitfion,  or  in  the  Regifler.  Regal  commillions  are  noEfTentials  of  ordination.  Nota- 
rial Ads  arenoEiTentials  of  ordination.  The  mifnaming  of  the  Baptizer  in  aParifh 
Regifler  doth  not  make  void  the  Baptifm.  WhenPopes  do  Confecrate  themfelves,  fas 
they  do  fometimes,)  they  do  it  by  the  names  of  PW,  or  Alexander,  or  Vrhanm,  or 
Jnnocenuuf:)Kith.&k  are  not  the  names  which  are  impofed  upon  them  at  theirBaptifms 
or  at  their  confirmations ,  but  fuch  names  as  themfelves  have  been  pleafed  to  aflumei 
But  to  come  to  more  ferious  matter. 

There  are  two  differences  between  thefe  two  Commiffions.  The  Firrt  is  an  [_aut 
minus  ,  or  at  the  kajl  four  of  you, "]  which  claufe  is  prudently  infcrted  into  all  com- 
millions, where  many  Commiliioners  are  named  ,  leaft  the  fickneft,  orabfence, 
or  negled  of  any  one  or  more  ,  might  hinder  the  work.  The  queliion  is ,  why 
they  ate  limited  to  Four  ,  when  the  Canons  of  the  CathoHck  Church  require  but 
Three.  The  Anfwer  is  obvious  ,  becaufe  the  Statutes  of  England  do  require  Four, 
in  cafe  one  of  the  Confecraters  be  not  an  Archbifliop ,  or  deputed  by  one.  Three 
had  been  enough  to  make  a  valid  Ordination  ,  yea  to  make  a  Canonical  ordination; 
and  the  Queen  might  have  difpenled  with  her  own  Laws:  but  flie  would  have 
the  Archbifliop  to  be  ordained  both  according  to  the  Canons  of  the  Catholick  Church 
and  the  known  Laws  of  England. 

The  Second  difference  between  the  Two  commillions  is  this,  that  there  is  a  Sup- 
pkntes  in  the  latter  commillion ,  which  is  not  in  the  formci.  £  Supplying  by  our  So- 
vereign authority  all  defeds  either  in  the  Execution  ,  or  in  the  Executores  of  this  Commif- 
fwn  ,  or  any  of  them.  ]  The  Court  of  Kbme  in  fuch  like  inflruments  have  ordina- 
rily fuch  difpcnfative  claufes  ,  for  more  abandant  caution ,  whether  there  be  need 
of  them  or  not ,  to  relax  aHyentences ,  cenjures ,  and  penalties  infli&ed ,  either  by  the 
Lapp  or  by  the  Judge. 

But  ftillthe  queitionis,  to  what  end  Was  this  claufc  inferted  .?  I  Anfwer,  it  is. 
end  enough  ,  if  it  ferve  ( as  the  Court  of  Rome  ufeth  it ,  )  for  a  certain  falve  to 
help  any  latent  impediment ,  though  there  be  none.  Afuperfluous  claufe  doth  not 
vit^  ;te  a  writing.  Some  think  it  might  have  reference  to  Bifliop  Cnverdales  9pD^ 
tDOllcn  gotone  »  which  he  ufed  at  the  Confecration  toga  lanea  talari  utebatur.  That 
Wis  uncanonical  indeed  ,  and  needed  a  difpenfation  for  him  that  ufed  it,  not  for 
him  who  was  Confecrated.  But  this  was  fo  flender  a  defed  ,  and  fo  far  from  the 
heart  ,  or  Effence  of  Ordination  i  efpecially  where  the  Three  other  Confecraters  , 
(  which  is  the  Canonical  number  )  were  formally  and  regularly  habited  ,  that  it 
was  not  worth  an  intimation  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England.  This  Miles  Cover- 
dak  had  been  both  validly  and  Legally  ordained  Bifliop  ,  and  had  as  much  power 
to  ordain  as  the  BiOiop  of  Kowae  himfelt  If  he  had  been  Jlowj«-Catholick  in  his 
judgement ,  he  had  been  declared  by  Cardinal  Tool  as  good  a  Bilhop,  as  either 
Bonner  ,  or  Thirhby  ,  or  any  of  the  reft. 

Others  think ,  this  claufe  might  havd  relation  to  the  prefcnt  condition  of  Bifliop 
Barloiv  and  Bifliiop  Seory ,  who  were  not  yet  inthroned  into  their  new  Bifliopricks. 

It 


4";^ 


CWm^^^^^TgP^^^^^  T  O  M  E  I. 


— i — 7—7 — KTiTirTt  was  fo  it  was  a  great  miftake  in  the  Lawyers  who  drew  "p 

'I  ;"?omn^ilhon  The  Office'and  the  b1r.efice  of  a  Bifhop  are  two  dihindi  things ; 
rlinationisan  AdtoftheKcy  of  order,  and  a  Bi(hop  uninthroned,  may  ordain 
^  veil  as  a  Biflwp  inthroned.  The  ordination  of  Suffragan  Bifhops,  who  liad  nO 
^^  \,liar  Bilhopricks,  was  always  admitted  and  reputed  as  good  in  the  CathoUck 
^\^  rch  (  if  tlic  Sutfragan  had  Epifcopal  ordination  , )  as  the  ordination  of  the 
crcatell  Bilhops  in  the  World, 

But  lincc  tliis  claufe  doth  extend  it  felf  both  to  the  Confecration  and  the  Con- 
f-craters  I  am  confident  that  the  onely  ground  of  it  was  that  fame  exception,  or 
rather  cavil  which  Bifliop  Bonder  did  afterwards  make  againll  the  Legality  of  Bi- 
fliop  Hiiyiie''s  Confecration  i  which  is  all  that  either  Stapkton  or  any  of  our  Adver- 
farics  had  to  pretend  againft  the  Legality  of  the  Ordination  of  our  Firft  Proteftant 
Bifhops  i  that  they  were  not  ordained  according  to  the  prefcript  of  our  very  Statutes. 

I  have  fct  down  this  cafe  formerly  in  my  Replication  to  the  Bifliop  of  Chalcedon; 
but  to  avuid  wrangling,    I  will  put  it  down  in  the  very  words  of  the  Statute. 
Kini  Edward  the  Sixth  in  hit  time  by  authority  of  Parliament,  caufed  the  Book^of  Com- 
mon Prayer  and  Adminifiration  of  Sacraments  and  other  Kites   and  Ceremonies  in  the 
Church  of  England ,  to  be  made  and  fet  forth  ,  not  onely  for  one  Vniform  Order  of  Ser- 
vice    Common  Prayer  ,  and  Jdminiftration  oj  Sacraments  to  be  tfjed  reithin  this  Kealm  , 
Ittt  alfodid  add  and  put  to  the  j  aid  Boo^,  a  very  Godly  ,  Order  ,  manner  and  form,  how 
Jrchbijhops ,  Priefis,  Deacons  and  Minifters  ,  Jbouldfrom  time  to  time  he  confecrated, 
made ,  and  ordered,  within  this  Kealm.     Afterwards  it  followeth  ,  that  in  the  time  of 
®«ff«Mary,  the  feveral  Ads  and  Statutes  made  in  the  Second,  "Third,  Fourth  ,  Fifth, 
and  Sixth  years  of  King  Edward  ,  for  the  authorifing  and  allowing  of  the  faid  Boo]i^of 
Common  praier  and  othr  the  premises  ,  were  repealed.    Laftly  the  Statute  addeth,  thBt 
by  an  AU.  made  in  the  Firft  yeax  of  ^een  E\ha.heth,entituled  an  Ad  for  the  Vniformity 
of  Common  Prayer  and  Service  in  the  Church  ,  and  Adminifiration  of  Sacraments ,  the 
fud  Book^of  Common  Prayer  and  Adminifiration  of  Sacraments  ,  and  ether  the  faid  Or- 
ders ,  Kites  and  Ceremonies  before  mentioned ,  and  all  things  therein  contained ,  is  fully 
ftablijhed  and  authorijed  to  be  ufed  in  all  places  within  the  Kealm. 

This  is  the  very  cafe  related  by  the  Parliament.     Now  the  exception  of  Bifhop 
Bonner  ,  and  Stapkton ,    and  the  reft ,   was  this.     T^he  Book^of  Ordination  was  expre- 
fly  ellablifhed  by  name ,  by  Edward  the  Sixth  ,  and  that  Ad:  was  exprefly  repealed 
by  Queen  Mary :  but  the  book^of  Ordination  was  not  exprefly  reftored  by  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth ,  but  onely  in  General  terms  under  the  name  and  notion  of  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayers  and  Admiftration  of  Sacraments,  and  other  Orders,  Rites,  and 
Ceremonies.     Therefore  they  who  were  ordained  according  to  the  faid  form  of 
Ordination  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  E/iza^f///s  time,  were  not  Legally  ordained. 
And  thofc  Bifhops  which  had  been  ordained  according  to  that  form  in  King  Edwards 
time,  though  they  were  Legally  ordained  then,  yet  they  were  not  Legal  Bifhops 
now  ,  becaufe  Queen  Maries  Statute  was  ffill  in  force  ,<and  was  not  yet  repealed. 

Is  this  all  >  Take  courage  Reader  ,  here  is  nothing  that  toucheth  the  validity  of 
our  Ordination  ,  bnt  onely  the  Legality  of  it ,  which  is  eafily  fatisfied.     Firft  1  An- 
fwer  that  Queen  Maries  Statute  was  repealed  fufficiently,  even  as  to  the  book  of  Or- 
dination ;  as  appeareth  by  the  very  words  of  the  Statute  which  repealed  it.     And 
■  that  thejaid  book^,  with  the  Order  of  Service  ,  and  of  the  Adminifiration  of  Sacraments, 
Kites ,  and  Cm-monies ,  Jhall  be  after  the  feaji  of  St.  John  Baptift  next  in  full  force 
and  cffeU  ,  any  thing  in  Queen  Maries  Statute  of  repeal  to  the  contrary  in  any  wife  not' 
withftanding.     That  the  book  of  Ordination  was  a  part  of  this  book  ,  and  printed 
in  this  book  in  King  Edwards  days,  befides  the  exprefs  Teftimony  of  the  Statute  in 
the  Eighth  of  Queen  Elizabeth  we  have  the  authority  of  the  Canons  of  the  Church 
C*n.35'      ^^  England ,  which  call  it  fingularly  the  book^of  Common  Prayer ,  and  of  ordering  Bi- 
fhops ,  Priefis  and  Deacons.     It  is  our  form  of  Prayer  upon  that  occafion ,  as  much 
as  our  form  of  Baptizing,   or  Adminiftring  the  Holy  Eucharift,  or  our  form  of  con- 
firming ,  or  marying  ,  or  vifiting  the  fick. 

Secondly  ,  it  is  aifo  a  part  of  ourform  of  Adminiftration  of  the  Sacraments.  Wc 
deny  not  Ordination  to  be  a  Sacrament,  though  it  be  not  one  of  thofc  Two  Sacra- 
ments, which  are  generally  neceflary  to  falvation. 

Thirdly , 


Discourse     V.  Bi/hopf  Vindicated.  /c-^ 


Thirdly,  although  it  were  fuppofed  that  Ordination  were  no  Sacrament ,  nof 
the  book  of  Ordination  a  part  o("  the  book  of  Common  Prayer ;  yet  no  man  can 
deny  that  it  is  a  part  of  our  Ecclefiaftical  Rites  and  Ceremonies ,  and  under  that 
notion  fuflicicntly  authorifed. 
Laftly , 

EJKJ  efl^  Legem  inter  pretari  cuius  ell  condere. 

They  who  have  Legiflative  power  to  make  a  Law,  have  Legiflative  pow- 
er to  expound  a  Law.  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Parliament  made  the  Law,  Qiicen  of/ 
Elizabeth  and  Her  Parliament  expounded  the  Law,by  the  fame  authority  that  made  it  '  '  '''^'  '* 
declaring  that  under  the  book  ot  Common  Prayer,  the  form  of  ordination  was  com- 
prehended, and  ought  to  be  undcrftood.  And  fo  ended  the  grand  cavil  of  Bilhop 
Bonner  and  Dr.  Stapleton  and  the  reft,  of  the  illegality  of  our  ordinationj  (hewing  no- 
tiiing  but  this,how  apt  a  drowning  caufe  is  to  catch  hold  of  every  reed. 

That  the  Supflentes  or  this  difpenfative  claufe  had  Relation  to  this  cavil ,  (  which 
as  it  did  break  out  afterwards  into  an  open  Controverfie,  fo  it  was  then  whifpered 
in  corners  ,  )  is  very  evident  by  one  claufe  in  the  Statute:  tint  fonhe  avoiding  of  all 
qtielUons  and  ambiguities  that  might  be  ebje&ed  againji  the  Lawful  Confirmations  in- 
vefling^  and  Confecrations  of  any  Arekbijhops  ^  Bijhops  ^  8cc.  The  ^een  in  Her  Let- 
ters Fattents  had  not  onely  ufedfuch  words  as  had  heen  accujhmed  to  be  tifed  by  Kmcr 
Henry  and  King  Edward  ,  but  alfo  diverje  other  general  tvord ,  whereby  Her  Highnefs 
by  Her  Supreme  power  and  authority ,  hath  dijpenfed  with  all  caufes  and  doubts  of  any 
imperfedion  or  difability  that  could  be  objected.  The  end  of  this  claufe  and  that  Sta- 
tute was  the  fame  :  and  this  was  the  onely  Queftion  or  Ambiguity  which  was 
moved. 

Yet  although  the  cafe  was  fo  evident ,  and  was  fo  judged  by  the  Parliament 
that  the  form  of  Confecration  was  comprehended  under  the  name  and  notion  of 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  &c.     Yet  in  the  indidtment  againft  B'lfhop  Bonner 
I  do  commend  the  difcretion  of  our  Judges ,  and  much  more  the  moderation  of  the 
Parliament.     Criminal  Laws  fhould  be  written  with  a  beam  of  the  Sun ,  without 
all  ambiguity. 

Laftly  ,  before  1  leave  this  Third  confideration  ,  I  defire  the  Reader  to  obferve 
Three  things  with  me.  Firft  ,  that  this  difpenfative  neither  hath ,  nor  can  be  con- 
ftrued  to  have  any  reference  to  any  Confecration  that  was  already  part  ,  or  that  was 
afted  by  Biihop  Scory  alone  i  as  that  filly  Confecration  at  the  Nags-head  is  fuppo- 
fed to  have  been. 

Secondly  ,  that  this  difpenfative  claufe  doth  not  extend  at  all  to  the  inftitution 
of  Chrift ,  or  any  Eflential  of  ordination ,  nor  to  the  Canons  of  the  Univerfal 
Church  :  but  onely  to  the  Statutes  and  Ecclefiaftical  Laws  of  England.  Si  qtad  de- 
fit  aut  deerit  eorum  qu£  per  Statuta  hujus  Regni  mjiri  ,  aut  per  Leges  EcclefiaJiicM  re- 
quiruntur. 

Thirdly ,  that  the  Commiffioners  authorifed  by  thefe  Letters  Patents  to  confirm 
and  confecrate  Archbiftiop  Parker  ,  did  make  ufe  of  this  Suppkntes  or  difpenfative 
power  in  the  confirmation  of  the  Eledtion  ,  which  is  a  political  Adt ,  (  as  by  the 
•words  of  the  confirmation  in  the  next  paragraph  fliall  appear,  )  but  not  in  the  con- 
fecration, which  is  a  purely  Spiritual  Ad,  and  belongeth  meerly  to  the  Key  of 
order. 

Fourthly  we  fay  ,  that  by  virtue  of  thefe  Letters  Patents  of  December  the  Sixth, 
Four  of  the  Commillioners  therein  named  did  meet  in  Bowes  Church ,  upon  the 
Nintli  day  of  the  fame  moneth :  and  then  and  there  with  the  advile  of  the  chief  Ec- 
clefiaftical Lawyers  of  the  Kingdom ,  the  Dean  of  the  Arches ,  the  Judges  of  the 
prerogative  and  audience  ,  did  folemnly  confirm  the  Eleftion,  This  is  proved 
by  the  Records  of  the  Confirmation  or  Definitive  fentence  it  felf,  in  thefe 
words. 

In  Dei  nomine ,  Amen.  Nos  Wilelmus  quondam  Bathonienfis  &  Wellenfis  Epifco- 
pus  nunc  Ciceftrenfis  eleSlus ,  Johannes  Scory  quondam  Ciceftrcnfis  Epifcopus  nunc  ele- 
Ifue  Herefordenfis ,  Milo  Coverdale  quondam  Exonienfis  Epijcopus,  &  Johannes  Bed- 

/  ford  ,- 


4^4 


Confecration  of  Protefiant T  Q  M  E  f. 


(orAEptlcopus  Suffrjgaiieut,  medianlibits  Uteris  CortmifioHaHbus  Ilujiriftm^  llegina 
fid,,  Vefexjatncis  ,  &c.  Comm>irio>uw  mm  hac  claujuh,  viidiu-t  l^na  cum  Jo- 
hanne  Tlictfordcnfi  Suffraganeo ,  &  Johanne  Bale  OlTonenfi  Efi/co/^o,  ]  Et  euam  aim 
h  I  claufnla  f  ^uatetius  voi  ant  ad  mims  quatuor  vejirnm,  ~\  Nee  mn  &  hac  adjedione 
\"suppkntes nihilominuf.  Sec.  ]  jpecialiter  &  legitime  deputati ,  &c.  Jdcirco  nos  Com- 
„„ffiu„arii  KegH  antediUi  ,  de  &  cum  ajjetifii  Jurijperitorum  ,  cum  qttibus  in  hac  parte 
urnmiaiicaviims ,  prxdiViam  eleUionem  fuprema  authoritate  diCi£  I>omi>t£  ttofir*  Kegin£ 
nobis  in  hjc  parte  commijfa  confrmamus.  Supplentes  ex  fnprema  authoritate  Kegia  ,  ex 
niero  priitcipis  motu  ,  &  certafcientia  nobis  delegata,  quicquid  in  hac  eleSione  fuerit  de- 
feCxiini,  turn  in  his  qu^jnxta  mandatttm  nobis  creditum  a  nobis  factum  &  proceffum  eji. 
ant  ill  nobis  aut  aliquo  nojtrnm ,  conditione ,  (?«»«,  facultate,  ad  hdc  perficienda  deeji  aut 
decrtt.  Turn  etiam  eorum  qu*  per  Statuta  hujus  Kegni  Angliac,  aut  per  leges  Ecckfia- 
IliciK  i'l  hac  parte  requifnajunt  aut  necefiaria  ,  prout  temporis  ratio^  &  rerum  pr^feittium 
necelfitai  idpojiulant ,  per  banc  nojiram  fetitentiam  definitivam,  five  hoc  nojirum  finale  de- 
cretum.  Sec. 

I  cite  this  the  more  largely ,  that  our  Adverfaries  may  fee  what  ufe  was  made  of 
thcdifpcnfation,  which  they  cavil  fo  much  againft  ;  but  in  the  confecration,  which 
is  an  ad  of  the  Key  of  order,  they  made  no  u(e  at  all  of  it.  This  is  like  wife  clear- 
ly proved  by  the  Queens  Mandate  for  the  reftitution  of  Archbifliop  Farker  to  his 
Temporaltics  ,  wherein  there  is  this  claufe.  [_Cui  qnidem  eledioni  &■  perfona^  fie  ele- 
U£  'R.egium  a^enjum  noftrum  adhibuimw  &  favorem  ^  ipfiufq-,  fidelttatem  nobif  debitam 
pro  dido  Archiepifcopaturecepimiu.'] 

Fifthly  ,  we  fay  that  Eight  dayes  after  the  confirmation,  that  is  to  fay  ,  the  17. 
oi December ,  Anno  1559.  the  fame  Commilfioners  did  proceed  to  the  confecration 
of  Archbilhop  Farker  ^  in  the  Archiepifcopal  Chappel  at  Lambeth  ,  according  to  the 
Form  prescribed  by  the  Church  of  England ,  with  folemn  Prayers  and  Sermon,  and 
the  Holy  Eucharift  s  at  which,  great  numbers  of  grave  perfons  communicated  with 
him  at  that  time ,  \_frequens  graviffimorum  hominum  cxtm.  ~\  This  is  proved  evident- 
ly by  the  authentick  Records  of  the  Confecration  ,  as  they  arc  flill ,  and  alwayes 
have  been  to  be  feen  ,  in  the  publick  Regillry  of  the  Archiepifcopal  See  of  Canter- 
bury. 

Regifirum  Tieverendiftmi  in  Chrifto  Fatris  &  Domini ,  Vomini  Matthsi  Parker,^''*: . 
Ret. Park.'*  Jrnjcipio  SaceVum  tafetibm  adOrientem  adornabatur ^  folum  vera panno  rubra  injhrneba- 
^'^'  *'  tur    Sec.     And  fo  hrft  fetting  down ,  both  how  the  Chappel  was  adorned  for  the 

Confecration,  and  what  Habit  and  Garments  ,  as  well  the  Confecraters,  as  the 
perfon  who  was  to  be  confecrated  did  wear ,  both  at  the  Prayers  and  Sermon  ,  as 
likewife  at  the  Holy  Sacrament  and  Confecration ,  it  proceedeth  to  the  Confecrati- 
on it  felf.     Fifiito  tandem  Evangelio,  Herefordenfis  eUrius  ,  Bedfordcnfis  Sttfragane- 
us     &  Milo  Coverdale  Archiepifcopum  coram   Ciceftrenfi  ehcto  apud  menfam  in  Cathe- 
dra fedente  ,  hit  verbis  adduxerunt.     Kevtrende  in  Deo  Fater ,  hunc  virum  pium  pariter 
atque  dvUum  tibi  nfferimm  atque  pr<£fentamuf ,   ut  Archiepifcopus  confecretur.     Fojiquam 
h£c  dixiffent ,  proferebatur  iHico  Kegium  Diploma  five  Mandatum  pro  confecratione  Archi- 
epifcopi^  quo  per  Dominum  DcUorem  Yale    legum   DoSorem  perleUo  ^  Sacramentttm  de 
Tiegio  primatu ,  five  fuprema  ejus  authoritate  tuenda  ,  juxta  Statuta  primo  Anno  Kegni 
Serenijfim£'Regtn<enoftr£E\\Z3hahxedita&  promulgata,  ab  eodem  Archiepifcopn  exi- 
gebaiur.     gwo   cum  iJle  folenniter  taUis  corporaliter  facris  Evangeliis  ,  conceptis  ver- 
bis pr^jtit/JJet ,  Ciceftrenfis  eleUus  populum  ad  Orationem  hortatus,  ad  Letaniof  decantan- 
dM  Choro  ref^ondente  fe  accinxit.     ^ibus  finitis  ,  pofl  qu£\liones  aliquot   Archiepifcopa 
pf r  Ciceftrenfem  e/tfl«w  propofjfrff ,  &  pojl  orationes  &fuffragta  qu£dam  juxtj  jormam 
Ubri  authoritate  Farliamenti  editi  apud  Deum  habita ,    Ciceftrenfis ,  Herefordenfis  , 
Suffraganeus  Bedfordcnfis  ,  &  Milo  Coverdallus  ,   manibus  Archiepifcopo  impofnis  , 
dixerunt  ■■,  Accipe  Spiritum  SanOum  ,  &  excitare  memineris  gratiam  Dei  qu£  in  te  eji 
per  manuum  impofitionem.     Dedit  enim  nobis  Deus  Spiritum  non  timoris ,  fed  potefiatis  , 
charitatis,  &fohrietatis ,  &c. 

This  is  fo  evident,  that  our  Adverfaries  have  nothing  to  fay ,  but  to  cry  the  Re- 
cords are  forged.     Forgery  of  Records  is  a  grievous  crime ,  and  ought  to  be  ma- 

nifcftlv 


Discourse      V.  Bifjops  Vindicated.  ^hh 

nitdtly  proved  ,  or  the  accufer  to  luffer  for  his  calumny.  Let  them  tell  us  who 
Forged  them  ,  and  when  and  wlicre  they  were  Forged.  But  they  know  nothing 
ofir.  Did  any  of  the  fuccceding  Proto-Notaries  complain  that  they  were  Forged? 
<ir  fo  much  as  an  under-clerk  of  the  Office  ,  or  any  man  thathad  once  occafion  to 
view  them  ,  and  afterwards  found  fome  change  in  them? 

No  fuch  thing.  Exainin  all  the  Officers ,  and  Notaries ,  and  Clerks  living 
whether  ever  they  obferved  any  change  in  them  during  their  remembrance  i  and' 
they  will  all  anfwer.  No.  And  Co  would  all  their  predcceflburs  fince  Archbifliop 
Pjrjl^frj  time  have  anfwercd,  if  they  had  been  put  to  their  Oaths.  Who  are  they 
then  that  accule  them  of  Forgery  ?  they  are  the  Adverfaries  of  the  Church  of  E«^- 
iand^  who  never  read  one  word  of  them,  nor  know  much  what  belongeth  to  fuch 
Records:  but  they  wifh  if  they  be  not  Forged,  that  they  were  Forged.  What  would 
you  have  men  do>  If  they  could  anfwer  them  other  wife,  they  wouldibut  they  cannot 
and  therefore  they  cry  them  down  as  Forged. 

It  is  polliblc  to  forge  private  Ads  done  in  a  corner :  but  to  Forge  a  Confecration 
done  publickly  at  Lambeth  ,  in  Queen  Elizabeths  time  ,  and  to  Forge  it  fo  early  as 
this  was  publilhed  to  the  World  ,  is  incredible.  Surely  thefe  Fathers  do  not  know 
the  cuftoms  of  the  Church  ,  that  all  things  which  are  done  at  pnblick  Confecrati- 
ons  ,  areprefcntly  drawn  into  Adlsby  Principal  Notaries ,  and  kept  in  publLckRe- 
giltries  ,  and  the  cullody  of  them  committed  to  fworn  Officers.  And  this  pradtife 
was  not  begun  in  England  upon  this  occafion  ,  but  hath  been  obferved  throughout 
both  Provinces  for  time  immemorial.  I  fhould  not  waft  one  pcnful  of  ink  upon  an 
EngUJh  man  ,  who  either  doth  know  or  ought  to  know  what  credit  the  Law  of 
England  doth  give  to  thefe  Records ;  but  for  the  fatisfadion  of  ftrangers ,  who  are 
mifled  by  fuch  bold  calumnies,  I  will  take  leave  for  once  to  prove  that  which 
like  the  common  principles  of  Arts,  ought  to  be  taken  for  granted,  and  de  quo  nefw 
eli  diibitare.  Let  us  try  whether  they  can  fay  more  for  the  Vatican  Records  than 
we  can  fay  for  thefe. 

For  the  prefent ,  I  produce  Six  grounds  to  convince  all  thofe  who  gainfay  them* 
The  Firft  is  that  value  and  refpcd  which  the  Laws  of  the  Kingdom  do  give  them. 
.that  is  to  allow  them  to  be  authentick  proofs  i  efpecially  in  cafes  of  this  nature  con- 
cerning Spiritual  Adts  belonging  to  the  Key  of  order.  If  a  Clerk  have  loft  his 
Letters  of  orders ,  a  ccrtiricate  out  of  this  Regiftrie  ,  under  the  Seal  of  the  Arch- 
bifhop,  or  the  hand  of  the  I^otonotary  ,  is  an  authentick  proofi  Shall  Two  or 
Three  adverfaries ,  who  are  ftrangers  and  know  little  of  our  aifairs  ,  altogether 
unacquainted  with  our  Laws  and  Records,  dare  without  any  ground  to  defame 
that  for  Forged  ,  which  the  Laws  of  the  Kingdom  do  allow  for  authentick  .?  ei- 
ther thefe  Records  are  authentick  ,  or  Chriftendom  never  liad  an  authentick  Eecle- 
liaftical  Record.  The  very  Ads  of  our  Synods  or  convocations  aic  not  more  un- 
doubted ,  than  thefc  are. 

My  Second  proof  is  taken  from  the  credit  of  the  Publick  Notaries,  who  did  fe- 
fiirte  this  individual  confecration ,  and  draw  it  up  into  Ads.  The  Teftimony  of 
Two  Publick  Notaries ,  for  matter  of  fad  maketh  full  proof  over  all  Europe  :  but 
here  at  leaft  Four  Publick  Notaries  were  prefent  at  this  confecration  ,  and  teftified' 
the  truth  of  thefe  Ads  i  whereof  Two  of  them  were  the  principal  Publick  Nota- 
ries in  England^  that  is  ,  Anthony  Htife  protonotary  of  the  See  of  Canterbury  ,  and 
Thomas  Argal  Regifter  of  the  Prerogative  court,  affifted  in  aduating  this  confe- 
cration ,  by  "Thomas  Willet  and  John  Jucent  Publick  Notaries.  Who  can  make 
doubt  of  a  matter  of  fad  fo  attefted  ? 

But  it  is  farther  obfervable  that  thefe  Four  Publick  Notaries  were  the  fame  who 
did  draw  Cardinal  Voles  confecration  into  Ads ,  and  atteft  them.  Either  let  thefe 
Fathers  deny  that  Cardinal  ?ole  was  confecrated  ,  or  let  them  grant  that  Arch- 
bifliop  Varli^r  was  confecrated.  Aut  utrumque  negate  ,  aut  utrumque  concedite  There 
are  the  fame  proofs  for  the  one  and  for  the  other.  There  needeth  no  moxe  to  be 
done  to  fatisfie  any  man  that  hath  eyes  in  his  head  ,  but  to  compare  the  one  Regi- 
fter with  the  other. 

We  owe  a  third  ground  to  the  Queens  extraordinary  care  ,  who  was  fo  folitici- 
ous  leaft  fome  circumftance  in  the  Political  part  might  be  defedive  in  fome  funUilk 

Ddd  of 


Confecration  of  Protejiant 


TOME  1. 


-Zri^      by  rcalon  of  the  frequent  change  of  the  Statutes  in  the  Reigns  of  Her 

Father  Brother  SiAcr  and  Her  felf,  that  She  caufed  the  Letters  Patents  to  be 
carefully  perufed  by  Six  of  our  mod  eminent  Lawyers  ,  who  all  with  one  unani- 
mous confent  did  certirie,  that  the  commilhon  was  good  in  Law  ,  and  that  the 
confccraters  miglit  proceed  Legally  to  confecration  upon  it  i  which  certificate  fub- 
icribed  with  their  own  hands  is  preferved  in  tfie  Records.  S<J'  if  theft  Records 
be  Forged  ,  not  onely  the  Ads  of  the  Principal  Notaries  of  England  ,  but  alfo  the 
hands  of  the  Principal  Lawyers  of  England  muft  be  Forged  for  company  ,  which 
is  incredible. 

The  Fourth  ground  is  irrefragable  ,  taken  from  the  teftimony  and  authority  of 
the  Parliament  of  E«g/(««^ ,  in  the  Eighth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth^  that  was  a- 
bout  fix  years  after  this  confecration  was  aftcd  i  which fpeaking  of  the  great  care 
was  taken  in  and  about  the  Eledions ,  confirmations ,  and  Confecrations  of  Arch- 
bifhop  Tark^r ,  and  the  reft  of  thofe  Firft  Bifhops  in  Queen  Elizabeths  time  ,  for 
,  proof  thereof  referreth  us  to  thefe  very  Records,  (As  the  Records  of  Her  Majeflies 
8.  £/.  f»  f  .^  fathers  and  Brothers  time,  and  alfo  her  ovpn  time  rvill  more  plainly  telUfie  and  declare.) 
Doth  the  Parliament  refer  Subjedts  to  Records  which  are  Forged  >  You  fee  the  con- 
trary that:  it  mentioneth  them  as  authentick,  undoubted,  undeniable  proofs  of  what 
was  really  done. 

Tothisunanfwerable  rcafon,  thefe  Fathers  pretend  to  give  Two  Anfwers  .•  but 
they  are  fuch  as  are  able  to  fatisfie  any  man  ,  that  no  Anfwer  is  to  be  expedted. 
The  Firlt  Anfwer  is,  in  their  Printed  Book  pag.  i6,  that  the  word  Records  is  but  a 
General  'term.  As  if  truth  ought  not  to  be  regarded  in  generals  i  as  well  as  in 
particulars.  Yet  the  terms  whidi  are  added  to  Records,  thzt  is,  \_  of  Her  Fathers  ' 
time.  Her  Brothers  time  ,  and  Her  time  ~\  are  no  general  but  reftraining  terms. 

They  add  ,  that  it  is  a  word  of  courfe ,  which  men  do  rather  Juppofe  then  examine  , 
when  they  mention  things  that  have  been  pradifed  informer  times.  What  latitude  thefe 
Fathers  may  allow  their  conjitents  in  cafe  Theology  for  words  of  courfe,  I  do  not  now 
examin  i  but  what  have  words  of  courfe  to  do  in  a  Printed  Law  >  They  might 
as  well  tell  the  Parliament  in  plain  terms ,  that  they  lyed  ,  or  that  they  fpake  they 
knew  not ,  or  regarded  not  what ;  as  tell  them  that  there  words  were  bnt  words  of 
courfe.  If  thefe  words  of  courfe  were  not  true  ,  why  did  not  they  confute  them 
then ,  when  all  things  were  frefh  in  mens  memories  ?  No  man  can  believe  that 
they  did  forbear  out  of  afFedtion  to  the  Parliament ,  but  becaufe  they  could  not 
then  oppofe  Co  evident  truth. 

Yet  they  conclude  it  to  be  evident,  that  there  were  no  fuch  Records  of  Parkers  Con- 
fecration.    This  is  more  than  words  of  courfe  ,  to  charge  the  Parliament  diredlly 
with  an  untruth.     But  how  is  it  evident  that  there  were  no  fuch  Records?  becaufe 
they  were  never  produced  to  thofe  Romzn-Catholick^'DoCiors  ,  who  defred  to  fee  feme  evi- 
dence of  Parkers  Confecration.     This  is  wonderful ,  they  were  cited  in  Print ,  they 
were  alledged  by  the  Parliament  in  the  Publick  Laws  of  the  Kingdom,  of  which 
no  man  can  plead  ignorance  i   and  yet  they  tell  us  they   were  never  produced.  But 
to  fatisfie  their  very  pretenfions.     Their  exceptions  in  thofe  days  were  of  another 
nature,  either  againft  our  Englijh  Ordinal ,  or  againft  the  Legality  of  our  Bifliopsi, 
which  later  exception  hath  been  anfwered  already ,  and  the  former  fhall  be  Anfwer- 
ed  in  due  place.     The  reafon  why  Bifhop  Jewel,  and  Bifhop  Horn,  and  others  did 
not  cite  thefe   Records  more  exprefly  ,  was  no  dread  at  all  leaft  they  fhould  be 
found  to  be  counterfeit,  but  becaufe  they  had  no  need  to  cite  them,  to  anfwer  any 
thing  that  was  objedted  againft  them.  Either  the  Rowii«-Catholick  Writers  of  thofe 
days  were  falfe  to  their  own  intereft ,  to  fmoother  a  thing  which  (ifit  had  been 
true)  had  been  fo  much  to  their  advantages  which  no  rational  man  can  imagin  : 
Or  the  Nags-head  Ordination  was  altogether  unknown  and  unheard  of  in  thofe 
days-,  which  is  mofl  certain. 

But  now  the  Fathers  change  their  note  ,  could  they  not  be  Forged  as  well  in  ^ueen 
Elizabeths  time  as  in  King  James  his  Reign .?  This  isto  blow  hot  and  cold  with  the 
fame  breath.  Before  they  demanded  ,  how  it  was  pojjible  they  fhould  be  extant  then 
and  not  produced?  Now  they  tell  us  ,  they  might  be  extant  then  ,  and  yet  Forged  : 
Nay,  fuch  a  dexterity  they  have  in  turning  all  which  they  touch  into  Gold  ,  that 

they 


I  — — ^— — 11— ■      ■  t 

Discourse  V^ Bi/hops  Vendicated. 

they  were  forged.     Therefore  they  were  not  produced ,  bqcaufe  in  ^em  Eliza- 
beth'/ time  many  were  livings  tvho  would  have  p-oved  them  to  be  forged. 

Obferve  hrft  ,  what  honour  and  refpedl  our  Countreymen  do  bear  to  our  Princes 
and  Parliaments  united.     Before  they  did  as  good  as  give  them  the  Lye  ,  and  now 
they  make  them  at  the  leart  AccefTaries  to  Forgery,  fo  far  as  to  avouch  and  jullify 
forged  Records.     Secondly  obferve  ,  with  what  confidence  and  confcience  tliey  fay 
that  thefe  Records  were  never  produced  •,  and  yet  confefs  that  they   were  cited  in 
Print  ,  and  alledged  in  our  very  Statutes*     If  Bifliop  JeweU  and  Bifliop  Hmte  had 
cited  them,  (  as  they  would  have  cited  them  if  they  had  had  occafion,;  they  could 
have  done  no  more  than  was  done.     Did  any  man  upon  this  publication ,  go  about 
to  convince  them  of  forgery  ?  No  I  warrant  you,  the  cafe  was  too  plain  to  be  con- 
vinced.    The  Parliament ,  and  the  Book  of  the  Lives  ot  the  Seventy  ArchbiOiops 
of  Canterbury ,  Printed  by  John  Vay ,  Anno  1572.  have  fpoiled  the  Fathers  Argu- 
ments ,  Q  7hey  were  not  produced,   therefore  they  were  forged^~\  and  furniflied  us  with 
a  demonllrative  proof  of  the  contrary.     They  were  produced  and  cited  in  Priot 
and  neither  convinced  ,  nor  fo  much  as  acculed  of  forgery  ■■>  therefore  they  were  not 
forged.  ^ 

It  feemeth  this  Anfwer  did  not  fatisfy  the  Fathers  themfelves ;  and  therefore  the 
one  of  them  hath  added  a  fecond  Anfwer  in  the  Margin  ,  with  his  Pen  in  thefe 
words  ;  the  AU  of  Parliament  relates  onely  to  the  Records  of  the  Queens  Letters  Fa- 
tents  ,  and  not  to  the  Records  of  the  Bifhops  conjecration  or  ordination.  They  fay  that 
Glofs  is  accurfed  ,  which  corrupteth  and  contradideth  the  Text ,  as  this  Glofs 
doth  egregioully.  The  Statute  fpeaketh  exprefly ,  of  the  Records  of  Etedions,  and 
Confirmations ,  and  Confecrations  ,  which  are  all  of  them  Ecckfiaftical  Ads ,  and 
none  of  them  recorded  in  the  Rolls  of  Chancery  ,  or  any  other  civil  Court  of  Re- 
cords, but  onely  in  the  Ecdefiaftical  Regifters  of  the  Archbifliops ,  Deans  and  Cha- 
pters refpedively.     This  Anfwer  is  a  groundlefi  evafion. 

My  Fifth  ground ,  to  prove  that  thefe  Records  were  not  forged  ,  is  taken  from 
that  Book  of  the  Lives  of  the  Seventy  fucceeding  Archbifliops  of  Cantefbury,  Print- 
ed in  London  in  the  year  1572.  wherein  the  Authour ,  (  that  was  Archbifliop  Par- 
ker himfelf ,  }  having  defcribcd  the  confirmations  and  confecrations  of  Bifliop  Grin- 
dall,  E\(hop  Sands,  Bifliop  Jewell,  Bifliop jHorne ,  and  all  the  refl  of  thofe  Firft 
Proteftant  Bifliops ,  he  addeth  in  the  Margin,  H*  confirmationes  &  confecrationes  in 
Regijlris  apparent  j  "thefe  confirmations  and  confecrations  do  appear  in  the  Regijlers. 
Then  the  Regifters  were  then  extant ,  and  not  onely  extant ,  but  publickly  Print- 
ed ,  whileft  all  things  werefrefti  in  mens  memories ,  yet  no  man  did  or  durit  ex- 
cept againft  the  truth  of  them  j  fo  free  they  were,  not  onely  from  corruption  ,  but 
from  fufpicion. 

The  fixth  and  lafl;  ground  ,  to  prove  that  the  Records  were  not  forged ,  is  taken 
from  the  agreement  and  concurrence  of  our  civil  Records  f  which  no  mm  ever 
doubted  of  J  with  our  Ecclefiaftical  Regifters.  We  have  (een  the  Queens  Letters 
Patents  ,  direded  to  Seven  other  Bifliops  ,  for  the  confirmation  and  confecration  of 
Archbifliop  Par%r,  dated  the  fixth  of  Pfcemtfr,  Anno  155P.  Therefore  upon  the 
fixth  oi^ December  155P.  he  was  neither  confirmed  nor  conlccrated.  We  have  leen 
the  Ecclefiaftical  Records ,  how  by  virtue  of  thofe  very  Letters  Patents ,  he  was 
confirmed  upon  the  ninth  day  ,  and  confecrated  upon  the  (eventeenth  day  of  the 
fame  Moneth.  We  find  Three  other  Letters  Patents ,  direded  to  Arclibiihop  Par- 
ker himfelf,  as  a  confecrated  BiHiop,  for  the  confirmation  and  confecration  of  other 
Bifliops  i  namely  ,  Richard  Coxe  ,  Edmund  Grittdall,  and  Edwin  Sandes  ,  dated  the 
Eighteenth  of  December  ,  that  is  the  very  next  day  after  Iiis  confecration  :  therefore 
he  was  then  confecrated.  And  this  agreeth  exadly  with  the  Ecclefiaftical  Regi- 
fter. 

Elizabetha  Dfi^M/ij,  Anglix,  &c.  ReverendiJJimo  in  Chrijlo  Patri ,  &  Domino 
M^Ltthxo  Archiepifcopo  Cantuarienfi,  totius  Anglic  Frimati  &  Metrnpolitano ,  &c. 
Salutem.  Rogantes ,  ac  in  fide  &  dikUione  quibus  nobis  tenemini  firmiter  prdcipiendo 
mandantes  ,  quatenus  enndem  Magiftrum  Edmundum  Grindall,  in  Ef'ifcopnm  Pajiorem 
Ecckfi*  Cathedralis  Divt  Pauli  London.  pddiU*  ,  fic  ut  pr£fertur  ele&um,  ekCuonem- 

D  d  d  2  que 


4-7 


-Tg TmfecratioH  of?roteJiant  T  O  M  EI 

Que  prtdiUam  conjimare ,  &  ewtdem  Magiftrum  Edmundum  Grindall ,  in  Epifcopim. 
^  Tajhrem  Ecclefu  prsdiCl^  confecrare,  cdteraq^omnia  &  ftnguh  peragere,  qnd  vejho 
in  hac  parte  incumbunt  Officio  Fajiorali ,  &c.  Jefte  Kegina  ,  apud  Weftmonafterium 
dedmoMavodieDtccmbxi,  ^»w  Hfgi««  Elizabeths  ,  AngUs  ,  Scc.fecundo. 


Th€  Eighth 
reafon. 


Examinatur  per 
RI:   BROllGHTON. 

ConfmiHahrevia,  (  eifdem  forma  &  verbis  ,  mutatU  folummodo  mutandis)  direUa 
futtt  eidem  Matthxo  Archiepifcopo  Cantuarienfi ,  pro  confrmatione  ekSiionif ,  &  confe- 
cratme  Richardi  Coxe  ,  facr*  'Iheologi*  Frofefior'n  in  Epifcopum  Elienfem  ;  &  Edwi- 
ri  Sands  ,  facrd  'Theologit  ProfeJJbrit  in  Epifcopum  Wigornenfem,  omnia  fub  data  prxdi- 
Cio    &  in  kotulo  fupradiUo. 

«  Examinatur  pet 

•  RI:BROUGHTON. 

There  cannot  be  a  clearer  proof  in  the  world ,  to  prove  that  Archbifhop  Farker 
was  neither  confirmed  nor  confecrated  upon  the  Sixth  o(T>eeember ,  Anno  155^. 
and  that  he  was  both  confirmed  and  confecrated  ,  and  commanded  to  confecrate 
others,  upon  the  Eighteenth  of  the  fame  Moneth.  Neither  doth  the  King ,  or 
Church,  or  Laws  of  England,take  notice  of  any  man  as  a  true  Archbifhop  or  Bi(hop, 
until  hands  be  impofcd  upon  him,  but  alwayes  with  this  addition  \_  EJeU']  as  in 
the  Book  of  Ordination  i  Ego  I,  N.  EccUfi*  atque  SedU  N.  eledus  Epifcopus  profite- 
er :  and  in  the  Litany  -,  Ti?  rogamus ,  ut  huic  Fratri  nojiro  ekRo  Epifcopo ,  bemdihionem 
&  gratiam  tuam  largiri  digner'vs-, 

Laftly,  by  the  Laws  of  England^  a  Bifhop  cannot  be  admitted  to  do  his  Ho- 
mage, or  fwear  fealty  for  his  Bifhoprick,  nor  be  reftored  to  his  Temporalties  ,  un- 
til he  be  legally  confecrated  :  but  it  is  apparent  by  the  Queens  Letters  Patents ,  da- 
ted the  one  and  twentieth  day  of  March  following  ,  (  that  was  at  the  end  oi Hillary 
Tearm  ,  as  fpeedily  as  could  be  )  he  had  done  his  Homage  ,  and  was  then  refto- 
red to  his  Temporalties  -,  which  proveth  clearly  ,  that  he  was  legally  confecrated  , 
that  is  to  fay,  according  to  the  Regifter.  Such  a  perpetual  agreement  there  is,  be- 
tween our  Ecclcflaftical  Records  ,  and  our  civil  Records. 


CHAP.     V  L 

Ihe  Eighth ,  Kmth  ,  and  'tenth  Reafons  againft  that  Fabahus  Relation ,  from  the  Au- 
thority of  our  Statute  ,  the  Boolt^of  the  Lives  of  the  Archbijhops  of  Canterbury,  and 
all  forts  of  TPitneffes. 

THe  Eighth  reafon  to  prove  the  Nags-head  Ordination  to  be  a  Fable ,  is  taken 
from  the  Authority  of  the  Statute  in  the  Eighth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth  , 
which  is  thus  entituled.  An  AH  declaring  the  manner  of  mailing  and  confecrating  of  the 
Archbijhops  and  Bijhops  if  this  Realm  ,  to  be  good ,  lawful ,  andperfeQ.  [_  An  A£f  de- 
claring ^  not  enafting  or  making  i  \_  the  manner  of  making  and  confecrating  the  Arch- 
bijhops and  Bijhops  of  this  Realm  3  that  is  ,  thofe  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beths \\mt^  as  appeareth  by  the  whole  body  of  the  Afti  \_tohegocd^  lawful^  and 
ferfeCl,']  The  Title  of  the  Statute  alone  is  fufficient  to  confute  this  Fable-,  but  there 
is  much  more  in  the  body  of  the  Statute  >  as  where  it  approveth  the  makjng  and  con- 
fecrating of  the  fame  Archbijhops  and  Bijhops  to  he  duely  and  orderly  done  ,  according  to 
ihe  Lares  of  this  Realm.  If  it  was  done  duely  and  orderly  according  to  the  Laws 
of  this  Realm  ,  then  it  was  not  done  at  the  Nags-head,  nor  after  fuch  a  filly  ridicu- 
lous manner  ,  as  thefe  Pathers  do  relate  it.  That  form  diifereth  frorT>our  form  in 
all  things.     In  the  confecrater  ,  or  Minifter  of  the  confecration  .•  We  muft  have 

Tiircc 


Discourse    V.  Bi/hops  Vindicated. 

—^—z J-59 

Three  Bifhops  at  the  leaft  ,  there  was  but  one.  In  the  matter  :  our  matter  is  im- 
polition  of  hands,  their  matter  was  the  laying  the  Bible  upon  the  head  or  (houlders 
of  the  perfon  confecratcd.  In  the  form :  our  form  is  receive  the  tioly  Ghoji  &c. 
Their  form  was  ,  Ti^e  thou  Authority  to  Preach  the  word  of  God  fmcerely. 

The  Statute  proceedcth  ,  that  they  were  Eleded ,  made  and  mifecrated  Archbijhnps 
and  Eipopi  ,  according  to  fiich  Order  and  Form  ,  and  withfucb  Ceremonies  in  and  about 
their  Conjecrations  ^  as  were  allowed  and  fet  forth  by  the  [aid  J&s,  Statutes ,  and  Orders 
annexed  to  thefaid  book^  of  Common  Frayer  before  mentioned.     This  is  plain  enough.   If 
the  Parliament  fay  truly  ,  then  they  were  confecrated  in  a  Church,  not  in  a  Tavern 
not  according  to  the  Brainlick  whimfies  ,  of  a  felf  conceited  Fool,  or  rather  the 
ludibrious  devife  of  an  arch-enemy,  but  according  to  the  form  prefcribed  by  the 
Church  and  Kingdom.     The  Parliament  had  more  reafon  to  know  the  truth  then 
thefe  Fathers ,  for  there  were  perfonally  prefent ,  both  the  perfons  who  did  confe- 
crate,  and  the  perfons  who  were  confecrated,  and  many  Lords  and  Gentlemen  who 
were  eye-witnefles  of  the  Confecration.     Chufe  Reader  ,  whether  thou  wilt  truft 
the  tale  of  a  fingle,  obfcure ,  malicious  fpie,  tatling  in  a  corner :  or  the  afleverati- 
on  of  the  Parliament  of  England,  in  the  face  of  the  Sun  ,  publiflied  to  the  World 
in  Print. 

The  Parliament  teftifieth  further ,  that  it  is  and  may  be  very  evident  and  appa- 
rent ,  that  no  caufe  of  Scruple  ambiguity  or  doubt  can  or  tnay  jiijily  be  obje&cd ,  aaainji 
the  faid  EleSions ,  Confirmations   or  Confecrations.     Do  they  think  the  Parliament  ' 

would  have  given  fuch  a  Teftimony  for  the  Nags-head  Confecrations.  And  fo  they 
conclude,  thzt  all  perfons  which  had  been  or  Jhould  be  ordered  or  confecrated ,  after  the 
form  and  Order  prefcribed  in  the  faid  Fnglijh  Ordinal ,  were  in  very  deed  ,  and  by  au- 
thority of  Parliament  were  declared  and  enacted  to  be  rightly  Ordered  and  Confecrated. 
The  fcope  of  the  Parliament  and  of  this  Ad ,  was  to  confirm  the  Confecration  of 
Archbifhop  Parli^r  and  the  reft  of  the  Bifhops  ,  and  to  free  them  from  cavils  and 
objedlions  :  but  they  confirm  no  Ordination  at  the  Nags-head ,  neither  can  their 
words  be  extended  any  way  to  fuch  a  ridiculous  Confecration  :  therefore  the  Ordi- 
liation  of  Archbifliop  Parh^r  and  the  reft  ,  was  no  Nags-head  Ordination. 

My  Ninth  Fveafon  to  prove  that  Nags-head  Relation  Fabulous  and  counterfeit , 
is  taken  from  the  Teftimony  of  that  book  formerly  inentioned  ,  of  the  lives  of  the 
Seventy  Archbiftiops  of  Canterbuty  s  wherein  the  Confecrations  of  Archbifhop  Par- 
ksr  and  all  the  reft  are  particularly  related.  That  which  was  publiflied  to  the  World 
in  Print ,  above  Thirty  Years  before  the  Death  of  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  was  not 
lately  Forged  :  but  the  Legal  Ordination  of  Archbifhop  Pjr/^r  and  the  reft,  ac- 
cordihg  to  the.Regifter,  was  publifhed  to  the  World  in  Print,   above    Thirty 
Years  before  the  Death  of  Queen  Elizabeth.     Again  ,  that  which  was  pubhf]  cd  to 
the  World  in  Print  with  the  allowance  of  Archbifhop  P^rj^?- ,  or  rather  by  Arch-     ■ 
bifhop  Park^  himfelf ,  was  not  intended  by  Archbifhop  Parkier  to  be  fmoothered  or 
concealed.     Men  do  not  ufe  to  publifh  their  Forgeries  in  Print  i  cfpecialiy  fo  fijon, 
and  of  fuch  publick  Adions  ,  whileft  there  are  fo  many  eye  witnefTes  living.  That 
the  Relation  was  not  confuted  ,  that  the  author  was  never  called  to  an  account  for 
it ,  that  no  man  ftood  up  againft  the  Regifters ,  nor  on  the  behalf  of  the  Nags-head 
Ordination  in  thofe  days ,  that  Mr.  Neal  was  fo  tame  to  endure  the  lye  in  Print  and 
all  his  party  fo  filent ,  at  that  time  when  the  truth  might  fo  ealily  have  been  difco- 
vered  ,  as  if  it  had  been  written  with  a  beam  of  the  Sun  ,  (  as  it  was  indeed  ■■,  )is 
an  evident  proof  that  our  Relation  is  undeniable,  and  the  Relation  which  thefe 
Fathers  make ,  is  but  a  drowfie  dream  ,  which  could    not  indure  the  light  of 
the  Sun. 

The  Tenth  and  laft  Reafon  to  prove  our  Relation  true,  and  theirs  Fabulous ,  is  yj,  -.  ^ 
taken  from  all  Ibrts  of  witnefles ,  ours  and  theirs  indifferently.  Mr.  Ahfm  reckon-  reafon. 
eth  up  Seven  of  our  Writers  ,  who  had  juftified  the  Legality  of  our  Ordinations , 
and  cited  our  Regifters  as  authentick  Records ,  before  himfelf i  Bifhop  Jewel,  Bi- 
fhop Hall ,  Bifhop  Goodwin ,  Dr.  Callings  ,  Mr.  Camden ,  Mr.  Shelden  ,  and  one 
who  was  then  living  when  this  Queftion  was  fb  hotly  debated  in  King  James  his 
time  ,  and  had  been  an  Eye-witnefs  of  Archbifhop  Parkers  Confecrations  at  Lam- 
beth ,  that  was  the  Earl  of  Nbm;ig/7«w.    One  that  was,  well  ftored  with  our  £'/- 

gUfl, 


i 


460   '  Confecration^fProtcft^ TOMEI. 

\lijh  Writers  in  Queen  Elizabeth  time ,  might  add  many  more  :  but  that  cannot 

well  be  expected  from  me  at  this  diftance.  r  rr  a      .  ,     . 

Wc  may  produce  as  many  of  theirs ,  who  have  confefled  of  been  convinceed  of 
the  truth  of  Arcbiihop  Far^rs  Confccration.     Firft  Mr.  Clerk    whofe  Father  was 
Reeiiler  to  Cardinal  Fole  in  his  Legantme  Court  ,  and  he  himfelf  an  aftuary  under 
him     when  Theophilns  B^girts  fled  out  of  England  to  St    Omars,  or  VoxPay ,  (  I 
remember  not  well  whctlier.  )     There  he  met  with  this  M.  Clefk^  who  falling  into 
difcourfe  with  him  concerning  his  Rcafons  why  he  had  forfaken  the  Church  of  E«- 
oUnd ,  Mr.  Higg'"^  told  him ,  that  one  of  them  was  that  faying  of  St.  Hierome  , 
Jt  U  HO  Church  which  hath  no  Friejh  ■■,  refleding  upon  this  Nags-head  Confccration. 
Mr.  C/^rk  approved  well  of  his  caution  ,  becaufe  In  dubijs  tuttor  pars  fequenda  :  but 
withal  he  wiflied  ,  that  what  their  Authors  had  Written  concerning  that  point , 
could  be  made  good  :  confelling  that  he  himfelf  was  in  England  at  that  time ,  (  the 
witnefs  doth  not  pofitively  remember  whether  at  the  Confccration  or  not.  )     But 
Mr.  Clerks  faid  that  he  himfelf  was  prefent  when  the  advocate  of  the  arches,  whom 
the  Queen  fent  to  perufe  the  Regifter  after  the  Confecration ,  and  to  give  Her  an 
account  whether  it  was  performed  Canonically ,  returned  Her  this  Anfwer  ,  that 
he  had  ferufed  the  Kegifter  ;  and  that  no  jitjl:  exception  could  be  made  againji  the  Confe- 
cration ,  but  (  he  faid  )  fomething  might  have  been  better ,  particularly   that  Bifhop 
Coverdalc  was  not  in  his  Kochet ,  but  he  affured  Her  ,  that  could  make  «"  defe£i  in  the 
Confecration.    Here  we  have,  if  not  an  Eye- witnefs ,  yet  at  leaft  an  ear- witnefs  in  an 
undoubted  manner  ,  of  the  Legal  Confecration  ,  ajid  of  the  truth  of  the  Regifter, 
and  of  the  judgement  oi  the  Advocate  of  the  Arches ,  concerning  the  Canoni- 
calnefs  of  the  Confecration.     Thus  much  Mr.  Biggins  was  ready  to  make  Faith 
of,  whileft  he  was  living  ,  and  Mr.  'Barmc]i^z  perfon  of  very  good  credit ,  from 
him  at  this  prefent. 

The  fecond  witnefs  is  Mr.  Higgins  himfelf,  who  coming  afterwards  into  England 
had  a  defire  to  fee  the  Regifter  ,  and  did  fee  it,  and  finding  thofe  exprefs  words  in 
it  \_  Milo  vera  Coverdallus  non  nift  tega  lanea  talari  utebatur,  ]  and  remembring  wi'l?- 
all  what  Mr.  Clerh^  had  told  him ,  whereas  the  Canonical  Garments  »of 
thereft  of  theBi(hops,  are  particularly  defcribed :  he  was  fo  fully  fatisfied  of  the 
truth  of  the  Confecration,  and  Lawful  fucceffion  of  our  Englijh  BiQiops,  that  he  faid 
he  never  made  doubt  of  it  afterwards. 

My  Third  witnefs  is  Mr.  Hart ,  a  ftifFe  2v.owiJ«-Catholick  ,  but  a  very  ingenuous 
perfon ,  who  having  feen  undoubted  copies  of  Dr.  Reynolds  his  Ordination  by  Bi- 
(hop  Freaky,  and  of  Biftiop  Freakj  Confecration  by  Archbiftiop  Farh^r ,  and  Laftly 
of  A'rchbifhop  Fark^rs  own  Confecration  :  he  was  fo  fully  fatisfied  with  it  ,  that 
he  himfelf  did  rafe  out  all  that  part  of  the  conference  between  him  and  Dodor 
Reynolds . 

My  Fourth  witnefs  is  Father  Oldcorn  the  Jefuit.     This  Teftimony  was  urged  by 
mc  in  my  Treatife  of  Schifm  in  thefe  words,     thefe  authentic]!^  evidences  being  upon 
occasion  produced  ,  out  of  our  Ecclefiaflical  Courts,,  anddeliberatly  perufe d  and  viervedby 
Father  Oldcorn   the  Jefuit ,  he  both  confejied  himfelf  clearly  convinced  of  that  rvhereof 
he  hadfo  long  doubted ,  (  that  was  the  legitimate  fuccefft an  of  Bijhops  and  Friejis  in  our 
Church  )  and  wijhed  heartily  towards  the  reparation  of  the  breach  of  Chrijlendom  ,  that 
all  the  World  were  fo  abundantly  fatisfied  as  he  himfelf  was  ,  blaming  us  as  partly  guilty 
of  the  graft  miftuke  of  many ,  for  not  having  publickly  and  timely  made  l{tiown  to  the 
■world ,  the  notorious  falfhood  of  that  empty  ,  but  farf^read  ajpertion  againji  our  fuccejjion. 
To  this  the  Bifhop  of  Chalcedon ,  who  was  better  acquainted  with  the  paflages  of 
thofe  times  in  England ,  than  any  of  thofe  perfons  whom  thefe  Fatliers  ftile  of  un- 
doubted credit,  mak^s  this  confejjion.     Ihat  Father  Oldcorn  being  in  hold  for  the  Powder 
Snrvcjc^.p^  Treafon  ,  and  judging  others  by  himfelf ,  fhould  fay ,  thofe  Kegijiers  to  be  authentici^,  is 
III*  no  marvel. 

A  Fifth  Witnefs  is  Mr.  Wadfwonh,  who  in  an  Epiftle  to  a  friend  in  England  doth 

teftifie  ,  that  before  he  Uft  England  he  read  the  Confecration  ofjrchbifiop  Parker  in  our 

Regijiers.     This  made  him  fo  moderate  above  his  fellows ,  that  whereas  fome  of 

bEp.adam-   t'^^tn  tell  of  Five  ,  and  the  moft  of  them  of  Fifteen,   which  were  confecrated  at 

B.5.  the  Nags-head  ^  he  faith  onely  that  the  (^onfecration  of  the  Firfl  Frotfjiant  Bifhop  was 

attcm- 


J^  IS  COURSE      V.  Wifhops  Vindicated.         ""     "^  ^ T~ 

1_ _^^  40 1 

attempted  there  ,  but  mt  acccmi>hjhed.     If  it  were  onely  attempted  nocT^^^inpWh^ 

then  the  Nags-bead  Ordination  is  a  Fable.     But  it  falleth  out  very  unfortunateiv  to 

Mr.  jr«^/«-OT/;/ attempt ,  that  of  all  thofe  Firft  Protertant  Bifhops     whofe  Ele 

dhons  were  all  conHrmed  at  Bowes  Church  about  that  time ,  (  and  it' might  be  all 

.,t  them  ,  it  is  very  probable  ,  fundry  of  them  had  a  confirmation  Dinner  at  the 

hugs-head  )  not  one  was  conHrmed  in  perfon ,  but  all  of  them  by  their  Proxies  • 

Aichbifliop  Tark^r  by  Dr.   BuHmgham  ,  Bi(hop  Barloro  and  Bifhop  Scory  by  Walte'r 

Jones  Bachelonr  of  Law  ,  Bifhop  Gc/Wj/  by  7homas  Hinl{_Du  of  Law     BiflioD 

Cax  by  Edward  Cajcotn  ,  Bithop  &ands  by  Thomas  Bentham  ,  bed    As  appeareth  bv 

the  authentick  Records  ot  their  confirmation.     Bifhops  are  ordinarily  coufirmed 

by  Proxie,  but  no  man  was  ever  confecrated,  no  man  was  ever  atempted  to  be  con- 

fecrated  by  Proxie. 

The  Four  next  WirnefTes  are  Mr.  Colllnton  ,  Mi.  Laithwait ,  Mr.  Fairecloth  and 
Mr.  Leak^^  two  of  them  of  the  fame  Order  with  thefc  Fathers^  to  whom  the 
Archbifliop  of  Canterbury  caufed  thefe  Records  to  be  fhewed ,  in  the  prefence  of 
himfelf ,  the  Biihops  of  London ,  TfHrham ,  Ely ,  Bath  and  Weh  Lincoln  and 
Kochelhr.  They  viewed  the  Regirter ,  they  turned  it  over  and  over',  and  perufed 
it  as  much  as  they  pleafed  ,  and  in  conclufion  gave  this  fentence  o'f  it  that  the 
hook^was  beyond  exception.  To  fay,  that  afterwards  they  deiircd  to  have  the  Records 
into  Prifon,  to  pcrufe  them  more  fully,  is  ridiculous.  Such  Records  may  not  eo 
out  of  the  prefence  ot  the  Keeper.  But  thefe  Fathers  may  fee  them  as  much  as 
they  I'll}  in  the  Regiftry  ,  if  they  feek  for  fatisfadion  ,  not  alteration. 

Laftly  ,  Bifliop  Bonner  had  a  fuit  with  Bifhop  Horn  ^  and  the  itfue  was  whether 
Bifhop  Horn  were  Lega!ly,confecrated  Bifliop.uponthat  fcruple,or  rather  cavil  which 
I  have  formerly  mentioned.  If  Mr.  Neale  who  they  fay  was  BiOiop  Bomiers  Ch'aplain 
and  fer.t  on  purpofeto  fpy  what  the  Bithops  did ,  could  have  proved  the  Ordination 
ofBiOiop  HormtthcNags-head,  he  might  not  onely  have  cleared  his  Matter  but  have 
turned  Bifhop  Horn  defervedly  out  of  his  Bifhoprick.  But  he  was  loath  to  forfeit  his 
ears,  by  avouching  fuch  a  palpable  lye.  The  Nags-head  Ordimtion  was  not  talked  of 
in  thofe  days.  How  fliould  it,  before  it  was  Firlt  devifed?  Mr.  Sanders  Dedicated  a 
book  to  Archbifliop  Parker  ,  which  he  called  the  Koc\of  the  Church:  If  the  NjTS-head 
Ordination  had  been  a  ferious  truth  ,  how  would  he  have  triumphed  over  the 
poor  Archbifhop  .? 

To  conclude  ,  if  Faith  ought  to  be  given  to  concurring  Records  Ecclefiaitical 
and  Civil ,  of  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  England,  if  a  full  Parliament  of  the 
whole  Kingdom  defcrvc  any  credit ,  if  the  Teftimony  of  the  mott  eminent  publick 
Notaries  in  the  Kingdom  ,  if  witnefles  without  exception,  if  the  filence  or  con- 
tradidtion,  or  confcliion  of  known  adverfaries  ,  be  of  any  force,  if  the'.troneert 
prefumptions  in  the  World  may  have  any  place ,  that  men  in  their'  right  w'itts  will 
not  ruin  themfclves  wilfully ,  without  necellity  ,  or  hope  of  advantage  if  ail  thefe 
grounds  put  together ,  do  overballance  the  clandeftine  Relation  of  a  tingle  malici- 
ous fpy  ,  without  either  Oath  ,  or  any  other  obligation :  then  1  hope  every  one 
who  readeth  thefe  grounds  will  conclude  with  me,  that  the  Regifter  of  the  Church 
of  England  is  beyond  all  exception  ,  and  the  malicious  Relation  of  thcNags-head 
Ordination  ,  a  very  tale  of  a  tub,  and  no  better  v  fo  full  of  Ridiculous  foHy  in  it 
felf,  that  I  wonder  how  any  prudent  man  can  relate  it  without  laughter. 

Who  told  this  to  Blitet  ?  Neale.     Who  told  this  to  Haberley  >  Neale.     Who  told 
it  to  the  reft  of  the  Prifoners  at  If^isbich  ?  Neat'?  onely  Neale.     Who  fuo-geited  it  to 
Neale?  The  Father  of  lies.     Neale  mzde  the  Fable,  Neale  related  it 'In  corners 
long  after  the  time  it  was  pretended  to  be  aded.     If  his  Matter  Bifhop  Bomer'hzd 
knovvn  anything  of  it  ,  we  had  heard  of  it  long  before.     That  the  Archbtftiop 
fhould  leave  Lambeth  to  come  to  London  to  be  confecrated  i  that  he  fhould  leave  all 
thofe  Churches  in  Lmdott ,  which  are  immediatly  under  his  own  Turisdidion    to 
chufe  a  common  Tavern  ,  as  the  fittcft  place  for  f  ich  a  work  i  that  Bifliop  Bonner 
being  deprived  of  his  Bifhoprick  ,  and  a  Prilbner  in  London ,  fhould  fend  N;ale 
from  Oxford,  and  fend  a  command  by  him  to  one  over  whom  he  never  had  any  luri'* 
fdidtloni  that  the  other  Bifliop  being  then  a  Proteftant ,  fhould  obey  hirn  bein»  a 
2lo«zj«-Catholick,  when  there  were  fo  many  Churches  in  the  City  to  perform  that 

work 


Confecration  of  Troteftant     TOME  I . 

^^l^^jg  jh£.  Bilhop  of  U»don  never  pretended  any  Jurifdidioni  that  thefe 
Tte  (hoald  be  treated  ,  and  concluded  and  executed  all  at  one  meeting  •,  that 
P  (^  Tomer  did  forefee  it  would  be  fo,  and  command  his  Servant  to  attend  there 
bilhop  />  ^^^  ^^  ^^j  ^^  ^j^^^  bufinefs  v  That  the  Birtiops  being  about  Rich  a 
^\A  (Hue  work  fhould  fuffer  a  known  enemy  toAay  all  the  while  in  their  com- 
'  is  incredible.  MNeale  had  feigned  that  he  had  heard  it  from  one  of  the 
n'awcrs  boyes ,  it  had  deferved  more  credit  ,  than  this  filly,  improbable  ,  incon- 
nicnt  relation  i '  which  looketh  more  like  an  heap  of  Fidtions  made  by  feveral  Au- 
Aours  by  Starts,  than  a  continued  relation  of  one  man  v 

^kquid  ofiendiU  mihi  fie  increduliis  odi. 


CHAP.    VII. 

'The  Nags-head  Ordination  is  but  a  late  device.  Of  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  ,  'Bijfjo^ 
Bancroft,  VoBor  Stapleton,  the  Statute  8.  Elizab.  i.  and  the  ^eem  Vij^en- 
fation. 

NO  W  having  laid  our  grounds  ,  in  the  next  place  let  us  fee  what  the  Fathers 
have  to  fay  farther  for  themfelves.  Ihti  fiory  of  the  Nags-liead  n>as  jirfl  con- 
tradiUedhy  Mafon,  in  the  year  i6i^.yetfo  weakly  "i^d  faintly  ,  that  the  attentive  Rea- 
der may  eafily  perceive  he  feared  to  be  caught  in  a  lye.  Firft,  the  Fathers  feem  to  ar- 
Eue  atter  this  manners  Many  y4f/;e«w«  Writers  did  mention  the  Cr^f j«  Bulls,  and 
Minotaurs ^  and  Labyrinth;  but  no  Crff<j«  did  write  againft  them-,  therefore  thofe 
ridiculous  Fables  were  true.  Rather,  the  Cretans  laughed  at  their  Womanifh  re- 
venge ,  to  think  to  repair  themfelves  for  a  beating,  with  fcolding  and  lying  :  fuch 
ridiculous  Fidlions  ought  to  be  entertained  with  fcorn  and  contempt ,  Spreta  exo- 
lefcunt ,  (i  irafearU  agnita  videntttr.  Secondly,  it  might  be  (for  any  thing  1  know 
to  the  contrary  )  Mr.  Mafon  was  the  firft  who  differed  this  lye ,  and  laid  the  falfi- 
ty  of  it  open  to  the  world  :  but  he  was  not  the  Firft  who  avouched  and  juftified 
the  Canonical  confecration  ,  and  pcrfonal  Succeflion  of  our  Proteftant  Bifhops , 
which  is  the  fame  thing  in  effect:  i  the  Bifhop  of  Hereford  did  it  before  him,  and 
Dr.  Reynolds  before  the  Bifhop  of  Hereford ,  and  he  that  writ  the  Life  o[  Archbiftiop 
Tar]iir  before  Dr.  Reynolds ,  and  the  Parliament  before  him  that  writ  Archbifhop 
Tar]i^rh  Life  ,  and  the  publick  Regifters  of  the  Church  before  the  Parlia- 
ment. 

Thirdly  ,  they  would  make  us  believe  that  this  Fable  was  ancient ,  and  publifli- 
cd  to  the  world  from  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth^  time  in  Print ,  and  unan- 
fweredbythe  Proteftants  ,  until  the  Thirteenth  of  King  James;  but  there  is  no 
(uch  thing.  For  their  credit,  let  them  produce  one  Authour  that  mentioneth  it  in 
the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  or  if  they  cannot  do  that ,  for  forty  years 
after,  that  is  ,  before  the  year  i6oo.  or  other  wife  the  cafe  is  plain,  that  it  is 
an  upftart  lye  ,  newly  coined  about  the  beginning  of  King  James  his  time  ,  the  Fa- 
thers would  not  have  us  anfwer  it  before  it  was  coined  ,  or  before  it  was  known 
to  us. 

Where  they  fay  that  Mr.  Mafon  did  handle  this  Controverfie  rveakjy  and  faintly, 
they  know  they  do  him  wrong  i  he  hath  fo  thraflied  their  Authours,  Fits-Herbert^ 
and  Fttz-Simon^zni.  Holywnod,a.nd  Conftable^znd  KeVifon  and Champney^thzt  the  caufe 
hathwanted  a  Champion  ever  fince ,  until  thefe  Fathers  took  up  the  Bucklers.  But 
whereas  they  add  ,  that  Mr.  Mafon  was  affraid  to  be  convinced  by  fame  aged  perfuns 
that  might  then  be  living ,  and  remember  vphat  pajied  in  the  beginning  of  ^een  Eliza- 
beth'j  Reigit,  is  fo  far  from  truth,  that  Mr.  Mafon  nameth  a  witnefs  beyond  all  ex-, 
ception  ,  that  was  invited  ro  Archbiftiop  Park^r^s  Confecration  at  Lambeth^  as  being 
his  Kinfman ,  and  was  prefent  there  i  th^Ezi\o(  Nottingham  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  England. 

Why  did  none  of  their  Authours  go  to  him,  or  imploy  fome  of  their  Friends 
to  inquire  of  him?  The  cafe  is  clear ,  they  were  more  affraid  of  convidion,  and 

to 


Discourse  V.  Bifhops  Vendicated.  4^^ 

to  be  caught  in  a  lye ,  than  Mt.  Majon  ■■>  who  laid  not  the  foundation  of  his  Di- 
fcourfe  upon  loofe  pritflc^prattle,  but  upon  the  firm  foundation  of  original  Re- 
cords. 

They  fay  ,  in  the  year  1^03.  none  of  the  Troteftam  Clergy  durft  call  it  a  Fable,  a^ 
fnme  now  do.  I  am  the  man  ,  I  did  call  it  fo  ,  I  do  call  it  fo.  Such  a  blind  relation 
as  this  is ,  of  a  bufinefs  pretended  to  be  aded  in  the  year  1559.  being  u    '  ;  - 

fequence,  as  whereupon   the  fuccelfion  of  the  Church  of  England  did 
and  never  publifhed  until  after  the  year  \6oo.  as  if  the  Church   of  EnoL 
neither  Friends  nor  Enemies,  deferveth  to  be  fliled  a  tale  of  a  7ub ,  aiTd  no  obi- 
ter. 

They  add  ,  Bancroft  Bifhop  of  London,  being  demanded  by  Mr.  William  AlabaRer 
hoTv  Parker  and  his  CnVeagues  vcereconfecrated  Bijhops  ?  anfwered.  He  hoped  that  in  cjfe 
of  neceffity ,  aTrieji  (alluding  to  Scory  _)  might  ordain  Bijhips.  Thk  Anfcver  of  his 
was  objelied  in  print  by  Holy  wood,  againji  him  and  all  the  Englifli  Clergy^  in  the  year 
160^.  not  a  tpord  replied  ^  ^incro(t  himfelf  being  then  living.  And  why  mieht  not 
Holyrvood  be  mifinformed  of  the  Bifhop  of  London^  as  well  as  you  your  felves  'vere 
mifinformed  of  the  Bifhop  of  Vurrham  ?  This  is  certain,  he  could  not  allude  to 
Bifhop  Scory  ,  who  was  confecrated  a  Bifhop  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  the  Six'I'  , 
as  by  the  Records  of  thofe  times  appeareth  ,  unlefs  you  have  a  mind  to  accufc  all 
Records  of  Forgery.  If  you  have  any  thing  to  fay  againfl  Bifhop  Scarfs  confecra- 
tion,  or  of  any  of  them  who  joined  in  ordaining  Archbifhop  Par  i^r  ,  {pare  it  not 
we  will  not  feek  help  of  an  Acft  of  Parliament  to  make  it  good. 

In  fum,  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of  what  is  faid  of  Bifhop  Bancroft^  fub  modo  ,  as 
it  is  here  fet  down  ,  nor  that  this  accufation  did  ever  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
that  prudent  Prelate  •,  if  it  did,  he  had  greater  matters  to  trouble  his  Head  withal, 
than  Mr.  Holyrvood's  babbles :  but  if  ever  fiich  a  Quertion  was  propofed  to  him  ,  it 
may  be  after  a  clear  anfwer  to  the  matter  of  Fadt ,  he  might  urge  this  as  argumen- 
tum  ad  hominem-f  that  though  both  Bifhop  Scory,  and  Bifhop  Coverdale  had  been  but 
fimple  Prierts,  (  as  they  were  compleat  Bifhops,  )  yet  joining  with  Bifhop  Barlrnv, 
and  Bifhop  Hodgskings ,  two  undoubted  Bifhops  (  otherwife  Gardiner  ,  and  Bonner^ 
and  Junftall ,  and  Thurlehy  ,  and  the  refl  were  no  Bifhops,)  the  Ordination  was' as 
Canonical ,  as  for  one  Bifhop  and  two  Mitred  Abbats  to  confecrate  a  Bifhop , 
C  which  you  allow  in  cafe  of  neceflity,)  or  one  Bifhop  and  two  fimple  Presbyters 
to  confecrate  a  Bifhop  by  Papal  difpenfation.  So  this  Queftion  will  not  concern  us 
at  all ,  but  them  very  much  ,  to  reconcile  themfelves  to  themfelves.  They  teach , 
that  the  Matter  and  Form  of  ordination ,  are  EfTentials  of  Chrift's  own  Inliitution. 
They  teach  ,  that  it  is  grievous  Sacriledge  to  change  the  Matter  of  this  Sacrament. 
They  teach ,  that  the  Matter  of  Epifcopal  ordination  ,  is  Impofition  of  Hands  of 
three  Bifhops ,  upon  the  perfon  confecrated  •■>  and  yet  with  them  ,  one  Bifhop  and 
two  Abbats,  or  one  Bifhop  and  two  fimple  Priefis  extraordinarily  by  Papal  difpen- 
fation ,  may  ordain  Bifhops.  The  EfTentials  of  Sacraments  do  confift  in  indivifbili, 
once  EfTential  alwayes  EfTentiali  whether  ordinarily,  or  extraordinarily ,  whether 
with  difpenfation  ,  or  without.  So  this  Quef^ion  ,  whether  a  Prieft  in  cafe  of  ne- 
cellity ,  may  ordain  Bifhops ,  doth  concern  them  much ,  but  us  not  at  all.  But  tor 
my  part,  I  believe  the  whole  relation  is  feigned ,  for  fo  much  as  cpncerneth  Bifhop 
Bancroft. 

They  add  ,  or  the  one  of  them  ,  IhaveJpoJi^n  with  both  Catholick^  and  Troteiiants^ 
that  remember  near  %o.  years ,  and  acknowledge  ,  that  fo  long  they  have  heard  the  N.;^?^ 
head  jlory  related  as  an  undoubted  truth.  Where  I  wonder  ?  fooner  in  Kcmn  ,  or 
Rhemes,  otVoway,  thin  in  England ;  and  fooner  in  a  corner  ,  than  upon  the  Ex- 
change. You  have  heard  from  good  Authours  of  the  Swan's  finging ,  and  the  Fel- 
lican's  pricking  ofherbreafl  with  her  billj  but  you  are  wifer  than  10  believe  fuch 
groundlefs  FiAions.  I  produce  you  feven  of  the  ancient  Bifhops  of  England,  fbme 
of  them  near  an  100.  years  old,  who  do  teftirie  ,  that  it  k  ^  groundlefs  Fable -^  yet 
they  have  more  reafon  to  know  the  right  value  of  our  EcclefialHcal  Records ,  and 
the  truth  of  our  affairs ,  than  any  whom  you  converfe  withall. 

The  Authours  proceed,  this  Narration  of  the  Confecratinn  at  the  Nags-head  ,  have 
Jf%«(iMt  o/Holywood,   Conftable,  <»«£/ Dr.  Champnie's  IVurh^f.     They  heard  it 

E  e  c  from 


-^ C^fecrattonofP^otejiant  T  O  ME  1^> 

-ta  many  ./  tU  ancient  CUr^J\  r^ho  r^ere  Pnfoners  for.theCatboluKRehgionZ 
Wsbvch  cVii  asMr.B\cwet,Vr.  W^tCon  ,  Btjhof  of  ,Unco\n  and  others.  Thj^ 
Ijd  it  from  the  fjid  Mr.  Ncale,  and  other  Cathohclq  prefent  at  Vzxkets  Conficrathn  m 
the  Nigs-head  ,  ^s  Mr.  ConiUble  a^m/.  Here  is  nothing  but  hearfay,  upon  hcar- 
fav  fuch  evidence  would  not  pafs  at  a  tryal  for  a  lock  of  Goats  wool.  Holywood 
and  the  reft  had  it  from  feme  of  the  Wishych  Prifoners:  and  rhe  Wisbych  Prifoners 
heard  it  from  Mr,  NeaU  and  others. 

What  others  Z  had  they  no  nan:ies .?  did  Bifliop  Boww?"  fend  more  of  his  Chaplains 
than  one  to  be  Spectators  of  the  Confecration  ,  and  they  who  were  to  be  Confe- 
cratcd  ,  permit  them  being  Adverfaries  to  continue  among  them  ,  during  theCon- 
fccratio'n  ,  fuppofed  to  be  a  clandeftine  Adlion.  It  is  not  credible  ,  without  a  Plot 
between  Nf^/f  and  the  Hoft  ofthe  N<2gJ-fcf^^,  to  put  him  and  his  fellows  for  that 
day  into  Drawers  habits ,  leaft  the  Bifliops  (liould  difcover  them.  Here  is  enough 
faid  to  difgrace  this  Narration  for  ever  ,  that  the  Firft  Authors  that  published  it  to 
the  World,  did  it  after  the  Year  idoo  >  until  then  it  was  kept  clofein  Lavender. 
Birtiop  JVatfon  lived  fplendidly  with  theBifhops  of  Ely  and  Rochefier ,  at  the  time  of 
Arciibi(hop  Parhers  Confecration ,  and  a  long  time  after ,  before  he  was  removed 
to  Wisbych  Caltle.  If  there  had  been  any  fuch  thing  really  ad:ed  ,  and  fb  notori- 
oufly  known  ,  as  they  pretend  ,  Bifhop  Ifatfon  and  the  other  Prifoners,  mull  needs 
have  known  it  long  before  that  time,  when  Mr.  'Neale  is  fuppofed  to  have  brought 
them  the  Firft  news  of  it.  The  whole  ftory  is  compofed  of  inconfiftences.  That 
which  quite  fpoileth  their  ftory ,  is ,  that  Archbifliop  Tarh^r  was  never  prefent  at 
any  of  thefe  Confecrations ,  otherwife  called  confirmation  Dinners  :  but  it  may  be 
themerry  Hoft  fhewed  Mr.  lieak  Dr.  BttUinghatn  for  Archbiihop  P4rj!;fr ,  and  told 
him  what  was  done  in  the  withdrawing  Room ,  which  (  to  gain  more  credit  to 
his  Relation  )  he  feigned  that  he  had  feen  ,  out  of  pure  Zeal. 

Howlbcver,  they  fay  the  ftory  was  divulged  to  the  great  grief  of  the  newly  Con- 
fecrated,  yet  bei>fg  fo  evident  a  truth  ,  they  durfi  not  contradiCi  it.  We  muft  fuppofe 
that  thefe  Fathers  have  a  priviledge  to  know  other  mens  hearts ,  but  let'that  pafs. 
Let  them  tell  us  how  it  was  divulged  by  word  or  writing,  when  and  where  it  was 
divulged  ,  whileft  they  were  newly  Confecrated  ,  who  divulged  it ,  and  to  whom.? 
If  they  can  tell  us  none  of  all  this  ,  it  may  pafs  for  a  great  prefumption,  but  it  can- 
not pafs  for  a  proof. 

But  they  fay,  that  not  onely  the  nnllity  of  the  Consecration  ,  hut  alfo  the  illegality  of 
the  fame  was  ob]eUed  in  Print  againfi  them  not  long  after ,  by  that  famous  Writer  JJr. 
Stapleton  and  others.     We  look  upon  Dr.  Stapleton ,  as  one  of  the  moft  Rational 
Heads  that  your  Church  hath  had  fince  the  feparation  :  but  fpeak  to  the  purpofe  Fa- 
thers ,  did  Dr.  Stapleton  Print  one  word  of  the  Nags-had  Confecration.     You  may 
be  fure  he  would  not  haVe  balked  it ,  if  there  had  been  any  fuch  thing  ,  but  he  did 
balk  it ,  becaufe  there  was  no  fuch  thing.     No ,  no ,  Dr.  Stapletons  pretended  il- 
legality was  upon  another  ground  ,  becaufe  he  dreamed  that  King  Edwards  Statute 
was  repealed  by  Queen  Mary ,  and  not  reftored  by  Queen  Elizabeth ,  for  which  we 
have  an  exprefs  Aft  of  Parliament  againft  him  in  the  point :  and  his  fuppofed  in- 
validity was  becaufe  they  were  not  Confecrated  ritu  Romano.     If  you  think  Dr. 
Stijp/fton  hath  faid  any  thing  that  is  material ,  to  prove  the  invalidity  or  nullity  of 
our  Confecration ,  take  your  bows  and  arrows  and  fhoot  over  his  fliafts  again,  and 
try  if  you  do  not  meet  with  fatisfaftory  Anfwers,  both  for  the  inftitution  of  Chrift, 
and  the  Canons  of  the  Catholick  Church  ,  and  the  Laws  of  England. 

You  fay ,  Parker  and  the  reft  of  the  Proteftant  Bijhops  ,  not  king  able  to  Anfwer  the 
Catholick^  arguments  againft  the  invalidity  of  their  Ordination  ,  &cc.  Words  are  but 
wind.  The  Church  of  England  wanted  not  Orthodox.  Sons  enough  to  cope  with 
Stapleton  and  all  the  reft  of  your  emifTaries :  nor  to  cry  down  the  iltgal  and  extrava- 
gant manner  of  it  at  the  Nags-head,  How  fhould  they  cry  down ,  that  which  never 
had  been  cryed  up  in  thofe  days  ?  We  condemn,  that  form  of  Ordination  which 
you  feign  to  have  been  ufed  at  the  Nags-head,  as  illegal  and  extravagant,  and  (which 
weigheth  more  than  both  of  them  )  invalid,  as  much  as  your  felves. 

They  were  forced  to  beg  an  Ad  of  Parliament,  whereby  they  might  eijoy  the  temporali- 
ties ,  notwithftanding  the  k»owH  defeOs  of  their  Confecration  ,  &e.     O  ingenuity  ! 

whither 


Discourse    V.  Bijhops  Vindicated.  .^ 

whither  art  thou  Hcd  out  of  the  world  ?  Say  ,  where  is  this  Petidon  to  be  found, 
in  the  Records  of  Eittopia  ?  Did  the  Parliament  ever  make  any  fuch  eliablifliment 
of  their  Temporalities,  more  than  of  their  Spiritualities  ?  Did  the  Parliament  ever 
take  any  notice  of  any  Defeds  of  their  Confecration  >  Nay ,  did  not  the  Parliament 
declare  their  Confecration  to  have  been  free  from  all  defedts  ?  Nay  ,  doth  not  the 
Parliament  quite  contrary  ,  brand  thefe  reports  iox  jlanderous  Jpeeches  ,  and  jufiifie 
their  Confecrations  to  have  beeu  duly  and  orderly  done ,  according  to  the  Ljtps  of  this  ''  ^''^  *'^*  '* 
Kealm  :  and  that  it  is  very  evident  and  apparent ,  that  no  catife  of  fcruple  ,  ambiguity 
or  doubt  ^  can  be  juftly  objeCled  againft  their  Eletflions,  Confirmations,  or  Confe- 
crations. 

Yet  they  give  a  reafon  of  what  they  fay  ,  or  albeit  Edward  the  Sixths  riteof  Or- 
dination was  re-ejiablijhed  by  AH  of  Parliament   in  the  Firfi  year  of  ^een  Elizabeth  : 
yet  it  was  notorious  that  the  Ordination  at  the  Nags-head  woi  very  different  from  it,  and 
formed  ex  tempore  by  Scories  Furitanical  Spirit ,  &c.     I  take  that  which  you  grant 
out  of  Sanders ,  that  King  Edrvard's  Form  of  Ordination  ,  was  re-eftabliflied  by 
Adl  of  Parliament  i.  Elizabeths  ;   wherein  you  do  unwitingly  condemn  both  Bi- 
fhop  Banners  and  Stapletons  plea  of  illegality.    The  reft  which  you  fay  is  partly  true 
and  partly  falfe.     It  is  very  true  that  there  is  great  difference  between  the  Englifh 
form  of  ordaining  ,  and  your  Nags-head  Ordination  ,  as  mucli  as  is  between  the 
head  of  a  living  horfc  and  the  fign  of  the  Nags-head ,  or  between  that  which  hath 
a  real  entity  and  an  imaginary  Chimsra  (  Mr.  Mafnn  was  the  BeJlerephon  that  deftroy- 
ed  this  Monfter:  )  but  that  the  form  of  the  Nags-head  Ordination  was  framed  ex 
tempore  by  Scories  Puritanical  Spirit ,  is  moft  falfe  >  that  Po[lumiii  brat  was  the  Miner- 
va or  IfTue  of  Mr.  Neds  brain,  or  fome  others  who  Fathered  this  rapping  lye  upon 
him. 

Then  they  repeat  the  words  of  a  part  of  the  Statute  ^  and  thence  conclude  , 
by  which  AS  appears  that  not  onely  King  Edwards  rite  ,  but  any  other  ufedfntce  the  be- 
ginning of  the  ^eens  Reign ,  upon  Her  CommiJJion  was  enaSedfor  good ,  and  confe- 
quently  that  of  the  Nags-head  might  pafs.  Cujus  contrarium  verum  eft.  The  contra- 
ry to  what  thefe  Fathers  infer  ,  doth  follow  neceflarily  from  thefe  words  which  the 
Fathers  cite.  The  words  of  the  Adl  are  theft,  [^by  virtue  of  the  Queens  Letters 
Patents  or  Commiffion  :  ~\  every  one  of  the  Letters  Patents  is  extant  in  the  Rolls 
not  one  of  them  did  ever  authorife  any  form  but  that  which  was  legally  eltablifhcd  « 

that  is ,  the  form  of  E^wjr^  the  Sixth.     Firft,  the  Queens  Letters  Pattents  or  Corn- 
million  hath  an  aut  minus  in  it ,  or  at  the  leaft  7hree  or  Four  of  you  :  but  to  juftifie  the 
Nags-head  Ordination,    the  aut  minus  muft  be  altered  to  at  the  leaft  one  or  two  of 
you.  Secondly,  the  Queens  Letters  Pattents  have  always  this  claufe  in  them  Juxta 
formam  &  efftdum  Staiutorum  in  ea  parte  edttorum  &  proviforum ;  Accordint  to  the  form 
and  effeH  of  the  Statutes  in  that  cafe  made  and  provided  :  but  the  Statutes  allow  no  Icfs 
number  than  Four  ,  or  at  the  leaft  Three  to  ordain  ,  at  the  Nags-head  (  you  fay 
there  was  but  one  Ordainer.     Our  Statutes prefcribe  impufition  of  hands  as  the  Eften- 
tial  matter  of  Ordination  ,  and  thefe  words ,  Receive  the  Holy  Gboft  as  the  form  of 
Ordination:  but  your  Ni^gJ-Z^f^ii  Ordination  is  a  meer  phantafm  ,   without  matter 
or  form  i  our  Statutes  allow  no  (iich  Fanatical  and  Fantaftical  forms  ,  as  your 
form  of  the  Nags-head.     And  fo  your  conlequence ,  \_  confequently  that  of  the  Nags- 
head  might  pafs  ,  ~\  is  foundered  of  all  Four  ,  and  can  neither  pafs  nor  repafi ,  unlefs 
you  can  rafe  thefe  words  \_  by  virtue  of  the  Queens  Letters  Pattents  "]  out  of  the  Sta- 
tute ,  and  infert  thefe  {_without  the  §^teens  Letters  Patents  :  ~]  and  likcvvife  rafe  thefe 
words  out  of  the  Commillion  \_  according  to  the  Fwm  and  effeQ  of  the  Statutes,  1  and 
infert  thefe  [^  contrary  to  the  Form  and  efe£i  of  the  Statutes.^     A  iingle  Falljtica- 
tion  will  do  your  caufe  no  good.     Two  poifons  may  perchance  help  it  at  a  dead 
lift. 

It  is  in  vain  to  tell  us  ,  that  Mr.  Mafon  fee  this  over  clear  to  be  denyed,  who  know 
better  that  Mr.  Majon  did  not  onely  deny  it  over  and  over  again ,  but  fqueefed  t!ie 
-poor  Fable  to  dirt.  I  have  (hewed  you  particularly  what  was  tlie  end  of  the 
Qyeens  difpenfitions ,  the  fame  which  is  the  end  of  Papal  difpcnfations ,  to  meet 
with  late  obje(flions  or  cavils.  I  have  (hewed  you  what  that  cavil  was  i  which 
needed  no  difpenfition  in  point  of  Law ,  but  onely  to  ftop  the  mouths  of  gain- 

E  e  e  2  flyers. 


466  Confecration  ofProteftant  T  O  M  E  I. 

fayers.  But  where  you  add  ,  that  the  ^eens  dijpenfjtion  was  given ,  not  tn  conditi- 
onal but  in  very  abfolute  Terms:  you  are  abfolutely  miftaken.  The  Queens  difpenfa- 
tion  was  both  in  General  Terms ,  which  determin  nothing ,  (  not  like  the  Pope's 
difpcnfations,  y^  quihttfvii  excommmicationU fuf^enfwnii  &  interdidi  fentemijs  :  )and 
aifo  in  thcfe  conditional  Terms  ,  fi  quid,  &c.  defit  aut  deerit  eormi  qux  per  Statuta 
Im'jM  Regni  noflri ,  aut  per  leges  Ecclefiafiicaf  in  hac  parte  requirmtw  :  if  any  thing  j*, 
or  pall  he  wanting ,  vchich  are  required  by  the  Latvs  Civil  or  Ecdefiaftital  ofthU  Ktngdum. 
You  fee  it  'i%  conditional ,  and  hath  reference  onely  to  the  Laws  of  England. 

They  go  on  ,  the  truth  w  ,  all  the  World  laughed  at  the  Nags-head  Confecration,  and 
held  it  to  be  invalid ,  notfo  much  for  being  performed  in  a  Tavern  ,  as  for  the  nerv  Form 
invented  by  Scory.  If  all  the  World  did  laugh  at  it  in  thofe  days,  they  laughed 
in  their  fleeves ,  where  no  body  could  fee  them  laugh.  It  had  been  too  much  to 
laugh  at  a  jeft  before  it  was  made,  nay  before  it  was  deviled.  The  Reader  may 
well  wonder  ,  how  all  the  World  came  to  get  notice  of  it  fo  early  as  the  beginning 
of  Queen  Elizabeths  Reign  ,  and  we  onely  in  England  (hould  hear  nothing  of  it  for 
above  Forty  Years  after  ?  but  affoon  as  we  did  hear  of  it ,  we  laught  at  it  as  well 
as  they,  and  held  it  as  invalid  as  they  could  do  for  their  hearts  ■■>  but  they  laught  at 
it  as  Eifliop  Scories  invention  ,  and  we  laught  at  it  as  theirs. 


C  H  A  P.     V  1 1 1. 

Of  Bift'op  Bonner ,  the  reordination  of  our  Clergy  ,  the  quality  of  their  mtneffes ,  Mr 
Fitz-Hcrberts  fujpicioMS ,  the  Tej^imony  of  their  VoUors ,  and  the  Fublijhing  of  our 
Kegijier  before  Mr.  Mafon. 

THeir  next  inftance  is  in  Bifhop  Banners  cafe,  who  rt>as  indited  by  Mr.  Horn',  one 
of  the  Firji  Troteftant  Bifhops  consecrated  hy  Mr.  Parker  ,  or  together  vcith  him,  for 
refufingtotak^  the  Oath  of  Supremacy.     The  Firft  errour  might  be  pardoned  ,  as  be- 
ing onely  a  miftake  in  a  word  ,  to  fay  that  Bifliop  Bonner  was  Indited  by  Mr.  H'r«, 
whereas  he  was  onely  fignified  by  Bifhop  Hor«;  but  the  Second  miftake  is  fatal,  that 
after  all  this  confidence  ,  and   this  great  notoriety  of  the  Ndgz-^fizti  Ordination  <o 
all  the  World ,  thcfe  Fathers  themfelves  are  ftill  uncertain ,  whether  Bifhop  Horn 
WM  conjecrated   by  Archbipop  Parker ,  cr  at  the  fame  time  vcith  him  ,  that  is  as  much 
as  to  fay,   they   know  not  certainly  what  was  done  at  the  Nags-bead,  but  they 
wifh  that  if  the  Confirmation  Dinner  were  not  a  Confecration  ,    it  had  been  one. 
It  could  never    end    better,   for    Mr.   Neale  to  feign  an  Ordination  ,  without 
an  a<ftuary  to  Record  what  was  done.     Bifhop  Watfon  and  Mr.  Bluet  and  the  refl 
were  much  to  blame ,  that  (  fince  he  had  the  fortune  to  wear  Gyges  his  ring  and 
walk  invifible)  they  did  not  caufe  him  to  play  the  publick  Notary  himfclf,  and 
draw  that  which  was  done  there  into  Ads  i  then   we  might  have  known  as  cer- 
tainly as  he  could  tell  us ,   whether  Dr.  Fark^r  had  been  Confecrated  there  by  his 
Vtodiox  Dr.  BuVingham.     It  may  be  ,  fbmc  very  credulous  Reader,  who  like  the 
old  Lamix ,  could  take  out  his  eyes  and  put  them  in  again  when  he  pleafed,  would 
have  given  more  credit  to  Mr.  Neales  pleafant  Fable,  than  to  the  publick  Rolls  and 
Regiifers  of  the  Kingdom. 

I  have  handled  Billiop  Bonners  cafe  before :  and  thefe  Fathers  themfelves  have 
unwittingly  given  fcntence  in  it  againft  him  i  that  King  Edwards  Furm  of  Ordinati- 
on ,  vias  re-ejiabltjhed  hy  AU  of  Farliament  in  the  Firft  Tear  of  ^ueen  Elizabeth.  But 
final  fentence  there  was  never  any  given  ,  until  the  Parliament  gave  a  final  fentence 
in  it ,  that  Bifhop  Horn  and  all  the  reff  were  Legal  Eifhops.  To  admit  a  Plea 
to  be  tryed  by  a  Jury,  and  the  verdicft  of  the  Jury,  are  Two  very  diftindt 
things. 

They  tell  us ,  he  roas  a  man  ejpeciaVy  jhot  at.  Rather  he  was  a  man  gvacioufly  pre- 
ferved  by  the  Queens  mercy ,  from  the  rage  of  the  Common  People  againfl  him. 
If  they  hzd  Jhot  at  him,they  could  have  found  ways  enough  to  have  tendered  the  Oath 
of  Supremacy  to  him,without  Bifhop  Horn.  I  profefs  I  am  no  gieatPatron  of  fuch 
Oaths,  men  have  more  dominion  over  their  Anions  than  over  their  judgements  : 

yet 


Discourse  V.  Bifhops  VendicMed.  ^s-j 

yet  there  islefs  to  be  faid  for  BiOiop  'Bonner^  than  for  other  men.  He  who  had  fo  great 
a  hand  in  framing  the  Oach^ie  who  had  talten:"it  himfelf,  both  in  King  Umrie's  time, 
and  King  Edtvard's  time,  and  made  fo  many  others  to  take  it,  he  who  had  been  fo 
great  a  Itickler  in  Rome  for  the  King's  Supremacy  ,  who  writ  that  Preface  before 
Bifhop  Gardiners  Book  de  vera  Obedientia  :  if  he  had  fuffered  by  the  oath  of  Supre- 
macy ,  had  but  been  fcourged  with  a  rod  of  his  own  making. 

Their  next  Reafon  to  prove  the  Nullity  of  our  Holy  Orders  ,  is  taken  from  tl?e 
conftant  pradice  of  the  Kormn-Catholicks ,  to  Keordain  Protejiant  Minijhrs  ,  mt  con- 
ditionally but  ahfolutely  ,  which  they  call  an  evident  argument  of  our  meer  Laity.  A 
doughty  argument  indeed  ,  drawn  from  their  own  Authority,  Can  any  man 
doubt ,  that  they  which  make  no  (cruple  of  taking  away  our  lives  ,  will  make 
•  confcicnce  of  taking  away  our  orders  ?  This  is  that  which  we  accufe  them  of,  and 
they  do  fairly  begg  the  Queftion.  IfReordinationbe  facriledge  (  as  they  fay  it  is, ) 
we  are  ready  to  convince  them  of  grofs  Sacriledge  ,  or  iterating  all  the  Effentials 
of  Ordination  ,  the  fame  matter  and  the  fame  Form  that  is  for  Epifcopacy  ,  the 
fame  impofition  of  hands  by  Three  Bifliops  ,  and  the  fame  words  Receive  the  Holy 
Ghoji ,  &c.  Some  were  of  the  fame  mind  withthefe  Fathers  in  Queen  M^nVj  time; 
but  Paul  the  Fourth  ,  and  Cardinal  Pool  were  wiftr ,  who  confirmed  all  Ordinati- 
ons in  Edward  the  Sixths  time  indiiferently  ,  fo  the  perfons  profefled  but  their 
Conformity  to  the  Roman  Religion.  How  doth  this  confift  with  your  pretended 
Nullity. 

They  fay  ,  our  Records  were  produeed  by  Mr.  Mafon  in  the  Tears  i6i^.  fifty  Tears 
after  they  on^n  to  have  been  pewed.  They  forget  that  they  were  publiflied  in 
Print  in  Archbifhop  Parkers  life  time  ,  that  they  were  jufiified  by  the  Parliament  8, 
Elizabeths ,  that  all  of  them  go  hand  in  hand  with  our  Civil  Records. 

He  faith  ,  it  cannot  be  teftified  by  any  lavcjul  witneffej  (  produced  by  us  )  that  they 
vpere  not  forged.  This  is  their  method  ,  Firft,  to  accufe  us  of  Forgery  ,  and  then 
to  put  us  to  prove  a  Negative  i  where  learnt  he  this  Form  of  proceeding?  By  all 
Laws  of  God  and  man  the  accufer  is  to  make  good  his  accufation  :  yet  we  have 
given  him  witneffes  beyond  exception.  They  fay ,  there  cannot  be  a  more  evident 
mark^  of  Forgery  ,  than  the  Concealment  of  Regijiers  ,  if  they  be  ufeful  and  neceffary  to 
the  perjons  in  whnfe  cujhdy  they  are.  The  proof  lyeth  on  the  other  hand.  Tell  us  how 
they  were  concealed  ,  which  were  publifhed  to  the  World  in  Print ,  by  a  whole 
Parliament ,  by  private  perfons ,  and  were  evermore  left  in  a  publick  Office,  where 
all  the  World  might  view  them  from  time  to  time  ,  who  had  cither  occafion  or 
defire  to  do  it  ?  That  our  Adverfaries  did  mfult  and  triumph  over  us ,  is  but  an  em- 
pty flourifh  without  truth  or  reality  ,  as  we  fhall  fee  prefently. 

They  fay,  it  if  not  worth  refuting  ,  which  fome  modern  Proteftants  fay  ye  have  no 
witneffes  of  the  ftory  0/ tk  Nags-head  ,  &c,  but  Rom^n-Catholick^  :  we  value  not 
their  Teflimony^  hecaufe  they  are  h^town  Adverfaries.  "fhis  Anfwer  they  term  ridiculous^ 
and  parallel  it  with  the  anfwer  of  an  Officer  in  Ireland,  You  will  not  find  this  an- 
fwer fb  ridiculous,  upon  more  ferious  confideration.  Proteftants  know  thatfome  ex- 
ceptions in  Law,  do  deftroy  all  credit, and  fome  other  exceptions  do  onely  diminifh 
credit.  An  Adverfaries  Teflimony  may  be  admitted  in  fome  cafes  ,  but  it  is  fubje^fc 
to  exception  and  makes  no  full  proof,  efpecially  in  cafes  favourable  in  the  Law  i  as 
the  cafe  of  perfons  fpoiled  ,  (  which  is  your  Irijh  cafe.  )  fuch  witneffes  may  be  ad- 
mitted ;  ante  omnia  j^oUatm  reptui  debet :  but  then  they  ought  to  make  up  in  num- 
ber what  they  want  in  weight. 

But  you  miflake  wholy,  our  Anfwer  is  not  ^thzt  you  produce  no  witneffes  for  the 
jiory  of  the  Nags- head  but  Kormn-Catholickj  :  our  Anfwer  is  that  you  produce  no 
witneffes  at  all,  neither  ilyw^w-Catholicks  nor  others.  For  Firil  one  witnefs  is  no 
witnefs  in  Law  ,  let  him  be  beyond  exception  ducly  fworn  and  examined  ,  yet  his 
TdVimonY  mzkes  hat  femiplenam  probationem  ,  half  a  proof  i  efpecially  in  criminal 
caufes  fuch  as  this  is,  it  is  nothing.  One  It^itnefi  fhall  not  rife  up  againii  a  man  for  any  ^^^^^  ^  ^ 
iniquity  or  any  fin  ,  at  the  mouth  of  Two  Witneffes  ,  or  at  the  mouth  of  Three  IFitneffes 
fhall  the  matter  be  fiablifljed.  Which  Law  is  confirmed  by  our  Saviour.  They  were  ^y^,^  ,3.  j^, 
never  yet  able  to  pretend  any  Eye- witnefs  by  name,  but  Mr.  Neale ,  or  fome  body 
that  had  no  name  ,  becaufe  he  had  no  being  in  (he  nature  of  things :  all  the  rell 

had 


.g  T^4^crati^^  TQM  El- 

had  it  from  Mr.  Neala  fingle  TdUmony,   becaufe  they  cannot  teaifie  what  was 
done,  but  what  Mr.  Nf^/f  laid.  r     ,       ■     r 

Secondly,  Mr.  Neale  teftiheth  nothing  ,  as  a  fingle  wjtnefs  ought  to  teftifie.  He 
was  never  fworn  to  fpeak  the  truth ,  he  never  teftihed  it  before  a  Publick  Notary, 
he  was  never  examined  before  a  competent  Judge ,  he  was  never  produced  before 
the  face  of  a  Proteftant.  Is  this  the  manner  of  the  Komans  now  a  days,  to  con- 
demn whole  Churches  upon  the  Verbal  Teftimony  of  a  fingle  witnefs  ,  before  he 
be  brought  face  to  face  with  thofe  whom  he  accufeth ;  and  fuch  a  Teftimony  which 
is  clogged  with  fo  many  improbabilities  and  incongruities,  and  incoherences,  that 
no  rational  impartial  man  can  truft  one  fyllable  of  it  ?  whereas  in  fuch  a  cafe  as  this, 
againll  the  Third  Eftate  of  the  Kingdom ,  againft  the  Records  Civil  and  Eccleil- 
altical ,  againrt  the  Teftimony  of  a  Parliament ,  an  Hundred  WitneJTes  ought  not 
tobe  admitted. 

We  regard  not  Mr.  Fitz-Herberts  fujpicions  zt  all.     What  are  the  fufpicions  of  a 
private  Ikanger ,   to  the  well  known  credit  of  a  Publick  Regifter  ?  His  fi(Jj>icions 
can  weigh  no  more  than  his  Reafons  ,  that  is  juft  nothing.     He  faith  thU  exception. 
M  no  mrv  quarrel ,  but  vehemently  urged  to  the  Englifh  Clergy  in  the  heginnirig  of  the 
^eens  Keign  ,  tojhevp  hovo  and  by  vehom  they  were  made  Vriejis  ,  Bijhops^  &c.     You 
have  faid  enough  to  confute  your  (elves,  but  you  touch  not  us.  If  they  had  known 
that  they  were  Confecrated  at  the  Nags-head ,  as  well  as  you  would  feem  to  know 
it ,  they  needed  not  to  urge  it  fo  vehemently  ,  to  fhew  how  and  by  whom  they 
were  ordained  i  they  would  have  done  that  for  them  readily  enough  ,  unlefs  per- 
haps you  think  that  they  concealed  the  Nags-head  Oxdin^tion  out  of  favour  to  the 
Proteftants.    But  I  fee  you  are  miftaken  in  this  as  in  all  other  things.     There  was 
an  old  obje(3:ion  indeed  ,  that  our  Confecratcrs  were  not  Koman-Cztholkks^   and 
that  our  Confecration  was  not  Ritu  Komano ,  or  that  we  were  not  Ordained  by  Pa- 
pal authority  :  but  the  Nags-head  Oidinztion  is  a  new  Queftion.     What  might  be 
whifpered  underhand ,  in  the  ears  of  credulous  perfons  of  your  own  party  in  Cor- 
nets ,  we  do  not  know :  but  for  all  your  contrary  intimations ,  none  of  all  your 
Writers  did  dare  to  put  any  fuch  thing  in  Print ,  for  above  Forty  years  after  Arch- 
bilhop  Parker's  Confecration.     l(  filent  JVitneJfes  in  fuch  circumjiances  prove  more  than 
others  ,  as  you  affirm,  then  all  your  Writers  are  our  Witnefles.     But  none  of  all 
your  Doftors  did  ever  urge  any  fuch  thing ,  as  required  that  we  fliould  cite  the 
Regifters  in  prudence,  as  by  a  clear  Anfwer  to  all  your  Teftimonicsrtiall  appear. 
The  Water  did  not  ftop  there  in  thofe  days ;  yet  even  in  Archbifliop  Parkers  life  time, 
the  Confecration  of  our  Bifliops  was  publiflied  to  the  World  in  Print  v  either  fhew 
us  as  much  for  your  Nags-head  Ordination ,  or  hold  your  peace  for  ever^     Bifliop 
Andrews  the  learned  Bifhop  of  VVinchefier's  abfurdities,falfuies  ,  and  lies  ,  are  eafily 
talked  of,  men  may  talk  of  Black  fwans :  but  he  who  hath  laid  your  greateft 
Champions  in  the  dufi: ,  requires  another  manner  of  difcovcrer  than  Mr.  Fitz- 
Hcrhert. 

But  thefe  Fathers  are  relblved  to  confute  themfelves ,  without  the  help  of  an 

Adverfary.     They  tell  us,  that  no  mention  was  ever  made  ofKegijicrs  tejiifing  Parkers 

Confecration  at  Lambeth  ,  ttntil  Mr.  Mafon  Printed  his  booh^     This  is  not  true  ,  they 

were  mentioned  by  the  Parliament ,  mentioned  in  Print ,  I  think  before  Mr.  Majon 

was  born.    What  though  Lambeth  were  not  rncntioned ,  if  the  Legality  of  his 

Confecration  were  mentioned  ?  This  is  enough  to  Anfwer  your  Objection  i  this  is 

enough  to  confute  your  Romance  of  the  Nags-head.    Yet  thus  much  you  yout 

felves  confefs  in  the  fame  Paragraph ,  that  in  a  book  Printed  in  the  Year  i5c5  Cthat 

is  Eight  Years  before   the  Year  1613.   Wherein  you  fay  that  Mr.  M<«/ot Printed  his 

book^called  Antiquitates  Mtannix^thcxt  is  a  Regijier  of  the  Proteftant  Bijhops  of  EnghrA: 

then  there  was  a  Regilter  of  the  Confecration  of  Proteftant  Bifhops  extant ,  before 

Mr.  Mafon  did  Write  of  that  SubjeA.     You  fay  ,  that  Regijier  doth  not  mention  any 

certain  place  or  Form  of  their  Conjecration.     It  was  not  needful  i  the  Law  prefcribeth 

xhc  Form ,  and  the  place  was  indifferent,  Co  it  were  a  Confecrated  place  ,  which 

the  Law  doth  likewife  prefcribe.     But  you  tell  us  farther  ,  thzt  thif  Regijhr  tvas 

Forged  or  foifted  in  ^  and  thit  your  learned  but  namelefs  Friend  ,  fee  the  old  Mantt- 

fcript  of  that  Eook^^  wherein  there  is  m  mention  of  any  fuch  Regijier^  which  you  tell 


Discourse      V.  Bifhopf  Vindicated.  ^5p 

us  in  your  Friends  words,  xh^t  aU  the  World  may  fee  how  this  Regifier  wm  Furled. 
Why  are  all  the  World  bound  to  believe  your  Friend  ?  How  (hould  we  give  ere-* 
dit  to  a  man  who  tells  us  Three  notorious  untruths  in  Four  lines  >  Firll ,  that  it  is 
pretended  that  Archbijhop  Parker  vpm  made  a  Bijhop  by  Barlow, Scory  and  "three  other r 
by  virtue  of  a  Commiiiion  from  Queen  Elizabeth  :  he  was  made  a  Bilhop  by  Bar- 
lorv, Scory  and  Two  ethers.     Secondly,  that  this  Work  was  Aded  on  the  17.  day 
ci  September  ,  An-  1555).  which  was  adted  on   the  17.  day  oi  December  ^  I55P-      ■'''''  '"■ 
Thirdly,    that  rpe  had  no  Form  then  or  Order  to  do Jucb  a  bufmefi;  whereas  you  your 
felves  confefs ,  that  Edward  the  Sixths  rite  of  Ordination  ,  veoi  re-ejiablijhtd  in  the 
t'irjl  Tear  of  G)ueen  Elizabeth  :  and  Archbifliop  Farh^rs  Ordination  was  in  the  Se- 
cond of  Queen  Elizabeth.     He  who  ftumbles  fo  thick  and  Threefold  ,  may  err  in 
his  viewing  the  Manufcript  as  well  as  the  rell.     But  to  gratifie  you,  fuppofe  it  was 
Fo^ed  in  ,  what  good  will  that  do  you  ?  It  muft  of  necellity  be  foifted  in  before  it 
was  Printed  ,  it  could  not  be  foifted  in  after  it  was  Printed  ,  and  it  mult  be  foilted 
in  by  a  Protellant,  for  no  KowdW-Catholick  would  foift  it  in.  So  ftill  you  fee  a  Re- 
gilkr  ofProteftant  Bifhops,  was  publiflied  to  the  World  in  Print,  Eight  Years 
before  Mr.  Mafon  publifhed  his  Book. 

Your  Friend  faith  ,  that  thif  Printed  Bsol{,of  Parkers  Antiquitates  Britannisc  is  the 
Firli  that  mentionetb  any  fuch  pretended  Confecration  of  hifn  and  the  refi.  So  it  might 
be  well ,  when  it  was  Firft  Printed  ,  that  was  not  in  the  Year  11^05.  but  in  Arch- 
bifliop  Parkers  life  time ,  Three  years  before  his  death  ,  An.  1 572.  So  much  you 
might  have  learned  from  the  very  Title-Page  of  the  Book ,  Printed  at  Hannotv 
Hilioria  antehac  nonmfi  jemel  ^  nimirum  Londini  in  S-dibut  ]oha.nms  Day  anno  i'^j2, 
excufa  :  7hat  thU  Hijiory  rvas  printed  formerly  at  London  in  the  Houfe  0/ John  Day  in 
the  Tear  1572.  This  doth  utterly  deftroy  the  credit  of  your  Friends  Relation,  that 
he  had  viewed  the  Manufcript  of  that  Book.  There  needed  no  Manufcript,  where 
they  had  a  Printed  Book  for  their  Copy  ,  ( as  the  Title-page  telleth  us  they'had  :  ) 
and  that  Printed  above  Sixty  years  before  your  Friend  Writ ,  it  is  probable  before 
his  Birth.  If  there  be  any  thing  of  foifting  in  the  cafe  ,  there  is  rather  fomething 
foifted  out  of  the  former  Edition ,  then  foifted  in  v  namely ,  Archbifhop  Parkers 
Life  until  that  time  ,  with  the  particular  Confecrations  of  our  Firft  Bifhops,  which 
were  in  the  London  edition  ,  and  are  omitted  in  this  edition  of  Hannow.  This  is 
clear  enough  by  the  very  Title,  An  Hijiory  of  70  Archbijhops,  and  there  are  iu  this  E- 
dition  but  6p.  Archbifliops,  becaufe  thelifeof  Archbifliop  Parlor  is  wanting  i  which 
neverthelefs  is  promifed  in  the  Life  of  Archbifhop  Warrham  pag.  312.  [m  in  Mat- 
thsi  Parker  Cantuarienfis  Archiepijchopi  vita  inferius  dicemus.  As  wefiali  fay  hereaf- 
ter in  the  Life  of  Matthew  Parker  Archbijhop  <f  Canterbury  ~\  You  fee  ho^v  infortu- 
nateyou  are  in  accufing  others  of  Forgery. 

Your  Author  proceedeth,  a«|)/  man  reading  the  printed  Boo\^  rvil!  manifillly  fee  it 
U  a  meerly  foilhd  and  inferted  thing  ,  having  no  connexion  correfiondence  or  affinity  ei-  ' 
ther  With  that  which  goeth  before ,  or  fohweth  it.  Say  you  fo  >  There  was  never  any 
thing  more  fitly  inferted.  The  Author  undertaketh  to  Write  the  Lives  of  70.  fuc- 
ceeding  Archbiftiops  of  C^y^tfrtary,  from  Aujitn  to  Matthew  Parlor  ^  and  havin* 
premitted  fome  General  obfcrvations  concerning  the  antiquity  of  Chriftian  Religion 
in  Britanny  ,  with  the  names  of  fomc  Archbifliops  of  London ,  and  the  original  and 
changes  of  Epifcopal  Sees  in  England ,  and  fome  other  Generalities  concerning  the 
Priviledges  of  the  See  of  Canterbury^  and  the  Converfion  oi Kept;  juft  before  heen- 
ters  upon  the  life  of  St.  Auiiin  the  Firft  Archbifliop,  he  prefenteth  the  Reader  with  a 
fummary  view  of  the  Archbiflioprick  o^  Canterbury^  at  that  time  when  the  Book 
was  Firft  Printed  ,  in  the  Year  1572.  With  the  names  of  all  the  Bifliops  of  the  Pro- 
vince at  that  time,  their  Countries ,  their  Arms,  both  of  their  Sees  and  of  their 
Families ,  their  refpedive  ages,  their  Univerfities ,  their  Degrees  in  Schools,  with 
the  times  of  their  feveral  Confecrations ,  if  they  were  ordained  Bifliops ,  or  con- 
firmations ,  if  they  were  tranflated  from  another  See.  It  is  hardly  poilible  for  the 
Wit  of  man  to  contrive  more  matter  into  alefTer  Room.  Then  he  fets  down  a 
like  Table  for  the  Province  of  Torkj.  and  laftly  an  Alphabetical  Catalogue  of  the 
Bilhops ,  whofe  Lives  were  deicribed  in  this  Book,  and  among  the  reft,  Arch- 
bifliop P^irJ^fr  ,  whofe  life  (  if  you  calIit/az/Ji»g  )  is  foifted  out  of  this  HimtowE- 

ditioB 


470 


c7nfecraUonofProteJiant TOIME^I- 

"7]^      iTthis^hath  no  connexion  or  affinity  tvith  that  vehich  goeth  before  ,  and  foUomth 
after     I  know  not  what  connexion  or  affinity  is. 

'     Your  Friends  laft  exception  againlt  the  authority  of  that  Book  called  Antiquita- 
Britanni£     is ,  that  it  containeth  more  things  done  after  Matthew  Parker  hadlFnt- 
^un  that  BookJ  So  you  confcfsthat  Arcbiibop  Tar]i^r  himfelf  (  about  whom  all  our 
Controverfic  is  ,  )  was  the  Author  of  that  Book  i  wherein  I  agree  with  you.     The 
conclufion  of  the  Preface,  and  many  other  reafons  invite  me  to  do  lb.     Surely 
this  Author  meant  that  there  is  fomething  contained  in  this  Regifter,  which  is  not 
within  the  compafs  of  the  following  Lives  in  the  Hannone  Eddition  ,  (  that  may 
well  be  ,  becaufe  Matthew  Parkers  Liteisfoifted  out  in  this  Eddition  :  )  but  there  is 
nothing  which  was  not  in  the  London  Edition  ,  much  more  largely  than  it  is  in  this 
Rcgilier  ,  cfpccially  for  the  Confirmations  and  Confecrations  of  our  Froteflant bi- 
lboes :  there  is  nothing  after  the  time  when  this  Regifter  wris  made  ,  which  is  pre- 
fixed in  the  Frontifpice  of  it  in  the  Hannorf  Eddition,  with  M:  P;  for  Matthew 
father.     Matthew  Tarl^r  A\t6i  May  x\\<t  2"].   Anno  \  <,"]<,:  he  Pri;  red  his  Book  at  L«t- 
don  Three  Years  before  his  death  ,    without  the  Authors  name  ,  in  the  Year   1572. 
I  appeal  to  the  Ingenious  Reader ,  (  let  him  be  of  what  Communion  he  will ,  or 
never  fo  full  of  prejudice ,)    whether  it  be  credible,  that  Archbifhop  Parkers  own 
Books  (hould  be  Printed  in  London  by  the  Queens  Printer ,  in  his  Life  time  ,  and 
have  any  thing  foifted  into  it  contrary  to  his  fenfe. 

Here  then  we  have  a  Regilter  of   Proteftant  Biihops ,  with  their  Confirmations 
and  Confecrations ,  publifhed  to  the  World  in  Print  at  London,  by  Archbifliop  Par- 
ker himfelf ,  (  who  was  the  principal  perfon  and  moft  concerned  in  that  Controver- 
fie, )  as  if  it  (hould  dare  all  the  Adverfaries  of  our  Church   to  except  againft  it ,  if 
•  they  could.     Regifters  cannot  be  concealed  ,  being  always  kept  in  the  moft  publick 
and  confpicuous  places  of  great  Cities,  whither  every  one  hath  accefs  to  them  who 
will.     They  need  no  Printing,  but  this  was  Printed  (  a  work  of  fuperirrogation. ) 
They  who  dared  not  to  except  againft  it  then  ,  when  it  was  frcfh  in  all  mens  me- 
mories, ought  not  to  be  admitted  to  make  conjedtural  exceptions  now. 

Now  the  Fathers  come  to  fhcw  ,  how  tbeir  Dodtors  did  objedl  to  our  Prote- 
ftant Clergy  ,  the  Nullity  and  Ulegality  of  their  Ordination.  If  their  Dodtors  give  a 
caufe  or  reafon  of  their  knowledge  ,  we  are  bound  to  anfwer  that :  but  if  they 
objeft  nothing  but  their  own  judgement  and  authority  ,  we  regard  it  not ;  their 
judgement  may  weigh  fomething  with  them  ,  but  nothing  at  all  with  us.  This  is 
not  to  make  themfelves  advocates,  but  Judges  over  us,  which  we  do  not  allow.  If 
I  (hould  produce  the  Teflimonyesof  Fourfcore  Proteftant  Dodtorsv  who  affirm  that 
we  have  a  good  Succellion  ,  or  that  their  Succelfion  is  not  good,  what  would  they 
value  it .? 

The  Firft  is  Dr.  BrijloWy  Confider  what  Church  that  is ,  whofe  Minijlers  are  but  very 
Laymen  ,  unfent ,  micaVed ,   uncoafecrated  ,  holding  therefore  amongji  us  when  they  re- 
pent and  return  ,  m  other  place  but  of  Laymen  ,  in  no  cafe  admitted,  no  nor  looking  to 
Miniftcr  in  any  Office ,   unlefs  they  takg  Orders  which  before  they  had  not.     Here  is  Dr. 
Brijhws  determination ,  but  where  are  his  grounds  ?  He  bringeth  none  at  all  ,  but 
the  pradlife  of  the  Koman  Church  ,  and  that  not  general.     Paul  the  Fourth  and 
Cardinal  Pool  and  the  Court  of  Kome  in  tho(c  days  were  of  another  Judgement,  and 
fo  are  many  others;  and  fo  may  they  themfelves  come  to  be  ,  when  they  have  confi- 
dered  more  feriouflyof  the  matter,  that  we  have  both  the  fame  old  Elfentials.  That 
which  excufeth  their  reordination  from  formal.  Sacriledge  ( for  from  material  it  can- 
not be  cxcufed  upon  their  own  grounds  ,  )  is  this ,  that  they  cannot  difcover  the 
truth  of  the  matter  of  Fadt,  for  the  hideous  Fables  raifed  by  our  Country-men. 
But  where  is  the  Nags-head  Ordination  in  Dr.  Bniiow  '<  Then  had  been  the  time  to 
have  objedlcd  it,and  Printed  it,  if  there  had  been  any  reality  in  it.Either  Dr.  Brifiow 
had  never  heard  of  this  merry  Pageant ,  or  he  was  a(hamed  of  it.     Here  we  meet 
with  Dr.  Fz<%  again,  and  what  they  fay  of  him  (hall  be  anfwered  in  its  proper  place. 
Their  next  witnefs  is  Mr.  Reinolds  ,  There  is  no  hardfman  in  all  Turkey,  who  doth 
not  undertake  the  Government  of  his  Heard,  upon  better  reafon  and  greater  right.  Order 
and  Authority ,  than  ihefe your  Magnificent  Apoftles.  &c.  And  why  zn  Heardsman  in 
TMr1{y,  bnt  onely  to  allude  to  his  Title  oi  Calvino  Turcifmus?  An  Heardfman  in 

Turky 


IDiscouRSE      V.  Bi/hopf  Vindicated.  ^j  ^ 

7ttrk,y  hath  as  much  right  to  order  his  Heard  ,  as  an  Heardfmin  in  Chriltendom  ,  " 
unlels  perhaps  your  Dr.  did  think  ,  that  Dominion  was  ioanded  ,n  Grace  ,  no.  m 
nature.  This  is  faying  ,^  but  we  exped  proving.  It  is  well  knoA'n  rhat  you  pre-  ' 
tend  more  to  a  magiiiftcem  Apnji.bte ,  them  we.  If  the  Authority  of  the  Holy 
Scripture  C  which  knoweth  no  other  Eflentials  of  Ordination  ;  but  impop.mn  of 
hands  and  thefe  words  Kfctiw  the  Holy  Ghoji , )  if  the  perpetual  prattife  ot  the  Uni- 
verfal  Church,  if  the  prefcription  of  the  ancient  Council  of  Car//>a?e ,  and  above 
200  Orthodox  Bifhops  ,  with  the  concurrent  approbation  of  the  Primitive  Fathers 
be  fulfieient  grounds,  we  want  not  fnfficient  grounds  for  the  exercife  of  our  Sacred 
Fundions.  But  on  the  contrary  ,  there  is  no  Heardjman  in  Turkey  whohathnot  more 
fufficient  grounds  or  alTurance  of  the  lawfulnefs  of  his  Office  ,  than  you  have  for 
the  difcharge  of  your  Holy  Orders,  upon  your  own  grounds.  The  litrk^jh 
Heardfman  receives  his  maftcrs  commands  without  examining  his  intention  :  but 
according  to  your  grounds  ,  if  in  an  hundred  fucceffive  ordinations  there  were 
but  oneBifliop  who  had  an  intention  not  to  ordain  ,  or  no  intention  to  ordain  or 
but  one  Priefl:  who  had  an  intention  not  to_  Baptife,  or  no  intention  to  Baptife  any 
of  thefe  Bifhops ,  then  your  whole  fucceliion  cometh  to  nothing.  But  I  muft  ask 
ftill  where  is  your  "Mags-head  Ordination  in  all  this?  Mr.  Reinolds  might  have  a  plea- 
fant  parallel  between  the  Nags-head  Ordination  and  the  Ordination  of  the  7'k/-j<?/& 
Mufti  ,  and  wanted  not  a  mind  mifchievous  enough  againft  his  Mother  the  Church 
of  England,  if  he  could  have  found  the  lealt  pretext :  but  there  was  none.  You  feek 
for  water  out  of  a  Pumice. 

Their  Third  Witnefs  is  Dr.  ^fj/'/e^w,  in  his  counterblaft  againft  Bifhop  Hor«. 
"To  fay  truly  ,  yoK  are  no  Lord  Winchefter  ,  nor  elfervhere  ,  but  onely  Mr.  Robert  Horn' 
If  it  not  mtorious  that  you  and  your  Colleagues  were  not  ordained  according  to  the  prefcript 
Jrvillmtfay  of  the  Church  ^  hut  even  of  the  very  Statutes?  Horv  then  canyon  chal- 
lenge to  your  felf  the  name  of  the  Lord  Bifl^op  of  Winchefter  z'  Tou  are  tvithout  any  eonfe- 
cration  at  all  of  your  Metropolitan^  himfelfpoor  man  being  no  Bijhop  neither.  This  was  a 
loud  blart  indeed  :  but  if  Dr.  Stapleton  could  have  faid  any  thing  of  the  Nags-head 
Ordination  ,  he  would  have  given  another  manner  of  blaft,  that  (hould  have  made 
the  whole  World  Echo  again  with  the  found  of  it.  In  vain  you  (eek  any  thing  of 
the  Nags-head  in  your  writers  ,  until  after  the  year  1600.  For  anfwer  ,  Dr.  Staple- 
ton  raifeth  no  objedtion  from  the  inftitution  of  Chrift  ,  whereupon  and  onely 
whereupon,  the  validity  or  invalidity  of  ordination  doth  depend:  but  onely  from 
the  Lavvs  of  EngLuid.  Firft ,  tor  the  Canons,  we  maintain  that  our  Form  o(  Epif- 
copal  Ordination  hath  the  fame  Effentials  with  the  Roman  :  but  in  other  things  of 
inferiour  allay  it  differcth  from  it.  The  Papal  Canons  were  never  admitted  for 
binding  Laws  in  England,  further  than  they  were  received  by  our  felves  and  in- 
corporated into  our  Laws  :  but  our  Ordination  is  conformable  to  the  Canons  of 
the  Catholick  Church  ,  which  prefcribe  no  new  matter  and  form  in  Prieftly  Ordi- 
nation. And  for  our  Statutes ,  the  Parliament  hath  anfwercd  that  objeif  ion  fuffi- 
ciently  ,  (liewing  clearly  ,  that  the  Ordination  of  our  Firlr  Proteftanl;  Bilhops  was 
legal,  and  for  the  validity  of  it,  we  crave  no  mans  favour. 

Their  laft  witnefs  is  Dr.  Harding  ,  who  had  as  good  a  will  ( if  there  had  been 
any  reality  in  it  )  to  have  fpoken  of  the  Nags-head  Ordination  as  the  beft     but  he 
fpcaketh  not  a  fyllable  of  it  more  than  the  reft:  and  though  they  keep  a  great  ftir  with 
him,  he  bringeth  nothing  that  is  worth  the  weighing.  Firfthe  readeth  us  a  profound 
Lefture  ,  that  S^csrdos  fignifieth  both  a  Priejl  and  a  Bijhop,     Let  it  fignifie  fo     and 
in  St.  Hieroms  (enfe,  what  will  he  infer  from  thence  ?  Next  heasketh  Bifhop  fevvcl 
of  Bifhoply  and  Priejily  vocation  and  fending.     What  new  canting  Lano-ua^^e  is  this  > 
could  he  not  as  well  have  made  ufe  of  the  old  Ecclefiaftical  Word  of  Urdi.ution? 
Thirdly  he  taxeth  the  Bifhop  ,  that  he  anfwereth  not  by  what  example  hands  tvere  laid 
on  him  ,  or  who  fent  him.     What  doth  this  concern  any  queftion  between  them  and 
us?  Hands  were  laid  on  him  by  the  Example  ofChrift,  of  his  Apoftles,  of  the 
Primitive  and  Modern  Church  :  fo  Chrift  fent  him,  the  King  (ent  him     the  Church 
fent  him  ,  in  feveral  refpeds.     He  telleth  us ,  that  when  he  had  duly  confidered  his 
Proteftant  Ordination  in  King  Edwards  time,  be  did  not  tak^  himfelffr  lawful  Dea- 
con in  all  ref^eUs.     If  his  Proteftant  Ordination  were  a  Nullity  (as  thefe  men  fiy    ) 

Fff  then 


"^^  execration  of  Prorefiant TONvE|. 

Then  he  was  a  lawful  Deacon  in  no  refpcd.     Pope  Paul  the  Fourth  and  Cardinal 
Tool  were  ot  another  mind.     Then  follow  his  two  grand  exceptions  againlt  our  Or- 
dination    wherein  you  fhall  find  nothing  of  your  Nags-head  Fable  ,  the  former  ex- 
eption  is  ,  that  King  Edwards  Biihops  who  gave  Orders  were  out  oj  Orders  themfelves^ 
The  Second  is,  that  they  miiiijired  not  Orders  according  to  the  right  and  mamier  vf  the 
Catholick^  Church.     For  the  former  exception,  I  refer  him  to  the  Council  of  Carthage 
in  St.  Jujiins  time ,  and  for  both  his  exceptions  to  Cardinal  Fools  Confirmation  of 
King  E^rvW/ Bifhops  and  Priefts,  znd  Paul  the  Fourth  Ratification  of  his  A(a.  If 
any  man  have  a  mind  to  inquire  further  into  the  validity  of  our  Form  of  Ordinati- 
on   let  him  leave  thefe  Fables  and  take  his  fcope  freely. 

To  all   this    they  fay,  th^tBipop  Jewel  a>ija>ers  much  rvith  profound filence ^  yet 
they  add,  onelyhe  jays  without  any  proof ^  that  their  Bijhops  are  made  by  form  and  Or' 
der     and  by  the  Confecration  of  the  Archhijhop  and  other  three  Bijhops^  and  by  admijfion 
of  the  Prince.     I  expeded  profound  filence ,  but  I  find  a  profound  anfwer  i   this  is 
the  Firtl  time  I  learned  how  a  man  can  both  keep  profound  filenee  ,  and  anfwer  fo 
pertinently  all  at  once  ,  How  doth  Dr.  Harding  go  about  to  take  away  this  anfwer: 
For  Bifliop  Jewel  wzs  thedefendent ,  and  the  burthen  of  the  proof  did  not  rell  up- 
on hm?  ¥iii\.  I  ptdiy  you.  how  was  your  Archhifhop  Confecrated  ?  l{  Dr.  Harding  did 
not  fee  his  Confecration  ,  he  might  have  feen  it  if  he  would.     He  asks  further , 
what  "Three  Bijhops  were  there  in  the  Realm  to  lay  hands  on  him?  Ask  the  Queens  Letters 
Patents ,  and  they  will  fhew  you  feven.     What  a  weak  Socratical  kind  of  arguing 
is  this  ,  altogether  by  queftions  ,  without  any  inference?  If  Dr.  Harding  could  have 
faid  it  juftly  ,  (  and  he  could  have  faid  it  if  it  had  been  fo  ,  )  he  fhould  have  con- 
futed him  boldly,   and  told  him  your  Metropolitan  was  Confecrated  in  the  Nags- 
head     byone  fingle  Birtiop  ,  in  a  Phanatical  and  Phantaftical  manner  ;  but  he  did 
not  ,,he  durft  notdo  it,  becaufe  he    knew  it   to    be  otherwife  ,  and  it  was  pub- 
lickly  known  to  be  otherwife.     All  his  exception  is  againft  our  Form,  If  you  had  been 
Confecrated  after  the  Form  and  Order  which  hath  ever  been  ufed ,  you  might  have  had  Bi- 
jhops out '-//  Frarce,5r  at  home  in  England.  It  is  the  Form  eftablilhed  in  ¥iix\^Edwards 
time,  and  reliored  in  Queen  Elizabeths  time ,   which  Dr.  Harding  impugneth  ,  not 
that  ridiculous  Form  which  they  Father  upon  Bifliop  Scary:  and  their  chief objedtion 
againft  that  Form,  was  that  vain  cavil,that  it  was  not  reftored  by  Ad  of  Parliament, 
which  fince  hath  been  anfwered  abundantly  by  an  Adt  of  Parliament.     Hereupon 
he  telleth  Bifliop  Jewel ,  that  his  Metropolitan  had  no  lawful  Confecration.     Though 
his  Confecration  had  not  been  lawful ,  yet  it  might  have  been  valid,  but  it  was  both 
legal  and  valid.     This  is  all  that  Dr.  Harding  hath,  which  a  much  meaner  Schollar 
than  that  learned  Prelate  might  have  adventured  upon ,  without  fear  of  burning 
his  Fingers. 

Their  next  proof  againft  our  Records ,  is  taken  from  the  contradidions  of  our 
Writers,   Mr.  Malons  Kegifters  and  Records  difagrce  with  theft  that  Mr.  Goodwin 
vfed  in  his  Catalogue  of  Bijhops  ,  fometimes  in  the  day  ,  fometimes  in  the  monetb  ,  fome- 
iimes  in  the  year.     And  again  ,  Mr.  Mafon,  Sutclitfe  W  Mr.  Butler,  all  jpeaking  of 
Mr.  Parkers  Confecration  ,  do  all  differ  one  from  another  in  naming  his  Confecraterss  Mr. 
"Mziou  faith  it  was  done  by '&zx]o'w  ^  Scory  ,  Coverdale,  W  Hodgskins.     Mr.  Sut- 
cltffe  faith,  befdes  the  Three  frji  there  was  two  Suffragans.     Mr.  Butkr  faith  ^  the  Suf- 
fragan of  Dover  was  one ,  who  is  not  named  in  the  Commijfton.     So  as  thefe  men  fecm  to 
have  had  three  difagreeing  "Regijhrs.     I  anfwer  ,  Firft  ,  that  it  is  fcarcely  poliible  to 
avoid errours  in  tranfcribing  and  Printing  of  Books,  in  the  Authors  abfence,  e- 
fpecially  in  names  and  numbers.     To  keep  a  balling  and  a  ftirr  about  thefe  Errata  of 
the  Pen  ,  ot  of  the  Prefs,  is  like  the  barking  of  little  Currs,  which  trouble  the 
whole  Vicinage  about  the  Moonfliining  in  the  Water.     Such  were  the  moft  of 
thefe. 

Secondly  ,  fuppofing  that  fome  very  few  of  thefe  were  the  real  miftakes  of  the 
Authors,  yet  innocent  miftakes ,  which  have  no  plot  in  them  or  defign  of  intereft 
or  Advantage  ,  which  conduce  neither /^o  nor  contra  ta  any  Controverlie  that  is  on 
foot,  they  ought  not  to  be  axaggerated  or  prefled  (everely  v  It  is  the  Wifdom  of  a 
Wife  man  to  pafs  by  an  infirmity.  Such  are  all  thefe  petty  differences.  Whether 
Archbifliop  Parker  was  Confecrated  by  Three  City  Bifhops  and  Two  Suffragan,  or 

by 


Discourse  V'^.  Bipjops  Vindicated*  aj^ 

by  Three  City  Bifliops  and  one  Suffragan  BiOiop  ,  and  whether  this  one  Suffragan 
were  Suffragan  of  Bfdford  or  Suffragan  of  Vover  .  conduceth  nothing  to  any  Con- 
troverfie  which  is  on  foot  in  the  Church  ,  and  fignffieth  nothing  to  the  validity  or 
invalidity,  legality  or  illegality  ,  canonicalnefs  or  uncanonicalncfs  of  his  Ordinati- 
on.    All  memories  are  not  fo  happy,  to  remember  names  and  numbers  after  a  long 
dirtance  of  time  ,  efpccially  if  chcy  entred  but  by  the  ear,  and  were  not  Ociilkfub- 
jeUa  fidelibus.     If  any  man  lliould  put  me  to  depofe  (  wanting  my  notes  and  me- 
morials, )  what  Prieits  did  impofe  hands  upon  me  with  Archbiihop  Mmhexvs  at  my 
PrieiUy' Ordination  ,  or  what  Bifhops  did  joyn  with  my  Lord  Primate  of  Ireland  at 
my  Epiicopal  Ordination ,  I  could  not  do  it  exadtly.     I  know  there  were  more 
than  the  Canons  do  require,  at  either  Ordination:  and  refer  myfelf  tothe  Regifter. 
whether  Two  Suffragans  or  one  Suffragan  ,  is  an  eafie  miftake  ,  when  there  were 
Two  in  the  Commiilion,  and  but  one  at  the  Confecration  ;  fo  is  the  Suffragan  of 
Vover  for  the  Suffragan  of  Bedford. 

Thirdly,  whether  thefc  were  the  faults  of  the  Pen  ,  orthePreft,  or  the  Author: 
yet  after  retradtation  it  ought  not  to  be  objeded.  It  is  inhuman  to  charge  any  man 
with  that  fault ,  which  he  himfelf  had  correded  and  amended.  Bifhop  Go^dtvin 
correfted  all  thefe  errours  himftlf,  without  any  Monitor  ,  and  publiihed  his  Cor- 
rection of  his  errours  to  the  World  in  Print  long  fince,  in  a  new  Edirion  of  his 
Book.  Likewife  Dr.  Sutdiffe  acknowledged  his  miftake  ,  and  gave  order  to  Mr. 
M^fon  to  publifh  it  to  the  World,  as  he  did. 

To  ground  exceptions  upon  the  errours  of  the  Prefs ,  or  the  flips  of  the  Tongue, 
or  Pen  ,  or  of  the  memory  ,  after  they  have  been  publickly  amended  ,  is  like  flies 
to  delight  in  fores ,  and  neglecft  the  body  when  it  is  found.  I  have  the  fame  errour 
crept  into  a  Book  of  mine ,  of  j^  Five  ]  for  {_  Four  ,  ]  how  it  came  I  know  not  j 
for  the  Book  was  Printed  in  my  abfence  :  but  I  liave  correded  it  in  mine  own  copy 
and  in  many  copies  of  my  Friends ,  where  I  meet  with  the  Book. 

Laftly  there  is  no  danger  in  fuch  petty  differences,  fo  long  as  all  parties  do  fub- 
mit  themfelves  to  the  publick  Regifters  of  the  Church,  as  all  thefe  Writers  do,  al- 
tliough  it  may  be  fome  of  them  were  better  acquainted  with  Polemick  Writers , 
than  with  Regiflers  ,  or  the  pradical  cuftoms  of  the  Church  of  England.  The 
very  reference  or  fubmillion  of  themfelves  to  the  Regifter ,  is  an  implicit  retrada- 
tion  of  their  errours.  As  in  a  City ,  the  Clocks  may  differ,  and  the  peoples  judg- 
ments of  the  time  of  the  day ,  but  both  Clocks  and  Clerks  muft  fubmit  to  the  Sun 
Dyal ,  when  the  Sun  Shineth  out ,  fo  all  private  memorials  muft  be  ,  and  are  fub- 
mitted  to  the  publick  Regifter  of  the  Church.  Where  thefe  Fathers  talk  of  plura- 
lity of  Regifters ,  they  err  becaufe  they  underftand  not  our  cuftoms.  Every  Bifhop 
throughout  the  Kingdom  hath  one  Fvegiftry  at  leafl ,  every  Dean  and  Chapter  hath 
a  Regiftry.  The  Ordinations  of  Priefts  and  Deacons  ,  and  the  Inftitution  of  Clerks 
to  Benefices  ,  are  recorded  in  the  Regiftries  of  the  refpedive  Bifhops ,  in  whofe  \^[- 
oceffes  they  are  Ordained  and  Inftituted.  The  Eledions  of  Biftiops ,  and  Inthro- 
nifations ,  and  Inftallations,  in  the  Regiftry  of  the  refpedive  Deans  and  Chapiters 
and  the  Cohtirmations  and  Confecrations  of  Bifhops ,  in  the  Regiftry  of  the  Arch- 
biftiop  where  they  are  Confccrated  ■■,  except  the  Archbiftiop  be  pleafed  to  grant  a 
Commiilion  to  fome  other  Bifhops  ,  to  Confecrate  the  Eleded  and  Confirmed  Bi- 
fhop in  fome  other  place.  But  the  fame  thing  cannot  be  Recorded  originally  but 
in  one  Regiftery. 


C  H  A  P.     I  X. 

Pr.  Whitaker  and  Vr.  Fulke  defended,    Bijhop  Barlows  Conjecration  jullified  ,  of  John 
Stov/i  Tejiimony  ,  and  the  Earl  of  Notinghams,  &c. 

HEre  the  Fathers  take  upon  them  the  office  of  Judges  or  Cenfors  rather  than 
of  Advocates.  Mr.  Mafon  ought  to  have  anfvoered  as  Mr.  Whitaker  and  Mr. 
Fwlkc  (  they  were  both  eminent  Dodors  in  the  Schools  )  who  had  reafoii  to  be  better  in- 
formed  of  the  Kecords  than  he.     How  >  Nay  nor  half  fo  well.     They  were  both  con- 

F  fiz  templative 


474 


CmfecratioH  of?rotefiant  T  O  M  E  I^ 

ItiTiDlativc  nun ,  cloTilered  up  in  St.  John's  Colledge  ,  better  acquainted  with  polc- 
mick  Writers  than  with  Records,  they  were  both  ordained  Deacons  and  Pricfts 
Iceajlv  Canonically,  according  to  the  Form  prefcribed  by  the  Church  of  England: 
and  were  no  fuch  ill  Birds  to  derilc  their  own  ncfts.  If  the  Records  of  their  Ordina- 
tion will  fatisrie  you  ,  that  they  were  no  Enthufiafts  ,  (  as  you  imagin  ,  )  you  may 
quickly  receive  fatisfadion :  but  if  they  had  faid  any  thing  contrary  to  our  Laws 
and  Canons ,  you  mult  not  think  to  wrangle  the  Church  of  England  out  of  a  good 
pofTcilion  ,  by  private  voluntary  fpeculations.  Let  us  fee  what  theft  Dodors  fay  as 
you  alledge  thein  ,  for  1  have  not  their  Books  in  prefent.  Mr.  Whitah^r  faith  7  rvould 
not  have  you  ihin^rve  mak^fuch  recks»ing  of  your  Orders  ^  as  to  hold  our  own  Vocation 
mlawfttl  Tvithout  them.  You  fee  Dr.  Whitak^r  juftifieth  our  Ordination  in  this  very 
place  as  lawful  ,  and  much  more  plainly  elfewhere  in  his  writings.  That  though 
cur  Bilhois  aud  Minijlers  be  not  ordained  by  Papijiical  Bijhops,  yet  they  are  orderly  and 
brvjully  ordained:  Again,  'Ihe  Kom^mi\%  account  none  lawful  Vaftors^  but  fuch  as  are 
created  according  to  thetr  Form  or  Order.  Thefc  are  your  two  main  Objedions  againft 
our  Ordination,  that  we  are  not  ordained  by  Biftiops  of  your  Communion.  That 
we  are  not  ordained  according  to  the  Roman  Form.  In  both  of  thefc  ,  Dr.  JVhi- 
iak^r  is  wholy  for  us  againll  you  ,  that  which  he  maketh  no  reckoning  of,  is  your 
Form  o£  Ordination  ,  as  it  is  contradiftind  from  ours ,  as  it  is  in  many  things,  e- 
fpecially  in  your  double  matter  and  Form  in  Prieftly  Ordination. 

You  fay ,  Mr.  F«%  fpeaks  more  plainly  ,  let  us  hear  him.  Tou  are  highly  decei- 
ved, if  you  think^we  ejieem  your  Offices  of  Bijhops,  Friefts  and  Deacons,  better  than 
Laymen  :  and  with  all  our  heart  we  defie  ,  abhor  ,  deteji  and  fiit  at  your  jHnking,  grea- 
fie,  Antichrifiian  Orders.  This  is  high  enough  indeed,  and  might  have  been  ex- 
prefled  in  more  moderate  terms  i  but  it  is  to  be  expounded  ,  not  of  the  invalidity 
of  your  ordination  ,  as  if  it  wanted  any  Eflential ,  but  partly  in  refped  of  the 
rot  ufing  or  abufing  thefe  (acred  Offices,  and  partly  in  refped  of  the  Laws  of  Eng- 
land. Excefles  may  make  an  ordination  unlawful ,  although  they  do  not  make  it 
invalid.  Holy  orders  are  an  excellent  grace ,  conferred  by  God  for  the  convcrfion 
of  men  •,  but  if  thofe  who  have  them,  inftead  of  preaching  truth  do  teach  errours 
to  his  people ,  and  adulterate  the  old  Chriftian  Faith  by  addition  of  New  Articles, 
they  arc  no  longer  true  Faftors,  but  Wolves  which  deftroy  the  Flock  •,  and  fo  they 
are  not  onely  no  better  ,  but  worfe  than  Laymen,  corruptio  optimi  pejjima.  In  this 
refped  they  tell  you  ,  that  your  Priefts  and  Bilhops  are  no  true  Priefts  and  Bifhopsi 
^sMarcellus  told  his  Souldiers,  That  they  were  no  true  Komans  (  who  were  natural 
B-cmans  )  bccaufe  they  wanted  the  old  Roman  virtue.  Laftly  ,  you  have  habitual 
power  to  exercife  thefc  offices ,  but  you  want  adual  power  in  England ,  by  reafon 
of  the  not  application,  or  rather  the  fubftradion  of  the  matter  by  our  Laws  i  fo 
you  are  no  legal  Bifhops  or  Priefts  there.  This  I  take  to  have  been  the  fenfe  of  thefc 
two  Dodors. 

Now  are  wc  come  to  their  grand  Exception,  againfl  Bifhop  Barlow,  who  was 
one  of  the  Confecraters  of  Archbiftiop  Parker  ,  whofe  confecration  is  not  found  in 
the  Archbifhops  Regifler  >  and  therefore  they  conclude  that  he  was  never  confecra- 
ted.  If  this  objedion  were  true,  yet  it  doth  not  render  Archbifhop  P^jr^r's  con- 
fecration either  invalid  or  uncanonical,  becaufe  there  were  three  other  Bifhops  who 
joined  in  that  confecration ,  befides  Bifhop  Barlow  ,  which  is  the  full  number  re- 
quired by  the  Canons.  But  this  objedion  is  mod:  falfe ,  Bifhop  Barlow  was  a  con- 
secrated Bifhop  above  Twenty  years  before  the  confecration  of  Archbifhop  Parker. 
They  fhould  have  done  well  to  have  propofed  this  doubt  in  Bifhop  Barlow's  life- 
time ,  and  then  they  might  have  had  the  Teftimony  of  his  Confecraters,  under  an 
Archiepifcopalor  EpifcopalSeal,  for  their  fatisfadion  i  the  Teftimony  ofthcAr- 
chiepifcopal  Regifier ,  is  a  full  proof  of  confecration  affirmatively  ,  but  it  is  not  a 
full  proof  negatively  ■■,  fuch  a  Bifhops  confecration  is  not  recorded  in  this  Regifkr , 
therefore  he  was  not  confccrated.  For  firft ,  The  negligence  of  an  officer,  or  fome 
crofs  accident  might  hinder  the  recording.  Secondly ,  Fire  or  Thieves ,  or  fome 
fuch  cafuahy  might  dcltroy  or  purloin  the  Record.  Thirdly  ,  Though  it  be  not 
recorded  in  this  Regifkr,  it  may  be  recorded  in  another,  the  Archbifliop  may, 
and  Archbifhop  Cranmer  ufually  did  delegate  ,  or  give  commiflion  to  three  other 

Bifhops 


Discourse    V.  Bifbops  Vindicated.  .-^ 

. i — L __ 4/5 

Bifliops  fur  confecration.     And  though  the  Work  be  ordinarily  performed  at  Lam- 
beth, becaufe  of  the  place  ,  where  they  may  have  three  Bifhops  always  prefent  with- 
out any  farther  charge  ,  yet  they  are  not  obliged  by  any  Law  to  confecrate  them 
there.     And  if  there  be  a  fufficient  number  of  Bifhops  near  the  Cathedral  which  is 
to  be  filled ,  or  if  the  perfon  who  is  to  be  confecrated  do  defire  it ,  they  may  be 
confecrated  either    in  that ,  or  any  of  their  own  Churches.     The  Bifhops  of  the 
Province  of  T^rJ^,  by  reafon  of  the  former  convenience  ,  are  ufually  confecrated  at 
Lambeth  ,  yet  I  have  known  in  my  time ,  Bifliop  Swerves  of  Carlile  ,  confecrated 
at  Tor^  upon  his  own  defire  ,  by  the  Archbiihop  of  Torj^,  and  the  Bifhops  of  Dur- 
ham ,  Chefler  and  Man,     A  man  might  feek  long  enough  for  his  confecration  in  the 
Archbifhop  of  Canterbury''s  Regifler,  and  mifs  it ,  but  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  Re- 
gilier  at  Tori{.     So  the  omilljon  of  it  in  that  Regifler ,  though  it  be  no  full  proof 
yet  it  is  a  probable  proof  that  Bifhop  Barlorc  was  not  confecrated  there,  but  it  is  no 
proof  at  all  that  he  was  not  confecrated  elfewhcre. 

And  this  I  take  to  have  been  the  cafe  both  of  Bifhop  Barlorv ,  and  Bifhop  Gardi- 
iier  :  and  although  the  effluxion  of  above  an  hundred  years  fince,  hath  rendred  it 
more  difficult  to  rind  where  it  was  done,  yet  by  the  help  of  thofe  Records  which 
are  in  the  Court  of  Faculties  ,  1  fhould  not  defpair  of  finding  it  yet. 

But  there  are  fo  many  evident  proofs  that  he  was  confecrated  .  that  no  ingenu- 
ous perfon  can  have  the  face  to  deny  it.  The  iirft  reafon  is  ,  his  acflual  pofTefGon 
of  Four  Bifhopricks  one  after  another ,  St.  Afafh  ,  St.  Davids,  Bath  and  wells  and 
Chkhejier  ,  in  the  Reigns  of  three  Princes.  They  feign  fomc  pretenfes  why  Arch- 
bifhop Fark^r  was  not  Confecrated  Canonically,  becaufe  there  wanted  a  competent 
number  of  Bifliops,  though  it  were  moft  falfe  :  but  what  can  they  feign  why  Bi- 
fhop Barlow  was  confecrated  in  Henry  the  Eighths  time  ?  was  Henry  the  Eighth  3 
Baby  to  be  jefted  withal .?  In  Archbifhop  Tark^s  cafe,  they  fuppofe  all  the  Bifhops 
to  have  been  ftark  mad  ,  to  cai^  themfelves  down  headlong  from  a  precipic  e,  when 
they  had  a  fair  pair  of  flairs  to  defcend  by  :  but  in  Bifhop  Barlows  cafe  they  fuppofe 
all  the  world  to  have  been  afleep  >  except  there  had  been  fuch  an  Univcrfal  fleep , 
it  had  been  impolliblefbr  any  man  in  thofe  days  to  creep  into  a  Bifhoprick  in  England 
without  Confecration.  To  fay  he  is  adlually  pofTefTed  of  a  Bifhoprick  therefore  he 
is  Confecrated ,  is  as  clear  a  Demorifkation  in  the  Englijh  Law  ,  as  it  is  in  nature  to 
fay  the  Sun  fhineth  ,  therefore  it  is  day. 

But  it  may  objeftcd ,  that  he  held  all  thefe  Bifhopricks  as  a  commendatory,  nor 
in  Title ,  as  an  Ufufruduary  not  as  a  true  owner.  It  is  impofhble ,  Ufufrudtua- 
ries  are  not  de^ed  and  confirmed  ,  but  Bifhop  Barlow  was  both  eleded  and  con- 
firmed. The  Conge  d'EJlire  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter ,  the  Letters  Pattents  for  his 
confirmation,  thecommifOon  forthe  teftitution  of  his  Temporalities,  do  all  prove 
that  he  was  no  Ufufruduary  but  a  right  owner.  This  is  a  Second  Reafon. 

Thirdly,  The  fame  Letters  Patents  that  do  authorife  Bifhop  Barlows  confirma- 
tion ,  did  likewife  command  the  Archbifhop  withtheaffiftance  of  other  Bifhops  to 
Confecrate  him  himlelf,  cr  to  give  a  Commiflion  to  other  Bifhops  to  Confecrate 
him  ,  which  if  they  did  not  perform  within  a  prefcribed  time ,  or  perform  after  a- 
nuther  manner  than  is  prefcribed  by  the  Law  ,  it  was  not  onely  a  lofs  of  their  Bi- 
fhopricks by  the  Law  of  England,  but  a  Premunire  or  the  lofs  of  all  their  Eftates  , 
their  Liberties,  and  a  cafUng  themfelves  out  of  the  Kings  Protedlion  25.  Hen.  8. 
c.  20.     No  men  in  their  right  wits  would  run  fuch  a  Hazard  ,  or  rather  evidently 
ruin  themfelves  and  all  their  hopes  without  any  need  ,  without  any  end  in  the 
whole  World.     Fourthly  ,  by  the  fame  Law  no  man  could  be  acknowledged  a  Bi- 
fhop in  England ,  but  he  who  was  Confecrated  legally ,  by  Three  Bifhops  with 
the  confent  of  the  Metropolitan  ,  but  Bifhop  Barlow    was  acknowledged  to  be  a 
true  Bifhop  ;  the  King  received  his  homage  for  his  Bifhoprick  ■,  The  King  comand- 
ed  him  to  be  reflored  to  his  Temporalities,  which  is  never  done  until  the  Confe- 
cration be  paired.     King  Henry  fent  him  into  Scotland  as  his  Ambaffadour  with  the 
-Title  of  Bilhop  of  St.  Davids  ■■>  and  in  his  reftitutiou  to  the  Temporalities  of  that 
See  ,  the  King  related  that  the  Archbilhop  had  made  him  Bijhop  and  Fajlor  of  the  Church 
ef  St.  Divids.    This  could  not  be,  if  he  had  not  been  Confecrated. 

Fourthly,  He  wjs  admitted  to  fit  in  Parliament  as  a  Confecrated  Bifhop  :  for  no 

mart 


"^^5  Confecrathn  of  Protefiant TOME.  1. 

man  can  ik  there  as  a  Bifhop  before  he  be  Confecrated,  it  is  plain  by  the  Records 
of  the  Houfc  of  the  Lords,  that  he  did  fit  in  Parhament  many  times  in  the  3 1  of  Hen- 
rv  the  Eighth  in  his  Epifcopal  habit ,  as  a  Confecrated  Bifhop  ■■,  and  being  neither 
a  Bifhop  of  one  of  the  Five  Principal  Sees  ,  nor  a  Privy  Counfellour  ,  he  mull;  fit 
and  did  lit  according  to  the  time  of  his  Confecration  ,  between  the  Bilhops  oi  Chi- 
chefier  and  St.  Afapb.  What  a  ftrange  boldnefs  is  it  to  quertion  his  Confecration 
now  whom  the  whole  Parliament ,  and  his  Confeerators  among  the  reft ,  did 
admit  without  fcruple  then  as  a  Confecrated  Bidiop. 

Sixthly ,  There  is  no  Adt  more  proper  or  Effential  to  a  Bi(hop  than  Ordination, 
Woat  doth  a  Bifliop  that  a  Triejl  doth  not  (  faith  St.  Hierom  )  except  Ordination^  But  it 
is  evident  by  the  Records  of  his  own  See,  that  Bilhop  Barlovu  did  ordain  Priefts  and 
Deacons  from  timc«  to  time ,  and  by  the  Archbilhops  Regifter  that  he  joyned  in  E- 
pifcopal  Ordination  ,  and  was  one  of  thofe  three  BilKops  who  impofed  hands  upon 

Bifliop  B^ci^O' ^  Fft.  ip.  1541. 

Seventhly  ,  there  is  nothing  that  tryeth  a  Bidiops  Title  to  his  Church  more  than 
the  validity  and  invalidity  of  hisLcafes.  If  Bifliop  Tiarlovo  had  been  unconfecrated, 
all  the  Leafes  which  he  made  in  the  See  of  St.  Davids  ,  and  Bath  and  Wells  ,  had 
been  void  ,  and  it  had  been  the  eafieft  thing  in  the  whole  World  for  his  Succeflbur 
in  thofe  days ,  to  prove  whether  he  was  Confecrated  or  not ,  but  they  never  que- 
ftionedhis  Leafes,  becaufe  they  could  not  queftion  his  Confecration. 

Lallly  an  unconfecrated  perfon  hath  neither  AntecelTours  nor  SuccefTours ,  be 
fucceedeth  no  man  ,  no  man  fucceedeth  him.  If  a  grant  of  any  hereditaments  be 
madeto  him  and  his  fucceflburs,it  is.abfolutely  void;  not  worth  a  deaf nutiifhe  alien 
any  Lands  belonging  to  his  See  from  him  and  his  SuccelTours,  it  is  abfolutely  void  : 
but  BilhopBjr/ojp  received  thePriory  of  Brfclyioc^from  the  Crown,to  him  and  hisSuc- 
celTours  Bilhops  of  St.  Davids,  and  in  King  Edwards  Reign  being  Bifliop  oiBath  and 
JVells,he  alienated  from  him  and  his  SuccefTours  to  the  Crown  much  Land,and  recei- 
ved back  again  from  the  Crown  to  him  and  his  SuccefTours  equivalent  Lands.  If  he 
had  been  unconfecrated,  all  thefe  Ads  had  been  utterly  void.  In  fum  ,  whofoever 
dreameth  now ,  that  all  the  World  were  in  a  dead  fleep  then  ,  for  Twenty  Years 
together ,  whileft  all  thefe  things  were  ading  ,  is  much  more  afleep  himfelf! 

To  thefe  undeniable  proofs  I  might  add  as  many  more  out  of  the  Records  of  the 
Chancery ,  if  there  needed  any  to  prove  him  a  Confecrated  Bifhop. 

As  a  grant  to  the  faid  Williatn  Barlow  Bifhop  of  St.  Davids ,  to  hold  in  Com- 
mendam  with  the  faid  Bifhoprick  the  redory  oiCaretf  in  the  County  of  Tembrook^^ 
Dated  Odoh.  tlie  29.  Anno  38.  Ben.  8. 

A  Commilfion  tor  Tranflation  oilVi^iam  Barlove  Bidiop  of  St.  Davids  to  the  Bi- 
fhoprick of  B^t^and  Weh^  Dated  3.  feh.2.  Edv.6. 

A  Commillion  for  the  Confecration  of  Kobert  Farrer  to  be  Bifhop  of  St.  Davids, 
per  tranfatignem  WiHielmi  Barlorv  &c.     Dated  3  Jul.  Anno  2.  Edit.  6. 

A  Commillion  for  the  reftitution  of  the  Temporalities  of  the  faid  Bifhoprick  to 
the  faid  Kobtrt  Farrer ,  as  being  void  per  tranjlationem  Willielmi  Barlow.  Dated  i. 
Augvijii  Anno  2.  Edv.  6.  In  all  which  Records  ,  and  many  more  i  he  is  always 
named  as  a  true  Confecrated  Bifhop. 

And  Laftly ,  in  Bifhop  Goodroins  book  de  prefulihui  Angli£  pa.  663.  of  the  Latin 
Edition  Printed  at  London  Anno  1616.  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  Bifhops  of  St.  Afaph 
num.  3-7.  he  \^^^^  ^j^gfe  vvords.  CHlielmus  Barlow  Canonicorum  Regularium  apud 
Bijham prior  Confecratus  ejl.  Feb.  22.  Anno  i535i  Aprili  deinde  fequente  Meneviam  tran- 
flatus  eji.VVilliam  Barlow  prior  of  the  Canons  Regulars  at  Bijham  was  confecrated  the  two 
and  twentieth  Day  of  February  in  the yeav  1535,  andin  April  Following  was  translated 
to  St.  Davids.  Which  confirmed  me  in  my  former  conjedure,  that  he  was  Confecra- 
ted in  Wales ,  which  Bifhop  Goodwin  by  reafon  of  his  vicinity  ,  had  much  more 
reafon  to  know  exadly  than  we  have. 

They  fay  Mr.  Mafon  acknowledged  that  Mr.  Barlow  was  the  man  who  Confecrated 
Parker,  becaufe  Modgsk'ms  the  Suffragan  nf  Bedford  was  onely  an  afftftant  in  that  a- 
^ion  :  and  the  afiftants  in  the  Trote\\ant  Church  do  not  Confecrate.  By  the  Fathers  leave, 
this  is  altogether  untrue.  Neither  was  Bifhop  Barlow  the  onely  man  who  Confe- 
crated Archbifhop  ?ar]i^r  -,  Neither  was  Bifhop  Hodgskins  a  meer  afliftant  in  fhata- 

dionj 


Discourse  V.  Bifhops  Vendicated.  ^yy 

dtion  i  Thirdly  ,  Who  foever  do  impofe  hands  are  joynt  Confecraters  ,  with  us  as 
well  as  them  i  Laftly  ,  Mr.  Mafon  faith  no  fuch  thing  as  they  affirm  ,  but  dirediy 
the  contrary  ,  that  all  the  Four  Bifhops  were  equally  Confecraters ,  all  impofed 
hands,  all  joyned  in  the  words ,  and  this  he  proveth  out  of  the  Regilkr  it  felf , 
L.  3.  c,  ^.  n.  %.  &  I:  :^.  c.  10.  tt.  p. 

They  objed:  He  might  as  rvell  bn  proved  to  have  keen  a  Larvjul  Husband,  becaufi  he 
had  a  W'injn  anddiverfe  Children,  as  to  have  been  a  Confecrated  BJJhop  hecaafe  he  or- 
dained and  dijcharged  all  ads  belonging  tn  the  Order  of  a  Bijhop,  What  was  Bilhop 
Barloivs  Woman  pertinent  to  his  caufe.  Are  not  Governants,  and  devotefles  ,  be- 
fides  ordinary  Maidfervants,  Women  ?  All  which  Paftours  not  onely  of  their  own 
Communion  ,  but  of  their  own  Society  ,  are  permitted  to  have  in  their  houfes. 
Let  themfelves  be  Judges ,  whether  a  Woman  a  Wife ,  or  a  Woman  a  Govemant 
or  a  devotefs,  be  more  properly  to  be  ranged  under  the  name  or  notion  of 
a-uinnar^f  ,  filch  Women  as  were  prohibited  to  cohabit  with  Clerks  by  the 
Council  of  Nice.  But  to  leave  the  Hypothefis  and  come  to  the  T^hefis,  as  being 
more  pertinent  to  the  prefent  cafe.  If  a  man  have  cohabited  long  with 
a  Woman  as  man  and  Wife  in  the  General  eflimation  of  the  World,  and 
begot  children  upon  her,  and  dies  as  her  husband  without  any  doubt  or  dif^ 
pute  during  his  life  and  long  after,  though  all  the  witnefTes  of  their  Marriage 
were  dead  ,  and  the  Regifler  loft ,  this  there  conjugal  cohabitation  and  the  com- 
mon reputation  of  the  World  during  his  Life  uncontrovertcd  ,  is  in  Law  a  fuffici- 
ent  proof  of  the  Marriage  i  but  all  the  World  nemine  contradicer.te  eikemed  Billiop 
Barlon?  as  the  undoubted  Bifhop  and  Spoufe  of  his  Church. 

They  add  ,  Kidley  Hooper,  Farrer  tvere  achnorvledged  and  obeyed  as  Bifhops  in  King 
Edwards  time  ,  yet  tvere  judged  by  both  the  Spiritual  and  Icmparal  Court  not  to  have 
been  Confecrated.  They  millake,  they  were  not  judged  not  to  have  been  Confecrated, 
(  for  their  Confecrations  are  upon  Record  , )  but  not  to  have  been  Confecrated  rittt 
Komano,  after  the  Koman  Form.  And  who  gave  this  judgement?  Their  open  ene- 
mies ,  who  made  no  fcruple  to  take  away  their  Lives ,  whofe  unjuft  judgement 
we-  do  not  value  a  rufh  :  but  Pattl  the  Fourth  and  Cardinal  Pool,  more  authentick 
judges  of  their  own  party  ,  gave  a  later  judgement  to  the  contrary. 

They  ask,  how  it  is  poffible  that  Barlows  Confecration  jhottld  not  be  found  recorded 
( if  ever  it  was ,  )  ar  rvell  at  his  preferment  to  the  Priory  o/Bifham  ,  and  Eledion  and 
Confirmation  to  the  Bipoprick^of  St.  Afaph.  I  anfwer  it  is  very  eafie  to  conceive.  I 
have  (liewed  him  fundry  ways  how  it  may  be,  and  one  probable  way  how  it  was. 
Idefirethe  Reader  to  obferve  the  extream  partiality  of  thefe  Fathers,  they  make 
it  impoliible  for  the  Adls  of  One  Confecration  to  be  loft  or  ftollen,  and  yet  accufe  us 
of  forging  fifteen  Confecrations.  It  is  eafier  to  fteal  fifteen ,  than  to  Forge  one  Ad* 

We  have  often  asked  a  reafbn  of  them  ,  why  the  Protefknts  fhould  decline  their 
own  Confecrations/"  They  give  us  one,  7he  truth  U ,  that  ^2T\ovf  as  mofi  of  the 
Clergy  in  England  in  thofe  times  tvere  Puritans,  and  inclined  to  Zuinglianifm  ,  there- 
fore they  contemned  and  re]eUed  Confecration  as  a  rag  of  Rome,  and  were  contented  with 
the  extraordinary  ca  lling  of  God  and  the  Spirit ,  as  all  other  Churches  are ,  who  pretend 
Reformation.  It  is  well  they  premifed  the  truth  is ,  otherwife  there  had  not  been 
one  word  of  truth  in  what  they  fay.  Firft  how  do  they  know  this  ?  It  muit  be 
either  by  relation  ,  but  I  am  confident  they  can  name  no  Author  for  it :  or  by  re- 
velation, but  that  they  may  not  do:  or  it  is  C  to  fpeak  fparingly  )  their  own  imagi- 
nation. It  is  a  great  boldnefs ,  to  take  the  liberty  to  catt  afperfions  upon  the  Clergy 
of  a  whole  Nation.  Secondly ,  How  cometh  Bifliop  Barhrp ,  to  be  taxed  of  Puri- 
tanifm  ?  we  meet  him  a  Prior  and  a  Billiop  ,  we  find  him  in  his  Robes,  in  his  Ro- 
chet,  in  his  Cope,  Officiating,  Ordaining,  Confirming.  He  who  made  nofcruple 
to  Ordain  and  Confecrate  others  gratU ,  certainly  did  not  forbear  his  own  Confe- 
cration with  the  apparent  hazzard  of  the  loCs  of  his  Bifhoprick  ,  out  of  fcruple  of 
Confcience.  Thirdly  ,  This  afperfion  is  not  well  accommodated  to  the  .times  , 
For  firrt  Zuinglianifm  was  but  fhort  heeled  in  thofe  days  ,  when  Bilht)p  Barlovo  was 
Confecrated,  who  fate  in  Parliament  as  a  confecrated  Bifhop  31.  Hew.  8.  and  the 
Firft  Sermon  that  ever  Zuingliuf  Preached  as  a  probationer ,  was  in  Zwvcl{,  in  the 
year  15 10.  that  was  in  the  10.  or  1 1.  year  of  Henry  the  Eighth.     It  there  were  any 

one 


47^ 


'execration  of  Frotefiant  T  O  M~l  > 

i;;;rZ«W/.«  in  thok  daycs    u^^n  their  grounds,  it  is  moll  Iikdy  to  l^ave  Bern 
BiOiop  G>^iw ,  for  his  confecration    doth  not  appear  more  than    B:Ihop  Bar- 

"'fiLi't  there  is  yet  a  greater  miilake  in  iti  it  is  the  Anabaptiils  who  rrjffl  Ordinati- 
o„     and  content  themselves  with  the  extraordinary  caluig  oj  the  Spirit  ,  not  the  Zm>t- 

lians.  In  the  Writings  oi ZtimgUus ^  we  find  a  Letter  of  hirh  ,  and  Ten  other  of 
fhe  principal  Helvetian  Theologians,  to  the  Bifliop  of  Cmjlance,  befecching  him  in 
all  humility  and  obfervance  ,  to  favour  and  help  jurrvard  their  beginmyigs'^  m  an  ex- 
cellent tvork^,  and  rvorthy  of  a  Bijhop  :  They  implore  his  Clemency,  wifedom,  learning, 
that  he  rvnuld  be  the  frji  fruits  of  the  German  Bifhopj  :  They  befeech  him  by  the  com- 
mon Chrtji,  by  that  Fatherly  affedion  which  he  owes  unto  them  ,  to  look^  gracmtfly  u^on 
them  &c.  They  court  him  to  jhew  himfelf  a  Father  ,  and  grant  the  reqtie{l  of  hit  obe- 
dient Sons.  Zttinglius  and  the  Zuhiglians  liked  Bifhops  well  enough  ,  if  he  could 
have  had  them.     But  the  Bifhop  of  Conjiance  of  another   Communion  was  their 

Biftop. 

Here ,  Meander-like,  they  make  a  winding  from  St.  Afaph  back  again  to  Che.ip- 
fidt ,  from  Biihop  Barlow'^  Confecration  to  Archbifliop  Fark^r''s.  They  fay  ,  that  i/ 
there  had  been  any  other  confecration  of  Archbifhop  Parker  than  that  of  the  Nags-head  , 
]ohn  Stow  would  not  concealif  in  his  Annals  ,  who  is  fo  diligent  infetting  down  all 
that  taffed  in  and  about  London  ,  andprofffeth  perfnal  rejpeCi  to  him  ,  he  having  related 
the  confecration  of  Cardinal  Pole  with  fo  many  particulars.  They  add  out  of  Doftor 
Champney  ,  that  John  Stow  acknowledged  to  many  perfons  ,  that  the  ftory  of  the  Nags- 
head  was  true.  Their  ftory  is  very  low  ,  when  they  are  forced  to  produce  John 
Stow ,  who  fcarce  knew  what  a  confecration  was.  But  what  faith  he  in  his  Chro- 
nicles ?  Not  a  word,  either  of  the  feigned  confecration  at  the  Nags-head  ,  or  of  the 
true  confecration  at  LiJwtfffc.  But  he  told  it  to  many  perfons  by  word  of  mouth  ,  that 
the  ftory  of  the  Nags-head  was  very  true.  If  he  did,  he  lied  notorioufly  to  many 
perfons  ,  but  we  acquit  him  of  that  calumny  :  let  it  rell  upon  them ,  who  think 
it  a  meritorious  ac^  ,  to  advance  Religion  by  any  means  ,  true  or  falfe ,  we  are  too 
well  acquainted  with  their  hearfay  reports.  They  who  dare  wreft  his  printed 
Works,  ought  not  to  be  trufted  what  he  fpake  by  word  of  mouth  ,  to  fome  body, 
whom  no  body  knows.  Their  Authour  faith  to  fome  perfons  ,  they  fay  to  many  per- 
fons,  thus  this  Snow-ball  increafeth.  John  Stow  is  now  dead,  and  dead  men  do 
not  bite  j  yet  let  us  know  to  whom  he  (aid  it  ?  Dr.  Champney  tells  us  ,  they  are  ti- 
morous,  and  would  net  be  named.  Gcodreafon,  for  they  have  no  names;  fo  John 
Stow  is  a  fiient  witnefs,  and  they  are  namelefs  witnefles. 

So  much  for  the  man  i  now  for  the  thing  I  give  three  Anfwersi  Firft,  ii  John 
Stow  were  a  lover  of  the  truth,  he  (hould  rather  have  fet  down  the  Nags-head  or- 
dination C  if  there  was  any  fuch  thing  )  than  the  Lambeth  ordination.  Men  would 
fuppofe  the  Lambeth  ordination  of  themfelves,  where  nothing  is  faid  to  the  contra- 
ry ,  it  is  prefumed  for  the  Law  :  but  the  Nags-head  confecration  ,  had  been  fuch 
a  confecration,  as  never  was  before ,  never  will  follow  after. 

Secondly,  Their  Authours  wreft  John  Stow  abominably..  He  was  no  profeft 
Writer  of  Ecclcfiariical  Annals.  It  is  true ,  he  mentioneth  the  confecration  of  Car- 
dinal Fole ,  whether  it  was  his  refpedt  to  his  eminence  ,  as  being  a  near  Kinfman  to 
the  Queen,  a  Cardinal,  the  Pope's  Legate,  and  his  grand  Miniller ,  for  the  recon- 
ciliation of  England,  or  becaufe  a  toy  took  him  in  the  head  ,  but  not  with  fb  ma- 
ny particulars  as  the  Fathers  intimate  :  all  he  faith  is  this,  the  2 it/;,  of  March,  T>r. 
Cranmer  Archbijhop  of  Canterbury  was  burnt  at  Oxford,  the  fame  day  Cardinal  Pole 
fang  hts  firft  Mafs  at  Greenwich  in  the  Fryars  Church ,  on  Sunday  next  he  was  confecra- 
ted  Atchhijhop  of  Canterbury  f  here  was  fpeedy  work  ,  )  and  the  2%th.  of  March  , 
received  the  PaV  with  the  ufual  Ceremonies  at  Bowes  Church  in  Cheap.  Here  is  ano- 
ther Nags-head mtttm^  v  where  he  was  confecrated  ,  by  whom ,  after  what  Form, 
he  leaveth  the  Reader  to  prcfume :  but  of  all  the  other  confecrations  performed  in 
Queen  Afdrif  J- time,  this  diligent  Authour  mentioneth  not  fo  much  as  one  s  of  all 
the  confecrations  in  Queen  Elizabeths  time ,  I  think  not  one  i  of  all  the  confecra- 
tions in  England  fince  the  Conqucl\  ,  not  one^  or  fo  rarely  ,  that  they  are  not  to 
be  taken  notice  of.    If  the  Argument  of  thefe  Fathers  were  of  any  value  ,  John 

Stow 


IDiscouRSE      V.  BiJ7:>ops  Vindicated.  Ajg 


Stojv  mentioneth  not  his  confecration at  Lambeth^  therefore  he  was  not  conlecrated 
there  ,  we  never  had  a  confecration  in  England^  iince  the  Conqueft  ,  but  Cardinal 
pj/e's  ■-,  for  he  mentioneth  none  but  that  which  I  remember  ,  I  am  fure  if  he  men- 
tion any  ,  it  is  molt  rarely.  If  the  Fathers  argument  were  good,  Archbifhop  ?ar- 
^fr  was  never  eledcd,  nor  coniirmed,  becaufe  his  eledion  and  confirmation  are  not 
recorded  by  John  Stow:  but  all  our  Records,  civil  as  well  as  Ecclelialtical ,  do  te- 
ftifie  the  contrary. 

Lallly,  If  the  Fathers  would  lay  afide  their 'prejudice,  there  is  enough  in  ^y^/j;;/ 
Storp's  Annals,  to  difcover  the  falfliood  of  their  lying  Fable  of  the  confecration  at 
the  Njgs-head.  JSy  their  account ,  the  Nags-head  conlecration  was  September  7.  An- 
no I55p.  but  after  this ,  in  relating  the  folemn  Obfequies  kept  in  St.  Pj«/'s  Church 
for  the  French  King,  John  Storv  calleth  him,  Dr.  Tar]i^r  Archbiflwp  of  Canterbury 
eleCl ,  therefore  the  Nags-head  confecration  is  a  lying  Fable  •,  if  he  was  ftill  Elecl 
he  was  not  then  confecrated.  But  afterward  fpeaking  of  his  Death,  May  ij] 
1575.  which  is  the  next  time  I  find  him  mentioned  ,  he  ftileth  him  the  right  Reve- 
rend Father  in  God,  Mitthew  Viikcr  Vodor  of  Divinity ,  Archbifhop  "/ Canterbury^ 
Here  is  no  more  the  word  Ektt ,  for  after  confirmation  and  confecration,  the  word 
Ele£i  ceafeth ,  here  he  is  compleat  Archbiflwp  of  Canterbury. 

They  fay,  they  rvho  make  no  confcience  tofjlfjfie  Scripture  ,  trill  f/rge  Records ;  and 
hort>  notorioHJIy  the  Englifh  Clergy  havefalfijied  Scripture  ,  is  demnn\lrated  by  Gre-^ory 
Martin.  I  hope  none  of  us  did  ever  atcempt  to  purge  St.  ^auVs  Epiitles  ,  becaufe 
there  were  in  them  ,  ^£dam  malefanantia  ,  fome  things  that  founded  not  tvell  in  the 
point  of  Juliification.  We  defire  good  words  ,  until  they  be  able  to  prove  their 
allegation.  Rather  than  be  accounted  falfifiers  of  Scripture ,  we-  are  contented  to 
rtand  to  the  Vulgar  Latin  ,  in  any  controverfie  between  them  and  us.  But  who  is 
the  man  doth  accufe  us  of  fo  many  Falfifications  ?  one  Gregory  Martin,  one  of  their 
Fellows,  whofe  cenfure  we  do  not  weigh  a  button.  This  is  a  new  inartificial 
kind  of  arguing,  from  the  authority  of  their  own  Writers. 

Bat  they  ufe  it  much  ,  fo  it  followeth  in  the  next  words ,  It  is  tvant  of  charity  to 
ihink^,  that  Stapleton  ,  Harding,  Briflovv,  and  the  reft  of  the  Englifh  Catholick^'Do- 
QoTs  ,  Tcho  didforfake  aV  at  home  for  conjcience  jakg ,  veould  publijh  to  the  world  in  print 
the  nuHity  of  Parker'/  Ordination  ,  thereby  engagingpofterity  to  commit  fo  many  damna- 
ble Sacriledges  ,  in  reordaining  thofe  who  had  been  validly  ordained  already ,  without  due 
examination  of  the  matter.  This  plea  is  much  like  that  of  the  old  Roman  ,  that  his 
Adverfary  did  not  receive  the  wound  with  his  whole  body,  that  he  might  have  kil- 
led him  fairly.  They  would  have  us  rather  put  up  the  lofs  of  our  Holy  orders  ^ 
than  the  skill  of  their  Dodtors  fhould  be  quelHoned.  If  Reordination  be  damnable 
facriledge,  the  authority  of  your  ovvn  Doftors  may  be  a  fit  medium  to  convince 
your  feives  of  Sacriledge,  not  us  of  the  invalidity  of  our  Ordination.  I  hope  Ste- 
phen the  Sixth,  and  Sergiiis  the  Third,  two  Popes,  were  other  manner  of  men 
than  your  Englifli  Dodtors,  and  did  both  pretend  to  examine  the  matter  as  duly 
and  to  be  as  averfe  from  damnable  Sacriledge  as  you ,  yet  they  decreed  publickly  , 
and  moft  unjuftly  ,  ("as  you  your  feives  do  now  confefs  )  that  all  the  Holy  Orders 
received  from  Formofiu  were  void  ,  and  compelled  all  thofe  who  had  been  ordain- 
ed by  him,  to  be  reordained.   Bell,  de  Rom.  Pont.  1.  4.  cap.  12. 

Mr.  Mii/iiw  cited  the  Teftimony  of  a  witnefs  beyond  all  exception,  Charles  tow- 
ard Earl  of  Nottingham ,  Lord  High  Admiral  of  England ,  who  acknowled-^'ed 
Archbifhop  Tarker  to  be  his  Kinfman ,  and  that  he  was  an  invited  Gueft  at -his  con- 
fecration at  Lj>w&«/?.  To  this  the  Fathers  reply,  If  this  were  true  ,  it  proves  one Iv 
that  there  was  a  good  Dinner  at  Lambeth ,  which  might  well  be  ,  to  conceal  thejhameful 
confecration  at  the  Nags-head.  It  proves  there  was  a  good  Confecration,  as  well  as 
a  good  Dinner ,  the  vvords  are  ,  to  honour  his  confecration  ,  and  the  folemnity  thereof 
with  his  prefence.  It  had  deen  fomething  uncivil ,  to  encumber  the  Tavern  with  a 
confecration  ,  and  not  ftay  at  Dinner  there.  The  Earl  was  invited  to  the  confe- 
cration at  L.jw^f</j ,  therefore  it  was  at  Lambeth,  the  Earl  was  not  at  the  Wjtj- 
head-y  Mr.  Neale  himfelf,  who  faw  more  than  ever  was  adted,  or  fo  much^as 
thought  of,  did  not  fee  that.  Is  it  the  cuflom  when  one  is  invited  to  a  conlecrati- 
on ,  to  come  after  it  is  done  to  Dinner  i  or  to  invite  a  Nobleman  to  a  confecration 

G  S  g  in 


"^  Confecrationoffroteflant ^OMEI. 

"hTonc  place  ,  and  then  be  confecrated  in  another?  This  had  been  fo  far  from  con- 
cealing the  fliamefulnefs  of  fuch  a  brainiick  confecration,  that  it  had  been  a  ready 
means  to  divulge  it  to  all  the  world. 

They  add  ,  befides  ,  wf  tnuft  tak^  the  Earls  Friends  xvord,  for  the  Earls  ^ejhmony  , 
and  Mr.  Mafo'nV  word  for  hit  namekfs  friend.     That  is  none  of  Mr.  Mafon\  fault, 
hixtMr.BiiIyrvoods,  Mr.  Conjhbles,  Mr.  Sacrobojcues ,    Dr.  Cham^neys  ^  Mr.  F/iZ- 
Jicrherts  ,  Mr.  Fiiz-Simons  ,  who  ftrft  broached  this  odious  Fable.     Mr.  Mafon  pub- 
lilTied  this  Relation  to  the  world  in  Print,  while  the  Earl  was  yet  living,  on  pur- 
pofe  that  they  might  enquire  and  fatistie  themfelves  i  if  they  did  not ,   they  can 
blame  no  body  but  themfelves ;  if  they  did  by  themfelves  or  their  Friends,  (  as  it  is 
moll  likely  they  did  }  it  is  evident  the  anfwer  did  not  content  them  ,  and  fo  we 
never  heard  more  of  them  fince.     It  had  been  the  greateft  folly  in  the  world,  to 
alledge  the  Tellimony  of  fuch  a  Nobleman  in  his  Life-time ,  contrary  to  his  own 
knowledge,  which  might  have  been  difproved  from  his  own  authority  ,   and  fo 
have  eafily  laid  Mr.  Mafon  fiat  upon  his  back.     You  may  remember  your  own  cafe 
with  the  Bifhop  of  'Durham ;  but  it  was  too  true  to  be  contradicted  then  ,  and  too 
late  to  be  contradicted  now. 

They  fay,  they  bring  more  than  one  vcitnefs  of  the  Nags-head  confecration.    Pardon 
me,  you  never  produced  one  yet ,  and  which  is  lefs  than  producing  ,  you  never  lb 
much  as  named  a  witnefs,  whilrt  he  himfelf  was  living.     In  or  about  the  year  i(5c3. 
you  firft  named  Mr.  Neale  ,  and  innocent  John  Stovp^  when  they  were  both  deadi 
youmight  as  well  have  named  the  man  in  the  Moon,  as  John  Stove  :  onely  I  con- 
fefs  you  named  the  Bishop  of  Durham  in  his  life-time ,  and  you  fee  what  is  the  ifllie 
of  it  i  and  if  you  had  named  the  others  in  their  life-times ,  you  muli  have  expeded 
alikeiffue,  either  the  perpetual  infamy  of  your  witnefs,  or  the  utter  confufion  of 
your  caufe.     You  (peak  much  of  the   learnings  and  virtue^  and  judgment  of  your 
hear-fay  Witneffes ,  who  h^erv  how  to  dijiinguilh  between  an  Epfcopal  confecration  ,  and 
a  banquet.     I  hope  you  do  not  mean  ,  that  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  did  not  know 
how  to  dilHnguifh  between  a  banquet  and  a  confecration,  if  he  did  not,  the  High 
Admiralfhip  of  England  was  ill  committed  to  him  s  or  that  he  had  not  as  much  re- 
gard to  his  Iionour  and  confcience  ,  as  any  of  your  Priefts.     We  meddle  not  with 
their  Learning  and  virtue ,  but  we  are  no  more  obliged  to  take  their  Teihmonies 
upon  hearfay ,  than  they  would  take  our  Tefhmonics.     They  have  given  an  ac- 
count to  God  ,  and  know  before  this  time  whether  they  have  done  well  or  ill. 

They  proceed,  "fhe  Friejis  and  Jefuites^  to  whom  the  Records  were  jhewed  in  King 
James  hvs  time^  protejied  againji  them  tK  forged  and  improbable ^  of  appeareth  by  the  le- 
jiimony  of  men  yet  living  ,  whofe  honefty  cannot  he  called  in  quefiion.  Father  Fair- 
cloth  one  of  the  imprifoned  Jefuits ,  teftified  fo  much  to  many  by  word  of  mouth 
mouth  and  in  writing.  Where  is  the  Writing  ?  Where  is  the  Proteftation  ?  Why  are 
they  not  produced  ?  Still  here  are  no  proofs  but  upon  hearfay.  One  Eye-witnefs  is 
worth  an  hundred  fuch ,  who  can  fwear  to  no  more  but  that  they  heard  it,  and 
God  knows  through  how  many  Huckfters  hands.  I  hope  the  Bilhop  of  Durham's 
cafe  will  make  them  more  wary  for  the  future. 

But  they  are  angry  with /owe  Protejiants^  who  endeavour  to  mak^  thU  well-grounded 

jiory  a  meer  Fable ,  and  thereby  call  many  perfons  of  much  more   learning ,  virtue ,  and 

prudence  than  themfelves ^  Fools  or  Knaves.     We  are  plain   Macedonians,  who  call  a 

Fable  a  Fable,  without  either  welt  or  guards  yea ,  fo  notorious  a  Fable,  that  (but 

that  you  tell  us  the  contrary, )  we  could  not  believe  that  any  one  of  you  did  ever 

give  any  credit  to  it  your  felves,  any  more  than  the  Athenians  did  believe  thofe 

monftrous  Fables  of  bulls  and  Minotaurs,  which  themfelves  had  raifed,  becaufefome 

of  their  eminent  Citizens  had  devifed  it  or  related  it :  but  we  call  no  men  Fools  or 

Knaves,  that  language  is  too  unmannerly  for  civil  Writers.     What  new  Topick  is    | 

this ,  becaufe  we  cannot  believe  a  man's  relation  or  his  judgment ,  do  we  ftraight- 

way  call  him  Fool  or  Knave  >  Excufe  me  ,  there    are  credulity  ,  and  prejudice  , 

andmifiakes,  and  pious  frauds  in  the  World,  and  none  of  thefe   will  willingly 

wear  the  Livery  ot  Knaves  or  Fools*     We  are  not  of  the  fame  mind  with  Pope 

Stephen  and  Pope  Sergitu  ,  for  the  reordaining  of  thofe,  who  had  been  ordained  by 

Formofus  ,  yet  we  do  not  call  them  Knaves  or  Fools,    We  cannot  believe  what  you 

your 


Discourse  V.  Bi/hopf  Vindicated-  48 


your  felves  have  related  of  my  Lord  of  Durham  ,  yet  we  are  not  guilty  of  fuch  ex- 
travagant expreliions. 


C  H  A  P.     X. 

The  Fathers  ifif.fl  too  much  upon  the  Authority  of  their  own  party  ^  vohy  Confecration  is 
not  mentioned  M  KeiUtution  ^  the  exa&nefs  of  our  Records  jujiified. 

IT  fwcmcth  to  me ,  that  the  Fathers  infift  too  much  upon  the  honefty ,  and  vir- 
tue ,  and  learning  of  their  own  party  :  In  difpute  with  an  Adverfary,  virtue 
U  like  rire,  which  preferveth  it  felf  by  being  covered  with  afhes:  but  fpread  abroad 
by  ortentation  ,  it  is  quickly  extinguillied  i  efpecially  comparifons  are  odious  ,  and 
beget  altercation.  We  fay,  there  is  not  a  Hill  fo  high  in  Lincolnjhire ^  but  there  is 
another  within  a  mile  as  high  as  it :  take  you  the  reputation  of  learning  and  pru- 
dence, fo  you  leave  us  the  better  caufe  ,  and  we  (hall  be  able  to  defend  it  well 
enough  againft  you.  But  the  main  defed  in  this  part  of  your  Difcourfc  is  this  , 
the  Biihop  of  Cbakedon  confefleth  of  Mr.  Oldcorn  ,  one  of  your  Order,  that  he  ac- 
knowledged thcfe  Records  to  be  authentick,  and  the  reft  of  the  imprifbned  Priefts , 
who  viewed  the  Records,  are  charged  publickly  in  Print  to  have  done  the  fame, 
by  Biihop  Goodwin^  by  Mr.  Mafon-->  every  thing  ought  to  be  unloofed  the  fame 
way  it  is  bound.  They  were  all  Scholars  and  could  write  ,  if  this  charge  were 
not  true ,  they  ought  to  have  publifhed  a  Proteftation  to  tlie  world  in  Print  to  the 
contrary  ,  whileft  their  Adverfaries  were  living  ,  whileft  the  Witnefles  were  living ; 
but  now  after  they  ,  and  their  Adverfaries  ,  and  the  WitnelTes  are  all  {o  long  dead, 
to  talk  of  a  verbal  proteftation  to  fome  of  their  Friends,  upon  hearfay  ,  fignifieth 
nothing. 

Now  we  muft  make  another  winding  ,  and  return  to  Bifhop  Barlove  :  but  I  hold 
to  the  clue ,  in  hope  at  length  to  get  out  of  this  fiditious  Labyrinth.  Henry  the 
EightVs  tftters  Fatents  ,  whereby  Bijhop  Barlow  was  injlalled  in  (  they  would  fay 
reilored  to^  the  7emporalities  of  his  Bijhoprick^,  make  mention  of  his  acceptation  and 
Confirmation  ■■,  but  none  of  bis  Confecration.  why  (hould  this  Lift  be  omitted ,  if  he 
were  really  Cojfecrated  ?  This  objedion  flieweth  nothing,  but  the  unskilfulnefs  of 
the  Fathers  in  our  Englifh  cuftoms  and  forms.  Let  them  compare  all  the  reftituti- 
ons  of  their  friends  fo  their  Temporalities  in  England ,  as  Cardinal  Pools  ,  Bifliop 
Cardtners  and  the  reft,  and  they  fhall  find  the  Form  the  very  fame  with  Bifhop  Bar- 
lorvs  ■■,  I  hope  they  will  not  conclude  thence  that  none  of  them  were  conlecrated 
The  reafon  of  the  Form  is  very  prudent  in  Reftitution  to  Temporalties  i  they  take 
no  notice  of  any  Ads  that  are  purely  Spiritual ,  as  confecration  is ;  but  one! y  of 
fuch  Ads  as  are  Temporal ,  as  acceptation  and- and  confirmation. 

But  if  he  was  reftored  to  his  Temporalities  not  being  Coufecrated,  be  misAit  alfofit  in 
Tarliament  without  Confecration.  The  alTumption  is  underltood  ,  but  Bijhop  Barlow 
was  rejhred  to  his  Temporalities  without  Confecration  ■■,  which  is  molt  falfe.  From  the 
converfion  of  the  Nation  until  this  day  ,  they  are  not  able  to  produce  one  inftance, 
of  one  Biftiop  ,  who  was  duelyeleded,  duely  confirmed,  and  duely  reftored  to 
his  Temporalities  by  the  Kings  Mandate,  without  confecration  ,  or  did  fit  in  Par- 
liament without  confecration.  He  muft  fit  in  Parliament  in  his  Epifcopal  habiti  but 
that  cannot  be  before  confecration.  It  feemeth  they  think  that  Bifhops  fit  in  Parlia- 
ment ,  as  Temporal  Barons :  but  it  is  a  great  miftake  ,  Bifiiops  fate  in  the  Great 
Councils  of  the  Kingdom,  before  the  names  of  Parliament  or  Barons  were  heard 
of  in  England. 

They  bring  an  argument  from  the  exaHnefs  of  our  Records ,  and  that  connexion 
that  is  between  Records  of  one  Court  and  another.  The  firft  tfiing  necefTary  to 
obtain  a  Bifhoprick  in  England ,  is  the  Kings  Conge  djiire  ;  that  appears  in  the  Rolls. 
Next ,  the  adual  Eledion ;  that  appears  in  the  Records  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter. 
Thirdly  ,  the  Kings  acceptation  of  the  Eledion,  and  his  commilfion  to  the  Arch- 
biOiop,  or  four  Bifliops  in  the  vacancy  ,  to  confirm  the  Elcdion  ,  and  Confecrate 
the  perfon  Eleded  and  confirmed  legally  ;  that  appears  in  the  Letters  Patents  enrol- 

.  G  g  g  2  led 


73^ 'CMecratm^^  T  O  M  E  1. 

"kd"  Fourthly  the  conhrimtion  of  the  Eleftion  before  the  Dean  of  the  Arches, 
but  bv  the  Arcbiftops  appointment ,  (  this  is  performed  always  in  Bow  Church,  ex- 
cept extraordinarily  it  be  performed  elfewhcrc  by  commilliori  W  this  appears  in 
the  Records  of  the  Archbifliop.  Fifthly,  The  confccration  it  felt  by  the  Archbifhop 
and  other  Bifliops,  or  other  Bifliops  without  himby  virtue  oi  his  commiilion,  this 
appears  in  the  Records  of  the  Protonotary  of  the  See  of  Canterbury.  Lalily,  The 
rdtitution  of  the  Temporalities  v  which  appears  in  the  Rolls,  and  his  Enthroni- 
fation  in  the  Records  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter.  Every  one  of  thefe  takes  another 
by  the  hand,  and  he  who  willenjoy  aBiflioprick  in  E>;;7/j«i ,  muft  have  them  all. 
The  Chapter  cannot  eled  without  the  Kings  Conge  d'EJltre.  The  King  never  grants 
Letters  Patents  for  confirmation  and  confecration  ,  until  he  have  a  certificate  of  the 
Dean  and  Chapters  Eledion.  The  Dean  of  the  Arches  never  confirms ,  until  he 
have  the  Kings  commilfion.  The  Archbifliop  never  confecrates  until  the  Eledion 
be  confirmed.  And  LalUy ,  The  King  never  receiveth  Homage  for  the  Bifhoprick 
orgiveththe  Temporalities  ,  nor  the  Dean  and  Chapter  Enthrone  ,  until  after  con- 
fecration. He  that  hath  any  one  of  thefe  Adts,  mu(t  ofnecellity  have  all  that  go 
before  it  in  this  method  ;  and  he  that  hath  the  laft  hath  them  all.  But  this  was 
more  than  Mr.  Neale  ,  or  whofoever  was  inventer  of  that  filly  Fable  ,  did  under- 
fland  ,  otherwife  he  would  have  framed  a  more  pollible  relation. 

Hence  they  argue  ,  the  Records  being  fo  exa£l ,  hon>  is  it  poffible  that  no  Copies  of 
Barlows  Confecration  do  appear  in  any  Court  or  Bijhoprick^nf  England  ?  They  mifiake 
the  matter  wholy  ,  the  Confecration  ought  not  to  appear  in  any  Court  but  one, 
that  is  that  Regiftry  where  he  was  Confecrated  ,  which  being  not  certainly  known, 
at  fo  great  a  diilance  of  time,  is  not  fo  eafily  found,  and  I  believe  was  never  fought 
for  yet  further  than  Lambeth.  But  all  the  other  A(fts  do  appear  in  their  proper 
Courts  i  The  Kings  licenfe ,  the  Dean  and  Chapters  Eledion  ,  the  Kings  Letters 
Patents  ,  the  Confirmation  of  the  Dean  of  the  Arches  ,  which  all  go  before  Confe- 
cration: and  his  doing  Homage  ,  and  thereftitutfon  of  him  to  his  Temporalities  , 
and  his  Enthronifation ,  all  which  do  follow  the  confecration,  and  are  infallible 
proofs  in  Law  of  the  confecration:  as  likewife  his  fitting  in  Parliament,  his  Or- 
daining of  Priefts ,  his  confecrating  of  Bifliops  ,  his  letting  of  Leafes ,  his  receiv- 
ing of  hereditaments  to  him  and  his  Succeffours ,  his  exchanging  of  Lands  i  all 
which  are  as  irrefragable  proofs  of  his  Confecration ,  as  any  man  hath  to  prove  that 
fuch  perfons  were  his  Parents ,  either  Father  or  Mother.  And  when  the  right  Re- 
gilier  is  fought,  which  rnufl  be  by  the  help  of  the  Court  of  faculties,  I  doubt  not 
but  his  Confecration  will  be  found  in  the  proper  place,  as  all  the  refl  are. 

Mr.  Mafon  alledged  ,  that  Bifliop  Gardiners  Confecration  was  not  to  be  found  in 
theRegiftcr  of  Lambeth^  any  more  than  Bifliop  Barlows  :  yet  no  man  doubted  of 
his  Ordination.  They  anfwcr  Firfl: ,  That  Mr.  Mafon  did  not  feck  fo  foliticioufly 
or  diligently  for  Bijhop  Gardiners  Confecration  ,  as  for  Bijhop  Barlows.  Then  why 
do  not  they  whom  it  doth  concern  I  caufe  more  diligent  fearch  to  be  made  ?  with- 
out finding  the  Records  of  Bifliop  Gardiners  Confecration  ,  they  cannot  accufe  Bi- 
fliop Bar/on?  of  want  of  confecration ,  upon  that  oncly  reafon.  Secondly,  They 
anfwer,  that  if  Gardiners  Confecration,  were  as  doubtful  ^w  Barlows  ^««/ Parkers  , 
they  would  tak^  the  fame  advife  they  give  us  ,  to  repair  with  Jpeed  to  fome  other  Church 
of  undoubted  Ckr^y.  Yes  ,  where  will  they  find  a  more  undoubted  Clergy  >  They 
may  go  farther  and  fare  worfc.  Kome  it  k\(  hath  not  more  exad  Records  ,  nor  a 
more  undoubted  Succeffion,  than  the  Chmdioi  England.  There  is  no  reafon  in 
the  World  to  doubt  either  of  Archbifliop  Tarkfrs  Confecration  ,  or  Bifliop  Gardi- 
ners ,  or  Bifliop  Barlows.  Neither  doth  his  confecration  concern  us  fo  much  ,  as 
the  Fathers  imagin  ;  there  were  Three  Confecraters  (  which  Is  the  Canonical  num- 
ber )  befides  him. 

It  is  high  time  for  the  Fathers  to  wind  up  ,  and  draw  to  a  conclufion  of  this  Ar- 
gument. That  which  followeth  next  is  too  high  and  can  fcarcely  be  tolerated  i  to 
accufe  the  pnblick  Records  and  archives  of  the  Kingdom  ,  and  to  infimulate  the 
Primates  and  Metropolitans  of  Ew^/^jw^  of  Forgery  ,  upon  no  ground  but  their  own 
imagination.  I  doubt  whether  they  durft  offer  it  to  a  Widow  Woman.  As  to  the 
imppjjfibility  of  Forging  fo  many  Kegiflers,  in  cafe  there  be  fo  many ,  it  is  eafily  anfwered, 

that. 


D(.s COURSE    V.  Bijhopf  Vindicated.  .g. 

ihai  It  is  no  more  than  that  the  Co>ifecraters  and  other  perjons  concerned ,  JJ^nuld  have  con- 
jfired  to  give  in  afalfe  Certificate  ,  that  the  Confecration  was  performed  rrith  all  due  ce- 
rettionies  and  rites  ^  and  thereby  deceive  the  Courts  or  make  them  dijfer.ible.     Should  any 
man  accufe  the  General  ot  their  Order  ,  or  one  of  their  Provincials ,  or  but  the 
Rcftor  ot  one  of  their  Collcdges  ,  of    Forgery    and    counterfeiting  the   publick 
Records  of  the  Order  i  how  would  they  ftorm  ,  and  thunder  ,  and  mingle  Heaven 
and   n.aith  together  and  cry  out.     No  moderate  or  prttdent  perfons  can  jujj>e£i  that  fuch 
perjons  (i;onld  damn  their  Souls ,  that  jo  many  pious  learned  Divines  Jfnuld  engage  them- 
felves  a*^d  their  pojierity  ,  in  damnable  Sacriledges  ,  rvithout  fear  of  damnation.     If  a 
man   will  not  believe  every  ridiculous  Fable ,    which  they  tell  byword  of  mouth 
upun  hearfay,  they  call  perfons  of  more  virtue  ,  learnings  and  prudence  than  themfelves^ 
Fools  and  Knaves  :  but  they  may  inlimulate  the  principal  Fathers  of  our  Church,  of 
-    certifying  moli:  pernicious  lyes  under  their  hands  and  ieals ,  not  for  a  piece  of  bread, 
which  is  a  poor  temptation  ,  but  for  nothing,  that  is  to  make  them  both  Fooli  and 
Knaves.     Is   not  this  blowing  hot  and  cold   with  the  fame  breath  ?  or  to  have  the 
faith  of  cw  Lord  Jejuf  Chrift  with  re^eCi  of  perfons  >  compare  the  political  principles 
of  the  Church  of  England  with  your  own ,  and  try  if  you  can  find  any  thing  foper- 
nicious  to  mankind  and  all  humane  fociety  ,  in  ours  more  than  in  yours.     Com- 
pare the  cafe  Theology  of  the  Church  of  England  ,  with  your  own  ,  and  try  if  you 
can  find   any  thing  fo  deftrudive  to  Morality  ,  to  truth  ,  and  Jultice,   and  conlci- 
ence  ,  as  might  lead  us  to  perpetrate  fuch  crimes  more  than  your  felves.     We  are 
not  affraid  of  a  parralel.     You  profefs  great  endeavours  to  make  profely  tes ,  we  do 
not  condemn  Zeal ,  yet  wi(h  you  had  more  light  with  it:  even  in  prudence  ,  which 
you  your  felves  extoll,  this  is  not  your  right  courfe  ,  to  follow  thofe  birds,  witji 
noife  and  clamour,  which  you  dcfireto  catch. 

In  fum,  your  anfwer  or  folution  is  full   of  ignorant  miftakes.    It  confoundeth 
civil  Rolls  and  Ecclefiaftical  Regifters.     It  fuppofeth  that  our  Records  are  but  tran- 
fcriptions  ,   one  out  of  another  »  whereas  every  Court  Recprdeth   its  own  A(£ts, 
and  keeps  it  felf  within  its  own  bounds.     It  taketh  notice  but  of  one  Confecrater, 
whereas  we  have  always  Three  at  the  leaft  ,  many  times  Five  or  Six.     It  quite  for- 
gctteth    publick   Notaries ,  which  muft  be  prefent  at  every  Confecration  with  us , 
to  draw  up  what  is  done  hito  Adtsv    with  us  every  one  of  the(e  Notaries  when  he 
is  admitted  to  that  charge,  doth  take  a  fblemn  Oath  upon  his  knees  to  difeharge 
his  Office  faithfully  ,  that  is ,  not  to  make  falfe  certificates.     Secondly,  It  is  abfurd 
and  unfeafonable  ,  to  enquire  how  a  thing  came  to  pafs  that  never  was ;  you  ought 
Firlf  to  have  proved ,  that  our  Records  were  Forged  ,  and  then  it  had  been  more 
feafonable  to  have  enquired  modeftly  ,  how  it  came  to  pafs.  Thirdly  it  is  incredible, 
that  perfons  of  fuch  prudence  and  eminence ,  (hould  make  falfe  certificates  under 
their  hands  and  feals,  to  the  utter  ruin  of  themfelves  and  all  that  had  a  hand  in  it , 
and  no  advantage  to  any  perfon  breathing.     It  is  incredible  that  thofe  Records 
(hould  be  counterfeited  in  a  corner  ,  which  were  avowed  publickly  for  authentick 
by  the  whole  Parliament  o{ England  in  the  Eighth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth  ■■>  which 
were  publifhed  to  thf  World  in  Print  by  the  perfon  moft  concerned  ,  as  if  he  da- 
red all  the  World  to  except  againlf  them:  and  yet  no  man  oifered  to  except  againft 
them  then.     Fourthly  ,  It  is  impolhble  to  give  in  a  falfe  certificate  of  a  Confecra- 
tion which  was  never  performed  in  England,  f  efpecially  at  Lambeth  )  before  lefs 
than  Thoufands  of  eye-witnefTes  :  and  that  at  Lambeth ,  in  the  face  of  the  Court 
and  JFejiminlier-haV.    Surely  they  think  we  Confecrate  in  clofets,  or  holes ,  or  hay- 
mows.    They  may  even  as  well  fay ,  that  the  publick  Adls  of  our  Parliaments  arc 
counterfeited  ,  and  the  publick  Ads  of  our  Synods  are  counterfeited ,  and  all  our 
publick  monuments  counterfeited.     It  is  none  of  the  honeftetl  Pleas,  Negarefa&um, 
to  deny  fuch  publick  Ads  as  thefe.     Fifthly  ,  this  anfwer  is  pernicious  to  mankind, 
it  is  dehrudive  to  all  focieties  of  men  ,   that  Bithops  of  fo  great  eminence,  fhould 
confpire  with  publick  Notaries,  to  give  in  falfe  certificates,  in  a  matter  of  fuch 
high  confequence  as  Holy  Orders  are  ,  without  any  temptation ,  without  any  hope 
of  advantage  to  themfelves  or  others.     It  affordeth  a  large  feminary  for  Jealoufies 
and  fufpicions.     It  exterminat^th  all  credit  and  confidence  out  of  the  World ,  and 
inlhudeth  all  men  to  truft  nothing  ,  but  what  they  fee  with  their  eyes.     Laftly  , 

It 


^8^  Confecratim  of  Proteftant TOME,  f. 


It  is  contradidory  to  themfclves ,  They  have  told  us     I  know  not  how  often,  and 
tell  us  aaain  in  this  Paragraph  ,  that ,/ //'^Nags-head  Cw;/fcrj,,,« /;^^i,f;,/4,^,/,,_y 

minht  have  couvinced  it  by  a  tbottfand  ri^itnefes  :  Here  ttiey  make  it  an  eaf,e  thing,  for 
ihtonifi-craierf  and  other  perfnts  concerned ,  to  con^ire  together  to  give  in  afal^e  Certifi- 
'  thJt  the  Confa-Jtion  rt'.M  performed  with  all  due  Ceremomes  and  Kites,  and  therc- 


cjte 


bv  deceive  tiic  Courts  ,  or  make  them  dijfemble.  If  the  World  will  be  deceived  fo ,  it 
is  but  rigiit  and  reafon  that  it  be  deceived  ;  to  be  deceived  by  a  falfe  Certificate  , 
that  may  be  convinced  by  a  thoufand  Witneffes,  is  felf-deceit. 

But  they  fiy,  thi^  ^  """"^  fojftble  and  more  probable,  than  that  all  the  Clergy  (houli 
conJlire  not  to  produce  the  jame  Kegi\lers  ,  when  they  were  fo  hardly  preyed  by  their  Ad- 
verfaries.  Thefe  are  but  empty  pretences,  there  was  no  prelling  to  produce  Regi- 
fters  nor  any  thing  objedcd  that  did  dcferve  the  produdion  of  a  Regifter.  That 
which  was  obieftcd  againrt  our  Orders  in  thofe  dayes ,  was  about  the  Form  of  Or- 
dination, publillied  by  E^w^r^i  the  Sixth,  and  the  legality  of  our  Ordination  in 
the  time  of  Qneen  Ehzabeth  :  the  Nags-head  ConCectztion  was  never  objected  in 
thofe  dayes.  Befides ,  Regifters  are  publick  enough  themfelves ,  and  need  no  pro- 
dudion;  and  yet  our  Regifters  were  produced,  produced  by  the  Parliament  8.  Eli- 
zabeth, who  cited  them  as  authentick  Records,  produced  and  publiflied  to  the  world 
in  Print,  that  was  another  produdlion. 

They  add  ,  Or  that  fo  many  CathoUcl^s  fhould  have  been  fo  foolifh  to  invent  or  miin- 
tain  the  Story  of  the  Nags-head  ,  infuch  a  time  ,  when  if  it  had  been  falfe ,  they  might 
have  been  convinced  by  a  thoufand  tVitnefes.  Fear  them  not,  they  were  wifcr  than  to 
publifli  fuch  a  notorious  Fable  in  thofe  dayes  i  they  might  perchance  whifper  it  in 
Corners  among  themfelves,  but  the  boldeft  of  them  durll  not  maintain  it,  or  ob- 
jed  it  in  Print ,  for  fear  of  (hame  and  difgrace.  It  was  folly  to  give  any  ear  to  it, 
but  it  was  knavery  to  invent  it:  and  to  do  it  after  fuch  a  bungling  manner,  (  who- 
foever  was  the  Inventor  )  was  knavery  and  folly  complicated  together. 

If  the  Fathers  write  a^ny  more  upon  this  (ubjed  ,  I  defire  them  to  bring  us  no 
more  hearfiy  Teftimonies  of  their  own  party ,  whatfoever  elleem  they  may  have 
themfelves,  of  their  judgment,  and  prudence,  and  impartiality.  It  is  not  the 
manner  of  Polemick  Writers ,  to  urge  the  authority  of  their  own  Dodors  to  an 
Adverfary ,  or  alledge  the  modern  pradice  of  their  prefent  Church.  We  have  our 
own  (fhurch,  and  our  own  Dodors,  as  well  as  they.  If  we  would  pin  our  Faith 
to  the  fleeves  of  their  Writers,  and  fubmit  to  their  judgments ,  and  believe  all  their 
reports ,  and  let  all  things  be  as  they  would  have  it,  we  needed  not  to  have  any 
more  controverfie  with  them  ;  but  we  might  well  raife  a  worfe  controverfie  in  our 
felvcs  with  our  own  confciences. 


CHAP.     XI. 

0/  our  Forms  of  Epifcopal  and  Priejily  Ordination  ,  of  Zuinglianifm  ,    of  Jrchbifhop 
Laud  ,  of  Ceremomes.     Our  ajlurance  of  our  Orders. 

\7'\7^  have  done  with  the  Nags-head  for  the  prefent  >  that  which  followeth 
V  V  next  doth  better  become  Scholars ,  as  having  more  (hew  of  truth  and 
reality  in  it.  They  objed ,  that  in  all  the  CathoUck^  Rituals  ,  not  onely  of  the  Weft, 
but  of  the  Eaft  ,  there  m  not  one  Form  of  confecrated  Bijhops ,  that  hath  not  the  word  Bi- 
fhops  in  it ,  or  fome  other  words  exprtffing  the  particular  authority  and  porper  of  a  Bifhop 
diftinUly.  But  in  our  Confecration  ,  there  is  not  one  word  to  exprefs  the  difference  and 
power  of  Fpfcopacy.  For  thefe  words  Q  receive  the  Holy  Ghofl  ^  are  indifferent  to  Prieji- 
hood  and  Epifcopacy  ,  and  ufed  in  both  Ordinations.  I  anfwer  ,  That  the  Form  of  E- 
pifcopal  Ordination  ,  ufed  at  the  fame  time  when  hands  are  impofed  ,  is  the  fame 
both  in  their  Form  and  ours  ,  \_  Receive  the  Holy  Choji.  ]  And  if  thefe  words  be 
confidercd  fingly  in  a  divided  fenfe  from  the  reft  of  the  Office  ,  there  is  nothing  ei- 
ther in  our  Form  or  theirs  ,  which  doth  dilHndly  and  reciprocally  expreft  Epifco- 
pal power  and  authority.  But  if  thefe  words  be  confidered  conjointly  in  a  com- 
pounded fenfe,  there  is  enough  to  exprefs  Epifcopal  power  and  authority  diftind- 
ly  ,  and  as  much  in  our  Form  as  theirs.  Firft  , 


Discourse  V.  Bi/hops  Feudicated.  48 «; 

Firil ,  Two  Bifhops  prefent  the  Bifhop  Eled  to  the  Archbifhop  of  the  Province , 
with  thefe  words  i  M^l  Reverend  Father  in  Chriji  ^  we  prefent  to  you  this  godly  and 
learned  man  to  be  confecrated  Bijhnp.     There  is  one  expreliion. 

Then  the  Archbifliop  caufeth  the  Kings  Letters  Patents  to  be  produced  and  read, 
which  require  the  Archbifliop  to  confccrate  him  a  Bifliop.  There  is  a  fecond  ex- 
prelhon. 

Thirdly  ,  The  new  Bifhop  takes  his  Oath  of  Canonical  obedience.  I  A.  B.  ek- 
ikd  Bifhop  of  the  Church  and  See  of  C.  doprofefs  andpromife  all  reverence  and  due  obe- 
dience to  the  Archbijhop  and  Metropolitical  Church  ofD.  and  his  Succejiours.  So  God  help 
wf,  &c.     This  is  a  third  expreliion. 

Next ,  The  Archbifliop  exhorts  the  whole  Aflembly  to  folemn  Prayer  for  this 
perfon  thus  eleded  and  prefented  ,  before  they  admit  him  to  that  Office  (  that  is , 
the  Office  of  a  Bifliop, )  whereunto  they  hope  he  is  called  by  the  Holy  Gholi ,  af- 
ter the  example  of  Chrift  before  he  did  chufc  his  Apoltles  ,  and  the  Church 
of  Antioch ,  before  they  laid  hands  upon  Taul  and  Barnabof.  This  is  a  fourth  ex- 
preliion. 

Then  followeth  the  Litany ,  wherein  there  is  this  exprefs  Petition  for  the  perfon 
to  be  ordained  Bifliop  •,  JVe  befeech  thee  to  give  thy  blejjing  and  grace  to  this  our  Brother 
eleded  Bijhop ,  that  he  may  difcharge  that  Office  rvhereunto  he  is  called  diligently  ,  to  the 
edification  of  thy  Church.  To  which  all  the  Congregation  anfwer  ,  Hear  us  0  Lord 
ree  befeech  thee.     Here  is  a  fifth  expreliion. 

Then  followeth  this  Prayer  ,  wherewith  the  Litany  is  concluded.  Almighty  God, 
the  Giver  of  all  good  things  ,  which  by  thy  Holy  Spirit  haji  conftituted  divers  Orders  of 
Minijiers  in  thy  Church ,  vouchfafe  we  bejeech  thee  to  loo\  ffacioufly  upon  this  thy  Ser- 
vant ,  now  called  to  the  Office  of  a  Bijhop.     This  is  a  fixth  expreihon. 

Next,  The  Archbifliop  telleth  liim  he  rauft  examine  him  ,  before  he  admit  him 
to  that  Adminiflration  whereunto  he  is  called,  and  maketh  a  folemn  Prayer  for 
him  5  that  Cod  who  bath  conftituted  fame  Prophets ,  fame  Apoftles,  See.  to  the  edification 
of  his  Church,  would  grant  to  this  his  Servant  the  grace  toufe  the  Authority  committed 
to  him,  to  edification  not  dejhuUion ,  to  dijlribute  food  in  due  feafon  to  the  Family  of 
Chriji  ,  ai  becometh  a  faithful  and  prudtnt  Steward.  This  authority  can  be  no  other 
than  Epilcopal  authority  j  nor  this  Stewardfliip  any  other  thing  than  Epilcopacy. 
This  is  a  feventh  expreliion. 

Then  followeth  Impofition  of  Hands ,  by  the  Archbifliop  and  all  the  Bifliops 
prelent  ,  with  thefe  words,  Receive  the  Holy  Choll,8cc.  AndLaftly,  The  traditi- 
on of  the  Bible  into  his  hands  ,  exhorting  him  to  behave  himfelf  towards  the  Flock^  of 
Chriji,  as  aPaJiour,  not  devouring  but  feeding  the  F lock^  All  this  implieth  Epilcopal 
authority.  They  may  except  againd  Chrilt's  own  Form  cf  ordaining  his  Apoftles 
if  they  will  ,  and  againft  the  Form  uled  by  their  own  Church:  but  if  they  be  fuffi- 
cient  Forms,  our  Form  is  fufficient.  This  was  the  fame  Form  which  was  ufed  in 
Edward  the  Sixth's  time, and  we  have  {een  how  Cardinal  Po/f  ,and  PjuI  the  Fourth, 
confirmed  all  without  exception,  that  were  ordained  according  to  this  Form  j  fo 
they  would  reunite  themfelves  to  the  Ro«;a«-Catholick  Church. 

They  bring  the  very  fame  Objetllion  againfl  our  PriclUy  Ordination  v  "the  Form  or 
words  whereby  men  are  made  Priejis,  mufi  exprejs  authority  and  power  to  confecrate , 
or  make  prefent  Chriji's  Body  and  Blood  ,  (  whether  with  or  without  Tranfubjiantiation  , 
is  not  the  prefent  controverfie  with  Protejiants.  )  Thus  far  we  accord  ,  to  the  truth  of 
the  prelence  of  Chrift's  Body  and  Blood  i  fo  they  leave  us  this  latitude  for  the  man- 
ner of  his  prelence.  Abate  us  Tranfubflantiation ,  and  thofe  things  which  are  con- 
fequcnts  of  their  determination  of  the  manner  of  prefence  ,  and  we  have  no  diffe- 
rence with  them  in  this  particular.  They  who  are  ordained  Priefls,  ought  to  have 
power  to  confecrate  the  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Chrill,that  is,  to  make 
them  prefent  after  fuch  manner  as  they  were  prefent  at  the  firfl  Inllitution,  whether 
it  be  done  by  enunciation  of  the  words  of  Chrift  ,  as  it  is  obferved  in  the  Weftem 
Church  i  or  by  Prayer  ,  as  it  is  pradifcd  in  the  Eajlern  Church  ■,  or  whether  thefe 
two  be  both  the  fame  thing  in  etfed,  that  is,  that  the  Forms  of  the  Sacraments  be 
myftical  Prayers,  and  implicite Invocations.  Our  Church  for  more  abundant  cau- 
tion ufeth  both  Foums ,  as  well  in  the  Confecration  of  the   Sacrament  ,  as  in  the 

ordi- 


4^6 


Confccration  of  Froteflant TOME  K 

:;7dmation  of  Priclts.  In  tlie  H^Euduna ,  our  Confccration  is  a  repetition  of 
tlut  wliich  was  done  by  CJui/t,  and  now  done  by  him  that  confecrateth  jn  the  per- 
fon  of  Chri/l  ;  othcrwife  the  Priell  could  not  lay,  7bis  ts  my  body.  And  likewife  m 
Epifcopal  confccration,  Rmo  imfonit  manui ^  Veus  largitur  gratiam  ,  Sacerdos  ,mpo- 
nit  fupplicem  dexter jm  ,  Vtus  benedicit  potente  dextera  :  Man  impofeth  hands  ,  Cod  con- 
f'rrith  m-ace  ,  the  Bipop  impofeth  his  fuppliant  right  hand,  God  blejjeth  with  his  almigh- 
ty rtaht  hand.  In  both  confecrations  Chrift  hinnfelf  is  the  chief  Confecrater  liill , 
then  if  power  of  Confccration  be  nothing  elfe  but  power  to  do  that  which  Chrift 
did  and  ordained  to  be  done ,  our  Prierts  want  not  power  to  confecrate.  They 
add',  h  all  Forms  of  ordaining  Friejis ,  that  ever  tvere  ujed  in  the  Eaftern  or  Weftern 
Church  ,  is  expnfly  fet  donrn  the  rvord  Trieil^  or  fame  other  vpords  expreffing  the  proper 
FunBion  and  authority  of  Priejibood,  dec.  7he  Grecians  ufing  the  word  Prieji  or  Bijhop 
in  their  Forms,  do  jufficiently  exprefs  the  refiedive  power  of  every  Order  t  but  our  Re- 
formers did  not  put  into  the  Form  of  ordaining  Friejis,  any  vpords  exprefftng  authority  to 
make  Chriji's  Body  prefent.  I  anfwer ,  that  if  by  Forms  of  ordaining  Prices ,  they 
underlhnd  that  Eltential  form  of  words ,  which  is  ufed  at  the  fame  inftant  of  time 
whileft  hands  are  impofed,  I  deny  that  in  all  Forms  of  Prieftly  ordination,  the  word 
Prieft  is  fet  down  either  expredy  or  equivalently.  It  is  fet  down  exprefly  in  the 
Eajiern  Church,  it  is  not  fet  down  exprefly  in  the  JFeJkrn  Church.  Both  the  Eafi- 
ern  and  Wejiem  Forms  are  lawful,  but  the  iVtjlern  cometh  nearer  to  the  Inftitution 
of  Chrili 

.  But  if  by  Forms  of  ordaining  they  underfiand  Ordinals  or  Rituals  ,  or  the  intire 
Form  of  ordaining  :  both  our  Church  and  their  Church  have  not  onely  equivalent 
expreflions  of  Prieftly  power ,  but  even  the  exprefs  word  Triejl  it  fcif ,  which  is 
fuliicient  both  to  diredl ,  and  to  exprefs  the  intention  of  the  Confecrater.  Under 
that  name  the  Archdeacon  prefenteth  them,  "Right  Reverend  Father  in  Chriji ,  Ipre- 
ftnt  unto  you  thefe  perfons  here  prefent ,  to  be  admitted  to  the  Order  ofFriejihood.  Under 
that  name  the  Eifliop  admitteth  them ,  vpell  beloved  Brethren ,  thefe  are  they  whom  we 
purpofe  by  the  Grace  of  Cod  thU  day  to  admit  \_  cooptare  ~\  into  the  Holy  Ofpct  of  Prieft' 
hood.  Under  this  name  the  whole  affembly  prayeth  for  them  ,  Almighty  God,  vou- 
chafe  we  hefeech  thee  to  looj^gracioufy  upon  thefe  thy  Servants  ,  which  this  day  are  called 
to  the  Office  of  Friefihood.  It  were  to  be  wiflied,  that  writers  of  controveriles  would 
make  more  ufe  of  their  own  eyes ,  and  truft  lefs  other  mens  citations. 

Secondly ,  I  anfwer  ,  that  it  is  not  neceflary  ,  that  the  Effential  forms  of  Sacra- 
ments Ihould  be  always  fo  very  exprefs  and  determinate  ,  that  the  words  are  not 
capable  of  extenfion  to  any  ether  matter,  if  they  be  as  determinate  and  expreft  , 
as  the  example  and  prefcription  of  Chrift  ,  it  is  fufficient.  The  Form  of  Baptifm 
is,  I  Baptife  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father  ,  and  of  the  Son  ,  and  of  the  Holy  Chofi  : 
Not  I  Baptile  thee  to  Regeneration  ,  or  for  RemiJJtou  of  Sins.  There  are  many  other 
kinds  of  Baptifms  or  wafliings ,  befides  this  Sacramental  Baptifm  :  yet  this  Form 
is  as  large  as  the  inftitution  of  Chrift.  And  thefe  general  words  are  efficacious  both 
to  regeneration  and  remiltion  of  fins ,  as  well  as  if  regeneration  and  remillion  of 
Cns  had  been  exprefly  mentioned.  In  this  Form  of  Baptifm  ,  there  is  enough  an- 
tecedent to  direft  and  regulate  both  the  adlions  and  intentions  of  the  Minifter  ;  So 
there  is  likewife  in  our  Form  of  Ordination. 

Thirdly  ,  I  anfwer  ,  that  in  our  very  Effential  Form  of  Prieftly  Ordination , 
Prieflly  power  and  authority  is  fufficiently  expreffed  i  we  need  not  feek  for  a  needle 
in  a  bottle  of  hay.  The  words  of  our  ordinal  are  clear  enough.  Firft ,  Receive  the 
Holy  Ghci(l,  (  that  is  the  Grace  of  the  Holy  Ghoft)  to  exercife  and  difcharge  the  Office 
of  Friejihood,  to  which  thou  haft  been  now  prefented ,  to  which  thou  haji  been  now  accept- 
ed ,  and  for  which  we  have  prayed  to  Cod,  that  in  it  thou  mayejl  difcharge  thy  duty  faith- 
fully and  acceptably. 

Secondly  ,  in  thefe  words  ,  whcfefws  thou  dojl  remit  they  are  remitted,  that  is  not 
onely  by  Prieftly  abfolution  ,  but  by  Preaching  ,  by  Baptifing,  by  adminif^ring  the 
holy  Eucharift  ,  which  is  a  means  to  apply  the  alfufficient  Sacrifice  of  Chrift  ,  for 
the  remillion  of  Sins.  He  who  authorifeth  a  man  to  accomplifli  a  work,  doth  au- 
thorife  him  to  ufe  all  means  which  tend  to  the  accomplifliment  thereof. 

That  which  is  objected,  thzt  Laymen  have  power  to  remit  fins  by  Baptifm,  hut 


MO 


Discourse    V.  hi/hop f  Vindicated.  ^3^ 


no  f Offer  to  Conjecrate  ^  ivgmhcih.  nothing  as  to  this  point.  For  firll  ,  Their  own  f'^"-''^  Sam 
Doctors  do  acknowledg  ,  that  a  Laymancannot  B^ptife [olemnly  ^  nor  in  the  prefence  ^  '''"'  ^"  '* 
<;/  a  Prieji  or  a  Deacon  ,  nor  in  their  abfence ,  except  onely  in  cafe  of  ueceffity.  St.  Au- 
ftin  gives  the  reafojt ,  becaufe  no  man  may  invade  another  mans  Office.  Laymen  may  , 
and  are  bound  to  inlku(fl  others  in  cafe  of  necelhty  :  yet  the  office  of  Preaching  and 
inllru(Sing  others  is  conferred  by  Ordination.  The  ordinary  Office  of  remitting 
fins ,  both  by  Baptifm  and  by  the  Holy  Eucharill  ,  doth  belong  to  Bifliops ,  and 
under  them  to  Priefts. 

Thirdly,  this  Prieftly  power  to  confecrate  is  contained  in  thefe  words ,  Be  thou 
a  faithful  dijfenfer  of  the  rvord  of  God ,  and  Sacraments.  And  afterwards ,  when  the 
Bilhop  delivers  the  Holy  Bible  into  the  hands  of  tho(e  who  are  ordained  Prie/ts  , 
have  tbffu  authority  to  Preach  the  word  of  God  ,  and  Adminijhr  the  Sacraments.  We 
do  not  deny  ,  but  Deacons  have  been  admitted  to  diitributc  and  Miniikr  the  Sa- 
craments, by  the  command  or  permilfion  of  Priefts,  or  as  fubfervient  unto  them  : 
but  there  is  as  much  difference  between  a  fnblervient  diftribution  of  the  Sacrament, 
and  the  dijfenfing  or  Adminijiring  of  it ,  as  there  is  between  the  Office  of  a  Porter 
whodiftributeth  thealmsat  the  gate,  and  the  Office  of  the  Steward  who  is  the 
proper  difpenfer  of  it.  Look  to  it  Gentlemen  >  It  your  own  Ordination  be  valid  , 
ours  is  as  valid ,  and  more  pure. 

They  make  the  cauft  of  thefe  defedls  in  our  Form  of  Ordination,  to  be,  becaulc 
Zuinglianifin  and  Puritamfm  did  prevail  in  the  Englilh  Church  in  th:fe  days.  They  be- 
lieved not  the  real  prefence  :  therefore  they  put  no  word  in  their  form  expreffitfg  firmer  to 
confecrate.  They  held  E^ijcopacy  and  Priejihood  to  be  one  and  the  fame  thing  :  "Therefore 
they  put  not  in  one  wordexprejjing  the  Epifcopal  FunUion.  This  is  called  le'^.ping  over 
the  iVile  before  a  man  comes  at  it  ,  to  devife  reafons  of  that  which  never  was.  Firft 
prove  our  defedls ,  if  you  can  :  and  then  find  out  as  many  reafons  of  them  as  you 
lift.  But  to  fay  the  truth  i  the  caule  and  the  etfed  are  well  coupled  together.  The 
caufe ,  that  is  the  Zuinglianifm  of  our  predece0burs  .  never  had  any  real  exiftence 
in  the  nature  of  things,  but  onely  in  thefe  mens  imaginations :  So  the  defecfts  of  our 
ordinals  are  not  real  but  imaginary.  Herein  the  Fathers  adventured  too  far,  to  tell 
us  that  we  have  nothing  in  our  Forms  of  Ordaining  ,  to  exprefs  either  the  Prieftly 
or  Epifcopal  fundion  :  when  every  child  that  is  able  to  read  can  tell  them,  that  we 
have  the  exprefs  words  of  Bifliops  and  Priei^s  in  our  Forms  ,  over  and  over  again  , 
and  maintain  to  all  the  World  that  the  Three  Orders  of  Bijhops  ,  Priejis ,  and 
T>eacnnr ,  have  been  ever  from  the  beginning  in  the  Church  of  Chrijl. 

This  they  fay  is  the  true  reafon  ,  why  Parker  and  his  Colleagues  were  contented  with 
the N^gs-hezd  Confecration ,  (that is  to  fay,  one  brainfick  whimfie  is  the  reafon  of '" f '*/""''""• 
another:  )  and  why  others  recurred  to  extraordinary  vocation  in  ^teen  Elizabeths  time. 
Say  what  others  >  name  one  genuine  Son  of  the  Church  of  England  if  you  can?  Dr» 
Whitakers,  and  Dr.  Fk%,  who  are  the  onely  two  men  mentioned  by  you ,  are  both 
profefTedly  againit  you.  Dr.  If^ntak^rs  faith  we  do  not  condemn  all  the  Order  ofBifiops, 
as  he  faljly  (landers  us^  hut  onely  the  falfe  Bijhops  of  the  Church  0/ Rome.     And  Dr. 
Fulk^^for  Or  da  and  feemly  Government  among  the  Clergy  ^  there  was  always  one  principal^  Di  Ecclef.ctn. 
to  whom  the  name  ofBifltop  or  fuperintendent  hath  been applied^which  rocw Titus  exercifed  2.  9.  <.c.  g. 
in  Crete,  Timothy  in  Ephefus,  others  in  other  places.  Adding,  that  the  Ordination,  or  '"  Titumci'. 
Confecration  ,  by  imposition  of  hands  ,  was  always  principally  committed  to  him. 

The  Fathers  proceed  ,  Jf  Mr.  Lawd  had  found  fuccefs  in  bis  firjl  attempts,  it  is  ve- 
ry credible,  he  would  in  time  have  reformed  the  Form  of  the  EngVifh  Ordination.  That 
pious  and  learned  Prelate  wanted  not  other  degrees  in  Church  and  Schools,  which 
they  omit.  He  was  a  great  lover  of  peace ,  but  too  judicious  to  dance  after  their 
pipe  ,  too  much  verfed  in  antiquity  to  admit  their  new  matter  and  form ,  or  to  at- 
tempt to  corredt  the  Magnificat  for  fatisfaftion  of  their  humours.  But  whence  had 
they  this  credible  relation  •■  We  are  very  confident ,  they  have  neither  Author 
nor  ground  for  it ,  but  their  own  imagination.  And  if  it  be  fo  ,  what  excu(e 
they  have  for  it  in  their  cafe  Divinity,  they  know  befl:  but  in  ours  we  could  not  ex- 
cufc  it  from  down  right  calumny. 

They  have  fuch  an  eye  at  our  order  and  uniformity,  that  they  cannot  let  our  long 
Chakj  '^nd  Swpkffes  alone.     We  never  had  any  fuch  animolities  among  us  about 

H  h  h  our 


-pg  ~~Cmfecration  of  Troteftant     TOME-  I. 

oL.r  rinaks  as  fome  of  their  Religious  Orders  have  had  about  their  Gowns ;  both 
foi  the  colour  of  them,  whether  they  (hould  be  black,  or  white,  or  Gray,  or  the 
natural  colour  of  the  Sheepi  and  for  the  faOiion  of  them,  whether  they  fliould  be  long 
or  fliort  &c   in  fo  much  as  two  Popes  fuccellively  could  not  determin  it. 

If  Mr.  Mafon  did  commend  the  wifdom  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  for  paring  away 
fuperfluous  ceremonies  in  Ordination  ,  he  did  well.  Ceremonies  are  advancements 
ot  Order ,  decency ,  modefty  ,  and  gravity  in  the  Service  of  God,  exprcllions  of 
thofe  Heavenly  dcfires  and  difpofitions,  which  we  ought  to  bring  along  with  us , 
to  God's  Houfe,  Adjuments  of  attention  and  Devotion,  furtherances  of  edification' 
vifible  inllruders,  helps  of  memory,  excercifes  of  faith  ,  the  (hell  that  preferves 
the  Kernel  of  Religion  from  contempt ,  the  leaves  that  defend  the  blofToms  and  the 
fruit  i  but  if  they  grow  over  thick  and  rank,  they  hinder  the  fruit  from  coming 
to  maturity,  and  then  the  Gardiner  plucks  them  off.  There  is  great  difference  be- 
tween the  hearty  expreliions  of  a  faithful  Friend  ,  and  the  mimical  geflures  of  a 
fawning  flatterer:  between  the-unafTeded  comelinefs  of  a  grave  matron  ,  and  the 
phantaiHcal  paintings-,  and  patchings ,  and  powderings ,  of  a  garifh  curtefan. 

When  ceremonies  become  birirthenfome  by  exceffive  fuperfluity,  or  unlawfulce- 
remonies  are  obtruded  ,  or  the  fubftance  of  Divine  Worfhip  is  placed  in  circum- 
llances :  or  the  fervice  of  God  is  more  refpeded  for  human  ornaments  than  for  the 
Divine  Ordinance  i  it  is  high  time  to  pare  away  excefTes ,  and  reduce  things  to  the 
ancient  mean. 

Thefe  Fathers  are  quite  out  ,  where  they  make  it  lawful  at  fomctimes  to  add  , 
but  never  to  pare  away:  yet  we  have  pared  away  nothing,  which  is  cither  prefcribed 
orpradifed  by  the  true  Catholick  Church.  If  our  Anceftours  have  pared  away  any 
fuch  things  out  of  any  miftake,  (  which  we  do  not  believe  ,  )  let  it  be  made  appear 
evidently  to  us,  and  we  are  more  ready  to  welcome  it  again  at  theforedoor ,  than 
eur  Anceftours  were  to  cafl  it  out  at  the  backdoor. 

Enare  poJJUmus,  hxretici  ejfe  nolumus. 

To  conclude,  as  an  impetuous  wind  doth  not  blow  down  thofe  trees  which  are 
wellradicated,but  caufeth  them  to  fpread  their  roots  more  firmly  in  the  carthrfo  thefe 
concuifions  of  our  Adverfaries,  do  confirm  us  in  the  undoubted  afTurance  of  the 
truth,  and  validity,  and  legality  of  our  Holy  Orders.  We  have  no  more  reafon  to 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  our  Orders ,  becaufe  of  the  different  judgement  of  an  hand- 
ful of  our  partial  Countrey-men ,  and  fome  few  forreign  Dodors  mifinformed  by 
them  ,  than  they  themfelves  have  to  doubt  of  the  truth  of  their  Orders  who  were 
ordained  by  Formofnf^  becaufe  two  Popes  Stephen  and  Sergius  one  after  another  ,  out 
out  of  pallion  and  prejudice,  declared  them  to  be  void  and  invalid. 

But  fuppofing  that  which  we  can  never  grant,  without  betraying  both  our  felves 
and  the  truth ,  that  there  were  fome  remote  probabilities ,  that  might  occafion  fu- 
fpicion  in  fome  perfons  prepofTefTed  with  prejudice,  of  the  legality  of  our  Orders; 
yet  for  any  man  upon  fuch  pretended  uncertainties,  to  leave  the  Communion  of  that 
Church  wherein  he  was  Baptifed  ,  which  gave  him  his  ChrifHan  being,  and  to  Apo- 
ftate  to  them,  where  he  (hall  meet  with  much  greater  grounds  of  fear  ,  both  of 
Schifna  and  Idolatry  ,  were  to  plunge  himfelf  in  a  certain  crime  ,  for  fear  of  an 
uncertain  danger. 

Here  the  Fathers  make  a  brief  repetition  of  whatfoever  they  have  faid  before  in 
this  difcourfe,  (  either  out  of  diftrufl  of  the  Readers  memory  ,  or  confidence  ot 
their  own  atchievements  ,  )  of  the  Nags-head ,  and  Mr.  Neale,  and  the  Proteftant 
writers  ,  andEifhop  Bancroft,  and  Bifhop  Morton  ,  and  the  other  Bifliops  that  fat 
with  him  the  lal^  Parliament ,  (  which  being  the  onely  thing  alledged  by  them  in 
the  Authors  life  time ,  and  proved  fo  undeniably  to  be  falfe  ,  is  enough  to  con- 
demn all  the  reft  of  their  hearfay  reports  ,  for  groundlefs  Fables  )  of  our  Regifkrs, 
of  King  Edwards  Eifhops ,  of  Bifhop  Barlorv,  and  of  the  form  of  our  Ordination", 
direding  him  who  will  clear  all  thofe  doubts,  v;hat  he  hath  to  do ,  as  if  we  were 
.  their  Journymcn.  Let  them  not  trouble  themfelves  about  that,  they  are  cleared  to 
the  leait  grain. 

But 


DiseouRSE  V^  Btjhops  Vindicated' 


But  if  they  will  receive  advifc  for  advife ,  and  purfue  a  prudential  courfe  which 
they  prefcribe  to  others  i  if  they  regard  the  prefent  face  of  the  skie,  and  look  well 
to  their  own  interell: ,  and  the  prefent  conjundlure  of  their  affairs  :  they  have  more 
need  and  are  more  engaged  in  reputation  to  defend  themfelves,  than  to  oppugn  o- 
thers. 

So  they  conclude  their  difcourfe  with  this  (hort  corollary  ,  Hjto  mfortmately  rpos 
Charles  the  firjl  late  King  of  England ,  mifinformed  in  matter  ofhk  Btjhops  and  Chr^y? 
what  fmqk  could  he  have  had  ^  tfhe  had  kftorvn  the  tiifth  ,  to  give  way  to  the  Far  Ua- 
ment ,  to  pnV  dorvn  Parliament  Bijhops ,  who  were  fo  far  from  being  de  jure  divino ,  that 
they  were  not  fo  much  as  dc  jure  Ecclefiaftico  ?  We  thank  yoK  Gentlemen  for  your 
good  will ,  the  Orthodox  Clergy  of  England  are  your  fear.  And  you  know  what 
commonly  folio weth  after  fear ,  hate,  oderuntquos  metuunt.  What  pittyit  is  that 
you  were  not  of  King  Charles  his  Council ,  to  have  advifed  him  better  >  yet  we 
obferve  few  Princes  thrive  worfe ,  than  where  you  pretend  to  be  great  minifters.  If 
you  had  counfelled  him  upon  this  fubjedt,  perhaps  you  might  have  found  him  too 
hard  for  you  ■■,  as  another  did  whofe  heart  he  burft  with  down  right  reafon.  If  e- 
ver  that  innocent  King  had  a  finger  in  the  bloud  of  any  of  that  party,  that  was  it, 
to  choakaman  with  reafon:  but  certainly  that  wife  Prince  would  not  have  much 
regarded  your  pofitive  conclufions ,  upon  hearfay  premifes. 

We  hold  our  Benefices  by  human  right ,  our  Offices  of  Priefts  and  Bifhops  both 
by  divine  right  and  human  right.  But  put  the  cafe  we  did  hold  our  Biftiopricks 
onely  by  human  right ,  Is  it  one  of  your  cafes  of  Confcience  ,  that  a  Sovereign 
Prince  may  jultly  take  away  from  his  Subjeds  any  thing  which  they  hold  by 
human  right  >  If  one  man  take  from  another  that  which  he  holds  juftly  by  the  Law 
of  man  ,  he  is  a  thief  and  a  robber  by  the  Law  of  God.  Let  us  alter  the  cafe  a 
little,  from  our  Bifhopricks  to  their  Colledges  or  their  treafures;  If  any  man  fliould 
attempt  to  take  them  from  them  ,  upon  this  ground  because  they  held  them  but 
by  human  right ,  they  would  quickly  cry  out  with  Floiden ,  the  cafe  is  altered.  Be 
our  right  Divine,  or  human,  or  both,  if  we  be  not  able  to  defend  it  againftany 
thing  the  Fathers  can  bring  againft  it,  we  deferve  to  lofe  it. 


DIS- 


T    O  IVI   E    1  I. 

DISCOURSE  I. 


A 

FA  IR  WARNING 

To  take  heed  of  the 

Scotifli  Difcipline, 

As  being  of  all  others  moft  injurious  to  the  Civil  Magiftrate, 
moft  oppreflive  to  the  SubjeS,  moft  pernicious  to  both- 


By  JOHN  BRAMHALL    D»  D.  Lord  Bifliop 

of  Lottdofjdenyt 


LUKE  ix.  35. 

No  man  having  drunks  old  pcme,  firaighttfay  defireih  new-,  for  he  faith ,  the  old  it 
better. 

H  O  S  E  A   ii.  7. 

J  will  goe  and  return  to  my  firji   Husband ,  fir  then  neat  it  better  Vfith  me  than 

mm. 


D  V  B  LIN, 
Printed  AnnoDom.  M.  DC.  LXX.  V, 


492 


THE 


CONTENTS 


OF  THE 


CHAPTERS. 


G  H  A  P.     I. 

^T^  H  E  Oecafthn  andftibjeS  of  this  Treatife.  Page  493 

X  C  H  A  P.     II. 

ihat  this  new  Difcipline  doth  utterly  overthrow  the  Rights  of  Magifirates^ 
to  convocate  Synods,  to  confirm  their  Ads^  to  order  Ecclefajiical  affairs, 
and  reform  the  Church  within  their  Dominions.  Page  494 

G  H  A  P.     1 1 1. 
that  this  Difcfpline  robs  the  Hagifirate  of  the  lajl  /Appeals  of  his  fubje&s. 

page  499 

G  H  A  P*     I  V. 

ihat  it  exempts  the  Minifiers  from  dnepunipment.  Page  500 

C  H  A  P.     V. 
ihat  itfnbje&s  the  fupr erne  JUagiftrate  to  their  cenfnresj  &c.        page   501 

C  W  A  P.     VI. 
That  it  robs  the  Magijirate  of  his  dijpenfative  power.  Tage  502 

CHAP.     VII. 
7hat  the  Difcipl'iHarians  cheat  the  Magiflrate  of  his  civil  power  in  order  to 
Religion.  P;^ge  505 

CHAP.     VI  IT. 
ihat  the  Difciplinarians  challenge  this  exorbitant  power  by  Divine  Right* 

Page  506 

G  H  A  P-     IX. 
ihat  this  Difcipline  makes  a  monjier  of  the  Commonwealth.  page  507 

CHAP.     X. 
ihat  this  Vifcipline  is  moji  prejudicial  to  the  Parliament-  Page  508 

G  H  A  P.     XL 
ihat  this  nfiipline  is  oppreJJJve  to  particular  perfons.  Page  509 

GAAP.     XII. 
ihat  this  Tifcipline  is  hurtful  to  all  orders  of  men*  ^'age  5 1 1 

CHAP.     XIII. 
Ihat  the  Covenant  to  introduce  this  Tifcipline  if  void  and  wicked'-)  with  a 
fiiert  Couclufton.  1  age  5 1 2 

D  I  S- 


495 


DISCOURS 

TOME    II. 


» 


A 

FAIR  WARNING 

To  take  heed  of  the 

SCOTISH  DISCIPLINE. 

As  being  of  all  others  moft  injurious  to  the  Givil  Magiftrate ,  moft  op- 
preffive  to  the  Subjeft,  moft  pernicious  to  both. 


CHAP,    h 

The  Occasion  and  SubjeCi  of  this  Treatife. 

F  the  Difciplinarians  in  Scotland  could  reft  contented  to  dote  upon 
their  own  inventions,  and  magniiie  at  home  that  Diana  which 
themfelves  have  canonifed,  I  fhould  leave  them  to  the  beft  School-  ■ 
mittrefs,  that  is,  experience,  to  feel  where  their  (hoe  wrings  them, 
and  to  purchafe  repentance.  What  have  I  to  do  with  the  regula- 
tion of  Forreign  Churches  to  burn  mine  own  Fingers  with  fnuffing 
other  mens  candles?  Let  them  ftand  or  fall  to  their  own  Ma- 
ikr ;  it  is  charity  to  Judge  well  of  others ,  and  piety  to  look  well  to  our  felves. 

But  to  fee  thofe  very  men  who  plead  fo  vehemently  againft  all  kinds  of  Tyranny, 
attempt  to  obtrude  their  own  dreams  not  onely  upon  their  fellow-fubjcds,  but  up- 
on their  Sovereign  himfelf ,  contrary  to  the  didates  of  his  own  confcience  ,  contra- 
ry to  all  Laws  of  God  and  Man,  yea  to  compel  Forreign  Churches  to  dance  after 
their  pipe,  to  worlhip  that  counterfeit  Image  which  they  feign  to  iiave  falbi,  down 
from  Jupiter  ,  and  by  force  of  Arms  to  turn  their  Neighbours  out  of  a  poiredioa 
of  1400.  years,  to  make  room  for  their  Trojan  horfe  of  Ecclefiaitical  Difciphne  , 
(  a  pradice  never  jultified  in  the  world  but  either  by  the  Turk  or  by  the  Pope  ) 
this  puts  us  upon  the  defenfive  part:  they  mult  not  think  that  other  men 
are  fo  cowed  or  grown  fo  tame,  as  to  rtand  itill  blowing  of  their  nofes,  whilft 
they  bridle  them  and  ride  them  at  their  pleafure.  It  is  time  to  let  the  world  fee 
that  this  difciplinc  which  they  fo  much  adore ,  is  the  very  quinteflence  of  refined 
Popery  ,  or  a  greater  Tyranny  than  ever  Rome  brought  forth,  inconlillent  with  all 
forms  of  civil  Government ,  dcltrudive  to  all  forts  of  policy  ,  a  rack  to  the  con- 
fcience  ,  the  heaviefl:  prefTure  that  can  fall  upon  a  people  ,  and  fo  much  more  dan- 
gerous, becaufe  by  the  fpecious  pretence  of  Divine  inftitution,  it  takes  away  the  li^ht, 
but  not  the  burthen  of  flavery.  Have  patience  Reader  ,  and  I  fliall  difcover  uiito' 
thee  mure  pride  and  arrogancie  through  the  holes  of  a  thred-bare  coat,  than  was 
ever  found  under  a  Cardinals  cap  or  a  triple  Crown.  All  this  I  undertake  to  de- 
monilrate,  not  by  fome  extraordinary  pradifes  juftified  onely  by  the  pretence  of  in- 
vincible necellity  ,  (  a  weak  patrociny  for  General  Dodrine  ,  )  nor  by  the  lin-^'lc  o- 
pinioas  of  fome  capricious  tellows  ,  but  by  their  books  of  Difciplinc  ,  by  the  Ads 

111  2  of 


494 


Fair    Warning TOMEIT 

^their  General  andprovincial  AfTemblies,  by  the  concurrent  votes  and  writings  of 

'''ffn^rSiauhcy'will  fuggeft  that" through  their  fides  I  feek  to  wound  Forreign 
rhnrchcs  No ,  there  is  nothing  which  I  fhall  convift  them  of  here ,  but  I  hope 
w  1  bedifavowed,  though  not  by  air  Proteftant  authours,  yet  by  all  theProtcf>ant 
Churches  in  the  world.  But  I  mull  take  leave  to  demand  of  our  Difciplinariaas , 
who  it  is  tlicy  brand  with  the  odious  nan:ie  of  Erajiiatts ,  in  the  Ads  of  their  Parlia- 

ie'iy"'  ments  and  Affemblies ,  and  in  the  Writings  of  their  Connmidioners  ,  and  reckon 
them  with  Papifts,  Anabaptilts,  and  Independents:  is  it  thofc  Churches   who  dif- 

Declar-  Pari.  3^^  their  Presbyteries  of  the  Sword  of  Excommunication  which  they  are  not  able 

i6-t8,  &c.  ^^  ^jgjj  )  fo  did  ErajiM  :  or  is  it  thofe  who  attribute  a  much  greater  power  to  the 
Chrillian  Magillrate  in  the  managery  of  EccletialHcal  affairs  than  themfelves  >  So 
did  Erajlus ,  and  fo  do  all  Proteftant  Churches.  The  Difciplinariajis  will  fooner  en- 
dure a  Bifhop  or  a  Superintendent  to  govern  them ,  than  the  Civil  MagiHrace.  And 
when  the  Magiftrate  (hall  be  rightly  informed  what  a  dangerous  edg'd- tool  (heir  Di- 
fcipline  is ,  he  will  ten  times  fooner  admit  of  a  moderate  Epifcopacy  ,  than  fall  in- 
to the  hands  of  fuch  Huckfters. 

If  it  were  not  for  this  Difciplinarian  humour,  which  will  admit  no  latitude  in 
Religion  ,  but  makes  each  nicety  a  Fundamental ,  and  every  private  opinion  an  Ar- 
ticle of  Faith  ,  which  prefers  particular  errours  before  general  Truths,  I  doubt 
not  but  all  reformed  Churches  might  eafily  be  reconciled.  Before  thefe  unhappy 
troubles  in  Engl^fid,  all  Proteftants ,  both  Lutherans  and  Calvinifls  ,  did  give  unto 
the  Engliil}  Church  the  right  hand  of  Fellowfliip  ■■,  the  Difciplinarians  themfelves 
though  they  preferred  their  own  Church  as  more  pure  ,  (  elfe  they  were  hard-heart- 
ed )  yet  they  did  not,  they  durft  not  condemn  the  Church  of  England^  either  as  dc- 
fedive  in  any  neceflary  point  of  Chriftian  piety ,  or  redundant  in  any  thing  that 
might  virtually  or  by  confequence  overthrow  the  Foundation. 
tnh  Gen       Witnefs  that  Letter  which  their  General  Affembly  of  Superintendents ,  Paflours, 

aTuo  i$56.  '  and  Elders  ,  fent  by  Mr.  John  Knox  to  the  Englifh  Bilhops ,  wherein  they  rtile  them 
Reverend  Paftours,  Fellow-preachers,  and  Joynt-oppofcrs  of  the  Roman  Anti- 
Chrifl.  They  themfelves  were  then  far  from  a  party  ,  or  from  making  the  Calling 
of  Bilhops  to  be  Antichriftian. 

But  to  leave  thefe  velitations  and  come  home  to  the  point:  I  will  (hew  firft  how 
this  Difcipline  cntrencheth  moft  extreamly  upon  the  right  of  the  Civil  Magiftrate  : 
Secondly ,  That  it  is  as  grievous  and  intolerable  to  the  Subjed. 


CHAP.     II. 


That  this  new  VifcipUne  dcth  utterly  overtlrrovp  the  Rights  of  Magijirates  to  convocate  Sy- 
nods ,  to  confirm  their  AUs  ,  to  order  Eccleftajlical  affairs  ,  and  reform  the  Church 
within  their  Dominions. 

ALL  Princes  and  States  invelkd  with  Soveraignty  of  power,  do  juftly  chal- 
lenge to  themfelves  the  right  of  Convocating  National  Synods  of  their  own 
Subjeds ,  and  ratifying  their  Conftitution. 

And  although  pious  Princes  may  tolerate  or  priviledge  the  Church  to  convene 
within  their  Territories  annually  or  triennially  for  the  exercife  of  Difcipline,  and 
execution  of  Conftitutions  already  confirmed,  (  nevcrthelefs  we  fee  how  wary  the 
Synod  of  Dort  was  in  this  particular  , )  yet  he  is  a  Magiftrate  of  ftraw  ,  that  will 
permit  the  Church  to  convene  within  his  Territories  ,  whenfoever,  wherefiiever 
they  lift,  to  convocate  before  them  whomfocver  they  pleafe,  all  the  Nobles ,  ajl 
the  Subjects  of  the  Kingdom,  to  change  the  whole  Ecclefiaftical  policy  of  a  Com- 
monwealth ,  to  alter  the  Dodtrine  and  Religion  eftabliftied  ,  to  take  away 
the  Legal  Rights  and  Privikdges  of  the  Subjcfts ,  to  ered  new  Tribunals  and 
Courts  of  Juftice ,  to  which  Sovereigns  themfelves  muft  fubmit  ,  and  all  this 
of  their  own  heads,  by  virtue  of  a  pretended  power  given  them  from   Heaven, 


con- 


495 


Discourse   I.  Of  Scot/fli  Difcipline. 

contrary  to  known  Laws  and  lawful  cuftoms  ,    the  Supreme   Magifirate  dilTcntin'^ 
and  difclaiining.     Syricds  ought  f  be  called  by  the  Supreme  Magijhate  if  he  be  a  C/^n^Ench.  ran.l.  s. 
Jiijn  ,  occ.     Jnd  either  by  himjelf  ^  or  byfuch  as  he  Jhall  pleafe  tocboufefor  that  purpnfe,^^'^-  '^'^ecre. 
he  ought  toprefide  over  them.     Tliis  power  the  Emperours  of  old  did  challenge  over  Ed^'v^'-^ 
General  Councils,  Chrillian  Monarchs  in  the  blindnefs  of  Popery  over  National   164^  '°%- 
Synods,  the  Kings  of  England  over  their  Great  Councils  of  old  ,  and  their  Convo-  i^i, 
cation  of  later  times ,  the  Ejfjfe/ of  the  united  Provinces  in   the  Synod  of  Virt 
this  power  neither  2v.o»Jj«-Catholick   or  Protelhnt  in  France  dare  deny  to  his  King.' 
None   have   been  mere  pundual  in  this  cafe  then  the  State  of  Geneva  ,  where  it  is 
cxprefly  provided  ,  thzt  no  Synod  or  Frefbyter  (hall alter  the  Ecclefiajiical policy  ^  or  add  ^^^  ort^rzi 
any  thing  to  it ,   rvithout  the  confent  of  the  Civil  Magijirate.     Their  elders  do  not  chal-  ^'r^'  ''''"ted 
lenge  an  uncontrolable  power  as  the  Commifioners  of  Chriji  ,    but  are  ftill  called  the  i<6^2-^'" 
Commijfioners  of  the  Signiory.     The  lejfer  Council  names  them  with  the  advife  of  the  pag-  66. 
Minijiry  ,  (  their  confent  is  not  neccflary  )  the  Great  Council  oi^  200  doth  approve  Pae.  20/ 
them  or  rejed  them.     At  the  end  of  the  year  they  are  prefented  to  the  Signiory^  who  ^^^^  *°*' 
continue  them  or  difcharge  them  as  they  fee  caufe.     At  their  admiifion  they  take  an 
oath,  to  keep  the  Ecclefiajiical  Ordinances  of  the  Civil  Magilirate.     The   final  deter-  ^'^'  ^ 
mination  of  DodVrinal  differencesin  Religion  ,  (  after  conference  of,  and  with  the 
EcclefialHcks  ,  )  is  refered  to  the  Magifirate.     The  Proclamations  publiflied  with  the 
found  of  Trumpet ,  regiltefed  in  the  fame  Book ,  do  plainly  fliew  that  the  order-  pag  i . 
ing  of  all  Ecclehartical  affairs  is  affumed  by  tlie  Signiory.  ' 

But  in  Scotland  all  things  are  quite  contrary,  the  Civil  Magirtrate  hath  no  iTiore 
to  do  with  the  placing  or  difplacing  of  Ecckfiajiical  Elders  ,  than  he  hath  in   the  E- 
leSoral  Colledge ,  about  the  Eledion  of  an  Emperour.     The  King  hath  no  more 
Legillative  power  in  Ecclefial^ical  caufes,  than  a  Cobler ,  that  is  a  lingle  vote  in  cafe 
he  be  chofen  an  Elder ,  othervvife  none  at  all.     In  Scotland  Eccleflaflical  perfons 
make,  repeal   alter  their  Sandtions  every  day,  without  confent  of  King  or  Co«n- 
cil.     King  James  proclaimed  a  Parliament  to  be  held  at  Edenburgh,  and  little  be-  Oftob.  jo 
fore  by  his  letter  required  the  AlTembly  to  ah(iain  from  making  any  innovations  in  the  i'^97 
Pilicy  of  the  Church  ,  and  from  prejudicing  the  decifions  of  the  States  by  their  conclufions 
and  tofuffer  all  things  to  continue  in  the  condition  they  were  until  the  approaching  Tarlia- 
tnent.     What  did  they  hereupon  ?  They  ncgleded  the  Kings  letter  ,  by  their  own 
authority  they  determined  all  things  poiitively  ,  queftioned  the  Archbifhop  of  St. 
j4ndrervs  upon  their  own  Canons  ,  for  collating  to  benefices  ,  and  voting  in  Parliament 
according  to  the  undoubted  Laws  of  the  Land.     Yea  to  that  degree  of  {awcinefs 
they  arrived,  and  into  that  contempt  they  reduced  Sovereign  power  ,  that  twenty 
Presbyters,  (  no  more  atthehighefi  fometimes  but  Thirteen  ,  fometimes  but  feven  ^''^"^'''  , 
or  eight)  dared  to  hold  and  maintain  a  General  AlTembly,  fas  they  mifcalled  it    ^^^^'^^ 
after  it  was  difcharged  by  the  King  ,  againfthis  Authority,  an  infolence  which  ric- 
ver  any  Parliament  durfl  yet  attempt. 

By  their  own  authority,  long  before  there  was  any  Statute  made  to  that  purpofe,  i  Bookdifc.  t 
they  abolifhed  all  the  Fefiivals  of  the  Church  ,  even  thofe  which  were  obferved  in  head, 
memory  of  the  Birth  ,  Circumcifion  ,  Refurredtion  and  Afcenfion  of  our  Saviour. 

Bv  their  own  authority  they  decreed  the  abolition  of  Bifhops ,  requirint^  them 
to  r(fign  their  Offices  ,  as  not  having  any  calling  from  Gods   rvord ,  under  pain  of  Excom- 
mumcation.     And  to  defiji  from  Preaching  until  they  had  a  new  admiffion  from  the  General 
Afiertibly.     And  to  compleat  their  own  folly  added  further,  that  they  ipould  difbofe  ^^^'  ^^^'> 
of  their  pofiejfions  as  the  Churches  Patrimony  in  the  next  Afiembly^  which  ridiculous  or-  ^*  ^°' 
dinance   was  maintained  ftifly  by  the  fucceeding  Synods,  notwithftanding  the  Sta- 
tute ,  that  itfijould  be  Treafon  to  impugn  the  authority  of  the  'three  Efiates  ,  or  to  pro- 
cure the  innovation  or  diminution  af  any  of  them,  which  was  made  on  purpofe  to  con-  Pa  1  isCj. 
trol  their  vain  prefumption.     Notwithftanding  that  themfelves  had  formerly  ap- 
proved  ,  and  as  much  as  in  them  lay  eftablifhed  fuperintendents,  to  endure  for  term  i  Book  dif.- 
of  life  with  their  numbers ,  bounds,  falaries  larger  than  thofe  of  other  Minillers  cip.  4  aad  S 
indewed  with  Epifcopal  power,  to  plant  Churches ,  ordain  Minifters ,  alh'gn  Sti- '''*'*• 
pends ,  prefide  in  Synods ,  dired  the  Cenfures  of  the  Church ,  without  whom 
there  was  no  Excommunication.     The  World  is  much  mirtaken  conccrninc*  Epi- 
fcopacy  in  Scotland  :  for  though  the  King  and  Parliament  were  compelled  by  the 

^^'^  clamours 


496 


Fair  Warning 


TOME  II. 


Anno  50J 

I  ('oSAffGbfK, 
16 10.  pail  E- 
derib>  16 12. 


'clamours  and  impetuous  violence  of  the  Presbyters  to  annex  the  temporalities  of 
the  Crown  ,  yet  the  Function  it  felt  was  never  taken  away  in  Scotland  , 
'"'    '"  "  ' "  '  ''"'^       '  troubles.     And 


AfiT  Eilemb 


2  Book  <lifc. 
Chap.  9- 

I  Book  I'Jfc. 
head- 
Ibidem. 

Ibidem, 


Ibidem: 


AIT-  Edetnb. 
1647 


Aff.  Glafg. 
1581:  AIT. 
E<temb-I590 
All.  Edemb. 
IS91 


2Bo»k  difc 
Chap.   7, 
2 


Chap.  12. 


from  their  Firfl  Converfion  to  Chriftianity  ,  until  thefe  unhappy 
thcfe  very  temporalities  were  reftored  by  the  AH, if  rellitution  ,  and  their  full  power 
was  hrll  ertabliflied  5y;W«r.ji>  ,  and  ai'terwards  contirmed  by  the  Three  Elktes  of 
the  Kingdom  in  Parliament.  ,        ^       , 

By  their  own  authority  when  they  faw  they  could  not  prevail  with  all  their  ite- 
nted  indeavours  and  attempts  to  have  their  book  of  Difcipline  ratified ,  they  ob- 
truded it  upon  the  Church  themfelves ,  ordaining  that  all  thofe  rebo  had  horn  or 
did  then  bear  any  Office  in  the  Church  pould  fubjeribe  it  ,   wider  pain  of  Excommunica- 

By  their  own  authority  or  rather  by  the  like  unwarrantable  boldnefs  they   adopt 
themfelves  to  be  heirs  of  the  Prelates  and  other  dignities  and  Orders  of  the  Church, 
fupprelTed  by  their  tumultuous  violence  ,  and  decreed  that  aV'tyths  ,  Kents^  Lands ^ 
Oblations  ,  yea  rchatfever  had  been  given  informer  times ,  orfioitld  he  given  in  future 
times  to  the  fir  via  of  Cod,  n>as  the  patrimony  of  the  Church  ,  and  ought  to  be  coh'eOed 
and  dilhibiited  by  the  Deacons  as  the  JVord  of  Cud  appoints.     That  to  convert  any  nf  thii 
to  their  f  articular  or  prophane  tife  of  any  perfon  ,  U  deteftabk  Sacrihdge  bifore  Gud.  And 
elfewhere  ,   Gentle-men  ,  Barons ,  Earls  ,  Lords  and  others  muji  be  content  to  live  upon 
their  jujl  Rents,  and  ftrffer  the  Kirk^  to  be  rejiored  to  her  liberty.     W  hat  this  liberty  is  , 
follows  in  the  fame  place  ,  al!  things  given  in  Hnjbitaliiy,  all  Rents  pertaining  to  Priejis, 
Chanieries  ,  CoVedges  ,   Chuppelries,  Frieries  of  all  Orders  ,   the  Sijlers  of  the  Seens  all 
which  ottcJ)t  to  be  retained  jiiV  in  the  ufe  of  the  Kirl^     Give  them  but   leave  to  take 
their  bre'ath,  and  expedthe  rert.     The  rvhole  Revenues  of  the  Temporalities  ofBijhopSy 
Deans  ^    and  Archdeans  Lands,  and  all  Rents  pertaining  to  Cathedral  Kirkj,     Then 
fuppofing  an  objedion  ,  that  the  poiTefTours  had  Leafes  and  Eftatcs ,  they  anfwer , 
That  thofe  who  made  them  were  theeves  and  munherers  and  had  no  pojver^  fo  to  alienate 
the  common  good  of  the  Kirk.     They  dellre  that  all  fuch  Eftates  may  be  anulled  and 
avoided  ,  that  all  collecflours  appointed  by  the  King  or  others,  may  be  difcharged 
from  intermedling  therewith  ,   and  the  Deacons  permitted  to  colled  the  fame:  yea 
to  that  height  ofmadnefs  were  they  come,  asto  deiineand  determinintheir  AC- 
fernbly  ,  (  judge  whether  it   be  not  a  modeft  conftitution  for  a  Synod. )  That  the 
next  Varliamenty,  the  Church Jbonld  be  fitHy  rejlored  to  its  Patrimony  ,    and  that  nothing 
fhould  be  pa^  in  Parliament  ttntil  that  was  Firfl  conftdered  and  appovred.     Let  all  E- 
ftates  take  notice  of  the(e  pretenfions  and  defigns.     If  their  projedl  have  not  yet 
taken  effed;  it  is  onely  becaufe  they  wanted  fufficient  ftrength  hitherto  to  accom- 
pliOi  it. 

Laftly  ,  By  their  own  authority,  under  the  fpecious  Title  of  Jefui  Chrifl ,  King 
of  Kings,  and  Lord  of  Lords,  the  onely  Monarch  of  his  Church  ,  and  under  pretence  of 
his  Prerogative  Royal ,  they  ereded  their  own  Courts  and  Prefbyteries  in  the  moft 
parts  of  Scotland  ,  long  before  they  were  legally  approved  or  received  as  appeareth 
by  their  own  Ad  ,  alledging  tUdit  many  fuits  had  been  made  to  the  Magijhate  for  ap- 
probation of  the  Policy  of  the  Kirl^,  which  had  not  taken  that  happy  effect  which  good 
men  would  crave :  And  by  aaother  Ad  acknowledging  that  Prefbyteries  were  then 
eftabliflied  (  SynodicaVy  )  in  moft  parts  of  the  Kingdom.  And  Laftly  by  the  Ad 
of  another  General  Ajjembly  at  Edenburgh ,  ordaining  that  the  Difcipline  contained 
in  the  ACis  of  the  General  Ajjemblypould  be  kept ,  as  well  in  Angus  and  Mernis  as  in 
the  reft  of  the  Kingdom. 

You  fee  fufficiently  in  point  of  pradice  how  the  Difciplinarians  have  trampled 
upon  the  Laws ,  and  juftled  the  civil  Magiftrate  out  of  his  Supremacy  in  Ecclefia- 
ftical  affairs.  My  next  task  fliall  be  to  fliew  that  this  proceeds  not  from  inanimad- 
vertence  or  paffion ,  but  from  their  Dodrine  and  Principles. 

Firft,  They  teach  that  no  perfons  ,  Magiftrates  ,  nor  others  ,  have  power  to  vote 
in  their  Synods  ,  but  onely  Ecclefiaftical. 

Secondly,  They  teach  that  Ecclefiaftical  perfons  have  the  fole  power  of  convening 
and  convocating  fuch  Affemblies ,  AH  Ecclefiaftical  Aflemhlies  have  power  to  convene 
lawfully  together,  for  treating  of  things  concerning  the  Kirki  They  haite  power,  to  ap- 
poiiU  times  and  places.     Again,  National  Aftemblies  of  thi'S  Co  untrey   ought   always  to 

be 


Discourse     I.  Of  Scot\(h  Difcipline.  ,^y 

he  retained  ht  their  orvn  Liberties^  rvith  ^orver  to  ihe  Kiri{_tf)  apl>ointiiines  and  places. 
Thus  they  make  it  a  liberty  ,  that  is,  a  priviledge  of  the  Church ,  a  parr  of  its  Pj. 
trknony^  not  onely  to  convene,  but  to  convocate  whomfoevcr,  whenloever,  where- 
foevcr. 

Thirdly ,  For  point  of  power  ,  they  teach  ,  that  Synods  have  the  judgment  of  true    _ 
and  falfe   Keligion  ,  of  Vodrme  ,  Ikrefie  ,  ccc.     the  eleSion  ,    admiffmn  ,  fuf^enfion ^  iff'l^'^^' 
depTtvation  of  Minifters  ,  the  determination  of  aU  things  that  pertain  to  tlye  I)ifdpli)ie  of  ' 

ihe  Church  ,  the  judgment  if  Ecdefajiical  matters  ,  caufes  beneficiary^  matrimniijl,  and 
others.     Jurifdittion  to  proceed  to  excommunication  againji  thoj'e  that  rob  the  Church  of 
Its  patrimony.     They  have  legillative  power  to  make  rules  and  con(}itutions  fir  keeping  a- Sock,  difci 
gnud  order  in  the  Kirk.    "They  have  ptver  to  abrogate  and  abolifj)  all  Statutes  and  Crdinan-  ^''^P-  7, 
ces  concerning.Ecclefiajiical  matters^  that  are  found  not fom  and  unprnjt table,  and  agree 
n:t  with  the  time,  or  are  abufed  by  the  people.     And  all  this  rvithout  aiy  reclamation   or  2.  12 
appellation  to  any  Judge ,  Civil  or  Ecclefiajhcal. 

Fourthly,  they  teach  ,  That  they  have  thefe  Priviledges  not  from  the  Magiftrate  2   Book  dT 
or  people,  or  particular  Laws  of  any  other  Countrey.     The  Magijlrate  cannot  exe- chip.  i.    "^' 
cute  the  cenfures  of  the  Church  ,  nor  prefcribe  any  rule  Irorv  it  Jhmild  be  done  ,  but  Ecde- 
fajiical power  florveth  immediately  from  God ,  a>!J  from  the  Mediatonr  Jefiif  ChrijK    And 
yet  farther ,  The  Church  cannot  be  governed  by  others ,  than  tijofe  Mini{hrs  and  Stewards 
fet  over  it  by  Clrrifl ,  nor  otherwife  than  by  his  Lares.     And  therefore  there  is  no  power  ^^^""'mata     > 
in  earth  that  can   challenge  to  it  felf  a  command  or  dominion  upon  the  Church.     And  j    l*  ^^^'  ^' 
again ,  It  is  prohibited  by  the  Law  of  God  and  of  Chriji,  for  the  Chrijiian  Magijirate  to  Jecma   ^sL 
invade  the  Government  of  the  Church  ,  and  confequemly  to  challenge  to  himfelf  tl^e  right  of  noii  Thetr.  4. 
both  Swords,  Spiritual  Mid  Temporal.     And  if  any   Magiftrate  do  arrogate  fo.  much  to  ^^^»r  8. 
himfelf,  the  Church  Jhall  have  caufe  to  complain  and  exclaim  that  the  Pope   is  changed , 
but  the  Papacy  remains.     So  if  Kings  and  Magiltrates  Hand  in  their  way  ,   they  are 
political  Popes  as  well  as  Bifhops  are  Eccldlaltical.  Whatfoever  thefe  men  do,  is  in 
the  Name  of  our  Lord  Jefus  ,  and  by  Authority  delegated  from  htm  alone.  Theor.  62 

Lartly ,  they  teach ,  That  they  have  all  tliis  power ,  not  onely  without  the  Ma- 
giftrate ,  but  againft  the  Magiftrate  ,    that  is  ,  although  he  diffent ,  and  fend  out  his  ^nformariou 
Prohibitions  to  the  contrary  ,  Parliamentary  ratifications  can  no  way  alter  Church  Canons  Scotland 

concerning  the  IForfljip  of  G^d.     For  Ecclefiaftical  Difcipline  ought  to  be  excrcifed        ^^* 
whether  it  be  ratiried  by  the  Civil  Magiftrate  or  not.     The  want  of  a  civil  Sandtion. 
to  the  Church,   i'ihwt\'vkt  lucrum  ceffans,  mn  damnum  emer(Tens\  as  it  adds  nothin^^  Th         a 
to  it ,  fo  it  takes  nothing  away  from  it.     If  there  be  any  clafhing  of  Jurifdidions,  ^ 

or  defecft  in  this  kind ,  they  lay  the  fault  at  the  Magiftntes  door.     It  is  a  great  fin 
or  wickednefs ,  for  the  Magiftrate  .to  hinder  the  exercife,  or  execution  of  Ecclefia-  TTicor.  82 
iUcal  Difcipline. 

Now  we  have  feen  the  pernicious  pradices  of  their  Synods,  with  the  Dodlrines 
from  which  they  flow  v  it  remains  to  difpel  umbrages,  wherewith  they  {eek  to  hide 
the  ugUncfs  of  their  proceedings  and  principles  from  the  eyes  of  the  World.  We 
(  fay  they  )  do  give  the  Chriftian  Magiftrate  a  political  power  to  convocate  Sy- 
nods ,  to  prefide  in  Synods ,  to  ratitie  the  Adts  of  Synods ,  to  reform  the  Church. 
We  make  him  the  Keeper  of  both  Tables.  Take  nothing  and  hold  it  faft,  here 
are  good  words ,  but  they  fignirie  nothing.  Truft  me  ,  whatfoever  the  Difcipli- 
narians  do  give  to  the  Magiftrate,  it  is  alwayes  with  a  faving  of  their  own  ftakes, 
not  giving  for  his  advantage ,  but  tlu'ir  own.  For  f hey  teach ,  that  this  power  of 
the  Chriftian  Magiftrate  is  not  private  and  deftrudive  to  the  power  of  the  Church  ^ 
but  cumulative  ,  and  onely  auxiliary  or  allifting.  Theor.  96. 

Bcfides  the  power  which  they  call  abufively  authoritative  ,  but  is  indeed  minifte- 
rial  of  executing  their  decrees,  and  contributing  to  their  fcttlement ,  they  afcribc 
to  the  Magiftrate  concerning  the  Ads  of  Synods,  that  which  every  private  man 
hath,  a  judgment  oi difcretion ,  but  they  retain  to  themfelves  the  judgment  oi  Ju- 
rifdiaion.  And  if  he  judge  not  as  they  would  have  him  ,  but  fufpend  out  of  con- 
science the  influence  of  his  political  power  ,  where  they  would  have  him  es?rci(e 
it ,  they  will  either  teach  him  another  point  of  Popery  ,  that  is  an  implicitc  faith  , 
or  he  may  perchance  feel  the  weight  of  their  Church-cenfiu-es ,  and  rind  quickly 
what  manner  of  men  they  be  ,  as  our  late  Gracious  King  Charles  ,   and  before 

K  k  k  2  him 


^9^ 


Fair    ff'armifiZ  TOME-   II. 


Inm  his  father  ,  his  Grandmother ,  ;ind  his  grear  Grandmother ,  did  all   to  their 

Then  in  pl.iin  E>/^//y^-' ,  what  is  this  political  power  ,  to  call  Synods,  to  prcfidc 
in  S\nods ,  and  to  ritirie  Synods ,  which  thefegood  men  give  to  the  Magiltrate, 
ancrmasni'ficfomuch?  I  Ihall  tell  the  truth.  It  is  a  duty  which  the  Magiftrate 
owes  to^  the  Kirk,  when  they  think  neceffary  to  have  a  Synod  convocated  ,  to 
Ihcoi')^')  ^  jintM;he>i  ihcir  Siimnmns  by  a  civil  SMdinn,  to  ftcwe  them  in  coming  to  the  Synod  , 
a'ld  returiiiiig  f'om  the  Synod ,  to  provide  them  good  accommodation  ,  to  proted  them  from 
dMt'icrs^  til  dtfend  their  Kites  and  Priviledges,  to  compel  ohjlinate  perfons  by  civil  Lawt 
aiid'^pioiijhmenti  to  fithmit  to  their  ceitjurei  and  decrees.  What  gets  the  Magilirate  by 
all  this  to  himfcif  Z  He  may  put  it  all  in  his  eye  ,  and  fee  never  a  whit  the  worfc 
'^'■^  For  they  declare  exprtfy  ^  that  neither  all  the  porver ,  nor  any  part  of  the  power  ^  which  Sy- 

nods have  to  dctibtrate  of,  or  to  define  Ecchfiajiical  things  ,  (  though  it  be  in  relation  to 
theirown  Siibjc<fts  J)  doth  flow  fi-om  the  Magijirate  ,  hut  becaufe  in  thofe  things  which 
belong  to  the  outward  man  ,  (  mark  the  reafon  )  the  Church  Hands  in  need  of  the  help 
of  the  Magillratc.  Fair  fall,  an  ingenuous  confeffion,  they  attribute  nothing  to  the 
Magiitratc  ,  but  onely=  what  may  render  him  able  to  ftrve  their  own  turns ,  and 
fupply  their  needs.  1  wifli  thele  men  would  think  a  little  more  of  the  diftincS^ion  , 
between  habitual  and  adual  Jurifdidion.  After  a  School- mafter  hath  his  licence  to 
teach  ,  yet  his  adtual  Jurifdidion  doth  proceed  from  tlje  Parents  of  his  Scholars. 
And  tiiough  he  enjoy  a  kind  of  Supremacy  among  them  ,  he  muft  not  think  that 
this  extinguiflieth  ,  either  his  own  filial  duty  ,  or  theirs. 

Like  this  power  of  prefiding  politically  in  Synods ,  is  the  other  power  which 
they  give  him  of  reforming  the  Church  ,  that  is  when  the  ftate  of  the  Church  is 
corrupted  ,  but  not  when  it  is  pure,  as  they  take  it  for  granted  ,  that  it  is  ,  when 
the  Jurifdidlion  is  in  their  own  hands.    "  Although  godly  Kings  and  Princes,  fome- 
aBookofdifc.  55  fi''"^  ^Y  t^"'''  ^wn  Authority  ,  when  die  Kirk  is  corrupted,  and  all  things  out  c£ 
Chap.  10.        „  order,  place  Minifters ,  and  reflore  the  true  fervice  of  the  Lord,  after  the  cx- 
„  ample  of  fome  Godly  Kings  of  Judah  ,  and  divers  Godly  Emperours  and  Kings 
„  alfo  in  the  light  of  the  New  Teflament  ■■,  yet  where  the  Minifhy  of  the  Kirk  is 
„  once  lawfully  conltituted,  and  they  that  are  placed  ,  do  their  Office  faithfully, 
„  all  Godly  Princes  and  Magiflratcs  ought  to  hear  and  obey  their  voice,  and  reve- 
„  rcnce  the  Majeffy  of  the  Son  of  God  fpeaking  in  them.     Leave  this  jugling-,  who 
„  fliall  judge  ,   when  the  Church  is  corrupted  i  the  Magiftrates  or  Church-men  ?  If 
„  the  Magiftrates ,  why  not  over  you  ,  as  well  as  others  ?  If  the  Church-men  , 
„  why  not  others  as  well  as  you  .«'  here  is  nothing  to  be  anfwered ,  but  to  beg  the 
„  qucftion  ,  that  they  onely  are  the  true  Church.     Heare  another  witnefs  .•  In  evi! 
„  and  troublefome  times  ,  and  in  a  lapfed  ftate  of  affairs,  when  the  order  inftituted 
5,  by  God  in  the  Church  ,  is  degenerated  to  Tyranny  ,  to  the  trampling  upon  the 
Tl-eor. 8/,      „  true  Religion ,   and  opprefling  the  profefTours  of  it,  when  nothing  is  found,  the 
and  85.  „  Godly  MagilUate  may  do  fbme  things,  which  ordinarily  are  not  lawful,  &c. 

„  But  ordinarily  and  of  common  right  ,  in  Churches  already  conf^ituted,  if  a  man 
„  flic  to  the  Magiftrate  complaining  that  he  is  injured  ,  by  the  abufe  of  Ecclefiafti- 
„  cal  Difcipline  ,  or  if  the  fentence  of  the  Presbyteries  difpleafe  the  Magiftrate  ,  ci- 
„  ther  in  point  of  Difcipline  or  of  Faith,  he  muft  not  therefore  draw  fuch  caufes 
Ibidem  55  to  a  civil  tribunal ,  nor  introduce  a  Political  Papacy.  And  as  the  Magiftrate  hath 
„  power  in  extraordinary  caufcs  ,  when  the  Church  is  wholy  corrupted  ,  to  reform 
„ Ecclel'.aftical  abufesi  fo  if  the  Magiftrate  fhall  Tyrannife  over  the  Church,  it  is 
„  lawful  to  oppofe  him,  by  certain  ways  and  means,  extraordinary  v  however  or- 
„  dinanly  not  to  be  allowed.  This  is  plain  dealing  ,  the  Magiftrate  cannot  law- 
fully reform  them ,  but  in  cafes  extraordinary  »  and  in  cafes  extroardinary  they 
may  lawfully  reform  the  Magiftrate  ,  by  means  not  to  be  ordinarily  allowed ,  that  is  by 
force  of  arms.  See  the  principles  from  whence  all  our  miferiesi  and  the  lofs  of  our 
gracious  Mafter  ,  hath  flowed,  and  learn  to  deteft  them  •,  They  give  the  Magijlrate 
Thcor.  4  J.  *^^  ^"^°^y  "^  '^'"'•'  '-^^'''^  >  ^o  they  do  give  the  fame  to  themfelves:  they  keep  the  fe- 
cond  tabk  ,  by  admoniftiing  him;  he  keeps  the  Firft  table  by  alfift'ing  them;  they 
reform  the  abufes  of  the  Firft  table  by  ordinary  right  ■,  of  the  fecond  table  extra- 
ordinarily. He  reforms  the  abufes  againft  the  fecotid  table  by  ordinary  right;  and 
the  abufes  againft  the  firft  table  extraordinarily.  But 


Discourse  I.  Of  Scotifb  Diffctpliae-  499 

But  can  the  M-igilhate ,   according  to  their  learning  call  the  Synod  to  an  account 

for  any  thing  they  do  ?  can  he  remedy  the  erroursot  a  Synod  either  in  Doiitrine  or  Theor.  97. 

Dilciplinc  ?  W^  if  Magijirates  had  power  to  change  ^  or  dimtniflj  ^  or  rejirain  the  Rights 

of  the  Church  ■■,  the  condition  of  the  Church  ,  Jljutld  be  rvorfe  ,  and  their  liberties  lefs , 

tinder  a  Chrijiian  Mjgijirjte  ,  than  under  an  Heathen,     For  (  fay  they  )  Parliaments 

and  Supreme  Senates  ,  are  no  more  I,if alible  than  Synods ,   and  in  matters  of  Faith  a^d 

Vifcipline  more  apt  to  err  ■■,  And  again  ^  the   Magiftrate  n  not  judge  of  Spirit utl  caups  '•""tor.  08. 

controverted  in  the  Churclh     And  if  he  decree  any  thing  infuch  bufmeffes^  according  to  the     ,         „ 

tvifdomoftheficllj,  and  not  according  to  the  rule  of  Gods  l-Ford^  and  the  rvifdom  which  U 

from  above  ,  he  muft  give  an  account  of  it  unto  God. 

Or  may  the  Supreme  Magilhate  oppofe  the  execution  of  their  Difcipline  pradi-  2 

{ed  in  their  Presbyteries ,  or  Synods,  by  Laws  or  prohibitions  ?  No,  It  m  n>ickjd- 
neft:   if  he  do  fo  far  ahufe  his  viUory  ,  good  Chrijiians  mujl  rather fuffer  extremities  ,  Theor.  8t. 
than  obey  him. 

Then  what  remedy  hath  the  Magiftrate ,  if  he  find  himfelf  grieved  in  this  cafe .''  3 

He  may   defve  and  procure  a  revieve  in  another  National  Synod ,  that  the  matter  may  be 
lawfully  determined  by  Ecclefujiicaljudgement.     Yet  upon  this  condition,  that  nottvith-  Theor.jl  pi. 
Handing  the  future  revierv  ,  the  firjifentence  of  the  Synod  be  executed  without  delay  ^ 
This  is  one  main  branch  of  Popery  ,  and  a  grofs  incrochment  upon  the  right  of  the 
Magiftrate. 


C  H  A  P.      1 1 1. 

'Ihat  'this  Vifcipline  robs  the  Magijlrate  of  the  laft  appeal  of  his  SuhjtCls. 

THe  Second  flows  from  this.  The  laft  appeal  ought  to  be  to  Supreme  Magiftrate,  ^ 

or  Magiftrates,  within  his  or  their  Dominions,  as  to  the  higheft  Power  under 
God.     And  where  it  is  not  fo  ordered,  the  Common-wealth  can  injoy  no  tranquil- 
lity, as  we  fliall  fee  in  the  Second  part  of  this  Difcourfe.     By  the  Laws  of  England, 
if  any  man  find  himfelf  grieved  with  the  fentence  or  confiftorial   proceedings  of  a  * 
Biftiop  ,  or  of  his  Officers,  he  may  appeal  from  the  higheft  judicatory  of  the  Church 
to  the  King  in  Chancery  ,  who  ufeth  in  that  cafe  to  grant  Commiliions  under  the 
great  Seal ,  to  delegates  expert  in  the  Laws  of  the  Realm,  who  have  power  to  give 
him  remedy  and  to  fee  Juftice  done.     In  Scotland  this  would  be  taken  in  great  Icorn, 
as  an  high  indignity  upon  the  Commiliioners  ofChrift  ,  to  appeal  from  his  tribunal^ 
to  the  judgement  of  a  mortal  man.     In  the  year  1582  ,  King  James  by  his  Letter, 
by  his  meftenger ,  the  Majier of  Kequelis  ^  zndhy  an  Herald  at  Arms,  prohibited        '*8^ 
the  A(Jembly  at  St.  Andrews  to  proceed  in  the  cafe  of  one  Mongomery  ,  and  Mongo-    Afs-St-  ^n. 
mery  himfelf  appealed  to  Caefar,  or  to  King  and  Council.     What  did  our  new  Ma-  <iTtwi.  1582. 
fters  upon  this  }  They  fleighted  the  Kings  Letter ,  his  MefTenger,  his  Herald  ,  re- 
jedted  the  appeal,  as  made  to  an  incompetent  judge,  and  proceeded  molt  violently 
in  the  caufe.     About  Four  years  after  this,  another  Synod  held  at  St.  Andrews^  pro- 
ceeded in  like  manner  againft  the  Bifliop  of  that  See,  for  voting  in  Parliament  ac-    ,^^'  ^'^  g"" 
cording  to  his  confcience  ,  and  for  being  fufpeded  to  have  penned  a  Declaration  ,    ^^^'    •* 
publillied  by  the  King  and  Parliament  at  the  end  of  the  Statutes,  notwithftanding 
that  he  declined  their  judicature  ,  and  appealed  to  the  King  and  Parliament.  Wh-n 
did  any  Bift\ops  dare  to  do  fuch  Ads  ?  There  need  no  more  inftances ,  their  Book 
of  Vifcipline  it  felfbeing  Co  full  in  the  cafe;  from  the  KirJ^ there  is  no  reclamation^  or  ap- 
pellation, to  any  Judge  Civil  or  Ecdefiaftical ,  within  the  Realm. 


CHAP. 


— Fair   Warning TOMEU^ 


T 


CH  A  P.     IV. 

"that  it  exempt'  <'^f  Mintjhrs  from  due  pinijhmdtt. 

»HirdIy,  If  Ecckfiaftick  perfons  in  their  Pulpits  or  AlTemblics ,  Chall  leave 
their  Text  and  proper  work  to  turn  incendiaries  ,  Trutnpeters  of  Sedition, 
ftirrmg  up  the  people  to  tumults  and  dilloyal  attempts,  in  all  well  ordered 
Kingdoms  and  Common- wealths,  they  are  puniftable  by  the  civil  Magiftrate,  whofc 
proper  Office  it  is  to  take  cognifance  of  Treafon  and  fedition.  It  was  well  faid  by 
a  Kint*  of  Trance  to  fome  fuch  feditious  ShebiW  ,  that  if  they  would  not  let  him  a- 
lone  m  their  Pulpits ,  he  would  fend  them  to  Preach  in  another  climate.  In  the 
Vnited  Trovinces  ,  there  want  not  examples  of  feditious  Oratours  who  for  con- 
trolling their  Magiftrates  too  fawcily  in  the  Pulpit ,  have  been  turned  both  out  of 
their  Churches  and  Cities ,  without  any  fear  of  wrefting  Chrifis  Scepter  out  of  his 
hand.  In  Geneva  it  felf ,  the  correiftion  of  Ecclefiaftical  perfons  (  qua  tales ,  )  is 
Ecd.Ord.  exprcfly  referved  to  the  Signiory.  So  much  our  VifcipHnarians  have  out-done  their 
F8-  ^4-  pattern,  as  the  pallionate  writings  of  heady  itien  out-do  the  calmer  decrees  of  a 
Ihyed  Senate. 

But  the  Miniftcrs  of  Seotlaad  have  exempted  themfelves  in  this  cafe  from  all  fecu- 
<8a-  l^'"  judgement,  as  King  James  (who  knew  them  beft  of  any  man  living)  witnefleth. 
They  faid  ,  he  was  an  incompetent  jttdge  in  fuch  cafes ,  and  that  matters  of  the  Pulpit 
ought  to  be  exempted  from  the  judgement  and  correCiion  of  Princes.     They  themfelves 
fpeak  plain  enough.     It  is  an  abfurd  thing  ,  that  fundry  of  them  ,  (  commifTaries ) 
2  Book  difc.    having  nofunUion  of  the  Kir\^  Jhould  be  Judges  to  Minifters  ,  and  depofe  them  from  their 
Chap.  II-      rooms.     The  reafon  holds  as   well  againft  Magiftrates ,   as  CommifTaries.     To  pafs 
by  the  fawcy  and  feditious  expreffions  of  Mr.  Dury ,  Mr.  Melvil ,  Mr.  Ballcan  quail., 
and  their  impunity.     Mr.  James  Gibfon  in  his  Sermon  taxed  the  King  for  a  perfecu- 
At  Edemd.     ^^^  ^  ^^^  threatned  him  with  a  curfe ,  that  he  fliould  die  ChildleJ!,  and  be  the  laft  of 
*^  his  race,  for  which  being  convented  before  the  Aflembly  ,  and  not  appearing  he 

was  onely  fufpended  during  the  pleafure  of  his  Brethren  ,  (  he  fhould  have  been 
fufpended  indeed  ,    that  is  hanged. )     But  at  another  Aflembly  ,  in  Jugujl  fol- 
lowing ,   upon  his  allegation  ,  that  his  not  appearing  was  out  of  his  tender  care  of 
the  rights  of  the  Church  ,  he  was  purged  from  his  contumacy ,  without  once  fo 
much  as  acquainting  his  Majefty. 
n  *i</         The  cafe  is  famous  of  Mr.  VavidBlak^  Miniijer  of  St.  ^;?^rf  rrj  ,  who  had  faid 
B/fli^f.  1596.  «  in  his  Sermon,   that  the  King  had  difcovered  the  treachery  of  hU  heart ,  in  admit- 
„  ting  the  Popifh  Lords  into  the  Country.     That  all  Kings  were  the  VevUs  barns  , 
„  that  the  Devil  was  in  the  Court ,  and  in  the  guiders  of  it.  And  in  his  Prayer  for 
„  the  Queen  ,  he  ufed  thefe  words ,  we  muft  pray  for  her  for  fafhion  fake  ,  but  wc 
„  have  no  caufe ,  {he  will  never  do  us  any  good.     He  faid  that  the  Queen  of  En- 
■i-,  gland  (  Queen  Elizabeth  )  was  an  Atheiji  ,  that  the  Lords  of  the  SelHon  were 
„  mifcreants  and  bribers,   that  the  Nobility  were  degenerated  ,  Godlcfs,  Diflem- 
„  biers ,  and  enemies  to  the  Church  ,  that  the  Council  were  holly  glaffes,  corraa- 
„  rants ,  and  men  of  no  Religion.     I  appeal  to  all  the  Eftates  in  Europe ,  what  pu- 
.   nifliment  could  be  fevere  enough  for  fuch  audacious  virulence  ?  The  Englijh  Am- 
bafladour  complains  of  it  ■,  Blak^  is  cited  before  the  Council.     The  Commiffioners 
of  the  Church  plead  ,  that  it  rvill  be  ill  taken.,  to  bring  Minfjlers  in  que^ion  upon  fuch 
triffing  delations .,  as  inconfiftent  with  the  liberties  of  the  Church.     They  conclude 
that  a  Veclinatour  (hould  be  ufed  and  Protejiationmz.de  againft  thofe  proceedings,  fay- 
ing it  was  Gods  caufe^vcherein  they  ought  to  (land  to  all  hazards.  A^ccord'tngiy  a  Declina- 
tour  was  framed  and  prefented.     Blak^  defires  to  be  remitted  to  the  Presbytery ,  as 
his  Ordinary.    The  Commiliioners  fent  the    copy  of  the  Veclinatour  to  all  the 
Presbyteries ,  requiring  them  for  the  greater  'corroboration  of  their  doings ,  to  fub:- 
fcribe  the  fame,   and  to  commend  the  caufe  in  hand  in  their  private  and  publick 
Prayers  to  God  ,  ufing  their  be(\  credit  with  their  flocks  for  the  maintenance  thereof. 
The  King  juflly  incenfed  herewith,  difchargeth  the  meeting  r^i' the  C.'>mmifii)ners. 

Not- 


Discourse  I.  Of  Scot\(h  DifcipHiie.  t^oi 


Notwithftanding  this  in]HnCuon  they  ftay  ftill ,  and  fend  Delegates  to  the  King  ,  to 
reprelent  the  inconveniences  that  might  inliie.  The  Kin^  more  defirous  to  decline 
their  envy  ,  than  they  his  judgement  offers  peace.  The  Commilhoners  refufe  it  ^ 
and  prefent  an  infolent  petition ,  which  the  King  rejefts  defervedly  ,  and  the  caufe 
was  heard  the  very  day  that  the  Prinajs  Elizabeths,  (  novv  Queen  g^ Bohemia  )  was 
Chriftened.  The  witnefTes  are  produced  ,  Mr.  Kohert  Po>;te  in  the  name  of  the 
Church  makes  a  Protejiation.  Blak^  prefents  a  Second  VecUnatour,  The  Council 
decree  that  the  caufe  being  Treafonable  ,  is  cognofcible  before  them.  The  good 
King  Hill  feeks  Peace  ,  fends  meffcngers,  treats,  offers  to  remit  i  but  it  is  labour 
in  vain.  The  Miniffers  anfu-ere  peremptorily  by  Mr.  Robert  Price  thSic  Prolocutor, 
that  the  liberty  ofChrijis  Kingdom  had  received  fuch  a  tvound ,  by  this  Vfarpatto;:  of  the 
rights  of  the  Qmrch  ,  that  if  the  Lives  of  Mr.  Blake  and  twenty  others  had  been  tak^n, 
it  rvould  not  haue  grieved  the  hearts  of  good  people  Jo  much  ,  as  theje  injunons  proceedings. 
The  King  ffiU  wooes  and  confers.  At  laff  the  matter  is  concluded,  that  the  King 
lliall  make  a  Declaration  in  favour  of  the  Church  ,  that  Mr.  B/jJ^e  (hal!  one'y  make 
an  acknowledgement  to  the  Qaeen,and  be  pardoned.But  M.'c-Blikc  refu'eth  to  confefs 
any  fault,  or  to  acknowledge  the  King  and  Council  to  be  any  judges  of  his  S.:rmon. 
Hereupon  he  is  convidled  ,  and  fentenced  to  be  guilty  of  falje  and  ireafonable  fandert^ 
and  his  punifhment  referred  to  the  King.  Still  the  King  treats,  makes  propofitions 
unbefeeming  His  Majefty,  once  of  twice  j  the  Minilkrs  rejed  them,  proclaim  a 
Faff,  raife  a  tamult  in  Edenbnrgh ,  petition  ,  prefer  Articles  ;  the  King  departeth 
from  the  City,  removeth  his  Courts  of  Jufiice^  the  people  repent,  the  Minilters  per- 
fiff,  and  feek  to  engage  the  Subjedts  in  a  Covenant  for  mutual  defence.  One  Mr.  JFaljh 
in  his  Sermon  tells  the  people  ,  that  the  King  was  poffeffed  with  a  devil ;  yea  ,  rvith  fe- 
ven  devils -■,  that  the  Subjebs  mi(rln  larvfully  life  and  take  the  Srvord  out  of  his  bands. 
The  feditious  incouraged  from  the  Pulpit ,  fend  a  Letter  to  the  Lord  Hamilton,  to 
come  and  be  their  General.  He  nobly  rcfufeth  ,  and  flieweth  their  Letter  to  the 
King.  Hereupon  the  Miniffers  are  fought  for  to  be  apprehended  ,  and  fly  into  E;/g- 
laud.  The  Tumult  is  declared  to  be  treafon  by  the  Effates  of  the  Kingdom.  I 
have  urged  this  the  more  largely ,  (  yet  as  fuccindrly  as  I  could  )  to  let  the  World 
fee  what  dangeroLis  Subjeds  thefe  Difciplinarians  are  ,  and  how  inconfiffent  their 
Principles  be,  with  all  orderly  Societies. 


CHAP.     V. 

that  itfubjeUs  the  Supreme  Magijhate  to  their  Cenfures,  8cc. 

Fourthly,  They  have  not  onely  exempted  themfelves  ,  in  their  Duties  of  their 
own  Funcftion ,  from  the  Tribunal  of  the  Soveraign  Magiftrate,  or  Supieme  4 

Senate  ,  but  they  have  fubjeded  him  and  them,  C  yea  even  in  the  difcharge  of  the 
Soveraign  truft  ;  to  their  ownConfiftories ,  even  to  the  higheft  cenfure  of  Excom- 
munication, which  is  like  the  cutting  of  a  member  from  the  Body  natural ,  or  the  j  ^^^^  jj(j.  « 
out-lawing  of  a  Subjed  in  the  Body  politick ,  Excommunication  ,  that  very  En-  head 
gine  ,  whereby  the  Pojies  of  old  advanced  themfelves  above  Emperours.     To  difci-   2  Bank  difc; 
pline  muli  all  the  Ejiates  within  this  Realm  be  Subjed,  m  well  Rulers,    as  they  that  are  Chap.  12. 
ruled.     And  elfewhere  ,  All  men  ,  as  well  Magijlrates  as  Inferiours ,  aught  to  be  fubje6l 
to  the  judgment  of  General  Ajimbl'us.     And  yet  again.  No  man  that  is  in  the  Church,  Theor.  8, 
ought  to  he  exempted  from  Ecclefiajiical  cenfures.     What  horrid  and  pernicious  mif- 
chiefs  do  ufe  to  attend  the  Excommunication  of  Soveraign  Magiffrates ,  I  leave  to 
every  mansjnemory  ,  or  imagination.     Such  courfes  make  great  Kings  become  cy- 
phers, anl^urn  the  tenure  of  ft  Crown  coppy-hold  ,    ad  voluntatem  Pominorum. 
Such  Dodlrines  might  better  become  fome  of  the  Roman  Alexanders ,  or  Bonifaces  , 
or  Cregoriuf,  or  Pius  ^intus  ,  than  fuch  great  ProFelfours  of  humility  ,  fuch  great 
difclaimers  of  authority,  who  have  inveighed  fo  bitterly  againft  the  Bifhops  for 
their  Ufurpations.     This  was  never  the  pradice  of  any  orthodox  Bi(hop  :  St.  Am~ 
brofe  is  miftaken;  what  he  did  to  'theodfius  was  no  ad  of  Ecclefiaffical  jurifdidi- 
on,  but  of  Chriftian  difcretion.     No  ,  he  was  better  grounded,  Puwc/faid,  .^gjiwff 

thee 


5°' 


—  Fair  warning  TOME  il. 

thee  ondy  have  J  famed ,  becauje  he  was  a  King.  Our  Difciplinarians  abhor  the  name 
of  Authority  ,  but  hug  the  thing  ,  their  proteilion  of  httmilhy,  is  juft  hke  that  Car- 
dinal's haaging  up  ot  a  Fifliers  net  in  his  Dining-room ,  to  put  him  in  mind  of  his 
dcfcent :  but  fo  foon  as  he  was  made  Pope ,  he  took  it  down ,  faying ,  "The  fip  was 
caught ,  tioTf  there  was  no  more  need  of  the  net. 


C  H  A  P.    VI. 

"that  it  robs  the  Magijhate  of  hit  I>ij}enfative  poreer. 

F''Kchly  ,  all  fuprcme  Magiftrates  do  afflime  to  themfelves  a  power  of  pardoning 
oifences  and  offenders  ,  where  they  judge  it  to  be  expedient.  He  who  believes 
that  the  Magiltrate  cannot  with  a  good  conTcience  difpenfe  with  the  punifhment  of 
a  penitent  malefadour ,  I  wifh  him  no  greater  cenfute  ,  than  that  the  penal  Laws 
might  be  duly  executed  upon  him  ,  until  he  recant  his  errour.  But  our  Difciplina- 
rians have  rdlrained  this  difpenfative  power  ,  in  all  fuch  crimes  as  are  made  capital 
by  the  judicial  Law  ,  as  in  the  cafe  of  Blood  ,  Adultery ,  Blafphemy ,  e^'c.  In  which 
cafes  ,  thfy  Jay  the  Offender  ought  to  fuffer  death  ,  as  God  hath  commanded  '■>  and ,  if 
1  Book  difc.  the  life  bejpared,  as  it  ought  not  to  be  to  the  Offenders,  See.  And^  the  Magijhate  ought 
head  9.  ^g  prefer  God's  exprefs  commandment  before  his  otvn  corrupt  judgment ,  ejpeciaty  in  pu- 

^''''^fh'  niff^ing  thefe  crimes  which  he  commandeth  to  be  punifhed  with  death.     When  the  then 

<  4-p  i  ■  P^P'^^  E^i\so(  Angus  ,  Htntley,  and  Erroll,  were  excommunicated  by  the  Church, 
Ed^»<o4''  ^"^  forfeited  for  treafonable  practices  againft  the  King  ,it  is  admirable  to  read  with 
what  wifedom,and  charity,and  fwectnefs^hisMa  jefty  did  feek  from  time  to  time  to  re- 
claim theirtfrom  their  errours ,  and  by  their  unfeigned  converfion  to  the  Reformed 
Religion  ,  to  prevent  their  punifhment.  Wherein  he  had  the  concurrence  of  two 
Conventions  of  Eftatcs  ,  the  one  at  Falhjand  ,  the  other  at  Vuttijermling.  And  on 
the  other  fide ,  to  fee  with  what  bitternefs  and  radicated  malice  ,  they  were  profe- 
cuted  by  the  Presbyteries  ,  and  their  Commiflioners,  fometimes  petitioning,  that 
they  might  have  no  benefit  of  Law,  as  being  excommuttieaud  ■■,  Sometimes  threatning, 
that  they  were  refolved  to  p»rfue  them  to  the  uttermoji^  though  it  pould  be  with  the  lofs 
of  their  lives  in  one  day.  "That  if  they  eontinuid  enemies  to  God  and  aV  his  truth,  the  Coun- 
treyjhottld  mtbrooh^  both  them  and  the  Lords  together.  Sometimes  prefling  to  have  their 
eflates  confifcated  ,  and  their  lives  tak^n  away  '-,  alledging  for  their  ground  ,  that  by 
God's  Law  they  had  dejerved  death.  And  when  the  King  urged  ,  that  the  bofom  of 
the  Church  (hould  be  ever  open  to  penitent  finners ,  they  arfwered,  that  the  Church 
could  not  reftfe  their  fatisfaUion ,  if  it  was  truly  offered ,  but  the  King  was  obliged  to 
do  jujiice.  What  do  you  think  of  thofe  that  roar  out,  Juflice ,  Jujiice,  now-a-days, 
whether  they  be  not  the  right  fpawn  of  thcfe  Blood-fuckers.  Look  upon  the  exam- 
ples of  Ciji«,  E/i«,  IJhmael,  Antiochus  ,  Antichrifl: ,  and  tell  me,  if  you  ever  rind 
fuch  fupercilious ,  cruel  ,  blood-thirfty  perfons  ,  to  have  been  pious  towards  God, 
but  their  Religion  is  commonly  like  thtmkhts,  fiarh^naught  >  Curfed  be  their  anger, 
Gtn.  4J.  7.      for  it  was  fierce  i  and  their  wrath ,  for  it  was  cruel. 

Thefe  are  fome  of  thofe  encroachments  which  our  Difciplinarians  have  made  up- 
on the  rights  of  all  Supreme  Magiftrates ;  there  be  fundry  others ,  which  efpeci- 
ally  concern  the  Kings  of  Great  Britain  ,  as  the  lofs  of  his  Tenths ,  Firlt-fruits  , 
and  Patronages ,  and  which  is  more  than  all  thefe  ,  the  dependancc  of  his  Sub- 
jedls ;  by  all  which  we  fee  ,   that  they  have  thruft  out  the  Pope  indeed  but   re- 
tained  the  Papacy.    The  Pope  as  well  as  they  ,  and  they  as  well  as  the  Pope  , 
(neither  barrel  better  herings,  )  do  make  Kings,  but  half  Kings,  Kings  of  the 
bodies ,  not  of  the  Souls  of  their  Subjedts  ;  They^allow  them  fome  fd%of  Judge- 
ment over  Ecclefiaftical  perfons,   in  their  civil  capacities,  for  it  is  little  (  according 
to  their  rules )  which  either  is  not  Ecclefiaflical ,  or  may  not  be  reduced  to  Ecclefi- 
aftical.     But  over  Ecclefiaftick  perfons ,  as  they  are  Ecclefiafticks ,  or  in  Ecclefiafti- 
cal  matters  ,  they  afcribe  unto  them  no  judgement  in  the  world.     They  fay  it  c;in- 
VindicOTOB  of"  not  Aand  with  the  word  of  God  :  that  no  Chriftian  Prince  ever  claimed  ,  or  can 
jomtmsfioners"  claim  to  himfclt  fuch  a  power.    If  the  Maaillrate  will  be  contented  to  wave  his 
June  0  1 04s  ° 

**  power 


Discourse  I.  Of  Scot\(h  Difcipliue.  (^oq 


power  in  Ecc'efiiftical  matters,  and  over  Ecclefiaftical  perfons,  (  as  they  are  f.ich,  ) 
and  give  them  leave  to  do  what  they  lift  ,  and  fay  what  they  lilt  in  their  Pulpits , 
in  their  Confiftories ,  in  their  Synods  ,  and  permit  them  to  rule  the  whole  Com- 
mon-wealth ,  in  order  to  the  advancement  of  the  Kingdom  of  Chrift ;  If  he  will 
be  contented  to  become  a  Subordinate  Miniftcr  to  their  Affemblies  ,  :o  fee  their  de- 
crees executed ,  theiiit  may  be  they  will  become  his  good  Mailers ,  and  permit  him 
to  injoy  a  part  of  his  civil  power.  When  Sovereigns  are  made  but  acceffaries,  and 
inferiours  do  become  principals,  when  (Ironger  obligations  are  deviled,  than  thofe 
of  a  Subje<ft  to  his  Sovereign  ,  it  is  time  for  the  Magiilrate  to  look  to  himfejf,  thefe 
are  prognofticks  of  infuing  itorms ,  the  avant  curriers  of  feditious  tumults.  When 
Supremacy  lights  into  firange  and  obfcure  hands,  it  can  hardly  contain  it  felf 
within  any  bounds.  Before  our  Difciplinarians  be  well  warmed  in  their  Ecclefia- 
ftical  Supremacy  ,  they  are  beginning  ,  or  rather  they  have  already  made  a  good 
progrefs  in  the  iavalion  of  the  Temporal  Supremacy  alfo. 


CHAP.  V  I T. 

Ibjt  the  Difciplinarians  cheat  the  Magijirate  of  hU  Civil  Fon>er  in   Order    t3   Re- 
ligion. 

T Hat  is  their  Sixt  incroachment  upon  the  Magiftrate,  and  the  vertical  point  ot 
Jefuitifm.     Confider  Firrt  how  many  civil  caules  they  have  drawn  diredly  ^ 

into  their  confiftories  ,  and  made  them  of  Ecclefiaftical  cognifance  ,  zs  fraud  in  har- 
^aining  ,  falfe  weights  and  meafures  ,  ofl>rej}i}ig   one  another  ,  &c.  and  in  the  cafe  of  ,  bpok  jifc. 
Minifters,  Bribery,  Perjury,  Theft,  Fighting,  Ufury ,   &c.  7  head.  _ 

Secondly,  Conllder  that  all  offences  whatlbever  are  made  cognofcible  in  their  2  bookdifc. 
Conliflories ,   in  cafe  of  fcandal,  yea  even  fuch  as  are  punifliable  by  the  civil  fword   ^"'P"  ^» 
„  with  death:  If  the  civil  fword  foolifhly  fparethe  life  of  the  offender,yet  may  not  the         okdifc. 
Kirk  be  negligent  in  their  Office,  which  is  to  excommunicate  the  wicked.  « head  and' 

Thirdly  ,  They  afcribe  unto  their  Minifters  a  liberty  and  power  to   dired  the  xheor.  47; 
Magirtrate  ,  even  in  the  managery  of  civil  affairs:  to  govern  the  Common-wealth, 
,,  and  to  cfiablifh  civil  Laws  is  proper  to  the  Magiftrate  :  To  interpret  the  word  of 
„  God  ,  and  from  thence  to  '(hew  the  Magiftrate  his  duty  ,  how  he  ought  to  go- 
„  vern  the  Common-wealth ,  and  how  he  ought  to  ufe  the  fword  ,  is  comprehend- 
„  ed  in  the  Office  of  the  Miniffer,  for  the  holy  Scripture  is  profitable  to  (liew  what 
„  is  the  beft  government  of  the  Common- wealth.     And  again  all  the  duties  of  the 
,,  Second  table  as  well  as  the  Firft  ,  between  King  and  Subjed,  Parents  and  Chil-  Theor  ^y.^^. 
„dren,  Husbands  and  Wives,  Mafters  and  Servants  ^6^c.  are  in  difticult  cafes  a 
,,  Subjed  of  cognifance  and  judgement  to  the  AfTemblies  of  the  Kirk.     Thus  they 
arerifcnup  from  a  judgement  ofdiredtion  to  a  judgment  of  Jurifdidion,  and  if  ^jj,,j|„f  com. 
any  perfons ,  Magiftrates  or  others  ,  dare  ad  contrary  to  this  judgement  of  the  Af-  p.  ^, 
fembly  ,  (  as  the  Parliament  and  Committee  of  Eftates  did  in  Scotland  in  the  late 
„  expedition  )  they  make  it  to  be  an  unlawful  ingagemcnt ,  a  fmful  War,  con- 
,,  trary  to  the  Teftimonies  of  Gods  Servants ,  and  decree  the  parties  fo  offending 
to  be  fajfendtd  from  the  Communion  ,  and  from  their  Offices  in  the  Kir}{.     I  confefs  Mi- 
nifters do  well  ,  to  exhort  Chriftians  to  be  careful  ,  honeft ,  induftrions  in  their 
fpecial  callings :  but  for  them  to  meddle  pragmatically  with  the  myfterics  of  parti- 
cular trades  ,  and  much  more  with  the  myfteries  of  State ,  which  never  came  with-  ^no,We<fgc' 
in  thecompafsof  their  (hallow  capacities,  is    a  moft  audacious   infolence ,  and  mearOftob. 
an  infurterable  prefumption.     They  may  as  well  teach  the  Pilot  how  to  fteer  his  51648. 
courfe  in  a  Tempcft,   or  the  Phyfitian  how  to  cure  the  diftempers  of  his  Patient. 

But  their  higheft  cheat  is  that  Jefuitical  invention  (  in  ordine  adfpiritnalia  ,  ;  they 
affume  a  power  in  Worldly  affairs  indiredly  :  and  in  order  ro  the  advancement  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Chrift.     The  Ecclefiajiical  Minilhy  if  converfant  jpiritiuHy  about  civil 
things.    Again  mttll  not  duties  to  God  whereof  the  fecurhig  ofKeligioii  is  j  main  one  ,  have  Thcor  6\. 
the  Supreme  and  Ftrjl  ^lace,  duties  to  the  Kmgafubsrdinate  and  Second  place?  The  cafe   Vindication, 
was  this.  The  Parliament  levied  forces  to  free  their  King  out  ofprifon.A  meer  civil  du-  P.5 

1. 11  ty 


S04 

Thcnr.  63- 
Vindication 
p.  5. 


Humble  advife 
Edend.  June 
10.  2648-. 

Vindication 
p.  8. 


A(s.  Dunil. 


Fair  ivaniing 


TOME  IK 


AIT-  Edemb. 
'597- 


2  Book  difc- 
ch  7- 


Vindicaiion 
p.  1 1,  p.  10 


Tv^Sutthe  Commillionersotthc  Allcinbly  declare  againft  it,  unlcls  the  King  will  Firtt 
cive  alTurancc  under  hand  and  Seal  by  Solemn  Oath  ,  that  he  will  caablifli  the  co- 
venant the  Presbyterian  Difcipline  ,  6-c.  in  all  his  Dominions ,  and  never  indea- 
vour  any  change  thereof,  leall  other  wife  his  liberty  might  bring  their  bygone  fro- 
ceedims  about  the  League  and  Covenant  into  queftion,  there  is  their  power  in  or- 
dir.c  jd  Jftritualij.  "  The  Parliament  will  reAore  to  the  King  his  negative  voice.  A 
meer  civil  thing.  Il^e  Commiffioners  of  the  Church  oppofeit^becanfe  of  the  great  dangers  that 
,nay  thereby  come  tuReligioft.  The  Parliament  name  Officers  and  Commanders  for  the  ar- 
my!. A  mcer  civil  thing.  The  Church  will  not  allow  thetn^becaufe  they  want  fuch  qua- 
lihcationsas  Gods  word  requires ,  that  is  to  fay  in  plain  terms,  becaufe  they  were 
not  their  confidents.  Was  there  ever  Church  challenged  fuch  an  omnipotence  as 
this  >  Nothing  in  tiiis  World  is  fo  civil  or  political ,  wherein  they  do  not  intereft 
thcmfelvcs,  in  order  to  the  advancement  of  the  Kingdom  of  Chrifi. 

Upon  this  ground  their  Synod  enadled  ,  that  no  Scotifh  Merchants  fhould  from 
"  (henceforth  traflique  in  any  of  the  Dominions  of  the  King  of  Spain  ,  untilhisMa- 
"  jelly  liad  procured  from  that  King  fome  relaxtaion  of  the  rigour  of  theinqiiifition, 
upon  pain  of  excommunication.  As  likewife  that  the  Monday  market  at  Edenburg 
(hould  be  aboliflied  ,.  it  feems  they  thought  it  miniftred  fome  occafion  to  the  breach 
of  the  Sabbath.  The  Merchants  petitioned  the  King  to  maintain  the  liberty  of  their 
trade,  he  grants  their  requert  but  could  not  protedl  them  ,  for  the  Church  profecu- 
ted  the  poor  Merchants  with  their  cenfures  ,  until  they  promifed  to  give  over  the 
SpJriiJ};  trade  ,  fo  foon  as  they  had  perfeded  their  accounts,  and  payed  their  credi- 
tors in  thofe  parts. 

But  the  Shoemakers ,  who  were  moft  interefted  in  the  Monday  markets  with 
their  tumults  and  threatnings  compelled  the  Miniftersto  retradt,  whereupon  it  be- 
came a  jell  in  the  City  ,  that  the  Soitters  could  obtain  more  at  the  Minifters  hands,  than 
the  King.  So  they  may  meddle  with  the  Spanijh  trade  or  Monday  markets ,  or  any 
thing  in  Order  to  Religion. 

Upon  this   ground    they  afTume   to   themfelves  a  power  to    ratifie   Aifls  of 
Parliament  ,    So  the  Aflembly  ^.i^'Edenhurg  enadted  ,  that  the  Ads  made  in  the 
Parliament  at  E^fwW^  the  24  oi  Augufl.     1560,  (  without  either  Commiflion  or 
Proxie  from  their  Sovereign  ,  )  touching  Religion  ,  &c.  fliould  have  the  force  of 
"a  publick  Law.     And  that  the  faid  Parliament,  fo  far  as   concerneci  Religion, 
"  (hould  be  maintained  by  them  ,  &c.  and  be  ratified  by  the  Firfi  Parliament  that 
"  fhould  happen  to  be  kept  within  that  Realm.  See  how  bold  they  make  with  Kings 
and  Parliaments ,  in  order  to  Religion.  I  cannot  omit  that  famous  fummons  which 
"  this  AfTembly  fent  out,  not  onely  to  entreat ,  but  to  admonifh  aU  perfons  truly  pro- 
'■  felling  the  Lord  Jefus  within  the  Realm  ,  as  well  Noble-men  as  Barons  as  thofe 
of  other  Eflates  ,  to  meet  and  give  their  pergonal  appearance  at  Edenhtrg  the  20 
of  July  enfuing  ,  for  giving  their  advice  and  concurrence  in  matters  then  to  be  pro- 
poned ,  efpccially  for  purging  the  Realm  of  Popery  ,  eftablifhing  the  policy  oi  the 
Church  ,  and  reltoring  the  Patrimony  thereof  to  the  juft  pofleiTours.     AlTuringfuch 
as  did  abfent  themfelves,  that  they  fhould  be  efteemed  dilfimulate  profeiTours ,  un- 
worthy of  the  fellowlViip  of  Chrifts  flock  :   who  thinks  your  Scotifh  Difciplinarians 
know  not  how  to  ruffle  it  ? 

Upon  this  ground  they  aflurre  a  power  to  abrogate  and  invalidate  Laws  and  Adls 
of  Parliament ,  if  they  feem  difadvantagious  to  the  Church.  Church  Affemblies 
"  have  power  to  abrogate  and  abolifli  all  ftatutes  and  Ordinances  concerning  Eccle- 
"  fialiical  matters ,  that  are  found  noyfom  and  unprofitable  ,  and  agree  not  with 
"  the  times  or  are  abufed  by  the  people.  So  the  Ads  of  Parliament  1584.  at  the 
"  very  fame  time  that  they  were  proclaimed  ,  were  protefted  againft  at  the  market 
"crofs  of  Edenburg  by  the  Minifters  ,  in  the  name  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland.  And  a 
"  little  before  ,  whatfoever  be  the  Treafon  of  impugning  the  authority  of  Parlia- 
"ment,  it  can  be  no  Treafon  to  obey  God  rather  than  man.  Neither  did  the  Gene- 
"  ral  AfTembly  oC  Glafgnn>  j6^^.  e^c.  commit  any  treafon  ,  when  they  impugned 
"Epifcopacy,  and  Perth-articles,  although  ratified  by  Ads  of  Parliament,  and 
"  (ianding  Laws  then  unrepealed.  He  faith  fo  far  true  ,  that  we  ought  rather  to 
obey  God  than  man  ,  that  is  ,  to  fuffer  when  we  cannot  Ad  ;  but  to  impugn  the 

autho- 


Discourse      I.  Of  Scot'iih  Difcipline.  hqc 


authority  of  a  lawful  Magillratc,  is  neither  to  obey  God  nor  man.God  Comtnands  Us 
to  dye  innocent  rather  than  to  live  nocent,  they  teach  us  rather  to  live  nocenr,  than 
dye  innocent.     Away   witii  thefc  feeds    of  fedition ,   thefe  rebellious   principles 
Our  Mailer  Chrill  hath  left  us  no  fuch  warrant ,  and  the  unfound  pradiice  of  an  ob- 
fcure  conventicle  is  no  fafe  patern.     The  King  was  furprized  at  Kuthen  by  a  compa-       *5£2. 
ny  of  Lords  and  other  confpirators  ■-,  this  fadt  was  a  plain  Treafon  as  could  be  lau- 
gined  ,  and  fo  it  was  declared  i  (  I  fay  declared  ,  not  made  )  in  Parliament.     Yet       ,c;o,, 
^n  Pi.ffcmb]y  Gcmv2.\  (  m  man gam-fayhtg  }  did  jifilijie  that  Treafin  in  order  to  Relig^ion 
as  good  and  acceptable  Service  to  Ood  ^  their  Sovereign  ,  and  Native  Cnuntrey^  requiring  ^'^^-    Edtu''j 
the  Minifters  in  all  their  Churches  to  commend  it  to  the  people  ,    ind  exhort  all  men  to  con-  '5^2. 
cur  with  tlx  AUors  ,  as  they  tendredthe  Glory  of  God  ^  the  full  deliverance  of  the  Church 
and  perfid  Kefortnation  of  the  Common-wealtb  ,  threatning  all  thofe  rvho  fttbjcrihed  not 
to  their  '-judgement  rvitb  Excornmunication.     We  fee  this  is  not  the  Firft  time  that  Dif- 
ciplinarian  Spcdacks  have  made  abominable  Treafon  to  (ecm  Rcli'^ion     if  it  ferve 
for  the  advancement  of  the  good  caufe.     And  it  were  well  if  they  could  re!i  here 
or  their  Zeal  to  advance  their  Ecclefia,ftical  Sovereignty,  by  foirce  of  Arms ,   and 
effuHon  of  Chriftian  blood  ,  would  confine  it  felf  within  the  limits  of  Scoilind:  No 
thofe  bounds  arc  two  narrow  for  their  pragmatical  Spirits :  And  for  buOe  BilTiopsin 
other  mens  DioceJTes  ,  fee  the  Articles  of  Sterlings   that  the  fecuring  and  Jetling  Re-  ^^^'^'  *7i^48 
ligion  at  home  ^  and  prom  ting  the  work^of  Reformation  abroad,  /«  England  a;?^  Ireland      '^ 
be  referred  to  the  determination  of  the  General  Affemhly  (  of  the  Kirk,)  or  their  Com- 
mijjioners.     What,  is  old  Edenburg  turned  new  Rome,  and  the  old  Presbyters  youn^- 
Cardinals,  and  their  confiftory  a  conclave  ,  and  their  committees  a  jun&o  for  propa- 
gating the  Faith  ?  Themfelves  ftand  molt  in  need  of  Pvcformation  i  If  there  be 
a  mote  in   the  eye  of  our  Church  ,  theix  is  a  beam  in  theirs.     Neither  want  we  at 
home  God  be  praifed  ,  thofe  who  are  a  Thoufand  times  fitter  for  learning  ,  for 
piety ,  for  difcretion  ,  to  be  reformers^  than  a  few  giddy  innovators.     This  I  am 
fure  ,  fince  they  undertook  our  cure  agaifift  our  wills  ^  they  have  made  many  faE 
Church-yards  m  England.     Nothing  is  more  civil ,  or  Effential  to  the  Crown,  then 
the  Militia  ,  or  power  of  raifing  Arms.     Yet  we  have  feen  in  the  attempt  at  Ritthen 
in  their   Letter  to  the  Lord  Hamilton  ,  in  their  Sermons ,   what  is  their  opinion. 
They  infinuate  as  much  in  their  Theorems  ,  It  ps  lawful  to  refiji  the  Magijirate  by  cer- 
tain extroardinary  ways  or  means,  not  to  be  ordinarily  allowed.     It  were  no  difficult ''^heor  84. 
task  out  of  their  private  Authors,  to  juftifie  the  barbarous  A«2:s  that  have  been  com- 
mitted in  England.     But  I  fliallhold  my  fclf  to  their  publick  actions  and  records. 
A  mutinous  company  of  Citizens  forced  the  Gates  of  Halyrood-hou(e  ,  to  fearch  for  a 
Prieji ,  and  plunder  at  their  pleafwe.     Mr.  Knox  W.W  charged  by  the  Council  to  have 
been  the  Author  of  the  fedition  ;  and  further  ,  to  have  convocated  his  MajejUes  Subjects  .#„„.  11^52. 
by  Letters  mijjive  when  he  pleafed.     He  anfwered  that  he  was  no  Preacher  of  Rebel-  " 
lion ,  but  taught  people  to  obey  their  Princes  in  the  Lord  •,  [  I  fear  he  taught 
them  likewife ,  that  he  and  they  were  the  competent  judges ,  what  is  obedience 
in  the  Lord.  ^     He  confefled  bU  convocating  of  the  SubjeHs  by  virtne  of  a  command 
from  the  Church,  to  advert ife  the  brethren  when  hefaw  a  necejftty  of  their  meeting ,  ejpe- 
cial'v  if  he  perceived  Religion  to  be  in  peril.  Take  another  inllance.  The  Ajiembly  having 
received  an  anfwer  from  the  King ,  about  the  Xryal  of  the  Popifh  Lords  ,  not  to  their  con-  ^^•-  Eden 
tentment  ,  rejdve  all  to  convene  in  Arms  at  the  place  appointed  for  the   Tryal  ■■,   whereupon    ^''^'  ^593' 
fame  wsr.e  left  at  Edenburg  to  give  tinuly  adverdfement  to  the  reji.     The  King  at  his  re- 
turn gets  notice  of  it ,   calls  the  Minifrers  before  him  ,  (hews  them  what  an  undutiful part 
it  was  in  them  to  levy  Forces ,  and  draw  his  Subjeds  into  Arms  without  bis  warrant. 
The  Minifters  pleaded  ,  that  it  was  the  caufe  of  God,  in  defence  whereof  they  could  not 
be  deficient.     This  is  the  Presbyterian  wont,  to  fubjedt  all  caufes  and  perfons  to 
their  confiltories  ,  to  ratifie  and  aboliOi  civil  Laws,  to  confirm  and  pull  down  Par- 
liaments ,  to  levy  Forces ,  to  invade  other  Kingdoms,  to  do  any  thing  refpeAve- 
ly  to  the  advancement  of  the  goo  i  caufe  ,  and  in  Order  to  Religion. 

L  11  2  C  ri  A  P,' 


TOME  n. 


CHAP.    VIII 

Ihtt  the  VifiiplifiariaHS  chalknge  this  exorbitant  Tower  by  Vivine  Jxight. 

BEliolJ  both  Swords ,  Spiritual  and  Temporal ,  in  the  hands  of  tlie  Presbyte- 
ry i  the  one  ordinarily,  by  common  right,   the  other  extraordmarily  j    the 
one  beiont'ing  diredly  to  the  Church  ,  the  other  indiredly,   the  one  of  the  King- 
dom of  Chrill,  the  other  for  his  Kingdom,  in  order  to  the  propagation  of  Religi- 
on.    See  how  thefe  Hocas  pocafes ,  with  Gripping  up  their  lleeves  and  profcilions 
of  plain-dealing ,    with  declaiming  againft  the  Tyranny   of  Prelates ,  under  the 
pretcnle  of  humility  and  Minillerial  duty ,  have  wrerted  the  Scepter  out  of  the 
hand  ot'Majelly,and  jugled  themfelves  into  as  abfolute  a  Papacy,  as  ever  was  within 
the  walls  of  Rome.     O  Saviour ,  behold  thy  Vicars  ,  and  fee  whither  the  pride  of 
the  Servants  of  thy  Servants  is  afcended.     Now  their  confiftorics  are  become  the 
trlburtah  of  Chrijt     That  were  ftrange  indeed  !  Chrifl  hath  but  one  Tribunal ,  his 
Kingdom  is  not  of  this  World.     Their  determinations  pafs  for  the  Sentences  of 
Chriji.     Alas  there  is  too  much  fadrion ,  and  paflion,  and  ignorance  in  their  Presby- 
teries.    Their  Synodal  Afts  go  for  the  Ljiv/  0/ C/;n/?.     His  Laws  are  immutable, 
mortal  man  may  not  prefume  to  alter  them ,  or  to  add  to  them ,  but  thcfe  men  are 
chopping  and  changing  their  conftitutions  every  day.     Their  Elders  muft  be  look- 
ed upon  as  the  Commi^onen  of  Chrift,     It  is  impoflible  !  Geneva,  was  the  hril  City 
where  this  Difcipline  was  hatched ,  though  fince  it  hath  lighted  into  hucklkrs 
hands.     In  thofe  days  they  magnified  the  platform  of  Geneva ,  for  the  pattern 
jherved  in' the  Mount.     But  there,  the  Presbyters  at  their  admillion  take  an  Oath ,  to 
obfcrve  the  Ecclefiaftical  Ordinances  of  the  fmall ,  great ,  and  General  Councils  of 
that  City.  Can  any  man  be  fo  Itupid,  as  to  think ,  that  the  high  Commillioners  of 
Chrili  fwear  fealty  to  the  Burgers  of  Geneva  ?  Now  forfooth  their  Difciphne  is  be- 
come the  Scepter  of  Chriji  ,  the  Eternal  Gofpel.     (  See  how  fucccfs  exalts  mens  de- 
fires  and  demands.  )     In  good  time ,  where  did  this  Scepter  lye  hid  for  1500.  years, 
that  we  cannot  find  the  lealt  footfteps  of  it  in  the  meanell  village  of  Chrillendom  ? 
This  world  draws  towards  an  end  ■■,  was  this  difcipline  fitted  and  contrived  for  the 
world  to  come  ?  Or  how  {hould  it  be  the  Eternal  Gofpel  ?  When  every  man  (ees 
how  different  it  is  from  it  felf ,  in  all  Presbyterian  Churches,  adapted  and  accom- 
modated to  the  civil  policy  of  each  particular  place  where  it  is  admitted,  except 
ondy  Scotland ,   where  it  comes  in  like  a  Conquerour,  and  makes  the  civil  power 
Hoop  and  ftrike  topfail  to  it.     Certainly ,  if  it  be  the  Gofpel,  it  is  the  Fifth  Gofpel, 
far  it  hath  no  kindred  with  the  other  Four.     There  is  not  a  Text  which  they  wrcft 
againlt   Epifcopacy ,  but  the  independants  may  with  as  much  colour  of  reafon , 
and  truth  ,  urge  it  againft  their  Presbyteries.     Where  doth  the  Gofpel  difiinguilh 
between  temporary  and  perpetual  Rules  i"  Between  the  Government  of  a  Perfon , 
and  of  a  Corporation?  There  is  not  a  Text  which  they  produce  for  their  Presby- 
tery, but  may  with  much  more  reafon  be  alledged  for  Epifcopacy  ,    and  more  a- 
greeable  to  the  analogy  of  Faith  ,  to  the  perpetual  pradice  and  belief  of  the  Catho- 
lick  Church  ,  to  the  concurrent  expofitions  of  all  Interpreters ,  and  to  the  other 
Texts  of  Holy  Scripture ,  for  until  this  new  model  was  yefterday  devifed  ,  none  of 
thofe  Texts  were  ever  fo  underftood.     When  the  pradife  ufhers  in  the  Dodtrine 
it  is  very  fufpicious ,  or  rather  evident ,  that  the  Scripture  was  not  their  rule  of 
their  reformation  ,  but  their  fubfequent  excufe.     This  (juredivino)  is  that  which 
makes  their  fore  incurable,  themfelves  incorrigible,  that  they  Father  their  own 
brat  upon  God  Almighty,  and  make  this  Mufliroom  which  fprung  up  but  the  other 
night ,  to  be  of  Heavenly  defcent.     It  is  juft  like  the  Dodtrine  of  the  Popes  Infa- 
libility,  which  (huts  the  door  againft  all  hope  of  remedy.  How  fhould  they  be  brought 
to  reform  their  errours,  who  believe  they  cannot  err,  or  they  be  brought  to  renonnce 
Ant  1599.     their  drowfie  dreams,  who  take  it  for  granted,  that  they  are  divine  Revelations  < 

And  yet  when  that  wife  Prince  ,  King  James,  a  little  before  the  National  Afftm- 
b'y  at  Perth  ,  publifhed  in  Print  ^5   Articles  or  Queftions  ,   concerning  the  uncer- 

taintv 


Discourse  L  Of  Scou(h  D/piplwe-  ^^  j 

tainty  of  this  Difcipline,  and  the  vanity  of  their  pretended  plea  o'i  Divine  right ^ 
and  concerning  the  errours  and  abufes  crept  into  it ,  for  the  b  "ttcr  preparation  of 
all  men  to  the  enfuing  Synod  ,  that  Minilkrs  might  fiudy  the  point  beforehand 
and  fpeak  to  the  piirpofe  ■-,  they  who  Hood  atfeded  to  that  way ,  were  extremely 
perplexed.  To  give  a  particular  account ,  they  knew  well  it  was  impollible  i  but 
their  chiefeft  trouble  was ,  that  their  foundation  of  Vimne  right ,  which  they  had 
given  out  all  this  while  to  be  a  folid  rock  ,  (hould  come  now  to  be  quelHoned  for  a 
Ihaking  quagmire  \  and  fo  without  any  oppofition  they  yielded  the  bucklers.  Thus 
it  continued  ,  until  thefe  unhappy  troubles  ,  when  they  ftarted  afide  again  like  bro- 
ken bovves.  This  plant  thrives  better  in  the  midft  of  tumults ,  than  in  the  time  of 
peace  and  tranquillity.  The  Elm  wliich  Tupports  it ,  is  a  fadlious  multitude,  but  a 
prudent  and  couragious  Magillrate  nips  it  in  the  bud. 

CHAP.    IX. 

"that  th'u  Vifci^Une  mal^s  a  mmjier  of  the  CommmTvealth. 

WE  have  feen  how  pernicious  this  Difcipline  (  as  it  is  maintained  in  Scot- 
hud,  and  endeavoured  to  be  introduced  into  England  by  the  Covenant  ) 
is  to  the  fupreme  Magillrate  ,  how  it  robs  him  of  his  Supremacy  in  Ecclellaltical  af- 
fairs ,  and  of  the  laft  appeals  of  his  own  Sub)eds ,  that  it  exempr-s  the  Presbyters 
fromthepower  of  the  Magillrate,  and  fubjedts  the  Magillrate  to  the  Presbyters, 
that  it  rellrains  his  difpenfative  power  of  pardoning  ,  deprives  him  of  the  depen- 
dence of  his  Subjedrs,  that  it  doth  challenge  and  ufurp  a  power  paramount  j  both 
of  the  Word  ,  and  of  the  Sword  ■■,  both  of  Peace  and  War  ,  over  all  Courts  and 
Eftates  ,  over  all  Laws  Civil  and  Ecclefiatlical  ,  in  order  to  the  advancement  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Chrift ,  whereof  the  Presbyters  alone  are  conftituted  Rulers  by  God, 
and  all  this  by  a  pretended  Divine  right,  which  takes  away  all  hope  of  remedy , 
until  it  be  hilfed  out  of  the  world  :  in  a  word  ,  that  it  is  the  top-branch  of  Popery, 
a  greater  tyranny  than  ever  Kome  was  guilty  of.  It  remains  to  Hiew  how  difadvan- 
tageousit  is  alfo  to  the  Subject. 

f iril ,  to  the  Commonwealth  in  general,  which  it  makes  a  monfter,  like  an 
Amphifhbaina  ,  or  a  Serpent  with  two  heads,  one  at  either  end.  It  makes  a  co- 
ordination of  Soveraignty  in  the  fame  Society,  two  Supremes  in  the  fame  King- 
dom or  State,  the  one  Civil,  the  other  Ecclefiaftical ,  than  which  nothing  can  be 
more  pernicious,  eitlier  to  the  confciences ,  or  the  Eftates  ofSubjedls,  when  it  falls 
out  C  as  it  often  doth  J  that  from  thefe  two  heads  iffue  contrary  commands  i  Jf  the 
Irumfet  give  ad  uncertain  found ,  tr>ho  JhaH prepare  himfelf  bo  the  battel?  Much  more 
when  there  are  two  Trumpets ,  and  tl>e  one  founds  an  Alarm,  the  other  a  Retreat, 
what  (hould  the  poor  Souldier  do  in  fuch  a  cafe  ?  or  the  poor  Subjedl  in  the  other 
cale  >  if  he  obey  the  Civil  magillrate ,  he  is  fure  to  be  excommunicated  by  the 
Church  ;  if  he  obey  the  Church,  he  is  fure  to  be  imprifoned  by  the  Civil  magillratev 
What  ftall  become  of  him  >  I  know  no  remedy  ,  but  according  to  Solomon's  fen- 
tence,  the  living  Subjedt  mull  be  divided  into  two  ,  and  the  one  half  given  to  the 
»'one,  and  the  other  half  to  the  other.  For  the  oracle  of  Truth  hath  faid  ,  that  one 
man  cannot  ferve  trvo  Majiers.  But  in  Scotland  ,  every  man  mull  ferve  two  inafters 
and  ("which  is  worfe  )  many  times  difagreeing  mafters.  At  the  lame  time,  the 
Civil  magiftrate  hath  commanded  the  Feaft  of  the  Nativity  of  our  Saviour  to  be 
obferved,and  the  Church  hath  forbidden  it.At  the  fame  time,the  King  hath  fummoned 
the  Bifhops  to  fit  and  Vote  in  Parliamei>t,  and  the  Church  hath  forbidden  them. 

In  the  year  1582.  Monfieur  La-mot ,  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of  the  Holy  Ghoft, 
with  an  alTociate,  were  fent  Ambafladours  from  Fr^?;ee  into  Scotland  :  The  Mini- 
fters  of  Edenburgh  approving  not  his  meflage,  (  though  meerly  civil,  )  inveigh  in 
their  Pulpits  bitterly  againft  Iiim,  calling  his  rphite  Crop  the  badge  of  Antichrijl  ^ 
and  himfelf  the  Ambaffadmr  of  a  murtherer.  The  King  was  afhamed  ,  but  did  not 
know  how  to  help  if,  the  Ambaffadours  were  difcontented,and  defued  to  be  gone, 
the  King  willing  to  preferve  the  ancient  amity  between  the  two  Crowns ,  and  to 

difipift 


I  Cor.  I4.1. 


^o8 


Fair    Warning 


TOM  fell- 


Fcbr:  1 6. 

At  St   Gllet 
Church-, 


difmifs  the  Ambaffadours  with  content ,  requires  the  Magiftrates  of  EcUnhurgh  to 
f-aft  them  at  their  departure  i  To  they  did  :  But  to  hinder  this  Feaft,  upon  the  Sun- 
dav  Drecedine  the  Miniftcrs  proclaim  a  Faft  to  he  kept  the  fame  day  the  Feaft  was 
aDDOintedi  and  to  detain  the  people  all  day  at  Church,  the  three  Preachers  make 
three  Sermons,  one  after  another,  without  interiniffion,  thundring  out  curfes 
aeainft  the  Magiftrates  and  Noblemen  which  waited  upon  the  Ambafladours  by  the 
I^ncs  appointment.  Neitiier  ftayed  they  here ,  but  purfued  the  Magiftrates  with 
the  cenfures  of  the  Church,  for  not  obfcrving  the  Faft  by  them  proclaimed,  and 
with  much  difficulty  were  wrought  to  abftain  from  excommunicating  of  them  s 
which  cenfure  ,  how  heavy  it  falls  in  Scotland^  you  (hall  fee  by  and  by.  To  come 
vet  nearer,  the  late  Parliament  in  Scotland  enjoyned  men  to  take  up  Arms ,  for  de- 
livery of  their  King  out  of  Prifon  •,  the  CommilBoncrs  for  the  Aflembly  difallowed 
it  and  at  thi<;  prefent,  how  many  are  chafed  out  of  their  Countrey?  Hov^  many 
are  put  to  publick  repentance  in  fackcloth?  How  many  arc  excommunicated,  for 
being  obedient  to  the  Supreme  Judicatory  of  the  Kingdom,  that  is,  King  and  Par- 
liament ?  Miferable  is  the  condition  of  that  people,  wlicrc  there  is  fuch  clafhing 
and  interfering  of  Supreme  Judicatories  and  authorities,  if  they  fliall  pretend  that 
this  was  no  Free  Parliament  -,  Firft ,  they  affirm  that  which  is  not  true  ■■,  cither  that 
Parliament  was  free,  or  what  will  become  of  the  reft  >  Secondly,  this  Plea  will  ad- 
vantage them  nothing  y  for  (  which  is  all  one  with  the  former )  thus  they  make 
themfelves  Judges  of  the  validity  or  invalidity  of  Parliaments. 


itfarch  22- 


Bedar. 


CHAP.     X. 

'that  this  Vijcipline  is  moft  Jvejudiiial  to  the  Varliament. 

FRom  the  Effential  Body  of  the  Kingdom  we  are  to  -proceed  to  the  reprefenta- 
tive  Body  ,  which  is  the  Parliament.     We  have  already  fecn,  how  it  attributes 
a  power  to  National  Synods  to  reftrain  Parliaments  ,  and  to  abrogate  their  Adts , 
if  they  (hall  judge  them  prejudicial  to  the  Church.     Wc  nsed  no  other  inftance ,  to 
(hew  what  fmall  account  Presbyteries  do  make  of  Parliaments  ,  than  the  late  Parli- 
ament in  Scotland.     Notwithftanding  that  the  Parliament  had  declared  tlieir  refolu- 
tion  to  levy  Forces  vigoronjly  ,  and  that  they  did  expeB  as  rvcV  from  the  Synods  and  Fre- 
sbyteries ,    its  from  aU  other  His  Maj^ies  good  SubjeSs ,  a  ready  obedience  to  the  Com- 
mands of  Farliament^  and  Committee  of  l^ates.     The  CommilHoners  of  the  A(rem- 
bly  not  fatisfied  herewith  ,  do  not  onely  make  their  Propofals ,   that  the  gmmds  of 
the  War  ,  and  the  breaches  of  the  Teace  ,  might  he  cleared:  fhat  the  union  of  the  King- 
doms might  be  preferved :  that  the  Popijh  andPrelatical  party  might  bs  f»pprejfed :  that 
His  Majefiies  Offers  concerning  Religion  might  be  declared  unfatisfaUory  :  that  before  his 
Majefties  rejiitution  to  the  exercife  of  his  Royal  power  ,  hefhallfrr{}  engage  himfelf  hyfo- 
lemn  Oath  under  his  hand  andfeal ,  to  pafs  Ads  for  the  fettlement  of  the  Covenant  and 
Tresbyterian  Government  in  all  his  Dominions  ,  &c.     And  never  to  oppofe  them ,  or 
endeavour  the  change  of  them,(an  Ufurer  will  truft  a  Bankrupt  upon  eatiertearms, 
than  they  will  do  their  Soveraign,  and  Laftly,  that  fuch  pcr(bns  onely  might  be 
intruded ,  as  had  given  them  no  caufe  of  iealoufie  ,  (  which  had  been  too  much  ,- 
and  more  than  any  Eftates  in  Europe  will  take  in  good  part  from    half  a  dozen 
Minifters.  )     But  afterwards  by  their  publick  Vetlaration  to  the  whole  Kirk^and  King- 
dom ,  fet  forth  that  not  hdng  fatisfied  in  thefe  particulars  ,  they  do  plainly  difient  and 
difagree  ,  and  declare  that  they  arc  clearly  perfwaded  in  their  confciences  ,  that  the  En- 
gagement iiS  of  dangerous  confequence    to  true  Religion  ;  prejudicial  to  the  liberty  of  the 
Kirk^,  favourable  to  the  malignant  party  ,  inconfiftent  with  the  Vnion  of  the  Kingdom  : 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God  and  the  Covenant^  wherefore  they  cannot  ahw  either  Minifters 
or  any  other  whatfoever  to  concur  and  cooperate  in  it ,  and  trttfl  that  they  will  k(ep  them- 
felves free  in  this  bufinefs ,  and  clxofe  afjlitiion  rather  than  iniquity.     And  to  fay  the 
truth  ,  they  made  their  word  good.    For  by  their  power  over  the  Church-men  and 
by  their  influence  upon  the  people,  and  by  threatning  all  thofe  who  engaged  in 
that  aftion  with  the  ccnfures  of  the  Church  ,  they  retarded  the  Levies ,  they  de- 
terred 


Discourse   f.  Of  Scot/fli  Difcipline.  ^oo^ 

tencdall  Preachers  from  accompanying  the  Army  to  do  Divine  Offices!     And  when 

St.  Peters  Keys  would  not  fervethe  turn  ,  they  made  ufe  of  St'.  Pauls  fword  ,   and 
gathered  the  Country  together  in  arms  at  Machken-moor  to  oppofe  the  expedition. 

So  if  the  high  Court  of  Parliament  will  (et  up  Presbytery  ,  they  mull  lefolve'to 
introduce  an  higher  Court  than  themfelves  ,  which  will  overtop  them  for  eminen- 
cy  of  authority  ,  for  extent  of  Power  ,  and  greatnefs  of  Priviledges  ,  that  is  a 
National  Synod.  '  ' 

Firll,  for  Authority,  the  one  being  acknowledged  to  be  but  an  humane  convention 
the  other  affirmed  confidently  to  be  a  Divine  inltitution.  The  one  fitting  by  virtue' 
of  the  Kings  writ,  the  other  by  virtue  of  Gods  writ.  The  one  as  Councellers  of 
the  Prince  ,  the  other  as  Ambafladours  and  Vicars  of  the  Son  of  God.  Tne  one  as 
BurgeiTes  of  Corporations ,  the  other  as  Commiliioners  of  Chrift.  The  one  Judg- 
ing by  the  Law  of  the  Land  ,  the  other  by  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The  one  taking 
care  for  this  Temporal  life  ,  the  other  for  Eternal  life. 

Secondly  ,  for  power,  as  Cunm  faith,  ubi  multiiudo  vana  religione capta  eji     mc 
liiis  vatibus  fuif  qitam  dncibus  paret ,   where  the  multitude  is  led  with  fuperitition 
they  do  more  readily  obey  their  Prophets  than  their  Magiftrates.     Have  they  not 
reafon?    pardon  us  ,  OMagiffrate,  thou  threatneff  us  with  prifon  ,   they  threaten 
us  with  Hell- fire.     Thy  fentence  deprives  us  of  civil  protection  ,  and  the  benefit  of 
the  Law  ,  fo  doth  theirs  indiredly  ,  and  withal  makes  us  Ifrangers  to  the  common- 
wealth oilfrael.     Thou  canft  out-law  us  ,  or  horn  us  ,  and  conhlcate  our  Ellates 
their  Keys  do  the  fame  alfo  by  confequence  ,  and  moreover  deprive  us  of  the  prayers' 
of  the  Church  ,  and  the  comfortable   ufe  of  the  BlefTed  Sacraments.     Thou  canfl 
deliver  us  to   a  Purfevant,  or  commit  us  to  the  Black  Rod,  they  can  deliver  us 
over  toSathan,    and  commit  us  to  the  Prince  of  darknefs. 

Thirdly,  for  Priviledges,  the  Priviledges  of  Pariiament  extend  not  to  treafon 
felony,  or  breach  of  Peace  :  but  they  may  talk  Treafon,  and  Adt  treafon  ,  in  tlieir 
Pulpits  and  Synods  without  controlment.  They  may  fecurely  commit  not  onely 
fetihrcinyhut  Burglary^  and  force  the  door  of  the  Palace  Royal.  They  may  not 
onely  break  the  peace,  but  convocate  the  Subjedts  in  Arms,  yea  give  warrant  to 
a  particular  perfon ,  to  convene  them  by  his  Letters  millives ,  according  to  his 
difcretion,  in  order  to  Religiot.  Of  all  which  we  have  feen  inffances  in  this  difcourfe* 
The  Priviledges  of  Parliaments  are  the  Graces  and  concelfions  of  man  ,  and  may  be 
taken  away  by  human  Authority  ,  but  the  priviledges  of  Synods  they  fay  are  from 
God,  and  cannot  without  Sacriledge  be  taken  away  by  mortal  man.  The  Two 
Houfes  of  Parliament  cannot  name  Commiliioners  to  fit  in  the  ititervalls  and  take 
care  ne  quid  detrimenti  capiat  rejpublica  ,  that  the  Commonwealth  receive  no  preju- 
dice ■-,  but  Synods  have  power  to  name  Vicars-general ,  or  Commilhoners  to  lit 
in  the  intervalls  of  Synods,  and  take  order  that  neither  King  nor  Pariiament  nor 
people  do  incroach  upon  the  Liberties  of  the  Church.  If  there  be  any  thing  to 
do ,  they  are  ( like  the  Fox  in  £fops  Fables  ,  )  fure  to  be  in  at  one  end  of  it. 

CHAP.     XI. 

"Ihat  this  Vifcipline  is  opprefftve  to  particular  perfons. 

Towards  particular  perfons  this  Difcipline  i«  too  full  of  rigour ,  like  Vracos 
Laws  that  were  written  in  blood.     Firft  in  lefTer  faults ,  inflicting  Church  jcot.  L  • 
cenfures  upon  llight  grounds.     As  for  an  uncomely  gefture ,  for  a  vain  word     for  <?  yg  "'"'* 
fufpitionof  covetoufnefs  orpride,  for  fuperfluity  in  rayment,  either  for  colt  or  fa- 
fhion ,  for  keeping  a  table  above  a  mans  calling  or  means ,  for  dancing  at  a  wed- 1  ^°^^  '^''c, 
ding  ,  or  of  Servants  in  the  Streets  ,  for  wearing  a  mans  hair  a-la-mode     for  not  '  ^^*^' 
paying  of  Debts ,  for  ufing  the   leaft  recreation  upon  the  Sabbath  ;  though  void 
of  fcandal ,  and  confiftant  with  the  duties  of  the  day.     I  wilh  they  were  acquaint- 
ed with  the  pracflice  of  all  other  Proteftant  Countries.     But  if  they  did  but  fee  one 
of  thofe  skirmilfes  which  are  obferved  in  fome  places  ,  the  Pulpit,  the  Confiftory , 
the  whole  Kingdom  would  not  be  able  to  hold  them.     What   digladiations  have 

three 


■— T-"                  ^   FairJfarm'^g                              TOME   IT. 
5 '  ° . — ^ %1 

'^ch^^i^^^^^^^f^^'^ «f  f'^^'^  ^'^  '^°"' \"'i  '"'J  '"'^'','  '^'' J^" ^j''' '''''^? 

D  bates  which  were  fometimes  among  the  lranctjcans,  about  the  colour  and 
Va''^  of  their  Gowns?  They  do  not  allow  men  a  latitude  of  difcretion  in  any 
talhion  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^j^^.^  Superiours,  muft  be  their  Slaves  or  Pupils.  It  is  true, 
1  "v^beein  their. cenfures  with  admonition  ,  and  if  a  man  will  confefs  himfelf  a  de- 
1  nquent  be  forry  for  giving  the  Presbyters  any  offence  ,  and  conform  himfelf  in 
his  hair, 'apparel,  diet,  everything,  to  what  thefe  rough-hewen  Cjto's  (Viall  pre- 
fcribe  he  may  clcape  theftonl  of  repentance ,  other  wife  they  will  proceed  againrt  him 
for  contumacy ,  to  Excommunication. 

Secondly  ,  this  Difcipline  is  opprellive  in  greater  faults:  the  fame  man  is  punlfii- 
ed  twice  for  the  fame  crime  i  Firll  *  by  the  Magirtrate  ,  according  to  the  Lawes  of 
God  and  the  Land  ,  for  the  offence:  thefi  ,  by  the  cenfures  of  the  Church  for  the 
fcanda!.     To  this  agrees  their  Synod  ,  Nothing  forbids  the  fame  fault  in  the  fame  man 
Theor  63.       ^g  y^  puniflied  one  tvay  by  the  pUtical  power  ^  another  reay  by  the  Ecckfialiical  ■,  by  that  ^ 
under  the  jorm.dity  (f  a  crime  rvith  corporal  or  pecuniary  pimjhment  ■,  by  thU  ,  under  the 
formality  of  fcandal  vcith  fj>iritual  cenfttres.     And  their  Book  of  Difcipline  ,  Jf  the  ci- 
vil Sword  foolijhly  fpare  the  life  of  the  offender  ,  yet  may  not  the  Kirl^  be  negligent  in 
their  office.     Thus  their  Liturgy  in  exprefs  terms,  JU  crimes  which  by  the  Law  of  God 
I  book  5  1C2    deferve  death  ,  deferve  alfo  excommunication.     Yea  ,  though  an  offender  abide  an  aG- 
^"  ^^  fizc     and  be  abfolved  by  the  fame ,  yet  may  the  Church  injoyn  him  puhlick^  fatufa- 

Uion:  or  if  the  Magiftrate  fhall  not  tliink  lit  in  his  judgment ,  or  cannot  in  confci- 
Scot-lit.  4  ^^^^^  profecute  the  party  upon  the  Churches  intimation,  the  Church  may  admonijh  the 
Maffiflrate  publickly :  and  if  no  remedy  be  fomid,  excommunicate  the  offender  j 
^'  frjl  for  hU  crime  ,  and  then  for  being  fuffeSed  to  have  corrupted  the  Jtidge.  Obferve 
firft,  that  by  hook  or  crook  they  will  bring  all  crimes  Whatfoever  ,  great  and  fmall, 
within  their  jurifdidtion.  Secondly  ,  obferve  that  a  Delinquents  tryal  for  his  life , 
is  no  fufficient  fatisfadion  to  thefe  third  Cato''s.  Laftly  obferve,  that  to  fatistie  their 
own  humour ,  they  care  not  how  they  blemifh  publickly  the  reputation  of  the  Ma- 
giftrate  upon  frivolous  conjectures. 

Thirdly,  add  to  this  which  hath  been  faid ,  the  feverity  and  extreme  rigour  of 
their  Excommunication  ,  after  which  fentence,  mperfon{  his  wife  and  Family  one- 
ly  excepted  )  may  have  any  kind  of  converfation  with  him  that  is  excommunicate ,   they 
ibookdifc.  7  may  not  eat  with  him  ^  nor  drinl\_  with  him ,  nor  buy  with  him  ,  nor  fell  with  him^  they 
*''"'^'  may  notfalute  him  ,  norfpeah^  to  him,  \_  except  it  be  by  the  licence  of  the  Presbytery,  1 

His  children  begotten  and  born  after  that  fentence  ^  and  before  his  reconciliation  to  the 
Church     may  not  be  admitted  to  baptifm  ,  until  they  be  of  age  to  require  it  v  or  the  mO' 
ther  ,  or  fame  fpecial  friend ,  being  a  member  of  the  Church,  prefent  the  child,  abhor- 
riniT  and  damning  the  iniquity  and  ohftinate  contempt  of  the  Father.     Add  farther ,  that 
upon  this  ftntence.  Letters  of  Horning  (  as  they  ufe  to  call  them  in  Scotland  )  do 
follow  of  courfe,  that  is  ,  an  outlawing  of  the  party ,  a  confifcation  of  his  goods, 
a  putting  him  out  of  the  Kings  protedtion,  fo  as  any  man  may  kill  him,  and  be 
unpuniflied :  yea  ,  the  party  excommunicate  is  not  fo  much  of  cited  ■  to  hear  thefe  fa- 
tal letters  granted.     Had  not  Vavid  reafon  to  pray ,  Let  me  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
5^  Articl.       Lnrd,  not  into  the  hands  (f  men ,  for  their  mercies  are  cruel.  Cruel  indeed,  that  when 
159^'  a  man  is  profecuted  for  his  life,  perhaps  juftly  ,  perhaps  unjuftly ,  fo,  as  appearing 

and  hanging  are  to  him  in  effe<St  the  fame  thing  >  yet  if  he  appear  not ,  this  pitiful 
Church  will  excommunicate  him  for  contumacy ;  Whether  the  offender  be  convid  in 
Scot  Lit.  49    ptdgment,  or  be  fugitive  from  the  Law ,  the  Church  ought  to  proceed  to  the  fentence  of 
Excommunication,  as  if  the  juff  and  evident  fear  of  death  did  not  purge  away  con- 
tumacy. 


C  H  A  P 


Discourse  I.  Of  Scotiih  Difcipline.  en 


C  H  A  P.     XII. 

TiE>i*  thif  Difcipline  is  hurtful  to  all  orders  of  men, 

LAHly  ,  this  Difcipline  is  burthenfom  and  difadvantageous  to  all  orders  of  men. 
The  Nobiliry  and  Gentry  muli  exped  to  tbilow  the  fortune  of  their  Prince. 
Upon  the  abatement  of  Monarchy  in  Kowf,  remember  what  difmal  controveriies 
did  prefently  fpring  up  between  the  Tatridi  and  Vkbeii.  They  (hall  be  fubjeded  to 
the  ccnfures  of  a  raw,  heady  Novice,  and  a  few  ignorant  artificers  •,  they  (hall  lofe 
all  their  advowfons  of  fuch  Benefices  as  have  cure  of  fouls  (  as  they  have  lately 
found  in  Scotland)  for  every  Congregation  ought  to  choofe  their  orvn  Pajiow  ■■,  they  {hall 
hazzard  iheir  Appropriations  and  Abbey-lands;  A  facriledge  which  their  National 
Synod  cannot  in  confcience  tolerate,  longer  than  they  have  f^rength  fufHcient  to  o- 
vcrthrow  it  •,  and  if  tliey  proceed  as  they  begin,  the  Presbyters  will  in  a  fhort  time 
cither  accomplifli  their  defign  ,  or  change  their  foil.  They  fhall  be  bearded  and 
mated  by  every  ordinary  Presbyter  :  witnefe  that  infolent  fpeech  of  Mr.  Robert 
Bruce  to  King  James :  Sir  ,  J  fee  your  refolution  is  to  tak^  Huntley  into  favour  ,  if  you 
do,  I  Tvill  oppofe  ■■,  you  fhall  choofe  whether  you  vciU  lofe  Huntley  or  me ,  form  "both  you 
cannot  k^ep.  It  is  nothing  with  them  ,  for  a  Pedant  to  put  himfelf  into  theballance 
with  one  of  the  prime  and  moft  powerful  Peers  of  the  Realm. 

The  poor  Orthodox  Clergy  in  the  mean  time  fliall  be  undone  ,  their  ftraw  {hall 
be  taken  from  them,  and  the  number  of  their  bricks  be  doubled :  they  {hall  lofe  the 
comfortable  affurance  of  an  undoubted  fucceflion  by  Epi{copal  Ordination,  and  put 
if  to  a  dangerous  queftion,  whether  they  be  within  the  pale  of  the  Church  :  they 
lliall  be  reduced  to  ignorance  ,  contempt ,  and  beggery  •,  they  fliall  lofe  an  ancient 
Liturgy  ,  (  warranted  in  the  moft  parts  of  it  by  all,  in  all  parts  of  it  by  the  moft 
publick  forms  of  the  Protertant  Churches  ,  whereof  a  (hort  time  may  produce  a 
parallel  to  the  view  ot  the  World  ,  )  and  be  enjoyned  to  prate  and  pray  non-{ence 
everlaliingly.  For  howfoever  formerly  they  have  had  a  Liturgy  of  their  own  as 
all  other  Chriftian  Churches  have  at  this  day.-yet  now  it  feems  they  allow  no  Prayers  g  v 

but  extemporary.  So  faith  the  information  from  Scotland,  It  is  not  lawful  for  a  man  to  i!i'ci!"i7i'.  *' 
tye  himfelf,  or   be  tyed  by  others ,   to  a  prefcript  form  of  words  in  prayer  and  exhor- 
tation. 

Parents  (hall  loofe  the  free  difpofition  of  their  own  Children  in  marriage  :  if  the 
child  defire  an  husband  or  a  wife  ,  and  the  parent  gainjland  their  requeji ,  and  have  no  ^  ^°^^  '^''"*^'  9 
other  caufe  than  the  commmonfort  of  men  have,  to  wit  behoof  goods,  or  becaufe  the  other  ^^^^' 
party  is  not  of  birth  high  enough  ,  upon  the  childs  defire  ,  the  Minifter   is  to    travail 
with  the  parents ,  and  if  he  find  no  jujl  caufe  to  the  contrary  ,  may  admit  them  to  mar- 
riage.    For  the  wor}{_  of  God  ought  not  to  be  hindred  by  the  corrupt  affe£iions  ofwjrldly 
men.     They  who  have  flripped  the  Father  of  their  Countrey  of  his  jult  ri^^ht ,  may 
make  bold  with  the  Fathers  of  Families ,  and  will  not  Ifick  to  exclude  al!  other 
Fathers ,  but  themfelves  out  of  the  Fifth  Commandment.     The  Dodrine  is  very 
high  ,  but  their  pradife  is  yet  much  more  high.     The  Presbyteries  will  compel 
the  wronged  parent  to  give  that  child  as  great  a  portion   as  any  of  his  other         ' 
children. 

It  will  be  ill  news  to  the  Lawyers  to  have  the  moulter  taken  away  from  their 
Mills  upon  ptetence  of  fcandal ,  or  in  Order  to  Religion ,  to  have  their  fenrences 
repealed  by  a  Synod  of  Presbyters ,  and  to  receive  more  prohibitions  from  Eccle{i- 
aftical  Courts ,  than  ever  they  fent  thither. 

J II  Mjliers  and  Miiheffes  of  families  ,  of  what  age  or  condition  fjever,  muji  come  once 
a  year  befre  the  Presbyter  ,  with  their  houfhoulds  ,  to  be  examined  perfinally  whether  ^  ^°^^  ^'^'^'  ^ 
they  be  fit  to  receive  the  Sacrament,  in  reJpeU  of  their  k^towledge  ,  and  otherwife.     And  ^^^' 
if  they  fufer  their  children  orfervants  to  continue  in  wilful  ignorance  ( IFhat  if  they  can- 
not help  its')  they  mn^  be  excommunicated.     It  is  probable  ,  the  perfons  Catechifed 
eould  often  better  inlirud  their  Catechifls. 

The  common  people  (hall  have  an  high  Commillion  in  every  parilTi,  and  groan 

Mmm  '  under 


5 


12 


Fair  Warning TOME   H. 

"T^^^jTTd^arbitrary  decrees  of  ignorant  unexperienced  Governours  ,  who  know  no 
1  Vw  but  their  own  wills,  who  obferve  no  order  but  what  they  lirt  v  from  whom 
tirs  no  appeal  but  to  a  Synod  ,  which  for  the  {hortnefs  of  its  continuance  can  afford , 
which  for  the  condition  of  the  perfons  will  affbrd  them  little  relief.  If  there  arifc 
ivatc  jar  between  the  parent  and  the  child ,  or  the  husband  and  the  wife ,  thefe 
domertical  Judges  mull  know  it,  and  cenfure  it. 

Scire  volmt  fecreta  domiu  ,  atque  inde  timeri. 

And  if  there  have  been  any  fuit  or  difference  between  the  Paftor  and  any  of  his  flock, 
or  between  Neighbour  and  Neighbour,  be  fure  it  wil'  liOt  be  forgotten  in  the  fen- 
tence.  The  practice  of  our  Law  hath  been  ,  that  a  Jud^i.e  was  rarely  permitted  to 
ride  a  circuit  in  his  own  Countrey ,  leaf!  private  intercil  or  refpeds  might  make 
him  partial.  Yet  a  Countrey  is  much  larger  than  a  parilli ,  and  a  grave  learned 
Tudee  is  prefumed  to  have  more  temper  than  fuch  home-bred  fellows.  Thus  we  fee 
what  a  Fandora'i  box  this  pretended  holy  Difcipline  is ,  full  of  manifold  mifchiefs, 
and  to  all  orders  of  men  moil  pernicious. 


CHAP.     Xlll. 

T^hat  the  Covenant  to  introduce  thU  'Difcipline  it  void  and  tvicksd,^  with  ajhort  Coii- 
clttfwa. 

But  yet  the  confcience  of  an  Oath  ilicks  deep.  Some  will  plead  ,  that  they  have 
made  a  Covenant  with  God  ,  for  the  introdudion  of  this  Difcipline.  Oaths 
and  Vows  ought  to  be  made  with  great  judgement ,  and  broken  with  greater.  My 
next  task  therefore  mull  be  to  dcmonftrate  this  clearly,  that  this  Covenant  is  not 
binding  ,  but  meerly  void  ,  and  not  onely  void  but  wicked  i  fo  as  it  is  neceflary  to 
break  it ,  and  impious  to  obferve  it. 

The  Firft  thing  that  cracks  the  credit  of  this  new  Covenant  is ,  that  it  was  de- 
viled by  Grangers ,  to  the  diflionour  of  our  Nation  ■■>  impofed  by  fubjeds ,  who 
wanted  requiiite  power  upon  their  Sovereign  and  fellow- fubjedsv  extorted  by  juft 
fear  of  unjuft  fufferings.  So  as  a  man  may  truly  fay  of  many  who  took  this  Covenant, 
that  they  finned  in  pronouncing  the  words  with  their  lips ,  but  never  confented 
with  their  hearts  to  make  any  vow  to  God. 

Again,errour  and  deceit  make  thofe  things  involuntary,  to  which  they  are  incident, 
efpccially  when  the  errouris  not  meerly  negative  by  way  of  concealment  of  truth,vvhen 
a  man  knows  not  what  he  doth,  butpofitive,  when  he  believes  he  doth  one  thing, 
and  doth  the  clear  contrary,  and  that  not  about  fome  inconfiderable  accidents,  but 
about  the  fubllantial  conditions.     As  if  a  phyfitian  ,  either  out  of  ignorance  or  ma- 
lice, (hould  give  his  patient  a  deadly  poyfon  under  the  name  ot  a  cordial ,  and 
bind  him  by  a  Solemn  Oath  to  take  it ,  the  Oath  is  void  ,  nccelfary  to  be  broken  , 
unlawful  to  be  kept  \  if  the  patient  had  known  the  truth  ,  that  it  was  no  cordial , 
that  it  was  poyfon ,  he  would  not  have  fworn  to  take  it.     Such  an  errour  there  was 
in  the  Covenant  with  a  witnefs,  fo  gull  men  with  a  ftrange  ,  unknown,  lately  de- 
vifed  platform  of  Difcipline,  moll  pernicious  to  the  King  and  Kingdom,  as  if  it 
were  the  very  inftitution  of  Chrift  ,  of  high  advantage  to  the  King  and  Kingdom  i 
to  gull  them  with  that  Covenant  which  King  James  did  fometimes  take,  as  if  that 
and  this  were  all  one :  whereas  that  Covenant  ilTued  out  by  the  Kings  Authority,  this 
Covenant  without  his  authority,  againfl  his  authority  i  that  Covenant  was  for  the 
Laws  of  the  Realm,  this  ig  againft  the  Laws  of  the  Realm  >  that  was  to  maintain 
the  Religion  eftabliflied,  this  to  overthrow  the  Religion ellablilhed.-Butbecaufe  I  will 
not  ground  my  difcourfeupon  any  thing  that  is  difputable,either  in  matter  of  Jli^/;f,or 
¥aU  i  And  in  truth,  becaufe  I  have  no  need  of  them,  I  forgive  them  thefe  advantages, 
onely  with  this  gentle  memento,  that  when  other  forreign  Churches,  and  the  Church 
of  Scotland  it  felf  fas  appears  by  their  publick  Liturgy  ufed  in  thofe  days)  did  fue  for 
aid  and  alHflance  from  the  Crown  and  Kingdom  oi England ^ihty  did  not  go  about  to 

obtrude 


Discourse      I.  Of  Scot'](h  Difciplhie.  h,^ 

obtrude   tlu-ir  own  DiCiplmc  upon  them  ,  but  left  them  free  to  choole  for  thcm- 
lelves. 

The  grounds  which  follow  are  dcmonflrative  i  Firft  ,   no  man  can  difpofe  that 
by  vow,  or  otherwife  ,  either  to  God   or  man  ,   which  is  the  right  of  a  Third 
pcrfbn  without  hisconlent  :  neither  can  theinferiour  oblige  himfelf  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  Supcriour  ,  contrary  to  his  duty  ,  without  his  fuperiours  allowance  :  God 
accepts  no  fuch  pretences,   tofeem  obfeqiiious  to  him  ,  out  of  the  undoubted  right 
ot  another  perfon.     Now  the  power  of  Arms  ,  and  the  defence  of  the  Laws ,  and 
protcdion  of  the  Subjedls  by  thofe  Arms,  is  by  the  Law  of  England  clearly  invelt- 
ed  in  the  Crown.     And   where  the  King  is  bound  in  confcience  to  prnted  ,   the 
Subjed  is  boutid  in  confcience  to  aiiift.Therefore  every  Ewg/j/feSubjedowes  his  Arms 
and  his  Obedience  to  his  King,  and  cannot  difpofe  them  as  a  free  gift  of  his  ovvnv 
nor  by  any  Act  of  his  whatfoever  diminifli  his  Sovereigns  right  over  him ,   but  in 
thofe  things  wherein  by  Law  he  owes  Subjedion  to  his  Prince,  he  remaineth 
IHII  obliged  ,  notwithltanding  any  vow  or  covenant  to  the  contrary,  efpecially 
when  the  Subjedt  and  fcopc  of  the  covenant  is  againlt  fhe  known  Laws  of  the  Realm. 
So  as  without  all  manner  of  doubt ,   no  Divine  or  Learned  cafuilt  in  the  world  dif- 
(cnting,   this  Covenant  is  either  void  in  it  (elf,   or  at  leaft  voided  by  his  MajelHcs 
Proclamation ,  prohibiting  the  taking  of  it ,    and  nullifying  its  Obligation. 

Secondly ,  It  is  confclTed  by  all  men  that,  that  an  Oath  ought  not  to  be  the  bond 
of  iniquity  ,  nor  doth  oblige  a  man  to  be  a  tran(greflbur.     The  golden  rule  is  , 
in  nulls  pmmijjis  refer nde  fidem  ^  in  turpi  voto  muta   decretum  ^  to  obferve  a  wicked 
engagement  doubles  the  tin  :   nothing  can  be  the  matter  of  a   vow  or  covenant, 
which   is  evidently  unlawful.     But  it  is  evidently  unlawful  for  a  fubjed  or  fubjecfls 
to  alter  the  Laws  elhbliflied  by  force,  without  the  concurrence,  and  againit  the 
commands  of  the  Supreme  Lcgillator,  for  the  introduftion  ofa  forreign  Difcipline. 
This  is  the  very  matter  and  fubjedof  the  Covenant.  Subjeds  Vo  w  to  God,andfwear  one 
to  another,  to  change  the  Laws  ofthe  Realm,to  abolilh  the  Difcipline  of  the  Church,and 
the  Liturgy  lawfullyelhblifhed,  by  the  Sword,  (which  was  never  committed  to  their 
hands  by  God  or  man,)  withoutthe  King,  againft  the  King,  whidi  no  man  can  deny 
in  carnell  to  be  plain  Rc-bellion.  And  it  is  yet  the  worfe,  that  is  to  the  main  prejudice 
of  a  Third  Order  of  the  Kingdom,  thetaking  away  whole  rights  without  their  con- 
tents, without  making  them  fatisfadion,  cannot  be  jultitied  in  pointof  confcience/ yea 
though  it  were  for  the  greater  convenience  ofthe  Kingdom,  as  is  mollfalfely  pretend- 
ed,)and  is  harder  meafure  than  the  Abbots  and  Fryers  received  {lomhienry  the  Eight 
or  than  either  Chriftians  or  Turks  do  offer  to  their  conquered  enemies. 

Laftlv  ,  a  fupervenient  Oath  or  Covenant  either  with  God  or  man  ,  cannot  take 
away  the  Obligation  of  a  juit  Oath  precedent.  But  fuch  is  the  covenant,  a  fubfe- 
quent  Oath  ,  inconfiftent  with,  and  deftrudive  to  a  precedent  Oath ,  that  is  the 
Oath  of  Supremacy ,  which  all  the  Church-men  throughout  the  Kingdom ,  all 
the  Parliament  men  at  their  admillion  to  thehoufe,  all  the  perfonsof  quality  through- 
out England  have  taken.  The  former  Oath  acknowledgeth  the  King  to  be  the  onely 
Supreme  head,  (  that  is  civil  head  to  (ee  that  every  man  do  his  duty  in  his  calling.  ) 
And  Governour  of  the  Church  of  England :  The  Second  Oath  or  Covenant ,  to 
f;t  up  the  Fresbyterian  Government  as  it  is  in  Scotland  ^  denyeth  atl  this  virtually, 
makes  it  a  political  Papacy,  acknowledgeth  no  Governours  but  onely  the  Fresbyters. 
The  former  Oath  gives  the  King  the  Supreme  power  over  all  perfons  in  all  caufes, 
the  Second  Oath  gives  him'  a  power  over  all  perfons,  (as  they  are  Subjeds ,  )  but 
none  at  all  in  Ecclefiaftical  caufes  -,  this  they  make  to  be  Sacriledge. 

By  all  which  it  is  moft  apparent  i  that  this  covenant  was  neither  free  nor  delibe- 
rate ,  nor  valid,  nor  lawful ,  nor coniillent  with  our  former  Oaths,  butinforced, 
deceitful ,  invalid  ,  impious  ,  rebellious ,  and  contradidory  to  our  former  ingags- 
ments,  and  conCeqiiently  obligeth  no  man  to  performance,  but  all  men  to  repen- 
tance. For  the  greater  certainty  whereof  I  appeal ,  upon  this  itating  of  the  cafe  , 
to  all  the  learned  cafuifts  and  Divines  in  Europe  ,  touching  the  point  of  common- 
right  -■,  and  that  this  is  the  true  ftate  of  the  cafe,  I  appeal  to  our  Adverfaries  them- 
felves.  No  man  that  hath  any  fpark  of  ingenuity  will  deny  it.  No  E;!^///?;- man 
who  hath  any  tolerable  degree   of  judgment,  or  knowledge  in  the  Laws  of  his 

M  m  m  2  coun 


'^•4 


'of  Scotifli  Difcipline. TOME  II. 

'7^;^^^,    can  deny  ic ,  but  a:   the  iamc   inltant  his  confcience  mult  give  him 

^^^  Thcv  who  plead  for  this  Rebellion  ,  dare  not  put  it  to  a  tryal  at  Law  ,  they  do 
not  >'iuuiid  their  defence  upon  the  Laws,  but  either  upon  their  own  groundiefsjea- 
loulies  and  tears,  of  the  Kings  intention  to  introduce  Popery,  to  fubvert  the  Laws, 
and  to  cnflave  the  pwpk.  Tiiis  is  to  run  into  a  certain  crime,  for  fear  of  an  un- 
certain danger.  r- ■       r  r  ■  ■ 

They  wlio  intend  to  pick  quarrels,  know  how  to  teign  lulpicions.  Or  tlicy 
iiround  them  upon  the  fuccefs  ot  their  arms,  or  upon  the  Sovereign  i  ight  ofthe  people, 
over  all  Laws  and  Magiftntes ,  whofe  reprefenfatives  they  create  tiicmfelves  whileft 
the  poor  people  figh  in  corners ,  and  dare  not  fay  their  Soul  is  their  own  ,  lament- 
ing their  former  folly  ,  to  have  contributed  ib  much  to  their  own  undoing  ; 
Or  LalHy,  upon  Religion ,  the  caufc  of  God  ,  the  worfl  Plea  of  all  the  reft  to 
make  God  acceffary  to  their  treafons  ,  npurchers  ,  covetoufncfs  ,  ambition.  Chrift 
did  never  authorife  Subjeds  to  plant  Chrilhan  Religion  ,  much  lefs  their  own  fa- 
natical dreams ,  or  fantaifical  dcvifes  in  the  blood  of  their  Sovereign ,  and  fellow 
Siibjeds. 

Speak  out ,  is  it  lawful  for  Subjedrs  to  tatte  up  arms  againft  their  Prince  merely 
for  Religion  ?  or  is  it  not  lawful  ■"  If  ye  fay  it  is  not  lawful,  ye  condemn  your 
(elves ,  tor  your  Covenant  telfitieth  to  the  world  ,  that  ye  have  taken  up  arms  mere- 
ly to  alter  Religion ,  and  that  ye  bear  no  allegiance  to  your  King,  but  onely  in  or- 
der to  Religion  ,  that  is  in  plain  tearms,  to  your  own  humours  and  conceits.  If  ye 
fay  it  is  lawful  ,  ye  juftifie  the  Independents  in  E>tgla}jd,  for  fupplanting  your  felves", 
yc  ]i\i\ihe  the  Aiubaptifls  m  Germany^  John  oi  Leyden  ^  and  his  crew.  Ye  break 
down  the  banks  of  order  ,  and  make  way  for  an  inundation  of  bloud  and  confuli- 
on  in  all  Countreys.  Ye  render  your  felves  juitly  odious  to  all  Chriftian  Magillrates, 
when  they  lee  ,  that  they  owe  their  fafety  not  to  your  good  will ,  but  to  your 
weaknefs,  that  ye  want  fufficient  ffrength  to  cut  their  throats.  This  is  fine  do- 
dirrine  for  Europe,  wlierein  there  is  fcarcc  that  King  or  State  ,  which  hath  not  Sub- 
jects of  different  opinions  and  communions  in  Religion.  Or  Laftly  ,  if  ye  fay  it  is 
lawful  for  you  to  plant  that  which  ye  apprehend  to  be  true  Religion  by  force  of 
arms ,  but  it  is  not  lawful  for  others  to  plant  that  which  they  apprehend  to  be  true 
Religion  by  force  ,  becaufe  yours  is  the  Gofpel ,  theirs  is  not ,  ye  beg  the  ^uejiion, 
and  makc-your  felves  ridiccloufly  partial  by  your  overweening  opinion,  worte  than 
that  of  the  men  of  C/)i;?a  ,  as  if  ye  onely  had  two  eyes,  and  all  the  reft  ofthe 
world  were  ftark  blind.  There  is  more  hope  of  a  fool ,  than  of  him  that  is  wife 
in  liis  own  eyes. 

I  would  to  God  we  might  be  fb  happy,  as  to  fee  .a  General  Council  of  Chrifii- 
ans>  at  leaft,  a  General  Synotl  of  all  Protcftants,  and  that  the  firft  Ad  might  be 
to  denounce  an  Anathema  Marattatha ,  againft  all  broachers  and  maintainers  of  fcdi- 
tious  Principles  ,  to  take  away  the  (candal  which  lyes  upon  Chriftian  Religion,  and 
to  (liew,  that  in  the  fearch  of  piety  ,  we  have  not  loft  the  Principles  of  Humani- 
ty. In  the  mean  time  ,  let  all  Chriftian  Magiftrates,  who  are  principally  concer- 
ned ,  beware  how  they  futfer  this  Cockatrice- egg  to  be  hatched  in  their  Domini- 
ons. Much  more  how  they  plead  for  Baal,  or  Baal-Berith ,  the  Baalinn  of  the  Co- 
venant. It  were  worth  the  inquiring,  whether  the  marks  of  Antichrift  do  not  a- 
gree  as  eminently  to  the  Aflembly  General  of  Scotland ,  as  either  to  the  Pope,  or  to 
the  T«rl^;  This  we  fee  plainly  ,  that  they  fpring  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  Civil  Ma- 
giftrate,  they  fit  upon  the  Temple  of  God,  and  they  advance  themfelves  above 
thofe  whom  Holy  Scripture  calleth  Gods. 


DIS- 


DISCOURSE  II. 

THE 

Serpent  -  Salve : 

o  R,  A 

REMEDY 

For  the  Biting  of  an 


ASP 


WHEREIN 

The  £DbrerV)at0^3?  CD'^JOlinDS  are  difcufled  ,  and  plainly 
difcovered  to  be  unround,  feditious,  not  warranted  by 
the  Laws  of  God  ,  of  Nature,  or  of  Nations,  and  mofi: 
repugnant  to  the  known  Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  this 
Realm. 

For  the  Reducing  of  fuch  His  Majefties  well-meaoing  Subjedls  into 
the  right  Way ,  who  have  been  raifled  by  that  Jgnh  fatMus. 


By   JOHN  BRAMHALL    D»  D.  Lord  Bifliop 

of  Londonderry^ 

Firft  Printed  in  the  Year,   i  <^  4  9- 


D  V  BLIN, 
Printed  Anno  Dom*  M.  D  C.  L  X  X.  V, 


Vl: 


i 


To  the  READER. 


'^T? 


T  O    T  H  E 


R  E  A  D  E 


BEN  that  fign,  or  rather  meteor,  called  Caftor  and  Po!Iiix  , 
appears  fmgle  to  the  Sea- faring  men ,  it  portends  a  danpcfnus 
'Tempeji ,  beciufe  of  the  denfity  or  roughnefs  of  the  metier  rvhtcb 
is  not  eafily  dijjolved :  and  when  it  appears  double^  divided  im 
trvo  ^  it  prefageth  fereniiy  and  a  good  Voyage.  But  it  is  other- 
roife  in  the  body  politick^'-,  when  the  King  and  Parliament  are  uni- 
ted, it promifetb  happy  and  Haley onian  days  to  the  Subbed  i  and 
when  they  appear  divided,  it  threatens  ruine  and  diffipation  to 
the  whole  Kingdom.  "This  is  our  prefent  condition  ,  the  Heads 
are  drenched  with  the  oyl  of  difcord ,  and  it  runs  down  to  the  skjrts  of  the  Garment.  Of 
all  Hereticl^r  in  "theology  ,  they  were  the  worji  who  made  two  beginnings  ,  a  God  of  good, 
and  a  God  of  evil.  Of  all  Hereticks  in  policy  ,  they  are  the  moji  dangerous ,  which  makg 
the  Ccmmonwealth  an  Amphisbsna ,  a  ferpent  with  two  heads ,  who  mak^  two  Su- 
premes  without  fubordination one  to  another,  the  King  and  the  Parliament  :  that  is.,  to 
leave  a  Seminary  of  difcord,  to  lay  a  trap  for  the  fubjeti  ,  tofet  up  a  Rack^for  the  confci- 
ence  ,  when  Superiours  fend  out  contrary  commands  (  as  the  Commijjion  of  Array  ,  and 
the  order  for  the  Militia.  )  If  they  were  fuhordinate  one  to  another  ,  we  had  a  fife  way 
both  to  difcharge  our  confcience  towards  God ,  and  fecure  our  Ejiates  to  the  world  ,  that 
it  ,  by  obeying  the  Higher  power  ,  according  to  that  Golden  Rule,  in  prsfentia  Majoris 
ccflTat  authoritas  Minoris.  But  whilji  they  mak^  them  coordinate  one  with  another,  the 
ejiate  ,  the  liberty ,  the  life  ,  the  foul  of  every  Sabjed  lies  atjlak^  ■■>  what  paffage  can  poor 
confcience  find  between  this  Scylla  and  Charybdis  j  between  the  two  horns  of  this  Dilem- 
ma '   N"  man  can  ferve  two  Majiers. 

All  great  and  fudden  changes  are  dangerous  to  the  body  natural ,  but  much  more  to  the 
body  politick^  "time  and  cujtom  beget  reverence  and  admiration  in  the  minds  of  all  men : 
frequent  alterations  produce  nothingbut  contempt:  break  ice  in  one  place  it  will  cracky  in 
more.Mountebankr,Proje£iors,and  Innovators  alteays  promife  golden  mountains,  but  their  per- 
formance  is  feldom  worth  a  cracl^d  Groat,  "fhe  credulous  Ajs  in  the  Fable  believed  ,  that 
the  IVolf  (  his  counterfeit  Phyfician  )  would  cure  him  of  all  his  infirmities,  and  loji  his 
skin  for  his  labour.  Iflpen  the  Devil  tempted  our  firji  parents ,  he  afjured  thim  of  a  more 
happy  efl  ate  ,  than  they  had  in  Paradife :  but  what  J  aith  our  commit  proverb.  Seldom 
comes  the  better.  It  is  the  Ordinance  of  God,  that  nothingjhould  be  p^rfeUly  bleffedin 
this  world,  yet  it  is  our  weaknefs  to  impute  all  our  fufferings  to  our  frefent  condition, 
and  to  believe  a  change  would  free  us  from  all  incumbrances.  So  thought  thf  Romans  , 
when  they  changed  their  Conjul  into  Confulary  Tribunes  :  So  thought  the  tlorentines, 
when  they  cajhiered  their  Decemviri  i  both  found  the  difadvantage  of  their  Novelties,  both 
Tvere  forced  to  fhak^  hands  again  with  their  old  Friends.  Other  Natio.-:s  have  uj}d  to  pi- 
cture an  En'S,\[(h  man  rt^ith  a  pair  of  Sheers  in  his  hand ,  thus  deriding  our  neivfingled- 
nefj  in  attire  :  hut  it  is  far  worfe  to  be  fhaping  new  Creeds  every  day  ,  and  new  Forms  of 
Government ,  according  to  each  mans  private  humour.  iVhen  a  fickjnan  tofieth  from  one 
fde  of  his  bed  to  another  ,  yet  his  dijiemper  follows  him,  "fhey  Jay  our  Coitntreyman  ne- 
ver k>tows  when  he  is  well ,  but  if  God  Almighty  he  gracioufly  pleafed  once  again  to  fend 
us  p  3;e  ,  I  truji  we  fliall  know  better  how  to  value  it,  hi  the  mean  time  ,  let  us  tak( 
heed  of  credulity  and  newfanglednefs.  Tbofe  Slates  are  moji  durable  ,  which  are  moji 
coKJiant  to  their  own  Rules,  "the  glory  of  Venice  is  perpetuated  not  fo  much  by  thefirong 
Situation,  as  by  that  fan£fion  or  conjiitution,  that  it  is  not  lawful  for  any  man  to  rnaks 

men- 


i8 


To  the  READER. 


■^„.«  ./  a  ncr,  Lan'  to  the  grand  Comal  before  tt  have  been  firji  difcujfed  and  aJlor^ed 
by  afelcBed  company ,  of  thek  moft  inteUgent  tnofi  experienced  Ctuzens.  Among  the 
locLn.  no  maLught  prof  ofe  a  ner^Larc  hut  r^tth  an  halter  about  hts  neck,  ihp'f 
he  did  mtfpecd  in  bU  fmt ,  be  mght  prefently  f'rftrjingld  7k  Lacedemonians  dtdjo 
far  abhor  from  aVfiudy  of  change  ,  that  they  banijlied  a  s^iljul  Mufmon,  onely  for  adding 
one  \lrnig  more  to  the  Harp.  rr         ,      j-r      r  jj       i         ■    j- 

J  defie  that  no  man  wiV  interpret  what  I  fay  in  this  dijcourje  as  intended  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  lanfiil  Rights ,  andjuji  priviledge's  of  Parliament.  The  very  name  of  a  Parlia- 
ment tvM  tnufick  >»  "»'■  '^'■■^  ■'  ^'  the  Summons  thereof  our  hearts  danced  for  joy.  It  if 
rather  to  he  feared  that  we  idVized  Parliaments  ,  and  trufted  more  in  them  than  in  God 
for  our  Temporal  rvell  being.  Cod  who  gave  the  Ifraelites  a  King  in  hU  anger  ,  may  at 
hU  pleajure  give  nf  a  Parliament  in  his  anger.  That  we  reap  not  the  expe&ed  fruit  (  next 
to  cur  fins  )  we  may  thanh^the  obfervator  ,  and  fmh  incendiaries.  I  confejs  myfelfthe 
mojl  unfit  of  thoufands  to  defcend  into  thh  Theatre  ,  as  one  who  have  lived  hitherto  a 
Mute  '■)  but  to  fee  the  Father  of  our  Countrey  threatntd  and  vilified  by  a  common  Souldier, 
14  able  to  mak^  a  dumb  manfpea^,  as  it  didfometimes  the  Son  of  Crstis.  Quando  do- 
lor eft  in  capite  (faith  St.  Bernard  )  when  the  head  ak^s  the  tongue  cries  fur  a0ance, 
and  the  very  leafi  members ,  the  Toe,  or  the  little  finger  U  afeded.  We  are  commanded 
to  he  wife  as  Serpents.  Matth.  10.16.  A  chief  wifdom  of  the  Serpent  U  in  time  of 
Danger  to  wrap  and  fold  hii  head  in  the  circles  of  h'vs  body,  to  fave  that  from  blows.  J 
pretend  not  to  skjl!  in  Politicks  ■>  ^be  obfervator  may  have  read  more  Bookj  and  more  men, 
but  let  him  not  dejpife  a  wea\Adverfary  who  ^omes  armed  with  evident  truth.  Jknow  J 
have  the  better  caufe  ,  the  better  fecond.  The  Birds  in  AnHophzues  fancying  an  aV-fuf- 
ficiency  to  themfelves  ,  did  attempt  for  a  while  to  build  a  City  walled  up  to  Heaven  (  not 
much  unliks  fuch  another  FiSion  of  the  Apes  in  Hcrmogenes  )  but  at  lengh  the  one  for 
fear  of  Jiipiters  Thunder ,  and  the  other  for  want  of  convenient  tools  ,  gave  over  the  enier- 
frize.  Believe  it,  the  frame  of  an  ancient,  glorioiu ,  well-temfid,  and  fetled Mo-  ,-| 
fiarchy  ,  thoughitmaybe  fhali^nfor  atime  ,wiUmt  ^  cannot  he  blown  upfide  down ,  with  '' 'i 
a  few  windy  exhalations,  or  an  handful  of  Sophifiical  fquihs.  The  World  begins  to  fee  fome-  ' 
thing  through  the  holes  of  thefe  mens  cloaks  ,  and  to  efpie  through  the  midji  of  the  miljione. 
And  now  that  men  may  borrow  a  trord  edgetvay  tvitb  them,  it  will  be  pealed  into  their 
ears  daily. 

JpaV  deal  wore  ingenioufly  Hvith  the  ohfervef  ,  than  he  hath  don  with  hit  Sovereign  ,  to 
catch  here  and  there  at  a  piece  of  afentence ,  and  pafi  by  that  of  mute  as  a  Fijh ,  to  which 
he  had  nothing  to  fay.     If  his  Majefries  clear  demonjirations  ( which  to  a  Jlrong  judge- 
ment feem  to  be  written  with  a  beam  of  the  Sttn  ,  and  /%  the  principles  of  Geometry  do 
rather  compel  than  perfwade )  did  leave  any  place  for  further  confirmation  ,  the  ohfcrvers 
filence  were  fufficient  to  proclaim  them  unanfwerable.     There  needs  no  other  proof  of  hii 
Majejiies  Lenity  and  Goodnefs  than  thh  ,  that  a  fub]eU  dare  puplifhfuch  obfervation  in  a 
Monarchy,  and  maintain  argument  with  hit  Liege  Lord.   Multa  donanda  ingeniis ,  fed 
donanda  vitia  ,  non  portenta  funt.     He  deferveth,  fmall  pitty  ,  who  prifeth  hit  word 
more  than  his  head.     King  Lewis  faid  of fome  feditious  Preachers  in  France,  If  tliey  fax 
me  in  their  Pulpits  I  will  fend  them  to  Preach  in  another  climate.     PoVio  faid  of 
Augufluf,  Non  eft  facile  in  eum  fcribere  ,  qui  poteft  profcribere.     The  King  of  the 
Bees  ,  though  he  want  afring  ,  yet  is  he  fufficiently  armed  with  Majefty:  fo  fijould  King 
Charles  he  to  the  Objerver  and  his  Pew-fellows  if  they  were  profitable  Bees ,  as  they  are  a 
neji  of  Wafps  and  Hornets. 

I  find  two  branches  of  this  family  (  ]  cannot  call  them  the  family  of  Love  )  as  averfe 
one  to  another  as  Sampfons  Foxes.  It  is  hard  to  jay  whether  is  the  ancient  houft ;  for 
they  bothfprung  up  ,  the  one  in  Spain  ,  the  other  at  Geneva  ,  about  the  fame  time,  the 
year  1 536.  The  Captains  of  the  one  are  Bellarmine  ,  Simancha ,  Mariana  ,  &c.  The 
chieftains  of  the  other ,  are  Beza  (if  it  be  his  book^  de  jure  Magiftratus  ,  as  is  believed,) 
Buchanan,Stephanus,]unius,«:^c.  The  former  in  favour  of  thePope;the  later  in  hatredof  the 
Pope:yet  both  former  and  latter  may  rife  up  in  Judgement  with  our  incendiaries  and  condemn 
them.for  if  they  had  had  as  Gracious  a  Prince  as  King  Charles,  they  had  never  broached fuch 
Tenets  to  the  World.  I  have  bufied  my  felf  to  find  out  the  Progenitors  of  thefe  two  different 
parties:  and  for  the  former  J  cannot  in  probability  derive  from  any  other  than  Pope  Zachary, 
Whoitfeems(as  the  Oejiridge)  left  an  egg  in  the  Sand, which  after  a  long  revolution  of  time, 

was 


To  the  READER.  519 


n\K  fmitd  and  hatched  by  the  care  (f  fome  Lojolijls,  for  thus  he  in  Aventine  :  A  Prince 
is  fubjc<^  to  the  people ,  by  whofe  benefit  he  reigns  ,  whatfoever  power  ,  riches, 
glory,  dignity  he  hath  ,  he  received  it  from  the  people,  Regem  plebs  conflituit, 
eundcm  deltitucrc  potel}.  As  for  the  later  (  bccaufe  IkpotP  they  wiil  fcorn  to  afcrihi 
their  original  tn  a  Pope  )  J  cannot  find  one  of  thetr  Anceftours  in  aV  the  Church  of  Chrijl^ 
for  ffteeti  hundred  years  ^  until  1  come  as  high  as  St.]udt''s  dreamers^  or  the  Pharifees 
if  n'hom  ]oCephu^  jaith ,  that  they  rpere  a  Sedl ,  cunning,  arrogant,  and  oppofitc 
to  Kings.  And  they  have  one  Pharifaical  virtue  in  great  eminency  ,  that  is,  felf-love 
and  partiality  ,  to  maks  their  orvn  cafe  different  from  all  other  mens  ,  as  may  appear  by 
theje  particulars. 

Firji ,  a  ^eftion  is  moved  concerning  the  King's  Supremacy  in  Ecclefiafiical  Affairs. 
They  give  poxver  to  Kings  to  reform  the  Church  ,  jujl  as  Bellarmine  gives  to  the  Pope  to 
depife  princes  ,  not  certainly  ,  but  contingently  ,  in  the  cafe  of  an  ungodly  Clergy  ("  that 
is  in  their  jitife  ,  all  other  but  themfelves :  )  hut  if  they  be  once  introduced ,  neither  King 
mr  Parliament  have  any  more  to  do,  but  execute  their  decrees:  then  the  whole  Regiment 
of  the  Church  is  committed  by  Chrift  toPaftors  ,  Elders  ,  and  Deacons  :  So  Cart- 
ivright  ^  77.'f7«  Magiltrates  mull  remember  to  fubjccfl  themfelves,  fubmit  their  Sce- 
pters ,  throw  down  their  Crowns  to  the  Church  i  aud  as  the  Prophet  fpeaketh,  to 
lick  the  dult  of  the  feet  of  the  Church  ,  that  is  ,  of  the  Presbytery,  what  is  this  but 
k^fjing  <f  the  Presbyters  too  ? 

Secondly  ,  vehere  they  have  hope  of  the  King  ,  there  the  Supreme  Magiflrate  may,  nay 
he  might  to  reform  the  Church ,  yea  though  the  Statutes  of  the  Kingdom  be  againft  it: 
fi  jay  the  Authours  of  the  Frotefiation ,  printed  1^05.  But  rehat  if  tbe  King  favour 
them  not  ?  then  he  is  but  a  conditional  Trullee  ,  it  belongeth  to  the  States  and  re- 
prcfentative  Body  of  the  Kingdom  :  but  rvhat  if  the  Nobility  rviUnot  joyn ,  then  the 
people  mull  ,  fo  faid  Field  ,  fince  we  cannot  bring  this  to  pais  by  Suit ,  or  Difpute, 
the  people  and  multitude  muii  Aolt,  yea,  though  it  be  with  blood,  a/ Martin 
threatens  in  his  Protefiation.  The  people  (faith  Buchanan)  have  as  much  power 
over  Kings,  as  Kings  have  over  particular  pcrfons.  Nobility  f  faith  the  Book^  of 
Obedience )  is  the  bounty  of  the  people  to  fome  pcrfons ,  for  delivering  them  from 
Tyrants  ,  which  Prerogative,  the  children  kept  ,  by  the  peoples  negligence.  And 
of  late,  have  not  the  Peers  been  exhorted  to  mingle  themfelves  with  the  meaneft  of  the 
people,  and  for  the  procuring  a  parity  in  the  Church  ,  to  confent  to  a  parity  in  the 
State  ,  and  for  the  fubduing  of  the  pride  of  Kings  ,  for  a  time  ,  to  part  with  the 
power  of  Noblemen,  for  a  time,  what's  that?  that  is  ,  according  to  the  former  T>o- 
drine  ,  till  the  people  be  pleafed  out  of  their  bounty  to  advance  them  according  to  their 
feveral  talents,  for  their  7eal  to  (bed  the  blood  of  the  ungodly.  Jhe  myjlery  begins 
norv  to  open  it  felf,  and  I  trufl  rvill  Jhortly  appear  in  its  right  colours.  By  thefe  Reve- 
rend Fathers  (  I  mean  the  Rabble  )  the  Vtfcipline  was  brought  into  Gtnevi  it  felf , 
againjl  the  will  of  the  Syndicks  ,  and  two  Councils  :  In  ilia  promifcua  colluvie  fuifra- 
giis  tuiinus  fuperiores,  faith  Calvin.  "Thus  thefe  men  mak^  Kings  and  Nobles  ,  but  as 
Counters  which Jiand  fometimes  for  a  pound,  fometimes  for  a  peny  ,  pro  arbitrio  fup- 
putantis  \  juji  as  ChaucerV  Fryer,  he  l^new  how  to  impofe  an  eafie  penance  ,  where  he 
looked  for  a  good  pittance. 

"thirdly ,  the  wheel  of  Heaven  hath  not  yet  wound  up  one  thred  more  of  the  clue  of  our 
Life,  fnce  we  heard  nothing  but  Encomiums  of  the  Law  ,  treafon  againft  the  Funda- 
mental Laws ,  and  Declarations  againd  arbitrary  Government.  Now  the  Law  is  become 
a  Formality  ,  a  heshizn  Rule  ■■,  Arbitrary  Government  is  turned  to  neceffity  of  State.  Jt 
is  not  examined  what  is  jufl  or  unjuji ,  hut  how  the  party  is  affeUed  or  difaffeUed  ,  whe- 
ther tbe  thing  be  conducible  or  not  conducibk  to  the  caufe :  we  are  governed  not  by  the 
k^own  Laws  and  cuftoms  of  tlm  Realm  ,  hut  by  certain  far-fetched,  dear-bought  con- 
clufwns  ,  or  rather  collufions,  drawn  by  unskilful  Empericl{j ,  without  art  or  jude^ement 
from  the  Law  of  Nature  and  Nations  ,  which  may  be  good  for  Ladies  by  the  Proverb,  but 
not  for  Englifh  Suhjeds.  Now  we  are  taught  down-right,  that  the  Laws  of  the  Land 
are  but  mans  inventions ,  moral  precepts,  fitter  for  Heathens  than  ChriOians  i  that 
wc  mull  lead  our  lives  according  to  God's  Word  ,  (  as  if  God's  iVordand  the  Law 
of  the  Land  were  oppnfite  one  to  another  )  and  that  notwithjianding  the  Law  ,  men  mull 
not  think  ,  that  God's  Children  in  doing  the  work  of  their  Heavenly  Father  (  that 

Nnn  is. 


^20 


To  the  READER. 


~ir  reformma  Religion  )  will  tamf  m  their  Duiy  (  that  i^  m  znratfwg  arms  )  So, 
farewel  Macna  charta  ,  a^d  the  Latins  of  England /or  ever,  if  thu  man  may  have  his 
will :  and  xvellcme  the  judicial  Late  of  Mofes.  Now  J  fee  the  reafon,  n-hy  they  have 
tatwht  fa  lona  ,  that  the  King  cannot  fardon  any  crime  condemned  by  the  judicial  LaK>  ; 
hecaufeno  man  can  difpenfe  rvith  the  Late  of  God  i  but  how  many  Ihoufands  have  been 
draten  i'tt^  thiiaSion  rvhich  never  dreamed  of  fuch  a  bottomltfi  Gulf  of  mijchief,  and 
when  tity  do  fee  it ,  rvill  abominate  it ,  and  the  contrivers  of  it. 

fourthly ,  They  have  cryed  Bipops  out  of  Parliament,  hecaufe  no  man  that  xfarreth  mufi 
tntangle  himfelf  rvith  the  affairs  of  this  life  :  yet  they  themjelves  have  been  humble  mo- 
tioners  both  in  England  and  in  Scotland  ,  to  have  a  number  of  veife  and  grave  Mini- 
nifters  admitted  into  Parliament ,  injiead  of  Bijhops.  It  was  the  men  then ,  not  the  thing 
they  mi f iked. 

Fifthly  they  fay ,  To  be  a  Clergyman  and  a  Privy  Gouncellor,  are  incompatible --,  yet 
Calvin  and  Bcza  were  of  the  Council  of  Sixty  at  Geneva  ,  and  the  Syndicks  and  Coun- 
fellors  there  of  the  Ecclefutliical  Senate  :  yea  ,  tuerer  home  in  a  great  Treaty  of  late,  and 
vt  a  Commijjion  n  w  on  foot ,  we  have  feen  a  Minijier  a  Prime  CommiJJioner  ;  and  their 
greateji  Privy  Counfellors  are  of  their  Lay-Elders  ,  which  by  their  new  Learning  are  a 
part  of  their  EccltfiaiUcal  Hierarchy. 

Sixthly ,  JVe  have  heard  a  great  noife  lately  about  an  Oath  decreed  in  the  convocation  •,. 
about  another  Oath  called  Ex  officio,  as  if  it  were  again}}  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  for  a  man 
to  acciife  himfclf,  nenno  tenetur  prodere  feipfum  ;  and  lajlly  about  the  Subfcription 
which  is  required  to  our  Articles  of  Religion  :  yet  for  the  frft ,  the  Citizens  of  Gene- 
vah  touh^  the  like  Oath  for  their  new  Vifcifline  (  which  the  Sun  had  never  beheld  before  ) 
that  WiH  jrefcribed  here  for  our  old  Pifcipline.  There  every  Minijier  at  his  admiffion 
tak[s  an  Oath  in  thefe  words ,  I  do  promife  and  fvvear  to  keep  the  Eccknaftical  Ordi- 
nances ,  which  are  pafTed  by  the  fmall,  great,  and  General  Councils  of  this  City. 
This  if  a  note  higher  than  ours.  And  of  late  rCe  know  who  they  were ,  that  took,  an 
Oath  to  j} and  to  thofe  decrees  and  dicifions  ,  whiibjhould  be  made  in  an  Ajjembly  to  come. 
For  the  Second,  that  is ,  the  Oath  Ex  officio  ,  it  is  allowed  in  their  Presbyteries'-,  Calvin 
in  an  Epijile  to  Farellus  acknowledged,  that  he  himfelf  adminijired  it :  and  for  fubfcripti- 
ons  they  are  fo  familiar  among  them  ,  that  there  is  not  a  Miniver  admitted  to  a  charge,  nay 
not  a  Boy  matriculated  into  a  CoVedge  ,  but  he  knows  it.     Is  not  thii  partiality  ? 

Seventhly  ,  they  complain  ,  that  the  Ecclefiajiical  Courts  did  extend  their  Jurifdittion 
to  civil  caufes  :  yet  there  u  not  that  offence  in  the  World ,  from  Dancing  and  Feajiing  ta 
Treafon  and  Murder ,  which  is  either  a  violation  of  our  piety  towards  God,  or  charity 
towards  man  ,  which  they  do  not  -(jueftion  in  their  Presbyteries  :  and  which  is  worfe , 
their  Determinations  are  not  regulated  by  any  k^own  Law  ,  but  are  meerly  arbitrary ,  fe- 
cunduna  fanas  confcientias.  Neither  doth  there  lye  any  appeal  from  them  (  as  their  did 
from  Ecclefiaflical  Courts  ,  )  he  that  dvrft  but  bring  a  prohibition  to  one  of  their  elderfhips, 
he  would  quickjy  feel ,  that  it  was  to  pull  the  Scepter  cf  Chriji   out  of  his  hands. 

Eighthly ,  they  groaned  hard  under  the  burthen  of  the  High  Commifjion  :  yet  them- 
felves  would  ere£i  an  high  Commiffion  in  every  par ip;  I  do  not  k*iorv  whether  all  their 
Presbyteries  be  indowed  with  the  lik^  power  ,  hut  fure  I  am  ,  jome  of  them  have  had  both 
their  Prijons  and  their  Purfevants.  And  where' the  High  Commifjion  hire  was  confeffed  to 
be  a  temporary  injlitution ,  they  plead  for  the  other  as  a  Divine  injiitution,  Tet  fearing 
ihU  Parochial  JurifdiBion  might  not  produce  an  uniform  Reformation  ,  jome  of  them  have 
defired ,  others  accepted  general  Commifjions ,  for  national-fuperintendency. 

Ninthly ,  they  fight  all  old  Councils,  and  new  convocations,  and  caV  their  Canons  in 
fcorn  ,  the  precepts  of  men  :  yet  where  they  have  power  to  call  a  Synod  or  Affemhly ,  e- 
very  man  mu^fuhmit  at  his  uttermoji  peril  ,  as  if  themfelve.s  were  not  men,  but  a  compa- 
ny of  Angels. 

LajUy  ,  they  call  for  Liberty  of  Confcience  ;  yet  no  men  impofe  a  heavier  yoak.  upon  the 
Confcience.  They  cry  out  againjl  Martial  Law  in  others  ,  and  approve  it  in  themfehes. 
They  hate  Monopolijis  ,  but  love  Monopolies  ,  they  condemn  an  implicit  Faith  ,  yet  no 
men  more  confiding  and  implicit ;  grounding  their  anions  neither  upon  reafon  ,  Law,  nor 
"Religion  ,  but  upon  the  authority  of  their  leaders  and  teachers.  They  magnijle  the  obli- 
gation of  an  Oath ,  yet  in  their  own  cafe  ,  diffence  with  all  Oaths ,  Civil ,  Military  , 
Religious,  (  witnefs  Mr.   Marfhall  and  Mr.  Downing  J  we   are  now  taught  that  the 

Oath 


To  the  READER.  ^^j 


Oaths  wc  have  taken  ,  mult  not  be  examined  according  to  the  interpretation  of  men 
)io  .■?  Jrlatv  then  ?  fiirely  according  to  the  interpretation  of  Devils.  ' 

"They  complained  that  Excommunication  was  iij'edfur  trivial  catifes,   yet  themfelves  (Hck 
not  iccaji  abroad  this  thunderbolt ,  for  Feajiing^  or  Dancings  or  any  theleali  abberrati- 
ons.     'They  complain  of  Jeverity  againji  their  Pajiottrs  i  yet  themfelves  do  teach  in  their  on^n 
cafe,  iiut   they  are  more  rigor oufy  to  be  dealt  veithal ,  rcho  poyfon  the  Souls  of  men  with 
falfe  Vodrine  ,  then  they  that  injeUt  their  Bodies  with  pnyjon.     A  falfe  principle  Iconfefs 
and  repugnant  to  the  practife  of  all  the  World  :  men  are  vPiVingly  ferverted^  but  not  rvil- 
lingly  poifoned  :  T^he  pmfoner  kiwws   the  power  of  his  poifons\  the  falfe  teacher  doth  not 
alivays  k^'oip  his  oven  error  :  Keper.tarce  may  be  a  remedy  for  the  one  ,  hut  there  is  no  cure 
for  the  other.     "The  difeafes  of  the  Sonl^  are  indeed  ,  greater  than  the  difeafes  of  the  body^ 
if  yoti  conftder  them  in  the  fame  Degree  ■■>  otherrvife  ^  a  ftiUen  fit  of  Melancholy  (  though 
an  infirmity  of  the  mind  )  is  not  fo  terrible  as  a  raging  fit  of  the  Stone  ,  yet  is  it  bin  an 
infirmity  of  the  Body,     they  cry  out  againji  the  diforders  of  our  EcclefiajiKal  Courts    but 
'  xfiH  not  fee  the  beam  in  their  on>n  eye  , .  that  in  their  confijiories  the  fame  man  is  both  Pre- 
fident  and  Regifter ,   the  fame  parties  both    accufers ,    VFitneffes ,    and   Judnes  \    the 
proif    fometimes      upon     Oath  ,     fometimes     rvithout     Oath  ,     fomnimes      taken 
puhlickjy  ,  fometimes  privately  ,  /'  as  the  perfon  accufed  neither  k^iorfs  who  is  his  accufer 
nor  rehat  is  proved  s  fometimes  Records  are  h^pt ,  fometimes  not  k^pt :  as  for  matter  of 
Lmful  exception  and  defence  ,    it  is  accounted  fuperfluous  and  fuperflitious.     I  plead  not 
for  any  former  abufes ,  I  defire  not  to  abridge  the  lavpftil  power  of  any  other  Church     but 
onelyfhexv  the  extream  partiality  of  thefe  men:  yea  ,  tnhat  is  that  which  themfelves  have 
condemned  in  others,  that  themfelves  do  not  pradife    where  they  have  poii>er  in    a 
much  higher  ■  degree  ?  Is  not  this  fine   hocas   pocas  ?   In  all    riddles    there  may  be 
fom^ thing  in  nature   which  feems  to  be  intermedious ,  to  falve  the  contradiUion  in  ffjew 
but  in  their  cafe  no  manner  of  difference  to  makg  the  fame  thing  juft  and  unjuji^  but 
felf-love  and  partiality.     Was  it  treafon  in  the  Northern  Rebels  to  mal^  an  infurreCtion 
for  Religion  ,  and  is   it  now  become  Piety  ?  I  delight  not  in  Domeftical  examples  ,  let 
Its  rather  caji  our  eyes  beyond  Sea  ,  and  fee  where  ever  Protejiants  were  accufed  for  Rebel- 
lion ,    but  where  either  Anabaptifm  ,  or  this  Vifcipline  did  tak^  place  ,  and  yet  none  of 
them  (  I  except  onely  Anabaptifis  )  were  halffo  criminous  as  ours',  they  had  fundry  pleas 
which  we  cannot  mah^  for   our  felves.     As  Firji,  that  they  did  not  rife  up  againji  their 
lawful  Prince  ,  but  onely  againji  a  ProteUor  to  whom  they  did  owe  no  Allegiance ,  but  an 
honourable  aclqiowledgement ;  hut  our  Laws  bind  us  not  onely  to  owe  Allegiance ,   but  to 
fwear  it :  or  Secondly  ,  that  they  did  not  rife  up  againji  the  Perfon  of  their  Prince  ,  but 
againji  fome  enraged  Minijier  of  his ,  refervingfiill  their  Obedience  to  their  Sovereifn  in- 
violate i    but  we  have  not  onely  refjied ,  but  invaded  the  Kings  Perfon  :   there  were  more 
great  fhot  made  at  the  very  place  where  the  King  was  at  Edge-hill,  than  any  where  elfe  on 
the  fame  proportion  (f  Ground  throughout  the  Field  :  the  very  likg  curtefie  was  offered  to  the 
^eeen  at  Burlington ,  to  welcome  Her  into  England  ;  Or  thirdly  ,  their  Princes  Jid  no 
about  to  force  their  confidences,  without  Law  or,  againft  Law ;  and  by  an  Arbitrary  Power  jet 
up  an  Inquifition  among  them  ;  hut  Good  King  Charles  w  fo  far  from  this,  that  for  the  eafe 
of  his  Subjeds  ,  he  hath  tak^n  away  an  High  Commijfion  ejiablifhed  by  Statute  and  is  liiU 
ready  to  condefcend  to  any  thing  that  can  be  reafonably  propofedfor  the  eafe  offender  confcien- 
ces.iVhat  is  it  then  ?  Hath  His  Majejiy  been  a  hard  Malier.?  No.Hear  a  Witnefs  that  will 
not  violate  his  confidence  to  do  His  M-ijejiy  Service.     I  (ee  many  here  ,   the  moft  noto- 
rioufly  obliged  ,  indeed  as  much  as  Servants  can  be  to  a  Malkr,  in  this  good  caufe 
have  maftered   thofe  vulgar  confiderations ,    and  had  the  courage  to  defpife  him 
C  that  is  the  King  )  to  his  tace.     A  good  Panegyricl{^,  and  His  Majejiy  may  live  to  requite 
them,   as  (Zzni\X.\i^  did  EAx'xcMt  the  traytor ,  when  his  Son  /^j^/Z^w  Edmund  Ironlidc, 
andhefaluted  the  King  with  Ave  Rex  folus  ,   his  reward  w,k  a  good  Gibbet ,  Ego  tc 
hodie  ob  tanti  obiequii  meritum ,  cunftis  Regni  proceribus  rcddam  celfiorem. 

thefe  Seditions  and  Schifmatical  principles  ,  were  not  the  refults  ofajfeculative,free, 
anduningaged  Judgement ,  but  rather  the  exciife  of  criminous  \  or  the  defence  ofi  necfjfiated 
perfons  :  where  praciife  prnduceth  new  Opinions  ,  and  Reafon  prepojioroufiy  followeth  the 
Dictates  of  the  Will,  there  is  fmall  hope  of  truth.  When  Men  of  Bd'ul,  FaSiious  perfons, 
bjdjhak^noffthe  Tk^  of  a  juji  Government ,  being  neither  pretenders  themfelves  m  point 

N  n  n  2  of 


f^aa 


;     To  the   PxEADER. 


of  Khht   nnr  capable  f/  Sovereignty  by  reafon  of  their  ehjcmity  ,  that  they  might  retain  that 
in  pM-t  '  which  they  onild  not  grajf  in  the  rvhok  v   they  broached  thefe  dejperate  devifes  af 
the  Omiimencyof  the  Feofk:  rvhen  others ,  or  the  fame  men,   either  having  expelled 
mhops  to\ain  their  Revenues  ,  upon  pretence  of  S»ferftition  ,  or  living  under  a  Sove- 
raion  of  another  Communion  ,  could  mt   have    Bijhops  of  their  orvii ,  and  yet   did  find 
thcnccffuy   (fPiJcipline  •,  then   they  fancyed  the  netv  form  of  Presbytcrier  ^  in    imita- 
tio)t   of  the   ?(•»-///;  Syncdviums  throughout  their  Synnagogucs^  though  that  he maji  un- 
ccrtaine  and  all  Men  kfotc  this  for  certain  ^   that  the  Synagogues  ivere  but  humane  JnlH- 
tutions     Aiis  i'^.  21.  not  from  the  Law  ^  but  from  old-time.     JVhich  nerv  form  of  Vifci- 
pline     rfiii  jo  adapted  and  accommodated  to  the  Polriick^State  of  the   Cifj  c/ Geneva, 
that   (  iK  it  n\is  there  ejiabliped  )  it  cannot  pofrbly  fit  any  othe-r  place  ,    exceft  it  have 
four   Syniiicks,  a  greater  and  a   kfjer   Council:  Then  (  as  all  Seifs  are  modejl  in  their 
beginnings  )  they  def  red  their  Neighbour  Churches  onely  to  cent  fie  that  their  Vifcipline 
tfai  not  repugnant  to  the  rvord  of  Cod  ■,  yet  note  they  xpould  obtrude  it  on  the  world  as  the 
Eternal  Goffel.     So  our  neve  upfiart  Independants  ,  rvhich  run  gadding  about  the  World 
lih  Laptvings  with  their  jhells  upon  their  heads ^  havingbeen  k^pt  under  the  hatches  here 
in  old  England  ,  performing  their  Divine  Offices  in  holes  and  corners  ,  and  having  no 
Jjjemblies  bui  fnch  as  did  of  their  own  accord  afioctate  themfelves  to  them  ,  non>  deny  the 
name  oj  true  Churches  to  all  Societies  butfuch  blind  conventicles  :   and  pall  rvi  make  their 
exctifcs   to  be  our  gro-unds  ?  pah' ttoe  that  live  in  the  moll  temperate  part  of  the  temperate 
Zone  ,  and  injoy  a  Government  as  temperate  as  the  climate  it  felf^  rve  reho  cannot  com- 
plain either  of  tao  much  Sun  ,  or  too  little  Sun ,  rvhere  the  Beams   of  Soveraignty  ,  are 
neither  too  perpendicular  tofcorch  m  ,  nor  yet  fo  oblique  but  that  they  may  Tf  arm  us  ,pa11 
tve  go  about  in  a  madding  humour  ^  to  difiolve  a  frame  of  Government ,  rvb-ch  made  our 
Forc-fithers  happy  at  home  ,  and  famom  abroad?  fhallree  vahofe  Church  vcai  the  envy  and 
admiration  of  Chrijiendom  ^  neither  too  garip  ^  nor  too  Jluttip,  excelling  fame  as  far  in 
Purity  ,  as  it  did  otlxrs  in   decency ,  norv  learn  Religion  out  of  Tubs ,  as  if  the  little 
toes  could  fee  furtlvr  than  the  eyes  ?  If  they  have  an  extroardinary  calling  ,  vchere  are 
their  miracles  ?  mendacia  video ,  miracula  non  video,  we  hear  there  lies ,  notfee  their 
wonders.     St.  Paul  became   all  things  to  all  men  ,  but  that  rvas  compatiendo  non 
mentiendo  ,    its  St.  AuCx'mc faith.     Shall  n>e  rrithout  need  put  our  lives  into  tl^e  hands  of 
crack:brain  d    unskilful   Umpericks  ^    which  have  taught  us  already   to  our   lofS ^  that 
a  new  Phyftian  mtifr  have  a  new  Church-yard?  Kaf/^fr  mutemus  clypcos  ,  let  us  leave 
j/;f>M  oW  England  ,  and  content  our  f elves  with  new  England.     It  will  be  belter  to  live 
in  hollow  trees  ,  among  Savages  and  JFild  Beafis ,   than  here,  to  be  chopping  and  chang- 
ing our  Religion  every  new  Mooti.     Be   not   deceived  ,  as  if  thefe  men  did  defre  no  more, 
than  onely  the  reUifying  of  fame  former  obliquities  and  irregularities  :  we  are  now  told 
in  plain  Englidi ,  that  it  is  to  fubdue  the  pride  of  Kings ,  Monarchy  it  j elf  is  the  one- 
ly oh]eB  worthy  of  thefe  mens  wrath.     May  not  one  here  exo!u-,n  (  as  the  great  Turk^  did 
to  his  Council ,  when  the   templers  and  Hofpitaliers  advifrd  him  by   Letter ,    /^orr  Frede- 
rick the  Chrifiian  Emperour  might  be  tak^n  )  F.cce  nctclitas  ChriOiauoruyi ,  behold  the 
Loyalty  of  our  great  Reformers  1   But  what  is  this  pride  of  Kings  ?  If  we  will  believe  one 
of  thir Authors  in  his  application  ofthefiory  of  Cleomedes  his  Va^fghter,  to  the  Dome- 
fric\cu^om  of  the  Spartan  Kings,  (  pater  ,  hofpcs  manus  non  habet  ,  )  it  is  one  piece 
of  thdr  pride  to  have  a  man  to  pull  off  their poes,   and  yet  they   Kiy  the  Author  had  one 
to  hrup  his  Cloati.'s.     Now  they  j^ick^vot  to  let  us  k^tow  why  they  miligned  Epifcopacy  '-, 
whikfr  Biflmps  flood  ,  they  could  not  fill  all  the  Pulpits  of  the  Kingdom  with  their  Sediti- 
ous Oratours  ,  who  might  incite  tin  people  that  their  Zeal  to  God  may  not  be  inter- 
rupted   by  their  Duty  to  the   King,  that  by  the  Chrifiian  Labours  of  their  painful 
Preachers  ,  they  may  not  want  hands  to  bring  their  wiflifs  to  pafs  ,  ( ihey  are  their 
own  words.  J     h  this  the  reafon ,  we  have  not  a  word  of  Peace  and  charity  from  that 
party  ,  but  at!  incentives  to  war,  and  to  jnyn  in  making  that  great  Sacrifice  to  the  Lord. 
let  whileji  they  are  fo  bufie  in  getting  hands  ,  (  ton  many  of  them  perjured  hands,  )   let 
them  remember  B.oAo\^\\\x?,  the  DmJ;?  n/Sweveland  hvs  hand  i;«  Cufpinian  ,  who  being 
drawn  into  a  Rebellious  War  againji  the  Emperour  ,  and  in  the  battel  having  his  right 
hand  cut  off,  held  out  thejrump  to  thofe  that  were  about  him  ,  faying  ,  1  have  a  jui];  re- 
ward of  my  perjury  ,  with   this  fame  hand  1  fwore  allegiance  to  my  Sovereign 
Lord.     Tet  the  good  Emperour  buried  him  Honcurahly-,  which  being  difikcd  byfome  of  hit 

Friends 


To  the  READER.  C2i 


friends,  he  reflyed ,  utinam  oinncs  mei  AdverQrii  eo  omatu  ftpuki  jacere^^ 
JVe  have  ffvorn  AUegiame  as  retU  as  be ,  ar.d  God  is  the  fame  he  teas,  a  fsvere  avenqic 
of  perjury.  Onely  Zedckias  of  all  the  Kinqs  of  Judah  {  a  perjured  perf-i  to  Nebu- 
chadne7zar )  had  his  eycs  put  out ,  becatife  ( jnth  one  )  he  had  net  that  God  by  rvhnm 
he  [ware  before  hii  eyes.  Another  ifftance  oj  perjury  ree  have  in  Uladidaus ,  mhen  Hu- 
niades  had  made  truce  mth  Amiirath/ir  len  Tears  ,  the  King  by  the  incitement  of  Car- 
dinal Julian  ,  did  break^it ;  the  lurk^in  dijiref  j'preads  the  Articles  tnrpards  Heavenjay- 
ing,  O  Jefus,  if  thou  be  a  God,  be  avenged  of  the(e  fajfe  ChrilVians  i  prelently 
the  Battle  tnrmd ,  VladiJIaus  rvas  fain  in  the  Fight ,  the  Cardinal  in  flight.  JFhcn  Cod 
hadjujily  punijhed  Corah  and  his  Kehelious  Company  ,  the  common  People  murmured  a- 
gainji  More5  and  Aaron ,  faying.  Ye  Iiave  kiHcd  the  Lords  people.  Numb.  i6.  ^p. 
iVhat  was  the  ijjue  ?  the  Lord  fent  a  Tlanue  xvhich  freept  atvay  Fourteen  'Thoufand  and 
Seven  Hundred  of  them:  So  dangerous  a  thing  it  is  onely  to  juliife  Traytors.  Vift  thou 
defire  to  ferie  God  purely  according  to  his  word?  So  tbou  mayefi  wilhiut  bcinT  a  traytor 
to  thy  Frince  ,  if  our  praVtife  were  but  conformable  to  the  truth  of  our  pr(feffion,  we  might 
challenge  all  the  Churches  in  the  World.  God  Almighty  lighten  the  eyes  if  all  thofe  that 
mean  Well,  that  rve  may  no  longer  Jhed  one  anotha^s  blood,  to  effeCt  the  frantirk^defgns  of 
Fanatical  Perjons  ,  and  by  our  contention! ,  pull  dovpn  what  we  all  dtf  re  ij  buildups 
even  the  Prottjiant  Religion,  the  Law  of  the  Land,  and  the  liberty  of  the  Snh]ea. 

Treafon  never  yet  wanted  a  cloak^,  we  are  not  to  judge  of  B.ehells  ly  their  ]F-rds  ,  but 
by  their    deeds ^  their   voice  is  Jacobs  voice,  but  their  bands  are  the  ha  ids  nf  Efau. 
The  Adulterous  woman  eateth  and  wipeth  her  mouth  ,  and  faith  ,    what  have  I 
done.''  yet  fometimes  God  fufers  the  contrivers   of  ihefe  dijiraciions ,  unrvittin^rly  to  dif 
cover  themfelves  ,  that  unlefs  we  do  wilfully  hood- wink  our  eyes  ,  we  cannot  but  fee  their 
aims.     Among  others  ,  that  Speech  which  exhorts  us  to  fubdue  the  pride  of  Kings ;  to 
purchafe  a  parity  in  the  Church  with  a  parity  in  the  State  ■■,   to  Jh;d  the  Blood  of  the  un- 
godly i    that  (liights  aH former  Oaths  and  Obligations ,  and  vilifes  the  Latvs  of  the  Land 
as  the  inventions  of  men ,  may  be  afuff.cient  Warning-piece  to  all  Loyal  Suhje&s  and  good 
Chrijiians.     And  fo  may  the  late  petition  be  ,  though  from  meaner  hands  to  a  Common- 
Council ,  wherein  they  do  tul^dly  and profejfedly  fall  upon  His  Ma]ejUes  Perfm  withjUt 
any  Mask^,  and  fare  cily  ,  and  trayteroufy ,  propofe  the  alteration,  of  the  civil  Guvsm- 
tnent ,  which  every  true  hearted  Engli(h-f«J«  will  detefi.     Say  not  thejc  are  poor  vit'.gar 
Fellows  :  Ihefe  have  been  the  intelligences  that  have  of  late  turned  the  Orbe  of  our  State 
about ,   or  at  l<.a\ithe  vifble  AVxors.     And  who  fees  not' that  this  is  ca\x  abroad  thw  by 
the  cunning  of  their  fublimated  and  mercurial  prompters  ,  to  try  /;«»  it  will  rellifi)  with 
the  pallate  of  the  people,   as  an  Jntroduciion  to  their  aCiuil  defgn  ,  ihat  when  it  comes 
to  pafs  ,   the  world  may  not  wonder  at  it  as  a  prodigie.     So  was  it  given  out  Among  the 
people  by  Richard  the  third ,    that  His  Wife  was  dfad,  when  fhe  was  in  good  health  : 
but  Jhe  wifely  coftcluded  what  was  intended  by  Her  Iqnd  Husband  to  be  her  next  part. 
Where  are  our  Englifh  hearts  ?  why  do  we  not  at  lajl  all  joyn  together ,  to  i^'%  a  fevere  ac- 
count of  them  who  have  hlemifhed  our  Parliament ,  fubjeUed  ottr  perfons  and  E',iaies  to 
their  arbitrary  povper  ,    who  have  fought  to  dethrone  our  Sovereign  :  and  to  rohh  us  of  our 
Religion  ,  Laws  ,  and  Liberties  ?  But  now  to  the  Obfervator. 


DIS: 


Discourse  II. 


The  Serpent-Salve. 


^^^ 


DISCOURSE  II. 

T  O  M  E    II. 


Obferver. 

N  thi(  conteftation  between  Regal  and  Parliamentary  poiver  ,  for  method 
Jak£  ,  it  is  requiflte  to  confjd<r  ,  Firji  of  Kegal,  then  of  Farliamentary 
poTcer ,  and  in  both  to  co^tfider  the  efficient  and  final  caufis ,  and  the 
means  by  vehich  they  are  fupported. 
Anfwer. 
Stay  ,  Sir  before  we  enter  into  thefe  confiderations,Iet  us  remem- 
ber the  rule  in  Rhetorick,  cut  bom  ^  what  advantage  will  this  in- 
quiry bring  us  >  Do  you  delire  to  be  one  oi"  the  tribune!  or  Epbm  of  England  to 
controll  your  King?  or  would  you  have  the  great  Oak  cut  down,  that  you  might 
gather  fome  flicks  for  your  felf  >  Thus  we  are  told  lately  the  rcifell  men  mil  not  think 
themfelves  uncapabk  of  future  Fortunes  ,  if  they  ufe  their  mtermojl  poiper  to  reduce  him 
( that  is  the  King  )  to  a  neceffity  of  granting.  Or  would  you  have  us  play  the  Guelphs 
and  GibeHines  ,  to  cut  one  anothers  throats  for  your  paftime  ?  pardon  us  Sir  we 
cannot  think  it  feafonable  now  when  poor  Ireland  is  at  the  laft  gafp ,  and  England 
it  felf  lies  a  bleeding,  when  mens  minds  are  exafperated  by  fuch  Trumpeters  of  Se- 
dition ,  to  plunge  our  felves  yet  deeper  in  thefe  domeftick  conteftations  i  what 
could  the  Tri/fe  Pv.ebels  defire  more?  comparifons  are  always  odious, but  conteftati- 
ons ,  are  worfc  ,  and  this  between  a  King  and  his  Parliament  worft  of  all.  This 
difmal  quel\ion  did  never  yet  appear  in  this  kingdom,  but  like  a  fatal  Screech-owl , 
portending  blood  ,  Death,  and  publick  ruin.  This  was  the  Subjed  of  the  Barons 
War ,  the  confequent  of  this  in  the  wrong  offered  to  a  lawful  Prince,  was  the  foun- 
tain of  thofe  horrid  diffenfions  between  the  red  rofe  and  the  White,  which  purpled 
all  our  Englijh  foil  with  native  Blood,  we  have  had  toe  much  of  this  already.  Half 
of  that  money  which  of  late  hath  been  fpent,  of  that  blood  which  hath  been  flied 
about  this  accurfed  Controverfie,  would  have  regained  Ireland,  and  difmgaged 
England  ■■,  whereas  now  the  {(:)re  fefters  daily  more  and  more  under  the  Chirurgeons 
hands.  Our  Forefathers  have  fetled  this  queftion  for  us ,  we  defire  to  fee  what  they 
have  done  ,  before  we  go  to  blindmans  buffet  one  with  another  :  if  it  hath  been 
compofed  well,  or  but  indifferently,  it  is  better  than  civil  War  :  and  though  it 
had  not ,  when  the  jarring  firings  of  mens  minds  are  turned  again  ,  it  is  probable 
it  may  lleep  for  ever.  It  were  much  better  to  put  it  off  as  the  Areopagites  did  knot- 
ty quelHcas,  to  a  very  long  day  ,  or  with  the  Jervs  for  Elias  to  refolve  when  he 
comes. 

But  good  Sir ,  if  it  may  be  without  offence  fatisfie  me  in  one  doubt,  what  Scffl 
you  are  of?  whether  fome  newly  fprung  up  Mufhrome,  or  you  derive  your  (elf  from 
thofe  Nonconformifts,  vvhich  were  in  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  King  James. 
They  have  folemnly  Protefted   in  Print,  that  noChrijlians  tinder  Heaven,  dogive  inthc?rtrzce. 
more  to  the  Kegal  Supremacy  than  they  :  yea,  tvithout  Limitation  or  qualification     that       P^S' '• 
for  the  King   mt  to  ajfume  fuch  a  porver  ,  or  far  the  Churches  rvithin  his  Dominions  to      P^8-»' 
deny  it,  is  dtmnablefin   (  mark  it  3  although  the  Statutes  of  the  Kingdom  fh>uld  deny 
it  him  (  and  Statutes  are  more  than  bare  votes.  )     7hat  it  it  not  tyed  to  their  Chriflia- 

fiily 


TheSfrpent^Sa^ TOME  LI. 

T     fi,^cmrn     jri'in  rvhich  no  Subjed  or  SHbjeds  have  pon>er  to  feperate   it.     If 
""""^'  S  1  iL-dts  collccfrivcly,  then  not  one  or  both  Houfes.     But  they  go  farther,  and 
r«  4  rnrav  vou  make  it  one  of  your  Obfervations,  that  thoitgh  the  King  command  any 

h  ,   contrary  to  the  Word  of  God  ^  yet  we  ought  not  to  reftji ,  but  peaceably  forbear  obe- 
*J"fce  and  (ta  for  Grace,  and  rvhen  that  cannot  be  obtained  meekjyjubmit  our  felves  to  pu- 
tulbment.     How  you  have  pradtifed  this  of  late ,  the  World  fees,  and  this  Kingdom 
jupeiS  j^^.[,_     Xhey   declare,  that  it  if  utterly  unlawful  for  any  Chrijiian  Churches  by  armed 

toTv'er agatnji  the  will oj  the  civil  Magi\}rate ^  tofct  upinpublick^  the  true  worfljip  rfGod, 
or  fftpprefi  any  fuperjlition ,  or  Idolatry.     They  abjure   all  Dodrines  repugnant  to 
thefe     as  Anabaptijlical  and  Antichrijhan.     They  condemn  all  pradifes  contrary  to 
''^'^'^^8  thefe,'  as  Sedition  diud  fmful.     1  forbear  fundry  other  things  avouched  by  them  in 

'^'^^  the  fame  Protellation  ,   as  that  the  King  onely  hath  power  within  his  Dominions  to  con- 

P»8^  6  ;.f>,f  Synods  of  Minijlers  ,  and  by  his  authority  Koyal ,  to  ratifie  their  Canons,  yea  that 

if  it  (liould  picafe  the  King  and  civil  State  to  continue  Bifhops,  they  could  be  cbn- 
''*^'  tent  without  envy  ,    to  fuffer  them  to  injny  their  State  dignity,    and  to  live  Of  Brethren  , 

with  thofe  Minijiers  that  jhould  ack>fewledge  homage  unto  them.  By  this  time  1  fuppofe 
you  have  enough  of  the  Proteftation ,  my  quaere  is  but  {hort ,  whether  you  can 
change  your  dodrine  as  the  C/wm^ /io«  her  colours,  according  to  the  prefent  exi- 
aence  ot  atfairs  ?  or  will  acknowledge  your  opinions  to  be  Anabaptijiical  and  An- 
'tkhrilMan  ,  your  pradice  Seditious  and  finful ,  in  the  judgement  of  your  predecef- 

fours. 

And  yet  I  am  not  ignorant ,  that  both  before  ,  and  after  ,  and  about  the  time  of 
this  Proteftation,  a  cockatrice  egg  was  hatching-,  when  a  fubjed  durft  ftile  the 
Ep   40     S'^'^'^^  Senate  under  which  he  lived  ,  tumultuoja  perditorum  hominum  faVtio  ,  a  tumul- 
mci'ep- fo       tucus  Fadion  of  defperate  men  i  and  the  Judges  difcordiarum  Duces  :  then  the  my- 
ftery  began  to  work  clofely,  but  (hortly  after  it  fhev,?ed  it  felf  openly ,  when  his 
DC  jureAfiRift  fuccelfour  did  publifh  to  the  world  ,  that;/  Kings  obferve  not  thofe paVi ions  to  which 
pagciir/S  7?  they  were  fworn  Jubordinate  Ma0rates  have  power  to  oppofe  them  ^  and  the  Orders  of 
the  Kingdom  to  punijh  them  if  it  be  needful ,  tilt  all  things  le  rejiored  to  their  former  efiate. 
'that  what  power  a  General  Council  hath  to  depofe  a  Tope  for  Herefte  ,  the  fame  the  People 
have  over  Kings  ,  that  are  turned  Tyrants.     A  woful  argument  drawn  from  an  ele- 
dive  Pope,  to  an  hereditary  King,  from  a  free  and  oecumenical  Council,  tea 
company   of  limited  and  fworn  Subjeds,  from  an  Adion  grounded  on  known 
Law  to  an  arbitrary  proceeding.     The  Kings  Crown  fits  clofer ,  the  Councils 
power  is  greater,  the  like  Law  is  wanting.     Others  teach  that  the  people  mujl  bridle 
Buch.  Ae  jure  p^j,,^ ^ j.  ;y  j/,f  ]<[ubility  will  not.     Our  countrcyman  Cartwright  fpeaks  very  fufpicioufly, 
Regni  p.  $7  ^  'j-^  think,  tf^^  Church  muji  be  framed  according  to  the  Commonwealth  ,  and  the  Church  Go- 
f /(^^pagc  i8i.  vernment  according  to  the  civil  Government .,  U  as  if  amanjhouldfafhion  hU  houfe  accord- 
to  his  hangings  ;  whereas  indeed  it  is  clean  contrary  v  that  as  the  hangings  are  made  fit 
for  the  houfe  ,  fo  the  Commonwealth  mujl  be  made  to  agree  with  the  Church  ,  and  the 
Government  thereof  with  her  Government.    Add  to  this  their  other  tenet ',  that  the 
Government  of  the  Church  with  them  is  democratical ,  or  at  beft  but  Ariftocrati- 
cal ,  and  what  will  follow  >  that  the  civil  Government  muft  be  the  fame ,  or  at 
the  leaft  if  it  be  inconfiftent  with  the  form  of  Difcipline  which  they  fanfy,  it  mult  be 
regulated  and  conformed  thereunto.     I  omit  the  Trayterous  opinions  of  Goodman  , 
Gilby,  JFlntingham  ,  teaching  Shcrriifs  and  Jailers  to  let  loofe  them  whom  they  call 
Siintsj  teaching  Subjeds  to  reduce  their  Sovereigns  into  order  by  force  ,  yea  ,  to 
depofe  them  ;  or  put  them  to  death.     But  thefe  feditious  principles  were  fupprefled 
then  by  the  learning  and  authority  oVGrindal,  Sands,  Parklmrjl ^  Jewel,  Beacon, 
Nowel ,  Cox ,  Barlow  ,  &c.     who  being  exiled  for  Religion ,  at  franckeford  accufed 
Knox  of  high  Treafon  about  them ,  and  put  him  to  make  ufe  of  his  heels.     Let 
this  very  confufion  of  them  in   this  matter  be  a  warning  to  us ,  how  we  have  the 
]aai«  2.  I:       f"ji//j  of  our  Lord   J(fus  Chrijl  in  refpeU  of  perfons,  or  be  fo  glued  to  the  perfons  of 
our  Teachers ,  that  we  fuck  up  their  errors  as  greedily  as  their  good  LeflTons ,  for- 
getting that  they  were  but  men  ,  and  that  particular  relations  and  ingagements , 
have  an  incenfible  influence  upon  the  befl  temper'd  minds. 

Obferv.  The  King  attributes  the  original  of  his  Royalty  to  God  and  the  Law  ,  making 
no  mention  of  the  grant,  confent ,  or  truji  of  man  therein  ;  but  the   truth  is ,  God  is  no 

more 


Discourse   II.  The  Serpsnt  Salve ^  ti-j 


more  the  Juthoitr  of  Kegal  ^  than  of  Ariibo'jiical  porter ,  mr  offupreme^  more  than  of 
fjibordhiate  command.  Nsy  ,  that  dominion  rvbkb  is  ufurpcd  and  not  jitji  ,  yet  rvhile  it 
remains  dominion  ,  and  till  it  be  again  legally  divefled ,  refer s''to  Cod  ,  as  to  the  Authour 
and  Donor ,  as  much  as  that  which  is  hereditary,. 

Anfiv.  That  Royalty  and  all  lawful  dominion  confidcred  in  the  abftradl ,  is  from 
God,  r,o  man  can  make  any  doubt ,  but  he  who  will  oppofe  the  Apolile,  Iheporv- 
ers  that  be,  are  ordained  of  God  :  and  God  himfclf  who  (aith ,  by  me  Kings  retgn,  and  ^^^-  '?^_ 
Princes  decree  Jitjlice.     But  the  right  and  application  of  this  power  and  intereft  in     '^°^'    '*' 
the  concrete  lo  this  particular  man  ,  is  many  times  from  the  grant  and  confcnt  of 
the  people.     So  God  is  the  principal  Agent ,  man  the  inftrumental ;  God  is  the 
root,  the  Fountain  of  power,  man  the  Ilream  ,  the  bough  ,  by  which  it  is  deri- 
ved ;  the  cffence  of  power  is  always  from  God  ,  the  exiftence  fometimes  from  God^ 
fometlmes  from  man:  yet  grant  and  confent  differ  much  ,  and  confent  it  felt  is  of 
feveral  kinds,  explicite  or  implicite  ,   antecedent  or  fubfequent;  a  long  continued- 
prelcription  or  pofTellion  of  Soveraignty,  without  oppolition  or   reludtation  ,  im- 
plies a  full  confent ,  and   derives  a  good  Title  ot  inheritance,   both  before  God 
and  man.     Thefe  grounds     being    laid ,    take   notice   of  four  grofs    errours , 
which  the  Obferver  runs  into  in  this  Section. 

Firrt  he  fuppofeth  ,  that  all  dominion  is  from  the  grant  or  confent  of  the  people  , 
whereas  in  truth  all  dominion  in  the  abftraft  is  from  God.  The  people  could  not 
give  what  they  never  had  ,  that  is  ,  power  of  life  and  death.  But  true  it  is  ,  that 
Magilirates  in  the  concrete,  are  ftiled  the  ordinance  of  man,  fubjedively  ,  becaufe  i  Pet.  2  13. 
they  are  men  :  objedively  ,  becaufe  they  reign  over  men  :  and  many  times  effe- 
ctively, becaufe  they  are  created  or  elcfted  by  men.  But  this  lalf  holds  not  in  all 
cafes  ,  I  fay  nothing  of  fuch  Kings  as  were  named  immediately  by  God  :  Thofe 
whofe  predeceflburs  or  themfelves  have  attained  to  Soveraignty  by  theSword, 
byconquefl  ina  juft  War,  claim  immediately  from  God.  Thofe  alfo  who  were 
thehrii  owners  or  occupants  of  wafte  Lands,  might  admit  Tenents  or  fubieds  upon 
fuch  conditions  as  they  themfelves  would  prefcribe.  Thirdly  ,  thofe  who  plant  at 
excelTive  charge  in  remote  parts  o^  America,  will  give  and  not  take  Lawes 
from  their  Colonies.  Fourthly  ,  upon  the  fpreading  of  a  numerous  Family  ,  or 
the  great  increafe  of  flaves  and  (ervants,  ditU  examen  domus  ,  how  often  have  the 
fatherly  or  magiftral  power  been  turned  into  Royalty.  And  though  thefe  were  but 
petty  Kingdoms  at  the  ftrll ,  yet  as  great  rivers  grow  from  the  confluence  of  many 
little  brooks:  fo  by  wars,  marriages ,  and  treaties ,  they  might  be  enlarged.  In 
all  thefe  cafes  there  is  no  grant  of  the  people.    This  is  one  errour. 

His  fecond  error  refts  in  the  Hypothefis  :  His  Majellies  original  Title  to  this 
Kingdom  was  not  ele<aion  ,  either  of  the  perfon,  or  of  the  Family  ,  but  conqueft, 
or  rather  a  multitude  of  conquefls  ,  the  very  I  aft  whereof  is  conHrmed  by  along 
fuccelh'on  of  Four  and  Twenty  Royal  progenitors  and  predecefTors  ,  glorious  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  in  peace  and  war  ,  except  when  this  difmal  and  difaProus 
queffion,  did  eclipfe  their  Luftre  ,  and  hinder  the  happinefs  of  this  Nation,  in  the 
days  of  King  John,  Henry  the  Third,  Edtvard  and.  Kichard  the  Second ,  or  in  the 
bloody  Wars  between  the  two  Houfes  of  Tort^and  Lancajhr,  which  were  nothing 
elfe  but  the  fruits  and  confequents  thereof.  Neither  can  the  Obferver  collea:  from 
hence ,  that  this  is  to  enflave  our  Nation  as  conquered  VafTals.  It  is  a  grofs  falla- 
cy to  difpute  <i  Jifiojiw/j/icitfr  j^/ <:/if?Km /fcw^^ww  <7«'^'  ^f""^  the  right  ofabfolute 
Conquerers ,  to  his  Majefty  now,  as  if  fo  many  good  Laws,  fo  many  free  Char- 
ters ,  fo  many  adis  of  Grace  in  fo  long  a  fuccefh'on  had  operated  nothing.  This  is 
a  fecond  errour. 

Thirdly  ,  the  Obferver  teacheth ,  that  fubordinate  command  is  as  much  from 
God  as  Supreme.  His  MajeHy  is  much  bound  unto  him ,  to  make  his  Royal  com- 
mands of  no  more  force  by  Gods  inilitution,  than  a  petty  Conftables.  We  have 
hitherto  learned  otherwife,  that  Kings  hold  their  Crowns  and  Scepters  from  God, 
and  fubordinate  Magiflrates  have  their  places  by  commLllion  from  them.  Bur  !t  is 
familiar  with  thefe  men ,  to  leap  over  the  backs  of  intermedious  caufcs,  and  de- 
rive all  their  fancies  from  God  ,  as  the  Heathens  did  their  Genealogies,  whereby 
they  dertroy  the  beauty  and  order  of  the  World  ,  and  make  many  fuperfluous  crea- 

O  o  o  t^i'TCS, 


52b 


The Serp.^nt  Salve-  TOME  U- 


tuvcs  whicli  God  and  Nature  never  mack.  In  fum,  fubordinate  commands  are 
frbm  God  yet  neither  fo  immediately  ,  nor  fo  rirmly  as  fupreme  i  but  as  a  roxv  of 
iron  ri>Ms  tlitchhte^  one  amther  ,  and  the  firfi  touching  the  Loadftone  ,  in  their  fiver jl  de- 
Fhih,  pfccs  ,%nie  more" lonfely,  feme  more  remotely  than  others.  The  cafe  is  not  altogether 
like  tor  Regal  and  Arillocratical  power,  one  God  is  the  world,  one  foul  in  the 
body,  one  Maficr  in  a  Family  ,  one  Sun  in  the  Heaven,  and  anciently  one  Mo- 
narch'in  each  Society.  All  the  firft  Govcrnours  were  Kings.  Both  Forms  are  war- 
ranted by  the  Law  of  Nature ,  but  not  both  in  the  fame  degree  of  Eminency.  Ifan 
old  man  had  the  eye  of  a  young  man  ,  he  would  fee  as  well  as  a  young  man  (  faid 
th.e  Philofophcr )  the  foul  of  an  Idiot  is  as  rational  as  the  foul  of  a  Statesman,  the 
difference  is  in  the  Organ  :  fo  the  foul  of  Sovereign  power  ,  which  is  infufed  by 
God  into  democracie  or  Arifiocracie ,  is  the  fame  that  it  is  in  Monarchy  ;  but  feeing 
the  Organ  is  not  fo  apt  to  attain  to  the  end  ,  and  feeing  that  Qod  and  Nature  do 
a'lways  intend  what  isbert:  and  laftly ,  feeing  that  in  fome  cafes  the  exigence  of 
Government  as  well  as  the  cfTence  is  from  God,  who  never  inftituted  any  form  but 
Monarchical ,  the  Obferver  might  well  have  omitted  his  comparifon. 

The  Fourth  and  Laft  errour  is  worft  of  all ,  \_  that  ufurped  and  unjuji  Vominion  vs 
nfernd  to  God  as  its  Amhcr  and  Ponor,  as  much  as  hereditary.  ]]  This  is  downright  : 
we  have  been  taught  otherwifo ,  before  »  few  vain  upltart  Empericks  ,  in  policy 
troubled  the  World,  that  Dominion  in  a  Tyrannical  hereditary  Governour ,  is 
from  God  even  in  the  concrete,  (  I  mean  the  power  not  the  abufe  j  that  fuch  an 
one  may  not  be  refilled  without  fin  ,  that  his  perfon  is  ftcred  :  but  contrarywife  , 
that  Dominion  in  a  Tyrannical  Ufurper  or  intruder  is  indeed  from  God  permitting, 
whereas  he  could  reftrain  k  ,  if  it  pleafed  him  i  or  from  God  concutring  by  a  ge- 
neral influence,  as  the  earth  giveth  nourifliment  to  Hemlocks  ,  as  well  as  Wheat , 
in  him  tve  live  ,  we  move  ,  and  have  our  being  ,  or  from  God  ordering  and  difpofing 
it  as  he  doth  all  other  accidents  and  events  to  his  own  Glory  i  but  that  it  is  not 
from  God  as  Author ,  Donor,  or  Inflituter  of  it.  Neither  dare  we  give  to  a  Ty- 
rannical ufurper  the  Eflential  priviledges  of  Sovereignty  j  we  deny  not  that  any 
Subject  may  lawfully  kill  him  as  a  publick  enemy,  without  legal  evidtion.  Much 
lefs  dare  we  fay  with  the  Obferver,  that  power  Ufurped  and  unlawful,  is  as  much 
from  God  ,  as  power  hereditary  and  lawful.  If  it  be  fo,  cough  out  man,  and 
tell  us  plainly,  that  God  is  the  Author  of  fin. 

Obferv.  And  the  Law  vphich  the  King  memioneth  ,  if  not  to  he  underfiood  to  he  any 
jpecial  Ordinance  fint  from  Heaven  ^  by  the  Minijiry  of  Atigels  or  Prophets  ^  as  amongfi 
the   JtTfs  it  Jumetimes  waf.     Jt  can  be  nothing  elfe  among  Chrijiians  ,  but  the  fadions 
and  agreements  ,  of  fuch  and  fuch  corporations. 
^^g  ,  Anjiv.  There  is  a  double  right  confiderablc  i  the  right  to  the  Crown  ,   and  the 

right  of  the  Crown  :  the  right  and  title  to  the  Crown  is  with  us  undoubted,  there 
needs  no  Angel  from  Heaven  to  confirm  it ,  where  no  man  can  pretend  againft  it. 
The  right  of  the  Crown  is  the  onely  fubjedt  in  queftion.  This  is  from  the  Law  of 
God  ,  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  and  the  Law  of  Nations.  That  this  power  in  an  ab- 
folute  Conquerour  may  be  limited  by  Statutes  ,  Charters ,  or  municipal  Laws ,  in 
Court  of  Confciencc ,  in  Court  of  JulUce ,  to  God,  to  his  People,  I  grant,  with- 
out communicating  Sovereign  power  to  Subordinate  or  inferiour  Subiecfts  ,  or 
Subjefting  Majclly  to  cenfure  :  Which  limitation  doth  not  proceed  from  mutual 
padions ,  but  from  afts  of  Grace  and  bounty.  I  would  know  to  what  purpofe , 
the  Obferver  urgcth  this  diftindion  of  Laws ,  will  it  alter  the  State  of  the  queftion 
or  the  obligation  of  Subjcds  ?  Nothing  lefs.  Whether  the  calling  of  the  Prince,  be 
ordmary  or  extraordinary  ,  mediate  or  immediate,  the  Title  of  the  Prince,  the 
tye  of  the  Subjcds  is  ftill  the  fame.  Thofe  Minifters  who  were  immediately  ordain- 
ed by  Chrirt  or  his  Apoftles,  did  far  exceed  ours  in  perfonal  perfections  :  but  as  for 
the  Mmifterial  power,  no  tradt  of  time  can  bring  the  leafl  diminution  to  it.  God 
was  the  firft  inftituter  of  Marriage  j  yet  he  never  brought  any  couple  together  but 
Adam  and  Eve  ;  other  Marriages  are  made  by  free  election ,  yet  for  as  much  as  it 
IS  made  by  virtue  and  in  purfuancc  of  Divine  inftitution  ,  we  do  not  doubt  to  fay 
and  truly  ,  thoje  rehom  God  hath  joyned  together.  His  Majefties  title  is  as  ftrong , 
the  obligation  and  relation  between  him  and  his  fubjedts  is  the  very  fame,  as  if  God 

fliould 


Discourse     II.  The  Serpent -Sahe*  ^20 


.(hould  fay  from  Heaven  ,  take  this  man  to  be  your  King.     Again  ,  if  the  liberty  of 
the  Subjedl  be  from  Grace  ,  not  from  padions  or  agreements,  is  it  therefore  the  lefs> 
or  the  leis  to  be  regarded  >  what  is  freer  than  gift  ?  if  a  Nobleman  ihall  give  his 
Servant  a  Farm ,  to  pay  a  Rofe  or  Peppercorn  for  an  acknowledgement ,  his  Title 
is  as  ftrong  as  if  he  bought  with  his  Money.     But  the  Obferver  deals  with  his  Ma- 
jcfty  ,  as  Gjme  others  do  with  God  Almighty  in  point  of  merit  •,  they  will  not  take 
Heaven    as    a    free    gift  ,    but  challenge  it    as  purchafers.     In  a  word  ,    the 
Author  of  thefe  obfervations ,  would  infinuate  fome  difference  betwixt  our  Kings 
and  the  Kings  of  Ifiael ,  or  fome  of  them  who  had  immediate  vocation ,  wherein 
he  would  deceive  us  or  deceiveth  himfelf ,  for  their  requelt  to  Samuel  was  ,  mjl^  lif  isi     s  ^ 
a  Ki'tg  to  Judge  MS  lik^e  all  other  Nations.  •  *'  5 

Ob(erv.  Totcer  is  originally  inherent  in  the  people,  and  it  is  nothing  elfe  but  that  might 
and  vigour  ^  wohich  fiich  or  fitch  a  fociety  of  men  contains  in  it  jelf;  and  when  by  fuch  or 
juch  a  LaTP  ef  cmmon  conjent  and  agreement  ,  it  is  derived  into  fuch  and  fuch  hands 
Gild  confirms  that  Late:  and  fo  man  is  tlje  free  and  voluntary  Author  ,  the  Larp  k  the  in- 
Jirument  ^  a;id  God  is  the  ejiablifher  of  both  :   andvceefee^  not  that  Frince ,   which  it 
mofi  potent  over  his  Subjeds^  but  that  Prince  which  is  mojl  in  his  Subje&s ,  is  indeed  mojl 
truly  potent  i  for  a  King  of  one  fmall  City  ,  if  he  be  intrujied  with  a  large  Prerogative 
mjy  befaid  to  be  more  potent  over  his  Subjeds^  than  a  King  of  many  great  Kea^ions^whofe 
Prerogative  is  more  limitted:  and  yet  in  true  reality  of  power,  that  King  is  moji  great  and 
glorious  ,  which  hath  the  muji  and  (Irongeji  Subjeds  ,  and  }tot  he  which  tramples  upon  the 
moji  contemptible  Vaffals.     This  is  therefore  a  great  and  fond  errour  in  fome  Princes  ,  to 
jirive  more  to  be  great  over  their  people ,   than  in  their  people  ,  and  to   Eclipfe  themfelves 
by  impoverifliing  ,  rather  than  to  magnifie  themfelves  by  infranchifing  their  Suljeds.    this 
we  fee  /«  France  at  this  Day  ,  for  were  the  Peafants  there  m  ire  free  ,  they  would  be  more 
rich  and  magnanimous ,  and  were  they  fo ,  their  King  were  more  puiffant  \  but  now  by  af- 
feUing  an  adulterate  power  over  his  Subje&s,  the  King  there  lofes  a  true  power  in  his  Sub- 
jed,  embracing  a  cloud  injiead  of  ]uno. 

Anfw.  It  hathever  been  the  wifdom  of  Governours  ,  to  conceal  from  the  promi-  e  R  A 
fcous  multitude  its  own  firength,  and  that  rather  for  the  behoof  of  themfelves  than 
of  their  Rulers.     Thofe  bcaits  which  are  of  a  gentle  and  tradable  difpofition,  live 
fociably  among  themfelves,  and  are  cherifhed  by  man  .*  whereas  thofe  that  are  of  a 
more  vvild  and  untamable  nature,  live  in  continual  perfecution  and  fear  of  others  and 
of  themfelves  j  but  of  late  it  is  become  the  Mafter-piece  of  our  modern  incendia- 
ries ,  to  magnifie  the  power  of  the  people  ,  to  break  open  this  Cabinet  of  State,  to 
prick  forward    the  heady  and  raging  multitute  ,  with  fiditions    Devifcs  of  bulls 
and    minotaurs.     And  all  this  with  as  much  fincerity  ,   as  Corah  ,  Dathan  ,  and  A- 
biram  faid  to  Mojcs  ,  and  Aaron  ,  you  taJ^   too  much  on  you  feeing  alt  the  Congregation 
are  holy.     I  defire  the  Obferver  at  his  leifure  ,  to  read  Platoei  defcription  of  an  A-  ^"'"^*  ''^  ^' 
thenian  Sophifler  ,  and  he  fhall  find  himfelf  perfonated  to  the  life,  that  one  egg  is  pjatolib  e  a 
not  liker  another :  if  the  Coat  fit  him,  let  him  put  it  on.     The  Scripture  phraieth  repofa. 
this  to  be  troubling  of  a  Church,  or  of  a  State  :  it  is  a  Metaphor  taken  from  a  ^  K'ng  x§  tj 
Veffcl  wherein  is  Liquour  of  feveral  p;^rts  ,  fome  more  thick  ,  others  more  fubtile  ,  *  G'J-s.2. 
which  by   (baking  together  is  difordered,  and  the  dregs  and  refidence  is  litl;ed  up 
from  the  bottom  to  the  top.     The  Obferver  hath  learned  how  to  take  Eeels  s  It  is 
their   own  rule ,  they  that  would  alter  the  Government ,  mufl:  firft  trouble  the 
State. 

Secondly,  pofito  fed  non  concefjo ,  admitting,  but  not  granting,  that  power  is  o- 
riginally  inherent  in  the  people,  what  is  this  to  us  who  have  an  excellent  form  of 
Government  eftabliflied ,  and  have  diverted  our  felves  of  this  power?  can  we  play 
faft  and  loofe  and  refume  it  again  at  our  pleafure  ?  Lesbia  was  free  to  choofe  her 
ftlf  an  Husband  whenflie  was  a  Maid ,  may  fhe  therefore  do  it  when  fhe  is  a  wife  ? 
admitting  that  his  Majelty  were  eleded  in  his  predecefTours ,  yea  or  in  his  own  per- 
fon  for  him  and  his  heirs ,  is  this  power  therefore  cither  the  lefs  abfolute  or  lefs 
perpetual?  admitting  that  before  election,  we  had  power  to  Covenant ,  yea  or  con- 
dition by  what  Laws  we  would  be  governed  ,  had  we  therefore  power  to  condi- 
tion that  they  fhould  be  no  longer  Laws,  then  they  lifted  us  ?  This  were  to  make 
our  Sovereign  not  a  great  and  glorious  King ,  but  a  plain  Chriftmafi  Lord  :  or 

O  o  o  2  have 


;<5 


Th: Serpefit-Sahe. TOME  If » 

J^T^^r^^rd^;;;^^^  power  It.U  torajlc  arms  to  ai^.^  the  Laws  by  force  vvlfhout 
c  •  ,  ^nrhnritv>  This  ieems  to  be  the  Obfcrvcrs  main  fcope,  but  the  conclu- 
f'fo  odious  r^s  wW^  hath  ever  been  confefTcd  Treafon)  and  the  confe- 
ducrcc  li)  milerably  weak  ,   that  he  is  glad  to  deal  altogether  Enthymematically. 

Th'idlv  Admitting  and  granting  that  the  laft  exercife  or  execution  of  power , 
that  is  the  \rSe' cmium ,  orKegm  ,  is  in  the  people,  is  the  right  alfo  in  the  people 
John  19^  11.  orViom  the  people  >  Excufc  us  if  we  rather  give  credit  to  our  Saviour,  7hou  coiild- 
e\i  have  m  p^ts^er  at  all  againft  me  ^  except  it  rvere  ghemhee  from  above.  If  Pilate 
had  his  power  from  Heaven  ,  we  may  conclude  Ikongly  for  K'uig  Charles,  Nil  Jat 
quod  non  habet ,  fome  power  the  people  qua  tal'n  never  had,  as  power  of  Life  and 
Death  it  is  the  peculiar  right  of  God  and  his  Vicegerents.  Put  the  cafe,  the  King 
grants 'to  a  Corporation  fuch  and  fuch  Magitirates ,  with  power  alfo  to  them  to  e- 
kd  new  Magiltrates  (  which  yet  holds  but  fometimes  )  from  whom  do  thofe  Ma- 
piliratcshoM  their  power?  Not  from  the  people  who  eledl  them ,  but  from  the 
King  wlio  creates  them. 

fourthly  ,  You  tell  us  that  the  power  of  a  King  is  to  have  powerful  Subjedts,  and 
to  be  powerful  in  his  Subjects ,  not  to  be  powerful  over  his  Subjedls.  Your  reafon 
halts  becauie  it  wantsac^tfry/'mte  :  feveral  Kings  may  have  feveral  advantages 
of  greatnefs.  The  truth  is ,  neither  many  powerful  Subjeds  without  obedience  , 
nor  forced  obedience  without  powerful  and  Loving  Subjeds,  do  make  a  great  and 
glorious  King,  but  the  concatenation  of  Supcriours  and  Inferiours  in  the  Adaman- 
tine bonds  of  Love  and  Duty.  When  Subjeds  are  affedted  ,  as  SciHurus  would 
have  his  Sons  for  concord  ,  diS  Scipio  had  his  Souldiers  for  obedience,  which  they  pri- 
fed  above  their  Lives,  being  ready  to  throw  themfelves  from  a  Tower  into  the  Sea 
at  their  Generals  command,  this  is  both  to  be  great  in  Subjects,  artd  over  them.  The 
greatcft  Vidories,  the  greateft  Monarchies,  are  indebted  for  themfelves  to  this 
lowly  beginning  of  obedience.  It  is  not  to  be  a  King  of  Kings  ,  nor  a  King  of 
Jlaves,  nor  a  King  of  Devils,  (  you  may  remember  to  whom  that  was  applied  , ) 
but  to  be  the  King  of  Hearts,  and  Hands,  andSubjeds:  of  many  rich,  loving,  and 
dutiful  Subjeds  ,  that  makes  a  powerful  Prince.  As  for  the  prefent  puiflance  of 
France  ,  can  you  tell  in  what  Kings  Reign  it  was  greater  fince  Charkmain  >  Never- 
thelefs  admitting  that  the  peafants  in  France  (  asyou  are  pleafed  to  call  them  )  fuffer 
much;  yet  nothing  near  fo  much  as  they  have  done  in  feditious  times,  when  civil 
Wars  raged  among  them  ,  (  when  their  Kings  had  lefs  power  over  them  ,  )  which 
is  our  cafe  now.  God  blefs  us  from  Tyranny  ,  but  more  from  fedition.  If  the 
Siibjedts  of  France  be  Peafants  ,  and  the  Subjects  ot  Germany  be  Princes  ,  God  fend 
us  Englijhmen  to  keep  a  mean,  between  both  extreams,  which  our  Forefathers  found 
moft  expedient  for  all  parties. 

Obferv.  But  thus  ire  fee  that  Foveer  is  but  Jecondary  and  derivative  in  Vrinces^the 

Fountain  and  efficient  cajife  is  the  People  ,  and  from  hence  the  inferrence  if  juft  ,  the  King 

though  he  be  lliigulis  Major  ,  yet  is  he  Univerfis  Minor  :for  if  the  People  :  be  the  true 

efficient  cjufe  of  porver,   it  is  a  rule  in  Nature ,  quicquid  efficit  tale  eft  magis  tale. 

And  hence  it  appears  that  at  the  founding  of  Authorities  ,   when  the  confent  of  Societies 

conveys  rule  into  fuch  and  fuch  Hands,  it  may  ordain  rfhat  conditions,  and  prefix  what 

bmnds  it  pleafes  ,  and  that  no  difolution  ought  to  be  thereof,  but  by  the  fame  power  by 

which  it  had  its  conjlitution. 

.^^  ^  Aiftp.  Thus  we  fee  your  premises  are  weak  and  naught,  your  argument  proceeds 

from  the  ftaffe  to  the  corner ,  and  your  whole  difcourle  is  a  Rope  of  Sand.    Firft, 

your  ground-workf  that  the  People  is  the  Fountain  and  efficient  of  Power  C  totters,. 

andisnotunivcrfally  true.  Power  in  the  abftradt  is  not  atalU  Powerin  concrete  is  but 

fometimes  from  the  people,which  is  rather  the  application  ofpower  than  power  it  felfl 

Next ,  your  inference  from  hence  which  in  this  place  you  call  jufl ,  and  a  little 

after  fay  ,  that  nothing  is  more  kitown  or  aj[ented  tintc ,  that  the  King  is  fwgulis  Major 

but  timverfs  Minor  ,  greater  than  any  of  his  Subjedts  fingly  confidered ,  but  left 

than  the  whole  collefted  body ,  is  neither  juft  nor  known  ,  nor  afleuted  unto  unlefs 

in  that  body  ,  you  include  His  Majefty  as  a  principal  member.     And  yet  if  that 

iliould  be  granted  you ,  before  it  would  do  you  any  good ,  tbefe  univerft ,  or  this 

whole  body  ,  muft  be  reduced  to  tJie  Major  or  greater  part ,  and  this  diffufed  and 

cflTen- 


Discourse  II.  The  Serpent-Sahe.  c^i 


effi-'ntial  Body  mufi  be  contradcd  to  a  reprefentative  Body   (  unlefs  we  may  believe 
yonr  new  Learning  ,  that  the   Effential  and  reprefentative  Body  are  both  one.  ) 
But  waving  all  theie  advantages  ,  tell  me  Sir,  might  you  be  perfwaded  to  follow 
Liciirgitf  his  advice  ,  to  try  this  Difcipline  at  home,  before  you  offer  it  to  the  com- 
monwealth ?  could  you  be  contented  that  all  your  Servants  together  ,  or  the  Ma- 
jor part  of  them  had  power  to  turn  you  out  of  your  Mafterfhip  ,  and  place  your 
Steward  in  your  roomi  or  your  Children  in  like  cafe  depofe  you  from  your  Father- 
hood ?  No  ,  I  warrant  you  ,  the  cafe  would  fbon  be  altered.  And  when  the  great- 
eft  part  of  the  flieep  didike  their  fheepheard  ,  murt  he  prefently  put  up  his  Pipes  and 
be  packing  ?  Take  heed  what  you  do  ,  for  if  the  People  be  greater  than  the  King, 
it  is  no  more  a  Monarchy  but  a  Dcmocracy.Hitherto  the  Chriliian  World  hathbelie- 
ved,that  the  King  is  pojl  Veum  fecundiK  t\\t  next  to  God,/o/o  Veo  »zi«or,onely  lefsthan 
God,no  perfon,no  body  politick  betweenithat  he  is  vkariiu  P«,Gods  Vicegerent.The 
Scriptures  fay,that  Kings  Reign  not  over  perfonsbut  nations,that  Kings  were  anointed 
over  Jfiael^not  JJraelites  onely.  Saul  is  called  the  Head  of  the  "Xribes  ofJfrael.Oax  Laws 
are  plain  ,  we  have  all  fworn  that  the  Kings  Highnefs  is  the  onely  Supreme  Head  ,  if 
Supreme,  tlien   not  fubordinatei   if  onely  Supreme,   then  not  coordinate  i  and  lSa™>'5-*7. 
Covernour  of  tint  Kealm  ,  His  Highnefs  is  Supreme  Governour,  that  is  in  his  perfon, 
in  his  Chamber,  as  well  as  in  his  Court.     The  ancient  Courts  of  England  ,  were  no 
other  then  the  Kings  very  Chamber  and  moveable  with  him  from  place  to  place  , 
whence   they  have  their  name  of  Courts.     Supreme  Governour  of  this  Kealm  colle- 
dively  ,  and  not  onely  of  particular  and  individual  Subjeds.     Jn  all  caufes  and  over 
aV perfins  ,  then  in  Parliament  and  out  of  Parliament.     Parliaments  do  not  always 
lit,  many  caufes  are  heard,  many  perfons  queftioned,mary  Oaths  of  Allegiance  admii- 
nilhed  between  Parliament  and  Parliament.The  fame  Oath  binds  us  to  defend  him  a- 
gainji all coJiff'iracies  andattempts  rvhatfoever^which  fliallbemade  agaiMJl  hUVerfun  otCrowtt'y 
to  defend  him,  much  more  therefore  not  to  oifend  himi  againji  all  canjpiracies  and  at- 
tempts whatfoever:  that  Oath  which  binds  us  to  defend  him  againlt  all  attempts  whatfo- 
ever,  prefuppofeth  that  no  attempt  againft  him  can  be  juftified  by  Law,  whether  thefe 
attempts  be  againllhis  perfon  or  his  Crown.  It  will  not  ferve  the  turn  to  diilinguifh 
betvveen  his  Ferfon  and  his  Oj^ce,  for  both  the  perfon  and  the  office  are  included  in  the 
Oath.Let  every  Subjedl  lay  his  hand  upon  his  heart,  and  compare  his  adtions  with  this 
Oathin  the  fear  of  God.  When  the  great  rcprefentative  body  ofParliament  are  Aflem- 
bled,  they  are  yet  but  his  great  Council,notCommanders.He  calls  thcm,he  difToIves 
themithey  do  not  choofe  fo  much  as  a  fpeaker  without  his  approbation:  and  when  he 
is  chofcnhe  Prays  his  Majefty  to  interpofehis  Authority,  and  command  them  to  pro- 
ceed to  a  Second  choife",  planeprofter  modeftiam,fed  nunquid  contra  veritatem?The  fpeak- 
crs  Firft  requeft  is,  for  the  Liberties  and  priviledges  of  the  Houfe  :  His  Majefiy  is  the 
Fountain  from  which  they  flow.     When  they  ,  even  both  Houfes  do  fpeak  to  him  , 
it  is  not  by   way  of  Mandate,  bat  humble  Petition  as  thus,  moji  humbly  befeecb 
your  moji  Excellent  Majefty^  your  faithful  and  Obedient  SubjeCif^  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Elizjb-  30. 
"Temporal  and  Commons  in  Parliament  afembled,  or  thus  ,   IFe  Tour  Majeliies  Loving  , 
Faithful,  and  Obedient  Subje&s  reprefenting  the  Three  Ejiates  of  your  Kealm  c/"  England 
&c.  except  n>e  (hould  overmuch  forget  our  duties  to  Tour  Highnefs  ,   &c.  do  moji  htimbly 
befeech  Sec     Here  the  Three  Eltates  of  the  Kingdom  aiTcmbled  in  Parliament  do  ac- 
knowledge their  Subjeftion  and  the  ir  duty,  do  befeech  Her  Majefiy.     Where  by  the 
way  I  defire  to  know  of  the  Obferver  ,  whether  that  of  the  Three  Eiktes  were  a 
Fundamental  conftitution  of  this  Kingdom  ,  and  who  were  the  Three  Ertates  at 
this  time  ,  and  whether  a  Third  Eflate  have  not  been  fince  excluded  ?  Howfoever, 
we  fee  they  do  but  rogare  Legem  pray  a  Law  ,  the  King  enads  it,  and  as  he  wills 
or  takes  time  to  advife  ,  fo  their  Ads  are  binding  or  not  binding.     They  challenge 
no  difpenfative  Power  above  the  Law  :  he  doth.     Iii- a  word  ,  he  is  the  head  not 
onely  of  the  hand  or  of  the  Foot ,  but  of  the  whole  Body.     Thefe  things  are  fo  e- 
vident ,  that  all  our  Laws  mufl  be  burned  ,  befoj-c  this  truth  can  be  doubted  (£ 
But  to  ftop  the  Obfcrvers  mouth  for  ever  take  an  Authentick  Teftimony ,  in  the  ve- 
ry cafe  point  blank  ,   By  diuers  old  Authentic}\Hi\hries  and  Chronicles  ^ it  is  manififtly 
declared  ,  that  this  Kealm  of  England  is  an  Empire  ,  and  fo  hath  keen  accepted  in  the 
.lVorld,Governed  by  one  SuPpreme  Head  and  King,  baveing  the  dignity  and  Koyal  Ejiate 


■ Jhe  Serpent^sTlie.  TO  M  E  1 1- 

T'tbe  Jmpeual  Cromt  of  the  fame  ,  mto  tvhom  a  Body  FoliticKcompaa  of  aj forts  and 

»4Hcn.8,capi  J.  ^^^^i,     divided  into   terms,  and  by  names  of  Spr,tmlty  and  temporalty , 

i»  h-lo  nden  indomn  next  to  God  a  Natural  and  humble  Obedience  ,   he  being  inflitu- 

tld\J  fiirniihcd  hv  the  goodnefs  and  fuferance  of  Almighty  God  with  plenary  ,  ivhole  , 
and  entire  PoJer  ,   Preeminence     Authority,  &c.     Now  Sir,  obfcrve    Firft,  that  i-ot 
on-lv  individual  pcribns ,  but  the  whole  compared  Body  Pohtick  of  the  Kingdom, 
are  not  oncly  kfs  than  his  Majclty  ,  but  do  owe  unto  him  a  natural  and  humble 
obedience     (  how  far   is  this  from  that  Majefty    which  you  afcribe  unto  the  re- 
prcfentative  Body  >  )  Secondly  ,  That  the  Spiritualty  were  ever  an  Effential  part 
of  this  Body  Politick.     Thirdly  ,  That  His  Majcfties  Power  is  plenary.     Fourthly, 
That  he  derives  it  not  from  inferiour  compads  ,  but  from  the  goodncfs  of  God. 
It  is  true    were  His  Majefty  as  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  ,  or  you  would  have  him  to 
be    not  a  true  poffcfTour  of  Sovereign  Power ,  but  a  keeper  onely  ,  as  the  Roman 
Dictator  or  an  Arbitrary  Prodor  for  the  People,  your  rule  had  fome  more  fliew 
of  reafon.-  bnt  againftluch  evident  light  of  truth  to  ground  a  contrary  alTertion , 
derogatory  to  his  Majefty,  upon  the  private  authority  of  BraUon  and  Fleta  (  no  au- 
thentick  Authors )  were  a  ftrange  degree  of  weaknefs  or  wilfulnefs  ,  efpecially  ifwe^ 
conllder ,  Firft  ,   upon  what  a  trifling  filly  homonymy  it  is  grounded  ,  quia  comi- 
'  tes  dicuntur  quaftfocii  Regis ,  &  qui  habent  focium  hahent  magifirum.     If  he  had  called 
them  the  Kings  Attendants  ,  orfubordinate  Governours  of  fome  certain  Province 
or  County  ,  as  the  Sheritfe  vice  comes  was  their  Deputy  ,  there  had  been  fomething 
real  in  it.     Secondly  ,  If  vve  confidcr,  that  this  affertion  is  as  contrary  to  the  Ob- 
ferversovvn  g,rounds  ,   as  it  is  to  truth  ,  for  what  they  (  BraUon  and  Fleta  )  do  ap- 
propriate to  the  houfe  ot  Lords  curi^  comitum  &  baronum  ,   he  attributes  to  the 
colledlive  Body  of  the  whole  Kingdom,   or  at  the  leaft  to  both  Houles  of  Parlia- 
ment: that  is  far  from  the  Obfervers  meaning  ,  and  nothing  to  the  purpofc.     This 
Catachreftical  and  extravagant  exprellion  ,  with  the  amphibological  ground  of  it, 
is  cither  confuted  or  expounded  by  the  Authors  themfelves,  as  faying ,  the  King  hath 
no  Feer  ,  therefore  no  companion  i  that  he  is  Vicarius  Vet  Gods  Vicegerent ,  that 
he  is  not  fub  homine  ,  under  man.     And  if  the  words  have  any  grain  of  truth  in 
them,  they  muft  be  underftood  not  of  an  authorative ,  but  onely  of  a  confultive 
power  to  advile  him,  or  at  the  moft  approbative,  to  give  their  aflent  to  Laws  pro- 
pounded ,  he  having  limitted  himfelf  to  make   no  Laws  without  them.     So  we 
may  fay  a  mans  promife  is  his  Mafter )  as  if  a  manfliould  fay  that  the  Judges  in  the 
Houfe  of  Peers  ,   who  have  no  votes  ,  but  are  meer  afliftants,  yet  in  determining 
controverfies  in  point  of  Law,  are  in  fome  fort  fuperiour  to  the  Lords ,  not  in 
Power  which  they  have  none,  but  in  sRill  and  refpecS  of  that  dependance  ,  which 
the  Lords  may  have  upon  their  Judgement  and  integrity. 

Neither  will  your  Logical  Axion,  quicquid efficit  tale  eji  magU  tale,  help  you  any 
thing  at  all  ,  for  firft  your  quicquid  e^cit  muft  be  quando  efficit.     If  a  caufe  have  fuf- 
ficitnt  vigour  and  efficacy  at  fuch  a  time  as  the  effed  is  produced  ,  it  is  not  not  ne- 
cefTary  that  it  fliould  retain  it  for  ever  after  ,  or  that  the  people  fiiould  retain  that 
power  which  they  have  divefted  themfelves  of  by  eledtion  ot  another.     To  take 
your  cafe  at  thcbeft  ,  they  have  put  the  ftaife  out  of  their  own  hands ,  and  cannot 
without  Rebellion  and  fin  againft  God  ,  undo  what  they  have  done.     Secondly  , 
for  your  magU  tale ,  there  is  a  caution  in  this  Canon  ,  that  the  fame  quality  muft  be 
both  in  the  caufe  and  in  the  effed,   which  yet   is  not  always ,  not  in  this  very 
cafe ,  it   muft  be  in  caufes  total  Eflential  and  univocal ,  fuch  as  this  is  not.  The 
Sun  is  the  caufe  of  heat ,  yet  it  is  not  hot  it  felf  v  Sol  &  homo  generant  hominem  vi- 
'jentem  ,  yet  the  Sun  lives  not.    If  Two  Litigants  content  to  Licence  a  Third  per- 
fon  to  name  another  for  Arbitrator  between  them,  he  may  eleffl  a  Judge  ,    not 
be  ajudge      Yet  I  (hall  net  deny  you  any  truth,    when  and   where  the  an- 
tecedent   confent  of  free'  focittics  not  preingagcd  ,  doth  inftrumcntally  confer 
and  convey  ,  or  rather  apply  power  and  authority  into  the  hands  of  one  or  more  , 
they  may  limit  it  to  what  term.they  pleafe ,  by  what  covenants  they  pleafe,  to  what 
conditions  they  pleafe  ,  at  fuch  time  as  they  make  their  eledion:  yet  covenants  and 
conditions  differ  much  which  you  feem  to  confound  (  breach  of  covenant  will  not 
forfeit  a  Leafe,  much  lefs  an  Empire.  )    I  have  feen  many  covenants  between  Kings 

and 


Discourse  II.  [he  Serpent-Sal've.  1-22 


and  their  people  ,  fometimesof  Debt,  and  many  times  of  Grace  ,  but  I  do  not  re- 
member that  ever  I  read  any  conditions  ,  but  with  fome  old  elcdlive  Kings  oi  Ar- 
ragon  (  if  they  were  Kings )  long  fince  antiquated  ,  and  one  ondy  King  of  ?olo- 


wa. 


You  add  and  truly,  that  there  ought  to  be  no  diffolution  of  Sovereignty,  ^«t  by  the 
fame  pnrcer  by  rphkb  it  hadits  conjiitmion,  wherein  God  had  his  (hare  at  lealt :  but 
this  will  not  fcrve  your  turn  ,  if  you  dare  fpeak  out  plainly,  tell  us  ,  when  a  King 
is  conftituted  by  right  of  conqueft  and  long  fucceilion  ,  yea  or  by  the  clcdion  of 
a  free  people ,  without  any  condition  of  forfeiture  ,  or  power  of  revocation  refer- 
ved  (  as  the  Capuans  gave  themfelves  to  the  Komans  ,  )  and  fo  according  to  your 
polltion  it  is  ejiablijhed  by  God .  can  the  people  ,  or  the  Major  part  without  groft 
Treafon  attempt  to  dethrone  this  King  ,  or  fend  him  a  writ  of  eafe  ?  they  that  are 
fo  Zealous  in  Religion  ,  to  have  every  thing  ordered  according  to  the  cxprefs  word 
of  God  ,  let  them  (hew  bur  one  Text,  where  ever  God  did  give  this  power  to 
Subjeds,  to  reduce  their  Sovereigns  to  order  by  arms.  If  this  were  fo.  Kings  were 
in  a  miferable  condition.  Confider  the  prefent  Eflate  of  Chriftendom  ,  what  King 
hath  not  Subje<fts  of  fundry  Communions  and  profeffions  in  point  of  Religion?  up- 
on chcfe  mens  grounds  he  mulf  be  a  Tyrant  to  one  party  or  more.  Mnfes  feemed  a 
Tyrant  to  Korah  and  his  Rebellious  Company  i  Queen  Elizabeth  and  King  James 
did  feem  Tyrants  to  Efq--,  Parry,  Sommervil,  and  the  Powder- Traytors.  Lycitr- 
gw  of  whom  Apollo  once  doubted  whether  he  (hould  be  numbrcd  among  the  GodS 
or  men  ,  was  well  neer  ftoned ,  and  had  his  eyes  put  out  in  a  popular  tumult. 
Thus  Barrabbof  may  be  abfolved ,  and  the  King  of  Kings  cJbndemned.  What 
Divellifh  Plots  would  this  Dodrine  prefently  raife  ,  if  it  were  received^  what  mur- 
thcrs  and  aflallinates  would  itufher  into  the  world  ?  efpecially  confidering  that  the 
worll:  men  are  mod  commonly  adive  in  this  kind  ,  to  whom  nothing  doth  more 
difcommend  a  King  than  his  Juftice. 

Obferv.  As  for  the  final  catije  of  Regal  Authority,  I  do  not  find  any  thing  in  the  Kings 
papers  denying  ,  that  the  fame  people  is  the  final  which  is  the  efficient  caufe  of  its  and  in- 
deed it  werejlrange  if  the  people  in  fubjeding  it  felfto  command,  jhould  aim  at  any  thing 
but  their  ovpn  good  in  the  firji  and  lafi  place.  Tix  true  according  to  Machiavels  Politicks, 
Princes  ought  to  aim  at  greatnefs ,  not  in  but  over  their  Subje&s  ,  and  for  the  atchieving 
of  the  fame,  they  ought  to  propofe  to  themfelves  no  greater  good  than  the  jpoiling^  and  breaks 
ing  the  Spirits  of  their  SubjeSs  ,  nor  no  greater  mifchief  than  common  freedom  ,  neither 
ought  they  to  promote  and  eherifh  any  Servants  ,  butfuch  as  are  moft  fit  for  rapine  and  op- 
preffion  ,  nor  deprefi  and  profecute  any  as  Enemies ,  but  fuch  as  are  gracious  rvith  the 
populacy  for  Noble  and  Gallant  AUs  ,  and  a  little  after  ,  his  dignity  wm  ere&ed  to  pre- 
ferve  the  commonalty  ,  the  commonalty  tPas  not  created  for  his  Service  ,  and  that  which 
is  the  end,  is  far  more  valuable  in  Nature  and  policy  ,  than  that  which  is  the  means. 

Anfpn.  Still  this  Difcourfe  runs  upon  eledive  Kingdoms:  as  for  thofe  which  have 
had  other  originals,  here  is  a  deep  filence,  yew  tufimulare  cuprefjum  ,  quid  hoc  ?  you 
can  paint  a  Cyprefs  Tree,  but  what  is  this  to  the  purpoCe  >  Let  it  be  admitted  that 
in  fuch  Monarchies,  the  aim  of  the  People  is  their  own  proteftion  ,  concord  and 
tranquillity,  2l«/fr/ are  t/;e  MinijiersofGodforourgood--,  fo  on  the  other  fide  ,  So- ^om:  i?:  41 
vereign  Princes  have  their  ends  alfo  ,  who  feedeth  a  flocks,  and  eateth  not  of  the  milkj-  ^°'"'  9  7 
thereof}  fb  there  are  mutual  ends,  and  thefe  ends  on  both  fides  are  lawful  and  good, 
fo  long  as  they  are  confonant  to  the  rules  of  Juftice.  And  though  Prince  and  people 
do  principally  intend  their  own  refpedive  good  ,  yet  it  were  folly  to  imagin  ,  to  at- 
tain ,  to  fuch  high  ends  of  fuch  confequence  and  concernment ,  without  the  mix- 
ture of  fome  dangers,  difficulties,  Troubles  and  Inconveniences:  as  St.  Ambrofe 
faith  ,  that  fince  the  fall  of  Adam  i  thorns  often  grow  without  rofes ,  but  no  true 
rofes  without  thorns :  we  muft  take  the  rofe  with  the  thorn,  the  one  with  the  other 
in  good  part ,  for  better  for  worfe,  fru^us  tranfit  cum  onere  the  benefit  pafTeth  witli 
the  burthen.  If  we  can  purchafe  tranquillity  which  we  intend ,  with  obedience 
and  Subjedion,  which  we  muft  undergo  v  we  have  no  caufe  to  complain  of  the  bar- 
gain- It  is  a  moft  wretched  Government,  where  one  real  fuffering,  is  not  com- 
penfated  with  ten  benefits  and  blellings. 

Again,   this  publick  good  of  the  people,  is  (to  ufe  your  own  phrafe)  cither 

fnigulo* 


"    Th^pent.Sal'z^e.  TOM  E  H. 

/i;w;;;;«77ri^^'->r«;«,  publick  or  pnvate,  ot;  particular  Subieds     or  ofdie 

rh    whole  Commonwealth:  howfoever  the  adtual  intenlions  ot  individual  Mem- 
hers  of  a  Society  may  aim  at  the  private  ,  yet  when  thcfe  two  are  inconfiftent    C  as 
(      etimcs  it  falls  out  ;  a  good  Governour  muft  prefer  the  publick  s  and  particular 
lUTibcrs  muft  not  grumble  to  fufter  for  the  General  Good  of  the  Body  Politick. 
"^"^But  you  fay  the  end  is  far  more  honourable  than  the  means ,  and  the  prefervati- 
on  of  the  Commonalty  is  the  end  of  Regal  Dignity.     True  ,  but  this  prcfervanon 
mult  be  undcrrtood ,  fub  modo  ,  according  to  Law  j   which  is  not  alterable  at  the 
dilcretion  of  humourous  men  ,  but  with  the  concurrence  both  of  King  and  Sub- 
ieds.     Likcwile  this  is  to  be  undcrftood  ,  where  the  ends  are  not  mutual  (  as  here 
they  are  )  the  King. for  the  people  ,  and  the  people  for  the  King  ;  and  where  the 
end  is  not   partial  but  adequate    (  as  this  is  not.  )     Laftly ,  The  end  is  more  va- 
luable   how  ?  quadras  as  it  is  the  end  in  the  intention  of  the  efficient,  r.ot  always 
in  the  nature  ot  the  things.     If  the  Obferver  had  argued  thus  ,  the  publick  Tran- 
quillity oi  King  and  People  is  the  end  of  Government ,  therefore  more  valuable  , 
his  inference  had  been  good  ,  but  as  he  argues  now:  it  is  a  meer  Paralogifm,  which 
1  will  clear  by  fome  inlianccs.     The  Tutor  is  eledled  for  the  prefervation  of  his  Pu- 
pil ,  yet  the  Pupil  qua  talis  islefs  honourable  :  the  Angels  are  Miniftring  Spirits  for 
the  good  of  mankind  ,  are  men  therefore  more  honourable  than  Angels  >   The  P\.e- 
demption  of  the  World  is  the  end  of  Chrifts  Incarnation  ,  is  the  World  therefore 
more  excellent  than  Chrift  ? 

whether  the  Obferver  cite  Machiavel  true  or  falfe ,  I  neither  know  nor  regard  ? 
fuch  a  charadter  might  fit  Ctefar  Borgiof  a  new  intruder,  but  not  King  Charles,  who 
derives  his  Royalty  fiom  above  an  Hundred  Kingly  Predeceflburs ,  whom  malice  it 
felf  cannot  charge  with  one  drop  of  guiltlefs  bloud  ,  nor  with  the  tear  of  an  ii.no- 
cent,   fuch  a  Prince  as  Ff/pijfiiirt  ,  of  whom  it  is  faid  ,    thzt  jufiuf  fstpplicns  ihcbn- 
viavit  &  higemuit.     But  I  offer  two  iffues  to^the  Obferver  ,  out  of  thefe  word?  of 
Machiavel,  if  he pleafe  to  accept  the  challenge.     Firff,  That  more  Noble  Worthies 
have  been    cruflied  to    nothing  by  the  infolency   of   the  people,    (  proportion 
for   proportion  )  then  by  the  power    of  Kings.     As  in    Athens   for   luliarice , 
Socrates,  Arijiides  ,  Thetnijiocles ,  Alcibiades  ,  and  many  more.     The  Second,  That 
gallant  and   vertuous  Ad:ions  do  not  more  often  ingratiate  men  with  the  people  , 
then  a  rouling  tongue  ,  a  precipitate  head  ,  vain-glorious  profufion  ,  oyly  infinu- 
ations  ,  feigned  Devotions,  Sufferings  (  though  deferved )  from  Supcriours ,  and 
above  all  oppofition  to  the  prefent  State.     So  that  he  that  is  a  Favorite  to  the  King, 
is  ipfo  fa£io ,  hated  by  the  people  or  the  major  part :  and  to  be  fleigted  by  the 
Afts  5  37        Prince  ,  is  frequently  a  ready  way  to  be  honoured  by  the  people.     Judas  of  Galilee 
was  a  great  Favorite  of  the  Commons  ,  iiow  did  he  indear  himfelf   by  feditious 
AflsSio        Orations?  Who  more  populous  than  5i»MM  MiJffi»  i*   t,'c  piya.c  fome  great  one,  and 
this  onely  with  jugling.     When  Abfolnm  fought  to  ingratiate  himfelf  with  the  vul- 
2Sain.i$       gar,  what  courfe  did  he  take?  to  be  more  eminent  in  virtue?  No  fuch  thing  > 
but  olkntation,  lying,  flattery,  and  traducing  the  prefent  State.  Who  hath  not  heard 
how  Tijijlratiis  and  Vionyfms  two  execrable  Tyrants,  did  cut  and  flafh  themfelves, 
and  perfwadcd  the  credulous  multitude ,  how  it  vizs  done  by  the  malignants  for 
their  7.eal  to  the  Commonwealth,  till  by  thefe  Arts  they  had  firlt  gotten  a  guard  al- 
lowed for  themfelves ,  and  after  invaded  the  Government. 

Obferv.  To  he  delicia?  humani  generis  is  grown  fordid  with  Trinces  ,  to  he  pullick^ 
torments  and  carnificines  ,  and  to  plot  agaiufi  thofe  Subjects,  whom  by  nature  tbey  ought 
to  proteCt ,  is  held  Ca:far-/i%  ,  and  therefore  bloody  Borgias  by  meer  treachery  and  cruel- 
ty hath  gotten  room  in  the  Calendar  of  witty  and  of  fiirited  Heroes.  And  our  EnglifK 
Court  of  late  years  hath  drunk^too  much  of  this  State-poyfoit ,  for  either  we  have  feen  Fa- 
vorites raifedto  poll  the  people  ,  and  razed  again  to  pacife  the  people  ■,  or  elfe  (  which  is 
worfe  for  King  and  Feopk  too  )  we  have  feen  engines  of  mi fchief  prefer  vcd  againjl  the 
the  Teople ,  and  upheld  againft  Law ,  meerly  that  mifchicf  might  not  want  incourage- 
ment. 

Seft.  7-  .  ^"'"■^  ^"*  *^^^  ^'"S,  (  ^^'•^h  the  wifemanO  no  not  in  thy  thought.     Thou  flmlt  not  re- 

Ecd.  10  90  vile  the  Cods ,  norjpeak^evil  ef  the  Kukr  of  thy  People.  Two  Apoftles  bear  Record 
Exo.  22  28  gj  that  tncre  cannot  be  a  furer  note  of  a  Schifmatick  than  to  def}if  Vominion  ,  and 
^"-  3*  y  fp(a\i^ 


Discourse   II.  The  Serpent-Sahe^  ^215 

J^eak^evil  of  Vignities.     Evil  Language  againft  a  Sovereign  Prince ,   hath  ever  been  2  Pet.  a.  la 
reputed  an  injury  to  all  his  Subjeds :    but  this  age  hath  hatched  fuch  Vipers,  which  ^"d«  ^• 
dare  not  onely  like  feme  Kablhak^th  ,  rail  againft  fome  forreign  Prince  ,  but  caft 
dirt  in  the  face  of  their  natural  Lord  i   as  if  they  were  the  coltr  of  a  mid  Ajiin  the 
vpilderneji,  fubjedt  to  no  man,  accountable  to  no  man:  and  that  not  onely  in  thought 
which  Solomon  dilliked  ,  or  in  word  ,  which    God  did  forbid  ,  but  even  to  make 
the  Prefs  groan  under  daily  bundles  of  lies  and  flanders  and  fidtitious  Fables.     I  fay 
the  Prefi ,  which  hath  been  ever  efteemed  a  peculiar  priviledge  of  Supreme  Majelly, 
Nay  ,  one  King  is  not  an  objedl  worthy  of  their  wrath ,  but  as  it  is  faid  of  Julian^ 
that  he  fought  to  deftroy  both  Presbyters  and  Treshyterium  ,  not  Priefts  onely,  but 
Priefthood  itfelf :  So  it  is  not  one  or  two  Monarchs,  but  the  deftrudion  of  Mo- 
narchy it  felf  which  thefe  men  aim  at ,  witneft  our  Obferver  here ,  to  be  ■puhlkktor- 
ments  and  carnifcines  ,  is  held  Csfar-/i%  tvith  Princes  ,  and  one  of  his  friends  lately. 
He  errs  not  much  who  faith  ^  that  there  is  an  inbred  hatred  of  the  Gofpelin  aV  Kings , 
they  do  mt  rcillingly  fuffer  the  King  of  Kings  to  rule  in  their  Kingdoms  ,  the  Lord  hath  ^'''"/''''*  Pf>i' 
bU  among  Kings ,  but  very  fext>     vie  perhaps  of  an  hundred.     Increpet  te  Dens  Satan,  ''"'''^*' 
The  Lord  himfclf  will  oi.w  1  them  to  an  account  for  thele  Blafphemies  againft 

his  anointed.  Is  this  a  coal  taken  from  the  Altar,  or  rather  from  the  fire  of  Hell? 
There  is  hope  our  Countrey-men  will  rob  the  Jefuits  fhortly  of  their  reputation  : 
Anabaptifi-n  hath  got  it  loofe  to  be  the  Liers  and  the  Rebels  Catechifm.  Sir , 
lay  afide  your  eye  of  envy  ,  which  cannot  endure  the  beams  of  Majefty,  and  tell 
us  what  it  is  in  King  Charles  which  doth  fo  much  offend  you  ?  Take  Diogenes  his 
Lanthorn  ,  and  look  at  Noon-day  among  all  his  Oppofers  throughout  your  Claflfes 
and  Forms  ,  if  you  can  find  one  to  match  or  parallel  him ,  for  piety  towards  God, 
juftice  towards  man,  temperance  in  his  dyet,  truth  in  his  word,  chaftity  in  his 
Life,  mercy  towards  the  opprelTed  i  yea,  take  your  multiplying  glafs,  and  look 
through  his  Government  from  end  to  end ,  if  you  can  find  his  Crown  fprinkled 
with  one  drop  of  Innocent  blood.  He  needs  not  with  Caius  the  Emperour  affume 
Mercuries  rod  ,  ApoHos  bow  and  arrows ,  Mars  his  fword  and  Hiield  ,  to  make 
himfelf  refemble  God  ,  he  hath  better  enfigns  of  the  Diety.  Unhappy  we  onely 
becaufe  we  do  not  know  our  own  good  ,  that  might  enjoy  a  temperate  and  fweet 
Government ,  Sun-fliine  days  under  our  own  Vines  and  Figtrees,  the  free  profeflion 
of  true  Religion ,  equal  adminiflration  of  Jufiice  ,  Peace  and  plenty ,  with  a  daily 
growth  of  all  arts  that  may  enrich  or  civilize  a  Nation,  under  the  radicated  fuccef- 
fion  of  a  Princely  Family.  If  the  Obfervers  eyes  had  not  been  like  the  old  Lamiss^ 
to  take  out  and  put  in  at  his  pleafure  ,  he  might  have  feen  a  'litus  at  Home ,  a  dar- 
ling of  mankind. 

But  what  is  the  ground  of  all  this  great  cry?  ibrfooth  we  have  had  favorites.  I 
do  not  yet  know  any  hurt  in  a  good  favorite,  fuch  an  one  as  Jojhua  was  to  Mfes  ^  or 
Daniel  to  Darius  ,  or  Mec£nas  and  Agri-ppa  to  Augnfim  ,  or  Craterm  and  f  for  any 
thing  I  know  )  Epheflion  alfo  to  Alexander.  Wifemen  think  a  well  chofen  Favorite 
may  bring  great  advantage  both  to  King  and  People.  But  I  leave  the  difcourfe  :  it 
is  well  known ,  His  Majefly  is  as  oppofite  to  Favorites  as  the  Obferver,  and  never 
raifcd  any  to  that  height,  but  they  might  be  oppofed  and  queftioned  by  their  Fel- 
low-counfellours.  But  if  the  Obferver  have  a  mind  to  fee  fome  of  thofe  Favorites, 
(  whom  he  calls  Pollers  ,  Engines  of  mifchief ,  or  Monopolifts  )  he  may  find  them 
moving  in  another  Sphere :  to  fide  with  His  Majefiy  is  no  ready  way  to  impu- 
nity. 

Obferv.  But  our  King  here  doth  ach^orvledge  it  a  great  bufmefs  of  his  Coronation  Oath 
to  proteS  us:  and  I  hope  under  this  word  proteS  ,  he  intends  not  onely  tojlneld  us  front 
all  kind  of  evil  ,  but  to  promote  us  to  all  kjnd  of  Political  happinefs  ,  according  to  kis  ut- 
moji  Devoir  :  and  I  hope  he  holds  himfelj  bound  thereunto  ,  mt  onely  by  his  Oath ,  but 
alfo  by  his  very  Office  and  by  the  end  of  his  Sovereign  Dignity.  And  though  all  fingle  per- 
fons  ought  to  look.upon  the  late  Bills  pajfed  by  the  King^  as  matters  of  Grace  with  all  thank:- 
fuhefs  and  Humility  :  yet  the  King  himjelf  looking  upon  the  whole  State,  ought  to  acknow- 
ledge ^  that  he  cannot  merit  of  it  ^  and  that  whatfoever  he  hath  granted ,  tf  it  be  far  the 
projperity  of  his  People ,  (  but  much  more  for  their  eafe  )  it  hath  proceeded  but  from  meer 
duty.     If  Ship-money  ,  if  Star-Chamber  ^  if  the  High  Commifion^  if  the  Votes  of  Bi- 

P  p  p  jhops 


53<5 


TheSerpentSahe-  TOME   i  A. 


"llfops  and  Fopilh  Lords  in  the  upper  Hotife  be  mconfijlent  rvith  the  welfare  of  the  Kingdom, 
mtoneh  Honour  ,  but  Juftice  it  felf  challenges  that  they  be  ahoU'fht.     Ihe  King  ought 
not  to  account  that  a  Profit  or  Strength  to  him  ,  which  w  a  lofs  or  wajhngto  the  People  : 
or  owht  he  to  thinKthat  perijhed  to  him  ,  which  is  gained  to  the  People  :  Ihe  word  Grace 
Sea.  8.         Lnfs  better  in  the  Peoples  mouth  than  in  His. 

Jnfip.  His  Majefty  is  bound  in  Conlcience  both  by  his  Oath  and  Office  ,  not  one- 
ly  to  protcd  his  people  committed  to  his  charge  in  Wealth  ,  Peace,  and  Godlinefs, 
but  alfo  to  promote  their  good :  but  this  protedtion  muft  be  according  to  Law , 
this  promotion  according  to  Law.  Now  if  a  good  King  at  feafonable  and  oppor- 
tune times  (  To  it  may  not  be  like  the  borrowing  of  a  Ihaft  for  the  hatchet  to  cut 
down  the  great  Oak  ,  nor  like  the  plucking  off  one  or  more  feathers  out  of  the 
Eagles  wings ,  wherewith  to  feather  an  arrow  to  pierce  through  that  King  of 
Birds  )  (hall  freely  according  to  the  didates  of  his  own  reafon  ,  part  with  any 
of  thoCe  Jewels  which  do  adorn  his  Royal  Diadem  ,  for  the  behoof  of  his  Subjects, 
it  is  an  ad  of  Grace  ,  not  onely  to  individual  perfons ,  but  to  the  collcdcd  body 
of  his  People ,  and  fo  both  Houfes  have  acknowledged  it  ■■,  yet  you  fay  it  is  meer 
duty,  that  both  Honour  and  Juftice  do  challenge  it  from  him.  It  is  a  11  range  and 
unheard  of  piece  of  Juftice  and  Duty  ,  which  is  without  and  beyond  all  Law.  You 
fay  the  word  Grace  founds  better  in  the  Peoples  mouth  than  in  his ,  O  partiality 
how  doft  thou  blind  mens  eyes!  The  Obferver  fees  that  Grace  founds  ill  in  the 
Kings  mouth,  and  yet  he  doth  not ,  or  will  not  (ee  how  ill  duty  and  meer  duty 
founds  in  his  own  mouth  ,  being  a  Subjed  towards  his  Sovereign.  The  truth  is , 
it  is  moft  civil  for  Receivers  to  relate  benefits ,  fufficit  unus  hutc  operi^ft  vis  me  k- 
qui  ,  ipfe  tace :  but  where  the  Receivers  forget  themfelves,  yea  deny  the  favours 
received  (  as  this  Obferver  doth  )  it  is  very  comely  for  the  beftowers  to  fupply  their 
defed. 

Next,    To  your  taking  away  of  Ship-money,  Star-chamber ,  High-Commiffion, 
&c.     It  is  an  eafie  thing  to  take  away  ,  but  difficult  to  build  up  ,  both  in  nature 
and  in  refped  of  mens  minds  ,  which  commonly  agree  foOner  in  the  deftrudive 
part  than  in  the  conftrudive.     All  the  danger  is  either  in  exceeding  the  Golden 
mean  ( by  falling  from  one  extream  to  another  )  or  in  taking  that  away  ,  which  by 
correding  and  good  ordering  skill ,  might  have  been  of  great  ufe  to  the  body  Po- 
litick.    We  are  glad  to  be  cafed  of  our  former  burthens  ,  yet  we  with  with  all  our 
hearts ,  that  our  prefent  eafe  may  not  produce  greater  mifchiefs ,  that  in  true  real 
neceffities  and  fuddain  dangerous  exigences ,  the  Common-wealth  may  not  be  left 
without  a  fpeedy  remedy.     That  if  the  Laws  have  not  fufficiently  provided  for  the 
fuppreffing  of  riots  and  tumultuous  diforders  in  great  men  ,  yet  the  Ordinary  fub- 
jed  may  not  be  left  without  a  Sanduary  whither  to  fly  from  oppreffion.     That  in 
this  inundation  of  Seds  ,  which  do  extremely  deform  our  Church  ,  and  difturb  the 
Common-wealth,  there  may  be  a  proper  and  fure  remedy  provided  before  it  be  too 
late,  and  we  be  forced  in  vain  to  dig  up  Antigonm  again  out  of  his  Grave.     As  for 
the  taking  away  of  Bifliops  Votes  at  this  time  ,  I  do  not  doubt  but  that  great  Coun- 
cil of  the  Kingdom  had  reafons  for  it,  and  may  have  other  Reafons  (  when  it  pleaf- 
eth  God  )  to  reftore  them  again :  There  is  much  difference  betwixt  a  coercive  and 
a  confultive  power  :  no  Nation  yet  that  ever  I  read  of,  did  exclude  their  Religious 
from  their  confultations.   To  make  a  Law  partly  good  ,  Piety  muft  concur  ,  and 
who  (hall  judge  what  is  pious  ?  fhallthey  firfl  be  excluded  from  all  other  profeifi- 
ons  ,  and  then  from  their  own?  Britijh  Bi(hops  have  been  of  note  in  all  great  Coun- 
cils, Forreign  and  Domel^ick  thefe  One  Thoufand  Three  Hundred  and  Thirty 
Years.     It  is  your  own  Rule  ,  quod  omnes  tangit  ah  omnibus  traUari  debet  i   all  other 
profelfions  in  the  Kingdom  are  capable  both  of  eleding  and  being  eleded  >  but 
tor  this  I  do  fubmit,  and  leave  it  to  time  to  difcover  what  is  good  for  the  Kingdom. 
Obferv.  Tte  direds  us  then  to  the    transcendent  Acme  of  allPolitiks,  totheVzxz- 
mount  Law,  which Jhall give  Lave  to  all  human  Laws  whatfoever ,  and  that  is  falus  Po- 
puli.     7he  Law  of  prerogative  itfelfisfubfervient  to  this  Law  ,    and  were  it  not  condu- 
cing thereunto  ,  it  were  not  necefiary  nor  expedient. 
Seii.p.  Anfw.  If  this  Author  could  commit  the  Law  of  prerogative,  and  this  Supreme 

Law  of  Salus  popuU  together,  as  oppofite  one  to  another  ,  he  had  faid  fomething  ; 

but 


Discourse     II.  The  Serpent-Sahe^ 

but  he  cannot  fee  wood  for  trees  :   the  fame  tranfcendent  achme  which  he  magnifies, 
is  the  Law  of  prerogative  it  felf :  becaufe  a  General  Lav/  cannot  take  notice  of  the 
equity  of  all  particular  circumftances,  nor  of  the  neceflity  of  all  particular  Occur- 
rences •,  therefore  the  Supreme  Prince  is  trufted  with  this  Power  Paramount,     That 
which  the  Law  of  Nature  warrants  in  a  private  man  ,  as  in  a  fcathfire,  to  pulldowti 
a  Neighbours  houfe  to  prevent  the  burning  of  a  City ;  to  caft  another  mans  corn 
overboord  in  a  Tempeft  i  to  defend  himfclf  from  theeves,  in  cafes  where  he  cannot 
have  recourfe  to  the  Magiftrate,  or  the  fuddennefs  of  the  danger  will  admit  no  for- 
mal proceeding  in  Law  :  fo  publick  neceility  doth  juftifie  the  like  aftions  in  a  Kino-, 
where  the  exigence  of  the  State  is  apparent.     If  this  Power  be  at  any  time  mifim- 
ployed,  if  this  truft  be  violated  •,   yet  the  abufeofa  thing  cannot  takeaway  the 
ufe,  and  lawful    and  neceffary  right  ,  which  is  grounded  upon  the   Univerfal  and 
perpetual  Law  of  Sahcs  populi ,  which  comprehends  the  good  of  the  Sovereign    as 
well  as  of  the  Subjedt.     But  it  is  now  grown  into  falhion  for  Subjects  without  'au- 
thority ,  equity  ,  or  neceifity ,  to  urge  this  Law  upon  all  occafions.     SaliK  populi , 
is  like  the  Fox  in"  Mfops  Fables  ,  it  is  in  at  every  end ,  mens  perfons  are  imprifon- 
ed  ,  their  houfes  plundered  ,  their  Lands  fequeftred  ,  their  Rights  violated  with- 
out the  judgment  of  their  Peers ,  contrary  to  the  known  Law  ,  contrary  to  the 
Great  Charter ,  and  nothing  pretended  for  this,  but  the  Law  Paramount.     Truly 
Sir,  i( this  he  Salus populi^  tina  falus  fanii  nullam  fperare    falutem.     A  remote  iea- 
loulie  or  fuppofition  is  no  good  ground  for  the  exercize  of  this  Law  :  as  to  pull  ' 

down  another  mans  houfe ,  for  fear  of  a  fcathfire  to  come  ,  God  knows  how  or 
when ,  perhaps  foretold  in  a  prognoftication.  The  dangers  muft  be  very  vifible  be- 
fore this  rule  take  place,  not  taken  upon  truft  or  an  implicit  Faith,  like  Scogginl  fiery 
Draggons  in  the  air.  All  true  EngUJh-men  will  defire  to  be  governed  by  their 
known  Laws  ,  and  not  to  hear  too  often  of  this  Paramount  Law  ,  the  application 
or  mifapplication  whereof,  hath  been  the  caufe  of  the  paft  and  prelent  diftempers 
of  this  Kingdom.  Extraordinary  Remedies  lik^  hot  veaters  ^  may  help  at  a  pang  ^  but  Sir  H  vV 
being  too  often  nfed  ,  fioil  thejiomack-. 

Obferv.  Neither  can  the  right  of  Conquefi  he  pleaded  to  acquit  Prince:  of  that  which  is 

due  to  the  People  ,  as  the  Authors  and  ends  ofaV  porver  ,  for  meer  force  cannot  alter   the 

courfe  of  nature  ,  or  frufirate  the  tenour  of  the  Law  ,  and  if  it  could ,  there  were  more 

reafun  why  the  people  might  jufiifie  force  ^  to  regain  due  liberty  ^   then  the  Prince  might 

to  fubvert  the  fame.     And  it  is  a  Jhameful  fiupidity  in  any  man  ^  to  thin]\_that  our  An- 

cejiors  did  not  fght  more  noblely  for  their  free  cufloms ,   and  Laws  ,  of  which  the  Conquer 

tour  and  his  Succejjours  had  in  part  difmherited  them  by  violence  and  perjury  ,   then  they 

vphichput  them  to  fuch  conflicts  :  for  it  feems  unnatural  to  me  ,  that  any  Nation  Jhould  be 

hound  to  contribute  its  own  inherent  puijjance  ^  meerly  to  abet  "Tyranny  ,  and  fuppott  flave- 

ry  i  and  to  mah^  that  which  if  more  excellent  a  prey  to  that  which  is  of  kfs  worth.     And 

que(iionleji  a  Native  Prince  if  meer  force  be  right ^  may  disfranchife  UU  Suhje&  m  well  as  a 

Jiranger  ,  if  he  can  frame  a  fufficient  party ,  and  yet  we  fee  that  this  was  the  fooltfh  Sin  of 

Rehoboam,  who  having  deferted  and  reje&ed  out  of  an  intoVerable  infolence  the  (h-ength  of 

len     tribes  ,     ridiculously  fought  to  reduce  them  again  with  the  jirength  of  two. 

Anfw.  This  Author  intends  not  to  halt  on  one  fide  onely  in  this  Difcourfe  ,  qui  c  n 
femel  verecundia  limites  tranfiverit,  graviter  impudentem  effe  oportet.  Firft ,  that  juft 
Conqueft  in  a  lawful  War  ,  acquireth  good  right  of  Dominion,  a^;  well  as  pofTef- 
fion  ,  is  fo  confonant  to  the  Univerfal  Opinion  and  pradtice  of  ail  Nations,  yea, 
to  the  infallible  and  undoubted  teftimony  of  Holy  Scriptures ,  that  he  that  denyes 
it  ,  may  as  well  affirm ,  Nil  intra  eli  oleam  ,  nil  extra  eji  in  nuce  durum.  Force  is  not 
meer  force  ,  where  juftice  goes  hand  in  hand  with  it ,  omnia  dat  qui  jufra  nenat. 
Neither  is  this  to  alter  the  courfe  of  nature  ,  or  frujirate  the  tenour  of  Law  ,  but  it  "felf 
is  the  Law  of  Nature  and  ot  Nations. 

Secondly ,  That  Subje<fls  who  have  not  the  power  of  the  Sword  committed  to 
them  ,  after  a  long  time  of  obedience  and  lawful  fuccellion ,  after  Oaths  of  Alle- 
giance ,  may  ufe  force  to  recover  their  former  liberty  ,  or  raife  arms  to  change  the 
Laws  eftablifhed  ,  is  without  all  contradidion  both  falfe  and  rebellious.  "They  that 
are  overcome(hith  Jofephusmotk  tra\Y)and  have  long  obeyed^ifthey  feek^to  (fjah^  off  the  yo^", 
they  do  the  part  of  Vefierate  men  not  of  lovers  of  liberty.     Surely  if  any  liberty  might 

P  P  p  2  warraiit 


•^a 


^  rijsSerpent.Sahe.  TOME  If. 

— :-,,,.„    ,>  ;.  the  liberty  of  Religion  ,  but  Chrift  never  planted  His  Re- 
warrant  fuch  force  ,  it  is  t"^    .'^;  Z:„1„.  U...r  «r:rh  .  n^nrr.  ..Aor^.rwL       „.  fe.„™    ^.. 


warrant  »"^n  .  '     '  D^fciples  heat  with  a  (harp  redargution  ,  ye  l^ivtp  not 

.  u    n  <c      ''^'°,"  >n  blood.  He  cooie  r         .^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^.^^  ^^^^^^      ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^_ 

Luk.  9  55  "/ f.";.  ^"■'7;,;  Cluiftians  of  approved  valour)  anfwered  the  bloody  Emperor 
an  Legiun  ,  ^^  ^^^^^  Imperator ,  k^ow  0  Emperour  that  we  are  all  Chriflians  ,  rve 
tbmZZUie^othypmr,  bnt  our  free  Souls  fly  to  our  Saviour  mitber  our  l^wmt 
rjffe  mr'delj'eration  itfelfbath  armed  us  againii  thee  ,  becaufe  tee  had  rather  dye  inno- 
'^""t  then  live  guilty  >  thoupalt  find  our  hands  empty  of  mapons,  but  our  Brejis  armed 
with  the  CatholicK  Faith.  So  having  power  to  reilll: ,  yet  they  fuifered  themfdves 
to  be  cut  all  in  pieces.  The  Obferver  is  Hill  harping  upon  Tyranny  and  flavery,  to 
little  purpofe  i  he  is  not  prefently  a  Tyrant ,  who  hath  nnore  Power  than  Nature 
did  commit  to  him  ,  nor  he  a  flave  who  hath  fubjeded  himfelf  to  the  Dominion  of 
another :  That  which  is  done  to  gain  prote6i:ion  or  fuftenance  ,  or  to  avoid  the 
evils  of  Sedition  ,  or  to  perform  a  lawful  ingagement ,  is  net  meerly  done  to  abet 
Tyranny  and  fupport  flavery. 

Thirdly     to  the  Obferver's  inftance  of  our  Anceftours  in  the  Barons  Wars  ,  I 
know  not  whether  Wars  he  intends,  the  former  or  the  later  ,  or  both:  This  is 
certain     no  party  gained  by  them  i  they  proved  fatal  and  dcftrudtive  ,  fomctimes 
to  the  King  ,  fometimes  to  the  Barons,  fometimes  to  both ,   and  evermore  to  the 
people.     And  howfoever  the  name  of  free  Cuftoms  and  Laws  was  made  ufe  of  as 
a  plaufible  pretence  ,  yet  it  is  evident ,  that  Envy ,  Revenge  ,  Covetoufnefs  ,  Am- 
bition ,  Luft ,  Jealoufie ,  did  all  ad  their  feveral  parts  in  them.     And  if  there 
were  any  (  as  I  doubt  not  there  were  many  )  who  did  folely  and  fincerely  aim  at 
the  publick  good  ,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied  ,  there  was  too  much  ftiffhefs  and  ani- 
mofity  on  both  fides  ■■,  a  little  yielding  and  bending  is  better  than  breaking  out- 
right ,  and  more  efpecially  Confcience  requires  it  of  them  who  are  Subjedts ,  and 
of  them  who  contend  for  an  alteration.     Fliny  relates  a  Story  of  two  Goats  that 
met  in  the  midft  of  a  narrow  plank ,  over  a  fwift  current  i  there  was  no  room  for 
one  to  pafs  by  another  ,  neither  could  turn  backward  ;  they  could  not  fight  it  out 
for  the  way,  but  with  certain  peril  of  drowning  them  both:  that  which  onely  re- 
mained ,  was ,  that  the  one  couching  on  the  plank ,  made  a  bridge  for  the  other 
to  go  over,  and  fo  both  were  faved.     But  the  fubjeft  is  fo  direful  and  tragical  , 
and  the  rernembrancc  of  thofe  times  fo  odious  to  all  good  men  ,-  that  I  pafs  by  it , 
as  not  much  material  to  the  Queftion  in  hand:  both  Parties  are  dead  ,  and  have 
made  their  accounts  to  God  ,  and  know  long  fince  whether  they  did  well  or  ill , 
neither  can  their  example  either  juftifie  or  condemn  our  adions.     It  is  probable 
there  were  fome  Shebahs ,  Trumpetters  of  fedition  in  thofe  dayes ,  as  this  Authour 
proves  himfelf  now  ,  yet  none  fo  apt  as  thefe  Catalinet  to  cry  out  againft  Incendia- 
ries.    It  is  a  good  wifh  oi  Saraviah^  that  fuch  fcditlous   Authours  might  ever  be 
placed  in  the  front  of  the  battle  \  yet  thus  far  the  Authour's  ingenuity  doth  lead 
him  ,  to  diftinguilh  the  Barons  then,  from  His  Majcfties  Oppofitcs  now  :  the  Ba- 
rons'then  fought  for  their  Laws  ,  not  to  change  the  Laws ,  and  alter  the  Govern- 
ment both  in  Church  and  Commonwealth,  which  was  the  very  cafe  of  the  Lin- 
cohijnre ,  rorkjhtre  ,  and  Northern  Rebels  ,  in  the  dayes  of  Henry  the  Eighth ,  and 
Queen  Elizabeth  i  I  wiih  none  of  His  Majeflies  Subjeds  were  involved  in  it  at  this 
prefent. 

Fourthly  ,  whereas  he  urgeth  ,  that  a  Native  Prince  may  disfranchife  his  Subjeds 
by  force,  if  he  can  make  a  Party,  as  well  as  Strangers  j  either  he  intends  that  he 
may  do  it  iefaUo^  that  is  true>  fo  may  a  Thief  take  away  an  honeft  man's  purfe: 
or  elfe  that  he  may  do  it  de  jure ,  lawfully  and  conlcionably ,  that  is  moft  untrue  v 
there  is  a  vail  difference  betwixt  a  juft  War,  and  an  unjuft  opprcffion  :  his  iniiance 
of  Keboboam  IS  qviite  befide  the  Cufhion ,  his  errour  was  threatning  and  indifcreti- 
on,  the  fault  they  found  was  with  Solomon  ,  T/y  Father  hath  made  onr  yok^  grievousy 
and  yet  it  is  moft  certain ,  they  never  had  fo  gracious  ,  fo  happy  a  Reign,  as  Solo- 
iKines  lo  27  "'""^  ^^^  ^^'^  peace  and  plenty,  who  made  lilver  as  plentiful  as  fioncsi  and  Cedars 
as  Sycamores  in  jFfr«/i/f m.  So  unthankful  we  are  naturally ,  fo  foon  troubled  with 
trivial  matters  as  Human  was,  and  like  flyes  feed  upon  fores,  leaving  the  whole  Bo- 
dy which  is  found.  This  is  fure ,  that  againft  Rehoboam ,  was  a  meditated  Rebel- 
lion, 


5?9 


Discourse  II.  The  Serpent-Sahe. 

lion   ,    witnefs   the    place     chofen  ,    Shechem,    in    the   midft    of  the    Faction  i  i  Kings  123 
witne{s    their  Prolocutor  Jenboim  ,   a  feditiovH  Fugitive  ,    and  ungrateful  Ser- 
vant of  Solomon  ,  by  whom  he  had  been  preferred;  they  fent  for  him  out  oiEgyp. 
And  howfoever  the  Authour  makes  Rf/;jZ'i)jw's  attempt  ridiculous,    yet  it  proved   "  Chron'  13 
not  fo  fliortly  after  ,  his  Son  Abiph  difcomfited  Jeroboam  ,  and  flew  of  his  Souldi-       ^^ 
ers  Five  hundred  thoufand  men  ■,  the  greatert  number  that  we  have  read  offlain  at 
once  •>  yet  had  Jeroboam  n.\\  the  advantages  in  the  World  ,  of  numbers ,  flratagems, 
and  every  thing  except  the  juftice  of  the  Caufe  i  and  that  which  is  more  for  our 
learning  ,  the  Houfe  of  Judah  had  many  pious  and  virtuous  Kings  after  this  revolt, 
but  the  Houfc  of  Jfrael  not  one  but  Tyrants  and  Idolaters. 

Obferv.  J  come  mrv  from  the  cattfe  which  conveys  Royalty  ,  and  that  for  which  it  is 
conveyed ,  to  the  nature  of  the  conveyance.  "The  word  Trujl  U  frequent  in  the  Kinzi'*s  Pa- 
pert^  and  therefore  I  conceive  the  King  does  admit ,  that  his  Jntereji  in  the  Crown  U  not 
abfolute  ^  or  by  a  meer  Donation  of  the  people,  but  in  part  conditionate  and  fiduciary. 
And  indeed  all  good  Frinces,  without  any  expreff  contraS  betwixt  them  and  their  Snb- 
]eUs  ,  have  acknowledged  ^  that  there  did  lye  a  great  and  high  trujl  upon  them  ■■,  Nay, 
Heathen  Princes  that  have  been  abfolute  ,  have  ack>iowkdged  themfelves  Servants  to  the 
publick^^  and  born  for  that  fervice ,  and  profefed  that  tliey  would  manage  the  publick^ 
fFeal,  its  being  well  fatisfied ,  populi  rem  eflfe  non  fuam:  And  we  cannot  imagine  in 
the  fury  oflFar  ,  (  when  Laws  have  the  leaji  vigour  )  that  any  Generaliflimo  can  be  fo 
uncircumfcribed  in  power  ;  but  that  if  hejhould  turn  his  Cannons  on  his  own  Souldiers, 
they  were  ipfo  fado  abfolved  of  all  obedience,  and  of  all  Oaths  and  tyes  of  Allegiance 
rvhatfoever  for  that  time ,  and  bound  by  a  higher  duty  to  feek^  their  own  preservation  ly 
refjience  and  defence.  JVlnrefore  if  there  be  fuch  tacite  trujls  and  refervations  in  all  pub- 
licly commands  ,  though  ofmoji  abfolute  nature  that  can  befuppofed,  we  cannot  but  ad- 
mit,  that  in  all  well-formed  Monarchies  ,  where  Kingly  Prerogative  hat  any  limits  fet  , 
ihi4  mu\i  needs  be  one  necejfary  condition  ,  that  the  Subje£i  may  live  fafe  and  free.  'The 
charter  of  Nature  entitles  aJijubjeUs  of  all  countries  whatfoever  to  fafety  by  itsfupreme  law. 

Anfw.  The  Obferver  needs  not  bring  any  Confelfions  of  Princes ,  Chriftian  or 
Heathen  ,  to  prove  that  good  Kings  account  themfelves  great ,  though  glorious  ^^^'  ^- 
Servants  to  their  Subjefts  ,  like  a  Candle  burning   away  it  felf  to  give  light  to  o- 
thers, which  a  German  Prince  fiamped  on  his  Coin, with  this  Infcription,  AliU  jerviens 
meipfum  contero  :  Whileit  other  menilept,  Ahafuerop  waked,  and  thoughts  trou- 
bled Nebuchadnezzar's  Head.     They  have  many  Caufes  of  care  ,  which  private  per- 
fons  want ,  Et  patet  in  curat  area  lata  fuas  ;  Queen  Mary  faid  ,  they  would  find  Cal- 
lice  written  in  her  heart.     He  is  very  incredulous,  who  will  not  believe  readily  that 
thele  Diftradtions  have  pierced  deeper  into  the  breaft  of  King  Charles ,  than  of  this 
Obferver  i   and  this ,  becaufe  he  knows  &  populi  rem  ejje  &  Juam.     Yet  further,  his 
Ma  jelly  will  acknowledge  a  truft  from  his  People ,    a  fubfequent  and  implicite  con- 
fenc  implies  a  truft ,  but  not  a  gift:  But  the  Inference  which  this  good  man  (  I  can 
neither  call  him  good  Subjed  nor  good  Logician  )   makes  from  hence ,  that  the 
King  hereby  admits,  that  His  intereji  in  the  Crown  U  not  abfolute  ,  but  a  meer  Dona- 
tion i  yea  ,  a  conditional  Donation  from  the  People,  is  fuch  a  pretty  treafonable 
(  I  (hould  fay  topical  )  Argument ,  drawn  jul\  from  Tenterden  Steeple  to  Goodwin 
Sands,  confounding  God's  truft  with  Man*s  truft  ;  and  in  Man's  truft ,  a  truft  of 
Donation  with  a  truft  of  Dependence  «  a  truft  revocable  ,  with  a  truft  irrevocable  > 
a  truft  abfolute,  with  a  truft  conditional",  a  truft  antecedent  ,  with  a  truft  conle- 
quent :  I  hope  the  Authour  trufts  in  God,   will  he  therefore  make  God  his  Donee , 
yea  his  conditionate  Donee  ?  In  plain  tearms ,  Sir  ,  your  Colledion  is  found  red  of 
all  four,  and  will  not  pafs  current  in  Smithfield,  and  may  well  take  your  Generalif- 
fimo  by  the  hand:  But  good  Sir,  without  oftence  may  I  ask  you  ,  What  Countrey- 
man  your  Generalijjimo  was'?  for  no  man  that  I  meet  with,  will  believe  that  there 
ever  was  fuch  a  Creature  in  the  World  ■,  but  certainly  if  there  was  ,  he  was  ftark 
mad.     Now  Sir  in  the  lirft  place,  he  that  fhall  go  about  to  fliake  in  pieces  an  health-  . 
,ful  and  beneficial  Inftitution  ,  for  fear  of  fuch  a  danger,  as  was  never  yet  produced 
into  ad  lincc  the  Creation  of  the  World,  deferves  the  next  Room  in  Bedlam  to  your 
GeneraliJJtmo.     The(e  groundlefs  panical  fears  ,  thefelfs  and  fuppofitions  ofincredi- 
' '-  f1an2,ers ,  have  been  the  raifers  andfomenters  of  thefc  prefent  diftradions:   Vic 

mihi 


')4^ 


Ibe  SerpentSal've.  TO  M  WW 


mihififi^mkoqualHerU?  If  the  Sky  (hould  fall,  what  price  w,ll  Larks  bear? 
Sccondlv  It  is  a  piece  both  of  incivility  and  knavery  ,  for  a  Servant  hrft  to  with- 
draw hi5  obedience  from  his  Mailer  undutifully  ,  and  then  to  plead  fawcily  ,  that 
fome  Marters  have  been  mad.  Thirdly  ,  Hath  a  CeneraUfmo  as  large  an  extent  of 
power  in  all  rcfpeds ,  as  unlimitted  for  a  time  ,  as  a  Sovereign  King  ?  When  a  Ce- 
netaliffuno  runs  into  fiich  a  frantick  Errour ,  it  is  fit  he  (hould  lole  his  place :  but 
when  an  Hereditary  King  falte  into  it ,  it  is  juft  he  fhould  have  a  ?mex  named,  a 
Deputy  or  Protedor  (  which  you  will)  during  his  diftradion  ,  alwayes  faving  the 
right  both  to  himfelf  and  his  pcfterity.  I  have  read  fuch  rebellious  fuppofitions  as 
this  in  late  Pamphlets ,  as  of  a  Pilot  feeking  to  fplit  his  Ship  upon  the  rocks  :  of  a 
Patient  calling  to  his  Phyfician  for  poifon ,  but  never  read  one  of  them  urged  in  a 
Clallick  Authour.  Put  the  cafe  a  man  is  to  fail  by  Sea  ,  the  Pilot  may  run  mad , 
and  feek  to  fplit  the  Ship  upon  rocks  i  (hall  we  therefore  make  an  Ordinance  ,  that 
it  (liall  not  be  lawful  for  a  Pilot  to  move  his  Rudder  according  to  the  alterable  face 
of  Heaven,  or  different  difpofition  of  Wind  and  Weather,  before  he  hath  confult- 
ed  and  gained  the  confent  of  all  the  Paffengers  ,  or  at  the  leaft  ,  of  every  inferiour 
Mariner  ,  or  of  the  major  part  of  them  ?  Interea  perit  TSlaufragus ,  before  this  can  be 
done,  the  Ship  may  be  caft  away  i  howfoever  it  leaves  fmall  hope  of  a  profperous 
Voyage.  If  you  will  prefcribe  limits ,  and  bounds ,  and  conditions  to  Kings,  you 
mull  find  them  written  in  plainer  charafters  than  any  you  produce  hitherte.  The 
Charter  of  Nature,  Lex  nata  non  data,  is  indeed  to  preferve  our  fclves ,  as  Water 
contrafls  it  felf  into  a  globe  or  circle  in  a  dufty  place  i  an  Emblem  of  AfTociation  , 
which  cannot  be  without  Nerves ,  Bonds ,  Ligaments ,  Laws ,  and  Kings.  What 
is  this  agajnft  the  Magirtrate  ,  who  is  the  Minilter  of  God  for  our  prefervation  and 
fafety  ?  The  Subjedt  never  finds  more  fafety  or  more  liberty  ,  than  under  a  gracious 
King  ,  Neque  unquam  libertas  gratior  aut  iutior  extat ,  quamfub  Kege  pio. 

But  becaufe  the  Obferver  doth  fo  often  prefs  the  Charter  of  Nature,  even  to  the 
diffolving  of  all  Oaths  and  'Tyes  of  jllkgiance  ,  and  all  'mutual  Compadts  and  Agree- 
ments :  as  alfo  to  animate  Subjeds,  toraifc  Arms  againft  their  Sovereigns,asa  thing 
that  is  not  onely  lawful ,  but  neceflary  ,  to  which  they  are  bound  by  a  higher  duty , 
unlefs  they  will  he  fellonious  to  themfelves  ,  and  rebellious  to  Nature  :  That  it  is  not 
jujl  nor  pojfible  for  any  Nation  fo  far  to  enflave  themfelves  ,  and  that  there  are  tacite 
irufts  and  refervations  in  allfuhlic\  Commands.  To  give  him  an  Anfwer  once  for  all 
in  this  point  of  Refiftcnce  :  Firft,  I  affirm,  though  it  be  nothing  to  us,  (  who  arc 
free  Subjedls,  and  might  well  have  been  omiitted  by  him,  as  making  nought  to  his 
purpofe  }  that  even  by  the  Laws  of  Nature  ,  ot  Nations  ,  and  of  God  ,  one  man, 
or  a  Society  of  men  ,  might  enflave  themfelves  to  another  for  fuflenance  or  prote- 
<ftion.  All  Hiftories,  both  facred  and  profane,  are  full  of  Examples,  and  the  Law 
of  God  is  plain,  Exod.21.6.  Lew>.  25.  47,  e^c.  And  it  feems  ftrange  ,  that  the 
Obferver  (hould  (b  far  over-reach  or  beat  the  air  to  no  end  at  all :  this  confclTed 
truth  quite  overthrows  his  whole  ftru(Sure  of  tacite  trufts,  and  conditions ,  and  re- 
bellions againH  Nature. 

Secondly,  to  come  nearer  our  own  cafe,  I  anfwer,  that  though  the  Law  of 
Nature  cannot  be  deftroyed  or  contradidled  ,  yet  it  may  be  limited  by  the  pofitive 
Laws  of  the  Land.  And  fo  it  is ;  the  Ob(crver  will  not  deny  it  in  his  own  ca(e , 
tliough  he  mete  with  another  meafure  to  His  Sovereign.  The  Charter  of  Nature 
intitles  mankind  indefinitely  to  the  whole  earth,  will  theOb(erver  therefore  give 
his  Neighbour  leave  to  enter  as  a  Copartener  into  his  freehold  ?  I  believe  ,  not  i 
but  would  tell  him  readily  there  is  a  new  Charter  made  by  which  he  holds  it  '■>  that 
is ,  the  Law  of  the  Land.  It  is  ufual  with  thefe  men  to  divert  men  of  all  due  re- 
lations ,  as  if  it  were  the  fame  to  be  a  Subjcd  and  a  man.  A  man  quh.  tails ,  might 
do  many  things ,  which  in  a  Subjedt  is  flat  Treafon  ,  notwithflanding  the  charter 
of  Nature. 

Thirdly,  Beyond  and  above  both  thefe,  there  is  the  Law  of  God  ,  there  is  the 
laft  Will  and  Teftament  of  our  Saviour  ,  by  which  we  hold  our  hopes  of  happi- 
nefs :  which  to  Chriftians  muft  be  as  the  pillar  of  fire  to  the  Ifraelites ,  a  diredion 
when  to  go ,  where  to  flay.  Here  we  read  of  Tyrants ,  and  of  the  fuffcrings  of 
the  Saints ,  but  not  a  word  of  auy  tacite  trufts  and  refervations ,  or  of  any  fuch 

rebel- 


« 


Discourse  II.  Ibe  Serpent-Sal've.  ,^i| 

rebellion  againft  nature  ,  or  difpenfation  with  Oaths,  norof  any  relilknce  by  arms. 
Certainly  there  is  no  one  duty  more  prefTed  upon  Chriftians  by  Chrift  and  His  A- 
poftles  than  Obedience  to  Superiours.  Give  unto  C£far  that  rphichU  Qefars  ,  faith  our 
Saviour.  Submit  your  f elves  to  every  Ordinance  of  Man,  for  the  Lords  fik^  faith  Saine 
Teter.  Put  them  in  mind  to  be  fubjeH  to  Principalities  and  Powers ,  faith  Saint 
Paul :  and  in  that  well  known  place  to  the  Romans ,  Let  every  Suul  befubje&  to  the 
higher  powers  ,  tvhofoever  refijleth  the  powers  ,  refijieth  the  Ordinance  of  God ,  and  they 
that  refiji  JhaV  receive  to  themjelves  Damnation.  To  this  evidence  of  Holy  Scripture 
for  want  of  one  good  anfwer ,  the  Obferver  hath  devifed  three  bad  ones ,  ut  qu£ 
non  valeant  (mgula  ,  multajuvent,  the  clearing  of  which  will  help  to  put  an  end  to 
the  controverfie. 

Firft  ,  they  fay  ,  The  Apoi^le  tells  w  not  which  power  U  higheft ,  but  that  that  pow- 
er  which  is  the  higheft  ought  to  be  obeyed.     A  ikange  evafion  ,  the  Apoftle  elfewhere  d^dta^^^^"^' 
names  thefe  two  together,  principalities  and  powers  ■■>  yea  in  this  very  Text  he  expref-  '* 

feth  himfelf ,  that  by  the  higher  powers  ,  he  underftands  the  Magiltrate  verj.  3.  him 
that  heareth  thefword,  verf.  4.  him  to  whom  tribute  is  payed  verf  7.  none  of  all  thefe 
will  agree  either  to  the  People  or  to  the  Senate ,  but  to  the  Supreme  Magiftrate  one-  i  Pet.  2. 13. 
ly,    which  St.  Peter  tells  us  ,    is  the  King  ,  whether  it  be  to  the  King  as  Supreme. 

A  fecond  Evafion  is  this  ,  Saint  Pauljpeak^s  to  a  few  particular  difperfed  Men  ,  and  ^*^-  <'^/««<'f*^ 
thofe  in  a  primitive  condition ,  vt>ho  had  no  meanes  to  -provide  for  their  own  prefervation.  It  f^'^' 
skills  not  whether  he  borrowed  this  from  the  jdvi'its  defuerum  vires,  they  wanted 
ilrength;  or  oiBuchanan  ,  Finge  aliqueme  noftris  Dodoribus,  Jrw^^iw  one  of  our  Vom- 
ers did  write  to  the  Chrijiians  which  live  under  the  lurkg  ,  to  poore  faint-hearted  and  un-  d    l  -■ 
armed  men ,    what  other  counfel  could  he  give ,  than  St.  Paul  did  to  the  Komans.     Thus    "'^  ^^" 
they  transform  a  precept  into  a  Counfel:  I  had  thought  they  had  allovyed  no  Evan- 
gelical or  Apoftolical  Counfels ,  and  what  the  Apoftie  enjoyns  to  be  done  for  con- 
fcience  fake  verf.  5.  under  pain  of  damnation  verfe  2.  they  fay  is  to  be  done  for  dis- 
cretion fake ,  under  pain  of  plundering.     Do  not  thefe  men  deferve  well  of  Chri- 
ftian  Religion  to  infufe  fuch  prejudicate  conceits  into  the  breafts  ofMonarchs?  that 
Chriftians  are  like  the  frozen  fnake ,  which  if  they  take  into  their  bofom  ,  fo  foon 
as  (he  is  warmed  and  inlived  ,  they  (hall  be  fure  to  feel  her  fting  for  their  favours. 
Let  Chriftians  be  guiltlefs ,  and  let  the  mifchief  fall  upon  the  heads  of  the  fcditious 
contrivers.     That  it  was  not  weaknefs  or  want  of  courage  ,  but  ftrength  of  Faith 
that  kept  the  Primitive  Chriftians  quiet  under  the  perfecutions  of  the  heathen  Em- 
perours  ,   TertuVian  and  the  ancients  do  abundantly  witnefi,  and  it  hath  been  fuf-  y,    r  ja 
ficiently  cleared  by  our  Divines  againft  the  Jcfuits.     This  is  as  St.  Jude  faith  ,  to        '^      ' 
have   mens  perfuns  in  admiration,  becauje  of  advantage. 

The  Third  anfwer  whereupon  they  do  moft  infift  ,  is  that  this  fubjedlion  is  due 
to  the  authority  of  the  King,  not  to  the  Perfon  of  the  King  ,  that  this  authority  re- 
fideth  in  his  Courts  and  in  his  Latps  ,  that  the  power  which  Sr.  Paul  treatctli  of,  is 
in  truth  the  Kingly  Office  ,  that  to  levy  force  or  to  raife  Arms  againft  the  perfonal  com- 
mands of  a  King  ,  accompanied  with  his  prefence,  is  not  levying  War  againft  the  Kiht  : 
but  War  againft  his  Authority  ,  refiding  in  his  Courts ,  is  war  againft  the  King. 
Yet  let  me  give  the  Obferver  his  due,  he  is  more  favourable  to  Princes  than  many 
of  his  fellows  in  this ,  that  he  would  have  the  perfon  of  his  Prince  inviolable. 
And  good  reafbn  ,  for  what  can  the  poor  Kingdom  expedl ,  where  the  Peifon  of 
the  Prince  is  not  held  facred  ,  but  combuftion  and  confufion  ?  witnefs  our  own 
civil  Wars  ,  witnefs  the  Hiftories  of  the  Gothijh  Kings,  and  the  Roman  Emperours 
from  Julius  Cxfar  to  Conftantine  the  great ,  being  Five  and  Forty  ,  whereof  Thirty 
periftied  by  untimely  deaths,  diverfe  of  them  good  Princes  :  and  all  that  while  the 
Commonwealth  fympathized  in  the  common  calamity.  No  offence  can  be  {o  great 
as  that  it  deferves  to  be  punifhed  by  parricide.  But  this  is  a  greater  courtelie  in 
fhew  than  in  deed  :  if  an  arrow  (hot  at  adventure  ,  did  wound  the  King  of  Ifrael 
mortally  between  the  joynts  of  his  harnefs  ,  who  fhall  fecure  King  Charles  from  a  i  Kin,  22  34?. 
bullet  ?  fo  all  this  moderation  ends  in  this ,  to  give  the  King  warning  to  avoid  the 
field,  or  other  wife  to  take  what  falls  at  his  peril.  But  that  I  may  not  deny  truth 
to  an  Adverfary  ,  I  grant  three  truths  in  this  anfwer. 

Firft  ,  That  the  perfon  and  office  of  a  King  are  diftinguidiable  :  a  good  man  may 

be 


54- 


The  Serpent-Sahe. TOME  U. 

TTIuTjKinc  and  a  bad  man  a  good  King.  Alexander  the  great  hadhis  twoftiends, 
vllhon^inrCratem-.  the  ont  sv^s  Alexanders  friend  the  other  was  the  Kings 
f  •     d  •   the  one  lionourcd  his  perfon  ,  the  other  his  Office  :  but  yet  he  that  loved 


Alexander  did  not  hate  the  King  ,  and  he  that  loved  the  King ,  was  no  enemy  to 

Secondly ,  I  grant  in  adive  obedience  ,  if  the  King  commands  any  thing  which 
is  repugnant  to  the  Law  of  God  or  Nature ,  we  ought  rather  to  obey  God  than  men. 
The  Guard  of  Saul  refufed  jultly  to  flay  the  Priefts  of  the  Lord  i  and  Hananiah^Mi- 
(hael    and  Azariah ,  to  worfliip  Nebuchadnezzar's  golden  Image  s  it  is  better  to 
A(ii<^.^9i     j^  'than  to  do  that  which  is  worfe  than  Death:  Va  veniam^  Imperator  ^  Pardon 
I  Sam.  32,i7  j^g  '  o  Sovereign,  thou  threatneft  me  withPrifon,  but  God  vvith  Hell.     In  this 
cafe'  it  is  not  lawful  to  yield  adive  obedience  to  the  King.     Again  ,   if  the  King 
^"'^'"'  commands  any  thing  which  is  contrary  to  the  known  Laws  of  the  Land ,  if  it  be 

by  an  injury  to  a  Third  Perfon,  we  may  not  do  it :  As  for  a  Judge  to  deliver  an  un- 
iull  fentence  ,  for  every  Judge  ought  to  take  an  Oath  at  his  AdmilEon,  that  he  will 
do  right  to  every  perfon,  notmth^anding  the  Kings  Letters^  or  any  other  perfon  s't 
there  is  danger  from  others  ,  as  well  as  from  the  King  i  and  generally  we  owe  fer- 
vice  to  the  King  ,  but  innocency  to  Chrift.     But  if  this  command  ,  intrench  onely 
upon  our  own  private  intereft ,  we  may  either  forbear  adive  odedience  ,  or  in 
difcretion  remit  of  our  own  right ,  for  avoiding  further  evil ;  fo  faid  St.  Ambrofe  , 
If  the  Emperour  demand  our  fields,  let  him  tak§  them  if  he  pleafe,  I  do  not  give  them,  but 
withal  Ida  not  deny  them.     Provided  always ,  that  this  is  to  be  underltood  in  plain 
cafes  onely ,  where  the  Law  of  God ,  of  Nature ,  or  the  Land  is  evident  to  every 
mans  capacity  :  other  wife  if  it  be  doubtful,  it  is  a  rule  in  cafe  Dmnitj  ,  Jubditi 
Ann*  i8.  *</•    tenentur  in  favorem  Kegis  &  hegvs  judicare  :  It  is  better  to  obey  Cod  than  man ,  but  to 
3.1  tat.  4.       disobey  the  King  upon  furmifes  ,  or  probable  pretences  ,  or  an  implicit  dependance 
upon  other  mens  judgements ,  is  to  difobey  both  God  and  Man  ?  and  this  duty  (  as 
the  Protefters  fay  truly  )  is  not  tyed  to  a  Kings  Chrifitanity  ,  but  his  Crorvn.     "tibe- 
rius  was  no  Saint  when  Chrift  bid  give  unto  Ciefar  that  which  was  C<efars.    Thus 
for  adive  obedience  ,  now  for  paluve.    If  a  Sovereign  (hall  perfecute  His  Subjeds , 
for  not  doing  his  unjuft  commands  ;  yet  it  is  not  lawful  to  refift  by  raifmg  Arms  a- 
gainft  him  :  "they  that  refift  Jhall  receive  to  themfelves  damnation.  But  they  ask,  is  there 
no  limitation  ?  I  anfwer  ,  ubi  lexmn  dijiinguit  nee  nos  diftinguere  debemuf,  how  fliall 
we  limit  where  God  hath  not  limited,  or  dirtingui(h  where  he  hath  not  diftingui- 
(hed  ?  but  is  there  no  remedy  for  a  Criftian  in  this  cafe  ?  yes  three  remedies. 

The  firft  is  to  ceafe  from  fin,  Kex  bonus  eft  dextra,  mains  finiftra  Vei,  a  good  King 
is  Gods  right  hand ,  a  bad  his  left  hand,  a  fcourge  for  our  fins :  as  we  fuffer  with 
patience  an  unfruitful  year  ,  fo  we  muft  do  an  evil  Prince  as  fent  by  God.  "toUatur 
culpa  ut  ceffet  lyrannorum  plaga,  (  faid  Aquinas,)  remove  our  fin  and  God  will 
take  away  his  rod. 

The  Second  remedy  is  prayers  and  tears  ,  In  that  day  you  JhaV  cry  unto  the  Lord  he- 
I  Sam.  7.  t8.;  caufe  of  your  King.  St.  Nazianzen  lived  under  five  perfecutions  and  never  knew  other 
remedy  ;  he  alcribed  the  death  of  Julian  to  the  prayers  ard  tears  of  the    Chrifti- 
ans.     Jeremy  armed  the  J  ewes  with  prayers  for  Nebuchadnezar ,  not  with  daggs  and 
daggers  againft  Nebuchadnezar.     St.  Paul  commands  to  make  Prayers  and  Uippli- 
cations  for  Kings, not  to  give  poifon  to  there.     St.  Teter  could  have  taken  vengeance 
with  a  word,  as  well  on  Herod  as  Ananias,  but  that  he  knew  that  God  referves  Kings 
for  his  own  Tribunal.     For  this  caufe  St.  Ambrofe  a  man  of  known  courage  refufed 
to  make  ufe  of  the  forwardncfs  of  the  people  againft  Valentinian  the  Emperour. 
And  when  Saul  had  flain  the  Priefts  of  God  and  perfecuted  David,  yet  faith  David, 
16  0    ^^"  '^"^  i^*"''"^^-'  /"'"''■'  bii  hand  againft  the  Lords  anoynted  and  be  guiltlep  It  was  duty 
I  Sam.  2  •  9.  and  not  a  fingular  defire  of  perfcdion  that  held  Davids  hands  i  who  can  ftretch  out 
his  hand  ?  no  man  can  do  it. 
"The  third  remedy  is  flight ,  this  is  the  uttermoft  which  our  Mafter  hath  allowed , 
M«t.  10: 2  3.    ^^^^  *'^0'  perfecute  you  in  one  City  fly  to  another.     But  a  whole  Kingdom  cannot  fly  , 
neither  was  a  whole  Kingdom  ever  perfecuted  by  a  lawful  Prince:  private  men  ta- 
fted  o{  Domitians  cruelty  ,  but  the  Provinces  were  well  governed  :  the  raging  de- 
fires  of  one  man  cannot  polfibly  extend  to  the  ruin  of  all.     Nor  is  this  condition 

fo 


DrscouRSElf.  Ihe  Serpent-Sal've.  -.- 

fo  hard  for  Subjeds  :  Ihis  it  thank^  rporthy   if  a  man  for  coufcience  toTPardTcod  mdwe  i-  Pet  ~TTrf. 

grief,  and  //  a  man  fttffer  m  a  Clmjiian  ,  let  him  glorife  God  on  this  behalf.     This  way 

hath  ever  proved  fuccefsful  to  Chriliian  Religion  :  the  blood  of  the  Martyrs  is  the 

fcid  of  the  Church  ,  cxdebantur  ,  torqttebantur ,  urebantur  ,  &  tamen  multiplicaban- 

tur. 

But  all  thefe  remedies  are  not  fufficient ,  they  are  nothing  ,  and  they  that  think 
otherwife  are  ftupid  fellows  in  the  judgement  of  the  Obferver  s  unlcfs  the  People 
have  right  to  preferve  themfelves  by  force  of  Arms  ,  yea  nottvithjhnding  any  contrads  P^^e  if- 
that  they  have  made  to  the  contrary  \for  every  private  man  may  defend  himfelf  by  force  ifaf- 
faulted,  though  by  the  force  of  a  Magijirate  ^  or  his  ore n  Father  ,  &c.  Firft  I  obferve 
how  the  Obferver  enterferes  in  his  difcourfe  ,  for  in  the  Fourty  Fourth  page  he  tel- 
leth  us  quite  contrary  ,  that  the  King  as  to  his  own  perfon  it  not  forcibly  to  be  repelled  in 
any  iU  doing.  But  palling  by  this  contradidion  ,  I  ask  two  queftionsof  him  by  his 
good  leave  ;  the  firrt  is,  if  a  Father  ihould  go  about  onely  to  corred  his  Child  and 
not  to  kill  him  or  maim  him ,  whether  he  might  in  fuch  a  cafe  cry  murther  mur- 
ther ,  and  try  malkries  with  his  Father ,  and  alledge  his  own  judgement  againft 
his  Fathers  to  prove  his  innocency?  My  Second  quefiion  is,  if  an  inraged  Father 
fhould  offer  extreme  violence  to  his  Son  ,  how  far  he  might  refift  his  Father  in  this 
cafe,  whether  to  give  blow  for  blow  ,  and  ftab  for  itab ,  or  onely  to  hold  his  Fa-  •     " 

rhers  hands  ?  For  if  it  be  a  meer  refiftence   without  any  further  adive  violence  5 

(  which  is  allowable  ,  )  if  it  be  onely  in  extream  perils  where  the  life  is  indangered' 
and  againlt  manifeft  rage  and  fjry  ■■>  what  the  Obferver  gets  by  this ,  he  may  put  it 
in  his  eye  and  fee  never  theworfe.     But  to  give  his  remedy  and  his  inftance  for  it 
a  pofitive  anfwer,  I  fay  further,  that  this  which  he  calls  a  remedy  is  ten  times  worfe 
than  the  difeafe  it  felf,  even   fuch  a  remedy,  as  the  luke-warm  blood  of  Infants 
newly  (lain  is  for  the  Leprofie  :  and  in  this  refped  worfe,  that  a  Leprofie    is  a  dif- 
eafe indeed  ,  but  where  fliall  a  man  almoft  read  in  ftory  of  a  Father  flaughtering  his 
Son  ?    except  perhaps  fome  frantick  Anabaptift  in  imitation  of  Abraham :    it  will 
not  be  difficult  to  find  two  Sons  that  have  made  away  their  Fathers,  for  one  Father 
that  hath  made  away  his  Son,  notwithftanding  the  Fathers  Authority.     So  this  cafe 
is  inter  rare  aut  nunqnam  contingentia,  and  may  be  reckoned  amongft  the  reft  of  the 
Obfervers  incredible  fuppofitions ,  which  are  anfwered  before  in  the  beginning  of 
this  Scdion.     But  if  the  Obfervers  Dodrine  were  once  received  into  the  world 
throughly,  for   one  inftance  of  a  parracide  now ,  we  ftiould  hear  of  an  hundred. 
A  mifchief  is  better  than  an  inconvenience :  a  mifchief  that  happens  once  in  an  ace 
than  an  inconvenience  which  is  apt  to  produce  a  world  of  mifchiefs  every  day  ••  as 
where  the  King  is  able  to  make  good  his  party,  res  facile  redettnt  ad  prijiinumjijtum; 
or  where  Forreign  Princes  (hall  engage  themfelves ,  on  the  behalf  of  Monarchy  it 
felf,  or  perhaps   do  but    watch  for  an  opportunity  to  feize  upon  both  parties  as 
the  Kite  did  on  the  Frog  and  the  maufe  5  and  howfbever,  where  ambition     co- 
vctoufnefs ,  envy  ,  newfangledneft ,  Schifm  fhall  gain  an  opportunity  to  ad  their 
mifchievous  intentions,  under  the  Cloak  of  Juftice  and  Zeal  to  the  Commonwealth. 
We   are  now  God  knows  in  this  way  of  cure  which  the  Obferver  prefcribes.     I 
may  fay  it  fafely  ,  This  Kingdom  hath  fuffercd  more  in  the  tryal  of  this  remedy 
in  one  year  ,  than  it  hath  done  under  all  the  Kings  and  Queens  of  England ,  fince 
the  Union  of  the  two  rofes,  I  think  I  may  inlarge  it,  fince  theconqueft  (  except 
onely  fuch  feditious  times.  }     Leave  a  right  to  the  Multitude  to  rife  in  Arms     as 
often  as  they  may  be  perfwaded  there  is  danger,  by  the  Obferver  or  fome  fuch  fe- 
ditious Oratours  for  their  own  ends  ;  and  every  Englijh  Subjed  may  write  on  his 
door  ,    Lord  have  mercy  upon  us. 

Thirdly  ,  I  do  grant ,  that  to  levy  arms  againft  the  Authority  of  the  King  in 
the  abfence  of  his  perfon  is  to  War  againft  the  King  i  otherwife  we  ftiould  ,  have 
few  Treafons.  Some  defperate  Ruffian  or  two  or  three  Raggamuffins  fometimes 
(  but  rarely  )  out  of  revenge,  moft  commonly  upon  feditious  Principles ,  and  mi- 
lled by  fome  fadious  Teachers ,  may  attempt  upon  the  perfon  of  the  Prince  :  but 
all  grand  confpiracies  are  veiled  under  the  mask  of  Reformation  ,  of  removing 
grieveances  and  evil  counfellours  ,  Fallit  enim  vitium  f^ecie  virttttis  &  umbra.  I  go 
yet  farther ,  that  when  a  Kings  Perfon  is  held  captive  by  force  and  his  commands 

Q_q  q  are 


AAsaj. 


^^^  The  SerpenuSahc. TONTETL 

-— mT^^rlv  extorted  from  him  bydurefs  and  fear  of  further  mi(chief,  contrary  to  the 

diftate  of  his  own  reafon ,  (  as  it  was  in  the  cafe  ot  Henry  thefixth  )  there  his  com- 
mands are  to  be  eftecmcd  a  nullity  of  no  moment,  as  a  forced  marriage  or  a  bond 
fealcd  per  mnaf.  But  where  the  King  hath  Dominion  of  his  own  Anions,  though 
he  be  adliially  milled  ,  and  much  more  though  he  be  faid  to  be  milled  •,  the  cafe  is 
far  other  wife.  Thcfc  three  truths  with  thefe  cautions  I  do  admit  in  this  diftindtion 
of  the  Kings  Perfon  and  Office. 

But  yet  fartlier  here  are  fundry  Rocks  to  be  avoided  in  it.     The  Firft,  is  not  one- 
ly  to  dirtinguilh  in  reafon  ,  but  adually  and  indeed  to  divide  the  Kings  Perfon  from 
His  Authority  i  that  is,  to  make  the  King  a  Tlatonical  Idea  without  perfonal  fub- 
filknce  ,  or  as  the  FamiUlls  do  make  their  Chrift  ,    a  quality  and  not  a  man;  as  if 
the  King  of  England  were  nothing  but  Carolm  Kex  written  in  Court  hand ,  without 
flefli  blood  or  bones.     To  what  purpofe  then  are  thofe  fignificant  folemnities  ufed  , 
at  the  Coronation  of  our  Kings  >  Why  are  they  Crowned  >  but  tofhew  their  Per- 
fonal and  Imperial  Power  in  Military  Affairs.     Why  Inthroned  ?  but  to  fhew  their 
judiciary  Supremacy  ;  Why  iiioyled  >  but  to  exprefs  their  Supremacy  in  matters  of 
Religion.     That  the  King's  Authority  may  be  where  his  Perfon  is  not ,  is  mofi: 
true ;  that  his  Perfon  may  be  without  Authority  ,  is  moft  falfe.     That  his  Office 
and  Authority  may  be  limited  by  Law,  is  true:  but  a  King  without  perfonal  Au- 
thority ,  is  a  contradidion  rather  than  a  King  ■>  fuch  a  King  as  the  Souldiers  made 
of  Chrift  ,  with  a  fcarlet  Robe,  a  Crown  of  Thorns,  a  Scepter  of  a  Reed  ,   and 
Mac.  ^7'  ^^'  a  few  Courtefies  and  Formalities.     The  Perfon  of  a  bad  King  is  to  be  honoured  for 
his  Office-fake  :  to  what  purpofe  ,  if  his  Perfon  and  his  Office  may  be   divided  ? 
how  dull  were  the  Primitive  Chriftians,  that  fuffered  Co  much  ,  becaufe  they  were 
not  capable  of  this  diftinftion  ?     By  this  diftindiion  St.  Paul  might  have  juftiiied  his 
calling  Ananiof  whited  Wall ,  without  pleading  that  he  k^erp  not  that  he  was  God's 
Uigh-Friejl  ,  and  have  told  him  plainly  that  he  reverenced  his  Office  ,  but  for  his 
Perfon  and  illegal  commands,  he  did  not  refpeft  them.     When  Maximian  com- 
manded the  Chriftian  Souldiers  to  facrifice  to  Idols  ,  this  was  an  unlawful  com- 
mand V  yet  they  chofe  rather  to  be  cut  in  pieces  than  to  refilf.     When  the  fame 
Maximian  and  Viockfian  ,  publifhed  a  cruel  edid:  at  Nicomedia  againft  Chriftians  , 
That  their  Churches  fliould  be  demolifhed ,  their  Scriptures  burned  ,  their  Apoftate 
Servants  infranchifed  ,  (  this  was  but  a  Perfonal  Arbitrary  ediA  )  A  principal  pro- 
fefTor  tore  it  in  pieces ,  and  fuffered  death  for  it  (  even  in  the  judgement  of  his  fel- 
low Chriftians )  defervedly. 

A  Second  danger  is  to  leave  too  great  a  latitude  of  Judgement  unto  Subjedls  to 
cenfure  the  doings  of  their  Sovereign  ,  and  too  great  a  liberty,  not  onely  to  fufpend 
their  obedience,  but  alfo  to  oppofe  his  commands,  till  they  be  fatisfied  of  the  le- 
gality   thereof.     As  miferable  a  condition  for  Princes ,  as  it  is  pernicious  for  Sub- 
jedis,  and  deftrudtive  to  all  Societies.     A  Matter  commands  the  Servant  an  unjuft 
adt  in  the  opinion  of  the  Servant  v  yet  the  Servant  muft  fubmit  or  be  beaten  .'  doth 
not  the  Mafter  himfelf  owe  the  fame  fubjedtion  to  his  Prince  ?  the  Mafter  denies 
the  adt  is  unjuft  ■■,  Co  doth  the  Prince,  who  fhall  be  Arbiter  ?  it  were  too  much  faw- 
cinefs  for  a  Servant  to  arrogate  it  to  himfelfi  what  is  it  then  for  a  Subjedl  ?  will 
a  ]udge  give  leave   to  an  executioner  to  reprive  the    Prifbner ,  till  he  be  fatif- 
fied  of  the  Legality  of  the  Judges  fentence>  A  Superiour  may  have  a  juft  ground  for 
his  command  ,  which  he  is  not  always  bound  to  difcover  to  his  Subjedls  '■>  nor  is  a 
Subjedk  bound  tofift  the  grounds  of  his  Superiours  commands.     In  fum  a  Subjedt 
fhould  neither  be  tanquam  fcipio  in  manu  ,  like  a  ftaffe  in  a  man%  hand  ,  alike  apt  to 
all  motions ;  ready  to  obey  his  Prince  ,  though  the  adt  to  be  done  be  evidently  a- 
gainft  the  Law  of , God  or  Nature ,  nor  yet  on  the  other  fide  ,  fo  fcrupulous  as  to 
demurr-upon  all  his  commands ,  until  he  underftand  the  legality  and  expedience  of 
each  circumftance ,  which  perhaps  he  is  not  capable  of,  perhaps  reafon  of  ftate  will 
not  permit  him  to  know  it.     The  Houfe  of  Commons  have  a  clofe  committee  , 
which  fhews  their  allowance  of  an  implicit  confidence  in  fome  cafes  :  yet  are  they 
but  Prodtors  for  the  Commonalty  ,  whereas  the  King  is  a  poffeffour  of  Sovereign- 
ty.    But  it  is  alledged  ,  that  of  trvo  evils  the  leji  is  to  be  chofen  ,  it  is  better  to  disobey 
Man  than  God  ;  rather  of  two  evils  neither  is  to  be  chofen :  but  it  is  granted  that 

when 


DtscouRSE     11.  The  Serpent-Sahe^  - . - 

when  two  evils  are  feared  ,  a  min  (hould  incline  to  the  faferpart:  now  if  the  Kino'i 
command  be  certain  ,  and  the  other  danger  but  doubtful  or  difputibk  :  to  difobey 
the  certain  command  for  fear  of  an  uncertain  or  furmifed  evil,  (  is  as  St.  JitjUn  faith 
of  fome  Virgins ,  who  drowned  themfelves  for  fear  of  being  defloured  ,  )  to  fsUiH- 
to  a  certain  crime  for  fear  of  an  uncertain. 

A  Third  errour  in  this  diftindion  is  to  limit  the  Kings  Authority  to  his  Courts. 
All  Courts  are  not  of  the  fame  Antiquity ,  but  fome  ereded  long  after  others , 
as  the  Court  of  requells ;  Neither  are  all  Jurtices  of  the  fame  nature  ,  fome  were 
more  eminent  than  others,  that  were  refident  with  the  King  as  his  Council  in  points 
of  Law  i  thefe  are  now  the  Judges ;  others  did  Juftice  abroad  for  the  eafe  of  the 
Subjedi  zs  Jufiices  of  Afftze  ^   Jujlices  in  Eire  ,  Jujhce:  of  Oier  and  terminer  ,    Jn- 
iHces  of  Peace.     The  Barons  of  the  Exchequer  were  anciently  Peers  of  the  Realm, 
and  do  Itill  continue  their  name;  but  to  exclude  the  King  out  of  his  Courts  is 
worfe  ,  a  llrange  Paradox ,  and  againlt  the  grounds  of  our  Laws  ,   the  King  alone 
and  no  other  may  and  ought  to  do  Jujiice  ,  if  he  alone  rvere  fufficient  ^  as  he  is  bound  by  Bra^-H^'  3« 
His  Oath.     And  again,  If  our  Lord  the  King  be  mtfufficient  himfelf  to  determine  every  cap.  9- 
caitfe  ,  that  his  labour  may  be  the  lighter  ,  by  dividing  the  burden  among  more  perfons 
he  ought  to  choofe  of  his  own  Kingdom  ,  reife  men  and  fearing  Cod ,  and  of  them  to  mah 
Juliices.     Thefe  Juftices  have  power  by  deputation  ,  as  delegates  to  the  King. 
The  Kings  did  ufe  to  fit  perfonally  in  their  Courts  ,  We  read  of  Henry  the  Fourth  ^"f' '°' 
and  Henry  the  Fifth  ,  that  they  ufed  every  day  for  an  hour  after  dinner  to  receive 
bills  and  hear  caufes  ;  EdtPard   the  Fourth  fate  ordinarily  in  the  Kings  Bench :  Ri- 
chard the  Third  (  one  who  knew  well  enough  what  belonged  to  his  part  )  did  af-  c 
fume  the  Crown  fitting  in  the  fame  Court ,  faying  ,  he  would  take  the  Honour  there 
Inhere  the  chiefejl  part  of  his  duty  did  lye ,  to  minilhr  the  Lares  :   And  Henry  the  Eight 
fate  perfonally  in  Guild-haU.     The  Writs  of  appearance  did  run  coram  me  vel  Jufti- 
ciariis  meis,  before  Me  or  My  Jufticesi   Hence  is  the  name  of  the  Kings  Bench,  jtfArtini 
and  the  tcjie  of  that  Court  is  Hill  tefie  meipfo  ,   witnefs  our  felf.     If  the  King  be  not 
learned  in  the  Laws  ,  he  may  have  learned  afliflants ,  as  the  Peers  have  in  Parlia- 
ment :  A  clear  and  rational  head  is  as  requifite  to  the  doing  of  Jufticc  ,  as  the  pro- 
found knowledge  of  Law  ;  It  is  a  part  of  his  Oath  ,  to  do^  to  be  kept  in  all  his  judg- 
ments, right  Jujiice,  in  mercy  ,  and  truth  y  was  this  intended  onely  by   fubftitutes, 
or  by  fubiUtutes  not  accountable  to  him  for  injuflice  ?  we  have  fworn  that  he  is 
Supreme  Governour  in  all  caufes  ,  over  all  perfons  reithin  his  Dominions  ,  is  it  all  one  to 
be  a  Governour  ,  and  to  name  Governours  >  David  exhorts  Be  rvife  novo  therefore  0  ugy.  j-  jv 
ye  Kings.     M'fes  lequkcsthzt  tht  King  read  in  the  book^of  the  Larp  all  the  days  of  his        ' 
■  Life,     ^orfum  perditio  h£c  ?  What  needs  all  this  expence  of  time ,  if  all  mult  be 
done  by  iubftitutes ,  if  he  have  no  Authority  out  of  his  Courts ,  nor  in  his  Courts 
but  by  delegation  i*  WhcnMofeshy  the  advife  of  Jethro  deputed  fubordinate  Go- 
vernours under  him  i    when  Jehofophat  placed  Judges  City  by  City  throughout  J7t- 
dah ,   It  was  to  eafe  themfelves  and  the  people ,  not  to  difingageand  exinanite  ^Chron,  I?.' 
themfelves   of  Power.     It  is  requifite  that  his  Majefly  fliould  be  eafed  of  lelTer  bur- 
thens ,  that  he  may  be  converfant  circa  ardua  Keipuhlic£  ,  about  great  affairs  of  State, 
but  fo  as  not  to  divell  His  Perfon  of  his  Royal   Authority  in  the  leafl  matters. 
Where  the  King  is,  there  is  the  Court ,  and  where  the  Kings  Authority  is  prefent 
in  his  Perfon,  or  in  His  delegates,  there  is  His   Court  ofjultice.     The  reafbn  is 
plain  then  ,  why  the  King  may  not  controll  His  Courts  ,  becaufe  they  are  himfelf; 
yet  he  may  command  a  review  ,  and  call  his  Juliices  to  an  accouut.     How  the  Ob- 
ferver  will  apply  this  to  a  Court ,  where  neither  His  Majefty  is  prefent  in  Perfon, 
nor  by  His  Delegates  I  do  not  underftand. 

The  Fourth  and  lalt  errour  is  to  tye  the  hands  of  the  King  abfolutely  to  His  Laws. 
Firfl ,  in  matters  of  Grace,  the  King  is  above  His  Laws,  he  may  grant  efpecial 
priviledges  by  Charter  to  what  perfons ,  to  what  Corporation  he  pkafeth  ,  of  His 
abundant  Grace  and  mcer  motion  :  he  may  pardon  all  crimes  committed  againii 
the  Law  of  the  Land  ,  and  all  penalties  and  irregularities  impofed  by  the  fame:  the 
perpetual  cuftom  of  this  Kingdom  doth  warrant  it.  All  wife  men  defire  to  live 
under  fuch  a  Government ,  where  the  Prince  may  with  a  good  confcience  difpenfe 
with  the  rigour  of  the  Laws.    Asforthofe  that    are  other  wife  minded,  I  wrfli 

Q_q  q  2  them 


fiel/tof  the 


.  Serpent-Sahe. TOME  II. 

Ih^I^T^othcr  punilhmcnt  than  this     that  the  penal  Laws  may  be  executed  on 
them  rtridVlv     till  they  reform  their  Judgements. 

•Scondlv  'in  the  A(fts  of  Regal  power  and  juftice ,  His  Majelly  may  go  befides 
or  beyond  the  ordinary  courfe  of  Law  by  His  Prerogative  New  Laws  for  the 
moll  part  (  efpecially  when  the  Kmg  Iknds  m  need  of  Subfidies  )  arc  an  abate- 
ment of  Royal  Power.  The  Soveraignty  of  a  ,uft  conquerour,  who  comes  in 
without  pactions ,  isabfolute,  and  bounded  onely  by  the  Laws  of  God,  of  Na- 
ture and  of  Nations  v  but  after  he  hath  conhrmed  old  Laws  and  cuHoms ,  or  by 
His  Charter  granted  new  Liberties  and  immunities ,  to  the  colledive  body  of  His 
Suh\c<th  or  to  any  of  them  ;  He  hath  fofar  remitted  of  His  own  Right,  and  can- 
not in  confcience  recede  from  it.  I  fay  in  confcience  ,  for  though  human  Laws 
as  they  are  humane,  cannot  bind  the  Confcience  of  a  Subjcd,  and  therefore  afor- 
tiore  not  of  a  King  who  is  the  Law-giver ,  yet  by  confcquence  and  virtue  of  the 
Law  of  God ,  (  which  {zithjubmit  your  fe  Ives  to  every  ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lords 
fali^ ,  and  again  Ihoujhalt  Love  thy  Neighbour  CK  thyself)  they  do  bind  ,  or  to  fpeak 
more  properly  ,  God's  Law  doth  bind  the  Confcience  to  the  obfervation  of  them. 
This  is  that  which  Divines  do  ufe  to  exprefs  thus  i  That  they  have  power  to 
F\tU  oi  mc  bind  the  confcience  infe^  fed  non  afe,  in  themfelves  but  not  from  thcmfelves  ;  mn 
Church.  ex  authoritate  Le^f Moris ,  fed  ex  aquitate  LegU ,  not  from  the  authority  of  the 

Law-giver ,  but  from  the  equity  of  the  Law :  many  who  do  not  grant  that  to 
violate  the  Law  of  ma-n  is  fin  univerfally ,  yet  in  cafe  of  contempt  or  fcandal  do 
admit  that  it  is  finful.     So   then    the   Laws    and  Cuftoms   cf  the  Kingdom 
are  limits  and  bounds  to  His  Majefties  power  i  but  there  are  not  precife  Laws  for 
each  particular  occurrence ,  and  even  the  Laws  themfelves ,  do  often  leave  a  lati- 
tude and  a  preheminence  to  His  Majefty  ,  not  onely  for  cicrumrtances  and  forms  of 
Juftice  ,  but  even  in  great  and  high  priviledges.     Thefe  wc  call  the  Prerogative 
Royal ,  as  to  be  the  fountain  of  Nobility  ,  to  coyn  Money  ,  to  create  Magiftrates . 
to  grant  Protedion  to  his  Debters  againft  their  Creditors  ,  to  prefent  to  a  benerice 
in  the  right  of  his  Ward  being  the  youngeft  Coparcener  before  the  eldeft,  not  to  be 
fued  upon  an  ordinary  writ,  but  by  petition  ,  and  very  many  others  which  are  be- 
yond the  ordinary  courie  of  Common-Law,  being  either  branches  of  abfolute 
power  or  prerogatives  left  by  the  Laws  themfelves. 

Thirdly ,  In  the  cafe  of  evident  neceflity ,  where  the  whole  Commonwealth 
lyes  at  ftake  :  for  the  fafety  of  King  and  Kingdom  ,  His  Majefly  may  go  againll 
particular  Laws.     For  howfoever  fancied  and  pretended  invifible  dangers  have 
thruft  us  into  real  dangers ,  and  unfeafonable  remedies  have  produced  our  prefent 
calamities  i  yet  this  is  certain  ,  that  all  humane  Laws  and  particular  Proprieties, 
muft  veil  and  ftrike  Top-fail  to  a  true  publick  neceflity.     This  is  confefled  by  the 
Obferver  himlelf  every  where  in  this  Treatife,  that  Salui  ppuU  U  the  tranfcendent 
Obf.  defended  ^^^^  ^y  ^jj  Politicks  ,  the  Larc  Taramount  that  gives  Law  to  all  humane  La-a?s     and 
particular  Laws  cannot  aff  contrary  to  the  legifative  intent  to  be  a  violation  of  fome  more 
Soveraign  good  introducible ,  or  fome  extreme  and  general  evil  avoidable ,  rchich  otherroife 
mi^ht  frvalloTP  up  both  Statutes  and  all  other  SanHions.     This  prefervative  power  the 
Obfcrver  afcribes  to  the  people,  that  is  to  fay  in   his  fenle  ,  to  the  Parliament    in 
cafe  the  King  Tcill  not  joyn  with  them.     Though  we   all  know ,  a  Parliament  is  not 
ever  ready,  nor  can  be  fo  fuddenly  called,  as  is  requifite  to  meet  with  a  fudden 
mifchief :  and  he  thinks  it  llrange,   that  the  King  (hould  not  allow  to  the  Subjed  a 
right  to  rife  in  Arms  for  their  own  necejiary  defence^  without  hU  confent ,  and  that  he 
ffloould  aSume  or  challenge  fuch  a  pare  in  the  legijJative  power  to  himfelf,  as  that  without 
hU  concurrence  ,  the  Lords  and  Commons  Jhould  have  no  right  to  mahg  temporary  Orders 
for  putting  the  Kingdom  into  a  pofiure  of  defence.     Strange  Phrafes  ,  and   unheard  of 
by  Englijh  ears  ,  that  the  Kingpould  joyn  with  the  people  ,  or  alTume  a  pare  in  the 
legiflative  Power.     Our  Laws  give  this  honour  to  the  King  ,  that  he  can  joyn  or  be 
a  (barer  with  no  man.     Let  not  the  Obferver  trouble  himfelf  about  this  divifion  ; 
The  King  like  Solomon's  true  Mother  challsiigeth  the  whole  Child  ,  not  a  divifible 
fhare,  but  the  very  Life  of  the  Legillative  power:    The  Commons   prefent  and 
pray  i  The  Lords  advife  and  confenti   The  King  enads.     It   would  be  much  for 
the  credit  ot  the  Obferver  s  defperate  caufe,  if  he  were  able  but  to  Ihew  one  fuch 

Prefi- 


page  4. 


Discourse  II.  The  Serpent-Sahe. 


547 


Prelldent  of  an  Ordinance  made  by  Parliament  without  the  King's  confent ,  that 
was  binding  to  the  Kingdom  in  the  nature  of  a  Law.  It  is  a  part  of  the  King's 
Oath  to  protcd:  the  Laws ,  to  preferve  peace  to  his  People  i  this  he  cannot  do 
without  the  Power  of  the  Kingdom  ,  which  he  challengeth  not  as  a  Partner ,  but 
folelyashisown  ,  by  virtue  of  his  Seigniory.  So  the  Parliament  it  felfacknow-  _,  . 
ledged ,  It  belongs  to  the  King  ,  and  hU  fart  it  ii  ,  through  his  Hoyal  Seigniory  ,  jirait-  '  ''•P'-'^U 
ly  to  defend  force  of  armour  ,  and  all  other  force  againft  his  peace  ^  at  all  times  when  it 
IJ}.ill  pleafe  him  ,  and  to  punij}}  them  rvhich  (hall  do  contrary  ,  according  to  the  Laws  and 
Vfages  of  the  Kealm ,  and  that  the  Frelates  ,  Earls ,  Barons ,  and  Commonalty  ,  are 
hound  to  aid  him  as  their  Sovereign  Lord,  at  all  feafons  when  need  Jhall  be.  Here  is  a 
Parliament  for  the  King,  even  in  the  point.  Tlie  Argument  is  not  drawn  ,  as 
the  Obfervator  fets  it  down  negatively  from  Authority  ,  or  from  a  maimed  and 
imperfedl  indudtion  ,  or  from  particular  Premifes  to  a  general  Conclufion  i  (  every 
one  of  which  is  fophiftical :  )  as  thus.  Such  or  fuch  a  Parliament  did  not  or  durfl  not  obf.  (defended 
do  this  or  that ,  therefore  no  Farliaments  may  do  it :  or  thus  ,  Some  Parliaments  not  V'i^  ^' 
comparable  to  the  Worthies  of  this  ,  have  omitted  fome  good  out  of  fupinenefs  or  difficul- 
ty ,  therefore  all  Parliaments  muji  do  the  fame  :  But  it  runs  thus,  no  Parliaments  did 
ever  aflume  or  pretend  to  any  fuch  Power ,  fome  Parliaments  have  exprefly  dil^ 
claimed  it ,  and  acknowledged  ,  that  by  the  Law  of  the  Land  ,  it  is  a  Jewel  or  a 
Flower  which  belongs  to  the  Crowns  therefore  it  is  His  Majcfties  undoubted 
Right,  and  may  not  be  invaded  by  any  Parliament.  Yet  farther.  It  were  well 
the  Obfervcr  would  exprefs  himfelf,  what  he  means  by /jwe  wore  Soveraign  good 
introducihle  i  the  neceffity  of  avoiding  ruine ,  and  introducing  greater  good  ,  is 
not  the  fame  :  Dangers  often  come  like  torrents  fuddenly  ,  but  good  may  be  intro- 
duced at  more  leifure ,  and  ought  not  to  be  brought  in  but  in  a  lawful  manner  , 
\vc  m^y  not  do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.  Take  the  Obferver's  two  inftances  , 
When  the  Sea  breaks  in  upon  a  County  ,  a  Bank^may  be  made  on  any  Man''s ground  with- 
out his  confent :  but  may  they  cut  away  another  Man's  Land ,  to  make  an  Harbour 
more  fafe  or  commodious  without  the  owner's  confent?  No,  A  Neighbours  Boufe 
may  be  pulled  down  tojiop  the  fury  of  a  Scathfire  :  but  may  they  pull  it  down  to  get 
a  better  profped ,  or  gain  a  more  convenient  High-way  ?  No,  We  defire  to  know 
what  this  Soveraign  good  introducihle  means  ,  and  are  not  willing  to  be  brought  in- 
to a  Fools  Paradife  with  general  infinuations.  Let  it  appear  to  be  fo  Soveraign  , 
and  we  will  all  become  Suiters  for  it:  but  if  it  be  to  alter  our  Religion  ,  or  our 
Form  of  Government ,  we  hope  that  was  not  the  end  of  the  Militia.  Laftly  , 
when  neceffity  difpenfeth  with  particular  Laws  ,  the  danger  mull:  be  evident  to  all, 
the  concurrence  general ,  or  as  it  were  general  ■,  one  or  two  opponents  are  no  op- 
ponents :  But  where  the  danger  is  neither  to  be  feen  ,  nor  to  be  named  ,  fo  uncer- 
tain ,  that  it  muft  be  voted  whether  there  be  any  danger  or  not ,  or  perhaps  be 
created  by  one  or  two  odd  Votes  i  this  is  no  warrant  for  the  pradice  of  that  Pa- 
r amount  Law  offalus  populi. 

By  this  which  hath  been  faid,  we  may  gather  a  refolution,  Whether  the  King 
be  under  the  Law  ,  and  how  far  \  I  mean  not  the  Law  of  God  or  Nature,  but  his 
own  National  Laws.  Firft,  by  a  voluntary  fubmilfion  of  himfelf,  Et  quodfub  Le-  d  «  -j  «. 
ge  effe  debet ,  evidenter  apparet ,  citrnfitVeiVicariusadfimilitudinem  Jefu  Chrijii  cujus  cap  s'  * 
vices  gerit  in  terris :  but  Chrift  was  under  the  Law  no  other  wife,  than  by  volunta- 
ry fubmillion.  Secondly,  the  Law  hatha  directive  Power  over  Kings  ,  and  all 
good  Kings  will  follow  it  for  example  fake  to  their  Subjeds,  for  confcience  fake 
to  themfelves.  'Lacitits  faith  of  Vef^afan  ,  that  being  antiquo  cultu  vi&uque ,  obler- 
ving  the  old  cuftoms  in  his  Diet  and  his  Apparel ,  he  was  unto  the  Komans,  pr£ci- 
puus  adjiriSii  moris  Author ,  an  excellent  pattern  of  Frugality.  But  the  Law  hath 
no  coercive  power  over  him.  This  (  befides  his  power  of  pardoning  and  difpen- 
fnig  }  may  appear  by  thefe  two  Reafons :  Firft ,  that  no  Writ  lyes  againft  him  in 
Law  ,  but  the  party  grieved  ,  hath  his  remedy  by  petition  or  fupplication.  Se- 
condly, that  if  upon  petition  he  doth  not  right  the  wronged  party,  there  is  no 
courfe  in  Law  to  compel  him  ,  Satis  fufficit  ei  ad  p£nam  ,  quod  Vominum  expeCtet 
ultorem  ■■,  and  elfe where,  Incidit  in  manm  Dei  viventis  ,  He  falls  into  the  hands  of 
the  living  God ,  which  the  Scripture  faith  is  a  fearful  thing ,   witnefs  Pharaoh ,  Se-  BraHoP: 

nachs' 


o  Jhe  SerpenuSdlve^ TOME   II' 

'ZZhenb  Nero  Vomitian  ,  Vioclefian ,  Vecim ,  Aurelian ,  Julian,  &c.  Some 
fhinbv  thcmfelvcs,  feme  by  others,  fome  drowned,fome  fmitten  with  Thunder,  fome 
/aren  with  Worms  i  how  feldome  do  Tyrants  efcape  puniOiment  even  in  this  World  ? 
\l-e  not  why  the  Obfervcr  fhould  be  fo  angry  ,  that  this  Doftrine  (liould  be  Pul- 
ited  (  as  he  phrafeth  it, )  or  why  he  (hould  accufe  it  of  Hattery  i  Whether  is  the 
greater  curb  ,  to  rellrain  Princes  the  fear  of  Man ,  or  of  God  i  of  temporal  onely, 
or  of  temporal  and  eternal  punishment  ? 

Si  genus  humanum  &  mortalia  temnitis  arma, 
Atfperate  Veos  memores  fandi  atque  nefandi. 

The  Obferver  acknowledgeth  as  much  in  effe(3: ,  "the  King  is  not  accountable  fur 

ill  done    Law  hath  onely  a  diredive  ,  no  coercive  force  upon  his  Ferfon.     There  is  a 

Page  44-        f-QUj-th  Anfwer  to  this  Text ,  by  diftinguifhing  between  private  perfons  and  fubor- 

dinate  Magiftrate  i    but   becaufe  the  Obferver   makes   no    ufe    of  it  ,    I   pafs 

by  it. 
'  Obferv.  But  Freedom  indeed  hath  divers  degrees  of  latitude  ,  and  all  Countries  there- 

in do  not  participate  alih^  v  hut  positive  Laws  muft  every  vchere  ajjign  thofe  degrees.  The 
Charter  of  England  is  notftrait  in  Priviledges  to  us ,  neither  is  the  King's  Oath  offntall 
firtngth  to  that  Charter-,  for  that  though  it  be  more  precife  in  the  care  of  Canonical  Privi- 
ledges ,  and  of  Bipops  and  Clergy-men  (  at  having  been  penned  by  Topijh  Bijhops)  than 
of  the  Commonalty  ,  yet  it  confirms  all  Laws  and  rightful  Cufioms  ^  amongji  rvhich   rve 
moji  highly  efteem  Parliamentary  Priviledges  v  and  at  for  the  VDord  eligerit ,  rvhether  it  be 
future  or  paft  ,  it  skills  not  much  i  for  ij  by   this  Oath  ,  Law  ,  Juflice ,  and  difcretion 
ie  executed  amon^tjis ,  in  all  judgements ,  (  m  well  in  as  out  of  Parliaments  )  and  if 
peace  and  godly  agreement  be  imirely  k^pt  among fl  us  all ,  and  if  the  King  defend  and  up- 
hold all  our  Laws  and  Cuftoms ,  tve  need  not  fear  ,  but  the  King  it  bound  to  confent  to 
new  Laws  ,  i/  they  he  necejiary,  of  well  Of  defend  old ,  for  both  being  of  the  fame  neceffi- 
ty  ,  the  publicly,  tri^  muji  needs  equally  extend  to  both  >  and  we  conceive  it  one  Parlia- 
mentary Kight  and  Cujiom,  that  nothing  necejfary  ought  to  be  denied.     And  the  word  eli- 
gerit zf  it  be  in  the  perfect:  tenfe  ,  yetjhews  that  the  peoples  eleSion  had  been  the  ground 
of  ancient  Laws  and  Cujioms  ■■,  and  why  the  peoples  EleGion  in  Parliament ,  Jhould  not 
he  now  of  as  great  moment  as  ever  ,  I  cannot  difcover. 
Anfw.  Momenta  fit  cinii  ,  diufilva :  The  Obfervcr  hath  been  long  weaving  a  Spi- 
Se^    12.       ^tJ-s  Web  ,  and  now  he  himfelf  fweeps  it  away  in  an  inftant  i  for  if  pofitive  Laws 
muft  every  where  aflign  the  degrees  of  Liberty ,  what  will  become  of  thofe  tacite 
trujis  and  refervations  ,  of  thofe  (ecret  and  implicitc  ,   but  yet  neceflary,  limits  and 
conditions  of  Soveraignty  ,  which  if  the  Prince  exceed  ,  the  Subjecft  is  left  free  i 
nay ,  he  if  bound  by  a  higher  duty  than  Oaths  and  aU  Ties  of  Allegiance  whatfoever  ,   to 
feek^his  own  prefervation  and  defence.     Calvin  was  of  another  mind  ,  Superior  fi  pote- 
flate  fua  abutitur  ^  rationem  quidemolimreddetVeo  ,  mn  tamen  in  pr£femia  juf  fuum 
In  I.  Fet,7,  amittit.     Admitting  this  Doctrine ,  that  there  are  fuch  fecret  refervations  and  con- 
ditions ,  and  thefe  as  general  as  Safety,  Liberty  and  Necelh'ty ,  and  make  the  Peo- 
ple their  own  judges  when  neceffity  is  ,  What  is  a  violation  of  Liberty,  and  what 
doth  endanger  their  Safety  :  and  all  that  great  and  glorious  power,  which  we  give 
unto  Princes,  will  become  but  like  the  Pope's  Infallibility,  and  his  temporal  Do- 
minion ,  which  his  Flatterers  do  give  unto  him  with  fo  many  cautions  and  refer- 
vations, that  they  may  take  it  away  when  they  pleafe  :  lak^  nothing,  and  hold  it 
faji. 

But  leaving  thefe  flegmatick  fpeculations,  I  do  readily  joyn  hands  with  the  Ob- 
ferver herein ,  That  the  pofitive  Laws  of  a  Kingdom  are  the  juft  meafiire  and  ftan- 
dard  of  the  liberty  of  the  Subjed.  To  fay  nothing  of  the  great  diftance  that  is 
between  our  European  Princes  in  extent  of  power  over  their  Subjeds,  to  come 
home  to  our  felves :  We  fee  fome  Corporations  are  endowed  with  more  Liberties 
and  Priviledges  than  others,  f  thanks  to  a  favourable  Charter  ,  not  to  any  antece- 
daneous  pactions  O  We  fee  what  difference  of  Tenures  is  amongft  us,  fome  are 
Copy-holders,  fome  are  Free-holders i  fome  hold  in  Villenage  ,  fome  in  Knight- 
fervice,  fome  infrce-foccage,  fome  in  Frank-Almain:  Whence  fprings  this  divcrli- 

ty? 


Discourse   II.  The  Serpent-Sahe^ 


549 


ty  ?  but  from  ciirtome  and  the  pleafure  of  the  Doner ,  who  freely  impofed  what 
conditions  he  liked  at  fuch  time  as  he  indowed  the  Anceilours  of  the  prefcnt  Pof- 
feflbrs  of  fuch  and  fuch  Lands.  We  have  a  furer  Charter  than  that  of  Nature  to 
hold  by  ,  Magna  Cbarta  ,  the  Englijh  Man's  jewel  and  treafi.tre  ,  the  fountain  and 
foundation  ot  our  Freedom  ,  the  Walls  and  Bulwark  i  yea  ,  the  very  life  and  foul 
of  our  (ecurity  :  He  that  goes  about  to  violate  it ,  much  more  to  fubvert  it  in 
whole  or  in  part ,  I  dare  not  curfe  him  ;  but  I  fay  for  my  felf ,  and  let  the  Obfer- 
verdo  the  like,  let  him  prove  the  (hame  and  abjedt  of  Men  ,  and  his  Pofterity 
flaves.  But  do  you  think  it  was  penned  by  Vopflj  Bijhops  ?  Fair  fall  them  tor  it  v 
certainly  they  did  that  as  Englifh  Bifhops  ,  and  as  Chrifhan  BiOiops ,  not  as  Popifli 
Bifliops :  long  may  their  reformed  Succeflbrs  enjoy  the  fruit  of  their  labours  ,  if 
they  do  not ,  others  may  look  to  themfelves. 

Jam  Wa  res  agitur  paries  cum  proximut  ardet. 

It  is  no  new  thing  to  begin   with  Bifhops  ,  and  end   with  Nobles.     It  troubles 
you  that  they  were  fo  precife  in  the  care  of  Canonical  Friviledges.    'Tis  probable 
they  did  it  out  of  devotion ,  or  a  Prophetical  inftindt  ,  as  forefeeing  or  fearing 
Schifmatical  Times.     Yet  you  confefs  withal ,  that  it  conhrms   aU  Lares  and  right- 
ful Cujioms  to  all  Subjedts  indifferently.     Now  ,  Sir  ,  we  are  come  to  a  fair  iltue, 
hold  your  foot  there  :  your  next  task  muft  be  to  (hew  what  part  of  Magna  Charta 
is  violated  by  His  Majefly  •■,  What  Liberties  there  granted,  are  by  him  detained  from 
the  Subjed' :  if  you  do  not  this,  you  have  made  us  a  very  long  Difcourfe  to  little 
purpofe.     Your  Argument  contifts  of  a  Propofition  and  an  Alfumption  '■>  the  Pro- 
poficion  is  this,  All  Laws  and  lawful  Cuftoms  are  confirmed  to  the  Subjedl  by  Mz- 
gna  Charta  ,  and  His  Majefties  Oath  for   obfervation  thereof.     Your  Affumption 
itands  thus  ,    but  to  have  nothing  ncceflary  denied  us  ,  is  a  lawful  Cuftom  ,  a  Par- 
liamentary right  and  priviledge :  You  amplifie   your  Propofition  ,  (  as  the  blind 
Senatour  commended  the  Fifli  )  at  dextra  jacebat  be  Una  ■■,  it  is  your  Affumption,  Sir, 
which  is  denied,  bend  your  felf  the  other  way,  and  (hew   us  in  what  particular 
words  of  Magna  Charta  ,  or  any  other  Charter  ,  or  any  Statute ,  this  Priviledge  is 
comprehended,  or  by  what  prefcription  or  prefident  it  may  be  proved  :  if  you  can 
do  none  of  thefe  ,  fit  down  and  hold  your  peace  for  ever  ■■>  the  Charter  of  Nature 
will  be  in  danger  to  be  torn  in  pieces,  if  you  ftretch  it  to  this  alfo.     To  be  denied 
nothing?  this  is  a  Priviledge  indeed,  as  good  as  Fortunatus  h\s   Purfe  i  or  as  that 
old  law ,   which  one  found  out  for  the  King  of  Ferfa  ,  that  he  might  do  what  he 
would.     But  you  limit  it,  he  ought  to  deny  them  nothing  which  is  neceffary  : 
What  necellity  do  you  mean  ?  a  fimple  and  abfolute  necelhty  i"  That  hath  no  law 
indeed  ■■,   or  a  necellity  onely  of  convenience  ?  but  conveniences  are  often  attended 
with  greater  inconveniences.     A  cup  of  cold  Water  to  one  who  hath  a  feverifh  di- 
Ikmper ,  is  convenient  to  afTwage  his  prefent  thirlt ,    but  pernicious  to  the  future 
habitude  of  his  body.     Many  things  may  produce  prefent  eafe,    yet  prove  deftru- 
(itive  to  a  State  in  their  confequences.     Thefe  things  therefore  muft  be  carefully 
ballanced,  and  by  whom>  Will  you  be  your  own  Judge  ?  or  will  you  permit  his 
Majefty  to  follow  the  Didate  of  his  own  reafon  ?  fo  it  is  meet  and  juft  ,  if  you 
will  have  him  fuperfede  from  his  own  Right.     Lav  your  hand  upon  your  heart, 
if  you  have  any  Tenents  who  hold  of  you  in  Knight-fervice  ,  and  they  (hall  de- 
fire  to  have  their  Tenure  changed  to  Free-foccage  ,  as  being  more  convenient  and 
conducible  for  them,  are  you  bound  to  condefcend  >   It  is  well  known  to  all  this 
Kingdom,  that  the  Kings  thereof  have  ever  had  a  negative  voice,  (  otherwife  they 
had  lefs  power  than  a  Mafter  of  a  Colledge  ,  or  a  Major  of  a  Corporation,  )  that 
no  Ad  is  binding  to  the  Subieft  without  the  Royal  affent.  That  to  fay  the  King 
will  advife,  was  evermore  a  futficient  ftop  to  any  bill.     Yet  the  ground  of  this  bold 
demand  is  but  the  Authors  conceit ,  IFe  conceive  it  to  be  one  Farliamentary  Right-,  and 
his  reafons  are  fuch  as  may  make  a  fhew ,  but  want  weight  to  beget  a  very  conceit. 
The  former  is  ,  that  new  Laws  and  old  being  of  the  fame  necefuy^  the  publick^tmli 
muji  equally  extend  to  both.     How  often  muft  he  be  told  that  the  publick  truft  is 
onely  a  truft  of  dependance  which  begets  no  fuch  obligation  as  he  conceits ,  Of- 
fices 


-T-  o  7he  SerpintSahe- TO  ML  JL 

' r TTl      .  „  ^  »vp  r^f/i/T  matters  that  fuimd  in    ititenfl   than  in  confidence.     Nei- 

^^^^-'^\t;;ft      r  n   th-"^^^^^  4mc  necdnty  of  ObfcrvingL  old  Law  , 

to  wSa  KineisbeundbyH^^  His  Oath ,  and  of  a  new  Law 

o  wh  ch  ^e  hafhnot  Given  His  Royal  Affent.  If  Magna  Charta  did  extend  to 
this  it  were  Charta  maxima  the  greateft  Charter  that  ever  was  granted  :  If  the 
Kinls  Oath  did  extend  to  this ,  it  were  an  unlawful  Oath  and  not  binding :  To 
fwear  to  conhrm  all  Laws  that  fliould  be  prefented  to  him  ,  though  contrary  to 
the  rule  of  Juflice  ,  contrary  to  the  didVate  of  his  own  reafon.  Among  fo  many 
improbable  fuppofitions ,  give  leave  to  the  other  party  to  make  one  ■,  the  Author  is 
not  Infallible,  nor  any  Society  of  men  whatfoever.  Put  the  cafe  a  Law  (hould  be 
prefented  for 'introducing  or  tolerating  of  Sociniamfm  or  Anabapifm^  or  the  new 
upltart  Independancy  i  is  His  Majefty  bound  to  give  His  Affent  >  Surely  no  ,  not 
to  ajjume  Bis  jujl  Torver  of  Supremacy  (  as  your  late  new  Mafters  confefs  )  were  dam- 
nahle  fn.  His  other  reafon  is  this,  it  skills  not  whether  the  word  eligerit  (  he 
{hould  fay  ekgerit  in  the  Kings  Oath  be  in  ihc  future  tenfe  or  in  the  perfcH  tenfe , 
whether  he  fwears  to  all  fuch  cuftoms  as  the  people  have  choftn,  orrfiall  choofei 
for  it  fliews  that  the  peoples  'EleCiion  was  the  ground  of  ancient  Laws ,  and  that  ought 
to  be  of  as  great  moment  now  as  ever.  It  is  a  rare  dexterity  which  the  Obferver  hath 
with  Midoi  to  turn  all  he  toucheth  into  Gold  ,  whatfoever  he  finds,  is  to  his  pur- 
pofe,  pall  or  to  come  all  is  one  ,  but  he  would  deceive  us  or  deceives  himfelf  i  for 
the  Peoples  eledion  never  was  ,  nor  now  is  the  fole  caufe  of  a  Law  or  binding  cu- 
ftome  :  but  the  Peoples  Eledion  was  thefocial  or  fubordinate  caufe,  and  the  P>.oy- 
al  Aifent  concurring  with  it ,  they  were  ever  joyntly  the  adequate  ground  of  Law, 
and  ftill  are  of  the  fame  moment  that  they  were  joyntly  and  feverally  ,  which  the 
Obferver  might  have  difcovered  with  half  an  eye. 
h  ^"'  becaufe  His  Majefties  Oath  at  His  Coronation ,  is  fo  much  infilkd  upon  ,  as 
^"'^*'"^*  obliging  Him  to  pafs  all  Bills  that  are  tendred  unto  him  by  His  Parliament,  it 
will  not  be  amifs  to  take  this  into  further  confideration ,  which  I  (hall  do  with 
all  due  fubmillion. 

Firft ,  It  muft  be  acknowledged  by  all  men  ,  that  the  King  of  "England  in  the 
eye  cf  the  Law  never  dies.     Waifon  zwdi  Clark^{  tvjo  Priefts  )  pleaded  that  they 
could  not  be  guilty  of  Treafon ,  becaufe  King  James  was  not  Crowned  :  The  re- 
folution  was  ,  that  the  Coronation  was  but  a  Ceremony  to  declare  the  King  to  the 
people ,  fo  they  were  adjudged  Traytors.    The  like  meafure  in  the  like  cafe  fuf- 
fered  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  in  Queen  Maries  dayes,  onely  with  this  differences 
Watfons  and  Clarh^  Treafon  was  before  the  Coronation  ,  but  the  Dukes  before  the 
very  Proclamation.     Confenfus  exprefftu  per  verba  de  prejenti  facit  matrimonium ,  a 
contradt  in  words  of  the  prefent  tenfe  ,  is  a  true  marriage  and  indiffolvible  :  and 
yet  for  folemnity  fake  ,  when  the  parties  come  to  receive  the  benedidion  of  the 
Church ,  the  Minifler  though  he  knew  of  the  contraft,  yet  he  asks  wilt  thou  have 
ibif  woman  to  thy  wedded  VTife  ?  There  is  no  duty  which  our  Kings-  do  not  receive  i 
as  Oaths  of  Fealty  ,  of  Allegiances   no  Ads  of  Royal  Power  which  they  do  not 
excercife  ,  as  amply  before  their  Coronation  as  after.     And  therefore  Mr.  Dolma 
(  otherwife  Farjons  the  Jefuit ,    from  whom  thefe  men  have  borrowed  all   their 
grounds )  erred  moft  pittifully  in  this  ,  (  as  he  did  in  many  other  of  your  Tenets, ) 
that  a  King  is  no  more  a  King  before  His  Coronation,  than  a  Ma'jor  of  a  Corpo- 
ration is  a  true  Major  after  his  Eledion  ,  before  he  have  taken  his  Oath.     To  think 
a  few  fcattered  people ,  affembled  without  any  procuration  have  die  power  of  the 
Commonalty  of  England ,    is  an  crrour  fitter   to  be  laught  at  than  to  be  con- 
futed. 

Secondly  ,  The  words  of  the  Oath  (  which  bears  marks  enough  in  itfelf,  of  the 
time  when  it  was  made  )  are  not  to  be  preffed  farther  than  cuftom  and  practice 
(  the  beft  Interpreters  of  the  Law  )  do  warrant ,  otherwife  the  words  quas  vulgus 
ekgerit ,  cannot  without  much  forcing  be  applied  to  the  Parliament.  But  admit 
the  word  vulgus  might  be  drawn  with  fome  violence  to  ilgnifie  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons ,  by  virtue  of  their  reprefentation  :  yet  how  have  the  Houfe  of  Lords  loft 
their  intereft  ,  if  the  King  be  bound  to  confirm  whatfoever  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons fhall  prefent  > 

Third-- 


Dfs COURSE  II.  The  Serpent-Sal've. 


5"^ 


Thirdly  ,  It  cannot  be  denyed  ,  that  if  the  King  be  bound  by  a  lawfUl  Oath"to  — " 

pafs  all  Bills ,  it  is  not  the  form  of  denying  it ,  but  the  not  doing  it,  which  makes 
the  perjury.  Therefore  the  form  of  the  Kings  Anfwer  Le  Koy  s'aviftra ,  cannot 
excufe  the  perjury  in  not  doing.  Neither  doth  it  prove  that  the  King  had  no  pow- 
er to  deny  ,  but  that  he  is  tender  of  a  flat  denyal ,  and  attributes  (o  much  to  the 
Judgment  of  His  Great  Council ,  that  he  will  take  further  advice.  This  would 
be  itrange  Dodtrine  ,  (  indeed  incredible  )  that  all  the  Kings  of  England  who 
have  given  this  anfwer  have  been  forfworn ,  and  neither  Parliament  nor  Convo- 
cation to  take  notice  of  it,  info  many  ages,  nor  in  the  next  fucceeding  Pailia- 
ment  after  fo  long  advife  to  call  for  a  farther  anfwer. 

Fourthly ,  It  is  confeiTed  that  in  Adrs  of  Grace ,  the  King  is  not  bound  to  affenf 
( it  is  well  if  he  have  not  been  reftrained  of  this  Right ,  )  that  in  all  Ads  where 
His  Majefty  is  to  depart  from  the  particular  Right  and  Interelt  of  his  Crown  he 
is  not  obliged  to  affent  (  and  was  not  that  of  the  Militia  fuch  a  cafe  ?  )  ladly,  'that 
thougli  he  be  bound  by  Oath  to  confent ,  yet  if  he  do  not  conient ,  they  are  not 
binding  Laws  to  the  Subjed,  Thus  far  well  but  then  comes  a  handful  of  Gourds 
that  poifons  the  pottage  :  except  in  cafes  of  neceffity.  Give  to  any  perfon  or  focie- 
ty  a  Legiflative  power  without  the  King  in  cafe  of  necelfity  \  permit  them  withal 
to  be  fole  Judges  of  necelfity  ,  when  it  is  ,  how  long  it  lafts ,  and  it  is  more  than 
probable  ,  the  neceffity  will  not  determine  till  they  have  their  own  defires  wliich 
is  the  fame  in  effedt  as  if  they  had  a  Legiflative  power.  Neceffity  excufeth  what- 
foever  it  doth ,  but  hrft,  the  necellity  muft  be  evident  :  there  needs  no  fuch  great 
Itir ,  who  fiiall  be  Judge  of  necelfity ,  when  it  comes  indeed ,  it  will  fliew  it  felf  i 
when  extreme  necelfity  is  difputable  ,  it  is  a  fign  it  is  not  real.  Secondly  ,  the  A- 
gent  mud  be  proper ,  otherwife  it  cuts  in  funder  the  very  finews  of  Government 
to  make  two  Supremes  in  a  Society  ,  and  to  fubjedl  the  people  to  contrary  com- 
mands :  If  the  T^rumpit  give  ail  uncertain  found  ^  who  paH  prepare  himfelf  to  battle  ? 
There  can  be  no  neceffity  fo  pernicious  as  this  very  remedy.  ^    .  i  «  8 

Fifthly  ,  the  great  variety  of  Forms  and  prefidents  fcems  to  prove  that  one  pre- 
cife  form  is  not  limply  neceflary  :  and   the  words  adjiciantur  qwe  jitjla  fuerint     and 
King  Henry  the  Eights  enterlining  it  with  his  own  hand  ,  do  prove  that  it  is  arbi- 
trary at  lead  in  part.     To  interline  it  with  his  own  hand ,  to  "leave  it  fo  interlined 
upon  Record  ,  O  flrange!^  If  this  claufe  had  been  of  fuch  conlequence     we  (hould 
have  heard  of  fome  queflion  about  it,  either  then  or  in  fome  fucceeding  Parliament-, 
but  we  find  a  deep  filence.     T'homaf  Arundel  Archbilhop  of  Canterbury  ,  in  Parlia- 
ment chargeth   Henry   the  Fourth  with  his  Oath  wliich  he  did   voluntarily  make.  Stow.p.  53^^ 
But  to  the  forms.     Firft  ,  the  Oath  which  King  James  and  ^ing  Charles  did  take 
runs  thus.     Sir  ^  npillTou  to  Grant,  to  hold  and  k^ep  the  Laws  aud  rightful  cujioms 
Tvhich  the  commonalty  of  thU  Kingdom  have.     Here  h  neither  h'ave  chofen ,  nor  fhall 
choofe.     The  Oath  of  EdrPard  the  Sixth  was  this,  Vo  Tou  grant  to  maks no  ^'^^ 
Laws,  but  fuch  as  JhaS  be  to  the  Honour  and  Glory  of  God,   and  to  the  good  of  the  Com~ 
monivealth  ,  and  that  the  fame  (hall  be  made  by  the  confent  of  your  people,   as  hath  been 
accujiomed.     Here  is  no  elegerit  flill ,  yet  His  Age  freed  Him  from  the  very  thought 
of  improving  His  Prerogative.     King  Henry  the  Eight  correded  the  form  then 
prefented  to  Him  thus  ,  And  affirm  them  rvhich  the  Nobles  and  People  have  chofen  rvith 
my  confent.     Here  is ,  have  chofen  and  the  Kings  confent  added  to  boot.     Dr.  Con>et 
in  his  Interpreter,  recites  the  Kings  oath  out  of  the  old  abridgement  of  Statutes 
fet  out  in  Henry  the  Eights  days  much  different  from  this  ,  as  that  the  KingJJwuld 
keep  all  the  Lands  ,  Honours  ,  Sec.     of  the  Crorvn  tvhole   without  diminution   and  reaf- 
fume  thofe  which  had  been  made  aveay.     And  this  claufe  in  qucilion  runs  thus.   He 
^aU  grant  to  hold  the  Laws  and  Cujioms  of  the  Realm  ,  and  to  h'n  Power  k^ep  them  and 
affirm  them  ,   which  the  Folk^  and  People  have  made  and  chofen  •■,  and  this  feems  to  have 
been  the  oath  of  His  Predeceflburs.     But  perhaps  if  we  look  up  higher,  wefliould 
find  aperfed  agreement  in  this  point.     Our  next  ftep  mud  be  to  Hatry  the  Fourth 
and  Richard  the  Second  ,  a  Tragical  time  when  the  State  runs  contrary  ways  like  a 
whirligigg,  fitter  for  the  honour  of  the  Nation  to  be  buried  in  oblivion  than  drawn 
into  prefident.     But  this  oath  being  no  innovation,   it  may  ferve  well  enough.  Yet 
the  oaths  of  two  Kings  do  not  agree  foexadly  as  to  fettle  a  certain  forme ,  as  to  in- 

R  r  r  ftanc« 


I 


55' 


The  Serpent-Sahe. TOME  U. 

l^^i^TT^lv  in  the  claufe  in  qudtion  i  He-wry  the  Fourths  Oath  rnns  thus,  cmedif 
Ldai  leaes  &  confuetudines  ejje  tenexdas     &  fromitusjtote  e^  ejfe  protege >Td as  &  ad 
Ho,torem  Vei  corroborandas  quof  vulgiis  e legem  :  which  laft  word  fignihes  indifferently 
either  have  chofen  or  (ha  II  choofe.     Neither  doth  the  Record  fay  that  this  was  the 
verv  Form  taken  by  Henry  the  Fourth,  but  that  it  was  the  ufual  Form  taken  by  the 
KiiLs  oC England,  and  twice  by   Kichard  the  Second,  and  for  proof  of  what  it 
faith     refers  us  to  the  Regilkrsof  the  Archbifliops  or  Bifhops  prowt  in  libris  pnnti- 
ficaliitm  Archiefifc.   &  Epifi.  pleniuf  continetur ,  this  prout  is  a  clear  evidence  that 
this  precife  Form  had  no  ground  in  Statute  or  in  Common- Law  ,  but  was  a  Pc-a- 
tifical  rite.     The  Oath  of  Kichard  the  Second  ,  related  in  the  clofe  rolls  of  the  firft 
Year  of  His  Reign  ,  even  in  this  very  claufe  differs  in  two  material  things :  one  is, 
that  to  Julias  Leges  &  confuetudines  ,  there  is  added  Eeclefi£ ,  the  other  is ,  that 
to  ekgerit  ii  added  jujle  &  rationabiliter ,  which  the  people  have  cholen  or  (hall 
choofe  juftly  and  reafonably :  which  limitation ,  if  the  Oath  look  forward  to  future 
Laws,  mull  of  necellity  be  either  expreffed  or  underftood,  otherwife  the  Oath  is 
unlawful   and  doth  not  bind :  jusjurandum  Hon  debet  ejfe  vinculum  iniquitatit.     Here 
alfo  the  word  elegerit  is  doubtful  whether  palt  or  future.     If  it  be  urged  that  to  cor- 
roborate muft  be  underfiood  of  fuch  Laws  as  have  not  paffed  the  Royal  Affent  •, 
is  eafie  ,  that  the  beft  confirmation  of  Laws  is  the  due  execution  of  them.     Now 
from  our  Englijh  and  Latin  Forms ,  our  laft  ftep  is  to  the  French,  which  was  taken 
by   Edtvard  the  Second  and  Edward  the  Third ,  (  as  it  is  faid  )  and  runs  thus. 
Sire  grantes  vous  a  tenir  &  garder  les  leys  &  les  cujiumes  dmiture  les  ksquiels  la  com- 
munante  de  vgjire  Koyaume  aur  ejlu  &  les  defenderer  &  afforcerer  al  honeur  de  dieu  a 
voftre  poare.     Firft,  How  it  (hall  appear  that  this  Oath  was  taken  by  Et/trdr^  the 
Second  and  E^i??^r^  the  Third,  we  are  yet   to  feek.     A  Bifhops  Pontifical,  and 
much  more  a  Heraulds  notes  taken  curforily  at  a  Coronation ,  do  not  feem  to  be 
fufficient  Records  nor  convincing  proof  in  our  Law  :  and  BraUon  who  lived  about 
the  fame  times  fetsdown  the  Oath  otherwi(e.     Debet  Rex  in  Coronatiene fua  innomi- 
BraHon  lib.^.   tte  Jefu  Chrijii  pr£ftito  Sacramento  ,  h<ec  tria promittere populo  f,bi  fubdito  v  prima  fe pr£- 
cap  9  cepturmn  &  pro  viribus  impenfurum  ,  ut  pax  Ecckfix  &  omni  populo  Chrijiiano  omni  fuo 

tempore  objervetur:  Secundo  utomnes  rapacitates  &  omnes  iniquitates  cmnibtu  gradibuf 
interdicat :  'tertio  ut  in  omnibus  judiciis  £quitatem  pr£cipiat  &  mifericordiam.     Here  is 
neither  have  chofen  nor  (hall  choofe.     Secondly,  though  the  French  do  agree  with 
the  Latin  much  for  fenfe  and  fubftance ,  yet  it  is  not  the  fame  Form.     Thirdly  , 
the  King  grants  to  defend  the  Laws  and  cufloms ,  but  it  is  no  Law  till  it  hath  re- 
ceived Royal  Affent ,  it  is  no  cuftometill  it  be  confirmed  by  a  Lawful  prefcriptior. 
Fourthly,  That  the  word  Ek£i  is  joyned  immediately  to  cuftoms,  which  feems  not 
fo  proper  if  reddendo  fwgula  fingulis ,  it  ought  to  be  referred  to  Laws  and  not  to  cu- 
f\ome.    Fifthly  ,   what  the    Norman    French  may  differ  from  the  Parifxan ,  or  both 
of  them  then  from    that  they  are  now ,  or  both  then  and  now  from  our  Law 
French ,  I  cannot  determine  :   but  take  it  at  the  wor(t ,  the  words  in  queflion  aur 
ejlu  make  lefs  for  the  Obferver  than  elegerit  it  felf ,  and  do  fignifie  have  chojen  ,    or 
in  the  molt  Grammatical  pedantical  conftrudtion  that  can  be  made  (hall  have  chofen-^ 
whereas  if  it  were  (hall  choofe  ,   it  (hould  be  ejlira  or  efdront.     If  the  Herauld  did 
take  his  notes  as  ill  as  he  tranflatcs  ,  his  remembrances  are  but  of  fmall  moment, 
before  all  thefe  Forms  I  read  of  others  in  late  Authors  (  for  I  have  not  opportunity 
to  fee  the  original  Records  ,  )  as  that  of  King  Kir/;(ir^  the  Firft  ,  agreeing  much 
with  BraUon.    'lo  obferve  Peace  Honour  and  Reverence  to  Almighty  God ,  to  His  Church 
and  to  the  Minivers  of  the  fame,  to  adminijler  Lart>  and  Jujlice  equally  to  all,  to  abrogate 
evil  Laves  and  Cuftoms  and  to  maintain  good.     Here  is  indeed  a  reference  to  future 
Laws ,  but  no  dependance  upon  other  mens  Judgements.     And  to  this  King  Johns 
Oath  came  neareft  of  any  Form  yet  mentioned,  though  not  exadly  the  fame  as  dif- 
fering in  the  Firft  claufe  in  this,  7o  love  and  defend  the  Catholic\Church. 

To  (umm  up  all  then  in  a  word  ;  Firft  ,  there  is  no  certain  Form  to  be  found. 
Secondly,  for  thofc  Forms  that  are,  the  Parliament  Rolls  refer  us  to  the  Biftiops 
Regifters.  Thirdly,  few  of  thofe  Forms  have  the  word  elegerit  or  choofe  in  them, 
and  thofe  that  have  it,  have  it  doubtfully,  either  have  chofen,  or Jhall  chufe.  Fourth- 
ly,  admitting  the  figpjfication  to  be  future  ,  yet  the  limitation  which  is  expreffed 


111 


Drs COURSE     II.  The  Serpent^Sahe^  -^^ 

^— ^ ■ ■ =— . — — 111. 

in  the  o^m  oP  Richard  zhc  Second  ,  jujie  &  ratmiabiliter  ^  juftly   and  reafonably 
muft  of  neceilky  be  underliood  in  all ,  other  wife  the  oath  is  unlawful  in  it  felf  to' 
oblige  the  King  to  perform  unjuft  and  unreafonable  propolltions ,  and  binds  not. 
Whether  it  be  exprelTed  or  underftood,  it  leaves  to  the  King  a  latitude  of  Jud^e' 
mcnt,  to  examine  what  is  juft  and  reafonable  ,  and   to  follow  the  didate  of  his 
own  underllanding  v  the  pradice  of  all  Parliaments  in  all  Ages  confirms  this  Ex- 
pofition.     Laltly,  admitting,  but  not  granting  ,  the   word  f/e-^fr/i  to  be  future , 
and  admitting  that  the  Limitation  of  jujic  &'rationabi!iter  could  be  fufpended  ,  yet 
it  would  not  bind  the  King  to  confirm  all  Laws  that  are  tendered,  but  onely  ex- 
clufively ,  to  impofi;  no  other  Laws  on  his  Subjeds ,  but  fuch  as  fhall  be  prefented 
and  approved  in  Parliament.     It  hath  been  queftioned  by  fome  ,  in  whom  the  Le- 
giilative  power  did  reft  by  Law,  Whether  in  the  King  (  alone  as  fome  old  Forms 
do  (eem  to  infinuate,  )   Concejjimui  ,  Kex  cnncedit ,  Kex  ordinal ,   Rex  fiaiuit     Do- 
minus  Rex  de  commimijuo  concilia  Jhtiiit ,  Vominns  Rex  in  Parliamento  ftatitit     )'or  in 
the  King  and  Parliament  jointly  :  And  what  is  the  power  of  Parliaments  in  Legi- 
flation  ,  Receptive ,  Confultive  ,  Approbative  or  Cooperative  :   and  whether  the 
making  of  Laws  by  Parliament  be  (  as  fome  have  faid  )  a  merciful  policy  to  prevent 
complaints  not  alterable  rcithoiet  great  peril  i  or   (as  it  feems  rather  )  an  abfolute  re- 
quifiteinLaw,  and  a  matter  of  nccellity  ,   there  being  fundry  Ads  inferiour  to 
Law-making,  which  our  Lawyers  declare  invalid  ,  unlefs  they  be  done  by  King 
and  Parliament.     Yet  howfoever  it  be  ,  abmdans  camela  non  nocet,  for  greater  cau- 
tion ,  it  yields  more  fatisfadion  to  the  people  to  give  fuch  an   oath  ,  that  if  the 
King  had  no  fuch  power,  he  would  not  ufurp  it ,  if  he  had  fuch  a  power  ,  yet  he 
■would  not  afTumc  it.     And  this  is  clearly  the  fenfe  of  that  oath  of  Edrvjrd  the 
Sixth,  That  he  would  make  no  new  Laws ,  but  by  the  confent  of  His  people  .  as 
had  been  accuftomed.     And  this  may  be  the  meaning  of  the  Claufe  in  the  Statute 
Sith  tlK  Larv  of  the  Realm  h  fitch,  that  upon  the  mifchiefs  and  dammages  which  happen 
to  this  Realm  ,  he  is  bound  by  his  Oath  reith  the  accord  of  his  people  in  his  Parliament 
thereof  to  mak^  remedy  and  Larc.     Though  it  is  very  true ,  that  this  being  admitted' 
C  as  then  it  was )  to  be  a  Law  in  Ad  ,  the  King  is  bound  by  another  claufe  in  his 
oath,  and  even  by  this  word  elegerit  in  the  perfed  tenfe  hath  chofen ,  as  well  or  ra- 
ther more  than  -if  it  were  in  the  future  Jf^jll  choofe.     And  fo  it  foJIows  in  that 
Statute  plainly,  that  there  was  a  Statute-law,  a  remedy  then  in  force  not  repealed 
which  the  Kin^  wm  bound  by  his  Oath  to  caufe  to  be  kept ,  though  by  fe/ferance  andne-     - 
gligence  it  hath  beenfince  attempted  to  the  contrary.     So  the  Obligation  there  intended      '''  ^^""'^^ 
is  to  the  execution  of  an  old  Law,  not  the  making  of  a  new.     Richard  the  Second 
confeiTeth  ,  that  he  was  bound  by  his  oath  to  pafs  a  new  Grant  to  the  Juflices  of 
Peace.     But  fid^  it  appears  not  that  this  was  a  new  Bill :  Secondly  ,  if  it  did     yet 
Richard  the  Second  was  then  but  Fourteen  years  old  :  And  Thirdly ,  if  his  ace'had 
been  more  mature  ,   yet  if  the  thing  was  juft  and  beneficial  to  the  people,  without 
prejudice  to  the  Rights  of  his  Crown,  and  if  his  own  rcafon  did  didate  fo  to  him 
he  might  truly  fay  ,  that  he  was  bound  to  do  it  both  by  his  oath  and  his  Office.  Yet 
his  Grandfather  Edward  the  Third  revoked  a  Statute  ,  becaufe  it  was  prejudicial  to  '*"'"'  '^  ^'''*"° 
the  Rights  of  his  Crown  ,  and  was  made  without  his  free  confent.  '* 

Obferv.  Ihat  which  rejults  from  hence  is ,  //  our  Kings  receive  all  Royalty  from  the 
people,  and  for  the  behoof  of  the  people  ,  and  that  by  a  fecial  trttfr  of  fafety  and  liberty 
expre[Jy  by  the  people  limited ,  and  by  their  own  Grants  and  Oaths  ratified ,  tben  our 
Kings  cannot  he  faid  to  have  fo  inconditionate  and  high  a  propriety  in  all  our  lives  liber- 
ties and  pofrejjions  .,  or  in  any  thing  elfe  to  the  Crown  appertaining  ,  iH  we  have  in  their 
dignity  or  in  uur  fives  i  and  indeed  if  they  bad,  they  were  not  born  for  the  people,  but 
meerly  for  themjelves  v  neitkr  were  it  larcful  or  natural  for  them  to  expofe  their  lives  and 
fortunes  for  their  Countrey ,  as  they  have  been  bound  hitherto  to  do,  according  to  that  of 
our  Saviour,  Bonus  Paftor  ponit  vitam  pro  ovibus. 

AnJTc.  Ex  his  pr£mijfrs  necejjariofequiturcollufw.     All  your  main  pillars  are  bro- 
ken reeds,  and  your  Building  muft  needs  fall  :  For  our  Kings  do  not  receive  all 'S'c^.  13^ 
Royalty  from  the  people  ,  nor  onely  for  the  behoof  of  the  people ,  but  partly  for 
the  people ,  partly  for  therafelves  and  theirs ,  and  principally  for  God's  glory  ; 
Thofe  conditionate  refervations  and  limitations  which  you  fancy,  are  but  your  own 

1<  r  r  2  drowfie 


'^'^4 


7b;  SerpenuSahe.      T  O  M  E  I  h 


7731^0  dreams  s  neither  doth  His  Ma)dUes  Charter,  nor  can  His  oath  extend  to 
any  fueh  hditious  priviledgc  as  you  devife:  The  propriety  which  His  Majefty  hath 
in  our  lives  liberties  and  eftates  ,  is  ot  pubiick  Dominion,  not  of  private  pof- 
fellion  :  His'  intereft  in  things  appertaining  to  the  Crown ,  is  both  of  Dominion 
and  PofTellion  :  the  right  which  we  have  in  him  is  not  a  right  of  Dominion  over 
him  ,  but  a  right  of  Protedion  from  him  and  under  him  :  and  this  very  right  of 
Protc'dlion  which  he  owes  to  us ,  and  we  may  exped  from  him ,  fliews  clearly 
that  he  is  born  in  part  for  his  people-,  and  is  a  fufficicnt  ground  for  him  to  expofe 
his  life  and  Fortunes  to  the  extreameft  perils  for  his  Countrey.  The  Authours  in- 
ference, that  it  is  not  lawful  or  natural  according  to  thcfe  grounds  ,  is  a  filly  and 
ridiculous  colledion,  not  unlike  unto  his  fimllitude  from  the  Shepherd  ,  whom  all 
men  know  to  have  an  abfolute  and  inconditionate  dominion  over  his  fheep ,  yet  is 
he  bound  to  expofe  his  life  for  them. 

Obftrv,  Bitt  now  ofTarliamems.  Farliamems  have  the  fame  effciem  caufe  as  Mo- 
narchies ,  if  not  higha  ■■,  for  in  truth  ,  the  rvhek  Kingdom  is  not  fo  properly  the  author^ 
as  the  effence  itfelf  of  Tarliaments  •,  and  by  the  former  rule  it  is  magis  t3.h,  becaufe  xpe 
fe  ipfum  quid  quod  cfficit  tale.  And  it  is  I  think,  beyond  all  controverfie,  that  Cod  and 
the  Laiv  operate  as  the  fame  caufes  ^  both  in  Kings  and  Parliaments  ■,  for  God  favours 
both  ,  and  the  Larv  (ftablijhes  both ,  and  the  AU  of  men  fill  concurs  in  the  fufientationnf 
both.  And  not  to  jiay  longer  on  this  ,  Parliaments  have  alfo  the  fame  final  caufe  as  Mo- 
narchies ^  if  not  greater^  jor  indeed  publick^fafety  and  liberty  could  not  be  fo  effeBually 
provided  fur  by  Monarchs ,  till  Parliaments  were  eonftituud^  for  fupplying  of  aH  defeds 
in  that  Government. 

Aiifff.  The  Obferver  having  (hewed  his  teeth  to  Monarchs ,  now  comes  to 
ScB.  14.  fawn  upon  Parliaments  :  the  Italians  have  a  Proverb  ,  Be  that  ^eaki  me  fairer  than 
he  tifeth  to  do  ,  either  hath  deceived  me  ,  or  he  would  deceive  me.  Queen  "Elizabeth  is 
now  a  Saint ,  with  our  Schifmatical  Mar-Prelate  •,  but  when  fhe  was  alive  ,  thofe 
railing  Kahjhak^hh  did  match  her  with  Ahab  and  Jeroboam:  now  their  tongues  are 
filvcr  Trumpets  to  found  out  the  praifes  of  Parliaments ,  it  is  not  long  fince  they  re- 
viled them  as  faft ,  calling  them  Courts  without  confcience  or  equity.  God  bleft 
Parliaments  ,  and  grant  they  may  do  nothing  unworthy  of  themlelves ,  or  of  their 
name ,  which  was  Senatm  Sapientum  :  The  commendation  of  bad  men ,  was  the 
iuft  ground  of  a  Wife  man's  fear.  But  let  us  examine  the  particulars.  Parliaments 
(you  fay  )  have  the  fame  efficient  caufe  as  Monarchies  ,  if  not  higher ,  (  it  fecms  you 
arenotrefolved  whether)  Higher?  How  fhould  that  be  ?  unlefs  you  have  devifed 
fome  Hierarchy  of  Angels  in  Heaven  to  overtop  God  ,  as  you  have  found  out  a 
Court  Paramount  over  his  Vicegerent  in  Earth.  But  you  build  upon  your  old  fan- 
dy  Foundation,  that  all  Kings  derive  their  Power  from  the  people.  I  muft  once 
more  tell  you  ,  the  Monarchy  of  this  Kingdom  is  not  from  the  people  as  the  effici- 
ent, but  from  the  King  of  Kings.  The  onely  Argument  which  I  have  feen  prefled 
with  any  (hew  of  probability  (  which  yet  the  Observer  hath  not  met  with  )  is  this, 
That  upon  deficiency  of  the  Royal  Line  ,  the  Dominion  efcheats  to  the  people  as 
the  Lord  Paramount.  A  meer  miftake  v  they  might  even  as  well  fay ,  that  bcc3u(e 
the  Wife  upon  the  death  of  her  Husband ,  is  loofed  from  her  former  obligation  , 
and  is  free  either  to  continue  a  Widow,  or  to  ele<fl  a  new  Husband,  that  there- 
fore her  Husband  in  his  Life-time  did  derive  his  dominion  from  her ;  and  that  by 
his  death,  dominion  did  efcheat  to  her  as  to  the  Lady  Paramount:  yet  if  all  this 
were  admitted  ,  it  proves  but  a  refpedive  equality.  Yes,  you  add  ,  That  the  Par- 
liament is  the  very  eflence  of  the  Kingdom  ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  the  caufe  of  the  Kingi 
and  therefore  by  your  Lesbian  rule  of  (juod  efficit  tale,  it  is  in  it  felf  more  worthy, 
and  more  povverful.  Though  the  Rule  be  nothing  to  the  purpofe,  yet  I  will  ad- 
mit it ,  and  joyn  ifTue  with  the  Obferver  :  Whether  the  King  or  the  Parliament  be 
the  caufe  of  the  other ,  let  that  be  more  worthy.  That  the  King  is  the  caufe  of  the 
Parliament,  is  as  evident  as  the  Noon-day-light  j  He  calls  them  ,  He  diffolves  them, 
they  are  His  Council ,  by  virtue  of  His  Writ  they  do  (  otherwife  they  cannot  )  fit : 
That  the  Parliament  (hould  be  the  caufe  of  the  King  ,  is  as  impolfible  ,  as  it  is  for 
Shem  to  be  NoaFs  Father.  How  many  Kings  in  the  World  have  never  known  Par- 
liament ,  neither  the  name  nor  the  thing  >  Thus  the  Obferver ,  Jn  the  infancy  of  the 

rrorld 


Discourse  II.  T/je  Serpent-Sahe. 


555 


world  meji  Nations  did  choofe  rather  to  jubmit  themfelves  to  the  difcretion  of  their  Lords 
than  to  rely  upon  any  limits  :  And  a  little  after  ,  Tet  long  it  was  ere  the  bounds  andcon^ 
ditions  of  Supreme  Lords  ,  rvere  fo  wijely  determined ,  or  quietly  conferved  as  now  they 
are.  It  is  apparent  then  ,  Kings  were  before  Parliaments  even  in  time  :  our  French 
Authours  do  affirm,  That  their  Kingdom  was  governed  for  many  Ages  by  Kings 
without  Parliaments  ,  happily  and  profperoufly  ;  Fhilip  the  Fair  was  the  rirft  Ere- 
der  of  their  Parliaments  of  P^rjf  and  Motmtpelliers.  As  for  ours  in  England^  will 
you  hear  Mr.  Stow  our  Annalilt  i  thus  he  in  the  Sixteenth  oi Henry  the  Firlt,  in  the 
name  of  our  Hiftoriographers  ,  not  as  his  own  private  opinion  ,  7hU  do  the  Hijiorio- 
graphers  note,  to  be  thefirji  Parliament  in  England  ,  and  that  the  Kings  before  that  time 
were  never  wont  to  call  any  of  their  Commons  or  people  to  Council  or  Law-making.  It 
may  be  the  rirft  held  by  the  Norman  Kings , .  or  the  firft  held  after  the  Norman  man- 
ner, or  the  firft  where  the  people  appeared  by  Prodors  ■■>  yet  we  find  the  name  of 
Parliament  before  this,  either  fo  called  then  indeed  i  or  by  a  Trolepfis,  as,  Lavi- 
na  littora.  And  not  to  contend  about  the  name  ,  this  is  certain.  That  long  before, 
in  the  dayes  of  the  Saxon  Kings ,  there  was  the  Aflembly  of  Wife  men  ,  or  Michle 
Synod ,  having  an  Analogy  with  our  Parliaments  ,  but  differing  from  them  in  ma- 
ny things.  So  doth  that  Parliament  in  Hewry  the  Firfi's  time  differ  from  ours  now> 
Then  the  Bifliops  had  their  Votes  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  ,  now  they  have  nonei 
Then  Prodlors  of  the  Clergy  had  their  Suffrages  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons ,  now 
they  are  excluded  ;  Then  there  were  many  more  Barons  than  there  are  now  Bur- 
geiles  i  every  Lord  of  a  Mannor  who  had  a  Court-Baron  ,  was  a  Parliament-man 
«atns  by  right;  Then  they  came  on  general  Summons  ,  after  upon  fpecial  Writ.  But 
both  the  one  and  the  other  were  poikriour  to  Kings,  both  in  the  order  of  Nature  ,■ 
and  of  Time :  How  fhould  it  be  other  wife  ?  The  end  of  Parliaments  is  to  temper 
the  violence  of  Soveraign  power ,  the  remedy  muft:  needs  be  later  than  the  difeafe  , 
much  more  than  the  right  temper.  Degenerate  Monarchy  becomes  Tyranny ,  and 
the  cure  of  Tyranny  is  the  mixture  of  Governments ;  Parliaments  are  proper  adju- 
ments  to  Kings  i  Farliaments  were  con^ittited  to  jupply  the  defeCis  in  that  Government , 
faith  the  Obferver  himfelf  i  here  you  may  apply  your  Rule  to  purpofe ,  that  the  end 
is  more  excellent  than  the  means.  I  deny  therefore  that  the  Kingdom  is  the  eiTence 
of  Parliaments  ;  Tliere  is  a  threefold  Body  of  the  State,  the  effential  Body,  the 
reprefentative  Body,  and  the  virtual  Body  :  The  elTential  Body  is  the  diffufed 
company  of  the  whole  Nobility ,  Gentry  ,  Commonalty  throughout  the  Kingdom: 
The  reprefentative  Body  are  the  Lords,  Citizens  and  Burgelfes  in  Parliament  af- 
fembled  and  intrufted  :  The  virtual  Body  is  His  Majefty  ,  in  whom  refis  the  life  of 
Authority  ,  and  pov/er  legiflative  ,  executive  virtually  ;  yet  fo ,  as  in  the  exer- 
ci(e  of  feme  parts  of  it  ,  there  are  necelTary  requifites,  the  confent  and  concurrence 
of  the  reprefentative  Body.  From  this  miftaken  ground  the  Obferver  draws  fun- 
dry  erroneous  conclufions,  pofito  uno  abfnrdo  fequuntur  niille. 

Hence  proceeds  his  Complaint ,  "that  feverance  hath  been  made  betwixt  the  parties 
chojen ,  and  the  parties  choofmg  ,  andfo,  that  that  great  Priviledge  of  allpriviledges,  that 
unmoveable  Bafts  of  all  Honour  and  Power  ,  whereby  the  Hmfe  of  Commons  claims  the 
intire  right  of  all  the  Gentry  and  Commonalty  0/ England,  hath  been  attempted  to  be 
paken.  A  power  of  Reprefentation  we  grant  refpedive  to  fome  ends,  as  to  con- 
sent to  new  Laws  ,  to  grant  Subfidies ,  to  impeach  Offenders ,  to  find  out  and 
prefent  grievances,  and  whatfoever  elfc  is  warranted  by  lawful  Culloms  i  but  an 
intire  right  to  all  intents  and  purpofes  ,  againft  Law  and  lawful  Culiome  we  deny. 
An  intire  right  i  what  ?  to  our  Wives  and  Children  ,  to  our  Lands  and  Pofiellions? 
this  is  not  tolerable. 

Hence  alfo  he  tells  Magiftrally  enough,  of  an  arbitrary  power  in  the  Parliamenti 
"Xhat  there  is  an  arbitrary  power  in  every  State  fomewhere  ,  it  is  true  ,  "'tis  necejfary  ,  and 
no  inconvenience  follows  upon  it ,  every  man  hath  an  arbitrary  power  over  himfelf  ,fo  eve- 
ry State  hath  an  arbitrary  power  over  itfelf,  and  there  is  no  danger  in  it  i  for  the  fame 
reafon,  if  the  State  intrufl  this  to  one  man  ,  or  few  there  may  be  danger  ,  but  the  Parlia- 
ment U  neither  one  nor  few ,  it  is  indeed  the  State  it  felf.  Now  the  mask  is  off,  you 
Ijave  fpun  a  fair  thread  ,  is  this  the  end  of  all  your  goodly  pretences  ?  if  this  be  your 
new  learning  ,  God  deliver  all  true  EngUJh-mcn  from  it  :  Wc  choofe  you  to  be  out 

Pro- 


55^ 


The  Serpent ■Sal've,  TOME   11" 


"i^aors  not  to  be  our  Lords  :  We  challenge  the  Laws  oiEjiglaTid  as  our  birthright 
a]  h    itance     and  diflike  arbitrary  Government  much  m  one  but  twenty  times 
and  J"""^'^^^^  -pj^^jg  js  „o  Tyranny  like  many-headed  Tyranny :  when  was  ever  fo 
^°  I  blood-fli'ed  and  rapine  under  one  Tyrant ,  as  under  three  in  the  Triumvirate? 
"^ d'^the  more  they  are  ,  IHII  of  necetlity  there  will  be  more  ingagements  of  Love 
^"d  hatred  and  covetoufnefs  and  ambitition  ,  the  more  packing  and  conniving  one 
with  another ,  the  more  danger  of  fadious  and  fcditious  tumults ,  as  if  the  evils 
of  one  form  'of  Government  were  not  fufficient ,  except  we  were  overwhelmed 
with  the  deluge  of  them  all  i  and  he  that  is  moft  popular  d  who  is  moft  commonly 
the  worll  )  will  give  Laws  to  the  rert.     Therefore  it  hath  ever  been  accounted  fafer 
to  live  under  one  Tyrant  than  many  :   The  Luft  ,  Covetoufnefs,  Ambition  Cruel- 
ty  of  one ,  may  be  fooner  fatisfied  than  of  many  ,  and  efpecially  when  the  power 
is 'but  temporary  and  not  hereditary  nor  of  continuance:  We  fee  Farmers  which 
have  a  long  term ,  will  husband  their  grounds  welU  but  they  that  are  but  Tenants 
at  will,  plough  out  the  very  heart  of  it.     No  Sir  (  I  thank  you  ;  we  will  none  of 
your  arbitrary  Government.     And  fuppofing ,  but  no  way  granting,  that  the  Par- 
liament were  the  Eflential  Body  of  this  Kingdom ,   or  (  which  is  all  one  )   were 
indowed  with  all  the  power  and  priviledges  thereof  to  all  intents  and  purpofesi  yet 
it  had  no  arbitrary  power  over  it  felf ,  in  fuch  things  as  are  contrary  to  the  Allegi- 
ance which  it  ows  to  HisMajefty  ,  and  contrary  to  its  Obligation  to  the  received 
Laws  and  cultoms  of  thisLand, 

Hence  he  afcribcs  to  Parliaments  a  power  to  call  Kings  to  an  account ,  hear  him- 
felf  'That  Frincej  may  not  be  now  beyond  all  limits  and  Laws  by  any  private  perjuns ,  the 
whole  community  in  its  ttnderived  Majejiypall  convene  to  do  Juflice,     Here  we  have  it 
exprelly  '■,  that  the  Parliament  is  the  whole  community  ,  that  it  hath  a  Majefiy  , 
that  this  Majefty  is  underived  ,  that  it  hath  Power  to  try  Princes,  yea  to  do  Juflice 
upon  them.     Hitherto  we  have  mifundcrftood  St.  Peter,  Submit  your  felves  to  every 
'      '     '     '  Ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lords  fak^,  whether  it  be  to  the  King  of  Supreme.     It  feems 
the  Parliaments  which  pafled  the  Oaths  of  Supremacy  and  Allegiance  ,  did  not  un- 
derltand  their  own  right ,  till  this  Third  Cato  dropped  from  Heaven  to  inform  them; 
and  above  all,  our  Non-Conformiit  Minifters  in  their  Solemn  Proteftation  are  deep- 
ell  in  this  guilt ,  who  affirm  fo  contidently,  that  for  the  King  not  to  aflume  Supre- 
macy ,  or  for  the  Church  to  deny  it ,  were  damnable  fin  ,  Tea ,  though  the  Statutes 
of  the  Kingdom  fhoulddeny  it  unto  him.     What  may  His  Fellow-Subjefts  expe(fi  from 
the  Obferver ,  who  is  fo  fawcy  with  his  Sovereign  ?  But  before  I  leave  this  point , 
I  defire  to  be  informed  how  this  new  Dodlrine  agrees  with  that  undeniable  prin- 
ciple of  our  Law  ,  'Ihe  King  can  do  no  wrong  >  The  Obferver  glofleth  it  thus.  That 
He  can  do  no  wrong  de  jure,  but  defado  he  may  i  which  is  the  drowfieft  dream- 
ing devife  ,  that  ever  dropped  from  any  mans  pen  in  his  right  witts:   Judas  or  the 
Devil  himfelf  can  do  no  wrong  <iej«re  ,  unlefs  both  parts  of  a  contfadidtion  can 
be  true  :  a  fair  priviledge  to  give  a  Prince,  which  a  High- way  Thief  may  chal- 
lenge.    It  may  with  more  probability  be  expounded  thus,  that  the  King   is  to  dif- 
charge  the  publick  affairs  of  the  Kingdom ,  not  by  Himfelf,  but  by  His  Officers 
and  Minifters ;  therefore  if  any   thing  be  amifs  or  unjuft,  they  are  faulty,   they 
arc  accountable  for  it,  not  He.     But  there  feems  to  be  fomething  more  in  this  prin- 
ciple than  thus :  for  Firft  by  the  fame  reafon  a  man  might  fay  the  Kmg  can  do  no 
right,  ifhecando  nothing  by  Himfelf.  He  is  not  capable  offuch  thanks  as  Tertullus 
^gj24,2.     gave  to  Falix  :  Secondly,  it  would  be  very  ftrange  ,  that  a   King  (hould  be  ex- 
cluded from  the  perfonal  difcharge  of  all  manner  of  duties  belonging  to  His  High- 
calling  ,  and   might  occafion  the  renewing  of  the  Wornans  commplaint  againft 
Thilip  of  Macedon,  Why  then  art  thou  King  ?  this  were  to  make  His  Ma  jefty  ano- 
ther Childerick^^  one  of  the  old  Ciphers  or  titulary  Kings  of  France ,  and  put  all 
the  power  into  the  hands  of  a  Major  of  the  Pallace  ,  or  a  Marffiall ,  or  fome  other 
Subjeds.     what  is  it  then  ?  there  muft  be  fomething  more  in  this  old  Maxime  of 
our  Law  ,  that  The  King  can  do  no  wrong.     And  it  is  this  doubtlefs  ,  that  in  the  in- 
tendment of  Law  His  Perfon  is  Sacred  ,  he  is  freed  from  all  defedls ,  (  as  though 
he  be  a  Minor  or  an  Infant ,  yet  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  he  is  always  of  full  age  ,  )  he 
owes  account  of  His  doings  to  God  alone,  ^he  Law  hath  no  coercive  power  over 

Him. 


Discourse   II.  The  SerpentSaiz/e^  t-i-^ 

Him.     This  is  that  which  Samuel  calls  The  Lavp  of  the  Kingdom  ,  not  to  (hew  whaj. 

a  King    may  Lawfully  do  ,  but  what  a  Subjed:  ought  to  bear  from  a  Lawful  King 

To  thee  alone  have  J  fumed,  Ciid  David;  he  had  trefpaffed  againft  "Z^nW;  and  Bathjhe- 

ba ,  yet  he  faith  to  thee  onely  have  I  finned ,  quia  Rex  erat ,  becaufe  he  was  a  King, 

and  accountable  to  none  but  God  ,   as  Clemens    Alexandriits,  Arnobim  ,  St.  Jerom, 

St.    Ambrofe  ,  Venerable  Bede  ,  Euthymiiis ,  and    fundry  others  do  all  affirm  upon  . 

this  one  place :  and  Gregory  of  Torvers  ,  Si  quis  de  nobis,  If  any  one  of  its  0  Kin<T , 

dopa^the  bounds  of  JujUce,  you  have  porter  to  corred  him ,  but  if  you  exceed  your  limits 

Toho  fljaH  chaftife  you  ?  We  may^ea\  to  you  , ;/  yon  lifl  not  to  hearken  ,  rt'ho  can  cond'-r-'t 

you  ,    but  that  great  God  ,  JFlm  hath  pronounced  Himfelf  to  be  KighteoufnefP     And  even 

Antoninw  Whom  the  Obferver  fo  much  commends  for  a  renowned  and  moderate 

Prince,  yet  is  pofitive  in  this  ,   Solm  Veus  Judex  Principu  (fie  poteji ,  God  alone  can 

be  Judge  of  a  Sovereign  Prince.     In  the  Parliament  at  Lincoln  ,  under  Edtvardths 

Firlt  ,  the  Lords  and  Commons  unanimoufly  affirm     the  fame  ,  with  a  wonder 

that  any  man  (hould  conceive  otherwife ,  That  the  King  of  England  neither  hath  an- 

ftvered,  nor  ought  to  anfwer  for  His  right ,   before  any  Judge  Ecclefiaftical  or  Secular^  ex 

pr£eminentia  fiatus  fui ,  by  reafon  of  the  preheminence  of  His  Regal  Dignity,  and 

cuftome  at  all  times  inviolably  obfervcd. 

To  try  Princes  and  to  do  Juftice  >  Some  man  would  defire  to  know,  how  far  this 
Jurtice  may  be  extended?  whether  peradventure  to  depofe  them  and  dethrone  them, 
to  exalt  them  and  deprefs  them  ,  Conjiituere  dejiituere  ,  conftruere  dejiruere  ,  fingere 
diffingere  ?  But  for  this  they  muft  expert  an  anfwer  from  the  Oblerver  by  the  next 
Port ,  when  he  fees  how  the  people  will  dance  after  his  Pipe,  and  whether  his 
mifled  partners  will  go  along  the  whole  Journey  or  leave  his  company  in  the  mid- 
way i  when  he  hath  fufficicnt  flrength  ,  then  it  is  time  and  not  before  to  declare 
himfelfe  :  Till  then  he  will  be  a  good  child  ,and  follow  Saint  Pauls  advice  in  part  i 
Stoppage  is  no  payment  in  our  Law.  Suppofe  the  Prince  failes  in  his  duty,  are  the 
Subjecfts  therefore  freefromthat  obligation  which  is  impofed  upon  them  by  the  Law 
of  God  and  Nature  ■*  When  His  Majeity  objcds  that  a  depofition  is  threatned  ,  at 
leaft  intimated ,  What  doth  the  Obferver  anfwer  ?  he  doth  not  difclaim  the  power 
but  onely  deny  the  fatft?*  Thus  he  faith  ,  It  may  be  truly  denyed  that  ever  free  Parlia^ 
ment ,  did  truly  confent  to  the  dethroning  of  any  King  of  England  ,  for  that  A&  rvhere- 
by  Richard  the  Second  was  dethroned  ,  was  rather  the  AVt  of  Henry  the  ■  Fourth  and  Hii 
viBoriom  Army,  than  of  the  wh^le  Kingdom.  Mark  thefe  words  ,  that  any  free  Parlia- 
ment. So  ,  it  feems  that  fome  Parliaments  are  not  free  :  And  again  «/i^  truly  confent^ 
there  may  be  much  in  th^t  word  alfoi  Firft,  whether  they  who  are  overawed  with 
power  of  unruly  Myrmidons  ,  may  be  faid  to  confent  truly  znAexanimo}  Second- 
ly, whether  they  who  confent  meerly  for  hope  of  impunity  to  efcapc  queliioning 
for  their  former  opprc (lions  and  extortions,  may  be  faid  to  confent  truly  ?  Thirdly 
whether  they  who  confent  out  of  hope  to  divide  the  fpoyle,  may  be  faid  to  confent  truly? 
Fourthly,  whereas  by  the  Law  of  Nations ,  the  rights  and  voices  of  Abfentces,  do 
devolve  to  thole  that  are  prcfent ,  if  they  be  driven  away  by  a  juft  and  probable 
fear  ,  whether  they  may  be  faid  to  confent  truly  ?  Laftly ,  they  that  follow  the  col- 
lier in  his  Creed  by  an  implicit  Faith  without  difculfion  refolving  themfelves  into 
the  authority  of  a  Committee  or  fome  noted  members  ,  may  they  be  faid  to  conlent 
truly  >  that  which  follows  of  Henry  the  Fourth  and  His  Vidorious  Army ,  (hews 
the  Obferver  to  be  as  great  an  Heretick  in  Policy  as  ^fJc/'/<^w/ himfelf :  he  might 
better  have  faid  the  Ufurper  and  his  Rebellious  Army.  For  a  Subjedt  to  raife  Arms 
againlt  His  Sovereign  ,  to  dethrone  him  C  as  BuHenbrook^  did  )  and  by  violence  to 
fnatch  the  Crown  to  himfelf  in  prejudice  of  the  right  Heirs  ,  is  Treafon  confeffed 
by  all  men  ,  his  acquifition  is  meet  Ufurpation  ,  and  for  any  perfon  or  focicty  of 
men  to  joyn  with  him  ,  or  to  confirm  him,  is  to  be  partakers  of  his  fin.  But  Gods 
Judgements  purfuc  fuch  difloyal  Subjedls  and  their  polterity  ,  as  it  did  them.  The 
greateO:  contrivers  and  adors ,  in  that  Rebellion  ,  for  a  ju(\  reward  of  their  Trea- 
fon, did  Firlt  feel  the  edge  of-Henries  vidorious  Sword,  and  after  them  Hries 
Pollerity  ,  and  the  whole  Enghjh  Nation  fmarted  for  Richards  blood.  It  is  obfer- 
ved  that  all  the  confpirators  againll  Julius  Cefar  ,  perifhed  within  three  years , 
fome  by  Judgement  of  Law,  others  by  Ship- wrack  upon  the  Sea  ,other5by  battle  un- 
der 


55^ 


The  Serpent  Sahe-  TOME   Ij 


Tkr  tlic  Swofd  of  their  conquering  Enemies,  others  with  the  fame  bodkin  where- 
with thcY  had  ibbbed  their  Emperouri  one  way  or  other  vengeance  overtook  them 
every  man.  What  others  fay  of  Eichards  reiignation  ,  is  as  weak ,  which  was 
done  by  dii'reffe  and  imprifonmcnt,  or  at  the  beft  for  fear  of  imminent  mifchicf; 

To  conclude  tliis  Scdion  ;  God  and  and  the  Law  operate  both  in  Kings  and 
Parliaments ;  but  not  in  both  alike.  God  is  the  immediate  caufe  of  Kings,  the 
remote  of  Parliaments.  Kings  and  Parliaments  have  the  fame  ultimate  and  Jr- 
chiwaonkal  cud  ,  that  is,  the  tranquillity  of  the  whole  body  Politick  ;  but  not  the 
fame  proper  and  next  ends,  which  in  the  Parliament  is  to  advife  the  King  ,  fupply 
the  King,  and  in  the  conftitution  of  new  Laws  to  concurr  with  the  King:  I 
tyrant  (  to  ^P^^^^  '"  ^'^  Majcfties  own  words,  as  more  fuU  than  the  Oblervers ,  ) 
7hat  Tarlumems  are  f'  Iffent'ul  apart  of  the  conjiitution  of  this  Kingdom  ,  that  rce  can 
attain  HO  happineff  rpitkout  them.  But  to  conclude  from  hence  their  Superiority 
above  Kings ,  or  equality  with  Kings ,  is  to  fubjed  the  Principal  efficient  to  every 
fecundary  caufe  ,  fubordinate ,  inftrumental ,  or  sine  qua  non, 

Obferv.  'Xrvo  tlnngs  are  aimed  at  in  Farliamsnts,  not  to  be  attained  to  by  other  means. 
Firft ,  that  the  intereji  of  the  people  might  be  fatisjied  ,  Secondly ,  that  Kings  might  be 
better  cowifeVed.     In  the  fummonsof'E.dwdirdtheFirji   ("  clauC    iii.  3   dorf.  J)   we 
fee  thefirji  end  of  Parliaments  exprefled  :  for  he  inferts  in  the  terit ,   that  vphatfoevtr  af- 
fair if  of  publicity  concernment ,  ought  to  receive  publick^approbation  ,  quod  omnes  tan- 
git ,  ab  omnibus  approbari  debet  or  tradtari.     And  in  the  fame  writ  he  faith  ,  thii  is 
lex  notillima  &  provida  circumfpedtione   ftabilita,  there  is  not  a  word  here  but  it  is 
obfervable ,  publick^  approbation ,  confent   or  treaty  U  neceffary  in  all publick^expedients 
and  this  U  not  a  meer  ufage  in  England  but  a  Lavf  ,  and  this  Law  is  not  fubjeci  to  any 
doubt  or  dijpute,  there  if  nothing  more  k^torvn  ,  neither  U  this  k>t ore n  Law  extorted  from 
Kings  ,  by  the  violence  and  injitjiice  of  the  people  ,  it  is  duely   and  formally  ejiablifh^t , 
and  that  upon  a  great  deal  ofreafin,  and  not  without  the  providence  and  circumf^edion  of  all 
the  States.     JVere  there  no  farther  antiquity  than  the  Reign  of  Edward  the  Firft  to  re- 
commend this  to  us  ,  certainly  jo  there  ought  to  he  no   reverence  withheld  from  it ,  for  this 
Frince  was  Wife^  Fortumte  ,  Jujl  and  Valiant  beyond  all  his  Predecejfours,  if  not  Suc- 
cefiours  alfo ,  and  tlxrefore  it  if  more  Salary  to  our  Freedoms  that  as  weah^andpeevifh  Prin- 
ces have  moft  oppofed  tbem  ,  fo  that  he  firft  repaired  the  Breaches  ,  which  the  conqueft  had 
made  upon  them.     And  yet  is  very  probable ,  that  this  Law  far  ancienter  than  His  Reign, 
and  the  words  Lex  ftabilita  &;  notillima /ffrnj  to   intimate,  that  the  Conqueft  itfelfhad 
never  wholy  buried  this  in  the  publick^ruin  and  confufwn  of  the  State.     Jtfhuuldfeem  at 
this  time  Llewellins  troubles  in  Wales  were  not  quite  fupprefred  ,  and  the  French  King 
was  upon  a  defign  to  invade  fome  pieces  of  ours  in  France  ,  and  therefore  he  fends  out  his 
fummons ,  ad  tracftandum ,  ordinandum  ,   faciendum ,  cum  prxlatis  proceris  ,  & 
aliis  incoiis  Regni ,  for  the  prevemion  of  thefe  dangers.     "Lhefe  wards  tradrandum  , 
ordinandum,  faciendum  ,  do  fully  prove  that  the  people  in  thofe  dayes  were  fummoned 
ad  confenfum  as  well  iH  confilium,  and  this  Law  qnod  omnes  tangit,  &c.    Jhews  the 
reafon  and  ground  upon  which  that  confent  and  approbation  is  founded. 
■    Anfw.  The  Obferver  is  juft  like  a  Winter  Brook ,  which  fwells  with  water  when 
SeU.  15.       there  is  no  need  ,  but  in  Summer  when  it  (hould  be  ufeful ,  is  drycd  up  ;  for  all 
the  abfurd  Paradoxes  which  he  brings  in  this  Treatife  ,  he  produceth  not  one  au- 
thority but  his  owni  and  here  to  confirm  a  known  truth  which  no  man  denies, 
he  cites  Rolls  and  adorns  them  with  his  glolTes.    For  my  part  I  know  no  man  that 
did  envy  or  maligne  the  honour  of  Edward  the  Firft,  except   Johannes  Major  ,  who 
was  angry  with  him  for  his  Northern  cxptditlon^Edwardus  Longfhanks  cum  longistibijs 
fuis  venit  inScotiam.  But  what  is  this  to  your  purpofe>yes,  it  makes  for  the  glory  of 
om  freedoms,  that  as  wea\and  peevifh  Prinses  oppofed  them,  fo  he  repaired  the  breaches  of 
tbem:  How  do  you  know  that :  by  this  fummons  alfo  ?  I  fee  you  are  dexterous,  and 
can  foon  make  an  ell  of  an  inch;  but  in  truth  you  are  very  unfortunate  in  your  in- 
ftances,  Edward  the  Firft  was  a  much  greater  improver  of  the  Royalty  than  any  of 
his  Predeceffours  ,  in  which  refped  he  is  ftiled  by  our  Chroniclers  the  firft  Conquerer 
after  the  Conquerer.     That  which  was  urged  to  his  Father  ,  was  never  that  I   read 
of  tendred  to  him  ,  for  the  Parliament  to  have  the  nomination  of  the  chief  Juftice, 
Chancellour  ,  and  Treafurer ,  but  onely  once  in  his  whole  time  ,  and  then  being 

reje- 


Dfs COURSE    II.  The  Serpent  Sal've^  t-^p 

rejjftcd  with  a  frown  was  never  moved  more.  It  is  more  probable  ,  or  rather  ap- 
parent,  that  the  lenity,  irrefolution  ,  and  mutable  difpolition  of  Princes ,  have 
been  that  which  hath  imboldencd  Subjeds  to  make  infolent  and  prefumptuous  de- 
mands to  their  Sovereign. 

Thus  for  the  Mjn  ,  you  arc  as  ample  for  the  Law  ,  that  it  is  lex  mtigima ,  and 
not  onely  «flfi/}iff2j  ,  hut  (labilita.  LzMy^  jiabilita  provida  circumjpeGiont.  A  trim 
gradatipn  ,  ^id  tanto  digmm  feret  Obfervator  hiatit  ?  Who  reads  this  ,  and  believes 
not  that  fome  great  mountain  is  travelling  ?  yet  in  very  deed  it  is  with  nothing  but 
a  ridiculous  Moufe;  pojiquam  incmdmt  pttgna  ^  after  the  fray  grows  hot,  diflies  and 
trenchers  are  turned  to  weapons  ,  faid  Erafmiu.  Let  your  Law  fpeak  it  felf ,  That 
vohkh  concerns  all  men  ,  ouqIh  to  be  approved  or  handled  by  all  men.  Who  denies  it  r*  I 
iliall  eafily  grant  you  ,  that  this  Law  is  not  onely  ancienter  than  the  firlt  Edivard, 
but  even  as  ancient  as  the  Hrll  Adam^  a  part  of  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  at  leaft  in  the 
grounds  of  it.  But  that  you  may  not  Ileal  away  in  a  mill:  of  Generalities ,  f  as  it 
is  your  ufe )  one  word  of  your  tangh  ,  another  of  your  approbari  dtbet.  That  rvhkh 
concerns  all  men:  Sir,  all  men  may  be  faid  to  be  concerned  two  ways,  either  in 
the  conftquents  of  affairs  ,  or  in  the  management  thereof  This  later  concernment 
gives  a  right  fometimes  to  counfei  onely  ,  fometimcs  both  to  counfel 
and  approve  ,  fometimes  both  to  couniel  ,  approve  and  ad  according  to 
the  private  conllitutions  of  Societies ,  but  the  former  implies  no  right ,  T\ti.- 
thcT  ad  approbandum  ^  not  yet  ad  tradandum.  As  for  example,  the  meancH:  Frefh- 
mcn  are  concerned  in  the  Statutes  and  Orders  of  the  Univerfity ,  yet  are  none  ad- 
mitted to  debate  them  but  the  Vifiters  ,  Heads  ,  and  at  the  loweft  the  Regent-Ma- 
irers.  And  this  exception  holds  in  all  cafes  ,  where  either  Inferiours  or  their  Pre- 
deceffours  have  legally  divefted  themielves  of  this  power  by  their  proper  a<5t ,  or 
where  this  truft  is  committed  to  Superiours  ,  by  the  Laws  divine ,  natural  or  nati- 
onal. 

Secondly,  the  Counfel,  Confent ,  or  Adl  of  Prodors ,  Attorn  ies,  and  gene- 
rally of  all  Truftees ,  whether  one  or  more,  whether  rightfully  eledted  or  impo- 
fed  ,  according  to  the  latitude  of  their  truft  ought  to  be  interpreted  as  the  Coun- 
fel ,  Confent ,  Ad  of  thole  perfons  by  whom ,  or  over  whom ,  or  for  whom 
they  are  fo  trufted  ,  and  whofe  power  virtually  they  do  retain  :  So  as  a  prefent 
and  poftcriour  confent,  is  not  necefTary  to  His  Majefty  ,  for  the  exercife  of  any 
Branch  of  that  Imperial  power  ,  which  by  Law  or  lawful  Cufiom  is  annexed  to 
His  Crown.  And  therefore  Edrcard  the  Firft  his  Summons  ad  tradandum  ,  ordi- 
nandum  ,  faciendum ,  which  is  the  fame  in  eifed  with  all  Summons  fincc  ,  will  do 
your  caufe  no  good  in  the  world  ,  unlets  you  may  have  leave  to  do  as  the  Devil 
did  with  Chrift,  leave  out  in  vt'n  tuis  :  fo  you  may  put  out  in  quibiifdam  ,  and 
thruit  in  place  thereof  in  omnibw  ,  as  you  do  in  the  next  page  ,  Jn  all  things  pertain- 
ing to  the  people.  Leave  thefe  frivolous  thefe  falfe  fuggellions  v  your  own  Confci- 
ence  cannot  but  tell  you  ,  that  reddendo  fingula  fnignlis ,  in  fome  things  the  Houfes 
of  Parliament  have  power  to  confent,  in  fome  things  to  order,  in  fome  things  to 
ad  ,  but  in  all  things  they  have  neither  power  to  ad,  nor  order  ,  nor  confent,  and , 
that  will  appear  by  your  next  Sedion. 

Obferv.  It  k  true  ^  we  find  in  the  Keign  of  Edward  the  Third  ^  that  the  Commons 
did  defxre  that  they  might  forbear  counfelling  in  things  ^  dequeux  ils  noun  t  pas  cogni- 
zance i  the  matters  in  debate  rvere  concerning  fome  interline  commotions  ^  the  guarding  of 
the  Marches  of  Scotland  ,  and  the  Seas  ,  and  therein  they  renounce  not  their  right  of 
confent,  they  onely  excufe  themfelves  in  point  of  counfel,  referring  it  rather  to  the  King 
and  his  Council.  Hove  th'n  (hall  derogate  jrom  Parliaments  ,  either  in  point  of  confent  or 
counfel  ,  J  do  not  kyiorv  ,  for  at  lali  they  did  give  both  ,  and  the  King  would  not  be  fa- 
tiff  ed  without  them.  And  the  paffage  evinces  no  more  but  thU  ,  that  the  King  was  very 
wife  and  warlike  ,  and  had  a  very  wife  Council  of  War  ,  fo  that  in  thnfe  particulars , 
the  Commons  thought  them,  moli  fit  to  be  confulted  ,  af  perhaps  the  more  k^towiifg 
men. 

Anfw.  This  is  the  firft  time  that  the  Obferver  is  pleafed  to  honour  his  adverle  Se£{.  16. 
party,  with  the  mention  of  one  objedion  ,  and  that   with  fo  ill  fucccfs ,  that  he 
cannot  unty  the  knot  again  with  all  his  teeth.   I  will  put  it  into  form  for  him  thusi 

S  ff  That 


560 


The  Serpent  Sal've-  '  TOME   il 


"That  which  the  Parliament  in  tlie  Keign  of  Edward  the   Third    had  not ,  that  no 
fnccixdmo  Parliament  hath,  but  that  Parliament  had   no   univerfa!  cognizance. 


therefore  fhcfameRuIe  holds  in  this  and  all  other  Parliaments.  The  Propofition 
■  ■  falliblv  true  grounded  upon  an  undeniable  Maxim,  that  quod  competh  tali  qua 
^taif  competit  emit  tali ,  that  which  is  true  of  one  Parliament  not  by  accident ,  but 
cflentially  as  it  is  a  Parliament ,  muft  of  necellity  be  true  of  every  Parliament.  The 
AlTumption  is  as  evident,  confefTed  by  the  Parliament  it  felf ,  who  belt  knew  the 
extent  of  their  own  power,  that  there  was  fome  things  of  which  ils  nount  fas  cog-- 
fiizaHce  they  had  no  cognizance.  And  if  we  will  believe  the  Obferver,  thefe 
things  which  did  not  belong  to  their  cognizance,  were  the  appeafing  fome  intel^ine 
or  civil  Commotions ,  and  the  guarding  of  the  Seas  and  Marches  :  Why ,  thefe 
are  the  very  cafe  now  in  queflion  concerning  the  Militia.  And  doth  a  Parliament 
here  confefs ,  that  they  have  no  cognizance  of  thefe  ?  Yes :  what  faith  the  Obfer- 
ver to  this  ••  he  faith ,  they  do  not  renounce  their  right ,  but  onely  excufe  them- 
selves in  point  of  Counfd:  Moft  abfurdly  ,as  if  there  were  either  confentor  coun- 
fel  without  cognizance.  But  he  faith  ,  they  did  give  both  confcnt  and  counfel , 
and  the  King  could  not  be  fatiified  mthout  them.  It  may  be  fo  ,  but  there  is  a  vaft 
difference  between  giving  counfel  when  the  King  licenleth  ,  yea  ,  and  requireth  it, 
and  intruding  into  counfel  without  calling  :  between  an  approbative  confent,  fuch 
as  the  Saints  give  to  God  Almighty,  the  onely  Authoritative  Judge  of  Heaven  and 
Earth',  and  an  adtive  confent ,  without  which  the  King's  Hands  fhould  be  fo  tied, 
that  he  could  do  jufl  nothing.  The  former  all  good  Kings  do  defire  ,  fo  far  as  the 
exigence  of  the  Service  will  give  way  to  have  their  Counfels  communicated  :  But 
the  later  makes  a  great  King  a  Cypher,  and  transforms  an  Emperour  into  a  Chrif^- 
mafs  Lord.  You  tell  us  ,  that  the  King  had  a  very  tPtfe  Council  of  War  ,  and  per- 
haps more  knowing  in  thefe  things  than  the  Commons.  It  were  ftrange  if  they 
fhould  not  be  fb ,  if  the  Commons ,  who  arc  Grangers  to  the  affairs  and  engage- 
ments of  State^  fhould  underftand  them  better  than  thofc  who  have  ferved  fundry 
Apprenticefhips  in  thzt  wzy  :  qui  pauca  conftderat ,  facile  pronunciat^  he  that  knows 
not  or  regards  not  the  circumfiances ,  gives  fentence  eafily  ,  but  for  the  mof^  part  is 
miilaken.  Ignorance  of  the  true  fliate  of  things  ,  begets  jealotifies  and  fears  where 
there  are  no  dangers  i  and  confidence,  where  the  peril  is  nearefl:  it  makes  a  Held 
of  thiftles  an  Army  of  pikes  i  and  an  Army  of  pikes  a  field  of  thirties.  Let  old 
Statefmeu  fit  at  the  Helm  fiill ,  and  fteer  the  Ship  of  the  Commonwealth  ,  the 
Commons  are  the  befl  Counfel  in  the  World  for  redreding  of  Grievances  ,  for  ma- 
king new  Laws,  for  maintaining  the  publick  Intereft  of  the  Kingdom  abroad, 
and  private  Interefl  of  the  Subjedt  at  home ;  Let  this  be  their  Work  and  their  Ho- 
nour. 

Obferv.  Now  upon  a  due  comparing  of  thefe  Tafiages  ,  vfith  fome  of  the  Kings  late 
Tapers  ,  let  the  world  judge  whether  Parliaments  have  not  been  of  late  much  kffened  and 
injured.  Tlje  King  in  one  of  his  late  Anfveers  alledges,  that  h'vs  Writs  may  teach  the 
Lords  and  Commons  the  extent  of  their  Commiffion  and  "Iruji  ,  which  is  to  be  Counfel- 
lers  ,  not  Commanders  ,  and  that  not  in  all  things  ^  but  in  quibufdam  arduis  i  and  the 
cafe  vf  Went  worth  is  cited,  who  was  by  ^een  Elizabeth  committed  (  the  Tarlia- 
ment  fitting  )  for  propofing  that  they  might  advife  the  ^een  in  fome  things  ,  which  pe 
thought  beyond  their  cognizance  ,  although  Wentworth  was  then  of  the  tJoufe  of  Com- 
mons. And  in  other  places,  the  King  denies  the  Ajlemhly  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  , 
to  be  rightly  named  a  Parliament ,  or  to  have  any  power  of  any  Court ,  and  confequently 
to  be  any  thing  hut  a  meer  convention  of  private  men. 

Many  things  are  here  ajjerted,  utterly  dejiruSiive  to  the  Honour,   Right  and  Being  of 
Parliaments.     Forfirji,  becaufe  the  Law  hath  trujied  the  King  with  a  prerogative  to 
difcontinue  Parliaments,  &c. 
SeU.  17.  Anfw.  Having  laid  thefe  former  grounds ,  the  Obferver  proceeds  to  fome  exce- 

ptions, againft  fome  paflages  in  his  Majef^ies  Papers ,  (that's  his  phrafe  )  as  if  they 
were  old  Almanacks  out  of  date  ,  fit  for  nothing  but  to  cover  Muftard-pots,  metu- 
entia  carmir.afcombros,  aut  thus.  His  firft  exception  is,  that  his  Majcfiy  is  trufkd  by 
the  Law  ,  (  which  the  Obferver  calls  now  a  formality  of  Law  ,  with  a  prerogative  to 
difcoiitinue  Parliaments,  leaving  no  remedy  to  the  people  in  fuch  a  cafe,   which  he 

faith 


Discourse  II-  The  Serpent-Sahe.  :-6i 

iaith  is  dejint^iive  to  the  Honaur  ,  right  and  being  of  Farliamems  ,  and  may  yet  be  mif- 
chievous  in  the  future  dijJolutioH  of  them  ^  and  nuk^  our  "Triennial  Parliaments  of  little 
fervice  ^  if  it  be  not  exploded  ma^.  What  is  this  to  the  Obfervers  grounds  of  His 
Majcliics  Declaration  .?  This  is  rather  an  exception  againrt  the  Law  it  felt'  than  the 
King:  So  the  Obfcrver  and  his  Pew- fellows  deal  with  Laws  and  Law-makers  i 
if  they  make  for  tlicm  ,  fufpiciirnt  ut  Aquilof  ^  they  admire  them  as  Eagles  ,  if  they 
make  againit  them  de^iciitnt  tit  graciths  ,  they  defpife  them  as  daws  ,  the  fundamen- 
tal conltitutions  of  the  Kingdom  ,  mult  beltraight  exploded  ,  the  Law  is  become  a 
Formality.  Are  you  in  earnelt  Sir,  that  this  is  delkudive  to  Parliaments  ?  you 
might  have  faid  more  truly  the  produftive  cauie  of  all  Parliaments  ,  that  ever  were 
in  England ,  or  of  any  AiTembly  that  had  an  Analogy  with  Parliaments.  I  took 
you  onely  for  a  reformer  of  (bme  abules  newly  crept  in  ;  but  it  is  plain  ,  you  intend 
to  be  another  Lycurgiu  ,  toiilter  the  whole  frame  of  Government.  Truly  Sir  you 
begin  very  high,  and  jump  over  the  backs  of  a  great  many  Generations  at  once  : 
doubtlefs  you  are  either  very  wile,  or  have  a  great  opinion  of  your  own  Wifdom. 
But  to  the  point,  it  is  confefled  that  fometimes  fome  evils  do  flow  from  inconfide- 
rate  trult ,  but  many  more  from  needlefs  jealoufie  :  incommuda  nonfolvtint  regidam, 
inconveniences  do  not  abrogate  a  Law.  Reftraint  commonly  makes  paliion  more 
violent.  When  you  have  done  what  you  can,  there  muft  be  a  truft  either  repo- 
icd  in  one  or  many  s  and  better  in  one  than  many.  Do  but  look  home  a  little, 
without  truft  a  man  knows  not  his  owu  Father  i  without  trull  a  man  knows  not 
his  ovvn  Children.  Some  trull  there  muft  be  ,  and  who  fitter  to  be  trulied  than 
he  that  hath  the  Supremacy  of  power  :  unlefs  you  will  make  two  SupremeJ.  You 
confefs  that  Parliaments  ought  to  be  ufed  as  Phyfick  ,  not  as  conflant  diet.  And 
the  Law  hath  now  fet  down  a  fair  term  for  the  continuance  of  an  ordinary  Parlia- 
ment ,  unlefs  you  would  be  continually  in  a  courfe  of  Phyfick. 

The  Second  exception  is  ,  His  Majelly  declares ,  that  the  Parliament  hath  no 
Univerfal  power  to  advife  in  all  things,  but  in  quibufdam  arditU  ,  according  to  the 
Writ ,  and  cites  the  prefident  o'i  Wentreorth ,  a  member  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons 
committed  by  Queen  Elizabeth  ,  (  the  Parliament  fitting  ,  )  for  propoling  to  advife 
lier  ,  in  a  matter   (he  thought  they  had  nothing  to  do  with.     The  Obferver  magni- 
fies Queen   Elizabeth  ,  for  Her  Goodnefs  and  Clemency  ,  but   whithal  he  adds 
Bitt  we  mu(i  not  be  pref  dented  in  apparent  violation  of  Lave  by   ^een    Elizabeth.     A 
grave  Hillorographer  tells  us  ot  a  dole  and  dangerous  kind  of  Enemies,  taciturn 
inimicornm  genm  ,  fuch  as  make  a  mans  praifes  an   introduftion    to  their  venemous 
inved:ives  ,  as  if  it  were  not  malice  but  pure  love  of  truth  that  even  forced  them 
to  fpeak  fo  much  :  fuch  an  one  is  a  good  man  ,  but  &c.     So  Queen  Elizabeth  was 
a  good   Queen,  but  in  this  particular  She  played  the  Tyrant.     To  violate  Laws, 
to  violate  them  apparently,  therefore  wilfully,  to  have  no  refpedf  to  the  Houfe  of 
Commons  (  whereof  iVentvrorth  was  a  member  ,  )  was  no  ilgn  of  Grace  and  cle-' 
mency.     Certainly  Queen  Elizabeth  (  a  wife  and  merciful  Princcfs,  one  that  (b 
much  courted  Her  people  )  would   not  have  done  it ,  but  that  She  thought  She 
had  jull  grounds  :  or  if  She  might  ery  in  Her  Judgement ,  yet  She  had  as  wife  a 
Council  as  any  Prince  in  Europe  ,  and  a  bufinefs  of  this  confequence  could  not  be 
done  without  their  advife  ,  who  doubtlefs  were  fome  of  them  members  of  the  fame 
Houfe  ,  or  if  both  She  and  they  fhould  be  miftaken ,  yet  why  were  the  Houfe  of 
Commons  themfelves  filent ,  whileft  fuch  a   known  priviledge  was  apparently  in- 
vaded'' why  did  they  not  at  leall  in  an  humble  Petition  reprefent  this  apparent  vio- 
lation of  their  liberties,  that  it  might  remain  as  a  memorial  to  plead  for  them  to  Po- 
ilerity,  that  they  were  not  the  betrayers  of  the  Rights  of  Parliaments  ?  She  that 
was  fo  Gracious  as  the  Obferver  acknowledgeth  ,  and  whole  goodnefs  was  fo  per- 
fed  and  undiffcmbled  ,  could  not  choofe  but  take  it  well ,  and  thank  them  for  it. 
Neither  will  it  fufHce  to  fay  She  gained  upon  them  by  courtefie  :   fuch  an  apparent 
violation,   fo  prejudicial  to   the  Higheft  Court  of  the  Kingdom ,  pafTed  over  in 
deep  filencc  ,  (hews  as  little  courtclieon  the  one  fide,  as  difcretion  en  ^he  other. 
In  brief,  as  I  cannot  conceive  that  thefe  words  iu  quibusdam  arduif  ,  are  fo  rcrtri- 
dtive  that  the  Houfe  may  confult  of  nothing  but  what  fhall  be  propofed  ,  or  was 
intended  at  the  time  of  the  fummons ;  fb  on  the  other  fide  I  do  not  fee  ,  howci- 

Sff2  ther 


,^  The  Serpent-Sal've^  TOME   11* 

' '  ther  tlK  commilHon  oT^^dbH^^i^^^  Cogd^ 

1  irifdia-ion  Queen  Elizabeth  declared  Her  felt  ottner  than  once  in  this  point  i 
"^  Her  f  ira  Parliament  (  when  in  reafon  She  (hould  be  moft  tender  )  to  the  Speaker 
"id  the  Body  of  the  Honle  of  Commons ,  out  of  their  Loves  humbly  moving 
Her  to  Marriage ,  She  anfvvered  that  5/'^  tfloJ;.it  wZ/,  becaufe  it  rvas  vphlmtt  Umitati- 
cK  of  pi'i'-e  or  perfntt ,  if  it  had  been  othervoife  ,  She  mufi  tweedy  have  mifliked  it ,  and 
thoLht  it  a  great  frejttm^tion^  for  thnfe  to  tah^  upon  them  to  bind  and  Itmit,  whofe  duties 

The  Third  exception  is ,  the  King  faith,  they  muft  meerly  Counfel  and  not  com- 
mand (  a  ilrange  charge  if  you  mark  it  )  For  it  U  impofible  that  the  fame  truii  fhould 
he  irrevocably  committed  to  the  King  and  His  Heirs  for  ever,  and  yet  that  very  truH,  and 
a  power  above  that  trn(i  be  committed  to  others.  The  Obferver  anfwers  ,  Firft  ,  ( little 
to  the  purpofe  )  that  though  there  cannot  be  two  Stipremes^yet  the  King  is  Univerfis  mi- 
nor hfl  than  the  colkUive  Body  of  HU  Subjects,  as  we  fee  in  all  conditionate  Princes, 
fuchiu  the  Prince  of  Orange  ,  &c.  His  Maxime  that  the  King  is  ftngtUk  Major  ,  V- 
niverfu  Minor  (except  the  King  Himfelf  be  included  in  the  Vniverfi)  hath  been 
fliaken  in  pieces  before.  The  Law  is  plain  ,  the  Kings  moji  Royal  Majejiy  of  meer 
26.  H  8.  2o«  droit  and  very  right ,  is  very  Head,  King  ,  Lord  and  Kuler  of  this  Realm.  And  doth 
he  now  intend  to  include  the  King  of  England  in  His  &c.  among  conditionate 
Princes.  Take  heed  Sir,  this  will  prove  a  worfed^c.  than  that  in  the  late  Canons. 
Secondly,  He  anfwers  that  though  the  Kings  power  be  irrevocable,  yet  it  is  not 
Univerfal,  the  people  have  referved  fomething  to  themfelves  out  of  Parliament , 
and  fomething  in  Parliament.  It  were  to  be  wifhed  that  he  would  diftindly  fet 
down  the  particular  refervations  i  a  deceitful  man  walks  in  Generalities.  Still  the 
Obferver  dreams  of  Elcdtivc  Kingdoms  ,  where  the  people  have  made  choice  ei- 
ther of  a  perfon  or  a  family  :  To  us  it  is  nothing,  they  that  give  nothing  can  rc- 
ferve  nothing.  Trufted  and  yet  referved  ?  How  the  Obferver  joyns  Gryphins  and 
Horfcs  together  >  if  trurted  how  referved  ?  if  referved  how  truflcd  >  but  how 
doth  the  Obferver  prove  cither  his  truft  or  refervation?  nay  it  is  a  tacitetrufti  in  good 
time,  fo  he  proves  his  intention  by  a  company  of  Dumb  witneffes.  In  conclufion 
his  proof  is ,  that  it  is  a  part  of  the  Law  of  Nature.  A  trim  Law  of  Nature  in- 
deed ,  which  is  diametraHy  oppofite  to  the  Law  of  God  and  of  Nations.  The 
Obferver  deals  in  this  juft  as  if  he  had  a  Kinfman  dyed  teftate  ,  and  he  ihould  fue 
for  a  part  of  his  goods  ,  and  neither  alledge  the  Will  nor  codicil,  nor  cuftome  of 
the  Countrcy  ,  but  the  Law  of  Nature  onely  for  a  legacy. 

Next  the  Obferver  raifeth  a  new  Argument  out  of  His  Majefties  words  ,  a  tem- 
porary PoTcer  ought  not  to  he  greater  than  that  which  is  lajiing.  This  is  Firlt  to  make 
Dragons  and  then  to  kill  them  v  or  as  boyes  firft  make  bubbles  in  a  fliell ,  and 
then  blow  them  away  without  difficulty.  The  finews  and  ftrength  of  His  Majefties 
argument  did  lye  in  the  words  to  him  and  to  his  Heirs  ,  and  not  in  the  word  above: 
but  if  he  will  put  the  word  above  to  the  tryal ,  if  he  reduce  it  into  right  form  it  is 
above  his  anfwer.  To  give  a  power  above  His  Majefty ,  fufficient  to  cenfure  His 
Majefiy ,  to  a  body  diflblvable  at  his  Majefties  pleafure ,  is  abfurd  and  ridiculous  : 
as  if  the  King  (hould  delegate  Judges ,  to  examin  and  fentence  the  Obfervers 
feditious  paffages  in  this  Treatife  ,  and  yet  withal  give  power  to  the  Obferver  to 
disjuflice  them  at  his  pleafure  }  in  fuch  a  cafe  he  need  not  much  fear  the  fentence. 
The  Obferver  pleads  two  things  in  anfwer  to  his  own  fliadow.  Firft ,  that  then  the 
Romans  had  done  unpolitickiy ,  to  give  greater  power  to  a  lemporaryViCiator  than  to 
the  ordinary  Confuls.  Secondly  ,  that  it  was  very  profier bus  to  them  fometimes  to  change 
the  form  of  Government  ,  neither  always  living  under  eircumfcribed  Confuls  nor  under  un- 
circ7tmfcrihed  Vidators.  We  fee  what  his  Teeth  water  at ;  he  would  have  His  Ma  jelly 
a  eircumfcribed  Conful ,  and  gain  an  Arbitrary  Didtatorian  Power  to  himfelfe  and 
fome  other  of  his  Friends.  But  in  the  meane  time  he  forgets  himfelfe  very  farre  in  his 
Hiftory ;  for  rirft  the  power  of  the  Didtator  and  of  the  Confuls  was  not  confiftent  to- 
getheribut  the  power  oftheKing  and  theParliamcntisconfiftent.Secondly  the  change 
of  Goverment  was  fo  farre  from  being  profperous  to  the  Romans,  that  every  change 
brought  that  State  even  to  Deaths  door.  To  inftance  onely  in  the  expulfion  of  their 
Kings  as  moft  to  the  purpofe  i  how  near  was  that  City  to  utter  ruine  ,  which  owes 

its 


Discourse     H.  The  Serpent=Sahe^  ,  02 

its  fubliltance  to  the  valour  of  a  fiiigle  man,  Horatiiu  Cocks  :  if  he  had  not  after 
an  incredible  manner  held  a  whole  Army  play  upon  a  Bridge  ,  they  had  payed  for 
their  nevvfanglednefs,  with  the  facking  of  their  City.  Thirdly,  the  choofing  of 
a  Diftator  was  not  a  change  of  their  Government  ,  but  a  branch  of  it ,  a  piece 
refervcd  for  extremcll  perils  ,  their  lafi  anchor  and  refuge  either  againl^  forreign 
Enemies  ,  or  the  Domellick  feditions  of  the  Fatricii  and  Flebeii :  and  is  fo  far 
from  yielding  an  argument  againft  Kings ,  that  in  the  judgement  of  that 
politick  Nation,  it  (hews  the  advantage  of  Monarchy  above  all  other  forms  of 
Government. 

The  Obferver  ftill  continues  His  Majefties  Objedion ,  to  make  the  Parliament 
more  than  Counfellers ,  is  to  make  them  His  Commanders  and  controllers.     To 
which  he  anfwers  ,  To  confait  if  more  than  to  Counfel ,   and  yet  not  altvays  fo  much  ai 
to  command  ^  for  in  infer iour  Courts ,  the  Judges  are  fo  Counfellours  for  the  Kina      that 
be  may  not  counurmand  their  judgement ,  yet  it  rvere  a  harp  thing  to  fay  that  therefore 
they  are  his  controllers  ,  much  more  in  Parliament ,  where  the  Lords  and  Commons  repre- 
jent  the  rvhole  Kingdom.     If  there  were  no  other  Arguments  to  prove  the  Superiority 
of  Parliament  above  the  other  Courts  than  this,  that  it  reprefents  the  Kingdom  as 
they  do  the  King  i  it  would  get  little  advantage  by  it.     7o  conjent  is  more  than  to 
Counfel  ,  and  yet  not  always  fo  much  as  to  command.     True ,  not  always ,  but  to  coun- 
Icl  fo  as  the  party  counfelled  hath  no  liberty  left  of  diiTenting  ,  is  always  either  as 
much  as  to  command  or  more:  a  man  may  command  and  go  without  ■■,  but  here  is 
onely  advifc,and  yet  they  muft  not  go  without.     What  a  ftir  is  here  about  confent? 
If  he  underftand  confent  in  no  other  notion  than  Laws  and  lawful  Curtoms  do  al- 
low i  it  is  readily  yielded,  but  makes  nothing  to  his  purpofe.     One  faid  oi  Arijiotle 
that  he  writ  waking ,   but  Plato  dreaming  \  the  one  had  his  eyes  open  and  conllder- 
cd  men  as  they  were  indeed  ,  the  other  as  he  would  have  them  to  be:    but  if  ever 
man  writ  dreaming ,  it  was  this  Obferver  ?  his  notes  may  ferve  rather  for  the  Me- 
ridian of  New  England  than  Old  England  ,  and  of  Eutopia  rather  than  them  both. 
He  calls  the  Judges  the  Kings  Counfellors ,  as  if  they  were  notalfo  his  Delegates 
Deputies ,  and  Commillioners ,  what  they  do  is  in  his  name  and  his  Adl :  yet  if 
they  fwerve  from  Juftice  ,  he  may  grant  a  review  and  call  them  to  account  for  any 
mifdemeanour  by  them  committed,  in  the  exercife  of  their  places  i  and  this  either 
in  Parliament  or  out  ©f  Parliament.     But  &ic  inference  hence,  that  becaufe  the 
Parliament  may  take  an  account  of  what  is  done  by  His  Majelly  in  His  Inferiour 
Courts ,    therefore  much  more  of  what  is  done  by  him  without  the  Authority  of 
any  Court ,  feems  very  weak.  It  is  one  thing  to  take  an  account  of  Himfelf,  another 
to  take  an  account  of  His  Commillioners.  His  Majefty  hath  communicated  a  part  of 
his  Judiciary  power  to  hisjudges  ,   but  not  the  Flowers  of  his  Crown,  nor  his  in- 
tire  prerogative,  whereof  this  is  a  principal  part ,  to  be  free  from  all  account  in 
point  of  Jurtice  ,  except  to  God  and  his  ownconfcience. 

The  laft  Exception  is ,  That  the  King  makes  the  Parliament  without  his  con- 
lent ,  A  live  lefs  convention  without  all  virtue  and  porper  ^  faying,  th^t  the  very  name 
of  Parliament  is  not  due  unto  them.  Which  Allegation  (  faith  the  Obferver  )  at  one 
blow  confounds  all  Parliaments ,  andfubjeVts  its  to  as  unhounden  a  'Regiment  of  the  Kings 
meer  Will ,  as  any  Nation  under  Heaven  ever  fuffered  under.  For  by  the  jame  reafon 
that  the  Kings  defertion  of  them  mak^s  Parliaments  virtulefs  and  void  Courts  ,  He  may 
mak£  other  Courts  void  likewife.  Here  is  a  great  cry  for  a  little  Wool! :  If  he  proves 
not  what  he  aims  at,  yet  one  thing  he  proves  fufticiently  ,  that  himfelf  is  one  of  the 
greatcft  Calumniators  in  the  World  ,  in  fuch  grofs  manner  to  Jlander  the  foot-iieps 
ot"  God's  Anointed ,  Agnofcas  primogtnitum  Sathanx.  Where  did  ever  the  King  fay, 
that  Parliaments  without  his  prefence  are  virtulefs  and  void- Courts  ?  but  he  deni- 
eth  them  the  name  of  Parliaments ,  which  is  all  one:  yes ,  if  a  Goofe  and  a  Fea- 
ther be  all  one.  The  name  Parliament  with  us,  ilgnifies  moft  properly  the  Parly 
of  the  King  and  his  People :  In  a  fecondary  fenfe  it  figniiies  a  Parly  of  the  Subjeds 
among  themlelves  i  neither  of  thefe  virtulefs  ,  but  the  one  more  vigorous  than  the 
other.  So  the  Body  is  fometimes  contradil^inguiflied  to  the  Soul ,  and  includes 
both  head  and  members  ,  fometimes  it  is  contradiftinguiOied  to  the  head  ,  and  in- 
cludes the  members  onely.     It  is  one  thing  to  be  a  true  Parliament ,  and  another 

ta 


S<^4 


The  Serpent-Sahe.  TOME  1  [■ 

—TTT^-oinplcat  Parliament,  complcat  to  all  intents  and  purpofes  ,  and  particu- 
br  V  in  rcfpcd  of  the  Lcgiilative  power.  In  this  later  .fenfe  onely  his  Majelly  de- 
it  and  in  this  fcnle  the  Obferver  dares  not  aftirm  it.  To  dilpute  about  the 
n'lmc  is  a  mcer  Logomachy  ,  and  from  the  name  to  infer  this  heighth  of  power  ,  is 
a  trirtiiic  Hoiw>!ymy.  But  the  Obferver  will  cither  be  C£far  or  no  body  -,  either  all 
power  or  no  power :  jnft  like  a  little  Child  ,  who  if  he  wants  fome  one  thing  he 
dciircs'  throws  away  all  he  hath,  and  tails  a  crying.  To  his  fear  of  his  MajelHes 
dcferting  his  other  Courts ,  he  may  as  well  fear  his  deferting  of  himfelf.  This  may 
iio  amongd  the  reit  of  his  improbable  poilibilities  ,  which  never  were  ,  never  will 
be  deduced  into  Ad.  If  he  will  admit  no  Inllitution  which  is  fubjed  to  any  abufe, 
he  murt  feek  for  prefidents  in  the  new  World  of  the  Moon. 

Here  he  takes  occafion  to  declaim  againft  our  new  Mafters  of  Divifion  ,  whofe 
Founder  is  A/jc/>/^i'f/ i  their  rule,  Divide  &  impera  ■■,  their  rirft  eredion  was  iince 
ihefhird  pf  NiivembenS^o.  His  Majelty  is  the  Principal  of  the  Colledgc,  rvhoje 
Taper s  (' faith  the  Obferver  )  are  fraigbted  fcarce  veith  any  thing  elfe ,  but  fmh  dodrine 
of  Vivifr'n  ■,  teiidinir  to  the  fubverfion  of  oiir  Fundamental  Conjiitutions  ^  yet  find  Juch 
applaufe  in  the  rvorld.  His  plea  againrt  them  confifls  of  a  Fourfold  charge :  Firft  , 
They  have  divided  between  the  King  and  the  Parliament.  Secondly,  Betwixt 
the  Parliament  and  the  Kingdom  ,  withdrawing  thcmfelves  from  their  reprefenta- 
tivesi  \et  there  is  nothing  Wider  Heaven  (  if  we  may  trufl  him)  next  to  the  renottn- 
cjfirr  of  "God  ,  can  be  more  perfidioui  and  more  pernicioui  to  the  people  than  this.  Third- 
ly ,  By  dividing  between  the  Parliament ,  and  a  pare  of  the  Parliament.  And 
fourthly  ,  In  the  major  part ,  between  a  Fadion  mifleading  ,  and  a  party  tniflcd. 
who  reads  this ,  and  would  not  take  the  Obferver  for  another  Caleb  or  Conft amine 
for  peace-making,  whereas  in  truth  all  this  is  but  a  perfonated  paflage  of  Demetri- 
us, or  one  of  his  Craftfmen ,  railing  againft  the  Town-Clerk  of  Ephefuf  ,  as  a 
Ringleader  of  Divifion,  and  a  Dilturber  of  them  in  their  fervice  to  Diana,  the 
Idol  of  their  own  brains  ,  and  an  hinderer  of  them  in  doing  God's  own  Work  , 
that  is ,  fliedding  the  blood  of  the  ungodly  Apoilles  ,  and  is  done  with  the  very 
fame  grace  that  Athaliah  cried  out,  "freafon,  Ireafon. 

Sic  oculos ,  fie  iHa  manw  ,  fie  or  a  ferebat. 

He  is  ever  fnarling  at  his  Majefiics  Papers ,  and  I  do  not  much  blame  him :  for 
^yhcre  thefe  Fapers  have  had  free  pafTage,  they  have  fwayeddown  the  fcale  of  mens 
Judgments  with  the  weight  of  unanfwerable  reafon  ,  that  this  Obferver ,  and  all 
his  Fellows ,  may  compare  their  Notes  ,  and  put  their  hands  ,  and  heads  ,  and 
ftioulders ,  and  all  together  ,  and  never  be  able  to  lift  it  up  again  to  an  xquilibri- 
imi.  If  they  could  have  purchafed  every 'Paper  of  them  at  the  fame  price  that  the 
Komans  gave  for  the  Sibylls  Books,  it  would  have  been  well  beftovved  for  their 
caufe  ,  to  have  them  fupprelTed.  I  plead  not  forMafters  of  Divifion,  God's  abo- 
mination ,  the  Devils  Fadors,  the  bain  of  the  Commonwealth  v  Da  unum  &  habe- 
bU  populum  •,  toVe  unum  ,  &  hahebis  turbam.  It  was  not  fhilip ,  but  the  diflentions 
oi  Athens  ,  thebes  ,  Sparta ,  that  deftroyed  Greece.  It  was  not  Scipio^  but  the  Fa- 
dions  odiannibal  and  Hanno  that  deftroyed  Carthage :  We  have  had  too  many 
fuch  Mafters  of  Divifion  indeed.  Our  Schifms  in  the  Church  proclaim  it,  the 
Queftion  is  not  now  of  round  ,  or  fquare,  or  black  ,  or  white  ,  or  fitting,  or 
kneeling  i  our  burying  and  marrying  ,  our  chriftening,  our  communicating  are  all 
qucftioned  ,  our  Churches ,  our  holy  Orders  ,  our  publick  Liturgy  ,  the  Lords 
Prayer,  the  Creed  ,  our  Scriptures ,  the  Godhead  of  Chrift,  the  Dodrine  of  the 
Trinity ,  all  our  Fundamentals  are  queftioned.  It  is  not  Twins ,  but  Litters  of 
Hereticks  that  ftruggle  in  the  womb  of  the  Church",  Difciplinarians,  Independents, 
Brownills,  Anabaptifls  ,  Familifts ,  Socinians,  &'c. 

—  pndet  h£c  opprohria  nobis, 
Et  did  potuijfe  ,  &  non  potuifie  refelli. 

Our  Sedition  in  the  State  proclaims  it  ,  whileft  fome  are  for  the  King ,  fomc 

tor 


Discourse  1 1.  The  Serpent-Sal've.  c>^^ 

for  the  Parliament ,  fome  for  the  Law,  feme  for  Arbitrary  Government  "(bole 
for  a  Monarchy,  fome  for   Democracy.     The  Superiority  of  the  King  or  Parha- 
ment  is  queftioned  ,  the  King's  negative  Voice  is  queftioned,  the  right  of  the  A7i/i- 
w^isqueitioned,  the  Priviledges  ot  Parliament »  the  Liberty  of  the  Subjed     eve- 
ry thing  is  queftioned.     Thus  to  ufe  the  Obferver's  words,  Thofe  rocky  i" uundationi 
are  raz^d ,  upon  which  th'n  State  hath  been  jo  happily  fettled^  for  fo  many  ages  norv  paji 
the  pillars  of  Law  and  Policy  (and  Religion)  are  tak^n  away,  and  the  State  '  and 
Church  )  fe%  upon  a  new  Bafis  :  each  day  produceth  new  opinions,  new  preiidents 
new  quettions,  and  woe  be  to  thoie  men  who  are  not  onely  occaiionally  ,  but  in- 
tentionally the  Authours  of  thefe  Divifions:  they  are  guilty  before  God  of' all  that 
blood  ,  which  is  poured  out  like  water  upon  the  face  of  the  Earth     of  all  that 
Spoil  which  is  committed  :  better  were  it  for  them  that  a  Mill-fione  were  hanc^ed 
about  their  necks,  and  they  caft  into  the  bottome  of  the  Sea.     How  deep  the  Ob- 
ferver's (hare  is  herein,  I  leave  it  to  his  own  confcience.     This  is  certain    a  man 
may  keep  his  Pofleffion  by  force ,  but  he  that  fliall  go  about  to  thruft  another  out 
of  his  lawful  Poflellion  ,  is  the  true  Authour  of  the  tumult ,  and  whatfoever  he 
fuffers ,  he  can  blame  no  man  but  himfclf. 

Now  to  your  Four  Charges :  Firft  ,   Who  divided  the  King  and  Parliarhenf. 
There  may  be  a  Query  of  others  ,but  it  is  beyond  all  queftion,that  thofe  bafe  tumults 
and  diforders  at  IFejiminJier  ^  znd  upon  the  Thames ,  tending  to  the  danger  of  his 
Maiefties  Perfon  ,  but  much  more  as  they  were  unfufferable  affronts  to  Sacred  Ma- 
jciiy ,  and  all  thofe  who  are  accelTary  to  them  ,  as  Contrivers ,    Fomenters ,   or 
Connivers,  are  the  principal  Grounds  of  this  curfed  Divifion  :  they  that  make 
Two  Supremes  coordinate  one  with  another  ,  make  a  Divifion  with  a  witnefs. 
Next ,  for  your  feparation  between   the  Parliament  and   the  Kingdom.     Firft ' 
Your  mouth  runs  over  extremely,  vs^hen  you  call  it  the  moft  pernicious  thin»  that 
can  be  ,  next  to  the  renouncing  God  i  we  have  ftri<3:er  obligations  to  othcrs°than 
to  our  Prodors.     Secondly  To  regulate  their  truft  ,  according  to  their  firft  'inten-' 
tions  and  former  prefidents,  is  not  to  withdraw  reprefentation  :  if  it  were     who 
taught  it  them  ,  but  thofe  who  firft  pracftifed  the  fame  to  their  King  >  But  that  you 
piay  clearly  difcern  who  are  the  Authours  of  this  feparation  ,  hear  a  near  Friend 
of  yours  in  his  plain  'Engltp  ,  or  rather  plain  fedition :  thus  he  ,  if  ever  the  Parlia- 
ment Jhould  agree  to  the  makjng  up  of  an  unfafe  iinfatUfyins^  accommodation       this  roill 
beget  a  new  ^ueftion ,  whether  in  cafe  the  reprefentative  Budy  cannot  or  will  not  dif- 
charge  their  truji  ,  to  the  fatisfaUion  not  of  fancy  ,   hut  of  reapm  in  the  people     they 
may  refume  if  ever  yet  they  parted  with  a  power  to  their  mantfejl  undoing ,  and  ufe  their 
power  fo  far  as  conduceth  to  their  fafety?  You  (ee  the  high  and  ultimate  Judicature  is 
neither  now  the  King's  ,  nor  the  Parliament's.     Your  third  divifion  is  betvveen  the 
Parliament,  and  a  part  of  it.     Of  this  charge  they  are  guilty  ,  who  made  the  di- 
ftin(ftion  of  good  and  bad  Lords  i  of  well-affeded  :md  ill-affeded  Memljcrs.     The 
Votes  of  Abfentees  doubtlefs  by  the  Law  of  Nations,  devolve  to  thofe  that  are 
prefent:  but  if  the  place  of  the  AlTembly  be  not  free,  if  the  abfence  be  necellitated 
by  unjuft  force  or  juft  fear  ,  the  cafe  is  other  wife.     Your  fourth  Divifion  is     be- 
tween the  major  part  milled ,   and  a  Fadlion  in  the  mJj,^r  part  mifleading.     I  won- 
der you  Ihould  think  this  fo  impoffible.     Near  inftances  may  be  dangerous  5  let  us 
look  upon  the  great  Council  of  Ariminum ,  the  Qucftion  was  of  no  lets  confe- 
quence  tlian  the  Deity  of  Chrift,  the  major  part  of  the  Council  voted  for  the  Ar- 
rians ,  and  in  the  major  part,  the  mifleading  fadrion  were  but  few,  the  well-mean- 
ing party  were  far  the  more ,  but  mifled  by  the  fubtile  manner  of  propofing  tlie 
Queftion,  Whether  they  would  have  Chrift  or  Homooufos  ?  which   neither  being 
difculTed  or  underftood  as  it  ought  to  have  been  ,  they  voted  wrong,  and  repented 
at  leifure. 

In  the  laft  place  ,  you  diftinguifli  between  deferting  and  being  deferted  •,  Jfths 
Wife  leaves  her  Hufband*  t  bed ,  and  becomes  an  Adiiltrefs  ^  ''tis  good  reafon  fhe  If  her 
dowry  :  but  if  her  Husband  caujlefly  rejeU  her  ,  it  is  inju'.iice  (he  Jhould  fnifer  a-ty  detri- 
ment.  Your  cafe  is  true  as  you  propofe  iti  but  fuppofe  the  Aduitrefs  flioald  ftay 
at  home  ,  and  outbrave  her  hufband  ,  or  by  her  power  in  the  Family,  thriift  him 
good  man  out  of  doors;  fuppofe  (he  fhould  refu(e  to  cohabit  with  him  ,  except 

flis 


iy66 


The  Serpent.  Sahc. T  O  M  E  1 1 


"iiTi^v  be  Mifter,  and  do  what  the  will  without  controllment ,  and   forget  her 
Matrimonial  Vow  of  obedience.     This  alters  the  cafe. 

Obferv  Notp  of  that  Right ,  which  the  Parliamem  may  do  the  King  by  Comifsl ,  if 
the  Kim  could  be  more  tvifely  or  faithfully  advifed  by  any  other  Conrt ,  or  if  hit  fmole 
■  d  mcnt  rvere  to  befrtferred  before  aH advice  tvhatfoever  ,  it  vcere  not  onely  vain  ,  hut 
^cxnemely  inconvenient ,  that  the  whole  Kingdom  Jhould  be  troubled  to  mak^  Ehdions, 
and  that  the  parlies  eleded Jhould  attend  the  publick^bufmejs. 

'  Anftv.  We  have  had  both  Counfcl  and  Confenc  before ,  but  now  we  muft  have 
S(U.  i8.       them  again.     The  Queflions  raifcd  by  the  Obferver  are  of  fuch  an   odious  nature  , 
that  no  good  Subjcdt  can  take  delight  in  them  ,  whofe  duty  is  to  pray  for  the  like 
confcnt  among  the  fevcral  orders  of  this  Kingdom ,   that  is  fuppofed  to  be  among 
the  fevcral  orbs  of  Heaven.     His  Majefty  is  undoubtedly  the  frimum  mobiley(v/hzt- 
Ibevcr  the  Obfcrver  in  fundry  parts  of  this  Treatife  prattles  to  the  contrary,  )  The 
Two  Houfcs  of  Parliament ,  the  Great  and  Privy  Council ,  are  the  lower  Spheres, 
which  by  their  tranfverfe  ,  yet  vincible  motions,  ought  to  allay  the  violence  of  the 
Iiighclt  orb  for  the  good  and  prefervation  of  the  Univerfc.     Where  there  are  no 
fuch  iielps  and  means  of  temper  and  moderation,  there  Liberty  is  in  danger  to  be 
often  trodden  under  foot  by  Tyranny.     And  where  thefe  adjuments ,  by  the  un- 
skilfulnefs  or  finifkr  ends  of  fome  young  or  ambitious  Fhaetons  ,   become  impedi- 
ments ,  by  a  ftiffe ,  froward  and  unfeafonable  oppofition  ,  inftead    of  a  gentle , 
vincible  reludlation  ,   it  fets  the  whole  Body  politick  in  a  miferablecombuftion,  as 
daily  experience  fliews.     But  I  muft  trace  the  Obferver.     The  Calling  of  Parlia- 
ments is  not  vain  and  inconvenient ,  but  his  inference  is  vain  and  inconfequenti  there 
are  other  ends  of  Parliaments  betides  Counfel ,  as  confenting  to  new  Laws,  fur- 
nifliing  the  Publick  with  Money  (the  nerves  and  finews  of  great  adtions  )  maintai- 
ning the  interelt  of  the  Kingdom ,  and  Liberty  of  the  Subjedt.     From  removing 
one  (bcial  end  to  infer  ,  that  an  adVion  is  fuperfluous ,  deferves  no  Anfwer  but  fi- 
lence  and  contempt. 

Secondly ,  even  in  point  of  advice  ,  there  is  more  required  in  a  good  Counfellor 
than  natural  wifedom  and  fidelity  ■-,  our  fancies  are  not  determined  by  Nature  to 
every  thing  that  is  fit  for  us ,  as  in  Birds  and  Beads ,  but  we  muft  ferve  Appren- 
ticefliips  to  enable  us  to  ferve  one  another.     There  is  a  thing  called  experience,  of 
high  concernment  in  the  Managery  of  publick  Affairs.    He  that  will  Itcer  one 
Kingdom  right,  muft  know  the  right  Conftitution  of  all  others,  their  ftrength, 
their  affedions  ,  their  counfels  and  refolutions ,  that  upon  each  different  face  of  the 
Sky,  he  may  alter  his  rudder.     The  beft  Governments  have  more  Councils  than 
one,  one  for  the  publick  intereft  of  the  Kingdom  ,  another  for  the  affairs  of  State: 
a  Council  for  War  .  and  a  Council  for  Peace  v  and  it  were  ftrange  if  it  were  not 
as  requifite  to  have  a  Council  for  the  Church.     Every  man  deferves  truft  in  his  own 
Profcllion,  many  are  fitteft  for  refolving  ,   few  for   managing.     The  exigence  of 
things  require ,  fometimes  fecrecy  ,  fometimes  fpeed.     We  fee  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons ,  though  they  be  but  deputed  by  the  people  (  and  a  Delegate  cannot  make  a 
Delegate ,  where  their  right  is  in  confidence  rather  than  in  intereft  )  yet  they  have 
their  Committees,  and  a  Council  in  a  Council.     Neither  are  all  Parliaments   of 
the  fame  temper ,  if  we  may  believe  Sir  Henry  Wotton  (  one  that  was  no  Fool  ,  ) 
thus  he  ,  In  the  Eighteenth  of  King  James ,  many  young  ones  'being  chnfen  into  the 
Jioitfe  of  Commons ,  more  then  had  been  ufual  in  great  Councils  (  who  though  of  the 
n-eak^l  wings  ,  are  the  higheft  flyers  , )  there  arofe  a  certain  unfortunate  ,  unfruitful 
Sprit  in  fume  places^  not  forcing  but  picking  at  every  ftone  in  the  Field  ^  rather  than  ten- 
ding to  the  general  Harveft. 

Thirdly  ,  Let  them  be  as  wife  and  as  faithful  Counfellers  as  the  Obferver  plea- 
feth ,  onely  let  them  be  but  Counfellers.  Let  their  Conclufions  have  as  much  cre- 
dit as  the  premifes  deferve ,  and  if  they  can  neceffitate  the  Prince  to  affent  by 
weight  of  reafon  ,  and  convincing  evidence  of  expedience  ,  let  them  do  it  on 
God  s  Name  ,  necejfe  eji  ^  m  lancem  in  libra  ponderibuf  impofitii  deprimi  ^  fic  animnm 
per^icuis  cedere.  But  I  hope  they  will  never  defire  to  do  it  out  of  the  anthority  of 
their  Votes  ,  or  obtrude  a  conclufion  on  his  Majefty ,  before  he  underftands  how 
it  is  grounded  upon  the  premifes     This  feems  to  be  the  fame  ,  which  the  Difci- 

plina- 


Discourse    II.  The  Serpef7tSahe*  ,^^7 


plinarians  would  iinpofc  upon  the  King  in  the  Government  of  the  Church  ,  to 
be  the  executor  of  their  decrees :  his  refped  to  their  judgement  ought  to  make 
him  tender  in  denying  ,  but  infers  no  neceliity  of  granthng. 

Fourthly  ,  I  wonder  the  Obfcrver  is  not  aflun^ed  to  tell  of  His  Majefties  prefer- 
'ring  his  finglc  judgement  before  all  advife  whatfoevcr,  when  the  Obferver  chargeth 
him  with  following  the  advife  of  his  Cabinet  Council ,  when  he  hath  his  Privy 
Council  withhim^  when  in  the  Great  Council,  if  they  might  meet  freely,  he  belecves 
that  two  third  partrs  approve  of  his  doings.  Are  the  moft  part  of  the  Nobility  and 
Gentry  of  this  Kingdom  ,  no  Body  ?  Are  the  flower  of  the  Clergy  and  Univerfi- 
ties  ,  no  Body  i*  are  fo  many  grave  and  folid  Lawyers  ,  no  Body  ?  So  many  of  the 
Loyal  Commons ,  no  Body  ?  Sir,  you  do  fee,  and  you  will  fee  daily  more,  that 
His  Majefty  is  not  fingle  in  His  Courfe. 

Laftly,  It  is  the  part  of  good  Counfellers ,  to  preient  their  whole  advife  toge- 
ther ,  what  they  defire  to  remove ,  and  what  they  defire  to  introduce  i  as  well 
what  they  defire  to  build  up  ,  as  what  they  defire  to  pull  down.  So  the  Obferver 
himfelf  pleadeth  in  another  cafe,  before  toe  demolish  old  Jiruciures ,  rve  ought  to  be  ad-  pj^a  obfervai 
t'ifid  of  the  fajhion  of  fterv.  His  Majelly  hath  required  one  intire  full  view  of  their  ;ia^.  j. 
demands,  that  he  might  judge  more  perfedly  what  to  aflent  to  ,  arid  what  to  ad- 
vife farther  upon.  This  is  a  fure  way  not  to  be  over-reached  ,  not  to  cut  down  an 
old  tree,  before  there  be  a  new  one  ready  to  be  planted  in  its  place  ,  many  men 
will  agree  in  the  deftrudtive,  which  will  never  agree  in  the  conftrudlive  part.  The 
old  Senators  firit  of  Capua  and  after  of  Florence  ,  found  this  to  be  true  by  experi- 
ence ■>  the  people  did  not  agree  fo  well  in  taking  them  away  ,  but  they  difagreed 
ten  times  as  much  in  the  choife  of  new  :  and  they  that  were  voted  down  whileft 
they  looked  upon  them  pofitively  ,  were  voted  to  ftand  when  they  looked  upon 
them  comparatively ,  they  were  not  fo  worthy  as  they  defired  ,  but  much  more 
worthy  then  thofe  that  fhould  be_fubintroduced.  Toinftancein  the  cafe  of  the 
Church  :  there  are  many  Schifmatical  faftions  at  this  day  ,  never  an  one  of  thefe 
can  have  their  own  ends  ,  except  the  prefent  Government  be  taken  away,  fo  far 
they  agree:  yet  if  it  (hould  be  taken  away  ,  not  one  of  fix  fhould  have  his  own 
ends  •,  here  of  neceliity  they  muft  fall  in  pieces ,  and  in  probability  will  cry  out 
with  the  CapManr  and  Florentines ,  "the  old  vs  the  better  of  the  ttoo.  If  every  mans 
fingle  fuffrage  were  afcertained  to  his  proper  objed  ,  as  it  is  in  the  eleftion  of  out 
Knights  and  BurgefTesi  we  fliould  foonfee  who  would  have  moft  voices  ;  and  per- 
haps the  old  C  in  a  free  meeting  )  might  have  more  than  all  the  new  put  together. 

Obferv.  But  little  need  to  be  faid  ^  J  think^every  mans  heart  tells  him,  that  in  publick^ 
confuhations  ^  the  many  eyes  of  fo  many  choife  Gentlemen  of  all  parts  fee  more  than 
feveer. 

Anfrv.  Tis  not  fufficient  for  an  advifer  to  fee ,  unlefs  he  can  let  another  fee  by  •^^"'  ^9- 
rhe  light  of  rcafon.  A  man  ought  not  implicitly  to  ground  his  adions  upon  the 
authority  of  other  Mens  eyes,  whether  many  or  few,  but  of  his  own.  Many  fee  more 
thenferv\  True  c£teris  paribus,  if  all  things  be  alike:  Or  other  wife  one  Phyfician  may  (ee 
more  into  the  rtate  of  a  Mans  Body  than  many  Empericks,  one  experienced  Com- 
mander may  know  more  in  military  affairs  ^  than  ten  frefh-water  Souldiers ,  and 
one  old  States-man  in  his  own  element  is  worth  many  new  praditioners ,  one  man 
upon  an  hill  may  fee  more  than  an  hundred  in  a  Valley.  But  yet  it  all  things  be  a-  * 
like  ,  you  will  fay  many  eyes  fee  more  than  one  ?  They  do  fo  commonly  ,  but  not  al- 
ways:  one  Paphnutiuf  did  fee  more  in  the  Council  of  Nice,  than  many  greater 
Clerks.  How  often  have  you  feen  one  or  two  Men  in  the  Parliament  change  the 
votes  of  the  Houfe  ?  certainly  the  eyes  of  fo  many  choife  Gentlemen  fee  the 
grievances  of  the  Kingdom  ,  better  than  any  other  Council  ■,  That  is  their  pro- 
per objecS". 

Obferv.  Andthe  great  intereji  the  Parliament  has  in  common  J itjUce  and  tranquillity , 
and  the  few  private  ends  they  can  have  to  deprave  them  ,  mujl  needs  render  ihtir  Coitnfel 
more  faithful! ,   impartial ,  and  Religious  than  any  other. 

Anfrv.   The  interelt  is  the  Kingdoms-  and  each  Subjedts  i  To  be  Parliament  men 
adds  to  their  trult,  not  to  their  interefl;.     The  Obfervers  grounds  are  prefumptuous,  SeU.  lo* 
and  tend  onely  to  beget  an  implicit  confidence  ;  what  mens  private  ends  are  ,  is 

T  1 1  not 


"^58 "^       Jhe  Serp^n^Sal've- T  O  iM  E   a  I 


Tot  known  to  us  but  to  God  above.  This  wc  know,  tnat  good  ends  cannot 
luftifie  bad  ineans  ,  nor  bad  adtions.  Men  may  have  good  ends ,  and  yet  be  led 
hoodwinked  by  others,  whofe  ends  are  worfe  :  and  private  ends  will  fteal  upon  well 
affcded  men.  Difcontent  works  llrongly  upon  fome  ,  vain  glory  upon  others  : 
delinquents  may  aim  at  their  own  impunity  ,  and  timorous  perfons  at  private  fecu- 
ritv.     But  th»s  is  to  be  left  to  God,  that  is  the  fearcher  of  hearts. 

Obferv.  Ihat  difliki  rehicb  the  Court  has  ever  conceived  agaiMJl  Parliaments,  without 
dilpute  is  a  Pregnant  proof  of  the  integrity  and  Jalubrity  of  publick^advife  ^  and  is  mo  di- 
fparagement  thereof,  for  vee  have  ever  found  enmity  and  antipathy  hetrvixt  the  Court  and 

the  Countrey. 

Aiiffv.  If-  you  make  a  ftrift  furvey  ,  of  the  Parliaments  party ,  I  believe  you 
Se&.  21.  ^^.jj  ^^j  ^g  many  Courtiers  as  Countreymen  C  proportion  for  proportion.  }  To  fee 
the  Revenues  of  the  Crown  be  not  diminiflied  by  needlefs  profuiion  ,  to  fee  His 
Majefty  be  not  prejudiced  in  the  accounts  of  his  Officers  ,  to  take  away  Monopo- 
lies ,  and  the  like  ,  are  the  proper  Works  of  Parliaments ,  and  in  probability  can- 
not be  fo  pleafing  to  fome  Courtiers  :  but  this  is  far  from  a  fancied  omnipotence. 
Here  he  falls  into  his  old  complai'nt  of  the  Peoples  not  adhering  to  the  Parliament, 
but  we  have  had  this  difh  oft  enough  upon  the  Table. 

Obfcrv.  Jhe  King  fays,  Tis  improbable  and  impollible  that  His  Cabinet  Coun- 
fellers ,  or  His  Bilhops ,  or  Souldiers ,  who  mufl  have  fo  great  a  fhare  in  the  mife- 
-    ry ,  fliould  take  fuch  painesin  the  procuring  thereof,  and  fpend  fo  much  time,  and 
run  fo  many  hazards,  to  make  themfelves  (laves  and  to  ruin  the  freedom  of  this 
Nation.     Horv  Jirange  is  this?  we  have  had  almojl  Forty  Tears  experience,  that  the 
Courtrvay  of  perfernient ,  has  been  by  doing  publick^iV  Offices  ,  and  ree  can  nominate  what 
DukiS ,  what  Earles  ,  what  Lords ,  what  Knights  ,  have  been  made  great  and  rich  by 
hafe  differvices  to  the  State,  and  except  Mr,  Hollis  his  rich  widdorv  ,  I  never  heard 
that  promotion  came  to  any  man  by  ferving  in  Parliament ,  but  I  have  heard  of  trouble 
and  imprifonment :   but  now  fee  the  Traverfe  of  Fir  tune  •■,  the  Court  is  now  turned  hontjl 
tnd  there  is  no  fear  now,  but  that  a  few  Hypocrites  in  Parliament  will  beguile  the  Major 
part.     And  pag.  23.  The  whole  Kingdom  is  not  to  be  maftered  againjl  confent  by  the  "train 
Bands  ,  nor  the  "train  Bands  by  the  Lords  or  Deputy  Lieutenants,  nor  they  by  the  Major 
part  in  Parliament ,  nor  the  Major  part  in  Parliament  by  Jh^ow  not  w/^^?*  Septemvirat. 
there  is  fome  myjiery  in  this  whieh  feems  yet  above  ,  if  not  contrary  to  nature,  but  futce 
the  King  hath  promifed  to  open  it ,   we  will  Jujf  end  our  opinion  and  expeS  it  as  the  final 
ijfue  of  aVour  dilutes.     And  page  22.     We  are  mw  at  laji  fallen  npon  an  iffuefit  to 
put  an  end  to  all  other  inveQives  whatfoever  ,  let  its  (}ickj:lefe  to  it.     the  King  promifeth 
very  fhntly  a  full  and  fatisfaUory  narration  ofthofefew  perfons  in  Parliament,  whnfe  defign 
is,  and  always  was,  to  alter  the  whole  fiame  of  Government  both  in  Church  and  State , 
and  Subjeli  both  King  and  People  to  their  own  arbitrary  power  and  Government  i  a  little 
of  this  Logichjs  better  than  a  great  deal  of  B.hetoric}\,  as  the  cafe  now  jlands.     If  the 
King  wiVpleafe  now  to  puhlifl}  the  particular  crimes  of  fuch  as  he  hath  formerly  impeach- 
ed of  7reafon  ,  and  the  particular  names  of  fuch  as  now  he  fets  forth  in  thnft  charaUers 
&  will  therein  refer  himfelfto  theiirength  of  his  proofs  ,  and  evidences  of  his  matter  ,  it 
is  impojfible  that  any  jealoufie  can  cloud  his  integrity  ,   or  check^his  power  any  longer.  Et 
eadem  pagina.     By  the  performance  of  this  promife  ,  he  (hall  not  onely  do  right  to  himfelf 
but  alfo  to  the  whole  Kingdom  ,  for  the  difiraSied  multitude  being  at  laji  by  this  means 
undeceived,  jhall  projirate  themfelves  and  all  their  power  prefentlyat  his  feet, 
SeSf,  22.  ^ufw.  There  is  no  dealing  with  the  Obferver  without  a  Notary  publick  and 

good  fiore  of  Witneffes.  the  King  fays  ,  So  he  :  the  Contrivers  of  the  Declaration 
fay  ,  fo  the  King.  It  is  nothing  to  miftake  an  Objcdion  for  a  polition  :  but  it  is 
fomething  more  to  thruft  in  Cabinet  Counfellers  ,  Bilhops  and  Souldiers  i  though  I 
fuppofe  never  an  one  of  thefe  will  love  their  profeilion  the  worfe  for  a  dafli  of  his 
tongue  or  pen.  Are  there  none  for  the  King  but  thofe  whom  he  terms  in  difgrace 
Cabinet  Counfellers  ,  Bijhops ,  and  Souldiers  ?  he  will  find  many  as  eminent  for  piety, 
virtue,  wifedom.  Courage,  Nobility,  Eftate,  as  our  En/#  World  affords,  fuch 
as  want  no  Titles,  no  means  that  the  Condition  of  a  Subjed  is  capable  of:  or  if 
they  did  ,  need  not  make  ufe  of  fuch  oyly  ways  to  flip  into  perfcrmcnt.  Ad- 
niit    fome  few    have   raifed    themfelves  by  finifter  courfes ,  what  are  they  in 

com- 


Discourse     II.  T/je  Serpent^Sahe, 

comparifon  of  fuch  a  cloud    of  Worthies ,    but  as  the    gleanings  to  the  vin- 
tage? ^ 

apparent  rati  nantes  in  gttrgite  vafto. 

He  faith  he  can  name  Dukes ,  and  Earles  ,  and  Lords  ,  and  Knightsi  if  he  can, 
let  him  look  where  he  hods  them  now  j  they  that  can  (erve  the  time  dexteroufly 
will  apply  themfelves  to  one  as  well  as  another.     I  am  not  Co   wilfully  blind  as  not 
to  fee  that  fome  have  ingratiated  themfelves  by  diffembled  goodnefs ,  or  by  fuch 
fervices  as  are  not  warrantable  by  Law  ,  though  then  they  were  juftified  by  thepro- 
feiTors  of  the  Law:  much  lefsam  I  fo  childifhly  credulous,to  believe  all  thofc  hideous 
lies  ,  which  envy  or  (elf-love  hath  cart  upon  favorites  or  publick  Minifters  of  State. 
Now  to  let  us  fee  he  can  (hoot  (hort  as  well  as  over  ,  he  tells  us  that  he  never  heard 
that  promotion  came  to  any  man  byferving  in  Parliament.     If  he  did  not     it  is  becaufe 
he  hath  (topped  his  ears  and  hoodwinked  his  eyes  when  he  looked  th^t  way:  other- 
wife  he  might  have  (een  both  in  this  Parliament  and  former  I>arliaments  within  for- 
ty years  ,  Honours,  Offices,  andEfiates,  gained  either  by  fervice  in  Parliament , 
or  dilTervice ,   or  both  i  though  I  do  not  love  to  particularife  as  the  Obferver  doth! 
Some  mens  advancements  do  (hew  it  is  a  good  way  to  get  perferment ,  to  put  tne 
King  to  a  necellity  of  granting.     Good  Woodmen  (ay  that  fome  have  ufed  Deer- 
ftealing  as  an  introdudion  to  a  Keepers  place ,  and  I  have  feen  a  Non-Conformiils 
mouth  (lopped  with  a  good  benefice  ,  as  if  he  did  but  (hew  them  before  that  if  he 
were  not  fatished  he  could  gape  oi  wide  as  his  Neighbours. 

Next ,  he  makes  it  near  a  Prodigy  ,  a  myjiery  above,  if  not  contrary  to,  nature  ,  that 
a  few  Hypocrites  (hould  beguile  the  Parliament ,  or  the  Major  part  be  maliered  by  a 
Septemvirate.     I  will  not  argue  with  the  Ob(erver  utrum  fit  whether  it  be  fp  ;  my 
reverence  to  the  Great  Council  of  the  Kingdom  pulls  me  by  the  ear  :  but  utrum 
pojjit  whether  it  tnay  be  fo.    Then  for  the  prefent  we  will  change  the  Scene  to  Greece 
or  Italy,     And  I  wonder  why  theT)bferver  Ihould  think  it  (b  Ikange  that  a  few 
(hould  have  aniniluence  upon  many  ,  or  that  affedions  and  palhons ,  love,  hatred, 
fear  ,  hope ,  grief,  &c.  (hould  betray  mens  judgements.     Let  him  perufe  all  Hi- 
ftories ,  and  take  a  view  of  all  free  States  and  Senates,  as  Kome ,    Areopagus  ,    Del- 
phns ,  &c.     Confular,  Tribunitian ,  Pretorian  ,  &c.  of  all  kinds;    and    he  (hall 
find  fiding,  and  fadtion,  and  packing,  and   conniving,  and  an  implicit  dcpendance 
of  many  followers  upon  few  leaders.     He  may  be  pleafed  to  remember  the  bragg 
of  an  Atlxnian  boy  ,   that  his  Father  ruled  all  Athens ,  his  Mother  ruled  his  Father, 
and  he  ruled  his  Mother.     There  are  many  dames  in  the  World  that   would  think 
much  not  to  have  as  great  an  influence  either  upon  their  Husbands  or  the  State, 
as  Madam  7hemijiocles  had.     Even  fay  Sir  ,  do  you  think  that  private  quarrels  and 
ijie  memory  of  former  fufferings  did  never  work  upon  any  man?  that  difcontent 
and  ervy  at  other  mens  preferment  ,  (  whom  they   conceived  to  be  lefs  defcrving 
than  themfelves )  did  never  tranfport  fome  others  farther  than  the  bias  of  judge- 
ment did  draw  them  ?  That  fear  of  the  lafh  and  a  defire  to  fecure  themfelves,  hath 
never  forced  any  men  to  perfonatc  a  part  from  the  teeth  outwards  ?  That  great  Of- 
fices and  Honours  have  never  been  a  pearle  in  any  mens  eyes,  to  hinder  their  llpht 
( though  like  lapwings  they  made  lealt  noiTe  when  they  were  neareh  their  nefts  ?  ), 
That  others  have  never  been  like  Organ  pipes  to  whom  the  wind  of  popular  ap- 
plaufe  hath  onely  given  a  found  ?  h  it  never  pollible  for  a  party  who  have  premedi- 
tated their  parts  ,  and  before  their  defign  be  difcovered  ,  to  exclude  or  vote  out 
thofe  whom  they^conceive  to  be  their  oppofites  ,  upon  fome  pretences  or  others 
f  fuppofe  of  an  unlawful  eledtion  ,  or  being  Monopolifts  or  the  like?)  I  fay  nothing 
of  the  bewitching  power  of  Oratory  ,  nor  of  that  (heepifh  humour  of  following 
the  Drove  ,  ^or  of  the  vehement  imprellion  that  fancied  dangers  make  in  fome  men^ 
as  of  him  that  dyed  in  an  innocent  Bath,  when  the  By-(landers  onely  told  him  , 
that  his  hearts  blood  was  coraming  out  now.     But  you  may  fay  thefe  will  never 
hold  on  to  the  journeys  end:thongh  we  often  fee  that  when  men  are  too  far  ingaged, 
have  palTed  the  Waters  of  Kubicon  and  cannot  retire  with  fafcty  ,  they  grow  de- 
fpcrate  and  run  headlong  upon  the  mouth  of  the  Cannon:  yet  confidering  the 

T 1 1  2  Gra= 


5^9 


'570 


7hs Serpent-Sahe.  TOME  If. 

■7^-^,0  I.Cnnllfion  ot  ciir  Dread  Sovereign,  vvnofc  joy  it  is,  as  it  was  his  Savi- 
Graeious  f  P^  f "  °;  'hat  was  loft,  I  do  verily  believe  they  will  not  hold  on  to 
T\  V'°  1  r  I  why  nfould  they  lo(e  themfelves  to  be  laught  at  for  their  labour,  by 
I '^  rhTthnd  other  ends  than  they?  But  yet  till  this  departure  be  ,  they  make  one 
T  liblv  when  the  Body  Natural  is  infelted  with  contrary  diftempers  ,  that 
^  h  1  7s  ufed  as  a  good  Cure  tor  the  one  ,  may  be  poifon  to  the  other  :  So  in  the 
P  c'lVpolitick  ,  they  who  are  aptly  chofen  for  the  remedy  of  one  Grievance,  fup- 
fe  the  violation  ot  Liberty,  may  be  moft  unlit,  and  never  would  have  been  cho- 
fen for  the  fcttlemcnt  of  Religion.  In  futnme,  the  Obferver's  Argument  may  be 
thus  paralleli'd  ,  It  is  not  difcernable  how  the  whole  City  and  State  of  Jthens  could 
be  malleredby  a  Militia^  confiding  but  of  Three  thoufand  ;  or  thofe  Tiiree  thou- 
fand  by  the  major  part  of  Thirty  Tyrants  v  or  the  major  part  of  Thirty  by  Cmiai  , 
and  one  or  two  more :  or  thus ,  It  is  not  difcernable ,  how  the  World  fhould  be 
maftercd  by  hcly ,  or  Italy  by  Kome  ,  or  Rome  by  I  know  not  what  Irittmvirate. 
A  very  poor  Mercury  may  reconcile  the  Obferver's  under}} anding  in  thU  ,  if  he  be  plea- 
fcd.  A  Trained  Band  of  Eighty  or  an  Hundred  thoufand  Fighting  men  ,  well 
armed  well  exercifed  ,  are  able  to  malkr  a  greater  Kingdom  than  England :  Ar- 
mies are  not  fo  (bon  raifed  ,  armed,  difciplined:  he  that  is  ready  for  the  Field, 
may  eafily  fupprefs  another  upon  his  Hrft  motion,  or  but  oifering  to  liir.  It  is  as 
ealic  to  conceive  how  the  Trayn-bands  may  be  at  the  difpofition  of  their  Comman- 
ders who'pay  diem ,  reward  them  ,  punilh  them  :  and  ir*is  certain,  that  they 
who'have  the  naming  of  them,  will  cliufe  fnch  as  they  may  confide  in.  The  Ob- 
(erver  talks  much  of  Nature,  what  Arms  hath  Nature  given  but  teeth  and  nails? 
thefe  wjU  do  little  fervice  at  puQi  of  Pike ,  or  againft  a  Volly  of  Mufkets. 

This  brings  us  to  the  iffue  which  is  propounded   by  the  Obferver  ,  and  is  acce- 
pted by  his  Majeity  ,  which  may  put  an  end  to  all  other  inveSives  :  God  grant  it  may 
prove  true  ,  we  fee  no  figns  of  it  yet.     The  Obferver  faith  ,  Let  ufjiicl{,  clofe  to  it  -, 
and  I  fay  ,  he  that  ftarts  from  it ,  let  him  be  reputed  guilty  of  all  the   innocent 
blood  that  is  {bed.     He  adds  ,  which  tviU  bring  the  dijiraUted    multitude  to  projirate 
themjelves  at  his  Majeftics  feet.     Alas  the  countenance  is  not  always  to  be  credited  , 
but  fpeech  is  the  Arch-deceiver.     If  this  be   not  a  vain  flourifh  ,  an  empty  aiery 
offer,  but  meant  in  good  earnelt,  there  is  hope  wc  may  be  happy.     His  Majefty 
hath  Vatisfied  this  demand  long  fince  ,   by  ihis  Declaration  of  the  12.  of  Jugtifi, 
1642.  and  yet  we  find  not  thefe  fruits  here  promifed  with  fo  much  confidence  ;  he 
that  naiTied  the  parties ,  he  hath  fpeciried  the  crimes.     Take  the  accufation  in  his 
own  words,    i.  Of  entring  into  a  jolemn  combination  for  altering  of  the  Government  of 
Church  and  State.     2.  Ofdefgning  Offices  to  themfelves  and  other  men.     3.  Of  folli- 
citing  and  drawing  down  the  Tumults  to  Weflminfter.     4.  Of  bidding  the  people  in  the 
heighth  of  their  rage  and  fury  go  to  Whitehall.     5.  Of  their  fcornful  and  odious  mention 
of  hU  Majfjiies  Terfon.     6.  Of  a  deftgn  to  get  the  Vrince  into  their  hands.     'j.Oftreat- 
ingwith  F  orreign  power  to  a0  them.     He  is  willing   alfo  to   refer  himfelf  to  the 
ftrength  of  his  proofs ,  and  evidence  of  the  matter ,  which  is  all  the  Obferver  de- 
fires-     Hear  him  for  that  alfo ,  We  defire  that  the   L.  K.  M.  H.  M.  P.  M.  H.  Sir 
A.  H.  M.  St.  M.  M.  Sir  H.  L.  A.  P.  and  C.  V.  may  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
Juihce^  to  be  tryed  by  their   Veers  ^  according  to  the  kitown  Larv  of  the  Lavd.     Jf  we 
do  not  ^rove  them  guilty  of  High  'Ireafon  ,  they   will  be   acquitted ,  and  their  innocence 
will  jujily  triumph  over  us.     Now  if  they  defire  to  (hew  themfelves  great  Patriots 
and  Lovers  of  their  Countrey  indeed  ,   here  is  a  fair  opportunity  offered  ,    if  they 
have  as  much  courage  as  Codrus  had  ,  to  leap  into  the    gaping  gulf  of  Divifion , 
and  to  reduce  the  Kingdom  to  its  former  continuity  and  unity  ,  if  they  dare  truft 
to  the  Touchftone  of  Jui^icc  ■■,  and  if  the  Bird  in  their  breaft  fing  fweetly  to  them, 
that  they  are  innocent ,  here  is  a  courfe  provided  ,   whereby  they   may  vindicate 
their  good  names ,  and  out  of  the  feigned  reports  of  malignant  Sycophants,  make 
themfelves  a  triumphant  Garland  or  Crown  of  lafting  honour.     But  we  fee  no 
haik  ,  I  know  not  mens  hearts.     There  is  an  unhappy  Story  in  Plutarch  ,  (  but  1 
dare  not  apply  it, )  oi' Ferides  a  Stickler  in  the  Athenian  Commonwealth,  who 
being  buficand  private  in  his  Study  ,  to  make  his  account  to  the  State  ,  was  advi- 
fed  by  his  Nephew  Alcibiades  ,  (  it  was  peftilent  Counfel  ;  rather  to  Uudy  how  to 

make 


Discourse  II.  The  Serpeftt-Sahe. 


57 


make  no  Accounts  s  which  he  did  eifed:,  by  engaging  the  Commonwealth  in   a 
War,  fo  as  they  had  no  leifure  to  call  for  his  Accounts  after  that.     There  can  be 
nothing  pleaded  in  Bar,  to  the  performance  of  this  propoficion  ,    but  the  privi- 
Jedge  of  Parliament.     A  great  plea  indeed',  fo   the  Obferver,   'That  none  of   the 
Members  of  the  Tarliament  may  he  apprehended  in  cafe  of  fu^icion  ,  where  no  informa- 
tion or  iFttneSes  appear  to  maks  gpod  the  prvfecution^    roithout   acquaintinz^  the  Farlia- 
ment ,  if  leave  may  be   conveniently  obtained.     He   adds  ,  that  by  the  fame  AU  ,  the 
whole  Hovje  might  have  been  fitrprijed.     And  in  another  place,  that  by   this  means 
the  meet  imputation  of  'Xreafjn  Jhali  freeep  arvay  a  whole  Parliament :  And  his  reafon 
is  thus  grounded  ,   that  if  way  be  given  to  this  ,  fo  many  Members  of  either  Houfe 
may  be  taken  away  at  any  time,  upon  groundlefs  pretences  ,  as  may  make  a  major 
part  of  whom  they  will ,  and  then  farewel  to    the   Freedom  of  Parliaments. 
Which  truly  feems  to  be  urged  with  great  fhew  of  equity  ,  where   the  parties  are 
taken  away  by  dozens  ,  or  greater  numbers,  and  the  tryal  is  long  deferred  to  fcrve 
a  turn.     You  (hall  rind  the  lame  Argument  ufed  and  preflTed  after  the  fame  manner 
by  Stephen  Gardiner  to  the  VzrVnmcm,  alledging,  that  nothing    could  be  cf  wor/e  Anmii^i^. 
example  ,  than  to  allow  fuch  aprefident ,  that  by  that  means  it  Jhall  be  at  the  pleaftrre  of 
him  that  ruleth  ^  to  do  the  fame  in  more.     But  for  all  that  we  do  not  hnd     that  ei- 
ther the  Parliament   did  afford  him  relief ,  or   were  fenfible  of  any  fuch  danger: 
doubtlefs  it  l^ands  both  with  natural   equity,   and  the  known  Law  of  the  Land 
that  they  who  have  the  honour  to  be  the  great  Council  of  the  King  and  Kingdom' 
fhould  have  all  fuch  privilcdges  and  immunities  as  are  conducible  to  the  fartherance 
of  thofc  ends  tor  which  they  are  convocated  i  fuch  are  free  accefs  and  recefs     to  be 
exempted  from  attendance  upon  inferiour  Courts  ,  fo  long  as  they  are  in  that  im- 
ployment ,  to  have  their  Servants  free  from  Arrefts,  that  whileft  themfelves  arc  bu- 
ile  about  the  great  Affairs  of  the  Commonwealth ,  their  Eibtes  and  occafions  may 
not  fuifer  in  their  ablences  and  that  univerfal  priviledge  of  all  Coun(elIors     that 
whilell  their  intentions  are  real ,  they  fhould  not  be  queftioned  for  a  ihp  of  the 
Tongue  ,  or  a  miffake  m  their  judgments.     We  fee  ordinary  Courts  do  not  onely 
protecS:  their  Minifters  of  Juftice  in   the  exercife  of  their  places ,  but   even  thofe 
WitnefTes  which  are  fummoned  to  appear  before  them.     A  Clerk  of  the  Chancery 
cannot  be  called  to  any  other  Court  to  anfwer  in  any  Caufe  ,  that  is  cognofcible  in 
that  Court. 

But  here  are  fundry  things  confiderable  :  as  Firft  ,  That  his  Majefty  is  the  true 
Fountain  of  thefe  Priviledges,  not  any  mutual  compads.  This  is  plain  by  that 
Petition  ,  which  Sir  thomas  Moore  (  then  Speaker  for  the  Houfe  of  Commons ) 
made  in  his  Oration  to  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  which  I  think  hath  been  obferved 
by  all  Speakers  that  ever  were  fince  ,  That  if  in  commnnication  or  reafming,  any 
Man  in  the  Commons  Houfe  fhould  ^eakjnore  largely  than  of  duty  they  ought  to  do  that 
alljuch  offences  Jhould  be  pardoned. 

Secondly ,  Thefe  Priviledges  ought  not  to  be  deftrudtive  to  the  EfTence  ,  or  Fun- 
damental Ends  ,  ori  right  Conftitution  of  Parliaments  :  and  fuch  a  priviledge  is 
that  the  Obferver  claims  ,  to  be  denied  nothing.  For  whereas  our  Parliament  is  fb 
fweetly  tempered  and  compofed  of  all  Ertates  ,  to  fecure  this  Nation  from  the  evils 
which  are  incident  to  all  Forms  of  Government :  he  that  (hall  quite  take  his  Ma- 
jefties  Negative  Voice  away  ,  fecures  us  from  Tyranny ,  but  leaves  us  open  and 
ftark  naked  to  all  thofe  popular  evils,  or  Epidemical  difeafes  which  flow  from 
Ochlocracy  i  as  Tumults ,  Seditions ,  Civil  Wars ,  and  that  lUas  of  Evils  which 
attends  them  ,  and  feems  to  reduce  the  King  (  be  it  fpoken  with  reverence)  to  the 
cafe  of  the  old  Woman  in  the  Epigrammatilt,  when  (he  had  coughed  out  her  Two 
lalt  Teeth, 

Jam  fecura  potes  tot'u  tuffire  diebus , 

Nil  ilihic   quod  agat ,    tertia  tuffis  hahet. 

From  hence  appears  a  ready  Anfwer  to  that  Quefiion  fo  often  moved  ,  IVloat 
great  virtue  U  in  the  Kings  fingle  Vote  to  avert  evils  from  w,  that  an  Ordinance  of  both 
Hmfes  m  ly  not  be  binding  to  the  whole  Kingdom   without  Hit  confent  ?  The  cafe  is 

plain. 


57^ 


The  Serpent -Sal've, TOMEJ[I' 

"TTr,  ;r  i^  of  nn  ereat  virtue  as;ainlt  the  evils  of  Tyranny  ,  out  is  a  Soveraign 
remedy againlt "he  greater  niifchiefs  which  flow  from  Ochlocracy,  and  I  truft  God 
will  ever  pre(erve  it  to  us.  <-      i   i  j- • 

Thirdly  Thefc  Priviledges  muft  not  tranfcend  the  condition  or  capacity  of  Sub- 
i'dts  by  making  delhudive  refervations  ,  or  fo  as  to  deck  the  Temples  of  inferi- 
ourVcrfi*ns  with  the  Flowers  of  the  Crown.  Such  a  priviledge  feems  this  to  be, 
which  the  Obfcrver  here  claims ,  a  Didatorian  immunity  from  all  Queftion  ,  to 
owe  no  account  but  to  God  and  their  own  Confciences  ■■,  and  yet  by  this  new  Lear- 
ning they  may  take  an  account  of  tlie  King.  What  is  this  but  to  make  Kings  of 
Sub)cdts,  and  Subjeds  of  Kings?  When  fome  Ancients,  more  skilful  in  Iheoh^y^ 
thin  in  hildfiphy  01  Geography  ,  did  hear  of  the  Antipodes^  they  reafoned  againft 
ic  f  as  they  thought )  llrongly,  that  then  there  were  penfiles 'hominet ,  and  penfikf 
arbores^  ixien  that  did  go  with  their  heads  downwards,  and  Trees  that  did  grow 
with  their  tops  downwards  5  they  forgot  that  Heaven  is  ftill  above  ,  and  the  Cen- 
ter below  :  but  what  they  did  but  imagine  ,  the  Obferver  really  laboureth  to  intro- 
duce, to  make  whole  Kingdoms  to  walk  with  their  heads  downwards,  and  their 
heels  upwards. 

Fourthly,   the  juft  meafure  or  ftandard  ,  whereby  all  Priviledges  ought  to  be 
examined  and  tried  ,   is  nor  now  the  Law  of  Nature,  which  is  appliable  (though 
not  equally )  to  all  Forms  of  Governments  this  were  to  put  the  Cnoz  oi  Uenuks 
upon  an  Infants  foot.     The  Law  of  Nature  may  be  limited,  though  not  contrari- 
ed  ,  by  the  known  Laws  and    Cuftoms  of  this  Realm  ,  as  they  fhall  appear  by 
Charters,  Statutes,    Frefidents ,  Rolls ,   Records ,  WitnefTes.     His  Majelly  cites 
a  Confellion  of  the  Parliament  itfclf,  to  prove  that  their  Priviledges  extend  not 
to  the  cafes  of 'Treafort^  Felony^  or  breach  of  Peace,   which  heretofore  hath  been 
the  common  belief  of  all  men.     And  it  feems  no  fatisfadory  Anfwer  to  fay ,  that 
therefore  they  extend  not  to  thefe  Cafes,  becaufe  the  Houfes  do  ufually  give  way 
in  theft  cafes  for  them  to  come  to  tryal ,  either  in  Parliament  if  it  be  proper ,  or  o- 
therwife  in  other  Courts.     For  it  is  a  great  doubt ,  how  a  Commoner  in  cafe  of 
Treafon  can  be  tryed  in  Parliament  ^fr  Pares  by  his  Peers  :  and  if  it  be  in  their  own 
power  to  give  way  or  not  to  give  way ,  the  priviledge  extends  to  thefe  cafts  as 
well  as  others.     The  cafe  being  thus,  why  do  we  quarrel  one  with  another  ?  why 
do  not  we  all  repair  to  the  common  Standard  (that  is  the  Law  of  the  Land,)  and 
crave  the  refolution  or  information  of  thofe  that  arc  profeffors  in  that  Study  i*  This 
will  determine  the  doubt  without  partiality  or  blood  ,  and  he  that  refufeth  it ,  let 
him  be  accounted  as  one  that  defires  not  to  uphold  ,  but  fubvert  the  Fundamental 
Lawsof  the  Land,  upon  a  fuppofition  of  Fears  and  fuch  cafes  as  never  hapned  in 
the  World.     Now  it  appears  how  the  former  objedrion  is  not  applicable  to  the  cafe 
in  queftion,  where  the  parties  are  Commoners,  and  ought  to  be  tryed  by  their 
Peers  ■■>  where  his  Sacred  Majefty  is  the  Informer  ,  where  the  crimes  are  fpecihed  ,  _ 
where  a  fpeedy  tryal ,  according  to  the  known  Law  is  defired  ,  where  the  parties 
themfelves ,  out  of  a  love  to  their  Countrey ,  out  of  a  care  to  prevent  the  eifufion 
of  Chriftian  and  of  Ettglifl}  bloud  ,  out  of  a  defire  to  vindicate  their  own  reputa- 
tions ,  (hould  tiiemfelves  become  Suiters  for  a  lawful  hearing ,  that  they  might 
not  Hill  fuffa-  tinder  fmh  a  heavy  charge  :  at  which    Tryal  ,    they    may   legally 
plead  the    priviledge  of   Parliament  ,    if  there    be    any    fuch    Lawful   Privi- 
ledge. 

Oblerv.  But  let  us  confider  the  Lords  and  Commons  of  meer  Counfellers  ,  without  any 
prver  or  right  of  counfeVing  or  conjenting  ,  yet  rve  (haV  fee  if  they  be  not  lefs  k^oTving 
Mid  faithful  than  other  men  ^  they  ought  not  to  be  deferted  ^  inilefs  rpe  wiU  aUorv  ,  that 
the  King  may  choofe  rvhether  he  vciU  admit  of  any  counfel  at  all  or  no  ,  in  the  di^ofmg  of 
our  Lives  ,  Lands  and  Liberties.  But  the  King  jays  ,  that  he  is  not  bound  to  re- 
nounce his  own  underftanding,  or  to  contradid  his  own  confcience  for  any  Coun- 
fellers fake  whatfocver,  'Tm  granted  in  things  vifbie  and  certain ,  That  Judge  which 
U  a  fole  J  udge ,  and  has  competent  pwer  to  fee  hit  own  judgment  executed,  ought  not 
to  determine  againji  the  light  of  Nature  ,  or  evidence  of  Fad.  The  Sin  of  Pilate  was, 
ih.It  when  he  might  have  faved  our  Saviour  from  an  unjuji  Death  ;  yet  ttpon  accufations 
cvmradiHory  in  themfelves,  contrary  tojhange  Revelations  from  Heaven  ,  he  would fuf- 

fer 


Dfs COURSE  II.  The  Serpent-Sal've. 


573 


fer  innocence  to  fall ,  and pafs  fentence  of  Death  ,  meerly  to  Jat'afie  a  blottd-thirjiy  ntid-  '     " 

titude.  But  otbermfe  it  rv,ts  in  my  Lord  of  Strafford'/  cafe ,  for  the  King  wx  not  fole 
Judge,  nay  ,  he  XV.K  mcapable  of  fitting  Judge  at  all^  &cc.  And  there  fore  the  King 
mirrln  therein  rvith  a  clear  confcience  ,  havejigned  a  IVarrant  for  hii  Death,  tboifgb  he  had 
dijfentedfrom  the  Judgment.  So  if  one  Judge  on  the  fame  Bench  dijfent  from  three,  cr 
one  Juror  at  the  Bar  from  eleven ,  they  may  jubmit  to  the  major  number  ,  thoiizh  p^r- 
bj[;i  tefy  skilful  than  themfelves,  rvithout  imputation  of  guilt :  and  if  it  be  thus^in  mat- 
ters ofLiw  a  fortiori ,  *m>  in  matters  of  State ,  jvhere  the  very  Jatisfyin^  of  a  Multi-  ' 
tude  ,  fometimes  in  things  not  otherrvife  expedient ,  may  prove  not  onely  expedient ,  but 
necefiary  for  the  fetling  of  Peace  ,  andceafingofjlrife,  6cc.  where  the  people  by  publick. 
Authority  vpill  feek^any  inconvenience  to  themjelves,  and  the  King  it  not  fo  much  imer- 
effed  in  it  as  themfelves,  ''t'vs  more  inconvenience  and  injujiice  to  deny  thm  grant  it :  what 
blame  U  it  then  in  Princes ,  when  they  will  pretend  reluctance  of  confcience  and  reafoh  in 
things  behoveful  for  the  people. 

Anfw.  That  which  his  Majelly  faith  ,  that  a  man  may  not  go  againft  the  didate 
of  his  own  confcience,  is  Co  certain,that  no  man  that  hathhis  eyes  in  his  head  can  de-  ^^^-  ^3* 
ny  it.     The  Scripture  is  plain  ,  he  that  doubteth  n  damned  if  he  eat ,  becaufe  he  eateth 
not  of  Faith  ■■,  for  whatfoever  is  not  of  Faith  U  [^n.     Reafon  is  as  evident  ,  that  all  cir-  ^°™"  '*  ^^ 
cumftances  muft  concur  to  make  an  acSLon  good,  but  one  fingie  defed  doth  make 
it  evil.     Now  feeing  the  approbation  of  confcience  is  required  to  every  good  adi- 
on  ,  the  want  thereof  makes  it  unlawful ,  not  fimply  in  it  felf ,  but  relatively,  huic 
hie  ,  mm  ,  to  this  perfon  ,  at  this  time  ,  in  this  place.     Therefore  all  Divines  do' 
agree  in  the  cafe  of  a  fcrupulous  confcience  ,  that  where  a  man  is  bound  by  politive 
Law  to  do  any  adt  ,   and  yet  is  forbidden  by  the  didates  of  his  own  confcience  to 
doir,  he  mull  firft  reform  his  underrtanding  ,  and  then  perform  obedience:  and 
this  in  cafe  ,  where  a  thing  already  is  determined  by  pofitive  Liw.     But  in  his  Ma- 
jefties  cafe,  where  the  queltion  is  not  of  obedience  to  a  Law  already  conftituted  and 
ertablifhcd  ,  but  of  the  free  eledtion  or  affenting  to  a  new  Law  before  it  be  enadled 
it  holds  much  more  ftrongly.     But  yet  this  is  not  all,  there  is  a  third  obligatioti 
(•'and  a  Three-fold  cord  is  not  eafily  broken.)     Take  one  inftance,    the  King  is 
bound  by  his  Coronation-oath  to  defend  the  Church,  to  prelerve  to  the  Clergy  <«// 
Canonical  priviledges,    and  the  free  Franchifes  granted  to  them  by  the  glorious  King  Saint 
Edward,  and  other  Kings.     Now  fuppole  fuch  a  Bill  fliould  be  tendered  to  his  Ma- 
jefty,  to  deprive  them  of  their  Temporal  Goods,  as  was  tendered  to  H^A^ry  the 
Fourth,  in  that  Parliament  called  the  Lay-Parliament :  Suppofe  that  his  Maiefty  is 
very  fenfible  of  the  obligation  of  his  Oath  ,  but   fees  no  ground  of  difpenfation 
with  his  Oath.     Thz  CXtx^"}  Q^sthzn  thomK  Arunddl  Archbilliop  of  Cj;nfr^«ry  _) 
are  his  Remembrancers ,  and  confent  not  to  any  alteration  i   whit  fhould  a  King 
do  in  this  cafe  ?  in  the  one  fc ale  there  is  Law  ,  Confcience,  and    Oath:  Ln  the  o- 
ther,  the  tender  refped  which  hz  bears  to  a   great  part  (  yet  but  a  part  )   of  his 
p:ople.     I  prefume  not  to  determine :  but  our  Chronicles  tellus  whit  vvas  thee- 
vent  then.  That  his  Mijerty  refolved  to  leave  the  Church  in  as  good  Ihte  or  better 
than  he  found  it.  That  the  Knights  confefTed  their  errour ,  and  dellreJ  for'-'ive.i.'fj 
of  the  fame  Archbifhops  That  when  the  fame  motion  was  renewed  after     in  the 
Eleventh  year  of  his  Reign ,  the  King  commanded  them  ,  that  from  thenceforth 
they  (hould  not  prefume  to  move  any  fuch  matter :  Even  as  hi;  Predece/Tor  Richard 
the  Second,  in  the  very  like  cafe  had  commanded  the  fame  Bill  to  be  cancelled. 
Kings  then  did  conceive  themfelves  to  have  a  negative  voice  ,  and  that  they  were 
not  bound  by  the  Votes  of  their  great  Council. 

Thefe  grounds  being  laid  ,  the  Obfervers  inftances  will  m:lt  away  like  Winter 
Ice.  Firft,  the  Oith  and  Obligation  is  vifible  and  certain,  but  thedifpenfacion  or 
neceffity  of  alteration  ,  is  invifible  and  uncertain.  Secondly,  the  rule  that  a  man 
may  not  contradidt  his  own  confcience  for  the  advife  of  any  Counfeller  is  Uai- 
verfal ,  and  holds  not  onely  in  adions  judiciary,  whether  fole  or  focial ,  but  gene- 
rally in  all  th£  adions  of  a  mins  life.  Thirdly  ,  The  underlundina;  is  the  fole 
Judge  or  Direder  of  the  Will ;  the  fin  of  Pihte  was  not  to  contradid  Revelati- 
ons (  which  he  never  had  ,  )  but  for  fear  of  complaints ,  and  out  of  a  delire  to  ap- 
ply himfelf  to  an  inraged  multitude  ,  to  condemn  an  innocent  perfoa.     The  Obfer- 


vers 


574 


The  Serpent-  Sd've.  T  O  M  E  1 1  • 

"vCTS  i.ilbncc  in  thTEarl  of  Stra^rd ,  might  well  have  been  omitted  ,  as  tending  to 
no  ptupofc  unlefs  it  be  to  (hew  his  inhumanity  and  defpight  to  the  dead  a(hcs  of 
a  man  who  whilcli  he  was  living  might  have  anfwered  a  whole  Legion  of  Ob- 
fcrvcrs':  and  at  his  death  by  his  voluntary  fubmillion,  and  his  own  Petition  to  his 
Maielly',  did  endeavour  to  clear  this  doubt  and  remove  thefe  fcruples.  Take  the 
cafe  as  the  Obfcrvtr  States  it,  yet  jufHce  is  fatisfied  by  his  death  :  and  if  it  werfe 
other  wife,  yet  it  is  not  meet  for  him  or  me  for  to  argue  of  what  is  done  by  His  Maje- 
ilv  or  the  Great  Council  of  the  Kingdom  i  that  rancour  is  deep  which  purfues  a 
man  into  another  World. 

But  where  the  Obfervcr  adds,  that  His  Majefty  was  not  the  fole  Judge  ,  and  that 
he  was  uncapable  of  fitting  Judge  at  all;  I  conceive  he  is  much  mifkken.     His  Ma*- 
iefty  may  be  Authoritative  Judge  where  he  doth  not  perfonally  fit.*  and  *he  namjng 
of  a  Delegate  or  High  Steward  to  be  a  pronunciative  Judge  ,  doth  not  exclude  the 
principal.     The  inftance  of  a  Judge  giving  fentence  according  to  the  Mayr  number 
of  his  fellow  Judges  though  contrary  to  his  own  opinion,  is  altogether  impertinent: 
for  this  is  the  Judgement  of  the  whole  Court  not  of  the  Perfon  ,  and  might  be  de- 
clared by  any  one  of  the  Bench  as  well  as  another.     Such  a  Judge  is  not  an  Autho- 
ritative Judge  ,  but  pronunciative  onely  :   neither  can  he  make  Law  but  declare  it , 
without  any  negative  voice.     The  other  inftance  of  a  Juror  concurring  with  the 
greater  number  of  his  fellow  Jurors,  contrary  to  his  confcicnce  ,  is  altogether  falfe 
and  diredl  Perjury  ,  neither  of  them  are  applicable  to  His  Majefiy,  who  hath  pow- 
er both  to  execute  and  pardon.     It  is  true  ,  necellity  of  State  juilifies  many  things 
which  otherwifc  were  inexcufable  ;  and  it  is  as  true  that  it  is  iK>t  lawful  to  do  evil 
that  good  m"y  come  of  it, 

His  laft  alTertion,  that  where  the  people  by  publick^authority  n>illfeek^a>iy  inconvenience 
to  ihetnfelves ,  a)id  the  King  is  not  af  much  iiitercjfed  as  themfelves ,  it  if  more  injufiice  to 
deny  then  grant  it ,  is  repugnant  to  what  he  faith  a  little  after,  that  if  the  people  Jhould 
he  Jo  unnatural  as  to  oppofe  their  oven prefervation  ^  the  King  might  ufe  dH  pojjihle  means 
for  their  Jafety  ,  and  much  more  repugnant  to  the  truth.     The  King  is  the  Father'of 
his  People  ■■>  he  is  a  bad  Father  that  if  his  Son  ask  him  a  ft  one  inftead  of  bread  ,  or 
a  Scorpion  inftead  of  a  Fifti »  will  give  it  him.     That  heathen  was  much  wifer  who 
prayed  to  Jupiter  to  give  him  good  things,  though  he  never  opened  his  lips  for  fherp, 
and  to  withhold  fuch  things  as  were  bad  or  prejudicial  ,  though  he  petitioned  ne- 
ver lb  carneftly  for  them.     Suppofe  the  people  (hould  defire  Liberty  of  Religion  for 
all  Scds  ■-,   (hould  the  King  grant  it ,  who  is  conftituted  by  God  the  Keeper  of  the 
two  Tables  ?  Suppofe  they  fhould  defire  the  free  exportation  of  arms ,  Moneys  , 
Sheep,  (  which  they  fay  Edwardthe  Fourth,  for  a  prclcnt  private  end,  granted  to  the 
Kings  of  Cajiile  and  Arragon  )  and  that  this  (hould  be  aiTented  to  by  the  Obfervers 
advife  ,    woujd  not  the  prefent  or  fucceeding  ages  give  him  many  a  black  bleffing 
for  his  labour  ? 

God  help  the  man  fo  rerapjt  in  errours  endltfi  train. 

Firft  ,  To  fay  that  the  people  may  feek  to  obtain  their  defires  of  the  Prince  by 
publick  authority  ,  is  cither  too  magiftral  or  flat  non(en(e,  a  phra(e  rnufitate  te  E«- 
gliflj  cars.  Henry  the  fixth  was  no  Tyrant  nor  awful  Sovereign  ,  yet  when  the  Lords 
and  Commons  prefented  a  juft  requeft  unto  him  ,  they  did  it  kneeling  upon  their 
knee,  (  no  fign  of  authority  over  him.  )  Secondly ,  The  Ki.ng  owes  a  ftrift  ac- 
count to  God  of  his  Government ,  and  is  bound  by  his  Office  to  promote  the  good 
of  his  People  i  to  do  any  Aft  that  may  be  impeditive  to  this  end  ,  for  the  fatisfa- 
ftion  of  an  humorous  multitude ,  is  not  confiftent  with  this  Obligation.  Thirdly  , 
His  Majefty  conceives  the  thing  now  defired  ,  to  be  more  than  a  (imple  or  (ingle  in- 
convenience, that  himfelf  is  deeply  intereffed  in  it,  and  not  himfelf  onely  :  but  his 
pofterity  and  all  fucceeding  Kings ,  and  that  it  is  not  the  defire  of  all  his  Subjefts , 
nor  yet  of  the  greater  part ,  much  lefs  of  the  founder  part  who  difclaim  it  ?  and 
therefore  even  upon  the  Obfervers  ground ,  he  is  not  bound  to  give  his  affent. 

Obferv.  So  much  for  the  end  nf  Parliamentary  Tower  ^  J  come  now  to  the  true  Nature  of 
u,  publick^conjent ,  dec. 

Anffv. 


Discourse  If.  Ihe  Serpent-Sal've. 

Anjiv.  We  had  done  with  confent  before ,  but  now  we  meet  with  it  again  :  fudT 
Windings  and  Meanders  there  are  in  tliis  Treatife.     But  though  confent  be  like  the 
title  fat  upon  the  outlide  of  an  Apothecaries  box,  yet  if  we  look  into  the  fubfequent 
Dif-ourfe ,_  we  (hall  had  little  or  nothing  of  it.     The  Obfervers  tells  us  a  long  flo- 
ry  ,  that  atter  the  hll  oi  Adam  the  Law  writcn  in   mans  breff  was  not  fufficient  to 
mjke  him  a  fociable  creature  ,  that  without  fociety  men  could  not  live,  and  with- 
out Laws  men  could  not  be  fociable,  that  without  Magiftrates  Law  was  a  void  and 
vain  thing  :  it  was  therefore  quickly  provided  that  Laws  agreeable  to  the  Didlates 
of  reafon,  fluuld  be ratihcd  by  common  confent ,  and  that  the  execution  and  in- 
terpretation of  thofe  Laws  (hould  be  intruded  to  fome  Magiftrate.     To  all  which  I 
readily  aflent  with  this  animadverfion,  that  the  rule  is  not  ^^i  „„^,  or  Univer- 
fally  true.     As  for  the  Order  of  Laws  or  Magilbates  ,  it  is  confelTed  on  the  one 
lide  that  fometimes  the  people  did  choofe  their  Magiftrate  and  Law  both  together 
and  fometime  tlie  Law  before  the  Magirtrate  ,  efpecially  upon  the  extinftion  of  a 
Royal  Family  :  but  on  the  otiier  lldc,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  many  times     very 
many  .times,  Magirtrates  did  either  aflume  Soveraignty  by  juft  Conqueft,  .or  were 
abfolutely  eledted  without  any  fuch  reftricHion.     So  much  theObftrver  confefTeth  a 
little  after,  tliac  m  the  infancy  of  the  tvorld,  mnft  Nations  did  cboofe  rather  to  fiibmit  them- 
f elves  to  the  meer  difcretion  of  their  Lords,  than  rely  upon  any  limits,  and  he  ruled  by  ar^ 
bitrary  EdiUs  ,  rather  than  rvritten  Statutes ,  In  which  cafe  it  is  plain  ,  that  the  Law 
is  poltcriour  to  the  King  ,  both  in  order  of  nature  and  of  time. 

The  Obfcrver  proceeds  to  (hew  i  that  intrufted  Magiitrates  did  fomctimes  Ty- 
rannize over  their  people  •,  that  it  was  difficult  to  invent  a  remedy  for  this  mifchiefl 
Firlt ,  becaufe  it  was  held  unnatural  to  place  a  Superiour  above  a  Supreme.  Second- 
ly ,  becaufe  the  refiraint  of  Princes  from  doing  evil,  b/  diminution  of  Sovereign 
Power  ,  dothdifable  them  alfo  from  doing  good  ,  which  maybe  as  mifchievous  as 
the  other  i  that  the  World  was  long  troubled  between  thefe  extremitiesi  That  moft 
Nations  did  choofe  abfolute  Governoursj  That  others  placed  fupervifors  over  their 
Princes  ,  Ephori ,  Tribmi,  Cnratores,  (which  remedy  the  Obferver  confefTeth  to 
have  proved  worfe  than  the  difeafe ,  and  that  the  iflTue  of  it  commonly  was  to  im- 
broil  the  State  in  blood  ■■, )  That  in  all  great  diftreffes  the  Body  of  the  People  v/as 
conrtrained  to  rife  and  by  the  force  of  a  Major  party  to  put  an  end  to  all  inteftine 
llrifes  ;  That  this  way  was  too  flow  to  prevent  fuddain  mifchiefs  v  That  it  produ- 
ced much  fpoil  and  effufion  of  blood,  often  exchanging  one  Tyranny  for  anotheri 
That  at  lall  a  way  was  found  out  to  regulate  the  moliminous  Body  of  the  People 
by  Parlianaent  ,  where  the  People  may  affume  their  own  power  to  do  themfelves 
right,  where  by  virtue  of  Election  and  Reprefentation  ,  a  few  ad  for  many  the 
wife  for  the  fimplc,  That  the  Parliament  is  more  regularly  formed  now  than  when 
it  was  called  the  Mickje  Synod ,  or  where  the  real  Body  of  the  People  did  throng 
together  i  That  tlie  Parliament  yet  perhaps  labours  with  fome  defe(fls  that  mi^ht 
be  amended,  and  that  there  are  yet  fome  differences  and  difficulties  concerning  it 
tfpecially  the  priviledges  of  it  ,  which  would  be  refolved.  This  is  the  fum  of  his 
Difcourfe  here  ,  and  little  after  in  the  21.  page  and  the  Three  pages  following  ,  he 
falls  into  a  needlefs  commendation  of  the  Conftitution  of  Parliaments  of  their 
Wifdom  and  Juftice,  how  void  they  are  of  Danger,  how  full  of  advantage  to  the 
King  and  People  ,  how  Frinces  may  have  finijler  ends  ,  but  that  it  reaf  never  till  this 
Parliament  rvithjiood  that  a  Community  can  have  no  private  ends  to  mijieadit. 

In  all  which  there  are  not  many  things  to  be  much  mifliked ,  faving  fome  refalts 
of  his  former  falfe  and  feditious  Principles  i  as  that  the  People  are  the  primogenious 
Subjed  of  Power,  that  the  ElTential  and  Reprefentative  Body  of  the  Kingdom  are 
all  one ,  (  he  might  as  well  fay  that  a  whole  County  and  a  Grand  Jury  are  conver- 
tible terms. )  To  place  a  Superiour  above  a  Supreme  is  monftrous ,  and  opens  a 
ready  way  to  an  infinite  progrefs,  which  both  Art  and  Nature  abhcr.  I  joyn  with 
him  in  this  that  to  limit  a  Prince  too  far  is  often  the  caufe  of  much  mifchieftoa 
State.  But  the  Obfcrver  having  given  a  good  meal  cafts  it  down  with  his  foot :  for 
after  in  the  40.  page  he  tells  us  that  the  People  had  better  want  fome  right ,  than  have 
too  much  wrong  done  them.  It  may  befo,  it  may  be  otherwife  :  but  ordinarily  the 
futferings  of  one  year  in  a  time  of  Sedition  ,  are  more  burthenfbme  to  the  Subjedt', 

U  u  u  than 


575 


67^ 


The  Serpent-Sahe. TOM  E  U- 


"ThanThe  prcfTures  they  fullain  from  a  hard  Sovereign  in  a  whole  Age.  A  limited 
Commillion  may  now  and  then  bring  eafe  to  a  Society  ,  but  an  unlufficient  Prote- 
dtion  expofeth  them  to  an  iiundred  hazards  and  blows ,  from  Superionrs ,  Interi-     • 

Equals,  Forrcigners,    Domelticks.     The  Obfcrver  would  have /]/c/j  <«  Prtro- 
^^li-fe  af  hath  great  forver  of  TmeUion  and  link  of  npprejjton.     Can  you  blame  him  , 
he  would  have  his  rire  able  to  warm  him,  but  not  accidentally  to  burn  him.     Pro- 
tciftion  is  the  ufe,  opprellion  the  abufe  of  power.     To  take  away  Powerfor  fear  of 
the  abufe  ,  is  with  Lycurgw  to  cut  down  all  the  vines  ot  Sparta ,  root  and  branch  , 
for  fear  of  Drunkennefs.     By  the  fame  reafon  he  will  leave  neither  a  Sun  in  Hea- 
ven    nor  any  creature  of  eminency  on  Earth.     If  he  will  have  no  Bees  but  fuch  as 
have  no  flings,  he  may  catch  Drones  ,  and  want  honey  for  his  labour.     To  limit 
Princes  too  far  is  as  if  a  man  fhould  cut  his  Hawk's  wings,  that  ftie  might  not  fly 
away  fromjj'him  :  fo  he  may  be  fure  (he  fliall  never  make  a  good  flight  for  him.     St. 
Bernard  tells  us  a  llory  of  a  King,  who  being  wounded  with  an  arrow ,  the  Chirur- 
geons  defircd  Liberty  to  bind  him  ,  becaufe  the  lighteft  motion  might  procure  his 
Death:  his  anfwer  was  non  decet  vinciri  'Regent ,  it  is  not  meet  that  a  King  fliould 
be  bound  ,  and  the  Father  concludes 

Libera  fit  KegU  &  femper  falva  ^otefias. 

In  Two  particulars  this  Third  Cato  is  pleafcd  to  exprefs  himfelf,  he  would  have 
the  dijj>ofition  of  great  Offices  ,  and  the  power  of  casing  and  diffolvtng   Parliaments  ,  (ba- 
red between  the  King  and  the  People.     Yes  the  great  Offices  of  the  Kingdom  and 
the  Revenues  of  the  Church  have  been  the  great  wheels  of  the  Clock  ,    which  have 
fee  many  little  wheeles  a  going  ;  doubt  you  not  the  Otvfervcr  meant  to  lick  his  own 
fingers.     Thefe  fpeculations  might  be  feafonable  in  the  firft  framing  of  a  Monarchy: 
Now  when  a  power  is  inverted  in  the  Crown  by  Law  and  Lawful  culloin,  they  are 
fawcy  and  leditious.     Howfoever  his  bolt  is  foon  (hot ,  he  that  is  wife  in  h'vs  orvn 
eyes  ,  there  is  more  hope  of  a  Fool  than  of  fuch  a  Man.     Others  as  much  wifer  than  he 
is,  almort  as  he  conceives  himfelfto  tranfcend  them,  are  abfoUitely  of  another  mindi 
that  this  were  to  open  a  iKicc  to  facftion  and  (edition  ,   to  roll  the  apple  of  conten- 
tion up  and  down  both  Howfes  of  Parliament  and  each   County   and  Burrough 
in  the  Kingdom  ,  to  make  labouring  for  places ,  and  packing  for  votes ,    and  in  a 
word  to  difunite  and  diffolve  the  contignation  of  this  Kingdom  •,  This  in  Policy. 
They  fay  farther,  that  in  Juftice  ,  If  the  King  be  bound  by  His  Office  and  fvvorn 
by  His  Oath  ,  to  caufe  Larv  ,  Juftice  ,  and  Vifcretion  ,  in  mercy  and  truth  to  he  execit- 
ted  to  his  People ,  If  he  be  accountable  to  God  for  His  Mifgovernment  of  His  Great 
Charge  ,  that  it  is  all  the  reafon  in  the  World  why  he  (hould  choofe  his  own  Offi- 
cers and  Minifters.     Kings  are  (hadowed  by  thofe  brazen  Pillars  which  Hiram  made 
for    Solomon ,    having    Chapiters    upon  their  heads    adorned    wkh  chains  and 
pomgranates.     If  thefe    Sons    of  Belial  may   ftrip  Majefty  *by  Degrees  of  its 
due   ornaments ,  firft  of  the  Chains ,  that  is  the  power  to  punifli  evil  doers , 
and  then  of  the   Pomegranates  ,    the    ability    to   reward    good  deferts ,     and 
fo  infenfibly  rob  them  of  the  dependence  of  their  Subjeds  ,  the  next  ftep  is,  to 
ftrike  the  Chapiters  or  Crowns  from  off  their  Heads.     But  how  can  this  be,  except 
all  Parliaments  were  taken  as  deadly  Enemies  to  Royalty  >  Still  when  the  Obfervcr 
conies  to  a  piece  of  hot  Service,  he  makes  fure  to  hold  the  Parliament  before  him, 
^    which  device  hath  faved  him  many  a  blow.     They  that  are  not  haters  of  Kings  , 
may  be  lovers  of  themfelves:  We  are  all  Children  of  Adam  and  Eve  :  He  would 
be  a  God ,  and  She  a  Goddefs.     His  inftance ,  that  thii  is  no  more  ,  than  for  the  Ki)<g 
to  chufe  a  Chancellor  or  a  Ireafurer  upon  the  recommendation  of  Juch  or  fuch  a  Courti- 
er, is  ridiculous  i  there  his  Ma jefly  is  free  to  difTent ,  here  is  a  necelh'ty  impofcd 
upon  him  to  grant.     Yet  faith  he ,  the  Venetians  live  more  happily  under  their  condi- 
tionate  Dnh^s  ,  than  the  Turks   under  their  abfolute  Emperors.     Ihe  Irophees  which 
Rome  gained  under  conditionate  Commanders,  argue  that  tlxre  could  be   no  dtfed  in  this 
popular  and  mixt  Government.     Our  Neighbours  in  the  Netherlands ,  being  to  cope  with 
the  mojipuifiant  Prince  in  Chrifiendom  ,  put  themfelves  under  the  cnndu^  cf  a  much  hmi- 
ted  General ,  which  {Ireightned  Commiftons  have  yielded  7tothi)jg  but  Vidories  to   the 

States  , 


Discourse     II.  The  Serpent-Sahe*  ^   ^ 


States,  and  fjlid  honour  to  ■the  Prime  of  Orange.     IFere  Hannibal,  Scipio  ,  &c.  the 
leCf  honoured  or  bihved  ,  becaufe  they  were  not  independent  ?  JKis  CccQr  the  private  man 
L-JsJiKcefful,  or  leff  beloved ,   than  Ciehi  the  perpetual  Dtifator}   Whatfoever  is  more 
rhin  this  ,  he  calls  the  painted  rayes  of  jpurioiu  Majejiy,  and  ths  filling  of  aphanta\H- 
cal  bumiHr  with  imaginary  grandeur.     VVhofe  heart  doth  not  burn   within  him     to 
hear  fuch  audacious  expredions  ?   yet  ftill  he  protells  for  Monarchy.     A  hneAfo- 
narchy  indeed  ,  a  great  and  glorious  Monarchy  ,   an   Arijio-Vsmocracy  nicknamed  Mo- 
narchy ^  a  circumfcribed  ,  conditic5nate,  dependent  Mwurcfcy  ,  3.  Mock^M >rtarchv  ,  a 
A/(7«4rc/'_y  without  coercive  power  ,  able  to  proted,   not   to  pumlTi  j  thac  is  m  ef- 
tedt,  neither  to  proted  nor  puniih,  a  Monarch  fubordinate  to  a  Superiour  ,  and  ac- 
coLintable  to  Subjeds ,  that  may  deny  nothing  ,  a  Monarchy  in  the  Rites  whereof 
another  challengeth  an  interelt  Paramount,     ^orfum  h£<: .?  He  is  more   blind  than 
a  Beetle ,  that  fees  not  whither  all  this  tends ,  to  advance  King  Charles  to  the  high 
and  mighty  Dignity  of  a  Duke  of  Venice,  or  a   Koman  Canfnl :  VVhileft  this  Gen- 
tleman might  lit  like  one  of  the  Tribunes  of  the  Common  people  to  be  his  Super- 
vifor.     It  were  to  be  wilhed  ,  that  the  Obferver  would  tirli  make  tryal  of  this  mo- 
del of  Government  in  his  own  Houfe  for  a  year  or  two,  and  then  tell  us  how  he 
likes  it.     That  Form  may  fit  the  City  of  Venice,  that  will  not  fit  the  Kingdom  of 
England.     I  believe  he  hath  not  carefully  read  over  the    Hiftory  of  that  State 
Though  now  they  enjoy  their  Sun-(hines  ,  and  have  their  Lucida  intervaila  ■-,  yet; 
heretofore  they  have  fulTered  as  much  mifery ,  from  their  own  Civil  and  Inteftine 
Diffentions,  as  any  people  under  Heaven  •,  and  fo  have  their  Neighbonr-Srates  of 
Genoa,  Florence,  &c.     And    of  f/(7m?ce  particularly  it  is  remarkable,   that  thoucrh 
their  Prince  husband  his  Territory  with  as  much  advantage  to  himfelf ,   and  pref-  DaUimtom 
fare  to  his  people  ,  as  any  Prince  in  Europe  >   yet  they  live  Ten  times  more  happily  Survey  ofTHf- 
now  ,  than  they  did  before  in  a  Republick  ,  when  a  bare-legged  Fellow,  out  of  the  '''"^' 
fcum  of  the  people  ,  could  raife  Tumults ,  furprize  the  Senaix  ,  and  domineer  more 
than  Two  great  Dukes ;  fo  that  now  they  are  freer ,  thin   when  they  did  enjoy 
thcfe  painted  rayes  offpurious  Liberty.     If  the  Romans  had  not  found  a  defeil  in  their 
popular  Government ,  they  had  never  fled  to  the  choice  of  a  Didator,  or  abfo!ute 
Prince  ,  as  a  facred  Anchor  in  all  their  greateft  extremities.     And  for  the  Nether^ 
lands  ,  it  is  one  thing  for  a  Free  People  to  eleA  their  own  Form   of  Government-, 
another,  for  a  people  obliged  to  fhake  off  that  Form  which  they  have  elected.     Ic 
is  yet  but  early  of  the  day ,  to  determine  precilely  whether  they  have  done  well  or 
ill.     The  danger  of  a  popular  Government  is  Sedition  i  a  common  Enemy  hath 
hitherto  kept  them  at  unity  ,  and  the  King  of  Spain  hath  been  their  bed  Friend. 
Scipio's  opinion  ,  that  Carthage  fliould  not  be  defboyed  ,  was  more  folid  and  weigh- 
ry  than  Cato's ,  (  as  experience  plainly  fhewed. )     Thofe  Forreign  Wars  preferved 
Peace  at  home ,  and  were  a  Nurlery  of  Souldiers  to  fecure  that  State.     When  the 
United  States  come  to  have  peace  a  while,  then  let  them  take  heed  of  fallin-^  in 
pieces.     The  condition  of  the  Englijh  Subjedl ,  when  it   was  at  the  worit  ,  under 
King  Charles  (before  the(e  unhappy  broils  )   was  much  more  fecure  and  free  from 
Excifes ,  and  Other  Burdens  and  Impofitions ,  than  our  Neighbours  the  Nether- 
/j^^^rj  under  their  States.     If  his  Majelly  fhould  ufe  fuch  an  Arbitrary  power  as 
they  do,  it  would  fraart  indeed.     I  wonder  the   Obferver  is  not  afhamed  to  in- 
ftance  in  Hannibal ,   he  knows  the  Fadlions  of  H^nno  and  Hannibal  did  ruine  them- 
felves  and  Carthage :  whereas  if  Hannibal  had  been   independent  ,  Rome  had  run 
that  fortune  which  Carthage  did.     How  near  was  Scipin's  Conqueft  of  Jfi-ick,  to  be 
difappointed  ,  by  the  groundlefs  fuggeftions  of  his  Adverfaries  in  the  Roman  Senate? 
when  he  had  redeemed  that  City  from  ruine  ,  how  was  he  rewarded  ?  Slighted, 
called  to  the  Bar  by  a  fadlious  Plebeian,   and  in  effedl  banifhed  from  that  City, 
whersof  he  had  been  (in  a  kind)  a  fecond  Romulus  or  Founder:  but  if  he  had 
been  independent ,  he  had  been  a  nobler,  gallanter  Scipio  than  he  was.     And  if 
Cefar's  Didatorfhip  had  not  preferved  him  from  the  like  fnuffles ,  he  might  have 
tafted  of  the  fame  fawce  that  Scipio  did ,  and  many  others.     It  is  true,  he  was 
butchered  by  fome  of  the  Obferver*s  Sed,  (a  Rebel  is  a  civil  Schifmatick  i  and  a 
Schifmatick  an  Ecclefiaftical  Rebel  i  the  one  is  togata  ,  the  oth^r  is  armata  feditij , ) 
and  fome  of  them  as  notorioufly  obliged  ,  as  Servants  could  be  to  a  Mailer:  bat 

U  u  u  2  reven-:e 


— TTg  '~T'hsSerpent.Sal've. TOME  H. 

r  r.  1  fl„m  Tr  the  heels  ,  as  it  did  Korab  and  his  rebellious  Crew  ■■,  ZmrL 

!5Ip£!Xl;'ri^*W'.  >'"''  *'•     f'""-"'  'i'n-'l  1"-    always  a 
foul  ending.  _^  ^^^^  altogether,  That  Parliaments  are  fo  late  an  invention.     What 
•     the  Mkkle  Synod  heiQ  but  a  Parliament  ?  What  were  the  Roman  Senates  and  Co- 
^V/     but  Parliaments?  What  were  the  Oreaan  Jjfemblies  ,  Amphiayonian  ,  Jchai- 
Dtut.  ?;.  4-      '",'  ''iiotian     Pan-A^tolian ,  but  Parliaments  >  What  other  was  that  than  a  Parlia- 
""'^  *■  mcnt    M<'fes'c"mmMtded  in  a  Latv  ,  even  the  inhentance  of  the  Congregation  of  Jacob. 

Jnd  he  mis  King  m  Jefurum  ,  tvhen  the  Heads  of  the  People  and  Tribes  of  Ifrael  roere 
withered  together  :  Here  is  the  King  and  both  Houfes  with  a  Legiflative  power.  Non 
de  poflSnne  ,  fed  de  terminu  ejl  comentio  ;  the  difference  is  not  about  the  being  of 
Parliaments',  but  the  bounds  of  Parliamentary  power.  As  Parliaments  in  this  la- 
titude of  fignihcation  have  been  both  very  ancient,  and  very  common:  fo  if  he 
take  the  name  itriflly ,  according  to  the  prefent  conftitution  of  our  Parliaments ,  he 
will  not  Hnd  it  fo  very  ancient  here  at  home,  nor  a  policy  common  to  us  with  ma- 
ny Nations:  yea,  if  the  parts  of  the  comparifon  be  precifely  urged,  with  none, 
not  fo  much  as  our  Neighbour-Nation.  I  pray  God  it  be  not  fome  Mens  aim  ro 
reduce  our  fetled  Form  to  a  conformity  with  fome  Forreign  Exemplars.  But  if  it 
be  underwood  to  have  fuch  a  fulnefs  of  power  ,  as  he  pretends,  according  to  his 
late  found-out  art ,  tn  regulate  the  moliminom  body  of  the  people  ;  it  is  neither  ancient , 
nor  common ,  nor  ours*  He  may  feek  fuch  prefidents  in  Republicks ,  but  {hall 
never  find  fo  much  as  one  of  them  in  any  true  Monarchy  under  Heaven. 

I  honour  Parliaments  as  truly  as  the  Obferver  ,  yet  not  fo  as  to  make  the  name 
of  Parliament  a  Medufa's  head  ,  to  transform  reafonable  men  into  ftones.  I  ac- 
knowledge ,  that  a  compleat  Parliament  is  that  Panchrejlon  ,  or  Soveraign  Salve, 
for  ail  the  fores  of  the  Commonwealth.  I  do  admire  the  prefumption  of  this  Ob- 
ferver, that  dare  find  holes  and  defedls  in  the  very  conftitution  of  the  Government 
by  King  and  Parliament ,  (  which  he  (hould  rather  adore  at  a  diftancc  ,  )  as  if  he 
were  of  the  pofferity  of  Jach^Cade ,  who  called  himfclf  John  amend  all.  It  is  law- 
ful for  thcfe  men  onely  to  cry  out  againft  innovations ,  whileft  themfelves  labour 
with  might  and  main  to  change  and  innovate  the  whole  frame  of  Government 
both  in  Church  and  Commonwealth.  We  read  of  Philip  of  Macedon  ;  that  he  ga- 
thered all  the  naughty  feditious  fellows  in  bis  Kingdom  together  ,  and  put  them 
all  into  a  City  by  themfelves  ,  which  he  called  PoneropolU  or  Badman-Chefler.  I 
Wi(h  King  Charles  would  do  the  like  C  if  a  City  would  contain  them  ,  )  and  make 
the  Obferver  the  head  of  the  Corporation ,  where  he  might  mold  his  Goverment 
according  to  his  private  conceit. 

And  yet  it  cannot  be  denyed,but  thegreateftandmofteminentCouncils  in  the  World, 
may  be  either  made  or  wrought  by  their  Major  part  to  ferve  private  ends.  I  omit  the 
Lay  Parliament  1404,  and  Sir  Henry  Wottons  young  Parliament  i8.jF^co^i:ourHiftori- 
ans  tell  us  of  a  mad  Parliament  of  1258  and  theParliament  of  Batts  orBattownsi426 
a  kind  of  a  Weapon  fitter  for  Cavaliers  than  peaceable  AlTemblies.  The  Statutes  of  C'x- 
ford  were  confirmed  by  the  Parliament  at  Wefiminfter  1255.  and  ratified  by  a  curfe 
againft  the  breakers  of  than  :  (hortly  after  the  King  and  Prince  were  both  taken 
Prifoners :  yet  in  the  Parliament  following  at  l^inchejier  125^.  all  the  faid  ad:s  were 
refcinded  and  difannuUed ,  and  the  King  cried  quittance  with  his  Adverfaries.  In 
the  Reign  of  Edrvard  the  Second  after  the  battle  at  Burton ,  we  fee  how  the  Tides 
of  the  Parliament  were  turned ,  until  the  coming  of  Queen  Jzabel ,  and  then  the 
Floods  grew  higher  than  ever.  In  the  dayes  of  Richard  the  Second  ,  how  did  the 
Parliaments  change  their  Sandlions  ?  as  the  Camxlion  her  colours,  or  as  Platina  wri- 
teth  of  the  Popes  ,  after  Stephen  had  taken  up  the  Body  oiformofm  out  of  his  Grave, 
Jt  became  an  ufual  thing  for  the  Succeffors  either  to  infringe  or  altogether  to  abrogate  the 
AUs  of  their  Prf(^feeiro«»'x.TheParliaments  of  1386.  and  1388  were  contradi(£ted  and  re- 
voked by  the  fubfcquent  Parliaments  of  13^7.  and  13^8.  andthefe  again  condemned 
and  difanulled  by  the  Two  following  Parliaments  in  I3pc7.  and  1400.  yea  though 
the  Lords  were  fworn  to  the  inviolable  obfervance  of  that  of  i3<?7.  and  Henry  Bul- 
lenbrook^  who  was  a  great  Stickler  for  the  King  in  that  Parliament  ,  of  13^7.  a- 
gainft  the  appealants ;  yet  in  that  of  13?^.  was  elcdted  King  by  the  Trayterous  dcpo- 

iTrion 


Discourse  11.  The  Serpent-Sahe.  ^79 


fition  ofKic/w^,and  the  unjuli  pretcrition  of  the  Right  Heirs.  Parliaments  are  fublu, 
nary  Courts  •,  and  mutable  as  well  as  other  Societies.  If  we  defcend  a  little  lower 
to  the  times  of  Henry  the  Sixth  ,  we  (hall  iind  Richard  Duke  cf  Torj^,  declared  the 
Lord  Protedor  in  Parliament ,  yet  without  Title  to  the  Crown  in  1455.  Shortly 
after  we  find  both  him  and  his  Adherents  by  Parliament  likewife  attainted  of  Hjoh 
Treafon  in  1459.  The  Year  following  1460.  he  was  again  by  Parliament  declared 
not  oncly  Lord  Protedor  ,  but  alfo, Prince  of  Wales  and  Right  Heir  to  the  Crown 
and  all  Ads  to  the  contrary  made  void  ,  and  the  Lords  fwear  to  the  obfervance 
thereof.  It  rerts  not  here  ,  the  very  next  Year  1461.  His  Son  Edward  the  Fourth 
not  contented  to  be  an  Heir  in  reverfion ,  afTumes  the  Imperial  Diadem ,  and  in 
Parliament  is  recei^d  adual  King.  The  end  is  not  yet,  Ten  Years  after  this  1471. 
King  Henry  is  admitted  King  by  Parliament  again  ,  and  King  Edip.^yd  attainted  of 
High  Treafon,  declared  an  Ufurper,  and  the  Crown  inrailed  upon  King  He>iry 
and  His  Heirs  Males ,  and  for  want  of  fuch  ilTue  ,  to  George  of  Clarence'^md  His 
Heirs.  But  this  lafted  but  a  while ,  dilinherited  Edtvard ,  and  C/jm;cf  are  recon- 
ciled ,  and  the  very  next  Year,  Edrrard  is  Crowned  again,  and  received  King  in 
Parliament.     You  fee  here, 

Signa  pares  aquilas  &pila  mbiamia  pilU  , 

Parliaments  againft  Parliaments :  and  this  in  that  very  quedion  which  you  fay  js 
properly  to  be  judged  by  Parliament,  who  is  the  Right  King  >  When  thcEledion 
is  not  of  a  particular  perfon  and  His  Heirs  ,  but  of  a  Perfon  and  his  Family  ,  fo  as 
the  people  have  Liberty  to  Eled  whom  they  pleafe  of  that  I'lock  ,  ("  as  it  was  long 
lince  in  Scotland ^t\\\   it  was  refcinded  by  Ad  of  Parliament  to  take  away  thofe 
ftormsof  difcord  and  fadion  which  itraifed  ,  )  The  Parliament  was  the  moll  pro- 
per Judge  who  fliould  fucceed  :  but  where   the  Crown  is  Hereditary,   there  needs 
little  queftion  of  the  Right  Heir ,  which  for  the  mod  part  every  Countreyman 
knows  as  well  as  the  Great  Council  of  the  Kingdom.     How  eafily  were  Queens  rai- 
fed  and  depofed  in  Henry  the  Eights  time  by  Authority  of  Parliament  ?  Add  to 
this  with  what  facility  Religion  was  reformed  in  part  by  Hemy  the  Eighth      more        ' 
by  Edward  the  Sixth  ,  altered  by  Queen  Mary  ,  and   reltored  again   by  Queen  Eli- 
?:,abeth  ,  and  all  this  by  Authority  of  Parliament  within  the  compafs  of  a  few  years; 
and  it  will  evidently  appear  out  of  all  that  hath  been  faid,  that  Parliaments  are  not 
excepted  from  the  defeds  of  all  human^jSocieties,  Nefcience,  Ignorance,  Fear 
Hope,  Favour,  Envy,  Self-love,  and  the  Like  ,  that  they  may  err  both  in  mat- 
ters of  fad  ,  and  in  point  of  Right ,  That  it  is  the  incommunicable  property  of 
God  alone,  to  ht  the  fame  Tejlerday  ,  today,  and  for  ever,  That  though  we  owe 
a  tender  refpedto  Parliaments,  yet  we  may  not  follow  their  diredions  as  Infallible 
nor  refolve  our  reafon  into  their  meer  Authority  ,  as  if  their  fole  advice  or  com- 
mand  were   a  fufficient  ground   for  our   Adions  ,  which  is  the  main  fcope  which 
this  Jehu  our  Oblerver  doth  fo  furioufly  drive  at  in  all  his  writings  ,  that  no  evil  is 
to  be  prefumed  of  the  reprefentative  Body  of  the  Kingdom.     And  fo  far  he  is  right  i  it 
ought  not  indeed  to  be  prefumed  without  proof.     But  he  goes  farther  that  it  may 
not  be  fupofed  or  admitted  ,  Jt  is  of  dangerous  confequence  to  ftippnfe  that  Parliaments  firflob.  fagc7 
rvill  do  any  in]u\lce  ,  it  loofeth  one  of  the  firmeji  ftnen>s  of  Law  to  admit  it. 

But/«c/;  Communities  can  have  no  private  eytds.  What  had  tlie  Shechemites  by 
the  fuggellion  of  a  Worthy  Member  of  their  City  >  Or  the  Brethren  of  Jofeph  >  ]i 
any  man  boggle  at  it ,  may  he  not  be  over-voted  ,  or  over  awed ,  as  Reuben  was  ?  '^^"'  I'*'  ^^ 
What  ends  had  the  Romans  when  they  made  that  arbitrament,  quod  in  medio  eft  ^'°'  ^^' 
populo  Romano  adjudicetur  ?  What  had  the  whole  City  of  Ephefits  ,  being  pcrfwad- 
ed  by  Vemetriits  and  his  Craftfmen  ,  that  there  vvas  a  ikange  plot  a^^ainlt  Diana  > 
The  HighPriells,  and  Scribes,  and  Elders,  and  If  you  add  tothefc,  Tiljte,  Ju- 
das, the  Souldiers  and  the  Devil,  all  had  their  private  ends.  The  High  Priefts  and 
Elders  tofatisHe  their  envy  ,  Pilate  to  keep  his  place  ,  Judits  to  get  the  thirty  pie- 
ces ,  the  Souldiers  for  Chriil's  Garments  :  yet  all  thefe  concurred  in  a  General  de- 
llgn  to  take  away  Chrilh  Which  fhews  us  thus  much  ,  That  a  Community  may 
have  private  ends  ,  yea ,  and  contrary  ends  ,  all  tending  to  m.ifchief,  though  up- 


;8o 


Jhe  Serpent:Sdhe,  TOMEII" 


^^contrary  grounds;    and  yet  all  agree  well  enough  fo  long  as  they  keep  then.- 

felves  in  a  negative  or  dcftrudive  way.  I  intend  thefc  inftances  no  farther  than  to 
(hew  the  werknefs  of  the  Obferver's  grounds  i  Parliaments  are  more  venerable  yet 
till  tbii  corruptible  have  put  on  incorruption  ,  private  ends  will  feek  to  crowd  into  the 
beli  Societies.  When  a  Bill  was  tendred  to  Kichard  the  Second  to  take  the  tem- 
poralities of  "the  Clergy  ,  thefe  was  old  (haring;  and  Thomas  JFalfuigham  dith  ,  he 
himdlf  did  hear  one  of  the  Knights  fwear  deeply  ,  that  he  would  have  a  Thou- 
fand  Marks  by  year,  out  of  the  Abby  of  St.  Albans.  The  very  like  Bill  was  put 
up  to  King  Hwry  the  Fourth  ,  with  this  motive  or  addition,  that  thofe  Temporal 
pofltllions  would  fufficc  to  find  an  Hundred  and  Fifty  Earls,  Fifteen  Hundred 
Knights,  Six  Thoufand  and  Two  Hundred  Efquires,  and  an  hundred  Hofpitals 
more  than  there  was  in  the  Kingdom ,  (  it  had  been  a  great  overfight  if  they  had 
not  ftuclj  down  a  few  feathers.  )  Do  you  not  fee  private  ends  in  thofe  days  ?  but 
even  they  found  themfelves  mirtaken  in  their  accounts.  And  now  when  the  Lord 
Verulam  and  fundry  others  of  our  moft  eminent  Countreymen  have  acknowledged 
Confideratf.  ( I  have  heard  the  very  fame  from  Sir  Edtvine  Sands  )  that  all  the  Parliaments  fmcc 
oDS  dedicated  fh^  27,  and  3 1,  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth  ,  feem  in  fame  fort  to  ftand  obnoxious  and  obli- 
t°  King  ^^  ^g  Q^fi  Iff  Conscience  ^   to  do  fomeivhat  for  the  Church  ,   to  reduce  the  Patrimony  there- 

James.  ^^  ^^  ^  competency.    Now  I  fay  when  the  Temporalties  of  the  Clergy  are  fo  inconfi- 

dcrable  in  comparifon  of  the  Honour  of  the  Nation  and  the  Order  of  the  Church  , 
and  fo  unable  to  {atisfie  the  appetite  and  expeftation  of  necclEtous  men-,  in  (b  much 
as  I  dare  fpeak  it  confidently  ,  that  all  the  Temporalties  of  the  Archbiihops ,  Bi- 
fhops ,  Deans,  Archdeacons,  Deans  and  Chapiters,  Prebends,  Petty-Canons, 
Vicars  Choral ,  (  which  are  recited  in  folio  to  make  a  (hew,  and  of  all  the  Ecclelia- 
ftical  Dignitaries  and  Corporations  whatfoever  ,  let  them  take  matters  of  Hofpitak 
in  to  boot ,  (  except  the  two  Univerfities  and  Glebes  of  Benefices  with  cure  )  do 
not  all  amount  in  penny  rent  to  the  Revenues  of  fbme  two  Earles ,  fuch  a  propo- 
fition  (ecms  now  to  be  much  more  unreafonable  than  it  was  then  ,  yet  even  then 
the  Bill  was  commanded  by  the  King  to  be  cancelled.  I  confels  the  true  and  utter- 
moft  value,  may  be  double  or  treble  to  this,  but  what  is  redundant  above  the  rent 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Gentry  and  Commons ,  who  will  think  much  to  loofe  either 
their  Intereft  or  Tenent-right.  Iconfefs  likewifethat  befides  their  Temporalties, 
they  have  Spiritualties  eonfifting  of  Tiths  and  Oblations :  but  to  think  of  taking 
thefe  away  alfb  ,  will  highly  difpleafe  their  leaders  of  the  old  Edition.  Hear  the 
humble  motioner,  Jt  U  the  duty  of  the  Cammontpealth  to  convert  thofe  things  rvhith  by 
their  foundation  rcere  meant  to  the  Service  of' God  to  that  very  ufe  ,  that  Reformation  he 
not  rather  thought  a  bait  to  feed  our  bellies  ,  than  to  proceed  of  Godly  Zeal.  He  calls  it 
a  plain  mockery  of  God ,  a  fcorn  of  Godlinefi,  the  moji  Vevillijh  Policy  in  the  IVorld, 
that  upon  pretence  to  farther  God's  Service  ,  menfhould  rob  and  ranfach^the  Church.  To 
the  fame  purpofe  Mr.  Cartn>rjght ,  'tbU  is  our  meaning  ,  not  that  theji  goods  (hould  he 
turned  from  the  pojjejji  on  of  the  Church ,  to  the  filling  of  the  bottomlefi  fackj  of  their  gree- 
dy appetites,  rvho  gape  after  tlm  prey,  and  would  thereby  to  their  perpetual  Jharae  purchafe 
to  themfelves  afield  of  Blood.  After  he  calls  them  Gormortmts,  and  proteits  againft  it 
as  plain  Sacriledge.  A  fupply  from  hence ,  as  it  is  Sacrilegious  in  the  opinion  of 
their  greatefi  Reformers  :  fo  it  would  be  inconfiderable  either  to  inrich  the  Crown , 
or  to  difingage  the  Kingdom  ,  or  to  fatisfie  the  appetites  or  private  ends  of  necef- 
fitous  perfons. 

Obierv.  Having  now  premifed  thefe  things  ,  J  come  to  the  main  difficulties  lying  at  thU 
time  in  dilute  before  m  ,  8cc. 
Seii.  25.  _  Anfrv.  We  have  now  done  with  all  the  Obferver's  grounds  •,  The  remainder  of 

his  Treatife  is  either  a  repetition  of  the  fame  matter  in  a  new  and  diverfe  drefs  i  as 
the  Hoft  of  C/w/cif  ferved  TitjM  F/tJWiv;;af ,  when  h«  gave  him  feveral  fer  vices  of  a 
tame  Hog  ,  and  yet  by  Cookery  made  him  believe  he  fed  upon  choife  variety  of  Ve- 
nifon.  Fair  fall  agoodCook^:  or  elfe  it  is  fupcrftrudions  builded  upon  the  former 
grounds ,  which  (  the  Foundations  being  fubaradted)  remain  as  Caftles  in  the  air, 
ready  to  fall  of  themfelves  without  any  farther  battery  :  or  elfe  it  is  matter  of  fad , 
which  howfoever  it  be  difguifed  byfidlions  in  this  feculent  Age  ,  when  the  Father 
of  lies  is  let  loofe,  yet  it  is  well  enough  known  to  the  greater  and  better  part  of 

the 


Discourse    II.  The  ScrpentS^jhe^  c;8i 

the  Kingdom.  Such  is  the  queftion  of  the- Mi/ifia  ,  fo  ofcen  iterated  by  the  Oblcr- 
ver ,  both  in  point  of  right ,  and  in  point  of  fact:  fuch  is  the  cafe  of  the  impeach- 
td. members  :  and  th\t  ot  the  tumults  and  commotions  at  London  and  iVeiiminfier  , 
and  that  ot'  thofe  infamous  Libels  and  inved'ives  againit  his  MijetHes  Government , 
bu[h  out  ot  the  Pulpit  and  Prefs ,  if  not  with  incouragemcnt  yet  without  any  re- 
tiraint ,  and  fome  of  them  not  onely  againll  His  Government,  but  againfi  Mo- 
narchical Government  in  General ,  as  this  very  Treatife  of  the  Obfcrvcr's.  Con- 
cerning the  Firft  ,  His  Miielly  hath  kt  forth  an  exprefs  Declaration  of  the  Firit  of 
July  ,  yet  unanfwered :  to  fay  more  in  this  were  to  bring  owks  to  Athens.  Con- 
cerning the  Latter,  His  MajeftypalHng  by  ordinary  and  milled  perfons,  chargeth 
the  Heads  and  contrivers  of  thcfe  Diltradions  and  Libellous  Invectives ,  in  his 
D;;clarations  of  the  12.  of  Jnguji  ,  occ.  fo  as  it  feemes  needlefs  to  take  any  farther 
notice  of  them.  Such  others  are  that  of  the  Scotch  Army  ,  and  the  furprifing  of 
NeTfcJjile^  and  the  Earl  of  Straffords  cafe:  whereas  the  Obferver  knows  well  enough, 
that  for  the  two  former  there  i?  an  Adt  of  oblivion,  and  for  the  Latter  iprovifo  tliat 
it  (hail  not  be  drawn  into  prefident,  which  in  etfeCt  is  as  much.  He  cannot  choofe 
but  know  ,  that  ofherwife  fomething  might  be  faid  in  thefe  cafes  which  perhaps 
would  trouble  him  to  untwilt :  To  infult  over  one  that  hath  his  hands  tyed  ,  or  to 
brave  one  who  is  bound  to  the  Peace ,  argues  a  degenerous  adverfary.  Therefore 
to  omit  thefe  and  the  like,  and  to  inlilt  upon  fuch  onely  as  afford  us  either  new  mat- 
ter ,  or  have  more  weight  of  reafon  added  to  them. 

Whereof  the  principal  without  comparifbn  is  the  bufinefs  ofUiiU  or  Sir  John  Ho-  of  Null  and 
tham  ,  which  runs  fo  much  in  the  Obferver's  mind  ,  that  he  falls  upon  it  nine  or  ten  Sir  Jihn  Ac 
times  in  this  little  Treatife,  and  after  he  profefTeth  to  have  done  with  it  page  30  'ham. 
yet  he  relapfeth  into  it  again   thrice,  in  the  33.  35.  and  4.3.  pages.   Ifhall  not  omit 
any  thing  that  hath  the  leaft  fcruple  of  weight  or  moment  to  advantage  Sir  John 
Hothams  caufe. 

Fird ,  It  is  confefTed  by  the  Obferver  "Ihat  to  pojfef  a  Thivn  and  put  the  Gates  agahiji 
the  King  is  treajon.  A  Liberal  concellioni  he  had  an  hard  forehead  that  fhould  deny 
it.  To  detain  one  of  the  Kings  Ships  or  Callles  onely  ,  without  danger  to  his 
Perfon,is  Treafon:  what  is  it  then  hrlt  to  intrude  forcibly,  and  then  to  detain  inju- 
rioufly,  not  a  Pinnace  or  little  Tower,  but  one  of  the  Prime  Ports  and  Strengths 
of  the  Kingdom  ,  and  in  it  the  Kings  whole  Magazine  or  provifion  of  War  ,  and 
toraife  His  Majelties  own  Subjedts  to  keep  it  with  Muskets  bent  againft  his  Royal 
Breft  ?  They  had  need  to  be  very  faving  circumttances  that  can  alter  the  nature  of 
fuch  an  A6t ,  or  have  virtue  to  tranfubflantiate  Cataline  into  Camihti  ,  and  change 
Treafon  into  Loyalty.  Who  made  the  Obferver  a  Diftinguifher  where  the  Law 
doth  not  diffinguifh  }  But  let  us  view  his  reafons  without  prejudice. 

Three  things  are  alledged ,  firft  the  circumftances  of  the  Adtion,  Secondly  ,  the 
intention  of  the  Adtors  ,  Thirdly  ,  The  authority  of  the  Commanders-  For  the 
firft  he  faith  ,  'Ihe  King  tpos  meerly  denyed  entrance  for  the  time ,  hU  gener.il  right  voof 
not  denyed.  I  do  eafily  believe  ,  that  Sir  John  meant  not  to  hold  Hull  for  ever  :  If 
he  did,  he  is  not  fuch  a  Child  to  fay  fo.  When  the  Lord  Gray  and  his  complices 
had  plotted  to  furprife  the  T'orver  or  Dover  Cajik  ,  and  to  pofTefs  themfelves  of  the 
perfons  of  King  James  and  his  Council,  it  was  not  their  defign  to  hold  thofe  forts, 
or  detain  them  Prifoners  for  ever  :  but  until  they  had  gained  their  ovvn  conditions^ 
which  were  the  alteration  of  Religion  ,  and  the  Diltribution  of  the  great  Oilices 
of  the  Kingdom  among  themfelves  i  yet  it  was  never  the  lefs  adjudged  Treafon  , 
and  they  condemned  for  it. 

He  adds  ,  No  defying  Language  tvas  given  to  the  King.  No  more  did  Jud.K  give 
the  King  of  Kings  when  he  cryed  ,  Hail  Majler^  and  kjffi'd  Him.  The  Propliet  com- 
plaineth ,  of  fome  that  the  words  of  their  motith  were  fofter  than  butter^  but  JKir  nas  in 
their  hearts.  It  was  as  true  as  tart  a  cenfure,'  which  Johannes  Capocim  a  Noble  Kuman, 
gave  of  Innocent  the  Third  ,  who  did  privately  blow  the  coals  betwixt  Otho  and 
Frederick^  :  0  Holy  Father^  your  words  are  the  words  of  God  (  peaceable  and  pious  ) 
but  your  deeds  are  the  deeds  of  the  Devil. 

He  proceeds  ,  No  aUs  of  violence  were  ufed ,  though  the  King  for  diverfe  hours  toge- 
ther did  fiand  within  Musket  Jhst^  and  did  ufe  terms  of  defiance,  znd  tb'n  mal^s  the 

AVt 


Saxt. 


^^8^ '       ^      The  Serpent  Sahe-  T  O  M  E  1  i. 

^a  nteerh  dtjeufive  or  rather  faffive.     PaHive  !   how  can  that  be  >  notwithitanding 

the  intrufion  of  Sir  John,  the  King  is  liill  the  pofTeffour  ,  and  the  detaining  is  tor- 
cible  in  the  eye  of  the  Law.  This  very  plea  argues  a  rotten  and  a  Trayterous  heart. 
To  liill  an  innocent  and  an  anoynted  King  in  the  fight  of  the  Sun  ,  requires  an 
height  of  impiety,  a  longer  preparation  or  partners,  and  inftrumcnts  fleihed  in 
blood  and  inKchieti  He  that  ftould  have  commanded  fuch  a  fliot ,  had  need  to 
have  given  his  charge  in  ambiguous  terms ,  as  Edvardum  occidere  nolite  timere  bonnm 
tjl  or  otherwise  might  have  been  thrown  over  the  walls  for  his  Labour.  If  fuch 
a  (hot  had  failed  ,  it  had  been  d^lkudive  to  the  Ador  and  all  his  partakers  ;  if  it 
had  taken  ,  it  would  have  made  them  fiink  in  the  Noftrils  of  all  good  men  •,  biit 
for  my  parti  do  not  believe  there  was  any  fuch  intention.  Howfoever  we  have 
been  told  in  the  place  of  the  Barons  Wars  ,  we  (hould  exped  the  Commons  Wars  : 
yet  Generally  tlie  Englijh  Nation  delights  not  fo  much  in  Democracy  as  the  Obferver 
doth  i  and  a  more  Gracious  King  they  could  not  have  ,  whofe  Death  would  have 
dillulvcd  many  mens  hopes.  Howfoever  as  King  Alfhonfm  anfwered  his  phylkian, 
when  he  perfwaded  him  not  to  handle  the  works  of  Ltvy  (  which  were  fent  unto 
JEiteai  S;/.  him  by  a  a  great  Florentine  )  for  fear  of  poyfon  ,  'The  Lives  and  Souls  of  Kings  are 
*»«"•  fecttre  under  the  Providence  and  TroteCiion  of  God  :  or  as  a  Traytor  anfwered  the  King 

of  the  PrfMfJ  ,  That  he  wanted  neither  mind  nor  fu^cient  means  to  have  tffe£ied  his  in- 
tentions ,  but  the  ajjifiance  and  concurrence  of  God  rvof  alroays  wanting.  Which  was 
verified  in  a  confpiracy  againft  King  James  ,  when  the  murderer  fmitten  into  an  a- 
mazement  by  God's  ]uft  Judgement ,  could  neither  flirhand  nor  foot. 

It  tollows  ,  How  fhould  this  adminifler  to  the  King  any  grounds  to  levy  guards  at 
Yorke?  See.  Vid  the  King  without  fear  treat  with  Sir  John  Hotham  as  a  Traytor 
in  the  face  of  bis  Artillery  ,  and  offer  to  enter  Hull  with  Twenty  Horfe  unarmed  ,  and 
continue  fuch  a  harfl}  Parley  fo  many  hours  ■>  and  yet  when  he  was  in  York,  in  a  County 
of  fo  great  affurance  ^  could  nothing  but  fo  many  Bands  of  Horfe  and  Footfecure  him  from 
the  fame  Sir  John  Hotham  ?  I  wonder  the  Obferver  doth  not  blufli  to  be  His  Maje- 
llies  remembrancer  ,  how  much  he  descended  from  His  Royal  State  that  day  ,  in  his 
attendance  fo  many  hours,  and  his  courteous  proffers.  Is  it  becaufe  he  thinks  good 
Subjedts  take  delight  to  hear  of  fuch  an  audacious  affront  put  upon  their  Sovereign? 
or  of  that  ba(e  fcandalous  pidure  fo  much  gazed  at  in  Forreign  parts ,  of  Sir  John 
Hotham  Handing  aloft  armed  Cap-a-pe,  incircled  with  Gallants  and  great  Ordinance, 
like  another  JchiVes , 

Lnpiger  ,   Iracundtis,  inexorabilis ,  acer  ■-, 

Whileft  His  Sacred  Majefty  was  pidlured  below  like  aChanceryPetitioner  with  his 
hat  in  his  hand  ,  pittyfully  complaing  and  fuing  to  Sir  John  for  admilfion  ?  But 
the  King  called  Sir  John  Traytor  ,  and  gave  him  harfh  Language.  Did  he  fo  : 
you  may  remember  what  Philip  anfwered  for  the  Macedonians  ■■,  when  fome  of  his 
own  wicked  inlkuments  complained  they  called  them  Traytors  ■>  that  his  Countrey- 
men  were  plain  dealing  met^  to  cail  things  by  their  right  names  ^  and  could  not  for  their 
Lifes  thinkjyne  thing  and  fay  another.  If  Philip  a  Prince  benefited  by  thofe  Creatures  , 
pleaded  fo  for  his  Subje(fls  \  why  might  not  King  Charles  who  was  injured  ,  and  a 
loofer ,  have  leave  to  fpeak  for  himlelfto  his  own  Subjedls  ?  But  if  the  King  were 
fo  confident  there  ,  why  did  he  raife  Forces  at  Tork^^  a  place  of  more  affurance  ? 
Firft ,  (hew  us  your  Commilfion  to  take  his  Majefties  anfwer ,  or  at  leaft  tell  us  why 
Sir  John  began  to  raife  Forces  Firll  >  his  Majefty  is  authorized  by  God  and  the  Law 
to  raife  Forces,  and  owes  no  account  to  the  Ob(erver.  And  to  his  Majefties  con- 
fidence then ,  and  diffidence  after,  I  can  fay  nothing  pofitively:  if  it  were  in  another 
cafe ,  there  might  be  fundry  reafons  given.  Perhaps  the  fecond  cogitations  arc  tlic 
founder-,  or  men  may  hope  for  better  meafure  than  they  rind  v  or  the  latter  day  is 
a  Schollar  to  the  former  ■■,  or  a  man  may  defire  to  furprize  him  and  cannot,  whom 
he  hath  no  defire  to  kill  if  he  couldi  or  mifchief  grows  not  to  maturity  inaninltant, 
but  by  degrees. 

But ,  The  King  might  have  prevented  this  rep»lfe  ,  by  fending  a  Mefienger  before  hand, 
or  by  coming  without  fuch  tonfiderahle  Forces  in  Jo  unexpehed  a  manner.     How  confider- 

able 


DtscouRSElf.  [he  Serpent-Salve.  egj 


able  His  MajelHes  were,  and  what  was  his  manner  of  coming  to  Hh\}^  himfcJf  hat/i 
publiflied  in  a  true  Satisfadtory  Declaration  long  fince:  if  it  had  been  otherwife 
hovv  could  His  Majclly  imagin  or  exped  fuch  a  rcpulfe  againft  all  Laws ,  beyond' 
all  Prclidents.     An  impartial  man  would  rather  think  that  Sir   John  Hotham  fliould 
have  taken  it  to  heart  ,  that  His  Majerty  ihould  fo  far  fufpedl  his  Loyalty  as  to  fend 
fuch  a  meiTage  before  him.     This  is  certain  ,  if  there  were  an  omillion  in  point  of 
difcretion  or  good  manners  ,  it  was  on  Sir  Jvhn  Hothams  part  ,  who  was  privy  to 
his  own  refolutions  :  and  though  he  had  forgotten  his  allegiance  ,  yet  in  point  of 
courtefie  ,  he  ought  to  have  given  His  Majeliy  a  fair  advertifement.     It  is  very 
hard  the  Obferver  fhould  go  about  to  reduce  His  King  to  the  condition  of  an  or- 
dinary Paflengcr ,  that  muli  fend  his  harbinger  before  to  try  whether  he  may  have 
entertainment  at  his  Inne  or  not. 

Nondum  finim  Orejies ,  his  circumftances  are  not  yet  done  >  he  adds ,  the  thinqs 
remaining  at  Hull  in  the  Kings  truji  for  the  uj'e  of  the  Kingdom  rpere  arms  ,  and  by  con- 
fequence  of  mart  danger  than  other  kind  of  Chattels.  If  I  intruji  my  Cloaks  to  anotbers 
cujhdy^  J  may  not  take  it  again  by  force  :  but  if  it  bemyftvord,  and  there  is  jirong  pre- 
Utmftinn  that  it  may  be  drawn  upon  me  ^  I  may  ufe  any  means  to  fecure  it.  I  wilh  all 
the  Obfcrvers  f  adion  had  been  of  his  opinion  in  one  point  i  His  Majelly  and  many 
of  his  good  Sabjedls  have  been  plundered  deeply  ,  and  have  had  both  their  Cloaks 
and  their  Coats  ,  &c.  taken  away  by  force ,  wherein  they  challenged  a  right  of  in- 
rcreft  ,  which  is  more  than  truft.  Still  the  Obferver  builds  upon  his  former  extra- 
vagants  :  His  Majefty  is  not  Kex  adplacitum^  one  that  hath  meerly  the  cuftody  of 
K.egal  Power  ,  as  the  Lord  Keeper  hath  of  the  great  Seal,  or  as  the  Obferver  may 
give  his  Cloak  to  his  Neighbour  to  hold:  but  he  is  the  very  owner  and  pofTcfTour 
of  Sovereignty  to  him  and  to  his  heirs;  and  this  not  by  the  antecedent  trull,  nor 
by  the  guift  of  the  people,  but  by  the  goodnefs  of  God.  It  would  be  known 
what  prefumption  the  Obferver  had,  that  the  fword  (hould  be  drawn  upon  himv 
except  he  that  hath  given  his  Superiour  a  box  on  the  ear  may  lawfully  dilarm  hitn 
when  he  hath  done ,  for  fear  leaft  being  provoked  he  (hould  (kike  again.  The  Ob- 
ferver intimates  no  lefs ,  JVhether  is  more  probable  at  this  time  ,  that  the  King  is  incen-  f"^'  43f 
fed  againfi  the  Farliament  or  the  Parliament  againji  the  King  ?  That  very  argument 
which  he  ufeth  here  is  fu(ficient  to  convince  himfelf.  What  is  the  thing  detained? 
The  Magazine.  To  whom  doth  the  right  of  Armour  belong  >  To  the  King  alone 
and  not  to  the  Parliament",  witnefs  a  Parliament  it  fclfy*  Edvardi  primi :  much  lefs  g 

to  the  Obferver  or  Sir  JohnHitham.    Vzza  was  fmitten  dead  for  prefuming  but  ^*  ^'"^      ' 
to  take  hold  of"  the  Ark  of  God :  God  will  rather  have  the  Ark  of  the   Church  or 
Commonwealth  to  (hake  and  totter  under  his  own  immediate  protedion,  than  to 
have  fuch  men  prefume  to  lay  hold  on  it ,  who  have  no  calling  from  him. 

There  is  onely  one  faving  circumftance  left  behind,  hear  it ,  "The  Kings  interefl  in 
Hull  U  not  fuch  an  intereji  as  in  other  moveables  i  neither  is  the  Kings  interejl  tak^n  an>ay^ 
the  fame  things  are  refervedfor  him  in  belter  hands:  and  if  it  rvere  the  fame ,  yet  the 
State  hath  an  intereji  Paramount  in  cafes  of  publick^extremity.  The  State  hath  an  in- 
terert  Paramount ;  What  State  ?  have  we  any  State  in  England  without  the  King  ? 
The  Obferver  is  ftill  in  his  old  dreams.  Well,  What  is  the  intercll  of  this  imagi- 
nary State  >  an  imaginary  Intereft,  An  intereji  Paramount  in  cafes  of  extremity. 
What  a  mixture  of  pleas  is  here  ?  extremity  is  the  plea  of  private  perfons.  In  cafe 
of  extremity  where  a  man  cannot  haverecourle  to  the  Magilirate,  every  man  be- 
comes a  Magiftrate  to  himfelf:  an  interel\  Paramount  is  the  Right  of  Superiour  Lords. 
But  fixd  ,  here  was  no  fuch  extremity  ,  it  there  had  ,  (till  his  plea  is  Rark  naught  : 
necellity  doth  arm  a  private  man  againft  a  Thief,  but  not  authorize  a  private  man. 
to  difarm  a  Lawful  Magiltrate.  His  other  plea  of  an  intereft  Paramount  is  well 
worfei  If  the  People  (  to  comply  with  his  own  fenfe  , )  have  an  intereji  Paramount 
In  whatfoevcr  the  King  holds  either  jure  Corona  ,  or  '-jure  perfone  ,  then  they  are  the 
Sovereign,  and  he  but  a  Subjedt.  Batkxpas  refervedfor  him  in  better  hands.  Rc- 
ferved  for  the  King  •'  how  do  you  mean'  as  'fophet  is  faid  to  be  prepared  for  the  K/;;^> 
that  is  to  (hoot  at  the  King  at  Edgehill  or  elfewhere;  otherwife  I  do  not  fee  how  it 
was  referved  for  the  King.  This  plea  or  the  like ,  might  ferve  a  high-way  Robber 
or  any  opptcttor  ,  to  fay  it  is  taken  into  more  needful  hands ,  or  into  their  hands 

X  X  X  that 


I 


""7^7        ■■  The  Serpetit-Sahe. TOME  11. 

-    -  "dTaTknew^better  how  to  life  it  ■,  or  that  it  was  but  borrowed  ,  and  {hould  be  re- 
ived (  at  tbe  Greelt^Calends..  )     None  (o  tit  to  judge  in  what  hands  a  thing  Ihould 
be  kept  as  the  true  owner  of  it.     But  the   Kings  Ktght  U  not  the  fame  in  Hull  that  it 
vi  in  other  tHoveabks.     True  he  hath  not  the  fame  Right  of  property  or  pofTellion  to 
Icll  it    or  ^'ive  it  ,  but  he  hatii  a  right  of  Dominion  ,  and  Sovereignty ,  and  Pro- 
tcdioii      which  is  altogether  inconfiftent  with  his  excluiion  or  (hutting  out  ofHuH. 
If  he  be'  held  out  of  ic  by  force ,  he  is  a  King  dejun  ,  but  not  de  faUo  ,  even  as 
he  is  Km-'  of  France  ,  or  at  leaft  of  Normandy ,  Aqtiitaine ,  &c.  or  as  the  King 
of  the  KoniMis  is  King  of  Kome,     The  King  hath  another  intereft  in  BuU  befides 
that  of  Dominion  :  other  Towns  are  indebted  to  the  King  for  their  Protection  , 
but  this  Town  for  its  very  Foundation.     The  Crown  purchafed  it  when  it  teas  ca- 
pable pf  nothiit<i  but  Birds  of  Cattel ,  and  flockj  "/  Sheep :  The  Crown  builded  it , 
Camden.         ^he  Qo  wn  indowed  it  with  priviledges  and  pofTeflions  ,  made  it  a  diflindl  County 
and  able  to  fupport  fucha  dignity  ,  the  Cro^vn  fortified  it  an  i  made  it  fo  ftrong  as 
it  is :  and  was  all  this  done  with  an  intent  to  be  thruft  out  of  it  ?  O  that  Edivard 
the  third  who  builded  it ,  or  Henry  the  Eighth  who  fortified  it  with  Blockhoufes , 
were  but  in  it  for  a  day  or  two,  with  a  Regiment  of  their  old  Cavaleers  to  try  who 
(hould  be  King  of  HhV  and  Humber.     The  proper  name  of  it  is  not  HhV,  but  King- 
ilon  upon  Hui!.     The  Obferver  doth  well  to  decline  the  right  name  ,  for  according 
to  his  Notions ,  it  may  be  called  Kingftonper  Antiphrafm  ,  becaufe  it  is  none  of  the 
King's  Town. 

If  the  circumfiances  will  not  juftifie  the  action  ,  the  Obierver  flies  to  the  Com- 
mon Sanduary  of  Tranfgre(rours ;  a  good  intention  :  fo  he  goes  on ,  "Ihe  next 
thing  considerable  is  the  Farliaments  intentions.     If  the  Farliament  have  hereupon  turned 
any  of  the  'torenes  men  out  of  their  Elates  ,  or  elaimed  any  interejl  in  it  themfelves  ,    or 
have  dijjlifed  the  King  ,  utterly  denying  his  Kightfor  the  future  ,  or  have  made  any  other 
ufe  of  their  poj^e^on  ,  but  meerly  to  prevent  civil  IVar  ,  and  to  disfurnifh  the  Kiy^gs  Soul- 
diers  of  Arms  and  Amunition  ,  let  the  State  be  branded  mith  "Treafon :  but  ij  none  of 
ihefe  things  be  by  any  credit,  though  their  Enemies  Jhould  be  Judges,  the  Effential  property 
of  "freafon  muji  needs  here  be  abjent  in  this  ACi.     There  needs  no  Enemies  to  be  made 
Judges  v  if  it  were  before  a  Court  of  Areopagites ,  this  plea  would  be  laughed  at 
or  hi(red  out  of  Court.     How  (hall  we  judge  of  mens  intentions  bell,  by  their 
ThUii        words  or  by  their  adtions  >   IVho  ever  Trochimed  in  the  Streets  that  he  had  rotten  roares 
to  fell?  Who  ever  confefTed  that  his  meaning  was  naught?  mens  intentions  may 
be  pleaded  at  the  Bar  of  Confcience  before  God  for  mitigation  :  not  at  the  Bar  of 
Judice  before  man  for  juflification.     Neither  is  it  likely  that  Sir  John  and  his  part- 
ners had  all  the  fame  intentions*,  their  actions  fpeak  their  intentiuns  fufficiently. 
And  admitting  their  intentions  were  good  ,  yet  that  cannot  jullifie  an  unlawful  a- 
Gi\ox\  ■■>  Iheyjhallput yoH  out  of  the  Synagogues  ,  yea,  rrhofoever  kjHith  you  ,  rt^iU  think^, 
John  10.  2-      \jedoth  Godfervice  :  Thofc  perfecutors  had  good  intentions  ,  but  their  a(ft!.ins  were 
ftark  naught.     You  fay  ,  they  claimed  no  intereji  ,  yet  your  felf  claim  an  interejl  Para- 
mount fox  them.     You  fay,  they  dilTeifed  not    the  King,  becaufe  they  denyed  not 
His  Right  for  the  future  i  as  if  there  might  not  be  a  dilTeifure  without  fuch  a  deni- 
al.    You  fay  they  made  no  other  ufe  of  the  Poffeffton:  The  Inhabitants  fay  ,  they  made 
other  ufe  of  their  houfes  and  dwelt  in  them  ,  they  made  other  ufe  of  their  Viftuals 
and  payed  not  for  them  :  the  Merchants  fay ,  they  made  other  ufes  of  their  Wines, 
Spices,  and  Wares ,  and  fold  them ,  and  took  money  for  them  :  the  Countrcy- 
men  fay  they  made  other  ufe  of  them(elves  ,  and  their  Servants ,  and  their  Goods , 
and  difpofed  them  as  freely  as  if  they  had  been  their  own:  the  whole  Countrey  com- 
plains ,  that  H;/ihath  been  ufed  asa  Neft  and  Refuge  for  feditious  perfons ,  A  Se- 
minary of  War ,  to  the  Great  damage  of  the  Subjedt  thereabouts  ,  befides  all  the 
bloud  that  hath  been  fpilt  upon  that  occafion  ■■>  Whom  (hall  a  man  truft ,  the 
Townfmen  or  the  Obferver  ?  But  you  fay  ,  they  turned  none  of  the  Townfmen  cut  of 
their  Ejiates  i  Perhaps  not  fo  foon  as  you  writ  •,  either  there  are  Lyars ,   or  fome 
mens  eyes  were  more  upon  Tork^minfier  and  Caveood-Caflk  ,  than  upon  Bull  or  any 
houfes  in  H«<l';but  fince ,  that  Fadtion  hath  turned  out  whomfoever  they  either 
diflikedorfufpeded  ,  and  have  feifcd   mens  Eftates  at  their  plcafure  ,  and  feiit  out 
their  Emi(rary  Legions  roming  and  plundering  about  the  Countrey,  as  \i  Sathan 
.'   »  were 


DscouRSE  If.  The  Serpent-Sahe.  £585 


were  fenc  out  trom  the  face  of  the  Lord  ,  to  fcourge  the  World  s  'Trojan  oxTynun^ 
Papift  or  Proteilant ,  all  was  fifh  that  came  to  their  Nets.  And  if  there  can  be  no 
tbrgivenefs  of  fin  without  reftitution  ,  fome  of  them  have  a  great  account  to  make 
cither  in  this  World,  or  in  the  World  to  come.  He  tells  us,this  was  theonely  means 
to  prevent  civil  IFar^and  to  disfurnifi}  the  Kin^s  feducers  of  Arms  and  Ammunition  :  But 
the  truth  is,  this  hath  been  the  onely  Source  and  Fountain  from  whence  all  our  Ci- 
vil Wars  have  fprung.  Whether  the  King  or  Kingdom  have  been  (educed,  and 
by  whom  ,  the  God  of  Heaven  will  discover:  I  would  every  Englijhmjn  had 
it  ingraven  in  his  forehead  ,  how  he  /lands  affefted  to  the  Commonwealth.  AVe 
Beetles  did  fee  no  figns  of  Civil  War,  but  all  of  Peace  and  Tranquillity  ;  but  the 
Obferver  and  his  confederates  being  privy  to  their  own  plots  ,  to  introduce  by  the 
Sword  a  new  form  of  Government  both  into  State  and  Church,  might  ealily  forefee 
that  they  fhould  ftand  in  need  of  all  theitrength,  both  in  Hwfl,  and  Hell^  and  Hallifjx 
to  fecond  them  :  whereof  yet  all  true  EngUjhmen  do  acquit  the  Parliament  in  their 
hearts  defires  >  though  the  Obferver  be  Hill  at  his  old  ward  ,  fliuffling  Sir  John 
tiotham  out ,  and  the  Parliament  in  ,  (b  changing  the  ftate  of  the  queltion.  But 
what  weight  that  confideration  hath,  follows  in  his  next  and  lalt  Allegation. 

Sir  John  Hotham  is  to  be  looked  on  as  the  ACtor ,  the  Tarliament  m  the  Author  ,  in 
holding  HwW.  And  therefore  it  U  much  rvondered  at,  that  the  Kingfeems  more  violent 
againji  the  A6}or  ,  than  the  Author  :  hut  through  the  AHor  ,  the  Author  mnjl  needs  be 
pierced ,  &c.  And  //  the  Parliament  be  not  virtually  the  tvhole  Kingdom  it  felf.  If  it 
be  not  the  Supreme  Judicature  as  tPell  in  matters  of  State ,  oi  matters  of  Latv  :  If  it 
be  not  the  Great  Council  of  the  Kingdom  <w  Tvell  as  of  the  King  ,  to  rehom  it  belmgeth  by 
the  confent  of  all  liations  to  provide  in  extraordinary  cafes ,  Ne  quid  detriment!  capiat 
refpublicai  Let  the  brand  of  Treafon  (iich^  upon  it :  Nay  if  the  Tarliament  would  have 
ujed  this  forcible  means  ,  unlefs  petitioning  vpould  not  have  prevailed ,  or  if  the  groimds 
of  their  Jealoufe  were  meerly  vain  ,  or  if  the  jealoufxe  of  a  whole  Kingdom  can  be  counted 
vain-,  Let  the  reward  of  Ireafon  be  their  guerdon.  Hitherto  the  Obferver  like  the  wi- 
ly Fox  ,  hath  ufcd  all  his  flights  to  fruftrate  the  purfuit  of  the  Hounds :  but  feeing 
all  his  fetches  prove  in  vain,  he  now  begins  to  aft  the  cat,  and  flies  to  his  own 
great  help ,  to  leap  up  into  a  Tree  ,  that  is ,  the  Authority  of  Parliament ,  ut  lap- 
ja  graviore  ruat ,  that  he  may  catch  a  greater  fall.  By  the  way  the  Obferver  forgets 
how  the  King  is  pierced  through  the  fides  of  Malignant  Counfellers. 

Three  things  are  principally  here  confiderable.  Firlt ,  Whether  Sir  John  Hotham 
had  any  fuch  command  or  Commilfion  from  the  Parliament.  Secondly,  if  he  had, 
whether  he  ought  to  have  produced  it?  Thirdly,  fuppofing  he  both  had  it ,  and 
produced  it ,  whether  it  be  valid  againft  his  Majelly  ,  or  whether  an  illegal  com- 
mand do  jutUhe  a  rebellious  Aft. 

To  the  hrrt  of  thefe.  I  take  it  for  granted  ,  That  a  Commillion  ,  or  an  Ordi- 
nance tor  Sir  John  to  he  a.  meet  Governour  of  H?<Z/ ,  dorh  not  extend  to  the  Ex- 
clufion  of  his  Majefty  out  of  Hull;  nor  Warrant  Sir  John  to  (hut  the  Gates  againft 
his  Sovereign  :  if  it  did,  every  Governour  might  do  the  fame,  and  fubordinate 
Command  might  trample  upon  Supreme.  Neither  can  a  poikriour  approbation 
warrant  a  precedent  excefs  •,  for  this  is  not  to  authorize  ,  but  to  pardon  ,  the  fole 
power  whereof  is  acknowledged  to  be  in  his  Majefly  ,  without  any  (hares.  To 
the  firii  queftion  therefore  ,  the  anfwer  is ,  Sir  John  Hotham  had  no  fuch  Warrant 
or  Commillion  from  the  Parliament:  he  himfelf  confeffed  ,  that  he  had  no  pofitive 
or  particular  order.  How  (hould  he  know  of  Hii  Majefties  comeing  ?  by  inlUnft, 
or  a  Prophetical  Spirit  ?  A  negative  cannot ,  ought  not  to  be  proved  ,  the  proof 
relts  wholy  on  Sir  Johns  fide,  and  can  be  no  other  than  by  producing  the  Ordinance 
it  felf ,  or  his  inlkument,  whereby  he  can  receive  the  ienfe  of  the  Houfe  from  JP7ji- 
minjier  to  Hull  in  an  inftant :  if  he  have  not  a  precedent  Ordinance  to  fliew  ,  it  is 
in  vain  to  pretend  the  Authority  of  Parliament. 

To  the  Second  queltion.  Admitting,  but  not  granting,  that  he  had  fuch  an 
Ordinance,  whether  could  it  be  available  to  him  ,  being  not  produced,  when  it 
was  called  for  and  demanded  fo  often  by  His  Majeliy  ?  Ve  non  apparentibiis  ,  &  nm 
(xijientibus  eadem  eji  ratio  ,  Whether  there  was  no  fuch  Ordinance,  or  no  iuch  Or- 
dinance did  appear ,  is  all  one  both  in  Law  and  reafbn  i  He  that  can  read  and  will 

X  X  X  2  not 


586 


The  Serpent :Sat've.  1  O  Si  V.    II- 


not  make  ulbofhis  Clergy  fuffers  J^'^lV  ••  j''^  '^'^'  hath  a  w.rraiu  and  vvill  not 
ti  oduce  it  may  cry  ,  Nemo  Udimr  nifi  afetpjo  ,  No  man  is  hurt  but  by  himfeU.  A 
known  Orticcrlb  long  as  he  keeps  himfelf  within  the  fphcre  of  his  own  adiviry, 
is  a  warrant  of  himfclf;  but  he  that  it  imployed  extraordinarily  ,  or  tranfcends  the 
bounds  of  common  power  ,  muft  produce  his  authority ,  or  take  what  falls.  Sir 
7„/;«  hath  not  yet  gained  fo  much  credit ,  that  his  tpfe  dixit ,  his  word  (hould  be 
a  (ufticicnt  proof,  or  his  Teftimony  in  his  own  cafe  taken  tor  an  Oracle. 

Thirdly  admitting  that  Sir  jfy^u  had  fuch  an  Ordinance  ,  and  likewife  that  he 
did  produce  it,  (  for  if  we  admit  neither,  he  can  prove  neither, )  yet  the  queftion  is 
how  valid  this  Ordinance  may  be  as  to  this  a6t.  I  doubt  not  at  all  of  the  power 
of  Parliament ,  that  is ,  a  compleat  Parliament ,  where  the  King  and  both  Houfes 
do  concur  :  but  an  Ordinance  without  the  King,  againltthe  King,  alters  the  cafej 
this  may  have  the  Authority  of  both  Houfes  perhaps ,  but  not  ot  a  compleat  Par- 
liament. Secondly  ,  the  power  of  both  Houfes  is  great ,  efpecially  of  the  Lords  as 
they  are  the  King's  Great  Council ,  and  in  that  relation  are  the  Supreme  Judicature 
of  the  Kingdom  :  but  before  the  Obferver  faid  it ,  I  never  thought  the  commons 
did  challenge  any  (hare  of  this  Judicature  ,  except  over  their  own  members  ,  or. 
Heb  6  i6.  preparatory  to  the  Lords:  ©r  that  they  had  power  to  adminifter  an  Oath,  which  the 
Apodk  hith  if  the  end  of  ah  jirife  ■■,  who  ever  knew  any  Judicature  without  power 
to  give  an  Oath  ?  This  makes  the  Obferver's  new  devife  ,  of  the  people  meeting  in 
their  mderived  Mayfly  to  dojuflice ,  a  tranfparent  fidtion.  It  is  not  the  Commons  , 
but  the  Lords  or  the  Kings  Council  that  challenge  Supreme  Judicature.  But  take 
both  Houfes  with  that  latitude  of  Power ,  which  they  have  either  joyntly  or  feve- 
rally  ,  yet  his  Majefty  faith  they  have  no  power  over  the  Militia  of  the  Kingdom  , 
or  over  his  Forts  or  Magazines  :  he  avoucheth  for  it  the  Common- La w  ,  Statute- 
Law,  Prclidents ,  Prefcriptions  ,  we  have  not  yet  heard  them  anfwered  ,  nor  fo 
much  as  one  inflance  ,  lince  the  beginning  of  this  Monarchy  given  for  a  prefident 
of  fuch  an  ordinance,  or  of  any  new  ordinance  binding  to  the  Kingdom,  with- 
out his  Majefties  concurrence  ,  in  perfon  or  by  commiilion.  If  the  Obferver  have 
any  Law  ,  or  Prefident ,  or  cafe  ,  he  may  do  well  to  produce  it :  if  he  have  none 
he  may  fit  down  and  hold  his  peace  ;  his  remote  inconfequent  confequcnccs  drawn 
from  the  Law  of  Nature  are  neither  true  nor  pertinent.  Yet  I  never  heard  that  Sir 
John  did  alledge  any  Authority  from  theHoufe  of  Lords,butfrom  the  Houfe  ofCom- 
mons  onely.This  brings  theParliament  flillintoafiraiter  roomiasif  itwere  totumhomo- 
ger.eum,cvQty  part  to  bear  the  fame  name  with  the  whole;  fo  he  may  give  the  Authority 
ofParliamentto  a  ParticularCommittee,or  perhaps  to  a  particular  memir;  r.He  faith  it 
is  virtually  the  Kingdom.  Not  fo,  it  is  virtually  the  Commonsof  the  Kingdum.-not  to 
all  intents  neither  ,  but  to  fome  purpofes.  He  adds ,  that  it  is  the  Great  Council  of 
the  Kingdom^  to  which  it  belongs  to  provide  that  the  Commonvpealth  rcceivt  no  prejudice. 
It  is  a  part  of  the  Great  Council ,  and  (hould  provide  for  its  fafety ,  as  the  grand 
inqueft  doth  for  the  whole  County  j  by  finding  out  the  dangers  and  grievances , 
and  propofing  remedies :  but  to  prattle  of  a  Majefty  or  plenitude  o(  Sovereign 
Power,  derived  now  at  this  time  of  the  day  from  the  people,  is  to  draw  water  out 
of  a  Pumice  ,  or  to  be  mad  with  reafon. 

1  have  now  anfwered  all  that  the  Obferver  hath  brought  throughou.  his  Book  , 

either  concerning  huh  or  Sir  John  Hotham.     Now  will  he  hear  with  patience  what 

hull  men  fay  ?  they  fay  that  Sir  Johnhzth  been  a  prime  occafion  of  thefe  diftempers, 

1654.  and      ^^  ^^^  ^^^  fcvere  and  zealous  Colledor  of  Ship-money  that  ever  was ,  in  Iiis  flie- 

}635.  rivealty,a  prefident  to  the  re(t  oftheKingdom,notone!y  an  executor  of  the  commands 

ot  others,but  alfo  a  plotter  and  contriver  of  this  bufinefs:that  he  hath  had,not  a  moneths 

mind,but  fixteen  years  mind  totheGovernment  o{HuU,(cvcv  fincc  theWars  with  Spain) 

upon  all  occafions,  and  as  an  introdudion  to  his  defigns,hath  gotten  theTrain-bands 

ofHw// added  to  his  Regimenf.that  his  friends  have  beentTie  raifers  and  fomenters  of 

thcfe  fears  and  jealoufies,  of  the  furprifing  of  Hull ,  fomctimes  by  the  Lord  oiVun- 

harres  men,  that  were  trained  under  ground,  (furely  they  were  not  men,  but  Serpents 

teeth  that  (hould  be  turned  into  armed  men  , )    fometimes  by  Mr.  I'erret  a  Lincoln- 

Jhire  Gentleman  and  his  Troops  of  Horfe  :  a  fine  devife  indeed  to  have  furprifed 

Hull  on  a  fuddain  ,  with  horfe,   and  with  horfe  iioxn  Ltncoltijhire !  who  knows 

how 


i 


DrscouRSE     II.  The  Serpent^Sahe,  -g 

ho'.v  they  fliould  have  got  over  HHtnber  ,  unlefs  they  were  winged  ?    they  fay  that 
betbre  ever  the  Kingdom  took  any  notice  of  a  breach  between  the  Kina;  and  the 
Parliament,    Mr.  Hotham  openly  divided  them  at   H«Z/,  I'bey  that  are fo,  t^-r  Ki,tg 
jiand  there  ^  and  th.y   that  are  for  the   Parliament  ftand  here  ■,  did   he   know  notlnng 
then  ?  Judge  you.     They  tell  who  it  was  that  threw  away  his  MajelUes  Letter  in 
fcorn  ,  and  told  the  Major  of  HiiH  it   was  worth  nothing  :  who  it  was  that  com- 
manded the  Burgefles  upon  pain  of  Death  to  keep  in  their  houfts ,  and  not  to  :ip- 
pear  when  his  Majerty  repaired  to  H«//:    who  it  was  that  caufed  the  bonerires  to  be 
put  out  upon  the  day  of  his  Majefties  inauguration  upon  pretended  fear  of  the  Ma- 
gazines whereas  at  the  fame  time  his  Souldiershad  a  great  fire  under  the  very  Walls 
of  it :  who  it  was  that  defired  of  the  Townefmen  of  HhH  a  certihcate  to  the  Parli- 
ament ,  that  his  Majelty  came  againft  HuU  in  an  hoftile  manner ,  with  greater  num- 
bers than  he  had  i  which  was  refufed  by  the  greater  and  founder  part ,  as  good 
reafbn  they  had,both  becaufe  it  was  untrue,  and  alfo  becaufe  during  all  the  fame  time 
they  were  confined  to  their  houfes  upon  pain  of  death  ;  who  it  was  that  admini- 
Itred  an  Oath  or  Proteftation  to  the  Townefmen  of  HM^  fo  diredly  oppofite  both 
to  their  Oath  of  Allegiance  ,  and  to  the  Oath  which  they  take  when  they  are .  ad- 
mitted BurgefTes  or  Freemen  of  that  Corporation.     They  fay  Mr.  [Jothamr  Motto 
of  his  Cornet  is  ,  For  the puhlkk^Uberty  :  but  that  it  was  not  for  the  publick  liberty 
either  for  him  to  promife  the  Townefmen  that  none  (hould  be  troubled  with  billet- 
ting  Souldiers  againft  their  Wills ,  and  fo  foon  as  he  was  gotten  into  HitU  to  nil 
their  houfes  with  Billetters,  and  tell  them  it  was  policy  of  State  to  promife  fair  nil 
they  were  in  poffellion  •,  or  for  his  Father  to  hold  a  Piftol  to  the  breft  of  the  Kings . 
Lieutenant ,  to  beat  and  imprifon  their  Perfons ,  to  banifh  them  from  their  habita- 
tions ,  to  drown  their  Corn  and  meddow  ,  to  burn  their  houfes ,  tc  rob  them  of 
their  goods  ,  and  allow  the  owner  but  ten  pounds  out  of  a  Thoufand ,  for  the 
maintenance  of  him(elf,  his  wife,  and  Children,  to  fuffer  his  Officers  to  charge 
anhoneft  Woman  with  felony,  for  coming  into  her  own  houfe,  becaufe  her  Hus- 
band was  a  delinquent  ,  and  Sir  John  had  difpofed  his  goods.     If  you  delire  to 
know  where  was  the  firft  forcing  of  billets.?  it  was  at  Hull:  where  was  the  rirll  plun- 
dering of  goods  ?  at  Httll:  the  firft  drowning  of  grounds  ?  (a)  at  Hull :  where  was 
the  firft  burning  of  houfes /at  Ci_^  Myton  near  Hull:  where  was  the  firft  ftiedding  of  . 
blood  .?  at  C  c)Anlaby  near  Hull  i  and  to  agravate  the  matter  in  a  time  of  Treaty  and  f  f'^  ^"'^  ^' 
expedlation  of  Peace.     They  fa  y  the  firft  men  baniftied  from  their  habitations,  were  rX  ^jj,   jl. 
Mr.  Thornton ,  Mr.  Carttvright ,  Mr.   Perkins  ,    Mr.   Fairbiirne  ,  Mr.  Ker)iy  ,   Mr.  ''' 

tofham  ,  Mr.  JVatfon  ,  Mr.  Vobfon  of  Hull.  They  fay  the  firft  impofition  of  four 
pound  a  Tunn  upon  fome  kind  of  commodities  was  at  Hull :  and  wifh  that  the 
Father  had  been  tranflated  into  Lmcolnjhire  with  the  Son,  that  TorJ^fhire  might  have 
fung ,  Litentur  Cxli,   &c. 

You  have  feen  what  they  fay,  whereof  I  am  but  the  relater  :  if  it  feem  to  fharp 
blame  the  Pellicane  and  not  me.  Now  I  muft  crave  a  word  with  the  Town.  Be- 
fides  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  which  every  good  Subjedt  hath  taken  or  ought  to  take, 
every  Burgeft  of  that  Town  takes  another  oath  at  his  admiilion,  to  keep  that  Town 
and  the  block  houfes  to  the  ufe  of  the  King  and  his  Heirs,C  not  of  the  King  and  Par~ 
liament.)  I  cannot  now  procure  the  Copy  to  a  word:  but  I  (hall  fet  down  the 
like  oath  for  Xork^s  and  of  the  two  ,  the  oath  of  HhU  is  ftridcr.  I  defire  the  Lon- 
doners and  all  the  ftrongTowncs  in  the  Kingdom  ,  who  I  conceive  have  taken  the 
fame  form  of  oath ,  to  take  it  into  ferious  confideration  for  their  Souls  health. 

11ns  hear  ye  my  Lord  Major  ,  Mr,  Chamberlens,  and  good  men  ,  that  J  from  hence  forth 
Jhall  be  truiiy  and  true  to  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  and  to  this  Citty.  And  this  fame 
City  J  Jhall  fjve  and  maintain  to  our  faid  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  ,  his  heirs  and  Suc- 
ctffours  ,  ccc.  So  help  me  God. 

The  oath  begins  as  folemnly  as  that  of  the  Komm  Fscial ,  hear  0  Jupiter ,  and 
thoH  Juno ,  ^iriniu  thou  ,  &c'  And  being  affirmative  ,  though  it  bind  not  a 
Townefman  ad  femper  ,  to  be  always  upon  the  Walls  in  Arms  i  yet  it  binds  him 
femper^  to  be  ready  upon  all  necellities ,  it  binds  him  never  to  do  any  thing  that 

may 


^88 


may 


Ths SerpenuSahe. TOME  If- 

- — • mTTwi      And  was  not  that  proteftation  contrary,  which  was 


Obfervc  firft  what  Gudgeons  he  makes  them  fwallow.    How  do  they  know  that 
the  King  is  fcditccd  ?  Sir  John  tells  them  fo  :  or  that  his  Majelty  intended  to  make 
War  a^ainrt  Hull,  unlefs  becaufe  their  confciences  told  them  they  had  given  him 
iuft  gro'unds  to  do  fo  ?  It  was  Sir  John  Hothant ,  not  the  Town  of  Hull,   which 
was  accufed  by  his  Majefty.     Obferve  how  he  makes  his  Ad: ,  the  ad  of  the  whole 
Town    rpho  have  done  nothing  :  and  yet  the  poor  men  were  mued  up  in  their  houfes 
whileft  it  was  a  doing.    LaiHy ,  how  they  affirm  that  he  hath  done  nothing  but 
by  order  of  Parliament :  yet  it  is  certain  many  who  were  required  to  proteft ,  and 
were  baniftied  for  not  protefling ,  (  I  believe  not  one  of  them  all^  did  ever  yet  fee 
this  order :  i    how  could  they  fee  that  which  never  was  ?  )  for  thefe  men  to  know 
that  he  had  an  order ,  to  know  that  he  did  not  exceed  his  order  ,  is  miraculous. 
Upon  thefe  feigned  grounds  they  build  their  folcmn  proteftation  •,  what  to  do  .?  to 
defend  Hull  againji  all  oppofition  whatsoever ,    his  Majefty  is  not  excepted  :  and  the 
firrt  words,  Forafmuch  as  the  King  being  feduced,  &c.  fhews  that  his  Majefty  is  prin- 
cipally intended.     Tofave  and  defend  the  Town  to  Our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  and  his 
heirs  ;  So  fa;^h  the  Oath:  "to  defend  it  againfi  all  oppofition  vehatfoever  ,  yea  of  the 
King  fediicedi  fo  faith  the  Proteftation.     Now  if  thefe  two  be  not  repugnant  dire- 
dly  one  to  another  ,  if  every  man  that  hath  taken  this  Proteftation  ,  be  not  di- 
redly  perjured ,   reddat  mihi  minam  Viogenes ,  let  him  that  taught  me  Logick  give 
my  money  again.     What  is  this  but  to  intangle  and  ingage  God  in  Rebellion  ,  and 
to  put  his  broad  Seal  to  Letters  counterfeited  by  themfelves?  They  fuifered  much 
who  were  banifhed  for  not  protefling ;  but  they  more  who  ftayed  at  home  with 
fuch  hazard  of  their  Souls.    Some  men  may  be  fo  filly  as  to  ask  whether  of  thefe 
two  ingagements,  the  oath  or  the  Proteftation  ought  to  be  kept  ?  The  cafe  is  clear 
the  former  obligation  doth  always  prejudge  the  later  :  the  later  Will  is  beft  ,    but 
the  firtt  oath  ;  the  Proteftation  is  plain  perjury  ,  and  to  preferve  in  it,  is  to  double 
Amh.  tj,£  (^f, .  ^„fa  promifpo  ,  acerbior  folutio^  to  make  the  Proteftation  was  ill,  to  keep  it  is 

worfe  i  David  protefted  as  much  againft  Nahaly  yet  upon  better  confideration,  en- 
fem  in  vaginam  revocavit ,  he  retracted  it. 
g  .  Secondly  ,  An  oath  made  by  one  that  is  not  fuijurU  ,  who  hath  no  power  over 

'  ''  himfelf ,  in  that  which  he  fwears  ,  is  void  even  when  it  js  made  :  As  for  a  Child 

or  a  Wife  to  fwear  againft  their  filial  or  conjugal  Duty  i  or  for  a  Subjed  to  fwear  a- 
gainft  his  Allegiance  ,  (  and  fuch  an  one  was  that  proteftation, )  this  is  fufficient  to 
make  it  void.  To  which  much  more  might  bt  ad4ed ,  as  that  the  former  oaths 
were  grounded  both  upon  a  natural  and  a  civil  obligation ,  were  freely  afllimed  , 
but  this  proteftation  was  meerly  forced  :  the  former  were  taken  before  a  lawfull  Ma- 
giftrat ,  the  latter  before  an  Intruder,  who  had  no  power  to  adminifter  fuch  a  pro- 
teftation. But  1  have  dwelt  long  enough  on  this  point:  I  wifli  our  great  Cities  who 
have  taken  the  like  Oath  may  lay  it  to  heart. 

In  theclofcof  this  point ,  the  Obferver  tells  us,  that  if  F^«x  had  fallen  by  a  private 
mans  fvoord  in  the  very  injiant  when  he  would  have  given  fire  to  his  train  ,  that  aU  had  not 
been  punijhable.  What  then  >  will  he  compare  the  Soverain  Magiftrate  to  a  powder 
Traytouri  or  his  undermining  the  Parliament  Houfe  with  the  Kings  repairing  to  his 
own  Towni  orhis  blowing  up  His  Majefty  and  the  Peeres,with  the  Kings  requiring 
his  own  goods.  This  is  falfe  and  painted  fire ,  the  traine  was  laid  the  other  way. 

^todcHtq;  oftendas  mihiftc ,  incredulus  odi. 

Irifli  Rebeliai!      The  next  confiderable  Obfervation  is  concerning  Ireland :  A  Tragical  Subjcd 

which 


DISCOURSE   II.  The  Serpent-Sahe^  ^gp 

which  may  jufily  challenge  our  tears  and  prayers.  The  Obferver  falls  upon  this  in 
the  17,  2p,  and  ^6.  pages  of  this  Treatife  ,  and  likewife  in  his  Obferva tor  defended, 
and  other  Difcourfcs  lately  publiflied,  either  without  a  name,  or  under  another 
name.  The  condition  ot  Ireland  is  fo  much  the  more  to  be  deplored,  by  how  much 
the  lefs  it  could  then  be  cxpedted :  When  Religion  began  to  (hew  its  beams  over  the 
the  face  of  that  Kingdom,  yea,  without  any  prcffure  to  the  confcience  of  any  man, 
except  fuch  as  were  Introducers  of  innovations  into  the  publick  Service  of  the 
Churchi  when  the  Law  had  obtained  a  free  Current  throughout  the  whole  Ifiand  -, 
when  the  fcale  of  Equity  gave  the  fame  weight  to  Gold  and  Lead ,  and  the  equal  ad- 
miniftrarion  of  juliice  to  rich  and  poor,  did  fecure  the  inferiour  Subjefts  from  op- 
preHion  i  when  there  was  a  daily  growth  of  all  Arts,  and  Trades  ,  and  Civility, 
when  that  which  was  formerly  fo  great  a  burthen  to  this  Crown  in  the  ordinary  ac- 
counts every  year,  was  now  become  able  not  onely  to  defray  its  own  charge,  but 
alio  make  a  large  fupply  to  his  Majelties  Revenue  •-,  when  all  the  orders  of  that  King- 
dom had  fo  lately  given  an  unanimous  expreffion  of  their  zeal  and  devotion  to  his 
Majefiies  Service :  That  on  a  fudden  ,  the  Sky  (hould  be  fo  totally  overcalt ,  with  a 
pitchy  cloud  of  Rebellion  v  that  all  our  faireft  hopes  Ihould  be  fo  unexpededly 
1  nipped  in  the  bud,  deferves  a  little  inquifition  into  the  true  reafon  of  it. 

Some  who  have  long  fmce  learned  ,  that  a  dead  man  cannot  bite  ,  are  bold  to  caft 
it  on  the  Earl  of  Straffor^s  fcore  ■■,  how  jurtly,  Jet  thefe  two  confiderations  witnefs» 
Firft,  That  the  prime  Adtors  in  this  War,  were  as  great  oppofers  and  profecutors 
of  the  Earl :  Members  of  the  fame  Fadiion  may  feign  Quarrels  among  themfelves  in 
publick,  onely  to  gain  upon  a  credulous  party,  and  to  inable  themfelves  to  doe 
more  milchief;  but  this  never  proceeds  fo  far  as  blood.  Secondly,  Look  who  they 
are  in  Ireland  ,  whofe  Heroical  ad:ions,  in  fuch  a  fcarcity  of  neceffary  fuppiies,  have 
maintained  the  EngUp  and  the  Proteftant  caufe ,  and  you  (hall  find  very  many  of 
them  the  intimate  Friends  of  the  Earl  oi  Strafford  ^  and  principal  Commanders  in 
the  Irtfh  Army  called  the  Popifti  Army  ,  which  was  faid  to  be  intended  againrt  Eng- 
land: If  you  inquire  farther  into  the  long  Robe  for  Counfel ,  you  will  find  the  fame 
obfervation  made  good.     Then  let  the  EarPs  afhes  reft  in  peace  for  this. 

Others  ,bred  out  of  the  excrements  of  thofe  Gyants,  who  made  war  againft  Hea- 
ven ,  caft  this  upon  his  Sacred  Majefty.  (  To  ufe  the  Obferver's  words  )  An  ahf^t-d, 
unreafonable  ,  incredible  fttp^ofttion  ;  that  he,  who  may  boaft  more  truly,  than  Perichs 
could  upon  his  Death-bed,  That  never  one  Athenian  did  wear  black  for  his  fake  , 
now  ,  as  if  all  his  former  goodnefe  was  but  perfonated ,  or  Nero^s  Soul  had  tranf- 
migrated  into  his  Body,  (hould  delight  in  the  blood  and  (laughter  of  his  Suhjedts. 
To  what  end  ?  to  exhaaft  his  Treafure  ,  lofe  his  Revenues ,  weaken  his  Friends , 
and  deprive  himfelf  of  the  certain  a(fifi:ance  of  his  Subjedis,  at  a  time  when  he  con- 
ceives it  fit  to  be  (b  u(eful  for  his  affairs.  They  had  need  be  ftrong  proofs  indeed, 
that  can  incline  the  judgment  of  any  rational  man  ,  to  fuch  a  fenllefs  paradox.  Let 
us  view  them.  ' 

Firft,  "Xhe  Rebels  faid  fo  ^  tlyeyf  leaded  the  Kings  Anthority,  they  called  thonfehes 
the  §lueent  Army.  Is  not  this  a  doughty  Argument  ?  By  the  (ame  reafon  we  may 
accu{c  Chrift,  as  the  Patron  of  all  Schifmatical  Conventicles,  becaufethey  fay,  here 
ii  Chrill ,  and  there  is  Chrtji  v  fome  out  of  a  credulous  fimplicity  ,  others  out  of  a 
deep  fubtilty  :  or  afcribe  the  primitive  Herefies  to  the  Apoftles  ,  becaufe  the  talfe 
Teachers  did  u(e  their  Names  ,  to  make  their  Herefies  more  current :  So  Sir  John 
Hotham  and  Serjeant  Major  Skjppon,  do  pretend  the  Authority  of  King  and  Parlia- 
ment, the  King  difclaims  both  the  one  and  the  other.  Many  who  are  now  in  Arms, 
againll  the  King  ,  do  verily  believe  they  fight  for  the  King ,  againft  fome  bad  coun- 
(ellers,  whom  they  cannot  name.  The  fame  Rebels  fometimes  pleaded  an  Ordi- 
nance of  Parliament.  Nothing  is  more  ufual  to  Pirates,  than  to  hang  out  a  coun- 
terfeit Flag. 

A  fccond  Reafon  is,  Sundry  Commanders  of  note  tvere  pafied  over  into  Ireland,  by  hU 
Majeftier  Warrant ,  who  were  feen  prefently  after  in  the  Head  of  the  Rebels.  His  Maje- 
fty hath  long  fince  anfwered  this,  and  demanded  reparation  of  fuch  a  groundlcfs  ca- 
lumny. I  onely  add  two  things :  The  one,  how  ignorant  our  Intelligencers  are  of 
the  State  oi  Ireland^  to  feign  fuch  a  device  of  a  Brother  of  Sir  George  Rtmilton's-,  yet 

"  Six 


$9< 


I 


The  Serpent  Sal've- TOME   J  I- 

■^Geor^eluthm  Brother  there  but  S.r  Fredenck.,  who  was  then  and  long  after  in 
M^noov  Ham^lm,  as  oppollte  to  tlic  Jnfi  Rebels  as  he  Obferver  himfelf.  The  o- 
thcr  is  if  this  were  true  ,  yet  it  were  but  a  poor  Collection;  there  are  many  who 
have  had  not  oncly  Warrants  under  the  King's  hand  ,  but  Letters  Patents  under  his 
Broad  Seal ,  who  owe  their  very  fubfiltence  to  his  Majeliies  bounty,  yet  harvc  made 
a  (liift  to  creep  from  his  bofome  out  at  his  lleeve.  If  (uch  a  thing  had  been  ,  (  as  it 
is  an  impudent  Fidion, )  yet  thefe  are  neither  the  lirlt  nor  the  laft,  that  have  be- 
trayed the  truft  ofa  Gracious  King. 

The  third  and  laft  reafon  is ,  becaufe  his  Majefiy  vvas  not  fo  adtive  to  reprcfs  this 
infurrcdion  ,  nor  lb  ready  to  proclaim  them  Traytors  :  So  the  Obferver  ,  He  that 
irill  not  accufc  the  King  of  want  of  zeal  againfi  the  Irifh  Rebeh,yet  he  may  truly  fay,  there 
Obferv.        ^  itoithejMne  zeal  expreffed  that  rvas  agaitiji  the  Scots, <$"<:.     ihe  proferedfuppHes  of  the 
^'^'  *  "  Englifh  and  Scotifh  Nation,  are  retarded,  opportunities  negleUed ,  nice  exceptionsframed. 

This  plea  is  pertinent  to  make  the  King  ,  though  not  the  Contriver,  yet  the  Con- 
ferver  of  that  Rebellion,  but  is  as  falfe  as  the  Father  of  Lies,  from  whom  it  proceeds. 
Hear  his  Majefty  Himfelf,  7he  Iriih  Rebels  praCfife  fuch  unhumane  and  unheard  ofuut- 
Declaration  rages  upon  our  miferahle  people  ,  that  no  Chrijiian  ear  can  hear  without  horrour ,  mr  Sto- 
upontheRe.  fyparalltl.  And  as  rve  look^  upon  thif ,  OS  the  greateli  offiiCtion  it  hath  pkafedCod  to  lay 
monm^aucc  ^^^^^  ^  ^  y^  ^^^^  unhappinefs  is  increafed  in  that  by  the  dijiempers  at  home  ,  fo  early  reme- 
^         '  di(s  have  not  been  applied  to  thofe  growing  evils ,  as  the  neceffity  there  requires.     And  we 

ach^iow ledge  it  a  high  crime  againji  Almighty  God,  and  inexcufable  to  our  good  SubjeCis^ 
if  n'e  did  not  to  the  utmofi  imploy  all  our  powers  and  faculties ,  to  thejpeedieji  and  molief- 
fiBual  a0jnce  and  prote&ion  of  that  dijtrejjed  people.     He  conjures  all  his  lovingSub- 
jedts  to  join  with  him  in  that  Work ,  he  offers  to  hazard  his  Sacred  Perfon  in  that 
War,  to  engage  the  Revenues  of  his  Crown  ■>  What  can  the  Obferver  defire  more? 
perhaps  he  may  fay  theft  offers  came  late  and  unfeafonably.     Then  let  us  look  back- 
ward to  his  Majcfties  Proclamation  of  the  firft  of  January  164 1,  Coon  after  his  Re- 
turn from  5cof/W,  in  a  time  of  fo  great  diftradions  here  at  home,  when  that  Re- 
monflrance  which  uihered  in  all  our  Fears  and  Troubles,  was  ready  to  be  publifh- 
ed.     Let  them  (hew,  that  any  courfe  was  prefented  to  his  Majefty  before  this,  ei- 
ther by  his  Great  Council ,  to  whonri  he  had  committed  the  care  of  iti  or  by  his 
Lords  Julh'ces  and  Council  of  Ireland ,  who  were  upon  the  place  ?  IVe  abhorring  the 
wickid  Vifloyalty  and  horrible  Ads  committed  by  thofe  perfons,  do  hereby  not  onely  declare 
cur  jujlindignation  thereof ,  but  alfn  do  declare  them ,  and 'their  Adherents  ,  and  Abet- 
tors, and  all  thofe  who  fiiafl  hereafter  join  with  them  ,  or  commit  the  lik^  a£is  on  any  of  our 
good  SubjeOs  in  that  Kingdom ,  to  be  Rebels  and  'traytors  againfi  cur  Royal  Perfon ,  and 
Enemies  to  our  Royal  Crown  o/England  and  Ireland ,  &c.     Commanding  them  to  lay 
down  Arms  without  delay  ,    or  otherwifc  authorizing  and  requiring  his  Lords 
Juftices  there ,  and  the  General  of  His  Majeftiet  Army  ,    to  profecute   them  as 
7raytors  and  Rebels  with  Fire  and  Sword.     But  if  we  look  farther  ftill  ,    when  the 
firft  Tidings  of   this    curfed   Rebellion   came  to    his  Majefiy  in  Scotland  ,   he 
did  not  fleep    upon  it ,    but  prefently  acquainted    both  his    Parliaments   with 
it,  required  their  afliftance ,  recommended  it   to  their  care  ,  promifed  to  joyn 
in  any  courfe  that  fhould  be   thought    fit.     Neither    did    His  Majefties    care 
reft  there ,  but  at  the  fame  time  he  named  fix  or  feven  Colonels  in  theNorfi^  of 
Ireland,  to  raife  forces  infiantly  to  fupprefs  that  infurredtion  ,    which  was  done  ac- 
cordingly :  and  they  (ay  ,  if  fome  had  been  as  adive  then,  as  they  were  made  pow- 
erfully by  the  confluence  of  that  part  of  the  Kingdom,  in  all  probability  that  Cock- 
atrice cggc  had  been  broken  fooner  than  liatched  ;  before  that  ever  any  of  the  old 
Englijh ,  and  many  of  the  mcer  Natives  had  declared  themfelves.     In  purfuance  of 
thefe  premifes ,  when  the  Adt  for  undertakers  was  tendered  to  his  Majefiy,  he  con- 
difcended  freely  to  give  away  all  his  efcheats  to  this  work  (  an  adt  not    to  be 
paralelled  among  all  his  predeceffours :)  yea  though  fome  claufes  in  that  Statute, 
(  efpecially  for  the  limitation  of  his  Majefties  Grace ,  )  might  feem  to  require  a  far- 
ther difcullion.     The  wants  of  Ireland,  and  the  prefent  condition  of  Englanddo 
fpcak  abundantly,  whether  thofe  great  Summes  of  Mony ,  or  thole  great  Forces  raif- 
ed  for  that  end ,  have  been  imployed  to  the  ufe  for  which  they  were  (olely  defigned.- 
yet  Rahjhakeh  will  not  want  a  pretext  to  raile  at  good  Hezekiah,  thoagh  Spider  like, 

he 


Discourse    II.  The  SerpentSal'z/e^  t-pi 


he  fuck  poifon  out  of  the  fweeteft  flowers.  Surely  there  muft  be  fome  rire  whence 
all  this  fmoak  hath  ri(cn.  Perhaps  they  conceive  that  His  Majefly  was  net  willing 
without  good  advife  ,  upon  the  Hrft  motion  to  put  all  his  llrong  Forts  in  the  North 
of  Ireland  ,  into  th^  hands  of  the  Scotch  Army  i  can  you  blame  him  ,  confidcring 
the  prcfent  State  of  affairs  there  ?  I  dare  refer  it  to  any  mans  judgement  that  is  not 
wholy  prcpolTefTed  with  prejudice,  whether  it  was  expedient  at  that  time,  or  con- 
ducibleto  the  fpeedy  Settlement  of  Ireland^  for  them  (to  make  that  demand  .<'  To 
divide  a  little  army  ,  Oxty  miles  one  part  from  another  ,  as  far  as  betwixt  London- 
Verry  and  Cari^fergus,  or  the  Nervry^  where  impaflable  Rivers  and  Mountains,  and  an 
uncertain  paiTage  by  Sea  would  not  permit  one  part  to  allifi:  another  i  was  a  ready 
way  either  to  a  long  War  ,  or  certain  overthrow  ,  and  not  to  bring  it  to  a  quick 
conclufion.  Neither  did  thefe  places  fiand  in  need  of  any  addition  of  forces  to  fe- 
cure  themfelves  ,  whofe  Service  and  Vidtories  againft  the  Rebels  ,  may  compare 
with  any  Forces  in  the  North  of  Ireland:  all  their  defire  was  that  this  Army  would 
but  fliew  themfelves  the  Malkrs  in  the  Field  ,  to  carry  the  War  home  to  the  Rebels 
own  doors.  Or  if  tiiey  had  defired  more  Garrifons  ,  Vwigannon  or  Charkmount  in 
the  heart  of  Tyrone ,  had  been  much  more  convenient  to  diflrefs  the  Enemy  ,  than 
to  have  all  their  Forces  lye  (cattered  up  and  down  the  Sea  coalK  But  thefe  things 
were  accorded  quickly ,  and  Week  after  Week ,  and  Moneth  after  Moneth  paffed 
before  any  Forces  moved  out  of  Scotland  for  the  relief  of  Ireland. 

Or  perhaps  his  Majefly  was  not  willing  in  a  Prpamble  of  a  Bill  toPrefs  Souldiers 
for  Ireland^to  divelt  himfelf  altogether  of  the  Power  of  the  Militia  here  in  England:wc 
cannot  be  contented  of  late  to  gather  the  fruit,  unlefs  we  may  break  the  bough  that 
did  bear  it,or  to  quench  our  prefent  third  unlefs,  we  may  alter  the  property  of  the  Foun- 
tain. Howfoever  to  extinguifli  all  queftions,  his  Majeliy  did  freely  oifer  to  raife  witli 
fpced  loooo  Englijh  Voluntiers  for^hat  fervice,  or  to  pafs  a  Bill  without  any  men- 
tion of  the  right  ,  which  might  do  the  work  without  prejudice  to  any  perfon. 

What  is  it  then,  which  may  in  probability  be  thought  the  ground  of  this  Rebel- 
lion ?  It  requires  not  fo  long  a  fearch  as  the  head  oiNilns  ■■,  for  though  I  deny  not, 
but  that  the  Hen  might  be  ntting,and  (bmclrtfh  have  been  long  plotting  fuch  a  thing 
in  Forreign  parts  i  yet  they  fat  fo  far  from  their  Nejis ,  that  they  could  never  have  hatch- 
edit^  without  fome  extraordinary  helps.  Some  fay  that  by  weak  management,  So- 
vereign Authority  was  grown  contemptibleior  that  defperateEQatcs  or  crying  debts, 
did  ingage  thePvingleaders  both  in  Ireland  and  elfewhere  ,  into  fuch  courfesi  or  that 
perfonal  quarrels  and  revenge  might  challenge  a  (hare.  Some  fay  that  there  was  a 
general  delire  to  (hake  off  the  'Enghfh  Government;  but  omitting  thefe  and  the  like, 
there  are  two  grounds  vifible  enough.  The  one  is  the  Exampk  of  the  late  Cove- 
nant of  their  Neighbour  Nation:  as  the  Loadftone  draws  Iron  to  it ,  fo  Exam- 
ples efpecially  if  they  be  fuccefsful ,  have  an  attradlive  virtue  and  influence.  I  doubt 
not  but  the  one  went  upon  much  fafer  grounds  than  the  other  in  point  of  policy,  nei- 
ther do  I  defire  to  argue  the  lawfulnefs  in  point  of  Juftice  ,  being  a  meer  llranger 
to  their  National  Laws.  This  is  certain,  there  was  a  vaft  difference  in  the  manner 
of  profecution  ,  the  one  being  more  bloudy  than  the  other  ;  which  whether  it  be 
to  be  afcribed  to  their  feveral  principles,  or  to  fome  particular  and  accidental  reafons 
1  leave  every  man  to  his  own  Judgement.  This  is  all  I  fay  ,  that  if  the  one  had 
not  piped  ,  in  probability  the  other  had  not  danced. 

A  Second  reafon  was  a  general  apprehenfion  of  jealoufies  and  fears  at  that  time, 
that  the  liberty  both  civil  and  religious  ,  of  the  Subjed:  and  of  Confciencc  ,  and 
the  exercife  of  their  Religion  fliould  be  quite  taken  away  from  them  i  occafioncd 
by  fome  indifcieet  threatnings,  and  fome  high-flying  Petitions,  and  nouriflijd  and 
augmented  by  turbulent  and  feditious  perfons  ,  who  perfwaded  the  Common  peo- 
ple that  there  was  no  fecnrity,  to  be  expedfed  ,  either  for  Life  or  for  Religion,  Soul 
or  Body  ,  without  fuch  a  General  Infurredtion.  Thus  men  plunge  them.felves  in- 
to real  dangers  ,  out  of  fancied  and  imaginary  jealoufies  and  fears. 

The  next  thing  in  the  Obferver  concerning  Ireland  ,  is  the  difparity  between  the 
proceedings  of  the  true  Rebels  in  Ireland^  and  the  mifnamed  Rebels  here  in  E'lgland. 
Their  Atiions  are  all  blood  ,  Kapne  ,  Torture  ;  All  Ages  ,  Sexes  ,  Conditions  hate  , 
tajied  of  their  infernal  cruelty  '■,  Their  intentions  were  to  extirpate  Keligion,  &e.     to 

Y  y  y  ^m.f- 


GkUciardtne. 


5P- 


7he  Serpent  Sal've-  TOME   1 1. 


"^.crf  the  Eh;;///?.  Nation-,  the,r  chef  leaders  are  fefmu  and  meer  Bandioes,  oc. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  ludifie  ,  or  fo  much  as  qualihe  thofe  barbarous  Ads  ,  which 
have  been  committed  in  Ireland.  Cruelty  is  an  argument  of  a  Coward  ,  not  of  an 
Heroical  Nature.  But  it  ill  becomes  the  Obferver  to  inveigh  againii  the  jefuits  , 
until  he  have  Hrit  taken  the  beam  out  of  his  own  eye.  He  that  fhall  compare  Vnl- 
tnan  or  Tarjo.is  the  Jefuit  with  this  Obferver  ,  either  for  dangerous  polltions  or  vi- 
rulent detractions,  imy  C^Y  aut  Philo  Platonizat ,  ant  Flato  Thilonizat ,  Good  Wits 
iump.  The  Obferver  doth  but  fup  up  what  Farfons  and  fome  others  had  difgor- 
ccd  before  ,  that  he  might  vomit  it  up  again.  When  once  the  bankes  are  broken  , 
it  is  hard  for  him  that  was  the  caufe  of  the  inundation  to  prefcribc  limits  to  it.  Had 
the  Obferver  and  his  Partners  been  as  much  the  major  part  of  England  as  the  Pa- 
pills  were  of  Ireland  ,  we  fliould  have  feen  what  men  they  were.  In  the  mean 
time  the  Obferver  hath  given  a  Caution  ,  that  whileft  Chrillians  remain  in  a  Frimi- 
iive  r.onditm ,  that  is ,  are  the  weaker  part  and  want  ftrength,  it  is  difcretion  (not 
duty)  to  conceal  themfelves.  The  7ri/&  Rebellion  is  againft  the  Authority  of  the 
King,  not  againft  his  Pcrfon ,  this  both  againft  his  Pcrfon  and  Authority  :  the /;•?/& 
(eek  a  Liberty  of  Confcierice  to  themfelves ,  theft  not  onely  a  Liberty  ,  but  to  im- 
pofe  a  neccllity  >ipon  all  others ;  the  Irifh  defirc  a  capacity  of  preferment ,  yet  at 
'  nis  Majcfties  discretion  to  cull  out  whom  he  pleafeth  i  thefe  men  will  be  their  own 
carvers  and  not  leave  the  King  fuch  a  Latitude  :  the  Irijh  tight  againft  men  of  ano- 
ther Religion ,  of  another  Nation  i  we  like  Wild  Beafts  Hght  Proteftant  againft  Pro- 
tcftant ,  EngliJhmaH  againft  Effglijhman^  Brother  againft  Brother ,  Parent  againft 
Child  :  they  fight  for  to  recover  what  they  had  loft,  we  Hght  to  loofc  what  we 
have  :  they  know  what  they  fight  for ,  the  greateft  part  of  us  fight  for  we  know 
rot  what:  like  the  two  Faduan  Brethren  ,  the  one  fuppofing  he  had  as  many  oxcu 
as  there  were  Starrs,  and  the  other  fuppofing  that  he  had  a  Pafture  as  large  as  the 
Heavens  \  the  mortal  quarrel  between  them  was ,  whether  the  ones  conceited  oxen 
might  feed  in  the  others  fuppofed  ground.  But  believe  it ,  they  that  cannot  make 
rational  men  underftand ,  why  they  put  them  by  the  ears  together  ,  have  fccret  rea- 
fons  to  themfelves ,  that  they  dare  not  manifeft  to  others. 

The  Laft  paiTage  concerning  Ireland  is  sn  anfwer  to  his  Majefties  objcftion  ,  that 
if  the  rrvijor  ^art  of  both  Houfes  in  Ireland  ,  Jhould  vote  a  danger  to  their  Religion  ^  or 
that  Kingdom  ,  and  thereupon  by  Ordinauce  fettle  the  Militia ,  in  the  hands  pf  fuch  fcrfons 
Of  they  may  confide  in  ,  of  the  FvOman  Communion  ;  they  had  the  fame  t^rounds  and 
pretences  that  our  men  have.  The  Obferver  anfwcrs,  that  this  is  imprppcrly  urged, 
/or  England  and  Ireland  are  the  fame  Dominion.  That  fl^ere  is  as  true  and  intimate  an 
"Union  betwixt  them  ,  as  betroeen  England  and  Wales.  And  though  they  do  not  tncet  in 
one  Farliament,  yet  their  Farliaments  to  fome  purpofes  ,  are  not  to  beheld  fveral'-,  And 
therefore  if  the  Papijis  in  Ireland  rvere  (Ironger  and  had  more  votes  ,  yet  they  would  rvant 
Authority  to  overrule  any  thing  voted  and  ejiablijhed  here  in  England.  Ihe  reafon  why 
the  minor  part  in  all  fuffr  ages  fubfcribes  to  the  major,  U  that  blood  may  not  hefhed  ,  for 
in  probability  the  mz)Ox part  willprevail,  elfe  firife  and  blood-fhed  would  be  endlefs,  where- 
fore the  major  part  in  Ireland  ought  to  fit  down  and  acquiefce ,  becattfe  Ireland  it  not  a 
fever al Monarchy  from  England.  Nor  is  that  a  major  part  of  Ireland  and  England  too , 
for  if  it  were  ,  it  would  give  Law  to  us  ,  Of  we  now  give  Law  there ,  and  their  Statutes 
would  be  vf  as  much  virtue  here  as  curs  are  there,  &c. 

Such  Dodlrine  as  this,  hath  helped  to  bring  poor  Ireland,  to  that  miferable  condi- 
tion, wherein  now  it  is.  Will  you  hear  with  patience,  what  the  Irifh  themfelves  Dy 
of  this?  If  any  ordinance  may  be  impofed  upon  us,  without  an  approbative,  or  fo 
much  as  a  receptive  power  in  our  felves,  where  is  our  Liberty  then  ?  our  Govern- 
ment is  mcerly  arbitrary,  our  condition  is  flavifh.  We  had  Magna  Charta  granted  to 
lis  as  well  as  England,  and  fince  that  time,  all  other  Liberties  and  Priviledges  of  the 
Englijh  Subjeft  :  fhall  that,  which  is  ours  be  taken  from  us  ,  without  our  own  A(fl , 
or  our  own  faulf,  and  we  never  heard  either  in  our  perfons  or  by  our  prodtors'*  We 
dcfire  the  Obferver  to  remember  what  he  faid  before  ,  Ihat  which  concerns  all ,  ought 
to  be  approved  by  all ;  We  have  no  BurgeflTes  nor  reprefentatives  there ;  and  that  it  is 
unnatural  for  any  Nation  to  contribute  its  own  inherent  puiffance  ,  meerly  to  fupport  Slave- 
ry.    Let  the  Definition  be  according  to  the  major  part  of  the  Votes  >  but  fl,all  the 


minor 


Ds COURSE  II.  The  Serpe»t-Sahe. 


hUnoT  part  be  denyed  a  Liberty  to  difcufs  or  vote  at  all  >  as  we  deny  not  but  the 
Kingdom  of  leland  is  United  and  Incorporated  to  the  Crown  ot  England  :  So  we 
underftand  not ,  by  what  right  any  power  derived  from  the  Englifl]  Subjed,  can  ex- 
tend it  felf  over  us.  That  power  which  they  have  over  us  is  relative  ,  as  they  are 
the  Kings  Council ,  wherein  he  confides  :  or  by  virtue  of  his  Delegation  to  his 
Judges  rcprcfenting  his  own  Perfon.     Thus  they. 

For  farther  Anfwer.  Firrt  ,  this  is  a  mecr  trifling  and  declining  of  the  Force  of 
his  Majefties  Argument ,  which  lyes  not  in  this,  whether  Ireland  be  adilHnd  King- 
dom :  but  fuppofing  it  to  be  a  dilUnd  Kingdom  (  as  without  doubt  it  either  is  or 
might  be,  )  whether  that  in  fuch  a  cafe  as  is  propounded  by  his  Majerty  it  were 
lawtul  for  them  to  afllime  fuch  a  power  contrary  to  the  Law  of  God  and  of  Nati- 
ons 5  or  \{  Ireland  were  as  much  bigger  than  England  as  France  is ,  f  it  is  no  Grange 
thing  for  a  greater  Kingdom  to  be  Conquered  by  a  lefle ,  )  whether  in  fuch  a  cafe 
they  might  give  Law  to  us ,  or  their  Statutes  be  of  as  great  virtue  here,  as  ours  are 
there,  meerly  becaufeit  is  fo  voted  ,  by  the  ma'pr  part  of  the  reprefentative  body. 
An  abfurd  incredible  affertioni 

Secondly  ,  There  is  not  the  like  reafon  of  Ireland  ^nd  JVakf.  Wales  is  incircled 
with  the  fame  Sea  ,  a  part  of  the  fame  Ifland,  and  originally  in  the  dayes  of  the 
Britains ,  a  Branch  of  the  fame  Kingdom.  Ifales  was  incorporated  to  the  Realm 
of  England  by  Adl  of  Parliament  27.  Henrici  8.  cap.  26.  fo  was  not  Ireland. 
Wales  have  their  Peers  and  Burgeffes  fitting  in  the  Englijh  Parliament  :  lo  hath  not 
Ireland.     Wales  hath  no  dillind  Parliainents  of  its  own :  but  Ireland  hath. 

Thirdly  ,  As  the  Irijh  readily  grant ,  that  their  Common  Law  is  the  fame  with 
ours  :  fo  they  will  not  eafily  believe  ,  that  the  EngUp  Statutes  are  all  of  force  in 
Ireland.  What  all }  even  to  an  Adt  of  Subfidies  ?  who  ever  heard  that.  It  is 
true  ,  there  hath  been  a  queftion  moved  among  fome  Lawyers  ,  and  thofe  perhaps 
who  were  not  the  moft  concerned  or  verfed  in  it ,  of  the  Engliflj  Statutes  ,  what 
Statutes  and  in  what  cafes  ,  and  how  far  they  are  binding  to  the  Injh  Subjed  ?  but 
I  have  not  heard  their  opinion  was  fo  high  as  the  Obferver's  ,  or  that  ever  the  Bell 
was  rung  out  yet.  If  a.\[  EngltjJ^  Statutes  be  oi'  kice  in  Ireland,  what  need  was 
their  for  Henry  the  Seventh  to  make  an  exprefs  Statute  in  Ireland  to  authorife  and 
introduce  all  the  Englijh  Statutes  before  his  time  to  be  of  force  in  that  Kingdom? 
this  Ad  had  been  fupervacaneous  and  fuperfluous.  And  fince  that  time  we  (ee  ma- 
ny Statutes  of  force  in  England,  that  are  of  no  force  at  all  in  Ireland  :  and  many 
both  before  and  fince  that  time  of  force  in  Ireland,t\\d,t  have  no  power  in  England. 

Laftly,  This  Obferver  might  be  well  one  of  Father  G^rwt's  Difciples  v  When  he 
was  asked  about  the  Powder  Treafon>  whether  it  was  lawful  to  take  away  fome 
Innocents  with  many  Nocents  ?  he  anfwered  ,  yes ,  fo  it  was  compenfated  by  a 
greater  benefit  or  profit,  which  may  perhaps  be  true  fometimes  (  as  in  time  of  war) 
accidentally,  in  publick  and  neceflary  ,  but  not  in  private  and  voluntary  Agents. 
So  the  Obferver  makes  profit  and  ftrength  ,  to  be  the  onely  rule  and  meafure  of  all 
Adionsof  State:  Juftice  and  piety  are  banifhed  by  an  Ojiracifm  out  of  his  Entopia, 
This  is  to  enflave  reafon ,  and  crown  bodily  ftrength  j  to  filence  Law  and  Jufiice, 
and  to  deifie  force  and  power. 

The  Obferver  is  every  where  girding  at  the  Clergy:  it  is  well  that  his  new  fiiper- 
ftition  reverfed  ,  will  allow  them  that  name.  Have  they  not  great  caufe  to  thank 
,  him  ,  as  the  poor  Ferfians  did  their  King  ,  when  they  were  condemned  ,  That  he 
was  pleafed  to  remember  them  ?  Sometimes  he  {coifs  at  the  Tribe  :  There  were  fe- 
ditious  Schifmaticksof  all  Tribes.  Sometimes  he  derides  their  Pulpiting,  (it  may 
be  he  likes  a  Chair  better  )  becaufe  they  teach  a  Divine  Prerogative  ,  which  none  nn- 
derjiand  but  thefe  ghojily  CounfeVers  ,  who  ala>ayes  exprejs  fnfficient  enmity  and  antipathy 
to  piiblick^ads  and  palis  of  men.  He  that  accufeth  another,  (hould  firli  examine  him- 
felf.  I  do  not  believe  that  ever  there  was  any  Divine  in  the  World,  that  made  Kings 
fuch  unlimited  Creatures ,  as  this  Obferver  doth  the  People.  I  have  read  i'ome  Di- 
fcourfes  of  this  Subjed  ,  but  I  did  never  fee  any  one  Co  pernicious  to  a  fetled  Socie- 
ty of  men  ,  or  fodeltrudive  to  all  humane  compads ,  as  this  j'editious  bundle  ofOb- 
Jervations  ,  which  makes  the  Law  of  Salus  populi ,  to  be  a  difpenfation  from  Heaven^ 
for  the  breach  of  all  oaths  of  Allegiance ,  and  all  other  obligations  whatfoever  , 

Y  y  y  2  which 


The  Serpent -Sa I've.  TOME    II' 

-"^ch  meafures  ]u(Hce  by  the  war  P^"  '  ^^  "^^^'^  .^'^l^'^  ^"^^  PO^er   the'R^ 

of   that  which  is  lawful,  which  gives  the  People  the  laR  Judgment  ot  nccellity,  and 
upo  nthis  Tudgment,  a  power  to  rife  .n  Arms.     If  any  Divme  have  unwittingly  ilip- 
Dcd  into  any  Rich  crrours,  in  not  diftingulhing  between  an  abfolute  and  refpedive 
Soveraignty    (which  I  can  hardly  believe,)  yet  the  Obferver  might  have  held  his 
peace  for  (hame ;  the  one  is  fo  intent  upon  the  Law  of  God,  the  other  upon  the  Law 
of  Nature     that  they  both  forget  the  known  Laws  of  the  Land. 
ir      ,f     Efpecial'ly  he  fliews  his  fpleen  againll:  Biftiops,  fometimes  calling  them  ?n0,  Bi- 
Shopsnof  HjoPs.     If  Popery  were  as  ancient  as  Epifcopacy  ,  the  Obferver  might  (hake  his  ears 
Popifti.  "at  it  to  fmall  purpofe.     Sometimes  he  ftiles  them  the  Prf/iJ/iw/ Fa&w.     If  that  be  a 

Fadion  which  is  ellablifhed  by  the  Fundamental  Law  of  the  Land  ,  and  hath  ever 
been  a  radicated  order  of  the  Kingdom  ,  what  may  a  man  think  of  his  reverend 
Coachmen  and  Button-makers  ,  and  the  rert  of  that  diverfified  Schifmatical  Fry  > 
Sometimes  lie  makes  Levi  and  Simeon  ,  HierarchilU  and  PapHlj  ,  the  Heads  of  the 
main  Malignants.  1  hope  the  Obferver  will  allow  fome  Government  in  the  Church, 
either  of  Councils ,  or  Synods ,  or  Aflemblies ,  or  Confirtories ,  or  Senates,  or  Pres- 
byteries, either  Dio«;efan ,  as  it  is  at  Genevan  or  Parochial,  as  it  is  in  the  Low- 
Comtries :  Either  of  Prefidents ,  or  Moderators ,  or  Viiiters ,  Pallors,  Dodors 
Curate  or  not  Curate,  Elders  perpetual  or  annual ,  Deacons,  Widows,  or  fome 
of  them  ^  for  they  are  not  very  well  agreed  about  any  of  thefe  :  In  one  place  Elders 
are  Commillioners  to  the  Seigniory,  are  placed  and  difplaced  by  the  Magillrate, 
take  an  oath  of  obedience  to  the  Magiftrate  i  in  other  places  the  King  hath  not  fo 
much  as  the  place  of  a  Lay-Elder  ,  except  he  be  chofen.  Or  perhaps  the  Obferver 
is  for  none  of  all  thefe  ways,  but  as  errant  an  Independent  in  the  Church,  as  he  de- 
fires  to  be  in  the  Commonwealth.  Here  are  many  things  very  coniiderable  in  this 
bufineft. 

Firft  ,  That  in  doubtful  cafes ,  melior  ed  conditia  poffidemii ,  Poflertion  is  a  ftrong 
plea,  efpecially  if  it  be  of  long  continuance,  as  this  of  Epifcopacy  is ,  ever  fince 
Chrillianity  was  planted  in  this  Kingdom.  This  is  certain  ,  Britill}  Bilhops  have 
been  of  note  in  Forreign  Councils ,  fince  the  fecond  Council  of  Jrles ,  which  is 
above  Thirteen  hundred  years:  to  fay  nothing  oi ArijiobulHf,  mentioned  in  the  Epi- 
ftle  to  the  Romans ,  whom  fome  good  Authours  make  a  Bifhop  in  this  Ifland.  They 
that  (hall  go  about  to  (hake  in  pieces  fuch  an  ancient  Inftitution,  which  was  brought 
into  the  Church  either  by  the  authority  ,  or  at  leaft,  by  the  approbation  of  the  A- 
po(\les,  had  need  to  bring  clear  proofs ,  not  blind  conjedures,  about  which  they 
themfelves  cannot  agree  one  with  another.  Bi(hops  flouri(hed  long  in  tliis  King- 
dom, even  when  the  Brifi/&  Church  enjoyed  the  CyprwM  priviledge,  and  acknow- 
ledged no  fubjedion  to  any  Forreign  See  whatfoever. 

Secondly  ,  That  wiiich  the  Obferver  faith  of  Monarchy  ,  that  nur  Laws  are  loch;; 
ed  and  Calirtetted  in  it ,  in  fuch  manner,  that  the  wounding  of  the  one  is  the  bleeding  of 
the  other  ,  (  though  he  forgets  it  throughout  his  Difcourfe,)  islikewife  true  of  Epi- 
fcopacy, that  it  is  woven  and  riveted  into  the  Body  of  our  Law,     Hear  a  Witnefs 
Lords  Veru-.     beyond  exception  ,  For  the  Government  of  Bifhops,  I  for  my  part  not  prejudging  the  pre- 
racTonT"         fidents  of  other  Keformed  Churches ,  do  hold  it  rvarranted  by  the  Word  of  God,  and  by  the 
praUice  (f  the  ancient  Church  in  the  better  times ,  and  much  more  convenient  far  King- 
doms ,  than  parity  nf  Minijiers  ,  or  Government  by  Synods.     And  prefently  after,  Jt  ii 
n-onb  noting  that  the  Scripture  faith  ,Tizr]{[3ito  Sacerdotio,  neceffe  e(\  ut  &  Legis  (lat 
Tranllatio:  It  is  not  pnffible  in  refieU  of  the  great  and  near  fympathy  between  the  State 
Civile  and  the  State  Ecclefiaftical ,  to  mak^  Jo  main  an  alteration  in   the  Church,  but  it 
would  have  a  perillom  operation  upon  the  Kingdom;  and  therefore  it  is  fit  thn  Controverfe 
be  in  peace  and filence.     It  would  not  be  forgotten   what  was  cited,  before,  out  of 
Cartwright ,  That  as  the  Hangings  muft  be  (haped  according  to  the  Houfe,  So  muft 
the  Civil  Government  be  conformed  to  the  Government  of  the  Church.     The  Ana- 
baptilts  began  with  Bifliops,  but  at  length  the  Emperour  was  with  them  but  Caro- 
Im  a  Gandavo,  Charles  oi  Gant.     I' leave  it  tc  others  to  judge  ,  by  what  fate  or  for- 
tune it  comes  to  pafs  beyond  the  Sea,  that  wherefbever  any  other   Regiment  of  the  . 
Church  takes  place  ,  if  the  Favourer  of  it  be  the  major  part,  and  have  power  in  their 
hands,   it  either  hnds  or  makes  a  popular  Statci  every  man's  own  imagination  will 

fup- 


Discourse     II.  The  Serpem-Sal've^ 


595. 


fupply  him  with  inlknces.     And  this  may  be  the  reafon  why  Calvin  ( a  wife  man  J 

in  an  Ep'Me  to  the  King  of  Poloma  ,  doth  reprcTent ,  not   the  Difciplinarian  ,  but 

Epifcopal  Government  as  fitter  for  Monarchies.     Having  (hewed  the  Regiment  of 

the  Primitive  Church  by  Patriarchs  ,  Primates,  and  Bilhops,  he  proceeds  thus  :  As 

if  at  this  day  one  Archbijhop  ffjould  be  over  the   Jllu{inouf  Kingdom  of  Polonia  ,  not  to  ^^'^-  ^^°'' 

domineer  over  the  reji ,   or  arrogate   their  right  ttnto  himfAf  ^  but  for  orders  caufe^  Sec. 

And  farther,  there  Jhonld  he  a  Bijhop  in  each  City  or  Province^    tj  attend  peculiarly  tn 

the  prejtrvatton  of  Order ,  (  marli   his  reafon ,  )  even  as   Nature   it  felf  doth  diilate 

to  Hi  ,  that  in  every  Golledge  one  ought  to  be  chojen  ,  ufon  rvhcm  the  principal,  care  of  the 

Colledge  jhoiildrefi. 

Thirdly,  Epifcopacy  is  not   onely  ancient  and  cemented  into  our  Laws  ,  bur 
alfo  was  Univerfally  received ,   without  any  oppofition ,  or  fo  much  as  a  queRion 
throughout  the  whole  Chrilkn  World,  among  all  forts  ofChrirtians  of  what  Com- 
munion or  Profelfion  foever  they  were,   Gr<ecian  ^  Latin  ^   Ru0an  ,  Armenian    A- 
bypfine ,  &c.  yea  even  among  thofe  who  by  reafon  of  the  great  diftance  and  re- 
motenefs  of  their  Countries ,  never  heard  of  the  Pope  ,  nor  of  the  name  of  Kome 
-ever  fincc  the  ApolUes  did  tread  upon  the  face  of  the  Earth  until  this  lalt  century  of 
years  i  fo  far  it  is  from  being  a  Relick  of  Popery.     And  the  Oblerver  is  challenged 
to  name  but  one  Church,  or  fo  much  as  one  poor  Village,  throughout  the  Whole 
World,  from   the  days  of  the  Apoliles,   till  the  Year  of  Chrilt  1500,  that  ever 
was  Governed   without  a  Bifhop  ■,   (  I  except  the  Acephali  or  fuch  difordered  per- 
fons  that  had  no  Government  at  all  :  )  or  to  name  but  one  Lay-Elder  ,  or  one  Am- 
bulatory Bifliop   that   Governed  by  turn  or  courfe  in  the  Primitive  times  ,  in  the 
whole  Catholick  Church,    before  the  Year  153(5.  when  C^j/ww  came  to  Geneva. 
We  rind  the  proper  and  particular  names  of  ApolUcs,  Evangelifts  ,   Bifhops  ,  Pres- 
bytcrsand   Deacons ,  in  the  Scriptures ,  in  Councils,   in  Ecclefiaiiical  Hiltories ,  in 
the  Fathers/,  if  he  and  all   his  Friends  be  not  able  out  of  all  thefe  Authorities  to 
name  one  particular  Lay-Elder  or  Ambulatory  Ei(hopi  the  reafon  mult  be,   becaufe 
there  never  was  fuch  a   Creature  in  rerum  natttra.     And  his  Elders  in  St.  Ambrnfe 
and  St.  Jerome  ,  are  much  milkken  i  how  (hould  they  be  other  wife,   the  one  Au- 
thor being  a  Bilhop  himfelf ,  and  the  other  deducing  Bifliops  in  Alexandria  from  St. 
Mark^^  and  telling  us  plainly  (that   which  we  find  to  be  true  ,  )  that  rvnhout  Epi-  Epifl.  adEva^ 
fcopal  Authority.^  there  rvill  be  Of  many  Schifms  as  Priejis  in  the  Church?  The  Hierarchies  i'^'um. 
(  as  he  calls  them  )  will  be  contented  to  wave  all  other  Authors ,   and  b;  tryed  by 
either  of  thefe.     The  Seven  Angels  in  the  Revelation  cap.  2.  and  3.  cannot  be  the  Se- 
ven Churches  ,  for  the  Angels  and  Churches  are  plainly  diftinguiflicd  ,   Rev.   i.  20. 
but  it  mult  be  the  Seven  Bithops  of  the  Churches.    Thefe  were  not  Parochial  Chur- 
ches ,  each  of  them  had  many  Paftors ,  and  many  particular  Flocks.     Btza  confef- 
feth  that  theft  Angels  were  Prefidents  over  the  other  Presbyters ;  but  he  believes  ^"^'*'' '"  ^J"' 
not  they  had  a  priority  of  Power,  or  that  this  Prefidency  was  permanent,  but  went  ^''^  ^'  ^  °* 
by  courfe.     If  the  Government  went  by  turns  ,  I  would  gladly  know,   why  one 
of  them  is  called  an  Angel  more  than  the  other.   Surely  he  that  reads  the  Seven  E- 
piftles ,  how  (bme  of  them  are  commended  for  their  conltancy  and  perfeverance  in 
their  Government,  and  others  reprehended  for  fuffering  Hereticks  to  continue  in 
their  Churches  ,  will  find  fufficient  ground  in  every  one  of  thefe  Epiltles  to  believe 
that  they  were  not  changeable  every  week,  or  Moneth  ,  or  Qiiarter  of  a  Year  : 
but  conftant  and  permanent  Governours  ,  having  power  of  Jurifdidtion  to  reprefs 
abuf-'s  ■»   otherwife  why  are  they  taxed  for  theabufes  done  in  their  DiocelTes     if  it 
were  not  in  their  power  to  remedy  them?  And  if  he  will  give  credit  to  the  Tefti- 
mony  of  the  Primitive  Fathers ,  he  may  find  both  who  fundry  of  thefe  Angels  or  Bi- 
fliops were,  and  alfo  who  were  their  SuccciTours. 

Fourthly  ,  though  in  fuch  variety  of  new  Forms  of  Church  Regiment,  he  hath 
not  exprelTed  himfelf  to  what  form  he  inclines  ,  faving  that  in  one  place  he  fpeakes 
of  a  Jundo  of  Divines,  (  I  cannot  think  but  himfelf  would  have  the  naming  of 
them  :  )  yet  we  will  fuppofe  that  which  we  are  far  from  believing,  tint  a  fe.v 
green  heads  fee  more  than  all  the  Fathers,  and  Councils,  and  Schoolmen  ■-,  and  chat>, 
the  Obfervcr's  bufie  working  brain  ,  could  mold  a  Church  better  than  all  t!ie  A- 
poftles.     Notwithftanding  all  this,  St.  Aujiins  x\xk  to  Januarimh  veryconlidt- 

rabk , 


r^^6 


7hs  Serpent-Sahe. 


TOME  H. 


flitic.  37. 


Preface  to 
Chriftian 
Monarclis 


Df  Re(,no 
ChriflJ.  2 
cap,  12. 


rabk 


it  yuu 


will  not  err. 


do  rliat  which  I  ufeto  do,  to  rohatjuever  Church  I  come. 


,  and  looks  upon  his  Creatures  with  all  prejudices 
^c.  Fadion  is  more  offenfive  to  him  ,  and  Breach  of 


J  apply  n,yfeIftoibeCeranomes  thereof:  He   would  have  added  the  Difcipiincalfo  , 
if  there  had  been  fundry  forms,  but  there  was  none  but  Epifcopacy  then  m  the 
World.     God  is  a  Mercitul  God 
oi  Education  ,  Habitation  , 

Cliaritv  more  dangerous  to  the  Soul,  that]  any  unknown  errour  m  Difciplinei  much 
more  where  the  errour  is  but  fuppofed  or  feigned  ,  and  the  Schifm  apparent.     Now 
for  the  Difcipline  of  the  Church  of  England  ,  all  men  know  and  grant  that  it  hath 
ever  becu  Epifcopal.     In  the  publick   Liturgy  of  our  Church  ,  confirmed  by  Ad 
of  Parhament    We  pray  for  Bifliops.     In  our  Book  of  ordination  confirmed  by  the 
fame  Authority  ,  it  is  direftly  affirmed  ,  as  evident  by  Scriptures  and  Ancient  Au- 
thors    that  from  the  time  of  the  Jpnftles  there  have  ever  been  thefe  Orders  of  Miniliers  in 
Cbrills  Church,  Bifhofs  Friejis,  and  Deacons-,  and  that  thefe  orders  are  appointed  by  the 
Holy  Gliort.    in  our  book  of  Articles,  which  contains  the  received  Dodtrine  ot  our 
Church     (  and  therefore  without  doubt  comes  within  the  compafs  of  our  late  Pro- 
tcftation,)  the  fame  Book  of  ordination  is  maintained  ,  and  it  is  plainly  affirmed  , 
That  there  is  nothing  contained  mit  ^rvhich  is  either  fuferjiitioiis  or  ungodly.     In  the 
Apology  of  our  Church  ,  publiflied  to  the   whole  Chriftian  World  ,  and  by  all 
Proteltant  Churches  approved  and  applaudeci,     We  declare  that  we  believe  that  there 
be  diver fe  Degrees  of  Minijlcrs  in  the  Church  ,  rvhereoffome  be  Deacons  ,  fame  be  Priejis^ 
fimeBifljops.     Which  being  fo,  it  deferves  fome  confideration  ,  which  King   James 
faith  in  the  later  end  of  his  Proclamation  for  Uniformity  ,  Such  it  the  unquietnefi  and 
wijiedfaiinefi  of  fome  dijpifnions ,  affeding  every  year  new  forms  of  things  ,   as  if  they 
(hould  be  followed  in  their  uncnnliancy,  would  maki  all  aUions  of  States  ridiculom  and  con- 
temptible-,  whereas  the  fredfajl  maintaining  of  things  by  good  advice  efiahliflied  ,  ii  the 
Tceal  of  the  Commonwealth.     I  (hould  not  inlarge  my  felf  any  farther  about  this  con- 
llderation  ,  but  for  two  reafons.     The  one  is ,  I  rind  it  faid  by  fome ,  that  fiarce 
any  but  Bifhops  have  hitherto  maintained  Bijhops.     Take  onely  three  Tefiimonies  of 
many  ■■>  they  were  all  members  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  yet  all  Grangers ,  and  all 
had  lived  in  places  cppofite  to  Epifcopal  Government,  nene  of  them  either  Bifliops 
or  their  Chaplains ,  or  Expedtants.     The  firft  is  King  James  ,  the  molt  Learned 
of  Kings  ,  I  have  always  thought  that  there  ought  to  be  Bijhops  in  the  Church  ,  accord- 
ing to  the  Jpnjioltcal  injiitution, and  (by  Confequence  )  Divine  Ordination.  The  Second 
is  Learned  Bncer^  a  Gerrhane ,  and  imployed  in  the  rirft  Reformation  of  this  Church, 
to  read  Divinity  in  Cambridge  :  one  that  was  fo  oppofitc  to  Popery ,  that  after  liis 
Death  ,  his  very  bones  were  taken  out  of  his  Grave  and  burned  by  the  Papifts. 
He  is  full  in  many  places  ,  take  ope.     From  the  perpetual  Obfervation  of  the  Churches^ 
from  the  very  Apofrks  themfelves^we  fee  that  itfeemedgoodto  the  Holy  Ghojl^th at  among  the 
Miiiiliers     to  whom  the  charge  of  the  Church  was  ejpecially  committed,  one  Jhould  under- 
go a  fuigular  care  of  the  Churches  and  the  whole  Minijiry  ,  and  in  that  care  andfollici- 
tiide  WiK  before  all  the  reft  •,  for  which  caufe  the  name  of  a  Bijhop  was  peculiarly  attribu- 
ted to  the  highefi  Procurators  of  the  Church.     The  Third  is  Peter  Martyr ,  at  the 
fame  time  imployed  to  read  Divinity  at  Oxford  •,  having  exprefled  his  confent  and  con- 
currence with  St.   Jerome  concerning  Epifcopacy  ,  he  proceeds.     So  far  it  U  from  us 
Rttp-adGard  j^  ^^j^,g  confufwn  into  the  Church,  that  rather  we  follow  the  fame  way  ;  for  there  is  no 
ad')0.ojeit  j)ig^^j^  ^j^y  j^  ^  or  City  ,  where,  of  many  Paftors,  there  is  not  fome  one  chofen  excelling 
tn  Learning  and  experience  ,  whom  they  call  the  Superintendent  of  the  Church,     Be  con- 
vocates  all  the  refl,he  admonifheth  them,  he  governs  them  according  to  the  Word  of  God ,  as 
the  State  of  things  requires.     The  Second  reafon  is  ,  that  I  fee  it  lately  publiOied  to 
the  World  in  Print,  that  Dr.  IVIntakers,    Dr.Fulk^,  and  Dr.  Keynolds  ,  were  all 
oppugners  of  Epifcopacy.     Perhaps  of  Popifli   Epifcopacy,  that  is  ,  the  abufe  not 
the  thing  ;  or  of  an  abfolute  neceflity  by  Divine  Right  of  fuch  and  fuch  an  Epifco- 
pacy, indowed  with  fuch  or  fuch  degrees  of  Power  or  Preheminencc,  or  of  fuch  an 
Epifcopacy  as  is  held  to  differ  from  Presbyterate  in  the  very  power  ot  Order  :  but 
furely  not  of  Epifcopacy  it  felf.     I  wonder  at  the  impudence  of  the  man.     It  is  a 
bad  caufe  which  ftands  in  need  to  be  underpropped  with  fuch  piom  impious  frauds , 
and  is  onely  fortified  with  hideous  and  palpable  Lies;   if  he  fable  in  this  ,   let  him 
have  the  jurt  reward  of  a  Lyar  not  to  be  trufted  in  other  matters.     And  rirft  for 

Dr. 


jTeface  tOMt' 
Bain. 


"^91 


Dfs COURSE  II.  T/je  Serpent-Sat-vc. 

Dr.  JFhitak^rs  •,  Bellar-mine  objedts  againft  the  Proteftants  ,   that  they  take  away  Bi- 
fhops :  he  anfwers  ,  N.'qne  ms  totum  Epifcoponm  ordhtem  damnamiu^    ttt  illefalfi  ca-Cont.  2.dt  Re 
Itmniatur ,  fed  pfeudo-Epifcofns  tantum  Pontificioi.     We  do  not  condemn  all  the  order  cf^'^f-  ?•  *•  '^'  9- 
Bijhops  ,  a.r  he  (  that  is  Bellarmine  ,  we  may  fay  the  Prefacer  ,  )  fajly  fanders  w  ,  but 
onely  thofifjlfe  BiJhops  of  the  Church  of  Rome.     And  about  the  fame  place,  fpeak- 
ing  of  that  ancient  conftitution  ,  that  three  Bifliops  fhould  be  prefent  at  the  ordi- 
nation of  a  Bifliop,  he  affirms  that  it  was  a  good  and  a  Godly  fanBion  ^  and  fit  for  ^      j- 
thaje  good  times.     Dr.  ¥ul}\,  exprefTeth   himfelf  home ,  'that  among  the  Clergy  for  or-  cJf!^!.  '"" 
der  and  feemly  Government ,  there  was  always  one  principal  to  whom  the  name  'ofBiJhop 
or  Superintendent  hath  been  applyed ,  by  long  ufe  of  the   Church  :    which  room  Titus  ex- 
ercifed  in  Crete,   Timothy  i>iEphefus,  others  in  other  places.     7hat  though  a  Biflfop 
and  an  Elder  U  of  one  Order  and  Authority  in  Preaching  the  Word,  and  Adminijlring 
the  Sacraments  :  yet  in  Government,  by  ancient  ufe  of  Speech,   he  is  onely  called  a  Bifhjp, 
who  in  Scripture  is   called  r(f,T*tu«it ,  *»e>'«'"'>  »)'»/'«•©•,  Rom.   12.  8.     i.  Tim.   5.  7. 
Heb.  13.    17.  that  is  the  Chief  in  Government ,    to  whom  the  Ordination  or  Confecration 
by  impofition  of  hands  ,  wjs  always  principally  committed.     So  accorning  to  Dr.  Fitlk 
the  name  is  from  man  ,  but  the  Office  from  God.     I  befeech  thee  Reader  view  the 
three  places  cited  by  him  at  leifure,   and  thou  (halt  fee  who  are  the  Rulers  and  Go- 
vernours  and  Ruling  Elders  mentioned  in  Holy  Scriptures,  in  the  Judgement  of 
Dr.  Fulk     Laftly ,  Dr-  Reynolds   is  of  the  fame  mind  ,  that  the  Elders  ordained  »       ij     , 
by  the  Aportles  ,  did  choofc  one  among  them  to  be  prefident  oi"  their  Company ,  nlrt.t.  55?- 
and  moderator  of  their   adions,  as  of  the  Church  of  Ephefus  thnugh  it  had  fundry 
Elders  and  Pallors  to  Guide  it :  yet  aming  thefe  jundry  ,  wm  there  one  chief     whom  our 
Saviour  calleth  the  Angel  of  the  Church ,  &c.     And  this  is  he  whom  afterwards  in  the 
Primitive  Church  ,  the  Fathers  called  Bijhop,  8cc.  So  that  by  Dr.  Reynolds  ,  though 
not  for  the  name  ,  yet  for   the  thing   Epifcopacy  was  in  the  Church,  even  when 
St.  John  writ  the  Revelatioit,znd.  was  approved  by  ourBlefled  Saviour  from  Heaven. 
Fifthly,  In  a  ditference  of  ways,  every  pious  and  Peaceable  Chriftian  ,   out  of 
his  Difcretion  and  care  of  his  own   Salvation  ,  will  inquire  which  is  via  tutijjtmj  , 
the  fafell  way.     Now  the  Sepiratilb  themfelves  (fuch  as  have  either  Wifdom  or 
Learning  ,  )  do  acknowledge  that  Holy  Orders  are  truly  (  that  is  validly  ,  )  gw^n 
by  the  Ordination  ufed   in  our  Church  ,  (  I  m:an  not  fuch  as  either  hold  no  out- 
ward calling  to  be  needful ,  as  the  Anabaptiils,  or  make  the  Church  a  meer  Demo- 
cracy ,  as  the  Independents :  )  but  on  the  other  lide ,  a  very  great  part  of  the  Chri- 
ftian World  ,  and  among  them  many  Proteftants,  do  allow  no  ordination  to  be 
right ,  but  from  Biflaops.     And  even  St.   Jerome ,  who  of  all  the  Fathers  makes  a 
leaft  differerence  between  a  Bifhop  and  a  Presbyter ,  yet  faith  ,  Wiut  can  a  Bifhip  do^ 
which  a  Presbyter  dnh  mt,  except  Ordination?  And  feeing  there  is  required  to  the 
ElTence  of  a  Church ,  Hrit,  aPaftor,  Secondly,  a  Flock,  Thirdly,  a  Subordina^ 
tion  of  this  Flock  to  his  Paftor,  where  we  are  not  fure  that  theri  is  right  Ordination, 
what  afTurance  have  we  that  there  is  a  Claurch  ?  I  write  not  this  toprejud-'-e  o  ir 
Neighbour  Churches ,  I  dare  not  limit  the  extraordinary  operation  of  Gods  Spirit, 
where  ordinary  means  are  wanting,  without  the  default  of  the  perfons  i  he  gave  his 
People  Manna  for  food  whileft  they  were  in  the  Wildernefs.     Neceifity  is  a  ftron^' 
plea  •,  many  Proteftant  Churches  lived  under  Kings  and  Bilhops  of  another  Cmu- 
munion  v  others  had  particular  reafons,  why  they  could  not  continue  or  introiace 
Bifhops:  but  it  is  not  fo  with  us.     It  was  as  wifely  as  charitably  faid  ofSc.  Cyprian 
If  any  of  my  Predecejfours  through  ignorance  or  ftmplicity  have  not  holden  thit  which  our 
Lord  bath  taught ,  the  M;rcy  of  the  Lord  might  pardon  them  ,  &c.     So  if  any  Chur- 
ches through  new  necelHty,  or  ignorance,  or  newfanglednefs ,  or  Covetoufncfs    or 
pradifeoffome  perfons,  have  fwerved  from  the  Apoltolical  rule,  or  primitive  infti- 
tution  ,  the  Lord  may  pardon  them  ,    orfupplythe  defed  of  man,  but  we  muft 
not  therefore  prcfume.     It  is  charity  to  think  well  of  our  Neighbours ,  and  good 
Divinity  to  lo  look  well  to  our  felvcs.     But  the  chief  reafon  is,  becaufe  I  do  not 
now  make   this  way  to  be  fimply  necefTary  ,  hixt  on?\^  <\izv/ ad  hominem  ,  what  is 
fafell  where  fo  many  Chriftians  are  of  another  mind.    I  know  that  there  is  great  dif- 
ference between  a  valid  and  a  regular  Ordination  ,  and  what  fome  choife  Divines 
do  write  of  cafe  of  necelfity;and  for  my  part  am  apt  to  believe,  that  God  looks  upon 

his 


c^g^ 


The  Serpent-Sahe.  TOME  IT • 

"hU  pcopirii^ mercy, with  all  their  prc)udices,and  that  there  is  a  great  Latitude  left  to 
particular  Churches,  in  the  conllitution  of  their  Ecclehafiical  Regiment,  accord- 


iiiii  to  the  exigence  of  time  and  place  and  perfons  ,  fo  as  Order  and  his  own  Inrti- 
tunon  be  oblerved.  ,  ^ 

Sixthly,  thofe  BleHings  which  the  Englip  Nation  have  received  from  that  Order,       ^ 
do  defcrve  acknowledgment.     By  them  the  Gofpel   was  firft  planted  in  the  mol\ 
parts  of  England:  by  their  Dodrine  and  Blood ,  Religion  was  reformed  and  refto- 
red  to   us:  By  the  Learned  writings  of  them  and  their  SuccefTours ,  it  hath  been 
principally  defended,  Cranmer ,  Jxidky ,  Latimer  ,  Hooper,  were  all  Bifliop; ,  Co- 
verddle  cxercifed  Epifcopal  Jurifdidion.     With  what  indignation  do  all  good  Pro- 
tcltants  (ee  thofe  BIcfled  men,  (filed  now  in  Print  by  a  young  Novice  ,  halting  and 
time  firvine^  Prelates  ,  and  common  jiales  to  countenance  rvith  their  proflituted  Gravities 
Two  books  of  ^_       Politicl{,fetch.     It  was  truly  faid  by  Seneca,  that  the  moft  contemptible  pcrlbns 
Rcfortnition.    ^^^^  ^^^^  ^j^^  j^^j-^^^  Tongues.     The  Obferver  confeffeth  that  Magna  Charta  was 
penned  by  Bifliops  i  (  no  ill  fervicc.  )     Mirton  a  Bifliop  of  Ely  was  the  contriver 
and  procurer  of  the  Union  of  the  two  Ro(es  i  (  a  Great  Bleliingto  this  Nation.  ) 
Biiliop  ¥ox  was  the  inftrumcnt  imployed  to  negotiate  and  effed  the  Union  of  the 
two  Kingdoms.     In  former  diftradions  of  this  State  ,  Bifliops  have  been  Coiripo- 
feis  and  Peace-makers ,  according  to  their  Office  :  now  they  are  contemned ,  and 
in  their  rooms  fuch   perfons  are  graced,  whofe  Tongues  are  like  that  cwr/ci  B.iy- 
7rfi?  which  caufed  BrawHng  and  contention  wherefoever  it  came.     England  owes 
InjanaLaHrui  many  of  her  Churches  ,  Colledges,  Hofpitals  ,  and  other  Monuments  of  Piety  and 
Charity  ,  to  Bifhops.     It  requires  good  advife  before  we  expel  that  Order  which 
of  inhdels  made  us  Chrirtians,  and  that  the  reafons  (hould  appear  to  the  World. 
An  Adf  of  any  Society  how  eminent  foever  ,  wherein  are  none  of  the  Clergy,  may 
fooner  produce  fubmilfion,  than  fatisfadion  to  the  Confcience, 

Seventhly,  we  have  had  long  experience  of  Epifcopal  Government ;  if  it  have 
been  accidentally  Subjeft  to  fome  abufes  ,  I  defire  to  know  what  Government  in 
the  world  is  free  from  abufes  :  yet  late  and  dear  experience  hath  taught  us,  that 
much  of  that  rigour  which  we  complained  of,  was  in  fome  fort  ncceflary.     If  the 
Independents  {hould  prevail,  who  are  now  fo  bufie  breaking  down  the  Walls  of  the 
Church  ,  to  bring  in  the  Trojan  Horfe  of  their  Democracy  ,  or  rather  Anarchy  >  do 
but  imagin  what  a  confufed  mixture  of  Religions  we  (hould  have  :  Jffricke  never 
produced  fuch  flore  of  diverfiricd  Monfters.     But  to  pafs  by  them  as  unworthy  of 
our  rtay  ,   and  to  infift  onely  in  that  Form  of  Church  Regiment,  which  of  all  new 
Forms  is  mol^  received-     I  intend  not  accidental  abufes,  which  from  ignorant  and 
unexperienced  Governours  muft  needs  be  many  :  but  fome  of  thofe  many  grievan- 
ces, which  flow  efTentially  from     the    Dodine    it    felf.      Firrt    for  one    High 
Commiliion    we    fhall    have   a   Presbytery ,    or    young    High    Commillion    in 
every   Parifli.     Our  Bifliops  are  bound  to  proceed  according  to  Law  :  but  this 
new  Government  is  meerly  arbitrary,  bounded  by  no  Law  but  their  own  Confcien- 
ces.     If  the  Bifliops  did  us  wrong  we  had  our  remedy  by  way  of  appeal  or  prohi- 
bition :  but  they  admit  no  appeal ,  except  to  a  Synod ,  which  in  a  fliort  Sellion 
cannot  hear  the  twentieth  part  of  juft  grievances.     Our  Law  allows  not  a  Judge  to 
ride  a  Circuit  in  his  own  Countrey  ,   leaft  Kindred  ,  or  Hatred  ,  or  Favour  might 
draw  him  to  injuflice:  what  may  we  then  expe<fl  from  fo  many  Domcftical  Judges, 
whofe  atfedtions  are  fo  much  ftronger  than  their  reafons,  but  fiding  and  partiality* 
yet  they  bUifli  not  to  tell  us  ,  that  thif  U  the  Tribunal  ofChriji  :  Chrill  hath  but  one 
Tribunal   in  Heaven  ,  His  Kingdom  ii  not  of  thif  World.     That  thefe   are  Lares  of 
Chriji :  the  Laws  of  Chrift  arc  immutable ,  They  alter  theirs  every  Synod.     That 
their  Sentence  if  the  Sentence  of  Chrift  :  alas,  there  is  too  much  Fadion,  and  Pallion, 
and  Ignorance.     Heretofore  we  accufed  the  Pope,  for  faying  that  he  had  one  Con- 
iiltory  with  Chrilt ;  do  we  now  go  about  to  fet  up  Petty  Popes  in  every  Pariili^  and 
are  they  alfo  become  Infallible  in  their  Confil^ories ,  h  leaft  in  their  Conclufion,  not 
onely  in  matters  of  Faith  ,  but  alfo  of  Faft  ?  thefe  are  general  Grievanees. 

In  particular,  His  Majefty  fliallloofe  His  Supremacy  in  caufcs  Ecclcfiallical,  His 
Patronages,  His  Firft  Fruits,  His  Tenths  (  and  worfe  than  all  theie  )  the  dependaiice 
of  His  Subjeds  i  he  fliall  be  Subjrded  to  the  cenfurcs  of  a  raw  rude  Cato,  and  a  few 

do 


Discourse  II.  Ihe  SerpenUSal'z/e.  cqq 

Artificers :  They  (hall  lofe  their  Advowfons  (  the  people  mud  eledt  their  ownMi-  \ 

nilters, )  they  (hall  hazard  their  Impropriations:  the  two  eyes  of  the  Kingdom,  the 
Univeriities  (hall  be  put  out :  The  Clergy  ihall  have  their ftraw  taken  away, and  the 
number  of  their  bricks  doubled  :  The  people  (hall  groan  under  the  Decrees  of  a 
multitude  of  ignorant  unexperienced  Governours  ,  be  divided  into  Fadlions  about 
the  choice  of  their  Paltors  ,  be  fubjcd  to  cenfure  in  fundry  Courts  for  the  fame  of- 
fence, be  burthened  with  Lay-Elders  ,  who  if  they  pleafe  may  expcd,  according 
to  the  Apoltolical  Inltitution  (  upon  their  grounds,)  double  honour ,  that  is,  main- 
tenance: If  there  arife  a  private  jar  between  the  Parent  and  the  Child,  the  Husband 
and  the  Wife  ,  they  mu(t  know  it  and  cenfure  it : 

Scire  volmtt  fecreta  dotnttf ,  atque  inde  tirtteri. 

All  men  mu(t  undergo  the  danger  of  contrary  commands  ,  from    coordinate  * ' 

Judges ,  than  which  nothing  can  be  nrore  pernicious  to  the  confciences  or  elktes 
of  men, 

■ —  NuVa  hie  arcana  reve  lo, 

Thefe  are  a  part  of  the  Fruits ,  of  their  moft  received  Government  who  oppofc 
Bi(hops  :  if  they  do  not  all  (hew  themfelves  in  all  places,  remember  the  Obferver's 
caution  ,  They  vcanted  forver  to  introduce  them  as  yet.  As  fome  Plants  thrive  beftin 
the  (hade  :  fo  if  this  Form  of  Regiment  {hall  agree  beft  with  the  conlHtution  of  fome 
le(rer  Commonwealths ,  much  good  may  it  do  them,  fo  they  will  let  us  enjoy  the 
like  favour, 

Petimmqi  damitfque  vicipm. 

Eighthly,  thofe  Arguments  which  they  urge  out  of  Scripture  againlt  Epifcopa- 
cy,  are  mere  milUkes,  confounding  the  power  of  Superiority  it  felf ,  with  the  vi- 
tious  a(fc<Sation  or  Tyrannical  abufe  of  iti  and  are  none  of  them  to  the  purpofe. 
As  thofe  two  Texts  that  are  moft  hotly  urged,  7he  Kings  of  the  Gentiles  exercife  do- 
minion over  them  ,  hut  ye  jhaU  not  be  fo  :  and  that  of  Sf.  Pffer  ,   Neither  en  being  Lords  Luke  22  2$. 
over  God's  Heritage^  but  being  enfamples  to  the  Flock.y  do  admit  as  many  Anfwers  al- 
moft  as  there  arc  words  in  each  of  them ,   but  they   are  not  needful  i  for  no  man  *  ^""  *  5' 
that  ever  I  read  of ,  did  fay  ,  that  Bilhops  had  any  (hch  Defpotical  or  Lordly  Do- 
minion annexed  to  their  office ,  but  oncly  a  Fatherly  power  ;  and  if  thefe  places  be 
to  be  underftood  in  that  fenfe  which  they  would  have  them,  they  do  as  much  over- 
throw all  their  new  Prefidents,  and  Moderators,  and  Viiitcrs,  and  their  whole 
Presbytery ,  as  they  would  have  them  to  do  Epifcopacy.  Neither  Chrift,  nor  S.  Fe- 
ter  did  ever  di(tingui(h  between  temporary  and  perpetual  Governours:  between  the 
Regiment  of  a  fingle  Perfon,  and  a  Society  or  Corporation.     They  like  not  the 
name  of  Lord,  but  that  of  Mafter  they  love  dearly:  yet  that  is  forbidden  as  much  as 
the  other.  Neither  be  ye  called  Majier ,  for  one  is  your  Mafter ,  even  Chrifl.  And  whilelt  w 
they  rejed  the  Government  of  a  Prefident  or  chief  Paftor,  yet  they  llile  their  own     "''  '^  '°' 
new  devifed  Elders,  KulingElders  ,  and  underftand  them  lUll  in  the  Scripture  by 
name  of  Governours. 

Ninthly,  Waving  all  thefe  and  all  other  advantages  of  Scriptures,  Fathers, Coun- 
cils ,  HKtories,  Schoolmen:  becaufe  it  is  alledged ,  that  all  other  Protellant  Chur- 
ches are  againft  Epifcopacy,  I  am  contented  to  joyn  the  ilTue  ,  Whether  Bithops  or 
no  Bifhops  have  the  major  number  of  the  Protefl:ant  Votes.  Firft,  The  practice  of 
all  the  Proteftant  Churches  in  the  Dominions  of  the  King  of  Stveden  and  Denmark^ 
and  the  moft  of  them  in  High  Germany  ,  do  plainly  prove  it  i  each  of  which  Three 
fingly,  is  almoft  as  much  as  all  the  Proteftant  Churches  which  want  Bifhops,  put 
together,  (  to  fay  nothing  of  hisMajefties  Dominions, )  all  the(e  have  their  Bifhops 
or  Superintendents,  which  is  all  one.  But  for  the  point  of  practice,  hear  Reve- 
rend Zanchy,  a  Favourer  of  the  Vifciplinarian  way  ,  In,  Ecclefipf  Protellatitium  non  de~ 
funt  reipfa  Epifcopi ,    &c.  In  the  Churches  of  Protejiants^  Bijhops  and  Archbifhops  are  nvi 

%X'L  real\ 


6oo 


The  S£rpent'Sahe. T  O  M  E  11. 


tWrl 


;e,]}y  r,anm<r  ,  (  x^hom  cha;iging  the  good  Greek  names  zmo  bad  L^ivr^^  Nanm  )       _ 

aS>iPc^-Ments,  and  general  SHfcnntendemi.     IVhere  neither  the  good  Greek  ^tames, 
HOT  bad  Latine  nams  taki  flace,  yet  there  afo  there  ufe  to  be  fome  principal  Vcrfo»s  ,  in 
rvhoie  hands  almo\i  aUthe  Authority  doth  reji.     Neither  is  their   praftice  difagreeing 
from  their  Dodirinc.     To  begin  with  thofe  who  riril  were  honoured  with  the  name 
of  Protclbnts  ,  who  fubfcribed  the  Augufian  Confelfion  ,  among  whom  were  two 
Dukes  of  Saxony,  two  Dukes.cf  Luneburge  ,  the  Marquefs  of  Brandbttrge,thQ  Prince 
of  Anhalt,  and  many  other  Princes ,  Republicks,  and  Divines:  Thus  they  ,  Faci- 
le pofient  fJ'ifcopi  leoitimam  obedientiam  retinere,  &c.  Bijhops  might  eafly  retain  lawful 
obedience    if  they  did  not  urge  tu  to  keep  Iraditians  ,  which  rvith  a  good  confcience  cannot 
,,    l>ek:pt-     Again,  Nunc  non  id  agitur^  8cc.  Jt  vs  not  non>  fought  ^  that  the  Government  he 
»»«fl  £"/'/•    ta]iin  areay  from  Bifhops ■■,  hut th'n  one  thing  U  defired  ^:"Ihat  they  tviVfuffer  the  Gofpel  to  be 
purely  taught,  and  rekafe  fome  fetv  obfervances ,  which  cannot  be  k^pt  rpuhout  Jin.  This 
eeneral  Confellion  may  Iknd  for  a  Thoufand  WitncfTes,  under   which  all  the  Pro- 
teliants  in  Germany  did  (helter  thcmfelves.     To  this  I  may  add  the  Apology  for  the 
fame  Confeffion ,  Hac  de  re  in  hoc  Conveittu,  &c.  iVe  have  often  teftijied  of  thif  matter 
^f^'yR^*T  i>'  '^'^  Mctting,  that  ree  defire  rvith  aV  our    hearts,  to  conferve  the  Ecclefialiical  policy, 
'         and  the  Vegrees  made  in  the  Church  by  Humane  Authority.     Again  ,  T^hU  our  will,pall 
exciife  us  both  before  Cod  and  all  the  World ,  that  it  may  not  be  imputed  to  m,  that  the  Au~ 
Harm-  coufef,  thority  of  Eipops  rras  rveakiied  by  our  means.     The  Confellion  of  Saxony  is  fubfcribed 
Self  »9.p'29o  by  Seventeen  Superintendents  or  Bifliops.     The  5«mci;,Confetiion  is  fo  far  from  op- 
Harm,  (orfef,  p„j\„„  tjji  jfiritual  porver  of  the  Frelates ,  that  they  do   not  exclude  them  fromfecular 
Sect,ii,t,o<,  Qg^,^^y^fy,f -^  and  complaineth  of  great  wrong  done  to  their  Churches,  as  if  they 
did  feek^to  reduce  the  porver  of  Eeclefiajlical  Frelates  to  nothing:  And  molt  plainly  they 
declare  for  the  Ecclefiaftical  jurifdiftion  of  Bifliops,  in  the  33.  Chapter  of  the  fecu- 
lar  Magiftrate.     I  might  produce  the  Articles  of  the  Proteltents ,  and  more  Con- 
feliions ,  and  many  Witneffes  to  this  purpofe  ,  if  it  were  needful.     But   perhaps 
fome  fay.  That  thefe  are  ^\\  Lutherans ,  and  no  good  Protellants.     That   were 
ftrange  indeed,  that  they  who  made  the  proteftation ,  and  from  thence  were  called 
Proteftants  ,  keeping  tliemielves  to  the  fame  grounds,  fliould  become  no  Proteftantsi 
and  they  who  made  no  proteftation ,  nor  have  right  to  the  name,  but  by  communi- 
on with  them  ,  (liould  become  the  oncly  Proteftants.     But  to  fatisJie  them  in  this 
alfo. 

Upon  the  words  of  the  Auguftan  Confeffion ,  before  recited ,  the  obfervation"?  fet 
forth  in  the  name  of  the  French  and  Belgick.  Churches  ,  at  the  later  end  of  the  Har- 
0*/>  I        mony  of  Confelfions ,   do  divide  Bifliops  into  Three  kinds,     i.  Apoftolical,  of  Or- 
der not  of  Degree ,  common  to  all  the  Minifters  of  the  Word.     2.  Humane,  both 
of  Order  and  of  Degree  ,  which  they  confefs  to  be  ancient ,  and  defined  ,  and  cir- 
cumfcribed  with  many  old  Canons.    3.  Tyrannical  ,  in  the  Church  of  Kome,wm- 
dring  not  onely  withoul  the  Word  ot  God,  hut  a.\fo  extra  Canones £c]uilJtmos,wiih- 
out  thofe  moft  equal  or  juft  Canons,  which  laft  they  abominate  •,  but  of  this  more 
J,  in  the  next  Confideration.     They  fay  farther  ,  that  it  is  the  office  of  Godly  Magi- 

ftrates ,  to  fee  how  far  it  may  be  expedient  for  Bifhops  ,  to  have  fome  kind  of  civil 
QtLi^        Dominion:   and  upon  the  Si7W«j«i<,Confeffion  they  acknowledge,  th^it  Bijhops  may 
mali^  Lares  belonging  to  order  and  decency,  fo  it  be  not  done  arbitrarily,  but  by  the  judge- 
ment of  a  larvful  Synod;  and  what  do  we  fay  more?    You  have  alfo  feen  the  confef- 
fion of  the  Church  of  England ,  direftly  for  Epifcopacy,  which  neverthelefs  was  fo 
F«,Maft,  Ep  approved  and  applauded  by  the  Tigurine  Divines,  That  they  made  no  end  of  praifmg  cf 
<!(<  JevKcllutn,    it  ,  that  they  judged  nothing  to  have  been  ptihlijhed  more  perfeU  in  thofe   days,  that  they 
promife  ihemfehes  that  the  Frotejiant  Church  jhaH  never  rvant  a  Champion,  fo  long  as  the 
Authour  thereof  did  live  ■■,  yet  it  was  both  for  Bifhops ,  and  by  a  Bifhop.     Calvin  was 
no  Lutheran,  yet  he  fubfcribed  the  Auguftan  Confellion,  or  the  Apology  for  it,  or 
both.     And  in  his  Injiitutions  ,  he  defcribeth  at  large  the  Pvcgiment  of  the  Primitive 
Lib.  n.  cap.  4-  Church  ^  after  the  days  of  the  Apoftles  ,  That  though  the  Bipops  of  thofe  tim,s,  expref- 
Sect.  1334.    Jed  more  in  their  Canons ,  than  rvas  exprejied  in  the  Word  of  God  ,  yet  they  compnfed  the 
Tchnle  Oeconomy  of  the  Church  with  that  caution  ,  that  it  may  eafily  appear  that  it  had  al- 
moji  nothingjirj.nge  from  the  Word  of  God:  That  in  each  City  ,  the  Presbyters  did  chufe 
ene  of  their  number,  to  wham  they  gave  the  Title  of  Bifhop,  §ecially  leaji  dijfenfwn  might 

Jfring 


DscoURSE  II.  The  Serpent-Sahe.  <5oi 

jpringfrom  equality,  as  commonly  it  comes  to  pafs.     He  fhews  out  of  Sf.  Jerome  ,  That 
this  InlHtutioii  was  as  ancie/it  in  Alexandria  ,   as  from  St.  Mark.     He  proceeds  to 
{hew  the  end  ot  ArchbiOiops  ,  and  the  conftitution   of  Patriarchs :  and  concludes. 
That  tbli  kjad  of  Gjvemment  fame  called  an  Hierarchy  ,   by  a  name  improper ,  at  ieaji 
twt  ufi'd  in  theScripture.-but  ifrcepafs  by  the  name^and  lool^upon  the  thing  it  felfrve  ffull 
find  that  the  ancient  BJjhaps  did  go  abjut  to  devife  no  other  Form  of  novernin/j  the  Church 
than  that  tvhich  God  hath  prefcribed  in  hh  JFord.     There  might  be  fundry  other  places 
allcdged  out  ofhis  Epiltles,  and  other  his  lefs  occafional  pieces:  whereof  one  I  cannot 
omit,  at  prefent  to  be  found  in  that  very  platform  of  Reformation  which  he  prefent- 
ed  to  the  Emperour,  Princes,  and  States  AiTembled  at  Speyr.  lakm  nobis  Hierarchiam^  „^       i*jf. 
&c.  If  they  produce  us  I uch  an  Hierarchy  in  which  the  Bifhops  are  fo  above  others,  that  they  rehrm.EccU 
do  not  refuje   to  be  tmder   Chriji,that  they  depend  on  htm  as  their  onely  headland  live  to 
him,  in  which  they  fo  maintaiu  brotherly  fellovrfhip,  that  they  are  bound  together  by  no  other 
k^iot,than  that  ofhis  truth,  then  mu\l  Jconfefithat  there  U  no  Anathema  ,  vehich   they  are 
not  worthy  of,  if  there  be  any  fitch ,  who  obferve  it   not  with  the  greatejl  obedience.  ^''  R^^'^' 
Zancby  delivers  the  very    fame   grounds,   and  adds,  That  nothing  is   more  cer-  ^^a^'l'    rj 
tain   than   this ,  'that   Epifcopacy  was  received  into  the  Church ,  communi  confenfu  (fy-  otjir'vat' ' 
rotius  Reipublicse  Chrilnans,  with  the  common  confent  of  the  whole  Chrijlian  C'mmcn-  ineundim  /o» 
wealth  :  That  it  was  free  for  them  to  do  fo:  That  it  was  done  for  honeji  and  iuji  caufes  :  ^'""i' 
"That  it  cannot  be  mifliked :  "that  thofe  things  which  are  defined  and  received  by  the  Godly 
Fathers,  congregated  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  by  the  common  confent  of  all,  withctit  any 
contradiction  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  ,  though  they  be  not  of  the  fame  Authority  with  the 
Scriptures ,  yet  they  are  from  the  Holy  Ghnfl.     Qux  hujufmodi  funt ,  ca  ego  imjjro- 
bare  ncc  velim  ,  nee  audeam  bona  confcientia  ,  Such  as  he  had  neither  Will,  nor  confi- 
dence ,  nor  confcience  to  difallow.     Which  very  place  being  urged  by  Sarravia  agamll  ^!'f'^^^^ 
Bez^i,  he  clofeth  with  it ,  A  quominime  certe  diffentimm,  cum  Epifcpatum  iVum  mere 
Vivinum  &  Apoflolicum,  ab  humano,  mn  quaft  fuit  ilia  inter  fe   repugnantia,  fed  tantum 
ut  diverja  &  imparls  auUoritatvi  dijcernimiis.     From  which  opinion  of  Zanchy  we  do 
not    diflent ,    nor :  diltinguilh    that    Apoftolical    and  merely  Divine   Epifcopa- 
cy, from  this  other  which  is  humane,   as  if  they  were  repugnant  one  to  another,  P^i'i 
but  onely  diverfe  and  of  unequal  Authority.     The  fame  Book  is  full  of  fuch  places 
^od  fi  nunc  Ecclefite  Anglicans  inftaurat£,  &cc.  If  the  Englifh  Reformed  Churches  doe 
now  iiand  underpropped  with  the  Authority  of  Bi(hops  and  Archbifljops  ,  as  it  hath  come  to 
pafs  in  our  memories ,  that  they  have  had  Men  of  that  Order  ,  not  onely  notable  Martyrs, 
but  moft  excellent  Pajiors  and  VoCtors  ;  let  them  enjoy  that  fmgular  bhjjtng  ,  which  I  pray 
Cod  may  be  perpetual  to  tfjem.     And  el(e  where  fpeaking   of  humane  Epifcopacy    (as 
he  is  pleafed  to  call  it,  )  he  adds,  ^uofane  fruantur  ,  &c.  tFhich  let  them  enjoy  who  P-tge  I17 
perfwade  themfelves  that  the  right  ufe  of  it  may  be  obferved  by  them.     And  again  ,  Ab-  pj„  14. 
fit  ut  hunc  ordirtem,8cc.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  reprehend  this  Order  as  raflAy  or  proudly  ere- 
£ied ,  though  it  be  not  aVivine  or  fnerely  Apoftolical  conflitution:  whereof  rather  no  man 
can  deny  that  there  may  he  great  ufe,  as  long  as  good  and  holy  Bijhops  are  over  the  Church'-, 
let  them  enjoy  it  therefore  that  wiU  and  can.     This  &  poterint ,  and  can  ,  was  well  put 
in  :  it  was  not  the  unlawfulnefs  of  the  Ojrder,  but  the  inconfiftency  with  the  prefent 
State  of  Geneva,  which  excluded  it  thence.     And  having  fpoken  of  the  Apolloli- 
cal  Canon  ,  and  the  Superiority  of  the  Archbifhop  above  his  Fellow-Bifliops ,  he  Page^^^J. 
conclules,  ^idaliudhic  {}atuitur,5<.<:,What  elfe'vf  here  decreed,  hut  that  Order  which 
toe  defire  to  be  reftored  in  all  Churches  ? 

It  appears  then  plainly,  by  the  confellions  oi  Proteftant  Churclics,  by  the  Tc- 
ftimonies  of  the  molt  Learned  Divines  ,  yea  ,  even  of  thofe  that  lived  under  ano- 
ther Government ,  that  if  Bifliops  be  not  neceffary  ,  yet  at  the  lead  they  are  Law- 
ful. It  appears  that  three  parts  of  four  of  the  Proteltant  Churches ,  have  cither 
Bifhops  or  Superintendents,  which  is  all  one:  and  that  thofe  Churches  which  have 
neither  ,  yet  they  have  fome  Principal  men,  Primarios,  which  have  as  much  Pow- 
er as  Bifhops ,  viis  &  modis.  But  if  we  fliould  be  contented  to  leave  three  parts 
of  Protcflants  to  joyn  with  the  Fourth  ,  fhal!  we  find  them  unanimous  in  thi^?  No 
fuch  thing.  The  Helvetian  and  other  Churches  afcribe  the  Government  of  ths 
Church  to  the  Magiltrate ,  and  allow  no  Lay-Elders:  but  Geneva  and  her  Daugh- 
ters to  their  Presbyteries ,  yet  neither  the  Mother  is  like  the  Daughters ,  nor  the 
Daughters  very  like  one  another  i  as  hath  been  fnewed  in  part  before  in  this  Trei- 

Z  z  z  2  tifc 


^Q2  Jhe  Seipent-^Sal've,  TOME    II. 

"""Tu^-and  the  independents  are  for  neither  of  thefc  wayes:  And  all  Learned  men  do 

acknowledge  our  ^'tglip  Epifcopacy  to  be  Lawful ,  yea  even  the  prefenf  Prefidcnt 
d  rartcrs  of  Geneva  do  the  fame.     So  if  we  defire  confent  either  of  Proteftants 
i"  particular    or  of  ChrilHans  in  General ,  yea  of  the  whole  Catholick  Symboli- 
cal Church  ,'it  is  bell:  for  us  to  keep  us  where  we  are. 

"My  Tenth  and  Laft  Confideration  raifeth  higher,  that  according  to  their  grounds, 
who  have  been  the  greateft  Oppugners  of  Epifcopacy ,  the  Government  of  our 
'EncHlh  Bidiops  is  not  onely  lawful,  but  for  the  moft  part  necefTary  ,  not  onely  ne- 
ccfl'ary  but  even  an  Apoliolical  and  Divine  Inftitution.  This  feeming  Paradox  is 
yet  moft  certain,  and  their  oppofition  hath  been  but  beating  the  air.  For  the  clear- 
er manifelbtion  whereof,  we  muft  know. 

Firfi ,  that  the  greateft  impugners  of  Epifcopacy ,  do  not  feek  to  bring  fuch  a 
Parity  into  the  Church  ,  but  that  by  the  Ordinance  of  God  and  Vidate  of  Nature^  one 
Eezar  defeuf.     Presbyter  ought  to  be  Prefident  above  the  reft.  Ex  Dei  ordinatione  ferpetua  ,   neceffe 
p<ig.\$l-        fiiit ,  eji  &  erjt  ,  itt  in  Fresbyterio  quifpiam  &  loco  &  dignitate  primus  ^  adiioni  giiber~ 
}und£  fr£fit,  cum  eo  quod  ipft  JJivinitm  amibtitum  eft  jure ,  It  was  ,  it  is  ,  it  ever  (ball 
be  neceffary  ,  by  the  perpetual  Ordinance  of  God  ,  that  fome  one  in  the  Presbyte- 
Pai  140.      *y  ^5  ''^^^^  '^"^'^  •"  P'^*-^  ^"^  Dignity  ,  be  fet  over  the  adion  to  govern  it.     He  faith 
that  even  then  ,  whileft  the  appellation  of  Bifliops  and  Presbyters  was  common , 
yet  the  Presbytery  had  /«KW  aliquem  primum    we^sr'w   Treshyterum^    Some  one  to 
be  their  ruling  or  Prefidential  Presbyter.     He  faith  St.  Jerome  did  not  fo  dote  as  to 
Pat- 1^0*      dream  that  no  one  of  the  Tresbytery  rvas  jet  over  the  whole  company  in  the  ApnftoUck^iimes: 
and  takes  it  as  a  great  injury  ,  that  any  man  fhould  think  that  they  did  go  about  to 
2ihd\\i\\  omnem  uniuf  Epifcopen  ,  in  velfupra  c£terot  compresVyteros  ^  all  fuperfpedrion 
or  fuperintendency  of  one  above  his  Compresbyters.     To  the  fame  purpofc  faith 
^"^■ji^g^^ ^'  Calvine,  it  is  no  marvel  that  the  Twelve  Apoftlcs had  one  among  them  to  govern 
'^  '   '        the  reft  i  this  we  have  from  nature  ,  the  difpofition  of  Men  requires  it,  that  in  eve- 
ry Company  though  they  be  equal  in  power  ,   yet  one  (hould  be  as  Moderator. 

Secondly,  they  teach  (  notwithftanding  their  drowiie,  groundiefs ,  new-hat- 
ched conceit,  that  this  Prefidency  went  fuccellively  by  turns  among  the  Presbyters,) 
that  either  in  the  days  of  the  Apoftlcs,  or  immediatly  from  them ,  this  Epifcope  or 
office  of  fuperintendency  ,  became  Eledive  and  perpetual  to  one  man,  ^W  certe, 
Bezae  defenj.    reprehendi  nee  potefi  nee  debet ,  which  certainly  neither  can  ,   nor  ought  be   blamed  y 
p.  141, 142,  efpeciaVy  feeing  thii  ancient  Cuftom  rvas  obferved  in  the  famous    Church  of  Alexandria  i 
^'*3'  Jam  hide  a  Marco  Evangelijia  ,   Even  from  St.  Mark  the  Evangelift:.     So  as  the  Of- 

rice  is  of  Divine  Inftitution,  the  Form  of  Application  onely  is  human  :  yet  not 
meeily  human  neither ,  Hiimanum  nonfimpUciter  tamen^  fed  comparate^  nulla  cum  Tatrum 
&  tot  E,£clefiarum  injuria  appellavero^  I  may  call  it  human  tiot  fimply  ^  but  comparatively 
vpithout  injury  to  the  Fathers ^  or fo  many  Churches:  indeed  all  the  Churches  in  the 
World  ,  and  all  the  Fathers  that  ever  were. 

Thirdly ,  This  Prefidency  of  Order  ,  which  they  give  to  one  man  ,  even  upon 
their  own  grounds  is  not  deftitute  of  all  kind  of  Command  and  Power.  He  hath 
)us  regend£  communis  aUionis ,  a  right  to  moderate  the  adion  of  the  Colledge,  or  to 
F«i.li4-i87  govern  the  common  adion,  and  that  cfr/ix  legibus ,  according  to  certain  Laws. 
Firft  ,  a  right  to  moderate  the  adion  ,  that  is  ,  to  convocate  the  Presbyters,  to  appoint 
the  time  and  place  ,  to  propofe  matters ,  to  colled  the  Suffrages  either  by  himfelf 
or  by  fuch  as  he  appoints  ,  to  pronounce  Sentence.  Secondly  ,  certk  Legibus  ,  ac- 
cording to  certain  Lawsi  this  brings  us  to  the  true  queftion  where  the  water  fticks-- 
The  Law  of  God  and  the  Lawful  conftitutions  of  the  Church  ,  muft  be  the  juft 
meafurc  and  limits  of  this  prcfidents  commands,  of  His  compresbyters  obedience. 
So  that  Tyrannical  abfolute  Arbitrary  power  which  is  ufurpcd  by  the  Biftiop 
of  Kome  and  his  Inftruments  ,  is  rejeded  by  all  parties  on  the  one  lidc  ,  and  all  A- 
narchy ,  Ataxy  and  diforder  on  the  other  fide  \  yet  this  is  not  all. 

Fourthly  ,  This  Prefident  hath  another  power   by  Divine  Right ,  or  at  leaft  by 
QAv.  inll.1.4  Divine  Right  is  capable  of  another  power  ;  that  is  ,  not  onely  to  moderate  the 
c-  4.  jeH.  a,    whole  adion  by  his  Authority  ,   but  alfo  to  execute  that  which   is  decreed  by  common 
conjent.     Neither  can  this  executive  Power  in  reafon  be  limited  to  the  meer  execu- 
tion of  perfonal  Decrees ,  concerning  particular  perfons :  but  every  where  it  ex- 
tends it  felf  to  preparatory  adions  and  matters  of  Form.     Neither  dotli  it  reft  here 

but , 


Discourse     II.  The  Serpent -Sahe,  ^^2 

but  admits,  or  at  leirt  miy  admit  a  greater  Latitude  ,  even  to  the  execution  of 
Laws  i   efpecially  where  the  Law  is  clear,  the  Fad  notorious  or  evidently  proved  , 
where  Succeliion  and  the   pubhck  are  not  concerned  ,  where  the  prefence  of  the 
whole  Colledge  is  not  fo  lifcful  or  convenient ,  and  might  rather  incomber  thin 
expedite  the  bufinefs  ■>  and  all  this  more  or  lefs  according  to  their  certain  Litvj  ,  the 
feveral  eonftitutions  offcveral  Churches  :  always  to  the  whole  Body  of  the  Clergy, 
or  thofe  who  by  eledio.i  or  prefcription  do  reprefent  them  ,  the  power  of  makin^ 
and  altering  Laws  and  Canons  Eccleliaftical ,  and  to  His  Majefty  His  Royal  Power 
of  Affcnting  and  Confirming ,  and  to  the  Reprefentativc  Body  of  the  Kingdom 
their  power  of  receiving,  principally  in  cafes  of  moment :  and  likcvvife  referving 
to  the  Clergy,  either  rural  or  Cathedral,  according  to  their  dillind  capacities, 
their  refpedtive  power   of  Counfelling  ,  contenting  ,  or  concurring  ,  according  to 
the  conlHtutions  of  the  Church ,  and  Laws  and  Cuftoms  of  the  Realm  ,  which  as 
they  are  grounded  upon  Natural  reafon  and  equity  ,  fo  they  are  no  way  repugnant 
to  the  Law  of  God ,  whereof  there  are  yet  fome  footlkps  to  be  feen  in  our  Ordi- 
nations,  our  Deans  and  Chapiters ,  our  Semeftrial  Synods,  &c.     And  if  thefe  old 
Ti€gleded  Obfervations  ,  were  a  little  quickened  and  reduced  to  their  primogenious 
temper  and  conftitution  , perhaps  it  might  remedy  fundry  inconveniences ,  and  add 
a  greater  degree  of  moderation  and  authority  to  the  Government  of  the  Church, 
who  can  be  (b  ilupid  as  to  imagin ,  that  the  State,  and  Church,  and  people  of 
Geneva  at  this  day  ,   do  not ,  or  may  not  give  to  the  Prefident  of  their  Ecclefiafti- 
cal  Senate  a  perpetuity  of  Government  for  his  Life  :  or  inable  him  to  execute  fome 
Ecclefiartical  Laws ,  fo  far  as  they  fhall  fee  it  to  be  expedient  for  the  good  of  that 
Church  and  Commonwealth  ,  without  fwerving  from  the  inflitution  of  Chrifi:  ? 
This   might  yet  farther  be  made  plain ,  by  thole  comparifons  and  reprefentations 
which  Calvine  and  Bfza  do  bring  of  this  Epifcopal  or  Prcfidentiary  power,  or  a 
Conful  in  the  Senate  ,   of  a  Pretor  in  the  Court ,  of  a  ProvoR  in  a  Colledge  ,  of  a 
Steward  in  a  family:  they  ought  to  look    upon    him  as  their  Supcriour  and  Go- 
vefnour ,  and  he  upon  them  as  Brethren  and  Fellow-Elders.  This  is  that  which  our 
Englifh  Btfliops  claim ,  whereunto  they  are  intitled  by  the  Fundamental  Laws  of  the 
Land.     How  fir  the  power  of  the  Keys  ,   of  Ordination  or  Jurisdicftion,   is  appro- 
priated or  committed  to  them  ,  fingly  or  joynlly  by  Divine  Ordinance,  (  of  which 
Subjed:  great   Autiiors  upon  great  reafons  have  declared  therafelves  :  )  yet  in  our 
cafe  it  is  not  fo  queftionable,   where  another  Lawful  right  is  certain  :  and  this  clear 
iatisfidtion  of  Confcicnce  they  want,  who  are  (b  bulle  feeking  after  new  deviled 
forms  of  Ecclellaflical  Regiment.     And  herein  I  may  as  jullly  admire  the   excellent 
temper  of  our  Church  Government ,  as  the  Ohlerver  doth  of  the  Civil ;  I  hope  it 
is  not  in  either  of  us ,  tit  P iter i   Junonii  avem^  As  boyes  praife  the  Pf  jroci^,  with 
a  defire  to  pluck  his  Feathers,     The  Clergy  prefent ,  the  Bifliops  approve  ,  His 
Majesty  confirms,  the  Parliament  receives  :  all  parties  have  their  concurrence  ,  fo 
as  no  man  can  be  prejudiced  without  his  own  zOc.  If  we  alter  this  frame,  we  flaall 
have  a  better  in  Heaven  i  I  fear  not  upon  Earth. 

So  then  we  fee  that  upon  thefe  very  grounds  ,    which  have  been  laid  by  the 
greateft  oppofers  of  Bifhops  in  this  Age,   i.  There  is  a  fubordination  of  many  Pa- 
liours  to  one  prefident  by  Divine  Ordinance,  2.  This  Prcfidency,  orSuperinten- 
dency,  or  Epifcopacy,(  all  is  one, )  may  without  violation  of  Divine  Ordinance  be 
fettled  upon  one  man  for  his  life,  3,  This  Perfon  fb  qualified,  hath  a  power  Ef^ 
fentially  belonging  to  his  place ,  to  rule  and  moderate  the  publick  Meetings  and 
Adions  of  the  Church  :  yea  to   execute  the  decrees  of  the  whole  Colledge  ,  4. 
This  executive  Power  may  receive  a  farther  Latitude  or  extent,  from  the  pofitive 
Laws  of  men.     What  is  the  refult  of  all  this  >  but  that  as  Presbyterate  or  the  O.^ 
fice  of  a  Prielt  ,  Presbyter,  or  Minifler ,  (  Ifliall  wrangle  vvith  no  man  about  a 
name  ,  whilell  we  agree  upon  the  thing  )   is  of  Divine  Infiitution  ,  yet  ncverthe- 
lefs  there  is  fomething  human  annexed  to  it  •,  as  for  inftance  the  Ailignation  of  a 
fingle  Palior  to  a  particular  Parifh  ,  (  which  cuftome  was  rirR  introduced  by  Ev.i- 
riilm  ^  long  after  Bifliops  were  fprcad  over  the  World  )  fb  likewife  Epifcopacy  it 
felf  is  of  Divine  right,  yet  fomething  may  be  added  to  it ,  fome  extent  of  Power 
which  is  human  ,   and  yet  very  lawful  and  expedient :    wherein  every  Ciiurch  is  to 

be 


6o4- 


7hc Serpent.Sahe.      TOME  f  I; 

TTiTTnwn  ludcc.  It' to  this  which  hath  been  laid  of  the  antiquity,  univerfality, 
^ot  udc  (ccudty,  of  this  way,  dr..  we  (hall  add,  th.i  Arnbrofi  ,  A.jUn,  Chryjo- 
Zle  Clpu>,.  P4l ,  ^'I^anafms  and  very  many  others,  the  Lights  of  their  times, 
wre'noroncly  Defenders  of  Lpifcopacy,  but  Bilhops  themfelves,  there  can  remam 
no  fcriiple  to  LIS  of  this  Nation,  what  Church  Regiment  is  to  be  defired. 

But  lomc  do  fay  ,  Why  then  do  fundry  eminent  Protellant  Authours  inveigh  fo 
much  a'^ainil  Biftiops?  I  anfwcr  ,  It  is  not  fimply  againll;  their  Fundion,  bu!  a- 
cainit  tJK:  floth  of  Ibme  for  not  preaching  ,  or  the  pride  and  Tyranny  of  fome  par- 
ilar  perfons  i  and  more  efpecially  ,  it  is  againft  the  Komijh  Bifhops.     I  might  cite 


tacLii 


many  WitnclTcs  to  make  this  as  clear  as  the  Sunv  take  one  of  many  :  Neqne  vera  cum 

Beta  re 9.        ^^^^  j.^^    j-^^  Tyrannidif  eos  Epifcopos  veram   ChrijVt  Keligionem  profitemes  &  docentes 

fair  lib?       jfii(„(l,jl  aljlt  a  me  tarn  impudens  anoganth.     Neither  vchik  I  fay  thefe  things  ^   do  I  ac- 

ciife  thofe  Bijhops  of  lyranny ,  which  profefs  and  teach  the  true  Religion  of  Chriii  ^  far  be 

fiicb  impudent  arrojiance  from  me.     And  farther  he  faith,  that  they  are  to  be  acknow- 

Vage  126       Icdged  ,  obfervcd  ,  reverenced,  as  faithful  Paftors  of  the  Chriftian  Church.     And 

in  an  Epillle  to  the  then  Archbilhop  oi  Canterbury  ,  he  expreflcth  himfelf,  that  fuch 

invedives  were  never  intended  againft  the  Government  of  the  Englijh  Church  ,  but 

againft  Antichrijiian  Tyranny. 

'^Secondly  ,  It  is  objedled  ,  That  they  did  put  atvay  Bijhops.     1  anfwer,  That  fome 
Reformed  Churches  were  under  Biftiops  ,  who  w^re  cut  of  their  Territories^  as  the 
Helvetian  Churches  under  the  Eifhops  of  Confiance.     Others  were  under  Bi(hops  of 
another  Communion  ,  as  the  French  Churches :  others  could  not  both  continue  Bi- 
{hops  ,  and  bring  in  the  Reformation  of  Religion>  as  the  Church  of  Geneva:  others 
did  retain  Bifliops  under  the  name  of  Superintendents,  becaufe  the  old  name  had 
been  abufcd  by  the  Tfeitdoepifiopi  or  falfe  Bifhops ,  in  the  Church  of  Home  ■■,  by  the 
feme  reafon,   wefliould  neither  ufe  the  Name  of  Chrift,  nor  Apolile  ,  nor  Gofpel, 
nor  Sacrament ,  becaufe  there  have  been  falfe  Chrifts  ,  falfe  Apoftles,  falfc  Gofpel^, 
falfe  Sacraments.     Laflly,  Many  retained  both  the  name  and  the  thing-,  as  the 
Churches  o( England,  Sweden  ,  &c.     And  generally  all  Reformed  Churches  were 
defirous  to  have  retained  Epifcopacy  ,  if  the  Bifliops  that  then  were,    vvould  have 
joined  with  them  in  the  Reformation.     This  is  evident,  for  the  German  Churches , 
by  the  Augufian  Confeflion  ,  and  Apology,  That  Bifliops  might  eafily  have  retain- 
ed their  places  :  if  they  would  ,  they  proteft  that  they  are  not  guilty  of  the  diminu- 
tion of  Epifcopal  Authority.     And  for  the  Helvetian  Churches  ,  it  appears  by  that 
Letter  of  Zuinglim  ,  and  Ten  others  of  their  principal  Divines,  to  the    Bifliop  of 
Conftance,  in  all  humility  and  obfervancc  befeeching  him  ,  To  favour  and  helpforrvard 
their  beginnings  ,'as  an  excellent  wor^,  and  worthy  of  a  Bipop.-   They  call  him  Father  , 
Kenowned  Prelate,  Bifhop:  they  implore  his  clemency^  wifedom  ,  Learning,  that  he 
would  be  the  Ftrft  Fruits  of  the  Germane  Bipops  ,  to  favour  true  Chrijlianity  ^ringing 
up  a^ain ,  to  heal  the  wounded  confcience :  They  befeech  him  by  the  common  Chri(l,  by 
•  our  Chrijiian  Liberty  ,  by  that  Fatherly  affeSion  which  he  owes  unto  them ,  by  whatfoever 

was  Divine  and  Humane ,  to  look^  gracioufly  upon  them  :  ur  if  he  would  not  grant  their 
def  res  ,  yet  to  connive  at  them.  So  he  (hould  maks  hU  Family  yet  more  iHuJiriom ,  ajid 
have  the  perpetual  Tribute  of  their  praifei ,  fo  he  would  but  (Inw  himfelf  a  Father ,  and 
grant  the  rtqueji  nfhii  obedient  Sons  :  They  conclude ,  God  Ahiiihtypreferve your  Ex- 
Epijl'iTi  ceUency.  Thirdly,  For  the  Frrac/j  Churches,  it  is  plain  by  C^/wz  in  one  of  his  Epi- 
ftles ,  touching  a  Reformed  Bifliop ,  that  fliould  turn  from  Popery  :  that  he  may  re- 
tain his  Biflioprick,  his  Diocefs,  yea  even  his  Revenues  and  his  JurifdiUion-. 

Laftly  ,  it  is  objected  ,  That  Bifhops  have  been  the  Introducers  of  A ntichriftian  Ty- 
ranny ,  and  all  other  abufes  into  the  Church.  One  faid  of  Phylicians  ,  tiiat  they  were 
happy  men  ,  for  the  Sun  revealed  all  their  Cures,  and  the  Earth  buried  all  their  In- 
firmities: contrariwife  we  may  fay  of  Governours  ,  that  in  this  refpedt  they  arc 
moft  unhappy  men,  for  the  Sun  reveals  all  their  infirmities^  nay  more,  all  the  Enor- 
mities of  the  Times,  and  the  aberrations  of  their  Inferiours  are  imputed  to  them, 
but  the  Earth  buries  all  their  Cures.  Epifcopacy  hath  been  fo  far  from  being  an  ad- 
jument  to  the  Pope  ,  in  his  Tyrannical  invafion  of  the  Liberties  of  the  Church,  that 
on  the  other  fide,  it  was  a  principal  means  to  flay  and  retard  his  Ufurpation;  as  did 
wcllappear  at  the  Council  of  Tmzr,  how  little  he  was  propitious  to  tliat  Order, 

and 


Discourse   II.  The  Serpent  Sal'z/e^  ^o:; 

aod  by  the  example  oi'Grojled  Bifhop  o^  Lhttoln,  who  was  Malleus  Komamrmn,  and 
many  others:  and  now  much  the  rather,  when  Bifhops  acknowledge  no  dependen- 
cy upon  him.  No  Form  of  Government  was  ever  fo  abfolute  ,  as  to  keep  out  all 
abufcs.  .Errours  in  Religion,  are  not  prefently  to  be  imputed  to  the  Governraenf 
of  the  Church  ,  Arrius  ,  Velaghts^  6^c.  were  no  Bifhops.  But  on  the  other  fide  ,  if 
Billiops  had  not  been,  God  knows  what  Churches, what  Religion,  what  Sacraments, 
whai:  Chrift  we  (hould  have  had  at  this  day.  And  we  may  ealily  conjecture  by 
thaf  inandation  of  Se<fts ,  which  hath  almoft  quite  overwhelmed  our  poor  Church 
on  a  Hidden  ,  lince  the  authority  of  Bifhops  was  fufpended.  The  prefent  condition 
oi  England  doth  plead  more  powerfully  for  Bifhops,  than  all  that  have  writ  for  Epi- 
fcopacy  fince  the  Reformation  of  our  Church. 

I  have  made  this  Digreliion ,  by  occafion  of  the  Obferver's  fo  often  girding  at  Bi- 
fhops •,  he  may  either  pafs  by  it,  or  take  notice  of  it  at  his  pleafure.  There  are  fome 
fmall  remainders  of  his  Work,  but  of  no  great  moment  i  as  tliis.  That  there  if  a  di~ 
Jpjrity  hftiveen  natural  Fathers^  Lords  ^  Heads,  &c.  and  political.  Moft  true,'' though 
the  Obferver  hath  not  met  with  the  molt  appolite  inliances)  otherwifc  they  fliould 
be  the  very  fame  things  every  like  is  alfo  diflike.  He  conceives,  that  there  is  onely 
fome  fleight  refemblance  between  them:  but  our  Law  faith  exprefly  otherwile. 
That  his  Majelly  is  very  Head ,  King  ,  Lord,  and  Ruler  of  this  Realm  ,  and  that  of 
meer  droit  and  very  right.  Firft  ,  very  Head  and  Lord ,  and  then  of  meer  droit  and  ve- 
ry right:  It  is  impoliible  the  Law  (hould  fpeak  more  fully.  But  the  main  difference 
which  may  come  near  the  Queflion  is  this,  that  the  power  which  is  in  z  Father, 
Lord,  &c.  moderately  and  dirtindly  ,  is  jointly  and  more  eminently  in  a  Sovereign 
Prince ,  as  was  long  fince  declared  at  Eome  ,  in  the  cafe  between  Fahius  Maximus 
and  his  Son.  No  Father  could  deferve  more  reverence  from  a  Son^  yet  he  knew 
that  Domeilick  command  mult  veil  and  fubmit  to  political  •,  and  that  the  authority 
of  a  Father  of  a  Family  ,  doth  difappear  in  the  prcfence  of  the  Father  of  a  Country, 
as  lefTcr  Stars  do  at  the  rifing  of  the  Sun.  But  his  main  ground  is ,  that  the  King 
is  the  Father,  Lord,  Head,8cc.  of  his  Subjed:s  ^ii'i/m ,  but  not  coHJunUim  ,  if  you 
take  them  fingly  one  by  one,  but  not  of  an  intire  colledlive  Body.  So  it  (eems  his 
Majefly  i<;  the  King  of  Peter  ,  and  Andrew  ,  not  oi  England  ,  nor  yet  fo  much  as  of 
a  whole  Town  or  Village  ,  yet  the  Obferver  himfelf  can  be  contented  to  be  the 
Lord  of  a  whole  Manour.  I  conceive  he  learned  this  Dodtrine  out  oiSchola  Salerni, 
Anghrum  Kcgi,  &c.  If  this  afTertion  were  true,  how  extremely  hath  the  World  been 
deceived  hitherto  ?  and  we  have  all  forfworn  our  felves  in  our  Oaths  of  Supremacy  ' 

and  Allegiance.  His  Majefly  is  much  bound  to  him  for  rnaking  him  King  of  fo 
many  petty  little  Kingdoms:  but  zs't'ttw  ^wf?i«jfaid  oi Antiodms  his  Souldiers, 
when  their  Friends  did  fet  them  out  by  parcels,  for  Armies  oi Medes  ,  Eletnites  , 
Cadufians,  8cc.  That  all  thefe  in  one  word  were  but  Syrians.  So  his  Majefly  is  well 
contented  to  reduce  all  thefe  Kingdoms  oi  Miaocojms ,  into  one  Kingdom  of  Eng- 
land ,  if  he  may  hold  that  in  peace. 

Such  another  Paradox  is  that  which  follows  ,  That  7reafon  or  KebeVion  in  the  Suh- 
je&s  is  not  fo  horrid  in  nature  ,  as  o^pnfion  in  Suferiours.  One  of  the  moll  abfurd  opi-  ^"t^  ^9' 
nions ,  and  moft  deflrudive  to  all  Societies  ,  that  ever  was  devifed.  By  this  new 
Learning  ,  when  the  Mafler  (hall  correft  his  Servant,  without  fufhcicnt  ground  in 
the  Servant's  conceit  ,  he  may  take  the  Rod  by  the  other  end  ,  and  give  his  Maimer 
lome  remembrances ,  to  teach  him  his  office  better :  if  it  be  a  little  irregular,  yet  it 
is  the  lefs  fault  upon  thefe  grounds.  Doth  any  man  think  that  theObfcrver  in(f  rucls 
his  Family  with  this  Dodrrine  ,  at  Home  out  of  his  own  Chair  >  believe  it  not.  By 
the  very  equity  of  this  conclufion  ,  it  fhould  be  a  greater  fin  for  a  man  to  mifpend 
what  is  his  own  ,  than  to  rob  or  ffeal  that  which  is  not  his  own.  The  Supcriourj 
though  he  abufe  his  power,  yet  hath  a  right  to  it:  but  the  Inferiour  hath  none. 
How  difcrepant  is  this  from  the  judgment  of  former  times  ?  they  thought  no  crime 
could  be  fo  great ,  as  that  it  ought  to  be  puaiifhcd  with  parricide  :  or  that  for  dif- 
covcry  thereof,  a  Servant  fhould  be  examined  againll  his  Mafter  i  or  a  Child  againll 
his  Parent.  The  Law  of  Parricides  denied  ,  /?«cfm  vivo  ,  fluHuanti  mare  ,  njttfrago 
pnrtnm  ,  morienti  terram ,  defuntln  fepulchrtwu  TwZ/y  faith ,  They  were  to  be  fowed 
up  quick  in  a  Sack,  aud  fo  call  into  the  River :  not  to  the  wild  beafis ,  lert  the  ve- 
ry 


6o6 


The  Serpent  Sahe-  TOME  il 


rv  Bcartsfliould  become  more  inhumane  by  fuch  nourilhment:  not  naked  ,  left  they 
(hould  pollute  that  Element  which  purgcth  all  thmgs.  Our  Saviour  calleth  Ji,cIm 
a  Devil  Hjve  not  Jchofenyou  twelve  ,  and  one  of  you  vs  a  Vevil  ?  Why  a  Devil?  be- 
caufc  he' was  a  Traytor.    Let  the  Obferver  find  out  a  worfe  name  if  he  can. 

Such  another  is  his  comparifon,  between  the  thirty  Tyrants  at  Athens ^  and  the 
Cavaliers  at  Tc^'/feComparifons  are  odious  ,  I  defire  not  to  meddle  with  them.  But  it 
is  well  known  what  the  tliirty  Tyrants  were. i. They  were  a  Company  packed  toge- 
ther by  U'fancLr  iox  his  purpofe.     2.  They  are  called  oftimi  ,  good  Patriots,  and 
Adminilir'jiores  ^ei^ublk£  ^  the  Adminiftrators  of  the   Commonwealth.     3.  They 
had  the  pljcing  and  difpofing  of  the  Senators  or  Councils.     4.  They  made  the  Ma- 
gillrates  oi  Athens  out  of  their  own  FaAion  and  Clients.     5.  They  were  great  Pro- 
taners  of  Temples,  and  contemners  of  Religion,  as  appeared  by  their  command,  to 
pull  "theramnes  from  the  Altar.     6.  They  armed  3000.  of  their  own  party,and  dif- 
armed  all  others.     7.  They  filled  all  Greece  with  Athenian  Exiles.     8.  They  killed 
more  in  Eight  moneths,  tlian  the  Spartan  Wars  had  done  in  Ten  years,     p.  Conde- 
hant  leges  ^  they  ufurped  both  the  Legiflative  power  ,  and  more  than  that,  an  arbi- 
trary power  without  Law :  fo  there  was  need  of  a  Law,  that  no  man ,  tfhoje  name 
was  trritten  infuch  a  Catalogue ,  fljouldbe  jlaiH  fine  judicio  ,  without  lavpful  7ryal ,  o- 
ther  men  might.     And  yet  as  if  both  thefe  were  not  fufficient,  they  alTumed  an  ab- 
folute  power  over  the  Law  ,  and  againft  the  Law:  Ego  vero  tie  lege  hac  fe  tuerifofjit^ 
nomen  e]us  d<ko  ^  &  morte  condemno^  to  deprive   him  of  the  benefit  of  this  Law,  I 
blot  out  his  name,  and  condemn  him  to  dye.     Laftly,  They  had  their  turns,  ac- 
cording to  that  Prophetick  prcdidlion  of 'Z/'eMwew/,  when  he  had  drunk  up  the 
cup  of  poifon ,  and  caft  the  fnuife  upon  the  ground  ,  laying  ,  Fropino  hoc  Cutis: pul- 
chro,  a  health  to  gallant  Critias  the  Archtyrant  i  (  which  Story,  faith  'tully  in  his  7uf- 
culans,  no  man  can  read  without  tears-,)  and  (hdrtly  after Cri//i«-  followed  him  in- 
to another  world  ,  to  give  an  account  of  his  bloody  adminiftration. 

Such  flowers  as  thefe  we  find  ftrawcd  here  and  there  in  his  Booki  and  fo  he  con- 
cludes abruptly,  J  find  my  reafon  already  captivated ,  I  can  no  farther Whether  it 

were  done  to  amufe  the  World,  as  if  he  had  much  more  matter,  but  that  the  Prefs 
prevented  himi  or  that  all  this  while  he  hath  been  uttering  his  myfterious  Enthufi- 
afms  and  oracles,  and  now  (propiore  Veo )  he  is  rapt  into  an  extafie  or  trance  :  or 
Laflly  ,  Becaufe  he  was  as  confident  of  the  fuccefs  of  his  obfervations ,  as  the  Spa- 
Anti-Mack'  iiiards  of  their  invincible  Armado.  Zeno  (bmetimes  wanted  opinions  ,  but  never 
wanted  arguments :  What  weighty  reafons  did  the  Trancifcans  urge  on  both  lides, 
pro  &  contra  ,  and  with  what  fervour ,  even  about  the  colour  and  fafhion  of  their 
Habits?  I  have  heard  of  a  like  ftir  at  Amjierdam  about  Starch  :  When  men  ilretch 
and  tenter  their  wits  to  uphold  a  party ,  they  will  find  fomething  to  fay  ,  though 
itbe  in  praifeofHf//e«  ,  or  commendation  of  Fo/Zy.  It  is  dangerous  to  leave  old 
received  Rules,  upon  probable  and  fpecious  pretences  >  Kemove  rot  thou  the  ancient 
Prov.  a2j8  lo^„j^  ^  which  thy  Fathers  have  fet.  It  is  the  wifedom  of  the  5frpf«^ ,  to  Hup  her 
P&I.  58  5.  '■'""•''  ■>  ''g'^i"fi  the  voice  of  the  Charmer.  It  is  the  wiftdom  of  a  good  Chriftian,a  good 
Subjedl ,  to  prcferve  his  faith  to  God ,  and  his  Loyalty  to  his  Prince  ,  and  to  blels 
himfelf  from  the  Magical  Spells  of  all  fuch  Charmers  and  Obferwers. 


Page  if. 


DIS 


DtSCOURSE  III. 


607 


tr^^yi*^^ 'i'iX  ^J  ^] 


'^ 


DISCOURSE  III. 

T  O  M   E     I  T. 

Bidiop  BR.AMHALL*s  Vindication  of  himfelf  and  the 
Epifcopal  Clergy ,  from  the  Prcbbytcrian  Charge  of  Po- 
pery ,  as  it  is  managed  by  Mr.  Baxter  in  his  Trcatife  of 
the  Grotian  Religion. 


G  H  A  P.    I. 

Of  Mr.  Baxter  and  his  Boohj,    and  ^equefirations. 

Efore  I  faw  Mr.  Baxters  late  Treatife  called  ,  The  Grntian  Kelmon , 
it  was  to  me  ,  nee  beneficio  nee  injuria ,  neither  known  for  good 
nor  hurt.     I  acknowledge  the  very  Title  of  his  Boook  did  not 
pleafe  me.     Different  opinions  do  not  make  different  Religions. 
It  is  the  Golden  Rule  of  Juflice  ,  not  to  do  that  to  another    rvhich 
a  man  would  not  not  hive  done  to  himfelf.     He  would  take  it  unkind- 
ly himfelf  to  have  his  own  Religion  contradilVinguiflied  into  the 
Frelatical  Keligion  ,  from   which  he  doth  not  much  difTcnt ,  fo  he  might  have  the 
naming  of  the  Prelates,    zn^thtYreshyterianKeligion^   which  he  doth  profefs  for 
the  prc(ent  i  and  the  Independent  Keligion  y  which  he  (hiketh  kindly  by  the  hindi 
and  the  Anabaptitiical  Religion^  which  challengeth  Seniority  of  all  modern  Sedb.  And 
then  to  have  his  Presbyterian  Religion  fubdivided,  wther  according  to  the  number  of 
the  Churches,  into  the  E«g/i/^  Religion,  and  the  5coi//&  Religion,  and  the  Gallican 
Fxcligion ,   and  the   Belgian  Religion  ,  and  the  Helvetian  Religion ,  and  the  AHo- 
brogian  Religions  or  of  all  the  names  of  the  Reformers,  into  the  Calvinijiical  Religion 
and  Bron'«i/f/c<«/ Religion ,  Z«i«g//j«  Religion  ,   zni  ErajUan  Religion,  &c.     For 
all  thefe  have  their  differences.     And  fo  himfelf  in  his  Preface  to  this  very  Treatife 
admits  thofe  things  for  pious  Truths  ,  for  which  we  have  been  branded  with  the 
names  of  Papijii  and  Arminians ,  and  have  been  plundered  and  fpoiled  of  all  that 
we  had. 

Let  himfelf  be  judge  whether  this  be  not  to  have  the  Faith  of  our  Lird  J  efts  Chrii 
n-ith  rejped  of  Ferfons.  Jam.  2.1.  The  Church  of  Chrill  is  but  one  ,  o:.ie  Fold  md 
one  Shepheard,  ChrifVian  Religion  is  but  one,  one  Lord ,  one  Faith,  one  HiPe.  Then 
why  doth  he  multiply  Religions ,  and  cut  the  Chrirtian  Faith  into  ihreds ,  as  if  e.-e- 
ry  Opinion  were  a  Fundamental  Article  of  Pveligion  >  Let  him  remember  that  of 
S.  Uierome  ?  Jf  yaitjhal!  heare  thtfe  who  are  [aid  to  be  Chrijlians  any  where,  tj  be  de- 
nominated nnt  from  the  Lord  Jefui  Chrijl ,  hut  from  fome  other  perfon  ,  kjow  that  this  vs 
not  the  Church  of  Chnji  ,  but  the  Synagogue  of  Antichrijl. 

So  much  for  the  Title  of  Mr.  Baxters  Book,  now  for  his  defign.     His  main 

Aaaa  fcope 


■g^§        "  A  Vindkauon  of  Grotius  T  O  M  E  1 1. 

fcope  is  to  llu-w  that  Gmim  under  a  pretence  of  reconciling  the  Proceibnt  Chur- 
c'vs  with  the  Kwu'«  Church ,  hath  ac^ed  the  part  of  a  Coy-duck,  willingly   or 
unvvillin>'ly  ,  to  lead  Prote/tants  into  Popery.     And  therefore  he  held  himfelf  obli- 
iicd  in  3uty  to  give  warning  to  Protcftants  to  bivoareof  Grotm  bus  fohrvers  in  En- 
gland ,  reho  under  the  name  of  Epifcopal  Divines  ,  do  frofecute  the  defign  of  CaiTandet 
and  Grotius ,  to  reconcile  us  to  the  Pope ,    Fage  2.     And  being  preffed  by  his  Ad- 
verfary  to  naiiictliofe  Epifcopal  Divines  ("wr  dolofm  verfatur  in  generaUbus  )  he  gives 
r,o  inltance  of  any  one  man  throughout  his  Book,  but  of  my  felf.      I  fhall  borrow  a 
\vo\\\  with  Iiim  of  himfelf^a  word  of  GrofSfcf,antI  a  word  or  two  concerning  My  felf. 
firli  for  hittifclf ,  he  dotii   but  wound  himfelf  through  Gro//»j- his  fides ,  and  in 
Ivis  ccnfuring  Crotiuf,  teach  his  own  Fellorrfi  to  ferve  him  with  the  fame  (siWcc.Grotiiw 
and  Mr.  Baxter  both  profecutethe  fame  defign  oi' reconciliation  ,  but  Mr.  Baxters  oh- 
ied  is  the  Britijh  World  ,  and  Grotim  his  objed  is  the  Chriftian  World.     Mr.  Baxter 
as  well  as  Grotiiu  in  profecuting  his  defign ,  doth  admit  many  things  which  the 
greater  part  of  his  own  Fellows  do  rcjed:.     As  that  freterition  is  an  Act  of  Jufiice 
in  God.Fr^f.  Se£l.  y.That  God giveth  fufficient  Grace  (  in  the  Jcfuits  fenfe  )  to  thofe  that 
ptrifh  ,  Sell.  8.     That  redemption  is  Univetfal ,  tbey(  the  Synod  of  Port )  give  more 
to  Chriiis  Death  for  the  EkS  than  we  ,  but  no  kfithat  he  k^ows  of  to  hU  Death  for  all 
than  xpe-Seii.xo.Hc  is  as  much  for  free-will  as  we,they  allprofefs  that  man  hath  the  natu- 
ral faculty  of p-ee-wiy^Sed.i  i.Hc  who  had  all  hisotlier  Treatifes  which  I  did  never  fee, 
in  probability  might  find  much  more  of  the  fame  kind.I  do  aot  dillike  him  for  this, 
but  rather  commend  him  for  unwrapping  himfcIf  as  warily  as  he  could  without 
any  noife  ,  out  of  the  endlcfs  train  of  crrour.     And  for  other  points  wherein  he  is 
ftill  at  a  default ,  i  hope  a  little  lime  and  better  Information  ,   may  fet  him  right  in 
thofe  as  well  as  thefe.     But  others  of  his  own  party  do  believe  all  thefe  points,  which 
he  admits,  to  be  as  downright  Fop^ji  as  any  is  within  the  Walls  of  Kowe.     And 
with  the  fame  freedom  and  reafon  that  lie  cenfures  Grotius  ,  they  may  cenfure  fciw, 
for  the  Pope'x  talking  Horfe  or  Coy-duck  to  reconcile  us  to  Rome.     Neither  can  he 
plead  any  thing  for  himfelf,  which  may  not  be  pleaded  as  ftrongly,  or  more  ftrong- 
ly  for  Grotiui. 

He  may  objedt  that  thofe  things  which  he  admitteth  ,  are  all  evident  truths  ■■>  but 
fundry  of  thofe  things,  which  are  admitted  by  Grotius  ,  are  Popijh  errours.     This  is 
confidently  faid  :  but  how  is  he  able  to  make  it  good  to  other  men  .?   Grotius  took 
himfelf  to  have  as  much  reafon  as  Mr.  Baxter  ,  and  much  more  learnhig  and  read- 
ing than  Mr.  Baxter.     But  (iill  if  his  Fellows  do  no  more  approve  of  what  he  faith, 
than  he  approveth  of  that  which  Grotius  faith ,  they  have  as  good  ground  to  cen- 
fure him  ,  as  he  hath  to  cenfure  Grotious.     Thole  very  points,  which  are  admitted 
by  Mr.  Baxter  ^  are  cfteemcd  by  his  Fellows  to  be  as  grofs  and  Fundamental  errours, 
as  any  of  thofe  other  fupemumerary  points  which  are  maintained  by  Grotius.  But  to 
come  up  clofer  to  him  :  What  if  thofe  other  points  difpu ted  betwen  Groti^j- and 
him  be  meer  Logomachies ,  or  contention  about  words ,  or  mifiaken  truths  ?  He 
himfelf  confelTeth  as  much  now  of  all  the  Arminian  Tenets  ,  Tref.  Sc£l.  15.     lam 
grown  to  a  very  great  confidence ,  that  moji  of  our  contentions  about  thofe  [_  Arminian  3 
points  are  more  about  words  than  matter.     Again  ,  in  the  fame  Section  i  "The  Dodrine 
of  ihe  Divine  decrees  is  rejolved  into  that  of  the  Divine  operations.     Let  us  agree  of  the 
hji  ^  and  we  agree  of  the  former.     And  almojl  all  the  DoCfrine  of  the  Divine  operations 
about  which  ive  differ  ,  dependeth  on  the  point  of  Free-will ,  and  will  be  determined  with 
that.     And  how  far  we  differ  (if  at  all)  in  the  point  of  Free-will^   Sec.     1  fee  truth 
is  the  Daughter  of  time.     Now  our  Arminian  Controverfies  are  avowed  to  have 
been  but  contentions  about  words.     Now  it  is  become  a  doubtful  cafe  ,  and  defer- 
ving  an  ]f ,  whether  we  have  any  difference  at  all  about  Free-will  or  no.     The  wind 
IS  gotten  into   the  other  door,  fince  we  were  profecuted  and  decried  as  Pelagians, 
and  Enemies  of  Grace  ,  becaufe  we  maintained  fomc  old  innocent  Truths  which 
theChurch  ofEnglandznd  the  Catholih^  Church  ever  taught  Her  Sons,before  Arminius 
was  born.     Some  of  their  greateft  Sticklers  do  owe  a  great  account  to  God  ,  and  a 
great  reparation  to  us  ,  for  thofe  groundlefs  calumnies  ,  which  they  cal^  upon  us  at 
that  time.     For  the  prefent  I  onely  lay  down  this  disjundive  conclulToni  either  Mr. 
Baxter  and  his  Fellows  have  changed    their  Judgement  from   what  it  was  then , 

which 


ID rs COURSE  III-         Aad  Epifcopariant  from  Popery ^  ^qq 


wliica  iiuias  the  diltance  iccni  lels  now,  or  they  did  us  abominable  wrong  then  i 
or  both  thefc  propofitions  without  any  disjundiion  ,  are  undoubtedly  true.  Mr. 
Baxter^  who  was  fo  much  miftaken  in  his  Armiman  points  then ,  may  be  as  much 
milbkch  in  hi?  Grotian.  points  now. 

He  notcth  the  time  when  he  began  his  Book ,  April  p^  1558.  And  when  he  end- 
ed it,  April  14.  11558.  by  which  account  it  coft  him  but  fix  days  inclulively , 
comprehending  both  the  day  when  he  began,and  tlieday  when  he  ended.In  my  judg- 
ment this  circumftance  might  better  have  been  omitted.  Among  thofc  who  feem  to 
approve  his  work,  fome  will  afcribe  it  to  the  fortune  of  Augujhis  in  Suetonius  in  the 
life  of  Chudiuf  ^  ToYr  Jutox*" 'j  ■^?'V^* '™"'^'i«  happy  men  may  have  Children 
at  3  moneths.  Some  others  will  take  it  as  a  Symptom  of  vain-glory  :  other  men 
mult  dig  deep  to  lay  a  good  Foundation  :  but  Mr.  Baxters  happinefs  is  onely  by 
turning  the  Cock  to  fpout  out  whole  Pages  in  an  inftant ,  as  if  he  had  found  them 
fet  to  his  hands,  and  his  part  had  been  onely  to  imprint  them.  Here  was  neither 
mtilta  dies  ,  nor  miilta  litura  ,  neither  much  time  fpent,  nor  much  pains  taken  in  cor- 
recting. Thirdly  ,  All  men  will  fay  that  he  undervalues  his  Adverfary,  and  makes 
his  vidtorv  too  cheap  ,  without  either  blood  or  fweat. 

And  on  the  other  iidc  ,  among  thofe  who  diflike  his  Work  ,  fome  will  make 
bold  to  tell  him  ,  that  he  prefumes  too  much  upon  his  Readers  courtefie  to  publifh 
fuch  raw  undigelled  fanfies  upon  fewer  days  deliberation  than  the  Poet  requires 
years  ^  mnumque premjtttr  in  annum.  Others  will  not  ftick  to  fay  that  they  knew 
by  the  Trcatife  it  felf,  though  he  had  held  his  Peace,  that  it  coft  him  no  great  la- 
bour. And  LalHy ,  His  faddeft  and  moft  judicious  Readers  will  fufpedt  that  he 
hath  not  weighed  his  citations  as  he  ought.  Certainly  all  thofe  Teftimonies  which 
he  produces  out  of  Grotius  in  this  Book,  if  he  had  examined  them  as  exad^ly  as 
he  ought,  with  their  coherence  With  the  Antecedents  and  Cnnfequents  ■■,  and  com- 
pared them  with  thofe  Authors  whom  Grotius  doth  alledge  for  confirming  of  his 
own  Judgement ,  would  have  taken  up  thrice  as  many  days  as  he  affigneth  to  this 
Work  •■,  yea  though  he  had  made  ufe  of  Arilhiks  'Ball  and  his  Bajin  to  keep  him 
waking. 

Before  I  leave  his  owri  part ,  I  cannot  choofe  but  tell  him  that  I  do  not ,  I  can- 
not approve  of  his  defence  of  Sequejirations.  And  what  he  believeth  of  idJc,  ig- 
norant, unworthy  Pafloursthat  they  are  obliged  to  make  reflitution  ,  the  fame  do  I 
Hrmly  believe  of  his  Secjuejirators ,  that  without  rellitution  according  to  the  extent 
of  their  power  ,  they  can  have  fmall  hops  of  Salvation.  But  hrft  I  murt  crave  leave 
to  tell  him  ,  that  he  doth  utterly  miftake  the  queftion.  Firft,  he  doth  difown  the 
cafting  out  of  able  and  godly  Minijiers ,  becaufe  they  are  Trelatical  ^  or  fitppofed  Armini- 
ans  ,  or-  interejjed  in  the  late  Civil  differences.  But  we  know  that  the  greati.it  part 
of  fequeftred  perfons  were  fuchi  and  ejeded  for  thofe  very  reafons.  So  he  difowns 
the  queftien. 

And  as  he  difowns  the  queftlon,  fo  he  diverts  it  from  fequeltred  Minifters ,  to  ig- 
norant, unfufficient,  reading  Ministers.  There  was  no  need  why  he  fhould  have  put 
reading  Miniftersinto  his  Apology:  znd  yet  he  cannot  choofe  but  know  that  good  ufe 
may  be  made  ot  reading  Minilters  in  a  conftituted  Church  ■■,  and  that  there  is  much 
lefs  danger  of  them  than  of  ignorant  or  kdkious  Preachers.  Our  reading  Minilters 
of  all  the  Clergy  were  in  lealt  danger  of  their  Sequejlrators  ^  who  looked  more  at 
the  value  of  the  Benefice^  than  at  the  qualifications  of  thofe  perfons  who  were  turn- 
ed out.  He  who  doubteth  of  this  general  truth  ,  upon  inquiry  into  particular  ca- 
fes ,  may  quickly  fatisfie  hirhfelf. 

And  as  he  difowns  the  queflion  ,  and  diverts  the  queltiori ,  fo  he  begs  the  que- 
ftion  i  that  thofe  Minifters  whom  they  put  in,  were  incomparably  better  than  thofe 
they  turned  out.  No  ,  nor  yet  worthy  to  be  named  the  fame  fame  day  with  them.. 
Compare  thole  Proi/o/J/ ,  :iud  Prefidents ,  znd  Profefiors ^  and  Ffl/cw/ ,  :ir\dSchahrs. 
who  were  turned  out  of  our  Vniverfities ,  with  thofe  Bulritfhes  in  comparifon , 
whom  tor. the  moft  part  they  introduced  ,  or  read  but  the  Martyrology  of  the  City  of 
London  alone  with  an  impartial  eye  ,  and  confider  fadly  how  many  eminent  pcrlbns 
for  Learning  ,  Piety,  and  indultry ,  have  been  turned  out  of  their  Livelihoods, 
meerly  for  thofe  reafons  which  he  difowneth,.  and  dares  not  juftifie,     H.e  who  fhali 

A  a  a  a  2  do 


6io 


A  Vindication  of  Grotius  TO  ME   IT. 

TTthis  thing  fcriouflyT^^^a^oi^parc  them  with  their  crawling  Succeffours ,  wiJl 
.  ,  r  enoudi  to  write  upon  the  doors  of  their  habitations,  0  dnmus  antiqna  ! 
Zm^Man  domhraris  Vminc?  Froto  this  Foot  a  man  may  eafily  conjedure  the  pro- 
ton  ot  the  whole  Body,  and  what  have  been  the  fufferings  ot  our  Orthodox 
riVixv  throughout  the  whole  Kingdom,  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  God  and  manUiow 
iiJnv  of  thcnT  have  been  beggered  and  necelhtated  to  turn  Mechanicksor  Day-La- 
bourers i  how  many  imprilbncd ,  or  forced  to  forfakc  their  Native  Countrey, 
and  feck  tiicir  bread  among  Grangers  •,  how  many  have  had  their  hearts  broken  , 
fomertarved,  fomc  murthercd  ,  and  the  fpoyi  of  their  houfes  given  for  a  reward 
to  the  murthcrer.  But  this  is  a  fad  Subjed  to  dwell  upon.  God  Almighty  pardon 
thciiii  who  have  had  a  hand  .in  thefe  cruel  courfes  ,  and  give  them  true  Repentance. 
In  the  mean  time  their  Sequelirators,  notwithftanding  their  former  cenfures  againft 
all  Vluralijis^  and  their  prefent  pretended  felf-denial,  were  well  contented  to  hold 
pluralities  themfelves  with  confidence  enough. 

But  now  I  will  fuppofe  all  that  which  he  defires ,  and  which  he  is  never  able  to 
proves  yea  whkh  his  own  confciencC  tells  him  to  be  much  othcrwife ,  that  all 
pcrfons  who  have  been  fequeftrcd  op  turned  out  of  their  Benefices  by  them  ,  had 
been  fuch  undeferving  perfons  as  he  fcigneth  :  and  all  thofe  who  were  put  in  their 
places  ha.d  been  fuch  learned  ,  honeft  ,  and  Orthodox  Divines  i  fuch  as  out  qf  con- 
fcience  and  a  defire  to  do  good,  did  feek  as  much  after  the  ftipendiary  cures  of  Read- 
ing Miniftcrs ,  as  after  the  larger  Benefices  of  more  eminent  Scholars  •,  yet  thefe  fe- 
quertred  perlbns  had  a  juft  Title  to  their  Benefices  by  the  Larvs  of  England. 

That  which  was  theirs  by  Latp  ,  cannot  be  taken  from  them  without  Law  ,  or 
againlt  Law.  Dominion  is  founded  in  Nature,  not  in  Grace.  Nothing  is  more 
hidden  than  true  Grace  :  we  underftand  it  not  certainly  in  another,  hardly  in  our 
felves.  Therefore  if  Grace  (hould  give  every  one  that  pretends  to  it ,  intereft  in 
that  which  is  another  mans  lawful  Pofleflion ,  no  man's  Title  could  be  certain  to 
another  ,  fcarcely  to  himiclfi  from  whence  muft  neceflarily  follow  an  incredible 
confufion  ,  and  an  inevitable  perturbation  of  all  eftates. 

By  the  Laws  of  England  they  were  poffeired  of  their  Benefices,  andby  the 
Laws  of  England  they  ought  to  be  outed  of  their  Benefices.  They  who  decried 
Arbitrary  Government ,  lliould  not  be  the  onely  men  to  introduce  Arbitrary  Go- 
vernment into  England.  The  Law  o{  England  kT\Dweth  no  way  to  out  a  man  of 
his  Benefice  but  death,  ccjjion  ,  or  Deprivation.  It  knoweth  no  deprivation  but  for 
crimes  committed  againll  Law,  and  that  Law  more  ancient  than  thofe  crimes, 
rvhere  there  is  no  Law ,  there  is  no  Tranfgrefjinn  ,  and  where  there  is  no  tranfgrellion , 
there  can  be  no  deprivation.  The  Law  of  England  knoweth  no  deprivation  but  by 
pcrfons  to  whom  the  ancient  Law  of  Englandhzth.  committed  the  power  of  depri- 
ving. So  every  way  their  Sequeftrations  are  unlawful,  and  they  who  hold  them 
are  like  Moths  which  inhabit  in  other  mens  Garments.  Of  all  the  Commandments 
the  Eighth  is  moft  dangerous  i  other  Commandments  oblige  to  Repentance ,  but 
that  obligeth  both  to  Repentance  and  Reftitution.  His  inftances  of  a  Phyfitian^  and 
a  Commander ,  and  a  Pilot  ,  who  hold  their  Offices  ad  voluntatem  Domini  ,  fb  long 
as  their  Mailers  think  fit ,  are  not  applicable  to  a  Benefice ,  which  is  the  Inheritance 
of  the  prefent  incumbent  and  his  Succeffours.  Sequeftration  may  have  place  during 
the  vacancy  of  a  Benefice ,  or  until  the  decifion  of  fome  Procefs  depending  ,  or 
for  the  difcharge  of  forae  duty  which  by  Law  is  incumbent  upon  the  Benefice  i 
but  fuch  Lawlefs,  Arbitrary  Sequeftrations  as  thefe  were ,  are  plain  Robbery  by  all 
LawsofGodandlvfan. 


CHAP. 


DcscouRSE     III.       And  Epifcoparians  from  Popery^  5i, 


CHAP.  II. 

Of  Grotius ,  and  tvhiU  Communion  he  vpos  of 

NEKt  for  Grotius  and  others  of  his  charitable  way  ,  I  acknowledge  freely , 
that  1  prefer  one  page  of  Wicelius ,  or  CaJJander  ,  or  Grotius  ,  for  true  Judge- 
ment before  all  the  works  of  tauUrus  ,  and  Ten  more  fuch  Authors.  Yet  I  have 
read  fundry  of  them  ,  and  fometimes  have  approved  more  of  their  piety  than  of 
their  Judgement  ■■,  and  at  other  times  repented  of  the  lofs  of  my  time.  Yea  ,  I  do 
preter  thele  *^'rfc  betore  an  hundred  jan'wwg  wifhers  for  Peace  j  whileft  they  do  no- 
thing that  tendeth  to  the  procuring  of  Peace  :  particularly  ,  I  do  admire  the  trvo 
former  for  this  reafon  ,  becaufe  their  clearer  Judgements  did  pierce  fo  deep  into 
the  Controverfies  of  Religion ,  before  they  were  rightly  fiatcd.  And  their  free  Spi- 
rits dared  to  tell  the  World  impartially  what  was  amifs  ,  according  to  the  didates 
of  their  Confciences ,  though  with  the  hazard  of  their  Lives ,  without  any  other 
motive  than  the  difcharge  of  their  duties.  And  if  any  of  them  be  reviled  for  their 
charity  ,  the  greater  is  their  Retpard  in  Heaven. 

Yet  I  cannot  pin  my  Religion  to  any  of  their  Sleeves.     Flato  is  my  friend  ,  and 
Socrates  is  my  friend  ,  but  truth  is  my  beft  friend.     Perhaps  I  may  difapprove  fome 
things  in  Grotius  his  works  ,  or  fome  parts  of  them  ,  more  than  Mr.  Baxter  him- 
felf.     He  extolleth  his  book  of  the  right  of  the  Sovereign  Magijlrates  in  Sacred  things: 
But  when  I  did  read  it ,  he  feemed  to  me  to  come  too  neer  an  Eraflian  ,  and  to 
lelTen  the  Power  of  the  Keys  too  much  :  which  Chriji  left  as  a  Legacy  to  his  Church, 
It  may  be  he  did  wrke  that  before  he  was  come  to  full  maturity  of  Judgement,  and 
fome  other  things  \  I  do  not  (ay  after  he  was  fuperannuated  ,but  without  that  due 
deliberation  which  he  ufeth  at  other  times,  wherein  a  man  may  defirsGrotius  in  Gro- 
tius.    Or  it  may  be  that  fome  things  have  been  changed  in  fome  of  his  works,  as  I 
have  been  told   by  one  of  his  neareft  friends ,  and  that  we  (hall  (hortly  fee  a  more 
j^uthentick^Edition  of  them  all.     This  is  certain ,  that  fome  of  thofe  things  which  I 
dlllike  ,  were  not  his  own  Judgement  after  he  was  come  to  maturity  in  Theological 
matters. 

But  whereas  Mr.  Baxter  doth  accufe  him  as  a  Papiji ,  I  think  he  doth  him  wrong  : 
Nay  I  am  confident  he  doth  him  wrong  ,  and  that  he  oweth  a  reparation  to  his  me- 
mory. I  have  read  all  that  he  alledgeth  to  prove  him  a  Papift  ,  but  without  any 
conviction  or  alteration  in  my  Judgement.  And  I  believe  that  one ,  who  delighteth 
in  fuch  kind  of  contentions ,  would  find  it  no  difficult  task  to  clear  all  his  Obje- 
diions ,  and  demonftrate  the  contrary  out  of  the  writings  of  Grotius  himfelf ,  and 
others  of  the  moit  learned  and  judicious  Froteflants.  Sometimes  he  accufeth  him  of 
that  which  is  not  true  at  all  ,  fub  modo ,  as  it  is  alledged :  Nothing  can  be  fo  truly 
faid  ,  but  that  it  may  be  depraved  by  mifrelation  or  millnterprctation ,  or  inconfe- 
quent  inferences. 

At  other  times  he  accufeth  him  of  that  fir  Popery^  which  is  no  Popery  ,  the  great- 
er, and  better,  and  founder  part  of  Proteftants  being  Judges.  Yet  ii  Grotius  his 
Genius  had  been  fomewhat  lefs  critical ,  and  fo  much  more  Scholajiical ,  he  had  not 
lain  fo  open  to  Mr.  Baxters  accufations, 

Vnum  hoc  maceror  &  doleo  tihi  deejje. 

It  (hall  fjffice  me  to  fay ,  that  he  was  a  perfon  of  rare  parts ,  of  excellent  Learn- 
ing ,  of  great  Charity,  and  of  fo  exemplary  a  Life ,  that  his  Herceft  Adverfaries 
had  nothmg  to  objedt  againlt  him  of  moment:  but  were  forced  to  rake  into 
the  faults  of  his  Family  ,  which  whether  true  or  falfe  ,  was  not  fo  ingenioufly 
done.  . 

But  lca(\  any  man  might  chance  unawares  to  hit  his  own  Spiritual  Mother  out  of 
a  mi(take  ,  I  will  endeavour  to  give  him  fome  farther  light ,  what  was  the  Reli- 
gion of  Grotius.     He  was  in  affedfion  a  friend,  and  in  dellre  a  true  Son  of  the  Church 

of 


■^Ti  ^  Vcndicatjon  of  Grotius TOME  I  I. 

■ ':i%:,Und.     And  upon  his  Dcath-kd  recommended  that  Church  ,  as  it  was  legally 

clhbl^lied  to  his  If'fe  ,  and  fuch  other  ot  his  lamily  as  were  then  about  him  , 
oblikXin^  them  by  his  Authority  to  adiiere  firmly  to  it  ,  fo  far  as  they  had  opportu- 
nity And  both  my  felt",  and  many  others  have  (ecn  his  Wife  in  obedience  to  her 
Husbands  commands  ,  which  ilie  declared  publickly  to  the  World  ,  to  repair  often 
to  our  Prayers  and  Sacraments  ,  and  to  bring  at  leall  one  of  his  Grand-Children  to 
'  Sir  Hichard  Browns  houfc,  then  Refident  for  the  King  in  Fork,  to  be  Baptifed  into  the 
Faicii  and  Commimion  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  be  made  a  member  thereof, 
as  it  was  accordingly.  If  any  man  think  that  heknoweth"Gmi«j  his  mind  better 
by  conjedtural  confrqucnces,  than  he  did  himfelf-,  or  that  he  would  difTemble 
with  Ins  Wife  and  Children  upon  his  Veath-bcd ,  he  may  enjoy  his  own  opinion  to 
himfelf:  but  he  will  find  few  to  joyn  with  him. 


C     A  P.    III. 

No  Grotian  defign  in  England. 

ANothcr  branch  of  his  Difcourfeis ,  concerning  the  Grotian  defign  in  England. 
He  pretends  that  there  was  a  party  n/Grotius  his  foUorvers  in  England  ,  vcha 
priijeaited  hU  defign  of  reconciling  m  to  the  Pope,  under  the  name  of  Epifcopal  Divines  , 
Tag.  2.     That  Grotim  had  a  Pacificatory  defign,  all  men  acknowledge  i  and  he 
himiclf  extollcth  it  as  much  as  any  of  us  ,  Tr.  S.  3.     For  his  Pacificatory  defign  in 
generj.1 ,  I  talig  it  to  be  one  of  the  moft  Chrijiian  Noble  Bleffed  tporks  that  any  man  can  be 
imployed  in.     That  Grotim  was  a  Stalking-horfe  for  the  Pope  ,  or  had  any  defign  but 
in  Order  to  Peace  and  Truth  i  or  that  he  had  any  party  in  England  ,  who  follow- 
ed him  farther, than  he  followed  the  Truth  ,  after  all  Mr- B^ixffr/ pretences ,  we 
have  no  reafon  to  believe.  This  is  his  own  abfurd  and  groundlcfs  prefumption.  For 
certainly  Grotius  could  have  no  thoughts  of  introducing  any  Popiffp  errours  into  En- 
gland ,   who  looked  upon  the   Church  of  England  ,  as  the  right  medium  of  recon- 
ciliation.    Neither  were  there  any  genuine  Sons  of  the  Church  of  England  who 
thought  upon  any  change  either  in  T>o£irine  cr  Vifcipline.     We  may  fafely  take  our 
Oaths  of  the  Truth  thereof.     It  was  his  own  Party,  onely  his  own  party,  who 
were  plotting  and  contriving  a  change  underhand,  and  cried  out  againfi:  other  mens 
feigned  innovations,  to  conceal  their  own  real  innovations.     But   how  doth  he 
make  it  appear  that  Grotim  had  fuch  a  party  of  followers  in  England,  who  fought  to 
reconcile  us  to  the  Pope  ?  If  it  be  fufficient  to  accufe ,  no  man  can  be  innocent. 
Let  him  fpeak  it  out  dirtindly  ,  we  fear  not  his  charge  ■■,  would  they  reconcile  us  to 
the  Pope  and  Papacy,  as  it  is  now  Ef^ablifhed  ?  Let  him  not  fay  it  for  fhame,  they  ab- 
hor it.    Or  would  they  reduce  the  Pope  to  what  he  was  from  the  Beginning  ,  and 
fo  reconcile  us  ?  All  good   Chriftians  joyn  with  them  in  fo  pious  an  Ad.     If  his 
own  meaning  do  agree  with  his  words  ,  he  himfelf  doth   not  quarrel  the  Pope 
for    his  yA\  rights ,  but  for  his  innovations.     If  he  mean  it  not  ,  it  is  a  double 
fiiame. 

His  Firfl  reafon  to  prove  that  there  was  fuch  a  party  of  of  Grotians  in  England , 
who  nourifhed  fuch  a  defign  ,  is  taken  from  Grotiiu  his  own  words ,  P.  5)6.  Paris 
hyjtoxvs  ,  and  many  throughout  France  ,  many  in  Poland  and  Germany  ,  not  a  fevp  in 
England  ,  quiet  per fons  and  Lovers  of  Peace  ,  that  Grotius  his  labours  for  Peace  ,  have 
mt  difpleafed  many  moderate  perfons.  He  addeth  ,  that  Rivet  agreed  better  veith  the 
Brownifts  ,  than  with  the  Bijhopsof  England.  For  pity  fake  let  him  fhew  us  wherein 
the  fircngth  of  his  argument  doth  lye.  He  may  as  well  perfwade  us,  that  we  fee  a 
Dragon  flying  in  the  air  ,  as  that  there  is  any  defign  of  introducing  the  Pope  couch- 
ed in  thefe  words.  Doth  the  ftrength  of  his  argument  perhaps  lie  in  this  ,  that 
there  were  Lovers  of  Peace  in  England  ?  So  there  were  all  over  Chrilkndom  before 
Grotim  was  born.  France,  Germany,  Poland ,  all  Chrifiendom  fliake  hands  with  us 
in  this.  He  himfelf  profefTeth  that  he  is  refolved  to  Jpeak^for  Peace  rvhilefi  he^bath  a 
Tongue  tn  fl'ea}{\  and  to  write  for  Peace  rchilejl  he  hath  an  hand  to  write  ,  p.  6.  Or 
doth  the  Itrength  of  his  argument  lie  in  this  ,  that  Kivet  agreed  better  with  the 

Brcrvn~ 


Discourse  III.       And  Epifcopjrians-  from  Popery.  <5l-^ 

Broi>?nHis  than  with  the  Eifhops  of  England?  Whether  he  did  or  did  not ,  whether 
it  be  true  or  falfe  ,  what  doth  this  concern  Epifcopal  Divines  ?  Such  are  his  proofs 
againft  Grotiiis  always  halting  on  one  llde  ,  moft  commonly  on  both  fides.  I  am 
afraid  this  great  mountain-delign  will  prove  but  a  ridiculous  moufe  in  the  con- 
clufion. 

He  asketh  ,  Jfhat  if  he  had  named  Eil^Kp  Goodman,  and  all  the  rabble  defn-ibed 
in  the  Lcgenda  lignea  ,  rvhich  are  more  than  Vr.  Vane  ,  and  Dr.  Gofte,  and  Dr. 
Baily  ,  and  H.  P.  de  Crellie ,  &c.  />,  pp.  I  anfwer  ,  Firft,  if  he  had  named 
thefe  for  Epifcopal  Divines  of  the  Church  of  England ,  of  whom  he  held  it  ne- 
ccffary  to  admonifli  his  Readers  ,  that  they  might  beware  of  them  as  promoters  of 
the  Grotian  defign ,  he  had  made  himlelf  guilty  of  one  of  the  groflell:  and  lilHeft 
calurnnies  that  ever  was.  For  fome  of  thefe  were  dead,  and  all  of  them  apoftated 
to  the  Church  ofRome  before  he  gave  his  warning.  And  Bifhop  Goodman  in  parti- 
cular ,  was  branded  by  the  Church  of  England  ,  for  his  inclination  to  Koman  Er- 
rors. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer ,  that  if  he  had  named  thefe  ,  he  had  wounded  his  own 
party  more  tiian  Epifcopal  Divines.  Abate  onely  Bifiiop  Goodman  ,  whom  I  did 
never  know  ,  and  of  the  rclt  whom  he  nameth  ,  not  one  was  throughly  a  genu- 
ine Epifcopal  Divine.  Excufe  me  for  telling  the  truth  plainly:  many  who  have 
had  their  education  among 'Sedlaries,  or  Non-Conformirts  ,  have  apoflatcd  to  Rome 
but  few  or  no  right  Epifcopal  Divines.     Hot  water  freezeth  the  foonelr. 

He  addeth  ,  That  Grotim  bimfelf  ajfures  him  (  vchom  he  bath  reafin  to  believe  )  that 
there  veere  not  a  few  fiich  among  the  prelaticalmen.  How!  not  a  few  fuch  as  thefe, 
who  have  apollated  from  the  Church  oi^ England.  For  ingenuities  fake,  let  him  tell 
us  where  Grotim  faith  any  fuch  thing.  Grotim  hath  not  one  word  to  his  purpofe  , 
when  it  is  duely  examined.  But  this  it  is  to  confute  Books  in  lefs  time  than  vt^ife 
or  modell  men  would  require  to  read  them. 

Hitherto  he  is  not  able  to  (hew  us  any  tolerable  reafon  of  his  warning.  But  he 
(heweth  us  the  occafion,  p.  82.  "thofe  that  unchurch  either  all  or  mojl  of  the  Protejlant 
Chnrchc!  ,  and  maintain  the  Roman  Church  and  not  theirs  to  he  true  ,  do  call  us  to  a 
moderate  jealojifie  of  them.  This  is  far  enough  from  proving  his  bold  fuggePion  that 
they  hive  a  defign  to  introduce  the  Pope  into  England.  So  though  all  he  fay  were 
true  :  yet  he  can  conclude  nothing  from  thence  to  make  good  his  accufation  or  in- 
finuation.  I  vvifli  he  would  forbear  thefe  imperfeft  Enthymematical  forms  of  ar- 
guing ,  which  ferve  onely  tacover  deceit ,  and  fet  down  both  his  propofitions  ex- 
preily.  His  afilimption  is  wanting  ,  which  fiiould  be  this :  But  a  conllderable  par- 
ty of  Epifcopal  Divines  in  England ,  do  Unchurch  all  or  mort  of  the  Proteftant 
Churches  ,  and  maintain  the  Koman  Church  to  be  a  true  Church  ,  and  them  to  be 
no  true  Churches.  I  can  affent  to  neither  of  his  propofitions,  nor  to  any  part  of 
them,  as  true,  fub  modo  ,  as  they  are  alledged  by  him. 

Firft  ,  I  cannot  affent  to  his  Major  propofition  ,  that  all  thofe  who  make  an  or- 
dinary perfonal  uninterupted  fuccelfion  of  Paftours  to  be  of  the  integrity  of  a  true 
Church  (  which  is  the  ground  of  his  exception  )  have  therefore  an  intention  ,  or 
can  be  juftly  fufpeded  thereupon  to  haveany  intention  to  introducethe  Pope.  The 
Ei^ern  ,  Southern  ,  and  Northern  Churches  are  all  of  them  for  fuch  a  perfonal  fuc- 
celliou  ,  and  yet  all  of  them  utter  enemies  to  the  Tope.  Secondly,  I  cannot  affent 
to  his  Minor  propofition,  that  either  all  or  anyconfiderable  part  ot  the  Epifcopal 
Divines  in  England  do  unchurch  either  all,  or  the  mofl  parf  of  the  Proteftant  Chur- 
ches. No  man  is  hurt  but  by  himfelf.  They  Unchurch  none  at  all ,  but  leave  them 
to  Hand  or  fall  to  their  own  Mafter.  They  do  not  Unchurch  the  Swedifl),  Vanijfj, 
Bohemian  Churches  ,  and  many  other  Churches  in  Poloni.i.,  Hiingarid  and  thofe  parts 
of  the  World,  which  have  an  ordinary  uninterrupted  Succeliion  of  Pallours,  fome 
by  the  names  of  Bifhops  ,  others  under  the  name  of  Seniors  unto  this  day,  {  I 
meddle  not  with  the  Sodnians  )  They  Unchurch  not  the  Lutheran  Churches  in  Ger- 
many ,  who  both  affert  Fpifcopacy  in  their  ConfelHons  ,  and  have  sdual  Supirintei> 
dents  in  their  pradice ,  and  would  have  Bijljops,  name  and  thing,  it  it  were  in  their 
power-  Let  him  not  miftake  himfelf,  thofe  Churches  which  he  is  fo  tender  of, 
though  they  be  better  known  to  us  by  reafon     of  their  Vicinity,  are  fo  far  from 

being 


■^ ~       "jfl'indication'Tf  Grotius  TOME  1 1. 

Tcinft  all  or  the  mojt  part  oj  thTF^tejiant  Cimrches  ,  that  being  all  put  together', 
thcv  amount  not  to  fo  great  a  proportion  as  the  Batannick  Churches  alone.  And 
it"  one  fccludcd  out  of  them  ,  all  thofe  who  want  an  Ordmary  {"ucccliion  without 
their  own  faults,  out  of  invincible  ignorance  ornecclb'ty  ,  and  all  thofe  who  de- 
fire  to  have  an  ordinary  fucceliioii  cither  explicitly  or  implicitly  ,  they  will  be  redu- 
ced to  a  little  flock  indeed.       ^     ^     .„  ,.  r       .  r,.       .    , 

But  let  him  fct  his  heart  at  reft  ,  I  will  remove  this  Icruple  out  of  his  mind ,  that 
he  may  fleep  fccurcly  upon  both  ears.  Epifcopal  Divines  do  not  deny  thofe  Chur- 
ches to  be  true  Churches  wherein  Salvation  may  be  had.  We  advife  them ,  as  it 
is  our  duty  ,  to  be  circumfpedt  for  themfelves ,  and  not  to  put  it  to  more  queftion, 
whether  they  have  Ordination  or  not ,  or  defert  the  general  pradife  of  the  Uni- 
vcrfal  Church  for  nothing  ,  when  they  may  clear  it  if  they  plcafe.  Their  cafe  is 
not  the  fame  with  thofe  who  labour  under  invincible  neceUity.  what  mine  own 
fenfe  is  of  it ,  I  have  declared  many  years  fince  to  the  World  in  Print  j  and  in  the 
fame  way  received  thanks ,  and  a  publick  acknowledgment  of  my  moderation  from 
a  French  Divine.  And  yet  more  particularly  in  my  reply  to  the  Billiop  of  Chake- 
dun ,  Vref.  p.  144.  and  cap.  i.  p.  164.  Epifcopal  Divines  will  readily  fubfcribe  to  the 
determination  of  the  learned  Bifliop  of  Ifinchejier  ^  in  his  anfwcr  to  the  Second  E- 
piftlc  of  Molinetts.  Nevertheleji ^  if  our  form  (  of  Epifcopacy  )  be  of  Divine  right, 
it  doth  not  follow  from  thence  that  there  is  no  Salvation  tpithout  it  ,  or  that  a  Church 
cannot  confiji  without  it.  He  U  blind  who  does  not  fee  Churches  confifling  without  it  ; 
he  is  hard-hearted  who  denyeth  them  Salvation,  Ife  are  none  of  thofe  hard-hearted  perfcns, 
ree  put  a  great  difference  between  thefe  things,  there  may  be  fomething  ahjent  in  the  ex- 
teriour  Regiment ,  which  is  of  Divine  Kight ,  and  yet  Salvation  be  to  be  had.  This 
miftake  proceedeth  from  not  diftingnifhing  between  the  true  nature  and  effence  of  a 
Church  ,  which  we  do  readily  grant  them ,  and  the  integrity  or  perfedion  of  a 
Church,  which  we  cannot  grant  them  ,  without  fwcrving  from  the  Judgment  of 
the  Catholick  Church. 

The  other  part  of  his  a/Tumption  is  no  truer  than  the  former.  We  do  acknow- 
ledge the  Church  of  Kome  to  be  Metaphyfically  a  true  Church  ,  as  a  Thief  is  a  true 
man,  confifting  of  Soul  and  Body  i  fo  did  BiQiop  Msrton^  Bifhop  Htii/,  Eifhop 
Davenant ,  old  Epifcopal  Divines  i  fo  did  Mr.Primrofe  ,  and  other  Presbyterian 
Divines  i  fo  doth  he  himfelf  in  this  very  Treatifc.  What  a  weaknefs  is  it  to  accufc 
Epifcopal  Divines  of  that  which  he  himfelf  maintaineth.  But  we  all  deny  that 
the  Church  of  Kome  is  morally  a  true  Church  ,  becaufeit  is  corrupted  and  errone- 
ous :  we  make  it  to  be  a  living  Body  ,  bat  fick  and  full  of  ulcers.  So  we  neither 
dcftroy  the  Body  out  of  hatred  to  the  ulcers ,  nor  yet  cherifli  the  ulcers  out  of  a  do- 
ting affedion  to  the  Body.  And  therefore  he  had  no  reafon  in  the  World  to  fufpetft 
Epifcopal  Divines  of  a  plot  or  defign  to  introduce  Popery  into  England ,  which 
they  look  upon  as  the  very  Gangrene  of  the  Church. 

He  pleadeth  a  reafon  why  he  doth  not  name  thofe  Epifcopal  Divines  who  had 
this  defign  for  fear  of  doing  them  hurt.  Seti.  70.  As  if  it  were  not  lefs  hurtful  to 
difcover  the  nocent ,  if  he  knew  any  fuch  ,  than  to  Subjed  the  innocent  both  to 
fufpition  and  cenfure  ,  by  his  general  defcriptions.  I  cannot  excufe  his  firrt  inti- 
mation of  fuch  a  defign  ,  bccaufe  he  had  no  ground  at  all  for  it :  but  I  can  eafily 
excufe  his  filcnce  now  ,  upon  another  reafon  ,  becaufe  I  am  confident  there  neither 
are  ,  nor  ever  were  any  fuch  defigners  among  the  Epifcopal  party. 

Whereas  he  ought  to  prove  his  intention  that  there  was  fuch  a  defign  ,  in  the 
place  thereof  he  gives  us  fome  fymptomcs  or  figns  whereby  to  know  the  defigncf;. 
This  is  one  great  fault  in  his  Difcourfe.  But  the  worA  is  ,  they  are  all  accidental 
notes  ,  which  may  either  hit  or  mifs  t  there  is  not  one  elTential  mark  among  them. 
His  firll  mark  is,  Ihey  are  thofe  that  aSually  were  the  Agents  in  the  Englifh  illegal  in- 
novations ,  which  kjndled  all  our  troubles  in  this  Land ,  and  were  conformable  to  the 
Grotian  defign.  Thofe  laft  words  \_  and  were  conformable  to  the  Grotian  defign  3 
were  well  added,  though  they  be  a  (hameful  begging  of  the  queftion  ,  and  figni- 
fie  the  fame  thing  by  it  fclf.  A  Ikangc  kind  of  proof:  for  without  thcfc  words  all 
the  World  will  take  him  and  his  party  to  be  the  illegal  innovators ,  and  no  body 
but  them.     The  Epifcopal  Divines  hold  their  old  Canons ,  their  old  Articles ,  their 

old 


Discourse  III.       And  Epifcoparians"  from  Fopery.  6\ti, 

old  Liturgy,their  old  ordinal,  ftill  without  any  change:They  took  the  Protcitationa- 
gainit  innovations  without  any  difficulty ,  and  are  ready  to  take  it  over  and  over 
again.  Their  fault  was  that  they  could  not  fwallow  down  New  Covenants  to  in- 
novate. His  party  have  changed  Canons,  Articles,  Liturgy,  all  things,  and  yet 
have  the  conhdence  to  cry  Innovators  hrlr. 

His  Second  mark  is,  T^hey  bend  the  coitrfe  nf  their  writing  to  make  the  Roman  Church 
Ixnmurable ,  and  to  vindicate  them  from  Antichrifiianifm^  md  to  make  the  reformed  Chur- 
ches odious.  This  is  a  poor  note  indeed  ,  as  if  men  were  obliged  out  of  hatred  to 
the  Church  of  Rome^  to  deny  it  that  honour  which  is  jurtly  due  unto  it ,  or  out  of 
aifedion  to  the  Protelbnt  Churches  to  jultirie  their  defers.  What  reward  did  ever 
any  Ew^/^/feProtcll-ant  get  from  Rome  for  doing  them  this  honour  <*  I  know  no  man 
who  honours  the  Church  of  Rffwe  more  than  himfelf.  He  calls  C«j(/i,Wfr  ,  Ihaule- 
riii  ,  Feruf^  Blejjed  Souls  rvith  Chriji  :  He  efteems  the  French  Nation  to  be  not  onely 
an  erroneous  ,  but  an  hnnourahle  part  of  the  Church  of  Chriji ,  p.  lo.  Epifcopal  Di- 
vines have  learned  to  di(tinguilli  between  that  great  Antichrilt  and  Icfier  Antichri(h, 
between  the  Court  of  Rome  and  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  he  confounds.  1 
dare  not  fwear  that  the  Pope  is  that  great  AntichrilV,  but  I  dare  fwear  that  I 
never  had  any  dclign  to  bring  Popery  into  England  ,  I  hope  I  never  (hall  have,  and 
that  all  genuine  Epifcopal  Divines  may  take  the  fame  Oath. 

His  Third  note  of  dilKnftion,  whergby  to  know  an  Effgli/fj  Grotian  is  this, 
'They  labour  to  prove  the  Church  of  Rome  a  true  Church  ,  becaufe  of  their  Srtc- 
ce^on  ^  and  the  Reformed  Churches  to  be  none  ^  for  want  of  that  Succejjion  ,  Seir.  71. 
This  note  is  already  anfwcred.  Elfewhexe  he  preffeth  this  point  farther  thusv  that 
be  would  gladly  kttotv  what  Church  haih power  to  makganew  Canon,  the  Observation 
whereof  (hall  be  Ejjential  to  a  Church  or  Pafior,  I  anfwer  ,  that  he  doth  doubly  mi- 
ftake  the  queltion,  which  is  not  whether  the  Catholick  Church  can  make  new  Ef- 
(entials  ,  but  whether  it  can  declare  old  EiTcntials.  Nor  whether  the  Canons  of 
the  Univerfal  Church  of  this  Age  have  Divine  Authority^  but  whether  they  do  ob- 
lige ChrilHans  in  Confcience,  and  whether  it  be  not  temerarious  prefumption  for 
a  particular  perfon  or  Church  to  flight  the  Belief  or  Praiftice  of  the  Univerlal  Church 
of  all  fucceeding  Ages. 

His  Fourth  note  o{  Grotians  is,  that  they  are  for  a  vifible  head  of  the  Vniverfal 
Church  ,  whether  Fope  or  General  Council.  They  who  are  for  the  headihip  of  a  Ge- 
neral Council  are  no  fit  inftruments  for  the  introdudion  of  the  Popes  Tyrannical 
power.  It  fcemcth  he  rcjedleth  the  authority  of  General  Councils,  either  part  or 
to  come  ,  as  well  as  Popes  :  fo  dare  not  we.  If  under  the  name  of  the  Univerfal 
Church  he  include  the  Triumphant  Church,  we  know  no  head  of  the  Univerfal 
Church  but  Chriil.  If  he  limit  if  to  the  Militant  Church  ,  we  are  as  much  againft 
one  llngle  Monarch  as  he  ,  we  diflike  all  Tyrannical  power  in  the  Church  ,  as  well 
as  he  :  yet  we  quarrel  with  no  man  about  the  name  of  Head  ,  or  a  Metaphorical 
cxprellion.  But  if  he  think  that  Chrift  left  the  Catholick  Church,  as  the  Ortrich 
doth  her  Eggs  ,  in  the  Sand ,  without  any  care  or  provifon  for  the  governing  there- 
of in  future  Ages,  he  erreth  grofly.  So  the  Catholick  Church  fhould  be  in  a  worle 
condition  than  any  particular  Church  ,  yea  than  any  Society  in  the  World  ,  like 
the  Cyclops  Cave  ,  where  no  man  heard  or  heeded  what  another  faid.  Particular 
Churches  have  Sovereign  Princes  and  Synods  to  order  them  ,  but  there  never  was 
an  Univerfal  Monarch.  And  if  he  take  away  the  Authority  of  General  Councils,  he 
leaveth  no  humane  helps  to  prefcrve  the  Unity  of  the  Univerfal  Church;  what  is  this 
but  to  leap  over  the  backs  of  all  Second  caufes  ?  The  firrt  Council  was  of  another 
mind,  It  feemed good  to  the  Holy  Ghoft  and  to  us ,  J£l.  15.  28.  And  fo  hc^ye  all  the 
Churches  of  the  World  from  Chrifts  time  until  this  Age. 

His  Fifth  Note  of  Grotians ,  "To  deny  the  fujicieitcy  of  Scripture  in  all  things  mccf- 
fary  to  falvation  ,  might  well  have  been  fpared ,  for  we  all  maintain  it  as  well  as  hci 
but  he  (huiflcs  into  the  Quertion  fuch  impertinent  and  confufed  Generalities  about 
the  peace  of  the  Church  ,  and  traditions ,  as  deferve  no  anfwer.  The  fafficiency  of 
Scripture  is  not  inconllrtent  either  with  prudential  Government,  or  the  neceffary^ 
means  of  finding  out  the  right  fenfe  of  Scripture.  When  he  exprefTeth  himfelf 
more  diitindtiy  ,  he  may  expeA  a  Categorical  anfwer. 

B  b  b  b  '  His 


-376 "      'J  Vindication  of  Grotius  T  O  lVl¥Ti- 

^is  hit  mark  is     that  tbey  will  not  be  prfwaded  to  joyn  on  any  feafinable  termei  for 

iheheaUnaof  ouTfrejem  divifwns.  This  depcndeth  upon  his  own  interpretation, 
what  he  ludacth  to  be  reafonable  terms.  We  have  feen  his  dexterity  in  making 
wounds  and  would  be  glad  to  have  experience  of  his  Skill  in  healing  them.  He 
comv)h\n=,onc\'j  oi  i'S^egal  Innovations.  Dare  he  Iknd  to  the  ancient  Laws?  If  he 
dare  the  Controverfie  is  ended.  If  he  like  not  this,  for  vvc  know  their  excepti- 
ons vvere  againft  the  Laws  themfe4ves,  not  againft  illegal  Innovations  i  let  them 
name  thofe  Laws  which  they  except  againft  ,  and  put  ic  to  a  fair  tryal ,  whether 
there  be  any  thing  in  any  of  them  ,  which  is  repugnant  to  the  Laws  of  God,  or 
of  right  rcafon.  If  they  will  but  do  this  feriouily  without  prejudice ,  the  bufinefs 
is  ended.  I  will  make  bold  to  go  yet  one  ftep  higher  ,  though  our  Lawes  be  un- 
blamable ,  yet  if  the  things  commanded  be  but  of  a  middle  or  indifferent  nature  , 
we  are  ready  to  admit  any  terms  of  peace  ,  which  we  can  accept  with  a  good  con- 
fcience,  fo  as  we  may  neither  fwerve  from  the  analogy  of  Faith,  nor  renounce  the 
nece/Tary  principles  of  Government,  nor  defert  the  communion,  and  ancient  and 
undoubted  cuftoms  oi  the  Univerfal  Church.  Such  an  accord  would  be  too  much 
lofs  both  to  you  and  us. 

He  would  perfwade  us  that  there  are  two  forts  of  Epifcopal  Divines  in  England, 
the  old  and  the  new.  And  that  there  U  much  more  difference  between  the  old  and  the 
netp,  th-m between  the  old  and  the  Presbyterians  ,  Se8.  6j.  O  conridcnce  whither 
wilt  thou  !*  what  is  the  power  of  prejudice  ,  and  pride  ?  The  contrary  is  as  clear 
as  the  light  ■,  we  maintain  their  old  Liturgy,  their  old  Ordinal ,  their  old  Articles, 
their  old  Canons,  their  old  Laws  ,  Practices,  and  Prefcriptions,  their  old  Do- 
drine  and  Difcipline  againft  them.  Then  tell  us  no  more  of  old  Epifcopal  Di- 
vines,  and  new  Epifcopal  Divines ,  we  are  old  Epifcopal  Divines,  one  and  all: 
out  ot  his  own  words  I  condemn  him  >  Ihe  old  fort  of  Epifcopal  Divines  that  recei- 
ved the  ptiblich^'DoBrine  of  the  Nation^  contained  in  the  ^9.  Articles  ,  Hnmilies  ^  &c. 
J  wholly  acquitted  from  my  jealoufies  of  this  compliance  ^  Sed.  12,  If  they  be  old  Epi- 
fcopal Divines,  who  maintain  the  Dodlrine  of  the  39.  Articles  and  Homilies,  then 
we  are  all  old  Epifcopal  Divines.  In  acquitting  all  them  he  acquitteth  all  us.  If 
he  can  ftiew  any  thing  that  I  have  written  contrary  to  thefe,  I  retradt  it :  if  he  can- 
not ,  let  him  retradl  his  words.  He  might  have  taken  notice  of  my  fubmiHion  of 
whatfoever  I  writ  to  the  Oecumenical  ejfential  Cbtrrch,  and  to  its  Keprefentative^  a  free 
general  Council '■,  and  to  the  Church  0/ England,  or  a  National  Englilh  Synod,  to  the 
determinations  of  all  which  ,  and  each  of  them  rejpeUively ,  according  to  the  di{tinci  de- 
grees of  their  Authority  ,  1  yield  a  conformity  and  compliance  ,  or  to  the  leaf:  and  lowcjl 
of  them  an  acquiefcence.  Vref.  to  the  Heply  to  Bijh.  Chalc.  So  far  am  I,  and  alwayes 
have  been  from  oppofing  the  Church  o(  England  wittingly. 

He  maketh  a  (hew,  as  though  he  could  make  it  appear ,  that  the  Crotian  defign 
was  the  caufe  of  all  our  wars  and  changes  in  England:  but  it  is  but  a  copy  cf  his 
countenance.  How  ftiould  the  Crotian  defign  be  the  caufe  of  all  our  Wars  ,  when 
our  War  began  before  Grotius  him(elf  began  his  defign  ,  or  to  write  of  the  reconci- 
liation of  Proteftants  and  Papifts,  which  was  in  the  year  1641,  and  1642.  But 
without  all  controverfie  ,  either  the  Crotian  defign  was  the  caufe  of  our  Wars  ■■,  or 
the  defign ,  and  more  than  the  bare  defign  of  his  own  Party.  The  World  knows 
well  enough,  and  I  leave  it  to  his  own  confcience  to  tell  him  whether  of  the  two 
was  the  right  Mother  of  the  Child. 

Though  he  fail  in  his  proofs  againft  Epifcopal  Divines  :  yet  he  produceth  fundry 
other  reafons ,  to  prove  that  there  was  fuch  a  Plot  on  foot  to  introduce  Popery  in- 
to England ,  but  they  do  not  weigh  fo  much  as  a  Feather  ;  nor  fignirie  any  thing 
more  than  this ,  how  cafily  men  believe  thofe  things  which  they  wifti.  He  faith  , 
Francifcui  a  Sanda  Clara's  defign ,  and  Grotius  h'n  defign  feem  the  very  fame  ,  and  their 
Religion  and  Church  the  fame  ,  Seti.  73.  Nay  certainly ,  (  that  is  more  than  feeming- 
ly  )  their  Religion  and  Church  was  not  the  fame  i  unlefs  he  mean  the  (ame  Chri- 
ftian  Religion,  and  in  that  fenfe  his  own  Religion  is  the  fame  with  theirs  ,  but  in 
his  fenfe  they  were  not  the  fame.  This  is  begging  of  the  queftion  which  he  ought 
to  prove  ,  Grotius  was  not  of  the  French  Communion.  And  for  their  deligns,  the 
World  is  fo  full  of  feigned  Plots  and  defigns  ,  that  I  do   not  believe  tliat  either  of 

them 


DrscoURSE  1 1  L  Aad  Epifcopctriant  from  Vopery^  (<  1 7 

them  had  any  dehgn,  except  tliat  general  and  pacihcatory  defign,  which  he  him- 
felf  profefTeth  and  extollech  every  where.  1  with  every  mans  Books  had  as  much 
Learning  and  ingenuity  as  A  SjnUa  Claras  have.  Yet  if  he  conclude  from  hence  , 
that  I  and  he  arc  of  the  fame  Communion  ,  he  doth  me  wrong.  JudgCj  Reader,  how 
partial  men  are,  to  deny  that  Liberty  to  another,  wliich  they  affume  to  them- 
(elves. 

He  proceedeth,  tins  A  Sanda  Clara  ifJliU  the  §>uee)ts  Chaplain^  &c.  Afid  roe  have 
reafrn  to  believe  the  §ueen  to  be  fo  moderate  as  to  be  of  the  fame  Religion.  Whether 
he  be  tlie  Queens  Chaplain  or  not,  is  more  than  I  know.  The  Queen  hath  had 
many  Servants  of  Mr.  Baxter's  own  Communion  ,  who  have  had  more  influence 
upon  her  Counfels  than  ever  A  SanSia  Clara  had.  He  hath  reafon  to  believe  ,  that 
the  Queen  and  he  were  of  the  fame  Religion  :  but  no  reafon  to  prove  that  fo  feri- 
oufly  and  fo  weakly  ,  which  all  men  acknovvledge.  That  either  the  Queen  or  he 
had  any  hand  in  the  pretended  delign  oiGrotiuf  and  his  Followers,  no  man  can  be- 
lieve. 

From  the  Queen  he  paffeth  over  to  the  King  i  what  to  do  >  to  accufc  him  of  Po- 
pery. He  cannot  prove  it ,  nor  all  the  World  to  help  him.  Yea,  he  profcfFcth 
openly  that/jf  believeth  no  fitch  thing.  Not  onely  his  Conference  with  the  Marquefs 
of  JForcelier,  but  his  Life  and  Death  ,  and  that  Golden  Legacy  which  he  left  to  his 
Son  ,  do  proclaim  the  contrary  to  all  the  World.  What  is  his  aim  then  >  To  llj;tv 
hoTV  far  he  was  inclined  to  a  reconciliation.  That  is  the  duty  ofi  every  good  Chnlti- 
an.  But  did  he  prefer  peace  before  truth  ?  Had  he  any  delign  to  introduce  Papal 
Tyranny  into  England  ?  That  is  the  crime  whereof  he  accufeth  thofe,  whom  he 
nick-nameth  Grmans.  The  Devil  himfclf cannot  juftly  objeiS  anyfuch  thing  againit 
him. 

He  cites  the  Articles  of  the  Spanijh  and  French  matches  \  but  is  not  able  to  cite  one 
word  out  of  them  which  maketh  for  his  purpofe.  And  this  alone,  that  there  is  no- 
thing in  them  for  his  purpofe,  is  a  convincing  proof  againrt  him,  that  all  his  pre- 
tended delign  is  but  a  dream.  I  may  well  call  it  his  de$gn ,  for  it  is  the  phantafir. 
of  his  own  brain  ,  and  never  had  any  cxiftence  in  the  nature  of  things. 

He  mentions  the  KDtgs  Letter  to  the  Fope  ,  xvritten  in  Spain.  If  he  himfelf  had 
been  there  at  that  time,  upon  the  fame  condition  the  King  was  at  that  time  ,  he 
would  have  redeemed  his  Liberty  with  writing  three  Letters  to  the  Pope  ,  fuch  as 
tliat  was ,  or  elfe  he  had  been  much  to  be  blamed.  Bui;  what  is  there  in  the  Let- 
ter? Is  there  any  thing  of  the  Crotian  deflgn?  No  I  warrant  you,  Obferve  how  all 
his  conjedural  reafons  make  diredtly  againft  himfell^  Perhaps  the  King  calls  the 
Pope  Mff/i  Holy  Father  ■■,  a  great  crime  indeed  ,  to  make  fuch  a  civil  addrefs  ,  which 
the  common  ufe  of  the  World  hath  made  neceiTary.  He  who  will  converfe  with  a 
Fryer  in  a  Roman  Catholick^Country ,  muft  do  little  lefs  i  and  he  that  will  write  to 
the  G>'Mf  TwrJ^^  mull  do  more.  Suchcompellations  do  not  (hew  always  what  men 
are  ,  but  what  they  ought  to  be,  or  what  they  are  ,  or  would  be,  efteemed. 

Next  he  tells  us  of  the  choice  of  Agents  for  Church  and  State.  Very  trifles.  Kings 
mult  chufe  their  Agents  according  to  the  exigence  of  their  affairs.  But  if  the  qua- 
litications  of  Agents  did  always  demonftrate  the  refolutions  of  Princes  ,  I  could 
more  eafily  prove  King  Charles  a  Presbyterian  ,  than  he  a  Grotian  ,  and  bring  more 
inltances  for  my  felf.  I  am  confident  he  cannot  inftance  in  any  one  Agent  for  Church 
or  State  ,  that  ever  had  his  Grotian  defign  ■■,  but  I  can  inftance  in  many  who  have 
had  contrary  and  worfe  defigns.  I  fhall  not  ftick  to  tell  him  with  grief,  that  which 
hath  been  in  a  great  part  the  caufe  of  all  our  woes.  In  fome  Courts  it  hath  been 
cfteemed  a  lingular  policy  to  nouri(h  two  Parties,  upon  pretence  that  the  one  might 
ballance  the  other  ,  and  the  one  watch  over  the  other.  But  it  proveth  too  otccii 
true  that  the  one  party  is  diigufted  ,  and  ordinarily  the  weaker  and  worfer  parry 
doth  countenance  heterodox  and  feditious  perfons,  to  augment  the  number  of  theit 
dependants ,  which  evermore  tendeth  to  manifeft  fedition.  By  this  means  the  rents 
of  the  Church  have  been  perpetuated  and  enlarged  ,  and  Subje.5l3  have  been  debau- 
ched with  deltruftive  and  feditious  principles  ,  the  evil  influeuce  whereof,  we  hav; 
felt  to  our  coft. 

He  proceedeth  to  the  Refi{Ien:e  of  the  Popes  Nuncios  in  England,     It  may  be  du- 

B  b  bb  2  rin^ 


6i8 


A  Vindication  of  Grotius  TO  M  E   II. 

rin^;  all  the  Kings  RdiM^^TT^^^^^uncio  and  his  ProAor  or  DcpTij^T^r 
two  NliikIos  at  the  molt.  And  it  we  had  never  had  them  ,  it  had  been  the  better, 
ot  (b  much  for  any  great  hurt  they  did,  but  for  that  opportunity  which  his  own 
neevilli  party  got  from  thence,  to  raiie  jealowfies  and  Panick  fears  among  the  Pxabble. 
Unlcfs  he  could  have  told  fotnething  that  the  Popes  Nuncio  did  in  England  tending 
to  that  end,  which  he  pretends,  he  might  as  well  have  inftanced  in  the  King  of 
Morrocco's  AmbafTadour ,  and  faid  that  he  came  over  to  convert  us  to  be  7urkj.  I 
thought  he  would  have  produced  the  Popes  BuH  to  his  Nuncio  to  reconcile  us  to 
Jiorrie;  or  at  Icaft  have  difcovered  fome  fecret  cabal ,  or  conferences  between  him 
and  thofe  Epifcopal  Divines  whomheaccufcth.  He  knoweth  well  there  was  no  fuch 
thing ,  and  therefore  it  were  much  better  to  be  filent,  than  to  urge  fo  many  things, 
and  to  fail  in  every  one  of  *them. 

His  next  inftaxice  is  in  the  Jefuits  Colledge  ,  which  had  been  much  better  omitted 
for  his  credit.  Did  the  King  found  the  Colledge  >  No  fuch  thing  ,  Was  he  a  Be- 
nefador  to  it  ?  Nor  that.  Did  he  give  the  Jefuits  Licenfe  of  Mortmain,  to  purchafe 
Lands  for  themfelves  to  that  ufe  ?  Not  fo  much.  What  did  he  then,  did  he  know 
of  the  Jefuits  and  the  Colledge ,  and  connive  at  them  and  it  ?  O  no.  So  foon  as 
ever  it  was  difcovered ,  it  was  fupprefTed.  By  the  fame  equity  he  might  accule  an 
Innocent  Prince  of  all  the  crimes  that  are  committed  in  hugger  mugger  through- 
out his  Kingdom  ,  and  make  him  head  even  of  the  Presbyterian  Rebellion. 

The  Lafi  of  his  odious  inftances  hath  le(s  fhew  of  truth  in  it  than  any  of  the  reft, 
how  vain  or  empty  foevcr  they  have  been  '■>  that  is ,  the  illegal  iyinovations  in  tvorjhip 
fo  refolvedly  gradatim  introduced.  Perhaps  he  calls  the  execution  of  old  Laws ,  inno- 
vations, becaufe  they  themfelves  had  taken  theboldnefs  to  difufe  them.  It  were 
better  to  fpare  this  charge,  left  they  get  a  round  peal  of  their  own  innovations  rung 
out  in  their  cars.     Theirs  are  innovations  indeed. 

To  conclude,  doth  he  think  that  fuch  diiloyal  and  uncharitable  infinuations  as 
theft  ,  are  falved  by  pretending  that  he  hath  not  the  leaji  defire  to  perfrcade  men  that  he 
teas  a  Fapiji  ■>  or  that  he  would  not  have  other  men  to  believe  it ;  As  if  he  ftiould 
fay ,  here  arc  violent  prcfumptions  indeed  ,  that  the  King  had  PopHli  inclinations : 
yet  my  charity  will  not  give  me  leave  to  believe  it ,  other  men  may  judge  as  they 
find  caufe  v  when  all  he  faith  doth  not  weigh  one  grain  in  the  Scale  of  reafon.  Our 
Ca(e-DiTinity  will  hardly  excufe  this  from  downright  Calumny.  But  that  is  their 
onely  weapon  ,  and  their  onely  Strength  ;  and  their  skill  hath  ever  laid  in  idle  and 
malitious  "fuggeftions. 


C  H  A  P.    I  V. 

7his   Plot  roeakiy  Fathered  upon.  Epifcopal  Divines, 

IMufcd  fomc  while  why  he  (hould  rather  farther  his  imaginary  defign  of  redu- 
cing the  Pope  into  England  upon  Epifcopal  Divines ,  than  upon  any  other  Di- 
vines. Forinthefirft  place  this  is  certain  ^  that  both  Presbyterian  Divines ,  and 
Independant  Divines,  and  Millenary  Divines ,  and  Anabaptiftical  Divines,  and 
each  fort  of  their  Divines,  (  if  any  of  them  may  be  allowed  that  Title  j  have  all 
of  them ,  and  every  one  of  them  contributed  more  to  the  reducing  of  the  Pope  in- 
to England ,  thaii  Epifcopal  Divines  ever  did  ,  or  were  likely  ever  to  do.  Men  do 
naturally  prefer  Antiquity  in  Religion  before  Novelty  ,  Order  and  Uniformity  before 
confufion,  comelinefs  ,  and  Decency  before  fordid  uncleanlinefs  i  Reverence  and 
Devotion  before  Prophanefs  and  over-much  fawcinefs  and  familiarity  with  God  •, 
Chriftian  charity  before  unchriftian  cenfuresi  conftancy  before  ficklenefs  and  frequent 
changes :  they  love  Monuments  of  Piety,  and  delight  not  in  feeing  them  defaced 
and  demolifhed  i  they  are  for  Memorials  of  ancient  truth,  for  an  outward  fpkn- 
dor  of  Religion,  for  helps  of  Mortification ,  for  adjuments  of  Devotion  ■■,  all 
which  our  late  Innovators  have  quite  taken  away.  Nature  it  felf  doth  teach  us 
that  God  is  to  be  adored  with  our  Bodies  as  well  as  with  our  Spirits.  What  com- 
fort can  men  have  to  go  to  the  Church,    where  they  fhall  fcarcclyfte  one  ad:  of 

cor- 


Discourse     HI.       -^nd  Epifcoparians  from  Popery,  5ip 

corporeal  DcTotion  done  to  God  in  their  whole  lives  ?  Thefe  are  the  true  rcafons 
why  the  Ho/wj/z  EmifTaries  do  gain  ground  daily  upon  them,  why  fo  many  apo^ 
itate  from  them.  If  the  Pope  have  a  fairer  game  in  England^  he  is  beholden  to  th:m 
for  it ,  not  to  the  Magistrates  Sword  ,  much  lefs  to  Epifcopal  Divines. 

Som:  may  perlups  urge  that  this  advantage  is  accidental  to  Epifcopal  Divines, 
therefore  I  propofe  a  fecond  contideration  «  that  Epifcopal  Divines  cannot  be  the 
Popes  Stalking  Horfes,  nor  promoters  of  the  Papacy,  without  deferting  their 
principles  about  Epifcopacy.  Epifcopal  rights  and  Papal  claims  are  inconfiltent. 
This  appeared  evidently  in  the  Council  of  7rent,  in  the  debating  of  that  great  Con- 
troverlie  about  Epifcopal  right ,  whether  it  be  divine  or  human.  Thus  much  the 
Si>.imfl}^  Pol,r,ua,t,  and  H'OJg^r/iJ/j  Divines  fa w  well  enough,  And  con ful ting  feri- 
oufly  about  the  Reformation  of  the  Church ,  they  could  find  no  better^round  to 
build  fo  noble  a  Fabrick  upon,  than  the  Divine  right  of  BilTiops,  as  the  ArchbiHiop 
of  Grj>«>ufo  well  obfcrved.     Hiji.  Cone.  T'rid.  I.  7.   p.  588. 

Father  Lti'ier  the  General  of  the  Jefuits  faw  this  well  enough  ,  and  concluded, 
that  it  is  a  tneer  coHtradiCiion  to  fay  the  Pope  if  head  of  the  Church  ,  and  the  Government 
Monarchical  i  and  then  fay^  that  there  U  a  porver  or  jurifdi&ion  in  the  Church  not 
derived  from  him  ,  but  received  from  others  ,  that  is ,  from  Chrill.  Hiji.  Cone.  Trid. 
ibid. 

Th(f  Popes  Legates  themfelves  found  this  out  at  lafl: ,  when  it  was  almoft  too 
late,  /.  7,  p.  Sop.  Odob.  ip,  iVhen  the  quejiinn  rvjffet  on  foot  in  the  beginning,  the 
Legates  thought  that  the  aim  rvas  nnely  to  ma\e  great  the  Authority  ofBijfjipf^  and  to  give 
them  more  reputation.  But  before  the  fecond  Congregation  rvas  ended  they  perceived  very 
late  by  the  voiees  given  and  reafons  ufed  ,  of  what  irhportance  aud  confequence  it  tvm. 
For  it  did  imply  ,  that  the  Keys  tvere  not  given  to  St.  Peter  onely  ,  that  the  Council  n>as 
above  the  Tope  ,  atd  the  Bijhop  equal  to  him  ,  n>ho  had  nothing  left  but  a  preheminennce 
above  oihers ,  &c.  the  Dignity  of  Cardinals  was  quite  tak^n  axpay  ,  and  the  Papal 
Court  reduced  to  nothutg. 

But  before  the  Papalins  difcovered  this,  the  party  bent  for  a  ferious  Reformation, 
was  grown  numerous  and  poterrt  in  the  Council.  The  Divine  Kight  oi  Bilhops 
wasinferted  into  the  Anathematifms.  Fifty,  Nine  of  the  prime  Fathers  voted  for 
it ,  befides  all  thofe  whom  either  an  Epidemical  or  a  Politick  Catarrh  detained  at 
home  i  notwithltanding  allthe  difTwafions  and  perfwafions ,  threatnings  and  pro- 
mifes ,  and  oth;r  Artifices  ufed  by  the  Papalins :  whereof  the  chiefeft ,  and  that 
which  faved  the  Court  of  Kome  from  utter  ruine  at  that  time  ,  was  to  reprefent  to 
the  Italian  Bifhops,  whofe  number  was  double  to  all  the  rert  of  the  Chriftian  World 
in  that  Council ,  (  a  very  unequal  compofition  )  how  much  they  were  concerned 
in  the  pfefervation  of  the  Papacy  ,  as  being  the  onely  honour  which  the  Italian  Na- 
tion had  above  all  other  Nations.  This  I  urge  tofhew  that  Epifcopal  Divines  can- 
not be  Papalins  without  betraying  their  own  principles.  The  very  name  of  Epif^ 
copal  Divines  renders  this  deiign  kfs  probable. 

Thirdly  ,  In  if  iling  them  Epifcopal  Divines  he  doth  tacitely  accufe  himfelf  to  be  an 
Anti-Epifcopal^  or  at  leaft  no  Epifcopal  Divine.  What  odious  confequences  do  ffow 
from  thence  ,  and  how  contrary  it  is  to  the  Title  o{ Catholick^^  which  he  gives  him- 
felf in  the  Frontijpiece  of  this  Treatife,  I  had  much  rather  he  fhould  obferve  himfelf^ 
than  I  colled.     Catholick  and  Anti-Epifcopal  are  contradidory  terms. 

From  Chrifts  time  till  this  day  there  was  never  any  one  Catholick^  in  the  Eafiern  , 
Southern  ,  or  Northern  Churches ,  who  profeflTed  himfelf  to  be  Anti-Epifcupal ,  but 
oncly  fuch  as  were  caff  out  for  Hsretickj  or  Schifmatickj.  The  fame  I  fay  of  the 
Wcjlern  Church  for  the  tirft  1500.  Years.  Let  him  (hew  me  but  one  foxmed  Church 
w-ichout  a  Bifhop ,  or  the  name  of  one  Lay  Presbyter  in  all  that  time  ,  who  exerci- 
fcd  or  challenged  Ecclefialfical  Jurifdi(ftion,or  the  power  of  the  Keys  in  the  Church 
before  Cdvins  return  to  Geneva  in  the  year  1538.  after  he  had  fubfcribed  the  Au^'t- 
ftiin  Confe  honand^/>rt/f'^_y  for  Bilhops ,  and  I  will  give  him  leave  to  be  as  Antie- 
pifcopal  as  he  will.  I  will  fhew  him  the  proper  and  particular  names  of  Apojiles , 
Evangelifls  ,  Bifhops ,  Presbyters  ,  Deacons  ,  in  Scriptures  ,  in  Councils  ,  in  Fathers  , 
in  H'iiories  i  if  he  cannot  name  one  particular  Liy-Elder  ,  it  is  becaufe  there  never 
was  any  f.ich  thing  in  rerum  natitra^  for  1500.  years  after  Chrift. 

I 


6'io 


A  1  wdication  of  Grotius TOME  U. 

TZlw  ndd  one  thins  more  tor  the  honour  of  Epifcopal  Government ,  that  all  tjie 
1  will  anu  oiii.  I  "' D  _     I  j.,<:,„,i  if     ;t  fU^,,  ^^,,u  u^„„  i,,j  :.       c i 


hvll  Fcf  )nncrs  did  approve  it ,  and  dclired  it ,  it  they  could  have  had  it.  Second 
Reformations  are  commonly  like  metal  upon  metal ,  which  is  falfc  Heraldry. 
After  the  If'aldexfes,  the  tirll  Retormers,  were  the  Bohemun  Bmhxcn  :  and  both 
thcfe  were  caretull  to  retain  Epifcopacy.  Take  their  own  TelHmony  in  the  Pre- 
face of  their  Book  called.  Ratio  T>tjciplin£  ^  Ordiiiifque  Ecckfiaftki  in  unit  ate  fra- 
trwn  Buhemonim,  lately  tranllated  out  of  Bohemian  into  Latin,  and  publiOied  by 
thcmfelves.  Ji'd  rvhcrejs  the  faid  Waldenfes  did  affirm  that  they  had  Uwful  Bifhops  , 
and  a  Ltrrfnl  umiiterrupted  fuccefiou  from  the  Apifiles  unto  this  d'y  ,  they  created  three 
ofimr  Miiiiliers  Bifhops  jokmnly  ^andconferred  upon  them  power  to  Ordain  Minijiers.  From 
that  time  this  Order  is  continued  in  all  their  Churches  until  this  day. 

The  Hcxt  Reformers  were  the  Lutherans.  Thefe  retained  Bifhops  name  and  thing 
in  the  Kingdoms  of  Sweden  and  T)enmarl{^,  and  the  thing  under  another  name  of 
fupcrintcndents  in  Germany.  The  Confellion  of  Saxony  is  fubfcribcd  by  feventecn 
fiipcrintendents.  Harm.  Conf.  Self.  ip.  p.  2po.  The  Srvevicl^  Confeliion  com- 
plaineth  of  great  wrong  done  to  their  Churches,  as  if  they  did  jeeh^  to  reduce  the 
poivcr  of  Ecclefiaftical  Prelates  to  nothin^^.  SeS.  ii.  p.  65.  And  in  Chap.  33.  Of 
the  rights  of  the  civil  Ma^i^rate,  they  declare  molt  plainly  for  the  Ecclefialtical  Jurif- 
didion  cf  Bifhops.  There  cannot  be  a  more  luculent  Teftimony  for  the  Lutherans 
approbation  of  Bifliops, than  the  Aumfian  confelBon  it  Q:%cap.  7.  de  poteft.  Ecclef. 
Jt  is  not  noTV  fought  that  the  Government  oe  tal^en  away  from  Bifliops  :  but  this  one  thing  it 
dcCired ,  that  they  r^iU  fuffer  the  Gofpel  to  be  purely  taught ,  and  rekafe  fame  few  Obfer- 
vatices  which  cannot  be  k^pt  wi^wtit  fin.  And  the  Apology  for  the  fame  Confeliion  , 
Cap.  de  numero  &  ufu  Sacrament.  'LhU  our  will  fhaH  excufe  us  both  before  God  and  all 
the  World,  that  it  may  not  he  imputed  to  m  that  the  Authority  if  BOfiops  was  tak^n  a- 
way  by  our  means. 

I  need  not  fay  any  thing  of  the  Britamnc\C\\uxc\\&i.  He  knoweth  well  they  ne- 
ver wanted  Bifhops  from  their  firfl  Converlion  until  thefe  late  Tumults,  wherein, 
our  Native  Country  was  purpled  with  the  Blood  of  E«g/{/fc  Subjedts,to  take  them  a- 
way  by  force  and  Rebellion. 

The  next  Reformation  was  the  Zuinglian  or  Helvetian  in  Switzerland ,  wherein 
as  they  erefted  no  new  Bifhopricks,  fo  they  pulled  down  no  old  ones.     There  was 
a  kind  of  neceHity  laid  upon  them  to  want  Bifhops  in  their  own  Territories  :  be 
caufe  the  Bifhop  of  Conjiance  under  whofe  JurifditSion  they  were,  was  of  another 
communion  ,  and  lived  out  of  their  Territories.     Bntthey  would  gladly  have  had 
him  to  have  continued  their  BiOiop  ftill.     They  made  their  addreffcs  to  him,  they 
courted  him,  they  befought  him  to  joyn  with  them  ,  or  but  to  tolerate  them.     For 
proof  of  this,  I  produce  that  famous  letter  written  by  ZwiMg/iwhimfelf,  and  ten 
others  of  their  principal  Reformers ,  to  the  fame  Bifhop  of  Conjiance  ,  Recorded 
in  the  Works  of  Zuinglius  ,  in  all  humility  and  obfervance,  befeeching  him  to  fa- 
vour and  help  forward  their  beginnings  ,  as  an  excellent  work^^  and  worthy  of  a  Bifhop. 
They  call  him  Fi^fkr  ,  Renowned  Prelate ,  Bifhop.     They  implore /;w  c/cwwcy,  wife- 
dvm  ,  learning  ,  that  he  would  be  the  Firfi-fruits  of  the  German  Bifhops,  to  favour  true 
Ckriftianity  giringing  up  again.     They  befeech  him  by  the  Common  Chriji ,  by  one  Chri- 
flian  Liberty  ,  by  that  Fatherly  affedion  which  be  did  owe  unto  them,  by  whatfoever  was 
Divine  and  Human  ,  to  loo\graciotfJly  upon  them  \   or  if  he  would  not  grant  their  defines, 
to  connive  at  them  \  fio  hejhould  mak£  his  Family  yet  more  illnftrious ,  and  have  the  per- 
l>eiHal  tribute  (f  their  praifes  ■-,  fo  he  would  but  (hew  himfelf  a  Father  ,  and  grant  the  re- 
qitefis  of  his  own  obedient  Sons.     They   conclude  ,  God  Almighty  long  preferve  your 
E>^cellency. 

The  Laft  Rcforrnation  of  thofe  which  heapproveth  ,  was  thdit  of  Calvin.  How 
far  Calvin  and  his  party  were  Epifcopal ,  or  Anti-Epifcopal  in  their  defires  ,  let 
their  own  Tef\imonies  bear  witnes.  Firft ,  Calvin  himfelf  acknowled^eth  that  he 
fubfcribcd  the  Augujian  Confeffion  formerly  mentioned,  or  the  apology  tor  it ,  both 
which  are  for  Bifliops.  And  in  his  ipo.  Epifilc  to  the  King  o{  Pohnia ,  he  rcpre- 
fenteth  Epifcopal  Government  as  tittell  for  Monarchies i  where  having  fhewed  the 
Regiment  of  the  Primitive  Church  ,  by  Patriarchs,  Primates,  Bifhops,  in  thefe 
words  [_  Ltdeed  the  ancient  Church  injiitute^  Patriarchs,  and  gave  certain  Primacies  to 

par- 


Dis CO u RS E  n  I.  And Ep'ifcoparian^  from   Pop^  5^ 

particHlar  Frovi,!ces     that  B.Jhnps  might  r'^n  bound  one  to  another  'h^imb^;j7Z: 

rnrd.  Hc  proceedeth  thus,  As ^f  at  this  day  one  Archbijhop  (hould  be  over  thii^^M- 
,us  Kingdom  ofPo\omz&c.  And  farther ,  there  fln,uld  be  aB.jhop  in  each  Chy  or  P,l 
vince,  to  .t<endpecuMy  to  the  prefervation  of  Order  :  as  nature  it  felf  dnh  MClate 
,n  us ,  ih.t  in  every  CoVedge  one  ought  to  be  chofen ,  upon  r.hom  the  priLL  care  of  he 
CnlledgeMd^-^li'^nd  in  h,s  .nrtitutions  having  deC-ribed  at  large  the  Re^^iment 
of  the  Prmm.ve  Church  ,  and  fl,ewed  the  end  of  Archbifhops ,  and  the  con(  kuti- 
on  of  Patriarchs  he  concludeth  that/3^,  called  thU  kind  of  Government  an  HieZ- 
chy^hyanametrnproperoratleail  not  ufed  ,n  the  Scripture.  But  ifr^epafsbythe  • 
name,  and  koKfon  the  thing  it  felf  rt>e  Jhall  find  that  the  ancient  B,Jhops  did  go  ahou  to 
devife  no  other  form  of  Governing  the  Church ,  than  that  n^hicJ,  God  hath  prefcribed  in  his 
Word.    lib.  4.  U^'  ^-  4-  Sea.  4.  t^  '^'  '"'''  '«  *'" 

And  in  his  Exhortation  touching  the  Neceffity  of  Reformation  to  the 
Emperour  ,  Princes  ,  and  States  of  the  Empire ,  affcmbled  at  Speyr  we  find 
a  raoft  clear  profeliion  of  his  Judgment  in  this  caufc.  Takm  nobis  H,crar- 
chiam  ,  &c.  If  they  make  tender  of  fitch  an  Hierarchy  to  m  ,  wherein  Bifhops  may  re- 
tain their  eminence,  fo  as  they  refufe  not  to  be  under  Chriji ,  and  have  their  dependance 
upon  him  as  their  onely  bead ,  and  refer  themfelves  to  him,  and  ohferve  fuch  a  brotherly 
Jociety  among  themfelves ,  and  be  bound  together  with  no  other  bond  but  the  truth  then  I 
confejl,  that  they  dejerve  all  forts  of  curfes  or  anathemof ,  if  there  be  any,  who  do  not  obferve 
it  with  reverence  and  the  higheil  obedience. 

Liy  all  thefe  together,  If  the  Law  of  Nature,  which  is  Divine  Law,  written 
in  our  hearts  by  God  himfelf,  and  needing  no  other  promulgation  ,  do  didate 
that  in  every  Society  there  ought  to  be  one  upon  whom  the  principal'care  of  the 
Society  (hould  reft  i  If  the  ancient  Bifliops  devifed  no  other  form  of  Governing 
the  Church  by  Patriarchs,  Archbifhops  ,  Bifliops,  than  that  which  God  had  pre- 
fcribed in  His  Word  i  If  they  deferve  the  fevereft  curfes  and  anathema's  ,  who 
(hall  not  regard  fuch  an  Hierarchy  with  reverence  and  obedience,  where  Chrift  is 
.  acknowledged  to  be  the  onely  head  of  his  Church,  where  the  Pafiors  are  freed  from 
all  Oaths  and  Obligations  to  the  Bifhop  oiKome,  let  him  be  his  of/n  Judge  what  they 
deferve,  according  to  Calvins  fentence,  who  have  deftroycd  the  Church  oi'England. 
Before  Calvin,  Farellus  offered  the  Billiop  o{ Geneva  terms  to  retain  his  Bifhoprick 
if  he  would  give  way  to  the  Retbrmation.  Beza  his  SuccefTjur  was  not  for  the' 
Divine  Right  of  Bifliops  in  exprefs  terms  by  the  Evangelical  Law  :  but  he  was  for 
the  Precedency  of  one  Clergy  man  above  the  reft  by  the  Law  of  Nature. 

From  Geneva  let  us  pafs  over  into  France  ,  where  we  find  M.mftcur  Mouline  as 
high  or  higher  than  any  of  them,  in  his  Third  Epiftle  to  the  Bifliop  of  iFinchejier. 
I  am  notfo  brazen-faced  as  to  give  fentence  again(i  thofe  lights  cf  the  ancient  Church  Ig- 
natius, Polycarpus,  Cyprian,  Auguftine ,  Chryfoflom ,  Balll,  the  ?rro  Greg'ories 
Nyjfene  and  Nazianzene  Bijhops,  as  againfi  men  wrongfully  created  ,  or  as  Vfurpers  of  an 
unlawful  Office.  The  venerable  antiquity  of  thofe  Primitive  Ages  fhallalrvays  weinh  more 
with  me  than  any  mans  new-fangled  Inftitution.  And  a  little  after  in  th^  fame 
Epiftle  ,  Ifpak^  with  honour  of  the  Bifhops  c/ England  ,  I  derived  the  Epifcopal  dignity 
from  the  very  cradle  of  the  Church  ,  I  condemned  Aerius ,  I  affirmed  that  St.  lames  wof 
Bifhop  of  Hietufalcm  ,  from  whom  the  fucceffion  of  the  Bifhops  of  that  City  was  derived 
by  a  Ions,  ^"'^  "f  Bifhops. 

Mr.  Blondel  in  his  needlefs  Apology  for  St.  Hierome  made  a  very  necefTary  Apo- 
logy for  himfelf,  and  (ent  it  to  Mr.  Rivet  to  be  added  as  an  Appendix  to  his  Book 
in  the  irnpreliion  of  it ,  by  whofe  negled  it  was  omitted.  And  now  having  men- 
tioned Dr.  Rivet ,  I  fliall  make  bold  to  add  ,  that  he  himfelf  did  intreat  a  Noble 
Eivl,  yet  living,  to  procure  him  a  dignity  or  Prebend  in  England,  as  his  Brother 
Mouli-'ie  and  Vojjim  had.  The  Earl  anfwered,  that  he  could  not  hold  any  fuch  place 
in  E'lgland  without  fublcribing  to  Epifcopacy  ,  and  the  Dodrine  and  Difcipline  of 
the  Englifh  Church.  And  he  replied,  that  he  was  moft ready  to  fubfcribe  to  them 
both  with  his  hand  and  heart. 

I  conclude  that  all  Divines  throughout  the  Chriftian  World ,  who  maintain  a 
ncceliity  of  Holy  Orders,  ever  were,  and  ftill  are  Epifcopal  Divines :  except  {cjme 
weaker  and   wilful  Brethren  j    who  for  their  antiquity  are  but  of  Yeftcrday     and 


-^  J  Viadication  of  Grotius  T  Q  M  E  11. 

for  their  Univcrfality  come  much  Ihort  of  the  very  Donatills  in   Afrkk.^  condemn- 
ed by  all  moderate  and  rational  pcrfons  of  their  own  Communion.     And  therefore 
Mr   Baxter  might  have  done  better  to  have  given  his  pretended  defigncrs  ,  a  lower 
and  more  diltindive  name  than  that  of  Epilcopal  Divines. 

It  will  not  help  him  at  all  which  he  faith,  pag.  21.  Jt  U  not  all Epifcupal  Divines 
rfbich  J  (uj^eSed  of  a  compliance  with  Grotius  and  Caflander  ,  no  not  all  of  the  later 
I'lniin  ,  e^c.  J  extended  it  to  none  of  the  neve  Epifcopal  Party  ,  but  fmh  as  I  there  de- 
fcribed.  His  dillinftion  of  Epifcopal  Divines  into  old  and  new,  is  but  a  Chimera 
of  his  own  brain  ,  without  any  ground  i  neither  doth  he  l>nngone  grain  of  reafon 
to  make  it  good.  And  by  his  plain  confeflion  here  ,  it  appeareth  that  this  great  de- 
i;>>n  is  but  his  owu  fufpicion.  To  accufe  men  of  a  deiign  to  introduce  the  Pope  into 
InsAand ,  merely  upon  fufpicion  ,  is  a  liberty  ,  or  rather  licenfe ,  to  be  abhorred 
oi  "ail  confcionable  Chriftians. 

Yet  of  the  old  Epifcopal  Divines  he  nameth  many  ,  Bilhop   Jewel ,  Tillqufon  , 
Hall  ^  Carlton  ,  Vavenant ,  htnrton^  Abbot  ^  Vfher  ^   ?  otter  ^  Downham  ^Grindal^Tar- 
k^er  ,  Hooper^  Farrar  ,  Cranmer  ^  Latimer^  Kidley  ,  and  Forty  more  Bijhfs  bere.     p. 
103.  as  if  fo  many  names  blended  together  confufcdiy  in  an  heap  as  an  hotchpotch , 
were  able  liiie  a  Mcdufas  head  to  transform  reafonable  men  into  flocks  and  Itones. 
If  he  had  made  his  Forty  up  an  Hundred,  he  might  have  found  inftances  enough  to 
have  made  it  good,  and  fundry  of  them  no  way  inferiour  to  any  whom  he  nameth, 
and  fuperiour  to  many.     In  commemorating  (ome,  and  pretermitting  others  ,  he 
fliewetlifometimes  want  of  Judgment,   always  refpedl  of  perfons.     What  his  de- 
fcription  was  ot  new  Epilcopal  Divines ,  I  do  not  know ,  (  having  never  feen  any 
Treatife  of  his ,  but  this  of  the  Grotian  Religion  v    neither  (houid  I  have  medled 
with  that,  if  he  had  not  brought  me  publickly  upon  the  Stage,)  neither  do  I 
much  regard.     But  howfoever  he  defcriteth  them  ,  he  inlhnceth  in  no  man  but 
my  feir,  either  becaufe  he  is  not  able  to  name  any  ,  or  becaule  he  thinks  it  eafieft 
to  leap  over  the  hedge,  where  it  is  lowed.  Have  I  not  great  reafon  to  thank  him,  for 
being  fo  mindful  of  me  in  my  abfencc. 

As  for  my  part  1  profels  ingenioufly  before  God  and  Man  ,  I  never  knew  of  any 
fuch  defign  ,  I  am  confident  there  never  was  any  fuch  defign ,  and  I  am  certain 
that  I  neither  had  nor  could  have  an  hand  in  any  fuch  defign ,  either  for  Italian  Po- 
pery ^  or  French  Popery  ,  or  any  Popery  ,  unlefs  he  call  the  Dodtrine  and  Difcipline 
of  the  Primitive  Church  Popery ,  unlefs  our  Holy  Orders ,  and  Liturgy ,  and  Articles 
be  Popery.  Other  Popery  he  (hall  never  be  able  to  prove  againft  me  ,  nor  I  hope 
againlt  any  true  Epifcopal  Divines.  His  defign,  like  the  Ph£nix  ,  is  much  talked 
of  by  himfelf,  but  never  was  feen. 

I  know  as  little  of  any  fuch  diftindion  between  Old  and  New  Epifcopal  Divines. 
All  the  World  (eeth  evidently,  that  all  the  material  differences  which  we  have  with 
them  ,  are  about  thofe  Holy  Orders  ,  and  that  Lkurgy  ,  and  thofe  Articles,  and 
thofe  Rites,  which  we  received  from  thofe  Old  Epifcopal  Divines. 

Non  teVuT  cymham ,  teVurem  cymha  reliquit. 

We  have  not  left  our  PredccefTourS,  but  they  have  left  both  us  and  our  Pre- 
decefTours ,  and  the  Church  of  England.  And  it  fareth  with  Mr.  Baxter  as  it  doth 
with  new  Sailers,  who  by  the  deception  of  their  fight ,  fuppofe  that  the  Land 
leaveth  them ,  terr<equ€,  urhefque  recedunt ,  when  in  truth  it  is  they  themfelves  that 
leave  the  Land.  In  a  word  ,  his  fuppofed  defign  and  his  pretended  diflindion  , 
are  meer  fanfies,  which  never  had  any  being  in  the  nature  of  things.  Where  did 
thefe  defigners  ever  meet  together  to  contrive  their  plot  ?  They  are  never  likely  to 
do  any  great  actions,  who  want  finews  to  knit  them  together.  When  or 
where  had  ever  any  of  them  any  intercourfe  or  correfpondence  with  Kome,  or  any 
that  belonged  to  Rome  ,  by  word  or  writing?  it  was  a  fenflefs  filly  Plot  to  defign 
the  introdudticn  of  the  Pope  into  England^  without  his  own  knowledge  orconfent, 
upon  terms  never  accorded  ,  never  fo  much  as  treated  upon.  Thus  have  we  feen 
mclancholick  perfons  out  ofa  ftrong  fantafic  ,  imagine  that  they  fee  Ships  and  Mino- 
taures  in  the   Clouds.     The   proofs  of  fuch  accufations  as  this  is ,  ought  to  have 

been 


Discourse  1 1 1.  And'E^ifcopariansfrom  Popery  ^2' 

been  clearer  than  the  Noon-day  light ,  nor  ungrounded  ,  nor  ill  grounded  jealou- 
cies  and  (ufpicions  of  credulous  and  partial  perfons. 


CHAP.    V. 

Ibis  Plot  tvas  as  weakjy  Fathered  on  the  Bijkop  of  Derry. 

ANd  as  he  erred  in  Fathering  his  imaginary  Plot  upon  Epifcopal  Divines  in  ge- 
neral ,  fohe  made  an  ill  choice  of  Mf  the  meanell:  of  thofe  Epifcopal  Di- 
vines for  his  onely  inftance  ,  who  have  onely  read  fo  much  of  Grotiuf  ,  as  to  enable 
Me  to  judge  that  Mr.  Baxter  doth  him  wrong  ,  I  hope  unwittingly.  If  ever  I 
fiiould  atfempt  the  reconciling  of  Controverfies  among  Chrillians  it  mulf  be  in  a- 
nother  way  than  Gr«i«j- taketh,  I  mean  more  Scholaftical.  ,''.;.';. 

I  will  confefs  that  freely  which  Mr.  Baxter  neither  doth  know  ,  nor  ever  could 
know  but  by  me,  that  about  Thirty  years  lince,  when  my  body  was  flronger,and  my 
wits  frelher ,  when  I  had  fome  Book?  and  Notes  of  mine  own ,  and  could  have 
had  what  fupply  focver  I  delired  ,  and  opportunity  to  confer  with  whomfoever  I 
pleafcd  ,  I  had  then  a  delign  indeed  to  do  my  weak  endeavour  to  difabufe  the  Chri- 
fiian  World,  by  the  right  flating  and  difdnguifliing  of  Controverfies  between  the 
Church  of  Kome  and  us*     And  to  fliew : 

Firli,  How  many  of  them  are  mere  Lc^ow^c/;/Vx ,  or  contentions  about  words 
without  any  jull  ground. 

Secondly  ,  How  many  of  them  are  SchohjUcal  fubtleties ,  whereof  ordinary  Chri- 
ftians  are  not  capable  ,  and  confequently  no  points  of  Faith. 

Thirdly  ,  How  many  of  them  are  not  the  Controverfies  of  the  Churches  ,  but  of 
particular  Perfons  or  parties  in  thofe  Churches,-  as  well  Protejhntt  againR  Frotejiants 
and   B-oman- Catboliks  3i2,iini\  Koman-Catholkk^  ^  as  Protellants  againll  Koman-Catho- 
Itckj.     Thofe  Controverfies  which  each  Church  doth  tolerate  within  it  felf ,  oucht 
not  to  be  any  caufe  of  Schifm  between  the  Churches. 

Fourthly,  How  many  of  our  Controverfies  are  about  Rites  and  Ceremonies 
and  things  indiifereiit  in  their  own  Nature  ,  in  the  ufe  of  which  every  particular 
Church  under  the  Univerfal  Church  hath  free  Liberty  in  it  felf,  and  Dominion  o- 
ver  its  own  Sons. 

When  all  thefe  empty  names  and  titles  of  Controverfies  are  wiped  out  of  the 
Roll,  the  true  Controver  fie  between  us  may  be  quickly  muftered  ,  and  will  not 
be  found  ,  upon  a  ferious  enquiry  ,  to  be  either  fo  exclufive  of  Salvation  to  thofe 
who  err  invincibly  ,  and  hold  the  truth  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  their  minds 
nor  altogether  fo  irreconcileable  as  fome  perfons  have  imagined.  The  two  dange- 
rous extremes  are  to  clip  away  fomething  from  faving  truth  ,  whereof  I  do  not 
find  the  Church  of  Borne  to  have  been  guilty  ■■>  and  to  obtrude  erroneons  or  (  at 
at  the  belt  ;  probable  opinions  for  Articles  of  Faith  ,  whereof  I  find  manv  in  the 
Church  of  Rome  to  have  been  mofi:  guilty. 

Next  to  thefe  are  the  pradical  abufes  of  the  Court  of  Borne.  Thelc  v/ere  ray 
thoughts  in  my  younger  days ,  which  age  and  experience  hath  ratlier  confirmed 
and  radicated  in  me  ,  than  altered;  which  if  they  had  been  known  ,  I  deferved  ra- 
ther to  have  been  cherifhed  and  encouraged  ,  than  to  be  branded  by  any  man  as  a 
Fadlor  for  the  Pope. 

Truly  Mr.  Baxter  could  hardly  have  fixed  upon  a  Subjedt  more  improper  for 
fuch  a  charge.  When  I  was  commanded  to  Preach  to  our  Notherii  Synod  where 
every  one  defigned  to  difcharge  that  duty,  choofeth  fome  controverfie  between  the 
Church  of  Kome  and  us,  my  Subjed  was  the  Popes  unlawful  llfurpation  of  Jurif- 
didion  over  the  B>-ifj/?«/c^ Churches.  When  I  difputed  in  Cambridne  for  the  De- 
gree of  Dodor  ,  my  Thefis  was  taken  out  of  Kilns ^  that  the  Papacy  (  as  it  was 
challenged  and  ufurped  in  many  places ,  and  as  it  had  been  fometimes  ufurpcd  iij 
oar  Native  Countrey ,  )  was  either  the  procreant  or  confervant  caufe,  or  both  prc- 
crcant  and  confervant  caufe  of  all  the  greater  Ecclefiajiical  Controverfies  in  the  Chri- 
ftian  Work!,     When  qur  ht^  King  Charles  (ofBlefled  memory  )  was  in  Spain  , 

C  C  C  C  zf{^ 


^24 


A  Vindication  of  Grotius TOME  1  I. 

"T^XReliiiiun  in  h»gland  Iccmed  to  our  Countrey  people  (  though  without  any 
crrniinJ  )  to  be  placed  in  ^qailibno  ,  or  reduced  to  a  meafuring  calt  i  I  adventured 
til  more  Zeal  than  difcrction  ,  to  give  two  of  their  Koman  Champions  in  our 
X/krw  parts,  Mr,  Hungate  a  jefuite ,  and  Ux:  Houghton  a  Secular  Pried,  one 
frcr  another,  two  meetings  at  North- JUertori ,  and  came  off,  without  any  diflio- 
nour  to  the  Church  of  England ,  and  ftopped  the  Carreer  of  the  Komip  EmilTaries 
at  that  time  in  thofe  parts. 

when  1  was  lalt  in  Ireland  and  the  Komanijls  had  wrefted  fomepart  of  the  pow- 
er of  the  Sword  into  their  hands,  they  profecuted  no  EngUfh  Protelhnt  more 
than  My  fdf-,  ^^^  i^'^'^'^^  ^'^^^  ^^^^  ^^^Y  ^^'^  thruft  me  out  of  the  Kingdom  ,  as  con- 
ceiving me  to  be  a  great  impediment  to  them  in  their  making  of  Profelytes.  It 
was  but  an  ill  requital,  if  I  had  been  one  of  their  Fadors.  Since  I  came  into  ex- 
ile thefe  fixteen  years,  where  have  my  weak  endeavours  ever  been  wanting  to  the 
Church  of  England  ?  who  hath  had  more  Difputes  with  their  Seculars  and  Regu- 
lars of  all  forts  ,  French^  Italian,  Dutch  ,  Englifh,  in  Word, in  Writing,  to  main- 
tain the  honour  of  the  Engliflj  Church  ?  and  after  all  this  ami  traduced  as  a  Fadlor 
for  Popery ,  becaufe  I  am  not  a  ProtejiaHt  out  of  my  witsi  or  becaufe  my  aflertions 
of  known  TrutJi  are  not  agreeable  to  the  gufi  of  innovators  ?  Bkffedare  we  reben 
men  revile  its  and  perfecute  its,  and  fay  all  manner  of  evil  againji  us  fafy  for  Chrjjis  fak^ , 
for  great  is  our  reward  in  Heaven. 

But  doth  he  think  in  earned: ,  that  my  way  of  reconciliation  is  the  ready  way 
to  iniroduce  the  Papal  Tyranny  into  England  ?  Nay  ,  diredtly  on  the  contrary  ,  it 
is  the  ready  way  to  exclude  the  'Sapal  'tyranny  out  of  England  for  ever  •,  and  to  ac- 
quit us  for  evermore  from  all  the  extortions  and  Ufurpations  of  the  Koman  Court , 
and  to  free  us  from  all  their  EmifTaries  ,  who  now  make  a  prey  of  fuch  as  are  un- 
fetled  among  us  i  by  the  means  of  doubtful,  and  (  give  me  leave  to  fpeak  my  mind 
freely)  impertinent  difputations.  And  this  I  am  ready  to  m^ke  good  againft  any 
Innovator  of  either  fide  who  fhall  opofe  it. 

This  is  hard  meafure  to  be  offered  to  me  ,  from  him  who  profeffeth  himfclf  to 
be  fo  great  a  lover  of  the  Vnity  of  the  Church,  p.  6.  which  is  but  his  duty  if  it  be 
true ,  as  I  hope  it  is.  But  let  him  take  heed  that  his  love  of  Unity  prove  not  to  be 
felf-love  ,  which  infinuateth  it  felf  flrangely  into  the  moft  holy  anions  and  defigns. 
All  men  could  be  contented  to  have  others  united  to  themfelves  ,  and  to  chop  off 
or  flretch  out  the  Religion  of  their  Brethren  ,  as  Frocrufies  did  his  Guefts ,  accord- 
ing to  the  meafure  ot  his  own  Bed.  I  doubt  not  but  he  would  be  well  pleafed  to 
have  independancy  flretched  up  to  an  ordained  Miniftry  ,  (  as  he  calleth  it ,  j  and 
Epifcopacy  let  down  to  a  Presbyterian  Parity,  or  rather  to  an  empty  (hew  of  equali- 
ty. For  I  never  yet  obferved  but  one  or  two  fingle  popular  Presbyters  ruled  the 
whole  confifloryi  and  had  more  abfolute  arbitrary  power  than  ever  any  Bifliop  pre- 
tended unto.  If  this  be  all  his  Love  and  defire  of  Unity ,  to  have  antiquity  uni- 
vcrfality,  and  the  perpetual  Regiment  of  the  Church  to  be  levelled  and  moduled 
according  to  private  fantafies ,  it  is  mere  felf-love  ,  no  love  gf  Unity.  But  I  hope 
better  ,  though  I  fear  worfe. 

If  he  dare  refer  all  differences  between  us  to  be  tried  by  the  publick  Standard, 
we  (hall  quickly  fee  whether  he  or  I  follow  Peace  and  Unity  with  fwifter  paces.  I 
offer  him  two  Standards  to  be  tryed  by. 

Firft,  the  Vo&rine  of  the  Church  of  England,  fet  down  by  thofe  old 
Epifcopal  Divines  whom  he  pretendeth  to  be  more  propitious  to  him  than  to  me. 
If  he  fubmit  to  this  Standard  ,  all  differences  between  him  and  me  are  at  an  end. 
And  then  to  what  purpofe  hath  fo  much  plundering,  and  fo  much  effufion  of  Chri- 
ftian  blood  been  >   unlefs  it  be  to  fhake  the  dregs  to  the  top  of  the  Urinal. 

But  if  he  like  not  this  Standard  (  as  I  much  fear  he  will  not  }  I  offer  him  ano- 
ther i  that  is ,  the  Pattern  of  the  Primitive  Church  ,  both  for  Dodlrine  and  Difci- 
pline.  But  it  may  be  he  will  diflike  this  more.,  and  when  all  is  done  admit  no 
Standard  but  the  Scripture.  I  am  ready  to  joyn  with  him  in  this  alfo.  But  if  he 
and  I  differ  about  the  fenfe  of  the  Scripture,  (  all  men  acknowledge  that  the  Scrip- 
ture confifieth  not  in  the  words  but  in  the  fenfe  ,  )  how  fhall  we  be  tried,  what  is 
the  fenfe,  by  the  Judgement  of  the  Church  of  England^  that  is  the  Standard  of 

the 


Drs COURSE     III.        yiiid  Epifcoparians  from  Popery^  52 «; 

the  place  ,  or  by  the  pattern  ot"  the  Primitive  Church,  that  is  the  original  Standard 
according  to  which  the  Local  Standard  was  made?  If  he  refufe  both  thcfe  ,  let  him 
not  fay  that  he  will  betryed  by  the  Scripture,  but  he  will  be  tryed  by  himfell^  that 
is  to  fay,  he  himfelf  will  and  can  judge  better  what  is  the  true  fenfe  of  the  Scrip- 
ture ,  thin  either  his  national  Church,  or  the  Primitive  and  Univerfal  Church. 
This  is  juft  as  if  a  man  who  brings  his  commodities  to  a  Market  to  be  fold  ,  (hould 
refufe  to  have  them  weighed  or  meafured  by  any  Standard  Local  or  Original  ,  and 
defire  to  be  tried  by  the  Law  of  the  Land  ,  according  to  the  judgement  of  the  by- 
rtanders.  Not  that  the  Law  of  the  Land  is  any  thing  more  favourable  to  him  than 
the  Standard  ,  but  onely  to  decline  a  prefent  fentence  ,  and  out  of  hope  to  advan- 
tage himfelf  by  the  limplicity  of  his  Judges. 

yet  Mr.  Baxter  acquits  me  ,  that  I  am  no  Papifi  in  hU  Judgement ,  though  he  dare 
not  folloiv  me ,  p.  22.  Whatfoevcr  I  am  ,  this  is  fure  enough  he  hath  no  authority 
to  be  my  Judge ,  or  to  publifh  his  ill  grounded  jealoufies  and  fufpicions  to  the 
World  in  Print  to  my  prejudice.  Although  he  did  condemn  me :  yet  I  praife  God 
my  confcience  doth  acquit  me  ,  and  I  am  able  to  vindicate  my  felf.  But  if  he  tak^ 
me  to  be  no  Papifi^  why  doth  he  make  me  to  be  one  of  the  Popes  Fadtors  or  Italking 
horfes  ,  and  to  have  an  exprefs  defign  to  introduce  him  into  England.  He  him- 
felf and  an  hundred  more  of  his  confraternity,  are  more  likely  to  turn  the  Popes 
Factors  than  I  am.  I  have  given  good  proof  that  I  am  no  reed,  fliaken.  with  the 
wind.  My  confcience  would  not  give  me  leave  to  ferve  the  times  as  many  others 
did.     They  have  had  their  reward. 

He  bringeth  four  rcafons  in  favour  of  me  why  he  taketh  me  to  be  no  Papilh  I 
could  add  fourfcore  reafons  more  if  it  were  needful.  Firit ,  becaufe  Idijorvn  the 
fellotpfhip  of  that  party  more  than  Giotms  did.  pag.   23. 

It  is  well  that  he  will  give  me  leave  to  know  mine  own  heart  better  than  himfelf. 
Secondly  ,  becaufe  7  give  them  no  more  than  fame  reconcileable  members  of  the  Greek 
Church  would  give  them.     And   why  fomc  members  ?  I  know  no  members  of  the 
Gr-ffj^Church  that  give  them  either  more  or  lefs  than  I  do.     But  my  ground  is  not 
the  authority  of  the  Greeks  Church,  but  the  authority  of  the  Primitive  Fathers  and 
the  General  Councils ,  which  are  the  reprefentative  Body  of  the  Univerfal  Church. 
Thirdly,  hccaaCe  I  difiivn  their  Council  of  Trent  ^  and  their  lajl  i^oo.  years 'determina- 
tions.    Is  not  this  (Enough  in  his  Judgement  to  acquit  me  from  all  fufpicion  of  Po- 
pery? Erroneous  opinions  whilft  they  arc  not  publickly  determined  ,  nor  a  necellity 
of  compliance  impofed  upon  other  men  ,  are  no  neceffary  caufes  of  Schijm.   To 
waue   their   IjJI  4.00.  years  determinations  is  implicitly  to  renounce  all  the  neceifary 
caufes  of  this  great  Schifme.     And  torell  fatisfied  with  their  old  Patriarchal  power 
and  dignity  and  primacy  of  Order  ,  (  which  is  another  part  of  my  propolition,  ) 
is  to  quit  the  modern  Papacy  both  name  and  thing.     And  when  that  is  done  I  do 
not  make  thefe  the  terms  of  Peace  and  Unity,  as  he  doth  tax  me  injurioufly  enough, 
(  It  is  not  for  private  perfons  toprefcribe  terms  of  publick  accommodations ,  )  but 
onely  an  introdudlion  and  way  to  an  accomodation.     My  words  are  exprefly  thefe 
in  the  conclufion  of  my  Anfwer  to  Moniieur  Mtliteere ,  If  yon  could  be  contented  to 
rvaveyour  laji  400.  years  determinations  ,    or  if  you  lik^d  them  for  your  felves ,  yet  not  to 
obtrude  them  upon  other  Churches  ■,  If  you  could  reji  faiisfed  rvith  your  old  Patriarchal 
power  and  your  Principium  wiitatis  ,  a  primacy  of  Order  ,  much  good  might  be  expeBed 
from  free  Councils  and  conferences  of  moderate  perfons.     What  is  here  more  than  is  con- 
fefled  by  himfelf,  that  if  the  Papijis  will  reform  what  the  Bijhop  requires  them  to  reform^ 
it  wiH  nndoubtedly  makg  way  for  nearer  Concord,  p.  28.     I  would  know  where  my  Pa- 
pillry  lyeth  in  thefe  words  more  than  his.     They  may  be  guilty  of  other  crrours 
which  I  difown  as  well  as  their  lad  400.  years  determinations  i  and  yet  thofe  er- 
rours  before  they  were  obtruded  upon  other  Churches  ,  be  no  fufiicient  caufe  o[  a 
reparation.     But  what  I  own  or  difown  ,  he  muft  learn  from  my  felf,  not  fuppofe 
it,  or  fufpe<3:  it  upon  his  own  head. 

His  lalt  reafon  why  he  forbeareth  to  cenfure  me  as  a  Papift,  is  my  two  k^wch^ng 
arguments  as  he  (iileth  them  againft  the  Papal  Church.  But  if  he  had  weighed  thofe 
two  arguments  as  he  ought ,  he  fhould  have  forborn  to  cenfure  me  as  he  doth,  for 
one  that  had  a  defign  to  reconcile  the  Church  of  England  to  tiie  Pope,     But  i  will 

Cccc  2  help 


~J^  A  Vindication  of  Gxot'ms  TOME  11. 

help  Mr  Bjx/fr  to  underltand  my  meaning  better.     I  meddle  not  with  the  recon- 
ciliation of  opinions  in  any  place  by  him  cited,  but  onely  with  the  reconciliation 
of  i>cifbns     that  Chrillians  might  joyn  together  m  the  fame  publick  Devotions  and 
Service  of  'chrift.     And  the  terms  which  I  propofed  were  not  thefe  ,   nor  pofitively 
defined  or  determined  ,  but  onely  reprefented  by  way  of  query  to  all  moderate 
Chriaians,  intheconclufion  of  my  jult  Vindication,  in  thefe  words  ,  1  determine 
Mothina  hut  onely  crave  leave  to  propofe  a  quefiion  to  all  moderate  Chrjiiians  rpho  love  the 
Peace  oj  the  Church  ,  and  long  for  the  reunion  thereof.     In  the  firji  flace  if  the  Bilhop  of 
Rome  tfere  reduced  from  his  Vniverfality  of  Sovereign  JttrifdtSion  jure  Divino  ,  to  hit 
principium  unitatis ,  and  his  Court  regulated  by  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  ,  rohich  tvm 
thefenfe  of  the  Councils  of  Conftancc  and  Bafil ,  and  is  defired  by  many  Komzn-Catho- 
lickj  as  mil  as  roe.     Secondly  ,  if  the  Creed  or  neceffary  points  of  Faith  were  reduced  to 
n'hat  they  were  in  the  time  of  the  four  fir^  Oecumenical  Councils  ,  according  to  the  De- 
cree ofthe  thirdCeneral  Council.     (  Who  dare  fay  that  the  Faith  of  the  Primitive  Fathert 
WM  infufficient  ?  )  Admitting  m  additional  Articles  ,  but  onely  neceffary  explications  s 
A'td  thife  to  be  made  by  the  Authority  of  a  General  Council  or  one  fo  General  as  can  be 
convocated.     And  La^Uy  fuppofmg  that  fame  things  from  whence  offences  have  either  been 
given  or  tak^en  ,  which  whether  right  or  wrong  do  not  weigh  half  fo  much  as  the  Vnity  of 
Chrilha'ts ,  were  put  out  ofthe  J)ivine  Offices ,  which  would  not  be  refufed  if  anim'^fnies 
were  tak^n  away  and  charity  rejiored  s    J  fay  in  cafe  thefe  three  things  were  accorded  , 
which  feem  very  reafonahle  demands  ,  whether  Clfrijlians  might  not  live  in  an  Hily  Com- 
munion ^  and  come  in  the  fame  puhlickworfljip  of  God  ^  freedom  all  Sclnfmatical  Jepara- 
tion  of  themfelves  one  from  another  ,  mtwith^anding  diverftties  of  opinions  ,   which  pre- 
vail even  among  the  members  of  the  fame  particular   Churches  ^  both  with  them  and 

w. 

Yet  now  though  I  cannot  grant,  yet  I  am  willing  to  fuppofe  that  I  intended  not 
onely  a  reconciliation  of  mens  minds  ,  but  of  their  opinions  alfo  ■■,  and  that  thofc 
conditions  which  he  irKntioned  had  been  my  onely  terms  of  Peace  and  concord  , 
let  us  fee  what  exceptions  Mr.  Baxter  is  able  to  bring  againft  them. 


C  H  A  P.   V  I. 

Mr.  Baxters  exceptions  anfwered. 

HE  faith,  he  cannot  confent  that  thefe  which  I  grant  fhould  he  made  the  terms  of  V- 
nion.  p3g.  25.     What  then  ?  Suppofe  I  did  name  improper  terms  of  pacifi- 
cation ,  not  onely  in  Mr.  Baxters  Judgement,  which  I  ought  not  altogether  to  de- 
pend upon  ,  but  in  very  deed.     Is  there  no  remedy  but  I  mud  needs  be  the  Popes 
Stalking  Horfc  prefently ,  and  have  a  defign  to  reconcile  England  to  him.     This  is 
over  fevere.     My  defign  is  rather  to  reconcile  the  Pope  and  his  party  to  the  Church 
of  England ,  than  the  Church  of  England  to  the  Pope.     He  may  make  ufe  of  my 
way  if  it  like  him.     Much  good  may  it  do  him.     If  not  he  ought  to  thank  me  for 
my  good  will  ,  and  propofe  a  better  expedient  himfelf  if  he  can.     But  I  mufl  tell 
him  before  hand  that  if  it  be  a  general  one  ,  iike  thofe  which  he  hath  hitherto  pro- 
pofed, it  will  (ignifie  nothing.     Obferve  Reader  how  he  is  every  way  mhlaken  i  I 
maj\e  demands  and  he  calls  them  grants  or  conceffions  v  I  propofe  fome  terms  as 
preparatory  to  a  treaty  and  he  calls  them  terms  of  Peace.     He  faith  he  cannot  confent 
to  thefe  terms ,  and  yet  he  hath  confented  to  them  already,  that  if  they  would  reform 
what  the  Bijhop  recjuires  them  to  reform  ,  it  wiU  undoubtedly  ma}^  way  for  nearer  concord. 
To  tnake  them  adequate  terms ,  or  conclufive  Articles  of  Peace  was  never  any  pait 
of  my  meaning. 

All  the  exceptions  which  he  bringeth  againH  my  way ,  are  taken  out  of  rriy  an- 
fwer  to  MonfeurMiliiieere.  I  have  feen  fome  filly  exceptions  againfl  it  from  a  Jefu- 
it,  and  have  anfwered  them,  but  he  is  the  tirll  Proteftant  I  have  met  with,  who 
doth  difapprove  it.  If  the  efficacy  or  influence  of  it  upon  him  be  different  from 
what  is  upon  others  ,  I  cannot  help  it.  Books  have  their  fuccefs  according  to  the 
prejudice  or  qualifications  of  their  Readers.     On  this  fide  the  Seas  it  hath  been 

more 


Discourse  III.       And  Epifcoparianf  from  Popery.  61-7 

more  liappy  ,  to  confirm  many  ,  to  convert  fome  ,  C  and  particularly  the  tranlcri- 
ber  of  the  Copy  which  was  brought  to  the  Prefs  ,  who  was  then  oneof  their  Pro- 
felytes,)  to  irritate  no  man  but  the  common  Adverfaryes,  who  vented  their  fplene 
againft  it  weekly  in  their  Pulpits,  as  thinking  that  the  cafiel\  way  of  confutation. 
Thus  one  fucks  honey ,  and  another  poifon  out  of  the  fame  flower.  He  pretendeth 
that  the  old  Epifcopal  Divines  are  of  his  party ,  fome  of  them  have  approved  it , 
and  thanked  me  for  if.  If  they  be  not  of  his  party,  I  hope  he  will  not  fufpeft  them 
at  Gf«f t'J  as  Fadors  for  Popery.  They  have  allowed  it ,  and  tranflated  it  into 
fremh  ,  and  Printed  it ,  without  any  fear  of  introducing  Popery  into  their  City  by 
it.  God  forbid  that  wefliould  efieem  the  pradlife  of  the  Primitive  times  to  be  Popifli. 
They  who  admit  that  for  a  conclufion  need  not  wonder  if  the  more  rational  perfons 
turn  apollates.  But  it  has  ever  been  the  trade  of  this  proud  and  envious  race  of 
men  to  fatten  an  hated  name  upon  every  thing  they  underttand  not.  And  it  is  to 
be  feared  this  great  Divine  may  in  time  write  a  Book  to  prove  Grffi^the  Language  of 
the  Beaft  \  and  he  may  as  rcafonably  do  it,  as  charge  me  with  Popery  onely  becaufe 
I  pretend  to  more  knowledge  in  antiquity  than  he  knows  himfelf  to  be  guiky  of. 
His  firft  particular  Exception  is  this ,  If  when  he  excludeth  Vniverfality  ofjurijidi&i- 
on  by  Chrt\\s  injiitution  he  intend  to  grant  them  (  vphkh  yet  I  ktiow  not )  an  Vniverfa- 
lity  of  JurifdiViion  by  humane  injiitution  at  agreement  ,  then  it  vpould  be  but  to  jet  up  an 
humane  Popery  injiead  of  a  pretended  Divine,  But  this  I  charge  not  on  him  as  his  judge- 
ment,  though  fome  n>fllthink^it  intimated,  p.  25.  If  he  do  not  charge  it  on  me, 
then  why  doth  he  publifh  his  own  or  other  mens  thoughts  in  Print  to  my  difadvan- 
tage.  I  know  not  how  to  acquit  the  Printing  of  groundlefs  jealoufiesand  fufpici- 
ons  of  innocent  perfons  from  downright  calumny.  Efpecially  fufpicions  of  fuch 
things  which  the  perfons  fufpedled  had  publickly  difclaimcd  in  Print ,  long  before 
any  fuch  fufpicion  was  broached.  Thefe  are  my  very  words  in  my  Replication  to 
the  Bifhop  of  Chalcedon,  p.  2  4.9.  h  ivere  a  hard  condition  to  put  me  to  prove  againji  my 
conference  ,  that  the  Vniverfal  Regency  of  the  Tope  is  of  humane  right ,  rvho  do  abfolutely 
deny  both  his  Divine  right  and  humane  right  j  And  in  my^Schifm  Guarded ,  p.  1 5.  J 
have  made  it  evident  that  the  Popes  Authority  rvhich  he  did  fometime  exercife  in  England 
before  the  Reformation  ,  Tfhen  they  permitted  him  ,  and  which  he  would  have  exercifed 
always  de  futuro  ,  if  he  could  have  had  his  own  will,  was  a  meer  Vjurpation  and  inno-  * 

vation.  If  I  deny  both  the  Popes  Divine  Right ,  and  Humane  Right ,  to  Sove- 
reign ]urifdidion,  and  regulate  his  powers  by  the  Canons  of  theChurchi  If  I  make 
the  Papacy  a  meer  Ufurpation  and  Innovation  ,  he  hath  no  need  to  fear  my  fetting 
up  of  humane  Popery  :  but  I  have  jufi  caufe  to  require  reparation  of  him.  So  his 
rtrft  exception  is  a  falfe  groundlefs  fufpicion. 

But  doth  he  make  no  difference  indeed  between  a  Divine  Papacy  and  an  Humane 
Papacy  ?  So  it  feemcth  by  his  words.  If  the  Pope  do  hold  a  Sovereign  power  in 
th  c  Church  by  Divine  inftitution ,  then  whatfoever  he  doth  though  he  draw  millions 
of  Souls  to  Hell  after  him,  yet  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  a  general  Councel  to  call 
him  to  an  account ,  or  to  depofe  him ,  or  to  reform  him,  Butif  his  right  be  one- 
ly humane  all  this  may  juftly  be  done  and  hath  been  done.  If  he  have  a  Soveraignty 
by  Divine  right  he  may  give  his  non  objiantes  to  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers  athisplea- 
fure  5  then  all  power  in  the  Church  is  derived  from  him :  but  if  he  hold  the  papacy 
not  from  Heaven  but  from  men,  then  other  BiQiops  do  not  derive  their  power  from 
him  fingly  ,  but  he  from  them  joyntly,  then  he  is  ftinted  and  limited  by  their  Ca- 
nons ,  and  cannot  difpence  with  them  ,  farther  than  the  Church  is  pleafed  to  confer 
a  difpenfative  power  upon  him  ,  within  the  bounds  of  his  own  patriarchate.  A- 
gainl^  Divine  Right  there  is  no  prefcription ,  but  againil  Humane  Right  men  may 
lawfully  challenge  their  ancient  liberties,  and  immunities  by  prefcription.  A  Pa- 
pacy by  Divine  Right  is  unchangeable,  but  a  Papacy  by  Humane  right  is  alterable , 
both  for  perfon  ,  and  place  ,  and  power.  So  an  humane  Papacy  if  it  grow  bur- 
thcnfome  is  remediable^  but  a  pretended  Divine  Papacy  when  and  where  and  whilft 
it  is  acknowledged  ,  is  irtemediable.  So  much  a  pretc^nded  Divine  Papacy  is  worfe 
than  an  humane. 

His  Second  exception  follows  ,  but  that  St.  Peter  hatha  tertaia  fixed  Chair,  to 
which  a  primacy  of  Order  is  annexed,  and  an  hea^tp  of  Unity,  U  not  a  truth  and  therefore 

not 


6^8 


AVwdication  of  Gioum  TOME   II. 

not  a  Prviaple  neaf.ry  to  heal  the  ChfcL^  WhetHex  it  be  truth  or  no  ,  is  i^^T^ 
material  Wc  have  no  controverde  with  the  Church  ot  Rome  about  a  Priiiiacy  of 
order  but  about  a  Supremacy  of  power.  I  flial!  declare  my  fenfe  in  four  conclu- 
f  o  IS. '  Firll  tliat  St.  Peur  had  a  hxed  Chair  at  Amiuch  ,  and  after  that  at  'Rome , 
is  'a'truth  which  no  man,  who  giveth  any  credit  to  to  the  ancient  Fathers  and 
Councils  and  Hilloriographers  of  the  Church  ,  can  either  deny  or  well  doubt  of. 

Secondly,  that  St.  P^ffr  had  a  Primacy  of  Order  among  the  Apoftks  ,  is  the  una- 
nimous voice  cf  I  he  Primitive  Church  ,  not  to  be  contradided  by  me  ,  which  the 
the  Church  of  Eitd^Und  and  thofe  old  Epifcopal  Divines ,  whom  he  pretendeth  to 

honour  fo  much  ^  did  never  oppofc. The  Learned  Bifhop  of  Jf^;/;c/;f/Jfr  ac- 

knowjedgeth  as  much ,  not  onely  in  his  own  name,  but  in  the  name  of  the  Church 
and  King  of  England ,  both  King  and  Church  knowing  it ,  and  approving  it. 
Rtj^.  ad  Jpol.  Beilar.  cap.  i.  Neither  U  it  quefiioned  among  us  whether  St.  Peter  had  a 
Tnmacy  ,  hut  rthat  that  Frimacy  was  ,  and  whther  it  were  fuch  an  one  as  the  Tope  doth 
mrv  cbaUenge  to  himjelf^  and  you  challenge  tv  the  Tope.  But  the  King  doth  not  deny  Peter 
to  have  been  the  prime  and  Trince  of  the  Apoflles.  He  who  fhould  trouble  himlcif  and 
others  to  opugn  fuch  a  received  innocent  truth  ,  feemcth  to  me  to  have  more  leifure 
tlian  judgement.  But  on  the  other  fide  it  is  as  undoubtedly  true,  and  confeffcd  by 
the  prime  Romanics  themfelves  ,  that  St.  Teter  had  no  fupretnacy  or  fuperiority  of 
power  and  tingle  Jurifdidion  over  any  other  Apoftle.  To  this  purpofe  I  have  laid 
down  thefe  four  grounds  in  my  Book  oi  Schifm  Guarded,  page  27.  Firft  ,  that 
each  Apollle  had  the  fame  power  by  virtue  of  Chrifts  Commiiiion.  Secondly,  that 
St.  Teter  never  exercifed  a  fingle  Jurifdidion  over  the  reft  of  the  Apollles.  Third- 
ly that  St.  Veter  had  not  his  Commiffion  granted  to  him  and  his  SucceiTours  as  any 
ordinary  Paftor,  and  the  reft  of  the  Apoftles  as  Delegatesfor  term  of  Life.  Fourth- 
ly,  that  during  the  Hiftory  of  the  Adlsof  the  Apoftles  ,  the  Soveraignty  of  Eccle- 
fiaftical  Jurildidion  reft  not  in  any  fingle  Apoftle,  but  in  the  Apoftolical  Colledge. 
Hitherto  there  is  no  caufe  of  controverfie  between  him  and  me ,  or  between  any 
perfons  of  judgement  and  ingenuity. 

My.  Third  aftertion  is  that  fome  Fathers  and  Schoolmen,  who  were  no  fworn 
VaffaJs  to  the  Roman  Bi(hop  do  affirm,  that  this  primacy  of  Order  is  fixed  to  the 
Chair  of  St.  Teter,  and  his  SucceiTours  for  ever.  As  for  inftance  Gerfon  for  a  School- 
man that  learned  Chancellour  of  PiJm ,  who  fided  with  the  Council  againft  the 
Pope  ,  and  left  his  enmity  to  the  innovations  of  the  Court  oiRome  as  an  hereditary 
Legacy  to  the  School  of  Sorhone.  Auferibilis  non  ejl  ujque  ad  confummationem  fxcttli 
vicarius  Jponfia  Ecclefia.  The  vicarial  Spoufe  of  the  Church  Cthis  was  the  Language  of 
that  Age ,  whereby  he  meaneth  not  the  perfon  of  any  particular  Pope ,  but  the  Of- 
fice of  the  Papacy  ,  )  ought  not  to  be  tak^n  away  until  the  end  of  the  World.  And  a- 
mong  the  Fathers  I  inftance  in  St.  Cyprian  ,  whofe  publick  oppofition  to  Pope  Ste- 
ven is  well  known  ,  who  feemeth  not  to  diflent  from  iti  in  his  Epiftle  to  Antonia- 
nm  \\<i  czWs  the  Sz&  oi  Rome  the  place  and  Chair  0/ Peter.  Ep.  52.  And  in  his  55. 
Epiftle  to  Cornelius  ,  They  dare  fail  and  carry  Letters  from  Schifmatical  and  prophane 
perfons  to  the  Chair  of  Peter,  and  the  principal  Church  from  whence  Sacerdotal  unity  did 
firing.  And  in  his  Ve  imitate  Ecclef^.  Although  he  give  equal  power  to  all  his  Apojiles 
after  his  RefurreSinn  ,  &c.  Yet  to  manifefi  an  unity  he  eonjiituted  one  Chair ,  and  by  his 
own  Authority  diffcfed  the  Original  of  that  unity  beginning  from  one.  And  a  little  after, 
Tlx  primacy  is  given  to  Peter  ,  to  demonjirate  one  Church  of  Chrifi  and  one  Chair, 

Every  one  is  free  for  me  to  take  what  exceptions  he  pleafeth  ,to  the  various  Le- 
dlions  of  any  of  theft  places  ,  or  to  interpret  the  words  as  he  pleafeth.  Always 
there  feemeth  to  be  enough  to  me  in  St.  Cyprian  to  declare  his  own  mind  ,  with- 
out taking  any  advantage  from  any  fuppoGtitious  paffages.  Whether  it  be  a  truth  or 
an  crrour  ,  it  concerneth  not  me,  I  am  fure  it  is  none  of  mine  errour  ,  if  it  be  one, 
who  neither  maintain  nor  grant  fuch  a  primacy  of  Order  to  be  due  to  the  Chair  of 
St.  Pf ffr  and  his  Succeflburs ,  by  the  inftitution  of  Chrift.  But  onely  difpute  upon 
fuppohtions  ,  that  although  there  were  fuch  a  beginning  o(  Unity  ,  (  which  Calvin 
and  Beza  require  in  all  Societies  by  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  )  and  although  the  Bifliop 
of  Rome  had  fuch  a  primacy  of  Order  either  by  Divine  Right  ,  or  Humane  Right , 
yet  it  would  not  prejudice  us ,  nor  advantage  them  at  aJl,     Neither  in  truth  is  it 

vi'orth 


Dt SCOURS E  III.         Aad  Epifcoparian.r  from  Popery^  629 


worth  conrending  about ,  or  to  be  ballanced  with  the  Peace  of  the  Church ,  and 
of  the  Chriftian  World.  They  who  undervalue  the  Fathers,  may  ftile  their  fayings 
untruths  when  they  pleafe.  I  have  weighed  my  grounds  over  lerioufly  to  (tumble 
at  a  llraw. 

My  Fourth  and  laft  conclufion ,  is ,  that  fuppofing  IHII  but  not  granting  that  a- 
ny  fuch  primacy  of  Order  or  beginning  of  Unity,  T  about  which,  we  have  no 
conlrovcrfie  )  was  due  to  the  Ciiair  of  St.  Peter  by  Divine  Right ,  or  much  rather 
by  Humane  Right ,  yet  this  fuppofed  Chair  of  St.  Peter  is  not  fixed  to  Rome.  A^ 
for  Divine  right  we  have  the  plain  confellion  of  BeVarmine  ,  it  is  not  to  be  found 
either  in  Scripture  or  Tradition  ,  that  the  Apoftolick  See  is  fo  fixed  to  Koms ,  that 
it  cannot  be  removed  ,  EeV.  de  Rom.  Front.  I.  4.  c.  4.  And  for  Humane  Rif^ht , 
there  needeth  no  proof.  For  whatfoever  is  conliituted  by  Humane  Right ,  may  be 
repealed  by  Humane  Right.  This  is  my  conllant  way  every  where.  I  do  altoge- 
ther deny  a  Supremacy  of  power  and  jurifdid:ion  over  us  in  the  exteriour  Court , 
which  onely  is  in  controveriie  between  us  and  the  Pope.  And  whatfoever  Jurifdi* 
(Sion  he  hath  elfewhere,  I  regulate  by  the  Canons  of  the  Fathers.  I  fuppofe  a  pri- 
macy of  Order,  but  grant  it  not  farther  than  it  hath  been  granted  by  the  Canons 
of  the  Catholick  Church.  And  as  it  was  acquired  by  Humane  Right ,  fo  it  may  be 
taken  away  by  Humane  Right.  To  confound  a  pritnacy  of  Order  with  a  Supre- 
macy of  power.  Divine  Right  with  Humane  Right,  a  legiilative  power  with  an 
executive  power  ,  is  proper  to  plunderers.  So  in  his  two  Firfc  exceptions  !  fuller 
two  palpable  injuries.  In  the  Firit  exception  he  chargeth  me  upon  fufpicion  ,  di- 
rediy  contrary  to  my  aflertion.  In  the  Second  exception  he  confoundeth  a  prima- 
cy and  a  Supremacy ,  order  and  power ,  and  maketh  me  to  fix  that  to  the  See  of 
Rnme  ,  which  I  maintain  to  be  unfixed. 

His  Third  exception  is  this,  'That  the  Popefhould  hold  to  himfelf  and  his  Church  hU 
lafi  400.  years  determinations ,  andfn  continue^  as  the  Bifiop  here  concludes^  ti  be  m  A- 
prfiolica! Orthodox^  CatlM/hck^Chnrch,  nor  to  have  trite  Faith  ,  w  an  imliksly  thing  tojtand 
Toith  the  Vnity  and  concord  rvhich  he  mentioneth.  IFeflyaU  cement  but  forrily  rvithfticb  a 
body  as  this.  It  is  no  wonder  if  Grotiuf  fuffcr  wrong  by  him  ,  when  my  words 
are  (  at  the  bed  )  fo  grofly  millaken  ,  who  live  to  interpret  my  feU.  Firli  I  give 
no  leave  to  the  Pope  and  Church  of  Rome  to  hold  to  themfelves  their  laft  400. 
years  determinations.  But  if  they  will  hold  them  I  have  no  power  to  help  it,  or 
hinder  it.  My  words  are  thefe  ,  If  you  could  be  contented  to  n>ave  your  lajl  <\.oo.  years 
determinations  ^  or  if  you  lik^d  them  for  your  felves  ^  yet  not  to  obtrude  them  upon  other 
Churches.  As  if  one  diould  fay.  If  Jeroboam  will  forbear  to  commit  Idolatry  him- 
felf,  or  if  he  will  not ,  yet  if  he  will  forbear  to  compel  others  to  commit  Idola- 
try ,  I  may  come  to  live  in  Ifrael  ^  no  moderate  man  will  fay  ,  that  he  giveth  leave 
to  Jeroboam  to  commit  Idolatry.  Secondly ,  he  pretends  moft  untruly  that  I  make 
theft  to  be  the  terms  or  conditions  of  a  peace  which  I  mention  onely  as  preparatives. 
My  words  are  not  then ,  we  may  unite  and  cement  our  (elves  together  ,  but  then 
much  good  might  be  expelled  from  free  Councils  and  conferences  of  moderate  perfons.  He 
himfelf  faith  as  much  as  I  fay.  Thirdly ,  if  they  do  not  obtrude  their  laft  400. 
years  determinations  upon  other  Churches,  then  they  wave  their  Legillative power, 
and  take  away  from  their  Canons  the  Nature  of  Laws ,  then  they  make  them  no 
longer  points  of  Faith ,  but  probable  opinions.  It  was  not  the  eroneous  opinions 
of  the  Church  of  Rowe  butthe  obtruding  them  by  Laws  upon  other  Churches  which 
warranted  a  feparation.  He  who  will  have  no  communion  with  a  Church  which 
hath  different  or  erroneous  opinions  in  it ,  fo  long  as  they  are  not  obtruded  murt 
provide  a  ladder  to  climb  up  to  Heaven  by  himfelf  And  this  is  that  which  I  faid 
exprelly  in  that  very  place  cited  by  him,  JFe  might  yet  live  in  hope  to  fee  an  Vnion^ 
if  not  in  all  opinions^  yet  in  charity  and  aU  neceffary  points  of  faving  truth  Let  the 
Church  of  Rome  do  that  which  I  require  ,  that  is  the  Apoftolical  Difcipline  ,  and  A- 
poftolical  Creed  without  addition  ,  and  it  (hall  become  an  apollolical  ,  and  Catho- 
lick Church,  and  have  true  Faith 

His  Fourth  exception  is  this  ,  Ihat  thePopefhould  hold  his  Patriarchal  porver  ^  is  a 
meer  innovation  ,  and  Humane  injiitution  ,  as  is  his  primacy  of  Order  and  fuch  privihd- 
ges.     The  Council  of  Chilccion  avers  it.      And  therefore  it  is  no  neceffary  thing  to  be 

con' 


■JZ^ '      jyhidication  of  Grotms  TOME   S  I. 


-ZiTcedafor  the  Churches  peace.  That  the  Patriarchal  dignity  is  an  Humane  inflitu- 
tion  all  men  who  underlbnd  themfelves  do  acknowledge.  That  it  is  a  mere  in- 
novation ail  men  who  undcrlland  themfelves  do  deny.  How  fliould  that  be  a 
mere  innovation  which  was  not  rtrft  conflituted  ,  but  confirmed  as  an  andu:t  Ec- 
clciiiliical  cultoin  in  thefirit  General  Council  ofN/ce,  and  approved  by  all  the  Gene- 
ral fuccccding  Councils  of  the  Church  ,  and  particularly  by  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don  Tohkh  he  mentioneth  ,  which  equalled  the  Patriarch  of  Conjiantinople  ,  to  the 
Patriarch  of  Koive  ?  This  form  of  Government  is  allowed  by  the  Canons  of  the  A- 
poftles  as  I  iiave  fliewed  elfewhcre.  This  Patriarchal  Government  Ca/y/'zhimfelf 
did  nftt  onely  allow,  but  aflert  it  to  ht  fitch  a  form  as  God  hath  prefcribed  in  BU  iFord. 
Cal.  J"li-  /.  4  c.  4  S.  4.  What  wonder  is  it  if  they  loofe  ground  dayly  to  the 
B.oma>ii(is  ,  who  have  the  confidence  to  affirm  that  Patriarchal  power  is  an  innova- 
tion ,  and  cite  the  Great  Council  o(  Chalcedon  for  it.     • 

He  procecdeth  to  his  fifth  exception.  Multitudes  that  live  in  the  WeHcrn  Nations 
of  the  iVorld  will  ft  ill  MJfent  both  from  the  Popes  Patriarchal  pouter  ^  and  more  from  his 
way  of  exercifing  it.  Andf)  will  be  forced  to  fall  under  the  reproach  of  Sehifmatickj  by 
thefi  terms  ,  and  that  for  obeying  the  Laws  of  Chrift.  If  the  Pope  as  Patriarch  of  the 
iFeJiJhoMld  impofe  on  m  o>iely  and  not  on  the  Eaft  ,  The  Vodrines  and  JVor^np  ,  and  ce- 
remonies which  he  now  impofeth  on  the  Papijis  ,  (  except  the  excepted  before ,  )  duth  any 
man  ofreafin  think^that  the  Reformed  Churches  would  ever  yield  to  them  ,  or  ought  to  do 
it  ?  We  wiV  unite  on  Chrifts  terms  ,  and  that  will  be  a  more  fure  and  general  Vnion^  and 
not  on  fitch  Humane  devijes  as  thefe.  Let  thofe  that  made  the  Pope  our  Patriarch  main- 
tain his  power  ^  joT  Chrijl  did  not.  Still  weaker  and  weaker.  Multitudes  that  live 
in  the  IVefrern  parts  of  the  World  will  not  onely  diflike  the  Popes  Patriarchal  pow- 
er, but  this  Presbyterian  Difcipline  ,  and  his  Holy  Orders ,  the  Creed:  the  Lords 
Prayer  the  Sacraments,  &e.  muft  a  man  therefore  quit  his  juft  right  becaufe  fome 
diflike  it  ?  Their  diflike  is  but  fcandal  taken ,  but  the  quitting  of  that  w!iich  is 
right  for  their  fatisfadion  Ihould  be  {candal  given.     Whether  is  the  worfe? 

By  the  wayldefire  himto  confider  two  things  i  Fi;-/i,  how  they  are  forced  to 
fall  under  the  reproach  of  Schifmaticks  ?  If  they  be  forced  any  way,  it  is  by  their 
own  wilful  humours  or  erroneous  confcience.  Other  force  here  is  none.  If  there 
be  any  force  it  is  they  which  force  themfelves.  Secondly^  I  would  have  him  to  con- 
fider, whether  is  the  worfe  and  more  dangerous  condition  ,  for  ChrilUans  to  fall 
under  the  reproach  of  Schifmaticks  ,  which  hath  no  fin  in  it ,  bnt  is  a  means  many 
times  to  reduce  men  into  the  fold  of  the  Catholic](jChurch  ,  or  for  Chriliians  to  fall 
into  Schifm  it  felf.  Whofoeverfliall  oppofe  the  juli  power  of  a  lawful  Patriarch  , 
lawfully  proceeding  ,  is  a  material  Schifmatick  atleafl,  and  if  his  errour  be  vincible, 
fuch  as  he  might  conquer  and  come  unto  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  if  he  did  his 
endeavour  ,  he  is  a  formal  Schifmatick. 

His  reafons  of  their  falling  under  the  reproach  of  Schifmaticks /or  o/)fyi;?g  */;f 
Larps  of  Chrift  ,  I  confels  I  do  not  underftand.  Doth  he  think  that  Patriarchal 
power  is  contrary  to  the  Laws  of  Chrift :  and  that  all  the  Primitive  Churches  and 
Councils  and  Chriftians  did  tranfgrefs  the  Laws  of  Chrift  in  this  particular  ?  Surely 
he  cannot  think  it.  Or  is  it  his  Zeal  to  admit  nothing  in  the  Church  grounded  up- 
on prudence  and  experience  and  the  Law  of  nature ,  but  onely  that  which  is  com- 
manded by  Holy  Scripture?  If  that  be  it  I  refer  him  to  Dr.  Sanderfcn  in  his  Pre- 
face before  his  Twenty  Sermons ,  to  whom  he  profefleth  very  great  reverence.  I 
had  rather  fufpedl  that  I  underftand  him  not ,  than  imagin  him  to  be  guilty  of  fuch 
an  abfurd  conclufion. 

To  his  qucftion  if  the  Pope  as  Patriarch  of  the  Weft  jhould  impofe  tipnn  w  which  he 
impojeth  upon  the  Papifts ,  Jhould  the  reformed  Churches  yield  to  them  f  I  anfwer  God 
forbid  ,  but  his  whole  difcourfe  is  grounded  upon  a  clufter  of  rniftakcs.  Firft  the 
Pope  hath  no  right  to  the  Patriarchate  of  all  the  TFeft.  Particularly  he  is  not  our 
Patriarch.  Other  Churches  in  the  JVcft  might  find  out  Primates  or  Patriarchs  of 
their  own  as  well  as  we  ,  if  they  fought  diligently  for  them.  Se:ond!v  a  hngle 
Patriarch  hath  not  Legiflative  power  to  impofe  Laws  in  his  own  Patriarchate  ,  nor 
power  to  innovate  anything  without  the  confent  of  his  Biftipps.  Thirdly,  my 
former  exceptions  as  he  ftileth  them  ,  or  rather  my  preparatory  conditions,  do  vir- 

tualh 


Discourse  1 11  Aad  Epifcoparianr  from  ?opery^  ^:^  i 


tually  comprehend  all  the  grofs  errours  of  the  Koman  Church  ,  both  in  DilcipUne 
and  Dodtiine  ,  leaving  no  difference  in  nccefTary  points  of  Faith  ,  but  oncly  m  o- 
pinions.  So  if  my  conditions  be  obferved,  there  is  no  place  left  for  any  fucn  fup- 
pofition.  Laftly,  I  obferve  what  an  unfound  kind  of  arguing  this  is  ,  to  deny  a 
man  his  juU  right ,  as  Patriarchal  power  was  the  Bi(hop  of  Komes  jurt  right ,  for 
fear  led  he  may  abufe  it.  All  fedlions  ufe  to  mifcal  their  own  terms ,  Chrifis  term:; 
to  cancel  all  Humane  Right  under  the  notion  of  H(/W(?w  devij'es^  is  both  inconfi- 
lient  with  the  Law  ot  Chrill ,  and  the  welfare  of  all  Societies.  They  who  made 
the  Billiopof  'Kome  a  Patriarch  were  the  Primitive  Fathers,  not  excluding  the  A- 
poitles  ,  and  Chriliian  Emperours  ,  and  Oecumenical  Councils.  What  Laws  they 
made  in  this  cafe  ,  we  are  bound  to  obey  for  confcience  fake ,  (  until  they  be  repeal- 
ed Lawfully  , )  by  virtue  of  the  Law  of  Chrift.  Afairer  pica  than  I  know  any  for 
their  own  confirtory  ,  where  Lay-men  ufurp  the  power  of  the  Keys  contrary  to  the 
Law  of  Chrilt. 

His  Sixth  exception  is  the  fame  with  the  Fifth  ,  onely  there  it  is  propofed  hypo- 
thetically  [  If  the  Pope  as  Patriarch  of  the  Wejl  (hould  impofe  ,  3  and  here  it  is 
repealed  categorically,  many  things  in  DoUrine  and  worjhip  rrhicb  on  thefe  terms  rvcmld 
be  impofed  both  on  Eaft  and  Weft  ,  and  prevail  in  m'.ft  of  the  Churches  at  this  day  ,  are 
fins  againli  God  ,  and  therefore  how  fmall focver  they  may  be  ,  are  not  to  be  confenied  unto 
for  unity.  If  there  be  any  grain  of  truth  in  this  proof,  it  is  fo  inderinite ,  fo  con- 
)e<flurai,  and  fo  accidental,  that  it  requireth  no  aniwer.  How  iTiould  a  man  either 
alfirm  or  deny  or  diftinguifli  of  many  things  ,  without  fpecifying  any  one  thing  in 
particular  >  I  aflent  thus  far  in  General  that  no  man  can  be  obliged  to  do  a 
Cn  againft  God ,  and  that  whatfoever  Hurhane  Ordinance  doth  nccelTarily  and  Ef- 
{entially  produce  lin  ,  is  unlawful.  But  until  he  tell  us  in  particular  what  thefe 
many  things  arc  ,  or  at  leaft  fome  one  of  them  ,  and  prove  evidently  that  it  is  a 
finagainftGod,  indeed,  and  not  in  his  opinion  onely,  and  that  it  is  Infallibly 
true  that  it  would  be  impofed  ,  which  would  be  an  hard  task  to  undertake  with- 
out the  gift  of  Prophefie  •,  and  laftly  that  the  impofition  of  fome  fuch  finful  thing 
or  things,  is  not  an  arbitrary  or  accidental  abule  of  that  Lawful  power  which  I 
qdmit ,  but  floweth  naturally  or  effentially  from  it  5  I  fay  until  he  do  all  this ,  all 
that  he  doth  fay  fignitieth  nothing  v  and  fo  I  leave  his  many  things  as  juft  no- 
thing. 

And  come  uuto  his  Seventh  exception ,  "the  Ethiopian  and  other  Churches  that 
tvere  jlill  rpithout  the  verge  of  the  Roman  Empire,  rpill  never  ach^iorvledge  thus  much  to 
the  Fope ,  feting  that  even  thofe  humane  conjlitutions  ivhicb  c^ave  him  his  Primacy  of  Or- 
der ,  determined  of  no  more  than  the  Roman  World  ,  and  had  nothing  to  do  beyond  Eu- 
phrates. Horv  did  the  Topes  lay  any  claim  or  meddle  any  farther  ?  And  abundance  j- 
mong  the  Eaftern  Churches  pciH  deny  thif  Primacy.  This  exception  was  made  in  the 
dark  ,  and  therefore  the  errours  that  abound  in  it  may  more  eaiily  be  pardoned  ,  as 
proceeding  from  the  not  knowing  of  the  true  State  of  the  Mthiopich^  and  other 
Eajiern  Churches.  Both  the  ^thtopick^  Oinii.  all  other  Eajlern  Churches  do  unani- 
moufly  admit  this  form  of  Governitient  by  Patriarchs^  which  I  acknowledge. 
The  JEthiopians  have  a  Patriarch  of  their  own ,  and  fo  have  all  the  other  Eajlern 
Churches.  And  particularly  the  Albuna  or  Patriarch  of  Ethiopia  is  under  the  Pa- 
triarch of  Alexandria^  named  by  him,  and  ordained  by  him  from  time  to  time.  So 
untrue  it  is,  that  the  Oecumenical  Conftitutions  of  General  Councils  extended  not 
beyond  Euphrates.  The  ^thtopick^z-nd  all  other  other  Eaftern  Chuiches  do  fubmit 
to  the  Council  of  Nice ,  and  other  Oecumenical  Councils  ,  by  which  Patriarchal 
Government  was  confirmed.  They  all  acknowledge  the  P<ifr/<«rc/jo/ Rome  to  be 
the  chief  Patriarch ,  whileft  he  behavetlj  himfelf  well ,  and  to  have  a  Primacy  of 
Order  among  the  Patriarchs.  They  know  no  points  of  Faith  but  thofe  vvhich  are 
contained  in  the  ancient  Creed  ,  as  we  find  at  large  in  the  Hiftorical  defcription  of 
JE.thiopia  hyFrancis  Alvares.  They  all  deny  the  Popes  Supremacy  ofpowcr  ,  as  we 
do.  And  when  the  Pope  fought  to  introduce  it  into  IS.thinpia  ,  by  the  meditation 
of  the  King  of  Portugal^  Claudius  then  Emperour  of  Ethiopia  returned  tiii-;  anUvcr, 
Se  quidem  fraterna  in  Lufitanum  Regem  voluntate  effe  acfore  :  c£terum  nihil  fbi  minus 
in  mentim  venifie ,  quam  ut  idcireo  a,  majorum  infiitntis  ac  totj^cuhrum  fpacio  crrrob.ifota. 

D  d  d  d  Reh- 


■^— ^Vindication  of  Grotius  T  O  M  E  I  i. 

-^gl  i„„f  ^(dccret ,  Thar  he  oughr^ good  tvill  to  the  King  of  Portugal  as  hU  Brother  , 

but  It  ivas  the  leaji  part-  of  hU  thongtrt  therefore  to  Apoftate  ,  from  the  orders  and  'Religinn 
of  his  ^Anceftors  ,  recened  and  radicated  in  Ethiopia  throughout  fo  many  Ages.  Pet.Maf- 

feiHilt.Jud.  1.  id.  p.  749-.      _       .       ,         r      •  ■       ^    /^/      r 

His  Eiglnli  Exception  is  ,  7bere  a  no  hope  of  mittng  the  Churches  on  any  terms  , 
but  rchat  are  necefury  and  divine  ■-,  for  its  vain  to  thinly,  that  things  humane  and  unne- 
alfjry  ,  fljouldbe  c  nifnted  to  by  all :  Much  lefs  things  (inful.  In  the  Name  of  God  , 
why  is'it  not  pofiible  that  the  Churches  fliould  be  united  uponfomc  humane  or  pru- 
dential terms?  Are  there  not  common  principles  of  natural  equity,  which  reafon 
did-ateth  to  all  mankind  ?  That  is  one  mifhke.  Secondly ,  the  Law  of  Nature  is 
a  divine. Law.  And  though  patriarchal  Regiment  be  no  exprefs  principle  of  the 
Law  of  Nature  ,  yet  it  is  very  agreeable  to  it,  and  grounded  upon  it.  Thirdly, 
though  no  humane  ordinances  be  abfolutely  necelTary  to  falvation,  as  thofe  fuper- 
natural  truths  which  are  revealed  in  holy  Scripture  are  ,  yet  they  may  be  refpedtive- 
ly  necefTary  to  the  well-being  of  Religion.  Laftly ,  in  his  conclufion  much  lefs 
things  finful ,  he  difputes  upon  that  which  is  not  granted,  nay  more  which  is  abfo- 
lutely denied.  Mr.  Baxter  will  never  be  able  to  prove  that  any  thing,  which  is  fin- 
ful ,  is  conteined  in  my  reconciliatory  propofitions. 

His  ninth  Exception  fignifieth  as  little  as  the  reft,  "There  k  no  union  to  he  had^  but 
upon  the  terms  on  which  the  Churches  have  fometimes  been  united.  For  a  new  vcay  ofu- 
nion  ii  not  to  be  expelled^  attempted.  But  never  wot  the  Church  united  onfuchconceffions 
oithefe,  and  therefore  never  rvill  be.  I  deny  his  afTumption  altogether.  And  if  I 
were  to  chufe  a  reafon,  or  medium,  whereby  to  demonllrate  my  way  of  reconcili- 
ation to  be  good  ,  I  could  not  fix  upon  a  better  than  this.  The  Catholick  Church 
hath  been  united  on  thefe  fame  principles  which  I  fuppofe ,  the  fame  Faith  with- 
out any  addition,  the  fame  EcclefiaiHcal  Difcipline  without  any  variation, the  fame 
Form  of  (erving  God  publickly  j  and  lince  the  difperfion  of  the  Church,  all  over 
the  World  ,  it  never  was  united  upon  any  other  principles  but  thefe,  nor  can  be 
united  upon  any  other  principles  but  thefe. 

I  am  come  to  his  tenth  and  laft  Exception ,  It  rvould  be  an  exceeding  difhomur  to 

God,  and  in]ury  to  the  fouls  of  many  millions  of  men ,  if  hut  tinder  the  Popes  Patriarchal 

Jurifdidion  in  the  JVefl ,  the  Papijls  way  of  Worfhip  vcerefet  up ,  and  their  Government 

exercifed  as  mrc.     The  good  K>iV  of  Rome  ,  or  the  name  of  peace  rpould  not  recompenfe  the 

lofs  of  fo  many  thoufand  fouls ,  as  fame  one  of  the  Papal  abufes  might  procure-,  for  injiance 

their  driving  the  ■people  from  the  Scriptures ,  and  other  means  of  k>tonc ledge.     AH  along 

he  buildcth  upon  a  wrong  Foundation.     It  is  one  thing  to  fet  up  ,  or  to  approve 

the  fetting  upofafalfe  way  of  Worfhip,  which  I  do  not  julHfie  i  and  another 

thing  to  tolerate  it  when  and  where  it  is  not  in  our  power  to  hinder  it,  as  both  he 

and  I  mult  do  whether  we  will  or  no.     I  do  not  only  give  no  confent  to  the  fetting 

up  of  any  unlawful  Form  of  Worfhip  where  it  is  not ,  but  I  wi(h  it  taken  away 

where  it  is  fet  up  already.     But  if  it  be  without  the  fphere  of  my  adlivity  ,  I  mult 

let  it  alone  perforce.     If  a  Shepherd   when  it  is  paft   his  skill  to  cure  his  rotten 

Sheep  ,  (hall  do  his  uttermoft  to  preferve  that  part  of  his  Flock  ,  which  is  found 

from  infedion,  he  deferveth  to  be  commended  for  thofe  he  faved  ,  not  to  be  accu- 

fed  as  the  caufe  why  fo  many  perifhed  ,  that  were  paft  his  skill  and  power  to  cure. 

In  a  great  Scathtire  it  is  wifedom  not  only  to  fuifer  thofe  Houfcs  to  burn  down , 

which  are  paft  quenching,  but  fometimes  to  pull  down  fome  few  Houfcs  wherein 

tiie  Fire  is  not  yet  kindled  ,  to  free  all  the  reft  of  the  City  from  danger.     If  the 

Pope  within  his  own  Territories ,  or  other  Chriftian  Princes  by  his  means  within 

their  Territories,  will  maintain  a  way  of  Worfhip  which  I  do  not  approve ,  mtiil  I 

therefore,  nay  may  I  therefore,  make  War  upon  them  to  compel  them  to  be  of  my 

Religion  ?  So  we  fhall  never  have  any  peace  in  the  World ,  whilft  there  are  different 

Religions  in  the  World  ,  for  every  one  takes  his  own  Religion  to  be  beft. 

But  what  certainty  hath  he  ,  that/y  many  thoufands,  yea  millions  of  Souls  are  loft, 
bccaufe  they  live  in  fuch  places  as  are  fubjedt  to  the  Pope.  God  is  a  merciful  God , 
and  looks  upon  his  poor  (Creatures  ,  with  all  their  prejudices.  Or  how  doth  this 
agree  with  what  he  faith  elfe  where,  that  the  French  moderation  is  acceptable  to  all  good 
men,  And  that  Nation  is  an  honourable  part  of  the  Church  of  Chrift  in  his  cfhem.     It  is 

nc 


Discourse  III.       Atid  Epifcoparians  from  Popery,  ^22 

no  very  honourable  part  of  the  Church  ofChrift^  if  fo  many  millions  of  Souls  run 
fuch  extreme  hazard  in  it ,  p.  10.  His  Marginal  note  oUheir  jirearm  of  bio  jd  and  maf- 
jacret  might  have  been  fpared  ,  for  fear  ef  putting  fbme  of  them  upon  a  parallel  be- 
tween theirs  and  ours.  And  for  his  inrtance  of  driving  the  people  from  the  Scriptures, 
he  efcapeth  fairly  if  none  of  them  caft  it  in  his  teeth,  that  the  promifcuous  licence 
Avhich  they  give  to  all  forts  of  people  ,  qualified  or  unqualified  ,  not  only  to  read, 
but  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  according  to  their  private  fpirits  or  particular  fancies, 
without  any  regard  either  to  the  analogy  of  Faith  ,  which  they  underftand  not ,  or 
to  the  interpretation  ot  the  Dodors  of  former  Ages  ,  is  more  prejudicial  ,  I  might 
better  fay  pernicious  ,  both  to  particular  Chrifiians  ,  and  to  whole  Societies  than 
the  over  rigorous  reftraint  of  the  Romjnilli.  Whereof  a  man  need  require  no  far- 
ther proof,  but  only  to  behold  the  prefent  face  of  the  Eftglifh  Church.  Truth  com- 
monly remaineth  in  the  modell.  And  fo  1  have  (hewed  him  how  little  weight 
there  is  in  his  ten  Exceptions. 

At  the  conclulion  of  his  Exceptions  he  hath  this  claufe  ,  Eefides  moji  of  the  evils 
that  J  charged  before  en  the  Grotian  rvay  (  as  cenfnres,  perfecutions^  &c.  )  vpould  fiHorv 
upon  thU  vcay.  It  may  follow  in  his  erroneous  opinion  ,  but  in  truth  and  really  no 
inconvenicncy  at  all  doth  follow  upon  what  I  fay.  The  third  caufe  of  his  diflike  of 
the  Grof/ii«  way  was,  Beeaicfe  it  U  tiKeharitahle  and  cenforinui ,  cutting  ojf  from  the  Ca- 
iholick^  united  Society^  the  Reformed  Churches  that  yield  not  to  his  terms,  and  tviH  not  be 
reconciled  to  the  Pope  of  Rome.  Let  them  take  heed  that  they  cut  not  off  themfelves, 
for  I  neither  cut  them  off,  nor  declare  them  to  be  cut  off.  If  they  will  not  be  re- 
conciled to  the  Pope  of  Rome ,  upon  warrantable  and  juft  terms,  fuch  as  were  ap- 
proved by  the  primitive  Church  ,  fuch  as  thofe  are  which  I  propo(e  ,  for  any  thing 
he  doth  fay,  or  can  fay  to  the  contrary  ,  it  is  his  own  uncharitablenefs ,  not  mine. 
Some  men  vvould  call  it  Schifmatical  obftinacy.  But  this  reafon  hath  been  fully  an- 
fwered  before. 

The  fourth  reafon  of  his  diflike  of  this  defign  is  ,  Becaufe  it  is  a  trap  to  tempt  and 
engage  the  Souls  of  millions  into  the  fame  uncharitable,  cenforious  ,  and  reproachful  way. 
iVhen  afjlfe  center  of  the  Churches  unity  is  fit  up  ,  and  impojfible  ,  or  unlarvful  terms  of 
concord  are  pretended  thus  to  be  tl)e  only  terms,  they  that  believe  this,  wiU  uncharitably 
cenfure  all  thofe  for  Schifmatick/ or  Hereticl^s  ,  that  clofe  not  rvith  them  on  the fe  terms. 
His  hrft  office  fhould  have  been  to  have  proved  ,  that  my  way  is  uncharitable,  cen- 
forious, or  reproachful ,  and  that  my  terms  are  impotlible  and  unlawful,  which  he 
neither  doth  ,  nor  attempteth  to  do,  nor  ever  will  be  able  to  do.  And  until  he  do 
it ,  or  go  about  it ,  all  his  reafons  are  apure  begging  of  the  queftion ,  and  no  better, 
and  confequently  deferve  no  anfwer. 

The  fifth  reafon  of  his  diflike  is,  becaufe  it  tendeth  to  engage  the  Princes  of  Chi- 
Jiendnm  in  a  perfection  of  their  Subjecis  ,  that  cannot  comply  with  thefe  unre  arrant  able 
terms.  And  that  is  likely  to  be  no  jmaU  number,  nor  the  ten fer  part ,  hut  the  faundeli 
and  Tfifeji  ,  and  holieji  m'n.  For  if  Princes  be  once  perftpaded  that  thefe  be  the  onely 
terms,  and  fo  that  the  dipnters  are  faCtiom ,  Schifmatical  and  unpeaceable  men,  no  K>m- 
deriftheyfxkncetheMini\ters,  and  per fecute  the  people.  It  is  an  eafier  thing  to  call 
them  unlawful,  and  unwarrantable  terms  twenty  times,  than  to  make  it  good 
once.  It  is  a  fault  in  Rhetarick^,  and  in  Lfgick^zKo ,  to  ufe  common  reafons  ,  fuch 
as  may  be  retorted  againft  our  felves  by  an  Adverfary.  Such  a  reafon  is  this,  and 
may  be  urged  with  as  much  fliew  of  reafon  againrt  all  Writers  of  Controverfieswhat- 
foever  ,  and  againft  Mt. Baxter  himfelf  in  particular,  with  as  much  colour  of  truth 
as  he  urgeth  it  againft  Grotius  or  me.  That  if  Princes  be  once  perfwaded  ,  thar 
thofe  terms  which  he propofcth  be  true,  and  the  contrary  errours  ,  no  wonder  if 
they  filence  the  Minilkrs,  and  perfeatte  the  people.  Or  if  they  be  once  perfwaded 
by  him,  that  his  new  Difciplineis  the  Scepter  of  C"hrifl  prefcribed  in  theGofpel.then 
the  Epifcopal  Divines,  and  the  Independents  are  fure  to  fuffer.  This  frivolous, 
prefenfe  will  fit  all  caufes  whatfbever  ,  though  they  be  never  fo  diametrally  oppofite 
one  to  another. 

Secondly,  I  anfwer,  that  there  is  not  one  grain  of  clear  diftinfl  neceiFary  truth  in 
this  whole  Difcourfe  ,  but  uncertain  fufpicions,  groundlcfs  perfwafions,  confufed 
gsneralities ,   and  beggings  of  the  quefiion.     That  the  terms  are  unlawful  and  un- 

D  d  d  d   2  war- 


534.  A  Vimlication  of  Grotius  TOME   II. 

"wanantablc  that  he  and  his  party  are  the  Ibundeft  ,  and  wilcU  ,  and  hohelt  of 
Chriitiaus ,  is  groundlcfs  prefumption  and  begging  ot  the  queftion.  That  the  Prin- 
ces of  Ciirilkndom  will  be  perfwadcd  themfelvcs,  and  thereupon  condemn  the  dif- 
(enters  and  filence  the  Miniilers  ,  and  perfecute  the  people  ,  are  all  uncertain  con- 
]cdures*,  and  accidental  events.  What  Princes  of  Cliriftendom  he  doth  intend  or 
can  intend,  who  are  thofe  diifenters  whom  he  calleth  the  foundeii,  and  wifeit,  and 
jioliell  of  men  i  what  Minilkrs  he  meaneth  ordained  or  unordaincd ,  or 
bothi  and  what  flocks  fuch  as  they  had  a  Legal  title  to,  or  fuch  as  they  have  U- 
furped  ,  are  all  confufed  indehnite  generalities ,  and  ought  to  have  been  fet  forth 
more  dilHndtly. 

In  a  word  mutato  nomine  de  te  fabula  narratur.  Whatfoever  he  faineth  of  imaginary 
Orotijus,  is  really  true  of  his  own  party.  They  have  prevailed  with  perfons  of  power 
and  authority ,  and  perfwaded  them  to  filence  and  perfecute  ,  and  to  chafe  away 
firom  their  flocks  the  right  Paftors ,  and  have  ufurped  their  Benefices  and  charges 
themfelves.  And  all  this  while  pretended  (  (hamelefs  men  ,  )  that  they  are  doing 
God  good  Service.  He  is  not  able  to  charge  any  of  his  imaginary  Grotians  vyith 
any  fuch  thing,  7hif  if  to  bite  and  tehine^  m  the  Proverb  hath  it ,  to  do  rerong  and  to 
complain  of  Jjijfering  tprong.  Popular  perfecutions  of  all  others  are  ever  moft  ground- 
lefs ,  and  molt  violent. 

The  more  moderate  that  mens  judgement  are  ,  as  Gr-o//»f  his  judgment  was,  and 
mine  is ,  the  farther  off  they  are  from  engaging  Princes  to  perfecute  their  Subjedls. 
Cowards  ordinarily  are  moft  cruel.So  weak  and  wilful  perfons  are  moft  apt  to  promote 
perfecutions ,  knov/ing  that  to  be  their  only  defctace  againft  thofe  whom  they  are 
unable  to  anfwer  with  reafon.  There  are  feditious  principles  and  pradfifes  enough 
in  the  World  to  irritate  Princes  ,  without  any  other  bad  Offices ,  which  have  been 
introduced  into  the  Church  under  a  pretext  of  Religion  ,  fuch  as  no  man  living 
can  juftifie,  fuch  as  are  inconfiftent  with  all  Humane  Societies.  Such  as  if  Gad  be 
pleafed  once  to  reftore  men  perfectly  to  their  right  Wits ,  they  muft  be  fare  in  the 
firfl  place  to  caft  out  of  the  World  ,  if  they  do  ever  mean  to  preferve  peace  and 
tranquility  among  themfelves.  It  were  mucli  more  politick ly  done  of  him  to  leave 
this  Subje<S  ,  which  the  more  it  is  ftirred  in ,  the  worfe  it  will  fmell  to  (bme  bo- 

In  the  conclufiou  of  this  objedlion  he  complaineth  thus ,  ThU  w  the  unhappy  'ijfue 
of  the  attempts  of  Pride.  l^lKn  men  have  fuch  high  thoughts  of  their  oven  imaginati- 
ons'^ and  devifes  ,  ccc.  Which  is  moft  true  in  general  if  he  can  let  it  reft  there.  But 
if  he  proceed  any  farther  to  examine  on  what  fide  this  pride  doth  lie  ,  whether  a- 
mong  the  Grotian  \>3.ny  ^  a.s  Caffitnder  ^  and  Wicelim  ^  and  Grotius,  or  among  his 
own  party ,  if  it  were  fit  to  name  them  ,  he  will  quickly  find  who  they  are  that  do 
cakare  fajium  majore  fajiu ,  tread  down  pride  with  greater  pride,  tly-ough  the 
holes  of  whofe  Coats  vain  Glory  doth  difcover  it  felf.  That  ever  Presbyterians 
ftiould  complain  of  pride  ! 


C  H  A  P.    V  1 1. 

Of  Mr.  Baxters  one  way  of  reconciliation. 

THus  having  in  his  own  imagination  battered  down  that  frame  of  an  Union  , 
which  he  thought  I  had  propofed ,  though  in  truth  all  his  reafons  have  fcarce- 
ly  force  to  (hake  an  Afpin  leaf.  Yet  for  our  comfort  he  telleth  us  that  he  naiU  not 
leave  the  bufinefithiis  ,  leji  rvhilji  he  pttVs  derpn  aV  and  oprs  nothing  inftead  thereof^  he 
might  he  thought  an  Enemy  to  peace.  It  is  all  the  reafon  in  <he  World  that  if  peace 
be  fo  defireable  as  he  maketh  it ,  and  he  {hew  his  diflike  of  our  ways  to  procure  it, 
be  fliould  propofe  a  better  expedient  of  his  own  ,  that  other  men  may  have  the  li- 
berty to  try  if  they  can  fay  more  againft  his  way  ,  than  he  hath  hitherto  been  able 
to  fay  againft  theirs :  but  I  have  my  jealoufies  and  fears  as  well  as  he  ,  and  better 
founded  ,  that  he  will  never  prove  a  good  Archited  in  this  kind,  becaufc  I  never 
found  any  man  yet  who  was  given  to  innovation  ,  but  his  genious  was  ten  times 
apter  for  pullijig  down  than  tor  building  up.  But 


Discourse     III.        ^nd  Ep'tfcoparians  pom  Popery^  53- 

But  let   lis  vie  vy  his  own  way  or  terms  of  peace  without  prejudice.     In  pejieral 
therefore  J  fay  ,  thai  the  terms  of  an  Vniverfal  concord  or  peace  mitii  he  purely  DivTw  attd 
not  Humane  ,   neceffary  and  not  things  imneceffary  ,  ancient  according  tj  the  Primitive  fm- 
plictty  ,  and  neither  new  nor  yet  too  Kumerouf  ,  curium^  or  ahjiruje.     Thefe  are  Gene- 
rals indeed  ,  and  if  they  were  all  confented  unto  ,  the  peace  would  not  be  musli 
nearer  than  it  is.     1  think  fuch  general  terms  or  Articles  of  peace  were  never  feen 
before  in  our  days.     From  what  hopes  am  I  fallen  ?  I  expedJed  that  having  remedied 
our  ways  of  reconciliation ,  he  would  have  chalked  us  a  new  ready  way  of  his  own 
free  from  all  exceptions.     And  he  onely  telleth  us  that  a  way  muft  be  fhort  and 
ilraight  beaten ,  and  fmooth  ,   and  fo  leaveth  us  to  rind  out  fuch  a  way  for  our 
felves  where  we  can.     This  is  jutt  take  nothing  and  hold  it  fafl.     Such  general 
ways  are  commonly  the  ways  of  Bunglers  or  Deceivers,     One  of  Mercuries  Statues 
though  it  were  dumb  could  have  given  better  dire<5tions  for  a  way  than  this.     Buc 
he  who  will  be  a  reconciler  of  Controverfies,  mult  be  more  particular. 

Yet  let  us  take  a  particular  view  of  his  general  diredtions.  7he  terms  of  an  Vni- 
verfal peace  mttji  be  purely  Divine  not  Humane.  How  purely  Divine  not  Humane  ? 
That  is  impaUible.  That  which  is  purely  Divine  hath  no  mixture  of  Humane  in 
iti  but  thefe  terms  of  peace  muft  be  made  and  contrived  by  men  ,  between  man  and 
man,  for  the  ufe  of  men,  and  after  an  Humane  manner^  not  by  immediate  infpiration. 
So  thefe  terms  cannot  hz  purely  Divine.  But  perhaps  his  meaning  is  no  more  than 
this ,  that  in  an  accommodation  no  Humane  Conftitutions  ought  to  be  impofed 
upon  the  Churches.  Then  down  goes  his  Presbyterian  Difcipline  ,  for  that  is  both 
Humane  ajid  new.  When  Calvin  hrft  propofcd  it  to  the  Helvetian  Divines  for  their 
approbation,  he  defired  no  more  of  them  but  to  tertifie  that  it  was  not  difagreeable 
to  the  word  of  God  ,  or  came  near  to  the  Word  of  God.  It  is  meet  and  )ufl  that 
no  Humane  conllitutions  fhould  be  impofed  as  Divine  ordinances ,  but  it  doth  not 
follow  thence  that  all  humane  right  and  law  mult  be  thruft  out  for  rotten. 

Humane  right  is  grounded  upon  Divine  Right ,  that  is  the  Law  of  Nature,  and 
the  pofitive  Laws  of  God ,  and  cannot  be  violated  without  the  violation  of  the  Di- 
vine Law  ,  and  ought  to  be  oblerved  for  Confcience  f^ke  ,  out  of  a  refped'  to  the 
Divine  Law,  which  cova.mzi\&et\\  every  Soul  tohe  SubjeUto  the  higher  po-wers.  Is 
not  this  like  to  prove  a  fair  accommodation?  wherein  the  rirll  Article  mult  be  to  re- 
nounce the  light  of  natural  rcafbn,  and  the  experience  of  fo  many  Ages  lince  Chrifts 
time  ,  and  the  prudential  Conftitutions  of  all  our  Primitive  Guides.  Thefe  are  fuch 
terms  of  Peace  as  can  pleafe  no  body  but  Sequelkators  ,  and  fuch  as  live  like  moths 
in  other  mens  garments.  Neither  would  his  pretended  Divine  terms  be  more  favour- 
able to  innovations  than  Humane  terms,  but  only  that  this  way  affordeth  wranglers 
a  longer  time  to  prevaricate  ,  before  controverfies  can  be  maturely  determined.  If 
ever  there  were  an  Univerfal  reconciliation  of  all  Chriliians ,  the  firft  ad  which 
they  ought  to  do  after  their  Union  ,  is  to  cad  out  all  fuch  pernicious  principles  as 
this  from  among  them  ,  before  they  thruft  out  all  reafon  and  Humane  Right  out  of 
the  World. 

His  Second  rule  I'ithe  terms  of  Peace  muji  be  things  neceffury  not  unneceffary.  We 
are  beholden  to  King  James  not  to  him  for  this  prudent  diredlion.  But  by  (ettino- 
it  down  fo  imperfectly  he  makes  it  his  own.  There  are  two  forts  ofnecefTary  things. 
Some  things  are  abfolutely  necelTary  to  the  being  of  the  Church.  Some  other 
things  are  refpediuely  necelTary  to  the  well-being  of  the  Church.  The  terms  of 
peace  ought  to  extend  to  both  thefe ,  to  the  former  evermore  ,  to  the  later  as  far 
as  it  may  be.  Or  yet  more  diftindly.  Some  things  arc  necelTary  necefitate  medii^ 
as  necelTary  means  of  Salvation  ,  without  which  no  Church  can  confilf.  Concer- 
ning thefc  there  is  little  or  no  need  of  reconciliation  ,  where  there  is  no  difference. 
Secondly^  Some  other  things  are  necelTary  necef[itate  pr£cepti,  as  commanded  by  God 
or  by  the  Church  of  God.  Both  thefe  are  necelTary  in  their  feveral  degrees ,  and 
both  of  them  ought  to  be  taken  in  confideration  in  a  reconciliation ,  but  efpecially 
the  former,  yet  not  excluding  the  latter.  Every  thing  ought  to  be  loofcd  by  the 
fame  authority  by  which  it  was  bound.  "Thirdly  ,  There  are  other  things  which 
though  they  be  neither  necelTary  means  of  Salvation,  nor  neceffarily  commanded  by 
God  or  man,  yet  they  are  necelTary  by  a  necellity  of  convenience  ,  outofpiou'? 

and 


■^rj A  Vindication  of  Gxoum  TOME  II. 

and  prudential  confiderations ,  lluic  ,  bn^nmc,  to  this  or  that  Church,  at  this 
or  that  time ,  in  this  or  that  place.  The  greateft  coniideration  that  ought  to  be 
had  of  thcfe 'tilings,  is  to  leave  every  Church  free  to  determine  their  own  necelh- 
tics  or  conveniences  ,  yet  with  a  regard  to  unity  and  uniformity. 

His  third  Rule  is ,  the  terrrn  of  pace  muji  be  ancient  according  to  the  primitive  fmpli- 
<•/«, ,  and  neither  mw  nor  yet  too  numerom ,  ctiriom  ,  or  abftruje.     His  firft  Rule  doth 
virtually  comprehend  both  his  later  Rules,  and  renders  them  fuperHuous.     For  if 
nothing  be  admitted  into  the  terms  of  peace  but  Divine  truths,  they  can  neither  be 
unncceifary  ,  nor  new  ,  nor  too  numerous,  curious,  or  abftrufe.     And  this  way 
of  his  rightly  exprelTed  and  underftood,  is  the  fame  in  effed  with  my  way  which 
he  prctendeth  to  impugn.     He  admitteth  no  truths  but  Divine,  and  excludeth  all 
humane  rights,  which  is  more  than   he  ought  to  do.     I  diftinguifli  Divine  right 
from  Humane  right ,   and  give  unto  tlie'Law  of  God  both  written  and  unwritten, 
and,  to  the  Laws  of  the  Church ,  and  to  the  Laws  of  Cxfar ,  their  refpedlive  dues. 
He  admitteth  none  but  neceflary  truths,  I  admit  no  truths  in   point  of  Faith  ,  but 
thefe  which  the  bleiTed  Apoltles  judged  to  be  neceflary  and  comprehended  in  the 
Creed.     I  rejedl  all  new  coined  Articles  of  Faith  ,  all  ufurpations  in  point  of  Dif- 
cipline  ,  all  innovations  in  point  of  Worlhip.  He  propofeth  for  a  pattern  of  Union, 
the  finiplicity  of  the  ancient  and  primitive  Church;  Sodol,  before  the  Faith  was  adul- 
tcT'ited  by  the  addition  of  new  Articles,  or  the  Difcipline  tranflated  into  a  new 
Monarchical  way,  or  the  publick  Worfhip  of  God  was  corrupted  by  the  injunction 
of  finful  or  fupernumerary  rites. 

I  wifh  he  had  expreflcd  himfelf  more  clearly  what  he  means  by  the  primitive  fim- 
plicity.  I  hope  it  is  not  his  intention  ,  that  either  the  Houfe  of  God  ,  or  the  pub- 
lick  Service  of  God  (hould  be  fordid  and  contemptible.  He  cannot  be  ignorant, 
that  fo  far  as  the  prefent  condition  of  times,  and  places  ,  and  perfons,  and  aiTairs 
will  bear  it,  there  ought  to  be  fome  proportion  between  that  great  God  whom  we 
ferve,  and  that  Service  which  wc  perform  unto  him.  God  was  acceptably  fcrved 
by  the  primitive  Chriftians  both  in  their  Cells,  and  Vaults,  and  homely  Oratories 
in  times  of  perfecution ,  and  likewife  in  flately  and  magnificent  Temples  and  Ca- 
thedrals, when  God  had  given  peace  and  plenty  to  his  Church.  Wifedom  is  ju- 
ftitied  of  her  Children.  Yet  even  in  thofe  times  of  perfecutions,  a  man  would  won- 
der at  that  external  fplendour  wherewith  thofe  devouter  fouls  ferved  God ,  where 
they  had  means  and  opportunity. 

Neither  do  I  perfedrly  underftand  what  his  aim  is ,  where  he  would  not  have  the 
terms  of  peace  to  be  curious  or  abftriife.  I  conjecture  it  refledteth  upon  the  Schoolmen. 
And  if  his  meaning  only  be  ,  that  he  would  not  have  our  Catechifms  or  accommo- 
dations to  be  peftered  and  perplexed  with  the  obfcure  terms  and  endlefs  Difputati- 
ons  of  the  Schools,  I  do  readily  aflent.     But  if  bethink  ,  that  in  the  Work  of  re- 
conciliation there  is  no  need  of  a  Scholaflick  Plain  to  take  away  the  crabbed  knots, 
and  to  fmooth  the  prefent  Controverfies  of  the  Chriftian  World  ,  I  mu(t  dilTent 
from  him.     We  find  by  daily  experience  ,  that  the  greateft  differences ,  and  fuch 
as  made  the  moft  noife ,  and  the  deepefl  breach  in  the  Chriftian  World,  being  right- 
ly and  Scholaftically  ftated  ,  do  both  become  eafie  and  intelligible  ,  and  now  appear 
to  have  been  mere  miftakes  one  of  another.     And  when  many  other  Qiieftions  arc 
rightly  handled  after  the  fame  manner,  I  prefume  they  will  find  the  like  end.When 
I  was  a  young  Student  in  Theology,  Dr.  Jf'ard  declared  his  mind  to  me ,  to  this 
purpofe,  that  it  was  impoflible  that  the  preCent  Controverfies  of  the  Church  (hould 
be  rightly  determined  or  reconciled  ,  without  a  deep  infight  into  the  Dodtrinc  of 
the  primitive  Fathers,  and  a  competent  skill  in  School  Theology.     The   former  af- 
fordeth  us  aright  pattern,  and  the  fecond  fmootheth  it  over  ,  and  plaineth  away 
the  knots. 

Though  he  himfelfdo  deal  only  in  Generals:  yethe  telleth  us,  that  Mr.  ChiUing- 
morth  hath  already  particularly  told  the  World  a  way  of  unity.  It  is  well  if  he  have, 
but  if  it  prove  as  general  as  his  own  way,  it  will  not  conduce  much  to  the  peace 
of  Chriftendom.  What  hath  Mr.  ChiHingrcorth  told  us ,  or  where  hath  he  told  it  > 
Had  it  not  been  worthy  of  his  Labour  to  have  repeated  the  words,  or  cited  the 
place  ?  What  a  deal  of  vanity  is  it  to  write  whole  Treatifes  in  confutation  of  others, 

to 


Discourse  III.  And Epifcoparians from  Popery  '       5T7" 

to  no  purpofc ,  and  when  he  comes  to  the  main  bufinefs ,  or  to  the  onlT^iecdl^^  ' — 

and  farisfadory  point  to  be  mute/  It  is  long  fince  I  read  over  Ut.ChiUingjvmh  but 
I  remember  no  fuch  particular reconciiiatory  way  told  by  him  to  all  th;  World  but 
only  fome  general  intlinations  or  diredions.  All  that  I  do  remember  or  meet  with 
I  fhall  produce. 

The  hrfi  place  i^  in  the  Frontifpiece  of  his  Book.  Neither  is  that  his  own  jude- 
ment,  but  the  judgment  of  King  jT^wf/,  related  by  Mr.  Cajjubanm  his  Epiftlc  to 
Cardinal  ?non  in  thefe  words,  Ihe  Kingjud^eth  ,  that  the  number  of  things  abfolntely 
iuctpry  toj.ihatim  is  not  great.  Wherefore  hU  Majefly  thinks  'here  is  no  nme  compendi- 
ous rvjy  to  peace  ,  than  to  difiingtii(l>  diligently  things  necejfary  from  things  not  neceSary 
and  to  endeavour  to  procure  an  agreement  about  necejjary  things  ,  and  that  place  may  he 
given  to  Chrijiian  liberty  in  things  not  necejfary.  The  King  calleth  thofe  things  fmplyne- 
■  "iPo'  ■,  "''^"^'^  "'''^'"  ''■"*  ^^"'■^  "f  '^'^'^  commandeth  exprefly  to  be  believed  or  done,  or  which 
the  ancient  Church  did  dratp  out  of  the  Word  of  Gjd  by  necejfary  confequence.  If  this  di- 
jiindion  n>ne  ufed  to  decide  the  prefent  Controverfes  ,  and  divine  ri<il3t  were  ingenioufly 
dijlinguiped  from  pofttion  or  Ecclefiajiical  right ,  it  feemeth  not  that  'the  contention  would 
belong,  orjharp,  between  fious  and  tmderate  men,  about  things  abfihttely  neceffary^ 
For  they  are  both  few  as  wefaid  even  now ,  and  are  for  the  mojl  part  approved  by  all '  who 
dtfire  to  be  called  Chrijiians.  And  hU  moft  renowned  Majefly  think^th  thU  difliudion  to  be 
offo  great  moment ,  to  diminijh  the  Controverfes  which  trouble  the  Church  fo  much  at  this 
day,  that  he  fridgeth  it  the  duty  of  all  who  are  Ihtdioitf  of  peace ,  to  explain  it  ddirrently 
and  teach  it ,  andurge  it.  This  is  an  excellent  way  indeed  ,  but  it  is  a  general  way' 
not  a  particular  way  i  It  was  King  James  his  way,  not  Mr.  ChiUingworths.  What 
King^  James  pointed  at  in  general ,  I  purfue  in  particular.  But  that^prudent  Prince 
was  far  enough  from  dreaming  ,  that  there  could  be  no  reconciliation  of  Chrirten- 
dom  ,  except  all  humane  right  were  deftroyed  or  taken  away.  This  is  Mr.  Baxter^i 
own  unbeaten  way. 

I  find  a  fecond  paflage  to  this  purpofe  inMr.  Chillingworth's  Anfwer  to  the  Preface 
num.  23.  Notwithflanding  all  your  errours ,  we  do  not  renounce  your  communion  totally 
and  ahfolutely  ,but  only  leave  communicating  with  you  in  the  praUice  and  prpfejfron  of  your 
errours.  The  tryal  whereof  will  be  to  propoje  fome  Form  of  worjhipping  God ,  taken  whoU 
ly  out  of  Scripture.  And  herein  if  we  refufe  to  pyn  with  yon  ,  then  and\ot  till  then 
may  you  juftlyjay  we  have  utterly  and  abfolutely  abandoned  your  communion.  This  might 
ferve  for  a  coverfew  to  hide  the  flame  of  our  contentions  from  breaking  out  whillt 
we  are  at  our  Devotions.  .  But  it  hath  nothing  of  reconciliation  in  it  and  hath  as 
little  probability  of  a  pacification.  Wedefire  not  halffo  much  as  this  of  them  to 
change  their  whole  Liturgy  ,  but  only  to  leave  out  fome  of  their  own  later  additi- 
ons ,  which  never  were  in  any  of  the  primitive  Liturgies.  By  being  taken  wholly 
out  of  the  Scripture  ,  either  it  is  intended  that  it  {hall  be  all  in  the  words  and  phrafe 
ot  Scripture,  That  will  weigh  little.  (I have  never  obferved  any  thing  more  repu- 
gnant to  the  true  fenfe  of  Scripture,  than  fome  things  which  have  been  exprefTed 
altogether  in  the  phrafe  of  Scripture.  )  Or  it  is  intended,  that  the  matter  of  the  Li- 
turgy (hall  be  taken  wholly  out  of  the  Scripture.  But  this  hath  fo  little  of  an  ex- 
pedient in  it,  that  it  will  leave  the  Controverfie  where  it  is.  Botli  parties  do  al- 
ready contend  ,  that  their  refpedive  Forms  are  taken  out  of  the  Scriptures. 

He  hath  another  palTage  much  to  the  fame  purpofe,  in  his  Anfwer  to  the  third 
Chapter  ,  part  i.  n.  1 1.  Jfyou  would  at  thvs  time  fropofe  a  Form  of  Lituriy  tchicb 
both  fides  hold  lawful .  and  then  they  [[  Proteftants])  would  not  join  with\ouin  this 
Liturgy, you  might  have  fome  colour  to  fay ,  that  they  renounced  your  communion  abfolutely. 
Firli,  This  remedy  regardeth  only  a  communion  inpublick  Worlliip,  without  any 
refped  toan  union  in  Faith  and  Difcipline.  Secondly,  even  in  the  point  of publick 
Worfhip,  it  leaves  the  diiference  where  it  was,  what  is  a  Lawful  Form.  Thofe 
things  which  the  Komanijis  hold  to  be  necefTary,  the  Proteftants  (bun  as  fuperlliti- 
ousexcefles.  And  that  Form  which  the  Proteftants  would  allow,  the  Roman  if  s 
cry  out  on  as  defedive  in  neceflary  Duties ,  and  particularly  ,  wanting  five  of  their 
Sacraments.  Nay  certainly  to  call  the  whole  Frame  of  the  Liturgy  into  difpute 
offers  too  large  a  Field  for  contention.  And  is  nothing  fo  likely  a  way  of  peace' 
as  either  for  us  to  accept  of  their  Form ,  abating  fome  fuch  parts  of  it  as  are  con' 

ftfTed, 


5:^8 


A  Vindication  of  Grotius T  O  M  E  1  I- 

Tlicd"tn  liave  been  added  lincc  the  Primitive  times  ,  and  are  acknovvkdgcd  not  to 
be  fimplY  nccclTary ,  but  fnch  as  cliaritable  Chriftians  ought  to  give  up  and  Sjcririce 
to  an  Univcrlal  Peace  ,  and  would  do  it  readily  enough  ,  if  it  were  not  tor  mutu- 
il  animoilties  of  both  parties  ,  and  the  particular  interefts  of  fome  pcrfons.  Or  if 
iiiev  Ibould  fay  to  us  as  Father  TaulHarvU  (  a  Krmamfi  violent  enough  )  hath  often 
laid  to  me  ,  that  if  we  had  retained  the  Liturgy  ufed  in  Edward  the  fixths  time,  he 
would  not' have  forborn  to  come  to  our  communiofl.  To  procure  peace  ,  there 
muft  be  condefcenhon  on  both  fides. 

I  find  3  third  place  ,  ^art  i.  cap.  4.  «.  ^p.  10  reduce  Chriftians  to  miity  of  Commu- 
nion there  are  but  tvpo  ways  that  may  be  conceived  probable.  The  one  by  takjitg  atvjy 
diverfity  <ij  opviinns  touching  matters  of  Keligion.  "The  other  by  (hercing  that  the  diverfny 
af  opinions^  which  is  among  thefeveralSeUs  of  Cln-ijlians,  ought  to  be  no  hinderance  to  their 
unity  in  Commu'nton.  The  farmer  ofthefe  it  not  to  be  hoped  for  rvithout  a  miracle :  Then 
tvhat  remains  but  that  Chriftiatts  be  taught ,  that  their  agreement  in  high  points  nf  Faith 
and  obedience  ,  ought  to  be  more  effectual  to  veinthemin  one  Communion  ,  than  their  dif- 
ference in  things  of  lejl  moment  to  divide  them.  I  muft  crave  leave  to  dillint  from 
Mr.  C/'/ffiwgWfTf/' in  his  former  conclufion  ,  that  diverfity  of  opinions  among  Chri- 
iiians  touching  matters  of  Religion  cannot  be  taken  away  without  a  miracle.  A 
great  many  of  thole  coutroverfies  which  railed  the  higheft  animofities  among  Chri- 
ftians at  the  firft  Reformation ,  are  laid  afide  already  by  moderate  and  judicious  per- 
fons  of  both  parties,  without  any  miracle,  and  are  onely  kept  on  foot  by  fome 
blunderers ,  who  follow  the  old  mode  when  the  fafhion  is  grown  out  of  date,  ei- 
ther out  of  prejudice  ,  or  pride,  or  want  of  judgment  or  all  together. 

And  as  many  controverfies  of  the  greateft  magnitude  are  already  as  good  as  re- 
conciled ,  So  more  may  be.  There  is  no  oppofition  to  be  made  againir  their  evi- 
dent truth.  I  hope  Mr.  Baxter  will  be  of  my  mind ,  who  confcfTcth  that  He  is  grown 
to  a  great  deal  if  confidence  ^  that  moji  of  our  contentions  about  \_  Arminian  ^  points, 
are  more  about  tvords  than  matter.  P^nd  doahtethrvhether  there  be  any  difference  at  at 
in  the  poine  vf  Free-voiV.  Prsef.  Sedl.  5.  And  affirmeth  that  the  difference  be- 
treeen  Troteftants  and  many  Fapifts  about  certainty  of  Salvation ,  (  except  the  point  ofper- 
feverance  )  is  next  to  none.  And  with  fome  Tapirs  in  the  point  of  perfeverance  aljo  ^ 
Seft.  64. 

The  Second  conclufion  was  borrowed  by  Mr.  Chi'SingvPorth  from  my  Lord  Primate. 
That  our  agreement  in  the  high  and  nccelTary  points  of  Faith,  and  obedience, 
ought  to  be  more  elTedual  to  unite  us  than  one  difference  in  opinions  to  divide  us. 
Concerning  which  there  is  no  need  of  my  fuffrage,  for  it  is  juft  mine  own  way. 
My  Second  demand  in  my  propofition  of  Peace  was  this.  That  the  Creed  or  neceffa- 
ry  points  of  Faith  might  be  reduced  to  what  they  rvere  in  the  time  of  the  four  firji  Oecu- 
menical Councils ,  according  to  the  decree  of  the  Third  General  Council.  (  Who  dare  fay 
that  the  Faith  of  the  Primitiue  Fathers  was  infufficiem  ,  &c.  )  I  do  profefs  to  all  the 
World  that  the  transforming  of  indifferent  opinions  into  neccffary  Articles  of  Faith, 
hath  been  that  infana  laurus,  or  curfed  Bay-tree  ,  the  caufe  of  all  our  brawling  and 
contention.  Judge,  Reader,  indifferently,  what  reafon  Mr.  Baxter  had  to  dif- 
allow  my  terms  of  peace  ,  (  as  he  is  pleafed  to  call  them  )  and  allow  Mr.  Chilling- 
worths  ,  when  my  terms  are  the  very  fame  which  Mr.  Chillingworth  propofeth,  and 
my  Lord  Primate  before  him  ,  and  King  James  before  them  both. 


CHAP.   V  I  I  L 

The  true  reafons  of  the  Bijhops  abatement  of  the  la(i  400.  years  determinations. 

¥  N  his  one  and  Fortieth  Seftion  i  he  hath  thefe  words ,  He  will  not  with  Bi(l:ip 
*•  Bramhall  abate  us  the  determinations  of  the  laft  400.  years  ,  though  ij  he  did  ,  it 
would  prove  but  a  pitiful  patch  for  the  torn  condition  of  the  Church.  When  I  made  that 
propofition  that  the  Papifts  would  wave  their  laft  400.  years  determinations  ,  I  djd 
it  with  more  ferious  deliberation  ,  than  he  b.eftowed  upon  his  whole  Grotian  Reli- 
gion.    Begun  April  p.     1558.     And  finiflied   April  i-^.  1658.     My  reafon  was  to 


con- 


Discourse  III.  And Epifcoparians' from  Popery  <5o7 


controul  a  common  errour  received  by  many  ,  that  thofe  errours  and  Ufurpations 

of  the  Church  of  Howe,  which  made  the  breach  between  them  and  us,  were  much 

more  ancient  than  in  truth  they  were.     What  thofe  errours  and  ufurpations  were 

cannot  be  judged  better  than  by  our  Laws  and  Statutes ,  which  were  made  and 

provided  as  remedies  for  them.     I  know  they  had  begun  fome  of  their  grofs  errours 

and  ufurpations  long  before  that  time,  and  fome  others  not  lon^  b;fore      but  the 

moft  of  them  ,  and  efpecially  thofe  whicli  necellicated  a  feparation     after  that 

^imc. 

.  Thofe  errours  and  Ufurpations  which  were  begun  before  that  time  ,  if  they  be 

rightly  confidered  ,  were  but  the  linful  and  unjult  adtions  of  particular  Yopes  and 

perfons ,  and  could  not  warrant  a  publick  feparation  from  the  Church  of  Rome.     I 

deny  not  but  that  erroneous  opinions  in  inferiour  points ,  rather  concernin^^  Faith 

than  of  Faith  ,  and  fome  (inful  and  unwarrantable  pradices,  both  in  point  ^fDif- 

cipline  and  Devotion  ,  had  crept  into  the  Church  of  Rom;  before  that  time.     But 

erroneous  opinions  may  be  ,  and  muft  be  tolerated  among  Chrijiiatti ,  fo  they  be 

not  oppofite  to  the  ancient  Creed  of  the  Church  ,  nor  obtruded   upon  others  as  ne- 

celTary  points  of  faving  Faith. 

Neither  is  any  man  bound  or  neceiliatted  to  joyn  with  other  men  in_^/;/«/ and 
unwarrantable  opinions  or  praSices  until  they  be  eftablifhed  and  impofed  necef- 
farily  upon  a.U  others  by  Laa>.  WhiKl  it  was  free  for  any  man  to  give  a  fair  inter- 
pretation of  an  harfh  exprellion  or  atSlion  ,  without  incurring  any  danger  there 
was  no  necelJity  of  feparation.  But  when  thefe  Tyranmcal  Ufurpations  were  jufti- 
Hed  by  the  decrees  of  Cnuncils  ,  and  impofed  upon  ChrijUans  under  pain  of  Excom- 
mitnicatioft ,  when  thefe  en&nco\is  opinions  were  made  neceffary  ^rhc/e/ of  favini* 
Faith ,  extra  quam  mn  ell  falut ,  without  which  there  is  no  Salvation  ,  when  thefe 
finful  and  unwarrantable  pradtices  were  injoyned  to  all  Chriftians  and  when  all 
thefe  unjult  ufurpations ,  erroneous  opinions  ,  and  finful ,  and  unwarrantable  pra- 
<£tices,  were  made  neceffary  conditions  of  Communion  with  the  Church  of  Rowf 
fo  that  no  man  could  communicate  with  the  Roman  Church  ,  but  he  that  would 
fubmit  to  all  thefe  ufurpations ,  believe  all  thefe  erroneous  opinions ,  and  obey  all 
their  finful  iniundlions ,  then  there  was  an  abfolute  necclfity  of  feparation. 

Then  if  any  man  inquire  when  and  how  this  necelficy  was  impofed  upon  Chri- 
ftians ,  I  anfwer  ,  all  this  was  ratified  and  done  altogether  ,  or  in  a  manner  alto- 
gether ,  by  thefe  lalt  400.  years  determinations ,  beginning  with  the  Council  of 
Lateran  in  the  days  of  Innocent  the  Third,  after  the  twelve  hundredth  year  ofChrill 
when  Tranfubftantiation  was  firft  defined  ,  and  ending  with  the  Council  of  'Irent. 
So  though  thefe  were  not  my  terms  of  peace  ,  but  preparatory  demands,  yet  if 
thefe  demands  be  granted  our  concord  would  not  onely  be  nearer ,  (  which  he  ac- 
knowledgeth  )  but  the  peace  almofl  as  good  as  made,  and  Chriftians  were  freed 
from  their  unjufl  Canons ,  and  left  to  their  former  liberty.  When  they  had  granted 
lb  much,  it  were  a  fhame  for  them  to  ftick  at  a  fmall  remainder. 


CHAP.    XI. 

An  Anfveer  tofundry  a^erfmts  caji  by  Mr.  Baxter  upon  the  Church  0/ England. 

T  Have  done  with  all  that  concerneth  my  felf  in  Mr.  Baxters  Grotian  Religion.  But 
I  find  a  bitter  and  groundlefs  invedtive  in  him  towards  the  conclufion  of  his 
treatife ,  wherein  he  laboureth  to  caft  dirt  upon  his  Spiritual  Mother  the  Church  of 
"England  ,  which  out  of  my  juft  and  common  duty  I  cannot  pafs  over  in  filence. 
He  faith  ,  f.  75,  That  this  Grotian  defign  in  England  n>as  deftrudive  to  Go  dime fi  and 
the  profperity  of  the  Churches.  What  Churches  doth  he  mean  >  By  the  Laws  of 
Enghnd  ,  Civil  and  EcclefialUcal  ,  we  ought  to  have  but  one  Church.  It  was  ne- 
ver well  with  England Cmce  we  had  fo  many  Churches,  and  fo  many  Faiths.  I  am 
afraid  thofe  which  he  calls  Churches  were  Conventicles. 

He  proceedeth  ,  that /t  animated  the  impious  haters  of  piety  and  common  civility. 
Firft  ,  he  ought  to  have  proved  that  there  was^uch  a  delign  in  England  whicli  he 

^cee  neither 


-^^  A  Vindication  of  Grotius TOME  11- 

;^^Uh^hath  done  nor  ever  will  be  able  to  ao.   "  fhat   which  never     had  any  being 

but  in  his  imagination  ,  never  had  any  efficacy  but  in  his  imagination.  He  addeth, 
,trrn^tZKaudforGodlir.efifays-  That  ,s  (to  exprefs  his  fenk  truly  )  were 
reUrained  in  their  feditious  and  Schifmatical  courfes  ,  which  he  ilileth  GodUncfs, 

Fallit  enim  viiium  j^ecie  virtutU  &  umbra. 

And  troubled^  and  fufiended ,  and  driven  out  of  the  Land,  though  mnfi  of  them^ 
tmntyfor  one  mreConfirmifts.  How  Conformift  and  yet  perfecuted?  If  this  be  not  a 
contradidion,  yet  it  is  incredible  ,  that  fo  many  men  fliould  be  filenced  and  fufpen- 
ded  every  where  without  Law.  Certainly  there  was  a  Law  pretended.  Certainly 
there  was  a  Law  indeed  ,  and  that  Law  made  before  they  were  either  punifhed  or 
ordained.  1  will  put  the  right  cafe  fairly  to  Mr.  Baxter  ,  if  he  have  any  mind  to 
determine  it.  Let  him  tell  us  who  is  to  be  blamed,  he  that  undertaketh  an  Office 
of  his  own  accord,  which  he  cannot  or  will  not  difcharge  as  the  Law  injoineth,  or 
he  that  executeth  the  Law  upon  fuch  as  had  voluntarily  confirmed  it  by  their  own 
Oaths  or  Subfcrfptions ,  or  both. 

He  proceedeth  ,  that  it  rvas  fafer  in  all  places  that  ever  he  krten> ,  for  men  to  live  in 
fwearing  ,  curfmg  ,  drunkgnnefs ,  than  to  have  inflruUed  a  man's  Family  ,  and  rejirain- 
ed  children  and  fervants  p-om  danang  on  the  Lord's  Day ,  and  to  have  gone  to  the  next 
Tarifh  to  hear  a  Sermon  ,  when  there  was  none  at  home. 

G^uodsunq^  o^endas  mihi  (ic^incredulm  odi 

I  am  forry  to  find  (b  much  gall  where  fo  much  piety  is  profefled.     Who  did  fi- 
ver forbid  a  man  to  inftrud:  his  own  Family  ?  Let  him  but  name  one  inftance  foi; 
his  credits  fake ,  or  command  any  perfon  to  dance  upon  the  Lord's  Day,  or  reltrain 
a  man  from  going  to  the  next  Parifli  to  hear  a  Sermon  ,  if  there  was  no  more  in  it 
than  he  pretendeth  ?  Here  are  I  know  not  how  many  fallacies  heaped  together.  No 
caufe  is  put  for  a  caufe,  and  that  which  is  rejpedively  true,  for  that  which  is  abfolute- 
ly  true.     No  man  was  ever  punifhed  for  inftrudling   his  own  Family  ,  but  it  may 
be  for  holding  unlawful  Conventicles  ,  or  for  inftruding  them  in  feditious  Schifma- 
tical or  Heretical  principles.     Nor  for  going  to  the  next  Parifli  to  Iiear  a  Sermon. 
Thoufands  did  it  daily  and  never  fufFered  for  it.     But  it  may  be  for  neglecting  or 
deferting  his  own  Parifli-Church  ,  and  gadding  up  and  down  after  Non-conformilis, 
or  after  perfons  juftly  fufpended  or  deprived  for  Heterodox  Do&rine,  or  labouring 
to  introduce  Foreign  Difcipline,  without  Law,  againft  Law,  and  ftrange  unknown 
Forms  of  ferving  God  ,  and  adminiftring  his  holy  Sacraments  according  to  their 
own  private  phantafies.     Nor  for  retraining  their  Children  or  Servants  from  dan- 
cing on  the  Lords  Day ,  but  it  may  be  for  taking  upon  them  as  Bufie-bodies ,  and 
pragmatically  controlling  the  Ads  of  their  Sovereign  Prince  and  Lawful  Superi- 
oursj  which  the  Laws  of  God  and  Man,  Nature  and  Nations,  Church  and  King- 
dom did  allow  ,  and  for  retraining  the  Liberty  of  their  Fellow-fubjeds,  and  feek- 
ing  to  introduce  anew  Law  without  a  Calling,  or  beyond  their  Calling,  which  the 
Church  of  God  ,  and  Kingdom  of  England  never  knew.     If  Mr.  Baxter  think,  that 
no  recreations  of  the  Body  at  all  are  lawful ,  or  may  be  permitted  upon   the  Lords 
Day,  he  may  call  himfelf  a  Catholic}{,  if  he  pleafe ,  but  he  will  find  very  few  Chur- 
ches of  any  Communion  whatfoever  ,  old  or  new,  reformed  or  unreformed  to  bear 
him  company. 

No  no,  even  among  the  Churches  of  his  own  Communion,  which  he  callcth 
the  holiefi  fans  cf  the  Church  ufon  'Earth  ,  he  will  find  none  at  all  to  join  with  him 
except  the  Churches  of  Mn?  Ewg/W,  and  Old  England,  and  Scotland,  whereinto, 
tliis  Opinion  hath  been  creeping  by  degrees,  this  laft  half  Century  of  years  or  fome- 
what  more.  Before  that  time ,  even  our  greateft  Difciplinarians  in  England  ab- 
horred not  private  recreations ,  fo  they  could  pradife  them  without  fcandal.  And 
Calvin  himfelf  difdained  not  to  countenance  and  encourage  the  Burgers  of  Genera  , 
by  his  own  prefcnce  and  example  at  their  publick  recreations ,  as  bowling  and 
(hooting  upon  the  Lords  Day ,  after  their  Devotions  at  Church  were  ended.     In 

Cer- 


Djscourse     III.        And  Epifcoparians  from  Popery.  5.  , 

Gernttfty^  Sivitz'dind  ^  Fratce  ,  and  the  Low  Countries^  all  the  Churches  of  his 
own  Communion ,  do  enjoy  their  recreations.  And  in  fundry  of  them,  their 
Prayer^  and  Sermons  on  the  Afternoon  of  the  Lords  Day  ,  are  but  lately  introdu- 
ced ,  whereas  formerly  not  the  vulgar  only,  but  the  molt  eminent  perfons  did  ufc 
to  bellow  the  whole  Afternoon  upon  their  recreations. 

But  it  may  be  ,  his  pick  is  not  againft  recreations  in  general ,  but  againft  dan- 
cing in  particular.     Indeed  dancing  was  dilliked  at   Geneva ,   not  only   upon  the 
Lords  Days ,  but  upon  the  other  Days  of  the  Week.     And  if  their  manner  of  dan- 
cing there,  or  any  where  elfe  ,  was  fo  obfcene  ,  as  hath  been  in  ufein  former  Ages, 
in  fome  places  ,  not  undefervedly.     No  man  can  be  fo  abfurd,  as'to  affirm  all  fort  s 
of  dancing  to  be  unlawful ,  as  MiriWs  Dance,  and  that  of  the  Virgins  of  Shilo, 
and  JephthasVaitghter^  and  David.     There  is  no  time  for  any  thing  that  is  abfo- 
lutcly  unlawfulv  But  there  it  a  time  to  dance,  Ecclef  3.  4.     On  the  other  fide  ,  it  is 
as  great  an  extreme  to  affirm  that  all  forts  of  Dances  are    lawful.     Not  only  con- 
fciencious  Chriftians ,  but  even  modeft  Heathens  have  diiliked  fome  forts  of  Dan- 
ces.    And  as  there  are  fome  forts  of  Dances  unlawful ,  fo  there  may  be  great  dan- 
ger of  abufe  in  the  ufe  of  Lawful  Dances.     But  where  there  is  -no  Lawful  ,  or  di- 
rect prohibition  thereof  by  God  or  man,  we  may  advife  a  Brother  or  a  Friend  to  be- 
ware of  danger  :  but  we  have  no  authority  to  reftrain  him ,  except  he  will  of  his 
own  accord.     As  for  the  publick  Dances  of  our  Youth  on  Countrey-Greens,  upon 
Sundays  after  the  Duties  of  the  Day  were  done  ,  I  fee  nothing  in  thembut  inno- 
cent ,  and  agreeable  to  that  under  fort  of  people.     But  if  any  man  out  of  prudence, 
or  confcience,  or  fcrupuloficy,  do  difaffeft  them  ,  either  becaufe  they  were  fome- 
times  ufed  promifcuoufly ,  or  for  any  other  reafons ,  I  think  it  eafier  to  regulate 
thofe  recreations  which  fhould  be  allowed  ,  than  to  brawl  about  them  perpetually 
until  the  end  of  the  World. 

Among  all  the  imputations    and  afperfions  which  were  caft  upon  the  Govern- 
ment of  our  late  Dread  Sovereign  King  James  ,  and  King  Charles,  there  was  none 
that  had  more  colour  of  truth,  or  found  more  applaufe  among  fome  forts  of  per- 
fons ,  who(e  zeal  exceeded  their  difcretion  ,  than  their  Proclamations  to  tolerate 
publick  recreations  upon  the  Lords  Day ,  though  there  was  no  Law  of  God  or  man 
to  prohibit  them.     The  very  truth  is  this.  King  James  making  his  Progrefs  through 
Lancafhire,  about  fourty  years  fince  or  more  ,  (  a  Countrey  at  that  time  abounding 
with  Papijis  ,  and  Nm-Conformiils,  )  the  Countrey-people  preferred  a  Petition  to  his 
Majefty  ,  that  whereas  after  their  hard  Weekly  Labours  ended  ,  they  had  evermore 
for  time  immemorial ,  enjoyed  the  Liberty  to  recreate  themfelves  upon  Sundays,  of 
late  fome  forupulous  Minifters  upon  their  own  heads,  without  any  Law  or  Lawful 
Authority  did  reftrain  them  i  Therefore  they  humbly  befought  his  Majefty,  to  re- 
ftore  them  to  their  ancient  Liberty.     His  Majefiy  prudently  weighing  what  advan- 
tage might  be  raifed  to  theProteftant  Religion  in  tbofe  fuperftitious  parts,  by  his  fa- 
vourable condefcenfion ,  granted  their  requeft  upon  two  conditions.     Firft ,  That 
no  fuch  recreations  (hould  be  ufed  in  time  of  Divine  Service  or  Sermon,  either  fore- 
noon or  afternoon.     Secondly,  That  none  (hould  enjoy  that   Liberty,  but  thofe 
that  had  been  adually  twice  at  the  Church  that  Day,  both  at  Morning  and  Evening 
Prayers.     And  by  this  prudent  condefcenfion  ,  he  gained  the  people  from  Popery,  to 
the  Protefia-rit  Religion.     The  very   making  this  Objedtioa   the  principal  accufation 
againft  thofc  two  piom  Princes,  is  an  evident  proof  of  the    innocency  of  their 
Reigns. 

He  proceedeth  ,  in  fome  places  it  rt>jf  much  mire  dangerom  for  a  Minijier  to  preach  d 
Ledttre  once  or  ttvice  on  the  Lords  Day  ,  or  to  expound  the  Catechifm  ,  than  never  to 
preach  at  alt.  He  muft  excufe  us.  if  we  cannot  give  credit  to  what  he  faith.  Ne- 
ver any  man  fuflfered  any  where  in  the  Church  of  "England  fimply  for  Preaching,  but 
it  may  be  for  preaching /fi/mo«f  Sermons,  or  Schifmatical  Sermons,  or  Heretical 
Sermons  ,  or  for  intruding  himfelf  into  the  Sacred  Office  of  a  Preacher  without  Lirv- 
ful  calling  ,  or  for  fome  Abufe  of  his  Fundtion.  Even  fo  the  Bayers  and  Sellers  might 
have  pleaded  that  they  (innocent  people)  were  whipped  by  Chrift,  for  turnilhing 
Gods  People  with  Sacrifices.  And  Vzzi  might  have  pleaded  much  better  ,  that 
he  loft  his  life  for  feeking  to  fupport  the  Ark  of  God  from  falling.     Doth  he  think 

E  e  e  e  2  that 


■gTi  A  Vvjdication  of  Grouus  TOME^H. 

tlm  we  are  fuch  illly  Birds  to  be  catclied  with  fuch  empty  chaflfe  as  this  is  >  Or  not 
to  be  able  to  dilUnguilh  between  an  adion  ,  and  the  obliquity  of  it  >  The  Fharifees 
Prayer     the  Harlots  Vow ,  the  Traytors  Kifs  ,  were  commendable  actions  in  gtne- 
ra!    as  well  as  his  preaching  of  Ledtures.     But  either  the  incapacity  of  the  perfon , 
or  a  liniilcr  intention,  or  a  defedive  manner ,  or  a  contempt  of  Lawful  Authority, 
miglit  render  ,    and  did  render  all  thefe    adions  Imful  and   punifhable.     Jpvllus 
watering  is  neceffary,  as  well  as  Paul's  planting  ,  efpecially  until  the  plants  have  ta- 
ken good  root.But  after  whole  Nations  have  been  long  radicated  in  ChrijUamty^d^nd 
have  framed  to  thcmfelvcs  Liturgies ,  and  other  Books  of  Devotion  for  the  publick 
and  private  Worfliip  of  God  ,  And  Catechifms  which  comprehend  all  necejjary  and 
(ifemijl  points  nf  Faith ,  and  all  the  parts  of  nevv  oW/e^ce  ,  to  phanfie    that  with- 
out Weekly  Sermons  all  Religion  is  extindt ,  is  as  much  as  to  perfwade  us  that  no 
man  can  pollibly  write  ,  except  he  have  his  Mafier  perpetually  by  him  to  hold  his 
hand,  or  that  a  Field  cannot  yield  a  good  crop,  except  it  befowen  over  and  over 
again  every  moneth  :  of  the  two  ,  a  private  Guide  feemeth  to  be  more  neceffary  to 
3  grounded  ChrilHan,  than  a  publick  Preacher. 

But  if  Preachers  (hall  not  content  themfelves  to  fow  the  Jf7;f<Jt  over  again ,  but 
fliall  fow  Tares  above  the  Wheat.     If  they  fliall  feek  to  introduce  new  Dodrines , 
new  Difciplines,  and  new  Forms  of  Worfliip,  by  popular  Sermons,  different  from 
and  deitrudive  to  thofe  which  are  eftabliflied  by  Larv  ,  who  can    blame  the  Magi- 
{Irates  political,  and  Ecclcftallical ,  if  they  begin  to  look  about  them.     A  fcditious 
Oratour  is  dangerous  every  where  ,  but  no  where  more  than  in  the  Fulptt.     Then 
blame  not  MagiRrates  if  they  punifh  feditious  or  Schifmatical  Preachers,  more  than 
one  who  is  no  Preacher.  All  Laws ,  and  all  prudent  Magiftrates  regard  publick  dan- 
gers, more  than  particular  defcds.     Yet  farther,  fuppollng  them  to  be  both  faulty  , 
the  fault  of  a  Reader  is pura  negationU  ,  a  mere  omillion  of  duty  ,  extenuated  many 
times  by  invincible  nece/fity,  but  the  fault  of  a  feditious  Preacher  is  pravm  difpofitiom, 
a  fault  of  a  perverfe  difpofition.    Then  he  may  ceafc  to  wonder  why  Preachers  are 
fometimes  puniflied  more  for  preaching  ill ,  than  for  being  filent  ,  and  recal  to  his 
mind  the  pradice  of  that  prudent  Schoolmafter  ,  who  cxaded  but  a  fingle  Salary 
from  fuch  of  his  Scholars  as  had  never  been  taught,  but  a  double  Salary  from  thofe 
who  had  been  miftaught ,  becaufe  he  mull  ufe  double  diligence  with  them ,  rirll  to 
unteach  them  what  they  had  learned  amifs ,  and  then  to  teach  tliem. 

I  have  much  more  refped  for  thofe  poor  Readers  whom  he  mentioneth  every 
where  with  contempt.     I  hope  they  may  do ,  and  many  of  them  do  God  good  and 
acceptable  fervice  in  his  Church,  and  co-operate  to  the  Salvation  of  many  ChrilUan 
Souls ,  by  reading  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  Liturgy  and  Homilies  of  the  Church, 
and  adminiltring  the  Holy  Sacraments.     And  I  have  heard  wife  men  acknowledge, 
that  if  it  had  not  been  for  thefe  very  Readers ,  in  the  beginning  of  Queen   Eliza- 
beth's Reign ,  when  preaching  was  very  rare,  England  had  hardly  been  prefer ved,  as 
it  was  ,  both  from  Popery ,  and  from  Atheifm.     Their  very  Reading  is  a  kind  of 
Preaching  ,  AGs  15.  21.     Mofes  of  old  tirjfe  Ixith  in  every  City  them  that  preach  him; 
being  read  in  the  Synagogues  every  Sabbath  Day.     And  their  reading  of  Homilies  doth 
yet  approach  nearer  to  Formal  preaching.  Or  if  it  come  fhort  of  preaching  in  point 
of  efficacy  ,  it  hath  the  advantage  of  preaching  in  point   of    o[  fecunty.     The 
private  conceits  of  new-fangled  Preachers   ,   by  being    vented   publickly  as  the 
word  of  God ,  have  done  much  hurt ,  which  the  Reading  of   publick  Homi- 
lies never  did.     Let  not  this  Apology  for  Readers  occafion  him  or  any  other 
man  prefently  to  condemn  me  for  a  Loiterer  in  my  calling  ■  thofe  who  have  known 
me  will  acquit  mc.     Let  this  be  confidered  and  acknowledged  that  as  Readers  Ta- 
lents are  mean  ,  fo  arc  their  benefices.     And  this  the  great  comfort  that  they  have, 
that  they  are  below  a  ScqueHration.     The  fire  of  Zeal  which  driveth  able  Scholars 
out  of  thek  great  Churches ,  never  lights  upon  their  little  Chappels.     So  the  great  flies 
are  catched  in  their  publick  nets  ,  whilft  the  lefTer  pafs  through  and  through  them 
without  any  danger  or  fear  of  being  entangled- 

Nondum  finiius  Orefles.  His  invedive  is  not  yet  done.  Hundreds  of  Congregations 
hid  Minilieis  that  never  Preached  ,  andfuci)  as  mere  common  Drunkards,  and  (f.nly  un- 
godly ,  &c.     I  know  not  how  it  comes  to  pa's  that  in  this  la/l  Age  the  Paltours  of 

Chur- 


Discourse  I II.       And  Epifcoparianf    from  Popery.  64.:^ 


Churches  have  got  the  name  of  Minifters,  that  is  Servants  or  Deacons ,  and  they 
that  are  Minilters  or  Deacons  indeed,  have  got  the  name  oi  Ruling  Elders.  Thole 
whom  he  av-counteth  for  no  Preachers^  were  Preachers  in  an  inferiour  degree.  And 
our  Canon  provideth  ,  that  the  meaneft  Churches  or  Chappels  throughout  Eng- 
land^ which  had  cure  of  Souls,  fhould  have  formal  Sermons  at  lead  four  times  in 
every  year.  It  fome  common  Drunkards  or  ungodly  perfons  were  crept  into  the 
Englijh  Church  ,  it  is  no  wonder.  Among  the  twelve  Apoftles  there  was  one  Jit~ 
diK.  What  may  be  expeded  among  twelve  thoufand  ?  This  is  juft  the  manner  of 
Flies,  to  leave  the  whole  Body  which  is  found,  and  dwell  continually  upon  one 
little  fore.  I  have  feldome  obierved  ,  that  ever  any  man  who  had  a  good  caufe , 
which  would  bear  out  it  felf,  did  make  fuch  impertinent  Objedions  as  this,  or 
fling  dirt  in  the  face  of  an  Adverfary  in  the  ftead  of  Weapons.  He  faith  no  more  of 
the  Englifh  Church  ,  than  God  by  his  holy  Prophets  hath  faid  of  his  own  Church , 
no  more  than  may  be  julHy  retorted  and  laid  of  any  Church  in  the  World  ,  even 
upon  his  Presbyterian  Churches  in  particular  ,  with  as  much  and  much  more  truth 
as  it  could  ever  be  objefted  againlt  the  Church  of  England. 

He  addeth  ,  when  yet  the  moji  learned ,  Godly  ,  poiverfiil ,  painful ,  peaceable  men  , 
that  durjl  not  nfe  the  old  Ceremonies  or  the  nero  ,  mu{l  he  caft  afide  or  driven  arvay^  &  a 
Comparifons  are  odious.  But  fuch  Superlatives  are  incredible,  and  argue  nochincg 
but  the  Writers  pride  and  partiality,  and  little  regard  to  what  he  writeth.  Let 
Mr.  Baxter  fum  up  into  one  Catalogue,  all  the  Non-conformijls  throa^hoM  the  King- 
dom of  Ei/^/^W,  ever  fince  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation.^  who  have  been  ca!t 
afide  or  driven  away  at  any  time,  becaufe  they  durft  not  ufe  the  old  Ceremonies  or 
the  new,  or  rather  becaufe  they  found  it  advantageous  to  them  to  difufe  them  I 
dare  abate  him  all  the  reft  of  the  Kingdom  ,  and  only  exhibit  the  Martyroiogics 
oi  London  ,  and  the  two  Univerfities,  or  a  Lift  of  thofe  ,  who  in  thefe  late  inteftine 
Wars  have  been  haled  away  to  Prifons ,  or  chafed  away  into  baniftiment  by  his  own 
party,  in  thefe  three  places  alone,  or  letl  to  the  mercilefs  World  to  beg  their 
Bread,  for  no  other  crime  than  Loyalty,  and  becaufe  they  ftood  aficdicd  to  the 
ancient  Rites  and  Ceremonies  of  the  Chstrch  o{  England ,  and  they  (hall  double  them 
for  number,  and  for  Learning,  Piety,  Induftry,  and  the  Love  of  Peace  ,  exceed 
them  incomparably.  So  as  his  Party  which  he  glorieth  fo  much  in,  will  fcarcely 
deferve  to  be  named  the  fame  day.  And  if  he  compare  their  perCecutions  ,  the  fuf- 
ferings  of  his  fuppofcd  ConfefTors,  will  appear  to  be  but  Flea-bitings  in  comparifon 
of  theirs. 

But  after  all  this  ,  the  greateft  difparity  remaineth  yet  untouched  ,  that  is ,  "m  the 
cau(e  of  their  fufferings.     The  one  fuffered  for  Faith  ,  and  the  other  for  Fadion.     If 
he  had  contented  himlelf  to  have  refted  in  pofitive  exprellions  ,  of  Learned,  and 
pious,  and  peaceable, eJ^c.  he  had  had  no  Anfwer  to  this  particular  from  me  but  fi- 
lence.     It  is  the  duty  of  a  Controvertiji  ,  to  examine  the  merits  of  the  Caufe  ,  not  of 
the  perfons.     But  his  fuperlative  exprelGons  did   draw  me  unwillingly  to  do  this 
right  to  the  Orthodox  and  Genuine  Sons  of  the  Church   of  England.     I  will  add  but 
one  word  more. ,  that  we  have  feen  but  little  fruits  of  their  peaceable  difpofitions 
hitherto  ,  but  the  contrary  ,  that  they  have  made  all  places  to  become  Shambles  of 
Chriftians.     God  grant  that  we  may  rind  them  more  peaceable  for  the  future. 


FINIS 


I 


f 


TOME     III. 

DISCOURSE  I. 


DEFENCE 


O  F 


True  Liberty 

FROM 
ANTECEDENT  &  EX TRINSECAL 

NECESSITY. 

Being  an   ANSWER  to  a  Late  Book  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hobbs 

o^Maintsbnry,  intituled,  ^  jEreatifc  of  IlibcrtpanD 
J^eceOTitp. 


Written  by  the  Right  Reverend  JOHN  BRAMHALL 
D»  D;  and  Lord  Bifliop  of  Derr^» 


D  V  BLIN, 

Printed  Anno  Dom^  M.  D  C.  L  X  X.  V, 


^47 


To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Marquefs  of 

N    E    W    C    A    S    T    L    E  ,    c^^. 

S  I  R, 

F  1  pretended  to  compofe  a  compleat  Jreatife  upon  this 
SubjeSi^  IjhoHld  not  refufe  thofe  large  recrnttsofrea- 
fons^  and  authorities  ^  n^hicb  offer  them feher  to  fer've 
in  thh  caufe  ,  for  God  and  man  ,  Religion  and  Poliry, 
Chnrch  and  Commonwealth  ^  againfith^  blafphemous^  defperate^ 
and  dejirtiSii've  opinion  of  Fatal  dejiiny  i  but  as  wine  aim  ,  in  the 
firji  difcomfe  ^  was  onely  to  prefs  home  thofe  things  in  writina  ^ 
jvhich  had  been  agitated  betvpeen  Jis  by  vpord  of  month  ^  (  a  courfe 
much  to  be  preferred  before  'verbal  conferences^  as  bein^  freer  from 
pajfions  andtergi'verfations  ,  lefs  fubjeSi  to  mijiaket  and  mifrela' 
tions  ,  ipherein  Paralogifms  are  more  quickly  detected  ,  imperti- 
nencies  dif covered  ,  and  confufton  azioidcd-, )  So  my  prefent  in  ten  ■ 
tionis  only  to  vindicate  that  difconrfe  ,  andtogetberrvithit  ^  thofe 
lights  of  the  Schools  ,  who  were  never  flighted  ^   but  where  th:y 
•were  notunderjiood^  How  far  I  havs  performed  it  ,  I  leave  to  the 
judicious  and  nnpartial  Reader^  refling  for  mine  own  part  well 
contented  with  this ,  that  I  havejatisjied  my  ftlf. 

Your  Lordfliips  mofi  obliged 

to  love  and  ferve  you, 

Ffff  J.D. 


^^f^#########**######*#*###. 


To  the  R  E  A  D  E  R* 


Yagt  1 8. 

35.  80. 


26.   •- 


Ptf^f  I. 


Chriftian  Reader, 

Ha  enduing  T'reatife  vpm  neither  penned  nor  intended  for  the  Prefs  ,  hut  pri- 
vately undertaken  ^  that  by  the  ventilation  af  the  ^uejlim^  truth  might  be 
i  chared frotiimijiak^j.  Ihe  fame  tvas  Mr.  Hohhs  hU  defire  at  that  time,  ai 
appeareth  by  four  pajfages  in  his  Bool^,  wherein  he  requejleth  and  befeecheth, 
that  it  may  he  liipt  private.  But  either  through  forgeifulnefs  or  change  of 
iudcrment,  he  hath  norccaufed  ,  or  permitted  it  to  be  printed  in  England ,  without  either 
ad'wynini  my  firji  Vifcourfe  ,  to  rvhich  he  wrote  that  Anfwer  ,  or  jo  much  as  mentioning 
tbi*  Reply  ,  tfhich  he  hath  had  in  hit  hands  now  thefe  eight  years.  So  wide  it  the  date  of 
his  Letter ,  in  the  year  1^52.  from  the  truth ,  and  his  manner  of  dealing  with  me  in  this 
particular  from  ingenuity  ,  (  if  the  Edition  were  with  his  own  co\ifent.  J  Howfoever  here 
is  all  that  pajfed  between  m  upon  this  SubjeH ,  without  any  additian^  or  the  leaji  variati- 
tnfrom  the  original. 

Concerning  the  tiamelefs  Aitthour  of  the  Preface,  who  tak^s  upon  him  to  hang  out  an 
Jvy  Biijh  before  this  rare  piece  of  fublimated  Stoicifm ,  to  invite  Pajjengers  to  purchafe  it. 
As  Ik^iow  not  who  he  is  ,  fojdo  not  much  heed  it,  nor  regard  ,  either  his  ignorant  cen^ 
fftres  ,  or  hyperbolical  expuffions.  Ihe  Church  of  England  is  as  much  above  his  detraUi- 
as  he  IS  beneath  this  ^ejiion.     Let  him  lic\up  the ^ittle  of  Dionyfius  by  himjelf. 


on 


we  envte 


as  his  fertile  Flatterers  did .  andprotefi,  that  it  is  more  fweet  than  Nedar  •, 
him  not ,  much  good  may  it  do  him.  His  very  Frontispiece  is  a  fuffxient  confutation  of  his 
whole  Preface,  whtrein  he  tells  the  World  as  falfy  and  igrmantly ,  as  confidently ,  that 
al]  Controverlie ,  concerning Predeflination ,  Election,  Free-will,  Grace,  Merits, 
Reprobation,  &c.  is  fully  decided  and  cleared,  'thus  he  accujiometh  his  pen  to  run  over, 
beyond  all  limits  of  truth  and  difcretion,  to  let  us  fee  that  his  k^nowledge  in  Theological  con- 
trovtrfies  is  none  at  all :  and  into  what  miferable  times  we  are  faVtn  ,  when  blind  men  wiV 
he  the  onely  Judges  of  colours  ?  Quid  tanto  dignum  feret  hie  promiflbr  hiatu  ? 

There  is  yet  one  thing  more,  whereof  J  defire  to  advertife  the  Reader.     Whereas  Mr. 
Hobbs  mentions  my  ObjiUions  to  hit  Boohjbt  C\vt\  It  is  true,  that  Ten  years  fnce,  1 
gave  him  about  Sixty  Exceptions,  the  one  half  of  them  Political,  the  other  half  Theologi- 
cal ,  to  that  Bock^,  and  every  Exception  juftifed  by  a  number  of  reafcns ,  to  which  he  ne- 
ver yet  vouchfafed  ary  Anfwir.     Nor  do  I  now  defire  it ,  for  fnce  that ,  he  hath  publijhed 
hisLeviathan:  Monfirum,  horrendum ,  informe,  ingens,  cui  lumen    adcmptum, 
which  affords  much  more  matter  of  exception.     And  I  am  informed  thjt  there  are  already 
two ,  the  one  of  our  own  Church ,  the  other  aftranger  ,  who  havt  fl:a\y,  in  pieces  the  whole 
Fabrick^ofthis  City  ,  that  was  but  builded  in  the  air,  and  refolved  that  huge  majs  of  his 
fetming  Leviathan  into  a  new  nething  ,  and  that  their  labours  willfpeedily  be  publi^ed. 
But  ij  this  information  Jhould  not  prove  true ,  J  will  not  grudge  vpon  his  defne  ,  God  wil- 
ling, to  demon^hate  ,  that  his  principles  are  pernicious  Kih  to  pitty  avd  policy,  andde- 
flruGiveto  all  relations  of  mankind,  between  Prince  andSubyVi  ,  Father  ard  Child,  Ma- 
\ier  and  Servant ,  Husband  and  Wife  s  And  that  they  who  maintain  them  cbjiinately ,  are 
fitter  to  live  in  hollow  trees  among  wild  beafis,  than  in  any  Ghrijiian  or  political  Society  :f> 
Cod  bltfs  us. 


i 


TOME 


649 


TOME     III. 

DISCOURSE  I. 


VINDICATION 


O  F 


True  Liberty 

FROM 

Antecedent  and  Extrinfecal  Necejfitie. 


J.-D. 
Ither  I  am  free  to  write  this  difcourfe  for  Liberty  againft  neceffity ,   „     ,     , 
or  I  am  not  free.     If  I  be    free  then  ,  I  have  obtained  the  caufe,  "'""^"  ^• 
and  ought  not  to  fuffer  for  the  truth.     If  I  be  not  free,  yet  I  ought 
not  to  be  blamed,  fince  I  do  it  not  out  of  any  voluntary  eledlion  , 
but  out  of  an  inevitable  necedity. 

Ki^t  Honourable  ^  1  had  once  refulved  to  anftver  ]•  DV,  objeciionr  T.  H. 
to  my  Book^De  Give  in  the  firji  place ,  as  that  which  concerns  me  moji , 
and  afterwards  to  examine  this  difcourfe  of  liberty  and  neceffity  ,  which  (  becaufe  I  never 
had  uttered  my  opinion  of  it  )  concerned  me  the  kjl.  But  feeing  it  was  both  ymr 
Lordfhips,  and  J.  DV  deftre  that  Ifhould  begin  with  the  latter^  1  was  contented  fo  to 
do.     And  here  1  prefent  andfubmit  it  toyour  Lordjhips  Judgement. 

The  tirft  day  that  I  did  read  over  J.  H.  his  defence  of  the  necedity  of  all  things, 
•was  April  2o.  i(54<5.  which  proceeded  not  out  of  any  difrefpedl  to  himi  for  if  all 
his  difcourfes  had  been  Geometrical  demonftrations  ,  able  not  onely  to  perfwade  , 
but  alfb  to  compell  aflent,  all'had  been  one  to  me,  firft  my  journey,  and  afterwards 
fome  other  trifles  (  which  we  call  bufmefs  )  having  diverted  me  until  then.  And 
then  my  occafions  permitting  me  ,  and  an  advertifement  from  a  friend  awakening 
me  ,  1  fet  my  felf  to  a  ferious  examination  of  it.  We  commonly  fee  thofe  who 
delight  in  Paradoxes ,  if  they  have  line  enough ,  confute  themfelves  ,  and  their 
fpeculatives ,  and  their  pradticks  familiarly  enterfere  one  with  another.  The 
very  firft  words  of  T.  H  his  defence  trip  up  the  heels  of  his  whole  caufe  i  J  had 
once  refohed;  To  refolve  prefuppofeth  deliberation,  but  what  deliberition 
can  there  be  of  that  which  is  inevitably  determined  by  caufes,  without  our 
felves ,  before  we  do  deliberate  ?  can  a  condemned  man  deliberate  whether  he 
fhould  be  executed,  or  not  ?  It  is  even  to  as  much  purpofe,  as  for  a  man  to  confult 
and  ponder  with  himfelf  whether  he  (hould  draw  in  his  Breath  ,  or  whether 
he  fhould    increafe  in  ftature.     Secondly,  to  refolve  implies  a  mans  dominion  over 

his 


6^o  A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  t  L 1 1. 


— fiisown  adions     and  his  adtual  detcrminanon  ot  himlelt  ,  but  he  who  holds  anab- 
folutc  ncccllity  ot  all  things  ,  hath  quitted  this  Dominion  over  himfelf,  and  (  which 
is  worfc  )  hath  quitted  it  to  tlie  Second  extrinfecal  caufes,  in  which  he  makes  all 
his  adions  to  be  determined  •,  one  may  as  well  call  again  Velkrday,as  refolve,  or  new- 
ly determine  that  which  is  deterrnined  to  his  hand  already.  I  have  perufcd  this   trea- 
tifc,  weighed  T.  tJ.  his  anfwers,  confidered  his  reafons,  and  conclude  that  he  hath 
niifTcd  and  milled  the  queftion,  that  the  anfwers  are  evafions,  that  his  arguments  are 
paralogifms  ,  that  the  opinion  of  abfolute  and  Univerfal  neccllity  is  but  a  refult  of 
fome  groundlefs  and  ill  chofen  principles,  and  that  the  defcd  is  not  in  himfelf,  but 
that  his  caufe  will  admit  no  better  defence  i  and  therefore  by  his  favour  I  am  refol- 
vcd  to  adhere  to  my  tirfl  opinion.    Perhaps  another  man  reading  this  difcouffe  with 
other  eyes,  judgeth  it  to  be  pertinent  and  well  founded  ",  how  comes  this  to  pafs  ? 
the  treatife  is  the  fame  ,  the  exteriour  caufes  are  the  fame  ,  yet  the  refolution  is  con- 
trary. Do  the  Second  caufes  play  faftand  loofe  ?  do  they  necelhtae  me  to  condemn 
and  neceliitate  him  to  maintain?  what  is  it  then  ?  the  difference  mufl  be  in  our  felves, 
either  in  our  intellcdtuals  ,  becaufe  the  one  fees  clearer  than  the  other ,  or  in  our  af- 
fedlions  ,  which  betray  our  underftandings  ,  and  produce  an  implicit  adherence  in 
the  one  more  than  in  the  other.     Howfoever  it  be  ,  the  difference  is  in  our  fclves. 
The  outward  caufes  alone  do  not  chain  me  to  the  one  refolution ,  nor  him  to  the 
other  refolution.  ButT.  H.  may  fay,  that  our  feveral  andrefpedive  deliberations  and 
affcdions,  are  in  part  the  caufe  of  our  contrary  refolutions ,  and  do  concur  with 
the  outward  caufes,  to  make  up  one  total  and  adequate  caufe,   to  the  neceffary 
produdion  of  this  effed.     If  it  be  fo  ,  he  hath  fpun  a  fair  thread  ,  to  make  all  this 
ftir  for  fuch  a  necelfity  as  no  man  ever  denied  or  doubted  of  i  when  all  the  caufes 
have  adually  determined  themfelves  ,  then  the  effed  is  in  being  i  for  though  there 
be  a  priority  in  nature  between  the  caufe  and  the  effed  ,  yet  they  are  together  in 
time.     And  the  old  rule  is  ,  n>hatfoever  is  ,  rphenitii,  is  necejfarily  fo  of  it  if.     This 
is  no  abfolute  neceffity  ,  but  onely  upon  fuppofition  ,  that  a  man  hath  determined 
his  own  liberty.     When  we  queftion  whether  all  occurrences  be  neceffary ,  we  do 
rot  queftion ,  whether  they  be  neceffary  when  they  are  ,  nor  whether  they  be  neceG- 
(ary  in  Jenftt  compofito ,  after  we  have  refblved  ,  and  Hnally  determined  what  to  do, 
but  whether  they  were  neceffary  before  they  were  determined  by  our  felves ,  by  or 
in  the  precedent  caufo  before  our  felves  ,   or  in  the  exteriour  caufes  without  our 
felves.     It  is  not  inconfiftent  with  true  liberty  to  determine  it  (elf,  but  it  is  incon* 
fiftent  with  true  liberty  to  be  determined  by  another  without  it  lelfl 

7".  H.  faith  farther ,  that  upon  your  Lordfhips  dejire  and  mine  ,  he  teas  contented 
to  begin  reith  this  difcourfe  of  liberty  and  neceftty  \  that  is  ,  to  change  his  former  refo- 
lution. If  the  chain  of  neceliity  be  no  ftrongcr ,  but  that  it  may  be  fnapped  fb 
cafily  in  funder  ,  If  his  will  was  no  othcrwife  determined  from  without  himlelf,  but 
onely  by  the  fignification  of  your  Loidfiiips  defire  ,  and  my  modeft  intreaty  ^  then 
we  may  fafcly  conclude ,  that  Humane  affairs  are  not  always  governed  by  abfolute 
neceffity ,  that  a  man  is  Lord  of  his  own  adions ,  if  not  in  chief,  yet  in  mean , 
fubordinate  to  the  Lord  Paramount  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  that  all  things  are 
not  fo  abfolutely  determined  in  the  outward  and  precedent  caules ,  but  that  fair  in- 
treaties ,  and  moral  perfwafions  may  work  upon  a  good  nature  fo  far ,  as  to  pre- 
vent that  which  otherwife  had  been  ,  and  to  produce  that  which  otherwife  had  not 
been.  He  that  can  reconcile  this  with  an  Antecedent  neceflity  of  all  things,  and  a 
Phyf^cal  or  natural  determination  of  all  caufes  ,  fhall  be  great  Afoh  to  me. 

Whereas  1.  H.  faith  that  he  had  never  uttered  his  opinion  of  this  queftion  ,  I 
luppofehe  intends  in  writing  »  my  converfation  with  him  hath  not  been  frequent, 
yet  I  remember  well ,  that  when  this  queftion  was  agitated  between  us  two  in  your 
Lorduiips  Chamber  by  your  command  ,  he  did  then  declare  himfelf  in  words,  both 
for  the  abfolute  neceffity  of  all  events  ,  and  for  the  ground  of  this  necelh'ty,  the  Flux  . 
or  concatenation  of  the  fecond  caufes. 

Anafrji  J  ajfure  your  Lordjhip  ^  J  find  in  it  no  nero  argument  neither  fi'om  Scripture 
nor  from  reafon,  that  1  have  not  often  heard  before  ,  TPhich  is  as  much  as  to  fay  ^  that  I 
am  notfurprikd. 

J.  Do  Though  I  be  fo  unhappy  ,  that  I  can  prefent  no  novelty  to  "f.  H.  yet  I  have 

this 


T.  H. 
Numb.  3. 


Discourse  I-  Againfi  Mr.  Hobs.  ~      ~  '""'dVT 


this  comtort  ,  that  it  he  be  not  furprKed  ,  then  in  reafon  I  may  expeft  a  more  ma- 
ture an(wer  from  him  ,  and  where  he  failes,  I  may  afcribe  it  to  the  weakenefs  ot  his 
caufe,  not  to  want  of  preparation.  But  in  this  cafe  I  YikzEpidietiu  hisCouniel  well, 
that  the  fheep  (liould  not  brag  how  much  they  have  eaten  ,  or  what  an  excellent' 
parture  they  do  go  in ,  but  (hew  it  in  their  Lamb  and  Wool.  Appofite  anfwers  and 
downright  arguments  advantage  a  caufe.  To  tell  what  we  have  heard  or  feen ,  is 
to  no  purpofe  :  when  a  refpondent  leaves  many  things  untouched  ,  as  if  they  were 
too  hot  for  his  Fingers  ,  and  declines  the  weight  of  other  things ,  and  alters  the 
true  ftate  of  the  queltion  ,  it  is  a  llirewd  fign  either  that  he  hath  not  weighed  all 
things  maturely  ,  or  elfe  that  he  maintains  a  defperate  caufe. 

Ihe  Preface  ts  an  handjome  one^  but  it  appears  even  in  that  ^  that  he  hath  mijhken  the       T  h 
quejiion;  for  whereas  he  fays  thui ,  If  J  be  free  to  xvrite  this  difcourfe  ^  I  have  obtained  fiumb.  3 
the  caufe :  1  deny  that  to   be  true  ,  for  *tis  not  enough  to  his  freedom  of  writina 
that  he  had  not  mitten  it,  unkf!  he  vrould  himfelf;  if  he  tvill  obtain  the  caufe ,  he  muji 
prove  that  before  he  rvrit  it  ,  it  teas  not  necejfary  he  fhould  write  it  afterward.^    It  m.iy 
be  he  think^  it  all  one  to  fay  I  was  free  to  write  it ,  and  it  was  not  neceffary  I  jhould  write 
it.   But  I  think^otherwife  i  for  he  is  free  to  do  a  thing  ,  that  may  do  it  if  he  have  the    will 
to  do  it ,  and  may  forbear  if  he  have   the  will  to  forbear.     And  yet  if  there  be  a  necefjiiy 
that  he  fljall  have  the  will  to  do  it ,  the  aBion  is  neceffarily  to  follow.     And  if  there  be 
a  nectffity ,  that  hejhall  have  the  will  to  forbear ,  the  forbearing  alfo  will  be  necefiary.      T^he 
queftion  therefore  is  not ,  whether  a  man  be  a  free   agent ,  that  if  to  fay  ,  whether  he  can 
write  or  forbear  ,  fpeak^or  be  f  lent,  according  to  his  will,  but  whether  the  will  to  write 
and  the  will  to  forbear  ,  come  upon  him  according  to  his  will,  or  according  to  any  thing  elf-'  in 
his  own  power.     I  ackiiowledge  this  liberty,  that  I  can  do  if  I  will ,  but  to  fay  I  can  will  if  I 
will ,  Itak^  it  to  be  an  abjurd  Speech.     JVhtrefore  I  cannot  grant  him  the  caufe  upon  thit 
Preface. 

Tacituf  fpeaks  of  a  clofe  kind  of  Adverfaries ,  which  evermore  begin  with  a  mans 
praife.     The  Crifis  or  the  Cataftrophe  ot  this  difcourfe  is  when  they  come  to  their         /    -n 
hut :  as,  he  is  a  good  natural  man  ,  but  he  hath  a  naughty  quality  ;  or  he  is  a  wife  '" 

man,    but  he  hath  committed  one  of  the  greatert  follies.  So  here,  the  Preface  it 
an  handjom  one ,    but  it  appears    ven  in  this ,    that  he  h>K  miliak^n  the   quejlion. 
This  is  to  give  an  inch  that  onefmay  take  away  an  ell  without  fu    icion ,  to 
prai(e  the  handfomenefs  of  the  Porch ,    that  he  may  gain  credit   to  the  vilify- 
ing of  the  houfe.     Whether  of  us  hath  miltake  nthe  qneftiou  I  refer  to  the  judi- 
cious Reader.     Thus  much  I  will  maintain  ,  that    is  ro  true  ncceliity,  which  he 
calls  neceliity,  nor  that  liberty,  which  he  calls  liberty,  nor  that  the  queftion 
which  he  makes  the  queltion. 
Firft  for  liberty ,  that  which  he  calls  liberty,  is  no  true  liberty. 
For  the  clearing  whereof  it  behoveth  us  to  know  the  difference  between  thcfc 
three,   Neceffity  ,  Spontaneity,    znd  Liberty.  '* 

Neceliity  and  Spontaneity  may  fometimes  meet  together  :  fo  may  Spontaneity 
and  Liberty  i  but  real  neceifity  ,  and  true  Liberty  can  never  meet  together  :  fome- 
thmgs  are  necelTary  and  not  voluntary  or  fpontaneous,  fomethings  are  both  neceffa- 
ry    and  voluntary,    fomethings    are  voluntary  and  not    free-,  Somethings    are 
both  voluntary  and  free,  but  thofe  things  which  are  truly  ncceffary, can  never  be  free 
and  thofe  things  which  are  truly  tree  can  never  be  neceffary.    Neceliity  confilts  in 
an  antecedent  determination  to  one,  Spontaneity  confitts  ina  conformity  of  the  ap- 
petite, either  intellectual  or  fenfitive,  to  theobjedi  true  Liberty  confillsin  the  ele- 
ctive power  of  the  rational  wilU  that  which  is  determined  without  my  concurrence 
may  neverthelefs  agree  well  enough  with  my  fancy  or  defires,  and  obtain  my  fubfe- 
quent  confent  •,  but  that  which  is  determined  without  ray  concurrence  or  confent 
cmnot  be  the  object  of  mine  election.     I  may  like  that  which  is  inevitably  impoled 
upon  me  by  another ,  but  if  it  be  inevitably  impofed  upon  me  by  extrinfecal  caufes 
it  is  both  folly  for  me  to  deliberate,  and  impollible  for  me  to  choofe  ,  whether  I  (hall    - 
undergo  it  or  not.     Reafon  is  the  root ,  the  fountain,  the  original  of  true  Liberty 
which  judgeth  and    reprefenteth  to   the  will,  whether  this  or  that  be  convenient, 
whether  this  or  that  be  more  convenient.  Judge  then  whatapretty  kind  of  Liberty  it 
is,  which  is  mainteined  byT.  H.  fuch  a  Liberty  as  is  in  little  Children  before  they  have 

the 


7^^ ~"         TVMcatioir^f  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  1 U- 

ih7^feofrcafon,b7forc  they  can  confult  or  deliberate  of  any  thing.  Is  not  chisa  Chil- 
difli  Liberty  >  and  fuch  a  Liberty  as  is  in  brute  Bealh,  as  Bees  and  Spiders,  which  do 
not  learn  their  faculties  as  we  do  ourjrades,  by  experience  and  confideration  •,  this  is 
abr 


to  I 

all  thefc  )  fuch  a  Liberty  as  a  'B-iver  hath  to  dejcend  domi  the  Channel;  what  will  he  af- 
cribe  Liberty  to  inanimate  Creatures  alfo ,  which  have  neither  reafon  ,  nor  Spon- 
taneity, nor  fo  much  as  fenfitive  appetite  ?  fuch  is  T.  H.  his  Liberty. 

His  necelfity  is  juil  fuch  another :  a  neceffity  upon  fuppofition  ,  arifing  from  the 
concourfe  of  all  the  caufes  ,  including  the  laft  didate  of  the  under/landing  in  rea- 
fonable  creatures.    The  adequate  caufe  and  the  effed  are  together  in  time,  and 
when  all  the  concurrent  caufes  are  determined  ,  the  effedl  is  determined  alfo,  and 
is  become  fo  nf  ceflary  ,  that  it  is  acftually  in  being  •,  but  there  is  a  great  difference 
between  determining  ,  and  being  determined',  if  all  the  collateral  caufes  concurring 
to  the  produdion  of  an  effed  ,  were  antecedentally  determined  ,  what  they  mult 
of  neceliky  produce  ,  and  when  they  muft  produce  it ,  then  there  is  no  doubt  but 
the  cffeft  is  neceffary.     But  if  thefe  caufes  did  operate  freely,  or  contingently,  if 
they  might  have  fufpended  or  denied  their  concurrence ,  or  have  concurred  after  a- 
nother  manner  ,  then  the  effed  was  not  truly  and  antecedentally  neceffary,  but  ei- 
ther free  or  contingent.     This  will  be  yet  clearer  by  confidering  his  own  inlknce  of 
caiUng  Amhs-Ace  ,  though  it  partake  more  of  contingency  than  of  Freedom.     Sup- 
pofing  the  pofiture    of  the  parties  hand  who  did    throw  the  Dice,   fuppofing 
the  figure  of  the  Table  and  of  the  Dice  thcmfelves,  fuppofing  the  meafare  offeree  ap- 
plied, and  fuppofing  all  other  things  which  did  concur  to  the  produdion  of  that  caft,  to 
be  the  very  fame  they  were ,  there  is  no  doubt  but  in  this  cafe  the  cali  is  neceffary. 
But  ftill  this  is  but  a  neceflity  of  fuppofition  s  for  if  all  thefe  concurrent  caufes  or 
{bme  of  them  were  contingent  or  free  ,  then  the  calt  was  not  abfolutely  neceffary. 
To  begin  with  the  Cafter  ,  he  might  have  denied  his  concurrence  and  not  have 
call:  at  all  s  he  might  have  fufpended  his  concurrence ,  and  not  have  caft  fo  foon  > 
he  might  have  doubled  or  diminiflied  his  force  in  calling,  if  it  had  pleafed  him  »  He 
might  have  thrown  the  Dice  into  the  other  Table.     In  all  thefe  cafts  wliat  beconfis 
of  his  Amhs-Ace  ?  the  like  uncertainties  offer  themfelves  for  the  maker  of  the  Tables, 
and  for  the  maker  of  the  Dice  ,  and  for  the  keeper  of  the  Tables ,  and  for  the  kind 
of  Wood  ,  and  I  know  not  how  many  other  circumllances.     In  fuch  a  Maft  of 
contingencies  ,  it  is  impoffible  that  the  effed  fliould  be  accidentally  neceffary.  T.  H. 
appeals  to  every  mans  experience.     I  am  contented.     Let  every  one  refled  upon 
himfelf ,  and  he  fhall  find  no  convincing ,  much  left  conftraining  reafon  ,  toneccf- 
fitate  him  to  any  one  of  thefe  particnlar  Ads  more  than  another,  but  only  his  own 
will  or  arbitrary  determination.     So  T.H.  his  necelfity  is  no  abfolute,  no  antecedent 
extrinfecal  necelfity  ,  but  meerly  a  necelfity  upon  fuppofition. 

Thirdly,  that  which  T.  H.  makes  the  queftion  ,  is  not  the  queftion.     The  que- 
ftion  is  not,  faith  he  ,  vchether  a  man  may  write  if  he  w/T/,  andfvrhear  if  he  rvill ,  but 
rvhether  the  n?il/  to  rer'tte,  or  the  rvill  to  forbear^  come  upon  him  according  to  his  rvili ,  or  ac- 
cording to  any  thing  elfe  in  his  own  poa>er.     Here  is  a  diftindion  without  a  difference. 
It  his  will  do  not  come  upon  him  according  to  his  v/ill ,   then  he  is  not  a  free,  nor 
yet  fo  much  as  a  voluntary  Agent  ,  which  is  T.  K  his  Liberty.     Certainly  all  the 
freedom  of  the  Agent  is  from  the  freedom  of  the  will.     If  the  will  have  no  power 
over  it  felf,  the  Agent  is  no  more  free  than  a  ftaffein  a  mans  hand.     Secondly  ,  he 
makes  but  an  empty  fliew  of  a  Power  in  the  will ,  either  to  write  or  not  to  write. 
If  it  be  prccifely  and  inevitably  determined  in  all  occurrences  whatfoever  ,  what  a 
man  (hall  will ,  and   what  he  fhall  not  will ,  what  he  fhall  write  ,  and  what  he 
fhall  not  write  ,  to  what  purpofe  is  this  power  >  God  and  Nature  never  trade  any 
thing  in  vain ,  but  vain  and  ftuflraneous  is   that  power,  which  never  was  and  ne- 
ver fhall  be  deduced  into  Ad.    Either  the  Agent  is  determined  before  he  adeth  , 
what  he  lliall  will  ,  and  what  he   fhall  not  will ,  what  he  fhall  ad ,  and  what  he 
fhall  not  Ad  ,  and  then  he  is  no  more  free  to  ad  than  he  is  to  will  :     Or  elfe  he  is 
not  determined,  and  then  there  is  no- necelfity.    No  effed  can  exceed  the  virtue 

of 


Drs COURSE  I.  Againft    Mr.  Hobs.  ^-3 

ot  Its  caulc  •,  it  the  aCbou  be  free  to  write  or  to  tbrb.Mr  ,   the  power  orlkllltTto ~ 

will ,  or  nill ,  muft  of  neceifity  be  more  free,  ^od  efficit  tale  i^udm^gis  eji  tale 
If  the  will  be  determined  ,  the  writing  or  not  writing  is  like  wife  determined  and 
then  he  fliould  not  fay,  he  may  rvrite  or  he  rrny  f.nbear  ,  but  he  mali  write,  or  he 
muft  forbear.  Thirdly,  this  anfwer  contradids  the  fenfe  of  all  the  \Vorld\  that 
the  will  of  man  is  determined  rpithout  his  vciU ,  or  rvithout  any  thing  m  his  power-, 
Why  do  we  ask  men  whether  they  will  do  fuch  a  thing  or  not  >  Why  do  we  rcpre  - 
fcnt  reafons  to  them  >  Why  do  we  pray  them?  Why  do  we  intreat  them>  Why  do 
we  blame  them  if  there  will  come  not  upon  them  according  to  their  will,  mit 
thou  be  made  clean  f  faid  our  Saviour  to  the  Paralytikg  perfon  ,  John  5.  6.  to  what 
purpofeif  his  will  was  extrinfecally  determined  >  Chrill  complains ,  m  havepi- 
pd  unto  you  ^  and  ye  have  not  danced  ^  Matth.  11.  17,  How  could  they  help  it  if 
their  wills  were  determined  without  their  wills  to  forbear!  And  Matth.  2^.  27. 
J  tpould  have  gathered  yoHT  Children  together  as  the  Hen  gathereth  her  Chickens' under  her 
tpings,  but  ye  would  not.  How  eafily  might  they  anfwer  according  to  T.  H.  his  Do- 
ctrine ,  Alas  blame  not  us,  our  wills  are  not  in  our  own  power  or  difpofition  if 
they  vvere  ,  we  would  thankfully  embrace  fo  great  a  favour.  Mod  truly  faid  St 
Auliin  ,  our  rviU  (hould  not  be  a  mil  at  all,  if  it  were  not  in  our  ptper.  This  is  the'  De  lib.  Ah* 
belief  of  all  mankind  ,  which  we  have  not  learned  from  our  Tutors ,  but  is  im-  /.  2.  ^.'30 
printed  in  our  hearts  by  nature  i  We  need  not  turn  over  any  obfcure  books  to  find 
out  this  truth.  The  Poets  chant  it  in  the  Theatres ,  the  Shepheards  in  the  moun- 
tains ,  the  PaftorS  teach  it  in  their  Churches,  the  Dodtors  in  the  Univerfities.  The 
common  People  in  the  Markets ,  and  all  mankind  in  the  whole  World  do  alTent  un- 
to it ,  except  an  handful  of  men  ,  who  have  poifoned  their  intellecftuals  w.th  para- 
doxical principles.  Fourthly  ,  this  ncceility  which  t.  H.  hith  deviftd  ,  which  is 
grounded  upon  the  necellitation  of  a  mans  will  without  his  will ,  ij  the  worft  of 
all  others,  and  is  fo  far  from  leflfening  thofe  difficulties  and  abfurdittes  which  flow 
from  the  fatal  deftiny  of  the^wfcfe^,  that  it  increafeth  them  ,  and  rendreth  them 
unanfwerable.  No  man  blameth  fire  for  burning  whole  Cities ,  no  man  taxeth 
poifon  for  deftroying  men,  but  thofe  perfons  who  apply  them  to  fuch  wicked  ends. 
If  the  will  of  man  be  not  in  his  own  difpofition ,  he  is  no  more  a  free  Aoent  than 
the  fire  or  the  poifon.  Three  things  are  required  to  make  an  Adt  or  orauiion  cul- 
pable ■■,  Firft ,  that  it  be  in  our  power  to  perform  it ,  or  forbear  it ,  Secondly  ,  that 
we  be  obliged  to  perform  it ,  or  forbear  it  refpedively.  Thirdly  ,  that  we  omit 
that  which  we  ought  to  have  done  ,  or  do  that  which  we  ought  to'have  omitted. 
No  man  fins  in  doing  thofe  things  which  he  could  not  fhun  ,  or  forbearing  thofe* 
things  which  never  were  in  his  power.  T.  H.  may  fay  ,  that  befides  the  power 
men  have  alfo  an  appetite  to  evil  ob)e(as,  which  renders  them  culpable.  It  is  true : 
but  if  this  appetite  be  determined  byothers  ,  not  by  themfelvcs,  or  if  they  have  nor 
the  ufe  of  reafon  to  curb  or  reftrain  their  appetites,  they  fin  no  more  than  a  \\ot\c 
defcending  downward  ,  according  to  its  natural  appetite ,  or  the  bruit  bcafts  who 
commit  voluntary  errours  in  following  their  fenfitive  appetites ,  yet  fin  not. 

The  queftion  then  is  not  whether  a  man  be  neccilitated  to  will  or  nill ,  yet  free 
to  a<ft  or  forbear.  But  leaving  the  ambiguous  ncceptions  of  the  word  ,  }rfe  the 
queftion  is  plainly  this  ,  whether  all  Agents  ,  and  all  events  natural ,  civil ,  moral 
C  for  we  fpeak  not  now  of  the  converfion  of  a  finner ,  that  concerns' not  this  que- 
ftion ,  )  be  predetermined  extrinfecally  and  inevitably  without  their  own  concur- 
rence in  the  determination  >  fo  as  all  adtions  and  events  which  either  are  or  fhall 
be,  cannot  but  be  ,  nor  can  be  otherwife  ,  after  any  other  manner,  or  in  any  other 
place,  time,  number,  meafure  ,  order  ,  nor  to  any  other  end,  than  they  are.  And 
all  this  in  refpedt  of  the  Supreme  caufe  ,  or  a  concourfe  of  extrinfecal  caufcs  de- 
termining them  to  one. 

So  my  Preface  remains  yet  unanfwered.  Either  I  was  extrinfecally  and  inevitab- 
ly predetermined  to  write  this  difcoufc ,  without  any  concurrence  of  mine  in  the  de- 
termination ,  and  without  any  power  in  me  to  change  or  oppoie  it  or  I  was  not 
fo  predetermined-,  If  I  was  ,  then  I  ought  not  to  be  blamed  ,  for  no  man  is  jultly 
blamed  for  doing  that  which  never  was  in  his  power  to  (bun.  If  I  was  not  fo  pre- 
determined ,  then  mine  adtions  and  my  will  to  adt ,  are  neither  compelled  nor  ne- 

celli- 


.? 


-^ '■       J~~VwdicJtiofi  of  trne  Liberty  TOME  HI. 


T^^ImTted  by  any  extrinlecal  cauies ,  but  I  elcd  and  choofe  ,  cither  to  write  or  to 
forbear  according  to  mine  own  will,  and  by  nrime  own  power.  And  when  I  have 
refolved'  and  clcded ,  it  is  but  a  neceility  of  fuppoliUon  ,  which  may  and  doth 
conlill  with  true  liberty ,  not  a  real  antecedent  neceility.  The  two  horns  of  this 
Dilemma  are  fo  ilrait ,  that  no  mean  can  be  given,  nor  room  to  pals  between  them. 
And  the  two  confcquences  are  fo  evident ,  that  inftead  of  anfwcring ,  he  is  forced 

to  decline  them.  ,       ,     .  ,    ,  n-  •  ,  r    l     t^ 

A  N  D  (b  to  fall  m  hand  with  the  queltion,  without  any  farther  Proems  or  Prefa- 
Number.  4.    ^^^^  Liberty ,  I  do  underltand  neither  a  Liberty  from  Sin ,  nor  a  Liberty  from 

Mifcry ,  nor  a  Liberty  from  Servitude  ,  nor  a  Liberty  from  Violence  ,  but  t  under- 
ftand  a  Liberty  from  neceility  or  rather  from  necelfitation  ,  that  is,  an  uuiverfal 
immunity  from  all  inevitability  and  petermination  to  one  ,  whether  it  be  of  the 
exercife  onely  which  the  Schools  call  a  Liberty  o£ contradiClion,  and  is  found  in  God, 
and  in  the  good  and  bad  Angels,  that  is  not  a  Liberty  to  do  both  good  and  evil,  but  a 
Liberty  to  do  or  not  to  do  this  or  that  good  ,  this  or  that  evil  refpedively^  or  whe- 
ther it  be  a  Liberty  of  Specification  and  Exercife  alfo  ,  which  the  Schools  Liberty  of 
Contrariety,  and  is  found  In  men  indowed  with  reafon  and  underftanding ,  that 
is  a  Liberty  to  do  and  not  to  do ,  good  and  evil,  this  or  that.  Thus  the  coaft  being 
cleared ,  &c, 
^'  ■^*  In  the  next  place  he  mahgth  certain  dijiinSiions  of  Liberty  ,  and  fays,  he  means  not  Li- 

berty from  fn  ,  nor  from  Servitude  y  nor  from  violence  ,  but  from  necejfrty,  necejjitation, 
inevitability  ,  and  determination  to  one  v  it  had  been  better  to  define  Liberty  than  thus  to 
diflinguifh  ,  for  J  underjland  never  the  more  what  he  means  by  Liberty.  And  though  he 
fays,  be  m;ans  Liberty  from  necefjitation  ,  yet  I  underjland  mt  how  [uch  a  Liberty  can 
be ,  and  it  is  atakjng  of  the  quellion  without  proof  ,  for  what  elfe  is  the  quejiion  between 
us,  but  whether  fuch  a  liberty  be  poffible  or  not.  7here  are  in  the  fame  place  other  dijiin- 
liions ,  as  a  Liberty  of  exercife  only,  which  he  calls  a  Liberty  ofcontradiUion  ,  (  namely, 
of  doing  not  good  or  evil  (imply ,  but  of  doing  this  or  that  good ,  or  this  or  that  evil  rejpe- 
tfively,  )  And  a  Liberty  of  f^ecifrcation  and  excercife  alfo  ,  which  he  caVs  a  Liberty  of 
contrariety ,  namely  ,  a  Liberty  not  only  to  do  or  not  to  do  ,  good  or  evil ,  but  alfo  to  do  or 
not  to  do,  this  or  that  good  or  evil.  And  with  thefe  difrinUions  he  fays  ,  he  clears  the 
coajl ,  whereas  in  tmth  he  darkeneth  his  meaning  ,  not  only  with  the  Jargon  of  exercife 
only  ,  fpecification  alfo  ,  contradiUion  ,  contrariety  ,  but  alfo  with  pretending  dijiinUion 
where  none  is  ,  for  how  is  it  poffible  for  the  Liberty  of  doing  or  not  doing  this  or  that  good 
or  evil ,  to  confijl  (  as  he  fays  it  doth  in  God  and  Angels  )  without  a  liberty  of  doing  or 
not  doing  good  or  evil. 

It  is  a  rule  in  art ,  that  words  which  are  Homonymous ,  of  various  and  ambiguous 
fignifications ,  ought  ever  in  the  firft  place  to  be  diftinguithed.     No  men  delight  in 
confufed  generalities ,  but  either  fophifters  or  bunglers.     Vir  dolofus  verfatur  in  ge- 
neralibus  ,  deceitful  men  do  not  love  to  defcend  to  particulars  ■,  and  when  bad  Ar- 
chers (hoot ,  the  fafelt  way  is  to  run  to  the  mark.     Liberty  is  fometimcs  oppofed  to 
the  flavery  of  fin  and  vitious  habits  ,  as  Rom.  6.  22.     Now  being  made  free  from  fin. 
Sometimes  to  mifery  and  opprellion  ,  Ifay  58.  6.-  To  let  the  oppreffed  go  free.  Some- 
times to  fervitude  ,  asLevit.  25.   10.     Jn  the  year  of  Jubilee  ye  pall  proclaim  liberty 
throughout  the  land.     Sometimes  to  violence  ,  as  Pfal.   105.  20.^  The  Prince  of  hit 
ptople  let  him  go  free.     Yet  none  of  all  thefe  are  the  Liberty  now  in  queftion ,  but  a 
Liberty  from  neceility  ,  that  is  a  determination  to  one,  or  rather  from  neceliitation 
that  is  a  neceility  impofed  by  another ,  or  an  extrinfecal  determination.     Thele  di- 
ftiudions,  do  virtually  imply  a  defcription  of  true  Liberty,  which  comes  nearer 
the  eflence  of  it,  then  "t.  H.  his  roving  definition  as  we  Ihall  fee  in  due  place.     And 
though  he  fay  that  he  underjiands  never  the  more  what  J  mean  by  Liberty,  yet  it  is  plain 
by  his  own  ingenious  confellion  ,  both  that  he  doth  underftand  it,   and  tliat  this  is 
the  very  qucrtion  where  the  water  flicks  between  us,  whether  there  be  fiacha  Liber- 
ty free  from  all  neceliitation  and  extrinfecal  determination  to  one.     Which  being 
but  the  flating  of  the  queilion  ,  he  calls  it  amifs  the  tahjng  of  the  qtieftion.     It  were 
too  much  weaknefs  to  beg  this  queilion  ,  which  is  fo  copious  and  demonftrable. 
It  is  ftrange  to  fee  with  what  confidence  now  a-days  particular  men  flight  all  the 
Schoolmen ,   and  Philofophers ,  and  ClalCck  authors  of  former  ages ,  as  if  they 


\v.ere 


Discourse    U  ^g<^i"fl  ^r.  Hobs»  5^- 

were  not  worthy  to  unloofe  the  (hoe-ftrings  ■  of  fomc  modern  author ,  or  did 
fit  in  darkiiefs ,  and  in  ths  fhidow  of  D;ath ,  until  fome  tnird  Cato  dropped  down 
from  Heaven  ,  to  whom  all  men  muH  repair,  as  to  the  Altar  of  Prometheus  to 
light  their  Torches  .  I  did  never  wonder  to  heare  a  raw  Divine  out  of  the  Pulpit 
declaim  againrt  School  Divinity  to  his  equally  ignorant  Auditors  i  It  is  but  as  the 
Fox  in  the  Fable ,  who  having  loft  his  owne  tail  by  a  mifchance,  would  have  pre- 
fwaded  all  his  fellows  to  cut  off  theirs  ,  and  throw  them  away  as  unprofitable  bur- 
thens. But  it  troubles  mc  to  fee  a  fcholar ,  one  who  hath  been  long  admitted  into 
the  iniiermoft  Cloffet  of  nature,  and  fcen  the  hidden  fecrets  of  more  fubtile  Learning 
fo  far  to  forget  himfelt^  astoftile  School-Learning  no  better  then  a  plain  Jartron  that 
is  a  fenfclefsGibrifli,oraFuftianLanguage,  like  the  clattering  noife  ofSabbots  :'fup- 
pofe  they  did  fometimes  too  much  cut  truth  intofhreds,  or  delight  inabftrufe  expre- 
ifions,  yet  certainly,  this  diftindion  of  Liberty ,  into  Liberty  of  contrariety  and  Liberty 
of  contradidtion  or  which  is  all  one  o(exercife  only,  or  excercife  and Jpecijication  jointly 
whijch  T.  H.  rejedts  with  fo  much  fcron^  isfo  true,  fo  necelTary,  fo  generally  receiv- 
ed, that  there  is  fcarcc  that  writer  of  note,  cither  Divine  or  Philofophcr  who  did. 
ever  treat  upon  this  Subjedl ,  but  he  ufeth  it. 

Good  and  evil  are  contraries ,  or  oppofite  kinds  of  things,  therefore  to  be  able 
to  choofe  both  good  3nd  evil ,  is  a  Liberty  of  contrariety  or  of  fpecification  ■,  to 
choofe  this ,  and  not  to  choofe  this  ,  are  contradictory  ,  or  which  is  all  one    an 
cxercife  or  fufpenfion  of  power  i   Therefore  to  be  able  to  do  or  forbear  to  do  the 
fame  adtion ,  to  choole  or  not  choofe  the  fame  objedl,  without  varying  of  the 
kind,  is  a  Liberty  of  contradidion ,  or  of  exerciie  onely.     Now  man  is  not  only 
able  to  do  or  forbear  to  do  good  only  ,  or  evil  only ,  but  he  is  able  both  to  do  and 
to  forbear  to  do  both  good  and  evil  ,  fo  he  hath  not  onely  a  Liberty  of  the  adtion' 
but  alfo  a  Liberty  of  contrary  objedts  i  not  onely  a  Liberty  of  exercife  ,  but  alfo  of 
fpecificaton  ;  not  only  a  Liberty  of  contradi(ftion  ,  but  alfo  of  contrariety.     On  the 
other  fide  ,  God  and  the  Good  Angels,  can  do  or  not  do  this  or  that  good     but 
they  cannot  do  or  not  do ,  both  good  and  evil.     So  they  have^  not  onely  a  Liberty 
of  exercife  or  contradidtion  ,  but  not  a  Liberty  of  fpecification  or  contrariety.     If^ 
appears  then  plainly,  that  the  Liberty  of  man  is  more  large  in  the  cxtcnfion  ofthe 
objed,  which  is  both  good  and  evil ,  then  the  Liberty  of  God  and  the  good  An- 
gels, whofcobjedl  is  onely  good.     But  withal ,  the  Liberty  of  man  comes  flaort 
in  the  intention  of  the  power.    Man  is  not  fo  free  in  refpcdt  of  good  only,  as  God , 
or  the  Good  Angels ;  becaufe  (  not  to  fpeak  of  God  whofe  Liberty  is  quite  of  ano- 
ther Nature  )  the  andcrftandings  ofthe  Angels  are  clearer  ,  their  Power  and    Do- 
minion over  their  adionsis  greater,  they  have  no  fenfitive  appetites  to  diftradl  them 
ho  Organs  to  be  difturbedv  wc  fee  then  this  diftindion  is  cleared  from  all  darknefs. 
And  where  T.  H.  demands  how  it  ispolfible  for  the  Liberty  of  doinc  or  not  do- 
ing this  or  that  good  or  evil ,  to  confift  in  God  and  Angles,  witliout  a  Liberty  of 
doing  or  not  doing  good    oreviU     The  anfwer  is  obvious  and  eafie,  rf/cw;io(7;i- 
gulafxngulis ,  rendring  every  adl  to  its  right  objedt  refpedtively.     God  and  Good 
Angels  have  a  Power  to  do  or  not  to  do  this  or  that  good.  Bad  Angels  have  a  Pow- 
er to  do  ornot  to  do  this  or  that  evil.  So  both   jointly  cOnfidered  have    power re- 
fpedlively  to  doe  good  or  cvili.  And  yet  according  to  the  words  of  my  DifcoUrle 
God,  and  Good  ,and  Bad  Angles  being  fingly  confidcred  ,  have  no  power  to  do      rt    t) 
good  or  evil ,  that  is ,  indifferently ,  as  man  hath.  •' " 

Thus  the  coafl  being  cleared,  the  next  thing  to  be  done,  is  to  draw  out  our   jj-,,^.  c. 
forces  againft  the  enemy  j  and  becaufe  they  are  divided  into  two  Squadrons,  the 
one  ofChriftians,the  other  of  Heathen  Philofophers ,  it  will  be  beft  to  difpofe'ours 
alfo  into  two  bodies ,  the  former  from  Scripture ,  the  later  from  reafon. 

Ihe  next  thing  he  doth  after  the  clearinir  ofthe  coaji^  U  the  dividing  of  hU  forces  ,  at 
he  calls  them  into  tvoo  Squadrons,  one  of  pbces  of  Scripture  ,  the  other-ofrejfons  which' 
Allegory  he  ufeth  ,  I  fuppofe  becaufe  he  addreffeth  the  Difeourfe  to  your  Lirdpip  ,  'rvho  is 
a  Military  man.  All  that  I  have  to  fay  ,  touching  this  is  ,  that  J  obferve  a  great  part  of 
thofe  hit  forces,  do  look^  and  march  another  way,  andfomeof  them  do  fght  ammgthemfelves. 
If  7*.  B.  could  divide  my  forces,  and  commit  them  together  among  rhemfelves, 
it  were  his  onely  way  to  conquer  them.     But  he  will  find  that  thofe  imaginary  con- 

Gggg  tradi- 


6^6 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TOME    III. 


tradidions     vvluch  he  thinks  he  hath  efpied  in  my  Diicourfe,  are  but  fancies ,  and 
,ny  iuppoled  impcrtmencies  will  prove  his  o^vn  real  mil^akings. 
J'      fr-  "^  Pmfs  of  Liberty  cut  of  Scripture. 

Firft  whofoever  have  power  of  Eledtion  have  true  Liberty,  for  the  proper  Ad 
of  Liberty  is  Election.  A  Spontaneity  may  confift  with  determination  to  one ,  as 
w- fee  in  Children  ,  Fools,  mad  Men,  Bruit  Beafis ,  whofe  fancies  are  determined 
tothofe  things  which  act  fpontaneoufly ,  as  the  Bees  makeHony,  the  Spiders 
Webs.  But  none  of  thefe  have  a  Liberty  ot  Election  ,  which  is  an  act  of  Judge- 
ment'and  ur.derltanding  ,  and  cannot  podibly  confift  with  a  determination  to  one. 
He  that  is  determined  by  fomething  before  himfelf  or  without  himfelf,  cannot  be 
faid  to  chocjfe  or  Elect,  unlefs  it  be  as  the  Jtinior  of  the  Mefs  choofeth  in  Cambridge 
wheth-T  he    will  have  the  leaft  part   or  nothing.     And  fcarcely  fo  much. 

But  men  have  Liberty  of  Election.  This  is  plain  W«»2^.  30.  14.  If  a  Wife 
make  a  vow  its  left  to  her  Husbands  choice,  either  to  eftablifli  it  or  to  make  it 
void.  And  /#.  24.  15.  Choofe  you  thU  day  whom  you  JhaVferve  ,  dec.  But  J  and 
my  Haufe  will  flrve  the  Lord.  He  makes  his  own  choice,  and  leaves  them  to  the 
Liberty  of  their  Election.  And  2.  Sam.  24.  12.  J  offer  thee  three  things,  choofe  thee 
which  of  them  I  J^iali  do.  If  one  of  thefe  three  things  were  neceffarily  determined 
and  the  other  two  impoffible  ,  how  was  it  left  to  him  to  choofe  what  fhould  be 
done  ?  Therefore  we  have  true  Liberty. 
«•  Tj;  And  the  firji  place  of  Scripture  taken  from  Numb.  30.  14.  is  cm  of  them  that  loo\a- 

'■'       nother  way  •,  "the  words  are  ^  If  a  Wife   mak^  a   vow,  it  is  left  to  her  Husbands  choice 
either  to  ejlablifh  it  or  make  it  void ,  for  it  proves  no  more  hut  that  the  Husband  is  a  free 
or  voluntary  Agent ,  but  not  that  his  choife  therein  is  not  necefjitated  or   not   determined 
to  what  hejhall  choofe  by  precedent  necejfary  caufes. 
.  My  tiril  argument  from  Scripture  is  thus  formed  ,  whofoever  have  a  Liberty  or, 

'^'  '*  power  of  Election  ,  are  not  determined  to  one  by  precedent  neceffary  caufes. 

But  Men  may  have  Liberty  of  Election. 

The  affumption  or  Minor  propofition  is  proved  by  three  places  of  Scripture,  'blumh. 
30.  14.     7#.  24,  15.  2.  Sam.  24.  12.  I  need  not  infift  upon  thefe ,  becaufeT.H. 
acknowledgeth'  that  it  is  clearly  proved  that  there  is  eledion  in  Man. 
But  he  denieth  the  mafor  Propofition,  becaufeC  faid  he)  man  is  necejfitated  or  deter- 
mined to  what  he  fhall  choofe  by  prscedent  neceffary  caufes.    I  take  away  this  anf- 
were  three  wayes. 
l^Hml,  it^,        Firft,  by  reafonj  election  is  evermore  either  of  things  poffible,  or  at  leaft  of  things 
conceived  to  be  poffible  that  is  efficacious  election,when  a  hhan  hopeth  or  thinketh  of 
obteining  the  object,    whatfoever  the  will  choofeth,  it  choofeth  under  the  notion  of 
good,eitherhoneft  or  delightfuU  or  profitable,but  there  canbe  no  rcall  goodnefs  ap- 
prehended in  that  which  is  known  to  be  impoffible:  It  is  true,  there  may  be  fome 
wandring    pendulous  wiihes  of  known  impoffibilities^  as  a  man  who  hath  commit- 
ted an  offence,  may  wifh  he  had  not  committed  it,  But  to  choofe  efficacioufly  and 
impoffibly,  is  as  impoffible  as  an  impofiibility  it  felf.  No  man  can  think  to  pbtein 
that  which  he  knows  impoilible  to  be  obteined.  But  he  who  knows  that  all  things 
are  antecedentally  determined  by  neceffary  caufes,  knows  that  it  is  impoflible  for  any 
to  be  otherwife  than  it  is  ■■,  therefore  to  afcribe  unto  him   a  power  of  ele<?i:ion,  to 
choofe  this  or  that  indiffirently,  is  to  mr.ke  the  fame  thing  to  be  determined  to  one 
and  to  be  not  determined  to  one,  which  are  contradictories  :  again,   whofoever 
hath  an  elective  power  or  a  Liberty  to  chofe,  hath  alfo  a  Liberty  or  power  to  refufe, 
fa.  7. 10  Before  the  Child  f}jall  kjiow  to  refufe  the  evil  and  choofe  th'e  good.Ylc  who  choofeth 
this  rather  than  that,  rctufcth  that  rather  than  this.  AsMofes  choofing  to  fuffer  affli- 
on  with  the  people  of  God  ,  did  thereby  refufe  the  plcafures  of  fin.     Heb.  11.  24. 
But  no  man  hath  any  power  to  refufe  ,  that  which  is  neceffarily  predetermined 
to  be  ,  unlefs  it  be  as  the  Fox  refufed    the  Grapes  which  were  beyond  his  reach. 
When  one  thing  of  two  or  three  is  abfolutely  determined  ,  the  other  are  made 
thereby  fimply  impoilible. 

Secondly  ,  I  prove  it  by  inftances  ,  and  by  that  llniverfal  Notion  ,  which  the' 
world  hath  of  election  >  what  is  the  difference  between  an  elective  and  hereditary 
Kingdom  ?  but  that  in  an  elective  Kingdom  they  have  power  or  Liberty  to  choofe 

this 


Discourse  I.  agaiuji  Mr.  Hobs- 

this  or  tint  man  indifferently,  but  in  an  hereditary  Kingdom  they  have  no fuch 
power  nor  Libsity.  Where  the  Law  makes  a  certain  heir,  there  is  a  nece(iitati- 
on  to  onej  where  the  Law  doth  not  name  a  certain  Heir,  there  is  no  necelfitation 
to  one,  and  there  they  have  power  or  Liberty  to  choofe.  An  hereditary  Prince  may 
be  as  grateful  and  acceptable  to  his  Subjedls,  and  as  willingly  received  by  them  (ac- 
cording to  that  Liberty  which  is  oppofed  to  compulfion  or  violence^  as  he  who  is 
cholcn,  yet  he  is  not  therefore  an  Eledive  Prince.  In  Germany  all  the  Nobility  and 
Commons  may  afTent  to  the  choife  of  the  Emperour  ,  or  be  well  pleafcd  with  it 
■when  it  is  concluded  ,  yet  none  of  them  Eled  or  choofe  the  Emperour  ,  but  only 
thofe  Six  Princes  who  have  a  confultative,  deliberative,  and  determinative  power 
in  this  Eledtion.  And  if  their  votes  or  fuffrages  be  equally  divided ,  three  to 
three  ,  then  the  King  of  Bohemia  hath  the  calling  voice.  So  likewife  in  Corpo- 
rations or  Commonwealths ,  fometimes  the  People,  fometimes  the  common  Coun- 
cil,  have  power  to  name  fb  many  perfons  for  fuch  an  Office,  and  the  Supreme 
Magiltrate,  or  Senate,  or  lelTer  Councill  refpeftively,  to  choofe  one  of  thofe.  And  all 
this  is  done  with  that  caution  and  fecrefy,  by  billetts  or  other  means,  that  no  man 
knowes  which  way  any  man  gave  his  vote,  or  with  whom  to  be  olfended.  If  it 
were  necelTarily  and  inevitably  predetermined,  that  this  individuall  perfon  and  no 
other  fliall  and  mult  be  chofcn,  what  needed  all  this  circuit  and  caution,  to  do  that 
which  is  not  polTible  to  be  done  otherwife,  which  one  may  do  as  well  as  a  thouf- 
and ,  and  for  doing  of  which  no  rationall  man  can  be  offended,  if  the  Eleftors  were 
necelfarily  predetermined  to  eleA  this  man  and  no  other.  And  though  "T.  H. 
was  pleafcd  to  paffe  by  my  Uniuerfity  inftance,  yet  I  may  not  untill  I  fee  what 
he  is  able  to  fay  unto  it.  The  Junior  of  the  Mefs  in  Cambridge  divides  the  meat  in- 
to four  parts  ,  The  Senior  choofcth  firft,  then  the  fecond  and  third  in  their  order 
The  junior  is  determined  to  one,  and  hath  no  choife  left  unlefs,  it  be  to  choofe 
whether  he  will  take  that  part  which  the  reft  have  refufed,  or  none  at  all.  It  may  be 
this  part  is  more  agreable  to  his  mind  than  any  of  the  others  would  have  been,  but 
for  all  that  he  cannot  be  faid  to  choofe  it  becaufe  he  is  determined  to  his  one.  Even 
fuch  a  liberty  of  eledion  is  that  which  is  eftablifhed  by  7.H.  Or  rather  much 
vvorfe  in  two  refpedls.  The  Junior  hath  yet  a  liberty  of  contradidiion  left  to  choofe 
whether  he  will  take  that  part,  or  not  take  any  part,  but  he  who  is  precifely  prede- 
termined to  the  choife  of  this  objedt,  hath  no  liberty  to  refufe  it.  Secondly,  the 
Junior  by  dividing  carefully  may  preferve  to  himfelf  an  equall  fhare ,  but  he 
who  is  wholly  determined  by  extrinfecall  caufes,  is  left  altogether  to  the  mercy  and 
difpofition  of  another. 

Thirdly,  I  proove  it  by  the  texts  alledged.  Numb.  30. 13.  If  a  wife  make  a  vow, 
it  is  left  to  her  hufbands  choife,  either  to  ertablifh  it  or  make  it  void.  But  if  it  be 
predetermined,  that  he  (hall  eftablilh  it ,  it  is  not  in  his  power  to  make  it  void.  If 
it  be  predetermined,  that  he  (hall  make  it  void,  it  is  not  in  his  power  to  eftablilh  it. 
And  howfoever  it  be  determined,  yet  being  determined,  it  is  not  in  his  power  in- 
differently, either  to  eftablifh  it  or  to  make  it  void  at  his  pleafure.  So  Jojhua  24, 
15.  Choofe ym  this  dayrvhom  ye  rviUferve:  But  land  my  houfe  will  ferve  the  Lord.  It 
is  too  late  to  choofe  that  this  day.  Which  was  determined  otherwife  yefterday, 
rvhom  ye  vpill  ferve,  whether  the  Gods  whom  your  fathers  ferved,  or  the  Gods  of  the 
Amorites,  where  there  is  an  eledtion  of  this  or  that,  thefe  gods,  or  thofe  gods,  there 
muft  needs  be  either  an  indifferency  to  both  objedls,  or  at  leaft  apoffibility  ofcither. 
land  my  houfe  willferv;  tb;  LW.Ifhe  were  extrinfecally  predetermined,he  (hould  not 
fay  I  will  ferve,  but  I  muft  ferve  And  2  Sam.  24.  12.  J  offer  thee  three  things,  Choofe 
thee  which  of  them  I  (hall  d}.  How  doth  GoJ  offer  three  things  to  Davids  choife, 
if  he  had  predetermined,  him  to  one  of  the  three  by  a  concourfe  of  necelTary  extrin- 
fecall caufes  ?  If  a  foveraign  Prince  fhould  defcend  fo  far  as  to  offer  a  delinquent 
his  choice,  vvhether  he  would  be  fined,  or  imrifonedor  banifhed,  and  had  under  hand 
l!gn;d  the  fentence  of  hi5  bani(hrn:nt,what  were  it  els  but  plain  drollery,or  mockery  > 
This  is  the  argument  which  in  'f.H.  his  opinion  looks  another -way.  Ifit  do, it 
is  as  the  VJnbims  ufed  to  fijht,  flying.  His  reafon  follovves  next  to  be  confidered.        T.  H, 

For'if  there  cmie  irtto  the  husbands  mind  greater  good  hy   ejiabli(hitg  then  abrogating  HvLvab.  7 
ftch  a  vorv-,-  tk"  eflabUfhing  willfolbw  nfcejfarily.  And  if  the  evill  that  will  follow  there- 

<^  S  g  g  2  on 


- I  - --1 11  I     ^ 

-J^ ZfVwdicationojrrfic  UhcYty  T  O  M  K  1  i  1. 

TTtbe  h,.il...^U^    opnuon  c,an^a^blb^ood,,hecmtrary  rnoii  needs  folkr.   And  yet 


i::,hUjoi:on:i.gofo>us'hopesa.dpars  coufnieth  the  nature  of  EkiUon      So  that  a  nun 
,njy  bib  chooletL ,  and  cMHot  but  chooje  this.     And  conjequently  choofing  and  necejfity 

f   V      *"  TirT"  is  noAiiV'  Cild  with  more  (hew  of  rcafon  in  this   caufc  by  the  Patrons  of 

"      nccclli>y     and  advcrfarics  of  true  liberty  than  this,  that  the  will  doth  perpetually 

and  iiifailibly  follow  the  lad  dictate  of  the  underitanding,  or  the  laft  judgement  of 

ri'ht  rc-fon.     And  in  this ,  and  this  onely  ,    1  confefs  7'.  fj.  hath  good  feconds. 

Yet  the  common  and  approved  opinion  is  contrary.     And   juftly  :  for, 

Firil  this  very  ad  cf  the  undcrllanding  is  an  elTedt  of  the  will,and  a  tciUmony  of  its 
power  and  liberty.  It  is  the  will, which  affedting  fome  particular  good ,  doth  ingage 
and  CO  nmand  tl/cundcrfianding  to  confult  and  deliberate  whatmeans  are  conveni- 
ent for  attaining  that  end.  And  though  the  will  it  felf  be  blind  ,  yet  its  objedt  is 
good  in  general,  which  is  the  end  of  all  human  adions.  Therefore  it  belongs  to 
the  will  as  to  ihc  General  of  an  Army  to  move  the  other  powers  of  the  Soul  to 
their  adi ,  and  among  th.c  reft  the  underitanding  alfo,  by  applying  it  and  reducing 
its  power  into  ad.So  as  whatfoever  obligation  the  underftanding  doth  put  upon  the 
will  is  by  the  confcnt  of  the  willjand  derived  from  the  power  of  the  will,  which  was 
not  neceiluated  to  move  the  underftanding  to  confult.  So  the  vpill  is  the  Lady 
and  Miftrifs  of  humane  adions,  the  underftanding  is  her  trufty  Counfellour,  which 
gives  no  advice  ,  but  when  it  is  required  by  the  will.  And  if  the  firft  confultation 
or  deliberation  be  notfufficient,  the  will  may  move  a  review ,  and  require  the  un- 
derflanding  to  inform  it  felf  better,  and  take  advife  of  others  ,  from  whence  many 
times  the  judgement  of  the  underftanding  doth  receive  alteration. 

Secondly  ,  for  the  manner  how  the  underftanding  doth  determine  the  will ,  it 
is  not  naturally  but  morally.  The  will  is  moved  by  the  underftanding ,  not  as  by 
an  efficient ,  having  a  caufal  influence  into  the  effed  ,  but  onely  by  propofing  and 
reprefenting  the  objed.  And  therefore  as  it  were  ridiculous  to  fay ,  that  the  objed 
of  the  fight  is  the  caufe  of  feeing  ,  fo  it  is  to  fay  ,  that  the  propofing  of  the  objed 
by  the  underftanding  to  the  will ,  is  the  caufe  of  willing  i  and  therefore  the  un- 
derftanding hatii  no  place  in  that  concourfe  of  caufes  which  according  to  7.  B.  do 
neceliitate  the  will. 

Thirdly  ,  the  judgement  of  the  underftanding  is  not  always  praSice pra&icum  , 
nor  of  fuch  a  nature  in  it  felf,  as  to  oblige  and  determine  the  will  to  one.  Some- 
times the  underftanding  propofeth  two  or  three  means  equally  available  to  the  at- 
taining of  one  and  the  fame  end.  Sometimes  it  didateth,  that  this  or  that  parti- 
cular good  is  eligible  or  fit  to  be  chofen,  but  not  that  it  is  neceflarily  eligible ,  or 
that  it'muft  be  chofen.  It  may  judge  this  or  that  to  be  a  fit  means  ,  but  not  the 
onely  means  to  attain  the  defired  end.  In  thefe  ca(es  no  man  can  doubt,  but  that 
the  will  may  choofe ,  ornotchoofe,  this  or  that  indifferently.  Yea,  though  the 
underftanding  fliall  judge  one  of  thefe  means  to  be  more  expedient  than  another  , 
yet  for  as  much  as  in  the  lefs  expedient  there  is  found  the  reafon  of  good  ,  the  will 
in  rcfped  of  that  Dominion  which  it  hath  over  it  felf ,  may  accept  that  which  the 
underftanding  judgeth  to  be  lefs  expedient ,  and  refufe  that  which  it  judgeth  to  be 
more  expedient. 

Fourthly ,  fomctimes  the  will  doth  not  will  the  end  fo  efficacioufly,  but  that  it 
may  be  ,  and  often  is  deterred  from  the  profecution  of  it  by  the[difficulty  of  the 
means  i  and  notwithftanding  the  Judgement  of  the  underftanding  ,  the  will  may 
ftill  fufpend  its  own  Ad. 

Fifthly ,  {uppofnig  but  not  granting ,  that  the  will  did  necefTarily  follow  the  laft 
didate  of  the  undcrllanding,  yi;t  this  proves  no  antecedent  necclhty  ,  but  coexi- 
ttent  with  the  Ad  ,  no  extrinfccal  necellity  ,  the  will  and  underftanding  being  but 
two  faculties  of  the  fame  foul ,  no  abfolute  necellity,  but  meerly  upon  fuppofition. 
And  therefore  the  fame  Authors  wlio  maintain  that  the  judgement  of  the  under- 
ftanding doth  neceflarily  determine  the  will ,  do  yet  much  more  earneftly  oppugn 
T.  H.  his  abfolute  ncceliity  of  all  occurrences.  Suppoie  the  will  ftiall  apply  the 
underftanding  to  deliberate  and  not  require  a  revievv.  Suppofe  the  didate  of  the 
underftanding  ftrall  be  abf  jkite  ,  not  this  or  that  indifferently ,  nor  this  rather  than 

that 


Discourse  I.  again (l 


that  comparatively,  but  this  politivcly ,  r.otthis  freely  ,  but  this  ncccTiarily,  And" 
fuppofe  the  will  do  will  clHcacioufly  ,  and  do  not  fufpend  its  own  aft.  Then 
here  is  a  necelfity  indeed  ,  but  neither  abfolute  ,  nor  cxtrinfecal ,  nor  antecedent 
flowing  from  a  concoarfe  of  caufes  without  our  felves,  but  a  necellity  upon  fup-' 
pofition  ,  which  we  do  readily  grant.  So  far  T.  H.  is  wide  from  the  truth,  whileft 
he  maintaines ,  either  that  the  apprehenfion  of  a  greater  good  doth  necellitate  the  " 
will  ,  or  that  this  is  an  abfolute  necellity. 

Lallly,  whereas  he  faith,  that  the  nature  of  Election  doth  conf^fi  in  fuhmng  our 
hopes  and  fears  ^  I  cannot  but  obferve  that  there  is  not  one  word  of  Art  in  this 
whole  treatife ,  which  he  ufeth  in  the  right  fence  •,  I  hope  it  doth  not  proceed  out 
of  an  alfedation  of  fingularity  ,  nor  out  of  a  contempt  of  former  Writers  nor 
out  of  a  deiire  to  take  in  fundcr  the  whole  frame  of  Learning ,  and  new  mold  it 
after  his  own  mind.  It  were  to  be  wiflied  that  at  lead  he  would  give  us  a  new 
Dictionary  ,  that  we  might  underftand  his  fenfe.  But  becaufe  this  is  but  touched 
here  fparingly  and  upon  the  by ,  I  will  forbear  it  until  I  meet  with  it  again  in  its 
proper  place.  And  for  the  prefent  it  fhall  fuffice  to  fay ,  that  hopes  and  fears  are 
common  to  brute  beafts,  But  eledion  is  a  rational  ad,  and  is  proper  onely  to 
man ,  who  is  Sanciius  his  animal  mentij'que  ca^aciuf  alt£. 

'The  Second  place  of  Scripture  is  Jofh.  24.  15.     The  Third  is  2,  Sam.  24,  12.  n>here-       T.  H, 
ly  tis  clejrly  proved  ^   that  there  is  eleUion  in  man  ,  hut  not  proved  that  fitch  election  rvof 
not  necejjitated  by   the  hopes  ^  and  fears  ^  and  confederations  of  good  and  had  to  folloro 
rvhich  depend  not  on  the  vpill ,  nor  are  fuhjeU  to  eledion.     And  therefore  one  anftper  ferves 
allfuch  places,   if  they  were  a  thousand. 

This  anfwer  being  the  very  fame  with  the  former,  word  for  word  ,  which  hath       /•   J^* 
already  been  fufficiently  (haken  in  pieces ,   doth  require  no  new  reply. 

Suppoftng,  itfeems,  Imight  anfmr  of  I  have  done  ,  that  neceffity  and  eledion  might 
fiand  together  ^  and  injiance  in  the  anions  of  Children,  fools,  and  brute  beafts  tvhofe       '^'  ^' 
fancies  I  might  fay  ,  are  necejjitated  and  and  determined  to  one  s  before  thefe  his  proofs  out  ^^^^'  *» 
of  Scripture  he  defires  to  prevent  that  in(iance  ,  and  therefore  fays ,  that  the  anions  of 
Children  ,  fools  ,  mad-men  and  beafts  are  indeed  determined ,  but  that  they  proceed  not 
from  ek^ion  ,  nor  jromjree ,  but  jromfpontaneous  Agents.     As  for  example ,/  hat  the  Bee 
rvhen  it  mah^th  honey  doth  it fpontaneoujly\  And  when  the  Spider  mal^s  its  rvebb    it  does 
it  fpontaneoufly;  and  not  by  ele^ion.     Though  J  never  meant  to  ground  any  anfrver  upon 
the  experience  of  what  Children  ,  fools  ,  mad-men  and  beafts  do ,  yet  that  your   Lordjhip 
may  underftand  what  can  be  meant  by  jpontaneous  ,  and  how  it  differs  from  voluntary ,  / 
■will  anfwer  that  di(linUion  andjhew  ,  that  it  fghteth  againft  its  fellow  Arguments.  Tour 
Lordjhip  is  therefore  to  confider  ,  that  all  voluntary  actions  ,   where  the  thing  that  induce th 
the  will  is  not  fear  ,   are  called  alfo  fpontaneous,  andfaidto  be  done  by  a  mans  own  accord. 
As  when  a  mangiveth  money  voluntarily  to  another  for  Merchandife ,  or  out  of  a  affidion 
he  is  faid  to  do  it  of  his  own  accord ,  which  in  Latin  is  Sponte ,  and  therefore  the  aSion  is 
fpontaneous.     Though  to  give  ones  money  willingly  to  a  thief  to  avoid  killiniT  ,  or  throw  it 
into  the  Sea  to  avoiadrowning  ,  wlxre  the  motive  is  fear  ,  be  not  called  fpontaneous.     But 
every  Spontaneous  action  is  not  therefore  voluntary  ,  for  voluntary  prefuppofes  fame  prece^ 
dent  deliberation ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  jome  confideration  and  meditation  of  what  is   likely  to 
follow  ,  both  upon  the  doing  and  ahftainhtg  from  the  aciion  deliberated  of,  whereas  many 
anions  are  done  of  our  own  accord  ,  and  be  therefore  fpontaneous  i  of  which  nevertheleji  as 
he  thinks  we  Jiever  confulted^  nor  deliberated  of  in  our  felves ,  as  when  makjng  no  quejlion 
nor  any  the  leafl  doubt  in  the  World  ,  but  that  the  thing  we  are  about  is  good ,  we  eat-  or 
wjll^,  or  in  anger  jlril^  or  revile  ,   which  he  think^  fpontaneous  ,  but   not  voluntary  nor 
ele&ive  actions.     Andwith  fuchh^nd  of  aUions  he  fays  necejfitation  may  jiand  ,  but  not 
JTomfuch  as  are  voluntary,  and  proceed  upon  eleClion  and  deliberation.     Norv  if  J  make  it 
appear  to  you  ,   that  even  thefe  anions  which  he  fays  proceed  from  fpontaneity ,  and  which 
he  afcribes  only  to  fools  ,  Children  ,  mad-men  and  beafts  ,  proceed  from  dehberatim  and 
ehCtion,  and   that  aUirns  in  confider  ate ,  rafh  ,  and  fpontaneous  are   ordinarily  found  in 
thofe  th.it  are  by  themfelves,  and  many  more  thought  as  wife  or  wifer  than   ordinary  men 
are.     Then  his  argument  concludeth ,  that  necejjity  and  election  mayftand  together ,   which 
is  contrary  to  that  which  he  intntdeth  by  all  the  ml  of  his  aroiimems  to  prove.     Andfirjl 
your   Lordjliips    own  experience  furmftoes  ynu  with  pro-f  enough  ^  that  Horfes  ^  doggs 

and. 


rfo 


~,i  'otha-'  b^e  fejs  dTd^ir  often  wnes  upon  the  n^ay  they  are  to  take.     7he  h-rff- 


tiri.,  f -w  He  Jira.^e  figure  be  fees ,  and  cnmm^  on  agatn  to  avoid  the  fpur      And  vphat 
die  does  man  that  dehkrateth, hut  one  while Jroceed  toward  aUton  ,  amber  Mule  re- 
tire  from  it,as  the  hope  of  greater  good  drarvs   bim.or  the  fear  of  greater  evil  drives  him  ? 
A  Child  may  be  fo  ycwtg  as  to  do  all  which  tt  does  rotthottt  all  deliberation,  but  that  is  hut 
ill!  it  chance  to  be  hurt  by  doing  fomcwhat ,  or  till  it  be  of  Age  to  underjUnd  the  rod  \  for 
the  actions  wherein  he  hath  once  a  cheeky,  jhaVbe  deliberated  nn  the  fecond  time.     Fools 
and  mad-men  manifcftly  deliberate  no  lefi  than  the  wififl  men  though  they  make  not  fo  good 
a  choije,  the  images  of  things  ^  being  by  difeafes  altered.     For  Bees  and  Spiders ,  if  he 
hid  fo  little  to  do  as  to  be  a  SpcHator  of  their  adions  ,  he  would  have  confeffed  not  onely 
ekciion    but  alfo  art ,  prudence .  and  policy  in  them  ^   very  neer  equal  to  that  of  mankind 
Of  Bees  ?ix[i\ot\cftys  ,  their  life  is  civil.     Be  is  deceived ,  if  he  think^any  fpontaneous 
action  after  once  being  checked  in  it ,   differs  from  an  aSiion  voluntary  and  eledive  ,  for 
even  the  jetting  of  a  mans  foot  in  the  pojlure  of  walking ,  and  the  aVtion  of  Ordinary  eat- 
ifi"     was  once  deliberated  ,      how  and  when  itjhould  be  dones  and  though  it  afterward 
became  eafie  and  habitual ,  jo  as  to   be  done  without  fore-thought ,  yet  that  does  not 
hinder  but  that  the  aU  is  voluntary  ,  and  proceeds  from  Eledinn.     So  alfo  are  the  rajheji 
aBions  of  Cholerick^perjons  voluntary  and  upon  deliberation  i  for  who  U  there  hut  very 
y.mng  Children ,  that  has  not  confidered ,  when  and  how  far  he  ought  or  fafely  may^  firik^ 
or  revile  ,  feeing  then  he  agrees  with  me  that  fuch  aUions  are  recejjitated,   and  the  fancy 
of  thofe  that  do  them  is  determined  to  the  adions  they  do,  it  follows  out  of  his  own  do- 
iirine,  that   the  liberty  of  eleUion  does  not  take  away  the  necejfity  of  ele&ing  ,    this  or 
f    p       that  individual  thing.     And  thus  one  of  hit  Arguments  fights  againfr  another. 
•' '      '  wc  have  partly  feen  before  how  T.  H.  hath  coyned  a  new  kind  of  liberty  ,  a  new 

kind  of  neceliity ,  a  new  kind  of  Eledtion  ,  and  now  in  this  Sedion  a  new  kind  of 
fpontaneity,and  new  voluntary  aftions. Although  he  fay, that  here  is  nothingnew  to 
him,  yet  1  begin  to  fufpe6t,that  either  here  are  many  things  new  to  him  or  otherwife 
his  Eledion  is  not  the  refult  of  a  ferious  mature  deliberation.  The  firft  thing  that 
I  oifer,  is,  how  often  he  miftakesmy  meaning  in  this  one  Sedtion  ,  Firft,  I  make 
voluntary  and  fpontaneous  aftions  to  be  one  and  the  fame ,  he  faith  1  diftinguifii 
them  ,  fo  as  fpontaneous  adtions  may  be  neceflary ,  but  voluntary  aftions  cannot. 
Secondly ,  I  diftinguifh  between  free  Afts  and  voluntary  A(fts.  The  former  are 
always  deliberate,  the  latter  may  be  indeliberate  j  all  free  adtions  arc  voluntary, 
but  all  voluntary  Adts  are  not  free  ,  but  he  faith  I  confound  them  and  make  them 
the  fame.  Thirdly,  he  faith  I  afcribe  fpontaneity  only  to  Fools  ,  Children,  Mad- 
men and  Bcafls,  but  I  acknowledge  fpontanenity  hath  place  in  rational  men, both 
as  it  is  comprehended  in  liberty  ,  and  as  it  is  diftinguiflied  from  liberty. 

Yet  I  have  no  reafon  to  be  offended  at  if,  for  he  deals  no  otherwife  with  me  than 
he  doth  with  hlmfelf.  Here  he  tells  us  ,  that  voluntary,  prefuppofeth  deliberation. 
But  Numb,  25.  he  tells  us  contrary,  that  whatfoever  followeth  the  laji  appetite  is  volun- 
tary, and  where  there  vs  but  one  appetite,  that  is  the  lafr.  And  that  no  aHion  of  a  man 
can  be  j'aid  to  be  without  deliberation ,  thoitgh  never  fo  fuddain.  So  Numb.  33.  he  tells 
us,  thztbyjpontaneity  is  meant  ,  inconfiderate  proceeding,  or  elje  nothing  is  meant  by 
it ,  yee  here  lie  tells  us ,  that  all  voluntary  aUions  which  proceed  not  from  fear  ,  are  fpon- 
taneous ,  whereof  many  arc  deliberate ,  as  that  wherein  he  inllanccth  himfelf,  to 
give  money  for  merchandife.  Thirdly,  when  I  faid  that  Children  before  they  have 
t!ie  ufe  of  reafon  ,  adl  fpontaneoufly  ,  as  when  they  fuck  the  brealt ,  but  do  not 
adl  freely  bccaufe  they  have  not  judgement  to  deliberate  or  eledt ,  here  T.  H.  under- 
takes to  prove  ,  that  they  do  deliberate  and  eledt.  And  yet  prefently  after  confef- 
feth  again,  that  a  child  may  be  fo  young,  as  to  do  what  it  doth  without  all  delibe- 
ration. 

Befides  thefe  miftakes  and  contradidtions  he  hath  other  errours  alfo  in  this  Sedli- 
on.  As  tliis ,  that  no  adlions  proceeding  from  fear  are  fpontaneous.  He  who 
throws  his  goods  into  the  Sea,  to  avoid  drowning,dothitnot  only  fpontaneoufly  but 
even  freely,  he  that  wills  the  end,  wills  the  means  conduceing  to  that  end.  It  is 
true  that  if  the  adtion  be  confidered  nakedly  without  all  circumftanccs ,  no  man 
willingly  or  fpontaneoufly  cafls  his  goods  into  the  Sea.  But  if  we  take  the  adtion 
as  in  this  particular  cafe  invcfted  with  all  the  circumflariccs,  and  in  order  to  the  end, 

that 


Discourse  I.  againji    Mr.  Hobs.  ^^- 

that  is,  the  faving  of  his  own  life,  it  is  not  onely  voluntary  and  fpontaneo^     h^t 
Eledtive  and  chofen  by  him ,  as  the  moll  probable  means  for  his  own  prefervation 
As  there  is  an  antecedent  and  a  fubfequcnt  will,  fo  there  is  an  antecedent  and  a 
fubfequent  fpoataneity  i  his  Grammiticil  argument,  grounded  upon  the  derivation 
of  fpontaneous  iwmj^onte  ,   weighs  nothing  i  we  have  learned  in  the  rudiments  of 
Logick  that  conjugates  are  fometimes  in  name  only,  and  not  indeed.     He  who  cafts 
his  goods  in  the  Sea  ,  may  do  it  of  his  own  accord  in  order  to  the  end.     S-condlv 
he  errs  in  this  alfo,  that  nothing  is  oppofed  to  fpontaneity    but  only  fear  invincible 
and  antecedent  ignorance  deliroyeth  the  nature  offpontaneity  or  voluntarinefs  by  re- 
moving that  knowledge  which  Oiould  and  would  have  prohibited  the  adtion.'    As  a 
man  thinking  to  (hoot  a  Wild  Bead  in  a  Bufh  ,  flwots  his  friend,    which  if  he  had 
known,  he  would  not  have  (hot.  This  man  did  not  kill  his  friend  of  his  own  accord 
For  the  clearer  underltanding  of  thefe  things  and  to  know  what  fpontaneity  is* 
let  us  confult  a  while  with  the  Schools  about  the  dilHndl  order  of  voluntary  or' 
involuntary  adions.  Som;  adls  proceed  wholy  from  an  extrinfecall  •,  as  the  throw- 
ing of  a  Itone  upwards  ,  a  rape  or  the  drawing  of  a  Chri(tian  by  plain  force  to  the 
Idols  Temple  ,  thefe  are  called  violent  ads.     Secondly,  fome  proceed  from  an  in- 
trmfecall  caufe  ,  but  without  any  manner  of  knowledge  of  the  end,  as  the  falling  of 
a  ftone  downwards ,  thefe  are  called  naturall  ads.     Thirdly  ,  fome  proceed  from 
an  internall  principle,   with  an  imperfed  knowledge  of  the  end  ,  where  there  is 
an  appetite   to  the  objedt,  but  no  deliberation  nor  eledion,  as  the  adls  of  Fools 
Children,  Hearts,  and  the  inconfiderate  ads  of  men  of   Judgement.     Thefe  are 
called  voluntary  or  fpontaneous  acts.     Fourthly ,  fome  proceed  from  an  intrinfecal 
caufe,  with  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  the  end  ,   which  are  elected  upon  delibe- 
ration.    Thefe  are  called  free  ads.     So  then  the  formal  reafon  of  liberty  is  election 
The  necelTary  requifite  to  election  is  deliberation.     Deliberation  implieth  the  actual 
ufe  of  reafon.     But  deliberation  and  election  cannot  pollibly  fubfirt,  with  an  ex- 
trinfecal  predetermination  to  one.     How  fhould  a  man  deliberate  or  choofe  which 
way  to  go,  who  knows  that  all  ways  are  {hut  againft  him,  and  made  impollible 
to  him ,  but  onely  one  >  This  is  the  genuine  fenfe  of  thefe  words  voluntary  and /&<?«-  ' 

taneous  m  this  queltion.  Though  they  were  taken  twenty  other  ways  vulgarly  or 
metaphorically ,  as  we  ^3.^  fpontaneous  Mlcers ,  where  there  is  no  appetite  at  all  yet 
it  were  nothing  to  this  controverfie ,  which  is  not  about  words ,  but  about  things 
not  what  the  words  voluntary  or  free  do  or  may  fignitie  ,  but  whether  dl  things 
be  extrinfecally  predetermined  to  one.  ^iit.: . 

Thefe  grounds  being  laid  for  clearing  the  true  fenfe  of  the  words,  the  next  thing 
to  be  examined  is,  that  contradiction   which  he  hath  efpied  in  my  diCrourfe     or 
how  this  argument  fights  againft  its  fellows.     If  I  (  faith  T.  H,  )  make  it  appear 
that  the  fpontaneous  actions  of  Fools  ,  Children ,  Mad-men  and  Bea(ts  ,  do  pro- 
ceed from  election  and  deliberation ,  and  ,    that  inconfiderate  and  indeliberate 
actions  are  found  in  the  wifeft  men  ,  then  his  argument  concludes ,  that  rtecetfity 
and  election  may  ftand  together  which  is  contrary  to  his  afTertion.'   If  this  could 
be  made  appear  as  eafily  as  it  is  fpoken  ,  it  would  concern  himfelf  much,  who  when 
he  (hould  prove,  that  rational  men  are  not  free  from  necelflty  goes  about  to  prove    " 
that  brute  beafts  doe  deliberate  and  eled  that  is  as  much  as  to  fay  are  free  from  necclJity. 
But  it  concerns  not  me  at  all,it  is  neither  my  afTertion,  nor  my  opinion,that  necellity  and 
election  may  not  meet  together  in  the  fame  Subject ,  violent,  natural,  fpontaneous 
and  deliberate  or  elective  acts  may  all  meet  together  in  the  fame  fubject.  But  this 
I  fay ,  that  necedity  and  election  cannot  confit^  together  in  the  fame  act.     He  who 
is  determined  to  one ,  is  not  free  to  choofe  out  of  more  than  one.     To  begin  with 
his  latter  fuppofition,  th.tt  wife  men  mxy  do  inconfiderate  and  indeliberate  aUionr  I  do 
readily  admit  it.     But  where  did  he  learn  to  infer  a  general  conclufion  from  parti- 
cular premifes?  as  thus,  b?caufe  wife  men  do  fome  indeliberate  acts  ,   therefore  no 
act  they  do  is  free  or  elective.     Secondly  ,  for  his  former  fuppofition  ,  that  Fools 
Children^  Mid-men,   and  Bealis  do  deliberate  and  eled  ,  if  he  could  make  it  good  * 
it  is  not  I  who  contradict  my  felf,  nor  fight  againft  mine  own  afTertion,   but  it  is 
he  who  endeavours  to  prove  that  which  I  altogether  deny.     He  may  well  find  a 
contradiction  between  him  and  me,  otherwife  to  what  end  is  this  EHfpute?  but 
^  he 


-gg^  ~rVhidication  of  trm  Liberty  T  O  M  E   III. 


he  (hall  not  be  able  to  hnd  a  difference  between  ine  and  my  fclf :  but  the  truth  is  , 
he  is  not  able  to  groove  zny  fuch  thing,  and  that   biings  me  to  my  iixth  Con- 

*'  That°  neither  Horlls,  nor  Bees,  nor  Spiders,  nor  Children  ,  nor  Fools,  nor  mad- 
men doe  deliberate  or  cled.     His  firll  inftanceism  the  Horfe  or  Dog,  but  more 
cfpccially  the  Horfe.     He  told  me ,  that  I  divided  my  argument  into  fquadrons ,  to 
apply  my  fclf  to  your  Lordlhip  ,  being  a  Military  man  i  and  I  apprehend  ,  that  for 
the  (arne  reafon  he  gives  his  lirft  inftance  of  the  Horfe,  with  a  fubmilfion  to  your 
own  experience.     So  farr  well,  but  other  wife  very  difadvantagcouDy  to  his  caufc. 
Men  ufe  to  fay  of  a  dull  fellow ,  that  he  hath  no  more  brains  than  an  Horfe.     And 
the  Prophet  Vavid  faith.     Be  not  lik^  the  Horfe  and  Mule  which  have  no  tmderjiandiHg. 
Pfal.  32.  <?.     How  do  they  deliberate  without  underftanding  ?  And  Pfal.  4p.  20. 
he  faith  the  fame  of  all  brute  Bealb.     Man  being  in  honour  had  no  underjianding  ,  but 
lecame  liks  ««'''  ''•'^  ^^^^^  '^''*  perijk.     The  Horfe  demurrs  upon  his  way  ,  Why  not  ? 
Outward  Objedis,  or  inward  fancies  may  produce  a  ftay  in  his  courfe,  though  he 
have  no  judgement,  either  to  deliberate  or  elect.     Ee  retires  from  fomepange  figure 
fchich  he  fees  ,  and  comes  on  again  to  avoid  thefpur.     So  he  may ,  and  yet  be  far  e- 
rough  from  deliberation.     All  this  proceeds  from  the  fenfitive  pallion  of  fear  wliich 
is  a  perturbation  arifing  from  the  expectation  of  fome  imminent  evil.  But  he  urgeth, 
what  elfe  doth  man  that  deliberateth  ?  Yes  very  much.     The  Horfe  fearcth  fome 
outward  object ,  but  deliberation  is  a  comparing  of  fevetal  means  conducing  to  the 
fame  end.    Fear  is  commonly  of  one ,  deliberation  of  more  than  one  ■■,  fear  is  of 
thofe  things  which  are  not  in  our  power  ,  deliberation   of  thofe  things  which  are 
in  our  power  i  fear  many  times  arifeth  out  of  natural  antipathies,  but  in  thefe  dil- 
conveniences  of  nature ,   deliberation  hath  no  place  at  all.     In  a  word  ,  fear  is  an 
enemy  to  deliberation,  and  bctrayeth  the  Succours  of  the  Soul.    If  the  Horfe  did 
deliberate  ,  he  (hould  coufult  with  rcafon  ,  whether  it  were  more  expedient  for  him 
to  go  that  way  or  not  i  He  fhould  reprefent  to  himfelf,  all  the  dangers  both  of 
going,  and  flaying,  and  compare  the  one  with  the  other ,  and  elect  that  which 
is  lefs  evil  j  he  fhould  confider  whether  it  were  not  better  to  endure  a  little  hazard, 
than  ungratefwlly  and  difhoneftly  to  fail  in  his  duty  to  his  Maftcr  ,  who  did  breed 
him  ,  and  doth  feed  him.     This  the  Horfe  doth  not  ■■>  neither  is  it  poflible  for  him 
to  doit.     Secondly,  for  Children ,  T.  H.  confeffeth  that  they  may  be  fo  young , 
that  they  do  not  deliberate  at  all  ■■,  afterwards ,  as  they  attain  to  the  uft  of  reafon 
by  degrees  ,  fo  by  degrees  they  become  free  agents.     Then   they  do  deliberate , 
before  they  do  not  deliberate.  The  rod  may  be  a  means  to  make  them  ufe  their  reafon, 
when  they  have  power  to  exercife  it,  but  the  rod  cannot  produce  the  power  before 
they  have  it.  Thirdly,  for  fools  and  mad-men.  It  is  not  to  be  underftood  of  fuch  mad- 
men as  have  their  lucida   intervaVa ,  who  are  mad  and  difcreet  by  fitts  j  when  they 
have  the  ufe  of  rcafon  ,  they  are  no  mad- men  ,  but  may  deliberate  as  well  as  others. 
Nor  yet  of  fuch  fools  as  are  onely  comparative  fools ,  that  is,  lefs  wife  than  others. 
Such  may  deliberate ,  though  not  fo  clearly,  not  fo  judicioufly  as  others,  but  of 
tneer  mad-men  ,  and  mecr  natural  Fools ,  to  fay  that  they ,  who  have  not  the  ufc 
of  reafon  ,  do  deliberate  or  ufe  leafon  ,  implies  a  contradiction.     But  his  chiefeft 
confidence  is  in  his  Bees  and  Spiders  ,  of  tvhofe  aGions  ( he  faith  )  ;/ 1  had  been  afpe- 
Sator^  JtPOKldhave  confeffed  ^  not  onely  Eleliion  ^  hut  aljo  Arts  ^  Frudence  ^   Folicy , 
very  neer  equal  to  that  of  mankind ,  whofe  life  as  kx\i\.oi\e  faith,  is  ciiil.     Truly  I  have 
contemplated  their  actions  many  times  ,  and  have  been  nmch  taken  with  thedr  cu- 
rious works ,  yet  my  thoughts  did  not  reflect  fo  much   upon  them  ,  as  upon  their 
maker  ,  who  is  fc  tmgnus  in  magnis  ,  that  he  is  not  ,  minor  in  parvis.     So  great 
in  great  things,  that  he  is  not  lefs  in  fmall  things.     Yes,  I  have  fecn  thofe  fillieft 
of  Creatures ,  and  feeing  their  rare  works,   I  have  fecn  enough  to  confute  all  the 
bold-faced  Atheil\s  of  this  age ,  and  their  hellifli  blafphemies.     I  fee  them,  but  I 
praifed  the  marvellous  works  of  God  ,  and  admired   that   great  snd  firft  intellect , 
wko  had  both  adapted  their  Organs  ,  and  determined  their  fancies  to  thcfe  particu- 
lar works.     I   was  not  fo  fimpie  to  afcribe  thofe  larities  to  their  own  invention  , 
which  I  knew  to  proceed  from  a  mcer  inftinct  of  nature.     In  all  other  things  they 
arethedulleftof  Creatures.     Naturalifts  write  of  Bees  ,  that  their  fancy  is  imper- 
fect, 


Discourse  1.  agav?ft:    Mr.    Hobs. 

fed,' not  diltind  from  their  common  Icafe  ,  fpread  over  their  whole  body,  and 
onely  perceiving  things  prefent.  When  Arijiotk  calls  them  polifical  or  fociable 
Creatures,  he  did  not  intend  it  really  that  they  lived  a  civil  life  ,  but  according-  to 
an  Analogy  ,  becaufe  they  do  fuch  things  by  inltinft  ,  as  truly  political  Creatures 
do  out  of  Judgement.  Nor  when  I  read  in  St.  Ambrofe^  of  their  Hexjuonies  or  Sex- 
anguhr  celler ,  did  I  therefore  conclude,  that  they  were  Mathematieians.  Nor  when 
I  read  in  Cre^et ,  that  they  invoke  God  to  their  aid  ,  when  they  go  out  of  their 
Hives ,  bending  their  thighs  in  form  of  a  Crofs ,  and  bowing  themfelves  i  did  I 
therefore  think ,  that  this  was  an  adt  of  Religious  piety  ,  or  that  they  were  capable 
of  theological  virtues  ,  whom  I  fee  in  all  other  things  in  which  their  fancies  are  not 
determined  ,  to  be  the  fillieft  of  Creatures ,  Grangers  not  onely  to  right  reafon 
but  to  3*11  refemblanccs  of  it. 

Seventhly ,  concerning  thofe  a<flions  which  are  done  upon  precedent  and  pafTed 
deliberations  i  they  are  not  onely  fpontaneous ,  but  free  adts.     Habits  contracfied 
by  ufe  and  experience  do  help  the  will  to  adt  with  more  facility  ,  and  more  deter- 
minately ,  as  the  hand  of  the  Artificer  is  helped  by  his  tools.     And  precedent  deli- 
berations ,  if  they  were  fad  and  ferious,  and  proved  by  experience  to  be  profitable 
do  fa  ve  the  labour  of  fubfequent  confultations.    ¥rn\hj.fitferplHra^  quod  fieri  poteii 
fer  pauciora :  yet  neverthelels  the  adtions  which  are  done  by  virtue  of  theie  former- 
ly acquired  habits  are  no  lefs  free ,  than  if  the  deliberation  were  coexiflent  with 
this  particular  a<SiOn.    He  that  hath  gained  an  habit  and  skill  to  play  fuch  a  leiFon 
needs  not  a  new  deliberation  how  to  play  every  time  that  he  plays  it  over  and  over  I 
yet  I  am  far  from  giving  credit  to  him  in  this ,  that  walking  or  eating  univerfally 
conlidered  are  free  adtions,  or  proceed  from  true  liberty  ,  not  fo  much  becaufe  they 
want  a  particular  deliberation  before  every  individual  adt ,  as  becaufe  they  are  ani- 
mal nwtions ,  and  need  no  deliberation  of  reafon ,  as  we  fee  in  brute  Beafts,     And 
neverthelefs the  fame  adtions,  as  they  are  confidered  individually,  and  invefled  with 
their  due  clrcumftances  ,  may  be  and  often  are  free  adtions  fubjedted  to  the  liberty 
of  the  agent. 

Laftly,  whereas  T.  H.  compareth  the  firft  motions  or  ra(h  attempts  of  Chole- 
rick  perfons  with  fuch  acquired  habits ,  it  is  a  great  miftake  ;  thofe  rafh  attempts 
arc  voluntary  a<Sions,  and  may  be  facilitated  fometimes  by  acquired  habits-,  bat  yet 
for  as  much  as  aliens  are  often  altered  and  varied  by  the  circumllances  of  time 
place  and  perfon  ,   fo  as  that  adt  which  at  one  time  is  morally  good  ,   at  another 
time  may  be  morally  evil.     And  for  as  much  as  a  general  precedent  deliberation  how 
to  do  this  kind  of  adlirfn  ,  is  not  fufEcient  to  make  this  or  that  particular  adtion 
good  or  expedient,  which  being  in  it  felf  good,  yet  particular  circumlhnces  may 
render  inconvenient  or  unprofitable,  to  fome  perfons,  at  fome  times ,  in  fome  pla- 
ces.    Therefore  a  precedent  general  deliberation  how  to  do  any  adt    as  for  inftance 
how  to  write  ,  is  not  fufficient  to  make  a  particular  adt  (  as  my  writing  this  indi- 
vidual reply  )to  be  freely  done ,  without  a  particular  and  fubfequent  deliberation* 
A  manlearns  Fre«c&  advifedly  ,  that  is  a  free  zH:  the  fame  man  in  his  choler  and 
pallion  reviles  his  friend  in  French  ,  without  any  deliberation,  this  is  a  fpontaneous 
adt ,  but  it  is  not  a  free  adt ;  If  he  had  taken  time  to  advife  ,  he  would  not  have  re- 
viled his  friend.     Yet  as  it  is  not  free ,  fo  neither  is  it  fo  neceffary ,  as  the  Bees 
making  honey ,  whofe  fancy  is  not   only  inclined  but  determined  by  nature  to 
that  act.     So  every  way  he  failes.     And  his  conclufion  ,  that  the  liberty  of  electi- 
on, doth  not  take  away  the  necclEty  of  electing  this  or  that  individuall  thing ,  is 
no  coafequent  from  niy  doctrine ,  but  from  his  own.     Neither  do  tuy  arguirienfs 
fight  one  againft  another ,  but  his  private   opinions  fight  both  againft  me  and  a- 
gainft  an  undouted  truth.     A  free  agent  endovved  with  liberty  of  election  ,  or  with 
an  elective  power,  may  neverthelefs  be  necellitated  in  fome  individuall  acts,  but 
thofe  acts  wherein  he  is  neceffitated  ,  do  not  flow  from  his  elective  power,  neither 
are  thofe  acts  which  flow  from  his  elective  power  neceffitated.  f,  V. 

Secondly  ,  they  who  might  have  done ,  and  may  do  many  things  which  they  Numb.  «. 
leave  undone.  And  they  who  leave  undone  many  things  which  they  might  do,  Ar,r.24 
are  neither  compelled  nor  necetfitated  to  do  what  they  do,  but  have  true  liberty. 
But  we  might  do  many  things  which  we  do  not ,  and  we  do  many  things  which 

H  h  h  b  W« 


TO  VIE  I  ll 


-r.H. 


~  I  .i..,,^  ,m.tnn,>    as  IS  plain  ,  I  Kings.  3.  ii.   Becaufe  ilmi  bajl  afhd  this  thiniK 
TfJ;     hut  thai  he  had  not  asked  wiidomc  ,  which  he  did  ask.     He  did  av- 


could  not TCtaii..- -  ^  .     1        .^,        --     - 

may  do  ,  what  we  do  not.     And  we  do  not ,  what  we  might  do.    That  is,  wc 
have  true  liberty  from  neccHity. 

The  Second  argument  from  Scripture  confifleth  in  Hiftoriet  of  men  ,  that  did  one  thing  , 
rfhen  if  they  would  they  might  have  done  another,  the  places  are  two  ,  one  ii  in  the  1. 
Kin<^s  5.  II.  J*'h(re  the  Hilary  fays  ,  God  was  pleafed  f^^t Salomon  ,  who  might  if 
he  would',  have  askd  riches  or  revenge,  did  mverthekfs  ask^  wifdom  at  Gods  Hands, 
the  other  are  the  words  of  St.  Peter  to  Ananias ,  Acts  5. 4.  After  it  was  fold  was  it 
not  in  thine  power  ? 

to  which  the  anjwer  U  the  fame,  with  that  Janfweredto  the  former  places,  that  they 
prove  there  is  ekUion  ,  but  do  not  difprove  the  necefftty,  which  I  maintain,  of  what  they  fo 

eleS. 

We  have  had  the  very  fame  anfwer  twice  before.  It  feemcth  that  he  is  well  plea- 
y.  V.  fed  with  it ,  or  elfe  he  would  not  draw  it  in  again  fo  fuddenly  by  head  and  Shoul- 
ders,  to  no  purpofc,  if  he  did  not  conceive  it  to  be  a  Panchreflon  ,  a  falve  for 
all  fores  ,  or  ViSamnum ,  Soveraign  Dittany  ,  to  make  all  his  adverfaries  weapons 
drop  out  of  the  wounds  of  his  caufe  ,  onely  by  chewing  it,  without  any  applica- 
tion to  the  fore.  I  will  not  waft  the  time  to  fliew  any  farther ,  how  the  members 
of  his  diftinction  do  crofs  one  another ,  and  one  take  away  another.  To  make 
every  election  to  be  of  one  thing  impofed  by  ncceflity  ,  and  of  another  thing 
which  is  abfolutely  impollible  ,  is  to  make  election  to  be  no  election  at  all.  But 
I  forbear  to  prefs  that  in  prcfent.  If  I  may  be  bold  to  ufe  his  own  phrafei  His  an- 
fwer looks  quite  another  way  from  mine  argument.  My  Second  reafon  was  this , 
they  who  may  do  ,  and  might  have  done  many  things  which  they  leave  undone, 
and  who  leave  undone  many  things  which  they  might  do,  are  not  ncceliitatcd , 
nor  precifely ,  and  antecedently  determined  to  do  what  they  do. 

But  we  might  do  many  things  which  we  do  not,  and  we  do  many  things  which 
we  might  leave  undone  ,  as  appears  evidently  by  the  Texts  alledged.  Therefore 
wc  are  not  antecedently  and  precifely  determined  :  nor  neceffitated  to  do  all  things 
which  we  do.  What  is  here  of  f/f^io«  in  this  argument  ?  To  what  propolition  , 
or  what  tearm  doth  t.  H.  apply  his  anfwer?  he  neither  affirms  nor  denyeth ,  nor 
diftinguifheth  of  any  thing  contained  in  my  argument.  Here  I  muft  behold  to 
call  upon  him  for  a  more  pertinent  anfwer.  ;  V  "'' 

Thirdly  ,  if  there  be  no  true  liberty  ,  but  all  things  comes  to  pafs  by  inevitable 

J.  T>.       neceffity  ,  then  what  are  all  thofe  interrogations  ,  and  objurgations,  and  reprehen- 

Numb.  10.     fions,  and  expoftulations  which  we  find  fo  frequently  in  Holy  Scriptures ,  fbeir 

ylrg.  3.  fpoken  with  all  due  rcfpect  )  but  faigned  and  Hypocritical  exaggerations?  hafi  thou 

eatenof  the  tree  whereof  J  commanded  that  thoujhouldtfi  not  eat  Gen.  3.  11.  and  ver. 

13. He  faith  to  Eve,  why  haji  thou  done  this  ?  And  to  Cain  ,    why  art  thou  wroth, 

and  why  is  thy  countenance  cajl  down  ?  Jnd  why  will  ye  dy  ,  0  houfe  ofTfrael>    Doth 

God  command  openly  not  to  eat,  and  yet  fccretly  by  himfelf  or  by  the  fecond 

caufes  neceffitate  him  to  eat  ?  Doth  he  reprehend  him  for  doing  that,  which  he 

hath  antecedently  determined  that  he  muft  doe  ?  Doth  he  propofe  things  under 

impoflible  conditions .?  Or  were  not  this  plain  mockery  and  derifion  ?  Doth  a  Jove 

ing  Mafter  chide  his  fervant ,  becaufe  he  doth  not  come  at  his  call,  and  yet  knowes 

that  the  poor  fervant  is  chained  and  fettered,  fo  as   he  cannot  move,  by  the 

Mafters  own  order  ,  without  the  fervants  default  or  confcnt  ?  They  who  talk  here 

of  a  twofold  will  of  God, /fcret  and  rft^f<?W,  and  the  one  oppofite  to  the  other 

underftand  not  what  they  fay.     Thcfe  two   wills  concern  ftveralJ  perfons.     The, 

fecrct  will  of  God  is  what  he  will  dohimfcif  ■,  The  revealed  will  d  God  is  what  he 

would  have  u$  to  do  i  It  may  be  the  fecret  will  of  God  to  take  away  the  life  of 

the 


Discourse   I.  aga'wfi  Mr.  Hobs-  ^q^ 

the  Father,  yet  it  is  Gods'  revealed  will  that  his  Son  (hould  wifli  his  life ,  and 
pray  for  his  life.  Here  is  no  contradidion  where  the  Agents  are  diiUncr.  But 
tor  the  fame  perfon  to  command  one  thing  ,  and  yet  to  nccellitate  him  that  is  com^ 
ir.anded  to  do  another  thing  •,  To  chide  a  man  for  doing  that ,  which  he  hath 
determined  inevitably  and  irreliftibly  that  he  muft  do  i  This  were  (  I  am  afraid  to 
wtter  what  they  are  not  afraid  to  aff.'rt  )  the  higheft  dillifhulation.  Gods  chiding 
proves  mans  liberty. 

"Xo  the 'third  and  fifth  argument ,  IJhall  maV^  hut  one  anfwer. 
Certainly  dirtinct  Arguments,  as  the  third  and  fift  are,  the  one  drawn  from  the 
truth  of  God, the  other  drawn  from  the  JulViceof  God,  the  onefrom  his  objurgations 
and  reprehenfions,  the  other  from  his  Judgments  afterlife,  did  require  diftinct 
anfwers.  But  the  plain  truth  is ,  that  neither  here ,  nor  in  his  anfwer  to  the  fifth 
Argument,   nor  in  his  wliole  Treatife  ,  is  there  one  word  of  folution  or  fatisfa-  '  .*^* 

dion  to  this  Argument ,  or  to  any  part  of  it.  All  that  looks  like  an  anfwer  is  con- 
tained Numb.  12.  "that  which  he  does ,  U  nfade  jttji  by  his  doing  ^  jull  Ifay^  in  him, 
?tot  altvays  JHJl  in  tis  by  the  example:  for  a  manthat  pall  command  a  thing  openly^  and  plat 
fecretly  the  hinder ance  of  the  fame ,  ;/  he  punijh  him  vchom  he  commanded  fa  ,  for  not  do- 
ing it,  is  unjuji  :  I  dare  not  infilt  upon  it ,  I  hope  his  meaning  is  not  fo  bad  as  the 
words  intimate,  and  as  I  apprehend,  that  is  to  impute  falfliood  to  him  that  is 
truth  it  felf,  and  to  juftifie  faining  and  dillimulation  in  God  ,  as  he  doth  tyranny 
by  the  infinitenefs  of  his  power  ,  and  the  abfolutenefs  of  his  Dominion.  And  there- 
fore by  his  leave,  I  muft  once  again  tender  him  a  new  fjmmonsfor  a  full  and  clear 
anfwer  to  this  argument  alfo.  He  tells  us ,  that  he  was  not  furpriftd.  Vvhether 
lie  were  or  not,  is  more  than  I  know.  But  this  I  fee  plainly,  that  either  he  is  not 
provided  ,  or  that  his  cau(eadmits  no  choife  of  anfwers.  The  Jews  dealt  ingeni- 
oufly  when  they  met  with^  difficult  knot ,  which  they  could  not  untie ,  to  put  it 
upon  Elias.     Elias  tfill  anftver  it  when  he  comes. 

Fourthly  ,  if  either  the  decree  of  God,  or  the  foreknowledge  of  God  or  the  influ-  j^umb,  ii 
ence  of  the  Stars  ,  or  the  concatenation  of  caules ,  or  the  Phyfical ,  or  moral  ef-  ^,-„  a 
ficacy  of  objecfts  ,  or  the  laft  didate  of  the  underftanding,do  take  away  true  liberty 
then  ^i^iiwbefore  his  fall  had  no  trueliberty.Forhewasfubjedcd  to  the  fame  decrees 
the  fame  prefcience,  the  fame  conrtellations,  the  fame  caufes ,  the  fameobjedts,  the 
fame  didatcs  ofthe'underftanding,  but,  ^ttodcunqs  oftendes  mihific  incredttlns  odi,  the 
created  oppofers  of  our  liberty,  areas  earned  maintainers  of  the  liberty  of  Adam. 
Therefore  none  of  thefe  fuppofed  impedimens  take  away  true  liberty. 

'Xhe  Fourth  Argument  is  to  this  effe£i ,  if  the  decree  of  Gud,  or  his  forekjtoipledgey 
cr  the  influence  of  the  Stars  ,  or  the  concatenation  of  caufes ,  or  the  Phyfical ,  or  moral  T.  Ht 
efficicyof  caufes,  or  the  lafl  di&ate  of  the  underfianding,  or  whatfoever  it  he,  do  takg 
arvay  true  liberty  ,  then  Adam  before  his  fall  had  m  true  liberty ,  Quodcunqi  oftendes 
mihi  fie  incredulus  odi.  That  which  I  fay  necejjitateth  and  determinateth  every  a&ion , 
that  he  may  no  longer  doubt  of  my  meaning  ,  is  the  fum  of  all  thofe  things  ,  which  being 
now  exijient ,  conduce  and  concur  to  the  produUion  of  that  aCfion  hereafter ,  whereof  if 
any  one  thing  now  were  wanting  ,  the  effeU  could  not  be  produced.  'Ibis  concourfe  of  cau- 
fes ,  whereof  every  one  is  determined  to  he  fmh  ,  as  it  is  by  a  lik^  concourfe  of  former  cau- 
fes ,  may  well  be  called  (  in  refpe&  they  were  aVfet  and  ordered  by  the  Eternal  caufe  of 
all  things  God  Aim  ighty  )   the  Vecree  of  God. 

But  that  the  forekjiowledge  of  God  ,  Jhould  be  a  caufe  of  any  thing  ,  cannot  he  truly 
faid,  feei!!(r  foreknowledge  is  knowledge,  and  k>i9wledge  defends  on  the  exijlence  of  the 
things  k^own ,  and  not  they  on  it. 

Ihe  influence  of  the  Stars  is  but  afmaVpart  of  the  whole  caufe  ,  confijling  of  the  coH' 
courfe  of  all  Agents. 

Nor  dith  the  concourfe  of  all  caufes  mak^  one  fimple  chain  ,  or  concatenation,  but  art 
innumerable  number  of  chains  joyned  together  ,  not  in  all  parts  ,  but  in  the  firfi  link_.  Cod 
Almighty  \  and  con fequently  the  whole  caufe  of  an  event,  doth  not  always  defend  upon 
one  fuigle  chain  ,   but  on  many  together. 

Natural  e^cacy  of  objeUs  does  determine  voluntary  Agents  ,  and  necefjitate  the  will, 
and  confequently  the  aUion:  but  for  moral  efficacy  ,  I  underftand  not  what  he  means  by  ito 
Jhe  Li^i  didat;  of  the  judgement  concerning  the  good  or  bad  that  may  follow  oA^any  aSiotif 

Hhhh  2  is 


J.V. 


-^^  'JV indication  of  tniT  Liberty  T  O  M  E    1 1  f. 

ITno,  properly  the  n^hlc  c.mje  ,  but  the  ¥pfof  h  Andyctniay  befaid  to  produce 
the  em  neaffauly  ,  h,  frch  nianmr  as  the  I4  feather  may  be  fad  to  break  f '  Horfes 
b.   k     rt-hen  there  tvere  fo  many  laid  on  before^  as  there  teamed  but  that  to  do  it 

Ncn'f"-  bis  argument,  that  if  the  concomfe  of  all  the  caujes  necejfitate  the  effeCl ,  that 
then  it  follows  ,  Adam  hadaio  true  Liberty.  I  deny  the  confequence  ,  for  J  mak^  not  on- 
ly the  efftd,.bnt  alfo  the  ehUion  of  that  particular  effed  to  be  necejj'ary  ,  in  as  much  at 
the  rrill  it  (elf,  and  each  propenfon  of  a  man  during  his  deliberation  is  as  much  neceffi- 
tate'd  and  depends  on  afitffcient  cauje  ,  as  any  thing  elfe  rvhatfocver.  As  for  example, 
it  ism  more  nectflli<y  that  fire  flhmld  bp-n  ,  then  that  a  man,  or  other  creature  ,  whofe 
limbs  he  moved  by  fancy  ,  jljould  have  ekdion  ,  that  is ,  liberty  to  do  what  he  has  fancy 
to  thoH'ih  it  be  not  in  his  rviV  or  power  tochoofe  his  fancy,  or  choofe  his  ekdion  or  rciV. 
'this  Vodrine  ,  becaufe  he  fays  he  hates ,  J  doubt  had  better  been  fuppreffed  ,  as  it 
fhould  have  been  ,  if  both  your  Lord(lyip  ,  and  he  had  not  preffed  me  to  an  anfrver. 

This  Argument  was  lent  forth  only  as  an  efpie  to  make  a  more  full  difcovery  , 
what  were  the  true  grounds  of  T.  h.  his  fuppofed  neceffity  i  which  errand  being 
done  ,  and  the  foundation  whcreirpon  he  builds  being  found  out,  which  is  as  I  called 
it  a  concatenation  of  caufes  ,  and  as  he  calls  it  a  concourfe  of  neceflary  caufes  j  It 
would  now  be  a  fupeifluous ,  and  impertinent  work  in  me  to  undertake  the  refu- 
tation of  all  thofe  other  opinions ,  which  he  doth  not  undertake  to  defend.  And 
therefore  I  (hall  wave  them  for  the  prefent ,  with  thefe  fhort  animadverfions. 

Concerning  the  Eternal  decree  of  God,  he  confounds  the  decree  it  felf  with  the 
execution  of  his  decree.     And   concerning  the  foreknowledge  of  God ,  he  con- 
founds that  fpeculative  knowledge  ,  which  is  called  the  h^owledge  of  vifwn  ,  which 
doth  not  produce  the  intelleAive  objeds ,  no   more  than  the  lenfitive  vifion  doth 
produce  the  fenfible  objefts  ,  with  that  other  knowledge  of  God ,  w  hich  is  called 
the  kjiotfledge  of  approb'alion  ,  or  a  praUical  k^iovcledge  ,  that  is ,  knowledge  joyned 
with  an  Ad  of  the  will ,  of  which  .  Divines  do  truly  fay  ,  that  it  is   the  caufe  of 
things,   as  the  knowledge  of  the  Artift  is  the  caufe  of  his  work.     God  made  all 
things  by  His  Word  ,    Joh  i.  that  is ,  by  His  Wifdom.     Concerning  the  influences 
of  the  Stars  ,  I  will\he  had  exprelTed  himfelf  more  clearly  •,  for  as  I  do  willingly 
grant,  that  thofc  Heavenly  Bodies  do  aft  upon  thefe  fublunary  things,  not  only  by 
their  motion  and  light ,  butcalfo  by  an  occult  virtue  ,  which  we  call  influence  ,  as 
we  fee  by  manifold  experience  in  the  Loadftone  ,  and  fhell-fifh  ,  &c.     So  if  he  in- 
tend ,  that  by  thefe  influences  they  do  naturally  or  Phyfically  determine  the  will  , 
or  have  any  dired  Dominion  over  humane  Counfels,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  ei- 
ther more  or  Icfs,  he  is  in  an  errouv.  Concerning  the  concatenation  of  caufes,  where- 
as he  makes  not  one  chain,  but  an  innumerable  number  ot  chains ,  ( I  hope  he  fpeaks 
Hyperbolically,  and  doth  not  intend  that  they  are  actually  infinite  ,  )  the  difference 
is  not  material  whether  one  or  many  ,  fo  long  as  they  are  all  joyned  together ,  both 
in  the  firft  iinck  ,  and  likewife  in  the  effeft.     It  fcrves  to  no  end  ,  but  to  fhcw  what 
a  (hadow  of  Liberty  7.  H.  doth  fancy  ,  or  rather  what  a  dream  of  a  fliadow.     As 
if  one  chain  were  not  fufficient  to  Load  poor  man  ,  but  he  muft  be  clogged  with 
innumerable  chains.     This  is  juft  fuch  another  freedom  ,  as    the  lurhjh  Galli- 
flaves  do  in  joy.     But  I  admire  that  T.  H.  who  is  fo  verfed  in  this  Queftion,  fliould 
hereconfefs,  that  he  underftands  not  the  difference  between  Phyfical ,  or  natural , 
and  moral  efficacy.     And  much  more  ,  that  he  {hould  affirm,  that  outward  objeCTs 
do  determine  voluntary  agents  by  a  natural  .efficacy.     No  objeft  ,  no  Second  agent. 
Angel  cr  Devil ,  can  determine  the  will  of  man  naturally,  but  God  alone  in  refpeft 
of  His  Supreme  Dominion  over  all  things.     Then  the  will  is  determined  naturally, 
when  God  Almighty,  befides  His  general  influence  ,  whereupon  all  fecond  caufes 
do  depend  ,  as  well  for  their  being  as  for  their  adirg ,  doth  moreover  at  fometimes, 
when  it  pleafeth  him  in  cafes  extraordinary  ,  concur  by  a  fpecial  influence  ,  and  in- 
fufe  fomething  into  the  will,  in  the  nature  of  an  ad  ,  or  an  habit,  whereby  the 
will  is  moved  ,  and  excited  ,  and  applyed  to  will  or  choofe  this  or  that.     Then  the 
will  is  determined  morally  ,  when  fome  objed  is  propofed  to  it  with  perfwafive 
reafons  and  arguments  to  induce  it  to  will.     Where  the  determination  is  natural , 
the  liberty  to  fuff)end  its  ad  is   taken   away  from  the  will,    but   not  fo  where 
the  determination  is  moral.     In  the  former  cafe ,  the  will   is  detcimined  extrinfc- 

cally, 


Dfs COURSE  I.  againfi    Mr.  Hobs.  ^^y 

cally,  iti.the  later  cafe  intrinfecally,  the  former  produceth  an  abfolute  necellity,  the 
latter  only  a^  necelGty  of  fuppofitiun.  li'  the  will  do  not  fufpend  ,  but  affcnt 
then  the  acft  is  necelTary  •>  but  becaufe  the  will  may  fiifpcnd  and  not  aVent  there- 
tore  it  is  not  abfolutely  neceffary.  In  the  former  cafe  the  will  is  moved  necenari- 
ly  and  determinately,  in  the  latter  freely  and  indeterminately.  The  former  excitati- 
on is  imn:iediate ,  xhz  later  is  mediate  mediants  inteUeCtH  ,  and  requires  the  help  of 
the  underftanding.  In  a  word  ,  fo  great  a  ditference  there  is  between  natural  and 
moral  efficacy,  as  there  is  between  his  opinion  and  mine  in  this  queftion. 

There  remains  only  the  laft  didtate  of  the  underftanding ,  which  *  he  maketh 
to  be  the  laft  caufe  that  concurreth  to  the  determination  of  the  will  and  to  the  ne- 
ceffary produdtion  of  the  ad:  ,  cts  the  lajl  feather  may  be  [aid  to  break^an  Horfesbaek^ 
when  there  werefo  many  laid  on  before^  that  there  wanted  bxt  that  to  do  it.l  have  fhewed 
Numb.  7.  that  the  lall  didate  of  the  underftandjjig  ,  is  not  always  abfolute  in  it 
felf,  nor  conclufive  to  the  will,_  and  when  it  is  conclufive,  yet  it  produceth  no  an- 
tecedent nor  extrinfecal  neceilffy  ■■,  I  (hall  only  add  one  thing  more  in  prefent 
that  by  miking  the  laft  judgement  of  right  reafon  to  be  of  no  more  weight  than  a 
fingle  feather ,  he  wrongs  the  underftanding  as  well  as  he  doth  the  will  he  indea- 
vours  to  deprive  the  will  of  its  fupreme  power  of  application ,  and  to'deprive  the 
underftanding  of  its  Supreme  power  of  Judicature  and  definition.  Neither  corpo- 
real agents  and  objcds ,  nor  yet  the  fenfitive  appetite  it  felf,  being  an  inferiour  fa- 
culty ,  and  affixed  to  the  Organ  of  the  body  ,  have  any  dired  or  immediate  Do- 
minion or  command  over  the  rational  will.  It  is  without  the  fphear  of  their  adi- 
vity.  All  the  aceefs  which  they  have  unto  the  will ,  is  by  the  mcansof  the  under- 
ftanding ,  foraetimes  clear,  andfometimes  difturbed  ,  and  of  reafon  either  right  or 
mifinformed.  Without  the  help  of  the  underftanding  ,  all  his  fecond  caufcs  were 
not  ableof  themfelves  to  load  the  Horfes  back  with  fo  much  weight  as  the  leaft  of 
all  his  feathers  doth  amount  unto.  But  we  fliall  meet  with  his  Horfe  Load  of  Fea- 
thers again  7^«w.  23. 

Thefe  things  being  thus  freely  touched  ,  he  proceeds  to  his  anfwer.  My  argu- 
ment was  this ,  if  any  of  thefe ,  or  all  of  thefe  caufes  formerly  recited ,  do  take  a- 
way  true  liberty  ,  (  that  is ,  ftill  intended  from  necellity  }  then  Adam  before  his  faU 
had  no  true  liberty. 

But  Adam  before  his  fall  had  true  liberty. 

He  mif-recites  the  argument ,  and  denies  the  confequence  ,  which   is  fo  clearly 
proved  ,  that  no  man  living  can  doubt  of  it.     Becaufe  Adam  was  fubjed'ed  to  all 
the  fame  caufes  as  well  as  we  ,  the  fame  decree  ,  the  fame  prefcience  ,  the  fame  in- 
fluences ,  the  fame  concourfe  of  caufes  ,  the  fame  efficacy  of  objedrs ,  the  fame  di- 
d'ates  of  reafon.     But  it  is  onely  a  t^ake ,  for  it  appears  plainly  by  his  following 
difcourle,  that  he  intended  to  deny,  not  the  confequence  ,  but  the  aftumption-,  for 
he  makes  Adam  to  have  had  no  liberty  from  necellity  before  his  fall,  yea  he  proceeds 
fo  far  ,  as  to  affirm  ,  that  all  humane  wills,  his  and  ours  ,  and  each  propenfion  of 
our  wills ,  even  during  our  deliberation  ,  are  as  much  neceflitated  as  any  thing  elfc 
whatfoever  \  that   we  have  no  more  power  to  forbear  thofe  adions  which   we 
do  ,  than  the  fire  hath  power  not  to  burn.     Though  I  honour  T.  H.  for  his  per- 
fon,  and  for  his  learning  ,  yet  I  muft  confefs  ingenioufly,  I  hate  thisDodrine  from 
my  heart.     And  I  believe  both  I  have  reafon  fo  to  do ,  and  all  others  who  fliall  fe- 
rioully  ponder  the  horrid  confequences  which  flow  from  it.     It  deftroys  liberty , 
and  difhonours  the  nature  of  man.     It  makes  the  fecond  caules  and  outward  objed's 
to  be  the  rackets ,  and  men  to  be  but  the  Tenif-balls  of  deftiny.     It  makes  the  rirft 
caufe,  that  is,  God  Almighty,  to  be  the  introducer  of  all  evil,  and  fin  into  the 
World  ,  as  much  as  man  ,  yea  more  than  man  ,  by  as  much  as  the  Motion  of  the 
Watch  is  more  from  the  artificer  ,  who  did  make  it  and  wind  it  up ,  then  either 
from  the  Spring  ,  or  the  wheels ,  or  the  thred ,  if  God  by  his  fpecial  influence  in- 
to the  fecond  caufes ,  did  necellitate  them  to  operate  as  they  did.     And  if  they  be- 
ing thus  determined  ,  did  necellitate  Adam  inevitably  ,  irrefiftibly,  not  by  an  acci- 
dental ,  but  by  an  eflential  (ubordination  of  caufes  to  whatfoever  he  did  ,  then  one 
of  thefe  two  abfurdities  muft  needs  follow  ,  either  that  Adam  did  not  fin,  and  that 
there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  fin  in  the  World  ,  bccaufc  it  proceeds  naturally,  necefla- 

rily. 


55^  Tj'indicstion  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  1 U. 

luTTmlcir.ntially  r^cF^^^i^Or  that  God  is  more  guilty  of  it     and   more  the 
(Vofcvilth^n  man,  bccaulc  manii  extrinfecally ,  inevitably  determined,  but" 
?  •  rot  God.     And  in  caufcs  ciTcntially  fubordinate  ,  the  caufc  of  the  caufe  is  al- 
vs  the  caufc  of  the  ciX^St-.    What  Tyrant  did  ever   impofc  Laws  that  were  im- 
^'{iblc  for  thofe  to.  keep  upon  whom  they  were  impofcd  ,  and  punifh  them  for 
breaking  thofe  Laws  which  he  himfelf  had  ncceiiitated  them  to  break,  which  it  was 
o  more  in  their  power  not  to  .break,thenit  is  inthe  power  ofthefire  not  toburn?ex- 
cufe  iTie  if  I  hate  this  Dodrine  with  a  perfcdl  hatred,vvhichis  fo  difhonourable  both 
to  God  andnjan,  vvhichmakesmcntoblafphemeofnecellity,toftealofnecellity,tobe 
hanRcd  of  necellity ,  and  ,to  be  damned  of  necellity.  And  therefore  I  muft  fay  and  fay 
acaini  Quodcunq,  cftendes  mihi  fu  maedulus  odi.  It  were  better  to  bean  Atheift,  to  be- 
lieve no  Godiorto  be  aManichee,  to  believe  two  Gods,  a  God  of  Good,  and  a  God 
of  evil,  or  with   the  Heathens,  believe  Thirty  Thoufand  Gods,  than   thus  to 
charge  the  true  God  to  be  the  proper  caufe,  and  the  true  Author  of  all  the  fins  and 
evils  which  are  in  the  World. 
Kumh.  1 2.         Fifthly,  if  there  be  no  liberty ,  there  fhall  be  no  day  of  Doom  ,  no  laft  Judge- 
^^g'  5*      ment,  no  rewards  nor  puni(hments  after  death.     A  man  can  never  make'  himftlf  a 
J.  V.       criminal ,  if  he  be  not  left  at  liberty  to  commit  a  crime.     No  man  can  be  jufdy  pu- 
nirtied  for  doing  that,  whiclv  was  not  in  his  power  to  fhun.     To  take  away  liberty 
hazards  Heaven  ,   but  undoubtedly  it  leaves  no  Hell. 

"The  arguments  of  greateji  confequence  are  the  'third  and  Fift^  and  fall  both  into  one. 

[.  1.  H.       namely^  Jf  there  be  a  necejjtty  of  all  events^  that  it  wiH  foUovo  ,  that  praife  and  reprehen- 

fion  ,  reward  and  punifhment  ^  are  all  vain   and  unjufi.     And  that  if  God  fhould  openly 

forbid  ,  andfecretly  necejjitate  the  jame  aSion  ,  punifhing  men  for  vphat  they  could  not  a- 

void    there  rvould  be  no  belief  among  them ,  of  Heaven  or  fJeV. 

7o  oppofe  hereunto,  I  muji  bororv  an  aujtverfrom  St.  Tiu.\ ,  Rom.  p«  ver.  ij.  from  the 
II.  verfe  of  the  Chapter  to  the  iS.  ii  laid  donun  the  very  fame  objeEiion  i^  thefe  tfords. 
Wljen  they   (  meaning  Efau  and  Jacob*  )  rcere  yet  unborn  ,  and  had  done  neither  good 
nor  evil ,  that  the  purpofe  of  God  according  to  EkUion  ,  mt  by  Works  ,  but  by   him  that 
calleth  ,  might  remain  firm  ,  it  rvjs  fjtdto  htr  (^  vi?.  ^o  Rebekah  J  that  the  elder  fhould 
ferve  the  younger.     And  rvhat  thenJhaU  ire  fay  ,  is  there  injujiice  rcith  Cod  ?  Cod  forbid. 
Jt  is  not  therefore  in  him  that  vpileth ,  nor  in  him  that  runneth  ,   but  in  Cod  that  (herp- 
eth  mercy.     For  the  Scripture  jaith  to  Pharaoh  I  have  Jiirred  thee  up  ^  that  Tmay  fhew 
my  porcer  in  thee,  and  that  My  Name  may  be fet  forth  in  all  the  earth,  'therefore  whom  Cod 
willeth  ,  he  hath  mercy  on  ,  and  rvhum  he  rvilleth  he  hardeneth.     7hiit  you  fee  the  cafe 
put  by  St.  Paul//  the  fame  with  that  of  .^J.  D.  and  the  fame  objedion  in  thefe  words  fol- 
lowing ,  thou  tvilt  as\  me  then  ,    why  will   Cod  yet  complain  ,  for  who  hath  refifted  his 
will  ?  to  this  therefore  the  Apoftle  anfwers ,  nS$»y  denying  it  was  Cods  will ,  or  that  the 
decree  of  God  concerning  Efau  was  not  before  he  had  finned  ,  or  that  Efau  was  not  necef- 
fitated  to  do  what  be  did,  but  thus,  who  art  thou  ,  Oman  ,  that  interrogate^  God?  fhall 
the  work^fay  to  the  workman  ^   why  haji  thou  made  me  thus  ?  Hath  not  the  Fetter  power 
over  the  clay  of  the  fame  fiuffe  ,   to   mah^    one   zeffel  to  honour,    another  to  difhonour  ? 
according  therefore  to  this  anfwer  of  St.  Paul ,  J  anjwer  J.  D'/  objedion  ,  and  fay,  the 
power  of  God  alone  ,  without  other  help  ,  isfufficient  jujiification  of  any  aUion  he  doth, 
"that  which  men  make  among  themfelves  here  by  paUs  and  Covenants,  and  call  by  the  name 
of  Jujiice  ,  and  according  whereunto  men  are  counted  and  tearmed  rightly  juft  and  unjuji , 
is  not   that  by  which  God  Almighties  adions  are  to  be  meajured  or  called  jjtfi  ,  no  mme 
than  his  Counfels  are  to  be  meajured  by  human  wifdom.     "that  which  he  does  is  made 
jufi  by  his  doings  juft  J  fay  in  him,  not  always  jujl  in  us,  by  the  example  ;  for  a  man 
ihatjhall  command,  a  thing  openly  ,  and  plot  Jecretly  the  hinder ance  of  the  fame  ,  if  he  pu- 
nifh him,  hefo  commanded,  for  not  doing  it  is  unjufi.    So  alfo  his  Counfels,  they  be  there- 
fore not  in  vain,  becaufe  they  be  his  ,  whether  we  fee  the  ufe  of  them  or  not.     When  Cod 
a^iUed]oh  ,  he  did  objeU  nj  fm  to  him ,  hut  jufiified  that  affliSing  him  by  tellivg  him  of 
his  power.     Hafi  thou  (fays  God)  an  arm  lik^e  mine  ?  where  waji  thou  when  J  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  earth .?  and  the  Ukr.     So  our   Sjviour  concerning   the  man  that  was 
born  blind  .  faid  ,  it  was  not  for  his  fin  ,  nor  his  Parents  fin  ,  but  that  the  power  of  God 
might  be  fl}ewn   in  him.     Beajis  are  Subjedi  to  death  and  torment ,  yet  they  cannot  fn. 
h  was  Gods  will  it  jhould  be  fn.     Tower  trreffiible  juft ifieih   all  cUi(ns   really  and  pro- 
perly 


£) IS  COURSE    I»  ^g^^"fi  ^If.  Hobs*  55p 

perly  in  vchomfoever  it  be  found.  Lefs  power  dues  not.  And  becaufe  fitch  pomr  is  in 
God  only  ,  he  muji  needs  bejuji  in  all  hps  aUtions.  And  we,  that  not  com^rehendinn  his 
Counfels  ,  call  him  to  the  Bar  ,  commit  in]ujiice  in  it. 

>-    J  am  not  ignorant  of  the  njiul  reply  t9  this  anfirer  by  dijiingttifhing  betTt>een  tvill  and 
permijfion.     As  ^  th.it  G>d  Almighty  does  indeed  permit  fmfometimes  ,  and  that  he  alfo 
forekftojveth  that  the  fin  he  permitteth  fijall  be  committed,  but  does  not  toil!  it,  nor  necef- 
fitate  it.     J\norv  alfo  they  dijiinguijh  the  aCiion  from  the  fm  of  the  aVtion  ,  fayin^  ,  God 
Almighty  does  indeed  caitfe  the  aUion,  rvhatfoever  aUion  it  he  ,  but  not  the  fwfalnefs  or 
irregularity  of  it ,  that  is  ,  the  difcordance  between  the  adion  and  the  Law.     Such  di- 
fiinifions  as  thefe  dazzle  my  underftandiug.     I  find  no  difference  between  the  will  to  have  a 
thing  dine  and  the  permi^on  to  doit  ,   when  he  that  per  mitteth  it  can  hinder  it ,  and 
hitows  it  will  be  done  unlefi  he  hinder  it.  Njr  find  I  any  difference  between  an  aUinn  that  is  a- 
gainjlthe  Law.,  and  the  fin  of  that  aSiion.  As  for  example,  between  thekil'ing  of  Uriah,  and 
the  fin  of  David  in  killing  Uriah.     Nor  when  one  is  caitfe  of  both  the  action  and  of  the 
LiW,how  another  can  becaufe  of  the  dij  agreement  between  them,  no  more  than  how  one  man 
making  a  longer  or  jhorter  garment,  another  can  mak^  the  inequality  that  is  between  them, 
"Xhis  I  know,  God  cannot  fin,  becaufe   his  doing  a  thing  mahps  it  jufl  ,  and  conjequently 
no  fin.     And  becaufe  whatfoever  can  fin  ,   isfubje£l   to  another s  Law ,  rvhich  God  is  not. 
And  therefore  tis  Blafphemy  to  fay  ,  God  can  fin.     But  to  fay,  that  God  can  fo  order  the 
iVorld  that  as ,   a  fin  may  be  neceffarily  caufed  thereby  in  a  man  ,  J  do  not  fee  how  it  is  any 
dif honour  to  him.     Howfoever,  iffuch  or  other  dijHnliions  can  maks  ^*  '^^^'^^  *'-''»*  St.  Paul 
did  not  think^ECzwi  or  Pharaohs  ahions  to  proceed  from  the  wiU  and  purpofe  of  God,  or  that 
proceeding  from  his  will,  could  not  therefore  without  injufiicebe  blamed  or  punifhed ,  J  will 
asfoon  as  lundajiand  them  turn  unto  J.  DV.  opinion.     For  I  now  hold  nothing^  in  all  this 
queftion  between  us  ,  but  what  feemeth  to  me  not  obfcurely ,  hut  mojl  exprefly  faid  in  this 
place  by  St.  Paul.     And  thus  much  in  anfwer  to  hU  places  of  Scripture. 

1.  H.  Thinks  to  kill  two  birds  with  one  ftone  ,  and  fatisfies  two  arguments  with 
one  anfwer,  whereas  in  truth  he  fatisfieth  neither.  Firft ,  for  my  Third  reafon. 
Though  all  he  fay  here  ,  were  as  true  as  an  Oracle  ,  Though  punifliment  were  an 
Adt  of  Dominion,  not  of  Juftice  in  Godi  yet  this  is  no  fufficient  caufe  why  God 
{hould  deny  his  own  Adt ,  or  why  he  (hould  chide  orexpoftulate  with  men  ,  why 
they  did  that  which  hehimfelf  did  necelHtate  them  to  do  ,  and  vvhereof  he  was  the 
ador  more  than  they,  they  being  but  as  the  ftone  ,  but  he  the  hand  that  thre^vit. 
Notwithftanding  any  thing  which  is  pleaded  here ,  this  Stoical  opinion  doth  liick 
hypocrify  and  diliimulation  clofc  to  God  ,  who  is  the  truth  it  felf. 

And  to  my  fift  argument ,  which  he  changeth  and  relateth  amifs,  as  by  compa- 
ring mine  with  his ,  may  appear  ;  His  chiefeft  anfwer  is  to  oppofe  a  difficult  place 
of  St.  ?aul,  Rom.  9.  ii.  Hath  he  never  heard  ,  that  to  propofe  a  doubt  is  not  to 
anfwer  an  argument  .  Nee  bene  refpondet  qui  litem  lite  refolvit.  ^ut  I  will  not  pay 
him  in  his  own  coin.  Wherefore  tojjhis  place  alledged  by  him  ,  I  anfwer  the  cafe 
is  not  the  fame  The  queftion  mov"  there  is ,  how  God  did  keep  his  promife 
made  to  Abraham  to  be  the  God  of  him  and  of  his  feed  ,  if  the  Jews  who  were  the 
legitimate  progeny  of  Abraham  were  dcferted.  To  which  the  Apoftle  anfwers  ver. 
6.  7.  8.  That  that  promife  wqs  not  made  to  the  carnal  feed  of  Abraham  ,  that  is  , 
the  Jews  ,  but  to  his  Spiritual  Sons  which  were  the  Heirs  of  his  Faith ,  that  is  to 
the  believing  Chrillians  i  which  anfwer  he  explicateth,  firft  by  the  allegory  of/-  7  p 
faac  and  Ifhmael  ,  and  after  in  the  place  cited  of  Efan  and  of  Jacob.  Yet  neither 
doth  he  fpeak  there  fo  much  of  their  perfons  as  of  their  pofterities.  And  though  Num.  5. 
foma  words  may  be  accommodated  to  Gods  predeftination,  which  arc  there  utter- 
ed ,  yet  it  is  not  the  fcope  of  that  text ,  to  treat  of  the  reprobation  of  any  man  to 
Hell-fire.  Allthe  pofterity  of  Efau  were  not  eternally  reprobated  ,  as  Holy  Joi 
and  many  others.  But  this  queftion  which  is  now  agitated  between  us ,  is  quite  of 
another  nature ,  how  can  a  man  be  a  criminal,  who  doth  nothing  but  that  which  he 
is  extrinfecally  necellitated  to  do ,  or  how  God  in  Juftice  can  punifli  a  man  with  e- 
ternal  torments,  for  doing  that ,  which  it  was  never  in  his  power  to  leave  undone. 
That  he  who  did  imprint  the  motion  in  the  heart  of  man,  fhould  punilh  man,  who 
did  onely  receive  the  imprellion  from  him.     So  his  anfwer  lookj  another  way. 

Bat  bcciuf:  he  grounds  fo  much  upon  this  text,  that  if  it  can  be  cleared  he  is 

ready 


6-^0 


A  VwcUcation  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  t  i  U" 


7^  ro  Change  h,s  opinion  ,  1  \vUl  cxamm  all   thofe   paflages  which  n,ny  Kem  to 
favour  his  caufc.     Firlr ,  thefe  words  ver.  jubet^gmt  yet  hern  ,  neither  har^^dofre 
am   Qood  or  evil,  lipon  which  the  whole  weight  of  his  argutiient  doth  depend,  have 
no  reference  at  all  to  thofe  words  ver.  13.  ]zcoh  have  1  luved^  and  E(au  have  J  hated, 
f    V       for  thofe  words  were  hrli  uttered  by  the  Prophet  Malachy ,  many  ages  after  Jao.b 
'      and  Efjif  were  dead  ,  M^l-  i.  2.  and  intended  of  the  polterity  of  Ejau  ,  who  were 
not  redeemed  from  captivity  ,  as  the  Ifraelites  were.  But  they  are  referred  to  thofe 
other  words     ver.  12.  the  elder  pall  ferve  the  yoMtger  ,  which  indeed  were  fpoken 
before  Jacob  or  Ef'u  were  born.     Gen.  5.  2a.     And  though  thofe  words  of  Mala- 
dy had   been  ufcd  of  Jacob  and  Efau  before  they   were  born ,    yet  it  had  ad- 
vantaged his  caufc  nothing ,  for  hatred  in  that  text  doA  not  fignifie  any  reproba- 
tion to  the  Hames  of  Hell ,  much  Icfs  the  execution  of  that  decree  ,  or  the  aftual 
impofitianof  piurfliment,  nor  any  ad  contrary  to  love.     God  faw  all  that  he 
made    and  it  was  very  good.     Goodnefs  it  felf  cannot  hate  that  which  is  good. 
But  hatred  there  lignirtes  comparative  hatred  ,  or  a  lefs  degree  of  Love ,  or  at  the 
molf  a  negation  of  Love.     As  Gen.  2p,  31.     Ifhen  the  Lord  fare  that  Leah  n>as  hated 
We  may  not  conclude  thence  that   Jacob  hated  his  Wife  ,  the  precedent  verfc 
doth  fully  expound  the  fenfe:  ver.  30.  Jacob  loved  Rachel  more  than  Leah.     So  Matt. 
6.  24.    No  man  can  fcrve  two  Mailers ,  for  either  he  will  hate  the  one  and  love  the 
other.     So  Luke  i^.  26.    If  any  man  hate  not  his  Father  and  Mother  ,  &c.  he 
cannot  be  my  Difciple  .St.  Matth.  tells  us  the  fenfe  of  it  Matt.  10.  37.  Be  that  loveth 
father  or  Mother  more  than  me  ,  is  not  worthy  of  me. 

Secondly  ,  thofe  words  ver.  15-*  IwiVhave  mercy  on  whom  Irritlhave  mercy  ,  do 
prove  no  more  but  this  ,  that  the  preferring  of  Jacob  before  Efau,  and  of  the  Chri- 
ftians  before  the  Jews  ,  was  not  a  debt  from  God  ,  either  to  the  one  or  to  the  other 
but  a  work  of  mercy.  And  what  of  this  >  All  men  confefs  that  Gods  mercies  do, 
exceed  mansdcferts,  but  Gods  punifliments  do  never  exceed  mans  mifdeeds.  As 
we  fee  in  the  parable  of  the  Labourers  ,  Matth.  20.  Friend^  I  do  thee  no  wrong,  did 
not  J  agree  with  thee  for  a  penny}  Is  it  not  lawful  for  me  to  do  with  mine  own  at  Jwil!  ?  \s 
thy  eye  evilbecaufe  \  am  good?  adts  of  Mercy  are  free,  but  ads  of  Jufiicc  are  due. 
That  which  follows  ver.  17.  comes  fomething  nearer  thecaufe.  The  Scriptnre 
faith  unto  Pharoah  ,  for  this  fame  purpofe  have  I  raifed  thee  up  ,  f  that  is,  I  have  made 
thee  a  King,  or  I  liave  prefervcd  thee  )  that  I  might  jhew  my  power  in  thee.  But  this 
particle  ( that  )  doth  not  always  fignifie  the  main  end  of  an  adion,  but  fometimes 
only  aconfcqueqt  ofit.  As  Matt.  2.  i-j.  He  departed  into  E!;^v|'r ,  that  it  might 
be  fulfilled  which  was  fpoken  by  the  Prophet ,  out  ci  Ei^yphzvc  I  called  my  Soni 
without  doubt  Jnfephs  aim  or  end  of  his  Journey  was  not'  to  fulfil  Prophefies  ,  but 
to  fave  the  Life  of  the-  Child.  Yet  becaufe  the  fulfillire  of  the  Ptophefie  was  a  con- 
fequent  of  Jofephs  journey  ,  he  faith  that  it  might  he  fulfilled.  So  here ,  I  have  raif- 
ed thee  up  that  1  might  pew  my  power.  Agairx ,  though  it  fhoold  be  granted  that 
this  particle,  that,  did  denote  the  intention  w  God  to  deftri'V  Tharoah  in  the  Red 
Sea ,  yet  it  was  not  the  antecedent  intention  of  God  ,  v^hich  evermore  refpcds  the 
good  and  benefit  of  the  creature  ,  but  Gods  ccnfequcnt  intention  upon  the  previ- 
i\on  <j{  Thar johs  ohiWnacY  ,  thatfmcchc  would  cot  Glorifie  God  in  obeying  his 
Word  ,  he  fliould  Glorifie  God  undergoing  his  Judgments,  Hitherto  we  find  no 
Eternal  punifhmcnts  nor  no  temporal  pun  ifiim.ent  wthout  juft  dcferts. 

It  follows  ver.  18.  whom  he  will  he  hardeneth:  iLutcd  hardnefs  of  heart  is  the  great- 
eft  judgment  that  God  lays  upon  a  linrer  in  this  Lite  ,  wcrfe  than  all  the  Plagues 
of  Egypt.  But  how  dcth  God  harden  the  heart  ?  not  by  a  natural  influence  of  a- 
ny  evil  ad  or  habit  into  the  will,  not  by  inducing  the  will  with  perfwafive  motives 
to  obrtinacy  and  rebellion  ,  for  Gcd  icmptetb  no  man ,  but  every  man  is  tempted  whan 
he  is  drawn  away  of  his  own  luji  and  enticed.  Jam.  i.  13.  Then  God  isfaid  toharden 
the  heart  three  ways,  Firii  ,  Negatively  ,  and  not  pofitivt'y  ,  not  by  imparting 
wickednefs,  but  by  not  imparting  Grace,  as  the  Sun  defcendingto  theTropick  of 
Capricorn,  it  isfaid  with  us  to  be  "the  caufe  of  Winter,  that  is,  not  by  imparting 
cold ,  but  by  not  imparting  hear.  It  is  an  ad  of  Mercy  in  God  to  give  hi"^  Grace 
freely,  but  to  detain  it  is  no  adof  injuftice,  Sothe  Apoftle  cppoleth  hardening 
to  (hewing  of  Mercy :  to  harden  is  as  much  as  not  to  (hew  Mercy. 

Sesond- 


Discourse  I.  a^aind    Mr.    Hobs. 

Secondly,  God  is  faid  to  harden  the  heart occafionally  and  not  caufally  ,  by  do- 
ing good,  which  incorrigible  tinners  make  an  occalion  of  growing  worfe  and  worfc 
and  doing  evih  as  a  Malter  by  often  corredting  of  an  untoward  Scholar  ,  doth  ac- 
cidentally and  occafionally  harden  his  heart ,  and  render  him  more  obdurate,  info- 
mach  as  i:  growes  even  to  defpife  the  Rod.   Or  as  an  indulgent  Parent  by  his  Pati- 
ence and  gentlenefs  doth  incourage  an  obftinate  Ton  to  become  more  rebellious.  So 
whether  we  look  upon  Gods  frequent  judgements  upon    Pharaoh,  or  Gi>ds   iterat- 
ed favours  in  removing  and  withdrawing  thofe  judgements  upon  Phiraohx  requcit, 
both  of  them  iu  their  federal   kinds,  were  occalions  of  hardening  Pharaohs  heaa 
the  one  making  him  more  prefumptuous ,  the  other  more  defperately  rebellious.  So 
that  which  was  good  ,  in  it  was  Gods  i  that  which   was  evil  was  Pharaohs.     God 
gave  the  occafion  ,   but  Pharaoh  was  the  true  caufe  of  his  own  obduration.     Tais 
is  clearly  conrtrm-d  Exod.  8.  15.     H^hsn  Phiraoh  faw  that  there  was  refpite  ,  he  har- 
dened  his  heart.  And  Exod.  9.34.     /^^»?c"«  P.iaraoh /Jw?,  that  the  Rain  and  the  H21I 
and  the  'Thunders  were  ceafed  ,  he  ftnn  d  yet  m.)re ,  and  hardened  his  heart,  he  and  his 
Servants.     So  Pfal,  105.  25.     He  tur  ted  their  hearts  ,  lo  that  they  hxted  his  people,  aid 
dealt  fubtilly  jvith  them  ,  That  is  ,  God  BlefTed  the  Children  oi' Ifrael ,  whereupon 
the  Egyptians  did  take  occafion  to  hate  them ,  as  is  plain  Exod.  i.  ver.  7.  8.  p.  10. 
So  God  hardened  Pharoahs  heart  ,  and  Pharaoh  hardened  his  own  heart.     God  har- 
dened it  not  by  (hewing  mercy  to  Pharaoh^  as  he  did  to  Nebuchadnezzar ,  who  was 
as  great  a  finner  as  he  ,  or  God  hardened  it  occafionally  ,  but  ftill  Pharaoh  wis  the 
true  caufe  of  his  own  obduration  ,  by  determining  his  own  will  to  evil ,   and  con- 
firming himfelf  in  his  obftinacy.     So  are  all  prefumptuous  finners  Pfal.   95.  8. 
Harden  not  yunr  hearts  as  in  the  provocation,  at  in  the  dty  of  temptation  in  the  iViUemefs, 
Thirdly  God  is  faid  to  harden  the  heart  permillively  ,  but  not  op:rative!y,  nor 
efFedively,  as  he  who  openly  lefts  loofe  a  Greyhound  out   of  the  llip,   is  laid  to 
hound  him  at  the  Hare.     Will  youfee  plainly  what  Saint  Paul  intends  by  hardening* 
Read  ver.  22.     What  if  God  wiping  to  fhero  his  wrath  and  tomak^  his  power  known  rthat 
is  ,  by  a  confequent  will ,    which  in  order  of  nature  folio  w>  the  previfion  of  fin   ) 
indmed  tfith  much  long  fuffering  the  vejfels  of  wrath  fitted  to  dellru&ivi.     And  that  he 
might  mak^  k^nown  the  riches  of  his  Glory  on  the  vejjels  of  mercy ,  &c.     There  is  mueh 
difference  between  induring  and  impeding  ,    or  inciting  the  Veffels   of  wrath.      He 
faith  of  the  Veffels  of  Mercy,  that  God  prepared  them  unto  Glory.  But  of  the  Vcirds  of 
wrath,  he  faith  onely  that  they  were  fitted  to  d-iiru"ti-.n  ,    that  is,   not  by  God,  but 
by  themfelves-     Saint   Paul  faith,  that  God  doth  endure  the  Veffds  of  iVra'.h  wnh 
much  long  fuffering  ,   T.  R  faith  ,  that  God  wills  and  effedls  by  the  fecond  caulcs  all 
their  adions  good  and  bad,  that  he  necelfitateth  them  ,  and  determincth  them  ir- 
refilHbly  to  dotho(e  a6ts  which  he  condemueth  as  evil,  and  for  which  he  punillieth 
them.     If  doing  willingly  ,  and  enduring,  if  much  long  fuffering,  andnecejjitatin^  ,  im- 
ply not  a  contrariety  one  to  another  ,'reddat  mihi  minam  Diogenes,   let  liim  that 
taught  me  Logick  ,  give  me  my  money  again. 

But  7*.  H.  faith  ,  that  this  diftindion  between  the  operative  and  permijjtve  Will  of 
God  '■>  and  that  other  between  the  a(Sion  and  the  irregularity  do  dazzle  his  under- 
ftanding.  Though  he  can  find  no  difference  betwen  thefe  two,  yet  others  do.  Saint 
Paul  himfelf  did  ,  A£i.  13.  18.  About  the  time  nf^o.  years  fnffered  he  their  manners 
in  the  Wildernefs.  And  AU.  14.  id.  Who  in  times  paji  fufferedall  Nations  to  wal'^in 
their  own  rvays.  T.  H.  would  make  fuffering  to  be  inciting  ,  their  minncrs  to  be 
Gods  manners,  their  ways  to  be  Gods  ways.  And  A^s  17.  30.  Ihe  times  of  this 
ignorance  God  winkled  at  It  was  never  heard  that  one  was  laid  to  whik,  orconnive  at 
that  which  was  his  own  z&.  And  i  Cor.  10.  13.  God  it  faithful ,  who  wrll  notjuf- 
fer  you  to  be  tempted  above  that  you  are  able.  To  tempt  is  the  Devils  ait,  thcr^furc 
he  is  called  the  Tempter  :  God  Tempts :  no  man  to  fin  ,  but  he  fuffers  them  to  be 
tempted.  And  fofufters  ,  that  he  could  hinder  Sathan,  if  he  would.  But  by  T.  //. 
hisDodtrinc,  to  tempt  to  fin,  and  to  fuffcr  one  to  be  tempted  to  fin,  whin  it  is 
in  his  power  to  hinder  it  ,  is  all  one:  and  fo  he  transforms  God  (I  write  it  with 
horrour  )  into  the  Devil  ,  and  makes  tempting  to  be  Gods  own  work  ,  and  the 
Devil  to  be  but  his  inltrumcnt.  And  in  that  noted  place,  Rom.  2.  4.  Vcf/iftii  thou 
the  riches  of  b'n  goodnefi ,  and  forbearance ,  and  long-fufferiitg ,  not  k^wwing  that  the  gon^^ 

1  i  i  i  neji 


6yi 


-^  'a   Vindicauon  of  trfiTuberty  T  O  N'  ¥   \\[ 


„eli  ct  Cod  leadetb  thee  to  repentance ,  but  after  thy  hardnefs  and  tmpemt  heart  treaju- 
tell  ttP  tmo  thv  felfrvrath  ,   againji  the  day  of  wrath.and  revelation  oj  the  righteous  J  lodg- 
ment«{  Cod     Here  are  as  many  convincing  arguments  in  this  one  Text  againil  the 
■  ion  of  V.  H.  almolt  as  there  are  words.     Here  we  learn  that  God  is  rich  in  good- 
«S"  and  will  not  punifli  his  creatures  for  that  which   is  his  own  adt  i   Secondly, 
that'  he  Cufen  am\  forbears  finners  long  ,  and  doth  not  fnatch  them  away  by  fuddain 
death  as  they  dcfcrve.  Thirdly,  that  the  reafon  of  Gods  forbearance  is  to  bring  men 
to  repentance,  foiuthly,  thzt  hardnefs  of  heart  or  impenitency  is  not  caufally  from  God, 
but  from  our  felves.     Fifthly,  that  it  is  not  the  infufficient  propofal  of  the  means  of 
their  converfion  on  Gods  part,  which  is   the  caufe  of  mens  perdition,  but  their 
own  contempt  and   defpifing  of  thefe  means.     Sixthly  ,  that  punifhment  is  not  an 
ad  of  abfolute  dominion ,  but  an  ad  of  righteous   Judgment,   whereby  God  ren- 
ders to  every  man  according  to  his  own  deeds ,  wrath  to  them,  and  only  to  them , 
who  treafure  up  rvrath  unto  themfelves  ,  and  Eternal  Life  to  thofe  rvho  continue  pati- 
ently in  well- doing.     If  they  deferve  fiich  punifliraent  who  only  negled  the  goodnefs 
and  long  fuffering  of  God,   what  do  they,  who  utterly  deny  it ,   and  make  Gods 
doing  and  his  fuffering  to  be  all  one  ?  I  do  be{eech  T.  H.  to  confider  what  a  degree 
of  wilfulnefs  it  is  ,  out  of  one  obfcure  text  wholy  mifunderftood  ,  to  contradid  the 
clear  current  of  the  whole  Scriptur.     Of  the  fame  mind  with  Saint  Vatil  was  Saint 
■Feter^i  Pet.^.22.The  longfuffering  of  Cod  rvaitedonce  in  the  days  o/Noah.  And  2.  Pet.  3. 
15.  Account  that  the  longfiiffering  of  the  Lord  is  falvation.  This  is  the  Name  God  gives 
himfeir.Exod.  34.  6.     Jhe  Lord,  the  Lord  Cod,  merciful  and  gracious,  longfuffering,8cc. 
Yet  I  do  acknowledge  that  which  T-  H.  faith  to  be  commonly  true,  that  he  who 
doth  permit  any  thing  to  be  done ,  which  it  is  in  his  power  to  hinder ,  knowing 
that  if  he  do  not  hinder  it,  it  will  be  done,  doth  in  fome  fort  will  it.     I  fay  in  fome 
fort,  that  is,  either  by  antecedent  will ,  or  by  a  confequent  will ,  either  by  an  o- 
perative  will  ,  or  by  a  pcrmitlive  will ,  or  he  is  willing  to  let  it  be  done ,  but  not 
■willing  to  do  it.     Sometimes  an  antecedent  engagement  doth  caufe  a  man  to  futfer 
that  to  be  done ,  which  otherwife  he  would  not  fuffer.     So  Darius  fuffered  Daniel 
to  be  caft  into  the  Lions  Den  ,  to  make  good  his  rafli  decree  i  So  Herod  fuffered 
John  Fdip*//?  to  be  beheaded ,  to  make  good  his  rafli  Oath  i  how  much  more  may 
the  immutable  rule  of  JulHce  in  God  ,  and  his  fidelity  in  keeping  his  word,  draw 
from  him  the  punifhment  of  obftinate  finners,  though  antecedently  he  willeth  their 
converfion  ?  he  loveth  all  his  creatures  well  ,  but  his  own  juftice  better.     Again  , 
fometimcs  a  man  fuffereth  that  to  be  done,  which  he  doth  not  will  diredly  in  it  felf 
but  indiredlv  for  fome  other  end  ,  or  for  the  producing  of  fome  great  good  i  as  a 
man  willeth  that  a  putrid  member  be  cut  off  from  his  body,  to  fave  the  Life  of 
the  whole.     Or  as  a  Judge  being  defirous  to   fave  a  Malefadors  Life  ,  and  having 
power  to  reprieve  him  ,    doth  yet  condemn  him  for  example  fake,  that  by  the  death 
of  one,  he  may  fave  the  Lives  of  many.     Marvel  not  then  if  God  fuffer  fome  crea- 
tures to  take  fuch  courfes  as  tend  to  their  own  ruin  ,  fo  long  as  their  fufferings  do 
make  for  the  greater  manifeftation  of  his  Glory  ,  and  for  the  greater  benefit  of  his 
faithful  Servants.     This  is  a  moft  certain  truth  ,  that  God  would  not  fuffer  evil  to 
be  in  the  World  ,  unlels  he  knew  how  to  draw  good  out  of  evil.     Yet  this  ought 
not  to  be  fo  underfiood  ,  as  if  we  made  any  priority  or  polkriority  of  time  in  the 
ads  of  God,  but  only  of  nature.     Nor  do  we  make  the  antecedent  and  confequent 
•will  to  be  contrary  one  to  another  ,  becaufe  the  one  refpeds  man  pure  and  uncor- 
rupted  ,  the  other  refpeds  him  as  he  is  lapfed.     The  objeds  are  the  fame,  but  con- 
fidered  after  a  diverfe  manner.     Nf  r  yet  do  we  make  thefe  wills  to  be  diftind  in 
God  ,  for  they  are  the  fame  with  the  divine  effence  ,  which  is  one.     But  the  di.'lin- 
dion  is  in  order  to  the  objcds  or  things  willed.     Nor  ,  Laftly,  do   we  make  this 
pefmiilion  to  be  a  naked  or  a  meer  permiffion  ;  God  caufeth  all  good  ,  permitteth 
all  evil ,  difpofeth  all  things  ,  both  good  and  evil. 

7*.  H.  demands  how  God  fliould  be  the  caufe  of  the  action  and  yet  not  be  the 
caufe  of  the  irregularity  of  the  adion.  I  anfwer  ,  becaufe  he  concur"?  to  the  doing 
of  evil  by  a  i!;eneral ,  but  not  by  a  fpecial  influence.  As  the  earth  gives  nourifli- 
ment  to  all  kinds  of  plants,  as  well  to  Hemlock  as  to  wheat,  but  the  reafon  wliy 
the  one  yeilds  food  to  our  fuftenance  ,  the  other  poifon  to  our  defirudion  ,  is  not 

from 


Discourse  I.  againjl  Mr.  Hobs. 


673 


from  the  fpecial  quality  of  the  root.     Even  fo  the  general  power  to  zOc  is  from 
God  ,  in  him  tve  live  ,  and  move  ,  and  have  our  being.     This  is  good.     But  the  fpe- 
cification,  and  determination  ,  of  this  general  power,  to  the  doing  of  any  evil , 
is  from  our  felves  ,  and  proceds  from  the  free  will  of  man  v  this  is  bad.     And  to 
fpeak  properly  ,    the  free  will  of  man  is  not  the  efficient  caufe  of  iln  ,  as  the  root 
ot  the  Hemlock   is  ot  poyfon  ,  fin  having  no  true  entity  or  being  in  it ,   as  poylbn 
hath.     But  rather  the  detident   caufe.     Now  no  defedt  can  flow  from  him  who 
is  the  higheft  perfection.     Wherefore  T.  H.  is  mightily  miftaken  ,  to  make  the  par- 
ticular and  determinate  aft  of  killing 'Z;rij/?  to  be  from  God.     The  General  power 
to  adl  is  from  God,  but   the  fpecitication  of  this  general   and  good   power  to 
murther ,  or  to  any  particular  evil  ,  is  not  from  God  ,  but  from  the  free   will  of 
man.  So  T.  H.  may  fee  clearly  if  he  will,  how  ont  may  be  the  caufe  of  the  Law,  and 
likewifeof  theadtion  in  fome  fort,  that  is,  by  general  influence  i  and  yet  another 
caufe  concurring  by  fpecial  influence  and  determining  this  general  and  good  power 
may  make  it  felf  the  true  caufe  of  the  anomy  or  the  irregularity.  And  rheretbre  he  may 
keep  his  longer  and  Ihprter  garments  for  fome  other  occalion.   Certainly ,  they  will 
not  fit  this  Subjed,  unlefs  he  could  make  general  and  fpecial  influence  to  be  all  one. 

But  t.  H.  prefleth  yet  further,  that  the  cafe  is  the  fame  ,  and  the  objection  ufed 
by  the  Jews  ,  ver.  ip.  JVtyydoth  he  yet  find  fault  ?  who  hath  refijied  his  mil?  is  the 
very  fame  with  my  argument  >  and  St.  Pauls  anfwer  ver.  20.  0  man  n>ho  art  thou  that 
replyeji  again{l  God  ?  Jhall  the  thing  formed  fay  to  him  that  formed  it^  why  haji  thou  made 
me  thus?  Hath  not  the  Potter  ^ower  over  his  clay^  &c.  is  the  very  fame  with  his  anfwer 
in  this  place,  drawn  from  the  irrefiftible  power,  and  abfolute  Dominion  of  God, 
which  jultifieth  all  his  anions.  And  that  the  Apoftle  in  his  anfwer  doth  not  deny, 
that  it  was  Gods  will,  nor  that  Gods  decree  was  before  Efaus  fin.  To  which  I  reply. 

Firft ,  that  the  cafe  is  not  at  all  the  fame,  but  quite  different,  as  may  appear  by 
thefe  particulars  i  firll:  thefe  words,  before  they  had  done  either  good  or  evil,  are  not,  can- 
not be  referred  to  thofe  other  words,  Efan  have  I  hated  \  Secondly  if  they  could,  yet  it 
islefsthan  nothing  ,  becaufe  before  Efau  had  actually  finned,  his  future  fins   were 
known  to  God  i  Thirdly  ,  by  the  Potters  clay  ,  here  is  not  to  be  underltood  the 
pure  Mifs,  but  the  corrupted  Mafs  of  mankind.     Fourthly ,  the  hating  here  men- 
tioned is  onely  a  comparative  hatred  ,  that  is  ,  a  lefs  degree  of  Love.     Fifthly  , 
the  hardening  which  St.  Paul  fpeaks  of,   is  not  a  pofitive  ,   but  a  negative  obdura- 
tion  ,  or  a  not  imparting  of  Grace.     Sixthly  St.  Paul  fpeaketh  not  of  any  pofitive 
reprobation  to  eternal  puniihment ,  much  lefs  doth  he  fpeak  of  the  adual  inflicting 
of  Dunilliment  without  fin  ,  which  is  the  queflion  between  us ,  and  wherem  7.  H. 
differs  from  all  that  I  remember  to  have  read,    who    do    all  acknowled^^e  that 
punilTiment  is  never  actually  inflicted    but  for  fin.     If  the  queftion  be  put.  Why 
God    doth  good    to    one  ,   more    than    to    another  or    why     God   imparteth 
more   Grace  to  one  than  to  another,  as  it  is  there,  the  anfwer  is  juft  and   fie, 
becaufe  it    is  his  pleafure,  and  it  is  (awcinefs  in  a  creature  in  this  cafe  to  rep'v  , 
May  not  God  do  what  he  will  with  his  own  ^  Matth.  20.  15.  No  man  doubteth  but  God 
imparteth  grace  beyond  mans  defertsBut  if  the  cafe  be  put,why  God  doth  puniOi  one 
more  than  another ,  or  why  he  throws  one  into  hell-fire,  and  not  another,  which  is 
the  prefentcafeagitated  between  usi  To  fay  with  T.  H.  that  it  is  becaufe  God  is  Om- 
nipotent, or  becaufe  his  power  is irrefiflble,  or  meerly  becaufe  it  is  his  pleafure,  is  not 
only  not  warranted ,  but  is  plainly  condemned  by  St.  PjhI.  in  this  place.  So  many 
differences  there  are  between  thofe  two  ca(es.  It  is  not  therefore  againft  God,  that  I  re- 
ply, but  againft  T.  H.  I  do  not  call  my  Creator  to  the  Bar,  but  my  fellow  creature  i 
lasK  no  account  of  Gods  Counfels  ,  but  of  mans  prefumptions.     It  is  the  mode 
of  thefe  times  to  father  their  own  fancies  upon  God,  and  when  they  cannot  juftirie 
them  by  reafon ,  to  plead  his  omnipotence, or  to  cry,     0  altitudo^th^t  the  ways  of 
God  are  unfearchable.     If  they  may  juftirie  their   drowfie  dreams,  becaufe  Gods 
Power  and  Dominion  is  abfolute  i  much  more  may  we  rcjed  fuch  phantaflical  de« 
vifes  which  are  inconfiltent  with  the  truth,  and  goodnefs  ,  and  Juftice  of  God  , 
and  make  him  to  be  a  Tyrant ,  who  is  the  father  of  mercies  ,  and  the  God  of  all 
confolation.     The  unfearchablenefs  of  Gods  ways  (hould  be  a  bridle  to  rellrain  pre- 
fumption,  and  not  aSanttuary  for  Spirits  of  error. 

I i  i  i  2  Second- 


-f^^  ~A  Vindicauon  of  true  liberty  T  O  IME^JH. 

'     Secondly     this  obicction  contained  ver.  i^.to  -which  the  Apoftlc  anlwcrs  vcr.  20. 
is  not  iriade'ln  the  perfon  ot"Ep«  or  Vharoah  ,  as  T.  U.  fuppofeth  ,    but  of  the  un- 
believing lews     who  thought  much  at  that  Grccc  and  favour  which  God  was  pleaf- 
cd  to  vouchfate'unto  the  GemiUs ,  to  acknowledge  them  for  his  people  ,  which  ho- 
thev  Would  have    appropriated  to  the  pofierity  of  Jbtahanu  And  the  Apollles 
anfwcr  is  notoncly  drawnt'rom  the  Sovereign  Dcn.inicn  ofGod,toimpart  hisGrace 
to  whom  he  plcafctli  ,  as  hath  been  (hewed  already,  but  alio  from  the  obftinacy  and 
proper  fault  of  the  Jetvi  ,  as  appcareth  ver.  22.     What  if  Cod  wilhirg  ( that  is ,  by 
a  confcquent  vvill  j  to  fhcre  Im  wrath  ^  and  to  makg  his  Jjotftr  kriorpH  ,  endured  with 
much  longjufferuig  the  vtflels  of  wrath  fitted  to  definitHcn.     They  acted  ,  God  endu- 
red )  they  were  tolerated  by  God,  but  fitted  to  defiruction  by  thcmfelves,  for  their 
much  wrong  doing  ,  here   is  Gods  much  lon^  J uffering  •■>  diud  rr.ore  plainly  vcr.  31 
Jfrael  hath  not  attained  to  the   Law  of  righteoufmfs  ,   wherefore  ?  hecaufe  they  fought  it 
not  by  Faith  ,  but  as  it  were  by  the  workj  of  the  Law.     This  reafon  is  fct  down  yet 
more  emphatically  in  the  next  Chapter  ver.  3.     7hey  (that  is,  thelfraelites  )  being 
ignorant  of  Gods  righteoufnefs  (  that    is   by   Faith  in   Chrift ,  )  and  going  about  to 
efiablijh  their  own  righteoufnefs  ,  (  that  is,  by  the  works  of  the  Law)  have  mt  fub- 
mitted  themfelves  to  the  righteoufnefi  of  God.     And  yet  moft  exprefly  Chap.  1 1.  ver.  20. 
hecaufe  of  unbelief  they  were  broV^n  ojf,  but  thoufiandeji  by  Faith  ,  Neither  was  there 
any  precedent  binding  decree  of  God  ,  to  ncccllitate  them  to  unbelief,  and  confe- 
quently  to  punifhment ,  it  was  in  their  own  power  by  their  concurrence  with  Gods 
Grace  to  prevent  thefe  Judgements,  and   to  recover  their  former  eftate  ,  ver.  23. 
If  they  (th:it  is,the  unbelieving  Jews  )  abide  notftiV  in  u^fbelief  they  (hall  be  grafted  in. 
The  Crown  and  the  Sword  are  immoveable,  (  to  ufe  St.  Anfelms  comparifon  )  but 
it  is  we  that  move  and  change  places.  Sometimes  the  '^ews  were  und  er  the  Crown, 
and  the  Gentiles  under  the  Sword  ,  fometimes  the  Jews  under  the  Sword  ,  and  the 
Gentiles  under  the  Crown. 

Thirdly ,  though  I  confefs ,   that  human  padis  arc  not  the  meafure  of  Gods 
Jufticc  ,  but  his  Juftice  is  his  ov;n  immutable  will ,  whereby  he  is  ready  to  give  e- 
very  man  that  which  is  his  own  :  as  rewards  to  the  good,  punifhments  to  the  bad, 
fb  neverthelefs  God  may  oblige  himfelf  freely  to  his  creature.     He  made  the  Cove- 
nant of  works  with  mankind  in  Adam^&c  therefore  he  punifhcth  not  man  contrary  to 
his  own   Covenant,  but  for  the  tranfgreflion  of  his  duty.     And  Divine  Juf^ice  is  not 
meafured  by  Omnipotence  ,  or  by  irrefiffible  power  ,  but  by  Gods  will  •,  God  can 
do  many  things  according  to  his  abfolute  power  which  he  doth  not;  he  could  raife 
up  children  to  Abraham  of  f\ones  ,  but  he  never  did  To.     It  is  a  rule  in  Theology  , 
that  God  cannot  do  any  thing  which  argues  any  wickednefs  or  impcrfeftion  ,    as 
God  cannot  deny  himfelf,  2.  Tim.  2.  13.     He  cannot  lye,  lit.  1,2.     Thefe  and 
the  like  are  fruits  of  impotence  ,  not  of  Power.     So  God  cannot  defiroy  the  righ- 
teous with  the  wicked  ,  Gen.  18.  25.     He  could  not  deflroy  Sodom  whilft  Lot  was 
in  it.  Gen.  ip.  22.  not  for  want  of  Dominion  or  power,  but  becaufc  it  was  not 
agreeable  to  his  Juftice  ,  nor  to  that  Law  which  himfelf  had  con/iituted.     The  A- 
po(\le  faith  Hcb.  6.  10.     Cod  is  mt  unrighteous  to  forget  your  worh^     As  it  is  a  good 
confequence  to  fay  ,  this  is  from  God  ,  therefore  it  is  righteous  ,  fo  is  this  alfo  i 
This  thing  is  unrighteous  ,  therefore  it  cannot  proceed  from  God.     Wc  fee  how 
all  Creatures  by  inlVindV  of  nature  do  love  their  young  ,  as  the  Hen  her  Chickens  , 
how  they  will  expofe  themfelves  to  death  for  thcnr,  And  yet  all  thefe  are  but  (ha- 
dowes  of  that  love  which  is  in  God  towards  his  Creatures.  How  impious  is  it  then 
to  conceive ,  that  God  did  Create  fo  many  Millions  of  Souls  to  be  tormented  eter- 
nally in  Hell ,  without  any  fault  of  theirs ,  except  fuch  as  he  himfelf  did  necellitate 
them  unto ,  meerly  to  fliew   his  Dominion  ,  and  becaufe  his  power  is  irrefiftiblc  > 
The  fame  privilege  which  T.  H.  appropriates  here  to  power  abfolutely  irrefifiible,  a 
friend  ofhisin  his  book  de Cive caf.  6.  fag.'J<Si.ikx)hts  to  power  refpedively  irrefifli- 
blc,  or  to  Sovereign  Magiltrates,  whofe  power  he  makes  to  be  as  abfolute  as  a  mans 
power  is  over  hiinfelf ,  not  to  be     limitted    by  any  thing  ,   but  only  by  their 
ftrength.     The  grcateft  propugners  of  Sovereign  power  think  it  enough  for  Prin- 
ces to  challenge  an  immunity  from  coercive  power  ,  but  acknowledge  ,  that  the 
Law  hatha  diredive  power  over  thein.     But  T.  H.  will  have  no  limits  but  their 
ftrength.     Whatfoevcr  they  do  by  power,  they  do  juftly.  But 


Dfs COURSE  I.  againft    Mr.  Hobs.  5^^ 

But,  faith  he ,  God  objedl^d  no  fin  to  Job  ,  but  juftiried  his  affliding  him  by  his 
power,  Firit  ,  this  is  an  argument  from  authority  negatively,  that  is  to  fay,  worth 
nothing.  Secondly  ,  the  atflidlions  of  Job  were  no  vindicatory  punilliments  to 
take  vengeance  of  his  fins,  C  whereof  we  difpute  J)  but  probatory  challifements  to 
malie  trial  of  his  graces.  Thirdly,  Jc^  was  not  fo  pure,  but  that  God  mi>^ht  jufily 
have  laid  greater  puni(hments  upon  him  ,  than  thofe  alHidtions  which  he^fulfered. 
VVitnefs  his  impatience ,  even  to  the  Curfing  of  the  Day  of  his  Nativity  ,  Job  3.  3. 
Indeed  God  faid  to  Job ,  where  tpojl  thou  when  I  laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth  ? 
Job.  38.  4.  that  is,  how  canlt  thou  judge  of  the  things  that  were  done  before  thou 
waft  born  ?  or  comprehend  the_  fecret  caufes  of  my  judgements  >  And  Job  42.  p. 
Hijf  thou  an  Ann  likg  God  ?  As  if  he  (hould  fay ,  why  art  thou  impatient  ?  do!t  thou 
think  thy  fclf  able  to  ftrive  with  God  ?  But  that  God  fliould  punifh  j^b  without 
defert ,  here  is  not  a  word. 

Concerning  the  blind  man  ,  mentioned  John  9.  his  blindnefs  was  rather  a  blelling 
to  him  than  a  puniftiment,  being  the  means  to  have  his  Soul  illuminated,  and  to  bring 
him  to  fee  the  face  of  God  in  Jefus  Chrift.  The  fight  of  the  body  is  common  to 
us  with  Ants  and  Flics ,  but  the  fight  of  the  Soul  with  the  blelfed  Angels.  We 
read  of  fom:  ,  who  have  put  out  their  bodily  eyes  becaufe  they  thought  ^hey  were 
an  impediment  to  the  eye  of  the  Soul.  Again  ,  neither  he  nor  his  parents  were  in- 
nocent, being  conceived  and  born  in  fin  and  iniquity  ,  ?fal  51.5.  And  in  miay 
things  we  otfend  all.  Jam.  3.  2.  But  our  Saviours  meaning  is  evident  by  the  Di- 
fciples  queftion  ,  ver.  2.  They  had  not  fo  finned,  that  he  (hould  be  born  blind. 
or  they  were  not  more  grievous  finners  than  other  men  ,  to  defer ve  an  exemplary 
judgement  more  than  they  v  but  this  corporal  blindnefs  befel  him  principally  by  the 
extraordinary  providence  of  God  i  for  the  manifeftation  of  his  own  Glory,  in  re- 
ftoring  him  to  his  Sight.  So  his  inftance  halts  on  both  fides  •,  neither  was  this  a  pu- 
nilhment ,  nor  the  blind  free  from  fin.  His  third  inltance  of  the  death  and  tor- 
ments of  beafts ,  is  of  no  more  weight  than  the  two  former.  The  death  of  brute 
hearts  is  not  a  punithment  of  fin  ,  but  a  debt  of  nature.  And  though  they  be  often 
flaughtered  for  the  ufeof  man,  yet  there  is  a  vaft  difference  between  thofe  light  and 
momentary  pangs ,  and  the  unfufferable  and  endlefs  pains  of  hell  ■-,  between  the 
meer  depriving  of  a  creature  of  a  temporal  life  ,  and  the  fubjeding  of  it  to  eternal 
death  i  I  know  the  Philofophichal  fpeculations  of  fome  who  affirm  ,  that  entity  is 
better  than  non-entity,  that  it  is  better  to  be  miferable ,  and  fuffer  the  torments  of 
the  damned,  than  to  be  annihilated,  and  ceafe  to  be  altogether.  This  entity  which 
they  fpeak  of,  is  a  Metaphyfical  entity abftradied  from  the  matter,  which  is  better 
than  non-entity,  in  refped  of  fome  goodnefs,  not  moral,  nor  natural  ,  but  tran- 
fcendental,  which  accompanies  every  being.  But  in  the  concrete  it  is  far  other- 
wife,  where  that  of  our  Saviour  often  takes  place,  Matth.  2<5.  24.  iFo  untn  that 
man  by  whom  the  Son  of  Mm  is  betrayed  ,  it  had  been  good  for  that  man,  that  he  had  not 
beenborn.  I  add,  that  there  is  an  Analogical  Juftice  and  mercy  due  even  to  the 
brute  beafts.  'Ihoufhalt  not  muzzle  the  mouth  of  the  Ox  that  treadeth  out  the  Corn.  And 
a  )uli  man  is  merciful  to  his  beali,  *■ 

But  his  greateft  errour  is  that  which  I  touched  before  ,  to  make  Juftice  to  be  the 
proper  refult  of  Power.  Power  doth  not  meafure  and  regulate  Juliice,  but  Juftice 
meafures  and  regulates  Power.  The  will  of  God  ,  and  the  eternal  Law  which  is 
in  God  himfelf,  is  properly  the  rule  and  meafure  of  Juftice.  As  all  goodnefs  v/he- 
ther  Natural  or  Moral,  is  a  participation  of  Divine  goodnefs ,  and  all  created  re- 
ditude  is  but  a  participation  of  Divine  reditudc  ,  fo  all  Laws  are  but  participa- 
tions of  the  eternal  Law,  from  whence  they  derive  their  Power.  The  rule  of 
Juftice  then  is  the  fame  both  in  God  and  us ,  but  it  is  in  God  ,  as  in  him  that  doth 
regulate  and  m:afure  i  in  us,  as  in  thofe  who  are  regulated  and  meafured.  As  the 
will  of  God  is  immutable ,  always  willing  what  is  juft  and  right  and  good  •,  So  his 
juitice  likewife  is  immutable.  And  that  individual  adion  which  is  juftly  puniftied 
as  iliiful  in  us  ,  cannot  pollibly  proceed  from  the  fpecial  influence  and  determina- 
tive power  of  a  juft  caufe.  See  then  how  grolTely  T.  H.  doth  underftand  that  old 
and  true  principle  ,  that  the  wiV  of  God  is  the  rule  ofjujiice  ,  as  if  by  willing  things 
in  themfclves  unjuil ,  he  did  render  them  juft ,  by  reafon  of  his  abfolute  dominion 

and 


~~^6  ~        Tl^indication  of  true  Liberty  TOME  111. 

and  irrefiftible  power.     As  hre  doth  aliimilatf  other  things  to  it  lelf ,  and  convert 
them  into  the  nature  of  hre.     This  were  to  niake  the  eternal  Law  a  Lesbian  rule. 
Sin  is  defined  to  be  that  n>htch  is  done  ,  or  [aid  ,  or  thought  contrary  to  th  eternal  Law. 
But  by  this  dodtiine  nothing  is  done  ,  nor  faid  ,   nor  thought  contrary  to  the  will 
of  God.     St.  Aiijelin  faid  molt  truly  ,  then  the  will  of  man  is  good  andjujt  and  right , 
Tchen  he' wills  that  which  God  would  have  him  to  will :   but  according  to  this  Dodrine 
every  man  always  wills  that  which  God  would   have  him  to  will.     If  this  be  true, 
we  need  not  pray  ,  Thy  ^iH  ^"^  ^^»e  in  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven  :  T.  E.  hath  devifed 
a  new  kind  of  Heaven  upon  Earth.     The  word  is,  it  is  an  Heaven  without  J ullice. 
TulHceisa  coiitlant  and  perpetual  ad  of  the  will,  to  give  every  one  his  owni  but 
to  infli<ft  punilhment  for  thofe  things  which  the  Judge  himfelf  did    determine 
and  necelfitate  to  be  done ,  is  not  to  give  every  one  his  own  \  right  punitive  ]u- 
ftice  is  a  relation  of  equality  and  proportion,  between  the  demerit  and  the  puni- 
fhment  5  but  fuppolTng  this  opinion  of  abfolute  and  univerfal  neceility  ,  there  is  no 
demerit  in  the  World.    We  ufe   to  fay  ,  that  right  fprings  from  Law  and  fad: ,  as 
in  this  Syllogifm  ,  every  Thief  01  ght  to  be  punifhed,  there's  the  Law  ■,  but  fuch  an 
one  is  a  Thief,  ther's  the  fad ,  therefore  he  ought  to  be  puniflied  ,  there  is  right. 
But  this  opinion  of  T.H  grounds  the  right  to  be  puniftied,   neither  upon  Law,  nor 
upon  Fad  ,  but  upon  the  irrefillible  power  of  God.     Yea ,   it  overturneth  as  much 
as  in  it  lies  all  Law  i  Firrt,  the  eternal  Law,  which  is  the  Ordination    of  Divine 
Wifdom  ,  by  which  all  creatures  are  direded  to  that  end  which  is  convenient  for 
them.     That  is  ,  not  to  neceflitate  them  to  eternal  flames.     Then,  the  Law  par- 
ticipated ,  which  is  the  Ordination  of  right  reafon,  inflituted  for  the  common  good, 
to  (hew  unto  man,   what  he  ought  to  do,  and  what  he  ought  not  to  do.     To 
^  what  purpofe  is  it  to  Ihew  the  right  way  to  him,  who  is  drawn  and  haled  a  contra- 

ry way  by  Adamantine  bonds  of  inevitable  neceffity  ? 

Laftly  ,  howfoever  T.  H.  cries  out ,  that  God  cannot  fin,  yet  in  truth  he  makes 
him  to  be  the  principal  and  mod  proper  caufe  of  all  fin.     For,  he  makes  him  to 
be  the  caufe  not  onely  of  the  Law,  and  of  the  adion,  but  even  of  the  irregularity 
it  felf,    and  the  difference  between  the  adion  and  the  Law  ,  wherein  the  very  eC- 
fence  of  fin  doth  confifl.     He  makes  God  to  determin  Davids  will ,  and  necelfitate 
him  to  kill  Vriah.     In  caufes  Phyfically ,  and  elTentially  fubordinate  ,  the  caufe  of 
the  caule  is  evermore  the  caufe  of  the  cfTed.     Thefe  are  thofe  deadly  fruits  which 
fpring  from  the  poyfonous  root  of  the  abfolute  neceility  of  all  things,  which  7.  K 
feeing,   and  that  neither  the  fins  of  E/jm,  nor  Pharaoh  ,   ror  any  wicked  perfon  do 
J.  D.       proceed  from  the  operative,  but  from  the  permiflive  will  of  Godi  And  that  punilh- 
pjQofs  of     ment  is  an  adof  Juftice,  not  of  Dominion  onely,  I  hope  that  according  to  this 
Liberty         promife  he  will  change  his  opinion. 

drawnfrom      The  firft  Argument  is  Hercttleum  or  Baculinum,  drawn  from  that  pleafant  pafTage 

reafon.  between  Zeno  and  his  man  i  The  Servant  had  committed  (bme  pettilarceny ,   and 

Numb.   I"',   '^he  Mafter  was  cudgelling  him  well  for  it  •,  The  Servant  thinks  to  creep  under  his 

^rg,  p.        Matters  blind-fide  ,  and  pleads  for  himfelfi    That  the  neceffity  of  defiiny  did  corn-pel 

him  tojieal.     The  Mafler  anfwers  ,  the  fame  necejjity  of  deftiny  compels  me  to  beat  thee. 

He  that  denies  Liberty  is  fitter  to  be  refuted  with  rodds,  than  with  Arguments, 

untill  he  confefs  that  it  is  free  for  him  that  beats  him  either  to  continue  ftriking  ,  or 

to  give  over ,  that  is ,  to  have  true  liberty. 

"t.  H.  Of  the  Arguments  from  reafon  ,  the  firft  is ,  that  which  he  faith,  is  drawnfrom  Zcno'x 

heatingofhis  man  which  is  therefore  called  kigumcntnm  baculinum,  that  is  to  fay  awood- 

den  Argument.     The  (icry  is  this  ,  Zeno  held  that  all  ad  ions  were  neceffary ,  His  man 

therefore  being  for  fame  fault  beaten,    excujed  himfelf  upon  the  neceffity  of  it.     To  avoid 

this  excufe  ,  his  Mafter  pleaded  liJ^wife  the  necejjity  of  beating  him.     So  that  not  he  that 

maintained ,  but  he  that  derided  the  necejjity  of  things  was  beaten  ,  contrary  to  that  he 

would  infer  ■-,  And  the  Argument  was  rather  withdrawn  than  drawnfrom  thejtory. 

J.  v.  Whether  the  Argument  be  withdrawn  from  the  ftory ,  or  the  anfwer  withdrawn 

from  the  Argument  ,  let  the  Reader  judge.     T.  H.  miflakes  the  fcope  of  the  reafon, 

thefirength  whereof  doth  not  lie,  neither  in  the  authority  of  Zeno  ,  a  rigid  Stoick, 

which  is  not  worth  a  button  in  this  caufe  i  Nor  in  the  Servants  being  an  advcrfary 

to  Stoicall  neceiCty ,  for  it  appears  not  out  of  the  ftory,  that  the  Servant  did  deride 


ne- 


-  — 

Discourse    I*  againji  Mr.  Hobs*  677 


necellity ,   but  rather  that  he  pleaded  it  in  good  earneft  for  his  own  )ullihcation. 
Now  in  the  fuccefs  of  the  fray  ,   we  were  told  even  now  ,  that  no  power  doth  )ulU- 
rie  an  adion,  but  onely  that  which  is  irrefilUble.     Such  was  not  Zf«ox.     And  there- 
fore it  advantageth  neither  of  their  caufes  ,  neither  that   ot  Zem  ,  nor  this  o\  T.  H. 
What  if  the  Servant  had  taken  theftatfe  out  of  his  Mailers  hand  and  beaten  him  fou.id- 
ly  ,   would  not  the  fame  argument  have  ferved  the  man,  as  well  as  it  did  the  M  It.  r-" 
that  the  necellity  of  delUny  did  compell  him  to  rtrike  again.     Had  not  Zeno  fmirted 
jultly  for  his  Paradox  ?  And  might  not  thefpedators  well  have  taken  up  the  Judges 
Apothegm,  concerning  the  difpute  between  Corax  and  his  Scholar,  an  iU  e^g  of  ait 
ill  bird?  But  the  ftrength  of  this  Argument  lies  partly  in  the   ignorance  of  Z^fl  , 
that  great  Champion  of  necellity  ,  and  the  beggarlinefs  of  his  caule  ,  winch  ad- 
mitted no  defence  but  with  a  Cudgel.     No  man  (  faith  the  Servant }  ought  to  be 
beaten  for  doing  that  which  he  is  compelled  inevitably  to  do,  but  I   am  comp';Iled 
inevitably  to  fteal.     The  major  is  fo  evident,  that  it  cannot  be  denyed.     If  a  (Irong 
man  (hall  take  a  weak  mans  hand  per  force ,  and  do  violence  with  it  to  a  Third  per- 
fon,  he  whofe  hand  is  forced,  is  innocent ,  and  he  onely  culpable  who  compelled 
him.     The  minor   was  Zenos  own  Dodrine  v  what  anfwer  made  the  great  pa- 
tron of  deftiny  to  his  Servant  >  very  learnedly  he  denied  the  conclulion  ,  and  cud- 
gelled his  Servant ,  telling  him  in  effed  ,  that  though  there  was  no  reafon  whv  he 
fhould  be  beaten  ,  yet  there  was  a  necellity  why  he  muft  be  beaten.     And  partly , 
in  the  evident  abfurdity  offuch  an  opinion  which  deferves  not  to  be  confuted  with 
reafbns,  but  with  rods.     There  are  four  things,  faid  the  Philofopher ,  which  ought 
not  to  be  called  into  queaion  ,  Firft,  fuch  things  whereof  it  is  wickednefs  todoubti 
as  whether  the  Soul  be.immortal ,  whether  there  be  a  God,  fuch  an  one  (hould  not 
be  confuted  with  reafons ,  but  caft  into  the  fea  ,  with  a  milftone  abouf  his  necK  ,  as 
unworthy  to  breath  the  air  ,  or  to  behold  the  light.     Secondly,  fuch  things  as'are 
above  the  capacity  o{  reafon  v  as  among  Chriftians,  the  myftery  of  the  Holy  Tri- 
nity.    Thirdly,  fuch  principles  as  are  evidently  true  i  as  that  two  and  two  arc 
four  in  Arithmetick,  that  the  whole  is  greater  than  the  part  in  Logick.  Fourthly,  fuch 
things  as  are  obvious  to  the  fenfes ;  as  whether  the  fnow  be  white.  He  who  denied 
the  heat  of  the  fire,  was  juftly  fentenced  Xp  (je  fcorched  with  fire  ,  and  he  that  denied 
motion,  to  be  beaten   until  he  recanted.     So  he  who  denies  all  liberty  from  ne- 
cellitations ,   fhould  be  fcourged  untill  he  become  an  humble  fuppliant  to  him  that 
whips  him  ,  and  confefs  ,  that  he  hath  power,  either  to  ftrike  ,  or  to  hold  his 
hand.  ..  -    .        .  „  _ 

Secondly  ,  this  very  perfwafion,  that  t^xre  is  no  true  liberty  is  able  to  overthrow         ' " 
all  Societies  and  Commonwealths  in  the  World.     The  Laws  are  un)uft  which  pro-  \J^'^' 
hibit  that  which  a  man  cannot  pollibly  ftiun  i  all  confultations  are  vain  ,  if  every   ^'^^^"'  ^+' 
thing  be  either  neceffary  or  impollible.     Who  ever  deliberated,   whether  the  Sun 
(hould  rife  to  morrow  ,  or  whether  he  fhould  fail  over  mountains^  It  is  to  no  more 
purpofe  to    admonifh  men  of  underllanding  than  fools ,  children  ,  or  madmen  , 
if  all  things  be  neceffary.     Praifes  and  difpraifes  ,  rewards  and  punifliments  are  as 
vain  as  they  arc  undeferved  ,  if  there  be  no  liberty.     All  Counfels  ,  Arts ,  Arms , 
Books ,  Inllruments,  are  fuperfluous  and  foolifli ,  if  there  be  no  liberty  i   in  vafn 
we  labour  ,  in  vain  we  Ifudy  ,  in  vain  we  take  Phyfick  ,  in  vain  we  have-Tutours 
to  inllrud:  us,  if  all  things  come  to  pafs  alike,  whether  we  fleep  or  wake,  whe- 
ther we  be  idle  or  induftrious,  by  unalterable  necellity.     But  it  is  faid,  that  thouglt 
future  events  be  certain,  yet  they  are  unknown  to  us.     And  therefore  we  prohibit. 
deliberate,    admonifh,  praife,   difpraife,  reward,  punilh  ,  lludy  ,   labour,  and' 
ufe  means.     Alas,  how  ("hould  our  not  knowing  of  the  event  be  a  fufficient   mo- 
tive to  us,  to  ufe  the  means,  fo  long. as  we  believe  the  event  is  already  certainly 
determined.,  and  can  no  more  be  changed  by  all  our  endeavours ,  than  we  can  (tay 
the  courfe  of  Heaven  with  our  finger^  or  add  a  cubit  to  ourliature  ?  Suppofc  it  be 
unknown,  yet  it  is  certain.     We  cannot  hope  to  alter  the  courfe  of  things  by  ourla- 
bours  i  let  the  neceffary  canfes  do  their  work,  we  have  no  remedy  but  patience, 
and  fhrug  up  the  Shoulders.     Either  allow  liberty ,   or  deftroy  all  Societies.  I.E, 

"the  S.'cond  Argument  is  tak^n  from  certain  inconveniences  which  he  thiiikj  vcoidd  fol- 
low fuch  an  opinion,     h  is  tru;,  that  iU  ufe  may  be  made  ofit^  and  therefore  your  Lord- 

fhif 


678 


'a  Vvidication  oftmdjherty  J  OWE  1  £  F. 


Unl,  a>^d  J.  P.  OH<>lt  .;f  r>,y  requ.jt  '"  k^P  P"^^'f  '  *'';"'  l  h  '^^re  of  it.  But  the  incon- 
vernvcesare  mdced  mm  s  ay^d  rchat  «>  ioever  be  »,ade  nf  trmh  ,  yet  truth  u  truth,  aU 
now  the  quejiion  if  wt  rphat  if  fit  to  he  preached ,  bni  vphat  is  true,  the  firji  imonveni- 
ence  he  fayi  il  thU,  that  Larvs  vphich  prohihite  any  aVuon  are  then  unpj].  Ihe  Second^ 
that  aV  cotifultati'ns  are  vai>i:  Ihe  Ihird ,  that  adniomtions  to  men  ofunderflandi»g  are 
of  no  more  ufe  th  01  to  fools  ,  ChtldreH  and  mad-men.  Ihe  Fourth,  that  praife,  difpraife, 
reward  andpuniihmcnt  are  in  vain,  the  Fifth  ,  that  Cou>fels  ,  Arts  ,  Arms  ,  Books  , 
Mruments,  Study,  lutours ,  Medicine  t  are  in  vain,  lo  which  argument  expedina 
JJhnuld  anfreer  by  faying,  that  the  ignorance  of  the  event  were  enough  to  mak^  us  ufe 
means,  he  adds  (  as  it  reere  a  reply  to  my  anfmr  frefeen  )  thefe  wordr.  Alas  ,  horv 
ffjouMow  not  k>toiving  the  event  be  afufficient  motive  to  makf  us  ufe  the  means  ?  where- 
in be  faith  right  ,  but  my  anfreer  is  not  that  which  he  expeCfeth.     J  anfwer 

Firfl  ,  that  the  necejjity  of  an  adion  doth  not  mak^  the  Law   which  prohibits  it  un'mfi. 

to  let  pafs ,  that  not  the  necejjiiy  ,  but  the  will  to  break^the  Law  mak^eth  the  adion  unjuji 

hecaufe  the  Law  regardeth  ihe  will , '  and  no  other  precedent  caufes   of  adion.     And  to  lei 

fafs ,  that  no  Law  can  be  pojfibly  unjufi ,  in  as  much  as  every  man  makgs  by   his  confent 

the  Law  he  is  bound  to  k^ep  ,  and  which  confequently  muft  be  juji ,  unlefi  a  man  can  be 

unjuji  to  himfelf-,  1  (ay  ,  what  necejjary  caufe  foever  preceeds  an  aBion,  yet  if  the  adioa 

be  forbidden ,  he  that  doth  it  wilingly  may  juftly  he   punijht.     For  inflance ,  fuppofe 

ihe  Law  on  pain  of  death  prohibit  fealing  ,  and  there  be  a  man  who  by  the  flrength  of 

temptation  is  neceffitated  to  fteal ,  and  is  thereupon  put  to  death  ,  ioes  not  this  punijhment 

deter  others  from  theft  ?  is  it  not  a  caufe  that  others  fteal  not  ?  doth  it  not  frame  and  make 

their  will  to  juftice  ?  to  mak^  ihe  Law  is  therefore  io  mak^  a  caufe  ofjuflice ,  and  to  ne- 

ce^tate  jufltce  ,  and  confequently  it  is  no  injufiiee  tomahs  jti^^  ^^^^- 

the  inftitution  of  ihe  Law  is  not  to  grieve  the  delinquent  for  that  which  il  pajjed,  and 
not  to  be  undone  ,  hut  to  makf  him  and  others  jufl ,  that  elfe  would  not  befo.  And  refpe- 
ifeth  not  ihe  evil  aU  paji ,  hut  the  good  to  come.  Info  much  as  without  this  good  intention 
of  future ,  no  pall  aU  of  a  delinquent  could  juflifie  his  killing  in  thefght  cf  God.  But 
you  will  fay  ,  how  it  ^t  juji  to  l^H  one  man  to  amend  another  ,  if  what  were  done  were  ne- 
cejfary  ?  to  this  1  anfwer,  thai  men  are  juji  ly  hilled,  not  for  that  their  anions  are  not 
Tteceffitated  ,  but  that  they  are  fpared  and  prejerved ,  becauje  they  are  not  noxious  i  for 
Tphere  there  is  no  Law  ,  there  no  kjling  ,  nor  any  thing  elfe  can  be  unjufl.  And  by  the 
right  of  nature  we  dejiroy  ,  without  being  unjuji,  all  that  is  noxious ,  both  beajls  and  men. 
And  for  beajis  we  kjH  them  jujily  ,  when  we  do  it  in  order  to  our  own  prefervation.  And 
yet  J.  D.  confejjeth  ,  that  their  aUions  ,  as  being  onely  fpontaneous  and  not  free  ,  are  all 
neceffitated  and  determined  ,  to  that  one  thing  which  ihcyjhall  do.  For  men  ,  when  we 
mal^  Societies  or  Commonvpealths  ,  we  lay  down  our  right  tokiV,  excepting  in  certain 
cafes  ,  as  murther  ,  theft ,  or  other  nffenfve  aSions  ■■,  So  that  ihe  right  which  the  Com- 
monwealth hath  to  put  a  man  io  Aeath  for  Crimes  ,  is  not  created  by  the  Law,  but  remains 
from  the  firji  right  of  nature  ,  which  every  man  hath  to  preferve  himjelf,  for  that  the  Law 
doth  not  ta\e  that  rrnht  away,  in  caje  of-criminals  who^  wire  by  Law  excepted. 
Men  are  not  therefre  put  to  death  ,  or  punijh'edfir  that  their  theft  proceedeth  from  eledion, 
but  becaufe  it  was  noxious  and  contrary  to  mens  prefervation ,  and  the  punijhment  condu- 
cing to  the  prefervation  of  the  reji.  Jn  as  much  as  io  punijh  thofe  that  do  voluntary  hurt,  and 
iir^ne  elfe ,  frameth  and  mak^th  mens  wills  fuch  as  men  would  have  them.  And  thus  it 
is  plain  ,  that  from  necejjity  of  a  voluntary  aCiion  cannot  he  inferred  ihe  injujiice  of  the 
Law  that  jorbiddeth  it ,  or  of  ihe  Magijirate  that  punijheih  it. 

Secondly,  J  deny  that  it  makfs  conjultations  to  beinvain\  "'tis  the  confultation  that 
caufeth  a  man,  andneceffitateth  him  to  choofe  to  do  one  thing  rather  than  another.  So  that 
unlefs  a  man  fay  ^  that  caufe  to  be  in  vain  ,  which  riecejjitateth  the  effeCi  ,  he  cannot  in- 
fer ^he  fuperfiuoufnej}  of  conjultation  out  of  the  ne cecity  of  the  eledion  proceeding  from  it. 
But  itfeems  he  reafms  thus  ,  Jj  I  muji  needs  do  this  rather  than  that,  then  J  (hall  do  this 
rather  than  that;  ^  though  I  con fu It  not  atall\  which  is  afalfe  propojition ,  a  falfe  con- 
fequence  ,  and  no  better  than  this  ,  If  IJhall  live  till  to  morrow  ,  IJhaV  live  till  to  morrorv, 
though  J  run  my  felf  through  with  a  Sword  to  day.  If  there  be  a  necifjity  that  an  aUion 
fiiall  be  done,or  th.tt  any  effeU  (hall  be  brought  to  pafs,  it  does  not  therefore  follow,  that  there 
is  nothingneceffirily  required  as  a  means  to  bring  it  to  pafs.  And  therefore  when  it  is  de- 
termined, that  one  thing  jhaUbe  chofen  before  another,  'tis  determined  aljofr. what  caufe  it 

Jhall 


Discourse  I.  againfi    Mr.    Hobs. 

chofen^wbich  caufefor  the  mofl  part  is  deliberation  or  confultation.And  therefore  confultation 
is  not  in  vain  and  indeed  the  lefs  in  vain  ,  by  hotv  much  the  ekdion  is  more  neceffitated. 
the  fame  anftver  is  to  be  given  to  the  third  fuppofed  inconveniency  ■.namely,  that  admo- 
nitions are  in  vain  ,  jor  admonitions  are  parts  ofconfultations.     7he  Admonitor  being-  a 


^79 


Counfailer  for  the  time ,  to  him  that  is  admonifhed. 

"The  Fourth  pretended  inconveniency  is,  that  praife  and  difpraife,  reward  and  punifh- 
ment  will  be  invain.  To  which  J  anfrver  ,  that  for  praife  and  difpraife ,  they  depend  not 
at  all  on  the  necejftty  of  the  aUion  praifed  or  difpraifed.  For ,  what  is  it  elfe  to  praife 
htit  to  fay  a  thingis  good  ?  Good,  I  fay  forme,  or  for  fame  body  elfe  ,  or  for  the  State 
and  Commonwealth,  and  what  is  it  to  fay  an  adion  is  gr.od,  but  to  fay  it  is  as  1  would  wijl, 
or  as  another  would  have  it,  or  according  to  the  will  of  the  State  ,  that  is  to  fay  according  to 
Law  ?  Does  ].  D.  think^that  no  adion  canpeaje  me  or  him  or  the  Common-wealth  that 
proceed  from  necejjity  ? 

Things  may  be  therefore  neceffary  ,  and  yet  praifeworthy ,  as  alfo  neceffary  ,  and  yet  dif- 
praifed ,  aud  neither  of  both  in  vain  ,  becaufe  praife  and  difpraife  ,  and  lil^wife  reward 
and  punifhment ,  do  by  example  make  and  conform  the  will  to  good  or  evil.  It  was  a  very 
great  praife  in  my  opinion ,  that  \c\\ciusP!Lteicn\as  gives  Cato  ,  where  he  fays,  he  was 
good  by  nature ,  Et  quia  aliter  efle  non  potuit. 

The  Fift  and  Sixt  inconvenience  ,  that  Counfels ,  Arts ,  Arms ,  Bookj  ,  Inflmments 
Study,  Medicines^  andthelik^,  would  be  fuperfluous ,  the  fame  anfwer  ferves  that  to 
the  former-,  that  is  to  fay,  that  this  confequence ,  if  the  effeQ  Jhall  necejjarily  come  to 
pafs,  then  ttjhall  come  to  pafs  without  its  caufe,  is  a  falfe  one.     And  thofe  things  named 
Counfels  ,  Arts ,  Arms  ,  &c.     are  the  caufes  of  thofe  effeUs.  ' 

Nothing  is  more  familiar  with  T.  H.  than  to  decline  an  argument.     But  t  will 
put  it  into  form  for  him.     The  firft  inconvenience  is  thus  prefTed.     Thofe  Laws  era 
unjuft  and  Tyrannical ,   which  do  prefcrifae  things  abfolutely  impoffible  in  them- 
felves  to  be  done,  and  punifli  men  for  not  doing  of  them.     But  fuppofing  T.  H.his 
opinion  of  the  neceffity  of  all  things  to  be  true  ,  all  Laws  do  prefcribe  abfolute  im- 
pollibilities  to  be  done  ,  and  punifli  men  for  not  doing  of  them.     The  former  pro- 
pofition  is  fo  clear  ,  that  it  cannot  be  denied.     Juft  Laws  are  the  Ordinances  of 
right  reafon,  but  thofe  which  prefcribe  abfolute  impoffibilities,   are  not  the  Ordi- 
nances of  right  teafon.     Juft  Laws  are  inftituted   for  the  publick  good  ,  but  thofe 
Laws  which  prefcribe  abfolute  impolljbilities  are  not  inftituted  for  the  publick  good. 
Juft  Laws  do  fliew  unto  a  man  what  is  to  be  done,  and   what  is  to   be  fhunned  j 
but  thofe  things  which  prefcribe  impoffibilities ,  do  not  diredl  a  man  what  he  is  to 
and  what  he  is  to  (hun.     The- Minor  is  as  evident  •,   for  if  his  opinion  be  true  all  a- 
dions,  all  transgrellions  are  determined  antecedently  inevitably  to  be  done,  by  a  na- 
tural and  neceffary  flux  of  extrinfecal  caufes.     Yea  ,  even  the  will  of  man ,  and 
the  reafon  it  felf  is  thus  determined.     And  therefore  whatfoever  Laws  do  prefcribe 
any  thing  to  be  done  which  is  not  done,  or  to  be  left  undone  which  is  done  ,  do 
prefcribe  abfolute  impollibilities  ,  and  punifli  men  for  not  doing  of  impolh'bilitics. 
In  all  his  anfwer  there  is  not  one  word  to  this  argument ,   but  onely  to  the  con- 
clufion.     He  faith  ,  that  not  the  neceffity  ,  but  the  will  to  breaks  the  Law  mah^s  the  a- 
Uion  unju^.     I  ask  what  makes  the  will  to  break  the  Law,  is  it  not  his  nece/Iity  ? 
What  gets  he  by  this  >  A  perverfe  will  caufeth  injuftlce  ,  and  necedity  caufeth  per- 
verfe  will.     He  faith  ,  the  Law  regardeth  the  will ,  but  not  the  precedent  caufes  of  a- 
Sion.     To  what  propofition ,  to  what    term  is  this  anfwer  >   he  neither  denies 
nor  diftinguiflieth.     Firft ,  the  queftion  here  is  not  what  makes  adlions  to  be  unjuft! 
But  what  makes  laws  to  be  unjuft  ?  So  his  anfwer  is  impertinent.  It  is  like  wife  untrue 
for  Firft,  thatwill  which  the  Law  regards, is  notfuch  a  will  as  T.  H.  imagineth.  It  is' 
a  free  wfll,  not  a  determined,  necellitated  will,  a  rational  will,  not  a  brutifliwill.  Se- 
condly, the  Law  doth  look  upon  precedent  caufes  as  well  as  the  voluntarinefs  of  the 
adion.  If  a  Child  before  he  be  feven  years  old,  or  have  the  ufe  of  reafon,  in  fomeChil- 
difli  quarrel  do  willingly  ftab  another,  whereof  we  have  feen  experience,  yet  the  LavV 
looks  not  upon  it  as  an  act  of  Murder  ,  becaufe  there  wanted  a  power  to  delibe- 
rate ,  and  confequently  true  liberty.     Man-lhughter  may  be  as  voluntary  as  Mur- 
der,and  commonly  more  voluntary,  becaufe  being  done  in  hot  blood,  there  is  the  lefs 
reluctation,yet  the  Law  conUders,that  the  former  is  done  outoffome  fudden  patfion 

Ht  It  I/-  [f  <«Ti#>Un..j: 


^  k  k  k  without 


■^sS"""  H'wdk^  of  true  Liberty  TOME  I  H. 

^th^t  fetiousdclib:ration,and  the  other  out  ofprepenfed  malicc,and  defire  of  revenge: 
and  therefore  con  Jem  ns  murder  as  more  wilful  and  morepunilhable  than  manflaughter 
He  faith     thstm  Ljw  can  poffibly  be  unjujl  v  And  I  lay  ,  that  this  is  to  deny  the 
conclufion  I  which  defer vcs  no  reply,  but  to  give  him  fatisfadtion  ,  I  will   follow 
him  in  this  alfo.     If  he  intended  no  more  ,  but  that  unjufVLaws  are  not  Genuine 
Lawsi  nor  bind  to  adive  obedience,  becaufc  they  are  not  the  ordinations  of 
rifiht  reafon ,   nor  inftituted  tor  the  Common  good,  nor  prefcribe  that  which  ought 
to  be  done  ,  he  faid  truly  ,  but  nothing  at  all  to  his  purpofc.     But  if  he  intend  (as 
he  dothj  that  there  are  no  Laws  de  foTto  ,  which  are  the  ordinances  of  reafon  er-     ^_L 
ring     infh'tutcd  for  the  common  hurt ,  and  prefcribing  that  which  ought  not  to  be     ■! 
done',  he  is  much  miflaken.     Pharaohs  Law  to  drown  the  Male  Children  of  the    ^^ 
Jfraelites^  Exod.  ii.  22.     Nebuchadnezzar s  Law,  that  whofoevcr  did  not  fall  down 
and  worfliip  the  Golden  Image  which  he  had  fet  up  ,  (hould  be  call  into  the  tiery 
furnace,  Vaiiiel  ^.  ^.      Darius  his  Law  ,  that  whofoever  fhould  ask  a  Petition  of 
any  God  or  man  ,  fur  thirty  days,  fave  of  the  King  ,  (hould  be  cart  intD  the   Den 
of  Lions,  Van.  6.  J.     Ahaflmerm  hh  L^vf  ^  to  dellroy  the   Jewijh  Nation,  root 
and  branch,  E/fkr.  3.  13.     The  Pharifees  Law ,  that  wholoever  confefTed  Chrill, 
(hould  be  excommunicated  ,  John  p.  22.     Were  all  unjuft  Laws. 

The  ground  of  this  errour  is  as  great  an  errour  it  felt  (  fuch  an  art  he  hath  learn- 
ed of  repacking  Paradoxes)  which  is  this.     Tha.t  every  man  mak^  shy  his  con  fent  the 
hatv  which  he  is  hound  to  keep :  If  this  were  true  ,  it  would  preferve  them  ,  if  not 
from  being  unjull ,  yet  from  being  injurious:  but  it  is  not  true.     The  pofitive  Law 
of  God,  contained  in  the  Old  and  New  Teftarnent  ;  The  Law  of  Nature,  writ- 
ten in  our  hearts  by  the  Finger  of  God  i  The  Laws  of  Conquerors ,  Who  come  in 
by  the  power  of  the  Swords  The  Laws  of  our  Anceflours ,  Which  were  made  be- 
fore we  were  born  ,  do  all  oblige  us  to  the  obfervation  of  them  ,  yet  to  none  of  all 
the(e  did  we  give  our  adual  confent.     Over   and  above  all  thefe  exceptions ,  he 
builds  upon  a  wrong  foundation  ,  that  all  Magiftrates  at  firfl,  were  eledlive.     The 
firfl  Govemours  were  Fathers  of  Families  '■>  and  when  thofe  petty  Princes  ceuldnot 
afford  competent  protection  and  fecurity  to  their  fubjedts,  many  of  them  did  refign 
their  feveral  and  refpeftive  intereds  into  the  hands  of  one  joyntFatheroftheCountrey. 
And  though  his  ground  had  been  true  ,  that  all  firft  Legiflators   were  elcdive  , 
which  is  falfe  ,  yet  his  fuperftrudures  fails,   for  it  was  done  in  hope  and  truft   that 
they  would  make  jurt  Laws.     If  Magiftrates  abufe  this  truft,  and  deceive  the  hopes 
of  the  people  ,  by  making  Tyrannical  Laws ,  yet  it  is  without  their  confent.     A 
precedent  truft  doth  not  juftifie  the  fubfcquent  errours  and  abufes  of  a  Truftee.     He 
who  is  duely  eleded  a  Legiflator,  may  exercift  his  Legiflative  power  unduely. 
The  peoples  implicite  confent  doth  not  render  the  Tyrannical  Laws  of  their  Legi- 
flators to  be  juft. 

But  his  chiefeft  anfweris  ,  that  an  aUion  forbidden  ,  thovgh  it  proceed  from  neceffary 
eaufes^  yet  if  it  mere  done  vfillingly  ,it  may  be  juftlypunifl;ed  ^  which  according  to  his 
cuftom  he  proves  by  an  inftance  ■■,  A  man  necejjjtated  tojieal  by  the  jhength  of  temptati- 
on ,  yet  if  hefteal  wiHingly ,  is  )ui}ly  put  to  death.  Here  are  two  things,  and  both 
of  them  untrue. 

Firft,  Hefailes  in  his  aftertion.     Indeed  wefuffer  juftly  for  thofe  receffities  which 
we  our  felveshavccontraded  by  our  own  fault,  but  not  for  extrinfecal, antecedent 
necelGties  ,  which  were  impofed  upon  us  without  our  fault.     If  that  Law  do  not 
oblige  to  puniftimcnt  which  is  not  intimated  ,  bccaufe  the  Subjed  is  invincibly  ig- 
norant of  it :  how  much  !cfs  that  Law  which  prefcribes  abfolute  impoffibilities,un- 
lefs  perhaps  invincible  necelhty  be  not  as  ftrong  a  plea  as  invincible  ignorance.  That 
which  he  adds ,  //  it  Were  done  williffgly  ,  though  it  be  of  great  moment ,  if  it  be 
rightly  underftood  ,  yet  in  his  lenfe  ,  that  is  ,  if  a  mans  jrill  he  not  in  his  cxrn  di- 
fpotion,  znd  if  his  reiting  do  not   come  npon   him  according  to  his  wrill ,  nor  according 
to  anything  elje  in  his  power  ,  it  weighs  rot  half  fo  many  as  the  leaft  Feather  in  all  his 
Horfe-load.     For  it  that  Law  be  unjuft  and  Tyrannical  which  commands  a  man  to 
do  that  which  is  impoilible  for    him  to   do  ,  then    that  Law  is  likewife  unjuft  and 
Tyrannical,which  commands  him  to  will  that  which  is  impoHible  for  hira  to  will. 
Secondly  ,  his  inllance  fuppofcth  an  untruth,  and  is  a  plain  begging  of  the 

queftion 


Discourse    I.  againft    Mr.  Hobs.  ^gj 

queltion.     No  man  is  extrinfecally  ,  accidentally  and  irrefiltiblynccellitat^dby  cenri^ 
ptation  to  fteal.     The  Devil  may  Tollicite  us,  but  he  cannot  necelJitate  us.     He  hath 
a  faculty  of  pcrfwading  ,  but  not  a  power  of  compelling.     Nos  tgnem habemus    Cpi- 
rimsflammam  ciet ,  as  Nazianzen.     He  blows  the  coles ,  but  the  fire  is  our  own. 
Mordet  dmitaxjt  fefe  in  fauces  ilius  objkiemm  ,  zsSuAuJiin^  he  bites  not  until  we* 
thrult  our  felves  into  his  mouth.     He  may  propofe ,  he  may  fuggeft,   but  he  cannot 
move  the  will  effeaively.     Refiji  the  Devil,  and  he  mil  flie  jrom  you ,  Jam.  4.  7.  By 
Faith  we  are  able  io  quench  all  the  fiery  darts  of  the  vpick^d.  Eph.  6.  id.'    And  itSa'than 
who  can  both  propofe  the  objed,  and  choofe  out  the  ntteft  times  and  places     to 
work  upon  our  frailties  ,  and  can  fuggert  reafons  ,  yet  cannot  neceiiitate  the  'will 
(  which  is  moft  certam  ,  )  then  much  lefs  can  outward  objedts  do  it  alone.     They 
have  no  natural  efficacy  to  determin  the  will.     Well  may  they  be  occafions,  but  thev 
cannot  be  caufesof  evil.     The  fenfitive  appetite  may  engender  a  proclivity  to  iteal 
but  not  a  necellity  to  rteal.     And  if  it  fhould  produce  a  kind  of  necellity    yet  it  is 
but  moral  ,  not  Naturali  Hypothetical,    not  Abfolute-,  Cosxillent ,  not   antece- 
dent from  out  felves ,   nor  extrinfecal.     This  necelfity  ,  or  rather  pr'oclivity     was 
free  in  its  caufes  ,  we  our  felves  by  our  own  negligence  in  not  oppofing  our  pa'ilions 
when  we  fhould  ,  and  might,  have  freely  given  it  a  kind  of  Dominion  over  u? 
Admit  that  fome  fuddain  pallions  may  and  do  extraordinarily  furprife  usi  and  there- 
fore we  fay  motus  primo  primi ,  the  firft  motions  are  not  always  in  our  power     nei" 
ther  are  they  free  ,  yet  this  is  but  very  rarely  ,  and  it  is  our  own  fault  that  they  do 
furprife  us.     Neither  doth  the  Law  punifh  the  fucA  motion  to  theft ,  but    the  ad- 
vifed  aft  of  dealing.     The  intention  makes  the  Thief.     But  of  this  'more  laraelv 
Numb. 2^.  ^   ^' 

He  pleads  moreover  ,  that  the  Laia>is  a  caufe  of  Juflice ,  that  it  frames  the  tviUs 
of  men  to'juflice  ,  and  that  the  pumjhment  of  me  dnth  conduce  to  the  prefervationoftnanv 
All  this  is  moft  true,  of  a  juft  Law  juftly  executed.  But  this  is  no  god-a-mercy  to 
T.  H.  hi,  opinion  of  abfolute  necellity.  If  all  adions  ,  and  all  events  be  pre- 
determined Naturally ,  NecelTarily,  Extrinfecally,  how  (hould  the  Law  frame  men 
morally  to  good  adtions  >  He  leaves  nothing  for  the  Law  to  do ,  but  either  that 
which  is  done  already  ,  or  that  which  is  impoltible  to  be  done.  If  a  man  be  chain- 
ed to  every  individual  aft  which  he  doth,  and  from  every  ad  which  he  doth  not  by 
indiflblvible  bondsof  inevitable  neceffity ,  how  (liould  the  Law  either  deter  him  or 
frame  him>  If  a  Dog  be  chained  faft  to  a  poll ,  the  fight  of  a  rod  cannot  draw  him 
from  it.  Make  a  Thoufand  Laws,  that  the  fire  (hall  not  burn  ,  yet  it  will  burn 
And  whatfoever  men  do  (according  to  T.  H.  )  they  doit  as  necelTarjiy ,  as  the  fire* 
burneth.  Hang  up  a  Thoufand  Thieves  ,  and  if  a  man  be  determined  inevitably  to 
fteal,  he  mud  fteal  notvvithftanding.  ' 

He  adds ,  that  the  fufferings  impofed  by  the  Lan>  upon  delinquents  ,  refpe&  not  the 
evil  a&  paft,  but  the  good  to  come,  and  that  the  putting  of  a  delinquent  ]o  death  by  the 
Magiiirate  fir  any  crime  whatfoever  ,  cannot  be  jujitfied  before  God  ,  except  there  be  a  real 
intention  to  benefit  others  by  bis  example.  The  truth  is,  the  punifliing  of  delinquents 
by  Law  ,  refpedcth  both  the  evil  ad  part  ,  and  the  good  to  come.  The  ground 
of  it ,  is  the  evil  ad  paft  i  the  fcope  or  end  of  it ,  is  the  good  to  come.  The  end 
without  the  ground  cannot  juftifie  the  ad.  A  bad  intention  may  make  a  good  a- 
dion  bad  •.  but  a  good  intention  cannot  make  a  bad  adion  good.  It  is  not  Law- 
ful to  do  evil ,  that  good  may  come  of  it,  nor  to  punifli  an  innocent  perfon  for 
the  admonition  of  others  i  that  is  to  fall  into  a  certain  crime  ,  for  fear  of  an  un- 
certain. Again,  though  there  were  no  other  end  of  penalties  inflided,  neither  pro- 
batory ,  nor  caftigatory  ,  nor  exemplary ,  but  onely  vindicatory ,  to  fatisrie  the 
Law  ,  out  of  a  Zeal  of  Juftice  ,  by  giving  to  every  one  his  own  ,  yet  the  adion  is 
juft  and  warrantable.  Killing  ,  as  it  is  confidered  in  it  felf  without  all  undue  cir- 
cumftances ,  was  never  prohibited  to  the  Lawful  Magiftrate  ,  who  is  the  Vice^^erent 
or  Lieutenant  of  God  ,  from  whom  he  derives  hispovver  of  Life  and  Death  ^ 

T.  H  hath  one  plea  more.  Asa  drowning  mancatcheth  at  every  Bulrufh'  fo  he 
lays  hold  on  every  pretence  to  fave  a  defperate  caufe.  But  firft,  it  is  worth  o'ur  ob- 
fervation  to  fee  how  oft  he  changeth  Hiapes  in  this  one  particular.  Firft  he  told  us 
that  it  was  the  irrefiftible  power  of  God  that  juftifies  all  his  adions    't'louah  h- 

Kkkk  2.  '  ^ 


com- 


-gg^- ^yi  Vmdication  of  true  Liberty  TOME  1  1  f ■ 

^^;;;;and  one  thing  openly  ,  and  plot  another  thing  fecretly     though   he  be  the 

raufe  not  onelv  of  the  adtion,  but  alfo  of  the  irregularity,  though  he  both  give  man 
power  to  aft  and  determine  this  pow"  to  evil  as  well  as  good  i  though  he  puni(h 
the  Creatures  for  doing  that  which  he  himlelt  did  necelhtate  them  to  do.    But  bc- 
in2  prefled  w'ith  reafon,  that  this  is  tyrannical  i  Firft,  to  necelfitate  a  man  to  do  his 
wHI  and  then  to  punifh  him  for  doing  of  it ,  he  leaves  this  pretence  in  the  plain 
field'  and  flies  toa  fecond.  That  therefore  a  man  is  jul^ly  puniflied  ,  for  that  which 
he  was  necefsitated  to  do ,  becaufe  the  adl  was  voluntary  on  his  part.    This   hath 
more  (hew  of  reafon  than  the  former,  if  he  did  make  the  will  of  man  to  be  in  his 
own  difpofition  ,  but  maintaining,  that  the  will  is  irrelillibly  determined    to  will 
whatfoever  it  doth  will,  the  injulHce  and  abfurdity  is  the  fames  Firit,  to  necefsitatc 
a  man  to  will, and  then  to  puni(h  him  for  willing.   The  dog  onely  bites  the  Hone 
which  is  thrown  at  him  with  a  ftrange  hand,  but  they  make  the  rirft  caufe  to  punifh 
the  inftrument,  for  that  which  is  his  own  proper  i&.  Wherefore  not  being  fatished 
with  this,  he  calls  it  oif,  and  flies  to  his  third  fliift.   Men  are  not  punijhed  (  faith  he  ) 
therefore,  becaufe  their  theft  proceeded  from  ek^ion  (that  is,  becaufe  it  was  willingly 
done,  for  to  Eled  and  Will ,  faith  he ,  are  both  onei  Is  not  this  to  blow  hot  and 
cold  with  the  fame  breath  >  )  httt  becaufe  it  was  noxious  and  contrary  to  mens  preferva- 
tion.  Thus  far  he  faith  true  ,  that  every  creature  by  the  inftind  of  nature,  feeks  to 
preferve  it  felfi  caft  water  into  a  dufty  place,  and  it  contrads  it  felf  into  little  globes, 
that  is,  to  preferve  it  fclf.  And  thofe  who  arc  noxious  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  ,  are 
jurtly  punifhed  by  them  to  whom  the  execution  of  the  Law  is  committedi  but  the 
Law  accounts  no  perfons  noxious,  but  thofe  who  are  noxious  by  their  own  fault. 
It  punifheth  not  a  thorn  for  pricking,  becaufe  it  is  the  nature  of  the  thorn ,  and  it 
can  do  no  otherwife  nor  a  child  before  it  have  the  ufe  of  reafon.  If  one  fliould  take 
mine  hand  perforce,  and  give  another  a  box  on  the  ear  with  it,  my  hand  is  noxi- 
ous, but  the  Law  punilheth  the  other  who  is  faulty.  And  therefore  he  hath  reafon 
to  propofe  the  Queflion,  hon>  it  is  ju(l  to  kill  one  man  to  amend  another  ,  if  he  rvho  h^Ved 
did  nothing  but  tohat  he  was  necefsitated  to  do.  He  might  as  well  demand  how  it  is 
lawful  to  murther  a  company  of  innocent  Infants  to  make  a  Bath  of  their  lukewarm 
blood,  for  curing  the  Leprofie.  It  had  been  a  more  rational  way  \  Firft,  to  have  de- 
monftrated  that  it  is  fo,  and  then  to  have  queftioned   why  it  is  fo.  His  Aflertion  it 
felf  is  but  a  dieam,  and  the  reafon  which  he  gives  of  it  v/hy  it  is  fo,  is  a  dream  of  a 
dream. 

The  fum  of  it  is  this;  "that  where  there  is  no  Law^there  1:0  kjUing  or  any  thing  elfe  can 
he  unjufi  ■,  that  before  the  conftitution  of  Commonwealths  every  man  had  power  to  kjft  a- 
ttother ,  if  be  conceived  him  to  be  hurtful  to  him  s  that  at  the  conjiitution  of  Common- 
wealths^ particular  men  lay  down  this  right  in  part,  and  ir.  part  rejerve  it  to  them" 
felves  ,  as  in  cafe  of  theft ,  or  Murder.  Ihat  the  right  which  the  Commonwealth  hath  U 
put  a  malefador  to  death  is  not  created  by  the  Law  ,  but  remaineth  from  the  firfi  right  of 
Nature ,  which  every  man  hath  to  preferve  himfelf,  that  the  killing  of  men  in  this  cafe 
U  as  the  k^Ving  of  beajis  in  order  to  our  own  prefervation.  This  may  well  be  called 
ftringing  of  Paradoxes. 

But  ftrft,  there  never  was  any  fuch  time,  when  mankind  was  without  Governors 
and  Laws,  and  Societies.  Paternal  Government  was  in  the  World  from  the  begin- 
ning, and  the  Law  of  Nature.  There  might  be  fometimes  a  root  of  fuch  barbarous 
Theevifli  Brigants,  in  fome  rocks,  or  defarts,  or  odd  corners  of  the  World  ,  but  it 
was  an  abufe  and  a  degeneration  from  the  nature  of  man  ,  who  is  a  political  crea- 
ture.    This  favage  opinion  refleds  too  much  upon  the  honour  of  mankind. 

Secondly,  There  never  was  a  time  when  it  was  Lawful  ordinarily  for  private  men 
to  kill  one  another  for  their  own  prefervation.  If  God  would  have  had  men  live 
like  Wild  Beads  ,  as  Lyons  ,  Bears  or  Tygers,  he  would  have  armed  them  with 
horns ,  orTu^^ks  ,  or  Talons ,  or  Pricks  i  but  of  all  creatures  man  is  born  moft 
naked  ,  without  any  weapon  to  defend  himfelf,  becaufe  God  had  provided  a  bet- 
ter means  of  fecurity  for  him  ,  that  is  ,  the  Magilka  te. 

Thirdly,  that  right  which  private  men  have  to  preferve  themfelves  ,  though  it 
be  with  the  killing  of  another  ,  when  they  arefet  upon  to  be  murdered  or  robbed, 
is  not  a  remainder  or  a  relerve  of  fome  greater  power  which  they  have  refigned, 

but 


Discourse    I*  ^g''i"fi  M.r.  Hobs*  5S2 

but  a  priviledge  which  God  hath  given  them  ,  in  cafe  of  extreme  danger  and  in- 
vincible necedity ,  that  when  they  cannot  polfibly  have  recourfe  to  the  ordinary  re- 
medy ,  that  is ,  the  Magifirate ,  every  man  becomes  a  Magirtrate  to  himfelf. 

Fourthly,  nothing  can  give  that  which  it  never  had  i  the  people,  whileft  they 
were  a  difperfed  rabble  (  which  in  fome  odd  cafes  might  happen  to  be  )  never  had 
juftly  the  power  of  Life  and  Death  ,  and  therefore  they  could  not  give  it  by  their 
cledion.  All  that  they  do  is  to  prepare  the  matter  ,  but  it  is  God  Almighty  ,  that 
infufeth  the  Soul  of  power. 

Fifthly  and  Laftly,    I  am  forry  to  hear  a  man  of  teafon  and  parts  to  compare  the 
murdering  of  men  with  the  llaughtering  of  brute  beads.     The  elements  are  for  the 
Plants,  the  Plants  for  the  brute  hearts  ,  the  brute  hearts  for  man.     When  God  in- 
larged  his  former  grant  to  man  ,  and  gave  him  liberty  to  eat  the  flerta  of  the  Crea- 
tures for  his  fuftenance  ,  Gen.  p.  3.     Yet  man  is  expreily  excepted  ,  ver.  6.  who  fo 
Jheddeth  mans  bloud^,  by  man  Jhall  hii  blood  be  (hed.     And  the  reafon  is   alfigned  ,  for 
in  the  image  of  God  made  he  man.  Before  fin  entred  into  the  World,  or  before  any  crea- 
tures were  hurtful,  or  noxious  to  man,  he  had  dominion  over  them  ,  as  their  Lord 
and  Mafter.     And  though  the  poflellion   of  this  Soveraignty  be  loft  in  part ,  for 
the  fin  of  Man  ,  which  made  not  onely  the  Creatures  to  Rebel ,   but  alfo  the  infe- 
riour  faculties ,   to  Rebel  againrt  the  Superiour ,  from  whence  it  comes,  that  one 
man  is  hurtful  to  another  ,  yet  the  Dominion  ftill  remains*  wherein  we  may  obferve 
how  fweetly  the  Providence  of  God  doth  temper  this  Crois,that  though  the  ftrong- 
eft  creatures  have  withdrawn  their  obedience,  as  Lions  and  Bears,  to  {hew  that 
man  hath  loft  the  excellency  of  his  Dominion,  and  the  weakeft  creatures,  as  flies 
and  gnats,  to  fhcw  into  what  a  degree  of  contempt  he  is  fallen,  yet  ftill  the  moft 
profitable  and  ufeful  creatures  ,  as  Sheep  and  Oxen ,  do  in  fome  degree  retain  their 
obedience. 

The  next  Branch  of  his  anfwer  concerns  confultatfons  ,  tphich  (  faith  he  )  art 
not  fuperfluous ,    though  all  things  come   to  pafs  neceffarily^  becaufe  they  are  the  caufe 
tvhich  djtb  necejjitate  the  efeU ,  and  the  means  to  bring  it  to  pafi.     We  were  told  Numb. 
1 1,  that  the  laft  didate  of  right  reafon  was  but  as  the  laft  feather  which  breaks  the 
Horfes  back.     It  is  well ,  yet  that  reafon  hath  gained  fome  command  again ,  and 
is  become  at  leaft  a  Quarter-mafter.     Certainly  it"  any  thing  under  God  have  power 
to  determin  the  will,  it  is  right  reafon.     But  I  have  (hewed  fufficiently  ,  that 
reafon  doth  not  determin  the  will  Phyfically ,  nor  abfolutely  ■■,  much  lefs  extrinfe- 
cally,  and  antecedently  ,  and  therefore  it  makes  nothing  for  that  necelfity   which 
T!,  H.  hath  undertaken  to  prove.  He  adds  farther,  that  as  the  end  is  necejjary  ,  fo  are 
the  means  i  and  when  it  is  determined ,  that  one  thing  Jhall  be  chnfen  before  another ,  it  is 
determined  alfo  for  what  caufe  it  Jhall  he  chofen.     All  which  is  truth,  but  not  the  whole 
truth  i  for  as  God  ordains  means  for  all  ends,  fo  he  adapts  and  fits  the  means  to 
their  refpedive  ends ,  free  means  to  free  ends, contingent  means  to  contingent  ends, 
neceflary  means  to  neceflary  ends ,  whereas  T.  H.  would  have  all  means ,  all  ends , 
to  be  nec:/rary.     If  God  hath  fo  ordered  the  World  ,   that  a  man  ought  to  ule  and 
may  freely  u{e  thofe  means  of  good  :  which  he  doth  negled',  not  by  virtue  of  Gods 
decree  ,  but  by  his  own  fault  •,  If  a  man  u(e  thofe  means  of  evil,  which  he  ought 
not  to  ufe,  and  which  by  Gods  decree,  he  had  power  to  forbear-,  If  God  have  left  to 
man  in  part  the  free  managcry  of  human  affairs ,  and  to  that  purpofehath  endow- 
ed him  with  underrtanding  ,  then  confultations  are  of  u(e ,  then  provident  care  is 
needful ,  then  it  concerns  him  to  ufe  the  means.     But  if  God  have  fo  ordered  this 
World  ,  that  a  man  cannot ,  if  he  would  ,  ncgledl  any  means  of  good  ,  which  by 
virtue  of  Gods  decree  it  is  polfible  for  him  to  ufe  ,  and  that  he  cannot  poliibly  ufe 
any  means  of  evil ,  but  thofe  which  are  irrefiftibly  and  inevitably  impofed  upon  him 
.byanantecedentdecree,  then  not  only  confultations  arevain,  but  that  noble  faculty  of 
reafon  it  felf  is  vain  ;  do  we  think  that  we  can  help  God  Almighty  to  do  his  proper 
work  ?  In  vain  we  trouble  our  felves ,   in  vain  we  take  care  to  ufe  thofe  mean-, 
which  are  not  in  our  power  to  ufe  ,  or  not  to  ufe.     And  this  is  that  which  was 
contained  in  my  Proiepfis  or  prevention  ofhis  anfwer,  though  he  be  pleafed  both  to 
diforder  it ,  and  to  filence  it.     We  cannot  hope  by  our  labours,  to  alter  the  courfe 
of  things  fet  down  by  God  ,  let  him  perform  his  decree,  let  the  necelTary  caufcs  do 

their 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TOME 

Xir  work     If  we  be  tlu^c  caufes ,  yet  we  are  not  in  our  own  diipofition  ,  we 

1  7      u.t  vcp  are  ordained  to  do  ,    and  more  we  cannot  do.     Man  hath  no  rc- 

mul  do  what  we^'^e  ^^^  (houlders.     This  is  the  Doftrme  flows  from 

m.dy  but  Patie^n^^j^^^f^;;^  ll^^^.y^.     Let  us  fuppofe  the  great  Wheel  of  the  Clock 

r  ffis"all  the  little  Wheels  a  going  ,  to  be  as  the  Decree  of  God  ,  and  that  the 

■      r>f  if  were  perpetual  infallible  trom  an  intrinfecal  principle  ,  even  as  Gods 

r'cds  Infallible  ,  Eternal ,  All-fufficient.     Let  us  fuppofe  the  lefler  wheels  to  be 

the  «ccond  caufes ,' and  that  they  do  as  certainly  follow  the  motion  of  the  great 

wheel     without  milling  or  fwerving  in  the  leali  degree  ,  as  the  fccond  caufes  do 

nurfue  the  determination  of  the  firft  caufe.     I  defire  to  know  in  this  cafe  what  caufe 

there  is  to  call  a  Council  of  Smiths  ,  toconfultand  order  the  motion  of  that  which 

ordered  and  determined  before  their  hand?.     Are  men  wifer  than  God>   yet  all  men 

know  that  the  motion  of  the  lefler  Wheels  is  a  neceflary  means  to  make  the  Clock 

ftrike. 

But  he  tells  me  in  great  fadnef^  that  my  argument  is  ]:tli  lik^  this  other;  Ifljhjlllive 
till  to  morrow^  I  (hall  live  till  to  morrove ,  though  I  run  my  filf  through  with  a  (coord  to  day , 
which  faith  /;e,  ix  afalfe  confequence  and  afalfefropofittoH.  Truly,  if  by  running  through, 
he  underrtands  killing- it  is  a  falfe,  or  rather  a  fooliih  propofition,  and  implies  a  con- 
tradi<ftion.  To  live  till  to  morrow,  and  to  day  to  dye,  are  inconfi(knt.  But  by  his 
favour  this  is  not  my  confequence  ,  but  this  is  his  own  opinion.  He  would  per- 
fwadeus ,  that  it  isabfolutely  neceflary  ,  that  a  man  (hall  live  till  to  morrow  ,  and 
yet  that  'it  is  poilible  that  he  may  kill  himfelf  to  day.  My  Argument  is  this.  If 
there  be  a  Liberty  and  poliibility  for  a  man  to  kill  hinafelf  to  day,  then  it  is  not  ab- 
folutely  neceflary  ,  that  he  (hall  live  till  to  morrow  •,  but  there  is  fuch  a  Liberty 
therefore  no  fuch  neceflity.  And  the  confequence  which  I  make  here  is  this.  If  it 
be  abfolutely  neceflary  ,  that  a  man  (hall  live  till  to  morrow  ,  then  it  is  vain  and 
fuperfluous  for  him  to  confult  and  deliberate  ,  whether  he  fliould  die  to  day,  or 
not.  And  tliis  is  a  true  confequence :  the  ground  of  his  miflake  is  this,  that  though 
it  be  true,  that  a  man  may  kill  himfelf  to  day,  yet  upon  the  fuppofition  ofhisab- 
folute  necellity  it  is  impoHible.  Such  Heterogeneous  arguments  and  inftances  he 
produceth,  which  are  half  builded  upon  our  true  grounds,  and  the  other  half  upon 

his  falfe  grounds. 

The  next  Branch  of  my  Argument  concerns  admonitions,  to  which  he  gives  no 
new  anfwer  ,  and  therefore  I  need  not  make  any  new  reply,  faving  only  to  tell  him, 
that  he  miikkes  my  argument  •,  I  fay  not  only ,  if  all  things  be  nece(rary ,  then  ad- 
monitions are  in  vain,  but  if  all  things  be  neceffary,  then  it  is  no  more  purpofe  to 
admonifli  men  of  underflanding  than  fools,  children,  or  mad-men.  That  they  do 
admonifli  the  one  and  not  the  other  ,  is  confe(redly  true  i  and  noreafon  under  Hea- 
ven can  be  given  for  it  but  this  ,  that  the  former  have  the  ufe  of  reafon  ,  and  true 
Liberty  with  a  Dominion  over  their  own  adions ,  w  hich  Children  ,  Fools  and 
Mad-men  have  not. 

Concerning  praife  and  difpraife,  he  inlargeth  himfelf.  The  fcope  ofhis  difcourfe  is 
that  things  necefiary  may  he  praife-worthy.     There  is  no  doubt  .of  it  ,   but  withal  their 
praife  refleds  upon  the  free  agent ,  as  the  praife  of  the  Itatue  refledisupon  the  work- 
man who  made  it.     7o  praife  a  thing  (  faith  he  )  U  to  fay  ,  it  is  good.     True ,  but 
this  goodnefs  is  not  a  Metaphyfical  goodnefs,  fo  the  worft  of  things  ,  and  what(o- 
ever  hath  a  being,  is  good.     Nor  a  natural  goodnefs;  the  praife  of  that  pafTeth  who- 
ly  to  the  Author  of  Nature  s  God  faw  all  that  he  had  made  ,  and  it  was  very  good. 
But  a  moral  goodnefs,  or  a  goodnefs  of  adtions  rather  than  of  things.     The  mo- 
ral goodnefs  of  an  adion  is  the  conformity  of  it  with  right  reafon.     The  moral  e- 
vil  of  an  atftion  ,  is  the  difformity  of  it  ,  and  the  alienation  of  it  from  right  reafon. 
It  is  moral  praife  and  difpraife  which  we  fpeak  of  here.     To  praife  any  thing   mo- 
rally ,   is  to  fay,  it  is  morally  good  ,  that  is  ,  conformable  to  right  reafon.  •   The 
moral  difpraife  of  a  thing  is  to  fay,  it  is  morally  bad ,  or  difagreeing  from  the  rule 
of  right   reafon.     Si    moral    praife  is  from  the  good   ufe  of  Liberty,     moral 
difpraife  from  the  bad  ufe  of  Liberty:  but  if  all  things  be  nece(rary,  than  moral  Li- 
berty is  quite  taken  away  ,  and  with  it  all  true  praife  and  difpraife.  Whereas  T,  H. 
adds  ,  that  to  fay  a  thing  vs  good,  is  to  fay  ^  it  is  .«  J  teotild  nrijh  ,  or  as  anoihtr  vpould 

wijh 


nil  I  . _  

Discourse   I.  againfi  Mr.  Hobs-  ^S" 

Tpi^  ,  or  as  another  wonld  tvifh  ,  or  as  the  State  would  have  it ,  or  according  to  the  Law 
of  the  Land ,  he  miftakes  infinitely.     He  and  another  ,  and  the  State  ,  may  all  v;i(h 
that  which  is  not  really  good,  but  only  in  appearance.     We  do  often  wilh    whit  is 
proHtablejOr  delightful,  without  regarding  fo  much  as  we  ought  what  is  honeft.  And 
though  the  will  of  the  State  where  we   live.,    or  the    Law  of  the  Land  do  de- 
ferve  great  confideration,yet  it  is  no  infallible  rule  of  moral  goodnefs.     And  there- 
fore to  his  queftion  ,  vehethsr  nothing  that  proceeds  from  necejjity  can  pleafe   me  ,  I  an- 
fwer ,  yes.     The  burning  of  the  tire  pleafeth  me  when  I  am  cold  ■■,   And  I  fay  ,  it  is 
good  rire ,  or  a  creature  created  by  God ,  for  my  ufe ,  and  for  my  good  :  Yet  I 
do  not  mean  to  attribute  any  moral  goodnefs  to  the  hre,   nor  give  any  moral  praife 
to  it,  as  if  it  were  in  the  power  of  the  Hre  it  felf ,  either  to  communicate  its  heat, 
or  to  fufpend  it ,  but  I  praife  firft  the  Creator  of  the  rire  ,  and  then  him  who  pro- 
vided it.     As  for  the  praife  which  Vellejuf  Paterculus  gives  Cato :  that  he   was  good 
by  nature  ,  &  quia  aliter  efje  nmt  potitit^  it  hath  more  of  the   Orator   tlian  either  of 
the  Theologian  or  Philofopher  in  it.     Man  in  the  State  of  innocency  did  fall  and 
become  evil ,   what  priviledge  hath  Caw  more  than  he  ?  No,  by  his  leave.     Nar~ 
ratjfr  &  prifci  Catonis.  S^pe  tnero  caluijfe  virtus.  Bu  t  the  true  meanin?  i3,  that  he  was 
natarally  of  a  good  temper,  not  fo  prone  to  fome  kind  of  vices  as  others  were-,  This 
is  to  praife  a  thing  ,  not  an  action  ,  naturally  ,   not  morally.     S  crates  was  not  of 
fo  good  a  natural   temper ,  yet  proved  as  good  a  man  i  the  more  his  praife  ,  by 
how    much  the  difficulty  was  the  more  to  conform  his  diforderly  appetite  to  right 
reafon. 

Concerning  reward  and  punishment ,  he  faith  not  award,  but  only  that  they 
frame  and  conform  the  will  to  good  ,  which  hath  been  fufficiently  arifwered.  Tjey 
do  fo  indeed  ,  but  if  his  opinion  were  true  ,  they  could  not  do  fo.  But  becau(e 
my  aim  is  not  only  to  anfwer  T.  H.  but  alfo  to  fatisfie  my  felfi  though  it  be  riot  ur- 
ged by  him,  yet  I  do  acknowledge  ,  that  I  find  fom;  improper  and  analogical  re- 
wards and  punilhments  ufed  to  brute  beads ,  as  the  hunter  rewards  his  do<»  ,  the 
Milter  of  the  Coy-duck  whipps  her,  when  (he  returns  without  company.  Aad  if 
it  be  true,  which  he  affirmeth  a  little  before,  that  I  have  confelTed  ,  that  the  acf  ions 
of  brute  beads  are  all  necefjitated  and  determined  to  that  one  thing  rvhich  they  Jf^ali  do 
the  difBculty  is  increafed. 

But  rirll  ,  my  faying  is  mifalledged.  I  faid  that  fom;  kinds  of  adt-ions  which 
are  molt  excellent  in  brute  hearts,  and  make  the  greateil  fiiew  of  reafon  ,  as  the 
Bees  working  their  honey ,  and  the  Spiders  weaving  their  Webbs ,  are  yet  done 
without  any  confultation  ,  or  deliberation,  by  a  meer  inftinft  of  nature  ,  and  by 
a  determination  of  their  fancies ,  to  thefe  only  kinds  of  works.  But  I  did  never 
fay,  I  could  not  (ay  ,  that  all  their  individual  adions  are  neceffary  ,  and  antece- 
dently determined  in  their  caufes,  as  what  days  the  Bees  (hall  flie  abroad,  and  what 
days  and  hours  each  Bee  (hall  keep  in  the  Hive,  how  often  they  ("hall  fetch  in  Thyme 
on  a  day ,  and  from  whence.  Thefe  atftions  and  the  like  ,  though  they  be  not  free, 
becaufe  brute  beafis  want  reafon  to  deliberate ,  yet  they  are  contingent ,  and  there- 
fore not  nece(riry. 

Secondly  ,  I  do  acknowledge  ,  that  as  the  fancies  of  fome  brute  creatures  are  de- 
termined by  nature  ,  to  fome  rare  and  exquifite  works,  foin  others  ,  where  it  finds 
a  natural  propenllon  ,  Art  which  is  the  imitator  of  Nature  ,  may  frame  and  form 
them  according  to  the  will  of  the  Artift,  to  fome  particular  adionsand  ends,  as  we  fee 
in  Setting-dogs,  and  Coy-ducks,  and  Parrots  i  and  the  principal  means  whereby 
they  etfed  this  is, by  their  backs  ,  or  by  their  bellies,  by  the  rod,  or  by  the  morfel, 
which  have  indeed  a  (hadow  ,  or  refemblance  of  rewards  and  punifhments.  Bit 
we  take  the  word  here  properly  ,  not  as  it  is  ufed  by  vulgar  people,  but  as  it  is  uC;d 
by  Divines  and  Philofophers ,  for  that  recoTip^nce  which  is  due  to  honell  and  dif 
honert  adions.  Where  there  is  no  moral  Liberty ,  there  is  neither  honeftynor  dif- 
ho  le  ty  ,  neither  true  reward  nor  punifhment. 

Thirdly ,  when  brute  creatures  do  learn  any  fuch  qualities ,  it  is  not  oat  of  judg- 
ment,  or  deliberation  ,  or  difcourfe,  by  inferring  or  concluding  one  thing  from 
another,  which  they  are  not  capable  of.  Neither  are  they  able  to  conceive  a  reafon 
of  what  they  do,  but  m:erly  out  of  memory  ,  or  out  of  a  fealltive  fear  ,  or  hope. 

They 


e'r^s 


^A  y  indication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  1 1  L 


mv  remember  ,  tluc  when  they  did  alter  one  manner  they  were  beaten  i  and 
when  they  did  after  another  manner  ,  they  were  cherifhed  and  accordingly  they 
aoDlv  themfelves.  But  it  their  individual  adions  were  abfolutely  nccellary  ,  kar 
or  hope  could  not  alter  them.  Mort  certamly  ,  if  there  be  any  defert  in  it ,  or  any 
praifcs  due  unto  it ,  it  is  to  them  who  did  inllrud  them.  ^  ■      , 

La/liy ,  concerning,  Arts  ,  Arms  ,  Books  ,  Inltruments  ,  Study  ,  Fhyfick  and 
the  like  he  anfwtrs  no  not  a  word  more  than  what  is  already  fatisried.  And  there- 
fore I  am  filent.  ...  ,.        ,  .     ,       •    i     r  i       . 

Thirdly ,  Let  this  opinion  be  once  radicated  in  the  minds  or  men,  that  there  is  no 
true  Liberty  ,  and  that  all  things  come  to  pafs  inevitably,  and  it  will  utterly  deftroy 
the  S'udy  of  pii-ty.  Who  will  bewail  his  Sins  with  tears .''  what  will  become  of 
that  Grief,  that  Ztal  ,  that  Indignation  ,  that  Holy  Revenge  ,  which  the  ApolUe 
fpeaks  of,  if  men  be  once  throughly  perfwaded  that  they  could  not  fliun  what  they 
did  ?  Am  n  may  grieve  for  that  which  he  could  not  help  ,  but  he  will  never  be 
brought  to  bewail  that ,  as  his  own  fault ,  which  flowed  not  from  his  own  errour, 
but  from  an  antecedent  nccelh'ty.  Who  will  be  careful  or  folicitous  to  perform  o- 
bedience  ,  that  bclieveth  ,  there  are  inevitable  bounds  and  limits  fet  to  all  his  devo- 
tions, which  he  can  neither  go  beyond  ,  nor  come  (hort  of?  To  what  end  fhall  he 
pray  God  to  avert  thofe evils  which  are  Inevitable,  or  to  confer  thofe  favours  which 
are  Impoflible  ?  We  indeed  know  not  what  good  or  evilfhall  happen  to  iis  ,  but 
this  we  know ,  that  if  all  things  be  neceffary  our  Devotions  and  Indeavours  cannot 
alter  that  which  muft  be.  In  a  word,  the  only  reafon,  why  thofe  perfons  who  tread  in 
this  path  of  fatal  dcftiny  do  fometimes  Pray,  or  Repent ,  or  Serve  God  ,  is  becaufe 
the  light  of  nature  and  the  ilrength  of  reafon,  and  the  evidence  of  Scripture,  do  for 
that  prefent  tranfport  them  from  their  ill  chofen  grounds,  and  expel  thofe  Stoical  fan- 
cies out  of  their  heads  ■■>  a  compleat  Stoick  can  neither  Pray  ,  nor  Repent ,  nor  Serve 
God  to  any  purpofe.  Either  allow  Liberty ,  or  defiroy  Church  ,  as  well  as  Com- 
monwealth ,  Religion  as  well  as  Policy. 
J.  Z/f  uij  third  Argument  confjhth  inl  other  inconvemevces  rehich  he  faith  will  follow  ^tfamly 

impiety  &  negligence  of 'Religious  duties  ^repentance  and  zeal  to  Gads  fervice.  To  which  I 
anfner  ,  as  to  the  refi,  that  thty  follow  not.  J  wufi  corftjs^  if  we  confdtrfer  the  greatefi  part 
cfmaiikjnd,not  as  they  flioidd  be,hut  as  they  are  ^that  is  ^as  men  whom  either  the  fiudy  of  ac- 
quiring wealthy  or  frtferments^nr  whom  the  appetite  cf  fenfuall  delights^orimpatience  of  me- 
ditating^ or  the  rajh  imbrjcing  of  wrongprinciples^  have  made  unapt  to  difcuffe  the  truth  of 
things^  that  the  difpv-te  of  this  quefiion  will  rather  hurt  than  help  their  piety.    And  there fure 
if  he  had  not  dtfired  this  anfwer^  J  would  not  have  written  it.  Nor  do  I  write  it,  but  in  hope 
your  Lordjhip^andhewill  k£(p  it  in  privat.Neverthelefs  in  vtry  truth,  the  necejfity  of  events 
doa  not  nf  it  f elf  draw  with  it  any  impiety  at  all.For  piety  confifleth  onely  in  two  things  \ 
One^that  we  honour  God  in  our  hearts ^which  is^that  we  think^of  his  power  as  highly  as  we 
canjor  to  honour  any  thing  is  nothing  els  hut  to  thn>l{itto  he  of  great  power.  The  other  ^that 
wefgnifie  that  honour  aiidejieem  by  our  words  and  actions,  which  is  called  cuhus,  or  wor- 
(hip  of  God.  He  therefore  that  thinkeththat  all  things  proceed  from  Ceds  Eternal  I  will,  and 
confequently  are  necfjjur)',  does  he  not  ihinh^God  Omnipotent  ?  do(s  he  not  (fteem  of  his 
power  as  highly  as  pojfihle^which  is  to  honour  God  as  much  as  can  be  in  his  heart.Again,he 
that  think^thfo,  is  he  not  more  apt  by  externall  ads  and  words  to  aclqicwledge    it,  then  he 
that  think^th  otherwifiFJet  is  this  externall  ackjiowledgemettt  the  fame  thing  which  we  call 
worJhip.So  this  opinion  frtifieth  piety  in  both  kjnds,  externally,  internally,  and  therefore  is 
far  from  dellrnying  it.    And  jor  repentance,  which  is  nothing  but  a  glad  returning  into  the 
right  way,  after  the  grirfoj  being  out'  of  the  way,  though  the  caufe  that  made  him  go  aftray 
were  neceffary,  yet  there  is  no  reafon  why  he  fhiuld  not  grieve\and  againe,  though  the  caufe 
■why  he  returned  into  the  way  were  neciffary,  there  remainesjiill  the  caufes  of  joy.  So  that 
the  necefftty  of  the  aCtions  tak^th  away  neithir  of  thofe  parts  of  repentance  ,  grief  for  the  er- 
rour, nor  joy  for  the  returning.  And  for  prayer,  whereas  he  faith,  that  the  neccjfity  of  things 
dejlroyes  prayer,  J  deriy  it.   For  though  prayer  he  none  of  the  caufes  that  moove  Gds  will 
his  will  being  unchangehle,yetfnce  we  find  in  Gods  word,  he  will  not  give  his  bUffing^s  but 
to  thife  that  ask,^  them,  the  motive  to  prayer  is  the  fame :  prayer  is  thegift  of  God,  no  left  than 
the  hleffings.    And  the  prayer  is  decreed  together  in  the  fame  decree  wherein  the  bliffing  is 
decreed,  lis  manifeji,thjt  thankjgivingis  no  caufe  of  the  blejfingpajJ-^Andthat  which  is  pafl 


Discourse  I.  againji  Mr.  Hobs-  ^g-, 


iffure&  iieceffary.  let  even  amongfimen^  thank^  isintife  as  an  ackttorvkdgmertt  of  the  benefit 

pali^thuitgh  XPe  fl^mldexpea  MO  nen>  benefit  for  our  gratitude.  And  prayer  to  God  Almighty  isbitt 
thanksgiving  for  his  bleffi'igs  in  general  •,  and  though  it  precede  theparticular  thing  n>e  asl^^ 
yet  it  if  not  a  caufe  or  means  of  it. but  afignijrcation  that  rve  exfeB  nothing  but  from  God^  in  fiich 
manner  as  he,not  as  rve  rvill.  And  our  Savior  by  rvord  of  mouth  bids  us  pray  ^  Thy  wiZ/,  not  our 
tPillbe  done^andby  example  teaches  us  the  famc.for  he  prayed  f/:)«j-,Father,if  it  be  thy  will, 
let  this  cup  pafs,  &.  7he  end  of  prayer,  as  of  thanksgiveing^  is  not  to  move,  but  honour  God 
Almighty,  in  ackitorvledgi'tg  that  what  rve  ask^can  he  effifted  by  him  only. 

I  hope  T.  H.will  b:  pcrfwaded  in  time,  that  it  is  not  the  coveteoufnefs,  or  ambiti-        .J  T>. 
•  on  ,  or  fenfuality  ,   or  floth  ,  or  prejudice  of  his  Readers  which  renders  this  Do- 
drrine  of  abfolute  necellky  dangerous  ,  but  that  it  is  in  its  own  nature  deftrudive  to 
true  Godlinefs  s  and  though  his  anfwer  confilt  moreofoppofitions  than  offolutions 
yet  I  will  not  willingly  leave  one  Grain  of  his  matter  unweighed.     Firll      he  errs 
in  making  inward  piety  to  confift  meerly  in  the  eltimation  of  the  judgement.      If 
this  were  fo  ,  what  hinders  but  that  the  Devils  (hould  have  as  much  inward  piet  y 
as  the  bert  Chriftians ,  for  they  efteem   Gods  power  to  be  infinite,  and  tremble  ? 
though  inward  piety  dofuppofe  the  ad  of  the  underilanding  ,  yet  it  confilteth  pro- 
perly in  the  adt  of  the  will ,  being  that  branch  of  Juftice  which  gives  to  God  the 
honour  which  is  due  unto  him.     Is  there  no  Love  due  to  God,  no  Faith,  no  hope.? 
Secondly  ,  he  errs  in  making  inward  piety  to  afcribe  no  Glory  to  God  ,  but  onely 
the  Glory  of  his  Power  or  Omnipotence.     What  (hall  become  of  all  other  the  di- 
vine attributes  ,  and  particularly  of  his  goodnefi,  of  his  truth  ,  of  his  Juftice,  of 
his  mercy ,  which  beget  a  more  true  and  fincere  honour  in  the  heart  than  greatne(s 
itfelf?    Magnos facile  laudamus,  horns  luhemer.     Thirdly  ,  this  opinion   of  abfolute 
neceifity  deltroys  the  truth  of  God  ,   making  him  to  command  one  thing  openly, 
and  to  neceilitate  another  privately  ,  to  chide  a  man  for  doing  that   which  it  hath 
determined  him  to  do,  to  profefs  one  thing ,  and   to  intend  another.     It  deilroys 
the  goodnefs  of  God,  making  him  to  be  an  hater  of  mankind  ,  and  to  uejight  in 
the  torments  of  his  creatures,  whereas  the  very  dogs  licked  the  fores  of  La&arm  in 
pitty  and  commiferation  of  him.     It  deftroys  the  Juftice  of  God,  making  J-im  to 
punilTi  the  creatures  for  that  which  was  his  own  adl ,  which  they  had  no  more 
power  to  (hun  ,  than  the  fire  hath  power  not  to  burn.     It  deftroys  the  very  power 
of  God  ,  making  him  to  be  the  true  Author  of  all  the  defedls  and  evils  which  are  in 
the  World.     Thefe  are  the  fruits  of  impotence,    not  of  omnipotence.     Ha  who  is 
the  etfedive  cau(e  of  fin  either  in  himfelf,  or  in  the  creature,  is  not    Almighty. 
There  needs  no  other  D.vil  in  the  World  to  raife  jealoufies  and  fufpitions  between 
God  and  his  Creatures  ,   or  to  poyfon  mankind  with  an  apprehenfion  ,   that  God 
doth  not  love  them  ,  but  onely  this  opinion  ,  which  was  the  Office  of  the  Serpent 
Gf«.  3.5.     Fourthly  ,  for  the  outward  worlhip  of  God.     How  (hall   a  man  praife 
God  for  his  goodnefs  ,   who  believes  him  to  be  a  greater  Tyrant  than  ever  was  in 
the  World  ?  Who  creates  Millions  to  burn  Eternally  without  their  fault,  to  exprefs 
his  power  ?  How  fliall  a  man  hear  the  Word  of  God  with  that  reverence,   and  de- 
votion ,  and  Faith,    which  isrequifite,  who  believeth  that  God  caufeth  his  Gofpel 
to  be  Preached  to  the  much  greater  part  of  Chrillians,  not  with  any  intention  that 
they  fhould  be  converted  and  fa ved  ,  but  meerly  to  hearden  their   hearts,  and  to 
make  them  inexcufable  ?   How  (hall  a  man  receive  the  Bleffed  Sacrament  witii  com- 
fort and  confidence  ,  as  a  Seal  of  Gods  Love  in  Chrift  ,  who  believeth  ,  that  fo  ma- 
ny Millions   are  pofitively  excluded  from  all  fruit   and   benefit   of  the  Pa.'fions  of 
Chrift  ,  before  they  had  done  either  good  or  evil  >  How  fliall  he  prepare  himfelf 
with  care  and  confcience,    who  apprehendeth  ,  that  Eating  and  Drinking  unwor- 
thily is  not  the  caufe  of  damnation,  but  becaufe  God  would  damn  a  man,  there- 
fore he  neceiiitates  him  to  eat  and  drink  unworthily  >  How  fliall  a  man  make  a  free 
vow  to  God  ,  without  grofs  ridiculous  hypocrilie,  who  thinks  he  is  able  toper(^-)rm 
nothing,  but  as  he  is  extrinfecally  neceditated?  Fifthly,  for  repentance,  howiha'I 
a  man  condemn  and  accufe  himfelf  for  his  fins,  who  thinks  himfelf  to  be  like  a 
Watch  which  is  wound  up  by  God  ,  and  that  he  can  go  neither  longer  nor  (horrer, 
fafter  nor  flower  ,  truer  nor  falfer,  than  he  is  ordered  by  God  >  If  God   fees  him 
right ,  he  goes  right.     If  God  fee  him  wrong  ,  he  goes  wrong.     How  can  a  man 

L 111  be 


-^gg A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  1  i  1 

^d  to  return  into  the  right  ^y,  who  never  was  in  any  other  way  ,  but  that 

which  God  himlclf  had  chalked  out  for  him  ?  What  is  his  purpofe  to  amend  ,  who 
k  delUtute  of  all  power ,  but  as  if  a  man  (hould  purpofe  to  fly  without 
winas     or  a  begger  who  hath  not  a  groat  in  his  purfe  ,   purpofe  to  build    Ho- 

"we  u^c  to  fay ,  admit  one  abfurdity  ,  and  a  Thoufand  will  follow.  To  main- 
tain this  unreafonablc  opinion  of  abfolute  necellity,he  is  nccellitated  (but  it  is  Hy- 
pothetically  ,  he  might  change  his  opinion  ,  if  he  would)  to  deal  with  all  antient 
Writers  as'the  G^z/'J' did  with  the  'Romans^  who  deftroyed  all  their  magnificent 
works  'that  there  might  remain  no  monument  of  their  greatnefs  upon  the  face  of 
the  earth.  Therefore  he  will  not  leave  fo  much  as  one  of  their  opinions,  nor  one 
of  their  deiinitions ,  nay,  notone  of  their  tearms  of  Art  ftanding.  Obferve  what 
a  defcription  lie  hath  given  us  here  of  Repentance.  It  is  a  glad  returning  into  the 
right  rvay  ,  ^/'<''"  the  grief  of  being  out  of  the  way.  It  amazed  me  to  find  gladnefi  to 
be  (he  rirft  word  in  the  defcription  of  repentance.  His  repentance  is  not  that  re- 
pentance, nor  his  piety  that  piety  ,  nor  his  Prayer  that  kind  of  Prayer  which  the 
Church  of  God  in  all  Ages  hath  acknowledged.  Fafting  ,  and  Sackcloath,  and  A- 
fhes  ,  and  Tears ,  and  Humi-cubations ,  ufed  to  be  companions  of  repentance.  Joy 
may  be  a  confequent  of  it ,  not  a  part  of  it.  It  is  a  Keturning  ,  but  whofe  aft  is 
this  returning  ?  Is  it  Gods  alone  ,  or  doth  the  penitent  perfon  concur  alfo  freely 
with  the  Grace  of  God?  If  it  be  Gods  alone,  then  it  is  his  repentanee,  not  mans 
repentance  :  what  need  the  penitent  perfon  trouble  himfelf  about  it  ?  God  will 
take  care  of  his  own  work.  The  Scriptures  teach  us  otherwife  ,  that  God  expeds 
our  concurrence.  PvCveJ.  3.  ip.  Be  zealous  and  repent.  Behold  I  ftand  at  the  door  ^ 
and  kitock.  If  any  man  hear  my  voice  ,  and  open  the  door  ,  I  wiU  come  in  to  him.  It  is 
a  sjad  returning  into  the  right  rray.  Who  dare  any  more  call  that  a  wrong  way,  which 
God  him(elf  hath  determined  ?  He  that  willeth  ,  and  doth  that  which  God  would 
have  him  to  will  and  to  do,  is  never  out  of  his  right  way.  It  follows  in  his  de- 
J'  ^'  fcription  ,  after  the  grief  &c.  It  is  true,  a  man  may  grieve  for  that  which  is  necef- 
farily  impofed  upon  him  ,  but  he  cannot  grieve  for  it  as  a  fault  of  his  own  ,  if  it 
never  was  in  his  power  to  fliun  if,  fuppofe  a  Writing-Mafter  fliall  hold  his  Scho- 
lars hand  in  his  ,  and  write  with  it ',  the  Scholars  part  is  only  to  hold  ftill  his  hand  , 
whether  the  Matter  write  well  or  ilh  the  Scholar  hath  no  ground,  either  of  joy  or 
forrow  as  for  himfelf,  no  man  will  interpret  it  to  be  his  adt,  but  his  Matters. 
It  is  no  fault  to  be  out  of  the  right  way,  if  a  man  had  not  Liberty  to  have  kept  him- 
felf in  the  way. 

And  fo  from  repentance  he  skips  quite  over  neve  obedience^  to  come  to  Prayer  , 
which  is  the  latt  Religious    duty    infifted   upon  by  me  here.      But  according 
to  his  ufe,  without  either  anfwering  or  mentioning  what  I  fay,  which  would 
have    fhewed    him    plainly  what  kind  of  Prayer  I  intend  i  not    contemplative 
Prayer    in    general  ,    as    it    includes     thankfgiving  ,    but    that   molt    proper 
kind  of  prayer,  which  we  call  Petition  ,  which  ufed  to  be  thus  defined,  tobe 
an  aU  of  Keligion^by  which  ree  defire  of  Codfomething  which  wehavemt^and  hope  that  we 
Jhall  obtain  it  by  him.     Quite  contrary  to  this  T.H'  t^Hs  us,  that  prayer  is  mtacaufe^nor 
a  meanes  of  Gods  bleflingjjut  only  afgnification  that  we  expeB  it  from  him.     If  he  had  told 
us  only  that  prayer  is  not  a  meritorious  caufe  of  Gods  b]e(fings,as  the  poor  man  by  beg- 
ging an  almes  doth  not  deferveit,Ifliould  have  gone  along  with  him.     But  to  tell  us, 
that  it  is  not  fo  much  as  a  means  to  procure  Gods  bleffing  ,  and  yet  with  the  fame 
breath,  that  God  will  not  give  his  Bkjfings  ,  but  to  thpfe  who  pray,  who  (liall  reconcile 
him  to  himfelf  !*  The  Scriptures  teach  us  otherwife,  What  foever  ye  fhaU  as\the  father 
in  my  Name  ,  he  vpiUgive  it  you  ,  lohn  i  <5  .  23  .     Ask^  and  itjlpail  be  given  you,feeh^and  ye 
JhaVfind  ,kjtock^and  it  fhallbe  openeduntoyou  ,  Matth  .7  .  7  .St.  Paul  teVs  the  Corinthians 
2  Cor  .J  .  I  I  .  that  he  was  helped  by  their  prayers  ,th^ts  not  all ,  that  the  gift  was 
bejiowed  upon  him  by  their  means  :  So  prayer  is  a  means  iand  St.  James  faith  ,  cap.  v. 
16.     The  effeCiual  fervent  prayer  of  a  righteous  man  avaikth  much.     If  it  hz  effectual  ^ 
then  it  is  a  caufe.     To  (hew  this  efficacy  of  prayer  ,  our  Saviour  ufeth  the  compa- 
rifon  of  a  Father  towards  his  Child  ,  of  a  Neighbour  towards  his  Neighbour  ,  yea 
of  an  unjuft  Judge ,  tofi^ame  thofe  who  think  ,  that  God  hath  not  more  compallion 

than 


Discourse     I.  againji    Mr.  Hobs.  53^ 

than  a  wicked  man.  This  was  figniried  by  Jacobs  wreftling  and  prevailint;;  with 
God.  Prayer  is  like  the  Tradefmans  Tools  wherewithal  he  gets  his  living-  for  him- 
fclf,  and  his  family.  But,  faith  he  ,  Ga^j  TriUU  unchangeable.  What  then?  He 
might  as  well  ufe  this  againft  ftudy  ,  Phylkk  ,  and  all  fecond  caufes  ,  as  againlt 
Prayer.  He  (hews  even  in  this,  how  little  they  attribute  to  the  endeavours  of^mcn. 
There  is  a  great  difference  between  thefe  two,  mutare  voluntatem  ^  to  change  the* 
will ,  whith  God  never  doth  ,  in  whom  there  is  not  the  leaff  lliadow  of  turning 
by  change  •,  his  will  to  love  and  hate  ,  was  the  fame  from  eternity,  which  it  now 
is,  and  ever  (hallbe.  His  Love  and  hatred  are  immoveable  ,  but  vve  are  removed 
Non  tellns cymbam  teUnrem  cymba  reliquit ,  and  velle  mntationem  ,  to  will  a  change* 
which  God  often  doth.  To  change  the  will  argues  a  change  in  the  Agent , '  but  to 
will  a  change ,  onely  argues  a  change  in  the  objefl.  It  is  no  inconffancy  in  a  man 
to  Love  or  to  hate ,  as  the  objedt  is  changed.  Pr£fla  mihi  omnia  eadem  &  idemfum. 
Prayer  works  not  upon  God ,  but  us :  it  renders  not  him  more  propitious  in  himfelf 
but  us  more  capable  of  mercy.  He  faith  ,  this  ,  that  God  doth  not  bkfi  of ,  except  rve 
pray ,  //  a  motive  to  Prayer.  Why  talks  he  of  motives  ,  who  acknowledgeth  no  li- 
berty, nor  admits  any  caufe  ,  but  abfolutely  neccfTary  ?  he  faith.  Prayer  irthe  Jft 
of  God ,  no  leji  than  the  bkjftng  rehich  we  pay  for  ,  and  contained  in  the  fame  decreemth 
the  bleftng.  It  is  true  ,  the  Spirit  of  Prayer  is  the  gift  of  God  :  will  he  conclude 
from  thence,  that  the  good  imployment  ofoneTalent,or  of  one  gift  of  God  may  not 
procure  another .?  Our  Saviour  teacheth  us  other  wife,  come  thou  good  and  faithful 
Servant,  thou  ha^  been  faithful  in  little  ^  I  toiUntah^  thee  ruler  over  much.  Too  much 
Light  is  an  enemy  to  the  fight ,  and  too  much  Law  is  an  enemy  tc  Juflice.  I  could 
Willi  we  wrangled  lefs  about  Gods  Decrees ,  until  we  underffood  them  betten  But 
faith  he  ,  Thankfgiving  is  no  caufe  of  the  Blelling  paft  ,  and  prayer  is  but  a  thanks- 
giving. He  might  even  as  well  tell  me,  that  when  a  beggar  craves  an  alms  ani 
when  he  gives  thanks  for  it ,  it  is  all  one.  Every  thankfgiving  is  a  kind  of  Prayer 
but  every  Prayer ,  and  namely  Petition  ,  is  not  a  thankfgiving.  In  the  laff  place  he 
urgeth  ,  that  in  our  Prayers  tee  are  bound  ,  to  fubmit  our  vpih  to  Gods  tvill:  who  ever 
made  any  doubt  of  this ,  we  muft  fubmit  to  the  preceptive  Will  of  God  or  his 
Commandments  >  We  muft  fubmit  to  the  effedtive  Will  of  God  ,  when  he  declares 
his  good  pleafure  by  the  event  or  otherwife.  But  we  deny,  and  deny  attain  ei- 
ther that  God  Wills  things,  ad  extra  ,  without  himfelf  ncceflarily,  or  that  it  is  hi^ 
pleafure  that  all  fecond  caufes  (hould  aft  neceffarily  at  all  times,  which  is  the  que- 
(tion  ,  and  that  which  he  alledgcth  to  the  contrary  comes  not  near  it. 

Fourthly  ,  the  order  ,   beauty  and  perfedion  of  the  world  doth  require      that        f  r> 
in  the  univerfe  (hould  be  Agents  of  all  forts ,  (bme  necelTary ,  fome  free  ,'  (bme  at     /     ' 
contingent.He  that  (hall  make  either  all  things  ncce(rary,guided  by  deftinyvor  all  tilings    /        ^^' 
free,   governed  by  eledion  i    or  all  things  contingent ,   happening  by  chance     doth     '^^' '^' 
overthrow  the  beauty  and  the  perfection  of  the  World. 

The  fourth  Argument  from  reafm  is  this^  The  Order^  Beauty  and  PerfeUion  of  the  n>vld        T.  Hi 
requireth,  that  in  the  V  'liverfe^jhould  be  Agents  of  all  forts  ^  fame  necefiary^  fomefree.  Come 
contingent.  He  thatjhall  mak^  all  things  necejiary^  or  all  things  free\.or  all  things  contin- 
gent^ doth  overthrow  the  beauty  and  perfection  of  the  world. 

It  which  Argument  lobferve^firji^  a  ctntradiCiim  For^  feeing  he  that  mai^th  any  thin& 
in  that  he  mah^thit^  he  m.ik^th  it  to  be  necefiary^it  follorvetb^  that  he  thatmaketh  all  thinas 
maketh  all  things  necefiary  to  be.  As  if  a  workjna-t  mak;  a  garment^  the  garment  mu\i  ne* 
ctfifily  he.  So  if  God  mak^  every  thing,  every  thing  miti  necefiirily  be.  Perhaps  the  beauty 
of  the  wirld  requireth  (  though  we  k^dow  it  not)  th.it  fine  Assents  (hould  wor}^  without 
deliberation.which  he  calls  necefiary Agents.And  fome Agents  wnhdeliberation^and  thnfe  both 
he  and  I ca'Jfree  Agents.And  that  fomc  Agents Jhould work^tnd  we  notknow  how;And  them 
cffecls  we  both  call  contbigentS'tt  this  hinders  not,  but  that  he  that  ekCleth  may  have  his  ele- 
Vtion  neceffary  determined  to  one  by  former  cjufes\And  that  which  is  contingent  and  imputed 
to  Fortune^be  neverthelef!necejfary,and  depend  onprecedent  necejlary  caufes.  For  by  contin- 
gent^mendo  not  mean  that  which  hath  no  caufe  Jjut  which  hath  not  for  caufe  any  thina  which 
we  perceive.  As  for  example -.when  a  Travailer  meets  with  a  power,  the  journey  had  a  caufe 
and  the  rain  hada  caufe  fujficient  enough  toprodu:eit,but  bccaufe  the  journey  caufed  not  the 
rain,njr  the  rain  the  journey, we  fay, they  were  contingent  one  or  another.     And  thusym  fee 


6^o 


A   Vindrcatjon  of   true  Liberty 1  O  M  F    1  U 

thoyoh  there  be  three  joru  ,J  events,  NeuSaryfiojumgent  and  Free,  yet  they  may  heau.n-.  r. 
far/,r.,thout  the  dejh^Oton  of  the  beauty  or  ferfeHton  of  the  Vmvers. 

The  Hrlt  thing  he  obfcrves  m  mine  Argument  is  contradidtion ,  as  he  call«  ir,  but 
"i'  ^'       in  truth  it  is  but  a  deception  of  the  fight.     As  one  candle  fometimes  fccni';  ro  be 
two     or  a  rod  in  the  water  (hews  to  be  two  rods ,  ^uicquid  reciptttr ^  recijitm  ad 
piodtm  reapientis.     But  what  is  this  contradiction  >  Becaufelfay,   hetrhnmaK'n    •:: 
thinas  doth  not  mak  thtm  tiecejfjry:  What  a  contradidion,  and  but  one  prnpolii;or:» 
That  were  llrange.     1  lay  ,  God  hath  not  made  all  Agents  neceCTary,  he  faith,  G(^d 
hath  made  all  Agents  neccffary.     Here  is  a  contradiftion  indeed  ,  but  it  is  between 
him  and  me  ,  not  between  me  and  my  ftlf.     But  yet  though  it  be  not  a  formal  con- 
tradiction, yet  perhaps  it  may  imply  a  contradidior  in  adjcdo.     Wherefore  to  clear 
the  matter  ,  and  difpel  the  mift  which  he  hath  raifed  i  it  is  true  ,  that  every  rhuig 
when  it  is  made,  it  is  ncceflary  that  it  be  made  fo  as  it  is ,  that  is ,  by  a  neceility  ot' 
infallibility  ,  or  fuppolltion,  fuppofing  that  it  befo  made :  but  this  is  not  that  abfo- 
lute,  antecedent  neceility,  whereof  the  queflion  is  between  him  and  me.     As  to 
u(e  his  own  inlhncc  >  Before  the  Garment  be  made  ,  the  Taylor  is  free  to  make  it, 
either  of  the  Italian  ,  Spanijh  ,  or  French  falhion  indifferently  i  But  after  it  is  made , 
it  isneeeflary  that  it  be  of  that  fafhion  whereof  he  hath  made  it,  that  is  by  a  necef- 
fity  of  fuppofition.     But  this  doth  neither  hinder  the  caufe  from  being  a  free  caule  , 
nor  the  effeCt  from  being  a  free  effedt ,  but  the  one  did  produce  freely ,  and  the  o- 
ther  was  freely  produced.     So  the  contradidtion  is  vanifhed. 

In  the  Second  part  of  this  anfwer  he  grants,  that  there  are  Come  free  Agents,  and 
fbme  contingent  Agents,  and  that  perhaps  the  beauty  of  the  World  doth  require 
it  i  but  like  a  (luewd  Cow  ,  which  after  (he  hath  given  her  milk  ,  cafis  it  down 
■with  her  foot :  in  the  conclufpn  he  tells  us ,  that  nevcrthclefs  they  are  all  neceflary. 
This  part  of  his  anfwer  is  a  meer  Logomachy  ,  (as  a  great  part  of  the  eontrovcrfies 
in  the  World  are  )  or  a  contention  about  Word?.  What  is  the  meaning  of  necefia- 
rji,  and  free,  and  contingent  adlions  ?  I  have  (hewed  before  what  free  and  neccf- 
fary  ,  do  properly  (ignitie,  but  he  mifrecites  it.  He  faith,  I  make  all  Agents  which 
want  deliberation  to  be  necelTary  ,  but  I  acknowledge  that  many  of  them  are  con- 
tingent. Neither  do  I  approve  his  definition  of  contingents ,  though  he  fay,  I  con- 
cur with  him ,  that  they  are  fuch  Agents  as  tfork,  we  h^ovc  not  how.  For  according 
to  this  defcription  many  necelTary  aftions  (hould  be  contingent ,  and  many  contin- 
gent adtions  (hould  be  necefTary.  The  Loadftone  draweth  Iron  ,  the  Jet  chaff,  we 
know  not  how ,  and  yet  the  effed  is  necefTary ,  and  fo  it  is  in  all  Sympathies  and 
Antipathies  or  occult  qualities.  Again,  a  man  walking  in  the  Streets,  a  Tile  falls 
down  from  an  houfe ,  and  breaks  his  head.  We  know  all  the  caufes  ,  we  know 
how  this  came  to  pafs.  The  man  walked  that  way,  the  pin  failed,  the  Tile 
fell  juft  when  he  was  under  it ;  and  yet  this  is  a  contingent  effedt.  The  man  might 
not  have  walked  that  way,  and  then  the  Tile  had  not  fallen  upon  him.  Neither 
yet  do  I  underrtand  here  in  this  place  by  contingents  ,  fuch  events  as  happen  befides 
the  fcope  ,  or  intention  of  the  Agents  \  as  when  a  man  digging  to  rtiake  a  grave  . 
finds  a  Treafure  ,  though  the  word  be  fometimes  fo  taken.  But  by  contingents , 
I  underftand  all  things  which  may  be  done,  and  may  not  be  done  ,  may  happen  or 
may  not  happen,  by  reafon  of  the  indetermination  ,  or  accidental  concurrence  of 
the  caufes.  And  thofe  fame  things  which  are  abfolutely  contingent ,  are  yet  Hy- 
pothetically  neceiTary.  As  fuppofing  the  pafTenger  did  walk  jult  that  way  ,  juft  at 
that  time  ,  and  that  the  pin  did  fail  juft  then  ,  and  the  Tile  fall ,  it  was  neceffary 
that  it  (hould  fall  upon  the  PaiTengers  head.  The  fame  defence  will  keep  out  his 
(hower  of  rain.  But  we  (hall  meet  with  his  (hower  of  rain  again.  Numb.  34. 
9  P.  Whither  I  refer  the  farther  explication  of  this  point. 
Nmib.  1*7.  Fifthly  ,  Take  away  Liberty  ,  and  you  take  away  the  very  nature  of  evil ,  and 
^f„l  the  formal  reafonof  fin.     If  the  hand  of  the  Painter  were  the  Law  of  Painting  ,  or 

*'  hand  of  the  Writer  the  Law  of  Writing  ,  whatfoever  the  one  did  Write  ,  or  die 

other  Paint ,  mufllnfallibly  be  good.  Seeing  therefore  ,  that  the  firft  caufe  is  the 
rule  and  Law  of  good nefs,  if  it  do  neceliitate  the  will ,  or /he  perfon  to  evil  , 
either  by  it  felf  iminediately ,  or  mediately  by  necefTary  flux  of  Second  caufes,  it 
will  no  longer  be  evil.     The  efTence  of  lin  confifis  in  this ,  that   one  commit  that 


\\\r 


Discourse    I*  againjl  Mr.  Hobs*  ^oi 

which  he  might  avoid.     If  there  be  no  Liberty  to  produce  lin  ,  there  is  no  fuch 
thing  as  fin  in  the  World.     Therefore  it  appears  both  from  Scripture  and  reafon 
that  there  is  true  Liberty. 

"To  the  Fift  Argument  from  reafon  ,  vehich  is ,  that  if  Liberty  be  tai^n  atvay ,  the  na-  %  H. 
ture  and  formal  reafon  of  fin  is  tal^n  arv.iy  ,  lanfrver  by  denying  the  anfequence.  Jhe 
nature  of  fin  confilieth  in  this  ^  that  the  aCtion  done  proceed  fi-nm  our  tvill  ^  and  be  againjl 
the  Lavp,  A  Judge  injudging  whether  it  be  fin  or  not ,  ivhich  is  done  againji  the  Lsrv  , 
looks  at  no  higher  caufeofthe  action  than  the  will  of  the  duer.  'Now  vehen  1  fay  the  adion 
was  necefijry  ,  I  do  not  fay  it  rvas  done  againjl  the  tviU  of  the  dner^  but  with  his  will ; 
and  f  necefiarily  ^  hecauje  mans  will  ^  that  is  ^  every  aU  (f  the  will  ^  and  purpofe  of  man 
had  a  fufficient  and  therefore  a  neceflary  cauje  ,  and  confequently  every  voluntary  aUion  w.ii 
necejjitated.  An  aUion  therefore  may  be  voluntary  and  a  fin  ,  and  neverthelefi  be  necefijry. 
And  becaufe  Cod  may  affli&  by  right  deriued  from  his  omnipotency  \  though  fin  were  not. 
And  the  example  of  punijhment  on  voluntary  finners^  is  the  caufe  that  produceth  Jitjlice  , 
and  mak^thfin  lefs  frequent.  Vor  God  to  punifh  fuch  finners^  as  I  bavefliewed  before ,  ii 
no  injufiice.  And  thus  you  have  my  anjwer  to  his  objedions  ,  both  out  of  Scripture  and 
reafon. 

Scis  tufimulare  cuprefium:  quid  hoc  ?  It  was  (hrewd    Counfail  which  AkiVtjdis        J.T>- 
gave  to  Themijlocles  ,  when  he  was  bufie  about  his  accounts  to  the  State  ,  that  he 
fhould  rather  ftudy  how  to  make  no  accounts.     So  it  feems  T.  H.  thinks  it  a  more 
compendious  way  to  baulk  an  argument,  than  to  fatisfie  it.     And  if  he  can  produce 
a  Rowland  againlt  an  Oliver ,  if  he  can  urge  a  reafon  againR  a  reafon,  he  thinks  hs 
hath  quitted  himfelf  fairly.  But  it  will  not  ferve  his  turn.  And  that  he  may  not  com- 
plain of  mifunderftanding  it,  as  thofe  who  have  a  politick  deafnefs,  to  hear  nothing 
but  what  liketh  them,  I  will  firft  reduce  mine  Argument  into  form,  and  then  weigh 
what  he  faith  in  anfwer  ,  or  rather  in  oppofition  to  it.     That  opinion  which  takes 
away  the  formal  reafon  of  fin,  and  by  confequence,  fin  itfelf,  js  not  to  be  aproved; 
this  is  clear  i  becaufe  both  reafon  and  Religion,  Nature,  and  Scripture  do  prove,  and 
the  whole  World  confeffeth ,  that  there  is  fin.     But  this  opinion  of  the  nccedicy  of 
all  things  ,  by  reafon  of  a  conflux  of  Second  caufcs,  ordered  and  determined  by 
the  Hrrt  caufe  ,  doth  take  away  the  very  formal  reafon  of  fin  •,  this  is  proved  thus. 
That  which  makes  fin  it  felf  to  be  good  ,  andjuft,  and  lawful,  takes  away  the  fofr 
mal  caufe,  and  deftroys  the  eflence  of  fin,  for  if  fin  be  good  ,  and  juft  ,  and  law- 
ful, it  is  no  more  evil ,  it  is  no  fin ,  no  anomy.     But  this  opinion  of  the  necelHty 
of  all  things ,  makes  fin  to  be  very  good,  and  juft,  and  lawfuU  for  nothing  can  flow 
clfentially  by  way  of  Phyfical  determination  from  the  firft  caufe  ,  which  is  the  Lavv 
and  rule  of  goodnefs  and  )ullice  ,  but  that  which  is  good,  and  ju(},  and  lawful,  but 
this  opinion  makes  fin  to  proceed  eflentially  by  way  of  Phyfical  determination  from 
the  firft  caufe,  as  appears  in  T.  H.  his  whole  difcourft.     Neither  is  it  material  at  all, 
whether  it  proceed  immediately  from  the  hrlt  cauft  ,  or  mediately ,  fo  as  it  be  by  a 
neceflary  flux  of  fecond  and  determinate  caufes   which  produce  it  inevitably.     To 
thefe  proofs  he  anfwers  nothing  ,  but  only  by  denying  the  firlt  confequence  ,  as  he 
calls  it,  and  then  fings  over  his  old  fong  ,  that  the  nature  of  fin  confilieth  in  thif,  that 
the  a^ion  proceeds  from  our  will  ^  and  be  againjl  the  Law ,  which  in  our  (enfe  is  moft 
true,  if  he  underltand  a  juR  Law ,  and  a  free  rational   will  ■■,  but  fuppofing  Tas  he 
doth)  that  the  Law  injoyns  things  impollible  in  fhcmfeives  to  be  done,  then  it  is 
an  unjuft  and  Tyrannical  Law  ,  and  the  tranf§rellion  of  it  is  no  fin,  not  to  do  that 
which  never  was  in  our  power  to  do.     And  fuppofing  likewife  fas  he    doth)  that 
the  will  is  inevitably  determined  by  fpecia!  influence  from  the  hrfl  caufe ,  then  it  is 
not  mans  will,  but  Gods  will,  and  flows  eflentially  from  the  Law  ofgoodncO. 

That  which  he  adds  of  a  Judge,  is  altogether  impertinent,  as  to  his  defence. 
Neither  is  a  civil  Judge  the  proper  Judge  ,  nor  the  Law  of  the  Land  the  proper 
rule  of  fin.  'But  it  makes  ftrongly  againii  him  ;  for  the  Judge  goes  upon  a  good 
ground  ,  and  even  this  wliich  he  confeflTeth  ,  that  the  Judge  lookj  at  no  higher  caufe 
ihanthe  will  of  the  doer  proves,  that  the  will  of  the  doer  did  determin  it  felf  freely,  and> 
that  the  malefadtorhad  liberty  to  have  kept  the  Law  ,  if  he  would  ■■>  certainly  <-^ 
Judge  ought  to  look  at  all  material  circumilances  ,  and  much  more  at  ail  efLntiil 
caufes.     Whether  every  fufficient  caufe  be  a  neceffary  caufe  ,  will  come  to  be  cka- 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TO  N^  E      11  (. 

"mined  more  properly  ,  N^^iM^TT^Td^^Lnt,  it  fliall  fuffice  t^y, "d^^TTf- 
Erty  flows  fr^om  the  iufficicncy,  and  cont.ngency  frortj  the  deb.hty  of  the  c.u,lc.  Na- 
ucriy  iiu    3  ^^^^  generation  of  a  Moniter.     If  all  the  caufes  concur  kitticicnt- 

r^foerVedcrcatiire  is  produced:  bur  by  reafon  of  the  infufficiency  ,  or  debility, 
oVcontineent  ab  ration  of  (bme  ot  the  caufes,  fometimcs  a  Monikris  produced.  Yet 
tl  c  caufes  of  a  Mor.lkr  were  fufficient  tor  the  production  of  that  which  was  pro- 
diced  that  is  a  Monikr  otherwife,a  Monfter  had  nor  been  produced.What  is  it  then? 
A  Monfter  is  not  produced  by  virtue  of  that  order  which  isfet  in  Nature,  but  by  the 
contingent  abcration  of  foine  of  the  natural  caufes  in  tlieir  concurrence.  The  or- 
der fet  in  nature  ,  is ,  that  every  like  fliould  beget  its  like.  But  fuppol]ng  the  con- 
currence of  the  cauies  to  be  fuch  as  it  is ,  in  the  generation  of  a  Monfkr  ,  the  ge- 
neration of  a  Moniier  is  necelTaryi  as  all  the  events  in  the  World  are  when  they  are, 
that  is  by  an  hypothetical  neceliity.  Then  he  betakes  himfelf  to  his  old  help ,  that 
God  may  punifli  by  right  of  omnipotence  ,  though  there  were  no  fin.  The  quelii- 
on  is  not  now  what  God  may  do,  but  what  God  will  do ,  according  to  that  Co- 
venant which  he  hath  made  with  man ,  fac  hoc  &  vivef,  do  this  and  thou  (halt  live  i 
whether  God  doth  punifli  any  man  contrary  to  this  CovenantiHo/fJi3.p,0  Ifrael^thy 
defiruBion  vs  from  thyfelf,  but  in  me  if  thy  help.  He  that  wills  not  the  Death  of  a  fin- 
ner,  doth  much  lets  will  the  death  of  an  innocent  creature.  By  death  or  deJiruBion 
in  this  difcourfe  ,  the  onely  reparation  of  Soul  and  body  is  not  intended ,  which  is 
a  debt  of  nature  ,  and  which  God  ,  as  Lord  of  Life  and  Death,  may  juftly  do,  and 
make  if  not  a  punifliment,  but  a  blelling  to  the  partyi  but  we  underftand  the  fubje- 
ding  of  the  Creature  to  Eternal  torments,  Laftly.  he  tells  of  that  benefit  which  re- 
dounds to  others  from  exemplary  juftice  ,  which  is  molt  true  ,  but  not  according 
to  his  own  grounds,  for  neither  rs  it  Juftice  to  puniOi  a  man  for  doing  that  which  it 
was  impollible  always  for  him  not  to  do  v  neither  is  it  Lawful  to  punifh  an  innocent 
perfon ,  that  good  may  come  of  it  j  and  if  his  opinion  of  abfolute  neceliity  of  all 
things  were  true,  the  deftinics  of  men  could  not  be  altered ,  either  by  examples  or 
fear  of  punifliment. 
J  -p.  But  the  Patrons  of  neceflity  being  driven  out  of  the  plain  field  with  reafon,  have 

Numb.  is.  certain  retreats  of  diftindions ,  which  they  fly  unto  for  refuge.  Firft  ,  they  diftin- 
gui(h  between  Stoical  neceflity  and  Chriftian  neceliity  ,  between  which  they  make 
a  threefold  difference. 

Firft ,  fay  they  ,  the  Stoicks  did  fubjed  Jupiter  to  defliny  ,  but  we  fubjed  deftiny 
to  God  ■■>  I  anfwer  ,  that  the  Stoical  and  Chriflian  deftiny  are  one ,  and  the  fame 
fatum  quafi  effatum  Jovis.  Hear  Senecz,  dejiiny  is  the  ueceffity  of  all  things  and  adions^ 
depending  upmi  the  dij position  of  Jupiter,  &c.  I  add  ,  that  the  Stoicks  left  a  greater 
Liberty  to  Jupiter  over  deftiny  ,  than  thefe  Stoical  Chriftians  do  to  God  over  his 
decrees  ,  either  for  the  beginnings  of  things  as  Euripides,  or  for  the  progrefs  of  them 
as  Chryfippuf  ,  or  at  leaft  of  the  circumftances  of  time  and  place  ,  as  all  of  them 
generally  ,  So  Virgil ,  Sed  trahere&  moras  ducere,  &c.  So  OJyrU  in  Aptleius  ,  pro- 
mifeth  him  to  prolong  his  Life  Vltra  fato  conjlituta  tempora  ,  beyond  the  time  (ct 
down  by  the  deftinies. 

Next  they  fay  ,  that  the  Stoicks  did  hold  an  eternal  flux  and  neceflary  connexion 
of  caufes  i  but  they  believe  that  God  doth  adt ,  ;)r<e/fr  &  contra  naturam ,  befides  and 
againft  nature.  I  anfwer ,  that  it  is  not  much  material ,  whether  they  attribute  ne- 
celiity to  God ,  or  to  the  Stars ,  or  to  a  connexion  of  caufes ,  fo  as  they 
eftablifli  neceliity.  The  former  reafons  do  not  onely  condemn  the  ground 
or  foundation  of  neceliity  ,  but  much  more  neceliity  it  felf  upon  what  ground  foe- 
cver.  Either  they  mid\  run  into  this  abfurdity  ,  that  the  effed  is  determined  ,  the 
caufe  remaining  undetermined  ,  or  elfe  hold  fuch  a  neceffary  connexion  of  caufes  , 
as  the  Stoicks  did. 

Laftly ,  they  fay,  the  Stoicks  did  take  away  liberty  and  contingence  ,  but 
they  admit  it :  I  anfwer ,  what  Liberty  or  contingence  is  it  they  admit , 
but  a  titular  Liberty,  and  an  empty  fhadow  of  contingence,  who  do  pro- 
fefs  ftifly  that  all  actions  and  events  which  either  are  or  fliall  be  ,  cannot  but  be 
nor  can  be  other  wife,  after  any  other  manner ,  in  any  other  place,  time,  num- 
ber, order,  meafure,  nor  to  any  other  end  than  they  are  ,  and  that  in  refpedr 

of 


D 


ISC011R5E 


I. 


againfi    Mr    Hobs. 


6  c?  3 


ci  God,  determining  zhzm  to  One  i  what  a  poor  ridiculous  liberty,  or  contin 
gence  is  this  ? 

Secondly,  they  djrtinguifh  between  the  firft  caufe ,  and  the  fecond  caufes  j  they 
fay  that  in  refped  of  the  fecond  caufes  many  things  are  free ,  but  in  refpedt  of  the 
firll  caufe,  all  things  arc  neceffary.     This  anfwer  may  be  taken  away  two  wayes. 

Firll,  fo  contraries  (hall  be  true  together  •,  the  fame  thing  at  the  fame  time  (hall  be 
determined  to  one  ,  and  not  determined  to  ones  the  fame  thing  at  the  fame  time 
muft  nece(rarily  be  ,  and  yet  may  not  be.  Perhaps  they  will  fay ,  not  in  the  fame 
refped.  Bat  that  which  firikes  at  the  root  of  this  queiiion  is  this ,  It'  all  the  cau- 
fes were  onely  collateral  ,  this  exception  might  have  fome  colour ,  but  where  all 
the  caufes  being  joyned  together  ,  and  fubordinate  one  to  another,  do  make  but  one 
total  cau(e  ,  if  any  one  caufe  (  much  more  the  fir(t  )  in  the  whole  feries  ,  or  fiibor- 
dination  of  caufes  be  nece{Tary  ,  it  determines  the  reft  ,  and  without  doubt,  makes 
the  effedl  nece(rary  i  neceility  or  Liberty  is  not  to  be  efteemed  from  one  caufe ,  but 
from  all  the  caufes  joyned  together.  If  one  link  in  a  chain  be  faft ,  it  faliens  all 
the  reft, 

Secondly ,  I  would  have  them  tell  me  whether  the  fecond  caufes  be  predeter- 
mined by  the  firft  caufe  or  nets  If  they  be  determined  ,  then  the  cffecft  is  necefla- 
ry ,  even  in  refped  of  the  Second  caufes  i  If  the  Second  caufe  be  not  determined 
how  is  the  effed  determined ,  the  fecond  caule  remaining  undetermined  ?  Nothing 
can  give  that  to  another  which  it  hath  not  it  felf  But  fay  they  ,  neverthelels  the 
power  or  faculty  remaineth  free.  True ,  but  not  in  order  to  the  ad ,  if  it  be  once 
determined.  It  is  free  ,  in  fenfu  divifo  ,  but  not  in  fenfu  compofito^  when  a  man  holds 
a  bird  faft  in  his  hand  ,  is  (he  therefore  free  to  flie  where  (he  will  ,  becaufe  (he  hath 
wings  ?  or  a  man  imprifonedor  fettered  ,  is  he  therefore  free  to  walk  where  he  will 
becaufe  he  hath  feet  and  a  locomotive  faculty?  Judge  without  prejudice  what  a 
miferable  fubterfuge  is  this ,  which  many  men  confide  fo  much  in. 

He  faith  ,  a  man  may  perhaps  anftver ,  that  thenecejjity  of  things  held  by  him^  if  not 
a  Stoical  necejjtiy,  but  a  Chriftian  necelJity  ,  &c.  but  thisdijiin&ion  Ihavenot  ufed  nor 
indeed  have  ever  heard  before.  Nor  do  I  think^any  man  could  mah^  Stoical  and  Chriftian 
tTvoh^nds  ofnecejjities,  though  they  may  be  ttvo  h^ndsofVo&rine.  Nor  have  I  drawn  my 
anfrt^er  to  his  arguments  from  the  authority  of  any  SeS^  but  fom  the  nature  of  the  things 
themjelves. 

But  here  J  mu^  tahf  notice  of  certain  words  of  his  in  this  place  ,  as  ntakin^^  againfi 
his  orvn  tenet:  tvhere  all  the  caufes^  faith  he,  being  joyned  together^  and  fubordinate 
one  to  another  ,  do  mahg  but  one  total!  caufe.  If  any  one  caufe  ,  much  more  the  firji 
in  the  rvhole  feries  of  fubordination  of  caufes  be  necejfary  ,  it  determines  the  refi  ,  and 
rvithout  doubt  mak^th  the  effeCi  neceffary.  For,  that  rehich  J  call  the  necejfary  caufe 
of  any  effeU,  u  the  ]oyning  together  of  all  caufes ,  fubordinate  to  the  frft,  into  one  total  caufe. 
Jf  any  one  of  thofe  ,  faith  he  ,  efpeciaVy  thefirli  ,  produce  its  effeUs  neceffarily  ,  then  all 
the  reji  are  determined  ,  and  the  effeCi  alfo  necefary.  Noxp ,  itUmanifefi,  that  the  firft 
caufe  is  a  necefiarie  caufe  cf  all  the  efftds  that  are  next,  and  immediate  to  it ,  and  there- 
fore by  his  oven  reafon  ,  aJleffeds  are  necefiarie.  Nor  is  that  dillinQion  of  neceffary  in  re- 
fped of  the  fir(i  caufe,  andnece^arie  inrefpeU  of  Second  caufes  mine  ,  it  does  (  as  he  rvell 
noteth  )  implie  a  contradiction. 

Becaufe  T.  H.  difavowes  thefe  two  diftindions ,  I  have  joyned  them  together  in 
one  Paragraph.  He  likes  not  the  diftindion  of  neceility  or  deftiny,  into  Stoical  and 
Chriftian,  no  more  do  I.  We  agree  in  the  conclufion  ,  but  our  motives  are  di- 
verfe.  My  reafon  is,  becaufe  I  acknowledge  no  fuch  neceility ,  cither  as  the  one  or 
as  the  other,  and  becaufe  I  conceive ,  that  thofe  Chriftian  Writers ,  who  do  juftly 
deteft  the  naked  deftiny  of  the  Stoicks ,  as  fearing  to  fall  into  thofe  groCsabfurdities 
and  pernicious  confcquences,  which  flow  from  thence,  do  yet  privily  ("though  perhaps 
unwittingly  )  under  another  form  of  exprelfion,  introduce  it  againat  the  Back-door 
after  they  openly  hadcaft  it  out  at  the  foredoor.  BufT.  H.ruflieth  boldly  without  diftin- 
dions(  which  he  accounts  but  Jargon  )and  without  forelight  upon  thegroffeft  deftiny 
of  all  others,  that  is,  that  of  the  Stoicks.  Us  conkfCeth,th:Lt  they  may  be  trvo  kinds  of 
VoUrine.  May  be  ?  Nay,  they  are  without  all  peradventure.Andhe  himfelfi;  the  firft 
whobeares  the  name  of  a  Chriftian  that  I  have  read,  that  hath  raifed  this  deeping 

Ghoii 


r.H. 

Certain  di- 
ftindions 
which  he 
fuppofing 
may  be 
brought    to 
his  argu- 
ments are 
by  him  n- 
mo.>.u. 


J.  v. 


T^^  Tvindmttion  of  true  Liberty  TO  M  E  I  I ! 

^ofits"^^  ret  it  out  in  its  true  colour-^.     But  yet  he  likes  not  the  names  of 
Stoical  and  Chriftian  dcftiny:   Ido  not  blame  him,  though  he  would  not  willingly 
be  counted  a  Stoick.     To  admit  the  thing,  and  quarrel  about  the  name,  is  to  make 
our  felves  ridiculous.     Why  might  not  I  hrll  call  that  kind  of  deftiny  ,   which   is 
maintained  by  Chriftians  ,  Chrillian  deftiny  >    and  that  other  maintained  by  Stoicks, 
Stoical  deftiny  ?  But  I  am  not  the  inventer  of  the  term.     If  he  had  been  as  carctal 
in  reading  other  mens  opinions,  as  he  is  confident  in  fetting  down  his  own,  he  might 
have  found  not  oncly  the  thing,  but  the  name  it  felf  often  ufed.  But  if  the  name  of /j- 
ium  Chrijiiamm  do  offend  him  ,    Let  him  call  it  with  Lipfius  ,  fattim  verum  who 
divides  deftiny  ,  into  four  kinds,  i.  Mathematical  or  Aftrolgical  deftiny  ,  2.     Na- 
tural deftiny  ,  3.     Stoical  or  violent  deftiny  i  and  4.  true  deftiny  ,  which  he  calls 
ordinarily  nojinm,  our  deftiny  i  that  isofChriftians  ,  znd  fatnm  pium  ^  that  is  god- 
ly deftiny ,  and  defines  it  juft  as  T.  H  doth  his  deftiny  ,  to  be  a  fcries  or  order  of 
caufes  depending  upon  the  Divine  Council ,  dc  Conji.  I.  i.  cap.  17. 18.  &  ip.  Though 
he  be  more  cautelous  than  T.  H.  to  decline  thofe  rocks  which  fome  others  have  made 
fliipwrack  upon.     Yet  the  Divines  he  came  too  though  near  them,  as  appears  by  his 
Epiftle  to  the  Reader  ,  in  a  later  Edition.     And  by  that  note  in  the  Margin  of  his 
Twentieth  Chapter  ,  IFbatfoever  I  difpute  here  ,  Jfubmit  to  the  judgement  of  the  wife  , 
and  being  admonijhed ,  J  wiJ/  corred  it.     One  may  convince  me  of  error  ,  but  net  of  objU- 
iiacy.     So  fearful  was  he  to  cverflioot  himfelf ,  and  yet  he  maintained  both  true  Li- 
berty ,  and  true  contingency.     T.  H.  faith  ,  he  hath  not  fucked  his  avfrver  from  av.y 
SeU  \  and  I  fay,  fo  much  the  worfe  \  It  is  better  to  be  the  difciple  of  an  old  Seft  , 
than  the  ringleader  of  a  new. 

Concerning  the  other  diftindion  of  Liberty  ,  in  refped  of  the  firft  caufe,  and  Li- 
berty in  refpe6t  of  the  fecond  caufes  ,  though  he  will  not  fee  that  whicli  it  concern- 
ed him  to  anfwer ,  like  thofe  old  Lamia,  which  could  put  out  their  eyes  when  they 
lift  i  as  namely,   that  the  faculty  of  willing,  when  it  is  determined  in  order  to 
the  ad  (  which  is  all  the  freedom  that  he  acknowledgeth  )  is  but  like  the  freedom 
of  a  bird  ,     when  (he  is  faft  in  a  mans  hand  ,  &c.     Yet  he  hath  efpicd  another  thing 
wherein  I  contradid  my  felf,  hccaufe  I  affirm ,   that  if  any  one  caufe  in  the    whole 
feries  of  caufes ,  much  more  the  firft   caufe  ,  be  necefTary,  it  determineth  the  reft. 
But  faith  he,  it   is  manifeft  ,  that  the  firft  caufe  is  a  necefTary  caufe  of  all  theef- 
feds  that  are  next .     I  am  glad  :  yet  it  is  not  I  v;ho  contradid  my  felf,  but  it  is 
one  of  his  manifefl  truths   which  I  contradict  '■>  Th3.t  the  firji  caufe  h  a  necejfary  caufe 
of  aVefe&s  ,  which  I  fay  ,  is  a  manifeft  falfhood  .     Thofe  things  which  God  %vills 
without  himfelf,  he  wills  freely  not  neceftarily.      Whatfoever  caufe  ads  or  works 
neceffarily ,  doth  ad  or  work  all  that  it  can  do,   or  all  that  is  in  its  power  ■■,  But 
it  is  evident ,  that  God  doth  not  all  things  without  himfelf,  which  he  can  do  ,  or 
which  he  hath  power  to  do.     He  could  have  raifed  up  Children  unto  Abraham  of 
the  very  ftones  ,  which  were  upon  the  banks  of  Jordan  ,  Lk%  3.  8.  but  he  did  not. 
He  could  have  fent  twelve  Legions  of  Angels  to  the  Succour  of  Chrift,  but  he  did 
not.     Matth.  26.  <,^.     God  can  make  T.  H.  live  the  years  of  Mft/j?</f/<a^  ,    but  it  is 
not  necefTary  that  he  fhall  do  fo,  nor  probable  that  he  will  do  fo.     The  produdive 
power  of  God  is  infinite,  but  the  whole  created  World  is  finite.     And  therefore  God 
might  ftill  produce  more  ,  if  it  pleafed  him.     But  this  it  is  ,  when  men  go  on  in  a 
confufed  way  ,  and  will  admit  no  diftindions.     If  T.  H.  had  confidered  the  diffe- 
rence between  a  necefTary  being  ,  and  a  necefTary  caufe  ,  or  between  thofe  adions  of 
God  ,  which  are  immanent  within  himfelf,  and  the  tranfient  works  ot  God,  which 
are  extrinfecal  without  himfeif ,  he  would  never  have  propofed  fuch  an  evident  er- 
7.  p.       '^"^  '  ^P^  ^  manifeft  truth,     ^i  pauca  confderat,  facile  pronv.nciat. 
Ntmb.  19.         Thirdly,  they  diftinguifti  between  Liberty  from  'compulfion,  and  Liberty  from  ne- 
ceflitation.  The  Will  fay  they,  is  free  from  compulfion,  but  not  free  from  neceffitation. 
And  this  they  fortifie  with  two  rcafons.     Firft  ,  becaufe  it  is  granted  by  all  Divines, 
that  Hypothetical  neceflity,  or  neceflity  upon  a  fuppofition  ,  may  confift  with  Li- 
berty •>  Secondly ,  becaufe  God  and  the  good  Angels  do  good  neceffarily  ,  and  yet 
are  more  free  than  we.     To  the  firft  reafon  I  confefs ,  that  neceflity  upon  a  fuppo- 
fjtien  may  fometimes  confift  with  true  Liberty  ,   as  when  it  fignifies  onely  an  Infal- 
lible certitude  of  the  underftanding  in  that  which  it  knows  to  be  ,  or  that  it  (hall  be-, 

but 


r.B 


Discourse     I.  againji    Mr.  Hobs.  ^gti 

But  it"  tlie  fuppofition  be  not  in  the  Agents  power ,  nor  depend  upon  any 
thing  that  is  in  his  power  i  If  there  be  an  exteriour  antecedent  caufe  which  doth 
neceifitate  the  effed  ,  to  call  this  free ,  is  to  be  mad  with  reafon. 

To  the  Second  reafon,  I  confefs  that  God  and  the  good  Angels  are  more  free 
than  we  are ,  that  is ,  intenfively  in  the  degree  of  freedom,  but  not  extenfively 
ill  the  latitude  of  the  objcdt ,  according  to  a  Liberty  of  Exercife,  but  not  of  fpeci- 
rication.  A  Liberty  of  Excercife ,  that  is,  to  do  or  not  to  do  ,  may  conlilt  well 
with  a  nccelfity  of  fpecificationi  or  a  determination  to  the  doing  of  good.  But  a 
Liberty  of  exercife  ,  and  a  necellity  of  exercife  i  A  Liberty  of  fpecification  i  and  a 
necellity  of  fpecification  ,  are  not  compatible,  nor  can  conllft  together.  He  that  is 
antecedently  necelfitated  to  do  evil ,  is  not  free  to  do  good.  So  this  inftance  is  no- 
thing at  all  to  the  purpose. 

But  the  diliinHion  of  free  ^  into  free  from  cotnpulfion  ,  and  free  from  Heceflitation  J 
ack^toTvledge  i  for  to  be  free  from  compnlfwn ,  if  to  do  a  thing  fo ,  as  terrour  be  not  the 
canfe  of  his  will  to  do  it,  for  a  man  is  then  onely  fat d  to  be  compelled^  rohen  fear 
makes  him  willing  to  it,  as  when  a  man  wiHingly  throwes  his  goods  into  the  Sea  to' 
fave  himfelf,  nrfubmittsti  his  enemy  for  fear  of  being  Killed,  ihns  all  men  that 
do  any  thing  from  love  ,  or  reveng  ,  or  luji  are  free  from  compulfion  ,  and  yet  their  a' 
Uions  may  be  as  necejfary  as  thofe  which  are  done  upon  compulfwn  ,  for  fometimes  o- 
ther  pajpons  work^as  forcibly  as  fear  ■,  But  free  from  necejfitation  J  fay  nothing  can  be; 
And  'tis  that  which  he  widertook^to  difprove  .  "this  difiinSion ,  he  fayes  ,  rtfeth  to  be 
fortified  by  two  reafons  ,  hut  they  are  not  mine  .  "the  firji  ,  he  fayes  is  ,  That  it  is  grant- 
ed by  all  Divines  ,  that  att  Hypothetical  necejjity ,  nr  necejjity  upon-fuppofnion  ,  may  jiand 
with  Liberty.  That  you  may  underjiand  this ,  I  wilt  give  you  an  example  of  Hypothetical 
necefjity.  If  Ifhall  live  Ijhall  eat ,  this  is  an  Hypothetical  necejjity.  Indeed  it  is  a  ne~ 
cejfary  propofition ,  that  is  to  fay  it  is  necefiary  that  that  propofition  jhould  be  true  wbenfoe- 
ver  uttered,  but  tis  not  the  neceffity  of  the  thing,  nor  it  it  therefore  necefiary,  that  the  man 
JhaS  live  ,  or  that  the  manjhalleat.  I  do  not  ufe  to  fortifie  my  dijiin&ions  with  fu~h  reafons. 
Let  him  confute  them  as  he  will ,  it  contents  me.  But  I  would  have  your  Lordjhip  take 
notice  hereby  ,  how  an  eafie  and  plain  thing  ,  but  withal  falfe  ,  may  be  with  the  grave 
ttfage  of  fuch  tearms ,  as  Hypothetical  nece^ty  ,  and  necejjity  upon  fuppofition  and  fuch  likg 
tearms  of  Schoolmen  ,  obfcur'd  and  made  to  feem  profound  Learning. 

"the  Second  reafon  that  may  confirm  the  dijiinCiion  nffi-eefi-nm  compulfion,  and  free  jrom 
necejfitation  ,  he  fays  is  that  God  and  good  Angels  do  good  necejfarily  ,  and  yet  are  more 
free  than  we.  "the  reafon  though  J  had  no  need  of,  yet  I  think.it  fo  far  forth  good  ,  as  it 
is  true,  that  God  and  g^'d  Angels  do  good  necefitrily  ,  and  yet  'are  fi-ee  ;  but  hecaufe  I 
find  not  in  the  Articles  of  our  F^ith  ,  nor  in  the  decrees  of  our  Church  fet  down  in  what 
manner  J  am  to  conceive  God ,  and  Good  Angels  to  workj^y  necejjity  or  in  what  fenfe  they 
work^fireely  ,  1  fufpend  my  fentence  in  that  point ,  and  am  content,  that  there  may  be  a 
freedom  from  compulfton  ,  and  yet  no  fi-eedom  fi-om  necejjitatiou  ,  as  hath  been  proovedise 
that,  that  a  man  may  be  necejfitated  to  fome  a&ions  without  threats  and  without  fear  of 
danger  :  but  how  he  can  avoid  the  confifring  together  of  freedom  and  necejjity ,  fuppnfin^ 
God  and  Good  Angels  are  freer  than  men ,  and  yet  do  good  necefiarily  ,  that  we  muji  noip 
examin. 

J  confefi  (  faith  he  )  that  God  and  Good  Angels  are  more  free  than  we  ,  that  is  inten- 
fively in  degree  of  freedom  ,  not  extenfively  in  the  latitude  of  the  objeU,  according  to  a  Li- 
berty of  exercife  ,  not  of  fpecification.  Again  ,  we  have  here  two  dijiin&ions  that  are 
no  diftinUions  ,  but  made  to  feem  fo  by  tearms  invented ,  by  J  know  not  whom  to  cover  i-r- 
norance  ,  and  blind  the  underjianding  oftl)e  Keader.  For  it  cannot  be  conceived  that  there 
is  any  Liberty  greater  than  for  a  man  to  do  what  he  wtU  ,  and  to  forbear  what  he  will. 
One  heat  may  he  more  intenfwe  than  another  ,  but  not  one  Liberty  than  another.  He  that 
can  do  what  he  will ,  hath  all  Liberty  pojfible  ;  an  d  he  that  cannot ,  has  none  at  all.  Alfo 
liberty  (  as  he  fays  ,  the  Schools  call  it  )  of  exercife  ,  which  if  as  J  faid  before  ,  a  liber- 
ty to  do  or  not  to  do ,  cannot  be  without  a  liberty  (  which  they  call  of  fpecification  )  that 
is  to  fay  ,  a  Liberty  to  do  or  not  to  do  ,  thii  or  that  in  particular  ■-,  for  how  can  a  man  con- 
ceive ,  that  he  has  liberty  to  do  any  thing  ,  that  hath  not  liberty  to  do  this  or  that,  orfonie- 
what  in  particular.  Jfaman  be  forbidden  in  Lent  to  eat  this  and  that ,  and  every  other 
particular  kjnd  offlejh ,  how  can  he  be  underjiood  to  have  a  Liberty  to  eatflejh  ,  niire  thaii 
he  that  hath  no  licsnfe  at  all?  M  m  m  m  Jy^ 


7JJ  A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  I  H . 

Tou  may  by  this  a^^.unfie  the  vanity  of  di\iinVnons  ujcd  in  the  Schwh  ,  J>,d  J  do  not 

dmbt  hut  that  the  impofntg  of  them  by  authority  ofDoiiors  m  the  Church  ,  hath  been  a 
arett  caiife  that  men  have  laboured  ,  though  by  [edition  and  evn  courfei  to  (hal^e  them  off\ 
formthing  is  more  aft  to  beget  hatred^  than  the  Tyrannifing  owr  ni.im  reafon  and  under- 
ftjnding  ,  ejpecially  rvhen  it  is  done  ,  not  by  theScripture ,  but  by  the  pretenje  of  learning  , 
and  more' judgement  than  that  of  other  men. 
J.  J>-  He  who  will  fpeak  witli  fome  of  our  great  undertakers ,  about  the  grounds  of 

Learning ,  had  need  either  to  fpeak  by  an  interpreter ,   or  to  learn  a  new  Language 
C  I  dare  not  call  it  Jargon  or  Canting  )  lately  dcvifed  ,  not  to  let  forth  the  truth  , 
but  to  conceal  falfliood.     He  muii   learn    a  new  Liberty ,  a    new     necellity  , 
a  new  contingency,    a   new   fufficiency,  a  new  Spontaneity,    anew  kind  of 
deliberation,  a  new  kind  of  Elcdion,  a  new  Eternity,  anew  compulllon  ,  and  in 
concluiion  ,  a  new  nothing.     This  propofition  ,  the  tvtUis  free  ,  may  be  under/tood 
in  two  lenfes,  either  that  the  will  is  not  compelled  ,  or  that  the  will  is  not  always 
jiecelhtated  ,  for  if  it  be  ordinarily  ,  or  at  any  time  free  from  necelfitation  ,  my  aP- 
fertion  is  true ,  that  there  is  freedom  from  neceliity.     The  former  fenfe ,  that  the 
will  is  not  compelled  ,  is  acknowledged  by  all  the  World  ,  as  a  truth  undeniable , 
voluntas  non  cogitur.     For  ,  if  the  will  maybe  compelled,  then  it  may  both  will 
and  not  will  the  fame  thing  at  the  fame  time,  under  the  fame  notion,  but  this 
implies  a  contradidion.     Yet  this  Author  (  like  the  good  woman  whom  her  huf- 
band  fought  up  the  llream  when  (he  was  drowned,  upon   pretenfe   that  when 
(lie  was  living,  (he  ufcd  to  go  contrary  courfes  to  all  tither  people, )  he  holds  that 
true  compulfion  and  fcar  may  make  a  man  will  that,  which  he  doth  not  will ,  that 
is,in  his  (en(e  may  compel  the  will.     As  when  a  man  willingly  throws  his  goods  in- 
to the  Sea  to  fave  himfelf ,  or  fubmitts  to  his  enemy  for  fear  of  being  killed.    I  an- 
fwer  that  T.  H.  miftakes  fundry  ways  in  this  difcourfe. 

Firfl  ,  he  erreth  in  this  to  think  that  adiions  proceeding  from  fear,  are  properly 
compulfory  actions ,  which  in  truth  are  not  only  voluntary  ,  but  free  adtionsi  nei- 
ther compelled ,  nor(b  much  asPhyfically  necelhtated.     Another  man  at  the  fame 
time  ,  in  the  fame  (hip  ,  in  the  fame  (lorm  ,  may  choofe  ,  and  the  fame  individual 
tnan  otherwife  advifed  might  choo(e ,  not  to  throw  his  goods  overboard.     It  is  tl;e 
man  him(elf ,  who  choofeth  freely  this  means  to  preferve  his  Life.     It  is  true  ,  that 
if  he  were  not  in  fuch  a  condition  ,   or  if  he  were  freed  ftom  the  grounds  of  his 
prefent  fears,  he  would  not  choofe  neither  the  carting  of  his  goods  into  the  Sea,  nor 
the  lubmitting  to  his  enemy.     But  confidering  the  pre(ent  exigence  of  his  affairs , 
reafondidatcsto  him ,  thatof  two  inconveniences  the  le(s  is  to  be  chofen ,  as  a 
comparative  good.     Neither  doth  he  will  this  courfe  as  the  end  or  diredl  objedt  of 
his  defires  ,  but  as  the  means  to  attain  his  end.     And  what  fear  doth  in  thefe  cafes , 
Love,  Hope  ,  Hatred  &c.  may  do  in  other  cafes ,  that  is  ,  may  occalion  a  man  ta 
eled  thofe  means  to  obtain  his  willed  end,  which  other wi(e  he  would  not  e!e<ft.  As 
Jacob  to  ferve  Seven  years  more  ,  rather  than  not  to  enjoy  his  beloved  Kachel.   The 
Merchant  to  hazard  him(elf  upon  the  rough  Seas ,  in  hope  of  pro(it.     Paliicns  may 
be  fo  violent ,  that  they  may  neccflitate  the  will ,  that  is  v\  hen  they  prevent  delibe- 
rations ,  but  this  is  rarely  ,  and  then  the  will  is  not  free.     But  they  never  properly 
compel  it.    That  which  is  compelled  ,  is  againft  the  will,  and  that  which  is  again(t 
the  will  is  not  willed. 

'  Secondly  ,  T.  H  errs  in  this  alfo,  where  he  faith,  that  a  man  is  then  onelyfaid 
to  be  compelled  rvhenfear  makgs  him  wiling  to  an  aCrion :  As  if  force  were  not  more  pre- 
valent with  a  man  than  fear.  We  muft  know  therefore,  that  this  word  compd'ed  is 
taken  two  ways ,  fometimes  improperly  ,  that  is  when  a  man  is  moved  or  occafio- 
ned  by  threats,  or  fear  ,  or  any  padion  to  do  that  which  he  would  not  have  done,  if 
thofe  threatx,  or  that  paflion  had  not  been  h  Sometimes  it  is  taken  properly ,  w  hen 
we  do  any  thing  agairft  our  own  inclination ,  moved  by  an  external  caufe,  the 
will  not  confenting,  nor  concurring,  but  refif^irg  as  much  as  it  can.  As  in  a  Rape, 
or  when  a  Chrif^ian  is  drawn  or  carried  by  violence  to  the  Idols  Temple.  Or  as  in 
the  cafe  of  St,  Feter  ,  ]d^n  21.  18.  Another  Jhall gird  thee  ,  andcarry  thee  rvhither 
tho  n-ouldefi  nut.  This  is  that  compulfion  which  is  underf^ood  ,  when  we  (ay ,  the 
will  may  be  letted  ,  or  changed  ,  or  necellitatcd,  or  that  theimperat  adlions  of  the 

will 


Discourse     I.  againft    Mr.  Hobs.  ^07 

will 'that  is,  the  adions  ot  the  infenour  faculties  wnich  are  ordinarily  moved  by 
the  will)  may  be  compelled  i  but  that  the  immanenc  actons  of  the  will,  that 
is  ,  to  will ,  to  choofe,  cannot  be  compelled  ,  becaufe  it  is  the  nature  of  an  adtion 
properly  compelled  to  be  done  by  an  extrinfecal  caufe  ,  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  will. 

Thirdly  ,  the  queftlon  is  not  whether  all  the  adJions  of  a  man  be  free  ,  but  whe- 
ther they  be  ordinarily  free.  Suppofe  fome  pallions  are  fo  fuddain  and  violent,  that  3' 
they  furprife  a  man  ,  and  betray  the  fuccours  of  the  Soul,  and  prevent  deliberation 
as  we  fee  in  fome  mom  primo  frimi ,  or  antipathies ,  how  fome  men  will  run  upon 
the  molt  dangerous  objects ,  upon  the  firll  view  of  a  loathed  creature,  without  any 
powerto  contain  themfelve?.  Such  adions  as  thefe  ,  as  they  are  not  ordinary  ,  fo 
they  are  not  free  ,  becaufe  there  is  no  deliberation  nor  eledion.  Bat  where  deli- 
beration and  eledicn  are,  as  when  a  man  throws  his  goods  over-board  to  fave  the 
fhip,  or  fubmits  to  his  enemy  ,  to  fave  his  Lifei  there  is  alwiys  true  Liberty. 

Though  T.  H  ilight  the  two  reafons  which  I  produce  in  favour  of  his  caufe  yet 
they  who  urged  them  ,  deferved  not  to  be  flighted  ,  unlefs  it  were  becaufe  'they 
were  Schoolmen.  The  former  reafon  is  thus  framed i  A  neceliity  of  fuppofition  may 
confift  with  true  Liberty  ,  but  that  neceffity  which  flows  from  the  natural  and  ex- 
trinfecal determination  of  the  will,  is  a  necelGty  of  fuppofition  s  To  this  my  anfwer 
is  in  elfecft  \  that  a  neceliity  of  fuppofition  is  of  two  kinds,  fomctimes  the  thing  fup- 
pofed  is  in  the  power  of  the  Agent  to  do  or  not  to  do  i  as  for  a  Komi(h  Prielt  to 
vow  continence  ,  upon  fuppofition  that  he  be  a  Komijh  Prieft ,  is  neceflary  :  but  be- 
caufe it  was  in  his  power  to  be  a  Prieft  or  not  to  be  a  Prieft ,  therefore  his  vow  is  a  free 
ad.  So  fuppofinga  man  to  have  taken  Phyiick,  it  is  neceflary  that  he  keep  at  home,  yet 
becaufe  it  was  in  his  power  to  take  a  Medicine  or  not  to  takeit,  theretore  his 
keeping  at  home  is  free.  Again  fometimes  the  thing  fuppofed  is  not  in  the  power  of 
the  Agent  to  do ,  or  not  to  do  •,  fuppofing  a  man  to  be  extreme  fick,  it  is  neceflary  that 
he  keep  at  home  ,  or  fuppofing  that  a  man  hath  a  natural  antipathy  againft  a  Cat 
he  runs  neceflarily  away  fo  foonas  he  fees  her.  Becaufe  this  antipathy  and  this  fick- 
ne(s  are  not  in  the  power  of  the  party  affeded  ,  therefore  thefe  ads  are  not  free. 
Jicob  blefled  his  Sons ,  Baalamhkfftd  Jfrael ,  thefe  two  ads  being  done  arc  both 
neceflary  upon  fuppofition  ;  but  it  was  in  Jacobs  power  not  to  have  blelTed  his  Sons 
(b  was  it  not  in  Baabms  power  not  to  have  blefled  Jfrael ,  Numb.  22,  38.  Jacobs 
will  was  determined  by  himfelf ,  Baalams  will  was  Phyfically  determined  by  God, 
Therefore  ^afo^j-benedidion  proceeded  from  his  own  freceledioni  and  Baalamsfrom 
Gods- determination.  So  wzs  Caiphas  his  prophefie  ,  Johnii.<^i.  Therefore  the 
Text  faith,  Hefpak^  not  of  himfelf.  To  this  T.  H.  faith  nothing,  but  onely  declareth  by 
an  impertinent  inftance,  what  Hypothetical  fignifies.  And  then  advifeth  Your  Lord- 
(hip  to  take  notice  how  errorsand  ignorance  may  be  cloked  under  grave  Scholaftick 
terms.  And  I  do  like  wife  intreat  your  Lordfliip  to  take  notice,  that  the  greateft 
fraud  and  cheating,  lurks  commonly  under  the  pretence  of  plain  dealino^  i  we  fee 
Juglers  commonly  lirip  up  their  fleeves,  and  promife  extraordinary  fair  dealin^^  be- 
fore they  begin  to  play  their  tricks. 

Concerning  the  Second  Argument  drawn  from  the  Liberty  of  God  and  the  Good 
Angels.  As  I  cannot  but  approve  his  modefty  ,  in  fufpending  his  Judgement  con- 
cerning the  manner  hovv  God  and  the  Good  Angels  do  work  neceflarily  or  freely 
becaufe  he  finds  it  not  fet  down  in  the  Articles  of  our  Faith  ,  or  the  decrees  of  our 
Church,  efpecially  in  this  age  ,  which  is  fo  full  of  Athcifm  ,  and  of  thofe  fcoifers 
which  St.  PetfT  Prophefied  of ,  2.  Pft.  3.5,  Who  neither  believe,  that  there  is  God 
or  Angels ,  or  that  they  have  a  Soul  ,  but  only  as  Salt  to  keep  their  bodies  from  pu- 
putrefadion  i  So  I  can  by  no  means  aflent  unto  him  ,  in  that  which  follows  that 
is  to  fay,  that  he  hath  proved,  that  Liberty  and  Neceliity  of  the  fame  kind  may  confift 
together,  that  is ,  aLiberty  of  exercife  with  a  neceliity  of  exercife ,  or  a  Liberty  of 
(pecification  ,  with  a  neceliity  of  fpecification.  Thofe  adions  which  he  faith  are 
neceliitated  by  pallion  ,  are  for  the  moft  part  didated  by  reafon  ,  either  truely  or 
apparently  right ,  refolvcdby  the  will  it  felf.  But  it  troubles  him  that  I  fay,  that 
God  and  the  Good  Angels  are  more  free  than  men  intenfively  in  the  degree  of  free- 
dom, but  not  extenfively  in  the  latitude  of  the  objed,  according  to  a  Liberty  of 

M  m  in  m  a  excr- 


69*6 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  f.  ,  h.  1  i  I. 


Tieicile     but  not  of  Ipecihcation  ,  which  he  faith  ,  are  no  diltiuaions,  but  terms 
invented  to  cover  ignorance.     Good   words.     Doth  he  onely  fee  ?  Arc  all  other 
men  ftarkblinde?  By  his  favour,  they  are  true  and  neceffary  ditundtionsi  Ani 
lY  he  alone  do  not  conceive  them  ,  it  is  becaufe  diftlndtions ,  as  all  other  things  , 
have  their  fates,  according  to  the  capacities  or  prejudices  of  their  Readers.     But 
he  urceth  two  reafons  ,  One  heat  faith  he  ,  may  be  more  imeyifwe  than  another^  but  not 
ene  Liberty  than  another.     Why  not  ,  I  wonder  >  Nothing  is  more  proper  to  a  man 
than  reafon  ,  yet  a  man  is  more  rational  than  a  child  ,  and  one  man  more  rational 
than  another  ,  that  is  in  rcfpedt  of  the  ufe  and  exercife  of  reafon.     As  there  arc  de- 
grees of  underlianding  ,  fo  there  are  of  Liberty.     The  good  Angels  have  clearer  un- 
derllandings  than  we ,  and  they  are  not  hindred  with  paihons   as  we  and  by  con- 
fequence ,  they  have  more  ufe  of  Liberty  than  we.     His  Second  reafi^n  is ,  He  that 
can  do  what  he  reill ,  hath  all  Liberty  ,  and  he  that  cannot  do  what  he  rviL\  hath  no  Li- 
berty.    If  this  be  true,  then  there  are.no  degrees  of  Liberty  indeed.     But  this  which 
he  calls  Liberty  ,  is  rather  an  omnipotence  than  a  Liberty,    to  do  whatfoever  he 
will.     A  man  is  free  to  (hoot ,  or  not  to  fhoot ,  although  he  cannot  hit  the  White , 
whenfoever  he  would.     We  do  good  freely  ^  but  with  more  diificulty  and  reludla- 
tion  than  the  good  Spirit--.     The  more  rational  ,  and  the  left  fenfual  the  will  is,  the 
greater  is  the  degree  of  Liberty.     His  other  exception  againft  Liberty  of  exercife  , 
and  Liberty  of  fpecification,  is  ameer  miftake  which  grows  mcerly  from  not  right- 
ly underftanding  what  Liberty  of  Specification  or  contrariety  is.     A  Liberty  of  fpe- 
cification faith  he,  is  a  Liberty  to  do,  or  not  to  do,  or  not  to  do  this  or  that  inpar- 
tKular.     Upon  better  advice  he  will  find  ,  that  this  which  which  he  calls  a  Liberty 
of  fpecification  ,  is  a  Liberty  of  contradidtion,  and  not  of  fpecification  nor  of  con- 
trariety.    To  be  free  to  do  or  not  to  do ,  this  or  that  particular  good,  is  a  Liberty 
of  contradiction  .  Co  like  wife  to  be  free  to  do  or  not  to  do  this  or  that  particular  e- 
vil.     But  to  be  free  to  do  both  good  and  evil,  is  a  Liberty  of  contrariety  ,  which 
extends  to  contrary  objecfts ,  or  to  diverfe  kinds  of  things.     So  his  reafon  to  prove, 
that  a  Liberty  of  excercife  cannot  be  without  a  Liberty  of  fpecification ,  falls  flat  to 
the  ground.     And  he  may  lay  afide  his  Lenten  Jicenfe  for  another  occafion.     I 
am  afhamed  to  infill   npon  thefe  things'  which  are  fo  evident  ,  that  no  man  can 
queftion  them  who  doth   underfland  them. 

And  here  he  falls  into  another  inve(flive  againfl  diliin(^ions ,  and  Scholaftical 
expreffions  ,  and  the  Dodfors  of  the  Church  ,  -who  by  this  means  tyrannized  over 
the  miderftandings  of  other  men.  What  a  prefumption  is  this  for  one  private  man 
■who  will  not  allow  human  Liberty  to  others,  toafTume  to  himfelf  fuch  a  Licence  , 
to  control  fo  Magifirally  ,  and  to  cenfureof  grofs  ignorance  and  Tyrannifing  over 
mens  Judgmens ,  yea  as  caufes  of  the  troubles  and  tumults  which  are  in  the  World, 
the  Doctors  of  the  Church  in  General ,  who  have  flourifhed  in  all  ages  and  all  pla- 
ces, only  for  a  few  neceffary  and  innocent  diftlndtions.  Truly  faid  P/wwrc/? ,  that 
a  (ore  eyeis  offended  with  theLight  of  the  Suniwhat  then  muit  thcLogicianslay  afide 
their  firll  and  fecond  intentions?theirabftradsand  concretes,  thcirSubjedls  and  Predi- 
cates, their  Modes  and  Figures,  tkeir  Method  Synthetick  and  Analytick ,  their 
Fallacies  of  compofition  and  divifion  ,  &c  >  Muft  the  moral  philofopher  quit  his 
means  and  extremes  ,  his  pincifia  congenita  and  acquifita  ,  his  Liberty  of  contradi- 
ction and  contrariety  ,  his  necellity  abfolute  and  hypothetical ,  &c  ?  Muft  the  na- 
tural Philofopher  give  over  his  intentional  fpecies  ,  his  underftanding  Agent  and  Pa- 
tient, his  receptive  and  cdudtive  power  of  the  matter  ,  his  qualities,  fymhoU  or 
dijymboU ^  his  temperament,  ad ponduf  ^  znd  ad juftitiam  ,  his  parts  Homogeneous 
and  Heterogeneous,  his  Sympathies  and  Antipathies,  his  Antirperiftafis,  6'c.?  Muft 
the  Altrologer  and  the  Geographer  leave  their  Apgaum  and  Teriganm  ,  their  Ar- 
ftick  and  Antardtick  Poles,  their  iEquator ,  2odiack,  Zenith,  Meridian,  Hori- 
fbn  ,  Zones,  &c?  Muft  the  Mathematician  ,  the  Metaphyfitian  ,  and  the  Divine, 
relinquifh  ail  their  tearms  of  Art ,  and  proper  idiotifms,  becaufe  they  do  not  rellifh 
with  T.  H.  his  palate  ?  But  he  will  fay  they  are  cbfcure  expreflions  ■■>  what  marvel  is 
it ,  when  the  things  themfelves  are  more  cbfcure  i  let  him  put  them  into  as  plain 
Englijh  as  he  can, and  they  fhall  be  never  a  whit  the  better  underftood  by  thofe  who 
want  all  grounds  of  Learning.  Nothing  is  clearer  than  Mathematical  demonftration,yet 

let 


Discourse  I.  again fi    Mr.    Hobs.  5pp 

Jet  one  who  is  altogether  ignorant  in  Mafhematicks  hear  it,  and  he   will  hold  it  to  ' 

be  as  T.  H.  tcarms  thcfe  diltinclions  ,  plain  Fuftian  or  Jargon.     Every  Art  or  Pro- 

fellion  hath  its  proper  mylieries  and  exprellions,  which  are  well  known  to  the  Sons 

of  Art ,  not  fo  to  ftrangers.     Let  hina  confult  with  Military   men,  with  Phyfitians, 

with  Navigators  ,  and  he  fhall  find  this  true  by  experience .  Let  him  go  on  fhipboard 

and  the  Mariners  will  not  leave  their  Statbord  and  Larbord,  becaufe  they  pleafe   not 

him,  or  becaufe  he  accounts  it  Cibrijfj.     No  ,  no  :  it  is  not  the  School  Divines,  but 

Innovators  and  feditious  Oracours,   who  are  the  true  caufes  of  the  prefent  troubles 

of  Europe.     7.  H.  hath  forgotten  what  he  laid  in  his  book,  Ve  Civecap.  12.     That  it 

is  a  feditious  opinion  to  teach  ,  that  the  knowledge  of  good   and  evil  belongs  to 

private  perfons.     Aud  cap.  17.  that  in  quefiions  of  Faith  the  Civil  Magiftrates  ought 

to  confult  with  the  Eccltfiajiical  Dodors  ,  to  vphom  Gods  BltJJing  is  derived  by  impofnion 

of  hands ,  fo  as  not  to  be  deceived  in  neceffary  tntths  ,  to  tvhom  our  Saviour  hath  promifed 

irifaliibility.     Thefe  are  the  very  men  whom  he  traduceth  here.     There  he  afcribes 

Infallibility  to  them,here  he  accufeth  them  ofgrofs  fuperftitious  ignorance.There  he  at" 

tributes  toomuch  to  them,  here  he  attributes  too  little.  Both  there  andheye  he  tak  estoo 

much  upon  him.  "The  Spirits  of  the  Prophets  are  Subject    to  the  Trophets,  i.  Cor.  14.  32. 

Now,   to  the  diftindionit  felf  I  fay  firft,  that  the  proper  a<ft  of  Liberty  is  election, 
and  cledion  is  oppofed  ,  not  onely  tocoadtion  ,  but  alfo  to  coardlation  or  determi-        J.  V. 
nation  to  one.Necelh'tation  or  determination  to  one,may  confift  with  fpontaneity,but  Numb.  20. 
not  with  eledion  or  Liberty,  as  hath  been  fhewed.Thevery  Stoicks  did  acknowledge 
a  fpontaneity.  So  our  adversaries  are  not  yet  gone  out  of  the  confines  of  the  Stoicks. 

Secondly,To  rip  up  the  bottom  of  this  buiinefs.  This  I  take  to  be  the  clear  refo- 
lution  of  the  Schools  i  there  is  a  double  adt  of  the  will,  the  one  more  remote,  chil- 
led Imperatus ,  that  is,  in  truth  the  adt  of  fome  inferiour  faculty,  fubjedl  to  the 
command  of  the  will ,  as  to  open  or  ftiut  ones  eyes  ,  without  doubt  thefe  adlions 
may  be  compelled.  The  other  ad  is  nearer ,  called  a&ui  elicitus  ,  an  adt  drawn  out 
of  the  will  ,  as  to  will ,  to  choofc  ,  to  eledl,  this  may  be  flopped  or  hindred  by 
the  intervening  impediment  of  the  underftanding  ,  as  a  ftone  lying  on  a  Table  is 
kept  from  its  natural  motion,  otherwife  the  will  (hould  have  a  kind  of  omnipotence 
but  the  will  cannot  be  compelled  to  an  act  repugnant  to  its  inclination  ,  as  when  a 
ftone  is  thrown  upwards  into  the  air ,  for  that  is  both  to  incline,  and  not  to  incline 
to  the  fame  object ,  at  the  fame  time,  which  implies  a  contradiction.  Therefore  to 
lay  the  will  is  necelfitated  ,  is  to  fay  ,  the  will  is  compelled  fo  far  as  the  will  is  ca- 
pable of  compulfion.  If  aflrong  man  holding  the  hancj  of  a  weaker,  fhould  there- 
with kill  a  third  perfon  ,  h£c  quidem  vis  ejl ,  this  is  violence,  the  weaker  did  not 
willingly  perpetrate  the  fact,  becaufe  he  was  compelled.  But  now  fuppofe  the 
ftrong  man  had  the  will  of  the  weaker  in  his  power  as  well  as  the  hand,  and  fhould 
not  onely  incline  ,  but  determin  it  fecretly  and  infenlibly  to  conlmit  this  act,  is  not 
the  cafe  the  fame?  Whether  oneravifh  Lucretia  by  force,  as  Tarcjuine,  or  by  amatory 
potions,  and  magical  incantations,  not  only  allure  her,  but  necelfitate  her  to  fatisfie 
his  lull,  and  incline  her  effedtually,  and  draw  her  inevitably,  and  irrcfiilibly to 
follow  him  fpontaneoufly,  Lucretia  in  both  thefe  conditions  is  to  be  pittyed 
but  the  later  perfon  is  more  guilty  ,  and  deferves  greater  punifhment ,  who 
endeavours  alfo,  fo  much  as  in  him  lies,  to  make  Lttcretia  irrefiftibly  partake  of  his 
crime.  I  dare  not  apply  it ,  but  thus  onely  i  Take  heed  how  we  defend  thofe  fe- 
cret  and  invincible  neceilitationsto  evil,  though  fpontaneous  and  free  from  coaction. 

Thefe  are  their  faflnefTes. 

In  the  next  place ,  he  hringeth  tvpo  arguments  againfl  diflinguifhing  betrveen  behiir  1'  H. 
free  from  compulfion  ^  and  free  from  necejjitation^  The  firfi  is  ,  that  eleclion  is  oppo- 
fte ,  mt  onely  to  coaViion  or  compulfion ,  hut  alfo  to  neceffitation  or  determination  to 
one.  This  is  it  he  rcas  to  prove  from  the  beginnings  andtherfore  bringeth  no  nerv 
argument  to  prove  it.  And  to  thofe  brought  formerly ,  I  have  already  anftvered ; 
And  in  this  place  J  deny  again  ^  thateledion  is  oppofite  to  either,  for  when  a  man  is 
compelled  (for  example,  tofubjeli  himfelf  to  an  enemy  or  to  dy  )  he  hath  liiU  eledion 
left  in  him ,  and  a  deliberation  to  bethink^  vehich  of  thefe  two  he  can  better  endure  ; 
And  he  that  is  led  to  prifon  by  force ,  hath  eleUion  and  may  deliberate  whether  he  will 
he  hailed  and  trained  on  the  ground^  or  make   ufe  of  his  feet. 

Likf- 


'OO 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TQiME    I  I  I. 

m     hi<r  irreauf  than  the  motives  to  abftam  ,  neceQartly  determine  km  to  the  doing 


Ctton  ,  t>(i»j  ^     j^^^^^^^  ^j^-i^j  Jometimes  the  motives  to  do  ,  fometimes  the  motives  to 

Irt'Jare  workinsL  on  him ,  and  confequently  he  eleHeth  which  he  ml     B;n  commonly 

Jhent^e  fee  andlioiv  the  jhength  that  moves  us,  we  acknowledge  Neceffny  ,  hit  when 

f   not     or  mark""^  the  force  that  moves  w ,  we  then  thtnKthere  is  none  ,  and  that  it 

Vmcaufes  bHt  Liberty  ,  that  froduceth  theaiiion.     Hence  it  k     that  they  thin^he  does 

not  choofe  thU ,  that  ofneceftty  choofeth  it ,   but  they  might  as  weV  fay ,  fire  does  not  burn , 

becaufe  it  burns  ofneceffiiy.     7he  Second  argument  is  not  fo  much  an  argument  as  a  di- 

fiindion    tojhew  inwhat  fenfe  it  may  he  faid ,  that    voluntary  aU ions  are  necejfttated, 

and  in  ^what  fenfe  not.     And  therefore  he  aVedgeth  as  from  the  authority  of  the  Schooles, 

and  that  which  rifpeth  up  the  hottome  of  the  queftion,  that  there  is  a  double  alt  of  the 

wiJl->  "the  one  hefayes,  is  aftus  Imperatus,  an  a£i  done  at  the  command  of  the  wiU 

by  fame  infaiour  faculty  of  the  foul,  as  to  of  en  or  put  ones  eyes  ,  and  this   ad  may 

be  compelled,     "the  other  he  fayes  ,  is  adlus  elicitus  ,  an  aU  allured  ,  or  a)i  a£i  drawen 

firth  by  allurement  cut  of  the  will,  as  to  will,  to  choofe  ,  to  eteS  :  this  he  fayes  cannot  be 

compelled.     Wherein  letting  paflthat   Metaphoricatl  fpeecb  of  attributing  command  &  fub- 

jeUion  to  the  faculties  of  the  foul,  as  if  they  made  a  Commonwealth  or  Family  among 

ihemfelves ,  aud  could  fpeak^  one  to  another ,  which  is   very  improper  in  fearching  the 

truth  of  the  (jueftioH,     Tou  may  obferve,  firji ,  that  to  compel!  a  voluntary  afif ,  is  nothing 

els ,  but  to  wiV  it  ,  for  it  is  all  one  to  fay ,  my   rvill  commands  the  fhutting  of  mine 

eyes  ,  or  the  doing  of  any  other  aSion  ,  and  to  fay  ,  I  have  the  rfill  to  Jhut  mine  eyes 

So  that  adus  imperatu«  here  ,  might  as  eafly  have  heenfaid  in   Englifh  ,  a  voluntary 

aiiion ,  but  that  they  that  invented   the  terme  ,  underftood  not  any  thing  it  ftgnified. 

Secondly,  you  may  obferve ,  that  iCi^is  elicitus,  is  exemplified  by  thefe  words,  to  wiU 

to  Eled ,  to  Choofe,  which  are  all  one  ,  andfoto  will  is  here  made  an  aU    of  the  will , 

and  indeed ,  as  the  will  is  a  faculty,  or  power  in  a  mans  foule  ,  fo  to  will  is  an   ad  of 

it     according  to  that  power.     But  as  it  is  abfurdly  faid  ,  that  to  dame  is  an  a£}  allured 

or  drawn  by  fair  means  out  of  the  ability  to  dance  i  jo  it  is  alfo  to  fay  ,  that  to  will  , 

is  an  aU  allured  or  drawn  out  of  the  power  to  will ,  which  power  is  commonly    called 

the  will.     Howfoever  it   be,  the  fumme  of  his  dijiinBion  is,  that  a  voluntary  a&  may 

be  done  on  compttlfwn ,  that  it  to  fay,  by  foul  means  ^  hut  to   will  that  or  any    a& 

cannot  be  but  by  allurement  or  fair  means.     Now ,  feeing  fair   Means ,    Allurements 

and  Enticements  ,  produce  the  aSion  which  they  do  produce,  as  neceffarily  as  ihreatning, 

and  foul  means  ,    itfollowes,  that  to  will,  may  he  made  as  neceffary  as  any   thing  that 

is  done  by  compulfton.     So  that  the  dijiinBion  of  adlus  imperatus ,   and  aaus  elicitus  , 

are  but  words,  andofnoeffeSl  againji  necefiity. 

In  the  next  place  follow  two  reafons  of  mine  one  againft  the  fame  diftindion,  the 
J.V,       one  taken  from  the  former  grounds ,  that  ele(^ion  cannot  confift  with  determina- 
tion to  one.     To  this  Che  faith  3  hzbztb  anj'wered  already.     No,  truth  is  founded 
upon  a  rock,  he  hath  been  fo  far  from  prevailing  againltit,  that  he  hath  not  been 
able  to  (hake  it.     Now  again  ,he  tells  us,  that  Eleilion  is  not  opprfne  to  sither,  (nc- 
ceffitation  or  compulfion  )  He  might  even  as  well  tell  us,  thats  Itone  thrown  up- 
wards moves  naturally  >  Or ,  that  a  Woman  can  be  ravifhed  with  her  own  will. 
Confent  takes  away  the  Rape.     This  is  the  rtrangeft  liberty  that  ever  was  heard 
of,  that  a  man  is  compelled  to  do  what  he  would  not  ,  and  yet  is  free  to  do  what 
he  will.     And  this  he  tells  us  upon  the  old  fco-^f-  that  he  who  fubmits  to  his  enemy  for 
fear  of  death,  choofeth  to  fubmit.     But  we  hcv       •      ormcrly  that  this,   which  hecals 
compulfion,  is  not  compulfion  properly ;  noi  i_itnaiural  determination  of  the  will 
to  one,  which  is  oppofite  to  true  Liberty.     He  who  fubmits  to  an  enemy  for  faving 
his  Life ,  doth  cither  onely  counterfeit ,  and  then  there  is  no  will  to  fubmit,  (  this 
difguife  is  no  more  than  a  ftepping  afide  ,  to  avoid  a  prefent  blow  )  or  elfe  he  doth 
(incercly  will  a  fubmiffion,  and  then  the  will  is  changed  s  there  is  a  vaft  difference 
between  compelling  andchsr.ging  the  will.     Either  God  or  man  may  change  the 
will  of  man,  either  by  varying  the  condition  of  things ,  or  by  informing  the  party 
otherwife  ,  but  compelled  it  cannot  be,  that  is,  it  cannot  both  will  this,  and  not 
will  this,  as  it  is  inveftcd  with  the  fame  circumftances,  though  if  the  act  were  other- 
Wife  ciicumttantiattd  ,  it  might  ijill  that  freely,  which  now  it  wijls  freely.    Where- 
fore 


Discourse  I.  againft  Mr.  Hobs- 


701 


fore  thefe  kind  oF  adlions  are  called  mixt  actions ,  tnat  is  partly  voluntary  ,  partly 
unvoluntary.     That  which  is  con:ipelled  is  a  mans  preient  condition  or  diltrels,  that 
is  not  voluntary  nor  chofen.     That  which  is  chofen  ,  is  the  remedy  of  its  di/trefs, 
that  is  voluntary.     So  hypotheticallyfuppoiing  a  man  were  not   in  that  diftrefs  they 
are  involuntary  ,  but  abfolutely  without  any  fuppolirion  at  all ,  takmg  the  cafe  as 
it  is,  they  are  voluntary.     His  other  inftance  of  a  manjorced  tofrifon^thit  /;<  may  cboofe 
Tvhetber  he  will  be  haled  thither  upon  the  ground  ,  or  ttcalk^upon  his  feet  is  not    true.     By 
his  leave  ,  that  is  not  as  he  pleafeth  ,   but  as  itpleafech  them  who  have  him  in  their 
power.     If  they  will  drag  him  he  is  not  free  to  walk  i  and  if  they  give   him 
leave  to  walk  ,  he  is  not  forced  to  be  dragged.    .Having  laid  this  foundation,   he 
begins  to  build  upon  it ,  that  other  pajjions  do  neceffitate  as  much  as  fear  ;  BJthe  errs 
doubly  i  ririt  ,  in  his  foundation,  fear  duth  not  determine  tne  racimu!  will  natural- 
ly and  necelfarily  ■■,  The  laft  and  greateii  of  the  five  terrible  things  is  death  ,  yet 
the  fear  of  death  cannot  neceliitate  a  refolved  mind  to  doa  diflioneii  action  ,   which 
is  worfe  than  death.     The  fear  of  the  fiery  furnace  could  not  compel  the  three  Chil- 
dren to  worlhip  an  Idol  ,  nor  the  fear  of  the  Lions  neceliitate  Darnel ,  to  omit  his 
duty  to  God.    It  is  our  frailty,  that  we  are  more  afraid  of  empty  ihadows  than  of 
fubltantial  dangers,  becaufe  theyare  neerer  our  fenfes,  as  little  Children  fear  a  moufe 
or  a  Vifard,  more  than  fire  or  water.     But  as  a  fit  of  the  Stone  takes  away  the  fenfe 
of  the  Gout  for  the  prefent ,  fo  the  greater  pallion  doth  extinguifh  the  lefs.     The 
fear  of  Gods  Vvrath,  and   eternal  torments  doth  expel  corporal  kdix:  fear  not  them  who 
vptlk^Uthe  bodyjbutfear  him  who  if  able  to  call  both  body  and  Soul  intoUe^.Lnk.  "j.'^.Va  ve,:iam 
imperatur^tucarcerem^iliegehennamminatur^KKCuCeme,  O  Emperor,  thou  thrcatneft  men 
withprilbn,  but  he  threatns  me  with  Hell.Secondly,he  errs  in  this  fuperf\ruction  alfo. 
There  is  a  great  difference,  as  to  this  cafe  of  juftifying  or  not  julhtying  an  action 
between  force  and  fear  ,  and  other  pafsionsi  force  does  not  onely  lefTen  the  fin,  but 
takes  it  quite  away,   Vent.  22.  26.     He  who  forced  a  betrothed  Damfel  was  to  dyei 
but  unto  the  Damfel  (  faith  he  )  thoufhalt  do  nothing  ,  there  is  in  her  no  jault  worthy  of 
death.     7amars  beauty ,  or  Ammons  Love  did  not  render  him  innocent ,  but  Am- 
mons  force  rendred  lamar  innocent.     But  fear  is  not  fo  prevalent  as  tLrce.    Indeed 
if  fear  be  great ,  and  julUy  grounded,  fuch  as  may  fall  upon  a  conftant  man,  though 
it  do  not  difpenft  with  the  tranfgrefsion  of  the  negative  Precepts  of  God  or  Nature, 
becaufethey  bind  to  all  times,  yetJit  diminifheth  the  offence,  even  againft  them,  and 
pleads  for  pardon.     But  it  difpenfeth  in  many  cafes  with  the  tranfgrefbion  of  the  po- 
fitive  Law  ,  either  Divine  or  Humane  i   becaufe  it  is  not  probable  ,  that  God  or  the 
Law  ,  would  oblige  man  to  the  obfervation  of  all  pofitive  precepts ,  with  fo  great 
damigcas  the  loisof  his  Life.     The  omifsion  of  circumcifion  was  no  lin,   whileft 
the  Jjraelites  were  travailing  through  the  wildernefs.     By  T.  H.  his   permifsion  ,  I 
will  propofe  a  cafe  to  him.     A  Gentleman  fends  hisfervant  with  money  to  buy  his 
dinner :   fume  Ruffians  meet  him  by  the  way  ,  and  take  it  from  him  by  force  ■■,   The 
Servant  cryed  for  help  ,  and  did  what  he  could  to  defend  himfclf:  but  all  would  not 
fcrve.     The  fervant  is  innocent ,  if  he  was  tryed  before  a  Court  of  Areopagitcs.     Or 
fijppofe  the  Ruffians  did  not  take  't  from  him  by  force  ,  but  drew  their  Swords  and 
thrcatned  to  kill  him  ,  except  he  delivered  it  hirafelfs  no  wife  man  can  conceive  , 
that  it  was  either  the mafters  intention  ,  or  the  Servants  duty,  to  hazard  his  Life, 
or  his  Limbs  for  faving  of  fuch  a  trifling  fum.     But  on  the  other  fide  fuppofe  this 
Servant ,  pafsing  by  fome  Cabaret ,  or  Tennis-court ,  where  his  Camerads  were 
drinking  or  playing  ,  fhould  flay  with  them  ,  and  drink  or  play  away  his  money  , 
and  afterwards  plead  as  T.  H.  doth  here,  that  he  was  overcome  by  the meer flrength 
of  temptation  ,  I  trow,  neither  T.  H.  nor  any  man  elfe  would  admit  of  this  excufc, 
but  punifh  him  for  it,  becaufe  neither  was  he  necefsitated  by  the  temptation,  and 
what  ftrength  it  had ,  was  by  his  own  fault ,  in  refpect  of  that  vitious  habit  which 
he  had  contracted  of  drinking  or  gaming.  Jam.  1.14.     Every  man  is  temptedwhcn 
he  is  drawn  away  of  his  own  luji  and  entifed.     Difordered  pafsions  of  anger,  hatred 
luft  ,  if  they  be  confequent  (  as  the  cafe  is  here  put  by  T.  H. )  and  flow  from  deli- 
beration and  election  ,  they  do  not  only  not  diminifh  the  fault ,  but  they  aggravate 
it ,   and  re  ider  it  much  greater. 

He  talks  much  oithe  motives  to  do,  and  the  motives  to  forbear ,  how  they  work 

upon 


1^ 


'JJ^ication^fti^e  Liberty  TOME  I  I  L 

,  J  ,,  ^inoman    as  it' a  reafonable  man  were  no  more  than  a  Tenis- 
uponand  dctcrmm  a  ^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^^^  _   ^^.^^^^ 

11  h  a  no  power  to  move  it  felf,  but  were  meerly  paflive  ,  like  an  Artificial  Po- 
■      V  removed  hither  and  thither  by  the  bolts  of  the  Archers  ,  who  (hoot  on  this 
^!r    nd  on  that.    What  are  motives  but  reafons  or  difcourfes  framed  by  the  under- 
!l    dine     and  freely  moved  by  the  will?  What ,  are  the  will  and  the  underftand- 
•  1 "    but  faculties  of  the  fame  Soul  >  and  what  is  Liberty  but  a  Power  refulting 
from'  them  both  >  To  fay  that  the  will  is  determined  by  thefe  motives,  is  as  much  as 
to  fay    that  the  Agent  is  determined  by  himfelfi  If  there  be  no  necellitation  before 
the  judgement  of  right  rcafon  doth  dictate  to  the  will ,   then  there  is  no  antecedent, 
no  extrinfeca]  necellitation  at  all.     All  the  World  knows  ,  that  when  the  Agent  is 
determined  by  himfelf,  then  the  eik&.  is  determined  likewife  in  its  caufe.     But  if 
he  determined  himfelf  freely  ,  then  the  effed  is  free.     Motives  determin  not  natu- 
rally but  morally,  which  kind  of  determination  may  confift  with  true  Liberty. 
ButifT.H.hisopinion  were  true  ,  that  the  will  were  naturally  determined  by  the 
Phyfical  and  fpccial  influence  of  extrhifecal  caufcs ,  not  only  motives  were  vain,  but 
reafon  it  felf  and  deliberation  were  vain.     No  faith  he  they  are  not  vain,   becaufe 
they  are  the  means.     Yes,  if  the  means  be  fuperfluous,  they  are  vain :  what  needed 
fuch  a  circuit  of  deliberation  to  advife  what  is  fit  to  be  done,  when  it  is  already  de- 
termined extrinfecally ,  what  mufl  be  done. 

He  faith  ,  thatj^e  igtiorance  of  the  true  caufe s^  and  their  power  U  the  reafon  ,  tvhy 
rve  afcribe  the  effect  to  Liberty ,  hut  when  rve  ferioufy  confder  the  caufes  ofthings^vee  ac- 
k^orcleelge  a  necejjity.  No  fuch  thing,  but  juft  the  contrary.  The  more  wc  confider 
and  the  clearer  we  underftand,  the  greater  is  the  Liberty,  and  the  more  the  know- 
ledge of  our  own  Liberty.  The  lefs  we  confider  ,  and  the  more  incapable  that  the 
underftanding  is,  the  Icfler  is  the  liberty,  and  the  knowledge  of  it.  And  where  there 
is  no  confideration  nor  ufe  of  reafon  ,  there  is  no  Liberty  at  all  i  there  is  neither 
moral  good  nor  evil.  Some  men  ,  by  reafon  that  their  exleriour  fenfes  are  not  to- 
tally bound ,  have  a  trick  to  walk  in  their  fleep.  Suppofe  fuch  an  one  in  that  cafo 
(hould  caft  himfelf  down  a  pair  of  Stairs  ,  or  from  a  Bridge  and  break  his  neclror 
drown  himfelf,  it  were  a  mad  Jury  that  (hould  find  this  man  acceffary  to  his  own 
death.     Why  ?  becaufe  it  was  not  freely  done ,  he  had  not  then  the  ufe  of  rcafon. 

Laftly  he  tells  us  ,  that  the  will  doth  choofe  ofneceffity  ,  as  well  as  the  fire  burns  of  ne- 
ceffuy.     If  he  intend  no  more  but  this  ,  that  eledion  is  the  proper  and  natural  adl 
ot  the  will,as  burning  is  of  the  fire,  or  that  the  elc<fiivc  power  is  as  necefTary  in  a  man 
as  theuftiveinthefirei  he  fpeaks  truly  but  moft  impertinentlyi  for  the  queltion  is  not 
now  of  the  eleftive  power ,  mijffKpriwo ,  whether  it  be  an  efTential  faculty  of  the 
Soul ,  but  whether  the  ad  of  elediing  this  or  that  particular  objed;  be  free,  and  un- 
determined by  any  antecedent  and  extrinfecal  caufcs.     But  if  he  intend  in  this  other 
fenfe ,  that  as  the  fire  hath  no  power  to  fufpend  its  burning ,  nor  to  diftinguifh  be- 
tween thofe  combuftible  matters  which  are  put  unto  it ,  but  burns  that  which  is  put 
unto  it  neceffarily,  if  it  becombuftible:  So  the  will  hath  no  power  to  refufe  that 
which  it  wills  ,  nor  to  fufpend  its  own  appetite ,  He  errs  groflely.    The  will  hath 
power,   either  to  willornill  ,  or  to  fufpend,  that  is  neither  to  will  nor  nill  the 
fameobjed  \  yet  even  the  burning  of  the  fire  ,  if  it  beconfidered  as  it  is  inverted  with 
all  particular  circumftances ,  is  not  otherwise  fo  necefTary  an    adion  as  T.  H.  ima- 
gineth.     Two  things  are  required  to  make  an  effed  necefTary.     Firft  ,  that  it  be  pro- 
duced by  a  necefTary  caufe,  fuch  as  fire  is  i  Secondly ;  that  it  be  neceffarily  produ-  i 
ced.     Profdgor4f  an  Atheilt ,  began  his  book  thus ,  Concerning  the  Gads^  I  have  no-  ' 
thing  to  fay  ,  whether  they  be  ,  or  they  be  not ,  for  which  his  Book   was  condemned 
hy  the /Ithenians tohchuxned.     The  fire  was  a  necefTary  Agent,  but  the-fentence 
or  the  appl  ication  of  the  fire  to  the  Book  ,   was  a  free  act ,  and  therefore  the  burn- 
ing of  his  book  was  free.    Much  more  the  rational  will  is  free,  which  is  both  a 
voluntary  Agent ,  and  acts  voluntarily. 

My  Second  reafon  againft  this  diftinction  of  Liberty  from  compulfTon ,  but  not 
from  neeeflitation  is  new  ,  and  demonflrates  clearly  ,  that  to  nece/Gtate  the  will, by  i 
a  Phyfical  necefsity  ,  is  to  compel  the  will  fo  far  as  the  will  is  capable  of  compulfion, 
and  that  he  who  doth  neccfsitate  the  will  to  evil ,  after  that  manner  is  the  true  caufe ' 

of; 


Discourse  I.  againfi  Mr.  Hobs-  y^^ 

of  evil,  oc  ought  rather  to  be  blamed  than  the  will  it  felf.  But  J,  H.  for  ail  he  faith  he 
is  iku  furpaled  ,  can  be  contented  upon  better  advife  to  fteal  by  all  this  in  iilcncev 
and  to  hide  tliis  tergiverfation  from  the  eyes  of  the  Reader,  he  makes  an  empty  fhew 
of  braving  againit  that  famous  and  moft  necefTary  dillindion  between  the  elicite  and 
iifipirate  adts  of  the  will  i  firft,   becaufe  the  terms  are   imprnper  •,  Secondly  becaufe 
ihcy  ixc  obfatre.     What  Trivial  and  Grammatical  objedions  are  theft,  to  be  ufed 
againit  the  llniverfal  current  of  Divines  and  Phiiofophers.     Vcrborum  ut  rmmmorum: 
it  is  in  words  ,  as  it  is  in  money.     Ufe  makes  them  proper  and  currant,  a  lyrant  st 
hrit ,  iignihed  a  Lawful  and  juit  Prince  i   now  ufe  hath  quite   changed  the  fenfe  of 
it  ,  to  denote  either  an  Ufurper  ,  or  an  opprcflbr.     The  word   Pramunire  is  now 
grown  a  good  word  in  our  Englijh  Laws  by  ufe  and  trad: of  time  •,  and  yet  at  rirft 
it  was  meerly  millakcn  for  a  prtcmonere.     The  names  of  Sunday  ,  Monday  ,  Tttefday , 
were  derived  at  firit  from  thole  Heathenifh  Deities  ,  the  Sun ,  the  Moon  ,  and  the 
Warlike  God  of  the  Germans.     Now  we  ufe  them  for  diftindion  fake  only  ,  with- 
out any  relation   to  their  Hrlf  original.     He  is  too  froward  that  will  refufe  a  piece 
of  coin  that  is  currant  throughout      the  World,  becaufe  it  is  not  ftamped  after  his 
own  fanfie.  So  is  he  that  rejeds  a  good  word ,  becaufe  he  underfiands  not  the  deriva^ 
tion  ot   it.     We  fee  Forrcign  words  are  daily  naturalized  ,   and  made  free  Denizons 
in  every  Countrey.     But  why  are  the  terms  improper  ?    becaufe  faith  he,  h  attri- 
butes cnmmand ,   andfubjedion  to  the  faculties  of  the'  Soul ,    as  if  they  made  a   Common- 
rpealth  or  family  among  themfe  Ives,  and  could  fpeak^one  to  another,  therefore  hcfaith,  they 
jvhj  invented  this  term  of  Adus  Imperatus  ,  underflood  not  any  thing  what   it  fignified. 
No ,  why  not  ?  It  fecmeth  to  me  they  undcrAood  it  better  than  thofe  who  except 
againit  it.     They  knew  rhere  are  mental  terms  ^   which  are  onely  conceived  in  the 
■nind  ,  as  well  as  vocal  Terms ,  which  are  exprefTed  with  the   tongue  .*  they  knew 
ihat  howfocver  a  Superiour  do  intimate  a  direction  to  his  inferiour,  it  is  Hill  a  com- 
mand.    Tarquin  commanded  his  fon,  by  onely  f\rikeing  off  the  topps  of  the  Pop- 
pies,  and  wasby  him  both  underflood  and  obeyed.     Though  there  be  no  formal 
Commonwealth  or  Family  either  in  the  body  ,  or  in  the  Soul  of  Man  ,  yet  there  is 
a  fubordination  in  the  Body  ,  of  the  inferiour  members  to  the  head,  there  is  a  fub- 
ordination  in  the  Soul  of  the  inferiour  faculties  to  the  rational  will.     Far  be  it  from 
a  reafonableman,    fb  far  to  difhonour  his  own  nature  ,  as   to  equal  fanfie   with  un- 
derltanding  ,  or  the  fenfitive  appetite  with  the  reafonable  will.     A  power  of  com- 
mand there  is  without  allqueftion  ,  though  there  be    fome  doubt  in  what  faculty 
this  command  doth  principally  refide  ,    whether  in  the  will  or  in  the  underftanding. 
The  true  refolution  is,  that  the  directive  command  for  Counfel  is  in  the  underftand- 
ing i  and  the  applicative  command  ,   or  empire  ,  for  putting  in  execution  of  what 
is  directed,  is  in  the  will.     The  fame  anfwer  ferves  for  his  fecond  impropriety  ,  a- 
bout  the  word  elicite.     For  faith  he,  at  it   is  abfurdly   faid ,  that  to  dance,  is  an  aCi 
al'ured  ,  or  dratvn  by  fair  means  out  of  the  ability  to  dance  ,  foit  is  abfurdly  faid ,  thatto 
rrill  or  chooje  ,  k  an  aU  dratvn  out  of  the  power  to  will.     His  objection  is  yet  more  im- 
proper than  the  exprelHon.     The  Art  of  dancing  rrather  refembles  the  underftand- 
ing ,  than  the  will.     That  drawing  which  the  Schools  intend  ,  is  clear  of  another 
nature  ,  froin  that  which  he  conceives  i  By  elicitation  ,  he  underf1:ands,  aperfwad- 
ing  or  enticing  with  flattering  words,  or  fweet  alluring  infxnuations ,  to  choofe 
this  or  that.     But  that  elicitation  ,   which  the  Schools  intend  ,  is  a  deducing  of  the 
power  of  the  will  into  act,  that  drawing  which  they  mention  is  meerly  from  the  ap- 
petibility  of  the  object,  or  of  the  end,  as  a  man  draws  a  Child  after  him   with  the 
light  of  a  fair  Apple  ,  or  a  Shephearddraw?hisfheep  after  him  with  the  fight  of  a 
green  bougli ;  So  the  end  draws  the  will  to  it ,  by  a  Metaphorical  motion.     What 
he  underllands  hereby  an  ability  to  dance  ,  is  more  than  I  know,  or  any  man  elfe 
until!  he  cxprcls  himfelt  in  more  proper  terms  ,  whether  he  underfland  the  Loco-, 
motive  faculty  alone  ,  or  the  Art,  or  acquired  habit  of  dancing  alone  ,   or  both  of 
thefe  joyntly.     It  may  be  faid  aptly  without  any  abfurdity ,    that  the  act  of  dancing 
is  draw  out  (  elicitur  )  of  the  Locomotive  faculty  helped  by  the  acquired  habit.   He 
who  is  fo  fcrupulous  about  the  received  Phrafes  of  the  Schools,  fhould  not  have  let  fb' 
many  improper  expreliions  have  dropped  from  his  pen  s  as  m  this  very  pafTage  he 
confounds  the  compelling  of  a  volnnmry  aSian,  with  the  commanding  of  a  voluntary 

N  n  n  n  action 


— — -^         'AVindicaUon  of  true  Liberty  TOME    III. 

adion    and  willing  with  ekdting,  which  he  faith  are  all  one.     Yet  to  will  properly 
ef  ed^s  the  end      to  cle<ft  the  means. 

His  other  objection  againli  this  diftindion  of  the  afts  of  the  will  into  elicitc  and 
imperate  is  obfcurity.  Might  it  not  ii3\ih\\z)  hjve  been  as  eafily  [aid  inY^r^^Wi^  , 
a  voittntary  aQion.  Yes,  it  might  have  been  faid  as  eafily  ,  but  not  as  truly,  not 
properly.  Whatfoevcr  hath  its  original  from  the  will,  whether  immediatly  or  me- 
diately, whether  it  be  a  proper  z(k  of  the  will  it  felf ,  as  to  eled  ,  or  an  ad  of  the 
nnderAanding ,  as  to  deliberate  ,  or  an  ad  of  the  infcriour  faculties,  or  of  the  mem- 
bers is  a  voluntary  adion ,  but  neither  the  ad  of  reafon  nor  of  the  fenfes ,  nor  of 
the  fenfitive  appetite  ,  nor  of  the  members  are  the  proper  ads  of  the  will,  nor  drawn 
immediately  out  of  the  will  it  felf,  but  the  members  and  faculties  are  applyed  to  their 
proper  and  refpedive  ads  by  the  power  of  the  will. 

But  fo  he  comes  to  caft  up  the  total  fum  of  my  fecond  reafon ,  with  the  fame 
Faith ,  that  the  unjuft  Steward  did  make  his  accounts,  Luke  i6.    Ihejumoj  J.  D's. 
dijiitidinn  if  (  faith  he  )  that  a  voluntary  aU  may  be  done  on  comfulfion  ( juft  contrary 
to  what  I  have  maintained  )  that  U  to  fay  by  foul  means.     But  torvillthat,  or  any  aU 
cannot  be  but  by  allurement  or  fair  means.     I  confeft  the  diftindion  is  mine,  becauft 
1  ufc  it ,  as  the  Sun  is  mine  ,  or  the  air  is  mine  ,  that  is  common  to  me  ,  with  all 
who  treat  of  this  Subjed.     But  his  miftakes  are  fo  thick,  both  in  relating  my  mind 
and  his  own  ,  that  the  Reader  may  conclude,  he  is  wandred  out  of  his  known  way. 
I  will  do  my  duty  to  (hew  him  the  right  way.     Firft  ,  no  ads  which  are  properly 
faid  to  be  compelled  ,  are  voluntary.     Secondly,  acts  of  terrour  which  he  calls  foul 
means  which  are  fometimesin  a  large  improper  fenfe  called  compulfory  actions,  may 
be  and  for  the  moft  part  are  confiftent  with  true  Liberty.     Thirdly  ,  actions  pro- 
ceeding from  blandifhments  or  fweet  perfwafions  (  which  he  calls  fair  means  )  if 
they  be  indeliberated  as  in  Children  ,  who  want  the  ufe  of  reafon ,  are  not  prefent- 
ly  free  actions.     Laftly  ,  the  ftrength  of  confequent ,   and  deliberated  defires  doth, 
neither  diminilh  guilt ,  nor  excufe  from  puni(hment ,  as  juft  fears  of  extream  and 
imminent  dangers  threatned  by  extrinfccal  Agents  often  do ,  becaufe  the  ftrength  of 
the  former  proceeds  from  our  own  fault ,  and  was  freely  elected  in  the  caulcs  of  it  \ 
but  neither  defires  nor  fears  ,  which  are  confequent  and  deliberated  ,  do  abfolutely 
Humb.  2 1,     necelfitate  the  will. 

a 'p^  *  The  reft  are  umbrages  quickly  difpelled  ,  firft  ,  the  Aftrologcr  fteps  up,  and  fub- 
fubjects  Liberty  to  the  motions  of  Heaven  ,  to  the  afpects  and  a&enfions  of  the 
Starrs. 

Tluf  (tenimfati  valet  hora  benigni, 
^uam  fi  nos  Veneris  cnmmendet  epijtola  Marti. 
I  ftand  not  much  upon  them  who  cannot  fee  the  fillies  fwimming  befides  them 
in  the  rivers  ,  yet  believe  they  (ee  thofe  which  are  in  Heaven  ,  Who  promife  great 
Treafures  to  others,  and  beg  a  groat  for  themfelves.     The  Stars  at  the  moft  do  but 
incline  ,  they  cannot  necellitate. 

Secondly ,  the  Phyfitian  fubjects  Liberty  to  the  complexion  and  temperature  of  the 
body.     But  yet  this  comes  not  home  to  a  neceility.     Socrates ,  and  many  others  by 
ailiduous  care  have  corrected  the  pernicious  propenfions ,  which  flowed  from  their 
temperatures. 
T^'tJ,  jft  ff^g  rfji  of  his  difcourfe  he  reck^neth  up  the  opinions  of  certain  profejjlons  of  men  , 

touching  the  eaufes ,  wherein  the  necefftty  of  things ,  which  they  maintain ,  confifteth. 
And  firii  he  faith  ,  the  Jjirologer  deriveih  his  neceffity  fnm  the  Starrs.  Secondly^ 
that  the  PhyfJcian  attributeih  it  to  the  temper  of  the  body.  For  my  part,  I  am  not  of 
their  opinion,  becaufe  neither  the  Starrs  alone,  nor  the  temperature  of  the  Patient  a- 
lone  is  able  to  produce  any  effeU  without  the  concurrence  ofal!  other  Agents.  For, 
there  is  hardly  any  one  aH ion  ,  how  cafuall  foever  it  feem  ,  to  the  caujing  whereof  con- 
cur not  whatfoever  is  in  rerum  natura.  which  becaufe  it  is  a  great  Paradox  ,  and  de- 
pends on  many  antecedent  fpeculations,  J  do  not  prefi  in  this  place. 
j^  j)^  Towards  the  later  end  of  my  difcourfe  I  anfwered  fome  fpecious  pretences  againft  , 

Liberty  ,  the  two  firft  were  of  the  Aftrologer  and  the  Phyfitian.     The  one  fubje- 
cting  Liberty  to  the  motions  and  influences  of  the  Heavenly  bodies  i  the  other  to 
the  complexions  of  men.     The  ftim  of  my  anfwer  was ,  that  the  Starrs  and  com- 
plexions- 


Dis  COURSE  I,  again  a    Mr.    Hobs.  y^. 

plcxions  do  incline  ,  but  not  at  all  necetiicate  the  will.  To  which  all  judicious  A- 
llronomcrs  and  Phyfitians  do  afTent.,  And  T.  H.  himfelf  doth  not  diilent  from  it. 
So  as  to  this  part  there  needs  no  reply. 

But  whereas  he  mentions  a  great  Paradox  of  bis  oxen  ,  that  there  is  hardly  anyone 
d£fion  to  the  canfwg  of  nhiih  concurs  not  rehatfoever  is  in  rerum  natura  ,  I  can  but 
fmile  to  fee  with  what  ambition  our  great  undertakers  do  affedl  to  be  accounted 
the  firft  founders  of  ilrange  opinions ,  as  if  the  devifin^  of  an  ill  grounded  Paradox 
were  as  great  an  honour  as  "the  invention  of  the  needle,  or  the  diicovery  of  the  new 
World.  And  to  this  Paradox  in  particular  ,  I  meddle  not  with  natural  adiions 
becaufe  the  SubjeA  of  my  difcourfe  is  moral  Liberty ,  but  if  he  intend  not  onely  the 
kinds  of  things  ,  but  every  individual  creature,  and  not  onely  in  natural  but  volun- 
tary adtions  ,  I  defire  to  know  how  Prejier  John  ,  or  the  great  Mogol^  or  the  King 
of  China ,  or  any  one  of  fo  many  Millions  ot  their  Subjects  do  concur  to  my  writing 
of  this  reply.  If  they  do  not  among  his  other  fpeculations  ,  concerning  this  matter, 
I  hope  he  will  give  us  fome  reftrictions.  It  were  hard  to  make  all  the  Nep-oes 
acceffary  to  all  the  Murthers  that  are  committed  in  Europe.  j   -^ 

Thirdly ,  the  moral  Pnilofopher  tells  us  how  we  are  haled  hither  and  thither  with       jyj;^'^-    I-: 
outward  objects.     To  this  I  anfwer,  '*    ' 

Firll:  ,  that  the  power,,  which  outward  objects  hate  over  us,  is  for  the  moft  part 
by  our  own  default,  becaufe  of  thofe  vitious  habits  which  we  have  contracted. There- 
fore ,  though  the  actions  feem  to  have  akindofviolenceinthem,  yet  they  were  free 
and  voluntary  in  their  firrt  originals.  As  a  Paralytickman  ,  to  ufe  Ariflotks  Com- 
parifon,  fhedding  the  Liquor  deferves  to  be  puniflied  ,  for  though  his  act  be  unwil- 
ling ,  yet  his  inteixiperance  was  willing,  whereby  he  contracted  this  infirmity. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer  that  concupifcence  ,  and  cuftom  ,  and  bad  company  and 
outward  objects  do  indeed  make  a  proclivity ,  but  not  a  neceffity.  By  Prayers, 
Tears,  Meditations,  Vows,  Watchings,  Faftings ,  Humi-cubations  a  man  may 
get  a  contrary  habit ,  and  gain  the  Victory,  not  onely  over  outward  objects  ,  but 
alfo  over  his  own  corruptions,  and  become  the  King  of  the  Little  World  of  hitn- 
felf: 

Si  tnetuis-,  fi  prava  cupis  ,  fi  ducerU  ir^^ 
Serviti]  patiere  JMgum  ^  tolerab'tf  iniquas 
Interim  leges .     Tunc  omnia  jure  tenebis , 
Ctim  poteris  Kex  ejje  tui. 
Thirdly,  a  refolved  mind,  which  weighs  all  things  judicioufly,  and  providesfor 
all  occurrences ,  is  not  fo  eafily  furprifed  with  outward  objects.     Onely  Vlyfjes 
wept  not  at  the  meeting  with  his  wife  and  fon.     I  would  beat  thee'C  faid  the  Philo- 
fbpher  )  but  that  I  am  angry.    One  fpake  Loweft  when  he  was  molt  moved.     Anc- 
ther  poured  out  the  Water  when  he  was    thirfty.     Another  made  a  Covenant 
with  his  eyes.     Neither  opportunity  nor  entifement  could  prevail  with  Jnfeph.  Nor 
the  Mufick,  nor  the  fire  with  the  three  Children.     It  is  not  theftrengthofthe  wind 
but  the  lightnefs  of  the  chaffe ,  which  caulethitto  beblownaway.     Outward  Ob- 
jects do  not  impofe  a  moral ,  much  lefs  a  Phylical  necelfity,  they  may  be  dangerous 
but  cannot  be  deftructive  to  true  Liberty. 

Ihirdly  ,  he  difputeth  againfi  the  opinion  of  them  that  fay ;  externall  obje&s  prefemed 
to  men  of  fuch  and  juch  temperatures  ^  do  tnakg  their  anions  necejfary.  Andfayes,  the 
power  that  fuch  objeCis  have  over  us  ^  proceeds  from  our  ore n  faults  ;  But  that  is  nothi.'/r^ 
to  the  purpofe  ,  if  fuch  fault  of  ours  proceedetb  from  caufes  ^  not  in  our  orfn  ponder.  And 
therefore  that  opinion  may  bold  true  for  all  this  anftver  :  Further  he  faith.  Prayer  ,  Fafling 
&c.  may  alter  our  habits:  'Tis  true,  but  when  they  do  fo,  they  are  caufes  of  the  con- 
trary habit ,  and  mal^  it  necejjary ;  As  the  former  habit  had  been  neceflary ,  if  Prayer 
Failing  ,  &c.  had  not  been.  Befides  toe  are  not  mooved ,  nor  difpofed  to  prayer  ,or  any, 
other  adion  but  by  outward  objeSs  ,  as  pious  company,  gsdly  preachers  ,  or  jomething  e- 
quivalent.  'thirdly,  he  faith,  a  rejohed  mind  is  not  eafily  furprifed.  As  the  mind 
(7f  UlyfTes  >  who  when  others  wept ,  he  alone  wept  not.  And  of  the  Philofopher  that  ab- 
ftained  fromflrihing,  becaufe  he  found  himjelf  angry.  And  of  him  that  poured  out  the 
water  when  he  was  thirjiy  \  And  the  lik£  '■>  Such  things  J  confefi  have  ,  or  may  have 
been  done ,  anddoproue  onely  that  it  was  not  necejfary  for  lllylfes  then  to  treep  ,  mr  f,i 

N  n  n  n  2  the 


c^  A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TOM  E  1 1  I. 

the  fhiloCnphcrtoiiriks\~torfor  that  other  man  to  drinK,  but  tt  dm  not  prove  that  it 

was  mt/eccfiary  for  U\y({cs  then  to  abjlaitic  ,  as  he  did  from  weepings  nor  the  Philo- 
Capber  to  abjLn  as  he  d,d  from  fhiking:  Uor  the  other  man  to  forbear  drinking.  And 
Jet  that  tPas  the  th.nghe  ought  to  have  proved 

La^ly  ,  he  confeffeth  ,  that  the  difpofitton  oj  objeiis  may  be  dangerous  to  liberty  ,  but 
eamot  be^d(jlrudive.  7o  which  I  anfroer  Uis  impojjible  ;  For,  liberty  ij  never  in  any 
nther  danger  then  to  be  Inji :  And  yet  if  it  cannot  be  lojl ,  which  he  eonfeJ[eth  ,  I  may 
infer  it  can  be  in  no  danger  at  all. 

The  third  pretcnfe  was  out  of  moral  Philofophy  mifunderftood  ,  that  outward 
y.  ID.        objc<S^s  do  lucellitate  the  will.     I  (hall  not  need  to  repeat  what  he  liath  ommitted  , 
but  oncly  tofatisfie  his  cxceptionsi  the  firft  is,  that  it  is  not  material,  though  the  power 
of  outrFard  ohie£}s  do  proceed  from  our  oven  faults  ^  if fuch  faults  of  our  proceed  not  from 
caufes  in  our  oven  porrer.     Well ,  but  what  if  they  do  proceed  from  caules  that  are  in 
our  own  power,  as  in  truth  they  do  ,  then  his  anfwer  is  a  meer  fubterfugc.     If  our 
faults  proceed  from  caufes  that  are  not,  and  were  not  in  our  own  power,  then 
they  are  not  our  faults  at  all.     It  is  not  a  fault  in  us  not  to  do  thofe  things ,  which 
never  were  in  our  power  to  do.    But  they  are  the  faults  of  thefe  caufes  from  whence 
they  do  proceed.     Next  he  confefleth ,  that  it  is  in  our  power  by  good  endeavours 
to  alter  thofe  vitious  habits  which  we  had  contraded  ,  and  to  get  the  contrary  ha- 
bit,    "frue  (  faith  he  )  but  then  the  contrary  habit  doth  neceffitate  the  one  way  ,  as  well 
as  the  former  habit  did  the  other  way.     By  which  very  confideration  it  appears ,  that 
that  which  he  calls  a  necelfity  is  no  more  but  a  Proclivity.     If  it  were  a  true  necef- 
fity  it  could  not  be  avoided ,  nor  altered  by  our  endeavours.     The  truth  is ,  acquired 
habitsdo  hdp  and  adifl:  tFie  faculty.He  who  hath  gotten  to  himfeif  an  habit  of  tempe- 
rance ,  may  yet  upon  occafion  commit  an  intemperate  aft.     And  fo  on  the  contra- 
ry.    Ads  are  not  oppofed  to  habits  ,  but  other  habits.     He  adds ,  that  we  are  not 
moved  to  Prayer  or  any  other  aUion  but  by  outward  ob)eUs^  aspiouf  company, godly  Preach- 
ers ,  or  fomeihing  equivalent.     Wherein  are  two  other  miftakes ,  Hrfl  to  make  godly 
Preachers,  and  Pious  company  ,  tobe  outward  ohjeiiSj  which  are  outward  agents. 
Secondly,  to  affirm  that  the  will  is  not  moved  but  by  outward  objects.     The  will 
is  moved  by  it  felf,  by  the  underftanding ,   by  the  fenfitive  paffions,  by  Angels  good 
and  bad  ,  by  men  and  moft  effectually  by  afts  or  habits  infufed  by  God  ,  whereby 
the  will  is  excited  extraordinarily  indeed  ,  but  efficacioudy  and  determinately.  This 
is  more  than  equivalent  with  outward  objefts. 

Another  branch  of  mine  anfwer  was  that  a  refolved  and  prepared  mind  is  able  to 
refill  both  ,  the  appetibility  of  objedJs  ,  and  the  unrulines  of  paffions.  As  I  (hew- 
ed by  examples.  He  anfwers  that  I  prove  Vlyffes  was  not  neceflitated  to  weep, nor 
the  Philofopher  to  itrike  ,  but  I  do  not  prove  that  they  were  not  neceffitated  to  for- 
bear. He  faith  true.  I  am  not  now  proving  ,  but  anfwering.  Yet  my  anfwer 
doth  fufficiently  prove  that  which  I  intend.  That  the  rational  will  hath  po  wer,both 
to  flight  the  moft  appetible  objefts,  and  to  control  the  moft  unruly  pallions.  When 
he  hath  given  a  clear  folution  to  thofe  proofs  which  I  produced,  then  it  will  be  time 
for  him  to  cry  fdr  more  work. 

Laftly  ,  Whereas  I  fay  that  outward  obiefts  may  be  dangerous  ,  but  cannot  be 
deflrudtivc  to  true  Liberty.  He  catcheth  at  it,  and  objefts  that  Liberty  m  in  no  dan- 
ger ,  but  to  be  lufl  ,  but  I  fay  it  cannot  he  hji ,  therefore  (  he  infers  )  that  it  is  in  no  dan- 
ger at  all.  I  anfwer  •,  Firft  ,  that  Liberty  is  in  more  danger  to  be  abufed  than 
to  be  loft.  Many  more  men  do  abufe  their  wits,  than  lofe  them. ,  Second- 
ly ,  Liberty  is  in  danger  likewife  to  be  weakened  or  dimini(hed  ,  as  when  it  is 
clogged  by  vitious  habits  contraifted  by  our  felvcs ,  and  yet  it  is  not  totally  loft. 
Thirdly  ,  though  Liberty  cannot  be  totally  loft  out  of  the  World ,  yet  it  may  be 
totally  Inft  to  this  or  that  particular  man  ,  as  to  the  exercife  of  it.  Reafon  is  the  j 
root  of  Liberty  ,  and  though  nothing  be  more  natural  to  a  man  than  reafon  ,  yet 
many  by  excefsof  ftudy ,  or  by  continual  gurmandizing  ,  or  by  fome  extravagant 
paliion ,  wiiich  they  have  cheridied  in  them(£lves,  or  by  doting  too  much  upon  fomc 
;ii  cdcd  objcd  ,  do  become  very  fotts ,  and  deprive  themfclvcs  ofthe  ufe  of  reafon, 
and  confcquently  of  Liberty.  And  when  the  benefit  of  Liberty  is  not  thus  u- 
niverfaliy  loft  ,  yet  it  may  be  loft  refpedively  to  this  Or  that  particular  occa- 
fion. 


[DISCOURSE  I.  a^ainft  Mr.    Hob*. 

lion.     As  he  who  makes  choife  of  a  bad  Wife,  hath  loft  his  former  Liberty  to  choofe 
a  goo  i  one. 

fourthly,  the  natural  Philofopher  doth  teach,  that  the  will  doth  neceflarily  follow 
the  laft  didate  o£  the  underftanding.  It  is  true  indeed,  thewillftiould  follow  the  di- 
rection of  the  underftanding,  but  I  am  notfatisHed  that  it  dath  evermore  follow  it. 
Sometimes  this  faying  hath  place.  Video  meliora proboq;  Veteriorafequor.  As  that  great 
Roman  faid  ot  two  Suiters,  that  the  one  produced  the  better  reafons ,  but  the  other 
mult  have  the  office.  So  reafon  often  lies  dejedted  at  the  feet  ofaffedtioni  f/i/ngs  nea- 
rer to  the  fcnfcs  move  more  powerfully.  Do  what  a  man  can,  he  (hall  forrovv'more 
for  the  death  of  his  child,than  for  the  fin  of  his  foul.  Yet  appreciatively  in  the  eftima- 
tion  of  judgment,  he  accounts  the  offence  of  a  God,  a  greater  evil  than  any  tempo- 
ral loft. 

Next,  I  do  not  believe  that  a  man  is  bound  to  weigh  the  expedience  or  inexpe- 
dience  of  every  ordinary  trivial  adion,  to  the  leaftgrainin  the  ballanceofhis  under- 
llanding,  or  to  run  up  into  his  Watch-Tower  with  his  perfpedive  to  take  notice  of 
every  Jack-daw  that  fliesby,  for  fear  of  fome  hidden  danger.  This  feems  to  me  to  be 
a  proftitution  of  reafon  to  petite  observations  ,  as  concerning  every  rag  tha^t  a  man 
wears,  each  drop  of  drink,  each  morfel  of  bread  that  he  eats,  each  pace  that  he  walks. 
Tluis  many  fteps  muft  he  go ,  not  one  more,  nor  one  lefs,  under  pais  of  mortal  fin. 
What  is  this  but  a  Rack  and  a  Gibbet  to  the  confcience?  But  God  leaves  many 
things  indifferent,  though  manbefo  curious  he  will  not.  A  good  Architect  will  be 
fure  to  provide  fufficient  materials  for  his  building,  but  what  particular  number  of 
ftofles,  or  trees,  he  troubles  not  his  head.  And  fuppofe  he  ftiould  weigh  each  adion 
thus,  yet  he  doth  not,  foftill  there  is  liberty.  Thirdly,  I  conceive  it  is  polfible  in  this 
mirt  and  weaknefs  of  humane  apprehenfion,fbr  two  adions  to  be  fo  equally  circam- 
(tantiated,  that  no  difcernible  difference  can  appear  between  th.em  upon  difcullion. 
As  fuppofe  a  Chirurgcon  (hould  give  two  plaifters  to  his  Patient,  and  bid  him  apply 
either  of  them  to  his  wound,  what  can  induce  his  reafon  more  to  the  one,  than  to  the 
other,  but  that  he  may  refer  it  to  chance,  whether  he  will  ufe?  But  leaving  thcfe  pro- 
bable fpeculations  which  I  fubmit  to  better  judgments,  I  anfwer  the  Philofopher 
briefly  thus-,  Admitting  that  the  will  did  neceflarily  follow  the  laft  didate  of  the  un- 
derftanding,  as  certainly  in  many  things  it  doth.  Yet, 

Firft,this  is  no  extrinfecal  determination  from  without,  and  a  mans  own  refbluti- 
on  is  not  deftrudivetohisown  liberty,  but  depends  upon  it.  So  the  perfonisftillfree. 

Secondly,  this  determination  is  not  antecedent,  but  joyned  with  the  action.  The 
underftanding  and  the  will ,  are  not  different  Agents  ,  but  diftinct  faculties  of  the 
fame  foul.  Here  isan  infallibility,  or  an  hypothetical  neceffity,  as  we  fay,  ^uicqtddeji 
quando  e/},  tucejfe  eji  efle:  A  necellity  of  confequence,  but  not  a  necellity  of  confequent 
Though  an  Agent  have  certainly  determ.ined,  and  fo  the  action  be  become  infallible 
yet  if  the  Agent  did  determine  freely,  the  action  likewile  is  free* 

the  fourth  opinion  jvhich  he  rejeSeth  ,  w  of  them  that  makf  the  will  necejjarily  tofotlon^         <r  r*. 
the  laji  didate  of  the  underftanding,  but  it  feems  he  underftands  that  Tenet  in  another  fenfe 
than  I  do.  For  he  ^eal^eth.  Of  if  they  that  held  it,  did  fuppofe  men  mtift  dilute  thefequel  of 
every  aSion  they  do,  great  andjmaV,  to  the  leqji  grain,  which  if  a  thing,  that  he  thinkrwith 
reafon  to  be  untrue.  But  lunderftand  it  tofignifie  ,  that  the  nrill  follotps  the  U{i  opinion  or 
judgment,  immediately  preceding  the  aUion,  concerning  whether  it  be  good  to  do  it  or  not 
whether  he  hath  weighed  it  long  before,  or  not  all.  And  ihatltak^  to  be  the  meaning  of  them 
that  hold  it.  As  for  example,  when  a  manjirik{s,  hit  wilt  to  ftrik^  follows  neceflarily ,  that 
thought  he  had  of  the  fe que  I  ofhisfirokg  immediately  before  the  lifting  of  his  hand.  Nutp  if 
it  be  underjiooditt  that  fenfe,  the  laft  didate  of  the  underftanding  does  certainly  neceffitate 
the  aBion,  though  not  as  the  whole  caufe,yet  as  the  laft  caufe,  as  the  laft  feather  neci^tates 
the  bre  ki"g  "f  ^^  Horjes  back,  when  there  are  fo  many  laid  on  before,  as  there  necd.th  but 
the  addition  of  that  one  to  makg  the  weight  fufficient.   That  which  he  alledgeth  agai>ift  this 
is  ftrft,  out  of  a  Toet,wbo  in  theperfon  ofMtdc3.fays,  Video  meliora  proboquc  ,  Dete- 
riora  fcquor.  But  the  faying,  (as  pretty  as  it  is)  is  not  true,  for  though  Medea/itr  many 
reafons  to  forbear  kjlling  her  children,yet  the  laft  diUate  of  her  judgment  was,  that  the  pre- 
fent  revenge  of  her  husband  outweighed  them  all.  And  thereupon  that  wicl^d  action  follow- 
ed necif arily.  then  iheftory  of  the  Roman,   that  of  two  competitors  faid^  one  b.id  the  better 

reafont 


)H 


TVwdieathnoft^»e  Liberty  T  O  M  E  A  U. 

'bHt  the  other  m4  have  thT^ce.  Vns  alfi  mak^tbagainjihm,  fnr  the  lafi  ditlate 


najoHS^  oh:  t>Kjm<^'     -j       ^  .     • ;    „f  the  office,  was  this  ,   that  it  was  better  to  tak£  a 
off^'n'^'k'-^"*^'^;^^^^^^^  hechjeas  that  things  nearer  the  fenjcs 

grf^t^nf-.  //Ai«  r^  ^^^J^^^j-^^^  iVhat  followeth  thence  but  thisjhat  thefenfeofthepre 
Z7So/Jcommnly  mre  immediate  to  the  aSion,  than  the  Mn  oftheevil  co.fequent. 
"      Fourthly,  rehereas  he  fays,  that  da  what  a  man  can  ,  hejhall  furrow  more  for  the 


reajoHS,  t 

'hment,  that  ma 

\  great  i 

" n.  ly Dat  joHOTveti}  tmnce  out  tnis^iioat  tijejenjeojti 
Hate  to  the  adion,  than  the  fore  fight  oftheevil  coufnuents 
^Fottrt'hh  whereas  he  fays, that  dif  what  a  man  can  ,  he  fhall  forroxv  more  ^ 
*dathn'fhisfon  than  for  the  fm  of  his  foul;  it  makgs  nothingto  the  laji  didate  of  the  mder- 
/anding,  but  it  argues  plainly,  that  forrow  for  fin  is  not  voluntary.  And  by  confequence,  re- 
pentance proceedeth  from  caufes.  ,„    ,    , 
/.  D.      '    -j^j^g  fourth  pretcnfe  alledged  againft  Liberty  was,  that  the  will  doth  necefTarily 
follow  the  lalt  didate  of  the  underrtanding  ,  this  objeftion  is  largely  anfwcred  be- 
fore in  feveral  places  of  this  Reply  ,  and  particularly.  Numb.  7.     In  my  former  dif- 
courfe    I  have  two  anfwers  to  it :  the  one  certain  and  undoubted ,  that  fuppoling 
the  laft  didate  of  the  underrtanding  did  always  determin  the  will,  yet  this  deter- 
mination being  not  antecedent  in  time,    not  proceeding  from  extrinfecal  caufes,but 
from  the  proper  refolution  of  the  Agent ,  who  had  now  freely  determined  himfelf 
it  makes  no  abfokite  neceliity,  but  onely  Hypothetical ,  upon  fuppofition  that  the 
agent  hath  determined  his  own  will ,  after  this  or  that  manner.     Which  being  the 
main  anfwer  ,  T.  H.  is  fo  far  from  taking  it  away  ,  that  he  takes  no  notice  of  it. 
The  other  part  of  mine  anfwer  was  probable  s  That  it  is  not  always  certain  ,  that 
the  will  doth  always  adlually  follow  the  laft  didate  of  the  underrtanding ,  Though 
it  always  ought  to  follow  it.     Of  which  I  gave  then  three  reafons  ,  one  was  that 
adions may  be  fo  equally  circumftantiated  ,  or  the  cafe  fo  intricate,  that  reafon 
cannot  give  a  pofitive  fentence ,  but  leaves  the  eledion  to  Liberty  or  chance.     To 
this  he  anfwers  not  a  word.     Another  of  my  reafons  was  ,  bccaufe  reafon  doth 
not  weigh  ,  nor  is  bound  to  weigh  the  convenience  or  inconvenience  of  every  indi- 
vidual adion  to  the  uttermort  grain  in  the  balance  of  true  judgement.     The  truth 
of  this  reafon  is  confeffed  by  T.  H.  though  he  might  have  had  more  Abbettersin  this 
thaninthemoft  part  of  his  difcourfe ,  that  nothing  is  indiiferent,  that  a  man  cannot 
ftroak  his  beard  on  one  fide,  but  it  was  either  necelfary  to  do  it,  orfinful  to  omit  it, 
from  which  confellion  of  his  it  follows,  that  in  all  thofe  adions,  wherein  reafon  doth 
not  define  what  is  moft  convenient,  there  the  will  is  free  from  the  determination  of 
the  underrtanding.     And  by  confequence  the  laft  feather  is  wanting  to  break  the  hor- 
fesbacki  A  third  reafon  was  becaufe  pailions  and  affedions  fometimes  prevail  againft 
judgment ,  as  I  proved  by  the  example  of  Medtea  and  C^far  ,  by  theneernefs  of  the 
objeds  to  the  fenles ,  and  by  the  eftimation  of  a  temporal  lofsmorc  than  fin.  Againft 
this  reafon  ,  his  whole  anfwer  is  addreffcd.     And  firft  he  explaineth  the  fenfe  of  the 
aflertion  by  the  comparifon  of  the  laft  feather  ,    wherewith  he  feems  to  be  delighted, 
feeing  he  ufeth  it  now  the  fecond  time.  But  let  him  like  it  as  he  will,  it  is  improper  for 
three  reafons-,  Firft,  the  determination  of  the  judgment  is  no  part  of  the  weight,  but 
is  the  fentence  of  the  trier.     The  underftanding  wcighethall  things,  Objeds,  means, 
circumftances  ,  convenience,  inconvenience  ,  but  it  felf  is  not  weighed.     Secondly, 
the  fenfitive  paffion  in  fome  extraordinary  cafes ,  may  give  a  counterfeit  weight  to 
the  objed  ,  if  it  can  detain  or  divert  reafon  from  the  ballance,  but  ordinarily  the 
means,  cireum.ftances,  and  caufes  concurrent  they  have  their  whole  weight  from 
the  underftanding.     So  as  they  do  not  prefs  the  Horfes  back  at  all  untill  reafon  lay 
them  on.     Thirdly  ,  he  conceives  that  as  each  feather  hatha  certain  natural  weight, 
whereby  it  concurs  not  arbitrarily  ,  but  ncceflarily  towards  the  over  charging  oft  he 
Horfe  j  fo  all  objeds  and  caufes  have  a  natural  efficiency  whereby  they  do  Phyfical- 
ly  determin  the  will ,  which  is  a  great  miftake.     His  objeds  ,  his  agents,  liis  mo- 
tives, his  pafiions,  and  all  his  concurrent  caufes ,  ordinarily  do  onely  move  the  will 
morally  ,  not  determin  it  naturally.     So  as  it  hath  in  all  ordinary  adions  a  free  do- 
minion over  it  felf. 

His  other  example  of  a  man  that  ftrikes  ,  whofe  wiV  to  flrikf  followeth  neceffarily 
that  thought  he  had  of  the  jequel  ofhisjirokg  immediatly  before  the  lifting  up  of  his  hand , 
as  it  confounds  pailionate,  indeliberate  thoughts  ,  with  the  didates  of  right  reafon. 
So  it  is  very  uncertain,  for  between  the  Cup  and  the  Lipps,  between  the  lifting  up  of 
the  hand,  and  the  blow,  the  will  may  alter,  and  the  judgement  alfo.    And  laft ly 

it 


I 


I 


Discourse    1.  againfi   Mr.  Hobs.  jqo 

it  isimpercinent/or  that  necellity  of  ftriking  proceeds  from  thefreC  determination  of 
the  agent ,  and  not  from  the  fpecial  influence  of  any  outward  determinig  caufcs. 
And  fo  it  isonely  a  necellity  upon  fuppofition. 

Concerning  Med<eas  choife  ,  the  ftrength  of  the  argument  doth  not  lye  either  in 
the  fad  ot  Mfi/^j  ,  which  isbut  afidtion  ,  or  in  the  Authority  of  the  Poet  who 
writes  things  rather  to  be  admired  than  believed  ,  but  in  the  experience  of  all  men 
who  find  it  to  be  true  in  themfelves :  That  fometimes  reafon  doth  fhew  unto  a  man 
the  exorbitancy  of  his  pallion  ,  that  what  he  defires  is  but  a  pleafant  good  ,  that 
what  he  lofeth  by  fuch  a  choife  is  an  honeft  good  ,  that  that  which  is  honelt  is'to  be 
preferred  before  that  wliich  is  pleafant ,  yet  the  will  purfues  that  which  is  pleafant 
and  neglefls  that  which  is  honeft.  St.  Paul  faith  as  much  inearneft  as  is  feined  of 
Med^a.  That  he  approved  not  that  which  he  did  ,  and  that  he  did  that  xvhich  he  bated 
Rom.  7.  1 5.  The  Roman  ftory  is  miftaken  i  there  was  no  bribe  in  the  cafe  but  af- 
fedion.  Whereas  I  urge  that  thofe  things,  which  are  neerer  to  the  fenfes  do  move 
more  powerfully ,  he  lays  hold  on  it  i  and  without  anfwering  to  that  for  which  I 
produced  it,  infers  That  the  fenfe  ofprefem  good  is  more  immediate  to  the  a&ion  than  thi 
forefight  of  evil  confeqtients.  Which  is  true,  but  it  is  not  abfolutely  true  by  any  antece- 
dent necellity.  Let  a  man  do  what  he  may  do,  and  what  he  ought  to  do  and 
fenfitive  objeds  will  lofe  that  power  which  they  have  by  his  own  fault ,  and  negled. 
Antecedent  or  indeliberate  concupifcence  doth  fometimes  (  but  rarely  )  furprife  a 
man,and  render  the  adion  not  free.  But  confequent  and  deliberated  concupif- 
cence, which  proceeds  from  the  rational  will,  doth  render  the  action  more  free  not 
lefs  free ,  and  introduceth  onely  a  necellity  upon  fuppoiition. 

Laftly ,  he  faith  ,  that  a  mans  mourning  more  for  the  lofs  of  his  Child  than  for  bit  fiti 
mak^s  nothing  to  the  laji  dilate  of  the  underjianding.  Yes,  very  much.  Reafon  di- 
ctates, that  a  fui  committed  ,  is  a  greater  evil  than  the  lofs  of  a  child  ,  and  oueh^ 
more  to  be  lamented  for,  yet  we  {ee  daily  how  affection  prevails  againit  the  dictate 
of  reafon  >  that  wliich  he  infers  from  hence  ,  thit  forrotv  for  fin  w  not  voluntary  and 
by  confequence  that  repentance  proceedeth  from  caufes,  is  true,  as  to  the  latter  part'of  it 
but  not  in  his  fenfe.  The  caufes  from  whence  repentance  doth  proceed  are  Gods 
Grace  preventing ,  and  mans  will  concurring.  God  prevents  freely  ,  man  concurs 
freely.  Thofe  inferiour  Agents,  which  fometimes  do  concur  as  fubordinate  to  the 
Grace  of  God  ,  do  not ,  cannot  determin  the  will  naturally.  And  therefore  the  for- 
mer part  of  his  inference  ,  that  forrow  for  fin  is  not  voluntary ,  is  untrue ,  and  al- 
together groundlefs.  That  is  much  more  truly,  and  much  more  properly  laid  to  be 
voluntary  ,  which  proceeds  from  judgment ,  and  from  the  rational  will,  than  that 
which  proceeds  from  palfion,and  from  the  fenfitive  wilLOneofthe  main  grounds  of 
allT.  fi  hiserrours  in  this  queftion  is  that  he  acknowledgeth  no  efficacy,  but  that 
which  is  natural.  Hence  is  this  wild  confequence.  Repentance  hath  caufes 
and  therefore  it  U  not  voluntary.  Free  effeds  have  free  caules ,  necclTary  ef^ 
feds  necefTary  caufes ,  voluntary  effects  have  fometimes  free ,  fometimes  necc/Tarv 
caufes. 

Fifthly,  and  Laftly,  the  Divine  Labours  to  find  out  a  way  how  Liberty  may 
confift  with  the  prefcience  and  decrees  of  God.  But  of  this  I  had  not  very  Jon^  fince  ^'  ^' 
occafion  to  write  a  full  difcourfe ,  in  anfwer  to  a  Treatife  againft  the  prefcience  of  ^"'^^'  '4' 
things  contingent.  I  (hall  for  the  prcfent  only  repeat  thefc  two  things,  pirft  we 
ought  not  to  defert  a  certain  truth  ,  becaufe  we  are  not  able  to  comprehend  the 
certain  manner.  God  (hould  be  but  a  poor  God,  if  we  were  able  perfectly  to  com- 
prehend all  his  actions  and  attributes. 

Secondly ,  in  my  poor  judgment ,  which  I  ever  do  and  ever  fhall  fubmit  to  better 
the  readieft  way  to  reconcile  contingenccand  liberty  ,  with  the  decrees  and  prefci- 
ence of  God,  and  moft  remote  from  the  alterations  of  thefe  times,  is  to  fub/cct  fu- 
ture contingents  to  the  afpect  of  God  ,  according  to  that  prefentiality  which  they 
have  in  eternity.  Not  that  things  future  ,  which  are  not  yet  exiftent  are  coexillent 
with  God,but  becaufe  the  infinite  knowledge  of God,incircling  all  times  in  the  point 
of  eternity  ,  doth  attain  to  their  future  being  ,  from  whence  proceeds  their  obie-* 
ctive  and  intelligible  being.  The  main  impediment  which  keeps  men  from  fubfcri- 
bing  to  this  way  is  ,  becaufe  they  conceive  eternity  to  be  an  everlafting  fucceiJiori 

and 


lO 


A  Viudicatiort  of  true  Liberty  T  Q  iM  E  HI. 

and  not  one  indiviUble  point.  Bi.t  if  they  conllder  that  whatfoever  is  in  God  is 
God  i  That  there  arc  no  accidents  in  him,  tor  that  which  is  inhnicely  pertedt ,  can- 
not be  further  pcrfeded  ,  That  as  God  is  not  wife  but  Wifedom  it  felf,  not  juft  but 
Tuftice  it  k\i\  (o  he  is  not  eternal  but  Eternity  it  fclf^  They  muft  needs  conclude  that 
tliereforc  this  Eternity  is  indiviilble,becaufe  God  is  indivifible,  and  therefore  not  fuc- 
ceflive,  but  altogether  an  infinite  point,  comprehending  all  times  within  it  k\f. 

'J'helajlpjrtofthisdifcoiirfecoiitahietb  his  opinion  about  reconciling    liberty  rcith  the 
Prejciencc,  and  Decrees  of  God^  otherwifs  than  jbnie  Divines   have  done^  againji  rvhom  he 
had  formerly  written  a  7reatife,  out  of  which  he  onely  repeateth  two  things.  One  ix,  that 
tve  ought  not  todefcrt  a  certain  truth. fornot  being  able  to  comprehend  the  certain  manner  of 
it.  And  J  fay  the  fame;  as  for  example,  that  he  ought  not  to  dejert  this  certain  truth  h  Ihat 
there  are  certain  and  necejjary  caufes^rvhich  mak^  every  man  to  reill  what  he  willetb^though 
he  do  not  yet  conceive  in  what  manner  the  will  of  man  is  caufed.  And  yet  J  thinkjhe  man' 
tier  of  it  is  not  very  hardto  conceive,  fi^'f'g  '^'^t  w^  fi^  ^^'^y->  *'"'*  /""'^'l/^i  difpraife,  reward, 
pitnifhrnent^good  and  evil,fequels  of  mens  aCiions  retained  in  memory  ,  do  frame  and  make 
i(f  to  the  ekttion  of  whatfoever  it  be  that  we  eleU.  And  that  the  memory  ofjuch  things  pro- 
ceeds from  thefenjes.  And  jenfe  from  the  operation  ofthe(b]eds  offenfe,  which  are  external 
to  Hi,  and  governed  onely  by  Cod  Almighty.  And  by  confequence,  all  actions,  even  of  free  and 
voluntary  Agents  are  necefjary. 

7he  other  thing  he  repeateth  is,  that  the  btjl  way  to  recoacile  Contingency  and  Liberty 
with  the  prefcience  and  Decrees  of  God,  is  to  fubjed  future  contingents  to  the  ajf>ed  of  God. 
Ihe  fame  isalfo  my  opinion,  but  contrary  to  what  he  hath  all  this  while    laboured  to  prove* 
For,  hitherto  he  held  liberty  and  necefftty,  that  is  to  fay,  liberty  and  the  Decrees  of  God  irre- 
concileable,  unlefs  the  ajpeCl  of  God  (which  wordappeareth  now  thefrrjl  time  in  this  Difcourfe) 
fgnifie  fomewhat  elfe  befdes  Gods  Will  and  Decree,  which  Jcannot  underjiand.  But  he  adds, 
that  we  mujl  fubjed  them  according  to  that  prefentiality  which  they  have  in  eternity ,  which 
he  fays  cannot  be  done  by  them  that  conceive  eternity  to  be  an  everlajiingfuccejJion,but  onely  by 
them  that  conceive  it  an  indivif  hie  point.  'To  this  Janfwer,  that  affoon  at  I  can  conceive  eter- 
nity an  indivifbk  point,  or  any  thing,bnt  an  everlajiingfuccejjion,!  will  renounce  all  J  have 
written  in  th'n  fubjed:  JI^ww  S.  Thomas  Aquinas  calls  eternity  Nuncftans,  an  ever  abi- 
ding now,  which  is  eafie  enough  to  fay,  but  though  J  fain  would  ,  I  never  could  conceive  it, 
Ihey  that  can,  are  more  happy  than  I.  But  in  the  mean  time  he  aVoweth  herely  all  men  to 
be  of  my  opinion,  fave  onely  thofe  that  cenceive  in  their  minds  a  nuncftans,  which  I  thinly 
are  none.  I  underjiand  of  little  bow  it  can  be  true  that  God  U  not  jujl,  but  Ju{iiceitfelfNor 
how  he  concludes  thence,  that  eternity  it  a  ponit  indivifible,  and  not  afucceJfion.Nor  in  what 
fenfe  it  can  bejaid,  that  an  infinite  point,  &c.  wherein  is  no  fuccejjion  ,  can  comprehend  all 
times,  thongh  time  be  fuccejjive. 

Ihefe  fhrajes  J  find  not  in  the  Scripture.  J  wonder  therefore,  what  was  the  defgn  of  the 
School-men  to  hringthemttp,  unlefs  they  thought  a  mancould  not  be  a  true  Chrifiian,  unlefs 
his  underjianding  be  firjijirangled  with  fuch  hard  fayings. 

And  thiif  much  in  anfwer  to  his  Difcourfe,  wherein  J  think^not  cnely  his  fquadrons,  hut 
alfo  his  referves  of  dijiindions  are  defeated.  And  now  your  Lordfhip  fhall  have  my  dcHrine 
concerning  the  fame  quefiion,  with  my  reafons  for  itpofitively  and  briefly  as  I  can  ,  without 
any  terms  of  Art  in  plain  Englijh. 

That  poor  Difcourfe  which  I  mention,  was  not  written  againft  any  Divines,  but  in 
way  of  examination  of  a  French  Tieajtife,  which  yourLordfhips  Brother  did  me  the 
honour  to  fliew  me  at  Tor\^y  My  AfTertion  is  naofitruc,  that  we  ought  not  todefert 
a  certain  truth,  becaufe  we  are  not  able  to  comprehend  the  certain  manner.  Such  a 
truth  is  that,  which  I  maintain,  that  the  will  of  man  in  ordinary  adtions,  is  free  from 
extrinfccal  determination.  A  truth  demonllrable  in  reafon,  received  and  believed  by 
all  the  world.  And  therefore  though  I  be  not  able  to  comprehend  or  exprefs  exad:- 
ly  the  certain  manner  how  it  conflrts  together  with  Gods  eternal  Prefcicncc,ar.d  De- 
crees, which  exceeds  my  weak  capacity,  yet  I  ought  to  adhere  to  that  truth,  which  is 
manifelh  But  T.  H.  his  opinion  of  the  abfolute  nccellity  of  all  events ,  by  reafon  of 
their  antecedent  determination  in  their  extrinfecal  and  ncceffary  caufes,  is  no  fuch 
certain  Truth,  but  an  innovation,  aftrange  Paradox,  without  probable  grornds  , 
re;ed:edby  allAuthours,  yea,  byall  the  world.  Neithcr,is  the  manrcrhowthefccond 
caufes  do  operate  fo  obfcure,  or  (b  tranfcen  dent  above  the  reach  of  reafon,  as  the  e- 

tcr- 


Discourse  I.  agaifjft  Mr.  Hobs-  ju 

ternal  Decrees  of  God  arc.  And  therefore  in  both  thefe  refpe<fts,  he  cannot  challenge 
the  fame  priviledge.  1  am  in  pofrefiion  of  an  old  truth  derived  by  inheritance  or 
fucceliion  trom  mine  Ancellor?.  And  therefore, though  I  were  not  able  to  clear  eve- 
ry quirk  in  Law,  yet  I  might  jurtly  holdmy  polTelfion  until  a  better  Title  wejrefliew- 
cd  tor  another.  He  is  no  old  Poteflbr,  but  a  new  Pretender  ,  and  is  bound  to  make 
good  his  claim  by  evident  proofs,  not  by  weak  and  inconfequent  fuppofitions ,    or 
inducements,  fuch  as  thofe  are  which  he  ufcth  here,  oi'praifes,  dijpraifes,  ren>ards,pH- 
nijhments,  the  memory  of  good  and  evilfequels^  and  events^  which  may  incline  the  will , 
but  neither  can  nor  do  necelHtate  the  will.  Nor  by  uncertain  and  accidental  infe- 
rences, fuch  as  this,  The  memory  ofprjifes,diJ}'raiJes^rercards,pumJhmenti,goodand  evil 
fequels  do  maks  us  ('he  fhould  fay  difpofe  \xs)  to  eleCt  what  roe  eleCt,  but  the  memory  of  thefe 
things  if  from  thefertfe,  and  the  fen fe  from  the  operation  of  the  external  objeSls,  and  the  A- 
gency  of  external  obje£if  if  onely  from  God,therefore  all  adions,  even  of  free  and  voluntary 
Agents^  are  neceffary.  To  pafs  by  all  the  other  great   imperfedtions  ,   which  are  to  be 
'  found  in  this  Sorite,  it  is  juCt  like  that  old  SophilHcal  piece:  He  that  drinks  well  i 
fleeps  well-,  he  that  ileeps  well,  thinks  no  hurti  he  that  thinks  no  hurt ,  lives  well  , 
therefore  he  that  drinks  well  lives  well. 

In  the  very  lali  pafTage  of  my  Difcourfe  ,  I  propofed  mine  own  private  opinion , 
how  it  might  be  made  appear,  that  the  eternal  Prefcience  and   Decrees  of  God  are 
conilltent  with  true  liberty  and  contingency.  And  this  I  fet  down,  in    as  plain 
termes  as  I  could  ,  or  as  fo  profound  a  fpeculation  would  permit ,  which  is  almoft 
wholly  mifunderftood  by  T.  H.  and  many  of  my  words  wreited  to  a  wrong  fenfe. 
As  tirrt,  where  I  fpeak  of  the  afped  of  God ,  that  is  his  view ,  his  knowledge  ,  by 
which  the  moft  free  and  contingent  aftions  were  manifeft  to  him  from  eternity,  Heb. 
4.  II.  All  things  are  nah^d  and  open  to  his  eyes ,  and  this  not  difcurfively  ,  but  in-- 
tuitively ,  not  by  external  fpecies ,  but  by  his  internal  Eflence  ;  He  confounds  this 
with  the  will ,  and  the  Decrees  of  God  :  Though  he  found  not  the  word  AfpeH 
before  in  this  difcourfe,  he  might  have  found  prefcience.  Secondly  hechargethme 
thathitherto  1  have  maintained,  thtt  Liberty  and  the  Decrees  of  God,    are    irreconcil- 
able.   If  I  have    faid    any  fuch  things ,    my    heart   never    went    along    with 
my  pen.  No  ,  but  his  rcafon  why  he  charged  me  on  this  manner  ,  is  becaufe  I  have 
maintained  ,  thjit  Liberty  and  the  abfolute  neccffity  of  all  things  are  irreconcilable.    That 
is  true  indeed,  what  then  ■■,  pphy(  faith  \\c)Necef[ity  and  Gods  Decrees  are  all  one.  How 
all  one  ,  that  were  ftrange  indeed  :  Neceffity  may  be  a  confequent  of  Gods  Decrees, 
it  cannot  bethe  Decree  it  felf.    But  to  cut  his  argument  {hort .  God  hath  decreed 
all  effeds   which   came  to  pafs  in  time ,  yet  not  all  after  the  fame  manner  ,  but    . 
according  to  the  diftind  natures ,  capacities  and  conditions  of  his  creatures  ,  which 
he  doth  not  deftroy  by  his  Decrees  Some  he  adteth,  with  fome  he  cooperateth  by 
{peciall  influence,  and  fome  he  onely  permiteth.    Yetthisis  no  idle  or  bare   per- 
milTion ,  feeing  he  doth  concurre  both  by  way  of  generall  influence  ,  giving  power 
to  adl ,  and  alfo  by  difpofing  all  events  neceflary  ,  free,  and  contingent  to  his  own 
glory.  Thirdly,  he  chargethme,  that  Jallotv  all  men  to  be  of  his  opinion  Jave  onely  thofe 
that  conceive  in  their  minds  aN\inc  (kani,  or  hnrv  eternity  is  an  indivifible  point,  rather  than 
an  everhjiingfucceffion.  But  I  have  given  no  fuch  allowance.  I  know  ,  there  are  ma- 
ny other  ways  propofed  by  Divines ,  for  reconciling  the  eternal  prefcience  and  De- 
crees of  God,  with  the  liberty  and  contingency  offecondcaufes,  fome  of  which  may 
pleafe  other  judgments  better  than  this  of  mine.    Howfoever,  though  a  man  could 
comprehend  none  of  all  thefe  wayes,  yet  remember  what  I  faid,  that  a  certain  truth 
ought  not  to  be  rejected,  becaufe  we  are  not  able,  in  refpect  of  our  weaknefs,  toun- 
(lerUand  the  certain  manner,  or  reafon  of  it.  I  know,  the  Load-ftone  hath  an  attra- 
ctive power  to  draw  the  Iron  to  it  i  and  yet  I  know  not  how  it  comes  to  have  fuch 
:.  power. 

But  the  chiefeft  difficulty,  which  offers  it  felf  in  this  Section,  is,  whether  Eternity 
I.-  an  indivilible  point  fas  I  maintain  it)oraneverlafting  fuccelIion,ashe  wouldhave 
ir.  According  tohis  conftant  ufe,  he  gives  noanfwerto  what  was  urged  by  me,  but 
.  .:ads  again(\  it  from  his  own  incapacity.  J  never  could  conceive,  faith  he,  Iktv  eternity 
i'r::tild  bean  indivifihle  point.  I  believe,  that  neither  we,  nor  any  man  elfe  can  compre- 
hend it  fo  clearly,  as  we  do  thefe  inferiour  things.  The  nearer  that  any  thing  comes 

O  o  o  o  to 


7'2 


'AVindication  of  true  Liberty  TOME    III. 

,      rr       of  God  ,  the  more  remote  it  is  from  our  apprchcnfion.     But  (hall  we 

^h    cforc'makc  potentialities,  and  fucceflive  duration  ,  and  former  and  latter,  or 

"art  without  a  part  (  as  they  fay  )  to  be  in  God  .?  becaufe  we  are  not  able  to 

undcrdand  clearly  the  Divine  perfection ,  we  muft  not    therefore  attribute  any 

""hc  faith  moreover  ,  that  he  underjiands  as  little  horv  it  can  be  true  which  J  fay,  that 
Godv  mtiuji  hut  jujiiceitfelf,  not  Eternal  but  Eternity  itfelf.  It  feems  howfocver  he 
be  vcrfcd  in  this  queftion  ,  that  he  hath  not  troubled  his  head  overmuch  with  read- 
ing, School-Divines ,  or  Metaphyficians ,  if  he  make  faculties  or  qualities  to  be  in 
God  really  diftindt  from  his  efTence.  God  is  a  moft  fimple  or  pi^rc  ad,  which  can 
admit  no  compofition  of  fubftance  and  accident.  Doth  he  think  th.it  the  moll  per- 
fed  eflcncc  of  God  cannot  Aft  fufficiently  without  faculties  and  qiulities  ?  the  inh- 
nitepcrfedion  of  the  Divine  eflence,  excludes  all  pallive  or  receptive  powers,  and 
cannot  be  perfeded  more  than  it  is  by  any  accidents.  The  attributes  of  God  ,  are 
not  diverfe  virtues  ,  or  qualities  in  him,  asthey  are  in  the  creatures,  but  really  one 
and  the  fame  ,  with  the  Divine  EfTence  ,  and  among  themfelves.  They  are  attri- 
buted to  God  to  fupply  the  defed  of  our  capacity  ,  who  are  not  able  to  underftand 
that  which  is  to  beknov*?n  of  God  ,  under  one  name  ,  or  one  ad  of  the  underftand- 

Furthermore  he  faith  ,  that  he  underftands  not  how  I  conclude  from  hence  ,  that  Eter- 
nity  is  an  indivifrble  pint  ^  and  not  a  fucceffion.  I  will  help  him.  The  Divine  fub- 
ftance  is  indivifible  ■■,  but  Eternity  is  the  Divine  Subllance.  The  Major  is  evident , 
becaufe  God  is  adus  fimpliciffimuf  ,  a  moft  fimple  ad ,  wherein  there  is  no  manner 
of  compofition,  neither  of  matter  and  form,  noroffubjed  and  accidents,  nor  of 
parts  &c.  and  by  confequence  no  divifibility.  The  minor  hath  been  cleerly  demon- 
ftrated  in  mine  anfwer  to  his  Laft  doubt ,  and  is  confefTed  by  all  men ,  that  what- 
foever  is  in  God  ,  is  God. 

Laftly  he  faith.  He  conceives  not  hotp  it  can  befaid ,  that  an  infinite  point  wherein 
U  no  JHccefpon  ,  can  comprehend  aU  time  which  iifucctfftve.  I  anfwer ,  that  it  doth  not 
comprehend  it  formally  as  time  is  fucceflive  ,  but  eminently  and  virtually  ,  as  Eter- 
nity is  infinite.  To  day  all  Eternity  is  coexiftent  with  this  day.  To  morrow  all  e- 
ternity  will  be  coexiftent  with  to  morrow  ,  and  fo  in  like  manner  with  all  the  parts 
of  time ,  being  it  felf  without  parts.  He  faith  ,  He  finds  not  thefe  Thrafes  in  the  Scrip- 
ture, No  ,  but  he  may  find  the  thing  in  the  Scripture ,  tiiat  God  is  infinite  in  all  his 
attributes ,  and  not  capable  of  any  imperfedion. 

And  fo  to  fhew  his  antipathy  againft  the  Schoolmen  ,  that  he  hath  no  Liberty  or 
power  to  contain  himfelf ,  when  he  meets  with  any  of  their  Phrafes  or  Tenets ,  he 
falls  into  another  paroxyfm  or  fit  of  inveighing  againft  them  v  and  fo  concludes  his 
anfwer  with  a  plaudite  to  himfelf,  becaufe  he  had  defeated  both  my  Squadrons  of 
Arguments,  and  referves  of  diftindions. 

Dicite  Jo  F^an  ,  &  Jo  hU  dicite  Paan. 
But  becaufe  his  eye-fight  was  weak  ,  and  their  backs  were  towards  him,  he  quite 
mirtook  the  matter.     Thofe  whom  he  feerowted  and  running  away  were  his  own 
Icattered  forces. 
T  H  ^^^fl  1  '  conceive  that  when  it  cometh  into  a  mans  mind,to  do  or  not  to  do  fame  certain 

TJurnh.  2';.     '^ion  ,  ;/  he  have  no  time  to  deliberate  the  doing   or  ahjiaining  ,  neceffarily  followeth  the 
Mv  opinion  prefent  thought  he  had  of  the  good  or  evill  confecjuence  thereof  to  himfelf.  Js  for  example 
bout  Li-     infuddain  anger  the  adion  fhaW  follow  the  thought  ofreveng  ,  infuddainfear  the  thought 
bcrtvand       "/  ffi^pf-     ^Ifi  ^hen  a  man  bath  time  to  deliberate,  but    deliberates  not,  becaufe 
rrelhtV.       tiever   any  thing  appeared  ,  that  could  make  him  doubt  of  the  confequence  ,  the  aCiicnfol- 
lowes  his  opinion  of  the  goodnefi  or  harm  ojit.  Ihefe  aUions  J  call  voluntary.  He,if  I  mtder- 
fland  him  aright,caUs  them  Spontaneous,!  call  them  voluntary,  becaufe  thofe  adions  that  fol- 
low immediatly  the  lajl  appetite  afe  voluntary.  And  here  where  there  is  one  onely  appetite., 
that  ot^e  is  the  laft. 

Bifides  ,  Ifee  "'tis  reafonable  to  punijh  arajh  aCiion  ,  which  cottld  not  be  juftly  done  by 
man  ,  unlefi  the  fame  were  voluntary ;  For  no  aliion  of  a  man  can  be  fiid  to  be  withoitt  de- 
liberation,  though  never  fo  fuddain  ,  becaufe*tisfuppofed  he  had  time  to  delibtrate  all  the 
precedent  time  of  his  life ,  whether  hefhould  do  that  kind  ofa^ion  cr  not.     And  hence  it 

it 


Discourse  I.  againji  Mr.    Hobs. 


7'3 


is ,  thJt  he  that  kjBeth  in  a  fuddain  fajjion  of  anger ,  Jhall  mverthekji  be  jujily  p„tto 
death,  becauje  all  the  time  wherein  he  n>as  able  to  conjider  ,  vchether  to  kill  were  good  or 
evil] ,  Jhall  be  held  fur  one  continuaU  deliberation,  and  confequently  the  kiHingJhalibe  judg- 
ed to  proceed  from  eleilion. 

This  part  of  T.  H.  his  Difcourfe  hangs  together  like  a  fick  mans  dreams.     Even        7.  p^ 
now  he  tells  us ,   that  a  man  may  have  time  to  deliberate  ,.  yet  not  deliberate  i  By  and 
by  he  faith  ,  that  no  aSion  of  a  man ,  though  never  fo  fuddain  ,  can  he  f aid  to  be  without 
deliberation.  He  tells  us  Numb.  33.  thattk/cope  of  this  Sedion  is  tojhew  what  is  fpon- 
taneow.     Howbcit  he  flieweth  onely  what  is  voluntary  i  fo  making  voluntary  and 
fpontaneous  to  be  all  one  ,   whereas  before  he  had  told  us  ,  that  every  fpontaneous  a- 
liion  if  not  voluntary ,  becaufe  indeliberate.     Nor  every  voluntary  aVtion  fpontaneotu  ,  if  it 
proceed  from  fear.     Now  he  tells  us  ,  that  ihofe  anions  ,  aihich  follow  the  laji  appetite 
are  voluntary  ,  and  where  there  U  one  onely  appetite,  that  is  the  laJi.But  before  he  told  us' 
thzt  voluntary  prefuppofetbfome precedent  deliberation  and  Meditation  oj  what  is  lihly  to 
follow  ,  both  upon  the  doing  and  abjiaining  from  the  adion.     He  defines  Liberty,  Numb. 
2p.  to  be  the  abfence  of  all  extrinfecal  impediments  to  aSion.     And  yet  in  his  whole  dif- 
courfe he  laboureth  to  make  good  ,  that  whatfoever  is  not  done    is  therefore  not 
done  ,  becaufe  the  Agent  was  neceliitated  by  extrinfecal  caufes  not  to  do  it.     Arc 
not  extrinfecal  caufes ,  which  determin  him  not  to  do  it ,  extrinfecal  impediments 
to  action.     So  no  man  (hall  be- free  to  do  any  thing  ,  but  that  which  he  doth  actu- 
ally.    He  defines  a  free  Agent  to  be  him  ,  who  hath  not  made  an  end  of  deliberating 
Numb.  28.     And  yet  defines  Liberty  to  be  abfence  of  outward  impediments.     TherJ 
may  be  outward  impediments ,  even  whilft  he  is  deliberating.     As  a  man  deliberates 
whether  he  fhall  play  at  Tennis  ,  and  at  the  fame  time  the  door  of  the  Tennis-Court 
is  faft  locked  againft  him.     And  after  a  man  hath  'ceafed  to  deliberate  ,  there  may 
be  no  outward  impediments ,  as  when  a  man  refolv.es  not  to  play  at  Tennis  becaufe 
he  finds  himfelf  ill  difpofed  ,  or  becaufe  he  will  not  hazard   his  money.  '  So  the 
fame  perfon,  at  the  fame  time  ,  fhould  be  free  and  notfree,  not  free  and  free.  And  as 
he  is  not  firm  to  his  own  grounds  ,  fo  he  confounds  all  things,  the  mind^nd  xhcwiU 
the  ejiimative  faculty  dind  the  underjianding  ,  imagination  with  deliberation     the  end 
with  the  means  ,  human  will  with  the  (enfitive  appetite ,  rational  hope  or  fear ,  with 
irrational pajjtons ,  inclinations  with  intentions ^^  beginning  of  being  with  a  beginning  of 
working.     Sufficiency  with  efficiency.     So  as  the  grcateft  difficulty  is  to  find  out  what 
he  aims  at.     So  as  I  had  once  refolved  not  to  anfwer  this  part  of  his  difcourfe  ,  yet 
upon  better  advife  ,  I  will  take  a  brief  furvey  of  it  alfo  i  and  (hew  how  far  lafTent 
unto  ,  or  diffent  from  that  which  I  conceive  to  be  his  meaning. 

And  Firft ,  concerning  fuddain  pallions ,  as  anger  or  the  like  i  that  which  he 
(aith  ,  that  the  aUion  doth  necejfarily  follow  the  thought ,  is  thus  far  true  ,  that  thole  a- 
ctions,  which  are  altogether  undeliberated  and  do  proceed  from  fuddain  and  violent 
pallions  ,  or  motus  primo  primi ,  which  furprife  a  man  ,  and  give  him  no  time  to 
advife  with  reafon  ,  are  not  properly  and  adually  in  themfelves  &ce  ,  but  rather 
neceffary  adions  ,  as  when  a  man  runs  away  from  a  Cat  or  a  Cullard  ,  out  of  afe- 
cret  antipathy. 

Secondly  ,  as  for  thofe  actions  wherein  aSual  deliberation  feems  not  neceffary ,  becaufe 
never  any  thing  appeared  that  could  mah^  a  man  doubt  of  the  confequence,     I  do  confers 
that  adlions  done  by  virtue  of  a  precedent  deliberation,  without  any  actual  delibe- 
ration in  the  prefent  when  the  act  is  done,  may  notwithftanding  be  truly,   both 
voluntary  and  free  acts  ,  yea  ,  in  fome  cafes  ,  and  in  fome  fenfe  more  free  ,  than  if 
they  were  actually  deliberated  of  in  prefent.     As  one  who  hath  acquired  by  former 
deliberation  and  experience ,  an  habit  to  play  upon  the  Virginal ,  needs  nor  delibe- 
rate what  man  ,  or  what  Jack  he  much  touch ,  nor  what  finger  of  his  hand  he  muft 
move  to  play  fuch  a  Leflbn  v  Yea  ,  if  his  mind  Ihould  be  fixed  ,  or  intent  to  every 
motion  of  his  hand  ^  or  every  touch  of  a  Itring ,  it  would  hinder  his  play ,  and 
render  the  action  more  troublefome  to  him.     Wherefore  I  believe,  that  not  onely 
his  playing  in  general,  but  every  motion  of  his  hand  ,  though  it  be  not  prefently 
deliberated   of,  is  a  free  act,  by  reafon  of  his  precedent   deliberation.     So  then 
(  faving  improprieties  of  fpeech  as  calling  that  voluntary   which  is   free  ,   and 
limiting  the  will  to  the  Laft  appetite ,  and  other  miftakes ,  as  that  no  act  can 

O  o  o  o  a  be 


~j J  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  U  I, 

be  laid  w  be  wicl^c  dclibcrutTon  ;  we  agree  alio  tor  the  greater   part  in  this  ti8. 

'^"'rh-^^v^'^^whcreas  he  faith  ,  that  fame  fuddain    aUs  ,  proceeding  from  fame  violent 
„  mm!   Ihichlnrprife  a  man  ,  are iufUy  pwiijhed,  I  grant  they  are  fo  fometimes,  but 
for'his  realbn  ,  becaufe  they  have  been  formerly  aftually  deliberated  of,  but  bc- 
TuVe  they  were  virtually  deliberated  of,  or  becaufe  it  is  our  faults,  that  they  were 
not  adually  deliberated  ofi  whether  it  was  a  fault  of  pure  negation,  that  is  ,  of  not 
doina  our  duty  onely  ,  or  a  fault  of  bad  difpofition  alfo  ,  by  reafon  offome  vitious 
habit     which  we  had  contradled  by  our  former  adions.     To  do  a  neceffary  ad  is 
ncvcr'a  fault ,  nor  juftlypunifhable,  when  the  necellity  is  inevitably  impofcd  upon 
us  by  extrinfecal  caufes.     As  if  a  Child  before  he  had  the  ufe  of  reafon  fliall  kill  a 
man  in  his  palHon  ,  yetittecaufe  he  wanted  malice  to  incite  him  to   it,  and  reafon 
to  reftrain  him  fromit ,  he  (hall  not  dye  for  it  in  thefirid  rules  of  particular  Juliice, 
unlefs  there  be  fome  mixture  of  publick  J uftice  in  the  cafe.     But  if  the  necclluy  be 
contraftcd  by  our  felves ,  and  by  our  own  faults  ,  it  is  juftly  punifliable  :  As  he 
who  by  his  wanton  thoughts  in  the  day  time ,  doth  procure  his  own  nodurnal  pol- 
lution.    A  man  cannot  deliberate  in  his  {leep  ,  yet  it  is  accounted  a  finful  ad,  and 
confequently  a  free  ad,  that  is  not  adually  free  in  its  felt ,  but  virtually  free  in  its 
caufes,  and  though  it  be  not  exprefly  willed  and  chofen  ,  yet  it  is  tacitely  and  im- 
plicitely    willed     and  chofen,   when    that  is  willed  and  chofen  from  whence 
it  was  neceflarily  produced.     By  the  Levitical  Law  ,  if  a  man  digged  a  pit  and  left 
it  uncovered ,  fo  that  his  Neighbours  Ox  ,  or  his  Affe  did  fall  into  it,he  was  bound 
to  make  reparation  ,  not  becaufe  he  did  choofe  to  leave  it  uncovered  on  purpofe 
that  fuch  a  mifchance  might  happen ,  but  becaufe  he  did  freely  omit,  that  which  he 
ought  to  have  done,   from  whence  this  damage  proceeded  to  his  Neighbour.     Laft- 
ly,  there  is  great  difference  between  the  firft  motions  ,  which  fometimes  are  not 
in  our  power,  and  fubfequenf  ads  of  killing  or  ftealing  or  the  like  ,  which  always 
are  in  our  power,  if  we  have  the  ufe  of  reafon ,  or  ehe  it  is  our  own  fault,  that 
they  are  not  in  our  power.     Yet  to  fuch  hafty  ads  done  in  hot  blood  ,  the  Law  is 
rot  fo  fevere ,  as  to  thofe  which  are  done  upon  long  deliberation  ,  and  prepenfed 
malice  ,  unlefs  (  as  I  faid  )  there  be  fome  mixture  of  publick  Juftice  in  it.     He  that 
fteaJs  an  Horfe deliberately  may  be  more  punifhable  by  the  Law,   than  he  that  kills 
the  owner  by  chance-medley.     Yet  the  death  of  the  owner  was  more  noxious  C  to 
ufe  his  Phrafe  )  and  more  damageable  to  the  family  ,  than  the  ftealth  of  the  horfe. 
So  far  was  7.  H  mil^aken  in  that  alfo ,  that  the  right  to  kill  men  ,  doth  proceed 
meerly  from  their  being  noxious  ,  Numb.  14. 

Secondly  ,  I  conceive  rvhen  a  man  deliberates ,  whther  he  ffjaV  do  a  thing  or  not  do  a 
T.  H.         thing ,  that  he  does  nothing  els  but  confider ,  vchether  it  be  better  for   hinifelf  to  do  it 
Numb.  26.      oy.  fiot  to  do  it.     And  to  confider  an  attion  ,  is  to  imagine   the  confequences  of  it     both 
good  and  eviV ,  from  rvhence  is  to  be  inferred ,  that    deliberation  is  nothing  but  alter- 
nate  imagination    of  the  good  and  evill  fequells  of  an  aUion^  or  (  which  is  the  fame 
thing  )  alternate  hope  and  fear ,  or  alternate  appetite  to  do ,  or  quit  the  adion  of  vehicb 
he  deliberateth. 
rt  7)  If  I  did  not  know  what  deliberation  was ,  I  fliould  be  little  helped  in  my  know- 

'*  '  ledge  by  this  defcription.  Sometimes  he  makes  it  to  be  a  confideration  ,  or  an  ad 
of  the  iinderftanding ,  fometimes  an  imagination  ,  or  an  ad  of  the  fancy,  fometimes 
he  makes  it  to  be  an  alternation  of  pallions,  hope  and  fear.  Sometimes  he  makes  it 
concern  the  end  ,  fometimes  to  concern  the  means.  So  he  makes  it  I  know  not 
what.  The  truth  is  this  in  brief.  Deliberation  U  an  inquiry  made  by  reafon,  tvhether 
ihU  or  that  definitely  confidered  ,  be  a  good  and  fit  means,  or  indefinitely  what  are  good 
^  andfit  means  to  be  chofen  for  attaining  fome  vrijhed  end. 

,  "Thirdly,  J  conceive  ,  that  in  ali   deliberations  ,  that  in  to  fay,  in  all  alternate  fuc- 

27.  cejfion  of  contrary  appetites ,  the  laft  is  that  tvhich  rve  call  the  Will ,  and  is  immedi- 
atly  before  the  doing  of  the  aVtion,  or  next  before  the  doing  of  it  become  impojfible.  And  other 
appetites  to  do  and  to  quit ,  that  come  upon  a  man  during  his  deliberation ,  are  iifually 
called  intentions  ,  and  inclinations  ,  but  not  wills,  thae  heingbut  one  will,  winch  alfo 
in  this  cafe  may  be  called  la^  will ,  though  the  intention  change  often. 
J.  v.  Still  here  is  nothing  but  confufion,he  confounds  the  faculty  of  the  will ,  with  the 

act 


Discourse  1.  againfi    Mr.    Hobs.*  -,j- 

act  of  volition,  he  makes  the  will  to  be  the  laft  part  of  deliberation.  He  makes  the  in-  " 

tention,  which  is  a  molt  proper  andelicite  act  of  the  will,  or  a  rvilling  of  the  end,  as  it 
is  to  he  attained  by  certain  means,  to  be  no  willing  at  all,  but  onely  fome  antecedane- 
ous  inclination  or  propenfion.  He  mi'ght  as  well  fay  ,  that  the  uncertain  agitation  of 
the  Needle  hither  and  thither,  to  find  outthe  Pole,  and  the  relting  or  fixing  ofitfelf 
directly  towards  the  Pole,  were  both  the  fame  thing.  But  the  grolTertmiltake  is,  that 
he  will  acknowledge  no  act  of  a  mans  will ,  to  be  his  will  ,  but  onely  the  lalt  act , 
which  he  calls  the  lail  will.  Ifthchrft  were  no  will ,  how  comes  this  to  be  the  lait 
will  >  According  to  this  doctrine,  the  willof  aman  fhould  be  as  unchangeable  as  the 
Will  of  God,  at  Icaft  fo  long  as  there  is  a  poliibiiity  to  eifect  it.    According  to  this 
doctrine,  concupifcence  with  conlent  fhould  be  no  fin,  for  that  which  is  not  truly 
willed  is  not  a  fin  >  Or  rather  fhould  not  be  at  all,  unlefs  either  the  act  followed  ,  or 
were  rendred  impofsible  by  fome  intervening  circumrtances-  According  to  this  do- 
ctrine no  man  can  fay,  this  is  my  will,  becaufehe  knows  not  yet,  whether  it  fhall  be 
his  laft  will.  The  truth  is  ,  there  be  many  ads  of  the  will,  both  in  refpedt  of  the 
means,  and  of  the  end.  But  that  act,  which  makes  a  mans  actions  to  be  truly  free,  is 
Election,  which  is  the  deliberate  choofing  or  refufmg,  of  th'u  or  that  means ,  or  the  acce- 
ptation of  one  means  before  another,  where  diverfe  are  reprefented  by  the  underjianding. 

Fourthly,  that  thofe  anions  ,  tvhich   man  is  f aid   to  do  upon  deliberation  ,   are  f aid        <t-  tt 
to  he  voluntary  ,  and  done  upon    choife  and  eltBion.     So  that  voluntary    atlion  ,  and      t^  '     *  n 
adion  proceeding  from  election  ,  is   the  fame  thing.     And  that  of  a  voluntary  Agent  ^ 
'tis    all  one    to   fay   he  is  free  ,  and  to  fay,  he  hath  not  made  an  end  of  deliberating. 

This  (hort  Section  might  pafs  without  an  animadverfion  but  for  two  things.    The 
one  is,  that  he  confounds  a  voluntary  act  with  a  free  act.  A  free  act  is  onely  that         ri  jy 
which  proceeds  from  the  free  Election  of  the  rational  will  after  deliberation,  but  eve- 
ry act  that  proceeds  from  the  fenfitive  appetite  of  man  or  beaft,  without  deliberation 
or  election,  is  truly  voluntary.  The  other  thing  obfervable  is  his  conclufion,  that  it 
is  all  one  to  fay,  a  man  vs  tree,  and  to  jay,  he  hath  not  made  an  end  of  deliberating.  Which 
confelfion  ofhis,  overturns  his  whole  ftructure  of  abfolute  necelhty  ,  for  if  every  A- 
gentbe  necefsitated  to  act  what  he  doth  act  by  a  neceffary  and  natural  flux  of  extrin- 
fecal  caufes,  then  he  is  no  more  free  before  he  deliberates ,  or  whileft  he  deliberates, 
than  he  isafter,but  by  T.  K  his  confeliion  here,he  is  more  free, whileft  he  deliberates, 
than  he  is  after,  And  fo  after  all  hisftouriflies,  for  an  abfolute  or  extrinfecal  necefsi- 
ty,  he  is  glad  to  fit  himfelf  down,  and  reft  contented  with  an  hypothetical  necelfity, 
which  no  man  ever  denied  or  doubted  of.  Afcribing  the  necellitationof  a  man  in  free 
ads  to  his  own  deliberation,  and  in  indeliberate  ads  to  his  laft  thought ,  Numb.  25* 
what  is  this  to  a  natural  and  fpecial  influence  of  extrinfecal  caufes.  Again  ,  Liberty , 
(faith  he)  is  an  abfence  of  extrinfecal  impediments ,  but  deliberation  doch  produce  no 
new  extrinfecal  impediments,  therefore  (let  himchufe  which  part  he  will^  either  he 
is  free  after  deliberation,  by  his  own  dodrine  ,  or  he  was  not  free  before.  Our  own 
deliberation,  and  the  diredion  of  our  own  underftanding  ,  and  the  eledion  of  our 
own  will,  do  produce  an  hypothetical  necefsity  ,  that  the  event  be  fuch  as  the  under- 
ftanding hath  direded  ,  and  the  will  elected.  But  forafmuch  as  the  underftanding 
might  have  directed  otherwife,  and  the  will  have  elected  other  wife  ,  this  is  far  from 
an  abfolute  necefsity.  Neither  doth  Liberty  refpect  onely  future  acts,  but  prefentacts 
alfo.  Otherwife  God  did  not  freely  create  the  world.  In  the  fame  inftant  wherein 
the  will  elects  it  is  free,  according  to  apriority  of  Nature,  though  not  of  time  to  elect 
otherwife.  And  fo  in  a  divided  fenfe,  the  will  is  free,  even  whileft  it  acts,  though  in 
a  compounded  fenfe  it  be  not  free.  Certainly  ,  deliberation  doth  conftitutc  ,  not  de- 
ftroy  Liberty. 

Fifthly  ,  I  conceive  liberty  to  be  rightly  defined  in  this  maner.     Liberty  is  the  ah-        j-  „ 
fence  oj  all  the   impediments  to  action  ,  that  are  not  contained  in  the   nature ,  and  in  jj     ', 
the  intrinfecall  quality  of  the  Agent.     As  for    example  ,  the  water   is  jaid  to   dejcend  '  ~^' 

freely  ,  or  to  have  liberty  to  dejcend  by  the  Cbanell  of  the  "River  ,  becaufe  there  is  no 
impediment  that  tvay ,  hut  not  acrofi ,  becaufe  the  hanks  are  impediments.  A /id  though 
TPater  cannot  afcend  ,  yet  men  never  fay  it  ft  ants  the  liberty  to  ajcend,  but  the  fa- 
culty or  pDVoer  ,  becaufe  the  impediment  is  in  the  nature  of  the  rvater  and  intrinfecah 
So  alfo  we  fay,  he  that  is  tyed  wants  the  Liberty  to  go  ,  becaufe  the  impediment  if  not        j  p^ 

in        •'■ 


~^6 A  Vin^^^^f  i  rm  Ltberty  T  Q  M  E  I  H. 

j„  l,i„     /,«,  in  Ins  banTs,  tphereTs  r^^fv  »otfo  of  him  that  is  ficKor  lame  ,  becaufe  the 


impediment  is  ill  himfelf.        ,     ,  r  ■■        ct -x.    .         u-  u  ,       i        ■■        i 

How  that  fliould  be  a  right  definition  ot  Liberty  ,  which  comprehends  neither  the 
Cemts  not  the  difre>ice  ,  neither  the  matter  nor   the  form  of  Liberty , which  doih  not 
foinuch  as  accidentally  defcribe  Liberty  by  its  marks  and  tokens,  how  a  real  fa- 
culty or  the  eledlivc  power  (hould  be  defined  by  a  negation  ,  or  by  an  abfcnce,  is 
part  my  underftaiiding  ,  and  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of  right  reafon,  which  I  have 
Learned.     Negatives  cannot  explicate  the  nature  of  things  defined.     By  this  defi- 
nition,a  ftone  hath  Liberty  toafcend  into  the  air,  becaufe  there  is  no  outward  im- 
pediment to  hinder  it ,  andfo  a  violent  ad  may  be  a  free  adl.  Julllike  his  definition 
are  his  inftancesof  the  Liberty  of  the  Water  to  defcend  down  the  Channe],and  a  fick 
or  a  Lame  mans  Liberty  to  go.The  Later  is  an  impotence  and  not  apowerora  Liber- 
ty. The  former  is  fo  far  from  being  a  free  adt,  that  it  is  fcarce  a  natural  adt,certainly,  the 
proper  natural  motion  of  Water,  as  of  all  heavy  bodies,  is  to  defcend  diredly  down- 
wards towards  the  center,  as  we  fee  in  rain  ,  which  falls  down  perpendicularly. 
Though  this  be  far  from  a  free  aft ,  which  proceeds  from  a  rational  appetite ,  yet  it 
is  a  natural  adl ,  and  proceeds  from  a  natural  appetite,  and  hath  its  reafon  within 
it  (elf.     So  hath  not  the  current  of  the  river  in  its  Channel  ,  which  mud  not  hcaf- 
cribcd  to  the  proper  nature  of  the  Water  ,  but  either  to  the  general  order  of  the  uni- 
verfe,  for  the  better  being  and  prefervation  of  the  Creatures  (  otherwile  the  Waters 
fliould  not  move  in  Seas  and  Rivers  as  they  do ,  but  cover  the  face  of  the  earth,  and 
poflefs  their  proper  place  between  the  air  and  the  earth ,  according  to  the  degree  of 
their  gravity.  )     Or  to  an  extrinfecal  principle ,  whilefi  one  particle  of  Water  thruft- 
eth  and  forceth  forward  another  ,  and  fo  comes  a  current,  or  at  lead  fo  comes  the 
current  to  be  more  impetuous,  to  which  motion  the  polition  of  the  earth  doth  con- 
tribute much,  both  by  reltraining  that  fluid  body  with  its  banks  from  difperfing  it 
felf,  and  alfo  byatfording  way  for  a  fair  and  eafie  defcent  by  its  proclivity.     He 
tells  us  fadly  that  the  water  wants  Liberty  to  go  over  the  banks ,  becaufe  there  is  an  ex- 
trinfecal impediment ,  but  to  afcend  up  the  Channel  it  wants  not   Liberty  ,  but  power. 
Why  ?  Liberty  is  a  power ,  if  it  want  power  to  afcend ,  it  wants  Liberty  to  afcend. 
But  he  makes  the  reafon  why  the  water  afcends  not  up  the  Channel ,  to  be  intrin- 
fecal ,  and  the  reafon  why  it  afcends  not  over  the  banks  to  be  extrinfecal,  as  if  there 
were  not  a  rifing  of  the  ground  up  the  Channel ,  as  well  as  up  the  banks ,  though  it 
benotfo  difcernible  ,  noralwasfb  fuddain.     The  natural  appetite  of  the  Water 
is  as  much  againft  the  afcending  over  the  banks,  as  afcending  up  the  Channel.     And 
the  extrinfecal  impediment  is  as  great;  in  afcending  up  the  Channel  as  over  the  banks 
or  rather  greater,  becaufe  there  it  muft  move,not  only  againft  the  rifing  foil:,  but  alfo 
againft  the  fucceding  waters,  which  prefs  forward  the  former.    Either  the  River 
wants  Liberty  for  both  ,  or  elfe  it  wants  Liberty  for  neither. 

But  to  Leave  his  Metaphorical  faculties  ,  and  his  Catachreftical  Liberty.  How 
far  is  his  Difcourfe  wide  from  the  true  moral  Liberty ,  which  is  in  queflion  between 
us.  His  former  defcription  of  a  free  Agent ,  that  is  ,  he  who  hath  not  made  an  end 
of  deliberating^  though  it  was  wide  from  the  mark  ,  yet  it  came  much  nearer  the 
truth  than' this  definition  of  Liberty  ,unlcfs  perhaps  he  think  that  theWater  hath  done 
deliberating  ,  whether  it  will  go  over  the  banks ,  but  hath  not  done  deliberating  , 
whether  it  will  go  up  the  channel. 

Sixthly ,  J  conceive  ,  nothing  tah^th  beginning  from  it  felf  ^  but  from  the  attion  of  fame 
Kumb.  3^'  other  immediate  Agent  without  it  felf.  And  that  therefore  when  firji  a  man  had  an  appe- 
tite or  tvill  to  fomething  ,  to  which  immediatly  before  he  had  no  appetite  nor  w'lV^  the  cauje 
of  his  Willis  not  the  will  it  felf  ^  but  fomething  elfe  not  in  his  own  difpoftng.So  that  where- 
as it  is  out  of  Controverfe  that  of  voluntary  aCiions  the  will  is  a  necefjary  caufe  ■,  and 
by  thif  which  is  faid  the  will  is  alfo  caujed  by  other  things  whereof  it  difpofeth  not ,  it 
foUoweth  that  voluntary  aUions  have  all  of  them  necejfary  caufes ,  and  therefore  are  ne- 
cefjitated. 
7.  D.  This  fixt  point  doth  not  confift  in  explicating  of  terms  ,  as  the  former  ,  but  in 

two  proofs  ,  that  voluntary  anions  are  necellitatcd.  Theformex  prdof Hands  thus, 
"Nothing  takgs  beginning  from  it  felf ,  but  from  Jome  Agent  without  it  felf  which  is  not  in 
its  oven  difpofwg  ,  therefore  &c.  comedo  omnia  ,  I  grant  all  he  faith,  the  will  doth  not 

take 


•r.  H. 


Discourse     f.  againft    Mr.  Hobs.  -j  ly 

take  beginning  from  it  felf.  Whether  he  underftand  by  niU  the  faculty  of  the  rviO 
which  is  a  power  of  the  reafonable  Soul  ,  it  takes  not  beginning  from  k  fcif  but 
from  God,  who  created  and  infufed  the  Soul  into  man,  and  endowed  it' with 
this  power  ;  or  whether  he  underlland  by  wi// the  act  of  wi//i»g ,  it  takes  not  be- 
ginning from  it  felf,  but  from  the  faculty  ,  or  from  the  power  of  rviling ,  which 
is  in  the  Soul.  This  is  certain ,  finite  and  participated  things  cannot  be  from 
tbemfeIves,nor  be  produced  by  themfelves  :  what  would  he  conclude  from  hence  > 
that  therefore  the  adtof  willing  takes  not  its  beginning  from  the  faculty  of  the  will? 
Orthat  the  faculty  is  alwayes  determined  antecedently,  extrinfecally  :o  wjII  that 
which  it  doth  will .?  He  may  as  foon  draw  water  out  of  a  pumice,  as  draw  any 
fuchconclufionoutof  thefe  premifles.  Secondly,  for  his  *^i^i«g  ^  %/.)7.>f2, Either 
he  underlknds  a  beginning  of  being  ,  or  a  beginning  of  voorlqng  and  adina^  If  he  under- 
liand  a  beginning  of  being  ,  he  faith  moft  truly  that  nothing  hath  a  beginning  of 
being  in  time  from  it  felf:  But  this  is  nothing  to  his  purpofe.  The  qucftion  is  not 
between  us  whether  the  Soul  of  man,  or  the  will  of  man  be  eternal ,  But  if  he  un- 
derftand <?  beginning  of  working  or  moving  equally  ,  it  is  a  grole  errour.  All  men 
know  that  when  a  Itonedefcends,  or  fire  afcends  i  or  when  water,  that  hath  been 
heated  ,  returnes  to  its  former  temper,  the  beginning  or  reafon  is  intrinfecal  and 
one  the  fame  thing  doth  move  and  is  moved  in  a  diverfe  refped.  It  rnovcs 
in  refpeft  of  the  form  ,  and  it  is  moved  in  refpedt  of  the  matter.  Much  more 
man ,  who  hath  a  perfedt  knowledge  and  prenotion  of  the  end  ,  is  moft  properly 
faid  to  moove  himfclf.  Yet  I  do  not  deny  but  that  there  are  other  beginnings  oi 
human  adtions ,  which  do  concur  with  the  will ,  fome  outward  as  the  firft  caufe 
by  general  influence  ,  which  is  evermore  requifite  ,  Angels  or  men  by  perfwadine 
evil  Spirits  by  tempting  ,  the  objed:  or  end  by  its  appetibility  i  the  underftandine 
by  direding.  So  pallions  and  acquired  habits.  But  I  deny  that  any  of  thefe  do 
neceffitate  or  can  necellitate  the  Will  of  man  by  determining  it  Phyfically  to  one 
except  God  alone  ,  who  doth  it  rarely  in  extraordinary  cafes.  And  where  there  is 
antecedent  determination  to  one,  there  is  no  abfolute  neccellity  but  true  Li- 
berty. 

His  fecond  argument  is  ex  concepts  ,  It  is  out  of  comroverfy  (  faith  he  )  that  of  volunt- 
ary anions  thetvillis  a  neceffary  caufe. The.  argument  may  be  thus  reduced.NeccflTarycau- 
fes  produce  neceflary  effeds,  but  the  Will  is  a  neceffary  caufe  of  voluntary  adions.  I 
might  deny  his  major,  Neceflary  caufes  do  not  alwayes  produce  neceflary  efleds  ex- 
cept they  be  alfo  neceflarily  produced,  as  I  have  fliewed  before  about  the  burning  of 
Frotagoras  his  book.  But  I  anfwer  cleerly  to  the  minor,  that  the  will  is  not  a  necefla- 
ry caufe  of  what  it  wills  in  particular  adions.  Ft  is  without  comroverfy  indeed    for  it 
is  without  all  probability.   That  it  wills,  when  itwills,  is  neceflary,  but  that  it  wills 
this  or  that,  now  or  then,  is  free.    Moreexprefly  the  ad  of  the  will  may  be 
confidered    three    wayes  s  Either  in   refpect  of  nature  ,    or    in    refpect  of  its 
exercife,  or  in  refpect  of  its  object.  Firft  ,  for  the  nature  of  the  act  i  That  which 
the  will  wills  is  neceflarily  voluntary,  becaufe  the  will  cannot  be  compelled.  And 
in  this  fenfe  ,  it  is  out  of  comroverfy  ,  that  thevpill  is  a  necejfary  caufe  of  voluntary  adions 
Secondly,  for  the  exercife  of  its  acts ,  that  is  not  neceflary.  The  will  may  cither  will 
or  fufpend  its  act.  Thirdly  ,  for  the  object  that  is  not  neceflary  but  free    the  will 
is  not  extrinfecally  determined  to  its  objects.  As  for  example ,  The  Cardin'alls  meet 
in  the  conclave  to  clioofe  a  Pope ,  whom-they  choofe  he  is  neceflarily  Pope.  But  it 
is  not  necelTary  that  they  fliall  choofe  this  or  that  day.  Before  they  were  aflemblcd 
they  might  defer  their  affembling ,  when  they  are  aflembled  they  may  fufpend  their 
election  for  aday  or  a  week.  Laftly,  for  the  perfon   whom    they  will  choofe,  it  is 
freely  in  their  own  power ,  otherwifc  if  the  election  were  not  free,  it  were  void- 
and  no  election  at  all.     So  that  which  takes  its  beginning  from  the  will     is  necef' 
farily  voluntary  ,  but  it  is  not  neceflary  that  the  will  fliall  will  this  or  that  in  parti- 
cular i  as  it  was  neceflary  ,  that  the  perfon  freely  cleded  fliould  he  Pope,  but  it 
was   not   neceflary  ,  either  that  the  eledion  fliould  be  at  this  time .  or  that  thi'5 
man  fliould  be  eleded.     And  therefore  voluntary  adts  in  particular,  luviz  not  ne- 
ceflary caufes ,  that  is ,   they  are  not  necellitated. 

Seventhly^  I  hold  that  c  be  a  fufficient  caufe.  to  which  nothing  is  rraating  th.!t  is  needful       "T;  Hi 

'  to  Numb.  3  r. 


""TTg  "  A  Vindication  of  trite  Liberty  TOME  ML 

;77k  troducina  ofthclffca.  the  Jam  is  alfo  a  necejfary  caufe  for  if  tt  bepojfibk  ,  that  a 
(ukckm  caufe pall  not  king  forth  the  effeU,  then  there  wanted  fomevph at  which  was  need- 
ful to  the  producing  ofit,andfothe  caufe  was  not  fufficient.  But  if  it  be  inipofiible  that  a 
fufficient  caufe fhould  not  produce  the  efed^then  is  a  f undent  cauje  a  nccefsary  caufe,  (  f<n\ 
thai  is  [aid  to  produce  an  effeU  necefsarily,  that  cannot  but  produce  it)  Hence  it  is  niani- 
feji  that  whatfoever  is  produced,  is  producednecefsarily^for  whatfoever  is  produced  hath  had 
aftifficient  caufe  to  produce  it,  or  elfe  it  had  not  been.  And  therefore  alfo  voluntary  a£Hons 
are  necefsitated. 
'  This  Sediion  contains  a  third  Argument  to  prove  that  all  effeds  are  necefiary,  for 

clearing  whereof  it  is  needful  to  confider  how  a  caufe  may  be  faid  to  be  fufficicnt  or 
infafficient. 
rt  jy  Firft,  fcveral  caufes  fingly  confidered  may  be  infufficient,  and  the  fame  taken  con- 

-''  '  jointly  be  fufficient  to  produce  an  effed:.  As  two  Horfes  jointly  are  fufficient  to  draw 
a  Coach,  which  either  of  them  fingly  is  infufficient  to  do.  Now  to  make  the  eifed, 
that  is,  the  drawing  of  the  Coach  neceffary  ,  it  is  not  oncly  required  ,  that  the  two 
Horfes  be  fufficient  to  draw  it,  but  alfo  that  their  conjundion  be  nccelTary,  and  their 
habitude  fuch  as  they  may  draw  it.  If  the  owner  of  one  of  thefe  Horfes  will  notfuf- 
fer  him  to  draw,  If  the  Smith  have  fhod  the  other  in  the  quick  ,  and  lamed  him  , 
If  the  horfe  have  carta  (hoe  or  be  a  refiy  jade  ,  and  will  not  draw  but  when  he  lift  , 
then  the  effed  is  not  neceffarily  produced  ,  but  contingently  more  or  lefs ,  as  the 
concurence  of  the  caufes  is  more  or  lefs  contingent. 

Secondly,  a  caufe  may  be  faid  to  be fufFcient, either becaufe  it  produceth  thatefftd 
which  isintended,  asin  the  generationofa  man,   or  els,  becaufe   it  is  fufficient  to 
produce  that  which  is  produced  ,  asin  the  generation  of  a  Monfter.  The  former  is 
properly  called  a  fufficient  caufe  ,  the  later  a  weake  and  infufficient  caufe.  Now  ,  If 
the  debility  of  the   caufe  be  not  neceffary  ,  but  contingent,  then  the    effed  is  not 
necellary  ,  but  contingent.  It  is  a  rule  in  Logick  ,  that  the  conclufion  alwayes  fol- 
lowes  the  weaker  part.  If  the  premifes  be  but  probable,  the  conclufion  cannot  be 
demonftrative  .   It  holds  as  well  in  caufes  as  in  propofitions.  No  effed  can  exceed 
thevertue  ofits  caufe.  Iftheability  or  debility,  of  the  caufes  be  contingent  ,the  effect 
cannot  be  neceffary. 
Thirdly,  that  which  conccrnes  this  queftion  of  Liberty  from  neceflity  moff  neerely 
is.   That  a  caufe  is  faid  to  be  fufficient  in  refpect  ofthe  ability  of  it  to  act,  rot  in 
refpect  ofits  will  to  act.  The  concurrence  ofthe  will  is  needful  to  the  production  of 
afree  effect.    But  the  caufe  may  be  fufficient,  though  the  ■will  do  not  concur.  As 
God  is  fufficient  to  produce  a  thoufand  worlds,  but  it  doth  not  follow  from  thence 
either  that  he  hath  produced  them,  or  that  he  will  produce  them.Thc  blood  ofChrift 
is  a  fufficient  ranfome  for  all  mankind, but  it  doth  not  follow  therefore,  that  all  man- 
kind fhall  be  actually  favcd  by  vertue  of  his  Blood.  A  man  may  be  a  fufficient 
Tutour,  though  he  will  not  teach  every  Schollar,  and  a  fufficient  Phyfitian  though  he 
will  not  adminifter  to  every  patient.  Forasmuch  therefore  as  the  concurrence  of  the 
will  is  needful  to  the  production  of  every  free  effect,  and  yet  the  caufe  may  be  fufficient, 
infenfu  divifo,  although  the  will  do  not  concur  i  It  followes  evidently,  that  the  caufe 
may  be  fufficient,.  and  yet  fomething  ,  which  is  needful  to  the  production  ofthe 
effect,  maybe     wanting ,  and    that   every    fufficient    caufe  is  not    a    neceffary 
caufe. 

Laf^ly ,  if  any  man  be  difpofed  to  wrangle  againft  fo  cleav  light ,  and  fay  that 
though  the  free  Agent  be  fufficient  infenfu  divifo,yct,he:  is  not  fufficient  infenfu  com- 
pofno,  to  produce  the  effed  without  the  concurrence  ofthe  will  ■■>  he  faith  true,  but 
firf\,hebewrayes  the  weaknefs  and  the  fallacy  of  the  former  Argument,  which  is  a 
meer  trifling  between  fufficiency  in  a  divided  fenfe,  and  fufficiency  in  a  compound- 
ed fenfe.  And  feeing  the  concurrence  ofthe  will  is  not  predetermined  ,  there  is  no 
antecedent  neceflity  before  it  do  concur,  and  when  it  hath  concurred,  the  neceflityis 
but  hypothetical,  which  may  confift  with  Liberty. 
■*•  "•  Lajily,  I  hold  that  ordinary  definition  of  a  free  J  gent,  namely,  that  a  free  Agent  is  that. 

Numb.  32.  which  when  all  things  are  prefent,  which  are  needful  to  produce  the  effed ,  can  nevenhehfs 
not  produce  it,  implies  a  contradiCiion,  and  is  nonfenfe,  being  as  mych  as  ic  fjy ,  the  caufe 
may  be  fufficient,/^<jt  is,  neceffary,  and  yet  the  tffat  not  follow. 

This 


D is CO u USE     I.  agaifj/i    Mr.  Hobs.  yi^ 

This  Lad  point  is  but  a  Corollary  or  an  inference  trom  the  former  Doctrine,  that  7.  J) 
every  fnfficietit  caiife  proJuceth  its  efftCts  neujlurily  ^  which  pillar  being  taken  away  the 
iuperitructure  mull  needs  fall  to  the  groand,having  nothing  left  to  fupportit.  Lajily^ 
J  bold:  faith  he  ,  whathe  is  ab'e  to  prove  is  fomething.  So  much  reafon,  fo  much 
truft  :  but  what  he  Z^tfWx  concerns  himfclf  not  others.  But  what  holds  he  ■•  \hold 
(  faith  he  )  that  the  ordinary  definition  of  a  free  agent  implies  a  contradiBion,  and  is  non- 
fenfe.  That  which  he  calls  the  ordinary  definition  of  Liberty,  is  the  very  dchnition 
which  is  given  by  the  much  greater  part  of  Philofophers  and  Schoolmen.  And  doth 
he  think  that  all  thefe  fpake  non-fenfe  ?  or  had  no  more  judgment  than  to  contra- 
dict thcmfclves  in  a  definition?  he  might  much  better  fufpa|t  himfelf,  than  cenfure  ^o 
many.  Let  us  fee  the  definition  it  felf ;  A  free  Agent  is  that ,  rehich  when  all  things 
are  prefent^  that  are  needful  t« produce  theeffe£f ,  can  neterthekjs  not  produce  it.  I  ac- 
knowledge the  old  definition  of  Liberty ,  with  little  variation.  But  I  cannot 
fee  this  nonfenfe,  nor  difcover  this  contradiction.  For  in  thefe  words  all  things  need- 
ful^ox  ahhingsrequifite^  the  actual  determination  of  the  will  is  not  included. But  by  ^i/ 
things  needful  or  requiftte.  All  neceffary  power  either  operative  or  elective  ,  all  ne- 
cefTary  inltruments  and  adjuments  extrihfecal  and  intriniecal,  and  all  conditions  are 
intended.  As  he  that  hath  Pen  and  Ink  ^  and  Paper,  a  Table  ,  a  Desk,  and  Lei - 
fure,  the  Art  of  Writing ,  and  the  free  ufe  of  his  hand ,  hath  all  things  rcqui- 
lite  to  write  if  he  will ,  and  yet  he  may  forbear  if  he  will.  Or  as  he  that  hath  men 
and  money,  and  arms,  and  ammunition ,  and  (hips,  and  a  jull  caufe,  hath  all  thin^^s 
requillte  for  War  ,  yet  he  may  make  peace  if  he  will.  Or  as  the  King  Proclaimed 
in  the  Golpel ,  Matt.  22.  4.  J  hive  prepared  my  dinner  ,  my  Uxen  and  my  Fat  lings 
are  killed ,  all  things  are  ready  ,  come  unto  the  marriage.  According  to  T".  H.  his  Do- 
ctrine ,  the  guefts  might  have  told  him  ,  that  he  faid  not  truly  ,  for  their  own  wills 
were  not  ready.  And  indeed  if  the  will  were  (  as  he  conceives  it  is  }  necellitated 
extriniecally  to  every  act  of  willing,  if  it  had  no  power  to  forbear  willing  what 
it  doth  will ,  nor  to  will  what  it  doth  not  will ,  then  if  the  will  were  wanting  , 
fomething  requifite  to  the  producing  of  the  effect  was  vvanting.But  now  when  (cience 
and  confcience,Teafon  and  religion,our  own  and  other  mens  experience  cioth  teach  us, 
that  the  will  hatha  dominion  over  its  own  acts  to  will,or  nill  without  cxtrinfecal  ne- 
celIitation,If  the  power  to  will  be  prefent  in  aSiu  priOT(7,determinable  by  ourfelves,then 
there  is  no  neceflary  power  wanting  in  this  refpect  tothe  producing  of  the  effect. 

Secondly,  theie  words  to  aU  or  riot  to  aS  ,  to  rvor}^or  not  to  rporj^,  to  produce  or  not 
to  produce^  have  reference  to  the  effedt ,  liotaS  a  thing  which  is  already  done  ,  or 
doing,  but  as  a  thing  to  be  done.  They  imply  not  the  adtual  produdtion  but  the 
producibility  of  the  effect.  But  when  once  the  will  hath  actually  concurred  with 
all  other  caufes  and  conditions ,  and  circumftances ,  then  the  effect  is  no  more  po(- 
fible  ,  or  producible  ,  but  it  is  in  being  ,  and  actually  produced.  Thus  he  takes  a- 
way  the  Subject  of  the  queftion.  The  queftion  is  whether  effects  producible  be  free 
from  neceiiity.  }it(huffiss  out  efeSis  producible  ^  and  thrufts  in  their  places  f^cFj- 
produced  ,  or  which  are  in  the  act  of  production.  Wherefore  I  conclude  ,  that  it  is 
neither  non-fence  nor  cnntradidion  to  fay ,  that  a  free  Agent ,  when  all  things  rcquj-r 
fitc  to  produce  the  effect  arc  prefent,  may  neverthelefs  not  produce  it. 

For  mv  firji  five  points  where  it  is  explicated  ^  Fir/f,  xvhat  fpmtaneity  if.  Secondly^  T.  K 
wh  It  deliberation  is  ^  thirdly,  tphatrviU^  propenfion  ond  appetite  is.  Fourthly  ^  J/ljat  a  ^umh.  33. 
/tcc  Agent  is.  Fifthly  ,  what  Liberty  is ,  there  can  be  no  other  proof  offered,  but  every 
mans  rnvn  experience  ,  by  reflecting  on  himfelf,  and  remembrin^i  what  he  ufeth  to  have  in 
bis  mind,  that  is  what  he  himfelf  meaneth,  when  he  faith  ,  an  a^ion  if  fpontaneom  A 
man  deliberates  ,  fiich  is  his  will,  that  Agent ,  cr  that  aBion  is  free.  Now,  be  that  fa 
refifBeth  on  himjelf  cannot  but  befatisfied,  that  deliberations  the  confiderin,T  of  the 
good. ^nd evil fequels  of  the  adion  to  come,  tfcjt  ty  Spontaneity  ,  is  meant  inconfiJerate 
proceeding  ,  (  or  elfe  nothing  is  meant  by  it.  )  that  will  if  the  laji  atl  of  our  di  libirati^n 
that  a  free  Agent  is  he  that  can  do  ,  if  he  will,  and  forbear  if  he  will.  And  that  Liber- 
ty is  the  abfence  of  external  impediments  ;  but  to  thofe  that  out  of  Culiom  fpeal^mt  what 
they  conceive  ,  but  what  they  hear  ,  and  are  not  able  , .  or  will  not  tak^  the  pains  to  confi- 
der  what  they  thinks,  when  they  hear  fuch  words  ,  yto  argument  ca>t  be  fiffcient ,  b;;aufe 
t^perience  ,  and  matter  of  faB  is  not  verifred  by  other  mens  arguments,  hut  by  eviry  ma>ts 

P  P  P  P  owA 


720  A  Vittdication  of  true  Liberty  TOME    III. 

Vrvnfeftje  ,  and  memory.  For  examj'le ,  hurv  can  it  be  proved  ,  that  to  love  a  things  and 
to  think_il  pood  are  all  one,  10  a  man  that  does  not  mark^his  on-n  meaning  by  thoje  vvords.  Or 
hoxp  can  it  be  troved  th.-t  Eternity  ii  not  nunc  (i^ns  ^  to  a  man  that  Jays  tbcj'e  words  by 
atjinm  ,  and  nevtr  cnnfidcrs  how  he  can  conceive  the  thing  it  feljin  his  mind.  Alj-^  the 
fxtb  point ,  that  a  man  cannot  imagin  any  thing  to  begin  without  a  caufe  ,  can  no  other 
tpay  be  made  k>ictrn  but  by  trying  how  he  can  imagin  it.  Eitt  ij  he  try  ,  ht  pall  pud  ai  much 
reafonf  if  there  be  no  cauje  of  the  thing  )  to  conceive,  itfljnuldbegin  at  one  time  <»  U)io- 
iber,tkat  is,  he  hath  equal  reajon  to  thin}{^  it  J^jculd  begin  at  all  times ,  which  is  im- 
pfjfible,  J nd  therefore  he  ntpji  think.there  was  fomeJ}ecialcauJe  ,  why  it  began  then  ra- 
ther thanfooncr  or  later  ,  or  elfe ,  that  it  began  never ,  but  was  'Eternal. 
„  jy  Now  at  Length  he  comes  to  his  main  proofs  •,  he  that  hath  (b  confidently  cenfu- 

-' '     *       cd  the  whole  current  of  Schoolmen  and  Philofophers  of  non-Jinfe  ,  had   need  to 
produce  ftrong  evidence  for  himfelf.     So  he  calls  his  reafons  ,  Ntmb.  3d.  demonlira- 
five  proofs.     All  dcmonfirations  are  either  from  the  caufe  or  the  eifedt ,  not  from 
private  notions  and  conceptions  ,  which  wc  have  in  our  minds.     That  which  he 
calls  a  dcmonltration  dcferves  rot  the  name  of  an  intimation.     He  argues  thus  that 
which  a  man  conceives  in  hU  mind  ,  by  thefe  words  Spontaneity  ,  deliberation,  &c.  that 
they  are.     This  is  his  propofition,  which  I  deny.     The  true  natures  of  things  are  not 
to  be  judged  by  the  private  ideas  ,  or  conceptions  of  men ,  but  by  their  cauks  and 
formal  reafons.     Ask  an  ordinary  perfon  what  upwards  fignifies ,   and  whether  our 
Antipodes  have  their  heads  upwards  or  downwards  >  and  he  will  not  ftick  to  tell 
you,  that  if  his  head  be  upwards  ,  theirs  muft  needs  be  downwards.     And  this  is 
becaufe  he  knows  not  the  formal  reafon  thereof.     That  the  Heavens   incirle  the 
earth ,  and  what  is  towards  Heaven  is  upwards.     This  fame  erroneous  notion  of 
upwards  and  downwards  before  the  true  reafon  was   fully  difcovered  ,    abufed 
more  than  ordinary  capacities  ,  as  appears  by  their  arg  uments  of  penduli  homines  , 
and  penduU  arbor es.     Again ,  what  do  men  conceive  ordinarily  by  this  word  empty, 
as  when  they  fay  an  empty  velFcl ,  or  by  this  word  body ,  as  when  they  fay,  there 
is  no  body  in  that  room,  they  intend  not  to  exclude  the  air,  either  out  of  the  vefTel 
or  out  of  the  room.     Yet  reafon  tells  us ,  that  the  veffel  is  not  truly  empty  ,  and 
that  the  air  is  a  truebody.I  might  give  an  hundred  fuch  like  inftances.He  who  leaves 
the  condufl-  of  his  underftanding  to  follow  vulgar  notions  ,  {hall  plunge  himfelf 
into  a  thoufand  errours  ,  Like  him  who  leaves  a  certain  guide  to  follow  an  ignis  fn- 
iuuf  ,  OTZwill,  with  the  wifpe.     So  his  propofition  is  falfe.     His  reafon, //^dt  w^j/- 
ter  of  jaU  U  not  verified  by  other  mens  Arguments ,  but  by  every  mans  own  fen fe  and  me- 
mory ,  is  likewife  maimed  on  both  fides  ,  whether  we  hear  fuch  words  ,  or  not , 
is  matter  of  tad: ,  and  fenfe  is  the  proper  judge  of  it.     But  what  thefe  words  do , 
or  ought  truly  to  fignifie,  is  not  to  be  judged  by  fenfe  but  by  reafon.   Secondly,  rea- 
fon may ,  and  doth  oftentimes  corred  (enfe  ,  even  about  its  proper  objcd-.     Senfe 
tells  us  that  the  Sun  is  no  bigger  than  a  good  ball ,  but  reafon  dcmonftrates ,  that 
that  it  is  many  times  greater  than  the  whole  Globe  of  the  earth.     As  to  his  inftance 
How  can  it  be  proved  ,  that  to  love  a  thing  ,  and  to  thinh^it  good ,  is  all  one  to  a  man  that 
doth  not  marks  his  own  meaning  by  thefe  words:  I  confefs,  it  cannot  be  proved ,  for  it  is 
not  true.     Beauty  and  Likenefs ,  and  Love  ,  do  conciliate  Love  as  much  as  good- 
nefs  ,  cos  amor  is  amor.     Love  is  a  paffion  of  the  will  ,  but  to  judge  of  goodnefs  is  an 
adt  of  theunderftanding.     A  Father  may  Love  an  ungracious  child  ,  and  yet   not  e- 
fteem  him  good.     A  man  Loves  his   own  houfe  better  than  another  mans ,  yet  he 
cannot  but  efteem  many  others  better  than  his  own.     His  other  inftance  ,  how  can  > 
it  be  proved  that  Eternity  is  not  nunc  dans,  to  a  man  that  jays  thefe  words  by  cuftcm,  and 
never  confiders  how  he  can  conceive  the  tlmgit  felf  in  his  mind,  is  juft   like  the  former, 
not  to  be  proved  by  reafon,  but  by  fanlie  ,  which  is  the  way  he  takes.     And  it  is 
not  unlike  the  Counfel ,  which  one  gave  to  a  Novice  about  the  choife  of  his  Wife  , 
to   advife  with  the  Eellsi  as  he  fancied,  fo  they  founded ,  either  take  her  or  leave 
her. 

Then  for  his  afllimption,  it  isasdefedive  as  his  propofition  ,  that  by  theje  words 
fpontaneiiy  ,  &c.  men  do  underhand  as  he  conceives.  No  rational  man  doth  conceive 
zfpimtaneous  adion  ,  and  an  indeliberate^Aion  to  be  all  one  ,  every  indeliberate  adion 
is  not ^ontaneouf.    The  fire  confiders  not  whether  it  fliculd  burn  ,  yet  the  burning 

of 


Discourse  I.  again ji  Mr.    Hobs. 


of  it  i5  not  Jpontaneouf.     Neither  is  evexy  jpomaneous  adion  indeliberate,  a~Trun  may 
deliberate  what  he  will  eat ,  and  yet  eat  it  jpontaneoufly.     Neither  doth   deliberation 
properly  fignifie  the  confiderhtg  of  the  good  and  evil  Jequels  of  an  aSion  to  come  :  But 
the  confidering  wherher  this  be  a  good  and  ht  means  ,  or  the  beft,  and  fittefi  means 
for  obtaining  luch  an  end.     The  Phyfitian  doth  not  deliberate  whether  he  fliould 
cure  his  Patient ,  but  by  what  means  he  (hould  cure  him.     Deliberation  is  of  the 
means  not  of  the  end.     Much  lefs  doth  any  man  conceive  with  T.  H  that  delibera- 
tion is  zn  imagination ,  or  an  acft  of  fanlle  ,  notofreafon,  common   to  men  of  dif- 
cretion  with  mad  men ,  and  natural  fools  and  children  ,   and  bruit  hearts.     Third- 
ly, neither  doth  any  underftanding  man  conceive,or  can  conceive,  either  that  the  mil 
U  an  aa  of  deliberation ,  the  underlianding  and  the  will  are  two  diftinft  faculties  ,  or 
that  onely  the  laji  appetite  U  to  be  eaVed  our  will.     So  no  man  (hould  be  able  to  fay  this 
is  my  will,becaufe  he  knows  not  whether  he  (hall  perfevere  in  it,or  not.Concerning 
theFourth  point  we  agree  that  he  is  a  free  Agent  that  can  do  if  he  mll,andforbearifhen>if. 
Eutlwonder  nowhow  this  dropped  from  his  pen,  what  is  now  becomeofhis  abfolute 
necelfity  of  all  things?  If  a  man  be  free  to  do  and  to  forbear  any  thing     will  he 
make  himfelf  guilty  of  the  mn-Jenfe  of  the  School-men,  and  run  with  them  into  con- 
tradidions  for  company?  It  may  be  he  will  fay,  he  can  do  if  he  will ,  and  forbear  if 
he  will ,  but  he  cannot  will  if  he  will.     This  will  not  ferve  his  turn  ,'  for  if  thecaufe 
of  a  free  adtion ,    that  is  ,  the  will  be  determined  ,  then  the  effed ,  'or  the  adion  it 
felf  is  likewife  determined  ,  a  determined  caufe  cannot  produce  an  undetermined  ef- 
fe<a,  either  the  Agent  can  will ,  and  forbear  to  will ,  or  elfe  he  cannot  do  and  for- 
bear to  do.     But  we  differ  wholy  about  the  fifth  point.     He  who  conceives  //^er/y 
aright ,    conceives  both   a    liberty    in  the  fubjeS  to  will ,  or    not   to  will  ,  and 
a  liberty  to  the  objeCl  to  rvill  this  ,  or  that ,  and  a  liberty  from  impediments.     T.  H.  by  a 
new  way  of  his  own  .cutts  off  the  liberty  of  the  Subje^i ,  as  if  a  ftone  was  free  to  afcend 
or  defcend  ,  becaufe  it  hath  no  outward  impediment :   and  the  Liberty  towards  the 
objedt ,  as  if  the  needle  touched  with  the  Loadftone  were  free  to  point ,  either  to- 
wards the  North  ,  or  towards  the  South  ,  becaufe  there  is  not  a  Barrecado  in  its 
way  to  hinder  it :  yea,  he  cuts  off  the  Liberty  from  invpard  impediments  alfo,  as 
if  an  Hawk  were  at  Liberty  to  fly  when  her  wings  are  plucked,  but  not  when  they 
are  tied.     And  fo  he  makes  Liberty  jfow  extrinfecal  impediments  to  be  compleat  Li- 
berty ,  fo  he  afcribes  Liberty  to  bruit  beafts ,  Liberty  to  Rivers,  and  by  confequence 
makes  beafts  and  rivers  to  be  capable  of  fin  and  punifliment.  Affuredly  Xerxes  who 
caufed  the  Hellefpont  to  be  beaten  with  fo  many  ftripes,  was  of  this  opinion.   'Laft- 
ly  ,  T.  H.  his  reafon ,  that  it  it  cuftom ,  or  veant  of  ability  ,  or  negligence  which  mak^es 
a  man  conceive  otherroife,  is  but  a  begging  of  that  which  he  (hould  prove.  Other  men 
confider  as  ferioudy  as  himfelf,  with  as  much  judgment  as  himfelf,   with  lefs  pre- 
judice than  himfelf,  and  yet  they  can  apprehend  no  fuch  (enfe  of  thefe  words.  Would 
he  have  other  men  feign  that  they  fee  fiery  Dragons  in  the  Air ,  becaufe  he  affirms 
confidently  that  he  fees  them,  and  wonders  why  others  are  fo  blind  as  not  to  fee 
them  ? 

The  reafon  for  thefixth  point  is  like  the  former,aPhantaftical,or  imaginative  reafon. 
How  can  a  man  imagin  any  thing  to  begin  without  a  caufe,  why  itjhould  henin  at  this  time 
rather  than  at  that  time  ?  He  faith  truely,  nothing  can  begin  without  a  cauie  that  is  to 
he ,  but  it  may  begin  to  aU  of  it  felf  without  any  other  caufe.     Nothing  can  begin 
without  a  caufe  ,  but  many  things  may  begin  ,  and  do  begin  without  necefTary 
caufes.     A  free  caufe  may  as  well  choofe  his  time  when    he    w^ill  begin  ■•,  as 
neceflary  caufe  be  determined  extrinfecally  when  it  muft  begin.     And  although  free 
cfFeds  cannot  be  foretold,  becaufe  they  are  not  certainly  predetermined  in  their  cau- 
fes, yet  when  the  free  caufes  do  determin  themfelves,  they  are  of  as  great  certainty  as 
the  other.     As  when  I  fee  a  Bell  ringing  ,  I  can  conceive  the  caufe  of  it  as  well  why 
it  rings  now  ,  as  I  know  the  interpofition  of  the  earth  to  be  the  caufe  of  the  Eclipfc 
of  the  Moon  ,  Or  the  moft  certain  occurrent  in  the  nature  of  thing?. 

And  now  I  haveanfwered  T.  H  his  Arguments  drawn  from  the  private  concep- 
tions of  men  concerning  the  fenfe  of  words,  I  defire  him  ferioully  without  prejudice 
to  examin  himfelf  and  thofe  natural  notions,  which  he  finds  in  himfelf,  not  of 
words,  but  of  things  (  thefe  are  from  nature  ,  thofe  are  by  impofition  )  whether  he 

PPPP  2  doth 


721 


722 


A  Vindication  oftrne  Liberty  T  O  M  E  A  H. 

leth  not  hr.d  by  expcncnec  thaThc  doth  many  things,  which  he  might  have  left  un- 
done it  he  would  and  omits  many  things  which  he  might  have  done  if  he  would  , 
whether  he  doth  fomethings  not  out  ofmeeranimofity,andwill  without  cither  regard 
to  the  diiedion  of  right  reafon,or  ferious  refpedt  of  what  is  honell ,  or  profitable  on- 
ly to  (\kw  that  he  will  have  a  dominion  over  his  own  adions,  as  we  fee  ordinarily  in 
Children  and  wife  men  find  at  fome  times  in  thcmfelvcs  by  experience.  And  I  appre- 
Iicnd  this' very  defence  of  neceflity  againft  Liberty  to  be  partly  of  that  kind,  whe- 
ther he  is  not  angry  with  thofe  who  draw  him  from  his  fiudy ,  or  crofs  him  in  his 
delircs ;  if  they  be  neccflitatcd  to  do  it ,  why  (hould  he  be  angry  with  them  ,  any 
more  than  he  is  anfry  with  a  (harp  winter ,  or  a  rainy  day  that  keeps  him  at  home 
againfi  his  antecedent  will  ,  whether  he  doth  notfometime  blame  himfelf,  and  fay, 
O  what  afoul  was  J  to  do  thus  and  thus  ,  or  wifh,  to  himfelf,  O  that  Jhad  been  rvife  , 
otOthat  Jhad  notdonejuch  an  ad.  If  he  have  nodominion  over  his  adtions,  if  he  be  ' 
irrefi/iibly  neceiiitated  to  all  things  what  he  doth  ,  he  might  as  well  wifh  ,  0  that 
J  had  not  breathed,  or  blame  himfelf  for  growing  old,  0  rvhat  a  fool  tvoi  I  to 
grove  old. 
rf  jj  For  thefeventh  pint ,  that  a^  events  have  neceffary  caufes  ,  it  U  there  proved  in  that 

',  they  have  fufficient  caufes.     Further,  Let  tu  in  this  place  alfo  fuppofe  any  event  never  fo 

Num  .2p.  f.lJj^,al,  as  jor  example  ,  the  throrving  of  Ambs-ace  upon  a  pair  oj  dice,  and  fee  ij  it  muji 
not  have  been  neceffary  before  it  was  thrown  ,  for  feeingtt  was  thrown,  it  had  a  beginning 
and  conjequently  a  fufficient  cauje  to  produce  it ,  confifting  partly  in  the  Vice,  partly  in  the 
outward  things  ,  as  the  pofture  of  the  parties  hand,  the  meajure  of  force  applied  by  the 
Cafter  ,  The  pofiure  of  the  parts  of  the  table ,  and  the  likg :  in  fum  there  was  nothing 
■wantingthat  was  necejfarily  requifte  to  the  producing  of  that  particular  cafi  ^  and  confe- 
quently  ,  that  caji  was  neceffarily  thrown.  For  ij  it  had  not  been  thrown  ,  there  had 
wanted  fomewhat  requifite  to  the  throwing  of  it,  andfo  the  caufe  had  not  been  fnffcient. 
In  ihelike  manner  it  may  he  proved  that  every  other  accident,  how  contingent  foever  itfeem, 
or  how  voluntary  Joeuer  it  be,  is  produced  necejfarily,  which  is  that  ].  D.  dilutes  againjK 
The  fame  alfo  may  be  proved  in  this  manner  ,  Let  the  cafe  be  put,  for  example  of  the  wea- 
J^Jt-j-,  Tis  neceffary  , that  to  morrow  itfhallrain,  or  not  rain.  \f  therefore  it  be  not 
necefiary  it  pall  rain  ,  it  U  necefiary  it  pall  not  rain.  Otherwife  it  is  not  neceffary  that 
the  propofuion.  It  (hall  rain  ,  or  it  fhall  not  rain  ,  fliouldhe  true.  I  kyow  there  are 
fome  that  fay,  it  may  neceffarily  be  true ,  that  one  of  the  two  (f^all  come  to  pafs ,  but  not 
fingly  that  it  fhall  rain  ,  or  it  pall  not  rain.  Which  is  as  much  as  to  fay  :  One  of  them 
if  neceffary  ,  yet  neither  of  them  is  necefiary  v  and  therefore  to  ftem  to  avoid,  that  ebfur- 
dtty  they  makg  a.  difiinSion  ,  that  neither  of  them  is  true  determinate  but  indeterminate. 
Which  difiinUion  ,  either,  fgnifies  no  more  than  this ,  one  of  them  is  true ,  but  we  h^ownot 
which ,  andfo  the  neceffny  remains,  though  we  k}tow  it  not  :  or  if  the  meaning  of  the  di- 
jiindion  be  not  that  ,  it  has  no  meaning.  And  they  might  as  well  have  faid ,  one  (f  them 
vstrue,  Tytyrice  but  neither  of  them  Tn^dXvWcc. 

His  former  proof,  that  all  fufficient  caufes  are  recefTary  caufes ,  is  anfwered  be- 
7*  ^'  fore.  Numb.  31.  And  his  two  inflances  of  cafling  Ambs-ace,  and  raining  to 
morrow  ,  are  altogether  impertinent  to  the  queftion  now  agitated  between  us ,  for 
two  reafons.  Firft ,  our  prefent  controverfie  is  concerning  free  aftions,  which  pro- 
ceed from  the  Liberty  of  mans  will ,  both  of  his  inftances  are  of  contingent  adions 
which  proceed  from  the  indetermination,  or  contingent  concurrence  of  natural  cau- 
fes. Firft  ,  that  there  are  freeadions  ,  which  proceed  meerly  from  eledion,  with- 
out any  outward  neceflitation  is  a  truth  fo  evident ,  as  that  there  is  a  Sun  in  the 
Heavens,  and  he  that  doubteth  of  it  may  as  well  doubt  whether  there  be  a  fhell 
without  the  nut ,  or  a  (lone  within  the  Olive.  A  man  proportions  his  time  each 
day ,  and  allots  fo  much  to  his  Devotions ,  fo  much  to  his  Study  ,  fo  much  to  his 
Diet,  fo  much  to  his  Recreations,  fo  much  to  neceffary,  or  civil  vi(its,  fo  much 
to  his  re(\ :  he  who  will  feek  for  I  know  not  what  caufes  of  all  this  without  himfelf, 
except  that  good  God  who  hath  given  him  a  reafonable  Soul,  may  as  well  feek  for 
a  caufe  of  the  Egyptian  Pyramides  among  the  Crocodiles  oiNilus.  Secondly  ,  for 
mixt  adions  which  proceed  from  the  concurrence  of  free  and  natural  Agents,though 
they  be  not  free  ,  yet  they  are  not  neceffary  ,  as  to  keep  my  former  inftance  ,  a  man 
walking  through  a  ftreet  of  aCity  to  do  his  occafions,  aTile  falls  from  an  Houfc  and 

breaks 


Discourse  I.  again fi    Mr.    Hobs.  722 

breaks  his  head  ,  the  breaking  ofhis  head  was  not  neccffary,  for  he  did  freely  choofe 
to  go  that  way  without  any  necellitation,  neither  was  it  free  ,  for  he  did  not  dehbe- 
rate  ot  that  accident ,  therefore  it  was  contingent ,  and  by  undoubted  confequence 
there  are  contingent  actions  in  the  World  which  are  not  free.  Molt  certainly  by 
the  concurrence  of  free  caufes,  as  God  ,  the  Good  and  the  Bad  Angels  and  men, 
with  natural  Agents  fomctimes  on  purpofe  ,  and  fometimes  by  accident,  many  events 
happen ,  which  otherwife  had  never  happened  i  many  cifeds  are  produced 
which  otherwife  had  never  been  produceJ.  And  admitting  fuch  things  to  be 
contingent  not  necefiary,  all  their  confequent  effedls,  not  oncly  immediate,  but  me- 
diate muft  like  wife  be  contingent,  that  is 'to  fay  ,  fuch  as  do  not  proceed  from  a 
continued  connexion  and  fuccellion  of  neccflary  caufes,  which  is  diredlly  contrary 
to  T.  H.  his  opinion. 

Thirdly  ,  for  tlic  adlions  of  bruit  bcafts  ,  though  they  be  not  free,  though  they 
have  not  the    ufe  of    reafon  to    rellrain  their    appetites  from    that    which  is 
fenfitively  good  by  the  confideration  of  what  is  rationally  good ,  or    what    is 
honeft,  and  though  their  fancies    be    determined  by  nature    to    fome    kinds    of 
work,  yet  to    think    that  every  individual   adion  of  theirs ,    and  each  animal 
motion  of  theirs,  even  to  the  leaft  murmure  ,  or  gefture  is  boutid  by  the  chain  of 
unalterable  necellity  to  the  extrinfccal  caufesor  objeds,  I  fee  no  ground  for  it. 
Chrift  faith  one  of  thefe  fparroivs  doth  not  fall  to  the  ground  without  your  Heavenly  Father 
that  is  without  an  influence  of  power  from  him,  or  exempted  Irom  his  difpofition, 
he  doth  not  fay,  which  your  Heavenly  Father  cafteth  not  down.     Laftly,  for  the 
natural  actions  of  inaninnate  Creatures,  wherein  there  is  not  the  leaft  concurrence 
of  any  free,  or  voluntary  agents,  the  qucftion  is  yet  more  doubtful ,   for  many 
things  are  called  contingent  in  refpedt  of  us,  becaufe  we  know  not  thecaufe  of  them 
which  really  and  in  themlelves  are  not  contingent,  but  neceffary.     Alfo  many  things 
are  contingent  in  refpedl  of  one  fingle  caufc ,  either  adually  hindred,  or  in  pollibi- 
lity  to  be  hindred ,  which  are  necelTary  in  refpcd  of  the  joynt  concurrence  of  all  col- 
lateral caufes.     But-  whether  there  be  a  neceffary  connexion  of  all  natural  caufes  from 
the  beginning ,  fo  as  they  muft  all  have  concurred  as  they  have  done ,  and  in  the 
(ame  degree  of  power,  and  have  been  deficient  as  they  have  been  in  all  events  what- 
foever ,  would  require  a  farther  examination  if  it  were  pertinent  to  this  queftion  of 
Liberty,  but  it  is  not.     It  is  fufficient  to  my  purpofe  to  have  fhewed  that  all  eledlive 
adions  are  free  from  abfolute  neceflity.     And  moreover  ,   that  the  concurrence  of 
voluntary  and  free  agents  with  natural  caufes,  both  upon  purpofe  and  accidentally 
hath  helped  them  to  produce  many  effeds  ,  which  otherwife  they  had  not  produced , 
and  hindred  them  from  producing  many  eifedts, which  otherwife  they  had  produced- 
And  that  if  this  intervention  of  voluntary  and  free  Agents  had  been  more  frequent  than 
it  hath  been ,  (  as  without  doubt  it  might  have  been  )  many  natural  events  had  been 
otherwife  than  they  arc.     And  therefore  he  might  have  fpared  his  inftances  of  cart- 
ing Ambs-ace  and  raining  to  morrow.     And  firft  for  his  calling  Ambs-ace.     If  it  be 
thrown  by  a  fair  Gamefterwith  indifferent  dice,  it  is  a  mixt  aSion  ,  the  cafting  of 
the  dice  is  free,  but  the  cafting  of  Ambs-ace  is  contingent  ,  a  man  may  deliberate 
whether  he  willcaft  the  dice  ,  or  not ,  but  it  were  a  folly  to  deliberate  whether  he 
will  caft  Ambs-ace  or  hot ,  becaufe  it  is  not  in  his  power  ,  unlefs  he  be  a  cheater  that 
can  coggc  the  dice  ,  or  the  dice  be  falfe  dice ,  and  then  the  contingency  ,  or  the  de- 
gree of  contingency  ceafeth,  accordingly  as  the  Carter  hath  more ,  or  lefs  cunning, 
eras  the  figure,  or  making  of  the  dice  doth  incline  them  to  Ambs-ace,  more  than  to  a- 
nother  cart,or  necefiitate  them  to  this  caft  and  no  other.  Howfoevcrfo  far  as  the  caft 
is  free  or  contingent ,  (b  far  it  is  not  neceffary.     And  where  necellity  begins ,  there 
Liberty  and  contingency  do  ceafe  to  be  :  Likewifc  his  otlier  inftance  of  raining  ,  or 
not  raining  to  morrow  is  not  of  a  free  elective  act,  nor  always  of  a  contingent  act. 
In  fome  Countries  as  they  have  their  nati  venti  their  certain  winds  at  fet  feafons,  fb 
they  have  their  certain  and  fct  rains.     The.  Athiot^ian  rains  are  fuppofed  to  be  the 
caufe  of  the  certain  inundation  of  Ni/«f.     In  fome  E^/f^ra  Countries  they  have  rain 
only  twice  a  year  ,  and  thofe  conftant ,  which  the  Scriptures  call  the  former  and  the 
later  rjmin  fuch  places  not  onely  the  caufes  do  ad  detcrminately  and  ncccffarily,but 
alfo  the  determination ,  or  necellity  of  the  event  is  foreknown  to   the  inhabitants. 

In 


7-^ 


A  Vindication  of  t  rue  Liberty  T  O  M  E  1 11. 

In  our  climate  the  natural  caufcs  coeknial  and  fublunary  do  not  produce  rain  Co  nc- 
cefTarily  at  (ct  times  ,  neither  can  we  fay  fo  certainly  and  infallibly  ,  it  will  rain  to 
morrow,  or  it  will  not  rain  to  morrow.  Neverthelefs  ,  it  may  fo  happen  that  the 
cauds  arc  fo  difpofed  and  determined ,  even  in  our  climate ,  that  this  piopolition , 
it  will  rain  to  morrow  or  it  will  not  rain  to  morrow,  may  be  necefiary  in  it  felf , 
and  the  Prognofticks ,  or  tokens  may  be  fuch  in  the  fky  ,  in  our  own  bodies  in  the 
creatures  animate  and  inanimate  as  weather-glaffes ,  &c.  that  it  miy  become  pro- 
bably true  to  us  that  it  will  rain  to  morrow  ,  or  it  will  not  rain  to  niuirow.  But 
ordinarily  it  is  a  contingent  propofition  to  us ,  whether  it  be  contingent  alfo  in  it 
fclf  that  is ,  whether  the  concurrence  of  the  caufes  were  abfoluteiy  neceflary,  whe- 
ther the  vapours ,  or  matter  of  the  rain  may  not  yet  be  difpcried,  or  othcrwife  con- 
fumed  ,  or  driven  beyond  our  coaft ,  is  a  fpeculation  which  no  way  concerns  this 
quellion.  So  we  fee  one  reafon  why  his  two  inftanccs  are  altogether  impertinent  , 
becaufe  they  are  of  adlions  which  are  not  free,  noreledlive,  nor  fuch  as  proceed 
from  the  Liberty  of  mans  will. 

Secondly,  our  difpute  is  about  abfolute  ncceffity ,  his  proofs  extend  onely  to  Hy- 
•pothcticalneceliity.  Our  queftion  is,  whether  the  concurrence  and  determination 
of  the  caufes  were  neceflary  before  they  did  concur,  or  were  determined.  He  proves 
that  the  effeft  is  neceflary  after  the  caufes  have  concurred,  and  are  determined.  The 
freefl  adions  of  God,  or  man,  are  neceflary  by  fuch  a  neceffity  of  fuppofition.  And 
the  moft  contingent  events  that  are,  asl  have  fliewed  plainly ,  Nuinb.  3.  where  his 
inflance  of  ^wi/-a«  is  more  fully  anfwered.  So  his  proof  looks  another  way  from 
his  propofition.  His  propofition  is,  that  the  cajiing  of  Ambs-ace  was  necejjary  before  it 
was  thtoven.  His  proof  is,  that  it  was  neceflary  when  it  was  thrown ,  examine  all  his 
caufes  over  and  over,  and  they  will  not  afford  him  one  grain  of  antecedent  necefhty. 
The  rirfl  caufe  is  in  the  Vice  :  True,  if  they  be  falfe  Dice  there  may  be  fomething  in 
it,  but  then  his  contingency  is  deftroyed.  If  they  be  fquare  Dice,  they  have  no  more 
inclination  to  Ambs-ace,t\Mn  to  Cinque  and  Quater  ,  or  any  other  cafl.  His  ffgond 
caufe  is  the  pojiure  of  the  parties  hand :  But  what  neceffity  was  there  that  he  fliould 
put  his  hand  into  fuch  a  pofture.  None  at  all.  The  third  caufe  is  the  meafure  of  the 
force  applied  by  the  ca^er.  Now  for  the  credit  of  his  caufe  let  him  but  name,  I  will  not 
fay  a  convincing  reafon,  nor  fo  njuch  as  a  probable  reafon,  but  even  any  pretence  of 
reafon,  how  the  Carter  was  neceffitated  from  without  himfelf  to  apply  juft  fo  much 
force,  and  neither  more  or  lefs.  If  he  cannot,  his  caufe  is  defperate,  and  he  may  hold 
his  peace  for  ever.  His  lafl  caufe  is  the  pojiure  of  the  7abk.  But  tell  us  in  good  earneft, 
what  neceffity  there  was  why  the  Carter  muft  throw  into  that  Table  rather  than  the 
other,  or  that  the  Dice  muft  fall  jurt  upon  that  part  of  the  Table,  before  the  cafl  was 
throrvn.  He  that  makes  thele  to  be  neceflary  caufes,  I  do  not  wonder  if  he  make  all 
efledls  neceffary  effefts.  If  any  one  of  the(e  caufes  be  contingent,  it  is  fufficient  to  ren- 
der the  caft  contingent,  and  now  that  they  are  all  fo  contingent ,  yet  he  will  needs 
have  the  effect  to  be  neceflary.  And  foit  is  when  the  caft  is  thrown,  but  not  before  the 
caft  was  thrown,  which  he  undertook  to  prove:  who  can  blame  him  for  being  fo  an- 
gry with  the  School-men,  and  their  diftindtions  of  neceffity  into  ab'olute  and  hypo- 
thetical, feeing  they  touch  his  Freehold  fo  nearly. 

But  though  his  inftance  of  raining  to  morrow  be  impertinent,  as  being  nofreeafti- 
on,  yet  becaufe  he  triumphs  fo  much  in  his  argument,  I  will  not  ftick  to  go  a  little 
out  of  my  way  to  meet  a  friend.  For  I  confefs,  the  validity  of  the  reafon  had  been  the 
fame,  ifl«  had  made  it  of  a  free  adion ,  as  thus  :  Either  I  fhall  finifti  this  reply  to 
morrow,  or  I  fliall  not  finifli  this  reply  to  morrow,  is  a  neceflary  propofition,But  be- 
caufe he  fliall  not  complain  of  any  difad  vantage  in  the  alteration  of  his  terms  ■■,  I  will 
for  once  adventure  upon  hisfliowcr  of  rain.  And  firft,  I  readily  admit  his  ma]cr  that 
this  propofition  (either  it  will  rain  to  morrow,  or  it  will  not  rain  to  morrow  )  is  ne- 
ceflarilytruc,forof  twocontradidory  propofitions,  the  one  muft  ofnecefsity  be  true, 
becaufe  no  third  can  be  given.  But  his  minor ^  that  it  could  not  be  neecffarily  true,  except 
one  of  the  Members  were  neceffarily  true  ^  is  moft  falfe.  And  fo  is  his  proof  likewife. 
That  if  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  of  the  Members  be  neceffarily  true,  it  cannot  be  affirm- 
ed that  either  the  one,  or  the  other  is  true.  A  conjundf  propofition  may  have  both  parts 
falfe,  and  yet  the  propofition  be  true :  as  if  the  Sun  fliinc,  it  is  day,  is  a  true  propofiti- 
on 


Discourse  I.  againfl  Mr.  Hobs-  72^ 

on  at  midnight.   And  1.  H,  confefleth  as  much,  Numb.  19.  Jflfialilive  I  (hall  eat,  is 
a  necejjary  propofjtjon,  that  U  tofjy^  it  is  ttecefsary  that  that  fropofttion  fhouldbe  true  rvhen- 
fever  ttttcred.  But  it  is  not  the  necejjity  of  the  thttt^,  nor  is  it  therefore  ttecefsary  that  the 
man  pall  live,  or  that  thenunjhall  eat.  And  fo  T.  H.  proceeds,  I  do  not  tije  to  fortifie  my 
diptiQions  rpithjur.h  reafons.  But  it  feemeth  he  hath  forgotten  himfelt,  and  is  content- 
ed with  fiich  poor  fortifications.  And  though  both  parts  of  a  disjundive  propofiti- 
oncannot  be  talfe,  becaufe  if  it  be  a  right  disjundtion,  the  Members  are  repugnant, 
whereof  one  part  is  infallibly  true,  yet  vary  but  the  propofition   a  little  to  abate  the 
edge  ot  the  disjundtions,  and  you  (hall  iind  that  which  7".  //.  faith  to  be  true  ,  that  it 
is  not  the  necefiity  of  the  thing  which  makes  the  propofition  to  be  true.  As  for  example 
vary  it  thus  :   I  k^oiv  that  either  it  tviUrain  to  morrow,  or  that  it  wiU  not  rain  to  morroro, 
is  a  true  propofition.  But  it  is  not  true  that  I  know  it  will  rain  to  morrow,  neither  is 
it  true  that  I  know  it  will  not  rain  tomorrow  ,  wherefore  the   certain  truth  of  the 
propofition  doth  not  prove,  that  either  of  the  Members  is  determinately  true  in  pre- 
fenf.  Truth  isa  ccntbrmity  of  the  underftanding  to  the  thing  known,  whereof  fpeech 
is  an  interpreter.  If  the  underftanding  agree  not  with  the  thing  it  is  an  errour,  if  the 
words  agree  not  with  the  underftanding  it  is  a  lye.  Now  the  thing  known  is  known 
either  in  it  felf ,  or  in  its  caufes.     If  it  be  known  in  it  felf,  as  it  is,  then  we  expreft 
our  apprehenfion  of  it  in  words  of  the  prefent  tenfc,  as  the  Sun  U  rifen.  Ifit  be  known 
in  its  caufe  ,   we  exprefs  our  (elves  in  words  of  the  future  tence,  as*o  morrovp  rvilibe 
an  Ecliffe  of  the  Moon.     But  if  we  neither  know  in  it  felf,  nor  in  its  caufes,  then 
thece  may  be  a  foundation  of  truth  ,  but  there  is  no  fuch  determinate  truth  of  it, 
that  we  can  reduce  it  into  a  true  propofition,  we  cannot  fay  it  doth  rain  to  morrow, 
or  it  doth  not  rain  to  morrow.     That  were  not  onely  falfe  but  abfurd.  We  cannot 
pofitively  fay  it  will  rain  to  morrow,  becaufe  we  do  not  know  it  in  its  caufes,  either 
how  they  are  determined  ,  or  that  they  arc  determined  i;*  Wherefore  the  certitude  and 
evidence  of  the  disjundive  propofition  is  neither  founded  upon  that  which  will  be 
a<flually  to  morrow,  for  it  is  granted  that  we  do  not  know  that.Nor  yet  upon  the 
determination  ofthe  caufes,for  then  we  would  not  fay  indifferently,  either  it  will  rain, 
or  it  will  not  rain  ,  but  pofitively  it  will  rain  ,   or  pofitively  it  will  not  rain.      But 
it  is  grounded  upon  an  undeniable  principle,  that  of  two  contradidtory  propofitions 
the  one  mult  neceffarily  be  true.     And  therefore    to  fay,  either  this,  or  that  will 
Infallibly  be  ,  but  it  is  not  yet  determined  whether  this  or  that  (hall  be  ,  is  no  fuch 
fenflefs  affertion  that  it    defcrved  a  "tytyrice  Titpatulice,  but  an  evident  truth  which 
no  man  that  hath  his  eys  in  his  head  can  doubt 

If  all  this  will  not  fatisfie  him  ,  I  will  give  one  of  his  own  kind  of  proofs,  that 
is  an  inftance.  That  which  neceffitates  all  things  according  to  T.  H.  is  the  decree 
of  God  ,  or  that  ord-r  which  is  fet  to  all  things  by  the  eternal  caufe  (  Numb.  11.  ) 
Now  God  Himfelf ,  who  madf  this  neceilitating  decree,  was  not  fubjedted  to  it  in 
the  making  thereof^  neither  was  their  any  former  order  to  oblige  the  tirft  caufe 
nece(rarily  to  make  fuch  a  decree  ,  therefore  this  decree  being  an  adt  ad  extra  was 
freely  made  by  God  without  any  neceifitation.  Yet  neverthelefs  ,  this  disjunftive 
propofition  is  neceffarily  true.  Either  God  did  mak^  fuch  a  decree  ,  or  he  did  not  makg 
fuch  a  decree.  Again  though  7".  H.  his  opinion  were  true  that  all  events  are  necefiary 
and  that  the  Whole  Chriftian  World  are  deceived  ,  Who  believe  that  fome  events 
are  free  from  necefiity  ,yet  he  will  not  deny,but  if  it  had  been  the  good  pleafure  of  God, 
he  might  have  made  (ome  caufes  free  from  necelbty  ,  feeing  that  it  neither  argues 
any  imperfection  nor  implies  any  contradidlion.  Suppofing  therefore  that  God  had 
made  fonie  Second  caufes  free  from  any  fuch  antecedent  determination  to  one,  yet 
the  former  disjundtion  would  be  necelTarily  true.  Either  this  free  undetermined 
caufe  Will  aft  after  this  manner,  or  it  Will  not  act  after  this  manner.  Wherefore 
the  nece(rary  truth  of.  fuch  a  disjundtive  propofition  doth  not  prove,  that 
cither  of  the  members  of  the  disjundtion  fingly  confidered  ,  is  determinately 
true  in  prefent  ,  but  onely  that  the  one  of  them  will  be  determinately  true  to 
morrow. 

The  Lafl  thing ,   in  which  alfo  confifteih  the  whole  controverfe  ,  namely  ,  that  there  is 
HO  fuch  thine^  as  an  Agent  ,  ivhich  when  all  things  requiftte  to  aUion  are  prefent ,  can  ne-       1.  H. 
verthekjiforbear  to  produce  it ,  or  (  which  is  all  one  )  that  there  is  no  fuch    thing  as      Numb.  3  6 

fee- 


A  Vindication  of  true  Liberty  TOME    I  I  I' 


loth  rcll  upon  this  ptopoiitian.T/-?<Jt  there  ii  no  fuch  thing  as  an  Agent,  which  nhen  jli 
Ihinaf  rcqiiijite  to  jUioit  are  friftiit ,  can  mverthelefs  jorhear  to  ad  ,  and  yet   bring  no- 
thing bur  fuch  poor  Bul-ru(hes  to  fupport  it.     If  it  be  an  agent  (  faith  he  )  it  can 
n-ork     what  of  this  <*  A  prffe  ad  effe  }ton  valet  argumentim  ,  from  can  ivork^,  to  tviU 
^,y^j[,  '  is  a  weak  inference.     And  from  w/I/rrcr^,  to  doth  work  upon  abfolute  ne- 
cciiit'y  ,  is  another  grofs  inconfequence.     He  proceeds  thus,  Jf  it  rror^,  there  U  no- 
ihiitiT  n'jnting  of  what  is  requifue  to  produce  the  adion  :  True,  there  wants  nothing 
to  ^produce     that     which    is     produced  ,     but    there    may    want    much    to 
produce  that  which  was  intended  ,  One  horfe  may  pull  his  heart  out ,  and  yet  not 
drawtheCoach  whither  it  (hould  be  ,  if  he  want  the  help  or  concurrence  of  his 
fellows.     And  confequently  (  faith  he  )  the  canfe  of  the  adion  is  fnfficient.    Yes  fuffici- 
ent  to  do  what  it  doth  ,  though  perhaps  with  much  prejudice  to  it  felf,  but  not  al- 
ways fufticient  to  do  what  it  (hould  do  ,  or  what  it  would  do,     As  he  that  begets 
a  Monlkr  fliould  beget  a  man,  and  would  beget  a  man,  if  he  could.     The  Lalt 
Link  of  his  argument  follows  i  And  if  fnfficient ,  then  alfo  «ecf/?;iry  ,  ftay  there  i  by 
his  Leave  there  is  no  neceffary  connexion  between  fufficitncy  and  efficiency,  other- 
wife   God  himfelf  fhould  not  be  all-fufficient.     Thus  his  argument  is  vanifhed. 
But  I  will  deal  more  favourably  with  him  and  grant  him  all  that  ,  which  he  La- 
bours fo  much  in  vain  to  prove  ,  that  every  efft&  in  the  World  hath  fufficient  cau- 
fes  :  yea  more  ,  that  fuppofing  that  determination  of  the  free  and  contingent  cau- 
fes     every  cffcdt  in  the  World  is  neceffary.     But  all  this  will  not  advantage  his 
caufe  the  black  of  a  bean ,  for  ftill  it  amounts  but  to  an  Hypothetical  neceility  ,  and 
differs  as  much  from  that  abfolute  neceility ,  which  he  maintains ,  as  a   Gentleman 
who  travails  for  his  pleafure  ,  differs  froma  banilhed  man ,  or  a  free  fubjedt  from  a 

flavc. 

And  thmyoufee  hove  the  inconveniences ,  which  he  objedeth  mufi  follow  upon  the  hold- 

T".  H,        ing  of  necefjity,  are  avoided  ,  and  the  neceffity  it  felfdemonjhatively  proved.     To  which 

Hum.  36.  J  could  add.  If  J  thought  it  good  Logick^,  the  inconveniency  of  denying  nece0ty  ,  at  that 

it  dejiroys  both  the  Decrees  and  Prefcience  of  God  Almighty;  for  whatfoever  God  hath  pttr- 

pofed  to  bring  to  fafs  by  man  of  an  inflrumetit,   orforefceth  fhaV  come  to  pafs  ,  A  man  if  he 

have  Liberty ,    fuch  at  he  affirmeth  from  necefjitation  ,  might  frufirate  ,  and  make  not  to 

come  to  pajs.     And  Godjhould  either  not  foreknow  it ,  and  not  Decree  it  ,    or  he  fhould 

forekiiorv    fuch  things  fli  all  be  as  fhaJl  never  be^and  decree  that  which  never  (hall  come  to 

pafs. 

Thus  he  hath  Laboured  in  vain  tofatisfic  my  reafons,  and  to  prove  his  own  af^ 
f'  ^'  ftrtion.  But  for  demonftration  there  is  nothing  like  it  among  his  argument?.  Now 
he  faith ,  he  could  add  other  arguments ,  if  he  thought  it  good  Logick.  There  is 
no  impediment  in  Logick  ,  why  a  man  may  not  prefs  his  Adverfary  with  thofe 
abfurdities  which  flow  from  his  opinion  ,  Argumentum  ducens  ad  impoftbile ,  ot ,  ad 
abfurdum  ,  is  a  good  form  of  reafoning.  But  there  is  another  reafbn  of  his  forbear- 
ance ,  though  he  be  loath  to  exprefs  it. — H<eret  lateri  lethalls  arundr.  The  argu- 
ments drawn  from  the  attributes  of  God,  do  flick  fo  clofe  in  the  fides  of  his  caufe, 
that  he  hath  no  mind  to  treat  of  that  5ubjed-.  By  the  way  take  notice  of  his  own 
confeflion,  xh^the  could  add  other  reafons  ,  if  he  thought  it  good  Logich^  If  it  were 
predetermined  in  the  outward  caufcs,  that  he  muR  make  this  very  defence  and  no  o- 
ther,  how  could  it  be  inhis  power  to  add  or  fubflradl  any  thing.  Jufi  as  if  a  blind 
man  (hould  fay  in  earneft  ,  I  could  fee,  if  I  had  mine  eyes :  Truth  often  breaks  out 
whileft  men  feek  to  fmother  it.  But  let  us  view  his  argument;  If  a  man  have  liber- 
ty from  necefiitation,  he  may  fruftrate  the  Decrees  of  God ,  and  make  his  prefcience 
talfe.Firfl  ,  for  the  Decrees  of  God ,  This  is  his  Decree  ,  that  man  (hould  be  a  free 
Agent  ■,  if  he  did  confider  God  ,  as  a  moft  fimple  aft  without  Priority  or  Poflerity 
of  time ,  or  any  compofition,  he  would  not  not  conceive  of  his  decrees  ,  as  of  the 
Lzvis  oi  the  Medes  znd  Ferfians  ,  long  (ince  enacted  ,  and  pi&d  before  we  were 

bom 


Discourse  I.  againfi  Mr.  Hobs-  -727 


born  ,  but  as  coexiftent  with  our  felvcs  ,  and  with  the  Ads  we  do  ,  by  virtue  of 
thofe  decrees.  Dfcrees  and  attributes  are  but  notions  to  help  the  weaknefs  of  out 
underftanding  to  conceive  of  God.  The  Decrees  of  God  ,  are  God  Himfelf ,  and 
therefore  jullly  faid  to  be  before  the  foundation  of  the  World  was  laid.  And  yetco- 
cxiltent  %vith  our  fclves,  becaufe  of  the  Infinite  and  Eternal  being  of  God.  The 
fumisthis,  The  Decree  of  God,  or  God  Himfelf  Eternally  conftitutes  and  or- 
dains all  efFeds  which  come  to  pafs  in  time  ,  according  to  the  diftind  natures  or 
capacities  of  his  creatures.  An  Eternal  Ordination  ,  is  neither  part  nor  to  come  5 
but  always  prefent.  So  free  adtions  do  proceed  ,  as  well  from  the  Eternal  Decree 
of  God,asnece(rary  ,  and  from  that  order  which  he  hath  fet  in  the  World. 

As  the  Decree  of  God  is  Eternal  ,  fo  is  his  Knowledge.  And  therefore  tofpeak 
truly  and  properly  ,  there  is  neither  fore-knowledge  nor  after-knowledge  in  him. 
The  Knowledge  of  God  comprehends  all  times  in  a  point  by  reafon  of  the  emi- 
nence and  virtue  of  its  infinite  perfedion.  And  yet  1  confefs ,  that  this  is  called 
fore-knowledge  ,  in  refpedt  of  us.  But  this  fore-knowledge  doth  produce  no  ab- 
folute  neceliity.  Things  are  not  therefore ,  becaufe  they  are  fore-known,  but  there- 
fore they  are  fore-known  ,  becaufe  they  fhall  come  to  pa(s.  If  any  thing  (hould 
come  to  pafs  otherwife  than  it  doth  ,  yet  Gods  Knowledge  could  not  be  irritated  by 
it ,  for  then  he  did  not  know  that  it  fhould  come  to  pafs,  as  now  it  doth,  Becaufe 
every  knowledge  of  vifion  necelTarily  prefuppofeth  its  objedt.  God  did  know  that 
Juddf  fliould  betray  Chrilii  but  Judat  was  not  neceffitated  to  be  a  Traytor  by  Gods 
knowledge.  If  Judas  had  not  betrayed  Chrift ,  then  God  had  not  foreknown 
that  Judof  (hould  betray  him.  The  cafe  is  this  j  a  Watchman  ftanding  on  the 
fteeples-top,  as  it  is  the  ufc  in  Germauy  ,  gives  Notice  to  thetn  below  (  who  fee  no 
fuch  things  )  that  company  are  coming  ,  and  how  many  i  his  predidtion  is  moft 
certain  ,  for  he  fees  them.  What  a  vain  colleftion  were  it  for  one  below  to  fay  , 
what  if  they  do  not  come  ,  then  a  certain  predidion  may  fail.  It  may  be  urged, 
that  there  is  a  difference  between  thefe  two  cafes.  In  this  cafe  the  coming  is  pre- 
fent to  the  Watchman ,  but  that  which  God  fore-knows  is  future.  God  knows  what 
fhall  be  >  The  Watch-man  only  knows  what  is.  1  anfwer,  that  this  makes  no  dif- 
ference at  all  in  the  cafe ,  by  reafon  of  that  difparity  -which  isbetween  Gods  know- 
ledge and  ours :  As  that  coming  is  prelent  to  the  Watchman  ,  which  is  future  to 
them  who  are  below  ;  fo  all  thofe  things,  which  are  future  to  us  ,  are  prefent  to 
God  ,  becaufe  his  infinite  and  Eternal  knowledge  ,  doth  reach  to  the  future  being 
of  all  Agents  and  events.  Thus  much  is  plainly  acknowledged  by  T.  H.  Numb.  1 1, 
That  fore-kjioTvledge  is  h^'cvrledge  ,  and  kitowledge  depends  on  the  txilhme  of  the  things 
kjioron,  and  not  they  on  it.  To  conclude  the  prefcience  of  God  doth  not  make  things 
more  neceflary,  than  the  produ6tion  of  the  things  themfelves  i  But  if  the  Agents  were 
free  Agents ,  the  production  of  the  things  doth  not  make  the  events  to  be  abfolute- 
ly  neceffary ,  but  onely  upon  fuppofition  that  the  caufes  were  fo  determined.  Gods 
Prefcience  proveth  a  neceflity  of  Infallibility,  but  not  of  antecedent  extrinfecal 
determination  to  one.If  any  event  (hould  not  come  to  pafs,  God  did  never  fore- know 
that  it  would  come  to  pafs,For  every  knowledg  neceflTarily  prefuppofeth  its  object. 
'  "this  is  all  that  hath  come  into  my  mind  touching  this  (jueflion  ,  ftnce  I  laji  confidered  -f  jr 
it.  yind  J  humbly  befeech  your  Lordjhip  to  communicate  it  onely  to  j.  D.  And  fo  pray-  j»7*  i'^ 
ing  God  to  profper  your  Lordjhip  in  all  your  defgns,  Iiak£  leave  ^  andam^my  moj}  NubU 
and  obliging  Lord, 

lour  mojl  humble  Servant 
T.  H. 
He  is  very  careful  to  have  this  Difcourfe  kept  fecrct,  as  appears  in  this  Section,       rt  -n 
and  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Sections.    If  his  anfwer  had  been  kept  private,       •^' 
I"  had  faved  the  labour  of  a  Reply.  But  hearing  that  it  was  communicated,  Ithought 
my  felf  obliged  to  vindicate,both  the  truth  and  my  felf.  I  do  not  blame  him  to  be  cau- 
tious, for  intriith,thisafrertionisofdefperateconfequence,anddeftructivcto  piety,poli" 
qr,3ndmorality.lf  hchaddefired  to  have  kept  itfecret,the  way  had  been  to  have  kept  it 
fecret  himfdf.It  will  not  fuffice  to  fay  asNumb.i4thatTrMffc  /;  truth,  this  the  common 
plea  of  all  men. Neither  is  it  fullicient  for  him  to  fay,  as  Numb.  1 5.  That  it  zvas  defired 
by  me,  long  before  that"he'haddi{covered  his  opinion  by  Word  of  mouth.     And 

Q.qqq  my 


^ AVhdication  of  true  Liberty  T  O  M  E  11 1. 

I^Y  defire  was  to  let  fome  of  my  Noble  friends  fee  the  weaknefs  of  his  grounds  , 
and  the  pernicious  confcquences  of  that  opinion.     But  if  he  think  that  this  ventila- 
tion of  the  qucftion  between  us  two  may  do  hurt ,  truly  I  hope  not.     The  edge  of 
his  DifcourR'  is  fo  abated  ,  that  it  cannot  ealily  hurt  any  rational  man  ,  who  is  not 
Ti^        too  much  pofTcfTed  with  prejudice.  .....  ,       ,       , 

N     h    8  Ffljllcript.    Argtimeitts  feldomvporU^onmenoj  tvn  andkarmug^  when  tbey  have  once 

"™  "  iHpa^ed  the'tnfelvesin  a  contrary  opinion.     If  any  thing  do  it ,  it  is  the  Jhetving  of  them 

the  caufes  of  their  errors ,  tchicb  is  thit  V  Tiow  men  attribute  to  God  Jlmighty  for  honour 
faki  xvbatfoever  they  fee  is  honourable  in  the  iVorld ,  as  feeing  ,  hearing  ,  wi/'iMg,  l^ow- 
i»SL  '  Jttfi'<:^  5  f^'fi^""',  ^<^>  ^^'^  denyhimfuchpor  things  as  eyes  ,  ears  ,  brains,  and 
other  organs ,  reithout  which  ,  we  Worms  ,  neither  have  ,  nor  can  conceive  fuch  facultiei 
to  he  '■)  and  fo  far  they  do  well.  But  when  they  difpttte  of  Gods  aUions  PhilofophicaVy,  tbetl 
they  confider  them  again  ,  as  if  he  had  fuch  faculties  ,  and  in  that  manner  ,  as  we 
have  them  ,  this  is  not  well^  and  thence  it  is  they  fall  into  fo  many  difficulties.  We  ought 
mt  to  diffute  of  Cods  Nature  ,  He  is  mfitfubjeS  of  our  Fhilofophy,  true  Keligion  coif 
fijieth  in  obedience  to  ChrijVs  Lieutenants  ,  and  in  giving  God  fuch  honour  ,  both  in  at' 
tributes  and  anions,  as  they  in  their  feveral  Lieutenancies  (haJl  ordain. 
„  _,  Though  Sophillichal  captions  do  feldom  work  o«  men  of  wit  and  Learning,  be- 

i'  caufe  by  conjiant  ufe  they  have  their fenfes  exercifed  to  difcern  both  good  and  evil ,  Heb.  5. 

14.    Yet  folid  and  fubftantial  reafons  work  fooner  upon  them  than   upon  weaker 
judgements.     The  more  exadl  the  balance  is,  the  fooner  it  difcovers  the  real  weight 
that  is  put  into  it.     Efpecially  if  the  proofs  be  propofed  without  paflion   or  oppo- 
fition.     Let  Sophilkrs  and  (editions  oratours  apply  themfelves  to  the  many  headed 
multitude  ,  becaule  they  defpair  of  fuccefs  with  men  of  wit  and  learning.  Thofe  whofe 
Gold  is  true  >  are  not  afraid  to  have  it  tryed  by  the  touch.     Since  the  former  way 
hath  not  fucceeded  "T.  H.  hath  another  to  (hew  us  the  caufes  of  our  errours ,  which 
he  hopes  will  prove  more  fuccesful.     When  he  fees  he  can  do  no  good  by  (ight , 
he  feeks  to  circumvent  us  ,  under  colour  of  courtefie  ,  Fiftula   duke  canit  volucrem 
dum  decipit  auceps.     As  they  ,  who  behold  themfelves  in  a  Glafs  ,   take  the  right 
hand  for  the  left ,  arid  the  left  for  the  right .  (7.H.  knows  the  comparifon  )  fo  we 
take  our  own  errours  to  be  truths ,  and  other  mens  truths  to  be  errours.     If  we  be 
in  an  errour  in  this ,  it  is  fuch  an  errour  as  we  fucked  from  nature  it  felf ,  fuch  an 
errour  as  is  confirmed  in  us  by  reafon  and  experience  ,  fuch  an  errour  as  God  Him- 
felf  in  His  Sacred  Word  hath  revealed  ,   fuch  an  errour  as  the  Fathers  and  Doftors 
of  the  Church  of  all  ages  have  delivered.  Such  an  errour  wherein  We  have  the  con- 
currence of  all  the  befi  Philofophers,  both  Natural  and  Moral ,  fuch  an  errour  as 
bringeth  to  God    the  Glory  of  Jultice,  and  Wifdom,  and  Goodnefs,  and  truth, 
fuch  an  errour  as  renders  men  morf  Devout ,  more  pious,  more  induftriousi  more 
humble,  more  penitent  for  their  fins.     Would  he  have  us  refign  up  all  thefe  advan- 
tages to  dance  blindfold  after  his  pipe.     No,  he  perfwades  us  too  much  to  our  loft. 
But  let  us  fee  what  is  the  imaginary  cau(e  of  an  imaginary  errour.    Forfooth  becaufe 
We  attribute  to  God  whatfoever  is  honourable  in  the  World  ,  as  feeing,  hearing, 
willing,  knowing,  Jufticc,  Wifdom  ,  but  deny  him  fuch  poor  things  ,  as  eyes, 
ears,  brains,  and  fo  far  he  faith  we  do  well.    He  hath  reafon,  for  fince  we  are  not 
able  to  conceive  of  God  as  he  is,  the  rcadieftway  we  have,  is  by  removing  all  that 
imperfedion  from  God ,  which  is  in  the  creatures.     So  we  call  him  infinite,  immor- 
tal ,  Independent.     Or  by  attributing  to  him  all  thofe  perfections  ,  which  are  in  the 
creatures  after  a  moft  eminent  manner ,  (b  we  call  him  Beft,  Greateft,  Moft  Wife, 
moft  Ju(t ,  mo(\  Holy.     But  faith  he  ,  When  they  difpute  of  Cods  aSions  Thilofophically 
then  they  confider  them  again  ,  as  if  he  had  fuch  faculties  ,  and  in  the  manner  as  we  have 
them. 

And  is  this  the  caufe  of  our  errour  ?  That  were  ftrange  indeed,  for  they  wlio  di 
fputePhilofophically  of  God,  doneither  afcribe  the  faculties  to  him  in  that  manner 
that  we  have  them,  nor  yetdo  they  attribute  any  proper  faculties  at  all  to  God. Gods 
Underftanding,  and  his  Will  is  his  very  EiTence,  which  for  the  cminer.cy  of  its  infi- 
nite pcrfcdion,  doth  perform  all  thofe  things  alone,  in  a  moft  tranfcendent  manner, 
which  reafonable  creatures  do  perform  imperfc(illy,  by  diftindt  faculties.  Thus  to  di- 
fpute of  Gcd  with  modc(1y,and  feverenc^i  and  to  deu  the  l^eicy  (titu  the  imputa' 

tioa 


t^iscouRsa  I.  a^ainft    Mr.    Hobs.  720 

tion  of  tyranny,  injullicc,  and  diilimulation,  which  none  do  throw  upon  God  with 
more  prefumption,  than  thofe  who  are  the  Patrons  of  abfolute  necelfity,isboth  come- 
ly and  Chriltian. 

It  is  not  the  dcfire  to  difco ver  the  original  of  a  fuppofed  crrour, which  draws  them 
ordinarily  into  thefe  exclamations,  againft  thofe  who  difputeof  the  Deity.  For  fome 
ot  themfelvcs  dare  anatomife  God  ,  and  publifh  his  -Eternal  Decrees  with  as  much 
conridcncc,  as  if  they  had  been  all  their  lives  of  his  Cabinet-council.  But  it  is  for  fear, 
left  thofe  pernicious  conlequenccs,  which  flow  from  that  dodlrine  eflentially,  and  re- 
fled  in  fo  high  a  degree  upon  the  fupreme  goodnefs,fhould  be  laid  open  to  the  view 
ot  the  vVorld  i  Jufi  as  the  Turks  do,  hrft  eikblifii  afalfe  Religion  of  their  own  devi- 
ling,and  then  forbid  ail  men  upon  pain  of  death  to  difpute  upon  Religion  i  or  as  the 
Prieds  ofMolech  ftheabhominationof  the  Ammonites)  did,  make  a  noife  with  their 
Timbrels,  all  the  while  the  poor  Infants  were  palling  through  the  rire  in  Tophet ,   to 
keep  their  pitiftfl  cries  from  the  ears  of  their  Parents:  So  they  make  a  noife  with  their 
declamations  again/:  thofe  ,  who  dare  difpute  of  the  nature  of  God  ,  that  is,    who 
dare  fet  forth  hi'j  JuHice  ,  and  his  goodnefs  ,  and  his  truth  ,   and  his  Philanthropy, 
oncly  to  deaf  the  ears  ,  and  dim  the  eyes  of  the  Chriftian  World  ,  -leaft  they  fhould 
hear  the  lamentable  ejulations  and  bowlings ,  or  fee  that  rueful  fpedacle  of  Millions 
ot  Souls  tormented  for  evermore  in  the  flames  of  the  true  "Tophet ,  that  is  Hell  ,  on- 
ly tor  that,  which  according  to  "T.  H.  his  Dodrine  was  never  in  their  power  to  (hun, 
but  which  they  were  ordered  and  inevitably  necellitatcd  to  do,  Onely  to  exprefs  the 
omnipotence  and  Dominion  ,  and  to  fatisfie  the  pleafure  of  him,  who  is  in  truth  the 
Father  cfaU  mercies ,  and  the  God  oj  all  confohtioK.     This  is  life  eternal  (faith  our  Sa- 
viour )  to  know  the  onely  true  God  and  Jefm  Chriji ,  vohom  be  hathfent.     Joh.  17.  3. 
Pure  Keli^ion  and  undefiled  before  God ,  and  the  Father  ,  ;/  this  ,  to  vifit  the  FatherleJI 
and  JFiddows  in  their  afflidion ,  and  k^ep  himfelf  unfpotted  from   the  World  ^  faith  5f. 
James  ,  Jam.  1.27.     Fear  God  and  k^ep  his  commandements  ,  for  this  if  the  rvhok  duty 
of  rpan  ,  faith  Solomon  ,  "Ecdef  12.  13.     But  T.  H.  hath  found  out  a  more  compen- 
dious way  to  Heaven:  T^rue  Religion  (  faith  he  )  confifteth  in  obedience  to  Chrijis  Lieu- 
tenants,    and  giving  God  Juch  honour  both  in  attributes  anda&ions,  as  they  in  their  fe- 
veral  Lieutenancesjhall  ordain :    That  is  to  fay  ,  be  of  the  Religion  of  every  ChrilVian 
Countrey  where  you  come.     To  make  the  Civil  Magiftrate  to  be  Chrilts  "Lieute- 
nant upon  earth  ,  for  matters  of  Religion  •,  And  to  make  him  to  be  Supreme  Judge 
in  all  confroverfies ,  wIk  m  all  muft  obey  ,  is  a  Doftrine  fo  firange  ,  and   fuch  an 
uncouth  Phrafe  to  Chriftian  cars,   that  I  (hould  have  miffed  his  meaning  ,   but  that 
I  confultcd  with  his  Book  ,  de  Give  c.  15.  id.  and  c.  17V  SeH.  28.     What  if  the  Ma- 
girtrate  (hall  be  no  Chriftian  bimfelf  ?  What  if  he  (halt  command  contrary  to  the 
Law  of  God,  or  Nature,  Muji  rve  obey  him  rather  than  God,  Ad.  4.  ip.     Is  the 
Civil  Magitiratc  become  now  the  onely  groM«^<»«^  P/I/iir  of  truth  >  I   demand  then, 
why  T.  h.  is  of  a  different  mind  from  his  Sovereign,  and  from  the  Laws  of  the  Land 
concerning  the  attributes  of  God  and  his  Decrees?    This  is  a  new  Paradox,   and 
concerns  not  this  queftion  of  Liberty  ,  and  neceility  >  Wherefore  I  forbear  to  pro- 
fecute  it   farther,  and  Co  conclude  my   Reply   with  the  Words  of  the  ChrifUan 
Poet. 

Jiijjfim  eft  Cxfarit  ore  Gallieni, 
Princeps  quod  cnlit ,  ut  colamus  omnes. 
JEternttm  cole  Principem  dierum, 
Factorem  Vominitmq-,  GtHJieni. 


Clqqq2  TOME 


TOME     III. 

ISCOURSE  II. 


Caftigations 

o  F 

M"   H  O  B  B  E  S 

HIS   LAST 

ANIMADVERSIONS, 

I  N 
The  Cafe  concerniog  litjertp,  and  ajnitjettjl  JSeceffttp. 

With  aa  ^/'j^m^/x  concerning 
The  catching  of  Leviathan^  or  the  great  Whalc' 


By  J  O  H  N  B R  A  MH  A  L  L  D.  D.  and  Bilhop  of  Derry^ 
Ftrft  Printed  in  the  year  1 5^8. 


Prov.  12.  I  p. 
"Ihe  Up  of  truth  (hall  be  ejiabljjhedfor  ever^  but  a  lying  tongue  U  but  for  a  moment. 


D  V  B  L  I  N^ 

Printed  AnnoDom,  M.  DC.  LXXV. 


_733 

An  Anfwer  to  Mr.  Hobf  his  ne,x.,5^,. ;  and  Firft  co  bis 
Epiftleto  the  Reader. 

CHrlUan    Reader,  thou  hajl   here  the  teflimony  of  Mr.  Hohes  ,  that  the  quejiions 
concerning  necefity  ,  freedom,  and  chance ,  are  clearly difcujfed between  him  and 
me,  in  that  little  volume  which  he  hath  lately  ptblifhed.  If  they  be    it   were 
firange  ,  whiljl  rve  agree  not  much  better  about  the  tearms  of  the  Controverfie  '  than  the 
Irmlders  of  Babel  did  underjland  one   anothers  Languge.     A  necefity  upon  \uppofnion  ^,  „„. ,  ^-r 
(  whuh  admits  apoftbihty  of  the  contrary)  i:  miliak^n  for  an  abfolute  and  true  necefity.  Steof^e     ' 
j1  freedom  from  compulfion  is  confounded  mth  a  freedom  from  necefttation,  meer  fpontanei-  qucftion. 
ty  ujurpeth  the  place  of  true  Liberty  ;  no  chance  is  acJ^owledged,  but  what  is  made  chance 
by  our  ignorance  or  nefcience  ,  becaufe  we  k^ow  not  the  right  caufes  of  it.     I  defire   to  re- 
tain the  proper  terms  of  the  Schools:  Mr.  Hobs  flies  to  the  common  conceptions  of  the  vul- 
gar, a  way  feldom  trodden  ,  But  by  falfe  Prophets  ,  and  f editions  Oraturs.     He  prefer- 
reth  their  terms  as  more  intelligible  ;  J  ejieem  them  much  more    obfcure  and  confufed.  ' 
It   fuch  intricate  quelhons  ,    vulgar  brains  arc  at  uncapable  of  the  things  ,  as  of  the 
terms.. 

But  thus  it  behoved  him  to  prevaricate  ,  that>  he  might  not  feem  to  fwim  againjl  an  uni- 
verfaljlream,  nordire&ly  to  oppofe  the  General  current  of  the  Chrijiian  World,  there  was  an 
odd  PhantaftickperfjK  in  our  times ,  one  Thomas  Leaver,  who  would  needs  publijh  a  Logick 
in  our  Mother  Tongue.  Tou  need  not  doubt  but  that  the  publick^good  was  pretended.And  be- 
caufe the  received  terms  of  Art  feemed  to  htm  too  ablirufe ,  he  tranjlated  them  into 
Englifh  ,  jliling  a  Siibjecl  an  Inholder  ,  an  accident  an  Inbeer  ,  A  propofuiomShew- 
fay  ,  an  affirmative  propofition  a  Yeafay  ,  a  negative  propofition  a  Nayfay  ,  the  SuhieU 
of  the  propofition  the  Forefet,  the  predicate  the  backfet ,  the  converfion  the\urning  of  the 
Forefet  ,  into  the  Backfet ,  and  the  Backfet  into  the  Forefet.  Let  Mr.  Hobs  himfelf 
be  judge ,  whether  the  common  Logical  notions ,  or  this  new  Gibrifh  were  lef!  intelH- 
gibl^'  Mv.  Hobs  hiJ 

Hsc  a  fe  non  tnultum  abludit  imago.  principles 

But  Reader ,  doe^  thou  defire  to  fee  the  quejiioa  difcufed  already  tothyfatisfaBion  ?  oh-  prSe''^ 
ferve  but  Mr.  Hobbs  his  Prahicl{S ,  and  compare  them  with  his  principles,  and  there  needs 
no  more.  He  teacheth  that  aV  caufes ,  and  all  events  are  abfolutely  neceffary ;  yet  if  any 
man  croji  him  ,  he  frets  and  fumes  and  talkj  his  pleafure  ;  julfic  quod  fplendida  bilis. 
Voth  any  man  in  his  right  Witts  ufe  to  be  angry  with  caufes  that  aU  neceffarily  ?  He  might 
as  well  be  angry  with  the  Sun ,  becaufe  it  doth  not  rife  an  hour  fooner  ,  or  with  the  Mjjn 
becaufe  it  is  not  always  full  for  bis  pleafure.Ue  commands  his  Servant  to  do  thus,  to  as  much 
purpofe  if  he  heneceftatedto  do  otherwife^asCznutas  commanded  the  waves  of  the fea  tofljw 
no  higher.  He  punifheth  him  if  he  transgrcji  his  Commands, with  asmHchjuJiiceifhe  have  no 
dominion  over  his  own  anions ,  as  Xerxes  commanded  fo  many  ftri^es  to  he  given  to  the 
Hellefpont ,  for  breaking  down  his  bridge.  He  exhorts  him  and  reprehends  him-,  He  miiht 
as  well  exhort  the  fire  to  burn  ,  or  reprehend  it  for  burning  of  his  Cloaths.  He  is  as  timo- 
rous in  a  thunder  ,  orajhrm,  asCauteloiis  at^d  deliberative  in  doubtful  caufes,  as  if 
he  belieued  that  all  things  in  the  World  were  contingent,  and  nothing  neceffary.  Some- 
times he  chideth  himfelf  ■>  how  ill  advifed  was  I,  to  do  thus  orfo  ?  0  that  I  had  thought 
better  upon  it  ,  or  had  done  otherwife.  let  all  this  while  he  believeth  that  it  was  abfo- 
lutely  neceffary  for  him  to  do  what  he  did ,  and  impofble  for  him  to  have  done  otherwife. 
thus  his  own  praSice  doth  fuficiently  confute  his  Tenets.  He  will  tell  us  that  he  is  timrous 
and  folicitous  becaufe  he  kiiows  not  how  the  caufes  will  determin.  to  what  purpofe?  Whe- 
ther their  determination  be  k^own  or  unl^town  ,  he  cannot  alter  it  with  his  endeavours. 
He  will  tell  us  that  deliberation  mull  concur  to  the  produSion  of  the  effcH.  Let  it  be  fo 
hut  if  it  do  concur  neceffarily.  Why  U  he  fo  folicitous  and  fo  much  perplexed  ?  Let  hint 
fkep  or  waks  ,  tah^  care  or  taks  no  care ,  the  necefjary  caufes  muft  do  their  work,. 

tet  from  our  coliifion  fo:-ne  light  hath  proceeded  towards  the  elucidation  of  this  quejiioH 
4itd  much  more  might  have  arifen  ,  if  Mr,  Hobs  had  been  ^hafed  to  retain  the  ancient 

School 


734 


School  terms  ,  for  want  of  which  hit  Vifcourje  irjliV  amhiguouf  and  confufed.     As  here  he 
tells  thee  ,  Ihat  we  botli  maintain  that  men  are  free  to  do  as  they  will ,  and  to  tor- 
bear  as  they  will,     h^y  chanty  leads  t>ic  to  take  him  in  the  beji  fenfe  ^  onely(f  free  aVu 
and  then  tvith  defendame  upon  thefirji  caitfe.     that  man  xvho  kiiotvs  not  his  idintifms  , 
Free.lom  to      K>oiild  think^the  caufe  was  yielded  in  thefe  rvords  ^  whereM  in  truth  they  fig'iifie  mhing. 
do  and  not  to   jj^  meaning  if  ^  Be  it  as  free  to  do  and  forbear  ,   as  he  is  free  to  call  hack^yejierday.     Be 
will ,  refuted ;  ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^.^  ^.^  /^^^^^  ^{^  ^  y^^  jf  ^,7/  „^,,jy  ^^^^^     He  faith  ,   A  man  is  tree  to  do  if 

he  will  ,  but  he  is  not  free  to  will  ii  he  will.  ]f  he  be  not  free  to  ivill,  then  he  is  not 
fee  to  do.  fVitlmtt  the  concurrence  of  all  necejfiry  caufes  it  is  imftfi'le  that  the  effeHJhould 
be  produced.  But  the  concurrence  tf  the  n>ill  is  neceffary  to  the  prcdtSion  of  all  free  or 
voluntary  ads.  Aud  if  the  mil  be  necefjitated  to  niV ,  as  it  may  be  ,  then  -le  aU  is  im- 
fojfible^  and  then  he  faith  no  more  in  effeU  hut  thif  A  man  is  fee  to  do  if  he  wiil,  tha  t  which 
is  impoffiblefor  him  to  do.By  his  VoGrines  all  the  powers  and  faculties  of  a  man  arc  as  much 
fieceffttated  and  determined  to  one  ,  by  the  natural  influence  of  extrinfecal  cuufes,  as  the  will. 
And  therefore  upon  his  cwn  grounds,  a  man  is  as  free  to  will  a  ( to  do. 

"The  points  wherein  he  ^aith  we  difagree  are  fet  down  loofely  in  lik^  manner.  What 
our  "Tenets  are  ,  the  "Reader  (hall  htow  more  truly  and  diftindly,  by  comparing  our  writings 
together ,  then  by  this  falfe  dim  light  which  he  holds  out  unto  him. 

He  is  pleafed,  if  not  ironically,  yet  certainly  more  for  his  own  glory^than  out  of  any  refped 
to  me ,  to  name  me  a  Learned  School  Divine  ,  An  honour  which  Ivouchafe  not  to  myfelf 
My  Life  hath  been  too  praUical ,  to  attend  fo  much  to  thofe  fpeculative  fiudies.  It  may  be 
the  School-men  have  frarted  many  fuperflmus  quejlions,  and  fome  of  danger om  confequencr, 
But  yet  J  fay  the  weightier  Ecclefiaftical  controversies  will  never  be  underjiood  andfiateddi- 
frinSly  ,  without  the  help  of  their  neceffary  diftindions. 

Reader  ,  \fhallmt  in  this  Rejoynder  abufe  thy  patience  with  the  needlefi  repetition  of 
thofe  things  which  thou  hajifeen  already ,  nor  quefi  at  every  lar\which  he  fprings  i  but 
wherefover  he  hath  put  any  new  weight  into  the  Scale ,  either  in  his  anfwers  or  objeClions  , 
JJhall  not  omit  it  in  due  place. 


An  iidvertifement  from  the  ^uthour  to  the  Reader.' 
March  II.  16^2,  ftilo  novo, 

CHriliian  Reader,  hythe  flownejs  of  this  Edition,  and  by  the  errours  of  the  Prefs, 
which  do  ordinarily  happen  to  Authors  that  are  abfent ,  thou  mayefi  Judge  of 
the  difficulties  and  Remora's  which  we  meet  withal  in  fuch  occafwns.  Ihe  great- 
efr  part  nf  the  ExtzX.z  are  obviouf  to  an  intelligent  Reader ,  lintreat  thee  to  correU  them 
with  thy  pen.  Some  of  the  chiefejl  (  which  didfeem  to  alter  or  ohfcure  ihe  fenfe  )  J  have 
colleUed,  and  appointed  them  to  be  fet  down  at  the  foot  of  this  Advertifement,fn  many  as  I 
could  obferve  in  once  reading  over  the  Copies  curforily  ,  for  I  have  had  no  more  time  fince 
1  received  them. 

Be  pleafed  farther  to  taks  notice  y  that  yejierday  came  to   my  hands  a  Copy  of  Mr.  Set' 

jeants  Ireatife  called  Schifm  difpatched  ,  Written  againji  Dr.  Hammond   and  my  felf, 

it  being  the  frr(i  time  that  J  have  viewed  it :  J  wifh  I  had  had  a  graver  Adverfary  in  this 

caufe  ,   who  had  confulted  more  with  his  own  judgment  mid  experience  ,  and  leji  with 

paffton  and  prejudice.     Ihe  contention  is  not  equal,  between  an  ancient  Dodor  and  ayoung 

Prevaricator  ,  whofe  office  is  to  makg  frefhmen  laugh  and  gape.     When  Mr.  Serjeant  hath 

wearied  himfelf  twenty  or  thirty  years  longer  in  theftudy  of  "Iheotogy ,  he  will  grow  Itfi 

impetuous  and  cenforious  ,  but  more  judicious  anddifcreet ,  and  offo  much  more  value  in 

the  eyes  of  others ,  as  hefettetha  leji  value  upon  himfelf.     Now  I  have  a  Copy ,  if  God 

blefrme  with  life  and  health ,  JJhall  endeavour  in  a  fhort  time  to  let  the  World  fee,  that  my 

Religion  it  as  much  greater  than  his ,  as  my  charity  is  greater. 

TOME 


735 

TOME     ITT 

DISCOURSE  II. 


A  N  s' W  E  R 

TO    H  I  S 

RELATION 

Of  the  Occafion  of  the  CONTROVERSIE 

Ere  is  nothing  ofmoment  to  advantage  his  caufe.  Another 
?^  man  would  fay,  here  is  nothing  allcdged  by  him  which  is 
'"true.    Whereas  he  faith.  That  the  queftiondifputed  among 

the  old  Philofophcrs  was  ,   mether  all  things  that   come  topafl  Eleven  groft 
proceed  fromnecefftty ,  or  feme  from  chance  .?  It  was  as   well  dg.  miftakes  ma 
bated  among  the  old  Philofophers ,  JThether  aV  things  com  to       ^'°"' 
pa^  by  chance ,  and  nothing  proceed  from  necefuy  .?  And  likewife 
IVhether  feme  events  proceed  from  necejftty  ^  and  fame  come  to  pafl 
by  chance  ?    As  that  which  he  mentions ,    Whether  all  c- 
verits  proceed  from  neceffity  ,  or  fome  come  to  pafs  by  chance  .•?  That  is  the  firft 


errour. 


His  Second  errour  is ,  That  he  oppofeth  chance  to  neceflity ,  as  if  all  things  caipe 
to  pafs  by  neceliity ,  which  come  not  to  pafs  by  chance :  Whereas  thofe  antient  Phi- 
lofophers ,  (  of  whom  he  fpeaks  )  did  oppofe  contingency  to  necelKty  ,  and  not 
chance  alone.  Chance  is  but  one  branch  of  contingency  :  Free  adts  are  done  con- 
tingently ,  but  not  by  chance. 

Thirdly  ,  He  is  miftaken  in  this  alfo,   that  he  faith,   thofe  antient  Philofophers  i 

did  never  drarv  into  Argument    the  Almighty  ponder  of  the  Deity.    For  we  find  in  7ul-  ^'  t'^ptr.  £, 
ly,  diXxA  in  Chryf^ppiK,  f  as  he  is  alledged  by  Ek/^Jw)  That  one  of  the  main  grounds  i'"""^*^"***^* 
of  the  Stoicks  was  the  Prefcience  of  God  i  and  that  the  pfedidions  of  their  Oracles  ' 
and  Prophets  could  not  be  certain  ,  unlefs  all  things  came  to  pafs  by  inevitable  ne- 
x;ellity. 

Fourthly  ,  he  erreth  in  this.  That  Liberty  is  a  Third  way  of  bringing  things  to  pafs 
diftindfrom  neceliity  and  contingency  :  For  Liberty  is  fubordinate  to  contingency.' 
They  defined  contingents  to  be  thofe  things,  whichmight  either  come  to  pafs  or  not 
come  to  pafs ,  that  is ,   either  freely  ,  or  cafually;  and  in  all  their  queftions  of  con- 
tingency ,  Liberty  was  principally  underl^ood. 

His  Fifth  errour  is ,  That  free-n>ilS  w  a  thing  that  mis  never  mentioned  among  them.  I 
believe  it  was  never  mentioned  by  them  in  Engliflf ,  fay  the  name  of  free  will  ■■,  but 
he  may  find  *''-n5Kcn«.andTe?"?""-  Let  him  read  ArifiotU  alone,  and  he  fliall  Had 
not  only  this  free  eledive  power  of  tiie  will,  but  alfo  the  difference  between  volm- 
iaty  otf^ontaneous  (,  which  is  all  the  Liberty  he  admittcth  )  and  free,    or  that  which  ^''''"J'  3  <^- 

R.  r  r  r  '  .c  3'  'J'*  V 


""^^5  Cafti^atons  of  TO  ME  HI 

is  cleded  upon  deliberdiiuu.  H<-re  i^zlvmc.  Semper  apud  Latinos  liberi  arbitrii  nomcn 
txtitit  ^  Gr£cos  vera  non  pitdnit  arrogantius  ufurpare  vocahabulum^  fiqiiidem  avnfJncy, 
dixermu  ~  J»i^it-  caji.  2.  SeS.  4. 

Sixthly,  He  crreth  yet  more  grofly  ,  in  faying,  Th.zt  free  rviH  was  never  memion- 
(dbyChri^Uans  in  the  beginning  cfChrijliantty  ^  bat,  for  fome  Ages  brought  in  by  the 
jyoCtors  (if  the  Komzn  Church.  "Whereas  it  is  undeniably  true,  that  fiindry  anticnt 
fathers  have  written  whole  Trearifcs  cxprefly  of  free  will,  that  there  isfcarcely  one 
father  that  doth  not  mention  it  >  and  fundry  of  the  Firit  Hercticks,  as  Simon  Magus  ^ 
fhchUnichees  ^  the  Marcionites  ^  &c.  and  their  followers,  have  been  condemned 
for  maintaining  abfolute  neccliity  againft  free  will. 

His  Seventh  errour  is  ,  That  St.  Paul  never  ufeth  the  term  of  free  rciU  ,  nor  did  bold 
o  I  ■?  6  ^'^y  T^"^"'''^^  equivalent  to  it.     Hear  himfelf,  Jm  I  not  an  Afo0e  ?  Am  J  not  free?  Have 
"^  we  not  power  to  lead  about  a  fijler  ,  a  wife ,   as  well  as  the  other  Apofiles  ?  Or  I  only  and 

Barnabas  ,  have  not  we  power  to  forbear  working  ?  St.  Taul  did  thofe  things  freely  up- 
on his  own  eledion,  which  he  was  not  iiecelTitated  to  do  i  and  did  forbear  thofc 
things  freely  which  hR  was  not  necellitated  to  forbear.  This  Dodlrine  is  equivalent 
to  ours  of  the  freedom  of  the  will  from  neceffitation.  Talie  another  place  ,  where- 
in you  have  both  the  name  and  the  thing  j  Neverthele^.,  he  thatjiandethfledfaji  in  his 
I  Cor.  "J  $  hearty  having  no  neceffity^  but  hath  power  over  his  own  will.  The  words  in  the  O- 
riginal  are  a  plain  defcription  of  the  old  ivnlintr ,  ( which  name  Calvin  did  lo  much 
diflike  )  or  free  will ,  *t^>snat  .fi  "'xn  me^  ^  ^J!"  eiM</<s'«©'.  Here  is  not  onely  freedom  , 
but  power  and  dorninion.  Mr.  Hobbs  teachethus  ,  that  a  man  is  free  to  do,  but 
not  free  to  will.  St.  Paul  teacheth  us  ,  That  a  man  hath  power  over  his  own  will 
If  he  have  power  over  his  own  will ,  then  he  isfree  to  will,  then  his  Will  is  not  ex- 
trinfecally  predetermined. 

Eighthly  ,  he  wrongs  the  Do<flors  of  the  Koman  Church,  as  if  they  exempted 
the  Will  of  man  from  the  Dominion  of  Gods  Will.  They  maintain,  that  the  Free- 
dom of  the  will  of  man  is  exprefly  from  the  Will  of  God  ,  who  made  it  free. 
They  teach  that  God  can  fufpend  the  ad  of  the  Will  ,  can  determin  the  Will  ,  can 
change  the  will,  doth  difpofe  of  all  the  ads  of  the  Will,  can  do  any  thing  but  com- 
pel the  Will ,  which  implieth  a  contradidion. 

Ninthly,  ( to  let  us  (ec  what  a  profound  Ckrk  he  is  in  Ecclefiaftical  Controverfies) 
Mr.  Hobbs  thinks  he  hath  hit  the  nail  on  the  head,  of  the  difference  between  the 
Church  of  Rowf  and  Us  ,  concerning  free  will  in  this  difputanon  :  JuA  as  the  blind 
Senator  in  Juvenal  made  a  large  encomium  of  the  goodly  Turbot  which  lay  before 
C^far ,  but  (  as  ill  luck  would  have  it  )  turned  himfelf  the  quite  contrary  way  : 
At  illi  desctra  jacebat  bellua.  The  controverfie  lies  on  th.e  other  fide ,  not  about  the 
freedom  of  the  Will  in  Natural  or  civil  adions  ,  which  is  our  queftion ,  but  (  if  it 
be  not  a  Logomachy )  about  the  power  of  free  Will,  in  moral  and  fupeinatural 
adions,  without  the  allillance  of  grace. 

In  the  Tenth  place,  he  mifinforms  his   Readers,  That  t/; if  opinion  C  of  freedom 

from  neceffitation  and  determination  to  one  ,  )  wiK  cajl  out  by  the  reformed  Churches, 

inftruded  by  Luthci  J  Calvin,  and  others.     Where  have  the  reformed  Churches ,  or 

any  of  them  in  their  publick  confeffions  caft  out  this  freedom  from  neceffitation , 

whereof  we  write  ?  Indeed  Luther  was  onceagainft  it ,  and  fo  was  Melandhon ,  but 

VijitAt  54*811.  they  grew  wifer  ,  and  reitraded  whatfoever  they  had  written  againft  it.     And  fo 

Loc,  com;  edit.,  would  Mr.  Hoi/;/ do  likewife  ,  if  he  were   well  advifed.   Either  he  did  know  of 

f^"'  Luther s  retradion  i  and  then  it  was  not  ingenioully  done  to  conceal  it,  or  (  which 

I  rather  believe)  he  did  not  know  of  it ,  and  then  he  is  but  meanly  verfed  in  the 

Dodrine  and  affairs  ot  the  Proteftants. 

Laf\ly,  He  accufeth  Arminius  to  have  been  a  rafiorer  or  reducer  of  the  Rewj/fe 
Dodrine  of  free  Will,  by  z  pofiliminium.  I  do  rot  think  that  ever  he  read  one 
Word  oi  Arminius  m  his  Life  ,  or  knoweth  diflii.dly  one  opinion  that  Aun'niits 
held.  It  was  fuch  deep  Controvertifls  as  himfelf,  thataccufed  the  Church  of  En- 
gland of  Armimmifm  ,  for  holding  thofe  truths  ,  which  they  ever  profefTed  betore 
Arminiits  was  born.  \i Arminius  were  alive,  Mr.  Holbs  out  of  Confciencc  ought 
to  ask  him  forgivencfs.  Let  him  fpeak  for  himfelf,  De  Libero  hcmir.is  aibitrio. 
tafentio,  &c.    Inllatu  vero  lapfus,  &c.    IkU  U  my  fenteKce  rf  free  will,  Ihat 

man 


Discourse  1  1.  Mr.  Hob>V  Animadverjions.  y-^j 


man  fallen  ,  can  ndtber  tbink^^  nor  n-ill ,  nor  dn  that  which  is  truly  good  of  himjelf,  and    D.-iUr.  s^nt 
from  himfelf  ,  but  that  it  is  needful,  that  be  be  regenerated ,  and  renerved  in  hit  under-   ""  ^'^">'"i' "' 
jianding  ,  will ,  affedims,  and  all  his  fotrers  from  Cod,  in  Chriji  ,  by  the  Holy  Choji     to  ^'^'  ^''^''""''' 
underjijitd,  ejieem  ,  confider ,  will,  and  do  aright  that  wich    is  truly  good.     It  was  not 
the  fpcculative  Dodrine  of  ^rwiwm  ,  but  the  feditious  Tenets   oi  Mr.  Hobbes     and 
fuch  like,   which  opened  a  Large  Window  to  our  troubles. 

How  is  it  poliible  to  pack  up  more  errours  together  in  fo  narrow  a  compafs  >  If  I 
were  Worthy  to  advife  Mr.  Hobbes  ,  he  (hall  never  have  more  to  do  with  thefc  old 
Philofliphers,  (  except  it  were  to  Weed  them  for  fome  obfolete  opinions :  Cbiyfippuf 
ufed  to  fay  ,  he  fometimes  wanted  opinions ,  but  never  wanted  arguments )  bin  to 
itand  upon  his  own  bottom,  and  make  himfelf  both  party,  Juror  and  Judge  in  his 
own  caufe.  Concerning 

The  right  ftating  of  thequeftion  ,  is  commonly  the  mid- way  to  the  determination  theftateingof 
of  the  diiference  ,  and  he  himfelf  confeffeth  ,  that  I  have  done  that  morethanonce,   the  quejiion 
faving  thathe  thinketh  ,  1  have  done  it  over  cautioufly ,  withers  much  caution  at  I 
would  draw  up  a  leafe.     Abundant  caution  was  never  thought  hurtful  till  now  ;  doth 
not  the  truth  require  as  much  regard  as  a  Leafe  ?  On  the  other  fide  ,  laccufe  him 
rohaveftated  it  too  carclefly,  loolly,  zx\A  confufcdiy,     He  faith,  He  underjiands  J^^^ '=°!^''^^: 
notthefe  words,  |_  the   converfion   of  a  finner  concerns  not  the  queftion  ]  I  do  re-  ner"  °coHceni- 
ally  believe  him  ;  But  in  concluding,  that  whatfoever  he  doth    not  underitand  cfh    not  this 
is  unintelligible  \  he  doth  but  abufe  himfelf  and  his  Readers.     Let  him  ftudy  better  ^"«f^'°°* 
whatisthedifferentpower  of  the  Will,  in  natural  or  civil  adiions,  which  is  the 
Subjedl  of  our  difcourfc ,  and  moral  or  fupernatural  ads ,    which  concerns  not  this 
queflton  i  and  the  necellity  of  adding  thefe  words  ,  will  clearly  appear  to  him. 

Such  another  pitiful  piece  is  his  other  exception,  againft  thefe  Words ,  [without  A  wilful  cavU 
their  our  own  concurrence]  which  he  faith  <ire  unftgnifxcant ,  unlefl  I  mean  that  the 
events  themfelves ,  fhould  concur  to  their  own  produdion:  Either  thefe  Words  were  un- 
fignificant,  or  he  was  blind  ,  or  worfe  than  blind  ,  when  he  transcribed  them.  My 
Words  were  thefe  ,  [  Whether  all  Agents,  and  all  events  be  predetermined  :  1  He  ^"'"*»J 
fraudulently  Leaves  out  thefe  Words ,  £  all  Agents,  and  makes  me  to  liate  the  que- 
ftion thus,  iVhether  all  events  be  predetermined  without  their  own  concurrence.  Where- 
as thofe  words  ,  without  their  own  concurrence ,  had  no  reference  at  all  to  all  events 
but  to  all  Agents  i  Which  Words  he  hath  omitted. 

The  ftate  of  the  queftion  being  agreed  upon ,  it  were  vanity  ,  and  meer  beating 
of  the  air  in  me  ,  to  weary  my  fclf  and  the  Pveadcr  ,  with  the  ferious  examination 
of  all  his  extravagant  and  impertinent  fancies  :  as  this,    Whether  there  be  a  moral  ef- 
ficacy which  is  not  Natural?  Which  is  fo  far  from  being  the  queftion  between  us     ^'f^errnre  be? 
that  no  man  makes  any  queftion  of  it,  except  one,  who  hath  got  a  blow  upon  and  moniS 
his    head   with  a  mill-fail.     Natural  caufes  produce  their  efrcds  by  a  true  real  firacy. 
influence,  which  implies  an  abfolute  determination  to  one:  as  a  Father  begets  a  Son 
or  fire  produceth  fire.     Moral  caufes  have  no  natural  influence  into  the  effed     but' 
move  or  induce  fome  other  caufe  without  themfelves  to  produce  it:  as  when  a 
Preacher  pcrfwadeth  his  hearers  to  give  alms ,  here  is  no  abfolute  ncccllitation  of 
hearers  ,  nor  anything  that  is  oppofite  to  true  Liberty. 

Such  another  queftion  is  that  which  follows  ,  Whether  the  objeCi  of  the  fight  be  the 
caufe  of  feeing?  meaning ,  (  if  he  mean  aright ,  )  the  fubjedive  caufe.  Or  ,  how 
the  underjianding  doth  propofe  the  ob](U  to  the  will  ?  which  though  it  be  blind ,  as  Phi- 
lofbphers  agree  ,  yet  not  fo  blind  as  he ,  that  will  not  fee  ,  but  is  ready  to'  follow 
the  good  advice  of  the  intelled.  I  may  not  defert  that  which  is  generally  approved 
to  fatisfie  the  phantaftick  humor  of  a  fingle  conceited  perfon.  No  man  would  take 
exceptions  at  thefe  Phrafes ,  the  will  w ilk th  ,  the  under{}anding  underftandeth ,  the 
former  term  exprelling  the  faculty  ,  the  later,  the  elicite  a<ft ,  but  one  who  is  re- 
folved  to  pick  quarrels  with  the  whole  World. 

lo  permit  a  thing  willingly  to  be  done  by  another  ,   that  is  evil,  not  (or  the  evils  CAt 
which  is  permitted  ,  but  for  that  goods  fakt  which  is  to  be  drawn  out  of  it     is  ^"'"  '^  ^^'"  's 
not  to  will  it  pofitively  ,  nor  to  determin  the  will  to  evil  by  a  natural    ir-fluence  i  abnc^^'V'^'^  u 
which  whofoever  do  maintain,  do  undeniably  make  God  the  author  offin.  Estwccn  t«Jn^w:"irg 
pofitive  willing  ,  and  nilling  ,  there  is  a  mean  of  abnegation  ,  that  is  not  to  will.         a"-'  nil!  ng. 

R  r  r  r  -  That 


-^;^ Caftigations  of  TOME  1 1 1. 


Xhat  tlie  will  dotli  determin  it  fclf ,  is  a  truth  not  to  be  doubted  of,  what  dit- 
fcrcnt  degrees  of  aid  or  allirtance  the  will  doth  ftand  in  need  of  in  different  Ads , 
natural  moral ,  fupernatural  ■,  where  a  general  alliftane  is  fufficient ,  and  where 
a  fpecial  aliiltance  is  ncceffary  i  is  altogether  impertinent  to  this  prefent  controver- 
lie  ,  or  to  the  right  Ihting  of  this  queftion. 

In  theLalt  place  ,  he  repeateth  his  old  diftinftion,  between  zm^^ns  freedom  m  da 

His  Aiflinction  ^jr  ^jy        ^yj^y  ^re  in  bis  fovper  ,  if  he  rvill;     and  the  freedom  to   vrill  what  hf  i 

^o?Ji"  anT    raill,  which  he  illuftrateth  (for  fimilitudes  prove  nothing  j  by  a  comparifcm  drawn 

free  to  do,       from  the  natural  appetite  ,  to  the  rational  appetite.     Will  is  appetite  ,  hut  it  is  one 

confuted-         quejfioH,  IJ^jether  be  be  free  to  eatthathatb  an  appetite'--  And  anotbtr  qitefiion  vphether  he 

he  free  to  have  an  appetite.     In  the  former  ,  he  faith  ,  he  agreeth  with  me  ,  That  a 

tnan  is  free  to  do  rvbat  he  rvill.     In  the  Later  he  faith  ,  he  dillents  from   me  ,  That  e 

man  is  not  free  to  mil.    And  ( as  if  he  had  uttered  fome  profound  myftery  }  he  ad- 

deth  in  a  triumphing  manners  That,  if  J  have  not  been  able  to  dijiinguijh  between 

thofe  tvpo  (jiiejiions ,  I  have  not  done  rvell  to  meddle  with  either.     And  if  I  have  underjiood 

them  ,  to  bring  arguments  to  prove  that  a  man  is  free  to  do  if  he  will,  is    to  deal  unin- 

genioufly  and  fraudulently  with  my  Keaders. 

Yet  let  us  have  good  Words.  Homini  homo  quid  pneftat?  What  difference  is 
there  between  man  and  man'That  fo  many  Wits  before  Mr.  Hobs  in  all  Ages  fliould 
beat  their  brains  about  tliis  queftion  ,  all  their  Lives  Long  ,  and  never  meet  with 
this  dirtindtion ,  which  rtrikes  the  queftion  dead.  What  (hould  hinder  him  from 
crying  out  6^f»«i,s</f»w«,  I  have  found  if ,  I  have  found  it.  But  Hay  a  little,  the 
fecond  thoughts  are  wifer  ,  and  the  more  I  Look  upon  this  diftindlion ,  thelefs  I 
Like  it.  It  (eemeth  like  the  Logg  in  the  Fable,  which  terrified  the  poor  Frogs  with 
the  noife  it  made  at  the  Firft  falling  of  it  into  the  Wat  er  ,  but  afterwards  they  in- 
fulted  over  it,  and  took  their  turns  to  Leap  upon  it.  Some  take  it  to  be  pure 
nonfenfev  whether  a  man  bs  fr^e  in  fmh  things  as  be  within  his  power  :  That  is  , 
whether  he  be  free  wherein  he  is  free  ,  or  that  be  within  his  power  ,  which  is  in  his 
power. 

I  have  formerly  fhewed,  and  (Viall  demonfirate  farther  as  there  is  occafion  ,  that 
this  dilHnftion  is  contradidtory  and  deftrucSive  to  his  own  grounds,  according  to 
which  all  the  other  powers  and  faculties  of  a  man  are  determined  to  one  ,  by  an  ex- 
trinfecal  flux  of  natural  caufes  ,  equally  with  the  will.  And  therefore  a  man  is  no 
more  neccllitated  to  will ,  or  choofe  what  he  will  do  ,  tiian  to  do  what  he  wills. 
Secondly,  I  have  (hewed,  that  this  diftindion  is  vain  and  unufeful ,  and  doth  not 
hold  off,  fo  much  as  one  blow  from  Mr.  Hobs  and  his  bleeding  caufe.  All  thofe 
grofs  abfurditieswhich  do  neceffarily  follow  the  inevitable  determination  of  all  adions 
and  events  byextrinfecal  caufes,  do  fall  muchmore  heavily  and  infuportablyuponthe 
extrinfecal  determination  of  the  will.So  he  flicks  deeper,  by  means  of  this  dillindlion 
in  the  fame  mire.  All  the  ground  of  Jui^ice  that  he  can  find  in  punifhments,  is 
thisi  That  though  mens  adions  be  neceffary  ,  yet  they  do  them  willingly.  Now 
if  the  will  be  irrefiilibly  determined  to  all  its  individual  ads,  then  there  is  no  more 
juftice  to  puni(h  a  man  for  willing  neceffarily,  than  for  doing  neceffarily.  Thirdly, 
I  have  (hewed  already  in  part ,  that  this  diltindion  is  contrary  to  the  (enfe  of  the 
whole  World  ,  who  taHe  the  will  to  be  much  more  free  than  the  performance : 
which  maybe  thus  enlarged. 

Though  a  man  were  thruft  into  the  deepeft  dungeon  oi  Europe  ,  yet  in  dcfpite  of 
all  the  fecond  caufes  ,  he  may  will  his  own  Liberty.  Let  the  caufes  heap  a  conglo- 
meration of  difeafes  upon  a  man  ,  more  than  Herod  had  ,  yet  he  may  will  his  own 
health  :  Though  a  man  be  withheld  from  his  friend  by  Seas  and  Mountains ,  yet  he 
may  will  his  prefence.  He  that  hath  not  fo  much  as  a  Cracked  Groat  towards  the 
payment  of  his  debts ,  may  yet  will  the  fatisfadion  of  his  Creditors.  And  though 
fome  ofthefe  may  feem  but  pendulous  wifhes  of  impo(ribilities,and  not  fo  compatible 
with  a  ferious  deliberation  ,  yet  they  do  plainly  (hew  the  freedom  of  the  will.  /« 
great  things  (iziA  the  Poet )  it  is  fufficient  to  have  willed,  that  is,  to  have  done  what 
is  in  our  power.  So  we  fay,  God  accept  eth  the  will ,  that  which  we  an,  for  the 
deed ,  that  which  we  cannot.  ]f  there  be  frfi  a  willing  mind ,  it  is  accepted  according 
s  Cor.  tit      to  that  a  man  hath  ,  that  is  to  will ,  And  not  according  to  that  he  bath  rot ,  that  is  to 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  Viohi's  AnimadiJerfions.  -r^g 

pcrtorm.     And  yet  more  plainly  :  T^o  rvill  is  frefent  rcith  wf,  but  how  in  perform  that 

rvhich  if  good  ,  that  find  J  not.     Yet  faith  T.  H.     A  man  is  tree  to  do  what  he  wills  ^    ""•'     . 

but  not  to  will  what  he  will  do. 

To  come  yet  a  little  nearer  to  T".  H.    For  fincc  he  rcfufeth  all  human  authority  ,       . 
I  muft  ftick  to  Scripture.     IthciWeizmxmojvnrvill,   and  hif    orvn  voluntary  reill  ^^"'    ^  ""* 
If  it  be  determined  irrefiftibly  by  outward  caufes  ,  it  is  rather  their  own  ivi//,  than 
bis  own  mil.     Nay  to  let  him  fee  that  the  very  name  o(  free-will  it  felf  is  not  fuch  a. 
itranger  in  Scripture  as  he  imagincth  ,  it  is  called,  a  mans  omt  free  tvill.     How  often, 
do  we  read  in  the  Books  of  Mofes  ,  Ezra  ,  and  t!ie  Pfalms  ,  of  free-will  offerings  >  Ezra  7  i  j 
This  free-will  is  oppofed  notonely  tocompulfion,  but  alfo  to  neceliity  ,  not  of  necef-  Philem:  14 
fity  httt  wiUngly.     And  is  inconfillent  with  cxtrinfecal  determination  to  one,  with 
which  cleftion  of  this  or  that  indifferently  is  incompatible.     Is  not  the  whole  Land 
before  thee  {  faid  Abraham  to  Lot>  )  If  thou  wilt  tal^  the  left  hand,  then  J  will  qp  to  the  G^"-  '3  '  P 
right ;  or  if  thou  depart  to  the  right  hand ,  then  I  will  go  in  the  left.     God  faid  to  Da- 
vid, 1  offer  thee  three  things,   choofe  one  of  them.     And  to  Solomon,  hecaufe   thou  ha\i 
ask^ed  this  thing  ,  and  haft  not  asl^d  Long  Life,  or  riches.     And  Herod  to  his  Daughter, 
Asl\nf  me  whatfoever  thou  wilt.     And  Vilate  to  the  Jews,  whether  of  the  twain  will  ye 
I  releafe  unto  you  >  And  St.  Faitl  unto  the  Corrimhians,  IFlat  will  ye?  (Ijtll  I  come  un- 
to you  with  a  rod,  or  in  Love  ?  Both  were  in  their  choice.     Yet  T.  H.  doth  tell  us  , 
that  all  thefe  were  free  to  do  this  or  that  indifferently,  if  they  would  ,  but  not  free 
to  will.     To  choofe  and  toele<S,  is,  of  all  others  ,  the   moft  proper  aft  of  the 
will.     But  all  thefe  were  free  to  choofe  and  eleft  this  or  that  indifferently  ,  or  elfe 
all  this  were  meer  mockery  :  and  therefore  they  were  free  to  will. 

TheScripture  knoweth  no  extrtnfecal  determiners  of  the  will,but  it  felf  So  it  is  faid 
of  Eli'sSon?;GivefltJh  to  roaftfor  the  Priell,for  he  will  not  have  fodden  flefh  ofthee,but  raw,  i  sam.  »  15 
And  if  thou  wilt  not  give  it,I  will  tak^  it  hy  force.  Sic  volofic  jubeo:  jiatproratione  voluntas. 
Here /was  more  will  than  neceliity.  So  it  is  faid  of  therichmanintheGofpel.Jf^^/>,«// 
do?  ThU  I  will  do,  J  will  pull  down  my  barns  and  build  greater,  and  there  will  I  bejiow  all  ^"^^        ' 
my  ^uits  and  my  goods.     And  I  will  fay  to  my  Soul ,  tal^  thine  eafe  ,'eat,  drink^,  and  be 
merry.     Both  his  purfe  and  perfon  ,  were  under  the  command  of  his  will.     So  St.  j*"^'^  '^ 
James  (aifh  ,  Go  to  now ,  ye  that  fay  to  day  ,  or  to  morrow  we  will  go  into  fuch  a  City,  and 
continue  there  a  year  ,  and  buy  and  fell ,  and  get  gain  :  whereas  ye  Uiiow  not  what  fliall 
be  to  morrow,  &c.  for  that  ye  ought  to  Jay,  if  the  Lord  will,  wejhall  live  ,  and  do  this 
or  that.     The  defed:  was  not  in  their  will  to  refolve  ,  but  in  their  power  to  perform. 
So  T.  H.  his  neceliity  was  their  Liberty ,  and  their  Liberty  was  his  neceliity. 

LalHy  ,  The  Scriptures  teach  us  ,  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  a  man  to  choofe  his 
own  will  for  the  future  5  All  that  thou  commandeft  us  we  will  do.  And  Whither foever  7 -i^'  '  J  6 
thoufendefl  us  We  will  go.  As  We  hearkened  unto  Mofes  in  at  things,  fo  will  Jf'e  hearken 
unto  thee.  So  {kith  St.  Paul ,  What  I  do  ,  that  I  Will  do.  And  in  another  place,  72  C  jr.  n  12 
J  do  rejoyce  ,  and  Twill  rejoyce.  And  they  that  will  be  rich.  When  Chrilt  inquired  of 
hisDifciples  ,  Will  ye  alfo  go  away  ?  According  to  "t.ll.  his  principles  he  fliould  have 
faid  ,  muft  ye  alfo  go  away  .? 

We  have  viewed  his  diftinftion  ,  but  we  have  not  awfwered  hiscomparifon.  Will 
is  an  appetite  :   And  it  is  one  queftion  Whether  he  be  free  to  eat ,  that  hath  an  appetite,  and 
another:  Whether  he  be  free  to  have  an  appetite  >  Comparifons  are  but  a  poor  kind  of 
rcafoning  at  the  belt  ,  which  may  illuftrate   fomething,  but  prove  nothing.     And 
of  all  comparifons  this  is  one  of  the  worft,  which  is  drawn  from  thefenfual  appetite 
to  the  rational  appetite.     The  rational  appetite  and  the  fenfual  appetite ,  are  even  the  rcrfual 
as  like  one  to  another,  as  an  apple  and  an  oyfler.     The  one  is  a  natural  Agent,  the  and  rau'onolj 
other  is  a  free  Agent  i  The  one  afts  neccffarily ,  the  other  afts  contingently,  (I  take  3|^V'r«*ery 
the  word  largely.)     The  one  is  determined  to  one  ,  the  other  is  not  determined  to'  '"^''^°'- 
one  :  The  one  hath  under  God  a  Dominion  over  it  felf,  and  its  own  acts  i  The  o- 
ther  hath  no  dominion  over  it  felf ,  or  its  own  afts.     Even  the  will  it  felf,  when 
it  afts  after  a  natural  manner  ,  (  which  is  but  rarely  ,  in  feme  extraordinary  cafts , 
as  in  the  appetite  of  the  chiefcll  good  being  ftilly  revealed  ,  or  in  a  Panicil  tcrrour, 
which  ad  mittech  no  deliberation  j  afts  not   freely,   but  neceffarily.     How  much 
mor:  muft  Agents  meerly  natural ,  which  have  neither  reafon  to  deliberate  ,  nor  do^ 
minion  or  Liberty  toeleft  ,  aft  neceffarily  and  determinately  ?  So  toanfwera  com- 

parifon. 


7^o 


C  alii  gat  Ions  of 


TOME   III. 


An  Anfcecr 
to  his  foun- 
tains of  Ar- 
guments in 

this  queflion. 


Mr.  Hobi  his 
i-  louriftl 


His  prefumprj. 
on. 


parifon,  with  a  coinparifon  ,  his  Argument  is  )\x[\  fuch  another  as  this  i  The  Gally- 
llave  which  is  chained  to  the  oar,  is  a  man,  as  well  as  the  Pilot  that  fits  at  the  Stern, 
therefore  the  Gally-ilave  hath  as  much  dominion  in  the  (hip  as  the  Pilot ,  and  is  as 
free  to  turn  it  hitlier  and  thither.  So  falls  this  dreadful  engine  all  in  pieces  ,  which 
(hould  have  battered  down  the  Fort  of  Liberty. 

His  gentle  reprehenfion  ,  That  if  I  have  not  been  able  '^to-  diflinguijh  between  thefe 
two  quejiioHS  ,  I  have  not  done  well  to  meddle  rcith  either.  And  if  I  have  underjiood  them 
I  have  dealt  uningenioufly  and  fraudulently  ,  would  better  become  me  ,  who  defend 
Liberty,  thin  him  who  fuppofeth  an  irrelilUbleneeellity  of  all  events.  If  he  think 
I  have  not  done  well ,  yet  according  to  his  own  grounds,  he  mayrather  blame  the 
caufes  that  do  necelfitateme  ,  than  blame  me,  who  am  irrefiltibly  neceliitated  to 
do  what  I  do.  fraud  and  deceit  have  no  place  in  necefi'ary  Agents ,  who  can  do 
no  otnerwifc  than  they  do.  He  might  as  well  accufc  the  Sea  to  have  dealt  fraudu- 
lently witii  him ,  bfcaufe  he  miftook  the  tide  ,  and  could  not  pafs  over  the  Foard  at 
an  high  Water ,  as  he  purpofed.  Such  is  the  power  of  truth,  that  it  comes  to  light 
many  times  when  it  is  not  fought  for.  He  doth  fee  in  part  already  that  I  underfiand 
the  vanity  of  his  diftindtion  :  and  (hall  fee  it  better  yet  before  this  Treatife  be  ended. 
Yet  if  1  would  be  fo  courteous  as  to  forgive  him  all  this ,  this  diftindtion  would  not 
prejudice  me.  The  places  of  Scripture  alledged  by  me  in  my  former  defence,  do 
notonely  prove  that  a  man  is  free  to  do  if  he  wilh  but  much  more  ,  that  a  man 
is  free  to  choofe  and  to  tXidi ,  that  is  much  as  to  fay  ,  as  to  tfill^  and  determin 
it  fclf. 

It  is  a  certain  rule,  contraries  being  placed  one  beftdes  another  ,  do  appear  much  more 
clearly.    He  who  defires  to  fatisfie  his  judgement  in  this  controverfie,  muft  compare 
our  writings  one  with  another  without  partiality  ,  the  arguments,  andanfwers,and 
pretended  abfurdities  on  both  fides.     But  T.  H.  (ecketh  to  ingratiate  himfclf  and  his 
caufe  before  hand  i  and  ,  if  it  be  pollible,  to  anticipate  and  preoccupate  the  judge- 
ments of  his  readers ,  with  a  flouri(h  or  prxludium ,  under  the  fpecious  name  of 
Fountains  of  Arguments.     So  before  a  ferious  War ,  Cities  u(e  to  perfonate  their  ad- 
adverfe  party  ,   and  feign  mock-combats  and  skirmi(hes,  to  encourage  their  friends 
wherein  (you  may  be  fure  )  their  own  fide  fliall  conquer.     As  Players  make  their 
Little  puppets  prate  and  aft  what  they  plea(e  ,  and  (tand  or  fall  as  they  Lend  them 
motion:  Which  brings  to  my  mind  ,  the  Lions  anfwer  in  the  Fable ,  when  the  pi- 
fture  of  a  man  beating  a  Lion  was  produced  to  him  •,  1/  a  Lion  had  made  this  piUure^ 
he  Would  have  made  the  Lion,  aboue  and  the  man  beneath.    It  is  a  fufEcient   anfwer  to 
this  Prologue,  That  Mr.  Hobs  (  thatis  an  Adverfary  Jmade  it. 
Nihil  ejl  ,  quin  male  narrando  pojfit   depravarier. 
what  had  he  to  do  to  urge  arguments  for  me?  or  to  give  (blutions  for  mc  ?  or  to 
pre(s  the  inconveniences  and  abfurdities  which  flow  from  fatal  deftiny  on  my  behalf? 
I  gave  him  no  commiflion.     I  need  none  of  his  help  i   yet   by  this  perfonated 
conflict  ,    he   hoped  to  have  ftolen  an  eafie  vitSory ,  without  either  bloud  or 
(weat. 

I  will  not  tire  out  my  (elf,  and  the  Reader  ,  with  the  fuperfluous  repetition  of 
thofe  things  which  we  (hall  meet  with  again  much  more  opportunely  in  their  pro- 
per places.  Some  Authors  are  Like  tho(e  people  :  Who  meafuring  all  others 
by  themfelves,  believe  nothing  is  well  underltood  ,  until  1  it  be  repeated  over  and 
over  again. 

^i  nihil  alios  credunt  inteVigere ,  nifi  idem  di&um  fit  centies. 
But  whatfoever  is  new  in  this  preface  ,  if  it  have  but  any  one  grain  of  weight,  I 
wilt  not  fail  to  cxamin  and  anfwer  it  ,  either  here  or  there. 

And  firl\ ,  I  cannot  choofe  but  wonder  at  his  confidence,  that  a  fingle,  perfon 
who  never  took  degree  in  Schools ,  that  Ihave  heard  of,  (  except  if  were  by  chance 
in  Malmesbury  )  fliouid  fo  much  (leight,  not  only  all  the  Scholars  of  this 
prefentAge,  but  all  the  F^fcer/ ,  School.men,  and  old  Philofophers ,  which  I  dare 
fay  he  hath  notftudied  much,  and  forgcthimfelf  fofar,  as  to  deny  all  their  autho- 
rities at  oncci  if  they  give  not  him  fatisfadtion,  to  make  his  private  and  crafie  judg- 
ment to  be  the  flandard  and  feal  of  truth,  and  himfelfan  Univerfal  Didfatour  a- 
mong  Schollars ,  to  plant  and  to  pull  up ,  to  reform  and  new  modell  ■■,  or  rather 

turn 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  Hobs' s   Ammadi/erfians.  j^i 

turn  uplidc  down  ,  Theology  ,  Philofophy  ,  Morality  ,  and  all  other  Arts  and  Sci- 
ences ,  which  lie  is  pleafed  to  favour  lo  iriiich ,  as  not  to  eradicate  ,  or  pluck 
up  root  and  branch  ,  as  it  he  was  one  ot"  ji.fops  fellows  ,  who  could  do  all 
things,  and  fay  all  things.  He  is  not  the  rirll  man  in  the  World,  who  hath  loft 
hiirilelt  by  grafping  and  ingroliing  too  much.  He  mentioncth  the  Scrip- 
tures indeed,  but  his  meaning  is  to  be  the  Sok  interpreter  of  t!iem  hi  m  felt , 
without  any  refped  to  the  perpetual  and  univerfal  Tradition  of  the  Catholick- 
Church  ,  or  the  fenfe  of  all  ancient  cxpofitors.  Well  for  once,  I  will  forbear  all 
the  advantage  which  I  have  from  the  Authority  of  Councils,  Fathers  ,  Schoolmen 
and  Philofophers  ,  and  meet  him  lingly  at  his  own  weapon  ,  yet  with  this  prote- 
liation,t!i3t  if  he  vajue  his  own  fingle  judgment  above  all  theirs,  he  comes  within. the 
compafsot  SAjmons  ccnfure  ,  Seeii  thou  a  man  Wife  in  his  orvn  eyes  ?  there  is  more 
hope  of  a  Fool  than  of  him. 

Hetelleth  us ,  that  the  attributes  of  God  are  oblations  given  only  for  honor  ,  but  m 
fufficiettt  premifes  to  infer  truth  ^  or  convince  faljhood.  Let  them  be  oblations  ,  or  Sa- 
crifices oi  praife  if  he  will  •,  but  are  they  notLikewife  truths?  hath  not  God  given  "^''^  attribures 
the  fame  atrributes  to  himfelf  every  where  in  holy  Scripture  ?  Doth  God  Itand  in  of Goil  Argu 
need  of  a  Lie  ,  to  uphold  his  honour  ?  It  is  true  ,  they  are  not  perfedly  conceive-  "^^°"^'^^' 
able  by  mortal  man.Thegoodnefs,  and  ju(Tice,and  mercy,  and  truth  of  God  are  tran- 
fcendent  above  thegoodnefs,  and  )uftice,and  mercy,and  truth  of  men,  and  of  a  quite 
dilferent  nature  from  theiii  ;  As  St.  Aujiin  faid  ,  God  is  good  without  quality  ,  oreat 
rpithout  quantity  ,  a  Creator  veithout  indigence  ,  every  where  without  place,  eiernjl  with  ■ 
out  time.  But  yet  we  do  underfrand  thefe  attributes  fo  far,  as  to  remove  from  God  all 
contrary  imperfeftions.  He  that  is  good  ,  or  goodnefs  it  felf  cannot  bethe  Author 
of  evil.  He  that  is  true  or  truth  it  felf,  cannot  Lye  or  diffemble.  He  that  is  mer- 
ciful or  mercy  it  felf,  cannot  be  guilty  of  Tyranny  or  cruel.  He  that  is  juft  or  ju- 
Itice  it  felf,  cannot  do  unjuft  adions.  And  thus  far  the  attributes  of  God  are  ar- 
guiTieiitative  ,  That  be  far  from  thee  ,  to  flay  the  righteous  with  the  JVicl^d,  Shall  nal  the 
Judge  of  all  the  earth  do  right  ? 

I  come  now  to  his  Texts  of  Scripture  ,  and  firrt  to  thofe  which  he  faith  do  make  ^*"'  ^^  *5 
for  him :   To  which  I  anfwcr ,  firlf  in  General ,  That  there  is  not  one  of  them  all  His  Texts  of 
pertinent  to  the  prefent  queftion  ,  they  concern  qot  true   Liberty   from  extrinfecal  Scripture citeci 
necelfity  ,  but  the  power  of  free  will  in  moral  and  fupernatural  adls  ,  wherein  we  Jnipertintntly 
acknowledge,  that  the  will  of  man    hath   not  power  to  dctermin  it  felf  aright , 
without  the  alliftance  of  Grace:  His  Arguments  tend  rather  to  prove  that  God  is 
the  Author  of  fin  ,  or  that  he  faves  men  without  their  own  endeavours,  than  to 
difprove  true  Liberty. 

Secondly,  I  anfwer,  that  though  his  allegations  were  pertinent ,  yet  they  come 
all  (hort  of  hisconclufion  :   He  fhould  prove  that  all  adtsoffree  Agents   are  nccef- 
fitated  antecedently  ,   and  extrinfecally  :  andhe  endeavoureth  onely  to  prove    that 
fome  particular  a6ts  of  fome  particular  perfons  were  notfree  from  necelfity.     W'liicli 
Theliswe  do  not  fimply  difapprove  ,  though  we  dillike  his  inftances.  God  may  and 
doth  fometimes  extraordinarily  determin  the  will  of  man  to  onei  but  when  it  is  fo 
determined,the  Ad  may  be  voluntary,  not  free:  fo  he  concludeth  not  contradidonly. 
Concerning  his  places  in  particular.  To  his  rtrft  place  Gen.  45.  5.  I  anfwer,  that 
we  ought  to  dirtinguifh  between  the  adion  of  Jofephs  Brethren  which  was  evil , 
and  the  pallion  of  Jofeph  which  was  good.     God  willed  and  predefined  the  fuffer-  ■^"  '"^^/g"'-- 
ings  of  Jofeph  ,  and  difpofed  them  to  his  own  Glory  ,  and  the  good  of  his  Church.  Scn>uie'an 
God  fent    jofeph  before  :  how  ^  difpofitively  ,  10  preferve  life.     But   he  willed  not,  fwcicc'.. 
nor  predefined  the  adion  of  his  Brethren  ,  otherwife  than  permilljvely ,  or  at  the 
moR  occafionally  ,  by  doing  good  ^    which  they  made  an  occafion  of  doing  evil , 
or  in  refped  of  the  order  of  their  evil  ad.  The  very  fame  anfwer  ferveth  to  Ads  2. 
23.  and  ACis  4.  27.  28. 

To  his  inflances  of  Gods  hardening  the  heart ,  Exod.  7.  5.  and  Veut.  2.  50.  and 
to  Kom.  9.  \6,  he  hatli  had  a  large  anfwer  in  my  former  defence. 

To  Shimeis  curfing  Vavid  ^  2.  Sam.  id.  10.  1  anfwer  three  ways  :  firft,  tliat 
God  is  often  faid  to  do  ,  or  will  thofe  things ,  which  he  doth  only  vvill  to  permit, 
and  dtfpofc.     All  that  was  sided  againft  Job  ,  is  afcribed  to  God,  the  L^rd  hath  ^j^^j^  ^^ 

tah- 


74' 


Cafiigations  of  T  O  M  E  11 1. 


t     arpM  •  yet  it  is  as  clear  as  the  Noon-day  fun.  That  Gods  concurrence  in   the 
detamination  oijoht  fufferings ,  in  refpeci  oi Satan,  was  onely  permifwe.    Second- 
^"^'^  *^        Iv  God  wasthecaufe  of  Schimis  cutCmg  Vavid  occafionally  ,  by   affliding  Vavid 
ior  his  fins  ,  which  expofed  hitn  to  Shimeis  curfes.     So  we  fay  ^occafwn  tnak^s  a  thief, 
zn^  aiits  blind  the  eyes  of  the  wife.     Thirdly,  God  was   the  caufe  ni  Shimeis  cur- 
ling Vctvid  ,  not  as  the  Author  of  that  evil  but  as  the  Author  of  the  order  in  evil , 
that  is  by  retraining  Shttnea  malice  from  breaking  out  at  other  times,  and  in  another 
manner  and  Letting  him  Loofe  to  vent  hisindidive  thoughts  at  that  time  ,  in  that 
manner!  So  he  who  (huts  all  the  Doors  and  Windows  in  a  Chamber,  and  Leaves  on- 
ly  one  open ,  is  in  fome  fort ,  the  caufe  why  a  defperate  perfon  throws  himfclf 
down  headlong  from  that  Window  ,  rather  than  from  another.     In  the  fame  fenfc, 
the  caufe  of  Kehoboams  obftinacy  is  faid  to  be  from  the  Lord  ,  i  Kings  12.  15.  God 
is  not  obliged  to  confer  prudence  and  other  favours  upon  undeferving  perfons.     So 
Likewife  God  is  faid  to  Lay  a  ftumbling  block  before  a  Wicked  perfon  ,  Ezek^  3. 20 
and  therefore  this  note  thence ,  that  the  fins  of  the  Wicked  are  not  the  caufe  of  their  p«- 
?»;/;;!>«<■«*,  is  a  meer  collulion.     The  order  in  evil  is  Gods,  the  fins  are  their    own. 
what  he  obje(fieth  out  of  Job  12.  14.  d^c.  and  Likewife  out  oiJfaiah  10.  6.  concern- 
ing the  King  ofAjJyria,  deferveth  no  anfwer.     God  may  freely  and  juftly  withdraw 
his  protection  and  his  other  graces  and  favours  from  his  Creatures  ,  and  leave  them 
to  be  afflided  for  their  offences  by  evil  Agents  and  Inftruments,  and  difpofe  the  fins 
of  others  to  be  their  punifhments  ,  without  necelHtating  them  to  Ads  morally  evil. 
Job  is  as  far  from  difputing  ourqueftion  in  that  place,  as  thefe  places  by  himallcdgcd 
are  from  making  God  the  author  of  evil  bya  Phyfical  determination. 

The  Prophet  Jeremy  faith  .•  Jer.  10.  23.  0  Lord  ,  J  jyjon'  that  the  way  0/  man  is 
not  in  himfelf ,  it  is  not  in  man  that  tvalk^th  to  direS  hit  fiefs.  Moft  true  ,  man  is  not 
ftcured  from  danger  by  his  own  Wifdom  and  care ,  but  by  Gods  providence  and 
protedion,  not  preferved  from  all  fin  and  utter  deftrudion  by  the  power  of  his  own 
free  will,  but  by  thefpecial  grace  of  God  ,  which  doth  freely  prevent  us,  purfue 
us,  excite  us ,  adift  us,  operate  in  us  ,  cooperate  with  us ,  by  permanent  habits  , 
by  tranfient  motions,  fufficinetly ,  effedualy,  according  to  his  good  plealure,  whofe 
Grace  isthe  onely  Fountain  of  falvation.  If  we  fancied  an  all-fufficient  or  inde^ 
pendant  power  to  our  felves ,  this  text  were  to  the  purpofe  i  now  it  fignifies  no- 
thing. 

Our  Saviour  faith ,  John  6. 44.  No  man  can  come  unto  me  except  the  Father  which 
hathfent  me  dran>  him.  Scii  tujimulare  cuprejjum,  quid  hoc }  He  knows  how  to  paint 
a  Cyprefs  tree ,  but  what  is  that  to  the  queflion  of  Liberty  and  necellity  :  The  com- 
ing unto  Chrift  is  a  fupernatural  adion  ,  and  requireth  the  preventing  or  pre- 
paring Grace  of  God  ,  which  is  called  his  fathers  drarving.  But  this  drawing  is  not 
fuch  a  Phyfical  determination  of  the  will ,  as  to  defiroy  Liberty  in  the  very  ad  of 
converfion,  but  an  inward  calling  in  an  opportune  time,  a  perfwading  of  the  heart 
an  inlightning  of  the  mind,  an  infpiring  of  the  feed  of  good  defires,  yet  withal  , 
Leaving  to  the  will  its  natural  freedom  to  eled  ,  and  will  adualy ,  and  to  confent 
to  the  calling  of  God  ,  that  Is  to  predetermin  it  felf  by  the  power  of  Grace. 

To  I  Cor,  4. 7.  I  anfwer,  whether  we  underftand  the  Text  of  faving  grace  ,  or 
of  graces  freely  given,  both  ways  it  is  the  grace  of  God  that  makes  the  difcrimina- 
tion.  But  all  the  debate  is  of  the  manner  how  it  is  made  ,  whether  morally  by 
perfwafion  ,  or  Phyfically  by  the  determination  of  the  will  to  one,  and  deftroying 
the  Liberty  of  it.  Of  which  This  Text  is  filent. 

The  next  place,  i.  Cor.  12.  6.  is  underftood  of  tho(e  miraculous  Graces  freely 
given  ,  fuch  as  the  gift  of  tongues  ,  of  healing,  ofProphecyiiig  ,  &c.  and  if  it  were 
underftood  of  faving  Grace ,  yet  itdidnotat  all  exclude  our  cooperation.     The 
fame  Apoflle  who  teacheth  us ,  that  it  is  God  Who  Work^th  in  us  both  to  rvill  and  to  do 
of  his  good  pleafure,  in  the  fame  place  exhorteth  us  to  work  out  our  own  Salvation  JFith  ■ 
fear  and  trembling.     God  worketh  in  us  both  the  will  and  the  deed  ,  not  by  Phyfical  1 
Phil.  2  u       determination  of  the  will,  not  by  dcfiroying  the  nature  of  his  Creature ,  but  fwcet- ; 
13  ly  ,  morally  ,   by  illumination,  perfwafion  and  infpiration. 

We  are  faid  to  be  the  IForkptanlhip  of  Cod  Created  in  Chrift  Jefus  unto  gncd  JVorkj 
2.  'Eph.  10.  becaufc  without  Chrifi  we  can  do  nothing.    No  man  can  have  the  ar 


a> 


I 


i\ 


Discourse  1 1,  Mr.  Hobs'x  Animadvir^ions.  y» 


o 


(ftua!  Will  to  believe  and  to  b:  converted  ,  but  by  the  preventing  Grace  of  God. 
Our  indeavours  are  in  vain  ,  except  he  help  them  ,  and  none  at  all  except  he  ex- 
cite them.  Gods  calling  and  illumination,  and  infpiration  is  not  in  our  power  i 
and  we  are  brought  by  his  Grace,  as  it  were  from  nothing,  to  a  new  being  in  Chriftj 
in  which  refpedt  a  regenerated  Chtirtian  is  called  a  neiv  Creature.  Metaphors  do 
not  hold  in  all  things  >  when  David  prayed  ,  Create  in  me  a  new  heart ,  0  Lord,  his 
meaning  was  not  that  his  heart  fliould  be  annihilated,  and  a  new  fubftance  created 
but  to  have  his  heart  purged  and  cleanfed. 

The  main  body  of  his  Forces  is  difperfed ,  yet  bis  referve  remains  untouched  i 
even  all  the  places  ,  that  mak^  Gad  the  giver  of  aV  graces ,  and  wherein  men  are  faid  to 
be  dead  in  fin  ,  fjr  by  all  thefe  (  faith  he  )  it  is  manifeji  ,  that  although  a  man  may  live 
holily  if  he  will ,  yet  to  tpHUs  the  JVork^pfGod,  and  not  eligible  by  man.  Let  him  re- 
duce his  Argument  into  what  form  he  will  ,  there  is  more  in  the  conclufion  ,  than 
in  the  premifes  i  namely,  thcCe  wovds  ,  and  not  eligible  by  man.  Who  ever  argued 
from  the  pofition  of  the  principal  caufe  ,•  to  the  removal  of  all  Second  Agents  and 
means  >  It  is  moft  true  ,  that  all  Grace  is  from  God^  but  it  is  moltfalfe  ,  that  God 
hath  not  given  man  a  will  to  receive  it  freely.  This  is  plain  boyes  play ,  to  jump  over 
the  backs  of  all  Second  caufes.  As  all  Grace  is  from  God ,  fo  the  eledive  power  to 
aflent  to  the  Motions  of  Grace  is  from  God  Likewife.  To  (hew  him  the  weak- 
nefs  ofhisconfequence,  he  argueth  thus  ,  All  Light  is  from  the  Sun,  therefure  , 
though  a.  man  may  fee  if  he  will  open  his  eyes  ,  yet  to  open  his  eyes  is  the  work  of 
God  ,  and  not  eligible  by  man. 

It  is  ufual  in  Scripture  ,   to  call  an  habitual  finner  a  dead  man ,  but  it  is  a  Weak  How  Sioners 
Argument  which  is  drawn  from  a  Metaphor  ,  beyond  the  fcopeof  hirnthat  ufeth  it ;  ^^1^^^°^^ 
and  if  it  be  infifted  upon  too  much  ,   involves  men  in  palpable  contradidtions  ,   as     ^ 
not  to  Ikp  afide  from  the  fame  metaphor  ,  "This  thy  Brother  ppos  dead ,  and  is  alive  a-    .  ,       ^ 
gain,  and  was  loji  and  U  found.     If  he  was  but  Loft,  then  he  was  not  abfblutely     "      ' 
dead  :  If  he  was  abfolutely  dead,  then  he  was  more  than  Loft,     So  in  another  place,  ^pf>,^  14 
Jwak^  thou  that  fleepeji ,  and  arife  from  the  dead.     To  fleep  and  to  be  dead  are  incon- 
fiftcnt  :  but  fleep  is  an  Image  of  death.     So  is  idlenefs.  Hie  fitut  efi  vaccia^   Here 
lyeth  Vaccia  ,  was  written  upon  an  idlepcrlbns  door.     So  isold  Age  ,  He  confidered  Ram,^ig 
not  his  own  body  now  dead ,  nor  the  deadnefs  of  Sarahs  Womb.     So  is  habitual  fin  ,  And  Efh.  5  14 
you  hath  he    quickened  ,  Who  were  dead  in  trefiafies  andfms.  In  fum,  wherefoever  there 
is  no  appearance  of  Life  (as  in  the  trees  in  Winter)  there  is  an  Image  of  death. 

To  Leave  Metaphors  this  death  in  fin  is  not  a  natural ,  but  a  fpiritual  death  , 
and  therefore  no  utter  extinction  of  the  natural  powers  and  faculties  of  a  man.  Such 
are  the  underftanding  and  the  Will ,  which  though  they  were  much  weakened  by 
the  k\\  oi' Adam  ,  yet  they  were  not,  they  are  not  utterly  extind,  either  by  ori- 
ginal oradtual  fin,  but  being  excited  ,  and  as  it  were,  enlivened  by  preventing  grace 
they  may  and  do  become  fubfervient  to  grace  •,  the  underftanding  being  illuminated 
by  thofe  raies  of  Heavenly  Light,  and  the  will  enabled  to  conlent  as  freely  to  the 
motions  of  Grace  ,  in  fupernatural  acts  ,  as  it  did  formerly  to  .the  dictates  of  reafon 
n  natural  and  civil  acts.  So  every  way  T.  H.  is  gone.  Firft  the  will  is  able  and  free 
'without  preventing  grace ,  to  determin  it  felf  in  natural  and  Civil  acts ,  Which  is 
.enough  to  prove  my  intention  ,  againft  the  univcrfal  necellity  of  all  events.Secondly 
jthe  Will  being  excited  and  aiiifted  by  grace  ,  hath  power  to  put  in  practice  its  natu- 
Iral  freedom  in  fupernatural  acts  :  astoconfent  to  the  motions  of  Grace  and  to  reject 
!the  fuggeftions  of  theflefti  and  the  Devil,  without  any  Phyfical  determination  of  it 
ifelf  without  it  felf.  Even  as  the  dead  body  of  Abraham  ,  and  the  dead  Womb  of 
'Sarah  ,  being  ,  as  it  were  ,  new  quickened  by  God ,  did  truly  beget  Ifaac-,  fo  even 
in  the  act  of  Converfion  it  felf,  the  Will  is  free  from  Phyfical  determination. 

That  Phyfical  determination  of  all  caufes  and  events  whatfoever  to  one,  by  an  out-        . 
ward   flux  of  natural    caufes,    which  T.   H.    maintains,   doth    as    much     ne-  fVerto  wUr 
cellitate  aU  the  actions  of  free  Agents  as  their  Wills ,   or  more  i  becaufe  volition  is  than  to  do 
an  inward  immediate  act  of  the  vvill,  but  all  other  acts  of  free  Agents  are  external 
and  mediate  acts  of  the  Will ,  over  which  the  will  hath  not  fo  abfolute  a  dominion 
as  over  the  volition  :   whence  it  followeth  irrefragably ,  that  if  there  be  no  freedom, 
to  will ,  much  Lefs  istliere  a  freedom  to  do.     He  faith  a  man  may  Live  holily  if  be  ^-, 

S  f  f  f  tPiV 


744 


Cafiigations  of  T  Q  M  E  1 1 1. 


bnt  io  wilt  if  the  work^ofGod,  and  not  eligible  by  man.  Can  a  man  then  Live 
rjj]  witliout  the  Grace  of  God>  Or  is  not  an  Holy  Life  the  work  of  God  as  much 
as  a  Sanctified  will.  If  he  cannot  (hew  this ,  Let  him  never  mention  this  vain  di- 
ftin(ftion  any  more  ,  of  freedom  to  do ,  wkhont  freedom  to  mil.  May  not  a  man  be 
fobold  to  put  himhim(elf  in  mind  of  that  Jargon,  which  he  ob)cdcd  to  the  School- 
men  unlels  perhaps  he  thinks  nonfenfc  is  more  intelligible  in  Englijh  than  in  Latin. 
Hitherto  I  have  traced  7.  H.  his  llcps  ,  though  he  be  wandred  quite  out  of  the 
Lills  or  rather,  in  plain  terms,  fled  away  from  his  caufe,  to  take  fanftuary  un- 
der the  Sacred  name  of  Gods  Grace  ,  Which  will  afford  no  (heltcr  for  his  errour. 
Our  queftion  was  not  about  the  concurrence  of  Grace  and  free-will  in  the  converlion 
of  a  finner ,  but  meerly  about  the  Liberty  or  necellity  of  all  natural  and  civil  events : 
when  he  hath  acquitted  himfelf  Like  a  man  in  the  former  caufc,  then  he  is  free  to 
undertake  the  Second. 

The  next  colk(ftion  is  of  fuch  places  of  Scripture  as  fay  there  is  eledion,  of  whicli 
"f  ^ ''*^°do  con  2'.  H.  is  pleafed  to  affirm  ,  ihzi  they  ma)ii  equally  jar  him  and  me.  I  do  not  blame 
fi)Khimunan-  him  if  hedefire  that  all  places  which  maintain  eledion,  and  that  all  natural  and  civil 
fwerably  events,{hould  quite  be  fequeftred  from  this  controverlie.For  it  is  not  pollible  to  recon- 

cile fhefe  places  with  fatal  necefllty.     All  choife  or  eleftion  is  of  more  than  one, 
but  there  can  be  no  chcife  of  more  than  one  ,  where  there  is  an  cxtrinfecal  determi- 
nation of  all  particular  events  with  all  their  circumftances ,  inevitably  ,    irrefinibly 
to  one,  by  a  flux  of  natural  caufes.     So  they  Leave  no  manner  of  Eledlion  at  all,  no 
more  freedom  tochoofe  a  mans  aftions,  than  to  choofe  liis  will,     But  all  thefe  pla- 
ces ,  and  many  more,  prove  exprelly  ,  that  a  roan  is  free,  not  only  to  adt  if  he 
will ,  but  to  will.  The  reafon  is  evident ,  becaufc  to  choofe  is  to  will ,  the  proper 
elicite  ,  immediate  a(ft  of  the  will ,  and  to  chofe  one  thing  before  another ,  is  no- 
thing elfe  ,  but  to  will  one  thing  before  another.     But  all  thefe  places ,  and  many 
more ,  prove  cxprefly  ,  that  a  man  isfree  ,  not  onely  to  do  if  he  will,  but  to  will  .*, 
The  reafon  is  evident ,  becaufe  to  choofe  is  to  will  ,  the  proper,  elicite,  immediate 
aft  of  the  will  ,  and  tochoofe  one  thing  before  another,  is  nothing  elfe,  but  to  wiH 
one  thing  before  another.     But  all  thefe  fay  ,  that  a  m.an  is  free  to  choofe ,  that  is  to 
will  one  thing  before  another,  Choofe  L//f,faith  one  place,c/;ofl/?  vphom ye  vpiH ferve, Ci\i\\\ 
Defence,  No,  a  fccond  place  :  cfcoo/eoOT  o/«fcrff ,  faith  a  third  places  and  fo  of  the  reft.     But  I 
^  T    9  have  prcfled  thefe  places  formerly  ,  and  fiiall  do  farther  ,  if  there  be    occafion. 

His  third  fort  of  Texts  ,  are  tho(e  which  ftem  to  make  for  meagainft  him.    But 

I  am  at  age  to  choofe  and  urge  mine  own  argumentcs  for  rriy  felf ,  and  cannot  want 

weapons  in  this  caufe.  Therefore  he  may  forbear  fuch  a  thanklefs  Office.  He  telleth 

.jfj        us  of  a  great  apparent  contradiUion  ,  between  the  firft  fort  of  Texts  ,  and  the  Laft  i 

wornHeththe   hut  being  both  Scripture  they  may  and  muji  be  reconciled.     This  is  firft  to  wound  the 

Scriprur^  "."f'  credit  of  the  Scriptures,  and  then  to  give  them  a  plaifler.     The  fuppofed  contradi- 

ther  e'veth  it    jj^jon  is  in  his  own  fanfie.     Let  him  take  them  according  to  the  Analogy  of  Faith  , 

a  plaifter,        in  that  fenfe  wherein  the  Church  hath  ever  taken  them  ,  and  there  is  no  (hew   of 

contradiftion.     7he  Scriptures  confijis  not  i»  the  Words  ,  hut  in  the  fenfe  ,  not  in  the 

out  fide  hut  in  the  marrow. 

He  demands  ,  Whether  the  felling  of  Jofeph  did  follctv  JnfaUibly  and  inevitably  upon 

Gods  pre         the  permijjion  of  God  ?  I  anfwer  ,  if  weconfider  Gods  permillion  alone,  neither  in- 

fciencedoth      evitably  nor  infallibly :  If  weconfider  his  permiflion  joyntly  with  his  prcfcicnce, 

net  necefsitate  ^j^^^    Infallibly ,  but  not    inevitably.     Foreknowledge    doth    no    more   necelli- 

tate  events  to  cometo  pafs,  than  after-knowledge.Gods  prefcience  did  no  more  make 

Judof  his  reafon  inevitable  to  him ,  than  my  remembrance  now  of  what  was  done 

yeftcrday  ,  did  make  it  inevitable  then  to  him  that  3idit. 

V    IS  Infal  H^  urgeth  farther  ,  So  the  prefcience  of  Cod  might  have  been  frustrated  by  the  Liber' 

ible»         '     iy  of  human  rviV.     I  anfwer  nothing  left.     The  natures  and  effences  of  all  things 

come  to  pafs,  becaufe  they  were  foreknown  by  God,   whofe  knowledge  was  the 

diredive  caufe  of  them.     But  the  Acts  and  operations  of  free  Agents  are  therefore 

foreknown  ,  becaufe  they  will  come  to  pafs.     If  any  thing  fhould  come  to  pafs  o- 

therwife,  God  had  foreknown  from  Eternity  ,  that  it  fhould  have  come  to  pafs  o- 

therwife  ,  becaufe  his  infinite  underllanding  doth  encompafsall  times  and  all  events 

in  the  inflant  of  Eternity.     And  confequently  he  beholds  all  things  part  ,  prefent . 

and 


Discourse  II.  Mr.  Hoh:,'f  Animadverftons.  -,.- 

and  to  come ,  as  prefcnt.  And  therefore  ,  Leaving  thofe  forms  of  Speech  ,  which 
are  accommodated  to  us  and  our  capacities,  Tofpeak  properly  there  is  neither  fore- 
knowledge nor  afterknowledgc  in  God,  who  neither  knows  one  thing  after  another 
nor  one  thing  by  dcdudtion  from  another. 

He  asks ,  JVbethtr  the  treachery  and  fratricide  of  Joftphs  Brethren  pare  r.o  fin  ?  I 
anfwer  ,  yesi  and  therefore  it  was  not  from  God  pofitively ,  but  permillivcly,  and 
difpofitively  >  1e  thought  evil  againfl  me ,  but  God  meant  it  itntJ  good  ,  to  fave  much 
people  alive.  But  (  he  urgeth  )  JufepbCM,  Be  not  grieved,  nor  angry  veith your  felver  Gen,%o  10 
that  ye  fold  me  hither  :  Ought  not  a  man  to  be  grieved  and  angry  with  himfelf for  finning? 
Yes  ,  but  p-nitcnt  tinners  fuch  as  Jofephs  brethren  were  ,  have  great  caufe  of  joy 
and  comfort ,  wlien  they  underltand  that  God  hath  difpofcd  their  iin  to  his  Glory  , 
their  own  good  ,  and  the  benefit  of  others. 

He  demands  farther ,  Voth  God  barely  permit  corporal  motions,  and  neither  veil!  them , 
nor  >iill  them  ?  Or  hon>  is  God  the  caufe  of  the  motion,  and  the  caufe  of  the  Larv  ,  yet  not 
of  the  irregularity  .<*  It  were  a  much  readier  way  to  tell  us  at  once  diredtly ,  That  ei- 
ther there  is  no  tin  in  the  World  ,  or  that  God  is  the  Author  of  Sin  ,  than  to  be 
continually  beating  the  bufh  after  this  manner.  But  I  anfwer,  All  corporal  motion 
in  general ,  is  from  God  ,  not  onely  permilhvely ,  but  alfo  caufall  i  that  is,  by  a 
general  influence  ,  but  not  by  a  fpecial  influence.The  fpecifical  determination  of  this 
good  general  power  to  evil ,  is  from  the  free  Agent,  who  thereby  doth  become  the 
cau(e  of  the  irregularity.  There  is  no  contrariety  between  motion  in  general  ,  and 
the  Law  ,  but  between  the  adlual  and  determinate  abufe  of  this  good  Locomitive 
power,  and  the  Law. 

He  demands  ,  Whether  the  nece^ty  of  hardnefl  of  heart  he  not  as  eafily  derived  from 
Gods  permijfion  ,  that  is  from  his  tvithholding  his  grace ,  as  from  bit  pofuive   decree  ?   Hardnefs  of  ^ 
This  queftion  is  propofed  in  a  confufed  blundering  manner  ,  without  decliring  di-  ved  from  Gods 
ftindtly  ,  what  grace  he  meaneth.     1  anfwer  two  ways.     Firft  ,  We  are  to  diltin-  permifficn 
guifh  between  a  neceiiity  of  confequence ,  or  an  infallibility,  and  a  neceffity  of 
confequent  or  a  caufal  neccflity  :  Suppofing  ,  but  not  granting ,  that  hardnefs  of 
heart  is  as  infallibly  derived  from  the  one,  as  from  the  other  ,  yet  not  Co  caufally, 
nor  fo  culpably   in  refpedt  of  God  ,  who  is  not  obliged  in  jullice  to  give  his  free 
Grace  to  his  creature  :  but  he  is  obliged  by  the  rule  of  hij  own  juftice  ,  not  to  de- 
termin  his  own  creature  to  evil ,  and  then  punilh  him  for  the  fame  evil. 

Secondly  I  anfwer  ,  that  even  this  fuppofed  neceffity  of  infallibility  can  no  way 
be  imputed  to  God  ,  who  never  forfakes  his  creature  by  withholding  his  grace  from 
him  ,  until  his  creature  have  firlt  forfaken  him ;  who  never  forfakes  his  creatnre  Co 
far  ,  but  that  he  may  by  Prayers  ,  and  ufing  good  indeavours  ,  obtain  the  aid  of 
Gods  grace ,  either  to  prevent  or  remove  hardnefs  of  heart.  When  God  created 
man  ,  he  made  him  in  fuch  a  condition,  that  he  did  not  need  fpecial  exciting  grace 
to  the  determination  of  his  will  to  fupernatural  good.  And  to  all  that  arc  within  the 
pale  of  his  Church  he  gives  fufficient  grace  to  prevent  hardnefs  of  heart ,  if  they 
will.  If  man  have  Loll  his  primogenious  power  ,  if  he  will  not  make  ufe  of  thofe 
fupplies  of  grace  which  Gods  mercy  doth  afford  him,  that  is  his  own  fault.  But 
flil  here  is  no  Phyfical'determination  to  evil,  here  is  no  antecedent  extrinfecal  de- 
termination of  any  man  to  hardnefs  ofheart,  here  is  nothing  but  that  which  doth 
confift  with  true  Liberty. 

Laftly  he  faith  ,  fFentaksGod  onely  to  permit  evil ,  and  to  n>ill  good  a&ions  condition- 

ally  and  confequenth  ,  //  man  tvil]  them.     So  vee  afcribe  notinnp  at  all  to  Cod,  in  the  can-  „  °  ?     ?    ,'," 
.-^         -■''„.-''■',      ,1      _,  111  ^^1-      1  1         r       r  good  and  OtI 

fation  of  any  action  ,  good  or  bad.     He  errcth  throughout,  God  is  the  total  caule  ot  aaicns 

all  natures  and  all  effences.  In  evil  adlions  God  is  caufe  of  the  power  to  adl ,  of 
the  order  in  afting  ,  of  the  occafion  ,  and  of  the  difpolition  thereof  to  good.  In 
good  aftions  freely  done ,  he  is  the  author  and  original  of  Liberty,  he  enableth  by 
general  influence,  he  concurreth  by  fpecial  affiflance  and  co-operation  to  the  perfor- 
mance of  them  ,  and  he  difpofeth  of  them  to  good.  He  doth  not  will  that 
meerly  upon  condition  which  himfelf  hath  prefcribcd  ,  nor  confcquently  which  he 
him(e!f  hath  antecedently  ordained  and  inftituted. 

Now  having  cleared  all  his  exceptions  ■>  it  remaineth   next  to  cxamin  ,  how  he 
reconcileth  the  rirft  and  the  third  fort  of  Texts.     The  rviU  of  Cod  (  faith  he  )  fome- 

S  f  f  f  2  times 


~^76      ~  "  Cafiigatioaf  of  T  O  M  E 1 1 1» 

• times  foHifeib  the  If'ord  cj  Gcd ,  or  the  commandmms  of  Cod ,  that  U  hU  revealed  wiH, 

or  the  fmis  or  fgni^cations  of  his  rviV.  Sometimes  itfgtiifieth  an  internal  aS  of  God , 
that  is,  his  Counfeland  decree.  By  his  revealed  Trill  Grdwould  have  all  men  to  befaved, 
but  by  lis  internal  trill ,  he  would  not.  By  his  revealed  wtV  he  would  have  gathered  Je- 
rufalem  ,  not  by  his  intvard  rviV.  So  rvhen  God  faith  y  [_ffhat  could  I  have  done  more  to 
my  vineyard  ?  ]  ihat  vi  to  be  underwood  outtvardly ,  /«  refftd  of  hit  revealed  mil.  iVhat 
direHions  ,  what  laws  ,  what  ihreatnings  ,  could  have  been  ufed  more  ?  And  when  he 
faith ,  {_  It  came  not  into  my  minde  , ']  the  fenfe  U  ,  to  command  it.  This  I  take  to  be 
the  fcope  and  furr.me  of  what  he  faith.  Thus  far  he  is  right,  that  he  diftinguifli- 
eth  between  the  lignifying  will  of  God,  and  his  good  pleafure  ,  for  which  he  is 
beholding  to  the  Schooles :  And  that  he  makes  the  revealed  will  of  God,  to  be 
the  rule  of  all  our  adions  i  And  that  many  things  happen  againft  the  revealed  will 
of  God,  but  nothing  againft  his  good  pleafure.  But  herein  he  erreth  groffely  ,that 
Gofis  revealed  he  maketh  the  revealed  will  of  God,  and  his  internal  will,  to  be  contrary  one  to  ano- 
will  md  hi»  fc-  (her  i  as  if  God  did  fay  one  thing  and  mean  another,  or  command  one  thing 
cret,  not  con:  ^^j^  necelfitate  men  to  do  another ,  which  is  the  grofleft  diflimulatlon  in  the  World., 

Odi  illor,  feu  clauftra  erebi ,  quicunq;  loquuntur 
Ore  aJiudy  tacitoqt  aliud  fub  feBore  condunt. 

He  faith  ,  It  'n  not  Chri\\an  to  think^^  if  God  hadafurpofe  to  five  all  men,  that  any 
could  be  damned,  becaufe  it  were  afigne  of  want  of  power  to  effeB  what  he  would.  It  is 
true,  if  God  had  an  abfolute  purpofe  to  workeall  mens  falvation  irrefiftibly  ,a- 
gainft  their  wills,  or  without  thcmfelvcs.  But  God  hath  no  fuch  abfolute  will  to 
lave  all  men.  He  loves  his  creatures  well,  but  his  own  juftice  better  :  And  he  that 
made  men  without  themfelves,  will  not  fave  them  without  thcmfelves.  He  co-ope- 
rates with  all  his  creatures,  according  to  their  diftindl  ^natures ,  which  he  hath  given 
them  i  with  neceffary  Agents  ncceffarily,  with  free  Agents  freely.  God  hath  given 
men  liberty  to  aflent  to  laving  truth  ,  They  abufe  it.  He  hath  propofed  a  conditi- 
on under  which  they  may  bcfavcd,  They  reject  it.  So  he  Willeth  their  falvati- 
on by  an  antecedent  will,  and  their  damnation  by  aconfequcnt  will  :  which  two 
wills  in  God,  or  within  the  divine  Effeticc,  are  noway  diftindli  for  they  are  the  fame 
with  the  Divine  effence.  But  they  are  diftinguiflied  onely  in  order  to  the  things  willed 
of  God.  Neither  is  there  the  Icaft  contradidion  between  them ;  The  one  fliews  us 
what  would  have  us  to  do,  The  other  is,  what  God  himfelf  will  do.  The  one  Looks 
upon  man  as  he  was  created  by  God,  or  as  he  [hould  have  been  or  might  have  been 
without  his  own  fault  i  The  other  Looks  upon  man  as  he  is  with  all  circumflances. 
The  one  regards  onely  the  order  of  the  caufes,  and  means  defigncd  by  God  for  our 
falvation  i  The  other  regards  alfo  the  application  or  mifapplication  of  thefe  means 
by  our  fclves. 

In  anfwering  to  theft  wotds  ,  Say  not  thou  it  U  through  the  Lord  J  falh  way , . 

Say  not  thou  he  hath  caufed  me  to  err.     He  diftinguiflieth  between  fay  not,  and  thin\ 

«ot  •,  as  if  it  were  unlawful!  to  fay  fo,  but  not  unlawfull  to  think  fo.     Curfe  not  the 

King  (  faith  Solomon  )  no  not  in  thy  thought  ,  much  lefs  thy  God.     Thought  is  free 

.      from  man  ,  but  not  from  God.     It  it  not  honottrable  (  faith  he  )  to  fay  fo  ■-,  No  more  is 

Ifunife?fr'  it  to  thinke  fo- 

nectfTiry  tak-        h  U  not  lawfnll  (  faith  he  )  to  fay  that  any  aaion  can  be  done ,  which  God  hath  fur- 

eth  away  all  pof(d  fliallnot  be  done  ■■,  that  is,  in  his  Language,  which  (hall  rot  adually  come  to  paFe 

"if.  '^^  ''°'"^  '"  *^"^  time.  Our  Saviour  was  of  another  mind  i  thinhsft  thou  that  J  cannot  now  pray  to 

my  father , and  he  fhall  pre fently  give  me  more  than  twelve  Legions  of  Angels  ?  He  knew 

fome  things  can  be  done,  which  never  will  he  done. 

Next  he  proceedeth  to  touch  thofe  inconveniencies  ,  which  flow  from  the  opinion 
of  univerfal  neceflity,  but  very  gently  and  fparingly.  Arts ,  and  armes ,  and  hookj 
and  corfultaiions ,  and  medicines ,  &c.  are  not  fuperfluous ,  though  all  events  be  necef- 
fary ^btcauje  the  means  are  equally  necejfitated  with  the  event.  Suppofe  it  were  fo, 
fo  much  the  worfe.  This  mult  needs  utterly  deftroy  all  care  and  folicitnde  of  free 
Agent?.  He  is  a  mad  man  that  will  vex  and  trouble  himfelf,  and  fake  care  ,  and 
ctniult,  about  things  that  are  either  abfolutely  neceflary,  or  abfolutely  impollible; 
as  about  the  riling  oT the  Sun,  or  about  the  drawing  of  the  fea  with  a  fieve.     Yet 

fuch 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  HobsV  Animadverfions.  -ja-j 

fuch  are  all  events  ,  and  all  the  means  to  eifedthem  in  his  opinion,  eitherTs    ab-  ' 

foluteiy  neceiraryas  the  riling  of  the  Sun,  or  as  abfolutely  impolL'bleas  the  drainine 
of  the  Ocean  with  a  tkve.  What  need  hetake  care  for  a  Medicine,  or  a  Phyfitian,  who 
knows  that  if  he  mult  recover  ,  and  if  a  Medicine  or  aPhylitian  be  a  neceffary  means 
for  his  recouery  ,  the  caufes  will  Intallibly  provide  him  one  ,  and  it  may  be  abetter 
Medicine ,  or  a  better  Phylitian  ,  than  he  fliould  have  ufed  >  If  aman  may  recover  or 
not  recovery  both  means,  and  care  to  ufe  means,  do  well  i  but  if  a  man  muft  re- 
cover, or  not  recover  •,  that  is,  if  the  end  and  the  means  be  both  predetermined 
the  means  may  be  neceffary ,  but  all  care  and  folicitude  is  altogether  vain  and  fu- 
perfluous. 

But  he  f  clleth  the  Reader,  that  this  abfurdity  followeth  as  much  from  my  opinion  "^^^  '^'^'^^'^ 
as  from  his.  For  as  I  hditve  that  xvhat  is  ,  is  ,  and  what  hath  been,  hath  been  ■■,  So  P^^"  ^^  "?','/ 
I  hold  this  for  a  certain  truth  ,  that  rvhatjhall  he  ,  Jhall  be.  And  therefore  the  Argument  c^'*''°°^  "' 
holds  asjirongly  againfi  me ,  as  againji  him  •,  If  I  JhaJ!  recover,  I  need  not  this  unfavoury 
foiionAf  I  (hall  not  recover,it  Trill  do  me  no  good.ln  all  my  Lifel  never  heard  of  a  weaker 
or  fillier  Sophifm ,  urged  in  carne(i,by  a  rational  man.That  which  is ,  is  neceffary  to 
be  ,  upon  fuppofition  that  it  is  ,  That  which  hath  been ,  is  neceffary  to  have  been 
upon  fuppofition  that  it  hath  been  i  fo  that  which  fliall  be,  (hall  beneceffarily,  that 
is ,  Infallibly  upon  fuppofition  that  it  (hall  be.  And  the  event  cannot  be  fuppofed  , 
except  it  be  fuppofed  that  the  free  Agent  fhall  determin  it  felf  in  fuch  manner  ,  and 
except  all  neceffary  means  be  Likewile  fuppofed.  Such  a  neceflity  upon  fuppofition 
is  very  confiftent  with  true  Liberty  ,  but  T.  H.  his  neceflity  is  of  another  nature  ,  an 
antecedent  extrinfecal  neceflitation  and  determination  to  one ,  which  is  altoge'ther 
inconfiltent  with  eledion  ,  and  true  Liberty.  According  to  my  opinion  we  fay 
that  which  may  be ,  may  be  j  but  that  which  may  be  ,  may  not  be.  According  to 
his  opinion  we  fay,  That  which  muft  be ,  muft  be  >  but  that  which  muft  be ,  can- 
not be  otherwife.  According  to  my  opinion  ,  I  am  free  either  to  walk  abroad ,  or 
to  ftay  within  doors :  whetherfoever  I  do,  this  is  true  ,  that  which  (hall  be ,  (hall  be 
But  if  I  walk  abroad  ,  C  as  I  may  do  )  then  my  ftay  within  doors  .fliall'  not  be. 
And  on  the  other  fide ,  If  I  ftay  within  doors  ,  (as  I  may  do  Likcwlfe,)  then  my 
walking  abroad  fliall  not  be.  The  event  hath  yet  no  determinate  certainty  in  the 
caufes  ,  for  they  are  not  yet  determined.  The  Agent  may  determin  it  felf  otiier- 
■wife ,  the  event  may  come  otherwife  to  pafs ,  even  until  the  Laft  moment  before 
the  produ(Sion.  And  when  the  event  is  actually  produced  ,  and  is  without  its  cau- 
fes ,  it  hath  a  determinate  certainty  ,  not  antecedent ,  not  from  extrinfecal  deter- 
mination ,  not  abfolute  ■■,  but  meerly  hypothetical  or  upon  fuppofition-,  the  not  di- 
ftinguiftiing  aright  of  which  two  different  kinds  of  neceffity,  makes  the  Reader  and 
us  all  this  trouble.  Nj-rb,  14 

It  follows.  Laws  arenotfuperfluouf,   hecaufe  by  the  punijhment  of  one ,  or  a  fere  un. 
jujimen,  they  are  the  caufe  of  ju(iice  in  a  great  many.     This  anfwer  hath  been  taken 
away  already  ,  and  fliall  be  farther  refelled,  if  it  be  farther  preffed.     But  he  vvillingly 
declineth  the  main  fcope  of  my  argument ,  which  reflected  more  upon  the  unju- 
ftice  ,  than  upon  the  fuperfluity  of  human  Laws  ,  if  his  opinion  were  true.     Thofe 
Laws  areunjuft,whichpuniftimenfornot  doing  that,  was  which  antecedently  impof- 
fible  for  them  to  do,  and  for  doing  that  which  was  impoflible  for  them  to  leave  un- 
done.    But  upon  fuppofition  of  T.  H.  his  opinion,  of  the  abfolute  neceflity  of  all 
events ,  all  humane  Laws  do  punifli  men  for  not  doing  that  which  was  antece- 
dently impoflible  for  them  to  do ,  and  for  doing  that  which  was  antecedently 
impoifible  for  them  to  leave  undone.     Here  we  have  confitentem  ream.,   our  adver- 
faries  confeflion  within  a  very  few  Lines.     I*  is  true  that  feeing  the  name  ofpumjhment  *  h  Hi'  con 
hath  relation  to  the  name  of  crime  ,  there  can  be  no  punijhment  but  for  crimes  that  might  fcfllon  ih»r°no 
have  been  left  undone.     This  is  the  firft  ingenious  confeflion  we  have  had  from  T.  H.  m^"  "  '"'"V 
I  hope  we  fliall  have  more  :  From  whence  it  followeth  ,  Firft,  that  there  neither  is     P"n''')i^'^  ^  but 
nor  can  be  any  crime  deferving  punifliment  in  the  World  ,  that  is  to  fay ,  no  fuch  h'/m^ght'^l'afe 
criminal  thing  as  fin  i  for  nothing  by  his  Dodlrine  was  ever  done  ,  that  could   havf  niunnfd. 
been  Left  undone.     Secondly  ,    it  followeth  hence,  thatno  punifliment  is  juft,  bs- 
caufe nothing  can  be  Left  undone  that  is  done.     And  that  all  men  arc  innocent,  and 
there  is  no  fuoli  thing  as  a  delinquent  in  the  World.     How  faith  he  then,  that  the 

Laws 


TOME  ill. 


"Laws  arc  the  caufe  oi"  Jaltice  in  many ,  by  puniHung  one  or  a  tew  unjull  men?  Upon 
his  principles  the  Laws  and  Judges  themfelves  are  unjufl  to  punifli  any  men.  If 
this  be  not  a  contradiftion ,  I  have  Loft  my  aim. 

Andifpuniflimentsare  not  juft ,  then  neither  are  rewards  juft.     Thus  by  his 
Dodrine  we  have  Loft  the  two  great  Pillars  or  prefervatives  of  all  well  ordered  So- 
cieties   as  Lvc«re«^  called  them,  the  two  hinges  whereupon  the  Commonwealth  is 
turned'   nrvjtrd  ind  funipment.     Yet  St.  Peter  doth  teach  u?,  Th:it  Kings  andCo- 
, ,  vernours  are  Cent  from  God  ^  for  thepmijhment  of  evil  doers  ,  and  for  the  p-aife  of  them 
1  ytitf  !•  H    ,      ,        ,/ 

that  do  well.  r  i 

The  Laft  Inconvenience  which  he  mentions ,  (  of  thofe  that  were  urged  by  me  ) 
is  this.     Godinjuftice  cannot  puniih  a  mafl   with  eternal  torments  for  doing  that 
which  never  was  in  his  power  to  Leave  undone.     To  which  admitting  (  as  you 
have  heard  j  that  there  can  be  no  punifhment  but  for  crimes  that  might  have  been 
No  proper  pu  Left  undone ,  he  gives  two  anfwers :  The  firft  is  this,     Ltjiead  af  ptnijhment  if  he 
nidimcn  but    hadfaid  fffiiUton  ,   may  not  J  fay  that  God  may  affiU  ,  and  not  for  fin  f  Doth  k  not  affiiS 
for  fin  ffjgj'g  creatures,  that  cannot  fin  ?  And  fame  times  thofe^  that  can  fin  ,  yet  not  for  fin;  as  Job 

and  the  blind  man  in  the  Gofpel  ?  This  is  ftill  worfe  and  worfe.  He  told  us  even 
now,  that  nothing  which  is  difhonourable  ought  to  be  attributed  to  God;  And 
can  there  be  any  thing  in  the  World  more  difl^onourable  than  to  fay  ,  That  God 
doth  torment  poor  innocent  creatures  in  Hell  fire,  without  any  faultof  theirs,  with- 
out any  relation  to  fin  ,  meerly  to  (hew  his  Dominion  over  them  >  The  Scripture 
LAm.i.  39«  teacheth  us  clear  otherwife  ,  Thzi  a  man  complains  for  the  ptnijhment  of  hU  fins.  Sin 
and  punifhment  are  knit  together  with  adamantine  bonds.  He  phrafes  it  for  the  ma- 
nifejiation  of  his  potper.  If  it  were  true  ,  it  were  the  greateft  tnanifeftation  of 
cruelty  and  tyranny  that  is  imaginable. 

I  confefs ,  that  chaftifements  inflided  after  the  fin  is  forgiven  ,  are  not  properly 
pnnilhments,  becaufe  they  proceeed  apatre  caftigante ,  nonajudice  vindicante  ,  from 
a  Father  correcting,  not  from  a  judge  revenging.  Yet  even  thefe  chaftifements  are 
grounded  upon  fin  :  "Ihe  Lord  hath  put  arvay  thy  fin  ,  thoufljalt  not  dye  :  hoivbeit,  he- 
iV  14?'  *  C'i»!e  by  this  deed  thou  haft  given  great  occafion  to  the  enemies  of  the  Lord  to  blafpheme,  the 
child  that  is  born  unto  thee  ^Jhallfurely  die.  But  what  place  have  fuch  chaftifements 
as  Davids  were  in  Hell  ?  is  any  man  bettered  by  his  fuffering  there  ^  What  place 
have  probations  and  trials  of  mens  graces  (  fuch  as  Jobs  were  )  in  Hell ,  where 
there  are  no  graces  to  be  tryed.  Jobs  trial ,  Davids  chaftifements  ,  and  the  poor 
mans  blindnefs;  were  the  greateft  bleflings  that  ever  befel  them i  For  their  light  af- 
2.  '  '  \'^7'  jiiiJiQ^j  ffljlf-lj  fperebut  for  amoment  ^  didrvor]\outHntothtmafar  more  eixcellent  and 
eternal  weight  of  Glory.  But  the  pains  of  Hell  are  heavy  ,  and  endlcfs,  and  work 
out  nothing  but  torment.  In  a  word  ,  thefe  afflidions  wc  now  treat  of  are  down- 
right puniftimcnts  :  So  the  Holy  Ghoft  ftilcs  them ,  everlafiing  punifhment :  he  doth 
not  affi&  the  Children  of  men  witingly  ,  except  it  be  for  iln  :  Fools  are  nffliHed  becaufe  of 
their  tranfgrejjion.  The  afflidtions  (  as  he  calleth  them)  of  thofe  creatures  that  can- 
not fin  ,  that  is  ,'  brute  beafts  ,  are  altogetherof  another  nature.  They  were  crea- 
ted for  the  ufe  of  man  ,  they  were  given  for  the  fuftenance  of  men :  every  moving 
thing  that  liveth  Jhall  be  meat  for  you  ,  even  as  the  green  herb  ,  have  I  given  you  aV  things. 
But  the  tormenting  even  of  the  brute  creatures  needlefly  for  the  pleafing  of  our  fen- 
fual  appetites ,  or  the  fatisfadlion  of  our  humor ,  is  not  onely  unchriftian  but  un- 
_  .       .^       human :  A  righteous  man  regardeth  the  Life  of  hit  beajl^  hut  the  tender  mercies  of  the  rvick^ 

ed  are  cruel.    God  hath  made  two  Covenants  with  man ,  none  with  the  beafts. 

why  God  did       He  faith  ,  It  is  no  more  cruelty  to  affiCi  a  man  with  endkfi  torment  for  fin,  than  with- 

notmake  man  out  fin  ,  when  he  might  without  trouble  have  k^pt  him  fi-om  finning.     Is  it  not  great  pit- 

imppcccable,    ^^  ^  ^j^^^  ^^  j^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  q^j  Almighties  Conncil ,  when  he  ordered  the  World  > 

that  he  might  have  advifed  him  to  have  made  man  impeccable ,  which  he  might 

have  done  without  any  trouble  ,  or  that  otherwife  his  fall,   and  confequently  bis 

punifhment ,  might  be  juftly  imputed  to  God  himfelf.     It  was  well  enaded  in  the 

Laws  of  the  twelve  tables,  Ad  divos  adeunto  cafie,  pietatem  adhibento,  qui  fecus  faxit 

Deus  ipfe  vindex  erit :  our  addreffes  to  God  ought   to  be  pure  and  devout,  they 

JuJe  $  6        who  do  otherwife  ,   will  find  God  himfelf  the    revenger.     Doth  T.  H.  believe 

St.  Jude,  ThatGo^  hath  reftrvedthe  Angels^  that  h^pt  not  their  firll  rjiate ,  in  ever 

14- 


Mdt.ii' 

46, 

Job-  37,  23, 
Urn  3  ,j. 

IT*/ 107  17 

DrscoURSE    II.  againjiMr.  HoWs Ammad'vofiofH. 

everbjimg  hhainet  ,  under  dark>tejs,  unto   the  judgment  of  the  great  day7~G^r7o^ 

by  his  abfolute  power  have  kept  them  in  their  firll  eltare,  yet  he  would 
nor.  By  his.abfolute  power,  he  can  do  all  things  which  do  not  implie  imperfe 
d-ion  or  contradiftion  :  but  by  his  ordinate  power  he  cannot  change  his  decrees" 
nor  alter  what  he  hath  ordained.  Ads  of  grace  may  be  free,  but  punifhments  muft 
be  always  ju!l.  That  King  who  doth  not  pardon  a  wilful  Traitor  ,  is  not  equally 
guilty  ot  murther ,  with  him  that  hangs  up  an  innocent  Subjed.  Then  to  anfwer 
fully  to  his  queftion  ,  Why  God  fuffered  man  to  fin  ,  having  power  to  withhold 
him  ?  To  prefcrve  that  order  and  courfe  which  he  had  eftablinicd  in  the  World 
and  to  draw  a  greater  good  out  of  evil,  for  the  farther  roanifeftation  of  his  own 
glory.  Firft  the  manifellation  of  his  power,  as  St. //«/?w  faith  ,  He  that  created  all 
things  very  good,and  did  forekiioTV  that  evil  tPould  arifefrom  Gond^kitetv  lik^ervife  that  it  ap- 
pertainedrather  to  his  mo\\  Almighty  goodnefs^todrarv  good  outnfevil^  than  not  to  fufer 
evil.  Secondly  the  raanifeftation  of  his  providence  ,  in  fuffering  man  whom  he 
hadindowed  with  the  freedom  of  Will  and  power,  fufficient  to  refiii  and  over- 
come Satan  ,  either  to  conquer  or  yield  at  his  own  ehoifc.  Thirdly,  the  manifeftati- 
on  of  his  Juftice  and  mercy  ,  by  punifhing  fome  out  of  the  corrupted  mafs  iuft- 
ly  ,  and  faving  others  out  of  his  meer  mercy.  If  T.  H.  thinks  vainly  that  the  on- 
ly manifeftation  of  Gods  power ,  Is  a  fufficient  ground  for  the  punifli'ment  of  man 
in  Hell  fire  ,  without  their  own  faults  or  crimes  ,  how  much  better  may  good 
Chriltians  conclude ,  that  the  greater  manifeftation  of  Gods  power,  and  providence 
and  juftice  ,  and  mercy  ,  is  a  fufficient  ground  for  the  punifhment  of  men  with  the 
Like  torments ,  for  their  own  crimes! 

His  Second  anfwer  is  fet  down  by  way  of  interrogation  ,  mat  infallible  evidence  ^^^'  *5.  4» 
hath  the  Btjhop  ,  that  a  man  (hall  he  eternally  in  torments  ,  and  never  dye  ?  Even  the  au-  '^^ 
thority  of  our  Saviour   and  the  Holy   Scriptures,  which    call  it   an  everlaiVinaTl'^ ^a    ^^ 
fire,  an  eternal  Life  ,  ape  that   is  not  quenched^  everlajling  punifhment ,    everlajiina  '      ^' 

chains  ,  the  worm  that  never  dyeth ,  and  the  fire  that  goeth  not  out ,  Co  ye  curfed  into  e 
verlajiingfire  ,  prepared  for  the  Vevil  and  his  Angels.     The  Biftiop  hath  the  teftimony  Punifliments 
of  the  Athanafian  Creed,  that  they  who  have  done  good  ,  fliall  go  into  Life  Ever-    '^''^^ '^^'"""^ 
lafting  ,  and  they  that  have  done  evil ,  into  everlafting  fire.     He  hath  the  teftlmo-  "*  "'"*' 
ny  of  the  univerfal  Church  of  all  Ages ,  except  a  few  Origenifts.     If  T,  H  have  no 
more  than  his  own  fingle  private  authority  to  oppofe  againft  all  thefe,  he  isa  bold 
man.     They  who  quelUon  everlafting  torments ,  Will  not  ftick  to  q'ueftion  ever- 
lafting Life.     To  his  demand ,  about  the  fecond  death,  I  anfwer ,  this  is  the  fecond 
death  ,  if  he  could  fee  Wood  for  Trees. 

In  the  next  place  ,  heurgethhow  that  inconveniences  follow  from  our  opinion.  Gi^sprefd- 
Firft,  That  mans  Liberty  to  will    quite  tah^s  away  the  prefcienee  af  God  i  for  if  man  encs  provcth 
have  it  in  his  power  to  will  or  not  to  will,  it  cannot  be  certainly  foreknown   what  he  «,///'"*^"'''''"y' 
TpiV.     The  Second  ,  that  Gods  prefcienee  doth  takg  away  Liberty  ,  by  making   all  events  °°'  ^^'^^^^^^' 
neceffary  from  eternity  ,  for  it  is  impo^ble  that  thatjhould  not  come  to  pafl;  or  come  to  pafi 
otherwife  than  it  was  foreknown  ,  which  Godforeh^oweth  (hall  come  to  pafs  i  And  if  it 
he  impoffible  that  itjhouldnot  come  to  pafi ,  then  it  is  neceffary  that  itjhmld  come  to  pa(I. 
This  is  toofevere,  firft,  to  make  us  take  prefcienee  quite  away  ,  and  yet  with  the 
fame  breath,  to  argue  againft  us  from  prefcienee.     But  for  once,  I  will  give  him 
a  clear  folution  to  both  his  pretended  demonftrations ,  and  let  him  fee  that  there  is 
no  neceifity ,  that  men  mail:  either  turn  blocks  without  Liberty ,  or  facrilegious  to 
rob  God  of  his  prefcienee.     But  I  give  it  him  upon  a  condition  ,  that  hereafter  be- 
fore he  take  away  either  prefcienee  or  Liberty,  he  will  firft  take  away  this  anfvver 
and  not  repeat  us  the  fame  thing  over  and  over  again  ,  to  no  purpofe. 

To  the  firft  inconvenience  I  anfwer  ,  that  a  thing  may  be  faid  to  be  foreknown 
two  wayes  i  either  as  it  is  in  Its  caufes,  before  it  be  produced,  and  fo  ^onfefs 
that  if  the  free  Agent  have  it  in  his  power  ,  to  Will  or  not  to  Will,  there  is  no  de- 
terminate truth  of  future  contingents,  that  is,  in  their  caufes,  and  confequently 
no  prefcienee  or  foreknowledge  in  that  refpeft  v  or  elfe  a  thing  may  be  faid  to  be 
foreknown  ,  as  it  is  or  fliall  be  in  it  felf ,  in  the  nature  of  things,  after  it  is  produ- 
ced. And  thus  every  particular  event  ,  that  fhall  be  until  the  end  of  the  World  is 
foreknown ,  or  ,  to  fpeak  more  properly,  is  known  to  God  from  all  Eternity.  For 


m 


_Cafltgatons_of_ TOME  III, 

— ■  "CaA^  knowledge  there  is  neither  before  nor  after  ,  paft  nor  to  come.     Thofe 

"     'thines  uhich  are pait  or  to  co.ne  to  us ,  are  always  prefent  to  God  ,  vvhofe  inHnite 
nderftandinR  (  That  is  himfelf ;  doth  encompafs  all  times  and  events  m  one  inftant 
nf  Eternity    and  fo  doth  prevent  or   anticipate  all   differences  of  time.     Time  is 
the  mcafurc  of  all  our  ads ,   but  Gods  Knowledge ,  being  infinite  ,  is  not  mea- 
furcd  but  by  eternity  ,  fo  that  which  is  a  prefcience  ,  or  a  before  hand  knowledge  (  as 
he  callcth  it)  to  us,   is  a  prefent  intuition  with  God.     And  therefore  as  my  pre- 
fent beholding  of  a  man  calling  himfelf  down  headlong  from  fome  precipice,  whilft 
he  is  in  the  aft  of  calling  himfeif  down,  is  not  the  caufe  of  his  precipitation,  nor 
doth  any  way  ncceflitate  him  to  precipitate  himielf,  yet  upon  fuppofition  ,  that  I 
do  fee  him  precipitate  himfelf,  it  is  neceflarily  ,  that  is  infallibly  true,  that  he  doth 
precipitate  himfelf,  but  not  neceflarily  true  ,  by  any  antecedent  and  extrinfecal  de- 
termination of  him  to  do  that  adt ,  nor  fo  neceflarily  true  as  to  exclude  his  freedom 
or  Liberty  in  the  ad.    Even  fo  Gods    knowledge  of  future  contingents ,  being  a 
prefent  intuition  or  beholding  of  them,  by  reafon  of  his  infinite  intelled,  doth  not 
at  all  determin  free  Agents ,    nor,  necellitate  contingent  events  ,  butonely  infers  an 
infallibility  ,  that  is ,  as  we  ufe  to  call  it ,  an  hypothetical  neceffity ,  or  a  necellity 
upon  fuppofition  ,  which  doth  confift  with  true  Liberty. 

Much  of  this  is  confcfled  by  Mr.  Hc^x  himfelf.  That  theforekitotfJedge  ofGodJhould 
be  the  caufe  of  any  thhtg  ^  cannot  be  truly  faid  ,  feeing  foreknovokdge  is  k»on>ledge ,  and 
kiwrcledge  dependah  on  the  exilience  of  things  kfotvn  ,  and  not  they  on  it. 

1  defire  to  know  whether  God  do  his  own  works ,  ad  extra  ,  as  the  creation  and 
deftrudion  of  the  World  freely  or  necefl"arily  ?    as,  whether  he  was  neceliitated  to 
create  the  Word  precifely  a  fuch   at  time,  in  Tach  a  manner?  Certainly  God  fore- 
.  knoweth  his  own  works,  as  much  as  he  foreknoweth  the  determinate  ads  of  free 
.    Agents.    Yet  his  foreknowledge  of  his  own  works  ,  tj^  fx/ra ,  doth  not  neceflitate 
himfelf.     If  he  fay  that  God  himfelf  determineth  his  own  ads,   ad  extra,  fo  1  fay 
doth  the  free  agent  alfo  ,  with  this  difference ,  that  God    is  infinite  and  indepen- 
dent upon  any  other,  but  the  free  agent  is  finite  and  dependent  upon  God,  both 
for  his  being  ,  and  for  his  ading.     Then  if  Gods  freedom  in  his  own  works ,  ad  ex- 
tra, doth  not  take  away  his  prefcience,  neither  doth  the  Liberty  of  Free  Agents 
take  it  away. 

To  hisSecond  inconvenience,That  it  is  impoffible  that  that  which  isforek^ovrn  by  God 
(hauld  not  come  topafi,  or  come  to  paji  othertvije  than  it  ix/orf^owM,Ianfwer,that  Gods  fore- 
knowledge is  not  fuch  an  ad  asT.  H.  imagineth,  that  is  an  ad  that  is  expired  ,  or 
an  ad  that  is  done  and  paft  i  but  it  is  always  in   doing,  an  eternal  ad,  a  pre- 
fent ad,  a  prefent  intuition,  and  confequentiy  ,  doth  no  more  make  the  Agent  un- 
free  ,    or  the  contrary  event    impolhble  ,  until  it  be  adualiy  produced  ,  than  my 
knowing  that  fuch  a  man  ftabbed  himfelf  upon  fuch  a  day,  made  it  then  unpoflible 
for  him  to  have  forborn  ftabbing  of  himfelf,  or  my  feeing  a  man  eat  in  prefent, 
made  it  unpollible  for  him  before  he  did  eat ,  to  have  forborn  eating.     God   is  the 
total  caufe  of  all  natures  and  eflTences ,  but  he  is  not  the  total  caufe  of  all  thisir  ads 
and  operations.     Neither  did  he  create  his  creatures  to  be  idle,  but  that  they  fliould 
each  of  them  exercife  fuch  ads  ,  as  are  agreeable  to  their  refpedive  natures  >  necef- 
fary  Agents,  neceflary  ads ,  free  agents,  free  ads.     And  until  the  free  Agent  have 
determined  it  felf ,  that  is,   until  the  Laft  moment  before  produdion  ,  the  contra- 
ry Ad  is  not  made  unpollible  ,  and  then  only  upon  fuppofition.     He  that  precipita- 
ted himfelf,  until  the  very  moment  that  he  did   precipitate  himftlf,  might  have 
withheld  himfelf.     And  if  he  had  withheld  himfelf ,  then  I  had  not  feen  him  preci- 
pitate himfelf,  but  withhold  himfelf. 

His  frequent  invedivesagainft  unfignificant  words  are  but  like  the  complaints  of 
that  o\A  Beldam  Barpaji  in  Seneca,  who  flill  cried  out  agaiiift  thedarknefsof  the 
room  ,  Thd  dcfired  to  be  brought  to  another  Chamber ,  little  believing  that  her 
own  blindnefs  was  the  true  caufe  of  it.  What  Suartz  faith,  as  I  know  neither  what 
nor  where,  fo  neither  doth  it  concern  either  me  or  the  caufe. 

His  Laftaflault  againlt  Liberty  in  his  fountains  of  Arguments  is  this  ,  Certainly  to 
rcillis  impnfible  without  thinking  on  what  a  man  willeth  :  but  it  is  in  no  mans  ekdion 
what  hefhall  at  any  named  time  hereafter  think^cn.     A  man  might  well  conjedure  by 

this 


DscouRSE.  II.        Mr.  HobsV  Animad'verfions.  y^i 

this  very  reafon  that  his  fountain  was  very  near  drying  up.  Thjs  Argument  is  Le- 
vied rather  againll  the  memory  ,  or  agaiiilt  the  underftanding,  than  againll  the 
will ,  and  may  ferve  as  well  againll  freedom  to  do  ,  as  againit  freedom  to  will  , 
which  is  contrary  to  his  principles.  It  is  as  impollible  to  do  without  thinking  on 
what  a  man  doth  ,  as  it  is  to  will  without  thinking  on  what  he  willcth  ,  but  it  is 
no  mans  Elcdion  what  he  fhall  at  any  named  time  hereafter  think  on  :  Therefore 
a  man  is  not  freeto  choofe  what  he  will  do.  I  know  not  what  this  word  [_to 
tbinkj]  ligniries  with  him  ,  but  I  know  what  other  Authors  make  it  to  fignhe  ■■,  ta 
fife  reajon  ,  to  underjiand ,  to  k^ow  ,  and  they  dehne  a  thought  to  be  the  underjianding 
adujlly  imployed ,  or  bufied  about fome  objeS,  Hath  not  he  fpun  us  a  fairthred/Hc 
undertaketh  to  (hew  a  defedinthe  will,andhe  alledgethadcfedin  the  underltanding. 
Is  a  man  therefore  not  free  to  go  to  his  dinner  ,  becaufe  perhaps  he  thinks  not  on 
it  jurt  at  dinner  time  ?  Let  the  free  Agent  be  free  to  will  or  nill,and  to  choofe  which 
part  he  will,  without necellitation or  determination  to  one,  when  he  doth  thmk 
on  it ,  and  we  fliall  not  want  true  Liberty. 

It  was  no  pallion  but  a  fad  truth,  To  call  the  opinion  of  fatal  deftiny  blafphemouf    .       r 
which  makcth  God  to  be  diredlly  the  author  of  fin,  which  is  a  degree  worfe  than      "'^J'^^'^J' 
Atheifm  i  and  dejperate ,   which  taketh  away  all  care  and  folicitude,  and  thrults  men  '*'*'/^''"^'''^' 
headlong  without  fear  or  Wit ,  upon  rocks  and  precipicies ,  and  defiruUive ,  which  T    p '^,1^'"* 
turneth  all  government  divine  and  human  off  from  their  hinges  ;  the  pradical  con-  *'^   t    j  % 
fequences  whereof  do  utterly  ruinall  focieties.     Neither  am  I  guilty  (  that  I  know  ^        .f,  "■' 
of  yet)  fo  much  as  of  one  uncivil  word  ,  either  againft  Mr.  Hobs   his  perfon  or  his  ^^^'^*"-'^' 
parts.   He  is  over  unequal  and  indulgent  to  himfelf ,  who  dare  alTume  the  boldnefs  to 
introduce  fuch  infolent  and  paradoxical  opinions  into  the  World ,  and  will  not  al- 
low other  men  the  Liberty  to  Welcome  them  as  they  defervc.     I  wi(h  he  himfelf  in 
his  Animadverfions ,  and  his  Parafitical  publither  of  his  former  Trcatile  ,  had  ob- 
ferved  the  fame  temper  and  moderation  :  particularly  towards  the  Lights  of  the 
Schools,  whom  he  lleightcth  and  vilitieth  every  where,    as  a  company  of  pedan- 
tick,  dun(es,  who  underllood  not  themfelves,  yet  held  the  World  in  awe  under  con- 
tribution ,  by  their  Fuftian  jargon  ,  until  a  third  C^to dropped  down  from  Heaven, 
to  ftand  up  for  the  vindication  of  Chrillian  Liberty  from  Scholartick  Tyranny,  and 
Stoical  necellity  ,  from  natural  and  moral  Liberty.     But  this  is  certain,  if  tliefe  poor 
defpiied  Schoolmen  were  nccelUtated  by  antecedent  andextrinfecal  caufes ,  to  fpeak 
fuch  Gibbrijh  and  nonfenfe  ,  and  the  Chriftian  World  to  receive  it ,  and  applaud  it  , 
they  cannot  be  juftly  blamed.     And  if  that  great  affertour  were  necelfitated  in  like 
manner ,  he  cannot  julllybe  praifed  ,  any  more  than  we  praifc  a  conduit  forfpout- 
ing out  Water  ,  When  the  Cock  is  turned. 

I  am  well  contented  to  believe  that  the  Copy  of  7*.  K  his  Treatife  was  furreptiti-  ^^  ^r 
oufly  gained  from  him      Yet  he  acknowledgeth  ,  that  he  (hewed  it  to  two  ,  and  if  ,,    a^^^ A. 
my  intelligence  out  of  France  did  not  fail ,  to  many  more.     1  im   well  pleafed  ^o       r 
believe  that  he  was  not  the  author  of  that   Lewd  Epiftle  ,  which  was  prefixed  be-  fl    'p^fh"^"" 
fore  it  i  but  rather  fome  young  braggadochio  ,  one  of  his  Difciples  ,  who  want-  -c^-.i,    "'^ 
ed  all  other  means  to  requite  his  Mailer  ,  for  his  new  acquired  Light  ,  but   fervile  i     j 
flattery  :  Whom  he  rtileth  the  ffnat  Author  ,  the  repairer  of  rur  breaches  ,  the  Ajftr-       "  ^  ' 
tour  of  our  reputation  ,  vcho  bath  performed  more  in  a  fetvjheets^  th3.n  is  comprehended 
in  all  the  voluminous  rvorkj  of  the  Friejis   and  Minijiers  i    yea  ,  as  if  that   exprellion 
were  too  modert  ,   in  all  the  Libraries  of  the  Prilis,  Jefuits  ^  and  Mini\iert  ^  or  in  the 
Catechifms  and  Coiifefjions  of  a  Ihoufand  Ajfemblies.     On  the  other  fide  ,   he  belcheth 
out  reproaches  againit  the  poor  Clergy ,  as  if  they  were  a  pack  of  Fools  and  Knaves. 
For  their  folly  ,  he  (ticks  not  to  (\ile  the  black-coats  ,  generally  taken  ,  a  (nrt  of  ig- 
norant tinkers ,  &c.     And  for  their  Knavery  ,  he  faith  »  they  make   :he  Scriptures  , 
(  which  he  fctteth  forth  in  as  gracelfs  a  drefe,    as  he  can  imigin  )  the  decoys  of  the 
people,  to  advance  themfelves  to  pro'Wi;fi';>7j  ,  Leisure  and  Luxury.     And  (b  he  con- 
cludeth  that  this  little  Treatife  of  Mr.  HAs  ,  wiU  ca\l  an  eternal  blcmOh  on  all  the  cor- 
nered Caps  of  the  Triejh  and  Jefuits  ,   and  all  the  White  and  Black,caps  of  the  Mtnillers. 
Herein  1  cannot  acquit  Mr.  H>bs  ,  That  being  in  Lmdon  at  tlie  fime  time,  when  this 
ridiculous  EpilUe  was  Printed  and  publidicd  ,  he  did  not  for  his  own  caufc,  {boner 
or  later ,  procure  it  to  be  fupprefTed. 

T  t  1 1  CoI^.. 


-— Cajitgationi^  TOME  111 

'  Concerning;  my  kit  1  can  fafdy  fay.  That  I  was  lo  tar  trom  intending  my  clLtence 

for  the  Prcfs  that  lince  it  was  pertedted,  and  one  only  copy  tranlcribcd  tor  the 
Marquefs  of  krvcalile  and  himfclf ,  it  hath  fcarcely  ever  beheld  the  Sun.  QuclUous 
mav  be  ventilated  ,  and  truth  cleared  from  milkkes  privately  between  particular 
perfons,  as  well  or  better,  than  publickly  in  Print  ,    ,.        ,     , 

As  touching  my  exceptions  to  his  book  d«C/i'f,  heiaith  He  aidvideed  inteKd  to  have 
anftPtredthem^  as  findingthem  neither  Political  nor  7heological ,  nor  that  I alltdged  any 
reafons  by  rvhich  they  Tvere  to  be  jujiijied.  The  •  inference  would  have  holden  more 
ilrongly  the  contrary  way,  that  becaufe  they  were  neither  Theological,  nor  Political, 
and  deltitute  of  reafons  to  fupport  them  ,  they  were  titter  to  be  defpifed,  than  to  be 
anfwered.  But  why  did  he  then  intend  to  anfrrer  them  ,  and  thouglit  himfclf  fo 
much  concerned  in  it  ?  Surely  he  hath  forgotten  himfelf :  for  there  was  never  a  one 
of  thofe  exceptions,  which  was  not  backed  with  feveral  reafons.  But  concerning 
them  and  -his  Leviathan ,  I  (hall  be  fparing  to  fpeak  more  in  prefent.  Perad- 
venture  I  may  referve  two  or  three  Chapters  ,  one  to  fhew  himhis  Theological  er- 
rours,  another  how  dctkudtive  his  Political  errours  are  to  allSocitiesi  a  third  of 
his  contradidions  •,  out  of  all  which  ,  if  my  Leifure  ferve  me,  I  may  chance  to  ga- 
ther a  pclie ,  and  prefent  it  to  him. 

He  chargeth  me  to  fay  ,  That  there  were  two  of  our  own  Church  anfwering  his 
Leviathan:  It  may  be  fo:but  it  is  more  than  I  know.  I  faid  one  of  our  own  Church, 
and  one  ftranger. 

In  the  conclufion  of  my  Epiftle  to  the  Reader,  I  ufed  this  innocent  form  of  va- 
Icdiftion,  SoGod  hkfiuf  ^  a  form  of  all  others  molt  ufual  for  (hutting  up  our  E- 
pittles,  SoGodblifl  ui ,  or  So  God  blefs  you  ,  ov  So  J  commit  you  to  God^  or  com- 
mend yoH  to  the  froteClion  of  the  highejl  Majejiy.  But  it  fecmeth  ,  he  ,  mifapprehend- 
ing  it  to  be  a  Prayer  for  protedlion  or  deliverance  from  his  opinions  ,  fiiles  my  well 
meant  Prayer  ,  a  Bottf only  abufvig  of  the  name  of  God  to  calumny.  How,  am  I  char- 
ged with  Bouffonery,  and  calumny,  aHdabuling  the  Holy  name  of  God  >  And 
all  this  for  faying  God  bkfi  w  ?  Is  this  a  tit  man  to  reprehend  others  for  uncivility  ? 
Did  he  Learn  this  high  Itrain  of  curtefieat  Malmsbury  >  I  confefs,  I  do  not  diflike  a 
Little  Tooth-Iefs  jefting ,  when  the  fubjed  will  bear  it. 

Kidiciilttm  acri 

Fortius  &  melius  magnas  plernmq,fecat  res  , 
But  I  do  not   like  jelVing  with  edge-tools  ,  nor  jefting  with  God  Almighty, 
much  IciTe  boutTonly  abuiing  of  the  holy  Name  of  God  to  calumny.  He  need  not 
feare  any  fuch  reviling  termes  from  me  ,  But  if  his  caufe  meet  now  and  then  with 
an  innocent  jerk  for  it,  Sciat  refpnnfum,  non  diUum  ejfe  He  that  knoweth  not  the  way 
totheSea,muft  get  a  River  to  be  his  guide. 
An  anfwer         I  (aid  I  was  diverted  from  Reading  his  defence  by  bufinefs :  hence  he  inferreth , 
to  his  Ani-    ^hat  the  tvillis  not  frees  for  nothingis  free  that  can  be  diverted  by  any  thing  but  itfelf.     I 
madverfions    deny  this  Propolition,  and  he  will  prove  it  at  the  Greek  Calends.     There  is  a  great 
upon  my   re-  diiference  between  diveriion  ,  and  determination.     Diverfion  is   but  an  occafional 
ply  Num.  I.  fufpenfion  of  the  exerci(e  of  Liberty  v  but  Phyfical  determination  to  one  ,  is  a  com- 
puifion  of  the  will,  fo  far  as  the  will  is  capable  of  compultion,  thatis,  necellitation. 
The  will  doth  choole  its  own  diverfion ,  but  there  is  no  choice  in  necellitation. 
And  therefore  necellitation  to  one  is  oppofite  to  Liberty,  but  diverfion  is  not,  noi 
moral  etficacy. 
Refolation  pro      Out  of  his  very  firt't  words  \_  I  had  once  refohed,  &c. "]     I  urged  two  arguments 
'^L'be'°"     3gaintl  him.     Firl\all  refolution  prefuppofeth  deliberation  ;  So  much  is  acknowled- 
*       '  ged  by  himfelf,  That  to  refohe  is  to  wilt  after  deliberation  (  he  knoweth  noditference 

between  willing  and  eleding  ,  )  but  all  deliberation  of  that  which  is  inevitably  de- 
termined without  our  felvcs  ,  (  as  all  events  are  determined  according  to  his  opi- 
nion, )  is  vain.  As  it  is  vain  for  a  condemned  perfon  to  deliberate  whether  he  fliould 
be  executed  ,  it  is  vain  for  a  man  to  deliberate  whether  he  fhould  grow  in  rtature-, 
or  whether  he  (hould  breath.  The  onely  thing  quellionable  in  this  argumeut,  is 
the  truth  of  the  alTuinption,  whether  it  be  vain  to  deliberate  of  that  which  is  al- 
ready inevitably  determined  ?  to  which  he  anfwereth  not  one  fyllablc  in  Itrmir.i*^ 
but  runs  away  with  a  falfefent ,  altogether  wide  from  the  purpofc.    A  man  ffaith 

Ik 


Discourse  I  I.  Mr.  Hob  t  Antmad'verfiDns. 


v<^ 


he;  may  deliberate  of  what  he  frali  du,  whether   the  thing  be  pvjftble  or  not  ^    in  tafe  he 
kttoTP   r.ot  of  the  imp'^fibility  ^  though  he   cannot   deliberate  xvhat  another  fhaV do  to  him. 
jnd  therefore  my  three  injiances  are  impertineut^becaufe  the  quejhon  isnotvphat  tbeyjhall  do 
but  rvhat  theyJfijllfiifer.Atid  here  he  vapoureth  marveloufly,  fuppofing  that  he  hath  me 
atan  huge-advantage.  Such  are  commonly  all  his  advantagesimuch  good  may  they  do 
him.Firlt.he  crreth  grolly  in  atnrming,that  all  deliberation  is  onely  of  what  a  man  will 
do,orno:dO)Or  not  at  all  ot  what  a-man  will  fuffer  ,  or  not  fuifer.  Deliberation  is  as 
well  about  evil  to  be  efchewed,  as  about  good  to  be  purfued.     Men  deliberate  equal- 
ly of  their  doings  and  of  their  fuffcrings,  if  they  be  not  inevitably  determined  ■■>  but 
if  they  be,thcn  neither  of  the  one  nor  of  the  other.  A  Martyr  or  a  Confcffor,  may  deli- 
berate what  Torments  he  will  fuffer  for  his  Religion.Many  of  tholfe  Ads  whereabout 
we  doufually  deliberate  are  mixt  motiojis  :   partly adtive,  and  partly  paflive  as  all 
our  fenfcs.     Secondly,   it  is  a  fliame  for  him  to  dillinguifh  between  adions  and  fuf- 
terings  in  this  caufe ,  when  all  the  adions  of  all  the  free  Agents  in  the  World ,  by 
his  Doftrine  ,  are  meer  fufferings.     A  free  Agent  is  but  like  a  Bullet  rammed  up  in- 
to the  barrel  by  the  outward  caufes  ,  and  lired  off  by  the  outward  caufesj  the  will 
fervesfor  no  ufe  but  to  be  a  touchhole;  and  the  poor  Agent  hath  no  more  aim  orun- 
derftanding  of  what  he  doth,than  the  arrow  which  is  forced  out  of  the  bow  towards 
the  mark,  without  any  fenfe  or  concurrence  in  it  (elf.     A  condemned  perfon  may 
be  reprieved  ,  and  deliberate  about  that,  but  the  fentence  of  the  caufes  produceth 
a  necedity  from  eternity,  (  as  he  Phrafeth  it  )  never  to  be  interrupted  or  altered. 

Thirdly,  he  erreth  in  thisalfo,  That  heaffirmethallmy  three  iniiances  to  be  on- 
ly of  pallions  or  fuiferings ,  Growing  up  in  Stature  is  a  vegetative  ad ,  refpiration 
is  a  fenfitive  ad,  or  an'  ad  of  the  moving  and  animal  faculty.  Somequeftion  there 
hath  been,  whether  refpiration  were  a  natural  motion,  or  a  voluntary  motion 
or  a  mixt  motion  i  but  all  conclude  ,  that  it  is  an  ad  or  motion,  which  is  performed 
whilft  we  fleep,  when  we  are  uncapable  of  Deliberation. 

Laftly  ,  To  fay  that  a  man  may  deliberate  of  a  thing  that  is  not  poffible  ,  if  he 
k^ovD  not  of  the  impoffibility  ,  will  not  advantage  his  caufe  the  value  of  a  ru(h  i  for 
fuppofing  an  univerfal  nccellity  of  all  events  from  eternity ,  there  can  be  no  fuch 
cafe  ,  feeing  all  men  know  ,  that  upon  this  fuppofition  all  ad";  and  events ,  are  ci- 
ther antecedently  and  abfolutely  neceffaryi  or  antecedently  and  abfoJutely  impolfible, 
both  which  are  equaly  uncapable  of  deliberation.  So  the  impertinence  will  prove 
to  be  in  his  anfwer ,  not  in  my  inftanccs. 

My  Second  argument  out  of  his  own  Words  was  this.  To  refblve  a  mans  felf 
is  to  determin  his  own  will,  and  if  a  man  determin  his  own  will ,  then  he  is  free> 
from  outward  necellity.  But  T  H.  Confefllth  ,  that  a  man  may  refolve  himfelf:  I  re- 
folved  once  ,  &c.  And  yet  farther,  to  refolve  is  to  trill  after  deliberation.  Now  to  will 
after  deliberation  ,  is  to  eled,  but  that  he  hateth  the  very  term  of  eleding  orchoof- 
ingj  as  being  utterly  defirudive  to  his  new  mode!  cd  fabrick  of  univerfal  necellity. 
And  for  that  very  reafbn ,  he  confounds  and  blumicrs  together  the  natural,  fenfitive 
and  intelledual  appetites.Either  the  willdctermineth  it  felf  in  its  refoiution  ,  or  both 
will,  and  deliberation,  and  refoiution  are  predetermined  by  a  necelTary  flux  of  natural 
caufesiifthe  will  determin  it  felf  in  its  refolution,thenwc  have  true  Liberty  to  will  or 
nilhlf  both  the  will ,  and  the  deliberation,  and  the  refoiution,  be  predetermined  in 
outward  caufes,  then  it  is  not  the  refoiution  of  the  will  it  felf,  nor  of  the  Agent,  but  of 
the  outward  caufesi  then  it  was  as  much  determined,  that  is  to  fay,  refolved  before 
the  deliberation,as  after,  becaufe  the  deliberation  it  felf  and  the  whole  event  of  it , 
particularly  the  Laft  refoiution,  was  outwardly  predetermined  from  eternity. 

To  this  he  anfwereth  nothing  ,  but  according  to  his  ufual  manner  ,  he  maketh 
three  objedlons.  Firft ,  No  man  can  determin  his  otvn  will ,  for  the  veiU  U  an  appetite  , 
and  it  is  not  in  mans  povoer  to  have  an  appetite  ivhen  he  will.  This  argument  would 
much  better  become  the  Kitchin  than  the  Schools :  to  argue  from  the  leiTer  to  the 
greater  negatively ,  which  is  againft  all  rules  of  Logick.  Ju/tthus,  a  brute  beaft 
cannot  make  a  Categorical  Syllogifm ,  therefore  a  man  cannot  make  one.  So 
here  ,  the  fenfitive  appetite  hath  no  dominion  over  its  own  ads,  therefore  neither 
hath  the  rational  appetite  any  Dominion  over  its  own  ads.  Yet  this  is  the  onely  In  the  anfwer 
pillar  that  fuoporteth  his  main  dirtindion  ,  which  muft  uphold  his  CafUe  in  the  *^ 'I^« '^'""g 

Tttt2  j^jjOfthequeilion 


754 


Cafti{>atons  of 


TOME  III' 


But  be  what  it  will  be  ,  it  hath  been  fuf- 


air  ,  from  tumbling  down  about  his  ears, 

ficieritly  anfwcrcd  already.  ,      .   •       , 

His  Second  objeiSion  hath  fo  Little  folidity  in  it,  that  it  is  ridiculous,  Over  rrhat- 
foevcr  things  there  isVomiman^thofe  thifgs  are  not  free,  hut  over  a  irj:ins  oUiorty  tbtre  is  the 
pomnion  of  his  ff /fi.What  a  medius  urminuf  hath  he  light  upon?  This  which  he  urgcih 
againltLiberty,is  the  very  efTcnccof Liberty.If  a  mans  adicns  were  uifd-  rthcdrir.inion 
of  another  mans  will,  or  under  the  dominion  of  his  extrinkcal  caufes.thcn  they  were 
not  free  indeed^  but  for  a  mans  own  anions  to  be  in  his  own  powcr^or  in  the  power, 
or  underthedominionof  his  Own  will,ihat  is  that  which  makes  them  free. 

Thirdly  he  obje(fts.  If  a  man  determin  him'elf ,  the  quejiion  will  yet  rtmaiyi  ^  what 
determined  him  to  determin  hirnfelf?  If  he  fpeak  properly  in  his  own  fcnfe  ot  Phyilcal 
determination,  by  outward  caufes  ,  he  fpeaketh  plain  nonfenfei  for  if  he  was  fo 
determined  by  another  ,  then  he  did  not  determin  himfelC  But  if  he  mean  only  this 
what  did  concur  with  the  wrlJ  in  the  determination  of  it  fclf,  I  anfwer,  That  a 
friend,  bypcrfwafion,  rplght  concur  morally,  and  the  undtrftandirg,  hy  repre- 
fcnting  mi^ht  concur  intrinfecally,  but  it  hath  been  dcmonftrated  to  I  im  over  and 
over,  that  neither  of  thefe  concurrences  is  inconliftent  with  true  Libtrry  trom  ne- 
cellitation  and  Phyfical  determination  to  one. 

Something  I  fay  afterwards  which  doth  not  pleafe  him  ,  which  he  calleth  a  talkjng 
tomyfelfat  random;  My  aim  in  prefent  is  oneiy  to  anfwer  his  exciptions ,  a  Little 
what  is  necef-ixiore  pundually  ,  than  he  hath  done  mine  :  not  at  all  to  call  him  to  an  account  for 
^*T>  his  omiltions  i  that  part  I  Leave  to  the  Readers  own  obfervation. 

He  telleth  me  plainly  ,  That  I  neither  underfiar.d  him,  nor  what  the  word  (  necef- 
fary  )  fignifieth  ,  if  I   thinks  he  holds  no  other  necefjiiy  ,  than  th  t  which  it  txjrijjtd  in 
that  oldfoolilh  rule ,  whatfoever  is  ,  when  it  is,  is  neceffarily  fo  as  it  if.     If  1  urdtrlUnd 
him  not,  Icannot  help  it  '■>   I  underftand  him  as  well  as  1  can,  and  wi(h  that  he  un- 
derltood  hi mfclf  Little  better,  to  make  him  fpeak  more  fignificantly.     Let  us  fee 
where  the  fault  Lies,  that  he  is  no   better  underftood.     Firft  he  dehneth  what  is 
neceflary  i  that  is  necejfary  ,  which  is  impiffible  to  be  otherwife.     Whence  he  interreth 
That  jifcfjfjjf)/ ,  Tnfjible  ,  and  impcffible  ,  have  nofgnification  in  reference  to  the  time 
fa^  ,  or  time  prefent  ,  bnt  onely  the  time  to  come.     \  think  all  men  will  condefcend 
to  him  thus  far  ,  That  puffihility  hath  oncly  refcrrcnce  to  the  time  to  ccme.     But  for  I 
necelhty  ,  and  impoiiibility  ,  he  overfhooteth  himfelf  beyond  all  aim.     If  an  houfe 
do  adually  burn  in  prefent,   it  is  neceffary  ,   that  is,    infallible,  thit  that  houfe  do 
burn  in  prefent ,  and  impolfible  that  it  do  not  burn.     If  a  rr.an  was  flain  yelierday , 
it  is  neceffary  ,  that  he  is  flain  to  day  ,   and  impcflible  that  he  (hoi.ld  not  he  flair:,  i 
Hs  own  dehnition  doth  fufficiently  confute  him  .  That  is  reafary  which  is  inip(j}ib!e  \ 
to  be  otherwife,  but  it  is  impollible  ,  that  that  which  is  doing  in  prtknt,  or  which) 
was  done  yelterday  (hould  be  otherwife.     How  hang   thefe  thirgs  together  >  Or 
this  that  he  telleth  us,  Thzt  hii  neee^ary  i(  a  necejfary  from  all  etertiity,  which  with 
him  is  an  everlafting  fuctcffion.     And  yet  he  telleth  us ,  thatncciffjr}  iigrifieth  no-^ 
thing  in  reference  to  the  time  pafti  then  how  is  it  necelf^ry  firm  all  etcrnit)>  And' 
here  hcthrufieth   out  for  rotten  ,  a  great  many  of  old  Scholailick  terms ,  as  (npty 
words,     k'^necefarywhenitis,   ox  ahjoluttly  and   hypoihttically  neceffary  ,  awd  Jft:Jus\ 
compofituf  &  diviJHf  ^  3nd  the  Dominion  of  the  will ,  and  </.'f  dturminmg  rf  its  felf.     l\ 
mull  put  him  in  mind  again  of  the  good  old  Woman  in  SiHfca  ,  who  complained 
oi  the  darknefe  of  the  room,  when  the  defedt  was  in  her  own  eye  fight.     I  wonder 
not  that  he  is  out  of  Love  with  diftindfions  ,  more  than  1  wonder  why  a  bungling 
workman  regards  not  a  fquare  or  a  plum.     But  if  he  under/food   thefe  diliindions  I 
a  Little  better,  he  would  not  trouble  his  Reader    with  that  which Jhall  be.Jhallbe  ,\ 
and  a  bundle  of  fuch  Like  impertinencies. 

He  acknowledgeth,That  my  L">"^o/NewcafHesdefire,aKJ»i>'  intreaty^were  enough' 
to  produce  a  will  in  him  to  write  his  anfwer.  If  they  were  enough  ,  then  he  was  not  i 
nccelluated  ,  nor  Phyfically  predetermined  to  write  it.  We  had  no  more  poweri 
than  toperfwade  ,  no  natural  influence  uponhis  will.  And  fo  he  was ,  for  us,  not] 
onely  free  to  write  ,  but  free  to  will  alfo.  But  perhaps  there  were  other  imaginations 
of  his  own  ;  that  contributed  their  part.  Let  it  be  fo,  yet  that  was  no  cxtrinftcal  orj 
abfolute  determination  of  his  will.  And  fo  far  was  cur  rcquelt  Ircm  produ- 
cing- 


DiseouRSEll,  Mr.  Hobs*/   Animadver^tonS'  yt^ 

cing  his  conienr ,  as  neceffarily  as  the  fire  hurneth  ,  that  it  did  not  ,  it  could  not 
produce  it  at  aH ,  by  any  natural  caufal  influence  and  efficacy,  the  fulHciency 
and  efficiency  ,  and  produdive  power  was  in  his  will  it  felf,  which  he  will  not  be 
brought  to  underltand.  j^  Jnfwer 

Here  is  nothing  of  moment  to  detain  the  Reader.     He  faith ,  fFhofiever  chanceth  to  his  Ani- 
ta read  Suarcz  Ins  Opujcula  ,  Jhall  find  the  grejti(i  part ,    if  not  all ,  that  I  have  urged  in  madverfwns 
this  quefiio)!.     Said  I  not  truly  ?  Give  inrTovators  Line  enough,  and  they  will  con-  uponthe  Re- 
fute themfelves  ?  whofuever  chanceth  ,  Sec.     And  why  chanceth  ?  By  his  Doftrine  ,  J'ly,  Num.  2. 
it  was  as  neceffary  tor  him  that  readeth  to  read  ,  as  it  is  for  the  fire  to  burn.     Doth 
the  fire  fometimes  burn  by  chance  ?  He  will  fay  ,  That  where  the  certain  caufes  are 
not  known ,  we  attribute  evencs  to  chance.     But  he  flicks  ftill  in  the   fame  mire , 
without  hope  ever  to  be  freed  i  who  knoweth  the  certain  rcafon  why  the  needle 
touched  with  the  Loadrtone  pointeth  always  towards  the  North  >  Doth  it  therefore 
point  by  chance  ?  How  manythoufands  are  ignorant  of  the  true  caufes  of  Comets 
and  Earthquakes  and  EcHpfes?  Do  they  therefore  attribute  them  to  chance?  Chance  chanccisfrora 
never  hath  place  ,    but  where  the  caufes  concur  accidentally  to  producefome  effedl,  accidental  con 
which  might  have  been  producei^otherwife.     Though  a  manftrive  to  expel  thefe  currence,not. 
common  notions  with  a  fork  ,  yet  now  and  then  they  will  return.     And  though  I  '1°'"  '^°°* 
could  not  furprize  him,  yet  the  truth  can.     Thus,  Penelope  like  ,  he  hath  undone  ^  °"^^* 
that  in  the  dark  ,  wliich  he  hath  been  weaving  all  this  while  in  the  Light.     It  were 
more  ingenious  to  fay,  it  was  a  llip  of  his  pen. 

It  is  indifferent  tome,  whether  the  greateft  part  of  what  I  urge  in  this  queftion,  or 
all  that  I  urge,  or  perhaps  more  than  I  urge,  be  contained  in  Suarez,  his  Opufcula.  So 
the  truth  may  prevaile,  I  care  not  who  have  the  honour  of  the  atchievem  ent.  But  Sita- 
rez  underltood  himfelf  better,  then  to  confound  two  fuch  different  queftions,  namely 
that  of  the  necellity  or  liberty  of  all  Events,naturall  and  civil,  which  is  our  queftion,  with 
the  concurrence   of  grace  and  freewill ,  in  moral  and  fupernatural  ads ,  which 
he  faith  is  the  fubjed  of  Suarez  his  difcourfe  in  that  place.     In  all  my  Life ,  that  I 
do  remember ,  I  never  read  one  Line  of  Suarez  his  Opufeuh^  nor  any  of  his  works 
the  fixteen  years  Laft  paft.     I  wifh  he  had  been  verfed   in  his  greater  Works  ,  as 
well  as  in  his  Opufctth  ,  that  he  might  not  be  too  averfe  from  the  Schools,  Ignoti  nul- 
la cupida.     Then  he  would  have  known  the  terms  and  arguments  ufed  in  the  Schools 
as  well  as  others.     It  is  no  blemilh  to  make  advantage  of  other  mens  pains  and  ex- 
perience.    Vies  diet  eruQat  verbum  ,  &  nox  noUi   indicat  fcientiam.     But  Mr.  Hobs  , 
trufting  over  much  to  his  own  particular  abilities,  prefumeth  to  ftand  upon  his  own 
bottom  ,  Without  any  dread  oi  Solomons  vafjlt ,  IVu  to  him  that  is  alone  when  hefal- 
leth  ,  He  fcrupleth  not  to  remove  the  a,:tient  Land-marks  vehich  his  Fathers  had  jet  ^  nor 
to  fiumble  from  the  antient  paths  ,  to  tf>j'\  in  a   way  that  was  never  call  up.     It  were 
mcer  folly  to  exped  either  a  known  ground ,  or  a  received  term  from  him.     Other  Ecc/^/.  4-  iO'^ 
men  are  contented  to  Learn  to  write  after  a  Copy  ,  bat  he  will  be  Printed  a  Philo-    jJrTi$*i^.  ' 
fopher,  and  a  Divine  of  the  hrft  edition  by  himfelf;  and  Icarus  Like,  find  out  a 
new  way  with  his  Waxen  Winges,    which  mortals  never  knew  ,  though  he  perifh  Ex  Pluiarchi 
in  the  attempt.     Such  undigelied  phancies  may  pleafe  for  a  While,  during  the  di-  PolHt.adTra 
(temper  and  green-ficknefs  fit  of  this  prefentage  ,  as  maids  infeded  with  that  mala-  ■?""• 
dy,  prefer  chalk  or  coalesin  a  corner  ,  before  healthful  food  in  their  Fathers  houfe  , 
bat  when  time  hath  cured  their  malady,  and  experience  opened  their  eyes ,    they 
will  abominate  their  former  errours,  and  thofe  who  were  their  mifleaders. 

He  had  fleighted  whatfoever  I  produced  as  common  and  trivial  ,  having  nothing 
new  in  it,  either  from  Scripture  or  reafon^  which  be  had  not  often  heard.  I  replied  on- 
ly that  then  I  might  exped  a  more  mature  anfwer  ,  and  advifed  him ,  under  the  fi- 
militude  of  Epicietits  his  fheep  ,  rather  to  {hew  his  reading  in  his  Works,  than  to 
glory  of  it.  And  where  I  faid,  that  great  recruits  of  reafons  and  authorities  did 
Offer  themfelves  to  me  in  this  caufe,  he  threatneth  before  behave  done  with  me^tomak^ 
it  appear  to  be  very  bragging  ,  and  nothing  elfe ,  adding ,  That  it  is  not  likely ,  that  E- 
p\€xct'Jis  fiould  take  a  metaphor  from  lamb  and  wool ,  becaufe  he  was  not  acquainted  with 
paying  of  Tyths.  I  could  not  fufped  that  a  poor  fimilitude  out  of  EpiQeiuf  Ihould 
make  him  fo  palfionate.  But  langemontes^  &  fumigabunt-,  touch  the  high  miuntains 
and  they  willjume  andfinoakg  It  feeraeth ftrange  to  me  ,  that  he  (hould  be  fo  igno- 
rant 


7^6 


Caftigatioaf  of  TQM  E  1 1  I. 


rant  in  Ep>Sem  ^  Swkk ,  one  of  hispriiKipal  friends  (of  fo  great  fame  that  his 
earthen  Lamp  was  prcfervcd  as  a  relick  ,  and  fold  for  Three  Thoufand  Drachmes, 
Whom  cvcnLuaatt,  that  great  fcoffer,  calleth  an  admrabk  old  man,)  as  to  fay,  Thatic 
is  not  likely  ^^-^  Epidetus  (hould  tak^  a  Metaphor  from  Lamb  and  Wool ,  he  mean- 
eth  from  Iheep-  "^^  inform  him  better  i  Let  him  hear  his  Words ,  Yorjheep  do  not 
Enchttdhn.  ^  their  erafi  to  their  Jhepheard ,  to  (hetf>  him  hore  much  they  have  eaten,  but  conco- 
''  ^^  Qinf  their  meat  inrvardly  ,  do  bring  forth  Wool  and  milk:     This  might  be  pardoned  , 

but  his  Scoffing  at  payment  of  Tyths ,  and  particularly  Lamb  and  Wool ,  being  an 
inftitution  of  God  himfelf,  and  eftablifhedby  the  Laws  of  our  own  Realm,  can- 
not be  excufed.  I  appeal  to  all  thofe  who  have  read  any  thing  upon  this  fubjedt , 
Whether  I  might  not  have  added  many  more  rcafons,and  produced  the  authority 
of  the  Chriftian  World  againft  him ,  in  this  caufe  of  Liberty  ,  with  the  Suffrages 
of  the  Fathers  in  all  fuccellive  ages.  But  I  remember  that  of  our  Saviour  ,^c<»/i  not 
your  Fear  ks  before  fmne,  leaji  they  trample  them  under  their  feet. 
Math:  76  He  is  difpleafed  that  J  do  not  jet  down  the  definitions  of  neceffity ,  fpontaneity  ,  and 

Anfxver  to  Liberty ,  vcithoHt  which  (  he  faith  )  their  diference  cannot  fnffibly  appear :  Yet  former- 
Animadver-  ly ,  and  again  in  this  very  Chapter,  He  confefre(ilt> ,  that  the  queftion  is  truly  and 
fions  on         clearly  ftated  by  mc. 

N«>w.  3,  Ihe  queftion  which  the  Bijhopftateth  in  this  place ,  J  have  before  fet  down  verbatim  , 

fl«(i^;/oirf^.What  a  triffling  humour  is  this>Many  things  are  not  capable  ofperfed  de- 
Exaft  defini-    Hnition ,   (  as  to  pafs  by  all  others  )  accidents  ,  and  modes ,  or  fuch  terms  as  fig- 
qu"nt°°^  ^'^''     "'^^  '^^  manner  of  being.     And  in  fuch  things  as  are  capable  of  definition ,  yet  ef- 
foitials  (  whereof  a  definition  muft  confift,  o&<e^«ti5-'  iKt  Jn'af  v»<rei»^5c  )  are  neither 
fo  obvious  nor  fo  ufeful ,  to  common  capacities.     I  believe  that  all  the  perfedt  de- 
finitions Which  T.  H.  hath  made  in  his  Life  in  Philofophy  or  Theology  ,  may  be 
Written  in  one  Little  Ring  i   whereof  I  (hall  be  bold  henceforth  ,  now  and  then  as 
I  find  occafion  ,  to  put  him  in  mind.     Nay  even  in  Mathcmaticks,  which  by  rea- 
fon  of  their  abftradion   from  matter  are  lefs  fubjed  to  errour ,  he  can  mifs  the 
cufliion  as  well  as  his  Neighbours ,  and    be   contented    fometimes    to  acknow- 
ledge it ,  not  becaufe  thofe  errours  are  greater  ,  or  fo  great  as  his  errours  in  Philo- 
fophy or  Theology  ,  but  becaufe  their  convidtion  is  more  eafie  ,  and  more  evident. 
And  therefore  for  the  moft  part  a  plain  defcription  muft  ferve  the  turn  ■■,  fometimes 
from  the  Etyniological  unfolding  of  the  name,  fometimes  by  the  removing  of  what 
is  oppofite  or  contrary  ,  fometimes  by  a  periphraftical  circumlocution  ,   fometimes 
by  inftances  and  examples.     And  thus  by  his  own  confelh'on,  the  queftion  is  clear- 
ed between  us. 
Yet,   to  fatisfie  him ,  I  will  defcribe  them  more  formally.     To  begin  witli  Liber- 
yvhat  Liberty    (y^     Liberty  k  a  power  of  the  WiU,  {  or  free  Agent  )  to  choofe  or  to  refuse,  this  or  that 
'*'  indifferently  ,  after  deliberation ,  free  from  all  antecedent  and  extrinfecal  determination  to 

one.  Eleftion  is  the  proper  z(k  of  the  Will  j  and  without  indifferency  or  indeter- 
mination  and  deliberation  ,  there  can  be  no  eledlion ,  which  is  a  confultative  appe- 
tition.  And  they,  and  they  onely  ,  are  free  Agents  ,  who  (fuppofing  all  things  to 
be  prifent  that  are  reqtiifite  to  aUion  , )  can  nevertheleji  either  ad ,  or  forbear  to  aU  ,  at 
their  own  choice  :  Which  defcription  hath  already  been  explained ,  and  fiiall  be  far- 
ther in  due  place. 
WhatisSpon-  Secondly,  Voluntary  or  Spontaneous  is  that,  which  hath  its  beginning  from  an  in- 
teanity<  ward  principle ,  ( that  is  the  Will  )  with  fame  knowledge  of  the  end.    Such  are  the  ads 

of  Children ,  Fools ,  and  Madmen,  whileft  they  want  the  ufe  of  reafon  >  and  the 
fuddain  ads  of  paflionateperfons,  whensoever  the  violence  of  their  pallion  doth 
prevent  all  deliberation.  Such  are  many  adions  of  brute  beafts  ,  as  the  fpiders  ma- 
king of  their  Webs,  to  catch  flies  •,  the  birds  building  of  her  ncft  therein  to  Lay  her 
eggsi  both  which  proceed  from  an  inward  principle,  with  (bme  knowledge  of  the 
end.  So  then  this  is  the  difference  between  that  whicii  is  free ,  and  that  which  is 
voluntary  or  fpontaneousi  that  every  free  ad  is  alfo  a  voluntary  or  fpontaneous  ad, 
but  every  voluntary  or  fpontaneous  ad  is  not  a  free  ad.  The  reafon  is  evident,  be- 
caufe no  ad  is  free ,  except  it  be  done  upon  deliberation :  but  many  voluntary  or 
fpontaneous  ads  are  done  without  all  deliberation,  as  the  ads  of  brute  beafts,  Fools, 
Children,  Madmen,  and  fomc  ads  of  paflionate  perfcns.    Secondly,  there  is  no 

Liber- 


I'yl 


Discourse    II.  againftMr.  tioWs Animad'vofions. 

Liberty  but  where  there  is  a  pollibilicy  towards  more  than  one , ^^^dlveTJ" — — 
choofe  this  or  that  indilferently.     But  in  all  thofe  other  kinds  of  vo'luntary^or  f^  t^ 
neons  adts  ,  there  is  an  antecedent  determination  to  one  ,   and  no  indiiferencv  of  ^' 
JediOn.So  fpontaneity  is  an  af petite  ofjonuobjia^froceedingeither  from  the  rational  or  Cen- 
fuive  IVili  ,  either  antecedently  determined  ,  or  not  determined  to  one     either  upj    del'h 
ration  or  without  deliberation  ,  either  rvith  ele£iion  or  rvithout  eledion. 

The  Lall  term  is  necefity  ;  He  himfelf  hath  defined  neceflary,  *to  be  that  which  is  ^'"^ 's  n«er, 
impcftble  to  be  otherwije.     Here  is  a  definition  v/ithout  either  matter  or  form     penus  ^^^^' 
or  differentia  ,   without  any  thing  in  it  that  is  effential ,  or  fo  much  as  polltive 
very  periphrafe  or  circumlocution ,  and  (  which  is  worft  )  not  convertible  or  re'd 
procal  with  the  thing  defined.     Many  things  may  be  neceflary  refpeftively     whiLh 
are  not  impollible  to  be  otherwife  ;  as  to  let  bloud  in  a  Plurille  i  a  horfe  is  necef 
fary  for  a  long  voyage  :  yet  it  is  not  impolfible  for  a  man  to  perform  it  on  foot" 
And  on  the  other  tide  ,  many  things  are  impollible  to  be  otherwife ,  which  are  not 
necelfary  in  that  fenfe  wherein  we  take  necellity  in  this  quertion  ,  as  that  which  is 
necelTary  upon  fcience  or  prefcience  •,  and  tliat  which  is  neceflary  upon  conditioner 
fuppofition.     As  if  VjomM  write  ,  then  he  Lives ,  Yet  neither  his  wri^inc^    nor  his 
Living  is  abfolutely  neceflary.     So  whatfoever  is,  when  it  is,  is  necefl'arify  fo  as  it 
is,  or  impollible  to  be  otherwife.     None  of  thefe  necelGties  have  any  place  in  this 
controverfie.     None  of  thefe  forts  of  necelfity  are  oppofite  to  true  Liberty      R    th 
way  ,  r.  H.    calls  this  rule  irimfoever  is  ,  when  it  is  ,  U  neceffarilyfo  as  it  is  ;  L  old 
fooljjh  rule  ,  yet  it  is  delivered  by  Arijlotle ,  and  received  ever  fince  in  the  World    ) 
upon  his  own  authority  ,  without  ever  examining  it  ,  or  underflanding  it     Sa)u  ^'  '"'''^' 
pro  imperio.     So  then  necellity  C  as  it  is  proper  to  this  queftion  )  I  conceive  mav  '"  *'  '"*''"' 
bethasAtly  deCciibed  ^  NeceJJity  is  a  manner  or  propriety  of  being     or  ofadin        h 
by  that  which  is,  ur  aUeth  ,  cannot  pojftbly  but  be  and  a^  ,  mr  be  'or  aSi   oth'efwZ  thin 
it  dotb  ,  by  reafm  of  an  antecedent  extrinfecal  and  inevitable  determination  to  one      1  f 
of  being,  orofading,  becaufethere  is  a  double  necellity ,  i«f]/?«^^  #  m*ofierj«- Neceffityofbe 
do ,  and  both  confiderable  in  this  caufe.     That  which  is  ncceflarily  'mav  af(  r       'ng  and  acting 
]y  ,  as  God  Almighty  without  himfelf-,  and  that  which  is  freely  or  ^onting^ntTv "  d'Hinguilhcd. 
as  tire  kindled  by  the  help  of  a  tinderbox ,  or  by  the  flunjbling  of  an  horfe  upon  the 
pavement  of  a  ftreet,  may  ad  and  burn  neceflarily.     Here  he  may  fee  if  he  pleafe 
how  necellity  and  Will ,  or  fpontaneity  may  meet  together  ,  becaufe  that  which  is' 
antecedently  and  extrinfecally  determined  to  one ,  may  agree  well  enough  with  mv 
appetite,  or  the  app.'citc  of  another  :  but  necellity  and  Liberty,  can  never  meet 


fret. 
ultiniQ 


together  ;  becaufe  that  which  is  antecedently  and  extrinfecally  determined'to  ^e^*^ 
cannot  potflbly  be  free  i  that  is,  undetermined  to  one  ,  nor  capable  of  eledion  * 
which  mull  be  inter  plura  ,  nor  a  fit  fubjed  for  deliberation.  ' 

He  argeth  that ,  feeing  J  fay  necefity  and  fpontaneity  may  meet  together  he  mav  ftv 
that  neceftty  and  will  may  jiand  together.  He  doth  but  betray  his  own 'ignorance 
and  intolerable  boldnefs ,  to  cenfure  all  the  World  for  that  which  he  never  read 
nor  underftood.  We  all  fay  in  like  manner  ,  That  necelfity  and  Will  may  fland  to- 
gether ,  for  Will  and  Spontaneity  are  the  fame  thing.  But  necellity  and  Liberty" 
can  never  ftand  together.  If  he  will  (hut  his  eyes  againft  the  Light,  he  may  Humble 
as  often  as  he  pleafeth. 

He  faith  ,  He  doth  not  fear  that  it  will  be  thought  to  hot  for  his  Eingers     to  (hew  th 
vanity  offnch  words  as  thefe  ,  inteMttal  appetite ,  conformity  of  the  appetite  to  the  objeCi 
rational  IVill ,  EleSive  power  of  the  rational  ff^iU ,  Reajon  is  the  root  of  Liberty     reafon 
reprtfentetb  to  the  fFiU.     Reader ,  behold  once  more   the  unparalleled   prefu'mption 
of  this  man.     Words  and  terms  are  not  by  nature ,  but  by  impofition.     And  who 
are  nt  to  Impofe  terms    of  Art ,  but  Artirts ,  who  underlhnd   the'  Art  >  Thus 
were  all  thefe  terms  impofed.     Again ,  verburttm  ut  Humm>rum  ,  words  are  as  mo- 
ney is?  The  moft  current  is  the  belt.     This  was  the  current  Language  of  all  Schools 
of  Learning,  which  we  Learned  from  our  Tutors  and  Profeflburs  :  but  a  private 
manltarttthup  ,  not  bred   in  the  Schools  ,    who  oppofeth  his   own  authority  to 
the  authority  of  the  whole  World  ,  and  cries  down  the  current  coin     that  is   th« 
generally  received  terms  of  Art  ■,  where  is  his  commilfion  ?   What  is  his'  reafon  ?'  B".r 
eauCe  he  doth  not  underltanJ  them  :  he  gueflech  that  they  did  not  underlbnd  them- 

ielves. 


-^  Cafli<^ations  of  TO M  b    1  U ' 


felves.  Is  his  private  underlianding  (  which  is  rilled  up  to  the  brim  with  prL)udice 
and  prefiitnption  )  Ht  to  be  the  publick  llandard  and  Seal  of  other  mens  capacities/ 
They  who  will  underftand  School  Terms  ,  muft  Learn  and  Study  them  i  which 
he  never  did.  Thofe  things  that  arc  excellent  and  rare  ,  are  always  ditHciilt.  He 
who  (hall  aflirm  that  all  the  famous  Divines  and  Philofophers  in  the  World  ,  fur  fo 
many  fuccccding  Ages  did  fpcak  nonfenfc,  deferveth  to  be  contemned.  Hisre- 
fpe(ft  to  weak  capacities  muft  not  (crve  his  turn  :  HuCdjmt  ocultiores  infidie^  quamh<e 
'^''''  audi  latent  in  fmuhtinne  officii.     If  he  could  fliew  any  Author  before  himfelf,  whcr- 

in  thcfe  terms  were  not  ufed,  or  wherein  his  new  terms  were  ufed,it  were  fomething. 
There  is  no  Art  in  the  World  which  hath  itot  proper  terms  .  which  none  under 
ftand,  but  they  who  underftand  that  Art. 

But  cui  bones'  If  we  (hould  be  fo  mad  to  quit  all  received  School- Terms,  and 
diftinftions ,  and  lofe  all  the  advantage  which  we  might  reap  by  the  Labours  and 
experience  of  fo  many  great  Wits  ,  What  advantage  would  this  be  to  him  .<'  None 
at  all  at  long  running.  Whatfoever  be  the  terms ,  the  State  of  the  queftion  murt  be 
the  fame  :  And  thole  very  reafons  which  convince  him  now  in  the  old  Language 
of  the  Schools,  would  convince  him  Like  wife  in  the  new  Language  which  he  de- 
fireth  to  introduce  ,  after  it  was  formed  and  generally  underftood.  All  the  bene- 
fit that  he  could  make  of  it,  would  be  only  a  Little  time  between  the  fupprelfion  of  the 
one  ,  and  the  introduction  of  the  other  ,  wherein  he  might  juggle ,  and  play  Hocus 
Pocm^  under  the  Cloak  of  Homonomyes  and  ambiguous  expreffions.  And  that 
is  the  reafon  why  he  is  fb  great  a  friend  to  definitions ,  and  fo  great  an  enemy  to 
diftinftions. 
Neceflfity  upon  Whereas  I  affirmed  that  neceflity  of  fuppofition  may  confift  with  true  Liberty,  he 
fuppofuion  objedteth  ,  That  all  necejfuy  is  upon  fuppofition  ■■>  as  the  fire  hurneth  Mecejfarily  ^  upon  fup- 
wnat  it  is.  pofition  that  the  ordinary  coxrfe  of  nature  he  not  kindred  by  God ,  for  the  fire  burnt  not  the 
Three  Children  in  the  furnace:  And  upon  fuppofuion  that  fevpel  he  put  upon  it.  His 
Suppofition,  if  the  ordinary  courfe  of  nature  be  nothindred,  is  impertinent  and  de- 
ftrudtive  to  his  own  grounds.  For  though  it  be  true  ,  that  thofe  things  which  arc 
Mori  lo.  J7.  impoffible  to  the  Second  caufts  ,  as  to  make  a  Camel  go  through  the  eye  of  a  needle 
are  all  pofjible  with  God  :  yet  upon  his  opinion  that  all  things  are  neceflary  from  e- 
ternity ,  God  hath  tycd  his  own  hands  ,  and  nothing  is  poliible  to  God  ,  Which 
is  not  abfolutely  neceflary  and  imposfible  to  be  otherwife. 

His  other  inlhnce  of  putting  fewcl  to  the  ftre,  is  a  necefTary  fuppofition  ,  to  the 
continuance  or  duration  of  the  fire,  but  not  to  the  ailing  or  burning  of  the  fire. 
So  long  as  there  is  fire  ,  it  doth  and  muft  burn.  When  all  requifites  to  adtion  arc 
prefent,  the  Will  is  freeftill  to  choofe  or  refuft.  When  all  things  requifite  toaftion 
are  prefent  to  the  fire  ,  it  cannot  choofe  but  burn  ^  and  cannot  do  otherwife. 

Thirdly  I  anfwer ,  that  there  is  a  twofold  neceflity  upon  fuppofition  j  the  one  a 
recesfity  upon  an  antecedent  extrinfecal  fuppofition  This  cannot  confift  with 
Liberty  ,  becaufe  it  implieth  an  antecedent  determination  ,  and  the  thing  fuppofed, 
was  never  in  the  power  of  the  Agent.  The  other  is  a  necesfity  upon  a  confequent 
fuppofition ,  where  the  thing  fuppofed  is  in  the  power  of  the  free  Agent ,  or  de- 
pends upon  fomething',  or  fuppofeth  fomething  that  is  in  his  power,  this  is  very 
well  confiftent  with  true  Liberty.  As  for  example ,  If  7.  H.  do  run  ,  then  it  is  ne- 
cefTary, that  he  moves.  This  necesfity  is  no  impediment  at  all  to  Libcrjy,  becaufe 
the  thing  fuppofed  ,  that  is  to  run  or  not  to  run,  is  in  the  power  of  the  free  Agent. 
If  a  mans  Will  be  determined  antecedently  by  extrinfecal  caufes ,  to  choofe  fuch  a 
Woman  for  his  Wife,  and  her  Will  to  choofe  him  for  a  Husband  ,  then  it  is  necef^ 
fary,  that  they  eledt  one  another.  This  necesfity  is  upon  an  antecedent  fuppofition 
and  is  utterly  deftruftive  to  Liberty ,  becaufe  the  determination  of  the  extrinfecal 
caules ,  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  free  Agent. 

Laftly ,  7.  h.  his  two  inftances  of  the  fire  are  altogether  impertinent.  For  firft , 
The  fire  is  a  natural  necefTary  Agent  •■,  and  therefore  no  fuppofition  ,  antecedent  or 
confequent  can  make  it  free.  Secondly,  Gods  hindering  the  ordinary  courfe  of  na- 
ture is  an  antecedent  fuppofition,  and  if  the  fire  were  a  free  Agent,  it  were  fufficient 
to  deftroy  the  Liberty  thereof ,  as  to  that  ad. 

He  faith  ,  That  itfeemeth  J  underjland  not  rrhat  thefe  rpords  free  and  contingent  mean 


Ds COURSE.  II.        Mr.  HobsV  Animad'verfjons,  y^^g 


hecaufe  I  put  csnjes  ammg  thofe  things  that  operate  freely.  What  doth  the  man  mean  ^ 
Are  not  free  Agents  caufcs  ?  It  they  be  not  ,  how  do  they  adt  ?  1  undcrltand 
thefe  words  ,  tree  and  contingent,  as  they  ought  to  be  undcrftood  i  and  as  the 
World  hatli  underftood  them  for  two  Thoufand  years.  As  for  his  new  nick- naming 
ot  tree  and  contingent  Agents  ,  I  heed  it  not. 

He  hath/;f rpf^^ ,  "That  this  Liberty  ^  whereof  we  treat,  is  common  to  brute  bea[\s  ^ 
and  inanimate  creatures  with  man  ,  as  well  as  he  could  (hew  it ,  or  can  fhew  it  ,  or 
ever  will  be  able  to  fliew  it  :  that  is  ,  juft  as  much  as  he  hath  fhewed  that  tiie  Sea 
burneth.  If  it  were  not  for  this  confounding  of  terms  ,  and  a  company  of  trifling 
homonymics  ,  he  would  have  nothing  to  fay  or  do. 

iVlmi  a  man  ( faith  he )  doth  any  thing  freely^  many  other  concurrent  Agents  vporkjieceffarily 
As  the  man  meveth  the  Stvord  freely  ^the  Steord  rvomtdeth  necefiarily.    A  free  Agent  may  p^     jj  not  a 
may  have  concurrent  Agents,  but  hisinllance  in  a  Sword  is  very  impertinent,  which  pafllve^flru 
IS  hut  zn  injhument ,    ye:i  a  pajlive  injlrument ,  and  though  it  have  an  aptitude  in  it  mentasthc 
felf,  from  the  lliarpnefs  and  the  weight  thereof,  yet  the  determination  of  the  adti-  |}^°'''* '"  ^^'' 
on,    and  the  efficacy  or  caufation  ought  to  be  afcribed  to  the  principal  Agent.    The    ^"' 
Sword  did  not  wound,  but  the  man  wounded  with  the  Sword.     Admit  the  Sword 
may  be  faid  in  fome  fenfe  to  concur  adively  to  the  cutting,  certainly  it  concurs  one 
ly  pasfively  to  the  motion. 

But  he  would  make  us  believe  that  the  man  is  no  more  adtive  than  his  Sword,and 
hath  no  more  power  tojujpend  or  deny  his  concurrence ^  than  the  Sword  j  becaufe  zman 
doth  not  move  himfe  If ,  or  at  lead,  not  move  himjelf  originally.     I  have  heard  of  fome 
who  held  an  opinion  ,  that  the  foul  of  man  was  but  like  the  winding  up  ofa  watch 
and  when  the  Ihing  was  run  out ,  the  man  died  ,  and  there  the  Soul  determined. 
But  I  had  not  thought  before  this  ,  that  any  man  had  made  the  bodyalfo  to  be  like 
a  Clock  or  a  Jack  ,  or  a  Puppet  in  a  Play ,  to  have  the  original  of  his  motion  fcom 
without  it  felf,  fo  as  to  make  a  man  in  his  animal  motion  ,  to  be  as  mcer  apasnve 
inftrument,  as  the  Sword  in  his  hand.    If  by  originally  he  do  underliand  indepen- 
dently, fo  as  to  fuppofe  that  a  man  hath  his  locomotive  faculty  from  himfelf,  and 
not  from  God  ,  we  all  affirm  ,  That  the  original  of  a  mans  locomotive  faculty  is 
from  God  ,    in  reborn  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being.     But  if  he  underftand  o-  JlSsl^  18 
riginally ,  not  in  relation  to  the  faculty  but  to  the  adtof  moving  (  as  he  muft  mean 
unlefs  he  mean  nonfence)  then  we  affirm,that  a  man  doth  move  himfelf  criginall,and 
defire  not  to  taji  of  his  Paradoxical  Knowledge  of  motion.     It  is  folly  to  ditpute  with 
fuch  men  ,  and  not  rather  to  leave  them  to  their  one  Phantaftical  Chimera's  ,  who 
deny  all  principles  and  rules  of  Art  ,  whom  an  Adverfary  cannot  drive  into  greater 
abfurdities ,  than  they  do  willingly  plunge  themfelves  into.     Thus  they  do  on  pur- 
pofe  put  out  the  Lights  ,  and  leave  men  to  fence  in  the  dark  ■,   and  then  it  is  all  one 
whether  a  man  have  skill  at  his  own  weapon  or  not. 

That  he  would  have  contingency  to  depend  upon  our  k^otv ledge  ,  or  rather  our  ig- 
norance ,  and  not  upon  the  accidental  concurrence  of  caufes  i  that  he  confoundeth 
free  caufts ,  which  have  power  to  fafpend  or  deny  their  concurrence  ,  with  contin- 
gent caufes  ,  which  admit  onely  a  poliibility  to  concur  ,  or  not  concur,  rather  out 
out  of  impotence  than  power  i  that  he  maketh  free  caufes  ,  which  are  principal  cau- 
fes ,  to  he  guided  by  inferiour  and  inrtrumcntal  caufes  v  as  if  a  man  (hould  fay  ,  that 
a  man  is  guided  by  the  Sword  in  his  hand,  and  not  the  Sword  by  the  man  ,  deferves 
no  other  anfwer ,  but  contempt  or  pity ,  that  a  man  fhould  fo  poyfon  his  intelle- 
ftuals,  and  intangle  himfelf  in  his  own  errours. 

Such  another  mirtake  is  his  argument  to  prove  that  contingent  caufes  could  not 
have  concurred  otherwife  than  they  did  ,  I  know  not  whether  more  pedantical  or 
ridiculous.  ¥or  I  conceive  not  (  faith  he  )  hove  rvhen  this  runneth  this  tcay^  and  that 
another  ,  they  can  be  faid  to  concur  ,  that  is  ^  run  together.  Wherefoever  there  are  di- 
vided parties ,  as  in  a  Court  or  a  Camp  ,  or  a  Corporation  ,  he  who  concurreth 
with  one  party  ,   doth  thereby  defert  the  other. 

Concerning  his  inftance  of  the  necelfity  of  cafting  Ambs-ace  ,  If  he  can  (hew  that 
the  carter  ,  was  antecedently  necellitated  to  caft,  fo  that  he  could  not  pollibly,  have 
denied  his  concurrence,  and  to  call:  fo  foon  ,  fo  that  he  could  not  pollibly  have  fuf- 
pended  his  concurrence  ,  and  to  caft  juft  with  fo  much  force  ,  fo  that  he  could  not 

11  u  u  u  pof- 


760 


Caftigatiofjs  of TOME  i  1  f . 


nolliblv  have  ufed  more  force  or  Icls  force  ,  and  to  call  into  that  table  ,  and  that  vc- 
rv  individual  place,  ( it  may  be  vvhileit  he  winked  ,  or  looked  another  way  )  I  fay 
t  he  can  flic w  that  all  thefe  contingent  accidents  were  abfolutely  predetermined  , 
'  d  that  it  was  not  at  all  in  theCafters  power  to  have  done  otherwife  than  they  did, 
then  he  hath  brought  contingency  under  the  jurisdidion  of  fate.  But  if  lie  fail  in 
any  one  of  thefe  ,  (all  men  fee  that  he  muft  fail  in  all  of  thefe  )  then  I  may  Iiave 
leave  to  tell  him,  that  his  calling  of  ambs-ace  ,  hath  loft  him  his  game. 

But  now  Reader,!  defire  thee  to  obfcrve  his  anfwer,  and  to  fee  him  plainly  yield 
the  caufe.  Though  the  Subjed  \_ambsace~\  be  mean  and  contemptible,  yet  it 
vicldcth  thee  light  enough  to  fee  what  notorious  triflers  thefe  are.  Thus  he  faith  , 
The  fulpendifig  of  the  Cafters  concurrence,  or  altering  ofhisforce^and  the  lik^  accident  r^jerve 
not  to  tah^  arvay  the  MeceJJity  of  ambs-ace  ,  otherrvife  than  by  malting  a  neceftty  of  deux- 
ace  or  fame  other  caft  that  JhaVbe  thrown.  This  is  ingenioufly  anfwered  ,  1  ask  no 
more  ofhim.  He  confefleth ,  that  the  Carter  might  have  fufpended  his  concurrence 
or  have  altered  his  force  ,  or  the  accidents  might  have  fallen  out  otherwife  than 
they  did.  And  that  if  thefe  alterations  had  happened  ,  as  they  might  have  Iiap- 
pened  ,  then  there  had  been  as  great  a  neceliity  of  ^fwx-^ce,  orfome  other  caft,  as 
there  was  of  ambs-ace  :  where  he  faith  ,  that  the  alteration  of  the  accidents  ferveth 
not  to  tah^  aveay  the  neceffity  of  ambs-ace  ,  otherwife  than  by  makjng  a  neceffny  of  deux  ace 
or  fome  other  cj(i ,  he  confefleth  ,  that  by  making  a  necelh'ty  of  deux-ace  ,  or  fome 
other  caft,  they  might  ferve  to  take  away  the  necelhty  of  Ambs-ace.  What  is  now 
become  of  his  antecedent  determination,  of  all  things  to  one  from  eternity  >  and  of 
the  abfolute  impoliibility  that  any  event  (hould  come  to  pafs  otherwife  than  it  doth. 
If  this  be  all  his  necesfity,  it  is  no  more  than  a  necesfity  upon  fappofitionv  where  the 
thing  fuppofed  was  in  the  Agentspower  ;  and  where  the  contrary  determination  by 
the  ^ent  being  fuppofed,  the  event  muft  neceffarily  have  been  otherwife.  And  fo 
he  is  come  unwittingly  under  the  protedion  of  that  old  foolifh  rule  ,  which  even 
now  he  renounced,  whofoever  is,  when  it  is  ,  w  neceffarily  fo  as  it  is. 

I  faid  moft  truely,That  that  is  not  the  queftion  which  he  makes  to  be  the  queftion 
For  although  at  fome  times  he  aflent  to  the  right  ftating  of  the  'queftion ,  yet  at  o- 
ther  times,  like  a  man  that  doth  not  underftand  himfelf,  he  varieth  quite  from  it. 
And  in  the  place  of  an  abfolute  antecedent  neccsilty,  he  introduceth  a  confequent 
hypothetical  necesfity.  As  we  have  fcen  even  now  in  the  cafe  of  Ambs-ace  :  and 
where  he  argucth  from  prefcience\  and  where  he  reafoneth  thus  ,  "that  which/hall  he, 
Jhallbe;  as  if  the  manner  how  it  fliould  be,  were  not  matcrial;and  where  he  maketh  de- 
liberation and  perftvafwn  to  determin  the  will.  All  thefe  do  amount  to  no  more  than 
a  necesfity  upon  fuppofition.  The  queftion  is  as  much  or  more  of  the  Liberty  of  do- 
ing what  we  will ,  as  willing  what  we  will.  But  he  makes  it  to  be  onely  of 
willing. 

He  proceedeth  like  another  jFffcx,  He  that  cannot  underftand  the  difference  between 
free  to  do  ,  if  he  will ,  and  free  to  will ,  is  not  ft  to  hear  this  contrnverfe  difputed,  much 
Itfto  be  a  Writer  in  it.  Certainly  ,  I  think  he  meaneth  himfelf,  for  he  neither,  undcr- 
ftandeth  what  free  is ,  nor  what  the  will  is.  A  bowl  hath  as  much  free-will  as  he  , 
tl.e  bowl  is  as  much  an  Agent  as  he  ,  neither  of  them  according  to  his  opinion ,  do 
move  themfehes  originally.  The  bias  is  as  much  to  the  bowl  ,  as  his  will  is  to  him. 
The  bias  is  determined  to  the  one  ,  fo  is  his  will.  The  bowl  doth  not  bias  it  felf, 
no  more  hath  he  the  government  of  his  own  will,  but  the  outward  caufer.  It  is 
not  the  fault  of  the  bowl ,  if  it  have  too  much  bias,  or  too  little  bias ,  but  his  fault 
that  biaftit:  So  if  he  choofe  evil ,  it  is  not  his  fault,  but  the  caufes  which  biaft 
him  over  much,  or  over  little  ,  or  on  the  wrong  fide.  And  this  is  all  hit  freedom  ; 
a  determinate  propenfion  to  one  fide,  without  any  posfibility  to  incline  the  other 
way.  As  a  man  that  is  nailed  to  a  poft  ,  is  free  to  lay  his  ear  to  it.  Then  as  Di- 
ogenes called  a  difplumed  cock  ,  Platos  man  ,  a  living  creature  with  two  feet,  without , 
feathers  :  So  I  may  call  a  bowl  Mr.  Hobs  his  Free-Agent. 

And  yet  he  glorieth  in  this  filly  diftindtion  ,  and  hugs  himfelf  for  the  invention  i 
of  It.     it  is  true,  very  few  have  learned  from  Tut  ours  ,  that  a  man  is  not  free  to  will,  nor 
do  they  find  it  much  in  booh^.     Yea,  when  I  call  Shepherds ,  Poets,  Paftours  ,  Do- 
lours ,  and  all  mankind  to  bear  witnefs  for  Liberty  ,  he  anfwcreth ,  That  neither, 

the 


Discourse  I  I  Mr.  Hob^V  AnimarlTjerfions.     '  ^5"^^ 

the  Bijhup^  mr  they,  ever  thought  un  this  qnelimt.    If  he  make  much  ot  his  own  mvcnn- ' * 

on  ,   I  do  not  blame  him  ,  the  infant  will  nut  Live  long  before  it  be  hilTcd  out  of  the 
World.     In  all  my  Life  I  never  {aw  a  Little  empty  boat  bear  fo  great  a  fail ,   as  if 
he  meant  to  tow  the  World  after  him  :  but  when  the  Sun  is  at  the  Loweft,  it  makes 
the  Longeft  (hadovvs.     Take  notice  (  by  the  way  )  that  his  freedom  is  fuch  a  free- 
dom ,  as  none  of  mankind  ,  from  the  Shepherd  to  the  Dodtour  ,  ever  dreamed  of 
before  himfelf.     This  vain  unprofitable  dilHndion,   which  wounds  himlelf  and  his 
caufe  more  than  his  adverfary  ,  and  leaves  him  open  to  the  blows  of  every  one  that 
will  vouchafe  to  alTault  him  ,  which  contradid  both  the  truth   and  it  felf     hath 
been  twice  taken  away  already  in  a  voider  ,  (  whither  I  refer  the  Reader')  and 
ought  not ,  like  twice  fodden  Coleworts,  to  have  been  ferved  up  again  in  Triumph 
fo  quickly,upon  his  fingle  authority,  and  before  this  Treatife  beended.I  (hall  meet  with  scertarn?  of 
it  again  to  fome  purpole.I  wonder  whether  he  do  never  caft  away  a  thought  upon  the  rhe  quefiion  & 
poor  Woman  that  was  drowned  by  mifchance  ,   whofe  dead  body ,  whillt  her  neigh-  ^"''^v*'"  to 
hours  fought  for  down  the  river ,  her  husband,  who  knew  her  conditions  better   ^'""* 
than  they  ,    advifed  them  to  feek   up  the  river  •,  for  all  her  Life  long  (lie  loved  to 
be  contrary  to  all  others,  and  he  prefumed  fhe  would  fwim  againft  the  ftream  being 
dead.     Is  it  not  hard,  th  athe  who  will  not  allow  to  other  men  any  dominion  over 
themfelves,  or  their  own  ads,  will  himfelf  needs  ufurp  an  Univerfal  Empire  over 
the  wills  and  underlhndings  of  all  other  men. 

Is  it  not  freedom  enough  (faith  he)  unlefs  a  mans  n>ill  have  povcer  over  his  mil  ^  and  SU  Autvfline 
that  his  tvill  muji  have  another  potver  rvithin  it ,    to  do  voluntary  aSs  ?  His  errour '  pro-  more  to  be 
ccedeth  from  rhe  confounding  of  voluntas  and  voUtio  ,  the  faculty  of  the  will     and  "^dftcd  thaa 
the  ad  of  willing.     Not  Long  after  he  reiterateth  his  mi/fake  ,   taxing  me  for  faying  ^'  ^' 
that  our  wills  are  in  our  power,  adding  ,  that  through  ignorance  I  deteH  the  fame  fault 
in  Su  Auftin.     If  he  mean  my  ignorance  to  miftake  St.  Auiiin ,  Let  St.  Aujiin  him- 
felf be  Judge,   voluntas  igititr  nostra  nee  voluntas  ejfet  nifi  effet  in  no(ira  pntejiate ,  8cc,  De  lib  arbjt 
Therefore  our  tpilljhould  not  be  our  mil,  unleflit  were  in  our  power.     Becaufe  it  it  in    Igc? 
our  porcer  ,  it  is  free  to  us  ,  for  that  is  not  free  to  us  which   is  not  in  our  power    Sec. 
If  he  mean  that  it  is  an  errour  in  St.  Aullin^  he  (heweth  his  infolenceand  vain  glory*. 
If  this  be  an  errour  in  him ,  it  is  an  errour  in  all  the  reft  of  the  Fathers  •,  I  will  not 
bate  him  one  of  them  in  this  caufe.     Mr.  Calvin  f  whom  he  citeth  fometimes  in 
this  Treatife  )  profeffeth ,  that  he  will  not  differ  a  fyllabie  from  St.  Aujiin  i  I  do 
not  fay  in  this  queftion  of  natural  neceliity  or  Liberty,    which  no  man  then  doubted 
of,  but  even  in  that  higher  queftion  of  the  concurrence  of  grace  with  free  will.    So 
here  is  neither  errour  in  St.  Aufiin  ,  nor  ignorance  in  me. 

Whereas  I  demanded  thuss  If  whatfoevcr  a  man  doth  and  willeth  be  predetermin-  to  e''  e  L'b 
ed  to  one  precifely  and  inevitably,  to  what  purpo(e  is  that  power  whereof  T.  H.  tytotw.and 
fpeaketh,   to  do  if  he  will  ^  and  not  to  do  if  he  will ,  which  is  never  deduced  into  ad  I-'^'t  to  ohc  , 
indiikrently  a.ndin  utramcjue  partem,  and  confequently  fruftraneous?   Heanfwereth     ^5 '^°"""^'''" 
that  all  thofe  things.may  be  brought  topafl,  which  God  hath  from  eternity  predetermined]     '°° 
In  good  time  i  he  might  as  well  (ay  ,  that  God  hath  given  man  a  Liberty  to  both 
parts ,  to  do  or  not  to  do  ,  to  choofe  or  to  refufe  ,  and  yet  hath  limitted  him  pun- 
dually  and  precifely  to  one  part  i  which  is  a  pure  contradidion,  to  give  him  choice 
of  two  ,  and  yet  rcftrain  him  to  one. 

He  addeth  ,  that  though  the  will  be  neceffitated  ,yet  the  doing  what  we  will  is  Liber- 
ty :  Yes ,  it  is  the  Liberty  of  ?  bowl ,  it  is  his  mock  Liberty,  but  it  is  no  Wi(emans 
Liberty,  where  all  deliberation  is  vain,  and  all  eledion  is  impolljble. 

I  argued  thus  ,  if  a  man  be  free  to  ad  ,  he  is  much  more  free  to  will ,  becaufe 
quod  efficit  tale^  illud  magis  eft  tale.  To  which  he  anfwereth  with  an  ignorant  jeer 
As  if  he  (houldjay  ,  if  1  mak^  him  angry  ,  then  I  am  more  angry.  Pardon  me  ,  I  will 
free  him  from  this  fear  •,  I  fee  nothing  in  him  that  (hould  move  a  man  to  anger,  but 
rather  to  pity.  That  Canon  holdeth  onely  in  caufis  per  fe  ,  fuch  caufes  as  by  nature, 
or  the  intention  of  the  free  Agent,  are  properly  ordained  to  produce  that  effed 
fuch  as  his  outward  caufes  arei  fuppofed  by  him  to  be  ,  in  the  determination  of  the 
will.  And  therefore  my  inftance  was  proper  ,  not  in  caufis  per  accidens ,  where  the 
erted  is  not  produced  naturally  ,  or  intentionally  ,  but  accidentally  ,  as  in  his  ri- 
diculous inl^ance, 

^l  u  u  u  2  jvf  w 


,»;{ 


-^■^^- Z^ifti^^ihi^of  TOME  111 

My   Lall  Argument ,  which  he  vouchafeth  to  take  notice  of ,  was  this  i  Ifthc 

will  be  dctermmed  ,  then  the  writing  is  determined  :  and  then  he  ought  not  to  fay 
he  m-v  Write  but  lie  mult  Write.His  anfwer  isJtfoUomththjt  hemumnteMtttfohrP- 
ethnZhat  Icloht  to  fay,  he  muji  mite^mlefi  he  tvottld  have  me  fay  more  than  Ikiovp.as  he 
hmiclfdinh.\^  hsit  poor  crotchets  are  thele,  unworthy  of  a  man  that  hath  any  thing  of 
reality  in  him  ?  as  if  my  argument  did  regard  the  faying  of  it ,  and  not  the  thing  it 
felt.If  it  follow  precifely  that  he  mult  Write  ,  then  he  hath  no  freedom  in  utramque 
partem,  either  to  Writc,or  not  to  Write,  then  he  is  no  more  free  to  do,  than  to  will  v 
both  vvhich  arc  contrary  to  his  aflertion. 

1  demanded  ,  if  a  mans  rviU  be  determined  without  his  n>iJ} ,  Why  We  do  ask  him , 
whether  he  Will  do  fuch  a  thing,  or  not>  His  anfwer  is,  hecaufe  we  defxre  to  k^orv. 
But  he  wholly  milkkeththe  fcope  of  the  quellion.     The  Emphafis  Lyeth  not  in  the 
Word  nv,  but  in  the  Word  his;  how  it  is  his  will  ?  For  if  his  Will  be  determined  by 
natural  caufes  without  his  Will ,  then  it  is  the  Will  of  the  caufes ,  rather  than  his 
own  Will. 
jQ       I  demanded  farther  i  why  We  doreprefent  reafons  to  men.  Why  We  do  intreat 
r.*^^- his'pri"-  ^^em  ^    He  anfwercth  ,   hecaufe  we  think^to  maks  them  have  the  wiV  they  have  not.     So 
ciples  all  per-  he  teacheth  us ,  Firll ,  that  the  Will  is  determined  by  a  neccffary  influence  of  natu- 
(wafionsarc      ral  caufes  j  and  then  prateth  of  changing  the  Will,   by   advice  and  moral  perfwa- 
^^'"'  fion?.     Let  him  advice  the  Clock  to  rtrike  fooner  or  latter  than  it  is  determined  by 

the  weight  of  the  plumb  ,  and  motion  of  the  Wheels.  Let  him  dilTwade  the  plants 
from  growing,  and  fee  how  much  it  availeth.  He  faith  the  Will  doth  Will  <jj  Me- 
cijfartly  as  the  fre  hHrmth.  Then  let  him  intreat  the  fire  to  leave  burning  at  hisre- 
queft.  But  thus  it  falleth  out  with  them  who  cannot ,  or  will  not ,  diftinguifh  be- 
tween natural  and  moral  efficacy. 

I  asked  then.  Why  do  We  blame  Free- Agents  >  fince  no  man  blameth  fire  for 
burning  Cities,  nor  accufcth  poifon  for  delkoying  men.  Firft,  he  returncth  an  an- 
w  c  n  blame  f^ver  ,  We  hlame  them  becanfe  they  do  not  pleafe  us.  Why  >  may  a  man  blame  every 
no  man  jufily  thing  that  doth  not  pleafe  his  humour  ?  Then  I  do  not  wonder  why  T.  H  is  foapt 
to  blame  others  without  caufe.  So  the  Schollar  may  blame  his  Mailer  for  correft- 
ing  him  defervedly  for  his  good.  So  he  who  hath  a  vitious  Stomack  may  blame 
healthful  food.  So  a  Lethargical  perfon  may  blame  his  beft  friend  for  endeavour- 
ing to  fave  his  Life. 

And  now  having  iliot  his  bolt ,  he  begins  to  examin  the  cafe  ,  IVhether  blaming  he 
any  more  than  faying  the  thing  blamed  is  ill  or  imperfed  ?  Yes,  moral  blame  is  much 
more  ,  it  is  an  imputation  of  a  fault.  If  a  man  be  born  blind  or  with  one  eye  ,  we 
do  rot  blame  him  for  it :  but  if  a  man  have  Loft  his  fight  by  his  intemperance.  We 
blame  him  juftly.  Heinquireth,  May  not  we  fay,  a  lame  horfe  is  lame?  Yes,  but 
you  cannot  blame  the  horfe  for  it,  if  he  was  lamed  by  anothtr  without  his  own 
fault.  May  not  a  man  fay  one  is  a  fool  or  a  knave  (  faith  he  )  if  he  be  jo^though  he  could 
}iot  help  it  ?  If  he  made  himfelt  a  Sot ,  We  may  blame  him,  though  if  he  be  a  ftark 
Sot,  We  lofeour  Labour.  But  if  he  were  born  a  natural'Idiot ,  it  were  both  in- 
jurious and  ridiculous  to  blame  him  for  it.  Where  did  he  Learn ,  that,  a  man  may 
be  a  h^ave ,  and  cannot  help  it  ?  Or  that  Knavery  is  impofed  inevitably  upon  a  man 
without  his  own  fault }  If  a  man  put  fire  to  his  neighbours  houfe  ,  it  is  the  fault  of 
the  man  ,  not  of  the  fire.He  hath  confefTed  formerly  that,  a  man  ought  not  to  be  pit- 
viflnd  but  fr  crimes',  the  reafon  is  the  very  fame  that  he  (hould  not  be  blamed  for  do- 
ing that  which  he  could  not  pollibly  leave  undone  i  no  more  than  a  Servant  whom 
his  Malkr  hath  chained  to  a  pillar  ,  ought  not  to  be  blamed  for  not  waiting  at  his 
elbow.     No  chain  is  ftrongcr  than  the  chain  of  fatal  deftiny  isfuppofed  to  be. 

That  piece  of  eloquence  which  he    thinks  I  borrowed  from  "fully,  was  in  truth 
taken  immediately  out  ofSt.  jiuJline,who  applieth  it  muft  properly  to  this  caufe  now 
ALaniecoin-  in  q  leftion.  He  urgeth.  That  a  man  might  as  well  fay  ,  that  no  man  halteth  which  can 
parifcD.  not  chufe  but  halt ,  as  lay  ,  That  no  man  finneth  in  thofe  things,  which  he  cannot 

(bun  \  J  or  what  is  fin  but  hahing  ?  This  is  not  the  rirft  time  that  he  hath  coitradidted 
hiinfclf.  Before  he  told  us  ,  that  there  can  be  no  punifhment  but  for  crimes  that  might 
have  been  left  undone  :  Now  he  tclleth  us ,  that  aman  may  fin,  who  cannot  chufe  but  fin  i 
Thenfinisnot  apuniihable  crime.  He  might  even  as  well  fay,  that  there  is  no  fuch 

thing 


Discourse     II.  againftMr,  UoWsAniniad'vpftonf.  ^^t 

thing  as  iln  in  the  World  i    or  if  there  be,  that  God  is  the   authour  of  it  .  Reader 
wholover    thou  art ,  if  thou  reverence  God  ,  efchew  fuch  dodlrines.   His  compari- 
fon  of  halting  is  frivolous  and  impertinent.  Halting  is  not  againlttheeternal   ruleof 
Gods  juftice  ,    as  linningis.  Neither  doth  a  m^n  chufe  his  halting  freely  ,ae  he  doth 
his  finning. 

In  heconclufion  of  his  Animadverfions  upon  Num.  ^.  there  is  imthingthatis 
new  ,  but  that  he  is  pleafed  to  play  with  a  veooden  toppe:  He  callethmy  argument  from 
Zenoes  cudgelling  ofhismau,a  wooden  argument .  Let  him  chufe  whether  I  (hall  call 
his  a  wooden  ,  or  a  boyifh  comparifon.  I  did  never  meet  with  a  more  unfortunate 
inrtancer  then  he  is.  He  fliould  produce  an  inftance  of  natural  Agents ,  and  he  pro- 
ducech  an  inftance  of  voluntary  Agents.  Such  are  the  boycs  that  whip  his  wooden  tobpe. 
He  (hould  produce  an  inftance  ofa  natural  determination  i  fo  he  atfirmeth  that  the 
will  is  determined  i  and  he  produceth  an  inftance  of  a  violent  determination  for  fuch 
is  the  motion  of  his  toppe.  I  hope  he  doth  not  mean  that  the  will  is  compelled  i  if  he 
do  ,  he  may  ftring  it  up  with  the  reft  of  his  contradidiions. 

Hath  not  he  brought  his  hogs  to  a  faire  market,  when  God  hath  created  him  a 
freeman,  a  noble  creature  ,  to  make  himfelfe  like  a  wooden  toppe  i  Deferveth  not 
he  to  be  moved  as  the  toppe,  is  with  a  whip,  until  he  confefTehis  errour,and  acknow- 
ledge his  own  liberty  >  If  this  wooden  toppe  (hould  chance  to  it  T.  Ron  the 
fhinnes ,  I  deiire  to  know  whom  he  would  accufe:  The  toppe  .?  That  were *as  mad 
a  part,  as  it  is  in  the  dog  to  run  after  the  ftone  and  bite  it,never  looking  at  the  manwho 
did  thro  w  ir. What  then  Ihould  he  accufe,  the  boyes  that  whipped  the  toppe?  No  that 
were  equally  ludibrious,  feeing  the  boyes  are  as  much  neceifitated  s  and  to  ufe  his 
own  phrafe,  as  much  lajht  to  what  they  do  by  the  caufes  ,  as  the  toppe  is  by  the  boyes. 
So  he  may  fit  down  patiently  and  at  laft  think  upon  his  liberty  which  he  had  abandon- 
ed ,  and  if  the  caufes  will  give  him  leave  ,  get  a  plantin  to  heale  his  broken  fhinn. 

Such  an  unruly  thing  as  this  toppe,  which  he  fancieth,  is  he  himfelf,  fometim'es 
dilating  errours ,  fometimes  writing  paradoxes ,  fometimes  juftling  out  Metaphy- 
ficks ,  fometimes  wounding  the  Mathematicks  •,  And  in  a  word,  troubling  the  world 
and  difordering  all  things,  Logick  ,Philofophy,  Theology  ,  with  his  extravagant 
conceits.  And  yet  he  is  offended  that  men  will  go  about  to  keep  polTelfion  oftheit 
ancient  Principles  againft  his  upftart  innovations,  and  is  ready  to  implead  them 
(with  that  quarrelfome  Roman  J  becaufe  they  would  not  receive  his  weapon  fair- 
ly with  their  whole  bodies.  It  were  a  much  more  Chriftain  contemplation  to  elevate 
his  thoughts  from  this  wooden  toppe  ,  to  the  organical  body  of  a  man,  wherein  he 
may  find  God  an  hundred  times ,  from  the  external  form  or  figure  of  the  one 
which  affords  it  onely  an  aptitude  to  move  and  turn  ,  to  the  internal  and 
fubftantial  form  of  the  other  ,  which  is  the  fubordinated  beginning  of  animal  mo- 
tion ,  from  the  turning  of  his  toppe  ,  which  is  fo  fvvift ,  that  it  prevents  thedifcovery 
of  the  (harpeft  eye-fight ,  and  feemeth  to  ftand  ftock  ftili,  to  the  eternity  of  God 
where  motion  and  reft  do  meet  together,or  all  motion  is  fwallowednpinto  reft.Laftly 
from  thefe  boyes,  who  hold  the  top  up  by  their  continued  lafhings  ,  to  the  infinite 
power  of  an  almighty  God,  who  is  both  the  procreating  and  conferving  caufes  of  all 
our  life,  being,and  motion,  and  to  magnifie  him  for  his  wonderful  workes  where- 
in he  hath  manifefted  to  the  World  his   own  power  and  Wifdom. 

Thefe  Animadverfions  will  produce  no  great  trouble  either  to  me  or  the  Reader.I  j     ■  r 
did  demonftrate  in  this  Sedion  the  difference  betwen  liberty  of  exercife  or  contradi-  h^^       J 
dion,  and  liberty  of  fpecihcation  or  contrariety  ,  He  only  takes  notice  of  it,  and  *"^  p"^"*-"^' 
calls  it   Jargon  s  and  fo  without  one  word  more ,  fhaketh  hands  and  withdraweth  ^J'^°^^  "^"^ 
himfelfe.  '^^"^-  ^ 

Ifaid  it  was  a  rule  in  art,  that  homonymota  tpords^  or  words  of  a  doubleor  doubt- 
full  fignificaton  ,  ought  frji  to  be  dijUngiti(hid  ,  that  Difputants  may  underftand  one 
another  rightly  ,  and  not  beat  the  air  to  no  purpofe. 

I  (hewed  out  of  the  Scriptures,  that  the  Word  Liberty  or  freedom,  was  fuch  an 
ambiguous  Word  ,    and  (hewed  farther  what  this  Liberty  is,  whereof  We  difpute  ; 
a  Liberty  from  necellitation  or  determination  to  one  by  extrinfecal  caufes.     Hecon- 
fefTeth  ,  that  this  is  the  queftion  i  adding  ,  That  he  underjUndeth  not  how  fuch  a  hi-  t-  H.  his  Aem 
berty  can  be.    Then  what  remained  but  to  go  to  our  proofs  >  Yet  here  he  raifeth  a  »kil  in  Logick 

ftorm 


^54      Caftigatioafof TQM  El  U. 

norm  of  Words  upon  the  by ,  and  foamcth  out  his  own  difgrace.  He  denicth  that 
there  is  any  fuch  rule  of  Art.  lamfure  (  faith  he  )  not  in  the  Art  ofreafon,  rvhich 
men  call  Logkk  And  all  Logicians  are  fure  of  the  contrary,  who  give  not  onely  one 
but  many  fuch  rules ,  in  treating  of  fimple  terms ,  of  complex  terms  ,  of  fallacies. 
They  teach  that  an  ambiguous  term  before  it  be  dijiittguijhed  figttijies  nothing  ;  that  it 
cannot  be  placed  in  any  predicament  i  that  it  cannot  be  defined  nor  divided  :  and  they 
give  this  general  rule  ,  VijitnUio  vocis  ambigtu  frimafit  in  omni  rerum  confideratioiie. 
Either  this  man  never  read  one  Word  of  Logick  in  his  Life  ,  or  it  is  moft  ftrange 
how  pride  hath  defaced  all  Logical  notions  out  of  his  mind. 

He  telleth  us,  that  the  fignitication  of  an  ambiguous  Word  may  be  rendered  per- 
Hisfilly  ded:  fpicuous  by  a  definition.  But  Logicians  teach  us  better  ,  that  it  cannot  be  defined 
nitioni  before  it  be  diflinguiflied.     How  (hould  a  man  define  he  knowfcth  not  what  >   Sup- 

pofe  I  (hould  ask  him  the  definition  of  a  degree ,  Can  he  or  any  man  define  a  degree 
before  they  know  what  degree  is  to  be  defined  ?  whether  a  degree  in  the  Heavens, 
or  a  degree  in  the  School,  or  a  degree  of  Confanguinity  ,  or  a  degree  of  Compari- 
fon  ?  He  may  as  well  define  a  crab  before  he  know  whether  it  be  a  Crab-fifli,  or  a 
Crab- fruit.  The  definition  and  the  thing  defined  ,  are  the  fame  thing.  But  am- 
biguous words  have  feveral  fignifications ,  which  cannot  be  of  the  fame  thing. 

His  definition  of  Liberty  is  this  v  Liberty  is  the  abfence  of  external  impediments  to 
motion.  Before  I  have  done  ,  1  (hall  make  him  out  of  Love  with  his  definitions. 
Liberty  is  an  abjence  i  If  Liberty  be  an  abfence ,  then  Liberty  is  nothing  ,  for  an 
abfence  is  nothing  in  the  nature  of  things ;  but  a  meer  privation.  An  abfence  of 
impediments  i  Impediments  may  take  away  the  Liberty  of  execution  ,  not  the  Li- 
berty of  eleftion.  There  may  be  true  Liberty,  where  there  are  impediments :  and 
there  may  be  no  impediments ,  yet  without  Liberty.  An  abfence  of  outward  impedi- 
ments: and  why  of  outward  impediments?  may  not  inward  impediments  with- 
hold a  man  from  adting  freely  as  well  as  outward  >  may  not  a  fit  of  fickncfs  keep 
a  man  at  home,  as  well  as  a(howerof  rain  >  A  man  maybe  free,  and  ad  freely,  not- 
withlhnding  impediments.  Many  impediments  are  vincible  :  A  man  may  go  out 
of  his  houfe  though  there  be  a  great  Logg  laid  at  his  door.  Lafily  an  abfence  of 
impediments  to  motions.  Eledion  is  the  mo(\  proper  intrinfecal  adl  of  Liberty ,  which 
may  be  without  local  motion. 

1  durft  not  ftile  my  poor  defcription  by  the  name  of  a  definition.  Yet  it  (et  down 
the  right  nature  of  Liberty ,  and  (hewed  what  was  the  difference  between  us.  His 
definition  hath  nothing  to  do  with  Lib^rrty,  aijd  commeth  not  near  our  queftion  by 
twenty  furlongs. 

Our  controverfie  is  ,'  whether  the  will  be  antecedently  determined  by  extrinfe- 
cal  cau(es :  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  impediments  of  motion.  But  to  let  him 
fee  the  vanity  of  his  definitions ,  I  will  dcmonftrate  out  of  them  ,  that  the  moft 
necefTary  Agents  are  free  Agents ,  and  the  molt  free  Agents  neccflary  Agents ,  that 
the  will  is  free ,  and  neceflity  is  Liberty.  Firll,  when  a  ftone  falleth  from  a  ftecple 
to  the  ground  ,  or  when  a  fire  burneth  ,  there  is  an  abfence  of  all  external  impe- 
diments to  motion:  yet  by  his  own  confelhon  ,  thefe  are  not  free  ,  nor  fo  much  as 
voluntary,  but  natural  necelTary  adtions.  The  (ione  falleth  neceflarily,  not  freely. 
The  fire  burneth  necefTarily ,  not  freely.  So  his  definition  fitteth  a  neceflary  Agent 
as  well  as  a  free  Agent.  On  the  other  fide,  he  defineth  necelTary  to  be  that  rrhich 
is  impojjible  to  be  otherveife.  But  by  his  dodrine ,  it  is  impoliible  for  any  free  or  vo- 
luntary Agent  to  be  otherwife  than  it  is ,  or  ad  otherwife  than  it  doth.  There- 
fore by  his  definition  ,  all  free  and  voluntary  Agents  are  neceffary  Agents.  Second- 
ly, if  an  abfence  of  external  impediments  to  motion,  be  a  true  definition  of  Liber- 
ty ,  then  the  will  is  free ,  for  the  will  hath  no  external  impediment  to  motion. 
External  impediments  may  hinder  adion ,  not  eledion ,  which  is  the  proper  ad 
of  the  Will. 

Laflly  ,  by  his  definition  ,  Liberty  it  felf  is  neceflity ,  and  neceflity  is  Liberty,  as 
is  made  evident  thus.  The  abfence  of  outward  impediments  to  motion  is  the  defi- 
nition which  he  givcth  of  Liberty  ,  and  therefore  muft  be  reciprocal  or  convertible 
with  Liberty  it  felfl  But  neceflity  is  much  more  an  abfence  of  outward  impedi- 
ments to  motion.    For  if  there  were  any  impediments,  that  could  hinder  the-pro- 

dudiof» 


Discourse  II.  Mr.  Hob'/  Ammad'7jeyfions.  7^5- 

dudtionot'the  effcdt ,  there  could  be  no  necellity.  Thus  he  contoandcth  all  thin^ 


with  his  derinitions,  free  Agents,  with  necceflary  Agents  ,  and  necefTary  Agents 
with  free  Agents:  neceUity  it  felf  with  liberty,  and  liberty  with  neceility  :  and  now 
learning  is  well  reformed. 

Heis  difpleafed  at  me  for  calling  him  a  particular  man,  an/rfaidhc)  Tor  any  other 
vpjs  an  univerfall  man  ■■,  and  he  conceivcth  that  I  mean  a  privat  man.  I  mean  as  I 
write  :  a  particular  man  is  not  oppofed  to  an  miverfal  man^  but  to  mankind,  though 
he  maketh  his  City ^io  be  a  kind  of  univerfal  man.  My  meaning  was,  a  particular  man 
that  is,notachurch,notaCounciI,not  fo  much  as  a  company  ofmen,but  one  fingle  man' 
and  it  may  be,  an  handful  of  his  feduced  difciples.  There  is  neither  a  Church  nor  I 
Council ,  nor  a  company  of  men,  butthey  may  juftly  challeng  more  refpedt  than 
one  fingle  man , 

Here  he  boalkth  of  his  conftant  meditations  Thzt  he  hath  done  aVmoJl  nothina  elfebutt 
meditate  upon  this  and  other  natural  ^«f/fio«/. Still  he  forgetteth  Epi^etuf  his  rule  thatth     ^^^^'f^fion 
flieep  fliouldnotbraghowmuchithath  eaten.If  hehad  meditated  to  any  great  purpofe^  Litcleworth 
we  fliould  have  found  it  in  his  works.For  my  partj  do  neither  believe,  that  he  hath  fo  S°ufeofo. 
muchfpare  time  from  other  imployments,  to  beftow  upon  his  meditations,  Nor  that  'fi''"  '^ensex: 
private  meditation,  without  making  ufe  of  the  ftudies  and  experience  of  other  men  fs    P^"^"*^*- 
fo  ready  a  way  to  attain  to  perfeftion  in  fuch  hiden  learning.Ifhe  had  fpent  aU  his  time 
in  meditating  how  to  become  a  good  Phyfitian,  and  hath  never  read  a  line  of  Hippo- 
cratef  or  Galen  ,  or  any  other  learned  Author  the  meaneft  of  which    had  more 
knowledge  ,  than  he  is  able  to  attain   unto  with  all   his  meditation  ,'dcrinp:  his 
whole  Life  ,  What  would  it  have  availed  him  ?  facile  eji  inventU  addere  \  Itjs  much 
cafier  to  top  a  (lately  cdifice,than  to  build  it  upfrom  the  very  foundationlLaftly  I  do 
not  believe  that  he  was  capable  of  meditation ,  upon  thofe  high  fubje^ts    which  he 
never  underftood  ,  as  appeareth  plainly  by  his  Writings.     How  fhouid  a'blind  man 
judge  of  Colours  ? 

Yet  he  will  not  give  over,  until  he  have  had  another  fling  agalnft  School-terms 
becaufe  he  findeth  it  eafier  to  cenfure ,  than  either  to  confute  or  underftand      He 
hath  been  anfwered  formerly  ,  and  (hall  receive  a  farther  anfvver  in  due  place  *    For 
theprefent,  Khali  onely  put  him  in  mind  of  two  fayings,  the  one  of  ^c'^j^r 
Voces  didaUic^  rudihm  ingeniis  acerb£ ,  delieatis  ridicula  fmt ,  Terms  of  j^rt  devifed  aSJ^vPntcfal 
fir  inihuUion^  are  mpkafant  to   Palates  not  exercifed  in  them,   and  ridiculous  to  nice  and  to  rude  per, 
delicate  ears.     There  is  a  double  perfpicuity ,  the  one  vulgar  to  common  people  the  ^°^^ 
the  other  more  intelledual  to  Artifts.     In  vulgar  appellations  (  kith  ^rijiotle  )  rve  ar 
tofpeak^  as  the  Common-people  ,  but  in  terms  of  Art ,  tve  are  to  follow  the  moft  approved 
Artifts.  ^^ 

He  asketh  with  that  patience  J  can  hear  Martin  Luther  and  Philip  Melandthon 
fpea\againft  School  theology  ,   whereof  he  giveth  fome  inftances  ,  but  without   citing 
the  places.     So  he  muft  receive  an  anfwer  without  perufing  of  them.     If  they  have 
condemned  all  Schoolmen  and  School  Learning  ,  it  is  for  him  to  defend  them  not 
for  me.For  if  they  did  fo,  I  (hould  not  much  value  their  judgement  in  that  particu- 
lar.    But  I  do  not  believe  that  any  who  made  fo  great  ufe  of  School- learning     did 
condemn  all  School-men  in  general.     Lttther  ftinted  his  accufation  to  under  200 
years.     It  may  well  be  ,  that  in  that  time  fome  School-men ,  in  fome  queftions 
were  too  Licentious.     But  T.  H.  condemneth  not  onely  the  men,  but  the  Learnins 
all  their  grounds  ,  all  their  terms  ,  and  more  particularly  in  this  very  queftion  oftl^' 
Liberty  of  the  Will  ,  he  cenfureth  and  contemneth  all  Fathers,   Philofophers     and 
Clallick  Writers.     I  trow  ,  Mmine  Lttther  and  Philip  Melandhon  did  not  fo. 

He  pleadeth,That  he  doth  mt  call  at  School  learningjargon,  but  that  which  they  fay  in 
defence  of  untruths;  and  efpecially  in  the  maintenance  of  the  free  tvill  I  believe  he  hath  read 
very  Little  School-learning  ,  either  upon  that  fubjedt ,  or  any  other-,  if  behave  we 
find  very  little  fruit  of  it  in  his  Writings.Butif  that  be  his  quarrel  againft  the  School- 
men ,  for  maintaining  of  freedom  of  will  from  antecedent  and  extrinfccal  neceifi- 
tation  in  natural  adts ,  if  he  will  (land  to  authorities,  I  am  contented  to  joyn  iiTue 
with  him,  that  not  onely  all  the  School-men,  all  Fathers ,  Philofophers,  and  Claf- 
fick  Writers  were  propugners  of  this  freedom  or  liberty  of  will,  and  particularly  his 
two    witneiTes ,  whpfe  words  he  citcth  in  this  place,    Luther  and  MelanHhon 

Where 


—766 Cafiigations  of  TOME   I U. 

whereot    the  turmcr  lauh;,  1  hat  he   and  his  party  i^eai^  undijcrmly  ,  and  the  oTher 

(  that  is    MilanUhott  )  calleth  his  opinion  ot  univerlall  necclhty  ,a  Mamchean  opinion, 

and  an  horrible  Ik.  »    •      j      r  j  r      i         •  ^    r 

^  n.      ■        -Tr,  »i,;c   hffli    ^edion    there    are  no    Animadverlions,   and  lo  there  is  no  need  ot 
Cajiigaltons    (>"  ^'"^    '  "" 

upon  the  A-  ^J^J.^^j5'JJo^occafion  offered  to  make  any  long  flay  upon  this  fubject .  I  produced 
mmadverix-  ^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  Scripture  to  prove.That  men  have  liberty  ,  or  power  of  eledion. 
ow/,  Nuin.5.  ^^  _^^|.^^^^^  ^  -j-l^j^i  „g„  are  necejfitated  they  choofe  by  antecedent  canjes.  I  took  away 
Cajtigations  jj^j^^j^f^yi^j.  t^rce  wayes.  Firft  by  reafon.  To  this  he  is  filent.  Secondly  by  inftances. 
ttpon  the  A-  ^j^jj.j|y  ^^  ^Y\^  (gxts  themfel  ves  To  this  he  rejoyneth.  That  thefe  texts  and  infknces 
tiinijdverji-  ^^  onely  prove  ,  that  a  man  is  free  to  do  if  he  will  ^  which  he  denieth  not.  But  they  do  not 
ons  Num. 6'  ^^^^  that  he  \s  free  to  xcill.  And  in  the  fecond  inftancc  ,  T/pe  Seniuur  of  the  mefs  ^ 
chooleth  what  he  hath  an  apfetite  to ,  bict  he  choofeth  not  his  appetite.  This  isalliiean- 

fwereth. 
AnCtothcftit  This  di(iind-ion  hath  been  already  fufficiently  refuted  ,  as  contradidory  to  his  owne 
quert- fount,  of  pyj^jj  ^  which  do  as  much  neceiiitate  a  man  to  do,  as  to  will.  Secondly  ,  as 
cT-iV  ml  J,  unprofitable  ,  the  neceifity  of  willing  being  much  more  fubjed  and  obnoxious  to 
JefNuZi  all  thofe  blows ,  and  all  thofe  adfurdities,  which  flow  from  fatall  deftiny ,  than  the 
Fecdom  to  do  necellity  of  doing.  Thirdly  as  contrary  tothefenfc,  and  meaning  of  the  whole 
ifoncwil,vvith  ^^j.jj  PQjjj.jj^jy  35  contrary  to  the  Scriputrcs.  Laftly,Ihave  demonftrated  the 
°o\viU3^^a  unreafonablencffe  of  hiscomparifons  between  the  intelkauall  and  fenfitive  appetite, 
diflinftion  both  as  it  is  a  comparifon  ^Theologia  Symbolica  non  eCl  argumentativa.  As  alfo  as  it  is  an 
inference  from  the  lelTer  to  the-  greater  negatively. 

Now  I  add,  That  that  ghffe  if  accurfed,  which  doth  corrupt  the  text ,  as  thisglofle 
of  his  doth  ,  That  a  man  is  free  to  do  if  he  will ,  but  not  free  to  will.  Eledion  is 
that  very  thing  which  he  faith  is  not  free  ,  that  is  the  appettiei  and  it  is  thus  defined, 
EkUio  eft  appetitu(reipr£confiderat£,  Eledion  is  an  appetite  offome  thing,  that  hath  been 
predeliberated  of.  But  the  texts  alleadged  do  demonftrate  that  to  choofcor  eled  is 
free     undetermined  to  one.  Thereof  they  do  demonftrate   that  it  is  not  free  onely 
to  do  but  much  more  to  will  or  to  choofe.  It  is  in  the  hufbands  choice  ,  either  toefta- 
blijhed  the  vow  of  his  wife  ,  or  to  mak^  it  voide.  Here  is  a  liberty  of  contradidtion  or  of 
exercife.  Again,  c/;oo/e_yf  t/^i/ t/a^*  whom  ye  will  ferve  ,    whether    the  gods  of  your  fa- 
thers ,  er  the  gods   of  the   Amorites ,  and  J  offer  thee  three  things  ,  choofe  the  which  of 
them  Jfhall  do.  Here  is  a  liberty  of  contrariety  or  fpecification.  And  in  all  thofe  places 
Nnm.  9,0  \±     here  is  a  liberty  of  eledion  ,  to  will ,  to  defire ,  to  choofetheir  own  appetite. 
Jcfh'i^iS       Secondly,  the  fameis  demonftrated  from  the    definition  of  free  will ,  tohc  a  free 
I  Sam'  »4  '  *  power  of  choofing  one  thing  before  another^  or  accepting  or  re]eding  the  fame  thing  indiffer- 
ently ^given  to  the  intelleUuali  nature  for  the  glory  of  god^in  order  to  fame  end.   But  al  1  thefe 
texts  by  me  alledged,and  many  more  do  attribute  unto  the  willa  power  of  choofing  one 
thing  before  another,or  of  accepting  or  rejedtingthe  fame  thing  indifferentlyiThercfore 
all  thefe  texts  do  demonftrate  that  the  will  of  man  isfree,not  onely  to  do  if  he  will,but 
to  will ,  that  is,  to  choofe,  or  to  eled.  Wherefbever,  whenfoever  and  hov.'foever  the 
will   adeth  ,  it  is  volition  ,  but  eledion  is  the  proper  formal  ad  of  the  will ,  as  it 
isfree.  Anditis  altogether  impolfible  there  (hould   be  any  eledion  ,  without  a 
freedom  to  will.  The  will  imployeth  the  underftanding  to  confider  of  the  moft  conve- 
nient means   to  attain  fome  defired  end.  The  underftanding  doth  return  its  judge- 
ment. Which  is  like  a  bill  prefented  to  the  King  by  the  two  houfes.  The  willis 
free  either   to    fufpend   its  ad  i  or  deny  its  approbation  with /a  w/tf«ff's  <J6/i;i/fr<«, 
The  will  will  advife  better  ,  or  elfe  to  confent ,  with  la  volonte  le  w^t ,  the  will 
approveth  it ,  which  confent  to  the  judgment  of  the  underftanding  is  properly 
eledion  ,  as  it  were  the  conclufion  ofa  pradical  Syllogifm,  an  intelledive  appetite, 
or  an  appetitive  inteled. 

If  a  great  Prince  (hould  offer  to  his  poor  fubjed  three  diftind  gifts  &  bid  him  take 
his  choice  of  them,  having  underhand  given  away  two  of  them  before  to  another 
from  him  ,  Were  it  not  an  abufe  ,  and  a  meer  mockery  .?  God  offered  David  in  like 
manner  his  choice  of  three  things  i  7  ojfiT  thee  three  things  ,  choofe  which  of  them  \ 
Jh  M  do.  Did  God  openly  offer  to  Havid  the  free  choice  of  three  things ,  and  had 
fecretly  determined  that  two  of  them  (hould  never  be  ?  Far  be  this  from  God.     E- 

fpeci> 


1 


Discourse  II.  Mr.  Hob  ♦/  Animad'verfiuns.  75y 

efpecially  to  do  it  fo  ferioully  ,  and  with  fucli  folemn  proteliations  ,  as  1  cult  Heaven 

and  Earth  this  day  to  record  agatnji  you  ,  that  I  have  fet  before  yon  Life  and  Death,  hkf-  Deut 

fwg  andcitrfing,  therefore  choofi  Life  ,thjt  both  thou  and  thy  feed  may  Live.C:in  any  man  ^°* 

who  hath  but  fo  much  reverential  fear  of  of  God,as  a      Grain   Mullard  feed   which 

is  the  Lealt  of  feeds ,  harbour  fuch  an  unworthy  thought  in  his  breall  ,  tha't  truth 

it  felf  fhould  be  guilty  of  fuch  grofs  diliimulation  >   It  is  a  decided  caufe  in  Law 

that  he  who  hath  granted  to  another  Liberty  ofeleAion,  cannot  before  his  e!e<Sion 

difpofc  of  that  which  he  hath  granted  away  to  another.     He  who  hath  a  right  to  e- 

left,  if  he  choofe  an  unworthy  perfon,  by  the  fentence  of  the  Law  forfeits  his  right 

to  eledt,  for  that  turn.     Why  fo,  if  he  was  necellitated  without  his  will  to  choof- 

as  he  did  ?  We  fay  truly  .confent  taketh  away  errour.     That  man  is  not  wronged  , 

who  confents  to  his  own  wrong:how  fo,ifhis  confent  be  againft  or  without  his  own 

Will  >  If  the  Will  be  not  free  but  neccliitated  ,  then   nothing  is   unlawful.     7hat 

xvbich  is    not  Latfful  by  the  Law  ,  necejjiiy  makfth  Larcful.ln  ak  not  ondy  of  abCo- 

lute  ,  but  even  of  extream  necelfity ,  nteum  znd  *««/»  ceafeth  ,  and  that  which  o- 

thcrwife  had  been  plain  theft,  becometh   juft.     He   who  n  cellitateth  all  events 

taketh  fin  out  of  the  World. 

One  of  my  inftances  was  in  the  eleftion  of  the  King  of  the  Romans  ,  to  which 
he  anfwcreth  as  formerly  ,  T'hn  the  ekSors  are  free  to  name  whom  they  wiS  but  not 
free  to  rviV.  If  they  be  not  free  to  will  ,  then  they  are  not  free  to  eledl  for  elc- 
dion  is  the  proper  formal  adt  of  the  Will  •,  and  then  the  cicdors  are  no  eledtors. 
There  is  one  contradidtion.  Neither  are  they  free  to  name  whom  they  will  indiffer- 
ently ,  if  they  be  d.termined  neceiTarily  and  antecsdently  to  name  one.  Poifi- 
bilityof  more  than  one,  and  a  precife  determination  to  one  ,  (that  is,  may  name 
and  muftname  ,  j  are  Like  wife  contradidtories  in  adjeSo.  This  is  not  all:  We  fee 
by  the  Golden  Bull  what  care  there  is  to  bring  the  eledors  together  to  Frank^efrt  '*C(«r»//.4 

and  to  fecurc  them  there.     Every  one  of  them  muft  take  a  folemn  oath  upon  the  Go- 
fpel  of  St.  Juhn  ,  that  according  to  his  Yaith  which  he  ovoeth  to  God  and  the  Roman 
Empire  ,  to  the  beji  of  his  difcretion  and  underftanding  ,  he  will  choofe   \_  volo  eligere  "1 
with  the  help  if  God  a  King  of  the  Romans ,  that  is,  ft  for  it ,  and  give  his  voice  and 
vote  without  all  faU  ,  jlipend  ,  prrice  ,  or  promife.     And  if  they  do  not  accord  adually 
•within  thirty  days  ,  they  are  thenceforth  to  have  nothing  but  bread  and  Water  un- 
til they  have  made  their  election.     If  it  was  antecedently  determined  by  extrinfccal 
caufes  who  fliould  be  chofen,  and  no  other:  What  needed  all  this  trouble  and  charge 
to  fo  many  great  Prince  ,  when  they  might  as  well  have  ftayedat  home,and  have  fee 
feven  ordinary  Burgers  to  have  drawn  Lotts  for  it?  Do  men  ufc  to  fwear  to  choofe 
that  which  (it  may  by  )  is  not  in  their  power  to  choofe,  and  to  refufe  that  which 
(  which  it  may  be  )  is  not  in  their  power  to  refufe.     The  belly  is  a  vehement  oratour 
but  if  it  be  abfolutely  determined  whom  they  muft  choofe,  and  when,  they  might 
as  Well  give  them  mofel ,  Wine ,  and  the  bcft  meat  the  Country  affords,  as  bread  and 
Water.     Here  we  have  exprefly  volo  eligere,  I  will  choofe,   which  is  as  much  as 
.tofay  ,  volo  veVe  ,  I  Will   I  will  :   which  Phrafc  T.  H.  eflcemeth  an  abfurd  Speech : 
But  JmHiu  Scaliger  thought  other  wife,  Vicimm  &  verb  ^  &  ex  omnium  gentium  con- 
fenfu  ,  volo  velle.     The  wety  woids  cum  adjutorio  Vei ,  With  the  help  of  God,  might   ^'*'""  ?°7 
teach  them  that  God  is  neither  the  total  caufe,  nor  the  determining  caufe  of  mans 
eleAion. 

Laftly,  This    difiindion  maketh  T.    H.   worfe  than    the  Stoicks  themfelves,  Andmaketh 
for  the  Stoicks  together  with  their  fate  ,  did  alfo  maintain  the  Freedom  of  the  will!  T.  if  adegrec 
And  as  we  find  in  many  Authors,  both  theirs  and  ours,  did  not  fubjedt  the  Soul  of  *^°r.'"e  than  the 
man  ,  nor  the  will  of  man  to  the  rigid  dominion  of  dertiny.     The  Stoicks  fubfira-   ^'°''^*^'' 
ded  fome  caufes ,  and  fubjefted  others  to  nccellity.     And  among  thofe  which  they 
would  not  have  to  be  under  necelfity,  they  placed  the  will  of  man  ,  Lcfi  it  fhould  Aufl.de  civUt 
feem  not  to  be  free,  if  it  %vere  fubjeded  to  necelfity.     Chryfippm  made  two  forts  of  ''^'  '•  5.  f.  lo. 
caufes  which  did  necelfitate  and  compel  all  things,  except  the  will  of  man,  and  ad- 
juvantcaufe?,  as  objeds  ,  which  did  onely  excite  and  allure.     Thefe  C  faid  he  j  do 
awaken  the  mind  of  man,  but  being  awakened  it  can  move  of  it  felf:   which   he 
fetteth  forth  by  the    comparifor.  of  a  whirlegigge  ,  and  a  roller  cafl   down  a 
fteep  place,  which  have  the  beginning  of  their   motion  from  without  themfelves  , 

X  X  X  X  bu{ 


TOME  111. 


Ai  G^teUtHm 


of  the  Ani- 
madverfwns, 


Tux  their  Progrds  from  their  ow7i  torm  and  volubUuy  So  1.  His  wodc  than  a 
Stoick  in  this  refpedt ,  and  cxtcndeth  fatal  neccllity  farther  than  they  did.  I  have 
done  with    his  diftin^ion  for  this  time  i  I  fay  nothing  of  the  bird,  but  the  egge 


IS 


Judicium  1>r*. 
Sice  prtSi, 
cmm  *xplain_ 


bad. 


In  fhefc  Animadverfions  there  is  nothing  contained  which  is  material ,  either  for 
neccllity  or  againft  liberty,  but  paflion  and  animofity.  "Where  itisfaid,  that  the 
will  doth  perpetually  follow  the  laft  dictate  of  the  underflanding  ,  or  thelaft  judge- 
ment of  right  rcafon:  He  excepteth  that  7  am  mijlaksn  ,for  the  rvil!  foUotPeth  as  iveti 
the  Judgement  of  an  erroneous^  as  of  a  true  Teafoning.  Firrt  his  exception  is  improper,  it 
is  the  judgement  of  Reafon,  not  ofreafoning.  Secondly  it  is  impertinent,  the  onely 
queftion  here  is ,  whether  the  will  do  follow  thelaft  judgement  of  reafon  ,  not  whe- 
ther the  reafon  be  right  or  not,  Thirdly  it  is  falfe ,  whilft  the  will  doth  follow  the 
erroneous  judgement  of  reafon,  yet  it  folio  weth  it  as  the  judgement  of  right  reafon, 
"When  the  judgment  of  Reafon  is  erroneous,  the  will  followeth  it  onc\y  defaHo, 
but  when  it  is  right  ,  is  followeth  it  both  defaUo  and^f  iure. 

His  fecond  exception  is,  that  I  wwfef  the  undcrfiandifig  to  be  an  effect  of  the  mH.  Good 
words.  I  faid  not  the  underllanding ,  but  the  ad  of  the  underftanding  ,  that  is  ,  the 
deliberation  or  judgement  of  the  underftanding  ,  whichis  fo  far  truely  faid  to  pro- 
ceed form  the  will,  becaufethe  will  employeth  the  underftanding  to  deliberate  and 
judge. How  the  underftanding  moveth  the  will ,  and  the  will  moveth  the  under- 
ftanding mutually  ,  is  a  fuperfluous  qucftion ,  (eeing  they  do  not  differ  really  ,  but 
rationally.  The  underftanding  is  the  effence  of  the  (oul  as  it  knoweth,  the  will  the 
fame  elfence  of  the  foule  as  it  extendeth  it  fclfe  to  enjoy  the  thing  known.  Neither 
ami  obliged  to  read  Ledtures.  It  is  fufficient  to  know,  that  the  will  is  moved  to  the 
fpeciHcation  of  its  ad  onely  by  the  underftanding  ,  or  which  is  all  one  ,  by  the 
objed  known  and  reprcfented.  But  the  will  is  moved,  and  doth  move  the  the  un- 
derftanding, tOxthe  cxercifc  of  its  ad  byitfelf,  except  only  in  that  motion  which  is 
called  motus  prmo  frimus ,  that  is  the  motion  of  the  will  towards  the  laft  end  ,  which 
itis  not  in  the  power  of  the  will  to  will  or  not  to  will  ,  as  its  other  motions  arc , 
but  requireth  the  excitation  of  the  firiftcaufe.  The  will  moveth  both  the  underftan- 
ding and  it  fclfe effedively.  The  underftanding  moveth  the  will  objedively,  by  make- 
ing  thofe  things  to  be  adually  known,  which  were  onely  potentially  intelligible. 
As  the  light  ot  Sun  maketh  thofe  things  adually  vifible ,  which  before  did  lie  hid 
in  darknelfc. 

Ifhe  will  not  undcrftand  thofe  things ,  which  all  old  Divines  and  Philofophers 
do  alTent  unto  ,  (  chufing  rather  to  be  a  blind  leader  of  the  blind  .  than  a  follower 
of  them  who  fee)  nor  the  command  of  the  will,  nor  the  difference  between  natural 
and  moral  eficjcy\  If  he  undcrftand  not  what  is  the  judgement  of  the  underfianding 
f radically frradical ,  hevnud  learn, and  not  adventure  to  cenfure  befor he  knows 
what  he  cenfures.  What  he  is  not  able  to  confute,  he  fliould  not  dare  to  fleight.  I 
do  not  juftifie  all  the  queftions ,  nor  all  the  expreffions  of  all  Schoolemcn  :  But 
this  I  will  fay  ,Therc  is  often  more  profound  fcnfeand  learning  in  one  of  thefc  obfcurc 
phrafes  which  he  cenfures  as  jargow ,  and  unintelligible  ,  than  in  one  of  his  whole 
Treaties. 

And  particulary ,  in  this  which  he  fleighteth  more  than  any  of  the  reft  in 
a  domineering  manncri  that  is  ,  "the  judgement  of  the  underftandiug  praSicaHy  fraUicaL 
A  country  man  ( faith  he  )  wiU  ack^orvledge  there  u  judgement  in  men  ,  hut  will  as  foon 
fay  ,  the  judgment  of  the  judgement  ,  of  the  judgement  of  the  underjianding.  Then 
fhall  country  men  be  Judges  of  terms  of  Art ,  who  undcrftand  not  any  one  termc 
of  any  Art  >  mrch  leflc  the  things  intended  by  thofe  tcrmes ,  and  the  faculties  of 
the  foule  with  their  proper  ads.  But  fuch  a  filly  judge  is  Htteft  for  T.  H.  I  will  not 
cite  a  Schoole-man  ,but  contain  my  felfc  within  the  bounds  of  philolbphy. 

Philofophers  do  define  the  underftanding  by  its  fubjed  ,  proper  ads,  and  objedj, 
to  he  a  faculty  of  the  foule  underfianding  ^  kitorving  ,  and  judging  things  intelligibU.lt 
to  judge  of  its  objed,  be  the  proper  ad  of  the  underftanding  ,  then  there  muft  needs 
be  a  judgement  of  the  underftanding.  Every  fenfe  judgeth  of  its  proper  objed ,  as  the 
fight  of  colours ,  the  hearing  of  founds.  Shall  we  grant  judgement  tothefenfes, 
and  deny  judgement  to  the  underftanding  ?  Now  this  judgement  is  either  contem-. 

platire 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  HobsV   Animadversions-  ^IJSq 

plativc  ,  or  practical.  Conremplative  is  when  the  underftanding  aimcth  only  at 


knowledge  ,  what  is   true  ,  and  what  is  falfe  ,  without  thought  of  any  external 

action.  Pradical  judgement  is  when  the  underftanding  doth  not  only  judge  what 

is  true  ,  and  what  is  falfc ,     but  alfo  what  is  good  ,  and   what  is  evil ,  what  is  to 

bepurfued  ,  and  what  is  to  be  (huned.  So  we  have  the  pradical  judgement  of  the 

underdanding.  Yet  further   when  the  undcrftanding  hath  given  fuch  a  pradtical 

judgement ,  it  is  not  necefTary  that  the    will  fhall  follow  it;  but  it  may  fulpend  its 

confent    and  not  elect.   It  may  put  the  undcrftanding   upon   a  new  deliberation , 

and  require  a  new  judgment.   In  this  cafe  the  ju  dgement  of  the  undcrftanding  is 

practical,    bccaufe  it  intends  not  mcerly  contemplation  ,  what  is  true  and  what  is 

falfe  ,  but  alfo  action,  what  is  to  be  purfued  ,  and  what  is  to  be  (hunned  i  But 

yet  it  is  not  practically  practical ,    becaufe  it  takes   not  ef?ect,by  reafon  of  the  dilTent 

of  the  will.  But  whenfoever  the  will  (hall  give  its  free  confent  to  the  practial  judgment 

of  the  undcrftanding  ,  and  the  fentence  of  reafon  is  approved  by  the  acceptation  of 

the  will  •,  then  the  judgement  of  the  undcrftanding  becomespr^S/c^//y  praSical.  Then 

the  election  is  made,   which  phylofophers  do  therefore  call ,  a  confultative  appetition. 

Not  that  the  will  can  elect  contrary  to  the  judgement  of  reafon,  but  that  the  will 

may   fufpend  its  confent,  and   require  a  new   deliberation,  and  a  new  judgement, 

and  give  Confent  to  the  later.  So  we  have  this  feeing  piece  of  non-fenfe,  JMiii««w 

inteVeUuf  praCike  prjSicum  ,  not  only  tranflated  but  explained  in  Englifti,confonantly 

to  the  moft  received  opinions  of  ClalficalAuthours.  If  he  have  any  thing  tofayagainft 

if,  let  him  bring  arguments,  not  reproaches :  And  remember,how  Memnomgzvc  arail-        p/g,. 

ing  fouldier  a  good  blow  with  his  Lance,  faying,  I  hired  thee  to  fight ,  and  not  to 

railc. 

The  abfurdity  which  he  imputethtome   in  natural  Philofophy,  That  i»  j*  ridi- 
culous to  fay ,  that  the  object  of  the  .fight  U  the  caufe  }of  feeing  ,   which  mak^th  him  forty  How  the  ob, 
that  he   had  the  ill  fortune  to  be  ingaged  mth   mein  adifpute  of  this  kjnd,   is  altogether  }** '*'*'"* 
impertinent  and  groundlefle.  The  caufe  of  feeing  is  either  the  caufe  ofthe  exercifeof  th/caufcof 
feeing  ,  or  the  caufe  of  the  fpecification  of  the  act  of  feeing.  The  object  is  the  caufe  feeing, 
of  the  fpecification  ,  why  we  feethis  or  that,  and  not  the  caufe  of  the  exercife.  He 
that  (hould      aifirm  ,  that  the      object  doth  not  concurre  in  the        caufation     of 
fight,''efpecial!y  going  upon  thofc  grounds  that  I  do ,  that  the  manner  of  vifionis  not 
by  (ending  out  beams  from  the  eye  to  the  object,  but  by  receiving  the  fpecics  from 
the  object  to  the  eye,  )  were  in  an  errour  indeed.  For  in  (ending  out  the  Jpecies  there 
is  action  ,  and  in  the  reception  of  them  paflion.  But  he  that  (liould  affirm  ,  that  the 
object  is  the  caufe  of  the  exercife  of  fight,  or  that  it  is  that  which  maketh  that  which 
is  facultate  fpeSiabile  to  be  aSu  afpeHabile  ,    or  that  it  is  that  which  judgeth  of  the 
colour  or  Light ,  or  (  to  come  home  to  the  fcope  of  the  placi  , )  that  the  object 
doth  necellitate  or  determin  the  faculty  of  fight ,  or  the  fenfitive  Soul  to  the  exer- 
cife of  (eeing  were  in  a  greater  errour.     Among  many  anfwers  which  I  gave  to  that 
objection  ,   that  the  dictate  of  the  undcrftanding  doth  determine  the  Will ,  this  was 
one  ,  that  fuppofing  it  did  determine  it ,  yet  it  was  not  naturally,  but  morally  ,  not 
as  an  efficient,  by  Phyfical  influence,  into  the  Will ,  but  by  propofing  and  reprefent- 
ing  the  object,   which  is  not  my  fingle  opinion,  but  the  received  judgement  of  the 
beft  School-men.     And  in  this  fenfe,  and  this  (enfe  onely  ,  I  faid  truly,  that  the 
undcrftanding  doth  no  more  by  propofing  the  object  determin  and  necellitate  the 
Will  to  Will ,  than  the  object  of  fight  doth  determin  and  necellitate  the   fenfitive 
Soul  to  the  actual  exercife  of  feeing  ;  Whereas  all  men  know  that  the   fenfitive  A- 
gent  (  notwithftanding  any  efficacy  that  is  in  the   object  )  may  fliut  his  eyfs  ,  or 
turn  his  face  another   way.     So  that    which  I  faid  was  both  true  and  perti- 
nent to  the  queftior.     But    his  exception  is  altogether  impertinent ,    and  if  it 
be  underftood  according  to  the  proper  fenfe  and  fcope  of  the  place,  untrue.     And    Cajtigauoii 
this  is  the  onely  Philolbphical  notion  which  hitherto  I  have  found  in  his  Animad-  "f  ^^i^  -^"i' 
verfions.  viadverfioas 

Whofoever  defireth  to  be  (ecure  from  T.  H.  his  Arguments,  may  hold  himfelf  dole  Num.  8. 
-o  the  queftion.  Where  he  will  find  no  great  caufe  of  fear.     All  his  contention  is  a- 
)oat  terms,     whatfosver  there  was  in  this  Section  which  came  home  to  the  princi- 
pal queftion  ,  is  omitted  ,  and  nothing  minded  ;  but  the  meaning  or  fignification 

X   X  X    X    2  ot 


T^O 


CaHmnonsof  TOME  1 1 1. 


— ' — ; J  f^r.Mnpniisadts    &c.  which  were  well  enough  underllood  before 

TlThola^s      n       "a-^^^^^^       another  P..«.  in  the  cLedy  ,  to  trouble  all 
U-.      So  he  acts  his  part  Like  thofe  fond  Muficians  ,  who  fpent  fo  much  time  in 
things.     5  ^^^_^  inaruments ,  that  there  was  none  Left  to  fpare  for  their  Mufick. 
Km-  3.  ''JJ^'"?  ^j.^  Crec  which  arc  voluntary,or  rpontaneous,and  which  are  necefTary  Agents, 

I  have  fet  down'at  Large,Whither  to  prevent  farther  trouble)  1  refer  the  reader ;  and 
reader  to  make  it  good  by  the  joynt  teftimonits  of  an  hundredClallick  Authors, 
fhanhishath  been  the  Common  and  currant  Language  of  Schokrs  for  many  Ages.  If 
h   could  produce  but  one  Author,  Stoickor  Chriliian  before  himfelf,whointheventi- 
ladon  of  thisqueftion  did  ever  deHne  Liberty  as  he  doth,  it  were  fome  fatisfadiioi:. 
Hitherto  We  have  found  no  demonftration^cither  from  the  caufe  or  from  the  effeft , 
few  topical  arguments,  or  authorities  that  are  pertinent  to  the  queftion,  except  it  be 
of  Country  men  and  Common  people  ,   with  one  comparifon. 
Spontaneity.         ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^j^^  Animadverfions  themfelves.     He  chargeth  me,    or  rather  the 
Schoolmen  ,  for  bringing  in  thisftrange  word  ,  Spontaneous  ,  meerly  to  fluft  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  maintaining  our  tenet  of  Free-rciV.     If  fpontaneous  and  voluntary  be  the  fame 
things   .  as  we  affirm ,  and  ufe  them  both  indifferently  ,  I  would  gladly   know, 
I^P^  j},£  or,c  can  be  a  fubtcrfugc  more  than  the  other?  or  why  we  may  not  ufe  a 
word  that  is  equipollent  to  his  own  word  >  But  to  cure  him  of  his  fufpition ,  I 
anfwer  That  the  fame  thing,  and  the  fame  terme  of  fpontaneous,  both  in  Greek  and 
Latine     in  tlie  fame  fenfe  that  we  take  it ,  as  it  is  diftinguifhed  from  free  ,  and  jufl 
as  we  define  it ,  wasufed  by  philofophers  a  thoufand  years  before  cither  I,  or  any 
Schoole-men  were  borne  ;  as  we  find  in  Jrijjotk.  that  is  fpontaneous  [or  voluntary 
»5.  en«'     ]  whofe  beginning  i*  in  it  felfe ,  with   knowledge  cf  the  end  or  knowing 
Ethiii^  /,  J-    every  thing  wherein  the  aftion  doth  confill.    And  the    fame  Authour  in  the  very 
c-  3^  next   Chapter  ,   makes  the  very  fame  difference  between  that  which  is  voluntary, 

and  that  which  is  free  or  eligible,  that  we  do. 

His  fccond  exception  is  againi\   thefe  words ,  Spontaneity  confifts  in  a  confor- 
mity of  the  appetite  ,  either  intclledual  or  fenfitive  to  the  objedi  rvhich  tvords  (  faith 
he  )  ^0  fignifie  thatfpontaneity  is  a  conformity  or  lik^ne^  of  the  appetite  to  the  objeS ,  which 
ConT  rmity       t"  him  foundeth  as  if  I  hadfaid,  that  the  appetite  is  Itk^  the  ohjeCi  ,  which  is  as  proper,  at 
fignifieth  agree  if  J  hadjaid,  that  the  hunger  is  lik^  the  meat.     And  when  he  concludes  Triumphan- 
ablenefias        jy  ^  7^  ,^jj  y^.  ^j^  meaning  ,  as  it  is  the  meaning  of  the  words  ,  he  is  a  very  fine  Philofo- 
wellaslikcnc*  ^^^^^     ^jj  his  Philofophy  confifts  in  Words-,  If  therehad  been  an  impropriety  in  the 
Phrafe ,  C  as  there  is  none  )  this  exception  had  been  below  an  Athenian  Sophiftcr. 
I  had  almoft  faid  ,  (  faving  the  rigorous  acception  of  the  Word  ,  as  it  was  u(cd  af- 
terwards )  an  Athenian  Sycophapt.     Conformity  fignifies  not  onely  fuch  a  likeneft 
of  feature  as  he  imagineth  ,  but  alfo  a  convenience ,  accommodation  ,  and  agree- 
ablenefs.     So  the  Savoury  meat  which  B.ebecka  made  forher  Husband,  was  conform 
to  his  appetite.     So  Daniel  and  his  fellows  conformed  their  appetites  to  their  pulfe 
and  Water.     Thus  tully  faith  ,  Ego  me  eomformo  ad  ejus  voluntatem,  I  conform  myfelf 
to  his  Will,     where  there  is  an  agreeablcnefs ,  there  is  a  conformity  i  as  to  ■  conform 
ones  fclf  to  another  mans  humour  ,  or  to  his  Council,  or  to  his  commands.     He 
refolveth  to  have  no  more  to  do  with  fpontaneity :  I  thought  that  it  had  not  beenhimfclf 
but  the  caufts  that  refolved  him  ,  without  his  own  Will.     But  whether  it  be  him- 
fclf ,  or  the  caufes ,  I  think  ,  if  he  hold  his  refolution  ,  and  include  Liberty  therein 
for  company  ,  it  will  not  be  much  amifs  for  him. 

Here  he  readeth  us  a  profound  Le^ure  ,  that  the  Common  people,  on  whofe  arbi- 
tration depettdeth  the  fignification  ofWcrds  in  common  ufe,  among  the L^tines  andGreeks^ 
did  call  all  aBions  and  motions ,  whereof  they  did  perceive  no  caufe  ,  fpontaneous  and  «'"". 
w™  and  in  the  conclufion  of  his  Lediure,  according  to  his  culfom  he  forgetteth  not 
himlclf.  JheBijhopunderliandin(r^nothingofthi4,  might  if  it  pleafed him ,  have  called 
«i;,f.y«T«  it  Jargon.  V\  hat  pitty  is  it,  that  he  hath  not  his  G«(j</;o  about  him  ,  to  cafe  him 
What  they  arc  of  this  trouble  ,  of  i^roaking  his  own  head  ?  here  is  a  Lecture  able  to  make  all  the 
Bfatkfmiths  and  Watchmakers  in  a  City  to  gape  and  Wonder ,  to  fee  their  Work- 
man(bip  fo  highly  advanced. 

Thus  he  vapourcth  flill,when  he  Lights  on  the  blind  fide  of  an  equivocal  Word  For 
my  part, I  not  onely  might  have  called  it,but  do  flill  call  it  meerj^ar^oM,  and  no  better. 

T» 


DiscouasK    II.  againftMr,  Vloh'sAmwacl'vofions. 


Topafs  by  PeccadiVo's^,   Firft,  he  tclleth  us,  How  the  Common pe^ipiTdidl^f^ 
adions  ffontaneous,  and"'>oi^^  &c.    How   doth    he  know    A'hat    the  Common 
people  called  them  >    The  books  which  we  have,  are  the  books  of  Scholars     not 
of  the  Common  people.  ' 

Secondly  he  faith,  that  the  ftgnification  of  all  Words  dependeth  upon  the  arbitration 
of  the  common  people.  Surely  he  meaneth  onely  at  Jthens ,  where  it  is  obferved  that 
Wife  men  did  fpeak  ,  and  fools  did  judge.  But  neither  at  Athens ,  nor  at  any'other 
place  were  the  common  people ,  either  the  perfectors  or  Arbitrators  of  Language 
who  neither  fpeak  regularly  nor  properly ,  much  lefs  in  Words  that  are  borrowed' 
from  Learned  Languages. 

Thirdly,  he  fuppofeth  ,  that  thefe  Words  Liberty ,  neceffity,  and  fpontaneity 
are  rpordi  in  common  ufe  ,  which  in  truth  are  terms  of  Art.  There  is  as  much  dif- 
ferrence  betjveen  that  Liberty  and  neceflity,  which  ordinary  people  fpeak  of;  and  the 
Liberty  and  neceffity  intended  in  this  queftion  ,  (  whereof  we  are  agreed  )'as  there 
is  between  the  pointing  out  of  a  man  with  ones  finger,  and  a  Logical  demon- 
ftration ,  or  between  an  habit  in  a  Taylors  (hops,  and  an  habit  in  Loeick  or 
Ethicks.  ° 

Fourthly  ,  He  confoundeth  fpontaneity  and  chance  comprehending  them  both 
under  the  name  of  f*  «uTi/«».  I  confefs  that  i-e'  <iuTiit*nt  in  Poets  and  Oratours 
is  a  Word  of  very  ambiguous  fignification  j  fometimes  fignifying  a  neceflary ,  fome- 
times  a  voluntary,  or  fpontaneous,  fometimes  a  cafual ,  fometimes  an  Artificial 
Agent  or  Event.  Such  equivocal  Words  are  his  delight :  but  as  they  are  terms  of 
Art ,  all  thefe  Words  are  exactly  diiHngui(hed  ,  and  defined,  and  Limited  to  thei« 
proper  and  certain  fignification.  That  which  is  voluntary  or  fpontaneous,  is  cal- 
led ,  to^kS^o,  as  We  fee  plainly  in  ^r/Mf.  That  which  is  freely  elected  is  called 
T.' 5fej«Uf «T«'»  and  that  which  is  by  chance ,  is  called  t.' a'c/ri,.,™,  as  he  may  fee  in  the 
places  cited  in  the  Margin  ,  Where  all  thefe  words  are  exactly  diftinguifhed  and 
defined. 

Fifthly  ,  He  faith,  the  Latinf  and  Greekj  did  call  all  actions  and  motions,  where-  p'hfl!V'c^6. 
of  they  did  perceive  no  caufe  •"ri/uttT*  ^  which  according  to  Artjiotle  and  other  Phi- 
lofophers ,  doth  fignifie  things  done  by  chance.  And  in  his  reafon,  whereof  they  did 
perceive  no  caufe  ,  he  is  miftakcn  on  both  fides.  For  firft  the  caufes'of  many  things 
are  apparent ,  which  yet  are  faid  to  be  done  by  chance,  as  when  a  Tile  falleth  down 
accidentally  from  an  houfe  ,  and  breaketh  a  mans  head.  And  on  the  other  fide 
many  things  whereof  the  caufes  were  not  known,  as  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the 
Sea ,  were  not  faid  to  be  done  by  chance. 

I  (hall  not  need  for  the  prefent  to  make  any  farther  inquiry  into  his  extravagant 
interpretations  of  Words,  which  he  maketh  gratU  upon  his  own  head  and  authority, 
and  which  no  man  admireth,  but  himfelf.  Re6luni  eji  index  Cui  &  ohliqui. 

Sixthly,   He  faith  ,   Not  every  appetite  ^  but  the  lajiis  efteemedthe  will^  ■when  men  '' 

do  judge  of  the  regularity  or  irregularity  of  one  anotherr  aCtionr.  I  acknowledge^  that  ^f  *  -it 

nM  apparentibus  ,  &  non  exijientibuf  eadem  eji  ratio ,  If  it  do  not  appeare  outwardly  may'bc^chaD, 
to   be  his  will ,  man  cannot  judge  of  it  as  his  will.  But  if  it  did  appeare  to  g^'*- 
be  his  will,  firft  or  laft  ,  though  he  change  it   over  and  over,  it  was  his  will 
and  is  judged  by  God,  to  have  been  his  will,  and  maybe  jultly  judged  fo  by  man' 
fo  far  as  it  did  appear  to  have  been  his  will  by  his  words  and  actions  If  he  mean 
his  laft  will  and  tellament  ,  that  indeed  taketh  place  and  not  the  former  i  yet  the 
j      former  will  was  truly  his  will,  until  it  was  revoked. But  of  this  and  of  his  deliberation 
[I      Itliall  have  caufe  to  fpeake  more  hereafter. 

I  come  now  to  his  contradictions.  His  firft  contradiction  is  this ,  All  voluntary 
acts  arc  deliberate  :  Some  voluntrary  aces  are  not  deliberate.The  former  part  of 
his  contradiction  is  proved  out  of  thefe  wordes.  Voluntary  prefuppofes  fame  precedent 
deliberation ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  fome  confiderationand  meditation  ofrvhat  is  lihly  to  follorv 
both  upon  the  doing  ,  and  abjhinmg  from  the  a&ion  deliberated  of.  The  (econd  part 
is  proved  as  planily  ,  vohen  a  man  hath  time  to  deliberate  ,  but  deliberates  not 
becaufe  never  any  thing  appeared  that  could  wj%  him  doubt  of  the  confequence  the  aHion  ^'""  *  ^' 
follows  his  opinions^  olfthe  goodneQe  or  harm  of  it.  Thefe  a&ions  J  call  voluntary  8cc. 
becaufe  thefe  anions  ^   that  follorv  immdiately  the  hjl  appetite  are  voUi.ttary.  And  here  '  ^'""'  *'' 

where 


773 


*""  Cajiigatons  of  TOME  HI. 

'Z^threis  ene  onely~^pp^e,  that  one  is  the  bji.  To  this  he  anfwcred  ,  Volmtary 
VrefuPPofes  deliberation,  when  the ]udgmtnt  whether  the  aUion  be  voluntary ,  cr  not  ,u 
JtintheAUor,  but  ht  the  Judge ,  Tfho  regardeth  not  the  mil  cf  the  Aaor  ,  Tf hen  there 
is  nothinz  '"  be  accufed  in  the  aUion  of  deliberate  malice  ,  yet  k>,ton>eth  ,  that  though  there 
be  but  one  appetite,  the  fame  is  truly  tfillforthe  time,  and  the  aaton,ifitfollon>,  a 
Voliintarineft    ^gt„)!tary  atiion. 

doth  not  He,  '^^  vvhich  term  doth  he  anfwer  ?  Of.  what  term  doth  he  dillingui.'h .?  Some  have 
^'dtei!!c'm  of  been  oblerved  to  have  loft  the  benefit  of  their  Clergy  .at  their  deaths,  becaufe 
ether.  they  dcfpifed  it  in  their  lives.  It  is  no  marvel ,  if  he  receive  no  help  from  any  di- 

ftinition  no'v  who  hath  ever  been  an  enemy  to  diftind:ions,and  a  triend  to  confufion. 
If  his  anfwci  i.-^/e  any  fcnfe  at  all ,  this  mult  be  it.  That  an  indeliberate  act  may  be  in 
truth    and  in  the  judgement  of  the  Agent  himfelf,  a  voluntrary  att :  yet  in  the  com- 
mon or  publick  judgement  of  other  men  ,  it  may  be  efteemed  and  palTe  for  an  in- 
voluntary and  unpunilhable  ad.  But  firft  ,  neither  the  queftion  ,  nor  his  affertion 
was  what  is  to  be  judged  a  voluntary  ad  by  men,  who  neither  know  the  heart  of 
man,  nor  arc  able  to  judge  of  his  will ,  but  what  is  a  voluntary  ad  init  felfe  ,and 
what  is  the  elfcnce  and  definition  of  a  voluntary  ad.  I  argue  thus  ,  That,  which  is 
cffentially  a  voluntary  ad  ,  cannot  by    any  thing  that  is  extrinfecal  and  fubfequent , 
and  which  perhaps  may  r.cy^t  be  ,  be  made  no  voluntary  ad  :  But  the  judgement 
of  other   men  is  extrinfecal  and  fubfequent  to  the  ad  :  and  may  perhaps  never 
be.  How  many  thoughts  of  every  man  every  day  paffe  unknown,  unjudged,  whether 
they  were  regular,  or  irregular. 

Secondly  God  Almighty  ,  who  is  the  onely  fearcher  of  hearts ,  is  the  proper  and 
onely  Judge  of  the  will. If  the  adbe  truely  voluntary,he  judgeth  it  to  be  truely  volun- 
tary ,whether  it  be  for  the  Agents  advantage  or  difadvantage'.man  cannot  judge  what 
ads  are  voluntary  ,  and  what  arc  not  ,  becaufe  he  doth  not  know  the  heart.  If 
one  perform  outward  obedience  to  the  law  againft , his  will  ,  man  judgeth  it  to 
be  willing  obedience ,  and  cannot  do  otherwife.  If  a  man  do  an  evil  ad,  man 
muftnceds  judge  it  tobea  voluntary  ad  :  And  indeed  fo  much  more  voluntary  ,by 
how  much  it  was  leffe  deliberated  of,  becaufe  the  will  is  leffe  curbed  ,  and  muft 
have  lefle  reluftation.  How  much  doth  he  erre  ,  who  prefers  the  judgement  of 
man  before  the  judgement  of  God? 

Thirdly  ,  according  to  T.  K  his  principles ,  all  acts  of  free  Agents,  whatfoevet 
are  voluntary  ,  and  cannot  poliible  but  be  voluntary  :  for  fo  he  teacheth  ,  That  a 
man  is  free  to  do  if  he  will  , hut  he  is  not  free  to  will:  Would  behave  men  judge  that 
to  be  unvoluntary  ,  which  cannot  polLble  but  be  voluntary  ?  If  kwil/ ,  with  him 
isa  neceflary  fuppofition. 

Laftly  ,  Judges  do  efteem  ra(h  unadvifed  acts,  not  to   be  fo  irregular,  or  (b 
punidiable  as  other  Acts ,  not  becaufe  they  are  lefle  voluntary  ,  for  they  are  more 
voluntary  ,  but    becaufe  the  carefulleft  man  breathing  ,  cannot  arme  himielfe  fuf- 
ficiently  againft  all  occafions ,  but  that  he  may  be  furprized  by  fudden  pallion.  But 
if  after  the  firft  fit  of  paflion  ,  he  had  time  and  means  to  cool  his    heat,  to  deliberate 
of  his  duty,  before  the  act  committed  ,  and  yet  he  continued  obftinate  ,  thelaw 
looks  upon  him  without  pity,not  onely  as  a  willifig  but  as  a  willful  offender,  though 
there  was  no  malice  nor  inveterate  hatred  in  the  ca  jfe  ,  but  perhaps  a  quarrel  upon 
fome  punQUio  of  honour.    But  for  perfons  uncapable  of  deliberation,  as  natural 
fools, mad  men,  and  children  before  they  have  ule  of  reafon  ,  though  there  may 
be  hatred  and  malice,  as  experience  hath  taught  Us,  yet  the  law  doth  not  puniftv 
them  in  the  fame  nature ,    bccaule  it  fuppofeth  them  uncapable  of  deliberation,  and 
unable  to  confider  ferioully  and  fufficiently  ,  either  of  their  duty,  which  they  owe 
to  God  and  man  ,  crof  the  dangers  which  they  incur  by  that  act,  and  becaufe  it 
is  not  their  fault,  that  they  are  uncapable.    So  the  judgement  of  man  is  no 
fafe-guard  to  him  from  his  contradiction.  For  Judges  go  upon  our  grounds  ,  which 
deny  all  liberty  and  power  of  election  ,  to  fuch  as  have  not  fufficient  ufe  of  reafon, 
without  their  own  fault.  But  he  goeth  upon  contrary  grounds  to    us,  and  to  the 
Law  ,  holding  Fools,  Mad-men  ,  Children,  yea  ,  even  bruite  beafts,  to  be  capable 
of  deliberation  and  election,  and  thereupon  fuppofing  all  voluntary  acts  to  be  deli- 
berated ,  in  vain  doth  he  feek  (belter  under  our  practice ,  who  is  an  enemy  to  thofe 

prin- 


DiscoURsi.  II.        Mr.  Hobs*/  Animad'verftons.  772" 

principles ,  whereupon  our  practife  jg  grounded. 

His  Second  contradidlion,  wliich  he  relateth  amifs  ,  is  this,  all  fpontaneity  is  an 
inconfiderate  proceeding.     This  is  plainly  (et  down   by  himfelf ,  by  Spontaneity  is"* 
meant inconfiderate  proceeding,  or  elfe  nothing  is  meant  by  it.     To  which  this  is  contra- 
didory ,  fome  fpontaneity  is  not  an  inconfiderable  proceeding ,  affirmed  by  him  ^"^  ^? 
Like  wife  ,  iFijenaman  givetb  mmey  voluntarily  to  another  for  Merchandize  ,  &c.  he  is  ^"'"^ 
faidto  do  it  of  his  own  accord,  which  in  Latin  w  fponte,   and  therefore  theadion  is  fpon- 
taneoHS.     From  whence  I  argue  thus  ,  all  giving  Merchandife  for  money  is  a  fpon- 
taneousadt,  but  all  giving  of  Merchandife  for  money  ,  is  not  an  inconfiderate  adt, 
therefore  all  fpontaneous  a6ls  ,  are  not  inconfiderate  ads.     To  this  he  anfwereth 
nothing. 

His  third  contradidion  is  this ,  That  having  undertaken  to  prove  that  chil- 
dren ,  before  they  have  the  ufe  of  reafon ,  do  deliberate  and  cled,  yet  he  faith  by 
and  by  after,  That^  c/;/"W  may  be  fo  young  ,  as  to  do  what  he  doth  ,  without  all  deli- 
beration. 

I  acknowledge  this  to  be  no  contradidlion ,  as  it  is  here  propofed.  The  afts  of 
reafon ,  as  deliberation ,  do  net  come  to  a  child  in  an  iuftant ,  but  by  degrees.  A 
child  is  fit  to  deliberate  of  his  childifli  fports ,  or  whether  he  (hould  cry  or  not ,  be- 
fore he  can  deliberate  ofmatters  of  greater  moment.  But  ifthe  contradiction  be  pro- 
pofed ,  as  I  propofed  it,  and  always  intend  it,  of  young  fuckling  Children,  foon 
after  their  birth ,  I  fee  not  how  he  can  excufe  his  contradiction.  For  they  have 
Spontaneity  the  rirft  hour  :  and  yet  by  his  confelfion,  they  are  too  young  to  deliberate.  K»m  8 
But  if  deliberation  were  no  more  than  he  maketh  it,  a  demurring  upon  what  they  ^«"«»<* 
fhalldo  ,  out  o/fenfitive  hofe  ,  tojfuck  the  biCaft  ,  and  fenfitive/<?jr  offomeftrange  fi- 
gure: or  a  he  cilkth  it  dkwheie.  An  alternate  appetite  to  door  acquit  an  aSion,  they 
may  deliberate  well  enough. 

To  that  place  by  me  alledged  ,  Becaufe  thou  hafi  ask^d  this  thing  ,  and  haft  not  ask; 
edfor  thy  felf  Long  Life  ,  &c.     He  antwereth  thus,  haw  doth  be  k^ow  (  underjianding  ^^fiig<^^°"/ 
power  properly  takgn  )  that  Solomon  had  a  real  power  to  asl^Lsng  Life  ?  No  doubt  Solo-  "^  *^^^  '^"^~ 
monkpeiv  nothing  to  the  contrary:  Tet  it  was  pnfthle  that  Ood  might  have  hindred  l,iY„,  ^^^verfions 
For  though  God  gave  Solomon  bis  choice  ,  that  is ,  the  thing  that  he  Jhould  choofe,  it  doth  ^^^'  9' 
not  follow  that  he  did  not  alfogive  him  the  aS  of  eleUion.     It  is  no  new  thing  with  him  *      ^^  '  "' 
to  confound  the  act  and  the   object  ,  choice    and  the  thing  chofen>  election,  which 
is  always  of  more  than  one  ,  and  the  thing  elected  ,  which  is  precifely  one. 

I  doubt  not ,  but  Solomon  had  his  power  to  elect  from  God  :  I  doubt  not,  but 
the  grace  of  God  did  excite  Solomon ,  and  allift  him  in  his  election  to  choofe  well. 
But  that  Solomon  was  ncceffitated  by  God  to  ask  Wifdom,  and  not  to  ask  Long 
Life  ,  or  riches  ,  or  the  Life  of  his  enemy  ,  is  clearly  againft  the  text. 

Firft,  God  faid  to  Solomon  ,  ash^  what  I  (hall  give  thee.  If  God  had  predetermin- 
ed precifely  what  Solomon  muft  ask  ,  and  what  he  muft  have ,  and  what  he  muft  not 
ask  ,  and  what  he  muft  not  have  :  it  was  not  oncly  a  fuperfluous ,  but  a  Ludicrous  Elefiion  of 
thing  ,  to  bid  him  ask  what  gift  he  would  have  from  God.  Then  followeth  Solo-  °'o**''»"  ^'^^ 
mous  deliberation  to  enable  him  to  choofe  what  was  moft  fit  for  him.  If  God  had 
determined  what  he  wou  Id  give  ,and  what  Solomon  muft  ask ,  how  ridiculous  had  it 
been  for  him  to  deliberate  of  what  God  had  done.  Vcr.  5. 

Thirdly  ,  It  is  faid ,  7he  Speech  pleafed  the  Lord ,  that  Solomon  had  asifd  this 
thing.  There  is  no  doubt  but  all  the  Works  of  God  do  pleafe  him ,  God  faw  all  that 
he  made  ,  and  it  was  very  good.  But  what  had  Solomon  done  to  pleafe  God  ,  i>f 
God  did  neceilitate  Solomon  irrefiftibly  ,  to  do  what  he  did  ?  Vcr.l  7  8  y. 

Then  follow  the  Words  alledged  by  me ,  Becaufe  thou  hsft  ask^d  this  thing,  sndhafl 
not  ask^d  for  thy  felf  Long  Life,  dec.  Which  words  if  this  opinion  of  Univerfal  necef- 
llty  were  true,  can  beare  no  other  fcnfc  but  this,  becaufe  thou  haft  done  this  which 
was  inevitably  impoied  upon  thee  to  do  ,  and  haft  not  done  that ,  which  was  alto-  "'  '** 
gether  impoffible  for  thee  to  have  done.  As  if  a  Mafter  Ihould  firft  bind  his  Servant 
hand  and  foot  ,  head  and  heels  together  ,  and  chain  him  faft  to  a  poft 
and  then  tell  him  ,    becaufe    thou   haft   ftaid   here  ,    and   didft  not  run  away,  verjir^ 

He  urgeth  ,  That  Solomon  k^'ew  nothing  to  the  contrary,  but  that  it  was  in  his  pow- 
^r  to  have  done  otherwife.     U  Solomon  the  Wife  ft  of  men  did  not  know   it,  there  is 

Little 


I 


11\ 


t/f.  I? 


Was  it  not  in 

thy  power? 
explained. 


Cjftigatims 
upon  his  A- 
tiimadverfi- 

N  m.  lo. 
Out  of  hatred 
to  true  Liberty 
T  H  makes 
God  Hypocri, 
tical 


Cafiigations  of 


TOiMEin 


Little  probability  that  7.  H.  (hoM  know  it.  £ut  he  mult  know  ,  that  it  is  not  So- 
lomon  who  (peakcth  thele  words  but  God  ,  1  hope  he  will  not  fufpcct  God  Al- 
miehty  either  of  ignorance  or  of  nefcience.  Lalily  ,  We  fee  what  a  corollary  God 
gave  sllomon  for  asking  well  ,  above  that  which  he  did  ask  •,  riches  and  honour.  No 
man  defcrvcth  cither  reward  or  punilhment  ,  for  doing  that  which  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  leave  undone. 

I  urged  thcfe  Words  of  Sr.  Teter  ,  after  tt  tvasjold  ,  icof  tl  not  tn  thine  oven  power? 
to  (hew  that  power  which  a  man  hath  over  his  own  actions,  He  anfwereth,  That 
the  Tvofd  toTfer  fijinifieth  no  more  than  right ,  not  a  real  natural ,  hut  a  civil  porver^  made 
by  a  Covenant ,  or  a  right  to  do  with  his  orvn  what  he  pleaded.  1  anfwer  the  Word  pow- 
er doth  not ,  cannot  iignifie  any  fuch  right  to  do  with  his  own  as  he  pleafed  in  this 
place.  For  that  which  St.  Teter  complaineth  of,  was  Ananias  his  unjull  and  Sacri- 
legious detention  of  part  of  that,  which  he  had  devoted  to  God  ,  when  it  was  in  his 
power  to  have  offered  the  whole,  that  is  ,  to  have  performed  his  vow  :  If 
Sacriledge  be  right  ,  then  this  was  right  ;  If  that  which  he  had  purloined  Sacrile- 
gioufly  were  his  own ,  then  this  was  his  own ;  If  Ananias  had  been  neccllitated  by 
external  caufes,  to  hold  back  that  part  of  the  price,  it  had  been  no  more  Sacri- 
ledge ,  than  if  Thieves  had  robbed  hijn  of  it  before  he  could  offer  if.  The  reafon  is 
thus  made  evident ,  If  it  was  in  the  power  of  Ananiaf  to  have  done  that  which  he 
did  not  do  ,  and  to  have  offered  that  according  to  his  vow  ,  which  he  did  de- 
tain contrary  to  his  vow  ,  then  all  adfions  and  events  arenotneceliitated  ,  and  it  is 
in  mens  power  to  do  other  wife  than  they  do,  but  St.  Peter  faith  it  was  in  Ananiai 
his  power  to  have  offered  that  Which  he  did  not  offereSf 

My  reafon  againfl  Univerfal  neccflity  in  this  Sedtion  Was  this.  To  neceffitate  all 
men  to  all  the  individual  adions  which  they  do  ,  inevitably  j  and  to  expoftulate 
with  them,  and  chide  them  ,  and  reprehend  them,  for  doing  of  thofe  very  things 
which  they  were  neceliitated  to  do,  is  a  counterfeited  Hypocritical  exaggeration. 
But  according  to  7".  H.  his  Dodtrine  ,  God  doth  neceffitate  all  men  inevitably  to  do 
all  the  individual  adions  which  they  do  i  and  yet  expoftulates  with  them,and  chides 
them  ,  and  reprehends  them  for  doing  of  thofc  very  things  which  he  did  neceffitate 
them  inevitably  to  do.  This  affumption  ,  Which  onely  can  be  qucftioned  ,  is  pro- 
ved by  the  expoftulations  and  objurations  and  reprehenfions  themfelves  contained 
in  Holy  Scripture.  Therefore  ,  according  to  his  opinion  ,  God  himfelf  is  guilty  of 
counterfeited  ,  Hypocritical  exaggerations. 

It  were  more  ingenuous  to  confefs  that  this  is  not  to  be  anfwered  ,  than  to  buflle 
and  keep  a  coil ,  and  twirt  new  errours  with  old,  and  tax  others  ignorantly  of  igno- 
rance ,  and  fay  nothing  to  the  purpofe. 

His  lirrt  anfwer  is  generally  ,  that  I  would  have  men  believe  ,   that  hecaufe  he  holds 
neceffiiy ,  therefore  he  denies  Liberty.     A  dangerous   accufation  ,  to  accufe  him  of  a 
matter  of  truth.     But  he  faith  ,   He  holds  as  much  that  there  is  true  Liberty^  as  Jdcf  or 
Yea  ,  fuch  a  Liberty  as  Children  ,  and  Fools,  and  Madmen,  and  brute  beafts 


more. 


and  rivers  have  ,  A  Liberty  that  confil^s  in  negation  ,  or  nothing.  He  faith  indeed 
that  he  holds  a  Liberty  from  outward  impediments.  But  it  is  not  true  ,  for  exter- 
nal caufes  are  external  impediments.  And  if  he  fay  truly,  all  other  caufes  arehin-. 
dred  from  all  other  adtions  than  what  they  do  by  external  caufes.  But  true  Liber- 
ty from  neceilitation  and  determination  to  one ,  he  doth  not  acknowledge,  and 
without  acknowledging  that ,  he  doth  acknowledge  nothing,  I  Wonder  to  which 
of  my  propofitions ,  or  to  what  term  in  them  ,  this  anfwer  is  accommodated. ' 

His  Second  anfwer  is  particular  to  the  expoflulations  themfelves, That  thtfe  words 
fpikfn  by  Cod  to  Ad^nwHaji  thou  eaten  ef  the  tree  whereof  J  commanded  that  thou  fhculdfji 
n.t  eat ,  do  convince  Adam ,  that  notwithfiandingthat  Cod  had  placed  him  in  the  Garden^ 
a  means  to  keep  him  perpetually  frvm  dying  ,  in  cafe  he  (hould  accommodate  his  will  to 
obedience  of  Gods  Commandment  ,  conctrning  the  tree  of  Knowledge  of  good  and  evil^  yet 
Adam  was  v.otfo  much  mafter  of  his  own  will ,  as  to  do  it.  What  ridiculous,  or  ra- 
ther deplorable  i^ufle  is  this  >  How  {hould  it  be  expedcd,  that  Adam  f}-,ould  be  ma- 
iler of  his  own  will  ,  if  God  did  neceffitate  his  will  without  his  will  >  and  deter- 
mine him  inevitably  to  what  he  did?  if  his  dodrine  were  true,  this  doth  not 
convince  Adam  ,  but  God  Almighty,  who  did  hrft  necdhtate  his  will,  and  then 

Chide 


D I s CO u Rs E  1 1.  Mr.  Hob,^ '/  Animadverfions. 


chide  him  (or  that  which  was  Gods  own  act.  Can  any  man  be  lo  blind  as  not  to" 
ice  the  abfurdityof  this  dodrinc  >  That  God  did  place    in  the  Garden  a  means 


77^^ 


to  keep  man  perpetually  Iron  dying,  and  yet  did  deprive  him  of  it  inevitably 
without  his  own  tault  >  And  this  is  all  that  he  anfwereth  to  the  other  Places 
as  that  to  Eve  ,  rehy  hafi  thou  done  this  >  And  to  Cain ,  rphy  art  thou  wroth? 
And  why  will  ye  die  ,  0 ye  houfe  oflfrael? 

I  urged  this  Argument  further,  doth^d  reprehend  man  or  doing  that ,  which 
he  had  antecedently  determined  that  he  mull  do  ?  He  anfwereth  ,  no  ,  How  no  ^ 
Are  not  thefe  reprehenfions  >  Or  doth  not  he  maintain ,  that  'Cod  had  deter- 
mined man  antecedently  to  do  what  he  did  ?  yes  ,but  he  faith,  God  convinceth  man 
and  inliruUeth  him  ,  that  though  immortality  wasjo  eafw  to  be  obtained  as  that  it 
might  be  had  for  the  abjiineuce  from  the  one  only  tree  ,  yet  he  could  not  obtain  it  thereby. 
If  God  would  onely  have  convinced  man,  certainly  he  would  have  convinced  hitii 
by  titter,  and  juficr  means  than  hypocritical  exaggerations.  But  how  doth  he  fay 
that  immortality  was  fo  eafte  to  be  obtained?  which  by  his  dodrine  was  altogether 
impoliible  to  be  obtained  by  man ,  by  that  means  ?  It  is  neither  fo  eafie  °  nor 
poliible  to  oppofe  and  fruftratc  the  Decrees  of  an  infinite  God. 

I   (hall  reierve  his  errours  in   Theology  for  a   fitter  place.  Whofoevcr  would 
troublehimfelf  with  his  contradictions,might  find  more  than  enough.  Here  he  telleth 
us, that  the  de^endance  of  ihe  anions  on    the  wiW ,  is  that  which    pro^ierly   and  truly  is 
called  liberty  ;    clfewhexe  he  told  us     that  Rivers  are  free    Agents,  and   that  a  Gods  fecrer  ge 
River  hath    true  liberty,  which,  if  my  ignorance  do  not    miflead  me,    haveno  revealed  will 
wills.  '  not  contrary. 

That  God  hath  a  fecret  and  revealed   will  no  man  denieth.  To  fay  that  thefe  ^""^  "'''^' 
wills  are  oppofite  one  to  another  ,  all  good  men  do  deteft ,  becaufe  I  faid  fore- 
merly  (  which  he  taketh    no  notice  of ,  )  they  concern  feveral   perfons.    The 
fecret  will  of  God  is,  what  he  will  do  himfelf.  The  revealed  will  is  that  which 
he  would  have  us  to  do.  He    obiedeth,  God  commanded  Abrahamlto  facrifice  IJaac 
yet  his  will  was  he  fliould  not  do  it.  Jonah   hy  Gods   command  denounced  the  dejlrudioil 
of  Nineveh  ^yet  it  was  Gods   willitjhould  not  be  deliroyed ,  Doth  not  he  fee  that  the 
perfonis  varied  in  both  thefe  inltances  ?  God  would  prove  Abrahams   faith  by  his 
readincffe  to   facrifice  his  fon   upon  his  command.  He  did    it.    He  would   have 
Ninevcth   prepared   for  repentance  by  jFo«iz/)j  denunciations  of  his  judgements  i  His 
will  was  accompliflied.  But  it  was  not  Gods  will  that  Jfaac  fliould  be  facrificed 
Nineveh  deftroyed.  All  denunciations  of  Gods    judgements  are  underftood  with 
exception.  He  who  phanfieth  any  contradiction  in  thefe  two  inftances,  underftan- 
deth  little  of  the  rules  of  contradidtions.  There  is  great  difference  betwen  that 
which  God  will  have  done  by  others ,  and  what  he  will  do  himfelf  There  was 
juft  reafon  for   what  Abraham   did  ,  and  what  Jonah  did  v  but  there  can  be  no 
reafon  for  God  to  contradict  himfelf. 

If  God  had  reprehended  Abraham  or  Jonah.,  for  what  they  did  in  obedience  to 
his  own  commands,  and  punifl^d  them   forit,  and  juftified  it  by  his  omnipotence 
which  is  T.  K.  his  inexcufable  errour  ,(  as  I  have  (hewed  him  already  ,  and  (lull 
(hew  him  further  in  due  place,  if  there  be  occafion ,  )  this  had  been  fomething  to  his 
purpofe  i  now  all  that  he  faith  is  wholy  impertinent. 

Like  wife,  whereas  he  (aifh  ,  that  the  expo(itilation  cfman  againfi  God  rPillbe  equally 
ju}}  or  u}ij,tiji ,  whether  the  necefity  of  all  things  be  graimed  or  denied ,  becaufe  God 
could  have  made  man  impeccable  and  did  not  i  He  dotli  but  betray  his  owne  weaknefTc 
and  prefumption,  to  talkeofany  juft  cxpoltulation  with  God  in  any  cafe  :  I  have 
(hewed  him  already  what  a  vain  recrimination  this  is ,  and  give  him  juiUeafon  i^°fine  °'^"^' 
whyGod  Almighty  did  not  make  man  impeccable. 

In  thefe  Animadverllons  is  contained,  firll  a  repetition  of  my  Argument ,  to   Cajiiiations 
which  he  anfwereth  noshing  but  this  ,  That  liberty  is  to  choofe  what  we  will  i  not  to   of  the  Ani- 
choofe  our  will,  which  he  faith  no  inculcation  isfufficient  to  mah^  me  tak^  notice  of.  1  know    madverfion 
not  what  he  calleth  taking  notice.  I  have  confuted  it    over  and  over  again  ,  both   Num.  i'  i.  ' 
in  my  defence  formerly,  and  now  in  thele  Caltigations  •,  and  (hewed  it  to  be  a  vain 
filly,  unprofitable,  falfe  ,  contradictory,  dillindion.     Whit  lie  would  have  me 
todomoreforit,  I  miderftand  not :  but  I  obferve  that  he  never  mentioneth  this 

Yyyy  di. 


y  i 


776 


^C^jii^^^h^of  TOME  lil. 


Occult   virtue 


"dUtindtion  ,  but 'he.     Frclcnly     upon  his  tiptoes.     He  will  hnd  by  degrees  how 
Little  crouncj  he  hath  for  it.  ,  .  ,  ,       .      ,  ^  ^.  n    1 

Th?n  !'e  proccLdcJi  to  my  Reply  ,  to  which  he  giveth  two  anfwers.     Firft,that 
jfvou  takeaway  iImJ'  n'ords  from  it ,   Knorvledge  of  approbation  ,  ^ramcal  KnorvUdge , 
heavoih  bodies  la  ufon  fublunary  thingi ,  mt  onely  by  their  motion  ,  butaljo  by  an  oc- 
cult virtue  (  rvhicb  JVe  call  influence  )  moral  efficacy,  general  influence ,  fpecial  influence, 
infufe  iomething  into  the  Will ,  the  WiU  i%oved ,  the  vpiH  is  induced  to  vpili,   the  rfill 
fitlpends  its  own  aUs  \  vehich  are  all  mnfenfe  ,   unrporthy  of  a  man  ,  my,   if  a  beajl  could 
(peak     unrvorthy  of  abeaji.     There  is  an  hundred  times  more  fenfe  in  thefe  Phrafes  , 
than  there  is  in  his  great  Leviathan  put  altogether.  He  who  dareabufe  and  fomuch 
vilirie  many  of  the  antient  Fathers",  and  all  the  Lights  of  the  Schools,  for  fo  ma- 
ny fuccclhvc  Ages,  and  all  Philofophers ,  natural  and  moral,  who  have  Written 
any  thing  ,as  to  llile  them  all  without  exception  ,  heafls ,  and  veorfe  than  heafis,  de- 
fervcsno  other  anfwer  ,  but  contempt  of  his  ignorant  prcfumption  ,  or  pity  of  his 
bold  blind ncfs.     He  faith  this  Malady  fcappfMe^  <o  «f /»_)/ /;-JX/iMg  our  natures  depraved 
by  VoUrine.     We  fay,  his  malady  happened  to  him  ,  becaule  his  nature  was  never 
poliflied  With  Dodrine  i  but  he  would  needs  be  a  Mafter  in  all  Arts,  before  hehad 
been  a  SchoUgr  in  any  Art.     The  true  reafon  Why  he  fleightetli  thefe  Words,  isbe- 
caufe  he  undertlandeth  very  Little  of  them  :    and  what    he  doth    underftand  he  is 
not  able  to  anfwer.  So  it  fareth  with  him,  as  With  one  that  hatha  Politick deafnefs, 
Who  feemeth  not  to  hear  ,  What  he  knoweth  not  how  to  anfwer  i  as  I  could  (hew 
him  by  many  and  many   inftances ,    but  that  I  dare  not  tell  him ,  that  any  thing  is 
too  hot  for  his  ringers. 
u„,^e       I  faid  that  the  heavenly  bodies  do  ad  upon  fublunary  things ,    not  ondy  by  their 
or 'rnfluenc'eV  motion  and  Light ,  but  alfo  by  an  occult  virtue,  which  Wc  call  influence.     Againft 
the  matter  he  excepccth  not ,  but  againft  the  expreflion  ,  an  occult  virtue  ,  Whereas 
JJhould  havefaid,  1  ^>?oB'  tiot  horv.     If  he  alone  be  fo  happy  as  to  know  diftindly  the 
caufes  of  all  ads ,  it  is  well  for  him  ,  btit  if  this  be  nothing  but  bold  prefumption , 
Job  38-31.       jj  jg£-p  much  the  Worfc.     I  have  good  ground  for  the  thing  it  felf  i  can^  thou  bind 
theftveet  influences  of  the  Tleiades  ?  If  he  be  fo  much  more  skilful  than  all  other  men, 
about  the  influences  of  the  Stars,  I  defire  to  know  of  him  a  natural  reafon  of  that 
peculiar  virtue  which  the  Moon  hath  of  moiftning  ,  and  Saturn  of  cooling ,  and 
Mercury  of  raifing  Winds  ,  &c.     I  fear  when  all  is  done  ,  he  will  prove  to  be  but 
one  of  Jtfop  companions  ,  Who  pretended  to  know  all  things ,    and  did  know 
nothing. 

I  argued  from  his  principles,  that  if  God  by  fpecial  influence  did  neceffitate  the 
Second  caufes  to  operate  as  they  did  ,  and  if  they  ,  being  thus  determined  ,  did 
necertitatc  man  inevitably,  unrefiftibly  ,  by  ancflentia]  fubordination  of  caufes  to  do 
whatfoever  he  did,  then  one  of  theie  two  abfurdities  muft  follow,  cither.  That 
there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  fin  in  the  World  ,  or  that  God  is  more  guilty  of  it  than 
man  i  as  the  motion  of  the  Watch  is  more  from  the  Artificer  who  makes  it  and 
Winds  it  up  ,  than  from  the  Watch  it  felf.  To  this  he  anfwereth  onely  this ,  that 
my  confequence  u  noftronger,  than  if  out  ofthU,  "That  a  man  is  lame  neceflarily ,  enefhould 
infer  ,  that  either  he  U  not  lame ,  cr  that  his  lamenefs  proceeded  neceffarily  from  the  IViU 
of  God.  And  is  it  poliible  that  he  doth  not  fee  that  this  inference  followeth  clearly 
and  neceflarily  from  his  principles  ?  If  he  doth  not ,  I  will  help  his  eye-fight.  All 
adions  ,  and  accidents,  and  events,  Whatfoever,  do  proceed  from  the  Will  of  God 
as  the  principal  caufe  determining  them  to  be  what  they  are  ,  by  a  natural  ncceflary 
fubordination  of  caufes.  This  is  the  principle.I  aflume  that  which  no  man  can  deny, 
but  the  lamenefs  of  this  rran  C  whom  he  mentioneth  )  is  an  accident  or  e- 
vent.  Therefore  this  Lamenefs  (  upon  his  principles  )  is  from  the  Will  of 
Cajiigations    God,  &c. 

ny.n  the  A'  In  this  Scdion  ,  he  behaveth  himfelf  as  the  Hound  by  Nilus ,  drinketh  and  run- 
nimadterfi-  neth  ,  as  if  he  were  afraid  to  make  any  flay  i  quite  omitting  the  whole  contex- 
ons.  ture  and  frame  of  my  difconrfe  :  onely  catching  here  and  there  at  fome  Phrafe  ,  or 

Num,  j2.  odd  ends  of  broken  fentenccs.  The  authority  of  St.  Paul  was  formerly  his  TaVadiutn, 
thcfate  ofhis  opinion  of  Fate  ,  or  his  feven-fold  fliield  which  he  bore  up  againft  all 
afTailants.  And  now  to  defert  it  as  tlie     Oefiredge  doth  her  eggcs  in  the  fand  ,  and 

leave. 


Discourse    II.  againflMr.  HoWsAmmadi/ofions.  7^- 

ieave  it  to  the  judgement  of  the  Reader  ,  to  thinks  of  the  jame  as  he  pleaOth  (eetneth 
ftrange.  That  man  iifually  is  in  fome  great  dirtrefTe,  who  quitteth  his  buckler, I 
defirebutthe  judicious  Reader  upon  the  By  ,  to  compare  my  tormer  defence  with 
his  tiifling  exceptions  ,and  I  do  not  fear    his    vercdiifl. 

He  faith  it  is  bhfphemy  to  jay  that  God  can  fin,  {o  it  is  blafphemy  alfo  to  fay  that  lo'^a^'^'^'T'' 
God  is  the  authour  or    caufe  of  any  tin.  This  he  himfelt  faith  ,(  at  lealt  impiici- G-d*'^    is  he 
tly  ;  and  this  he  cannot  but  fay  ,  fo  long  as  he  maintaineth  an  univerfal  antecedent  "uicof  linnc 
necelfity  of  all  things  flowing  from  God   by  a  neceffary    flux   of  fecond    caufes. 
He  who  teacheth  that  all  men  are  determined  to  fin  antecedently,  without    their 
own     concurrence  ,  irrefilHbly    beyond  their     own  power  to  'preventit     and 
efficacioufly  to  the  produdion  of  fin  :  He  who  teacheth  that  it  is  the  antecedent 
will  of  God  ,  that  men  fhould   fin  and   mull:  fin:  He    who  maketh  God  to  be 
notonely  the  Caufe  of  the  ad  and  of  the  law  ,  but  like  wife  of  the  irregularity 
or  deviation  ,  and  of  that  very  anomy  wherein  the  being  of  fin  (  fo  far  as  fin  hath 
a  being  )  doth  confilU  maketh  God  to  be  the  principal  caufe  and   authour  of  fin  i 
But  1.  H.  doth  all  this. 

He  faith  it  is  no  blafphemy  to  fay  that  God  hath  fo  ordered  the  World ,  that  fntnay  fin  :^°  %'^l 
neceffarily  be    committed.  That  is  true  in  a  right  fcnfe  ,  if  he    underltand  onely  a  ohHv  dcrreed 
neceUity  of  infaUibility  upon    Gods  prefence,ora  necelfity  offuppofition  upon ''>  ^^'^ 
Gods  permillion.    But  what    trifling  &  mincing  of  the  matter  is  this  >  Let  him 
cough  out ,  and  (hew  us  the  bottom  of  his  opinion  ,  which  he  cannot  deny,  God 
hath  fo  ordered  the  World  ,  that  fin  muft  of  ncceflity  be  committed  ,  and  inevitably 
be  committed  :  that  it  is  beyond  the  power   of  man  to  help  it  or  hinder  it  i  and 
that  by  vertueof  Gods  omnipotent  will  ,and  eternal  decree.  This  is  that  which  we 
abominate. 

Yet  he  telleth  us  ,  That  it  cannot  befaid  that  God  is  the  authour  of  fin,  becaufe 
not  he  that  nccejjitateth  an  a£iion,  but  he  tt>ho  doth  command  or  n> arrant  it  ys  the 
authour.  Firft  I  take  that  for  granted  which  he  admitteth ,  that  by  his  opinion  , 
God  necclfitateth  men  to  finfull  adtions,  which  is  a  blafphemy  as  well  as  the  o- 
ther.  Secondly  his  later  part  of  his  aflcrtionis  moft  filfe,  Thathe  onely,  who  com- 
mandeth  or  warranteth  fin  ,  is  the  authour  of  it :  He  who  a(fteth  fin  he  who 
neceilitateth  tofin,he  who  hrft  bringes  fin  into  the  World,  is  much  more  the 
authour  of  it,  than  the  bare  commander  ofit.  They  make  God  to  betheproper 
and  predominant  caufe  of  fin  ,  by  an  eflential  fubordination  of  the  fin  of  man  to 
the  will  of  God,  and  in  eflential  fiibordinates,  allwayes  the  c4u{e  of  the  caufe 
is  thecaufeof  the  effed.  If  there  had  never  been  any  pofitive  commandment  or  law  giv- 
en, yet  fin  had  ftill  been  fin,  as  being  contrary  to  the  eternal  law  of  juitice  in  God 
himfelfe.  If  an  Heathen  Prince  fhould  command  a  Chriftian  to  facrifice  ro  Idols 
or  Devils  ,  and  heftiould  do  it  jnot  the  cammander  onely  ,  but  he  who  commits 
the  idolatry  ,  is  the  caufeof  the  fin.  His  inftance  in  the  Aft  of  thelfi-aclites  robbing 
the  Egyptians  oftheir  Jewels  ,  is  impertinent :  For  it  was  no  robbery  nor  fin ,  God 
who  is  the  Lord  Paramount  of  Heaven  and  Earth ,  having  firft  jultly  transferred 
thj  right  from  the  Egyptians  to  the  Ifiraelites,  and  in  probability,  to  makethem 
fome  competent  fatiffaction  for  all  that  work  and  drudgery  which  they  had  done 
for  the  Egyptians  without  payment ,  This  is  certain,  if  God  necellitate  the  Agent 
to  fin,  either  the  act  necellitated  is  no  fi:i,or  God  is  the  principal  caufe  of  it 
Let  him  chufe  whether  of  thefe  two  abfurdities ,  this  Scylla  ,  or  that  Cbarybdis  , 
he  will  fall  into. 

The  reafon  which  he  gives  of  Cods  objurgations, /o  convince  men  that  their  wills 
were  not  in  their  oven  power  ,  but  in  Gods  pttver  ,  is  fenfelefle ,  and  much  rather 
proveth  the  contrary,  that  becaufc  they  were  chidden,  therefore  their  wills  werein 
their  own  power.  And  if  their  wills  had  not  been  in  their  own  power, 
moll  certainly  God  would  not  have  reprehended  them  tor  that  which  was  not  their 
■  own  fault. 

He,  faith  that  by    interpreting  hardening  to  be  a  remiffion  of  God,  I  attribute  no  more  to 
God  in  fjich  aUions,  then  I  mi^-'it  attribute  to  any  ofThjra  'hsfervants  the  not  perftfading  their 
ma\hr,  &c.  As  if  Pharaohs  fervants  hath  the  fame  pov/erover  their  maftcr  ,  that  God  Gods  perraisfc- 
AUmighty    had  ,  to  hinder  him ,     and    ftop  him  in  his  evil  courfes :  As  ifPharaohs  p"rm^fion 

Yyyy  ?  fervants. 


-^g  Cafiigatofjs  of TOME  III. 

j-^TvantTwereTbirto  give  or  withhold  grace  as  if  Pharoahs  fcrvants  had  divine 

power  to  draw  good  out  of  evill ,  and  dilpofeoffin  ,  to  the  advar.ccment  of  Gods 
elory  and  the  good  of  his  Church  ;  As  if  an  humble  petition  or  perfwafion  of  a 
lervaii't  and  a  phyficall  determination  of  the  will  by  a  ncceffary  flux  of  natural 
caufcs  'were  the  fame  thing.  He  who  fceth  a  Water  break  over  its  banks,  and 
futicrs  It  to  run  out  of  its  due  channel ,  that  he  may  draw  it  by  furrows  into  hisme- 
dows  to  render  them  more  fruitful ,  is  not  a  meer  nor  idle  fufferer.  His  abfur- 
ditics  drop  as  thick  as  Samf[ons  enemies,  heaps  upon  heaps. 

He  objcdeth  ,  that  I  compare  this  fermifion  of  God,  to  the  indulgence  of  a  Parent , 
rvho  by  hi!  patience  incourageth  his  Son  to  become  mere  rebellious,  which  indulgence  U  afni. 
Arguments  taken  from  a  parable  or  fimilitude  ,  are  offeree  no  farther  than  they  per- 
tain to  the  end  of  the  parable  ,  or  that  refemblance  for  which  things  are  compared. 
The  Labourers  peny  doth  not  prove  an  equality  of  Glory  in  Heaven.  Nor  our  Sa- 
viours commendation  of  the  unjuft  Steward  ,  juftific  his  cheating  of  his  Mafter. 
Chrift  proveth  the  readinefsof  God  to  do  Jufllce  to  his  Servants,  upon  their  con- 
ftant  Prayers ,  by  a  fimilitude  taken  from  an  unjuft  Judge.  So  here  the  end  of  the 
fimilitude  was  onely  to  (hew  that  goodneftmay  accidentally  render  evil  natures  more 
obdurate  and  prefumptuous.  Neither  was  there  any  finful  indulgence,  either  ii> 
tended  or  intimated  in  my  Words,  Like  that  of  Eli  to  his  Sons ,  but  onely  patience 
and  innocence  ,  gentlenefs  of  a  tender  father  ,  fuch  as  God  himfelf  doth  vouchfafe 
to  own  ,  dejpifejl  thou  the  riches  of  his  goodnefs ,  and  forbearance  ,  and  Longfuffering , 
notk^otfing  that  the  Goodnefi  of  God  leadeth  thee  to  repentance'^  But  after  thy  hardneji 
and  impenitent  heart  treafureji  up  unto  thy  f elf  wrath. 

He  urgeth  ,  that  whether  it  he  called  an  antecedent,  or  aconfequent  Will,  an  operative 
or  a  permijjive  Tfill ,  it  is  enough  for  the  neceffity  of  the  thing,  that  the  heart  p/Pharaoh 
fhouldbe  hardened.     An  antecedent  will  is  without  previfion  of  fin»  A  confequent 
will  is  upon  previfion  of  fin  ;  Is  it  all  one  whether  God  do  harden  mens  hearts  for 
fin,  or  without  fin,  for  his  fault,  or  without  his  fault  ?  An  operative  will  produ- 
ceth  an  abfolutenecellity,  an  antecedent  neceffity;  a  permiffive  Will  inferreth  no 
more  at  the  higheft  .  but  a  confequent  neceffity  upon  fuppofition ,  which  may  con- 
The     differ-  lift  with  true  Liberty  ,  as  hath  been  made  clear  to  him  over  and  over, 
ence -betrttcn       Yii  de fires  the    Reader  to  tak£  notice,  that  if  Iblame  him  for  fpeakjng  of  God  as  a  nece- 
T^^^\    influf  II^*'"^"&  caufe,  and  as  it  were  a  priticipai  Agent  in  caufurg  of  all  a£iions,l  may  with  as  good 
cncc.  reafon  blame  my  felf,  for  makjng  him  an  accefjary  by  concurrence.     And  here  he  vapours  , 

Let  men  hold  what  they  will  contrary  fb  the  truth  ,  if  they  write  much  ,  the  truth  will  fall 
into  their  pens.  I  defire  the  Reader  Likewifeto  take  notice  ,  and  obferve,  what  fil- 
ly cavils  he  brings ,  commonly  for  exceptions,  and  how  vainly  he  pufFeth  up  him- 
felf. Like  the  Frog  in  the  Fable  ,  with  his  abortive  conceptions ,  Where  did  I  ever 
ufe  the  Word  |_  acceffary  ^  or  any  thing  in  that  fenfe  >  Mala  mens  malm  animiK.  If 
he  knew  the  difference  between  general  and  fpecial  influence ,  he  would  be  afliamed 
to  infer  a  particular  guilt  from  a  general  corcurrence,  A  general  and  fpecial  influence, 
is  no  nonfcnfe.  A  Prince  giveth  commiffion  to  a  Judge ,  thereby  enabling 
him  to  determine  criminal  and  capital  caufes  •,  that  is  a  general  influence 
of  power.  By  virtue  of  this  commiffion  he  heareth  caufes,  and  abufing  this  general 
power,  taketh  bribes,  giveth  unjuft  fentences  ,  and  punifheth  innocent  perfons. 
Is  the  Prince  that  gave  him  the  commiffion  and  jndiciary  power,  acceffary  to  his 
fault  ?  Nothing  lefle  ,  But  the  Judge  abufeth  his  commiffion  ,  and  mifapplieth  his 
juft  power.  But  if  the  Prince  had  given  him  a  fpecial  commiffion,  like  that  of 
I  R  ng.  11  .6.  J^^^^^l  -,  Troclaim  afaji  ,fet  Naboth  on  high  ,and  let  two  men  of  Belial  bear  witneffe 
againil  him ,  faying  ,  ihou  didji  blafpheme  God  and  the  King  ,  and  (ione  him  that  he 
die.  This  had  been,  fpecial  influence  indeed  i  and  the  Prince  had  not  onely  been  an 
acceffary  ,  but  a  principal  in  the  murther.  By  which  we  may  fee  how  God  concur- 
reth  to  the  doing  of  evil  by  a  general     not  by  a  fpecial  influence. 

I  exempiltied  thisdiftindJion  of  general  and  fpecial  influence  to  him  in  the  earth 
which  concurreth  to  the  nouriftiment  of  all  places  by  a  general  influence  i  but 
that  one  plant  converteth  this  nouriftiment  to  healthful  food  another  to  poyfon,  that 
is,  not  from  the  general  influence  of  the  earth,  but  from  the  fpecial  quality  of  the 
toot.  But  quite  contrary,both  to  my  words,  and  to  my  fenfe,  he  mifapplieth  it  to  the 
operative  and  permiffive  will  of  God  without  head  or  foot.I//(?ffMf//;(faithhe)/W  he 

think£tk 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  Hobs'/   Animadz/erfwnf'  y^g 

ihink^tb  that  God  doth  will  hut  perm'ijjively  ,  that  the  hemlock^  (hould  poyfon  a  man^  but 
operatively,    that  the  reheat  (ijould   murifh  him ,    Rifum   teneatis   amici  ? 

I  cleared  this  like  wife  to  him  in  his  inftance  of  the  murther  oiVriah  ,  (hewing 
him  that  Davids  power  was  from  God  ,  but  the  mifapplication  of  that  power 
was  from  David  himdif,  As  if  {  faid  he  )  there  ivere  a  poveer  that  rvere  not  the 
pomr  to  do  fame  particular  AU^or  a  poveet  tokjll  and  yet  to  killtto  body  in  particular.  He 
might  even  as  well  fay,  as  if  there  were  a  commilfion  or  a  power  given  by  the  Prince 
to  hear  and  determine  caufcs  in  general!,  or  to  arraign  and  try  Malefactors  in  gene- 
ral, and  not  to  fentence  this  man,  and  hang  that  man  in  particular.  Every  general 
commillion  or  power  doth  jurtifie  particular  Adls,  whileft  they,  who  arc  impowered 
do  purfue  their  commilHon,  and  not  abufe  their  power,  but  if  they  abufe  their  povv- 
er,  neither  will  their  generail  power  jurtifie  their  particular  mifdeeds,  nor  their  par- 
ticular faults  render  the  Prince,  acceflary,  who  gave  them  their  general  power. 

In  his  impertinent  inlbnce  of  the  divine  right  ofBifliops  to  ordain  Miniflers, 
which  he  bringcth  in  by  the  head  and  ihoulders  ,  he  (heweth  nothing  but  his 
ignorance  and  his  teeth.  Every  man  who  hath  an  undoubted  right  to  do  fome 
adl  ,  hath  not  prefently  a  right  to  exercife  it  promifcuoufly  ,  when  and  where  , 
and  upon  whom  he  will ,  without  any  refpeft  to  thofe  who  had  a  precedent 
right  before  himfelf,  Let  him  inquire  further  into  the  difference  between  an  adlual 
and  habitual  power  ,  and  it  will  fave  him  the  further  labour  of  inquiring  ,  and  mc 
of  informing  him.  ^i  pauca  confiderat  facile  pronunciat. 

He  demandethjDia/  not  God  farekfioiv  thatVriahin  particular  Jhould  be  murdered  by  Da- 
vid in  particular?  And  what  Godforehytovoethjhall  come  to  paffe.  Yes, God  doth  knovr  in  e- 
tcrnityifor  with  God,  properly,  there  is  neither  foreknowledge  norafterknowledge, 
neither  paft,  nor  to  come  ,  bur  all  things  prefent  alwayes.Or  if  he  will  have  us  fpeak 
after  the  manner  of  men  ,  God  did  foreknow  that  David  ^  (hould  kill  Uriah  with 
the  fword  of  the  children  of  ^»2/Mo«.  And  God  did  likewife  foreknow  that  T.  H 
(hould  maintain  this  Paradox  fo  di(honourable  to  his  MajeRy  ,  that  God  did 
neceditate  Pji/i^to  kill  Uriah  :  But  knowledge  of  what  kind  foever  it  be  ,  taketh 
away  no  mans  liberty.  Uriah  might  have  gone  to  his  own  houfc  upon  Davids 
intreaty  :  and  then  David  had  not  killed  Uriah  upon  any   necellitation  from  Gods  .         r 

foreknowledge.  Uriah  might  have  killed  David,  and  then  God  had  foreknown  that,  Argument^  ° 
not  this.  But  this   objedtion  hath  been  formerly  fully    anfwered  .•  whither  I  refer 
the  Reader- 
He  chargeth    me  to  fay  ,  that    the   cafe    agitated    between  m ,  is    t^hether  Gods 
irrefijiible  power  ^  or  mans  fin  be  the  caufe  why  hepunijheth  one  man  more  than  another? 
whereas  the  cau(e  agitated  between  us  is.  Whether  a  man  can  now  choofe  ,  -what  Jhall  be 
his  will  anon.  There  are  feveral  cafes  or  queitions  between  us.  Firfi:  the  general 
or  main  quc{tion  which   is   alredy  ftated  by  confent ,  Whether  the  will  of  man  be 
free  from  extrin{ecal  determination  to  one  antecedently  >  and  not  as  it  is  propofed 
by  him  fondly  and  ambiguoufly  ,  whether  a  man  can  now  choofe  what  fliall  be  his 
will  anon.  For  firft,  a  man  is  not  certain  that  he  (hall  live  fo  long  .tobeableto  » 
choofe  his  will.  And  although  he  were  certain  to  live  fo    long  ,  yet  fucceeding  14.       '* 
time  may  make     fuch     a  change     of  affaires  ,     that  he  may  have  juft  reafon  to 
choofe  othcrwi(e.  ^emquam  poffe  putas  mores  narrarefuturos  ? 

Die  mihifi^fias  tu  leo^  qualis  eris  ? 
But  befides  the  mayne  general  quclHon  ,  there  are  likewife  many  particular 
fubordinate  queftions  ,  as  this  in  this  SetSion  ,  whether  this  opinion  ofuniverfal 
necellity  do  not  make  all  punifhment  to  be  unjufl: ,  becaiife  if  a  man  be  necetfitated 
antecedently  and  unavoidably  to  do  what  he  doth ,  he  is  puni(hed  without  his 
own  fault  ,  and  confequently  unjuftly.  To  efcape  this  argument  he  is  driven  to 
leek  (helter  under  the  omnipotence  of  God :  power  irrefijiible ptiltfieth  all  anions  really 
and  properly,  in  whomfoever  it  be  found.  And  when  God  afli&edjob,  hedid  obiedno  fin 
to  him.  "that  which  he  doth  is  jitjiified  by  his  diing  it .  So  the  prefent  difpute  was , 
whether  mans  fin,  or  Gods  omnipotence,  were  the  jurt  ground  of  punifhment  ? 
This  was  all  I  faid,  and  m.ore  than  I  faid.  Sat  he  can  fet  down  nothing  without  either 
miftaking  it ,  or  confounding  it.  Gods  power  is  not  the  rule  of  his  Jutiice ,  but  his 
will;  not  becaufe  his  will  maketh  that  to  be  jull,  which  other  wife  was  unjuft^  but 

becaufe, 


ySo 


Calii,zatiorjs  of  TOME/  11. 


becaufc  he  can  will  nothing  ,  but  that  which  is  )ulh  But  he  addeth  not 
of  weii>ht  more  in  thcfc  Animadverfions  about  this  fubjed  ,  to  what  he  had  tor- 
metly  h\d  ;  all  which  hath  been  fully  and  cearly  fatisfied  in  my  former  defence,  to 
which  he  hathrcplyed  nothing.  _  _ 

That  which  1  laid  of  the    Jews,  that  it  was  m  their  own    power  by  their  con- 
currence with  Gods  grace  to  prevent  thofe   judgements,  and  to  recover  their  fcirmrr 
cltatc ,  is  fo  true  ,  and  fo  plainly  affirmed  by  St.  Paul,  that  no  man    but  hiinlclf 
Rom.        "'  jurft  have  cavilled  againrt  it.  But  he  who  knows  no  liberty  but  fiom  outward  mipc- 
^^"  diments,  no  general   power  of  motion  without  a     neceliitation  to  K'l  Uriah,  no 

grace  but  that  which  is  irrefiftible ,  who  hath  neverf  heard  cf  the  c<  ncurrence 
of  grace  and  freewill  in  the  converfion  of  a  finner,  it  is  no  marvel  if  he 
think  that  God  will  favc  men  without  themfclves,as  well  as  he  made  them  without 
therDfclves. 

1  faid  God  may  oblige  himfelf  freely  to  his  creature.  Who  ever  doi.bted  ofit  be- 
^bHea^^'him-  fore  him  >  what  doth  he  think  of  Gods  promife  to  Abraham  I  will  be  the  God  of^ 
felf.  thee  ,  and  of  thy  feed  after  thee  ?  Or  of  the   legal    Covenant,   Do  this  and  thou 

jhalt  //i^f  ?  Or  of  the  Evangelical  Covenant}  He  that  believed  and  is  bapized  ^ 
Jhalt  be  faved}  But  he  faith  ,  He  that  can  oblige  ,  can  alfo  rekafe  vphen  he  roill^  and 
he  that  canreleafe  himfelf  when  he  wi//,  vs  not  obliged.  Is  not  this  comfortable  doftrine. 
Jam.  I.  17.  jjj^j  fuitable  to  the  truth  and  M  ajelly  of  Almighty  God  ,  in  whom  there  is  no 
variablenejfe  nor  Jhadotv  of  turning?  Nothing  is  impoffible  to  Gods  abfolute  power: 
But  according  to  his  ordinate  power,  which  is  difpofcd  by  his  will ,  he  cannot 
change  his  own  decrees,  nor  go  from  his  promife. If  Gods  decrees  were  change- 
able, what  would  bcconr«  of  his  univerfal  necellity  >  But  he  (hootethat  random, 
not  much  regarding,  fo  it  lit  his  prefcnt  humour ,  whether  it  make  for  hiscaufe 
God     cinnot  or  aga  inft  it. 

do    any  un-       But  now  I  am  to  expeft  an  heavy  charge.    Hitherto  he  hath  been  but  in  jeft  , 

rightcoas         That  1am  driven  to  words  iU  becoming  me  to  lpea\of  Cod  Almighty^  for  I   makf  him 

unahleto  do  that  which  hath  been  within  the  ordinary  power  of  man  to  do.   How  is  this  ? 

J  faid,  God  cannot  defiroy  the  righteous  with  the  wicked ,  which  never  the  lejje  is  a  thing 

don  ordinarily  by  armies.     The  great  mountain  hath  brought  forth  a  little  moufe. 

Might  not  I  fay  ,  that  God  cannot  fin,     though  men  can  do  it?  Why  might  not. 

I  fay,  that  God  cannot   do  unrighteous  things ,  or  God    cannot  be  unrighteous  , 

which  is  the  fame  thing      in  effed:  ?  as  .well  as  the  Scripture  faid  Cod  cannot  lie  , 

Tit.    !•       i,  God  cannot  repent ,   God  cannot   deny  himfelfe  ?  And    God  is  not  unrighteous  to  forget 

Num.  a?>  19  yourwrokj.  As  if  he  (hould   fay  ,  If  God  could  break  his  promfe  ,  God  could  be  un- 

»Tim.  a-  ij.  righteous,     but  he  cannot  be  unrighteous.  Yea  the  Lord  doth  fubmit  himfelf ,  as 

^''^[\^    *°'  ^^  ^^"^^  '  ^^  ^  ^'^'^'  upon  this  point  i  "The  Lord  hath  a  controverfie  with  his  people  ,  and 

"^  "   '  *'       he  wi^ plead  with  Ifrael.  And  he  doth  chalenge  them  upon  this  very  point.  Heare  now^ 

0  houje  of  Jfrael ,  h  not  my  way  equal  '■>  are  not  your  wayes  unequal  ?  And  in  the  fame 

Ezek.  i8.  2$.  Chapter  he  protefleth  ,  As  I  live  faith  the  Lord  ,  ycjhall  not  have  occafion   any  more  to 

ufe  this  proverb  in  Jjrael  ■>  the  fathers  have  eaten  fowre  grapes  ,  and  the  childrens  teeth  are 

fet  on  edge  :  But   the  foul  that  fmneth  (hall  die.  And  Abraham  faith  the  fame  that  I  fay , 

(  though  he  deny  it  by  way  of  interrogation  indeed  )   but  with  much  more  vehe-. 

Gen.  18.  2i>  mency  twilt  thou  alfo  dejiroy  the  righteous  with  the  wicked  &c  ?  'that  he  far  from  thee  to  da 

aj>  after  this  manner  ,  to  fay  the  righteous  with  the  wicked ,  jnd  that  the  righteous  Jhould  be 

as  the  wicked  ,that  be  far  from  thee.  Jhallnot  the  Judge  of  all  the  Earth  do  right  ?  Neither 

can  he  except ,  becaufe  it  is  not  faid  ,  canfi  thou  i  but  wilt  thou  j  for  wefpeak  of  the 

ordinate  power  of  God,  which  is  ordered  by  his  will. 

That  which  he  faith  ofan  army  ,  wcigheth  ItfTe  than  nothing.  For  firf^  that  de- 
ftrudtion  which  an  army  maketh,  is  not  like  that  At^i\x&\on'Vi\\t\toi Abraham 
Jud.  it  ^caketh  ,  which  fell  upon  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  ,  which  the  Apoftle  calleth  the  ven- 

geance of  eternal  fire.  The  dtflru(3:ion  made  by  an  army  may  be  a  punifhment  fo  fbme, 
a  chafiifement  or  a  bleffing  to  others.  7fre»iy  the  Prophet  was  involved  with  the 
reft  of  the  Jews  in  the  fame  Babylonian  Captivity  f*  but  the  deftrudion  oC  Sodom  md 
Gomorrah  ,  was  an  exprefTe  punifhment  for  fin.  Thirdly  ,  an  army  adteth  by  way 
ofpublick  J ufVice  regarding  the  juftice  of  the  caufe,  not  of  particular  pcrfons  ; 
for  it  is  not  poffible  in  the  height  ofwartodo  juftice  according  to  the  particular 

merits. 


Discourse.  1 1.        Mr,  Hobs's  v^niwadferfiofis. 


merits  of  fingle  pcrfons.  But  after  this  necetlity  is  over  ,  and  particular  Jurijce  can 
take  place,  then  no  man  ought  to  fuffer  .  but  according  to  his  guilt:  Then itis  no 
more  lawful  to  deftroy  the  righteous  with  the  wicked.  Neceliiity  may  julufie  the 
fufferings  ot  innocent  perfonsmfome  cafes;  But  nonecellity  can  warrant  the  punifli- 
ment  ot  innocent  perfons.  Imiocentuwi  lachrim£  diluvio  periculofwres. 

whether  they  did  well  or  ill  for  the  manner  of  the  ad,  who  put  out  their  bodily 
eyes ,  bccau'e  they  fuppofed  them  to  be  an  impediment  to  the  eyeof  the  foule  ,  is 
not  pertinent  to  our  purpofe  ,  yet  was  apt  enough  to  prove  my  intention  ,  that 
bodily  blindnelTe  may  fometimes  be  a  benefit. 

His  inflancein  brute  beajis  tvhkh  are  a^ded,yet  cannot  fin  ,is  extravagant.  I  did  not 
go  about  to  prove  that  universal  neceliity  doth  takeaway  affli(ftions:it  rather  render- 
eth  them   unavoidable.  B  :t  I  did  demonttrate  (  and  he  hath  not  been  able  to  make 
any  (hew  of  an  anfwer  to  it ,  )  that    it  taketh  away  all  jurt  rewards  and  punifh- 
ments ,  which  is  againft  the  univerfal  notion  and  common  belief  of  the    whole 
World.   Brutebeafls  are  not  capable  of  punifliment :  They  are  not   knocked  down 
out  of  vindidive  jultice  for  faults  committed,  but  for  future  ufc  and  benefit.  I 
faid  there  was  a  vaft  difference  between  the  light  and  momentany  pngs  of  brute 
hearts,  and  the  intolerable  and  endlefTe  pains  of  Hell.  Sure  enough.  Vionyf.us  the 
Tyrant  feeing  an  oxe  knocked  down  at  one  blow,  faid  to  his  friends,  vehat  <t 
folly  it  if  to  quit  jo  fair  a  command  for  fear  of  dying  ,  rphich  lafis  no   longer  a  ff  ace.   He 
himfelfe  ,  when  his  wits  are  calmer,  doth  acknowledge   as  much  as  I ,  and  feme-  j^^^_  ,3 
what  more  :  perhaps  (  faith  he  )  if  the  death  of  a  finner  were  an  eternal  life  in  extream 
mifery^amau  might  of  far  as  ]oh  hath  done,  expojiulate   with   God  Alltnighty  ,not 
accufing  him  ofinjujlice  ,  &c.  but  of  little  tendernefs  &  love  to  maki»d.    but  now  he  is 
pleafed  to  give  another  judgement  of  it  ,  As  if  the  length  or  greatnejfe  of  the  pain  , 
made  any  difference  of  the  jufltce  or  Hnjujlice  sf  infiiSing  it.  Yes  very  much.  According 
to  thejneafure  of  the  fault ,  ought  to  be  the  number  of  the  ftripes.  If  the  punifh- 
ments    exceed  the    offence  ,  it  is  unjuft.  On  the  other  fide ,  it  is  not  onely  an  ad  of  I' '^ V'^ 'o 
juftice  ,  but  of  favour  and  grace  to  inf^id  temporary  paines  for  a  greater  good  :  p^rfons°°"or 
Otherwife  a  Mafter  could  not  juftly  corred  his  Schollar  :  Othcrwife  a    Chirurgion  {heir  own 
might  not  lance  an  iitipoftume,  or  put  a  man  to  pain  to  cure  him  of  the  ftone.  If  good. 
God  affid  a  man  with  a  momentary  ficknefTe  ,  and  maketh  this  ficknefle  a  means 
to  fit  him  for  an  eternal  weight     of  glory  ,    he  hath  no  caufe  to  complaine  of 
injuftice. 

He  is  angry  that  I  roould  makg  men  believe  that  he  holds  all  things  to  he  jujl ,  that 
are  done  by  them,  who  have  power  enough  to  avoid  punifhment.  He  doth  me  wrong  I 
faidnofuch  thing  :  If  he  be  guilty  of  this  imputation  ,  either  diredly  or  by  confc- 
quence  ,  let  him  look  to  it  >  he  hath  errours  enough  which  are  evident.  I  did  indeed 
confute  this  tenet  of  his.  That  irreffiible  porver  ii  the  rule  of  jufiice  ,  of  which  heis 
pleafed  to  take  no  notice  in  his  Animadverfions ;  But  whereas  he  doth  now  re- 
ftrain  this  priviledge  to  that  power  alone  ,  which  is  abfolutely  irrefiflible  ,he  for- 
getteth  himfelf  over  much  ,  having  formerly  extended  it  to  all  Soveraignes  and 
Supreme  Councels,  within  their  own  dominions.  It  it  manifefi  therefore,  that  in 
every  common-wealth  there  if  fome  one  manor  Council  which  hath  ,  &c.  a  Suveraign  ^}b.  decive 
and  abfolH*e  power ,  to  be  limited  by  the  ftrength  of  the  Common  wealth,  and  by  no  'g./wp-c^.m: 
other  thing.  What  neither  by  the  law  of  God,  nor  nature  ,  nor  nations ,  nor  the 
municicipal  laws  of  the  land  ,  nor  by  any  other  thing  but  his  power  and  ftrength? 
Good  dodrine  I  Hum  tuRomanecaueto, 

Lafily ,  to  make  his  prefumption  compleate  ,he  indeavoureth  to  prove  that  God  sin  is  proper 
is  not  only  the  authour  ofl:w  ,  which  is  moft  true  ■,  and  the  caufe  of  the  aU  ,  which  is  ly  irregulrityi 
partly  true  ,  becaufe  he  is  the  onely  fountain  of  power ,  but  that  he  is  the  caufe  of 
the  irregularity,  that  is  in  plain  Englifli ,  (  which  he  delightcth  in  )  the  fin  it  fel^ 
Ithiftk^(  faith  he  )  there  is  no  man  butunderjiands  &c.  'That  where  two  things  are  compa- 
red, the  fimilitude  or  difftmilitude  ,  regularity  or  irregularity,  that  U  between  them  ,V5 
made  in  andby  the  things  themfdves  that  are  compared. 'the  Bijhop  therefore  thjt  denies 
Gad  to  be  the  caufe  of  the  irregularity  ,  denies  him  to  be  the  caufe  both  of  the  law,  and  of 
the  aUion.  This  is  that  which  he  himlelf  calleth  blafphemy  elfewhere  ,  that  God 
15  the  authottr  or  caufe  offin.Sinis   nothing  but  the  irregularity  of  the  ad.  SoSf 

John. 


78: 


Cafiigations  of 


TOMEIIL 


Goil  nn  caufe 
cf  iriegnlari- 
rity. 


Num.  13. 
CajiigJtioHS 
upon  the  A- 
nimadvtrfi- 

OHS. 

Num.  14. 


Laws  may  be 
unjuft. 


John  dehneth  it  in  cxpreffc  terms,  h -V-fT.ais-i'.n -../xi..  Sm  is  an  anomy  ,  or 
an  irregularity  ,  or  a  tranfgrcllionof  Law.  For  finis  nothing  elfe  but  a  declination 
from  the  rule  ,'  that  is  ,  an  irregularity.  Another  definition  of  fin  is  this  ,  Sin  is 
thjtJvhichpfth'u<iht,orfjid,ordonagaiMji  the  eternall  /jir. Still  you  fee  the  formal 
reafonof  fin,  doth  confirtin  the  contrariety  to  the  law,  that  is,  the  irregularity 
Others  define'  tinnc  to  be  a  tfant  ofreditude ,  or  a  privation  of  conformity  to  the  rule , 
that  is  ,  irregularity.  An  irregular  adion  is  fin  materially  ,  Irregularity  is  fin  for- 
mally. Othersdchne  finne  to  be  a  free  tranfgreft  on  of  the  commandement.  Everyone 
of  thefe  dctinitions  dtmonilrate  that  Mr.  Hobbes  makcth  God  to  be  properly  the 
caufe  ohinnc. 

But  let  us  weigh  his  argument,  Be  who  'a  hhe  caufe  of  the  hrv  ^  and  the  caufe  of 
the  action  ,  U  the  caufe  of  the  irregularity  ,  but  Cod  w  the  caufe  of  the  larv  ,  and  the 
caufe  of  the  adion.  I  deny  his  alTumption,  God  indeed  is  the  caufe  of  the  law,  but  God 
is  not  the  total  01  adequate  caufe  of  the  adion  :  Nay  God  is  not  at  all  the  caufe 
of  the  adlion  qua  talis  ,  as  it  is  irregular  ,  but  the  free  Agent.  To  ufe  our  former 
iiiiknceofan  unjulk  judge.  The  Prince  is  the  authour  or  caufe  of  the  law,  and  the 
Prince  is  the  caufe  of  the  judiciary  adtion  of  the  Judge  in  general ,  becaufe  the  Judge 
dtrivcih  all  his  power  of  judicature  from  the  Prince.  But  the  Prince  is  not  the 
caufe  of  the  irregularity  ,  or  repugnance,  or  non- conformity  ,  or  contrariety 
which  is  between  the  Judges  aftnios  and  the  law  but  the  Judge  himfelf,  who  by  his 
own  fault ,  did  abufe  and  mifapply  that  good  general  power ,  which  was  cornmit- 
ted  and  entrufted  to  him  by  the  Prince  i  he  is  the  onely  caufe  of  the  anomy 
or  irregularity.  • 

Or  as  a  Scrivener  that  teacheth  one  to  write,  iandfets  him  a  copy,  is  both  the 
caufe  of  the  rule  ,  and  of  the  adion  ,  or  writing,  and  yet  not  the  caufe  of  theirre* 
gularity  or  deviation  from  the  rule.  Sin  is  a  defed  ,  or  deviation,  or  irregularity. 
Nodefet't  ,no  deviation,  no  irregularity  can  proceed  from  God.  But  herein  doth 
confirt ,  T.  H.  his  errour  ,  that  he  difiinguiflieth  not  between  an  efTential  and  an 
accidental  fubordination  i  Or  between  agood  general  power  ,  and  the  determinati- 
on or  mifapplication  of  this  general  power  to  evil,  what  times  are  we  fallen  into!  to 
fee  it  publickly  maintained,  That  God  is  the  caufe  of  all  irregularity,  or  deviation 
from  his  own  rule?. 

Here  is  no  need  of  Caftigations  ,  there  being  no  Animadverfions. 

In  the  beinginning,  he  repeateth  his  empty  objedions  ,  from  tvhat  (hall  be,fhall  be 
&  from  jorekyioa>kdg,3nd  that  a  man  cannot  choofe  to  day  for  to  morroTP,  and  thence  con- 
cludeth,(  nemine  confentiente  )Thzt  my  deduUions  are  irrationaV  and  fallacious  ,  znd 
that  he  need  mak^  no  further  anftver.  As  if  he  (hould  fay  ,  1  fent  forth  two  or  three 
light  horfemcn  to  vapour,  who  were  foundly  beaten  back  , and  made  their  defence 
with  their  heels ,  therefore  I  need  not  anfwcr  the  charge  of  the  main  battle.  He  told 
me  that  I  did  not  underfiand  him,  if  I  thought  he  held  no  other  neceffity ,  than 
that  which  is  contained  in  that  old  fooliih  tu\c,rvhatfuver  U,n>hen  it  if,  vsnecefjarilyfo  at  it 
U.  But  Ifec,  when  all  is  done,  he  muft  fit  down  and  be  contented  to  make  his 
beft  of  that  old  foolifli  rule  ,  For  pr<efcience  ,  and  tvhatfhall  be,fhaU  be ,  doe  imply  no 


more. 


In  the  next  place  ,  he    chargeth  me  with  three  great  abfurdities.    'The  frfi  that  J 

Jay,  A  laip  may  be  tinjuji  :     the  fecond,  that  a  law  may  )je  tyrannicaV.  "The  third  that 

1  fay  ,  it  M  an  unjujl  larv  rvhich  prefcribes      thiftgs  impojftble  intbemfelvesto  be  done  . 

A  grievous    accufation.  Thefe  abfurdities  are  at  age,  let  them  even  anfwerfor 

themfelves. 

He  faith  ,  Civil  laws  are  made  by  every  man  that  it  fuhjed  to  them  ,  becaufe  everyone 
of  them  confented  to  the  placeingofthe  Legiflative  povfer.  I  deny  his  coniequence.  Indeed 
in  cjufes  that  are  naturally  ,  neccffarily ,  and  eflentially  fubordinate,  the  caufe  of  the 
caufe  is  allwayes  the  caufe  of  the  effed  ,  as  he  that  planteth  a  vineyard, is  the  caufe 
of  the  vine.  But  in  caufes  that  are  accidentally  or  contingently  fubordinate,  asthc 
people  eleding  ,  the  lawgiver  eleded  ,  and  the  law  made,  are  i  the  caufe  of  the 
caufe  is  not  allwayes  the  caufe  of  the  eifed.  As  he  that  planteth  a  vineyard,  is  nor 
the  caufe  of  the  drunkennefle.  The  Kings  commiflion  makcth  a  Judge  ,  but  it  is 
not  the  caufe  of  his  unrighteous  judgement.  Two  Cities  in  I/a/y  contending  about 

their. 


Discourse  II.  Mr.  Hob's   Ammadverjions^ 


their  bounds,chofc  the  people  oiKome  to  be  their  Arbitratorsi  they  gave  either  Citv 
a  (mall  pittance  ,  and  referved  all  the  reft  to  i^^mklvts^&ncdinmediofftpopjo 
Romjitu aJjudicetur  .  The  two  Cities  did  not  much  like  their  Arbitrators  at  thehrft 
as  they  detefted  the  Arbitrament  at  the  lafi  ,  And  though  they  had  contraded  a' 
nccellity  of  compliance  by  their  credulous  fubmiliion,yet  this  ciidnot  free  that  uncon- 
fcionablc  Arbitrament  from  palpable  injuaice  i  no,  nor  yet  fo  much  as  from  palpable 
injury  :  for  though  a  man  is  not  injured  ,  who  is  willing  to  be  injured  volemi 
non  fit  iijuria  Yet  he  who  doth  choofe  an  Arbitrator  doth  not  choofe  his  unjuft 
arbitrament  i  nor  he  that  choofeth  a  Law-giver  ,chufc  his  tyrannical  Law  Though 
he  have  obliged  himfelf  to  palHve  obedience,  yet  his  obligation  doth  not  render 
either  the  injurious  arbitrament  of  the  one  ,  or  the  tyrannical  law  of  the  other  tobe 
]uft,So  the  main  ground  of  his  errour  is  a  grofle  fallacy,  which  every  Sophifter  in  the 
ilniverfity  is  able  to  difcover. 

I  anfwer   fecondly  ,  That  though  every  fubjed  had  adually  confented  as  well 
to  the  laws  ,  as  to  the  Law-giver  ',  yea  though  the  law   were  made  by  the  whole 
colledivc  body  of  the  people  in   their  own  perfonsv  yet  if  it  be  contrary  to  the  law 
ofGod  or  nature ,  it  is  i\\\  an  unjull  law.  The  people   cannot  give  that  power  to  their 
Prince  ,  which  they  have  not  themielves.  / 

Thirdly  ,many  laws  are  made  by  thofc  who  are  not  duely  inverted  with  Lcpiflativc 
power,  which  are  therefore  unjuft  laws.  ^ 

Fourthly  ,  many  la wes  are  made  to  bind  forraigners  whoexercife  commerce 
with  fubjcds ,  which  if  they  be  contrary  to  the  pads  and  capitulations  of  the  con- 
federate nations ,  are  unjuft  laws.  Forraigners  never  confented  to  the  placing  of  the 
Legiflative  power. 

Fifthly  ,  no   humane     power   whatfover  ,  judiciary  or    Legiflative      civil  or 
facred,  is  exempted  from  exceffes,  and  pollibility    of   doing  or  making  unjuft 
ads.  ' 

Laftly,  the  people   cannot  eonfcr  more  power  upon  their  Law-giver  than' God 
himfelfe  doth  confer,  neither  is  their  eledion  a  greater  privrdgsfrom  injuftice   than 
Gods  own  difpolition  :  but  they  ,  who  have  been    placed  i-   foveraign    power  by 
God     himfelf,  have  both   made  unjuft  laws  ,  and    prefcribcd    unjuft    acts   to  ImpofTibilites 
their  fabjed.  made  by  our 

I  faid  thofelawes  were  unjuft.  Which   prefcribed   th'ng<  impollible  in  fhemfelves.  *^'''".'™'^''^ 
againft    this  he  cxcepteth  ,  Ontly  contradiCuom   are  impofibk  in  themfelves  ;  all  other  j,*^'^ ™''ff b** 
things  are  pofibk  in  themfelttes,  U  to  raife  the  dead ,  to  change  the  courje    of  nature   B^t  "hics"iB°heHi 
never  any  Tyrant  didbinda  man  to  contraCtion  ,  or  mak^  a  law  ,  commanding  him  to  do&  ^^'^a 
not  to  do  the  fame  aSion,  or  to  be  &  not  te  be  in  the  JamepJace.at  the-fame  moment  of  time. 
I  anfwer  ,  That  Tyrants  may  comand ,  and  by  their  Deputies  have  commanded' 
contradidory  Ads ,  as  for  the  fame  Subjeds  to  appeare    before  ftvera!  Judt'es    in 
feveral  places,  at  the  fame  time  ,  and  todofcveral  duties  ino^nfiftent  one  wjthan- 
other,which  itnply  acontradidion  jandhave  puniftied  Subjects  for  difobcdience  in 
fuch  caufes. 

Secondly  I  anfwer ,  That  when  we  fay  Law-makers  ought  to  command  things 
pollible  ,  it  ought  to  be  undcrftood  of  things  poliible  to  their  Subjefts,  upon  whom 
they  impofe  their  commands  s  not  of  fuch  things  as  are  polhble  to  God  Almighty. 
To  make  a  law  that  (ubjeds  ftiouid  raife  the  dead  ,  or  change  the  courfe  of  natur' 
C  which  he  recKons  as  things  polbblc  in  themfelves  )  is  as  unjufta  Law  as  a  Law' 
that  ftiould  injoyoe  them  contradidions ,  and  the  ad  as  impolfible  to  the 
Subjed. 

Thirdly  ,  thefe  Words,  [  impoffthle  in.  themfelves  ~\  which  he  laycth  hold  no 
have  a  quite  contrary  fenfe  to  that  wh^ch  he  imagineth  and  arc  warrentedby  great 
Authors ,  Some  things  are  impoifible  to  us  by  our  own  defaultes  as  for  a  man  to 
hold  the  licjuour  firmly  without  (heddhig,  who  hath  contradcd  the  Palfy  by  his 
own  intemperance .  Thefe  impollibilities  may  juftly  be  forbidden  and  punifhed  , 
when' we  have  had  power  and  loft  it  by  our  own  fault.  Secondly  there  are  other, 
impodiblities  in  themfelves ,  fuch  as  proceed  not  from  our  own  faults,  which  never 
were  in  our  power,  as  thofe  which  proceed  from  the  antecedent  determination 
ofcxtrinfecal  caufes.  To  injoyn  thefe  bylaw,  and  to  punilhaman  for  not  obey- 
ing, is  unjuft  and  Tyrannical.  22ZZ  wheras 


~7S4 — '^fji^auons  of  T  Q  M  E  I  H. 

— '       vv'hercas  I  called  jufi  Laws  the  ordinances  of  right  reafon  ,  he  faitli  h  is  an  errour 

that  hath  coji  many  timifands  of  men  their  Lives.     His  reafon  is ,  If  Lares  be  ermneoits 
(hall  they  not  he  obeyed  ?  fhall  we  rather  rebel?  I  anlwcr,  neither  the  cne  nor  the  other. 
Afls  5  2  9-      We  arc  not  to  obey  them  actively  ,  becaufc  rce  oifght  to  obey  God  rather  than  man.  Yet 
I,  /'cr.'a.  I?.  j„^y  wenot  Rebd  :   Submit  your  f elves  to  every  ordinance  of  man  ,  for  the  Lords  fak^. 
Pallive  obedience  is  a  mean  between  active  obedience  and  rebellion.     To  jull  Laws 
which  are  the  ordinances  of  right  reafon,  active  obedience  is  due.     To  unjufl  Laws 
which  are  the  ordinances  of  reafon  erring  ,  palhve  obedience  is  due.     who  (hall 
hope  to  efcape  exception  ,  when  this  innocent  definition  is  quarrelled  at.     I  wifli 
his  own  principles  were  half  fo  Loyal, 
.pu-  UeCiithJtakf  pmijhmentfor  akjndofrevenoe  ^  and  therefore  can  never  agree  with 

n^ftimenc  is  e-  him  ,  fvho  tak^f  i* /<""  nothing  elfe  but  for  a  correUion  ,  or  fot  an  example  ,  &c.  I  take 
vcr  vindictiTc  punifhment  in  the  fame  fenle  ,  that  all  Authors  both  Sacred  and  Civil,  Divines  and 
inpatt.  philofophers ,  Lawyers,  and  generally  all  Claihck  Writers  have  ever  taken  it.That 

is,  (ox  an  evil  of  pajjion^tvhich  is  infli£Jed  for  anevilof  adion.     So  to  pafs  by  other 
Authors ,  as  fleighted  by  him  ,  the  Holy  Scripture  doth  always  take  it.     As  where- 
Lam.  2.  ?9,     fore  doth  a  living  man  complain  ?  for  the  punijhment  of  his  fins,     hnd  this  is  an  heinous 
fob  3,x.  ir.       crime  ,  yea  it  is  an  iniquity   to  be  punijhed  by  the  Judges.     And  thou  haji  punifhed  us 
Ezra.  9.  1  ?■     /^y}  f^^^i  pj^y  iniquities  deferved.     Yea ,  punifliment  doth  not  onely  prefuppofe  fin,  but 
Heb.io.  58.     the  meafure  of  puniftiment :  the  degree  of  fin.     He  that  defpifed  Moks  Law  ^  died 
Tvithout  mercy-,-<ofhorf>  much  forer  punifhment  foaWhe  be  thought  worthy^  who  hath  trampled 
BcMi-J5.i.    under  foot  the  Son  of  God  .''  The  Judge  was  commanded  to  caufe  the  offender  to  ^1? 
beaten  according  to  the  fault.  This  truth  we  Learned  from  theFcrula's  and  rods,which 
wc  fmarted  under  when  we  were  boycs.     And  from  the  gibbets ,  and  axes ,  and 
wheels  ,  which  are  prepared  for  offenders.     Omnts  p£nafijufia  eft  ,  peccati  pma  efi. 
That  the  punifhment  of  Delinquents  hath  other  ends  alio,  there  is  no  doubt, 
Nemo prudens  punit  quia  peccatum  efl ,  fedne  peccetur.  Punifhmentsrefpefts  the  delin- 
quent in  the  firfl  place  ,  either  to  amend  him ,  or  to  prevent  his  doing  of  more  mif^ 
chief.    Secondly ,  it  regardeth  the  party  fuifering,  to  repair  his  honour,  or  preferve 
him  from  contempt  ,  or  fccure  him  for  the  time  to  come.     Laftly  ,  it  refpeds  other 
perfons ,  that  the  fuffering  of  a  few  may  be  exemplary,  and  anadmonition  to  many. 
But  herein  Lies  his  errour  ,  Thit  punifhment  is  for  nothing  elfe  but  f»r  corredion  or  ex- 
!•  Pet.2   4'     """P^^*     Godfparednot  the  Angels  that  finned,    but  caji  them  down  into  Hed.     That 
'       '  '  was  no  correftion.     And  at  the  Lafl  Judgment ,  Go  ye  curfed  into  Everlafting  Fire  : 

There  is  neither  corredlion  nor  example  ,  but  in  both  inftances  there  is  punifhment. 
Whence  it  is  apparent ,  that  fome  punifliment  ,  cfpecially  divine  ,  doth  Look  on- 
ly at  tlie  fatisfa<^ion  of  Juftice. 
Yet  farrfier  of  '  B^^^  ^^^  inftances  of  unjuft  Laws  •,  FharaoPs  Law  to  drown  the  Jfraelitijk'-' 
unjufl  Laws,  Children^  Nebuehadnezar''s  Law  to  cafl  them  who  would  not  commit  Idolatry,  in-' 
fo  the  fiery  Furnace  •,  Darius  his  Law  ,  that  whofoever  Prayed  to  God  for  Thirty 
days ,  fhould  be  caft  into  the  Den  of  Lions-,  Aha(huerofh  his  Law  to  deftroy  the 
Jcwijh  Nation  root  and  branch  ">  The  Fharifees  Law  to  excommunicate  all  thofe 
who  confefTed  Chrift.  To  all  thefe  he  anfwereth  nothing  in  particular,  but  in  gene- 
ral ,  he  giveththis  anfwer  i  That  they  were  juft  Laws  in  relation  to  their  fubjeHs,  be- 
caufe  all  Laws  made  by  him ,  to  whom  the  people  have  given  the  Legiflative  power  ,  are  the 
atls  of  every  one  of  that  people  :  and  no  man  can  do  injuliice  to  himfelf.  But  they  were  uh- 
juft  aUions  in  relation  to  God.  He  feareth  the  Bijhop  will  thin\  this  difcourje  too  fuhtile  : 
Nay  rather  the  Bifhop  thinketh  it  too  flat  and  dull.  Vii  te  Vamafippe  de£q;  lale  oh 
confilium  donent  tonfore.  I  have  anfwcred  his  reafon  before ,  that  it  is  a  Sophiffical 
fallacy,  flowing  from  the  accidental  fubordination  of  the  caufcs.  A  man  may  will 
the  Lawgiver ,  and  yet  not  will  the  Law.     That  is  one  reply  to  his  dittindtion. 

Secondly  ,  I  reply.  That  when  the  people  did  give  them  the  Legiflative  power, 
they  gave  a  Kingly  power  to  preferve  and  protedl  their  Subjedts  ;  they  meant  not  a 
power  to  drown  them  ,  to  burn  them  ,  to  caft  them  to  the  Lions  ,  to  root  them 
out  from  the  earth  by  the  means  of  unjuft ,  bloody.  Tyrannical  Laws,  made  on 
L.i.i4«  purpofe  to  be  pitfalls  to   catch  Subjefts.     Hear  him.felf:  No  man  can  transfer  or  lay 

down  his  right  tofave  himfelf  from  deatb^wounds,  and  imprifonment.     If  the  rightbc  not 
transferred  in  fuch  cafes ,  then  the  Law  isgroundlefs  and  unjult,  and  made  with- 


not 


Discourse.  1 1.        Mr,  Hobs's  Jfnmaciz'erfionr  -. Q^ 

. ^ /  ^S 

oucthe  conrcnt  of  the  Subjed.  They  did  not  give,  they  did  not  intend  to  give  , 
they  coald  not  give  them  a  divine  powev,  or  rather  a  power  paramount  above  God- 
To  command  Idolatry  ,  to  forbid  all  Prayer  and  Invocation  of  Gods  Holy  name  v 
and  therefore  ,  though  fuch  Laws  do  not  Warrant  Rebellion  ,  becaufe  it  is  better 
to  die  innocent,  than  to  Live  nocenf,  yet  that  hindereth  not  but  fuch  Laws  arc 
unjui},  both  towards  God  and  towards  man. 

Thirdly,  ifthefe  Laws  had  been  juO  in  relation  to  the  Subje<fls,  then  the  Subjeds 
had  been  bound  to  obey  them  adively,  but  they  were  not  bound   to  obey  them  a- 
dively  i  yea  they  they  were  bound  not  to  obey  them,     the Midmves  feared  God:,  and 
did  not  as  the  King  of  Egypt  commanded  them.     The  Three  Children  anfwered  \  Be  ^''°''-  '•  ''• 
//  kiiotvn  unto  thee  ,  0  King  ,    that  voe  will  notferve  thy  Gods  ,  nor  Worfiip  thy  Gulden  p^n   ..  ,3 
Image,  rvhich^  thou  haftfet  up.     The  Parents  ofMofes  are  commended  for  their  Faith  Heb,'  i  i.  2  j, 
injaving  Moles  contrary  to  the  Kings  Commandment. 

Fourthly  ,  Subjeds  have  given  to  their  Soveraigns ,  as  well  Judiciary 'as  Legifla- 
tive  power  over  themfelves  i  but  their  Judiciary  power  doth  not  judifie  their  unjuit 
adts  or  Sentences,  even  towards  their  Subjeds.  Elias  accufed  Ahab  of  Murther. 
And  E///&<j  called  his  Son  Joram.,  Ihe  Son  of  a  Murderer.  Sauls  injuftice  towards  \^in^  6^1. 
the  C;^m/»fx,  did  draw  the  guilt  of  blood  upon  his  Houfe.  And  the  Lord  was  not  *  ^' 
fatisrted  until  the  Gibeonites  had  received  fatisfadion.  He  himfelf  ftileth  Davids  aft 
towards 'Z/'m/;  murther.  Certainly  murther  is  not  Juft  ,  either  towards  God  or 
towards  man.  Therefore  neither  doth  the  Legiflativf  power  juftific  their  unjuft 
Laws. 

Fifthly  ,  of  all  Law-givers  ,  thofe  who  are  placed  freely  by  the  people ,  have  the 
leaft  pretence  to  fuch  an  abfolute  and  univerfal  refignation  of  all  the  property  and 
intereft  of  theSubjeA.Forit  is  to  be  prefumed  that  the  people  who  didchoofe'thern,had 
more  regard  to  their  own  good  ,  than  to  the  good  of  their  Law- giver,  and  did  look 
principally  at  the  protection  of  their  own  perfons ,  and  the  prefervation  of  their 
own  rights  ,  and  did  contract  accordingly.  As  we  fee  in  the  mofi:  flourilhing  Mo- 
narchies of  the  World  5  as  that  of  the  Medes  and  Perfians  :  They  had  their  funda- 
mental Laws ,  which  were  not  in  the  fingle  power  of  the  prefent  Law-giver  to  alter 
or  violate  by  a  new  Law  or  Command  ,  or  without  injuftice. 

If  a  pupil  fliall  choofe  a  Tutour  or  Guardian  for  himfelf,  he  invefteth  him  with  all 
his  power,  he  obligeth  himfelf  to  make  good  all  his  acts.Neverthelcfs  he  may  wrong 
his  Pupil,  or  do  him  injuftice  :  There  is  onely  this  difference ,  that  a  Pupil  may  im- 
plead his  Guardian  ,  and  recover  his  right  againft  himi  But  from  a  Sovereign  Law- 
giver there  lies  no  appeal,  but  onely  to  God.  Otherwife  there  would  be  endlefs 
appeals  ,  which  both  nature  and  policy  doth  abhor.  As  in  the  inllance  of  the  Ro- 
man Arbitrament ,  formerly  mentioned.An  Arbitrary  power  is  the  higheft  of  all  pow- 
ers ;  Judges  mult  proceed  according  to  Law  ,  Arbitrators  are  tied  to  no  Law ,  but 
their  own  rcafon  ,  and  their  own  confciences.  Yet  all  the  World  will  fay  ,  that 
the  Romans  dealt  fraudulently  and  unjufty  with  the  two  parties. 

Laftly  ,  The  Holy  Scriptures  do  every  where  brand   wicked  Laws  as  infamous. 
?i.$  the  Statutes  of  Omri,  znd  the  Statutes  of  Ifrael,  and  ftileth  them  exprelly  unjuft  f^'cli-6.ip. 
Laws  ,   or  unrighteous  decrees.  Ifai  1'^'.  '^' 

He  asketh  to  whom  the   Bible  is  a  Lave  ?  The  Bible  is  not  a  Law,  but  the  pofitive  The  authority 
Laws  of  God  are  contained  in  the  Bible.     Doth  he  think  the  Law  of  God  is  no  of  fhe  Scri- 
Law  without  his  fufFrage  ?  He  might  have  been  one  of  TiW/zw  his,  Council  when  it  P'^re,  not  de- 
was  propofed  to  the  Senate  ,  whether  theyfiiould  admit  Chrift  to  be  a  God  or  not.  {h^fj^^ter. 

He  faith  ,  I  kyiorv  that  it  is  not  a  Larv  to  all  the  IForld.     Not  de  faCto  indeed.How 
ihouldit?  when  the  World  is  fo  full   of  y4fki/?x ,  that  make  no  more  account  of 
their  Souls  ,  than  of  fo  many  handfuls  of  Salt ,  to  keep  their  Bodies  from  llinking> 
But  de  jure  ,    by  right  it  is  a  Law  ,  and  ought  to  be  a  Law  to  all  the  World.     The 
Heathens,  and  particularly  theStoicks  themfelves,  did  fpeak  with  much  more  re- 
verence of  the  Holy  Bookj ,  of  which  to  fufpeCi  a  faljhwd ,  they  held  to  he'anhainous  and  Ammon.inlib. 
detejlabk  crime.     And  the  iirft  Argument  for  neceliity  ,   they  produced  from  the  au-  '^'  Interpret. 
thority  of  thofe  Books  ,  becaufe  they  laid  that  God  did  knorv  all  things  ,  and  difpnfe 
ill  things. 

He  asketh,  Horv  the  Bible  cime  to  be  a  Larv  to  us?  Did  Godfpeak^it  viva  voce  tn  us, 

Z  2  z  z  2  have 


Dan)  6.  8, 


786 


Cafti^atioNS  of TOM  E  I  H. 


have  rve  fern    the  Miracles  ?    have  we  any  other  ajfitrance  than  the  vpords    of  the    ?to- 
theu     and  the  authority  of  the  Church  .?   And  fo  it  concludcth  ,   that  it  is  the  Le^ifla- 
tive  Vomr  of  the  Commonrvealth  ,  wherejoevtr  it  is  placed  ,   rehich  mak^s  the  Bible  a  Larv 
in  England.  If  a  man  digged  a  pit,'  and  covered  it  not  again,  fotlut  an  Ox  or  an  Afs 
fell  into  it     lie  was  obliged  by  the  Mofuical  Law,  to  make  fatisfadtion  for  the  dann- 
niaec.     1  know  not  whether  he  do  this  on  purpofeto  weaken  the  authority  of  Holy 
Scripture     or  not.     Let  God  and  his  own  confcience  be  his  Triers ;   but  I  am  furc 
he  hath  digged  a  pit  for  an  Ox  or  an  Afs  ,    without  covering  it  again,  and  if  they 
chance  to  lUimble  blindfold  into  it ,  their  blood  will  be  required  at  his  hands.     If 
a  Turk  had  faid  io  much  of  the  Alchoran  ^.tConjlantinople  ,  he  were  in  fome  danger. 
If  it  were  within  the  compals  of  the  prefent  Controverfie ,  I  fhould  efleem  it  no 
difficult  task  to  dcmonllrate  prefpicuoufly,  that  the  Holy  Scriptures  can  be  no  other 
than  the  Word  of  God  Himfelf  >  By  their  Antiquity  ,  by  their  Harmony  ,  by  their 
Efficacy  ,  by  the  Sandityand  Sublimity  of  their  matter »  fuch  as  could  not  have 
cntred  into  the  thoughts  of  man,    without  the  infpiration  of  the  Holy  Ghoft  :  By 
the   plainefs  of  their  iHle  fofull  of  Majefty,  by  the  Light  of  Prophetical  predidions 
by  the  Teltimony  of  the  BlefTed  Martyrs ,  by  a  Multitude  of  Miracles ,  by  the  fim- 
plicity  of  the  Penmen  and  Promulgers,  Poor  Fifliermen  and  Shepherds,  who  did 
drav/ the  World  after  their  Oaten  B.eedsi  and  Lartly  ,  By  the  Judgments  of  God 
that  have  fallen  upon  fuch  Tyrants  and  others  ,  as  have  gone  about  to  fupprefs  or 
prophane  the  Sacred  Oracle?.     But  this  is  one  of  thofe  things  de  ^uibus  nefas  eji  du- 
bitare  ,  which  he  that  calleth  into  queftion ,  deferveth  to    be  anfwered   otherwifc 
than  with  Arguments. 

But  that  which  is  fufficient  to  confute  him ,  is  the  Law  of  Nature ,  which  is  the 
fame  in  a  great  part  with  the  pofitive  Law  of  God,Pvecorded  in  Holy  Scripture.  All 
the  Ten  Commandments  in  refpedt  of  their  Subftantials,  are  acknowledged  by  all 
men  to  be  Branches  of  the  Law  of  Nature.  I  hope  he  will  not  fay,  that  thefe  Laws 
of  Nature  were  made  by  our  Suffrages ,  though  he  be  as  Likely  to  fay  fuch  an  abfut- 
dity ,  as  any  man  Living.  For  hefaith  the  Law  of  Nature  is  the  aflent  it  felf  which 
all  men  give  to  the  means  of  their  prefovation.  Every  Law  is  a  rule  of  our  actions 
a  meer  alTent  is  no  rule.  A  Law  commandeth  or  forbiddeth,  an  aflentdoth  neither. 
But  to  (hew  him  his  vanity  i  fincc  he  delighteth  fomuch  in  definitions,  Let  him  fa- 
tisfie  himfelf  out  of  the  definitions  of  the  Law  of  Nature,  7be  Law  of  "Nature  is  the 
prefcription  ofri^ht  reafon,  reherdy  through  that  Light ,  rvhich  nature  hath  placed  in  ut , 
vpeV^orv  fomethings  to  be  done  becaufe  they  are  honefly  and  other  things  to  befhunned,  if- 
caufe  they  are  difhonefi.  He  had  forgotten  what  he  had  twice  cited  and  approved  out 
of  Cicera  ,  concerning  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  which  Fhilo  calls,  "the  Lave  that  cannot 
he  ■>  not  mortal^  made  by  mortals  ,  not  without  Life  ,  or  Written  in  paper  or  columnes 
rvithout  Life^  but  that  vehich  cannot  be  corrupted^  written  by  the  immortal  God  in  our  un- 
derjiandingj. 

Secondly  ,  If  this  which  he  faith  did  deferveany  confideration,  it  was  before  the 
Bible  was  admitted  ,  or  affented  unto  ,  or  received  as  the  Word  of  G-od.  But  the 
Bible  hath  been  aflented  unto,  and  received  in  E«g/izw^  Sixteen  Hundred  years.  A 
fair  prefcription  •,  and  in  all  that  time,  I  do  not  find  any  Law  to  authorize  it ',  or 
to  underprop  Heaven  from  falling  with  a  bulrufh.  This  is  undeniable  ,  that  for  fo 
many  fuccellive  Ages  ,  we  have  received  it  as  the  Law  of  God  Himfelf  not  depend- 
ing upon  our  Affents  ,  or  the  authority  of  our  Law-makers. 

Thirdly  ,  We  have  not  onely  a  National  tradition  of  our  own  Church  ,  for  the 
Divine  authority  of  Holy  Scripture  ,  but  which  is  of  much  more  moment ,  we  have 
the  perpetual  conflant  Univerfal  Tradition  of  the  Catholick  Church  of  Chrift  ,  ever 
iince  Chrilt  Himfelf  did  tread  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  This  is  fo  clear  a  proof 
of  the  Univerfal  reception  of  the  Bible  ,  for  the  genuine  Word  of  God  ,  that  there 
cannot  jullly  be  any  more  doubt  made  of  it,  than  whether  there  ever  was  a  IFUliam 
the  Conqueror  or  not. 

But  this  is  his  opinion,  Thit  true  Religion  in  every  Countrey  is  that  which  the  Sove- 
reign Magilirate  doth  admit  and  injoyn.l  could  wifh  his  deceived  followers  would  think 
u(.  on  what  rock  he  drives  them.  For  if  this  opinion  be  true,  then  that  which  is 
true  Pveligion  to  day  ,  may  be  falfe  Religion  tomorrow  ,  and  change  as  often  as  the 

chief 


Discourse    II.  againJlMr,  HoWsAnimacl'vofiony.  ^q_ 

Chiet'  Governour  or  Governours  change  their  opinions.     Then  that  whic'i  is  true  " 

Religion  in   one  Conntrey  ,  is  talfe  Reh'gion  in  another  Counfrey,   becaufe  the  Go- 
vernours are  of  diflfcrcBt  opinions  i  then  all  the  Religions  of  the  World    Chriitian 
Jewifh  ^  Titrkifh  ,  Hcathenifli ,  are  true  Religions  in  their  own  Countreys:  and  if  the' 
Governour  will  allow  no  Religion  ,  then  Athcijm  is  the  true  Religion.     Then  the 
Blefled  Apollles  were  very  unwife  to  fuffer  for  their  confcience,  becaufe  they  would 
ob'.y  God  rather  than  man  :  Then  the  BlclTcd  Martyrs  were  ill  advifed  to  fafF.-r  fich 
torments  fur  a  h\k  Religion  ,  which  was  not  warranted  ,  or  indeed  which  Wis  for- 
bidden by  the  Sovereign  Magiltrares.     And  fo  I  have  heard  from  a  Genthman  oi^^-R-  M. 
quality,    well  defcrving  credit ,  that  Mr.  Uohs  ,  jnd  he,  talkingof  feif  prcfervation 
he  prefTed  Mr.  U>hs  with  this  argument  drawn  from  Holy  Martyrs.     To  which  Mr! 
H/ix  gave  anfwer  ,  they  rccre  all  Fooli.     This  bolt  was  foon  (hot:  but  the  primitive 
Church  had  a  more  venerable  eftcem  of  the  Holy  Martyrs  ,  whofe  fufferings  they 
called  palms  >  their  Prifon  a  Paradife  ,  and  their  Death-day,  their  Birth-day  of  their 
Glory  ,  to  whofe  memory  they  builded  Churches  ,  and  inllituted  Feftivals     whofe 
Monuments  God  Hiir.fclf  did  honour  with  frequent  Miracles. 

He  asketh  rvhy  the  Bible  (hould  not  be  Canonical  in  Conftantinople  ,  as  tvell  as  in  o- 
ther  places  ^  if  it  were  not  as  he  faith  ?  His  queftion  is  Apocryphal,  and  defcrveth 
no  other  anfwer  ,  but  another  queftion.  Why  a  Ship  being  placed  in  a  ftrcam  is 
more  apt  to  fall  do  vn  the  ftream,  than  to  afcend  up  againft  the  ftream  i*  It  is'no 
marvel  if  the  World  be  apt  to  follow  a  fenfual  Religion  ,  which  is  agreeable  to  their 
own  appetites.  But  that  any  (hould  embrace  a  Religion,  which  furpafTcth  their  own 
underliandings,  and  teacheth  them  to  deny  them(elvcs,  and  to  fail  again(t  the  ftream 
of  their  own  natural  corruptions ,  this  is  the  meer  goodne{s  of  God. 

He  faith  ,  That  a  Conqnemur  makgs  m  Laws  over  the  Conquered ,  by  virtue  of  his 
power  and  cimqueji ,  but  by  virtue  of  their  affent.  Moll  vainly  urged  Like  all  the  reft. 
Unjuft  Conquerors  gain  no  right,  but  jurt  Conquerors  gain  all  right.  Omnia  dat  qui 
jujla  negat ,  Juft  Conqueroursdo  not  uieto  ask  the  alTenr  of  thofe,  whom  they  have 
Conquered  in  Lawful  War  ,  but  to  command  obedience.  See  but  what  a  Pretty  li- 
berty he  hath  found  out  for  conquered  perfons  ,  they  may  choofe  whether  they  will  obey 
or  die.  Vnafalus  vi£iis  ,  nullam  fperare  falutem,  what  is  this  to  the  purpofe,  to  prove 
that  Conquerors  make  Laws  by  thea(rent  of  thofe  whom  they  have  conquered''  no- 
thing at  all.  And  yet  even  thus  much  is  not  true  upon  his  principle:  Conquered 
perfons  are  not  free  to  Live  or  Dye  indiiTercntly  ,  according  to  his  principles-,  but 
they  are  necelfitated  either  to  the  one  or  the  other ,  to  Live  Slaves ,  or  Dye  Ca- 
ptives. 

He  hath  found  out  a  much  Like  aflfent  of  Children  ,  to  the  Laws  of  their  Ance- 
ftours,  without  which  he  would  make  us  believe  that  the  Laws  do  not  bind.     Jf^hen  techiftV    d^*' 
Children  come  to  lirength  enough  to  do  tuifchief^  and  to    Judgment ,    that  they   are  pre-  floyal  and  un- 
fervedfrom  mifchief^   by  fear  of  the  fword  that  dmb  proteH  them  ,  in  the  very  ati  of  re-  wural  per- 
ceiving  protection  ,  and  not  renouncing  it^  they  oblige  themfelves  to  the  Laws  of  their  pro-  '°°'' 
teCiours,     And  here  he  inferteth  farther  fome  of  his  peculiar  errours ,  as  this.  That 
Parents  who  are  mt  (ubj^S  to  others  ,   may  Lawfully  take  away  the  Lives   of  their  ChiU 
dren  ,  and  Mjgilirates  tal^  away  the  Lives  of  their  SubjeCfs  ,  without  any  fault  or  crime 
if  they  d)  but  doubt  of  their  obedience.     Here  is  comfortable  Dodirine  for  Children 
that  their  Parents  may  knock  out  their  brains  Lawfully.     And  for  Subjects,  that 
their  Sovereigns  may  Lawfully  hang  them  up,  or  behead  them  them  without  any  of- 
fence committed  ,  if  they  do  but  doubt  of  their  of  their  obedience.     And  for  Sove- 
vereigns ,  that  their  Subjeds  are  quitted  of  their  Allegiance  to  them,  fo  foon  as  they 
but  receive  adlua!  protcdion  from  another:  And  fur  all  men  if  they  do  receive  pto- 
teftion  from  a  lurk^,  or  an  Heathen,  or  whomfoever  •,  they  are  obliged  to  his  tur- 
i;i/&,  Hcathenifli,   Idolatrous,  Sacrilegious,  or  Impious  Laws.     Can  fuch  opinions 
as  thefe  Live  in  the  world  ?  Surely  no  Longer  thau  men  recover  their  right  wits. 
Demades  threatned  Fhocion  ,  That  the  Athenians  would  deftroy  him,    when  they  fall 
into  their  Mad  fits.     Pind  thee ,  Vemades  ^  (  faid   Phocion  )  when  they  return  into 
their  right  minds. 

He  faith,  That  7  wnddhavethc  Judge  to  condemn  no  man  for  acrimethat  is  necejJitJted. 
As  if  (  faith  he  )  the  Judge  could  k^ow  what  aUs  are  ttecejf.iry  ,  unlefi  he  k^tew  all  that 

had 


;W~ '  C^igations  of  TOME    111, 


-  /;jd  anu'ceclict  both zifible  and  tniif.ble.     It  all  the  Acts  be  necclidiy,  it  is  an  ealic  thing 

for  fhe  Tutlgc  to  know  what  adts  are  ncccflary.  I  fay  more,  tliat  no  crime  can  be 
ncceliitatcdi  for  if  it  be  ncccHitated,  it  is  no  crime.  And  fo  much  all  Judgcsknow 
firmly  ,  or  ilk  they  arc  not  fit  to  be  Judges.  Surely  he  fuppofcth  there  arc,  or  have 
been)  or  may  be ;  fomc  Stoical  Judges  in  the  World.  He  is  miftaken ,  no  Stoick  was 
ever  fit  to  be  a. Judge  ,  eitlier  Capital  or  Civil,  And  in  truth,  Stoical  principles, 
do  overthrow  both  all  Judges  and  Judgments. 

He  diniith  that  he  ever  [aid  ,  that  all  Magiftrates  at  firfl  rvcre  ekUive.  Perhaps  not  in 
fomany  vvordt,  but  he  hath  told  us  again  ,  that  no  Law  can  be  unjurt,bccaufe  every 
Subjedchoofeth  hisLawin  chooling  hisLaw-giver.IfeveryLaw-giverbe,ele(3:ive,thcn 
every  Sovereign  Magillrateis  E!e<Sive,for  every  Soveraign  Magillrate  is  a  Law-giver. 
And  he  hath  ju(\ified  the  Laws  of  the  Kings  of  Egypt ,  of  AJJ'yria  ,  of  Verf^a ,  upon 
this  ground  ,  becaufe  they  were  made  by  him  ,  to  whom  the  people  had  given  the 
Legi native  power. 

He  addeth  ,  That  it  appears  ,  that  I  am  if  opinion ,  that  a  Laro  may  he  made  to  com- 
mand the  wiV.  Nothing  Lefs,  if  he  fpeaks  of  the  Law  of  man.  My  argument  was 
drawn  from  the  Lefler.  to  the  greater :  thus ,  If  that  Law  be  unjull ,  which  com- 
mands a  man  to  do  that  which  is  impolfiblc  for  him  to  do  ,  then  that  Law  is  Like- 
wife  unjull ,  which  commands  him  to  Will  that  which  is  impoHible  for  him  to  Will. 
Hefeeth  1  condemn  them  both  ,  but  much  more  the  Latter.  Yet  upon  his  Princi- 
ples ,  he  who  commandeth  a  man  to  do  impotlibilities ,  commandeth  him  to  Will 
impoflibilities ,  becaufe  without  Willing  them  ,  he  cannot  do  them.  My  Argu- 
ment is  ad  hominem  ,  and  goes  upon  his  own  grounds ,  that  though  the  aCiion  be  ne- 
ceffitated ,  niverthekfi ,  the  iViWto  breah^the  Law  ^  mah^th  the  a^ion  unjufl.  And  yet 
he  maintaineth  ,  that  the  Will  is  as  much  or  more  neceffitated  than  the  adlion  ,  be- 
caufe hemakcth  a  man  free  to  do  if  he  will ,  but  not  free  to  Will.  If  a  man  ought 
not  to  be  punifhed  for  a  neceflitated  ad  i  then  neither  ought  he  to  be  puniflied  for  a 
neceflitated  Will. 

I  faid  truly ,  that  a  juft  Law  juftly  executed  ,  is  a  caufe  of  Juftice.  He  inferreth 
thit  he  hath  Jhewed  that  all  LaiPs  are  jujl  ^  andali]itfl  Laves  are  juflly  executed.  And 
hereupon  he  concludeth.That  J  confefi  that  all  I  reply  untohere  is  true.Do  Iconfeft  that 
all  Laws  are  juft  ?  No  I  have  demonftrated  the  contrary  :  or  do  I  believe  that  all 
juft  Laws  are  juftly  executed  ?  It  may  be  fo  in  Flatos  Common-wealth,  or  in  Sir 
"Thomas  Mores  Eutopia  ,  or  in  my  Lord  Verulam  Atlantif.  But  among  us  Mortals,  it 
is  rather  to  be  wiflicd  ,  than  to  be  hoped  for.  He  who  builds  partly  upon  his  own 
principles,  aud  partly  upon  his  Adverfaries,  is  not  very  Likely  to  Lay  a  good 
foundation. 

He  accufcth  tne  o{  charging  him  faljely  for  faying,  "That  Cod  having  commanded  one 
thing  openly  ,  plots  another  thing  fecretly,  which  he  calleth  one  of  my  ugly  Thrafes.  I  did 
not  charge  him  for  faying  that  God  did  fo  ,  but  that  he  might  dofo,  tvithout  injujiice. 

NHm>  u.  Whether  the  charge  be  true  or  falfe ,  Let  his  own  words  bear  Witnefs ,  7hat  rvhich 
Cod  does ,  ts  made  juft  by  his  doing  :  Jujl  J  fay  in  him  ,  not  alveays  '^uji  in  us  by  the 
example,  for  a  man  that  jh  all  command  a  thing  openly,  and  plot  fecretly  ithe  hin- 
der ance  of  the  fame  ,  if  he  punijh  him  ,  hefo  commanded  for  not  doing  it,  is  unjuji.  I  wi(h 
him  a  better  memory. 

I  faid  there  was  never  any  time  when  mankind  was  without  Governours,  Law  s, 

without  Laws.'^  ^^^  Societies.  He  anfwercth,that  it  is  very  likely  to  be  true,  thatfince  the  Creation,there 
never  was  a  time  in  which  mankjnd  was  totally  without  Society.  And  confefTeth  farther, 
tliat  there  was  Faternal  Government  in  Adam  ,  But  he  addeth, that  in  thofe  places  where 
there  are  Civil  War  sjhere  is  neitherLaw,norCommonwetlth,nor  Society.  Why  then  doth 
he  teach  the  contrary  with  fo  much  confidence,  that  it  cannot  be  denied,  but  that 
the  Natural  State  of  men,  before  they  entred  into  Society,  was  a  war  of  all  men  againfl  all 
men.     Why  doth  he  fay  here  ,  that  where  there  is  no  Law  ,  there  twkilling  or  any  thing 

Pe  cive  c:  I.    elfe  can  be  unjujl.     And  that  by  the  right  of  nature  we  dejiroy  (  without  being  unjuft  )  all 

Num.17.  that  is  noxious,  both  beafis  and  men.  Where  there  was  Paternal  Government  from 
the  beginning  ,  there  were  Laws  ,  there  were  Societies,  there  was  no  War  of  all 
men  againft  all  men.  Then  the  Natural  State  of  men  was  never  without  Society. 
Doth  he  call  the  civil  War  the  natural  State  of  men  ?  neither  was  Adam  alone  fuch 


V 


iJjs COURSE    II.  againJiMr,  Hoh^s Anhnadifoftons.  789 


a  Governour ,  but  all  heads  ot  families.  Neither  the  whole  World  ,  nor  the  tenth 
part  of  of  the  World  ,  was  ever  fince  the  Creation  without  Society.  The  World 
was  Long  without  War,  what  need  had  they  to  War  one  upon  another ,  Who  had 
the  (haring  of  the  whole  World  among  them  ?  And  when  there  was  War,  it  was  not 
Civil  War:  and  when  and  where  there  are  Civil  Wars,  yet  there  are  Laws,  though 
not  fo  well  executed  i  and  a  Commonwealth  ,  though  much  troubled  and  difor- 
dered.  For  him'to  make  the  natural  and  primogenious  ftatc  of  mankind  to  be  a  war 
of  all  menagainftallmen,  to  be  Lawlefs  without  Government,  barbarous  without 
Societies  or  Civility,  wherein  it  is  Lawful  for  any  man  to  kill  another  ,  as  freely  as  a 
Wolf  or  a  Tygcr,andto  enjoy  whatfocver  they  could  by  force,  without  farther  care 
or  confcicnce ,  reflc(iis  too  much,  not  onely  upon  the  honour  of  mankind  but 
Likewife  upon  the  honour  of  God  himfclf ,  the  Creator  of  mankind. 

He  chargeth  me  to  fay ,  that  there  never  jvas  a  time,  when  it  voas  Lawful  ordinari-  Never  Uwfal 
ly  C  thofe  were  my  words  )  for  private  men  to  hjU  one  another^  for  their  oron  prefervation  for  private 
I  fay  the  fame  ftill  in  that  fenfe  ,  wherein  I  faid  it  then  ,  and  I  think  all  the  World  '"'°  ordinari- 
may  fay  the  fame  with  me,  except  himfclf  '     'v  '°  •*'"  °°^ 

In  cafes  extraordinary  ,  as  when  a  man  is  aflaulted  by  Thieves  or  Murderers      I  '"°   ^^' 
faid  exprefly  then  ,  and  I  fay  the  fame  now  ,  That  it  is  Lawful  to  kill  another  'in 
his  own  defence  ,  cum  moderamine  inculpate  tuteU  ,  and  this  is  all  which  the  Laws 
of  God  or  nature  do  allow :  which  Cicero  in  his  defence  oi Milo  pleadeth  for   as  the 
words  following  do  abundantly  teftitie ,  utfi  vita  noflra  in  aliquat  infdijt    fiin  vim 
in  tela  aut  latronum  aut  inimicorum  incidijfet ,  omitis  honejia  ratio  ejjct  expediend^  fahtti/. 
And  again  ,  Hoc  &  ratio  dodis  ,  &  necejjitas  bjrbarU  ,  &  mos  geutibus  ,  &fris   na- 
tura  ipfa  pr^fcripft ,  ut  omnem  femper  vim  quacunque  ope  pojfent ,   a.  corpore ,  a  cjpite     k 
vita  juapropuijarent.     I  wonder  he  was  not  afhamed  to  cite  this  placefo  diredly  a-'' 
gainft  himfelf.     He  faith  the  fame  Words  in  general  that  I  fay  ,   but  in  a  quite  con- 
trary fenfe,  that  by  the  Law  of  Nature,  any  man  man  may  kill  anotlicr  without 
fcruple,  if  he  do  but  fufpeH  bim  ^  ot  if  he  may  be  mifome  to  him  ^  as  freely  as    man 
might  pluck  upa  Weed  or  any  Herb  ,  becaufeit  draws  the  Nourifhment  another 
■way.     And  this  ordinarily  though  the  other  do  not  offer  to  affault  him, and  though 
his  own  Life  be  in  no  manncrof  peril.     This  he  maketh  to  be  the  Hrll     and  to  be 
the  natural  State  of  mankind  ,  before  they  had  entred  into  any  padls  one  with  a- 
nother.     In  this  fenfe  I  did  deny ,  anddo  (lill  deny,  that  it  either  is,   or  ever  was 
ordinarily  Lawful  for  one  private  man  to  kill  another,  though  he  plead  his  own  pre- 
fervation  and  well-being  never  fo  much  :   and  although  T.  H.  telleth  us  here  ,  with- 
out either  rcafon  or  authority  ,  that  it  jeemeth  to  him,  that  Cod  doth  account  fucb  kiJliwr 
no  fin.     An    excellent  cafuift. 

All  creatures  forbear  to  pray  upon  their  own  kind ,  except  in  cafe  of  extream 
hunger,  • 

•Parcit 

Cognatif  maculii  fimilisfera,     ^ando  leoni 

Fortior  eripuit  vitam  leo  ?  ^o  nemere  unquam 

Expiravit  aper  majoris  dentibiu  apri  ? 

Indica  tygris  agit  valida  cum  lygride  pacem 

Perpetuam.     Stvisinterfe  convenitttrfis. 
And  were  mankind  onely  made  to  Murder  one  another  promifcuoufly  ?  That  is  to 
be  worfe  than  Wild  Beafts ,    or  Savage  Canibals. 

We  beheld  him  even  now  more  bold  than  welcome  with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  fav- 
ing  onely  that  he  abftained  from  the  imputation  of  Jargon.  Now  he  jefts  with  the 
Pulpit  ,  as  well  he  may  ,  confidering  what  fmall  benefit  he  hath  received  from  it. 
Then  he  Laughs  at  cafes  of  confcience  ,  not  in  his  ilceve  ,  or  thorough  his  Hngers , 
although  God  Almighty  was  more  careful  in  dating  the  cafes  of  blood-guiltinefs 
punftually.  But  he  Loves  a  diftindlion  worfc  than  Manflaughter.  After  the  man 
it  killed  (  {Mhht  )  the  Bijhopjhallbe judge ,  tphether the  neceffityrvas  invincible^  ur  the 
danger  extream  ,  as  being  a  cafe  of  Confcience.  If  he  had  writ  this  defence  of  wilful  Numbers  ?J. 
Murder  ,  as  Vemojihenes  did  the  praife  of  HeleHe  i  or  Erafmuf  the  commendation 
of  folly  ,  onely  to  try  his  wit ,  it  had  been  too  much  to  jell  with  the  blood  of  manv 
but  to  doit  In  earneft ,  contrary  to  the  Law  of  God  and  nature,  without  any 

au- 


^^        ■  'cTftigations  of  TQMEIII 

"~  authority  ,  fatrcd  or  profane  ,  without  reafon,  nay   without   common  fenfe,   is  his 

own  peculiar  priviledge. 

And  yet  before  he  leave  this  Subjedt ,  he  muft  needs  be  tumbling  once  more  upon 
the  old  Itring,  That  in  the  natural  ftate  ofman ,  every  man  might  lawfully  kill  any 
man  whomheVufpeded ,  or  who  might  be  noifom  to  him.  And  fo  taking  this  for 
granted  ,  he  conciudcth  that  he  might  lawfully  rcfign  it  up  into  the  handsofthe 
MagiHra'tcI  was  the  morefparing  in  cenfuting  this  point ,  becaufe  it  is  fo  abfurd, 
that  the  very  repetition  of  it  is  a  fufficient  confutation  ,  it  being  an  opinion  fobar- 
barous,andl'obrutifh,htter  for  a  bloody  Canihal  ^  one  o£  the  Jfrican  Anthrofnphagi  y 
than  one  who  hath  born  the  name  of  ChrilHan  ,  or  been  a  member  of  any  civjl 
Society.  Such  an  opinion,  as,  it  it  had  not  all  lawes  of  God  and  man  againft  it,  yet 
the  horrid  confequences  of  it  if  it  were  once  entertained  ,  would  chafe  it  out  ofthe 
World  ,  with  the  propugnerof  it.  I  would  not  caft  away  one  Text  of  Scriptnre  upon 
Fount.  ofArg.  j^  ^  ^j^^^  [^^  admitteth  that  proofe  ,and  rejedeth  all  humane    authority. 

My  firft  reafon  is  demonflrative,  becaufe  all  killing  of  men  by  private  men  was 
forbidden  to  all  mankind  by  the  pofitive  law  of  God ,  preftntly    after   the    flood 
before  there  were  ever  any  fuch  pads  as  he  imagineth  in  the  Vt'oxld.  tvhofo  (he ddeth 
_  tnaus  blood  hy  manjhall  bis  blood  be  Jhedtfor  in  the  Image  of  God  made  he  man.  That 

°  which  he  makes  lawful  in  the  natural  ftatc  ofman  .  and   onely  prohibited  by  cove- 

nant between  man  and  man , ,  was  declared  unlawful  by  the  pofitive  Law  of  God  , 
to  Noah  and  his  pofterity  ,  from  whom  all  the  Cities ,  and  Societies  ,  and  common- 
wealths in  the  World  ,  are  defcended. 

Secondly  ,  this  Law  of  God  was  no  new  Law  then,  but  a  declarationof  the  law 
of  nature  ,  which  was  imprinted  in  the  heart  ofman  from  the  beginning  ,asap- 
peareth  evidently  by  the  reafon  annexed  to  the  Law  \for  in  the  Image  of  God  made  he 
man.  Either  in  the  family  oi  Adam  was  the  natural  ftate  of  manor  there  never  was 
any  natural  ftate  in  the  world,before  any  fuch  common- wealths  as  he  imagineth  could 
be  gathered ,  or  any  fuch  pad's  or  covenants  made.  Yet  even  then  the  killing  of  thofe 
whom  they  judged  noyfome  to  them  by  private  per{bns,was  not  onely  cfteemed  an  or- 
dinary fin ,  but  was  a  crying  fin  for  which  we  have  the  teftimony  of  God  himfelfe 
to  Cain  vphat  haji  thou  done  ?  the  voice  of  thy  brothers  blood  cryeth  unto  mc  from  the 
ground? 
GeB>4io  Thirdly  ,  private  men  never  refigned  up  into  the  hands  ofthe  Soveraign  Magi- 

itrate  the  power  ofdefending  their  own  lives  in  cafe  ofcxtream  neceffity  ,  though," 
it  were  with  the  death  ofthe  aflailant  ,for  that  power  they  hold  ftill.  t,et  him  not 
confound  two  different  powers  together.  This  power  which  he  chalengeth ,  affir- 
ming that  the  people  didrefigne  it  to  the  Magiftrate,which  we  deny  with  deteftation 
H  a  right  to  defiroy  rvhatfoever  a  man  think^th  can  annoyhim  ,  ("  they  are  his  own  words 
in  this  place  )or  a  general  power  of  killing  their  enemies  S  that  is  ,  of  killing  whomfo- 
ever  they  will  jfor  all  men  by  their  dodrine  are  their  enemies,  feeing  he  maketh 
it  a  war  of  aV  men  agaitifl  all  men.  Now  if  privatemen  had  once  fuch  aright  and 
didrefignitup  unto  the  hand  of  the  Soyeraign  Magiftrate ,  then  the  Soveraign 
Magifirate  may  ufc  the  fame  right  fiill,  and  kill  whomfoever  he  thinketh  may  annoy 
him  ,  without  fin :  But  this  he  cannot  do.  Saul  finned  in  killing  the  Gibeonites  ,and 
iSam.ip.j.  the  ViltHis.vpherefore  wilt  thou  fin  aginfl  innocent  blood  ?  David  tinned  in  killing 'Z/rMjE'. 
_.  .      Itisfaid  oiMana^eth,  that  he  fiued  ^cxM^dXcm  wuh   innocent  bloody  which  the  Lord 

%•  24..4.  j^gj^ij^  ^jgf  pardon.hhzh  is  ftiled  a  murtherer  i-/j/?  thou  killed,  &c. 

Laftly  ,  the  exaggeration*:  of  this  fin  in  holy  Scripture,  and  the  incrediWe  wayes 

vhich  God  ufcth  to  find  it  out,  and  thofe  blind  blows  and  ghaftly  horrours  of  con- 

fciencc  which  do  ordinarily  accompany  it ,  do  proclaim  to  all  the  World  ,  that  there 

is  more  in  it  than  an  ofTeuce  againft  mutual  pads  and  covenants  between  man  and 

man.  He  that  doth  violence  to  the  blood  of  any  perfonpaV,  fife  to  the  pit ,  let  no  fnan&.ay 

Prof.aS.         /j/w.  The  wilful  murderer  muft  be  pulled  out  of  the  City  of   Refuge*  yea,  Gods 

Deut.  lo,  II.  jiif^f  i^y(^  yej]^  hjp^  no  protedion.  This  fin  is  a  defacing  of  the   Image  of  God  i 

M.Gen^p.p.  ^^  defileth  awhole  land,  and  proceedeth  from  the  fpecial  inftigation  of  the  Devil , 

who  was  a  murdirer  from  the  beginning  O  how  heavy  Cfaid  one  )  is  the  weight  of  in- 

Jch.8.44.         nocent  blood  /  How  much  do  all  Authours  Sacred  and  Civil ,  inveigh  againft  the 

fticdding  of  innocent  Wlood  ?  Some  have  apprehended  a  fifties  head  in  the  platter  for 

the. 


Discourse    JI.  againft Mr.  Hob's Animad'voftons.  -jgi 


r!ie  head  of  him  they  had  murthered.  Others  after  .  a  horrid   murther  hadbeen  ob(a^  

ved  to  have  their  hands  continually  upon  their  daggers.  This  opinion  of  his  ,  talics 
away  all  difference  between  noccnt  and  innocent  blood  .  This  inward  guilt ',  thefc 
fears  ot  vengeance ,  and  the  extraordinary  providence  of  God  in  the  difcovcry  of 
murther5,do  proclaim  aloud  thu  there  is  more  in  bloodguikinefle ,  than  the  breach  of 
mutual  Pads  between  man  and  man. 

In  the  next  place,  he  maketh  us  an  elaborate  difcourfc  of  a  Lion,  and  a  Beare  and 
an  Oxe,  as  if  he  Hood  probacionerfor  the  place  of  Attorny  General  of  the  brutes.This 
is  cvident,he  hath  defcrv.d  better  of  them,  than  either  of  his  God  , or  of  his  Religion 
or  of  the  humane  nature.  In  th-  firft  place ,  he  acquittcth  the  hczlhjrom  the  domini- 
on of  man,  znd  dcnieth  that  they  owe  him  any  fubjedtion  .  He  that  fliall  ufe  T.  H 
his  books  as  the  countreymcn  did  his  prognoftication,  write  down  everything  con- 
trary, fair  for  foule  ,and  foule  for  fair  ,  true  for  falfc  ,  and  falfc  for  true  ,  if  he  could 
get  but  a  good  wager  upon  each  opinion ,  would  have  advantage  enough.  I  hope  he 
dothnot  undcrlhnd  it  of  a  political  dominion  or  fubjedion  but  oncly  that  the  other 
creatures  were  deligned  by  God  for  the  ufe  and  fervice  of  men  ,  in  the  famefenfc 
that  Virgil  faith , 

Sic  vos  Hon  voh'n  veUera  fcrtU  oves. 
Sic  vos  noH  vob'y!  feriU  aratra  bovei. 
when  God  had  created  man  male  and  female  after  his  own  Image ,  he  gave  them 
his  benediction.  Suhdtte  the  earth  and  have  dominun  over  the  fijh  of  the  fea    and  over  the  Gen.  i.  iS. 
fovfles  of  the  sir  and  over  every  living  thing  that  moveth  upon  the  earth.  And  this  very 
dominion  Wis  3i  part  of  thclmagerf  God,  wherein  man  was  created.  Therefore  God 
brought  all  the  creatures  to  man  as  to  their  Lord  and  Mafter  under  himkKc  ,  to  give 
them  names  ,  which  is  a  (ign  and  a  proofe  of  dominion.  Therefore  faid  the  Kin^'ly  ^ 
Prophet,  thoH  mak^li  him\_  man^  to  have  dominion  over  the  wark^s  of  thy  hands\  7hou  hajl  ^i[,%, '/,' 
put  all  things  in  JubjeBion  under  his  feet,  JU  Jheep  and  oxen  ,  &c.  Here  is  but  an  harih 
beginning  of  his  Attorny-fliip. 

Secondly  he  raaintaincth  ,  that  the  Lwxhath  as  much  right,  or,  ashe  calleth  it , 
liberty  to  eat  the  man  ,  as  the  man  htth  to  cat  the  Oxe.  I  hope  he  will  not  deny  that 
the  Creator  of  all  things  had  right  to  the  donation  of  his  own  creatures.  Man 
hath  Gods  deed  of  gid-.Every  moving  thingthat  livethfhall  he  meat  for  you.Even as  the  ^'"'  ''^ 
green  herb  have  J  given  you  all  things.  Can  he  (hew  fuch  another  grant  for  the  Li(7«x 
to  devour  men  >  When  God  faid,  tfhofo  fheddeth  mans  blood  by  manjhall  his  hlood  be 
Jhed  i  for  in  the  Image  of  God  made  he  man.  was  it  intended  onely  that  his  blood  (hould 
be  prefervcd  for  the  Lions}  or  do  not  their  teeth  deface  Gods  Image  ,  as  much  as 
mans  weapons  ?But  the  Lionhad  liberty  to  eat  man  long  before.  He  is  miftaken  the 
creatures  did  beare  a  more  awful  refpec't  to  the  Image  of  God  in  man  oeforc  his  fall. 
But  mans  rebellion  to  God,  was  puniflied  with  the  rebellion  of  the  creatures  to  him. 
h^dith  it  tpjs  impo^ble  for  mijl  men  tohave  Gods  licenfe  toufe  the  creatures  for  their  fujien- 
nance.'Why  fo>as  if  all  the  World  werenotthcn  comprifed  in  the  family  of  Noah,  Or 
as  if  the  Commandments  and  difpenfations  of  God  were  not  then  delivered  from 
father  to  fon  by  tradition,  as  they  were  long  after  by  writing.  He  asketh  ho  w  I  would 
have  been  offended  if  he  (hould  have  fpoken  of  man  as  Pliny  doth  ,  than  twhom  there 
it  rtQ  living  creature  more  wretched  or  more  proud.  Not  halffo  much  as  now.  Pliny 
taxeth  onely  the  faults  of  men  ,  he  vilirieth  not  their  humane  nature.  M^rvretched  ■■, 
what  is  that  but  an  argument  of  the  immortality  of  the  foul?  God  would  never  have 
created  the  mort  noble  of  his  creatures  for  the  moll  wretched  being.  Or  more  proitd , 
that  is  than  fome  men.  Cnrrw/'fid  opiimi  pejjjma.  The  bcft  things, being  corrupted, 
turn  the  worih 

But  heacknowledgcth  two  advantages  which  man  hath  above  other  creatures  , 
his  tongue  and  his  hand.  Is  it  podible  that  any  min  who  bciicveth  thithe  hath  an 
immortal  foul,  or  that  reafon  and  undcr/tinding  are  any  thing  but  empty  names, 
(hould  fo  far  forget  himfelf  and  his  tlunkfi'ilneirc  to  God  ^ as  to  prefer  his  tongue 
and  his  hands  ,  before  au  immortal  foul  and  reafon  .?  Then  we  may  well  change  the 
definition  ofaman  which  thofe  old  dunf;?  thePhilol'ophers  left  us, Man  ii  a  reafonable 
ereature,into  this  new  onesMaa  is  a  prating  thing  wit'i  two  hand,-.  How  mucli  more 
was  the  human  nature  beholden  to  Tally  an  Heathen  ,  who  (aid  ,  That  mm  differed 

A  1 7  3  a  Jruir.' 


-pa  'Cajliaatons  of         TOME   FT  I. 

^'thcr  creatures  in  re.tfm^!ljfech.     Or  to  Ovid,  -who  llileth  man,  Sandius  hU  ammal 

mouihue  cavacim  ah^.     U  he  have  no  better  Luck  in   defending  his  Leviathan  ,  he 
will  have  no  great  caufe  to  boaft  of  his  making  men  examples. 

And  now  it  feemeth  he  hath  played  his  Malkrpiece.  For  in  the  reft  of  his  Animad- 
vcrtions  in  this  Sedion,  we  rind  a  Low  ebb  of  matter.  Concerning  confultations 
he  faith  notliing  but  this  ,  That  my  writing  ivas  caufed  Fhyfically  ,  antecedently ,  ex- 
iriiijccally  ,  by  his  anfmr.  In  good  time.  By  which  I  (ee  right  well ,  that  he  un- 
dcrttandcth  not  what  a  Phylkal  caufe  is.  Did  he  think  his  anfwer  waj  fo  Mathe- 
matical to  compel  or  neceliitate  me  to  write  ?  No,  I  confefs  I  determined  my  felf. 
And  his  anfwer  was  but  a  flender  occafion,Which  would  have  hadLittle  weight  with 
me  ,  but  for  a  Wifcr  mans  advife  ,  to  prevent  his  over-weening  opinion  o^  his  own 
frov.atf.  5-  aijjjjtiec.  And  then  followeth  his  old  di(h  of  twice  (bdden  coleworts  ,  about /rff, 
and  necejj'jry  ,  and  contingent ,  and  free  to  do  if  he  mil ,  Which  we  have  had  often  e- 
nough  already. 

His  diftindtion  between  fectt  and  unfeen  necejjjty ,  deferveth  more  confideration. 
Seen  and  uu«  ^j^^  meaning  is,  that  feen  necellity  doth  take  away  confultation ,  but  unfeen 
"  "  '  neceffity  doth  not  takeaway  confultation,  or  human indeavours  :  Unfeen  necellity 
is  of  two  forts ,  either  it  is  altogether  unfeen  and  unknown,either  what  it  is,  or  that 
it  is  i  fuch  a  neccllitydoth  not  take  away  confultation  or  human  endeavours.  Suppofe 
an  Office  were  privately  difpofed  ,  yet  he  who  knoweth  nothing  of  the  difpo- 
fition  of  it ,  may  be  as  felicitous  and  ind  jftrious  to  obtain  it,  as  though  it  were  not 
difpofed  at  all.  But  the  necellity  which  he  Laboureth  to  introduce  ,  is  no  fuch  un- 
feen unknown  necellity.  For  though  he  know  not  what  the  caufes  have  determin- 
ed particularly,  or  what  the  necellity  is  ,  yet  he  believeth  that  he  knoweth  in  gene- 
ral ,  that  the  caufes  are  determined  from  eternity  ,  and  that  there  is  an  abfoluie  ne- 
cellity. 

The  Second  fort  of  unfeen  neceffity  ,  is  that  which  is  unfeen  in  particular  what  it 
is,  but  it  is  not  unknown  in  general  that  it  is.  And  this  kind  of  unfeen  neceffity 
doth  take  away  all  confultation  ,  and  endeavours ,  and  the  ufe  of  means  ,  as  much 
as  if  it  were  feen  in  particular.  As  fuppofingthat  the  Cardinals  have  elefted  a  Pope  in 
private  ,  but  the  declaration  of  the  perfon  who  is  eledled  is  kept  fecret.  Here  is  a 
necellity ,  the  Papacy  is  full ;  and  this  neceffity  is  unfeen  in  particular  ,  whileft  no 
man  knoweth  who  it  is.  Yet  for  as  much  as  it  is  known  that  it  is,  it  taketh  away 
all  indeavours  and  confultations,  as  much  as  if  the  Pope  were  publickly  enthroned. 
Or.  fuppofe  a  Jury  have  given  in  a  privy  vcredid  :  no  man  knoweth  what  it  is  until 
the  next  Court-day  i  yet  it  is  known  generally  that  the  Jurors  are  agreed,  and  the 
veredict  is  given  in.  Here  is  an  unfeen  neceffity :  Yet  he  who  fhould  ufe  any  farther 
confultations,  or  make  farther  applications  in  the  cafe  ,  were  a  fool.  So  though 
the  particular  determination  of  the  caufes  be  not  known  to  us  what  it  is ,  ytt  if  we 
know  that  the  caufes  are  particularly  determined  from  eternity  ,  We  know  that  no 
confultation  or  endeavour  of  ours  can  alter  them. 

But  it  may  be  farther  objected  ,  that  though  they  cannot  alter  them  ,    yet  they 
may  help  to  accomplifh  them.     It  was  necelfary  that  all  who  failed  with  St.  Paul 
Att.  27. 13V.  (liould  be  (aved  from  Shipwrack  :  Yet  St.  Paul  told  them,  thatexcept  the  Shipmen 
go,  did  abide  in  the  Ship  ,  they  could  not  be  faved.     So  though  the  event  be  neceffarily 

determined  ,  yet  confultation  or  the  Like  means  may  benecefTary  to  the  determina- 
tion of  it.  I  anfwer,  the  queftion  is  not  whether  the  means  be  necelfary  to  the  end, 
for  that  is  agreed  upon  by  all  parties,  but  thequeflion  is  to  whom  the  ordering  of 
the  means  which  are  necelTary  to  the  production  of  the  event,  doth  properly  belongs 
Whether  to  the  rirll  oaufe  ,  or  to  the  free  Agent.  If  it  belong  to  the  free  Agent  un- 
der God  (  as  We  fay  it  doth  )  then  it  concerneth  him  to  ufe  confultations  and  all 
good  endeavours ,  as  requilite  means  to  obtain  the  defired  end.  But  if  he 
difpofition  ofthemeans  belong  foly  and  wholy  to  God  ,  (as  he  faith  it  doth  )  and 
if  God  have  ordered  all  means  as  well  as  ends  and  events  particularly  and  precifely, 
then  it  were  not  oncly  a  thanklefs  and  fuperfluous  office ,  to  confult  what  were  the 
fittefl  means  to  obtain  an  end  ,  when  Sod  hath  determined  what  mull  be  the  one- 
ly  means,  and  no  other  ;  but  alfo  a  fawcinefs  ,  and  a  kind  of  tempting  of  God  , 
for  a  man  to  intrude  himfelf  into  the  execution  of  God  Almighties  decrees',  whereas 

he 


Discourse   [[.Mr.  Hob's  Ammad'verfions. 

. 1 . .. 79^ 

he  ought  rather  to  calUvvay  all  care  and  all  thought  on  his  part,  and  relign  himielt" ~~ 

up  who'.y  to  the  difpolition  ot  the  Second  caufes  ,  which  adt  nothing  but  by  the  fpe- 
cial  determination  of  God.  '^^ 

Concerning  admonition  i  he  faith  lefs  than  of  confultation.     The   reafon  (  faith 
he  )  rvhj/  ree  admonip  men  of  mderjUnding  rather  than  children  ,  fools  and  madmen     U  I'"a1I  things  be 
becaufe  they  are  more  capable  of  the  good  and  evil  confequences  of  their   adions  ,   and  have  ^^^°'"'^'y  "«- 
more  experience  ,  a^id  their  pafions  are  more  conform  to  their  admonttors  ;  that  is  to  fay     niriom afe'^U. 
moderate  and   Hayed.     And  then  after  his  Bragadochio  manner  ,  he  concludeth.'  ">"• 
7bere  be  therefore  reasons  under  Heaven  which  the  Bijhop  k^iorvs  not  of.     My  one  reafon 
[  becaufe  they  have  the  ufc  of  reafon  ,  and  true  Liberty,  with  a  dominion  over  their 
ownadions,  which  children  ,  fools,  and  madmen  have  not  ]  indudeth  more  than 
all  his  three  reafons  put  together.     What  is  it  that  Weigheth  the  good  and  evil  con- 
fequences of  our  anions  >  Realign,  What  is  it  that  preferveth  us  from  being  tran- 
fported  with  our  pallions  >  Reafon  ,  and  what  is  experienced  of  good   and  evil  > 
Reafon  improved  by  obfcrvation.     So  we  have  gained  nothing  by  the  change  of  my 
reafon  ,  but  three  crackt  groats  for  one  good  fhilling. 

But  he  hath  omitted  the  principal  part  of  my  anfwer ,  that  is,  the  Liberty  and 
dominion  over  their  adicns,  which  men  of  underlhnding  have  much  more  than 
Children,  Fools,  or  madmen.  Without  which  all  his  capableneis  of  good  and  e- 
Til  confequences  ,  all  his  experience  of  good  and  evil,  all  his  calmnefs  and  modera- 
tion ,  do  fignifie  jurt  nothing.  Let  a  man  have  as  much  capacity  as  Solomon  as 
much  experience  as  Nejlor  ,  as  much  moderation  as  Socrates  i  yet  If  he  have  no  pow- 
er to  difpofe  of  himfelf ,  nor  to  order  his  own  adions  ,  but  be  hurried  away  by  the 
fecond  caufes  inevitably  ,  irrefirtibly  ,  without  his  own  Will ,  it  is  to  as  much  pur- 
pofe  to  admoiiifli  him  ,  as  when  Icarus  had  his  Wings  melted  by  the  Sun  ,  and  was 
tumbling  down  headlong  into  the  Sea  ,  to  have  admoniflied  him  to  take  heed  of 
drowning.  A  feafonable  admonition  may  do  much  good  ,  but  that  is,  upon  our 
principles,  not  upon  his.  If  all  events,  With  all  their  circumftances  ,  and  the  cer- 
tain means  to  effed  them  ,  were  prccifely  determined  from  eternity  ,  it  were  high 
prefumption  in  us  to  interpofe,  without  fpecial  warrant.  Thofe  means  which  we 
judge  moll  convenient,  are  often  not  looked  upon  by  God  Almighty,  who  doth 
ufe  to  bring  Light  out  cfdarknefs,  and  reftore  fight  by  clay  and  fpittle,and  preferve 
men  from  periling  by  perifhing.  No  Paragraph  efcapcth  him  without  fome  fupcr- 
erogatory  abfurdities.  As  here  ,  that  a  man  may  deliberate  without  the  ufe  of  -rea- 
fon, that  brute  bealls  may  deliberate,  that  madnefs  or  phrenfie  is  ftrength  of  paffion. 

He  infilkth  Longer  upon  moral  praife  and  difpraife  ,   or  moral  goodnefs  or  bad- 
nefs ,  but  fpeedeth  worfe,  entangling  himfelf  in  twenty  errours,  as  thefe  which  fol-  ALkt-rofab- 
low  :  Metaphyfical  goodnefs  is  but  an  idle  term.     That  is  good  tvhereveith  a  man  is  pleaf-  furditiei. 
ed.     Good  IS  not  of  ahfolute  ftgnif  cation  to  all  men.     Nothing  is  good  or  evil ,  bttt  in  re- 
gard of  the  aCtion  proceeding  from  it ,  and  the  perfon  to  whom  it  doth  good  er  hurt.     Satan 
is  evil  to  us  ,  hut  good  to  God.     If  there  vpcre  Lares  amongfl   Beafls  ,  an  horfe  would  be 
as  morally  good  ar  man.     "The  difference  between  natural  and  moral  goodnefs,  proccedeth 
from  the  \_  Civil  ^  Laa>.     Ihe  Law  is  all  the  right   reafon  that  we  have.     IFe  mak^  it 
rig}} '  reajon  by  our  apprchation.     J II  adions  ofSubjeSs,  if  they  be  conformable  to  the  Law 
of  the  Land,  are  morally  good. Moral  praife  is  from  obedience  to  the  Law.  Moral  difpraife  is 
from  difobedience  to  the  Law. 1o  fay  a  thing  is  good,  'u  to  fay,  \t  is  as  7,  or  another, or  the  {iate 
would  have  it.That  is  good  to  every   man  which  is  jo  far  good  as  he  can  fee.     All  the 
real  good  which  we  cjU  hom\i  and  morally  virtuous  ,  is  that  which  is  not  repugnant  to  the 
Law.  Tiie  Law  is  the  Infallible  rule  of  moral  goodnefs.     Our  particular  reafon  is  not  riaht 
reafcii.     The  reajon  of  our  Covernour,  whom  we  have  fet  oier  our  felves  is  right  reafon. 
His  Laws  whatfoever  they  be  ,  are  in  the  place  of  right  reafon  to  us.     As  in  play  morali- 
ty confjieth  in  yiotrenouncing  the  trump,  \o  all  our  morality  conjifreih  in  not  difobeying  the 
Law.     Is  not  here  an  hopeful  Litter  of  young  errours,  to  be  all  formed  out  of 
three  penfuUs  of  Ink>  as  if  he  had  been  dreaming  Lately  in  errours  den.     One  An- 
ticyra  will  not  afford  Hellebore  enough  to  cure  him  perfcdly.     I  was  apt  to  flatter 
iny  felf  a  while  ,  that  by  the  Law  he  underftood  the  Law  of  right  rcafor.     But  I 
found  it  too   evident,  that  by  right  reafon  he  underilands  the  arbitrary  edidsof  an 
eledive  Governour.     I  could  not  choofe  but  call  to  mind  that  of  our  Laureat  Poet , 
Godhelp  the  man  fa  wrapt  in  errours ,  endkjs  train.  A  a  a  a  a  2  The 


794 


Caftigationsjf TOME   III- 

.Ji^inrWai-     'the    Reader  might  well  have    expcdtcd  matter  ot  more  edihcation  upon  this 
Tgood.  Subied  As  wherein  the  formal  reafon  of  goodneS-e  doth  confift    m   convenience,or 

in  the  obtaining  of  all  due  prefedions.  As  hkewife  the  diftindtion  of  good  i  cither 
"Mif^?/if/y,  into  the  goods  of  the  mind  ,  the  goods  of  the  body,  and  the  goods  of 
ftirtune  .•  Or  formally  into  boitum  honeftum,  utile  &  delegable ,  or  honeftly  good  , 
prohtably  good  ,  and  delightfully  good.  That  which  is  honeltly  good,  is  defirable  in 
It  {elf  and  as  it  is  fuch.  That  which  is  profitably  good  ,is  that  which  is  to  be  defi- 
red  as'  conducing  to  the  obtainingoffome  other  good.  Thirdly  ,  delightfully  good 
is  that  pleafure  which  doth  arife  from  the  obtaining  of  the  other  goods  defired.  But 
he  hath  quite  cafliicred  the  two  former  forts  of  good  ,  That  which  is  honeftly  good, 
and  that  which  is  profitably  good  i  and  acknowledgeth  onely  that  which  is  delight- 
fully good,  or  that  which  pleafeth  him  or  me.  So  as  if  our  humours  differ  ,  goodneflc 
intifl  differ  i  and  as  our  humours  change  i  goodnefs  muft  change  jas  the  Chameleon 
chaiigeth  her  colours.  Many  things  are  good  that  pleafe  not  us ,  and  many  things 
pleafe  us  that  are  not  good.  Thus  he  hath  left  no  real  good  in  the  World  ,but  on- 
ly that  which  is  relatively  good.  Thus  he  hath  made  the  Devil  himfelf  to  become 
good ,  and  which  is  yet  worfe  ,good  to  God.  Thus  he  hath  made  horfes  to  be  as 
capable  of  moral  goodnefTe  as  man,  if  they  had  but  onely  laws.  I  wonder  why  he 
fhould  ftick  at  that, laws  are  but  commands,andcommands  may  be  intimated  to  hor- 
fes as  we  might  fee  in  Bankes  his  horfe  :  which  we  might  call  (upon  his  principles) 
an  honefl  virtuous  and  morally  goodhoife.  There. is  a  woe  denounced  againft 
Ifa.  s.so-  them  vrhocall  evil  good  and  good  eviV. 

This  is  not  all ,  he  confefTeth  that  lawmakers  are  men  ,  and  may  erre ,  and  think^that 
lavp  good  for  thepople^  which  U  not  \  yet  with  the  fame  breath  he  telleth  us  .  That 
there  U  no  other  right  reafon  hut  their  law ,  which  is  the  infallible  rule  of  moral  goodneffe 
So  right  reafon  and  erring  reafon  •,  a  fallible  rule,  and  an  infallible  rule  are  all  one 
with  him.  What  no  other  rule  but  this  one  Lesbian  rule,  the  arbitrary  didates  of  a 
Govcrnour  ?  what  is  become  of  the  eternal  law,  or  the  rule  of  juftice  in  God  himfelf 
What  is  become  of  the  divine  pofitive  law  recorded  in  holyScriptures?what  is  become 
of  the  law  of  nature,  imprinted  naturally  in  the  heart  of  every  man,  by  the  finger  of 
God  himfelf?  What  is  become  of  the  law  of  nations ,  that  is,  thofe  principles  which 
have  been  commonly  and  univerfally  received  as  la  wes  ,  by  all  nations  in  all  ages  , 
or  at  leaft  themoft  prudent  pious  and  civil  notions  f  what  is  become  of  that  Syn- 
tercfu  or  noble  light  of  the  foul,  which  God  hath  given  mankind  to  preferve  them 
from  vices  ?  Are  they  all  gone  ,  all  vaniflied ,  and  is  no  rule  remaining  but  onely  the 
arbitrary  edidts  of  a  mortal  Law-giver  who  may  command  us  to  turn  T«rJy,  or  Ta~ 
gans  to  morrow,  who  by  his  own  confellion  may  erre  in  his  law-giving  ?  Then  not 
only  power  abfolutely  irrefiftible,  doth  juftifie  whatfbeverit  doth , but  alfo  the 
power  of  mortal  man  may  juflifie  the  violationof  the  laws  of  the  immortal  God. 
But  I  have  fliewed  him  fufficiently ,  that  there  are  unjuft  laws,  not  onely  toward 
God  ,  but  likewife  towards  men  :  That  un)uf\  laws  do  not  acquit  our  adive  obe- 
Exod.  1.2 1-  dience  to  them  from  damnable  fin  :  That  it  is  not  onely  lawful,but  necefTary  to  dif- 
obcy  them  :  ThatGod  himfelf  hath  approved  fuch  difobedience,and  rewarded  it.  To 
concIude,it  is  not  the  pleafing  of  him  or  me,or  fome  privat  benefit  that  may  redound 
from  thence  to  him  or  me,  that  makes  any  thing  to  be  truly  good,  but  the  meeting 
ot  all  perfedioH  in  it  whereof  that  thing  is  capable.  Bonum  ex  integra  caufa,malum  ex- 
qmlihet  defeHutzW  requifite  perfections  muft  concur  to  make  a  thing  good,but  one  only 
defed  makes  it  cvill.  Nothing  is  morally  good,nothing  is  praifcworthy,but  that  which 
is  truly  hond\  and  virtuous.And  on  the  other  fide,  nothing  is  morally  bad,  nothing 
is  difpraife  worthy, but  that  which  is  difhonefl  and  vicious. 

To  Wrangle  evcrlaftingly  whether  thofe  incouragcments  which  are  given  to  fct- 
ting  dogs  and  Coyducks  and  the  Like  berewards,were  a  Childifli  fighting  withfha- 
Rew3r,1s  of      ^^^'^  ?  feeingit  isconfelTed  that  they  are  not  recompenfes  of  honeft  and  virtuous  a- 
bruitsi  and        adions ,  to  which  the  Laws  did  appoint  rewards.     Swine  that  run  by  a  determi- 
"^"  differ.       iiate  inflind  of  nature  to  fuccour  their  fellows  of  the  fame  herd  in  diftrefs,  do  not 
defire  a  Civical   Crown,    Like  him  who  faved  the  Life  of  a  Citizen.     Nor  the  Spi- 
ders ,  whofe  phanfies  are  fitted  by  nature  to  the  Weaving  of  their  Webs,derervc  the 
like  commendation  with  Jrachne  ,    who  attained  to  her  rare  Arts  of  Weaving  by 

ain- 


DiscouRsi.  1 1.  Mr.  HobbV  Anmtadverfions.  70 h 

ailiduous  indultry.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  natural  qualities  ,  and  mo- 
ral virtues.  Where  nature  hath  belto  wed  excellent  gifts,  the  chief  praife  redoundcth 
to  the  God  of  nature.  And  where  the  bruits  have  attained  to  any  fuch  rare  or  bc- 
nericial  qualities  by  the  inlkudion  of  man  ,  the  chief  praife  redoundeth  unto  him 
that  taught  them.  The  Harp  was  not  Crowned  in  the  Olympian  Games,  but  the 
Harper  i  nor  the  Horfcs  ,  but  the  Charioter.  And  though  the  incouragements  of 
men  ,  and  bruits  be  fometimcs  tne  fame  thing  materially,  yet  they  arc  no^  the  fame 
thing  formally. 

But  where  he  confoundeth  a  necellity  of  fpecification  with  a  neceflity  of  exercifc  , 
and  afHrmeth  that  the  Bees  and  Spiders  arc  ncceliitated  by  nature  as  well  to  all  their 
mclividual  adions,  as  to  their  feveral  kinds  of  Works,  it  defcrveth  no  anfwer  but 
to  be  flighted.  His  opinion  doth  require  that  he  (hould  fay  that  they  are  determin- 
ed to  their  individual  adions ,  by  the  fecond  caufes  and  circumftances ,  (though 
it  be  untrue  i  )  but  to  fay  they  are  determined  by  nature  to  each  individual  ad  ad- 
mittcth  no  defence. 

In  the  Lalt  Paragraph  ,  I  am  beholden  to  him  ,  that  he  would  inftrud  me  :  but 
I  am  of  his  mind,  that  it  would  be  too  great  a  Labour  forhim.  For  I  approve  none 
of  his  newfangled  principles,  and  think  he  might  have  fpent  his  time  better  in  me- 
ditating upon  fomewhat  elfe,  that  had  beenmore  properfor  him.  Ifeethat  where 
the  inferiour  faculty  doth  end  ,  the  fuperiour  doth  begin.  As  where  the  vegetative 
doth  end  ,  there  the  fenfitive  doth  begin  ,  comprehending  all  that  the  vegetative 
doth,  and  much  more.  So  where  the  fenfitive  ends  ,  the  intcUcdual  begins.  And 
fliould  1  conhnc  the  intelledual  Soul  which  is  inorganical ,  immaterial ,  impaffible, 
feparable  ,  within  the  bounds  of  the  (enfitive  ,  or  to  the  power  and  proceedings 
thereof,  when  I  fee  the  underlhnding  doth  corred  the  fenfe ,  as  about  the  greatnefe 
i)t  the  Sun  ?  Senfe  hath  nothing  to  do  with  Univerfals ,  but  reafon  hath.  Even  in 
memory  which  he  mentioneth  ,  the  intelledual  remembrance  is  another  manner 
of  thing  than  the  fenfitive  memory.  But  this  belongs  not  to  this  queftion  i  and 
therefore  I  pafs  by  it ,  and  leave  him  to  the  cenfure  of  others. 

In  this  Section  he  chargeth  me  firft  with  a  double  breach  of  promife,  yet  there 
is  no  promife  »  and  if  they  had  been  promifes ,  both  are  accompliflied.  One  of  my 
promifes  was  ,  That  J  rvouldmt  leave  one  grain  of  his  tnatttr  unrfdghed  ,  yet  I  leave 
thtfe  reords  unanfrvered.  Our  Saviour  bids  us  pray  thy  will  ,  not  ottr  vpill  be  done'-,  and 
by  example  teacheth  us  the  fame  ',  for  he  prayed  thus  :  Father  if  it  be  thy  will\  let  this 
cup  paf!.  Firit  this  was  no  promife ,  but  mine  own  pavate  refolution  ,  which  I 
might  Lawfully  change  at  any  time  upon  better  grounds.  Secondly  it  had  been 
an  eafie  thing  to  omit  two  Lines  in  a  whole  difcourfe  unwillingly.  Thtrdly,the  in- 
tent was  onely  to  omit  nothing  that  was  materiaU  but  this  was  meerly  impertinent. 
Laftly,  without  any  more  to  do,  it  was  fully  anfwered  in  my  defence  in  thefe  words. 
\_  In  tbe  lafi  place  he  urgetk  ^  That  in  our  prayers  rve  are  bound  to  fubmit  our  tpiVt  to 
Gods  will.rfho  ever  made  a  doubt  of  this  ?  tve  mufl  fubmit  to  the  preceptive  fPiU  of  God 
or  his  commandments  ,  rve  muji  fubmit  to  the  effeHive  tvill  of  God  ^  rufhenhe  declares  his 
plealure  by  the  event,  or  othervptfe.  But  we  deny  ,  and  deny  again,  that  God  wih  ad  extra 
Meceffjrily,  or  that  it  is  his  pleafure  that  aV fecond  caufes  fiould  aH  necejjarily  at  aUtime/y 
which  U  the  quejiion^and  that  which  he  alledgetb  to  the  contrary  comes  notnear  it.  Where  were 
his  eyes  ?  That  \r\itxzr\cc\_which  feemeth  at  leati  to  imply  that  our  prayers  cannot  change 
thewillofCod']  is  now  firll  added.  And  if  it  had  been  there  formerly,  is  anfwered 
abundantly  in' the    fame  Sedion. 

The  fecond  breach  of  promife  is  this-,  that  I  faid  [  here  vi  all  that  faffed  between 
us  upon  thisfubjeH  ,  without  any  addition  or  the  leafi  variation  from  the  original.\_  But 
I  have  added  thtfe  words  [_  Tes  ,  I  have  feen  thoje  fMe(i  of  creatures ,  and  feeing  their  rare 
works ,  I  have  fen  enough  to  confute  all  the  boldfaced  Athcifts  of  this  Age  ,  and  their  heViJh 
bhfphemies.[_'Wbzti  ftirr  is  hereabout  two  lines  which  contain  neither  argument,  nor 
anfwer,  nor  authority,  nor  any  thing  material.  I  did  not  apply  thefe  Words  tohim  » 
nor  gave  the  ieall  intimation  of  any  fuch  thing;  If  he  be  wronged,  he  wrongeth 
liimfelf.  I  am  as  much  offended  with  the  Theills  of  this  Age  ,  as  with  the  Atheifts, 
■who  are  convinced  that  there  is  a  God  andprcfeffe  it,  yet  never  do  him  any  fervice 
or  wor(hip,not  fomuch  as  ante  fncmn  fijrigus  erit  ,by  a  warm  fires  fide  in  a  winters 

day. 


79^    _ 


Caliigationf  of  T  O  M  E  1  1  I* 


Rom.  i.jr 


any 


day  who  tvhen  ihey  kl'orp  God  ,  do  not glorifie  htm  as  God.  But  to  deale  clearly  wuh  h 
I  piofcflTcldo  not  know  either  when  any  fuch  Words  were  added  ,  or  that ; 
Inch  words  vvcrcadded  ,  Nither  ever  had  I  any  other  copybut  that  original  which 
was  fent  to  tlie  prcile;and  that  copy  which  was  tranfcribed  for  hinn,and  fcnt  to  him 
at  the  HrlL  If theAmanueniis  did  omit  two  lines  cither  in  the  margent  (  Which  is 
moll  likely  by  what  he  faithjor  otherwifc,  I  could  not  help  it;  My  afTevefationffor 
it  was  no .promife(  was  true,  that  I  fent  the  original  it  felf,  as  it  had  lain  Long  by 
me  without  any  variation. 

When  he  i^  afraid  to  be  hard  put  to  it^then  he  laieth  in  the  other  fcaleto  countcr- 
billanccthoiencw  reafons  which  are  brought  againlt  him,  either  prefcience  ^  or 
TvhatJhaS  be  ^  fhallbe.  Or  a  man  cannot  determine  today,  what:  his  will  {hall  be  to 
>Mfl»To»v  All  which  are  impertinent  to  the  queftion  ,  and  have  been  abundantly  an- 
fweredinthefe  Calligations.  His  inllancc  ofa  debter  who  intended  firfl  to  pay  his 
creditor,  tlicn  thought  to  defer  it  ,  and  laflly  refolved  to  do  it  for  fear  of  imprifon- 
ment  ,  is  remote  from  the  queftion.  The  determination  of  the  debter  is  not  ante- 
cedent,but  concomitant  ,notextrinfecal  by  the  creditor  who  perhaps  never  thought 
on  it,  but  intrinfecalby  the  diftateof  his  own  reafon  ,  which  he  calleth  thnughtSy 
lellhefliould  fcem  to  attribute  any  thing  to  reafon.  What  are  thoughts,  but  intdkUuf 
aOu  circa  res  occufatia^lhe  underjlanding  aUitaHy  employed  about  fomething^U he  hold  no 
o:her  necellity  but  this,  which  no  manoppofethi  why  doth  he  trouble  the  world  with 
his  d  bitor  and  creditor  about  nothing  ? 

I  did  notaecufe  him  for  making  all  piety  to  confifi  in  theeftimation  of  the  judgc- 
wliatJt  is  to    "icnt:  he  (Wl  miftaketh  v  but  I  did,  and  do  accufe  him  for  placing  all  the  inward 
honour  God      piety  of  the  heart  in  the  ellimation  of  the  judgement.  5o  he  faith  expreffcly,   That 
to  honour  any  thing,  if  nothing  elfe  but  to  think^it  to  be  of  great  power.  If  it  were  nothing 
elfe  ,  the  Devil  honours  God  as  much  as  the  beft  Chriftian  ,  for  he  believeth  a  God 
as  much  as  they  ."and    he    cannot  believe  a  God,  but   he  muft  believe   him  to  be 
omnipotent.  7/.'w/'f//fi'f/^  there  is  one    Cod, thou  dojl  well  ■,  the  Devils  alfo  believe  and 
Jim  J.  19.       jrenible.  1  fhewed  him  that  inward  piety  doth  confilt  more  in  the  fubmillionof  the 
will  than  in  the  eftimation  of  the  judgement.  But  Imaynot  faythat  it  was  toohot 
for  his  fingers.  He  urgeth  ,  That  the  Vevil  cannot  ejieem  God  for  his  goodnefje  :  Let  it 
it  be  fo.  Neither  is  there  any  need  that  he   ftiould  to  make    him  devout,  if  his 
ground   were  true,  That  to  honour  God  U  nothing  elfe  but  to  think^  him  to  be  of  great 
pcwer. 
wh«!  are  But  to  make  amends  for  this  ovcrfight ,  he  hath  found  usout  two  forts  of  Devils 

DcTtl  « fn  hit  Ihe  one(  and  indeed  all  thcVevils  that  are  inhis  creed  )  are  wicked  men  ,  to  whom 
judgement.  j^g  applieth  the  name  ofdiabolm,  and  Sathan,  and  Abaddon  in  holy  Scripture.  The  other 
are  heathen  gods,  mtcre  phancies  or  fdions  of  terrified  hearts,  or  as  he  ftileth  them 
out  of  St.  f^.ii].  Nothings.  What  he  will  do  with  Heaven,  1  know  not  j  buthehath 
emptied  Hell  at  once  ,  and  fwept  away  all  the  Devils  ,  except  wicked  men.  He 
might  do  well  to  acquaint  the  Judges  with  it,  to  fave  the  lives  of  fo  many  poor  old 
mclancholick  women ,  who  fuffer  as  Witches  for  confederacy  with  the  Devil.  I 
defireto  knowofhim  ,  Whether  thofc  Pm// Which  our  Saviour  caft  out  of  the 
poiTefTed ,  or  thole  Vevils  Which  hurried  thefwine  into  the  Sea,  or  that  JDm/ who 
took  our  Saviour  up  to  the  Pinnacle  the  Temple  ,  were  heathen  gods,  or  wicked 
men?  Or  how  a  legion  ot  heathen  Gods  or  Wicked  men  could  enter  into  one  po(^ 
feflcd  perfon  ,  without  crowding  one  another  to  death?  But  this  belongeth  to  an- 
other fpeculation.  Ue  zskcxh  in  what  claffis  of  entities  1  place  Devils.?  Will  he  learn 
to  fpeak  Jargon  ?  1  anfwer.  With  Angels  ,  among  fpiritual  fubftances.  He  hath  as 
much  authority  to  empty  Heaven  of  good  Angels,  as  to  empty  Hell  of  bad 
Angels. 

To  cover  his  former  errour ,,  that  the  honour  of  God  is  nothing  elfe  but  theefti- 
mation  of  his  power,  he  hath  devifed  another  errour  ,  That  all  the  Attributes 
of  God  are  included  in  his  Omnipotence.  I  confefTe,  that  the  Attributes  of  God  arc 
tranfccndcnts  above  our  capacities,  and  are  not  of  the  fame  nature  with  the  fame 
attributes  of  mortal  men  :  I  confefTe  farther  ,  that  all  the  Attributes  of  God,  and 
Whatfoever  is  in  God,  is  God,  oris  theDeityit  felf.  But  to  confound  all  theft 
diflindl  Attributes  in  one,  tonopurpofe,  without  any  grownd  is  abfurd  ,  and  fer- 

veth 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  HobsV   Ammadver^iont'  ygj 

veth  one!y  to   make    thofe  notions      which  were  pioufly    invented      to  help  our 
undcrltandings ,     to    be  the      ready    means      to  confound  our     undcrltandings. 
Ill  the  next  place  I  (hewed  ,  that  to  command  one  thing  openly,  and  to  neceliitate 
another  thing  privately,    defiroyeth  the  truth  of  God  ,  the    goodnefTe   of  G    '  , 
the  juftice  ot  God  ,  and  the  power  of  God.  This  is  an  heavy  accufation  ,  and  h     at  i 
need  to  acquit  himfelf  Iikea  man.  Bac  f  believe  he  will  fail.    Hw're  he  brin>-,n 
in  the  prefcicnce  oi  God  again  twice,  or  fecm  to  flop  a  gap  with  it.  But  it  will  not 
ferve  his  turn.  Where  the  louldiers  are  multercd  over  and  over,  it  is  a  lign  the  com    G  i  doth  not 
panics  are  but  thin.  Firlt  to  Qve  thetru>h  of  God   he  faith,  Thittruth  confijieth  in  '••"'^"P'ivac- 
affirmation  and  negation  ,  not  m  commanding.  The  fenfc  is  ,That  God  who  is  truth  it  Commands  o- 
felf ,  may  will  one  thing ,  and  command  another  ,and  hinder  that  adt  which  hecom-  penly, 
mandeth.  Mark  but  his  reafon.  Ihe    Scripture  which  it  his  word^  u  not  the  proffjion  of 
what  he  intendeth  ,  but  an  indication  rehat  thofe  men    whom  he    hath    chofen  to  falvation 
or  dejlruQion  ,  jhall  nectjjarily  intend.  This  is  the  fame  which  he  renounced  former- 
ly ,  as  one  of  my  ugly  Phrafes  ,  That    God    fhould   command    one  thing  openly , 
and  hinder  the  fame  privately  or  underhand  :  Reader  ,  ifthoudelightelUn  lucha  God 
who    will  command  one  thing   publickly  ,  and   hinder  it  privately,  chufcMr. 
Bobbes  his  God.  God  forbid  we  fliould  attribute  any  fuch  double  dealing  to  our  God  ,  d'Vf'""h"he 
who  is  truth  it  (elf.  Some  contraries,  as  heat    and    cold,   may  meet   together  in  truth'ofGod. 
remifle  degrees ;  but  truth  and  fallTiood  ,  an  habit  and  privation,  can  never  meet 
together.  There  is  atruth  in  beings  the  pidureof  aman  cannot   be  the  man  himfelf 
There  isa  truth   in  knowing,  if  the  underihnding  be   not  adequate  to  the  thing 
underflood  ,  there  is  no  truth  in  it.   There  is  a    truth  in  faying  ,  which  is  a 
conformity   or   an  adequation   of  the  lign  to  the   thing    faid  ,     which  we    call 
veracitie  ,    when    one  thing  is    commanded     publickly  ,      and     the    fame  is 
hindred   privately  ,  and   the     party    Co  hindered  is  punirtied  for  not  doing  that 
which  was  impoliible    for  him  to  do,  Where  is  the  veracity  ?  Wheres  the  con- 
formity   and    adequation   of  the  fign  to  the  thing    fiid  /     I  dare    not  tell     Mr. 
Bobbes  thzt  be  underftandeth  not  thefe  things,  but  I  fear  it  very  much:  Ifhcdo,his 
caufe  is  bad ,  or  he  is  but  an  ill  Advocate, 

Next  to  reconcile  thcgcodnefle  of  God  with  his  principles,  he  anfwereth  firftto  the  And  his  good- 
thing  ,  That  living  creatures  ofallfirts  are  often  in  torments  Of  well  at  men,  which   they  nefsi 
could  not  be  without  the  will  of  God.  I  know  no  torments  of  the  other  creatures  but 
death  ,  and  death  is  a  debt  to  nature,  not  an     ad  of  punitive  juflice.  The  pangs  of 
a  violent  death  are  lefie  than  of  a  natural,  bclides  the  benefit     that  proceedeth  thence 
for  the  fuftenance  of  men  ,  for  Which  the  creatures    were  created.  See  What  an  Ar- 
gument here  is  (for  all  hisanfwers  are  recriminations  or  exceptions)  from  brute  Beafts 
tomen,  from  a  debt  of  nature  to  an  ad  of  punitive  juftice  ,     from  a  fudden  death 
to  lingring  torwcnts^utfentiant  fe  w;rj,fromalight  afflidion  producing  great  good,  to 
endleSe  intolerable  pains ,  producing  nogood  butonely  the  fatisfadion  of  juftice. 
Then  to  the  phrafe  oiGods  delighting  in  torments:  He  anfwereth  ,  That  God  delightetb 
not  in  them.  It  is  true.  God  is  not  capable  of  pallions  ,  as  delight  or  grief  i  but  when 
he  doth  thofe  things  that  men  grieving  or  delighting  do,  the    Scriptures  byanan- 
thropopathy  doafcribc  delight  or  grief  unto  him.  Such  are  his  exc^-ptions,  not  to  the 
things  but  to  the  phrafe  b:caufe  it  is  too  Scholaltica! ,  or  toe  elegant.  I  fee  he  liketh 
no  tropes  or  figures.  But  in  all  this ,  here  is  not  one  word  of  anfwer  to  thd  thing  it 
felf  That  which  is  beyond  the  cruelty  ot  the  moft  bloody  men  ,  is  not  agreeable  to 
the  Father  of  Mercies ,  to  create  men  on  purpofe  to  be  tormented  inendlelfe  fiames, 
without  their  one    faults.  And  focontraryto  the  Scriptures  , that  nothing  can  be 
more  wherein  puniflimgnt  is  called  Godsjirangework^r^hisftrange  a£},¥ox  God  tnade  not  ., 
death  ,  neither  hath  he  pleafure  in  ,    the  dejirndion  of  the  Living  ,   but  ungodly  men  voith  wifd.  r    i« 
their     works    "'^'^    words.,  called  it  unto  them.     It  this  place  (eem  to  him  Apo- 
cryphal ,   he  may  have  twenty  that  are  Canonical.     As  Hive  ,  fiith  the  Lord  Gad,  /  g,  i,  ,,    ,,. 
have  no  pleafure  in  the  death  oj  the  wickid  ,  hi^t  that  he   ti&n  from  his  way  and  live', 
"turn  ye  ^turn  ye  from  your  evilwayes  ^for  why  will  ye  die,   0  houfe  of  Jjrael> 

That  his  opinion  deftroyeth  the  jufticeof  God,  by  making  him  puniOi  others  for 
his  own  ads,  is  fo  plain  that  it  admitteth  no  defence.  •  And  if  any  farther  corrobo- 
ration were  needful,  Wc  have  his  own  confeilion,  that  there  can  be  no  punifhments  hut 

for. 


798 


Cafiioations  of 


TOMEin. 


'■     f^,  ioT  crimes     that  tntffht  have  been  Uft  mdvne.    Yet  he  keeperli  a  fliutBing  of  terms,  af- 

hount.ciAri.;^^^^^^^  'and  bruit  creatures  ,  Which  by  his  own  confeJlion  are  not  capable  of  mo- 
..A  hisMicc  ral  goodnefs  or  Wickedncfs ,  and    confequently  ,  not  fubjcft  to  pnniftment,  and 
And  niijuiii>.c       o   talking  away  the  proportion  between  Im  and  punilhment ,  onely  to  make  a 
fliew  of  anfwering  to  them ,  Who  do  not  or  cannot  weigh  what  is  faid.     Among 
euilty  perfons,to  lingle  out  one  to  bepuniftied  for  examples  fake, is  equal  and  juft, 
that  the  punidi'ment  may  fall  upon  few  ,  fear  to  offend  upon  all.     But  to  punifli  in- 
nocent perfons  tor  examples  fake,   is  onely  an  example  of  great  injuftice.     That 
which  he  calleth  my  opinion  of  the  endlcfs  torments  of  Hell,  1  Learned  from  Chrift 
himiclf    Go  ye  cttrjed  into  everlajiingjire  ,  and  from  my  Creed-     When  Origen  and 
feme  others  ,  called  the  merciful  Dodoars  ,  did  endeavour  to  poffefs  the  Church 
with  their  opinion  of  an  Univerfalreftitution  of  all  creatures,  to  their  priftine  eflate 
after  fuflicient  purgation  ,  it  was  rejedled  by  the  Church.     Without  doubt ,  a  fiii  3- 
gainft  infinite  Majelly  ,  and  an  averlion  from  infinite  goodnefs  ,  do  juftly  fubjeift  the 
offenders  to  infinite  puniftiment.     But  he  talketh  as  though  God  were  obliged  to  do 
adls  of  grace  ,  and  to  violate  his  own  ordinances ,   that  he  might  (ave  men  ..ith- 
out  their  own  Wills.    God  Loves  his  own  Creatures  Well,  but  his  own  juftice 
better. 

whereas  I  (he  wtd  ,  That  this  opinion  deftroyeth  the  omnipotence  of  God  ,  by 
An<i  omnipo*  making  him  the  Author  oraufe  of  fin  ,  and  of  all  defeds".  Which  «;.  xH  fruits  ot 
KBctmakiug  impotence  ,  not  of  power.  He  diftinguilheth  between  the  cade  off]n,and  the 
thecaufcoffin  ^yjjjQj  pf  {-j^     gjj^jjj^g  (J^jjQqjJ  isthej-jufeof  (jj,^     jjf  jfiH  fay^  that  bis  opinion 

mak(s  £God3  the  caufe  of  fin.  But  dots  not  the  Bifbop  think^him  the  caufe  of  all  aSi' 
oas  ■■,  and  are  not  fms  (f  Commiffion  aUioH!  ?  Js  murther  no  aUion  ?  Voth  notiSod  him- 
felf  fay  there  is  no  evil  in  the  City  tfhich  I  have  not  done:  And  was  not  nturther  me  of 
thofe  evils  .?  But  he  denyeth  that  God  is  the  author  of  fin ,  that  is ,  God  doth  not 
own  It ,  God  doth  not  give  a  warrant  for  it ,  God  doth  not  command  it.  This  is  down 
right  Blafphemy  indeed.  When  he  took  away  the  Devil ,  yet  1  did  not  fufpe<ft , 
that  he  would  fo  openly  fubftitutc  God  Almighty  in  his  place.  Simon  Magm  held 
that  God  was  the  caufe  of  fin ,  but  his  meaning  was  not  fo  bad  ;  He  onely  blam- 
cth  God  for  not  making  man  impeccable.  The  Manichees  and  Marcionites  did  hold  , 
that  God  was  the  caufe  of  fin,  but  their  meaning  was  not  fo  bad:  they  meant  it  not 
of  their  good  God  ,  Whom  they  called  Light :  but  of  their  bad  God  ,  Whom  they 
termed  darkncfs.  But  7.  H.  is  not  afraid  to  charge  the  true  God  ,  to  be  the  very 
ader  of  all  fin.  When  the  Prophet  asketh  ,  Shall  there  be  evil  in  a  City,  and  the 
Lord  hath  not  done  it  ?  He  fpeakcth  exprefly  of  evil  of  puiiifliment ,  not  at  all  of  tiie 
evil  of  fin.  Neither  will  it  avail  him  in  the  Leaft  ,  that  he  maketh  not  God  to  be 
the  author  of  fin.  For  fi«ft  it  is  worfc  to  be  the  Phyfical  or  natural  caufe  of  fin,  by 
afting  it ,  than  to  be  the  moral  caufe  of  fin  ,  by  c»mmanding  it.  If  a  man  be  the 
author  of  that  which  he  commandeth ,  much  more  is  he  the  author  of  that  which  he 
aiSeth.  To  be  an  author ,  is  Left  than  to  be  an  afteur.  A  man  may  be  an  author 
by  perfwafion ,  or  by  example  \  as  it  is  faid  of  Vefpafian  ,  that  he  being  antitjuocul- 
iu  viBuque  was  unto  the  Romans pr<eci/>»«j  <»|?r;5/»Borij  tfwjit'r,  by  his  obferving 
of  the  ancient  dyet  of  the  country,  aud  the  old  fafliion  of  apparel  ■■,  He  was  unto  the 
"Romans ,  the  principal  Author  of  their  frugality.  Hath  not  he  done  God  Almighty 
good  fervice,  to  acquit  him  from  being  the  author  of  fin  ,  which  is  lefs,  and  to 
make  him  to  be  the  proper  caufe  of  all  fin  ,  which  is  more.  Thus  to  maintain  fate 
he  hath  dcferted  the  truth  of  God,  thcgoodnefs  of  God,  the  juftice  of  God,  and  the 
power  of  God. 

In  the  next  plact ,  I  demanded  how  Khali  a  man  praife  God ,  who  believeth  him 
to  be  a  greater  Tyrant  than  ever  was  in  the  World,  creating  Millions  to  burn  eter- 
nally without  their  own  fault,  toexprefs  his  power.  He  anfwcretb,  That  the  word 
"lyrant  was  fometimes  ta\en  in  a  good  Jenfe  '■>  a  pretty  anfvver,  and  to  good  purpole  , 
When  all  the  World  (|es  that  it  is  taken  here  in  the  worft  (enie.  And  when  he  hath 
fun.blcd  thus  a  while  after  the  old  manner,  all  his  anfwer  is  a  recrimination.  How 
em  the  Bilhop  praife  God  for  his  goodnefs^  whotbinkj  hehatb  created  Million  t  of  Millions 
to  burn  eternally  ,  when  he  coiildhave  kcft  themfo  eaflyfrom  committing  any  fault.  I  do 
not  believe  that  God  created  Millions,  nor  (b  much  as  one  fingle  pe-rfon  to  burn  e- 

tcr- 


Amos  i.  4, 


A  right  H<»b. 
bi(\  eannot: 
praife  God. 


Discourse  I  I.  Mr.  Hob's  Ammacl'verftms.  ng  g 


ternally  ,   which  is  as  true  as  his  other  llander  in  this  place,  that  Jtvithdraw  the  rvill 

ofhUn  from  Gods  Dominion.     Both  the  one  and  the  other  are  far  from  me.   His  prm- 

ciplesmJy  Lead  him  upon  fuch  precipices ,  mine  do  not.     God  created  not  man  to 

burn  ,  but  to  ferve  him  here  ,  and  to  be  glorihed  by  him  and  with  him  hereafter 

That  many  men  do  mifs  this  end,  is  not  Gods  fault,  who  gave  them  fufficient*     ' 

ftrength  to  have  conquered  ,  and  would  have  given  them  a  Larger  fupply  of  Grace 

if  they  had  fought  it ,  but  mans.     God  was  not  bound  to  reverfe  his  own  decrees 

or  change  the  order  of  the  Government  of  the  World  ,  which  he  himfelf  had  juftly 

inftituted  ,  to  hold  up  a  man  from  finning  againR  his  Will  ,  when  he  could  bv  his 

Almighty  power  draw  good  out  of  evil  ,  and  a  greater  degree  of  Glory  out  c;f  the 

fall  of  man.     Concerning  the  number  of  tliofe  who  are  reprobated  for  their  fins    I 

have  nothing  to  fay  ,   but  that  Jecret  things  belong  unto  the  Lord  our  God^  and  things 

revealed  to  lis  and  oitr  Children.  Deur.  19.  29 

My  next  demands  were  ,  how  fhall  a  man  hear  the  Word  of  God  with  that  re- 
verence and  devotion  and  faith  that  is  rcquifite,  Who  believeththat  God  caufeth  his  ^°^  P'^^  ''''^ 
Gofpel  to  be  Preached  to  the  much  greater  part  of  Chriltians  ,  without  any  inten-  c^ve  the  ^^ 
tion  that  they  (hould  be  faved  ?  5acramcnt 

Secondly,  How  {hall  a  man  preparehimfelf  for  the  receiving  of  the  "Sacrament  **°"'''^y* 
with  care  and  confcience  ,   who  apprehendeth  that  eating  and  drinking  unworthily 
is  not  the  caufe  of  damnation  ,  but  becaufe    God  will  damn  a  man    therefore  he 
neceflitateth  him  to  eat  and  drink  unworthily.  To  which  two  demands  s  he  giveth 
one  anfvver,    That  Faith  is  the  Gift  of  God  ^  if  they   have  faith  ,  they  fhall  both  hear 
the  rvord,    and  receive  the  Sacraments  worthily  :  and  if  they  have  no  Faith  ,  they  {hall 
neither  hear  the  Word  nor  receive  theSacraments  Worthily. There  needeth  no  more  to 
be  faid  to  evidence  to  all  the  World  ,  that  he  doth  utterly  deliroy  ,  and  quite  take 
away  all  care,  all  follicitude,  all  devotion  and  preparation  of  our  felves  for  holy  du- 
ties.     If  God  gives  us  Faith  ,  Wc  can  want  nothing-,  If  God  do  not  give  us  Faith 
We  can  have  nothing.     We  ufe  to  fay  truly  ,  That  God  doth  not  deny  his  Grace' 
to  them  who  do  their  endeavours,  The  Kingdom  of  heaven  fuffereth  violence    and  the 
violent  tak^  it  by  force  ,  and  how  much  morefhjU  yotir  father  vchich  U  in  heaven,  give  good  Matth..  u.  u 
things  to  them  thatas\him  ?  St.  Taul  maketh  hearing  to  be  the  way  to  obtain  faith 
Hon- (hall  they  believe  en  him  oftvhom  they  have  not  heard?  And  exhorteth  Chriliians  J?^"^''-"- 
to  veork^  ut  their  falvation  with  fear  andtrembling.     Devout  prayers,  and  hearing,  and         ''°*  '^' 
reading,  and  participating  ,  did  ufe  to  be  the  way  to  get  faith ,  and  to  increafe  faith. 
As  in  our  natural  life  ,  fo  in  our  fpiritual  Life.  We  muft  earn  our  bread  in  the  { weat 
of  our  brows.  Such  defperate  opinions  as  thefe,  which  are  invented  onely  to  colour 
idlenefs  and  quench  devotion,  are  the  pillows  of  Satan.We  believe  none  are  excluded 
from  the  benefit  of  Chriiis  pailion,  but  onely  they  who  exclude  themfelves.Abiblute 
exclufion  is  oppofed  to  exclufion  upon  fuppofition  ,  which  ufeful  and  ncceffary  di- 
(lindion  (  if  he  do  not ,  or  will  not  under{land  )  we  have  no  reafon  to  phanfie  it 
one  jot  the  worfe,  for  his  fupercilious  cenfures. 

My  next  demand  was,  how  {hall  a  man  make  a  free  vow  to  God  ,  who  believes  »,  q™  l 
himfelf  to  be  able  to  perform  nothing  ,  but  as  he  is  extrinfccally  necelfitatcd.  To  ought.  "  "^ 
thishe  anfwers  ,  That  the  nea^ty  of  vowing  btfore  he  vowed,  kindred  not  the  freedom  of 
his  vow.  This  it  felfis  abfurd  envUigh  ,  but  wiiether  it  be  his  mifapprehenfion  ,  or 
his  cunning  to  avoid  the  force  of  an  argument ,  he  comes  far  ihort .  both  of  the 
force  and  ofthehope  of  this  reafon  ,  which  was  this,  If  a  man  be  not  Left  in  any 
thing  to  his  own  difpofition  ,  and  have  no  power  over  his  future  actions,  but  is  an- 
tecedently determined  to  what  he  mult  do,  andmurt  not  do  ,  and  yetknoweth  not 
what  he  is  extrinfecally  determined  to  do  ,  and  not  to  do  i  then  it  is  not  onely  fol- 
ly but  impiety  for  him  to  vow  that  which  he  knoweth  not  whether  it  be  in  his  pow- 
er to  perform  or  not.  But  upon  his  grounds  every  man  is  antecedently  determined 
to  every  thing  he  fhall  do  ,  and  yet  knoweth  not  how  he  is  determined.  Univerfal 
tiecelfity  ,  and  free  vows  cannnot  pollibly  confilt  together. 

My  Laft  demand  was  ,  how  fliall  a  man  condemn  or  accufe  himfelf  for  his  fins  .  »t 
who  thinketh  himfelf  to  be  Like  a  Watch  wound  up  by  Godi>  His  anfwer  is,  though  hK  ^M^edi! 
a  man  tbinl^himfelf  necejfrtated  to  what  he  Jhal}  do  ;  yet  if  he  do  not  think^himfelfnecflJitat- 
ed  and  wound  up  to   impenitence  ,  there  will  follow  no  impediment  f-'  repentance.     My 

B  b  b  b  b  2rgit- 


8oo 


Caftigations  of 


TOMEIII. 


what  repen- 
tance is- 


2  Cor.  7. 1 1' 


Joel »,  I  J. 


Mans  concur- 
rence  vi'nh 
Gods  Grace. 

Aa-?.  51. 

f  rov.  i»4. 


Mark  { 1$, 


argument  lookcth  at  the  time  paft ,  hisanfwcr  regardcth  the  time  to  come  ■■,  both 
ways  he  is  miferably  entangled.  Firft  for  the  time  pall ,  If  a  man  was  wound  up 
as  a  Watch  by  God,  to  all  the  individual  a<Sions  which  he  hath  done  ,  then  he 
ought  not  to  accufe  or  condemn  any  man  for  what  he  hath  done  ■■,  fox  according  to 
his  grounds ,  neither  he  nor  they  did  any  thing ,  but  what  was  the  fecret  and  irre- 
lillible  Will  of  God  ,  that  they  (hould  do.  And  when  the  fecret  Will  of  God 
is  made  known  by  the  event  ,  we  ought  all  to  fubmit  unto  it.  Much  lefs  can 
any  man  accufe  or  condemn  himfelf  without  Hypocrifie  for  doing  that ,  which  if 
his  life  had  Iain  a  thoufand  times  upon  it ,  he  could  not  have  helped  ,  nor  done 
otherwife  than  he  did.  The  very  fame  reafon  holdeth  for  the  time  to  come. 
Thcreis  the  fame necellity  in  refpedt  of  Gods  decree  ,  the  fame  inevitably  on  our 
parts  for  the  future  ,  that  is  for  the  time  pad.  The  fame  fubmillion  is  due  to  the 
fecret  Will  of  God  ,  when  it  (hall  be  declared  by  the  event.  How  ill  he  hath  been 
able  to  reconcile  his  principles,  with  the  truth  ,  and  goodnefs,  and  juftice  ,  and 
power  of  God ,  and  with  thofe  Chriftian  duties  which  we  owe  unto  God,  as  vows, 
repentance  and  praifing  of  Gods  Holy  Name ,  the  hearing  of  his  Word  ,  the  re- 
ceiving of  his  Sacraments ,  I  leave  to  the  judgement  of  the  Reader. 

The  next  thing  which  I  difliked  was  his  defcription  of  repentance.     It  is  a  glad 
returning  into  the  right  tPay  ,  after  the  grief  of  being  out  of  the  way.     Who   ever  heard 
before  this ,  of  gladnefs  or  joy  in  the  definition  of  repentance  ?  he  tellcth  us,  That 
it  IT  not  Chrijiian  repentance  without  a  furpofe  of  amendment  of  Life.     That  is    true,  a 
purpofe  of  amendment  was  comprehended   in  the  old  definition  of  repentance,  A 
Godly  forrovp  for  fins  paft  ,  tcith  a  jiedfaji  purpofe  to  commit  no  more  fins  to  be   forrowed 
for  ,  St.  Teter  found  no  great  fenfe  of  joy  ,   when   he  rvent     out  and  wept  bitterly. 
Andfome  tell  us,  that  fo  long  as   he  lived,  he  did  the  fame  ,  fo  often  as  he  heard 
the  Cockcrow.     I^ot  Mary -Magdalene  ,  When  (he  Wafhcd  the  feet  of  Chrift  with 
her  tears ,  and  wiped  them  with  her  hairs  ,  yet  (he  was  a  true  penitent ,  and  pur- 
pofed  amendment.     Nor  David  ,  When  he  Wa(hed  his  bed  night  by  night,  and 
Watered    his  couch   with  his    tears.     St.  Paul  reckoned  all    the  parts    of  the 
repentance  of  the    Corinthians  j  Godly  forrorv ,  carefulnefs ,  clearing  of  themfelves^ 
indignation  ^  fear  ^  vehement  defires  ^  zeal  ^  revenge^  here  is  no  Word  of  joy  or  glad- 
nefs in  all  this.     Joy  is  a  confequent  of  repentance  after  reconciliation,  but  it  is  not 
of  the^elTence  of  repentance  ,  no  more  than  a  fucceeding  calm  is  of  the  efTencc  of  a 
ftorm ,  or  the  prodigals  feftival  joy  after  his  readmiffion  into  his  Fathers  houfe,  was 
a  part  of  his  converfion.     He  is  afraid  that  this  Doctrine  of  fafting  and  mourning  , 
and  tears  ,  and  humicubation  ,  and  fackcloth  ,  and  a(hes  ,  ferttineth  to  the  efiablifh- 
tnent  of  Komiih  pennance.     Or  rather  they  were  natural  expreflions  of  forrow  ,  be- 
fore Rome  was  builded.  Turnye  to  me  with  all  your  heart,with  fafting^  and  weepings  and 
mourning.     Neither  the  Ninevites  ,  nor  the  fyrians  and  Zidonians  ,  did   learn  their 
fackcloth  and  a(hes  at  Rome.     But  many  men  love  to  ferve  God  now  adays  with  as 
much  eafeas  they  can  i  as  if  God  Almighty  would  be  fatisfied  with  any  thing ,  vel 
uva ,  veljuba ,  either  with  a  grape ,  or  with  a  bean.     And  with  the  fame  meafure 
they  mere  to  God ,  he  meafureth  to  them  again. 

He  chargeth  me  that  ,  J  labour  to  bring  in  a  concurrence  of  mans  will  with  Gods  wilt , 
af^d  apoxver  inGod  togive  repentance  ifman  wiBtak^  ifibut  notthe  power  to  mak^himtak^  it. 
Holy.  It  is  one  queftion  K/r«wpfl/^*,whatGod  can  do,another,  «trKW7j;/,whatGod  will 
do.God  can  determin  the  wil!  irrefiftibly,but  he  doth  not  doit  ordinarily.Tf  flif  necked 
and  uncircumcifed  in  heart,  ye  do  alwayes  refifi  the  Mioly  Ghoft.  And  I  have  called  and  ye 
refufed ,  8cc,  The  concurrence  of  God  and  man  in  producing  the  adt  of  our  believing 
or  converfion  to  God  ,  is  fo  evident  in  holy  Scripture,  that  it  is  vanity  and  loft  la- 
bour to  oppo(e  it.  If  God  did  not  concurre  ,  the  Scripture  would  not  (ay.  It  is  G»d 
that  worli^th  in  M ,  both  the  will  and  the  deed.  Ifman  did  not  concurre,  the  Scripture 
would  not  (ay ,  work^  out  your  own  falvation  with  fear  and  trembling.  If  our  repentance 
were  Gods  work  alone,  God  would  not  fay  to  man,  turnye  unto  me  with  allyour 
heart :    And  if  repentance  were  mans  work  alone,  we  had  no  need  to  pray  ,Turn  us 
O  Lord  and  we  fhall  be  turned.  We  arecommanded   to  repent  and  tnbelieve.  In  vain 
are  commandments  given  to  them  who  cannot  at  all  concur  to  the  ading  of  that 
which  is  commanded.  Faith  and     Repentance    are  propofed  unto    as  conditions  to 

obtain 


Discourse  1 1  Mr.  HobsV   AmmadiferfTonf-  801 

oBtain  bkfledneHc  and  avoid  deltruition.     If  thou  (halt  confefs  with  thy  month  and 
'  believe  with  thy  heart ,  8cc,  thou  (halt  bejaved.    And  excep ye  repent ,  ye  Jhallall  hk^wife 
perifh.  To  propofe  inipollible  conditions,  which  they   to  whom  they  are  propoled 
have  no  power  either  to  accept  or  to  rcfufe,  is  a  meer    mockery    Our  unbelief  and 
impenitence  is  imputed   to   us  as  our  own   fault,    Becaufe    of  unbelt  f  thutt  wm 
broken  off.  knA  after   thy  hardnejje      and  impenitent  heart,  thou  treafureji  up  unto  thy 
felf  wrath.  Their  unbelief  and  impenitence  were  not  their  own   faults  ,  if  they  neither  ^om' a  T^' 
had  power  to  concur  with  the  grace  of     God  to  the  produftion  offaith  and  repen- 
tance, nor  yet  to  rctafe  the  grace  of  God.The  holy  Scripture  doth  teach  us  that  God 
doth  help  us  in  doing  Worltes  of  piety.  The  Lord     is  my  helper  :  And  the  Spirit  help- 
eth    our  infirmities.  It  we  did  not  co-operate  at  all ,     God  could  not  be  faid  to  help 
us.  There  is  ,     therefore   there    muft  be  ,  co-operation ,  Neither  doth  this  concur- 
rence or  co-operation  of  man  ,  at  all ,  intrench  upon  the  power  orhonour  of  God 
becaufe  this  very  liberty  to  co-operate  is  his  gift ,  and  this  manner  of  acting  his  own  „ 
inlHtution.  Kev.  $.23. 

Thofe  words  Behold  lHand  at  the  door  andkitock^,  are  not  underftood  onely  of  the 
Minifters  outward  knocking  at  the  door  of  the  ear  with  perfwafivc  words  ,  but 
much  more  of  God  Almighties  knocking  at  tlie  door  of  the  heart,  by  his  prevent- 
ing grace. To  what  end  doth  he  knock  to  have  it  opened  ,if  he  himfelf  had  (hut  it 
by  an  irrefirtible  decree  >  God  firft  knocks  at  the  door  of  our  hearts  by  his  preventing 
grace,  without  which  we  have  no  defire  to  open  unto  Chrift:  And  then  he  helps 
us  by  his  adjuvant  or  ailiiting  grace  ,  that  we  may  be  able  to  open.  Yet  the  very 
name  of  Gods  adjuvant ,  or  ajjijiant,  or  helping  grace  ,  doth  admoni(h  us  ,  that 
there  is  fomething  for  us  to  do  on  our  parts  ;  that  is  ,  to  open  ,  to  confent, 
to  concur  .  Why  (hould  our  co- operation  fcem  fo  ftrange  ,  which  the  Apoftle  doth  i  ^°'^'  '*  ^° 
aflert  fo  pofitively  Ftve  are  labourers  together  with  God.  A.nd  I  laboured  more  abundantly 
than  they  all  ■■,  yet  nt  I,  (that  is , not  I  alone  )  but  the  grace  ofGoJlwhich  was  with  me.  ^q^^ 

The  lail  part  cf  his  Session  is  concerning   prayer,    which  he  mefnageth  no  better 
than  the  reft. 

Firfthe  accufeth  me  for  faying  that  prayer  is  a  Signification  that  we  expecft     that 
which  we  pray  for  from  God,  Which  he  callcth  a prefumpion  in  me  ,and^  detraCti-  Confidence  in 
OH  from  the  honour  of  God.   But  it  is  fofartrom  being  a  prefumption,that  it  is  a  necef-  P"'^^.i      *^\ 
fary  requiiitein  prayer.  S.James  will  have  us  pray  without  wavering  :  Let  him  ash^in  [^    «'"*=*'')'  <* 
faith  nothing   wavering.     -S.  Paul  will  have  men  to  lift  up  holy  hands  without  wrath  or  :  ' 
doubting.  And  our  Saviour  commands ,  r^i&jt  *^/«^j-  foeverye  defire  when  ye  pray,  be-   J'^-^'  <5* 
live  that  ye  0jall  receive  them,  and  ye  (hall  have  them,  _. 

I  cited  many  Texts  ot  Scripture    to  prove  the    efficacy  of  prayer ,  whereof  he  is 
pleafed  totake  notice  of  three  i     and  to  deny  that  helping  ,  means  ,  efficacy ,  availing  ,  Mar^.u.  24, 
difignifie  any  caufation  ?  contrary  both  to  the  Words  and  fcope  of  thofe  Texts,  and 
contrary  to  the  tenor  ofthe  Whole  Scripture. 

.    Ihe  prayer  of  faith  fhaUf'ave  the  fic\.  And  I  h^ow  that  this  fhaU  turn  to  my  falvat'wn 
through  your  prayers,  Hannah  prayed  and  the  Lord  granted  her  requeft.  We  fee  the  like  J'^f'S*  '5» 
in  Achab,  in  Zachary  ,in  Cornelius,  and  many  others.  Hezekias  prayed,  and  the  Lord  pj^ji  , 
tk'id,  I  have  heard  thy  prayer,  I  have  feen  thy   teares.  Behold  I  will  adde   unto  thy  d.yes  ^^zy-ii,  $> 
fifteen  years.     Nothing  can  be  plainer  than  Solomons  Prayer  at  the  dedication  of  the 
Temple.     Jf  there  be  famin  in  the  Land ,  if  there  be  Peftilence  ,     8cc.     If  their  enemy  jKings.  8.  47* 
hcfiiffc  them  in  their  Cities,  what  foevcr  plague,  what  f never  fick^iejjes  there  be,  what  prayer   it"fOD.  7.i» 
oriupphc.itionfoever  be  made  by  any  manner  by  all  thy  people  IJrael,  8cc.  and  fpread  frth  his 
hands  toward  this  houfe,  heare  thou  in  Heaven  thy  dwelling  Place,  and  forgive,  and  do   &c. 
To  all  which,  God  himfelf  condefcended  andPromifed  to  do  accordingly. 
His  reafon  to  the  contrary,  ThatMc  creature  living  canwnrk^any  effeU  upon  God,  is  mod 
true  V  but  neither  pertinent  to  his  purpofe,  nor  underflood  by  himfelh  It  is  all  one 
as  to  the  efficacy  ofprayerif  it  work  upon  us,  as  though  it  had  wrought  upon  God 
himfelf,  if  it  render  us  more  capable  ot  his  mercies,  as  if  itrendered  him  more  mcrci-* 
ful.  Though  the  Sword  and  the  Crown  hang  immovable,  yet  prayer  tranllateth  us 
from  one  capacity  to  another, from  being  under  the  fword,  to  be  under  the   Crown. 
Lartiy ,  he  telleth  us  in  great  fadnefs.  That  though  our  Prayers  toman  be  dijlin- 
guijhed  from  o:tr  thankf ,  it  is  not  neceffary  it  (hould  be  fo  in  our  prayers  and  thankj  to  God 

B  b  b  b  b  tlmighty' 


—^ '  Caftigations  of  TOME    1  a  1. 

Almighty.     Prayers  and  thankfgiving  areour  afts,  not  Gods  Ads,  and  have  their 

dilhndion     from    us,    not    trom    God.     Prayer   refptds  the  time    to    come, 

thankfeiviiTg      the     time     paft.     Prayer    is    tor     that      we     want      thankfgiv- 

in-'    tor  what   we  have.     All  the  ten   Lepers  Prayed,  Jefus    Mailer    have    mer- 

Luk  17' I?     cy^on  usi  but  only  one  of  them  returned  to  give  God  thanks.  St.  taul  diitinguilli- 

g,    '  cth  Prayer  and  thankfgiving  ,  even  in  reCpcft  of  God.     By  granting  the  Prayers  of 

acor. '•"•     his  People  ,  Godputtethan  obligation  upon  them  to  give  thanks.     He  might  as 

well  have  faid ,  that  Faith  ,  Hope,  and  Charity,  are  the  fame  thing. 

He  palTcth  over  the  reft  of  this  Chapter  in  lilence.  I  think  him  much  the  wifer 
forfo  doing ;  If  he  had  done  lb  by  the  rell  likewife,  it  had  been  as  much  credit  lor 
his  caufc. 

Here  are  three  things  queftionable  in  this  Sedion  >  firft,  whether  fee  w/)om<j%»/;  aZ/t^/^gj 
wji^f  aU  things  tiecejfary  to  be^or  tvhethcr  it  be  a  contradiSion  of  me  to  my  fe  If  to  fay  Jo  ?Fhli^ 
this  is  certain  ,  there  can  be  no  formal  contradiction  where  there  is  but  one  propo- 
fitio'n.  Secondly,  here  is  no  implicit  contradiction v  Firit  becaufe  there  is  a  vaJt 
difference  between  making  all  things HfCfjP^ry  to  be  ,  and  making  all  things  to  be  ne- 
ceflary  Agent?.  The  moll  tree  or  contingent  Agents  in  the  World  when  tliey  are 
are  neceflarily  fuch  as  they  are  i  that  is ,  neceflary  to  be  i  but  they  are  not  neceiTari- 
ly  necelTary  agents.  And  yet  he  is  Hill  harping  upon  this  firing  ,  to  prove  fuch  a 
necellity  as  no  man  did  ever  deny.  Thirdly,  I  told  him  that  this  which  he  contends 
for  here,  is  but  a  necellity  of  fuppofition.  As  fuppofmg  a  Garment  to  be  made  of 
the  FreMc/;  fafliion  ,  When  it  is  made  it  is  neceflarily  oi  the  French  fafhion.  But  it 
was  not  neceflary  before  it  was  made,  that  it  ftiould  be  made  of  the  French 
fafhion  ,  nor  of  any  other  fadiion  »  for  it  might  not  have  been  made  at  all. 

He  excepteth ,  That  the  burning  of  the  fire  is  no  etherxvife  neceffary  than  upon  fuppo  ■ 
T.  H  miHak-  fi^i"^-  ^'f'^'  'uJuppofvtgfMel  be  c^ji  upon  the  fire  ,  the  fire  doth  burn  it  neceffarily.  But 
eih  necttfity  herein  he  is  altogether  millaken.  For  that  onely  is  called  neceflary  upon  fuppofition , 
uponfuppofi-  where  the  thing  fuppofed  is  or  was  in  fome  fort  in  the  power  of  the  free  ngent,  ei- 
tion.  ther    to  do  it  or  to  leave   it  undone,  indifferently.     But  it  is  never  in  the  power 

of  the  fire  to  burn  or  not  to  burn  indifferently.He  who  did  ftrike  the  fire  out  of  the 
fhnt,may  be  faid  to  be  a  neceflary  caufe  of  the  burning  that  proceeded  from  thence 
upon  fuppofition  ,  becaufe  it  was  in  his  power  ,  either  to  ilrike  fire,  or  not  to 
ftrike  fire.  And  he  who  puts  more  fuel  to  the  fire  may  be  faid  to  be  a  neceffary 
caufe  of  the  continuance  of  the  fire,  upon  fuppofition  ,  becaufe  it  was  in  his  choife 
to  put  to  more  fuel ,  or  not.  But  the  fire  it  felf  cannot  choofe  but  burn  whileff  it  is 
firci  and  therefore  it  is  a  neccfTary  caufe  of  burning,  abfolutely  not  upon  fuppofiti* 
on.  what  unfcen  neceflity  doth  prejudice  Liberty ,  and  what  doth  not  ,  I  have 
(hewed  formerly.  How  mean  an  elleem  foever  he  hath  of  the  Tailor  ,  either  he,  or 
his  meaneft  apprentife  have  more  fenfe  than  himfelf  in  this  caufe.  The  Taylor  knows 
that  there  wasnonccelfity  from  eternity  ,  that  he  fhould  be  a  Taylor  ,  or  that  that 
man  for  whom  he  made  the  Garment ,  fhould  be  his  cuflomer  i  and  much  lefs  yet 
of  what  fafhion  he  fhould  makeit.  But  he  is  flill  fumbling  to  no  purpofe  upon  that 
old  foolijh  rule ,  as  he  pleafed  once  to  call  it ,  whatfoever  is  when  it  is,  is  neceffa- 
rily fo  as  it  is. 

Thei'ccond  queflionis  ,  whether  there  be  any  agents  in  the  World   which  are 
•  more  truelyfree,   ortruely  contingent  agents  ,  according  to  his  grounds?  And  it  is  ea- 
incency      fi'y  demonllraced,  that  there  are  not :  becaufe  he  maintaineth  that  all  Agents  are 
than.igno        neceffary  ,  and  that  thofe  agents  which  wc  call  free  agents  and  contingent  agents , 
ranee.  do  adt  as  neceffarily,  as  thofe  agents  which  we  fee  and  know  to  be  necefTary  agents: 

and  that  the  reafbn  why  we  flile  them  free  agents,and  contingent  agens, is, becaufe  n>e 
do  not  kiiorp  vphether  they  n>orh^nece£arily  or  not.  He  hath  told  us  hitherto  that  all  a- 
gents  ad  necefTarily ,  otherwife  there  could  not  be  an  Univcrfal  necellity.  Now  he 
telleth  us  that  there  be  fundry  agents,  which  we  know  not  whether  they  work  ne- 
cefTarily or  not.  If  we  do  not  know  whether  they  work  neceflarily  or  not  ,  then 
We  do  not  know  whether  there  be  univerfal  neceflityor  not.  But  we  may  well  pafs 
by  fuch  Little  miflakes  in  him.  That  which  I  deduce  from  hence  is  this :  That  the 
formal  leafon  of  Liberty  and  contingency  according  to  his  opinion  doth  confift  in 
our  ignorance  or  nefcience  i  and  then  it  hath  no  real  being  in  the  nature  of  things^ 

Hither- 


Discourse.  1 1.  Mr  Hobo's  Animadverfions.  gQ3 

Hitherto  the  Worid  hath  eltcemed  nothing  more  than  Liberty  ■,  mankind  hath  been 
ready  to  Hght  for  nothing  fooner  than  Liberty  :  Now  if  after  all  this,  thc^e  be  no 
fuch  thing  as  Liberty  in  the  World,  they  have  contended  all  this  while  for  a  (hadow. 
It  is  but  too  apparent  what  horrible  difordcrs  there  are  in  the  World  ,  and  how 
many  times,  right  is  trodcn  under  foot  by  might,  and  how  the  word  of  men  do 
riourifh  and  profper  in  this  World  ,  whileft  poor  Hieremy  is  in  the  dungeon  ,  or 
writing  books  of  Lamentation.  If  there  be  true  Liberty  in  the  World  ,  We  know 
well  whereunto  to  impute  all  thefe  diforders  ■■,  but  if  there  be  no  Liberty  in  the 
World  ,  free  from  antecedent  necellitation  ,  then  they  all  fall  diredlly  upon  God 
Almighty  and  his  providence. 

The  Lalt  quedion  is  concerning  his  definition  of  contingent  ,  that  they  are  fuch  a- 
gems  as  rvor\  we  kfiorp  }wt  horv.  Againft  which  I  gave  him  two  exceptions  in  my  de- 
fence. One  was  this.  Many  agents  work  we  know  not  how,  as  the  Loadllone 
draweth  iron.,  the  Jet  chaff-,  and  yet  they  are  known  and  acknowledged  to  be  ne- 
celTary ,  and  not  contingent  Agents.  Secondly  ,  many  agents  do  work  we  know 
how,  as  a  Hone  falling  down  from  anhoufe  upon  a  mans  head  ,  and  yet  we  do  not 
account  it  a  necefTary  ,  but  a  contingent  event,  by  reafon  of  the  accidental  concur- 
rence of  the  caufes.  I  have  given  him  other  inftances  in  other  parts  of  thisTrea- 
tife  •,  and  if  need  be ,  he  may  have  twenty  more.  And  yet  though  his  definition 
was  (hewed  formerly  to  halt  down-right  on  both  fides ,  yet  he  ,  good  man ,  is  pa- 
tient and  never  taketh  the  Leaft  notice  ofit :  but  only  denyeth  the  confequence  ,and 
cverlooketh  the  proofs. 

His  objedtion  about  the  indetermination  of  the  caufes,  that  indetermination  doth 
nothing ,  becaufe  it  maketh  the  event  equal ,  to  happen  ,  and  not  to  happen,  is  but 
a  flalh  without  any  one  grain  of  folidity.  For  by  indetermination  in  that  place  is 
clearly  underftood  ,  not  to  be  predetermined  to  one  by  extrinfecal  caufes,  but  to  be 
left  free  to  its  own  intrmfecal  determination,  this  wa/,  or  that  way  ,  indilTerent- 
ly.  So  the  firft  Words  by  reafon  of  the  indeteTmination^  have  reference  to  free  agents 
and  free  events  ,  and  the  other  Words ,  Or  accidental  concurrence  of  the  caujes ,  have 
reference  to  cafual  events.  And  both  together,  referenda  fingula  fwgulif  ^  60  in- 
clude  all  contingents ,  as  the  word  is  commonly  and  Largely  taken  by  old  Phiio- 
fophers. 

Reader,  I  do  not  wonder  now  and  then,  to  fee  7.  H.  fink  under  the  weight  of  an 
abfurdiry,  in  this  caufe.A  back  offteel  were  not  able  to  bear  all  thofe  unfupportable 
confequences,which  flow  from  this  opinion  offatall  deftiny.But  why  he  (hould  delight 
to  multiply  needlefle  abfurdities.I  do  not  know.Allmoft  e very Sedtion  prod uceth  fomc 
newmonlfer.Inthisfeventeeth  Sedion,I  demonllrated  clearly  that  this  opinion  of  uni- 
verfal  necefhty, doth  takeaway  the  nature  of  finne.  That  which  he  faith  in  anfwer 
thereunto,is  that  which  followeth. 

F\rR  ^  it  is  true  ,  he  a>ho  taketh  away  the  liberty  of  doing  according  to  the  will  ^  taketh  Def  Kum.   j. 
away  the  nature  of  fnne^but  he  that  denieth  the  liberty  to  will  doth   «ot/o.  This  anfwer  f^^a  "v  ''^^' 
hath  been  fufficently  taken  away  already,  both  in  the  defence,  and  in  thcfc   Caftiga-  ^,^c. 
ations.  Inevitable  and  unrefillible  neceflity  doth  as  much  acquit  the  will  flrom  fin  ,as 
the    aftion. 

Again  ,  whereas  I  urged ,  That  Whatfoever  proceedeth  elTentially  ,  by  way  of 
phyfical  determination  from  the  firit  caufe  isgood  ,and  juft  and  lawful :  he  oppofeth 
That  J  might  as  rvell  have  concluded^  that  what  fever  man  hath  been  made  by  God  U  a  good^ 
and  juli  man.  Sol  mighty  What  Ihould  hinder  me  to  conclude  that  every  creature 
created  by  God  is  good  ,  (jua  talis  ,  as  it  is  created  by  God :  but  being  but  a  crea- 
ture ,  it  is  not  immutably  good  as  God  himfelfc  is.  If  he  be  not  of  the  fame  opinion 
he  mufi:  feek  for  companions  among  thofe  old  Hereticks  the  Manichees  or 
Marcionites. 

So  he  Cometh  to  his  main  anf\vcr.  Sin  a  net  a  thing  really  made.  "Ihoje  tkinns  which 
at  frjl  were' anions  .  were  not  then  fins  ^though  aCiions  of  the  fame  nature  with  thofe 
which  were  afterwards  ftns.^or  was  then  the  will  to  anything  a  fin,  though  it  were  a  will 
to  the  fame  thing,  which  in  willing  now  we  (hmld  fin.  AHionsbcc^me  then  fins  firjl ,  when 
ti)e  Commandements  came ,  &c.  jherecan  no  aUion  he  made  fin  ,  but  by  the  law.  therefore 
this  opinion^  though  it  derive  anions  ejfentially  from  God ,  it  derives  not  fins  ejpntially  from 

him, 


"1^  "^  Caftigatons  of TOME  III. 

;,iOT    hut  Ttbtively  ,~afurhylihe   Commandement.  The  Ihid  thing  I  obfcrve  in  him  is  a 
contradidtion  to  himfclt.'  Now  he    maketh  the  anomy  ,  or  the  irregularity  and  re- 
puciiance  to  the  law  to  be  the  f-nne  ,  before  he  coiiceivcth  the  adion  itfelf  to  be  the 
liii.     T>olh  )iot  the  Bijh^l>  ibink^  God  to  he  the  caufe  ofaV  adions  ?  Attd  arc  not  fms  ofcom- 
fKiffton  anions  ?  h  mmthernn  aGion?  A»d  doth  not  God  bimfelffay  ,  there  U  no  evil  in 
the  City  rvhich  J  have  Hot  done  >  And  tvjs  not  nturther  one  of  thoje  evills  ,  &c.   lam  of 
opiiii''"-,  fhat  the  dijUnUion  nfcaufesinto  efficientatid  deficient  it Bofiu,andfignifieth nothing. 
This  might  have  been  pardoned  to  him. 
.But his  fecond  flip  is  worfe.  That  the    iVorld  was  I  know  not  how  long   mthout 
...         fy,t,     I  did  demondrate,  That  upon  his  grounds  ,  all  fins  are  cfTentially  from  God  ^ 
wcx'A  bcfoie  and   confcquently  are   lawful  and  juft.  He  anfwereth,  that  the  adions    were  from 
,he  civil  Law,   qq  \  ^  but  the  aftions  were  not  fins  at  the  firft  until  there  was  a  law.  What  is  this 
t(j  the  purpole  ?  It  is  net  material  ,  when  fin  did  enter  into  the  World  early  or  late  , 
Jo  as  when  it  did  enter  ,  it  were  elTentially  from  God  ,  which  it  muft  needs  be  upon 
his  grounds,     that  both  the  murthcr  and  the  law  againft  murther ,  are  from  God. 
And  as  it  dcth  not  help  his  caufe  at  all,fo  if  ismoft  falfe.What  aftions  were  therein  the 
ig  world  before  riic  iin  of  the  Angel  ?  He  charged  the  Angels  withfoHy.    And  if  God 

t  pet.  1.4-      fp'ii'fd.  not  the  Angels  that  finned  but  cajl  ^them  downta   hell  tznd  the  Angels  which 
k^pt  not  their  firji  ejtatc.W'h^t  were  thofctirft  aftions  that  were  before  the  finne  oiAdam 
Juik^-  'By  one  man  fume  entred    into  the  World  and  death  by  finne. 

Thirdly  he  erreth   moR  groflTely  ,  in   fuppofing  that    the    World   at  firft  was 
Kom.  ^   "•     JawklTe.  The  World  was  never  without  the  eternal  law  ,that  is ,  the  rule  of   jufticc 
in  God  himfclf,  and  that  which  giveth      force  to      all  other  laws  ,  as  the  Pivine 
Wifdom  faith  ,  By  me  Kings  raign  ,  and  Frinces  decree  JHllice.  And  finne  is  defined 
to  be  that  which     is  afted  ,faid  ,  or  thought  againft  the  eternal  law.  But   to  let  this 
paflcfot  the  prefent,  bccaufc  it  is  tranfcendentally  a  law.  How  was  the  Worldever 
without  the  Law  ot  nature  ?  which  is  moft  properly  a  Law,  the  Lawthat  cannot  lie, 
not  mortal  from  mortal     man  ,  not  dead  ,  or  written  in  the  paper  without  life,  but 
^°^'   '        '  incoruptible  ,  written  in  the  heart  of  man  by  the  finger  of  God  hlmfelf.   Let  him 
learn  ioundcr  doftrine  from  St.  P</«/,  for  when  the  Gentiels  which  have  not  the  Law 
ij.ara-J-  14  *'*  do  by  nature  the  things  containedin  the  Law  ,  thefe  having  not  the  Law,  area  lawunto 
•$•  themfihes  ,     which  Jfjcw  the  worky^of  the  Law  writen  in  their  hearts,     their  confciences 

alfi>  bearing  witentffe  ,  and  their  thoughts ,  the  mean  rphile,  accufingor  excufing  one  another. 
I  pafteby  thofe  Commandemnts  of  God, which  were  delivered  by  tradition  from  hand 
to  hand  ,  from  Father  to  Son.  This ,  That  mankind  was  ever  without  all  Law 
is  the  moft  drowfie  dream  that  ever  dropped   from  pen. 

whereas  he  faith  ,  That  I  alloa>    that  the  nature   of  fin  doth  cnnfijl  in  thit,  that 
it  »*  an  aUion  proceeding    from  ottr  will  againft  the  Law  and  thence  inferreth  ,  That 
the  formal  reafon  offw  lieth  not  in  the  Liberty^of  willinghe  doth  wrong  himfelf^and  inifin- 
form  his  ReadcrUor  I  never  allowed  it,nor  never  ftiall  allow  it  in  that  ifenfc  ,  but  faid 
cxprefTely  the  contrary.  My  words  were  thefe.  {_   which  in  our  fenfe  is  moft  true  ,  if  he 
underftand  a  jullLaw  ,  and  a    free  rational  will  ']  And  then  I   added   futher  ,  That 
the  Law  which  he  undcrflandcth  is  amoft  unjuft  Law,arid  the  will  which  is  intended 
by  him  ,  an  irrational  necelhtated  will,  where  did  he  Learn  to  take  that  for  gran- 
ted ,  which  is  pofitively  denied  ?  He  fayeth    indeed  ,  if  the  Reader  could  trufthim  , 
That  he  hath  (htwed  ,  that  no  Law  can  he    unjuft.  But  I  expcft  arguments  ,  not  his 
own  authority,  which  I  value  rot.  He  neither  hath  fhcwed  that  all  La  vys  are  juft, 
nor  ever  will  be  able  to  Ihew  it  ,  until]  the  Greek  Calends.  Likewife  where  he  feem- 
eth  not  to  ur.dcrftand  what  the  rational  will  is  ,1    do  think  there  is  fcarcely  anyone 
Authour,  who  did  ever  write    upon  this  fubjeft  ,  but  he  hath  this  diftinftion  be- 
tween the  rational  and  the  fcnfitive  appetite.     And  hath   particularly    made  this 
main  diflereiice  between  thtm  ,    that  ,  the  rational  appetite  is  free  ,  but  the  fenfitive 
appetite  is  ncccftary  .  If  he  alone  will  not  underftand    that    which  is  fo  cvidentand 
To   cfiv.mand  ^"^'^^l^^'W  received  by  allSchoIlers,  it  is  eo  great  matter. 

iii'n-uft.  It  isas  unjuft  to  ccirmand  a  man  to  do  that    which  is  imp cflible  for  man  to  do, 

itrpcffib  liu'ts   as  to  corr.irand  him  contradiftions  ,  This  filly  cvsfion  will  rotfcrvehis  turn.Thofe 
thirgs  ire  faid  to  be  impclLble  to  us  inthemfelves ,  which  are  rot  madeimpofiible 
to  us  by  our  own  cicfsult.  And  thofc  things  which    wc  make    impoflible  by  our  de- 
faults. 


Discourse  II.       Mr.  Hob's  Aninud'verfionf^  g^,- 

faults,  are  not  impollible  in  themfelves.  Tho(e  impoiiibilities  and  only  thofe 
which  wc  by  our  defaults  have  made  ,  may  lawfully  be  puniOicd.  Where  he  coii- 
fefleth  ,  that  L^rr-fKJ^fr/  mt  k^norving  the  Jecret  nece^tties  of  things  to  come  ^  do  fame- 
times  iHJoyrt  things  that  art  made  tmpo^ibk  from  eternity  ,  it  cometh  every  way  (hort  of 
the  truth.  Firrt  in  limiting  it  to  human  Lavp-mak^rs  ^  who  only  know  not  the  ne- 
ceffities  of  things  to  come  ■,  for  my  argument ,  That  Law  which  comirandeth  im- 
polCbilities  is  an  unjul^  Law  ,  doth  hold  as  well  of  Gods  Law  ,  as  of  mans  Law 
not  that  we  believe  any  Law  of  God  can  be  unjuft.-  Gad  forbid  :  but  to  demon- 
ftratc  tohim  undeniably  ,  that  all  thole  things  whicli  he  conceiveth  to  be  impoliible 
from  eternity ,  are  not  impoiliblc  from  eternity  ,  becaufe  the  contrary  is  command- 
ed from  God  ,  and  God  never  commandeth  impoiiibilities.  Secondly  he  cometh 
fhort  of  the  truth  in  this  alfo,  That  he  faith  human  Lawgivers,  do  fometimes  in- 
joyn  impolfibilities  \  for  by  his  leave  upon  his  grounds ,  they  do  always  injoyn  ei- 
ther abfolute  impoiiibilities ,  or  abfolute  necelh'ties  ,  both  which  arc  equally  ridi. 
culous.  Laflly  .  Whereas  I  argued  thus,  if  the  Will  of  man  be  determined  by  God 
without  the  Will  of  man  ,  then  it  is  nor  mans  Will  ,  but  Gods  Will  i  he  denieth 
my  confequence  ,  becaufe  it  may  be  both  Gods  Will  and  mans  Will  lanfwer,  it  is  Gods 
will  eifcdively  ,  becaufe  he  maketh  it  neceflarily  ;  and  fubjedlvely  beca'ufe  he  wil- 
cth  it  i  but  upon  his  grounds  it  is  the  will  of  man  only  fubjedively^  becaufe  he  is 
neceffitatcd  to  will  it  ,  but  not  effedtively  ,  becaufe  he  had  no  hand  in  the  produ- 
dion  of  it ,  and  therefore  how  faulty  foever  it  be  ,  yet  it  cannot  be  imputed  to 
man. 

Concerning  his  inftancc  in  a  Civil  Judge.  Firft  ,  I  (hewed  that  it  was  imperti- 
nent, becaufe  neither  is  a  Civil  Judge  the  Judge  of  fin  ,  nor  the  Law  of  the  Land 
the  rule  of  fin.  To  my  reafons  he  anfwereth  nothing  in  particular  ,  but  in  general. 
That  whereas  Ijaid  that  the  Lav>  cannot  jujlly  funijh  a  crime  that  proceedeth  from  necef- 
fity  ,  it  ivts  no  impertinent  anfmr  to  fay ,  that  the  Judge  loof^th  no  higher  than  the 
puiU  of  the  doer.  Here  are  fo  many  impcrfeftions ,  that  I  fcarcely  know  where  to 
begin. 

Firft,  I  never  faid  that  the  Law  cannot  juftly  punifli  a  crime  that  procecdeth  from 
ncceffityj  I  always  faid,  and  do  ftill  fay  ,  Thatif  it  be  antecedently  necellitated,  it 
isnocrime,  either  punifhablc  ,  or  unpuni(hable.  Secondly,  he  did  make  the  Civil 
Judge  to  be  the  Judge  of  fin  ,  and  the  Law  of  the  Land  to  be  the  rule  of  fin  in  cx- 
prcfs  terms  ,  A  Judge  in  Judging  rehether  it  be  fm  or  not ,  ivhicb  is  done  againjl  the 
Lavp.  Thirdly  ,  that  Will  which  the  Law  and  the  Judge  do  regard,  is  not  his  bru- 
ti(h  nccelGtated  irrational  appetite,  but  our  free  rational  Will  ,  after  deliberation  de- 
termined intrinfecally  by  the  agent  himfclf. 

Secondly  ,  I  (hewed  ,  That  his  inftancc  in  a  Civil  Judge  wasagainft  himfelf,  be- 
caufe this  which  he  faith,  That  the  Judge  looketh  no  higher  than  the  vciH  of  the  doer^  doth 
prove  that  the  Will  of  the  doer  did  determin  it  felf  freely  ,  and  that  the   malefadtor 
had  Liberty  to  have  kept  the  Law  if  he  would.     To  this  he  anfwers  ,  that  itproveth 
indeed  that   the  malefaSor  had  Liberty  to  have  k^pt  the  Law  if  he  would  .but  it  proveth  ^^''^'^!'^^r-I^ 
mt  that  he  had  the  Liberty  to  k^ep  the  Law.     Hath   not  this  filly  fenfclcfs  diftmftion  oia^prttor:'  ^ 
been  canvafed  fufficiently  yet ,  but  it  muft  once  more  appear  upon  the  Stage  >  A-  freer.,  d--  if  he 
greed.     Thus  I  argue-,   firft,  if  the "  malefadlor  had  Liberty  to  have  kept  the  Law  wi',',not  free 
if  he  would,  then  the  malcfadour  had  Liberty  to  have  contradided    the  abi'oKue '^ '^''''" 
Will  of  God  ,  ifhe  would  i    then  he  had  Liberty  to  have  changed  the  unalterable 
decrees   of  God,    ifhe  would.     But  he  had  not  Liberty  to  have  contradidttrd  tiie 
abfolute  Will  of  God  ,  ifhe  would  i  he  had  not  Liberty  to  have  changed  the  un- 
alterable decrees  of  God  if  he  Would.     The  a(rumption  is  fo  evident,  that  it  were 
great  (hame  to  queftion  it.     The  confequence  is  as  clear  as  th  e  San.     For  upon  Mr. 
iiobs  his  grounds ,  it  was  the  abfolute  Will  of  God  ,  and  the  unalterable  decree  of 
God  ,  that  the  Malefadlrour  fhould  do  as  he  did  ,  and  not  to  do  otherwife.     And 
therc(ore  if  the  Malefador  had  Liberty  to  have  kept  the  Law,  and  to  have  don:  o- 
therwife,if  he  would,  he  had  Liberty  to  have  contradided  the  Will  of  God,  and  to 
have  changed  the  decree  of  God,  ifhe  would.     But  this  istooabfurd. 

Secondly ,  to  have  Liberty  to  have  kept  the  Law  ifhe   would  ,  implyeth  necelfa- 
rily  a  conditional  poflibility.     But  the  Will  of  God  and  the  decree  of  God,  that  the 

Male- 


798 


Cafii^ations  of TOME  H  i. 


Makfadour  (houUl  do  as  he  did  ,  and  not  keep  the  Law     impUcth  an  abfolute  im- 
nollib  lity      Now  it  is  a  rule  in  Logick  ,  that  tmpoftbile  habet  in  [e  vim  Adverbii  h- 
niverfalite'r  ueaantis.     An  impoliibility  hath  the  force  of  an  univcrfal  negative.     But 
anuiiivcrfal  negative  and  a  particular  affirmative  are  contradidory.     That  it   was 
impollible  for  the  Malefadour  to  have  kept  the  Law ,  and  yet  he  had  Liberty  to 
have  kept  the  Law  if  he  would.  There  is  not  the  Leaft  ilarting  hole  for  him  through 
which  he  can  endeavour  to  creep  out  of  this  contradidion,  but  by  making  this  fup- 
pofition  [_if  he  Tvou\d~\  to  tignitie  nothing,   and  to  affirm  ihat  it  was  equally  in:i- 
pollible  for  the  Malefadtour  to  Will  otherwifc,  and  to  do  otherwife.  Thenfee  what 
a  pretty  Liberty  he  hath  Left  us,  even  a  meer  impollibihty.     If  the  Sky  fall  then  we 
(hall  catch  Larks.     Obfcrve  farther  the  vanity  of  this  dillinAioo,  between  L/tfr/)! 
to  do  if  be  rpiV,  and  Liberty  to  j»ill.     When  both  the  one  Liberty  and   the  other  are 
equally  impoiliblci  upon  his  own  grounds.     And  yet  with  this  mock- Liberty  which 
fignitieth  nothing  ,  he  is  fain  to  anfwer  all  the  Texts  of  Scripture  which  arc  brought 
againft  him  ,  and  all  the  abfurdities  which  are  hsaped  upon  him. 

Lallly  ,  to  fay  a  man  is  free  to  do  anything  if  he  Will,  implieththat  he  hath  pow- 
er enough  ,  and  there  is  nothing  wanting  to  the  doing  of  it,  but  his  Will.  Other- 
wife  if  there  be  not  power  enough  to  do  it  (  as  in  this  cafe  upon  his  groitnds  there  is 
net  )  it  is  as  ridiculous  to  fay  a  Malefadour  was  free  to  have  kept  the  Law  if  he 
would,  as  to  fay  ,  a  man  is  free  to  jump  over  the  Sea  if  he  will,  or  to  flie  in  the  air 
if  he  will. 

Yet  rtill  he  faith  ,  the  Wilt  of  the  MahfaUour  did  not  determin  it  felf.     Then  by  his 
own  confellion  ,  the  Malefador  had  the  more  wrong  to  be  punilhed,  for  that  which 
was  unavoidably  and  irrefiflibly  impofed  upon  him.     If  the  Malefadour  was  neceffi- 
tited  from  God  by  an  efTential  determination  of  cxtrinfecal  caufes ,  both  to  will  as 
he  did  ,  and  to  do  as  he  did  ,  he  was  no  more  a  Malefaftour  than  his  Judge. 
1  have  no  reafbn  to  retradt  any  one  fyllable  of  what  I  faid  concerning  Monfters, 
Of  tnonftcrs.    but  he  had  need  to  retrad  his  ordinary  falfifying  ,  and  difmembring,  and  mifinter- 
pretingofmy  fayings.     I  affirmed  (  as  all  found  Philofophers  do  affirm  }  That  na- 
ture never  intendeth  the  generation  of  aMonfler,  but  that  every  Monfter  is  a  devi- 
ation from  the  Law  of  thefirfi  inftitution,that  every  creature  fliould  beget  another  in 
his  own  Likencfs.     Which   proceedeth  fometimes  from  the  defed  or  inordinate 
force  of  the  plartical  or  forming  virtue  ,   fometimes  from  the  excefs  or  defed  of  the 
matter  ,  fotnetimes  from  the  tault.of  the  womb,  wherein  the  conception  is  perfed- 
ed ,  fometimes  from  other  Lefler  reafons ,  and  therefore  that  the  univerfal  caufes,  as 
God  and  the  Sun  ,  are  not  to  be  blamed  for  Monftrous  births ,  but  that  particular 
caufe  from  which  the  excefs  or  dcfed ,  or  diftortion  did  proceed.     What  was  here- 
in to  derogate  from  the  God  of  nature  ,  who  permittctli  and  difpofeth  of  fuch  ir- 
regularities in  nature,  as  he  doth  of  fins  in  morality,  but  with  this  difference.  That 
moral  aberrations  are  culpable  and  punifliabk ,  but  aberrations  in  nature  are  only 
deformities  ,  not  fins.     When  Philofophers  do  fay  that  nature  intendeth  any  end  , 
they  do  not  mean  that  nature  doth  deliberate  or  refolve  this  or  that ,  but  that  nature 
doth  ad  for  an  end  ,  which  no  man  can  deny  with  any  credit.     The  Spider  makes 
her  webstocatch  flies,  there  is  natures  end.     The  Ant  gathers  provifion  in  Sum- 
mer ,  for  winter  fu(knancc.     The  Bee  makes  Cells  for  a  dcpofitory  for  honey,  and 
receptacles  for  young  Bees.     The  Vine  brings  forth  Leaves ,  flowers  ,  and  grapes , 
one  in  order  to  the  prod udion  or  preservation  of  another  i  And  Laftly  followeth 
the  wine  which  is  the  end  of  a'll  the  reft ,  which  being  the  Lafl: ,  wasthefirft  or  prin- 
cipal end  of  nature.     It  is  not  the  part  of  a  real  Schollar  to  except   againft  evident 
truth  ,  upon  Grammatical  fcruples. 

In  the  Lad:  Animadverfionof  this  Sedion,  nothing  is  contained  that  is  either  new 
or  requireth  an  anfwer. 
Cafligatiom       I  cited  Lipfiuf,  only  to  fhewthat  the  diftlndion  ofdefliny  into  Chriftian  and  Sto- 
of  the    Jui-ical  deftiny  was  not  mine.     And  though  Lifjiw^  incurred  fome  diflike  by  reafon  of 
madverfwns  fomeinufitate  exprelhons  ,  yet  there  is  no  caufe  why  T.  H.  ffiould  pleafe  himfelf  fo 
Num.  18.     much,  as  to  think  that  Lipfim  was  of  his  opinion.     He  was  no  fuch  friend  ofany  fort 
ofdefliny,  as  to  abandon  the  Liberty  of  the  will.     The  Stoicks  themfel  ves  came  fliort 
ofT.  H.  his  univerfal  necellity.    Yet  Ido  notblame  him  ifhc  defire  to  have  one  part- 
ner in  fuch  a  defperate  caufe  as  this  is.  That 


, 


D  [s  CO  u Rs  E  1 1 .  Mr.  Hob*s  Anpnad'verftQnf.  807 

That  which  concerncth  him  in  the  fecond  diltin<Sion,  is  this-,  That  tliough  h 


e  ac- 


knowledge  a  niock-Iiberty,  that  is,  a  will  or  an  appetite  of  the  objed,  yet  he  main- 
taineth  that  this  appetite  is  neither  moved,  nor  excited,  nor  detcrmmed  to  ics 
ad  ora  ppetibility  ot  this  or  that,  lelTe  or  more,  by  the  free  Agent,  but  altoge- 
ther bycxtrinfecal  cau(es.  And  fo  the  pretended  free  Agent  is  no  more  free,  than^  a 
bird  which  a  man  holdeth  faft  in  his  hind  is  free  to  flie  whitherfoevcr  fhe 
will 

I  faid  ,  Thofe  things  Which  God  wills  without  himfelf  he  wils  freely   and  not 
neceflarily,  which  he  cenfureth  in  this  miner.  Hefayes  rajhly  and  unmtly  -.Kajhly, 
hecjufe  there  U  notbiug    rpithoiit  God,   rvho  U  infinite ,  in  vchom  are  all  things ,  and  m 
whom  voe  live  ,move  ^and  have  our    heit'g.  And  untruly  ^becaufe  ipbatfoever  Godfor- 
lijjevp  from  eternity ,  he  vpilUdjmm  eternity,  and  therefore  neceQarily.  What  (hould  I  doe  ? 
fhould  I  fall  down  and  thank  this  great  MoguUC  as  the  iEthiopian    flaves  do  their  ^'?^f '^ '^^''^ '"J 
Emperour  when  they  are    lalTicd  )  for   thinking   on  me?  Although  I  know  his  what   csfr^ 
Thrafonical  humour  very  well  ,  that  his  animal  fpirits  are  meer  bubbles  of  vain- ifum. 
glory  i  and  that  he  knowech  right  v/ell  that  he  cannot  reign  fecurely  '  whilcft  there 
is  one  of  a  dilTerent  opinion  furviving  i  ^et  I  am  prefwaded  that  if  he  had  been  (b 
well  read  ,  or  fo  mnch  vcrfed  in  the  writings  ofother  men,  as  to  know  hovv  many 
he  wounded  rafl}ly  and  untruly,  in  this  rjjh  and  untrue  cenjure  he  Would  have  forborn 
it  for  his  own  fake.  Hath  he  never  heard   of  a  common  rule  in  Theology  ,  that 
Opera  Trinitat'n   ad  extra  funt  indivifa ,  T/'f  tvorkj  or  ads  of  the  Trinity  rcitbout  it  (elf 
are  widivided  ?  Or  hath  he  never  heard  of  that  common  diftindion  between  a  necef- 
Jiry  being  and  a  necejjary  aCting  ?  The  mofi  perfeft  manner  of  being  is  necefTarv    and 
therefore  God  is  a  necelTary  bemg,&:  that  which  he  willeth  within  himfelf  he  willeth 
necelTarily,  becaufe  vohatfoever  U  in  God  is  Go^.But  themoft  perfed  mannerof  ading 
without  the  Deity  is  freely  ,  and  therefore  the  Schooles  do  agree ,  that  God  is  a 
free  Agent  without  himfelf. 

Thefe  free  ads  are  principally  two.  The  firftis  the  Creation,  whereby  things  created 
dopaffe  froma  not  being  to  a  being.  The  fecond  is  Government,  by  which  all  things 
created  are  moved  and  ordered  to  their  ends.  All  men  acknowledge  that  the  Deity 
fillcth  all  places  by  its  Eflencc, by  its  Prefence,by  its  Power, being  within  all  places 
and  things  but  not  included  ,  and  without  all  places  and  things  ,  but  not 
excluded.  They  acknowledge  that  all  things  which  have  a  reall  beinc^  do  de- 
pend upon  God  for  their  being, for  their  making,  for  their  confcrvation.  And  there- 
fore when  we  fpeakofany  thing  that  is  without  the  Deity,  wc  do  not  intend  that 
any  thing  is  without  the  ElTence.or  the  Prefence,or  the  power  or  the  circumference 
ofitiGodisa  Circle  ,whofe  Center  isevery  where,  the  Circumference  no  where.  But 
by  the  works  of  God  without  himfelf,  we  underftand  the  Creation , and  the  go- 
vernment ofthe  World  ,  which  arc  not  terminated  in  the  Deity  it  felf,  but  in  the 
creatures  ,  which  are  from  God  as  their  efficient ,  and  for  God  as  their  end  ,  and 
in  God  or  thorough  God  in    refped  of  their    necelTary  and  perpetual  dependancc      '  • 

upon  him,  who  is  the  Original   EflTencc  of  all  things,  J  am  bathfent  me  unto  you: 
yet  they  are  not   of  God  as  particles  of  the  Divine  EfTence,  nor  in  God  in  that  ^    j 
fenfe  wherein  we  ufe  to  fay ,  JVhatfover  U  in  God  is  Cod.  And  fb  they  are  his  works  ad    ^°  "^^ '  •*- 
extra  ,  without  the  Deity. 

To  make  good  the  (econd  par  of  his  cenfure  that  it  was  untruly  faid ,  he  produceth 
nothing  but  his  old  thredbarc  argument  taken  from  the  prefcience  of  God  ,  which 
hafh  been  anfwered  over  and  over.  Neither  the  prefcience  of  God,  nor  the  will  of 
God  upon  prefcience,  do  imply  any  more  than  a  meer  hypothetical  neceffity,  which 
will  do  his  caufeno  good. 

In  the  conclufion  of  tliis  Sedion  he    confefleth  ,  That  God  doth  not  all  things  that  To  will  and^lo 
becandoJfhen>ill,h\.\tlK  faith,  God  cannot  will  that  tvhich  he  hath  not  rvilled  from '^"^^^^  }^^ 
eierK«3i  ,underftanding  by  eternity,  au  everlatUng  fuccellion  v  whereas    in  eternity   •"f^^jhing.He 
nothing  is  patt  or  to  come.  I  have  (hewed  often  in  thefe  Caftigations,  the  falfity  ,  he  could  ^wiU. 
ufcleffenelTe ,  and  contradidion  ,  of  this  abfurd  filly  fenfelefTcdirtindion ,  in  refpedi 
of  men.  But  being  here  applied  by  him  to  God  ,  nothing  can   be  imagined  more 
.abfurd  i  for  to  will  efficawioiily  ,  and  to  do  ,  in  God  are  the   lame  thing.  What  he 
doth,  he  doth  by  his  will.  To  imaginethat  many  things  are  free  to  God  to  do,  which 

C  c  c  c  c  are 


8o8  Ca(ligauons  of  TOM  E  I  I  1< 


arc  not  tree  to  him  to  will ,    flieweth  that  his  meditations  upon  this  Subject  were 
either  none  at  all,  or  worth  nothing.  ,  ,^    ,      , 

But  it  Hull  fufficcfor  the  prtfentjto  Akw  how  abfurd  &  how  unappliablc  this  cxpo- 
fition  ii;  to  tiic  two  places  by  me  produced.  John  Baptift  told  the  Jetvs.  that  they  might 
notrtattcr  thcmfelves  with  this,that  they  were  the  polierity  of  Abrabam^thoit  though  all 
they  (hould  prove  impenitent  and  unbelievers  i  .yet  God    was  able  to  raife  up  chil- 
dren to  Abraham  oflloncs.  If  tt  were  impollible  for  God  to  will  the  doing  of  any 
Luk  3.  8.        ^-j^i^  thin<».   How  was  this  truly  faid  <*  And  howcould  this  afford  any  fupply  to  the 
feed  of  ^Itj/uw  ,  in  cafchis  carnal    pofterity  ifiould  continue   obftinate>   In  the  o- 
ther  place  S.  Teter  drawing  his  fword  in    defence  of  his  Malkr,  Chrifi  ,  reprehended 
him^and   toldhim   that  he  could  have  a  better  guard  to  fecure  him  t'rom   all  the 
attempts  of  the  Jeres  ,if  it  pleafed  him    not  to  lay  down  his  Life  freely.  Jhinl{eji  thou 
that   J  cannot  now  pray  to   my  Father  ,  and  hejhallgive  me  prefently  more  thantrvelvc 
■legions  tf  Angels  ?  He    faith  not,  I  can  if  I  would,  but   pofl'itively  ,  I  can.   Neither 
fpeaketh  he  of  remore  pollibilities ,  but  he  fliall  give  meprefently.  Chrift  would  fhew 
by  thefc  words,  that  if  it  had  not  been  his  own  will  freely  to  fuffer  for  the  Redemption 
of  mankind,  he  could  have  prayed  to  his  Father,  and  he  would  have  fent  him  a  guard 
of  more  than  twelve. Legions  of  Angels ,  and  ih^t  prefently  ,  without  delay.    If  it  was 
im,poifible  for  God  to  will  any  fuch    thing  ,then  our  Saviours  plea  to  S.  Feter  was 
but  a  vain  pretence  ,  and  had  no  thing  of  reality  in  it.  if  T.  H  regarded  the  honour 
and  veracity  of  Chrirt  ,  he   would   not    impofc  fuch    a  ]ugling  delufory  fcnfe  upon 
his  clearc  affcrtion:  As  if  our  Saviour  (hould  have  faid,  Pt-fer  ,  I  ;have  r.o  need  of 
thy  endeavours  to  defend  me ,  for  I  could  pray  to  my  Father  ,  and  he  Would  im- 
mediately fend  me  a  Guard  of  twelve  Legions    of  Angels.  But  to  fay  thctruth  , 
he  is  not  willing  to  do  it ,  and  to  fay  the  whole  truth  ,it  is  not  poflible  for  him  to  be 
willing. 
Caftigations        HeprofefTeth  that   he  fHver  faid  the  re  ill  if    compelled,  but  doth  agree  rvith  the  reft 
of  the    Ani-  cf  tJjg  ifnrld  that  it  U  not  compelled.  But  to  let  us  fee  that  he  underftandeth  not  what 
t"adverfwns ,  i\^Qy\/Qj\^mczneihin  faying,  the  will  isnot  compelled,  twice    or  thrice  in  the 
Num.  1 9       fame  page  he  maketh  it  to  be  compelled.     Many  things  (  faith  he  )  may  compel  a  man 
to  do  an  adim  in  producing   tfcf  iri//.  Ifa  man    can  be  compelled  to   will,    then  the 
,T- ff;^'^^^^     will  can  be  compelled.  This    appeareth  yet     more    plainly  a    little  after  ,  where  he 
compelled.    ^  maketh  the  caf\ing  of oneS  goods    into  the  fea  in  a  l^orm  ,  tobe  a  voluntary  free 
eltdtive  aft  :  And  yet  he  confefTeth  that    ttrrour  was  a  necejfary  cauje  of  the  eleBion. 
To  which   if  weadde  what  he  faith   in  his  anfwer  ,    A  man  is  then  onely  faid  to  be 
compelled,  rrhen  fear   maketh   him  willingto    if,  it  appeareth  that  (  according  to  his 
grounds  j  it  is  a  compulfory  action  alfo.If  voluntary  adtion5,may  becompulfory  ani- 
ons, then  (he  will  may  be  compelled.  To  help  to  beare  off  this  blow,  he  dilHnguifheth 
between     the  compulfwHpfthetviVandcompitlfwnoftheTohfntaryAgent^  denying  the 
formcr,but  acknowledging  the  Izttci.'tbat  is^not  aCompulfioii  of  the  tvill^  but  of  the  man. 
The  very  fame  he  hath  again  in  thefe  woids,7he  necejjitation  of  the  will  U  the  jame  thing 
with  the  comptilfion  of  the  man.\i  t\\\shz  wot  'p\d\x\]zx^on  ,zn6.  Bohu  C  as  hephrafeth 
it,  )  let  him  tell  me  what  is  the   compulfionof  a  man  to  will ,  but  the  compulfion 
of  his  will.  Whether  by  the  willhe  underftand    the  foul  as  it  willeth  ,  or  the  facul- 
ty of  the  will ,  or  the  adt  of   willing  i  every  way,  he  that  compelleth  a  man  to 
will  .  compelleth  his  will.  Let  him  call  it  what  he pleafe  ,  either  to  compel  a  man 
to  will  or  to  compel  the  will  i  by    his  leave  ,  it  is  a    groffe    contradidtion  ■,  forte 
compel  implyeth  reluftance  and  oppofition.  and  to  will,  implieth  inclination  and 
appctition .  To  necefiitate  the  will  fas  he  doth  )  is  to  compel  the  will,  fo  far  as  the 
will  in  the  tlicite   adts    of  it  is  capable  of  compulfion. 
That  is  properly  faid  to  be  compelled  ,»'/'z<:fc /'iJt/;  itj  beginning  from  an  extrinfcal 
Aritt   £'*•       caufe  ,  that  which  fuffereth  contributingnothing  to  it  ^hnt  rtftjiing  as  much  Of  he  can  But, 
l?-f-'i.  he  hath  devifed  anew  improper  kind  of  compulOon  ,  which  is  aaCedonelybyfcar, 

which  is  not    properly  a  compulfion  ,  and    fuch  as  it  is,  common      to  many  other 
f5»m.  28  aj.  caufcs  with  fear  :  AstoperfuafionI  j  So  SauhCcrvznts  compelled  him  to  eate.  Tocom-    ' 
Eft.  1.  8.         mand,     ^othedrinkjng  was  according  to  Law,  tione'did  compell.  To  occafion  ,  So 
S.Paul  faith,  1  am  become  a  foole  in  glorying  ye  have  compelled  me. 

I  pafs  by  his  uncouth  term  of  err  j/zt'«o/t^e  fTi//,  in  every  finglc  atft  of  Willing.    ' 

And 


2Ccr.  13,  111 


Discourse  I  I  Mr.  HobsV    Animadversions-  809 

And  his  extravagant  excepcion,  if  the  jame  individual  man  vohodidchoofe  to  thruwhit 
^uods  overboard  ,  m'vyjn  clmfe  not  to  throw  his  goods  overboard  ,  then  he  might  choofe  to 
throw  overboard ,  and  not  throw  overboard.  As  if  the  Liberty  to  throw  or  not  to 
chrow  ,  and  the  Liberty  to  throw  and  not  to  throw  i  that  is  ,  the  Liberty  to  do  ei- 
ther part  of  the  concradidion  ,  or  to  do  both  parts  of  the  contradiction  were  the 
lime  Liberty.  And  Secondly,  as  if  a  mjn  who  hath  adaally  chofen ,  were  as  free 
to  choofe  now ,  as  he  was  at  the  fame  time  when  he  did  choofe.  I  fee  if  he  cannot 
rind  a  knot  in  a  BulrulTi ,  he  will  do  his  endeavour  to  make  it.  If  a  man  f  faithhe) 
byforcefeizeon  another  mans  limbs  (  as  fuppofe  his  hand  )  and  move  them  as  himfelf^not 
as  the  other  manfkafeth  ,  the  adisnfo  done  is  not  the  aiiion  of  him  that  fujfereth  ,  hut  of 
him  that  ujeth  the  force:  But  if  lie  that  ufeth  the  force  (hall  give  a  third  perfon  a  box 
on  the  ear  with  that  hand  which  heforceth  ,  then  it  is  the  avftion  of  both  i  bat  with 
this  ditference  ,  that  it  is  the  voluntary  adion  of  the  one,  and  the  forced  or  com- 
pelled adion  of  the  other.  But  fuppoiing  the  rirrt  man  had  the  Will  of  the  Se- 
cond ,  as  much  in  his  power  as  his  hand,  (as  God  Almighty  hath  )  and  thouldne- 
celiitate  him  to  beat  the  third  perfon  Willingly  •,  certainly  the  Second  perfon  being 
fo  neceliitated,  could  be  no  more  blamed  for  Willing  in  fuch  a  cafe,  than  for  ftrik- 
ing  unwillingly. 

That  motions  proceeding  from  Antipathies  are  prima  primi,  fuch  as  furprifc  a  man 
and  prevent  not  onely  all  adual  deliberation,  but  all  advertence  of  reafon  ,  there  is  moiui  prima 
no  doubt.  But  he  who  knoweth  no  other  motus  prtnio  primos  but  onely  Antipathies  ?''""'  V^^ 
is  Like  to  prove  fomc  fuch  rare  Divine  or  Philofopher,  as  Megabyfes  (hewed  him-  ^°"P*^'^"5 
felf  a  Painter  by  his  ignorant  difcourfe.  fVhileji  thouwertfilent  ("faid  Apelles^  thott 
''femedii  to  be  fme  body  ^  but  now  there  is  not  the  meaneji  boy  that  grinds  ok^bnthe 
L.tHghs  at  thee.  The  difference  between  necelfity  upon  antecedent  fuppoiition  , 
ind  necellity  upon  a  confequent  fuppofition  hath  been  fufficiently  cleared  feveral 
;imes  in  thefe  Caiiigations  ,  and  in  my  defence  in  this  very  Sedioii  ,  to  which  I 
remit  the  Reader.  Whofoever  fhall  tell  us  that  he  who  hath  chofen  to  him(clf 
the  profeliion  of  a  Komijh  Prieit ,  is  (iill  no  more  ftccellitated  to  take  the  oath  of 
:£libate  ^  than  he  was  before  he  made  choice  of  that  offices  and  that  the  action  of 
nim  who  runs  away  upon  the  firli  view  of  a  Cat,  by  reafon  of  an  antipathy 
which  he  cannot  help  ,  before  all  advertence  of  reafon  ,  is  as  free  as  a  man  calling 
his  goods  into  the  Sea,  to  fave  his  own  Life  ,  after  a  fad  and  ferious  deliberation. 
And  that  Y  who  takes  Phyfick  out  of  Wantonefs  ,  was  as  much  neceliitated  to  itay 
within  doL.s  ,  as  he  who  Lay  bedrid  of  an  Hectick  Fever.  And  that  Balams  Blef- 
fing  of  Ifrael  againft  his  purpofe  and  defirc  i  And  Caiaphas  his  Prophefie  which  he 
fpake  not  of  himfelf ,  but  neceffarily  by  the  fpecial  determination  of  the  Holy 
Ghoft  ,  were  altogether  as  free  as  Jacobs  Blelling  of  his  Sons  upon  election  •,  I  fay 
he  who  fhall  tell  us  all  this  in  earnefl  upon  his  own  word  without  any  reafon 
or  authority  ,  had  need  to  meet  with  very  credulous  Difciples ,  Who  judge  of  Co- 
lours  Winking. 

It  is  true  ,  we  who  fee  but  through  a  glafs  darkly,  do  not  in  this  mortality  com-  ^   r    . 
prchcnd  exactly  the  nature  of  God  and  the  Holy  Angels,  partly  by  reafon  of  the  bol/ly     inco 
wcakncfs  of  our  underftanding:   the  water  can  afcend  no  higher  than  the   fountains  the  rarure  of 
head,  and  partly  for  want  of  revelations  not  to  know  what  God  hath  not  revealed,  is   God  is  a 
a  Learned  ignorance  »  And  therefore  he  who  fearcheth  prefumptuoufly  into  the  Ma-  """" 
j.'iry  of  God  ,  is  oppreffed  defervedly  by  his  Glory.     But  the  much  greater  offence  £„(   the  gre« 
doth  lie  on  the  other  fide  ,   that  men  do  not  indcavour  to  know   God  Co  much  as  tcr  fault  is ncg. 
they  ought,  and  might  by  the  Light  of  nature,  the  contemplation  of  the  Creatures  ,  ligen«. 
and   the    revelation  of  Gods  Holy  Word,  nor  to  fervehim  according  to  their  know- 
ledge-    How  Ihall  we  ferve  Godifwedonot  know  Godat  all!*  The  Lcafi  means  of 
the  knowledge  of  God  is  by  the  contemplation  of  the  creatures;  yet  even  that  doth 
render  men  without  excufe.     No  man  but  himfelf  would  have  objected  it  as  a  pre-     ^^^'  '*    '"^ 
famption  to  any  man  to  have  faid  ,  that  God  was  freer  to  do  good  than  mortal 
man ,    and  uncapable    of   doing  evil.     Yet  this  is  that    which  thofe    dreadful 
terms  implyed.     We  meafure  Liberty  by  the  degree  of  r  ationability,  and  the  power 
of  reafon  over  pasfioni  he  by  the  Largenefs  or  flraightnefs  of  thePrifon.     Ours  is  a 
Liberty  of  men,  his  isa  Liberty  of  Black-bird?.     If  I  weredifpofed  tocavil  at  words 

C  cc  cc  2  as 


1 


-^ Cafligations  of  T  O  M  E    1  fi* 


vxcrc.  I'.rf-a-  as  he  doth  ,  I  could  (hew  him  out  of Scaligcr ,  That  one  heat  is  not  moreintcnlivc 
than  another  any  more  than  one  liberty  is  more  intenfive  than  another.  Both 
phrafes  are  metaphorical,  Intention  is  properly  the  drawing  out  ot  the  two ex- 
trcams  the  one  farther  from  the  other ,  as  in  the  firing  of  a  bow  by  bending  it , 
and  in  a  coard  by  (Iretching  it  out.     But  I  forbear. 

He  had  faid  in  his  hrlt  anfwcre,fce  that  can  do  what  he  mil,  hath  all  liberty  pof- 
fible  arJ  he  that  cannot  has  none  at  all  ■ildinfwered  ,  that  he  who  can  do  what  he 
ly  "'  omn'ipo'  will',  hath  not  onely  a  Liberty  ,  but  omnipotence.  To  this  he  rcplyeth ,  that  it  U 
tcncein  (hew,  one  thing  to  fay  a  man  hath  Liberty  to  do  what  he  will ,  and  another  to  jay  that  a  man 
in  deed  no.  f^jthpower  to  do  what  he  will.  This  is  very  true  ,  but  it  helpeth  not  him  at  ^11.  He 
tiling.  (pake  diredtly  of  power  ,  he  that  can  do  what  he  will ,  and  ^e  that  cannot  do  what  he 

will.     Thus  I  argue  ,  either  a  man  can  do  what  he  will ,   cr  he  cannot  do  what  he 
Will,  if  he  can  do  whathe  Will ,  then  heis  not  onely  free  but  omnipotent  i  If  he 
cannot  do  what  he  will ,  then  he  hath  no  Liberty  at  all.     So  he  hath  made  men  to 
be  either  Almighty  Gods ,  or  fenfelefs  Logs  ,  both   wayes  he  erreth.     If  he  that 
can  do  what  he  will  be  not  omnipotent  (  in  good  Englifh  )  I  have  forgot  my  mo- 
thers tongue.     He  that  is  bound  hand  and  foot ,  may  wifli  that  he  were  Loofed  i 
and  he  that  is  fo  fick  that  he  cannot  ftand  ,  may  wi(h  that  he  were  in  health  ,  that 
they  might  both  be  able  to  Walk  •,  but  to  eledt  Walking  in  that  ftate  and  con- 
dition   wherein  they  are,  without  fuppofition  oftheloofing  of  the  one,  or  the 
recovery  of  the  other  ,  they  cannot  i  for  both    want  power,  and  election  is  of 
things  adtujilly  poiiible.     Tliere  is     onely  this  difference ,  that  in   probability  the 
bound  man  may  be  Loofed,  before  the  fick  man  recover  his  ftrength.  But  yet  it  may 
fo  fall  out,  that  the  fick  man  may  be  reftcred  to  his  health ,  before  the  other  be 
Loofed  from  his  bonds.     Therefore  he  faith  amifs  ,  that  the  fick  man  wanteth  pow- 
er, not  Liberty  •■,  and  the  bound  man  Liberty  ,  not  power.     If  he  underffood  the 
di  fference  between  the  elicite  and  imperate  Ads  of  the  Will ,  he  would  be  able  to. 
judge  of  fuch  cafes  better  than  he  is.     I  have  onely  one  more  Advertifement  to  the 
Reader  ,  thatafter  all  this  glorious  oflentation  ,  he  that  can  do  what  he  will ,  hath  all 
Liberty  po0jle ,  he  Leaveth  man  as  poor  and  bare  and  helplefs  as  a  grafliopper  in 
Winter,  without  any  Liberty  to  Will ,  and  confequently  without  any  Liberty  to 
do. 
He  dares   not      He  nameth  two  Schoolmen  ,    I  think  by  the  matching  of  them  ,  they  be  a  great 
refer  himfelf     part  of  his  fiore,  Suares  and  Johannes  a.    T>nnf.     So  he  is  pleafed  to  call  that  ho- 
tohis  owD       poyj  of  our  Nation  ,  aud  one  of  the  fubtileft  Writers ,   that  thefe  Lalf  ages  have 
^*""       ■  afforded:  and  Four  latter  Divines  ,  Luther,  Melandhon^  Calvine ,  Terkins ,  whom 

he  always  much  admired.  If  he  did  fo  ,  they  are  the  more  beholding  to  him  ,  for  a 
man  may  fee  by  his  Trcatifcs ,  that  unlefs  he  meditated  of  them  fometimes,  he 
hath  not  been  much  acquainted  with  them.  He  dares  not  refer  his  two  forts  of  De- 
vils ,  or  his  Temporary  pains  of  Hell ,  or  his  Lawlefs  ffate  of  Mankind  by  nature, 
or  hisnecellity  of  active  obedience  to  all  human  Laws ,  or  his  inefficacy  of  Prayer, 
or  his  Infallible  rule  of  moral  goodnefs ,  or  his  univerfal  necesfity  of  all  events,  by 
the  Phyfical  determination  of  the  Second  caufes  i  or  any  one  of  his  hundreds  of  Pa- 
"   radoxes ,  to  their  determination. 

Room  fv)r  a  great  Cenfor,  not  an  old  Roman  Cenfor,but  a  new  Englijh  Cenfor  who 
Tcrirs  of  Art.  cometh  armed  with  his  own  authority ,  to  reform  not  onely  Authors ,  but  the 
Arts  and  Sciences  themfelves  ,  after  he  hath  been  dreaming  ,  I  fhould  have  faid 
Meditating  ,  fome  years  upon  the  top  of  Tamaffm,  and  now  cometh  forth  fuddain- 
ly  Grammaticuf  ,  Khetor,  Geomeires,  Fidor ,  AUptes.  To  flay  there  were  to  do 
him  wrong-,  a  Pentameter  added  will  not  contain  half  his  exploits:  a  Poet,  a 
Logician,  a  Philofopher  Natural  and  Moral,  an  Aftronomer,  a  Mathematician, 
a  Theologian.  To  what  purpofe  did  our  univerfitics  nourifh  fo  many  Little  Pro- 
feffors  •*  one  great  Profeffor  is  bcff ,  as  the  Cat  in  the  Fable  faid  of  one  great  way. 
But  forget  not  EpiUetus  his  rule.  Remember  to  dijlrufi.  We  have  feen  a  Mountebank 
a  Quackfalver  ,  or  Opcratour  ,•  or  Charlatan,  call  him  what  you  will  vapour  up- 
on a  fiage ,  and  Height  the  good  old  Phyfitians  for  poring  upon  Galen  and  Hippo- 
crates, to  Learn  a  company  of  fenfelefs  Aphorifms ,  whileft  they  by  their  own  me- 
ditation and  experience  ,  had  found  out  remedies  moreeafic,  more  effectual,  more 

uni- 


Discourse.  I  I.  Mr.   HobsV  Animad'verfiofTr.  ^ii 

univerfal.  We  blame  the  Court  of  Rome  for  x\\e\v  Index  exfurgatoriiu  Itisaflircwd 
ligne  when  litigants  are  forced  to  cut  out  the  tongues  ot  their  own  witneflTcs  i 
yet  they  purged  out  but  words,  or  fometimes  a  ftntence  i  rarely  prohibited  one  of 
their  own  Authours.  Here  words  and  fentences  and -whole  Authours  ,  and  Arts, 
go  to  wrack  together, much  like  die  Mahumetan  reformation  ,whcn  they  facririced 
the  moft  part  of  their  Interpreters  of  the  Alchoran  to  the  fire  without  ever  reading 
them:  yet  what  they  did  ,they  did  by  publick  authority  ,  &  {pared  feme  as  Genuine 
Expolitors.  But  what  this  our  new  Cenfor  doth ,  he  doth  upon  his  own  head,  and 
like  death  fparing  nonei  iodid  not  they. 

Down  goes  all  Alirology  and  Metaphyficks.  The  Moral  philofopher  muft  quit 
his  means  and  extrcams  in  order  to  virtue  ,  his  liberty  of  contradidlion  and  con- 
contrariety  ,  his  necellity  abfolute  &  hypothetical  ,  his  proportion  Arithmetical 
and  Geometrical,  (  I  hope  the  Geometrician  may  have  leave  to  hold  it  fiill  Jliis 
frincipia  congenita  and  acquifita  ,  his  'ikkw*  and  ref  >!*'"'  and  moft  of  his  teritis 
of  Art ,  becaufe  Mr.Hobbs  hath  not  read  them.  It  is  well  if  Moral  Philofophy  efcape 
his  cenfure.  For  if  the  law  ofthe  land  be  the  Onely  infallible  rule  of  right  reafon  , 
then  the  knowledge  ofadlions  ,  morally  good  and  morally  bad,  belongeth  proper- 
ly to  tlie  common  lawyer.  The  Moral  Phlofopher  may  put  up  his  pipes.  The  fame 
Arbitrary  power  he  aflumeth  to  himfelfe  in  natural  Philofophy  ,  rejefting  all  the 
common  termes  ufed  by  Philofophers,  tttphonix gratia^  becaufe  they  found  not  well 
in  his  cares  ,  for  other  reafon  he  hath  none.  Let  the  natural  Fhilofopher  no  more 
mention  his  intentionall  fpecies ,  hU  underiiandtng  Agent  and  Patient^  his  receptive  and  re- 
duCiivc  potper  nf  the  matter  ^  his  qualities  Symbolicall  and  dijjymbolical  his  temperament 
ad  pondus  and  adjuftitiam  ,  &c.  I  icould  have  him  fling  a  rvay  his  Sympathies  and  An- 
tipathies .,  his  Antiperijiafis  and  the  lii^.V^htthev  {x.  v/s.s  Aftronomy  or  Aflrologyiii 
my  original ,  I  do  not  know,  nor  have  meanes  to  fee,  both  may  fignifie  the 
famething,  I  am  (iirc  ,  I  neither  faid  nor  meant  Judiciary  or  Genethliacal  Aero- 
logy ,  as  my  inftancesdo  evidence.  The  truth  is,  there  are  fo  many  miftakes  in  that 
impredion,  that  fometimes  1  fcarcely  know  my  felf  what  to  make  of 
them. 

But  be  is  more  propitiousto  theAftronomer.  His  Apogeum  and  Perigeum, 
Artick ,  Antarftick  ,  Aequator ,  Zodiic,  Zenith  ,  Horizon,  Zones  ,  are  not  fo  much 
as  terms  of  art  ,  but  areas  intelligible  <«x  an  hatchet  or  a  fare.  What  imaginary 
circles  ,  and  Lines  ,  and  poles  ,  and  points  ,  and  an  imaginary  Axeltree  ,  and 
Ramm  ,  and  Bull,  and  bears,  and  Dragon,  and  yet  no  terms  of  art?  What  are 
they  then  ,  Let  him  put  it  to  a  Jury  of  Malmsburians  themfelves  ,  whether  they 
underftand  thefe  fo  well  as  an  hatchet  or  a  faw  ,  and  he  is  gone. 

The  like  favour  he  (hews  to  Logicians,  Their  words  of  the  firft  and  fecond 
intention  their  Abftrads  and  Concretes  ,  Their  Subjefts  and  Predicates ,  Their 
Modes  and  Figures  ,  Their  Method  Synthetick  and  Analytick  ,  Their  Fallacies  of 
Compofition  and  Divifion ,  are  no  terms  of  Art ,  but  plain  intelligible  words.  He 
that  can  fay  this  without  blufliing  ,  may  difpute  with  any  man.  Porphyry  makes 
the  five  predicables  to  be  ^ve  terms  of  Art  .  Arc  not  the  predicaments  and  polt- 
predicaments  and  demonftrations  apriore  znd  a  pojieriore  termes  of  Art  ?  who 
made  a  Mode  and  a  Figure  to  fignifie  what  they  do  but  Artids  >  Let  all  the  World 
hear  them  ,  or  read  them  ,  who  have  not  learned  Logick  ,  and  they  (hall  undcr- 
ftandnomore  of  them  ,  than  cfhis  Jargon.  Why  is  not  an  Antecedent  and  Hypo- 
thetical neceliity  as  intelligible  as  a  Categorical  and  Hypothetical  Syllogifme.  An 
Individuum  vagutH,  if  it  were  nota  term  of  Art,  fliould  fignifie  rather  anatome  ,or  a 
Rogue  ,  than  an  honeft  perfon.  Though  he  be  fo  favourable  to  Logick  here ,  he 
is  as  little  beholden  to  it,  as  to  the  other  Arts  ,  v;ho  knows  no  better  what  are 
termes  of  Art.  One  of  the  firlT:  diftinftions  which  we  meet  withal  in  Logick,  is 
between  the  firft  and  fecond  notions.  The  jecond  >?otw>«x ,  fuch  as  all  thefe  are  ,  cal- 
led expreflely  termes  of  Art  .,  ox  L"gicaU  Nations  .,  ot  L'^gicall  Organs  ,  wlvch  they 
define  to  be  imager  or  reprefematians,tvhereby  the  utider\}anding  doth  firm  to  it  felf  real 
notions  &  they  compare  them  to  hrafen  rveights^oino  value  in  themfelves,  whereby  ne- 
verthelelTe ,  all  forts  of  gold  are  weighed.  There  can  be  nothing  more  certainand 
evident  than  this ,  That  all  thefc  Logical  and  Aftronomical  termes ,  be  fecond 
Tiotions,  and  termes  of  Art.  Nay 


8 1 1  Caftigatofis  of TOME    III. 

Niy,  fo  extreamiy^^ndTiid  partial  he  is,  that  he  approvcth  of  Barbara  ^Celarent, 
Vani  Ferio  which  he  maketh  terms  of  Art  as  a  ffnod  invention  to  help  the  appre- 
henfion  of  young  men  :  and  yet  with  the  fame  breath  ,  rejcdteth  thefe  mo(t  excellent 
and  moil  ligniricant  diliindions  and  exprelfions ,  which  have  been  received  in  a 
manner  uiiiverfaily,  fome  of  them  for  two  Thoufand  years,  all  of  them  for  di- 
vcrfe  Centuries  of  years  ,  in  the  Church  ,  and  in  the  Schools  ,  as  well  of  Theolo- 
gy ,  as  Philofophy  ,  which  were  invented  for  remedies  againft  confufion,  and  helps 
to  the  clearer ,  and  more  diftindt  underftanding  of  high  and  difficult  notions  ,  up- 
on this  falfe  and  flanderous  pretext ,  that  they  were  invented  to  blind  the  under- 
ftanding  ,  bccaufe  he  prefumed  to  condemn  them  ,  before  he  took  pains  to  nndet- 
(tand  them. 

He  addeth  ,  thdit  I  cite  no  terms  of  Art  fur  Geometry,  faying,  he  was  afraid  1  roould 
have  put  in  Lines  .  or  perhaps  equality  ,  and  une quality  ^  fur  terms  of  Art.  To  free 
him  from  this  fear  ,  I  put  in  their  numbers  numbring  and  numbred,  their  fuperficies^ 
concave,  diX\6.  convex,  their  Triangles ,  Amblygone  ,  and  Oxygone  ^  their  Cow  J ,  Cubes  ^ 
Cylnders^  their  paralleHs  ^  and  para  lie  logiammes  ,  their  proportions^  fuperpartient , 
and  fuperhipartient.  Sec.  their  rules  oj  Algebra  Sind  Helcataim  ,  their  integers ,  and 
Numerators,  and  Vivijors ,  aud  Denominators  ,  and  fabrical  Figures  ,  the'iv  proportio- 
nality Arithmetical  ;ii\d  Geometrical ,  continual  and  difcontinual  ,  dire£i ,  converfed,  at' 
ternative  ,  inverfed^  compounded  ,  parted.  Geometry  hath  its  words  of  Art  and  pro- 
per exprellions,  as  well  as  all  other  Arts  and  Sciences.  So  hath  Phyfick,  Chyrurgery, 
Law.     So  haveSouldlers ,  Mariners,  Hawkers, Hunters. 

But  of  all  others  he  hath  the  Leall  favour  for  the  Divine  ,  rohom  he  mH  not  permit 
to  ufe  a  voord  in  Freaching  ,  but  Juch  as  bis  auditors  ,  nor  in  writing  ,  hut  fuch  as  his 
common  Readers  may  underiland,  I  do  not  Like  it  any  more  than  he  i  that  a  Divine 
(hould  affcdl  uncouth  Words,  to  make  his  ignorant  auditors  to  gape,  J  had 
fCor.i4  ^9-rather  fpea\  five  Words  in  the  Church  with  underjianding^Scc.  than  ten  thoufand  in  an 
unkiiown  tongue.  But  doth  he  make  no  diftmdion  between  the  Church  and  the 
Schools  .?  Doth  he  think  that  Theology  ,  which  hath  the  Sublimeft  Subjeft,  doth 
not  require  as  high,  as  Learned,  and  as  diftindt  exprellions,  as  any  Art  or  Science 
whatfoever?  All  hearers  and  Readers  are  not  novices,  nor  of  the  Vulgar  or 
common  fort.  There  are  thofe  who  have  been  brought  up  at  the  feet  of  Gama- 
liel ,  and  have  been  admitted  into  the  inncrmoft  Clofet  of  the  School  Learning. 
The  Holy  Scripture  it  felf  though  it  affcft  plainnefs  ,  is  not  always  fuch  a  ftranger, 
either  to  Learning  or  el  gance.  The  only  anfwer  I  (hall  give  him  to  this,  is  ,  that 
he  is  beyond  his  Laft. 

In  the  Lall  part  of  this  Se<flion,  he  troubleth  himfelfmore  thanhe  necdeth  about 
a  teftimony  ,   which  I  cited  out  of  his  Book  de  Cive  ,  not  out  of  any  efteem  I  had 
for  it ,  for  I  condemned  it;  but  to  let  him  fee  his  contra dicff ion.     There  he  made 
the  Eccleiuftical  Doctors  to  be  Infallible ,  here   he  m:ikcth   them  to   be    fallible. 
Acontradifti-  There  he  made  their  Infallibility  to  be  a  peculiar  priv, ledge  dcnved  to  them  by  im- 
°°'  pofition  of  hands  from  the  Apoftles ,    whom  they  fucceeded  ,   and  from  the  pro- 

mife  of'Chrift  :  Here  he  attributeth  it  wholy  to  that  power  which  is  committed 
to  them  by  the  Civil  Magillrate.  And  what  if  the  Civil  Magiftrate  commit  no 
power  to  them  ?  then  by  his  Doctrine  ,  Chrift  breaketh  his  promife  ,  and  this  pri- 
J  jg_  viled>^e  ceafeth.  JnfalUhilttaiem  banc  prcmifit  Jervater  nvjier  in  iis  rebus  qu£  adfalutem 
fitnt  necejjari£  Apojlolis  ujque  ad  diem  ptdicii ,  hoc  eft  Apojiolis  &  Taftonbus  ab  Apojlo- 
lis  fitccejjive  per  mjnuum  impoftienem  conjecrandU.  Heanfwereth  ,  that  the  Infallibi- 
lity ot  Ecclefiaftical  Doctors  doth  not  confift  in  chis  ,  that  they  cannot  be  deceived  , 
but  that  a  Subject  cannot  be  deceived  in  obeying  them,  when  they  are 
Lawfully  conftituted  Doctors.  A  pretty  phancy  ,  if  the  blind  lead  the  blind, 
''  '*'  both  fall  into  the  ditch  ,  Doctour  and  Subject  together.  If  the  Doctours  be  deceived 
themlelves  they  muft  needs  deceive  the  Subjects ,  who  trull  to  their  interpretation. 
Secondly  ,  he  waveth  now  the  two  grounds  of  their  infallibility,  that  is  ,  the  pro- 
mife of  Chrift  ,andthe  priviledge  conferred  by  impofition  of  hands i  and  afcribeth 
all  their  infallibility  to  the  conllitution  of  the  civil  power  ,  which  may  render  their 
expofitions  Lega  I  ,  according  tothe  municipal  Laws  ,but  cannot  render  them  in- 
fallible.    Thirdly,  If  Ecclefiaftical  Doctours  Lawfully  conftituted  ,  be  fo  far  infallible 

that* 


DiscouK'-F.   II.       Mr.  Hob's  Animad'verfions^  81:^ 

that  they  cannot  deceive  the  fub)ed  ,  why  did  he  vary  lb  much  notoriouily  from 
their  cxpofitions  at  that  time.as  he  hath  done  in  his  book  i)f  C;ie,  when  they  had  both 
impclition  ot  hamls  ,  and  approbation  from  fupreme  authority  ?  Why  doth  he  now, 
wanting  both  thepromifc  ot  Chrilt ,  andimpofition,  of  hands  ,  take  upon  him  to  be 
thetryer  and  examiner  of  the  exposition  ,  not  onely  of  ilngle  Prophets,  but  of  whole 
convocations, 

IF  Mr.  Bobs  did  undcrlknd  what  true  elcdtion  and    true  compulfion  is    it  were  ^^J^'g^'^''^"^ 
evident  that  eledion  ot  one  out  of  more  than   one  ,  cannot  confift  with  antecedent  '^^'^''^    -^'"^ 
determination  to  one  ■-,  much  lelTe  with    compulfion  or  force  ,  where  he  that  is  com-  '"f'^^^fi'^^'^ 
pelled  oppofeth  and  refilkth  a-;  much  as  he  can.     That  the  fame  adt  fliouW  be  both  '^"fn-^^- 
voluntary,  that  is  with  our  will  ■,  and  compulfory  ,  that  is ,  againft  our  will  •,  not  in  E'eftlon  and 
part  but  in  whole  ,  is  impolhble.     But  as  the  Sepia  to  preferve  her  felf  undifcovered  compulfion 
doth  (bed  forth  about  her  a  quantity  of  black  inky  blood  ,  to  hide  her  felf  from  the  ir.confi(tcnt. 
rilher ',  So  T.  K.   for  fear  to  be  catched  in  palpable  errours  ,  doth  confound  and  blun- 
der all  things  ,  making  a  New   eledion  ,  a  new  compulfion  ,  a  new  liberty.  There 
is  not  a  word  of  moment  here  that  hath  not  been  difculTed  formerly  in  this  Treatife. 
And  I  do  not  elkem  his  raw  meditations  worthy  of  repetition  over  and  over.  What 
is  new  in  them  I  (hall  cull  out  from  the  reft. 

He  telleth  us  ,  that  when  a  Hone  is  thrown  upwards  ,  the  external  agent  giveth 
it  a  beginning  of  motion  :  So  tar  we  agree  ,  whatfoevcr  gives  it  the  continuance.  He 
faith  funher  ,Thzt  jvhen  the  Hone  fjllet\  it  U  moved  doxpnvcjrd  by  the  tower  ofjome 
other  Agent,  which  though  it  be  imperceptible  to  the  eye  ^  ii  not  imperceptible  tereafon. 
Herein  wc  ditfer  wherein  all  the  World  hitherto  have  agreed.  But  it  was  very  meet 
that  he  fhould  deny  the  ftone  the  determination  of  its  natural  motion  ,  who  had 
denyed  the  intelledual  foul  the  determinatioH  of  its  own  will.  Yet  fince  he  is  pleafed 
to  concealehis  new  Agent  ,  I  have  nodcfire  tofcrape  acquaintance  with  it  ,efpeci- 
ally  upon  fuch  termes  ,  to  rclinquifh  that  intrinfecal  principle  which  all  the  World 
hitherto  hath  received. 

So  palling  by  his  fpiritual  court    unfaluted ,  (  he  Loves  to  fhew    his  teeth , 
though  he  cannot  bite  )  and   leaving  counterfeiting  in  hope  of  quarter  ,  to  himfelf  as  a 
perfon  much  more  capable  of  that  dcfign  i  the  next  new  Subjedl   that  prcfenteth  it  "^^"^^^ 
felf  is ,  Whether  there  be  any  mixt  anions,  partly  voluntary,  partly  unvoluntary.  ""^'^"'°°'* 
He  denieth  it  pofitively,  upon  this  ground  ,  That  one  and  the  fame  adion  can  never  be 
both  voluntary  and  Hnvolttntary.  I  2ni'wei{iri\  to  his  argument.   That   voluntary  and 
unvoluntary  are  not  oppofcd  contradidlorily,  fo  as  to  admit  no  mean  ,  but  priva- 
tively  ,  which  do  admit  a  mean ,    as  the  dawning  of  the   day,   or  the   twilight, 
is  a  mean    between    light  and     darkneffe  ,   when   it  may    be  truly  faid  ,  it  is 
partly    light  and  partly   dark.    Melandhon    hath  an  excellent   rule  to  this  pur- 
pofe.    Privative  oppnfita   neqttetmt  effe  in  eodem  fubjeSo  gradibus  excelleniibm.     Pri- 
vative oppofites  cannot  be   in  the  fame  fubjeH   in  eminent  degrees  ,    but  in  remifle 
degrees   they  may.  As  to  avoid  importunity  ,  a  man   may  do  a  free  adl   with 
reludance-,  All  reludtancc  is  a  degree  of  unwillingneflc.  When  Nero  in  the  beginning 
of  his  Quinquennium  was  to  fign  the  condemnation  of  a  malefadtor,  he  uledto  wi(h 
that  he  had  never  learned  to -writei  to  (hew,  that  though  he  did  it  willingly  to  {3.tis- 
rie  Jurtice,  for  otherwife  he  might  have  pardoned  him,  yet  he  did  it  unwillingly  in 
his  own  nature.  And  with  this  Ariflotle  agreeth  fully.  7here  are  fame  aUions  which  are  c  u.  1 

neither  properly  vnltcntary  ^mr  unvohtntary  ^  but  of  a  middle  k^nd ,(  ov  m'lXcdiiAlOTis) 
as  things  dnne  for  fear  of  a  greater  evil ,  or  for  fame  honeji  caufes.  And  he  giveth  two 
inftances  .  This  is  one,  of  a  man  who  throws  his  goods  into  the  fca  ,  willingly  in 
refped  of  the  end  to  fave  his  life  ,  but  the  adion  being  limply  confidered  in  it  felf 
unwillingly.  The  other  inftance  of  one  commanded  to  do  fome  dilLoneft  ad  by 
aTyrant,  who  hath  his  parents  and  children  in  his  power.  And  fo  he  concludeth 
truly  That  they  are  mixt  adions ,  but  participate  more  of  the  voluntary  than  of  the 
unvoluntary. 

Whereas  I  urged  that  eledion  ofone  out  ofmore  could  not  confift  with  deter- 
mination to  one  ■,  he  anfwereth,  that  a  man  freed  to  prifon  may  chufe  whether  he  will 
walkjtpon  his  feet  or  be  haled  upon  thegrow.d.  Which  as  it  is  falfc  ,  as  I  have  die  wed 
in  my  former  defence  ,  fo  it  is    wholly  wide  from  his  purpofe.  There  is  no  doubt 

but 


i8 


Cajiigations  of TOME  III 


"-"     '        but  he  who  is  ncceltitated  in  onepartieukr  ,  may  be  left  tree  in  another  •,  as  he  who 
isappointcd  the  time  and  place  tor  a  Dud,  may  chufc  his   weapon.     But  in  that 
particular  wherein  he  is  neceilitated  he  can  not  chufe.  If  they  will  tic  him  to  an  horfe- 
taile    he  mull  be  tied  :  IF  they  will  fallen  him  to  a  fled  and  draw  him   to  prifon  ,  he 
mull  be  drawn.     There  cannot  pollibly  beany  eledion  where  there  is  ,andfo  far  as 
there  is  an  antecedent  determination  to  one. 
Rational  will.      He  dilliketh  the  tcrme  oi  rational  reiH  ^  faying  7'/;frf  is  mthing  rational  hut   Cnd 
Anaels   and  men.  I  hope  he  is  not  in  earned.  Surely  he  believeth  there  is  a  reafonable 
foule    or  othcrwife  hedeferts  his  Athanalian  creed -,  that  is  ,  The  foul  of  a  rational 
man  'as  a  will ,  is  the  will  ofa   rational  man.  Whether  he  make  the  will  to  be  a  fa- 
culty of  the  reafonable  foul,  or  to  be   the  reafonable  foul  as  it  willcth  ,  lam  indif- 
ferent.    As  the  appetite  ofa  fenfitive  cieatureis  called  the  fcniitivc  appetite  ■-,  So  the 
appetite  ofa  rational  or  intelledlual  creature ,  is  called  the   rational  or  intelledual 
will.    He  faith  he  would  not  have  excepted  againft  this    cxpreltion  ,  but  that  every 
rvhere  J  [peak,  ofthevoilland    other  faculties  as  of  men  ^  or  fpriis  in    mens  bellies.     I 
do  not  confine  the  reafonable  foul  to  the  belly:  but  it  is  a  fpirit  in  a  mans  body.     If  it 
be  not ,  let  him  fay  what  it  is.  The  will  is  either  a    faculty  of  the  reafonable  foule  , 
or  (  which  is  all  one  )  the  reafonable  foul  it  felf,as  it  difchargeth  the  duties  of  fuch 
a  faculty.  Sometimes  he  confefleth  as  much   himfelf.     Indeed  as  the  veill  is  a  faculty 
er  power  of  a  mans  foul,    fo  torviV  is  an  aU  of  it^     accordingto  that  power.  He  jellcth  at 
my  five  terrible  things  ,  faying  ,  I   had  no  more  reafonfor  five  than  fifteen.     It  {ecmcth 
that  when  he  fhould  have  been  reading  Authors  ,  he  was  meditating  upon  a  dry 
Summer.  Let  him  confult  vi'ithArijhtle  and  hisExpofitors.     That  which  determi- 
ned the  three  children  ,  was  no  antecedent  extrinfecal    caufe ,  but    confcience  and 
Eth.U  3.c.^,7.  (j^gjy  o^n  judgement  ,which  did:ated  to  them  their  duty  to  their  God. 

He  feemeth  to  be  troubled  at  fundry  paflages  in  my  former  defences  as  exempting 
Pafffvc  obedi- Subjedsfromadlive  obedience  to  unjuftLaws,  which  (he  faith  )  mak^s  it  imp'jftble 
ence.  for  any  nation  in  the  World  to  preferve   it  felf from  Civil  wars.     Whether   was  it  want 

^  of  memory  s  or  rather  fubtilty  in  him  ,  among  thefejlpaflragcs  to  omit  that ,  whether  it 

•4«  'P*       y^  right  in  the  fight  of  God  to  hearken  unto  you  more  than  unto  Cod  ,judge  ye.     It  is  hard 
thatwe  who  have  formerly  been  accufed  to  maintain  blind  obedience,  (liould  now 
be  charged  with  feditious  principles  ,  which  our    fouls  abhor.  But    we  fail  fccurely 
between  th\s  ScyVa  ,  and  that  Charybdis  ,  by  fleering    the  ancient  and    direcft  courfe 
of  pallive  obedience.  We  juflifie  no  defenfive  armes  againfi  a  Soveraign  Prince. We 
allow  no  Civil  wars  for  confcience  fake  .When  we  are  perfecuted  for  not  complying 
with  the  unlawful  commands  ofa  Lawful   Soveraign  ,  we  know  no  other  remedy 
but  to  futfer  or  to  flee  ,  according  to  that    memorable    example  of  the  Thebsan 
Legion,  conliflingwholy  of  Chriflians  of  unmatchable  valour ,  and  fuch  as  might 
in  probability  have  defended  themfelves   from  the    Emperours  fury.     Yet  when 
Maximian  commanded  them  to  facrifice  to  Idols  ,  they  refufed,fuffering  every  tenth 
man  ofthem  to  be  flain  without  a  blow    fmitten  ;  And  when  the  bloody  Emperour 
came  among  them  again  to    renew  his  command,  and  to  fee    them  decimated  the 
fecond  time  ,  they  cryed    out  with  one  voice ,  Co^«o/?f  0  Imperator  &c.    Know^O 
Emperour^  that  we  are  all  Chrifiians  ^wefuhmit  embodies  to  thy  power  ,     hutoutfiee  i 
Joulsflee  unto  our  Saviour,    iieither  ourkriown  courage  ,  not  defptration  it  felf  ^  hath  armed 
Uf  againfi  thee ^  becaufe    we  chufe  rather  to  die  innocents^  than  >to  live  nocents.  Ihou^alt 
find  our  hands  empty  of  weapons  ,  but  our  breaft    armed  with  the  Catholick^Faith  i  Andfo  \ 
havingpower  torefift  , yet  they  fuffred  themfelves  without  refiftance  to  be  cut  in  pieces.They  j 
are  7.  H.  his  own  principles  which  make  no  difference  between  juft  and  unjufl  power,  .1 
between  a  fword  given  by      God  and  a  fword  taken  by  man,  which  do  ferve  to  | 
C        If  on      involve  Nations  in  Civil  Wars.  i 

whTt  It  i$  He  fayeth  it  feemeth  that  Icall  compulfion  force ,  and  he  calleth  it  a  fear  of  force, ; 

1  called  is  as  all  the  World  called  it ,  and  as  it  hath  been  defined  in  the  Schoolesfor  i 
two  fhoufand  years.  Yet  I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  alwayes  neceffary  to  all  forts  i' 
of  compulfion,  that  the  force  be  actually  excrcifed  as  it  is  when  a  man  is  driven  : 
hither  and  thither  with  the  wind  ,(  there  is  no  fear  in  that  cafe  )yet  there  is  com-  J 
pulfion.  But  itfufliceth  fometimes  to  compulfion  ,  if  the  force  be  prefent ,  fuch  as  i 
cannot  be  refilled  and  ready  to  be  put  in  execution  if  there  be  need.  As  a  man  that 

will 


Discourse  1 1  Mr,         Hobs/    Animad'ver^iotis-  Sic 

will  not  appear  freely  upon  furhmons ,  is  forced  by  Purfevants  and  Serjeants  ,  al- 
though  they  do  not  carry  him  upon  their  backs ,  nor  drag  him  upon  the  ground. 
It  fiifticeth  that  thSy  be  Matters  and  able  to  compel  him  i  <r«i«>i.»  m»ijm  $'"'komku 
But  according  to  his  Heterodox  principles,  every  remote  fear  doth  make  compul- 
fion.  As  if  a  man  (hould  fay  that  a  Child  was  compelled  to  run  away  from  a  moufe, 
or  a  coward  was  compelled  to  wink  when  a  man  holds  up  his  hand  at  him  ,  or  a 
man  is  compelled  to  throw  his  goods  overboard  ,  which  he  himfclf  confeffeth  to 
be. freely  and  delibtratly  eleded. 

From  this  hrft  millake  of  what  compulfion  is ,  proceedeth  a  fecond ,  That  the 
atiions  of  men  compelled^  are  neverthekfs  voluntary:  And  a  third ,  That  com^ulfjoH 
dnh  not  jujiifie  the  party  compelled :  al!  which  are  meer  Logomachies  or  contentions 
about  words ,  which  he  is  fallen  into,  either  ignorantly  by  not  underftanding  v?hat 
compullion  is ,  or  cunningly  and  deliberately ,  to  have  a  pretext  of  excepting 
againft  former  authors  ;  although  it  be  but  like  the  Dogs  barking  at  theMoon-fhine 
in  the  Water.  Force  actually  exercifed  did  acquit  TaWi^r  and  the  httrothedVamofel 
from  all  guilt.  Bit  Herodt  fear  of  a  fucccfTor  did  not  excufe  the  murder  of  the  In- 
nocents i  Nor  the  fear  of  his  Mailers  fcverity ,  excufe  the  unprofitable  fervants 
hiding  of  his  Talent  in  a  Napkin.  But  I  leave  thefe  contentions  about  words  which 
fignificnot  fomuchas  thefhadow  of  an  Af?. 

He  hath  plunged  himfelf  here  into  two  real  errours.     The   one  is.  That  if  the 
fear  be  atlotoed  ,  the  aUion  rvhkh  itpnduceth  is  allorved  alfo.     Abrahams  fear  was  juft,  Fearofhurc 
Ihe  fear  of  God  is  not  in  this  place ,  they  triJl  murder  me  for  my  wives  jak^-     But  the  afti-  '^j'^'^j,""*,^''^"* 
on  which  it  produced,  that  is ,  the  denial  of  his  wife  ,  is  not  allowed.     Peters  feat  *'^^        *' 
was  allowed,  but  the  denial  of  his  mafter  was  not  allowable.     The  other  and  more 
dingerous  crrour  is  ,  That  fear  doth  abrogate  a  Lavr,  and  mah{  it  to  be  no  lam  in  feme 
cafes.     Take  the  Larger  expofition  of  this ,  out  of  his  Book  Ve  Cive.     No  man  Caf2.  d>i9. 
U  bound  by  anypaDs  or  crtntraiis  whatfotver^  not  to  refiji  him  who  goeth  about  tokjUhim, 
or  wound  him  ,  or  to  hurt  his  body.     Mortem  vet  vulnera  velaliud  damnum  corporis  in- 
ferenti  ,  nemo  paCfisfuit  quibftfcunque  obli^atur  non  refi^ere.     So  a  Scholar  may  re- 
fill his  Mafter  when  he  goeth  about  to  Whip -him  i  fo  a  Company  of  Traytors  or 
other  Capital  Malefactors  may  Lawfully  refift  the  Sovereign  Magiftrate.     This  is 
feditious  indeed  ,  and  openeth  a  Large  Window  to  Civil  War.     This  is  direftly 
contrary  to  what  he  faid  in  his  Book  DeCive.     Jnevery  perfeCi  Commonwealth  ^  the  q^^.^j,; 
right  of  the  f  rival  Sword  is  excluded ,  and  no  Suhje^  hath  right  to  ufe  his  power  to  the 
prefervation    of  himfelf  at  his  own  difcretion.    Judge,  Reader,    whether  we   or 
he  be  better  Subjecfts  s  he  who  holdeth  that  in  cafe  of  extream  danger  a  Subjeft 
hath  no  obligation  to  his  Sovereign,or  we  who  hold  it  better  to  die  Innocents,  than 
to  Live  nocents.     His  reafon  becaufe  we  bind  or  guard  Capital  Malefadlors ,  fhew- 
eth  a  difiruft  of  what  they  may  do  de  faUo^  not  a  doubt  ofwhat  they  ought  to  do  de 
]Hre.    I  alledged  ,    that  the  omi (lion  of  circumciflonin  the  Wildernefs  was  nov  fini 
to  (hew,that  though  no  fear  or  neceffity  can  juftifie  the  breach  of  the  negative  Laws 
of  God  or  nature  s  yet  in  fome  cafes  it  may  juftificthe  tranfgreffion  of  the  pofitivc 
Law  ,  or  the  omiflion  of  a  duty  injoynedby  affirmative  precepts. 
To  my  inftance  of  two  fervants ,  the  one  fpending  his  Mafters  money  in  a  Ta- 
"«;J  wetn ,  the  other  having  it  taken  away  from  him  by  force,or  yielding  it  up  upon  juft 
lib!!  fear,  heanfwereth  nothings  the  fcope  of  them  being  to  (hew,  that  ftrength  0/ 
liS  i  ftmptations  doth  not  juftifie  an  zOc ,  fo  much  as  extrinfecal  neceflity.     If  the  fecond 
[caufcs  were  as  rackets  ^  and  men  as  "Tennis-balls,  or   Foot-bals ,  To  what  purpofe 
did  God  give  men  reafon  to  govern  themfelves,  and  to  bridle  their  pafEons ,  who 
(are  toffed   to  and  fro  inevitably  ,  irrcfiftibly  ,  as  the  rackets  pleafe  >  Reafon  had 
been  a  rtrter  gift  for  the  Rackets,  than  for  the  Balls,   if  his  opinion  were  true. 
That  upon  the  planting  of  a  Canon  againfl  a  Wall  ,  the  battery  is  necefTary  before  Natural       A- 
the  bullet  arrive  ,  is  truei  but  there  is  no  fuch  necefTary  connexion  between  free  or  gents  aft    de- 
contingent  Agents  and  their  afts,  as  there  is  between  the  Canon  and  the  Battery  , 
which  he  might  have  eafily  perceived  ,  if  he  had  been  pleafcd  to  have   enlarged  his 
meditation  a  little  farther.     It  was  in  the  power  cf  the  Canonier  not  to  have  char- 
ged the  Canon  ,  or  to  have  given  itbut  half  a  ehare,  orto  hare  given  no  fire,  or  to 

D  d  d  d  d  Higb- 


ifclH 


8i6  Caftigations  of  TOMEII^ 


have  turned  the  inouth  ofit  another  way,Higheror  Lower  ,  to  the   Right  hand  or 
tothelcff.     Inallthed'  cafes  what  had  become  ot  his  Battery  > 

If  he  hatli  fuch  a. conceit  that  no  man  doth  or  cc(n  determin himfclf,  contrary  to 
the  fenfe  of  the  wIioJc  World ,  Let  him  injoy  if.     Some  men  have  conceited  them- 
fclves  to   be  Urinals ,     and  fuffercd  none  to  touch  them    for  fear   of  breaking 
them  ,  but  he  muft  not  think    to  obtrude    his  flegmatick    phancics    upon  all 
Not  voluniarl-  ^ji^^^  \^^^  ^  ^yho  underftand  themfelvcs  better.     If  he  were  not  rcfolved  to  oppofc 
'''  all  the  World  without  any  ground  ,  he  would  never  have  dcnycu  a  moral  efficacy  ^ 

or  metaphorical  motion,  or  have  affirmed   that  motives  .,  that  is  to  fay,  pcrfwa- 
lives  or  rcafons ,  weighed  in  the  underlhnding,  do  determin  tlic  free  Agent  natu- 
rally.    Is  the  perfwading  of  a  man  to  eat ,  and  the  thrufling  of  it  down  his  throat 
the  fame  thing  >  Do  an  Argument  and  a  Canon  Bullet  work  after  the  fame  man- 
iier?Didhe  ever  hear  a  Bullet  called  a  Motive  to  the  beating  down  of  the  Wall,  ot 
Flowers  called  Motives  to  the  production  of  the  Fruits ,  or  Meat  a  Motive  to  nou- 
rifliment  >  Natural  efficacy  is  always  neceffary,  and  determinate ,  and  adive  to  the 
height  of  its  power  ;  But  Moral  Agents  adi  not  neccffarily ,  nor  de^erminately , 
nor  always  to  the  height  of  their  power.     The  Lawyei>  that  he  fpeaketh  of  may 
refufe  to  plead  ,  or  delay  his  pleading,  or  plead  better  or  worfe  i  and  when  he 
hath  done  his  uttermoft  ,  it  may  fo  fall  out  that  he  effedteth  nothing  for  his  Client. 
I  am  afliamed  of  fuch  filly  verbal  objedions ,  contrary  to  the  known  Principles  of 
Arts.     Hecomplaineth  that  I  put  his  notions  oftentimes  into  mine  own  terms.     I 
had  thought  I  had  done  him  a  favour  to  render  him  more  intelligible  ,  and  put  his 
(enfe  into  the  Common  Language  of  Schollars. 

The  underftanding  being  the  lOot  of  Liberty  ,  and  the  will  being  but  inteUe&iu 

Scat-  txtrc,     txtenfus  ad  habendum  ant  faciendum  (juod  cognofcit  :  the  ividerjianding  extended  to  injoy , 

3^7.  rf  3.        py  jg  ^^^^  Tt^Hch  it  kiioTPeib,  it  muli  needs  be,  that  the  more  rcafon  ,  the  lefs  paflion, 

the  lefs  reluctance ,  and  confequcntly  the  more  Liberty.     He  faith,  JHjen  rve  marl^ 

mtthe  force  that  moves  us  ^  We  thin\that  it  is  not  caufes  but  Liberty,  that  produceth 

the  aCtion.     I  rendred  him  thus  ^'the  ignorance  of  the  true  caufes  and  their  poveer,  U  tke 

reafon  that  we  afcrihe  the  effeU  to  Liberty.     Where  Lyeth  the  fault  >  that  which  he 

czWtxti  force  ztA  firength ,  I  call  foveer  :  and  for  that  vchich moves  us,  I  fiy  caufes, 

as  he  himfelf  doth  exprefs  himfelf  in  the  fame  place.     Where  I  fay  the  ml  caufeth , 

be  faith  the  man  choofrth.     As  if  there  were  any  difference  between  thc(e  two ,  the  eye 

feeth,  3nd  the  man  feeth.     This  and  a  confounding  of  w/««fjj  with  Wm'/?,  thefacul- 

ty  of  Willing  with  the  adt  of  Willing,  and  a  young  fuckling  contradidion  which 

he  hath  found  out,   Thzt  the  rcill  hath  power  to  refufe  what  he  rvilleth ,  that  is,  before 

it  have  willed  it ,  not  after,  is  the  fubltance  of  this  Animadverfion  ,  which  defervc 

no  other  anfwer ,  but  thataman  fhould  change  his  rifibility  into  a(ftual  Laughter. 

I  produced  two  reafons  to  prove  that  true  Liberty  is  a  freedom,    not  oncly  from 

compulfion,  but  from  neceffity.     The  former  drawn  from  the  nature  of  electron ,  I  ^"^ 

6r  the  z(k  of  the  Will  which  is  always  inter plura  ,  the  Later,  which  I  called  a  new  I  ""^y 

argument ,  becaufe  it  had  not  formerly  been  touched  in  this  Treatife  ,  taken  from  I '"™ 

the  nature  of  the  faculty  of  the  Will ,  or  of  the  Soul  asit  willeth,     which  is  not  ca-  |% 

pable  of  any  other  compulfion ,  but  neceffitation.     And  if  it  be  Phyfically  necelfi.  |"w» 

tatcd,  it  is  thereby  acquitted  from  all  guilt,  and  the  fault  transferred  upon  thofe  j"/J 

caufes  that  did  neceflitate  it.     This  argument  indeed  began  with  a  di(lin<ition ,  but  I  fei 

proceeded  to  a  dcmonftration ,  which  was  reduced  by  me  into  form  in  my  defence ,  j'''fi)o 

to  which  he  hath  given  no  fhew  offatisfacSion,  either  in  his  firit  anfwer,   or  in|''''^'id 

thefe  Animadverfions  ,  except  it  be  a  concede  omnia,  or  a  granting  of  the  conclufion.|''fei 

The  fame  ground  which  doth  warrant  the  names  o('Tyrant ,  Praemunire,  Sunday,!''^,  c/i 

Monday  ,  TuefdayithSit  is,  life,  §^em  penes  arhitr  turn  ejl,  &  vis  &  norma  loqiundi)V^\t!ii. 

doth  likewife  judifie  thefe  generally  received  terms ,  oithe  elicit  and  imperate  aSs  of\  ''bei 

</7fipi//,  there  being  fcarcely  one  Author  ,  who  hath  written  upon  this  fubje(9:  in |  \i 

Latin ,  that  doth  not  ufe  them ,  and  approve  them.  In  the  Council  of  Per/  (  which!  'tre  \^ 

he  himfelf  mentioneth)  he  may  find  this  truth  pofitively  maintained  that  voluntas  »-|  Ufrjij 

licit  adumfuum.    Where  he  may  Likewift  find,what  moral  perfwafives  or  metrvcsj  "fffiliip 

arc,  if  he  have  a  defue  to  Learn.  \^Hh 


Discourse.  H.  Mr.   Vlob'-'s  Antt}iadz>erfu)nf.  g,-T 

Altliougli  he    be  convicted   that  it  tolloweth  from  his  principles,    that  Gud  _  „ 
is  the  caufeof  all  fin  in  the  World,  yet  he  is  Loath  to  fay  fo  much  ,  for  that  is  an  un-  q,^\  thTcauic 
jetmly  ^hrjje,  to  fay  that  God  if  the  cauje  of  fin  ,  becauje  itfottndeth  fo  like  a  faying  that  of  fm. 
Godfinneth  ■■,  yea  it  is  even  as  Like  it,   as  one  egg  is  like  another  ,  or  rather  it  is  not 
Like  it  ,  for  it  is  the  very  lame.     NnUtimfimile  eft  idem  i  he  that  is  the  determining 
caufe  of  fin  in  others ,  finnethhimfclf.     It  is  as  well  againft  the  eternal  Law,  that 
is ,  the  rule  of  JuUice  which  is  in  God  himfelf,  to  make  another  to  fin  ,  as  to  fin. 
Yet    though  he  will   not  avow  f neb  an  unfeemly  phraje  ,  that  God  is  the  caufe  of 
fin  ,  yet  he  doth  endeavour  to  prove  it  by  four  Texts  of  Holy  Scripture  ,  which 
are  altogether  impertinent  to  his  pnrpofe.     The  firlt  is  that  of  the  Prophet  Arnus  ,  ^^oj  c   -.  6. 
Shall  there  be  evil  in  a  City  ,  a>td  the  Lord  hath  not  done  it  >  But  that  is  clearly  under-  ' 

flood  of  the  evil  of  punilhrncnt ,  not  of  the  evil  of  fin*     To  the  three  other  places  j  5am.  j6,io. 
That  the  Lordfaid  unto  Shimci ,  curfe  David  i    and  that  the  Lord  put  a  lyitigjtiirit  i  Kiug-2i'ij, 
into  the  mouth  of  Ahabi  Frophets  ■■,   and   that  of  ile/;o/»oa>w/ not  hearkening*  to  the  '  ^''■'SiS'' 5 
people  ,    the  Reader  may   hnd  a  fatisfadtory  anfwcr  formerly.    But  becaufe  he 
feemeth  to  ground  much  upon  thofe  Words  which  are  added  to  the  Lart  place , 
for  the  cauje  was  from  the  L'-'rd  ,  conceiving  fomefingular  virtue  to  lie  in  them  ,  and 
an  ovation  at  Lalt  to  be  due  unto  himfelf  ,  (  I ivtll  not  fay,  leaft  the  Bifhop  exclaim    °""'°'    '^^' 
againfi  me  )  applauding  himfelt  like  thetlie  upon  the  Cartwheel ,  See  rvhat  a  duft 
J  raife  ,   1  will    take  the  Liberty  to  tell  him  farther,  That  there  is  nothing  of  any 
caufeof  fin  in  the  Text ,  but  of  a  caufe  of  Jeroboams  advancement,    as  he  might 
have   perceived   plainly  by   the   words  immediatly  following,  "the  caufe  rvas  from 
the  Lord  ^  that  he    might  perform  his  fjyi»g  ,   which  the  Lord  fpak^  by   Ahijah  the 
Shilonite  ,  unto  Jeroboam  the  Son  o/Nebat.     Which  faying  was  this  ,  I  n> ill  rent  the 
Kingdom  out  of  the  hand  of  Solomon,  and  will  give  ten  tribes  to  thee.     So  he  hath  pro- 
duced an  evil  eflfedt  of  punifliment  ,  for  anevil  eifed:  of  finj  and  a  caufe  of  advance- 
ment, for  a  caufe  of  fin,  and  a   permitting,  or  ordering,  or  difpofing  of  fin,  for  a  ne- 
ceilitating  or  determining  to  fin. 

Yet  he  produceth  fix  witnefles  to  prove  that  liberty  is  not  oppofed  to  necc(Iity,but    .     .     _ 
to  compuifion.  Luther,  Zanchy^Bucer,  Calvin,  Moulin,  and  the  Synod  of  Dorr.  Firft,  for'^univerfa? 
Reader,  I  defirethee  to  judge  of  the  partiality  of  this  man,  who  rejedteth  all  neccsfityan 
human  authority  in  this  caufe  (as  he  hath  reafon,  )  for  it  were  an  eafie  thing  to  o-  fwcrcd. 
ver  whelm  and  fmoother  him  and  his  cau{e,  with  tcftimonies  of  Councils  ,  Fathers. 
Dodours,  of  all  Ages  and  Communions,  and  all  forts  of  Clalhck  Authors  )  and 
yet    feeks  for  proted:ion  under  the  authority  of  a  few  Neoterick  Writers.  A  double 
weight  and  a  double  meafure ,  are  an  abomination* 

yiut  hdic  iVii  funt  habenda  ,  aut  ilia  cum  his  amittendafunt. 
Harum  duarum  conditionum  nunc  utram  malis  vide. 
If  he  will  reap  the  benefit  of  human  authority  ,  he  muft  undergo  the  inconveni- 
ence alfo.     Why  may  he  ufc  the  teftimony  of  Calvin  againft  me  in  this  caufe ,  and  I 
may  not  make  u(e  of  the  teftimonies  of  all  the  Ancients  ,  Greeks  and  Latin  ,  againft 
liim  ?  whom  Calvin  himfelf  confefTeth  to  have  been  for  Liberty  againft  ncceihty. 
Semper  apud  Latinos  liberi  arbitrii  nofnen  extitit:  Gracos  vera  nonpuduit  multo  arrogan-       1  j  a-    t 
tills  ufurpare  vocabulum ,  fiquidem   mu-nXinm  dixerunt ,  acfi  poteftas fuiipfm penes  homi-      ,'j.f  '  ' 
nemfuifjet.     But  I  am  able  to  give  him  that  advantage  in  this  caufe. 

Secondly,  a  man  may  fee  by  his  citing  ot  thcfe  teftimonies,  that  he  hath  taken 
them  up  upon  truft  ,  without  ever  perufing  them  in  the  Authors  them(elves.  I  de- 
mand therefore,  whether  he  will  be  trycdby  his  own  WitnelFcs ,  in  this  cafe,  in 
diiTerence  between  him  and  me  :  that  is,  concerning  univerfal  neceffity ,  in  natu- 
ral ,  civil ,  and  external  actions,  by  reafon  of  a  neceiTary  connexion  of  fecond  cau- 
fo  ,  and  a  natural  determination  of  the  Will ;  If  he  will  not,  he  doth  not  defcrvc 
to  have  fo  much  as  one  of  his  teftimonies  looked  upon. 

Thirdly  I  anfwer  ,  That  fuppofing  (  but  not  granting)  that  all  his  teftimonies 
were  true  as  he  citeth  them,  yet  none  of  them  will  advantage  his  caufe  at  all. 
Luther  his  Firft  Witnefs  difc! timed  it,  and  recanted  what  he  had  faid.  And  the 
necelfity  which  he  fpeaketh  of  ,  is  onely  a  neceliity  of /rw/WMM/'i/it)' :  and  the  Sy-  Vifit,  S,ixm; 
nod  ofPort  fpeaketh  only  of  a  neceftity  oi  Infallibility,  h\xt  which  do  imply  no  more 
than  a  confequent  hypothetical  necethty  ,  which  wealfo  maintain.     Zanchy ,  Bucer, 

D  d  d  d  d  2  Cal- 


8i8 


Cafiirrations  of  TOME  III- 


^  Cahtn,  Moulin,  fpeak  ofa  ueceliity  of  finnmg  ,  m  refped  of  our   Original  cor- 

ruption This  conccrneth  not  the  Liberty  of  the  Will,  whether  it  be  free  or  not  free, 
but  thc'power  of  free-will ,  whether  it  can  without  Grace  avoid  fin,  and  deter- 
min  it  felf  to  moral  or  fupernatural  good  ,  which  is  nothing  to  the  quelHon  bc- 

And  for  an  effay  what  he  mayexped  from  his  Witneffes  •,  Calviit  who  is  the 
Cal  Inflit-  /.*•  Lead  disfavourable  to  him  of  them  all ,  faith  no  more  but  this  ,  Veum  quotks  viam 
c>  4  d.  7-  '  facere  vnlt  fu^  provide>!ti<e ,  (tiam  in  rebus  externif  hominum  voluntates  flcdere  &  ver- 
fare:  nee  ita  liberam  ejTe  ifforumeleCtionem  ,  quin  e]m  Libert aii  Vet  arbitrium  domir.e- 
ttir.  JhatGod  (  not  always  but  )  as  often  as  he  tvillmak^  way  for  his  providence^  even 
in  external  tbinns  ,  doth  hove  and  turn  the  vcih  of  men  :  neither  is  their  ekdion  fo  free, 
hut  that  the  apod  pleafure  of  God  hath  a  dominion  over  their  Liberty,  Calvin  did  know 
no  univerfal  determination  of  all  external  ads  by  God  ,  but  onely  in  fome  extra- 
ordinary cafes.  He  acknowledged  that  the  will  of  man  was  free  to  eled  in  exter- 
nal things ,  but  not  fo  free  as  to  be  exempt  from  the  dominion  of  God  ,  which 
two  things  none  of  us  doth  deny.  So  we  may  conclude  from  C*?fiw,  That  God 
doth  not  ordinarily  iiecellitate external  events:  that  is,  as  much  as  to  fay,  there  is 
no  univerfal  neccllity. 

He  will  yet  have  lefs  caufe  to  pleafe  him(elf  with  the  Council  of  Dort\  when  he 
yirrfie,  Theol.  (hall  fee  what  was  faid  there  by  our  Britip  Divines,  and  approved  by  the  Synod. 
Mm.  delib.    -j-j^^j  q^^  made  our   Wih  and  endorsed  them  reith  Liberty.     That  be  leaves  to  every 
Arb,  Thej-^'   ^j^j^^  jf^  proper  manner  and  motion  in  the  production  of  ads ,  and  to  the  tfilis  of  men  to 
ad  after  their  native  manner  ,  freely.     That  in  vain  are  punifhments  threatned  to  Male- 
faUors  by  the  Laws  of  men  ,  if  no  man  could  leave  undone  that  which  he  doth.     They  ask, 
',  '       who  in  hU  right  wits  will  fay,  that  TiaviA  could  not  hut  have  commited  adultery,  or  af- 
ter that  he  ciuld  not  hut  have  murdered  Uriah/'They  condemn  this  opinion  pofitively,as 
an  error.  Hominem  non  pojje  plus  boni  facere  quam  facit,nec  plus  mali  omiiterequam  omit- 
tit :  That  a  man  cannot  do  more  good ,  or  Leave  more  evil  undone ,  than  he  doth. 
Still  he  is  about  his  old  quarrel  concerning  the  Elicit  and  Jmperate  ads  of  the  will , 
not  againll  the  thing,  for  it  is  as  clearas  the  day-light,  that  there  is  a  ground  in  na- 
ture for  fuch  a  diftindion  i  and  that  external  agents  have  not  fo  much  power  over 
the  Will  of  man,  to  make  him  choofe  what  they  think  fit ,  as  over  the  Locomo- 
tive faculty   and  other  members  ,  to  make  a  man  move  them  at  their  pleafure. 
But  all  his  contention  is  ftill  about  the  Words,  Imperate ,  or  commanded  a£ls;  As 
if  (  faith  he  }  the  faculties  could  fpeaK^ne  to  another.     I  anfwered  him  that  there  were 
mental  terms  as  weK  as  vocal ,  by  which  the  Soul  being  willing ,  may  cxprcfs  it 
felf  to  the  Locomotive  and  other  inferiour  faculties.     As  the  Angels  do  underfiand 
one  another,  not  by  {peech, but  as  we  behold  one  another  in  a  glafs.     Here    he  is 
out  again  ,  quite  miftakingthe  plain  and  obvious  fenfe  of  my  words,  (hewing  that 
in  his  Long  and  profound  meditations,  he  did  never  meet  with  this  Subjed. 
M     al  terms-    ^"'^   telling    us,  that  by  mental  fpeech  J  underfiand  onely  an  Idea  of  the  found  ,  and  of 
the  Letters ,    whereof  the  word  is  made.     And   charging  me  mod  untruly  to  fay, 
That  w/jfM  Tarquin  commanded  his  Sen,  by  firij^ing  of  the  "fops  of  Toppies ,  he  did 
it  by  mental  terms.     This  I  faid  truly  ,  That  howfoever  si  Superiour   doth  in- 
timate his  commands  to  his  Inferiour ,   whether  it  be  by  vocal  terms ,  as  or- 
dinarily ,  or  by  mental  terms ,  as  it  is  amongft  the  Angels  ■■,  or  by  figns  ,  as  it  was 
between  larquin  and  his  Sons ,  it  is  ftill  a  command.     And  in  this  cafe  of  the  Souls 
imploying  the  inferiour  faculties  ,  it  is  without  difputc.     But  I  never  faid  that  the 
ftriking  off  the  tops  of  the  Poppieswith  his  rod  , .  was  mental  Language ,  or  the 
terms  of  his  mind     It  feemeth  he  hath  never  heard  of  mental  term.s  ,  or  mental 
Prayer.     The  conceptions  of  the  mind  are  the  natural  reprefentations  of  things. 
Words  are  Signs  or  Symbols  of  the  inward  conceptions  of  the  mind  ,  by  impofi- 
tion.    What  way  fibever  the  inward  conceptions  are  intimated  ,  it  is  the  fame  that 
fpeech  is  in  efFed,  )mii«»i«c  lf}«»o»,  aninftrumcnt  or  means  of  Communication. As  a 
fign  is  an  intimation  to  a  Traveller  where  he  may  find  an  harbour. 
...        He  faith  ,  No  drawing  can  be  imagined  but  of  bodies ,  and  whatfcever  is  drawn  out, 
drawfne.  if  drawn  out  of  one  place  into  another.     He  knoweth  no  drawing,   but  drawing  of 

Wire,  or  drawing  of  Water ,  or  drawing  of  Carrs,     Si.  James  (z.ith  ,  Draw  nigh 

t9 


Discourse  I  I.  Mr,  Hob's  Auimaci'verfionf.  Si  9 

toGod^andhevoilldravptngh  to    yoHiZnd  no  mjncan  come  to   jne,  except  my  father  draa> 

him  -  and  ;//  be  lifted  up  from    the  earth  ,  J  will  draw  all  men  unto  me.     In  all  theft  ]'?*'''  ^' 

drawings,here  isno  drawing  out  ofone  place  into  another.  A  fairobjed:  draws  mens  Toh'ts  52 

eyes:  A  goodOratourdraweththem  by  theears.      There  is  metaphorical  drawing. 

Take  but  one  more  :  comfel  in  the  heart  of  a  man  if  lik^  deep  water  ,  but  a  man  of  under-  ■''ro.  2o.  5- 

jiandingwill draw  it  out. 

A  paradox  is  a  private  opinion  ofone  man,or  a  few  fadious  men  afllimed  or  main-  Caftigation 
tained  fometimes  out  of  errour  of  Judgment ,  but  commonly  out  of  pride  and  vain  "f*^'^     ^'•''" 
glorious  alfedation  of  Angularity,  contrary  to  the  common  and  received  opinion  madverfions  , 
of  other  men.     Such  Paradoxes  were  the  Stoical  opinions,  (  Stoicks  werefruitful  in  Num.21, 
producing  Paradoxes  ;  That  all  fins  are  equal ,  and  that  a  wife  man  is  allthims^z  good 
King,  a  good  Captain,  a     good    Cobler.  I  hope    he  will  be  better   advited  ,than  Jfu-f.^evVe 
to    condemne    all  thofe  of  ig  norance  ,  who  out  of  civility  ftiled  thofe  newfangled 
opinions  Stoiecal  Paradoxies,  rather  than  Stoica  1  errour?.  He  faith  ,  Chrijiian  relieion 
mas  once  a  paradox.     Never  i  A  paradox  is  a  private  opinion,  contrary  to  the  com- 
mon opinion.     Points  of  faith  arc  more  than   opinions'     Faith  is  acertain  afTent 
grounded  upon  the  truth  and  authority  of  the  revealer.  Opinion  is  an  uncertain  alTent 
grounded  upon  the  probable  conjedures  of  reafon.  We  do  not  u(e  to  call  Turkifh 
Hcathenilh  ,  or  Heretical  errours  by  the  nameof  [-Paradoxes.     I  confefTe  there  may 
be  opinions  ,  and  confequently      Paradoxes  in  religion  ,  that  is  in  fuch  points,  the 
truth  or  falihood  whereof  is  grounded  more  upon  the  probable  difcullion  of  reafon 
than  upon  the  evidence  of  divine  revelation  :  but  errors  in  efTentials  of  faith    are 
not  Paradoxes.  He  who  difbelieves  any  Article  of  his  Creed,  is  not  Paradoxical  but 
Heretical.     Such  another  miftakc  is  his  other.  That  but  for  paradoxes  wejhouldbe  now 
in  that  favage  ignorance  ^  which  thoje  men  are  in, that  have  not,  or  have  not  lona  had  laws 
and  Common-wealth.  Politick  precepts ,  and  civil  inftitutions  ,  and   pradical  inllru- 
(ftions  which  confift  not  in  Theorie  or  Speculation,     but  in  the  applicationof  pra- 
ctical truths ,  neither  arc, nor  ever  were  called  properly,  cither  opinions     or  Para- 
doxes. 

But  to  come  to  the  purpofe  I  did  not ,  I  do  not ,  deny  that  there  may  be  fomc 
true  Paradoxes ,  and  rather  in  fuch  things  as  are  found  out  by  rcafon,th3n  in  fuch  as 
depend  upon  Revelation,  which  are  delivered  from  age  to  age  by  univerfal  tradition. 
Anable  indullrious  perfon  by  conftant  meditation,  and  the  help  of  other  mens  ex- 
perience and  obfcrvations ,  may  fometimes  rind  out  a  latent  truth,  or  vindicate  one" 
from  the  oppredive  tyranny  of  prejudice  or  cuftome.  But  this  is  rarely  :  God  and 
nature  do  not  give  all  their  gifts  to  one  man  ,  leaft  he  (hould  grow  proud.  But 
when  men  are  compofedto  Paradoxes,that  as  Ovid  couldnot  exprefs  himfelf  without 
a  verfe  ,  fo  they  cannot  fpeak  without  a  Paradox  ,  when  tliey  take  upon  them  to 
cenfure  all  ancient  truths  in  Divinity  and  Humanity ,  andfeek  to  obtrude  their  brain- 
fick  conceptions  upon  all  other  men  as  Oracles,  I  think  he  who  telleth  them  only 
of  their  Paradoxes  ,  dealeth  genraly  with  them.  Ze/f«c«f  was  more  (evere  againft 
Innovators  ,  whoenaded ,  That  if  any  man  made  a  propofition  for  a  change  in  their 
policie,  he  (hould  make  it  with  anhalter  about  his  neck  ,that  if  hefailcd  to  juftifie 
it  by  reafon  ,htfhould  juftifie  his  attempt  by  fuffering. 

I  leave  his  Paradoxes  ,  and  come  to  his  Subtlety,  That  there  U  hardly  anyone 
aCiion',  to  the  caufing  whereof  concur  not  whatfoever  is  inxtxmn  natura  :  And  that  there 
cannot  be  a  motion  in  one  part  of  the  World,  but  the  fame  mull  be  communicated  to  all  the 
rejl  of  the  World.  That  is  to  fay,  in  plain  Englifh  ,That  there  is  not  a  Pie  that  chat- 
tereth  ,  nor  fo  much  as  an  afpine  leafe  that  waggeth  here  in  England  ,  but  it  maketh 
fome  alteration  in  Cbinaznd  PiT«,andthe  eflicacyof  it ,  like  Drake  01  Cavendijh 
doth  encompafle  the  Globe  of  the  Earth,  and  mounteth  to  heaven  ,  and  ("if  there  be 
any  fuch  thing )  hclpeth  to  make  the  eighth  Sphere  tremble.  I  thought  it  had  been  a 
modeft  cxprelhon  to  call  tliis  a  Paradox. 

To  prove  this  ,  he    maketh  a  Narration   ,  what  a   Schollar  maintained    to  him  ,  vvhether  a 
That  if  a  grain  or  a  feather  be  bide  upon  an  anvil  of  Diamond,  at  the  fir(l  accejfe  it  maketh  f^^}^^^  ""^kc 
it  yield  ,  which  he  demonllrated  thus  :  That  if  the  whole  World  would  do  it, the  leaji  Rl\^° 
p.irt  thereof  would  doits  part.     Wherewith  he    relkd  convinced.     But  his  relation 
is  doubly  impertinent.     Firrt  ,  we  fpeak  of  voluntary  Agents  and  he  inllancerh  in  a 

natural. 


8ao 


""C^igations  of  T  O  M  E   i  J '« . 

natural  Acent  :  we  fpeake  of  the  yielding  of  the  will,  and  he  inlknceth  in  the  yield- 
ing of  an  anvile.  Secondly  ,  it  doth  not  come  home  to  his  afTertion  ,  becaufe  when 
a  feather  is  laid  upon  an  anvile  of  Diamond,  yet  it  toucheth  it,  and  by  alhduous 
touching  ,  fomethig  may  be  done.  As  we  fee  how  dropsof  rain  do  wearethe  hard 
Aones.  And  Plniy  telleth  that  flints  have  been  worn  with  the  feet  of  Ants.  Em  to 
think  the  chattering  ofa  Pie,  or  tfie  (baking  of  an  Afpine  leaf  (hould  move  the 
whole  World,  when  the  greateit  Earthquakes  are  not  felt  many  leagues ,  is  incre- 
dible. 

Neither  do  I  believe  that  the  firft  touch  of  his  feather  doth  make  an  anvile  ot 
Diamond  to  yield.  I  believe  the  Schollar  put  a  fallacy  of  compofition  and  divifi- 
on  upon  him.  All  the  parts  being  con joyned  do  make  the  whole  ,  and  fo  have  their 
proportionable  part  ot  the  efficacy  (  in  the  produdlion  of  all  effedts ,  which  are 
produced;  to  the  whole  ,  be  it  the  breaking  of  an  Anvil  of  Diamond  ,  or  whatfo- 
cvcr  el(e.  But  the  parts  being  divided  and  fubdivided  into  grains  and  LefTer  quan- 
tities ,  though  they  ftill  have  their  proportionable  weight  towards  the  producibility 
of  the  (ame  crtcdt  ,  if  they  were  conjoyncd  ,  yet  it  is  not  ncceflary  that  being  fo 
divided, (hey  thall  adually  produce  the  fame  part  or  proportion  of  the  former  effedl. 
It  is  not  univerfally  true ,  that  the  patient  fuffcrs  fo  much  as  the  agent  ads. 
The  reckfon  is  b  caufe  qukquid  reci^iimr  ,  rfcipifwr  ad  modum  recipientU  >  That 
which  receiveth,  doth  not  receive  according  to  the  force  of  that  which  makes  the 
imprellion ,  but  according  to  its  own  capacity  of  receiving.  The  Hrft  drop  of  Wa- 
ter taketh  away  part  from  a  piece  of  clay ,  but  an  hundred  drops  fall  before  a  ftone 
doth  yield,or  adually  Loofe  the  Leaft  particle ,  though  the  firft  drop  may  affedl  the 
ftone  and  prepare  it.  Suppofe  one  fcale  of  a  balance  to  have  a  weight  in  it  of  a 
pound  ,  which  depreffeth  rhe  fcale  to  the  ground :  put  into  the  other  fcale  a 
Weight  of  two  pounds ,  it  Lifteth  up  the  other  fcale  and  finketh  that  down: 
But  take  away  the  two  pound  Weight ,  and  put  into  the  place  of  it  a  feather  or 
a  grain ,  and  try  if  it  will  Lift  up  the  fcale  proportionably.  Not  at  all ,  no 
more  than  if  it  were  nailed  to  the  ground.  It  were  not  well  argued  to  fay  ,  an  E- 
lephant  can  carry  aCaftlea  Leagues  therefore  a  Ak  can  carry  itfuch  a  proporti- 
on of  the  way:  yet  I  commend  his  difcretion  for  choofing  fuch  an  inf^ance,  where- 
in he  cannot  be  contradifted  by  experience.  If  a  man  could  Live  until  the  revolu- 
^tion  of  Platves  year,  aud  the  feather  not  be  confumed  in  all  that  time,  he  might 
f\ill  plead  as  he  may  do  now,  that  the  feather  had  worn  the  Diamant  fomcthing,  but 
it  was  invifible. 
Or  a  falling  To  make  his  new  paradox  good,  he  telleth  us  a  talc  of  a  Tub :  That  that  if  a 

drop  move  the  great  tun  ("fuppofethe  great  tui?  at  Heydelberg^)  were  fikdrvith  water  ,  one  link  par- 
wholc  world,  tide  ("fuppofe  a  drop  ,or  the  bunded  part  of  a  drop)  being  moved,  all  the  rejl  would  be 
moved  alfo  ^  but  the  greatnefs  of  the  tun  altereth  not  the  cafe.  And  therefore  the  fame 
would  be  true ,  if  the  whole  World  were  the  tun.  I  anfwcr  firft ,  The  cafe  is  not  like. 
A  tun  of  Water  is  one  continued  body  apt  for  motion  ,  but  the  World  is  full  of 
contiguous  bodies  of  all  forts  which  are  more  apt  to  terminate  an  eafie  motion  , 
than  to  continue  it.  Secondly,  I  deny  that  the  Lcaft  particle  of  Water,  fuppofe 
the  hundredth  part  of  a  Drop,  falling  into  a  great  Tun  of  Water,  "doth  move  all 
the  Water  in  the  Tun.  The  firfl  particle  moves  the  fecond  ,  but  more  weakly  than 
itfelf  was  moved  ,  the  fecond  moves  the  third,  yet  more  weakly,  the  third  moveth 
the  fourth  ,  ftill  more  weakly  ,  and  fb  fuccellively  ,  until  the  motive  power  ceafe 
altogetherbcfore  the  hundredth  ,  orit  may  be  the  thoufandth  part  of  the  Water  in 
the  tun  be  moved.  As  we  fee  in  a  flone  thrown  upwards ,  the  motion  is  fwifter 
or  flower  ,  of  Longer  or  of  LefTer  continuance ,  according  to  the  degree  of  the  firft 
imprellion  of  force,  and  the  figure  of  the  thing  call:  upwards ,  which  ceafing  by 
continued  diminution  ,  the  motion  ceafeth.  Violent  motions  are  vehement  in  the 
beginning  ,  remifs  in  the  middle  ,  and  ceafe  in  the  end.  Lafily  I  anfwer ,  that  the 
cafe  of  a  great  tun  and  the  whole  World  ,  is  rot  the  fame  :  The  World  is  too  large 
a  Sphere  ,  and  txceedeth  the  adivity  of  poor  little  weak  creatures  ,  which  are  not 
able  to  Leave  ;l;ch  an  impreliion  of  might ,  as  fhould  move  upwards  to  the  con- 
vex fuperficies  ci  Heaven  ,  and  downwards  to  the  center  of  the  earth  ,  and  round 
about  to  the  extremities  of  the  World.     If  this  were  true  ,  the  flie  might  fay  in 

•  earneft 


Discourse  li.       Mr.  Hob's  Atiimad'verponf^  831 

tarnclt ,  See  what  a  du\i  I  raif.  It  hach  been  given  out  that  the  burning  of  our 
heaths  in  Enghfid  did  hurt  their  vines  in  France.  This  had  been  Ikange  ,  yet  not  Co 
iirange  as  his  Paradox  ,  That  the  Leall  motions  that  are,  are  communicated  to 
the  whole  World.  But  wifemen  looked  upon  this  prctcnfc,  as  a  mcer  (carccrow 
or  made  dragon  :  The  hu^t  it  did  was  nearer  home,  to  deftroy  the  young  moore-  Caiihationi 
powtes  ,  and  fpoil  lomc  young  Burgeffes  gams.  of  the     ani- 

He  cannot  imagin  hove  the  qiujHon  ,  IFhether  outward  ob]eas  do  neceffttate  or  not  ne-  madverfions  ' 
cffuate  the  WiU  ,  can  any  rvjy  be  referred  to  moral  Philfophy.     That  is  his  fault.     If  Num.  22.    ' 
theobjcftsdoneccllitate  the  will,  they  take  away  both  virtue  and  vice,  thlt  is  ,  , 
moral  good  and  moral  evil ,  which  confirt  in  pre-eledion  ,  and  cannot  I'hnd  with  Powtrofob* 
antecedent  neceditation  to  one.     To  reform  his    errour  ,  let  him  confult  with  Ari-  ^«=J*  «^<«"^'?- 
itotle.     Thefe  things  that  are  fair  and  pleafant  dofeem  lo  be  violent  ^ter  afort,bccaufe  be-  thliofoJK 
ing  TcithoHt  Hi  ,  they  move  andnece0tate  Agents  to  ad  with  their  beauty  and  delight  \  but  ■**•  1 1- "  *• 
it  is  not  Jo.     What  he  addeth  that  the  Principles  of  moral  Fhilofophy  are  the  lairs ,  is  an 
abfurd    fuppofititious  bbtrufion  of  the  municipal  law,  in  place  of  the  law  of  right 
rcafon  ,  which  errour  hath  formerly  been  fufficicntly  refelled.     And  to  his  horfe  that 
is  lame  from  fome  caafe  that   was    not  in  his  power ,  I  anfwer,  Thatthe  lamcnefTe  is  a 
natural  or  accidental  defeft  in  the  horfe  i  but  to  inftance  in  an   horfe  as  a  fit  fubjeft 
of  virtue  or  vice,  is  a  moral  dcfcd    in  him.     If  he  defiretofpeak  to  the  purpofc 
he  muft  leave  fuch    impcrtinencies.  r    f      ■> 

In  the  next  Animad  verfion,  I  meet  with  nothing  but  a  mecr  fa  wing  of  the  wind     -  -m  »,  r  v 
or  an  altercation  about  nothing.     All  the  difference  betwen  Iiim  and  me  is ,  concer-  eth  t  "obtrude 
ring  an  antecedent  necellity  ,  but  ot  a  neccffity  of  confequence ,  that  when  a  thing  hypothetical', 
is  produced  it  muft  neccffarily  be  Co  as  it  is,  there  can  be  no  queRion  between  us.     He  """*"y  '<"' " 
himfelf  confeffeth  as  much  ,  tf'heEifljop  think,  that  I  hold  no  other  necejftty  than  that  SumT 
which  iiexprejftdb:  that  old foolijh  rule  [  Whatfoever  is,  when  it  is  ,  is  neccffarily  Co  N.nr.'j' 
:i:,  ^tis  3  heunrifiiandeth  me  not  :  And  he  confcffeth  that  the  ncceffity  which  he  main- 
tai-.eth  is,  i-i  antecedent  neceffity  ,  derived  from  the    beginning  pftime.     And  yet  never- 
thcleffe  ,  a  great  part  of  that  alteration  which  he  makes  in  thefe  Animadverlions ,  is 
ab^ut  fuch  a   neceliity.     Socrates  confe/Tcth  that  naturaly  he  had  vitious  inclinations. 
Tliis  is  no  more  than  a  proclivity  to  evil.  If  by  his  owncondefcenfion  he  fallinto  fin*, 
this  is  but  tn  hypothectiil  neGellity ,  yet  he  maketh  it  an  antecedent  necellity.     So- 
crates by  his  good  indeavours  reformeth  his  vitious  propenfions ,  and  acquircth  the 
contrary  habits  or  virtues .     This  is  but  an  hyothetical  necellity,  yet  he  pretcndeth  it 
to  be  antecedent.     Laflly  i  Socrates  by  the  help  of  thefe  habits  which  he  himfelf  had 
acquired  ,  doth  freely  do  virtuous  anions.     Still  here  is  no  necellity  but  confcquents, 
andlhll  he  pretendeth  to   Antecedent.     Eifkr  f  faith  he  ^  thefe  habits  do  necefttttt 
the  will ,  or  the  willfoVoweth  »o/.If  thefe  habits  or  foincwhat  elfe  do  not  neceflitate  the 
\vill,it  may  follow  freely.  But  faith  hc^ifthey  do  onely  facilitate  men  to  do  fuch  aUs^then 
rrbat  they  do,ihey  do  not'     I  deny  his  confequence,  acquired   habits  are  not  folitary, 
but  focial  and  adjuvant  caufcs  of  virtuous  adions.  *ji    •      *i 

His  next  errour  is  yet  more  groffe  , making  the  pcrfon  of  the  Preacher,  Sdnot  the  fpS'Su 
found  of  his  voice,  to  be  the  objed  of  hearing  i  Adding,  that  the  preachers  voice  is  the  one  with  t-ff. 
fame  thing  with  the  hearing ,  and  a  phanfie   of  the  bearer.     Thus  (  as   commonly 
crrours  fpring  from  confufion  J  he  confoundcth  the  images  of  founds  with  founds 
themfelves.  What  then  is  the  report  of  a  Canon,orthc  found  ofa  Trumpet  turned  to 
amfer  phanfie  ?  By  the  fame  reafon  he  may  fay  ,  that  the  Preacher  himfelfis  nothing 
but  a  mcer  phanfie  :  There  is  as  much  ground  for  the  one  as  for  the  other.     If  he  go 
on  in  thismanner  ,  he  will  move  me  beyond  fmiling  ,  to  laugh  outright.     In  what 
fenfe  the  obieft  of  fight  is  the  caufe  offight,  and  in  what  fenfe  it  is  not  the  caufe  of 
fight ,  I  have  (hewed  diftin<5tly.     Here  he  fetteth  down  another  great  paradox  ,  as  he 
himfelf  ftileth  it  out  of  gallantry ,  That  in  all  the  fenfes  the  objeH  if  the  Agent!  If  he 
had  not  faid  the  Agent,  which  fignifieth  either  the  fole  Agcnt,or  the  Principal  Agent, 
but  onely  an  Agent ,  we  had  accorded  fo  far.     But  the  Principal  Agent  in  all  the 
fenfes  is  the  creature  indowed  with  fenfe  ,  or  the  fenfitive  foule  perceiving  and  judg- 
ing of  the  object  by  the  proper  Organ.  The  Preachers  voice  and  the  Auditos  hearing 
have  two  diftinft  fubjefts ,  othctwife  fpeaking  (hould  be  hearing ,  and  hearing  fpcak- 
Fng.    1  conclude  this  Caaigation  with   the  authority  of  as  good  a  Philofopher  as 

himfelf; 


"^      ^       """"  Cafitgations  of TOME  III, 

hjmfclf,  T[Kit~itiTridicitim^otbink  external   things  either  fair  or  delightful  to  be  the 
Eth'i.ici.      ^^Jg^  gj-  (,„f„^,^,g  aaiJnf,  and  not  rather  hint  who  U  eafily  tah^n  with  fuch  objeas. 
There  are  otherln  the  later  part  ot  this  Animadverfion  his  erroursare  greater,  and  more  dangerous 
moticn*  than   than  in  the  former.     He  affirmeth  that  t/;^  will  ii  produced  ,  generated ,  and  formed,  in 
local.  fuch  fort  as  accidents  are  effected  in  a  corporeal  fubjeU\and  yet  ii{  the  will  )canmt  be  moved. 

Asit'generation ,  and  augmentation,  &  alteration,were  not  kinds  of  motion  or  mu- 
tation .  But  the  lall  words  ,  becaufe  it  goeth  not  from  place  to  place  ^do  (hew  plainly, 
that  he  acknowledgeth  no  motion  but  local  motion.  What' no  other  natural  motion 
but  onely  local  motion  ?  no  metaphorical  motion  ?  that  were  ftrangei  We  read  in 
holy  Scripture  of  thofe  who  have  been  moved  with  fear  ,  moved  with  envy,  moved  with 
compaffian  ,  moved  with  choler  ,  moved  by  the  Holy  Gholi.  In  all  tbefe  there  is  no  local 
motion.  Outward  perfwafives,inward  fuggeltions  are  all  motions.  God  moveth  a 
tnan  to  good  by  his  preventing  grace.  The  devil  moveth  a  man  to  fin  by  his 
temptations.  There  are  many  kinds  of  motions  ,  befides  moving  from  place  to 
place.  He  himfeirconfefleth  in  this  Section  that  we  are  moved  to  prayer  by  outward 
objeSs. 

In  the  rext  place  ,  fuppoting  there  were  no  other  motions  than  local  motions,  yet 
.he  erreth  in  attributing  no  motion   to  any  thing  but  bodies     The  reafonable  foul  is 
-fs''weU«°^^  moved  acci'dentally,  according  to  the  motion    of  the  body.     The  Angels  are  fpi- 
bodics,  ritual  fubllances,  no  bodies ,  by  his  leave  ,  and  yet  move  locally  from  place  to  place. 

Jacob  fees  the  Angels  of  God  afcending  and  defcending.  The  Angels  came  and 
miniftreduntoChrift  ■■,  The  Angels  lliall  gather  theeled:  from  the  one  end  of  Heaven 
to  the  other.  The  foul  of  Lazariu  was  born  by  the  Angels  into  Abrahams  bofom. 
God  fenthis  Angel  to  deliver  Peter  out  of  prifon,and  every  where  ufcth  his  Angels 
as  mini/iring  fpirits. 
,.  Thirdly ,  he  erreth  in    this  alfo.  That  nothing  can   move  ,  that  U  mtmovtd  itfelf 

andfpri(s  '"  ^^^^  "^^^^  ^^^^  ^"  Power  to  move  is  from  God,  he  fpeaketh  truly,  but  impertinent; 
move  them  But  ifhe  mean  (  as  he  muft  mean  if  he  mean  fenfej  that  nothing  moveth^which  is  not 
felves.  moved  of fome  fecond  caufe ,  he  fpeakcih  untruly.  The  A-ngels  moved  them  felvesj 

all  living  creaturs  do  move  themfelves  by  animal  motion.     The  inanimate  creatures 
do  move    themfelves ,  heavy  bodies  delcending  downwards,  light  bodies  afcending 
upwards ,  according  to  their  own  natures .     And  therefore  nature  is    defined  to  be 
an  internal  caufe  or  principle  of  motion  and  reji  ,  &c.      And  even  they  who  held  that 
whatfoever  is  moved,is  moved  by  another,  didjljmit  it  to  natural  bodies,  and  make  the 
form  to  be  the  mover  in  natural  motion  ,and  the  foul  in    animal  motion. 
.  J.  _     His  laft  errour  in      this  Animadverfion  (  and  a    dangerous    one,^  is.  That 
ed    bvGod" '"   ^    ""*   *^'^ly  f^'d ,  that    alls  or    habits   are    infufedby   Cod,  for   htfufionU  motion 
moved  ,  aud  nothing  U  moved  but    bodies.     I    wifh  for  his   own    quiet  and   other 
mens ,  that  he      were  as  great   an    enemy  to  crrours  and    innovations ,  as  he  is 
to  metaphors  and  dirtindlions.     Affedlation  of  words  is  not  good  ,  but  contention 
about  words  is   worfe.     By  fuch  an  argument  a  man  might  take  away  all  Zones 
and  Zodiack^   in    aftronomy  ,  Modes  ^nd  Figures  in  Logick^,  Cot^es zad  Cylindres  in 
Geometry  i  for  all  thefe  are  borrowed  termes ,  as  infufion  is.     What  Logician  almoft 
doth  not  diftinguifh  between  acquired  habits  and  infufed  habitcs  ?  If  all  infufion  be 
of  bodies,then  he  never  infufed  any  paradoxical  principles  Intohis  Auditours.     When 
any  difference  doth  arifc  about  expreffions ,  the  onely  queAion  is,  whether  there  be 
any  ground  in  nature  for  fuch  an"expreffion.     He  himfelf  telleth  us  ,That  faitlTand 
i-epentance  are  the  gifts  of  God.     To  fay  they  are  the  gifts  of  God  ,  and  to  fay  they 
are  infufed  by  God  is  the  fame  thing ,  faving  that   to  fay  they  are  infufed  by  God , 
Jsamoredi(Un6l:,and  a  more  fignificant  expreffion.  I  hope  he  will  not controle 
the  language  of  the  Holy  Ghoft,    I  willpower  out  my  fpirit  upon  all  flifh:     No,(  faith. 
joc .%%  q-  ^  -)f|^gj  cannotbe ,  nothing  can  be  powred  out  but  bodies.     Saint  Peter  telleth 

Afts.j.j  5         "^  otherwife,  this  Jefm  beingexahed  by  the  right  hand  of  God  hath  Jhed  forth  thli,which 
j^eMDc/ffrjjf^i/^fdr.  That  was  the  gift  of  toneues,  an  aia  or  habit  infufed.  That  which 
was  flied  forth  or  effufed  on  Gods  patt  ,  was  infufed  on  their  part.     So  faith  Saint 
Paul ,  the  love  of  Cod  U  Jhed  abroad  in  our  hearts  by  the  EolyChoft:  Again,  hefaveth  us  h\ 
Aom.j  <        tbewafhing  of  regeneration,gnd  renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghcjl,  which  he  jhed  on  uf  fabundantiy 
Tir.?.    i.      through  Jefus  67;nJf:'.fJx««',  the  word  is  ft!!!  the  fame,  figoifying  an  clTufioi} from  God, 

and 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  HoWs  Anh»adi>er]ions.  822 


and  an  infulion  to  us.     All  thofe  Graces  freely  given  which  were  infufed  by  the  Ho- 
ly Ghoft,  andare  recited  by  the  Apoltle  to  the  Corinthians^  are  either  permanent '  ^°^''*' 
habits,   or  tranfient  A(fts. 

In  the  remainder  of  this  Stdtion,is  contained  nothing  but  relapfes,  and  repetitions 
of  his  former  Paradoxical  errors,  (tiil  confounding  the  intelJedual  will  with  the 
(enfitive  appetite  ,  Liberty  with  Spontaneity  ,  the  faculty  of  the  Will ,  with  the 
A(ft  of  Willing  ,  the  Liberty  of  reafonable  Creatures ,  with  the  Liberty  of  mad- 
men and  fools.  Before  he  told  us  ,  That  he  that  can  do  what  he  will  ,  hath  no  Li-  num  .9 
berty  at  all.  Now  he  telleth  us  oi  the  Liberty  of  doing  what  we  mU ^  in  thofe  thims 
rve  are  able  to  do  ■■>  Before  he  Limited  the  power  by  the  Will ,  now  he  Limiteth  tiie 
will  by  the  power.  I  affirmed  moH  truly  ,  that  Liberty  is  diminiihed  by  vitious 
habits  j  which  he  faith  cannot  be  underltood  otherwise ,  than  that  vitiom  habits 
mak£  a  man  lef  free  to  do  vitious  aCiioHs.  There  is  little  doubt  but  he  would  ex- 
pound it  fo,if  he  were  my  Interpreter.  But  my  (enfe  and  my  fcope  is  evident  to  the 
contrary  ,  that  vitious  habits  make  a  man  lefs  free  to  do  virtuous  atftions.  He  will 
take  notice  of  no  dirference  between  the  Liberty  ofa  man,and  the  bias  of  a  bow). 

Yet  in  the  midfi  of  all  thefe  millakesand  Paradoxes ,  he  hath  not  forgotten  his 
old  Thrafonical  humor.  Where  I  fay  Liberty  is  in  more  danger  to  beabufed  than 
to  be  Loft  i  he  telleth  me,  Jt  is  a  meer  Jhift  ^to  be  thought  not fiknced.  I  had  not 
thought  him  fuch  a  dangerous  adverfary  ,  metuent  omnes  jam  te^  nee  immerito  ,  well 
if  it  be  a  (hift,  it  is  fuch  a  (hift  as  all  confcionable  men  do  find  by  experience  to  be 
true.  And  for  his  filencing  of  me,  impaviditm  ferient  rui>t£.  I  do  not  fear  file n- 
cing  by  him,  except  his  arguments  have  fomc  occult  quality ,  more  than  he  or  I /-  /i-  .• 
dream  of.    If  a  hfh  could  fpeak,  a  iifh  would  notbcfilcnccd  by  him  in  this  caufe.      f  l^     ■ 

There  is  a  double  qucftion  difcufTed  in  this  Sedion.  Firft,  Suppofing  that  the  will      'f  ^ r 
doth  always  follow  the  Laft  judgement  of  the  underftanding  ,  whether  this  do  take  ^'*        "    ' 
away  the  Liberty  of  the  will.     Secondly,  Whether  the  will  doth  always  follow  the     ^    *    ^' 
lart   judgment  of  the  underftanding;  both  which  queftions  have  formerly  been  dif- 
courfed  of  in  this  Treatife.     For  clearing  of  the  former  queftion,it  ought  to  be  con- 
lidered  ,  that  although  men  do  ordinarily  fpeak  of  the  underftanding  ,  and  of  the 
Will,  as  of  two  diftinft  Agents,  or  individual  fubftanccs ,  fubfifting  by  themfelvesi 
whereof  the  one  underftandeth,  and  the  other  Willeth,  partly  for  the  eminence  of 
thefe  two  powers , and  partly  for  the  clearer  and  more  diftincfl  conception  and  com- 
prehenfion  of  them.     And  although  the  pracftife  of  all  former  Divines  and  Philofo- 
phcrs  do   warrant  us  in  fo  doing  ,  yet  if  we  will  fpeak  properly  and  in  rigour  of 
fpeech,   the  underftanding  and  the  will  are  but  two  powers,    flowing  from  the  rea- 
fonable Soul.     And  that  the  ads  of  willing  and    underftanding  are  predicated  ^''^"^'"'"' 
moft  properly  of  the  man  ,  whileft  the  Soul  and   Body  are  united  (  ^Siuw/ y5<«  ^jl1'*J^^*^  p"^',. 
fuppofnorum  )  and  of  the  reafonable  Soul  after  its  feparation.     And  becaufe  he  fug-  er»of  the 
gefteth  that  this  is  done  for  advantage  :  and  that  it  is  not   without  caufe  ,  men  ufe  reafoDjble 
improper  language  ,  when  they  mean  to  keep  their  errors  from  being  detedted,  to  '°"'' 
Let  him  fee  that  this  is  the  fenfe  of  all  men  ,  and  that  this  affertion  will  advantage 
his  caufe  nothing,  I  am  contented  to  anfwer  his  animadvcrfions  upon  this  fubjed  in 
the  fame  phrafe  that  he  propoferh  them. 

He  pleadcch  that  the  eledion  of  the  free  Agent  doth  neceffarily  follow  his  Laft 
judgment ,  and  therefore  his  eledion  is  not  free.  My  firft  anfwer  to  this  is  that 
determination  which  he  maintaineth  ,  and  which  taketh  away  freedom  and  Liber- 
ty ,  is  extrinfecal  and  antecedent.  But  the  determination  of  the  agents  eledion  by 
this  judgment ,  is  intrinfecal ,  made  by  himfelf, and  concomitant,  being  together 
in  time  with  theeledVion.  To  this  now  he  replyeth.  That  the  rvilland  the  hjl  di- 
ctate of  the  under  jlandiiig  ,  are  produced  in  the  fame  inftant ;  but  the  necejjity  of  them  both 
rvM  antecedent  before  they  were  produced  :  As  when  a  {lone  is  falling  ,  the  necejfity  of 
touching  the  earth  is  antecedent  to  the  touch  it  felf,  unkjiit  he  hindered  by  fame  contrary 
external  motion,  and  then  thejiop  is  as  necejfary  as  the  proceeding  would  have  been.  ^ 

To  this  I  give  three  clear  folutions.  Firft  ,  That  his  inftance  of  the  ftone  is  alto-  isnodke  '"^ 
gether  impertinent,  the  ftone  is  a   natural   agent,  the  man  is  a  voluntary  agent ,  a  failing  Hone 
Natural  Agents  ad:  neccifirily  and  determinately  i  Voluntary  Agents  ad  freely 
and  undeterminately.     The   ftone  is  determined  to  its  motion  downwards,    in- 

E  e  e  e  e  trin 


"^^^Z"  C^fligations  of TOMEII  I> 

trinfccally  by  its  own  nature  ,  that  is,  by  the  Weight  or  Gravity  of  it ,  but  he 
makcth  the  Will  ct"  the  free  Agent,  to  be  determined extrinfecally  bycaufcs  with- 
out himfclf. 

Secondly,  There  is  not  the  like  ncceflary  or  determinate  connexion,  between 
the  Will  and'  its  antecedent  caufes  ,  as  is  between  the  (lone  falling  ,  and  its  roiich- 
ing  the  ground.  It  was  in  the  power  of  the  man  to  deliberate  or  not  deliberate,  to 
eled,or  hot  eled,  but  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  ftone,  to  fall,or  not  to  fall.  So  the 
motion  of  the  iione  was  determined  to  one  antecedently  in  its  caufes ,  but  the  clc- 
dive  Will  ofman  is  not  determined  to  one  antecedently  in  its  caufes,  until  the  man 
determin  himfelf  by  his  choice. 

Thirdly  ,  Though  the  flone  be  not  fuch  a  free  undetermined  agent  as  the  man  is, 

and  therefore  this  concemeth  not  Liberty:  yet  he  himfelf  confeffeth,    that  cafually 

it  may  be  hindrcd  from  touching  the  ground  ,  unkji  it  he  hindred  by  fome  contrary 

external  motion.     So  the  Stones  touching  of  the  ground  ,  is  ncceflary  onely  upon 

fiippolition  ,  unlefs  it  be  hindred.     But  that  neceffity  which  he  maintaineth  ,  is  a 

necellity  antecedent  ,  which  cannot  fojfibk  he  othermfe.     But  there  is  the  difference 

between  the  man  andtheftone.  That  the  thing  fuppofcd  [to  deliberateor  not  tode- 

liberate  1  is  in  the  power  of  the  man,  but  the  thing  fuppofed  \_  to  be  hindred  or  not 

hindred  3  is  rot  in  the  power  of  the  flone. 

Abfolutc   ne.       He  pleadeth  farther  ,   Thzt  fup^ofnig  the  ftone  be  hindred ,  then  thefiop  is  neccjjary. 

ceirity"aatnitt  So  Hill  there  is  neceliity.     Nay  by   his  favour,    if  the  event  be  neceflary  to  fall 

teth  no  con-   out  this  way  upon  onefuppofition  ,  and  necefl"ary  to  fall  out  another  way  upon  a 

trary  fuppofi-  contrary  fuppofition  ,  then  there  is  no  abfolute  or  antecedent  neceflity  at  all,  for 

"°°  ■  abfolute  necellity  admitteth  no  fuch  contrary   fuppofitions ,  abfolute  or  antecedent 

necellity  ,  being  that  which  cannot  poffibly  be  othcrwife. 

My  fecond  anfwcr  was  negative  ,  That  the  free  agent  in  eleding  doth  not  always 

choofe  what  is  beft  or  molt  convenient ,  in  his  judgement.     He  affirmeth  that  I  fay 

A  man    may  *^'»*  ^  ^«'  -*  probable  opinion  ,  Nay  I  faid    it   was  probable  at  the  Icaft :  and  if  he 

win'contiary    prefs    me  farther ,    I  fay  it  is  but  too  evident.     Otherwife  there  (hould  be  no  fin 

tothediaate    againft  confcience,  for  what    is  confcience  but    the  praCiica I  judgment ,  ordinate 

ofreafon.  ofreafon^  concerning  things  to  be  done  ^  or  to  be  punned^  here   and  noip  ,  reitb  thefe   or 

thofe  circunjjiances.     And  fuch  a  man  is  truly  ivnv.»r<ixeA-nc  condemned  by  himlelf.    A 

man  who  hath  two  diflies  of  meat  fet  before  him  ,  the  one  more  agreeable  to  his 

health  ,  the  other  more  pleafiiig  to  his  palate,  may,  and,  many  times  ,  doth  choofe 

the  later  and  the  worfe ,  his  judgement  at  the  fame  time  difallowing  it.     St.Faul 

confeffeth  that  he  had  done  that  which  he  allowed  mt.     He  faith  it  U  impfljjthle  for  a  man 

Rom.    f,  1$.    *"  ^'^^  ^^y  thing  which  appear  eth  not  firfl  in  his  miderftanding  to  he  good  for  bim.     That 

is  very  true,   but  it  cometh  not  home.  If  he  would  fpeak  to  the  purpofc,  he  fliould 

fay ,  it  is  impolhble  for  a   man  to  Will    any    thing  which    appeareth  not  in  his 

underflanding  to  be  beft  for  him.     But  this  isfalfe.     As  fuppofcone  thing  appear  to 

a  man  to  be  honelt ,  that  is  one  Good  ;  another  thing   appeareth  to  be  delightful , 

that  is  another  Good.     Every  man  knoweth  in  his  own  judgement  and  confcience , 

That  that  which  is  honelily  Good,is  better  than  that  which  is  delightfully  Good;  yet 

men  often  choofe  pleafure  before  honef\y,  their  confcience  at  the  fame  time  accufing 

them  for  it, 

I  faid  a  man  is  bound  to  follow  his  confcience  ,  as  the  lafl  pra<f1:ical  didate  of 
reafon.     There  is  no  doubt  of  if.     The  Scripture  is  plain.  He  that  doubteth  is  dam- 
U-  2  J.    ^j^j  jj-^^^  ^^^  ^  becaufe  he  eateth  not  of  Faith  ,  for  whatfoever  is  not  of  faith  (  that  is  to 
fay  ,  is  not  done  upon  a  firtn  refolution  that   it  is  Lawful  )  is  fm.     Reafon  is  as 
plain ,  all  circumfiances  muft  concur  to  make  an  adtion  Good  ,  but  one  fingle  de- 
An  erroneous  fe*^  doth  make  it  evil.     The  approbation  of  confcience  is  required  to  every  good  a- 
confcience        ftion  ,  and  the  want  thereof  maketh  it  finful  i   not  fimply  in  it  felf,  but  to  that  pcr- 
ibl'^eth  firft     ^^^      ^j.  jj^^^  (jj^^_     y\c  excepteth  that  a  man  ouaht  net  to  follow  the  diCfate  ofhismt- 
then  to  follow  derjtandtng  when  it  K  erroneouf.     That  is  molt  true  with  this  Limitation  ,  wherem  it 
it»  is  erroneous,  or  as  it  is  erroneous.     But  there  is.an  expedient  for  this  in  Cafe-Divi- 

nity, which  I  cafiiy  believe  he  did  never  meet  with.  He  who  hath  an  erroneous  con- 
fcience is  doubly  obliged:  firflto  reform  it,  and  then  to  followit:  The  didates  of 
right  reafon  ought  ever  to  be  followcd,and  erroneous  reafon  ought  efer  to  be  reform- 
ed,and  made  right  reafon.  I 


PrscouRSEl  I. Mr.         HobsV   Animadver^JGnS'  §2<   " 

1  Uid  due  reafon  was  the  true  root  of  Liberty  ,  that  is  plain  ;  The  objedt  of  the  /leafon  is  tli"" 
Will  is  good  ,  cither  real  or  apparent.     And  a  man  cannot  Will  any  thing  as  good,  true  root  of 
but  that   which  he  judgeth  in  bisunderltanding  to  be  good.     Nothing  can  affe<a'^'''"'>'* 
that  vvhich  it  doth  not  know.     And  therefore  reafon  mult  of  necelhty  be  the  root 
of  Liberty.    -This  he  taketh  to  be  contradidory  to  what  I  fay  lierc,  That  adlions 
and  objeds  may  be  fo  equally  circumftantiated  ,  or  the  cafe  fo  intricate  ,   that  rea- 
fon cannot  give  a  pofitive  fentence  ,  but  Leaves  the  clc<aioa  to  Liberty  or  chance. 
B>n>  then  (  faith  he  )  can  a  mxn  Leave  tbn  to  Liberty  tvhen  his  reafon  can  give  no  fen- 
tence ?  And  if  by  chance   I  mean  that  n>hich  hath  no  caufes ,  I  dejiroy  Providence  ■>  if 
that  vohich  hath  cattfer  ,  I  leave  it  to  necejjity.     So  where  I  fay  That  reafon  cannot 
give   a  pofitive  fentence ,  he  maketh  me  fay  ,  that  reafon  can  give  no  fentence. 
There  is  a  great  difference  between  thefe  two.     The  Judges  name  three  men  to  the 
Sheriffwick  of  a  County  •,  here  is  a  nomination  or  judgement ,  but  not  yet  pofitive. 
The  King  Picks  one  of  thefe  three,  then  the  nomination  or  judgment  is  pofitive. 
So  reafon  reprefenteth   to  the  free  agent ,  or  the  free  agent  judgeth  in  his  under- 
ftanding  three  means  to  obtain  one  end  ,  either  not  examining ,  or  not  determining 
any  advantage  which  one  mean  hath  above  another.     Here  is  an  indefinite  judge- 
ment for  three  good  means,  though  it  be  not  pofitive  for  any  one  more  than  the  red. 
In  this  cafe  tlie  will  or  thcfree  Agent  choofeth  one  of  thefe  three  means  asgood,with- 
oiit  any  farther  examination  which  is  beft.     Reafon  is  the  root  of  Liberty  in  repre- 
fcnting  what  is  good  ,  even  when  it  doth  give  no  pofitive  or  determinate  fentence 
what  is  beft.     I  am  neither  fo  vain  to  think  there  is  any  thing  that  hath  a  being  , 
which  hath  not  caufes,  nor  fo  ftupid  on  the  other  fide  ,  as  to  think  that  all  caufes 
are  neceflary  caufes.     Chance  proceedeth  neither  from  the  want ,  nor  from  the  ig- 
norance, but  from  the  accidental  concurrence  of  caufes 

His  next  charge  is ,  "That  it  is  falfe  that  anions  may  befo  equally  circumjlantiated  that  Aftions  may 
reafon  cannot  give  a  pofitive  (  that  is,  a  determinate  )  je/jfe/jcf.     Yet  he  confefTeth,  equally  be cir* 
that  in  thefe  things  eleded  ,  there  may  be   an  exzO:  equality.     If  he  did  not  con-  cumf^anciated, 
fefs  it,  it  is  moli  evident  in  it  felf ,   as  appeareth  in  my  former  inftance  of  two 
Plaifters  of  equal  virtue  :  or  if  he  pleafe  in  two  pieces  of  gold  of  the  fame  (lamp , 
Weight  ,  and  alloy ,  fent  toone  man  upon  condition  to  choofe  the  one,   and  leave 
■the  other.     He  judgeth  them  both  to  be  good  ,  and  is  not  fuch  a  fool  as  they    are 
who  fay  ,  that  he  would  hang  in  a  perpetual  equilibrium^  and  could  choofe  neither, 
for  want  of  determination ,  which  was  beft.     Therefore  he  choofeth  one  of  them, 
without  more  to  do.     But  he  faith  ,   there  may  he  circumftancesin  him  that  is  toekCiy 
that  he  do  not  ff  end  time  in  vain,  or  loofe  both.     It  is  true  ,  ther  are    reafons   to-move 
him  to  eled  ,  becaufe  they  are  both  good  ,  but  there  are  no  reafons  to  move  him  to 
cleft  the  one  rather  than  the  other ,  this  rather  than  that ,  or  that  rather  than  this  , 
but  onely  the  will  of  him  that  elefteth  ,    all  things  being  fo  equally  circumftantia- 
ted  ,  that  reafon  can  give  fentence  for  them  both  as  good,  but  not  for  the  one  pofi- 
tively  and  detej-minately ,  as    better    than  the   other.     Whatfoever  is  good  is  the 
objcft  of  the  Will ,  though  it  be  not  always  the  beft. 

I  faid  that  reafon  doth  not  weigh  every  indivdual  objedlor  adtion  to  the  uttermofi 
grain.  He  pleadeth  in  anfwer  ,  'True ,  but  does  it  therefore  follorv  ,  a  man  gives  nd 
fentence  ?'  the  rvill  may  follow  the  di&ate  dfthe  \udgement ,  whether  the  man  weigh  or  not 
weigh  aV  that  might  be  weighed.  I  acknowledge  it ,  but  he  miftaketh  the  fcope  of 
^  my  argument.  The  Lefs  exactly  that  reafon  doth  weigh  actions  or  objects,  the  Lefs, 
exadlly  it  dothdetermin  the  free  agent ,  but  leaveth  him  as  in  a  cafe  of  indilferency, 
or  having  no  confiderablc  difference,  to  choofe  what  he  will,  as  being  not  much  ma- 
terial ,  or  not  at  all  material,  whether  he  choofe  the  one  part  or  the  other. 

Pafjions  and  aff'edions  (faith  he  )  prevail  often  agdinji  IVifdom  ,  but  not  againjl  the  Piliions  oheti 
judgement  or  diBate  of  the  underlianding.  "the  will  of  a  peevifh  pajjionatefdol  doth  no  ^^'^^^^^"^^^ 
lefs  follow  the  diilate  of  his  widerfianding,  than  the  will  of  a  wifer  man.  He  muft  par- 
don me ,  palfions  prevail  not  onely  againft  Wifdom ,  but  againft  the  dictates  of 
reafon.  It  was  Medeas  pallion  which  dictated  to  her  ,  that  to  revenge  her  felf  up- 
on her  Husband  vvas  more  eligible  than  the  Lives  of  her  Children  :  Her  reafon  di- 
ctated the  contrary. 

E  e  e  c  e  2  AH- 


826 


Cajiigations  of  T  O  M  E  1 1  T. 


•  Almdque  cup  do  ^ 


Mens  al'mdfuadet  \  video  meliora  proboque  , 
Veteroira  fequor.^ 


It  was  *>f.  Peters  fear  ,  not  his  judgement ,  which  di<3:atcd  to  him  to  deny  his 
Malicr.  Every  man  is  tetnpted  when  he  u  drawn  afide  of  his  oven  Inft,  not  of  his  intel- 
^am.  1.13.  ledual  judgment,  j^jcot  did  not  curfe  he  mifunderftanding  of  Simeon  3nd  Levi  ^ 
but  their  pallion.  Curjed  be  their  an^(r ,  for  it  was  fierce  ,  and  their  wrath  for  it  was 
cruel.  As  the  Law  is  filcnt  among  arms  ,  Co  is  realbn  filcnt  among  pallions.  Paf- 
fion  is  like  an  unruly  PaflcTgcr  which  thrufts  reafon  away  from  the  rudder  for  the 
timr.  Therefore  they  ufe  to  fay  that  the  Dominion  of  rea(bn  ,  or  of  a  reafonable 
man  ,  over  his  fcnlltive  appetite,  is  not  dcfpotical,  Like  the  Government  of  a  Ma- 
iler over  his  flave  ,  but  political  like  that  of  a  Magiftratc  over  the  people  ,  which  is 
often  difturbcd  by  feditious  tumults  and  Rebellions.  Pallion  is  an  Eclipfe  of  reafon 
a  fliort  madnefs,  the  Mefamorphofis  of  a  man  into  a  Wild  beaft  that  is  goared  , 
which  runneth  upon  every  thing  that  comes  in  her  way  without  confideration  ,  or 
like  a  violent  torrent  dcfcending  down  impetuoufly  from  a  Aeephill ,  which  bear- 
eth  down  all  refpedls  before  it ,  Divine  and  human.  Whileft  paffion  is  at  the 
height,  there  isno  room  for  reafon,  nor  any  ufe  of  the  didates  of  the  undcrftand- 
ing  ,  the  mind  for  the  time  ,  being  like  the  Cyclopian  cave",  where  no  man  heard 
what  another  faid. 

The  Laft  part  of  this  Sedion  is  liot  concerning  the  fortunes  of  ^/i-*,  but  the 
wtighing  of  avhorfe-load  of  feathers  ^  a  Light  and  trivial  fubjed,  wherein  there 
is  nothing,  but  a  contempt  of  School- terms  without  any  ground,  bold  affirmations 
without  any  proof,  and  a  continued  detradion  from  the  dignity  of  the  human  na- 
ture, as  ifareafonabk  man  were  not  fo  confiderable  as  a  Jack-daw.  When  God  cre- 
ated man  ,  he  made  him  a  mean  Lord  under  himfelf,  to  have  dominion  over  all  his 
^T  ^h^  L^d  ^'^^^^"res,  and  put  alt  things  infubjeSion  under  his  feet.     And  to  fit  him  for  this  com- 
of  iIk  ^  crca-  ^^.nd  ,  he  gave  him  an  intclledual  foul.  But  T.  K  maketh  him  to  be  in  the  difpofl- 
tur«.  t'on  of  the  lecond  caufesjfometimes  as  a  fword  in  a  mans  hand,ameer  padive  inftru- 

jPial.S.  tf.  i  mentj  fometimcs  like  a  top  that  is  Laflit  hither  and  thither  by  boyes  ,  fometimes  like 
a  foot-ball  ,  which  is  kicked  hither  and  thither  by  everyone  that  comes  nigh  it,  and 
hereto  a  pair  of  fcales ,  which  are  prelTed  down  now  one  way  ,  then  another  way 
by  the  weight  of  tlie  objects.  Surely  this  is  not  that  man  that  was  created  by  God 
after  his  own  Image  ,  to  be  the  Governour  of  the  World  ,  and  Lord  and  Mafter  of 
the  creatures.  This  is  fome  man  that  he  hath  borrowed  out  of  the  beginning  of  an 
Almanack,  who  is  placed  immoveable  in  thcmiddft  of  the  twelve  Signs,  as  fo  ma- 
ny fecond  caufes.  If  he  offer  to  flir,  j4ries  is  over  his  head  ready  to  pufh  him ,  and 
TauriK  to  goar  him  in  the  neck,  and  Leo  to  tear  out  his  heart, and  Sagitarius  fo  fhoot 
an  arrow  in  his  thighs. 
How  tlic  Yet  he  tells  us  boldly.  That  m  man  can  underfiand  that  the  underfianding  makgth  «• 

underflandiDg  jy,  alteration  of  weight  or  Ughtnejs  in  the  ohjeli  i  or  that  reafon  layes  objects  upon  the 
Kfl"  their  °  '  ""^^^r^^nding.  What  poor  triffling  is  this  in  a  thing  fo  plain  and  obvious  to  every 
proper  mans  capacity  ?  There  can  benodefire  of  that  which  is  not  known  in  fome  fort  i 

weight.  Nothing  can  be  willed  but  that  which  is  apprehended  tobegood  cither  by  ;reafonor 

fenfe  ,  and  that  according  to  the  degree  of  apprehenfion.  Place  a  man  in  a  dark 
room ,  and  all  the  rarefi  objects  in  the  World  befides  him ,  he  feeth  them  .not ,  he 
diftinguifheth  them  not ,  he  willeth  them  not.  But  bring  in  a  Light  and  he  feeth 
them,  and  diftinguifheth  them, and  willeth  them,  according  to  their  diftinct  worths. 
That  which  Light  is  to  vifible  objects  ,  making  thofe  things  to  be  actually  feen  , 
which  were  only  potentially  vifible  ,  that  is  ,  the  underf^anding  to  all  intelligible 
objects ,  without  which  ,  they  are  neither  known  nor  willed.  Wherefore  men  de- 
fine the  under/landing  to  be  a  faculty  of  the  reafonable  Soul,  underftanding,  kotowing,  and 
judging  ah  imelligible  things.  The  underfianding  then  doth  not  alter  the  weight  of  oh- 
jtOs  ,  no  rnore  than  the  Light  doth  change  the  colours  ,  which  without  help  ofthe 
Light,  did  Lie  hid  in  the  darkj  But  the  Light  makes  the  colours  to  be  actually 
feen .  So  doth  tlie  underftanding  make  the  Latent  value  of  intelligible  objects  to  be 
apprehended  ,  and  confcquently  maketh  them  to  be  defired  and  willed  according  to 
their  diftinct  degrees  of  Goodnefs.     This  judgmejit  which  no  nun  ever  denied  to 

in- 


i 


Discourse.  I  I  Mr   HobsV  Animadverfions.  g^^i 

intelligible  creatures ,  is  the  weighing  (.fobjeds,  or  attributing  their  juft  weight  to  " 

them,  and  the  trying  of  them   as  it  were  by  the  balance  and  by  the  Touchltone. 
This  is  not  the  hying  ufohje&s  upo,t  the  underjhueJittg.     The  underftanding  is  not  the 
patient  but  the  judge,  but  this  is  the  rcprcfcnting  of  the  goodnefle  or  badnefle  or" 
obieds  to  the  will,  or  to  the  free  Agent  willing ,  which  relatively  to  the  will ,  giveth 
them  all  their  weight  and  efficacy. 

There  may  be  difference  bet  weentheic  two  propofitions ,  Kepentance  it  not  volm- 
txry  ^  aftdbyconfeqiience  proceedeth  jromcjujes;  A.nd  Repentance  proceedeth  from  caufer, 
And  by  coitfequcnce  is  nm  voluntary-,  it  his  confcquence  were  well  intelligible,  as  it  is  not: 
Al!  ads  both  voluntary  and  involuntary  doc  proceed  from  caufes.  He  chargeth  me  to 
have  chopt  in  thefe  words  [  And  therefore.  ]  The  truth  is,  his  words  were,  and  by 
confeqnence^  which  I  exprefled  thus  j_  and  therefore.  ]  Iherefore  and  by  confeqtience  are 
the  very  fame  thing,  neuher  more  nor  lelfe.  Is  not  this  a  doughty  exception  ?  But  the 
other  is  his  greater  errour.  That  Repentance  is  not  voluntary.  No  Schooleman  ever 
faid  that  th;  faculty  of  the  will  was  voluntary  ,  but  that  the  Agent  was  a  voluntary 
Agent ,  and  tlie  adt  a  voluntary  ad:. 

He  accufeth  me  of  cha tiding  him  with  Blafphemy  and  Atheifme  Ifhe  be  wronged   ^^fligations 
in  that  kind,  it  is  he  who  wrongeth  himfelf  by  his  fufpicion.     Spreta  exolejcmt  i  "f  the    Ani- 
fi  irjfcare  ^agnita  vidattur.     I  accufed  him  not  either  of  Blafphemy  or  Atheifme,  in'  "'■^dverfojts 
the  Concrete.     One  may  fay  a  mans  opinions  are  Blafphemous  and  Atheiltical  in'the   Num,  24. 
Abftrad,  without  charging  the  perfon  with  formal  Atheifme  or  Blaphemy.     The 
reafon  is  evident,  becau  la  it  may  be  ,  that  through  prejudice  he  doth  not  fee  the  con- 
fequences,  which  other  rnen,    whofeeyesare  not  blinded   with  that  mift  ,do  fee 
and  ifhe  did  fee  them,  would  abhor  them  as  well  as  they.  For  this  reafon,  he  who  S'^fpfimyin 
chargeth  one  with  fpeaking  or  writing  implictie  contradiftions  ,  or   things  incon-  ^^'\^^^^'^  ■, 
fiftent  one  with  another  ,  doth  not  prefcntly  accufe  him  of  lying,  although  one  part  cretc  differ  °°' 
of  a  contradidion  muft  needs  be  falfe,becaufe  it  may  be  the  force  of  theconfequence  much. 
is  not  evident  to  him. 

A  man  may  know  a  truth  certainly,  and  yet  not  know  the  formal  reafon  or  the  Amanmay 
manner  of  it  (o  certainly.     I  know  that  I  fee  ,  and  I  judge  probably  how  I  fee  i  yet  '«"°"'.a  truth 
the  manner  how  I  iee  ,  whether   by  fending   out  beams,  or  by   receiving  in  the  """°'y»    V 
fpecief  ,  is  liot  fo  evident  as  the  thing  it  felf ,  that  1  do  fee.     They  who  do  not  agree  °°"<"ow 
about  the  manner  of  vifion,  do  all  agree  about  the  truth  of  vifion.Every  man  know- 
eth  certainly  ,  that   he  can  caft  a  flone  up  into  the  air  ,  but  the  manner   how  the 
ftone  is  moved  after  it  is  ftparatcd  from  the  hand  ,  whether  it  be  by  fome  force  ,  or 
form  ,  or  quality  impreifed  into  the  itone  by  the  cafter,  or   by  the  air  ;  and  if  it  be 
by  the  air  ,  whether  if  be  by  the  pulfion  of  the  air   following,  or  by  theccllionof 
theformerair,  is  obfcure  enough,  and  not  one  ofa  thouland  who  knoweth  the  cer- 
tainty of  thething,  knoweth  the  manner  how  it  cometh  to  paffe.     If  this  betrue  in 
natural  anions  ,  how  much  more  in  the   adtions  of  God  ,  who  is  an  infinite  being, 
and  not    comprehenfible  by  the  finite  wit  of  man  ?  The  water  ca.i  rife  no  higher 
than  the  fountains  head  :    A  looking-glafle  can  reprefent  the  body,  becaufe  there 
isfome  proportion  between  bodies  i  but  it  cannot  reprefent  the  foul  ,  becauie  there 
is  no  proportion  between  that   which  is  material,  and  that    which  is  immaterial. 
This  is  the  reafon  why  we  can  in  fome  fort  apprehend  what  (hall   be  after  the  end  of 
the  World,becaufe  thefoule  is  eternal  that  way;  but  if  we  do  but  think  of  what  was  . 
before  the    begining  of  the  World  ,  we  are  as  it  were  prefently  fwallowedup  in- 
to an  Abyffe,  b:caure  the  foul  is  not  eternal  that  way.     Sol  know  that  there  is 
true  liberty  from  necellity  ,  both  by  Divine    Revelation  ,  and  by  reafon ,  and  by  ex- 
perience.   I  know  like  wife  that  God  knoweth  all  events  from  eternity  j  the  difficulty 
is  not  about  the  thing  ,  but  about  the  manner,  how  God  doth  certainly  know  things 
free  or  contingent  ,  which  are  to  come  in  rcfpcd  of  us,  feeing  they  are  neither  deter- 
mined in  the  event  it  felf ,  nor  in  the  caufes  thereof^  The  not  knowing  oftheman- 
ner,which  may  be  incomprehenfible  to  us ,  doth  not  at  all  diminifh  tlie  certain  truth 
of  the  thing.     Yet  even  for  the  manner  fjndiywayes  are  prdpofed  ,  to  fitisfie  the 
curiofities  rather  than  the  confclences  of  man.      Of  which  this   is  one  way   which  I 
mentioned.     It  were  a  great   madneiTc   torejrdla  certain  truth,  becaufe  there  may 
be  fome  remote  difficulty  about  the  minnerjani  yet  agreatcr  inadnefle  for  avoiding 


yet 

the 


gTg  Cajiigations  of TOME  1 11^ 

^^dklTcra-u^Ic,  to~deitro7jl^  the-am^^  of  God,  which  is  by  confequence 
to  deny  God  himfeir.  His  proof  of  necellity  drawn  from  Gods  eternal  know- 
ledge  of  all    events ,    hath  been      fufficiently  difcuiTed  and    fatisfied  over  and 

I  pleaded  that  my  dodrine  of  liberty  is  an   ancient  truth  generally  received", 
?^libmT'"n  His  opinion  of  uni  verfal  necellity,an  upftart  paradox,and  all  who  own  it  may  be  writ- 
aacicm  rrutir,   ten  in  a  ring.     So  1  aman  old  poffeffor  ,he  is  but  a  new  pretender.     He  anfwereth 
That  be  if  in  pojjefion  of  a  truth  derived  to  him  from  the  light  ofreafon  :  ^rtd  it  is  an  un- 
hattdfome  thing,  for  a  man  to  derive  hit  opinion  concerning  truth  byfuccejjion  from  his  Ance~ 
dor.     I  anfwer  ,  That  iuft  polTellion  is  either  by  law,  or  by  prcfcription.     I  have 
allJavvs  Divine  and  Humane,  Ecclefiaflical  and   Civil,  and  a  prefcription  of  two 
thoufar.d  years  ,  or  at  Icalt ,  ever  finceChriftianity  came  into  the  World,  for  liberty. 
His  opinion  of  univerfal  Deliiny  ,  by  reafon  of  a  neceffary  connexion  of  the  ftcond 
caufcs  ,  was  never  the   general ,  nor  the   common  ,  nor  the  current  opinion  of  the 
World,  and  hath  been  in  a  mani7er  wholly  buried  for   fixteen  hundred  years ,  and 
now  is  firfl;  conjured  out  of  its  grave  by  him  ,  to  difturb  the  World.     If  this  be  juft 
pofleiiicn,  an  Highway-robber  may  plead  pofleffion  fo  foonas  ever  he  hath  ftripped 
an  honert  Traveller.     It  is  not  onely  no  unhandfom  thing  ,  but  it  is  a    mofl:  comely 
and  commendable  thing  ,  for  a  man  to  derive  his  religion  by  the  univerfal  approba- 
tion of  the  Chriftian  World ,  from  the  purcft  Primitive  Times  throughout  all  ages  , 
and  never  to  deviate  further,  from  the  fteps  of  his  Anceflors,  than  they  had  firft 
degenerated  from  their  predecelTors.     And  where  he  telleth  us  ,  That  thefrfi  Chri- 
flians  did  not  derive  Chrijiianityfrom  their  Jncejiours,  It  is  Very  true ,  But  very  ifnper- 
tinent.     For  they  had  not  their  religion  from  their  own  invention  or  prefumption  , 
as  he  hath  his  opinions ,  but  by  Divine  Revelation,  confirmed  with  miracles:  when 
he  is  able  to  produce  as  authentick  proof  for  his  Paradoxes  ,  as  they  did  for  their 
religion,  he  fayeth  fomthing. 

That  whichhe  calleth  my  fcurrilous  argumentation /jf  that  drinkj  well  ^Jleeps  rt>eU 
&c.  is  none  of  mine  ,but  a  common  example  ufed  in  Logick  ,  to  (hew  the    weaknefle 
of  fuch  forms  of  arguings  as  his  is,  when  the  dependance  is  not  neceffary  and  eflen- 
tial ,  but  contingent  and  accidental  i  as  it  is  in  his  argument  here.     All  actions  arc 
from  God  by  a  general  power,  but  not  determinately.     The  like  contingent  con- 
nexion there  is  between    aSion  anifenfe,  fenfe  and    memory,  memory  and  eledion. 
This  is  enough  to  (hew  the  weaknefTe  of  his  argument.     But  he  hath  one   main  fault 
more,  he  hath  put  more  in  the  conclufion  than  there  was  in  the  premifTes. 
will     He  fayeth,   If  by  liberty  J  had  underliood  onely  liberty  ofaUion,and   not   liberty  of 
morerecon-    t^HI  ■,  it   had  been  an  eafe  matter  to  reconcile  it  rcith  prefctence  and  the  decrees  vf  God.     I 
ftlablewith     anfwer  firft.  That  liberty  of  adion  ,  without  liberty  of  will ,  is  but  a  mock  liberty  , 
prefciencc      ^^d  a  new    nothing  ,  like  an    empty  bottle    given  to  a  Child  to    fatisfie  his  thir(>. 
thin  Liberry    -^^ere  there  is  no   liberty  to  will ,  there  is  no  liberty  to  adt ,  as  hath  been  formerly 
demonftrated.     Secondly,  The  liberty  to  will  is  as  reconciliable  with  the  prefcience 
and  decrees  of  God  as  the  liberty  to  adt.     Gods  decrees  do  extend  atlalt  as  much  to 
adtingasto  willing.     Thirdly,  This  liberty  of  afting  ,  without  a  liberty  of  willing 
is  irreconciliable  ,  with  all  the  other  attributes  of  God  his  truth ,  his  jultice,  his 
goodnelTe  ,  and  his  power,  and  fetteth  the  decrees  of  God  in  oppofition  one  with 
another.     How  (hould  a  man  have  a  liberty  to  adt  ,  and  have  no  liberty  to  will , 
when  he  cannot  adt  freely  except  he  will  freely ,  becaufe  willing  is  a  neceiTary  caufc 
or  means  of  adding  ?  That   which  followeth  about  Gods  afpedt  and  intuition  ,  is 
meerly  a  contention  about  words ,  and  fuch  words ,  as  are  received  and  appovcd  by 
all  Authours.  Gods  intuition  is  not  of  the  fame  nature  with  oursi  we  poor  Creatures 
do  (iand  in  need  of  organs,    but  God  who  is  a  pure  (imple  infinite  eflencc ,  cannot 
be  made  prefedler    by  organs  ,  or  accidents.     Whatfoever    he  feeth  or  knoweth, 
hefeethorknovvethby  his   elTencc.  The  le(re  T.  H.  underftood  the  tcxms  oi  Afped 
and  Intuition  ,  the  more  apt  he  was  to  blonder  them. 
,      ...       Ktp^e^deth  ^  If  liberty  canmt  (iand  tvithnecrffjty  ,  it  cannot  liand  tpitb 'the  Jecreei  of 
of  God  is  the   ^"'^  ■>  "Z**'^^^*^^'  dfcrees}iecr(Jity''is  a  confequent.  And  be  citeth  (bme  body  without  name, 
nccdfityofall  who  faid  *Vk  will  of  God  is  the  necefity  of  all  things.     I  deny  his  confequence.  Liberty 
thing*.  is  conliftent  with  Gods  deci'ccs-,  though  it  be  not  oonfiftent  with  univerfal  neceflity. 

the 


Dr. SCOURGE  II.       Mr.  Hob's  Ammad'verpons^  g^o 

The  reafon  is  phin  ,  becaufe  Liberty  is  a  confequent  of  Gods  decrees  as  well  as  nc- 
celiiry.     He  who  (M  rh^i  the  roiU  of  God  rv:ts  the  neceftty  of  aU  things  ^  was  St. /^«-  D'.Gen  ,  ad 
Jihi.     I  wilh  he  woiikl  (land  to  his  judgenicnt ,  or  to  his  fenfe  of  thole  words.     The  Ut  I-  ^-  c.\  5- 
meaning  of  thofe  Words  is  not  that  God  doth  Will,that  all  things  fliould   be  necef- 
fary.     But  that  whatfoever  God  doth  Will ,  that   mull  necelTarily  be.     If  he  will 
have  all  things  necelLry,  then  all  things  muft  be  necefTary,  If  he  will  have  all  things 
free,  then  all  things  muft  be  free  :  If  he  will  havefome  things  necelTary  ,  and  fome 
things  free,  then  fome  things  muft  be  necelTary,  and  fome  things  free.     When  God 
formed  man  of  the  dull:  of  the  carthi  lie  might  have  formed  either  a  child  or  a  man 
but  whether  he  (liould  be  formed  the  one  or  the  other  ,  it  rvai  not  in  the  condition  of 
the  Creature^  but  in  the  pleafure  of  the  Creatnr^whofe  vciU  is  the  necefftty  of  things .     What 
doth  this  concern  the  Liberty  of  man  ?  Nothing.     It  concerned  him  more  to  have 
undcrllood  St.  y^«jii)7j  diftindion  ,  between  Gods  Will,   and  his  prefcience  in  the 
fame  place,  What  God  veilkth  (hull  neceffarily  be  ^  (that  is  according  to  an  abfolute 
antecedent  neceliity  )  What  Godforekiotvs  (hall  truly  be  ,  (  that  isonely  by  a  necelli-  Itid^.  d 
ty  of  Infallibility  )  I  might  produce  the  whole  World  againft  him  in  thiscaufe.  But 
becaufe  he  renounced  Humane  authorities  ,  I  have  been  fparing  to  allcdge  one  tefti- 
mony  againft  him.     But  to  free  St.  Aiiiiin  from  all  fufpicion  of  concurring  ,  in  fuch 
a  defperate  caufe,   I  will  only  cite  one  place  of  an  hundred  ,  Neither  is  that  neceft-  DeCivit   Dd 
tyto  be  feared,  which  the  Stoick^  fearing  ,  were  careful  to  diftinguijh  the  caufes  of  thinas  c.  5.  c-  10,  ' 
/(',  that  fome  they  fubJiraHed  from  necefftty,  fome  tbeyfubjeded  to  necefftty.     And  in  thofe 
rrhich  they  vpould  not  have  to  be  under  necefftty  ,  tkey  placed  our  wills,    kafl  they  {hould 
not  be  free  if  they  were  fub)(Ued  to  necefftty.     For  if  that  be  to  be  called  our  neceffity^which 
is  not  in  our  power  ,  but  effedeth  what  it  can  although  we  will  not,  fuch  as  is  the  necef  ^'^*^'^   '^ '° 
fiiy  of  death  :    it  is  as  maniftft  that  our  wills  ,  whereby  we  live  well  or  ill ,  are  not  under  [ndTo" permit 
fuch  a  necefftty  ,  &c.     Here  he  may  Hnd  the  two  forts  of  neceliity  ,  which  we  have  barely 
had  fo  much  contention  about ,  the  one  in  our  power,   which  is  not  oppofed   to 
Liberty  :  the  other  not  in  our    power,  that  is  an  antecedent    cxtrinfecal  neceliity 
which  deftroyeth  Liberty  :  but  he  faith  that  it  is  manifeft  ,   that  our  wills  are  not 
fubjed  to  fuch  antecedent  neceliity.     Here  he  may  fee  that  his  friends  the  Stoicks 
the  great  patrons  of  neceliity,  were  not  for  univerfal  neceliity  as  he  is,  nor  did 
countenance  neceliity  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Liberty  of  the  will. 

Onely  to  permit ,  and  to  permit  Liberty,  do  not  fignlfie  the  fame  thing  in  this  place. 
Onely  to  permit,  is  oppofed  to  ading  :  to  permit  barely ,  is  oppofed  to  difpofing. 
There  are  many  things  which  God  doth  not  ad ,  there  is  nothing  which  God  doth 
not  difpofe.  He  adeth  good  ,  permitteth  evil ,  difpofeth  all  things  both  good  and 
evil.  He  that  cutteth  the  banks  of  a  River ,  is  the  adive  caufe  that  the  Water  flow- 
eth  out  of  the  Channel  :  he  that  hindreth  not  the  ftrcam  to  break  the  banks  when 
he  could  ,  is  the  permillive  caufe  •,  And  if  he  qpake  no  other  ufe  of  the  breaking 
out ,  it  is  nuda  permifio,  bare  pcrmilCon  ,  but  if  he  difpofeth  and  draweth  the  Wa- 
ter that  floweth  out  by  furrows  ,  to  Water  the  Medows,  then  though  he  permit  it 
yet  he  doth  not  barely  permit  it,  but  difpofeth  of  it  to  a  farthergood.  So  God  on- 
ly permitteth  evil,  that  is  ,  he  doth  it  not ,  but  he  doth  not  barely  permit  it,  becaufe 
he  difpofeth  it  to  good. 

Here  he  would  gladly  be  nibling  at  the  queftions,  whether  Univerfals  be  nothing 
but  onely  words,  Noshingin  the  World,  faith  he,  if  general  ^  but  the  fig^nifi  cations  of 
words  and  other  figns.  Hereby  affirming  unawares,  that  a  man  is  but  a  word,  and 
by  confcquence  ,  that  he  himfelf  is  but  a  titular,  and  not  a  real  man.  But  this  que- 
flion  is  altogether  impertinent  in  this  place.  We  do  not  by  a  general  influence  un- 
derftand  fome  univerfal  fubrtance  or  thing,  but  an  influence  of  an  indetemiinatc 
power  ,  which  maybe  applied  either  to  good  or  evi{.  The  influence  is  a  lingular 
ad ,  but  the  power  communicated  is  a  general ,  that  is  ,  an  indeterminate  power 
which  may  be  applyed  to  ads  of  feveral  kinds.  If  he  deny  all  general  power  in  this 
fenfe,  he  denieth  both  his  own  reafon,  and  his  common  fenfe. 

Still   he  is  for  his  old  crrour  ,  that  eternity  is  a  fuccellive  everlafting  duration,  ^"''""y"  "^ 
But  he  produceth  nothing  for  it ,  nor  anfwcrjth  to  any  thing  which  I  urged  againft  '"'^5^'''''"^  ■*"" 
it,  that  the  eternity  of  God  is  God  himfelf,  that  if  eternity  were  an  evcrlalling  du-  ""°''' 
ration  ,  theii  there  fhould  be  fucceilion  in  God  i  then  there  lliould  be  former  and 

later 


830 


Cajii^ations  of  TOME  HI, 


latter  pall  and  to  come,  and  a  part  without  a  part  in  God  v  then  all  things  fliOLild 
not  be'prefcnt  to  God'i  then  God  (hould  lofe  fomthing,  namely,  that  which  is  pair, 
andacquircfbmethingnewly,namely,that  which  is  to  come:  and  fo  Gud,  who  is 
without  alipjdow  of  change  ,  (hould  be  mutable,  and  change  every  day.  To  this  he 
is  fiknt  ,  and  lilence  argueth  confent. 

He  faith     "Ihufe  many  other  tvays  tvhich  are  propofed  by  Divines  for  reconciling  eternal 
'  prefcience  with  Liberty  and  aintmgency  are  propofid  in  vain,  if  they  mean  the  fame  Liber- 

ty and  contingency  that  J  do^for  truth  and  erroitr  can  never  be  rtconciled:  I  do  not  won- 
der at  his  rtiew  of  confidence,  The  declining  fun  maketh  longer  Ihadowes  ,  and 
when  a  Merchant  is  nearcfl  breaking,  he  maketh  the  faircrt  (hew,  to  pr^fcrvc  his 
reputation  as  Long  as  may  be.  He  faith  he  ]t^ioroeth  the  Loadjhne  hath  nu  fitch  attra- 
Ciive  power.  1  fear  fliortly  he  will  not  permit  us  to  fay  that  a  Plailler  or  a  planraine 
Lcafdraweth.  what  doth  the  Loadllone  then  ,  if  it  doth  not  draw?  He  h^iorveth 
that  the  Iron  cometh  to  it ,  or  it  to  the  Iron.  Can  he  not  tell  whether  ?  This  is  woric 
than  drawing  ,  to  make  Iron  come  or  go.  By  potentiality  he  undcrflandeth  power 
or  might :  others  underlland  poUibility  or  indetermination.  Is  not  he  likely  to  con- 
fue  iheSchoolmcnto  good  purpofe.? 

Whereas  1  faid  that  God  is  not  juft  ,  but  juftice  it   felf,  not  eternal,  but  eternity 
why  God  is     '^  ^"^1^'  He  telleth  me  ,  That  they  are  unfeenily  words  to  he  faid  of  God ,  be  will  not  fay 
faid  to  be  ]\i-  blafphemour  and  Aiheiftical ,  that  Cod  k  not  juj,} ,  that  he  if  not  eternal.     Ido   not  fear 
fticeitfclf,&c.  that  any  one  Schollar,  or  any  one  underftanding  Chriftian  in  the    World,  fhould 
be  ofhis  mind  in  this.  If  I  fliould  fpend  much  time  in  proving  of  fuch  known  truths  , 
approved  and  cltablifhed  by  the  Chrillian  World  ,  I  fhould   (hew  my  felf  almoft  as 
weak  as  he  doth  fliew  himfelf,  to  talk  of  fuch  things  as  he  underftandeth  not  in  the 
leaft,  to  the  overthrowing  of  the  nature  of  God  ,  and  to  make  him  no  God.     If 
his  God  have  accidents ,  ours  hath  none  j  If  his  God  admit  of  compofition  and  di- 
villon,  ours  is  a  fimple   effence.     When  we  (ay  God  is  not    juft,  but  jurtice  ,  not 
wifebut  wifdom  ,  doth  he  think  that  v/e  fpeak  of  moral  virtues  ?  or  that  we  dero- 
gate or  detrad  from  God  ?  No  ,  we  afcribe  unto  him  a  tranfcendental  juflice,  and 
wifdom,  that  is  not  comprehended  under  our  categories  ,  nor  to  be  conceived  per- 
fedtly  by  humane  reafon.  But  why  doth  he  not  attempt  to  anfwer  the  reafons  which 
I  brought,  That  that  which  is  infinitely    perfcdi  ,  cannot  be    further  perfected  by 
accidents.     That  God  is  a  (imple  e(rence,  and  can  admit  no  kind  of  compodtion  i 
That  the  infinite  elfence  of  God  canaft  fufficicntly  without  faculties  »  Thatit  con- 
fiikth  not  with  divine  perfedlon  to  have  any  paliive  cr  receptive  powers.     I  find 
nothing  in  anfwer  to  thefc  ,  but  deep  filencc.     Atttributes  are  names  i  and  juftice 
and  wifdom  are  moral  virtues :  but  the  juflice  ,  and  wifdom,  and  power,  and  eter- 
nity ,  and    goodneffe  ,  and  truth   of  God,  are  neither  names  nor  miOral  virtues, 
but  altogether  do  make  one  eternal  c(rence  ,  wherein   al!  perfcdtions  do  meet  in  an 
infinite  degree.     It  is  well  if  thole  words  of  our   Saviour  do  efcape  him  inhisnext 
loh   lA.  6.     Animadverfions ,  1  am  the  truth  ,  Or  St.  ?aul  from  making  Veum  d.n^Deitatem  ,  God 
Aft!  17.'  ak    and  the  God-head  or  Deity,  to  be  all  one  v  Or  5o/(?7W(?«  for  pcrfona  ting  God  under 
prov.8.&  9.  thenameof  Wifdom  in  the  abfbad. 

To  prove  eternity  to  be  no  fucceliive  duration  ,  but  one  Indivifible  mom.ent.  I 

argued  thus :  The  divine  fubftance      is  indivifible,  but  eternity  is  the  divine  fub- 

,.    ...    (lance.     In  anfwer  to  tliis  in  the  firfl  place,  he  denyeth    the   Maior  ,    That    the 

^f^Jc     '°  '   divine  fubftance  is  indivifible.     If  he   had  not  been  a  profefTed    Chriftian,  but  a 

plain  Stoick,  I  (hould  not  have  wondred  fo  much  at  this  anfwer,  for  they  held 

that  God  was  corporal.     If  the  divine  fubftance  be  not  indivifible,  then  itismate- 

riate  ,  then  it  is  corporal ,  then  it  is  corruptible,  then -the  Anthropomorphites  had 

reafon  to  attribute  humane  members  to  God.     But  the  Scriptures  teach  us  better , 

]ohn.  4.14     and  all  the  World  confenteth  to  it ,  That  God  is  a  Spirit,  that  he  is  immortal  and 

I. Tim  1. 1 1,    invifibli  ,  that  he  dweVeth  in  light  which  no  man  can    approach  unto,    whom  no  man 

hathfeen  ,  nor  can  Jee.     It  is  inconfiftent  with  the  nature  of  God  to     be  finite  > 

It  is  inconfiftent  with  the  nature  of  a  body  to  be  infinite.     The  fpeculations  of  Phi- 

lofophers,who  had  onely  thelightof  rea(bn,werenotfogro(r,  who  made  God  to  be  a 

moll  fmple  effence , or  fimplicity  ltCe\f,z\\  matter,  which  is  the  original  of  divifibility,  was 

created  by  God,and  therefore  God  himfelf  cannot  be  material  nor  divifible. 

Secondly. 


Discourse  I  I.  Mr.  Hob''s  Afiimadz/erp&nf.  S21 

Si-condjy  he  denyeth  the  mmor.  That  the  Eternity  ot"  God  is  the  Divine  Tub-  God  is  eternity 
ftancc  ;  I  proved  it  from  that  generally  received  rule,  rphatfoever  it  in  Cod     U  God.'^^^^^^ 
His  anfwer  is,  That  this  rule  hah  beenjdid  by  fame  men^  thousjjnby  no  man  i  jar  n>hat- 
Joever  is  thought  is  underjiood.     Said  by  fonne  men  >  Nay,  faid  and  approved  by  all 
men,  that  ever  had  occafion  to  difcourfe  upon  this  Subjedt,  and  received  without 
contradiction  as  a  received  principle  of  Theology.     They  wfio  fav  azainlt  it 
do,  Wittingly  or  unwittingly  ,  dettroy  the  Nature  of  God.     That  which  follow- 
eth  is   equally    prefumptuous  ,  'thought  by  no   man  i  for  rvhatfoever  is  thought  is  un- 
derjiood.    It  was  too  much  to  ceiifure  all  the  Schoolmen  for  Pies  or  Parrots 
Prating  what  they  did  not  underlhnd.     But  to  accufe  all  Learned  Chriftiaos  of  all 
Communions,  throughout  all  ages,  who  have  cither  approved  it     or  not  contra- 
didcd  it ,  of  not  underllanding  themfelves,  is  too  high  an  infoletice.     God  being 
an  infinite  efllnce  ,  doth  intrinfecally  include  all  perfcdlion,  and  needeth  not  to 
have  his  defers  fupplyed  by  accidents. 

where  I  fay  to  day  all  eternity  is  coexiflcnt  with  this  day  ,  and  tomorrow  allc- 
ternity  will  be  cocxilknt  with  to  morrow  ■•>  he  inferreth.  It  if  tpell  ^that  his  eternity 
if  notv  come  from  a  nuncjians  to  be  a  nunc  fluens  ^  flowing  from  this  day  to  to  morrnip^ 
It  werebctter  ,  ifhe  would  confcfs  that  it  is  a  mcer  deception  of  his  fi^ht  Like 
that  of  frcfli- water  Paifengers  when  they  come  hrl1:  to  Sea  ,  temcque  urbefque  rece- 
dttnt ,  who  think  the  ihoar  Leaveth  them  ,  when  they  Leave  the  fhore.  It  is  time 
that  rioweth  and  movcth  ,  not  eternity  , 

Non  ieOuf  Cymham,  tellurem    cymba  relinquit. 
To  conclude  this  point  of  etcrni'y  and  this  Sedion,  God  gave  Himfelf  this  name,  Exod  »  ij. 
/  am  that  I  j»M,tolhew  the  truth,the  limplicity,  the  independence,and  immutability  of 
his  cflencev  wherein  there  is  neither /««  nor  m^hath  been,  nor  fhallbe.but  onely  pre- 
fent,  lam.     Eternity,  onely  Eternity  is  truely  fimply,  independently,  immutably. 

His  rirll  contradidionshavebeen  handled  before  ,   whither  I  lefer  the  Pveadcri  but 
becaufe  he  exprefleth  his  fenfe  more  clearly  her;  than  there ,  I  will  take  the  Liber-  Nam  8. 
ty  to  add  a  few  words.     I  charged  him  with  contradidions,in  making  voluntary  to  Caiiigations 
prefuppofc  deliberation,  and  yet  making  many  voluntary  ads  to  be  without  delibc-  "f  the  Aiti- 
ration.     He  diftinguifheth  between  deliberation  ,  and  that  rvhich  Jhall  be  conlirucd  /or  msdverfions, 
deliberation  by  a  Judge.     Some  voluntary  ads  are  rafh  and  undeliberate  in  themfelves^  yet  Num.  25. 
the  Judge  judgeth  them  to  be  deliberate,  bicaufe  they  ought  to  have  deliberated^  ^k^  ^f^^fajudcc 
had  time  en  ugh  to  deliberate,  whether  the  adion  were  Lawful  or  not.     Firfl ,  This  an-  /nd^rb^  ^°  ^\ 
fweris  a  meer  fubterfuge.The  queltion  between  us  is  not  what  aftions  are  pun ilh able  impcma-nc. 
by  Law,  and  what  are  not,but  what  is  deliberation  in  its  own  nature,and  whether  all 
voluntary  actions  be  deliberate  or  not  j  not  in  order  to  a  trial  before  a  Judge,  but  in 
order  to  the  rinding  out  of  the  truth. 

Secondly,  Many  of  thefe  ra(h  adions  do  imply  no  crime.  Nor  are  cognofcible 
before  a  Judge  ,  as  tending  onely  to  the  Agents  particular  prejudice,  or  perhaps  no 
prejudice  but  advantage.  In  all  thefe  cafes  ,  the  fentence  of  the  Judge  cannot  help 
to  reconcile  his  contradiction. 

Thirdly,  The  ground  of  his  diftinction  is  not  true.  The  Judgedoth  not  always 
Judge  of fuch  ra(h  acts  to  be  deliberate  acts,  but  judgeth  them  to  have  been  inde-  ...  «- 
liberate  acts,  whenfoevcr  he  hndeth  them  to  have  been  juftly  deltitute  of  all  man-  onUiii. 
iier  of  deliberation.  From  whence  did  arile  the  well  known  dilHnction  between 
Manllaughtcr  and  wilful  Murder  in  our  Law.  Murder  comjnitted  upon  actual  de- 
liberation is  held  to  be  done  malicioufly,  \_ex  mslitiajua  ]]  But  if  it  proceed  out  of 
fuddain  pallion,  it  is  found  onely  Manllaughter.  The  fame  equity  is  obferved  in 
the  judicial  Law.  He  who  did  kill  ^nothct  Juddainly  tpithout  enmity  ,  was  allowed 
the  benefit  of  the  City  of  refuge. 

Laftly,  In  many  cafes  thejudge  cannot  Judge  that  the  agerft  had  fufficient  time  Nutn  35 
to  deliberate,  nor  that  it  was  his  fault  that  he  did  not  deliberate,  for  really  he  had 
not  futficien:  time  to  deliberate.     And  where  he  talketh  that //;e   Judge  fuppofeth  al/ A  man  canuot 
the  time  after  the  makin,r  of  the  Law  to  have  been  time  of  deliberation,    he  erreth  molt  veklihe. 
pitifully.     There  needeth  Little  or  no  time  to  deliberate  oftiie  Law.  AH  the  need  of ''"'  i'^!!^'^^'^ 
deliberation  is  about  the  matter  of  fad  ,  and  the  circu:fifiances  thereof,  as  for  evemsi"*"^ 

F  f  f  f  f  examp!» 


^11. 


CaPii^ratiofJs  of 


TOMEllL 


Num  ?  ?. 
Num.  8- 


example.    "^A  (uddain  affront  is  put  upon  a  man  ,  which  he  did  rotexpe<ft,  ncr 
could  pcllibly  imagin  ,   fuch   as  he  apprehendcth ,  that  flefh  and  blood  cannot  en- 
dure, and  conceiveth  himreUingaged  in  honour ,  to  vindicate  it  forthwith.     This 
is  that  which  required  doliberation,  the  nature  and  degree  of  the  affronts  the  bell 
remedies  how  to  procure  his  own  reparation  in  honour ,  the  inconveniences  that 
may  arile  from  a  fuddain  attempt,  and  the  advantage  which  he  may  make  of  a 
little  forbearance,  with  all  the  circumftances  of  the  accidents.     How  could  he  pof- 
fible  deliberateof  allthefc  things,  before  any  of  thefe  things  were  imaginable^  He 
could  neither  certainly  divine,  nor  probably  conje<flure  that  ever  fuch  an  accident 
Hiould  happen.     And  therefore  it  remaineth  Hill  a  grofs  contradidion  in  him  ,  to 
fay  that  vuhmtary  altpays  j'lt^^ofetb  deliberation ,  and  yet  to  confefs  that  many  vohtnta- 
ry  aUt  are  tojde liberate. 

whereas  he  faith  ,  That  hi  altvay  ufed  the  Tfiord  fporttaneous  in  the  fame  fetife  i  He 

•nuift  excufe  me  if  I  cannot  afTent  unto  it.     In  one  place  he  telleth  us ,  That  i;/ 

Spontaneity  is  meant  inconsiderate  proceeding  ,  or  elfe  nothing  if  meant  by  it.     In  another 

place,  he  telleth  us,  Th^t  to  give  ommoney  for  Merchandize  is  a  fpontaneom  aUion.     AJI 

the  world  knoweth  that  to  buy  and  fell,  doth  require  conlideration. 

He  derineth  Liberty  to  be  the  abfence  of  all  extrinfecal  impediments  to  aVtion:  butex- 
trinfecal  caufes  are  extrinfecal  impediments ,  and  no  man  is  free  (according  to  his 
grounds  )  From  the  determination  of  extrinfecal  caufes  \  therefore  no  man  is  free 
trom  extrinfecal  impediments. 

His  anfwcr  is ,  That  impediment  or  hinderance  figttifieth  an  oppofitian  to  endeavour  i 
aytd  anfequently  extrinfecal  caufes  that  tak^  arvay  endeavour  are  not  t»  be  called  impedi- 
ments. He  is  very  feldome  ftable  to  his  own  grounds  ,  but  i*  continually  interfer- 
ing with  himfelf.  Now  he  telleth  us  that  an  impediment  fignifieth  an  oppolition  to 
endeavour-,  Elfevvhcre  he  telleth  us,  That  a  man  that  is  tyed  is  not  free  to  walk  , 
and  that  his  bonds  are  impediments ,  without  any  regard  to  his  endeavour*  It 
were  meer  folly  for  him  to  endeavour  to  walk  ,  who  can  neither  ftir  hand  nor  foot. 
This  is  not  alh  He  telleth  us  farther  ,  That  an  inveard  impediment  is  not  dejirtiQive 
to  Liberty ,  as  a  man  is  free  to  go  though  he  be  lame.  And  men  do  not  fay  ,  that  the 
river  wants  Liberty  to  ajcend,  but  the  power  ^  becanfe  the  rrater  cannot  afcend.  And  is 
not  want  of  endeavour  intrinfecal ,  as  Well  as  Lanicncfs  ?  Or  did  he  ever  heare  <£ 
a  River  that  endeavoured  to  afcend  up  the  Channel  ?  It  is  not  true  therefore  that 
•endeavour  is  of  the  eflcnce  of  Liberty  ,  or  that  impediment  always  fignitieth  oppo- 
fition  to  endeavour.  Laftly,  extrinfecal  caufes  do  not  always  take  away  endeavour, 
but  many  times  Leave  men  free  to  endeavour  to  obtain  thofe  things,  which  they  ne- 
ver do  obtain.  If  extrinfecal  caufes  do  take  away  all  endeavours,  but  fuch  as  arc 
fuccesful,  then  thfirc  (hould  never  be  any  Labour  in  vain.  It  remaineth  therefore 
upon  his  own  grounds,  that  extrinfecal  caufes  whenfoever  they  do  not  take  avvay 
endeavours  ,  are  extrinfecal  impediments  and  dedroy  Liberty. 

He  faith  ,  One  may  deliberate  of  that  rvhich  is  impoffihlefor  him  to  do.  True  ,  if  he 
apprehend  it  as  polfible ,  and  judge  it  to  be  pollible  »  or  other  wife  he  is  ftark  mad 
to  deliberate  about  it.  7he  flmtting  of  the  door  of  the  Tennif-court  is  no  impediment  in 
play  until  a  man  have  a  will  to  play  ,  and  that  is  not  until  a  man  have  a  rcillto  play^and 
that  if  not  until  he  have  done  deliberating.  Yes  ,  even  in  the  adt  of  deliberation  ,  the 
finding  of  the  door  of  the  Tennis-court  (hut,  determineth  the  deliberation,  chang- 
cth  the  will ,  and  may  be  the  onely  impediment  which  hindretli  a  man  from  play- 
ing. One  may  have  a  Will  to  play  before  deliberation,  fometimes  more  abfolute , 
out  of  humor ,  than  after.  Many  times  the  Lall  judgment  is  conditional ,  as  to 
play  if  the  door  be  open  ,  and  if  the  Court  be  not  taken  up  beforehand  i  and  if  it  be 
(hut,or  the  place  taken  up ,  then  to  go  to  bowls ,  or  fome  other  exercife. 

'  Wherefbcver  the  judgment  is  fo  indifferent ,  to  do  either  this  or  that  ,  or  condi- 
tional to  do  this  upon  fuch  conditions ,  itisnot  the  deliberation,  or  the  Laft  judg- 
ment that  doth  determin  the  Liberty  of  the  free  Agent ,  but  leaveth  him  free  to 
choofe  either  part  ,  or  to  fufpend  his  confent  to  both  parts  ,  pro  re  ftaia.  So  Liber- 
ty may  remain  after  deliberation  is  done.  Although  lie  did  not  ufe  thefe  words,yf«- 
fuive  appetite,  rational  hope, raiionjl  fear,  irrational  paffions,  nor  confound  the  terms  of 
fvff.ciency  ,  and  tffciency,  or  beginning  of  being,  and  beginning  of  rvorking.vzx.  hemight 


Endeavour  is 
not cf the 
lefTcBceof 
iberty 


Num,  29 


There  may  be 
impediments 
before  delibe. 
ration  be  done 


An*l  liberty, 
when  it  is  end 
ed. 


confound  the  thing  whereof  thefe  tcims  arc  but  KOtionsiand  (b  he  doth. 


All 


Djs COURSE.  1 1.  Mr.   Hob,V  Animadverftotif.  oTZ 

— — - — ^ ■ ._ 9^  t> 

All  men  do  underftand  \ve!I  enough  what  fecret  fympathies  and  antipathies  are  '■ 
except  fuch  as  are  captious ,  though  men  underftand  not  ufualiy  why  they  are  as 
why  one  man  gapeth  at  a  cullard  rather  than  at  a  pie ,  and  runneth  away  from  a  cat 
rather  than  from  a  martitf.  When,  1  fay,  it  is  thus  far  true,  that  the  adion  doth  fol- 
low the  thought  necelTariiy,  (  namely  in  antipathies  and  violent  palfions ,  which  ad- 
mit no  deliberation.  J  He  demandeih  hotv  jar  it  is  falj'e  ?  I  anfwer  ,  It  is  falfe  in  or- 
dinary thoughts ,  which  are  not  accompanied  with  fuch  violent  pallions.  A  man 
thinketh  a  tlioufand  things  in  a  day  accidentally,  which  he  never  putteth  in  execu- 
tion, nor  fo  much  as  thinkerh  them  worthy  of  deliberation. 

No  man  would  have  denied  that  habits  do  facilitate  anions,  and  render  them 
lefle  difficult  and  cumberfime  ,  and  confequently  more  caiie  and  more  free  ,  but  he 
that  meant  to  make  himfelf  ridiculous.  He  might  even  as  \well  tell  us,  That  he  who 
gropeth  in  the  dark  for  every  ftcp,is  as  free  to  walk,  as  if  it  were  fairc  day-light  ,  or 
that  a  foundered  horfe  that  is  afraid  to  Humble  every  foot,  is  as  free  to  go,as  he  which 
is  found,and  goeth  on  boldly  without  fear.  But  all  this  abiafe  groweth  from  the 
mifunderftanding  of  liberty.  I  take  it  for  a  povver  to  ad  or  not  to  ad  ,  and  he  taketh 
it  for  an  abfence  of  outward  impediment*;.  This  confounding  of  words  ,  and  the 
heaping  together  of  Scholailical  termcs  with  fcorn,becaufe  he  never  underltood  them, 
are  the  chiefeft  ingredients  in  his  difcourfe.  I  am  not  afliamed  of  Mof/w/riwo  primi^ 
or  judicium  practice  prjQicum  ,  or  aSiuf  elicitus  and  imperatuf  i  But  he  hath  great 
rcafon  to  be  afhamed  of  his  fleighting  them  ,  which  he  would  not  do ,  but  that  he 
never  learned  them,  and  fo  would  make  a  virtue  of  culpable  necelfity.  Hefaycth  he 
will  not  contend  with  one  who  can  uk  rrnnui  prima  primi.  Sec.  He  is  the 
wifer  ,  to  have  as  little  to  do  withSchollars  as  he  can .  Hisbeft  play  isin  the  dark 
where  there  is  no  fencing.  ' 

We  both  agree  that  feme   fudden     undcliberatcd   ads    are  juftly  puniflied.  His  Some  unddi- 
rcafon  is  becaufe  the  Agent  had  time  to  deliberate  from  the  inlhnt  that  he  knew  the  berated  ads 
law  ,  to  the  inftant  of  his  adion.     But  I  have  iliewed  the  vanity  of  this  rcafon,  and  "l^y  ^f  P"" 
that  it  was  impoilibk  to  deliberate  of  fudden  affronts  and  injuries  which  could  not  "'   ^   ^  • 
beexpedcd  or  forefeen.     But  if  the  occurrences   or  accidents  were  fuch  as  were 
forefecn  ,  or  whereofthe  agent  was  premonifhed  ,  and  he  did    deliberateof  themi 
or  if  it  was  his  own  fault  or  improvidence  that  they  werenot  forefeen  nor  deliberated 
of,  then  he  is  punifliable,  becaufe  his  predeliberation  about  fome  fuch  accident  as 
might  probably  happen  ,  was  a  virtual  deliberation  about  this  very  ad,  which  did 
afterward  happen  ,     though    it   were  not  then  aded  ,     but  oncly   expeded  i  or 
becaufe  he  refufed  or  ncgledcd    to  fore-armc  himfelf  by    deliberation    againft  a 
furprife. 

Here  he  cavilleth  about  termes  of  adual  and  virtual  deliberation  as  his  manner  is.  ^irrua.'    de/i- 
Jf  virtual  deliberation  be  not  aduil  dehberatioH^it  is  no  deliberation  ;  Addiug  thzt  J  call 
Virtual  deliberation^that  which  ought  to  have  been  and  rt>as  mt.  Hemiftakcth  the  matter. 
I  call  virtual  deliberation  a  former  deliberation  about  this  very  ad  feared  or  expeded 
out  of  providence  or  premonition  ,  before  it  was  aded  ,orabcut  fomea  ft  of  the  like 
nature.     So  it  was  an  adual  deliberation  i  yet  not  about  this  very  act.  But  it  might 
have  fervcd  to  have  prevented  the  Agents  being  furprifcd  ,  and  have  had  the  fame 
virtue  as  if  ithad  been  an  actual  deliberation  about  this  very  accident.  Did  he  never 
Icarnnor  hearc  of  the  difiinction  in  Philofophy  between  contadus  verm  ^  and  contadus 
virtualis  ^  true  touching  and  virtual  touching  ?     Tiue  touching,  when  the  fuperticies      ■ 
of  two  bodies  are  togerher  ,  fo  as  they  can  move  and  be  moved  mutually.     And 
virtual  touching  ,    when  the    virtue  (f  one  body  doth   extend  it  felf  to  another.  As 
it  is  between  the  Sun  and  the  Earth  ,   the  Loadllone  and  the   Iron,  the  hand  of  the 
^Cafter  and  the  Stone  moving  upwards  in  the  Aire.     His  argument  holdethas  much 
in  all  the  cafes  as  in  this  ofdcliberation.     If  virtual  touching  be  not  true  touching ,  it 
is  no  touching  :  And  if  virtual  motion  be  not  true  motion,  it  is  no  motion.  Khali 
find  Englifh  enough  at  all  times  to  anfwer  him. 

Concerning  my  infhnce  which  he  fayeth  ,  pleafantly  ,  doth  ftink  to  the  nofeof 
the  uuderfianding  ,  I  defue    liim  onely  to  reade  the  riftcenth  Chapter  o[  Leviticus,  children  not 
I  am  fure  he  dare  not  call  that  a  liii  king  pafTage.  -  w" "hd '''lY 

Hefaith    The  Biflj^p   tv.iuld  ,n.ik^  but  a-t  iH  Judge  of  innoce'tt  children.   And  t'lat  he  ""   ^^""' 

Ffffi    2  '  helpeth 


82^  Cafligat'wjs  of  TOME   III. 

"^  hopeth  we JhaV  never  have~the  Jdniinijiratiun  nf  publick^JujUce  tn  (uch  hands  as  hu^ 
or  in  the  hands  of  fitch  asjhall  tak^  Connfel  from  him;  Becaufe  I  faid  that  if  a  Child 
before  he  have  the  Lift  of  reafon  ,  ihall  kill  a  man  in  his  pailion ,  yet  becaufe  he 
wanted  malice  to  incite  him  to  it ,  and  reafon  to  retoain  him  trom it ,  he  fhall  not  die 
for  it  in  the  Itrid:  rules  of  particular  juliice  ,  unlefs  there  be  fome  mixture  of  pub- 
lick  JLirtice  in  the  cafe. 

Si  ego  dignus  hac  contumelia 

Sum  maxime  ,  at  tu  indignm  qui  faceres  tamen. 
If  I  dcferveda  reproof,  he  was  a  raoft  unfit  man  to  be  my  reprover,  who  main- 
taineth  ,  That  no  Law  can  be  unjiiU ,  That  in  the  ftate  of  nature  it  was  Lawful 
for  any  man  to  kill  another  ,  and  particularly,  for  Mothers  to  cxpofe  or  make  a- 
way  their  Children  at  their  pleafure.     Ita  m  ilium  vel  educare  vel  cxponerefiio  arbi- 
trio  &  jure  posft.     Ve  Cive^  c,p.d.2.     That  Parents  to  their  Children,  and  So- 
vereigns to  their  fubjeds  ,  cannot  be  injurious ,  whether  they  kill  them  or  what- 
foever  they  do  unto 'them.     But  what  is  it  that  I  have  faid?  I  have  delivered  no 
judgement  or  opinion  of  mine  own  in  the  cafe.     Iknow  what  hath  been  pradlifed 
by  fome  perfons ,  in  fome  places,  at  fome  times.     Iknow  whatreafons  have  been 
pretended  for  fuch  practices.     Sovereign  Dominion.     The  Law  of  Retaliation , 
Pfal.  137.     8.  p.     The  common  fafety  ,  The  fatisfa<ftion  or  contentment  of  per« 
fons  or  tamilies  injured.     But  if  I  have  delivered  any  opinion  of  mine  own  ,  it 
was  on  the  contrary.     Though  I  affirm  not  but  that  it  may  be  fometimes  Lawful 
to    puni(h  Parents  for   adJs  truly  treafonablc  in  their  pofterity  with  IcfTer  punifh- 
ments,  as  Lofs  of  Liberty,  or  the  Lofs  of  the  fathers  eftate ,  which  v/as  atthetime 
of  the  delinquency  in  the  fathers  power  to  difpofe,  that  they  who  will  not  forbear 
to  offend  for  their  own  fakes,may  forbear  for  their  pofterities  fakes.  Though  I  know 
thepradiceofmanyCcur.tricSjCvenin  this,  to  be  otherwife.But  for  death,  I  know  no 
warrant.P/iM)/  obferveth  of  the  Lion,  that  he  preyeth  firft  upon  men,  more  rarely  upon 
women,and  not  upon  Children,  except  he  be  extremely  preffed  with  hunger. 

Private  right  and  private  juftice,  is  between  particular  men  •,  Publick  right  and 
publlck  jufticc  ,  is  either  between  Commonwealths,  as  in  Forreign  War,  or  be- 
tween Commonwealths  and  Subjedt,',  as  in  cafe  of  Lawgiving  or  Civil  War.     Ma- 
ny things  are  Lawful  in  the  way  of  publlck  juftice  ,  which  are  not  Lawful  in  the 
,way  of  private  Juttice.     But  this  inquifition  hath  no  relation  to  our  prcfcnt  contro- 
verfic.     My  exception,  exceptthere  be  fome  mixture  of  public}{,p(Jiice  in  the  cafe  ,  is  as 
much  as  to  fay,  Unlefs  there  be  fome  thing  more  in  the  cafe,  that  doth  near- 
ly concern  the  fafetyoftheCommonwealth.lt  is  not  impollible  but  before  the  ordina- 
ry age  of  attaining  to  the  perfed  ufe  of  reafon  ,  a  Child  may  be  drawn  into  very 
treafonable  atempts ,  fo  far  as  to  ac*t  a  miniikrial  part.     And  in  fuch  cafes  there  is  a 
rule  in  Law,  Malitia  fupplet  atatem.     He  hath  confcffed  here  enough  to  fpoil  his 
caufe,  if  it  were  not  fpoiled  already.     That  rpant  of  reafon  tak^s  away  both  crime  and 
punijhment.and  ma\eth  agents  innocent.U  want  of  reafon  doit,  without  doubt  antece- 
dent extrinfecal  necellity  doth  much  more  do  it.    How  then  hath  he  taught  us  all 
this  while,  That  voluntary  faults  are  ']ulily  punifhahle  though  they  he  neceffary?  A  childs 
fault  may  be  as  voluntary  as  a  mans.     How  a  child  may  juftly   be  put    to  death  to 
fatiifre  a  vorv^  or  to  fave  a  great  number  of  people  ,  ox  for  reafon  of  State  ,  I  know  not. 
This  I  do  know  ,  That  it  is  not  Lawful  to  do  evil ,  that  Good  may  come  of  it. 
It  feemcth  by  the  Animadverllon  which  T,  Hhath  in  this  Sedion,   wherein  he 
Cajhgations  maketh  ,  Confi  deration  ,  undtrjlanding ,  reafon,  and  all  the  pajjions  (    oraffedions) 
of  the  Ant-    of  the  mind  to  he  imaginations  ,  And  by  fome  other  pafTages  in  this  Treatife,  where 
y.adverfions   ht  znnhwttth  to  bees  and  ffiders  ,  notonely  eledion  ,    but  alfo  art,  prudence,  policy. 
Num.  26.     very  near  equal  to  that  of  mankind  :  and  where  he  denieth  to  man    all  dominion  over 
iVwmB      the  Creatures  ,  making  him  like  a  top ,  or  a  football  ,  or  a  pair   of  Scales,  and  hi'; 
He  knoweth     cW^feft  ditference  from  brute  beads  to  confirt  in  his  Language  ,  aud  in  his  hand  ;  and 
no  reafon  but    his  Liberty  to  confift  in   an  abfence  of  outward  impediments,  afcribing  to  brute 
imzginaticn     beaftsdeliberation  ,    fuch  as  if  it   were   conftant ,  there  were  m  caufe  to  call  men 
more  rational  thanbeafis  ;  That  he  maketh  the  reafon  and  underftanding  of  men  to 
be  nothing-elfc  but  refined  and  improved  fenfe,   or  the  fenfe  of  brute  bcafls  to  in- 
clude reafon. 

It 


Discourse  1 1  Mr.         Hobs*/   Animadz>er^tmS'  g^^ 

It  was  an  old  Stoical  opinion,    that  the  aifections  were  nothing  clfe  but  imagi- 
nations  j  but  it  was  an  olJ  groiindiefs  crrour.     Imaginations  proceed  fron\  the 
brain,  affsdions  from  the  heart.     But  to  make  reafonand  underftanding  to  be  ima- 
ginations ,  is  yet  grolTer.     Imagination  is  an  a<ft  of  the    fenfitive  phantafie  ,  reafon 
and  underlknding  are  proper  to  the  intellectual  Soul.     Imagination  is  onely  of  par- 
ticulars ,  reafon  ot  univerlals  alfo.     In  the  time  of  lleep  or  fome  raging  fit  of  fick- 
nefs,   wlicn  the  imagination  is  not  governed  by  reafon  ,  we  fee    what  abfurd  and 
monflrous  and  inconlilknt  (hapes  and  phar.lics  it   doth  colled,  remote  enough 
from  true  deliberation.     Doth  the  Phylitian  cure  his  Patient  by  imaginations  >  or 
the  Statesman  Govern  the  Commonwealth  by  imaginations?  or  the  Lawyer  dcter- 
min  differences  by  imaginations  ?  are  Logical  arguments  reduced  into  due  form 
and  an  ordinary  method  ,  nothing  but  imaginations  ?  Is  prudence  it  felf  turned  to 
imagination  >  And  are  the  dictates  of  right  reafon  which  God  hathgiven  as  aLic»ht 
to  preferve  us  from  moral  vices  ,  and  to  Lead  us  to  virtuous  actions ,  now  become' 
meer  imaginations  >  We  fee  the  underftaiding  doth  often  contrary  and  corredt  the 
imaginations  of  fenfe.     I  do  not  blame  the  puzzled  Scheol-men  if  tlieydiflented  from 
fuch  newfangled  fpcculations. 

And  the  ground  of  all  thefe  vain  imaginations  is  imagination  ,  As  any  mm  may 
perceive  as  eafily  as  he  can  looh^into  his  own  thoughts.  His  Argument  may  be  thus  re- 
duced ,  That  which  we  imagin  is  true,  but  we  imagin  all  thefe  to  be  imaginations 
I  deny  both  his  propofitions. 

Firll,  Our  imaginations  arenot  always  true  ,  but  many  timesfuch  as  are  fugge- 
ftcd  to  us  by  our  Working  phantafies  upon  fome  fleight  grounds  ,  or  by  our  fond 
or  deceitful  inftrudters  ,  or  by  our  vain  hopes  or  fears.  For  one  Wlitington  ,  that 
found  his  imagination  to  prove  true  ,  When  the  Bells  rang  him  back  to  his  Mafter , 
turn  again  Whitington  ,  Lord  Mayor  of  honAan^  a  Thoufand  havebeengroffely  abu- 
by  their  vain  imaginations. 

Secondly,  No  man  can  imagin  any  fuch  thing ,  who  knoweth  the  difference  be- 
tween the  reafonable  and  the  fenfitive  Soul,  between  theunderftanding  and  the  phan- 
tafie, between  the  brain  and  the  heart,  but  confident  aflertions  and  credulity  may 
do  much  among  fimple  people.  So  we  have  heard  or  read  of  fome  who  were  con- 
tented to  renounce  their  eye-fight ,  and  to  affirm  for  company  ,  that  they  faw  a 
Dragon  Hying  in  the  air  ,  where  there  was  not  fo  much  as  a  Butterflie  ,  out  of  a 
mannerly  fimplicity  ,  rather  than  to  feem  to  doubt  of  the  truth  of  that,  which  was 
confirmed  to  them  by  the  teftimony  and  authority  of  fuch  perfons ,  whofe  judge- 
ment and  veracity  they  efteemed. 

We  have  had  enough  of  his  underfianding  underflandeth  ,  and  mil  n'ilktb,  or  too 
much  unlefs  it  were  of  more  weight.  What  a  ftir  he  maketh  every  other  Sediorl 
about  nothing  ?  All  the  World  are  agreed  upon  the  truth  in  this  particular,  and  un  ~ 
derftand  one  another  well.  Whether  they  afcribe  the  ad  to  the  Agent ,  or  to  the 
form,  or  to  the  faculty  by  which  he  adeth,  it  is  all  one.  They  know  that  adi- 
ons  properly  are  of  Jndividuums.  But  if  an  Agent  have  Loll  his  Natural  power  , 
or  acquired  habit,  C  as  we  hear  inftances  in  both  kinds  )  he  will  ad  but  madly.He 
that  lliall  fay,  that  natural  faculties  ,  and  acquired  habits  ,  are  nothing  but  the  ads 
that  How  from  them  ,  That  reafon  and  deliberation  are  the  fame  thing  (he  might  as 
well  fay ,  that  wit  and  difcourfe  are  the  fame  thing)  defcrveth  no  other  anfwer  but 
to  be  fleighfed. 

That  a  man  deliberating  of  fit  means  to  obtain  his  defired  end  ,  doth  confider  the 
means  fmgly  and  fiiccejjively  ,  there  is  no  doubt.  And  there  is  as  Little  doubt ,  that 
both  the  inquiry ,  and  the  refultor  veredid ,  may  fometimes  be  definite,  or  prc- 
fcribe  the  bell  means ,  or  the  oncIy  means ,  and  (bmetimes  indefinite  ,  determining 
what  means  are  good  ,  without  defining  which  are  the  beft,  but  leaving  the  elcdion 
to  the  free  Agent.  Cjjiiaatiottf 

I  Do  not  know  what  the  man  would  have   done,butfor  his  trifling homonvmv  „/'.;,^ 

about  the  nam.  of -"-'■■-'- r..      ,  .^  .  ,  ^  ^J  the  ant- 

the  faculty  and  the 
begin  again  with 
ail  only  which  he  ca 


8:^6 


Cajiigations  of 


TO  Mb:  III' 


Num,iO- 


of    coacupi. 
cencc. 


Jam. 


t.  IS. 


Cajiigatiom 
of  the  Am- 
madveafioni 
Num.  28. 

Oftheintel- 
leftiial  and 
fenfirive  appe- 
tite 


aiidfeeth  not  ,  nor  bath  for  that  time  any  fight  ,  fo  alfo  he  hath  the  pon>er  if  wihng ,  but 
fvil'eth  nothing,  nor  hath  for  that   time  any  will. 

^tamum  efi  in  rebm  inane  ? 

What  profound  myftcries  he  uttcreth,to  fhew  that  the  faculty  of  willing  ,  and  the 
adt  of  willing  ,  are  not  the  fan^.e  things?  Did  ever  any  Creature  in  the  World 
think  they  were.''  And  that  the  faculty  doth  not  alwayes  a<ft.  Did  ever  any  man 
think  it  did?  Let  him  leave  thefe  impertinencies,  and  tell  us  plainly,  whether  the  fa 
culty  of  willing,  and  the  ad  of  willing,  be  not  diftindf  things  i,  And  whether  the 
faculty  of  the  will  benot  commonly  called  the  will  by  all  men  but  himfelf-,  and  by 
himfelf  alfo,  when  he  is  in  his  hicidx  intervaVes.  Heare  his  own  confellion,  To  rril/, 
to  el(£i,  to  chufe  ,  are  all  one ,  and  foto  rvill  U  here  made  an  a&  of  the  will  i  and  indeed, 
as  the  will  if  a  faculty  or  power  of  a  mansfoule,  jo  the  rvill  is  an  aQ  of  it  according  to  that 
popper.  That  which  he  calleth  the  faculty  here,  he  calleth  exprefly  the  wiUthere.  Here 
he  will  have  but  one  will,  there  he  admiteth  two  diftinCi  wills.  {_  to  willu  an  a£i  of 
the  ■will.']  Here  he  will  not  endure  that  the  faculty  fhould  be  the  will ,  there  he 
faieth  exprefly  ,  That  the  will  is  a  faculty.  All  this  wind  (haketh  no  Oates. 
Whatfoever  he  faith  in  this  Section  ,  amounteth  not  to  the  Weight  of  one 
graine. 

If  he  had  either  known  what  concupifence  doth  fignifie  ,  which  really  he  doth 
not ,  or  had  known  how  familiar  it  is  (  both  name  and  thing  )  in  the  mofl  modeli 
and  pious  Authours ,  both  Sacred, and  prophane  ,  which  hedcth  not  know,  he 
would  have  been  aftiamed  to  haveaccufed  this expreffion,as  unbecoming  a  grave  per- 
(bn.But  he,who  will  not  allow  rrieto  mention  it  once  to  good  purpofe,doth  take  the 
liberty  to  mention  it  fix  times  in  fo  many  lines  to  no  purpofe.  There  hath  been  an 
old  quertion  between  Roman- Catholickj  and  Froteftants ,  Whether  concupifcence 
without  confent,  be  a  fin  or  not.  And  herecometh  hc,asbold  as  blind  ,  to  deter- 
mine the  difference,  committing  fo  many  errours ,  and  fo  grofle,  in  one  {hort  deter- 
mination ,  that  it  is  a  (hamp  to  difpute  with  himi*  fhrafhing  thofe  Dodtoursfoundly , 
whom  he  profefleth  to  honour  and  adimire,  not  for  ill  will,  but  becaufe  he  never 
read  them.  He  maintaineth  that  which  the  Romanifts  themfelves  dodeteft,and 
would  be  afliamed  of;  As  firft  ,  That  concupifcence  ,  without  confent  ,  isnofm, 
contrary  to  all  his  much  admired  DoUours,  Secondly  ,  That  there  is  no  concupifcence 
without  confent,  contrary  to  both  parties,  which  we  ufe  to  call  the  taking  away  thefub- 
jedofthequeliion.  Thirdly,  Th-3it  coHcupiJcence ,  with  confent ,  may  be  lawful ,  cnnttz- 
ryto  all  men.  Though  the  Church  of  Rome  do  notefteemit  to  be  properly  a  finne, 
yet  they  clkem  it  a  defed,&  not  altogether  lawful,  even  without  confent,  much  lefle 
with  confent.  Fourthly,  That  concuftfcence  makes  not  the  fin  ^  but  the  unlawfulneffe 
offatisfyingjuch  concupifcence  ,(>r  the  defigneto  projecute  what  he  k.noweth  tobe  unlawful. 
Which  laft  errours  are  fo  grofTe,  that  no  man  ever  avowed  them  before  himfelfl 
When  luji  hath  conceived  ,  it  bringeth  forth  fin  ,x.\\zX.  IS,  when  a  man  hath  confented 
to  the  fuggelHon  of  his  own  fenfuality.  Though  he  fcorn  the  School-men,  yet  he 
fhould  do  well  to  advife  with  his  Dodtors ,  whom  he  profefleth  to  ad  mire  ,  be- 
fore he  plunge  himfelf  again  into  fuch  a  Whirly-pool. 

If  I  (hould  give  over  the  well  known  terms  of  the  rational  ot  intelieUital  will  ^  fo 
well  grounded  in  nature  fo  well  warranted  by  the  authority  and  pradife  of  all  good 
Divines  and  Philofbphers ,  to  comply  with  his  humour  or  diftempered  imaginations 
I  fliould  right  well  deferve  a  Bauble.  The  intelledtual  appetite,  and  the  fenfitive  appe- 
tite, are  both  appetites,  and  in  the  fame  man  they  both  proceed  from  the  fame  foul, 
but  by  divers  faculties,  the  one  by  the  intelledtual,  the  other  by  the  fcnfitivei  And 
proceeding  from  feveral  faculties  ,  they  do  differ  as  much  as  if  they  proceeded  from 
feveral  fouls.  The  fenfitive  appetite  isorganical,  the  intelledtual  appetite  is  ino- 
ganical  i  The  fenfitive  appetite  followeth  the  judgement  ofthefenfesi  The  intel- 
ledtual appetite  followeth  the  judgement  of  the  underftanding  :  The  fenfitive  ap- 
petite purfueth  prefent,  particular ,  corporal  delightsi  The-intelledtual  appetitepur- 
fueth  that  which  is  honeft ,  that  which  is  future  ,  that  which  is  univerfal  that  which 
is  immortal  and  fpiritual.  The  fenfitive  appetite  is  determined  by  the objcdt.  It 
cannot  chufe  but  purfue  that  object  which  the  fcnfes  judge  to  be  good ,  and  flie  that 
which  the  fenfes  judge  to  be  evil).     But  the  intellectual  appetite  is  free  to  will, 

or. 


'  Di.scouR.^E  II.       Mr.  Hob's   Annfiadverpons,  S27 

or  nill,  or  fjfpend  ,  and  mayrejcft  that  which  thefciiies  (ay  co  he  good  ,  and  purfue 
that  which  the  fenfcs  judge  to  be  evil ,  according  to  the  dictate  of  reafon. 

Then  to  anfwer  what  he  faith  in  particular.  7he  jppetite  and  the  mil  are  not  a!- 
waycs  the  fame  thing.  Every  will  is  an  appetite  ,  but  every  appetite  is  not  a  will.  In- 
deed inthefame  man  ,  appetite  and  will  is  the  fame  thin^.  (  fecluding  natural  ap-  Not  the  fame 
petite  which  concerneth  not  this  quelUon  )  but  the  fenfitive  appetite  ,  and  the  in-  ^^'^i' 
telledlual  appetite  are  not  the  fame  thing,  following  feveral  guides  ,  purfuingfeveral 
objeds,  and  being  endowed  with  feveral  privikdges.  He  demandeth  whether >«- 
fual  men  and  beajisdo  not  d(  liberate  andchiife  one  thing  b;fore  another Jn  th  fame  nature 
that  rvije  men  doe  ? Although  he  hath  found  out  abruitilh  liind  ofdeliberation  i  if  we 
take  the  word  in  the  right  fenfe  ,  hearts  cannot  deliberate.  Senfual  men  may  de- 
liberate ,  but  do  not  deliberate  as  they  ought.  And  by  confequence  hearts  adt  ne- 
ceffarily  ,  and  cannot  chufe  :  Senfual  men  dochufe,  or  may  chufe,  but  do  notchufe 
as  they  ouglit ,  nor  as  wife  men  do.  He  faith  it  cannot  be  [aid  of  wills  that  one  is  ra- 
tional, another  fenfitive.  Not  very  properly  :  but  it  may  be  faid  of  appetites  That 
one  is  rational ,  another  fenfitive.  And  why  not  a  rational  will,  as  well  asa  ra'tional 
difcourfc.  The  will  ofa  rational  creature  ,  rationally  guided ,  is  a  rational  will  ;  And 
fo  will  be  when  we  aredead  and  gon. 

Heconcludetli  ,  Jf it  be  granted  that  deliberation  is  alrpayes^Cdisk  is  not  )  therewere  •^"  (Jclitera" 
m  caufe  to  call  men  rational  more  than  beajis  ,  for  it  is  manifeji  by  continnal  experience  rb""°°n- 
that  beajis  do  deliberate.  Such  a  deliberation  as  he  phancieth  is  not  worth  conten- 
ding for,  good  for  nothing  but  to  be  thrown  to  the-  Dogs,  or  the  Swine,  An  alternate 
imagination ,  alternate  hope  andfeare  ,  an  alternate  appetite.  Here  is  an  heap  of  alternates 
every  one  unlike  another,  and  all  of  them  as  far  dirtant  from  deliberation  as  reafon 
is  from  fenfe.  Imagination  is  feated  in  the  head,  fear  and  hope  in  the  heart :  Appe- 
tite is  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  Yet  this  is  all  the  deliberation,  and  all  the  rea- 
fon which  he  attributeth  to  man  i  and  he  attributeth  the  ftme  to  bruit  hearts  but 
iiot  at  all  nmcs.Ifthey  had  this  deliberation  at  dlltimes,thereno  were  caufe  to  call  men  ra- 
tional more  than  beajis.  So  the  difference  between  a  man  and  heart  is  this.  That  man 
or  rather  fomemen  ,  are  reafonabie  Creatures  at  all  times ,  thanks  to  their  own  in- 
durtry  :  and  bruit  hearts  are  reafonabie  creatures  at  fome,  times.  If  he  had  faid  that 
fome  men  are  but  reafonabie  Creatures  at  fome  tjmes,  Irtiould  rather  have  believed 
him  for  this  difcourfe. 

He  is  beholden  to  his  Catachrertical  expreflions,  for  all  the^eft  of  his  difcourfe 
in  this  Sedion.  I  take  Liberty  tobe  a  power  of  the  rational  foule  ,  or  of  the  free  A- 
gent  to  chufe  or  refufe  indifferently  ,  upon  deliberation.  And  he  makefh  liberty  to 
be  jao  more  than  the  byas  of  a  bowle,  a  rtrong  inclination  to  one  fide,  affixed  by 
deliberation.  And  by  this  abufive  expreflion  he  thinketh  to  avoid  the  two  arguments 
which  vvcre  brought  againrt  him  in  this  Sedtion. 

The  former  argument  was  this ,  If  every  Agent  be  necelhtated  to  ad  what  it  doth  His  liberty . 
act  by  extrinfcal  caufes  ,  then  he  is  no  more  free   before  deliberation  ,  than  after  no  "uc  liber; 
which  is  demonftratively  true  of  true  liberty,  but  applying  it  to  his  new-fangled"^' 
acccption  of  liberty  i  He  anfwereth  He  is  more  free  ,but  he  if  no  Icjje  necejjitated.     Yet 
withal  he  confeffeth  that  he  is  nccelhtated  to  deliberate  as  he  doth  ,  and  to  will  as  he 
doth  ■■,  That  is  to  fay ,  He  is  necellitate  to  be  free.     This  is  a  freedom  ofa  free  rtone 
not  ofa  free  man.     Ifthis  be  all  the  freedom  whicli  a  man  hath  ,  we  murt  bid  adieu 
to  all  elcdiion.  Then  there  is  neither  frcedonie  of  our  will  ,nor  of  our  adions,  more 
than  an  inclination  extrinfecaliy  ncceflitatedA.nd  then  all  thofeabfurdities  which  he 
hath  (ought  fo  carefully  to  avoicl,tumble  upon  his  Iiead  thick  and  threefold 

Thefccond  argument  was  this,  Deliberation  doth  produce  no  newextrinlecal  im- 
pediment ,  therefore  eiiher  the  Agent  is  free  after  deliberation,  or  he  was  not  free 
before.  He  anfwereth.  That  he  cannot  perceive  any  more  force  of  inference  intheje 
words  ,  then  offo  many  words  put  together  at  adventure  ,  I  wonder  at  hisdulnefle.  He 
defineth  liberty  tobe  an  abfenccof extrinfccal  impediment?.  Ifthis  definition  be  true, 
then  whcrefover  there  is  the  fame  abfence  of  extrinfccal  impediments,  there  is  the 
fame  liberty.  But  if  deliberation  produce  no  nevv  extritifecal  impediments  ,  there 
is  the  fame  abfence  ot  extrinfccal  impediments  ,  after  deliberation  which  wasbefofc 
Therefore  upon  his  grounds  there  is  the  fame  liberty  after  deliberation  which  was  be- 
fore. What. 


85S 


Ca(iiQJti'>f'S'  of 


TOME  III 


of  the  Am- 
mitdveTfions^ 

Niim'  2p. 
fiis  (Icfinion 
ofZibenie. 


Anxtogical 


e-  4  i.  7 


What  he  tdleth  oitboufins  that  anfe  in  hini  that  deUberatah  ,  is  nothing  to  the 
puipurc  ,  The  hit  judgment  is  more  than  bare  thoughts.     But  this  makcth  but  an 
mtiinlecal  determination,  an  J  a  lucelHty  upon  fuppdition  ,  not    an  extrinfecal 
determination,  and  an  antctcdcnt  ncccility,  of  which  the  quciUon  is  between  him 
and  me.  A  man  cannot  have  liberty  to  do  or  nut  to  do  ,  that  which  at  the  fame  time  ts  al- 
ready done.     But  a  man  may  do  that  which  he  doth  freely  from  all  antecedent  nece- 
flity,  and  neceliity  upon  fuppotitiun  is  not  delirudive  to  Liberty.  He  prophancth  the 
name  of  God,  who  maketh  him   to  be  corporal  and  divifibic,to  be  compounded  of 
fubilance  and  accidents,  to  be  mutable,  and  to  aquire  and  lofedailyinot  he  who  argu- 
eth  foberly  and  (ubmilfively  from  the  attributes  or  works  of  God. 
He  hath  given  a  proof  lately  of  his  Theology,  now  he  pretendeth   to  (hew  his  skill 
in  Logick  and  philofophy.   He  necdcth  not  to  tell  us  that  he  acquired  his  knowledge 
by  his  own  meditation  ,  he  is  fo  Long  fumbling  and  fpclling  of  every   word.     In  the 
rirll  place  he  giveth  us  the  definition  of  a  delinition.  A  right  definitinnis  that,  (  what  > 
a  right  derinition   without  a  Genus  ?  )  rvbkh  determineth  thefgnification  of  the  rvwd 
denned.     This  definition  argeeth  as  much  to  a  Lexicon  ,  as  to  a  dennition.     By  his 
leave  ,  a  right  definitition  is  an  explication  of  the  thing  defined  by  the  effential  terais 
thofe  are  the  Genus  and  the  difference. 

His  definition  is  but  a  poor  defcription.  Heconfefleth,  Thzt  the  rule  is  good  in 
defningto  ufe  firji  form  general terme  ,  and  then  to  rejirain  the  fignification  thereof  ^  &c. 
He  is  but  learning  to  fpell  in  Logick  ,  and  yet  is  already  cenfuring.  It  is  no  marvel 
if  he  never  thrive  of  the  trade.  It  is  not  onely  good,  but  a  neceflary  rule  ,  that  in 
every  prefedt  definition  there  be  two  notions i  the  one  more  common  ,  whercinthe 
thing  defined  doth  agree  with  other  things,  the  other  more  di(lin<!i.  Wherein  it 
differs  from  all  other  things.  This  was  Plato*/  dodrine,  and  AriHotles  and  recei- 
ved by  all  Logicians  ever  fince  i  and  now  he  taketh  upon  him  to  be  Judge  of  it ,  as 
Midas  judged  of  Apollo* J-  mufick. 

He  dillikes  the  termes.  Gems  and  difference^  as  *oo  obfcure  for  Englip  Readers, 
ind  fitter  fer  Shoolemen, rcomptehcnding  all  Logicians  old  and  new  under  the  name  of 
Schoolmen.Then  why  dothhc  himfelf  ufe  the  term  of  L^gici^and  not  rather  veitchcrafty 
or  definition^  and  not  rather  declaring  ?  The  vulgar  Reader  will  undcrlland  his  general 
term  no  better  than gf««f, nor  his  new  rf/irji«t,better  than  the  old  difference^hat  be  rea- 
dy tomillakc  his  rtfiraintofa  general  term,(oT  the  imprifonment  of  fomeCommanderin 
chief.  But  thus  it  gauft  be  done  i  firft  to  render  the  people  more  benevolent  fo  a  man 
who  lludieth  nothing  but  their  edification ,  and  then  to  hide  his  own  ignorance. 

H-  pleadeth  ,  Thitjome  words  arefo  general,  that  they  cannot  admit  a  more  general. 
Yea,  hath  he  found  out  that  with  his  meditation  ?  Every  frclbman  in  the  Univcrfity 
could  have  told  him  that,and  much  more,  That  omne  quod  perfeSt  definitur  eji  fpecies 
He  fayeth.  Jpall  give  him  leave  to  cite  jomefaffages  out  of  his  book^,  decorpore:  And 
he  (hall  give  me  leaveto  fleight  them  and  let  them  alone.  If  he  will  admit  of  hu- 
mane authority,  I  am  ready  to  bury  him  and  his  delUny  in  an  heap  of  authorities. 
But  for  his  ownauthority  ,  Idonot  elkem  it  (  more  than  he  produceth  reafon_)  the 
.vJue  of  adeafe  nut. 

At  length  he  hath  found  us  out  ^  Ccrnts  znd  a.  difference  In  his  definition  of  liber- 
ty ,  but  that  lam  fuch  a  beetle  that  I  cannot  fee  them.  His  genus  is  abjence  of  impe- 
diments to  jflioK.Lethim  perufe  all  the  tables  of  tha  predicaments  and  predicables,and 
if  he  find  any  fuch  genus  there  ,  either /iowmwm  or  (ubalternum  ,  he  fhall  be  my  great 
Apollo.To  make  a  Genus  of  a  privation,  that  is  znabjence,  nay  an  abfence  of  impediments, 
was  never  heard  of  before  unlefle  it  be  true  in  this  caufe  bina  vettena  '^uvant,  unlefTe  two 
privativcs  make  one  pofitivc  ^  two  negatives  one  affirmative.His  difference  or  rffiriSi- 
oH  is  worft  ,  if  worfe  may  be,  not  contained  in  the  nature  of  the  Agent.  So  the  efTential 
difference  is  a  negative  alio.  His  liberty  mufi  needs  be  a  rare  Jewel,  which  coniiilech 
altogether  of  negative 

He  chargcth  me  ,  That  J  require  the  matter  and  the  form  of  the  thing  in  the  definition, 
but  matter  U  a  corporeal  fubjiance  ,  andcannot  bepart  of  a  definition.  Whcnibever  he 
mcdleth  with  thefe  things ,  he  doth  but  (hew  his  wcakncfTe  i  It  werebetter  for  him 
to  let  them  alone.  I  do  not  fay  that  genus  and  materia  areall  one  ■■,  Butlfay  that 
genus  hath  a  great  analogy  with  '^t^  ♦^rit  matter,  and  fo  may  be  materia  anakgica.yvhidx 

Porphyry 


DrscouRFE  If.       Mr.  Hob's  AmmadverOons.  c 
^ _y^9 

Porphyry  upon  the  pred cables  might  have  taugli:  him.     The  ririt  matter  is  inde         ' 

tcrmmate  to  any  torm ,  fo  is  the  Genus  to  any  difference  i  The  matter  is  fufceptible 
ot  oppoht  torms ,  fo  is  the  Genus  of  oppollt  differences.     His  reafon  that  matter  is 
corporeal,  is  as  filly  as  his  exception,  and  flieweth  what  a  novice  he  is  in  Logick 
There  is  intelligible  matter ,  as  well  as  fenfible.     As  three  Lines  are  the  matter  of'a 
triangle  ,  and  three  propofitions  of  a  fyllogifm. 

He  telleth  us  conridently ,  That  a  very  abfence  it  as  real  as  a  very  faculty. 
If  he  told  it  twice  fo  confidently  ,  we  could  not  believe  it ,  that  a  privation  which 
is  nothing,  and  out  of  all  predicaments  ,  fhouid  be  as  real  as  a  quality.  Potential 
qualities  ought  to  be  defined  by  their  efficients  and  proper  ads,  not  by  privations. 
But  faith  he,  IFbat  if  the  veord  (defined)  dofignifie  abfence  or  negation?  Then  it  can- 
not be  defined  ,  but  oncly  defcribed.  And  this  defcription  mult  not  be  by  heaping 
together  more  negatives  or  privations,  but  by  mentioning  the  habits  or  powers 
whereof  they  are  privations.     What  is  this  to  Liberty  which  is  a  potential  quality? 

I  urged  that    by  his  definition  of  Liberty,    a  fione  is  free   toafcendinto  the  By  Iiis  Hcfini- 
air,    bccaufe  thercis  no  outward  impediment  to  hinder  it.     He  anfwered  ,  That  the  fo"  a  ('onr  is 
if  one  is  flopped  by  extcrnjlimpediments  ,  otherwife  it  rpould  either  go  ubrvards  eternally     ^'''^^  ^o  afccnd 
or  it  mufi  llop  itfelf;   but  it  doth  not  afcend  eter.iaHy  ,  and  I  have  confeffed  that   nothing 
canmoveitfelf;  Arid  therefore  he  doubts  not  but  Twill  confefs  that  nothing  can  llop  it  felt 
Firft  his  memory  is  very  llippery.     I  never  faid  that  nothing  can  move  it  felf :  But 
if  that  will  do  him  any  good  ,  I  have  often  faid  the  contrary.     Secondly  ,  he  doth 
but  flatter  himfelf  with  vain  hopes  to  think,  that  I  will  fay  nothing  can  ftop  it  felf 
Although  there  were  no  refinance  in  the  air ,    when  the  Carters  force  is  ceafed      the 
weight  of  the  Hone  alone  is  fufficient  to  ftop  it.     Thirdly  ,  there  hare  been  thofe 
who  have  thought  themfelvesas  good  Philofophers  as  he, who  affirmed  that  the  Hone 
did  find  no  refilhncc  in  the  air,  but  was  driven  forwards  by  the  following  air   to- 
wards rhe  air  before  it  to  prevent  a  vacuum:  That  is  far  from  relilknce.     Fourthly 
Why  might  not  I  fay  as  well ,  that  upon  his  grounds  ,  a  ftone  is  free  to  afcend  into 
the  air ,  becaufe  there  is  no  outward  impediment  to  hinder  it',   as  he  might  fay 
that  the  Water  is  free  to  afcend  up  the  channel  i  Mennever  fay  that  the  water  xvant- 
eth  Liberty  to  afcend,  but  potver.     Yet  th:  Water  hath  greater  impediment  to  afcend 
upthe  Channel,  than  the  (tone  hath  to  afcend  in  the  air.     Laftly  ,  this  is   without 
all   doubt,  that  though  a  (lone  be   not  capable  of  moral  Liberty ,  yet  if  Liberty 
were  fuch  a  thing  as  he  imagineth  iby  his  definition  ,  a  ftone  hath  as  much  Liberty 
to  afcend  up  the  air  ,  contrary  to  its  natural  appetite  ,   as  it  hath  to  defccnd  down- 
wards according  to  its  natural  appetite ,  there  being  no  extrinfecal  impediments  in 
the  one  motion  more  than  in  the  other ,  the  air  being  more  ealily  ,  or  at  leal^  as 
eaiily  driven  upwards  as  downwards.     Yet  the  ftone  ftoppeth  in  its  afcent  ,but  noc 
in  its  defcent  ,^exccpt  it  bs  accidentally)  until  it  come  to  the  earth. 

To  the  reft  of  this  Sedion  he  maketh  an  cafie  reply ,  That  I  talk^fo  abfitrdly  of  the  f^  n- 
current  of  Rivers,  and  of  the  motion  of  the  Seas  ,  and  of  the  weight  of  JFater ,    that  it    J?  '•S'^'""'-' 
cannot  be  carreded  othermfe  than  by  blotting  it  all  out.     He  gaiftaketh  but  one  word.  It       j    *"'' 
fliould  have  been  Jt  cannot  be  anfwered  by  him  othervvife  than  by  blottingit  all  our.  ^^'^^^"f""" 

Although  his  Paradoxes  be  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  whole  World  ,  yet  ^^"^'  30- 
in  thefe  five  Lad:  Sections  he  hath  not  brought  one  argument  to  prove  them,   but 
onely  explained  his  meaning  ,    as  ifhis  own  authority  were  proof  fufficient.     Now 
at  Lalt  he  brirgeth  two  lilly  arguments.     The  firft  is  this.  Nothing  takith  beginning  Beginning  cf 
from  itfelf-,  therefore  the  w/H  ta^th  not  beginning  from  it  felf,  but  from  fomething  mth-  monoq  from 
out  it  felf.     I  anGvcred  by  dUtiuguilhing  a  beginning,  into  a  beginning  of  being  ,  the  mover, 
and  a  beginning  of  working  or  adion.     No  creature  taketh  its  beginning  of  being 
from  it  felf,  becaufe  the  being  of  all  creatures  is  a  participated  being,  derived  from 
the  infinite  and  original  being  of  God  ,  in  whom  we  Live  and  move  and   have  our 
bein.^.^     But  if  he  underltand  a  beginning  of  adlion  ,   it  isa  grof;  errour  to  fay,  that 
nothing  hatli  a  beginning   rf  its  own   afiions  or  operations    within  itfelf.     This  is 
all  I  fail!  ,  and  this  I  faidcnnftantly.     Then  lio.v  uninge.iuoiilly  did  he  charge  me 
in  the  Laft  Scdion  to  have  confelfed  ,  That  nothing  can  move  it  felf}  and  in  this  Se- 
dion  accufe  me  of  contradidion,  for  faying  ,   That  when  a  ftone  dcfcendeth  ,  the 
beginning  of  its  motion  is  intrinfecal.     Now  to  juftifie  hinvlclfjic  faith,  tliat  from 

G  i:  2  2  a  t'lis 


o  a 


840 


CafiigJtioiis  of 


TOME  III      %. 


The  Umc  fa- 
culty willeth 
or  nillech^ 


Other  caufes 
concur  with 
the  wjll. 


Ncccflfary  cau 
fes  do  not  ar 
way*  aft  nc- 
ccflarily. 


this  which  I  did  fay  ,  That/i;?iJf  things  cannot  he  produced  by  ibemfelves  ,  he  can  c:.n- 
chde  that  the  aU  of  mllhig  is  not  produced  by  the  faculty  of  vpilling.     If  he  could  do  as 
much  as  he  faith,  ytt  it  was  rot  ingcniioufly  done  ,  to  feign  that  I  had  confefTed  all 
that  which  he  thinlicth  he  can  prove  ,  and  that  I  contradided  my  fclf,  when  I  con- 
tradided  his  Concluiions.     But  let  us  fee  how  he  goeth  about  to  prove  it.     Be  that 
hath  the  faculty  iftviViHg  ,  hath  the  facuhy  of  willing  fomethhig  infarticubr.     In  good 
time.     This  looketh  not  like  a  demonliration.     But  let  that  pafs  i  ^w^  <jt  fk /j«f 
time  he  hath  the  faculty  ofniliing  the  fame.     How  ,  two  faculties ,  the  one  of  willing, 
the  other  of  nilling  ?  Hola.     He  hath  but  cne  faculty  ,  and  that  is  a  faculty  of  wil- 
ling  or  nilling  fomething  in  particular  ,  not  of  willing  and  nilling.    He  proceedeth, 
Jf  therefore  the  faculty  of  wiping   be  the  caufe  he  tpiVeth  any   thing  rvhatfoevtr  ^  for  thi 
fame  reafon  the  faculty  ofniHittg  wiU  be  the  caufe  at  the  fame  time  of  nixing  it;  and  fa  he 
pall  tvill  and  nil!  the  fame  thing  at  the  jame  time  ,  vphich  vs  abfurd.     I  deny  his  confe- 
quencc.     It  doth  not  follow,  that  becaufe  the  Agent  hath  power  to  will  or  nill  in- 
differently, therefore  he  hath  power  to   will  and  nill    contradidorily.     He  may 
chiifc  indifferently,  whether  he  will  write  or  not,  but  he  cannot  chufe  both  to 
writeand  not  to  write  at  the  fame  time  contradidtorily.     It  doth  not  follow,   that 
becaufe  the  Agent  hath  power  to  will  or  nill  indifferently  ,  before  he  do  actually  ei- 
ther will  or  nill,  therefore  when  he  doth  will  adtually,  he  hath  power  to  nill  at 
the  fame  time.     Hath  he  forgotten  </;^t  «/i /oo/t/^  rw/e,  Whatfoever  is,  when  it  is, 
is  neceirarily  fo  as  it  is.?  How  often  mull  I  tell  him,  that  in  the  place  of  an  abfb- 
lute  antecedent  ncceliity ,  he  feeketh  to  obtrude  upon  us  hypothetical  neccflity  ? 

He  proceedeth,  Jtfeems  the  Bifljop  had  forgotten  ,  that  matter  and  power  are  indiffe- 
rent  to  contrary  forms  and  contrary  ads.  No  ,  1  had  not  forgotten  it ,  but  he  had  for- 
gotten it :  To  fay  that  the  matter  is  indifTerent  to  contrary  forms ,  and  yet  necelfita- 
tcd  antecedently  to  one  form ,  or  that  power  isindifferent  to  contrary  ads,  and  yet 
ncccliitated  antecedently  to  one  ad  ,  is  a  ratling contradidion.  He  faith  ,  That  it 
is  fomervhat  befides  the  matter  that  determineth  to  a  certain  form  ^  and  fomething  befides 
the  povrcr  that  froduceth  a  certain  aU.l  only  acknowledge  it,  and  it  is  the  piece  of fenfe 
that  is  in  this  Sedion.  I  made  this  objedion  to  my  (elfin  my  defence,  and  anfwer- 
cd  it  in  thefe  words. 

Yet  I  do  not  deny  that  there  are  other  beginnings  of  human  adions  ,  which  do 
concur  with  the  Will  i  fome  outward,  as  the  firft  caufe  by  general  influence,  which 
is  evermore  requilite  ,  Angels  or  men  by  perfwading  ,  evil  Spirits  by  tempting  ,  the 
objed  or  end  by  its  appetibility  •,  fome  inward,  as  the  underlbnding  by  dircding  \ 
fo  palfions  and  acquired  habits.  But  I  deny  that  any  ot  thefe  do  neccllitate  or  can 
ncceflitatc  the  will  of  man  by  determining  it  Phyllcally  to  one,  except  God 
alone  ,  who  doth  it  rarely  in  extraordinary  cafes  •,  and  where  there  is  no  antecedent 
determination  to  one ,  (here  is  no  abfolute  necelhty,  but  true  Liberty. 

where  he  maketh,*/;?  beginning  ofmotioninajione  thrown  downwards,  and  a  flone  de- 
jcendingdawnwards,to  be  both  in  the  jione-iit  is  but  a  poor  trifling  homonymy,as  the  mod 
part  of  hisTreatifeis.The  beginning  of  motion  in  a  flone  afcending  is  in  thef^onefub- 
jcdively  but  not  effedively,  becaufe  (hat  motion  proceedeth  not  from  the  form  of  the 
fione.  But  in  thedefcent  oftheflone,  the  beginning  of  motion  is  both  fubjedively  and 
elTcdively  in  the  flone.  And  what  hetellcth  us  of  a  former  motion  in  the  ambient  hody^ 
air  or  water  ^  10  mak^  the  jlone  difcend,  is  needlefs  and  fruftraneous.  Let  him  but 
withdraw  rhe  pin  that  holdeth  the  flate  upon  the  houfe  againll  its  Natural  inclinati- 
on, and  hefhall  fee  prefently  there  needeth  no  motion  in  the  ambient  body  to  make 
the  flone  drop  down. 

\lz  d,6v\{ti\\mttoconfider  with  what  ^race  Jean  fay  ,  that  necejfary  caufes  do  not  al- 
ways produce  their  effeds ,  except  thofe  effcUs  bealfi  neceffarily  produced.  Ratlier  kt  him 
confider  with  what  Grace  he  can  mifrecite  that  which  I  fay,by  leaving  out  the  word 
neceffary.  I  faid  neccfTary  caufes  do  not  always  produce  neceffaiy  effedsi  and  I  can 
fay  that  with  better  Grace  than  he  can  deny  it.  When  neceffary  Agents  and  free 
Agents  are  conjoynt  in  the  produdion  of  the  fame  effed  ,  the  effed  is  not 
antecedently  neceflaiy.  1  gave  him  an  inllance.  Protagoras  writ  a  Book  againft 
the  Gods,  de  diis^utrum  fmt  titrum  non  fnt,nihil  habeo  dkere.     The  Senate  ordered  his 

Book 


Discourse  1 1  Mr.  HobsV    Aniuiad'verfiov.T.  g^l 

book  to  beburnsd  tor  it.     AlrhoDgh  the  rire  be  a  neccirary  agent,  yet  becaufe  the      "  ' 

Senators  were  free  Agents  ,  the  burning  of  his  book  was  not  antecedently  necef- 

fary. 

where  I  fay  that  the  will  is  not  a  ncceffary  caufe  of  what  it  willeth  in  particular  ' 
aClions ,  He  inferreth  ,  That  there  are  nn  umverjal  acitoni ,  and  if  it  be  nota  >fecej[jry 
caufe  of  particular  aCuans  ■-,  it  is  the  necefjary  cjiije  of  no  aUions-,  And  again,  he  rvfuld 
be  glad  to  have  mefet  dotvtt  what  vohwtary  actions  (  not  particular  )  thoje  are  rvhich  are 
iteccfttated.  It  ii  fcarcely  poilible  for  a  naan  to  exprefs  hinnfelf  more  clearly  than  I 
did  ,  but  clearly  or  unclearly  ,  all  ij  one  to  him  ,  who  is  difpofed  to  cavil.  I  did 
not  oppofe  particular  ads  to  univerfal  ads,  but  to  a  colledion  of  all  voluntary 
ads  in  general ,  nua  tales  ,  as  they  are  voluntary.  It  is  neceffary  ,  that  all  ads  ge- 
nerally which  proceed  from  the  Will ,  fliould  be  voluntary  i  and  fo  the  Will  is  a 
necelTary  caufe  of  voluntary  ads ,  that  is  ,  of  the  voluntarinefs  of  then,.  But  the  • 
Will  is  not  a  ncceffary  caufe  of  the  particular  ads  themfelves.  As  upon  fuppoiition 
that  a  man  being  A'illing  to  Write,it  is  neccflary  that  his  Writing  be  voluntaiy,bec3ufe 
he  willeth  it:  But  put  the  cafe  without  any  fuppoiition,  and  it  is  not  necelTary  that 
he  Oiould  Write,  or  that  he  fliould  Will  to  Write,  becaufe  it  was  in  his  own  pow- 
er ,  whether  he  would  Write  or  not.  So  the  voluntarinefs  of  all  ads  in  gene- 
ral ,  proceeding  from  tJie  Will ,  is  ncceffary  ,  but  the  ads  themfelves  were  not 
necelfary  before  the  free  Agent  had  determined  himfelf;  and  then  but  upon  fuppoii- 
tion. 

His  excepting  agaitift  thefe  common  exprcflions,  "the  tvill  rviVeth,  or  the  will  may 
either  tvill  or  falpend  its  aSs  ,  is  but  feeking  of  a  knot  in  a  bulrulh.  It  is  all  one  ,  whe- 
ther one  fay  the  rvill  rvihth  , ,  or  the  man  tvilleth  ,  or  the  rviE  may  rvili  or  ftijpend  its  a& , 
or  the  man  may  mli or  fujpend  bit  ads.  Scaliger  faith  that  volo  velle  is  a  proper  fpeech  , 
Ivfill  mll^  and  received  by  the  common  confent  of  all  nations.  If  he  h:id  any  thing 
of  moment  to  infert  into  his  Animadverllons  ,  he  would  not  make  ufe  of  fuch  Lep- 
tologies.  Canting  is  not  chargeable  upon  him,  who  ufeth  common  and  known 
terms  of  Art ,  but  upon  him  who  devifeth  new  terms ,  as  Canters  do,  which  die 
with  their  inventors.  He  asketh,  Horv  canhe  that  vnillejtb  at  the  fame  time  fttfpend  his 
will  ?  Rather  why  doth  he  infert  into  his  demand  at  the  fame  time.  It  is  enough  to 
Liberty  ,  if  he  that  Willeth  could  have  fufpended  his  Will.  All  this  anfwcr  of  mine 
to  hisfecond  argument  was  illuftrated  by  the  inftance  of  the  elcdion  of  aFope,  to 
which  heoppofeth  nothing  but  h  may  he  ,  and  it  doth  notfollotv,  and  I  reould  beglii 
to  linoTV  by  what  arguments  he  can  prove  that  the  eleClion  was  not  nece^tatcd.  I  have 
done  it  fufficicntly  all  over  in  this  Treatife.  I  am  now  anfwering  to  what  he  pro- 
duceth,  not  proving.  If  he  have  any  thing  to  demand.  Let  him  go  to  the  Cardinals  , 
and  inquire  of  them  ,  whether  they  be  fuch  fools ,  to  keep  fuch  a  deal  of  needlefs 
ftrr ,  if  they  were  antecedently  neceliitated  to  choofe  one  certain  man  Pope,  and  no 
other.  Cjjiigatioiis- 

I  joyn  thefe  two  Sections  together  ,  becaufe  they  concern  one  and  the  fame  thing;  of  the  Ani- 
[  Namely  ,  VVhether  every  fufficient  caufe  do  neceffarily  effect  whatfoever  it  is  fuffici-  midverfwis 
ent  for:  or  which  is  the  fame  in  effect ,  Whether  a  free  Agent ,  when  all  things  are  Num.  ^i.& 
prefent  vvhich  arc  needful  to  produce  an  eff^^ct ,  can,  neverthclefs ,  not  produce  it.  Numb.  32. 

Which  queflion  may  be  underftood  two  ways,  either  inclufively ,  or  exclufively 
either  including  and  comprehending  the  Will  of  the  Agent ,   under   the  notion  of  J^I'^f*"^" 
futficiency,  and  among  things  requitite  to  the  producing  of  the  effect  jfo  asthecaufe  " 
is  notreputedto  be  fufficient,  except  it  have  both  ability  and  will  to  produce  the 
effect,   and  fo  as  both   requifitc  power  ,   and  requifite   will,  do  concur  •,  and  then 
there  is  no  quclHon  butthe   effect  will  infallibly  follow,  pofitcaufi  pmitura  effMtts  ■■, 
'or  elfe  it  may  be  underilood  exclufively ,  not  comprehending  the  will  under  the  no- 
tion of  fufli:iency  ,  or  not   reckoning  it  among  the  ncceffary  rcquifites  to  the  produ- 
ction of  theeffecti  fo  as  the  Agenr  is  fuppofcd  tohavepovver  and   ability  to  produce 
the  effect ,  but  no  will.     And  then  itis  asinfallib'y  true  on  the  other  fide,  thatthe 
effect  cannot  be  produced.      Thus  far  this  qucll:ion  is  a  meer  Logomachy  or  conten- 
tion about  words  ,   without  any  real  difference.     And  T.  E.  doth  but  abufchis 
Readers,  to  keep  a  jangling  and  a  ftir  about  mthing. 

But  in  truth  the  water  flopeth  not  here.     If  he  fhould  fpeakto  the  purpofe ,  he 

Ggggg2  fliould 


g--^ "  Captations  of  T  O  M  ^:  11  ?. 

Hiould  leave  thefclhallows.  It' the  will  of  the  tree  Agent  be  included  under  the  no- 
tion otTutHciency  ,  and  comprehended  among  thofe  things  which  arc  rcquifitc  to  the 
production  oftheert'cct ,  Co  as  bothfufficient  ability  ,  andfufficient  will,  arc  required 
to  the  making  a  fut'iicienc  caufe.  Then  it  comethto  be  conlidcred  in  the  fecond  place 
whether  the  in  will  things  external  be  undet  God,  in  power  and  difpolition  of  the 
free  Agent  himfelf,  which  is  the  common  opinion  of  all  men  ,  who  undcr'tand 
themfelves.  Andthenthe  produdion  of  theeffedl  is  onely  neceffary  hypothctically, 
oruponfuppoiltion,  that  the  free  Agent  is  willing,  Or  elfe  ,  Whether  the  will  (>f 
the  free  Agent  be  not  in  his  own  power  and  dirporition,but  determined  antecedently 
by  extrinfecal  caufes  ,  which  is  the  paradoxical  opinion  ot  T".  H.  and  then  the  pro- 
dudionof  theeffedis,  abfolutely,  and  antecedently  ,  necefTary. 

So  ftiil  the  quellion  is  where  it  was ,  and  all  his  bulllin.',  about  fufficieney  and 
efficiency,  and  deficiency  is  but  labour  in  vain.  If  he  would  have  fpokcn  anything 
at  all  to  the  purpose,  helhould  have  attempted  to  prove,  that  every  (ufficient  caule 
(excluding  the  will  )  that  is  ,  every  caufc  which  hath  fuflicient  power  and  ability, 
doth  nccelfarily  produce  whatfcever  it  is  able  to  produce,  though  the  Agent  be  on  - 
willing  to  produce  it  \  or  that  the  will  of  the  Agent  is  not  in  his  own  power  and  dif- 
pofition.  We  expedt  proofs,  not  words.  But  this  he  could  not  do,  for  he  himfeU 
in  this  very  Treatife  ,  hath  feveral  times  diftinguiflied  between  liberty  and  power  ; 
telling  us  that  a  fick  man  hath  liberty  to  go ,  but  wanteth  power  iAnd  that  a  man 
who  is  bound  hath  power  to  go,  but  wanteth  liberty.  It  he  that  is  bound  hath 
power  to  go  then  he  hath  fufficient  power  to  go,  for  unfufficient  power  cannot  pro- 
duce the  cflled.  And  fo  by  his  own  confeliion  an  Agent  may  have  fufficient  power 
and  yet  cannot  neceffarily ,  nor  yet  polhbly  ,  produce  the  effcd". 

I  urged  ,  That  G^sd  is  fufficient  to  produce  many  Worlds ,  but  he  doth  not  pro- 
ducethcmv  therefore  a  fufficient  caufe  doth  not  neceflarily  prodticc  all  thofe  effcca-s 
which  it  is  fufficient  to  produce.He  anfvvereth.That  the  meaningUthalGodU  ju^dentto 
produce  them  if  he  xfjL'.Doth  he  not  fee  that  it  foUoweth  ineuirably  from  hence,  That 
there  may  be  a  fufficient  caufe  without  will?  Doth  he  not  fee  likewife  from  hence 
plainly,  that  for  thofe  things  which  arc  within  the  power  of  man,  he  is  fufficient 
alfo  to  produce  them  if  he  will.  So  ftill  he  would  obtrude  a  neceility  of  fuppofition 
Jf  a  man  tviV ^,  for  anabfolute  necelfity.  That  which  is  but  necefTary  conditionally 
If  a  man  will ,  is  not  necefTary  abfoultely.  And  he  confelTeth  that  n--i//.'o«M/;w/«/'- 
pofition  ,  Jfhe  roill  ,  a  man  ii  not  fufficient  to  produce  any  voluntary  aUion. 

I  added  other  inltances,  as  this ,  That  the  pafhon  of  Chrill  is  a  fafficient  ranfbm 
for  all  mankind,  and  fo  is  acknowledged  by  all  Chrilfians,  yet  all  mankind  fhall  not 
be  faved  by  virtue  of  his  pallion,  therefore  there  may  be  a  fufficient  caufe  without 
production  of  the  effed.  This  is  the  Language  ofholy  Scripture,  Ifljtch  oj  you  in- 
''■*  ■  tending  to  build  a  lovpir  ^  fitteih  not  down  firji  and  counteth  the  cvli  ^  whether  he  have  ( 
fufficient)  to  finish  its'  That  is,  as  our  Saviour  expoundeth  himfelf  in  thenext  vcrfe  , 
Ifa.  5*".  I.'  *  *  whether  he  be  able  to  finifh  it.  .So  St.Taul,  SiithfFho  is  fufficient  for  thefe  things  ?  that 
is  ,  who  is  able  for  thefe  things  ?  v.'hen  God  faith  ,  Jfliat  could  I  have  done  more  for 
my  vineyard ,  that  J  havemt  done  ?  God  hath  given  them  fufficient  means  ,  and  could 
have  given  them  more,  if  ihcy  had  been  more  capablci  but  bccanfe  they  were  wan- 
ting to  themfclves  ,  thefe  fufficient  means  were  not  efficacious.  I  looked  for  grapes ^ 
faith  God  i  How  could  God  look  for  grapes,  if  he  had  not  given  them  fufficient 
meanes  to  bring  forth  grapes  ?  yet  thefe  fufficient  means  were  not  efficaci- 
ous. 

Thefe  things  being  premifed  ,  do  anfwer  whatfoever  he  faith  i  as  this,  IktBi- 
(hoT.  thinks  two  Horfes  may  be  fufficient  to  draw  a  Coach  ,  though  thty  will  not  draw  ,  &c. 
I  fay  they  may  be  fufficient  in  point  ofpower  and  ability,  though  they  will  not  draw. 
Many  men  have  fufficient  power  todo  what  they  will  not  do.  And  if  the  produ- 
dtion  of  the  eiTedt  do  depend  upon  their  wiUs  ,  or  upon  their  contingent  and  uncer- 
tain endeavours,  or  if  their  fufficieney  be  but  conditional,  as  he  makethit,  if  they 
be  not  lame  or  rcffy  ,  then  the  produdion  of  the  qKc&.  is  free  or  contingent ,  and 
cannot  be  antecedently  neceffary.  For  otherwife  all  thefe  conditions  and  fuppofitions' 
are  vain. 

Where  hechargeth  mctofay,That  the  caufe  of  a  Monjler  if  tvifufficient  f^  produce  aMon 

Jier 


Discourse,  i  I.  Mr.  HobsV  Aniinadverfions 


fier  ,he  doth  mc  wrong ,  and  himfelf  more.  I  never  faid  any  fuch  thing.  I  hope  I 
mayhave  leave  to  fpeak  to  him  in  his  own  vvords.  I  muji  take  it  for  anumrmo^ttntiU 
he  cite  the  fiace  ^  where  I  have  faid  fo.  I  have  faid,  and  I  do  (ay,  That  the  caufe  ot" 
a  Monfter  was  unfufHcient  to  produce  a  man,  which  nature  and  the  free  Ager.t  in- 
tended, but  it  was  fuiKcient  to  produce  a  Monlter,  otherwife  a  Monikr  had  not 
been  produced.  When  an  Agent  doth  not  produce  what  he  and  nature  intend  i  but 
produceth  a  Monlkr  inltead  of  a  Man  ,  it  is  proof  enough  of  his  infufficiency  to  pro- 
duce what  he  (honld  ,  and  would  have  produced  ,  if  he  could.  Where  he  addeth, 
That  that  which  U  ju^.cient  to  produce  a  Monjier ,  if  not  therefore  to  be  called  an  infuffici- 
cnt  cjtife  to  produce  a  Man  ,  no  more  than  that  rvhicb  is  fitff.cient  to  produce  a  man^  ii  to  be 
called  an  htfufficient  caufe  ti  produce  a  Monjler  ,  is  even  as  good  fenfe  ,  as  if  a  man 
liiould  fay  ,  He  who  hath  skill  fulHcient  to  hit  the  white  ,is  infufficient  tomiffe  the 
white. 

He  pretendeth  thitfenfus  divifuf,  andcompofmu  is  nonfenfe  i  (  though  they  be  Lo- 
gical term=;  of  Arc  )  and  what  I  fay  of  tbe  power  of  the  rvill  to  forbear  willing  ,  or  the 
dominion  of  the  Will  over  its  otvn  aUts  ,  or  the  power  of  the  Willin  adu  prima  ,  he  faith 
are  as  Wild  rvords  ,  as  ever  xverefp'^k^n  tvithin  the  walls  0/ Bedlam  ,  though  they  be 
as  fad  truths  as  the  founders  of  Be^/jmthemfeivcs  could  have  uttered.  And  the 
Authors  who ufed  them,  the  greateft  Witts  of  the  World  ,  and  fo  many  ,  tliat  ten 
Bedlams  could  not  hold  them.  But  it  may  be  he  would  have  the  Scene  changed,  and 
have  the  Wifeli  fort  of  men  thruft  into  Bedlam  ,  that  he  might  vent  his  Paradoxes 
more  freely.  So  F<f/;tf accufed  St.  Paul  of  madnefs,  Paul  Paul,  much  Learning  hath 
made  thee  mad. 

In  the  dehnition  of  a  free  agent ,  rphich  when  a//  things  needful  to  the  produUiou  of 
the  efftH  are  prepnt,  can  neverthekfi  not  produce  it.  They  underllood  all  things  need- 
ful in  point  of  ability,  not  Will ,  he  telleth  us  gravely.  Tint  all  and  porver  differ 
in  nothing  but  in  this  ^  that  the  former  fignijieth  the  time  prefent ,  the  latter  the  time  to 
came.  As  if  he  (hould  tell  us ,  That  the  caufe  and  the  effect  differ  nothing  , 
but  that  the  effect  fignificth  the  time  prefent ,  and  the  caufe  the  time  to  come. 

Laftly  he  [ikh^Th^t  exceptljhetv  him  the  place  where  hefhuffedout  effeUs producible  and 
thruji  into  their  places  ejfecis  produced Jje  will  take  it  for  anuntriith.To  content  him  Illia'll  do 
it  readily,without  fearching  far  for  it.My  words  were  thefe,(^The  quefUon  is  whether 
effeCxs  producible^hz  free  from  necellityi  He  fliufflesout  effeCis  producible  and  thrults  in 
rheirpIaces,effe<Ss  produced^  Now  that  he  doth  this ,  I  prove  out  of  his  own  words 
in  the  Sedtion  preceding.  Hence  it  is  manifeji ,  that  rehatfoever  is  produced, 
if  produced  neceffrrily :  For  whatjoever  is  produced ,  hath  had  a  fufficient  caufe  to 
produce  it ,  or  elfe  it  had  not  been.  Let  the  Reader  Judge  ifhe  have  not  here  fhuffl.'d 
etfeds  producible  out  of  the  queft  ion,  and  thruft  into  their  places  elfedls  produced. 
The  queftion  is  whether  efledis  producible  be  neceffarily  produced  •,  He  concludcth 
in  the  place  of  the  contradictory ,   that  efFeds  actually  produced  are  neceffary. 

He  faith,  Thit  to  define  what  fpontaneity ,  Deliberation,  Will,  Propenfion,  appetite, 
a  free  Agent,  and  Liberty  is ,  and  to  prove  that  they  are  well  defined  ;  tbere  can  be  no 
other  proof  offered,  but  every  mtns  own  experience  and  memory  ,  what  he  meaneth  by 
f'tich  words.  I  do  readily  believe  all  this  to  be  true  ,  in  order  to  his  own  opinions  i 
That  there  neitheris ,  nor  can  beany  proof  of  them  but  imagination.  But  his  rea- 
fon  was  (hot  at  random  i  For  definitions  being  the  beginning  of  all  demonflration ,  can- 
not themfelvesbe  demonjirated,  that  is  proved  to  another  man.X^orh  he  take  all  his  particu- 
lar imaginations  to  ht  fo  many  definitions  ordemonfirations.''Hehath  one  conception 
of  Spontaneity  ,  of  deliberation,  of  free  Agent  of  Liberty,  I  have  another.  My 
conception  doth  not  prove  my  opinion  to  be  true  ,  nor  his  conception  prove  his  opi- 
nion to  be  true  i  but  our  conceptions  being  contrary  ,  it  proveth  either  hi?,  01  mine, 
or  both  to  be  faife.  Truth  is  a  conformity,  or  congruity  of  the  conceptions  of  the 
mind  with  the  things  themfelves,  which  are  without  the  mind,  and  of  the  exteriour 
fpcech  as  the  fign  ,  with  the  things  and  conceptions  ^  as  the  things  (ignified.  So 
there  is  a  threefold  truth  i  the  firft  is  objedivc  in  the  things  themfelves,  The  fecond 
is  conformative  in  the  conceptions  ofthe  mind  i  The  third  is  (ignative  or  figniticativc 
in  fpeech  or  writing.  It  is  a  good  proceeding  to  prove  the  truth  of  the  invvard 
conceptionsof  the  mind,   from  their  conformity  with  the  things   themfelvesi  but 

it 


Cafligations 
oftheAni- 
madverfions 
Num.  33. 
Our  concepti- 
ons are  not 
the  touchftone 
of truth. 


"^^  C aft igat ions  of  ■  TOME  11! . 

[t  is  vain  and  ridicuious  to  prove  the  truth  of  things  from  their  agreement,  with  the 
conceptions  of  my  mind  or  his  mind.     The  Clocks  may  differ,  but  the  courfe  of  the 
Sun  is  certain.     A  mans  words  may  not  agree  with  his  thoughts,  nor  his  thoughts 
agree  withthc  things  thcmfelves. 

But  I  commend  his  prudcnc;  in  this ,  and  in  this  onely  ,  that  he  hath  chofen  out 
a  way  of  proof,  that  cannot  be  confuted  without  his  own  confent,  becaufe  no  man 
knoweth  another  mans  inward  conceptions  but  himfelf.  And  thcbetter  to  fecurc  him- 
felf,hc  maketh  his  EnghJhFxea.det  judge  ofLatin  words  and  his  ignorant  Readers  judge 
of  words  ofArt.  Thefe  are  the  fitteftjudges  for  his  purpofe.Eut  what  if  the  terms  be  ob- 
(cure/'He  dinCwcxcihJf  the  words  be  nnnjml^ibe  tvay  mitji  be  to  nuk^  the  definition  of  their 
fignificafion  by  mutual  confent.  What  mutual  confent?Thc  fignification  of  thefe  words 
wasttied  by  the  univerfal  confent  and  cuftomsAnd  muft  they  be  unfetkdagain,tofa- 
tisfiethe  humour  of  every  odd  paradoxical  perfon,who  could  find  no  way  togct  him- 
felf reputation,  but  by  blondering  all  things?  he  tellethus  that  fie  School-men  iij'e  not 
to  argue  by  rule  ,  but  as  Fencers  uj'e  to  handle  weafons  by  quicl^iefs  of  the  hand  and  eye  , 
The  poor  Schoohnen  cannot  rell  quietly  in  their  Graves  for  him  ,  but  he  isftill  per- 
fecuting  their  allies  ,  becaufe  they  durft  prefume  to  foar  a  pitch  above  his  capacity. 
The  School-men  were  the  mofl  exad  obfervcrs  of  rules  in  the  whole  World  ,  as  it 
they  had  been  compofed  altogether  of  rules.     But  they  obfcrved  not  his  rule  ,  that 
whatfoevcr  any  man  imagineth  a  word  to  be,  that  it  is.     Much  good  may  his  Le- 
sbian rule  do  him  ,  which  he  may  bend  this  way  or  that  way  at  his  pleafure.     It  is 
jult  fuch  another  rule  as  the  Parilh  Clerks  rule  of  the  time,   who  preferred  the  Clock 
before  a  dyal ,  becaufe  he  fet  it  according  to  his  own  imagination. 

He  asketh  me  (  f  )r  he  is  much  better  at  making  knots  than  looting  tliem  )  what 
JwiUanfwer  if  hejhaUash^mch')vc  I  wi\l]udge  of  the  caufes  of  things  ^  whereof  1  have  no 
idea  or  conception  in  mine  oven  mind>  As  if  there  were  no  mean  ,  but  either  a  man 
muft  vvant  all  inward  notions  and  conceptions,  orelfc  he  mufi:  make  his  own  ima- 
ginations to  be  the  touchrtone  of  truth.  Nulla  lux  and  nimia  lux  ,  no  Light ,  and 
too  much  Light  ,  are  both  enemies  to  the  fight.  So  to  take  away  all  inward  con- 
ceptions: and  to  ground  the  true  being  and  nature  ofthings  upon  our  infallible  con- 
ceptions ,  are  both  enemies  to  the  truth. 

Albeit ,  He  dare  fay  (  as  he  is  bold  enough,    whileft  the  danger  is  but  in  words  ) 
that  it'  one  (hould  ask  an  ordinary  perfon  whether  our  Antipodes  fhould  have  their 
heads  upwards  or  downwards  ,  they  rfould  tell  him  as  fignificantly  as  any  Scho liar  ^ 
that  theif  heads  were  ttpwards  ,  becaufe  they  are  towards  Heaven  ,  And  that  when  they 
fay  there  is  no  body  in  that  room  ,  they  mean  no  more  but  there  is  no  body  that  can  be 
feen  ,Or  when  they  fay  that  veffel  is  empty  ,  they  do  apprehend  it  to  be  full  nf  air  : 
Yet  neither  I ,  nor  thefe  ordinary  perfons  themfelves  do  believe  him.     How  fliould 
they  apprehend  fuch  things  rightly ,  until  they  be  better  informed  both  of  the  figure 
of  the  earth  ,  and  the  nature  of  the  air,  than  they  are  by  their  fenfes.     He  faith, 
7be  quejiion  is  not ,   P^hether  fuch  and  fuch  "tenets  be  true;  but  whether  fuch  and  fuch 
words  can  be  well  defined,  without  thinking  on  the  things  they  fignifie  ?  I  (hould  be  glad 
to  find  him  once  Rating  of  a  queftion  truly.     The  quellion  is  not  whether  fuch  and 
fuch   words  can  be  well  defined  without  thinking  on  the  things  they  fignifie  i  but 
whether  every  thought  or  every  imagination  of  every  odd  fantallick  perfon  ,  or  of 
the  common  people  ,  be  a  right  determination  of  the  true  fenfe  ,  and  fignitication 
of  every  word.     They  who  do  not  underfland  the  diflindl  natures  ofthings  fignified, 
cannot  underUand  the  right  fignifications  of  words,  which  are  but  figns  ofthings. 

Right  difcipline  or  Learning  and  good  inflrudtion  ,  doth  not  only  enable  a  man 
to  reafon  tritly  in  more  numerous  or  various  matters  ,  but  to  reafon  more  truly  and  ex- 
adly  in  all  matters.  Yes ,  even  in  thofe  things  which  we  have  Learned  from  our 
own  fenfes  and  memories.  As  I  fhewed  him  before  in  the  inftance  of  the  Sun  , 
which  fenfe  judgeth  to  be  no  greater  than  a  ball ,  but  Learning  aud  reafon  do  con- 
vinceus  that  it  is  many  times  greater  than  the  Globe  of  the  Earth.  If  he  will  not 
admit  this  to  be  matter  of  fad  ,  Let  him  try  if  he  can  perfwadc  us  that  it  is  a  matter 
of  right.  A  mans  fenfe  and  memory  doth  teach  him,  that  the  Lightening 
is  long  done  before  the  thunderclap  begin ,  bnt  being  better  infirufted  we  know 
it  to  beotherwife.     In  vain  were  fo  many  rules  and  precepts  in  Logick,    if  they 

did 


Discourse  1 1.  Mr.  HobS-  Animadverfijnt.  845- 

did  not  teach  us  to  reafon  better  ,  as  well  as  to  reafon  in  more  numerous  and  vari-  "^ 

ous  matters. 

He  inveigheth  againfi   Inipoltorsas  bjd  maliert ,  deceivers  or  deceived ,  that  teach 
for  truth  all  that  which  hathbem  dictated  tj  them  by  their  own  intereji  i  and  doth  not  fee 
or  will  not  fee ,   that  no  man  is  fo  much  concerned  in  this  reprehenfion  as  himlelf 
who  witliout  thefe  Paradoxes  had  continued  ftill  a  cypher  and  fignified  nothing.' 
If  there  bs  any  changlings  ,  it  is  no  other  than  himfelf ,  not  by  any  inchamment  of 
tvords  not  underlhod  ,  but  by  his  own  overweening  and  vain-glorious  conceits.     He 
reciteth  it  as  a  faying  of  mine  that  [matter  of  fad  is  not  verihed  by  fenfe  and  me- 
mory ,  but  by  arguments.]     I  never  faid  fo  ,  And  mtil  he  produce  my  rpordx,  I  mult 
put  it  into  the  Catalogue  of  his  untruths.     Neither  did  I ,  nor  any  Schoolman  ever 
fay  ,  that  the  teftimony  of  a  Witnefsis  the  onely  verifier  of  matter  of  fadt     or  that 
it  doth  coniift  in  fenfe  and  memory ,or  that  it  doth  not  confilt  in  arguments  and  Syl- 
logilms.     Thel'e  are  his  own  collcdions  and  conlequences,  which  hang  together 
like  ropes  of  Sand. 

He  asketh ,  Horv  can  an  unlearned  man  he  brought  to  thin\  the  words  he  [peaks  ottaht 
tojignifie  ,  when  he  jpeaks  fmcerely  ,  any  thing  elje  but  that  which  he  himfelf  meaneth  by 
t^fw.?Right,he  cannot  be  brought  to  think  that  they  do  llgnirie  other  wife  than  they 
dolignitie.  But  although  he  meant  never  fo  fmcerely,  he  may  be  brought  to  think 
that  the  fignification  by  him  ufed  v/as  improper  ,  and  that  which  he  faid  according 
to  the  right  fenfe  of  the  words  was  untrue.  As  a  man  might  fay  fincerely  enough  , 
that  Water  is'inoilkr  or  more  humid  than  air ,  by  the  fceming  warrant  of  his  fenle. 
And  yet  upon  better  inftrudlion  reform  his  judgment,  and  acknowledge  that  then 
he  did  not  unierlland  truly  what  moift  or  humid  didfignitie. 

To  that  which  I  urged  ,  That  to  love  any  thingand  to  thinlijt  good  ^  U  not  the  fame 
thing--,  He  anfwereth  no  more  but  this  ,  Thdit  he  doth  r.ot  thinks  fo .:  As  if  he  were 
fomc  oracle  of  truth  ,  or  fome  great  Lawyer  declaring  his  opinion  to  his  poor  igno- 
rant Clients.  Let  him  referve  his  thoughts  for  his  credulous  Schollars.  His  next 
miftake  is  much  worfe.  This  was  but  in  a  word  ,  but  that  is  in  a  thing  ,  Eternity. 
He  would  have  his  Reader  believe  ,  that  fome  body  holdeth ,  That  Eternity  is  this 
prefent  irtjlant  of  time  i  And  that  the  next  injiant  is  Eternity  after  this  :  and  confquent' 
ly,  that  there  are  as  many  eternities  as  there  be  inftants  in  time.  He  doth  but  dream  His  grcfs  mi- 
waking.  Surely  never  any  man  fince  the  beginning  of  the  World  did  hold  any  part  flakes  about 
of  this.  That  Eternity  lliould  be  a  part  of  time  ;  Time  is  but  the  meafure  of  mo-  cteruity. 
tion  ,  eternity  was  before  motion.  Time  fucceeding  doth  repair  the  Lofles  of  time 
palling.  But  God  who  fs  infinite  can  acquire  nothing  ,  can  loofe  nothing.  Sup- 
pofe  a  body  to  be  infinite  adually  ,  it  could  have  no  middle  ,  no  extremities  but 
every  point  of  it  (hould  be  a  center.  So  in  the  infinite  Eternity  of  God  ,  there  can 
be  no  extremities  of  part  or  to  come  ,  but  a  prefent  interminable  polTelhon  of  Life, 
His  ignorance  is  his  belt  plea.  Let  him  Learn  to  cite  his  Adverfaries  fayings  more 
ingenuouily  ,  or  hold  his  peace  forever,  and  keep  his  Paradoxes  to  himfelf.  And 
not  (hew  himfelf  like  the  Athenians  ,  who  being  well  beaten  by  the  Cretians  ,  and 
having  no  other  way  to  revenge  themfelves  ,  invented  feigned  itorics  of  Bulls  and 
Minotaures. 

Being  taken  tripping  in  an  apparent  contradiftion  about  Spontaneity  ,  making  it 
to  be  conliierate  proceeding,  and  inconsiderate  proceedings  or  nothings  he  hath  no 
more  mind  to  meddle  with  it ,  but  quitteth  his  hands  of  it  in  thefe  terms.  U  is  no 
EngliJh,But  let  it  figiiifie  what  it  will ,  provided  it  be  tntel'igible  ,  it  would  mak^  againfl 
me.  Had  not  this  man  need  to  have  credulous  Readers ,  who  before  he  knoweth 
what  the  wordilgniheth  ,  knoweth  by  inltindthat  it  would  makeagainit  me.  Jult 
like  that  Mountebanclj ,  who  having  madea  Long  Oration  to  his  hearers  of  the  rare 
virtues  of  a  feather  ,  which  he  affirmed  to  have  dropt  from  the  Wing  of  Michaelthc 
Archangel  v  and  the  feather  being  Itolen  from  under  his  fleevc  out  of  drollery,  and 
a  cinder  put  in  the  place  of  it ,  to  try  his  humor  ,  he  went  on  confidently  with  hk 
difcourfe  ■■,  telling  them  that  though  it  was  not  the  feather  which  he  had  mentioned, 
yet  it  was  one  of  the  coles  which  St.  Lawrence  was  broiled  with  ,  and  had  all  thofe 
virtues  which  he  had  formerly  afcribed  to  the  leather.  So  whether  Spontaneity  be 
a  feather  or  a  cole ,  it  hath  ftil!  the  fame  virtue.     And  if  it  be  any  thing  it  would  mak^ 

agai'Jl 


%^6 


Caftigarionf  of 


TOMlillL 


What  is  his; 
«kliberation. 


Mia  is  Tree  Ito 
will,ot  he  is 
ROt  free  to  do. 


He  Biaketh  a 
ftone  as  free 
to  afcend  as 
dcfccnd- 


azainji  vie.  If  it  be  all  one  to  confidcr  of  thefittefl  means  to  obtain  a  defired  end  or 
objedt,  and  conf'der  of  the  good  and  evilfequels  of  an  adion  tn  come,  why  did  he  clunge 
the  definition  generally  received  ,  to  make  a  Ihew  of  difference,  where  there  is 
none  by  his  own  account  ? 

I  was  willing  to  have  brought  him  to  his  right  wits  ,  that  he  might  Iiave  ac- 
knowledged himfelf  a  reafonable  man  :  but  feeing  he  is  fo  peremptory  ,  that  all  the 
reafon  and  underjianding  rchich  man  hath ,  if  but  imagination  v  And  weighing  Iiis 
ground,  thu  he  finds  it  fo  in  himfelf ,  by  confideringhU  own  thoughts  and  ratiocinati- 
ons y  and  which  worketh  with  me  more  than  all  his  conlidence  ,  finding  his  Wri- 
tings more  full  ofphantafie  than  of  )udgment,Ibegin  to  relent,  and  am  contented  to 
come  to  an  accord  with  him  ,  that  he ,  and  fuch  as  he  can  gain  to  be  of  his  mind  , 
fliajl  have  the  priviledge  of  phantafticks,  provided  that  other  men  may  fiill  retain 
their  old  reafon.  Moreover,  Iconfefs,  that  when  I  left  other  bullnefs  to  cxartiine 
his  Writings,  I  did  meet  with  greater  trifles  than  I  did  before. 

I  would  gladly  fave  his  credit ,  but  he  plungeth  himfelf  into  fo  many  grofs  er- 
rours  ,  that,  Ipfaftcupiat  falm  fervare  prorfut  non  poteji.  Now  he  telleth  us,  that 
deliberation  is  nothing elfe  ,  but  fo  many  wills  alternatively  changed  ,  as  if  delibe- 
ration was  but  the  meafuringof  a  rod  by  inches ,  with  his  thumbs  alternatively  i  he 
wills,  he  wills  not  i  he  wills  ,  he  wills  not,  e^-c.  And  as  the  laft  thumb-brcadrli 
happeneth  ,  fo  the  Agent  either  willeth  or  nillcth.  Before  he  made  but  one  will , 
now  he  niaketh  I  know  not  how  many  alternate  wills.  Before  he  made  deliberati- 
on, to  be  a  confideration  of  the  good  or  evil  (equcls  of  an  adlion.  The  will  is  an 
appetite,  not  a  confideration.  The  will  is  blind,  and  cannot  confider.  Wife  men 
ufe  to  look  before  they  leap,  and  confider  before  they  will.  But  he  may  have  the 
priviledge  to  have  his  will  ftand  for  his  reafon,  Stat  pro  ratione  voluntas.  So  whileft 
the  byais  of  his  Bowl  is  changing  from  the  one  fide  to  the  other  alternatively  by  ex- 
trinfecal  caufes,  the  Bowl  is  deliberating. 

I  confefs ,  I  wondered  at  his  definition  of  a  free  Agent ,  He  that  can  do  if  he  mV, 
and  forbear  if  he  n>  ill  •-,  not  that  I  did  not  forefee  what  paradoxical  fenfe  he  would 
give  it,  but  why  he  (hould  retain  the  ancient  terms.  I  remember  well  his  dif^in- 
d:ion  between  freedom  to  do  if  a  man  will,  and  forbear  to  do  if  he  will  ,  and  free- 
dom to  will  if  he  will ,  and  to  nill  if  he  will.  And  have  made  bold  now  and  then 
to  reprefent  what  a  vain,  falfe  ,  ufelefs,  contradi<ftory  dirtindlion  it  is ,  and  I  be- 
lieve itlieth  at  the  laft  gafp.  But  I  might  have  faved  my  labour.  I  ufed  but  one 
fhort  Argument  in  this  place  •,  cither  the  Agent  can  will  and  forbear  to  will ,  or  he 
cannot  do  and  forbear  to  do,  and  it  driveth  him  into  a  contradi(flion.  There  is  no 
doubt ,  a  man  can  vcill  one  thing  or  other,  and  forbear  to  rvill  it.  If  a  man  can  will 
and  forbear  to  will  the  fame  thing  ,  then  he  can  will  if  he  will,  and  forbear  if  he 
will,  where  he  makcth  the  iUte  of  the  Queflion  to  be ,  Whether  a  man  to  day  can 
chufe  to  morrows  will  ?  either  he  feigneth  or  miftaketh  grofsly.  I  will  never  truft 
him  with  flating  of  Qucflions  ,  or  citing  of  Teflimonies. 

Although  it  be  his  turn  now  to  prove,  and  mine  to  defend  my  fclf ,  oc  mycaule 
from  his  objections ,  yet  he  is  ftill  calling  for  proofs  i  and  which  is  worfe  ,  would 
have  me  to  prove  Negatives,  when  he  himfelf  cannot  prove  Affirmatives.  Hort>  doth 
it  follow  (  faith  he  )  that  a  (ione  m  as  free  to  afcend  as  defcend ,  unlefs  he  prove  there  k 
fio  outward  impediment  to  its  afcent ,  rvhich  cannot  be  proved  ,  for  tbf  contrary  U  true  ? 
Or ,  How  provethhe  ,  that  there  if  no  eutward  impediment  to  h^ep  that  point  of  the  Load- 
flone  ,  which  placeth  it  f elf  towards  the  North,  from  turning  from  the  South  ?  Firft ,  for 
the  ftone,  the  cafe  is  clear  ,  there  is  no  other  cxtrinfccal  impediment  to  the'ftonc 
afcending  or  defcending  ,  but  the  medium  through  which  it  pafTeth.  Now  the  me- 
dium is  fuppofcd  to  be  the  fame,  that  is  ,  the  air  equally  difpofed.  The  air  is  as  ca- 
fily  driven  upwardsas  downwards;  and  therefore  though  the  air  give  fome  impedi- 
ment to  the  motion  upwards  ,  yet  it  giveth  the  fame  impediment  at  leafl  to  the  mo- 
tion downwards :  And  therefore  the  impediment  being  as  vincible  upwards  as 
downwards ,  if  the  caufe  of  motion  were  the  fame  ,  and  the  prefencc  or  abfence  of  j 
cxtrinfccal  impediments  being  the  fame,  it  followcth  clearly  upon  hi^  grounds^ 
that  the  ftone  is  as  free  to  afcend  as  defcend.  Next  for  the  Loadftone,  1  prove 
that  there  is  no  extrinfecal  impediment  vvhieh  holdtth  it  fiom  turning  totb.eSoutfii , 

by 


Discourse!  I.       Mr.  Hob's  Animad'verponf^  g  .  _ 

by  fenfe  and  realon  ,  both  mine  own  and  all  other  mens ,  by  the  common  confent 
of  the  World,  and  by  his  filence  who  is  not  able  to  pretend  impediment  that  is  pro- 
bable ,  without  the  Itone ,  except  it  be  in  feme  other  body  fardiftant ,  which  will 
render  the  difficulty  the  fame. 

His  next  palTage  is  ridiculous.    An  Havphjcvams  liberty  toflie  when  her  mttgs  arety-  -. 
ed ,  but  it  is  abjurd  to  fay  ,  pe  wants  libtrty  toflie  when  her  wings  are  plucked.     So  fhe  iVe^s  free'*''^ 
wanted  no  Liberty  to  flie  when  (he  was  naked  and  newly  hatched  ;  fo  he  himfelf  Aie  "hnfher 
wanteth  no  Liberty  to  flie  from  hence  to  China.     He  faith  ,  Mctt  that /peak,  E»glifh    '''"8«are 
ufeto  fay  rohen  her  wings  are  plucked,  that  (he  cannot  flie.     So  they  ufe  to  fay  Hkewife'  P'"'^''^''- 
when  her  wings  are  tyed.     He  demindeth  ,  Whether  it   be  not  proper  Language  to 
Jay  a  bird  er  a  beaji  are  jet  at  Liberty  from  the  cage^  wherein  they  were  impriJoned?What 
it  may  be  at  another  time  ,    when  men  are  difcourfing  upon  another  fubjecft     is  not 
material  at  this  time  ,  and  as  to  this  fubjed  which  we  are  about ,  it  is  mort'imper- 
tinent  and  improper.     He  himfelf  as  partial  as  he  is ,  cannot  think  that  this  Liberty 
is  any  thing  to  that  moral  Liberty  which  renders  a  man  capable  of  reward  or  punifli- 
ment,  any  more  than  a  Taylors  meafure  is  to  the  meafure  of  motion. 

I  faid  and  fay  again  ,  That  nothing  can  begin  to  be  without  a  caufe,  and  that 
nothing  can  caufe  it  felf.  Yet  I  fay  many  things  do  begin  to  aft  of  themfdves,  this  ^  ''cg'nning 
Che  faith)  is  to  contradiCimyfelf^  hecaufe  Intake  tbe  aSion  to  begin  without  a  cjufe.  °'^'.'^'"S   ^nd 
This  is  not  the  Hrit  time  that  he  hath  noted  this  for  a  contradidion.     I  (hall  fooner  ^'*"'^' 
falve  the  contradidtion  ,  than  he  fave  his  credit.     As  if  the  Agent  and  the  aftion 
were  the  fame  tiling  >  Or  as  if  the  Agent  was  not  the  caufe  of  the  Aftion?  Or  as 
if  there  were  any  eonfequence  in  this  ?  The  Agent  cannot  begin  to  be  of  himfelf 
therefore  he  cannot  begin  to  adt  of  himfelf.?  Or  he  cannot  caufe  himfelf,    therefore 
he  cannot  caufe  his  adion.     Nothing  can  caufe  it ,  but  that  which  is  caufedby  one 
thing  ,  may  caufe  another.     Whereas  he  addeth  ,  That  it  hath  been  proved  formerly 
that  every  fufficient  caufe  ii  a  neceffary  caufe  ,  and  that  is  but  Jargon  to  fay  free  caufes  de- 
termin  themfelves  ,  it  is  but  a  puffeof  his  vain  Oiorious  humour.     He  hath  made  no- 
thing to  appear  but  his  own  ignorance  and  miftakes. 

In  the  Later  end  of  this  Se&ion  ,  I  made  bold  to  make  fonie  ferious  demands  uu  „( 
to  Mr.     Hobs  which  did  not  at  all  reflect  upon  him  in  particular  ,  but  at  thofe  fome  demands 
Natural  Notions  which  are  common  to  all  mankind. 

The  Firft  demand  was  ,  Whether  he  doth  not  find  by  experience  that  he  doth 
many  things  which  he  might  have  Left  undone  if  he  would ,  &c.  He  anfwereth 
Tes,  if  he  would ,  but  he  niaketh  it  impolfible  for  him  to  have  had  any  other  will'. 
So  he  doth  as  Good  as  tell  us  that  he  might  have  done  them  upon  an  impollible 
condition  or  fuppofition  i  as  he  himfelf  might  have  flown  over  Sea  if  he  had  had  a 
pair  of  Wings.  This  is  a  Contradiction  indeed  implyed  v  firft  ,  to  fay  he  might 
have  done  otherwife  ,  and  then  to  add  an  impollible  condition  which  makes  his  pro- 
pofition  negative.  I  am  fure  it  is  not  fairly  done  to  avoid  the  fcope  and  meaning  of 
the  demand. 

The  Second  queftion  was  •,  Whether  he  do  not  fomc  things  out  of  meer  animo- 
fity  and  Will  without  regard  to  the  direction  of  right  rea(bn,  &c.     He  anfwereth 
This  queftion  was  in  vain,  unlefs  I  thought  my  felf  his  Confeffbur.     No,  it  is  e- 
nough  ,  I  dcfire  not  to  intrude  into  his  fecrets. 

My  Third  demand  (  as  he  faith  )  was  ,  Whether  he  writ  not  this  defence  of  ne- 
celiity  againft  Liberty  ,  onely  to  ihew  that  he  will  have  a  dominion  over  his  own  a- 
ctions.  He  anfwereth  ,  Nj  ,  but  to  (hew  that  he  had  no  dominion  over  his  will  ^  and 
this  at  my  requefl.  My  requeft  was  ,  That  what  he  did  upon  this  fubject,  (hould 
ratherbe  in  vvriting  than  by  Word  of  mouth.     It  fecmeth  that  I  had  the  dominion  ; 

over  his  will.     So  might  I  come  to  be  queftioned  for  all  his  Paradoxes.     The  truth 
is ,  this  was  no  diftinct  queftion ,  but  a  corrollary  of  the  Second  queftion. 

My  Third  demand  wa<.  Whether  he  be  not  angry  with  thofe  who  draw  him 
from  his  ftudy  ,  or  crofs  him  in  his  defires ,  and  why  he  is  angry  with  them ,  (  if 
they  be  necellitated  to  do  what  they  do  )  anymore  than  he  is  angry  with  a  (harp 
Winter  ,  &c.     This  is  wholy  omitted  by  him. 

The  Laft  demand  was.  Whether  he  do  not  fometimcs  blame  himfelf  and  fay,  O 
what  a  fool  was  1,  to  do  thus,  or  thus  i  Or  wi(h  to  himfelf,  O  that  I  had  been 

Hhhhh  wife 


84S 


Cafiigations  of TOME  III. 


a 


wife  and  why  hedofh  this  if  he  were  irreiidibly  necelhtated  to  do  all  things  thathe 
doth  He  might  as  well  have  wiflied  ,  O  that  I  had  not  breathed  ,  or  O  what  a 
fool  was  I  to  grow  old.  To  this  he  anfwereth  nothing,  but  fubtk  queftions  ,  and 
fuHof  Eptfcopjl  gravity  i  And  that  he  thinks  in  this  qiiejiion  ,  I  mil  appear  the  greater 
fool,  fuppoling  that  1  meant  to  put  the  fool  upon  him,  which  I  profefsmy  fclfto 
be  innocent  of  i  as  he  might  have  found  by  thefe  words  inferted  among  the  que- 
llions  which  rfifemen  find  in  themfelvesfometimes.  Though  I  jeft  fometimes  witli 
hiscauVe  or  his  arguments  ,  I  do  not  meddle  with  his  perfon  ,  farther  than  to  con-  ■ 
demn  his'  vain-glorious  prcfumption  ,  to  arrogate  fo  much  to  himfclf.  Though  I 
have  not  half  fo  great  an  opinion  of  him  as  he  hath  of  himfclf,  yet  I  wi(h  his  hu- 
mility were  anfwerable  to  his  Wit.  Thus  of  four  queftions  he  hath  quite  omitted 
one  negledred  another,  refufed  to  anfwer  a  Third,  and  anfwered  the  Fourth  con- 
trary to  the  5cope  of  the  queftion. 

His  bragging  humour  will  not  leave  him,  he  ftill  forgetteth  Epifffiw  his  flieep. 

Cafiigations-  j^^  fg  jth  Wnn  JJhaV  have  read  over  his  Animadverfwns ,  Num.  31.     I  vpiU  thinK.other- 

of  the  Ani-    ^jQ  xvhatfiever  I  ml!  confef.     Male  ominatis  parcito  verbis.     I  fhould  fooncr  turn  Ma- 

njadver(wns    nichee  ,  and  make  two  Gods,  one  of  Good,  the  other  of  evil,  than  make  the  true 

Num.  31.  «^  God  to  be  the  caufeof  all  evil.     But  there  is  no  danger  either  of  the  one  or  of  the 

other.     I  have  read  over  his  Animadverfions,  Num.^i.     I  have  weighed  them  , 

and  I  profcfs  I  find  nothing  in  them  worthy  of  a  Divine  ,  or  a  Philofopher  ,  or  an 

ingenious  perfon,  who  made  a  fad  inquifition  after  truth",  nor  any  thing  that  doth 

approach  within  a  German  mile  of  the  caufe  in  controverfie.    And  fo  I  leave  him  to 

the  Caftigations. 

That  his  two  inftances  of  Cafling  ambs-ace  and  raining  to  morrow: ,  are  imper- 
tinent ,  appeareth  by  thefc  two  realons ,  Firll  the  queftionis  of  free  anions,  thefe 
two  inftanccsare  of  contingent  adtions.  Secondly  ,  The  queftion  is  of  antecedent 
neceflity,  thefe  inftances  are  of  an  hypothetical  neceffity.  And  though  I  ufed  the 
beauty  of  the  World  as  a  M<?<^i«>M  to  prove  Liberty  ,  wherein  contingency  is  invol- 
ved yet  this  doth  not  warrant  him  to  give  over  the  principal  queftion  ,  and  to 
ftart  and  purfue  new  queftions  at  his  pleafure.  But  Let  him  be  of  Good  comfort , 
pertinent  or  impertinent,  they  (hall  not  be  neglefted. 

Becaufe  I  would  not  blonder  as  he  doth  ,  I  diftinguiflied  actions  into  four  forts. 
Firft ,  The  actions  of  free  Agents.     Secondly  ,  The  aftions  of  free  and  Natural 
Agents  mixed.     Thirdly,  The  adions  of  brute  bcafts.    Fourthly,  The  adions of 
Natural  inanimate  caufes.     Of  thefe  four  forts  the  firft  onely  concemeth  the  queftion 
and  he  according  to  his  cuftom  quite  omitteth  it  i  yet  it  was  af  more  moment  and 
weight ,  than  all  he  faith  in  this  Section  put  together.     {_  A  man  proportioneth  his 
time  each  day  ,  and  allotteth  fo  much  to  his  devotions ,  fo  much  to  his  ftudy  ,  fo 
much  to  his  dyet ,  Co  much  to  his  recreations,  fo  much  to  neceifary  or  civil  vifit,  (b  . 
much  to  his  reft-He  that  will  feek  for  I  know  not  what  neceflary  caufes  of  all  this 
without  himfelf,  C  except  that  Good  God,  who  hath  given  him  a  reafonable  foul  J 
may  as  well  (eek  for  a  nectffary  caufe  of  the  Egyptian  Fyramides  zmovg  the  Crocodiles 
ofN;7w,]     This  diftinction  of  a  mans  time  ,  is  an  act  of  dominion,  done  on  pur- 
pofe  to  maintain  his  Dominion  over  his  actions,  againft  the  encroachments  offen- 
fual  delights. 
,    .J.        He  faith  here  plainly  ,  Thatl;e  kiiotveth  m  aUion  that  proceedeth  from  the  liberty  of 
he  wil°  \et     ^""^  "''''•     And  again  ,  A  mans  rcill  is  fomething  ,  but  the  Liberty  of  his  mil  is  no- 
Dot  free  to  will  thing.     Yet  he  hath  often  told  us  ,  That  a  man  is  free  to  do  if  he   mil ,  and  not  to  do 
r.  againft  law]  if  he  niH.     If  no  action  proceed  from  the  Liberty  of  the  Will ,  then  how  is  a  man 
aiid  Logick.      jj^^  j^  j^  j^l^,,  ^j]j  >  ggfore  he  told  us.  He  U  free  io  do  a  thing  that  may  do  it  if  he 
have  the  wi^i  to  do  it  ^  and  may  forbear  it  if  he  have  the  tviHto  forbear  it^     If  the  liberty 
of  the  will  be  nothing,  then  this  fuppofition  ,  If  he  have  the  mV,  is  nothing,  but 
animpollibility.  And  here  to  all  that  I  have  faid  formerly  againft  that  frivolous  di- 
ftinction ,  I  fliall  add  an  undoubted  rule  both  in  Law  and  Logick.     A  conditional 
proposition,  having  an  impofibk  condition  annexed  to  it,  U  equipollent  to  af.mple  nega- 
tive.    He  who  is  free  ro  write  if  he  mil ,  if  it  be  impollible  for  him  to  will ,  is  not 
fiee  to  write  at  all,  no  more  than  he  is  free  to  will.     But  this  Caftle  in  the  air  hath 
been  beaten  down  often  enough  about  his  ears. 

Where 


OiscQURsi-  t  I  Mr  Hob/j-  Animadverftons.  ^.^ 

where  I  fay  that   [  contingent  actions  do  proceed  troin  the  indetermuiation  or  

contingent  concurrence  oi  Natural  caufes  ]  my  intention  was  not  to  exclude  con- 
tingent deternnination  ,.  bur  neceffary  determination  according  to  an  antecedent 
necelliry  ,  which  he  hath  been  fo  tar  from  proving  unantwerably  ,  that  he  hath  as 
Good  as  yielded  the  caufe  ,  in  his  ca(c  of  Ambs-ace  ,  by  making  the  necellity  to  be 
oncly  upon  fuppofition. 

Concerning  mixt  adions  partly  free  and  partly  neceflary ,  he  faith,  That /or  proof     ^'""  ^• 
(;/  ibem  ,   I  ittjiance  in  a  lilc  falling  from  an  houje  which  brealteth  a  mam  head.  How 
often  muft  I  tell  him  v   That  I  am  not  now  proving  ,  but  anfwering  that  which  he 
produceth  ?  He  may  rind  proofs  enough  to  content  him,  or  rather  to  difcontenthim, 
in   twelve  Sedions  together ,   from  the  rifth  to  the  eighteenth  i  and  upon  the  by 
throughout  the  whole  Book.     He  who  proveth  that  eledion  is  always  inter  plura , 
and  cannot  confilt  with  antecedent  determination  to  one  ,  proveth  that  that   'nan 
who  did  eled  or  choofe  to  walk  in  that  ftreet,  at  that  very  time  when  the  Itonefeil 
though  he  knew  not  ofit ,  was  not  antecedently  neceffitated  to  walk  there  :   And  if 
any  one  of  all  thofc  caufes ,  which  concur  to  the  produdion  of  an  effedbe  not  an-  ^  necefTary  cf. 
tecedently  neceffary  ,  then  the  elfed  is  not  antecedently  necertary  ,  fornoeffedcan  ^''^^^^^"'^^ 
exceed  the  virtue  of  its  caufe.  ciufcs 

He  faith ,  Ijhould  have  proved  that  fuch  contingent  aUions  are  not  antecedently  necejfa- 
ry  ^  by  a  concurrence  of  natural  caufes^  though  a  little  before  J  granted  they  are.  Firft 
he  doth  me  wrong,  I  never  granted  it ,  either  before  or  after.  It  is  a  foul  fault  in 
Iiim  to  mirtakehimfelf,  or  his  adverfary  ,  fo  often.  Secondly,  It  is  altogether  im- 
proper and  impertinent  to  our  prefent  controverfie.  Let  him  remember  what  he 
himfelf  faid.  If  they  (  the  inftances  of  cafting  ambs-ace  and  raining  to  morrow  ) 
be  impertinent  to  hii  opinion  of  the  Liberty  of  mans  will ,  he  dotb  impertinently  to  meddle 
with  them.  Not  fo  neither  by  his  Leave.  Though  I  refufe  to  prove  them  formally^ 
or  write  VoUm :es  about  them  ,  yet  I  do  not  refufe  to  anfwer  any  thing  which  he 
doth  or  can  produce.  Such  is  his  argument  which  followeth  immediately.  What- 
joever  is  produced  by  concurrence  of  natural  caufes  ^  was  antecedently  determined  in  th^  " 

caufe  of  juch  concurrence^  though  contingent  concurrence.  He  addeth  ,  Th^t  though  I 
perceive  it  not ,  concurrence  and  contingent  concurrence  are  all  one.  It  may  be  in  his  Di- 
aled ,  which  differs  from  the  received  Dialed  of  all  Schollars  ,  but  not  in  the  Dia- 
led of  Wifer  and  Learneder  men.  To  his  argument ,  (  pardoning  his  confounding 
of  Natural  and  voluntary  caufes)  I  anfwer  ,  That  if  he  fpeak  of  the  immediate  ad- 
equate caufe  as  it  is  a  caufe  in  ad,  without  doubt  he  faith  truth,  Caufa  proxima  in 
adu  pofita  ,  impofihile  efi  nonfequi  effedum.  But  he  told  us  of  a  necefTary  connexion 
of  all  caufes  from  Eternity ,  and  if  he  make  not  this  good  ,  he  faith  nothing.  If 
he  intend  it  in  this  fenfe,  I  deny  his  alTcrtion ,  That  whatfocver  is  produced  by 
by  concurrence  of  Natural  caufes,  was  antecedently  determined  from  Eternity. 
As  for  inftance  that  the  Generation  of  a  Monlkr  which  Nature  or  the  Agent  never 
intended,  was  neceflary  trom  Eternity  ,  or  neceflary  before  the  contingence  was 
determined. 

Concerning  the  individual  aftions  of  brute  beafls ,  that  they  fliould  be  neceffitat- 
ed to  every  ad  they  do  from  Eternity  i  As  the  Bee    f  for  example  )  how  often  flie 
fliall  hum  in  a  day  ,  and  how  often  (he  (hall  fly  abroad  to  Gather  Thime  ,  and  whi- 
ther ,  and  how  many  flowers  prccifely  flie  muft  fuck,  and  no  more,  and  fuch  like 
ads  i  I  had  reafon  to  fay  I  fee  no  ground  for  it.     Yet  the  Leafl  of  all  thefe  ads  is 
known  to  God  ,  and  fubjed  to  his  difpolition.     Hctelleth  us ,  That  he  hath  pointed 
out  the  ground  in  the  former  difcourje'     If  he  have  ,  it  is  the  blind  Senator  fof  whom 
I    told  him  formerly^  pointed  the  wrong  way.     Alibis  intimations  have  received 
their  anfwers.     But  whereas  I  made  an  objedion  to  my  felf ,   Are  not  two  Jparrows  Matth  lo..  if, 
fmldfor  a  farthing  ?  andone  of  them  JhaV  not  fall  to  the  ground  without  your  father^     He 
doth  not  deal  clearly  to  urge  mine  own  objedion,  and  conceal  my  anfwer.     He 
doth  not  fay  ,  which  your  father  cafleth  not  down  ,   or  which  your  father  doth  not 
neceffitate  to  fall ,  but  without  your  father  ■■,  That  is,  without  your  Fathers  know- 
ledge ,    without  his  protedion,  without  the  influence  of  his  power,  or  which  is  ._ 
exempted  from  your  Fathers  difpofition.  ^ 
The  Lart  fort  of  adions  are  the  natural  adiftns  of  inanimate  creatures,  which 

H  h  h  ii  h  2  have 


g^o  Caftigatiofjs  of         TOME  III. 

havTnoTthe  leaft  pretence  to  Liberty ,  or  ib  much  as  fpontaneity  •,  and  therefore 
were  declined  by  me  as  impertinent  to  this  Qijeftion.  Out  of  my  words  concer- 
ning thefe,  he  argueth  thus.  If  there  be  a  neceQary  connexion  of  all  natural  caujes 
from  the  beginning  ,  then  thtre  v>  no  doubt ,  but  that  all  things  happen  necej]arily  :  But 
'.hire  is  a  neceffary  connexion  of  all  natural  caufes  from  the  beginning. 

Firft ,  I  deny  iiis  confcquence  ,  and  by  it ,  he  (  who  is  fo  bufie  to  take  other 
mens  heights  in  Logick,  wherein  he  never  medled  yet  but  he  was  baffledjmay  have 
his  own  height  taken  by  them  that  are  fo  difpofed.     There  is  fcarcc  a  Frefhman  in 
the  Univerlity,  but  could  have  taught  him  the  difference  between  caufa  efficiens  fhy- 
fica ,  and  voluntaria  >  the  one  afting  by  neceffity  of  nature ,  the  other  freely  accor- 
ding to  deliberation.     The  former  cannot  defer  nor  moderate  its  aft,  nor  z&  oppo- 
lite  adions  indifferently  ,  but  the  later  can.     So  though  a  neceffary   connexion  of 
all  natural  caufes  were  fuppoled  ,  yet  it  inferreth  not  a  neceffary  connexion  of  all 
voluntary  caufes. 

Secondly ,  I  deny  his  Affumption  ,  that  there  is  a  neceffary  connex  ion  of  all  na- 
tural caufes  from  the  beginning  ,  for  proof  whereof  he  produceth  nothing,   nor  is 
able  to  produce  any  thing.     All  he  faith  he  alledgeth  out  of  me  ,  That  it  deferveth 
farther  examination  ■,  and  from  thence,  according  to  his  wild  roving  imagination, 
he  drawcth  confequences  from  the  ftaff  to  the  corner,  that  have  not  the  leaft  grain 
of  fait ,  or  weight  in  them.     As  thefe ,  Hitherto  he  kitotvs  not  rvhether  it  be  true  or  no. 
And  consequently  ,  all  his  Arguments  hitherto  have  heen  of  no  effieS ,  nor  hath  he  Jhetved 
any  thing  to  prove  ,  that  eleUive  anions  are  mt  neceffitated.     Thus  his  Pen  runneth  o- 
ver  without  rime  or  reafon.     He  that  would  learn  to  build  Caftles  in  the  air,  had 
belt  be  his  Apprentife.     The  truth  is,  I  was  not  willing  to  go  out  of  mine  own  pro- 
fellion ,  and  therefore defired  to  hold  my  felf  to  the  Queftion  of  Liberty,  without 
medling  with  contingency  >  but  yet  with  the  fame  refervation  that  the  Komans  had 
in  their  Military  Difcipline,  necfequi,  nee  fugere  ^  not  to  feek  other  Queftions,  nor 
yet  to  ihun  them,  if  they  were  put  upon  me. 

And  now  we  are  come  to  his  two  famous  inftances  of  cafting  ambs-ace,  and  rain- 
A^bs  ace»^°  '"^  ^^  ^'^^  raining  tomorrow.     Haid,  that  Ihad  already  anfwered  what  he  pro- 
Num.  j{.$2   cl'-^ceth  to  prove  all  fufficient  caufes  to  be  neceffary  caufes.     Now  ,  faith  he ,   Jtfee- 
meth,  that  dijirufiinghis  former  Anfxver ,  be  anfrveretb  again.     O  memory!  he  did 
not  urge  them  in  that  place  ,  neither  did  I  anfwer  them  at  all  in  that  place.     But 
though  he  had  urged  them  ,  and  I  anfwered  them  there  i  yet  he  repeating  them  , 
or  enforcing  them  here  ,  would  he  not  h.ive  me  to  anfwer  him  ?  It  is  true  ,  that  in 
another  Sedion  ,  upon  the  by ,  he  hath  1;  .en  Gravelled  about  his  ambs-ace,  &  there- 
fore he  treadeth  tenderly  Itill  upon  that  foot.     He  faith,  J  bring  no  other  Argument 
Num.?'  ta  prove  J  the  caji  thrown  not  to  be  neceffarily  thrown  ,  hut  this ,  that  the  cafier  did  not  de- 

liberate. By  his  leave  it  is  not  truly  faid.  I  fhewed  undeniably  ,  that  the  neceflity 
upon  which  he  buildeth ,  is  onely  hypothetical.  I  enumerated  all  the  caufes  which 
were ,  or  could  be  recited  ,  to  make  the  neceflity  j  as  the  Dice ,  the  pofiture  of  the 
Cafters  hand  ,  the  meafure  of  the  force,  the  pofiture  of  the  Table,  &c.  And 
(hewed  clearly,  that  there  was  not  the  leaft  Grain  of  antecedent  neceflity  in  any  of 
them ,  which  he  is  not  able  to  anfwer ,  and  therefore  lie  doth  well  to  be  fi- 
lent. 

But  if  I  had  urged  nothing  elfe,  This  alone  had  been  fufficient  to  prove  ,  the 
Cafter  a  free  Agent  from  his  own  Principles.  A  free  Agent  (  faith  he  )  is  he  that  hath 
not  done  deliberating.  He  who  never  began  to  deliberate ,  hath  not  done  delibera- 
ting. There  can  be  no  neceflity  imaginable,  why  the  Cafter  fhould  throw  thefe 
Dice  rather  than  thofe  other;  orcaft  into  this  Table  rather  than  that,  or  ufe  fo  much 
torce  and  no  more ,  but  the  Cafters  will ,  or  mecr  chance.  The  Cafter  never  deli- 
berated, nor  fo  much  as  thought,  of  any  one  of  thefe  things:  And  therefore  it  is 
undeniably  apparent,  that  there  was  no  neceffity  of  cafting  ambs-ace ,  but  onely  up- 
on fuppofition,  which  is  far  enough  from  antecedent  neceffity. 

But  he  pleadeth  farther.  That /row  our  ignorance  of  the  particular  caufes  ,  that  con' 
ctirringmah£  the  neceftty  ^  J  infer  that  there  rvas  no  fuch  necejfity  at  all ,  rrhicb  is  that 
indeed  which  hath  deceived  me  ,  and  all  other  men  in  this  ^leftion.  Whole  fault  was  it 
then  firft,  to  make  this  an  inftance  ,  and  then  to  plead  ignorance?  Before  he  was 

bold 


DrscoURSK  1 1. Mr.         HobsV   Animadz/erfjojiS'  8 <  i 

bold  to  reckon  up  all  the  caufes  of  the  antecedent  neceffity  ofthiscalt,  and  now 
when  he  is  convinced  that  it  is  but  a  necellity  upon  fuppoiition  ,  he  is  fain  to  plead 
Ignorance.     He  who  will  not  fuffer  the  Loadlione  to  enjoy  its  attradive  virtuCj 
without  finding  a  reafon  for  it  in  a  Fiddle-ftring,  (as  Sco^in  fought  for  the  Hare  un- 
der the  Leads ,  as  well  where  (he  was  not ,  as  where  {he  was  )  is  glad  to  plead  ig- 
norance about  the  necertary  caufes  of  ambs-ace.     Whereas  my  reafons  did  evince, 
not  onely  that  thecaufo  are  unknown,  but  that  there  are  no  fuch  caufes  antece- 
dently necellitating  that  caft..    Th-o,  if  any  caufes  did  neceffitate  ambs-ace  antece- 
dently ,  it  was  either  the  Cafter,  but  he  thought  not  of  it  i  or  the  Dice,  but  they 
are  fquare  ,  no  more  inclinable  to  one  caft  than  another ,  or  the  pofiture  of  the  Ta- 
ble ,  but  the  Carter  might  have  thrown  into  the  other  Table,  or  the  pofiture  of  the 
hand  ,  but  that  was  by  chance i  or  the  meafure  of  the  force,  but  that  might  have 
been  either  more  or  lefs,  or  all  of  thefe  together.     But  to  an  cffeft  antecedently  ne- 
ceffary ,  all  the  caufes  mull  be  antecedently  determined  j  where  not  fo  much  as  one 
of  them  is  antecedently  determined  ,   there  is  no  pretence  of  antecedent  neceffity  : 
Or  it  is  fome  other  caufe  that  he  can  name  ,  but  he  pleadeth  ignorance.     Yetlcon- 
fefs  the  deceit  lyeth  here  ,  but  it  is  on  the  other  fide  ,  in  the  ignorant  miftaking  of 
an  Hypothetical  necelfity  J  for  abfolute  antecedent  neceffity. 
And  here  according  to  the  advice  of  the  Poet, 

Nee  Veus  interfn  mfi  dignus  vindke  mdm 
•Incidcrit. 
He  calleth  in  the  knowledge  of  God  to  his  aid  ,  as  he  doth  always  when  he  findcth 
i;imfelfata  Lofs  V  but  to  no  purpofe.     He  himfelf  hath  told  us,  Thzt  if  camot  be 
truly  faid,  that  the  forek^oTPledge  cfGodJheuld  be  a  caufe  of  any  thiitg].,  feeing  forek>toTt>-  ^'""'  " ' 
ledge  IS  knowledge  ,  and  h^ovpledge  dependeth  on  the  exijience  of  the  thing  k^otvn.     God 
feeth  not  future  contingents  in  an  antecedent  certainty  which  they  have  in  their  cau- 
fes, but  in  the  events  themfelves ,  to  which  Gods  infinite  knowledge,  doth  extend  it 
felf.     In  order  of  time  one  thing  is  before  another,  one  thing  is  after  another  ,  and 
accordingly  God  knoweth  them,  in  thpmlelves  to  be  one  before  another.    But  his 
knowledge  is  no  beginning ,  no  expiring  adt.     Nothing  is  paft,  nothing  is  tocome 
but  all  things  prefent  to  his  knowledge,  even  thofe  thj^j        i  jch  are  future ;  with 
the  manner  of  their  futurition,  ° 

His  cafUng  ambs  ace  hath  been  unfortunate  to  him  ,  he  will  fpeed  no  better  with  His  other  in« 
his  fhovver  of  rain.     In  the  entrance  to  my  anfwer  ,   and  as  it  were  the  ftating  of  the  ftanccofrain. 
caufe  ,  I  fhewed  that  rain  was  more  contius^ent  in  our  Climate,  than  in  many  other  '".^."ne"^' 
parts  of  the  World,    where  it  is  almoft  as  ncceffary  as  the  feafons  of  the  year.     I  do  morrow, 
not  find  fo  much  weight  in  his  Difcourfe  ,  as  to  occation  me  to  alter  one  Word , 
for  which  I  could  have  produced  authors  ci.ough ,  if  I  had  thought  it  needful  ,  but 
I  alledged  only  the  Scriptures ,  mentioning  the  former  and  the  latter  rain.     And 
even  this  is  objeded  to  me  as  a  defedl  or  piece  of  ignorance.     I  thought  (  faith  lie  )  Dcat:  1 1.  lij,; 
he  bad  kriotpn  it  by  experienee  offome'travellors  ,  but  I  fee  he  onely  gathereth  it  from  that  ^5';  *'  **• 
place  in  Scripture  y  asif  the  Scripture  alone  were  not  proof  Good  enough,  except  it    °"    '^' 
be  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  Travellors. 

From  this  preparatory  difcourfe  he  frameth  two  Arguments ,  and  puts  them  in- 
to my  Charadcr  ,  as  if  they  were  my  reafons.  In  our  Climate  ,  the  natural  caufes 
do  not  produce  rain  fo  necejfarily  atfet  times  ,  as  in  fome  Eafiern  Countries ,  therefore  they 
d'l  not  produce  rain  necejfarily  in  our  Climates  ,  th  en  tchen  they  do  produce  it.  Again  , 
iVe  cannot  fay  fo  certainly  and  infallibly  ,  it  rvill  rain  to  morrow  ,  therefore  it  is  not  ne~ 
cejfary  either  that  it  fhauld  rain  ^  or  that  it  fhould  not  rain  to  morrow.  Such  reafons  as 
thefe  do  become  him  better  than  me  i  I  difclaim  them,  and  to  ufe  his  own  Phrafe, 
murt  take  them  for  untruths ,  until  he  cite  the  place  where  I  have  made  any  fuch  ri- 
diculous inferences ,  which  conclude  againll  hypothetical  neceffity,  which  we  our 
felves  do  effablifh. 

But  I  come  to  his  arguments,  which  Ifhall  fct  down  in  his  own  words,  for  it 
cannot  be  vvorfe  difpofed  ,  to  let  us  fee  the  great  skill  of  this  new  controller  in  Lo- 
gick  \  Jt  is  neceffary  th^t  to  morrow  itfljall  rain  urnot  rain^  if  therefore  it  be  not  neceffa- 
ty  that  it  fhall  rain  ,  it  is  neceffary  it  fhall  uot  rain  v  otherwife  it  is  not  neceffary  that  the 
propofition  it  (hall  rain ,  or  itjhaV  not  rain  ,  fhoidd  he  true.    To  this  I  anfwered ,  that 

it 


8o 


Caftigations  of T  O  M  E  I  1  f. 


it    was    moft    falle,     that    the    propolltion     could    not     be     ncceffarily    true 
except    one    ot    the   members  were  t:eccirarily  true  ,     which    is    a  truth  evi- 
tit    and    undeniable.     This    anfwcr     I     illuftratcd    thus  ■■,  A     conjund    propo- 
lltion   may   have    both    parts    falfe ,    and    yet    the    propofition   be    true,^x 
/■/  the  Sm  Jhifte,  n  is  day';  isa  true   proporition  at  midnight.     Logicians  ufc  to 
Give  another  example  ,  ijanAjsfiie^thmhe  hath  tvivgs  :  The  propofition  is  true  , 
but  both  the  parts  are  talfe ;    Neither  doth  the  A(s  flic,  neither  hath  he  wings.     To 
niv  direft  anlwer  he  replyeth  not  a  word  ,  either  by  denyal  or  diflindioniand  fo  by 
his  filei'.ce  yieldeth  the  Controverfie.     But  to  my  illuftration  he  excepteth  thus. 
Fiift     Jfhatbath  a  coriwrd  propfilion  to  do  with  ibis  in  (:urfiion^  which  is  disjmidive  ? 
By  his  Good  favour,  there  are  two  propofitions  in  his  argument,  the  former  is 
disjuudive  ,  which  is  rot  queflioned  at  all  by  either  party ,  either  for  the  truth  of 
it     or  the  receility  of  it  ,  Nam-ely,  Eithtr  it  will  rain  to  morron> ,  er  it  will  not  rain 
tomorrow.     His  fecond  propofition  is conjundive  ,  and  not  disjundivc  ,  Namely, 
Jf  iberefvre  it  be  mt  tiect^ary  ji  fl^aH  rain^  it  is  mceffary  it  Jhall  mt  rai>!^    This  cofijun- 
dive  propofition  I  deny  ■,  and  1  deny  it  upon  this  evident  ground  ,  becaufe  as  in 
a  conjundive  propofition  ,  both  parts  of  the  propofition  may  be  falfe  ,  and  yet  the 
propofition  true  ,  or  both  parts  true  ,  and  yet  the  propofition  falfe,  becaufe  the  truth 
or  falfhood  of  the  propofitions ,  dependeth  not  upon  the  tru^th  or  falfliood  of  the 
parts  ,  but  only  of  the  confequcnce  j     So  in  a  disjundive  propofition  ,  the  disjun- 
dion  may  be  ncceffarily  true  ,   and  yet  neither  member  of  the  disjundion  ,  be  ne- 
ctffarily  ,  becaufe  the  truth  or  falfhood  of  a  disjundive  propofition,  dependeth  not 
upon  the  neceffaiy  truth  of  either  member  diflindly  confidered,  but  upon  the  necef- 
iary  truth  of  the  disjundion.     The  reafon  js  evident ,  ina  disjundive  propofition, 
nothing  is  affirmed  or  denied  ,  either  of  the  one  member ,  or  the  other  ,  but  onely 
the  neccffary  truth  of  the  disjundion.     According  to  that  rule  in  Logick  ,  J«  Fropo- 
fiiotte  disjundiva  affirimatio  &  negatio  a^imatur  exfola  conynnUione  disjunSiva  ,  mi  tie- 
ajie  (ft  addi  negatior.emji  debet  tiegaiiva  ep  fropcfuio.     Now  the  disjundion  of  con- 
tradidories  is  moft  neceffary  ,    eitber   it  will  rain  to  morrow  ,  or  it  will  not  rain  to 
morrow  ,  though  neither  part  of  the  contradidion  be  neceffarily  true.     As  for  ex- 
ample ,  A  man  is  to  pay  a  fum  of  money  ,  either  he  will  fay  it  in  Gold ,  or  he  will 
mtpay  it  in  Cold ,  is  neceffarily  true  :  but  it  is  not  neceffary  that   he  fhall  pay  it  in 
Gold  ,  neither  is  it  neceffary  that  he  (hall  not  pay  it  in  Gold,     Seeing  he  hath  it  in 
his  choice  to  pay  it  in  Gold  or  in  Silver,  or  any  other  coyn  which  is  current.     This 
is  fo  clear  ,  that  no  man  can  (erioufly  oppofe  it ,  without  his  own  difcredif. 

Secondly,  He  faith  that  a  conjunctive  propofition  is  rot  mac^e  of  two  propofiti- 
ons ,  as  a  disjunctive  is.  'What  then  ?  Fiift,  This  is  altogethct  impertinent,  and 
nothirg  to  hispurpofe.  Secondly,  It  is  alfo  falfe.  Every  ccn  founded  propofition 
(  fuch  as  a  conjunct  propofiticn  is  )  doth  cither  actually  or  virtually  include  two 
propofitions.  Indeed  ,  an  hypothetical  propofition  may  fcmxtimes  be  reduced  to 
a  Categorical ,  that  is  ,  when  there  are  but  three  terms ,  for  when  there  are  four 
teims ,  it  is  hardly  reducible.  What  is  this  to  the  queftion ,  or  to  any  diflerence 
between  us /■  ]v[{  which  is  the  way  to  Lovtion  ?  A  fackjull  cj phms.  He  might  do 
v.'ell  for  his  reputation  (ake  ,  to  reduce  his  argument  into  any  SchoJIar-like  Form, 
either  Categorical,  or  hypothetical,  or  disjunctive ,  or  any  thing.  But  then  the 
I'glincfs  of  it  would  lireight  appear.  This  is  the  neareft  to  his  fenfc  that  I  can  con- 
trive it  ;  Itiher  it  is  necefary  that  it  JhaVrain  to  morrow  ,  or  it  it  nccefSary  that  it/haV 
rot  rain  io  rt.vrriw  '  Or  ibis  propofition ,  eithir  it  will  rain  ,  or  it  will  not  rain  to  morrow^ 
is  not  necefanly  trjitr  I  deny  the  disjunction.  Tono  cvarivm  ^  Or  the  one  of  thefe  two 
(  raining  or  not  raining  )  will  haf pen  contingently.  The  disjunction  is  alwaysne- 
ccffarily  true  ,  before  either  of  the  members  be  detciminately  or  neceffarily  true. 

whether  this  propofition,  Ihficw  that  either  it  will  rain  to  morrow ,  or  it  will  not 
rain  to  morrow  ,  be  a  disjunctive  propofition  ,  or  rot  ,  is  not  material,  It  includ- 
eth  a  disjunctive  propofition  in  it ;  and  fheweth  plainly  that  the  certainty  of  a  dif- 
junctive  propofition  doth  not  depend  upon  the  certainty  of  cither  of  the  members 
determinatcly  ,  but  upon  the  certainty  of  one  of  them  indifferently. 

Hetaketh  great  exception  at  my  manner  of  expreflion  ,  that  God  made  his  own 
decrees  freely  ,  becaufe  whatfoetcr  was  made  had  a  beginnings  hut  Cods  Decrees  are  E- 

terndl. 


,  Dis  CO URS  E 1 1.  Mr.  Hob's  Animad'verfLons.  8  <  -^ 

urnal     Befides,  Godf  decree  U  his  mil  ■>  and  the  Bijhop  faid  formerly  ,  that  the  mil  of  Gods  decree 
Cod  if  God.     Although  God  being  a  fimplc  and  inhnite  EiTence  (to  fpeak  properly)  ™n<'«*ered  j- 
isnot  capable  of  any  mannerof  compofitioii,  or  of  being  perfcded  any  further  ^Ij?"'!!'"'^ 
Ihan  he  is  :  Yet  to  help  our  conception ,  we  ufe  to  attribute  to  God  fuchadts,  and  ^^  '"  ^' 
qualities ,  and  perfedions,  which  being  fpoken  after  the  manner  of  men ,  are  to  be 
underftood  according  to  the  Majefty  of  God.     Such  is  the  notion  of  Gods  Decrees. 
More  particularly,  the  Decrees  of  God  may  be  taken ,  and  is  taken  in  the  Schools* 
two  ways,  adlively  or  pallivcly.     Adively,  as  it  is  an  a<ft  immanent  in  God  ;  and 
fo  the  Decree  of  God  is  nothing  elfe  but  Veits  decernens  ^  God  decreeing.     Or  clfe 
the  Decree  of  God  may  be  taken  pallively  ,  for  the  execution  of  this  Decree  i  or  the 
order  fet  by  God  for  the  government  and  difpofition  of  the  World,  which  is  an  ad 
done  in  time  i  anda^fxrrj,  or  without  the  Deity.     This  executive  Decree  was 
that  which  I  intended  ,  as  he  might  eaGIy  have  perceived  ,   if  he  had  plcaftd.     He 
himfelf  faith  the  fame,  which  he  dillikes  in  me;  Ihii  concourfe  of  caufes    whereof  Mum.  si. 
every  one  it  determined  to  be  fuch  as  it  is  ^  by  a  likg  concourfe  of  former  caufes  ,  'w^y  tvell 
be  called  (  in  rejpcB  they  toere  all  fet  and  ordered  by  the  eternal  cattfe  of  all  things  ,  God 
Almighty)  the  Decree  of  God.     What  difference  is  there,   whether  one  fay  this'  De- 
cree was  made ,  or  it  was  fet  and  ordered  ,  as  he  himfelf  faith  >  My  argument 
holds  as  well  'the  one  way  as  the  other.     God  was  not  neccflitated  to  fet  this  order 
and  yet  this  dirtinctive  Propofition  was  always  neceflarily  true,  either  God  will  or- 
der it  thus ,  or  he  will  not  order  it  thus. 

To  my  lalt  argument  ufcd  in  this  Sedion,  he  anfwercth  nothing  but  this,  JfGad  God  knows  all 
had  made  other  caufes  or  effeSs  free  from  neceffity  ,  he  had  made  them  free  from  his  ob'«  faturcpoffibi- 
prefcience  ,  which  had  been  imperfeHion.     Which  reafon,  befides  all  the  inconfequen-  '"'"• 
ces  thereof,  and  all  the  other  abfurdities  which  flow  from  it ,  doth  deny  to  the  in- 
finite Knowledge  of  God,  the  knowledge  of  polfibilities  and  future  contingents* 
whereas  it  is  molt  certain  ,  That  God  doth  perfedly  know,  not  onely  all  future 
contingents  ,  (  not  in  their  caufes  onely,  but  indiemfelves  )  but  aifo  all  poflibilt- 
ties,  upon  fuppofition  of  a  condition,  fuch  as  were  never  to  be  adually  produced, 
fFoe  unto  thee  Chorazin  ,  rvoe  unto  thee  Bethfaida  j  for  if  the  mighty  tporkj  which  were  jLf,,,\ 
done  in  you  ,  had  been  done  in  Tyre  and  Sidon  ,  they  would  have  repented  long  agoe  in 
faek^loatb  and  ajhes.     To  know  certainly  future  polfibilities  which  fhall  never  come 
into  ad,  is  more  than  to  know  future  events,  though  never  fo  contingent  and 
void  ofnecellity.     Take  another  inftance  ,  TFill  the  men  of  Keilah  deliver  me  up?  ^Sam.  23.lt 
Will  Saul  eome  down  ?  He  will  come  down,  they  will  deliver  thee  up.     And  again 
He  was  Jpeedily  tak^n  away,   leji  wick^dnefs Jhould  alter  his  underliandiiig. 

His  firft  endeavour  m  this  Section  is ,  to  reduce  his  argument  into  better  form  i 
and  when  all  is  done,  it  proveth  but  a  Sorites.     The  onely  commendation  that  I  ^'^^^'g^tions 
can  give  it ,  is  this ,  That  the  matter  and  form  are  agreeable  ,  both  ftark  naught.  "■'  '''^  '"'*" 
Thus  he  argueth  ,  "that  which  is  an  Agent,  work^th :  "That  which  wori^th ,  wmteth  no-  ^^dverfions 
thing  requiftte  to  produce  the  adion;  and  confequetitly  is  therefart  afufficient  caufe  \  and  if^^^^-  3  5. 
a  [indent  caufe,  then  alfj  a  necejjary  caufe.     I  deny  his  rtrlt  Propolition  ,  Tliat  every  ^  J'  argumeoc 
Agent  worketh.     There  are  caufes  and  Agent;  in  power  ,  as  well  as  in  ad:    But  it  vcifa^necefllty 
may  be ,  he  meanech  an  Agent  in  ad  »  then  he  proveth  the  fame  by  it  felf ,    That  anfwered. 
which  adeth ,  worketh  ■,  and  when  they  returned,  then  they  came  home  again. 
He  takcth  pains  to  prove  that ,  which  no  man  in  his  right  wits  can  doubt  of* 

His  fecond  Propofition  containcth  fuch  another  fublime  point  of  Apodeidical 
Learning ,  called  idem  per  idem  ,  the  fame  by  the  fame  :  That  which  worketh,  wan- 
teth  nothing  requilite  to  produce  the  adion  ,  or  the  effect  it  produceth.  It  may 
want  truth  that  is  requifite  to  the  production  of  that  which  it  ought  to  produce. 
But  it  can  want  nothing  to  produce  that  which  it  doth  produce.  Whatfoevcr  aci- 
eth  when  it  acteth,  doth  neccffarily  act  what  it  doth  act.  He  is  ftill  tumbling  up- 
on that  old  foolijh  rule.     What  is  all  tliis  to  his  antecedent  necellity  ? 

His  third  Propofition  follows  ,  And  conjequemly  is  thereof  a  fiifficient  caufe.  Yes 
in  his  canting  language,  which  makes  dericiencc:  and  futficiencc  to  be  all  onc.Where- 
unto  tendeth  all  this?  Hitherto  he  hath  not  advanced  one  hairs  breadth.  But  now 
he  uniteth  all  his  force  ,  to  pulldown  the  Caftle  of  Liberty.  And  if  a  fiifficient 
caufe  ,  then  alfo  a  neeefsary  caufe.     I  denied  his  confcquence,  and  gave  him  a  reafon 

for 


^77  Cajiigations  of  T  O  M  E  1 1 1. 

tor  it  ;otherwiieGodhimrcU  (houid  not  be  allfufficient.He  replyeth,  That  dds 
allMtdence  fig»tfeth  »o  more  than  his  omnipotence^  and  cmni^otence  fgnifielh  no  more 
than  the  potver  to  do  all  things  that  be  rvJU.'^cs,  Gods  infinite  power  and  fufficience 
oashi  not  to  be  limited  to  thofe  things  which  he  doth  adtually  will,  or  which  have 
adual  being:  No  more  than  his  eternity  is  commenfurable  by  time.  He  was  fuffi- 
cicnttorailc  up  children  to  Abraham  oi' iioncs,  which  he  never  did,  and  proba- 
bly never  will  do.  If  God  did  all  which  he  could  do,  and  could  jurtly  do,  who 
was  able  to  abide  it ;  we  were  in  a  wretched  condition.  A  covetous  perfon  may 
have  more  than  (uHicient  for  his  back  and  his  belly,  and  yet  no  will  to  befiow  it 
vpon  himfelf .  So  he  hath  proved  himfelf  a  fufficient  Agent,  fufficient  to  make  this 
Sorites,  though  very  in  fufficient  to  prove  his  intention. 

But  I  took  pity  on  him,  to  fee  him  toil  himfelfe  to   no  purpofe,  and  was  content- 
ed out  of  Grace  and  courtefie  to  admit  thefe  two  things.    Firft ,  That  every  cfFedt 
in  the  World  hath  fufficient  caufes.     Secondly, That  fuppofing  the  determination  of 
the  free  and     contingent  caufes  ,  every   effed  in  the  World  is  necefTary,  that  is 
neceflary  upon  fuppolition.     But  this  will  do  him  no  good.  Necellity  upon  fup- 
pofitiou  is  far  enough  from  antecedent  neceflity.     He  objedeth  that  neeeffity  is  on'y 
(fiblc  and    f'^''^  "■"'->'  offomeiphat  in  future.     I  deny  it.  He  proveth   it  thus.   NeceJ[ary  is  that 
impofliblc  all  which  cannot  pffibly  be  otherwije.  And  fojfjbly  is  alffays  underftood  of  fame  future    time. 
one  with  T.H  Good  :  where  are  his  eyes  that  he  cannot  diitinguifli  between  fofftble  and  not  foffibk\ 
If  neceflary  had  been  that  which  could  pofl"ibly  be  othcrwife:  orif  impoflibility  had 
laways  reference  to  the  future  as  well  as  pollibility,he  had  faid  fomething.  By  this  ar- 
gue ment  he  might  prove  that  yeflerday  is  not  paft,buttocome,becaufe  itisnotpolli- 
ble  to  bring  back  yelkrday,  and  poilibility  is  always  underflood  of  the  time  to  come. 
But  out  of  pure  necellity  he  is  contented  to  make  ufe   of  my  curtefic.    Seeing  he 
^^ranteth  fo  favourably  that  fufficient  caufes  are  necejjary  caufes,      J  fhall  eafily  conclude 
from  it,  that  rrhatfoever  thofe  caufes  do  caufe  are  necejjary  antecedently.   He  may  eafily 
prove  it,  ifhe  can  makepoffible  and  impoflible  all  one.  I  gave  him  an  inch,  and 
he  takes  an  ell.     I  admited  that  every  effcdi  in  the  world  is  neceflary  upon  fuppo- 
fition,  and  he  taketh  it  for  granted,  that  they  are  neceflary  without  fuppofition. 
But  that  is  more  than  I  can  yield  him.     If  that  be  his  meaning,  he  had  beft  ftick  to 
his  own  grounds?  but  they  will  afford  him  no  more  relief  than  my  conceilion.How- 
g  foever  thus  he  argueth. 

arc  no't  "t"  Jf  the  neeeffity  of  the  thingfroduced,  wheKproduced^be  in  the  fame  infiant  if  time  withthe 

thcr   vi\y\i  ^^  exifience  of  its  immediate  caufe ,  then  alfo  that  immediate  cauje  teas  in  the  fame     injiant 
effeft  with  the  caufe  by  which  it  was  immediately,  produced.  "Xhefame  may  he  faid  of  the  caufe 

of  this  caufe  ,  and  backward  eternally.  From  whence  it  will  follow  that  all  the  connexion 
of  the  caufes  of  any  effeCi  from  the  beginning  of  the  World,  are  altogether  exijient  in  one 
and  the  fame  injiant.  It  is  well  that  I  meet  with  a  beginning  of  the  World,  fori  was 
afraid  of  thofe  words  andfo  bachp>ards  eternally.  If  his  Mathematicall  Engins  be  fuch 
as  thefe  he  will  never  provefo  terrible  an  enemy  as  ^rc/^iwf«/f/.  He  proveth  that 
all  immediate  caufes  and  their  particular  diftind  efleds  fucceilively,  were  together 
in  time  at  the  very  inftant  of  their  caufation  fucceffively  fince  the  beginning  of  the 
world.  But  he  lets  the  queliion  alone,  as.bad  Archers  do  the  Butti  whether 
the  firll  caufe  did  derminc  the  fccond  to  every  individual  ad  which  it  doth,  necef- 
farily  and  without  any  fuppofition,  and  the  fecond  the  third,  andfo  downward 
to  the  LaftiOf  this  he  faith  not  a  word.  Where  there  is  no  need  of  proof  he 
fwelleth  with  arguments,  where  the  queftion  is  Tie  is  filent.I  willfliew  him  the  pal- 
pable abfurdityof  his  argument  in  an  inftance.  When  Mr.  Hobs  make  his  Levia- 
than^ his  Leviathan,  and  he  were  neceflarily  coexiflent  in  the  fame  inftant  oftime , 
So  likewife  when  his  Father  did  beget  him,  his  Father  and  he  were  neceflarily  co- 
exiftent  in  the  fame  inftant  oftime.  The  like  may  be  faid  of  his  grand- father 
and  his  Great  Grand-tather,  andfo  upwards  tothe  beginning  of  the  World. 
Therefore  Adams  begetting  of  5f//^,  had  a  neceflary  connexion  with  his  writing  of 
his  Leviathan,  fo  as  to  nccellitate  him  antecedently  and  inevitably  to  write  it,  and 
fluffs  it  whith  Paradoxes.  Or  thus,  a  man  kindles  a  fire  to  warm  himfelf:  The  fire 
and  he  are  necefTarily  coexiftent,  and  there  is  necefTary  connexion  between  them> 
Another  man  fteals  part  of  the  fire  and  burns  anhoufc  with  it,  the    fire  and  the 

con- 


Discourse.  1  I  Mr.  HobsV  Animadverfrouf. 


conflagration  are  together  and  have  a  necefrary  connexion  i  therefore  the  kindling 
of  the  fire  had  a  necciTary  connexion  with  the  burning  of  the  houfe  ,  to  render  it 
inevitable.     See  with  what  doughty  arguments  they  ufe  to  catch  Dotterels. 

From  hence  he  concludeth.  That  confequently  aS  the  time  from  the  beginning  of  the 
iVorld  ^or  from  eternity  to  this  day  ■,  ii  but  one   inftant.     Better     and   better.  Why  N<"^''o*'" 
doth  he  not  infer  likc^ife  that  the  Sea  burncth?  His  premifes  will  fuftain  the  one  ,  illftam,       "^ 
as  well  as  the  other.     Why  will  he  loofe  for  want  of  confidence  ?  IfGod  who  is  an 
infinite  eflence  be  free  from  all  variablencfs  and  fucceflionof  time, mult  he  who  is  but 
a  turning  (hadow  upon  the  old  Exchange  of  this  World  ,  challenge  the  faraeprivi- 
Icdge  ?  Becaufe  Eternity  is  a  ««>«cjb«/,  muft  fuccelfivc  parts  of  time  make  on^  in- 
ftantor  nuncfians  ?  But  he  addeth  ,  By  this  timt  J  kytotp  it  is  not  fo.     He  hath  been 
fpinning  a  fair  thrced  ,  and  now   likea  curft  Cow  calls  down  his  meal  with  hi-;  foot* 
Firlt,  to  endeavour  to  prove  that  it  is  fo,  and  then  confefs  that  it  is  not  fo.     N-'ith'er 
can  he  fay  ,  that  he  proceedeth  upon  my  grounds,  whileft  his  own  grounds  are  fo 
much  higher  than  mine.     I  make  but  an  hypothetical  neceffity,  which  implierh  on- 
ly an  accidental  connexion  s   He  mikcth   an  abfolute  antecedent  nccetficy,  which 
implieth  a  ncceffary    Connexion  of  the    whole  conjoindt    feries    of  caufts  and 
effects. 

I  cited  hisfenfe,  that  he  could  add  other  arguments  if  he  thought  it  good  Lo'    „  f.     . 
gick,     He  complaineth  that  I  mif-recite  his  words,  which  are  /  could  add  if  I  thought  ^'^i^^^'^""'^ 
it  good  Logick^,    the  inconvenience  of  denying  neee^ty^  as  that  it  de^roys  both  the  'Decrees  ^^"^  '.''^  ^^~ 
andprefcience  of  God  Ahnighty.     And  are  not  thefe  reafons  drawn  from  the  decrees  '"'"^^^'j'" 
and     prefcience  of  GodArguments  ?  or  are  they  not  his  prime  arguments?    Hdw  "''•'') '^^"^•3 
glad  would  this  man  be  to  find  any  pretence  of  exception?  He  diftinguiflieth  abfur- 
dities  and  inconveniences  :   Absurdities  (  he  faith  )  are  impoffibilities ,  and  it  is  a  good 
form  of  reafoning  to  argue  from  abfurdities ,    but  not  from  inconveniences.     If  all  ab-  j.  ^  admit- 
furditiesbe  impoflibilities,  then  there  are  no  abfurdities  in  rerum  natura,  for  there  can  teth  no  abfar- 
be  no  impoflibilities.     This   it  is  to  take    the  fenfe  of  words  not  from  Artifts  dicies  but  iin_ 
in  their  own  Arts,  but  from  his  own  imaginations.     By  this  reafon  there  never  po'^'^'''""- 
was  an  abfurd  fpeech  or  abfurd  adlion  in    the  World  ,  otherwife  abfurdities  are 
not  impollibilities.     But  he  hath  confuted  himfelffufficiently  in  this  Treatife.     One 
abfurdity  may  be  greater  than  another  ",  and  one  inconvenience  may  be  greater  than 
another,  but  abfird  and  inconvenient  is  the  fame  thing.     That  is  abfurd    which  is 
incongruous  ,  unreafonable  not  fit  to  be  heard.     Truth  it  felf  may  accidentally  be 
faid  in  fome  fenfe  to  be  inconvenient  to  fome  perfons  at  fome  times.     But  neither 
abfurdities  nor  inconveniences  in  themfelves  do  flow  from  truth.     Now  let  us  fee 
what  are  thofe  inconveniences  which  he  mentioneth  here.     To  deftroy   the  decrees 
and  prefcience  of  God  Almighty.     There  can  be  no  greater  abfurdity  imagined  ,   than 
thcfc  which  he  calleth  inconveniences.     He  himfclf  hath  at  the  leaft  ten  fcveral 
times  drawn  arguments  in  this  Treatife  from  the  prefcience  of  God.     Where  wis 
his  Logick  then  ?  or  hig  memory  now?  And  in  this  very  place  where  he  condemn- 
eth  it  zs  no  good  form  of  reafoning   to  argue  from  inconveniences^  yet  he  himfelfdoth 
pra<9:ice  it,    and  argues  from  inconveniences.     But  he  hath  worn  this  fuojedt  fo 
thread-bare  ,  without  adding  either  new  matter  or  new  ornament ,  that  I  will  not 
weary  the  Reader  with  a  necdlefs  repetition,  but  refer  him  to  my  defence  ,  which  I 
dare  well  truft  with  his  Animadverfions. 

It  is  vain  to  talk  any  Longer  of  keeping  this  confroverfie  fecret.     Neither  do  I  Cajiigations 
regard  whether  it  was  made  publick  by  his  fault  or  his  friends,   or  who  it  was  that  upon  the  A- 
hanged  out  the  Ivy-bufh  before  it,  to  beg  cuftom  and  procure  utterance  for  hisfirll  mmadverfi- 
fardel  of  Paradoxes.     He  t\\\nkzt\\k\'i  great  confidence  in  me  to  fay  ^  that  the  edge  of  ons. 
difcourfe  veasfo  abated  ,  that  it  could  not  eaiily  hurt  any  rational  man,  who  was  not  Num.  37. 
over  much  poffefled  with  prejudice.     But  I  have  much  more  reafon  to  wonder  at 
his  tranfccndent  confidence.     The  People  of  China  did  ufe  to  brag  that  they  onely 
had  two  eyes  ,  The  Europeans  one  eye  ,  and  all  the  reft  of  the  World  no  eyes.     But 
he  maketh  himfelf  to  be  a  very  Ar^iu  ,  all  eye  ,  better  fighted  than  either  Eagle  Or 
Serpent ,  and  all  the  reft  of  the  European  World  to  be  as  blind  as  Moles  or  Beetles, 
like  fo  many  changlings  or  enchanted  perfon'  that  had  loft  their  fenfes.     For  my 
part  lam  more  confident  fince  I  fee  his  Animadverfions  than  before.     And  why 

I  i  i  i  i  fhould 


8^6 


Cajiigations  of 


TOME  111. 


AbufesJo  not 
flowefTentially 
from  good 
doftrines,  as 
from  univerfal 
ncccflity. 


Ca^Vtgations- 
efthe  Ani- 
madverfions 
Num.  38. 
Solid  reafons 
work  fooncft 
upon  folid 
judgments. 


ihould  1  not  be  conhdcnt  in  this  caufe  ?  Grant  me  but  that  there  is  a  Gud  ,  That 
he  ij  juli ,  and  true  ,  and  good ,  and  powerful,  that  there  is  an  Heaven,  and  an 
He'll  and  a  day  of  Judgment ,  that  is ,  rewards  and  punifliments  i  That  good 
and  evil  virtue  and  vice  ,  holinefsand  fin ,  are  any  thing  more  than  empty  names. 
That  there  is  any  eledtion  in  the  World  ,  That  admonitions  and  reprehenfions,  and 
praifes  and  difpraifes  ,  and  Laws  and  confultations  do  fignifie  any  thing ,  That 
care  and  good  endeavours  are  to  be  cherifhed  i  that  all  motives  to  Godlinefs ,  and 
Religious  Piety  are  to  be  maintained  ,  and  I  cannot  fall  in  this  caufe.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  the  befl  Doftrines  may  be  abufed,  as  the  Dodrine  of  Gods  Providence 
to  idlenefs  ,  and  his  patience  to  procraftination ,  aud  his  mercy  to  prefumption. 
But  fuch  abuLs  do  not  flow  neccflarily  and  efTentially  from  good  Dodtrines ,  as 
they  do  from  univerfal  neceflity.  He  telleth  us  how  Cod  deaktbrvith  tbofe  whom  he 
rviV bring  to  a  blejfed  end,  and  how  he  hardneth  others  :  but  he  telleth  us  of  nothing 
tliat  is  in  mans  power  under  God  to  do,  either  to  prevent  this  hardening,  or  to  at- 
tain this  Blelfed  end.  He  talketh  of  a  mans  examining  his  xvays ,  but  he  teachetb 
withal  that  a  man  is  either  neceliitated  unrefiftibly  to  examin  his  ways  ,  or  other- 
wife  it  is  impofiible  for  him  to  examin  them.  He  mentioneth  fome  who  reafon  er- 
roneously ,  J  jhali  he  faved ,  I  Jhall  be  faved  ,  irhether  I  a>a\  uprightly  or  no.  But  he 
teacheth  alfo  that  they  are  neceffitated  to  reafon  erroneoufly,  or  pot  walk  upright- 
ly ,  and  that  they  cannot  avoid  it  by  all  the  endeavours  which  are  in  their  power. 
Fo  r  according  to  his  principles  ,  nothing  at  all  is  in  their  power ,  either  to  do,  or 
to /cave  undone,  but  onely  to  cry  patience,  and  (hrug  up  their  (houlders ,  and 
even  this  alfo  is  determined  antecedently  and  inevitably  to  their  hands. 

So  he  maketh  man  to  be  a  meer  footbal  or  tennis  ball,  fmitten  to  and  fro  by 
the  Iccond  caufes  ,  or  a  top  laflied  hither  and  thither.  If  the  Watch  be  wound  up 
by  the  Artift,  what  have  the  wheels  to  do  to  be  follicitous  about  any  thing,  but 
onely  to  follow  the  motion  which  it  was  impoffible  for  them  to  refill  ?  when  he 
firft  broached  this  opinion  ,  he  did  not  forefee  all  thofe  abfurd  confequenccs  which 
did  attend  it ,  which  might  eafily  happen  to  a  man,  who  buildeth  more  upon  his 
own  imaginations ,  than  other  mens  experience  5  and  being  once  ingaged  ,  he  is 
refolved  to  wade  through  thick  and  thin  ,  fo  long  as  he  is  able. 

We  are  now  come  tohisLaft  Sedlion,  which  is  as  full  of  empty  and  unfignificant 
vaunts ,  as  any  of  the  former.  True  real  worth  u(eth  not  to  fend  forth  fo  many 
bubbles  of  vain- glory.  The  quefiion  is  not  whether  perfonsOncepubiickly  ingaged 
in  the  defence  of  an  opinion ,  be  more  tenacious  of  their  crrours ,  than  thofe  who 
have  no  fuch  prejudice »  which  his  own  example  doth  confirm  fufEcienily  ,  and  no 
rational  man  can  doubt  of  >  but  whether  folid  fubftantial  proofs  do  work  fooner 
upon  perfons  of  wit  and  learning  ,  than  upon  thofe  who  are  ignorant ,  whofe  judg- 
ments are  confufed  and  unable  to  difiinguifh  between  feigned  (hews,  and  real  truths. 
How  fhould  he  who  underftandeth  not  the  right  fliate  of  the  quefiion  ,  be  fo  likely 
to  judge  what  reafons  are  convincing ,  and  what  are  not,  as  he  who  doth  under- 
fiand  it  ?  Or  he  who  knoweth  not  the  diftindiion  between  that  neceflity  which  is 
abfolute  ,  and  that  which  is  onely  upon  fuppofitions  be  a  competent  judge,  whe- 
ther all  events  be  abfolutely  neceiTary  ?  He  might  even  as  well  tell  us  that  a  blind 
man  is  more  likely  to  hit  the  mark,  or  judge  rightly  of  colours,  than  hethathath 
his  fight. 

He  himfelf  doth  halfconfefs  as  much  ,  Iconfefi  the  more  folid  a  mans  tvit  it ,  the 
better  wiH  folid  reafons  rvork^upon  him.  What  is  if  then  that  difgufieth  him  ?  It  is  the 
addition  odhat  rehieh  I  call  ^  that  is  to  fay  ,  much  reading  of  other  mens  Vuclrines  , 
vfithout  weighing  them  with  his  own  thoughts.  When  did  either  1  or  any  mat^ 
elfe  ever  call  that  learning  ,  to  read  Authors  without  weighing  them  ?  Such 
extravagant  expreliions  become  none  but  blunderers,  who  are  able  to  fay  no- 
thing to  the  quefiion  when  it  is  truely  fiated.  But  I  wonder  what  it  is  which /:»<? 
calleth  learning.  Nothing  but  a  phantaftick  opiniaflretie,  joyncd  with  a  fupcrcilious 
contempt  of  all  other  men  that  are  wifer  or  learneder  than  himfelf  making  the  private 
thoughts  of  ignorant  perfons  to  be  theftandardand  publickfeal  oftruth.Asthe  Schol- 
ler  thinketh  ,  fothe  bellclinketh.  If  there  were  nothing  elfe,this  alone  (to  except  a- 
gainft  them  who  fiiould  bebothhis  Jurors  and  his  Judges  )  were  enough  to  render 

him 


Discourse  I L  Mr.         Hobs*/   /4nimad'verlio?2f'  8<7 

him  and  all  his  Paradoxes fufpeited.     Let  him  remember  who  faid  ,  Learning  hath 
no  enemy  ,  but  ignorance. 

If  he  had  ever  read  thofe  Authors  whom  he  condemneth  ,  namely,  Ihe  Fathers 
and  Dolors  of  the  Church  ,  his  prefumption  had  been  fomewhat  rnore  tolerable, 
though  too  high  ,  but  to  condemn  them  all  before  heeverreadany  of  them,  requir- 
cth  a  Prophetical  Light ,  to  which  he  is  no  pretender.  In  the  mean  time  he  would 
have  his  Readers  believe  that  what  is  done  by  him  upon  defign,  meerly  to  hide 
his  own  ignorance  ,  is  done  out  of  depth  of  judgement.  Like  the  Fox  in  the 
Fable  ,  which  having  loft  his  tail  by  mifchancc ,  pcrfwaded  all  his  fellows  to  cut  of 
theirs  ,  as  unprofitable  burthens.  The  Philofnpher  divided  men  into  three  ranks  :  Three  forts  of 
Some  who  knew  good  and  were  willing  to  teach  others ,  thefe  he  faid  were  like  men. 
Gods  amongrtmen.  Others  who  though  they  knew  not  much,  yet  were  willing  to 
learn,  thcfe  he  faid  were  like  men  among  bc-afts.  AndLallly,  fo me  who  knew 
not  good,  and  yet  defpifcd  fuch  as  fhould  teach  them.  Thefe  he  efteemed  as  bealls 
among  men. 

Whereas  he  talketh  of  fuch  ,  as  requite  thofe  who  endeavour  to  infiruU  them  at  their 
oTvn  intreaty  ,  roith  reviling  terms ^  although  he  dictate  more  willingly  thandifpute, 
where  no  man  may  contradidi  him  \  yet  neither  do  I  take  him  to  be  of  the  ranck 
of  inftrudlers  ,  before  hehimfelf  hath  hrll  learned  v  nor  is  he  able  to  bring  fo  much 
as  one  inftance  of  any  reviling,  or  fo  much  as  difcourteous  Language  throughout 
my  defence-  If  his  back  was  Galled  before  ,  and  that  make  him  over-fenlibIe,and 
fufpiciousof  an  affront,  where  none  was  intended  ,  who  can  help  it  t'  But  now 
he  himfelf  having  (hewed  fo  much  (corn  and  petulance  in  his  Animadverfions^though 
I  have  abrtained  from  all  reviling  terms ,  yet  I  have  tempered  my  ilile  fo , 
as  to  let  him  plainly  fee,  that  he  is  notfo  much  regarded  ,  nor  half  fo  formidable  an 
Adverfary  ,  as  he  vainly  imagineth. 

In    the  next  place  he  fetteth  down  eight  conclufions  which  he  dreameth  that  he 
hath  proved  in  this  Treatife.     It  is  good  beating  of  a  proud  man.     Though  he  be 
thrown  flat  upon  his  back  at  every  turn  ,  yet  he  hath  the  confidence  to  proclaim  his 
own  atchievements   with  a  filver  trumpet ,   when  they  do  not  dcferve  to  be  piped 
upon  an  Oaten  reed.     I  will  make  him  a  fair  offer ,  if  he  have  proved  any  one  of 
them  ,  or  be  able  to  prove  any  one  of  them  ,  I  will  yield  him  all  the  reft.     Bcfides 
the  notorious  falflioodof  them  all,  the  two  Laftare  apparently  ridiculous, That  the 
dodlrine  of  Liberty  is  an  error  that  mak^th  men  ,  by  imagining  they  can  repent  rvhen  -.|,g  ^^r,ftrine 
they   Tfill^  negle^i  their  duties  i  and  moreover  ma\t^s  them  unthankful  for  Cods  Graces^  ofli'jerty  -.na- 
hy  thinking  them  to  proceed  from  the  natural  ability  of  their  own  TPiH.     The  Dodrine  of  keth  no  m  u 
Liberty  from  fuperftoical  necelfity  ,  doth  neither  make  men  truncos  nor  facrikgos  ,  S^*^'!.]  f°^ 
neither  ftupid  blocks  void  of  all  activity,  nor  yet  Sacrilcgioufly  to  rob  God  of  his 
honour.     We  know  and  acknowledge  ,  that  both  free  will, and  the  good  ufe  of  tree 
will  in  repentance  and  all  other  ads  of  gratitude  towards  God  ,  is  from  God  ,  and 
proceedeth  from  Grace.     Thefe  inferences  which  he  makes  are  no  confequences  of 
our  Dodrine  ,   but  his  own  drowfie  dreams.     All  men  that  are  not  blinded  with 
prejudice ,  do  fee  clearly  ,  that  it  is  his  defpcratc  Dodrine  of  inevitable  necelfity  , 
which  makcth  men  to  negled  their    duties,  by  teaching  them  to  believe ,  that 
though  they  be  impenitent  or  unthankful  ,  yet  it  was  not  at  all  in  their  power  to 
have  been  otherwife  ,  they  are  as  they  muft  be  ,  and  as  God  hath  ordained  or  ne- 
cellitated  them  to  be.  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^ 

He  takcth  me  up  iot  faying  unskilfully  ,  that  they  wh)  difpute   PhihfiphicaUy  of  God  faculties. 
afcribe  unto  him  m  proper  faculties.     Indeed  I  do  not   wonder  it  he  who  afcribes  to  Num.  24 
God  potentialities  and  fuccelKvc  duration,  who  denies  that  the  divine  fublknce  is  fi^/r  «■  i:'-'. 
indivifible,  and  fiiththat  actus  funplicifimns  fignifieth  nothing  ,  who  makes  an  in-  '"  ^  ' 
corporeal  fubllance  to  be  acontradidicn  ,  do  make  him  likevvife  to  be  compounded 
of  fubftance  and  faculties.     But  they   who  penetrate  deeper  into  the  ugly  confe- 
quences  of  thefe  bold  and  blind   alTertions  ,  who  confider  that  whatfocvcr  is  truly 
infinite,  is  not  capable  of  any  variation  or  fludow  of  turning  by  change  \  and  that 
whatfoever  is  infinitely  perfedin  it  felf ,  cannot  be  farther  perfeded  by  the  fuppli- 
tnental  addition  of  any  faculties  or  accidents  ,   will  not  judge  my  affcrtion  to  be  un- 
skilful, but  his  Paradoxes  to  be  diOionourable  to  the  divine  nature,  and  derogatory  to 
theMajefty  ofGod.  liiiia  His 


g-^ -^  Cafligationfof  T  O  M  E 1 1  f . 

His  reafon  of  this  reprehenfion  is,  Becaufc  to  difpute  Philojuphkally  is  todifpute  by 
natural  reafon  ,  and  from  principles  evident  from  the  Light  of  nature  ,  and  to  dijpute  of 
the  faculties  and  proprieties  of  the  Subjed  whereof  they  treat.  VVliat,  whether  they  have 
any  faculties  or  no  .''  that  were  very  hard.  It  feemeth  that  Chriftian  Philofophers 
are  not  Philofophers  with  him.  And  why  tnay  not  a  Philofopher  make  ufe  of  Di- 
vine Revelation?  bat  let  him  not  trouble  himfelfabout  this.  This  truth  hath  been 
fufficiently  cleared  already  by  the  Light  of  Natural  reafon.  Either  the  Divine  Ef- 
(ence  is  infinitely  perfed:  in  it  felf,  or  God  is  not  God.  And  if  it  be  infinitely  per- 
fedin  it  felf,  it  cannot  be  farther  perfedted  by  any  faculties. 

He  faith     he  tpouldfain  ^ww  of  me  what  improper  faculties  J  afcribe  to  God ,  I  af- 
cribc  no  faculties  at  all  to  God  ,  except  it  be  anthropopatheticaily,  as  the  Scripture 
a(cribes  eyes  and  hands  to  God  ,  which  muft  be  underllood  as  is  befeemingthe  Ma- 
iefty  of  God.     Headdeth,  That  IkjiotP  not  how  to  mak^  it  good  that  the  will  andun- 
derjlanding  of  God  are  faculties ,  and  yet  tviU  have  thefe  words  [  his  underftanding  and 
his  will  are  his  very  cflence  3  t''  pofifor  an  axiome  nfPhilofophy.     It  is  true  I  know  not 
how  to  make  them  faculties  in  God ,  fpeaking  properly,  and  yet  I  doubt  not  of 
this  truth,  that  Gods  underlhnding  and  his  will  are  his  very  EflTcncc.     And  this 
very  objedion  (heweth  clearly ,  that  he  neither  underftandeth  me ,  nor  himfelf. 
This  axiome  that  the  will  and  the  underftanding  of  God  are  his  very  cflence  ,  is  a 
tit  medium  to  prove  they  are  no  faculties,     ^iequid  ejUn  Veo  ejl  ipfe  Veus ,     What- 
foever  is  in  God  ,  is  God  >  If  he  have  any  thing  to  fay  againft  it,  why  is  he  fi- 
lent. 
G  d  is  incotn-      '^^^^  ^^'^  '^  incomprehenfible  ,  and  that  his  Nature  can  neither  be  exprefled  nor 
prchcnfibJe-     conceived  perfedly  by  mortal  men  ,  is  a  truth  undeniable  ,  not  to  be  doubted  of. 
How  fhould  finite  reafon  be  able  to  comprehend  an  infinite  perfedion  ?  And  there- 
fore they  who  do  fearch  too  curioufly  into  the  Majefly  of  God,  or  define  his  nature 
too  fawcily  and  prefumptuoufly ,  are  juftly  to  be  reprehended.     The  Pipe  can  con- 
ilonii7.24.  vey  the  water  no  higher  than  the  fountains  head.     But  on  the  other  fide,  feeing 
^fal.  1 1  J,        ^f^^  jnvifible  things  of  him  ,  that  is  ,  his  eternal  power  and  Godhead  are  clearly  feen  from 
can.wc ai-eob^  '^^  Creation  of  the  World.     And  feeing  he  hath  given  us  his  word  to  be  a  Light  un- 
ligedVc  fearch  to  our  feet ,  and  a  Lanthorn  unto  our  paths  ,  not  to  endeavour  foberly  and  humbly 
after  him,        to  know  God  ,  fo  far  as  he  is  rcprcfented  to  us  by  the  Creatures ,  and  revealed  unto 
us  in  the  Scriptures  ,  to  the  end  we  may  Glorifie  him  as  God  ,  and  help  others  to 
know  him  and  Glorifie  him  aright,  is  inexcufable  ingratitude.     It  is  not  then  fimp- 
ly  the  inquiring  into ,  or  the  difcourfing  of  the  Nature  of  God  ,  but  the  tranfgreG- 
fing  of  the  right  manner  and  due  bounds  of  our  enquiry,    which  is  unlawful.  The 
Fathers  difputed  well  from   the  Nature  of  God  ,  againft  the  Anthropomorphites. 
Q  So  did  St.  Paul  againft  the  Idolatrous  Athenians  ,  For  as  much  as  we  are  the  Off- faring 

To  admit  that.  "/ 'j'^^i  ""^  ^'^^  ^nd  move  and  have  our  bdng  in  him  and  from  him  ^  we  ought  not  to 
God  is  infinite  think^that  the  Godheadis  lik^  unto  Gold  and  fiver  ^  or  ftone  Graven  with  Art.  I  acknow- 
i»  enough  to  ledge,  that  though  all  pollible  perfedion  ought  to  be  afcribed  to  God ,  yet  the 
conuter,/^,  fafef^  vvay  to  exprefs  him  is  by  negative  attributes.  Admit  but  one  negative  attri- 
bute ,  which  all  men  mufi:  admit,  and  do  admit, that  believe  aGodiand  I  will  eafily 
evince  all  the  reft  from  thence,that  is,that  he  is ,  adually  infinite,  or  an  indivifible 
unity  of  infinite  perfedion.  If  Gods  being  be  infinite,  then  it  is  not  by  fuccellive 
duration.  In  fucceffive  duration,  fomething is  added  every  minute v  but  to  that 
which  is  infinite  ,  nothing  can  be  added.  Again,  if  Gcd  be  adually  infinite,  then 
he  is  not  divifible  nor  materiate  ,  nor  corporal  ,  nor  hath  parts  without  pares :  an 
aggregation  of  finite  parts  ,  cannot  make  up  an  infinite  being.  If  God  be  adu- 
ally infinite ,  then  his  underftanding  and  his  will  are  not  diftind  faculties ,  then  his 
goodnefs  and  his  wifdom  ,  and  his  juftice  ,  and  his  truth,  are  not  diftind  quali- 
ties. For  if  his  will  be  without  his  undcrftanding  ,  or  his  juftice  without  his  wif- 
dom, then  his  underftanding  and  his  wifdom  are  not  infinite,  for  that  onely  is 
infinite,  without  which  nothing  is  or  can  be.  It  is  not  therefore  enough  to  afcribe 
unto  God  whatfoever  is  honourable,  unlefs  we  do  it  in  an  honourable  manner, 
that  is ,  infinitely  \  and  that  we  can  never  do  ,  but  by  making  him  an  indivifhk  ii- 
nity  of  infinite  being  and  perfedion.  Not  accidental,  but  cflential ,  or  tranfccndent 
perfedion.    He  who  calleth  God  mofi  petfed, ''though  T. //.  fee  it  not  j  comes 

(licrt 


Discourse.  1 1.  Mr.  HobsV  Animadverftons. 


fhort  o.f"chat  honour  which  is  due  to  God.  Moft  perfed  is  but  a  degree  ofcompa- 
rifon.  But  he  who  calleth  him  perfcftion  it  felf,  acknowlcdgcth  that  all  the  per- 
fedionof  the  creatures  is  by  participation  of  his  inrtaite  perfedion.  Such  errours 
as  thefe  forinerly  recited,  do  deferve  another  manner  of  refutation  i  and  when  he 
is  in  his  IwAde  intervalks ^  hehinfifclf  acknowledgeth  what  I  fay  to  be  true  ,  That 
God  is  incoraprehenfible  and  immaterial .  Andhehimfelf  proveth  fo  much  from 
this  very  attribute  of  God,  that  he  is  infinite,  Ci.  c.i^.f.  14.  Figure  is  not  attributed 
to  God,  for  every  figure  it  finite.  Neither  can  he  he  comprehended  by  w  ,  for  whatfoever 
toe  conceive  is  finite  i  mr  hath  he  parts  ,  n>hich  are  attributed  onely  to  finite  things  i  nor 
is  he  more  than  one  ,  there  can  be  but  one  infinite. 

Whereas  I  called  ReWthe  truetophet ,  he  telleth  us  Gravely,  That  Tophef  rras  a  Topher, 
place  not  far  from  the  IFalls  0/ Jerufaicm  ,  and  confequently  on  the  earth  s  adding  after 
his  boafting  manner  ,  That  he  cannot  imagin  rvhat  Jwillfjy  to  this  in  myanftver  to  his 
Leviathan,  M«/f/?  J  fay  that  by  the  trueTophet  in  this  place,  U  meant  a  not  true  7ophet.Who- 
(bever  anfwereth  his  Leviathan  will  be  more  troubled  with  his  extravagancies,  than 
with  his  arguments.  Doth  he  not  know  that  almoii  all  things  happertd  to  them  as 
tigures  ?  There  may  be  a  true  myftical  Tophet  as  well  as  a  literal  y  and  there  is  a 
true  myftical  Gehenna  or  vally  of  Hi  «Ho«  ,  as  well  as  a  litteral.  He  that  (hould 
fay  that  Chrift  is  the  true  Pafchal  Lamb  ,  or  the  Church  the  true  Jerufakm^  or  John 
Baptili  the  true  Eliof ,  may  well  julHfie  it ,  without  faying  ,  that  by  the  true  Paf- 
chal Lamb  is  meant  no  true  Pafchal  Lamb  ,  or  by  the  true  Jerufalem  no  true  Jerw 
falem  ,  or  by  the  true  Elias  ,  no  true  EUm.     What  poor  fluff  is  this.? 

Andfohe  concludeth  his  Animadvejiion  with  a  rapping  Paradox  indeed.     'Irue  True  Rf Ii'glon 
Religion  confijieth   in  ohidience   to  Chrifis  Lieutenant ,   aud  in  giving  God  fuch  honour  confifts  h  not 
both  ttt  Attributes  and  anions  ,  as  they  in  their  feveral  Lieutenancies  JhaU  ordain.     That  '°  obeiiience 
Sovereign  Princes  are  Gods  Lieutenants  upon  earth,  no  man  doubteth ,  but  how  l°^""42*° 
come  they  to  be  Chrifts  Lieutenants  with  him  ^  who  teacheth  exprefly  ,  that  the        '  '      ' 
Kingdom  of  Chrift  is  not  to  begin  till  the  general  RefurreAion  ?  His  errours  corns 
fo  thick  ,  that  is  difficult  to  take  notice  of  them  all ;  yet  if  he  had  refolved  to  main- 
tain his  Paradox  ,  it  had  been  ingenioufly  done  to  takcnoticeof  my  reafons  againft 
it  in  this  place. 

Firft,  what  if  the  Sovereign  Magijiratejhall  be  no  Chrijiian  himfelf  ?  Is  an  Heathen 
orMahumetan  Prince  the  Lieutenant  of  Chrift  ,  or  a  fit  infallible  Judge  of  the  con- 
troverfies  oi  Chriftian  Religion  ?  Are  all  his  Chriftian  fubjeds  obliged  to  Sacrifice 
to  Idols  ,  or  Blafpheme  Chrift  upon  his  command  ?  Certainly  he  giveth  the  fame 
Latitude  of  power  and  right  to  Heathen  and  Mahumetan  Princes  that  he  doth  to 
Chriftian.  There  is  the  fame  fubmillion  to  both  ,  J  authorife  and  give  up  my  right  of  ^<"-'.  <">  '7  ^^  ' 
Geverning  my  felf  to  this  man  ,  whom  he  maketh  to  be  a  mortal  God.  To  him  alone 
he  afcribcth  the  right  to  allow  and  difallow  of  all  Doctrines,  all  forms  of  worfliip 
all  miracles,  all  revelations.  And  moft  plainly  in  the  42.  and  43.  Chapters  of  his 
Leviathan,  where  he  teacheth  obedience  to  infidel  Princes  in  all  things,  even  to 
the  denial  of  Chrift  ,    to  be  neceffary  by  the  Law  of  God  and  nature. 

My  Second  reafon  in  this  place  was  this.     What  if  the  Magiftrate  ftiall  command 
contrary  to  the  Law  of  God  ?  muft  we  obey  him  rather  than  God  ?   He  confeffeth, 
That  Chriji  ought  to  be  obeyed  rather  than  his  Lieutenant  upon  earth.     This  is  a  plain 
concelhon,  rather  than  an  anfwer.     But  he  farther  addeth  ,  That  tbe  quejlion  is  not 
who  is  to  be  obeyed,  but  what  be  his  commands  ?  Moft  vainly.     For  if  true  Religion 
do  conlift  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  Sovereign  Prince  ,  then  to  be  truly 
Religious  it  is  not  needful  to  inquire  farther  than   what  he  commandeth.     Frujira 
fit  per  plura  quod  fieri  poteji  per  pauciora.     Either  he  muft  make  the  Soveraign  Prince 
to  be  infallible  in  all  his  coinmands  concerning  Religion ,    which  we  fee  by  experi-    • 
ence  to  be  falfe  ,  and  he  himfelf  confeffeth ,  that  they  may  command   their  Subjects 
to  deny  Chrift  ;  orelfe  the  authority  of  the  Sovereign  Prince  doth  juftirie  to  his  fub-  Lev.C'^.Zi 
jects  whatfoeverhe  commands ,  and  then  they  may  obey  Chrifts  Lieutenant  as  fafe- 
ly  without  danger  of  punifhment  as  himfelf. 

My  Third  reafon  was  this.  If  true  Religion  do  confift  in  obedience  to  the  com- 
mands of  the  Sovereign  Prince,  then  the  Soveraign  Prince-,  is  the  ground  and 
pillar  of  truth  ,  not  the  Church.     But  the  Church  is  the  ground  and  pillar  of  trut!i, 

not 


"^51  Cajiigations  of  TOME  III. 


Tim.c.JH 


not  the  Sovereign  l?rince.  "thefe  things  rvrite  J  unto  thee,  5cc.  that  thou  mayeji  %ojr 
hon>  though  oughtdi  to  behave  thyfelfin  the  houfe  of  God  ,  which  is  the  Church  of  the  li- 
ving God,  the  pillar  and  ground  of  truth.  What  the  Church  iigniheth  in  this  place 
may  be  dcmondrativdy  collcded  ,  both  from  the  words  themfelvcs,  wherein  he 
callefh  it  the  houfe  of  God,  which  appellation  cannot  be  applied  to  a  fingle  Sovereign 
much  lefs  to  a  Heathen  Prince,  as  their  Sovereign  then  was.  And  Like  wife  by 
the  things  written  ,  which  were  dircdtions  for  the  ordering  of  Ecclefialiical  pcr- 
fons. 

The  Lart  Argument  ufed  by  me  in  this  place ,  was  ad  hominem ,  Why  then  is 
T.  H.  of  a  different  mind  from  his  Sovereign  and  from  the  Laws  of  the  Land  con- 
cerning the  attributes  of  God  ,  and  the  Religious  Worfhip  which  is  to  be  given  to 
him?  The  Canons  and  conftitutions  and  articles  of  the  Church  o(  England,  and 
their  Difcipline  and  form  of  Divine  Worfliip ,  were  all  confirmed  by  Royal 
authority.  And  yet  Mr.  Hobs  made  no  fcruple  to  afTume  to  himfelf,  that  which 
he  dcnyeth  to  all  other  Subjcd-s,  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil ,  or  of  true  and  falfe 
Religion  ,  and  a  judgement  of  what  is  confonant  to  the  Law  of  Nature  and  Scri- 
pture ,  different  from  the  commands  of  his  Sovereign  and  the  judgement  of  all  his 

ji»m-  I't-  fellow  Subjeds ,  as  appeareth  by  his  Book  De  Give,  Printed  in  the  year  1642.  Nei- 
ther can  he  pretend  that  he  was  thena  Local  Subjedl  to  another  Prince,for  he  diifer- 
ed  more  from  him  in  Religion,  than  from  his  own  Natural  Sovereign. 

This  Paradox  hath  been  confuted  before  ,  and  fome  of  thofegrofs  abfurditie<v 
which  flow  from  it  repre(ented  to  the  Reader  ,  to  all  which  he  may  add  thele  fol- 
lowing reafons, 

I  King  12,15  Firll,  true  Religion  cannot  confift  in  anything  which  Is  finful  v  But  obedience  to 
Sovereign  Princes  may  be  finful.  This  is  proved  by  the  example  of  Jeroboam,  who 
eftablilhed  Idolatry  in  his  Kingdom.  And  the  Text  faith ,  Ihis  thing  became  a  fin. 
It  may  be  he  will  fay  ,  This  Idolatrous  Woilhip  was  a  lin  in  Jeroboam  ,  not  in  the 
people,  whoobeyedhim.  But  the  Text  taketh  away  this  evafion  ,  branding  him 
ordinarily  with  this  mark  of  Infamy  ,  Jeroboam  the  Son   of  Nebat  who  made  If- 

Secondly  i  True  Religion  cannot  confift  in  obedience  to  contradictory  command?. 
But  the  commands  of  Sovereign  Princes  are  often  contradictory  one  to  another. 
One  commandeth  to  Worthip  Chrift  ,  another  forbiddeth  it.  One  forbiddeth  to 
offer  Sacrifice  to  Idols ,  another  commandeth  it.  Yea  the  fame  perfon  may  both 
forbid  Idolatry  in  General,  and  yet  authorife  it  in  particular.  Or  forbid  it  by  the 
publick  Laws  of  the  Countrey  ,  and  yet  authorife  it  by  his  perfonal  commands. 

Thirdly  ,  True  Religion  is  always  juftified  in  the  fight  of  God.     But  obedience 

to  the  commands  of  Sovereign  Princes  is  not  always  juffified  in  the  fight  of  God. 

This  is  clearly  proved  out  of  his  own  exprefs  words.     JfJjaifiever  is  commanded  by 

Ln.  C.22.       the  Sovereign  power  ,  is  as  to  the  S  ub'yVt ,  (  though'notfo  aJtPays  inthe  fight  of  of  God) 

'■jufiified  by  their  command.     Whence  it  is  evident  by  his  confeilion  ,  that  the  wicked 

commands  of  Sovereign  Princes  are  not  juffified  by  their  own  Royal  authority,  but 

are  wicked  and  repugnant  to  the  Law  of  God.  And  confcquently  that  of  the  Apoffle 

._  hath  place  here.  Whether  itbe  right  inthe  fight  of  God  to  hear^n  unto  you  more  than  unto 

T"  ''  God ,  judge  ye.     True  Religion  hath  always  reference  unto  God. 

fourthly.  True  Religion  doth  not  confift  in  obedience  to  any  Laws  whatfoever 
which  are  repugnant  to  the  moral  Law  of  God,  or  to  the  Law  of  Nature.     This 
De  cive  c.    ?•    Propofition  is  granted  by  himfelf.     The  Laws  of  Nature  are  immutable  and  Eter- 
NHm.29^^1  nal.  ^  And  aH  iVriters  do  agree  that  the  Lave  of  Nature  is  the  fame  with  the  moral  Law. 
fy\  26.^'        •^S^'"'  Sovereigns  are  all  SubjeSs  to  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  becaufefuch  Laws  be  Divine. 
^''     '    ■      and  cannot  by  any  man  or  Common-wealth  be  abrogated.     And  in  all  thin^^s  fiot  contra- 
ry to  the  moral  Law  ,  that  is  to  fay  ,   to  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  aVfubjeds  are'botmd  to  obey 
that  of  Divine  Law  ,  which  is  declared  to  befoby  the  Laws  of  the  Common-wealth.     But 
the  commands  ot  a  Sovereign  Prince  may  be  repugnant  not  onely  to  the  Moral  Law 
or  the  Law  of  Nature ,  but  even  to  the  Laws  of  the  Common  wealth.     This  affum- 
ItvMift.  c.  34  ption  is  proved  four  ways.     Firff  by  his  own  confeffion  ,  h  is  manifeft  enough  that 
when  a  man  receiveth  two  contrary  commands  ,  and  h^ows  that  one  of  them  U  Gods ,  he 
ought  to  obey  that  and  not  the  other.     If  there  can  be  no  fuch  contrary  commands, 

then 


Discourse  IL       Mr.  Hob's  Aniwad'verfionf,  g^, 


I 


then  it  is  not  manifelt ,  nor  yet  true.     Secondly,  this  is  proved  by  the  refolution 

of  two  Queries.     The  hrll  is  this,   JPljether  the  City  (  or  the  Sovereign  Prince  )  be  T>e  C 

to  be  obeyed ,  if  he  commntd  direUly  to  do  any  thing  to  the  contumely  of  God ,  or  forbid  to      <      ^^^'  '^' 

t^orfhipGod.     To  which  he  anlvvereth  diredly  ,  mn  ejfe  obediendum  ,  that  he  ouaht  Nnm   ,<? 

not  to  be  obeyed.     And  he  gives  this  reafon  ,  becaufe  the  fubjeds  before  the  conlUtttit- 

on  of  the  Commonwealth  ,  had  no  right  to  dery  the  honour  due  unto  God  ;  and  therefore 

could  transfer  no  right  to  command  fuch  things  to  the  Commonrpealth.     The  like  he  iiath 

in  his  Lfviathan,  A&ions  which  do  naturaUy  figntfie  contumely  ,  cannot  by  humane  pom-  C.  - 1. 

er  be  made  a  part  of  Divine  Pf^orfhip.     As  it  the  denial  of  Chriii  upon  a  Sovereign's      '  ^ 

command  ,  (  which  he  juftifieth  )  were  not  contumelious  to  Chrili  ■■,  or     as  if  fub- 

)c6is  ,  before  the  conlutution  of  the  Commonwealth ,  had  any  right  the'mfelves  to 

deny  Chrili.     But  fuch  palpable  contradictions  are  no  novelties  with  him.     How 

doth  true  Religion  conlift  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  a  Sovereign  ,  if  his 

commands  may  be  contumelious  to  God ,  and    deny  him  that  Worfhip  which  is 

due  unto  him,  by  the  eternal  and  immutable  Law  of  Nature,  and  if  he  be  not  to 

be  obeyed  in  fuch  commands  ? 

His  fccond  Queftion  is  ^  If  a  Sovereign  Prince  fhould  command  himfelfto  be  worfhip- 
pedtvith  Divine  Worihif  and  Attributes^  whether  he  ought  to  be  obeyed?  To  which  he  ^^'^'"' 
anfwereth  ,  Thu  although  Kings  Jhculd  command  it ,  yet  we  ought  to  abflain  from  fuch 
attributes  arfignijie  his  independence  upon  God ,  or  immortality  ,  or  infinite  power  or  the 
lik(\  and  from  fuch  a&ions  as  do  fignifie  the  fame.  As  to  pray  unto  him  being  abfent  to 
askjhofe  things  of  him  which  none  but  God  can  gives  as  rain ,  and  fair  weather  or  to 
offer  facrifrce  to  him.  Then  true  Religion  may  fometimes  conliil  in  difobedience  to 
the  commands  of  Soveraign  Princes. 

Thirdly,  that  the  commands  of  Soveraign  Princes  in  point  of  Religion,  may  be 
contrary  to  the  Law  of  Nature  ,  T  which  needeth  no  new  promulgation  or  rece- 
ption) doth  appear  by  all  thofe  Duties  internal  and  external ,  which  by  his  own 
confelUon  ,  Nature  doth  enjoyn  us  to  perform  towards  God  ,  and  all  which  may 
be  ,  and  have  been  countermanded  by  Soveraign  Ptincesv  as  to  acknowledge  the 
exiftence  of  God,  his  unity,  his  infinitenefs ,  his  providence  ,  his  creation  of  the  T^^  C"'f>  f' 
World,  his  omnipotence,  his  eternity,  his  incomprehenfibility  ,  his  ubiquity,  to  I5* 
•worfliip  him  ,  and  him  onely  with  Divine  Worfhip  ,  with  Prayers ,  with  thankf- 
givings ,  with  oblations  ,  and  with  all  exprellions  of  Honour. 

Lallly  ,  this  is  proved  by  Examples.     Nebuchadnezzar  commanded  to  worfhip 
a  Golden  Image.     And  Darius  made  a  Decree ,  that  no  man  (hould  ask  any  petiti-  ^^""  3-  4' 
on  of  any  God  or  man  for  thirty  days,  fave  of  the  King  onely.     Yet  the  tranferef-  ^^"'  ^  "'' 
fion  of  both  thefe  commands  of  Soveraign  Princes  ,  was  juflilicd  by  God  as  true 
Religion. 

Fifthly,  Chrift  will  deny  no  man  before  his  Father  for  true  Religion;  But  thofe 
■who  deny  Chrift  before  men  ,  to  fulfill  the  commands  of  an  earthly  Prince  ,  he  wi\l  w  * 
deny  before  hit  Father  which  is  in  Heaven.     And  therefore  Chrift  encourageth  his  Di-  -     Ju    ' 
fciples  againfl  thefe  dangers,  which  might  fall  upon  them  by  difobedience  to  fuch  ^^'      ^^' 
unlawful  commands.     Fear  not  them  which  kjhhe  body  ^  hut  are  not  able  to  kJll  the 
foul  i  but  rather  fear  him  which  if  able  to  deflroy  both  body  and  foul  in  HeV.     But  Mr. 
Uobbs  hath  found  out  an  evafion  for  fuch  Renegadoes.     Whatfoever  a  Suh]eVt  is  com- 
pelled to  ,  in  obedience  to  his  Sovereign ,  and  doth  it  not  in  order  to  hit  own  mind    but  in 
order  to  the  Laws  of  hU  Countrey  ^  that  aUion  is  not  his  ^  but  his  Sovereigns  \  noi- is  it 
he  that  in  this  cafe  denieth  Chrijl  before  men,  but  h'n  Cover nour  ,  and  the  Ltw  of  his 
Countrey.     If  this  Fig-leaf  would  have  ferved  the  turn,  Sftedrach ,  Mpjch  ,  and 
Abednego  needed  not  to  have  been  cart  into  the  fiery  Furnace.     For  though  they  had 
worfliipped  the  Golden  Image,  by  this  dodrine  they  had  not  been  idolaters,  but 
M^Mc/Wwzzijr  onely  and  his  Princes.     If  this  vvere  true,  Pj«if/ might  have  elca- 
ped  the  Lions  Den.     If  he  had  forborn  his  praifes  to  God,  Darius  had  been  faulty, 
and  not  he.     But  thefe  Holy  Saints  were  of  another  mind.  I  hope,though  he  might 
in  his  hafte  and  pallion,  cenfure  the  blefled  Martyrs  to  be  Fools,  (  which  were  fo  tr-. 
many,  that  there  were  five  thoufand  for  every  day  in  the  Year,  except  the  Calends  r;/'/    j 
oi  January  ,  when  the  Heathens  were  fo  fntent  upon  their  Devotions  ,  that  they  ri    ' 
negleded  the  (hughter  of  the  poor  Chrifiians,  (  yet  he  will  not  eflecm  himfelf  wi- 

fet 


Ui 


Cajiigdtions  of 


TOMEllf 


Ezeh  28.  3.  fcr  than  'Daniel.     Behold  thou  art  tvijer  than  Daniel ,  was  an  Hyperbolical ,  or  rather 
Rom.  to.io.  an  Ironical  exprellion.     Tf^ith  the  heart  man  betieveth  ttnto  righteoujnefs ,  and  mtb  the 
month  i!  confffton  made  tinto  Salvation.     If  a  man  deny  Chrift  with  his  mourh  ,  the 
taith  of  the  heart  will  not  ferve  his  turn. 

Sixthly,  Chrid  denounceth  damnation  to  all  thofe  ,  who  for  faving  of  their 
lives  do  deny  their  Religion  ,  and  promifeth  eternal  life  to  all  tho(e,  who  do  feal 
the  truth  of  their  Chriftian  Faith  with  their  blood  ,  againft  the  commands  of  Hea- 
thenirti  Magilhatcs.  mofoeier  rvillfave  h'n  hfe/hai  lofe  it ,  and  tvhofuever  rvili  lofe  hit 
life  for  my  fak:  (hall  find  it.  Chrift  doth  not  promife  eternal  life  for  violation  of  true 
Religion. 

Ladly  ,  no  Chriftian  Soveraign  or  Commonwealth  ,  did  ever  affume  any  fuch 
authority  to  thcmfelvesv  never  any  fubjedts  did  acknowledge  any  fuch  power  in 
tlieir  Soveraigns:  Never  any  Writer  of  Politicks,  either  wakmg  or  dreaming  ,  did 
ever  phanfie  fuch  an  unlimited  power  and  authority  in  Princes,  as  this  which  he 
afcribeth  to  them,  not  onely  to  make,  but  to  juftiHe  all  Dodtrines,  all  Laws,  all 
Religions,  all  adions  of  their  Subjedts  by  their  commands',  as  if  God  Almighty 
had  refcrvcd  onely  Soveraign  Princes  under  his  own  Jurifdidtion  ,  and  quitted  all 
the  reft  of  mankind  to  Kings  and  Commonwealths.  In  vain  ye  worjhip  me^  teaching 
for  Vodrine  the  commandments  of  men,  that  is  to  fay,  making  true  Religion  to  con- 
fill  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  men.  If  Princes  were  Heavenly  Angels ,  free 
from  all  ignorance  and  paliions ,  fuch  an  unlimited  power  might  better  become 
them.  But  being  mortal  men ,  it  is  dangerous  ,  left  Phaeton-Yikc  ,  by  their  vio- 
lence or  unskilfulnefs ,  they  put  the  whole  Empire  into  a  flame.  It  were  too  too 
much  ,  to  make  their  unlawful  commands  to  jullirie  their  Subjedts.  Jf  the  blind  lead 
the  blind  ,  both  fall  into  the  ditch.  He  who  impofeth  uplawful  commands ,  and  he 
who  obeyeth  them  ,  do  both  fubjedt  themfelves  to  the  judgments  of  God.  But  if 
true  Religion  doth  conlift  in  adtive  obedience  to  their  commands,  it  juftifieth  both 
their  Sub)eds  and  themfelves.     True  Pvcligion  can  prejudice  no  man. 

He  taketli  upon  him  to  re  fute  the  diftindtion  of  obedience  into  aftive  and  paflive, 
As  if  a  fin  againji  the  Larv  of  Nature  ,  could  be  expiated  by  arbitrary  punijhments  impo- 
fed  by  men.  Thus  it  happeneth  to  men  ,  who  confute  that  which  they  do  not  un- 
derltand.  Pailive  obedience  is  not  for  the  expiation  of  any  fault ,  but  for  the  main- 
tenance of  innocence.  When  God  commands  one  thing,  and  the  Soveraign  Prince 
another ,  we  cannot  obey  them  borh  adlively  ;  therefore  we  chufe  to  obey  God  ra- 
ther than  men  ,  and  yet  are  willing  ,  for  the  prefervation  of  Peace  ,  to  fufFer  from 
man,  rather  than  to  refift.  If  he  undcrftood  this  diftindtion  well,  it  hath  all  thofc 
advantages  which  he  fancieth  to  himlelf  in  his  new  Platform  of  Government,  with- 
out any  of  thofc  inconveniences  which  do  attend  it.  And  whereas  he  intimateth, 
that  our  not  obeying  our  Soveraign  adlively ,  is  a  fin  againii  the  Lan>  of  Nature  , 
meaning  by  the  violation  of  our  promifed  obedience ,  it  is  nothing  bur  a  grcfs  mi- 
ftake  ■>  no  Subjedts  did  ,  nor  ever  could  make  any  fuch  padt,  to  obey  the  com- 
mands of  their  Soveraign  at^ively  ,  contrary  to  the  Law  ot  God  or  Nature. 

This  reafon  drawti  from  univerfal  *pradtice  was  fo  obvious ,  that  he  could  not 
mils  to  make  it  an  objedtion,  "The  greatefl  objedion  is  that  of  the  praUice  ^  when  men 
as}{^tvhere  and  tvhen  fuch  potoer  has  by  SubjeCls  been  acknoivkd^d.  A  fhrewd  objedti- 
on  indeed,  which  required  a  more  folid  anfwer,  than  to  fay.  That  though  in  all 
places  of  the  World,  menjhould  lay  the  Foundation  ofthetr  Houfes  on  the  f and,  it  could 
not  thence  he  inferred ,  that  fo  it  ought  to  be.  As  if  there  were  no  more  difficulty  in 
founding  and  regulating  a  Commonwealth  ,  than  in  diftinguifhing  between  a  loofe 
fand,  and  a  hrm  rock  5  or,  as  if  all  Societies  of  men,  of  different  tempers  ,  of 
different  humours,  of  different  manners,  and  of  different  interefts  ,  muft  of  necef- 
lity  be  ail  ordered  after  one  and  the  fame  manner.  If  all  parts  of  the  World  after 
fo  long  experience,  do  pradtife  the  contrary  to  that  which  he  fancieth,  he  muft 
give  me  leave  to  fufpedl,  that  his  own  grounds  are  the-  quicklands ,  and  that  his 
new  Commonwealth  is  but  a  Caftle  founded  in  the  air. 
Theiurtpow.  That  a  Soveraign  Prince  within  his  own  dominions ,  is  cuftos  utriufque  tabuU  , 
crof  i'riDccs.  the  k-^eper  of  both  the  Tables  of  the  Law,  to  fee  that  God  be  duely  fervcd  ,  and 
juftice  duely  adminiftred  between  man  and  man  ,  and  to  punifh  fuch  as  ttanfgrefs 

in 


T>e  Cive. 
c.  14. 
Afiive  and 
palfive  obedi 
cDce. 


Lev.  c.  20. 

Univerfal  pra- 
Aice  agaJD^ 
him. 


Discourse.  II      Mr.    HobsV    Animadz'erfionr. 


in  either  kind  with  civil  punifliment  i  That  he  hath  an  Architedlonical  power  to 
fee  that  each  of  his  Subjedts  do  their  duties  in  their  feveral  callings,  EcdciialHcks 
as  well  as  Seculars  •,  Tiiat  the  care  and  charge  of  feeing  that  no  Dodrine  be  taught 
his  Subjec'i:s  ,  but  fach  as  may  confiil  with  the  general  Peace  ,  and  the  authority 
to  prohibit  fcditious  pratflifes  and  opinions,  do  refide  in  him  i  That  a  Sovereign 
Prince  owcth  no  account  of  his  adions  to  any  mortal  man  i  That  the  Kings  of 
England  in  particular  have  been  julily  declared  by  adl  of  Parliament  Supreme  Go- 
vernours  in  their  own  Kingdoms  ,  in  all  caules  ,  over  all  perfons ,  as  well  Ecciefi- 
altical  as  Civil,  isnotdenyed,  nor  fo  much  as queitioncd  by  me.  Otherwife  a 
Kingdom  ,  or  a  Commonvvealth  (hould  be  deftitute  of  neceflary  means  for  its 
own  prefervation.  To  all  this  I  do  readily  alTent ,  all  this  I  have  vindicated  upon 
furer  grounds  than  thof-  defperateand  delkudtive  principles  which  he  fjppofeth. 

But  I  do  utterly  deny  that  true  Religion  doth  confift  in  obedience  to  Sove- 
reign Magiikates ,  or  that  all  their  injundtions  ought  to  be  obeyed,  not  onely  paf- 
fively ,  but  adlively ,  or  that  he  is  infallible  in  his  Laws  and  commands ,  or  that  his 
Sovereign  authority  doth  juftirie  the  adlive  obedience  of  his  Subjedts  to  his  unlaw- 
ful commands.  Suppofe  a  King  (hould  command  his  Judges  to  let  Naboth  on  high  I.  Km,  2i.p 
among  the  people,  and  to  fet  two  fons  o( Belial  before  him ,  to  bear  witnefs  agalnft 
him ,  faying.  Thou  didft  Blafpheme  God  and  the  King  ,  and  then  carry  him  out 
and  ftone  him  ,  that  he  may  dye.  The  regal  authority  could  neither  juftirte  fuch 
an  unlawful  command  in  the  King  ,  nor  obedience  in  the  Judges.  Suppofe  a  King 
fhould  fet  up  a  Golden  Image  ,  as  Nebuchadnezzar  did  ,  and  command  all  his  Sub- 
jedts to  adore  it  ,  this  command  would  not  cxcufe  his  Subjedts  from  Idolatry,  much 
lefschange  Idolatry  into  true  Religion. 

His  anfwer  to  the  words  oi Peter  and  John  do  fignifie  nothing.     The  High  Prieft    jq^ 
and  his  Council  commanded  the  ApolUes  not  to  teach  in  the  Name  of  Jefus.     Here  '^'    "' 

was  fufficient  human  authority,  yet  fay  the  Aportles  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  fight  of  Gad 
to  hearken  unto  you  more  than  unto  God^judgeye.  The  queftion  was  not  what  were  the 
command?,that  was  clear  enough,  what  God  commanded,  and  what  man  comman- 
ded, but  who  was  to  be  obeyed,  which  could  admit  no  debate.  He  asketh  ff/;!*;  has 
the  Biflwp  to  do  with  vchat  God  fayes  to  me  vphen  I  read  the  Scriptures,  more  than  I  have  to  He  confeffetli 
do  with  what  Qf^dfays  to  him  when  he  reads  them  ?  unlefS  he  have  authority  given  him  ,  that  Ecdefia- 
hy  him  whom  Chriji:  hathconflituted  his  Lieutenant.     Firll  I  anfwer  his  queftion  with  have a'privi"* 
a  queftion  ,  What  if  the  Bifliop  have  fuch  authority,  and  he  hath  not  ?  He  cannot  ledge  above 
deny  but  the  Biftiop  had  fuch  authority  ,  when  be  had  not.     And  yet  he    doubteth  himfelf. 
not  even  then  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  contrary  to  both  the  Biftiop,  and  to  Chrifts 
Lieutenant.     Secondly  ,  I  anfwer  ,  That  by  his  own  confellion  there  is  a  great  dif- 
ference between  him  and  me  in  this  particular  ,  Our  Saviour  hath  promijed  this  infalli- 
hility  ,  in  thofe  things  which  are  necejjary  to  Salvation  to   the  Apoftks ,  ttntiU  the  day  of  ^  ^  Cive.  c. 
Judgement ,   that  is  to  fay  ,  to  the  Apojiles  and  to  Fajiors  to  be  confecrated  by  them  by   ^7- 
impofnion  of  hands.     Therefore  the  S  overeign   Magijirate  ,  as  he  is  aChrijiian  ,   is  obliged 
to  interpret  the  Holy  Scriptures  ,  when  there  is  queftion ,   about  the  myfteries  of  Faith  by 
Ecclefiaftical  perfons  rightly  ordained.     Unlefs  lie  have  fuch  ordination  by   impofition 
of  hands,  I  am  better  qualified  then  he  is  for  the  interpretation  of  Scripture  ,  by  his 
own  Confellion. 

But  he  fuppofeth  that  a  Bipop  or  a  Synod  of  Bifltops  ,  pouldbe  fet  up  for  our  civil 
Sovereign.  A  likely  thing  indeed.  Suppofe  the  Skie  fall  then  we  (hall  have  Larks. 
But  to  gratitic  him  ,  Let  us  fuppofc  it.  What  then  ?  Then  that  which  lubjed  a- 
gainft  him,  he  could  objeH  in  the  fame  words  agjittft  me.  So  he  might,  if  I  fhould  be  fo 
fond  as  to  fay  that  true  Religion  did  confilf  in  obedience  to  that  fingle  Bifhop,  or 
that  Synod  of  Bifhops,  as  he  faith,  that  it  doth  conlift  in  obedience  to  the  Sovereign 
Prince.  He  deceiveth  himfelf,  and  mittaketh  us ,  if  he  think  that  we  hold  any 
fuch  ridiculous  opinions.  If  he  could  (hew  that  Bifliops  do  challenge  an  infallibili- 
ty to  thcmfclvesby  divine  right ,  and  which  is  more  than  infallibility ,  a  povver  to 
authorife  all  their  commands  for  true  Religion,  he  faid  fomcthing  to  the  purpofe. 
He  telleth  us  that  he  remembers  there  have  been  B^oli^s  written  to  entitle  the  B'lfl'opsto 
divine  right  underived  from  the  Civil  Sovereign.  Very  likely  if  the  Law  of  Nature 
do  make  a  Divine  right.     Perhaps  a  Locomotive  faculty  ,  or  a  Liberty  ot  refpira- 

K  k  k  k  k  tion. 


864  Cajiigatiofjs  of  TOME  111^ 

tion,  which  all  other  menrdo  challenge  as  well  as  Bifliops.  Buthemeaneth  in  Re- 
ligion ,  Why  not?  They  have  their  Holy  Orders  by  fucccflion  from  the  Apoftles , 
not  Irom  their  Civil  Sovereigns.  They  have  the  power  of  the  Keys  by  the  concef- 
lion  ot  Chri/t ,  iFlnfe  fins  yet  remit  they  are  remitted  ,  trhafe  fins  ye  retain  they  are  re- 
tained. None  can  give  that  to  another,  which  they  have  not  themfelves.  Where 
did  Chrift  give  the  power  of  the  Keyes ,  to  the  Civil  Magiflrate. 

I  was  far  enough  from  thinking  of  Odes  ,  when  I  writ  my  defence  of  Liberty. 
That  which  he  calJeth  my  Ode  ,  was  written  about  a  Thoufand  yearsbefore  I  was 
born.  I  cited  it  onely  to  fliew  the  fenfe  of  the  primitive  Chrifiians ,  concerning  o- 
bcdience  to  the  unlawful  commands  of  Sovereign  Princes ,  that  we  ought  to  obey 
God  rather  than  them<^    And  to  that  it  is  full, 

Juffum  eji  C^faris  ore  Gallieni  , 
Princess  quod  colit,  ut  colamus  omnes^ 
JEternum  cob  principem  dierum ; 
FaUorem  doniinumcfue  Gallieni. 
This  pat  him  intofuch  a  fit  of  verfifying,  that  he  could  not  forbear  to  make  aParode 
fuch  as  it  is,  wherein  out  of  pure  Zeal  (  if  it  were  worth  taking  notice  of  J  he  re- 
taineth  the  erroursofthc  Preft. 

And  focontounding  Regal  Supremacy  with  a  kind  of  omnipotence  ,  and  the  ex- 
ternal Regiment  of  the  Church  with  the  power  of  the  keyes,  and  Jurifdidion  in  the 
Inner- court  of  confcience  ,  and  forreign  ufurpations  with  the  ancient  rights  and  Li- 
berties of  the  EngUJh  Church  ,  and  i.  rtipendiary  School-mafter  (  who  hath  neither 
title  nor  right ,  but  themeer  pleafure  of  the  mafter  of  the  family  )  with  Bifliops , 
who  are  the  fucceflburs  of  the  Apoftles  in  that  part  of  their  office,  which  is  of  ordi- 
nary and  perpetual  necefluy,  and  the  Kings  proper  Council  in  Ecclefiaftical  affairs-. 
He  concludeth  his  Animadverfion  with  this  fair  intimation  to  Dr.  Hammond  and 
me,   That  if  we  had  gone  upon  thefe  his  principles  ,  When  we  did  write  in  defence  of  the 
C/;Mrc/j  f/ England  ,    againji  the  imputation  cf  Schifm^  quitting  our  own  pretences  of 
]urifdiUion  and]\is,  divinum  ,  we  had  not  beenfo  fhrewdly  handled,  as  we  have  been  by 
an  Englifli  Tapifl.     I  hope  neither  the  Church  of  'England,  nor  any  genuine  fon  of 
the  I.ngU(h  Church  ,  harh  complained  to  him ,  that  the  Church  hath  fuffercd  any 
difadvantage  by  our  pains  >  nor  our  adverfarics  in  that  caufe  boafted  to  him  of  any 
advantage  they  have  gained  >  I  do  rather  believe  that  it  is  but  his  own  imagination 
without  ever  reading  either  party.     Why  fhould  he  interrupthis  fadder  meditations 
wiih  reading  fuch  trifles?  But  for  his  principles  (  as  he  calleth  them  )  I  thank  him, 
I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  ,   except  it  be  to  (hew  himhow  deflrudive 
they  are  both  to  Church  and  Commonwealth.     But  this  I  believe  in  earnefi: ,   that 
if  we  had  gone  upon  his  principles,  we  fliould  not  have  made  our  (elves  the  objedt 
of  our  Adverfaries  pity  ,   but  well  of  their  fcorn. 

In  his  conclufion  ,  or  in  his  pofifcript  (  chocfe  whether  you  will  call  it  )  firft  he 
fetteth  down  his  cenfure  of  my  defence,  with  the  fame  ingenuity  and  judgement 
that  he  hath  (hewed  hitherto  ,  that  is  none  at  all ,  which  I  efieem  no  more  than  a 
deaf  nut :  Let  the  book  jufiihe  itfelf.  And  as  to  the  manner  of  writing  ,  he  bites 
firft,  and  whines  ;  doth  an  injury  and  complains.  The  Reader  will  find  no  rail- 
ing in  my  Treatife  ,  nor  any  of  thofe  faults  which  he  objedeth  ;  I  rather  fear  that 
he  will  cenfure  it  as  too  complying  with  fuch  an  Adverfary.  But  he  had  not  then 
given  me  fb  much  occafion ,  as  he  hath  done  (ince  ,  to  make  him  loofe  that  plea- 
fure in  reading,  which  he  took  in  writing. 

In  the  next  place  he  prefenteth  to  the  Readers  view  a  large  muf^er  of  terms  and 
phrafes  ,  fuch  as  are  ufcd  in  the  Schools,  which  he  calleth  nonfenfe,  and  the  language 
of  the  Kingdom  cf  darkfiejs,  tint  is  z]l  the  confutation  which  he  vouchfafcth  them. 
He  hath  (erved  them  up  often  enough  before  to  the  Readers  loathing.  Let  him 
take  it  for  a  warning,  whercfccvcr  he  reneweth  his  complaint,  I  (hallmakebold 
to  renew  my  liory  ot  old  Harpalle  ,  who  complained  that  the  room  was  dark,  when 
the  poor  Bedlam  wanted  her  (]ghr.  There  is  more  true  judgement  and  folid  reafon 
insnyonecf  thewcrftcfthole  phrafes  which  he  derides ,  than  there  is  in  one  of 
his  whole  Sections. 

Thirdly  ,  he  cavilleth  againft  a  faying  of  mire,  which  he  repeatcth  thus.  He  hath 

faid 


Discourse  H.  Mr.  Hob's  Ammadzierjions.  85  r- 

fa'id  that  bis  opituo.t  u  demimjirable  in  n-jfon^^  though  he  be  not  abls  to  c>mp7ehe;!d  how  ~ 

It  confijietb  together  vrith  Gidi  eternal prejcience  ;  and  though  it  exceed  his  roeak^cabacity 
yet  he  ought  to  adhere  to  that  truth  which  is  manifejh     Whence  he  concludeth  after  this 
manner.     So  to  him  that  truth  is  manifeji  and  demo4\hahk  by  reafm ,  which  is  beyond 
his  capacity.     Let  the  Reader  fee  ,   what  an  uningenuous  Adverfary  he  i=.     In  my 
firft  Difcourfe  of  Liberty  I  had  thefe  words  [  we  ought  not  to  defcrt  a  certain 
truth  ,  bccaufe  we  are  r.ot  able  to  comprehend  the  certain  manner  ]   To  which  he' 
anfvvcreth  ,  Jnd  J  fay  the  fame.     In  my  defence  I  repeat  the  fame  words  ,  adding 
thefe,  [Such  a  truth  is  that,  which  I  maintain  ,  That  the  will  of  man  in  ordinary  ' 
actions,  is  tree  from  extrinfecal  determination.     A  truth  demonftrable  by  reafon 
received  and  believed  by  all  the  World.     And   therefore  though  I  be  not  able  to 
comprehend,   or  exprcfs  exadly ,  the  certain   manner  how  it  confiHs  with  Gods 
eternal  prefcience  and  decrees,  which  exceed  my  weak  capacity,  yet  I  ought  to 


pacity.  Thirdly  ,  he  ieaveih  out  the  word  [  exaftly.  ]  A  man  may  comprehend 
truly  that ,  which  he  doth  not  comprehend  exadlly.  fourthly ,  he  omitteth  frau- 
dulently thefe  words  [  the  certain  manner,  ]  A  truth  may  be  certain  and  demon- 
ftrable,  and  yet  the  manner  of  it  not  demonftrable  v  or  a  man  may  know  feveral 
ways  of  reconciling  two  truths  together  ,  and  yet  fluduate  in  his  judgment ,  to 
which  of  them  certainly  and  exprelly  he  ought  to  adhere.  It  is  certain,  that  by 
the  force  of  a  mans  arm  a  fcone  is  thrown  upwards  V  and  yet  the  certain  manner 
how  to  reconcile  this  with  another  truth.  That  tphatfiever  acieth  upon  another  body 
aUeth  by  a  touching ,  is  not  fo  eafily  found  out.  The  Incarnation  of  Chrifc  is  cer- 
tain ,  yet  the  certain  manner  palTeth  both  my  capacity  and  his.  Lafcly ,  I  do  not 
fay  (  as  he  fuggcfreth, )  that  that  truth  which  is  demonftrable  by  reafon,  paflTcth 
my  capacity,  but  the  certain  and  exadt  manner  how  to  reconcile  this  truth  with 
another  truth.  Yet  there  are  fundry  ways  of  reconciling  of  them  •,  and  I  have  fhe  w- 
cd  him  one  in  the  fame  Seftion  ,  which  he  is  not  able  to  refute.  See  how  his  di- 
fcourfe hangs  together  like  ropes  of  fand.  The  prefcience  and  decrees  of  God , 
pafs  the  capacity  of  mortal  man  i  therefore  the  Liberty  of  the  Will  is  not  demon- 
ftrable by  reafon. 

From  the  hard  words  and  mn-fenfe  of  the  Schools,  he  paffetii  to  my  little  Ligick 
and itj  Thilofophy.  It  skilleth  not  much  what  he  faith,  unlefs  he  were  a  greater 
Clerk.  He  hath  pafTed  over  a  great  part  of  my  Defence  untouched  •,  but  I  have  not 
omitted  one  fcr.tence  throughout  his  Animadverfions ,  wherein  I  could  rind  any 
one  grain  of  reafon.  And  among  the  reft  ,  have  fatished  his  filly  cenfures,  or  igno- 
rant exceptions,  in  their  proper  places,  and  the  fplinters  of  thole  broken  reeds  itick 
in  his  own  fingers. 

Before  he  concludes  ,  hedraweth  up  a  Summary  of  what  he  and  I  have  main- 
tained ,  very  confufedly  ,  moit  imperfeflly  ,  and  in  part  falfly.  Methinks  it  rcfem- 
bleth  that  unskilful  Painter  ,  who  durfc  not  leave  his  Picftures  to  the  free  judgment 
of  the  Beholders,  unlefs  he  writ  over  their  heads.  This  is  a  Dog,  and  this  is  a 
Beari  we  had  fuch  a  Summary  or  draught  of  the  Controverfie  in  his  Fountains  of 
Arguments,  before  his  Animadverfions,  as  a  Proeme.  And  now  we  have  fuch 
another  Breviate  in  the  conclufiou  ,  by  way  of  Epilogue  ,  after  his  Animadverfi- 
on-.  He  is  very  diffident  of  his  caufe,  who  ftandeth  in  need  of  fuch  Proems  and 
Epilogues, and  dare  not  truft  the  indifferent  Reader  to  choo(e  his  own  diet,  unlefs 
lit  dotirll  chop  it  and  chew  it  for  him  ,  and  then  thrult  it  down  his  throat.  The 
lait  word  may  be  efficacious  with  an  ignorant  multitude  ,  who  are  like  a  Ship  at 
Hulle  ,  every  wave  puts  it  into  a  new  poHture.  But  more  accurate  palates  do  nau- 
(eate  and  loath  fuch  thrice-fodden  coleworts.  I  leave  the  Reader  to  compare  Pica 
with  plea,  and  proof  with  proofs  and  let  truth  overcome. 

Thus  he  concludeth  with  a  fliort  Apology  ,  left  the  Reader  (hnuld  think,  that  he 
hath  not  ufed  me  with  thit  rejpeci  which  he  ought ,  or  might  have  done  ,  without  difad- 
vantage  to  his  caufe.  His  oiiely  reafon  is  ,  becaufe  divers  in  their  Books  aud  Sermrns^ 
without  anfwering  any  of  his  Arguments ,  have  exclaimed  againft  him  ,  and  reviled  him 

K  k  k  k  k  2  j,r 


"556  ~  Cajiigations  of  T  O M  E  1 1 1. 


for  fome  things  delivered  by  him  in  his  BookJDe  Give.  What  doth  tliis  concern  me  > 
No  more  than  the  man  in  the  Moon.  Yes  he  faith,  whereof  the  Bijhof  ofDexx-^is 
one.  Moft  falfly.  I  never  preached  againft  him,  nor  writ  againft  his  Book  De  Gi- 
ve but  privately  to  himfelf,  and  then  with  more  refpcd  than  either  he  oritdcfer- 
ved.  But  his  meaning  was  not  by  this  Apology  ,  to  make  me  any  reparation,  but 
to  deterrc  others  from  medling  with  him,  left  he  (hould  make  examples  of  them,  as 
he  boafteth  he  hath  done  of  me.  Beware  Reader,  he  heareth  hay  on  his  horn.  If  he 
have  gained  any  thing  by  his  difrelped ,  much  good  may  it  do  him.  I  do  not  en- 
vy him.  Let  the  Reader  judge.  And  if  he  have  any  fpark  of  ingenuity  left  in 
him ,  let  himfelf  judge,  whether  he  hath  made  an  example  of  me  or  of  himfelf.  Or 
if  he  like  it  better ,  let  him  thruft  his  Head  into  a  Bu(h,  and  fuppofe  that  no  Body 
feeth  his  errours ,  becaufe  he  is  not  willing  to  take  notice  of  them  himfelf^ 


DIS- 


TOME  iir 

DISCOURSE  in. 


THE 


CATCHING 

O    F 

LEVIATHAN: 

OR,   THE 

Great  Whale. 

Dcmonftrating  out  cf  Mr.  Hobbf  his  own  Works,  That  ro 
man  who  is  througly  an  Hobbifi,  can  be  a  good  Chriftian,  or  a  good 
Gommonwealths-man  ,  or  reconcile  himfelf  to  himfelf. 

Becaufe  his  Principles  are  not  onely  Jeftru^^ive  to  all  Reli* 
gioHjbut  to  all  Societies  j  extinguilbing  the  Relation  between  Prince 
and  Subjeft ,  Parent  and  Child ,  Nlafter  and  Servant ,  Hufband 
and  Wife  :  and  abound  with  palpable  contradi(^ions. 


By    JOHN  BRAMHALL  D.  D.  and  Bifliop 

of    D  E  R  R  Y» 


Prov.  12.  ip. 
^e  lip  of  Truth  (hall  be  eftablijhed  for  ever,  but  a  lying  tongue  is  but  for  a  moment. 


DUBLIN, 
Vrinttdin  the  Year  M.  DC-  LXXVI. 


Discourse    II.  85p 


To  the  Cljriftian  READER. 

CHriftian  Reader,  this  (hort  Treatife  was  not  intended ,  or  fcnt  to  thePrefs , 
as  a  compleat  refutation  of  all  Mr.  Habs  his  errours  in  Theology  and  Poli- 
cy: but  onely  as  an  Appendix  to  my  Ca(ligationi  of  his  Animadverfiots ^  to 
!et  him  fee  the  vanity  of  his  petulant  feoffs  and  empty  brags ,  and  how  open  he  doth 
lye  to  the  La{h  ,  whenfoever  any  one  will  vouchafe  to  take  him  in  hand  xo  purpofe. 
But  fome  of  my  Good  Friends  have  prevailed  with  me  to  alter  my  defign,  and 
to  make  this  fmall  Treatife  independent  upon  the  other.  He  who  claflieth  ordina- 
rily with  all  the  Churches  in  the  World  ,  about  the  common  Principles  of  Religion; 
He  who  fwervcth  fo  often  ,  fo  affededly ,  from  the  approved  rules ,  and  iiealdi'ul 
conliitutions  of  all  orderly  Commonwealths :  He  who  doth  not  onely  dilturb  ,  but 
dertroy  all  human  fociety  ,  and  all  relations  between  man  and  man  :  He  who  can- 
not preferve  unity  with  himfelf ,  but  ever  and  and  anon  is  interfering  ,  and  tripping 
up  his  own  heels  by  his  contradictions ,  needeth  no  juft  confutation  ,  or  lingle ,  or 
other  Adverfary  ,  than  God,  and  himfelf,    and  all  mankind. 

If  he  did  ground  his  opinions  upon  any  other  authority  than  his  own  dreams  •,  If 
he  did  interpret  Scripture  according  to  the  perpetual  tradition  of  the  Catholick 
Church,  and  not  according  to  his  private  diftempered  phantafies  :  If  his  difcourfe 
were  as  fall  of  deep  reafons,  as  it  is  of  fupercilious  confidence ,  fo  that  a  man 
might  gain  either  knowledge  ot  reputation  by  him  i  a  great  volume  would  be  well 
beftowed  upon  him  ,  Vigna  res  ej]et  ubi  quis  nervos  intenderet  fuos.  But  to  what 
purpofe  is  it  to  draw  the  coard  of  contention  with  fuch  a  man  ,  in  fuch  a  caufe, 
where  it  is  impiety  to  doubt ,  much  more  to  difpute  ? 

^dd  cum  illis  agar,  qui  neque  jus  ,  neque  bonum  aut  xqitum  fciunt  ? 
Melius  peps ,  profit,  obfit,  nihil  vident,  nifx  quod  luhet. 
For  mine  own  part  ,  as  long  as  God  (hall  furnifh  me  with  ability  and  opportuni- 
ty ,  I  will  endeavour  to  beftow  my  vacant  hours  upon  a  better  Subjed:  ,  conducing 
more  to  the  advancement  of  primitive  Piety,  and  the  re-union  of  Chriftendom,  by 
difabufing  thehood-winked  World,  then  this.  (  Thisdoth  tend  to  the  increafe  of  A- 
theifm  and  deftrudion  of  ancient  truth  )un!efs  the  importunity  ofT.  H.  or  fome  other 
divert  me  to  look  to  my  own  defence.  I  defire  thy  Chriftian  Prayers,  that  God  who 
hath  put  this  good  delire  into  my  mind  ,  by  his  preventing  Grace,  will  help  me  by 
his  allifling  Grace  ,  to  briiu''  ihe  fame  to  good  effed. 

'^The      P  KEF  ACE. 

Hitherto  I   have  made  ttfe  onely  of  a  Buckler  to  guard  my  felf  frnm  Mr.  Hobs  his 
ajfjults.     WJjat  pjffed  between  him  and  me  in  private  had  been  buried  in  perpe- 
tual filence  ,  if  his  flattering  Vifciples  (  not  rvithout  his  nrvn  fault,   rohether 
it  rvere  connivance  or  neglect  is  not  material  to  me  )  had  not  publijhed  it  to  the  World  to 
my  prejudice  :   and  nope  having  carved  out  mine  own  fatisfaUion  ,  I  thought  to  have  defi- 
jied  here  ,  as  not  ejleeming  him  to  be  a  fit  Adverfary,  who  denieth  all  common  prihciplesjbut 
rather  tobe  lih^  apillaroffmoak^breakjngout  of  the  top  of  fome  narrorv  chimney  ,&fpreading 
it  felf  abroad  lih^  a  cloud,  as  if  it  threatned  to  tak^  p.ijfejjion  of  the  rvhole  Region  of  the  air, 
darkc>^i''>g  '^'f"  ikie  &  feeming  to  pierce  the  Heavens.  And  after  all  this,  when  it  hath  offended 
the  eyes  a  little  for  the  prefent,thefir:  r  puffe  of  wind,  or  a  few  minutes,  do  altogether  difperfe  it. 
I  never  nourished  within  my  breajl  the  Icaji  thought  of  anfwering  his  Leviathan  ,  as 
hav  ing  Jeen  a  great  part  of  it  anftvered  before  ever  J  read  it ,  and  having  moreover  receiv-  £),  ^.  Q 
ed  it  from  good  hands ,  ,  that  a  Roman-Cjtfco//c^rrj/  about  it  :    but  being  .bravedby  the  p.  I.  S. 
author    in  Irint ,  as  giving  me  a  title  for  my  anjwer  ,    Behemoth  againft  Leviathan. 
And  at  other  times  being  fo  folicitnus  for  me  what  I  would  fay  to  fuch  a  pafTage  in  my 
anfwer  to  his  Leviathan  ,  imagining  his  filly  cavils  to  be  irrefragable  demonllratims  \  t 
mil  take  the  Liberty  (  by  his  good  leave  )  to  threw  on  two  or  three  fpade fulls  of  earth  ,  Qu.  p.  20. 
towards    the  final  interrement  of  his  pernicious  principles  and    other  mufhrome    fr- ibid.  p.  340. 
TOUTS.     And,  truly,   when   I  ponder  ferioujiy  the  horrid  confequences  of  them  ,  J  do  not 
voonder  fo  much  at  his  mUtaken  exception  to  my  civil  form  of  valediUion  ,  \_  So  God  ble(s 
us  ~\  mifcalling  it  A  buffonly  abuling  of  the  Name  of  God  to  calumny.    He  conceived 
me  amiji ,  that  becaufe  in  times  lejifcrupuhm  and  more  confcientious  ^  men  nfedtobhf!' 
themfelves  after  this  form  at  the  naming  of  the  Devil  \  therefore  J  did  intend  it  as  a  Fray-  Qu.  p.  20. 


er 


I 

1 


g  The    Catching TOMEIlI' 

-Zj:,!,^  deliverance  of  all  good  Chrijiians  from  him ,  and  bis  bljfphemom  opnions. 

J  do  believe  there  never  rvjs  any  Author  Sacred  or  Frophane,  Ancient  tr  Modern^  Chrj- 
fliMt  Jew  ,  MahimetJii ,  or  Fagan  ,  that  hath  inveighed fo  frequently  and  Jo  bitterly  a- 
Qain\\aU  fai'ned  phantafms  ,  with  their  firji  devijers ,  maintainers  ^  and  receiver s  , 
as  T.  H.  hath  done  ,  excluding  nut  of  the  nature  cf  things  the  Souls  of  men  ,  Angels^  De- 
vils andaViticorforealfuhjiances,  as  fidions,  phantafms ^  andgroundhjs  contradiUions. 
Many  men  fear  the  meaning  of  it  is  not  good,  that  God  himfelfmufi  be  gone  for  Company^  oi 
being  an  incorpireal  fubjiance  ,  except  men  will  vouchafe  by  God  to  underjiand  nature.  So 
much  T.  H  himfelf  feemeth  to  intimate.  This  concourfc  of  caufes  ,  whereof  every 
one  is  determined  to  be  fuch  as  itis  by  a  Hke  concourfe  of  former  caufts,  may  well 
be  called  (  in  refpedl  they  were  all  fet  and  ordeitd  by  the  eternal  caufe  of  all  things, 
God  Almighty)  the  decree  of  God.  If  Gods  eternal  Decree  be  nothing  elfe  but  the 
Qv.  p.  Sc.  ^gyj^ojtYJe  of  all  natural  caufes  ,  then  Almighty  God  is  nothing  elfe  hut  nature.  And  if 
there  be  no  fpirits  or  incorporeal  fubftances  ,  he  muji  be  either  nature  or  nothing.  T.  H._ 
defieth  the  Schools ,  and  therefore  he  k^orveth  no  difference  between  immanent  ,  and  ema- 
nant  or  tranfent  aBions  ,  but  confmndeih  the  eternal  Decrees  of  Cod  before  all  time  ,  with 
the  execution  of  them  in  time  ,  which  had  been  a  foul  fault  in  a  Schoolman. 

And  yet  his  Leviathan  ,  sr  mortal  Cod,  is  a  meet  phantafm  of  his  own'  devifng^  neither 

fiejh  norfjh  ,  but  aconfufwn  of  a  man  and  a  whale  ^  engendered  in  his  own  brain  :  not 

unliki  Dagon  the  Idol  of  the  Fhilifiims  ,  a  mixture  of  a  Cod  and  a  man  and  a  fp.     The 

Leviathan  a  true   literal   Leviathan  is  the  whale-fifh  ,  Canft   thou   draw  out    Leviathan   with 

mcer  phan-  an  hook?    whom  God  hath  made  to  take  his  paftime  in  the  great  and  wide  (ea. 

tafm.  And  for  a  Metaphorical  Leviathan^  J  know  none  fo  prefer  to  perfonate  that  huge    body 

Job.  41.  I.    asT.  ^'himfelf.     "The  Leviathan^  doth  not  taki  h'n  paliime  in  *f'^  deep  with  fo  much 

Pfal.iC4  2^  freedom ,  nor  behave  himfelf  with  fo  much  height  and  infoknce^  as  T.  H.  doth  in  the  Schools 

T.U.  The     tior  domineer  over  the  lefjer  fifljes  with  Jo  much  fcorn  and  contempt ,  as  he  doth  over  allo- 

trueLevia-  ther   authors --,  cenfuring,  brandings  contemning  ,  profcribing  whatfoever  is  contrary  to 

han.  his  humor  ;  bujlling  and  bearing  down  before  him     whatfoever  cometh   in  his  way, 

creating      truth    and  faljhood    hy  the    breath  of  his  mouth ,  by  his  fole  authority 

without  other  reafon  i   A  fecond  Vythagoras  at  leajl.     "fhefe  have  been  felf  conceited  perfons 

in  all  Ages,  but  none  that   could  ever  King  it  lik^  him  over  all  the  Children  of  pride. 

Ruit,   agit,  rapit,  tundit  6c  pofternit. 

Tet  if  not  his  Leviathan  fuch  an  abfolute  Sovereign  of  the  fea  as  he  imagineth.  God 
hath  cholen  the  weak  things  of  this  World  to  confound  the  mighty,  "the  little  moufe 
jiealeth  uf  throng  the  Elephants  trunkjo  eat  his  brains,  mailing  him  dye  defperately  mad. 
The  Indian  rat  creepeth  into  the  billy  of  the  gaping  Crocodile ,  and  gnaweth  his  bowels  gf- 
funder.  The  Great  Leviathan  hath  his  Adverfuries  i  the  Sword-fifh  which  piercetb  his 
belly  beneath  ,  and  the  thrajher-fip ,  which  beateth  his  head  above:  and  whenfoever  thefe 
two  unite  their  forces  together  aq^ainfi  him  ,  they  dejlroy  him.  But  this  is  the  leajl  part 
of  his  Leviathans  fufferings.  Our  Greenland  ffhers  have  faund  out  a  new  art  to  draw 
him  out  of  his  Cajile ,  thatis,ihe  deep,  though  not  with  afiJ^J-hook^,  yet  with  their  harping 
irons  ,  and  by  giving  him  line  and  f pace  enough  to  bounce  and  tumble  up  and  down ,  and 
tire  himfelf  right  out,  and  try  all  his  Arts,  asjpouting  up  afea  of  water  out  of  his  mouth 
to  drown  them  ,  an  d  jhikjng  at  their  Shallops  with  his  tail  to  overwhelm  them :  at  lafl  to. 
draw  this  formidable  creature  to  the fhnre  ,  or  to  their  ^ip  ,  andflice  him  inpieces,  and 
boil  him  in  a  Cauldron  ,  and  tun  htm  up  in  Oil. 

J  have  provided  three  good  harping-irons  for  my  felf  to  dart  at  this  Monfier  ,  and  amre- 
folvedto  try  my  skill  and  fortune,  whether  lean  be  as  Juccejleful  againji  this  phantafiick^Le- 
viathan  ,  as   they  are  againii  the  true  Leviathan, 

My  frjldart  U  aimed  at  his  heart ,  or  Theological  part  of  his  dijcourfe,  to  fliew  that  hii 
principles  are  not  cjnfjient  either  with  Chriflianity^  or  my  other  Religiivi. 

The  Second  dart  is  aimed  at  the  chine,  whereby  thisvaji  body  is  united  and  fitted  for  ani- 
mal motion,  that  is,  thepolitical  partof  his  difcourfe'-,  tojhcw  that  his  principles  are  pernici- 
cus  to  all  forms  ofGovernment^and  aVfocieties,  and  dejlroy  allrebtions  between  man&  man. 
The  third  dart  is  aimed  at  his  head  or  rational  part  of  his  difcourje  ,  tofliew  that  his 
principles  areinconfijient  with  themfehes,  and  contradiB  one  another.  Let  him  tak^  heed, 
if  thefe  three  darts  do  pierce  his  Leviathan  home ,  it  is  not  all  the  Dittany  which  groweth 
in  Greet  that  can  mak^  them  drop  eafily  out  of  his  body,  without  the  utter  overthrow  of  hit  caufc. 
■    ■  ■        -hxrebit  lateri  lethalis arundo. 

CAP. 


87  r 


T  O  M  E    III 

DISCOURSE  III 


o 


CAP.   I. 

That  the  Hobbian  Frinriples  ,  ire  VilhuCtive  to  Chrllianity  and  all  Religion. 


r  &■ 


He  Image  ofGod  is  not  altogether  defaced  by  the  fall  of  man  but  that  r.        ,;^^  * 
j    there   vvill  remain  fomc  praftical  notions  of  God&  Goodnefsi  which     '"" 
3t^!    when  the  mind  is  free  from  vagrant  dcfircs,  and  violent  paiiions  do  (^'i^^'^"  ""d 
Oiine  as  clearly  in  the  heart ,  as  other  fpcculative  notions  do  in  the '^_^'"^'^  °f 
head.     Hence  it  is  ,   that  there  never  was  any  Nation  fo  barljarous  or  ^'"^' 
favage  throughout  the  Whole  World  ,  which  had  not  their  God.     They  who  did 
never  wear  cloaths  upon  their  backs  ,    who  did  never  know  Magiftrate,  but  their 
father,  yet  have  their  God,  and  their  Religious  rites  and  devotions  to  him.  Hence 
it  is  ,  that  the  greateft  Atheirts  in  any  fuddain  danger  do  unwittingly  cafl  their  eyes 
up  to  Heaven  ,  as  craving  aid  from  thence ,  and  in  a  Thunder  creep  into  fome  hole 
to  hide  themfclves.  And  they  who  arc  confcious  to  themfelvcs  of  any  fecret  crimes 
though  they  be  fecure  enough  from  the  juftice  of  men ,  do  yet  feel  the  blind  blows 
of  a  Guilty  confciencc,  and  fear  divine  vengeance.     This  is  acknowledged  by  T.H. 
himfelfin  his  lucid  interval-.     That  tve  may  k^ow  what  tvorjhif  of  God  tiaturaUreafon 
doth  ajjigft ,  let  us  begin  with  his  attributes  ,    where  it  is  manifeft  in  the  fir  ft  f  lace  ■■,  That  ^''^^^•J'^'¥- 
exijiency  U  to  be  attributed  to  him.     To  which  he  addeth  infinitenefs,  incomprehe>tfibi- 
lity^  unity  ^  ubiquity.     Thus  for  attributes  ,  next  for  anions.     Concerning  external 
anions  ,   wherewith  God  is  to  be  worjhipped ,  the  moji  general  precept  ofreafon  is  ,  that 
they  be  figns  of  honour  ^  under  which  are  contained  Prayers,  Thanksgivings,  Obla- 
tions ,   and  Sacrifices.     Yet  to  let  us  fee  how  inconfiftent  and  irreconcilable  he  is 
with  himfelf  i  elfewhere  reckoning  up  all  the  Laws  of  Nature  at  large,  even  twen-  'T  Una  friend 
ty  in  number,  he  hath  not  one  word  that  concerneth  Religion ,  or  that  hath  the  ^g  religion, 
leaft  relation  in  the  World  to  God.   As  ifa  man  were  like  the  colt  of  a  Wild  Afs  in 
the  Wildernefs  without  any  owner  cr  obligation.     Thus  in  defcribing  the  Laws  of 
Nature ,  this  Great  Clerk  forgettcth  the  God  of  Nature,  and  the  main  and  princi- 
pal Laws  of  Nature,  which  contain  a  tnans  duty  to  his  God  ,  and  the  principal 
end  of  his  creation.     Perhaps  he  will  fay  that  he  handleth  the  Laws  of  Nature 
there,  onely  fo  far  as  may  ferve  to  the  conllitution  offettlement  ofa  CommonweaUh 
In  good  time ,  let  it  be  fo.     He  hath  devifed  us  a  trim   Commonwealth,    which 
is  neither  founded   upon   Religion  towards  God,    nor  juftice  towards  man ,   but 
meerly  upon  (elf  interefl ,  and  felf  prefer'jation.     Thofe  raies   of  Heavenly  Light , 
thofe  Natural  feeds  of  Religion ,   which  God  himfelf  hath  imprinted  in  the  heart  of 
man  ,  are  more  efficacious  towards  the  prefervation  of  a  Society  ■■,  whether  we  re- 
gard the  Nature  of  the  thing  ,  or  the  Bleliing  of  God  ,  then  all  his  pads ,  and  fur- 
renders  ,  and  tranfJations  of  power.     He  who  unteacheth  men  their  duty  to  God,  may 
make  them  eye-fervants ,    fo  long  as  their  interefl  doth  oblige  them  to  obey ,  but  is 
no  fit  mafter  to  teach  men  confcicnce  and  fidelity. 

Without  Religion  ,  Societies  are  but  like  foapy  bubbles,  quickly  difTolved.     It 
was  the  judgment  of  as  wife  a  man  asT.  H.  himfelf,  (  though  perhaps  he  will  hard- 
ly be  perfwaded  to  it )  that  Kome  ought  more  of  its  grandeur  to  Religion  ,  than  ei-  cjcfjjr. 
ther  to  ftrength  or  Ihatagems.     fP^e  have  net  exceeded  the  Spaniards  in  number  ,  nor  -^ffpgyir' 
the  GaVes  injirength  ,  nor  the  Carthaginians  in  Craft ,  nor  the  Grecians  in  Art ,   6cc.  g^^f  j,,p 
but  we  have  overcome  all  Nations  by  our  Tiety  and  Religion,  Qf^j 

Among  his  Laws  he  inferteth  gratitude  to  man  as  the  third  precept  of  the  Law  of  ^  j.  ,    r^ 
Nature,  but  of  the  gratitude  of  mankind  to  their  Creator ,  there  is  a  deep  filence. 
If  men  had  fprung  up  from  the  earth  in  a  Night  like  mufliromes  or  excrefcencicsi 
without  all  fenfe  of  honour ,  juftice  ,  confcience  ,  or  gratitude  he  could  not  hav« 
vilified  the  human  nature  more  than  he  doth. 

From  this  (hatneful  omiflion  or  preterition  of  the  main  duty  of  mankind  ,  a  man 

L  n  1 1  might 


Ci'l 


Ihf  CatchiyjS!  TOME  II  L 

might  eallly  take  the  height  of  7'.  K  his  Religion.  But  he  himfelf  putteth  it  paft  all 
conicdiircs.  His  principles  are  brim  ful  of  prodigious  impiety.  In  tbcfefour  things^ 
o'^iHJMS  of  Gbojis  ,  ignarance  of  fecorid  caufis  ,  devotion  to  Tvbat  men  fear ^  and  taking  of 
thvm  cjfiial  for  Prugnoiikkj  ,  confifieth  the  natural  jeed  of  Religion  ■>  the  culture  and 
improvement  vvhereot ,  he  rcfcrrcth  only  to  policy.  Human  and  Divine  politicks  arc 
Cic.i6.f.i.  but  politicks.  And  again  ,  Mankind  hath  this  from  the  confcience  of  their  otpn  vneahc 
„^R  and  the  admiration  of  natural  events  ,  that  the  moji  part  of  men  believe  that  there  U 
an  inviftble  Cod^  the  mali^r  of  all  vifible  things.  And  a  little  after  lie  telleth  us ,  That 
fuPerftition  proceedeth  from  fear  mtboitt  right  reafon,  and  Atheifm  from  an  opinion  ofrea- 
foH  ,  without  fear ,  making  Atheifm  to  be  more  reafonable  than  fuperftition.  What 
is  now  become  of  that  divine  VVorfliip  which  Natural  reafon  did  allign  unto  God,  the 
honour  of  exifteuce,  infinitenefs,  incomprehenfibility  ^  unity,  ubiquity  ?  What  is  now 
become  of  that  didtate  or  precept  of  reafon  -,  concerning  Prayers,  thank^sgivings,  obla- 
tions, lacrifices  >  if  uncertain  opinions,  ignorance,  fear,  miflakes,  the  confciercc  of 
our  own  weaknefs,  and  the  admiration  of  natural  events  be  the  onely  feeds  of  Reli- 
gion. 

He  proceedeth  farther ,  Tiiat  Atheifm  it  felf,  though  it  b'e  an  erroneous  opinion,  and 
V      feth        thenfore  a  fin  ,  yet  it  ought  to  be  numbred  among  the  fws  of  imprudence  or  ignorance.  He 
Atl    One       addeth,tirdt  an  Atheiji  itpuniffied  not  as  a  Suh\eU  is  punijhed  by  his  Kiog^becauje  he  did 
C       a.  r*i9.  ""'  obferve  haves  :  but  as  an  enemy  by  an  enemy ,  becaufe  he  would  not  accept  hates.  His 
reafon  is  ,  becaufe  the  Atheiji  never  fubmitted  his  roiH  to  the  veiU  of  Cod ,  tvhom  he  ne- 
C    !■;  fiv.    ^^''  '^""g'-"  *"  ^^-     "'^"'^  ^^  concludcth  that  mans  obligation  to  obey  God  ,  proceed- 
eth from  his  weaknefs.     Manifejium  eji  obligationem  ad  prejiandum  ipft  (Veo  )  obedien- 
tiam  ,  incumbere  hominibw  propter  imbecilitatem.     Firlt  it  is  impoflible  that  (hould  be- 
a  fin  of  meer  ignorance  or  imprudence,  which  is  diredy  contrary  to  the  light  of 
natural  reafon.     The  Laws  of  nature  need  no  new  promulgation,  being  imprinted 
^u.p,i^'J.     naturally  by  God  in  the  heart  of  man.     J'he  haw  of  nature  was  written  in  our  hearts 
by  the  Finger  of  God  ,  reithout  out  ajfent ;  or  rather  the  lan>  of  nature  is  the  affent  it  felfe. 
Then  it  Nature  di6tatc  to  us  that  there  is  a  God  ,  and  that  this  God  is  to  be  Wor- 
fliipped  in  fuch  and  fuch  mariner ,  it  is  not  poffiblc  that  Atheifm  (hould  be  a  fin  of 
meer  ignorance. 

Secondly ,  a  Rebellious  Subjed:  isftill  a  Subjc<5t ,  de  jure,  though  not ,  defaSo  , 
by  right ,  though  not  by  deed  :  and  fo  the  moft  curfed  Atheift  that  is ,  ought  by 
right  to  be  the  Subje<ft  of  God  ,  and  ought  to  be  puniflied  not  as  a  juft  enemy  ,  but 
as  a  difloyal  Traytor.  Which  is  confeiTed  by  himfelf,  'this  fourth  fin  (  that  is,  of 
thofe  who  do  not  by  word  and  deed  confefs  one  God  the  -Supreme  King  of  Kings  ) 
Ci.c.  I'yfiP'  i'^  ''•'^  natural  Kingdom  of  Cod  U  the  crime  of  high  treafon  ,  for  it  is  a  denyal  of  divine 
power  ,  or  Atheifm.  Then  an  Atheift  is  a  Traytor  to  God  ,  and  puni(hable  as  adi- 
to  be  floyal  Subje(ft  ,  not  as  an  enemy. 

Laftly,  It  is  an  abfurd  and   diflionourable  aflertion ,  to  make  our  obedience  to 

God  to  depend  upon  our  weaknefs  ,  becaufe  we  cannot  help  it ,  and  not  upon  our 

iCor.d.J .      gratitude,  becaufe   we  owe  our  being  and  prelervation  to  him.     iFho  planteth  a  I  at 

vineyard^and  eateth  not  of  the  fruit  thereof ?0r  who  feedeth  a  flock,  and  eateth  not  ofthemill{^l  qu 

R«v.4i  I .      of  the  Flockfhnd  again,  Ihou  art  Wonky  0  hord  to  receive  Clory  ,&  honour  and  powtr,]  k 

j  or  thou  hafi  created  a\i  things ,  and  for  thy  pleafure  they  are  and  were  created.     But  it  I 

were  much  better  (  or  at  leaft  not  fb  ill  )  to  be  a  downright  Atheift ,  than  to  makcj  fell 

God  to  be  fuch'  a  thing  as  he  doth  ,  and  at  laft  thruft  him  into  the  Devils    Office  te 

the  caufe  of  all  fin.  ,  k\\ 

For  T.H.his  God  is  not  the  God  of  Chriftians,  nor  of  any  rational  men.     Ouij  rte 

Veiiroyes        q^ j  j^  every  where ,  and  feeing  he  hath  no  parts ,  he  muft  be  wholly  here  ,  andi  k'\\ 

^'"^''?"'' wholy  there  ,   and  wholy  every  where.     So  nature  it  felfdiftateth.     It  cannot  h 

y*  faid  honourably  of  Cod  that  he  it  in  a  place  ,  for  nothing  is  in  a  place;  but  that  whitti 

C      <;  rij.    '•""^'  F''F^^  bounds  of  its  greatnefl.     But  T.  H.  his  God  is  not  wholly  every  where.  N' 

■'        man  can  conceive  that  any  thing  u  all  in  this  place,  and  allin  another  place  at  the  fame  timi  timi, 

he.p.i  I .        /"'■  Kw-'f  of  ihefe  things  ever  have  or  can  be  incident  tofenfe.     So  far  well ,  if  by  conceivil  corpo, 

iog  he  mean  comprehending  i  but  then  follows  ,  That  thefe  are  abfurd fpeeches  tak{:'Ani 

upon  credit,  without  any  fignificatton  at  aH,  from  deceived  Fhilofophers  ,and  deceived  ci'^^ 

deceiving  School-men.     Thus  he  denycth  the  ubiquity  of  God.     A  circumfcriptiV* •(  i^^,.^ 


Discourse   III.  <?/"  Leviathan  §7^ 

a  definitive   ,  and  a  icplctive  being  in  a  place,    is  fome   heathen    language  to 
him. 

Ojr  God  is  immutable  without  any  fnadovv  of  turning  by  change  ,  to  whom  all 
flings  arc  prefent  ,  nothing  pall  nothing  to  come.  But  T.  H.  his  god  is  mcafured  Hi/  emnhy. 
by  time,  looling  fomcthing  that  is  paft,  and  acquiring  fomething  that  doth  come 
every  minute.  That  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  That  our  God  is  infinite,  and  his 
God  is  finite,  for  unto  that  which  is  adually  infinite,  nothing  can  be  added  neither 
time  nor  parts.  Hear  himielf ,  'N^r  do  J  underhand  rvb at  derogation  it  can  be  to  the  di-  ^i-^^- 
li'ie  perfiCuon  ,  to  attribute  to  ii  potentiality,  thai  U  i/i  E«g///&,  pon>ir ,  (  fo  little 
doth  he  underlland  what  potentiality  is  )  and  fitcaftve  duration. '  And  he  chargeth 
ir  upon  us  as  a  fault  i  that  will  not  have  eternity  to  be  m  endlcffe  juccejfion  of  time 
How  ^fucccfftve  duration  ^  and  an  endkS'e  fucajfion  of  time  in  God  ?  Then  God  is  finite, 
then  God  is  elder  to  day  ,  than  he  was  yelkrday.  Away  with  bafphemies.  Before 
he  detfroytd  the  ubiquity  of  God  ,  and  now  he  deftroyeth  his   eternity. 

Our  God  is  a  perfefl ,  pure,  llmple,  indivifible  ,  infinite  elTence  i  free    from   all  ^^  i''"/'^'' 
coropofition  of  matter  and  form  ,  of  fubftancc  and   accidents.     All  matter  is  finite  "'-^'' 
and  he  who  acfteth  by  his  infinite  cfTence,  needetli  neither  organs,  nor  faculties  nor 
accidents,  to  render  him  more  compleat.     But  7.  H.   his  God  is  a  divifible  God 
a  compounded  God,  that  hath  matter,  and  qualities,or  accidents.     Hear  himfelf^  I 
argue  thu.%lhe divine Jub\tance  u  indivisible  Jbut  eternity  U  the  divine fubftance.  The  Maior 
ii   evident  bee jufe  God }s  ?i&:ixs  fimp\k'd]im\is;  The  minor    it  confejjed  by  all  men    that 
rehatf'cvcr   ii   attributed  to  God,    u  God  ,  Now  liften  to  his  anfwer,  Ibe  Maior  it  Co  far 
from  being  evedient '  that  Ac^us  fimplicillimus  fignifieth  nothing.     The  Minor  U  faid  by  G)    p  ^A-i 
fime  men,  thought  by  no  man  :  rvhatfoever  U  thought  ^ii  undcrftoed.     The  Maior  was  this 
The  divine  fubji Mice  ps  indivifible  Is  this  far  from  being  evident  ?  Either  it  is  indivifible' 
or  divifible.     If  it  be  not  indivifible,  then  it  is  divifible,  then  it  is  materiate  then  it  is 
corporeal,  then  it  hath  parts,  then  it  is  finite  by  his  own  confeffion.     Habere  partes,  Ci.c  1^^.14.  ■> 
aut  ejfe  totum  aliquid,  funt  atributa  finitorum.     Upon  this  filly  conceit , he  chargeth  me      '      "* 
for  faying.  That  God  w  notjul},  butjullice    it  felf  not  eternal ,  but  eternitie  itfelf  which 
he  calleth  unjeemly  words  to  be  faid  of  God.     And  he  thinkcth  he  doth  me  a  great 
courtefie  in  not  adding  blafphemous  and  athei[hcal.     But  his  bolts  arc  fo  foon  fhot  and  ^.p.266. 
his  reafons  are   fuch  vain   imaginatious,  and  fuch  drowfie  phantafies  that    no'  fad 
man  doth  much  regard  them.     Thus  he  hath  already  dellroyed    the  Ubiquity    the 
cternity,andthe  fimplicity  ofGod.     I  wiih  he  had  confidered  better  with  himfelf 
before  he  had  defperately  call  himfelf  upon  thefe  rocks. 

But  faulo  maiora  canamus  ,my  next  charge  is  ,  That  he  defiroyes  the  very  being 
cf  God,  and  leavs  nothing  in  his  place  but  an  empty  name.  For  by  taking  away  ^'^  exijhnce 
all  incorporeal  fubftancc  ,  he  taketh  away  God  himfelf.  The  very  namef  faith  he  ) 
:;f  an  incorporeal  fubltance  is  a  contradiSion.  And  tufay  that  an  Angel  or  Spirit  is  an 
incorporeal  jubjiance,  is  to  fiy  in  efcd  ,  that  there  k  no  Angel  or  Spirit  at  all.  By  the 
fame  reafon  to  fiy  ,  That  God  is  an  incorporeal  fubltance  ,  is  to  fay  there  is  no  God 
atall.  Either  God  is  incorporeal ,  or  he  is  finite  ,andconfirts  of  parts  ,  and  confe-  '^'^^'^" 
q  '  ciy  is  no  God.  This ,  That  there  is  no  incorporeal  fpirit  is  that  main  root  of 
Awi^ifme,  from  which  fo  many  leiTer  branches  aredaily  fprouting  up. 

When  they  have  taken  away  all  incorporeal  fpirits ,  what  do  they  leave  God.hin?- 
fclf  to  be  >  He  who  is  the   fountain  of  all  being  ,  from  whom  and  in  whom  all  crea- 
tures have  their  being,  muft  needs  have  a  real  being  of  his  own.     And  what  real 
being  can  God  have  among  bodies  and  accidents  ?  for  they  have  left  nothing  elfe  in 
the  univerfe.     Then  T.  H.  may    move  the  fame  queliion  of  God,  which  he  did  of 
devils,     I  tvould  gladly   k^totp  in  what  da fis  of  entities,  the  Bijhop  ranl^th  God  ?  In- 
hnite  being  and  participated  beingare  not  of  the  fame  nature.     Yet  to  fpeak  accor-  ^u.i63> 
ding  to  humane  appprehenfion  (  apprehenfion  and  comprchcnfion   differ    much       " 
T.  H.  confefTeth  that  natural  reafon  doth  didate  to  us, that  God  is  infinite,  yet  na- 
tural reafon  cannot  comprehend   die  infinitenefle  of  God)  I  place  him  among  in- 
corporeal fubftanccs  or  fpirits,  bccaufc  he  hath  bcenpleafed  to  place  himfelf  in  that 
rank  ,  God   is  A  fpirit.     Of  which   place  T.    H.    giveili    his  opinion  ,  that  it  7^^'.4'24- 
is  unintelligible,   and   all  ot'ners  of  the  fame  natuie  ,  and  fall  not  under  humane 
UHderjiandi/tg.  Le.p.2o2. 

L  1111  2  jh=Y 


874-  The    Catchin(^  TOME 


They  who  deny  all  incorporeal  (ubdances,  can  underltand  nothing  by  God,buc 
citiicr  nature/not  njtiiram  naturMttem^thzt  is,a  natural  rfa/ author  ofnaturc,but  «jfar- 
natttratam  ,  tliat  is  the  orderly  concourfe  of  natural  caufcs  ,  f  as  T.  H.  feemeth  to  in- 
timate j  or  a  hdion  of  the  brain  without  real  being  ,  chcrithcd  for  advantage  an<3 
politic!?  ends  ,  as  a  profitable  error,  howfoevcr  dignified  with  the  glorious  title  of 
the  etcrnjlcjufes  of  all  things. 
-p.  .  Wc  Iiave  fccn  what  his  principles  are  concerning  the  Deity  ,  they  are  full  as  bad 

.    ^  ^  ,  .  ^* or  worfeconccrning the  Trinity.  Hear  himftlf:  ^/'fr/yw//fcft/,?jf  Mrfprfyf«ffJ,jx  q/}fH 
■•''"    '        as  he  is  reprefeiited.     And  therefore  God  who  has  heen  reprefented^that   ii^ferfortated 
thrice  ^  may  properly  enough  be  f aid  to  he  three  Terfons  ^  though  neither  the  rrord  Terjan 
nor7rinity  be  afcribed  to  him  in  the  Bible.     And  a  litle  after  ,  to  canclude  the  dalfrine  of 
the  Trinity,  as  far  as  can  be  gathered  diredly  from  the  Scripture  ,  is   in  Jttbjiance  this,  tf/at 
the  God  If  ho  kalrvayes  one  and  the  fame  ,  tvas  the  perfon  reprefented  by  Mofes  ,  the  perfon 
reprefented  by  his  Son  incarnate  ,  and  the   perfon  reprefented  by  the  Apojlles.     As  repre- 
fented by  the  Applies  ^  the  holy   fpirit  by  vrbich   they  fpake  is  God'     As  reprefented  by  his 
Son  that  xvas  G(  d  and  Man,  the  Son  is  that  God.     As  reprefented  by,  Mofes,  and  the  high 
Preijis,  the  Father,  that  is  tofay, the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jefus  Chr'iji  is  that  God.     From 
whence  ree  may  gather  the  reafon  rehy  thofe   names ,  Father  ,  Son,  and  Holy  Gho{l  ,  in  the 
fgnification  of  the  Godhead,  are  never  ujed  in  the  OldTeftament.     For   they  are  perfon s, 
that  is  ,  thty  have  their  names  front  reprefenting  ,  which  could  not  he  till  diver fe  men 
had  reprefented  Gods  perfon ,  in  ruling  or  in  direUing  under  him. 

whoisfo  bold  as  blind  Bayard  ?  The  cmbleme  of  a  little  boy  attempting  to  lade 
all  the  water  out  of  the  fea  with  a  Cocckfhell ,  doth  fitT.  B.  as  exadly  as   if  it 
had  been    fhaped  for  him  ,  who   thinketh  to  meafurc  the  profound  and  infcrutable 
myfieries  of  religion  by  his  ownlilly,  (halloxv  conceits.     What  is  now  become  of  the 
great  adorable  myflerie  of  the  blelfed   undivided  Trinity  ?  itisfhrunk  into  nothing 
Upon  his  grounds    there    was  no    Trinity.     And  wc    murt    blot   theft    words 
out  of   our  Creed,    "The    Father  eternal  ,   the  Son  eternal,   the  Holy  Ghoji  eternal. 
And  theft  other  words  out  of  our  B;bles,Lft  us    maks  '"'*«  ''/'f'^   "'"'   image.  Un- 
lefTe  we  mean    that  this  was  a  confulcationof  God  with  MoQs  and  the  Aponies. 
"What  is  now  become  of  the  eternal  generation  of  the  Son  of  God,  if  thisSonfhip 
did  not  begin  until  about  four  thoufand  years  after  the  creation  were  expired.  Upon 
theft  grounds  every  King  hath  as  ntony  perjons  as  there  be  Juftices  of  Peace,  and 
petty  Conftablcs  in  his  kingdom.     Upon  thisaccount  God  almighty  hath  as  many 
perfons  as  there  have  been  Soveraign  Prirces  in  the  World  fince  Adam.     According 
to  this  reckoning  each  oneofus  like  fo   many  Gerions,  may  have  as  many  perjorts  as 
we  pleaft  to  make  procurations.    Such  bold  prefumption  requireth  another  manner 
of  c  )nfatatio;i. 

Concerning  God  the  Son  forgetting  whathehad  faidelftwhere  ,  where  he  calleth 

him  Godand  m^n  ,  zndthe  Son  of  God  incarnate  ,hedoubteth  not  to  fay  thoitthe  word, 

hypifiaticjl  is  canting.     As  if  the  fame  perfon  could  be  both  God   and  man  without  a 

perfonal  ,that  is ,    anhypofiatical    union  of  the  two  natures  of  God  ai?d  man.     He 

Le.2i.  alloweth  every  man  who  is  commanded   by  his  lawful  Sovereign,*^  deny  Chri^  with 

his  tongue  before  mer.     He   depofeth  Chrift  from  his  true  kingly  office  , making  his 

Le.p.2yi.       Iqngdom  not  to  commence  or  begin  bifore  the  day  of  udgement.     And    the  regiment,  where- 

Ci.c.iT  f.'y.d  T^ith  Chrifi  gcverneth  his  faithfulin  this  life,  is  not  properly  a  kjngdom  ,  but  a  pajhral 

rff.ce, or  aright  to  teach.     And  a  little   after  ,Chri\i  had  not  kingly  authority  committed 

to  him  by   his  Father  in  this  World  ,  but  onely    confiliary  and  doCirinal. 

Hetaketh  away  hisPriellly   or  propitiatory  office;  And  although   this  a£i  of  our 

J    f^      Q        redemption  be  not  alwayes  in  Scripture  caled  a  Sacrifice  and   oblation  ,  but  fometimes  a 

*^*  ^    *      price  ,  yet  by  price  we  are  not  to  urderfiand  any  thing  ,  by  the   value  whereof  he  could 

claim  right  to  a  pardon  for  mfrom  his  rffended father ,  but  that  price  which  God  the  Father 

wasplcafedinmercyto  demand.  And  again,  Net  that  the  death  of  one  man,  though  with- 

L.fp.261        out  fnt  ,can  fatiifie  fonhe  iffence  (f  all   men  in  the  rigour  of  juliice  ,  but  in  the  mercy  of 

God  that  ordained  fuch  Sacrifice  for  f,n  as  hewas  pleaftdinmercyto  accept.  He  krowethno 

diiftrcnce  between  one  who  is  meer  man,  and  one  who  was  both  God  and  man, 

between  a  Lcvitical  Sacrihce  and  the  allfufficient  Sacrifice  of theCiofft, between  the 

the  Blood  of  a  Calf,  and  the  precious  Blocd  of  the  Son  of  God. 

And 


1 


Pis^couRSE  1 1  I. of    Leviathan  g^T 

And  touching  the  prophetical  OtKce  of  Chrilt  ,1    do  much  doubt  whether  he  do 
believe  in  carnelt ,  that  there  is  any  fuch  thing   as  prophecy  in  the  World.     He 
makcth  very  little  difference  between  a   Prophet  znd  a  nt adman  ^  and  a    demwiack^^ 
And  if  there  rvere  nothing  elfe  (  faith  lie)   that  hervruyedthdr  mjdntjje,  yet  that  very  ar-  Le.p.^d. 
rggatingfuch  infptration  to    themfelves  ^  if  argument  enough.      He  makcth  the  pretence 
ofinfpiration  in  any  inan  to  be  ,  and  alvvayes  to  have  been  ,  an  opinion  pernicious  to 
peace,  and  tending  to  the  dijfolution  of  all  civil goverment.  He  fubjedteth  all  Prophetical 
Revelations  fronn  God,  to  the  fole  pleafure  and  ccnfure  of  the  Soveraign  Prince     ^^•T''^^9' 
either  to  authorize  them,  or  toexaudtorate  them.     So  as  twoProphets  prophtfyins 
the  fame  thing  at  the   fame  time,  in  the  dominions  of  two  dilfcrent  Princes    the 
one  (hall  be  a  true  Prophet,the  other  a  talfe.     And  Chrift  who  had  the  approbnion   r 
of  no  Soveraign  Prince  ,  upon  his  grounds  ,  was  to  be  reputed  a  falfe  Frophat  every     ^'f'^^^' 
where  .     Every  man  therefore  ought  to  confider  who  U  the  Soveraign  Prophet ,  that  U  to  jay 
roho  it  is^  that  U  Gods  Vicegerent  upon  earthy  and  hath  next   under  God  the  authority     of 
governing  Chrijl  an  men,  and  to   obferve  for  a  rule  that   doSirine  which  in  the  name  of  God 
he  hath  commanded  to  be  taught,  and  thereby  to  examine  and  try  out  the  truth  of  thofe  do£i- 
rines  which  pretended  Prophets  ,  rvitb   miracle  or   without  ,  IfyaH  at   any  time  advance 
&c.  And  if  he  difavow  them,then  no  more  to  obey  their  voice;  or  if  he  approve  them  then  to 
obey  them  as  men  ,  to  whom  God  hath  given  apart  of  the  fpirit  of  their  Soveraign.     Upon 
his  principles  the  cafe  holdcth  as  well  among  Jews  andHeathens,as  Chrillians.  Then 
he  that  teachcth  tranfubihntiation  in  France,  is  a  true  Prophet  •,  he  that  teacheth  it 
in  England,  afalfc  Prophet.     He  that  bhfphemeth  Chriil  in  Conllantinople,  a  true 
Prophetihe  that  doth  the  fame  in  Italy  ,  a  falfe  Prophet.     Then  Samuel  was  a  falfe 
Prophet  to  contell  with  Saul  a  Soveraign   prophet:     So  was  the  man  of  God,  who    ''^'*'"' '5 
fubmitted  notto  the  more  divine  and  prophetick  fpirit  of  Jeroboam.     And  Elijah   ^^'"S,^3- 
for  reproving  Ahab.      Then  Micaiah  had  but  his   defcrts  ,  to  be  clapt  up  in  prifon,   ^^'"g-'^* 
and  fed  with  bread  of  afflidtion  ,  and  water  of  afriiftion  ,  for  daring  to  coutradict  ^^^'"•'^• 
Cods  Vicegerent  upon  earth.  And  Jeremiah  was  juftly  thrown  into  a  Dungeon,for  pro-   rr 
phefying  againll  Zedekiahhis  Liege  Lord.  Ifhis  principles  were  true,it  were  ftrange   ^^'**  ^ 
indeed  ,  that  none  ot  all  thefe  Princes ,  nor  any  other  that  ever  was  in  the  World 
fhould  underftand  their  own  priviledges  .     And  yet  more  ftrange  ,  that  God  Al- 
mighty fhould  take  the  part  of  fuch  rebellious  Prophets ,  and  juftihe  their  prophelies 
hy  the  event  ,'\(  it  wets  tiac,thit  none  but  the  Soveraign  in  a  Chriliian  ( the  lezfon  is   c  *    - 
the  fame  for  ]ewi([\}Common-wealth  can'takf  notice  what  if  or  whatii  notthe  word  of  God  * 

Neither  doth  he  ufe  God  the  holy    Ghoft  more  favourably  than  God  the  Son. 
Where  S.  Peter    faith  Holy  men  of  God  fpake  as  they  were   moved  by  the  Holy 
Spirit  -,  He  fayeth  By  the  Spirit ,  if  meant    the  voice  of  God  in  a  dream  or  vifionfuper-  Lev,p,->]A., 
natural ,  which  Dreames  or  vifions  ,  he   miketh  to  be  no  more  than  imaginations  , 
which  they  had  in  their  Sleep  or  in  an  extafie  rvhicb  in  every  true  Prophet  were  fupernatural,   Tg,f,  ,,^ 
hut  in  falfe  Prophets  were  either  natural  or  feined,zx\d  more  likely  to  be  filfe  than  true.  To 
fay  God  hathfpok^n  to  htm  in  a  dreame,if  no  more  than  to  fay.  He  Vreamed  that  Cod  fpake  to 
him,  &c.  io  jay  he  hath  feen  a  vilionor  hear  a  voice  is  to  fay  that  he  hath  dreamed  Lev.p.ip^t 
betn-eenfleeping  and  waking.  So  S.  Peters  holy  Ghoft  is  come  to  be  their  own  imagina- 
tions, which  might  be  either  feined,ormiltaken,  or  true.  As  if  the  holy  Gholl  did  en- 
ter oneiy  at  their  eyes  and  at  their  eares,  not  into  theirunderflandings,nor  into  their 
mindsi  Or  as  if  the  holy  Gho!>  did  not  (eale  unto  their  hearts  the  truth  and  alfurancc 
of  their  Prophelies.  Whether  a  new  light  be  intulcd  into  their  underrtanding5,or  new 
graces  be  infpired  into  their  heart,  they  are   wrought,  or  caufed,  created  imo^e- 
diatelybythe   holy  Gholls  And  fo  are   his  imaginations ,  If  they  be  fupernatural. 

But  he  mull  needs  fall  into  thefe  abfurdities,  who  maketh  but  a  ]nl\  otinfpiration. 
They  who  pretend  Divine  infpiration  to  be  a  fupernatural  entering  of  the  holy  Choji  into  a 
man,  are(af  he  thinkj)in  a  very  dangerous  dilemma^for  if  they  worfhip  not  the  men  whum  j^^^  p  ,^  j^ 
they  conceive  to  be  infpired,theyfali  into  impiety  ;  And  if  they  worfhip  them,  they  commit 
idolatry.  So  miftaking  the  holy  Ghoft  to  be  corporeal,  fomething  that  is  blown 
into  a  man  ,and  the  Gracesofthe  holy  Ghoft  to  be  corporeal  graces.  And  the  tvcrds 
impowered  or  infujed  virtue ,  and ,  inbtown  or  infpired  virtue  are  as  ahfurd  and  infgni-  Lev.P.iy- 
fcant ,  as  a  round  quadrangle.  He  reckons  it  as  a  common  crrour,That  faitk  andjandi- 
ly  m-e  not  attained  byjiudy  and  reajon,  but  by  fupernatural  injpiration  or  infufon.    And 

lai- 


976 


The  Catching  TOME  III 


hietli  this  tor  a  hrni  ground.  Fjith  and  fanDity  are  indeed  not  rery  frequent,   hut  yet 
U-P169.    ibex  are  not  miracles  ,  but  brought  to  fajfe    by  education  ,  dijcipltne ,   .correclion,   undo- 
'  tl/r  natural  vfayes.     I  wouia  fcetlic  gveatcft  Pelagian   ot  them  all  flie  higher. 

Why   (liould  he  trouble  himfclf  about  the  holy  Spirit  ,   who  acknowledgeth  no 
fp'rit  but  either  a  fubtile   fluid    inviiible   body,  or  a  ghoft  or  other  idol  or  phan- 
tafme  of  imiginafion  i  who  knoweth  no    inward   grace  or  intrinfecal  holineffe. 
UjIv  0  a  rpord  ivhicb  i.t  Gods  kjngdome  anfivereth  to  that,  which  men  in   their  hfngdomf 
Lft.p.220.    j,j}fo  caVpublicK,  or  the  Kings.     And  ze^zin  ,vpherefoever  the  word  holy  is  tak^n   pro- 
perly, there  isjiilljomeihiug  fmgified  oj  propriety  gotten  by  confent.     His   holineffe  is  a 
relation,  not  a  qualityi  but  tor  inward  fandtification,  or  reall  intufed  holinefle,  in  re- 
fpeft  whereof  the  third  perfon  is  called  the  holy  Ghoft,becaufe  he  is  not  oncly  holy 
iiihimre!fe,butalfomiketh  us  holy,  he  is  fo  great  a  ftranger  to  it,  that    he   doth  al- 
together deny  it,  anddifclaim  it. 
Ve  due  c.        We  are  taught  in  our  Creed  to  believe  theCathoHckor  llniverfal  Church.  But  T. 
-  f  22  d.  W.  teacheth  us  the  contrary  ,  That  if  there  he  more    Chriflian  Churches  than  one,  all  of 
'.^  them  together  are  not  one  Church perfonally.  And  more  plain!y,NoB'  if  the  whole  number 

Le  P.206.      of  Cbrijiians  be  not  contained  in  one  Common-wealth-,  they  are  not  one  perfon,  nor  is  there 
an  Vniverfal  Church,  thathath  any  authority  over  them.  And  2gz\r),lheVniverfal  Churchis 
Ci.c.iJ-f-^  .  not  one  perfon,  oj  which  it  caif  be  faid,  that  it  hath  don,  or  decreed-,  or  ordained,or  excommu- 
nicated,or  abfolved.  This  doth  quite  overthrow  all  the  authority  of  general  Council?. 
All  other  men  diftinguilh  between  the  Church  and  the  Common-wealth:  Onely 
'X.U,   maketh  them  to  be  ,  one  and  the  fame  thing.     Ihe  Common-wealth  of  Chrii^ian 
men  and  the  Church  of  the  fame  are  altogether  the  fame  thing,  called  by  two  names,  for  two 
reafitir.  For  the  matter  of  the  Church  &  of  the  Common-wealth  is  the  fame,namly  the  fame 
Chriflian  men-.  And  the  forme  is  the  fame, which  conffleth  in  the  lawfull  power  of  convocating 
Ci  c  n.r.2 1 .  them.znd  he  nccheconcludeth  That  every  Chrijiian  Common-wealth  is  a  Church  endowed 
Ci'c'.iS.f.i   .  "-""^  "^  fpiritual  authority.  And  yet  more  fully,*!/;?  Church  if  it  be  om  perfon,  is  the  fame 
thing  which  the  Common-wealth  of  Chrijiian, called  a  Common-wealth,becaufe  it  confiflethof 
men  united  in  one  perfon  their  Soveraign:  And  aChurch  becaufe  it  confiUth  in  Chrijiian 
men  united  in  one  Chriflian  Soveraign.    Upon  which  account  there  was  no  Chriftian 
Church  ill  thefe  parts  of  the  world,  for  fome  hundreds  of  ycers  after  Chrift  becaufe 
there   was  no  Chriflian  Soveraigne. 

Neither  is  he  more  orthodox  concerning  the  Holy  Scriptures  :  Hitherto,  that  is 
Le.p.20'y  .      for  the  books  of  Mofes  ,  the  power  of  making  the  Scripture  canonical ,  was  in  the  civil 
Soveraign.     The  like  he  faith  of  the  o'd   Tcflament,  made  canonical  by  Efdras. 
And  of  the  New  Teftament,  That  it  wasrtot  the  Apojiles  which  made  their  own  writ- 
ings canonical ^But  every  convert  made  themfo  to  himfclf.  Yet  with  this  reflridlion,That 
J    ^282         until!  the  Soveraign   ruler  had  prefribed  them ,  they  were   but  con njel  aud  advife  ,  which 
'"'      ■*'       whether  good  or  bad,  he  that  was  counjclled  might  without  injifftice  refuje  to  ohferve  ,and 
being  contrary  10   the  Laws   ejlablijhed  ,could  not  without  inp<flice  objtrve.     He  maketh 
thePri^mitive  Chriftians  to  have  been  in  a  pretty   condition.  Certainly  the  Gofpel 
Lc.  28  '.        '^^'^  contrary  to  the  Lavvesthen  eflabliflied.     But  moA  plainly  ,  7he  word  oftheln- 
treperter  of  the  Scripture  vs  the  word  of  Cod.     And  the  fame  vs   the  Interpreter    of  the 
C    ilF  18   Scripture,and  the  Soverjign  Judge  of  all  'Do&rines,th3X  is  ,  the  Soveraign  Magirtrate,/^ 
'     '  whofe  authority  we  mujl  jiand  no  leffe  than  to  "Their s,who  at  jirjl  did  commend  the  Scripture 
to  lis  for  the  canon  of  faith.     Thus  if  Chriftian  5ovcraigns  ,  of  different  communions 
doclafh  one  with  another  ,  in  their  interpretations,or  mitlntcrpretation  of  Scripture, 
("as  they  do  dayly)  then   the  word  of  God  is  contradidlory  to  it  felf-,  or  that  is  the 
word  ot  God  in  ore  Common-wealth  ,  which  is  the   word  of  the  devil  in  another 
Comrron-wealth  :  and  the  fame   thing  maybe  true  'and  not  true  at  the  fame  time 
which  is  the  peculiar  priviledgeof  T'.  H.to  make  contradidtory  to  be  true  together. 
All  the  power ,  virtue,  ufe,  and  efficacy  ,  which  he  afcribcth  to  the  holy  Sacra- 
j    ^T  r:        mcnts  ,  i?  to  be  [ignes'wr  commemorations.     As   for  any  fealing  ,  or  conferring  of 
J  7^'    "*     grace  ,  he  acknowledgeth  nothing  .     The  fame  he  faith  particularly  of  Baptifme  •• 
''*-'■''*  upon  which  grounds  a  Cardinals  hat,  or  a  Serjeant  at  arms  his  mace,  may  be  called 

SaLraiTcnts  as  well  as  Baptifir.e,  or  the  holy  Eucharifl  ,  if  they  beonly  fignes  or 
connmemorations  of  a  benefit.  If  he  except ,  that  Baptifme  and  the  Eucharifl,  are 
ot  divine  inflitucion  ,  but  a  Cardinals  red  hat ,  or  a  Serjeant  at  arms  his  mace  are 


not 


Dij CORSE  IH,  of  Leviathan  877 


not  :  he  faith  truely  ,  but  nothing  to  his  advantage  or  piirpofe  ,  feeing  he  deriveth 

all  the  authority  of  the  word  and  Sacraments  ,  in    refpcd  of  Subjcds ,  and  all  our 

obligation  to  th^m,  from  the  authority  of  the  Soveraign  Magiftrate  ,  without  which. 

thefe    words     repent     and    be    baptized    m   the   Name    of  Jefus\  are  bt(tco!e>if:l\  Le.^' 133. 

m  command.     And   fo  a  Serjeant  at  armcs  his  mace  ,  and   baptifmc  ,  proceed  both 

from  the  fame  authority.     And  this   he  faith  upon  this  filly  ground'.  That  «o«/;?W 

IS  acommjnd ,  the  performance  whereof  tendeth  to  our  oven  benefit.     He  mioht  as  well 

denie  the  Ten  Commandemcnts  to  be  commands  becaufe  they  have  an  ad^antagious 

promife  annexed  to  them  ,  Do  this  and  thou  jhall  live  i  And  curfcdU  every  one  that 

comimieth  not  in  all  the  vpords  of  this  Lan>  to  doe  them. 

Sometimes  he  is  for  holy  orders  ,  and  giveth  to  the  Payors  of  the  Church  the 
right  of  ordination  and  abfolution  ,  and  infal!ibility,toomuch  for  a  particular  Pa/lor 
or  the  paftourscf  one  particular   Church.     It  k  manifeji  ^  that  the  confecration  of  the  r-         r 
chiefeji  Dortours  in  every  Church  ,  and impaftion  of  hands  ^  doth  pertein  to  the   DaUours         '^T'J'^^' 
of  the  fame  Church.     And  it  cannot  be  doubted  of ,  but  the  pomrof  binding  and  looftn& 
TViK  givenhy  Chrifi  to  the  future  Fajiours  ,i  after  the  fame  manner  of  to  hU  prefent  jlpo- 
ftles.     And  our  Saviour  hath  promifed  this  infallibility  in  tbofe  things  rvhich  are  nece£ary  Ibid    8 
tohtsJpojlles,  untillthe   day  of  judgement,  thatiftofaytotheApoJilesandPajiours   to 
be  confecrated  by  the  Jpojiles  fucceffively  ,  by  the  impofition  of  hands. 

But  at  other  times  he  ca/kth  all  this  meale  down  with  his  foot,     Chriflian  Sove- 
raignes  are  the  fupreme  Paflors  ,  and  the  onely  perfons  rehom  ChrijHans  noiv  hear  fpeakg  Lf.p.323, 
from  God,  except  fuch  m  Godfpeakfth  to  in  thefe  daiesfupernaturally.  What  is  now  be- 
come of  the  promifed  infallibility  ? 

And  it  iif-om  the  civil  Soveraign  ,  that  aV  other  Pajlours  derive  their   right  of  teach- 
ing ,  preaching ,  and  all  other  fmCiionj  pertaining  to  that   office  ,  and  they  are'  but  his   Le.p.ip  6 
Mimjiers  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  magilhates  offoa>ns  ,  or  Judges  in  Courts  of  Jujiice 
and  Commanders  of  Armies.     What  is  now  become  of  their  Ordination  /  Magiflrates 
Judges,  and  Generals  ,  need  no  precedent  qualifications,     he  maketh  the  pafto- 
rall  authority  offoveraigns  to  be  jure  divino,  of  all  other  Paflcrs  jure  civili.     He  ad- 
dcth,  neither  U  there  any  Judge  of  He  reft e  among  SubjeHs,  hut  their  own  ciuil  Soveraign. 
LziWy  ,  The  Church  excommunicateth  no  man  but  whom  Jhe  excommunicateth  by  the 
authority  of  the  Prince  .     And  the  effed  of  excommunication  hath  nothing  in  it ,  neither  of 
dammage  in  this  World  ,nor  terrour  upon  an  Apojlate ,  if  the  civil  power  did  prefecute  or 
not  affiji  the  Church.     And  in  the  World  to  come  ,  leaves  them  in  no  worfe  eflate,  than  ^'''''  ^7'f'^^' 
thofe  who  never  believed,      the  dammage  rather  redoundeth  to  the  Church.     Neither  n 
the  excommunication  of  a  Chrifiian  SubjeU  ,  that  obeyeth  the  laws  of  his  own  Soveraign 
of  any  efeCf.     Where  is  now  their  power  of  binding  and  loofing  ? 

It  may  be  fotneCfT.  H.  his  difciples  defireto  know  what  hopes  of  heavenly  joycs       '^°  ^^'^' 
they  have  upon  their  makers  principle?.     They  may  hear  them  without  anygreat 
contentment,  there  is  no  mention  in  Scripture  ,  nor  grottnd  in  reafon,  of  the  ccelum 
cmpyreum  ,  that  is ,  the  Heaven  ofthe  blefled ,  where  the  Saints  fhall  live  eternally  Le  p  288 
with  God.     And  again  ,  I  have  not  found  any  text  that  can  probably  be  drawn  to  prove 
any  ajcenfion  ofthe  Saints  into  Heaven ,  that  is  to  fay  ,  into  any  coelum  empyreum.  But  Lept^o 
he    concludeth   pofitively,  thit  fa Ivation  Jhall  he  upon  earth  ,  when  God  Jhal!  reign  at  ^ 

the  coming  of  Chrift  in  Jerufalem.  And  again  ,  In  (hort  ,  the  Kingdom  of  God  isacivil 
Kingdom  ■■,  &c.  called  alfo  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  ,  and  the  Kingdom  of  Glory.  All  the 
Hobbians  can  hope  for,  is,  to  be  reltored  to  the  fame  condition  which  Adam  was 
in  before  his  fall.  So  faith  7.  H.  himfelf ,  From  whence  may  be  inferred  ,  that  the 
EkU,  after  the  refurredion,  Jhall  be  reftored  to  the  ejiate  where  Adam  was  beforhehad  ^^'h  345'^<' 
finned.     As  for  the  beatifical  vifton  he  defxneth  it  to  be  a  word  untintelligible.  3  °' 

But  confidering  his  other  principles ,  I  do  not  marvel  much  at  his  extravagance 
in  this  point.  To  what  purpofe  (hould  a  coelum  empyreum ,  or  Heaven  of  the  Blef- 
fed,  fervc  in  his  judgment,  who  maketh  the  blelTed  Angels  that  are  the  inhabitants 
of  that  happy  manfion,  to  be  either  idols  ofthe  brain,  that  is  in  plain  Englifh,  no-  r  f,  o  ? 
thing,  or  thin,  fubtile  ,  fluid  bodies,  defiroying  the  Angelical  nature.  Ihe  uni- 
verfe  being  the  aggregate  nfali  bodies  ,  there  is  no  real  part  thereof  that  is  not  alfo  body,  l^e.p-  ^Iti 
And  elfe  where  ,  Every  part  cf  the  univerfe  is  body,  and  that  which  is  not  body  ^  ism 
part  of  the  univerfe.     And  becaufe  the  itntverfe  is  all ,  thai  which  is  no  part  of  it,  is  no- 

thinv 


""^  Ihe   Catching      "^ TOME  III. 

'  'thnta^  andconfequently  no  rchere.     How  ?  by  this  ciodtrine  he  maketh  not  onely  the 

Angels  ,  but  God  himfelf  to  be  nothing.  Neither  doth  he  falve  it  at  all,  by  fuppo- 
fing  crroncoufly  Angels  to  be  corporeal  fpirits ,  and  by  attributing  the  name  of  in- 
corpoical  fpirit  to  God ,  as  being  a  name  of  more  honour^  in  whom  we  confidcr  not  what 
attribute  htji  expreffetb  his  nature ,  whith  is  ijicomfrehetifihle ^  but  what  beji  exprefieth  our 
defire  ic  honour  hint.  Thougli  \vc  be  not  able  to  cbmprchend  perfedly  what  God  is, 
yet  we  are  able  to  comprehend  pcrfedly  what  God  is  rot  ,  that  is,  he  is  not  im- 
perfect, and  therefore  he  is  not  finite,  and  confequently  he  is  not  corporeal.  This 
were  a  trim  way  to  honour  God  indeed ,  to  honour  him  with  a  lye.  If  this  that  he 
fays  here  be  true.  That  every  part  of  the  umverfe  ts  a  body ,  and  wbatfoever  is  not  a  bo- 
dy is  nothings  Then  by  this  dod:rinc,  if  God  be  not  a  body,  God  is  nothing-,  not 
an  incorporeal  fpirit,  but  one  rf  the  idols  of  the  brain  ^  a  meer  nothing,  tiiough  they 
think  they  dance  under  a  net,  and  have  the  blind  ot  Gods  incomprehenfibility  ,  be- 
tween them  and  difcovery. 

To  what  purpofe  fhould  a  ixlum  empyreum  ferve  in  his  judgement,  who  deni- 
ech  the  immortality  of  the  foul?  The  doUrine  is  nexv^  and  hath  been  a  longtime  far  other- 
wife'^  namely  ^  that  every  man  hath  eternity  of  life  by  nature  ^  in  as  much  as  his  fouli's 
immortal.     Who  fuppofeth  that  when  a  man  dieth  ,  there  remaineth  nothing  of  him  hut 
L(p''^^9'        hiscarcafe;  Who  m^^^^h  the  word  foul  in  holy  Scripture  to  fignifie  always  either  the 
life,  or  the  living  creature  ?  And  expoundeth  the  carting  of  body  and  foul  into  hell- 
fire  ,  to  be  the  cajiing  of  body  and  life  into  hell-fire.     Who  maketh  this  Orthodox 
truth  ,  That  the  fouls  of  men  arc  fubftances  diltind  from  their  bodies  ,  to  be  an  er- 
■Lif'F*  3+  •       j.^,^^  contraUed  by  the  contagion  of  the  demomlogy  of  the  Greeks ,  and  a  window  that  gives 
entrance  to  the  darh^doUrine  of  eternal  torments.     Who  expoundeth  thefe  words  of  5o- 
■  hmon ,  \_  Ihen  jhall  the  duji  return  to  the  earth  as  it  was ,  and  the  fpirit  Jhall  return  unto 
p    /     «         God  that  gave  it.  ]  Thus,  Cod  onely  kotows  what  becomes  of  a  mans  fpirit ,  when  he  ex- 
CC.127.       pjygti^     He  will  not  acknowledge  that  there  is  a  fpirit,  or  any  fubliance  diliind 
I  t>  244.         ^""^"^  ^^^  body.     I  wonder  what  they  think  doth  keep  their  bodies  from  ftink- 
ing. 

But  they  that  in  one  cafe  are  grieved  ,  in  another  muft  be  relieved.     If  perchance 
T.  H.  hath  given  his  Difciples  any  difcontent  in  his  dodrine  oi Heaven  ,  and  the  ho' 
ly  Angels,  and  the  glorified  fouls  of  the  Saints ,  he  will  make  them  amends  in  his  do- 
m'mco(  hell,  znd  the  devils ,  znd  the  damned  fpirits.     Firft  of  the  devilsi  He  fanci- 
cth  that  all  thofe  devils  which  our  Saviour  did  caft  out ,  were  phrcnfies ,    and  all 
U'f'3^'39'     demoniackj,  (  or  perfons  poflefled  ,  )  m  other  than  madmen.     And  to  ju/lifie  cur  Sa- 
viours jpeakjng  to  a  difeafe  as  to  aperfon  ,  produceth  the  example  of  Inchanteis.     But 
he  declareth  himfelf  moft  clearly  upon  this  fubjedl,  in  his  Animadvcrfions  upon  my 
reply  to  his  defence  of  fatal  deftiny.  there  are  in  the  Scripture  twoferts  of  things  which 
^.p.i6o  .     are  in  Englifh  tranflated  devils.     One  is  that  which  is  called  Sitan  ,  Di3ho]as  ,   Abad- 
don ,  which penifieth  in  Englijh  an  enemy,  an  accufer,  and  a  defiroyer  of  the  Church  of 
Cod,  in  which  fenfe  the  devils  are  but  wicked  men.     the  other  fort  of  devils  are  called  in 
the  Scripture  Dsmonia  ,  which  are  the  feigned  Gods  of  the  Heathen ,  and  are  neither  bo- 
dies nor  jpiritual  fuhflances ,  bat  meer  ph  an  fie  s  andfidions  cf  terrified  hearts  ,  feigned  by 
the  Gxetks,  and  other  heathen  people,  which  St.Vzu]  calleth  nothings.     So  T- H.  hath 
killed  the  great  infernal  devil ,  and  all  his  black  Angels,  and  left  no  devils  to  be  fea- 
red, bi^t  devils  incarnate,  that  is  wicked  men. 

And  for  hell  he  defcribeth  the  Kingdom  of  Satan ,  or  the  Kingdom  of  darkitefr,  to  be 

a  confederacy  of  deceivers.     He  telleth  us  that  the  places  which  fet  forth  the  torments 

Le.p.''27.      ofHeW  in  Holy  Scripture,  da  defign  metaphorically  a  grief  and  difcontent  of  mind  from 

the  fight  of  that  eternal  felicity  in  others  ,  which  they  themfelves  through  their  own  incre- 

T    .  dulityand  dif obedience  have   loji.     As  if  metaphorical  dcfcriptions  did  not  bear  fad 

'^'       '      truths  in  them  ,  as  well  as  literal  i  as  if  final  defpcrations  were  no  morethan  a  litUe 

fit  of  grief  or  difcontent^  and  a  guilty  confciencc   were  no  more  than  a  tranfitory 

paflion  i  as  if  it  were  a  lofle  fo  eafily  to  be  borne,  to  be  deprived  for  evermore  of 

the  beatifical  vifion  :  Andlaflly,«as  ifthe  damned  ,  befides  that  un(peakable  lofTe,  did 

not  likewife  fuffer  adtual  torment/ ,  proportionable  in  fomc  meafure  totheirowu 

1ms ,  and  Gods  juftice. 

Laftly  for  the  damned  fpirits  ,  he  declareth  himfelf  every  where ,  that    their 

fuffering 


of  Leviathan  87^ 


fuffcrings  are  not  eternal  ,  7he  firejhall  be  unquenchable^  and  the  torments  everlajhng: 
but  It  cannot  be  thence  inferred ,  that  he  who  jhall  be  cajl  into  that  fire  ,  or  be  tormented  ^g  ^.^ 
with  thnfe  torments^  Jhall  endure  and  refiH  them  jo  as  to  be  eternally  burnt  and  tortured^  and  '  ^' 
yet  never  be  dejiroyed  nor  dye.  And  thongh  there  be  many  places  that  affirm  everlaji- 
ingfire^into  vehich  men  may  he  cajl  fuccefftvely  one  after  another  far  ever  :  yet  I  find  none 
that  affirm  that  there  Jhall  be  an  everlafiing  life  therein  ,  of  any  individual  ^erfon.  If  he 
had  faid  ,  and  faid  onely  ,that  the  pains  of  the  damned  may  be  kflencd,  as  to  the 
^  degree  of  thenn,  or  that  they  endure  not  for  ever  ,  but  that  after  they  arc  purged  by 
long  torments  from  their  droflfe  and  corruptions  ,  as  gold  in  the  fire  ,  both  the  dam- 
ned fpirits  and  the  Devils  themfelves  (hould  be  reftored  to  a  better  condition  ,  he 
might  have  found  fome  Ancients  (  who  are  therefore  called  the  merciful  VoUnurs  ) 
to  have  joyiied  with  him,  though  ItiJl  he  (hould  have  wanted  the  fuffrageofthe 
Gatholick  Church. 

But  his  (hooting  is  not  at  rovers,  but  altogether  at  randomc  ,  without  cither 
prcfident  or  partner.  All  that  <'fer«^^^>(;,allthofc  torments  which  he  acknowlcdg- 
eth,  is  but  this  ,  Thit  after  the  refurre^ion  ,  the  reprobate  Jhall  be  in  the  ejlate  that 
Adam  and  his  pojierity  rvere  in  ,  after  the  ftnne  committed  ,  faving  that  God  fromifed  a 
Redeemer  to  Adam  and  not  to  him  :  adding,  t/;jt  they  Jhall  live  as  they  did  formerly  , 
marry  ^  and  give  in  marriage  ■■>  and  conjequently  engender  chMien  ferpeiually  after  the  ^^'P-  345' 
reftcrreUiott^  as  they  did  before.,  which  hecalleth  an  immortality  of  the  kind  .^  but  not  of  3  "i^' 
theperfinsofmen.  It  is  to  be  prcfiimed  ,  that  inthofe  their  (econd  lifes,  knowing 
certainly  from  T-  H.  that  there  is  no  hope  of  redemption  for  them  from  corporal, 
death  up:)n  their  well  doing,  nor  fearof  any  torments  after  death  fortheirill  doing, 
they  will  pafTe  their  times  here  as  pleafantly  as  they  can.  This  is  all  the  damnation 
which  T.  H.  fancieth. 

In  fumme  I  leave  it  to  the  free  judgement  of  the  undcrftanding  Reader  ,by  thefe 
few  inftances  which  follow  ,  tojudge  what  the  Hobbian  principles  arc  in  point  of 
religion.  Ex  ungue  leonem^ 

Firft,  that  no  man  needs  to  put  himfelfto  any  hazard  for  his  faith  ,  but  may  (afely 
comply  with   the  times.     And  for  their  faith   it  is  internal  and  invifibk.     ^^'D*  ^'^^^  £<..  czai. 
the     licence    that    Naaman  had  ,     and    need    not  put    themfelves  into   danger    for 
it. 

Secondly,    heallowcth  Subjedls ,  being  commanded  by  their  Soveraign  ,to  deny 
Chrift.     T^rnfejfionxfith  the  tongue  is  but  an  external   thing,  and  no  more  than  any  other  2* 
gfflure  ,  whereby  we  fignifie  our  obedience.     And  wherein   a  Chri\lian  ,  holding  firmly  in 
bis   heart  the  faith  ofChriH  ,  hath  the  fame  liberty   which  the  prophet  Elifha  allowed  to 
Naaman, Sec.  who  by  bowingbefore  the  idol  Rimmon,  denied  the  true  Cod  as  much  in 
effeU,  as  if  he  had  done  it  with  bis  lips.     Alas  why  did  St.  Peter  weep  fo  bitterly  for  Le.  p.    371, 
denying  his  Marter,  out  offear  of  his  life  or  members?  It  feemeth  he  was  not  acquain- 
ted with  thefe  Hobbian  principles,  and  in  the  fame  place  be  layeth  down  this  ge- 
neral conclufion.  This  we  may  fay,  that  whatfoever  a  SubjeH  is  compelled  to,in  obedience 
ta  his  Soveraign,  and  doth  it  not  in  order  to  his  own  mind,  but  in  order  to  the  law  of 
his  Country  ,    thataUion  if  not  hU  ,  hut  h'vi  Sever aigns  -,  nor  vs  it  he,  that  in  this  caufe 
denieth  Chrili  before  men,   but  his  Governour  and  the  law  of  hit  Country.     His  inftance 
a  Mahumetan  commanded  by  a  Chriftan  Prince  to  be  prefent  at  divine  fervice  ,  is 
a  weak  millakc  ,  fpringing  from  his  grolTe  ignorance  in  cafe-divinity  ,  not  know- 
ing to    diftinguifh    between  an  erroneous   con (cicncc  ,  as  the  Mahometans, is  and 
aconfcience  rightly  informed. 

Thirdly  ,  if  this  be  not  enough  ,  he  givcth  licenle  to  a  Chriftan  to  commit  ido-  _3* 
latty,or  at  leaft  to  do  an  idolatrous  adl,  for  fear  of  death  or  corporal  danger.  To  pray  ^^-P-  33*°' 
unto  a  KiniT  voluntarily  for  fair  weather  ,  or  for  any  thing  which  God  onely  sjH  do  for  us, 
fl  divine   worjhip  ,  and  idolatry.     On  the  other  (ide  ,  if  a  King  compel  aman  to  it  by  the 
terrour  of  death  ,  cr  other  great  corporal  punifhment ,  it  U  not  idolatry.     His  reafon  is  ^ 
bccaufe?t  U  mt  afignthat  he  doth  iyirvardly  honour  him  Of  a  God,  but  that  he  if  defirous 
to  favehimfe  If  from  death,  or  from  ami fer  able  life.     It  feemeth  T.  H.  thinketh  there  is 
no  divine  worfhip,  but  internal.     And  that  it  is  lawful  for  a  man  to  value  his  own 
life  or  his  limbs  more  than  his  God.  How  much  is  he  wifer  than  the  three  Children,^ 
or  Daniel  himfelf  ?  who  were  thrown  ,  the  firft  into  a  fiery  furnace,  the  laft  into 

M  m  m  m  m  th* 


""^^  Ihe     Catching        TOME  lib 

the    Lyons  denne,  becaufe  they  refufed  to  cgmply  with  the  idolatrous  decree  of  their 

Tev.P,l9^.   Soveraign  Prince.  ,.,.,.,.      ,    r   ■  -  x   . 

A  fourth  Aphorifme  may  be  this ,  Jbat  rvhich  ufaid  in  the  Jcnftme  ,  n  *r  better 
to  obey  God  .than  man,  hathplacein  the  Kingdom  ofGodby  fad,a)idnot  by  nature  Why? 
nature  it  felt  doth  teach  us,  that  it  is  better  to  obey  God,  than  men.  Neither  can 
he  fay  that  he  intended  this  only  of  obedeince  ,  in  the  ufe  of  indifterent  adtions  and 
eeftures,  in  the  fervice  of  God  ,  commanded  by  the  commonwealth,  forthatisto 
obey  both  God  and  man.  But  if  divine  law  and  humane  law  cla(h  one  with  another, 
without  doubt  it  is  evermore  better  to  obey  God  than  man. 

His  fifth  conclufion  rray  be  that  the  fliarpeft  and  mod  fuccefsfull  fword ,  in  any 
war  whatfoever,  doth  give  foveraign  power  and  authority  to  him  that  hath  it,to 
approve  or  reject  all  (brts  of  Theological  dodrines,  concerning  the  Kingdome  of 
God  ,  not  according  to  their  truth  or falfehood  ,  but  according  to  that  influence 
which  they  have  uponoolitical  affaires.      Hezrehim,  But  becaufe  thir  JoUrine  will  ap- 

Le.f.  4.  j,^^^  ^g^gj^  ^(„  a  novelty ,  J  do  but  propound  it,  maintaining  nothinginthis  or  any  other 
paradox  of  religion  ,  hut  attending  the  endof  that  difpute  of  the  fword ,  eoncermng  the  au- 
thority (  not  yet  amongfi  my  Contrymen  decided  )  by  whtch  all  forts  of  dodrine  are  to  be 
approved  or  rejeded,  &c.  For  the  points  of  doctrine  concerning  the  Kingdome  of  of  God ,  have 
(0  great  influence  upon  the  Kingdome  of  man,  as  not  to  he  determined,  but  by  them  that  under 
Cod  have  the  foveraign  power.  Careatfutcejjibus  opto-,  §uifquis  ah  eventufa&a  ^notanda 
putat.  Let  him  evermore  want  fucceffe,  who  thinkcth  adions  are  to  be  judged  by 
theirevents.  This  dodrine  maybe  plaufibleto  thofc,who  defire  to  fifli  in  trouble4 
waters:  But  it  is  juflly  hated  by  thofe  which  are  in  Authority ,  and  allthofewho 
are  lovers  of  peace  and  tranquillity. 

The  lait  part  ofthis  conclufion  fmclleth  ranckly  of  Jeroboam  ,  NotpJhaUthe  King- 
dome  return  to  the  houfe  of  David  ,     if  this  people  go  up  to  do  facrifice  in  the  houfe  of 

i.Kingi'2.    ^1^^  j^g^^  ^j  Jerufalem,  whereupon  the  King  took^counfell ,  andmade  two  calves  ofgold^ 

^^'  audfaid  unto  them  ,Jt  ii  too  much  for  you  to  go  up  to  Jerufalem  ,behold  thy  GedsO  Ifrael ,  , 

which  brought  thee  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  But  by  the  juft  difpofition  of  almighty 
God  ,  this  policy  turned  to  a  fin ,  and  was  the  utter  deftru(9:ion  of  Jeroboam  and  his 
family.  It  is  not  good  jefting  with  edg-tooles ,  nor  playing  with  holy  things : 
where  men  make  their  greateft  faftneffe ,  many  times  they  find  moft  danger. 

His  fixth  paradox  is  a  rapper  .Ihe  civill  lawes  are  the  rules  oj  good  and  evill,  juft  and 

a  c  12  Ci  unjufl ,  honefiand  dishonejl  ,  and  therefore  what  the  lawgiver  commands  that  is  to  be  ac- 
counted good  ^what  he  forbids  bad.  And  a  little  sftet ,  before  empires  were  ,  juft  and 
umuft  were  not ,  at  whofe  nature  is  relative  to  a  command  :  every  aUion  in  its  own  nature 
U  indiferent.  "that  tt  is  juft  or  unjuft  proceedeth  from  the  right  if  him  that  commandeth. 
Ihertfore  lawfull  Ki>?gs  makg  thofe  things  which  they  command , juft  by  'commanding  them^ 
and  thofe  things  which  they  forbid  unjujiby  forbiding  them.  To  this  adde  his  definition 
of  a  fin,  that  which  one  doth  or  omitteth,  faith  or  willeth,contrary  to  the  reafon  of  the  com- 
monwealth , that  is  the[_  civil']  lawes.     Where  bythclawes  he  doth  not  underftand 

Cp.c.'iA'f  the  written  lawes,  eletfted and  approved  by  the  whole  commonwealth  i  but  the 
vcrball  commands,  or  mandates  of  him,  that  hath  the  foveraign  power  ,  as  wefind 
in  many  places  of  his  writings.     7he  civil  lawes  are  nothing  elje  hut  the  commands 

^7'  .f.6  of  him  that  if  endowed  with  joveraign  power  in  the  commonwealth,  concerningthe  future 

'^         .      adions  ofhUjub]e£is.  And  the  civil  lawes  are  faftned  to  the  lips  of  that  man,  who  hath  the 

Le.p.iop       foveraigne  power. 

Where  are  we?  in  Europe  or  in  Afia>  Were  they  afcribed  a  divinity  to  their  Kings, 
and  ,  to  ufe  his  own  phrafc  ,  made  them  mortal  Gods.  OKing  live  for  ever.  Flatterers 
are  the  common  moaths  of  great  palaces  >  where  Alexanders  friends  are  inorc 
numerous  than  the  Kings  friends.  But  fuch  groffe  palpable  pernicious  flattery  as  this 
is,  I  did  never  meet  with,  fo  derogatory  both  to  piety  and  policy.  What  deftrves  he 
who  fhould  do  his  uttermoft  endeavour  to  poifon  a  common  fountain,  whereof  all 
the    common- wealth  muft   drinke?  He  doth  the  fame  who  p»ifoneth  the  mind  ofa 


(or 

to, 

feir 

I, 

foveraigne  prince.  j   J, 

Are  the  civil  lawes  the  rules  ofgood  and  bad.juft  and  unjuft,h^neft  and  dijhnttcft  /And  what  ' "'«. 
I  pray  you  are  the  rules  of  the  civil  law       it  felf  .?Even  the  law  of  God  and  nature. 
If  the  civil  lawes  fwervefrom  thefe  more  authentick  lawes  ,  they  are  Lesbiaia  rules.  I  '»)ii 

wh$t  '  »w«. 


DiscouRsa  n  I.  of    Leviathan  ggj 

ffhjt  th;  laff giver  commands  'n  1 1  be  accoutted  good,   what  he  forbids  had.     Thi*  was         ~~~      ' 
jufl  the  girb  of  the  Athenian  Sophillcrs  ,  as  they  are  dcfcribed   by  Plato.     Whatfo- 
ever  pleafed  the  great  beall  \_  the  multitude,  ]  thev  called  holy  ,  and  jurt  ,  and  good. 
And  whatfocver  the  great  beall  dllikcd  ,  they  called  evill  ,unjult,  prophane.     But 
he  is  not  yet  arrived  at  the  height  of  his  flattery.     LawfuU  Kings  make  thoje  things 
Tvhich  they  command  ]u\i  by  commanding  them.  And  thofe  things  which  they  forbid  unjiijily 
forbidding  them.Pit  other  times  when  he  is  in  his  right  wits  he  talketh  of  fuffering,and 
txpf^.ing  their  reward  in  heavett.Ajtd  going  to  Chriji  by  martyrdfme.And  if  he  had  the  forti- 
tude tajufer  death  befhould  do  better.     But  I  fear  all  this  was  but  laid  in  jefr.     How 
Ihould  they  expeft  their  reward  in  heaven  ,  if  his  dodrinc  be  true  ,  that   there  is  no 
reward  in   heaven  ?  Or  how  (hould  they  be  Martyrs  ,  if  his  doftrine  be   true,  that 
mne  can  be  Matyrs  but  thofe  who  converfed  with  Chriji  upon   f^rt/j .?  He  addcth  ,  Before  Jj,p.2''i, 
"Empires  ^  juji  and  un'juji  were  not.     Nothing  could  be  written  more  falfe  in  his  fenfe, 
more  difhonourable  to  God  ,  more  inglorious  to  the  humane    nature.     That  God 
fhould  create  man  and  leave  him  prclcntly  without  any  rules,  to  his  own  order- 
ing of  himfelf,  asthe  OUridg  leavcthhcr  eggesin  thefand.     Butin  truth  there  have 
been  empires  in  the  World  ever  fince  Adam.     And  Adam  had  a  law  written  in  his 
heart  by  the  finger  of  God  ,  Before  there  was  any  civil  law.     Thus  they  do  ende- 
vourtomake  goodneffe,  and  juftice,  and  honelly,  and  confcience,  and  God  him- 
felf^ to  be  empty  names  without  any  reality,  which  fignitie  nothing  , further  than 
they  conduce  to  a  mans  intereft.Othcrwifehe  wonld  not,  he  could  not  fay,That  every 
aUiott  as  is  it  invelled  with  its  drcumiiances,  it  indifferent  in  its  own  nature. 

Something  there  is  which  he  hath  a  confufcd  glimmering  of,  as  the  blind  man 
(ces  men  walking  Itk^  trees,  which  he  is  not  able  to  apprehend  and  expreffc  clearly. 
We  acknowledge,  that  though  the  lawcs  orcotnmands  of  a  Soveraign  Prince  be 
erroneous,  or  unjuft,  or  injuriuos.fuch  as  a  fubjedl  cannot  approve  for  good  inthem- 
felves  iyet  he  is  bound  toacquicfce,  and  may  notoppofe  or  refill,  otherwife  than  by 
prayers  and  tears,  and  at  the  moll  by  flight.     We  acknowledge  that  the  civil  laws 
have  power  to  bind  the  confcience  of  a  Chriftian,  in  themfelves,  but  not  fromthem- 
fclvcs,  but  from  him  who  hath    faid  ,  Let  every  foul  be  fubjeS  to  the  higher  power.  Ei- 
ther they  bind  ChrilHan  fubjeds  to  do  their  Soveraigns  commands,  or  to  fuffcr  for 
the  teftimony  of  a  good  confcience.  We  acknowledge  that  in  doubtful  cuk^femper 
prefitmitur  proKege  &  lege  ^  the  Soveraign  and  the  law  are  alwayes  prcfumed  to  be 
in  the   right.     But  in  plain  evident  cafes  which  admit  no  doubt,  it  is  alwayes  better 
to  obey  God  than  man.     Blunderers  whileft  they  think  to  mend  one  imaginary 
hole  ,  make  two  or    three  reall  ones.     They  who  derive  the  authority  of  the 
Scriptures,  or  Gods  Law,  from  the  civil  lawes  of  men,are  like  thofe  who  feck  to  un- 
derprop the^heavens  fromfalling  with  abullruni.  Nay,  they  derive  notonely  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Scripture,but  even  of  the  law  of  nature  it  felf  from  the  civil  law.  Ibe  lawes 
<)/"«<it«ref  which  need  no  promulgation)  in  the  condition  of  nature  aremt  properly  lawes, 
but  qualities  which  difpofe  men  to  peace  and  to  obedience.when  a  Common-wealth  it  oncejii-  j_^^  p^  j.g 
led,ihen  are  theyaUually  laws^andnot  before.God  help  us  into  what  times  arc  wc fallen,     , 
when  the  immutable  lawcs   of  God  and  nature  are  made  to  depend  upon   the 
mutable  lawes  of  mortal  men,  juft  as  if  one  (hould  go  about  to  controll  the  Sun  by  the 
authority  of  the  clock. 

But  it  is  not  worthy  of  my  labour ,  nor  any  part  ofmyintention,  to  purfue  every 
(hadow  of  a  quelHon  which  he  fpringeth.  It  fliall  fufficc  to  gather  apofie  of  flowers 
C  or  rather  a  bundle  of  weeds  )  out  of  his  writings,  and  prcfent  them  to  the 
Reader,  who  will  eafily  dillinguilh  them  from  healthful  plants  by  the  rankneiTe  of 
their  fmell.  Such  are  thefe  which  follow. 

1.  lobe  delighted  in  the  imaginaiiononely^  ofbeingpofjeffed  of  another  mans  goods  ,   £f^-,^  j-j^ 
fervants,  or  wife^without  any  intention  to  tak^  them  from  him  by  force  er  fraud,  W  no  breach        't' 

of  the  law  which  faith,  Tlmtfhall  not    covet. 

2.  Jfa  man  by  the  terrour  oi  frefent  death  becompelledto  do  a  fall  againfi  the  laiv ,  be 

if  totally  excufed,  becattfe  no  latv  can  oblige  a  man  to  abandonhii  ownprefervation.     Nature  ^^       j^„^ 
eomfelleth  him  to  the  fad.     The  like  dodrine  he  hath  clfc  where,     when  the  ACtor  doth  ^  ^_  g  ^  _ 
anything  againli  the  law  of  nature  by  command  oj  the  Author  ,  if  be  be  obliged  by  former 
cavenantsto  obey  hitn  ^not  he,   but  the  Author break^tb  the  law  of  nature. 

M  m  m  m  in  2  ^,    it 


882 


The  Catching  TOME  III 


V.  Jt  if  a  dvUrine  repignatit  to  civil  Society,  that  rvhatfoever  a  man  does  agaitiji  his  con- 

Le.p.   i6S.fcie)tcc  is  fw.  ,        ,       r       ,      ■        i 

4.  The  kingdom  of  God  it  not  ffmt ,  but  to  them  that  fm  ;  that  n  to  ti)em  ,  Tpho  have  not 
r       8^2       perjlrrtKd  due  obedience   to  the     Latps  of  Cod;nor  to  them    if  they   believe  the  necefary 

'      ArMei  of  the  ChriftijH   F.uth. 
C/.C.17./.2  V        5.  jye  mufl  kiioivihji  the  true  acknowledging  of  fin  if  repentance  it  felf. 

6.  J't  ot'inion  publickly    aj'pfitited  to  be  taught  cannot  be  herefie  ,  nor  the  Soveraign 
If.  P.  2  48.      Princes  .that  authnife  the  jame ,  heretickj. 

7.  lemVcral  and  ffiritual  government y  are  but  ttvorcords  to  makg  men  fee  double,  and 
Ci.c.   ii;-/-5    tniii.>k^  thtir  bnfult  Sjveraign  ^SccThere  if  no  Other  government  in  this  life,  neither  of 

Siiiteior  B.eligion,but  temporal. 

3.    It  ismZiifii  t'-'at  they  ivhn  permit  (  or  tolerate  )  a  ctntrary  doUrine  to  that  rvhtcb 
ihtmfehes  bencie  , and  thinkjiectfj'ary  ,  do  againjl  their confcience,  and  mil  .,as  much  at  in 
Ci.c. 1 5  /•  1  i'-    fjj,t„  In  th  ,  the  eternal  dijirudion  of  their  jubje&s. 

o.    Subhiif  fin  if  they  do   not       worfhip  Cod  according  to  the  lavps  of  the  Common- 

Ci.c.io.j.iv.        J  j^^    Tobelieve  in  Jefus  [  in  jcfum  "]  w  the  fame  at  to  believe  that  Jefus  isChriji. 
Lf./>.330.  ^^    Jhexe   can  be  no  contradiction   between  the   Laves  of  Cod    and  the  larves   of  a 

Chrijlian  Cummon-trealtb  yYet  wckc  Chriltian  Common-wealths  daily  contradict 

one    another. 
.  12.  Niman  giveth  but  mth  intention  of  good  ta  himfelfe :  of  all  voluntary  a£fs  the  ob- 

Lep.J').         ^^^:^  to  every  man  fc/j  cwk^W.  Mofes,St.  Paul,  andthe  Decii  wcrerot  of  his  mind. 

13.  There  is  no  natural  kiiowledge  of  mans  eftate  after  death  ,  much  lejfe  of  the  reward 
which  if  then  to  be  given  to  breach  of  faith  ,  but  onely  a  belief  grounded  upon  other  mens 
fjyng.,that  they  kltow it  fupernaturally,or  that  they  kitoa>  thofe  ,ihat  l^new  them,  that  k>tete 

others, thatkiterv  it  fupernaturally. 

14.  Davids  kjllin'^ofVriah  ,  rpasno  injury  to  Uriah .^  hecaufe  the  right  to  do  nhathe 
Le.p.'^o6..       pkajtd  tVM  given  him  by  "Uriah  himfelf. 

15.  ToTpfiom  ithelongeth  to  determine  controverfies,  which  may  arifefrom  the  divers  in- 
terpretation of  Scripture .,  he  hath   an  imperial  power  over  all  men  which  acknowledge  tit 

C/.c.  1 8/ 1 4.    Scriptures  to  be  the  rvord  of  God. 

1 6.  iVhat  if  theft ,  what  if  murder,  what  if  adultery ,  and  univerfally  what  is  an  in- 
Ci.c.p.f.ip      jury,  if  k^town  ,  by  the  civil  law  ;  that  if , the  commands  of  the  Soveraign. 

17.  He  admitteth  the  incelluous  copM/atiw/j  of  the  Heathens  accore/wg  to  their  hea- 
thenifh  hwes  to  have  been  lawful  marriages.  Though  the  Scriptures  teach  us  cxr 
prelTcly  ,  that  for  thofe  abominations  the  land  of  Canaan  fpewcdout  her  inhabitants, 

C        i.  14.         EX(7(^.     18.  28. 

vi.c.i^'  4'  j^_  jjjy  ^i^^f  ^g  gfij^y.  ^fd^g  offaitlj,  befdet  this,  that  Jefus  U  Chri^,  Uneceffary  to  a 

Cj  '  18  f9       Chriflan  man  for  falvaiion. 
.k.     .j,y.  ip_^  Becaufe  Chrijis  kingdome  if  not  of  thisworld, therefore  reither  can  his  Minijiers^ 

milefje  they  be  Kings  ,  require  obedience  in  his  name.     They  had  no  right  of  commanding,  n« 
power  to  makg  lawes 

20.  IpaiTe  by  his  errours  about  oatbes  ,  about  vows,  about  the  rcfurredion, 
L.p.2c)6.  about  the  kingdom  of  Chrift,  about  the  power  of  the  lieyes,  binding,  loofing, 
270.  excommunication,  cJ^c.     His  ignorant  mirtakes  of  JweritKW  congrui ,  nnd  condignij 

adive  and  paflive  obedience,  and  many  more,  for  fear  of  being  tedious  to  the 
Reader.     His  whole  works  are  an    heap    of  milha pen  errours,  and  abfurd  para- 
doxes, vented  with  the  confidence  of  ajugler,  the  brags  of  a  Mauntebanck,and 
the    authority  of  fome  P)i»/^^^''rji,or  third  C<j/o,lately  dropped  down  from  heaven. 
Thus  we  have  feen  how  the   Hobbian  principles  do  deftroy  the  exilknce,  the 
'  nmplicity,the  ubiquity,eternity  and  infiniteneffe  of  God,the  dodlrine  of  the  blefTed 
Trinity,  the  Hypoftatical  union,  the    Kingly  Sacerdotal  and  Prophetical  Offices 
of  Chrilt  i  the  being  and  operation  of  the  Holy  Ghoft, Heaven  ,  Hell   ,  Angels, 
Devilj,  the  immortality  of  the  ^oul,   the  Catholick ,  and  all   National  Churches  j 
the  holy  Scriptures  ,  holy  Orders ,  the  holy  Sacraments,  the  whole  frame  of  Re- 
ligion ,  and  the  vvorfhipofGod-,  the  laws  of  Nature,  the  reality  of  Goodnefle, 
]uliice,Piety,Honefty  ,  Conrcience,and  all  that  is  Sacred.     If  his  Difciples,  have  fuch 
an  impiicite  faith,  that  they  can  digeft  allthefc  things,  they  may  feed  withOeftriches. 

G  AP 


Discourse   III.  of  Leviathaa  88: 


C  H  A  P.    2. 

7hat  the  Hibhian  Principles  do  dejlroy  all  reljthns  betneen  man  and  man^  and  the  whole 

frame  of  a  Comrmn-reealth. 
X'Hs  firlt  Hirpiriij-iron  is  thro'.vn  at  the  heart  of  this  great  While  v    that  i?  ,  hi? 
Religion  i  tor  with  the  heartj.  man  believeth  unto  righteoufiejje.     Now  let  inai 
look  to  his  chine  •,  that  is ,  his  Compare  or  Common- weahli.     My  next  task  is  to 
(liow  that  he  detiroyeth  all  reiatioui  becwccn  minand  man,  Prince  and  Subjedt    Pa-- 
rentand  child,  Husband  and   wite.  Mailer   and    fcrvant  ,  and  generally  ail  So- 
ciety 

It  is  enougli  to  dafli  tiic  whole  frame  ot  his  Leviathan  or  common- vvealti)  in  pie- 
ces. That  he  contelTeth  it  is  without  example  i  as  if  the  moldine  of  a  coiirrioii- 
wealth  were  no  more  than  the  making  of  gun-powder  ,  which  was  not  fbuna  out 
by  long  experience  ,  but  by  meer  accident.  Ihe  j>^reateji  ebjedion  (  fii:hT .  H.  )  ii  Ls.p.  107, 
that  ofpradice,  when  men  ask^ivben  and  rohere  fuch  porperhas  by  fubjtiis  been  ack^iofp- 
ledged.  It  is  a  great  objcdtion  indeed.  Expcreince  the  Miitriflc  of  fooles  is  t'le  beil, 
and  almolt  the  onely  proof  of  the  good  nefTe  or  badncfTe  of  any  form  of  government. 
No  man  knovveth  where  a  (hooe  wriiigeth  ,  fo  well  as  he  that  weaieth  if.  A  new 
Phyfitian  mult  have  a  new  Church-yard,  wherein  toburythofi  whom  he  killeth. 
And  a  nevv  unexperienced  Polititian  ,  coinmonly  putteth  aU  into  a  combulHon. 
Men  rife  by  degrees  from  common  fouldiers  to  be  decurions ,  frcm  decurionsto  be 
Centurions  ,  from  Centurions  to  be  Tribunes,  and  from  Tribunes  to  be  Generals,by 
experience  ,  not  by  fpeculation.  Akxander  did  but  laugh  at  that  Oratour  who 
difcourfed  to  him  of  Military  affairs.  The  Locrian  law  was  well  gronnded  ,  that 
whofoever  moved  for  any  alteration  <n  the  tried  policy  of  their  Common-wealth 
(hould  make  the  propotition  at  his  own  perill,  with  an  halter  about  his  neck.  New 
Statefmen  promife  golden  mountains,  but  like  frefli  flies  they  bite  deeper  than  thofe 
which  were  chafed  away  before  them.  It  were  a  Ihangc  thing  to  hear  a  man  dif- 
courfe  ofthePhilofophers  Stone  who  neverbeftoweda  groatfworth  ofcharcoleinthc 
inquiry.  It  is  as  firange  to  hear  a  man  didate  fo  magiilerially  in  Politicks,who  was 
never  Officer  nor  Counfellor  in  hislife,nor  had  any  opportunity  to  know  theintri/iues 
of  any  oneftatc.  If  his  form,  of  government  had  any  true  worth  or  weight  init , 
among  fo  many  Nations,  and  fo  many  fucceeding  Generations  from  the  Creation 
to  this  day  ,  fome  one  or*  other  would  have  light  upon  it.  HislLevlathan  is  but  an 
idol  ofhis  own  brain. 

Neither.is  it  fufficient  to  fay.That  in  long  lived  Common-ivealthi  the  fnbjeSfs  never  did  Jbid; 
difpttte  of  the  Soveraigns  power.  Power  may  lie  moderated,  where  it  is  not  difputed 
of.  And  even  in  thofe  kingdomes  where  it  was  lealt  difputed  of,  as  in  Perlia , 
they  had  their  fundamental  laws ,  which  were  not  alterable  at  the  pleafure  of  the 
prefent  Prince.  Whereofone  was,as  we  find  in  theltory  of  Edher,  and  the  book 
of  Daniel,  that  the  law  of  the  Medcsand  Perfians  altered  not :  much  leiTe  was  it 
alterable  by  the  onely  breath  of  the  Princes  mouth,  according  toT.  H.  his  Prin- 
ciples. 

He  urgeth,that  thou^i  in  all  places  of  the  iVorld  menpould  lay  the  foundations  oftheir  Ibid^ 
houfes  onthe  find^  it  could  not  thence  he  inferred,  that  jo  it  owht  to  be.  He  was  a 
afhamed  to  make  the  application.  So  fuppofe  all  the  World  lliould  beout  oftheir 
wits  and  he  onely  have  his  right  underlUnding.  His  fuppofition  is  a  ii.poolitionof 
an  impollibility,  which maketh  an  affirmative  propoluion  to  turn  neguive,  much 
likethisothcrfuppoiition.  J[ the skje  fall^TPeJhalt have  lark^s  ■■,  that  in  is  p'aia  En^lifli , 
We  fhall  have  no  larkes.  His  argument  had  held  much  more  (kongly  thus  all 
theworldlay  the  foundationof  their  houfes  upon  firm  ground  ,and  not  upon  the 
fand  ,  Therefore  he  who  crolTcth  the  pra<ftice  of  the  whole  world ,  out  ofan  over- 
weening opinion  that  he  feeth  further  into  a  mill-ftone  than  they  all, is  he  that 
builds  upon  the  fand  ,  and  dcferveth  well  to  belaught  out  of  his  humour. 

But  he  perfiftcth  ftill ,  like  one  that  knows  better  how  to  hold  a  Paradox,  than 
a  Fort;  "the  shjll  of  making  and  maintaing  Common-voeahhs  cottfjieth  in  certain  rnks,  as 
doth  Arethmetick,  and  Geometry ,  and  not  as  Tennis-play  ,  on  pra^iice  onely  ■■,  which 
rules  neither  poarmen  had  the  leifure  ,  nor  men  that  have  had  the  kifure  ^  have  hitherto 
had  tlie  curiofity  or  the  metHd  to  find  out.     O  excellent/  how  fortunate  are  we  ifwc 

knew 


S84 


[he   Catchhai  TOME  III. 


knew  our  own  iKippineHi;,  to  have  this  great  difcovery  made  in  our  dayes  ?  What 
pity  it  is  that  this  new  Mercury  did  nut  live  in  the  dayes  of  the  old  Mercury,  ^a 
firos  citltHT  bomimm  recintum  voce  frmavit  w/»<x,That  the  art  of  prefer  ving  the  world 


m 

■vvc 


perpetual  tranquility.lhould  not  be  difcovered  until  the  evening  of  the  world. May 
..'c  not  hope  (  fmce  he  pleafcd  to  tell  us  that  after  the  Refurredlion  ,  mankind  fliail 
£,fp,  340.  be  eternally  propagated  j  that  thefe  monuments  of  his  may  efcapc  the  laft  rire,  as 
wcllasfomcoihcrs  are  fuppofcd  to  have  efcaped  the  general  Deluge  ,  for  the  good 
of  ihofe  fuccelhvc  generations,  they  being  his  own  invention,  as  well  as  this  frame 
of  government. 

Yet  his  argument  is  moil  improper,  and  moft  untrue.  State- policy,  which  is 
wholly  involved  in  matter ,  and  circumftances  ot  time,  and  place,  and  perfons,  is 
not  at  all  like  Ariihmetick,a>td  Geometry, which  ^xc  altogether  abllraded  from  matter, 
but  much  more  like  'tennu-flay.  There  is  no  place  for  liberty  in  Arithmetick 
and  Geometry,  but  in  policy  there  is,  and  fo  there  is  in  Tennis-play.  A  game  at 
Tennis  hath  its  vicillitudes ,  and  fo  have  States.  A  Tennis  plaier  muft  change  his  . 
play  at  every  liroke,  according  to  the  occaiion  and  accidents:  fo  murt  a  Sates- man 
move  his  rudder  differently  ,  according  to  the  various  face  of  heaven.  He  who 
incfnageth  a  Common- wealth  by  general  rules,  will  quickly  ruinc  both  himfelf,  and 
thofc  ,  who  are  committed  to  his  government.  One  mans  meat  is  an  other  mans 
poifoni  and  thofe  which  arc  healthful  Rules  for  one  Society  at  one  time  ,  may  be 
pernicious  to  another  Society  ,  or  to  the  fame  fociety  at  another  time.  '  Some  Nati- 
ons arc  likeHoifes ,  more  patient  of  their  riders  than  others  -,  And  thcfame  Nati- 
ons more  patient  at  one  time  than  at  another.  In  fumme ,  general  rules  are  eafie, 
and  lignihe  not  much  in  policy.  The  quinteffence  of  policy  doth  confift  in  the 
dexterous  and  skilful  application  of  thofe  rules  to  the  fubjedt  matter. 

But  1  will  not  relt  inprefumptioiis.     Concerning  forreign  States  ,  and  firft  fuch 
as  are  not  cnely  Neighbourhoods,but  Allies,of  a  Common-wcalth,fuch,ashave  con- 
traded  friendihip  and  confederated  thcmfelves  together  byfolemne  oaths,  with  in- 
vocation of  the  holynamcof  the  great  God  of  Heaven  and  earth:  He  teacheth, 
C     2  f  22  That//«fc  <j»  oath  doth  bind  m  mere  than  nudum  pi&um,  a  flaked  Covenant.lt  is  true, 
*  that  every  Covenant  iseitherlawfull  or  unlawful).    If  it  be  unlawful , an  oath  can- 
not be  the  bond  of  iniquity  ;    If  it  be  lawful,  it  bindcth  in  confciencc  ,  though  it 
were  never  confirmed  by  oath.     It  is  true  further  ,  That  he  who  can  releafe  the 
naked  promife  can  releafe  the  fame  promife,  confirmed  by   an  oath ,  bccaufc  it  was 
not  made  or   intended  as  a  vow  to  God,  but  as  a  promife  to  man.  But  yet  to  fay 
that  d  nakfd   Covenant    bindetb  no  lejfe  than  an  oatb^  Or  thzt  an  oath  addeth  mthingto 
the  obligation  ,cr  that  the  mecr  violation  ot  a  Covenant  is  as  great  a  finne  ,  as  perjury 
and    covenants  breaking  twifted  together,  is abfurd  ,  and  opencth  a  large  gap  of 
forreign  war. 
Le.^.  6^.  Secondly  he  teacheth.  That  i«  all  times  Kings  and  ferfons  of  Soveraign  Authority^ 

becatife  of  their  independency^  are  in  continual  jealnjtftes^  and  in  the  fiat  e  andpoflttre  ofgla- 
diatoitrs,  having  their  weapons  pointings  and  their  eies  fixed  on  one  anothir.  It  is  good 
for  a  Soveraign  Prince  to  have  his  fword  alwaies  by  his  fide ,  to  be  ready  to  protedt 
his  Subjedts,  and  offend  thofe  who  dare  invade  him  :  but  to  put  Princes  in  the 
pofture  ofgladiators,watching  continually  where  they  may  hit  one  another,  or  do' 
one  another  a  mifchief,  is  dangerous.  There  can  be  no  firm  amity  ,  where  there 
is  no  mutual  confidence.  T.  H.  his  perpetual  diffidence  and  caufeleffe  jealoufies , 
which  have  no  ground,  but  an  univerfal  fufpicion  of  the  humane  nature ,(  much 
like  the  good  womans  fear,  that  the  log  would  leap  out  of  the  fire,  and  knock  out 
the  brains  ofher  child ,  do  beget  perpetual  vexations  to  them  that  cherifli  them  ) 
arguea  fclfguiltinelfe,  teach  them  whoare  fufpedled,  often  to  do  wor(e  than  the/ 
imagined,  and  ordinarily  produce  holtility  and  war.  T^hefiatecf  Common-wealths 
among  themfelves  vs  natural,  that  U,ho{Hle.  Neither  if  they  ceafe  to  fight,  U  it  peace  ^ 
^ic.  15  .}.']•  ^,^j  ^  breathing  fpaces  vcherein  the  one  enemy  ohferving  the  motion  or  countenance  of  the  0- 
thir,  doth  ejhem  hU  fecuriiy  not  frrmpa&s  butfrcm  the  forces  and  counfelsofhU  advcrfary. 
He  maktth  confederacies  to  be  but  empty  fhews  without  any  reality 

But  for  all  other  neighbour  Common- wealths,  which  are  not  confederates,  but 
cxercifc  commerce  one  with  another  ,  by  th"  Law  of  Nations  i  he  reckons  them  all 
asenemies,  and  in  a  ftate  of  nature,  (  the   Hrbbian  nature  of  man,  isworfethanthc' 

nature 


DiscoRse  III, of  Leviathan  8S^ 

nature  of  Bears,  or  Wolves ,  or  the  moft  favage  wild  beafts;  and  makech  it  lawful  "" 

to  dcflroy  them,  nocent  or  innocent,    indifferently.     All  men  that  are  mt  Subjeas 

areeither  enemies,  or  elfe  they  have  ceafedfrombeifigfo  by  fame  precedent  Covenants.  But 

agai»fl  enemies  ,  vphnm,  the  Commnn-ncealthjudgeth  capable  to  do  them  hurt^  it  U  larvfid    l-e-f.   16-^. 

by  the  original    right  of  nature  ,      tn  mak^e       war  rcherein  the  fword  judgeth  not,  nor 

doth  the  viSor  mak^  dijiitijiion  ofnocent  and  innocent.     Here  is  no  precedent  injury 

fuppofed  ,  no  refufal  to  do  right  (  omnia  dat  quijujia  negat  )  nor  the  leaft  fufpicion 

of  any  will  to   wrong  them ,  but  only  that  the  common-malth  ( that  is  the  Prmce  ) 

judge  them  capable  to  do  them  hurt. 

Neither  doth  he  hold  it  needful  to  denounce  war  in  fuch  cafes  ,[but  makethit 
lawful  to  fupprefTe  them  ,  and   cut  their  throats  without  any  warning.     From  this  •^"'•^  ^^' 
Imtvixa-V]  diffidence  of  one  another, there  is  no  way  for  any  man  tofecure  hirnfelffo  reafonable 
Of  anticipation  ,  that  jj  by  force  or  mles  to  majier  the  perfons  rfall  men  he  can  fe  lona  till  ^'-  <'-'>-f-^>  ^ 
he  fee  no  other  ponder  great  enough  to  endanger  him.     And  this  it  no  more  than  hisorvn 
confervation  requireth,       and    ii generally  allowed.Yor  in  theflate  of  meer  nature  the  larvs 
of  nature  are  filent ,  as  to  the  adtual  exercife  of  them.     And  this  he  may  do  velpalam 
vel  ex  inftdiis,  either  by  force  or  treachery,     what  is  now  become  of  the  law  ofNa- 
tions  ?  How  much   were  the  old  Romans  better  neighbours  than  thefe  new  Hob- 
bians .?  They  did  not  fo  eafily  fall  to  the  fliedding  of  humane  bloud  ,  but  fent  their 
Legate  firft  to  demand  juftice  ,and  after  three  and  thirty  dayes  expedation  in  vain  Liv 
to  proclaim  aloud  upon  the  confines  of  the  enemies  Country  ,  Hear  0  Jupiter   and 
thou  ]uno,  ^irinus  thousand  aVye  Gods ,  that  this  people  U  jnjuji,  8cc.     And  then  the 
Herald  or  Fascial  lanced  his  Javeline  into  the  enemies  Country,  asa  defiance  and 
beginning  of  war,  ' 

Thus  deftruftive  are  his  principles  to  the  publick  .peace  and  tranquillity  of  the 
World,  but  much  more  pernicious  to  the  Commonwealth  itfelf.  He  did  prudently 
fo  deny  that  virtue  did  confift  in  a  mean,  for  hehimfelf  doth  never  obferve  a  mean. 
All  his  bolts  fly  over  or  under,  but  at  the  right  mark  it  isin  vain  to  expcd  him!. 
Sometimes  he  fancieth  an  omnipotence  in  Kings^  fomctimes  he  rtrippeth  them  of 
their  juft  rights.  Perhaps  he  thinketh  that  it  may  fall  out  in  politicks,  a^  it  doth 
fometimesin  phyfick.  Bina  venena  invant,T wo  conttzry  poyfons  may  becortie  a  Cor- 
dial to  the  Common-wealth.  I  will  begin  with  his  defers,  where  he  attribateth  too 
little  to,power. 

Firft  he  teacheth,  that  no  man  is  bound  fo  go  to  warfare  in  perfon  ,  except  he  do 
voluntarily  undertake  it.     A  man,  that  is  commanded  as  a  Souldier  to  fight  againjithe 
enemy  ,  may  nevertheleffe  in  many  cafes  refuje  reithont  i«j«/?icf, Of  thefe  many  cafes,  he 
fetteth  down   onely  two.T'nll  n>hen  he  fubjiituteth  afufficientfouldier  in  hU place',  for  ^'h  ''2. 
inthUcjfehedeferteth  not  the  fervice  of  the  Commonrpeahh.  Second\y,  there  U  aHoxvance 
to  be  made  for  a  natural  timoroufneffe,or  men  of  feminine  courage.     This  might  parte  as  a 
municipal  law,  to  exempt  fosne  peribns  at  fome  time  in  fome  places.  But  to  extend 
it  to  all  perfons,  places  and  times,is  abfurd,and  repugnant  to  hisowngrounds,who 
teacheth  that  jujiice   &  injulHce  do  depend  upon  the  command  of  the  Soveraign,thzt  n>bat- 
foever  be  commandeth,he  maketh  larvful  andjujl  by  commanding  if     His  two  cafes  are 
two  great  impertinencies,  and  belong  to  the  Soveraign  to  do,  or  not  to  do  as  Graces:  Judg.j.^ 
who  U  timorous  or  fearful,  let  him  depart,  not  to        the  Subjeds  as  right.     He  for- 
getteth  how  often  he  hath  denied  all  knowledge  of  good  and  evill  to  Subjedts  and 
fubjcded  their  will  abfolutely  to  the  will  of  the  Soveraigni  The  Soveraign  may  \tfee- 
very  mansjirengh  and  wealth  athispleajitre.     His  acknowledgement  that  the    Sove-  Cic.  6.f.  i?, 
raign  hath  ri^t  enough  to  punifh  hlf  refufal  with  death,is  to  no  purpofe.The  queflion 
is  not  Vr-hether  his  refufal  be  punifhable  or  not ,  but  whether  it  be  jvift  or  not.  Upon 
his  principles  a  Soveraign  may  julily  enough  put  the  moft  innocent  Subjea:  in  the 
World  to  death,  as  we  (hall  fee  prefently.     And  his  exception  when  the  defence  ofthi 
Common-weahh  recjuireth  at  once  the  help  of  all  that  are  able  to  bear  armes,  is  no  anfwcr 
fo  the  other  cafe,  and  it  felf  a  cafe  never  like  to  happen.     He  muft  be  a  mortal  God 
indeed,  that  can  bring  all  the  hands  in  a  Kingdome,  to  fight  at  one  battle. 

Another  of  his  principles  is  this,  Security  is  the  end  for  which  men  mak^  themfelves  ^'-c.  c£f3' 
fubjeSs  to  others  ,which  if  it  be  not  enjoyed  no  man  is  underflood  to  have  fub']e&ed  himfelf 
to  others,  or  to  have  loji  his  right  t»  defend  bimfe  If  at    his  own   difaetion.    Neither  if  aiiy 


mm 


885  The   Catching  TOME  III. 

man  underfiocd  to  b'ave  bound  hinijelf  to  any  thing  ,  or  to  have  relincjuijhcd  his  right  over 
all  things^  before  his  crcH  fccttrity  he  provided  for.  What  ugly  confeqnences  flow  from 
this  paradox,  and  what  a  large  window  openeth  to  fcdition  and  rebellijn,! 
leave  to  the  readers  judgement.  Either  it  muft  be  left  to  the  foveraign  determina- 
tion whether  the  fubjeds  fccurlty  be  fufficiently  provided  for ,  And  then  in  vain  is 
any  mans  fentencc  expcdcd  againft  hirnfelf,  or  to  the  difcrttion  of  the  fubjeft  (  as 
the  words  themfelv  es  do  fecm  to  import,  ;  and  then  there  need  no  other  bellowes* 
to  kindle  the  Hrc  of  a  civill  war,  and  put  a  whole  commonwealth  into  a  combufti- 
on,  but  this  fcditious  Article. 

We  fee  the  prefent  condition  of  Europe,  whit  it  is ',  that  moft  foveraigncs  havefub- 
jeds  of  different  communion  from  themfelves,  and  are  necellitated  to  tolerate  ditfe- 
rent  rites,  for  fear  lead  whilft  they  are  plucking  up  the  tares,  they  fliould  eradicate 
the  wheat.  And  he  that  Oiould  advife  them  to  do  other  wife  ,  did  advifc  them  to 
put  all  into  fire  and  flame.  Now  hear  this  merciful!  and  peaceable  Author  :  It  is 
manifeft  that  they  do  againjl  confcience  ,  andtvijh  ,  as  much  OiU  in  tbem,  the  eternal  de- 
Jirudton  of  their  fubjcSs^  who  do  not  eaufefuch  doUrine  andfuch  worjhip^to  he  taught  and 
exhibited  to  their  jubjeUs,  as  they  themfelves  do  believe  to  conduce  to  their  eternal 
Ci  c  n.f.'i.  f'*^^"*^""'"  3  or  tolerate  the  contrary  to  be  tanght  and  exBibited.D'id  this  man  writ  waking 
or  dreaming. 

Andhowlbever  in  words  he  denic  all  refiftance  to  the  foveraign  ,  yet  indeed  he 
admittethit.     No  manU  bound  by  his  paiis  vchatfoever  they  be  ^  not  to  ref(t  him  ^  who 
rj.e  2.f.i^.l'^i>tgtth  upon  him  death  or  wounds  ^  or  other  bodily  dammage.     (  by  this  learcing  the 
Schollar  if  he  be  able  ,  may  take  the  rod  out  of  his  mafters  hand  ,  and  whip  himj 
It  folio  weth,     Seeing  therefore  no  man  it  bound  to  that  which  is  impo^ble  ^they  who  are 
tofufftr  death  or  wounds  or  other  corporal  dammage^  and  are  not  conftant  enough  to  endure 
Le.  12.        them,  are  ywt  obliged  to  fufer  them.  Any  mote  (aUy     Jn  cafe  a  great  many  men  together 
already  refjied  the  foveraign  power  unjtiftly  ,or  committed  fame  capitall  crime  ^  for  rvbieh 
every  one  oj  them  expeUeth  death  whether    haue  they  not  the  liberty  to  join  together  ,  and 
ajjiji  and  defend  one  another}  certainly  they  have,  for  they  dt)  but  defend  their  lives, which 
the  guilty  man  may  as  well  do,  as  the  innocent.     "There  was  indeed  unjujiice  in  the  firfi 
breach  of  their  duty.     Iheir bearing  of  armes  fubfequent  to  it ,  though  it  be  to  maintain 
what  they  have  done,  is  no  new  unjuji  ad.     Why  (hould  we  not  change  the  name  of 
Leviathan  into  the  KebeVs  catechifm  ?  Obfervc  the  difference  between  the  primitive 
fpirit ,  and  the  Hobbian  fpirit.     The  Thebaean  Legion  of  known  valour  in  a  good 
caufe  ,  when  they  were  able  to  reiift,  did  choofe  rather  to  be  cut  in  pieces  to  a  man , 
than  defend  themfelves  againit  their  Emperor  by  armes  ,becaufe  they  would  rather 
die  innocent,  than  live  nocent.     But  T.  H.  alloweth  Rcbellsand  confpirators  to 
I  make  good  their  unlawful  attempts  by  armes  :  was    there  ever  fuch  a  trumpeter 
of  rebellion  heard  of  before  ?  perhaps  he  may  fay  that  he  alloweth  them  not  to  jufti, 
fie  their  unlawful!  adts,  but  to  defend  themfelves.     Firfi:  this  is  contrary  to  himfelf 
for  he  alloweth  them  to  maintain  what  they  had  unjujily  done.  This  is  too  much  and 
too  intolerable,  but  this  is  not  all.     Secondly ,  If  they  chance  to  win  the  field  who 
mufl  fuffer  for  their  faults  ?  or  who  dare  thenceforward  call  their  Ads  unlaw- 
ful! 

Will  you  hear  what  a  cafuifthc  is  ?  And  for  the  other  injiance  of  attainingfoveraignty 
l^  f .  75'  ^y  rebellion  ,  it  is  manifeji  that  though  the  event  follow ,  yet  becaufe  it  cannoti  reafonably 
be  expelled ,  but  rather  the  contrary,  and  becaufe  by  gaining  it  fo,  others  are  thought  to 
gain  the  fame  in  //%  manner  ,  the  attempt  thereof  is  againjl  reafon.  And  had  he  no  other 
reafons  indeed  againff  horrid  Rebellion  but  thefe  two  ?  It  feemeth  he  accounteth 
confcience  ,or  the  bird  in  he  breafi,  to  be  butanldoll  of  the  brain.  And  the  King- 
dome  of  heaven  (  as  he  hath  made  it)  not  valuable  enough  to  be  ballancedagainft  an 
earthly  Kindome  Andasforhell  he  hath  expunged  it  and  all  the  infernal!  fiends 
out  of  the  nature  of  things ,  otherwifc  he  could  not  have  wanted  better  argument? 
Ci.c.  2.f      again!!  fuch  a  crying  Cm. 

ip.  Another  of  his  theorems  is ,  that  no  man  if  obliged  by  anypaUsto  accufe  himfelf. 

Which  in   fome  cafes  is  true,  but  in  his  fcnfe  ,  and  in  his  latitude,  and  upon  his 
grounds, it  is  mof!  untrue.  When  publick  fame  liath  accufed  aman  before  hand,  he 
may  be  called  upon  to  purge  himlelf  or  fuffer.     When  the  cafe  is  of  publick  con- 
cernment. 


Discourse  I  1 1.  (jf  Leviathan 

ccrnment,and  the  circumltancc^  pregnant,  all  nations  do  take  the  liberty  to  examine" 
a  man  upon  oath  in  his  own  caufe,  and  where  the  fafety  and  welfare  of  the  com- 
monwealth is  concerned,  as  in  cafes  of  high  trcafon,and  for  the  more  full  difcovery 
of  confpiracies,  upon  the  rack.  Which  they  could  not  do  lawfully  if  no  man  was 
bound  in  any  cafe  to  difcover  himfelf.  His  reafon  is  filly,  For  in  viin  da  we  makg 
him  Promifct  who  when  he  hath  performed,  we  k>iow  mt  whether  he  have  performed  or 
not.  And  makes  as  much  againii  all  examination  of  witneffes  as  delinquents.  Jn 
vain  do  wt  mai^  them  give  teiiimoriy^  who  wljen  they  have  tejiified,  we  \i^ow  not  whether 
they  have  given  right  tejiimony  or  not. 

But  his  next  co«clufion  willuncafe  him  fully,  and  (hew  us  what  manner  of  man 
heis,Iif   the  common-wealth  come  into  the  power  of  its  enemies  ^fo  that  they  cannot  he 
refijied,  ix  who  had  the  foveraignty  before^  U  ttnderjiood  to  have  loji  it.     What  enemies  he  Ci-c.  7V^i8° 
meaneth  ,fuch  as  have  the  jult  power  of  the  fword,    or  fuch  as   have  not,  what  he 
meaneth  by  the 'common- wealth  the  whole  Kingdom,  or  any  part  of  it,  what  he 
intendcth  by  cannot  he  refiihd  ,  whether  a  prevalence  for  want  offerees  to  refirt  them, 
or  a  viftory  in  a  fct  battle,  ,or  a  hnall  conqueft,  And  what  he  meaneth  by  lofing  the 
Soveraignty,  loofing  it  de  faHo.  or  de  jure,  loofing  the  poffelh'on  only  ,or   looting 
the  right  alfo  ,  he  is  filent.     It  may  be  ,  becaufc  he  knowcth  not  the  differencei 
wemuft  (earch  out  his  fenfe    fome  where  elfe.     The  obligation  of  fubjeils  to  the 
foveraign  U  underjiood  to  Lli  of  long,  and  no  longer ,  than  the  power  lajieth^by  which  he  is 
able  toproteU  t'oem,&c.  JFt:erefoever  amatffeetb  proteCiian,  either  in  his  own  or  in  another s 
fword,  nature  apptieth  hif  obedience  to  it ,  and  his  endeavour  to  maintain  it.     By  his 
leave  this  is  right  dogs  play,  which  alwaks  take  part  with  the  Itronger  fidci     But/L^./'.  ii.  1. 
yet  this  is  general. 

The  next  is  more  particular  ,  when  ins  warforrtign  or  inie^ine  the  enemies  get  a. 
final  victory, Jo  x  the  jorces  of  the  Commonwealth  keeping  the  field  no  longer  ,  there  is  no 
farther  protedion  ofJubjeCis  in  their  loyalty,  then  U  the  Commonwealth  diffolved,  andevery 
man  at  liberty  to  proteU  himfelf ,  by  fuch  courfes  as  his  own  difaretionjhall  fuggejiunto  him. 
Yet  thefe  words /i«w/ wciory  are  doubtful.  When  Davids  forces  were  chafed  out 
of  the  Kingdom  ,  fo  that  he  was  notable  toprotcfthis  fubjeds  in  their  loyalty , 
could  this  be  called  a  final  vidory? 

The  next  place  is  home  ,  He  who  hath  no  obligation  to  his  former  joveraign,  but  that 
of  an  ordinary  fubjeii,hath  liberty  to  fubmit  to  a  Couquerour,  when  the  meanes  of  his  life  is 
within  the  guards  and  garrifns  of  the  enemy,  for  it  is  then  that  he  hath  no  longer  froteUion 
^mbim,\_\\is  SovCTa.xgn']  but  is  prote^ed  by  the  adverfe  party  for  his  contribution,  r  ^j^' 

And  he  condudeththat  a  totaU  fubmi^on  is  as  lawfull  as  a  contribution.  Which  is  con-  '  " 
trary  to  the  (enfc  of  all  the  world.  If  a  lawful  foveraign  did  giveagencral  releafe 
to  his  fubjed ,  afwell  as  he  giveth  him  licence  to  contribute,  he  faid  fomthing.  And 
to  top  up  all  thefe  dilloyal  paradoxes  he  addcth,That  they  who  live  under  the  proteSion 
cf  a  Conqueraur  openly  ,  are  underjijod  tojubmit  themfelues  to  the goverment.  And  that 
in  the  very  aS  of  receiving  protection  ^openly,  and  not  renouncing  it  openly ,  they  do  oblige 
themselves  to  obey  the  lawes  of  their  protector,  to  which  inreceiving  protection  they  have 
afiinted. 

Where  thefe  Principles  pre  vail,  adieu  honour,  and  honefty,  &  fidelity  ,  and  loyal- 
ty: all  muft  give  place  to  felfintcreft.  What  for  a  man  todefert  his  Soveraign  up-  ^p-  137 
on  the  firft  prevalence  of  an  enemy, or  the  firli  payment  of  a  petty  contribution,  or 
the  firft  apparence  of  a  fword,  that  is  more  able  toproted  us  for  theprelent  ?  Is  this 
his  great  lawQfnature,/'afi/j  \ia»dnm,to jia>tdto  what  we  haVe  obliged  our  felve.s  <  Then 
Kings  from  whom  all  mens  right  and  property  is  derived  ,  (houUi  not  have  fo  much 
right  thefefclves  in  their  own  inheritance  as  the  meaneft  fubjed.  It  ieemcth  T,  H. 
did  take  his  Soveraign  for  better ,  but  not  for  worfe.  Faiye  fall  thofe  old  Roman 
fpirits,whD  gave  thanks  to  Terentius  Varro ,  after  he  had  loft  the  great  battle  of 
Cannsby  his  own  defauU,becaufe  hedid  not  defpair  of  the  Commonwealth.  And  would 
not  fell  the  ground  that  Hannibal  was  encamped  upon,  one  farthing  cheaper  than 
if  it  had  been  in  time  of  peace  ,  which  who;  one  thing  that  difcouraged  that  gteat 
Conn£  from  continuing  the  fiege  of  Rome.  ., 

His  former  difcourfc  hath  as  many  faults  aslir.cs.     Fitft  all  Soveraignty  is  notfrom 

1^  n  n  n  n  the 


bsT^  The    Catcbinii  TOME  111, 

the  people.  He  himfelf  acknowledgeth,ThatMfr/y    Empire  or  .?omr  was  i>jftiutted 
r       h\  God  in  the  Creaiion.attd  was  Monarchical.  Secondly,  where  the  application  ci  Sove- 

Cfcr.  10./.  3.  J  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  p^^f^^j,  j5  fjQno  the  people,  yet  there  are  other  ends  btfjdcs  pro- 
tedicn.  Thirdly  ,  protedion  is  not  a  condition,thoi'gh  it  be  a  dutyi  A  iailing  iu 
duty  iioth  not  cancel  a  right.  Fourth!y,prot(.aion  ought  to  be  mutual.  The  fub'jcd 
ouJu  to  defend  his  King,  as  well  as  the  King  hisfubjedi  if  the  King  bedifablcd  to 
protect  his  fubjed  by  theiubjeds  own  fault,bccaurehe  did  not  a'.iiii  him  as  he  ought, 
thisdoth  not  warrant  the  fub)ed  to  feekprotcdiOl^  elfewhcrt.  Fifthly  he  doth  not  di- 
Minguilh  between  a  jull  Conqueror ,  who,  hath  the  power  of  the  fword  ,  though  he 
abufe  it ,  and  him  that  hath  no  power  at  all.  1  will  try  if  he  can  remember  whofc 
words  thefearcv  Ihey  that  have  already  infiituted  a  Commonxvealth  ,  heing  thereby  bound 

te.p.  8$.  ^  covtnant  ta  own  tie  aUions  and  judgements  of  one  ^cannot  lawfufSy  mak(  a  ntw  covenant 
among  themjehes  to  be  obedient  to  any  other  Jin  any  thing  whatfoever^withom  his  fermifton. 
Jnd  therefore  they  that  arefubjeCis  to  a  Monarch,  cannot  without  his  leave  cali  off 
Monarchy,  mr  transfer  their  ferfm  from  him  that  bearethit^to  another  man.  Thisis 
home  both  for  right  and  obligation. 

Sixthly  ,  there  arc  other  requitltes  to  the  extinaion  of  the  right  ofa  Prince,  and 
the  obligat'ion  ofa  fubjed  ,than  the  prefCHt  prevalence  or  conqucft  of  an  enemy. 
Seventhly  nature  doth  not  didateto  a  fubjed  to  viokitc  his  oaths  and  allegiance, 
by  ufinghis  endeavours  to  maintain  protedion  wherefoever  he  feeth  it ,  either  in  his 
own  fword  or  another  mans.  Eighthly,total  fubmiffion  is  not  as  lawful  as  con- 
tribution. Ninthly,  adual  fubmillion  doth  not  take  away  the  Soveraigns  right  ,or 
thefubjeds  obligation.  Tenthly,  to  live  under  the  command  or  protedion  ofa 
Conquerour  doth  not  neceffarily  imply  allegiance.  Laftly  ,iiiuch  lefTc  doth  it  im- 
ply an  aifent  to  all  his  laws,  and  an  obligation  to  obey  them. 

Thefe  are  part  of  T.  H.  his  faults,  on  the  one  hand  agaioft  Monarchs,  oppofite 
enough  to  peace  and  tranquility  ,  which  none  can  approve  who  either  have  a  fet- 
tlement  ,or  wilh  one.  But  his  faults  are  ten  times  greater  and  grofler  for  Mon- 
archs,  on  the  other  hand  ,  in  fo  much  as  I  have  thought  fometimes  that  he  obferved 
them'ethod  cffome  old  cunning  Parliament  men,  who  when  they  had  a  min^  to 
crofle  a  bill,  were  alwayes  thehigheft  for  it  in  the  Houfc,  and  would  infert  fomany 
and  fo  great  inconveniences  into  the  ad ,  that  they   were  fure  it  could   never 

pafle. 

Tuta  frequenfq-,  via  eft  per    amici  fame  nomen. 
Thus  he  maketh  the  power  oi  Kmgs  to  be  focxorbit3rt,that  no  fubjed  who  hath 
cither  confcience  or  difcretion,  every  did  or  can  endure  ifoto  render  Monarchy 
odious  to  mankind. 

I  pafle  by  his  accommodating  of  the  four  firll  Comnvindmcnts  of  the  Decalogue  to 
Soveraign  Princes,  which  concern  our  duty  to  Almighty  God.  Lee  hib  firll  Paradox 
Le.t.  177.  of  this  kind  be  this.  A  Monarch  doth  not  bind  himfelfto  any  man  hy  any  pafJs^for  the  Em- 
C/.  C.7./.  II  pire  which  he  receiveth.  Audit  is  vain  to  grant  Snxerugnty  hy  wax  "f  precedent  covenants, 
"the  opinion  that   any  Monarch  receiveth  his  power  hy   cove>!i':t  ■> -.hat  is  to  jay^oncon- 
Le.  p.  $9.      Elliott  /learned  ly  expounded  )proceedeth  from  want  of  underftayuitng  this  eafie  truth,  that 
covenants  beingbut  words  and  breath,[_  marke  that]  have  no  force  to  oblige  8cc.  butfrom 
the  pibUck^  fword.     What  is  now  become  of  all  our  Coronation  oathes,  and  all  oui 
Liberties  and  great  Charters  > 
Q-      efn        Another  Paradox  is  t\\is:Ev(ry  Monarch  may  mal^  his  Suceffour  by  his  lafl  will,and 
•f*  5*>    9   ^y^  rphich  one  may  transfer  to  aitotinrby  tejhment^that  he  may  be  the  fame  right  ^ive  orfeU 
whileji  he  is  living.  Tberefure  to  whomjoever  he  difpojeihit  eithtr  fir  love  or  monyjt  is  law 
fully  di}pofed-  And  there  is  no  ptrfU  form  ofgovtrmnent  where  the  difpofing  of  the  fuccefport 
Le.p.gp.       is  not  in  theprtfent  Soverai(ni.     The  whole  body  ofthe  kingdom  of  England  were  of 
another  mind   in  King  Johns  cafei  and  if  he  had  difpofed  the  Soveraignty  fo  a 
Turke,  as  fomc  of  our  Hirtoriographers  relate  that  be  made  an  overture ,  it  is  not -- 
likely  that  they  would  have  turned  Turkifh  flaves.  * 

Hear  a  third   Viiodoya.  "The  SnveYaign  hath  fo  much  power  over  every  fuhjed  bylaw, 
■-..■.c.6./.i8«    jyg^^^fy  g}jfrrljo is  not  ftibjtd  to  another  hath  over  himfe/f  ithat  is^abfolute  \  to  be  Itmi- 
tedby  the  power  of  the  Common- wealth  ,  and  by  no  ether  thing.     What  neither  by  the 
Laws  of  GodjUorNatiue,  nor  Nations,  nor  bytheiaws  of  the  Land,ncJtherco- 

adjvely 


DiscouRSE  111.  <jr  Leviarhan  %jo 

a(!^lively  nor    dire(ftivc!y  ?  Would  noc  this  man  have   made  an  excellent  guide  fur 
princes?  But  more   of  this  anon. 

I  Proceed,  when  the  Soveraigncomniindeth' any  thing  to  be  done  aga'tn^  hii  orvnfoT- 
mer  law  i  the  command  its  to  that  particular  fj&^  if  an  abrogation  <f  the  law.  Parliaments  Lr  p'lS-J. 
may  fliut  up  rhcir  (hops ,  there  is  ho  need  of  them  to  repeale  former  lawes. 

His  iifth  excefle  is  a  grievo^us  one  ,  That  before  the  in{Htutionof  aGommonweaUh  , 
every  man  had  a  right  to  do  whatfofver  be  thought  necejfary  to  his  own  prefirvation,  fub- 
dtiing, hurting,  or  killing  any  man ,  in  ord^r  thereunto.  And  this  ii  the  foundation  of  ■^^'  ^^^' 
that  right  nfpttnijhing  which  is  eficercifed  in  every  Commonwealth.  And  his  fentence  in 
brief  is  this  i  That  if  the  Magiiirate  do  examine  and  condemn  the  Delinquent,  then 
it  is  properly  punifliment,  if  not,  it  is  an  hojiile  ^fl,  but  both  are  juftitiabie.  judge 
Reader  ,  whct4icr  thou  wilt  truft  St.  Paul  orT.  H.  St.  Paul  tcUeth  us,  that  the 
Magiiirate  is  the  ordinance  of  God,  the  Mtnifler  of  God,  tbe  Revenger  of  Cod,  the  Sword-  ^'''  ^^'^'^' 
bearer  of  God  to  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doth  evil. 

No  faith  T.  H.     punifhment  is  not  an  aft  of  the  Magiftrate  as  he  is  a  Magiftrate 
or  as  he  is  an  Officer  of  God  to  do  juftice,  or  a  revenger  of  evil  deeds »  but  as  he  is 
the  onely  Private  man,  who  hath  not  laid  down  his  natural  right  to  kill  any  man  ajt 
•  his  own  difcretion  ,  if  he  do  but  fufped  that  he  may  prove  noifome  to  him,  or  con- 
ceive it  ncccflfary  for  his  owti  prefcrvation.     Whoever  heard  offuch  a  right  before , 
fo  repugnant  to  the  Laws  of  God  and  Nature?  But  obfcrve  Reader  what  is  the 
refuit  of  it ,  that  the  Soveraign  may  lawfull  kill  anyofhisfubjedts,    or  asraanyof 
them  as  he  pleafeth  ,  without  any  fault  of  theirs  ,  without  any  examination  on  his 
part,    mcerly  upon  fufpicion,  or  without  any  fufpicion  of  the  leall  crime,  if  he  do 
but  judge   him  to  be  hurtful  or   noifome  ,as  freely  as  a  man  may  pluck  up  a  weed  , 
becaufe  it  hinders  the  nouirfhment  of  better  plants.  Before  the  infiitution  of  a  Common-  ^. 
wealths  every  one  may  lawfully  be  fpoiled  and  killed  by  every  one,  but  in  a  Comm  'ntpealth        ^*  ^°*J*' 
oncly  by  one,  that  is  the  Soveraign.     And  by  the  riaht  of  nature  we  deftroy  without  be- 
ing ttnjujl  ,  all  that  is  noxious,  both  bealh  and  men.     He  makes  no  diiherence  between 
aChriftian    and  a  wolfe.     Would  you  know  what  is  noxious  with  him,  even  w/jj/- 
foever  he  think^th  can  annoy  him.     Who  would  not  defire  to  live  in  his  Common- ^.;>.Ktf.  «^* 
wealth  ,  where  the  iJoveraign  may  lawfully  kill  a  thoufand  innocents  every  mor-  14.0, 
ningto   his  brcakfaft  ?  Surely  this  is  a   Commonwealth    of  filhes,  where  thegrcat 
ones  catc  thelcffer. 

It  were  ftrange  if  his  Snbjeds  fliould  be  in  abetter  condition  for  their  fortunes , 
than  they  are  for  their  lives,  no  I  warrant  you  :  do  buthearehim.  Ihy  dominion 
and  thy  property  isfo  great  ,  and  lajietb  fo  long  ,  as  the  Commonwealth  \_  that  is,  the  So-  ^'•'^•i'-  1-7' 
verign^  will.  Perhaps  he  meaneth  in  fome  extraordinary  cafes  ?  Tufh  ,  in  all  cafes , 
and  at  all  times.  When  thou  didii  chufe  a  Soveraign  ,  even  in  chufing  him  thou 
madcft  him  a  deed  of  gift  of  all  thou  hali  ,  Et  tu  ergo  tuum  jus  civitati  concejpiii,  and  ., . , 
therefore  thou  haft  granted  all  thy  right  to  the  Commonwealth 

Yet  fome  may  imagine  that  his  meaning  is  only  that  property  may  be  transferred 
by  lawes  or  Adts  of  Parliament  from  one  to  another,     ^s  the  Lacedemonians,  when 
they  permitted  children  to  Jleal  other  mens  goods  ,  they   transferred  the   right  from  the 
owners  to  the  Children.  No,  no,  T.  H.  is  not  tor  general  laws,  but  particular  v.-rbal  Ci,z.\^.f.io. 
mandates.     The  Kings  word  is  [undent  to  tak^  any  thing  from  any  (ubjeSl ,  if  there 
he  need,  and  the  King  is  judge  of  that  need.     If  by  need  he  did  undcrlland  cxtrcam  £,<>  10.  c5. 
necellity  ,  for    the  prefervation    of  the  Commonwealth,  it  might  alter  the  cafe?.    ' ' 
But  this  need  is  like  Ahabs  need  of  Naboths  vineyjrd.     There  is  nither  necellity,  nor 
Commonwealth  in  the  cafe.     The  Lacedemonian   thefts  were  warranted  by  a  ge- 
neral law,  not  only  conftnted  to  univerfally,  but  fworn  unto.     And  if  it  had  been 
otherwife,  the  value  was  fo  fmail,  and  the  advantage  apprehended,    to  be  fo  great 
to  the  Commonv/ealth  ,  that  no  honeft  Subjed  would  contradift  it. 

Pvight  and  Title  may  be  traasferred  by  law  ,  and  there  can  be  no  wrong,  where 
confcnt  isexplicit  and  univerfal  s  fuch  confent  takethaway  all  errour.  But  if  the 
confent  be  onely  implicit ,  to  the  makinu;  or  admittingof  juft  laws,  and  unjuft 
lawes  be  obtruded  in  the  place  of  juft,  the  SuL.jcft  fuffers  juftly  by  his  own  Ad  :  but 
he  or  they  that  were  trulkd  finne.  And  if  he  be  a  Soveraign  ,  owcth  an  account  to 
God  :  if  fubordinate,  both  to  God  and  man.     But  he  juftificth  the  taking  away  ot 

N  n  n  n  n  2  men? 


II 


The    Catchw(r  TOM^    HI. 


mens  cftatc?,  either  in  part  ,  orin  whole,  without  precedcnc  Law,  or  precedent 
neccfiity  ,  or  fubfequcnt  fatisfadion.  And  maintaineth  ,that  nut  onely  thcSubjed 
is  bound  to  fubmit,  but  that  the  Sovcraign  is  juU  in  doing  it. 

I  cannot  paflc  by  hii  good  affcftion  to  the  Nobility  o(  Europe:  Jn  tbffe  farts  of  Europe, 
T  f,  9  it  hath  been  tak^  for  a  right  cf  certain  perforts,  to  have  place  tnthe  hijjjbeft  Council  of 
'''  '^'  State  by  inheritance:  , but  good  courtfcl  comes  mt  by  inheritanet.  And  the  politick^  ii  an 
harder  {iuJy  than  Geometry.  I  think  he  niiftakes  the  Council  of  State  for  the  Par- 
lianicnr.  And  who. more  fit  to  concur  in  the  choice  of  Laws,  than  they  who  arc 
moll  concerned  in  the  Laws,  than  they  who  muft  contribute  moft,  if  there  be  oc- 
cafion,  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Laws.  No  art  is  hereditary  more  than  politicks. 
A  Mufitian  doth  not  beget  a  Mufitian.  Yet  we  fee  the  fathers  eminence  in  any  Art, 
begets  a  propenfion  in  his  pollerity  tothc  fame.  And  where  two  or  three  fucccliive 
generations  do  happily  infiR  in  the  ftcps  one  cf  another,  they  raife  an  Art  to  great 
prcfe(ffion.  1  do  eailly  acknowledge  that  politicks  arc  an  harder  ftudy  then  Geome- 
try, and  the  praftife  inorc  than  thcorye,  gained  more  by  experience  than  by  ftudy. 
Therefore  our  Parliaments  did  prudently  permit  the  cldcft  fons  of  Barons ,  to  be 
prefent  at  their  confultations ,  to  fit  them  by  degrees  ,  for  that  perfon  which  they 
mud  one  day  fuftein.  But  he  had  a  mind  to  (hew  the  Statcsmenhis  tccth,as  he 
had  done  to  all  other  profellions. 

There  are  many  I  thererrours  and  miftakes  in  his  Politicks,  as  this,  JhatSevc- 
Ci  cT  (  Ar  fg^'fy  cannot  be  divided,  or  that  there  ctnnit  be  a  mixed  from  ofgoverment,  which  is 
i?A  iVo."  ^  ^^^^  miftaking  of  the  qucfiion.  For  though  it  be  fomctimes  ftiled  a  mixed 
^'''  '  monarchy,  bccaufe  it  doth  partake  of  all  the  advantages  of  Ariftocracy  and  Demo- 
without  partaking  of  their  inconveniences,  yet  to  fpeak  properly  ,  it  is  more  aptly 
called  a  temperatcd  or  moderated  Soveraignty,rather  than  divided  or  mixed.Neithcr 
did  any  Englifh  Monarch  communicate  any  cflential  of  fovcraignty  to  any  fubjedtor 
Subjedtswhatfover.  all  civil  power,  legiflative,' judiciary,  military,  was  ever  exerci- 
fed  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  by  his  authority.  The  three  Eftates  of  the  King- 
dom afTembled  in  Parliament,were  but  fuppliants  to  the  King,  to  have  fuch  or  fuch 
Laws  enaded;  what  is  it  then  that  hath  occafioned  this  milkke^though  the  King  hath 
not  granted  away  any  pait  of  hisSoveraign  power,  yet  he  hath  rcftrained  himfelf  by 
his  Coronation-oath ,  and  by  his  great  Charters  , from  the  exercife  of  fome  part  of 
itinfome  cafes ,  without  fuch  and  fuch  requilite  conditions  ,c  except  where  the 
evident  neceihty  of  the  Common  wealth, is  a  difpenfatioii  from  Heaven  for  the  con- 
trary }  So  he  hath  rcftrained  himfelf  in  the  exercife  of  his  legiflative  power,  that  he 
will  govern  his  fub)e<fts  by  no  new  Laws,  other  then  fuch  as  they  fhould  afTcnt 
unto.  It  is  not  then  any  legiflative  power,  which  the  two  Houfes  of  Parliament 
have  cither  cxcluHvcly  without  the  Kmg,  or  inclufively  with  the  King,  butare- 
ceptive,  or  rather  a  preparative  power,  /w  qua  nen,  without  which  nonev»  Laws- 
ought  tobeimpofed  upon  them:and  asno  new  laws,  fononcw  taxesor  impofitions 
which  are  granted  in  England  by  a  Satute   Law. 

By  this  it  is  evident  how  much'  his  difcourfe  o^ three Jouls  animating  one  body, is, 
•wide  from  the  purpofe ,  and  his  fuppofition  oi  Jetting  up  afupremacy  agaifili  the  Sove^ 
raifiity.  Canons  agatyili  Larvs , and  a  gho(i!y  authority  againji  the  cii-i/,  wcigheth  lefTe 
than  nothii-'g,  feeing  we  acknowledge,  Tliat  the  civil  Sovcraign  hath  an  Atchite- 
(Ttovjical  power ,  to  fee  that  all  Subjcdfs  within  his  dominions  do  their  duties  in 
their  feveral  callings  ,forthcfafcty  and  tranquility  of  their  Commonwealth,  and  to 
purifh  thofcthat  are  exorbitant  with  the  civil  fword,  as  well  thofe  who  derive  their 
habitual  power  imnicdiatly  from  Chrift,  asthcfc  who  derive  it  from  the  Sovcraign 
himfeif.  Then  the  conftitution  of  cur  Englifh  policy  was  ret  to  be  blamed  , the 
exercife  of  tbe  power  of  the  keys,  by  authority  from  Chrifl ,  was  not  to  be  blamed 
but  T.  H.  defcrvcth  to  be  blamed  ,  who  prefumeth  to  ccnfure  before  he  un. 
dcrflands. 

Another  of  his  whimfics  is ,   That  no  Liw  can  be  unjufi  j  ly  agood  lav  Jmean,  not  < 

r         9        juft  Lw  ,  jor  no  lave  can  he  U'ljuji ,  &:c.  J(  H  in  the  Laves  oj  the  Commonwealth  ,  of  in 

^f.p.io  .      the  larrs  of  gaming,     rfhatfctitr  the. Camjhrs  aV  agree  on,  ififjufiicetononeofihem.  An 

opisiion  ablurd  init  fclf ,  andcontradidory  to  his  own  ground.  There  may  be  laws 

tending-to  the  contuniely  ci  God^to  Atheifme,  to  denial  of  Gcds  providence,  to  I 

4  dolatry 


Dis^couRSE  II  I of    Leviathan  '     %^ 

dolatr/,  all  which  he  confefTeth  to  be  crimes  ot'high  trirafon  againll  God.Thcre  may  ^        "^ ~ 

be  Laws  againft  thcLaw  of  nature,   which  he  acknowkdgcth  to   be  the   divine 

LifP  ^(ternally  '  imvutahle,   which  G  d  hatk  madf  known  to  all  men,  by  his  eternal 

rvordb)TH  in  tkenijelves  ^  that  is  to  jay  ^natural  reafun.    But   this   queftion,  whether  ^z.  c"i4./.4. 

any  law  can  be  unjull,   hath  becu  vlcbatcd  more  fully  between  him  aud  me,  in  my 

anfwerc  to  his    Animadverfions.    The  true  ground  of  this  and  many  oth:r   of  his 

miliakes,  is  this,    that  he  tancieth  no  reality  of  any  natural  judice  or  honcliy   nor 

any  relation  to  the  Law  of  God  or  nature,  but  only  to  the  Lawsofthe  Common-  ■^"•^  4- 

wealth.  So  from  one  abfurdity  being  admitted,  many  others  arc  apt  to  follow.         ^. 

His  Occonomicksarc  no  better  than  his  politicks.     He  teachcth  parents  j/;^/  they  ^'''^•^fl 
cannot  he  injurious  1 1  tbeirehildnn  ,fo  long  as  they  are  in  their  power.     Yes,  too  many  r-     r 
wayes  both  by  oaiillion  and  ^mmilTion  .     He   tcachcth  mothers  that  they  may  cafi     '         ^' 
arvay  their  infants ^orexfoje  'ibem  at  their  own  difcretion  lawjully.  He  tcachcth   parents 
iadiffcrently,  that  where  they  arefue  from  all  fubjeClion,  they  may  tak^  "^■^y  'he  life  of 
their  children    or  kill  them,  and  this  juftly.  6)^^,       _ 

What  horrid  dodrines  are  thcfc''  it  may  be  he  will  tell  us,  that  he  fpcakcth   on-  '' 

ly  ot  the  itatc  of  mecr  nature ,  but  he  doth  not,  for  he  fpeaketh  exprefly  of  Com- 
monweilths,and  parallelleth  Fathers  with  Kings  and  Lords  to  whom  he  afcribeth 
abfolutc  dominion,  who  have  no  place  in  his  itatc  ufmcer  nature.  Neither  can  he 
fpeak  of  the  rtateof  meer  nature,  for  therein,  according  to  his  grounds,  the  children 
have  as  much  privilcdge  to  kill  their  Parents,  as  the  Parents  to  kill  their  chil- 
dren ,  feeing  he  fuppofcth  it  to  bea  ftatcofwarofall  men  againftall  men. 

And  if  he  did  fpcak  of  the  fiate  ofmeer  nature,  it   were  all  one.     For  firft  his 
flate  ofmeer  nature  is  a  drowfie  dream  of  his  ownfeigning,  which  looketh    upon 
)Hen  as  if  tbey  were  fuddinly  grown  oitt  of  the  ground  likf  mu/hroms.  The  primigenions  ^-    <»  /- 
and  moCt  naturall  (late  of  mankind,  was  in  y^dam  before  his  fall,  that  is,  the  ftate  of    ''^"   ^'^' 
innocence.      Or  fuppofc  wc  (hould  give  way  to  him  to  expound  himftlf  of  the 
<htc  of  corrupted  nature ,  that  was  in  Adam  and  his  family  after  his  fa!!'.      But 
there  was  ho  fuch  Itatc  of  mecr  nature  as  he  imagincth.     There  was    Religion, 
there  were  Laws,  Government,  Society:  and  if  there  ever  were  any  fuch  barbarous 
favagc  rabble  of  men  ,  as  he  fuppofeth,  in  the  World,  it  is  both  untrue  and    di(ho- 
nourablc  to  the  God  of  nature,  to  call  it  the  ftate  ofmeer  nature,which  is  the  ftate 
of  degenerated  nature.    He  might  as  well  call  an  hydropical  dirtcraper,  contracted 
by  intemperance,  or  any  other  difeafe  of  that  nature,  tlie  natural  flate  of  men.    But 
there  never  was  any  fuch  degenerate  rabble  of  men  in  the   World,  that  were   with- 
outall  Religion  all  Government,  all  Laws,  natural  and  civil:  no,  not  amongft  the 
moft  barbarous  Americans, C  who  except  fomc  few  criminal  habits,    which  thofe 
poor  degenerate  people,  deceived  by  national  cultom,  do  hold  for  noble)  hare  more 
principles  of  natureall  piety,and  hoQctty,  and  morility,then  are  readi'y  to  be  found 
in  his  writings.     As  for  the  times  of  civill  war,they  arefo  far  from  being    without 
all  padts  and  governours,  that  they  abound  overmuch  with  padts  a.nd   governovrs 
inaking  policy  not  only  to  fee m  but  to  be  double. 

This  evident  truth  miy  be  demonli rated  from  his  own  grounds.  All  thofe  places  q-       ,- 
of  holy  Scrij)ture,by  which  vre  are  forbidden  to  invade  that  which  is  another  mans,  as  tkett      '  '^-'*  ^ 
fh.ilt  not  k^ll^thohfljalt  not  fteale,th  it  (halt  not  commit  aduUery^do  confemthelawof  di{\in- 
Ctionofmine  and  thine.     For  iheyjiippife  the  right  of  all  wf«,  to  all  things  to  be  takfn  a- 
TTjy- How  can  that  be,  when  he  confefTeth  every  where,  that  thefc  are  the   eternal 
lawes  of  God  and  nature.  But  that  which  is  much   more  true,  they  both  fuppofc 
and  demonffrate  that  there  never  was  any  fuch  right  of  all  men  to  all  things.      Let 
him  call  them  lawes  or  theorems,  or  what  he  plcafe,  they  confut  that  (late  of  mcer 
nature  which  he  maketli  the  foundation  ofhis  comtnon  wealth.     Hitherto  he  hath 
ben  too  high  for  the  parents.  Now  they  mullcxpedl  a  cooling  card.Tk  quejUonwho 
is  the  better  man,  hath  no  place  in  thr  condition  ofmeer  nature,  where  all  men  are   equall. 
Are  the  parent  and  child  cquall/'  Tt,  they  are  equally  who  can   do  equall  things  one 
againji  another^  But  they  wbocand.i  the  great ejl  th'r,igs,  that  is  to  kill,can doequall[thiitgs, 
Iherefore  all  men  by  nature  are  equjll  amnngthemfi-hes.  U.  the  (on  have  as  ftrong  an 
artr.c,  and  as  good  a  cudgel!  as  his  father  ,hc  is  as  good  a  man  as  his  father. 

Another  of  his  aphorifrnes  is,  pjiemall  domi::i>n  is  not  fo  derived  from  generation,  Lep.iQ2, 


as 


8«^ 


rhTCatckwo  TOME  III 


as  i\  thcnjurt  ihe  parent  had  cicminton  uvir  hh  child^  bccauje  he  begat   hm^  but  by  the 
\hildsmifent,(itber  exprejjr,  or  byotbirfufficieKt  argutments  didared.  And  will  you  fee 
liow  this  conlcnt  is  gained.?  T/;e  attaining  to  joieraign  forrer  ts  by  irvo  Tvaies,e>ie  by 
ttaturall  force  as  when  a  man  mak^th  his  children  jiibtmt  tbtmjelves  and  their  children 
f,  S8         tohis govtrntnent,  asbeingabktodefiroy  themif  they  refufe.      Thefe    principles  are 
^^' •        '        fo  fi)(e  tliat  the  very  evidence  of  truth  doth  extort  the  contrary  from  him  at  other 
time?,  ^he  Bipopjarp  ther  vas  pater  Hall  government  inAdam^wbicb  he  migbt-do  eafily^as 
^«."P'  13^*   ^^y     nodeep  consideration  And  again,  To  >y//  enes parent, it  a  greater  crime  than  toh^ll 
another    For  the  parent  ought  to  have  the  honour  of  ajoveraign,  though  he  have  furrendred 
he.  p.  1^0.  hif  porver  to  the  tiiil  laa>,  becaufe  be  had  it  originally  by  nature.     Great  is  truth  ,  and 
prevaileth. 

If  this   were  ;ja  f/ff/ co«/ii/fMfi<»f,  the  more  he  defervcth   to  be  blamed,  who  at 
fomtimcs  robbeth    both  parents  of   their  honour,  fome  ,    other  times  the  man 
onely,  as  hy  the  right  of  nature  the  dominion  over  an  infant  doth  belong  frjl  to  him  who 
hath  him  firjl  in  his  power.  And  it  if  manift[l  that  he  that  vi  home  rjooner  in  the  power 
..    .  r  2-     of  h'ii  mother  than  of  any  other,  fo  that  Jhe  might  either  hrin^  him  up,or  cajl  him  outsat  her 
'^  pleajure,  andhy  right.     Never  without  the  fathers  licences  again,  i«  theftateofnatHre 

it  cannot  be  hiiorvn  jvho  is  father  of  aninjant,  but  by  the  relation  oj the  mother.  Ihere- 
fore  he  is  his,  whom  the  mother  would  have  him  to  be,  and  therefore  themtthers.  Doth  this 
man  believe  in  earneft  that  marriage  was  inftituted  by  God  in  Paradife,  and  hath 
lbid.f.  3.  continued  ever  fince  the  creation.  He  might  as  well  tell  us  in  plain  termes,  thatall 
the  obligation  which  a  child  hath  to  his  parent,  is  becaufc  he  did  not  take  him  by 
the  heelcs  and  knock  out  his  braines  againft  the  walls,  fo  foon  as  he  was  born. 
Though  this  be  intolerable,  yet  there  is  fomething  of  gratitude  in  it,  and  in  that 
rcfpeft  it  is  not  altogether  fo  ill,  as  his  forced  pa(Ss. 

How  repugnant  is  this  which  he  faith  of  the  mothers  dominion  over  her  children, 

to  the  law  of  nations?  By  the  law  of  the  tv^clve  tables  a  father  might  fell  his  child 

twkc,  his  v£nnmdet.     The  mother  had  no  hand  in  if.     Neither  doth  the  judicial 

Exod.  21  7.  law  of  the  Jevves,    diffent    from  ihis.  If  a    manfellhis  daughter  to  a  maid  fervant. 

Num'.  ^50  4.  So  like  wife  a  childs  vow  might  be  invalidated  by  the  authority  of  a  father,  but  not 

ofa  mother , 

He  aboundeth  every  where  with  fuch  deftrudive  conclufions  as  thcfc,as  to  getters- 
tion  God  hath  ordained  to  man  an  helper,&  there  be  alwayes  two  that  are  equallyfareMS^ 
Le.t  102-  IheVominion  therefor  tver  the  child  fhould  belong  equally  to  both  ,  and  hebe  equally  ftthjeS 
to  both,  which  ii  impf^ffibte,  forno  man  can  obey  two  mafters.  Whether  had  he  for- 
gotten the  commandemcnt  Honour  thy  father  and  thy  Mother,  or  thinkcth  he  that 
obedience  is  not  a  branch  of  honour. ? 

In  the  next  place  his  principles  deflroy  the  fubordination  ofa  wife  toherhuG- 

hind.7he  inaqualiiy  of  natural  flre>igth  is  leffe,ihanthat  a  man  can  acquire  dontimion  over 

a  woman  withcut  wa^?  And  he  givcth   this  reafon  why   the  contrary  cuOome  prc- 

^.       f^         vailcth,  hcaw^tCemmonweaUhs  were  coiiflituted  by  fathers  cffimites,  net  by  mothers  of 

Ifc'J  I    o'       f'^milies,   and  from  hence  it  is   tlyat  the  domefiicall  dominion   belongs  to  the  man.     The 

'"''    *       fcripturcsallign  another  reafon  of  the  fubjtdion  of  the  woman,  and  the  rule  of  the 

man,  namely  the  ordinance  of  Almighty  God.  Cen.^.i6.     And  Sf.     Paul  fecond- 

eth  it.      JVvmen  are  commanded  to  be  under  obedience,as  aljo  faith  the  taw.i.  Cor.  14.34. 

I  trow  that  law  was  not  made  by    fathers  of  families.     Wives fttbmit  your  fehes  unto 

your  own  hufbands,  as  unto  the  Lord.  Eph.  5.  23.    Why  i  becaufc  of  the  civill  law?  No 

fuch  thing /or  tfcf  husband  k  the  head  of  the  wife,even  as  Chrifi  it  the  head  of  the  Churchy 

V.  2^.     And  the  man  is  the  image  and  glory  of  God,  but  the  woman  is  the  glory   bf  the 

man{t  fir  the  man  is  not  of  the  woman  ,  but  the  woman  if  the  man.,  neither  was  the  man 

created  for  the    woman,    but  the    woman,    ,  for    the  man.    i.Cor.  ii.  7.  8. 9.  He 

■wouXdinot  fuffer  awomat  io  ufurp  authority  over  a  man.  i   7im.  2.   12.  much  lefTc 

over  hcrovvnhubband.     1  might  cite  Sf.  Peter  to  the  fame   purpofc,  butlamafraid 

lefthelhould  accufe  both  S.  Peter  and  St.     Paul  of  partiality,  as  well  as_  the  flrft 

founders  of  Commonwealth^. 

Upon  h  sprincipks  ro  man  is  fure  of  his  own  wife, if  the  foveraign  plcafcto 
di<;porejher  to  another.  Fir  although  the  law  of  nature  do  prohibit  theft,or  adulery.&c. 
Tct  if  the  civill  law  command  a  man  to  invade  any  thing,  that  is   rot  theft  or  adultery 

And 


DtscoRsE  HI,  of  Lcviarhan  Sp 


'> 


And  what  is  the  civil  law  in  his  fcnfc?  the  command  of  the  bivgivtr:  and  hts  commjud 

it  thedeclaration  of  hit  rvill.  So  if  the  lawgiver  do  but  declare  hispieafure  that  any    C'uc.ii,.f.ic. 

onefhallenjoy  fucha  mans     wife,  or  that  (lie  (hall  no  lodger  be  his  wife ,  according     IM-I.  13. 

to  his  grounds,husband  and  wifemuir  both  obey.  JVhat  is  theft?  9>hat  it  murder?  fFi)jt 

is  adultery  ?  n  kiiown  by  the   civ'tll  Liw^tbat  is  by  the  commands  of  him  that  is  Soveraian 

in  the  Commontvealth.  and  wirhnut  the  Sovcraigns  command,if  either  party  do  but 

fufpciit  one3nother,the  party  fufpeiSed  is  difobliged  ,  for  there  It  no  paCt^  where  credit  U   Ci.c^<^.f.i6 

noi  given  to  him  that  maketh  the  pacl,  neither  can  faith  be  violated  where  it  it  not  had. 

The  next   politicall    relation  is  between  the  Milkr and  the    fervant,   which  the 
Hobbian  principles  do  overthrow  as  well  as  the  relt.  One  of  thefe  principles  is,  that 
a  Majhr  cannot  do  any  wrong  tohis  fervant^  becaitfe  the  fervant  hath  ftibjtHedhn  widto    ^'-c-  S*  f^- 
the  wiiofhii  Majier.  In  all  (uch  fubmiiiioHS  there's  evermore  cither  exprefTedor  im- 
plieda/j/w,  orafaving  ofhisduty  to  God,  and  his  allegiance  to  his  Prince.     Ithis  Ci.c.i.f.'^. 
mafter  Oiallpunilh  hioifor  not  doing  contrary  to  thefe, or  by  menaes  compcilhim  to 
do  contrary  to  thefe,  he  doth  him  wrongi     No  man  can  transfer  that  right  toan- 
other, which  he  hath  not  hirofelf.     The  fervant  before  his  fubrrviliion  to  his  marter 
had  no  right  to  denie  due  obedience  to    God,  or  due  allegiance  to  his  Prince. 

Another  of  his  Paradoxes  is,  that  wbofoever  if  obliged  to  obey  the  commands  of  any 
other ^bt fur e  htk^iow  what  he  will  command^  U bound  to  all  hit  commands  fwtply^  and 
without  reJiriSion.  N«ti>  he  that  is  obliged,  is  called  a  fervant,  he  to  whim  he  tth.^und  a 
Majier.  what  if  the  Maliers  command  be  contrary  to  the  lawes  of  God  or  nature  ?  Or  ^'•'•^•f-7 
the  lawes  of  the  Commonwealth.  In  the  prefencc  of  a  greater  authority,  a  IcfTef  au- 
thority ceafeth.  Such  implicite  obligations  are  ever  to  be  underftood,  quantum 
jus  fisquefuerit,  according  to  law  and  equity. 

Hitherto  fervants  have  been  grieved  ,  but  now  they  (hall  be  releived,  if  T.  H.  his 
authority  can  do  it.  Servants  who  are  holden  in  bonds  are  not  comprehended  in  the  dc 
finition  of  fervants,  because  theyfervennbypaU,  bttt  to  avoid  beating:  And  therefore 
if  they  fly  away,  or  hjUtheir  majier,  they  do  nothing  contrary  to  the  lawes  cf nature.  For  Ci.c,S.f.ji 
to  hind  them  U  a  fig»,  that  the  binder  didfuppofe  them  tiot  fufficiemly  bound  by  any  other 
obligation.  His  confequencc  is  infirm,  becau(c  the  Mafter  binds  hi  s  ferrant,  there- 
fore he  di(ku(ts  him,  therefore  there  were  no  Pads.  A  man  may  give  his  parole 
for  true  impri(bnment,and  having  given  it  to  a  ju(t  enemy  is  obliged  to  hold  it.* 
what  if  his  conquetour  or  ma(tcr  did  (pare  his  life,  upon  condition  that  he  (hould 
be  true  prifoner,untill  he  could  find  out  a  fit  exchange  for  him  ?  This  was  a  lawful! 
padt.  Then  doth  not  T.  H.  inftruft  the  prifoner  well,  to  cut  his  conquerours  throat 
who  fpared  his  life,  upona  lawfull   condition. 

But  to  dispell  thefe  umbrages,  he  tcacheth  that<»/«-i/a«t  tvhois  caji  into  bonds, 
or  any  way  deprivedofhis  corporal  liberty,  it  freed  from  that  other  obligation  which  did  ]l,iJ^  C  0 
arife  from  hii pa^,So  as  according  to  his  principle,Ifa  fervant,  f  that  is  more  than  a 
captive,  )  having  not  onely  had  his  li(e  fpared  by  a  juft  Conqucrour,  but  alfo  con- 
tradtcd  and  engaged  himfelfto  be  aloyall  (ervant,  as  firmly  as  may  be,  (hallnever- 
thele(re  be  caft  into  any  bonds  by  his  m3fter,or  be  re(\rained  of  his  corporall  liberty, 
upon  delinquency,  or  juli  fufpicion,  he  is  acquitted  of  all  his  pads  andoblis^ations, 
and  as  free  to  run  away,  or  cue  his  mafters  throat,  as  if  he  had  never  paired  or 
ingaged    at  all. 

His  defaults  come  fo  thick,  I  am  weary  of  obferving  them.  Take  an  hotchpotch 
together. 

1.  In  the  fi  ate  of  nature,  profit  is  the  meafure  of  rights 

2.  Every  one  is  an  etiemy  to  every  one ,  whom  he  neither  commandeth  nor  obeyeth.  Ci.ci.f.io 
5.  N/t  onely  tn  contend  againfi  one,  but  even  this  very  thing  not  to  confent,  is  odinu'ifor  ^^-  <'•  P-  f-3' 

ttot  to  confent  with  one  in  fame  thing,  is  tacitely  to  accufe  him  of  errour  in  that  thing,  as  to  ^i-  <:•  ^-Z  5. 
J^fient  in  many  things,  is  to  hold  him  for  a  fool.     In  the  name  of  God  ,  what  doth  he 
hold  the  whole  World  to  be  ?  I  am  fure  he  di(renteth  from  them  all  in  many 
things. 

4.  h  iinot  reafonable  that  one  perform  flrfi, if  it  be  likely  that  the  other  will  not  perform  _     .  ^ 
afterwards,  which  whether  it  be  likely  or  no  ,  he  that  feareth  JhaJI judge.     It  is  true  he  ^^.a.^.ii* 
addeth,  That  in  the  civil  State,  where  both  parties  may   be  compelled ,  be  who  is  to  per- 
form firji  by  the  contraU,  ought  to  perform  firji.     But  what  if  the  civil  power  be  not  a- 

b!e 


""S^  The    Catching TOME    f  [  1, 

ble  to  compel  Jnm?  What  if  there  be  no  WitnclTcs  to  prove  the  Contraefl  ?  then  the 
civil  power  can  do  nothing.  May  a  man  violate  his  Faith  in  fcch  cafes,upcm  gene- 
ra! fufpicions  of  the  fraud  and  unfaithfuJnefs  ot  mankind  > 

<•  If  a  feofk  have  elided  a  Sovereign  for  term  of  hfe^  and  he  die,  neither  thefeopk  he- 
(  A  /"'■f  elt£lion,  nor  he  before  hit  death,  having  ordained  any  thing  about  a  place  of  meeting  for 
Ci.  CJ.j'i   .    ^^^^  eledkn,  it  is  brvfulfor  every  one,  by  eqtial,  that  is,  naiuralrighty  to  fnatcb  the  So- 
'verjignty  to  himfelfifhe  can.     His  opinion  ot  the  ftate  of  nature  is  a  very  bundle  of 
abfurdities. 

6.  When  a  Majler  commandeth  his  fervant  to  give  money  to  a  ^r anger ^if  it  be  not  done, 
Ij.  v.  7.  4.  the  injury  is  done  to  the  Mafier,  whom  he  had  before  covenanted  to  obey,  hut  the  dammage 

redoundetb  to  thejiranger,  to  tthom  he  had  uo  obligation  ,  and  therefore  could  nut  injure 
him.  True  according  to  his  Principles,  who  maketh  neither  confcience,  nor  honc- 
liy,  nor  obligation  from  any  one  to  any  one,  but  onefy  by  pads  or  proraifes.  All 
jull  men  are  of  another  mind. 

7.  "Ihofe  men  tvbich  are  Jo  remifty  governed,  that  they  dare  tak^  up  arms  to  defend  or 
introduce  a  new  opinion,  arejiill  in  rvar,  and  their  condition  not  peace,  but  onely  a  cefatiou 

Le.f.pi'  of  arms,  for  fear  of  one  another.  Why  is  ttie  fault  rather  imputed  to  the  remifnefs  of 
the  Governour,  than  to  the  fedition  of  the  people,  and  a  ftate  of  war  feigned,  where 
none  is?  The  reafon  is  evident,  hecaufe  he  had  no  hand  in  the  Government,  but  had 
a  hand  in  the  introdudion  of  new  opinions. 

8.  In  a  Soveraign  Afiembly,  the  liberty  to  proteft  is  taken  avpay  ,  both  hecaufe  he  that 
protejietb  there,  denietb  their  Soveraignty,  and  alfo  whatfoever  is  commanded  by  the  Sove- 

T  J,  „  raignpomer,  is  as  to  thefubjeS  ,  jujiified  by  the  command  ,  though  not  fo  alivays  in  the 
''[•^^1'  fight  oj Cod  That  is  not  taken  away  which  all  Soveraigns  do  allow ,  even  in  the 
competition  for  a  Crown,  as  was  verified  in  the  cale  of  the  King  of  Spain ,  and  the 
Houle  oiBraganza,  about  the  Kingdom  o( Portugal.  It  is  no  denial  of  Soveraign- 
ty, to  appeal  humbly  from  a  Soveraign  mifinformed ,  to  himfelf  better  informed. 
The  commands  of  a  Soveraign  perfon  or  Aflembly  ,  are  fo  far  juftified  by  the  com- 
mand, that  they  may  not  be  refiftedi  but  they  are  not  fo  far  juftihed,  but  that  a  loy- 
al Subjedt  may  lawfully  feek  with  all  due  fubmiffion,  to  have  them  redihed. 

9.  If  he  rvhofe  private  interefl  is  to  be  debaied  and  judged  in  a  Soveraign  Afieinbly,makg 
as  many  Friends  as  he  can,  it  is  no  injujlice  in  him.     And  though  he  hire  fuch  Friends 

Le.p  122.  ^i*h  money,  unlefs  there  be  an  exprefs  law  againji  it ,  yet  it  is  no  injujiice.  It  is  to  be 
feared,  that  fuch  provocations  as  this,  are  not  very  needful  in  thefe  times.  Is  it  not 
unlawful  to  blind  the  eyes  of  the  wife  with  bribes ,  and  make  them  pervert  Judge- 
mem?  Others  pretend  expedition,  or  an  equal  hearing,  but  he  who  knoweth  no  ob- 
ligation but  pacts,  is  for  downright  hireing  of  his  Judges,  as  a  man  fhould  hire  an 
Hackney-coach  for  an  hour.  There  is  no  gratitude  in  hireing,  which  is  unlawful  in 
the  buyer,  though  not  fo  unlawful  as  in  the  feller  of  Jufticc.  If  any  man  digged  a 
pit,  and  did  not  cover  it,  (b  that  an  ox  or  an  afs  fell  into  it,  he  who  digged  it  was  to 
make  fatis^dtion.  He  that  hireth  his  Judges  with  money  to  be  for  him  right,  or 
,  wrong,  diggeth  a  pit  for  them,  and  by  the  equity  of  this  Mofaical  Law,  will  appear 

*''"'^-^*'-33-notto  be  innocent. 

Thus  after  the  view  of  his  Religion,  we  have  likewifc  furveighed  his  Politicks,  as 
full  of  black  ugly  difmal  rocks  as  the  former,  di(ftated  with  the  fame  magif^erial  au- 
thority, A  man  may  judge  them  to  be  twins  upon  the  firft  caft  of  his  eye.  It  was 
Solomon's  advice,  Kem«ve  not  the  ancient  Latid-nurkj  which  thy  Fathers  havefet.  But 
f.  H.  taketh  a  pride  in  removing  all  ancient  Land-marks,  between  Prince  and  Sub- 

p  22  28  '^'^'  ^^^^'^'^  ^"*^  Child,  Husband  and  Wife,  Mafter  and  Servant,  Maji  and  Man.  Ni- 
'  //«'after  a  great  overflowing,  doth  flot  leave  fuch  a  confuiion  after  it  as  he  dothv  nor 
an  Hog  in  a  Garden  of  Herb<;.  I  wi(h  he  would  have  turned  probationer  a  while, 
and  made  tryal  of  his  new  form  of  government  firft  in  Ws  own  houfe,before  he  had 
gone  about  to  obtrude  it  upon  the  Commonwealth.  And  that  before  his  attempts 
and  bold  endeavours,  to  reform  and  to  renew  the  policy  of  his  native  Countrey,  h« 
had  thought  more  ferioufly  and  more  fadly  of  his  own  application  of  the  Fable  of 

Le.p.  177.  Pf/fK/ hisfoolifti  daughters,rp/jo  dtfiringto  renew  the  youth  of  their  decripit  father,  did 
by  the  counfel  of  Medea  cut  him  in  pieces  andhoyle  him  together  witbjlrange  herbs  ■^ut 
made  not  of  him  a  neve  man* 

■e  A  p. 


Discourse  1 1 1.  of  Leviathan  gp^ 

"^^  ~  CAP.^~  ~  — — ' 

That  the  Hobbiait  Principles  are  inconfxfient  one  with  another. 

MY  third  Harping- Iron  is  aimed  at  the  hcadof  his  Leviathan,  or' the  rational 
part  of  his  difcourfe,  to  fhcw  that  his  Principles  are  contradictory  one  to  an- 
-ocher ,  and  confequently  dcfiruftivc  one  of  another.  It  is  his  own  obfervation.  Ihst 
which  tak^th  aroay  the  reputation  oj  wifdom  in  him  that  forme th  a  Religion  or  addeth 
to  it  when  it  IS  already,  formed  ,  /'/  an  enjoyning  a  belief  ofcontradidories  :  fo}  both  parts  Le.p.^%, 
of  a  coKtradicuon  cannot  po fib  le  be  trite.  And  therefore  toenjoyn  the  be  lief  of  them  is  an 
argument  of  ignorance.  How  he  will  free  himfelf  from  his  own  cenfure  I  do  not 
undcrftand    let  the  Reader  judge  .  ' 

He  affirmeth  that  an    hereditary  kingdom  is  the  beft  form  of  government,;^^  are 
madejubieas  to  him  upon  the  befi  condition  ,  whofe  intereftit  is  that  we  fhould  befafe  and  ^'  <:'T-ofi^' 
found      And  this  cometh  to  pafje  when  we  are  the Soveraigns inheritance,  (  that  is  in  an 
hereditary  kingdom  ; /or  every  one  doth  of  his  accord  ftudy  to  preferve  his  oven  inheri-  Le.p.  pp. 
iance.     Now  let  us  hear  him  retraa:  all  this.     There  is  no  prefeU  form  of  government  Cic.p.f.i^. 
where  the  difpofwg  of  the  fucceffion  is  not  in  the  prefent  Soveraign.     And    whether  he  ^'h  »??♦ 
transfer  it  by  tejiament , or  give  it  ot  fell  it,  it  is  rightly  difpofed. 

He  affirmeth  ,  That  which  isfaidin  the  Scripture ,  h  is  better  to  obey  God  than  man 
hath  place  in  the  Kingdom  of  Qod  by  pad ,  and  not  by  nature, '  One  can  fcarcely  meet 
with  a  more  abfurd  fenllefle  Paradox,  That  in  Gods  own  Kingdome  of  Nature 
(where  he  fuppofeth  all  men  equal ,  and  no  Governour  but  God  , )  it  (hould  not  be 
better  to  obey  God  than  man,  the  Creatour  than  the  creature,  the  Soveraign  rather 
than  a  fellow-fubjed.  Of  the  two  it  had  been  the  lefle  abfurdity  to  have  faid  ,  that 
it  had  place  in  the  Kingdom  of  God  by  nature,  and  not  by  pad,  bccaufe  in  the  king- 
dome  of  God  by  paft,  Soveraigns  are  as  mortal  gods. 

Now  let  us  fee  him  Penelope  like  ,  unweave  in  the  night  what  he  had  wovcnin 
the  day,  or  rather  unweave  in  the  day  ,  what  he  had  woven  in  the  nighf.    his 
tnanifeft  enough  ,  that  when  man  receiveth  two  contrary  commands,  and  k^ows  that  one  Le.p.  221 
of  them  is  Cods ,  he  ought  to  obey  that ,  and  not  the  other  ,  though  it  be  the  command  even 
of  his  lawfull  Soveraign.     Take  another  place  more  expreffe  ,fpeaking  ofthc    firft  t   ^  oj.^" 
kingdom  of  God  by  pad  with  Abraham ,  &c.     He  hath  thefe  words ,  Nor  was  there  j/*j ' 
any  contraCi  which  could  adde  to  or  firengthen  the  obligation-,  by  which  both  they  and  all  i^-         ^   r 
men  elfe  were  bound  naturally  to  obey  God  Almighty.     And  before  any  fuch  Kingdom     ^'r^'  ^ 
of  God  by  pa<f^.  As  to  the  moral  law  they  were   already  obliged ,  and  needed  not  have  ^      *' 
been  contraSed  withaV.     He  fancieth  that  God  reigneth  by  pad  over  Adam  and  Eve 
but  thU  pa^  became  prefently  voide.     And  if  it  had  flood  firm  ,  what  Kingdom  of 
God  by  nature  could  have  been  before  it  ?  But  he  reckons  his  Kingdom  of  God  by 
pad  from  Abraham  ,/r('>M  him  the   Kingdome  of  Godby  paii  takes  its  beginning.     But 
in  Abrahams  time,  and  before' his  time,  the  World  was  full  of  Kings :  every  City 
had  a  King  ,  was  it  not  better  for  their  fubjeds  to  obey  God  than  them  ?  yet  that 
was  the  Kingdom  of  God  by  nature,  or  no  Kingdom  of  God  at  all. 

Sometimes  he  fayeth  the  Laws  of  nature  zvcGods  Lzws,whofeL3ws(  fuch  cfthemas 
obliged  all  mankind  )    in  refpeci    of  Cod  ,af  he  it  the  God  of  Nature,  are  natural,  in  „ 

refpeSi  cf  the  fame  God,  as  h  if  King  of  Kings,  are  Laws  ■■,  and  right  reafon  is  a  Law.      '^'      ''^' 
And  he  defines  the  Law  of  nature  ,  to  be  thediUate  cf  right  reafon.     Where  by  the  ^''^'^y'^" 
way  obfervc  ,   what  he  makes  to  be  the  end  of  the  Laws  of  nature,  T/je /w/rco;z- 
fervation  of  our  lives  and  member s^fo  much  as  if  in  our  power.    By  this  the  Reader  may 
fee  what  he  believes  of  honelty  or  the     life  to  come.     At  other  times  he  faith  that 
they  are  no  laws.     Thfe  which  we  call  the  Laws  of  nature    being   mthingtlfe  but 
certain  conclufions,underftood  by  reafon, of  things  to  be  done,   or  to  be  left  undone.     And  a  qi  cAfA^» 
law  ,  if  we  fpeak^properly  and  accurately,  U  the  jpeechofhim  that  commandeth  fomethhtg 
hy  right  to  others,  to  be  done,  or  not  to  be  done,  fpeaking  properly,  they  are  not  laws,  m  they 
proteedfrom  1  nature. 

It  is  true  ,  he  addeth  in  the  lame  place ,  That  m  they  are  given  by  Cod  in  holy 
Scripture, they  are  moji  properly  called  Laws  for  the  holy  Scripture  vi  the  voice  of  Godnding 
all  things  hy  the  ^reate\\  right.  But  this  will  not  falve  the  contradldion,  for  fo  the 
Laws  of  nature  fhall  be  no  Laws  to  any  ,but  thoft  who  have  read  the  *>cri- 
pture  ,  contrary  to  the  fenfeofall  the  World.  And  even  in  this  he  coatiadideth 

O  o  00  o  him- 


■^5' T/je    Catching  ..    TOMEITI^ 

himfelfalfo      the  Bible  i^  a  Lav.  to  whom?  to  all  the  World  ;  he   IqioTPeth  it  i4  not : 
^.P.  i'5^-       Hon'  came  it  then  to  be  a  LawtomfVidGodJpeaKit  viva  voce  to  m  >Havem  any  other 
warrant  for  u  than  the  word  cftheTrofhets>  Have  we  feen   the  miraces  >  Have  tpc  any 
I       affitraitce   of  their  certainty  ,  than  the   authority  oj    the   Church  ?  And   fo  he 
con<:ladeth     That  the    authority  of  the  Church  is  the  authority  of  the  ,  Com- 
monwealth the    authority    of   the    Common vt^calth,        ,thc  authority    of  the 
Soverajon     ,    and    his    authority    was    given  him  by  us.     And  fo  the    Bible 
was  made  Uiw  by  the  affetit  of  the  SubjeUs.     And  the  Bible  if  their  only  Law,  where  the 
^^'^  civil  Soveartgn  hath  made  it  fe.     Thus  in  feeking  to  prove  one  contradidion  we  have 

W-332-     ^gf  with  two.  ,       ,    .  ,,         ,         , 

He  teachcth  that  the  Laws  of  nature  are  eternal  and   immutable  ,    that  which  they 
Qu  c.  3./.2*-         .^  ^^^ ,iever\be  lawfuUihat  which  they  command  never  mlawful.     At  other  times  he 
Ci.  c.  •).).  2.  ■'^^^^j^^jj^  ^  jji^j  j^   j^jf  ^and  cfpecially  in  a  war  of  all  men  againjlall  men    the  Laws  of 
nature  are  fxknt.     And  that  they  do  not  oblige  as  Laws ,  before  there  be  a  Common- 
wealth conftituted.     when  a  commonwealth  U  once  jetkdy  then  are  they  aUually  Laws  , 

Le  i'.  n8.    and  not  before.  '.  ■  ^,    i    ,. 

' '^     ^  Hcfayeth  trHereligionconffteth  in  obedience  to  Chrijis  Lieutenants,  and  in  giving  God 

(a        ,  fuch  honour  ,  both  in  attributes  and  adions^af  they  in  their  ftveral  Lieutenancies ^(hall  or- 

^«.p.334-    j^j-„.^^j,ieh'Lieutenant  upon  earth  is thc>fi-fwt  «r;/(»»«^//iraff.  And  yet  contrary 

to  this  he  excepteth  from  the  obedience  due  to  foveraign  Princes ,  all  things  that  are 

contrary  to  the  laws  of  Cod  ,  who  ruleth  over  rulers.     Adding   that  we  cannot    rightly 

a  c  6S.\.%.  transfer  the  obedience  due   to  him  upon  men.     And  more  plainly  ,  7/  a   foveraign  Jhall 

^  cvmmandhimfelfto  be  worfhiped  with  divine  attributes  and  adiont,  as  fuch  as  imply  an- 

independame  upon  Cod  ,  or  immortality  ,  or  infinit  power,  to  prayunto  them  being  abfenty 

or  to  ai\thofe  things  of  them  which  onely  God  can  give ,  to  offer  facrifice ,  or  the  %,     Al- 

Ci.c.i^f  l8'  though  King^  command  uf  wemuji  abjiein.     He  confcffeth.     that  thefubjeds  of  Abraham 

had  fumed ,  if  they  had  denied  the  exigence  or  providence  of  Cod,  or  done  any  thing  that 

was  exprtjjely  againft  the  honour  of  Cod ,  in  obedience  to   hU  commands.      And    aHiont 

Ci.c.ip.fy.  ji,ji    are  naturally  fignes    of  contumely  ,  cannot     be  made  by  humane   power  a  part   of 

Le.  p.  ip2.   Jij^ine  worjhip,  cannot  be  parts  of  divine  worfhip  ,  and  yet  religion  may  confift  in  fuch 

worfln'p,  is  a  contradidiion. 

He  confcffeth  ,7hat  if  the  Commonwealth  jhould  command  a  Subje£l  to  fay  or  d«  fame 

/q  thing  that  U  contumelious  unto  God  ^orpould  forbid  him   to  worfhip  God,  he  ought  not  to 

Ci.c.l')'flo-  ^y^y^  ^j^jj  ygt  maintaineth  that  a  Chrijiian  holdingfirmly  the  faith  ofChrJji  in  bis  heart,  if 

he  be  commanded  hy  his  lawful  Soveraign  ,  may  deny  Chriji  with  hit  tongue  ,    aliedging 

that  profeffionrr'ith  the  tongue  isbut  an  external  thing.  And  thatit  is  not  he  in  tbatcafe,who 

denieth  Chriji  before  menJbuthUGovernour^  and  the  law  of  hitCewttry,     Hathhefofoon 

Le.'p.  271.    j-pj.^^^  himfelf  ?  Is  not  the  denial  of  Chrift  contumelious  to  God 

Hq  zffirmeth  thiX  if  a  Soveraign  pall  grant  to   a  Sub'jeU  any  liberty  inconfiftent  with 
Soveraign  power,  if  the  Subjedrefufe  to  obey  the  Soveraigns  command , being  contrary  to 
Le  t.i'^l.    the  liberty  or  anted,   it  it  a  fin,  and  contrary  to  his  duty  ,  fr  he  ought  to  tah^  notice  of 
what  is  confijlent  with    Soveraignity  &c.     And  that  fuch  liberty  wm  granted  through 
ignorance  of  the  evil  confequence  thereof.  Then  a  Subjed  may  judge  not  only  what  is  tit 
for  his  ownprefervation  but  alfo  what  are  the  effcntiall  rigtUs  ofSoveraignty,  which 
Ci.c.  1 2./^ I.  is  contrary  to  his  dodlrine  elfewhere.     It  belongs  te  Kings  to  difcern  what  is  good  and 
evil  ■■,  and  private  men  ,  who  taki  to  tbemfe  Ives  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil,  do  covet  to 
he  as  Kings,  which  confflcth  not   withjhe  Jafety  of  the  Commonwealth  i  which  hecalleth 
afeditious  doUrine ,  and  One  the  difeafes   of  a  Crmmonwealth.     Yet  fuch  is  his  forget- 
Le.  p.    168.  fulneffe  ,   that  hehimfelf  licenfeth  his  own  book  for  the  preffe  ,  And  to  be  taught  in  the 
V niverfitie s  ,zs  contdmug  nothing  contrary  to  {he  wordof  God  or  good  manners  ,ot 
.  Le.  p.  3P5'   to  the  dijlurbance  of  puhlic\tranquillity.  Is  not  this  to  take  to  himfelJf  the  knowledge 
of  good  evill    ? 

In  one  place  he  faith  the  juft  power  of  Sonraigns  is  abfoluie  ,  and  to  be  limited  by  the 

o  firergth  of  the  Commonwealth  and  nothing  tlfe.     In  other  places  he  faith  his  power  is 

^'•^  °v' *^*  tobelimitted  byJ  the  Laws  of  God  and  nature.     As  there  is  that  in  Heaven,  though 

Le.f.p'ioj.  „gf  on  earth,  which  he  fiould  Hand  in  fear  of,  andwhofe  Laws   he  ought  to  obey.  And 

though    it  be  not  determined  in  Scripture,  what  Laws  every  King  Jhall  conjlitute  ,in  his 

Lt.p.iP9      dominiom^etitUdstermined,  What  Law  he  fhall  not  eonjUtute,  And  it  is   true,  that 


Djscourse  I  [  I.  of  Leviathan  897 

Soveraigfis  are  alijubjeti  to  the   laws  oj  nature  ,  becanfe  fuch  larvs   Is  divine,  and  cart  ■ 
mt  by  any  man  or  Common-wealth  he  abrogated.     In  one  place  he  maintaincth  thitall 
menby  nature  are  equal  among  themjclves.  In  another  place,  that  the  father  of  every  man  q^  c  i  (  2 
ffis  originally  his  Soveraign  l,ird  ,  with  power  over  him  of  life  &  death.  Le  P  iii' 

He  acknowledgeth  that  God  is  not  onely  gW,  andj«/f  ,'  and  merciful,  but  the      ''^'  ' 
beft.     That  nature  doth  didate  to  us  that  God  ii  to  be  honoured  ■■,  and  that  to  honour, 
M  to  ihink^tf  highly  of  his  power  and  goodnejje  as  w  pojjihle  ,    and  that  nothing  ought  to 
be  attributed  to  him  ,butwbat  is  honourable.     Nothing  can  be   more  contrary  to  his  £j  c.ic./Tp. 
goodnefTe,  or  more  dirtionnurableto  God  ,  than  to  make  him  to  be  the  caufe  of  ^^ V  j  gg' ' 
all  the  finne  in  the  World.     Perhaps  he  will  fay  that  thU  opinion  mak^th  God  the  caufe 
oj  fjM  :  But  dothnot  the  Bijhop  thi;ill_him  the  caufe  of  all  aHions  ?  And  are  not  fins  of  com-  &u.p.i'7S. 
mijfion  aUions ?  Is  murder  no  adim  ?  And  doth  not  God  himfelffay^Non  ed  malum  in 
civitate  quod  ego  non  feci  ?  And  wm  not  murther  one  ofthofe  evils?  The  like  doiSrine 
he  hath.  Qu.p.  108.  and  23f. 

I  chanced  to  fay,  thatil  a  child,  before  he  have  the  ufe  of  reafon,  (hall  kill  a 
man  in  his  pallion  ,yet  bccaufe  he  had  no  malice  to  incite  him  to  it  ,nor  reafon  to 
reftrein  him  from  it,  he   fliall  not  die  for  it  in  theftrid  rules  of  particular  juftice  , 
unleffe  there  befome  mixture  of  publick  juftice  in  the  cafev  (hewing  onely  what  was 
the  law  ,  not  what  was  my  opinion.     An  innocent  child  for  terrour  to  others ,  in 
(bme  cafes  m^  be  deprived  of  thofe  honours  and  inheritances ,  which  were  to  have 
defcended  uponhim  from  hisfather,  but  not  of  his  life.    Amazia  (lew  the  murder-  2  Chro.2 1.4. 
ers  of  the  King  his  father  ,  but  he  fit  w  not  their  children,  hut  did  at  it  is  written  inthe 'Deut.2^.jp, 
Law  ,  in  the  booh^of  Mofes  ,  The  fathers  Jh  all  not  dye  for  the  children ,  nor  the  children  for 
the  fathers ,  AT\d  he    prefentiy  taxed  me     (01  it ,  The  Bipop  would    mah^  but  an  ill 
Judge  of  innocent  children.     And   the  fame  merciful   opinion  he    mantaineth  el(e- 
where.     All  punifhments  of  innocent  SubjeSs,  be  they  great  or  little,  are  againji  thelaw  ^•/'•277. 
of  nature.     For  punijhment  is  only  for  tranfgreffion  of  the  law  ,  and  therefore  there  can  be  Le.p.16'). 
m  punifhmenu  of  the  innocent^Yct  within  few  lines  after  he  changeth  his  note.     In  Sub- 
jeGs  who  deliberately  deny  the  authority  of  the  Commonwealth  ejiabliped,  the  vengeance 
if  lawfully  extended  ,  mt  onely  to  the  fathers,  but  alfo  to  the  third  and  fourth  generation.    ,.j 
His  reafon  is,becaufe  this  offence  confijieth  in  renouncing  of  fubjeCiion-fo  theyfufer  not  at  * 
SubjeHs  ,  but  Of  enemies.     Well ,  but  the  children  were  born  fubjeds  as  well  as  the 
father,and  they  never  renounced  their  fubjcdtions  :  how  come  they  to  loofc  their 
birth-right,  and  their  lives  for  their  fathers  fault,  [{there  can  be  no  puni(hment  of  the 
innocenti'fo  the contradidtion?  Hands  ftill. 

But  all  this  is  but  a  copy  of  his  countenance,  I  have  (hewed  formerly  cxpre(rcly 
out  of  his  pv'mciples  ,  That  the  foundation  of  the  right  of  punijhing  ,  exercifed  in  every 
Commonwealth  ,  is  not  the  juft  right  of  the  Soveraign  for  crimes  committed  ,  but  that 
right  which  every  man  by  nature  had  to  kill  every  man.  Which  right  he(aith  every  Sub- 
jedl  hath  renounced:  but  the  Soveraignj  by  whofe  authority  puni(hment  is  infiicfted, 
hathnor.  So  if  he  do  examine  the  crime  in  juftice,  and  condemn  the  delinquent, 
then  it  is  properly  puni(hment.  Tfhe  do  not,  then  it  is  anlioftile  adt ,  but  both  waies 
juft  and  allowable.  Reader  ,  if  thou  pleafc  to  fee,  what  a  ilippery  memory  he  hath: 
ftir  thine  own  fatisfadion,  read  over  the  beginning  of  the  eight  and  twentieth 
Chapter  of  his  Leviathan.  Innocents  cannot  b'e  juftly  puni(hed,  but  juftly  killed 
upon  his  principles. 

But  this  very  man  ,     wlio  would  feem  fo  Zealous  fomctimes  for  humane  jaltice, 
that  there  can  be  no  jufi  punidiment  of  innocents,  no  juft  puni(hment,  but  for  crimes 
committed  ,  how  ftandeth  he  affected  to  divine  juftice  ?  He  regardeti  it  not  at  all , 
grounding  every  where  Gods  right  to  afflict  the  Creatures  upon  his  co  nnipotencc; 
and  maintaining  that  God  may  as  jiiftly  afflict  with  eternal  torments  without  lin, 
as  for  (in.  "though  Cod  have  power  fi  affhd  a  man ,  and  not  for  finne  ,witho:t  injujiice: 
Shall  we    think^  Godfo  cruel,  as  toaffiiQ  aman,and  not  for  fin  ,  with  extrean,  mdendlejjf 
torments?  Is  it  not  cruelty  ?  No  more  than  to  do  the  fame  for  finne,  when  he  that  afpiSetb  ^ 
might  without  troublehave  k^pt  him  from  finning.     Whether  God  do  afflict  eternally,  ^'^'^3' 
or  punifti  eternally  ■-,  whether  tlie  Soveraign  proceed  judici3lly,or  in  anhoftileway, 
Co  it  be  not  for  any  crime  committed  i  it  is  all  one  as  to  the  juftice  of  God  and  the 
Sovereign ,  and  all  oj^ets  to  the  fufferings  of  tlie   innocent.     But  it  may  and    d«tk 

O  o  Q  0  0  »  (fttit 


SpS 


ne   CatchiK^  TOME   HI. 


"Tten  happen  in  Gommontfealtht,  that  a  Subjedmay  be  put  to  death  by  the  command  of  the 
Scveradn  pon'er,  and  yet  neither  di  the  other  wro>7g;that  is  to  fay,both  be  innocent, 
for  that  is  the  vvholefcopc  of  clieplacejcis  agamft  the  law  of  nature  to  punifh  in- 
nocent Subjefts  faith  one  place,  but  innocent  Subjects  may  lawfully  be  killed  or 
put  to  death,  faith  another.  _  ,,,., 

Sometimes  he  maketh  the  inaitutinn  of  Soverajgnty  to  be  oncly  the  laying  down 
the  right  of  Subjefts,  which  they  had  by  nature.     Tor  he  who  remtinceth  qt  pajfeth  a- 
tray  hU  right,  giveth  not  to  any  ether  man,  a.  right  which  he  had  not  hcfcre,  becatife  there 
u  nothinz^  to  which  every  man  had  not  right  by  nature  ,  hut  anely  {landetbout  ofh'n  way, 
that  he  may  enjoy  hU  oren  orginal  right  ^Tftthout  hindtrance  jrom  him  ,  not  without  hin- 
drance from  another.     Aud  elfewherc  ,7^^   SuhjeHs   did  not  give  the  Soveraign  that 
Le.p-  65.      ^j^if^ym  g^giy  /^  hying  down  theirs Jhrergtbenedhim  to  ufe  bii  own,  &c.  So  it  was  not 
l^-  P-  '^^*    given^ut  left  to  him'&  tohim  onely.  And  the  tranflation  of  right  doth  conjiji  onely  in  not  refi- 
Ci.  C.2.J.  4.  jf^^,   |j£  might  as  well  have  faid,and  with  as  much  fcnfe,ffce  tramferring  of  right  doth 
confiji  in  not   transferring  of  right.     At  other  times  he  maketh  it  to  be  a  furrender  , 
or  giving  up  of  the  fuh]eUs  right  to  govtrn  himfelf  to  this  man.     A  conferring  ef  all  their 
I     p  Of '7     po^erand  firength  upon  one  man  ,  that  may  reduce  al  their  wih  by  plurality  of  voicesto 
'  one  wil.     An  appointing  of  one  man  to  hear  their  perfon^and  ackiiowkdgingthemfelves  to 

be  the  authours   of  whatfoever  the  Soveraign  fhall  ad,  or  caufeto  be  aded  in  thofe  things 
whith  concerned  the  common fafety -.a  fubmiffioa^of  their  wills  to  his  will,  their  judgements 
to  hit  judgment.     And    David  did  no  injury  to  Vriah,  becaufe  the  right  to  do  what  he 
Le.p,  109-    ^ifafed,  was  given  him  by     Vriah  himfelf.     Before  we  had  a  transferring  without 
transferring       ,  now  we  have  a  giving  up  without  giving  up,    an  appointing, 
or  conrtituting,without  appointing  or  conftituting,a  fubjedlion  without  fubjection, 
^^- ^  J- f ,.  anauthorifing    without  authorifing  :  What  is  this/* 
•  •  !)•;•  T'      Hq  {^y£^Y[  i[^^i  jf  cannot  be  f aid  honourably  of  God, that  he  hath  parts  or  totality,  which 
are  theattributes  of  finite  ;/;i»g/.lf  it  cannot  be  faid  honourably  of  God ,  that  he  hath 
parts  or  totality,then  it  cannot  be  faid  honourably  of  God  that  he  is  a  body  forevery 
1>    p  .271  .body  hath  parts  and  totality.  Now  hear  what  he  {z\th,Every part  of  the  Vmverfe  is 
hody'tAnd  that  which  U  no  body  it  no  part  of  the  Vniverfe.And  becaufe  the  Vniverfe  is 
that  all  that  which  is  no  fart  of  it ,  M  nothing.     Then  if  God  have  parts  and  totality, 
God  is  nothing.     Let  him  judge  how  honourable  this  is  for  God 
Le.  p.*- ".  57.      Hcfayeth,  JFe  homur  not  God,but  dijhonour  him  by  any^iut  kffc  than  infinite.  And 
^^.l^j^^  how  doth  he  fet  an  infinite  value  upon  God  ,  who    every    where  maketh  him  to 
'fubfift  by  fuccejfivt  duration.  Infinite  is  that  to  which  nothing  can  be  added,butto 
that  which  fubfiftcth by  fuccellive  duration,  fomething  is  added  every  minute. 

He  faith,  Chrift  hath  not  a  Kingly  authority  committed  to  him  by  his  Father  in  the 
World  ,  but  onely  confiliary  and  dcdrinal.  He  fahh  on  the  contrary  ,  Jhat  thelqngdom 
Cf.c.iyJ-6  cfjudah  was* his  hereditary  right  from  King  David.  8cc.  And  when  it pleafed  him  to 
play  the  King  ,  he  required  entire  obedince,Milh.  21.  2.  Go  into  the  village  over  agahtfl 
you  , and  flreightway  yt  fljaJl  find  an  affe  tied ,  and  a  colt  with  her,loofe  them  and 
bring  them  unto  me.  And  if  any  man  jay  ought  unto  you  ,  ye  fhall  fay  ,1he  Lord  hath 
^'-''^^'J-^  needoftbem. 

He  faycth  ,  7he  infiitutibn  eternal  punifkmtnt  was  before  fn.     And  if  the  command 
Ci,  c.  4.  f9  he  fuch  as  cannot  be  obeyedwithout  being  damned  to  eternal  death  ,then  it  were  madneffe 
to  obey  it.     And  what  evil  hath  excommunication  in  it, but  the  confequent,  eternal 
Le.p.  2^'^.    p(„,jf,ment    ?  At  other  timeshe  fayeth  there  is  no  eternalipunilhment.     It  is  evident 
that  there  [hail  he  aftccnd  death  of  every  one  that  fhall  be  condemned  at  the  day  of  Judge- 
ment, after  which  he  fhall  die  no  more.     He  who  know€th  no  foul  nor  ipirit ,  may 
well  be  ignorant  of  a  ipiritua!  death. 
Lf.fc.idS.  He  faith ,  It  is  a  diGrine  repugnant  to  civil fctiety  that  whatfoever  a  man  Joes  againjl 

Cf^'^itf.i.hittonfcienceisfw.     "Yet  he  himfelf  faith  .     It  U  a  fin  whatfoever  om  dotb  againfi  his 
Ci.c.  iZ'.f.l'  ccnfcitnce  ,  for  they  that  do   that,  defpife  the  Law. 

He  faith.  That  all  ptwer  fecular  and  fpiritual  under  Chrift  ,  is  united  in  the  Chrifiian 
Corr.mnnweahh'--,  that  is,  the  Chiiftian  Soveraign:  Yet  he  himfelf  faith  on  the  contrary 
h  cannot  he  dcitlicd  of ,  that  the  fewer  of  binding  and  locfng  ,  that  is  ,  of  remitting  mi 
retatmngfns.f^  which  we  call  the  power  of  the  keycs  )  was  given  by  Ckrtfi  tofuntrt 
Tajlf'urs  in  ihefamt  manner  as  to  the  prefent  Apijllej.Andall pcwer  of  nmittirgfn  which 
Chrift  himfelf  had  ,wai given  ioike  Apffiles.     All  fpiritual  power  is  in  the  Chriflian 

Magiftrate. 


D^couRSE  III. ij     Lfv^athan  899 

Magiftrate,  Some  fpiricua!  power  (  that  is  thepovcr  of  ;li;  kc-ycs  }ij  intliefuc- 
ceiTours  of  the  Apoflles  ,  that  is  not  in  the  Chriltian  ,  Magiitratc,  is  a 
contradi<fiion. 

He  confeffeth  ,  That  it  ii  maiftfeji  that  from  the   afcenfwn  ofChrifl  until  the  converf:gn 
of  Kings  ,  the  forcer  Ecckfujiicalivas  in  the  Jpojiles^  and  fo  delivered  unto  their  furctjf- 
ours  by  impnfuion  oj  hands.     And  yet  draight ,  torgetting  himfelf ,he  takcth  away  all   r 
power  from  them,     even  in  that  time  when  <here  were  no  Chrillian   Kings  in  the     '''  ^'      '^' 
World.     He  alloweth  them  no  power  to  make  any  Ecclefiaftical   lawes  or  confti- 
tutions,  or  to  impofe  any  manner  of  commands  upon  Chriluans.     Toe  ofice  of  the 
ApojilesrvMnot  to  command ,  but  teach.     As  Schoole-Mallers,not  as  Commanders.  Ci.c.17  f.-^d. 
Yet  Schoole-Mafters  have  fome  power  to  command.     Hefuffcreth  not  the  Apoftles  Le\  p.  269 
tffl  ordain  ,  but  thofe  whom  the  Church  appointeth  ,  nor  to  excommunicate  ,  or  '' 

abfolve,  but  whom  the  Churclipleafeth.  He  maketh  the  determination  of  all  contro- 
verfies  to  reft  in  the  Church  not  in  the   Apoliles.     And  refolveth  all  queftions  into 
the  authority  of  the  Church.     Ibe  eleClion  of  Dolors  and  prophets  did  refi  upon  the 
authority  of  the    Church  of  Antioch.     And  if  it  be  inquired  by  tohat    authority  it  came 
to  pajfethat  it  tvof  received  fr  the  command  of  the  BoJy  Ghvfi,  which  thofe  Prophets  and 
Voiiors  faid  proceeded  from  the  Holy  Choji  ,  tee  muji  necejjarily  anjwer  ,  By  the  authority  Ci.c.X'j.f.2\ 
of  the  Church  of  Antioch.  Thus  every  where  he  aferibeth  all  authority  to  the  Church, 
none  at  all  to  the  Apoftles,  even  in  thofe  times  before  there  where  ChrilHan  Kings,  C''<:- 17-/2  5. 
He  faith  not ,  tell  it  to  the  Apo{iks;but  tell  it  to  the  ChHrch^thattve  mayk>tow  the  definitive   Ci.ciS.fi. 
fentence^  whether  fin  ,  orno  fin  is  not   left  to  them,  but  to  the  Church.  And  it  is  manife{l  ^ 
that  all  authority  in  Jpirituall  things  ,  doth  depend  tipon  the   authority  of  the  Church. 

Thus  not  contented  with  lingle  contradictions  he  twifteth  them  together-,  for 
according  to  his  definition  ofa  Church,therc  was  no  Chrillian  Church  at  Antioch^or 
inthofe  parts  of  the  VVorld,eithcr  then  or  long  after.  Hear  him.  A  Church  if  a  company  r  *  j« 
of  men  prcftjJingChriJiian  Religion,  united  in  the  perfon  of  one  Soveraign,  at  whofe  com-  '^' 
mand  they  ought  to  ajjemble,  and  without  whofe  authority  they  ought  not  ti  ajfemble. 
Yet  there  was  no  Chriftian  Soveraign  in  thofe  parts  of  the  World  tl.en  ,or  for 
two  hundred  yeares  after,  and  by  confequence ,  according  to  his  derinition , 
no  Church. 

He  teacheth,  That  when  the  civil  Soveraign  is  an  infidel,  every  one  of  his  own  fub]e[is 
that  refijieth  himyfinneth  againjl  the  Laws  of  Cod,  and  rcjfdetb  the  councel  of  the  Apojiles,  Le,  p.  ^^it-. 
that  admonijheth  all  Chrifiians  to  obey  their  Frinces,   and  all  children  and  fervants  to 
obey  their  Parents  andMajiers  in  all  thing.     As  for  not  rcfifling  he  is  in  therfght,  but 
for  obeying    in  all  things,  inhis  fenfe,  it  is  an  abominable  errour.     Upon  this, 
ground  ,  he  alloweth  Chriftians  to  deny  Chrift  ,to  facrifice  to  idols  ,  fo  they  preferve 
faith  in  their  hearts.     Hetelleth   ihtm  ,  7hey  have  the  licenfe  that  Najman  had^and 
need  not  put  themfelvcs  into  dangtr  for  their  faith.  That  is,  they  have  liberty  to  do  any 
external  zdcs ,  which  their  infidel  Soveraigns  (hall  command  them.     Now  hear 
contrary  from  himlelf.     When  Soveraigns  are  not   Chrifiians  ,  in ffiritual  thingt,  that 
is  in  thoje  things  which  pertain  to  the  manner  of  worflnpping  Cod,  fome  Church  of  Chrifii- 
ans U  to  be  /o/Zt/Wft/:)  Adding  , that  when  we  riaay  not  obey  them,  yet  we  may  C'.c. iS./^'ia, 
not  refift    i\\cm  ,h\xie!tndumcil  ad  Chrijium  per  rnartyriuin  ,  we  ought  to  fuffcr 
for  it. 

He   confeffeth  ,  That  matter  and  power  are  indifferent  to  contrary  formes  and  con- 
trary ads.     And  yet  maintained  every  where  that  all  matter  is  ntcefluate  by  the  ^.^.252; 
outward  caufcs  to  one  individual  formi  that  is,  it  is  not  indifferent.     And  all  pow- 
er by  his  Principles  is  limitted  and  determined   to  one  particular  ad.     Thus  he 
fcoffethatme  for  the  contrary,  very   learnedly ,  as  if  there  reere  a  power  that  were 
not  a  power  to  do  fme  pjrticnhr  aa ,  or  apower  to  kiV,  a7td  yet  to  kill  no  body  in  parti-    _ 
cular.      Nor  doth  power  fgnife  anything  aUnally  ,but  thofe  motions  and  prefent  aSs  ,  °^'  •?'     ^■ 
from  which  the  ah  that  it  not  now  ,  but  (hall  he  hereafter,  neceffariiy  proceeds th.     If       "     •V'-;--- 
every  ad  be  neceflary ,  and  all  power  determined  to  one  particular  ad ,  as  he  fiifh- 
here  ,  how  is  power  indifferent  to  contrary  Ads,  as  he  faith  there  ? 

He  acknowicdgeth  ,  That  though  at  fome  certain  difianct  the  reall  and  very  objiS  Le,  p  ^, 
feem  invejhd  with  the  phanf.e  it  begets  in  uf\yetfiill  the  ohjeU  it  one  thing,  the  image 
»r  phanfte  is  another.     And  Vet  aflirtneth  the  contrary.  That  the  Preachers  voice  U  the 

fimi 


^~^  Ue  Catching TOME     111. 

TJ^thhfTwith  hZri'ii^^^liiiTajha^tjiein  the  hearer.     Even  lo  he  might  lay ,  that  the 

colour  oAhe  fight ,  is  the  fame  thing  with  feeing.  Men  utter  their  voice  many  times, 

when  no  man  hcarcth  them.  ,,,,■,,    r^  j    ^ 

He  faith    hfpiraiioitirnpheiagiftjuperiiatural^atid  the  immediate  hand  of  vod.  On 

Le.p'     324-  ^^^  contrary  he  fayeth  ,7o  fay  a  man  jpeak^et  by  fupernatural  tnfpiration  ,  U  to  fay  he 

Le.p.iQO.         ^^^  ^^  ^^^^.^^  MreioJpeaKorfomepong  opinion  of  himfelffor  which  hecan  alledge  no 

r     pi6q      natttral  and  fufficient  reafon.     Ut  xto^oxicxh  t\\\s  O'^rnxon  ^  that  faith  and  fanBityare^ 

Y  /_  not  to  be  attained  by  fludy  and  reafon  ,  int  by  fupernatural  tnfpiration  ,  among  the  difea- 

'^'      Igsof  aComtnonwealtb  ,     And  laflly  he  acknowledgeth  wo  proper  iw/^iraJio«  ,i«<  fe/oB'- 

i^arf  one  thing  into  another  ,  not  metaphorical  ,but    inclining  the  fpirit. 

H  e  faith,  Ordinary  men  underfiand  the  word  body  andempty  ,  as  well  as  learnedmen  , 
And  when  they  hear  named  an  emfty  vefjel  the  learned  as  rveU  as  the  unlearned^  mean  and 
^i-p'3^7'  underfiand  the  fame  things  namely,  that  there  is  nothing  in  it  that  canbejeen,  and  tvhether 
it  be  truly  empty  ,  thi plow-man  and  Schoole-  man  k^otio  alikg.  Now  heare  him  confefle 
the  contrary.  Jn  t'^efnfe  of  common  people  not  all  the  Vniverfe  it  called  body ,  but  onely 
Le.p'^oy  fuch  parts  thereof  as  they  can  difcern  by  the  fenfe  of  feeling  to  repji  thefarce^or  by  the  fight  of 
their  eyes  to  hinder  themfrom  farther  profpeQ:  therefore  in  the  commin  language  of  menhir 
and  aeriallfitbfiances  ,  ufe  not  to  be  tak^n  for  bodies. 

He  holdeth  that  no  law  may  be  made  to  command  the  will.     The  ftyle  of  law  fj, 

^f.p-^S^'      T>o  this  or  dnnotthis  sorifthou  do  ihUjthouJhaltfufer^thif.     But  m  law  runs  thus.  IVill 

T>  C    14.   thli  ,  or  will  not  this  \  or  if  thou  have  a  will  to  thii^thou /halt  fuffer  this.     And  yet  he  de- 

,  ^     ' '     '   fineth  fin  to  be  that  which  U  done ,  or  left  undone^  or  f^okgn  or  willed  contrary  to  the  reafon 

■'*''*  of  the   Commonwealth.     Then  the  lawsof  men  are  made  to  bind    the   will,  if  that 

which  is  willed  contrary  tothe  laws  be  a  fin. 

He  faith  ,  Neceffary  vs  that  which  U  impoffibk  to  be  otherwife  ,  or  that  which  cannot 
©«.*?.26.C''  Poffibly  be  i  andpoffihle  and  impnjjible  haveno  fignification  in  reference  to  the  time  pafi  ,  or 
4z6.  '""*  prefent.but  onely  time  to  come.  Yet  in  the  very  fame  paragraph  he  aflerteth  ,j  Mfcf/J?/y 

fi-om    eternity  ,or  an    antecedent  neeeffity   derived  from  the  very  beginning  oftime. 

He  fayeth  ,1here  is  no  doubt  aman  canwill  one  thing  or  other,  or  forbear  to  wiHit,  If 
G)u  p.z  10.     a  r"3n  can  both  will  and  forbear  to  will  the  fame  thing ,  then  a  man  is  as  free  to 
will  as  to  do.  But  lie  teacheth  the  contrary  every  where  ,  That  a  man  is  free  to  do  if 
he  willjbitt  he  U  not    free  to  will. 

He  faith  ,  Though  God  gave  Solomon  his  choife  ,that  is,  the  thing  which  he  fhould 
<?«  P-J'i-        choofe  ,  it  doth  not  follow  that  he  did  not  alfo  give  him  the  aH  of  eleUion  j  that  is,  detcr- 
mine  him  to  that  v.-hich  he  (liould  choofe.     To  give  a  man  choife  of  two  things, 
and  determine  him  toone  of  them  ,  is  contradidory 
©K.p.aoS.         He  confefftth  ,  That  it  U  an  abfurdjpeech  to  fay  the  will  is  compelled.  And  yet  with 
the  fame  breath  he  affirmeth,  That   a  man  may  he  compelled  to  will'     The   reafon 
why  the  will  cannot  be  compelled  is ,  becaufe  it  implyeth  a  contradi(9:on.     Com- 
pulfion  is  evermore  againft  a  mans  will ;  How  can  a  man  will  that  which  is  againft 
Ibid.  his  wi!  I  >  Yet  faith  T.  H.  Many  things  may  compel  a  man  to  do  an  adion  in  producing  hit 

will.     That  a  man  may  be   compelled  to  do  anadtion  ,  there  is  no  doubt ,  but  to 
fay  he  is  compelled  to  do  that  adion  which  he  is  willing  to  do,  that  is  when  a  new 
will  is  produced,  or  that  a  will  to  do  the    aftion  is  produced  then  when  the  man 
is  compelled,  is  a  contradldtion. 
Ci.c.  17./27.      He  maketh  the  foveraign  Prince  to  be  the  onely  authenticity  interpreter  of  Scripture 
Le.P.2p6.      znd  to  have  Tajiorall  authority  iurtdivino,  which  all  other  F ajl or s  have  but ']urc  dy'ili , 
yet  in  all  queftions  of  faith  ,  and  interpretation  of  the' Word  of  God  ,  he  obligeth 
the  foveraign  to  make  ufe  of  Ecclefiaftical!  Dodours,  rightly  ordained  by  impo- 
fition  of  hands,  to  whom  he  faith  Chri{i  hath  promijed  an  infallibility  .  His  gloffe  that- 
this  infallibilty  U  not  fuch  can  infallibility ,  that  they  cannot  be  deceived  themjelves  ,  but 
Ci.c.ij,f,2^  that  a  fiibjed  cannot  be  deceived  in  obeying  them,  is  abfurd,for  fuch  an  infallibilityfUpon 
^u.p.  214.    'lis  grounds^  the  foveraign  had  without  their  advifc.  To  pade  by  his  confuted  and 
party  coloured  difcourfe  ,  how  doth  this  agree  with  his  former  objection  ?  which  I 
fliall  inferthere  mutatis  mutjndU.     That  the  right  interpretation  of  fcripture fhould  de- 
pend upon  the  infallibility  of  Ecelefiafticall  VoClors  ,  many  incommodities  and  abfurditier 
which  muft  follow  from  thence  ,  do  prohibit, the  chief efi  whereof  is  thU ,  that  net  onely  all 
cix  ill  obedience  wou^  be  taken  away,  contrary  to  the  precept  of  Chrijl, but  alfo  all focieij. 
and  humane  peace  would  he  diffolved  ,  contrary  to  the  lawet  of  nature.     Tor  whilfi  they 


Drs CORSE  III,  of  Leviathan 


901 


mak^  the  Eccitftajtical  VoBors  the  ivjallible  Judges  ,  what  pkajeth  Gvci,a/id  what 
diJpU'ajhh  him  ,  the  juhjeUs  cannot  obey  their  Soveraignj,  before  the  Dodors  have  judged 
of  their  cummandsy  rrhether  they  be  confornuble  fg  Scripture  omot.  And  fa  either  they 
do  not  obey  ,  or  they  obey  fur  the  judgment  of  their  VcSors  ,  that  U  they  obey  their  VoUors 
not  their  Soveraign  . -Thus  civill obedience  if  takfn  away.  Thefe  are  his  own  words 
with  a  Utcle  variation  ,  onely  putting  in  the  Doctors  for  the  fubjects.  I  confider 
rot  what  is  true  or  falfe  in  them  for  the  prefent^but  only  (hew  thcinconfiftency  of 
his  grounds,  hcSw  he  buildeth  with  one  hand ,  and  pulleth  down  with  the  other 

He  faith  it  is  determined  in  Scripture  what  lawes  every  chrifiian  Kingjhall  notcon- 
fiitute  in  hvi  dominions.     And  in  the  next  words,  Soveraigns  in  their  own  dominions   r 
are  thefole  Legijiators  ,     And  that  thofe  boohj  only  are  canonicallin  every  nation  which      ^'^'^^9= 
are  ejiablifhedjbrfuch  bythefweraign  authority.     Then  the  determinations  of  Scripture 
upon  hi?  grounds  arc  but  civil!  lawes,  and  do  not  tie  the  hands  of  Soveraignes.  He  ^^'^'^^9' 
teachcth  us  everywhere  that  *jbe/«t/fgKfW  commands  of  a  Sovereign^  contrary  to  his 
former  lawes,  is  an  abrogation  of  them.     And  thzt  it  is  an  opinion  repugnant  to  the  na- 
ture of  a  commonwealth,  that  he  that  hath  the  foveraign  power  isfubjeU  to  the  civil!   laws. 
The  determinations  of  Scripture  upon  his  grounds  do  bind  the  hands  ofKings , 
when  they  themfelves  pleafc  to  be  bound  no  longer. 

To  conclude  fometimes  he  doth  admit  thefoule  to  be  a  difiindt  fublhnce  from 
the  body  ,  fometimes  he  denieth  it.  Sometimes  he  maketh  reafon  to  be  a  na- 
tuarll  faculty  ,  fometimes  he  maketh  it  to  be  an  acquired  habit.  In  fome  places  he 
alloweth  the  will  tobe  a  rationall  appetite^  inother  places  he  difallowes  it.  Some- 
times he  will  have  it  to  be  a  law  of  nature,  that  men  mufl:  ftand  to  their  pacts  , 
Sometimes  he  maketh  covenants  of  mutuall  truft  in  the  ftate  of  nature  to  be  void. 
Sometimes  he  will  have  nopunifiiment  but  for  crimes  that  might  have  been  left 
undone,  At  other  times  he  maketh  allcrimes  to  be  inevitable.  Sometimes  he  will 
have  the  dependance  of  adlions  tipon  the  will  to  be  truly  liberty ,  At  other  times  he 
afcribethliberty  to  rivers,  which  have  no  will.  Sometimes  he  teacheth  that  though 
an  aftionbeneceifitated  ,  yet  the  will  to  break  the  law  maketh  the  adrion  to  be  un- 
juft  ,  at  other  times  he  maketh  the  will  to.be  much  more  necellitate  than  the  action. 
He  tclleth  us  that  civil  law-makers  may  crre  and  fin  in  making  ofa  law,  Aud  yet  the 
law  fo  made  is  an  infallible  ruleiYes  to  lead  a  man  infallibly  into  a  ditch.  What 
flioulda  man  fay  to  this  man  .?  How  fhall  one  know  when  he  is  in  earneft  ,  and 
when  he  his  in  jeft.  He  fetteth  down  his  opinion  juft  as  Gipficstell  fortunes,  both 
waies,that  if  theonemifle,  the  other  may  be  fure  to  hit,  that  when  they  are  accuftd 
of  falfehood  by  one  ,  they  may  appeale  to  another.  But  what  did  J  write  in 
fuch  a    place. 

It  was  thepraife  of  John  Baptift  ,  that  he  was  not  lik^  a  reed  fl'iakgn  with  the  wind^ 
bending  or  inclincing,  hither,and  thither,this  way  and  that  way,  now  to  old  truths, 
then  to  new  error?.  And  it  is  the  honour  of  every  good  Chriftian.  St.Pauldoth 
excellently  defcribe  fuch  fludtuating  Chrifiians  by  two  comparifons ,  the  one  of 
little  children,  the  other  ofa  (hip  lying'at  Hull,  E/'k  4.  14.  Ihatwe  henceforth  be 
no  more  children  toffed  too  and  firo,  and  carried  about  with  every  wind  of  do&rine,  as  z 
child  wavers  between  his  love  and  duty,tohis  parent  or  nurfe  on  the  one  hand,and 
(bme  apple  or  other  toy  which  is  held  forth  tohimon  the  otjier  hand  ,or  as  a  (hip 
lying  at  anchor  changeth  its  pofture  with  every  wave  and  every  puflfe of  wind.  As 
the  laft  company  leaves  them,  or  the  prefcnt  occafion  makes  them  ,  fo  they  vary 
their  dilcourles. 

The  time  was  when  T.  H.  was  very  kinde  to  me  ,  to  let  me  fee  the  cau(es  and 
grounds  ofmy  errours.  Arguments  feldome  work^onmenoj  witandleartiing,  when  they  ♦Cr/'*  334''' 
have  once  ingaged  themfelves  in  a  contrary  opinion.  Jf  any  thing  will  do  it, it  is  the  (Ijerving 
of  them  the  caufes  of  their  errours.  One  good  turn  requireth  another.  Now  I  will 
do  as  much  for  him.  If  it  do  not  work  uponhimfelf:  Yet  there  is  hope  it  may 
undeceive  fome  of  his  difciples.  A  principall  caufe  of  his  errours  is  a  fancying  to 
himfelf  a  general  (late  of  nature, whicli  is  fo  far  from  being  generall,that  there  is  not 
an  in(tance  to  befound  of  it  in  the  nature  of  things,  where  mankind  was  altogether 
without  lawes  and  without  governours,  guided  onely  by  felf  Intereft ,  without  any 
fcnfe  ofconfcience,juftice,  hone(ly,or  honour.  He  may  fearch  all  the  corners  oiAmeri- 


^o a  7 he  Catching TOMEUl 

"TTwith^a  candle  andlaruhoriTarnoon  day,  and  alter  his  tr'^kiTe  paines ,  return  a 


Monefi    inventus.  r  ■  i-l       ^  ^  ..  i   i 

Yet  all  plants  and  living  creatures  are  lujedt  to  degenerate  and  grow  wild  by 
deeree?.  Suppofe  it  iliould  lo  happen  that  fome  remnant  of  men,  either  chafed  by 
war  or  perfccntion,  or  forced  out  of  the  habitable  world  for  fome  crimes  by  them- 
felves  committed ,  or  being  caft  by  fliipwrack  upon  fome  deferts,bylong  converf- 
inewith  falvage  hearts ,  lions,  bearcs  ,  wolves  and  tygers,  fhould  in  time  become 
more  bruit ifli(  it  is  his  own  epithetev)than  the  bruites  themfelves,\^ould  any  man  in 
his  right  wits  make  that  to  be  the  unlverfall  condition  of  mankind,  which  was  onely 
the  condition  of  an  odd  handfull  of  men,  or  that  to  be  the  ftate  of  nature,  which 
was  not  theflate  of  nature,  but  an  accidentall  degeneration  > 

He  that  will  behold  the  ftate  of  nature  rightly  ,muft  look  upon  the  family  of 
Adam,  and  his  pollerity  in  their  fucceflive  generations  from  the  creation  to  the 
deluge,  and  from  the  deluge  ,untill  Abrahams  time,  when  the  firft  Kingdome  of 
Godby'pa<S  is  fuppofed  by  T.  H.  to  begin.  All  this  while  (  which  was  a  great 
part  of  that  time  the  world  hath  flood  )  from  the  creation lafted  the  Kingdom  of 
God  by  nature,  as  h  e  phrafeth  it ,  And  yet  in  thofe  daies  there  were  laws  and 
Ce»,  14.  governm.cnts,  and  more  Kings  in  the  world  ,  than  there  arc  at  this  prefent,  we  find 
nine  Kings  engaged  in  one  war  ,  and  yet  all  their  dominions  but  a  narrow  circuit 
of  land.  And  lb  it  continued  for  divers  hundredsof  years  after  , as  we  fee  by  all 
thofe  Kings  which  ]o(hua  difcomfited  in  the  land  of  0«fla«.  Every  City  had 
its  own  King.  The  reafon  is  evident,  The  originall  right  of  fathers  of  families  was 
not  then  extinguiflied. 

Indeed  T.  H.  fuppofeth  that  nnen  did  fpringout  of  the  earth  like  Mufliromes  or 
Mandrakes.  7hat  ire  may  return  again  ta  the  ftate  of  nature  ^  and  confider  men  as  if 
they  K'ere  even  now  juddenly  fprouted  and  grorpn  out  of  the  earth  ,  after  the  manner  of 
„.  c,  f  Mujhroms  ,  reithout  any  obligation  of  one  te  another.  But  this  fuppofttion  is  hothfalfe 
C/.C.8./.I.  g^^  Atheirtical ,  howfocver  it  dropt  from  his  pen.  Mankind  did  not  fpring  out  of 
the  earth, but  was  created  by  God  ,  not  many  fuddenly  ,but  one  to  whom  all  his 
pofterity  were  obliged .  as  to  their  father  and  ruler. 

A  fecond  ground  of  this  his  errours  is  his  grofle  miftake  of  the  laws  of  nature , 
which  he  rclatethmoft  imperfectly  ,  and  moft  untruely.  Amoral  heathen  would 
blufh  forfliame  ,  to  fee  fuch  a  catalogue    of  the  laws  of  nature. 

Firft  he  maketh  the  laws  of  nature  to  be  laws  and  no  laws;  not /u»/ 
but  7heortms,\iv/s  which  required  not  performance  but  endeavours  ,hws  which  were 
fiknt,and  could  not  be  put  in  execution  in  the  ftate  o(  nztme.  where  nothing  was  ano- 
ther mans  ^and  therefore  a  man  could  not  fleale^where  all  things  were  common  &  therefore 
no  adultery  ^where  there  was  a  ft  ate  of  war.&  therefor  it  was  law  full  to  hjll^where  all  things 
were  defined  by  a  mans  own  judgement ,  €^  therefore  what  honours  he  pleafed  to  give  unto 
his  Father -.and  laftly,where  there  were  not  puhlick^judgements,  and  therefore  no  ufe  ofwit- 
neffes.  As  for  the  firft  table  he  doth  not  trouble  himfelf  much  with  it ,  except  it  be 
to  accommodate  it  unto  Kings.  Every  one  of  thefe  grounds  here  alledged,arc 
moft  falfe  ,  without  any  verifimilitude  in  them  ,  and  fo  his  fuperftructure  muft  needs 
fall  flat  to  the  ground. 

Secondly  he  relateth  the  laws  of  nature  moft  imperfectly  ,  fmothering  and  con- 
cealing all  thofe  principall  lawes,  which  concern  eitiier  piety,  and  our  duty  towards 
God,  or  juftice  ,  and  our  duties   towards  man. 

Thirdly  ,  fundry  of  thofe  laws  which  he  is  pleafed  to  take  notice  of,  are  either 
mifrelated  ,  or  mifinterpreted  by  him.  He  maketh  the  onely  end  of  all  the  laws  of 
nature  to  be  ti>e /oKg  confervation  of  a  mans  Ufe  and  members  ,  moft  untruely.  He 
maketh  every  man  by  nature  the  onely  judge  of  the  means  of  his  own  confervation.  mod 
untruly.  His  father,and  Soveraign  in  the  weightieft  cafes,  is  more  judge  than  him- 
felf. He  faith  that  by  the  law  of  nature  every  man  hath  right  to  all  things  ,and  over  all 
f  erf  ons,  moi\  untruely.  He  fayeth  the  natural  condition  of  mankind  is  ;»  w-^r /j/jD 
men  ,  again^  iM  men  ,  moft  untruely.  And  that  nature  diUateth  tons  to  relinquifh  this 
icigned  right  of  all  men  to  all  things,  moft  untruely.  And  that  nature  didateth  to  a 
man  to  retein  his  right  ofpreferving  his  life  and  limbs,  though  againft  a  Uwfullmagiftrate, 

law- 


Discourse  III.  of    Leviathan 


905 


lawfully  proceeding ,  moft  untruely.    I  omit  his  uncouth  dodrin  about  pacts  made 
In  the  ftate  ot  nature:  and  that  he  knoweth  no  gratitude,  but  where  there  is  a  trult 
/iV««^     Thefe  things  are  u.nfound  ,  and  the  reir  of  his  laws,  for  the  moft  part  * 
poor  trivial!  things ,  m  comparifon  of  thofc  weightier  dilates  of  nature    which  he 
hach  omitted.  ' 

All  other  writers  of  Politicks  do  derive  Commonwealths  from  the  fociabilityof 
nature ,  which  is  in  mankind  ,  molt  truely.  But  he  will  have  the  beginning  of  all 
humane  fociety  to  be  from  mutual  feare  :  as  much  contrary  to  reafon  as  to  autho- 
rity. We  fee  fome  kind  otCreatures  delight  alltogether  in  folitude,  rarely,  or  never 
in  Company.  We  fee  others,  (  among  which  is  mankind  )  delight  altogether  in 
-  company ,  rarely,  or  never  in  folitude.  Let  him  tell  me  what  mutual!  fear  of  dan- 
ger did  draw  the  filly  Bees  into  fwarmsi  or  the  Sheep  and  doves  into  flocks  jand 
what  protection  they  can  hope  for,  one  from  another  >  and  I  fiiall  conceive  it 
poliible,  that  the  beginning  of  humane  fociety   might  befrom  fear  alfo. 

And  thus  having  invented  a  ht  foundation  for  his  intended  building,  ycleped 
thejlate  of  meet  nature,  which  hehimfelf  firft  devifed  for  that  purpofe,  he' hath  been 
long  moduling  and  framing  to  himfelf  a  new  form  of  policy  ,  to  be'  builded  upon 
it :  but  the  belt  is,  it  hath  onely  been  in  paper  .  All  this  while  he  hath  never  had 
a  finger  in  morter.  This  is  the  new  frame  of  at/o/afe  Soveraignty  ^  which  T.  H. 
knew  right  well  would  never  Hand  ,  nor  he  (hould  be  ever  permitted  to  reer"  up 
in  ourEuropseanClimates,  or  in  any  other  part  of  the  habitable  World ,  which  had 
ever  feen  any  other  form  of  civil  government.  Therefore  he  hath  fought  out  for  a 
lit  place  in  America,  among  the  Salvages  ,totry  if  perhaps  they  might  be  perfwaded, 
that  the  Laws  of  God  and  nature ,  the  names  of  good  and  evil ,  juft  and  unjuft 
did  lignihe  nothing,  but  at  the  pleafure  of  the  Soveraign  Prince. 

And  becaufe  there  hath  been  much  clafliing  in  thefe  Quarters  about  Religion  , 
through  the  dlftemperd  zeal  of  fome,  the  feditious  orations  of  others,  and  fome 
perniciousprinciples,  well  meant  at  firft,but  ill  underftood, and  worfe  purfued,  to 
prevent  all  fuch  garboiles  in  hisCommonweaIth,hehath  taken  an  order  to  make 
his  Soveraign  to  heChrijisLieutettantupon  earth,in  obedience  to  whofe  commands  true  reli^ 
gion  doth  confiji:  Thus  making  policy  to  be  the  building  ,and  religion  the  hangings, 
which  muft  be  fafliioned  jurt  according  to  the  proportion  of  the  policy  and  ("  not 
Cas  Mr.  Cartwright  would  have  had  it  )  making  religion  the  building  ,  and 
policy  the  hangings,  which  muft  be  conformed  to  religion. 

Well  the  law  is  coftlv ,  and  I  am  for  an  accommodation,  that  T.  H.  (hould 
have  the  folepriviledge  of  fetting  up  his  form  of  government  in  America  ,  as  being 
calculated  and  fitted  for  that  Meridian.  And  if  it  profper  there,  then  to  have  the 
libertyto  tranfplant;  it  hither:  who  knoweth  (  if  there  could  but  be  fome  means 
devifed  to  make  them  underftand  his  language  )  whether  the  Americans  might  not 
chufe  him  to  be  their  Soveraign  ?  Bnt  all  the  fear  is ,  that  if  he  {hould  put  his  prin- 
ciples in  pra(ftife,as  magiftrally  as  he  doth  didate  them ,  his  fuppofed  fubjefts 
might  chance  to  tear  their  mortal  Go^/ in  pieces  with  their  teeth,  and  entomb  his  So- 
veraignty  in  their  bowels. 

FINIS 

An  Advertifemcnt  to  thcREA  D  EK. 

Tlecaufe  J  kitoTP  but  ef  one  Edition  o/Mr.  Hobs  his  Leviathan ,  and  of  his  ^e^ions 
concerning  Liberty  ;  therefore  Ilxive  cited  them  ttvo  by  the  page.  Le,  (landing  for   Le- 
viathan ,  and  ^.  for  ^ejiions.     But  becaufe  there  are  fundry  editions  of  his  bookj)c 
Give. ,  I  have  cited  that  by  the  Chapter  and  Se^ion ,  according  to  his  parii  Edition. 

Ppppp 


T   O    M    E     IV. 

DISCOURSE   I 


THE 

CONTROVERSIES 

ABOUT  THE 

SABBATH, 

AND  TQB 

Lords  Day; 

ii  WITH  THEIR 

Slerpecttte  fDUigationsf. 

Clearly ,  fuccindly ,  and  impartially  ftaced ,  difcufTed) 

and  determined. 


By  JOHN    BRAMHALLD.  D,  Bifliop 

of    D  S  R  R  Y, 


DUBLIN, 
Friuted  in  the  Tcsr  M.  D  €♦  L  X  X  V  I* 


f* 


T' 


<,  > 


ia  A 


»■ 


vil^HT 


S 


I     -1    y 


— po7 

TOME    IV, 

DISCOURSE  J. 

THE 

CO  NTRO  VER  SIES 

ABOUT   THB 

SAB  BATH, 

AND  THE 

Lords  Day: 

With  their  rerpcftive  Obligations* 

Clearly,  fuccinftly  and  impartially  ftaccd,  dif cuffed  and  de- 
termined &c» 

OUdefired  my  judgment  of  the  true  ftate  of  the  Queftion  concerning  the 
Sabbath  and  the  Lord's  day  indefinitely, without  intitiuting  any  particular  ^^^'  ** 
[Queftion  now  agitated  about  them.  Wherupon  I  fufpeded  that  ei-^''^'"'''"'^ 
\[hci7^bcophilHi  Brabournes  recanted  errour  of  the  perpetuall  morality  of  thejoybts  *° 
Jewilh  Sabbath^  and  an  abfolute  necellity  that  all  Chriftians  wereobliged 
toobfervc  itevcrlalKngly,  had  been  revived  to  trouble  the  Churchi  Or  that  Anabap- 
tifme  hadfpread  its  Rootes  wider  and  deeper  in  England  of  late,  which  doth  not  al- 
low fo  much  as  a  Relative  hoiynefTe  of  one  day,  or  one  place,  or  one  perfon  more 
than  another:  or  at  the  leaft  that  the  opinion  of  fome  comment  Divines  had  fprouted 
up  higher  than  formerly  it  ufed  to  doe  in  our  Coaftsi  who  have  afTerted  a  power  and 
liberty  to  the  Catholick  Church,or  to  any  particular  Church,  to  tranllate  the  pubiick 
AfTembliesof  the  prefcnt  Church  from  the  Lord's  day  to  any  other  day  in  the 
week,andto  make  that  to  be  their  Lord's  day.  Yea  with  fuch  a  latitude  as  not  tobind 
the  Churchto  the  Septenary  Number  ,  which  if  it  thought  fit ,  might  fet  apart  one 
day  in  eight  or  ten  for  the  fervice  of  God.  And  although  none  of  thcie  did  ever  actu- 
ally change  the  day,  nor  any  of  them  ever  go  about  to  change  it,  that  I  have  read 
o{  ,exceptone  (  neither  do  I  condemn  him^  but  leave  the  credit  of  theStory  to  the 
AuthjrJ  yet  I  feared  leaft  this  buld  licentious  Age  ,  under  the  mifiaken  Notion  of 
chriftian  Liberty  f  Like  ^/riw  J  might  produce  fome  fuchnevv?  Monfter;  and  ac- 
cording to  my  fufpicion  I  applyed  my  difcourfe  to  the  eftablirtiing  of  the  perpetuall 
neceility  of  obferving  the  Lords  day  by  all  chrifcians  ,  and  the  immutability  of  it. 
Neither  do  I  (hrink    now  from  any  thing  I  faid   then. 

Since  I  found  by  chance  in  the  hands  of  a  friend  two  treatises,  the  one  yours,  the 
other  Dr.  H«/f«'/,  written  inpartuponthis  f.ibje(?t.I  confe(s  my  curfory  view  of  them  fttiffieii 
was  not  fofficient  whereupon  to  ground  an  exadt  difcuflion  of  the  Differences  be- 
tween   yoa,  but  fufficient  to  direft  me  to  the  true  ftate  of  the  Queftion  which  if  I 

con- 


of  the  Sabbath TOME  1 11  L 


conceive  rightly  doth  not  much  concern  thole  thu.gb  which  arc  truly  controverted  at 
this  day  in  the  Chrillian  world.     I  fliall  dehvcryou  my  judgement  clearly  and  fuc- 
cindly  rather  parcing  away  what  fccmcth  to  n.e  lupertluous,than  adding  any  thing 
that  ij  Heterogeneous  to  incumber  theQueltion. 
Siii-  2  As  firftj  I  boggle  not  at  the  name  of  SaHf^  applyed  to  the  Lord's  day,  fp  wc  un- 

The  HMaion  dfjjiand  ft  rightly  ofanAnalcgicalSabbath*'  Theimm  utabic  lawof  naturfidothre- 
conceining  the  .^^  ^^^^  ^^j  ^^  woifbippcd,  and  that  i'owc  timcbefet  apart  for  the  worlhip  ofGodi. 
Snincnt"  This  Indefinite  time  was  limited  to  the  Seventh  day  by  the  pohtive  Law  of  God,  as 
the  day  peculiarly  defigncd  to  the  publick  worfhip  of  God.  which  ordinance  was 
to  lall  as  long  as  the  Jewifh  politic  :  But  (hat  being  expired  ,  the  firft  day  was  fee 
a  part  to  Chriftians  for  the  fame  end.  So  without  controverfy  our  day  fucceedeth 
their  day  in  the  performance  ofthatcvcrlaftingduty,  which  by  thcLaw  of  nature  wc 
owe  toGod. Thofc  daycs  which  are  defigned  to  thcfame  cndare capable  of  the  fame 
denomination  :to  be  a  fabbath  or  a  day  ofReft  is  common  to  them  both:yetI  confeflTc 
1  judge  other  names  more  proper  than  that  ofSabbath  ,citherSunday  in  a  civilDialcdt, 
or  the4-ords  day  in  an  EcclelialHcal.  But  to  imagine  thatUc^ufe  our  day  fucceedeth 
theirs  in  the  performance  of  that  moral  duty,which  wcowc  to  God  ,  therefore  an 
cxprefs commandement  to  fanctifie  their  day,doth  obligcus  to  obfervc  our  day,  or 
therefore  ourLords  day  is fubjedl  to  theRuics  oftheJewilhSabbath,isjuft  fuch  another 
miflake,as  if  a  man  fhould  Argue  thuf,  BaptifmcSucccedeth  circumcifion  , therefore 
God's Injundion  of  circumcifion  to  Abraham  doth  oblige  us  to  be  baptifed,or  there- 
fore all  theLaws  of  circumcifion  do  bind  Chriftians  in  BaptiGis.  As  the  Sacra- 
mcntsare  diverfe  ,Iewi(handChriflan ,  fo are  their  Grounds. 

Secondly,  neither  do  I  trouble  my  felfc  about  thofc  authorities  or  Tefiimonics 
which  arebsought  out  of  heatheniih  writers ,  to  prove  that  the  feventh  and  eighth 
Aad  HMthfti- daycs  were  efteemcd  holy  by  thcm,becaufe  leflccm  the  whole  difcourfc  to  be  im- 
!fh  FcftivallJ  pertinent  to  our  prefent  contifovcrfierFor  neither  were  thofe  obferTations  univerfal 
(  as  all  the  Laws  of  nature  are  )  nor  the  woiftiip  divine  worlhip,  nor  the  objedthc 
true  Gcd  ,  neither  did  they  ground  their  worfliip  upon  right  reafon  ,  but  upon 
heathenifli  lies  and  fables;  1  might  add,that  they  who  make  fome  of  thcfc  allegations, 
do  miftake  the  day  of  the  month  for  the  day  of  the  week. 

Thirdly,!  quarrell  with  no  man  about  the  other  weekly  holy  days  befidcs  the 
Lords  day,  that  is  Wcdnefday  ,  Fryday,and  Saturday,    The  two  former  were  never, 
and  other      clkemedFeflivalls  bythe  Church,butFafts.    Saturday  was  Kept  fefli vail  indeed,  but 
wcek/y  hoJy.  neither  univcrfally  in  all  places,  nor  perpetually  in  all  Ages.     Sunday  alone  hath  been 
'^**  obfervcd  evermore  and  every  whore,  All  thefe  impertinent  debates  concerning  the 

name  of  the  Sabbath,  or  other  heatheniih  or  Chriftian  holy-dayes,  I  do  willingly 
pafle  by  in  filencc. 
Se£i.  ".         Then  to  give  you  my  fenfe  of  this  prcfcnt  controvcrfie  dearly  and  fuccin<ftlyj  The 
Two  qu^ionsfnain  QuelUons  which  concern  the  old  Sabbath,  arc  two:  Firft ,  whether  the  Law  of 
concerning  jheNature( which  is  properly  theMcralLaw)  doth  prefcribe  to  all  mankind  the  Sanfti- 
flabbath         ficationof  this  or  that  Seventh  Day  in  particular,  or  any  Seventh  Day  in  the  Week 
indefinitely.  Secondly,if  the  Law  of  Nature  do  not  prefcribe  it,  whether  it  were 
impofed  upon  mankind  by  any  pofitiveLaw  of  God. 

To  the  firft  Queftion  I  anfwer,  that  a  Law  may  be  called  Moral  ,  either  from  the 

end,  'f;at  is,  to  regulate  the  manners  ol  men:  and  in  this  (enle,  without  doubt,  the 

Sior.  4,      r      .  qJ- (j^j.  igvyiQi  Sabbath  was,and  the  Law  of  the  Chriftian  Lords  Day  is  ,  a  mo- 

were  s  woisl  "'^^"''  ,         „   ,  ,   „  ,      ,        .         ^.        .... 

ora^ruiallaw.      Or  a  Law  may  be  called  moral,  trom  the  duration  ot  it,  which  is  not  made  upon 

temporary  refpcds  ,  nor  alterable  according  to  the  various  exigences  of  times,  or 

places,  or  pcrfons.  So  a  perpetual  Law  is  called  a  moral  Law ,  though  it  be  no  ex- 

prefs  precept  of  the  Law  of  Nature.     In  this  fenfe  alfo  ,  without  doubt  the  Law  of 

the  Sabbath  was  a  moral  ( that  is  to  fay  a  perpetual)  Law,  I  mean  refpcdtively  to  the 

Jewilh  Church,  or  fo  long  as  that  Church,  Religion,  and  Polity  did  continue.Thcre- 

fore  Exod.31.  16.  it  is  called  a  ferpetual    coventnt  and  ver,  17.  a  fign  betrceen  Cad 

and  them  for  ever 

Thirdly,  the  moral  Law  in  the  moft  ftrift  and  proper  fenfe,  dothfignifie  the  Law 

©f  Nature,  that  is,  the  dictate  of  right  rsafon,  tijiat  fuch  and  fuch  things  are  good  , 

that 


-     — — -.  T 


DlSCOURSl  T. 


and  Lords  Day 


909 


tRat  it  is  difagrecablc  to  the  iiudledtual  nature  to  omit  them  ,  and  fuch  and  fuch~  ~" 

things  fo  bad,  that  it  is  difagreeable  to  the  intelleftual  nature  to  prad^ife  them,  or 
approve  them.  Now  before  I  anfwer  pofitively,  whether  this  Law  of  Nature  do 
prcfciibe  the  obferration  of  a  Seventh  day,  it  is  neceflary  to  premifc  this  dillindtion. 
The  Law  of  Nature  is  fometimes  taken  aridly,  for  the  principles  of  moral  honefty, 
and  conclufions  drawn  evidently  from  them  ,  which  natural  reafon  'doth  didate  to 
all  intellediial  creatures:  and  fometimes  more  largely,  fo  as  to  comprehend  not  on- 
ly foch  principles  and  conclufions  adequate  to  them,  but  moreover  all  fuch  things 
as  realon  didateth  to  all  men,  to  be  confentaneous  or  agreeable  to  thofe  principles 
or  conclufions.  In  this  fecond  fenfe,  it  is  undeniable  that  the  Seventh  day's  Sab- 
bath, and  the  Lords  day,  are  both  founded  upon  the  Law  of  Nature:  That  is,  the 
Law  of  Nature  doth  prefcribe,  that  fome  time  be  fet  apart  for  the  Worfhip  of  God.  «. 
And  in  purfuance  hereof,  the  pofitive  Law  of  God,  or  of  the  Church,  doth  fet  apart  diai"  hT'"^ 


inoc 


Reaibn. 


a.Rcafoti 


one  day  in  the  Week  for  this  time.     But  in  the  firft  and  more  proper  fenfe,  the  Law  thrhoiyncfTc 
of  Nature  dicbtcth  nothing  of  our  Weekly  account,  or  of  the  holinefs  of  any  one  ofoueday  in 
day  in  :he  Week  more  than  the  reft.     My  reafons  to  make  good   this  AfTertion , 'u^ ""'' '?'°''* 
arc  four.  '  than  anot/,  cr. 

The  firft  is  takci^  from  the  teftimony  of  every  mans  own  confcience:  Let  any  , 
man  examine  the  pra<ftical  notions  of  God  and  of  Religion,which  he  findcth  dlAited 
to  him  by  natural  reafoni  and  if  his  mind  be  ferene,  not  clouded  with  unruly  palfi- 
ons,  nor  diverted  by  exorbitant  dcfires,  efpecially  if  he  have  not  extingui(hed  thofe 
rayes  of  Heavenly  light  by  a  long  cuftome  of  prefumptuous  and  habitual  fins ,  and 
fo  fuperftamped  the  Image  of  Sathan,  or  fome  bruit  bead  ,  upon  the  Image  of  God, 
already  much  decayed  by  the  Fall  of  man  i  he  (hall  find,  that  the  light  of  natural 
reafon  doth  didate  to  him,  that  there  is  a  God,  and  that  this  God  ought  to  be  wor- 
(hipped,  and  fome  time  fet  apart  for  his  Service:  but  he  (hall  find  nothing  at  all  of 
the  computation  of  time  by  Weeks,  much  lefs  of  one  precife  Day  in  the  Week  to  be 
dedicated  to  the  Service  of  God.  This  knowledge  is  derived  unto  us,  either  by  the 
revelation  of  God,  or  by  education,  and  the  inftitution  of  man  ,  as  is  confeffed  by 
the  greater  part  of  them,  who  ftand  for  the  perpetual  morality  of  the.  Sabbath  in 
this  ftridcr  fenfe. 

My  fecond  reafon  is  taken  from  the  abfolute  impoflibility  of  obferving  one  and 
the  fame  precife  Day  in  the  Week  by  all  mankind  ,  by  reafon  of  the  different  rifing 
of  the  Sun  in  fevcral  Countric?,  infomuch  that  our  midnight  is  noon-day  with  our 
Antipodes-,  and  much  more,  by  reafon  of  the  impoflibility  of  diftinguifhing  one  Day 
in  the  Week  cxadly  from  another  in  many  Countries,  who  have  no  Evenings  and 
mornings  diftinguiflied  by  the  fetting  and  rifing  of  the  Sun,  but  all  day.  or  all  night, 
for  two  months,  three  months ,  four  months,  rive  months  together,  whereas  the 
Laws  of  Nature  arc  common  to  all  mankind,  and  oblige  all  mankind  vvhomfoever, 
whenfoever,  wherefoever  ;fhey  are  the  indifpcnfable  rules  of  Juflice  in  God  himfelf. 
Pofitive  Laws  are  made  '£«•■  »»  «r^«7r«?  for  fuch  cafes  as  do  ufually  occur.  In  extra- 
ordinary cafes,  the  Law-giver  may  difpenfe  with  his  own  Ordinances  •,  but  there  is 
no  difpenfation  with  the  Law  of  Nature,  being  the  eternil  Rule  of  Juftice  in  God 
himfelf,  and  imprinted  by  him  in  the  heart  of  man.  And  therefore  feeing,  that 
not  onely  the  precife  obfervation  of  one  and  the  fame  Day  in  fevcral  Countries,  but 
alfothe  exadt  and  diftindt  obfervation  of  any  one  Day  in  feven,in  many  Countries, 
is  often  impoilible,  it  followeth  demonftratively ,  that  the  Law  of  Nature  doth  nei- 
ther prefcribe  the  obfervation  of  one  and  the  fame  Day  precilely  to  all  men,  nor  the 
obfervation  of  one  day  of  feven  diRjndlytofome  men. 

My  third  reafon  is,  becaufe  the  Law  of  Nature  is  immutable  and  indifpenfablc,  as  , 
being  a  copy  of  the  eternal  Rule  of  Juftice  in  God ,  and  therefore  called  the  Image  ■ 
of  God,  much  decayed  by  Original  fin,  but  not  quite  defaced.  All  other  things  are 
turning  (hadows  upon  the  old  exchange  of  this  World,  but  in  God  alone  there  is 
no  (hadow  of  turning  by  change.  Therefore  the  Schools  do  teach  us ,  that  God 
doth  often  will  a  change,  but  never  change  his  Will:  To  will  a  change  argueth  a 
changein  us,  not  in  God.  As  a  Crown  &  a  fvvord  may  hang  immoveable  upon  the 
Roolc  of  an  houfe,  ytt  a  man  may  remove  himfelfe  from  under  the  one  to  be  under 
the  other:  But  if  God  (hould  change  his  Willjhe  fliouldb;  mutable  himfelfe,  for  the 

Will 


Reafoi]. 


^lO 


A  Difcottrfe  of  the  Sabbach 


TOME  nil. 


AD  objeftion 
aofwercd. 


4.  RcafoD 


Will  of  God  is  God  himfeUe.  Therefore  the  difpcnfatioiis  of  God  may  change,  and 
the  pofitive  laws,  of  God  or  man  may  change,  according  to  tlicchangesof  places  and 
perlons  and  times;  But  the  morall  Law,  or  Law  of  nature,  which  isrheundiangcablc 
will  of  God  or  the  sternall  law  of  God  to  man,c3n  never  change.  But  it  is  evident 
and  undeniable  that  the  Sabbath,or  the  day  fet  apart  for  the  fervice  ofGod,hath  been 
Julfly  changed  from  the  feventh  day  to  the  firft  day  of  the  week  i  And  tlie  law  of 
the  Sabbath  hath  been  changed;  therefore  the  Law  of  the  Sabath  is  no  exprcfTc 
branch  of  the  Law  ofnature,  and  the  obfervation  either  of  the  firft  day,or  of  tiie  fe- 
vcntb  day  was  not  determinatly  prefcribed  by  the  Law  of  Nature. 

It  is  objeded,  tjiat  though  the  Law  ofnature  do  not  prefcribe  one  certain  deter- 
minate day  in  the  w£ei<efor'thepublick  fervice  pfGod,  yet  it  prefcribethfomeoneday 
in  the  weeke  indefinitely.. Thus  they  confefTe  that  by  the  Law  ofnature  all  dayes  arc 
Indifferent,  and  no  one  day  Holyer  in  it  felfe  than  another,  but  relatively,  as  it  is  de- 
signed or  imployed,tp  more  holy  ufes  than  other  dayes.  But  that  which  they  obje^ 
is  evidently  untrue;  natural  reafon  taketh  no  notice  of  any  fuch  natural  anduni- 
verfal  computation  of  time  by  weeks :  and  it  hath,  been  demonftrated  already  ,that 
the  univerlal  obfervation  of  one  day  of  feven  neither  is,  nor  can  be  the  diftate  of  na- 
tural reafon  :  neither  is  there  any  ground  either  in  reafon  or  revelation  ,  nor  autho- 
lity  divine  or  human,  to  prove  this  pretended  prefcription  ofnature  for  the  fant^i- 
fication  of  one  day  infeven  indefinitely.  The  Scripture  faith, God  bleffed  the  feventh 
day  and  hallowed  it.  And  the  commandement :  The  fcvenih  day  is  the  Sabbath  of 
the  Lord  thy  God:  both  thefe  places  are  determinate  to  the  feventh  day,  not  indiffe- 
rent to  any  one  day  of  feven.  And  under  theGofpel  Chriftians  obferve  thefirflday 
in  the  weeke  determinatelyi  but  where  wee  fhall  find  this  one  day  of  (even  indeter- 
minate I  know  not.  It  is  clear  that  it  was  devifed  meerly  to  reconcile  the  Jewifh  Sab- 
bath with  the  Lords  day>  and  to  make  the  Commandement  for  the  one  to  fit  the  o- 
ther.  All  the  truth,  which  it  hath  init,isthat  which  we  fay:  That  thelight  ofnature 
doth  fliew  us  that  God  ought  to  be  worfliipped,  and  confcquently  that  fome  time 
ought  to  be  fet  apart  for  his  fervice;  But  what  that  time  i5,or  ought  to  be,  an  hour, 
two, or  three  in  each  day, or  one  day,  or  more  In  each  week,  or  both  an  hour  ,'oc 
more  in  each  day,  and  a  day  or  more  in  each  week,dependeth  either  upon  the  ele- 
<^ion  of  particular  perfons  according  to  their  occafions  and  opportunities ,  or  upon 
the  pofitive  precepts  ofGod  orour  fnperiours. 

Fourthly,  I  prove  that  the  Law  of  mankind  diclateth  nothing  of  the  holynefs  of 
one  day  in  the  week  more  than  an  other,from  the  grounds  and  reafons  of  the  com- 
mandement of  the  Sabbath  :  if  they  be  natural  and  univerfal],3nd  fuch  as  are  known 
to  mankind  by  the  light  of  natural  reafon,  then  the  Law  of  the  Sabbath  is  a  Law 
of  naturei  if  not ,  it  is  other  wife.  Now  the  grounds  of  the  commandement  of  the 
5abbath  are  thefe  :  God  bkjjed  the  Sabbath  day  and  fuidified  it  ,  becaufe  he 
rejled  i»  it  from  allhis  rvorh^t  which  God  created  and  made  :  Gen  :  2:  5:  And  the 
fourth  commandnnent  infix  dayes  the  Lord  made  heavsn  and  earth  ^  the  fea,  and 
all  that  in  them  is  and  rejied  the  feventh  day ,  rvherefore  God  bUjfed  the  feventh 
day  and  hallotped  it.  Now  the  creation  of  the  World  in  fix  dayes  is  knovvn  only 
by  divine  revelation  not  by  the  light  of  natural  reafon.  And  although  it  were 
knownby  natural  reafon,  yet  this  conclufion  ,  that  the  feventh  day  is  therefore  to  be 
fandified  forever ,  is  no  necefTary  inference  by  the  light  of  natural  reafon ,  but  de- 
pendeth  upon  divine  or  humane  inftitution. 

Another  reafon  of  the  Sabbath  is  is  fet  [down  deut:5,  15.  the  Lord  thy  God 
briught  thee  out  of  Egypt  with  a  mightie  h*nd  and  ftretcbed  out  arme»  therefore 
the  Lord  thy  God ,  commanded  thee  to  keepe  the  Sabbath  day  y  This -reafon  is  neither 
naturall  nor  univcrfall,  but  concemeth   the  Ifraelftcs  only. 

There  be  other  reafons  of  the  Sabbath,  as  to  be  a  figne  to  diflinguifhthc  Ilraelitc 
from  all  other  nations,  and  to  be  a  type  of  the  refi  ot  Canaan,  of  the  fpirituall  reft  of 
Chriflians  and  ofthe  refl  of  heaven:  But  now  Chrilt  hath  broken  down  the 
partition  wall  between  Jew  and  Gentile  and  fo  there  is  no  longer  any  ufc  of  a 
diftindive  figne. 

Now  iWtyfes  are  fulfilled, and  all  thefe  dark  fliadowsmufl  flie  away  at  the  glor- 
rious  arifeing  of  the  Sun  of  righteoufnefs  ;  from  all  thefe  reafons  put  together  it  ap- 

peareih 


Discourse  III, 


And    Lords      Day 


9ir 


icfc 
■eft 

iM 

all? 


peareth  evidently,  that  the  grounds  of  the  Sabbath  were  not  natural  norperpetual, 
and  by  conlequence  that  the  Law  of  the  Sabbath  was  no  Law  of  nature  ;  neither  do 
I  fee  any  thing  natural  in  it,  but  the  fctting  apart  a  time  for  the  ferviceofGod  ,  and 
the  feafonable  relt  of  the  creature ,  which  might  be  done  by  hallowing  a  part  of 
each  day ,  or  a  part  or  parts  of  fome  other  day  or  dayes,  or  a  fixth  day  or  an  eighth 
day  for  any  thing  that  natural  reafon  doth  dilate  to  the  contrary.  I  confefle 
there  arc  fometimes  reafons  given  of  moral  prsecepts,  of  the  eternal  Laws  of  nature, 
as  this,  that  thy  dayes  may  be  long  in  the  Land  lehich  the  Lord  thy  God  givetb  tixe  :  and 
this  other,  the  Lord  vciH  not  hold  him  guiltlejje  that  tak^th  hit  name  in  vaine:  but  they 
arc  no  fuch  reafons  as  thefe  ;  they  were  reafons  for  the  obfervatlon  of  the  Law,  and 
thefearc  reafons  of  the  Inltitution  of  the  Law.  As  the  reafon  of  the  Inftitution  is,fois 
the  law  :  the  reafon  is  not  natural ,  therefore  the  Law  is  no  Law  ofnature- 

Some  make  the  Law  of  the  feventh  day's  Sabbath  to  be  moral  and  of  perpetual 
right  ,  not  abfolutly,  but  upon  fuppolitionof  divine  ordination  •,  which  (  if  they 
undcrftand  the  moral  Law  properly  and  llridly  as  they  ought  for  the  Law  o  f  na- 
ture )isaplaine  contradiftion  in  adjedo.  The  Law  of  nature  is  sternal  without 
any  refpedto  the  pofitive  Laws  of  God.  And  that  Law  which  oweth  its  perpe- 
tuity to  a  poiitive  Law  of  God  ,  is  170  branch  of  the  Law  of  nature.  Fromall, 
which  hath  beenfaid  ,1  conclude,  that  the  Law  of  nature  doth  not  praefcribe  a 
Seventh    day  Sabbath. 

And  fo  from  the  Law  of  naturel  proceed  to  thepofitive  Laws  of  God  ,  to  ex- 
amine, whether  any  pofitive  Law  of  the  feventh  day  Sabbath  did  and  doth  oblige  all 
mankind  univerfally  and  pcrpetualy  from  the  beginning.  Laws  do  not  bind  before 
they  be  promulged.  The  law  of  nature  is  promulged  fuificiently  by  being  written  in 
the  heart  of  every  man  by  the  finger  of  Godi&  therefore  it  is  called  lex  nata^mn  datay 
a  La  wborn  with  us  and  in  us,  not  given  to  us.  But  we  have  feenfufficiently,that  the  law 
of  the  feventh  day  Sabbath  is  no  fuch  Law,  and  therefore  bindeth  not  before  pro- 
mulgation. 

The  firft  promulgation  of  this  pofitive  Law  is  fuppofed  to  have  been  as  early  at  the 
creation.  Gen,  2.3.  God  blejfed  the  feventh  day  and  fanUiji edit,  that  is,  he  confecrated  it 
to  his  own  worfhip,  and  commanded  mankind  to  keep  it  holy.     And  without  all 
peradventure,  if  the  Sabbath  was  not  commanded  then, yet  it  was  predetermined 
tnd  deftinatcd   then.  But  firfl:  fuppofing  that  this  interpretation  were  as  authen- 
tick  as  the  text  it  fclfe,  yet  this  being  confeffcd  to  be  but  a  pofitive  law  ofGod,and  no 
cffcntiall  branch  of  the  eternall  law  oi  nature,it  is  difpenfable,  and  bindeth  no  longer 
than  the  good  pleafurc  of  him  whoimpofed  it,and  maybe  changed  by  the  fame  au- 
thority which  made  it.  I  adde  further  that  though  this  did  include  in  it  an  expreflfe 
abmmandment   of  Almightie  God  ,  yet  it  concerneth  not  our  queftion  about  the 
Lords  day  at  all,  otherwifc  than  exemplarily.     An  exprefle  Law  to  obferve  the  ft- 
venth  day  of  the  week,  as  the  publick  day  of  Gods  worlhip,  doth  not  eftabli(h>  but, 
if  it   were  ftill  in  force,  did  controlc  the  fetting  apart  of  the  hrrt  day  to  that  very 
ufe  ,  exclufively  tothe  feventh;  And  fo  I  might  omit  this  whole  difcourfe  as  im- 
pertinent.    But  for  the  Readers  farther  fitiffadtion  I  adde  two  other  anfwers. 

The  former  ,  that  though  I  will  not  abfolutcly  deny,  but  that  a  livj  may  per- 
haps be  clofe  couched  in  thefe  words:  God  Blejjed  the  feventh  day  and  fandified  it : 
becaufe  fome  perfons,whofe  judgments  I  honour,  have  thought  fo ,  yet  I  am  not  fo 
fharpe  fighted  as  to  diicover  it  ,  as  finding  neither  any  certainty  of  it  ,  nor 
firong  prsefumptilsn  for  if.  The  text  tellcth  u<;,  what  God  did  himfelfe ,  not 
what  hecommanaed  us  to  do.  God  may  do  one  thing  himfelf  ,and  yet 
'command  us  to  do  the  contrary.  As  God  may  think  fi:  to  take  away  the  life  of  a 
man's  Parent ,  and  yet  the  fonis  bound  by  the  commandmciit  of  God  to  pray  for 
his  Parents  life;  neither  is  there  any  contradidion  herein,  becaufe  the  fubjedt  is 
not  the  fame. 

To  dcale  ingenioufly  ,  thofeappofite  reafons  which  arc  brought  to  fhew  ,  that 
this  place  conteincth  no  a(itual  law  ,  arc  either  abfolutely  convincing  to  a  perfori 
unbiafled,  or  come  very  ncare  it.    I  will  name  but  t  wo  Reafons  for  the  prefent.  The 
One  i$,  that  it  doth  not  appeare  other  wife  than  by  weak  and  &rfetched  conjedutcs, 
that  CTCr  thcfeventh  day  was  obfecvedas  a  weekly  feftitaluntill  the  dayes  of  Mojeu 

Q^qqqq  neither 


Moral  upon^: 
(uppofition  & 
contnidi'ion 


SeS.  5, 
The  {iofitive 
law  of  the 
Sabbath 


Sf  a.  ^. 

Firft 
protHulgatioK 
pretended. 
Gen»    2 


Sen:  2. 
precept. 


J;i 


I.  rft5/c«, 


■■    ;    -^      "^     A  Oif course  of  the  Sabbath  T  O  M  E  1  T  1 1 . 

— --^j;7;rr;^f^;~j^     ,  to  whom  it  is  pretended  that    this  Law  was  tgiven  , 

-or  bv  Alpt'l  his  Rclgioiis  Ton,  nor  Sdh  ,  nor  his  Ion  Enos  ,  nor  Enoch,  who  walked 
wi'.h  Got!  nor  Noah  ■  a  Preacher  of  Rightoufnefs ,  nor  Melchijedech  ,  a  prieft  of  the 
mod  hifth'  God  ,  nor  Abraham  the  Father  of  the  faithfull ,  nor  Ifaac  nor  lacob  ,  nor 
any  other  Patriarch  or  perfcn  whatfoevcr:we  find  oblafions ,  and  prieRs  ,  andAIters  , 
and  facrifices  ,  and  groves  or  Oratories  ,  and^  prayers  ,  and  thanksgiveings  ,  and 
VOVVC5  and  whatfoevcr  natural  rcafon  doth  didate  about  the  fervjce  of  God  :but 
we  find  not  one  inrtancc  of  the  Execution  of  his  fuppofed  Law  of  the  feventh  day 
Sihbath.  And  doth  not  this  feeme  ftrangethat  fuch  a  folemne  Lawjhould  be  given 
to  Adam  and  all  mankind  and  not  the  leaf t  print  or  token  of  theobiervationof  it  be 
to  be  found  for  two  thoufand  years,  untill  if  was  renewed  to  the  nation  of  the 
lews  in  the  wildernes  ,  firft  preparatorily  at  the  falling  of  Manna,  in,  order  to 
the  Rathering  and  difpofeing  thereof.  Exod:  i6.  and  then  more  folemnlyandmore 
]ceil!a(ively^upon  Mount  Sinai.  And  that  thence  forward  the  hiftory  rf  the 
following  Agesfliould  abound  with  fo  many  proofes  ofthcconftant    obfervatjon 

of  it  .    ■:,       .  :i. 

The  other  Reafon  is  taken  from  the  Teftimony  of  holy  Scripture.  Nchem:  p,  14. 
i.reaJuH.  ihoit  cameji  dorvn  alfo  upn  Mount  Sinai  &c.  And  madeji  kiioivn  unto  them  thy 
holy  Sabbath  by  the  hand  ojMoCcs  thy  fervant.  JndEzek,  20  :  12.  J  brought  them 
into  the  mldernefs  &c.  moreover  J  gave  them  alfo  tny  Sabbath  to  be  afign  betvpen  me  a>nd 
them.  Laws  are  made  known  and  given  ,  not  when  they  are  renewed,  but  when 
they  are  hrft  promulged  ;  but  the  law  of  the  Sabbath  was  made  known  by  Mufet 
and  given  by  God  in  the  wilderneft.  After  this  we  fee  how  often  God  complaineth, 
of  them  for  polluteing  his  Sabbaths,  before  this  wc  find  no  fuch  complaint.  But  if 
this  place  of  Gen.  2.5.  had  been  a  pofitive  Law  pfthe  Sabtath  ,  there  had  been 
ten  times  more  caufe  of  fuch  a  complaint  before  than  after. 

The  firft  Sabbath,  that  we  find  in  holy  fcripture  to  have  been  ever  obferved  by,  the 
the  I,  Sab-  |fj.ae]ites,  was  in  the  Wildemeffe  upon  the  feventh  day  after  the  firft  falling  ofman^^ 
^•*'^  na    which  was  the  two  and  twentieth  day  of  the  fecond  month  ;  But  it  is  evident 

that  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  fame  month,  which  ought  to  have  bef  n  their  Sabbath  or. 
day  ofreft,if  they  had  confhntlyobferved  any  Sabbath  or  weekly  day  of  reft  before 
that  time,  was  not  obferved  asa  Sabbath  or  day  of  reft  at  all,  but  fpent  in  Journying 
and  Murmuring  Exod^  16.  i.  From  whence  one  of  thefe  two  things  muft  neceflari- 
ly  follow.  Either  that  the  Ifraelites  in  the  WildernefTe  C  where  they  were  at  their 
own  difpofition)did  obferve  no  weekly  Sabbath  before  that  time.  Or  that  they  ob- 
ferved it  not  upon  the  fame  day  of  the  week,  that  they  did  afterwards.  Whetherfo- 
cver  of  thefe  they  admit,  either  the  one  or  the  other,  their  pretended  neceflity  of  the 
univerfall  obfervation  of  the  feventh  day  from  the  firft  creation,  by  vertueofa 
pofitive  Law  of  God  given  to  all  mankind,  doth  fall  flat  to  the  ground. 

Myfecond  anfwerto  thisplace  ofGcn:2.3.isthis,that  the  fanctyifyingofthe  feventl» 
day  there  .is  no  more  than  the  fanctifying  of  Jeremy  from  his  mothers  wombe.  In: 
the  meaning  I.  5.  That  is  the  defigning  or  deftinating  of  him  to  be  a  prophet,  or  than  the 
c/Gen.  a.?.  Separateing  of  St.  Paul  from  his  mothers  wombe.  Cal.  i  15.  So  the  fanftification 
of  the  feventh  day  may  fignifle  the  decree  or  determination  ot  God  fo  fanctifie  it  in 
due  time.  But  as  j^frf wyj  adiual  fandification,  and  St.  Paul's  aftual  feparation 
followed  Long  after  they  were  borne.  So  the  adtuall  Sandifiation  of  the  Sabbath, 
might  follow  Long  after  the  ground  of  God's  decree  for  the  fandification  of  that 
day,  and  the  deftination  of  it  to  that  ufe. 

I  have  weighed  fcrioufly  thofe  teftimonies,  which  are  produced  out  of  the  fathers 
"the  opinion  by  both  parties  pro  f(  coMtr<j.  Firft,  of  thole,  who  maintaine  the  negative,  that  there 
ofthe Fathers. y/2iST^o  ll^iw  oiihe  Sabbath impofed  either  upon  mankind  in  general  orthejewilli 
nation  in  fpccial  ,for  the  fandification  of  the  feventh  day  Sabbath  before  the  time 
of  Me/pi-,  and  that  none  of  the  patriarchs  from  A  dam  to  Mofes  did  ever  obferve  it 
as  commanded  exprcfTly  by  God  ;  the  chiefeft  of  thefe  ,  and  the  prime  Leaders  arc 
juji  in  Martyr,  Jrenxus,  'lertullian^  Euftbius,  Epiphanius,  who  all  fpeake  clearly 
and  fully  to  the  point,  not  at  random  or  upon  the  by,  but  upon  fetpurpo(e;iit 
fomuch  as  there  remaineth  no  third,  but  either  to  acknoledgc  what  they  fay  tobc 
true,  or  to  renounce  their  authority  in  this  particular  point,     Tq  whom  a  larger 

referve 


Discourse  I  And      the  Lords  day  piq 

refcrvcor  recriiitc  of  other  authors  might  be  added,  who  thuu'^ii  they  Ipjake  not 
fo  diredly  or  point  blank  as  thcrc,yct  they  fay  the  fame  thing  in  crtldt,  or  they  fay 
that,  from  which  the  fame  thing  nuy  be  inferred  by  neceffary  confequence.  On  the 
otherfide,  the  Teltimonies  of  Ongen,  Cyprian^  Bafii,  Nazianzen,  Athanafms  are 
alledgcdibut  as  their  Times  were  later,fo  their  Tedimonies  are  not  fo  full,norr levelled 
directly  at  the  Qiieiiion. 

Firft  the  teftimonyof  Origen  maketh  firongly  againft  them,  who  produce  \i,in]obx.'lT<,. 
tbofe  things,  rvbich  were  aftertvafds  commanded  about  the  Sabbath  ,  thofe  Job  anticipating 
did  both  fjitlfU  himfelfe,  and  taught  htsjons  tofuHfil:     Firft  it  is  molt  certaine,that  the  Authorittit 
Example  of  5F"^  can  have  no  relation  to  the  Law  of  the  weekly   Sabbath.'    Thofe^       '      ' 
iblemnedevotionsofjo^  and  his  (bus  were  not  performed  every  (eventh  day  accor- 
ding to  the  Law  of  the  Sabbath,  but  every  eighth  day  inot  with  any  reference  to  the 
dayes  of  the  week:  or  of  the  creation,  but  according  to  the  number  of  his  fonns  and 
if  he  had  had  another  fon,thea(rembly  muff  have  been  putoifuntill  the  ninth  day,that 
isuntillthe  days   of  their  feafting  were  gon  about.    Job:  r.  15. Secondly  hefaith 
the  contrary  to  that,  which  they  would  have  him  fay,  that  the  Law  of  thefabbath 
came  in  after  Jobs  time,  otherwife  in  what  tolerable  fenfe  could  Job,  have  bcenfaid 
to  have  anticipated  the  commandement  of  the  Sabbath  ,  if  the  commandement  of 
the  Sabbath  had  been  of  force  even  from  the  creation.     And  that  pretended  com- 
mand (  if  it  had  been  a  command)  had  really  obliged  Job: Eat  the  commandement- 
given  by  Mofes  the  Legiilator  of  the  Israelites  could  not  have  obliged  Job,  if  he  had 
Jived  in  thole  dayes,as  he  did  not.  Thirdly  I  anfwer  that  Origen  never  thought  of  the 
weekly  Sabbath  in  that  place,but  of  anAnniverfary  Fe(fivall,which  feftivals  are  called 
Sabbaths,  as  well  as  the  weekly.  The  words  of  Ori^f«  are.-  Pr^ci^it  ttamque  in  Lege  &ci 
Ihe  Lord  commandeth  in  the  law  and  faith:  Seven  dayes  (halt  thou  celebrate  a  Feliivall  to 
the  Lord  thy  God,  and  thou  flfalt  feali,  thou  and  thy  fan  and  thy  daughter  and  Servant  and 
thy  Maidy  and  the  Stranger  that  is  within  thy  gates ^  and  the  Foor  or  needy.  This  was  the 
commandement  which  Job  anticipated,then  follow  the  words  alledged  by  them  and 
immediatly  in  the  fame  Icntcnce.  Et  hojpitalitatem  et  Eleemojynam  et  mifericordiam  &c: 
The  Law  which  Origen  intendeth,  is  the  Law  of  hofpitajity.     He  dreamed  no  inore 
of  the  weekly  Sabbath  there,  than  of  the  Man  in  the  Moon. 

Saint  Cyprian  faith  no  more,as  he  is  alledged  by  themfelves,  but  that  the  Numhct^ffusfncte 
of  feven  obtained  authority  from  the  creation  of  the  world,  which  is  moft  true,  from 
that  ground  he  (aith,  not  from  that  time.  And  that  it  was  honoured  with  the  Solem- 
nity of  a  command,  but  when  it  was  fo  honoured  Saint  Cyprian  is  filcnt.  The  very  de- 
lignation  or  deftination  of'ittothe  publick  worfliip  of  God  was  a  great  honour 
but  the  accompliihment  of  that  honour  was  at  the  legal  cftablifhmcntofit.It  ismuch 
more  material  that  in  the  fame  place  St.  Cyprian  refhatntth  the  feventh  dayes  Sab- 
bath to  the  Jews  Jn  hebdomadibus  apud  Bcbrxos  dies  Sepimtu  Sabbathum  idem 
Kequies  appelatur. 

It  had  been  better  to  have  paflTed  by  St.  Bafil  and  Nazianzen  in  Silence,  tlian  to 
produce  them  as  wittnefres,when  they  fay  no  thing  material  totheprefentcontrover- 
Jie.  All  that  they  are  pretended  to  (ay  is  this,  that  ti[;e  Seventh  day  from  the  creation 
was  made  the  Sabbath  who  doubeth  of  it  ?  But  what  day  ,  the  fame  individual  day 
or  the  fame  fpecifical  day  .?  And  whofe  Sabbath  ,  or  day  of  reft  .?  Gods,  or  mans  ? 
and  when  it  was  made,  at  the  creation  or  in  the  wildernefs,and  how  it  was  made, 
Legiflatively  or  Exemplarily  ,  by  Gods  Decree,  Deftination  or  by  adlual  efta- 
blifhmentC which  are  the  onely  things  in  queftion  )  they  fay  nothing. 

That  of  Athanafius  feemeth  to  have  more  weight  in  it,  as  it  is  cited  by  them  t'bb'""e'^'' 
j4s  long  as  the  former  age  and  creation  obteined  their  force  and  efficacy,  fo   long  the   Sab- drcumcifintie 
baths  were  obferved:yct  even  this  commeth  not  home  to  a  law.     Many  are  ready  to 
admit,  that  from  the  creatioo  fome  devout  Perfon<;,  either  out  of  refped  to  Gods 
example  or  by  fome  Special  Infpiration,did  freely  obferve  the  Seventh  day  as  holy 
to  the  Lord  ,  who  do  yet  deny  any   univerfal  Law  binding  all  mankind  to  the  ob- 
fervationofit.     And  that  this  is  the  uttermoll:  which  Athanafnn  co<M  intend, ap^ 
pcarcth  evidently  from  hiixirelfe,  where  he  telleth  us  that  in   the  booke  of  £.\W«j 
the  Sabbath  had  it's  begining  :  tunc  et  Sabbathi  obfervantia  initium  fumpfjt.     B  Jt  the  i^  „^p^, 
plain  truth  is, /^ttej/!«J is  grolfiy   abufed  in    citeing  him  thus.     His  former  Age  |"m>« 

03  p  q  q  2  is 


""^74  A   Dif course  of  the  'Sabbath  TOM  ii  liTi. 

■         i^thc  age  untill  Chrill,  and  the  obfervation  of  the  S.bbach  which  he  (peaks  ut  theie 
was  in  Berufalem,  as  Athanafms  hath  it  exprefflIy,buL  drat  the  -words  arc  iT;oit  guile- 
fully omitted  in  the  Citation .    It  is  much  to  be  wiOied,  that  they  who  cite  great  Au- 
thors would  either  view  them  more  carefully,  or  cite  thtm  mors  faithfully,  and  not 
apply  that  to  the  Patriarchs  before  the  flood,  which  the  Author  fpeaketh  exprcfllyof 
the  Children  of  Ifrael.     If  I  were  to  choofe  fome  place  cfa  Father,  w  Hereupon  to 
ground  my  judgment  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lords  day,  I  could  not  eallly  hx  on  a 
better  place  than  tbih  of  Athanafius. 
MpiphMitiut         gy(    theif    rnoft    materiall   objcdlion  is  out  of  Epifhaniuf,  who  they  fay  maketh 
con  Ethn       ^  ^^^^  ^^^  Sabbathi  the  one  by  nature  defined  from  the  begining,  the  other  defined 
*^*^''^'        afterwards  under  the  Law;  If  this  be  true,  then  not  only  the  politive  Law  cfGod. 
but  the  very  Law  of  nature  doth  prefcribe  aSabbath.     But  the  truth  is    Epiphanius 
Knowcth  no  fuch  thing.     He  knoweth  fome  Sabbath  ,  which  came  wcelily  by  the 
courfe  of  natures  But  he  knew  no  fuch  determinate  Sabbaths,which  arc  prcfcribed 
by  the  Law  of  nature  ;  yea  juft  contrary,  in  the  very  place  alkgded,  he  maketh  all 
forts offabbaths  to  be  Legal  Sabbaths,  or  Sabbaths  Defined  by  pofitivelaw.  C*'fi- 
Ttnar  :  ctf«/:  p«»«  >■«?  «fi«»o©t^e<«»  •  K/u©'.  8cc,the  Law  faith  he  hath  defined  diverfe  forts  of  Sabbaths, 
Ebionoeosn.  &fo  he  divideth  them  into  weekly  Sabbaths,  and  monthly  Sabbaths,and  yearly  Sab- 
^i.Edit        baths-,  but  Ifil  he  maketh  them  to  beall  Jewifti  Sabbaths,  all  legal  Sabbaths     Efi- 
Petavii.        phaniits  is  cleere  enough  in  the  cafe,     tbefevettth  day  Codciaftd  jrcm  all  hU  works,  and 
bhjfedit  and  fanQifyed  it ,  and  msnifefitd  ittoMeJis  by  anA)igell.    It  was  not  the 
demand,  et    flj^ individual feventh  day,but  the  fame  fpecifical  feventh  day,  which  God manifcP 
mens.  «.  12,  ^^^  ^^^^  Mofes.    If  the  feventh  day  had  been  obferved  conihntly  from  the  creation, 
though  it  had  been  onely  by  the  Israelites  ,  there  had  been   little  need  that  God 
rtiould  have  made  it  known  to  Mo/e/ by  an  Angel.     The  feme  Father  in  his  Paviar; 
■c  ■  r  faith  ,  7here  tvere  only  "types  in  the  LatP,  but  in  the  Cofptl  truth  it  fe  If  is  conieined, 

pip  an.  j)jfygj^an>  the  circutncifion  of  the  body  P^as  prtfcribed^and  that  lafied  ami  U  the  greatar- 
"""u  ^  **  cumcifioHfollorred^ihat  is  Baptifine  ^  fphicb  urtumcifetb  us  from  our  fuis  ,jigning  tu  in 
t.t.  .6.  the  Hame  of  the  Lord.  Moreover  they  bad  the  Sabbath, ipbicb  hadeth  tts  tothe  great  Sab- 
bath that  is  the  Ke(t  of  Cbriji^  that  tve  may  reft  from  our  fins  in  hint.  If  the  lame  law 
which  prefcribed  circumcifion  to  the  Jewes ,  pre(cribed  alft»  Baptifme  to  the  Chrif- 
tians  ior  the  fame  Law  which  prefcribed  the  Sabbath  to  the  Jewes  had,  prefcribed 
the  Lords  day  teChriftians,  this  had  been  the  proper  place  )or  E/up/;j«?w  to  have 
told  us  of  it,  butheknew  no  fuch  thing:  Then  the  Law  of  the  Sabbath  and  the 
Law  of  circumcifion  had  not  ceafed  at  all,  but  they  did  ceafe,  I  conclude  this 
point,  that  it  is  moO  probable  thofe  words  Cer.:  2.3.  God  bkjjed  the  jcventb  day  and 
hallorvedit :  do  not  necelTarily  iiply  a  commandement  ..and  ifthey  did,  yetChrif- 
tians  do  not  obferve  the  Lords  day  now  by  vertue  of  it.  Bu:  I  feem  to  my  felf  to 
have  infixed  100  longupon  this  point,  feeing  I  have  formerly  declared  that  although 
we  granted  all  which  they  dellre,  that  thole  words  did  include  an  univerfal  com- 
mandement to  all  mankind,  yet  being  at  themoitbu.t  a  pofitive  law  ,  and  therefore 
free,  and  therefore  changeable  ,  and  the  day  being  now  adually  changed  by  juft  au- 
thority ,  they  do  not  at  all  oblige  Chriftians :  neither  doth  the  obfervation  of  the 
Lords  day  at  all  depend   upon  them. 

The  next  pofitive  Law  is  the  fourth  commandement  of  the  Vecalogue't  Eut  if  the 

fornaer  ,  even  being  fuppofed  to  be  an  univerlall  commandement,  doth    not  bind 

Sed.  7.      Chriftians,  much  lefs  doth  the  fourth  commandement  as  it  was  given  by  Mofes  to  the 

IhcLawofrhe  people  of  J/drf/  bind  them,  that  is,as  it  was  a  national  Law.I  fay,  as  it  was  given  by 

-"'^dLm  ^t  "'*  Mofes  to  the  people  of  Jfrael.  for  in  the  fourth  cotr.mandcment  fomething  is  moral, 

or  prefcribed  by  the  Law  of  nature,  namely  that  a  fufficiert  time  befetapartfor  the 

fervice  of  Almighty  God:This  is  perpetual  and  itrmutablc^as  being  grounded  upon 

the  eternal  rule  of  JufHcc.     And  this  the  Schooles  call  tJ.e  /ubftance  of  thecomman- 

dement :  And  fomething  inihetoi'iih  ctnr.mandtmcr.tisrct  ir.oralin   theftridand 

proper  ienfe ,  that  is,  it  is  not  prefcribed  by  the  Law  of  nature,  but  Injoyncd  by  the 

pofitive  law  of  Gcd,as  the  determinate  time  and  other  circumflanccs, which  they  call, 

modtmfar.Cificandi:  the  manner  of  fsndifyingthe  fabbath. 

This  manner   of  fanftifying  the  Sabbath,  with  the  time,  and  many  other  circum- 
stances, were  prefcribed  hy  Gcd   to  the  Jew  ,  yet  not  fo  precifely  in  all  refpeds,but 

that 


M 


Discourse  I,  And    Lords      £>ay  nf:- 

that  many  things  were  Ick  co  the  deceroiioation  ot  th;  Jrvvi.h  Cfiurch  i   as  the " 

forms  of  their  Hymnes  and  prayers  and  thanksgivcings.  Ail  that  which  -concerneth 
the  manner  of  fandifying  the  Sabbath  is  mutable,  and  may  be  adually  changed 
fo  it  be  by  thofe,  who  have  competent  authority  to  make  fuch  a  change,  and  fo  as 
the  Law  of  nature  be  not  violated,  which  requireth  that  a  fufticient  time  be  fet  apart 
for  the  fervice  of  God.  But  whether  that  time  which  is  fufficientonce  ,be  fufficienc 
evermore,  and  whether  that  time  which  is  necefTary  once,  be  neceflary  evermore, 
is  not  fo  pertinent  to  this  prefenr  queltion.  The  continual  volubility  of  Humane' 
aJlaires,  and  the  perpetual  pradtice  of  all  Churches  do  fecme  to  require  morehu- 
miliation  ,  and  more  invocation  and  more  thanksgiveing  at  one  rime  than  iC  ano- 
ther; Certainly  fo  much  time  is  necefTary  as  is  prefcribed  pro  bic  et  nunc  ,  by  the 
jurt  Laws    of   God  or  man. 

Some  catch  hold  upon  the  Letter  of  the  Fourth  Commandment ,  Kmsmhcr  that 
thoH  k^ep  holy  the  Sabbath  day^  that  is,  fay  they,  not  precifely  the  Seventh  day,  but  the 
Sabbath  day,  whether  it  be  Saturday  or  Sunday,  the  feventh  day,  or  the  firll  day,  or 
any  other  day  of  the  Week  indefinitely  and  indifferently  ,  which  is  fet  apart  by  juft 
authority  for  the  fervice  of  God  i  but  the  words  following  do  abfolutely  control 
them,  fetting  down  exprclly  and  determinately  what  Sabbath  day  is  there  intend* 
ed.  Iht  feventh  day  U  the  Sabbath  of  the  Lnrd  thy  God-,  and  the  reafon  following:  For 
infix  days  the  Lord  made  Heaven  a»d  Earth  ,  and  rejied  the  feventh  day  ,  wherefore  the 
Lord  blefied  the  feventh  day,  and  halloaed  it.  The  reafon  is  not  indifferent  for  one  day 
in  the  Week  indefinitely,  but  for  that  one  day  in  the  Week  determinately.  It  isover 
great  fupinenefs  to  make  the  Spirit  of  God  argue  thus  ,  God  hallowed  the  feventh 
day,  for  reafous  proper  and  peculiar  to  that  day,  therefore  do  thou  remember  to  ob- 
ferve  the  lirft  day,  and  not  that  day. 

Thus  we  have  feen,  that  although  the  Law  of  Nature  doth  not  prefcribe  the  fan- 
dirication  of  the  feventh  day  determinately,  yet  the  fandification  of  the  feventh  day 
was  grounded  upon  the  Law  of  Nature.  And  although  the  pofitive  Law  of  God 
in  the  Old  Teftament  concerning  the  Sabbath,  doth  not  bind  us  now  further,  than 
it  containeth  in  it  fome  exprefs  Principles  or  conclulion  of  the  Law  of  Nature,  yet 
the  equity  of  thofe  Laws,  and  whatfoever  they  have  in  them  of  the  Law  of  Nature, 
doth  flill  oblige  us.  We  are  more  bound  to  God  than  the  Jevus^  and  ought  at  leail 
ro  pay  him  as  much  moral  duty  and  fervice  as  they.  Excepting  always  fuch  typical 
and  Psedagogica!,  and  Ibme  other  rigorous  injundions,  wherewithal  God  thought 
fit  to  nurture  that  ftiff-necked  Nation.  c  «  a 

So  I  proceed  from  the  Sabbath,  and  that  relation  which  it  had  to  the  Law  of  Na-  Qr?    , 
ture,  and  the  pofitive  Laws  of  God  in  the  Old  Teftament  to  the  confideration  of  the  ^J^  ^^.  ^^^^ 
Lords  day.     All  parties  do  agree,  that  the  Saturday-fabbath  is  abrogated',  and  the  ftioo  n  y  jo 
moral  duties  of  that  day  jultly  tranilated  to  Sunday  ;  but  whether  Sunday  be  now  gre«asfome 
obferved  by  Divine  Right  or  Humane  Right,  whether  the  change  was  maae  imme-  '^^gine. 
diately  upon  the  Refurredtion  or  AfcenfionofChrift,  or  afterwards  in  procds  ot'timei 
and  by  whom  it  was  made,  whether  by  Chrift,orby  his  ApoiUes,  or  by  the  Church, 
is  cootroverte  .1;  yet,  1  hope,  the  Controverfie  is  not  fo  great  or  important ,  as  fome 
imagine.     They  who  ground  the  Sabbath  upon  Divine  Right, do  not  affirm  perem- 
ptorily, tiiat  it  was  commanded  by  Chrilt  inhisownPcrfon.     And  they  who  ground 
it  upon  Humane  Right,  do  not  exclude  his  Apoflles.     Some  fay  it  was  decreed  by  the 
Apoltlcsi  they  who  fly  lo  well:,  fay  it  was  approved  by  the  Apoftles  i  they  who  hold 
that  there  was  a  Divine  Precept  for  this  change,  do  not  hold  pofitivcly  ,  thar  it  was 
the  perfonal  precept  of  Chriil,but  either  of  Chrift  in  his  perfon,or  of  his  Apolt!c5,or  of 
Chrift  by  his  Apoftles.     And  on  the  otherfide,  they  who  deny  a  precept,  do  not 
deny  it  abfolutly ,  but  with  tins  relfridtion  recorded  in  holy  Sjiipcurc. So  all  parties 
do  acknowledge  it  to  be  an   Apoftolical  Tradition:  And  tor  my  part ,  although  I 
do  mort  firmly  believe  that  all  fupernatural  truths  necefTary  to  falvation  in  point  of 
the  Chrilf  ian  faith,  the  Holy  Gholf  fo  guiding  the  penns  of  the  Evangcliits  and 
Apoflles,  are  conteined  in  holy  Grripture,  wherein  our greateft  Advcrfarys  when    ■ 
they  ftate  die  queftion   cxaftly  do  agree  with  us,  \_  I  fay  that  all  thofe  things  were 
written  by  the  Apoflles  which  were  necefTary  for  all  men ,  faith  'Bellarrmne  ~\     So 
in  truths  of  an  inferiournature,and  efpecially  in  Pradial  truths  fuch  as  this,  I  do  wholy  T>e  verba  dei 

Tub-  I:  4.C.  II. 


gi6  A  DiscoNRSEo/r/j?  Sabbath TQMEiltl 

^(i  Tubfcnbe  to  the  dete7nMnatK)nct'l)r.  luld.  It  is  i  ■  t   itcwiitcing    which  giveth 

Chorch  things  their  Anthojity,but  the  worth  &  credit  of  him  that  dLlivcreth  thtm,thcugh 

1  .•4-c.  20.  but  by  words  and  lively  voycc  onely-  And  his  appendix  to  the  fifth  booke.  They 
(  th-e  Papirts  )  make  divine  traditions  equal  with  the  words,  precepts  and  dcdiincs 
of  Chrilt  ,  left  unto  us  in  writing.-  Apoftolical(  Tradition  )  with  the  written  pre- 
cepts of  tiie  ApolHcs ,  and  Ecclefiafiical  with  the  written  precepts  of  the  Paftors  of 
the  Church.  And  he  contedeth,  that  there  is  no  reafcn  why  they  (hould  not  fo  do, 
if  they  could  prove  any  fuch  unwritten  traditions,or  as  it  is  in  the  former  place  any" 
fuch  unwritten  verities.  All  the  danger  is,lcrt  particular  Traditions  fliould  be  obtru- 
ded for  univerfal  traditions,or  new  upftart  traditions  for  old  Apoftolicall  traditious* 
But  in  this  cafe  concerning  the  Lords  day  wc  may  kt  our  hearts  atrell:  For  though 
the  original  Inllitutiun  of  the  Lords  dcjy,  be  noi  !  c corded  in  holy  fcripture  exprcfly, 
yet  foniuch  is  recorded  as  is  fufficient  to  fatiftic  al!  confciemious  Chriftians,that  there 
was  fuch  an  iiirtitution ,  cither  ofChriilor  of  his  Apofiles,  or  of  Chrift  by  his  Apo- 
ftles :  And  with  the  helpe  of  the  perpetual  practice  and  tradition  of  the  Catholick 
Church,evcr  flnce  the  Refurredion  of  Chrid,  is  fufficientto  convince  all  Gainfaiers. 
Hethar  piofefTcth  Chriltianity,  and  will  not  be  fatifhed  with  the  perpetual! ,  and 
undoubted  tradition  of  the  univerfal  Church  of  Chrift,thatis  of  the  whole  world  of 
believcrs,includeingthe  Apoftlcs  themfelves,is  utterly  incapable  of  any  real  fati{Fa<ftion, 
ajid  buildeth  his  religion  more  upon  hisown  willfull  humour,and  private  Phantafje  , 
than  upon  true  judgment ,  and  too  much  undervalueth  the  authority  of  the  Catho- 
lick ,fymbolical  Church  and  the  promiftmade  by  Chrill ,  unto  his  Church  thathe 
rvouldbe  vp'nh it  alxvayes  even  unto  the  endofthervorld. 
*^'*^  }^  °  Now  for  the  Readers  further  fatiftaftion  in  my  enfucing  difcourfc  upon  this  fubjcd, 
^  Sea.p.     J  ^m  j.j.fo]ve  tiicfe  five  queftions 

$.  <5»c  lo  J  f\xi\  by  what  authority  ,  divine  or  humane  the  weekly  Feftival  of  the  Church 
was  changed  from  Saturday  to  Sunday  ,  and  who  changed  it?  Secondly,  when , 
or  at  what  time  this  change  was  madc>  Thirdly,  what  were  the  rcafons  or  grounds 
of  this  change?  Fourthly,  whether  the  Lords  day,  as  is  now  eflablifhed,be  changeable 
to  another  day  or  not?  and  fifthly  And  laftly,  what  is  the  right  manner  offandify- 
ing  the  Lords  day. 
Scti.io  To  the  firftqueftion,    by  what  authority  this  change  was  made  .1  finde  no  caufe 

Firil  bywiiit  todoubtformy  part  ,but  that  it  was  made  by  the  authorityof  Chrifl ,  that  is  by 
^^^hw&  '^^"'"^  authority.  It  is  true  that  we  find  no  exprcfs  precept  recorded  in  holy  fcrip- 
ah«Eie«il  ^"^^  ^^"^  '^^  letting  apart  the  firft  day  of  the  week  for  the  fervice  of  God.-  neither  is 

it  necefliiry  ,  that  there  (hould  be  fuch  an  Expreft  Precept  for  it ,  found  in  holy 
fcripture,  to  prove  it  to  be  of  divine  right.  The  perpetual  and  univerfal  pradt^iceof 
the  catholick  Churcli,includeing  all  the  Apofiles  themfolves,  is  a  fufficient  proof  of 
the  divine  right  of  it,that  at  lealUt  was  an  Apofiolicall  infiitution  and  ordinance, 
not  temporary  for  an  age  or  two  ,  but  perpetual :  not  locall  for  a  place  or  two  , 
but  univerfal.  I  fay  at  the  kaftan  Apoftolical  Inftitution  •,  for  the  refurredfion  of 
Chrift  upon  this  day,  and  his  diverfe  Apparitions  to  his  Apofiles  upon  this  day,  and 
his  fending  to  them  the  holy  Ghoft  upon  this  day,  And  all  this  at  fuch  time  as  they 
were  aflfembled  together  in  their  ufual  place  of  prayer  ,and  in  all  probability  whilft 
they  were  performing  the  duty  of  the  day, did  atkaft  evidently  point  out  untothem 
this  day  for  his   publick  worfliip  ,   and  ratify  their  aflcmbling    upon  this  day 

KtbAMbiM.  ie  *°  ^^  '^""  fervice. 

femente  Vlhcrtfotc  ^  Athamfiut  faith  anciently  theSabbathf  or  fa  turd  ay  )  was  in  high 

^fteeme,  which  fokmnity  the  Lord  tranflated  to  the  Lords  day.  And  Efiphanius  in 
f^'t**r  ^""*  ^'*  fcrmon  upon  Chrills  refuredion,upon  theday  of  his  refurrcdion.  7bisii  theday, 
e  Rejitrr.  fphich  God  hleffedj}?d  Ja»difycd ,  becauje  in  it  he  ceajedfrmi  all  his  Labour^vphenhe  bad 
Alt  ie  ■■  •  .f^'''f*^^y^"^"'P^'P^''^  ''-'^  Sjlvation^  both  of  thnfe  onthe  Earthy  a>id  thoje  under  the  Earth. 
defj.iZc-'o  ^"^S'*^^"*  '^^'f'^  ^''3f  the  Lords  day  was  facredor  confccrated  by  the  refurrccftionof 
Epi  :*  iig.  ^^''''^'  '^^^  ^^'^^  '^^  ^^'^'^  '"  diverfe  other  places,  and  particularly  in  his  hundred  and 
nineteenth  Epifile  to  Januarius.  But  the  Lords  day  was  declared  ,  or  promulged 
not  to  Jews  but  to  Chriftiansby  the  Refurredlon  of  the  Lord,  et  ex  itlo  cupit  hahen 
I'eiihiiattmfuani.  which  laft  words  may  admit  three  various  conftru<3ions  :  either 
fx  illo,    from  him,  it  began  to  have  its  Feftivityi    ortx  iHo,     From  that  time  it  began 

to 


i; 


Discourse  I,  And    hords      Oay  P^T  ■ 

tohavc  its  Fellivity  :  or  ex  itla  ,  from  that  tiling  ,  that  is,  from  the  RelurrectTon  Q( 
Chrift.Choofe  which  of  thefe  fenfes  you  wiU,if  you  ibnd  to  the  authority  of  St/y^«- 
jiin,  the  difference  is  ended.  To  fay,  that  the  Rel'urredlion  of  Chrift  was  the  occafioii 
of  ir,  is  not  enough,  either  tor  zfacram  eft,  that  it  was  made  facred  by  if,  or  zfandi- 
ficaiHS  f(f,  that  it  was  fandfined  by  if,  or  a  declaratm  eft,  it  was  promulged  byir. 

But  it  is  not  at  all  material  to  me,  or  to  the  Divine  Right  of  the  Lords  Day,Whc^ 
ther  It  was  confecratedby  Chrld  himfelf,  or  by  his  Apoltks  dire(fted  by  his  Spirit. 
That  it  is  an  Apoftolical  Tradition,  no  man  can  well  deny,  and'  that  it  was  no  tem- 
porary or  local  conftitution,  which  are  mutable,  but  perpetual  and  univerfal ,  both 
t!ie  duty,  which  is  required  that  is  the  worOiip  of  Chrift,  and  the  ground  where- 
upon It  is  required,  that  is  the  Refurrecftion  of  Chrift  ,  and  the  uniforme  pradice 
of  theCathoiickChtirch,do  prove  fufficiently.Whenfocvcr,wherefoever  theChriftkn 
faith  .  was  propagated  ,  the  obfervation  of  the  Lords  day  was  propagated  with  it.- 
^Jofe^h  of  Arimathxa  taught  them  the  obfervation  oftheLords  day  in  Britaine 
*n  the  very  Reigne  oi  1}berm  Cajar.  St.  Matheiv  or  the  Eunuch  read  them  the 
»ame  lefture  in  Ethiopia  :  and  St.  "Thomas  in  India;  and  although  many  of  their  con- 
Vertshave  had  littleor  no  commerce  with  the  reft  of  Chrifttendom  ,  unf;!  of  late 
Years  ,  yet  from  their  converfion  untill  now  they  have  all  of  them  obferved  the 
Lords  day  religioufly.  From  whence  we  may  fafcly  inferre  ,  that  if  it  was  not  in- 
l^ituted  by  Chrift  himfelf,  which  is  much  molt  probable ,  It  was  an  Apoftolicall 
Conftitution,  and  and  not  a  free  cuftome  intruded  into.the  Church  in  long  tracSt  of 
^'me  ■■,  nor  yet  a  conftitution  of  one  fingle  Apoftle ,  but  of  all  the  Apoftles,  or  the  ^'  ^''g'  ^^ 
A  poftolicalcolledge,  and  that  fpeedily  after  the  Refuredtion  of  Chrift.  •>      .     ^^ptcopt 

It  is  St.  Auftifi's  rale,  that  whatfoever  the  univerfal  Church  doth  hold  ,  that.  waS  ^"''^  ^'-  4 
"C't  inftituted  by  councills ,  but  always  reteined  ,js  moft  rightly   believed  not. to  '^"P'^S- 
have  been  delivered  but  by  Apoftolical  Authority. 

Such  an  univerfal  tradition  is  the  Lords  day.  The  fame  Father  fpcaketh  yet  more  'S'«'.  25.  de 
Expreffly  as  to  the  day  it  (elfe.     The  Apoftles  and  Apoftolick  men  decreed  (San-  Temp, 
xerunt)  that  the  Lords  day  ftiould  be  obferved  with  religious  fblemnity.   By  Apofto- 
lical men  in  St.     Auftin  we  ought  to  underftand  ,  not  Ordinary  Paltours  indued' 
with  Apoftolicall  qualities, but  fuch  perfons,  who  though    they  were  not  ofthe 
number  ofthe  twelve  Apoftles,  yet  were  imployed  by  Chrift  as  Apoftles  in  the  plan- 
ting of  Churches  and  the  government  of  them.    Th.e(e  twelve  Prime  Apoftles,  and 
the  fecondary  Apoftles, who  were  their  contemporaries,  whom  he  calleth  Apoftolick 
men,     that  is  the  Apoftolical  colledge,accordingly  either  as  they  had  been  direAed 
by  Chrift  after  his  refuredion  ,  but  before  his  afccnfion ,  or  were   infpired  by  the 
Holy  Ghoft  ,  Were  thofe  who  decreed  the  religious  Solemnization  of  the  firft  day 
ofthe  week   or  the  Lords  day.     Therefore  with  good  reafon  doth  St.  Bapl  reckon 
this  as  an  Apoftolical   tradition,  that  upon  the  firft  day  ofthe  week,  they  made,  their  p^c*,,,.. 
frjwxji*i>«Ji«g  «pri^fcf='here  are  two  Apoftolical  traditions  twifted  togetheri  firft  for  g    I  ' 
the  time  of  their  holy  aflemblies  ,upon  the  firft  day  ofthe  roeek^,  fecondly  for  the  ge-  '    '° 

fture,  that  wzsftanding,  and  both  in  memory  ofthe  refurred^ion  of  Chrift.  Neither 
was  this  the  tradition  of  one  fiiigle  Apoftle  as  (  Saint  Johns  Tradition  about  the  oh- 
fervation  ofEafter  is  fuppofed  to  have  bccni  though  for  my  part  I  believe  noluch 
thing,  but  that  (ome  of  his  difciples  did  miftake  a  prudentiall  complyance  with  the 
letpes,  both  for  the  keeping  of  that  Feftival,  and  ofthe  5abbath  .for  a  time,  the  better 
to  gain  them  to  Chrift  ,  for  a  different  tradition  )  But  a  tradition  ofthe  whole  Apo- 
ftolical Colledge.  This  appearcth  by  the  uniforme  obfervation  of  the  Lords  day 
in  all  Churches,  nether  was  it  a  new  upftart  Tradition, becaufe  no  Apoftolical 
Church  doth  take  any  notice  of  any  new  ,  or  later  introdudtion  ofthe  Lords  day 
among  them,  but  derive  it  from  their  firft  converlion.  1  might  prove  this  more,  but 
that  is  generally  acknowledged,  even  by  thofe  who  are  not  fupe<5ted  to  have  attri- 
buted too  much  to  the  Lords  day.  As  that  learned  Bifliop[  wee  believe  that  the  B^opf^Mte 
holy  Apoftles  ordained  Sunday  to  be  a  weekly  holy  day  ]  If  the  Apoftles  did  or-  ofthe  Sab. 
dain  it ,  then  there  was  an.  Apoftolical  precept  for  it ,  cither  written  or  unwritten. 
The  fame  is  afterted  hy  Breretvvod.  How  hath  the  firft  day  of  the  week  gained 
the  celebration  and  folemnity  to  become  tlie  Sabbath  of  Chriftians .?  By  the  confti- 
tution of  the  Church,  and  onely  by  that :  yet  "of  that  moft  ancient  ChurcIiC  I  confeffe)  pj       ,y, 

which  ^^ 


'^^'-^'^  'a  Difcourfe  cf  the  Sabbath  T^M  E  UlT, 

which  next  followed  the  afcenfion  or"  our  Redeemer. 

Againfl  this  which  I  have  faid  ,  two  things  of  moment  are  objedcd  :  Firft,  that 
a  conftitution  ofanyChurch  wharfoever  makes  but  an  hunrian  Right  .-If  they  did 
i.obitUon.  onelycppofethatdivineright  of  the  Lords  day,  which  fome  indeavour  to  derive 
from  the  Fourth  commandment,  or  from  any  pofitive  Law  of  the  Sabbath  in  the 
old  Tcftament ,  I  (hould  not  oppofe  them  at  all :  for  I  do  firmly  believe  that  nonf 
of  them  do  bind  Chrifiians  now,  further  than  theirnatural  aequitie  ,  and  Exempla- 
rily  .  But  to  make  Apotlolical  conliitutions  to  be  but  human  Laws  ,  that  1  can- 
not admits  and  withall  believe,  that  the  holy  Ghoft  hath  divine  Authority.  Lef 
them  but  cart  their  eyes  upon  that  Apoftolical  fanftior,  A9s  15.  28.  h  feemcth  good 
to  the  Holy  Ghoji  and  tout,  to  lay  upon  you  no  greater  burthen  than  thefe  nece^ary 
things.  And  that  veiy  Appoftolical  conlUtution  there  mentioned  doth  concernc 
this  very  cafe,  more  than  perhaps  moft  men  apprehend  :  for  it  difchargeth  all  the 
Gentiles,  which  were  Chriflians,  from  the  neceffary  obedience  of  the  Law  of  Mofes  , 
and  particularly  from  the  obfervation  of  the  Jewilh  Sabbath.  Is  it  a  likely  thing 
that  the  Jewes  Sahbath  (hould  be  abrogated  by  divine  Law,  and  the  ChrWtians 
Lords  day  be  introduced  by  human   Lawes. 

The  former  objedion  is  yet  farther  urged.     Tliat  thofe  conftitutions  which  were 
made  by  the  Apoftles  ,  as  they  were  Apoftles,and  wereinfpiredby  the  Holy  Ghoft, 
did  make  a  divine  right ,  but  thofe  prudential  conrtitutions,  which  they  made  as 
^     Paftors  of  the  Church  domakc  but  human  right.     Let  it  be  admitted  that  the  Apo- 
ftles  themfelves  both  might  make,  and  did  make  feme  difpenfablc  conftitutions,  fuch 
as  the  Church  might  abrogate ;  But  either  they  were  local  or  temporary  laws, 
fitted  to  fome  particular  times  or  places,  whereas  this  ofetvation  is  perpetual  and 
univerfal  for  all  times  and  all  places  of  the  Chriftian  world  where  there  is,  andfb 
far  as  there  is,  a  poffibility  to  obferve  it.     Or  elfe  thofe  Apoftolical  conftitutions  wcjc 
about  fome  petite  cerimonies  and  circumftanccs, whereas  this  conftitutton  is  about 
that  One  necefiary  thing  ,  the  fervicc  of  Almightic  God,  and  that  time  which  is  to 
be  fet  apart  for  the  performance  theie of.  Or  laftiy  ,  the  grounds  or  reafonsof  thofe 
'Conftitutions  were  mutable  grounds  or  reafons ',  and  being  adually  changed  in 
traiSoftime,  and  fo  become  impcditive  of  greater  good,  God  Almighty  doth 
difpenfc  with  them,  and  the  fuccceding  Church  may  abrogate  them.  But  the  ground 
of  this  conftitution  is  cvcrlafting  ,  to  honour  Chrifts  refuredion,  and  to  ackrKSw- 
Icdge  him  to  be  our  God: 

Secondly  it  is  objeded,  that  there  is  no  precept  of  Chrift  or  his  Apoftlesfor  the 
abrogation  of  Saturday  ,  and  folemnization  of  Sunday  recorded  in  holy  Scripture: 
2.  ih'jtHion.  I  anfwcr  three  wayes,  firft  it  is  not  material,  whether  there  be  a  formall  precept  fta 
it  or  no,  either  written  or  unwritten.  The  precept  is  written  in  mans  heart  by  the 
finger  of  God ,  that  a  time  is  to  be  iet  apart  for  Gods  fervicc  ,  and  needeth  i:ot  to 
be  recorded  in  paper :  which  being  fo ,  thePradiice  cf  the  Apoftlcs  to  folemnize  ttie 
firft  day  of  the  week,  to  that  end,  that  Chriftians  might  imitate  them(  which  is  re- 
corded in  Holy  Scripture)  is  a  fufficient  preceptor  dirc^ion  of  Chriftians  to  the 
particular  time .  Not  oncly  the  formal  precept,  orally  given  ,  of  thofe  who  haveau- 
thority  ,  but  the  certain  intimation  of  their  pleafur  e,  by  what  way  (bever  it  be  don^ 
doth  oblige  their  fubjeds.  T<jr<jKiM  intimated  hispleafure  to  his  fon  fu  fficicntly  by 
cuttingofthetopps  of  the  fairefl  poppies,  without  fpeaking  a  word  >  and  hebotJn 
undeiftood  himand  obeyed  him.  The  ancient  or  common  Law  of  England  dotli 
not  confift  in  ftatutes,  but  in  old  cuftomes ,  and  prefidents  grounded  upon  pra- 
dice.  A  cuftom  immemorial  uncontrolled  is  a  fufficient  proofe  of  ibveraigne  ap- 
probation ;  And  example  is  a  more  compendious  way  of  diredion  than  precepts. 
To  queftionnow  whether  there  was  a  formal  precept  for  that,  which  all  the  Chriftiaa 
world  hath  obeyed  ever  fince Chrifts  time,  and  (hall  f  bey  urtill Chrift?  fccond cona- 
ing,  is  a  ftrange  degree  of  Folly. 

Secondly,  I  anfwer  ,  that  fo  there  was  a  precept ,  it  is  not  material  whetheT^ 
it  was  writttn  or  not.  A  Generalls  order  muft  be  obeyed  howfoevcr  it  be  give*  , 
whether  by  word  or  writing.  Andhe  who  fhall  difobey  it ,  and  except  againfe^ 
it,  becaufe  it  was  not  given  him  in  writing,  if  he  be  called  before  a  councill  <^] 
warre  for  his  contempt,  will  find  his  errour,     I  have  (hewed  formerly  that,  our  oWs-     i 

gatioK 


Discourse  I  hnd      the  Lords  dav 

y. — ' — — ^ y  yiy 

gation  to  obey   Apoadical  precepts  doth  not  depend  upon  the  writtiny;  ot  them "^ 

but  upon  ApoAolical  authority,  becaufc  Chrift  made  them  his  vicegerents  in  his 
Church.  As  my  Father  fent  me  Jo  fend  J  you.  He  who  had  a  certain  guide  and 
wouM  not  follow  him  without  a  note  or  dire<aion  in  writeing  defervcd  to  be 
leftbihind.  Mutato  nomine de  te  HarraturFabuh  .  the  Lords  day  was  folemnized 
by  Chrillams  before  the  new  tefiament  was  written. 

'  Thirdly  I  anfwer  that  it  is  not  fo  cleereas  fome  would  make  it ,  that  there  is  no 
ApoJfolical  precept  recorded  in  Scripture  for  tranfferring  the  moral  duties  of  the 
Sabbath  to  the  Lords  day.     Firft    wee    hare  a  folemne  decree  of  the  Apoftolical 
college  in  the  point ,  for  difcharging  Chriftans  from  the  neceflary  obfervation  of  the 
La  w  of  Mofes,    wlnreoftbe  Law  of  the  Sabbath  is  a  fart.  Ad.     1 5.  fecondly  for  the 
obfervation  of  ths  Lords  day  as  a  time  fet  apart  forhis  fervice,  wee  have  cither  a 
precept ,  or  that  which  cometh  very  neare  it,  and  ftrongly  implyeth  that  there  was 
fuch  a  precjpt.     i.  Cor;  16.  i.z.Narv  concerning  the  colleHionfir  the  Saints  as  J  have 
given  order  to  the  Churchis  ofGalatia  ,  even  fodo  ye  :  upon  the  firji  day  of  the  meklet 
every  one  of  you  layby  him  in  Ihre,  as  Codhath  proffered  him,that  there  be  no  aatherin^s 
when  I  come.  I  obferve  firft  that  this   was  no  bare  intimation  of  the  Apoftles  defire 
butan  adt  ofApollo'.ical  authority,or  an  exprefs  ordinance  or  command.    As  Jhave 
given  order  to  the  Churches  ofGalaiia  ,  cvenfo  do  ye.     Secondly  that  this  was  no  pe- 
culiar ordinances  for  the   Churches  oi  Corinth,  but  for  the  Churches  of  Gj/d»w 
alfo;  And  from  the  parity  of  reafon  it  may  be  juftly  prcfumed  ,  that  it  was  for  all 
other  Churches  where  fuch  colledions  were  to  be  made.     Thirdly  that  the  received 
cuftome  and  pradtice  of  the  Church  was  then  ,  about  twenty  ycares  after  the  paffion 
of  Chrilt  for  Chrirtians  to  aflemble  themfelves  together  conftantly  upon  the  firft  day 
of  the  week  ,  if  it  had  not  beenefor  this  reafon,  that  is  thepublick  afTembly  of  all 
who  were  interefled  in  this  affaire  at  that  time,  and  the  agrecablenefs  of  fuch  a 
pious  and  charitable  woike  with  the  oth.r  duties  of  the  Lords  day  the  firff  day  of 
thefucceeding  week  had  been  a  moft  improper  day  for  all  Chriftians  to  caft  up  their 
accompts  of  the  forepart  week,and  to  proportion  their  weekly  charity  to  their  week- 

Ily  gaines  (  as  the  Text  requireth.     As  God  had  proffered  him)  after  the  week  was  en- 
ded and  the   weekly  Feftival  was  paft.     NowfuchAflemblies  could  have  no  other 
ground  but  the  Refurrcction  ofChrift  upon  that  day,  and  the  fanftification  of  that 
day  to  the  publick  fervice  ofGod.     That  this  was  the  common  pradtice  then ,  and 
this  the  end  of  their  affembling,  is  evident  both  from  other  Texts  of  Holy  Scripture 
and  from  the  perpetual  cuftome  of  the   univerfal   Church.     Fourthly  we  obferve 
hence,  that  the  collection  for  the  faints  is  a  proper  worke  of  a  Feftival  ,  and  a  part 
of  that  duty  which   wee  owe  t©  Chrift  upon  the  Lords  day.     In  as  much  as  ye  have  Apcl:  2. 
done  it   unto  one  of  thefe  little  ones  , ye  have    done  it  unto  mt.     whereupon  the  fame 
Apoftle  grouudeth  his  exhortation.     7o  do  good  and  communicate  forget  notj  for  ivitb 
fuchfacrifices  God  is  voell  pkafed.     Hcb:  13.  id.     And  that  it  was  fo  efteemed  in  the 
primitive  times,    luftin  Martyr  is  aluculent  wittcnefs,who  maketh  thefe  collections  de  pkcief:  et 
or  oblations  to  be  a  Lords  daydutie.     And  St.   Cyprian ,  who  Taxeth  the  omiffion  elee  mof: 
ofthis  duty,  upon  that  day  ,  as  a  fault,     docft  thou  being  rich    belive  that  thoucorbonam 
celebrateft  the  Lords  day  rightly  ,who  never  regardeftthe  poorc  mans  Box's 

From  all  which  obfervations  I  concludthat  though  the  Text  do  not  cxpreffly 
:ommand  that  the  firft  day  of  the  week  (houldbe  obferved  as  the  Chriftians  weekly 
FeftiTal ,  neither  can  it  be  inferred  from  thefe  words  in  adivided  fenfe,  yet  ifwe 
take  them  in  a  compounded  (enfe  with  refpedt  to  the  uniforme  pradtice  of  the  pri- 
mitive Church  ,  then  and  ever  fincc  ,  they  do  plainly  prove  that  the  firft  day  of  the 
week  was  the  weekly  Feftival  of  Chriftians  at  that  time  and  do  ftrongly  irrpHcor 
rather  fuppofe  ,  that  before  this  Apcftolical  ordinance  there  was  another  antece- 
daneous  preempt  for  the  obfervation  of  the  Lords  day  according  to  the  Judicious 
detern.ination  of  Bi(hop  IVlite  in  his  treatifc  of  the  Sabbath.  It  is  not  neceftary  to 
demonftrateoutof  Scripture  that  the  Apoftles  ordeined  theSunday  a  weekly  Holy- /'Jg  •'  152. 
day  &c  :  For  it  could  not  poffibly  have  come  to  paftc,  that  all  and  every  Apoftoli- 
lical  Church  throughout  the  univerfal  world  fliould  \o  early  and  in  the  beg^ning  of 
their  plantation  haveconferited  together  to  make  the  Sunday  a  weekly  Feftival ,  un- 
leflTe  th:y  had  been  directed  thus  by  their  firft  Founders.the  Holy  Apoftles  them- 

Rrrrr  fclves: 


A   DifcoHrse  of  the  Sahbath  TOME  1111 

fdvcs  :And  fo  he  concludeth  cut  f  fSt.  ^;/ffw.  That  it  is  moll  tightly  believed  to 
have  been  delivered  by  Apofiolical  authority.  If  it  was  delivered  ,  net  only  by 
paftoral ,  but  by  Apofiolical  authority  ,  that  is  by  Apoftles ,  as  Apofiles  ■-,  there 
is  no  reafonto  doubt  of  the  divine  right  of  it.  I  conclude  that  it  is  evident  that 
the  Lords  day  was  an  Apoftolical  ordinance  ,  and  that  it  is  very  probable  that  the 
Apollles  were  direded  pcrfonally  by  Chrirt  to  do  what  they  did  ,  both  about  the 
time  and  place  ofhis  worfhip  ,  and  the  perfons  who  were  to  ferve  him.according  to 
that  remarkable  place  of  St.  Cltmcm^i  contemporaiy.and  very  familiar  with  the  Apo- 
liles,in  his  undoubted  epiftle  to  the  Corinthians,as  authentick  a  Teftimony  as  can  be 
produced  after  thcHoly  Scripture.  [We  ought  to  do  all  things  in  order,  which  our 
Lord  commanded  to  fae  performed  at  fet  feafons,  both  oblations  and  Liturgies^ 
and  commanded  them  not  to  be  done  rafhiy  or  difordcr]y.«»v'<»'6t/it»titx«iej7c)s»oiit, 
But  at  appointed,  feafons  and  hours.  And  where  and  by  whom  he  would  have 
them  performed  ,  he  himfelfe  hath  determined  by  his  foveraign  will,  that  all 
Ckm:  Ef:  I.  things  being  done  holily,  and  according  to  his  good  pleafure,  might  be  agreeable 
cnrinth  (q  ^jj  vvill ;  They  therefore   who  make  their  oblations  at  the  appointed  times  are 

Oxon.an:     acceptable  and  blefled,  who  following  the  commandements  of  the  Lord  do  in  no 
'^^iS'  wi(e  tranfsgrefle.  ]  IfChrift  himfelf  did  prefcribe  rules  both  for  the  times  and  pla- 

ces ,  when  and  where  divine  offices  were  to  be  performed  ,  and  the  perfonsby 
whom  ,  as  St.  Clement  z^xmtt\\  with  great  confidence  ,  there  is  little  doubt  to  be 
made ,  but  the  Lords  day  was  his  own  ordination.  And  fo  I  have  done  with  the 
firll  queftion  ,  by  what,  and  whofe  authority  the  Lords  day  is  obferved  in  the 
Church. 

The  fecond  queftion  is,  when  Sunday  began  to  be  oblerved  as  the  weekly  Feflival 
^  "*  ofChriftians,  to  which  lanfwer  by  degrees.  Firft  that  it  was  kept  Holy  by  all 
hen  the  chriftians  throughout  the  univerfalChurch  immediatly  after  the  age  ofthe  Apoliles, 
Lords  day  j^^.  ^[^j^-j^  wehavealmoft  as  many  witnelTeSjas  there  are  writers  of  thofe  ages, whereof 
begaujirji  fome  were  fuccelTours  oftheApoftles,andfome  were  their  contemporaries : as  St.  , 
to  be  "M"' Cltmept ,  St.  Ignatius  ,  Melita  who  wrote  a  book  of  the  Lords  day,  Vionyfxusoi 
^''^  Corinth ,  Jufitn  Martyr  ,  "Tertullian ,  Origen  ,  &c.     This  trueth   is  undeniable  ,  and 

fo  generally  confelTed  that  I  forbeare  to  fet  downe  any  Teflimonies  about  it.  This 
was  one  of  the  grounds  of  that  great  miftake  and  calumny  which  the  Heathens  caft 
upon  the  primitive  Chriftians ,  that  they  adored  the  Sun ,  becaufe  they  prayed  to- 
wards the  eaft,  and  kept  Sunday  as  a  weekly  Feftival. 

The  heathens  might  well  fcoffe  at  our  Sunday  devotions,  but  no  Chriftians  did 
ever  diflikc,or  difeftecme  them  »  not  the  Eijwi/f  j  themfelves ,  who  thought  the 
Law  of  the  Sabbath  continued   ftill  in  force ,  much  lefs  Clemens  Alexandrinus  ot 
Origen.     Thofe  two  Fathers  did  not  at  alldiflikc  the  folemnifation  of  Sunday,  that 
.  was  farre  from  themi  but  they  difliked  the  Indcvotion  of  thire  hearers  upon  other 

^"g'  daysinthe  week.     Tell  meyouthat  meetat  the  Church  onely  uponFcftivaldayes 

X  the  Emphafis  lies  in  the  word  only  )  are  not  other  days  Feltival  dayes  ?  are  they 
not  the  Lords  days  .' The  very  truth  is  they  were  not  well  pleafcd  that  their  audi- 
torsin  Alexandriadid  not  repaire  as  frequently  to  their  daily  Sermons,  as  they 
defired  ,  or  as  they  did  to  Sunday  Aflemblies 

My  fecond  conclufion  is  that  Sunday  was  obferved  by  Chriftians  as  a  weekly  Holy 
day,  in  the  dayes  ofthe  Apoftles  themlelves,  and  by  the  Apoftles  themfelves, 
whence  St.  lohn  calleth  it  the  Lords  day,  as  by  an  ufuall  and  well  known  name 
Rev:  I.  lo.  either  becaufe  the  Lord  was  the  author,  or  the  Lord  was  the  objed  of 
Sunday  devotions  iand  fo  the  Catholick  Church  hath  evermore  underllood  that 
place.  I  am  not  ignorant  how  fbme  would  have  the  Lords  day  to  fignify  the  day 
of  Judgment,  but  moft  improperly  and  without  any  reafonable  ground.  Wasttic 
day  of  Judgment  a  fit  time  for  the  revelation  of  things  that  muft  fhortly  come  to 
pafs?  what  have  the  Seven  Golden  Candlefticks,  and  Seven  Starres,  and  Seven 
Epiftlesto  do  with  the  day  of  Judgmeut  Pothers  by  the  Lords  day  would  under- 
ftand  ,  not  the  weekly  ,  but  the  anniverfary  day  of  Chrifts  refurrecftion  ,  or  Eafter 
day,  which  according  to  the  Jewifh  manner  ofobfeivingthat  Feaft(  which  St.  lohn 
followed) might  fall  upon  any  day  ofthe  week.  Though  it  were  fuppofed,yea  ad- 
mitted, that  St.  John  did  tolerate  the  cbfervation  of  Eafter  according  to  the  time 


Discourse  I  knd      ^he  Lords  day  02, 

fet  downe  in  the  Mofiical  Law,or  it  may  be  obferved   it  fo  himlelf  at  Ephdus  m  a ' 


congregation  of  converted  Jews,  tocomphe  with  the  difpenfation  ofthe  ApoiHes 

made  upon  prudential  reafons ,    the  better  to  gaine  the  Jews  to  Chrift    or  to  re - 

teine  them  in  the  ChrilHan  Religion  ,  and  to  make  a  dillin<aion  between  Tewilh 

rites,  whereof  God  had  been  the  author,  and  heatheniOi  rites  ,  whereof  the 

Devil  had  been  the  Author",  and  laftly  togive  the  Mofaical  Law   an  honourable 

burial.     Yet  what  rcafon  was  there  to  obferve  it  after  the  JewiOi  manner  in  Patmos 

which  was  the  place  of  his  exile,  where  in  probability  there  was  never  a  Tew  ?how- 

foever  the  Common  conlcnt  of  all  Interpreters,  and  the  perpetual  pradtice  ofthe 

Catholiek  Church  in   all  ages,  from  St.   hhn  to  St.    Ignatius  his  Scbo\hi   and  fo 

downward  until!  this  day,  to  give  the  name  of  the  Lords  day  to  Sunday  '  and  to 

no  other  Fellival  of  the  Church  weekly  or  annually  ,  do  fufficiently  affure  us    what 

St.  /«/;«  did  underlland  by  the  Lords  day.     Butbecaufe  this  quelHon  concerning 

the  oblervation  ofEalter  rtold  did  make  fucha  noifeand  Hubbub  in  the  world  and 

icemeth  to   commit   the  Apoftles  together  ,  St.  John  againft  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul 

as  if  they  k  ft  contradidory  Traditions  and  precepts   to  their  difciples;  And  bccauft 

this  fuppofed  tradition  of  St.  John   is  made  an  argument  topyove  that  the  Lords  day 

was  not  inftituted  by  Chrill  or  his  Apoftles,  I  will  indeavour  to  (hew  that  this  diffi- 

rence  was,  as  moll  differences  prove  to  be,  when  they  are  examined  to  the  bortome 

of  no  great  concernment    in    Theology ,  but  a  point    of  prudence  and   dif- 

cretion  only. 

Wee  find  a  Quellionftarted  by  fome  pharifaically  affedted  Chriftians ,  whether  it 
was  needful  for  the  Gentiles  to  be  circumcifed  ,  and  to  obferve  the  Mofaical  Law 
Aft;  15.  5.  Under  the  Mofaical  Law  both  the  Law  of  the  Sabbath ,  and  the' 
Law  ofthe  pafieover  were  comprehended.  To  decide  this  doubt  ,  the  Apoftles  and 
elders  of  the  Church  affembled  in  council ,  wherein  they  freed  and  difcharged  the 
Gentiles  from  all  neceflary  obedienceto  the  LawofMofes.  But  as  for  the  lewes 
though  they  declared  the  Law  to  be,  .4  Btirthen  ^  which  neither  rve  nor  our  Fathers 
were  able  to  beare  ,  and  that  both  we  and  they  muft  cxped  falvation  ,  rot  from  our 
obedience  to  the  Mofaical  hzw^h\it  through  the  grace  of  our  l^ord  Jefus  Chriji.  Aft. 
15.  V.  lo.i  I.  Yet  they  did  not  forbid  the  Jewes  all  complyance  with  the  Law  ofMofes, 
nay  rather  out  of  prudential  and  Charitable  confiderations  they  both  advifed  thetii 
to  it, and  by  their  own  example  incouraged  them  in  it.  Aft.  21.  20.  thou  feejl 
Brother  hotv  many  thoufands  of  Jews  there  are  which  believe  ^  and  they  are  zealous  of 
the  Law  ,  and  they  are  informe  i  of  thee  ,  that  thou  teacheft  aV  the  Jews  which  are  amona 
the  Gentiles  to  forfak^Mojes  &c.  Therefore  they  exhort  him  to  purify  hinafelfe  ad- 
ding that  Touching  the  gentiles  winch  believe  they  had  written  and  condudeth  that  they 
Ihoutd  obferve  no  fuch  thing.  Thence  it  was  that  St.  Pj«/caufed  Timothy^  whofe 
Mother  was  a  Jcwefs  to  be  circumcifed  Aft.  i<5. 3.  to  give  fatisfaftion  to  the  Jews, 
This  prudent  indulgence,  and  charitable  condefcenfion  of  the  Apoflles  to  the  Jewes, 
the  better  to  reteine  thofe  in  the  Chriftian  Religion  ,  who  were  converted  ,  and  to 
facilitate  the  converfion  of  thofe  who  were  unconverted ,  was  the  true  and 
the  only  reafon  ofthe  obfervation  of  Saturday  as  a  weekly  Feftival  in  the  primitive 
Church ,  for  fome  ages,after  the  Law  ofthe  Sabbath  (  as  to  the  legal  obligation  of 
it^  was  utterly  abrogated,  Efpecially  inthe  Eafterne  Church,  where  the  Jews  were 
difpcrfed  all  over  in  themoft  noted  places.  But  in  moft  parts  ofthe  VVefterne 
Church,where  Aflembliesof  jcwilh  converts  were  very  rare,  Saturday  was  obfcrved 
rather  as  a  weekly  Fait  thana  Feftival.  This  was  the  true  reafon, and  the  only  reafon 
ofthe  obfervation  of  Eajierin  (bme  Afiatick  Churches  according  to  the  Jewiih 
Accompt:  And  likewife  why  Ealier  was  never  obferved  accordingto  the  Jewifh 
account  in  the  Wcllcrnc  Church  ,  where  there  were  no  fuch  confiderable  number  of 
Jews  or  Jewifh  converts  in  thofe  dayes.  Yet  neither  did  this  Apoftolical  Indul- 
gcnceextend  at  all  either  to  the  diminution  of  the  Feftival  folemnity  of  Sunday,  in 
any  Churches  Eafterne  or  Wefterne,  nor  produce  any  fuch  irregular  Keeping  of 
'Ea\\er  inthe  Wefterne  Church,  where  though  the  Britannick  Churches  did  not  ob- 
ferve it  uniformly  with  the  Roman  upon  the  fame  Sunday  ,  by  reafon  of  their  dif- 
ferent computation  ,  yet  they  alwaycs  kept  it  upon  a  Sunday  ,  and  yet  derived  their 
manner  of  keeping  it  from  the  exampleof  St.    John, 

R  rrr  r  2  Neither 


^11 


A  Difcourfe  of  the  Sabbath  TOME  1111, 


Neither  did  this  Apollolical  difpenfation  extend  to  the  Introduceing  of  any 
IcwiOi  rites  which  were  oppofite  to  the  truth  of  Chriftian  Religion.  They  had 
nopafchalLamb  at  Ea/ffr ,  they  had  no  Jewifli  facrifices  upon  Saturday  -^  they  ufed 
to  have  in  the  Ttinple  upon  their  Sabbath,  which  had  derogated  ;  much  from 
ihetrue  Pafchal  Lamhe  that  takithaway  the  fmns  of  the  world,  and  '  m  the  all  fuf- 
ficient  Sacrifice  of  the  Crofs. 

Thus  we  fee  upon  how  fmall  grounds, that   great  controverfy  about  Eafier  wzs 
founded.    That  St  John  might  wtllbethe  Author  of  the  Revelation  ,  and  yet  his 
[  Lords  day  ]  be  Sunday .     A  general  precept  and  a  particular  difpenf  tion,  made 
by  the  fame  authority  that  gave  the  Law  ,  are  not  contradidory  one  to  the  other, 
nor  in  confident  one  with  another.     The  Law  ofcirCumifion  upon  the  eighth  day 
precifely,  was  neither  abrogated  nor  invalidated  by  the  ncceffary  delay  of  circum- 
cifion  in  the  wilderncflTe  for  many  yeares  together  :  much  lefs  were  the  obfervation 
of  Saturday  for  a  time  in  many  Churches ,  and  the  keeping  of  the  anniverfary  Feaft 
of  Ea/kr  in  fome  Churches  of  the  Eaft  at  the  ]e  with  times  ,  but  after  the  Chrillian 
rranner,inconfiftcnt  with,or  contradictory  to  the  more  regular  and  more  ChriiHan 
pradtife  of  the  Catholick  Church  ;  whilft  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  were  fought, 
to  be  obtruded  as  neceffary  upon  Chriftians.     And  this  was  the  reafon  why  Poly- 
carpus  and  thofe  other  Eafterne  Bifhops  who  kept  the  Feaft  of  Eafter  at  the  fame  time 
with  the  Jewes  ,  were  not  condemned  as  Heretickj  or  Sehifmatiekj  by  the  Church, 
becaufe  they  did  not  maintain  their  own  cuftome  to  be  of  univerfal  neceHity,nor  con- 
demne  the  cuftomes  of  other  Chriftians.     And  yet  the    §^artodecimans  ,  who  ob- 
fcrvcd  the  fame  cuftom  thzt  Pholycarput  andFolycrates  did,  were  juftly  condemned 
as  Hercticks  and  fchifmaticks  by  the  Charch,  becaufe  they  mainteined  that  their 
cuftome  was   univerfally    necelTary,  and  would  have   impofed  it    upon    all  other 
Chriftians. 

This  is  the  firft  time  that  we  meet  with  the  name  of  Lords  day  ,  but  wc  find  the 
thing  more  early  ,  as  in  the  place  formerly  cited,  i.  Cor:  i6.  2.  upon  the  firji  day 
o\  the  vi>ee\,  let  every  one  of  you  lay  by  him  infiore  as  God  hath  proffered  him,  that  there 
he  m  gatherings  xphtn  J  come.  In  which  words  we  find  two  afts  required.  The 
firft  is  the  private  ad' of  every  Chriftian,  which  no  man  can  take  cognizance  of  but 
himfelfc  ,  that  is  to  liquidate  his  cleerc  weekly  gaines ,  and  lay  by  a  proportion  of 
it  for  charitable  ufcsfrecly  of  his  own  accord:  oaf  iavrS  •nditwThe  other  ad  is  publick 
to  dcpofitc  his  bounty  or  charity  in  the  common  Treafury  of  the  Church,  which 
foUoweth  in  the  next  word  Sn •■«.e<'f «y  freafuring  or  ftoreing  up,  that  is  in  the  com- 
mon treafury  of  the  Church.  That  this  is  the  right  fenfe  appeareth  by  the  laft  words. 
Ihat  there  be  no  gatheringwhen  I  come.  If  every  particular  Chriftian  had  deteined  his 
oblation  in  his  own  hands,  there  muft  of  r.eccflity  have  been  a  new  gathering.  But 
whatfoever  thetApoflle  propofed  to  himfeU,  it  is  likely  feme  of  them  proved  back- 
ward enough.  For  which  reafon  he  fent  an  expreflc  to  them  to  fee  that ,  their 
bounty'tvas  made  tip  aforehard  2.C©r.  9.  5. 1  fliall  need  to  add  nothing  to  what  I  have 
(aid  before  upon  this  Text,but  only  tfr  )ur  gment  of  a  learned  Bifliop  who  cannot 
beaccufedof  beint:  a  Sr.fcbatarian.  [  Alihou^h  this  Text  of  St.  Paw/f  maketh  nof 
expreis*  mention  of  Church  Afteroblies  rn  this  day,yet  becauft  it  was  the  cuftome  o 
Chriftians,  and  likewife  becaufe  it  is  a  thing  convenient  to  give  Almcs  npon  the 
Church  d ayes,  it  can  not  well  be  gainfaid  but  that  in  Cor/MfiS?  and  Calatia  the  hxA 
.  day  of  the  week  was  appointed  to  be  the  day  tor  Almes  and  charitable  contribution 

^"       !'/  "/  The  fame  was  alfo  the  Chriftians  weekly  Holy  day  for  their  religious  Affemblies^ 

the  Sabbath   ^^  fgith  ^    not  condcfccnded  unto,[  but  appointed.^ 

Fa  :  212.  ^e  j^„j  tj^e  Apoftolical  pradifc  yet  more  clearly  Ad.     20. 7.    jind  npon  the  frfi 

day  of  the  rveek^  rvhen  the  difcipks  came  together  to  breaks  bread  ,  Paul  preached  unio  thm 
ready  to  depart  on  the  morrow,  and  continued  his  Jpeech  untill  midnight.  Sundry  old 
bookes  read 'it  ,  when  we  were  come  together  ,  intimating  that  St.  Lwii^f  himfclf 
was  prefcnt  and  an  eye  wittncfs,  which  Beza  takes  to  be  the  truer  reading.  We  have 
fcen  formerly  weekly  colledions  for  the  Saints ,  vpon  the  frfiday  of  the  week^,  which 
is  inic  branch  of  the  duty  of  the  Lords  day.  Now  we  have  religious  Aflcmhlies, 
and  communicating  and  preaching  upon, the  firft  day  of  the  week..  We  find  that  Chrift 
rofe  again  upon  the  firft  day:  wc  find  Sundry  of  his  Apparitions  upon  the  firft 

day 


£)1scourseI,  And    Lordf     Day 


925 


day.  We  hnd  the  Holy  Ghoft  given  at  fuch  an  Affembly  upon  the  day  ofpemecofi 
that  TPas  the  Firit  day.  In  all  thcfe  places  the  time,  that  is,  the  firft  day  is  em- 
phatically expreired.  He  who  would  perfwade  us  that  all  this  happened  by  chance 
which  happened  (o  often  ,  let  him  (hew  us  as  much  for  the  Second  day  or  the  third 
day  ,  or  any  other  day  of  the  week,  fo  emphatically  expreffed,  without  any  apparent 
reafon. 

But  they  fay,  the  words  'e»  Tir^i«TS.^«|3/B«'T«,  do  fignify  fome  one  day  of  the  week 
indefinitly,  both  in  this  and  other  places.  They  have  an  hard  province,  not  only 
to  oppofethe  authority  of  the  Church  of  England  ,  which  tranflatethic  upon  theM 
^jy,butalfo  the  unanimous  confentof  the  Fathers,  who  expound  it  of  the  firit  day 
and  the  very  letter  ofthe  text ;  we  never  find  thefe  words, 'E,T!r^.?^;,c-.C£«vJ. 
thoughout  the  whole  Scripure  taken  indefinitly  for  fome  one  day  in  the  week ,  nei- 
ther will  the  particle  which  isadded,fufrer  it  to  be  taken  indefinitely;  moreovcr'they 
make  the  Holy  Ghoft  to  babble  fuperfluoufiy  ^if  no  more  oughtto  be  underftood 
but  feme  one  day  ofthe  week  indefinitely,  what  needed  fo  many  emphatieaj  ex- 
prelTions  of  that  which  all  the  world  knew  before  .?  whatfoever  is  done  ,  muft  be 
done  upon  fome  day  ofthe  week,  unlefs  they  could  find  out  fome  day  which  is  none 
ofthe  Seven  dayes.  IfSf.  Pi<«/had  ordeined  that  collections  fhould  be  made  upon 
fome  day  ofthe  week  indefinitely  ,  what  account  could  he  in  reafon  have  expeded 
of  his  precept,when  the  Trumpet  gave  fuch  anuncertein  found.  But  it  is  evident  that 
that  one  day, whereupon  Chrill  did  rife  again  was  the  firftday,  and  no  other.  And 
that  one  day  ,whcreupon  he  appeared  was  the  fame  firft  day.  And  fo  throughout 
one  day  is  the  firft  day  and  no  other.  The  reafon  of  this  denomination  is  obvious : 
one  day  by  on  Hebraifmefignifying  the  firft  day  properly,  as  Gen:  1.  -j.Tht  evening 
and  the  Morning  were  ane  day.  that  is  the  firji  day. 

It  followeth  when  the  'Difcipler  came  together^not  when  they  were  called  or  fum- 
moned  to  come  together  cxttaordinarily.  It  implieth  ftrongly,  that  the  ordinary 
religious  affemblies  ofthe  primitive  Chriftians  were  upon  the  firft  day  of  the  week » 
as  if  one  ftiould  fay.  At  the  feaji  of  the  paffover  when  Filate  did  releafe  a  prifoner 
t9  the  people.  It  implieth  filats  cuftome  of  rcleafing  a  prifoner  to  the  People 
every  Paflbver. 

To  break?  bread.  1  know  that  breaking  of  bread  in  Holy  Scripture  often  fignifyeth 
temporal  refedlion,  but  in  this  place  and  fundry  others  it  fignifieth  evidently  diftri- 
butionof  the  Holy  Sacrament  ,  and  the  context  will  not  beare  any  othcy  fenfe  as 
I.  Cor :  10.  16.  "the  breads  which  we  bTea\^  is  it  not  the  communion  ofthe  Body  ofChriji 
And  Ad.  2.  42.  "they  continued  jiedfaflly  ^  in  the- apojllej  doSirine  and  fellowfhip 
and  breaking  of  Bread  and  prayers.  Where  prayer  and  doftrine  ate  joyned  with 
breaking  ot  bread  ,  what  can  be  underftocd  but  the  Holy  Eucbariji .  It  had  been  a. 
very  mean  commendation  of  the  primitive  Chriftians,  to  have  faid  that  they  . 
prelevered  ftedfaftly  in  eating  and  drinking,or  at  their  temporal  Refedlion?.  And  (o 
in  this  place  not  only  the  authority  ofthe  Church  of  England  ,  and  the  contl  nt  of 
antiquity,  but  even  evidence  of  reafon  doth  evince,  that  it  muft  befo  underftood. 
when  was  this  meeting  >  upon  aSundaysaday  confefledly  dedicated  to  the  publick 
fervice  of  God  in  the  dayes  ofthe  Apoftles.  Who  were  they  that  did  mfet  ?  a  fclc- 
&cd  company  of  particular  Friends?  no,  but  the  difciples  in  general.  How  was 
this  breaking  of  bread  accompanied  ?  with  a  loiig  Sermon.  A  fitter  companion  for 
a  Sacrament  than  for  a  Feaft.  The  cafe  is  fo  plain ,  that  it  requireth  no  long 
debate.  They  may  as  well  tell  us,that  when  Eutyihui  fell  from  the  window  ,  he 
didbut  drop  do wne  from  the  Table,  as  that  this  breaking  of  bread  was  no  more 
than  an  ordinary  Repaft.  To  fit  in  a  window  might  be  a  convenient  pofture  for 
an  hearer  at  a  long  fermon,  but  no  convenient  pofture  for  a  gueft,  or  for  a  waiter  at 
a  feaft.  Yet  ftill  I  deny  not  that  there  might  be  a  civil  refe»ftion,But  I  would  rot  have 
the  civill  refeftion  to  exclude  both  fermon  and  Sacrament,  which  did  accord  well 
together  in  thofe  dayes. 

Laftly  fome  would  perfuade  us  that  St,  ^au?s  Sermon  was  nothing  elfe  but  fome 
occafional  difcourfe  as  they  fate  at  meat,  wherein  they  do  once  more  defert  out 
authorifed  tranHation  ,  which  ftileth  it  preaching.  And  in  the  contents  of  the 
oliapter  ,brcaking  of  bread  is  expounded  to  be  the  celebration  ofthe  Lords  SLipper.lf 

the 


p24 


A  DiscoNRSEo/i/?^  Sabbath  TOMElill 

thepulpitbe  an  effcntial  ofalermon,it  may  be  it  was  no  Sermon.  But  certeinly  it 
was  a  Theological  difcourfe  ht  for  fo  great  a  partor  upon  an  Holy  day  to  fuch  an 
AfTetr.blie  of  which  number  St.  L«i;f  maketh  himfelf  to  have  been  one  ver(;  5.  5. 
If  it  had  not  been  a  matter  of  Importance  ,  St  Paul  would  not  have  continued 
hisdilcourlcuntill  midnight.  St.  ?aule^s  departure  the  next  morning  was  a  good 
rcafonofthc  prolonging  of  his  difcourfe,  but  was  no  reafon  at  all  of  the  choice 
of  the  firft  day.  That  proceeded  folely  from  the  cultome  of  the  church  to  aflembk 
upon   that  day. 

Todrawncarcr  yet  to  thcfpring's  head,  or  the  fourceof  tl  e  Lords  day.     In  the 
fccond  chapterof  the  Ads  of  the  Aportles  thedefcent  of  the  Holy  Ghort  is  defcribed. 
Judtfhen  the  (Jay  of  Peiitecofi  vcas  futy  ecme^they  vrere  all  a>ith  one  accord  in  one  place. 
That  the  day otPentecoft fell  that  year    upona  Sunday  is  undeniable,  bccaufe  the 
Rcfurredion  of  Chrift  was  upon  a  Sunday :  And  Pcntccoll  was  the  fiftieth  day  from 
the  Refurrcftion.     Occiditur  Agnus  ,  celebraiur  pafcha  &c:    the  pafchal  Lamb  was 
flaine,  the   pafTeover    was  celebrated ,  and   fifty  dayesafter  the  Law     was  given 
written  by  the  Finger  of  God.     The  true  pafchal  Lamb    was  fiaine,  thetrue  paff- 
ovcr  was  celebratcd,and  fifty  dayesafter  the  Holy  Ghoft  was  given,  which  was 
the  finger  of  God.     They  were  all ,  what  all  ?  All  the  Apoftles :  no,all  the  difciples, 
all  thofe  hundred  and  twenty,  whereof  we  reade  Aft  :  i.  15.  So  much   the  Apo- 
logy   of  St  Feter,    as    the  fpcaker  for    the    Apoftolical    college    doth     teliify. 
Aft.'  2.  14.  diftinguifliing  the    perfons  infpired   from   the    Apoftles  Theje     are 
not     drunken,      as   yee   fuppofe,     fomuch    the  Prophefy   oi  loel   doth  infinuat 
under  the   notion    of   Sons  and  daughters,    and     fervants    and  handmaids.  So 
much  St.  Chryfofionie  faith  exprefly  upon  the  fame  Text.     In  one  place,what  place  .? 
even  C^naculum  Sionis,  That  upper  Room  upon  the  Top  of  mount  5io«  ,  where 
Chrift  kept  hislaft  paffover  ,  inftituted  the  Lords  Supper  ,  appeared  to  his  Difciples 
the  door  being  (hut  ,  ordeined  his  Appoftles ,  wherein  Matthias  was  chofen,  where- 
in the  Holy  Ghoft  dcfccnded  in  the  likeneffe  of  cloven  tongues  of  fireidoven  tondte 
difcretion  ;  ofFire,  to  exprefs  devotion.  Wherein  the  order  of  Deacons  was  infti- 
tuted,  wherein  the    councils  of  the   Apoftles  at   Jerufalem  vjexc  cdcbxzted .     That 
place   which  was   ftiakcn  miraculoufly  upon  the  praiers  of  the  Church,  as  an  un- 
doubted teftimonie  of  Gods  prefence  .  That  place  which  was  the  firft    Chriftian 
Church  upon  Earth. 

So  here  we  have  another  folemnc  aflembly  cfChriftians  upon  theLordsday, 
or  the  firft  day  of  the  week,in  a  place  confecrated  by  Chrift  himfelf  for  holy  aftions: 
And  that  approved  and  authorifed  by  the  vifible  defcent  of  the  Holy  Ghoft,f6  as  this 
day  may  truly  be  laid  to  be  facred  to  the  whole  Trinity,  to  God  the  Father  ,  as  the 
firft  day  of  the  Creation  ,  wherein  the  moft  noble  creatures,  the  heavens  and  the 
Holy  Angells  were  made,  and  which  preferveth  the  memorial  of  the  creation  as 
well  as  the  Seventh  day.  To  God  the  Son  whofe  refurreftion  upon  this  day  was 
the  new  creation  of  the  world.  ToGed  the  Holy  Ghoft,  who  on  this  day  de- 
fccnded  vifibly  upon  the  difcipleSjas  if  he  ftiould  proclaime  aloud  ,  that  he  hallowed 
that  day  to  himfelf. 

But  it  is  objefted  that  all  this  honour  given  here  to  this  day  ,  was  to  the  day 
of  Fenteeoli  ^  which  fell  accidentally  that  year  upon  the  firft  day  of  the  week. 
Firft,if  it  were  fo,  that  doth  but  prove  it  to  have  been  a  double  Feftival,  wherein  a 
weekly  and  an  annual  Feftival  did  meet  together ,  in  which  cafe  neither  of  thera 
ought  to  be  robbed  of  their  juft  honour.  Secondly  the  Law  of  the  Jewifh  pentecoli 
was  then  utterly  abrogated  by  the  death  of  Chrift  ,  and  could  challenge  no  further 
right  but  an  honourable  interrcment.  If  the  Chriftian  Feftival  ofEaftcr  ought  trom 
thence  forward  to  have  been  generally  kept  upon  Sunday,  in  memory  of  Chrifts 
Refurrcftion,  according  to  the  cuftome  of  the  Cacholick  Church  except  only  in 
cafe  of  Apoftolical  difpenfation  for  prudential  reafons ,  then  the  fezi\  of  Pentecvji 
ought  alfo  thenceforward  to  be  obferved  upon  Sunday.  And  then  all  this  honour 
willfall,not  accidentally  but  originally  upon  Sunday,  as  thedayof  Chfifts  Refurrc- 
ftion. Thirdly  no  contingence  can  derogate  from  the  prefcience  and  difpofition 
of  All-mightie  God  ,  whoafteth  all  that  is  good,  permitteth  all  thatisevill  ,  and 
difpofeth    all  things,  both  good  and  evil.     Nothing  could  be  more  contingent 

than 


DfS COURSE  I,  And    hords      Day 


9^5 


than  the  fale  of  Jofefo  into   ^gypt ,  and  the  meanes  of  his  advancement  there     yet 
the  whole  fuccefs  and  feriesof  it  was  ordered  by  the  providenc  e  of  God. 

That  the  true  Fjchal  Lamb  fhould  be  flaine  that  very  dayj  and  that  very  houre, 
when    the  Jews    kept  their  paflbver  ,  and  that  both  Ea/ifr  and    Petitecoji  fhould 
fall  out  that  yearc  upon  a  Sunday,the  day  ofChriftsRcrurre(ftion,might  have  much  of 
contingency  in  it.yet  the  whole  affaire  might  be  fo  ordered  by  the  providence  of  God 
tor  the  honour  of  Chrift.     The  rarer  that  it  was  for  Fentecoji  to  fall  upon  a  funday, 
themorc honour  it    was  to  the  Lords  day,that  it  fhould  fallout  fo  juft  then,  and 
jocofoules  be  con  verted  by  the  firft  Chriftian  Sermon  upon  that  day.     Itisaseafy 
to  imagine  that  a  Printers  box  of  Letters  fhould  drop  one  by  one  into  their  diflindt 
places ,  or   that  a  fhip  at  fca  (hould  Ikere  it  felf  againft  wind  and  Tide  in  the  midft 
of  rocks  and  fands  info  the  Harbour  without  a  Pilot ,  as   that  all  thofe  inteftine 
difcords  between  Augustus  ,  Ambory  and   young  Tomfey  ,  of  the   Eaft  againft  the 
Weftjthe  Tea  againft  the  Land,fliouldall  be  hufht  up  foon  a  fuddaine  juft  before  the 
birth  of  the  Prince  of  peace.  And  that  all  the  machinations  of  the  ]ewts,ard  the  ma- 
lice oftheScribes  and  Pharifees,and  the  treafon  of  JudasWkt  fo  many  poyfon?  tem- 
pered together  by  a  fkiltul  phyfitian,  fhould  produce  fuch  a  faveing  remedy  for 
mankind  ,  even  the  facrifice  of  the  true  pafchal  Lamb,  in  fuch  an  admirable  order 
juft  at  the  time  of  the  JewifhpalTover  ,  and  that  the  defeent  of  the  Holy  Ghoft  fhouM 
fall  out  upon  the  day  of  Pentecoft,  when  the  Law  was  given  ,and  that  the  new 
creation  of  the  world  by  the  refurreftion  of  Chrift ,  and  the  new  Illumination  of 
the  world  by  the  Holy  Ghoft ,  fhould    fall  out  both  upon  the  Lords  peculiar  day, 
which  from  that  very  time  forward    was  deftinated  to  be  the  weekly  Feftival  of  the 
Church.     And  fothat  day,  which  without  doubt  was  the  beginning  of  dayes ,  and, 
if  the  old  tradition  faid  true  ,  fhall  be  the   ending  of  dayes  fhould  be  confecrated  to 
him  ,   who  is.  The  kegiming  and  the  ending  ,  thefirfi  and  the  laji.     Rev  :  i.  8. 1  fay 
it  is  not  imaginable  how  all  this  fhould  come  to  pafTe  in  fuch  a  divine  order ,  but  by 
the  foveraign  overruling  providence  of  God,  who  can  determine  the  Event  with- 
out neceflitating  the  agents,  who  hath  predetermined  many  things  to  be  done  with- 
out predetermining  the  doers  of  them,  where  the  thing  done  is  good,and  yet  the  doe- 
ing  of  it  finful ;  whofe  divine  power  and  wifdome  hath  infinite  wayes  to  accomplifh 
his  purpofe  without  doing  violence  to  the  nature  of  his  creatures,whofe  prefci- 
ence  is  infallible  ,  yet  importeth  no  antecedent ,  but  an  hypothetical    neceffitie. 
Things  are  not  therefore  ,  becaufe  they  are  fore  knownc,  but  therefor  they  are  fore- 
known ,  becaufe  they  fhalibe  ,yea  fhall  be  infallibly  in  Gods  difpofition ,  yet  preferv- 
ing  the  natures  of  free  and  contingent  Agents. 

Thefe  are  the  moft  remarkable  inftances  which  we  find  in  Holy  Scripture  of  hal- 
lowing the  Lords  day.     And  thefe  fhew  plainly  that  our  Church  had  good  ground  ffom.  oft'ans 
to  fay  ,  that  immediatly  after  the   Afcenfion  of  Chrift  ,  Chriftian  people  began  to  and  place  of 
chufe  them  a  ftanding  day  of  the  week  to  come  together  in.     It  was  immediatly  prayer, 
indeed  after  the  Afcenfion  ,  for  we  find  a  prefident  within  ten  compleat  dayes  : 
neither  is  the  word  chufeing  inconliftent  with  that  I  fay.     A  man  may  chufe  that 
which  is  commanded.     Deut.3J.  ip.  1  have  fet  before  you  life  a>td  death  ^hkjjhtg  and 
curfing  ,  therefore  chuQ   Ltfe.     And    Jo(h   .24.15  chufe  this  day  re  horn  you  will  ferve 
&c:  hut  as  forme  andmy  houfe  ,  we  will  ferve  the  Lord. 

But  yet  we  do  not  wanf  fomc  confpicuous  markes  to  guide  us  highcr,or  at  leaf!  to 
intimate  thus  much  unto  us,even  before  the  Afcenfion  of  Chrift  ,  as  his  rifeing 
againe  from  the  dead  vpon  this  day,  and  his  vouchfafing  as  upon  this  day  to  make 
his  principal  apparitions  to  his  Apoftles  in  their  Oratory,  or  houfe  of  prayer, 
whiU^  they  were  jecretly  ajfembled  for  feare  of  the  Jewes.  As.  John  ;  20.  ip.  when 
he  ordeined  his  Apollles.  And.  Jo:  20,  1$.  when  hs  rooted  Infidelity  out  of  the 
hearts  ot  nis  Difciplesj  both  times  upon  the  Lords  day  ,  both  times  in  their  houfe  of 
Prayer,  both  times  when  they  were  fecretly  afTembled.  There  is  fomethiegin  a'l 
this.  Itdeferveth  to  be  obferved  how  all  the  EvangeUfts  Msibeiv.^  Mark^Luk^  and 
]ohn  do  punctually  and  Emphatically  name  the  firft  day  of  the  week  ,  as  if  the 
Holy  Ghoft  fcemedto  be  delighted  with  this  circumftance  of  the  time  or  day  which 
was  defigncd  for  his  own  fervice.  We  do  noc  find  the  like  mention  of  any 
otherdiy  of  the  wcck.except  the  Sabbath,whilft  it  continued  the  Lords  holy  day.  St. 

Mathew 


"-^e  A'pTT^^^^^/^g  Sabbath  TQMEIIII 

' — iv^Wlcllcth  us  that  aponthe^cry  dawning  of  thefirft  d7y  cf  the  wff^thctwo 

Mariejh^id  the  early  news  of  Chrifls  refurrcftion ,  firft  from  an  Angel,  then  from 
hirDicHMtib:  zS.  i, -Jf.  Mari^.  tcllethus  both  of  his  rcfurrc(3ion  early  the  firji 
day  of  the  week:  Mar;  i6:  p.  and  of  his  Early  Apparition  to  the  women  ,  particularly 
to  Mary  Magd:  upon  the  time  frjl  day  of  the  vreel^  and  after  to  the  two  difciples 
fravaling  to  Emaus.  And  laftly  to  the  Eleven  Apoftks  upon  the  felfe  fame  day.  The 
very  fame  is  related  by  St.  tith^  with  the  fame  cncvim^zr^ct^  oUhe  firli  day  of  the 
7Petl{_.  St.  John  Balketh  thiscircumftanceno  more  then  the  reft.  Jo  .•  20.  i.  thefirft 
day  of  the  veek^eoneth  Mary  Magd:  And  v.  ip.lhe  fame  day  atEvemng  being  the  firji  day 
ofiheweek_&c.  And  yet  in  thefame  chapter  he  procecdeth  yet  to  another  Apparition 
to  the  Apoftles.  Afur  eight  day  ver  :26.  as  after  three  (/iy^/fignifyeth  the  third  day 
Mar;  8.  -^lAo  After  eight dayes  lignifieth  the  eight  day  inclufively  in  the  language 
of  the  Scripture.  The  Evangelrft  might  as  well  have  faid  the  next  Lords  day  or  the 
next  firil  day  of  the  week,  If  any  man  (hall  think  that  all  thcfe  emphatical  expref- 
fions  of  the  rirft  day  of  the  week  ,  and  of  no  other  day  of  the  week ,  until  they  end 
finally  in  adown  right  Lords  day,  were  altogether  without  dcfignc  and  fignify  no- 
thing ,1  muft  crave  leave  to  diffent  from  him. 

That  which  fomc  objc(ft      concerning  the  two   difciples  travailing  to  Emaus 
makcth  nothing  againft  what  I  fay ,  becaufe  it  was  the  day  of  the  Refurredion  , 
,     or  firft  day  ofthe  week ,  but  much  for  it.     Neither  are  Chriftians  obliged  to  fuch  a 
ftriit  reft  upon  the  Lords  day  as  the  Jewes  were  upon  their  Sabbath ,    much  Icfs 
to  fuch  a  Reft  as  the  Pharifies  had  introduced  ,  who  would   not      allow  a  man  to 
roaft  an  Apple ,  or  pill  an  onion  ,  or  kill  a  flea  upon  the  Sabbath  for  feare  of  pro- 
faining  it.     Works  of  neceflity,  pietie  and  Charitie  even  upon  the  Sabbath  did  all- 
waycs  carry  with  them  a  difpenfatson  from  heaven,  and  upon  the  Lords  day  in 
a  greater  latitude,  with  lefs  cau(c  of  Scruple.  It  mi^ht  be  thofe  two  Difciples  were 
imploycd  by  the  Church  in  that   doubtful  time  to  the  honkoiCleofhas  which  was 
iviEmaus:  And  fo  all  thcfe  three  favourable  requifitcs,picty  neceffity  and  charity  might 
concurre  in  thatvoiage.     This  we  are  fure  of,theirdifcour(e  was  fuch  as  might  well 
become  thofe  who  were  then  fanftifying  the  Lords  day  ,  although    '  ey   were 
not  yet  fully  (atiffyed  that  Chrift  was  rifen  againe  ,  until  they  received  final  fatif- 
faflion  from  Chrift  himfelf.  How  fliould  they  be  fatiffied  then  more  than  the  reft  of 
the  Apoftles  who   cfteemcd  the  words  of  the  women  that  related  it  to  be  but /<//«■ 
falts  and  helievedi them  not .     Luc:24.  ir. 

Moreover  we  read  in  the  fame  place  that  fffns  tookg  bteadandBleffed  it,  and  brak^ 
andgave  unto  them  Luc  ;  24.50.  And  that  he  was  known  of  thofe  two  difciples  in 
breaking  of  bread.    I  fliould  be  loth  to  conclude  from  hence  for  an  half  communion 
with  the  Papift  ,  becaufe  there  is  no  mention  in  that  text  ofthe  cup,  whereas  they 
thcmfclves  do  hold  the  wine  as  neceflary  to  be  offered  as  the  bread,  though  not  fo 
neciffary  to  be     diftributed  as  the  bread  >  though  at  other  times  they  change  their 
note,  wittenefs    that  o(  BtlUrmine.     The    bread  may  be  taken  away  if  the  cup  be 
given.     Yet  this  doth  not  convince  me  that  it  was  not  the  facrament  ofthe  Lords 
Supper  fyncchdochicaliy   cxpreffed  efpecially  feeing!  find  the  words  to  be  exadtly 
the  fame    with  thofe  of  St.  Mtth  :  chap;  26.  v.  26.     And  of  St.  Mar:c.  14.  v.  21. 
;  And  of  St.  Luc :  c.  22.  v.  19, -at  the  inftitution  ofthe  Sacrament.  And  find  the  fame 

words  repeated  by  St. P<i«/e  upon  the  fame  occafion.     i.  Cor  :   11,23.     Neither 
is  this  my  private  opinion,  many  Fathers  and  other  Ecclefiaftical  writers  both  ancient 
and  moderne  have  held  the  fame.     For  the  prefent  I  will  content  my  felfe  with 
-    the  Tcftimonics  of  two  Fathers.     The  one  is  St.     Hiereme  inhis  Ep'n^iph  o[  Panl^ 
Q  And  renewing  her  journy  (he  came  to  Nicopolis, which  was  formerly  called  tmaut, 
where  the  Lord  being  known  by  breaking  of  bread,  did  dedicate  thehouf'^  of  Cleo- 
f  has  to  be  aChurch.]The  other  is  St.  ^KjJj«,who  haveing  (hewed  that  the  impediment 
deconf         which  hindered  the  two  Difciples  from  knowing  of  Chrift ,  was  from  Sathan ,  pro- 
tvang.l.  3.   ceedeththus,[Chriftgave  leave  untill  the  Sacrament  of  bread,that  the  unity  of  his  bo- 
c.  25.  dy  being  partaked,the  impediment  of  theEnemy  might  be  underftood  to  be  remov- 

ed.] The  Sacrament  of  bread,  and  the  participation  of  the  unity  of  his  body,  can 
have  noother  reference  but  to  the  holy  Eucharifi.  I  know  fome  others  afTcrt  that  this 
was  not  the  holy  Encharifi  it  felf ,  but  a  figure  of  it ,  which  to  my  purpofe ,  to  (hew- 
that 


Discourse  T.  a»d   Lords  Day  ^  0^7 


that  chis  was  an  lioly  attion,proper  tor  the  Lords  day,  is  enough.  So  in  ftead'oTarT 
alTront  to  the  Lords  day,  we  nject  wiih  a  great  honour  to  iti  but  Chrid  himfelt'did 
celebrate  either  the  holy  Euchauii,  or  at  lead  a  Figure  of  it  upon  this  day,  bein"  :hc 
very  day  of  his  ReCurredion,  the  Firlt  Chriftian  Sunday,  or  Lords  d  'y,tha't  ever'was 
when  the  Sun  of  Righteoufnefs  did  arife  to  enlighten  the  children  of  this  World.  ' 
Out  of  what  ha;h  been  faid  ,it  doth  appear ,  that  the  Lords  day  was  celebrated 
from  the  beginning,  that  is,  from  the  Refurredion  of  Chrift,  in  purfuance  of  his  di- 
rection or  example,  and  that  without  all  doubt  there  was,  either  an  Apoftolica!  pre- 
cept for  it,  written  or  unwritten  ,  or  Apoftolical  pradice  ,  equivalent  to  a  precept. 
Wiiit  concerneth  the  Apoftlcs,  is  altogether  undoubredi  what  concerneth  Chrift  is 
pioiifly  prefumed,  that  when  he  appeared  to  his  Apoftles  after  his  Refurredio'n ,'  a- 
mong  his  other  inftrudions  which  he  gave  them,  in  things  pertaining  to  the  Kingdom 
of  God,  AH  J  I.  3.  he  did  give  them  a  particular  diredion  for  the  obfervation  of  this 
day,  according  to  the  teftimony  of  St.  Clement,  a  contemporary  of  the  Apoftles,  for- 
merly cited.  Howfoevcr,  here  isenosigh  out  of  the  Scripture  it  felf,  to  prove  the 
Divine  Right, and  the  antiquity  of  the  Lords  day.  And  thus  much  may  ferve  for 
the  anfwer  to  the  fecond  queftion,  when  the  Lords  day  began  to  be  obferved  as  a 
weekly  Holyday. 

The  third  Queftion  is,  what  were  the  groands  of  the  change  of  the  Sabbath  to  the  SeS:    i2. 
Lords  day?  Although  the  Law  of  Nature  doth  not  prefcribe  the  fandifying  of  :hc  rfl^y  ihe 
Seventh  day,  or  Firft  day,  or  any  other  4ay  of  the  Week  in  particular,  yet  the  fandi-  wtckJyFeiU- 

■  fying  of  them  was  very  agreeable,  to  what  the  Law  of  Nature  doth  pref..ribe  .  And  vaL  changed 
yet  fjrther,  hath  a  certain  majelly  and  conformity  in  it,  fit  for  the  Service  of  God:  as  fr'^m  Satw- 
if  we  iliould  fay,  our  God  is  one  and  the  fame  God,  therefore  we  worfhiphira  af  one  d;:y 
and  the  fame  time,  with  one  and  the  fame  Worfliip.     Thofe  Heathens  who  faid. that 
as  variety  oflnftruments  doth  make  the  beft  Mufick,  fo  variety  of  Worftiip  ismoftac- 

■.  ceptable  to  God,  did  not  rightly  underftand  or  confidcr,  either  the  all-fufficiency  of 
God,  that  our  devotion  can  add  nothing  to  hioij  orthe  manifold  indigence  ofthe  Hu- 
mane nature,  whiclxbeingdayly  varioully  exhaufted,  muftdayly  bevarionfly  fjpoiied. 
The  Jewilh  Sabbath  having. continued  fo  many  ages  in  the  Church  ,  from  tae'tifr.-i; 
of  Mofes  until  Chrift,  now  both  it,  and  all  other  their  typical  and  ceremonial  Lawes 

I  .were  taken  a  way  by  Chrift,  and  declared  to  be  utterly  abrogated  by  his  Co<ifumma- 

^  turn  ej}^  it  is  jiitilhed,  upon  the  Crofs:  In  fign  whereof,  the  veil  of  the  Temtk  did  rent 
from  the  top  to  the  bottom,  to  (hew,  thac  the  exprefs  Image  cf  thofe  Heavenly  Truths, 
which  before  had  been  but  drawn  in  dark  obfcure  colours  and  Figures,  wasnowper- 
fedly  expofed  to  the  Light.  Thus  much  is exprefly  affirmed  bySc.Pj«/,  €ol.2.i6i 
Let  no  man  judge  you  in  meat  or  drink,,  or  in  r(jj>eil  of  an  hhly-day,  or  of  the  nexv  moon,  or 
of  the  SMath  days,  rvhtch  are  ajhadoiv  of  thi/!gs  to  come,  but  the  body  is  of  Cbrifi :  which 
manifeft  declaration  of  himfelf  agjinft  the  Jervijh  Sabbath,  with  fome  other  places., 
did  render  t'.e  Ebionites  fo  offended  with  St.  Faul,  that  they  did  notonly  retu(etoad- 
mit  his  Writings,  butalfo  fathered  manifeft  lyes  upon  him>  as  that  he  was  a  Gentile 
both  by  Father  and  Mother.  That  being  at  Bierufslem  ,  he  turned  a  Jemjh  Prodlyte, 
in  hope  to  have  gained  the  High  Prieft's  Daughter  to  Wife,but  milhngot  his  aitn.hc 
grew  difcontenred,  and  writpallionatelyagainftCircumcifion,  and  the  Sabbath,  and 
th.Law  ofMojV/So  then  theLegal  obfervation  of  Saturday  was  ceafed,according  toSt. 
Pa»/,  although  the  firft  o^jfervation  of  it,  as  a  day  of  gratitude  to  God  ,  was  pcr/ni:- 
ted  long.3fter  inthe Church, for  d  ivers  weighty  reafon.s.  The  Law  of  the  Sabbath 
)eing  abrogated,  and  the  obligation  thereof  being  ceafcd  ,  after  it  had  continued  fo 
nany  ai^es  in  the  Church  ,  it  had  been  (bme  dlfparagement  to  the  Chrittian  Church, 
cither  to  have  come  ibort  of  the  Jetvs  in  the  performance  ot"  moral  duties  to  God, 
Ifer  that  every  particuhv  perfon  or  congregation  ,  (hould  be  left  to  his  or  their  ov-n 
laedion  of  the  time  of  Gods  folcmn  WorQiip  ,  without  either  order  or  uniformity. 
1  And  therefore  the  Firft  day  was  prefently ,  I  had  almoltfaid  immedntely  ,  upon  or 
after  the  Refurredion  of  Chrift,  (et  apart  tor  the  publick  fervice  of  God.  But  w,,y 
the  Firft  day,  rather  than  any  other  day  of  the  Week  >  This  day  was  the  beginning 
lof  time,  wherein  the  World  began.  What  day  more  fit  to  bededicated  to  God  , 
Ithan  that  which  was  the  Fiift  fruits  of  time  >  The  Firft-born  were  defigned  as  Holy 
Ito  the  Lord.     Wb.en  Zacharfs  tongue  was  loofed,  the  Firft  ufe  he  made  of  it ,  was 

Sffff  to 


— g ■  A  Difconrse  of  the  Sabbath  T  O  M  E  1 1 II 


to  praife  the  Lord.  A  Jove  principiuni.  Upon  this  day  the  moll  uoble  creatures 
were  made,  the  Heaven  and  the  Earth,  and  the  immortal  Awgels,  and  the  Light 
which  God  created  as  a  mean,  between  corporeal  and  incorporeal  fubftances ,  that 
the  Atlici(t  might  fee  every  day  beforehis  face  ,  a  refimblance  of  the  union  between 
ills  (bill  and  his  body,  in  the  union  of  the  light  with  the  air.  The  Firft  day  of  the 
Creation  doth  preferve  the  memory  of  the  Creation,  as  well  as  the  day  after  the  Cre-  2 

ation.  S 

This  was  the  day,  which  God  adorned  more  than  any  other,  with  the  manifold 
difpenfations  of  his  grace.  Upon  this  day,  the  Jfraelites  were  fuppofed  to  have  gai- 
ned their  liberty  from  their  Egyptian  Bondage.  Upon  this  day  ,  certainly  Manna 
was  Hrrt  rained  down  from  Heaven.  Upon  this  day,  Chrift  is  faid  to  have  been  born 
for  us,  and  to  have  been  baptifed  in  Jordan  ,  and  the  Star  to  have  appeared  to  the 
Wifcmen.  Upon  this  day,  Chrift  arofe  again  from  the  dead,  and  made  his  moft  fre- 
quent apparitions  to  his  Apoitles,until  his  afcenfion.  Upon  this  ciay,  he  fent  the  Ho- 
ly Ghoil:  and  the  Primitive  Chriflians  had  a  tradition,  that  upon  this  day,  hisfecond 
coming  to  judge  both  the  quick  and  the  dead,  fliould  be.  So  both  ingratitude  and 
difcretion,  that  the  Lord  at  his  coming  might  hnd  them  imployed  about  his  Service , 
no  day  could  be  rttterfor  the  publickWorihip  of  God,than  this.  BleQedis  thatfervanty 
tvhom  his  Lord,  vphen  he  cometh,Jhall find  fo  doing.  Math.  24.  4<5,  But  all  Authours  do 
agree,  that  the  fpecial  ground  of  the  tranflation»of  theday,  was  the  RefurredJion  of 
Chrilt,  which  was  the  new  creation  of  the  World,  If  the  memory  of  the  old  crea* 
tion,  and  Gods  refiing  upon  the  feventhday,had  fuch  an  influenceupon  theFirft  Pa- 
triarchs, that  itispioully  believed  by  fome,  that  they  did  freely  without  any  com- 
mandment, obferve  that  day  ot  reft,  according  to  the  example  of  God  ,  why  (hould 
not  Chriftians  hallow  the  day  of  ChriftsRefurrc(flion,in  memory  of  mans  Redempti- 
on, or  the  New  Creation,  complcated  upon  that  day  by  Chrift.  And  fo  much  for  the 
grounds  of  the  Tranflation. 
SeS:  I  J.  The  Fourth  queftion  is,  whether  the  Lords  day  may  be  changed  by  the  authority 
Whether  the  o^  the  Church,  from  the  Firft  day  to  another  day  of  the  Week?  It  is  generally  admit- 
Lordi  day  '^^i  ^hat  one  day  hath  no  natural  or  inherent  holinefs  in  it,  more  than  another:  like- 
may  be  wife  that  it  was  never  yet  changed  from  Chrifts  time  until  this  day  ,  by  any  Church, 

changed,  isgenerally  confefTed.  Thirdly, that  it  may  be  changed  defacfi^,  in  Fad,  without 
right,  no  man  can  doubt.  They,  who  did  not  ftick  to  change  tlieir  Bible  into  an  AI- 
choran,  would  not  ftick  at  changing  the  Lords  day.  The  Lords  day  is  not  more 
precious  than  the  Lord  himfelf,  whofe  day  it  is,  and  they  who  allow  no  diftindion 
of  days,  as  to  relative  holinefs,  will  make  no  fcruple  at  abrogating  this  Holyday.  But 
the  queftion  is,  whether  the  Lords  day  being  taken  infenfit  compofitu,zs  it  is  the  Lords 
day,  with  reference  to  the  Precept,  or  authoritative  example  of  Chrift,or  of  his  Apo- 
ftles,  or  either  of  them,  may  yet  be  lawfully  changed. 

They  who  maintain  the  affirmative  part,  that  it  may  be  changed ,  do  it  fo  coldly 
,  and  fo  faintly>  that  they  even  teach  their  Readers  to  doubt  ofthe  truth  of  their  after-' 
tion^  ^i  timide  mgat^  docet  r.egarr.  For  they  acknowledge,  that  it  were  a  temerari- 
ouf^  or  an  uncomly  or  unhandfoiriC  adf,  to  make  fuch  a  change, which  implieth,that 
there  muft  be  fomerhing  in  fuch  a  change,  inconfiftent  with  ,  or  dift'<rtancous  from 
the  Principles  ofreafon  or  Religion.  Asformy  felf,  befides  the  odious  brand  of  de- 
fuUorious  levity,  I  hold  upon  my  former  grounds,  that  fuch  a  change  were  not  one- 
!y  unhandfome  and  temerarious,  but  altogether  unlawful. 

My  Reafons  arc  three:  TheFirft  is  taken  from  thedefed  of  fufficlent  authority ,  to 
abrogate  that  which  hath  been  inftituted,  either  by  Chrift,  or  by  his  Apoftles  i  whe- 
ther it  were  by  cxprefs  precept,  or  by  authoritative  example.  Every  thing  ought  to 
be  loofed  by  the  fame  authority  by  which  it  was  bound,  or  by  a  fupcriour  Authority. 
Apoftolical  authority  at  leaft  did  bind  the  Church  to  obferve  this  day,  and  iefs  than 
Apoftolical  authority  cannot  loofe  the  Church  from  the  obligation  to  obftrve  this 
day.  I  readily  acknowledge,  that  the  Apoftles  made  fome  local  and  temporary  Or- 
dinances, but  thofedid  never  bind  without  that  place  for  which  they  were  made,  nor 
beyond  that  time  for  which  they  were  defigned.  Moreover,  fcmetimes  the  reafonor 
ground  of  a  temporary  Ordinance  doth  ceafc",  In  fuch  cafe,  it  is  not  the  authority  of 
the  prefent  Church,  which  abrogateth  an  Apoftolical  Ordinance,   buttheLawexpi- 

reth 


t 


Discourse  I.  And    Lords     Day  939 

reth  of  it  felfc  when  it  is  become  impeditive  of  greater  good.  But  the  ordinance 
of  the  Lords  day  is  quite  of  another  nature.  Firrt  it  is  an  univerfal  ordi- 
nance ,  as  appearcth  by  the  univerfal  tradition  of  the  whole  Chriftian  world. 
Secondly  it  is  a  perpetual  ordinance  as  appeareth  by  the  perpetual  obfervation  of  it 
in  all  ages  without  exception. 

A  Second  rcafon  is  taken  from  the  ground  of  thisordinance  ,  that  is  the  rcfurrcc- 
tion  of  Chria,  and  all  thofe  other  graces  which  he  difpcnfedto  us  upon  this  day. 
Put  all  the  confideration  which  this  world  can  polCbly  afford  into  the  other  fcalc* 
and  they  ate  not  lufficient  to  counterballance  thcfc.  The  creation  of  the  world  was 
a  very  fiifficient  ground  for  the  obfervation  ofthe  Seventh  days  Fcftival 
by  all  mankind,  if  God  had  been  pleaafed  to  injoyneit.  So  the  Redemption  ,  or 
new  creation  of  the  world  the  Refurre<Ition  of  Chrift  is  a  fufficient  ground'  to 
Cbriftiaris  for  celebrating  the  Lords  day  as  a  memorial  thereof,  and  as  the  Tewifli 
Sabbath  was  to  indure  as  long  as  the  Jewifli  Politic  and  »Iigion  did  indurc  (o  the 
Lords  day  ought  to  indure  as  long  as  Chrirtian  religion  ,  that  is  untill  the  Second 
comcingofChrifl.  Until  then  we  arc  to  expect  no  new  Lawes ,  no  new  revela- 
tions ,  no  new  grounds.  And  then  all  temporary  Sabbaths  and  Lords  dayesfliall 
ceafe ,  and  the  Saints  (hall  celebrate  one  perpetual  Lords  day  with  Chrift  in 
Heaven. 

The  third  rcafon  may  be  taken  from  the  perpetuity  ofthe  duty  of  the  Lords  day 
which  (hall  never  ceafe  whilcft  this  world  continueth.     As  the  celebrating  of  the 
Sabbath  was  to  the  Jews  a  figne between  God  and  them  ,  teftifying  thatGod  who 
made  heaven  and    earth  was  their  God  ,  fo  the  celebration  of  the  Lords  day  to 
ChrilHansis  a  profeffion  ,  that  the  Lord  who  role  againe  upon  that  day,  and  tri- 
uinplicd  over  Hell  &  death  and  the  grave,is  their  Lord.  When  the  duty  of  Chriftians 
to  this  Lord  doth  ceafe,  when  they  may  lawfuly  change  him  for  another  Lord,  then 
the   Lords  day  may  ceafe,  untill  then  it  is  immutable.     I  will  conclude  this  point 
■with  the  words  oi  Jtha>iafius[_He  commanded  not  the  obfervation  ofthe  Sabbath 
(  or  Saturday  )  to  the  new  creature  (  that  is  to  a  Chriftian  )  that  he  might  acknow-  j   #  tt. 
ledge  a  beginning  in  the  Lords  day,but  neverthelefs  interminabU,  and  that  he  might        ■"    '  . 
hold  for  certeine  that  the  grace  of  it  {hould  never  ceafe.]  '*  sircum. 

The  laft  queftion  is ,  what  is  the  right  manner  of  fanctifieing  the  Lords  day  ,  in 
difculfing  whereof,  that  we  may  not  be  like  Blundcrercs,  who  do  commonly  con- 
found refpcftive  truths  with  abfolute  and  ncceflary  truths,  and  if  they  find  foraething      ^  ^   ix. 
in  the  Lords  day  ,  which  is  of  divine  right,  they  conclude  prefently  that  all  things  nfheman- 
perteining  to  the  celebration  of  that  day  arc  of  divine  right.  And  if  they  find  fomc-    •'     r-/  „Qi. 
thing  in  it  ,  which  is  of  humane  right ,   they  conclude  that  the  day  it  felfe  hath  no  ^""  "^  ^^ 
right,    but  humane.     It  is  neceflary  to      diftinguifti  the  rights  of  the  Lords  day -y'"! 'j  y 
by  the  Law  of  nature  ,  by  the  Evangelical  Law  ,  by  the  pofitive  Law  of  God,  and  '■^' 

by  humane  Law  ,    either  Ecclcfiaftical   or    civil.-  for  every  one  of  thefe  Lawes  have 
fomc  influence  upon  the  Lords  day. 

Firfl  for  the  Law  of  nature,  that  which  the  Evangelical  Law  dctcrmineth  for  the 
firft  day,the  Law  of  nature  prefcribeth  indeterminatly  for  fomc  time  to  be  hallowed 
or  fet  apart  for  the  fervice  of  God.  So  he  who  profaneth  this  day  ,  doth  tranfgrefs 
both  the  Law  of  theGofpel  and  the  Law  of  nature. 

Secondly  the  Law  of  nature  requireth  that  the  time  fet  apart  forthe  fervice  of  God 
be  fufficicix  for  the  folemn  performance  thereof  ,  without  hafting  and  hudling 
up,  like  a  dog  upon  the  banks  oi'  NiIhs  which  lapps  and  runns  at  the  dms  time  as  if 
God  Almighty  would  be  content  with  any  thing  ,  either  with  a  grape  or  with  a 
beane  ,  which  was  Cains  errour.  Jnte  Ft'cim^  ftfrigus  erit^Si  mijfn  in  unzbrj. 
But  thatthe  fame  proportion  of  time  is  always  ncceflary,  or  aUvayes  fufficicnc  or 
ought  allwayes  to  be  imployed equally  inthcfame  office  ,1  rind  nothing  in  the  Law 
of  nature.  One  time  aud  one  condition  may  require  more  devotion  than  another 
and  different  kinds  of  devotion  as  well  as  different  degrees,  as  more  Prayer,  or  more 
thankfgiveing,  or  more  iiumiliation,or  more  inftruction,  or  more  adoration,  or  more 
facramcnts  ,  according  to  the  various  exigences  oftimcsand  places  and  perfon?. 
Thirdly  the  Law  of  nature  doth  didate  that  the  duties  of  the  Lords  day  o  leht 

Sfffl2  '%0 


\ 


'77^  A  Discourse  of  i he  Szbhuth  TOMEllII 

i^bepcrformcd  vvithTudTgi^aviry ,  decency  ,  Majeaie  andlblcmnity  ,  as  is  fi:  for 

the  great  God  of  heaven  and  earth.  2,  Chron:  2.  5.  the  houfe  Tchkh  J  build  is  great J'or 
crmU  our  God  above  all  Gods.  And  agreeably  to  the  condition  of  the  times  and  qua- 
lity of  the  pcrfons.  Thofe  ornaments  which  are  neceffary  for  the  fervice  of  God,  in 
a  creat  Cathedral  in  times  of  peace  and  plenty,  are  not  convenient  for  a  rural  oratory, 
or  in  tit^"^5  of  ^^"' ^"*^ '"'^'B^^"'  f'^ijdome  it  jujiified  of  her  Children.  Upon  this 
confiderationthe  moft  of  our  Ceremonies  do  depend. 

Fourthly  the  Law  of  nature  doth  didtatc  that  at  fometimes,  when  we  are  more 
fcnfible  of  Gods  blcffings ,  we  ought  to  offer  up  part  of  that  which  he  hath  given 
ustohiso'.vn  fervice,  or  to  fupply  the  neceffities  of  our  brethren  for  his  fake,  as  wc 
fee  in  the  praftife  oiCain  and  Abelfiom  the  beginning.  I  know  not  how  thiscultome 
of  free  oblations  came  to  be  almoft  loft  in  our  Church  ^in  point  of  pradtice,fincel  do 
not  remember  ai.y  thing  material  that  hath  been  obferved  againfl  it ;  fo  likewife  the 
Law  of  nature  doth  teach  us  that  God  is  to  be  adored  :  Thou  pah  ivorpipthe  Lord 
thy  God  ,  and  him  only /halt  thou  ferve.  And  to  me  it  feemeth  very  ftrange  ,  that  a 
nun  aiay  frequent  fonie  Churches  that  boafl:  of  the  name  of  Reformed,  and  yet  hardly 
tir.d  any  one  adt  of  adoration  in  the  publick  fervice  of  God.  As  i(  either  the 
erroneous  adoration  of  the  creatures  had  frighted  us  from  the  neceflfary  adoraition 
of  the  true  God,  cr  as  if  God  did  not  require  corporeal  Adoration,  aswellas 
fpi  ritual. 

So  from  the  Law  of  nature  I  pafs  over  to  the  Evangelical  Law ,  grounded  upon, 
the  precept  or  authoritative  example,  either  of  Chrift  our  Saviour,  or  of  his  Apoftles, 
or  one  or  both  of  them,  and  fo  received  and  believed  by  the  Catholick  Church.  Now 
the  main    influence  ,  which  the  Evangelical    Law  hath  upon  the  Lords  day  ,  is 
double.     Firft  to  appoint  this  day  for  a  weekly  Feftival   throughout  the  Church  of 
Chrifi:  ,  which  honour  Saturday  cr  the  Seventh  day  had  obteined  formerly  in  the 
Jewifli  Church.  Secondly  to  point  out  the  proper  offices  and  duties  of  thisday,being 
generally  and  indefinitely  conlidered,  according  to  the  example  or  pradtice  ofChrill 
or  his  Apoftles ,  upon  the  firft  day  of  the  week  recorded  in   Holy    Scripture, 
that  is.  Prayers  and  thankfgiveings ,  and  fermons  and  Sacraments,  andworkesof 
piety  and  charity.     Thus  far  as  to  the  appointment  of  the  [day  ,  and  the  duties  of  it 
in  general.     Thefirltdayof  the  week,  orthe  Lords  day  is  of  Evangelical,  that 
is,  divine  Right. 

But  for  the  circumftances  of  the   time  and  place  and  ceremonies  and  forms,  the 
Gofpel  hath  ordered      little  or  nothing.    Thefe  depend  upon  the  Law  of  nature 
C  which  implyeth  divine  right ,  as  well  as  the  Ecclefiaflical  Law ,  fo  far  as  the  dic- 
tates thereof  do  goe)  And  the  Ecelefiaflical  Lawes  of  the  Church,  and  the  civil  lawes 
of  the  Commonwealth ,  which  two  laft  fort  of  Lawes  being  capableof  inlargmtnt 
and  contradiction,  of  dipenfation  and  abrogation  ,  may  make  that  adt  upon  the 
Lords  day  to  be  ncccfTary  or  Lawful,  or  unlawful  refpeftively  ,  in  one  time  or  at 
one  place,  which  is  notfo  neceffary,  or  lawful ,  or  unlawful  refpedtivelyin  another 
time  ,  or  at  another  place.     The  beft  ground  that  a  devout   Chrifiian  can  go  upon, 
to  know  what  the  Law  ofnature  and  the  Evangelical  Law  do  prefcribe ,  as  necef- 
fary for  the  right  obfervation  of  the  Lords  day,  is  the  pradice  of  the  primitive  un- 
corrupted      Church  ,  and  the  examples  of  devout  and  difcreet  Chriflians.     Now 
after  what  manner  the  primitiveChriftans  did  celebrate  theLords  day, we  can  not  have 
a  better  wittnefs  then    Juflin  Martyr^  namely  in  afTembling  and  reading  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  preaching  and  hearing  and  meditating  ,  and  praying,  and  thankt- 
giveing  &c:  and  charitable  collections  for  the  poor  according  to  every  mans  Ability, 
which  the  Bifhop  diflributed  to  orphans  and  widdows  &c  ;  which  place  of  JujUn 
Martyr  may  ferve  as  an  authentick  expofifion  of  St,     Fatds  collcdion  for  the 
Saints.  I.  Cor:  16.  1. 

So  from  the  Law  ofnature  and  the  Evangelical  Law,I  pafTe  to  thepofitive  Lawes 
of  God,  comprehended  in  the  old  Teftament  concerning  the  Sabbath.  But  for  thefe 
I  1  ave  declared  my  felfe  fufHcientiy  that  tlicy  bind  no  Chriftians  further  than  ihext 
is  a  natural  equitie  in  them  r  which  is  not  their  binding  but  theLaw  ot  natures) 
or  further  than  they  are  authorifedby  the  Gofpel,  or  at  mod  beyond  the  cxemplaiitjr 


Discourse  [ hnd      the  Lords  day  o^  , 

of  them.  Tliat  we  who  are  Chriliians,  fRould  not  come  Ihort  ot  Jetfu^oi  any  other 
Religion,  in  perfoiming  thofe  moral  duties  which  we  owe  to  God.  As  for  typ.cal 
and  ceremonial  duties,  they  oblige  not  Chrifiians  at  ail ,  being  neither  impofed,  nor 
intended  ever  to  be  impofed  upon  them.  Thus  the  great  quertion  of  the  Sabbath 
which  fomc  have  made  the  fame  ufe  of;  that  the  Ivy  doth  of  the  Oak,  to  climb  up  by 
it  them(elves,  fallcth  to  the  ground. 

Laftly,for  humane  Laws,  either  civil  or  Eccleliaftical ,  which  concern  the  Lords 
day,  fo  far  as  they  do  not  difagrce  with  the  Evangelical  La  w,or  the  Law  of  Nature, 
they  have  power  to  bind  the  confcienccs  of  Chriftians,  not  from  themfelves,  that  is' 
from  humane  authority,  which  hath  no  power  over  the  confcience,but  in  themfelves' 
that  is,  by  virtue  of  the  Law  of  God,  which  commandeth  every  foul  to  befubjeii  to  the 
higher  pomrs;  and  howfoevcr  the  cafe  is  miftaken  ,  the  moll  of  thofe  controverfies 
which  wehavc  aboutthe  Lords  day,forthe  lawfulnefsor  unlawfulnefs  of  tbisorthat 
Labour,  or  this  or  that  Recreation,  do  depend  upon  humane  Law,  which  doth  vary 
according  to  the  divers  exigencies  of  times  and  places.  There  is  little  to  be  found, 
either  in  the  Law  of  Nature,  or  in  the  Evangelical  Law  ,  whereupon  to  ground  the 
decifion  of  fach  Queftions.  But  this  is  the  humour  of  the  timcs,to  ferve  up  every  pet- 
ty controverfie  to  a  Fundamental  point  of  Religion,  whereupon  falvation  and  dam- 
nation doth  depend. 

Thus  we  have  feen  this  great  controverfie  reduced  to  a  very  narrow  compaflco 
That  as  the  right  of  the  day  is  divine  and  unchangeable,  fo  the  manner  offandtifying 
it  ("excepting fome  uncontro verted  generalities)  is  humane  and  changeable  ,  fo  as  no 
change  be  made,but  by  fuch  as  are  rightly  qualified  to  make  iti  and  fo,as  in  the  change 
nothing  be  taken  away,  which  is  commanded  by  the  Law  of  Nature,  or  the  Evange- 
lical Law.  And  on  the  other  lide,nothingbc  introduced  whichis  forbidden  by  the 
Law  of  Nature,  or  the  Evangelical  Law. 

And  fo  you  have  my  judgment  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lords  day,  clearly  anddi- 
ftindly,  without  cither  afFe<5ion  or  animofity.     Neither  have  I  feen  any  thing  obje- 
dedagainfl  it,  with  any  colour  of  reafon  ,  out  of  the  Doiftrine  or  pra<a:ice  of  the  „  ^. 
Church  of  EKg/W,butonly  that  which  is  aliedged  out  of  our  Homily  of  the  time  ^i   n-^^' 
and  place  of  Prayeri  to  which  authority,!  for  my  part  do  readily  fubmit,fo  faras  lam  ^''J^y""^ 
bound  by  the  35th.  Article  of  our  Church  ,  Ihefecond  tome  of  Homilies  doth  contain  *^*  "■(  . 
godly  and  healthful  DoSrine^  and  necejfary  for  thefe  times.     Although  I  cannot  fee  how       *^\     j 
this  atteftation,  or  indefinite  afrcrtion,doth  either  authorife  or  oblige  me,  or  any  ge-  '^""j'*'""'' 
nuine  Son  of  the  Church  of  England^  to  defend  every  individual  exprellion,  or  mirta- 
ken  dedudiion,  which  may  be  contained  in  that  whole  Tome  v  yet  I  have  no  need  to 
make  ufe  of  that  advantage.     For  in  very  dced.the  whole  Homily  being  duly  weigh- 
ed, doth  agree  wholly  and  throughout  with  thofe  conclufions ,  which  I  have  laid 
down  in  this  Difcoutfe. 

The  ends,  why  the  words  of  this  Homily  arc  urged,  are  two",  Firft,  to  fhew  that 
the  Fourth  Commandment  of  the  Decalogue,  doth  oblige  all  Chriliians  to  the  obfer- 
vation  and  fanftification  of  the  Lords  day,  not  onely  equitably  or  exemplarily ,  be- 
caufe  Chriftians  ought  not  tocome  fhort  of  Jen>s  ,  in  the  performance  of  moral  Du- 
ties, T  which  fenfe  I  have  already  admitted)  but  legally  and  prcceptively.  The  right 
words  of  theHomilyCfor  they  are  varioufly  cited)are  thefe.  [As  concerning  the  time 
in  which  Almighty  God  hath  appointed  his  people  to  affemble  together  foIemnly,it 
doth  appear  by  the  Fourth  Commandment  of  Godi  Remember,  faith  God,  ]  j/^jt 
thou  keep  holy  the  Sabbath  day.  And  a  litleafter,  in  the  fame  Homily,  [We-murt  bc'carc- 
full  to  keep  the  Chriffian  Sabbath  day,  that  is,  the  Sunday,  not  onely  for  that  it  is 
Gods  exprefs  Commandment,  but  alfo  to  declare  our  fclvcs  to  be  loving  chi!dicn,e5^c. 
Thus  it  may  plainly  appear,  that  Gods  Will  and  Commandment  was  to  have  a 
folcmn  timeand  fknding  day  in  the  week,whercin  the  people  (hall  come  together.  J 
Thefe  Phrafei,  Gods  Will,  Gods  appointment,  Gods  Commandm.cnr,  Gods  exprefs 
Commandment,  dofeem  to  imply,  not  onely  an  equitable,  but  a  legal  obligation. 

lanfwer  let  the  words  implie  what  they  can  ,  and  let  all  be  admitted  which  can 
f  ollibly  be  inferred  from  them  ,  yet  they  come  as  much  fhort  of  tliat  which  ouj;ht 
to  be  proved  ,  as  there  is  dirtance  between  them  and  us  in  this  controverfy.     The 
words  of  the  fourth  commandementmay  be  conisdcrcd  tv/o  wiycs  either  as  they  arc 


9^" 


-» 


//  Difantrfc  <i  the  Sabbath TOME  IIH 


u  p 
true 


lit  ol  the  MoUital  Law  and  Jcwilh  decalogue,  and  in  this  fcnfc  it  is  undeniably 
..V.J  that  they  arc  abrogated  ,  at  the  pallion  ot  Chrilt ,  when  he  cried.  Jtiffini- 
Oicd.  And  accordingly  that  Apofiolical  college  did  acquit  the  Chriflian  gentiles  tor 
cvcr'tVoiTi  all  ncccfTaiy  obligation,not  onciy  to  the  words  of  the  Fourth  Conimande- 
mcnt.but  to  the  wiiulc  Molaical  Law.  Afl:  15.24.  And  in  thisfcnfe  they  arc  now  no 
commanJctncnt  ot  God  to  Chriftians.  Or  the  words  of  the  fourth  Coinmandc- 
ment  may  be  conlldercd  according  to  the  moral  and  fubftantial  part  of  them,  that  is, 
lofar  as  and  no  further ,  tlian  they  comprehend  within  them  the  exprcfs  didtatcof 
the  Law  of  nature,  that  fome  time  is  to  be  fct  apart  ,  as  a  time  of  relt  for  the  fo- 
lemne  fervice  of  God  ,  and  in  this  fcnfc  ,  and  fo  far  ,  and  no  further  the  words  of 
iheFouithCommandcment  areaLaw  to  Chrit^ians.  The  Law  of  nature  compre- 
hended in  the  Fourth  commandement  faith,thou  (halt  fet  a  part  a  time  of  folerone 
rcll  for  thepiiblick  fervice  of  God.  The  Evangelical  Law  faith  this  time  fhall  be  up- 
on the  tirlt  day  ot  the  wcck,aiid  fliall  be  fpcnr  in  fuch  and  fuch  holy  cxercife.  The  juft 
Lawes  of  our  lawiul  fupcriors  civil  and  Ecclelianical  do  go  yet  farther,  as  tothc  place 
and  duration  of  time  and  manner  of  fandification.  He  who  (hall  negleft  this  duty 
at  this  time,  in  this  place, after  this  manner  is  not  only  a  tranfgreflbr  of  human 
Law,  but  of  divine  Law,  df  the  Evangelical  Law  and  of  the  Law  of  nature  com- 
prehLndcd  in  the  Fourth  Commandement. 

This  clearc  and  manifelt  fenfe  of  the  words  of  the  Homily  is  fet  down  cxprefly 
in  the  Homily  it  fclfc.     Albeitthis  (Fourth)  Commandement  of  God  doth  not  bind 
ChrilVian   people  too  (trcitly  to  obferve  and  keep  the  utter  external  Ceremonies  of 
the  Sabbath  day,as  it  was  given  to  the  Jcws,as  touching  the  forbearing  of  work  and 
labour  in  time  of  great  neccffity  ,  and  astouching  the  precife  keeping  of  the  feventh 
day  after  the  manner  of  the  Jews  (gr  we  keep  now  the  rtrft  day,  which  is  the  Sun- 
day,   and  make  that  our  Sabbath  that  is  our  day  ofreft,in  honour  of  our  Saviour 
Chrift  ,  who  as  upon    that  day  rofe  from  death  ,  conquering   the  fame  moft  tri- 
umphantly,yet  notwith(^anding  whatfoevcr  is  found  in  the  commandement  appcr- 
teining  to  the  Law  of  nature  ,as  a  thing  moft  godly ,  moft  juft  and   needful  for  the 
fetting    forth  of  Gods  glory  ,  it  ought    to  be  reteined  and  kept   of  all  good- 
Chriftian  people .    Here  needcth  no  glolTCjUOthing  can  be  more  exprefs  than  the 
homily  itfelfe,that  the  Fourth  commandement  dothnot  bind  Chriftians  overftreitly. 
2.  not  to  the  external  ceremonies  of  the  fabbath.  3.  not  as  it  was  given  to  the  jews. 
4.   not  as  to  the  rigorous  part  of  it ,  to  forbcare  all  work.  5.  not  as  to  the  time,  the 
rirftday  of  the  week  being  juftly  fubftituted  by  Chriftians  for  the  Seventh,  d,  not  as  to 
the  endiourend  is  to  honour  the  refurredlion  ofChrift.y.  and  laftly  tofpeak  one  for 
all    the  Fourth  commandement  obligeth  Chriftians  no  further  than  that  part  ofit 
which  appcrteineth  to  the  Law  of  nature,     who  ever  yet  denyed  that  it  obligeth  (b 
far   .''  All  men  acknowledge  that  the  Law  of  nature  is  immutable,indifpcnfable 
inabrogable  ,  except  a  few  paradoxical  innovators  ,  who underftand  not  what  the. 
Law  of  nature  is.     Thus  in  the  place  ofan  objcdtion  out  of  the  Homily,  we  have 
tound  a  moft  fingular  firmament  of  our  cau(e. 

The  fecond  reafon  why  this  Homily  is  cited  ,  is  to  ihew  that  the  whole  Sabbath 
day  of  the  24.  hours  ought  to  be  imployed  by  Chriftians  in  the  adlual  fervice  of  God 
without  any  liberty  of  working,  or  recreating  thcmfelvcs,by  vertuc  of  this  comman- 
dement. The  very  words  alleged  arcthefe.  [  even  fo  God  hath  given  expreffc 
charge  to  all  men,  that  upon  the  Sabbath  day,  which  is  now  our  Sunday  ,  they 
(houid  ceafefrom  all  weekly  and  work-day  labour,  to  the  intent  that  like  as  God 
himfelfc  wrought  fix  daycs  and  refted  the  Seventh  and  blefTed  and  Sandifyed  it,  and 
confecrated  it  to  quictnefs  and  reft  from  labour  ,  even  (b  we,  as  obedient  people 
fhould  ufe  the  Sunday  Holily  ,  and  reft  from  common  and  daily  bu()iicfs,and  alfo, 
give  our  felves  wholy  to  heavenly  exercifcs  of  Gods  true  religion  and  fervice  .1 
1  anfwer  firft  ,  that  ftill  they  halt  upon  the  fame  fore.  Chriftiansare  not  obliged 
2t  a'l  by  the  Fourth  commandement  to  any  duty, as  it  is  a  Mofaical  Law,  but  as  it 
comprchendctha  branch  of  theLaw  of  natnre  in  it.  Secondly  that  this  Law  of  na- 
ture doth  not  extend  it  felfe  cxprefly  to  any  day,  either  natural  or  artificial,  but 
oncly  to  a  fufficicnt  time.     W'hatfoevcr  is  more  then  this  proceedcth  cither  from  the 

EvargclicalLaw,  or  from  hi  mane  Law.  Thirdly  I  anfwer  that  tliis  a^crtion  which 
t  the 


DISCOURSE  I,  And     herds      Day  p2  2 

they  would  ground  upon  the  Homily,  is  diametrically  oppofue  to  the  main  (cope  ot 
the  Homily,  which  declareth  exprefly,  that  the  Seventh  day,  or  Sabbath  day,  ot'the 
Fourth  Commandment,  is  quite  taken  away,  and  another  day  Cthat  is,  the  Hrd  day] 
put  in  the  place  thereof.  That  the  (Iridl  obligation  to  the  external  ceremonies  of  the 
Sabbath,  is  quite  ceafed,  and  that  the  rigorous  exadion  of  a  corporal  reft  ,  from  all 
neceffary  works,  during  the  whole  Lords  day',  efpecially  after  the  folemn  Offices  of 
the  day  are  performed,  is  likewife  ceafed.  And  if  from  all  works,much  more  thcex- 
adion  of  a  rigorous  reft  from  lawful  recreations,  which  were  ever  efteemed  an  infc- 
rioiir  part  ot  the  Sabbaths  reft,  and  are  noway  incompatible  with  it,  but  when  the/ 
become  immoderate,  and  hinder  the  Duties  of  the  day. 

Fourthly,  waving  all  thefe  advantages,  I  anfwer,  that  it  is  one  thing  [to  give  our 
felves  wholly  to  the  fervice  of  God]  which  the  Homily  requireth  ,  or  rather,  which 
the  Law  of  Nature  requires,that  when  we  come  to  dratv  water  xpith  joy  out  of  the  reells 
vffilvatiJH,  Ifa.  i2.  3.  we  fhould  leave  all  fordid  thoughts,all  vindictive  and  vagrant 
defires  behind  us,  as  the  Serpent  leaves  her  poifon  in  her  Den  ,  when  (he  goes  to  the 
Fountains  and  it  is  another  thing  ,  to  oblige  all  Chriftians  to  fpend  the  whole  natu- 
ral day  in  the  folemn  and  adtual  woiftiip  of  God,  which  no  Law  of  Nature  or  Na- 
tions, Divine  or  Humane,  did  ever  require  ,  and  that  by  virtue  of  a  Jewifb  Law, 
which  was  long  fince  abrogated.  The  Homily  (aith  nothing  to  this  purpofe  ,  but 
defcribing  the  uttermoft  obligation  of  the  Law  of  Nature,  it  concludeth  thus,  [And 
therefore  by  this  Commandment  Cthat  is,  by  the  moral  part  of  this  Commandment, 
•which  is  a  branch  of  the  Law  of  Nature)  we  ought  to  have  a  time,  as  one  day  in  the 
week,  wherein  we  ought  to  reft,  yea  ,  from  our  lawful  and  needful  works.]  Theex- 
prefs  di<Sateof  the  Law  of  Nature  is  j/«jj!c««t  time,  no  more:  As  one  day  hi  the 
jpffi^,  isthe  Authours  inftance,  as  conlentaneous  tothe  Law  of  Nature,  not  di<3"a- 
ted  exprefly  by  the  Law  of  Nature.  If  the  Law  of  Nature  had  limited  us  exprefly 
to  one  day  in  the  week,  it  had  been  improperly  faid  [as  one  day  in  the  weeji]  by 
way  of  fingle  and  voluntary  inftance.  If  the  Law  of  Nature  had  prefcribed  one 
whole  natural  day,  he  fliould  have  faid  ,  during  which,  or  throughout  which  we 
ought  to  reft,  not  [wherein  we  ought  to  reft.  It  is  needlefs  to  infift  longer  upon 
thisfubjed,  feeingthe  greateft  Champions  of  the  adverfe  party  do  acknowlcdge,that 
the  Lawof  Nature  prefcribeth  no  fuch  thing  as  one  whole  day  in  the  week. 

Let  usfuppofe,  what  we  may  never  admit,  that  this  Jeveifh  Law  ,  Remember  thou 
k^ep  holy  the  Sabbath  day,  had  been  an  univcrfalLaw  given  toall  mankind  ,  and  that 
it  had  not  been  abrogated  by  the  death  of  Chrift,  yet  being  an  affirmative  precept,  it 
binds  femper,  but  not  adfemper,  always,  but  not  to  the  aftual  cxercife  of  our  devoti- 
ons at  all  times,  if  a  man  joyn  devoutly  with  the  Church  in  the  publick  Service  of 
God,  and  tune  and  prepare  himfelf  before  hand  for  that  one  necclTary  work  ,  and 
watch  over  himfelf  the  reft  of  the  day ,  that  he  do  nothing  unworthy  of  Gods  fer- 
vant;  And  Laftly,  if  behave  an  implicite  defire  upon  all  opportunities  to  advance 
the  glory  of  God,  if  he  eat,  and  drink,  and  fleep,  and  recreate  himfelf  moderately  to 
this  end,  to  inable  himfelf  to  ferveGod  the  better,  and  fo  do  incorporate  and  inter- 
weave fuch  religious  thoughts  and  ejaculations,  amongft  his  natural,  moral  and  even 
fecular  imploimcntsffo  they  be  lawful  and  needful,  not  fervile,  mercenary  or  fordid^ 
he  makes  his  common  actions  to  become  works  of  piety  ,  and  fit  exercifes  even  for 
Holy  days. 

So  the  Homily  and  I  agree  throughout.  The  Homily  denieth  not  the  Lords  day 
the  name  ofSabbath,  no  more  do  I.  The  Homily  finds  no  Law  of  the  Sabbath  in 
Gen.  23.  no  more  do  I.  The  Homily  finds  no  feventh  days  Sabbath  before  Mofes 
his  time,  neither  do  I.  The  Homily  gives  no  power  to  the  Fourth  Commandment, 
as  it  was  given  to  the  Jews,  to  oblige  Chriftians,  but  onely  asit  was,  and  fo  far  asit 
was  a  Law  ofNature,  the  fame  do  I.  The  Homily  makes  the  firft  day  of  the  week 
to  fignifie  the  Lords  day,  fo  do  I.  The  Homily  makes  theend  of  changing  the  week- 
ly Feftival  of  the  Church,  to  have  been  in  honour  of  Chrifts  Refurredion,  the  like  do 
I.  Laftly, the  Homily  derives  the  Lords  day  down  from  the  afcenfion  of  Chtift  im- 
mediately, the  fame  do  I. 

To  conclude,  he  who  hallowcth  the  Lords  day,  as  the  weekly  Feftival  of  Chrifti- 
ans, doing  fuch  duties  upon  it,  as  Chrift  aud  his  Apoftlesdid,  which  are  recorded  for 


cur 


9^4- 


A     Discourse  of  the  Sabbath  TOME  iTlI 


ijur  imiiation,  and  imitating  the  example  ot  aevout  and  difcreet  Uinltians  in  the 
obfcrvation  ot  it,  fuch  as  lived  in  all  Ages,  before  thefc  controverllcs  were  raifed,  and 
fwcrving  not  from  the  juft  Laws  of  the  Church  and  Commonwealth  where  he  li- 
veth,hjth  done  whatfoever  is  rcquifitc  to  be  done  by  a  goodChriftian  upon  this  day. 
But  if  any  man  will  fly  higher,  above  this  pattern  and  thisrule,  out  of  free  devotion, 
without  either  Jereip  or  fuperftitious  Fancies,  or  feeking  to  obtrudehis  own  princi- 
ples or  pradicc  upon  others,  as  neccfTary  to  be  followed,!  do  not  blame  him,  hcin- 
clincth  to  the  fafer  extreme. 

"Ihc  Ccuclufwn  concerning  my  Lord  Frimate.  M 

StS:   1°.  chrifiian  Header,  when  I  tirft  handled  this  controvcrfie  ,  I  knew  nothing  at  all  of    ™. 

the  prcfcnt  occafion  of  it,  neither  did  I  dfcam  that  any  of  my  Friends  were  engaged 
in  ir.  Since,  I  find,  that  my  learned  and  moft  Reverend  Metropolitan  is  concerned 
indircdtly  in  it,  I  mean  the  late  Lord  Primate  o(  Armagh^andct  whofe  pious  and  mo- 
derate Government,  I  lived  fundry  years  a  Bifhop  in  the  Province  oiVljier  ,  whilcft 
i-iic  political  part  of  the  care  of  that  Church  did  ly  heavy  upon  my  fhoulders,!  praifc 
God,  vvc  were  like  the  candles  in  the  Levitieal  Temple  ,  looking  one  towards  ano- 
ther, and  all  towards  the  Stemme.  We  had  no  contention  among  us,but  who  (hould 
hate  contention  moft,  and  purfue  the  peace  of  the  Church  with  fwiftell  paces.  And 
ifthc  high-foanngcounfcls  of  fome  fliort-winged  Chriftians  ,  whofe  eyes  regarded 
nothing  but  the  prefentprey,  with  the  rebellious  pradices  of  the  Jri/^  Enemy  ,  tyed  to- 
gether like Sampfon'?,  Foxes  with  Firebrands  at  their  tails,  had  not  thrart  us  away  h 
from  tlic  Stern,  and  chafed  us  from  our  Sees  with  Bellonas  bloudy  whip  ,  wc  might  'n] 
before  this  tilne,  without  either  perfecution  or  noife,  have  given  a  more  welcome  and 
comfortable  account  of  the  7r;/^  Church,than  I  fear  one  Age  is  likely  to  produce.  And 
if  that  pious  Prelate  were  now  living,  I  verily  believe  he  would  allow  all ,  or  at  lead 
not  disapprove  any  thing  which  I  fay  in  this  Trcatifc.  lie 

Very  lately,  fince  it  was  finifhcd,  1  received  a  Book  out  o(  England,  called  [_  The  \i 
Judgment  of  the  late  Archbifhop  of  ^rwjg/;^  Among  other  things  about  the  Sabbath, 
and  thcobfervationof  the  Lords  day,  publifhed  out  of  the  Primate's  own  Papers,  by 
my  ancient  Friend  DeanBfrttard,  out  ofa  pious  intention  T  according  to  thediftates 
of  his  own  reafon^  to  have  fupprefTcd  fome  fpreading  controverlics,  by  the  interpo 
fition  of  my  Lord  Primate's  authority.  If  I  had  been  prcfent,  I  fhould  have  difTwa-  M  k\ 
ded  him  from  it,  out  of  thefc  prudential  confiderations.  Firll,  my  Lord  Primate  is(|  be 
dead  in  the  honourable  efteem  of  all  honeft  men,  both  tor  his  Learning  and  Piety, 
And  on  the  one  fide,  as  it  is  an  uncomely  thing  for  any  man,  who  refts  unfarisfied 
with  what  is  urged  as  his  Judgment,  to  contend  with  a  Pcrfon  of  his  Eminency  af- 
ter his  death  (which  (hould  make  Friends  wary  in  publifliing  Pofthumous  Works  , 
he  who  is  ftcured  from  taking  blows ,  ought  not  to  give  blows.^  So  on  the  other 
fide,  it  is  an  cxpofing  of  his  juflly  acquired  honour,  to  the  hazard  ofa  diminution. 
Wc  fee  the  Church  oiRome  are  wifer  in  their  Generation  ,  who  do  not  bring  forth 
the  Relicksofthcirmoft  eftcemcd  Saints  in  a  publick  procellion ,  to  obtain  rain,  or - 
fair  weather,  or  peace,  or  the  like  blcfling,  until  they  fee  a  great  probability  of  it,  and 
fome  evident  propeniion  in  the  Heavens,  or  in  the  counfels  of  men  ,  to  the  granting  ^  k 
of  their  dcfires.  If  there  had  been  a  mgral  certainty,  that  my  Lord  Primate's  autho-  m  b 
rity  thus  delivered,  would  have  proved  Vikc  the  diAitcs  oi^  Pythagoras  among  his" 
Scholars,  an  infallible  means  to  procure  an  univerfal  fubmiliion,  Ilhould  have  appro- 
ved this  ad  as  prudential,  but  I  find  no  fuch  certainty,  nor  fo  much  as  any  probabi- 
lity ofit. 

For  in  the  Second  place,whowiIl  give  any  great  regard  to  pieces  of  letters,  whcr&! 
they  cannot  view  the  cohcrcnce,nor  compare  that  which  is  alledgcd  with  the  Ante- 
cedents and  confequents?  Ihave  known  an  objedion  urged  for  a  conclufion  ,and        „, 
that  which  was  fpokcn  in  the  perfon  of  another,  mifiaken  for  the  authors  own  judg-  ^  k 
ment.     But  fuppofe  here  were  no  Fragments,  but  intire  letters  or  difcourfes  fas  I  do 
not  doubt  but  they  arc ,  where  they  are  publiflied  for  fuch  jyetmen  do  not  ufe  to 
weigh  their  words  fo  exadly  in  private  letters,  as  in  thofe  treatifes  which  they  dc- 
ligne  for  the  PrclTes;     and  yet  further  in  private  letters  which  are  not  intended  for  -• 
publick  view    men  take  a  great  liberty  to  complie    with  thofc  i  to  whornthey.^  ,„ 
write,  efpecially  they  whofe  natures  are  averfc  from  perfonal  altercations,  as' mfJ|  Ijj; 

Lor^ 


< 


iiC 


la 


DiscouRsa  I.  and  Lords  Day. 

Lord  Piimate  vvas,whcrehe  did  not  apprehend  himlelf  tohave  been  much  provokedT" 
There  is  neither  obligation  nor  difcretion,  for  a   man   alwayes  to  publifhhis  mind 
in  a  private  letter. 

Thirdly, here  arc  diverfc  things  publidied  ,  which  lam    confident  my  Lord  Pri- 
mate would  not  have  had  publiflied  ,  as  (  to  omit  thofe  needlefTe  exafperations  of 
Dr.     HeyUn  )  that  twitch,  which  is  given  to  the  Learned  and  judicious  Btlhop  of 
Winchelter,  Dr.  y^M^rewf/ ,fecond  to  no  man,  if  he  had  an  equal  in  his  laft  Age 
without  any  great  reafon  .  Pag  135.     And  that  affront  done  to  Dr.    Wlyite  the 
Reverend  Bidiop  ofE/y.  Pag  :  p8.     And  that  undeferved  check   given  to  M.  Mead 
Pag;  78.     That  the  immediate  Seventh  day,  before  the  Sabbath  appointed  by  God 
upon  the  fall  of  manna,  was  not  obferved  as  a  Sabbath  (  as  it   ought  to  have  been,  if 
they  obferved  any   Sabbaths  before  that  time)  is  very  demonftrable  out  of  the  Holy 
Scripture. 

Fourthly  and  laftly  I  find  fevcral  glances  in  this  book  in  fundry  places  againftlatc 
innovations,  as    if  the  Bifhopsand  their  partieshad  brought  in  fome  great  innova- 
tions.    In  the  name  of  God  what  are  they    .?  Is  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jefusan  in- 
novation ?  becaufe  my  Lord  Primate  ,  though  he  did  not  cenfure  it   yet  withftood 
the  putting  of  it  into  the  Canons  of  Ireland  .  P.   132.    A  ftrange  innovation  indeed, 
.which  is  as  ancient  asthe  gofpel,and  fo  univerfal  that  all  the  Churches  of  the  world 
£j|f ,  Weft, North  &  South  do  praiitice  it ,  except  three  or  four  petty  Churches  of  late 
dayes.  Neither  do  thofe  few  oppofc  it,but  acknowledge  it  to  be[^a  pious civilitylThc 
i8ch   Canon  of  our  Church  doth  prove  it  to  be  no  innovation,  which  eftabliflieth 
it  upon  two  great  grounds,  reafon  and  cuftome.     Or  is  the  innocent  name  of  an 
Altar  which  all  the  Primitive  Church  uled  without  any  fcruple,  or  the  placing  it  at 
the  Ejft  end  of  the  quire  ,  or  the  bowing  towards  the  Eaft,  when  we  enter  into  the 
quire  an  innovation  ?  it  is  juft  fuch  another  innovation  for  antiquity  and  univerfality. 
Such  an  innovation  as  myLord  primate  himfelf  was  bound  to  obferve,  by  the  ancient 
Statute  of  that  Cathedral  Church  in  Ireland,  whereof  he  was  a  member ,  before  he 
was  either  ArchBifhop  or  Bi(hop,and  1  believe  byjhis  folemne  01th  alfo.     They  who 
accufe  us  of  innovations  may  do  well  to  be  fparing  for  their  own  fakes,  left  they  get 
fuch  an  account  as  is  not  anfwerable  butby  the  fword,asAlexander  undidthe  gordian 
knot.  We  are  no  innovitors,buf  they  who  accufe  us  of  innovations  ,are  both  innova- 
toars  and  Veterators.     But  fuppofeing  every  thing  conteined  in  this  book  ,had  been 
the  certain  and  deliberate  judgment  of  my  Lord  Primate,      I  fee  but  three  things 
throughout  it  which  have  any  fhew  of  a  material  difference  between  him  and  me  ia 
this  queftion.     The  firft  is  conteined.  p;  78.  in  a  letter  to  Di.trvijfe.  [And  the  Text, 
Gen :  2.  3.  (  as  you  well  note  )  is  fo  clear   for  the  ancient  inftitution  of  the  Sabbath  , 
and  fo  fully  vindicated  by  Dr.    Kivet  from  the  exceptions  of  Go»?jr«f  ,  that  I  fee  no 
reafon  in  the  Earth,  why  any  man  fliould  make  doubt  thereof.^  Firft,  I  apprehend 
thefe  words  to  be  at   firft  none  of  my  Lord  Primate's  but  Dr.     Ttvijje's    words  in  a 
former  !etter,onely  repeated  by  myLordPrimate  and  allowed.     This  appcareth  evi- 
dently by  the  parentheiis  \_  As  you  well  note]  which  may  be  referred  to  the  whole 
fcntence ,  butmuft  be  referred  to  (bme  part  of  it.     Howfoever  if  thefe  words  were 
all  my  Lord  Primates ,  yet  here  is  no  contradition  between  him  and  me.     He  feeth 
no  reafon  to  doubt  on  the  one  fide,  and  others  fee  no  reafon  in  the  Earth  to  doubt 
on  the  other  fide.     Neither  part  define  a,ny  thing,  neither  part  deliver  their  own 
votes.  There  is  butadumb  ftiew  of  a  contradiction  at  the  moft:  And  tlioughwcdid 
both  declare   our  felvcs    pofitively  and  contradictorily  ,  yet  it  is  nothing  to  the 
prefent  controverfy  about  theLords  day.     If  Gen  :  2.  3.  were  a  Law  for  thc7.  day, 
then    I  am  certain  it  is  no  Law  for  the   firft  day  now:  whether   there  be  cau(c  of 
doubting  let  the  Reader  judge,  by  what  I  have  faid  tormerly  in  this  Treatife  upon 
thisfubjed,  to  which    much  more  might  be  addcdjf  it  were  needtul. 

The  fecond  and  third  appearances  of  difference  between  my  Lod  Primste  and  me 
are  conteined  in  the  claufe  of  a  letter  toMr.Lfy,  pag:  105  in  thefe  words[Formy 
own  part,  I  never  yet  doubted,  but  took  it  for  granted  ,  that  as  the  fetting  offome 
whole  day  a  part  for  Gods  folemn  worfliip  was  Juris  divini  «jfKra/k,fotliat  this  fo- 
*  lemnday  (hoald  beone  in  fevcn,  was  J^wri;  ^<vm/  /'■'ii</:'i  recorded  in  the  fourth 
Commindemsnt.     And  fuch  a  hf  divinum  fofuivnhatlmcin,    as   Baptifme  and 

T  «  1 1  r  tiK 


P3^ 


Di [course  of  the  Sabbath  T  O  M  K  1  I  11 


"the  Lords  Supper  are  crtabliflicciby,both  which  ly  not  in  the  power  of  any  man 
or  An-cl  to  change  or  alter  ]  Wlua  the  commillion  for  knighting  many  came  forth, 
a  friend  of  mine,  a  commillioncr,  fliewcd  me  a  claufe  in  rhe  (htutf;  which 
brought  mc  with  in  the  compafTc  of  the  Law,  but  at  the  fame  time  he  held  his 
thumb  over  an  other  claufe,  which  acquitted  me.  No  man  is  obliged  to  anfwer 
to  findc  daufcs,  when  there  may  be  another  claufe  concealed,  which  would  explaine 
(11-  aniwcr  that  wliichis  alledgcd.  It  is  not  material  whether  wedoubt  or  doubt  not, 
but  ctrtcinly  there  is  great  caufc  to  doubt  of  the  truth  of  this  propofition  ,  that  the 
iaw  of  nature  doth  didatc  the  fcttingoutof  a  whole  day  to  Gods  folcmnefcrvice; 
change  a  whole  day  into  afufficicnt  time  ,  and  there  is  no  doubt  at  all.  Neither  is 
it  material  at  all,  what  a  difputant  taketh  for  a  granted  ,  but  what  he  can  prove, or 
thedefcndent  will  grant.  I  dare  fay  no  leained  adverfary  will  grant  any  fuch  thing. 
But  <'rant  or  not  grant  it,  if  we  diftinguifh  the  lawof  natureas  we  ought,  and  as 
it  is  already  done  in  this  treatife,thcrc  is  no  difference  at  all  between  my  Lord  Primate 
and  me  in  this  point.  The  law  of  nature  is  fometimes  taken  properly  and  ftridlly 
for  the  principles  of  moral  honcftie,  didtated  expreffly  to  all  intclleiftual  creatures  by 
natural  rcafon,  and  in  this  fenfe  thefctting  out  a  fufficient  time  for  Gods  folemne  wor- 
fljip  is  Juris  DivininatuTalis  ,  a  principle  of  law  of  nature,  but  fo  is  not  the  fetting 
out  a  whole  day  for  Gods  folemne  worfliip.  At  other  times  the  Law  of  nature  is 
taken  more  largely  ,  fo  as  to  comprehend  not  only  fnch  exprcfs  principles  of  mora! 
honefly  as  nature  didlatcth  to  all  intclle(iVual  creatures,  but  alfo  fuch  conclufions  as 
are  confentaneous  and  agreeable  to  thofe  principles.  And  in  this  fenfe  it  is  true 
that  the  fetting  apart  a  whole  day  for  Gods  worfhip  is  Jur'vs  Vhini  mtnralis  or  dic- 
tated by  reafon  to  all  infellectiial  creatures,  to  be  agreeable  and  confenteneous  to 
the  principles  of  moral  honefiy.  The  Caw  of  nature  doth  prefvribe  that  a  fufficient 
time  be  fet  apart  for  Gods  fervice  ;  and  whatfoever  time  be  fet  apart ,  more  or  lefs, 
foicbe  fufficient,it  is  agreable  to  this  Law  ,  and  made  in  purfuance  of  it:  fothis 
contradiction  is  vanifhed. 

The  third  difference  hath  lefs  ground  than  the  fecond:  for  I  my  felf  do  readily 
acknowledge  that  the  fetting  apart  one  day  in  feven  for  the  folemne  worfliip  of  God 
was  Juris  divini  pofitivi^  a  branch  of  divine  Law.  And  that  this  Law  was  not 
changeable  by  man  or  Angel  ,  which  is  all  that  my  Lord  Primate  faith.  But  it  was 
both  changeable  and  actually  changed  by  the  i'ame  divine  authcrity  that  Hrftgave 
it ;  and  though  it  was  changed  from  one  feventh  day  to  ?.n  other,  yet  this  was  not 
by  vertue  of  the  fourth  Commandement  an  old  Mofaical  Law  ,  which  fo  far  as  it 
was  Mofaical  isabrogated,  but  by  vertueofa  new  Evangelical  Law,  as  hath 
beeft  declared. 

It  is  true,  that  in  the  firft  convocation  after  the  Earle  oiStraff^rds  coming  to  the 
Sword  in  Ireland  ,  the  queftion  was  calmly  debated  \v.  thehoufcof  the  Bifhops  con- 
cerning the  Englifh  and  Irifh  Articles,  whether  (;f  them  were  fitter  in  point  of 
uncontrovcrted  truth,  and  unity  and  uniformity  ,  and  prudential  complyance  with 
tender  confciences,to  be  impofed  upon  the  Irifh  clergy.  This  was  done  before  it 
was  oncemoved  in  thehoufcof  the  clerks.  All  which  being  acted  in  an  other  aP- 
femblv,might  well  be  unknowne  to  the  Deane.  Neither  was  it  firll  propofcd  by  my 
Lord  Primate  ,  but  in  truth  oppofed  by  him  ,  and  with  him  joyncd  Dr.  Mjr/i«Bi- 
fliop  o^Meath  ,  not  out  of  any  difaffcction  in  either  of  them  to  the  Englifli  Articles  as 
I  judge  ,  but  out  of  love  to  the  Irifh.  The  truth  or  untruth  wherccf  were  not  fo 
much  as  qucftioned  then,  but  the  authority  ,  whether  of  them  fhould  be  ac- 
linowledged  for  the  future, to  be  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of  Ireland,  And  the  pub- 
lick  Standard  and  feale  of  our  Irifli  doctrine. 

There  were  no  thoughts  of  two  difiinct  ftandards  atthattimc.  And  if  any  Bi- 
fnop  had  been  known  to  have  required  any  man  to  fiibfcribe  to  the  Irifh  Articles , 
after  the  Englifh  were  received  and  authorifed  under  the  great  feale  of  Ireland,  he 
would  have  been  called  to  an    account  for  it. 

I  donot  remember  any  more  but  two,  that  fpake  in  favour  of  the  Irifli  Articles 
at  that  time.-  If  there  were  any  ,  they  were  very  few,  and  did  it  very  faintly.  As 
for  Dr.  Bedall  Bifhop  of  Killmore,I  did  not  take  him  to  be  fo  much  a  friend  to  the  Irifh 
Articles,  though  he  did  ufe  them  ,  and  mult  have  ufcd  them  at  that  Irme  when  the 

Deane 


Discourse  I,  And    Lords     Day  9:^17 

Deanc  faith  he  examined  Mr.  Price  in  the  Irifh  Articles  :  for  then  they  were  in 
force  and  authority.  Then  the  Englifh  Articles  were  not  yet  introduced  mto  Ire- 
land. And  attcr  a  tuil  and  tree  difcullion,  it  was  refolved  by  the  very  much  greater 
part  of  the  votes  for  the  Articles  of  England.  It  is  mcer  mockery  to  cry  up  liberty 
ijf  confcience  ,  and  leave  no  liberty  for  opinions.  To  td\  in  general  truths  (which 
:io  party  can  deny  to  be  futficlent  to  falvation  )  doth  commonly  produce  unity.  But 
the  particular  determination  of  unneceffary  controverted  points  is  for  the  moft  part 
inconiilknt  with  it,and  ifit  be  over  fuddainly  preffed  ,  like  ftrong  medicines  to  a 
body  unprepared  ,  it  otten  incrcafeth  the  malady.  As  men  have  more  power  over 
their  own  adions,  than  over  their  own  judgments,  by  fo  much  their  pradifes  are  the 
more  proper  objctfis  of  Lawcs,  than  their  opinions. 

No  man  can  imagine,  that  thischange  could  be  made  without  fome  fortofrelu- 
dation,  on  the  part  of  fomeCvery  few  J  Biniops,who  perhaps  had  had  anhand  in  fra- 
ming the  Irijh  Articles,  rather  out  of  a  tender  refentment  'of  the  honour  of  their 
Church,  lert  another  Church  Should  fcem  to  gi-.  e  laws  to  them  ,  than  out  of  an  opi- 
nion of  the  nccellity  of  thofe  Articles.  But  concluded  it  was,and  a  precedent  found 
of  an  ancient  Synod  at  Cajhel,  which  decreed  the  conformity  of  the  Irifh  Churcli,  to 
the  cuftoms  of  the  Church  oi  England:  and  my  Lord  Primate  himfelf  being  Prefident 
of  the  Convocation,  did  fend  for  the  Prolocutor  of  the  Houfe  ofthe  Clerks,  ai^  the 
reft  ofthe  Clergy,  and  declare  to  them  the  Votesof  the  Biftiops  ,  and  move  them  to 
afTent  thereunto,  whish  they  did  accordingly.  All  which ,  the  Ads  and  Reccrdes 
of  that  Convocation  do  fufBciently  teftitie. 

I  was  the  man,  who  acquainted  the  Earl  oi  Stra-fferd  with  wh»t  the  Convocation 
had  done,  which  he  thankfully  accepted,  and  readily  ratified.  Neither  do  I  remem- 
ber, that  his  Lordlhip  had  any  further  hand  in  the  change  of  the  Articles,  yet  was  I 
the  onely  man  imployed  from  him  to  the  Convocation  ,  and  &om  the  Convocation 
to  him. 

Here  was  no  ground  for  an  (^aching  truth^  in  my  Lord  Primate  ,  againft  the  Earl 
of  ^rrjjfyr^,  upon  this  occafion.  Whofoever  vented  that  malicious  llander  out  of 
Ireland,  deferved  a  whetftone  for  his  labour  ,  unlefs  he  knew  more  than  either  the 
Earl  oi  Strafford  himCelfj  or  any  of  his  Friends  ever  fufpeded.  But  neither  was  the 
Noble  Earl  fo  dull-lighted,  as  not  to  fee  light  through  a  Mllftone,as  well  as  that  In- 
forttier,  if  there  had  been  an  hole  in  the  middeft  of  it  i  neither  was  the  good  Primate 
of  fuch  a  vindiAivedifpofition  (vindidive  is  too  low  an  expre/Iion ,  I  might  more 
aptly  call  it  Diabolical)  as  to  write  difcontents  in  Marble  ,  and  like  another  Haman, 
togive  bloudycounfel  uponprirate  difgufts.  I  dare  fay  ,  if  the  Reverend  Dodtout 
to  whom  this  Information  was  given,  had  known  the  Lord  Primate ,  and  his  dove- 
like  fimplicity,  how  (Tow  he  was  to  take  offence ,  and  how  ready  to  forgive  and  for- 
get, as  well  as  I  did,  he  would  himfelf  throw  the  rirftftone  at  that  Informer,  who,  if 
he  lived  in  Ireland,  could  not  chufc  but  fee  what  mutual  and  cordial  refpedts  pafled 
daily  between  thofe  two  great  Perfons,  from  the  firft  day  cf  their  acquaintance  to 
the  laft. 

On  the  one  fide,  witnefs  all  thofe  conftant  and  continual  Offices,  which  my  Lord 
Primate  did  perform  with  cheerfalnefs  to  the  St3.te  oi  Ireland ,  during  the  Earl  of 
Strafford\  Government,  and  to  the  Earl  himfelf,  in  order  to  the  King's  fervice ,  in 
the  Pulpit,  in  the  Parliament,  in  the  Convocation,  at  the  Coancil- Table,  in  the  Star- 
chamber,  in  the  High  Commillion.  And  on  the  other  fide,  witnefs  the  Regal  Vifi- 
tat  ion  committed  to  my  Lord  Primate's  Judge  of  the  Faculties,  tlie  preterment  of 
his  Brother-in-law,  Mr,  Hilton,  without  any  Suit  made,forIus  fake,  to  be  a  Baron  of 
the  Exchequer.  The  naming  of  himfelf^  before  all  the  Peers  ofthe  Kingdom,  to  be 
Godfather  to  his  Child  Cno  (uch  fmall  obligation  in  JreUnd.)  The  procuring  of  the 
Kini?,s  Warrant  for  him  and  his  Succeffours,  Archbilhop  oi  Arnngh ,  to  take  place  of 
the  Lord  Chancellour  oi  Ireland,  for  the  time  being,  in  conform. ity  to  the  cultoinc  of 
E-.U'hnd.  Andlaflly,  which  weigheth  more  with  mc  than  all  the  reft  ,  the  chuling 
him  tobe  his  Ghollly  Father,  and  Spiritual  Advifcr,  at  his  Death,  and  his  receiving 
Ab.olution.and  the  Holy  Sacrament  ofthe  Body  and  Bloudof  Chriil  from  hishands, 
when  he  had  Chaplains  of  his  own  in  the  City,  doth  convince  me,  and  all  ingenuous 
perfons,  that  there  was  no  dilTatisfaftion  ofeither  party  agiinft  the  other. 

Ttttta  If 


'o->S  A  Discourse  «///jtf  Sabbath  TOMEIIII 

It  the  honour  m  a  third  perfon  was  not  concerned  m  it  deeply,  1  could  add  fcrric- 
thing  more  of  what  palTcd  between  them  two  at  that  time  ,  whikit  my  Lord  PrH 
mate  was  Jittinghim  for  Eternity;  and  like  a  light  in  a  Watch-Tower,  ftewing  hira^ 
the  dangers  which  were  in  thcmouth  ot  theHarbcur,  and  pointing  him  rut  the  rea- 
dy way  into  the  Armsof  his  Saviour,  to  evidence  to  the  world  the  great  care  of  the 
one  and  the  great  oblcrvar.ce  of  the  other,  and  the  mutual  love  otihcmbotl;^  ior  it 
paffed  not  under  the  Seal  of  confellion,  and  1  had  it  frcm  my  Lord  Primate  himfclfl 

Yet,  although  I  durll  upon  the  hazard  of  my  own  life  ,  scquit  my  toid  Primate 
tfom  any  fuch  vindidtivc  defign  ,  as  hath  been  imputed  to  him  ,  ytt  knowing  the 
Iweetncfs  and  facility  of  his  nature,  how  irkfornc  all  downright  contradidlion  was 
imto  him,  and  what  influence  the  very  nam.e  of  [  Thy  friend  BenhjcJjd  ^  had  upon 
ibmc  of  his  lefs  deliberate  adlions ,  I  cannot  exempt  him  from  all  furprife  at  all 
times,  norconcurring  unwittingly  to accomplifh  the  more  politick  devices  of  fuch 
perfons  as  wanted  his  iincerity.  God  had  given  him  more  of  the  innocence  of 
thcdovc,  than  of  the  prudenceof  the  ferpent.  And  from  this  fource  his  fevere 
cenfureofDr.  Hey  Iht  ^it  he  was  not  otherwife  provoked  ,  feemeth  tome  to  liave 
proceeded  ,  in  a  matter,  if  I  judge  aright ,  not  altogether  ,fo  pertinent  to  the  true 
controverfy  about  the  Lords  day.  But  that  was  private  ,  and  without  doubt  he 
meant  it  no  further.  Men  do  often  take  liberty  to  whifper  an  exprellion  in  the 
earc  of  a  private  friend  ,  which  they  would  not  have  cried  publickly  at  the 
Market- crofle. 

How  his  letter  came  to  be  publiflied  to  the  world,  in  private  Ihave  heard  ,  and, 

if  my  intelligence  be  right,  as  I  firmly  believe  it  is ,  the  printing  of  that  paflage  hap-^ 

pcned  more  by  the  advifers  fault  than  the  publifhers  :  howfbever  it  be  ,  the  plaintifTc 

hath  carved  out  his  own  reparation  over  feverely  ,  and  intimated    to  the  world  a 

more  crying  crime  againfi  the  innocent  Primate  than  any  errour  in  judgment  canpof- 

fibly  amount  unto  >  And  which  is  no  fmall    aggravation  of  a  mihntormation,  after 

the  deceafc  of  the  party  accufed  ,  whom  ,  I  dare  fay  ,  all  men  that  know   well,  will 

readily  acquit  without  any  long  timeto  deliberate  upon  it  ,not  only  from  the  crime, 

but  from  all  fufpicion  of  it.     I  have  a  requelt  to  both  the  Antagonills,  that  they  will 

give  over  this  controverfy, and  feek  for  honour  by  more  noble  Atchievements  ior  at 

Icaft  that  whatfoeverfcopc  or  liberty  they  taketothemfelvesoneagainlt  another  about 

their  other    controverted   points  ,  they  will  fufTcr  the  aflics  of  this  reverend  prelate 

to  rel\  in     cafe  ,  who.     was  an   honour  to  his      native    Countrcy  ,  An  ornament 

to  the  Reformed  Church  ,  a' confcionablc  preacher  and  an  Exemplary  patterne 

■    '  ofpietie.  •'  t     - 


TOME  I  V. 


TOME    IV 

DISCOURSE  II, 


SERMON 


PREACHED  IN 


York-Minfter, 

Before  his  Excellency  the 

M AROUESS 


O  F 


NEW-CASTLE, 

Being  then  ready  to  meet  the 

Scotch  Army, 


^ublifl)eO  tl)en  Ijp  fpecial  Command 


VI  gy  JOHN  BRAMHALL  DD.  Lord  Bifliop 

of  Perry- 


PnntedFirftat   YORK,    i6^^. 
Reprinted  at  DUBLIN,    1676. 


?Jg(  62. 


Vage  69, 


AMoiig  the  piiblick  Prayers  of  the  Church  o(  Scotland^  in  the  time  of  their  Perfc- 
cutionby  (.hcFrench-mm,  Printed  by  'thomm  Bafiandine^i'^']').  Having  acknow- 
ledged their  perjury,  and  breacli  of  Faith  to  England^  and  that  God  did  jullly  puniih 
thcni  by  that  Nation,  for  whofc  caufethey  offended,  and  afterwards  being  delivered 
from  that  bondage,  by  the  help  of  the  EngUJh,  they  give  thanks  in  thefc  words. 

OLord,p(i»g  vphen  tve  by  our  ownfotver  rvere  altogether  unable  to  have  freed  out 
fe  Ives  from  the  tyranny  of  Strangers,  and  from  the  bondage  ofthraledome  preten- 
ded againji  m,  then  of  thine  efpecialgoodnejs  didji  move  the  hearts  ef  our  Neigh- 
bours, (  of  tvhcm  rre  had  deferved  }io  fitch  favour  )  to  taks  ^f^  them  the  common  burtloot 
rvitii  Hf^  and  for  our  deliverance^  ttot  dHely  to  fiend  the  lives  of  many  ^  but  alfo  to  hazard  the 
jhie  and  tranquility  ij  thdr  Lam  and  Cummonvpealth. Grant  unto  us  fl  Lord^that  tfith  fucb 
renrence  rve  may  remtihber  thy  benefits  received^that  after  this ,  in  cur  default,  we  fievff 
enter  into  hojiility  againji  the  Realm  and  Nation  c/England;  Suffer  us  never,  0  Lord  ,  to 
fall  to  that  ingratitude  and  detefiable  unthankfklnefs,  that  rt>e  fhai  feek^the  death  and  de{iru- 
dion  ofthofe,  whom  thotthafi  made  injlruments  to  deliver  m  from  the  tyranny  of  mereilefs 
Strangtrs. 

This  folemn  Confeffion  is  now  forgotten,  without  any  provocation  on  out  parts, 
or  the  lead  alteration  in  Rcligjon^  «he,y  inVade  the  children  of  their  Deliverers,  ShaU 
not  Cod  fee  it,  and  reqttire  it. 


-^.  ..-• 


OPv. 


i 


,  I  *'llllt 


TOM  E~^i  v: 

DISCQUR  SE  ir. 

2  S.m.  lo.  12.  Be  of  gogd  courage^  and  letui  pby  the  mentor  ourpopk,  and  for  the  Ci- 
ties of  oar  God,  and  the  Lord  do  that  which  jeemeth  him  good, 

\nh  Chapter    containeth  three  parts  ,  Davids  Ambaflage,  HjmkmV 
iDifcourtelie  ,  and  David's  Revenge.     7hen  faid  David ,  I  n>tUJhea>  y  ^ 
ki'idnejfe  unto  Eanun  thefonne  Nahajh,  at  his  father  (hewed    kindmfjc  ^^''J^^' 
unto  me.     It  was  truly  faid  by  Solomon  ,Lot/e  is  \\rong  as  death.  Cant. 
^  8.  6.  Gratitude  is  a  branch  that  fprings  from  this  root.     It  is  not 
3jburied  in  the  grave.but  defcends  from  the  parents  upon  theirpofterity. 


941 


Non  dijfecanda  Jed  dijjitenda  eji  amicitij^FticndMp  ought  not  to  be  flafhedin  funder,but 
to  be  unttitchcd  by  degrees.  But  now  what  is  become  of  this  forgotten  vertue>  which 
like  the  Phoenix  is  much  talked  of,  but  fcldome  feen.  Nothing  growes  aged  fooner 
than  a  good  turne.  Now  the  world  hath  taken  out  a  new  le(ron,by  cancelling  the 
obligation  to  avoid  thedebr,and  by  picking  fome  feigned  quarrel,torob  good  dc'erts 
oftheir  due  reward.  Thisis  now  held  the  more  compendious  way  for  degentrous 
fpirits,  todifingage  themfelves.  The  King  oi'Jmmon  did  find  no  fuch  meafure  from 
David  :  but  the  King  oi  Albion  findes  it  from  too  many  treacherous  Zibas,  to  whom 
both  He  and  his  Father  have  (hewed  other  manners  of  kindnefles ,  than  Nahafh 
did  to  David. 

Hanntin  was  an  Idolater  ,  and  more  than  that,  an  Ammonite  ,  of  whom  the  Law 
faith,  Deut.  23.  6.  Ibou  (halt  nor  feeJ^their  peace  ,n;r  their  profperity  all  thy  dayi-sfor 
ever.  Difference  in  Religion  difoblige  no  man  from  civill  duties:  Faith  is  to  be  kept 
with  an  Heretick   ,  and  offices  of  humanity  are  due  from  a  Jerc  to  an   Ammonite. 

Bat  things   well  intended  are  not    always  rightly  conftrued  ,  Mj/j  wfnj-,  >«;»/«/ 
animus.     The  Spider  will  extraftpoyfon  out  of  the  fweetert  flowers.  A  fore  eye  will 
be  off:nded   with  the  light  of  the  Sunne.  Notwithwithftanding  all  Htzek^j'^'s  pieiv  , 
Rahjkal^eh  will  not  fVick  to  fay  that  he  hath  pulled  down  the  Altars  of^ God,  Ijiy  36^ 
7.     So  here  ,  Davids  courtefie    is  traduced.     The   Princes  of  .<^m>M(;«  fay  to  their,        ^ 
Lord  ,  Think^li  thou  that  David  doth  honour  thy  father?  hath  not   David  rather    fent  his     '^^J'^  5* 
ferva-tts  to  jearch  tht  City, and  to  fpye  it  out.  They  fpake  not  altogether  without  reafon; 
ambaffadours  are  often  honourable  fpiesv  but  in  this  cafe  their  llirpici  on  wasground- 
leffc.     You  fee  we  are   not  the  hrft  Nation  .  whom  needlefTe  ]ealoufie<  have  undone, 
or  imaginary  Fearcs  have  plunged  into  real  dangers.     Evill  Counfl-llors  who  infufe 
malignant  notions  into   the  eares  of  princes  ,  are  like  thofe   who  poyfon  a  common 
Fo:mtiin  ,  whereof  all  the  City    doth  drinke.     On  the  other   Hde,    BkfTed  is  that 
KiiigdoiTic,    where  the  Kings  friends  are  ^/fxj«<^er/  friends,where  the  fivourersof 
the  Common  weahh,  are  the    favourites  of  the  prince  i  fuch  may  be  truly"called,the 
Harfemet?  and  Chariots  of  Ifrael,  2  King.  13.  54.     But  fuch  were  not  thefe  Princes  of 
Ammori.  Evill  counfel  in  the  end  proves  worlt  for  them  that  give  it.     By  feeking  to 
prevent   David,    they  invite  him   to  their    own  ruine.     Thusthe   will  of  God 
is  tulhlled  ,even  whil'll  it  is  (hunned.     Yet  thefe  evil  Counfellors  were  not  in  nuhi- 
bui  .  in  the  clouds,  the  fad  was  evident.     If  it  were  fufficient  to  accufe,  who  fhould 
be  inaocent  ?  The     Wolves  in  the  treaty   with  the  (licep  ,  defired  that  the   Dogs 
might  be  deftroyed  ,  as  Incendiaries  and  evill   Counfellors,  (  Cin  youblame  them.?^ 
that  tliey  might  range  and  worry  at  their  pleafure. 

Tic  evill  Counfellours  fuffered  julily:  But  Hmun  wasnot  innocent  to  tak^  Davids 
fervmts  ,  and  (have  off halfe their  beards  ,  and  cut  oftheir  garments  in  the  middle  :  That 
is,  to  ftrip  them  of  the  two  principal  outward  ornaments  of  a  man  ,  natural  , 
H»ire,  the  other  artificial,  Clothes.  I  find  four  grofTc  errours  in  thispafTige.  Firft, 
againrt  the  light  of  nature  ,  to  puni(h  upon  a  bare  fuggetlion ,  without  proole  or 

dif« 


9V 


A  Sermon  before  the  TOME  IIII. 


.'ifcullion  whereas  in  criminal  caufcs  the  proofs  ought  tobe  clearer  than  the  noon- 
liay-Iight.'    Secondly,  againli  the  Law  of  nations ,  to  ufe  Ambaffadours  in  that  bar- 
barous manner  ,  whofe  office  is  facred  ,  and  ought  alwayes  to  protedl  their  perfons: 
yctwc  fee  how  Gods  Arabafladours  have  often  met  with  the  fame  entertainment. 
Thirdly,  agtinfl:  the  rule  of  policy  ,  Firft  to  difgracc  and  provoke  men  of  parts  and 
power,  and  then  to   difmifle  them;  which  errour  colUhc  Sjwwuf  j  dear  ,  when, 
they  had  the   'Reman  CoKfuls  and  Legiotis  in  their  mercy  ,  cooped  upatCW;«w: 
They  did    ncithcy  difmiffe  them  honourably  ,  to  oblige  the  Romans  ,  as  they  were 
firft  advifed ,  nor  cut.  them  off  every  mothers  fonne,  to  difable  the  Romans  to  rc- 
veng  ,  as  they  were  advifed  in  the  fccond  place  ,  but  caufed  them  ,  after  they  had  dif- 
armed  them ,  to  pafle  difgracefully  under  the  yoke  ,  and  fo  difmifTed  them  with  re- 
proach ,  which  they  revenged  foone  after  with  the  ruine  of  the  Samnites.     Fourthly, 
againft  piety.    By  the  Law,  tome  garments  were  proper  to  Lepers ,  Levit.  13,  45, 
They  were  forbidden  to  round  their  heads ^or  to  mam  the  corners  of  their  beards^  Lev, 
19.  27.  But  the  Ammonites  thought  to  put  a  jeere  upon  the  Jewifli  Religion,  even 
as  fomc  of  late  have  ludibrioufly  abufed  thofe  holy  Garments,  and  Bookes  ,  and 
VeffcUs,  which  we  ufe  in  the  fcrvice  of  God.     The  Ammonites  found  that  it  was  not 
good  to  jcft  with  edge  tooles :  profane  Lucian  was  torn  in  pieces  with  dogs:  and 
the  other  will  find  ,  that  God  is  a  fevere  avenger  offuch  impious  fcoffcs. 

Davids  care  of  his  fervants  (hcwes  ,  how  Governours  ought  to  proteft  their  In- 
yerje  5.  feriour  and  fubordinate      Miniftcrs ,  in  the  execution  of  their  commands,  and  to 

preferve  them)  from  contempt. 

The  Ammonites  fee  their  errour  when  it  was  too  late:  there  is  no  doubt,  but  even 

Verfe  6.  then  upon  fubmifton  David  would  have  remitted  the  injury i  but  their  confcienccs 

told  them,  the  abufe  was  toogroflc  and  publicke  to  be  forgotten.     Wc  fee  by  daily 

experience,  that  confcience  of  guilt,  and  defperation  offorgivcnefle,  drive  men  into 

courfes  pernicious  both  to  themlelves  and  ethers. 

Therefore  to   fecure  them{elves,the.<^>«ffzoMi<fjwage  ^^000. Syrians,  but  in  the  dif- 

Verfe  6,         pofing  of  their  men,this  is  worthy  of  obfervation,  that  they  kept  themfelves,  near  the 

Verfe  8.         gates,for  a  fure  rctreatibut  theSyrians  they  placed  in  the  open  field.It  was  never  held 

to  be  difcretlon  in  any  Nation,  to  bring  Armies  of  Forrei  gners,  whom  they  could 

not  regulate, into  theif  chief  ftrcngths  and  holds.-witneffe  the  Mammertines  in  Mtjfana, 

the  Samns  in  Britaine. 

But  here  they  met  with  J  oab ,  zn  overmatch  for  them  in  the  art  of  Ware,  as  he 
(hewes  by  the  ordering  of  his  men,  verfe  p.  By  his  provident  fcrecaft,  verfe  11, 
Fear  the  worft  ,  and  the  beft  will  alwayes  fave  itfelfe.  And  laftly,  hy  his  gallantry 
in  my  Text ,  Be  of  good  courage  ,  and  let  us  play  the  men,  for  our  people  .,and  for  the  cities 
of  our  God ,  and  the  Lorddae  that  vehich  feemeth  him  good. 

In  which  words,  1  obferve  foure  parts;  firft  A  brave  exhortation,Bf  of  good  courage. 
Secondly  ,  a  magnanimous  refolution  ,  And  let  us  play  the  men.  Thirdly  ,  A  jull 
reafon  ,  For  our  people  andfor  the  cities  of  our  God.  Fourthly.  A  pious  fubmillion  , 
And  the  Lord  doe  that  which  feemeth  him  good. 

It  hath  been  ever  the  cuftomeof  Generalls,  before  an  ha7ardous  Battel ,  to  cheerc 
up  the  hearts  of  their  Souldersin  a  Pathetical  oration,  with  arguments  drawn  from 
the  approved  valour  and  vertue  of  themfelves  or  their  anceftors ,  from  the  afTurcd 
hope  of  rich  fpoilcs ,  from  the  jufticc  and  piety  of  their  caulc.  So  God  commands., 
Deut.20.  So  joab  pradifeth  in  my  Text,  Be  of  good  courage  &c. 

I  cannot  pafle  in  lilencc  by  the  brotherly  love  of  Joab  and  Abipai,vetCe  1 1.  If  the 

Syrianshc  too  ftrong  for  me,  thou  (halt  help  me  ,  and  if  the  Ammonites  be  too  ftrong 

for  thee  ,  I  will  help  thee.     As  when  one  foot  trippes ,  the  other  is  ready  prefcntly 

.     to  fuftain  it.     And  herein  my  Text,   By  encouraging  one  another  to  play  the  men> 

or  rather  to  play  the  man,  As  it  is  faid  of  the  Children  oi  Jfiael ,  that  they  went  out 

as  one  man,  i  Sam.i  i.  7,    That  is,  with  one  heart, and  one  foule,  animated  with  the 

fame  defire  of  the  publick  good.     The  left  hand  doth  not  itand  more  in  need  oi^  the 

right,  than  an  army  doth  of  the  concord  of  ^its  Commanders  i  Where  I  (be  this 

blelTcd  fympathy  ,  I  cannot  but  cccho  out  that  of  the  Pfalmill,  Behold  boTo  g.ud  and 

joyfull  a  thing  it  is, brethren  to  dnell  together  inunity:  for  there  the  Lord  hath  promifed 

his  bUfling,and  life  for  evermore.     Pfal,  1^^.     But  where  men  are  drawn  intoadion 

as  a  bcarc  to  the  ftake  ,  by  force  or  feare  ■■>  where  a  little  bale  Plunder  is  preferred 


Discourse  1L  Marquefscf  Ncvvcaftlcr 

^"^'L?.r "i''  r  '?  DcCru^^^on  and  Dili.pa uo, ;  The  God  othcaven  and  eanh 
ev«rb!eire  this  Army  trom  ,r.  And  ifthere  be  any  pcrfons  within  the  found  ofmy 
voyce  ,  who  are  confc.ous  to  thcmfel ves  of  fuch  fmiffer  refpcds.or  of  any  other  im- 


Majc.ly  by  tnat  love  which  tney  owe  to  theirnative  Country;  to  facrirtce  tliem  this 
uay  to  the  comn:ion  Ca:ife,  or  at  leafi  with  the  Serpent  to  depolite  them  fo  long,  till 
tins  Army  returnc     againe  m  peace.  ° 

And  the  onely  way  to  peace  is  C.«r^g.,  which  yeeUs  to  no   chances,  is  terrified 
wun  no  danger^Et^ft  tf!^  duat  opes  a;u,„umquej.n-r.  There  cannot  be  a  worfecoun- 
feilor  then  Fearc  in  time  of  danger.     Fejlimus  in  dubiU  angur  timor.     Fcarc  caufed 
Mojes  to  ftagger  at  Gods  Commandement,Exa^.  3  „.  Feare  caufed  Elias  to  fliefrom 
tne  woman.lh  threatnings of  Jefabel ,  i  Kin,  19. 3.     fearc  caufed  feur  to  deny  his 
Malier.     Feare  will  metaraorpliore  a  held  of  Thirties  into  an  army  of  men.  Fcare  will 
caufeamantotrcmbleatthe/.W«/^y&^^,We^/e,  Uv.  26.  36.  As  a  man  ftandine 
upon  the  edge  of  feme  lofty    turret,  or  precipitious  cragge,  without  any  to  pufh 
him  forward,  even  by   looking  downc,  is  in  danger  to  tumble  down  h-ad-lone 
through  Feare ,  So  aegenerous  Feare  betraies  the  fuccours  of  the  foule.     Therefore 
when  Gideons  Army  was  to  give  the  charge  upon  the  Enemy,  he  caufed  Proclamati- 
on to  be  made  in  the  Camp,  w/w/J  U  timeroHS,  let  him  depart;  JvJr.  7.  3.  The  reafon 
is  given.  Vent.  2o.8.1ealthis  example  make  his  fellow  fouldicrs  to^'^;;rit,  But  nothing 
is  difficult  to  Courage.     In  the  land  of  Canaan  there  were  Gia^t=,  ro  wbome  the 
Jfraelites  being  compared  did      feem  but   Graflioppers,  yet  laid  C^U  and   Jofhua 
Feare  them  not,  they  are  breadforus.  Num.  14..  9.     Bread  which  is  eaten  without  any 
labour  or   difficulty.     When  Saul  was  to  be    inaugurated  .  King  by  Samuel,  he  fee 
nothing  before  him  but  a  flioulder,  i  Sam.  g.     A  meane  di!h  for  a  Royal  entertain- 
ment i  fome  have  found  out  amyftery  in  it,C  they  mightbetter  call  it  an  allegory,  ) 
That  as  tke  (boulder  doth  beare   up  the  heart?  fo  the  courage  and  fortitude  of  a\ing, 
doth  fuftaine  the  body  politicke  ,  fo  to  teach  Governours  hew  they  ought  to  beare' 
the  burthen  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  ancient  law  of  governing  the  Koman  Army 
was  reduced  to  two  heads  ,Firrt,  Nonfequi  Secondly  ,Nonf ulcere.  Fir;i,  not  tomake 
a  ralh  hazard  without  good  gr.  .und  he  that  loveth  danger  fhall  perifh  in  if.  Second-    • 
ly,  not  to  decline  danger  timeroully    when  it  offers  it  felf,  and  cowardly  to  betray 
a  good  caufc.     Therefore  as  one  faid  that  pronunciation  was  the  hrlt,  and  fecond, 
and  third  part  of  a  good  OratouriSo  may  I  fay  thatco«rjge  is  the  hrrt',and  fecond,' 
and  third  part  of  a  good  commander.  It  is  a  (lander  calf  upon  Religon,  that  it  makes 
men  Cowards.     The  feare  of  God  is  the  beff  armour  againft  the  fcare  of  man.  Reli- 
gion is  the  root  of  Courage,  Heb.  11.33.  By  faith  our  fathers  fubdiied  Kingdomes,  &c  . 
rt>axed    valiant  in  fight ,  and  turned  to  flight   the  Armies  of  aliens.     Let  the  Heathens 
bragge  of  their  Pw«  and    C«r/H,  that  devoted   their  lives  to  death    for  the  love  of 
their  country. 

Vicit  amor  patr't£,  laudumqtte  immenfa  oupide. 
We  have  our  Mofes  and'P<j«/,that  deiired  to  be  made  Anathema's  for  their  brethren 
their  Socrates  drunke  hispoifon  cheerfully:  Our  Cyprian  faid  Ami^i  to  tlie  fentence  of 
his  own  condemnation.  Their  Scevola  burned  his  hand  for  miffikina,  Torlenna.  Wee 
are  able  to  name  a  catalogue  of  martyrs,who  have  kiffed  the  Ifake.CJng  Hymns  in  the 
middeft  of  the  fire,  v/ho  have  accounted  their  fufferings  ,  Palmes-,  t'leir  punifhmcnts, 
triumphs-,  their  infamy,  glory  i their  Exile  ,  their  counrryj  their  bonds,  their  crowne; 
their  prifon,  their  paradifei  their  deathday,  their  birthday;  So  in  Coj^rj^e  we  equall 
them,  intbecaufe  we  farre  excell  them  ithis  is  good  courage  indeed.  Some  think  to 
exprclTe  their  courage  by  roat'ng  6cblafpheming  over  their  cup;,  by  unfefonable  du- 
els and  quarrells,  by  mutining  againff  their  Commanders,  by  tyranniling  over  their 
inferiours  ,  by  trampling  under  foot  all  Laws  both  of  God  and  man  ;this  is  fo  farre 
from  good  courage,  thatit  is  rather  an  argument  of  co a-ardifc.  True  courage  is  fear- 
full  to  offend  God,  hath  a  reverend  regard  of  the  Laws  ,  is  obedient  to  fiiperiours, 
courteous  to  equalls,  indulgent  to  inferiours, and  evermore  grounded  upon  agood 

U  u  u  u  u  caufe , 


9\^ 


944 


A  5-fr;;/(;/7  before  the  T  O  M  f'    till 


"ciiilc  and  accoinpnacd  with  chccrfulnefs  and  refolution,  thai's  my  next  point.  A,:d 

let  U!  play  ih  men. 

A  (Uaniic  kind  ot'pby,  but  the  terrible  face  cf  War  is  fpcrt  to  a  Martial  and  ex- 
perienced mind.  As  Job  faith  ot  Ltiutha)U  That  he  (fieemeth  iron  at  jirarv  ,  accvuntJ 
darts  as  jhibble,  and  Ijughrth  at  the  JhakJK^  cf  the  j^ear^  2  Sd m.  2 .  14.  Let  the yourg  mtH 
arirea>tdplay  before  »r,  a  fatal  skirmifli,  where  not  one  furvived.  Virtue  is  derived  a 
viro  from  a  man,(o  the  Phrafe  is  ufcd,  i  Sjit:.^.  p.  0  ye  PhiUllines  he  firong  ,  and 
quit  \oitr  felves  likf  men.\n  the  fame  Dialed,  I>ji]d  fpca'keth  to  Solomon,  1  King.  2.2. 
Be  thouftroHg,  andfhew  thy  felf  a  nan,  that  is,  of  a  mafculine  viitue  and  Ipirir.  A  man 
not  a  child,  Va  tern  cujiu  Ktx  eji  fuer,  woe  is  that  Province  where  the  Governour  is 
a  child,  uncertain,  mutable,  without  FcfoUition.  El'hef.  ^  14.  7bat  rve  henceforth 
be  no  more  as  children  tofjed  to  and  fro,  &c.  Fludtuating  men  without  refolution  ,  are 
compared  to  children,  who  may  be  drawn  any  way  with  a  fair  word  ,  or  an  apple. 
Or  to  fhips  lying  at  H«//,  tojjed  to  and  fro^  ftill  changing  pofturcs.  Secoadly  ,  a  man, 
not  a  woman  without  couiage  and  refolution.  God  provides  flridly,  Veut.  22.  5. 
"J hat  a  man  (Ijalhiat  wear  a  womans  garment ,  much  lefs  put  on  womanifli  manners:. 
There  could  be  nothing  more  opprobrioully  objeded  than  this, 
Vos  etenim  juvenei  ammos  gerit'n  muliebres, 
lllaqtte  virgo  viri. 
W  hence  was  that  braggc  of  a  Lacedemonian  woman,that  they  onely  brought  forth 
men.  Let  us  play  the  men.  But  the  dntiEmphafis  lies  in  this  word  «/,  let  us  play. 
It  was  Cefar^s  honour,  that  his  commands  to  his  Souldiers  were  not  Ite,  Go  ye,  but 
Venite,  Come,  let  us  go.  It  was  Ahimelcch's  charge  to  his  Army  ,  If^hat  ye  fee  me  do^ 
do  qitickfy,  Judg,  9.  48.  Vigna  Cideonitarum  genere  fententia  ^  afaying  worthy  of  the 
Son  oi  Gideon.  The  example  of  a  Leader  hath  a  ftrong  influence  upon  his  Follow- 
ers. Obfcrve  the  words  ot  Vriah,  2  Sam.  1 1. 1 1.  The  Ar\,  and  Ifrael.,  and]ui3h,  a- 
hide  in  tints ^  and  my  Lord  Joab  i*  encamped  in  the  (pen  Fields ,  AndfhM  1  go  into  mine 
hojife  to  eat  and  drink/  my  LWjoab,  there  is  his  pattern.  It  was  debated  among  the 
PhiIof(.phers,  whether  an  Army  of  Lions  having  an  Hart  to  be  their  Captain ,  or  an 
Army  of  Harts  having  a  Lion  to  be  their  Captain,  were  the  more  confidcrable  Army, 
and  it  was  determined ,  for  the  Army  of  Harts,  having  a  Lion  to  rneir  Governour. 
Th'.  greac  wheel  of  a  Clock  fets  all  the  little  wheel;  on  going.  h\Ahxaiider''s  time, 
all  the  hlacedonians  were  Souldiers.  In  Augujhis  hi?  Reign  ,  all  the  good  wits  in 
%ome  were  Poets.  The  example  of  a  Leader  draws  iiis  Followers,  as  the  Loaddone 
draws  iron,  or  the  Jctt  draws  chaffe.  In  a  word,  a  vigi'ant  and  a  refolute  Comman- 
der, is  like  a  light  in  a  Watch-tower  ,  to  dired  his  Con^r-ny  to  the  fafe  Harbour  of 
Vidory.  But  a  negligent  and  cowardly  Leader,  is  like  Firesmade  among  the  rocks, 
brings  his  followers  the  ready  way  to  ruinc  and  deftrudioni  Therefore  faith  Joah^ 
Let  us  flay  the  men. 

But  what  is  refolution  without  a  good  cairfc>  Joab  wanted  not  that,  for  our  ^eop'e, 
and  for  the  cities  of  our  God.  For  our  people,  that  is,  our  wives,  our  children,  our  pa- 
rents, our  neighbours,  our  friends,  our  native  Countrcy  ,  and/or  the  cities  of  our  God^ 
that  is,  our  Churches,  our  Religions  So  for  our  people  ,  and  for  the  cities  of  our  God,  is 
pro  arv  &  focii,(ot  our  altars  and  for  our  fires,  for  our  Church  and  Commonwealth. 
The  very  Heathens  could  teach  us  by  the  light  of  nature,  that  we  are  not  born  onely 
for  our  felves,  but  partly  for  our  parents,  partly  for  our  Countrey.  Vlyfes  preferred 
the  fmoakc  o( Ithaca  his  Native  Soil ,  before  all  thofe  pleafant  Regions  that  he  had 
fcen. 

Nifcio  qua  natalefohim  dulcedine  cunUos 
Vucit. 

Whether  it  be  by  the  inftind  of  nature,  as  beafis  love  their  dens,  birds  their  neflsv 
or  by  civil  inflitution,  as  having  the  fjme  Laws,  the  fame  Ceremonies,  the  fame  Tem- 
ples, the  fame  Markets,  the  fame  Tribunals.  It  was  the  prayers  of  the  Elders  for 
Boaz,  Thatfcf  might  do  tpnrthily  in  Ephntah,  and  be  famous  in  Bethlehem,  Ruth  4.  1 1. 
that  is,  in  his  native  Countrey.  It  was  Ljiher'^s  refolution  for  her  Countreymen,  Jft 
peri(h,  Iperifh.  And  Nehemiah,  though  for  his  own  particular  he  was  Cup- bearer  to 
a  great  King, yet  his  affcdions  are  ftill  the  fame  to  his  Countrey  ,  Whyfhnuld  not  my 
countenanae  be  fad,  when  the  city,  the  place  ef  my  Fathers  Sepulchres  lieth  rraiie  ,  and  the 

gates 


Discourse  II.  M^rr/we/r  t?/ Newcaftle.  941; 

gates  thereof  an  bunted  mthfire,  Nrhem.  2.  3.  Abraham  that  was  fo  ready  to  facri- 
ricc  his  onely  Son  upon  a  mccr  command,  yet  when  God  requireth  him  to  leave  his 
native  Countrcy,  he  preiTeth  it  home  to  him  vi^ith  many  reafons  and  promifc;.  Gen, 
12.  I.  Brutus  commanded  hi;  own  Sons  to  be  flain  before  his  eyes ,  for  confpiring 
againrt  their  Countrey.  When  Sampfon  without  any  weapon  in  his  hand  ,  fet  upon 
a  Lion  as  though  it  had  been  a  Kid,  JuJg.  14.  6.  the  reafon  is  intimated  in  the  verfe 
precedent ,  for  the  fateguard  ofhis  father  and  his  mother.  There  cannot  be  a  jufkt 
War  than  for  defence  of  our  Countrcy.  It  was  7uliys  wi(h,  that  everyone  mRome 
had  it  written  upon  his  Forehead,  how  he  (bod  nffe&sd  to  the  CommonweaJth.  1 
think  it  were  a  good  wifh  for  England  at  this  prefent ,  that  we  might  know  who  are 
truly  zealous /tr  their  people. 

The  other  reafon  is  altogether  as  lirong,  And  for  the  cities  of  our  God.     The  Itali- 
ans give  fundry  additions  to  their  chiefelf  Cities,as  Florence^thc  Fair,  Venice^  the  Rich 
Gemua^  the  Stately,  Millain^  the  Great,  Rowe,  the  Holy.     This  is  certain,  no  City  in 
the  Univerfe  can  have  a  more  glorious  title  than  this  in  my  Text ,  to  be  one  of  the 
cities  of  our  God.     But  why  are  the  cities  oHjrael  called  the  cities  of  God  i  For  two 
reafons  ,  Firll ,  becaufethe  Lord  had  a  peculiar  intereft  in  thisLand  above  all  other 
Lands,  Lei/if.  25.  23.     Ihe  landfhall  not  be  fold  for  ever  ,  for   the  land  is  mine  ,  ye  are 
firangers  andfojourners  rvithmei  So  the  Lord  was  the  true  Owner,;  the  Israelites  were 
bur  the  ufutrudtuaric5.     Secondly,  becaufe  they  were  the  Church  of  God  ,  Judah  was 
his  Santtuary^  Ifraelfcix  Dominions,  in  them  he  had  put  his  Name.    Sol  mm  knew  the 
true  mother  from  the  feigned,byhcr  love  to  the  childi  So  a  genuine  Son  of  the  Church 
may  be  diftinguifhed  from  a  counterfeit,  by  his  affedion  totheChurch,  By  the  rivers 
0/ Babylon  we  fate  down  and  wept,  when  we  remembred  thee  0  Sion.     And,  Arife ,  O 
hord,  and  have  mercy  upon  Sion,  for  why,  thy  fervants  think^upon  her  (iones,  and  it  pittieth 
them  to  fee  hfrin  the  dull.     But  the  Church  requires  not  onely  our  affedtions  and  fup- 
plications,  but  our  be(i  endeavours.     It  is  recorded  of  Iheodofus  that  good  Empe- 
rour,  to  his  eternal  honour,  that  upon  his  Death- bed,  he  was  more  follicitous/or  the 
cities  cfCod,  that  is,  the  Churches,  than  for  himfelf,  or  his  pofterity.     And  when  or- 
dinary endeavours  will  notferve.the  fword  is  nevermore  juilly  drawn  than  to  defend 
Religion:  As  we  read  of  thofe  Builders  of  5Ffr«/<jfew,  who  laboured  with  their  trovv- 
els  in  the  one  hand,  and  their  fwords  in  the  other  hand,  Nf /;.  4.  17.     But  the(e  %vere 
Builders  up,  not  pullers  down,  whatfoever  they  did  was  by  the  licence  ,  and  upon 
the  fpecial  warrant  of  the  great  King  Artaxerxes.    not  rebellioufly  upon  their  own 
heads.     What  a  pitiful  complaint  did  Labtn  make  for  his  Images?  tukrunt  deos,thcy 
have  taken  away  my  godsi  and  Mary,  foi  the  dead  Body  of  our  Saviour  ,  tukrunt  T>o- 
minum ,  they  have  taken  away  my  Lord.     Much  more  have  we  canfe  to  be  moved, 
when  men  go  about  by  force  to  rob  us  of  our  Religion.      A  private  man  may  law- 
fully keep  the  poflTellion  of  his  houfeor  land,  againft  all  adts  of  violence  ,  much  more 
may  a  whole  Church  hold  the  poflellion  of  their  Religion.     Three  forts  of  lofles 
principally  concern  a  manv  Firft,  in  his  Ellate,  that  is  but  chaffe  i  next,  in  his  Body, 
that  is  but  bran  i    Laftly,  in  his  Soul,  that  is  the  flower,  and  there  is  the  greatcftlofs  : 
Whatfhall  it  profit  a  man  to  win  the  whole  world,  and  loofe  his  foul  ?  We  do  not  read  of 
any  Wars  among  the  Heathen  for  Religion,  except  to  punifti  Sacriledge.     The  rea- 
fon was  partly  in  their  Gods,  which  were  fociable  to  admit  fellows.     When  Tiberius 
made  a  motion  in  the  Senate  ,  tohaveChrift  admitted  into  the  number  of  their  Gods, 
it  was  anfwered,  that  he  was  impatiens  confortis,  not  like  their  Gods ,  he  would  admit 
no  companions;  And  partly  in  themfelves,  many  of  them  were  of  opinion,  that  as  va- 
riety of  Inftruments  makes  the  fweeteft  confortj  (b  variety  of  Religions  makes  the  beft 
harmony  in  the  ears  ofGod.     But  now  fee  how  the  World  is  turned  ,  Sacriledge  is 
grown  a  principal  partof  GodsService,(or  elfe  fomehave  but  a  little  Ihare  of  Religi- 
on, who  yet  defpife  all  others  as  profane.  ">     Now  uva  velfaha,  a  Grape  or  a  Bean,  is 
too  much  for  Gods  Service,  though  David  wa.i  ofa  more  generous  difpofuion,  2  Sam. 
24.24.     Nay,  but  I  will  furely  buy  it  of  thee  at  a  price,  neither  will  lofer  burnt-of.rings 
unto  theLordmy  Godofthat  which  doth  coji  me  mthina^.     Now  the  Duties  which  many 
men  pay  to  the  Deity,  are  nothing  but  opinions  and  crotchets,  and  tor  thefe  they  think 
it  lawful  for  private  meii  to  mingle  Heaven  and  Earth  together,  forSabjedi  to  invade 
their  Sovereigns  Dominion':.     They  who  lately  cryedfor  nothing  b.ic  liberty  of  con- 

U  u  u  u  u   2  fci- 


A  Hennen  before  the  T  O  M  E  IIII , 

fcicucc  ,  now  wiirobmidc  their  owne  conceits  upon  Itrangcrs  by  the  Ivvoid.  In  this 
cafe  he  is  no  good  Chrillian,  ro  good  Commonwealths  man,  no  true  Erghfh  man 
that  will  not  fay  cheerfully  with  Jcab  in  my  Text,  Bf  o/  gocd  courage^  and  let  us  piny 
the  men  for  our  people,  atid  for  the  Cities  of  ottrGcd.  Veo  duce^  fcrro  comitante.,  wiih  a 
good  fword  to  attend  them,  and  God     Almighty  to  lead  them. 

That  brings  me  to  nr.y  Ia(l  part,  And  let  the  Lord  doe  that  rehich  feenuthhim  good. 
This  Hiewes  Jojhs  dependence  upon  God^andhisfubtr.idion  to  the  will  of  the  Lord, 
If  he  fee  it  be  good  tor  us  to  be  Conquercrs,  we  fliall  be  Cnnqucrers,  If  not,  we 
fhall  die  glorioully  >  however,  Ble^ed be  the  name  of  the  Lord.  Men  never profptr 
who  dcale  ti'oMa)c(Hcally,  and  will  needs  be  their  own  carvers  with  God.  When 
the  Hufbandrnan  hath  tilled  and  fowne  his  ground,  he  may  not  chalknge  a  good 
crop  at  the  hands  of  God,  but  expcdl  it  of  his  bounty  :  Faul  may  plant,  and  Apollo 
rrater,  but  (iiUit  is  God  that  gives  the  cncrcafe.  We  are  blind,  and  know  not  what  is 
truly  good  for  our  felves.  Terierjynus  nif  periijfemus  ,  faid  7hemificcles  to  his  chil- 
dren. We  had  pcrilhed,  if  wc  had  not  perifr.ed,  that  is,  in  our  own  opinions. 
Kachell  longs  and  cries  for  children ,  and  (he  dies  in  Child-bed.  Therefore  the  Hea-. 
then  prayed,  O  Jupiter,  If  1  beggeof  thee  thofe  things  which  will  prove  hurtful  to 
me,  withhold  them  from  me.  But  that  which/ef»Jf/jE>  good  to  God,  is  alwayes 
truel^good,  who  difpofeth  all  things  fweetly,  and  out  of  poyfon  can  extrad:  a  good 
cordial.  Then  let  usdoe  our  duties,  and  fubmlt  the  fucceflc  to  God.  Carking  and 
macerating  cares  dry  up  the  bones,  plow  up  deep  furrowes  in  the  forehead,  make  the 
white  almond  tree  toflourifh  before  the  time,  fhortcn  the  life.  Our  Saviour  bids ,  tak^ 
110  thought ,  yet  Saint  Paul  tellesus.  That  he  ibat  taktth  no  care^is  tvorfe  than  an  Infidcll: 
How  are  thefe  reconciled?  Take  care  for  the  mcanes,thati$  good  i  Take  no  care 
forthcevent,  that  is  bad.  "folk  quod  tuum  f/?,Take  up  thy  part,  and  leave  Gods  part 
to  himfclf,  Tlay  thou  the  man,  and  let  God  dot  that  which  feemeth  himgoid. 

Butbelides  the  dependence,  it  lliewes  al(b  Joahs  confidence,  let  not  us  be  wanting 
to  our  felves,  and  God  will  not  be  wanting  to  his  owne  Caufc.  The  known  juitice 
of  the  Caufc  is  a  great  incouragement  to  a  Souldicr  in  the  day  of  Battel!.  This  was 
the  reafon  of  that  Roman  policy ,  before  they  began  any  Wars,  the  Herald  or  Fecial 
went  to  the  confines  of  the  enemies  Country,  and  made  a  folcmne  prayer,  Audi  Ju- 
piter, and  thou  Juno,  ^irinus  thou  ^and  allye  Gods  C^Uftial ,  7err(jhial,and  infernal, 
Icallyoitiorvitnefse  that  this  people  is  unjujl,  &c.  And  having  fo  faid,  he  thi'ew  his 
javelinc  into  the  enemies  Countrey.  But  leaving  them  to  their  fuperftitions.  It  is 
an  happy  conflid:  which  is  undertaken  for  a  good  caufe,  where  they  neither  fear 
fmne  from  the  flaughter  of  their  enemies,  nor  danger  from  thcirown  deaths,  where 
they  kill  fccurely, and  are  killed  more  fecurely  being  defended  with  armour  without, 
and  with  a  good    confcience  within.     Now  I  have  done    with  my  Text. 

The  Application  is  (hort.  The  Princes  of  ^wwwj  confpi re  aginfl:  Vavid,  they 
were  kinfmen  as  defcendcd  fi-om  Lot,  but  no  fubje(Ss  ,  the  lefTe  was  their  crime. 
Thcfc  find  themfclves  too  weak  ,  and  therefore  hire  an  Army  of  mercenary.  Syrians  , 
Grangers  to  them  both, to  invade  IfraeL  This  forcerh  JojbK'wg,  Vavtds  General  to 
divide  his  Army,part  againftthe  Syrian s,'p2ixt  againfi  thcy^w»Jo;/z;x,Churchand  Com- 
monwealth are  both  at  ftake,but  by  the  valour  and  providence  o(Joab,  the  Syrians 
arc  firft  beaten,  and  prdfently  thereupon  ,the  hearts  of  the  Ammonites  faile  them  •* 
they  never  looke  ii^to  the  field  againe.  Habba  the  royal  City  oi  Ammon  is  taken  by 
King  David,  and  upon  this  occafion  Sjrij is  abfolutely  fubjefledto  the  Crown  of 
Ifrael.  Let  thcfucceffe  prove  anfwerably  to  all  that  hate  his  .  Majefiy,  and  let  the 
application  be  to  lils  Enemies.  But  let  thofe  that  love  him  he  as  the  Sunne 
when  he  goeth  forth  in  his.  might.  So  and  never  but  fo  fhall  this  ,  Land 
have   r(fi. 

The  Exhortation  will  be  fome  what  longer.  It  was  wifely  faid,  Ex/fr??j(^ /;fl/?ix 
unitatis  vinculum,  Aforrcigne  enemy  is  orought  tobca  compcfer  of  Domellick  dif- 
ferences. Nature  doth  teachusto  unite  our  felves  for  our  owne  prcfcrvatfon.  Caft 
water  into  a  dufty  place,  and  it  will  contrad  it  felfc  into  round  globes  to  fave  it 
fclfe,  An  Emblem  of  afTociation  i  yet  this  is  contrary  to  it*s  owne  difpofitior.  Humid 
bcdiesare  eafily  conteined  in  other  bounds,  difficultly  in  their  owne.  Vvmitio  vomi- 
iionemfedat,  &c.  If  a  veinebe  broken  within  the  body,  the    ready  way  (  fay  the  phy- 

Cit'uns) 


]  :>  t s  c  o  u  R s  E  1 1  "^i  argnefs  ofN g  wc  a  ftlc.       ~  '      ^TT 

liciansj  to  Itay  the  bleeding,  is  to  open  another  without.     It  a  Forreign  EnemTdo" 
not  cure  ourrancorous  difpolicions  one  to  wards  another,  lean  fay  nomore,but  ®«( 
perd:re  xuh  Jupiter^  hos  priiti  dcmentat,  whom  God  will  have  dearoved  he'firft  mfi 


vuos 


,    .  ,  ,  „  -  Athent- 

ans,  even  in  their  own  judgment,  yet  they  reiecfted  it  in  this  tcfped,  left  they  ihould 
teach  their  Neighbours  ofLxcdemvi  the  way  in  like  cafes  to  Athens,  or  give  them  an 
haunt  to  make  fuch  fuits.  What  I  pray  you  would  they  have  done' ,  if  the  fuit  had 
been  unjuft  and  unlawful,  if  their  Neighbours  had  made  fuch  a  motio'n  in  a  chargea- 
ble, commanding,  holiile  manner. 

I  have  feen  their  lateft  and  fiiorteft  Declaration,  Tent  from  Baririckto  the  Commif- 
fioners,in  a  Letter  to  Sir  7homM  Glemhjm^toCztlihc  their  Brethren  of  England  in  thefc 
three  things,  concerning  their  prcfent  Expedition.  i.OftheJKfineffofiheirejufe.2.  Of 
the  Ur>pfulmfs  of  their  calling  thereto.^.OUbe  faithfuhefs  of  their  carriages  thereinXt  xhtv 
fail  in  any  one  of  thefc,their  Expedition  isunjuft,&  cannot  be  approved  in  the  judge- 
ment of  a  Brother  ^ioi  h  mtm  txftttgnlis  circiim^antiis, malum  e'x  quolibet  defe^u.Eut  if  they 
fail  in  every  one  of  thefcCasthey  do,)  what  good  (hall  wc  expcd  fromfucha  Voyage.Do 
men  gather  grapes  of  thorns,  or  figs  ofthijilts?  Mat.  7.  1 6.     Firft,  for  the  jujinefs  »f  their 
caufe.     Hearing  them  fo  often  tell  of  their  clear  demonfirations,  who  would  not  have 
expedted  fome  down- right  authorities,  and  prefidcnts  from  the  Word  of  God,   or  at 
1^-aft  fome  authentick  proofs  from  the  National    Laws  of  one  or  both  Kingdomcs  ? 
Thefe  are  the  ftandard  and  meafure  of  Jufiice  to  U5.     Who  would  not  have  cxpecSt- 
ed,that  they  fhould  at  leafthave  endeavoured  to  havcanfwered  the  late  A£is  ofPaei- 
fication,  fo  folcmnly  palTcd  in  both  Kingdoms?  But  for  all  thefe,bchold  a  deepfilence 
Iffdence  be  not  a  plenary  confent,  yet  in  this  cafe  it  implies  ftrongly,  that  they  knovy 
in  their  own  confciences,  that  the  Laws  of  God  and  man  are  both  againft  them.  But 
in  ftcad  of  thefe,  they  profefs  before  God  and  the  World ,  that  their  hearts  are  clear  from 
all  fuiifter  intentions,  that  the  love  ofChrifi  reqttireth  Chrifiians  to  bear  one  anothers  bur- 
thens, xhzt  the  hare  of  Nature  doth  challenge  their  care  and  endeavour  to  prevent  their  own 
danger,  tehich  is  wrapped  up  in  their  neigbbonrs,     Alas,  what  poor  bulruftics  are  thefe 
to  bear  the  weight  offo  much  Chriftian  bloud  ,  as  is  like  to  be  (hed  in  this  Caufc? 
That  Plea  taken  from  their  own  danger,  fliews  us  plainly,  thathowfoever  they  pretend 
the  love  ofChrili,  yet  their  charity  begins  at  home.     Indeed  there  is  no  fence  for  fear, 
but  what  caufe  have  we  given  them  to  fear  ?  Nihil  timendum  video  ,  fed  timeo  tamen, 
Unle(s  it  be  that  of  the  Wifcman,  IFtjd.  17.  i  i..Wick{dnefs  condemned  by  her  own  trit- 
nefs,is  very  timerous ,and  being  pr,  fed  with  cunfcience,  alwayts  forecafteth  grievous  things. 
But  let  us  take  their  words  for  once,  feeing  wc  can  have  no  other  aflfurancc  of  theiri«- 
tentions.     It  is  not  a  good  intention^  nor  a  pretended  love  of  Chrijl,  nor  a  fuppofed  ne- 
ceftty,  nor  any  one  ot  thefe,  nor  all  of  thefe  together  ,  that  can  juftiHc  an  unlawful  a- 
(3:ion,  h  is  not  lawful  to  do  evil,  that  good  may  tome  of  it.     Charity  and  Juftice  goe  al- 
ways hand  in  hand  together,  this  is  forfearof  an  uncertain  danger,  to  run  into  a  ccr- 
•  tain  fin.     But  they  tell  us,  that  they  come  to  refcue  the  Kings  per  fan  out  of  the  hands  of 
evilCounceilors,veho  are  enemies  r'  Religion.     In  ferious  caufes,   it  is  difhonourable  to 
trifle  with  pretence?.     Do  they  think,  or  can  they  think,  that  the  King  is  kept  in  du- 
rance againii  liiswill?  orneceliitatedtodo  any  Aft  contrary  to  thediftate  of  his  own 
reafon^  lappealtothcirownconfciences.     It  were  greatly  to  be  wilhed  ,  that  they 
would  once  fpeak  out  and  name  the  evilCouncellors.     The  Hiftory  of  this  Kingdoms 
doth  fl-iew,thar  Treafon  hath  often  put  it  felfinto  this  drefs,fcd{ing  to  hide  its  defor- 
mity from  the  World,  under  thispaintedmaskof  removingfi^//Co«;?cf///r/.     God  be 
blefTed,  HisMajefty  hath  now  the  Flower  of  both  Houfes  of  Parliament  about  him,^l 
hope  thefe  are  not  x.\\z  evilCouncellors  ,  and  daily  more  and  more  are  repairing  to  him, 
fo  many  for  number,  fo  venerable  for  their  condition,  that  allyourCommittees  putto- 
gether,  do  nor  defetveto  be  named  upon  the  fame  day.     If  we  look  bick  to  former 

Par- 


^  A  Senf/on  before  the  ^^_^^ JP^^  ^  J.^*^ 

-^ ■ Pai!ianuntr,%vc  IhalTtind  the  molt  of   thcfc  Great  ConfeJJonrf,  and  in  will,  Martyri 

tor  this  Coiimionwcaltli.  Some  of  them  clapt  up  into  the  Towcr,othcrs  into  the 
fleet  others  dif)uniced  in  the  Coiuitrcy,  and  diiabledto  have  all  offices  for  their 
love  to  their  Coiintrcy,  and  fliail  we  now  be  frighted  from  them  with  the  name  of 
evill  Counccllors  }  But  yet  perhaps  they  arc  f«fWZfi-/oKe/i^iort>  It  may  be  fo,  to  that 
KcIi<'ion  which  innovations  would  introduce  by  force  ot  Armes,  but  not  to  that 
Religion  which  is  enablillied  by  the  Laws  of  this  Kingdomc,  and  which  God  hathfo 
jcuii  bklTcd  to  us  and  our  fathers  with  peace  and  happincffc. 

In  the  next  place  they  goe  about  with  the  fame  fucccflc  ,  to  jufiijle  the  larcfulnejfe 
rf  their  calling.     An  hard  task,  feting  England  is  quilc  without  the  Sphcar  of  their 
adivity.     Here  1  cxpcded   that  they  fhould  have  cited  fome   fundamental  league 
ot'both  Nations  to  thispurpofc  ,  or  fomethingthat  might  have  fatiffied  confcicnce. 
But  all  they  fay  in  defence  of  their  calling  ,(  except  the  iterated  Pleas  of  their  own 
neccliitv,  and  mifchievous  Counfells,  which  they  infert  here  again,  )  may  be  re- 
duced to  this  bricfe  fumme  ,  That  this  Expedition  is  defired  by  our  Varliament    and 
concluded  by  the  confent  of  their  Committee:  We  will  for  the  prefcnt  fuppofc,  that 
wiiich  wc  know  to  be  otherwife,and  they  are  never  able  to  prove,that  the  two  Houfes 
were  fall,and  frse,both  from  force  &  fear.  Yet  there  are  three  maine  imperfedions  in 
their  calling,Firll,nothingcan  give  what  it  hath  not, but  it  is  clear  by  our  Laws  that 
the  two  Houfes  never  had,nor  have  any  pov;er  of  Armcs,but  his  Majefly  alone.     Se- 
condly,if  theParliamenthad  power  to  call, yet  they  being  Subjefts,  have  no  powerto 
entertain  fuch  a  motion'withoutthe  confentof  their  Soveraign,  notwithltanding  all 
their  vowes  andCovenants , which  never  bind  a Subjed contrary  to  his  allegiance^nor 
a  Child  contrary  to  his  filiall  duty.  Thirdly  it  is  as  clear  that  the  Parliament  can  give 
no  fuch  conclnfive  powerto  a  Committee.  They  themfelves  are  but  probers  for  our 
Shires,Cities,andBurroughs,and  by   the  Law,  aVefuty  cannot  makg  aVepttty.  Then 
let  all  men  judae  what  a  calling  thisis  like  to  be,   where  theCaufcis   without  all 
cfficacy,thc  objeft  without  capacity,  and  the  Meanes  without  idoneity 

Their  lafl  labour  is  to  clear  the  faithfulnejje  of  their  carriages  herein ,    And  that  is 
by  their  j>romifes.     A  weak  tenure  ,  any  man  may  be  rich  in  proniifes.     The  pipe 
playes  fweetly  whileft  the  Fowler  is  about  is  prey.     But  they  goe  farther  ,  to  give 
the publicke  Faith  of  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland.     It  feems  they  think  that  E)?^///^  men 
are  to  be  catched  with  chaffe.  What  is  the  Publicks  Faith  of  a  Kii^gdnme  vvorth  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  the  King  ?  efpccially  being  given  by  a  ComiTiittec.    There 
was  a  time  when  fuch  a  thing  called  the  publick^faith^  would  have  pafTcd  currently, 
though  not   with  a  Scrivener  >  yet  with  fome  credulous  Citizens  ,  but   now  they 
will  as  foone  trait  a  Knight  of  the  pofl.     They  know  not  how  to  implead  the  Fttb- 
lich^Faitb,  or  to  arrcft  the  Fublic}{Faith^    or  to  imprifon  thcTtiblichJ'aiih     The  De- 
clarers  appeal  to  their    former  voyagejHou'  little  dammage    was  occafioned  by  thdr 
meanes^  how  little  dijorder  teas  c  ommitted  by  them.     But  to  paffe  by  many  things  that 
snight  be  juflly   alledged  ,     inrefped  there  is  an  AB  of  Oblivion  ^  Then  they   were 
well  paid ,  with  a   large  overplus,  (  I  hope  it  was  not  for  a    Come-againe,  )  now  they 
can  expeft  no  paimentin  mony,  and    in  fuch  a  cafe  how  is  it  poffible  thai  the  foul- 
diers  (hould  be  kept  from  diforder  ?  Laftly,  they  ingage  themfelves,  that  this,  Ex- 
ped  ition  Jhall  he  made  no  ufe  of  to  any  other  ends,  than  are  expr  cjfed  in  the-  Covenant,  and 
in  theTreatyfubfcribed  by  theEngliJhcommiponers.W/hzt^riOt  accidentally  by  particular 
perfons?  what    Ccwwmff  can  undertake  that?  Wee  have  not  (ecn  any  Covenant  o{ 
theirs  to  invade  England,  If  they  have  made  any  fuch,  it  binds  thcin  neither  more  nor 
leffe,than  Berods  oath  did  bind  hitii  to  cut  off  John  Baptifls  hea6,Mato  14.  7,  Or  that 
defperate  vow ,  Ac!s  23.    12.  did  bind  the  Jews  to  inurther  Vaul.  But  we  have  feen 
a  Copy  oftheJreaty,  If  it  be  true  it  is  the  highcft  burthen  that  ever  was  impofcd  up- 
on a  Kingdom.  The  Englip  Commifiioners  know  how  to  cut  large  fwatchcs  of  other 
mens  Cloth.     But  who  fliall  tie.  the  bell  about  the  Cats  ncck^*  It  gives  them  all  the 
Lands  and  Efiates  of  all  popijh  Prelatical  perfons  ,  and  of  all  Malignants  who  have  jfSijhd 
or  contrtbtttedto  the  King  (  That  is  ofall  men  )  between  Trent  andTwecdc  ,  untillall 
the  Arrer  ages  for  England  <«««/ Ireland,  and  the  charge  of  this  war  he  fatiffied,  with  cau- 
tion ,     that  the  Army  Jhall  not  depart  till  then  oitt  of  England,  that  is  untill  thcDay 
of  judgment.     But  all  thecraftis  incatchingvthis  is  like  one  oftlie  Popes  Donations, 

it 


DiscoiirseII. 


\Urquefs  of  NewGaflle. 


it  wants  the  confenc 


of  the  right 


949 


owners.  NL-n  will  fight  hard  before  they  be 
liripp;d  of  their  livelyhoods.  Who  ever  h;jrd  that  a  conquering  fword  wasca- 
pableof  any  dirtinftion  between  pcrfons  ?  Lucidenia  fortma  ,  a  good  eftatc  will  be 
found  more  dangerous  then  a  different  opinion  either  in  Religion  or  Policy.  All 
the  favours  their  Englilh  friends  can  cxped  ,  is  Polyphemus  courtefie  to  Vlyffes  to  be 
lall  eaten  up. 

The  cafe  being  tlius ,  Give  mc  leave  for  one  word  to  your  Excelkucie.  Be  of  good 
courage,  and  let  us  play  the  med  ,fuf  our  people,  and  for  the  cities  ofejtr  Go  I.  Repel 
the  Syrians  ,  and  the  Ammoniies  will  foone  turne  their  backs.  We  may  conjedure 
fafcly  now  ,  where  the  rtrength  of  this  S amp fo n  ,  this  great  Rebellion  hath  laide  all 
this  while.  If  the  Lord  return  yoa  again  with  Vi(aory,you  (hall  bring  bacii  both  a 
Laurel-Garland  to  deck  your  own  Temples,  and  an  Olive-branch  of  Peace  in  your 
hand,  for  our  happinef;. 

I  have  another  Word  to  the  Auditory,  Be  of  good  courage  ,  and  let  us  play  the  men, 
for  our  people,  and  fur  the  cities  of  our  God.  In  this  cafe  ,  I  wi(h  to  every  true  Englifh- 
man,  the  fpirit  and  affeftion  of  that  Souldier  ,  who  having  his  legs  cut  off  in  Fight 
for  his  Coantrey,  yet  defireJ  to  be  caft  into  the  breach  ,  that  he  might  dull  the  edge 
of  one  Sword  more.  It  is  better  to  dye,  than  furvive  the  honour  of  our  Nation,  & 
to  fuffer  thefe  things  which  arc  worfe  than  death,  Schifm,  Slavery,  Beggery,  &  what- 
foever  an  infulting  Enemy  can  inflid:  upon  a  degenerous  people.  Vulce  &  decorum 
eji  pro  fatria  mori.  It  is  a  fweet  and  comely  thing  for  a  man  to  dye  for  his  Countrey, 
and  for  his  Religion,  ^am  gloriofirevertunttir  viSores  de  prdilio,  quam  beati  moriun- 
tur  Martyres  in  pr^liePHuw  glorioufly  they  rcturnConquerours  from  the  Battle?  or 
how  blefiedly  they  dye  Martyrs  in  the  Battle?  If  they  overcome,  they  are  crowned 
with  a  Lawrel-Garlandi  If  they  dye,  with  a  Crown  of  Martyrdom,  faith  St.  Bernard. 

If  wee  compare  our  prcfent  condition,  though  heavy  through  Affeffements,  and 
fome  diforders  of  anecellitous  unpaid  Army,  with  what  it  was  within  the  circum- 
volution of  the  laft  year,  or  little  more,  when  we  were  blocked  up  almoft  on  every 
fide,  and  this  City  ,  no  w  a  patterne  of  loyalty  to  the  whole  Kingdome ,  was  even 
ready  to  have  been  made  a  neft  of  Rebellion,  we  (hall  find  that  we  have  cau(e  to 
ble(re  God  and  the  Inftruments  of  our  fafety.  Indeed  the  burthens  of  the  Country 
have  been  great,but  how  colledtcd,how  diftributed,how  ordered,all  men  are  net  fa- 
tisfied.  This  is  evident,  that  thofe  who  have  btm  the  greateji  beat  and  burthen  of  the 
day,tho{c  that  hnvt  jeoparded  their  lives  unto  death  in  the  high  places  ofthefieldiox  our 
protedion,  have  had  the  lead  (hare.  I  fay  no  more,  nor  would  have  this  conftrued 
to  the  difrepute  of  any   welldeferving  Patriot. 

^!i  monet  ut  facias  quod  jam  facts,  ipfe  monendo 
Laudat, 

Anoble  Fr(?«cfc-wd«  in  his  Defcriptionof  the  feveral  intereils  ofthe(e  European 
Km^dorx'^^i^^hof  England,  thzt  it  is  Magnum  a«;mj/,  A  great  creature  that  can- 
not be  df Ihoyed,but  by  it's  own  ftrength.  Let  us  yet  hold  together  and  everyone  in 
hii  ownc  element  contribute  his  utterrooft  endeavours  to  the  advancement  of  the 
pL'n'ick  welfare,W!thout  all  fini(ier  refpeds:  And  then  I  doubt  not  but  we  (hall  both 
furvive  thi=  ttorm,and  fee  Sun-[hine  and  Halcyonian  dayes  again  in  England.  There- 
fore ,  Be  of  good  courage,  and  lei  us  play  the  men,  for  our  people  ,and  for  the  Cities  of  our 
God  and  the  Lord  doe  that  vohich  feemeth  him  good. 


s 


By 
b 


TOME    IV. 

DISCOURSE  III. 


SERMON 

PK  EACHED  AT 

DUBLIN, 

Upon  the  1  3.  of  Jpril ,    1661^ 
Being  the  Day  appointed  for  His  M  A  J  E  S  T I E  S 

Coronation ; 

WITH    TWO 

SPEECHES 


MADE 


In  theHoufe  o{^ttX%^  the  1 1.  of  May^  166 \^  when  theHoufc 
of  Commons;  prefented  their   SPEAKER. 


By  the  moft  Reverend  Father  in  God  ,  J  O  H  N    Lord  Arch- 
biihop  ot  hrmagh^  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  hdaud^ 


Printed    at    DUBLIN    Firft,    \66o. 
Reprinted    t  6  y  6. 


T  "*■      ■)» 


i  }C 


^ 


r.^ 


—      T 


/^ 


'  o 


H 


',iV 


Discourse  111, 


P'^g 


TOME     IV. 

piSCOURSEJII. 

Pfal.  12^.  7.  He  that  nov^goeih  onhisu>ay  mcfin^^  a>,dbeamh  good  feed,  Jhall  doubtlefr 
come  again  with  joy,  and  bring  his  Jheaves  with  him,  aoumejt 

Nthefaddeftafflidions  and  blackeft  ftorms,that  can  befall  a  man  in  this 

world,(  give  me  leave  to  make  this  thankful  acknowledgment  )  there 

IS  no  companion  or  comforter  like  the  Pfalmes  of  DW     He    that 

afpeaketh  experimentally ,  is  the  beft  Phyfician  both  for  foul  and  body 

i      Being  to   peak  unto  this  auditory  upon  his  Majefties  happy  reftitu- 

tion,  I  htted  and hxed  my  thoughts  to  the  firitVerfe  of  this  Pfalm 
when  the  Lord,  turned  again  the  captivity  of  Sion,then  wre  we  lih^e  tothemthat  drea- 
med. When  the  Lord,  not  the  Lord  Cyrw  in  relation  to  the  Jews  thoueh  the 
edjA  for  their  reftitution  came  out  from  him,  but  the  Lord  of  Cjrw  nor  the  Lords 
of  Parliament  in  relation  to  us,  though  they  helped  to  lay  the  foundation  of  our 
prefent  happinefs,  but  the  Lord  Paramount  of  Heaven  and  Earth.  When  the  lord 
turned.  In  God  there  is  no  (hadow  of  turning  by  change.  But  With  us  there 
is  nothing  but  turning  ,  and  returning,  we  are  all  turning  {hadows  upon  the  old 
exchange  of  this   world. 

When  the  Lord  turned  the  captivity,  that  is,  the  BabiloniOi  Captives,  by  an  ordinary 
hebraifm.  Soit  is  faid  of  Chrift,he  led  captivity  captive,  that  is,  thofe  who  were 
captives  to  Sin  and  Satan,  he  reconquered  ,  and  made  them  to' become  his  own 
lervantsi  And  what  were  we  better  than  Babylonifli  captives,  while  we  fojourned 
in  idolatrous  and  fuperftitious  Countries? 

There  are  two  forts  of  captivity  , corporal  and  fpiritual  ■■,  both  are  bad  but  the  lat- 
te  r  tentimcs  worfe.  In  a  corporal  captivity  the  Tyrants  are  external,  but  in  fpiritu- 
al captivity  they  are  internal,  in  our  bofomes  and  bowels.  There  the  ilings  are  fliarpi 
but  nothing  fo  (harp  as  the  flings  of  a  guilty  confcience.  Corporal  Tyrants  may  dif- 
poflefs  us  of  our  wealth,  our  life,  our  libertyi  but  fpiritual  deprive  us  of  our  fouls  of 
Gods  image,of  eternal  bleflednefs.  There,  one  or  two  members  do  finful  and  flavifh 
officesi  but  here  allour  membcrsare  weapons  of  unrighteoufncfs.  Corporal  captives 
have  but  oneMafier,  but  fpiritual  captives  have  many  Mafters,  Pride  commands  to 
fpend  fk  ccveteoufnefs  to  fparc.  Nay  the  fame  vice  diftrads  them  with  contrary  com- 
mands, as  vain-glory  forceth  them  at  the  fame  time  to  foar  aloft  in  the  air,and  yet  to 
creep  beneath  upon  the  carth,to  fwcll  inwardly  vvithpride,to  crouch  to  the  meaneft 
perfons,  to  obtaine  popular  applaufe.  Corporal  flaves  have  hope  to  efcape  by  flight 
but  in  fpiritual  captivity  no  flight  can  help  us,unlefs  we  could  flic  away  from  our 
felves.  Laftiy,  corporal  captivity  doth  end  with  life.  Death  is  a  perfed  cure  of  all 
humane  miferies.  But  in  fpiritual  captivity  death  is  but  a  beginning  of  Uavery,  and 
a  fliutting  of  the  door  of  liberty  with   the  key  of  eternity. 

But  can  Mountains  be  led  away  captives  ?  otherwife  what  fignifieth  captivity  of 
Sion  >  I  anfwer  ,  that  as  we  fay,  there  is  more  of  Mw»  Martyr  at  P^r7V,then  there  is 
of  M''"  Mjrtyr  at  Mon  Martyr,  So  it  might  be  truly  faid,there  was  more  of  Sion  car- 
ried to  Babylon  than  was  left  at  5/w.  Firft,  the  Temple  which  was  the  glory  of 
Sion,  was  demoliflicd.  Then  the  Ceremonies,and  Sacrifices, and  Ordinancesof  *?«« 
were  aboliflied.  Thirdly,the  holy  veiTcIs  and  garments  and  other,  utenfiles  and  fa- 
cred  ornaments  were  exported.  Laftiy,  thePriclts  and  Levites,and  people  of  God 
were  all  carried  away  captive.  Thefe  were  the  living  5io«  ,  without  thekSim 
was  but  a  dead  caikafs  of  it  felf.  Juftly  therefore  is  the  captivity  of  the  people  of 
God  called  the  captivity  of  Sion. 

Then  were  we,  that  is^  by  way  ofHiftorical  narration:  or  thenree  jhall  be,  by  way  of 

X  XX  XX  2  pro- 


$'54 


A    Sennen     upon  TOME  IIIK 


>       II 


"^pwtjhetical  predidioii.  Either  Icnfc  may  be  admitted.  LiK'  ihtm  tbut  dmm. 
that  is  like  thofc  who  are  between  fleeping  and  wakings  the  events  were  fo  Urange, 
lb  unexpected,  incredible,  that  we  doubted  whethere  they  were  real  events  or  vain 
fancies  and  drowlie  imaginations.  Others  tranflateit, /^i;?  ihejetkatarecowjcrud^ 
or  lih  tlMe  that  are  recovered  [ion\,  (omc  languiftiing  ficknefs  and  reftored  to  their 
foimerlhength  and  vigour.  ,     ,      -^         ..  ,    r       tr 

But  whilell  I  was  makmg  a  paralel  between  thejcwifli  captivity,  and  clour  Eng- 
lift]  captivity,  and  of  our  deliverance  and  reflitution  with  theirs,  1  fee  the  flower 
which  I  had  delignedfor  the  fubjeftofmy  difcourfCjCropt  away  before  myface,this 
ncccflitattd  me  toalter  my  meditations  from  the  firft  Verfe  to  the  lalt  Verfe  of  this 
Pfalm.  The  former  was  more  emphatical  for  the  Jewifli  captivity.  But  the  later 
fuites  altogether  as  well  with  our  prefcnt  condition.  He  tbut  now  gotthonhis 
way  wtepitgaiid  beareih  forth  good  feed,  pali  doubtlefs  come  again  ffith  joy,  and  brir.g  kis 
(heaves  tFtth  him. 

It  is  not  my  manner  to  amufe  my  hearers  much  with  various  ledions  or  tranila- 
tions.  Every  language  hath  its  proper  idiotifmes,  or  peculiar  forms  of  exprclhon, 
which  differ  more  in  found  than  infenfe.  The  wcrft  reading  or  tranflation  is  com- 
monly not  fo  ill,  as  thofe  clafhings,  and  uncharitable  alterations  which  are  about 
them.  Various  ledions  may  fometimes  bring  feme  light  to  the  underllanding, 
but  they  fluke  that  Chriliian  faith  which  is  radicated  in  the  heart.  Break  ice  in 
oncplace,  and  it  will  crack  in  more;  Suffer  the  truth  of  facred  writ  to  be  quel^ioned 
in  a  word  or  a  fyllable,  and  you  weaken  the  authority  ,  and  lefTen  the  venerable 
cftimationof  the  whole  text.  That  which  fatisfyethme,  and  may  fatisfyany  good 
ChrilHan,  is  this,that  God  who  hath  given  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  his  Church,  to  be 
the  key  of  his  revealed  ceunfels,thc  anchor  of  their  Iiope,ihe  evider.ce  of  their  bleffed- 
nefs,  will  not  fuffer  thofe  Scriptures  to  be  fo  far  corrupted  in  any  thing  that  is  fun- 
damental and  neceffary,  that  it  can  hinder  the  falvation  of  his  fervants.  Take  (his 
Text  for  aninftance,  that  there  is  ,no  fuch  danger  in  various  leftions  or  tranllations, 
if  they  be  expounded  according  to  the  analogy  of  faith,  and  that  fenfe  of  the  fcri- 
ptures,  which  the  Holy  Ghoft  did  give  to  the  Church,  together  with  the 
Scriptures. 

tie  that  going goetb  filth  the  otigim\.  He  that  goeth  en  his  rpay  Cahh  our  tranllati- 
cn,  oxhe  that  goethforth,  tliat  is ,  forth  ofhis  houfe  tofow,  or  forth  of  his  Countrey 
into  exile,  weeping,  or  penfivc,  orforrowing:  And  beareth  forth  good  feed,  whethet 
wc  read  beareth  or  dratveth,  gO0d  feed,  or  precious  Cetd,  or  the  furring  feed,  or  the  hop- 
per ot  feed  basket^  is  not  material.  Shall  doubt lefs  come  again  Tviihfny.  Theoriginal 
is,  in  if>mmingfhall  cotne^thzt  is,(hallcome  without  fail.  Shall  doubtlefs  come  again 
jvithjoy.  This  word  onlyfeemeth  tome  to  be  franflated  over  flat,  and  might  be 
rendered  more  aptly  rvith  afhont  of  joy,  or  tvith  joyful  acclamations,hy  allufion  to  thofe 
harvefi  dances,  which  they  ufe  in  many  places,  when  they  bring  in  the  laft  load  of 
their  harvcll  with  great  pomp,  fliouts,  and  acclamations  ofioy.  Av.d  bring  hit 
Jheaves  n>ith  him,  thzt  is ,  the  incrcafe  of  his  feed  ,  thefruit  of  his  labour,  the  reward 
of  his  patience. 

In  the  words  we  may  obferve  a  double  qualification,  The  former,  he  that  now 
goeth  on  his  rvay  weeping  ,  the  httet,  and  beareth  forth  good  feed.  And  a  double  prog- 
noftick,  the  loxmer,  /hall  doubtlefe  come  again  with  joy,  the  latter,  and  bring  his  /heaves 
with  him.  We  may  obferve  how  going  forth  and  comming,  again  weeping  and  fnouting 
for  ]oy,  feed  zwdifheaves  do  anfwer  one  another. 

And  now  that  we  have  fcen  the  fenfe,Iet  us  fee  how  fitly  thcfe  words  do  agree  tothe 
exile  and  'happy  reftitution  ofourSoveraignKing  Charles  the  fecond.  Firii,  he  went 
on  his  way,  more  like  indeed  fome  Bode  or  ordinary  melTenger  than  a  great  Prince- 
He  went  forth  of  £?/g/iW(i  into  Frjr.ce,  from  Trance  to  Holland,  form  Holland  iftct 
fome  lelTcrexcurfioninto  Scotland^i  Fifl\es  and  Guclls  gain  little  by  long  keeping,  ) 
where,  to  fpcake  modcffly,  he  was  not  entertained  like  the  hundred  and  tenth  Prince 
of  that  family:  To  give  a  civil  honour  to  Gods  vicegerent  was  to  idolize  thecrca- 
ture.  But  no  honour  could  be  tco  much  at  the  fame  tirr.c  lor  a  corfRoiy  of  their 
owne  Commiilioner?.  There  was  nothing  to  be  heard  but  riiC  Crn  rr.ii!."oi;ersof 
C  lilKthc  tribunal  of  ChrilVhe  Scepter  cf  Chrifl,  the  eternal  Gorpel.Oh  partiality, 
how  doft  thou  blind  rricns  eyes'  Bffbrc 


Discourse  iP  His    Majt^ics    Keftauration 

Beiore  cms  ^dv^nmre  to riT^  he  had  thSIiihrs  for  Ireland,  where  the  gr^r^ft" 
and  belt  part  of  the  Kingdom  did  either  profcts  to  hold  for  him  ,  or  defire  to  retu-n 
to  him.onely  two  Cities  did  hold  outagaiDii  him,  Vublin  and  Londo4derrmDd  if  mv 
'     intclhgence  do  not  tail  me,  thofe  cxpeded  onely  his  own  prefence  to  have  fubtnitted 
with  more  honour  and  advantage. 

However  it  was,  I  did  willi,  ifit  had  been  Gods  will,  that  hehad  come  over  that 
Inbrid  might  have  had  a  fignal  honour  in  his  reftitutionthen,  as  it  contributed  large- 
ly arterwards.but  God  difpofeth  ail  things  fwcetly.  ^ 
.      From  Scotla>id  he  mnt  on  his  tvay  for  England.     But  the  iniquity  of  the  Amoriis 
was  not  yet  tali.     God  had  fomcthing  to  do  with  his  rod  before  he  call  it  into  the 
tire:  fomething  in  Jamma^  fomcthing  in  he lmd,i:omtt\\]n^\n Scotland,  fomethinein 
I^ighnd  ir  felf,  to  bring  the  firii  contrivers  of  our  miferies  to  (hame  and  condien  pu- 
nifliment  by  th.ir  own  power,  to  prepare  and  facilitate  a  way  for  his  MajcflieSiefti- 
tution,  without  citufion  of  blood.     God  hath  more  noble  means ,  and  fitter  oppor- 
tunities to  effed his  own  dtfigns,  than  man  can  comprehend.     We  pra'a}  thee  0  God 
roe  ackstoo'kdge  thee  to  be  the  Lvrd.     That  Englilli  Voyage,  though  otiier  >.  ue  uafuccef- 
tul,  was  an  h^ppy  prefage  of  this  great  bleliing,  which  we  now  enjoy,  that  God  who 
preferved  his  Majelcy  fo  miraculoully  then  ,  had  fom:  great  work  to  do  with  him. 
From  E-tgljiid  he  returned  to  France,{iom  France  to  Germany,  from  Germany  to  Flan- 
ders, from  FUnders  to  France  back  again,  thence  to  Spain,  thence  to  Flanders^  thence 
to  Holland,  and  fofor  England,  where  long,  and  long, and  long  may  his  Crown  flou- 
rifli.     Was  everSovereignPiince  fo  tofled  to  and  fro,  and  bandied  hithcr?nd  thither 
by  the  rackets  of  a  contrary  fortune?  changing  his  Itations  as  often  as  the  old  Patri- 
archs did  ,  whilell  they  dv/elt  in  Tents.     This  was  no  comfortable  life  to  be  al- 
ways rolling  up  and  down.     Which  the  next  word  in  my  Text  implics,that  is,  rvee- 
}'i>tg.  He  that  goeth  on  his  n>ay  rveeping. 

I  may  fay  of  weeping,as  our  learned  Countreyman  the  Lord  Verulam  faid  of  hope, 
that  it  was  a  good  Breakfaft,  but  an  ill  Supper.     Early  tears,likethemiftdefcending' 
prognofiicate  a  fair  fereneday.     As  April  (howers  bring  forth  May  Flowers.     They 
who  prove  Bf«;jwi«'s,fons  of  the  righthandi  are  commonly  firft  J5e;/OT/f/,fons  offor- 
row.     Chrilt  himfelf  did  wear  a  Crown  of  Thorns ,  before  he  obtained  a  Crown  of 
Glory.     Jofefh  was  tir(l  clapt  up  clofc  in  a  dungeon,  where  he  faw  neither  Sun,  nor 
Moon,  nor  Scars  for  a  feafon,  before  the  Sun,  Moon,  and  Stars  did  fall  down  &  wor- 
fhip  him.     No  man  can  rationally  doubt ,  whether  our  dread  Sovereign  did  fow  in 
tears ,  before  he  reaped  in  joy  ,  who  confiders  fadly  what  a  mifery  it  is,  for  a  great 
King,  to  be  banifhed  from  all  his  Relations,  to  be  thruft  out  of  his  Native  Countrcy, 
and  Hereditary  Kingdoms,  into  the  mercilefs  World,  to  live  in  want.     A  French  Au- 
thour  of  good  note,  relates  with  pity  and  commiferation,  the  deplorable  condition  of 
the  Lancaftrian  Family,  being  of  the  Blood  R.oyaI  oi'Engiand,  in  the  Court  of  CW(Vj 
Duke  o( BfirgHridy.     That  whereas  God  and  Naturehad  provided  fo  bountitully  tor 
all  other  creatures,  the  fowls  of  the  air,  and  the  beafts  of  thefield  ,  that  they  never 
feared  the  want  of  food,  onely  men,  the  beft  of  creatures,  and  Princes  thebeftofmeo, 
thould  fometimes  not  know  where  to  find  fultenance  for  to  morrow.     A  man  may 
juftly  fear  want  ofnioney,or  want  of  means,  or  want  of  friends,  but  wantof  forrows 
and  tears  he  need  not  fear.     Forreign  kindred  and  allies  do  fcldom  contribute  much 
to  the  wiping  away  of  thefe  tears.     Like  winter-brooks  ,  they  Avell  with  kiudnefs, 
when  one  hath  no  need  of  them,  but  when  they  (hoiild  beufeful,  they  are  dryed  up. 
And  he,  that  trufts  unto  them, may  exped  St.  Peter^s  lot,  v/hen  his  nets  were  full,  he 
needed  but  to  beckon  to  his  fellows ,  and  prcfently  they  were  all  at  his  elbow  i  but 
when  he  did  fing  his  lachryrme,  he  had  not  one  of  them  to  comfort  him^  Every  one  is 
a  kinirnan  to  him  that  is  profperous,  but  a  friend  in  need  is  a  friend  indeed. 

And  truly,  when  I  compare  our  ncccfTary  expenfes  in  the  long  time  of  our  banith- 
ment  abroad,  with  our  comings  in,  I  cannot  attribute  our  prcfervation  fo  long  to  any 
thing,but  to  a  fecret  blelling  of  Almighty  Gcd.  He  that  fed  the  Ifraclitcs  with  man- 
na in  a  barren  wildernefs,  and  preferved  their  fhoes  and  their  raiment  from  wearing, 
and  waxing  old,Hc  that  fed  Eliah  by  Ravens,Hc  that  bietTed  the  poor  widovvs  hand- 
ful of  meal, and  hcrcrutc  of  oyl,  will  not  futferhis  Servantsto  dye  for  hunger. 

But  the  cares  and  troubles  of  Princes  arc  incomparably  greater,  and  their  wants 


more 


OS  6 


//  Servian  upofi  1  OME  llll 


,n  He  pinchiiv  than  tlinlc  iit  private  perfons.  Their  Motto  may  be  the  candle,burn- 
ina  with  thclabiir  Letters,  A.  S.  M.  C.  Alns  jervkm  meipfam  conttro.  In  ferving  o- 
il-^rs  1  walic  away  my  felt".  Theircarcs  extend  to  all  their  followers,  toprovide  tor 
their  neccliities  as  well  as  lor  their  own.  The  fufferings  of  all  their  Sub)ed,s  &  Re- 
lations do  touch  them  more  nearly  than  others.  Thoui^hts  rroubled  Nehuchadnez- 
zjr*s  head  ,  whikit  hisSubjcdts  fl'ept  fecurely  upon  either  ear.  When  the  Preacher 
hath  but  fallen  upon  the  Martyrdom  of  our  late  Sovereign,  or  thofe  inftruftions 
which  he  left  behind  him,how  have  I  feen  his  Majefiydiffblve  into  tears>that  brought 
to  rivmir.d  that  of  Sr.  j4t<{hrt,proruf(rantflumhja  oculorum  meornm  accepahik  tuumfa- 
crificiiiin^Thcjljods  of  mine  eyes  did  break  Jvrth  an  acceptable  facrifice  unto  theefiGod.This 
is  tlie  fir'll  qualihcation,  He  that  goeth  on  his  way  weepng. 

The  fccond  (oWows^and  bringeth forth  good.fecd.     It  is  a  metaphor  taken  from  Sovv- 
erf.'W'hat  a  man  fowes,  that  he  may  certainly  exped  to  reap.     But  what  isthe  good 
feed  which  our  Sovereign  did  bear  forth  with  him?  I  anfwer,  Firft,  a  good  title,P/fK 
&fo}i  droit,  God  and  his  right.     There  is  a   mulhrom  errour  lately  crept  into  the 
•world  and  almoft  thruft  oat  again, That  Dominion  is  founded  in  grace,  not  in  na- 
turei  That  the  wicked  Iiive  no  interell  in  their  Pofleffions  or  Ellates ,  but  are  like 
moths  which  make  their  houfes  in  other  mens  Garments,That  all  things  belong  pro- 
perly to  the  Eled,  Pjk/,  Jpollo,  Cephas,  things  prefent,  things  to  come,  all  are  theirs, 
if  they  be  Chrills.     Ex  his  pr£mijps  neffjfario  feqiiitur  clhtfw.     Admit  this  once,  and 
then  they  who  take  themfelves  to  be  true  JJiraelites,  may  with  a  good  confcience  rob 
and  plunder  the  profane  £^^f/MJ/x  of  this  world.     Nothing  is  more  hidden  than  true 
Grace.     We  know  it  not  in  another,  hardly  in  our  felves.  Therefore,  if  grace  Chouli 
give  an  interell  to  pofTedions,  no  mans  title  fliould  be  certain,  from  whence  of  neccf-- 
fity  muft  follow  an  incredible  confufion.     But  our  God  is  a  God  of  Order.  Religion 
neitiier  alters,  nor  takes  away  any  mans  right.     Ananias  was  no  Saint,  yet  St.  Veter 
told  him,  that  he  had  a  good  interelt  in  his  Eftate,  was  it  not  thine  orvi\?  The  truth  is. 
Dominion  is  founded  in  nature,  not  in  grace.     It  was  faid  to  our  Hrft  Parents,  imme- 
diately rpon  the  Creation :  Keplenijh  the  earthi  and  have  Vominion,  &c.     Every  fon  of 
Jdam  may  challenge  ah  interell  in  his  own  Eftate  by  virtue  of  this  concellion. 

All  is  yours,  faith  the  Scripture,  that  is,  not  every  individual  creature,but  every  fpe- 
cics  or  kind  of  creatures.  All  i/3'o«r/,that  is,  not  by  way  of  civil  pofTellion,  but  by 
divine  Ordination.  A'l  things  by  Gods  difpofition,  ferve  for  the  good  of  the  Church, 
and  help  forward  the  falvation  of  Gods  fervants.  Or,  All  is  yours,andyoa  areChriJis^ 
that  is,  you  onely  who  are  Chrifts,  have  the  fandified  ufe  of  the  creatures.  This  is  far 
enough  from  a  civil  po(reliion,far  enough  from  a  jult  title,  fuch  as  King  Charles  had, 
not  grounded  upona  Fanatick  ExpoHtion  of  a  Text  of  Holy  Scripture,  nor  uponthe 
tickle  humours  of  a  giddy  multitude,  nor  upon  the  Traytcrous  diftates  of  a  feditious 
Oratour,  butupon  the  evident  Laws  of  God,  of  Nature,  of  Nations,  and  the  munici- 
pal Laws  of  thefe  Kingdom^  upon  a  radicated  fuccellion  from  Royal  Progenitours, 
He  himfelf  being  the  hundred  and  tenth  Perfonof  one  Family,  who  hath  fwayed  the 
Scepter.  I  do  not  know  any  Prince  in  Europe,  or  in  thefe  parts  of  the  World  ,  that 
can  fay  the  fame.  A  Title  roclear,as  if  it  were  written  with  a  beam  of  the  Sun,  which 
no  true  Englifhrnan  in  his  right  wits  did  ever  yet  oppofe ,  but  one  or  two  Forreign 
Pcr.fioners,  maintained  onpurpofe  abroad,  to  kindle  Scathfires  at  home,  jvho  gained 
nothing  by  the  quertion,  but  to  render  themfelves  ridiculous. 

This  was  the  good  feed, which  KingC/>jr/fj  did  bear  forth  with  him,  A  good  Title, 
which  though  it  feemcd  for  a  time  to  perifli  under  the  clods, yet  we  fee  it  fprouts  up 
again.  A  tcmpeft  brings  Achilles  his  Arms  to  Ajax^s  Tomb,  to  reverfean  unjaftfen- 
tcnce:  And -(^jroK's  rod  devoured  the  rods  of  the  Enchanters,  to  the  comfort  ofall 
Loyal  Subjecfts,  and  the  confufion  of  all  E^'/'/ij^  Juglers  forever.  This  is  the  firft 
grcdfeed,  which  King  Charles  did  hear  forth  with  him.     A  good  Title, 

A  fccond  fort  oi good  feed,  which  King  CW/tv  did  hear  forth  with  him, was  the  te- 
ftimony  of  a  good  confcience,  wiof  of  offence,  towards  God  and  tnivards  trtan.  A  good 
confcience  is  a  better  proofof  innocence,  than  a  thoufand  witnefTcs,  and  will  make  it 
felf  a  Garland  of  the  lying  reports  of  Sycophant?.  When  Kins^Charles  was  rtrft  cha- 
fed out  oiEngland,  his  age  was  not  capable  of  much  guilt  ,  and  his  onely  crime  was, 
that  ( which'in  truth  was  his  chiefcft  glory,)  he  was  the  Son  of  fuch  a  Father.     Thofc 


ac- 


Discourse  III.  H;j  Majcftics  Reftaiiracion  '  ZTZ" 

accLufcd  jcaloulics  and   tears  ,  which  the  hrft  dcvilcrs  and  fpreaders  ot  them     "did" 

know  afluredly  to  be  damnable  lies",  are  now  vanifhed.  Truth  the  daughter  ot'time 
hathdircoveredthcnrro  all  the  world  to  have  been  counterfeit  ftiews.  they  feared' 
an  apoliafy  to  Popery  ,ycr  King  d/^jr/t>x  the  Father,  dyed  a  glorious  Martyr  ,  and 
King  Charles  Son.hvcs  a  Noble  Confcffour  of  the  true  faith,  profefled  in  the  Church 
ot  Ennland^  having  (hewed  evidently  by  a  choufand  proot~s  ,  that  he  is  no  fuch 
reed  (haken  with  the  wind.  They  complained  of  tyranny  againft  him,  whofe  one- 
ly  deted  was  overmuch  goodnefs,  and  lenidy.  Let  their  high  Conrtsof.Injultice 
Ipeak,  let  their  black  roll  ofSequeftrators  and  committee  men  fpeak,  let  all  the  great 
Townes  \x\England^(  which  they  made  fliambles  of  good  Chri/hans,  and  loyal  Sub- 
jedtsj  fpeak,  let  "Iredagh  fpeak,  and  that  torrent  of  loyal  blood,  which  was  poured 
out  there, barbiroudy  upon  cold  and  deliberate  thoughts  ,  like  water  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth,  who  were  the  Tyrant-;.  Ca]tu  the  Emperour,  out  of  a  ridiculous, 
aifeftation  to  make  himfclfe  like  the  Gods,  did  aflume Mfrc«nV  rod, y^/^o/lo'/ bow 
and  arrows, Mjr/  his  fword  and  fhield.  But  King  Charkshzth  ever  better  enfigncs 
of  the  Deity  ,  Juliice  ,  Mercy,  Piety  and  Temperance.  Thefe  make  up  the 
image  of  God,  where' thefe  abound,  the  bird  in  the  bread  fings  fweetly.  He,  who 
hath  thefe  may  with  comfort  expc  dan  happy  deliverance  from  all  his  troubles. 
Hetlutgoeth  vnh'u  vpjy  weeping,  ar)d  beamh  forth  thU  feedmth  him  ^fhall  doubtlcfs 
come  again  reith  joy. 

The  third  fort  of  good  feed,  which  King  Charles  did  bear  forth  with  him,  was 
a  good  Religion.  A  Religion  not  refi^rmed  tumultuouny,according  to  the  brain- 
fick  fancies  ot  an  half  witted  inultitude  ,  dancing  after  the  pipe  of  fome  feducing 
charmer,  bat  foberly,  according  to  the  rule  of  Gods  word  ,  as  it  hath  been  evermore, 
and  every  where  interpreted  by  the  Catholick  Church,  and  according  to  the  pureft 
pattern  of  the  primitive  times.  A  Religion,  againft  which, the  greateft  adverfaries 
thereof,  have  no  exception,  but  that  itprcferreth  grace  before  nature,  the  written 
word  before  uncertain  traditions,  and  the  allfufficient  blood  of  jefus  Chrift,  before 
theftained  works  of  mortal  men.  A  Religion,  whicH  is  neither  garifli  with  fuper- 
fluous  Ceremonies,  nor  yet  fluttifli,  and  void  of  all  order,  decency,  and  Majefty  in 
the  fervice  of  God.  A  Religion,  which  is  as  careful  to  r'etein  old  Articles  of  faith, 
as  it  is  averfe  from  new  Articles.  The  eflences  of  all  things  do  confift  in  indivi- 
fibili.  Faith  is  adulterated,  as  well  by  the  addition  of  new  Articles,  as  by  the  fub- 
ftradion  of  old.  Religion,  which  is  not  like  to  perith  for  want  of  fit  organs,  like 
thefe  imperfedi  creatures  produced  by  the  Sun  upon  the  bankes  of Nz/k/,  but  (haped 
for  continuance.  The  ferrour  of  Ko»Mf.  They  fear  out  moderation  more  than  the 
violent  oppolition  of  others.  The  watch  tower  of  the  Evangelical  Churches.  I 
have  feen  many  Churches  of  all  forts  of  communions,  but  ne\er  any,  that  could  di- 
nainifhthat  venerable  eftimation,  Which  I  had  for  my  mother, the  Church  ofE/fg- 
httd.  From  her  breads  1  received  my  firft  nourifiiment,  in  her  armes  I  defire  to  end 
my  dayes ;  Blefled  be  he  that  blefTcth  her-  This  good  feed,  that  is,  the  Religion  of* 
the  Church  of  England,  K\\\^  Charles  Aid  bear  forthwith  him.  This  he  brought 
home  with  him  ,  without  turning  either  to  the  right  hand  orto  the  leff,  And  like 
the  Laurel  tree,  (  the  tree  of  Conquerers,  _}  he  gathered  ftrength  and  vigour,  even 
from  oppofition ,  Cre/cit J»<J  pondere  Virtur.  ,^ 

I  cannot  deny,  but  that  fome  of  us  have  (Parted  afide  like  broken  bowes,  out  of 
defpair  in  this  their  bitter  trial,  wherein  they  have  had  their  goods  plundered, 
their  eftates  Sequeftred,  their  perfons  imprifoned,  their  Churches  aliened,  wherein 
they  have  been  divorced  from  their  neareft  relation,  and  difabled  to  difcharg 
the  duties  of  their  callingsto  God,  wherein  fome  of  them  have  been  flaughtcrfd,  o- 
thers  forced  to  maintain  themfelves  by  mechanick  labours,  others  thruft  out  of 
their  native  Countries,  to  wander  like  vagabonds ,  and  exiled  beggars  up  and 
down  the  mercilefs  world.  But,  God  be  praifcd,  they  are  not  many.  If  we  com- 
pare this  with  any  the  likepcrfecution  in  Europe,  you  fliall  never  tinJ,  that  fo  few 
Apoftated.  As  if  they  had  beeninfpired  with  the  free  fpirit  of  St.  Chryjlfiomehrvill  ihey 
hanifhmethe  earth  is  the  Lords,  and  the  fulnefse  thneof  ?  If  they  ca^i  me  into  the  fea, 
I  will  rfwjewtcT  Jonas  i  If  into  a  fiery  fi<rnace,the  three  children;lf  among  the  vcilde  beafis, 
Daniel  iJfthey  (ione  me,  J  have  S.  Stephen /or  my  companion  ■■,  If  they  behead  me,  ]ohr\ 

Baptiji 


958 


A  Sermon   Hpan  TOME  UH. 


BaVitii  V  ]j  they  plunder  me,  mk^d  1  came  out  oj  my  mothers  womb,  aMdnak^d  mult  J  return 
aoa'tn.     Or  with  the  hcroical  mind  of  Sr.  Ambrofe,   Vullifne  ad  vincttb  me  abripere? 
VohtPtas  efi  mihi,  8cc.     will  yehale  me  tc  prifon?  it  is  a  delight  unto  me.   To  deatli? 
I  will  not  incircic  my  felf  with  a  guard  of  truHy  follow,  rs,  nor  lay  hold  on  the  al- 
tars as  a  fupplyant  to  favemy  life,  but  will  be  freely   offered  upfor  the  altars  of  my 
God.  Spices  being  brayed  in  a  mortcr  Smell  more  fweetly,  fo  thefc  fervants  of  Chrilt, 
being  beaten  andbruifcd  by  pcrfccutors,  do  yield  a  more  fragrant  odour  in  the  nofc- 
thrils  of  God  and  man.  The  ground  of  their  conllancy,next  ro  thegoodne's  of  God, 
ivas  the  examples  of  our  dread  Sovcraign  his  courage  and  perfcverancc.  The  exam- 
ple of  a  great  Princc,is  like  the  great  wheel  of  a  clock,which  fcts  all  the  leffer  wheels 
agoing.  This  fhall  one  day  Crown  his    temples  with  a  diadem,  more  bright  than 
the  beams  of  the  Sun,as  far  excelling  that  Crown,  which  he  is  to  receive  this  day,  as 
the  radiant  fplendour  of  the  Sun,  doth  exceed  the  dim  fliining  of  a  glowworm. 
Then,  if Ttti^,  an  heathen,  could  fay,  that  the  Rowawi  did  owe  their  vidtories,  and 
good  fucceifes,  more  ro  their  religions  piety,  than  either  to  their  number,  or  Ihength, 
or  policy)  why  fhould  Clirilliansdefpair, or  doubt,  that  King  Charles,  who  went  on 
his  way  weeping,  and  didbeare  forth  fuch   precious  feed  with  him,  (hould  come 
again  with  joy,  and  bring  his  (heaves  with  him. 

The  laftfort  of  good  iecd,  which  King  Charles  did  bearc  forth  with  him,  was  the 
prayers  and  good  affedions  of  his  Subjeds.  Tyrants  might  deprive  him  of  his  other 
contributions,  thi^ihey  could  not  deprive  him  of.      If  St.     ^/</?w  did  attribute  (b 
much  to  the  prayers  and  tears  of  his  Mother  Monica,  what  might  not  be  hoped  from 
the  prayers  and  tears  of  fo  many  thoufands,  powred  out  to  God  in  private,  for  tbcir 
King  and  Country,  Church  and  Commonwealth,  Liberty  and   Religion.     At  a 
GfrwiJ«  Dyct  the  princes  fell  upon  a  controverfy,  which  of  them  had  the  beft  coun- 
try.    The  Palatine  commended  his,  for  the  fruitful  foil  •,  the  Saxon  his,  for  the  Silver 
mncs^theBavartjnhh,  for   (lately  Cities-,  the  Duke  of^//ffKifrg<',inpraife  of  his 
Country,  faid  onely  this,that  he  durft  lay  his  head  in  the  lap  of  any  fubjedl  through- 
out his  Dominions,  either  by  day,  or  by  night; /wkk(»»   ambo,  an  happy  Prince  of 
an  happy    people,  where  that  evil  fpirit  had  not  walked,  which  fet  diflenfi on  be- 
tween Abimekch,  and  the  mcnoiSichem.  'England  was  notalwaycs  fo  happy,  when 
fome  counterfeit  Phyficians,  (  like  the  wolf  in  thcfable,  )perfwaded  againltherown 
fenfe,  that  (lie   was  (ick  to  death,  without  all  kind  of  recovery,  unlefs  (lie  would 
put  hcrfelf  into  their  hands  to  be  cured.     She  did  fo.  And  whatthe  iffue  had  been, 
ifGodalmighty  had  not  looked  down  upon  us  from  heaven,  with  an  eye  of  pity, 
wehave  feen.     Yet  thi*  was  but  a  green  ficknefs  tit.     When  thatht  was  over,  (he 
threw  away  her  chalk  and  coles,  which  (he  had  eaten  in  corners,  and  returned  to 
eate  more    healthful  food  at  her  Fathers  tabic.  Or,  it  wasa  (hort  fit  of  madncfs ; 
0  Phocifirt,  (  faid  Vemades)  lool{_  to  thy  felf,  when   the  Athenians/,^//  into  their  mad  fitf. 
And  thntiDen\3ides^(  replyed  F^ociow)    leok,to  thy  felf, when  they  return  to  their  right 
wits:  But,  God    be  praifed,  even    whileft  this  epidemical  diftemper  did  rage  the 
moll,  there  were  not  onely  feavcn  thoufand  in  England,  but  feaventy  times  feuven 
thoufandjwho  never  bowed  their  knees  to  BaalBerith,  the  God    of  the  Covenant, 
but  continued  loyal  Subjedts,  and  orthodox    Chriflians,  and  were  not  afraid  \yith 
the  Serpent,  tocxpofe  their  bodies  to  the  blows,  and   their  citatcs  to  be  a  prey  to 
their  perfecutors,  that  they  might  fave    their  head,  firfl:,  their  fpiritualhead,  that  is, 
Chrilf,  (econdly,  their  political  head,  that  is,  their  Soveraign      Princev  and  laftly, 
their  ecclefiaftical  head,  or  lawful  fuperiours  in  the  Church.     Thefc  were  the  true 
Ifraelitts,who  wreflled  with  God  by  their  prayers,  and  prevailed.  I  have  done  with 
the  fecond  qualification,  and  heardh  forth  good  feed.  I  come  now  to  the  catafirophe  .* 
Shall  doubtlefs  come  again    with  ]oy. 

Every  word  in  my  text  proclaims,that  there  is  an  interchangeable  vicillitude  of 
all  humane  affairs.  Here  wc  have,  goingforth  and  coming  again,  weeping  and  acclama- 
tions of  joy,  fowing  and  reaping, /feaf  and  (heav  es.  He  that  goeth  on  his  way  weepings 
and  beareth  forth  good  feed,  fhall  doubtlefs  come  again  with  joy,  and  bring  hpsjheavrs  with 
him.  That  o(  Solomon,  There  is  a  time  for  every  thing,  a  time  to  plant,  and  a  time  to 
pltickjup^atime  to  build,  and  a  time  to  pulldown  holds  in  Cities  and  publick  focieties, 
as  well  as  private  Familes,  and  they  may   fet  the  Moon  upon  their  gates ,  as  well  as 

the 


.  Discourse  in.  His  Majefties  Reftauration  ot-g 

the  old  Komanr  did  upon  their  fhoes,  to  put  thcin  in  mind  ot  the  unltability  of  rhis" " 

World.  One  is,  anot)ier  was,  and  a  third  (hall  be,  even  as  it  pleaieth  God,  in  whofe 
band  there  is  a  chain  to  lift  them  up,  or  let  them  down  at  his  pleafurc.  The  great- 
eft  Monarchsand  Monarchies  in  the  World,  in  comparifon  of  him,  are  but  "tttu  roris 
antelitcatti,  drops  of  morning  dew,  quickly  diyed  up  with  the  hear  oftheSuT;,  or  eau- 
ly  difperfed  with  the  lea(t  puffe  of  wind.  All  places  have  their  days  and  nights 
their  Summers  and  Winters,  their  Sun-fliine  and  Storms.  Nnfublunaryrhing  isfta- 
ble.  The  Sun  hathits  Eclipfes,  the  Moon  hath  its  Waxingsand  Wainings,  the  Sea 
hath  its  Ebbings  and  Flo  wings,  the  Elements  their  fuccellive  changes.  Peace  and 
.  War  ,  ficknefs  and  health,  plenty  and  dearth,  do  fucceed  one  another.  The  whole 
World  is  a  reftlefs  whirligig,  running  violently,  fomefimes  this  way,  fometimesthat 
way.  A  reed  fhaken  hither  and  thither  ,  with  every  puffe  of  wind.  A  tottering 
quagmire,  whereupon  it  is  impolfible  to  lay  a  fure  foundation  :  like  a  fick  man,  that 
can  take  no  reft  in  his  bed,  but  is  continually  toiling  and  turning  from  (ide  to  fide. 

St.  Paul doih  defcribc  our  right  image,  in  two  Metaphors,  4  Eph.  14.  That  we 
henceforth  be  no  more  children^  tojiedto  and  fro  ,  and  carried  about  with  every  vptnd  ofDo- 
cir'tne.  The  former  Metaphor  is  taken  from  little  children.  You  may  draw  a  child 
any  whither  from  his  duty,  from  his  intereft,from  his  cngagemcnts,with  ?  fair  wordj 
or  an  apple,  or  fome  new  tangled  toy,  or  fear  of  fome  bugbear,  or  prom  i(es  of  gold  en 
mountains.  So  we  like  children,  are  eafily  led  into  a  fools  paradifc,  not  with  apples 
ofEden,  but  with  apples  of  5o^fl»7,  which  turn  to  duft  when  they  come  to  be  enjoy- 
ed. The  other  Metaphor  is  taken  from  a  (hip  lying  at  Hull,  tofledto  andfro^  and  car- 
ried about  with  every  wind-,  even  fo  do  we  fludtuate  between  the  broken  waves ,  and 
contrary  billows  of  different  opinions  anddefires. 

^  Thus  we  arc  changeable  in  our  minds,but  we  are  as  changeable  in  our  Eftates.Now 
we  abound  with  wealth,  God  knows  how  fbon  the  beft  of  us  may  be  necclGtated  to 
beg  an  halfpenny  of  PafTengers  with  great  Bellijariuf.  Now  every  mans  tongue  is  a 
filver  trumpet  to  found  cut  our  praifcs,  which  perhaps  deferve  not  to  be  piped  upon 
an  Oaten  reed.  God  knows  how  foon  this  Hofanna  may  be  changed  to  cructfige^znd 
we  be  loadcn  with  more  unjuft  calumnies, than  ever  was  hlcffed  Athanafm. Now  we 
enjoy  the  fweet  fauce  of  all  teraporalblellings,  that  is,  health,  God  knows  how  foon 
ficknefs  may  caft  us  upon  our  reftlefs  beds  ,  and  change  our  fweet  repofe  into  weari- 
fbme  toffings.  God  knows  how  foon  we  may  be  choaked  with  the  fumes  of  a  viti- 
ous  ftomack,  or  drowned  with  Hydropical  humours ,  or  burnt  up  with  cholerick  di- 
ftempers,  or  buried  alive  in  the  Grave  of  melancholick  imaginations.  Now  we  fit  in 
the  beauty  of  peace,  every  man  under  his  own  Vine,  and  his  own  Fig- tree.  We  know 
nothowfoon  our  ringing  of  Bells  may  be  changed  to  roaring  of  Cannons.  It  is  the 
mercy  of  the  Lord,  thatthefe  milchiefs  do  not  overwhelm  us. 

This  vicillitude  of  humane  affairs,  is  necefTary  to  the  being  of  the  World.  Beafts 
would  multiply  without  numbcr,if  none  were  brought  to  the  Shambles.Fifties  would 
fill  the  Sea,and  Fowls  the  Air,  if  the  greater  did  not  devourthe  lefs,  and  both  ferve 
for  the  ufe  of  man.  By  nature  we  are  born  thicker  into  the  World,  than  we  dye  out 
of  the  Worldi  every  Age  builds  Cities,  Towns,  Villages,  fo,  as  if  God  did  not  fome- 
times  thrurt  in  the  fickle  of  his  juftice  into  the  over-rank  held  of  this  World,&:  fvveep 
away  whole  multitudes  by  war,  or  famine,  or  peftilencc,  two  Worlds  could  not  con- 
tain us,  ten  Worlds  could  not  nourifh  us. 

If  any  place  would  have  pleaded  a  priviledge  to  exempt  it  felf  from  this  changea- 
ble vicilHtude,  what  rather  than  Hierufalem  ?  yet  it  had  not  one  ftonc  left  upon  ano- 
ther. Or  6j;7fr«j«?»,  whofe  magnificent  buildings  were  lifted  up  to  Heaven  >  yet  it 
was  caft  down  to  Hell.  Pliny  and  Strabo  write  wonders  of  the  Walls  of  Babyhn,  yet 
now  it  is  become  a  place  for  Owls  to  fcreech  in,  and  for  Satyrs  to  dance  in.  And  now 
grafs  grows  where  once  7roy  ftood.  Alas  ,  wherein  can  any  City  or  Society  place 
their  confidence,  to  protedt  them  fro  v:  this  common  viciliitude>  In  Navies  or  Jnna- 
doesFhow  eafily  may  they  be  caft  away, or  da(hed  in  pieces  againft  the  rocks :  as  the 
Ships  of  Jehofhaphat  were  at  Ezeon-Geber.  Or,  in  walls  and  fortifications?  when  the 
walls  oiHierico  fell  down  at  tiie  found  of  rams  horns,  and  the  ftiout  of  an  Enemy.Or, 
in  prudent  Politicians?  when  God  can  infatuate  the  wifcdomof  the  wife,  and  turn  all 
their  counfels  into  folly,  as  he  did  the  counfels  of  Achitopbel.    Or,  in  numerous  Ar-: 

Y  y  y  y  y  "^'^s 


pdo 


A   Sermon   npoij  TOME  II 1 1.  . 

inics  ofcxpcrienced  Souliiicrs>  wh:ii  he  can  fill  their  hearts  witl\  panical  teais,  lo  thit 
ten  (hall  chafe  an  hundred.  Or,in  Leagues  and  Confederacies  ?  when  be  can  fct  £-. 
fhraim  againll  Mjnajjes,  and  Mjitafiei  ap,ainli  Efhram,  and  both  againft  Juda.  Na- 
vies Armies  Garrifons,  Counlellours,  Confederates,  arc  no  more  able  to  prevent  this 
common  vicillitude  of  all  humane  affairs,  than  a  fhield  of  paper,  to  rellrt  the  (hot  of  » 

Cannon.  ,  r       i   i        •    r    i 

firli  then,  feeing  that  by  the  Ordinanceof  God,there  is  fucha  ncccifary  vicillitude 
of  all  things,  let  us  not  think  vainly  to  tranllate  this  valley  of  tears  into  a  paradifc  of 
perpetual  blils,  or  to  clip  the  wings  of profperity,  that  it  Ihould  never  flyaway.  Eve 
called  hcrcldell  Son  Cain,  a  pojjejjiun^andhc  proved  a  vagabond.     Then  as  skilful  Pi- 
lots, whilfi  the  fcafon  is  calmcfV,  do  provide  for  a  (iorm  ,  and  as  good  Soukiiers  do 
keep  a  vigilant  ccntry  in  the  time  of  truce:  fo  when  we  have  enough,  let  us  remem- 
ber the  time  of  hunger,  and  when  we  are  rich,  think  upon  poverty  and  need ,  EccUf.   . 
18.25.    when  we  are  at  home  in  peace.  Ictus  think  upon  thofe  times ,  when  vi?c  ■ 
hanged  our  Harps  upon  the  willowsby  the  rivers  of  Babylon:  Fearthe  worii,  and  the 
bcft  willfaveit  felf     Darts  that  arc  forefeen,fe!domc  do  apy  great  hurt.     Above  all, 
take  heed  that  thou  never  boalt  of  to  morrow,  for  thou  knoweft  not  what  a  day  may 
bring  forth. 

SiJcondly  ,  fince  there  is  fuch  a  viciffitude  of  all  humane  affairs ,  why  fliould  any 
man  murmure  or  repine  at  his  prefent  condition?  The  murmuring  fpecchcs  of  meiiiJ 
arc  like  arrows  (hot  up  in  defiance  againft  Heaven,  which  always  fall  down  again  up- 
on their  own  heads.  Should  we  receive  good  at  the  hand  ofGod,and  not  cviR  who 
can  fay  that  hisfuflferings  are  equal  to  his  finsi'  God  rcwardeth  many  beyond  defert, 
but  he  never  puniflieth  any  beyond  deferr.  1  know  that  the  Saints  themfeives  are 
involved  in  National  judgments,  as  well  as  others,  as  Hiercniy,  Ezckiel,  Da>iiel,  in  the 
captivityibutit  was  ablellingto  them,  not  a  punifhment.  As  it  weremadncfs  tor  a 
Boatman, tothink that  by  the  flrengthof  his  arm  and  cable,  he  was  ableto  drawthc 
main  rock  to  his  little  boat ,  and  not  fopull  himfelf  and  his  little  boat  to  the  main 
rock;  So  it  were  ameerfollyfor  any  man  tothink  ,  that  by  his  fhugling  againll  the 
ftream  of  humane  affairs,  he  fliould  be  able  tochange  the  courfe  of  the  World,  and  to 
make  it  pliant  to  his  defires.  It  is  both  pious  and  prudent  to  think  that  to  be  ever- 
more beff  for  us,  which  God  fends. 

Thirdly ,  fince  humane  affairs  arefb  mutable,  no  extremity  fhould  make  us  dt* 
fpair.  When  the  bricks  are  doubled,  when  our  mifcries  arc  at  the  higheft ,  when  all 
the  hclpof  man  doth  fecm  to  fail  us,  then  comes  Mofes  to  deliver  us.  When  VharavlJ's 
Butler  had  forgotten  jFc/^ffc,  then  God  remcmbredhim.Anllfurcr  willtruft  a  Banque-' 
ruptupon  a  Pawn.  And  (hall  not  we  trufi  God  Almighty  with  our  deliverance,  11  n- 
lefs  hegivt  us  a  pawn  for  performance  of  his  word?  Remember  that  judgment  whicli 
fell  upon  the  Samaritan  Lord  for  his  infidelity,  Ihough  the  Lord  Cfaid  he  (houldmah 
vnyidoTci  in  Heaven,  could  this  thing  h(?Thc  Lord  did  not  make  windows  in  Heaven, 
yet  that  thing  was,  and  came  to  pafs  at  thetime  prefixed  ,  but  he  lived  not  to  enjoy 
the  benefit  of  it.  God  hath  unimaginable  ways  to  bring  his  own  defigr.s  to  cffe(5,as 
we  fee  with  wonder  and  admiration  this  day.  Tiius,  as  the  woman  of  Canaan  did 
pick  comfort  out  of  the  name  of  dog:  fo  we  may  gather  hope  out  of  the  vanity  and 
Vicillitude  of  all  fublunary  tilings.  After  darknefs  we  may  hope  for  light,  after  a 
tempcft  tor  acalm,  after  wearifome  tolhngs  for  fwcet  repofej  when  the  (lorm  is  wea- 
thered, and  the  black  clouds  overblown  which  darkened  the  face  of  the  Sky  ,  and 
fccriicd  to  take  pofTcllion  of  the  whole  region  ofthe  air,  and  to  pierce  the  very  Hea- 
vens, (uddenly  behold  a  viciffitude.  As  no  profperity  is  permanent^  fo  no  adverfity 
"is  perpetual.  After  exile  comes  a  Countrey,  after  feed-time  comes  Harvel},  and  af- 
ter weeping  comes  joy.  He  that  ',urv  goeth  on  his  u^jy  rceefiiiHT^  andbearethforih gond 
jeed^Jhall  doubtkfs  come  again  with  joy. 

I  told  you  before,  that  ourTranilation,  which  renders  it  oncly  joy,  feems  tome  o- 
vcrflat,  and  fhort  ofthe  Original,  which  iignifiesa  (Ijom,  or  acclamation  of  joy,  fuch  as 
Harvell-men  do  ufe  when  they  bring  home  their  HarveR-dame  ,  or  the  lali  load  of 
their  Summers  crop,  with  mufick,  and  feafiing,  and  (houting.  If  ever  this  was  veri- 
fied in  any  exiled  Prince,  who  had  gone  forth  weeping ,  and  came  again  with  joy  to 
his  Kingdom  and  Native  Countrey,  it  was  verified  in  King  Charles  it  his  happy  rclVi- 

tiition, 


Discourse  111.  His  JVIajefties  Ke/iauratbiT  g6t 

tution,and   entrance  into   his  Royal  City.     I  have  fee n  high  exprdiions  ot  ,oy  " 

in  forreign  parts  upon  the  like  occif  on,I  fee  when  the  King  of  France  that  now  is, 
returned  to  his  City  of  Puw,  after  he  had  been  thruft  out  of  it  by  his  own  SHbieds: 
but  fuch  loud  acclamations,  fuch  univerfal  expreinons  of  joy,  I  did  never  fee  or 
hear,  as  were  then  made  to  welconi  in  King  Charles  •,  that  as  a  Father  faid  hyper- 
bohcally  of  the  fin  of  Adam,  that  it  was  an  happy  fault  which  obteined  fuch  a  re- 
deemer ;  fo  we  may  fay  in  the  fame  fcnfe  (  and  no  other,)  that  it  was  an  happy  ex- 
ckuion  which  produced   luch  a  reltitution. 

There  remains  onely  one  word  yet  untouched  in  this  part  of  my  Text  that  is 
doubt lejsjhail  doubtUfs  come  again  rvithjoy.  What  then  is  it  fo  undoubted  a  tru'th  that 
every  one  who  is  thrull  out  ot  his  right  here,fliall  be  reftorcd  with  fuch  joyful  accla- 
mations?  O  no,  God's  judgments  in  this  life  arc  imperfed,andthe  difpenfations  of 
them  are  infcrutable,  In  rebus  divinli  magna  efi  caligo,  there  is  a  great  milt  in  the  ways 
of  God.  Gods  temporal  promifes  ought  to  be  underftood  with  an  exception  of  the 
Crofs,  unlefs  he  fee  it  to  be  other  wife  expedient  for  the  advancement  of  his  own 
glory,  and  the  eternal  good  of  his  fcrvants.  God  puniOieth  fome  finnershere  ro 
lliew there  is  a  )uil  )udge,and  leaves  others  unpuni(hed,to  {hew  there  is  a  jad^em'-'nt 
to  come.  This  truth  is  affirmed  cxprefly  by  Solnmon.EdcC.y.i-^.All  things  have  Iften  in 
the  days  of  Vanity, there  U  a  jufl  man  that  perijheth  in  hisrighttoufiiefe.and  a  mck(dman 
that  prolongeth  hU  life  in  his  trickdnefs.  And  if  we  had  not  plain  Scripture  for  it, 
the  example  of  our  late  dread  Soveraign  King  C^ar/^x  the  firft,  was  proof  fufficient, 
who  was  murthered  by  his  own  SubjedtSjC  that  had  fworn  allegiance  to  him,  )  in  his 
Capital  City,  before  the  gates  of  his  own  Pallace,  in  the  fight  of  his  own  people,  m 
the  face  of  the  fuH,  under  a  formality  of  Juftice.  God  did  fee  all  this  then,  and 
doth  now  require  it,  require  it  here  in  part,  but  will  require  it  hereafter  to  the  utter- 
moll  farthing,  from  all  thofe,  who  had  an  hand  in  that  crying  parricide, and  have 
not,  or  fhall  not  walh  away  the  guilt  with  unfeigned  tears.  That  happy  Martyr 
is  now  following  the  lamb  in  his  whites,  and  reapsin  joy  what  he  did  fow  in  tears  > 
And  his  Son  is  this  day  Crowned  with  his  Royal  diadem,  with  the  fliouts  and  ac- 
clamations of  his  ^ubjeds,  So  true  is  that  of  my  text,  that  cither  here,  or  hereafter, 
or  both.  He  that  goeth  on  his  way  rpeeping,  and  beareth  forth  good  feed  with  him.Jhall 
doubt  kfs  come  again  vcitb  acclamations  of  joy,  and  bring  his  (heaves  with  him. 

This  brings  me  to  the  lall  claufe  of  my  Text,  and  bring  his  (heaves  with  him.  This 
life  is  a  feed  time,  whatfoever  we  fow  here,  we  arc  fure  to  reap  hereafter,even  to  a 
glafs  of  cold  watter.  As  furely  as  when  thou  feeft  a  man  carting  feed  out  of  an 
hopper,  thou  mayeft  foretel  what  fliall  be  the  crop.  The  feed  and  the  (heaves  can- 
not chufe  butbc  the  fame  graine.  Onely  the  {heaves  are  feed  multiplyed,it  may 
be  thirty  fold,  it  may  be  iixty  fold,  it  may  be  an  hundred  fold.  So  (heaves  do 
fignify  all  thofe  advantages  which  we  reap  by  his  Majellies  rcftitution. 

The  firft  (hcaf  is  Peace,  the  nearer  that  focieties  approach  to  unity,  the  Farther 
they  are  from  feat  ofdillolution.  When  the  Romans  did  find  thcmfelvesin  any  great 
peril,  they  ever fubmitted  themlelves  to  one  Didator,  as  a  facred  anchor,  and  fure 
remedy  to  take  away  their  divifions.  His  Majefty  hath  not  onely  (lopped  up  the 
fpring  of  all  our  divifions  by  his  jult  title,  but  hath  purchaled  our  peace  by  parting 
with  his  own  juft  rights,  to  fatiffy  the  interefis  of  all  parties.  Let  his  example  be 
our  pattern,  to  do  whatfoever  wecan  with  jullice  for  the  publick  peace,  although  it 
be  to  our  own  private  prejudice.  The  Pythagoreans  h^d  a  rule  to  leave  no  print  of 
the  bnttome  of  the  cup  in  the  afhes,that  is,  in  reconciliation  to  retein  no  re(en.tment 
of  former  quarrels.  The  divided  fides  of  a  wound  do  meet  together  in  a  scarre. 
And  (trange  plants  by  inoculation,  do  become  one  tree.  It  were  hard  that  quarrels 
fhould  be  immortal,  or  more  durable  than  nature,  or  tiiat  the  pallions  of  the  mind 
fhould  be  more  malignant  and  difficult  to  be'  clofcd,  than  the  wounds  or  ulcers  of 
the  body,  and  that  no  way  fliould  be  left  to  unite  the  divided  members  ofCnriff. 
Doth  God  delight  as  much  in  the  obfervation,  or  not  obfcrvation  of  ind liferent  Ce- 
remonies ,  as  he  doth  in  the  love  and  unity  of  brethren,  and  j'.i!l  obedience  to  law- 
ful fuperioars?  or  is  it  his  will,  that  for  a  few  innocent  riteseftablith^d  by  Law,  King- 
doms Ihould  fwim  with  blood, Monarchies  be  turned  upfided  i.vn,  and  innocent 
Chriftians  be  brought  to  utter  beggary  .?  It  is  a  folly  to  dote  fo  upon   the  body  , 

y  y  y  y  y  2  as 


p52  A    Sermon     upon TO  ME  HIT. 

as  to  cherKh  the  fores  and  ulcers    thereof;  or  out  ot  hatred  to  the  ulcers  to  deUroy 

the  body.  The  not  dillinguifliing  between  the  cflcnces  and  abufe  of  particular 
Churches,  liath  been  the  caufeof  all  ourmiferies.  This  is  the  firft  fheaf which  King 
Charles  brings  with  him,  that  is,  Peace. 

The  fccond  (heafis  theopening  of  our  Courts,  the  reftoring  of  our  lawcs  to  their 
vigour,  and  the  clhbiifhment  of  Juftice  among  us.     What  a  wretched  condition  was 
thTs  Poor  Kingdom  in,  which  neither  had  Court  open,  nor  Sherif  legally  appointed, 
nor  fo  much  as  a  Juftice  of  Peace  for  fo  long  time  together?  It  was  the  mercy  of  God, 
thatthc  policieand  frame  of  this  Kingdom  was  not  utterly  deflroycd,and  brought  to 
confufion.     The  Law  is  like  the  wrcli  of  a  mufical  inftrument,  which  puts  the  jar- 
ring ftring  in  tune.     It  is  thcballance  of  the  Commonwealth,  which  gives  thefame 
weight  to  gold  and  lead,  the  rule  and  fquare  of  juftice,  the  ftandard  and  meafurcof  • 
the    Kirgdom,the  foundation  of  liberty,  the  fountain  of  equity,    the  life  and  foul  of 
policy.     Parents  may  leave  a  Patrimony  to  their  children,  but  the  Law  preferves if, 
Armesmay  conquer  Kingdoms,  but  laws  eftablifli  them.     A  City  may  befafe  with- 
out walls,  but  never  without  Laws.  That  we  eat  and  fleepin  quiet,  that  our  houfes 
are  not  hred  over  our  heads,  nor  our  daughters  deflowred  before  our  eyes,  it  is  the 
bcncht  of  the  Laws,  witliout  which,  wefhould  bite  and  devour  one  another,  as  the 
greater  tiihcs  do  thelefs.  This  is  the  fecond  fliea  f  which  King  Charles  brought  with 
him,  that  is,  the  Laws.     A  third   ftieaf  is  experience.     IVobeto  thee  0  Land,  vcheu 
thy  Kvig  is  a  child^Ecclef.  lo.  i6.     That  is,  a  child  in  undcrftanding  and  experience. 
The  inexperience    o£Kehoboamzr\A\n$  yo\in^  counfellours  quickly  deftroyed  the 
Kingdom.     We  ufe  t©  fay,a  new  phyfician  muft  have  a  new  Church  yard.     A  new 
phylkian  is  not  more  dangerous  to  the  body,  than  a  new  politician  totheftate.  It  is 
written  of  Pjr/H/,    that  in    opening  a  fair  Pomegranate,  one  demanded  of  him,  of 
what    thing  he  defired  fo  many  as  there  were  kernells  in  that  Pomegranate  ?  He 
replyed,  fo  many  Zw/y/rKj'/,  that  is  prudent  and  experienced  counfellours.     God 
be   praifed  ,  our  Darius  may   be  a  Zo/>yr«/ to  himfeJf,  having  had  that  advantage 
which  none    of  his  prcdeccflburs    ever  had,  to  have  viewed    with  his  own  eyes  the 
chiefeft  of  his  neighbours  Courts,  Kingdoms,  and  Commonwealths,  their  interefts, 
their  Laws,and  forms  of  Government,their  ftrength  and  weaknefs,  their  advantages 
anddifadvantages,  both  in  warrc  and  peace,  things  of  excellent  ufe  to  a  Prince, 
and  this  may  well   pafs  for    a  third  {heaf.     And  Jiiall  bring    his    (heaves  with 
him. 

A  fourth  {heaf,and  the  laft,  which  ffhall  mention  at  this  time  ,  is  Security.  Ufur- 
pers  are  always  full  of  jealoufies  and  fears.  The  reafon  is  evident,  Wifd.  7.  1 1, 
Wickfdnefs  condemned  by  her  orvn  teftimony  is  very  timdrous^  and  being  prejjed  rvitb 
conJcience,all  TPayes  forecajlethgrievoHS  things.  It  was  obferved  ofRichardthc  third,that 
after  he  had  murthcred  his  Nephewes,and  ufurpcd  the  Crown,hewore  hishand  con- 
tinually upon  his  Dagger.  A  plain  fignc  of  inward  guilt.  When  the  wife  men  made 
this  demand .w/^f re  jf  he  that  is  hornKing  of  the  Jervs}Herodw2i  trouhlctl  and  zWHiertifa- 
letn  with  him.  Succeflor  in(iat,pellimnr,fatelles  ijerrum  rape^perfunde  cunas  [anguine.  A 
fuccefibure  is  come,  we  are  chafed  away.  Go  Souldiers,  catch  your  fwords,and  make 
the  cradles  fwim  with  blood.  Thefe  inward  fears  render  them  cruel  and  vindi-  " 
Aivc,and  make  them  multiply  their  Souldiers  and  their  guards,  Wherein  their  only 
hope  of  fafcty  dothconfift.  Thefe  grow  chargeable  to  a  Commonwealth,  and 
eafilyfrom  Servants  turn  Maftersifrom  all  thefe  burdens  and  fufpicions  we  are  freed 
by  the  reftitution  of  the  right  Heir.  So  every  way  King  Charles  brings  his  Jheavei 
veith  him. 

AFrince,as  fupercminent  above  others  in  goodncn;,as5jx</  was  in  ftature,and  more 
adorned  with  virtues  than  with  his  purple.  To  whofe  happy  Coronation  this  day 
is  dedicated.  Much  may  he  give,  long  may  he  live,  a  nurfing  Father  to  the  Church, 
a  patron  fo  the  Common wealth,a  protedour  to  his  friends,  a  terrnur  to  hisenem.ics, 
an  honour  anda  darling  to  his  Country.  Let  the  hopes  of  all  thofe  who  envy  this 
daycs  happineft,  melt  away  as  winter  ice,  and  flow  away  as  unprofitable  waters. 
And  long,  long  may  his  Crown  flourifti,  which  this  day  firft  adorns  his  temples,  un- 
til he  change  that  corrruptible  Crown  with  an  immarcefcib!!-  Crown  of 
glory. 

when 


Discourse  lir  '    His    Majefties    Rernuration  962 

When  I  conlider  with  my  ielt  the  condition  of  the  molt  flourifhing  Conmw — 
wealths,  as  Athens ,  how  fatal  they  have  for  the  moftpartbcen  to  perfons  of  eminent 
virtues,  whereof  few  efcapcd  both  banifhment  and  poifon  ,  I  cannot  but  admire  our 
happincfs  under  the  belt  ot  Monarchies  i  when  I  compare  thofearts  and  exacftions 
which  are  iifed  in  our  Neighbour  Countries,  where  the  whole  Ellate  of  the  Com- 
monwealth goes  through  the  Magilhates  hands  in  the  (hcrt  compafs  of  a  very  few 
years.     Much  good  may  the  mock-liberty  of  their  tongues  do  them,  which  their  pur- 
fes  pay  for.     I  cannot  but  proclaim,  O  happy  England  ,  if  thou  kncweft  thine  own 
happinefs.     But  neither  the  time  permits  me,  normydefires  invite  me  to  f"j!|  upon 
this  fubjea.     I  will  turn  my  dilcourfe  into  Prayers ,  that  the  great  God  of  Heaven 
and  Earth  will  give  his  Majelly  a  long  life,  a  fecure  Empire  ,  a  prudent  and  faithful 
Council,  a  loyal  and  obedient  people,  expert  and  valiant  Armies.  BlelTed  be  he  that 
blefleth  him, and  let  every  Loyal  fubjed  fay  Amen. 

Ihefirfi  SPEECH  by  my  Lord  Primate  »o  the  Speskir  rf the  Houfe 

of  Commons. 
SJR, 

THe  Lords  Juftices  of  this  Kingdom  have  gracioufly  heard  that  relation  which 
you  made  unto  them  from  the  Honourable  Houfe  of  Commons,  touching  their 
cledion  of  you  to  be  their  Speaker  ,  together  with  your  modcft  defire  to  decline  the 
place  as  too  heavy  tor  yoa.  They  know  right  well  the  great  importance  of  the 
Placci  but  they  know  as  well  your  great  ability  to  difcharge  it.  Neither  doe  they 
look  upon  you  as  a  Child,  that  hath  the  reins  put  feemingly,  and  for  a  flicw  into  his 
hands,  but  as  upon  an  experienced  Charioteer,  who  knows  how  to  dilcharge  all  the 
duties  that  belong  unto  his  Office  dexteroully,  and  without  ofkntation  and  to  di- 
fpofe  and  dircd  the  hand  of  that  little  one  by  the  occult  motions  of  his  own  to 
feem  to  do  that,  which  in  truth  is  his  own  proper  work.  They  know  that  the  Ho- 
nourable Houfe  of  Commons  is  no  little  Fly-boat,  but  a  Ship  Royal  of  the  fecond 
magnitude  ,  and  the  Cargafoon  as  rich  as  the  Ship  is  great.  Therefore  they  have 
committed  the  charge  of  it  to  you,  as  to  a  Skilful  Pilot.  In  fumme,  the  Lords  Tufli- 
ces  do  exhort  you  to  add  courage  and  refblution  to  your  modefty  and  other  great 
parts,  that  youmay  adorn  that  Province,whichby  the  fuffragesof  that  Houfe  is  com- 
mitted to  your  care.  For  as  the  Houfe  of  Commons  have  advifedly  chofen  you 
their  Speaker,  fo  the  Lords  Julliccs,by  his  Majefties  authority,do  as  advifedly  confirm 
you  their  Speaker. 

And  now  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  one  thing  more  to  add,which  I  am  requited  by  the 
Lords  Jurtices  to  impart  unto  you;  That  is,  that  you  being  by  your  place  an  alBrtant 
to  the  Houfe  of  Peers, and  fummoned  by  Writ,  to  the  difcharge  of  thattruft,  yet  the 
Houfe  of  the  Lords  taking  into  their  ferious  confideration  the  polfibility  ,  or  rather 
the  probability  that  fome  of  their  allilknts  might  perhaps  be  chofen  Speaker  ,  to  let 
all  the  World  fee,  that  they  are  equally  careful  of  the  priviledges  of  both  HouVes,  in 
order  to  the  common  good  of  the  Kingdom,  they  parfed  a  Vote  this  morning,  that 
if  any  of  their  alfiftants  ^(hould  be  chofen  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons ,'  they 
would  difpenfe  with  him  probac  vice  ,  faving  alvvayes  to  the  Houfe  of  the  Peers  all 
their  juft  rights  and  priviledges  for  the  future.  So  that  there  remains  nothing  ^  but 
that  you  gird  your  felf  to  your  Office  whichis  call  upon  you  from  all  hands. 

7he  fecond  SPEECH  hy  my  Lord  Primate  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Houfe 

of  Commons. 
Mr.  Speak^r^ 

YOU  ftile  this  place  aptly,  a  mount  oftransfigHratim.,.  and,  truly  fo  it  is.  Wc  be- 
hold the  greateft  transfiguration  here  that  ever  was  icen  in  this  Kingdom  ,  on 
fuch  a  fudden,  either  in  our  days  ,  or  in  the  days  of  our  Forefathers.  A  converfion 
from  the  greateft  Anarchy,  and  confufion ,  to  order,  and  a  fetled  Form  of  Govern- 
ment. If  nothing  elfe  did  evince  it,  this  change  and  transfiguration  alone  ,  were  a- 
ble  to  make  good  the  truth  of  that  old  MiKimc^Kes  fjciU  redettntadfrijiinum  fiatum^ 
Things  do  cafily  return  to  their  former  condition.  ^  Otheijwife  it  were"  impoliible 
that  fo  much  eonfufion  fhould  be  attended  with  fo  much  order  ;  or  the  word  of  A^ 

nar- 


9^4- 


A  Ser>fit>n  upon  TOME  I  III 


narchics   witli  the  belt  ot  Monarchies.     It  is  better  to  live  under  the  Sicilian  Ty- 
rants  or  the  Roman  Decemviri,  or  the  thirty  Athenian  Ufurpcrs  ,  than  to  live  in  an 
Anarchy,  where  there  isnoGoverrmcnt.     It  is  better  to  live  wlicre  nothing  is  law- 
ful ihan'vvhereall  things  arc  iawtul.     Better  one  Tyrant  than  a  thoufim!.     I  Ihall 
not  need  to  yrd's  this  further.     Cal\  but  your  eyes  back  to  the  by-palFed  years,  and 
you  will  Tee  this  better  demonnrafcd  by  expeTience,tlian  it  is  polhblc  to  do  it  by  rca- 
fon.     But  behold  a  fudolcn  transfiguration.     Neither  the  morning  nor  the  evening 
Star  in  the  Heavens  is  more  beautiful  ,  than  Jurticc  and  good   Government  upon 
Earth.     To  it  we  owe  our  profperity,  our  liberty  ,  our  fecurity  ,  all  we  arc,  all  wc 
have  all  we  can  be  in  this  World  ,  without  which  we  (hould   be  like  Fitlies  in  the 
Sea  or  Fowlsin  the  Air.     The  greater  devour  the  Icfs:  Fifces  f.c  fxpe  niinntos  magnm 
iomeftific  aves  entcut  acciftUr.     Thofe  innovators  and  incendiaries  wholabour  to  puU 
down  a  (etlcd  Form  of  Government,  are  like  a  phrenetick  perfon,  who  takes  pains  to 
hew  down  the  bough  whereon  hehimfelf  doth  ftand.     As  thofe  two  figns,  or  rather 
meteors,  Cal\oT  and  Folux^  when  they  appear  double  to  Sea-faring  perlons,  promife 
ferenity  and  a  prcfperous  voyage,but  when  they  appear  lingleor  divided,they  threa- 
ten a  Itorm,  whether  it  be  by  reafonofthe  denfity  or  rarity  of  the  matter  ,  or  what 
other  natural  caufes ,  I  leave  to  the  Philofophers  to  determine.     So  where  power 
and  Juftice  do  meet  together,  it  promifeth  profperity  and  peace  v  but  where  they 
are  divided,  power  without  juflice  ,  or  juf^ice  without  power  ,  it  prognofticates  a 
tcmpell  to  a  State. 

From  your  mount  of  Transfiguration  you  fliew  us  a  King,  Tott  Boufe  of  Commons 
behold  a  King.     As  Anarchy  is  the  worfl:  of  mifgovernments,  fo  Monarchy  is  the  bcil 
of  Governments,  the  moft  ancient,  the  mo(\  univerfal,  the  moft  natural,  the  molt  no- 
ble, the  moft  advantageous  Form  of  Government.     I  do  dot  deny  the  lawfulncfs  of 
other  Forms,  but  I  do  altogether  deny  that  any  other  Form  is  fo  noble,  (o  natural,  or. 
fomuch  froin  God.     There  is  one  God  in  the  world,  a  Monarchy  ■■>  one  foul  in  the 
body,  a  Monarchyi  one  Sun  in  the  Heavens,  a  Monarchy,  oneMalkr  in  each  Family, 
and  one  Monarch  in  each  Society.     It  was  good  counfel,  which  Lycurgtu  j-ave  a  mu- 
tinous Citizen,  that  would  have  had  him  bringa  Democracy  into  the  State  ,  that  he 
{hould  try  itfirft  howhe  liked  it  in  hisown  Houfe  ,  and  fufter  his  Servants  to  be  his 
Quartermafters.     The  filly  Bees  do  teach  us  thus  much,  who  know  no  Law  but  the 
Law  of  nature,  yet  thcyhave  their  King.     And  that  which  is  much  more  ftrange  , 
which  1  have  feen  by  ocular  experience.     Take  their  King  prifoncr  in  a  Cane,  as  it 
is  ufual  to  do,  and  they  will  feed  him  with  honey  through  the  nicks  and  crevifesof 
the  Cane.     So  long  as  you  detain  him  there  ,  they  will  never  fwarm  ,  norfctk  for 
new  habitations  tor  themfelves.     Remove  him  and  his  prifon  into  another  hive,  and 
they  will  all  flock  after  him,  and  travail  for  him.     Put  a  Ihangc  King  into  his  cane 
or  prifon,and  they  will  befb  far  from  feeding  him,that  th.ey  will  flop  up  all  the  holes 
of  the  cane  with  wax,  and  ftarvc  him  for  an  Ufurper.     How   much   more  are  the 
Clly  Bees  more  obfervant  of  the  Laws  of  nature,  than  degenerated  men.     Inflmme, 
the  foul  of  Sovcraign  power,  which  is  infufed  by  God  into  Democracy  and  Arillo- 
cracy,  is  the  fame  that  it  is  in  Monarchy.     But  the  organ  is  not  the  fame,  nor  foapt 
to  attain  the  end.     But  God  and  nature  do  always  intend  that  which  is  bcft-,  that  is, 
Monarchy.     And  in  fome  cafes,  the  cxirtcnce  of  Kingly  Government  is  from  God, 
as  well  as  the  elTence.     But  God  never  inftituted  any  other  Form  than  Monarchical. 
He  himfelf  vouchfafed  to  be  King  of  his  people.and  gave  them  firftMc/fj-  as  a  Viceroy, 
Mofej  TFos  King  in  jcfurun.     And  afterwards   he  gave  them  a  radicated  fuccelt  on  of 
Kings.     N^^  Commonwealth  hath  the  like  plea  (or  it  felf. 

And  3":  Monarchical  Government  is  thebeft  Form  of  Governments,  To  our  Englifh 
Monarchy  is  the  bcft  Form  of  Monarchy.  By  the  blclfing  of  God  ,  wc  live  in  the 
moft  temperate  part  ef  the  temperate  Zone.  And  in  joy  a  Government  as  temperate 
as  the  C'imate  ir  felf.  We  cannot  complain  cither  of  too  much  Sun  ,  or  too  lirtlc 
Sun.  The  beams  of  Soveraignty  are  neither  fo  perpendicular  over  our  heads 
that  thev  canfcorchus,  nor  yet  fo  oblique,  but  that  they  are  able  to  warm  us. 
Should  we  go  about  in  a  madding  humour  to  difTolve  a  Frame  of  Government, 
which  made  our  Forefathers  happy  at  home,  and  famous  abroad  ,  or  loath  our  own 
Manna,  and  long  after  the  Flefhpots  and  Onions  of  Egypt?  If  wcdcte  npon  forrcign 

po- 


DiscouRss  11 L  His  Majeftics   Heflau ration-  '^- 

poiities,  ic  is  ontiy  becaufe    we  do  not  know  tl^mrConfuIt  but  with  tli^hlTdo 

know  them,  and  wc  will  quickly  fay,  our  lot  is  fallen  in  a  faire  ground* 

And  fo  tiom  Kings  you  come  to  Parliaments,  which  have  evermore  had  a  vcne- 
rnble  ellcem  in  the  world,  if  not  under  the  name  of  Parliaments,  yet  under  a  more 
ancient  name  of  Cmndlli,  or  Conveniioas.  As  the  infcriour  orbe?  do  by  their  tranf- 
vcrlc  and  uppofite  yet  vincible  motions,  (lay  and  moderate  the  rapid  force,  of  the 
prinmrn  imbtle,  or  Hrft  Spherfc  :  So  Parliaments  by  their  Fabian  Counfeils  do  tem- 
per and  moderate  the  quick  motion  of  Soveraign  power.  I-  fpcak  notthis  of  any 
danger  that  hangs  over  us.  God  be  praifcd,  we  have  no  fuch^  young  PWt.;?/,  but 
one  that  harli  been  as  much  and  aS  long  acquainted  with  Fabius  as  with  Marceltty 
and  knows  how  to  ufc  the  Buckler  as  well  as  the  Sword.  But  Parliaments  have  a' 
iurther  advantage  than  that  of  Counfcll  onely,namely  in  republicks  to  aggregate  and 
unite,  and  to  render  the  whole  focicty  one  political  body,and  in  Monarchies  to  fup- 
ply,and  fecond,  and  execute.  Then  the  affaires  of  a  Kindomgo  profpcroufly  on, 
when  they  joy  a  9W  ^«tij// in  advancing  publique.  defignes. 

From  Parliaments  in  general,  I  come  to  the  reafons  cf  fummoning  this  Parlia- 
ment in  particular.  But  that  is  fo  evident,  that  he  that  runs,  may  read  it.  Yet 
though  it  be  fo  obviou^  that  no  man  can  mils  it,ormiftakeit,  and  that  itrnayieera 
fuperfluous  to  do  that  Dver  again,  which  hath  been  done  fo  excellently  alreadyby 
my  Lord  Chancellour,  as  one  of  his  Majefties  reprefcntativcs ;  yet  for  order 
and  method  fake ,  I  £ball  allign  three  reafons  for  convocating  this  prefent 
Parliament.  ,-, 

Thelirliis,  difcrimination  of  perfons,  and  difiindiion  of  poffellions.  Methinks 
I  am  now  in  one  of  the  fields  oi  Egyp^wpon  the  banks  ofNiluf,  prcfently  after  the 
inundation  otthat  river,  when  it  is  )ult  returning  into  the  old  channel.  And  all  you, 
that  hear  me,  look  like  fo  many  mcafurers  that  are  here  on  purpofe  to  givceverypro- 
prictor  his  right  poflellion,and  to  fet  them  out  their  true  bounds.  Never  did  an  in- 
undation of  ZVi/w  make  a  greater  confufion  of  diftind  poflTeUions  asd  intcrcfts,  than 
the  late  Rebellion  hath  made  in  Jre/jW,  blending  all  cllates  in  one  confufed  maft. 
Kings,  Dukes,  Bifhops,Knights,and  pawns  are  all  confufedly  mixed  together  in  one 
baggc.  It  were  folly.  Noble  Peers  and  Patriots, to  ask  what  you  do  here-,  As  great, 
as  if  one  fhould  inquire  upon  the  banks  of  M/w  what  the  meafurers  do  there  pre- 
fentlyatter  an  inundation.  It  is  to  fix  every  man  in  his  proper  ftation,wherein,hc  is  to 
ferve  his  King  and  Country.  This  is  the  ftrrt  end  cf  this  Parliament,  the  diliindion 
of  poflTeilions. 

A  fecond  reafon  is  that,  which  is  commonly  the  reafon  of  fummoning 'all  Par  - 
liament«:,  that  is  to  fatiffy  the  juft  debts  of  the  Kingdom,  and  difingagethepublique 
faith.  We  could  not  doit,  it  vvas  impollible.  And  neceifity  muft  yield  to  impolli- 
bility.  But  his  Majeliy  hath  done  it  for  us,  and  fatisfycd  the  publique  debts  out 
of  his  own  rights.  The  time  hath  been,  that  the  publique  faith  of  the  Kingdom 
hath  been  flighted.  No  man  had  a  publique  trurt,  and  fo  no  man  could  be  fued 
upon  a  publique  faith.  But  King  Charles  hath  redeemed  the  publiq  le  or  edit  again, 
by  fatisfying  the  publique  debt?;  But  he  fatisfyes  them  in  a  Parliamentary  way.  St. 
Vaul  faith,  that  an  oath  is  the  end  of  all  ftrife,fo  is  a  Parliament.  For  as  there  lyeth 
no  appeal  from  God  in  the  interiour  Court.  So  there  lyeth  no  appeal  from  Parlia- 
ment in  the  exteriour  Court.  I  mean,  a  compleat  Parliament  of  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons,  whofc  act  is  the  adt  of  each  individual  Subjedf.  This  is  the  fecond 
reafon  of  calling  this  Parliament,  to  fatisfy  the  publique  debts  of  the  King- 
dom. 

A  third  reafon  of  convocating  this  Parliament,!?  flie  providing  for  the  Army  for 
the  future,  vvfirhout  impofing  too  great  a  burthen  either  upon  the  E'lgHfh  or  Irijh 
Subjedt.  Two  things  make  a  Prince  gratefuU  to  h-s  people.  Ej(y  eares  to  hear  grie- 
vances, and  light  hands  m  impoftytg  Subfidies.  And  to  fpeak  t!ie  truth,a  great  part  of 
the  diff^nfions  in  E'tgland  have  fprung  from  this  fouros  The  King  could  notlive 
upon  the  revenues' of  his  Crown  without  running  into  debt,  nor  tholedcbts  be  paid 
without  railing  new  Monopolies,  or  impofing  new  taxes, asShip- money,  or  the  like, 
or  parting  with  fome  branches  of  his  Prerogative  Iloyal.  Hitherto  England  hath 
been  ncccititated  fofupply  the  defeds  of  Ireland.,  it  is  to  be  feared  not  over  willingly. 

Now 


^66 


A  Sermon  upon,  ^c  T  O  M  E  1 1 II 


Now  It  hath  plcafcd  God  to  put  into  liisMajeliics  hands  anopportunityiofadvyncing 
his  revenue  to  a  compcfcncie,  that  Jrdand  may  be  able  for  the  future  to  bear  us  own 
burthen,  without  charging  cither  the  Eitglijh  or  Jrifh  Subjed:  in  ordinary  cafes.  And 
this  opportunity  he  puts  wholly  info  the  hands  of  his  Parliament,  as  the  proper 
iudg  both  to  fupply  the  ncceliitics  of  the  Kingdom,  and  to  prevent  them.  Thefe 
arc  the  three  reaibns  of  calling  this  Parliament,  i.  The  diltinguifhing  of  poffetiions. 
2.  The  fatisfadtion  of  jult  debts.  3.  And  the  raifing  the  Revenuesof  the  Ciown  to 
a  jull  competency.  LaAIy,  Mr.  Speaker,  you  defcend  to  the  unity  of  both  Houfes. 
His  Majefiy  hath  done  whatfoever  hath  been  defired  of  him,  and  is  yet  ready  to  do 
whatfocver  can  be  defired  of  a  gracious  Prince.  It  is  our  own  faults,  our  own  fro- 
wardnefs  and  unfeafonable  oppofition  to  one  another,  if  we  be  not  happy.  All  things 
preferve  themfclves  by  unity,  and  the  nearer  they  approach  to  unity,  the  farther 
they  arc  from  fear  of  diffolution.  This  le0bn  old  Sillurm  taught  his  Sons  by  a  bundle 
of  rods,  vvhilcft  they  weretyed  together ,  all  their  conjoyned  ftrength  could  not  fb 
much  as  bend  themi  but  when  the  bundle  was  divided,  and  every  Son  had  his 
lingle  rod  they  did  eafily  fnap  them  in  funder.  So  faid  he,  You  my  Sons  are  in- 
vincible whikft  you  preferve  unity,but  if  you  fuffer  your  felves  to  be  divided,  you 
are  Iol>.  This  Icffon  Meneniiu  Agrippa  taught  his  hearers  by  the  welknown  apolo- 
gy of  the  belly,  and  the  other  members,  whiieft  they  did  nourifh  unity  ,  and  all 
a<fted  for  the  publique  advantage  of  the  whole  body,  each  member  had  his  fharc 
and  dividend  in  this  happinefsv  but  when  they  began  to  mutiny  and  divide  interefts, 
&  to  weigh  their  own  particular  merits  too  narrowly,and  all  to  grumble  at  the  belly 
as  an  idle,  gluttonous,  and  unprofitable  member i  they  found  by  colHy  experience, 
that  their  well  and  ill  fare  were  infcparably  interwoven  together,  and  that  they 
wounded  that  member  which  they  maligned  thiough  their  own  fides.  On  the  other 
part,  difunion  is  the  ready  way  to  deftrudion.  Si  colUdimur^  frangimur^  i(  we  be 
beaten  one  againft  another,  we  arc  both  broken  in  pieces.  It  was  not  the  power  of 
Rome,  but  the  divifions  and  fubdivifions  of  the  Bmamx,  which  rendred  themaneafy 
prey  to  their  Conquercrs.  It  was  not  Fhilip,  but  the  diffenfions  oi  Athens ^hebes  and 
Sparta,  that  ruined  Greece.  It  was  not  Scipio^hut  the  fadions  of  Ha««o  and  Uanmbal 
t\\iX.  6^i{toyed  Carthage,  Our  own  eyes  have  feen  a  fmall  handful  of  confederated 
Provinces  abk  to  oppoft  the  greateft  Monarch  in  Ewropf ,and  were  10  far  from  finking 
under  the  weight  of  fuch  a  warrc,  which  had  been  able  to  break  a  back  of  flcel,  that 
h'kc  palme  trees  they  did  grow  up  under  the  weight,  from  dilirejjid  orders ,  to  high 
and  mighty  ftates,or  like  Mofes  hisbufii,  not  onely  not  confumed,  butfprouting  and 
bloflbming  in  themidft  of  the  flames.  This  virtue  of  unanimity  ,  is  that  whereupon 
our  Richcs,our  Honour  ,  our  Religion ,  our Laws,our  Liberties,  our  Kingand  Coun- 
try, our  Fires  and  Alars,  and  all  our  hopes.do  depend. 

Hoc    opus,  hoc  fiudium,  parvi  prnperemus  &  ampli, 

ft  patriae  volumtK,fi  mbii  vivere  chari. 

The  anfrver  of  the  Lords  Jufiices  to  Mr.  iSpeakers  la(i  propofitions 
That  they  will  be  very  careful  and  ready  to  mantain  the  Houfe  in  all  the  juft  liber- 
ties and  priviledges  belonging  to  it.  u  Afreedom  from  arrefts  for  themfelvcsand 
their  Servants  inall  cales  whereuntothePriviledgeof  the  Houfe  doth  extend. 2. Mo- 
deft  and  moderate  liberty  of  fpeechvoidofall  licentioufnefs  which  their  Lordfhips  are 
confident  that  the  Houfe  is  fo  fa^r  from  defiring  (to  have  it  tolerated,' that  themfclves 
would  be  the  firft  and  fevcreft  cenfurers  ofit.  3.  Seafonable  and  free  accefs  to  their 
Lordfhips  upon  all  occafions. 

TOME 


TOME    IV. 

ISCOURSE  IV. 


THE    RIGHT 


way  ^o  Safety 


•AFTER 


SHIPVVRACK: 


/N  A 


SERMON 

PREACHED 

To  the  Honourable  the  Houfc  of  CommOnSf,  in  St.  ?atric1(% 
Church,  Dnhlin^  J«»»  i  6.    i  66  i^ 

At  their  Solemn  Receiving  of  the  Bleflcd 

SACRAMENT. 

By  the  moft  Reverend  Father  in  God  ,  J  O  H  N   Lord  Arch- 
biQiop  of  Armaghy  Primate  and  Metropolitan  of  all  Ireland* 


Printed    at    DUBLIN    Firft,    i6  6u 
Reprinted   t  6  j  6. 


(^66 


n%%%mnnm%%nnn% 

17.  Jnne  1661* 

ORdered,  That  the  underramcd  perrons,or  any  three  or 
(iiore  ot  them  ,  do  repair  unto  His  Grace  the  Lord  pri- 
mate-ot  ail  Ireland  ,and  in  the  Name  of  this  Houfe,  return 
thanks  unto  His  Grace  for  his  great  pain?  taken  vcfterday  in 
Preaching  and  Adminiftring  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Lords 
Supper  unto  the  Members  of  this  Houfe,,  and  to  defire  His 
Grace  that  he  would  caufe  the  fame  to  be  Printed. 

Sir^  Henry  Tichburne,  Sir,  Franck  Hamilton* 

Sir,  Theopihlm  Jones^  Sir*  Robert  Fortjj* 

Ml*  ot  the  wards*  Sir^  Richard  Kirle, 

Copia  Vera» 

Ex^  per  Thilip  Ferneley  Clcr^  Pari* 

iitisttitisitiinfitii 


9^9 


TOME   IV. 

DISCOURSE  IV. 

Prov.  28:  13.     Ui  that  covereth  hit  fiiujhall  not  fro^er:  hut  whofo  coMfeJJeth  aftdforfaK- 
eth  them,  Jhal  have  mercy." 

IN  thefe  words,  two  diflereiu  ways ,  which  finncrs  take  to  attain  to  happi- 
nefs,  are  reprcfented  to  us,  t!\c  one  fliort  and  broad,  but  impaffable,  by  rea- 
fon  of  thieves  and  precipices",  Ee  that  covereth  hUpni  (hail  mtproff>er:  the  o- 
thcr  long  and  (hait,  but  certain  and  fccure,r^w/9  conjejjeth  and forjaketh  them, 
ff:aU  have  mercy.  Or  if  you  will,  a  common  (hipwrack,  wherein  two  planks 
arc  prefented  to  us,  ro  favc  us  fiom  drowning  v  the  one  painted,  but  rotten,  which 
will  undoubtedly  deceive  us  that  is,  the  plank  of  dilhmulation  ;  Ee  that  covereth  hit 
fmsfljall  mtprojper:  the  other  rugged,  but  found  ,  which  will  infallibly  bring  us  fafc 
to  Land,  that  is,  the  plank  of  Repentance  ;  He  that  conjejfeth  and  forfakfth  them,JhaU 
have  mercy. 

Or  laftly,  w&may  confider  herein  the  fore,  the  Chyrurgcry,  and  the  fuccefs:  The 
fore  is  fin,  the  courfe  of  Chyrurgery  is  double  and  diiferent,  the  one  by  healing  over, 
or  binding  up,  the  other  by  incifion,  or  clcanfing  ouci  the  one  with  fupple  oyl ,  the 
other  with  (harp  vinegeri  the  one  by  bathing,  the  other  by  lancingi  the  one  by  cove- 
ring, the  other  by  confelh'ng.  The  fuccefs  is  likewife  double  and  different,  propor- 
tionable to  the  two  waysof  curci  the  one  unprofperous  ,  Jhall  not  profiler  i  the  other 
pxoQpcxous,  Jhjll  have  mercy.  He  that  covereth  hU  fins  jhall  not  projper:  but  tvh  jo  confej- 
jeth  andforfjkfth  them,  (hall  have  mercy. 

The  fore  is  fpiritual  and  epidemical,  that's  tin,  2  Chron.  6.When  every  one  flullkytoro 
bis  oven  fore.  And  more  emphatically,  Jfa.  1.6.  it  is  (tiled  a  putrifying  fore.  So  long 
as  our  firll  Parents  continued  in  the  flatc  of  innocency  ,  rofes  grew  without  thorns, 
as  St.  Ambrofe  obferved.  As  there  was  no  fin,  fo  there  was  no  ficknefs  i  no  fores  in 
the  World,  either  of  foul  or  body.  Indeed  it  was  not  impolfiblc  for  them  to  fin,  Co 
they  (liould  have  been  Gods,  not  mens  but  it  was  poliible  for  them  not  to  have  fin- 
ned, which  is  as  much  as  the  Angels  in  Heaven  can  challenge  to  themfelves:  for  ma- 
ny of  them  fell  irrecoverably,  becaufe  they  found  not  a  Redeemer,  and  thofe,  which 
ftood,  owe  their  confervation,  as  we  do  our  redemption,  to  the  Crofs  of  Chrill,  Col. 
I.  20..  But  by  the  fall  oCJdam,the  Image  of  God  became  defaced  in  man,  the  rayes 
of  Heavenly  Light  eclipfed,thefpirkles  of  Divine  Grace  cooled,  the  Underdanding 
infatuar.d,  the  Will  confounded,  the  AffeAions  difordered,  and  in  place  of  thefc  per- 
fedttons,  Sm  cnrred  into  me  World  as  an  hereditary  contagion  ,  a  fpirirual  leprofie, 
with  the  co.nfcquents  of  it,  all  manner  of  fores  and  difeafes  ,  both  of  loul  and  body, 
which  cannot  be  cur*d  with  all  the  Balm  in  Gilead,  nor  cledin^'d  withal!  the  water  in 
the  Oceans  but  onely  by  the  bloud  of  Chrift  ,  and  in  order  to  that ,  by  Repentance » 
which  is  the  Cure  commended  in  my  Text. 

Hence  all  thofe  fvvarms  of  Feavers,  Catarhs,  Gouts,  Palfies,  Apoplexies,  and  the 
like,  which  do  infeft  the  Body  of  man  more  than  any  other  living  creatures :  We 
may  be  burned  up  with  cholerick  diilempers  ,  drowned  with  hydropick  humours, 
choakM  with  the  fumes  of  a  vitious  flomack,  and  buried  quick  in  the  Grave  of 
melancholick  imaginations.  But  the  chicfeft  dcfcds  arc  thofe  of  the  Sou!,  as  i.  Ig- 
norance, that  in  fo  thick  a  mift  of  Erroursand  Se<fts,  we  know  not  how  to  find  out 
the  truth-,  and  that,  which  tops  up  0'.>r  folly,  is  ,  that  we  are  grown  too  wifein  our 
own  conceit-:.  2.  Concupifcencc,  that  peftilenccof  the  foul,  whofe  cinkercd  blof- 
foms  are  tlill  fprouting  up  in  the  moll  regenerate  hcartsithis  weakened  the  power  of 
.9j/»P/o«,  infatuated  the  wifdom of  5o/ow9«  ,  defiled  the  holinefs  of  P-iivr^.     3.  Self- 

Z  z  ?  7, 7  2  love  , 


97^ 


A    Sermon     upon TOME  IIIK 

love,  an  hidden  poyfon,  thcru<rort"lie  mind,  the  moth  ot  hoTincls,  the  parent  of  en- 
vy,thc  original  of  all  vices.  4.  Difcontent,  which  makes  us  prize  what  we  want, 
flcieht  what  wc  enjoy,  more  fcnfible  of  fufferings  than  of  bleflmgs  i  iikc  little  chil- 
dren which,  for  want  of  fome  toy  which  they  affed,  throw  away  all  they  have,  and 
fall  a' crying;  wc  follow  contentment  hard,  but  as  Fools  do  an  Ignis  fatma,  always 
atadiliance.  5.  Prepollcrous  feari  If  we  doill,  we  fear  MagiRratcsi  if  we  do  well, 
we  fear  dctradors:  If  we  be  rich,  we  fear  thlevesi  if  poor,  creditors:  If  wc  hate,  wc 
fearcnemies,  if  we  love,  Corrivals.  6.  Diliiufls  We  all  fay,  wc  trtft  God,  but  for 
the  moftpart  fooncr  with  our  fouls,  than  with  our  Elktes,  and  hardly  without  a 
Pawn, as Ufurcrs  would  trufl  a  Bankrupt.  Laftly,  Hypocrifie;  If  ilicre  be  a  mote  in 
the  Eye  ,  there  is  a  Beam  in  the  Heart ,  if  there  be  a  Beam  in  the  Eye , 
there  is  attack  of  mifchief  in  the  heart ;  We  look  one  way,  and  row  another 
way,  blow  hot  and  cold  with  the  fame  mouth,and  have  our  hearts  more  double  than 
our  breath.-  We  flatter  for  advantage,  and  we  flander  for  advantage  ^  we  fcrve  God 
for  advantage,  and  it  need  be,  we  ferve  the  Devil  for  advantage.  Then  fince  wc 
liavc  ail  made  fhipwrack  of  Baptifmal  Grace  by  fin,  fincc  all  without  exception  doe 
Hand  inneed  of  a  fecondplank  to  fave  them  from  drowning  ,  it  remains  that  we 
makcchoiceof  oneofthe  two  prefentedtousin  my  Texti  Diflimulation,  or  Conver- 
fioni  covering,  or  confefling:  That's  the  next  part  :  He  that  covereth  hisf'HsJhjll  not 
fnjJxT:  but  vphofo  confejieth and  forfaketh  themjhall  have  mercy. 

There  are  three  good  covers  of  fin  in  Hol>  Scripture,    i.  Charity,  2.  Convcrfion, 
3.  Pardon:  The  twofirfl  are  mens  covers,  the  third  is  Gods  cover. 

I.  Charity,  Pror.10.12.  Hatred jiirreih  ttp  firife,  but  love  covereth  allfns,  and  I  Pff. 
4, 8.  Charity  Jhall  cever  the  multitude  o//5«/,Charity  thinketh  no  evil,  charity  fufpe- 
deth  no  hurt,  charity  interprets  all  things  in  the  bcflfenfe  >  Charity  doth  rot  aggra- 
vate or  exaggerate  the  faults  of  men,  but  feeks-to  extenuate  them,  imputing  them  to 
a  good  intention,  or  to  ignorance  ,  or  to  furprize,  or  to  the  violence  of  temptation  1 
Charity  delights  not  in  carrying  about  fardles  of  Tales  and  calumnies  ,  asPedlcrs  do 
tl.eir  packs,  from  houfe  tohoufe,nor  to  divulge  the  faults  of  men  ,  as  curfed  Chant 
did  the  nakednefs  of  his  Father,  but  to  conceal  them,  and  tofupprcfs  them,  zsjofeph 
was  not  willing  to  make  Mary  a  publick  example;  Charity  is  not  vindidive,  to 
write  injuries  in  marble,  but  buries  them  in  oblivion.  He  that  wants  this  cover,  is 
an  unclean  VtlTeliHcthat  hath  not  this  Wedding-garment,  is  fuie  to  be  caf^  intoout- 
er  darknefsj  but  he  that  hath  it  isblefTed,  he  {hallptofpcr:  Judge  not^and  you  Jhall  not 
he  judged, 

Thefecond  good  cover  isConverfion,  Jam.  5.  20.  He  that  cmverteth  a(imter,  (hall 
fave  a  foul,  and  hide  a  multitude  offws,  Juff  as  he  converts  a  (inner,  and  faves  a  foul, 
fohc  hides  fins,  not  primitively,  but  derivatively, not  principally  ,  but  fubordinatelyj 
not  foveraignly,  but  miniflerially.  He  converts  morally,  but  Grace  phyfically  i  he 
by  perfwading,  bijt  Grace  by  renewing.  Now  Converfion  being  an  infallible  way 
to  Remifiion  ,  he  that  helps  to  convert ,  helps  to  cover  fini  that's  one  way.  2.  He 
that  converts  a  man,  helps  to  amend  him,  and  after  amendment,  the  fhame  of  former 
fins  Iscoveredi  the  memory  of  them  is  rather  a  ba3ge  of  Honour,  than  a  note'oflg- 
norainyi  like  thefcar  of  a  Souldiers  wound,  after  it  is  h^  led.  Thus  he  hides  the 
fins  of  his  Convert.  But  he  hides  his  own  fin  likewife,  that  is,  difpofitively  he  ren- 
ders himfelf  more  capable  of  Godspardon.  BleJJed  are  the  mercifnl,  for  thiy  Jhall  ftti 
mercy:  But  thofe  bufie  bodies,  whofe  affcdions  aic  flronger  than  their  judgements , 
who  labour  with  tooth  and  nail  to  fpread  broad  their  erroneous  drcams,muft  expeA 
nofharein  this  bleflingiJTo  heto ym  Scrihei  ajid  ^harijets^hypocrites:  fir ycu  compafs  fea 
and  land  tomakf  a  Vrojelyte^and  makghim  two  fold  more  a  child  of  HeU,than  your  f elves. 
The  third  kind  of  covering  of  fin  is  the  iorgivirg  of  it.  Pp/.  85.  2.  Ihouhaft  for- 
given their  inicjuity^  and  covered  all  their  f  us:  that  is ,  covered  them  from  the  eye  of 
thy  Ji'ftice;  as  a  woand  is  covered  with  a  Plaifter  ,  to  cure  if,  as  a  dead  body  is  co- 
vered in  the  Grave,  to  avoid  theilench  of  if,  as  the  doors  of  the  Ifraeiites  were  co- 
vered with  the  bloud  of  the  Pafchal  Lamb,  to  caufe  the  deftroying  Angel  topnf*;  by 
them.  In  the  fame  regard  elfewhere  ,  the  rerfiiflion  of  fins  is  called  a  fcrgetting  oj 
them,  a  cafiing  of  them  behind  thebaci^.  a  buryi'ig  them  in  the  bottom  if  the  Jea:  of  all  co- 
vers, this  is  the  beft,  Vfal.  32.  1.  Bkfied  is  the  man  vohofe  trarfgre^on  is  forgiven  ,  and 
rvhojefm  is  covered.  ,  Bu* 


Di!^cpURSElV«  tiis    Majeftics    Coronation.  071 

But  thelc  are  not  the  covers  intended  in  my  Text,  the  hrll  of  which  is  downrieht        ' 

denial,  as  Gehez.i  thought  to  have  oiitrjced  hisMalkr,  and  Ananiai  and  Sapphira.  Sr. 
Feter.  ?rov.  30.  7he  harht  eauib  and  ivi^eth  her  mouth,  and  faith.  What  have  I  done? 
Men  are  too  apt  to  forget  the  alt-feeing  eye  of  Godi  like  Woodcocks,  which  thruft 
their  heads  in  a  bufli,  and  think  no  man  fees  them,  becaufc  they  fee  no  man.  Let  the 
leprolie  of  Gehezi ,  let  the  fudden  death  of  Ananim  and  Sapphira  warn  us  to  take 
heed  how  we  feck  to  cover  our  faults  with  lyess  well  may  it  advantage  a  man  a  lit- 
tle for  the  prefent,  as  a  lye  got  St.Pf/er  his  admifiion  into  the  High  Priefts  hall ,  but 
it  hath  ever  a  foul  ending,and  within  a  while  forfeits  the  whole  ftock  of  a  mans^  cre- 
dit and  reputation:  Therefore  the  Scripture  faith  ,  That  a  lying  tongue  is  hut  for  » 
moment-,  and  to  God  it  is  a  very  abomination,  Prov.  12.  22.  Then  tell  the  truth  and 
ihame  the  Devil;  When  a  faultis  ingenuoufly  difcovered,  the  amends  ishalf  ma'dc. 

The  fecond  Cover,  is  mincing  of  extenuating  of  our  fins,  as  the  fluggard  ,  Tet  a 
little  Sleep,  a  little  Slumber,  and  Jonathan  did  but  tafte  a  little  honey  upon  his  Rods 
end:  But  a  little  leaven  leaveneth  the  whole  lump  ,  a  few  dtadfiies  eaufe  the  oyntmem  of 
the  Apothecary  to  jiink^^Ecd.  11.  He  that  clippeth  a  little  of  the  Kings  Coyn,  is 
guilty  of  Treafon;  every  little  fand  hath  his  weighty  and  it  is  allone  whether  a  maiv 
be  prelTed  to  death  with  an  heap  of  fand,  or  amafs  ofLeadi  whether  a  fhip  be  over- 
whelmed with  one  great  wave,  or  drowned  with  cnany  fmall  Leaks.  More  perifh 
by  the  daily  habitual  prcftimptuous  pra<ftice of  leffer  fins,  than  by  one  foul  acS  of 
fome  greater  fin.  Wc  detcO  that  horrid  Paradox,  That  all  fins  are  equal  i  That  he 
is  as  great  a  tranlgrelTour  that  kills  a  Cock- chicken  without  a  caufe,as  he  that  mur- 
thers  a  Prince.  But  he  that  makes  light  of  any  fin,  when  he  comes  to  make  up  his 
account  with  God,  deftroys  himfelf»  yet  this  is  often  our  condition  :  A  mote  in  ow 
neighbours  eye  flnrvs  greater  than  a  beam  in  our  otpn. 

The  third  Cover  is  that  of  ExcilTes.  i9a«/ pleads  for  a  Sacrifice  to  the  Lord  ,  to 
excufe  hisowndifobedience.  Gehezi  pleads  the  nccellity  of  the  Sons  of  the  Pro- 
-phcts  for  his  Bribery,  JudM  alledgeth  the  poor  to  palliate  his  covetoufnefs.  When 
the  King  of  Heaven  invites  men  to  his  great  Supper,  one  hath  married  a  Wife,  ano- 
ther purchafed  a  Farm,  the  third  muft  go  to  prove  fome  Oxen>  many  frame  excufes 
to  themfelvcs  with  as  much  eafe  as  the  Spider  weaves  her  webs.  Every  fin  hath  its 
cloak,  malice  and  revenge  pretends  lealof  Juftlce  :  Wilful  murther ,  I  mean  in  our 
Duellifis,  which  cries  to  Heaven  for  revenge  ,  muffles  it  ftlf  up  in  the  cloak  of  ho« 
nour  and  reputation.  Thefe  Fig-tree  Leaves  may  ferve  to  cover  our  fins  well  e- 
nough,  whilft  it  is  Vacation,  but  take  heed  of  the  Term-time  when  it  comes ;  When 
confcicnce  begins  to  fpit  fire  and  brimftone  in  our  face  ,  when  the  Devil  pulls  off 
the  hood  wherewith  he  hath  blinded  us  j  then  all  the(e  painted  Excufes  vanifli  a- 
way  ,  we  hear  nothing  but  Hues  and  Cries  ,  we  fee  nothing  but  evident  Deftru- 
dlion. 

The  fourth  Cover  is,  transferring  of  our  fins  upon  others;  as  Adam  upon  the  wo- 
man, the  Ifraelites  upon  their  F'ather«,T/)f  Fathers  have  eaten  fin^re  grapes,  &  the  chil- 
drens  teeth  are  fet  on  edge-,3LS  if  the  multitude  ofdelinquents  did  le^Ten  the  offencc,nay  ra- 
ther, the  more  the  Tranl^reflbrs,  the  nearer  are  the  Judgements  of  God.  Others 
accufe  ihe  Times,  and  evil  Company  of  their  faults.  How  (liould  one  ftick  fay  it 
remained  unfcorch'd  in  the  midft  ofa  flaming  Bundle?  Tis  true.  As  fire  begets  fire^ 
fo  dothfm  •,  evil  manner f  corrupt  good,  though  the  operation  be  not  always  prefent  • 
Poyfon  muft  have  a  time  of  working.-  The  more  our  familiarity  grows  with  fin,  the 
lefs  the  deformity  thereof  appears;  After  the  Mufick  is  ended,  the  Tune  fiillra- 
mainsin  our  Ears.  He  that  makes  Confcicnce  of  his  ways,  muft  avoid  evil  com- 
pany as  he  would  do  poyfon,  or  an  houfe  infeded  with  the  plague  >  and  write. 
Lord  have  mercy  upon  us  on  the  one  Door,  as  well  as  on  the  (5ther.  Others  make 
Satan  their  Cover,  and  caft  their  Sins  upon  his  Score.  The  Devil  may  foUicit  us, 
but  he  cannot  neceilitate  us:  He  could  not  thruft  the  Apple  by  force  down  Eves 
Throat,  nor  pulh  Chrift  by  violence  down  from  the  Pinnacle  :  He  hath  a  Height  of 
pcrfwading,  not  a  power  of  compelling  ;  He  blows  the  Coals,  but  the  Fire  is  our 
own:  He  'bite?, but  it  is  thofe  which  thruft  thcmfelves  into  his  Jaws  :  Kefii  the 
Vevil,  and  he  mil  fly  from  you.  Laftly, .  Some  make  God  himfelf  the  Cover  for  their 
Sins  5  of  all  Covers  this  is  the  worft,  So  Adam^the  Woman  which  thou  gave\\rH'^ 

£'jch 


972 


■  A  Scrwoa  upon li^^^-i'- 

Such  arc  thty  which  imkc  all  things  in  the  World  even  Sin  it  fdf,  to  come  to  pafs 
f  tallv  incvitably,by  virtue  ola  nccellitating  Decree  of  God.  Such  arc  they  which 
make  their  Redeemer  their  Packhorfc  Cbc  it  Ipoken  with  Reverence  )  to  bear  their 
rdumptuous  Sins:  as  if  he  had  fl:cd  his  prcciousBlood  to  purchafe  our  Liberty  , 
tliat  wc  might  turn  Libertines:  Deceive  not  your  (elves-,  to  whom  ChrilHs  made 
Redemption,  to  them  he  is  made  Righteoufncfs  and  fandirication.  This  is  the 
fourth  Cover,  the  Tranlfcrring  of  our  Sins  upon  Others. 

The  fifth   Cover  is  hypocnlic.  This  was  y4t/i/om'/  Cloak  forhis  Rebellion:  Such 
Covers  were  Caiit^s  Sacrifice,  E}au''s  Tcsii5,J(zebel  's  Faft,  the  Phariltes  Alms,fhe 
Harlots  Vow  ,  the  Traytors  Kifs.     The  World  is  full  of  (uch  Juglcrs  and  Mounte- 
banks in  Religion,  of  all  Seds,  who  cry.   Great  is  Diana;  s.ud  nugnihe  the  Image 
that  fell  down  from  Jupiter  i  meaning  nothing  but  their  profit :  who    cry  aloud. 
Lord  Lordt  and  mutter  to  themfelves,     Vamihi  falkre,   da juftum  findumq,  videri : 
Give  me  grace  to  cheat  and  to  delude  the  Eyes  of  the  world  :  painted  Sepulchres 
very    Glow-worms,  which  have  a  counterfeit  Light,  without  anyHeatj  Pidtures 
which  double  profpcdivcs,  that  to  the  Light,  prefents  an  Angel ,  the  other  from  the 
Light,  a  Devil;  we  have  pulled  down  other  Pidlurcs to  fet  thefe  up  in  our  churches. 
Noihing  is  more  odious      unto  God  ,  than  to  make  allalking-horfe  of  Religion  : 
Chrilt  throws  out  feven  woes  againft  Hypocrites  :  Other   Sinners  may  be  converted, 
the  Hypocrite  hardly,  bccaufe  he  hath  converted  Conveifion  it  felf  intofin.  Such 
as    devour   iViddorvs  houfes  under  a  colour  of  long  prayers,    {hall  receive  the  greater 
damnation. 

The  fixth  andlaft  Cover  is  Impudence,  to  defend  our  Sins.and  glory  in  them  , 
which  is  ufedby  none  but  thofc  who  have  already  gotten  one  Foot'within  the  gates 
of  Hell.  Feriijje  futo  CMi/>«</or  pfr///:  Part  Shaine,  paft  Grace.  St.  ^»/?i«  bewails 
his  Youth, led  in  the  Streets  of  Babylon '^hcic  when  he  heard  his  Companions  boalHng 
of  their  lewdnefs,  he  was  forced  to  feign  thofc  things  he  never  did,lealt  he  (hould 
appear  (6  much  more  vile,byhow  much  he  was  more  innocent.  Ti\at  which  was 
his  Deteftation,  is  now  the  onely  Garb  for  a  Gallant :  Such  a  Gallant  was  Cham  , 
that  gloried  in  the  Nakednefs  of  his  own  Father,  whilfl  his  more  modeA  Brethren 
covered  it  with  their  Faces  backward  :  fuch  another  Gallant  was  Caligttla  ,  who 
laid  He  likfd  nothing  better  in  his  otfn  Ptfpofuion  than  hU  Impudence  :  A  Voice  fitter 
for  a  Hangman  than  an  Emperour.  It  was  the  height  of  Jjraels  iTn,  That  fhe  had 
a  whores  Forcheacl,and  rcfufcd  to  be  afliamed.'Shamefadncfs  is  the  praifc  of  Nature, 
the  Harbinger  of  Grace,  the  Enfign  of  Hondty ,  the  Seat  of  Virtue-  the  Witnefsof 
Innocencie.  But  glorying  in  fin  is  the  next  Link  to  D*mi;ation.  ,Thcy  that  ufe 
fuch  vain  Covers  as  thefe,  fliall  one  day  wifh  for  another  cover,  even  the  Mountams 
to  fall  upon  them,  and  the  Hills  to  cover  them  from  theprf-f.nceof  the  Lamb.  Su 
unprofpcrous  is  this  courfe  of  concealing:   That's  the  next  pnt,  Shall  nut  projper. 

Firrt,  He  fhall  notprofper  in  hisfiniiie  ll,all  not  findc  that  Happiiufs  and  Con- 
tent in  it  which  he  expedts.  Ainon  was  Tick  of  love  until  he  enjoyed  Ihamar,  that 
moment  palTed,  his  Love  was  dogged  with  Hatred  and  Repentance.  What  a  deal 
of  convenience  andheartseafc  did  Ahah  promife  to  himfelf  in  Nji'0</;'j' Vineyard  i 
and  the  very  fitft  time  he  goes  to  take  polTclfion  of  it ,  he  meets  there  with  the 
Tidingsof  the  utter  ruine  of  Himfelf  and  Family.  Hfro^  violated  all  Lawsof  God 
and  Man,  burthcned  his  Confcience  ,  waded  through  a  Sea  of  Blood,  all  to  fettle 
the  Kingdom  upon  his  Soni  and  he  proves  an  unthrift  •,  offers  half  ofit  to  a  wanton 
Minion  foraDance.So  Goods  ill  gotten,  arc  like  a  Coal  of  Firein  a  tharch'd  houfe. 
Remember  Jnerod.  Before  Judc:s  had  fingved  that  bcggerly  fomc  of  thirty  pieces  of 
Silver  ,  his  Defires  were  upon  the  Rack  ■■>  heforgot  his  Duty  to  God,  his  Fidelity 
to  hisMaiier  ,his  care  of  his  own  foul.  But  when  he  once  had  it ,  he  could  not  In- 
dure  to  look  upon  it,  as  being  thecaufe  of  his  bane  i  lie  ca.^s  it  away  as  an  infetftious 
Ragihe  difgorgeth  itin  the  very  Temple;his  dctelhtion  of  that  poyfonous  morfel 
was  greater  than  his  reverence  to  that  Holy  Place.  When  P/wW//leanKine  had 
devoured  the  fat,  they  were  ftill  no  better  favourfid  themfelvc;.  Let  us  all.  but 
look  back  to  our  formerExceffcs,  and  unlawful  Pleafures  and  fee  ifwemay  not  figh- 
ing  fay  with  the  Apofflc,  what  profit  had  xpe  of  thnfc  things  rehereofrve  are  now  asham- 
ed? So  he  fliall  notprofper  in  his  fin. 

Second- 


DiscotiR^ni.  Before    the  Parliament  '  ^ZT 

Secondly,    He  fliajl  not    prorperTn  hi^Mairs    i  not  in  his  temporal  undertakings 

Jer. 22.  30/    IFrite  thU  man  childhji^  a  man  that jhd not  pro/per  in  bit   day;.     Jfrad 
could  not  profper  fo  long   as  the  accurfed  thing  remained  hidden  in  Achan's  Tent 
the  eleven  Tribes  profpercd  not  againll  Benjamin^umW  they  had  humbled  themfelve^! 
by  falling.   Jonas  profpered  not  in  a  Ship  untill  he  had  reconciled  h.imfelf  to  God  \ 
then  heioundfafetyin  the  B-l!y  ot"  a  Whale.  Neither' fli ail  he  thrive    or  profper 
in'  fpiritual  Graces  :  No  Mjr  can  ferveboth  God  and  Belial:  Thefe  hidden  Sins 
do  choak  the  Seed      of  tlic  Word,  thfy  hinder    the  Efficacie  of  our  Prayers,  they 
make  the  bleffed  Sac^^am.^it  to  become   poyfon,  and  our  Fafts  %pd  Humiliations  ,  to 
be  meer  Mockeries.  The  Grace  of  God  will  not  fufferfuch    Mates,  to  be  chamber- 
fello-.vs,  and    fellow  commoners  with  her  in  the  fame  Heart,  To  afk  for  which  of 
our    fins  things  have  fucceeded  unprofperoully    with  us,  were  to  feck  a  man  in 
Athens  at    noon  day,vvith  a  Candle  anda  Lanthorn.     The  Lord  fandific  our  fuC- 
feringstousi  until  then,   wc  connot  profper  in  our  Affairs. 

Thirdly  ,  He  fhall  not  pofper  in  his  concealment.     Gud  will  bring  it  to  light,  2. 
Sam.  i2.2.1hoH  didfi  it  jecraly^hiiij  rvilldn  thif  thing  before  all  Ifrael^  and  before  the 
Siin:"-FornothingU  covered,  which  fltall  not  be  revealed^  Luk.     12.2.  AI  moll  incre- 
dible are  the  ways  which  God  ufeth  for  the  Difcovery  of  crying  5'ins  i  efpecially  of 
Murther.     WhillUhe  Earth  is  covered  with  Snow,  the  Ditches,  and  Dunghills,  and 
Deformities  thereof  are  hid  i  but  by  the  melting  of  the  Snow  they  are  difcovered  : 
So  the  villanous  Projedts  of  Diffemblers  are  fo  covered  with  a  (hew  of  Snow  white 
Innocence  and  Candor,that  they  are  able  like  ZeitxUh'is  Counterfeit  Grapes,to deceive 
a  piercingEye      But  when  time  (hall  bring  Truth  to  light,  their  horrid  uglincfs  will 
appear  to  the     Eye    of  the   World  ;  we  may  this  day    ob(crvc  the   footfteps  of 
God's  juftice,how  he  brings  the  fame  Troubles  home  Co  their  Doors  who  have  been 
under  hand     the  Contrivers  and  Fomenters  of  them  among  their  Neighbours  ." 
And  now  Bellona  begins  to  fhakc  her  bloody  whip  among  them,  as  if  God  (hould 
fay,     Thoudid(Ut(ecretly,  but  I  will    do  this  thing  before  all  Ewro/ie,  and  before 
the-Sun.  Jufi  art  thou  ,  0  Lord ,  and  right  are  thy  judgments.  So  he  (hall  not  profper 
in  his  concealment. 

Fotrthly,  he  (hall  not  profper  In  obtaining  pardon  for  his  fin  i  and  then  all  his, 
other  Advantages  are  too  much  to  his  co{\:JFhat  Otallit  profit  a  man  to  gain  the  rvhole 
fforld,  and  lofe  his  own  Soul.  A  damned  fpirit  in  Hell  may  as  foon  hope  for  for- 
^givenefs  at  the  Hands  of  Go  1 .  as  that  per(bn  who  hides  and  cherilheth  his  (inspri- 
"vately  in  his  Heart*,  this  is  to  make  God  Confederate  with  us  in  our  wickcdnefs 
and  diffimulation  ••  Tis  in  vain  to  skin  over  afore,  whilft  dead  flc(h remains 
within  j  the  Weapon  mult  firft  be  pull'd  out,  before  the  wound  can  be  cured  :  The 
Medicines,  of  falvation  profit  not  a  wounded  Soul,  until  the  fiery  darts  of  Satan 
be  drawn  out  by  Repentance.     So  he  (hall  not  prolpcr  in  his  Recovery. 

La(tly,Thefe  words,  He Jhall not  profper^aic  a  /«ii»nf,and  lignitie  as  much  as  he  fhall 
fufferfmartforit.  • 

1.  He  (hall  fufferin  his  Confcicnce,  thofe  C^Ci»  vulnera,  thofe  blinde  blows  which' 
nomanknov.'sbut  he,which  feels  worfe  tkan  all  the  Plagues  of  Ejiypt  ^  and 
Botches  of  Job.  This  made  Cain  a  Runnagate  upon  the  face  of  the  Earth. 

2.  The  judgements  of  God  fliall  purfue  him  both  iri  this  Life,  and  the  Life  to 
come.  Herod  did  not  only  not  profper  in  his  aim,  to  entail  the  Crown  to  his 
Pofterity  ,  but  the  day  came  that  paid  for  all,  fuch  a  conglomeration  ofunmcafura- 
ple  Torments,  as  theyare  defcribed  by  Jofeplm^AiA  hardly  ever  meet  together  in 
one  man,  and  which  is  worfe,  thefe  were  but  the  forerunners  of  greater:  JudM 
did  notonely  mifs  his  contentment  in  the  thirty  pieces  ot  Silver,but  he  got  thirty 
Curfes;you  may  finde  them  P/i/.  105?.  Money  psrifhed,  but  the  Curfcs  ftuckby 
until  they  brought  him'to  an  halter.  Envie  not  aMurtherer  that  braves  it  upon 
the  ftage  for  the  firft  or  fecond  Ad  of  a  Tragedy,nor  an  Oxe,  that  is  fatting  for  the 
flaughter,  nor  a  Thief  that  is  riding  in  ftate  to  his  Execution  :  Have  patience  and 
exped  the  Catalkophe,  Ecclef.  8.  though  a  (inner  dnh  evil  an  hundred  times,  and  the 
LwdliiUprolonjetb  his  dayijet  1  k:tow  it  rpill  be  well  rvith  them  that  fear  the  Lordi  but 
it  fljill  nn  be  well  with  the  wicked.     Thus  every  way  he  Ihall  not  profper. 

And  fo  Ikive  him  larking  under  aNet,  treafuriilg  upto  himfelf  math  again<i  the  day 

of 


\ 


"  A   Sermon   before  ~      TOMEIJH 

oj  n-rjih  ,  to  come  to  the  true  Convert  in  tlic  next  Words. 
But  hi\hji  confejscib  and  forfah^th  them,  (hall  have  nurcy. 

Conlellion  witli  its  Rcquiljtcs,  Contrition  and  amendment  of  life,  which  is  here 
called /iW'A"^  '^'^  make  acomplcat  Repentance.  Which  fome  Fathers  llyle  a  fe- 
cond  Table  atter  Shipwrack,  others  a  Baptifm  of  pains  and  tears;  yea,  fomc  of  them 
doubted  not  to  fay,  That  Confcllion  did  Icofc  the  bands  of  fin  ,  and  extinguifh  the 
Fire  of  Hell,  that  is,  not  by  way  of  merit,  but  by  way  ofimpetration>  not  by  paying, 
but  by  pacifying  the  wratli  of  God  ,  and  fo  averting  his  Judgenaents.  No,  thofc 
blclTcd  Saints  did  never  dream  that  the  Covenant  of  Grace  ,  vvhereunto  we  arc  ad- 
mitted by  Baptifm,  Was  evacuated  by  aLapfeinto  fini  or  that  any  new  and  different 
Covenant  was  cildblirtied  by  Repentance,  grounded  partly  upon  the  merits  of Chrift, 
and  partly  upon  our  fclvcs.  Let  Confellion  and  Repentance  have  their  due,  but  let 
them  not  thruft  Chrift  out  of  the  Chair,  from  whofe  Grace  they  flow  ,  from  vvhofe 
acceptation  they  have  their  Efficacy.  Thrice  happy  are  they  which  ufc  this  Plank 
aright,  to  bring  them  through  the  raging  Billows  of  this  finful  world,  to  the  Haven 
of  Eternal  blifs. 

Confellion  is  as  ancient  as  our  Firft    Parents ,    whom  God  himfelf  did  call 
to  the  performance    of    this    duty.      It   was    pradtifed    among   the    Jfraeliter, 
by  Divine  Precept ,    Nnm.  5.  7.     By    thofe    Jeives   that    repaired  to    the    Ba- 
ptifm of  J  l»',  Mjtth.  3.     By  thofe  Ephefian  Converts  ,  ^Hs  151.     prefcribcd  by  St. 
James,  Jam.  5.  Coufej's  one  to  another,  and  pray  one  for  another.     Endowed  with  fuch 
ample  privilcdges,  as  in  the  firlt  Epiftlc  of  St.  John,  Jf  vre  conjefs  our  fins,   he  is  faith- 
ful anJjuji  to  forgive  us  our  fins,  andckanje  us  from  all  unrighteoufnejs.     Ai.dhcre  in  my 
Text,  He  that  covercth  his  fins  pall  not  profper,  but  be  that  confeffeth  andfurjak^th  them, 
pall  have  mercy.     Th.cre  is  no  better  phylicl;  for  a  full  ftomack  than  a  Vomit,  nor 
for  a  foul  replete  with  fin,  than  Confellion.     Bodily  fores  do  oftentimes  compel  a 
man  to  put  off  natural  fliamcfac'dncfs,  and  to  expofe  his  lefs  honourable  parts  to  the 
view  of  the   Chirurgion.     Ought  not  every  one  to  be  asfollicitous  for  his  foul  ?  Wc 
offend  God  three  ways  i  by  the  imaginations  of  our  hearts,  by  the  words  of  our 
mouths  ,  by  the  adtions  of  our  lives.     If  wc  intend  to  pleafe  God  ,  wemuft  take  a 
clean  contrary  courfe,  for  evil  thoughts  of  the  heart ,  bring  condition  of  the  hearf, 
for  corrupt  fpecches  of  the  mouth,  bring  confellion  of  the  mouth-,  for  wicked  adions 
.  of  our  life,  bring  fruits  worthy  anilndmcnt  of  life.     By  this  means  wc  bring  glory 
to  God,  and  fhame  to  our  felves,  and  prevent  that  great  contution  of  face ,  which  o- 
therwife  muft  fall  upon  us  at  the  Day  of  Judgement ,  before  God  and  Angels  and 
Men.     A  contrite  finner  flandsnot  upon  terms  of  reputation  with  God,  or  with  his 
Church,    why  fhould  we  be  more  affraid  to  confefs,  t!ian  we  were  to  offend  ?  to 
make  thofe  the  wltncfles  of  our  Tears,  who  have  been  tht  witnefTes  of  our  Faults.? 
to  take  away  the  fcandalthat  weour  ftlves  have  given  '  Let  the  world  take  notice 
of  our  fin,  fo  it  may  like  wife  take  notice  of  our  Repentance.     A  great  ficknef^  often 
ufhcrs  in  health,  and  abetter  habitude  of  the  body:  a  broken  Bone  ,   when  it  is  well 
knit,  grows  the  ftronger:  So  the  firji paJj  be  la^,  and  the  hjipall  he  firjl.     Indeed  7«- 
mcence  (if  that  herb  of  Grace  wereto  be  found;  is  better  than  Confeffion  :  but  there  is 
more  joy  in  Heaven  over  one  finner  that  npenteth,  than  ninety  nine  juji  perfons  that  need  no 
repentance,  among  the  holy  Angels:  Da  Faterfempcr  eis  gaudere  dc  nobis,  &c.     Granf, 
O  Father,  that  they  may  alwaycs  rejoyce  over  u-;,  that  thou  mayefi:  alwayes  be  glori- 
fied by  them  for  us,  that  we  and  they  together  may  praife  thy  Holy  Name  i  O  thou 
that  art  the  Creatour  of  Men  and  Angels. 

No  man  can  doubt  but  the  Komanijls  havegrofly  abufed  Confellion,  by  tricking  it 
up  in  the  Robes  of  a  Sacrament,  by  obtruding  a  particular  and  plenary  enumeration 
of  all  fins,  to  man,  asabfblutely  necelfary  to  Salvation  by  Divine  Inftitution,  by  ma- 
king it  with  their  commutations,  a  remedy  rather  for  the  Confefforspurfe,  than  the 
Confitents  foul,  by  impoling  ludibrious  penances;  zsChaucer  obfervcd,Heknevv  how 
to  impofe  an  eafie  penance  ,  where  he  looked  for  a  good  pittance,  by  making  it  a 
pick  lock  to  know  the  fccrets  of  States  and  Families  ,  Scire  volunt  feaeia  domia  atque 
inde  timeri,  by  abfolving  before  they  enjoyn  Ecciefiaflical  fatisfadion  ,  by  reducing 
it  to  a  cuftomary  Formality,  as  if  it  were  but  the  concluding  of  an  old  fcore  to  begin 
anew.     So  on  the  other  fide  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  our  Proteflant  Confeflions  are 

for 


Discourse IIH.  Before    the  Parliament  o^- 

for  the  molt  part  toogencraTi  Weconfels  we  are  iJnners,  and  that's  all,  vvhicli  []7^. 

fies  nothing  :  And  a  little  too  prcfumptuousj  They  that  dare  not  trurt  their  mvn 
judgement  about  their  Efhtes,  without  the  opinion  of  a  Lawyer,  nor  about  their  bo- 
dies, without  the  advice  of  a  Phyfician,  arc  wife  enough  for  their  Souls,  without  any 
nther  diredion:  And  a  little  toocarelefs,  as  if  we  were  telling  aftory  of  a  third  pcr- 
ion  that  concern'd  not  us:  Weconfefs  light  Errours   willingly,  which  neither  in- 
trench upon  our  credit,  nor  threaten  us  with  puniflimenti  but  greater  crimes,  where 
the  difcovery  brings  with  it  fear  of  ignominy  and  difgrace,  or  fuffering  for  them  , 
we  conceal  and  cover  with  as  much  art  as  may  be.     LalHy,  Even  whilft  we  are  con- 
felling,  we  have  too  often  a  mind  to  return  roith  the  dog  to  his  vomit ,  and  with  the 
fotv  to  her  rvsllowing  inihe  mires  what  is  this  but  a  plain  mocking  of  God  ?  Far  from 
any  hopes  of  Mercy  :  For  though  Covering  alone  be  a  fufficient  caufe  of  punilh- 
ment.  Be  thatcovereth  his  fmsjhull  not  prober  :  yet  Confeffion  alone  ,  without  forfa- 
king,  is  not  a  fufficient  caufe  of  Mercy  ■■,  But  he  that  confejjeth  and  forfa]i^th^  (hall  have 
mercy.     Not  forbears  them  in  natural,  or  oncly  by  an  outward  abllinence,  but  forfa- 
keth  them,  js  a  man  would  carta  fnake  out  of  his   bofome,  with  detel\ation.     An 
outward  ablHncncc  is  not  thetrue  change  of  a  Chriftian:likc  aDog  thatis  muzzel'd 
or  a  thief  that  is  manacled,  which  ftill  retain  their  former  difpofitions:  When  the  un- 
clean ^irit  returns  to  his  old  habitdtion,  and  finds  it  fwep  andgarni(hed,  not  throughly, 
but  fuperficially  deanfcd  by  an  outward  Reformation ,   without  an  inward  Renova- 
tion,/^f^riwg/  tvith  him  [even  other  fiirits  ,  and  the  latter  end  of  that  man  is  rvorfe  than 
the  beginning,     Hc  that  abftains  from  an  old  fin,  not  for  confcience  towards  God,but 
for  fear  offhame  orpunifliment,  is  like  that  Wolf  whereof  the  Father  fpcaks,  which 
came  unto  the  Sheepfold,  tokilland  todevour  :  the  Shepherd  waking,  the  dogsbar- 
king,  feared  him  away  indeed,  but  altered  not  his  wolvifli  nature  :  Lupus  venit  fi-t- 
mens.  Lupus  redit  tremens^  Lupus  efl  &fremens  &  tremens.     So  he  forfakcs  them  not, 
onely  forbears  them. 

Again,  Forjak^s  them  ,  not  conceals  them  ;  Penetration  of  Bodies  is  a  Monfter 
inPhilofophy  :  an  Heart  inwardly  replete  with  fecret  fins,  hath  no  room  for  Grace: 
A  good  LefTon  ,  or  a  good  Motion  to  it,  is  like  a  Spark  of  Fire  falling  iijto  a  Vcflel 
of  water,  prefently  extingufiied,  or  like  good  Seed  falling  a  among  Thorns,  foon 
choak'd.Whatfcllowfliip  hath  Light  with  Darknefs,or  C  H R  I  S  T  withBi-//j/> 
In  natural  Tranfelementation,  there  muft  be  fome  affinity  between  the  Bodies,  as 
Fire  and  Air,  not  Fire  and  water,  for  the  too  great  contrariety  :  but  in  fpiritual 
Converfion,  no  difparity  can  hinder  the  change :  The  greateft  fins  do  often  produce 
the  moft  fignal  converfions,  as  it  was  in  Saul,  changed  in  the  height  of  his  fury  from  a 
Pcrfecutor  to  an  Apoftle,  froma  wolf  to  a  Shephcard,  from  a  Pyrat  to  a  Go- 
vernour. 

"  We  cannot  live  as  Amphibianr'm  rwo  fuch  contrary  Elements  as  arcfolvcd  courle 
of  fin  and  of  Godiinefs  i  fuch  half  Converts,  who  have  nothing  but  a  few  idle 
yawning  defires  can  expcdt  nothing  at  the  hands  of  God  ,  buttobe  fpewcdoutof 
his  mouth  for  their  luke-warmnefs  i  the  mouth  of  Hell  is  full  of  fuch  vain  Withes  and 
•wifliers'',  which  ufe  no  ferious  means  to  gain  them  liberty,  but  oncly  thrufi:  their 
heads  out  of  the  Grate,  tolooke  about  them.  A  man  tnay  breakeall  the  Command- 
ments of  God,  and  be  guilty  of  none,  if  it  be  againft  his  refolution  ,  if  he  be  heartly 
forry  for  it :  It  is  not  fo  much  Sin ,  as  Impenitence,  for  which  men  are  damu'd  ;  And 
on  the  other  fide  ,  he  that  breaks  but  one  Commandment  habitually,  and  rea- 
fonably ,  is  guilty  of  all.  1  fcarc  this  is  many  of  our  Conditions ,  wc  rather 
cover  our  fins ,  or  forbear  them  than  forfake  them  i  wcc  delire  rather  to  nuke 
a  Truce  with  God,  than  a  Peace-,  we  do  with  our  fins,  as  Servants  do  with 
their  fires  when  they  go  to  Bed,  put  them  not  out,  but  rake  them  up  :  fo  when 
we  come  to  reckon  with  COnfcience,and  to  make  up  our  Accompts  with  God,  we 
do  not  defire  to  take  an  cverlafting  farewell  nfour  fins  ,  ah  hoc  momento  in  S.ternum  , 
as  St.  AulHn  faith,  but  onely  a  Coverfeu,  to  hide  them  in  an  heap  of  Devotions,  for 
the    prefent    vvhileft.     wc  are  doing  fome  fuperhcial  Duties  to  God,  or  whilli  the  ^ 

Ibleffed  Sacrament  doth  ftrike  a  kind  of  R.everence  into  our  hearts,  with  a  purpofe 
to  reafTume  them  upon  the  firft  opportunity  •,  as  the  Serpent  doth  her  poyfim,  which     . 
(h.-hid  left  b:hinde  her  in  her  D:n.     Can  any  man  think  that  fuch  a  tained  (lio  w  of 

Aaaaaa  fii 


cfj6 


A   Sermon  Sic,  TOME  UH 

YorfakiiiTourllnlT^aTbTacaptable  tu  Gud  ?  O  no!  it  is  coo  holIow-hTartcd.  That 
convcrlion  which  hiidcs  mercy,mull  be  ferious  and  fincere;Gods  fcigivcncTs  and  our 
forfaking,  go  /iill  hand  in  hand  Wi^cihcr.Forgive  us  our  mjj>affcs,th(.r(:"s&.c  cnci  Jrd 
lejdus  not  i)tlot(i>il'tJiiJii,  there's  theothcr  :  "Turn  ihy  fmc  from  tnyfws^  0  Lord.thcrts 
the  (ctmcr  ■■,  And  injke  '"^  a  clean  heart,  theic^s  the  hucr  :  Lord  have  mercie  upor  us  , 
there's  forgivcncfs  "•)  ^'-'^  incline  vur  hearts  io  It^ep  thy  Lan\\htx€i  forfaking  :  That 
brings  me  to  the  la(l  p3rt,7^j//  have  mercy. 

0°  c  mi'^ht  ask,  which   of  all  Gcds  Mercies  ?  The  Air  we  breath,  the  Light  we 
behold     the  G)0und  we   tread     upon,  the  Meat  we  cate,  whatfocver  wc  arc,  or 
have  or  hope  fcr,  it  is  his  mcrcie  ;  By  it  we  live,  and  move,  and  have  cur  being,  "thou 
hajicrcTPnedme  veith  thy  mcrcie,  faid  Vavid :  it  is  a  Metaphor  taken  from  a  Garland, 
■which  is  compofed  of  many  and  different  Flowers.  Gods  mercy  was  the  onely  mo- 
tive to  our  redemption",  his  merciful   Grace  preventing  us  and  alliding  us,  is  the 
oncly  means  to  apply  this   Redemption  i  the  confiderationcf  this  mercie  is  that 
which  incourageth  ust?i  Repentance.   As  Chrift  prayed  father  forgive  themwht 
poor  Thief  grew  b'old  ,  Lord  remember  me.     Mercie  is  the  end  of  our  Repentance , 
that  we  may  finde  forgivcncfs :  Mercie  is  our  fupporter  in   all  our  forrows  for  tin  , 
that  we  roar  not  out  with  Cain, My  fin  is  greater  than   that  it  can  be  forgiven  ,  nor 
betake  our  felvcsdtfperately,  with   Judas,  to  sn  halter.     Mercie  is  our  onely  pica, 
when  we  do  repent  ;  we  cannot  fay  we  have  done  fuch  and  fuch  good  offices  for 
the  time  paft,  we  are  too  unprofitable  Servants  i  we  dare  not  promife  of  our  felves, 
to  be  more  ftrviceable  for  thetime  to  come  ,  we  are  too  defultory  creatures:  Lord 
forfakenot  us,  leaft  we  forfake  Thee.     Mercy  is  the  objedofour  hopes,  the  total 
fumofour  defires  i  both  Grace  and  Glory  do  depend  upon  Mercy.  So  mercie  is  the 
beginning,  the  middle,  the  end  of  our  happinefs. 

But  St.     John  will  tell  us  what  mercy  tiiis  is  i  Jfrce  confe(i  our  fins,  he  vsfaithfuland 
juft  to  fcrgive  us  cur  fins :This  mcxcy  thei\  is  fcrgivenefs  of  fin.  That  which  is  called 
Mfrcyhere  is  called  JujUce  there  :  It  is  mercy  to  make  a  gracious  promife,  but  it  is 
luftice  to  k  cep  it.     W'ithour  this  Mercy  of  forgivenefs ,  all  the  other  Mercies  cf  God 
are  no  Mercies,  but  Judgements  ;  In  this  Mercy  trucbleffednefs  doth  confift,  Bltfjed 
ii  the    man  n-koje  iniquities  are  forgiven:  what  comfort  can  a  perfon  fure to  be  con- 
demned have,  without  hope  cf  a  pardon  i*  The  beA  mufick  in  the  world,  is  ,  Son 
thy  fins  are  forgiven  </;ff,  when  God  fhall  firetch  forth  the  Golden  Scepter  of  Mercy, 
that  is,  to  allthofe  who  for  his  love  do  mortifie  their  earthly  mcmbers,and  fcrfakc 
their  own  Lufts:  For  he  that  hideth  his  fins  Jhall  net  pr(j}er,  but  he  that    conftfieth  and 
forfaketh  them,  (hall  have  mercie. 

Now  among  all   the  means  ordained  by  God  fcr  the  obtaining    this  faving 

mercy  mentioned  in  my  Text,  after  Baptifmal  Grace,  there  is  none  more  efficacious 

than  thcbleffed  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  blood  ofChrirt,the  veiy  conduit-Pipe 

of  Grace   to  all  worthy  Com,municants,  the  Mama  of  Life  and  irrmortality,  the 

precious  antidote  agairft  the  fling  and  infedion  of  the  infernal  Serpent ,  that  in- 

eflimaUe  Love-token,  which  ChriO  at  hisdepariuie  leftto  his  Church,  tcfkeepin 

retr.embrance  of  him  i  the  true  pool  cf  Bethtjc'a,  wherein  we  may  be  cured  of  all 

our  infirmites.     Preparation  of  cur  fe!ves  is  reccfTary  before  the  performarce  ofall 

holy  Duties, but  efpccially  befcie  the  holy  Saci:mcnr.     We  ought  torepairto  the 

participation  of  this,  with  as  great  care  and  arxicty  ,  as  if  we  were  immediately  to 

depart  out  of  the  World.     It  was  death  foran  urciici  mcifed  perfon  to  eat  of  the 

PafchalLamb  :  we  mtft  circumcife our  eycs,ci:r  cars,  ci  r  hands  and  our  hearts;  and 

take  heed  how  we  come  to  this  Weeddirg  Fcaf}  ,  without  the  Weding  Garment. 

0  herd  , Be  nitrajul  to  all  thrfe   vrho  frej-^re  their  whole  hearts  to  feekjibee,thougb 

thiy  be  not  Jurged  occcrdirg  to  the   Furificaiirn  if  the  Sarduary. 


TOME 


r  O   M   E    IV. 


S  O  M  E 


PA 


Containing  fiiort  Occafional 


DISCOURSES 

Or  Theological 

L   E    T   T  E  R  S. 


Written  hy  the  fame  Author. 
While  in  Exile. 


DUBLIN, 
Printed  in  the  YEAR   M*  DC*  LXX VI, 


9^9 


TOME   IV. 

DISCOURSE  V. 


A  Short 


DISCOURSE 


TO 

S"*  Henrv  De  Vic, 

About  a  Paflage  at  hh  Table  ,  after  the  Chriftening  of  hi« 
Daughter  ANNE   CHARLOTT* 

Ofperjons  dying  rpithout  Baptifm, 
SIR,  ^  ^ 

^<  he  difcourfe  which  happened  the  other  day,  about  your  little  daughter 
{^     I  had  quite  forgotten   till  you  were  pleafed    to  mention  it  again  laft 
*  •  night.     If  any  thing  did  fall  from  me,  which  gave  offence  to  any  there 
prefcnt,  I  am  right  forrowful ,  but  I  hope  there  did  not  ;  as  on  the  o- 
'  ther  fide,  if  any  occafion  of  offence  had  been  given  to  me  ,  I  fhould 
readily  havefacrificed  it  to  that  reverend  refped, which  is  due  to  the 
phceyour  iahk,  anciently  accounted  a  facred  thing,  and  to  the  Lord  of  it  your  kW. 
This    morning  lying  mufing  in  my  bed  ,  it  produced  fome  trouble  in  me,  to  con- 
fider  how  palfionatly  we  are  all  wedded  to  our  own  parties,  and  how  apt  we  arc 
all  to  cenfure  the  opinions  of  others  ,     before  we  under/land  them  while  our  want 
of  Charity  is  a  greater  errour  in  our  fclves,  and  more  difpleafing  to  almighty  God, 
than  any  of  thofe  fuppofed  afTertions,  which  we    condemn  in  others  i  efpccially 
when  they  come  to  be  rightly  underltood.     And  to  (hew  that  this  particular  breach 
is  not  fo  wide,  nor  the  more  moderate  of  either  party  fo  difagreeing,     as  is  imagin- 
ed,    I  digcfled  thefe  fudden  meditations  drawn  wholy  ,  in  a  manner  ,  from  the 
grounds  ot  the  Roman    fchools  i  andfofoonasi  was  rifen ,  I  committed    them 
to  writing. 

Firft,  there  is  a  great  difference  to  be  made ,  between  thefole  want  ofbaptifm 
upon  invincible  neceility  ,  and  the  contempt  or  wilful  ncglccfr  of  Baptifm  when 
it  may  be  had.  The  latter  we  acknowledge  to  be  a  damnable  fin  and  without 
repentance  and  Gods  extraordinary  mcrcy,to  exclude  a  man  from  all  hope  of  falva- 
tion.  But  yctif  fuch  aperfon,  before  his  death,  (hall  repent  and  deplore  his  necled 
of  the  means  of  grace  ,  from  his  heart,  and  defire  with  all  his  Soul  to  be  Baptifed  , 
but  is  debarred  from  it  invincibly ,  we  do  not,  we  dare  not  pafs  fentence' 
of  condemnation  upon  himi  nor  yet  the  l^oman  CathoHcks  themfelves.  Theque- 
ftion  then  is,  whether  the  want  of  baptifm  upon  invincible  ncceliity ,  do  evermore 
infallibly  exclude  from  heaven/ 

Secondly,  We  difiinguilh  between  the  Vifible  fign  ,  and  the  Invifible  Graces  be- 
tween the  exterior  facramentall  Ablution  ,  an.!  tiic  grace  of  the  facriment,  thatis 

inte- 


"^^  Of  dyin^  without  Eaptifm  TOME  llH 

interior  Kt^tncration.     V\  e  bcijcvc,  that  v\holctvcr  hath  thetormtr  hath  the  latter. 


.loubtly  favcd.  Secondly,  Wc  believe  that  without  baptifmal  grace,  that  is  regene- 
ration, no  man  can  enter  into  the  Kingdom  ofGod.  But  whether  God  hath  fo  ti- 
ed and  bound  himfelf  to  his  ordinances  and  facraments  that  he  doth  not  or  cannot 
conferr  the  grace  of  the  lacraments,  extraordinarily  ,  where  it  fccmeth  good  in  his 
tyc?,without  the  outward  element,  This  is  the  qutltion  between  us. 

Thirdly,  We  teach  that  the  cafe  is  not  alike  with  little  infants  born  of  ChriftiatJ 
Parents,  who  dy  unbaptiftd,  without  their  own  fault,  and  men  of  age  anddifcrction 
fuch  as  Wcodemw  was,  to  whom  Chrift  faid,  Except  ye  he  born  again  of  water  and  of 
the  ff>iritye  cannot  enter^  into  the  Kingdcm  of  Heaven'.     Tl.cfe  later  can  have  no  hope 
of  falvation  in  an    ordinary  way,  except  they  be  Laptifcd  either  in  deed  or  dcfirc. 
But  wc  dare  not  pafs  a  definitive  (entence  againll  the  former,  whofc  want  of  Baptifm 
is  not  their  own  fault,  but  the  fault  of  their  Parents,  feing  that  God  hath  faid,  that 
jij  he  lives  the  fon  fhall  not  bear  the  iniquJiy  of  hii  father.     Yet  do  wc  not  believe,  that 
the  Children  of  Chridian  parents  do  derive  any  inward  or  inherent  fandity  by  pro- 
pagation Cas  is  by  fomc  imputed  to  us,  amifs^.     We  know  well  that  a  Chriilian be- 
gets not  aChriftian.     But  that  holinefs ,  which  faint  P^iw/ afcribes  to  the  Children  of 
believing  parents,  //  the  rcot  be  Holy  ^fo  are  the  Branches ,  we  expound  ofan  exterior 
or  ecclctianical  fandtity  ,or  a  right  to  the  Sacrament  of  Baptifm  fcy  the  privilcdgeof 
their  birth,  being  not  born  forreiners,  but  natives  and  free-men  of  the  Church.  And 
for  as  much  as  they  have  a  right  to  the  facrament ,  but  arc  defrauded  of  it  without 
their  own  defaults,  wc  believe,  that  God,  who  hath  not  limited  his  grace  to  his 
outward      ordinances,  may   and   doth  many  times  according  to  his  good  pleafurc 
fupply  thedefcd  of  ethers,  and  operate  in  them  the    grace  of  the  Sacrament   by  his 
Holy  Spirit.     That  this  is  truth,  I  prove  by  five  arguments,  drawn  out  of  their  owti 
grour.ds. 

Firll,  if  the  grace  of  the  Sacrament  be  communicable  without  the  (acramcnt, 
then  there  is  a  poflibility  of  falvation  without  adfual  baptization  ;  but  the  grace  of 
the  facrament  is  comtnunicable  without  the  facrament,  as  appcareth  in  Martyrdom ^ 
which  is  generally  confefled  to  fupply  the  defed  of  Baptifm.  Luk.p.  24.  JVl^ofoever 
pall  lofe  his  life  for  my  fakf  fhall  fave  it.  And  Matth,  5.  10.  Bltjjed  are  they  vfho  fuffer. 
perfecntion  for  rightemfuefsjal^e  ,  for  theirs  is  the  kingdom  of  Heaven.  If  it  be  obferved, 
That  Martyrs  are  Eaptifcd  in  their  own  blood  ,  I  anfwcr  ,  that  Martyrdom  indeed 
is fometimcs called  Baptifm^  improperly  and  analogically,bccaufeit'fupplies  the  want 
of  Baptifin  i  but  itisno  Sacrament,  no  proper  or  true  Baptifm,  becaufe  wanting 
the  effcntials  of  the  Sacrament  ,  the  matter,  which  is  water,  which  element  and  no 
other  Chrift  confecrated  in  'Jordan  to  the  myftical  wafliing  away  of  fin  i  asalfo  the 
form,  7  Baptize  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son  ,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghojl, 
This  is  one  exception  without  contradidlion. 

Secondly,St.  Paul  faith,  2  Cor.  S.  12.  If  there  be  firfi  a  vril'ing  mind,  it  is  accepted, 
according  to  that  a  man  hath,  and  not  according  to  that  he  hath  not.     God  binds  no  man 
to  imj  oihbiliiies,  which  are  not  made  impoflible  by  hiniftlf.     When  adual  Bap- 
tifm ci'.'.not  be  had,  the   dcfire  of  Baptifm  is  accepted  for  Baptifm  it  felf.     As  St. 
^mbriife  CiUh  of  Valentinian,  that  he  was    Baptifcd  in  Iik  dcfire.     Thus  much  i* 
acknowledged  by  all  Roman-Catholicks,  and  maybe  collected  out  of  the  council  of 
Trent.  If  it  be  objeded  that  the  defire  of  Baptifm  can  have  no  p'ace  in  infants,for  the 
dcfedtofReafon.     I  anfwer  two  ways ;  firft,  there  maybe  the  fame  invincible  nc- 
ccliuy  for  an  infant  which  is  for  a  perfon  of  age  and  difcret'on  v  as  fuppofe  the  mother 
(hould  be  delivered  ofChild  in  a  Defert, where  there  is  nn  water,  &  dy  before  either 
the  water  can bt  brought  to  the  Infart  or  the  Infant,  to  the  water:  The  child  wants 
the  ufe  of  reafon  to  dcfire  Baptifmi  the  parents  do  defire  it  for  the  Child  ,  but  want 
means  to  procure  iti  (hall  they      chriften  it  with  fand,  as    it  was  (brntimes  done  to 
a  Jew  in   tl-,e  like  cafe,  at  the  inftant  of  death.     Tliis  would  be  no  celebration, 
but  a  bold  prefumption  and  profanation  of  the  Holy  Sacrament.  How  much  better 
were  it  to  commit  it  to  the  fecret  and  cxtiaordinary  mercy  of  God,     whohath 

Not 


Discourse  V\  Of  dyin^  rpiihout  Baptifm  ^§7 

not  bound  his  power  to  rhc  bacranifncs,  as  all  Divines  do  agree.     What  reafol^ ' 

be  given  vvhy  neceliity  fliould  difpcnfe  with  the  want  of  adtual  Eaptifm  and  yet  the 
fame  neceility  iTioiild  i.o:  difpcnfe  with  the  want  of  an  adtualdefireof  Baptifm>  efpe- 
ciilly  (ieing  the  want  ot  delire  in  Infants,  proceeds  horn  anabfolute  and  antecedent 
nccellity^ut  the  want  ot  the  Sacrament  in  perfons  of  years  mighthavebeen  prevent- 
ed ,  andisbecomcjnvincibiy  ncccffary  by  their  own  fault,  which  dcfcrves  the  lefs 
conlideratior.  Secondly,  I  anfwcr,  tr.at  Gerfort,  and  Gakiel ,  and  Cardinal  Ca-etan 
great  Dodouis  m  the  Roman  Church,  do  maintain,  That  when  Eaptifm  cannot  be' 
adtualiy  applied  to  Infants,  the  delire  of  their  Parents  to  have  them  baptifed  is  fuffi- 
cient  for  their  Salvation.  Thofe  Dodtours  were  more  merciful  to  Infants  to  whom 
Chna  gave  fo  many  exprelLons  of  his  Love ,  than  the  rigid  Confrovertifls  of  thefe 
times.  The  bell  is,  whether  they  be  wheat  or  chaffe,yet  mens  tongues  or  pens  muft 
not  wninow-  their,  they  m„(i  jiand  or  fall  to  their  own  Majhr.  This  is  called  Baptz'fmus 
fljmiiiif ,  the  Eaptifm  of  the  fpirit.  ' 

Thirdly,  the  Roman  Schools  do  define  concerning  fuch  abortive  Infants  as  perifh 
in  their  mothers  womb,both  under  the  Law  of  Nature,and  oiMofes,  and  of  Grace 
that  except  they  be  llain  for  Chrills  fake,  as  fome  have  been  ,  and  fo  become  martyrs 
indeed,  though  notin  will,  becaufe  they  are  rot  capable  of  Eledlion,  that  ex  £qtio  & 
lege  communis  in  equity  and  by  ordinary  right,  they  cannot  be  fa»edi'but  withal  they 
.add,  that  it  is  not  to  be  denied^  but  that  by  fume  other  means  or  remedies  extraordinary 
they  may  be  faved^if  foit fliall \eem goodto  God  in  hU extraordinary  providence.  But  Ab- 
ortives have  no  greater  priviledges  than  thofe,  who  live  to  behold  the  li^ht.  There- 
fore we  ought  not  to  cenfure  them  for  want  of  the  ordinary  means  ,  but  to  leave 
them  alfo  to  the  extraordinary  providence  of  God. 

Fourthly,  if  Infants  which  dye  unbaptifcd,  be  excluded  from  all  hopeof  Salvati- 
on,^thcn  it  is  by  reafon  of  that  Original  corruption,  which  they  derive  by  propaga- 
tion from  their  Parents,  becaufe  «o  polhtted thing  canenterinto  Heaven^  (For  we  know 
that  Infants  are  not  capable  of  any  adlual  fins)  but  this  reafon  is  not  fufficient :  for 
the  Jervijh  Infants  were  as  fubjed  toOriginal  fin,  and  had  a  remedy  appointed  for  it 
by  God,  as  well  asChrilfians,  that  is,  the  Sacrament  of  Circumcifion,  which  though 
it  fhould  be  admitted,  that  it  did  not  caufally  produce  Grace  ,  yet  it  isconfefTed  by 
the  2lr)»w;;ii/j,  that  it  did  certainly  procure  Grace,  and  was  as  flriclly  enjoyned  to 
them,  as  Eaptifm  is  to  us,  Gen.  17.  14.  Ihe  uncirmmcifsed  male  child fhall  be  ait  off 
from  his  people.  But  this  not  withllanding,  the  Jercifhlniiints  ^  dying  without  cir- 
cumcifion, might  be  faved.  Neither  is  God  more  propitious  to  the  Jervifh  Infants, 
than  totlie  Chriftian:  for,  he  hath  loved  the  tents  ofSion  above  all  the  tabernacles  of]z- 
cobi  therefore  Chrillian  Infants  maybe  faved  likewife  without  Eaptifm.  That  the  . 
Jervifl}  children  might  be  faved  without  circnmcifion,  is  thus  proved,  by  theinftitu- 
tioii  of  God.  Circumcifion  was  not  celebrated  till  the  Eighth  day  after  the  nativi- 
ty, but  many  thouCznd  J ewijh  Infants  dyed  before  the  Eighth  day,  and  confequently 
without  circumcifion  :  to  exclude  all  thofe  from  hope  of  Salvation  for  want  of  cir- 
cumcifion^ which  by  Gods  owin  Ordinance  they  might  not  have  ,  intrencheth  too 
much  upon  the  goodnefsof  God.  More  particularly,  David's  childdyed  upon  the 
feventh  day,  and  yet  David  doibted  rot  to  fay,  2  Saw.  12.  23.  I  ihall  go  to  him,but 
.he  fhall  not  return  tome.  Dj^i^  cotild  not  go  to  him  either  in  Hell  ,  or  in  Limbiis 
Infantum.  And  of  this  Opinion  Sf.  Gregory  fcemeth  to  be,  as  he  is  cited  by  the  Ma- 
iler of  the  Sentences,  D//1. 4.  lib.  4.  Ihut  rvhich  Baptijm  doth  with  us  ,  that  fame  the 
faith  of  the  parents  performed  in  the  Law  of  Nature.  If  in  the  Law  of  Nature,  why  not 
as  well  in  the  Law  oi  Mofes  and  of  Chrifli*  Molt  certainly,  if  Infants  might  be  faved 
in  any  one  of  thefe  three  ftates,  without  fome  Sacrament  or  other,  then  in  all  the 
three  without  exception. 

Fifthly,  itis  confeifed,  that  in  the  Primitive  times,  Baptifm  was  aum'niflred  ordi- 
narily but  twice  in  the  year,  that  is,  at  Eajier  and  at  Jf^hitfuntide\  and  many  did  de- 
fer their  Baptization  till  the  hour  of  death  ,  that  they  might  depart  more  undefiled 
out  of  this  world.  But  confidering  thofe  infinite  dangers  which  hang  continually 
Qverthe  heads  of  mortal  men,  whilll  they  arc  in  this  vale  of  mifery ,  and  how  many 
arefweptaway  out  of  this  life,  even  in  an  inftant  by  fudden  death,  by  ficknefs,  oro- 
ther  cafualtics,  fome  fleeping,  fome  eating,  fome  walking,  this  practice  had  been  the 


g^  Of  dyin'y  without   Baptifvt  TOME  11 H 

molt  unlik  dnd  dangerous  in  the  whole  world,  and  the  lofs  of  millions  ot  louis,  if 
all  perfons  dying unbaptifed,  were  infallibly  excluded  out  of  Heaven  ■■>  cfpecially  lit- 
tle Infants  ,  who  being  incapable  of  reafon  ,  cannot  fupply  the  want  of  adtual  Ba- 
ptifm  by  their  hearty  dcfircs.  I  do  not  examine  the  grounds  of  this  delay,  nuther 
do  1  juftihe  the  pradicc  ,  but  it  argues  (irongly,  that  they  did  not  clkem  theoncly 
want  of  Baptifin  without  contempt,  (  or  as  they  conceived  ncglcd  ;  to  deprive  all 
(urt s  (^t  perfons  from  hope  of  Salvation. 

You  may  be  pleafed  to  remember,  how  it  was  urged  that  '^t.  yluftin  was  of  the 
fame  Faith  with  the  Church  otRome  in  this  particular.  And  it  was  then  anfwcred, 
that  he  did  ncitheragrec  with  them  nor  us  in  this  Qjcfiion.  Sr,  ^ullhi  is  in  this  a 
hard  Father  to  little  Infants  and  Innocents  from  ad'ual  fins,  in  that  he  concludes  all, 
who  dye  unbaptifed,  in  Hell.  The  Church  ofKome  teacheth  conttarily ,  that  they 
are  not  inHell,but  in  a  certain  Limhiu  Infantum,  The  Proteftants  leave  them  to  the 
mercy  of  God,  and  doubt  not,  but  that  many  of  them  arc  in  Heaven.  St.  jiuftin 
faith,  they  are  certainly  damned.  The  Proteftants  fay  ,  they  may  be  favcd.  The 
Komjnijis  fay,  they  cannot  be  favcd  ,  and  yet  they  are  not  damned.  TheKcmanifir^ 
fay,  they  [affcrptenam  damni,hvit  not  panam  fenfus  i  a  privative,  but  not  a  pofitivc  pu- 
nifhment.  St.  Aujiin  faith,  they  fufferboth  privatively  and  positively  ,  the  very  Fire 
of  Hell.  The  Proteftants  believe,  that  many  of  them  do  fuffer  neither.  Obferve 
the  words  of  St.  Aujiin. 

Hypog.  li.  5.  The  firji  place  the  faith  of  CathoUeks  doth  believe,  by  Divine  Artthori- 
<j,  to  be  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  from  tf  hence  he  that  is  not  baptifed,  is  excepted.  Thefc 
cond.  Hell,  where  every  apojiate  or'firanger  from  the  faith  ofChriji,Jhall  prove  eternal  tor- 
ments.    T'he  third,  we  kjiorv  not  at  all, yea  we  do  not  find  it  to  be,  in   the  holy  Scriptures. 

Lib.  de  merit.  8c  remif.  peccat.  Neither  is  there  any  middle  place  to  any  perfon,  that 
he  can  be  any  where  but  with  the  Devil,  who  if  not  with  Chrijl. 

And  in  his  18.  Sermon  upon  the  words  of  the  Apoftlc,  He  that  isfuch  an  one  ,  let 
him  chufe  now  where  he  deftres  to  dwell,  when  the  time  is  that  he  may  be  changedtfer  there 
are  two  Habitations,  the  one  in  the  eternal  Kingdom,  the  other  in  eternal  Fire. 

And  Serm.  232.  Let  no  mfin  deceive  himfelf.  Brethren,  for  there  are  two  places ,  and 
there  is  not  any  third:  He  that  fhall  not  merit  foreign  with  Chriji, without  doubt  (hall  perijh 
with  the  Devil. 

The  like  he  doth  lib.2j,  deCivit.  Dei. cap. ^i^. 

When  we  urge  thefc  places  againft  Purgatory,  they  anfwcr,  that  St.  Jujlin  (peaks 

of  eternal  places  againft  Pf%JK/,who  had  invented  a  third  place  befides  Heaven  and 

Hell  for  children,  which  dyed  unbaptized.     And  in  the  two  firft  places  indeed,  St. 

.  An\}in  fpeaketh  exprcfly  againft  Pf/(»^i«/,  but  the  other  are  general ,  neither  diftin- 

guilhing  Infants  nor  old  mens  temporal  nor  eternal  manfions. 

But  leaving  Purgatory  for  the  prefent ,  as  not  concerning  the  Queftion  which  is 
row  in  hand,  this  makes  more  ftrongly  againft  the  Romi(h  Limbits  Infantum,  which 
they  themfelves  do  make  to  be  eternal,  and  againft  which  ,  by  their  own  confeflion 
in  this  Anfwer  St.  >tfwjfi«  difputeth.  St.  Auftin  dkh,  he  kliew  no fuch  place ,  he  did 
not  find  it  inholy  ScriptureSihe  faith  ,  He  that  is  not  with  Chriji  (  that  is  ,  in  Heaven 
where  Chrift  is)  is  with  the  Devil,  that  is,  in  Hell.  He  makes  no  mean  between  an 
eternal  Kingdom  and  eternal  Fire,  between  reigning  with  Chriji  ,  and  perifhing  with  the 
Devil. 

To  conclude.  Infants  unbaptifed  according  to  St.  Aufline,  muft  either  be  flieep  or 
goatsi  either  ftand  upon  the  right  hand,  or  upon  the  left  i  cither  heare  come  ye  bhfled, 
or  go  ye  curfed-,  either  inherit  a  Kingdom,  or  be  caft  into  eternal  Fire,  prepared  for  the 
Devil  and  his  Angels. 

This  is  more  than  a  mecr  lofs  of  BlelFcdnefs.  But  the  Romanics  do  not,  dare  not 
fay,  that  all  Infants  unbaptized  are  with  the  Devil,  that  they  perifh  with  the  Devil,thzt 
they  are  in  eternal  Fire.  And  therefore  we  may  conclude  on  the  other  fide,that  they 
are  with  C/;r;]^,  that  they  enjoy  an  eternal  Kingdom  ,  where  they  reign  with  their  Sa- 
viour»  or  atleaft,  that  fomeofthem  are  crowned,  fome  tormented,  according  to  the 
giod  pleafurc  of  God,  whofe  extraordinary  help  is  then  often  found,  when  thehel^ 
of  man  doth  fail. 

This  is  all  which  was  then  mentioned,  which  I  have  reduced  to  its  heads :  And 

which 


Discourse  V. 


which  I  take  to  be  the  Doftrine  of  the  foundcft  Englifh  Divines,  and  which  1  be 
lieve  to  be  the  truth  ;  faving  alwayes  my  Canonical  obedience  to  my  Spiritaal  Mo- 
ther tiic  Church  olEngUnd,  and  in  an  higher  degree  to  the  Catholicli  Church  when 
It  (hall  declare  it  felf  in  a  true  and  free  Oecumenical  Council.  But  neither  l'  nor  a- 
ny  Protcftants  do  believe,  that  the  Church  of  K owe,  including  all  other  Churches  of 
that  Patriarchate  or  of  its  Communion,  is  that  Catholick  Church, 


985 


TOME 


'9^4 


TOME    IV. 

DISCOURSE  VI. 


^^ 


A  N  S  W  E  R 

T  O 

Two  Papers , 

Brought  me  by  Captain  S  T  E  W  A  R  D  Laft  Night  ( I  think 
from  Mt.  Robinfon  )  June  ip.  1645* 

H  E  Proteftants  have  no  true  Priefts ,  becaufe  they  have  not  the 
Form  of  ordaining  Priefts ,  which  was  and  is  in  the  Catholick 
Church,  from  whom  they  pretend  to  derive  their  Priefthood. 

The  Form  of  their  Ordination  confifts  in  thefe  words ,   'Receive 
fovcer  of  admjnijiring  the  Sacraments^  and preachingtbe  Word  :  But  by 
thefe  words,  is  not  given  any  power  to  facrifice  nor  confecrate  the 
Body  of  our  Lord. 

If  you  fay,  that  by  thefe  words  is  given  power  to  adminifter  all  the  Sacraments ,  I 
difprove  it  i  for  then  the  fimple  Priefts  would  have  power  to  adminifter  the  Sacra- 
ments of  Order,  and  to  make  Priefts  ,  and  to  give  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  : 
And  fo  to  make  them  Priefts,  youprovethem  to  be  Eiftiopsi  which  is  contrary  to  the 
Dodrine  of  the  Proteftant  Church,  that  holds  a  diftindtion  between  Biftiops  and 
Priefts. 

There  is  another  part  of  the  Miniftry  of  Reconciliation,  confifting  in  the  due  Ad- 
miniftration  of  the  Sacraments,  which  being  the  proper  Sacraments  oftheGofpel, 
muft  therefore  necefTarily  have  reference  to  the  remiflion  of  fins  i  and  fo  the  ancient 
Fathers  do  hold,  that  theCommilHon.jFoto  20.23.  is  executed  by  the  Minifters  of 
Chrift,  as  well  in  Baptifm  as  in  penitence:  Likewi(e,  that  the  Miniftry  onely  is  mans, 
but  the  power  is  Gods. 

^jig.  §u£Ji.  in  Lcvit.  Cap.  84,  &c.  He  cites  ten  places  of  the  Fathers  rvithoitt 

the  vfords. 

An  ANSWEK. 
S  J  K, 
T  Cannot  but  take  notice  by  the  language,  that  the  Authour  is  an  E»gJiJhman-,  and 
furely  our  Eti^lip  Komifh  Priefts  do  beftirr  themfelves  notably  in  thele  diftradcd 
Times,  to  withdraw  their  Countreymen  from  the  Communion  of  the  Church  of 
Englandjthw  which  I  believe  the  world  hath  no  particular  Church  more  Orthodox, 
and  in  which, fundry  of  their  own  Learned  Writers  do  confefs  a  poftibility  of  Salva- 
tions thatis,   fuch  as  weigh  the  matter  without  prejudice.     I  know  not  how  theft 

diftra- 


Discourse  VL  Of  Protefiants   Ordination, 

dau-aCted  cimcs  ai.iypiepirctoaK  perlonstora  cnangcTbutTgenerous nature  whi^h  ' 
would  noceahly  leave  a  Friend  in  diilref? ,  would  be   loath  upon  fuch  fublunarv 
grounds  to  bidfirewjl  to  their  Spiritual  Mother. 

I  commend  the  A  uhour  thus  far,  that  he  hath  picked  out  two queftlons, which  if 
they  vvvre  as  true  asciieyare  material,  to  vvir,  th.u  we  have  not  Holy  Orders  in  our 
Church,  nor  the  Miniftry  of  the  Pveconciliation,he  (hould  not  onely  gain  thofe  Gen- 
tlewomen you  mentioned,  but  all  us  to  fly  over  readily  to  his  party.  But  if  he  fail 
as  I  believe  certainly  that  he  will,  I  expedl  no  fuch  matters  from  him,  but  onely 
that  he  ceafe  to  trouble  thofe,  whom  he  cannot  better,  and  labour  no  more  to  draw 
them,  or  any  others  out  of  Gods  blelling  into  the  warm  Sun.     He  argues  thus. 

lbtva>ho  have  not  the  Form  of  ordjinht^Priefis^  which  rvat  and  is  in  the  Catholic^ 
Chtinb^  hive  ni  true  Priejh  :  But  the  Protejianis  have  nit  the  Form  of  ordaining 
Vficp  ,  which  reas  and  is  in  the  Catholick^  Chnrch.  Therefore  they  have  no  true 
Vnejis.  -^ 

To  his  fccond  Propofition,  I  anfwer  three  ways.  i.  By  the  Form  of  Ordination, 
he  either  underllands  the  Eflential  Form  which  gives  a  being  to  the  thing  doncj  if  he 
underltand  this  Form  ofOrdination,  his  Propofition  is»ue,  and  the  Protelhnts  have  ft.^ 
the  true  Form:  Or  elfe,by  theForm  of  Ordaining  ,  he  underftands  all  cxteriourand 
accefTary  Rites',  and  thus  it  is  not  necertary,  that  the  Form  or  manner  of  Ordaining 
be  the  fame  in  all  Churches,  and  fo  his  Propofition  is  falie.  He  cannot  but  know 
that  the  Form  or  manner  of  Ordaining,  is  not  the  fame  in  the  Eajferw  Churches ,  and 
in  tlie  J^'Wfmz  Churches,  and  yet  he  cannot  deny  ,  but  that  xhtEafiern  Churches,  as 
Gr£cia,  Rujjta,  d^c.have  true  Priefts,  and  a  valid  Ordination. 

Secondly,  I  diftinguirti  between  the  Form  of  Ordaining,  znd  aForm  of  Ordaining.' 
IheForm  implies  or  feems  to  imply,  that  there  is  but  one  certain  precife  manner  or 
ritual  ofOrdination  in  the  whole  Catholick  Church  i  this  I  altogether  deny  :  but^  Form 
onely  implies  one  lawful  Form  of  fundry  ,  that  have  been  ufed  in  the  Catholick 
Church.  This  the  Proteftants  have,  and  more  warrantable  by  Scriptures ,  Fathers, 
and  Councils,  thantheir  own.  Thirdly,  thefe  words  [rvhich  is  and  was  ufed"]  would 
be  more  clearly  expreffed.  Fir/J,  which  is  ufed:  How?  onely  in  a  part  of  the  Catho- 
lick Church,  or  in  the  whole  Catholick  Church?  and  which  was  ufed ,  that  is,  ei- 
ther of  lare  times,  fince  innovations  were  crept  into  the  Church  oiRome^  or  of  anci- 
ent timcs,3nd  fince  the  days  of  the  Apoftles.  If  he  underltand  onely  a  part  of  the 
Catholick  Church,  and  later  Ages,  it  will  do  him  little  good.  If  he  undcrftand  the 
whole  Catholick  Church,  and  all  Ages  including  the  Primitive  times,- it  would  ad- 
vantage bis  caufe  much.  But  he  will  never  be  able  to  prove,  that  their  Form  is  fuch 
a  Form. 

In  the  next  Scdion ,  the  Authour  ,  waving  his  former  Argument  which  was 
drawn  from  the  pradrice  of  the  Catholick  Church ,  endeavours  to  prove  ,  that  the 
Proteltant  Form  of  Ordination  is  not  fufficient.  His  Argument  may  be  thus  re- 
duced. 

That  Form  which  gives  not  power  to  facrifice,nor  confecrate  the  BodyofChrijl,  is  not  fuf- 
ficient.    This  Propofition  is  granted. 

But  faith  he,  the  Vrotejiants  Form  gives  no  power  tofacrifice  nor  to  confecrate  the  Body 
ofChrijl.     This  Propofition  is  denied,  which  he  endeavours  to  prove  thus. 

This  Form^  Receive  power  to  adminifter  the  Sacraments,  and  to  preach  the  word, 
doth  give'no  power  tofacrifice  or  confecrate  the  Body  of  the  Lord. 

But  this  is  the  Vroteflants  Form  of  Ordination  ,  Receive  power  to  adminiihr  the  Sacra- 
ments, and  to  preach  the  Word.     Therefore,  &c. 

I  anfwer,  Firit  to  the  minor,  that  thefe  words  do  not  contain  the    whole  Form  of 
the  Proteftants  Ordination,  for  there  is  likewife  impofition  of  hands,  both  of  the  Bi- 
fhop  and  the  Presbyters  there  prefent,  to  the  end,  to  admit  the  perfon  ordained  into 
the  Office  ofaPricrt  or  Presbyter  in  the  Church  of  God. 

Secondly  ,  I  anfwer  to  the  major-,  thefe  words  do  give  fufficient  power  toconfe- 
crate^rfor  howfiiould  headminifier,  that  cannot  confecratc>  )  and  alfo  tofacrifice,  fo 
fcr  as  an  Evangelical  Priert  doth  or  cm  facrihce,  that  is,  a  commemorating  facriHce, 
or  a  reprefentative  facrificc,  or  to  apply  the  facrifice  of  Chrifi  by  fiieh  means,  as  God 
hath  appointed.     But  for  any  facrifice,  that  is  meritorious  or  propitiatory  by  its  own 

power 


p8^ 


986 


Of  Frotejiants  Otdinat'rn^  L?^  ^  '*^' 

power  or  virtue,  dillinct  from  thelacriticc  cf  Chirft,  I  hope  the  Authour  will  not  fay 
it  ithc  do,  he  wi'll  have  few  partners. 

'  In  tlic  thirJSc(flion  he  varies  irom  both  the  former.  There  he  thinks  the  Pro- 
tclbnt  ordination  gives  too  little,  here  he  thinks  it  gives  too  much-,  to  wit ,  a  power 
of'  ordination  and  contirmation,  which  Pricils  are  not  capable  of.     The  argument 

may  be  reduced  thus.  ,    ■  -.i        i       c  j      ■ 

Jliheje  words^  Keceive  forcer  to  admimlUT  ihe  Sjcramaiis^  do  give  fcrvtr  to 
Mclminlier  allthe     Sacraments  ,  then    they  give   fotver    tufjmple    Vritjis  to  ordain  and 

But  they  do  not  give  power  to  fimple  Prjefls  to  ordain  and  confirm  :  Jherefore  they  give 
not  VoTVir  to  adminilhr   all  the  Sacraments, 

The  Minor  is  proved  ,  Becaufe  to  Ordain  and  Confirm  are  proper  to  Bijhops ,  There- 
fore ,  &c,  ,  ,   o  .      , 

To  this  I  anfwer  :  that  taking  the  word  Sacrament  m  that  large fcnfe,  which 
the  Church  oiRome  doth  ,  I  mightgrant  all  that  is  here  faid  without  any  prejudice 
to  the  Church  of  England  ,  which  neither  futfers  fimple  Pricfls  to  ordain  nor 
conhrm. 

But  I  anfwer    Secondly,  that  in  a  ftrid  fenfe  (  as  the  word  Sacrament  is  taken  by 
the  Proteftant  Churches  )     neither  Confirmation  nor  yet  Ordination  arc  Sacraments. 
It  is  folly,  for  Ordination  efpecially,     to  wrangle  about  the  word,  when  we  agree 
upon  the  thing.     Thirdly  I  anfwer,  that  the  word  All  is  added  by  the  Author,  more 
than  is  contained  in  the  Proteftant  form ,     which  can  intend  no  more  or  other  Sa- 
craments than  fuchas    are  in  the  power  of  a  fimple  Pried  to  adminifter.     Laftly, 
The  Author  may  meet  with  fome,  and  I  doubt  not  hath  met  with  fundry,as  well 
protertants  as  of  his  own  party,  who      diftinguifli  between  the  power  and  the  right 
toexercife  power,betweenan  original  incapacity  and  an  ecckfiaftical  reftraint.     But 
info  cleare  a  cafe  I  need  not  make  ufe  of  doubtful  fpcculations,  to  juftify  the  Church 
of  England,  which  is  more  certain  that  (he  hath  true  orders  than  the  Church  of  Kome 
it  (elfi  both  for  an  uninterrupted  fucceflion  of  Paftors  and  for  a  Lawful  form  of  or- 
dain'ng  »  whereas  the  validity  of  their   orders  doth  depend  according  to  their  own 
dodrine  ,  upon  the  intention  of  him  that  doth  ordain.     So  as  if  any  one  or  more 
Bi(hops    llnce  the  days  of  the  Apoftles  to  this  day  ,    had  no  intention  to  ordain, 
all  the  ordersderived  from  thence  are  void.     And  the  Author  himfelfhatbno  true 
certainty  ,  according  to  his,  own  grounds ,    of  his  own    Priefthood  ,  or    that 
which  he  confccratcs  is  the  Body  of  Chrifl.     But  we  are  confident,  not  only  that  the 
Bifhops  inanimadvertency  of  what  he  is  about ,  even  his  contrary  intention  bring 
admitted  to  confer  no  orders,  cannot  deprive    us  of  that  Love  token  which  Chrilt 
fends  to  his  fpoufe  by  a  bad  meflcnger.     I  commend  the  Authors  ingenuity  ,  that 
he  c\oth  not  revive  thofe    impudent  fidtionsofthc    Nags-head,  and  our  firll  refor- 
mers confecrating  one  another  without  a  calling  ,  fo  contrary  to  the  known  truth 
and  to  the  records  of   the  Kingdomc.     When  the  Author  (hall  produce,  either  fcri- 
pture  or  ancient     Councils  or  fathers  for  himfelf,  fas  it  were  requifitc  hefhould  do, 
who  labours  to  draw  one  away  from  thccommunionof  the  Church  which  they  have 
been  Baptized  in)  he  fliall  receive  a  larger  anfwer.     Thus  much  (  for  the  prefent  ) 
of  the  former  paper. 

The  other  paper  is  concerning  a  weighty  point,  that  is,  the  miniftry  ofRcconci- 
liition.  But  I  fee  not  how  it  is  intended  againft  us,  for  firft,  wc  acknowledge  that 
ilns  are  remitted  by  Baptifm  i  that  thereby  tre  are  made  the  Children  of  God  ,  the 
members  of  Chrijl  ,  andinheritersofthe  Kingdom  of  heaven  •■,  that  God  is  not  %vant- 
irg  to  his  own  ordinances  ,  when  we  do  not  fet  a  bar  againii:  our  fclves.  Wc  do 
acknowledge,  that  in  penitence,  paftors  of  the  Church  have  a  dependent  minifte- 
rial  power  of  loofing  from  fin  ,  but  that  primitive  imperial  original  power 
is  Gods. 

Gods  power  is  abfolute  ad  fententiandumftmpUciter  Without  Ifs -,  mzr\i^owct 
is  only  conditional  ad  fent  entiandum  fi  ,  to  loofe  a  man  if  he  be  truly  contrite  and 
aptly  dipofcd. 

As  for  the  fathers  cited,  (ince  I  neither  know  the  particular  words  nor  thr:  end 
why  they  are  cited,  it  is  not  to  be;expeifl?d  thnt  any  man  fliould  anfwer  to  he  knows 

not 


Discourse  VI 


9%y 


"?''''''Vrru'''Tf!''°'r'^'W""'"y^^^'"8    '"  ^hc  purpofe,Iwillfhevvhim 
what  we  diUike  vhra  in  their  dodrine.  iiii>.w  nun 

r^l*  -J''!?  'kfTM '  P'"'^"'"  '  'r",^  P''""y  enumeration  of  all  Hns  is  infiituted  by 

Chrift,  andab(olutely  neceffarytofalvation 
2.     That  it  is  (atiffaftory  to  God  for  lelT^r  fins,  not  ondyby  way  of  complacence, 

but  by  way  ot  merit      3.  That  u  is  made  a  colour  for  tieafons  to  be  committed 
aspowder-trealon.     Next  for  their  pradife. 

I.  That  they  firltabfolve  a  i^an,  and  then  bind  him  to  make  fatisf..dion  quite 
contrary  to  reafon  and  the  Pracftice  of  theAncicnt  Church.  2 .  The  impofing  lu- 
dibrious  penances  asa  kv^Yaur  nojiersfot  themoft  enormous  fins.  As  C/Lc«-  faith 
of  the  Friar,  that  heRader  had  to  mfofe  aneafy^ennancer^here  he  looked  for  aood  Pittance. 
3.  In  the  conhtents,  that  it  is  reduced  to  a  cuftomary  formality ,  as  if  it  were  the 
ending  01  an  old  Icore  to  being  a    new. 

To  Mis.  CHEVBIENmth^  Nunnery. 

MADAM  '' 

That  office  which  you  arefo  thankful  for,  was  no  otker  than  a  branch  of  Chriftian 
duty,  with  a  httle  mixture  of  civility  i  and  now  that  my  obligation  is    encreafed 
by  my  promife,  I  may  not  be  wanting  according  to  my  power ,  either  to  the  cajfe, 
to  you  or  to  my  felf :  only  be  pleafed  to  give  me  leave  torcprefent  two  things  which 
pafTed  at  your  Grate  :  the  one  my  extraordinary  affaires  for  a  weeki  the  other,  the 
manner  of  conference,  which  I  defired  then  and  do  exped  now  tobefirft  in  writing. 
Conferences  in  words  do  often  engender  heat,  or  produce  extravagancies  ormiftakes; 
xvriting  is  a  way  more  calm,  more  certain  ,  andfuch  asa  man  cannot  depart  from. 
But  yet  it  was  with  this  refer vation,  that  after  the  bufinefs  was  driven  to  an  head,  if 
we  did  not  agree  concerning     our  authority,thcn  to  have  a  meeting,  &  the  books 
prefenr.     Now,    Madam,  to  thefe  queftions    which  you  have  fingled  out ,  after 
which  you  fay  you  are  mod  inquifitive,  pardon  me  if  I  apprehend  amifs  i  It  feemeth 
tome,  that  the  difcourfe  and   invitation  of  that  party-have  had  a  fpecial  influence 
upon  your  defires  to  determine  them  to  this  fubjedl,  being  not  of  fo  great  concern- 
ment as  Sundry  others,  becaufe  they  think  they  have  more  colour  in  antiquity  for 
thefe  than  them.     But  for  your  fatisfadion,  I  accept  thefe  and  do  expedt  their  proofs, 
tiraoutofthe    fcriptures,   then  out  of  the  fathers.    Let  us  hear  Hrft  what  the  law 
faith,  and  then  what  St.  Augufiin  or  St.  Eierom  fay  •,  to  which  they  (hall  receive 
my  anfwers,  with  our  principa  1  proofs.     Let  us  have  a  meeting  in  Gods  name  be- 
fore an  equal  number  of  either  party.  And  that  this  manner  of  conference  may  neither 
prove  tedious    nor  impertinent,  I  defire   that  ingenuity  from  them,  which  I  fhall 
endeavor  to  obfcrve,  that  is,  to  citeno  father  againiihis  own  fenfe,  as  for  inftance, 
to  cite  them  who  held      fecret  receptacles  which  arc  diredly   incompatible,  either 
with  purgatory,or  praying  to  the  Saints  ;  or  to  cite  fome  aurhorites  which  concern 
the  fire  of  conflag*ition,  inliead  of  purgatory  hrc,  (  yet  that  begins  when  purgatory 
ends,  according  to  thedodlrine  of     the  Koman  Church  i )  or  to  cite  prayers  with 
commemorations ,  or  thankfgivings,  or  Rhetorical    Apoftrophes.     Thus  much  I 
am  bold  to  prefent  before  hand  that  we  may  avoid  confufed  generalities  on  bothfides, 
and  not  fpeak  no w^ when  controverfies  have  bin  debated  to  the  full,  as  our  prcde- 
cefTors  did  an  hundred  years  fince,  before  they  underftood  one  anothcrs  fenfe.    And 
Laftiy,  Madam,  I  beg  this  favorfromyou,  that  this  bufinefs  may  be  managed  with  all 
the  privacy  and  all  the    courtefie  that  may  be.     I  will  trouble  you  no  longer  now, 
but  pray  to  God  to  give  us  all  a  right  underltanding  ,  firll  of  his  will,  and  then  one 
cf  another.  And  &c. 

TO  MR 


TOME    IV. 

DISCOURSEVII 


A  N  s'w  E 

Totheao:CHAPTF,R  of  the 

Guide  of  Faith: 

O  R, 

The  3El)itD   ^aXt  of  the   3lntiD0te   of  S,  N.    Doaour 

of  Divinity, 

His  Chapter  of  all  the  Book,  is  that  which  principally  conccrneth  the 
Church  ofEngland,  wherein  the  Authour  tndeavoureth  to  prove,that. 
we  have  no  holy  Orders;  which  if  he  be  able  to  perform,  we  will  ac- 
knowledge that  we  arc  no  Church  ■■,  feeing  that  to  the  being  of  a 
Church,  it  is  ncceffary  thefe  three  things  concur,  Fir(t,  a  Paftour.  Se- 
condly, a  Flock.  Thirdly,  a  depcndanccof  this  Flock  upon  that  Pa- 
ftour.  The  five  hrft  Scftions,and  part  of  the  fixth,  arc  wanting  in  my  Copy,  which 
as  it  feemcth  to  me,  by  the  clofc  ©f  the  fixth  Sed'ion  ,  and  by  the  whole  difcourfe 
following,  have  been  fpcnt  in  vapouring,  and  light  velitations,  rather  than  in  the  fo- 
lid  dating  of  theQueftion,  which  isnot  the  ufc  ot'ourmodern  Controvertifts.  Inthc 
fcventli  Section  the  Authour  begins  his  proofs. 

His  firft  proof  is  taken  from  the  Statute  of  i  Ed.  6.  cap.  a.     Tfcat  from  thenceforth 
no  Conge  d'  Eflire  be  granted,  nor  eUQion  of  any  Archbijhop  or  Bijhop  made  by  the  Dean 
and  Cha^iter^  hut  rvhen  any  Archhifljopricks  or  Bijhoprickj  be  void^the  King  may  at  all  times 
confer  the  fame  to  rohom  hejhall  thinl{fit  by  his  Letters  Patents.     From  whence  S.  N.  in- 
fers, thai  the  Bi/hnpj  oj  thofe  days  VPanted  their  Canonical  etedimu     I  am  not  fo  well  read 
in  the  Laws  of  England,  as  to  know  whether  there  ever  were  any  fuch  repealed  ab- 
rogated Statute.     But  this  I  know  right  well,  that  theuniverfal  pradicc  ofE^'jland 
is  to  the  contrary,  and  that  Congest  Eflire  are  duly  granted  upon  all  vacancies;  foas 
there  was  no  need  for  Mr.  Majon  to  forge  any  Records  to  that  purpofe,  when  every 
Regiflry  in  the  Kingdom  could  afford  him  fufficicntftore  of  Picfidents.     Howbeit  , 
I  will  yieldmore  than  perhaps  the  Authour  knows,that  in  Ireland  thereis  fuchaLaw 
row  in  force,and  that  accordingly  Bidiops  are  nominated  by  the  King  byhis  Letters 
Patents.     Admitting  then  ,  but  not  granting,  that  it  was  fometimes  fo  in  England 
what  will  S.  N.  conclude  from  thenccJ'  that  they  rvere  notcanonically  eleCied.  I  anivvcre 
Fir(l,theQueftion  is  not  whether  they  were  canonicalIyeledted,but  whether  they  wer, 
validly  ordained.     All  men  know  the  difference  between  an  Office  and  a  Benerice  , 
between  an  Ordination  andanEleftioni  between  the  Ordination  of  a  particular  Bi- 

[hop, 


Discourse  VL  Of  Protejiantf   Ordination^  089 

(hop,  and  tlic  nomination  to  a  particular Biflioprick^     They  chemfclves  dooftencon- 


ferthc  Epifcopal  Order  to  Suffragans,  without  any  Eledion  at  all  ,  even  whilcft  the 
Church  jsfulU  and  in  their  cenfures,  do  many  times  fufpend  aman  from  his  Bcneiice' 
not  from  his  Office.  Becaufe  a  Lay-patron  doth  bellow  a  Redory  upon  an  Incum- 
bent, doth  the  Incumbent  therefore  derive  his  holy  Orders  from  his  Patron>ManyKo- 
»Mj;-Catholick  Eilliops,  yea  and  Popes  alfo,  have  not  been  canonically  elcacd.-willhe 
give  me  leave  toconcludethence,thattherearcno  holyOrders  in  the  Church  of  Kme> 
This  is  an  argument  from  the  Staffe  to  the  corner,  drawn  ixom  lenterden  Steeple  to 
Goodwin  Sands.  Holy  Orders  may  be  valid  and  good  ,  though  the  ElecSion  were 
naught,  or  not  at  all.     So  he  concludes  clearly  befides  the  Queftion. 

Secondly,  doth  he  think  that  it  is  eflential  to  Epifcopacy,  that  Eifliops  be  eleded 
by  Djans  and  Chapiters,  or  that  this  Form  was  ufed  evermore  in  the  Church  >  He 
mult  pardon  us,  if  we  diffent  from  him  in  this  alfo.  That  Eleftion  may  be  canoni- 
cal in  one  place,  which  is  not  canonical  in  another.  That  Ele<aion  may  be  canoni- 
cal to  day,  which  is  not  canonical  to  morrow ,  if  the  Lawes  and  conftitutionsof  a 
Kingdoip  be  altered  in  the  interim  ;  Bifliops  were  fometimes  eledVed  by  the  people, 
fomctimes  fay  the  Clergy  in  general ,  not  alwayes  by  Chapiters  or  Conclaves  i  yea , 
fometimes  they  were  nominated  by  theChriftian  Emperouri  and  yet  all  thefe  were 
ever  accounted  and  received  in  the  Church,  without  the  leaft  feruple,  as  lawful  Bi- 
fliops, not  onely  for  their  Orders ,  which  is  the  point  now  in  queftion  ,  but  alfo  for 
their  titles,  which  is  not  in  queftion.  He  who  fhall  perufe  the  old  Lawes  and  Sta- 
tutes oi England^  will  rind,  that  itisno  new  thing  for  the  Kings  oiEngland,  to  nomi- 
nate to  Bifhopricks  long  before  the  Statute  of  EoWr^  the  Sixth,or before  EnglandhzA. 
fhaken  hands  with  2lowf,and  in  their  Parliaments  to  reftrain  the  exorbitant  ufurpa- 
tions  of  2lc»z<x«Bifhops,when  they  attempted  to  difpofe  ofEcclefiaftical  Dignities  by 
way  of  Provifion.  That  was  a  violation  of  the  Canons  indeed,  whileft  they  were  in 
force:  So  is  not  this,  when  the  Canons  are  legally  abrogated  by  the  confent  and  con- 
currence ofthe  Bifliops  in  their  perfons,  &  the  whole  Body  of  the  Kingdom  by  their 
Proftors.  The  very  Writ  oi Conge  d'Eslire,  or  leave  to  choofe,  it  fclf  flievvs ,  that 
the  Chapiters  could  not  choofe  aBiihop  without  the  Princes  Licence  firft  obtained. 
Arid  good  reafon;  He  is  the  Founder  and  Patron  of  the  Benefice.  Thofe  over 
whom  they  exercife  Jurifdidtion  ,  are  his  Subjeds.  No  man  is  fo  much  concerned 
in  the  choice  of  good  Bifliops,  as  he  who  is  virtually  the  whole  Commonwealth.  If 
S.N.  would  defign  to  lift  up  his  eyes  beyond  thefcprcfent  diftradions,  he  fliould  find, 
that  the  nomination  andinvelHture  of  Bifliops  in  England,  doth  belong  to  the  Impe- 
rial Crown,  by  Law  and  cuftome  immemorial ,  and  that  it  hath  been  fo  pradifed , 
both  before  the  Conqueft,  and  fincc,as  is  recorded  by  all  our  Hiftorians  every  where-, 
as  Willielmus  Malmefburienfis,  Matthxus  IFeflmonajlerienfis,  Fhrentius  IVigornienfufiu- 
liclmui  Newbrigenfu:  all  which  is  fo  evident,  that  Forrdgn  Lawyers  take  notice  of  it, 
both  de  jure,  that  it  may  be  fo:  and  dcfaSlo  ,  that  it  is  foi  joyning  in  thispriviledge 
with  the  Kings  n[  England,  the  Kings  of  Hungary,  France,  Apulia,  to  which  numbers 
others  join  the  Kings  of  S fain  and  Scotland.  We  may  add  the  Emperours  alfo,both 
Eafiern  and  We^ern  ^  who  in  ancient  timeshavehad  the  nomination  and  inveftiture, 
but  alwayes  the  confirmation  ofthe  Pope  himfclf.  I  hope  S.N.  will  notbefopre- 
fumptuous,  to  cenfure  Jujliniari,  CharUmai;:,  and  others,  as  he  doth  the  Englijh  Mo-» 
narchs.  Neither  was  this  pradicc  any  ufurpation  in  them,  as  the  Popes  is  now,  but 
approved  by  the  Canons  and  conftitutionsof  Councils,  of  Popes ,  and  received  into 
the  Body  ofthe  Law.  To  lay  all  this  together.  Here  is  a  Law  alledged,  which  for 
any  thing  appearing  to  the  contrary,  was  rcpcaled,before  ever  it  was  executed:A  Law 
which  fpeaks  onely  ofthe  nomination  of  Bifliops,  which  is  not  in  queftioniand  not  a 
word  of  their  Ordination,  which  is  in  queftion;  A  Law  which  reftoicsto  the  Imperi- 
al Diadem,  that  power  which  the  Chriftian  Emperour?  of  the  primitive  times  pra- 
6fifed  ,  both  in  the  E^fJerw  and  J-^ejffivi-Empire,  which  the  moft  Chriftian  King  of 
France  and  other  Monarchs  ofthe  Komnt  Communion,do  in  effed  retain  at  this  day: 
A  Law  agreeing  with  the  Canons  and  Conftitutions  of  Councils  :  A  Livv  rather 
djclaratlve  ,  than  operative-,  yet  out  of  a  confidence  in  this  impertinent  allegation, 
this  Authour  isbold  to  impute  a  veheiiisnt  fufpiciou  oi  rvil Jul  Forgery  to  all  the 
Regiftersof  E»g/W,to  ftyle  their  P^ecords /fcrft  pr/w/ kwJv^cwm  Kecords ,  though 

they 


99' 


Proteftants    Orclinarion  defenchd  TOME  IV^ 

thcv  be  kept  by  iwcrn  Notaries,  in  publick  Offices,  whiil.cr  all  peifors  Ilvc  lutic" 
ccfsi  thoneli  ibcre  be  an  cxad  haiiror.y  of  all  the  r.ctarics  ard  records,  cf  d.flcicnt 
places  and  ages.     Opartialityllicw  drft  thou  blirdcmans  eyes? 
Ara:2,  His  fccondTeafon,(et  down  in  form    ofananfwer,  is  conteintd  in   the  Eighth 

'  Scftior  Thzt  rnr  Cottftcralers  nfur  tharreiphjrem  i]:eCaihilk\Church ^ard  oU\i);ate 

ur(j]tiiginjchijme  andlnrdy,  rrcre  (yccmwtmcaied  ar.d  jt-Sfevded  jrcm  dt  due  txccu- 
ticna>'dfraSif(DfiJ:eirfu>:l1ioHy',foihatalih(ugh  tb,y  hadhci>i  htfcretrye  andlawjul 
BiQiots  (  as  he  confeffeth  truly  that  Crarnur  uas  ,  but  dcnic'li  i  njufily  that  ar.yo- 
thcrs  were  ) yet  then  their  authority  heitigtak^n  an-ay  by  the  Catho  luk^Church ^rrhich  as 
n>t  l)jd  fever  to  give  ,had prveralfo  to  rtjimin  atid  dijanr.ul  ihdr  jurjfdictiovjhey 
could  not  Lv/ully  ccmtnunicate  unte  others ,  that  nhich  vras  fi.fletidid  m  themfehts. 
To  which  purpofc  he  produccth  two  tefimonics  out  ot  Saint  ^W.iw^a/w.to  prove  that 
iVty  are  not  to  be  accounted  in  the  vutnher  oj true  ¥ifhofs^vtho  are  corfecrated  hy  Eeretickj. 
inConcil  Arim  ;  &  Selcuc. 

This  fpccious  argument   dcferves  but  a  fl-.oit  arfwer,  beirg  it  is  rctradicdby  the 
author  himfelf  in  the  next  paragraph.     Thushetherc."7^rjKf  that  the  charnGer  is  in- 
dtlehle  ,  that  is  cannot  be  taken  away  by  any  fentence  of  fufpenfion  or  excommuni- 
cation ,  and  that  alette  isfffficietit  if  the  ccnjecraiers  intention  he  aljo  right  ard  ij  hevfe 
the  fame  mtttttr  mtdfortn  required  therevnto.      If  the  chaiader  alone  be  fi;flicicnr,i6 
what  purpofc  is  this  argument ,  or  to    what  purpofe  dcth  he  cite ^//;(j»<3f«j-,  both 
contrary  to  this  meaning  and  contrary  to  his  own  confcicrce  ,  to  prove  that  which 
himfelf  acknowledgeth  to  be  falfc?  But  the  father  fpeaketh  ret  ot  the  validity,  but 
of  the  lawful  exercife  of  holy  orders,  as  the  Canons  of  the  Church  then  were.  Ifro 
ordinations,  be  valid,     which havebeen  received  irrmcdiately  from  Arrian  Eifhcps, 
ItismHch  to  be  feared,  that  a  great  part  ofChriftendcme  want  perfonal  fucceilion, 
ever  lincejfcr  vpcrld  mourned^  and  admired  to  fee  it  felf  turned  Arrian.     what  is  become 
of  the  Authours  Chriftian,  or  Englifh  ingenuity,  to  cite  an  Authour  contrary  to  his 
own  knowledge.     But  to  give  him  yet  a  more  particular  anfwcr- 

Fitft,  I  dcrie,  that  the  Protcfiant  Bifhops  didrtvoit  from  the  Catholick  Church; 
Nay,  they  arc  more  Catholick  in  that,  than  the  Roman  Catholicks  thcmfelvcs,  main- 
taining a  communion  for  the    foundations  and  principles  of  Chriftian  religion ,  both 
with  the  IFejiern  and  Eajiern  Churches,  whom  the  Church  of  Feme  cxcomunicates 
from  the  fcciety  ofthemyftical  body  of  Chrift,  limiting  the  Church  to  Rome,  and 
fuch  places  as  depend  upon  it ,  as  the  Dwa/j/?/ did  of  old  lo  Africk.     It  is  true,  the 
Proteftants,     fcparated  themfelvcsfrom  the  Ccnmunicn  of  the  Jl<Wi»«  Church,  yet 
not  abfclutely  ,  nor  in    fuch    fundamentals,  and  other    truths    as  fhe  retains,  but 
refpeftively,  in  her  crrours,  fuperflrudions ,  and  innovations.     And  they  left  it  with 
the  fame  mind,  that  one  would  leave  his  Fathers,  or  his  Brothers  houfe  ,  when  it 
is  infc<ited  with  the  plague, with  prayers  for  their  recovery,  and  with  defire  to  return 
again,  fo  foon  as  it  isfree,and.that  may  be  done  with  fafety.     This  was  not  tofor- 
fake  the  Chufch  pf  Rome,  but  to  provide  for  thcmfelves.     Ccme  out    cf  her  people, 
led  ye  be  partakfrs  of  her  fins,and  taji  of  her  plagues.  It  is  truly  called  the  grand  Impo- 
fture  of  the  world,to  obtrude  upon  us  the  Kiman  Church  for  the  Catholick  Church, 
Secondly,!  dcrie  that  the  Protcfiant  Biftiops    were  hereticks  ■,  wherein  I  am  not 
alone,  but  hare  fundry  of  their  great  Rafcbies  to  fide  with  mc.'the  Troteftants  are  no 
heretick/,  ntither  are  they  excommunicate,  hiih  the   authour      of  the  Monarchomachia 
or  image  of  both  Churches.  There  are  but  three  waycs  to  make  an  heretick.  Firll,to 
lejeft  fomething  which  God  hath  evidently  commanded  to  be  believed  under  pain 
of  damnation:  or  Secondly,  to  hold  feme  fuch  errours,  which  are  dirtdly  contrary 
to  the  rule  of  faith  .and  virtually  implie  a  negation  of  feme  Article  of  the  creed:  or 
Thirdly,  to  err  with     obilLnacy,  not  willing  to  imbracc  the  truth,  though  it  were 
fufficiently  propofed.     But  on  the  contrary  if  we  make  the  word  of  God  to  be  the 
ftandard  and     feal  of  our  religion,  If  we  conAantly  maintain  all  things,  which  the 
Holy  Apoftlcs.or  hkffcd  Athanafim^oi  the  Nicene  Fathers,  have  delivered  asnecclTaiy 
to  falvation  to  be  believcdi  if  we  fwerve  willingly  in  nothing  from  the  Analogy  cf 
faith,  If  we  be  ready  to  flred  our  blood  for  the  leaft  particular  of  faving  tn:tli  i  Ifee 
no  caufc,  why  I  may  not  wi(h  ,Ifthis  be  hcrefy  ,  that  we    were  all  herctick?. 
Thirdly,!  denie  that  thtEngliJh  Proteflants  did  cbftinately  perfift  in  fchifmc,  or 

that 


DiscoiRSE  VII.  againji  the  ohjt^iion  of  S,  N. 


991 


that  they  were  at  all  guilty  of  fchifme.  Tiiere  are  two  kindsof  fchifmaticil  Churches. 
The  ririt  t'lofe  which  abfolufely  forfike  the  ComsTii-inion  ofothcr  Churches  and  denie 
them        '      '     "'       •        '•"■    •-        .     —        .  .    ..  - 


nov 
for 

member  OiOLild  aflumc  to  it  felf  the  pbc:  ct  the  head.Tn:  Church  of  Rome  is  accufed 
to  be  gviilty  of  both  thefe  Kinds  of    fchifinCjtirrt  forfeparating  her  felf  from  thctom- 
munion  of  the  Churches  of  6r,f da,  RwJJ?Ji  Armenia,  Abijfxtta^  and  all  the  Prote/iant 
Churches.Secondly,  and  much,more  for  rcfufing  to  be  a  fellow  member  with  other 
Churches  in  the  body  of  the  univerfal  Church,^  challenging  to  be  the  head  the  root 
the  fountain  of  all  other  Churches.So  a'member  will  needs  ufurp  the  place  of  the  head! 
the  branch,ururpe  the  place  of  the  root,the  beam  of  the  Sunuhe  fiream^of  the  Fountain. 
What  marvel  if  this  member  decay, if  this  branch  withcr.this  beam,beobrure,this  ftrf.sm 
dried  up>Let  the  Church  of  Rome  be  the  filler  of  all*  Churchcs,Let  her  be  the  tnothet 
of  many  Churches,  But  the  Lady  and  Miftrefs  of  no   Church.  On  the  other  fide 
the  Church  of  EK^/a>;^  is  guilty  of  neither  ofthefekindsoffchifm,  neither  arrogating 
to  it  feU  a  dominion  over  other  Churches,  nor  excluding  them  from  a  Chriftian  com- 
munion.    Notwithftanding  the  corruption  of  the  Church  of  Rome  we  believe  that 
fhemay  dill  bring  f^rth     Children  to  God  :Infomuch  that  this  charity  of  ours    is 
urged    fpecioufly  againfl  us ,  by  fome  ,  that  we  confelTe  pcliibility  of  falvation  in 
the  Church  of  Rome,  but  they  deny  it  unto  us  i  therefore  theirs  is  the  fafer  way.      A 
ifrange  conf\ru(Sion,  to    make  the  lefs  charitable ,    to  be  the  mbre  fecure  way  to 
heaven.     But  not  to  do  them    wrong  ,  all  of  them  are  not  of  that  rnind,  many  of 
their  greateft  fcholars  ,  and  thofe  who  weigh  the  points  mofl:  cxadlly ,  do  afford 
though  unwillingly,  the  like  favour  to  us, that  we  do  to  them.     Take  the    Bifhop 
ofCalcedoit  tor    inftance  ,   Proteli:  confefs:      Pag:  151.  7/*fcf>',  C  thatis  Proteftants  J 
grjunt  mt  falvation  tofuchpapifls  ,  ai  they  account  vincibly  ignorant  of  Reman  en  ours  but 
onelyto  Juch  as  are    invincibly      ignorant  of  them,  they  have  m  more  charity  than  xfe 
(  Romanics  )  for  rve  grant  Repentance^  faving  faith  and  falvation  to.fuch'Proteftants  as 
are  invincibly  ignorant  of  their  errours:Thit  which  he  addes,that  thofe  who  erre  invin- 
cibly are  not  formal  Prote(iants.hut  rather  Protgjiantibuft  credentes   Such  as  give  credit 
to  Protcfiants,  may  as  well  be  applied  by  us  of  them,  that  the  fakation  which  we  ac- 
knowledge in  their  Church  is  not  to  formal  papHis  but  to  fuch  as  give  credit  to  pepijis, 
fuch  as  hold  the  truth  implicitely  in  the  preparation  of  their  mind  though  they  want 
either  fufficient  propofal,  or  fufficient  capacity ,to  overcome  thofe  prejudices,  and 
difpel  thofe  mifts, which  curtome  or  education,     or  the  like  have  caft  upon  them. 

Fourthly   ,  I    denie  ,  that  ever  the  authority  of  our  firft  ProteftantBifhops  wa? 
fufpended.or  taken  away,  or  their  jurifdidtion  reftrained  or  difanulled  by  the  Catho- 
Jick  Church.     How  (hould  the  Catholick  Church  cenfurc  them  ,  which  never  met 
fmccina  general  council?     As  for  that  ofT'rentthe  number  of  the  Bifhopswas 
fo  fmall,  for  many  felfions  together  ,  fometimes  not  fifty  ,  fometimes  not  thirty,that 
it  merits' not  the  name  Oecumenical  ■■>  to  which  the  greater  part  ofChri(tendome,was 
never  fummoned,  or  could  have  any  fafe  accefs.The  Prelates  v^cre  for  the  moft  part 
Italian  Epifcopells ,  the  popes  profeffed  vafTails,  guided  by  the  Holy  Ghoft,  fent  from 
Rome  in  a  Cloktbagge,  where  the  party  accufed  was  placed  upon  the  Bench  as  arl 
infallible  judge.  I  fay,  he  who  was  the  caufe  of  all  the  diftempers  in  Chriftendome,  of 
the  feparation  of  the  Eallern  Churches  from  the  TFefiern  ,  of  the  four  Patriarchs  from 
the  firrt ,  of  thofe    Tragical  tumults  between  the  Guelphs,  and  Gibbellines  between 
the  imperial  diadem,  and  the  miter,     which   fet  all  ChriHendom  in  a  Combuaion, 
and  laaiy,  the  Incentive  of  the  prefent   diftradions  of  the.  IFeji,  to  the  great  advan- 
tage of  the  iurk^,  and  the    onely  impediment  ofa  reunion.     Nor  yet  do  I  find  any 
fuch  fentence  pafTed  againft  them  by  theChurch  ofRonie  it  felfe,  as  is  here  pretended. 
If  there  had,  it  was  without      the  fphere  of  their  aftivity  and  ancient  lurifdidlion. 
The  Britannick  lies  are  partakers  de  jure  ofthe'Cyprian  priviledge  ,to  be  fubjed  to 
no  Patriarch  but  their  own  ,  howfoever  in  after  ages,the  popes  intruded  thcmfelves: 
which    Doftor  Barnes  a    Roman     Catholick,  ingenuoufly  confelTing  ,  was  for  his 
labourhurried  privately  into  the  hofpitall  of  the  holy  Ghoft     at  Rome  and  put  there 
among  the  phranticke  perfons ,  to  trie  if  either  theufage ,  or  the  place,  would  make  . 
^        ^       ■  C  c  c  c  c  c  •  him 


"p^2  '        [^roteflants    Ordination    defended  TOMEIV^ 

hTnTimd       for  company.     AmriraiyTluppolmg,  but  not  gianting,  tluc  they  liad 

lawful  )urirclidioii,  yet  tlickcy  erring,  the  fentcncc  becomes  invalid.  h]uiiavincula 
dimmPit  Jullitia  ,  faitli  St.  Aiifiin.  Jufticc  breaks  afunder  unjurt  bonds.  And  St. 
Cytriju.     God  (ometimcs  amends  the  fenterce  of  his  fcrvants. 

Fifthly,  admitting  there  was  fuch  a  fcntencc  or  fufpenfion,  that  the  judge  was 
rightly  quali(ied,and  that  the  key  did  nntcrrc,none  of  all  which  5.  N,  is  able  to  prove, 
yc^tthe  Ronunijis  tliemfclves  doc  con("c(s  ,  that  no  fentenceor  decree  whatfoevcr,  or 
of  whomfcever,  or  of  what  crime  foever,  can  obliterate  the  Epifcopal  chara(5tcr, 
wfiich  is  indclcble,  nor  difable  a  Bifliop ,  from  ordaining,  fo  far  as  to  make  the  adt 
invalid.  Their  Schools  goe  fofar  in  thisqueftion,that  if  a  .Bifliop  ihould  die  adlually 
and  be  raifed  again  by  the  power  of  God,the  charader  would  remain  fo  as  the  party 
fliouJd  need  r.onew  ordination,yea  that  it  remains  in  heaven  to  their  greater  glory  , 
and  in  Hell  it  fe!fe,  to  their  greater  ignominy,  Judge  whether  the  Authour^dcal  in- 
genioufly  in  thisjto  urgean  argument  diredtly  contrary  to  their  own  grounds,out 
of  an  inveterate  rancour  againf\  the  poor  piotcftants. 

His  third  Argument  is  contained  inthcilxtii  Sed'ion.  "The  ^ngVifh  Juperintendents 
after  tbeir  fall  from  the  Rotnan  Churchy  neither  intended  to  give  thofe  holy  Orders in\}itii~ 
ted  by  Cbrijl^  neither  did  the  Ordained  intend  to  receive  them.  For  the  Fri(l}hood  inflitu- 
tedby  CJmj}^ci'mPrehendedta>o  funUions^  the  one  appertainirtg  to  the  real  Body  ff  Chriji^ 
to  comfleat  it  and  i-ffcr  it  to  God-,  the  other  ,  over  the  Myjiic^l  Body  of  Chrifl^  to  remit  fnt. 
But  with  the  Frotejhnts^  theconfecrating  Bijhofs  do  not  intend  to  give,  nor  the  cortfecrated 
Minijiers  to  receive  either  of  thefe  trvo  FunClions,  but  on  the  contrary  do  deny  them^and  dij- 
dain  them.  Therefore  notvrithftandingtheir  charaSier  ,  they  have  not  thofe  f acred  Orders 
which  were  injiituted  by  Chriji,  But  their  Ordination  is  a  me^r  prophanalion  of  that  Sa- 
crament. 

There  is  no  opinion  of  the  Koman  Catholicks  of  more  defperatc  confequence,than 
I  this  of  the  necelhty  of  the  Mmillers  intention  to  the  being  of  a  Sacrament,  cfpecially 

according  to  the  literalfenfe  of  the  Word:  Firrt  for  Baptifm,  it  leaves  no  mancertain, 
whether  he  bea  Chriftian  or  not  ?  It  putsit  inthe  power  of  an  Atheifiical  Priefi,  or 
fiich  an  one  as  jF«(^jf  was  to  exclude  out  of  the  Church  triumpliant,  any  or  all  thofe 
1  luls  which  (hould  be  admitted  by  him  into  the  communion  of  the  militant  Church: 
For  if  be  intend  not  to  baptift  them  at  all,  or  intend  to  baptife  them  amifs,  they  pcriih 
irreparably,  according  to  their  Dodtrine,  fincc  Baptifm  cannot  be  iterated,  and  the 
nullity  of  this  Hypocritical  a(ftion  cannot  be  difcovered  by  man.butis  known  toGod 
alone,  who  is  the  fearcher  of  hearts.     Secondly,  in  the  holy  Eucharift,  it  fubjcfls  every 
RpwiJMCatholick  to  manifeft  peril  of  Idolatry,  to  adore  Bread  inftead  ofChrift,  that 
is,  it  the  Confecrater  either  malicioufly  or  negligently  intend  not  to  con(ecrate  (  of 
■which  dcliiquency  fomcKtw//fcPricfts  have  confelTed  thcmfelves  culpable,  and  have 
fuffcred  for  itj  or  if  the  Confecrater  be  no  Prielt,  which  may  cafily  happen  ,  for  want 
of  the  like  intention  in  any  one  of  thofe  Bifhops,from  whom  he  derives  his  holy  Or- 
ders, throughout  a  whole  feriesOr  fuccelhonof  i5oo,  years  continuance. .    Thirdly, 
in  their  Ordination.    .It  leavesnoChurch,notKowe  it  felf,  certain, whether  they  have 
holy  Orders  or  not,  that  is  as  much  as  to  fay,  whether  they  be  a  Church  or  not.  For 
as  the  failing  of  any  one  link  breaks  a  chain  in  funder  ,  fo  the  want  of  this  intention 
in  any  one  Bifhop  in  a  long  row  of  70.  or  80.  predeceflburs  ,  breakcs  in  funder  the 
chain  of  their  fuccellion,  and  leaves  all  thofe   who  pretend  to  derive  from  thence 
downwards,  without  holy  Orders. 

This  is  the  meafure  wherewith  they  mete  out  tous,but  forgetting  that  afjlfe  bal- 
lance  is  an  abomination  to  the  Lord,  they  have  another  meafure  to  receive  in  for  thcm- 
felves. Here  they  mitigate  and  mollifie  the  rigour  of  their  tenet,  and  plain  it  fo  long 
with  their  diltinftion,  until  they  leave  nothing  ot  it  remaining.  Firit ,  they  dilHn- 
guifhan  intention  Imoexplicite,  that  is,  particular  or  determinate,  and  implicitc,  that 
is,  general,  to  do  what  the  Church  doth,  or  what  ChriA  inllituted.  The  Councils 
oiFlorence  and  Trent,  require  onely  an  implicite  intention  as  necefTary.If  they  would 
allow  the  fame  favour  to  the  Proteflants,  which  they  affume  to  themfelvcs,  this  Ar- 
gutnent  were  at  an  endi  for  the  Proteftants  intend  to  do  what  Chrilf  inlh'tuted.  But 
their  Schools  go  yet  further,  and  diftingui(h  an  implicite  intention,  into  <jS«u/and  ha- 
bitnal:  Actual,  that  is,  to  confidcr  really  what  they  do ,  whilefl  they  are  celebrating 

the 


Againji     the      OhjcBiov  of  S.  N. 


the  Sacrament,     Habitual  is  that,  which  tlieyliave  {oiTRcimes  aaruallyhad     tl^^wT 
they  have  it  not  in  prefent  then,wheii  they  celebrate  the  Sacrament.     They  fay  an  a 
dual  intention  is  not  nccelTary ,  neither  do  tiiofe  difiraftions  which  creep  unLn  us 
■    whilell  we  are  celebrating  thofe  holy  Myilerics,  render  the  adt  done  invalid ,  but  an 
habitual  or  virtual  intention  ,  thati?,an  imprclb'on  left  in  the  imagination  is  fuffici 
enr.     Many  ot  their  Authours  rclt  not  here  ,  but  dininguilTi  an  intention  into  imr- 
fial,  which  they  lay  is  not  abfolutcly  ncceffaryiand  exterml,\\hich  is  nothino-  dCt  but 
an  actual  application  of  the  due  matter,  with  an  actual  exprelh'on  of  the  words  pre 
fcribed  by  the  authority  of  ChriR.     This  intention  the  Protcftants  allo-.v  and  neve- 
want.     If  theone  beacknowledged.to  be  Catholicks ,  why  are  the  other  cenfured  as 
Hcreticks.?  To  his  Argument  then  I  anfwer. 

Firit,  that  the  interiour  intention  of  the  Confecrant,  is  not  necefTary  to  make  the 
Ordination  valid .  If  a  Prince  fend  a  Prefent  to  a  friend  by  an  untrulty  fervanr  vho 
envicth  his  Mafters bounty,  or  wifheth  that  the  gift  might  do  his  friend  no  poodi  yet 
this  (hall  not  deprive  him  of  the  fruit  of  the  Princes  bounty.  Gods  grace  is'r.ot  an- 
nihilated by  the  malice,  much  lefs  by  the  negligence  of  a  finful  man. 

Secondly,  I  anfwer,  that  the  Proteftants  have  an  implicite  intention  in  their  Ordi- 
nations, to  do  what  the  Catholick  Church  doth  ,  and  to  do  whatfoeverChrifi  infti- 
tuted  ,  though  they  are  far  from  believing  that  the  Roman  Church  is  the  Cathoh'ck 
Churchi,  and  this  is  fufficient,  our  Adver^ries  being  Judges ,  to  the  validity  of  holy 
Orders.  Differences  in  opinion,  about  the  manner  or  extent  of  believing  do  not  e- 
vacuate  the  graceof  the  Sacraments.  Oneintendsto  produce  the  Bodyof  Chrifcout 
of  the  bread,  another  intends  to  adduce  it  to  the  bread.-The  former  cries  o  :t  that  ad- 
dudtion  implies  onely  a  tranfubiation,  not  a  franfubftantiationi  the  latter  thunders  it 
out  aloud  ,  that  the  body  which  is  produced  of  bread ,  is  not  the  fame  body  which- 
■was  born  ot  a  Virgin.  Thus  their  greateft  champions  gore  one  another.  Yet  they 
do  not  believe,  that  this  doth  invalidate  the  Sacraments. 

Thirdly,  to  his  two  Functions  of  confecrating  and,  remitting  fin,  Proteftants  doe 
intend  to  confer  them  both,  fo  far  as  either  Chriii  did  confer  them,  or  the  blelTed  A- 
poftles  execute  them.  Doubtlefs  they  know  their  own  intentions  better  than  'S.  N. 
He  who  faith,  Ta^e  thou  authority  to  exercife  the  Office  of  a  Triefl  in  the  Chimh  o/Go^as 
theProtcftantConfecratersdo  )  doth  intend  all  things  requifite  to  the  prieHIy  Fun- 
(ftion,and  amongft  the  reft,  to  offer  a  reprefentative  Sacrifice ,  to  commemorate  and 
to  apply  the  Sacrifice  which  Ghrift  made  upon  the  Crofs.  But  for  any  other  Sacrifice 
diftinftfrom  that  which  is  propitiatory,  meritorious,  and  fatisfadtory  by  its  proper 
virtue  and  power,  the  Scriptures  do  not  authcrife  •,  the  Fathers  did  not  believe,  the 
Proteftantsdo  not  receive  any  fuch.  This  is  a  certain  truth,that  tlie  paffion  of  Chrift 
is  the  orjely  ranfome  and  propitiation  for  fin.  He  who  faith.  fFboJefms  thou  dsji  re- 
mit they  are  remitted^  tvhofe  (ins  than  dofl  retain  are  retained  ("  which  are  the  very  words 
ufed  in  the  Protcftants  Form  of  Ordination  )  furely  intends  to  confer  a  power  to  re- 
mit fins.  We  acknowledge,  that  he  who  is  ordained,  is  inabled  by  his  Office  many 
wayes  to  put  away  fins.  By  Baptifm,  I  believe  one  Baptifinfor  the  remiffion  offms ,  Co 
faith  the  Creed.  2.  By  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lords  Supper  ■■,  Ihit  it  my  hlondrvhich  is 
pedforyou,  andfor  matty  ,  forremiffionoffmi.  So  faid  our  Saviour.  3.  By  prayer, 
James  5. 14.  Call  for  thefrefbyters  of  the  Church,  the  prayer  of  Faith  Jhalifave  thefck^; 
and  if  he  have  committed  fins,  theyfhail  be  forgiven  him.  4.  By  preaching  the  word  of 
Reconciliation,  2  Cor. 5.  19.  God  tvas  in  Chriji  ^  reconciling  the  world  unto  himfelf  not 
imputing  their  trefpaffet  unto  them,  and  hath  committed  unto  m  the  word  of  Reconciliation. 
5.  By  fpecial  abfolution,  John  20.  2^.  JF%ofe  fins  ye  remit,they  are  remitted.  To  for- 
give fins  is  no  more  proper  to  God,  than  to  work  wonders  above  the  courle  of  Na- 
ture, the  one  is  communicable  as  the  other.  Mat.  9.  5.  The  Prieft  abfolves ,  or  to  fay 
more  properly,  God  abfolves  by  theprieff.  Therefore  he  faith  ,  I  abfobe  thee  in  the 
Name  of  the  Father,andoj  the  Son,  and  of  the  holy  Ghofl.  God  remits  Soveraignly,  Im- 
perially, primitively,  abfolutelyi  The.prieits  power  is.dcrivative, delegate, dependent, 
minifterial,  conditional.  It  istrue,the  protelhnts  differ  amongftthemfclve?, whether 
the  abfolution  of  the  prieft  be  declarative  or  operative,  thatis,about  the  manner.  And 
fo  do  the  Romanijis  likewife  one  with  another.  Yea,  I  dare  fay, that  their  Schools 
"dofcarcsly  ever  run  more  divifion  than  about- this ,  which  they  make  the  Sacrament 

G  c  c  c  c  c  7  cf 


^^y+ 


Frotedavts  Ordination   defended^ TOME  IIII. 

"ot' Reconciliation,     So  his  third  Argument  is,  I  hope,  abundantly  fatisticd. 

Hs  fourth  objection  isconteined  in  the  p.  and  lo.      fedtions  That  the  Vroiejiant 
I  .jj.  ^fdiiiauci's.do  not  tije  the  true   matter  and  form  prejcribed  by  ChrijK  As  hi 


^h"chi(rcbfor  the  Livh:T  a,tdjor  the  dead^ ;?.'  the  name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  5o«,  and 
file  hrlyGhoji ,  which  rvords  (faith  he  )  Although  they  be  not  Jet  down  in  holy  writ 
nrliin  ttrmes  .yettheftth}\anceojthem'ugatheredcutofSt.  hukc  Chaf.  22.  And  that 
kird4  fcTttt  as  lik^reife  the  form  of  baptifme  is  delivered  by  tradition  proceedingfrom 
Chrifi.  "the  matter  necejfarily  accompany  in gthis  latter  form  is  the  reaching  of  the  Chalice 
ttiih  Tcine  and  thepatin  rvith  the  hofi  to  the  party  confecratedjpecified  aljo  in  the  forefaid 
Ccw-cil'f  Florence.  And  protejiants  cnnfjjing^  that  they  have  pared  the  Pritjihood  which 
Chrifi  rrdained  from  Sacrificing  andChriji^  which  /fcf  Rbmanilts  had  added  to  the  inilitu- 
iion  do  therein  conftjje  that  they  have  refjt^ied  the  whole  fuhjlance  and  pared  of  the  very 
pith  cjChrilfs  heavenly  Prielhod.     Thus  he 

This  is  a  trenchant  Argument  indeed,  if  5.  N.  can  make  it  good,  which  chops,  of 
both  our  matter  and  form  of  ordination  to  Priefthood  atone  blow  •,  but  wciliall  fee 
this  authour  corneas  poorely  of,  as  hechargeth  defpcratly.     They  make  two  cJirtinft 
ordinations  to  Prieftfiood,  they  call  them  the  former  and  the  later.  Potejias  in  Corpus 
Chrijli  mylUciim.pr^jiifponit  poteflatem  in  corpus  Christ  verum.  And  though  the  order  be 
one  and  the  fame  ^  yet  there  are  two  difiind:  matters  and  forms.     A  bold  preP-im- 
tion  this  is  if  it  be  done  without  the  warrant  of  the  inftituter.  I  do  not  denie,but  the 
Church  may  lawfully    prefcribe  rites  and  ceremonies,  even  in  the  adminillrationot 
the  Holy  Sacraments,  and  other  Myfteriesof  Religion  (  as  we  ufc  the  delivery  of 
the  celebration  of  holy  Orders  )k  long  as  unlawful  ceremonies  are  not  obtruded, 
nor  the  (ubftance  of  divine  worOiip  placed  in  circumftances,  nor  the   fcrvicc  of  God 
be  more  refpected  for  humane   ornaments  ,  than  for  the  divine     ordinance,  nor 
exceilivefuperfluity  become    burthenfome.     But    on  the    other  fide,  they  are  ufed 
as  adjuments  of  decency,order,  gravity,  modefty  in  the  fervice  of  God ,  as  exprellions 
of  thefeholy  and  Heavenly  defires,  and  difpofitions,  which  we  ought  to  bring  along 
with  us   to  the  hous  of  God,  fo  long  as  they  are   helps  ofattent  ion  or  devotion, 
furtherances  of  edification,  vifible  inllruders,  the  bockes  of  ignorant  men,     helps  of 
memory  ,  excrcifes  of  faith,  the  leaves  which  preferve  the  t^ender  fruit,  and  the  (hell, 
which  defends  thcKernell   of  Religion  from  contempt  ■■,  fo  long    they  are  no  clogs, 
but   excellent   props  to    fuftein  Chriftian      liberty.     But  when  prefumptious  men 
begin  to  tamper  with  the  eflentialls  ofdivine  inflitution  ,  to    chop  and  change  the 
matter  and  form   of  Sacraments  ,  and  to  obtrude  their  own  inventions  as  necelTary 
parts  ofdivine  worfliip,  then  they  do  juft!y  incur  that  cenfure.     In  vaine  ye  worfhip 
me    teaching  for  doUrine  the  precepts  of  men  Math:  15;  p.     They  teach  that  ordination 
is  a  facramcnt  and  we  do  not  much  oppofe  it.  It  is  either  weakenefs  or  frowardnefs 
to  wrangle  about  the  name,  when  men  agree  upon  the  thing  ,  we  doe  believe  that 
ordination  isa  facred.rite  or  action  inflitutcdby  Chrift  wherein  by  the'impofiitionbf 
hands,the  holy  Orders  of  Bifhops,Pricfis,or  Prefbyters,&  Deacons  are  conterred.This 
impofition  of  hands  they  make  to  be  the  later  ordination,  this  wc  (ay  to  be  the  onely 
ordination.  And  that  the  other    of  the  delivery  ofthe  patin  and  chalice  with  the 
formal  words  by  them  ufed    is  no  part  of  the  infiitution  ofChrift,    but  a  purple, 
patch,  or  an  invention  of  their  own,  firft  added  as  an  indifferent  ceremony;  and  laft- 
ly,  obtruded  upon  the  Church,  as  an  effcntial,  neither  do  we  fay  this  onely  but  we 
prove  it  manifeftly  >  firft,     by  the  inftitution  it  felf,  which    was  moft  folemnly  per- 
formed by  Chrirt  ,  and  is  moft  punctually  related  by  the  Evangelift,  14m  :2o:  v:  22: 
23.     There  we  have  the  very  matter  and  the  very  form  ufed  by  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, But  of  their  patin,  or  chalice,  or  the  delivery  of  it,  or  of  their  formal  words, 
Receive  pftcer  to  tfer  facrifice   fir  the  living  and  for    thedead  ,of  their  new  matter 
and  newform  not  one  fyllable.  Secondly,  we  produce  the  beleife  and  practice'  ot  the 
•    primitive  Church,  who  knew  no  other  matter  than  impofition  of  hands,  nor  other 
form  than.      Receive    the    Holy    Gholi  who^e  fins,tbcn  djfi  remit    they  are  rc-nitted 
And  therefore  they  ufually  call  ordination  by  this  very  name  impofui>n  of  hands.  Not 


D  r scouRSE  VII  againft  the  objeSiious  of  S.  N .  99,5 

a  father,  not  a  council,  not 0115  ancient  Authour  at  any  time,  mentions  the  ddivcrie  ' 

o\  tnc  patm  or  chahce,  or  the  formal  words  ufed  by  the  Church  ofRome  even  then 
.vhen  they  ddcribe  the  ordination  of  tiieir  dayes  ,  and  where  this  could  not  have 
been  om.trcd,  if  it  had  been  an  effential.  Thirdy,  we  produce  the  practice  of  the 
Grff/;.aiarch,  and  all  other  Churches  which  are  not  cfthe  Koman  communion  ever 
until  this  day,which  would  not  have  failed  fo  univcrfally  fo  conflantly  everiince  the 
beginning  otchrillianity  in  an  elTcntial  orordination,And  although  the  Greehs  do 
not  receive  this  new  matter  and  form,  Yet  the  Komaup  did  never  denie  them  to 
have  true  orders,  net  did  ever  ordein  any  one  again,  who  had  formerly  been  or- 
deined  in  the  Church  ofGwcf ,  How  can  they  admit  the  Grecians  wanting  their 
new  matter  and  form  to  have  holy  Ordcr5,and  yet  for  the  want  ofthefe,to  denie  the 
holy  Orders  ot  the  Proteftants  to  be  valid.  Jr  mt  this  to  have  the  faith  of  our  Lord 
JejiK  Chrift  Tvithrefpea  ofperfojis.  James:  2.  i.  Fourthly  we  produce  a  great  cloud  of 
witneff-'s  from  among  themfelves  of  their  choiccft  fcholers  ,and  fuch  as  have  been 
molt  converfant  in  this  queftion,  who  denie  the  deliverie  of  the  patin  and  chalice 
to  be  cflentials  ot  ordination.  Laftly,  fuppofing  that  ceremony  to  be  eflential  to  or- 
dination ,  but  denying  that  it  is  fo,  yet  we  have  words  fjifcient  in  cur  form  to  in- 
clude it  as  Receive  porver  to  exercife  the  office  ofapriejh  He  that  gives  the  fundation 
gives  all  power  pertaining  to  it.  Again  Kece ive popper  to  admimjier  the  holy  Sacra- 
ineittT.  For  all  the  effentialis  ol  their  facrifice  are  conteined  in  our  celebration  of  the 
holy  Eucharirt  that  is  according  to  their  fchoole>,the  confecration,  and  the  confum- 
ptioii  of  the  whole  or  part.  Boththefe  we  haveafwell  as  they,the  former  more  purely 
than  they  ,  the  latter  more  eminently  than  they,  inafmuch  as  with  us,  both  Prieft 
and  peoplcdo  receive,  with  them  the  Prieft  onely.  It  was  therefore  truly  faid  by 
rite  learned  Bifiiop  of  Ely.  'laki  away  your  Tranfubflantiat  ion  and  rve  (hall  have  no 
difference  about  the  facrifice. 

Againft  this  the  Authour  urgeth  3  things  ofhisown  head,  for  he  produceth  no 
reafon  for  them.  Firft,  that  though  their  nen>  matter  and  form  he  mt  fet  dorvn  in  holy 
Writ  in  plain  termes  ^  yet  the  fuhjiance  of  them  is  gathered  out  of  St.  Luh^.  Chap.  22. 
How  gathered  out  of  5t.  Luke.  I  wonder  how,  or  out  of  what  words,  If  St.  Luks  ' 
have  any  thing  ,  that  will  advantage  the  Authours  caufe,  why  doth  he  touch  it  fo 
tenderly,  why  doth  he  not  mention  it  at  large.  Indeed  St.  L«%  faith  ,  Cil»ri|l  took, 
bread jnd gave  it,  but  of  the  patin  not  a  word  .  Moreover  St.  Luk^  faith  Chriji 
too\the  cup  and  gave  i*,  but  both  bread  and  cup  were  confecrated  before,  and  given 
by  Chrift  to  be  received,  not  to  be  ufed  as  an  inftrumcnt  of  fome  new  facrifice.  St. 
Luk^  faith  further,  do  this  in  remembrance  of  me-,  doe  this  ,  what  this  >  this  that  you 
have  (een  me  doe,  this  which  is  related  before  of  Chrift  ,  that  he  took^  bread  and  gave 
thank^  and  brakg  tt,  and  gave  it  to  them  faying  ,  this  is  my  body  vehich  is  given  for  you. 
And  likewife  that  he  took^the  cup  ,  faying.  This  Cup  is  the  netv  Tejiament  in  my  bloody 
which  is  Jhed  fir  you.  AH  this  the  Proteftants  do  more  conformably  to  the  inftitu- 
tion  than  the  Komanijls.  Here  is  plain  celebration  of  the  Eucharift,but  nothing  that 
makes  for  their  new  form  of  ordination.  If  any  facrifice  be  intimated  here,  It  is 
Eucharilticall,  he  that  gave  thank/  and  commemoratfie  in  remembrance  of  me.  But  not 
the  leaft  intimation  of  their  Patin  and  chalice  in  ordination.  And  this  theauthour 
knew  well  enough  ,  therefore  prefently  after  flies  to  Tradition  th^tthisform  of  or- 
daining, as  lik^rvife  the  form  ofbaptifme  is  delivered  by  tradition  of  proceeding  from  Chriji, 
It  is  dangerous  to  ground  the  EfTentiallsof  facraments  upon  tradition  alone.  Divine 
or  Apoftolical  traditions  aie  known  by  their  univerfality  of  time  and  places  But 
this  new  rite  wants  both  the  one,  and  the  other.  If  it  were  univerfal  in  time,  how 
comes  it  to  pafs  that  all  the  primitive  Councills  , and  Fathers  were  ignorant  of  it, 
by  whom  it  ought  to  have  been  derived  to  us.  If  it  be  univerfal  in  place,  how  comes 
it  to  pafs  that  thzEa^ern  Churches  never  enterteined  it ,  Here  is  neither «fci(7«f, 
femper,  nor  ah  minibus.  Yet  I  de  eafily  believe,that  theform  of  ordination  is  as  much 
delivered  by  tradition ,  as  the  form  ofbaptifme,  which  isexpieffly  fet  down,  Math; 
28  ;  19.  biptifv:g,ihem  in  thename  of  the  Father  ,  andofthe  fon  and  of  the  holy  Ghoji , 
unlefs  bethink  the  precifc  words  land  thee  \  baptifL-  thee  ,.  be  of  the  eifence  of  bap- 
tifme,  whercinhcis  miftaken,  for  the  greek^^  obferve  another  tormLetthe  lervant 
of  Chriji  be  baptifed  in  the  name  of  the  Father  6^c.     And  yet  this  form,  of  baptifi  ig  in 


op6  frotejidnts  Ordin.ition  defended 


thFCrffk  Church  isalTow  cd  by  the  Komanijis  ihemfelves,  to  benot  onely  valid  ,  buc 
alfo  lawful.  Tlicrcforc  his  third  and  ]al\  anchor  hold,and  intruth  his  whole  llrength 
Is  in  the  Authority  of  the  Council  of  Florence.  I  anfwer  ,  that  the  Authority  of  the 
Council  of  Florence,  held  1440.  years  after  Chrilf,  Or  of  Eugenius  partus ,  who 
\vas  Pope  then,  is  not  fo  great,  that  for  it  the  Proteftants  fliould  defert  the  holy  Scri- 
pture, and  all  Authority.  Secondly,  I  anfwer.  The  Council  ofFlorence,  or  Pope  En- 
aenius,  do  not  fay,  that  the  delivery  of  the  pa  tin  and  chalice,  or  the  words  cited  by 
the  Authoiir,  Receive  porver  to  ofcrjacrifice,  &c.  were  the  matter  and  form  inftituted 
by  Chri(r,  but  that  they  were  tiie  matter  and  form  then  ufed  in  the  Church  of  Rome, 
or  toulethe  words  of  fundry  Romanifts  themfclves  in  the  very  point ,  that  they  are 
ncceffary  rieccffitate  fracepti,  but  not  neceffitate  Sjcramenti,  becaufe  they  are  command- 
ed by  the  Church  oiRome,  not  becaufe  they  were  inftituted  by  Chrilf.  And  that  this 
is  the  trucfcnfe,  it  appears  plainly  from  hence  ,  that  the  fame  Council  makes  the  mat- 
ter of  the  Ordination  of  Deacons,  to  confift  in  the  delivery  oftheBook  of  the  Gofpel. 
And  yet  all  men  know,  that  not  any  one  ofthe  Gofpels  were  written  until  after  the 
Death'ofChriP. 

In  the  next  place  he  goes  about  to  refute  Mr.  Mjfon,a.  proteftant  Writer,who  faith, 
that  wehave  purged  that  holy  Priefihood,  which  Chrift  ordained  from  the  corrupti- 
ons of  facriticing  and  flirifr,  which  tht  Romanijis  had  added.     So(aith  he,  Ihe  tehok 
§>uf\}ion  is  brought  to  this  iffue,  whether  our  Saviour  inftituted  afacrificing  Friejihood  ,  to 
which.  Authority  is  given  to  remit  fms  tn  the  Sacrament  of   Fenance.     And  concludes, 
that  if  the  Vrotciiams  have  fared  arvay  thefe  prieftly  Funliions,   they  have  rejeCied  the  whole 
fubjiance^and  paredtffthe  pith  of  Chrijis  Heavenly  prieji  hood.  In  the  name  of  God,  what 
have  we  to  do  with  Chrifts  Heavenly  Priefthood  in  this  Queftion,  which  is  to  make 
intercellion  and  atonement  for  us,  to  his  Father,  in  refpeft  whereof,  he  is  called  our 
Pafleover,  our  propitiation,  our  Advocate,  ourMediatour,as  St.  Aujiin  {kith-ythe  fame 
is  the  Prif/?,  and  the  Sacrifice,  and  the  Temple-',  the  Vrieji  by  whom  we  are  reconciled,the  fa- 
crifice  wherewith  we  are  reconciled,  the  Temple  wherein  we  are  reconciled  ;  and  the  God  tt 
whom  we  are  reconciled;  but  Vrieji,Sacrifice,  Temple, and  all  is  Cod  in  the  form  of  afervant. 
They  are  not  the  Proteftants  then,butthe  Romanifts,-who  pare  off  the  pith  of  Chrifts 
Heavenly  priefthood,who  dally  make  as  many  diftind  propitiatory  Sacrifices,as  there 
are  Maffes  in  the  World  ,    who  mix  the  fufferings  ofthe  Saints  with  the  Blood  of 
Chrifr,  to  make  up  theTreafury  of  the  Church,  who  multiply  their  Mediators,as  the 
Heathen?  did  their  tutelary  Gods,  begging  at  their  hands,to  receive  them  at  the  hour 
of  Death,  to  reconcile  them  to  God,  to  betheir  Advocates,  their  Mediators,  their  pro- 
pitiation, and  briefly  to  do  all  thofe  OfEces,which  belong  to  the  Heavenly  priefthood 
of  Chrift. 

This  is  not  all,  S.  N.  is  miftaken  yet  twice  more  in  this  one  paragraph.  Firft,  in 
reducing  this  prefcnt  controverfie  to  thefe  two  Heads,  i.  fThether  Chrijl itijlituted a 
facrifcingpriejihood.  And  3.  Wljether  he  hath  given  authority  toit  to  remit  fins  in  the  Sa- 
crament  of  fenance.  Non  deTerminis,fed  de  pcJf(JJione,internos  eft  contentiotThis  con- 
troverfie  is  about  the  poftefIion,not  about  the  limifs.  It  concerns  the  right  of  prieft* 
ly  Succellion,  not  the  bounds  of  prieftly  power.  A  man  may  be  the  rightful  owner 
of  a  true  jewel,  not  adulterate,  nor  counterfeit,  and  yet  not  know  each  particular  vir» 
tuc  and  quality  which  it  hath.  A  braging  Mountebank  commonly  pretendeth  to 
more  skill,  than  a  true  Artift.  When  S.  N.  hafh  any  thing  more  to  fay  of  thefe  two 
fubjeds,  he  (hall  not  need  to  complain  for  want  of  an  Anfwer.  Here  they  arena, 
med  ,  and  onely  named  quite  befide  the  purpofe  If  he  think  that  all  they  deftroy 
the  Eflence  of  priefthood,  who  make  the  power  ofthe  Prieft  to  be  onely  declarative 
and  not  operative  in  the  remiflion  of  fins.  He  need  not  quarrel  with  the  Proteftants 
he  will  find  Adverfaries  enough  at  home. 

Thus  he  miftakes  Chrifts  Heavenly  Priefthood,  for  mans  earthly  priefthoodihemi- 
ftakes  the  power  oradionsof  the'  presbytcrate,  for  the  cfTencc  of  it.  And  Laftly,hc 
midakes  the  tenet  of  his  Adverfaries.  Mr.  Mafin  doth  nor  fay,that  the  Proteftants  have 
pared  away  all  manner  of  Sacrifices.  Firftj  they  acknowledge  Spiritual  and  Euchari- 
ftical  Sacrifices,  as  prayers,  praifes,a  contrite  heart,alms,3nd  the Jike.  SecondIy,they 
acknowledge  a  commemoration,  or  a  reprefentative  Sacrifice,  in  the  holy  Euciiarift. 
Thirdly,  they  teach,  that  this  is  not  nuda  commemoratio,  a  bare  commemoration  with-- 

out 


Discourse  VIL  againfttheohje&ionsofS.bi.  ppy 

out  elHcacy,buc  that  the  bleired  Sacrament  is  a  n^ans  ordained  byChriiV,to  rende7Ii7 
capab!e,and  to  apply  unto  us  the  virtue  of  that  a!l-fufficient  Sacrifice  of  ipHnite  value 
which  Chrift  made  upon  the  Crofs,  which  is  as  far  as  the  moderate  Komjinijif  darcgo^ 
ill  diftindt  and  particular  exprcilions.  But  the  Pro  chants  dare  not  fay,  that  the  ho- 
ly Eucharill  is  a  Sacrifice  propitiatory  in  it  felf,  by  its  own  proper  virtue,  and  expia- 
tory efficacy.  Whatfoever  power  it  hath,  is  in  relation  to  the  Sacrificeof  Chrilt,  as 
a  means  ordained  to  apply  that  to  true  Believers.  In  fumme,  the  eiTence  of  the  Ro- 
man  Sacrifice  doth  confilt,  according  to  the  Dodrinc  of  their  own  Schools,  ci.herin 
the  confecration  alone,  or  in  the  manducation  alone,  or  both  in  the  confecration  and 
participations  but  not  at  all  either  in  the  oblation  before  'confecration ,  or  in  the  ob- 
lation after  confecration,  or  in  the  fraction,  or  mixtion.  Seeing  therefore  the  Prote- 
rtants  doeretain  both  the  confecration,  and confjmption,or  communication,  without 
all  contradidion,  under  the  name  of  a  Sacrament,  they  have  the  vtry  thing,  which  the 
Romxniih  call  a  Sacrifice.  How  is  the  World  amufed  with  a  (hew  of  empty  names 
to  no  purpofe. 

Neither  have  the  Proteftants  pared  away  all  manner  of  (hrift  or  confelHon  and  ab- 
folution.  I  have  fhewed  before  in  thi5Anfwer,Five  feveral  wayes,  whereby  the  Pro- 
tellants  hold,  that  their  Presbyters  put  away  fins.  Nay ,  they  condemn  not  private 
confefiion,and  abfolution  it  felf,  as  an  Ecclcfiatiical  policy  ,  to  make  men  more  wary 
how  they  offend,  foas  it  might  be  leftfree,  without  Tyrannical  impofition.  No  bet- 
ter phyfick  for  a  full  llomack  ,  than  a  Vomit.  Bodily  fores  do  fometimes  compel  a 
man  to  put  off  natural  (hamefac*dnefs  ,  and  to  offer  his  lefs  comely  parts  to  the  view 
of  the  Chirurgeon.  By  alittle  (hame,  which  we  fuffer  before  our  Fellow  fervant,wc 
prevent  that  great  confufion  of  face ,  which  otherwife  mufl:  fall  upon  impenitent  fm- 
ners  at  the  Day  of  Judgement. 

What  arethofe  corruptions  then  ,  which  we  have  pared  away  from   the  Romijh 
(hrift?  Firft,that  they  have  tricked  it  up  in  the  Robes  of  a  Sacrament,obtruding  it  up- 
on the  World  as  abfolutely  necefTary  to  Salvation  ,  and  that  by  Divine  inititution, 
contrary  to  their  own  Schools.     Gratian  concludes  it  with  LeHoris  judicio  refervatWi 
It  is  referred  to  the  judgement  of  the  Reader,  and  cites  Theodore  Archbifhbp  of  Ca«- 
terbury  for  liis  opinion.     The  Glojjer  refers  the  original  to  an  univerfal  Tradition,   to 
whofe  opinion  5Mfw  inclines.     Bonaventure  faith,  that  it  was  infinuated  by  Chrilt,in- 
ftituted  by  the  Apofiles,  and  promulged  by  St.  James.     Fanormitane  makes  the  ori- 
ginal of  it  humane,  with  whom  fide  ?etrus  Oxonteiifis,  ErafntHS,  Khenanits  and  Lyra- 
ttHs,  that  in  times  part  it  was  not  fo  rigidly  obferved.     Secondly,  that  they  have  re- 
ftraincd  it  to  a  particular  and  plenary  enumeration  of  all  fins.  Who  can  tell  bow  nft  he 
offended\  ckanfethnt  me,  0  Lord,from  my  jeer  et  fanlts,  P/k/.  19. 12.     But  without  this, 
(ay  they,  the  Priefl cannot  give  true  judgement.     No  ?   Why  .?  Chrift faid  n<^f,  what 
fins  ye  remit,  but  whofe  fins,  giving  fhiscaution  to  the  Presbyters ,  to  attend  more 
to  the  contrition  and  capacity  of  their  confitents  ,  than  to  the  number  and  nature  of 
their  fins.     Thirdly,  they  make  it  to  be  meritorious  at  the  hands  of  God,  and  fatisfa- 
Sory  for  tins,  not  by  way  of  complacence  only  ,  but  even  in  Jufticc.     Thus  in  the 
Dodrinal  part. 

In  the  practice  there  are  corruptions  alfo,  which  deferveto  be  pared  awayithough 
this  Authour  cannot  fee  to  diftinguifh  betv/een  the  body  and  the  botches  >  between 
the  intHtution  and  the  corruptions:  As  that  they  do  firft  abfolvc  a  man  from  his  fins, 
and  then  bid  him  to  make  fatisfa(ftion,contrary  to  the  praftice  of  the  ancient  Church. 
Then  that  it  hath  been  ufed  as  a  picklock  to  open  the  fecrcts  of  States  and  Princes, 
Moft  certain  it  is,  that  many  have,  and  too  many  daily  doe  convert  it  to  their  own 
advantage,  Scire  volunt  fecreta  domus,  at(]He  inde  timeri.  Thirdly  ,  the  impofing  of 
fuch  ludibrious  penances,  as  bring  confelfion  it  felf  into  contempt ;  as  a  few  Pater 
mfters  for  murther,  or  adulteryi  Old  Chaucer  will  tell  you  the  reafon,  He  l{>iert>  horp  to 
impofe  an  eafre  penance,  where  be  looked  for  a  good  pittance.  Thefe  are  the  corruptions 
wecondemn  in  the  ConfefTorsjthere  are  others  alfo  in  the  confttents,who  have  many 
of  them  reduced  confeffion  toa  cultomary  formality  ,  as  if  it  wfre  but  to  conclude 
an  old  fcore,  and  begin  a  new.  Let  them  purge  away  thefe  abufes  of  their  fhrift, 
which  they  kave  added,  making  it  Sacrannental,  plenary,  particular,  {atisfaclory,  in- 
forced  under    pain  of  Damnation  ,  by  virtue  of  Chfifls  inftitution,-     I-.et  them  ceafc 

to 


c  Ft'OtcPdiJts   Or  dinar  ion  defended  TO  VIE  IV, 

to  diloidcr  if,  to  proltitute  it,  to  prophane  it,  and  the  protcltants,  and  they  will  have 
LlTc  caiife  to' differ    about  tlic  bounds,  or  limitts  ofPricftly   power. 

His  fifth  objcdlion  follows  in  the  1 1.  and  1 2.  Sedions,thus.  Jf  they  rcill  r.eeds 
tiJiirP  tht  iuii/e  of  Priijh  let  them  tellme  in  nhat  order  they  ran^thtmfelvcs^  in  the  order 
(/Aaron,  or  cf  Mclchifcdeck,  Ihey  cannot  reckon  thrmjtlves  in  the  order ^ 
cf  hixonbccaujethey  do  not  offer  bloody  jjcrifices^mmh  lefs  in  the  order  fl/Mclchircdeck' 
hecjuje  thiy  do  not  oftr  bread  and  rfine  ;  yet  the  fathers  ttjlifie  ,  that  the  ?rei\ihond  of 
Melchifedeck  doth  jiilljiorifh  in  /k  CWc/;,  Therefore  faith  5.  N.  1  know  mt  in  what 
rankjo  place  themfeeing  they  renounce  both  thefe  orders,  unlefs  it  he  in  the  order  n/Afinius 
the  vahtntary  fenator  rcho  was  made  by  himjelffcr  in  the  order  e/Don  Qa'\xot,Knighted 
in  an  Inne  hy  the  good  feUovc  hit  hojhor  at  the  mojl  they  are  bulParliament  Priejis  ordeinedby  ' 
the  new  dcvifedform  of  that  temporal  Court,  and  authorifed  by  the  letters  patents,  firjl  (fa 
child  and  then  of  a  woman. 

Firil  I  anfwer  to  his  fcurrilous  inference.  BleJJedit  the  man  which  hath  not  fate  down 
in  thechaireofthefcorner  Pfal:  i:  i.  Sofaid  Vanid^i^wd.  the  Son  of  Vavid.Math  5,  n) 
Blejfedare  ye  when  men  revile  you  and  fpeak^all  maner  ofevilfalfely  againji  you  for  my 
yj/;f,Rcjoyce  and  be  exceeding  glad  for  great  is  your  reward  in  heaven  .  Doth  S.  N.  think 
Jic  mufl  not  one  day  give  account  to  ChriA  for  thefe  unfavory  fcoffes  ,  efpecially  a- 
againrt  whole  Chri(lianChurches,which  defireto  ferve  God  acccording  to  the  be/lof 
their  nndcrftanding,  or  doth  he  think,  that  this  isthc  way  to  gain  upon  the  pro- 
teftants .?  The  mind  of  man  is  generous  ,  which  as  it  cannot  chufc  but  give  a/Tent 
to  evident  demonflration.  (  neceffeeft  ut  lancem  in  libra  pimderibus  impofitis  deprimi , 
fjcanimum  perfpicuis  eedere.  So  it  is  the  more  alienated  by  fuch  bitter  and  biting 
expreflions. 

Secondly,!  retort  his  Vilemma  upon  himfelf  thus,IftheRp»j#priefts  be  truepriefts, 
then  they  are  either  of  the  order  ofJaronot  of  the  order  oi  Melchifedeck.  This  is  his 
own  difjunftlon,  whichhe  may  not  denic.  But  I  airume,they  are  not  of  the  order  of 
^aron,  becaufe  they  do  not  offer  bloody  facrifice,  as  is  confcfTed,  neither  are  they  of 
the  order  o(  Melchifedeck^  for  Chrift  was  of  the  order  oi  Melchifedeck.-,  and  if  they  be  of 
the  fame  order,  they  (hould  be  the  fuccclTours  of  €hrift  in  his  Priefihood,But  by  the 
confer  t  of  all  Aoman  fchooles,  they  arc  not  the  fucccflburs  of  Chrift,  but  hisMini- 
ftcrs,  Again,  the  law  being  tranflatcd,  the  priefthood  muft  of  recellity  be  tranflated 
alfo,  but  the  law  is  tranflated,  from  the  law  of  nature,  and  frcm  the  law  ofMofes, 
to  the  law  of  grace  ■-,  therefore  the  prieflhood  is  tranflated  alfo,and  by  neceflary  con- 
ftquence,  the  Koman  prielts  are  neither  of  the  order  o(  Aaron  ,  ror  of  the  order  of 
Melchifedeck,,  1  leave  the  conclufion  to  S.  N.  whether  he  will  fliake  hands  with 
Afinius,  and  Von  ^uixot,  yea,or  no. 

Thirdly,  to  the  matter  of  his  argument  I  anfwer,  that  the  two  homes  of  his 
dilemma  are  neither  (b  fliarp.nor  fo  clofe,  but  that  the  Proteffants  may  finde  a  ready 
and  a  fafepaflagc  between  them  that  is,  there  is  a  third  Kind  of  prieflhood,  or  preP- 
byterate,  difHnd  from  both  thefe,  which  was  firft  infti?utcd  by  Jefus  Chrift,and  had 
no  bemg  in  the  daies  either  of  ^artw  or  Melchifcdeck^iv'm^  another  matter  and  form 
and  all  the  effentials  different.  Thjs  is  that  order,  which  the  Proteflants  do  lay 
claim  to,  and  fo  do  the  Komanifts  alfo ,  whatfoevcr  S.  N.  difcourfe  to  the 
contrary,  So  little  weight  is  there  inhis  argument,  that  it  fcarcedeferves  ^n 
anfwer. 

Fourthly,  when  the  Fathers  or  any  of  them  do  fay  ,  that  the  prciflhood  of 
Melchifedeck^,  doth  flil!  flourifli  in  the  Chuich,  either  they  (peak  of  theheavenlypreiff- 
hood  of  Chrid  ,  who  isindeed  a  prieft  for  ever  after  the  order  cf  MelchiOdeck,  aixi 
not  of  the  prieflhood  of  menior  els  they  fpcak  according  to  a  cerfain'analogy,3nd  pro- 
portion between  the  one  and  the  other  ,  in  refpcd  oflome  things  common  to  both, 
and  rot  as  if  they  were  thefame. 

Laflly  ,  S.  N.  might  well  have  fpared  his  farcafms  of  a  Child  and  a  woman. 
By- the  law  oflnglandrhc  King  ncverdics  ,  never  is  a  Mnwr  i  the  regal  diadem  pur- 
geth  away  all  defers  cf  (i  x  and  age.  Let  him  carp  at  the  s&s  of  Jehc^fh  alfo  be- 
caufe he  was  a  child.  As  for  his  parliament  priciis,  and  whether  the  parliomerf  bf;  a 
temporal  court  ,will  ccmcmorc  fitly  tobe  anlwered  in  the  rtxt  Scdfion. 

The  authour  having  fpent  all  hisflore  vhich  he  hadcnt  r  f  the  fcrijrtures,   coun- 
cils 


Discourse  VII.  againfi  the  ohjeSiion  ofS^  H 


cils,  and  Fathers,  and  right  rcafon,  in  thefixth  place  goes  about  to  convince  usbyour 
own  Adts  of  Parliament,  bythe  Letters  patents  of  our  Princes,  and  by  the  Teftimony 
ot our  Writers.  His  next  Argument  is  contained  in  the  13.  14.  15.  1tf.17.and  18 
Sedions-,  No  fecular  Princes  or  temporal  Magijiratti,  either  apart  or  ajjembled  together  in 
ptiblick  Parliament,  have  authority  to  confer  Ecclefraliica  I  Orders.  But  the  Order  oiMinijhy 
whichour  Cojpellers  challenge,  was  both  inKing  Edward'/  and ^cen  ElizabethVaWj- 
wholly  devifcd,  and  primarily  conferred  by  their  Jecular  and  temporalauthrity.  His  former 
propofition  he  proves,but  fonoendi  for  we  readily  admit  it,  that  no  fecular  perfons 
can  confer  Ecclefiaaical  Orders,  how  belabours  to  prove  his  latter  propofition,  we 
Ihall  fee  prefently.     In  the  mean  time. 

Be  it  known  unto  S.  N.  that  we  do  not  afcribc  unto  our  Parliament  any  authori- 
tative or  operative  power,  to  make  thcmpriefis,  who  wanttheEffentialsof  prieft- 
hood  •,  but  a  declarative  or  receptive  power,  to  receive  fuch  for  true  priefts,  whoare 
ordained  according   to  the  inliitution  of  Chrift.     Neither  yet  is  our  Parliament  a 
meer  temporal  Court  wherein  ourBifliopshad  their  Votes,our  Clergy  their  ProtSors, 
But  of  this  more  anon-     If  the  Ordination  be  valid  in  it  felf,having  a  right  Minifter, 
a  due  matter,  and  a  true  Form,  all  the  Parliaments  and  Councils  in  the  World,all  the 
Edidfs  of  Princes,  cannot  render  if  abfolutcly  invalid.     On  the  other  fide,  if  the  Or- 
dination be  invalid  in  it  fclf,  and  want  any  of  the  Effentials  of  Ordination  ,  all  the 
Canons  and  Afts,  or  Edicts,  of  all  the  Princes,  or  Parliaments,  and  Councils,  in  the 
World  cannot  make  it  valid.     So  as  whatfoevcr  he  (hall  alledgc  in  this  kind  ,  may 
perhaps  have  fome  pretence  againft  the  A&i  or  Letters  patents,  but  cannot  impeach 
or  prejudice  the  Ordination:  our  Form  of  Ordination  is  extant,  and  publiflied  to  the 
view  of  the  World  in  prints  if  he  have  anything  to  fay  againft  it ,  let  him  fpeak  out, 
we  defire  no  favour,  orotherwife,  he  doth  but  fhew  his  teeth  without  hurting  us. 
When  that  which  he  would  impugne  isexpofed  to  his  view,  why  doth  he  not  bend 
hisforces  againft  it,  but  enquire  after  it  of  others,  to  try  if  he  can  pick  any  advantage 
out  of  their  words,  to  make  the  World  believe,  it  is  that,  which  in  truth  it  is  not.  Ei- 
ther our  Form  of  Ordination  agrees  with  the  Inftitution  of  Chrift,  or  notiifit  do  not 
agree,  let  S.N.fhcw  wherein  it  is  repugnant  or  defedive:  Ifit  do  agree,  as  moft  cer- 
tainly it  doth,  otherwile  the  primitive  Church,and  the  Church  ofGreece  to  this  day, 
hath  \:o  right  Ordination,  then  all  which  he  alledgeth  is  vain,  and  all  that  he  faith  is; 
reduced  to  this  fumme,  that  our  Synods  have  dcvifed,our  Parliaments  have  received, 
ourKingshave  authorized  within  their  Rejlmsi  fuch  a  Form  of  Ordination,  as  isa- 
greeable  to  the  Inftitution  of  Chrift.     But  that  he  may  not  complain  that  he  is  cut 
off  toofliort,  and  to  vindicate  not  our  holy  Orders,  which  ftand  or  fall  according  to 
Chrifts  Inftitution,  and  are  not  concerned  in  thefe  Allegations,  but  our  Kings,  and 
Parliaments,  from  his  afperfions;  let  us  hear  what  he  can  fay  ;  and  if  we  had  the  Sta- 
tutes, Patents,  and  Difpenfations  themfelves,  which  inthis  ilrangc  place  we  want,  it 
would  appear  more  manifeft!y,that  they  are  wrefted  to  a  quite  different  fenfe  to  that 
which  they  intended.     But  taking  them  upon  truft  from  S.  N.  they  are  fo  far  from 
bcing,asheftileth  them,  unanfwerable  Teftimonies,  that  they^arc  altogether  imper- 
tinent to  the  Qucftion. 

Firft,  he  produceth  a  Statute  made  prima  Edn>.irJi  6.  that  Archbijhops  and  Bijhops 
Jhouldfend  out  their  procejjes  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  not  in  their  own  names,  giving 
thisreafon,  that  all  authority  of  Jurifdtdionfpiritital  and  temporal,  is  derived  from  the 
Kings  Majejiy,  affupreme  Headoftbe  Church  of  England,  &c. 

Great  palaces  will  never  want  their  moths,  nor  great  perfons  their  parafites,^  who 
are  ready  to  flatter  greatnefs,  to  blow  the  coals  of  ambition,  and  to  adorn  their  Ma- 
fters,  like  Mjop's  Daw,  with  ftollenplumesifuchas  the  Canonifts  were  to  the  Popes. 
It  would  better  become  S.  N.  and  me,  to  give  unto  C^ar  that  which  is  Cxjars ,  *nd 
unto  God  that  which  is  Gods.  I  have  never  feen  any  fuch  Statute,3nd  if  there  were 
this  is  moft  certain,  it  was  either  prefently  abrogated,  or  never  executed^  for  the  uni- 
verfal  pradice  of  all  the  Ecclefiafcical  Courts  in  England  is  contrary,  and  did  ever  ufe 
to  fend  out  their  citations  in  the  Bifhops  name.  But  yet  I  will  conceal  nothing  that 
may  conduce  to  the  finding  out  the  truth-,  I  confefs,!  have  feen  a  Commilljon  bear- 
ing date  in  the  dayes  of  Ht'^Jry  the  8.  wherein  fuch  a  likeclaufe  was  infertedfor  the  de- 
rivation of  all  the  Authority  ofEcclefiaftical  Jurifdiftion  from  him.     And  therefore 

D  d  d  d  d  d  fup- 


999 


looo  FrotefidfUs  Ordination  defended  TOM  E  I\  « 

fuppofing,  that  there  inigntbcToiTie  Inch  repealed  Statute  ,  let  us  lee  what  might  be 
the  fcnlc  of  it,  and  how  impertinent  it  is  to  this  purpofe.     But 

Firft  by  his  leave,  1  mukadmonifli  him  again  ot'his  miftakc,  in  reputing  the  Par- 
liamcr.ts  ^ England  w  be  mecre  tompoial  Courts,  and  Conventior.s  onely  of  fccular 
nr.n  wherein  our  Biftiopscver  had  their  Votes, even  until  thefe  prefent  dil\radionsin 
the  Houle  of  Peers.  And  the  inferiour  Clergy  ,  their  Proftcrs  in  the  Houfc  of  Com- 
mons, until  Cardinal  JFooIfey,  out  of  an  ovtr  weening  (train  of  wit,  contrived  and  ef- 
tlded  a  difiindion  of  that  mixed  Body,  into  two  Aflcmblies  ■,  the  one  Secular  ,  tiic 
other  Ecclefialiical,  which  latter  is  called  the  Convocation  or  Synod  ,•  which.fits  al- 
waycs  at  the  fame  time  %vith  the  Parliament,  where  that  is  hrft  conclnitd  concerning 
Jlcligion, which  after  is  received  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  ratified  by  the  King, 
with  the  confentofthe  Lords.  1  add  morc,that  by  the  fundamental conliitution of 
the  Kinfdom  oiEnglJfid,  the  Parliament  which  then  was  called  the  Great  Cc2<HC)7,the 
M/ci</f  Spod,  the  Senate  of  Wife  wew,  did  evermore  confirt  both  ot  Secular  and  Ecclefi- 
afticalpcrfons ,  who  conjointly  did  manage  all  the  great  affairs  both  of  Church  and 
Commonwealth.  Let  S.  N.  ca(l  his  eyes  upon  the  old  Bn>a?z«rc^and  Saxon  Coun. 
cilsor  Parliaments,  publiflied  not  long  fince  by  Sir  Henry  Spelman^znd  he  fhall  fee  this 
clearly  verified.  He  (hall  find  the  Nobles  together  with  the  BiOiops,  making  Laws 
and  conltitutions  for  the  Church,  and  fubfcribing  them  ,  Ego  Vttx  fubjcri[fi^  Ego  Co' 
nics  Jubfcrijfi.  Hcfliail  find  thefe  Ads  of  theirs  ratified  by  the  King  ,  and  publifhed 
in  his  name,  by  his  authority,  as  his  Laws.  The  very  like  cufiome  we  find  in  France, 
and  ether  Kingdoms,  in  the  dayes  of  Charles  the  Great.  It  is  true,  that  the  fuccced- 
ing  Popes,  upon  pretence  of  fome  later  Canons,  did  watch  all  opportunities ,  when 
they  found  weak  or  imbroiled  Princes ,  to  crop  the  peculiar  Flowers  of  tfie  Crown, 
as  Patronage  and  Inveftitures,  which  was  the  caufe  of  much  bloodfhed  inEngland,hj 
inciting  the  fubjeds  under  the  Mask  of  Religion  againft  their  Soveraign  :  but  for  the 
fupreme  Judicature  of  Parliament  in  allcaufes,  and  the  legiflative  power  inall  affairs 
Ecclefiaftical,  as  well  as  Civil,  which  concerned  the  whole  Kingdom  jointly  with  the 
King,  it  had  been  folly  to  attempt  upon  it. 

Secondly,  for  the  matter  of  his  allegation,  I  antwer,  that  there  is  a  double  power 
Ecclefiallicaj,  of  Order  and  ofjurifdiftion  v  which  two  arefo  different  the  one  from 
the  other, as  thcmfelves  both  teach  and  pradtife,  that  there  maybe  trueOrders,with- 
out  any  Ecclefiallical  Jurifdidion,  and  an  aftaal  Jurifdidion,  without  holy  Orders. 
Judge  then  how  much  this  Authour  fails  in  his  performance.  He  undertakes  to 
prove,  that  our  holy  Orders  were  devifed,  and  conferred  by  Lay-men.  But  he  leaves 
theOrdcts  in  the' plain  Fields,  to  bufie  himfelf  about  the  power  of  Jurifdidion,which 
is  nothing  to  his  Queftion.  This  is  a  feconddefcdin  his  Argumeur.  He  concludes 
not  contradidtnrily. 

Thirdly,  the  Rcnianijls  themfelvcs  do  alfo  diftinguifh  between  anhabitual  ]urifdi- 
dion,  which  is  conferred  at  the  time  ofOrdinationiandan  adual  Jurifdidion  ,  or  a 
right  to'cxercife  this  habit, by  the  application  of  the  matter  or  fubjed.  In  the  lat- 
ter, the  Lay  patron,  and  much  more  th'e  Prince  and  the  Commonwealth,  have  their 
refpedive  interells  and  concurrence,  Diocefesand  parifhes  were  not  of  Divine  infti* 
tution.  And  the  fame  perfons  were  born  fubjeds, before  they  were  made  Chriflians; 
cfpecially  this  reafon  hath  place  in  England^  where  the  Jurifdidion  Ecclefiaftical  is 
enlarged  and  fortified  by  the  King  ,  vvith  a  coercive  power.  It  is  not  then  habitual 
Jurifdidion  which  is  conferred  by  OrdinatioiD,nor  yet  adual  Jurifdidion  in  the  court 
ofconfcicncc,  nor  the  power  of  the  Keys  ,  nor  any  part  orbranch  thereof,  which  is 
derived  from  the  Crown,  but  it  is  a  right  to  pradile  that  power  over  the  perfons  of 
the  Kings  fubjeds,  which  is  ufed  in  the  exteriour  or  contentious  court,  and  that/«i 
modo^z?,  itis  exercifed  in  England  ,  by  the  grace  and  indulgence  of  Chriftian  princes, 
and  by  the  Lavys  of  the  Realm  \  or  rather,  if  is  the  regiment  and  the  government  of 
that  power  which  is  vindicated  to  the  Crown,  to  fee  that  Clergy-men  doe  their  Du- 
ties in  their  places,  as  well  a?  all  other  the  Kings  fubjeds,  and  adminifter  right  JulHcc 
infuch  caufes  ,  astheLawsof  the  Land  have  fubmitted  to  their  cenfuresi  as  for  in- 
(lance  in  caufes  Teftamentary,  and  the  like.  This  the  Statute  calls  the  authority  ofju- 
rifdinion,thu  is,  the  coercive  and  compulfory  power  of  fummoning  the  Kings  Sub- 
jeds,  by  proceffes  in  thefe  cafes,  which  is  indeed  from  the  Crown,  and  the  regiment 


Dis  couRs  B  VII.  againft  the  Obje^ions  ofS.  N.  i  ooj 

orit,byapplyiug   or  fubaradting  the  matter,  th^s  farre  then  we  allow,  that  the" 
Kings  of  Englartd  neither  have  any  parr  of  the  power  of  the  keyes,  nor  can  derive 
the  fame  to  any  others ;  And  if  any  ParHament     Oiould  declare  the  Contrary  wc 
m;gl:t  well  exprcfe  our  obedience      in  fubmitting,  but    never    yield  our  affent  to 
believe  it. 

Fourthly  they,  the  Klrgs  of  England  arc  indeed  in  our  Laws  called,  The  fupreme 
heads  of  the  church  within  their  dominions.  But  how  >  not  fpiritual  heads,  nor  yet 
Eccleliaftical  heads;  foas  S.  N.  need  not  fcare  our  deriving^ur  orders  from  them", 
but  civil  heads  by  an  influence  of  coercive  ,  or  corroboratory  power,  by  applying  or 
fubftrading  the  matter,  by  regulating  the  exercife,  by  puniftiing  the  delinquencies 
of  Eccleliaftical  judges,  That  is  ,  as  much  as  to  fay,  as  fupreme  Governours  as 
Sauhs  called  The  head  of  the  tribes  of  I/w/,  yea,  of  the  Tribe  of  ImamonVft 
the  reft ,  the  high  prieft  himfelf  not  excepted  ■,  yet  neither  had  the  Kings^'of 
Ifrael  then,  nor  have  ours  now,  any  right  to  exercife  themfelves  any  part  of  the  pricft- 
ly  fundion. 

S.  N.  proceeds  thus  yo»  have  heard  before  how  by  the  Kings  letters  Vatents  Arch- 
Bijhopf  and  Bijheprickj  were  conferred.  Truci  and  fo  they  did,  when  popery  was  at 
the  higheft,  initsZfwif/.'i  and  notoncly  couferrcd  them,  which  they  might  do  juftly 
but  fomtimes  unjuftly  dcteincd  the  Bifhopricks  in  their  hands  for  many  yearcs  to-' 
gether,  until  the  King  was  pleafed  to  ilTue  out  his  writ  o(  Manum  amovars  to  the 
Sheriif;  what  of  all  this:  the  Benefices  were  confcrrd  by  the  Kingletters  patents.but 
the  offices  were  conferred  by  ihe  ordination  of  Bifhops.  It  is  not  the  benerice,butthc 
office  which  is  now   in  queftion. 

In  the  third  place  S.  N.  urgeth  out  of  Mr.  Fox.  That  Henry  the  8.  inpartedto  the  Lord 
Cromwel  the  exercife  of  this  fttpreme  fpiritual  Regiment  ,  makjng  him  hU  vicege- 
rent for  and  concerning  all  this  jurifdiSio'n  Ecckfiaftical.  It  appearcs  then,  that  the 
fupreme  government  of  the  Crown  in  caufe  Ecclcfiaftical  wasnotfirft  aflumedby 
the  proteftants  i  feeing  this  A  uthour  provcth,that  it  was  pracfifed  by  Henry  ihe  S.  who 
perfecutcd  the  proteftants  for  their  confciencc,  and  continued  a  Roman  Catholick 
unto  his  dying  day.  And  what  he  did  ,  was  appro\'ed  and  maintained  by  the 
Roman  Catholick  Bifliops  ofthofe  daies.  Yea,  even  by  thofe  who  were  the  moft  bit- 
ter enemies  to  the  Proteftants,  and  the  greateft  Zealots,  I  hadalmoft  faid  ,  Bigots 
of  the  KoOTa«  Church,  as  appcareth  by  their  afts,  their  fubkriptions,  their  Bookes 
written  in  defence  of  this  fuprcmacy,  of  Princely  Regiment,  as  particularly  that  of 
Stephen  Gardiner  Bifhop  oiWinchefier^de  vera  ohediemia.  It  may  well  be,  that  the 
Lord  Cromveell  was  made  fupreme  delegate  or  Commiffioner  by  Henry  the  8.  or  per- 
haps inverted  with  a  power  to  name  delegates  ,  as  the  Lord  Chancellour  now  doth. 
And  that  the  prince  did  confide  principally  in  him  for  the  prudential  part,  or  the 
managery  thereof.  But  the  Kings  of  England  ucvqt  grant  Commillions  of  that  na- 
ture to  one  fingle  lay- man  ,  how  deare  Ibcver  he  be  ,  but  conjoynly  to  him,  with 
others  of  maturity  of  ludgement,  of  dexterity  and  fkill  in  the  lawes,  and  alfo  quali- 
fied by  their  callings  to  ad  by  excommunication,  or  abfolution,  according  to  the 
exigence  of  the  matter.  In  breife  Henry  the  S.  did  not /w^<»r»  holy  Ordcrs,nor 
habitual  jurifdidion,  but  conftituted  delegates  by  his  Commimon,  to  hear  Appeales, 
to  fee  juftice  adminftred,  as  all  his  predecefforshad  done  before  him.  This  neither, 
concernes  us  nor  the  matter  in    hand. 

S.  N.  addes  J«  the  fir(l  nf^een  Elizabeth  raign,  ajiatute  was  enaSed^  whereby  all 
fpiritual  or  Ecclefiaflical  power  or  authority  is  untied  and  annexed  to  the  Imperial  Crown  of 
the  Realm,and  all  forrei'ie  ufurped  power  jurifdiUion  and preheminence  clearly  extinguijhed, 
gnd  by  (olemn  oath  renounced  info  much  as  doSor  Whitgif  placed  in  the  ®KfeM  the  ful- 
tiefcf  all  Ecekfiaftical  goverment,  from  whom  all  Eccltfiaflical  power  is  derived  to  Bipops, 
And  that  (he  exercifeth  ho-  Church  govermiut  by  Archhifliop^  as  Jfje  doth  htr  ttmporal  by 
theLordChancellor-,  which  power  Jaith  he,wjs  never  heard  of  before  in an)Chri\}ianJ}eathen 
or  Turkifh  Commonwealth.  MS.  N.  have  cited  his  other  Teftimonics  with  the  fame 
faith  that  he  doth  this,  It  is  tobe  wifhed  that  his  readers  he  rot  over  credulous, 
but  obferve  that  old  rule  which  TK/l_y  calls  the  nerves  andfnewesofwijdom.  Remem- 
ber to  diftrulU  for  neither  this  ftatute,  nor  any  other  in  Em^/jw^/  dorh  invert  the 
Ciown  with  any  new  power,  but  oncly  reeftablifluhat,  which  former  Kings  enjoy- 

Dddddd2  ed 


I0O2 


Proteftants  Ordination  defended^  TOME  IIII, 


ed  and  uhich  of  later  times  the  Court  of  Kotnt  had  ufuvpcd;  ror  yetdoih  it  meddle 
wi'th  the  power  of  the  keyes,   or  any    Branch  thereof,  nor  with  any  fubordinate  ju- 
rifdidion  at  home,  or  a  broad,  the  King  cannot  con'ecrate,  nor  oidain,  nor  do  any 
adtof  fpiiiti-ial    jurifdidion,   properly  fo called.     But  that  power   which  this  and 
other  llatLites  doe  vindicate  to  the  Crown,  is  a  fuprcmacy  or  foveraignciy  of  Regal 
power  in  the  King   of  E«g/jw^,  accoitJing  to  the  example  cf     his  prcdcce(rors,by 
ailU)meimmcmorial,  lodilpenfc  withthc '.ranfgreliion  cfthc  Laws  of  the  land,  to 
difpofe  of  the  greater  dignities  of  the  Church,  to  prohibit  the  proceedings  of  Eccltfi- 
alUcal  Courts,  in    ca(r    of   encroachment ,  to  receive    appealcs,  end  to  fcntcnce 
them  by  tit  delegates,  to  make  laws  Ecclefiaftical  with  the  advifc  of  his  Clergy,  and 
pieat  Councel »  and  to  do  all  things  necelTary  for  that  great  and  Architcctonical  end, 
ihefifeiyof    ihe  CcnimotiTvealtk     That  power  of  which  it  dcprivcih  the  Biflxp  of 
Kome  is  an  iifurped  power  to  difpofe      of  the  dignitcs  of  the  Church,  to  depofe  the 
King,  or  difpofe  ot  his  dominions,  to  exeicile  a  dci.minion  in  his  MajcftiesRealmes 
upon  his  fubjectsi     contrary  to  his  plcafure  by  Rowjm  Icgats.     And  whereas  S.  W. 
fancieth,thatthis  is  fuch  a  power  as  never  was  heard  of  in  any  Chrij}ianJi'urki([)J?eathen 
Conimnnnreahh,     he  is  much  millaken  :  under   the  law  of  nature,  the  fame  perfons 
were  both  Kings  and  Priefts  »  under  the  law  oihhjes  ,  Vavid  atid  Sohmm  ar.d  other 
Kings,  of  J/i-iJf/did  cxercife  the  fame  power  over   their  fubjccts,  in  the  like  manner 
did  the  primitive  Emperours,  yea  it  is  ufed  to  this  day  by  Koman  Catholick  princes> 
The  moft  ChriiUan  King  o( France  gives  Ecclefiaftical  preferments  without  his  leave 
obtained:  the  legates  of  the  Roman  Bifhpp  may  doe  nothing  in  Frame,  and  iii  his 
Parliaments  •,  he  makes  fanctions  forthe  affaires  of  the  Church,and  thisever  fincethe 
daies  o(Cbarlenhe  great.  The  Parliament  Rollcs,  the  Bifliops,  regifier?,the  records  of 
the  Kings  Bench  and  the  common  picas,  do  all  prove,  that  this  is  no  inrovationin 
England  ^(ot  the  Kinghim.felf,  for  the  judges  in  his  name,  to  interpofe  in  Ecclefiafti- 
call affaires.  Lallly  ,what  doctor  Whitgij  faith,  is  no  more  then  that  which  Stephen 
gardlner  Biihop  of  wincheftcr,  a  great   pcrfecutor  of  the      proteftants,   a  great 
fcrvant  of  the  See     ofRowe  faith  before  him>That  the  Commonwealth  is  like  a 
^rcat  family,  wherein   there  are  feveral  offices,  as  for  inftancc,  the   divine  ,  the  phy- 
litian  the  Schoolmafter,  every  one  of  which  is  principal,or  fupremc  in  his  own  way: 
but  yet,  that  the  mafter  of  the  family , that  is,  the  prince  hath  an  occcncmical  power 
paramount   above  them  all, to  fee  that  they  do  not  abufe  their  truft,  and  to  difpofe 
of  their  actions  for  the  publick  good. 

In  the  next  place  S.  N.  goes  about  to  prove  the  other  part  of  his  former  afTumption, 
thatowr  holy  Orders  were  wholly  devifed  by  timforal  authority,hecauJe  ihere  n>as  ana£i  of 
Tarliament      made,  3  Ednc,  6.  cap:  12.  that  fuch  form     of   ordination  or   confecratim of 
'Ecclefiaftick.  ferfons,  as  by  fx  prelates  and  fix  vtlnr  perfons  kjrned  in  Gods  Larv  (  ihatit 
divine i  and      civilians  )fhouldbe  devifed  and  puhliped  under  the  great  feal  cf  England 
Jhould  be  lawfully  exercifed  andno  other,  anyjiatute  law  or  ufage  to  the    contrary  notwith- 
(ianding,  and  by  another  jlattite  8.  Elizabeth    10.   Ihey  which  were  fo  ordained  were  de- 
clared confirmed  andenaUed  to  he    Archhichops,  Bijhops,    Friifts  rightly  made,  order ed  ^ 
and  confecrated,  any  tiatiite,    law,  canon^  or  othtr  thing,  to  the  contrary    noiwithftandtig, 
I  fliould  not  vouchfafethis  Argument  an  anfwer,  it  is  fo  weak  and  difjoint,But  that 
1  would  omitt  nothing.  Here  is  devifed  indecd,but  where  is  wholly  devifed^dcviCcd  for 
the  extcriour  manner  or  form,  in  language ,  ceremonies ,  circumllances  and  acciden- 
tMs,nat  devifed   forthe  effentialls,  or  for  the  fubflance:  devifed  according, not  con- 
trary to  the  inf\itution  of     Chrifl,  and  the  pradice  of  the  primitive  Church  with  a 
non  eHiante,or     notwithflanding    the  flatutcs.  Laws,  Canons,  or  cullomcs  of  the 
Rcalme,  or  any  other  thing,  thatis  the   Popes  bulks  or  the  like,  but  here  is  no  non  ob- 
jiante  to  the  law  of  God,  or  to  theinftitution  of  Jefus  Chrift.  fhallbe  lawfully  Exer- 
cifedand  no  nthir.  It  is  the  exercife  of  that  r)rm   whichis  authorifed,  ratherthan 
the  form  it  fclf;      or  the  form   onely  in  relation  to  the  ufCjto  take  away  all  doubts 
which  might  arife  about  it  in  the  law  of  the  land,  not  to  determine  any  Theological 
qucftions,  or  difputes,  or  to  alter  the  nature  of  it.     It  was  to  be  done  by  prelates  and 
other  perj  ns  learned     in  Gods  Law.     Here  was  no  intention  to  deviate  from  Gods 
Law.     Ifevery  form  of  Church  fervice  or  adminiftration  of  the  facraments,  or  or- 
dination which  receives  any  addition  or  alteration  in  praiers,  or  ritial  accidents,  or 

in 


D I  s cou RSE  VII  againji  the  objeSiioHs  of  S'N.  i  oo  5 


in  the  cifcumftances  of  time,  place,  perfons,  garments,  according  to  the  prefent  exi- 
gence, may  be  called  a  Form  rvholly  devijedby  men,  or  become  therefore  prefently  un- 
lawful, It  is  moft  cettain,  that  the  Roman  Liturgy,  MifTal ,  and  Ordination, have 
been  thus  devifcd,  over  and  over  again.  In  fumme,  the  Form  of  it  felf  is  extant,  to 
confute  thefe  devker,  agreeable  to  the  InHitution  of  Chril'r,  to  the  practice  of  the  Pri- 
mitive Church.  The  corroboratory  authority  and  confirmation  of  Parliament  doth 
not  render  thatunlavvfu'^  which  is  lawful  in  it  k\f.  But  againft  this,  the  Authour 
hath  fundry  Exceptions. 

One  is,  that  the  Statute  doth  not  onely  declare  them  ,  hut  enaU  them  to  he  Anhbilhops^ 
&c.  if  they  veere  validly  ordained  before^this  AU  availed  them  nothing  at  all.  The  An- 
fvver  is  eSiCie ^Redundans  non  vitiaf^zs  the  Law  faith;  a  redundant  or  fuperfluous  word 
may  ferve  to  take  away  a  nredlels  fcruple,  but  doth  not  vitiate  the  adt.  We  do  01% 
en  Hnd  the  word  Enading  in  a  Declarative  Statute,  but  never  find  the  word  Decla- 
ring in  a  Statute  which  is  merely  operative  ,  and  creates  a  new  Law.  Statutes  are 
not  alwayes  fo  clearly  penned  at  firft  ,  but  that  they  need  an  explanation  to  prevent 
quirks  and  evafions.  Concerning  this  Statute,  it  is  both  declarative  ,  to  (hew  that 
their  Ordination  was  valid  in  itfelAand  alfo  operative,  to  make  it  legal,  or  to  render 
the  legality  more  undoubted. 

His  fecond  exception  follows  next.  Su^pofe  their  infiailation  and  inauguration  ivas 
invalid,  either  the  Parliament  had  power  to  mak^  it  valid,  or  they  had  not  poiver-jf  they  had, 
then  there  needed  no  other  Ordination,  but  the  Royal  ajfent  oj  the  ^een,and  the  approbati- 
on of  her  Nobility:  If  they  had  not  power  to  do  it,  then  it  was  an  unjufi  aVt  of  ufurpation,and 
a  great  want  efwifedom  in  that  Honourable  Affembly  ,  te  mak^  a  Law  not  appertaining  to 
their  Office. 

I  anfwer  fitft,  that  the  Authouirftill  {"orgetteth  the  right  compofition  o^  the  Eng- 
li(h  Parliament,  which  befides  the  King  and  the  Nobility,comprehends  alfo  the  Cler- 
gy and  the  Commons.  Secondly,  he  confounds  infiailation  and  inauguration,which 
pertain  to  the  Benefice  with  Ordination,  which  refpecfts  the  Office.  Thirdly,  he  di- 
fpuKsexnonconceffit,  fuppofing  that  as  granted,  which  is  by  usabfolutely  deniedi  that 
is,  that  their  Orders  were  invalid,  and  fo  he  doth  but  beg  theQueftion.  Fourthly,  he 
concludes  not  contradidlorily.  We  grant  hisconclufion  ,  that  no  other  Ordination 
was  elTentially  requifite  to  the  validity  of  their  Orders,  and  that  the  Authority  of 
Parliament  was  fufficient  to  declare  or  render  them  Legal.  Laftly  ,  admitting  that 
the  Parliament  hath  not  powerto  make  thofe  Orders  valid  ,  which  were  cffentially 
invalid,  yet  being  eflentially  valid  ,  to  declare  or  make  them  valid  in  the  eye  of  the 
Law,  and  relatively,  to  the  E>igltflf  fubjedt,  was  noufurpationin  them,  but  a  juftand 
wife  ad,  pertaining  to  their  Office.  Suppofe  the  King  and  Parliament  fliall  natura- 
lize a  ftranger,they  donot  makehim  a  man.-  thathe  wasbeforei  but  they  make  him 
znEngli/h  man,  and  give  him  a  legal  capacity  to  purchafeand  inherit,  vv!iich  former- 
ly he  hadnot.  Or,  fuppofe  the  King  by  his  proclamation,  (hall  make  outlar.di(h 
Cf>yn,  as  Piftols,  Crowns,  Duckets,  currant  amongft  his  fubjecSs,  according  to  their 
true  value.  He  were  a  weak  Arguer,  who  (hould  conclude  from  thcnce,that  before 
that  Proclamation  they  were  counterfeit :  The  intrinfccal  value  was  the  fame  before, 
and  afferthe  Proclamation-,  but  it  gives  them  a  legal  value,  and  renders  them  cur- 
rent.    So  as  thenceforward,  no  fubjedlmay  refufe  them,  as  formerly  they  might. 

S.N.'s  third  reafon  to  prove  his  former  propo{ition  ,  that  our  Orders  weredevi- 
fed  and  conferred  wholly  by  temporal  authority,  is  drawn  from  the  Queens  difpenD* 
tions,  to  make  good  the  Confecrations  of  Dr.  Farker, :ind  other  Intruders  (fo  he  plea- 
fcrh  to  call  them^  ordained  in  the  fecond  and  third  of  her  Raign,  whereby /^e  difpen* 
fd  with  all  caufes  or  doubts  of  any  imperfeUion  or  difabilit'y,  that  could  or  mi^ht  beohjeiied 
in  any  rvife  az^ainji  the  fame  ;  but  no  man  can  difpenfe  with  the  dif abilities  of  holy  Orders , 
though  they  he  but  accidental, (ave  onely  fuch  as  have  authority  to  confer  them.  So  either 
her Miijejly  challenged  toherjelfinjurioufly  a  diff-etifative power,  which  no  Law  of  G>d  or 
manwould  afford  ber\  or  otherwife,fh:  was  tbe  chief  Gnllater  of  Orders. 

■  Firrt,  admitting  this  Allegation  to  be  true  upon  5.  N.'s  own  credits  yet  it  follows 
not,  bccaufe  the  (^een  difpenfed,  that  therefore  there  were  real  imperfcv^tions  in  their 
Confecrations.  Abundant  cautela  non  nocet.  Many  perfons  in  uuccrtain  times  ,  doe 
ake  out  pardons, or  difpenfations,  where  there  is  no  real  defcdl ,  ad  redimendairt  ve~ 

na-.i-. 


,  Qfj,^  ProteftafJtf    Ordination    defended  TOME  1 V^ 

xjiionem  to  prevent  future  troubIcr"Secondly,  there  is  a  great  difference  betwecnaij 

imperfedion  and  an  invalidity,  the  former  fuppofethan  incompkat  being,  the  latter 
areiies  a  mere  nullify.     So  likewifc  there  are  accidental  difabijitiet,  as  well  as  eflen- 
tial,  as  Bigamy,  Baffardy  ,  or  any  notable  deformity  of  the  Body.     There  are  legal 
difabilities  or  Canonical  difabilitics,  which  donotdcihoy  the  elTtnce,  butonely  hin- 
der the  cxcrcife  of  holy  Orders.     Thirdly,  5.  N.  fails  in  his  main  ground  alfo.     Many 
pcrfons  may,and  do  ordinarily  difpenfe  with  the  imperfedtionsof  holy  Orders,which 
have  no  authority  to  confer  holy  Orders.     Difpenfation  is  an  act  of  Jurifdiction,not 
of  Order    whereof  Lay-perlons  are  capable.     But  his  fourth  defect  is  yet  greater. 
Neither  they  who  have  power  to  confer  holy  Orders  ,  nor  any  perfon,  or  focictyof 
men,  or  Angclsi  neither  Prince,  nor  Pope,  nor  Parliament,  nor  Council,  have  power 
to  difpenfe  with  the  Efrentials  of  Chrifts  Inftitution  ,  or  to  give  a  non  cbjlante  to  his 
prefcription.     As  in  the  cafe  of  that  Jew^  who  was  baptifed  withfand  in  the  delcrt. 
TfieQueftion  is  not,  whether  his  dcfirc  of  Baptifm  might  be  accepted  by  God  for  Ba- 
ptifrr,  but  whether  any  difpenfation  under  Heaven  ,  could  make  this  a  valid  Sacra- 
ment.    AfTuredly  it  could  not ;  that  which  is  from  the  beginning  invalid  by  Divine 
Law,  cannot  be  made  valid  by  the  difpenfation  of  any  creature  in  Heaven  or  Earth. 
But  to  come  home  to  the  juftification  of  thefe  Royal  difpenfations,  it  belongs  ori- 
ginally to  the  fame  power  to  difpenfe  with  a  Law,  and  to  abrogate  a  Law.     A  La  w 
is  then  abrogated,  when  the  obligation  thereof  is  univerfally  taken  away,  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  Law  giver,  or  by  contrary  cuftome,  which  implies  aconfent:  A  Law  is 
thcndifpenfed  with  to  any  one,  when  the  Law  remaining  in  full  force,asto  the  com- 
munity, he  is  exempted  from  the  obligation  ,  or  pardoned  the  tranfgreilion  thereof 
by  the  immediate  grace  of  the  Lawgiver ,  or  by  power  derived  from  him.     From 
whence  it  appears  evidently,  that  no  man  hath  originally  a  difpenfative  power,  but 
he  or  they,  who  have  alfo  a  Legiflative  power.     And  therefore  ,  as  none  but  Chrift 
himfelf  can  abrogate  his  own  Inftitutionsfo  none  but  Chrift  himfelf  can  difpenfe  with 
his  own  Inftitutlon.     It  is  confefTed  ,  that  Circumftantials  and  Accid.entals  may  be 
changed,  as  the  time  of  the  day  for  the  celebration  of  theEucharift,  is  upon  good 
grounds  i  but  it  is  likewife  contclTed ,  that  thcfc  are-no  Effcrtial  parts  of  the  Inftitu- 
tion. 

Moreover,  they  who  have  power  to  make  Laws  or  Canons,  or  to  receive  and  au- 
thorifc  them  being  made  ("as  it  is  in  England  ,  where  the  Kingdom  challcngeth  a  re- 
ceptive or  negative  power,  not  to  be  ruled  by  any  Laws,  but  fuch  as  themklvcs  have 
confented  unto,  and  where  Ecclefiaftical  Canons  do  bind  onely  fo  far  ,  as  they  are  re- 
ceived by  law,  or  lawful  cuftome)  they  have  alfo  power  to  abrogate  thefe  laws, 
or  to  difpenfe  with  them  refpediively  to  their  fubjedfs-,  He  who  hath  power  to  bind 
hath  alfo  power  to  loofej  he  who  hath  power  with  the  advife  of  his  Biftiops  to  make 
laws  or  Canons  for  the  ordering  and  regulating  Ecclefiaftical  affayres  (  as  all  the 
Kings  o^England,  Britons,  Saxons^Nortnans ,('uccd\ive]Y  havehad^  He  hath  alfo  power 
to  difpenfe  with  the  obligation  which  is  induced  by  thofe  laws.  This  is  the  true 
ground  of  difpenfations  Royal.  So  when  the  Prince  difpenfeth  with  imperfeSions  or 
J//ijtj/im,  it  is  tobe  underliood  of  fuch  legal  imperfcdion  and  difpablities,as  have 
relation  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  in  no  wife  of  fuch  as  are  repugnant  to  the  Infti- 
tutlon of  Chrift,  as  when  the  King  pardons  a  thief,  or  a  manflayer ,  he  makes  him 
thereby  legally  juft  in  the  eye  ofthelaw,and  defpenfeth  with  all  legal  imperfcdtions  & 
difabilities.  But  his  pardon  extends  not  to  the  lin  againft  God,iior  to  the  guilt  con- 
trafted  thereby.  Wherefore  Mr.  Mij/ow'sanfwer  ,  that  the  Queen  difpenfed  with  the 
trefpaflcs  againft  her  own  Lawes,  is  no  dawbhig,  but  a  certain  truth, 

5.  N.  urgeth,  that  the  ^een  in  her  firji  Varliament ,  had  repealed  the  Laws  of  ^een 
Mary,  which  difannulled  that  new  form  of  Ordination  ,  avd  had  not  as  then  enaUed  any 
new  Lawes  of  her  own  ,  violable  or  difpenfable  in  that  kind.  What  will  he  conclude 
from  hence  >  perhaps  Queen  Mary's  Lawes  were  not  repealed  fo  fully  as  they  ought 
for  want  of  feme  exprellion  :  perhaps  King  Edward's  Form  was  not  fufficiently  rc- 
eftabliflied,  or  not  fo  clearly,  to  freeitfrom  all  fcruples:  perhaps  it  was  not  fo  punctu- 
ally penned  as  it  might  have  been  ,  to  meet  with  all  difficulties.  In  all  thcfe  cafes, 
there  was  ground  enough  for  a  difpenfation.  But  that  which  is  without  all  perad- 
vcnture,  is,  thatbefides  ihofe  repealed  Lawes  of  Queen  Mrfry,  there  were  the  Statute 

law 


DrscouRSE   VI?,  Ao^ainji      the      Obje&ion  of  SM,       ioo«; 

Laws  ot  a)l  her  predeccffors  , there  was  the  Common  law  or  cuitome  of  the  realm:  ^ 

all  thcfe  were  her  Majellies  Laws  ,  as  much  as  thofe  which  were  enafted  by  her 
fclf,  And  her  difpenfative  power  didextend  to  thefe,aswell  as  to  her  own.  He  that 
doubts  of  a  truth  fo  evident ,  ought  to  have  the  penallaws  duely  executed  upon 
him,  until  he  recant  his  errour.  '    . 

Mr.  Mafm  gives  another  anfwcr  ajfo,  that  the  Qaeen  difpenfed  not  in  eflential 
points  of  ordination, not  in  accidentals, bur  in  rubit3nce,but  in  circumllancesi  this  5. 
N.c^\lsdallyi'ig-,beczui'e,the  words  of  the  letters  Patents  are^inallcaufes  and  doubts  of  any 
impcrfeUion  ,  or  difahility  that  can  or  may  heobjeded  in  any  wife  againft  thefanif.andalfe 
becdufe  the  ftatute  oj%.  Elizabeth  ,  and  the  learned  laxves  of  the  Realm  do  witnefsthat 
the  doubts  rvere  not  about  accidental  ceremonies  ,  hut  about  the  very  fubjiance  or  validity 
of  their  ordination.  Whether  Mr.  Mafons  anfwer  be  a  dallying,  or  rather  5,  N's,  replie 
a  trifling,  let  the  impartial  Reader  judge.  The  letters  patents  fay  of  all  /mperfeSions 
or  dtfahthtyes.  True,  but  it  is  ever  intended  of  all  legal  imperfedions  and  difabilities, 
induced  by  the  law  of  the  land,  or  of  all  difpenfable  difabilities.  But  as  I  have  for- 
merly {hewed,  eflential  difabilities  do  admitt  nodifpenfation.  In  like  manner  neither 
the  llatute  of  8.  Elizabeth,  nor  the  Lawyers,  whom  he  mentions,  do  either  intend  or 
fo  much  as  intimate  any  eflential  invalidity  in  fefped  of  Chrifts  in(iitution,but  only 
■a  legall  invalidity  in  relation  to  the  Englifh  Laws,  what  have  the  common  lawyers 
to  doe  with  the  eflentialls  of  Chrifts  inftitution?  This  is  beyond  their  laft  and 
without  the  fphearc  of  their  Learning.  The  Common  Law  is  their  profeffion,  and 
the  rule  whereby  they  govern  themfelves. 

But  5.  N.  hangs  on  ftill  at  the  end  of  this  argument.  Ihe  poteftants  fay,  that  the 
tvifdome  of  their  Church  had  difcreetly  pared  axvay  all  fuperfittious  ceremmiesin  ordina- 
tion.lherefore  thereneeded  no  difpenfation  for  thefe,  &  it  is  not  to  be  thought  that  the^feu 
wottld  difpenfe  with  thofe,rt>hich  the  xvifdome  of  their  Churb  retaineth  as  good  and  lavpfull 
anfwer,tho(e  fuperftitious  ceremonies  where  more  properly  excefles,  than  defects  ra- 
ther over  then  (hort,but  yet, where  the  half  is  more  than  the  whole,as  it  is  in  aH  vir- 
tues, even  excefles  do  become  defeats.  But  thefs  itnperfedions  with  which  her  Ma- 
jeftie  doth  difpenfe,  were  legal  defe(Ss  of  another  nature »  either  for  wantofcleare 
cftabliftiment,  or  authorifation  in  law,  ora  due  profecutionof  the  law  eftabliftied. 
So  he  fhoots  his  Boltsboth  from  the  queftion,  and  from  the  right  (cop  of  the  di- 
fpenfation.  Jt  u  not  to  be  thought  faith  he  that  her  Majefty  would  difpenfe  with  thofe 
ceremonies  or  circnmj}anceT  which  the  protejiant  Church  reteined.  True,  not  with  the 
due  ufe  of  them.  But  what  if  fome  of  them  were  omitted,  what  if  the  form  of  or- 
dination was  not  duely  profecuted  in  all  accidentalls?  He  hath  need  tofue  out  a  dif- 
penfation  for  this  Argument,  if  it  would  corroborate  it.  /Irg  :  7. 

His  feventh  argument  followcs  in  the  17.  and  18.  fe(Siori?,  drawen  from  the  opi- 
nions of  our  Lawyers  in  the  point.  Jtappeares  by  an  article  of  ^uee»  Maries  made  with 
the      confent  of  the   Lords  fpirimal   and  Ttmporal^and  recited  by  Mr.  Fox  that  the 
Vrotejlantswere  not  ordered  in  very  deed.  If  it  be  onely  an  article,  what  need  the  con- 
fent, of  the  Lords  fpiritu3l&  Temporal.  If  it  be  an  ad  of  Parliament  what  need  the 
teftimony  ofMr.  Fox.  Alfa  doUor  Brookes  B#op  o/Glocefter  degraded  KlAh-^  cfhU 
preijihood  which  he  had  received  after  the  K'omsn  form, but  not  of  his  Epifcopacy  ,  which  he 
had  received  after  the   Trote^ants  forin:  becaufe  he  did  not  taJ^  him  to  be  a  Bifhopin  deed: 
moreover  the  opinion  of  the  judges  in  ^leen  Maries  dayes  was,  that  Edward  thefixths 
Bifhops  were  not  duely  confecrated,     and  therefor  were  no  Bifheps  And  for  that  caufe  their 
Leafes  did  not  bind  their  fucceffors.     Brooks  Novell  cafes placit  463.     And  to  corrobo- 
rate thefe  partial  allegations  .he  produceth  an  impertinent  tryal  without  head  or  foot, 
between  doCxor  Home  Bifhop  of  Winchefter,  and  Bijhop  "Bonnci:, whether  doctor  Home  wm 
Bifhop  at  ihe  time,  when  he  tendered  anoathto  Bonner,  and  the  tryal  was /neb ,  as  Bonner 
was  difcharged,  and  never  after  queflioned.  Bitt  it  was  prefently  after  ordeined  in  Parliament, 
that  allaCts  heretofore  done  by  any  perfon  about  the  confecration,confirm^lion,  or  invefting 
af  any  perfoneleUed  to  the  dignity  of  an   Archbifhop,orBilliophywritcfthe  §hiiens  letters 
Patents,  or  Commifxonfmce  the  begining  of  her  rjign,  (houldhe  adjudged  good: which  latees. 
had  been  fuperfMous  and  unbefeeming  the  dignity  of  that  place,  ifthefaid  BO^-'ops  had 
been  fuff.cienly  made    before.    Ef^ecially  feeing  it   U  provided  alfo    in  the  fiid  Tar- 
I'ment    ,  that    all     tenders      and  refufalls  of  the  faid  oath,  made    before    the  laji. 

da\ 


— 2  ■  Froteflants   Ordwanon.  defended  TOME  IV» 

diy  of  that  prefect  Sefion  ,  Jhould  be  adjudged  void.     Jf  their  former    ordmatmi  had 
betytmd     it  had  belonged  to  that  High  Court  to  have  tnaintaitted  ikm.     What  a  deal 
of  ulelcfs'  rubbidge  is  bcrc  heaped  together?  But  5.  N.  could  not  be  lilciit,  and 
heheld  it  much  calkr  to  (hoot  at  Rovers,than  to  level  at  the  Mark.     Firit  tor  Qiiccn 
Marys  Article,  fuppofe  it  to  have  been  an  Act  of  Parliament,  it  might  make  their  Or- 
dination illegal,  or  rclirain  ihcir  cxcrcifc  of  holy  Orders,  until  it  was  repealed  ,  and 
no  lonacri  but  it  could  never  annul!  or  invalidate  them.     Secondly  ,  Eifliop  Brookes 
and  Queen  A/jr/s  Judges, a Popifli  Bi(hopand  Poplfli  Judges,  are  no  competent  .wit- 
ncfles  to  give  evidence  concerning  the  Orders  of  Proteiiant?.     They  who  made  no 
fcrupfe  to  flied  their  blood,  andfacrifice  their  bodies  in  the  Fire,  would  not  be  more 
tender  of  their  Orders ,  than  of  their  perfons.     If  one  of  us  fliould  urge  my  Lord 
Cooj^'^  Reports,  or  a  late  Statute  of  the  Parliament  ,  or  fomc  Sentence  in  the  High 
Commiflion,  or  a  determination  in  either  of  our  Univcrfities  againft  them,  in  a  point 
of  Controverfie  agitated  between  us, for  an  authentick  proof,  how  would  S.N.tnzkc 
himfelf  merry  with  it;  yet  we  might  do  the  one,  as  well  as  he  doth  the  other.    It  may 
be,  BiOiop  Kidley  wasfilent ,  when  he  knew  hisfpecch  would  neithcravail  him,  nor 
his  caufe  ;  But  if  he  had  had  your  Bifliop  ofGlocefler  at  a  Free  Difputation   in  the 
Schools,  he  would  have  taught  him  another  Lcflbn.     The  truth  is,  ,the  poor  Judges 
are  wronged,  for  they  neither  medled  with  any  controverfie  in  Religion,  nor  had  ci- 
ther intention  or  skill  ,  to  determine  any  thing  about  the  Effentials  of  Ordinationi 
they  medled  oncly  with  Law  cafes ,  and  kept  themfelves  within  the  bounds  of  their 
own  profelhon.     It  were  tobc  withed,  S.  N.  would  keep  himfelf  lialf  as  well  to  the 
queftion  :  then  he  would  not  thus  walk  his  time,  nor  weary  his  Fvcader  with  Procefles 
in  Law,  to  prove  Theological  problems.     It  feems  he  conceives  not  only  the  Judg- 
es of  the  CommonLaw  ,  but  12.  honeft  Jurors  oi' Surry  to  be  competent  Judges  of 
Chrifls.Inftitutiom  when  all  E«g/i/&  men  know,  that  Jurors  are  onely  Judges  of  mat- 
terof  F"ad,  not  of  the  Law  of  the  Land,  much  lefs  of  the  Law  of  God.     But  it  ishis 
hap  to  fail  in  thisalfoi  for  he  neither  fpccifies  what  their  verdi<ft  was,whether  forthc 
Plaintiff,  or  for  the  Defendant,  orfpecial  j  nor  upon  what  grounds  it  was,  whether 
upon  the  principal  ifTue,  or  upon  fome  by-matterjnor  yet  whether  there  was  a  verdid 
given.  Once,  thisis  certain, that  it  did  no  way  concern  this  quefiion,  nor  the  EfTenti- 
uls  of  Ordination.     Admit  the  former  tenders  of  the  Oath  were  made  void,  perhaps 
a  fhortcr  and  a  furer  way  was  provided  in  Parliament.     Admit  fqrmer  Afts,  con- 
cerning Confecrations ,  were  made  good  ,  that  was  onely  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  of 
England,  not  ofGod ;  to  clear  fome  Inferiour  doubts,not  to  difpenfe  with  the  original 
Inftitution.     Are  humane  Lawsprefently  fuperfluous,fo  often  as  they  do  not  irritate 
or  abrogate  Divine  Laws.     It  well  became  that  High  Court  to  be  their  ownExpo- 
fitors  to  explicate  what  was  doubtful, to  fupply  \\hat  was  defective.     But  it  neithes 
bcfeemed  them,  nor  was  it  in  their  power,  to  confirm  thofe  Orders,  which  were  e(« 
fentially  invalid.     This  had  been  to  rebcll  againft  the  Supreme  Lawgiver.     Ifthcfe 
be  S.  W.'s  clear  proofs,  his  forcible  and  convincing  arguments,  he  had  need  to  meet  with 
very  cafieand  implicit  Readers. 
^^g'  8-  ^    His  Eighth  Argument  is  taken  merely  from  matter  of  Fad:,  Sc&.  19.     JfProtefiant 

Superintendents  had  undoubted  Ordination  ,  why  did  their  Minijhrs  Jeekto  Anthony 
Kitchine  Bijhop  o/Landaffe,  who  pretended  himfelf  to  he  blnid-,  and  to  the  Irifli  Bifl^op  in 
the  lower  for  Confecration,  and  upon  their  refufal,  to  lay  hands  upon  ih(m,  ^hy  did  they 
ordain  one  another  at  the  Naggs  head  i«Cheapfide,  in  fuch  ridiculouf  manner,  as  they  are 
new  ajhamed  of  it. 

Nay  rather,  why  did  this  Authour  take  that  for  a  certain  confefTed  ground,  which 
all  Protcftants  do  both  deny  and  deteft  ,  as  an  impudent  fiftion  :  The  firlt  devifer 
whereof  was  aman  of  a  leaden  heart,anda  brafcn  fbrehead,betteracquaintcditfcciTis 
in  thcKitchin  ,  than  in  the  Schools.  This  flory  was  not  aded  at  the  fign  of  the 
Naggs  head  in  Cheapfide  ■■,  But  this  Fable  was  forged  at  the  fign  of  the  W  hetftone  in 
Popes  Alley.  Who  would  aflirm  fuch  a  brainlefscalumny  upon  his  bare  word,  with- 
out fo  much  as  a  Drawer  or  a  Vintner's  Bey  to  avouch  it  >  The  TFelJh  and  Irijh  Bi- 
Ihopsare  brought  in,  onelyto  ferve  the  Scene,  to  give  a  little  relifhro  this  incredible 
relation,  and  not  altogether  to  difguft  the  palate  of  the  Reader  ■■>  otherwife,  the  Bi- 
ftioj)  oiLandaffe,  or  the  mcancft  Bifl\np  in  Ireland,  have  as  much  power  to  ordain,  as 

the 


Discourse  V!I Againji     the     ObjeSJious  of  S.  N.        J007 

the  great  Bilhop  olRome.     If  there  had.been  any  fuch  Canonical  paffage  as  thi'sVt 

ed  at  the  Naggshead,  by  fomemadmen,  iiotMinilkrs  ,  what  doth  thi5  concern  us  > 
But  to  difpel  umbrages,  a  deceitful  nnan  is  converfant  in  generalities.  Let  him  name 
the  perfons,  and  if  they  were  Minifkrs  of  the  Church  oi  England,  we  will  (hew  him 
the  day,  the  place,  the  perfons,  when,  and  where,  and  by  whom  ,  and  before  what 
publick  Notary,  orfworn  officer  they  were  ordained  ,  and  this  not  by  uncertain  ru- 
mours, but  by  the  acts  and  inllrumentsthemfelv:..  Let  the  Reader  choofe  whether 
he  will  give  credit  to  a  fworn  officer,  or  to  a  profcfled  adverfary,  to  eye-wifneffcs  or 
to  malicious  reporters  upon  hear- fay ,  to  that  which  is  done  publickly  inthefaceof 
the  Church,  or  to  that  which  isfaid  rohave  been  aded  privately  in  thebacliroomor 
corner  of  a  Tavern.  The  Authour  faith,  the  fmejiants  are  mwa(hamed  of  it;  if  they 
be  ,  they  have  the  moremoddfty  toblufh  at  an  afperfion  which  is  fo  palpably  uniu(U 
and  S.  N.  hath  the  lcfs,who  is  not  adiamedto  expofe  fuch  counterfeit  and  adulterous 
Ware  to  the  view  of  the  Chriliian  Worl  d^  perujfe  puto  ,  cut  pudor  periit.  But  let  ine 
do  bis  fellows  that  right,  that  iince  Sanders  oxJHarding ,  there  is  fcarce  one  of  them, 
who  hath  made  ufe  of  this  prodigious  Fable  rn  his  polemick  Writings,  which  I  have 
(een. 

The  nintli  Argument  is  taken  from  the  teftimony  of  our  own  Writers ,  who  doe  '^^i'^' 
both  affirm,  that  the  Roman  orders  are  no  true  orders,  and  that  they  have  no  ordina- 
ry callingi  and  do  alfodeny  ,  that  the  calling  of  the  Proteftant  Minifters  did  proceed 
from  the  Roman  Catholick  Clergy ,  who  were  their  predeceflbrs.  For  proof  of  the 
former  part,  he  cites  Dr.  Fnlk^,  faying, 37?^?  voe  elieem  their  Bifhops,  Vrielis  andVeacons 
MO  better  than  Laymen,  and  that  n>e  do  not  receive  their  ordaining  to  be  lawful.  And  Dr. 
Whitak^rs,  that  the  Roman  Catholici{  Bifhops  are  not  lawful  Bifhops ,  either  by  Divine 
Ecclefiajiical,  or  Civil Larc.  And  Dr.  Sutcliffe,  7hat  the  Roman  Church  is  not  the  true 
Church,  having  no  Bijhops  and  ?riefls  at  all,  hutonely  in  name.  And  Dr.  Sparkj,  That  the 
Roman  Bijhops  and  Priejis  have  no  ordinary  calling  ,  but  whoVy  unlatvful.  And  .S".  N. 
adds  a  Nut  which  this  laJiVoiiour  propnjetb  to  the  Church  of  Rome  to  cracky,  that  during 
the  time  of  the  papal  Schifm's,  many  were  ordzined  by  falfe  Popes ,  who  had  no  right  to  give 
Orders,  which  cannot  now  he  dijlinguifhed  from  juch  of  fetch  their  pedigree  from  right 
Topes,  This  Nut  S.  N.  retorts  upon  us ,  becaufe  we  derive  our  Ordination  from 
them. 

I  do  not  know  Dr.  Sparks,  but  if  this  Nut  be  propofed  fo  by  him,  as  it  is  prefen- 
ted  to  u6  by  this  Authour, it  is  empty ,  not  worth  the  cracking.  It  is  nbt  the  bene- 
fice, but  the  officei  not  the  Papacy  ,  but  Epifcopacy,  which  gives  a  right  to  ordain", 
and  tlie  ordination  of  an  Ant«)  cpe  was  altogether  as  valid  ,  as  that  of  a  true  Pope. 
Thus  the  Proteftants  do  readily  extricate  thcmfelves,  but  it  flicks  a  little  clofer  to  the 
Romanifis  ,  who  make  the  Pope  to  be  the  root  and  fountain  of  Holy  Orders  ,  upon 
whom  they  dodepend,and  upon  whom  they  are  virtually  derived.'  But  thofe  who 
are  derived  from  an  Antipope,  are  not  derived  from  the  true  Succeflbur  of  St.  Peter. 
But  to  his  main  Argument. 

Firft,  it  is  neceffary  to  coniider,whofe  Advocates  thefe  four  DocSours  were  ,  and 
for  whom  they  pleaded  after  this  manner:  That  may  be  truly  fpoken  by  a  pcrfon  in 
one  capacity,  which  isfalfein  another."  as  when  thePrieft  in  theEucharift  faith,  This  is 
my  Body.  It  is  falfe  if  he  fpeak  of  himfelf,  but  true,  if  he  fjaeak  in  the  perfon  of  Chrif}, 
They  could  i^t  plead  thus  for  the  Church  ot  England,  which  all  men  know  to  have, 
&  maintain  an  ordinary  Vocation,and  to  claim  no  other.  But  they  plead  thus  forfomc 
Forreign  Churches  of  Proteftants,  who  pretend  to  an  extraordinary  calling",  and  ei- 
ther out  of  neceffity,  asfomei  or  outof  eledtion,  asothersv  do  want  a  pcrfonal  fuc- 
ceilion  of  Bifhops  to  impufehands.  We  with  it  were  otherwife,  but  if  they  be  to  be 
blamed,  yet  thcRomanijls  of  all  others,  are  not  meet  to  reprehend  thcm,who  (hewed 
them  the  way,  by  teaching  in  their  Schools,that  a  (imple  presbyter  by  delegation  from 
the  Pope,  may  make  presbyters.  If  the  Bilhop  fay  they,  he  the  effential  Minifter  ofOr- 
dination,  how  can  the  Pope  difienfe  with  it:  If  he  be  not ,  then  the  Popes  dijpenfationis  not 
necefjary.  In  the  mean  time,  let  the  Dodour  remember,  that  it  is  the  Church  of  E«- 
^/<i«(i  which  he  undertakes  in  his  Title  page  i  and  that  neither  the  defcd^s  of  other 
Churches,  nor  the  pleas  of  particular  Dodours  in  their  favour,  ought  to  prejudice  us, 
■who  maintain  a  perfonal  and  uninttnupted  fucceffion  from  the  Apoftlcs. 

E  e  e  e  c  e  Se- 


pg  frotefiants   Ordination  defended  TOME  IV» 

Secondly  fuppormg,  but  not  granting,  that  thofe  Dodtours  made  this  pica  tor  the 
Church  ot  E/'p/Wi  though  it  be  a  frequent,  yet  it  is  no  fair  way  of  reafuning,  from 
thediflercnt  opinions,  and  arguinci  ts  ,  and  anfwersof  Writers  of  one  andthefame 
Coir.munion,  loimpugnc  that  concUifion,  which  both  parties  do  maintain:  as  thus, ' 
If  the  Sacraments  do  confer  grace,  it  is  citlicr  phyHca]]y,or  morally^  but  feme  fay  rot 
phvlically,  ethers  lay  not  narally,  ih.trttoic  they  do  not  confer  grace  at  all.  Or  thus, 
If  Chrid  inlHtutcd  Baptilin,  it  uas  cither  at  liis  baptization  in  Jordan  ,  or  after  his 
Kcfurredion,  when  he  ftid,  Go  teach  all  Nations,  baptiling  them.  But  fome  fay,  it 
was  notin  Jordan-,  others  fay,  it  was  not  alter  the  Rclurrcdtioni  therefore  it  was  not 
atall.  Or  thus,lfChrili  made  the  ApoHles  priefts,  it  was  either  at  liis  laft  Supper,or 
when  he  breatlicd  upon  them,  faying,  Hecehe  the  Holy  GhvjhBut  ibme  Dodours  deny 
the  one,  others  deuy  the  other:  Or  it  Chritts  Body  be  prefcnt  in  the  Sacrament ,  it  is 
either  produced,  or  adduced.  But  tome  of  the  greatett  Clerks  in  the  l\(nijii  Church 
fay,  ii  IS  not  produced  iochers  us  good  as  they)  fay,  it  is  not  adduced.  If  the  Chair 
of  St.  P(«fr  be  annexed  to  theScc  of  Kflwe,  it  iseither  by  theordination  of  Chrift,  or 
by  the  conftitution  of  the  Church, but  fomiefay,not  by  Chrifls  ordinations  orhersfay, 
not  by  the  Councils  confUtution;Tliere  is  fcarce  thatqueflion  controveitcd  between 
them  and  us,  wherein  a  man  might  not  triHe  with  fuch  arguments.  Jull  tlius  S.  N. 
argucshere.  IftheProtefiantMinifters  have  a  calling,  either  it  is  ordinary  ot  extra- 
ordinary. But  the  Church  oi  England  faith,  it  is  not  extraordinary  i  and  fome  Do- 
dours  fay,  it  is  not  ordinary,  therefore  they  havenocailingi  whereas  both  parties  do 
maintain,  that  they  have  a  true  calling.  The  weak  plea  of  a  voluntary  Advocate, 
doth  not  annul  or  extinguifh  the  juft  right  of  a  true  owner ,  who  hath  both  a  good 
title, and  undeniable  evidence.  Jfthe  footer  ear  fhallfay  ,  1  am  not  of  the  body ,  « it 
therefore  not  of  the  body,  i  Cor.  la.  15. 

Thirdly,  a  power  or  faculty  which  is  beneficial  in  its  own  nature,  may  be  fo  abufed 
by  accident,  that  it  becomes  not  onely  unprofitable  to  that  good  end  for  which  it  was 
ordained,  butalfo  pernicious,  infomuch,  asit  wer^  much  better,  that  he  who  harh  it, 
wanted  it,  and  by  thisabufe,he  forfeits  juffly  the  denomination  which  it  gave  him  by 
his  own  default.  Holy  Orders  are  an  excellent  grace  conferred  by  God  for  the  con- 
verllon  of  men,  but  ifthofe  who  have  them,  inftead  of  preaching  truth  ,  (hall  teach 
Eirours  and  Herefies  to  his  people ,  they  are  no  longer  true  Paftours  ,  but  Wolves, 
vvhodefl:roy  the. flock.  As  a  man  by  extinguilhing  reafon,  by  defacing  theremaind- 
ers  of  Gods  Image  ,  and  habituating  himfelf  to  brutifh  conditions  ,  may  defervedly 
forfeit  the  name  of  a  man,  and  purchafe  to  himfelf  the  title  of  a  bealV,  or  as  Marcellus 
faid  to  his  foul diers, That  he  faw  many  faces  oiKomans,hut  few  true  Romans  indeed: 
He  U  not  a  Jew  ,  faith  the  Apoftle  ,  who  if  one  outwardly  ,  neither  is  tbatcircumcifwH, 
which  is  outward  in  the  flefh-  hut  he  is  a  Jew,  who  is  one  inwardly,  and  true  circumcifun 
is  that  of  the  heart  in  the  Sprit,  Rom.  2.  So  theCe  Docftours  conceiving,  that  the  Ro- 
mifh  Priefts  had  by  corrupting  the  Dodrine  of  faving  truth  ,  in  a  manner  fruftra- 
ted,  at  leaft  much  hindred  the  end  of  Hoi  y  Orders,  do  therefore,  as  1  conceive,  deny 
them  the  title,  not  infenfu  divifo,  as  if  they  wanted  the  Effentials  of  Holy  Orders,but 
infenfucotnpof'to^  in  refpedt  of  thofe  fuperftitiouserroursand  inventions  cf  their  own,- 
which  they  had  mixed  with  the  truth. 

Fourthly,  1  have  fhewed  before,  the  difference  between  the  habitual  power  of  Or- 
ders, which  is  conferred  by  Ordinationi  and  that  adual  power ,  which  fprings  from 
the  application  of  the  matter,  bet  ween  a  valid  and  a  lawful  power,  which  is  not  con- 
tr:di(fted  by  the  Law  of  the  Land.  The  Rotnijh  Priefts  may  have  Holy  Orders  actu- 
ally, where  they  have  charges  cf  their  own,  and  legally,  where  they  are  notreftrai- 
ned  by  Law,  from  executing  their  Functions ,  but  not  relatively  to  the  Subjects  of 
England.. 

Now  then  to  take  a  particular  view  of  their  tenimonies,  Dr.  Fw/i^  faith,  Jf^  tfitem 
the  Romifii  Bifhops,  Prifjls,  andVeacons,  no  hater  than  Laymen-,  that  is  ,  in  regard  of 
their  not  ufingor  abufing  of  their  Function«,orin  reference  to  the  exercife  thereof  in 
England.  He  Czith  luithtr,  JVe  receive  not  their  ordering  to  be  lanfut.  True,  fo  fay 
V.C  allv  but  there  is  a  great  diffeience  between  a  valid  and  a  lawjul  ordination.  If  the 
Eflenrialsbe  obferved,  it  is  valid,  but  to  make  it  lawful,  it  mefl  not  only  be  appro- 
ved by  the  Laws  of  the  Land,but  free  from  all  fupafiitious  cjiccflcs  and  coriuptions 

that 


Discourse VII.  againfttheOhjeSlionsofS.  N 

th'at  arc  crept  into  it  Such  as  char  „ew  matter  znTki^inlh^oVd^imil^f^^^ 
Dun.maksrhn\  that  their  Bijhop,  aremthtPful,  either  by  Divine,  Civil  or  EccUMi- 
cjtUrv.  The  former  Anfwer  fatisheth  this  alfo.  To  make  an  Act  lawful ,  ali  the 
pointsand  circumftances  of  Law  muil  concur ,  nonewEffentials  muft  be  obtruded, 
buppofea  child,  or  anlQiot,or  a  perf.n  noubly  derormed,(houId  have  hands  impo- 
fed  upon  him,according  to  the  K^miJJ:  grounds,  he  is  validly  ordaincd,yct  he  is  no: 
a  lawful  pried,  nor  can  make  life  ot  his  Function  IawfuIIy,or  without  lln.  Dr.  Sut- 
clife  (aith,  the  Church  of  Rom^  if  not  the  true  Church,  So  fay  wcall,  fhat  is  not  the 
univerial  Church,  but  a  true  particular  Churchi  true  Metaphylkally  that  i^  retaining 
yet  the  eflcnce  of  a  Church  ;  but  not  morally  true,  that  is,  Orthodox,  and'trce  frorn 
errours.     He  faith,  they  have  no  Hijhops  ,  andVriejh  .  but  onelyin  mme.     That  is  as 


ICOQ 


~     n.  ..    -     ^     ..  ,    '  -  D -■-   —.^i^  Prieftly 

Fundtion  to  a  new  propitiatory  facnhce,  and  the  hearing  of  clanculary  confellions 
Dr.  Sparks  faith,  tT^e  Roman  Bijhofs  and  Vriejis  have  no  ordinary  calling,  but  rvholly  un- 
lawful. He  who  faith  they  have  no  calling,  but  unlawful,  acknowledgeth  that  they 
have  a  calling,  though  unlawful, and  corrupted  with  fuperfiitious  inventions.  Thus 
the  Authours  cited  by  him,  fay  nothing,  but  what  may  admit  of  a  true  conftrudlion. 
As  for  me,  I  have  not  their  Books  inprefent,  to  weigh  the  places  exaftly.  I  confefs 
there  are  a  generation  of  Enthufiafts  among  us,who  take  away  all  fubordination  of 
caufes,and  jump  over  the  backs  cfall  fecondary  Agents,  who  approve  of  nothing,  but 
^-that  which  is  immediately  from  Heavenj  as  if  themfelvesCpoor  bulrufliesj)  were,as  it 
i;  feigned  ofthe  old  Heroes,the  natural  offfpring  of  God.  Thefe  men  indeed  fancy 
an  extraordinary  vocation:  if  any  oftheft  Dodlours  were  tainted  with  that  errour  it 
is  more  than  I  know,  or  believe.  But  this  I  am  fure  of,  that  the  Dodlrine  ofthe  moft 
able  and  orthodox  Divines  in  England,  and  the  univerfal  practice  ofthe  Church  is 
otherwife.  The  Authour  muft  notthink  to  wrangle  the  Church  of  England ,  out  of 
a  good  title,  by  private  fpeculations. 

In  the  next  place  he  indevoureth  to  prove,  out  of  Dodor  Whitah^rs  that  we  do 
not  derive  our  holy  Orders  from  the  Church  of  Rome  ,  nor  from  our  Roman  Ca- 
tholick  predeceflbrs.  And  in  fome  fenftit  istrue  :  for  we  do  not  derive  our  ordina- 
tion from  them  as  from  the  fountaine  ,  whence  holy  Orders  do  fpring,  but  as  the 
channell  or  conduit  pipe,  by  which  they  are  conveyed  to  us.  They  are  not  the  root 
from  whence,  but  a  branch,  through  which,  this  fappe  flows  to  us:  they  are  not  the 
body  ofthe  fun,  from  which  this  beamc  proceeds,  but  the  ayre  through  which  it 
paffeth,  not  the  beneficiaries,  or  Lords  of  the  See  ;  but  thefenefchalls  or  Stewards  of 
the  court  :  not  the  owners,  but  the  Cafhkecpcrs,  to  difpofe  this  treafure  according 
to  the  orders  of  our  common  Mafter.  The  poor  were  not  to  thank  ludas  for  that 
Almes  which  he  conferred  upon  them  by  the  appointment  of  Chrift,  neither  were 
the  Almes  the  worfe,  becaufe  ludas  who  kept  the  bagge  was  a  thiefe,  and  grudged 
at  his  mafters  liberty,  and  therefore  S.  N-  might  fpare  all  his  invecftive  flouriflies.  Can 
we  not  enter  into  the 'fold  of  Chriji ;  but  by  the  bjch^doore  of  Antichrill  ^nor  minilhr  hit 
facraments,  hut  by  the  ordination  of  Antichri\\,  nor  feed  his  fheefe  but  by  commijfioH  [rem 
Antichriji  ,  nor  conferre  or  receive  holy  Orders  but  by  the  authority  ofAntichrill  >  Wc 
enter  into  the  fold  by  theforedoore  i  which  i^  lefus  Chrili.  ]oh.  lo;  7:  not  by  the 
backdooreof  Antichrift  :  we  have  our  Commiiiion  from  heaven,  not  from  Rome, 
we  retaine  Chrills  ordinance  in  its  purity,  and  abandon  thofe  corruptions  which 
they  had  added  ;  what  we  do,  is  by  authority  of  that  great  legiflator,  who  is  able 
to  favc,  and  to  deftroy.  Every  Bi(hop  hath  as  much  authority  to  ordeine,  as  the 
pope:  So  far  are  wc  from  believing,  that  the  pope  is  the  root  of  all  Hierarchy, 
and  that  all  Bifliops  and  Prcfbieters  derive  their  authority  from  him. 

Secondly  we  received  not  our  holy  Orders  onelyfrom  them:  we  had  holy  orders 
in  the  Ifle  of  BWt  <»/«?  even  from  the  daies  ofthe  Apollles  ,  before  we  had  any 
Commerce  with  Rome,  which  have  continued  thence  ever  fince,by  an  uninterrupted 
fucceflion.  And  when  the  Saxons,  many  ages  after,  were  converted  to  the  ChrilHan 
fiith  in  the  dayes  of  Cergory  the  great,  and  principally  by  his  care ,  we  had  orders 
from  Kom*  ,  but  not  dependent  upon    Rome,  nor   from  Rome  hpfed.   Gregory  ab- 

E  c  c  e  c  e  2  horred 


lOlO 


Froteftantf  Ordtnjtion  defended, ^  fi^JLJ*^^- 

Tnircdibat  tyrannical  power,  which  liis  fucccffors  in  after  ages ufurped,  and  affir- 
meth  confidaiilyy  that  rrhoJoeverflwuldcjUbimJelf  a»  univerj  a  I  Bipops  (  mt  znondy 
Bifhop  no  man  was  ever  lb  vain  to  attempt  tliat  )  veas  in  his  pride  the  forerunner  of 

Thirdly*  when  ourProtclhnt  Biflu.ps  received  holy  Orders  from  their  predeccfTors 
of  the  Communion  of  Rome  lapfed,  Yet  it  was  not  qua  tales,  as  they  were  corrupted, 
but  fimp'y,  as  they  were  Bifliops,  even  as  a  great  part  ot  thofc  orders,  which  arc 
atthis  day  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  are  derived  lineally  from  Arrian  predecelTors. 

Let  us  heare  now  what  Dodor  tvhitaker  faith  ■,  that  our  Eijhops  and  minijUrs  though 
they  he  not  ordeiited  by  pipijUcal  Bifhops,yet  they  are  orderly  and  lawfully  ordained,  again 
!^c  faith  that  The  Komaniji  accounted  none  larrf'ulpa^ours  butfuch  as  are  created  according 
to  their  form  or  order.  But  wy  fay  truly  their  minijiery  reas  corrupted,  and  therefore  nee  ought 
not  to  be  created  Bifhop^  by  them.     Difiingue  tempora  ,  dijhnguilh  but   the  times,  and 
the  anfwcr  offers  it  felf.     The  dosftor  ipcakcs  of  thofc  times  after  the  feparation  was 
formed  between  us  and  them  ,  after  their  form  of  ordination  was  purged  from  its 
corruptions,  and  anew  form  by  law  e.'labliflied.  Then  for  a  Bifliop  or  Prieftofthc 
Protefiant  communion  to      have  repaired  to  a  papilHcal  Bifliop  for  ordination,  had 
been  an  unlawful  ad,  which  he  ought  not  to  doe  when  he  mightbe  ordained  law- 
fully and  orderly  at  home  by  a  Bifliop  of  his  own  Communion.     Yet  furthcrdoftor 
TFhitaki,r  faith,  that  the  Conjliiution  for  a  Bifhop  to  be  created  by  two  or  three  Bifhopr  ought 
to  be  obfcrvedin  aflouriping  Church,as  long  as  things  retaained  rvhole  and  intire,  but  not 
in  a  lapfed  Church:   that  is  at  he  exprejfethhimfetf  when  there  are  no  Godly  Bifhop s  from 
whom  ordination  may  be  had:  and  again  they  who  have  authority  to  call,  have  authority  to 
ordain, if  lawful  ordination  cannot  be  obtained^  as  when  the  Bijhopsofthofe  times  could  not 
be  drawn  to  ordain  any,butfuchas  in  all  things  favoured  them.     Thefetwo  places  carry 
their  anfwcr  with  them,that  the  dodlor  pleades  onely  in  the  cafe  of  Invincible  necelli- 
ty,  where  ordination  cannot  be  had,  where  it  cannot  he  obtained ,  v/hett  the  Bifliops 
win  not  be  drawn  to  ordain  any,  but  fuch  as  will  engage  themfelvcs  to  maintain 
their  crrours.  The  Komanijis  do  teach  that  the  Pope  may  difpenfe  with  a  fimple  Prcf- 
byter  to  ordain  ;  invincible  neceflity  is  a  difpenfation  from  God  himfelf ,  and  doth 
in  fome  cafes  fufpend  the  cxecutionof  hisownlawv  aswe  fee  in  the  notcircumcifing 
the  Ifraelites  Children,  whilefl  they  travailM  in  the  defcrt .     How  much  more  doth 
it  difpenfe    with  the  Canons  of  the  Church  ?  Or  fliall  a  difpenfation  from  Rome  be 
more  effeftual  than  a  difpenfation  from  heaven  >  but  God  be  praifed,  this  was  not 
the  cafe  in  England  ,  where  there  was  not  any  fuch  neceflity,  nor  needed  any  fuch  re- 
medy: whether  it  was  fo  in  fome  forreign  parts  or  not,  I  difpute  rof.     They  muft 
ftand  or  fall  before  their  own  Mafter.     Eutwhere  S.  N.  addeth  ,  that  in  the  end  the 
doftor  Hceth  to  an  extraordinary  fucceflion,  If  the  dodlor  do  ufe  any  fuch    plea     it 
is  onely  in  the  cafe  of  invincible  neceility ,   and  in  behalf  offome  forrein  Churches, 
of  whofe  communion  he  apprchendeth  himfelf  to  be, and  therefore  calleth  them  our 
Church.    But  for  the  Church  o( England  he  neither  needed,  nor  doth,  nor  could  make 
any  fuch  plea  ,  Hehimfelfhavingan  ordinary  calling,    and  being  folemnlyand  law- 
fully, according  to  the  inftitution  of  Chrift  and  the  pattern  of  the  primitive  ordinati* 
onsconfecrated  by  thofe  who  derived  a  perfonal     fucceflion  from  the  Apofiles,  un- 
lefs    fom  pleafe  to    call  that   form   extraordinary ,  which  was  fo   lately    refor- 
med. 

And  though  S.  N.  may  put  all  in  his  eye,  which  he  gctts  by  thefc  teftimonies,and 
fee  never  a  whitthe  worfe,vet  according  to  his  ufe  he  triumphs  in  his  interrogations, 
where  lay  your  Kegifters  hid,  and  your  forged  Confecralions,  when  doBor  Whitaker,<»  ^rfjt 
li^t  of  your  Church  wrote  direCtly  againft  them  >  Or  rather  ,  if  the  doflor  had  written 
agalnfl  all  the  Rcgifters  in  the  Kingdom  (  as  in  truth  he  doth  not,  he  could  not^  one 
might  juftly  have  demanded,  where  lay  doctor  iVljitakers  hid  thathefliould  be  fo 
great  a  ftranger  in  his  native  Countery.  And  the  bcft  Apology  that  could  be  made 
for  him  in  fuch  a  cafe  were,  that  he  was  a  mecr  contemplative  man,  confined  to  hii 
ftudy  in  Sr.  John's  Colledge  ,  better  acquainted  with  polemical  writers ,  than  with 
recordsi  But  there  needs  no  Apology  for  him.  S.N.  necdes  one  much  more; 
though  he  lefs  defervc  it,  to  preferre  one  r.cgative  Tcftimony  mifunderflood,  and 
mifapplyed,  before  fo  many  affirmative  in  the  point  i  and    to  accufe  of  forgery  the 

Re- 


Discourse  VH  againfitbe  objeciions  of  S-N.  T-i,t 

Regiflers  and  Records,  of  a  whole  national  Church,  prcfuinptoully  ot  hi?  u-vnhcad 
without  either  witnefs  or  ground.  S.  N.  (hould  do  well  to  coniider ,  firli  that  ojt 
Regiliers  are  not  one  or  two,  in  each  diocefsone  at  lea(t,  difperfed  through  ,  all  the 
parts  ot  the  Realm,  Without  any  mutual  intelligence  one  from  another  ;  that  all  thefe 
fhould  concurre  in  a  forgery,  and  yet  maintain  luch  a  prefent  harmony  one  wit!i  an- 
other is  incredible. 

Secondly,  that  the  Regilkries  are  publick  places,  fcituated  in  the  moft  confpicuous 
parts  of  a  populous  City,  whither  all  Perfonshave  recourfe  from  time  to  timc,and  view 
the  records:  certaincly  mort  unfit  places  for  forgeryes,  which  are  workes  of  darkcnef^i 
and  ufe  to  be  acted  in  holes  and  Corners.  Thirdly,  that  the  perfons  who  keep 
them,  are  publick  notaries,  fworn  officers  of  known  integrity,  who  may  record  no 
Afts  uponhearefay  and  vain  reports,  but  thofc  onely,  whereof  they  were  eye  witnef- 
fcs  themfelves.  Fourthly,  that  confecrations  are  not  aded  ir,  private  houfes  or 
Chambers,  bur  inth^Church,  in  the  view  of  all  the  whole  afTembly,  whither  all  p;r- 
fons  of  quality  do  refort,upon  fuch  extraordinary  occafions,  where  threcBifhops  muft 
beprefent«|,  if  it  be  the  confecration  of  a  Bilhop,  and  ifitbc  onely  of  Prefbyters 
the  Bidwp  ,  thCj^rchdcacon  and  two  or  three  of  the  graveft  of  the  Clergy.  Fifthly, 
that  the  undoubted  truth  of  thefe  ads  is  corroborated,  not  onely  by  the  tradinonall 
fuffrages  of  all  the  inhabitants,  who  have  heard  it  related  by  their  parents  andpre- 
deceffors,but  alfo  by  many  ocular  witnefTes,  who  were  prefent  themfelves ,  and  were 
living,  when  Mr.  Mafon  did  print  his  Book.  It  had  been  too  early  then  to  expofe 
lying  Legends  and  tained  Confecrations  to  the  publick  view  of  the  World,  v/hen 
fo  many  were  living  in  every  place,  who  could  upon  their  own  knowledge  have  re- 
futed the  falfehood  of  them.  Yet  never  was  there  heard  any  fuch  exception  againli 
any  one  of  them  throughout  the  Kingdom.  And  if  5.^.  had  been  halflo  folIicJ- 
tous  of  what  he  writes,  as  Mr.  Mafon  was,  or  had  taken  fo  much  painesto  have  re- 
paired to  any  one  Regifter,  to  examine  the  truth  of  the  particulars,  he  would  ne- 
ver have  prefentcd  fuch  a  grofs  calumny  to  the  eye  of  the  world.  Laftly,  theinllru- 
ments  given  to  the  perfons  confecrated  under  the  handsand  feales  of  the  Confecra- 
tors,attelkdby  the  publick  notary  do  leave  no  place  for  doubting  or  denying  it  :  he 
may  as  well  queftion  the  ads  of  former  parliaments,  or  the  Canons  of  fynods,  as  thefe 
authentick  evidences.  He  might  as  well  queftion,  whether  there  was  fuch  a  King  as 
Edtcard  the  fixth.  The  authour  may  do  well  hereafter  to  be  more  wary  how 
he  lets  fuch  drowfie  dreames  drop  from  his  pen.  Negare  faHum  to  denie  a  record 
or  Evidence  without  good  proof  of  forgery,  is  held  one  of  thcmoft  diflioneft  pleas  in 
Law. 

Yet  as  if  he  had  undeniably  proved  his  intention  ,  S.  N.  proceeds  tofnew  the 
rc.fonj,  why  they,  the  protcftants  ,  do  difclaim  the  ordination  of  Bifhops  of  the 
Knrnan  Communion,  becaufe  they  account  the  Pope  to  be  Antichri^  ,  and  the  BifhoPt 
aUutlly  fubordinat  to  him  Antichrijihn  prelates.  Hereupon  he  declaimcs  agairift 
the  mifery  of  Englilh  fuperintendents,  who  to  she  condemnation  of  all  :heir  Brethren  who 
tfant  that  callings  are  fain  to  begge  their  fpiritual porver  from  fuch  as  they  mi/deem  to  be 
AntichrijVian  Btjhops.  "thefe  he  calls  bafe  thoughts  and  this  a  miferabk  refuge,  q  how 
careful  is  S.  N.  for  their  Brethren,  even  as  Judas  was  for  the  poor.-  Butitay  Sir,  not 
over  faft,  for  fear  of  breaking  your  (him.  The  Proteftants  would  borrow  a  word 
or  two  with  you.  Firft  they  crave  leave  to  tell  you,  that  your  new  ftrudurc  is  3 
Caftle  in  the  aire  without  ground  or  foundation.  As  they  do  not  k-g  this  fpiritual 
power  from  any  creature  ,  fo  they  have  defined  nothing  concerning  Antichtilt : 
How  be  it ,  fome  particular  perfons  have  delivered  their  private  opinons  with  con- 
fidence. The  name  of  Antichrill  is  taken  fometimes  more  largely,  fometimes  more 
ftridly.  Largely  ,for  every  one  thatisan  oppofer  of  Chrilt  as  i.  loim  2'  18.  Nyn> 
there  are  many  Antichrifis.  In  this  fenfe  we  believe  the  Pope  to  bean  Antichrili:  that 
is  an  oppofer  of  Chrifts  prophetical  ofRce,by  prefuming  to  add  his  own  patches  to 
the  doctrin  of  his  great  prophet,  as  neceffary  parts  of  faving  truth  i  an  oppoferof  his 
prieftly  office,  by  mixing  the  fufferings  of  the  faints,  witii  the  bloud  of  Chrift,  to 
make  up  a  treafury  for  himfelf,  by  making  new  propitiatory  facrificcs  as  if  the  f-cir- 
ficeofChriil  were  not  allfufficicnt;  an  oppofer  of  the  Kingly  office  ofChrill,  by  intru- 
ding himfelf  under,  the  pretenfed  names  of  Sr.  ?eter  and  Sr.  P./«/,to  be  thehead  regent 

and 


,013  ?rvtefiants    OrtHnation    defended  TOME  IV, 

and  Judge  otthe  whole  CathoIickChurch,  to  be  the  Vicar  General  ot  ChriU,  a  Vice 

God  upon  Earth,  not  onely  appropriating  to  hin:ifelf  the  power  of  the  Kcycs  ,  but 
challenging  alfo  a  plenitude  of  Civil  power  ,  to  difpofc  of  all  the  Kingdoms  of  the 
World-  ties,  nos,  impria,  ^cgva,  [irincifatm^  &c.  Wr,  eien  n>e^  have  forver  to  give  and  to 
take  ateay  all  the  Enifirei,  Khigd^'nis.  a>:il  Principaliites  of  the  World.  Vides  ,  U  Fetre, 
Succefl'rem  tunnt.  &  tn  fahttifcr  Chriih  mum  cerneVicarium;  05/. Peter,  lookjt^onthy 
Succffour  ,  and  thi'ufrreet  S.iviour  behold  thy  Vicar.  See  whither  the  pride  of  the  Ser- 
vant of  thy  Servants  is  afcended.     So  every  way  fie  is  an  AntichrilK 

Secondly  ,  the  name  of  Antichrift  is  fometimes  ufed  more  llridHy ,  and  in  a  more 
eminent  fenle  ior  the  /Imichrififaithat  man  offm,  the  fort  of  perditiiui^vacniioncd  2  Ihtf. 
2.3.  And  in  the  latter  fcnfc,  it  is  difputed  problematically  among  the  Protcftants, 
whether  the  Pope  be  that  great  Antkhrift.  Doubtlcfs  all  the  ilgns  of  Antichrill  doc 
agree  to  him,  as  t  <  ft  in  the  temple  ,  or  upon  the  Temj?le  of  Cod.  To  have  the  original 
ot  hisgreatnefs  out  of  the  ruins  or  decay  of  the  Koman  Erapijg  :  To  inhabit  a  City 
builded  on  feven  Hills:  To  fhcw  himfelf  firft  about  the  year  666.  But  it  is  confef- 
fed  likewife  ,  that  thefe  marks  do  all  agree  to  the  Turl^  So  whe^^i|r  thfconc  or  the 
otheti  or  perhaps  a  third,  the  Protellants  determine  not ,  but  leave  private  Authours 
to  their  own  opinions. 

Thirdly,  fuppofe  the  Pope  to  be  an  Antichrift  :  yet  it  doth  not  follow,  that  every 
Biihop,  under  his  Jurifdidion,  is  formally  Antichriilian,  namely,  fuch  as  do  err  out 
of  invincible  ignorance  ,  and  hold  the  truth  implicitely  in  the  preparation  cf  their 
minds,  being  ready  to  receive  it ,  whenfbever  God  (hould  reveal  if.  Such  as  repent 
of  their  (ecret  and  unknown  errours,  of  which  fort  we  do  not  doubt  but  there  are 
many  thoufands  who  live  in  the  communion  of  the  Rowj^  Church. 

Fourthly,  fuppofing  they  were  all  Antichriftian  prelates  ,  what  are  the  Orders 
which  they  give  the  worfe?  there  may  be  power  of  Ordination,whtre  there  is  notpu^ 
rity  of  Doctrine.  The  Myfteries  of  God  do  not  fail  by  the  miferies  of  man ,  neither 
do  his  Ordinances  ceafe  to  be  holy,becaufe  the  Miniileis  are  unholy.  What  are  the 
Scriptures  the  worfe,  becaufc  we  received  them  at  tlie  liands  of  the  Jen>s?  What  did 
the  Baptifm  0^ Simon  Judat  come-fliort  of  the  Baptifm  of  Simon  Peter  ?  What  diffe- 
rence between  the  receiving  their  Orders  from  Popifh  Prelates,or  their  ChriHendome 
from  Popifh  Priefis:Many  an  Orthodox  Bifliop  derives  both  his  Orders,&  his  Chair, 
from  Antichriftian  Hereticks. 

Laftly,  for  condemning  our  Brethren  ,  We  are  not  fo  apt  to  cenfure  whole  Chur- 
ches, as  the  Komanijis  are;  We  account  it  a  like  folly ,  out  of  an  liatred  of  the  botches 
or  fores,  to  hate  the  body, 'and  out  of  the  affedion  to  the  body,  todoet  upon  the  ul- 
cers. The  greateft  part  of  Proteftants,  by  much  and  much ,  enjoy  an  ordinary  fuc- 
ceffionv  and  thofe  who  do  not,  might  be  neceffitated  to  ir.  However,  it  is  nothing 
to  this  quef^ion,  nor  to  the  Church  ofEngland. 
.  Thus  we  are  come  to  his  tenth  and  laft  Argument  in  the  23.  24.  25.2^.  27.  28.  & 

Objta.  10.  29.  Sections,  but  fo  perplexed  and  confufed ,  fo  full  of  diforders  and  impertinences, 
that  it  appears  evidently,  what  a  deal  of  trouble  he  had  to  pump  out  this  laft  reafbn. 
I  will  reduce  this  Difcourfeinto  the  mort  advantageous  order  that  I  can  ,  or  it  will 
admit.  The  fcope  of  it  is  this  :  Mijfion  or  Vocation  is  necejfary  to  the  latvful  exercife  of 
the  Holy  Function  of  a  ^aflottr,  but  though  the  Romanifts  ^ould  grant  to  ?rotejiants  a  trut 
Confecration  derived  fromCatholick^BiJhopj,  yet  their  mijjion  or  calling  to  preach  thtir  ^rote- 
Jf<»«r,  or  Calviniftical  VoSrine  ,  they  are  never  able  to  fherv.  To  make  his  antecedent 
more  clear,he  diftinguifheth  calling  into  two  kinds  >  the  one  immediately  from  God^ 
which  is  an  extraordinary  miffion  >  the  other  mediately  ,  by  authority  communicated  unta 
them  from  Apofiolical  men,rvhich  is  termed  an  ordinary  Vocation^  rvhichhath  continued  ever 
fince  Cbriji^  andfhall  continue  to  the  end  of  the  World,  rvhichhe  that  wanteth,  is  an  intru- 
der, no  Faflour. 

I  pafs  by  his  diftindtion  for  the  prefent,  with  thefe  two  Animadvcrfions.  Firft , 
that  a  Miffion  may  be  truly  called  extraordinary,  which  is  mediately  from  the  Church, 
or  thePaftoursofit;if  it  be  done  after  an  unufual  8c  extraordinary  manner, either  in 
rcfpeft  of  the  Minifters,  or  of  the  Forms,  or  the  rites  and  ceremonies  ufed  in  it.  And 
in  this  fenfe,  the  vocation  offome  proteftant  Minifters  in  forreign  parts,  is  called  ex- 
traordinary, which  I  omit,  as  not  concerning  the  Cluueh  of  England,  nor  die  quefti- 

oa 


DiscoubseVIL  aQ^ainJitheohjeciionsofS^N^  ioi7 

on  in  hand.  Secondly,  this  mediate  miliion  or  vocation,  is  the  very  fame  with  Or- 
dination. So  this  afTumption  implies  a  contradidtion  in  it  felf,  Thus,  though  it 
Ihould  be  granted,  that  PfOtelhnts  are  truly  ordained  ,  yet  they  have  no  true  Oidi- 
nation. 

Tlie  next  tling  confidtrablcinhis  Difcourfe,  is  the  proof  of  his  Antecedent,  tiac 
million  is  neccffary  for  paliours,  Std.  23.  hy  the  authoiity  of  St.  PjuI,  Rom.  10. 15. 
EoTvjhall  they  prejch  except  they  be  feni,  And  SeH.  26.  by  the  Teliimony  of  Luther,  that 
they  veho  intrude  themfelves  into  the  office  of  ?rejcbirs  VPttheut  a  htvful  calling  are 
impajiours.  And  Se£i.  28.  by  the  confejjiun  o/Calvine  that  God  commandetb  the  rvordand 
dodrine  to  be  required  from  the  mouth  of  Prophets  and  VoQours.  And  that  Serveruj  and 
all  Juch  foolijhly  hunt  after  revelations , are  very  Mahomets,  or  rf/f»rfr/  of  a  new  iVorld. 

All  this  fuperfluous  difcourfe  mi^^ht  well  have  been  fpared,  for  the  Proteilants do 
readily  alTent  to  his  Antecedent/  that  it  is  not  lawful  to  exercifc  the  oHicc  of  a  pa- 
Aour  in  the  Church  without  a  lawful  calling)  without  any  proofes.     Butthatcon- 
clulion,  or  rather   colluiion,  which  he  drawes  from  the  lall  teftimony,  that  Ctf/i//«e 
and  Cra}fmer,  and  the  progenitors  of  the  Ef^lifh  Protedants  were  fo  mzny  MahometSy 
who  contrary  to  the  publick  truth  received   in    the  Church  ,  challenged   another 
truth  revealed  unto  them  out  of  the  holy  Scriptures,  is  an  unjufi  imputation,  and  in 
this  authours  hnguiSjC  a  fpiteftl  calumnijtion.     Itisnotthe  fame  thing,  to  erect  a 
new  Church,  and  to  reform  an  old  Church.     Thcreisa  valt  difference  between  the 
introduction  of  a  new  Gofpel,  and  the  reducing  of  things  to  aright  Hate  according 
to  the  Gofpel  received  in  the  Church,  and  authorifed  by  Chrilt, between  rhoL'w no 
hunt  after  new  revelations ,  and  thofe  who  fwervenot  in  anything  from  the  analogy 
of  faith ,  between  thofe  who  trample  under  foot  the  fundamental  articles  of  Chrirtian 
Religion,  and  thofe  who  believe  all  things ,  which  the  holy  Apoliles,  the  Nicene  fa- 
thers, and  holy  Athanafius  thought  neceffary  to  be  believed,between  innovatours,  and 
thofe  who  endeavour  to  conform  themfelves  in  all  things  to  the  pattern  ot  the  pri- 
mitive Church  ,  who  are  ready  to  (bed  their  Bloods  for  the  leaft  particle  of  faving 
truth.     And  therefore  <?.  2V.  talkes  to  no  purpofe  of  the  rf/orws^  (jo/p^//.  The  Pro- 
tellants  never  ,  thought  of  reforming  the  Gofpell,  asfome  body  did  of  burning  S^ 
Pauls  Epiftles,nct  becaufe  they  contained  any  thing  which  was  falfe,but  c]u£dammaU 
fortantij-,  S  me  things  rohich  founded  ill.  Likewife  in  vain  doth  hedemand  whether  the 
Church  of  Proteftants  were  extant  in  the  World  before  the  reformation  i  as  if  Pro- 
teftancy  werecf  the  Eflenceofthe  Church.  As  the  erroursofthcRowj«  Church  were 
accidental  to  it,  fo  likewife  was  the  Proteftation  againft  thofe  crrours,  and  the  re- 
formation of  them  ,  which  might  either  b::  prefent   or  zhkwx.  fine  interitu  fubieSi. 
A  garden  is  the  fame  before  it  he  weeded  and  ifter.  To  be  purged  doth  not  give  a 
new  being  to  the  body,  The  Glory  of  Chrifts  Church  was  not  extinguilhedbyfuper- 
ftitiouserrours,  but  onely  eclipfed. 

The  next  thing  which  we  are  toobferve  is,  how  he  proveth  his  afTumption.  Self. 
24.  That  Proteflants  have  no  vocation..  If  Proteliants  have  a  calling,  it  is  either 
from  Princes  0'-  perfonsfecular,  or  prelates  ecclefiajiick^,  but  fecuUr  perfms  cannjt  comm:i::i- 
cate  fpirittial  porper,  moreomr  Proteftant  Princes  thire  were  none,  and  Catholic^  Princes 
would  give  no  commifjion  to  preach  protejiant  Vodrine.  In  liks  manner,  there  were  then 
m  Proteliant  Bijhops  or  Priejis  in  the  world.  And  Catholick^Bilhops  were  fo  fane  from 
giving  them  any  callingor  commijfion  to  preach  or  admmifier  the  facraments  after  their  man- 
ner ,  that  they  excommunicated  them  and  laboured  by  all  meanes  to  fupprefs  their  nerp 
cdined  Gofpel.  AndSea.2'J.  Heurgeth  this  argument  further,  tfcjt  though  they  bad 
power  to  preach  truth, yet  when  they  began  to  preach  other  ds^rine  then  that  which  was  put 
into  their  mouths  by  their  ■predeceff)rj,  therein  they  left  their  calling  and  rjyit'ofthemfhes, 
as  an  Ambafjadour  if  he  change  themeffage  of  his  Prince  is  not  therein  truly  his  A:,ihajja- 
dour  efpecially  if  the  Prince  countermand  it,  and  recall  his  power;  But  the  Bilhops  of  tooje 
times  did  comradia  the  dodrine  of  the  frji  Proteliants  andreverfe  thar  Qvnmfton.  And 
there  Urn  dmbt  but  they  who  have  power  to  communicate  have  power  alfoto  rev  >]<^a>h^ 
rejiraine  the  authority  which  they  gave  and  whofoever  ahercth  the  temur  of  his  c^:nmi\]ijn, 
or  perftfteth  after  revocation  runneth  unfent. 

I  would  the  Authour  had  either  underllood  himfcif  more  clearly,   or  eKprefied 
himfclf  more  dillindiy,  or  bcenmore  coniUntto  onefenf;:  Som:cimcs  by  miiiiaa,he 

under- 


,o;4  Prot  eft  ants  Ordination  defended TOME  IV^ 

~ "imderftandrthat  habitual  authority  which  is  ccnimuiiicatcd  in  Ordinatiun  ;  Some- 
times that  actual  power  to  exeicile  this  authority  ,  which  fprings  from  the  applicati- 
on ot  the  matter:  Sometimes  he  fpeaks  nf  a  miflion  of  Council,  which  implies  not  any 
lurifdidioni  and  fometimes  leaving  all  the(e,  defultorioufly  inftcad  ofihe  Comirilli- 
on  he  tails  upon  the  Inltructions ,  as  if  tl;e  not  purfuing  ot  them  did  void  the  com- 
miliion,  I  fhall  let  down  mine  anfvver  in  dlliinct  concluiions. 

f  irft  the  original  power  of  lioiy  Oickrs,  and  all  authoritative  miflion  is  from 
lefus  Clivill,  he  is  the  Lord  ef  the  Harveji  which jeiids  labourers  into  hif  hJari(Ji.  Math:  p. 
58.  He  giveih  tohii  Church  fame  Apojiles,fome  i/rofhets,jome  Evan^ehjis  ,fome  paflours^ 
(me  VoClcurs,  Eph.  4.  11.  Notonely  Apoliles  ,  Evangclifts,  and  prophets,  which 
had  an  extraordinary,  and  immediate  calling,  but  alfo  pallours  and  Dodours  ^who 
were  called  immediately  by  the  Church.  "The  Church  is  the  honfe  of  God,  i .  Tim.  3:  15. 
The  minitters  arc  xhc  fiewards  of  this  hou(ei  i.Cor  ;  4;  i.  who  can  appoint  a  fteward, 
but  the  Lord  ?  They  arc  Chrifls  Ambajfadonrs^  2.  Cor.  5.  20.  who  can  fubftitute  an 
AmbaiTadour  but  the  foveraigne  Prince  ? 

Secondly,though  the  authoritative  power  of  miflion  and  vocation  be  in  Chrift,yet 
we  ought  not  with  the  Anabaptifls ,  or  other    Enthufiajis,  to  truft  to  fanatical  and 
fantaihcal  revelations  ,  or  to  think  that  every  private  motion  is  a  fufficicnt  miflion 
or  calling  •>  Therefore    Chrift  hath  committed  a  miniflerial  power  to  his  Church, 
to  ordain  by  impofition  of  hands  fit  perfons   for  that  holy    Function,  whereby  the 
grace  of  holy  Orders  is  derived  from  him  to  us  by'a  line  of  perpetual  fucceflion.  And 
what  the  Church  doth  in  that  kind  ought  tobe  interpreted  as  the  aft  of  Chrifl  him- 
felf.     St.  Pjm/ ,  tells  the  elders  of  Epfcf/W,  whofe  calling  without  doubt  was  both 
crdinary,and  mediat,    that  the  Holy  Chojl  had  made  them  Bi(hopt/oT  fuperintendents) 
ef  the  floci{_of  Chrift.  AGs.  20.  28.     And  the  fame  Apoflle,  doubteth  not  to  call  them 
the  Arabaffad ours  of  Chrift,  who  did  bearc  the  treafure  of  the  GofpcU  in  earthen 
veffells.    He  who  wanteth  this  minifterial  miffionor  vocation,  is  an  intruder, and 
cannot  expedithe  blefling  ofGod  upon  his  labours.  It  was  the  judgement  of  the  an- 
cients concerning  Origf «,that  the  reafon  why  he  fell  into  fo  many  grofs  errours,  was 
becaufe  he  thruli  himfelf  into  the  office  of  a  Preacher,  before  he  had  a  lawful  calling 
from  the  Church.    One  reafon  why  our  Sauiour  would  not  fuffer  the  divel  to  fay  he 
knewhim  ,  was  ,  becaufe  he  had    no  calling.     If  you  afk  me  then,  who  it  is  that 
gives  Epifcopal  Grace.  God  or  nian,I  anfwer  with  St.  Atnbrofe,/i«e  dubio  deus^fed 
tamen  per  hominem  dat  i)eus,  vcithout  doubt  God,  hut  yet  Cod  gives  it  by  man  .     Man 
impofeth  hands  ,  Codgivtth-the  Grace  ,  the  Trieft  impofeth  hU  fuppliant  right  hand.  And 
God  hle^eth  teith  his  powerful  right  hand,  the  Bijhop  initiates  the  orders,  God  gives  the  dig- 
nity, de  dignit  facerd  :  Cap;  50. 

From  thefe  two  former  conclufions  ,doth  arife  a  third  ,that  the  Bifhop  who  con- 
ferreth  holy  Orders,  hath  no  power  to  revoke  the  fame  ,  becaufe  he  is  but  a  mini- 
fterial, not  an  authoritative  Agent.  To  this  conclufion  the  Romainfts  give  aflent, 
teaching  that  holy  orders  cannot  be  iterated  ,  nor  the  charader  blotted  out,  yet  it 
is  true,  that  the  Biftiop  who  ordains,  may  fometimes  fufpend  or  reftrain  the  ca- 
nonical exercife  of  holy  Orders,  with  thefe  two  cautions.  Firft  it  is  onely  where 
the  Biftiop  hath  aftual  jurifdidlion  over  the  perfon  fufpcnded,  Secondly,  it  muftbe 
don  clave  non  err  ante  the  keye  not  erring.  If  the  keye  do  erre,  that  is,  if  the  fentence 
be  unjuft  it  may  perhaps  bind  pallively,  but  it  binds  no  man  actively,  buthim,  who 
gave  the  fentence,  to  repent. 

Fourthly,  there  are  many  things  which  ought  to  concur  as  requilite  to  the  actual 
and  lawful  exercife  of  that  habitual  power,  which  is  conferred  by  ordination  accor- 
ding to  the  divers  and  refpedive  conftitution  offeveral  places  and  focieties,  as  no- 
minations, prefcntations.  Elections,  inftallations,.  collations,  Inftitutions,  Conge- 
teller,  confirmations  ,  and  legiflation  itfelf,  wherein  feveral  and  refpectlve  perfons 
or  focieties,  as  well  fecular,  as  ccclefiaftical ,  do  challenge  a  juft  and  refpedive 
intcreft  as  Princes,  Parliaments,  Synods,  Prektes  ,  Patrons,  Deans  and  chapters, 
and  in  fome  places  at  fome  times,  the  people.  Ail  thefe  requifites  the  £wg//> clergy 
have  without  all  controverfy  (except  theanthour  will  adventure  once  more  to  denie 
all  the  records  of  the  Kingdom  )  neither  are  thefe  refpedive  Intcrefts  devifed  by  the 
proteftants,  but  acknowledged  to  be  juft,evcn  when  popery  was  at  the  higheft,  wit- 
nefs  thofe  lawes  which  inveft  the  Crown  in  the  right  patronage,  and  thofe  which 

debarrc 


IDcouRs E VIK  againft  the  objeSlionJ of  S.  n7 


1015 


debar  forrcigners  from  poflelfing  Ecclefiaftical  BrneMcesin  England^  diredly  aeainlt  ' 

the  Topes  provjfions,that  is  fiiU  co  be  underltood,  by  applying  or  fubliradtin^  tJic 
matter.  No  legate  de  ijtere  was  allowed  by  the  law  ofEngb}id,  but  the  ArchbUliop 
oi Canterbury  :  and  it  any  was  admitted  of  courtefy,  he  was  to  take  his  oath  ,  to  do 
nothing  dcrogatorie  to  the  Kingor  bit  Crorvn,  Placit:  An.  i.  Hen.  7.  If  any  man  do 
denounce  the  Popes  Excomunication  without  the  afTent  of  the  King,  he  was  to  for- 
feit all  his  goods,  Flacit.  23,  Sc.  24.  It  was  not  lawful  for  aoy  man  without  the 
Kings  licenfe  to  appcalc  to  Kome.  Placit:  32.  ck  34.  Edivardi  1.  The  invelHture  of 
Bifhops  and  Churchmen  was  in  the  hands  of  the  King.  Math:  Paris.  To  omit 
many  other  laws  to  the  fame  purpofc,  by  which  S.  N.  may  fee  evidently,  that  when 
Popery  did  bear  fway,  yet  the  Kings  o( England  injoyed  an  EcclefialHcal  fupremacy, 
cither  to  reftrain,  or  to  give  liberty  in  certain  cafes  to  the  Exercife  of  Ecclefiartical  - 
jurifdidtion,  by  applying  or    withdrawing  the  matter. 

Now  to  S.  N*:  queltion,  I  anfwer,  that  the  Proteftant  Bifhops  had  their  habitual 
power  from  thofe  who  did  ordain  them,  and  the  liberty  to  cxercife  this  power  adtu- 
ally  from  fevcral  and  refpcftivc  perfons,  and  Societies,  as  well  Secular,  as  Ecclcfiafli- 
cal,  according  to  their  feveral  interefts.  Neither  is  it  material ,  whether  thofe  who 
ordained  them  were  Protertantsor  Papifls  ,  feeing  that  the  Minifteriul  Order  is  not 
changed,  either  by  introducing  hay  or  ftubble  upon  the  foundation ,  or  removing  it 
from  the  foundation. 

Secondly  I  anfwer,  that  thofe  who  ordained  them,  had  no  power  to  revoke  their 
Ordination;  As  he  that  baptiftth  a  Chriflian,  hath  no  power  to  revokeor  annul!  his 
Chriftendome,  Nor  yet  had  they  power  to  rellrain  the  exercife  of  their  Orders  in 
England,  fot  want  of  Jurifdidion,  which  either  they  never  had,  or  it  was  taken  away 
from  thera,not  by  Cranmer  and  Ridley, hut  by  the  Law  of  the  Land,  by  King  and  Par- 
liament, and  Synod,  bythe  Church  and  Commonwealth  oi  England.  His  compari- 
(bn  of  an  Amb'afladour ,  will  advantage  his  caufe  nothing  at  all  ,  becaufe  they  who 
confer  Holy  Orders,4iaveno  fuch  (bveraign  power  as  thcPrince ,  being  not  the  Au- 
-  thour  of  Holy  Order;, as  the  King  creates  AmbafTidouis. 

Yea  rather,  his  comparifon  maketh  againft  himfelf  •,  an  Ambafladour  muft  look, 
more  to  the  Ii\ftrudtions  ofhis  Prince  ,  than  to  the  dircdion  of  fubordinate  Mini- 
ller<:.  The  InftrucHons  of  our  Soveraign  Prince,  from  whom  all  Holy  Orders  doe 
flow,  are  the  Scriptures,  thefacred  oraclesof  God,  the  Key  of liis revealed  Councils. 
He  changeth  the  AmbafTagc  ofhis  Prince,  who  varies  from  his  Inftruftions,  and  not 
he,  who  ordereth all  his  affairsby  his  inftrudtions.  Laftly,  an  AmbafTadour  varying 
from  his  inftrudions  ,  doth  not  thereby  invalidate  his  Legantine  power,  in  thofe 
things  wherein  he  purfues  his  inftruiftions,neithcr  doth  every  abufe  of  a  lawful  pow- 
er, prefently  take  away  the  power ;  if ic  did  ,  the  Komanijls  have  more  caufe  to  look 
about  them,  than  the  protcftants  ,  fome  of  whom  have  dared  to  call  their  inftrudi- 
onsEvangelii'.m  nigrum,  the  black  Gofpeli  IheologUm  atramentariam  ,  inken  Divinity. 
This  is  more  than  varying  from  their  inftrudions:  the  Lord  will  one  day  call  them  to 
an  account  for  thefeblafphemies.  But  fee  how^.N.  is  quite  digrefled  from  his  que- 
ftion.  The  qucllion  is  about  the  effentiallsof  holy  orders,  and  whether  the  proteft- 
arit  Minifters  have  a  calling  or  Commiliion  to  preach  i  He  declineth  the  mark,  and 
difcourfeth  at  randome,  whether  they  do  purfue  their  inftrudions  and  exercife  their 
fundion  as  they  Ought ,  the  full  debating  whereof  would  be  little  for  the  Credit  of 

his  caufe. 

S.  N.  maks  one  flourifti  more,  before  he  leaves  this  fubject.  Having  urged  before 
that  Cratimer  and  the  reft  had  no  commiliion,  from  thofe  who  did  ordain  them  to 
Preach  theProteftantdodrine.  Sect  .24.  He  recites  Mr.Mafons  anfwer,Thatthey  had 
commiliion  to  preach  truth,which  God  by  the  Scriptures  having  revealed  unto  them, 
they  preached  itand  commended  it  to  pofterity.  To  this  juft  anfwer  ;  he  replies  .?f  5. 
25.  That  the  private  interpretation  offcripturefuch  as  their s  was,  is  faHihk  andjubjeCtto 
errour,  that  every  Heretick^challengeth  this  revelation  to  himfelf ,  and  maintaineth  it  rvith 
m  much  reafon  ,  as  the  Frotedant.  And  Sed.2'J.  that  they  all  pretend  their  miftoHand  cal- 
litg  by  Scripture.  7hat  the  Donatifts,  the  Circumcellians,  the  .\xxhnsarrogated  to  then:- 
fshes  and  had  as  good  warrant  for  their  expofition  offcri^ture  as  the  proteftantJ  ,  that  the 
i'-vcf  of  God  fpeahna  in  the  CcriptureM  nothing  el(e  hut  the  very  text  of  fcriptur:  ( tvlmeas 
-      ^         'I'    ^  ^  Ffffff  '^* 


i(>r< 


FroteflaiJis  Ordination  defended      _       T^^-^J-f 


thfG'f[elv}itttl-'eftnJe^."it  in  the  reords  ■■,'that  alliytdu<^ry  inrtadvigatidfwdiyig  out 
ihefrfe  cfScrifttirc  if  deceivablc:  thtrejore  TrotefiaKts  (oiild  have  no  infallible  certainty 
from  fcrij  lure  ,  of  that  tntih,  rrhich  they  delivered,  which  arjainly  is  nectjfjry  to  faith: 
vfj  il  at  ihugh  they  Ihou  id  have  lighted  upon  the  truth  in  fomee£ential  article  fj  belirf^jet 
this  if  nil  il  at  divine  truth  ,  nhich  we  an:  cimmanded  to  embrace,  but  a  meere  humane  veri- 
ty ,bec.ittfe  thcmotivefur  rehich  ^rotejiants  heleive  ts  altogether  fallible .  Butthe  Roman-. 
CaW'Uckj  have  an  infallible  motive,  that  is  the  pr*pojal  of  the  Catholick^  Church , 
tlnrcfire  tin  truth  revealed  lutoffcripturewasnofiifficient  warrant  for  CiZnmcr^and  tbereli 
to  preach  fucb  Trotefiant  Articles, as  they  now  maintein,  contrary  to  the  approved  doSrine  of 
ibi  Church.  That  to  avoid  Confifton  and  occafwns  of  erroitr  which  might  enfue  from  Ua- 
-,  ma^  of fcripiure  to  the  private  interpretations  of  particular  men,  it  pleafed  God  to  un- 
join the  true  meaning  of  Lis  word  to  the  publick^paftours  ofhU  Church,to  them  he  delive- 
reth  infallibly  the  inheritance  of  truthy  of  them  onely  we  mufi  jeek^it,  otberwife  every 
Fantaijical  fpiritmight  devife  what  revelations  he  pleafed.  And  (o  for  a  conclufwn  ofthit 
difcourfe,- he  commends  Tcrtiillians  r«/e  i  To  draw  down  from  the  pure  Churches  the  line 
uj  faith,  and  feeds  ofdvDrim:  and  that  ofjaint  Cyprian,  to  repayr  to  the  Conduit  headof 
Ap'fiolical  tradition  ,  and  from  thence  to  dinci  the  pip  to  our  times',  with  whom  Irenarus, 
Athanaliu?,    and  faint  Aufiin  did  concurre. 

This  is  the  full  fcnfe  of  his  difcourfe,  as  neerc  as  I  can  collcft  it,  (ct  down  to  the, 
mort  advantage  ofhi';  caufc.  He  might  well  feem  to  b^  one  of  Z«;o'x  Scholars, 
who  fcmctimcs  wanted  rf  inions,but  never  wanted  ar^,uments,at  leaf!  fuch  as  this, 
that  is  to  fay  ,  impertinent,  and  wide  from  the  caufe.  The  qucftion  is  of  the  Com- 
miliion,  his  whole  difcourfe -is  ofthe  inllructions.  If  aPrincesAgcnt  fwerveunwill- 
ingly  in  fv  meinfcriour  matter,  from  the  tenour  of  that  which  he  hath  in  charge,  he 
doth  not  Itraightway  forfeit  his  place.  But  on  the  contrary,  if  an  inferiour  mini- 
ller  ot  ftatc,  fliould  ufurpa  power  to  impofe  a  charge  upon  a  publick  Agent, con- 
trary to  law,  fuch  an  injundion  were  void;So  if  a  Bifliop  fhall  require  thofc  whom 
he  ordeines,  topreachthat  wich  isevidently  repugnant  to  holy  Scriptures,  they  ought 
to  cbty  God  rather  than  man  i  and  to  fay,  da  veniatu  epijcope  ,tu  fitffenfiinem,ille 
gehennam  rriinaiur.  But  there  are  no  inlirudtions  fo  Arils',  which  bear  not  a  latitude 
more  or  lefs  tolhe  judg,ementand  difcrction  of  the  party  trulttd,to  proceed  fro  re 
nata,  according  to  the  law  of  nations :  neither  is  there  any  form  of  ordination,  either 
ours,  or  theirs,which  limits  the  pcrfons  ordained  or  authorifeth  him,  who  confers 
orders,  fo  limit  them  Rridly,  and  precifely  to  thefe  opinions,  which  they  muft  teach 
the  people ,  but  doth  authorifc  them  in  general  to  preach  the  Gofpel,  and  to  apply 
that  according  lo  their  beft  fki],to  the  edification  of  their  flock.  This  they  did,and 
this  is  all  which  was  injoyned  them,this  is  all  which  could  be  cnjoyned  them.  If  they 
had  been  cnjoyned  otherwife,  yet  this  is  all  which  they  ought  to  perform.  We 
acknowledge  thcCanonical  obligation  of  a  clerk  to  his  ordinary,  wc  confefs  that 
mnch  rcfpedt  is  due  to  the  chief  paftonrs  ofthe  Church  -•  But  yet  not  fo,  as  to  make 
the  authority  ofa  fingle  fallible  perfon,  to  be  like Mc^wa's  head,to  transform  reafona- 
ble  men  into  floncs. 

No  houie  is  builded  fo  flrong  ,  but  fometimes  ftands  need  of  reparation,  ^3o 
man  keeps  fogood  a  dyct,but  now  and  then  needs  the  hclpe  of  phyfick:fo  errours 
will  be  fprouting  up  in  the  be(t  focieties",and  thofc  Churches  which  have  been  mofl 
carefully  planted,  wilUn  time  require  a  weeding  and  reformation.  He  that  will  ad- 
mit no  Church ,  but  that  which  is  fpotlefs,  with  Acefius  muft  provide  a  ladder  for 
himfelftoclimb  aloneto  heaven.  When  theChurchofCoriM*/)  was  newly  planted  by  St. 
Paul ,  what  abufcs  were  fuddcnly  crept  into  it?  Somedcnied  the  refurrec^ion.  i  Cor- 
15.  12.  They  were  all  torn  afunder  with  fchifmes  and  factions,  1  Cor.  i.  i2,Adde  to 
thcfe,  the  toleration  of  inceft.  Cor.  5:1.  prophanation  of  the  blelTed  Sacrament 
I  Cc  II.  22.  Irreverence  in  their  prayers,  iC«r.  11.  13.  notorious  abufc  of  the 
gilt  of  tongues  X. Cor.  14.  26.  Contentions  about  trifles  before  inrtdells,  i.Cor.  6.  i. 
Infomuch  as  they  flood  in  need  to  be  vilited  with  a  rod,Cor.4.ii.Not  England  ondy, 
but  Rome  aIfo,isa  particular  Church  as  Corinth  was,asfubjed  to  errours  as  they.and 
flards  in  need  fometimes  to  be  weeded,3swell  they.  The  upflart  name  of  Kcwj«Ca- 
tholick.isa  late  devife,  unheard  of  in  the  primitive  times,  and  many  ages  after.  There 
is  or.ely  this  difference  between  Kcme  and  Corinth,  tliatasthofc  difeafcs  commonly 

arc 


IJiscourseVII        Airaw/i     the     Objeaiom^f~s7^.  ;~q 

are  mult   mortal     which  are  infenliblc,  SochceT^rs  oi'Kome    arc   much  ^^ ""^ 

pofed  infalhbility  ,  a.  7xz.,>.  did  upon  a  cloud  ,  they  negledl  the  meane!  of  a  true  re 
covery,  and  deprive  themfelves  ota  fccond  plank  after  (hipvvrack.  This  oroclivirv 
toerrour  proceeds  partly  from  the  malice  of  the  envious  one,  who  iscontinuanv 
bulled  in  fow.ng  tares,  and  partly  horn  the  dcfultorious  nature  of  man  who  k 
omrumohli  mobiUor.  Ucncc  it  comes  to  pafs,  that  the  beft  ordinances  are  fubjed  to  a 
bending  and  declining.  ;  ^i  i^  a 

Therefore  God  having  pity  on  mankind,  hath  provided  for  us  a  ruleoffuoerna 
tural  truths,  his  holy  Word  ,to  he  a    l.ght  mto  our  feet,  and  a  lantern  unto  oht  path] 
TFhiJ}  u  able  to  mak  us  wife  mto  falvation-     Which  is  proHtable  toteach    to  correfl: 
to  exhort,  toconvince.  Ihatthe  man  oj  God  maybe  prefeaed  to  every  asod^ork.Thtrt- 
fore  the    Scriptures  are  called  canonical,  becaufe  they  are  the  Canon  or  rule  of  our 
f..ith.   Aruleis  no  rule  if  it  be  imperfedt.  Th^^^itiht  te{}amentofthe''everhvir,aGod, 
It  is  not  lawful  to  add  any  thmg  to  theteftamentof  a  mortal  man.  In  vain  faith  God 
ye  worjhip  me,  teaching  for  Voarine  (  that  is  for  fubftantial  neceffary  truths  )  the  pre  ' 
.■:pts  of  men.  They  are  the  power  of  Cod  mto  falvation.  Ihcrifon  men  err  becaufe  thev  know 
,ut  the  So-iptures.  God  fends  his  people  to  the  law  and  to  the  tejlimony.     Iftheyfpeake 
not  according  to  thefe  there  is  no  light  in  them .     Let  it  be  admitted,  that  there  be  foine 
unwritten  verities,  which  being  known,  are  of  necellity  to  be  believed,  yet  certaine 
ly  they  are  not abfolutely  neceffary  in  themfelves  tofalvation  tobeknown  which  the 
Holy  Ghofl  hath  not  thought  neceffary  to  be  recorded.  ' 

Yet  every  one  hath  not  fkill  or  power  alike  to  applie  this  rule.     The  fcripture  is 
not  in  the  words,  but  in  the  fenfe  ",  not  in  the  fuperficies,  but  in  the  marrow.  Many 
helps    are  requifite  to  a  right  interpreter ,  as  to  know  the  right  analogy  of  faith  and 
to  regulate  all  hisexpofitions  by  it,which  everyone  cannot  comprehend.     To  com- 
pare place  with  place,  and  text  with  text,  which  every  one  cannot  perform.     To 
underftand  the  Coherence  of  the  Antecedents  with  the  confequents,  which  all  men 
are  not  capable  of  ,to  know  the  idiotifmes  of  that  language,  wherein  the  Scriptures 
were  written.  Which  few  attain  unto  .     7b  draw  down  the  line  of  faith  and  feeds  af 
VoCirinefrom  thofe  purer  Churches  of  the  primitive  times,  as  Tett\i\\ia.n  advifeth  and 
from  the  conduit  head  ofapoftolical  tradition,  to    direU  the  ^ipe  to  our  times     as  St.  Cy- 
prian doth  exhort ,   and  St-    Au^in  approve.     Which  Counfell  we  readily  em- 
brace.   And  Laftly   thofe  who  by  their  office  are  confecrated  to  the  fervice  of 
God,  have  ordinarily  a  peculiar  affiftance  of  the  holy  Ghoft.  Therefore  as  we  make 
the    fcriptures    the  rule  of  faith  ,  or  as  others  phrafe  it,  the  judge  of  controverfies 
(  that  is  as  the  law  is  judge  of  civil  differences  and  noe  other  wife  )  fo  we  do  not 
afcribc  to  every  one  the  fame  degree  of  judgement ;  To  private  men,  we  yeildoncly  a 
judgment  of  difcretion,  that  is  we  would  not  have  rcafonabJe  men  like  Davids  horfe 
and  mule  void  of  underftanding.     To  the  partours  of  the  Church  we  give  a  judge- 
ment of  diredion,and  to  the  chcifpaftoursor  Bifliops,  a  judgement  of  jurifdidion  i 
more  orlefs,  according  to  their  refpedive  places  or  offices  in  the  Chriftian  Church, 
And  above  particular  ptftours  te  a  fynod.     And  moft  eminently  ,to  a  general,  or 
Oecumenical  council, which  we  make  the  higheft  judge  of  Controverfies  upon  earth. 
To  his  obje<aion,then  I  anfwer  Firft  ,  for  our  reformers,  that  Cranmer  and  thofe 
others,  who  were  prime  aftors  in  the   reformation  ,  were  not  private  perfbns,  but 
publick  paftours  of  the  Church  to  whom  this  authour  faith  ,  that  God  unfoldeth  the 
meaning  of  hit  rvord  ,  to  whom  he  delivereth  infallibly  the  inheritance  of  truth.     Yet  thefe 
were    notour    Reformers,  but  the  fynods  and  Parliaments  of  our  Kingdom,  un- 
der the  Scveraign  Prince,  the  fynods  propofing  ,  the  Parliament  receiving,  the  King 
authorifing. 

Secondly,  for  the  manner  of  our  reformation.  It  was  not  fed  itious,  tumultuous, 
nor  after  a  fanatical,  or  cnthufiaftical  way  ,  but  done  with  all  requilitc  helps,  taking 
the  primitive  Church  to  be  their  pa  tern,  and  the  Holy  Scriptures,  interpreted  accor- 
ding to  the  analogy  of  faith,  to  be  their  rule. 

Thirdly,  for  the  fubjedl  of  their  reformation  as  it  was  not  other  Churches,  but 
their  own.  So  it  was  not  of  Articles  of  faith.  5.  ZST.  milhkcs  (  though  the  Aoman 
Church  challengefuch  a    power  yet  the   Protcrtant  Church  doth   not )  but  it  was 

Ffffff  2  of 


loi 


^  Froteftanls    OrdivaTion  defended  TOME    IV 

ot  L-orniptions  ^vhich  were  added  ot   later  times,    by  rcmoTing  that    hay ,  and 
I'mbble   whicli'tlic  Komaiiijh  Iiad  hcanediipon  the  foundation.     AlwaycS  oblerving, 
that  rule  of  Vincnttim  Lyrinevfu,  tocall  nothing  into  qucflion,  which  hath  been  be- 
lieved alwa^es  every  whete.and  by  allChridian?.  Yea  farther,  thcfc  turbulent  perfonr, 
whuhavcatitmptcd   to   innovate  any   thing  in  favingfaith,who  upon  their  ariling 
were  ccnfurcd,  .and  condemned  by  the  univerfal  Church,  wc   rcciion  as  no  body, 
nor  doth  their  oppofition  hinder  a  full  confent  .     Hence  it  is  ,  that  the  Rcmavifh 
dticall  our  Religion  a  uegaitve  KtUgioti.     Bccaufc  in  all  the  controverfies  between 
us,  and  tlicm,  wc  maintain  the  ncgative,that  is,  we  go  as  far  as  we  dare,  or  can,with 
warrant  from  the  iioly  Scripturcs,and  the  primitive  Church,  and  leave  them    in  their 
txccfieSjOr  thofc  inventiors,which  themfelvcs  have  added. But  in  the  meantime  they 
Jorget  that  wc  maintain  all  thofe  Articles  and  truths  which  are  contained  in  any  of 
the  ancient   Creeds  of  the  Church, which  I  hope  arc  more  than  negatives.  Laftly,  for 
tjficextcnt  of  our  feparation ,  we  have  not  left  the  Catholick  Church  ,  but  onely  the 
K'wjw  Church,  and  that  not  abfolutely,  but  in  their  fupcrftructures  which  they  have 
added  to  the    Dodrlne  of  faving  truth.     And   even  in thefe  with  the  fame  mind, 
that  one  would  leave  his  fathers  or  his  Brothers  houfe,  when  it  is  infeded,  with  e 
dc  tircto  return  again,  when  it  is  free-      And  in  the  mean  time,  wc  pray  for  it  that 
it  may  be  free,  we    would    admit  the  Church  of  Kome  to  be  a  Siller  ,  if  that 
would  content  them,  yea  an  elder  Siftet,and  rather  than  fail, to  be  a  Mother  Church 
to  the  Saxons.     But  we  may  not  allow  them  the  place  of  i  Lady,  and  Miftris.  This 
fame  thing  was  the  ground  of  the  divifions  between  the  Emperours  and  the  popes 
which  fet  the  lFe\hrn  world  on  Fire.     This  fame  was  the  ground  of  that  feparation 
of  the  4.     Patriarchs  of  Conjlamitiople,  Aniioch,  Akxandria^attd  Jerufakm^  from  the 
fifth  of  Koiwf,  when  they  ufed  thefe  or  the  like  words,  thy  greatiiefs  we  know,  thy 
covetoufiiefs  rve  cannot  fatiffie  ,  thy  encroachments  we  can  no  longer  endure  ,  live  by  thy 
felf.     His  reafftn  that  he  urgeth  againfl  us  that  the  Arrians,  the  Vonatifls,  and  the 
CircimceVians  pleaded  Scripture  for  themfelvcs  (  he  mighthave  added  the  divelalfo^ 
isofno  weightat  all  i  fhall  wc  refufcto  eat,  becaufe  feme  have  poyfoned  themfelvcs, 
c  r  to  travaile  ,  becaufe    fome  have  ftraycd  from  the  right  way  ?  A  drunken  man 
iliinkes  thathe  isfober,  but  afober  man  knowes  that  he  is  fober.    5.  N.  would 
have  us,  like  that  foolifh  novice  who  having  a  goodly  heritage  left  him  by  his  father, 
and  good  evidence  to  (hew  for  it  i    yet  becaufe  others  claimed  his  inheritance  he 
threw  his  evidence  into  the  Fire,  bidding  them  take  it ,  rather    than  he  would  be 
troubled  about  it.     The  young  man  is  the  Chriftian,the  field  true  religion,the  father, 
our  heavenly  Father,  the  evidence  his  facrcd  word  i  Becaufe  the  heretick^  and  the 
fchilmatkke  lay  claim  to  true  religion ,  (hall  we  therefore  negledl  our  inheritance, 
and  caft    away  our  evidence. 

But  S.  N.  and  his  fellowcs  will  admit  no  reformation  no  not  fo  much  as  in  the 
cxpofitionof  a  text  of  Scripture  ,withiout  an  infallibility  ,unlcfs  we  know  the  (enfc 
of  the  text,  as  certaincly  as  we  know  the  articles  of  our  faith.  This  is  an  high  de- 
vice of  infallibility,not  to  err  in  theexpofition  of  a  text  of  Scripture  and  by  his  good 
leave,  more  than  they  dare  afcribe  to  the  Pope  himfelf ,  whom  they  make  to  be  in- 
fallible in  the  condufion,  but  not  in  the  premifTes.  So  by  their  own  doftrine  , 
the  Pope  himfelf  nniay  mifapply  atext,  without  prejudice  to  hisfuppofcd  infallibility. 
We  believe  the  holy  Ghoft  doth  lead  theCatholick,or  univerfalChurch  into  all  truths, 
which  arc  fimply  neceffary  to  falvation,  and  preferves  it  frofti  all  fuch  damnable  er- 
rours,  as  are  deflrudivc  to  faving  faith.  So  that  the  gates  of  Hellfhall  never  prevaylc 
againft  it.  But  we  believe  alfothat  it  is  the  property  of  the  Church  triumphant,  to  be 
without  all  fpots  and  wrinckles,  particular  Churches  are  of  an  other  nature,  they  have 
no  fuchpriviledge,nonotKowjf  it  fclf.  They  may  fall,  and  fail  &  apofiatifefromChrift, 
without  any  prejudice  to  thepromifc  of  Chrid,  as  thofe  fevcn  Golden  Candlefticks 
have  done,  in  the  middcft  of  which,  thefon  of  man  did  delight  to  walke.  B.ev.i.  i. 
God  puts  not  out  the  candle  when  he  removes  theCandleflick  , neither  is  the  light 
otthc  Golpcl  extinguiOied,  when  it  is  transferred  from  one  nation  to  another  by  the 
jurt  judeen  ent  of  God.  So  God  hath  promifed,  that  day  and  night,  Summer  and 
Winter  (hall  never  fail,  fo  long  as  the  earth  rcmaircth  but  that  is,  Siccefiively,  ores 
dayis  anothers  night,  Summer  to  one,  is  Winter  t«  arcthcr.     It  were  anhighpre- 

fumptioH 


DcourseVII.  againji  the objeSiiotis  of  S  nI  ~     ]        ' 

-~- — 1 ± J      '     * 1  oi  p 

fumption  ,  or  folly  for  any  one  climate,  trufiing  to  his  promife.to  chalknee  peroe  " 

tual  Sunlhinc,  or  an  cverlafiing  day.     Once  tliis  is  certain   that  this  fuppoled  intal- 

hbilitydoch  detain  them  in  real  errour-.  He  who  acknowledgeth  that  he  may  wan 

der  out  of  this  way,  will  be  more  /tudious  and  inquilltive  after  tiie  right  way    But 

he  that  bdieveth  he  cannot  err,  will  never  repent  or  amend  what  is  amifs.  VV'hilft  wc 

live  in  thi5  world,  wc  are  not  comprehcnders,  but  travailers,  we  fee  not  face  to 

face,  but  darkely  as  in  a  glaft. 

And  as  there  is  a  great.diffcrence  between  particular  Churches  and  the  catholick 
oruniverfalChurchifo  thereis,  as  great  a dilference  between  particular  truth    and 
articles  of  bith.     A  great  part  ofthofe  crrours  and  corruptions,  which  wc  reformed 
were  praftical  in  Agendis,  in  things  to  be  done,  and  not  in  eredeMdis,  in  things  to-be 
believed,  as  the  half  communion,  private  Majfes,  prayers  in  a  tongue  unknowne 
the  inundation  of  indulgences  ,  the  invocation  of  Saints,  the  worfhipiug  of  images' 
feme  of  which  they  doe  acknowledge  to  have  been  otherwife  pradifed  in  the  pri- 
mitive Church  , and  do  not  maintaine  that  any  of  them  areneceflaryby  the  inllituti- 
onot  Chrilh  It  is  true  there  were  alfo  other  do(*rinal  crrours  reformed  incrcdendis 
but  yet  thefc  were  of  an  inferiour  alloy,  and  come  far  fhort  of  articles  of  faith.     The 
very  higheft  of  them  are  but  the  original  conclufions,  deputed  from  articles  of  faith 
or  from  texts  of  Holy  Scripture  by    probable  coufequence.by  the  lightofrcafon' 
and  not  revealed  as  articles  of  faith  are  by  the  light  of  Grace.     Therefore  they  can- 
not be  fo  certaine  as  articles  of  faith,  the  premifles  are  evermore  evident  than  the 
concMxow.profUT  quod  unumquodque  eli  tale.  Hind  magit  efl  tale.     When  the  propo- 
fition  of  an  argument  is  a  text  of  holy  Scriprure,  or  an  article  of  faith,  and  the  af- 
fumption  an  inference  from  thencc,the  conclufion  muft  follow  the  wcakers  part.  But 
tuibono,    whethertendsallhis  difcourfe,  butto(hew,that  the    Proteftants  have  no 
infallible  proponent,  but  thcKotnan  Catholicks  have  an  infallible  proponent, that  is, 
the  Church  ofKome.  Which  is  the  authoritative  interpreter  of  Scriptnre,the  judge  of 
controverfies,  the  infallible  guide,  into  whofe  fentcnce  the  laft  refolution  of  our  faith 
ought  to  be  made.     The  City  built  upon  the  top  of  a  mountain,  to  whofe  deter- 
minations we  muft  fubmlt  upon  pain  of  damnation.     That  if  this   infallible  guida 
were  not  confpicuous  to  every  man,  who  doth  not  willfully  (hut  his  eyes,  God  had 
been  wanting  to  his  Church,  and  had  not  provided  fufficient  meanes  for  the  falva- 
tion  of  mankind.    Thus  they  crie  one  and  all  with  open  mouth. 

I  commend  their  difcretion,  If  they  could  make  this  one  affcrtion  good  ,  it 
would  fave  them  nriuch  labour,  when  they  are  hardly  put  to  it  in  particular  quc- 
ftions.  Asthofe  flatterers  of  the  King  of  Pgrfia^coald  not  find  a  law  for  him  to  marry 
his  Sifter,  but  they  found  out  a  law  that  he  might  do  what  he  would,  which  is  as 
good,fb  the  Komanifis  think  to  make  good  of  all  their  particular  crrours  by  this  one 
general  affcrtion.  they  like  the  councel  well,  which  AUihiadtsgive  to  7emHhclei 
iu  PlutJrch  when  he  found  him  bufic  about  his  accounts  to  the  City.  That  he  fhould 
rather  ftitdy  to  give  no  account.  To  difputc  particular  queftions,  were  to  give  an 
account  of  their  crrours,  but  to  plead  an  infallibility  frees  thcnni  from  all  ac- 
counts. 

The  truth  is,  the  Proteftant  Church  is  not  the  more  fallible,  but  the  lefs  fallible , 
becaufe  it  doth  not  prefumc  to  challenge  an  infallibility  to  it  felf,Thcy  have  as  good 
meanes  of  knowledge,  and  as  great  aflViranceoffinding  out  the  truth  as  thcKomani]is 
can  pretend  untoi  whether  it  be  the  Holy  Scripture,  or  Apoftolical  tradition,  or  the 
cxpofitions  of  all  former  ages,  or  a  confirmed  fuccellion  of  lawful  paltours.  The 
truth  is  likewife.that  the  Romanifu  have  no  fuch  certain  infallible  proponent  as  they 
brag  of,  but  deckthemfclves  with  the  ftollen  feathers  of  the  truely  Catholick  or  uni- 
vcrfal  Church.  If  it  were  lawfulfor  us  to  expoftulatefo  familiarly,!  had  almoft  faid, 
fo  fawcily  with  God  ,as  they  do,  we  might  urge  with  more  reafon,  that  if 
God  have  placed  fuch  an  infallible  proponent  upon  earth,and  hath  not  given  fufficient 
intimation  who  it  is,  nor  fo  much  as  infinuated  Rome  unto  us ,  unlefs  it  be  under 
the  name  oi  Babylon  ^ihen  he  hath  not  provided  fufficicntly  for  the  falvation  of  man- 
kind. St.  Paul  tells  us,  that  when  our  Saviour  afcended  ,  he  gave  urrto  his  Church  , 
Some  Apofiles,fome  Prophets^fome  Evaytgelijii,  fame  pafiours^and  teachers  foT  the  perfeCiing 
of  the.  Saints  fur  the  work^  <f  tbr  Uinij\eryJoT  the  edifying  of  the  Body  of  Chriji^Eph:  ii, 

but 


lO^O 


Frotejiants  Ordnution  defended TOME  VI 

buFlicTells  us  noc  a  word  ot  any    one    fuch  univcrial   and   infallible  proponent  i 
but  to  lay    this  mylkry  a    little  more  fully    open,  dbferve    with    me  thefc  thrc 

Firrt    that  the  Komanifts  thcmfelvcs  are  divided  into  fix  feveral  parties  about  this 
infallible  proponent,  who  it  is,  or  what  it  is.  If  they  have  an  inialliblc  proponent , 
how  comes  ittopafsthat  there  is  fuch  divcrfity  of  opinions  about  this  proponent, 
who  it  is.  Of  the  lix  rankes,thcy  cannot  chofebut  confefs,  that  five  (  wefay,all  lixj 
do  want  an  infallible  proponent.  In  the  rtrft  place,  This  infallible  prrponent  might 
doe  well  to  propofe  himfelf  to  be  infallible,  but  the  mifchcif  is,  that  the  other  five 
parties  would  not  fubmit  to  his  judgement,  bccaufcthcy  donotbeleivehim  to  be  that 
infallible  proponent.  Some  ,  and  thole  the  greatell  party,  do  hold,  that  this  infallible 
proponent  this  vertual  Church  of  Ko/we,  to  whofe  determinations  we  mud  all  fubmit, 
is  the  Pope  of  Kowf  others  fay  no,  it  is  not  the  Pope  alone,'butthe  Pope  jointly  with 
his  conclave  of  Cardinallsi  A  third  party  fay  neither  the  one,nor  the  other  ,  but  the 
Pope  with  a  council,either  general  or  provincial  •,  Not  fo  fay  the  4tfc.  party,  a  particular 
council  is    not  fufficient ,  It  mult  be  a  general  council ,  with  the  Pope.     The  fifth 
party  fay, that  the  concurrence  of  the  Pope  is  needlcfs  ;  an  oecumenical  council ,  ei- 
ther with  or  without  the  Pope  indifferently  is  this  infallible   proponents  And  thefc 
come  the  neareftthe  marke.     The  fixt,  attribute  this  infallibility  to  none  of  all  thefc, 
but  to  the  whole  eflentiall  Church,  or  the  multitude  of  true  believers.  What  differen- 
ces are  there  here  about  that,  which  fhould  fet  us  all  at  unity  >  We  fee  fmal  fignes  ol 
any  infallibility,  yet  the  Proteftants  might  adventure  without  any  great  danger  to 
fubmit  to  the  Koman  Church    when  the  Komanifts  themfelves  can  agree ,  what 
this  Roman  Church  is.  And  laftly,after  all  this  llrife,when  all  comes  to  all,this  infalli- 
ble proponent,  to  the  common  and  ordinary  fort  of  Chriftans,  proves  to  be  the  parifti 
Prieft  ,  his  flock  knovr  no  popes ,  nor  conclaves,  nor  councils,  nor  Churches,  but  as 
he  his  pleafcd  to  inform  them,  be  it  right  or  wrong  ,  S.  N.  almoft  faith  as  much, 
that  it  pkajed  God  to  mfold  the  truefenfe  and  meaning  of  his  will  te  the  fublicb^paftours 
and  Preacher  J  of  his  Church  :  to   them  he  infallibly  delivereth  the  inheritance  of  truth,  of 
them  ottely  rve  muft  feek^it,  from  them  alone  tve  can  have  our  vocation  to  ?r each.      They 
have  fpun  a  faire  thread  if  they  make  every  curate,  or  parirti  Priell  to  be  an  infal- 
lible proponent. 

Secondly,  whereas  the  grcatcft  part  of  thefe  fix  is  that  which  holds  for  the  Pope,  I 
ask  how  can  they  have  an  infallible  certainty  of  his  determinations,  ofwhom  they  are 
not  infallibly  certain,  that  he  is  pope,  or  the  fuccefTor  of  St.  Teter.  The  common 
tenet  of  their  fchoolcs  is,  that  it  is  not  de  fide  that  Innocent  the  ii-  is  Pope  or  St.  Peters 
fucceffour.  It  is  not  impoffible  that  a  female  may  creep  into  that  fee,as  hath  been  not  im- 
probably related,by  many  authours,  of  John  the  eight.  The  popes  own  Bibliothccary 
fetting  down  the  ftory,  unwillingly  enough  ,  makes  this  Apology  for  himfelf,  ne 
contra  omnetjentire  videar,  that  he  might  not  fecm  contrary  to  all  menj  by  which  it 
appears,  that  it  was  generally  beleived  in  thofe  daycs.  It  is  not  impoffible  but  that 
the  Pope  might  fail  in  his  own  baptifm,  that  is,  if  he  who  chriftened  him,  according 
to  their  grounds  ,  had  no  intention  to  chriflen  him  ,  which  in  thefe  Atheiftical 
times,  efpecially  in  Italy,  where  fo  many  prieftsarc  ,and  fo  many  popes  have  been 
Athcilts,  is  not  fo  improbale.  But  I  confefs  thefe  are  remote  dangers  or  feares.  There  is 
a  third  that  toucheththem  nearcr,whatif  theprelent  pope  be  not  canonically  elected? 
In  any  of  thefe  three  cafes,  if  he  be  not  amale,if  he  be  not  chriftened, If  he  be  not  ca- 
nonically eleftcd  .heis  no  pope,  nofuccefTour  to  St.  Feter,  cannot  pretend  to  any 
infallibility,  even  his  greateft  valTailes  being  judges.  And  to  this  laft  rcquifite  of  ca- 
nonical election,  there  is  much  to  befaidiThey  who  prye  narrowly  intotheaflaircsof 
the  conclave,  andean  efpie  daylight  through  a  milftone,  if  it  have  an  hole  in  the 
middcft  of  it,  do  fay,  that  there  hath  fcarcelybecn  one  canonical  eledlion  in  our  me- 
mories, without  groffe  and  palpable  fymony,  they  fay  the  adive  and  potent  cardin- 
alls  lick  their  fingers  well  in  a  vacancy,  as  the  exchequers,  or  privy  purles  o[Spai»,ii\i 
France,  can  aboundantly  tcftifie, 

Thirdly,  fuppofing  that  they  did  agree  that  the  Pope  of  Row?  were  the  virtual 
Church,  and  that  he  was  this  infallible  propofcr,  fuppofealfo,  that  they  were  infalli- 
bly certain  that  Innocent  the  1 1.    or  any  other  particular  pope,  is  the  pope,  and  a  true 

fuc-. 


Discourse  VII        /^gainjl     the     ObjeBhns  of  S.N. 


fucceirourot  St.  Peter  ,  let  us  fee  in  the  third  place  what  inhlliblity  it  is,  whichTheT 
afcribe  to  him  .  Are  they  fure  that  the  Pope  cannot  err  >  no  ,  they  confefs  h»  m^y  -rr 
as  a  private  man,but  not  as  a  Pope  e  Cathedra  from  his  Chair,  as  if  the  Pope  were  Uke 
ylppol'j's  nunne,  who  gave  oracles  whileft  fhe  was  mewed  up  in  her  cafe,  but  was  no 
wifer  than  her  neighbours  when  (he  came  abroad.  Well  but  can  he  not  err  in  hisde- 
terminations  as  a  Pope>  yes  fay  they,.he  may  err  in  the  premises,  but  notinthe 
Condufion.This  isforae  thing  ftrange:butare  thfy  certain  he  cannot  err  in  thecon- 
clufion?  yes  fay  they,  he  may  err  in  the  conclufion  it  felf;vf  it  be  a  matter  of  fad  but 
not  if  it  be  a  matter  of  faith.  But  can  he  not  err  in  theconclufibnofa  matter  offlith.- 
Yes  (ay  they,  hcmayerrina  condufionof  a  matter  offaith  ,  if  he  do  not  define 
withdue  advice  and  deliberation.  See  what  an  infallibility  this  is:.  The  Pope  is  in- 
fallible as  a  Pope,  but  not  as  a  private  man  i  as  a  Pope  in  the  conclufi  on  ,  but  not  in 
the  premiffes.  In  the  conclufion,  if  it  be  matter  offaith  ,  but  not  if  it  be  matter  of 
fedt:  In  the  conclufion  of  a  matter  offaith  ,  if  he  ufe  a  due  advice  and  deliberation 
other  wife  not.  Some  Oedifuf  refolve  me  this.  And  what  is  this  due' 
deliberation?  Nay,  ftay  there,  that  admits  a  further  difpute.  Had  not  the 
Pope  better  be  without  iuch  an  infallibility,  than  have  it?  Take  nothing  and  hold  it 
fafti  thus,ji^fw  tninutis  dijfecant  ambagibits ,  ut  quifqtte  e(l  lingua  neqitior.  But  I  leave 
them  wandring  in  their  Maies ,  and  S.  N.  to  his  vapours.  It  (hall  fuffice  to  have 
anfwered  his  Arguments ,  and  to  conclude  ,  that  if  thejrc  be  any  Holy  Orders  upon 
Earth,  the  Church  cfEwg/Whath  Holy  Orders. 


1021 


FINIS- 


(  io2a) 


THcrc  being  fcveral  printed  Pamphlets  extant,  in  which 
fomefiich  Advcrfarics,  as  had  the  confciencc  at  firft  to 
frame,  have  now  hardened  themfclves  to  defend,  that  impudent 
Fable  of  the  Naggs  He^t/Confecration^  snd  to  deny  that  there 
were  any  Records  of  thofe  times,  reporting  any  other  Confc- 
crationof  ArchblfiiopP/irJ^fr,  than  that  infamous  pretended 
one  i  and  the  moft  Reverend  Authour  of  the  Former  Difcour- 
,  fcj,  jrequcntly  mentioning  and  referring  himlelf  to  the  Regi' 
fters  of  tbofe  dayes  •>  It  was  thought  fit  here,  for  fatisfa^lion  of 
rhe  World,  and  ftoppir.g  the  mouth  of  Calumny,  topublifh 
the  Copy  of  the  Record  ,  the  Original  of  which  any  may  (ec  ^ 
who  plcafe  to  fearch  the  Regiftry  of  the  See  of  Canterbury  : 
as  alfo  another  Old  ManufcriptMcmoirc,  out  of  Corpus  Chrifii 
Col  ledge  Library  in  Cambridge  •,  which  areas  following* 

•  Eglftrum  iRetJtrettBifsimi  in  ct)riflo^atti0$B(>= 

mini,!Domini^atticHaarKfr,m3lrciicpifcopuin 
Cantuarifnffm  per  5©fcanum^  Capitulum€c= 
,  cltOe  €UW  ¥  a^cttopolitice  C^rifli  Cantua» 
'run  p;($  migore  ^ auttio?itaf c  licmtie  l5e» 
gic  min  \)u  parte  fact,p,2imo  tie  menfi0  Hu= 
gu0i  nmo  3Dommi  ntillf Cmo  £Duingf nteQmo 
£luinqua5efimo  i^onoelecti,  ac  per  metercntioe  ^Sitxts  iBnos 
iXamumisarlotDnuptrsatljon  $  WidUfi  Cpiim,  mm€\u 
ctiinDiiceQrfn,  Jo^em  ^mv  tiiDum  HmQxtfi  cpiim,  nunc  e= 
lectum  i^erefo?r)ett,#ilonem  coberDale  Quonnam  €)coniefi(£puifi 
5  loi^em  l^onoiefKvn  Cp6m  fuffrajjaneii  23et)fo?Den ,'  mimt 
3lran1m  Comiffionaliura  mQiatCi^mf^m  Directarumiiono 
«r„ ,.  a  ^if  ^inii^  mm  tunc  p?or:  f equt n  confirmati,  necnon  per ipfo0 
oreat  cha-  ^ttf rfttDos  f^atres  autpo^itate  prei5  Decimo  feptimo  tie  ejUBtiem 
r.aer  ,r  ^ettfis  BeceHib^is  confecrati,3ltntl?onio  i^ufe  Srmigero  tunc  m* 
lixt.uneiy  QrariopOTacioUicti  meberenDiffimi  i^atrie. 

theje  L"'f/        Primo  die  Mentis  Junii  Anno  Domini  1 5^0.  prstatiis  Anthonius  Hufe  mortem  ob- 
are  t,:  a  dij-  jj^  ^-^j  fljccellit  Johannes  Incent  in  Officio  Ret',iHrariarus  prxJ. 
^'^i'''^f^'/'        DJdus  Revcrcndiiiimus  Mathcus   Archiepikopus  Cantuaiicniis  xvjj.  die  Menfis 
rjUerjrr.m    Maij^  Anno  Dcm.  1575.  in  Aurora  apud  Lambehith  mortem  obijc  ,   cc  diem  fuum 
i)U  i,;e  re|r.     claufit  cxtrcmum. 

A(^ahabita  Scfa^a  in  N^eorio  ConfirmationisClectionistiaf- 
nerabili0  $  Crimij  ^iri  0^agci  flipatbei  iBarKer  ^acre  Cbeologf  t 
p;jofeffo?is  in  Srcbiepwrn  Cantuaf  electi,  ii^ono  Dte^cnfi05De- 
cerab?is3inno  5^ominia9illefimo£iuingentf0mo  ^iuinquageff* 
mo  ^ono,  f  iaegni  felicifeimi  JIluQuifsime  in  Cbnfto  ^?incipi0 
5t  Bomine  noflrel^omine  CU3at)ettieBei  gratia  SKnglie ,  jfrancie 


Jhe  nhule 
KecKrd  is 
nrit  in  a 


(l023) 

f  mtxnk  me  gine  finn  Bef  ens:  $  c.  Snno  fecuntio  in  CccleCa  laa- 
rocliiali  Beate  ^acie  nc  3rc^ubu9  jLonton ,  eccUae  ^etroiSi^ 
tice|picantuaf luriODictionig  imfDiate,  Coram  mefceims  i 
Cb2iflo#atnte?2)omim0  ^ilUflmo  quondam  ©atljon  a  GnPi 
Imepo nunc  Elf ctociceton,  Jo^e  ^mv  quontiamciccareft 
€po,  nunc  I^Erffo^neft  elf  cto,  S^ilone  (Eobert)ale  quonnim  Crok 
epiicopo,  oci^e  Scnfo^iDfn  Cpifcopo  ^uffraganeo  menian  TLm- 
nsCommimonalibu0  ISatennicte^lluarifgimtBomine  noffre 
megme  m  Ijac  parte  Commifsiarijs  inter  alio0,  cum  tiac  claufu- 
la,  £luat£nu0  bosautan  minus quatuo^  trum$c.  i^ecnon  cum 
bac  aDjeciione,  fupplente0  ni^ilominus  ?c.  Itime  fulcitis  in  me- 
fentia  mei  jFrancifci  Clerfe  0o2ij  i^ublici  in  3ctonim  ^cribam 
inftac  parte  propter  abfent  ^agitlri  ZntlmH  mtt  meaiararii 
ft.  alTumpti  p.:out  fequitur,tir)elicet. 

Die  &  loco  p;ci5  inter  tjc<2as  octatam  $  nonam  ante  meriniem 
co?am  Commiffarijg  fup^anominatis  comparuit  perfonalitrr lo-  ^^^  con- 
Ijamtea  lucent  i^otarlus  publicus,  ac  pjefentabit  eiftiem  laete-  ^™^tionis 
rfnt)i05Bomims  Coifirijg  Xf as  Commifsionales^^atentesiiecti-  ^''^^^'°"'s 
as,  eis  in Uac parte Directas,  bumiliter  fupplicanuo  quatenus  m'^'^u"' 
onus  erecutionis  31raf urn  comiCTionaliei  paten  t)m6i  in fe  aCTume-  p  I 

re,  ac  jurtaearumcontinentiamp;ocetieni5fo?eintiictoconfirma=  A'chTeD 
tianis  l^egotio  necernere  Dignarentur ,  quibus  quitiem  XLiteris  cant 
commimoualibus  tie  ^annato  Dicto^um  Commiffarionim  per 
eunnem  Joi^emllncfiTrnubliff  perlectis.ijnem  Commiffarij  ob 
rebercntiamf  Ijono^em  tsicte  ^ereniffime  5Domine  nofire  Hegine 

acceptaruntinfeonus'/LiterarumCommiCfionalium^Batentium 
medaru  timoi,  f  r)ecret3erunt  p?ocetieni!i  foje  jurta  tim  fo^mam 
f  enectnmearunt)em:t)eint)et)ictugr3io5es3ncent  erbibuit  p2ocu« 
f  ium  fuum  mo  iBtcano  gt  Capitulo  ecclefie  ^etropoUtice  Cb?i(li 
Cantuarienus,  f  fecit  fe  partem  p?o  eiftiem  ac  nomine  p20curato= 
rio  eoruuDcmBecani  $  CapituU  p,2efentatit  eiftiem  Commiira= 
rijs,  benerabilem  toum  apagiQrum  l^icbolaum  ©uUingbam 
•/Legum  Bocto?em,  ac  emegionetiicto?umcommiirario?umaae= 
bat ,  qui  erbibuit  pjocufium  fuum  p^otiictolienerabili  $  erimio 
biro  #agiliro  ta^attbeo  iBar^er  Cantuc  ele cto ,  f  fecit  fe  partem 
mo  eotiem,  $  tunc  tiictus  Slopes  Incent  txUhmt  ^antiatum  cita= 
to?ium  originate  una  cum  certificato?io  in  tio,2fo  fuper  Crecutio= 
ne  ejuftiem,$peti)t  omnes  $  fingulos  citatos  publice  p.jeconimi, 
ac  confequenter  facta  trinapublicap;econi3atione  omniHiugtOn^ 
ftulonim  oppoCto?um,  atj  fo?as  Ccclefie  ^arocbialis  tie  3ercbubu0 
mt  $  nuUo  eonim  comparente,nec  aliquiBin  bac  parte  opponeit, 
obnciEn,telercipieil,  tiictus  lobannes  Jlncent  accufabit  eonim 
contumacias,  ipetijt  eos^eo?umquemlibetreputari  contuma- 
cfs  ac  in  pe nam  contumaciarum  fuarum  bmoi  biam  ulterius 
in  bac  parte  opponentii  contra  tiictam  eiectionent  fo,2mam  ejuf= 
tjem,  aut  perfonamelectam  p^ecluDi;  ati  cujuspetitionem,  tiicti 
Bouiini  commiilari j  p?onunciarunt  eos  contumaces,  acinpe- 
nam  ^c.  biam  ulterius  in  bac  parte  opponentii  eis  $  eommcuili- 
bet  mecluferunt,  necnon  ati  petitiouem  tiicti  Jobannis  Jnceut  aD 
ulterionmiu  bmoi  confirmationis  negotio  p.iocenenti  fo,2e  tiecre= 
beruntp^outin^cljetiulaperp^efatiuTiiDominumcGiillielmum 

<B  i3ar= 


(io24) 

iB^rlotoflccti'mCiccfltfnDeconfenfuCoUegatumfuontmUcta 
Snius  comiiietuc  s   qua  qiUDcm  ^cljeDula  fie  lecta  ,  p;c= 
fati'sloljauiifsjiicfnt  m  p?efcntia  mtfati  ^agiaci  Bicl;olai 
i3uUiiial)am}B?ociirato?i0  5H>omim  electi  Cane  antcDicti,  netJit 
fiimaciam  petitionem  in  fcnpti0 ,  quampetijt  aDmitti,  atJCiiju0 
rfntioiumfccminiCommiffanjaBmifcruntnictam^umariam 
ufticocm,  $  affiguarimt  Dicto  3inccnt  aDpiJobantmm  rontmta  iii 
tamm  aD  (latim,  ©dune  Jiiceut  in  fubCmu  p?obationi0  contento= 
mm  in  Dicta  ^ummaria  pctitione  >  ertibuit  p^oceffum  eUaio- 
nis  'u  pci't^ona  nicti  \)eaerabili!3  \3in  a^agiflri  ^attljei  parfecr, 
ner  Bccanum  $  Capitulum  CccUfie  CatQig  $  ^?etrop6ceClT2i(li 
Canf  p?f6facef  celeb?af,  quoperBomino0Commitrario0,  tiifo, 
infpecto  $pcrfpecto ,  ijDcmBmi  commiffarij  aupttitionemp^e^ 
fati  lloljannis  Jncent  IjujulnioDi  p,:cceffum  p?o  lecto  liabennum 
fo2t^  cenfcri  ^oinecunt  $  tecrctjcrunt ,  $  tiinct)ictu0 31nfmtfu= 
ncrbujufmoDi^nmmariapctitione  p^oDunt  11ol)annem  mitt 
fecnecofum,$  Miillielmum  Coltoyn  mtinmsi^aginriim  in  %t= 
fle0,Quo05Bomim  CommifTarij  ati  t\m  petitionem  jutejuranno 
onerarimt  neDicenno^ecitatem  quamnol3Erint  intiac  parte,  qui= 
tm  pec  me  p?efatum  jFrancifcum  Clecfee  feo;f urn  $  fecrete  erami^ 
nati0,  eo?umquet)icti0  $  3ttc(tationibU0  at)  peticonem  Dicti  3Io= 
l)anm0  Uncent  per  12>omino0  Commifrario0  publicati0,at  per  ipfo0 
^ifi0$  infpecti0,ipfi  Bomini  CommifTarij  an  petition  em  Dictiln* 
cent  ailisnarunt  fibi  at)  p?oponentinm  omnia  antlatim,  5©eintie 
llncenterbibuit omnia  ^fingulaper  eumin  nicto  negotio  e)ct)ibi= 
taf  p?opofita,  qnatenu0fibi  conMcunt  $non  aliternequealio 
motio ,  f  tunc  Bomini  at)  petitionem31ncfnt  affignaruntfibi  at) 
conclutien^  at)  flatim,  BictoJlncent  concUitiente  cum  eiftiem  5©o= 
mini0Commi(rarii0fecum  etlam  conclut)entibU0,  qua  conclufi= 
one  fie  factat)ictiBomini  Commiffarii  at)petitionem  Jncent  af= 
fignarunt  at)  mWnt  finale  Becretum  fipe  ^ententiamBiffini= 
titam  at!(latim,Confequenter  t)ero  facta  alia  trina  p^econi3atio= 
ne  oppDfito?um(fic  ut  p?emittitur)  citato?um  $  non  comparen  nee 
quiequaminbac  parte  opponenBominiCcmmiffarij  aD  petition 
nem  Jncent  p^onunciarnnt  eo0  $  eonim  qnemlibet  coutumace0, 
acinpenacontumaciarufuarabmoi  necreterunt  p^oeeDeniS  fo;e 
at)  p?olationem^nie  Biffinitibe,  fiPeBecreti  finali0in  bac  caufa 
ferenii,ipfo?umfic  eitatonim^  non  comparen  abfentia  fibe  con= 
tumiiciainaliquo  non  obtlante,p?outin  ^ebemila  per  memo^a= 
tum5l>ominum^tatillimumCiee(!ren  eleetum  t)econfenfuColle= 
garnm  luonim  lecta  Dilucit)iu0eontinetur.  I^i0  itaque  in  oiUnt 
gefii0,ac  p?eJlito  per  ^^agifirum  jFticbolaum  25ullingbamnomi= 
ne#?ocuratonop?efatiBomini  CleetiCantuarien.ae  in  animam 
ipfiu0  Bominicleeti  Juramento  co;po^ali,jurta  fo;mamt!efcri= 
ptamin^tatufparlamenti  3(inno  piimo  Eegni  tJicte  Bomine 
lieffine  Cli5abetl)e  tUt  prefatiBni  Commiffarij  at)  petitionem  U- 
ctijlncent  tulerunt  $p?omulgaruntfententiam  Biffinitibam  in 
fcripti0per  piefatum  Bominum  sutiillimum  Clectumcicefiren 
m  conlmCu<roUegarum(uo?um  lecti0,  p^onunciantio,  Deeernen= 
ta,  eeteraq;  faneaDop?out  in  eatiem  eontinetur ,  luperquibua 
tam  p?efatus  Sl^agiGer  Bifbolau023iillingbam  qnamoictusjo^ 

banner 


(l025) 

plura,  publicum  feu  publica,  luQrumnitnm  mtmmm^^^ 

lie  re  petierunt,  podremo  autem  mcti  Boniini  ComrSf  fe  n  - 
tnionem  tarn  p?oriirato?i0  p?efati  JDomini  ClectiVc^'igrmaH' 

Cij.nllKirantuarp^efinecrebenmt  ipfum  mmtnmmmi^ 

men  $  Itmmiaratiomm  ^pjntualium  $  tiren  poialmm  rii?H 
3rcl)iepatus  cantuarienfe  cicem  Bomino  to  rfSmi^o 
commiurunt,  |pfumQuc  m  realem,  actualem  $  co^po^a  eS 
Mioncm^nicti  3irc]iiepacopatU0,  Juriumque,  Biffitimi  io- 
mum,  isreemmen  $  pertmenfuo^um  imiberfo^um  fniuccnl « 
mtromsan^  tojeetiamDecrtterunt,  per  Brcanum  $Camtulum 
Cede  fie  CatbenjaUs  $  9petr  opoluice  €^mi  Cantiiat  pXam  a. 
lium  quemcunqjar)  quern  De  iure$  confuetuDinc  io  munu0D<no- 
fntur  pertmere ,  jurta  €ccUaecti?iQi  Caniuaf  modern  UnmhC 
Urn  tt&m^  $  ^tatuti0  moDerni0  ]^uju0  mlvti  meani  maik 
ncnreclamantemautaDt}crfantem.  ^"iiut 

Elizabeth  Bei  gratia  Hnglte,  jfrancie  ^i^ibemle  ilegina  jfi-^''"^?^- 
t)eiBefenfo?$c.  met)crentii0in  Cti?iflo  jdatruiu0  3ntonio  )lanr)a=r'r"p'  '^' 
tenCpo,Q2iiiUielmo  ©arloquonDam  23att!on  Cpifcopo  nunc  Ci=£!  a  S' '^ 
cefircnClecto,  Hoanni  ^mv  ouonnam  Ciceflren  Cpifcopo  nunc  adhibk 
Clectoi^erefo^nen ,  !Ji9iloni  CotierBale  qucnliam  cE):onepifcopo, 
JoanniBeDfo^tseii,  ^Joljanm  -Ctietfo^lDen  Cpifccpis  ^utiragane=^'^  '/^^  on- 
10, 31o^anni  ©ale  ©fferen  Cpilcopo,  falutem.Cum  bacante  nuper  &"'^'^ " 
feneSrc^iepifcopali  cantuanen  per  mortem  naturalem  Bomini  '^^^  '*'"* 
lleainalBi  ?Sole  CarBtnali0  uUimi  $  Immeniati  arcljiepifcopif  ?',f"f'', 
iBa'Oc?i0  ejufcematiljumilem  petitionem  JDccani  $  Capituli  €c41aS 
clefienoQreCatbetJ^alis  $  0^ctropolitice  Cl)^iQiCantuarierieif=//;,w<.,^7r 
tJemDerlitera0no(lra0  #atente0  )!Lif entiam  rone efl'erimu0  ali=^«^joanni 
urn fibi  eligenfi  in  mcbiepircopum  $  paQo^em  ^et)i0  p?et)lcte,  ac 
i3tiemBecanu0  $capittilum  tJigo?e  ^  obttnf  Hicentie  noOre  p,:e= 
tJ!CteBilectuil^obi0in  Ct)?ifio  i3©agifirum  ^attlieum  ^arl^ec, 
^acre  ^t;eolosie  p;oMo?tm  fibi  $  CccleCe  p?ei5  elegermit  in 
3(ircbiepifcopum  $  ^&aflo?emp?out  per  )litera0  fua0  patente0  ^i= 
gillo  eo?um  communi  figillat|^obi0  inBe  rsirecta0  pleniu0  liquet 
$  apparet ,  #00  Clectionem  iliam  acceptante0  einem  ceiectioni 
megium  noftrum  affenfum  at)tiibuimu0  pariter  $  fatojem ,  ^  boc 
\}om  ttnont  i]?efentium  agmficamu0  mogante0  ac  in  fi&e  ot  t)ile= 
ctionequibu0^obi0tenemim  firmiter  p?ecipient)o  mant)ante0, 
ouatenus  bo0autau  minu0nuatuo?\3tftrumeunt)emiJi^atrbeum 
aarfeer  in  ^trcbiepum  $  |daUo;jem  (i0ccleficCatbeD^ali0?a^ctro= 
roiiticeCl)?ifii  Cantuaritnp?et)ictt  (Ocut  prefer  tur)  Clectum,(g= 
lectionemquep^cBictamconfirmare,  ^cimDem  ^agiflrum  0Pat- 
tbeum  mxUx  in  mc^iepifcopum  $  i^aQoiem  cccleflep.zeiDicte 
coniecrare,  ceteraque  omnia  $  Oiigula  peragere  que  tjeflrD  in  i;ac 
nartemcumbunt€)fficio  laaQcuU  jupta  fo.:mam  ^tatuto^um 
meanarte  et5ito?um$p?o\)irontmt)eliti0cum  eftcctu,  lupplentes 
nilnlominus  fup?ema  autbo?itatc  noUra  Segia  er  mero  moru  ? 
f ma  fcicutia  noHris ,  0  quiD  aut  in  bijs  (\m  inm  Si^auDatum 
^  6  ?^  nc^ 


IS  ivni  oj:r. 


( I026) 

iioflrumpKtiiffum  pertos  ficut,aut  in  \)oWs  aut  Wrum  aliqiio 
font)itionf,flatii>  facilitate  neflriis  at)  p^fmiCTa  pfrficmiU  tiffit  aut 
Dfcrit  eonun  que  per  ^tatiita  ^ujusmcgni  noQri,  ant  per  %m^ 
CcclcOafticag  in  tiac  parte  requicuntur  aut  neceffariafunt,  tem» 
130219  ratione  $  rerum  neceffitatc  ID  poftulante ,  Jn  tuju0  rei  %t= 
itiinoniuml)a0  liiterasnoftras  fieri  fecimus  ^atentes,  C:  meip= 
fa  apuDimeftm  feno  nie ?Decemb?i0  3nno  megni  noftri  2,!^a: 

mi  tDltoft  namtfi  be  btrr  fubtcnbtt),  tl)inti  in  our  ju&gmints,  t^at  bp  tbis  Conu 
tniffion  in  tbts  iFo?m  penn? 0,  aCtoell  tbe  SQucenfi  S^Pa jeOp  map  latofiillp  autbo* 
lijetlie  JpetfonB  bDitbiii  namje,to  tb«  tff^ct  fptcifieo,  as  tb»  fato  J^trlonamap 
ejcercife  tbe  Slct  of  Confirming  ano  Conlecrating  in  tbe  fame  to  tbeni  ccni' 

niitteD. 

affiiHiam  fi^ap,  l^«nrpi^a»bep, 

Kobert  saarHon,  iSLbomss  Pale, 

p         j«>  eobaarb  HetdB,  iPlcbol8fii0uUingbam. 

cani  &*ca^-  Pa  feaf  uniberOg  per  pntejs,  ^uot)  nosBecaniig  $  Capitulum 
pituiican-  (gccle0eCatljel3?ali0  $  ^etropoUtice  (T^i^ifti  Cantuaf  in5Domo 
'"'•  noftra  capitulari,  capit  lUariter  congregati  ne  unanimi  alTenfu  $ 
confenfu  noftrig  Bilcctos  nobis  in  Ct)?ifto  !3l^agiftrum<5uiliri= 
mum1DarrellClericumin3(trtibu0^agiftrum  Ccclefie  catl)c= 
r)?ali)3$#etropoUticeCl)?ifti  Can?  p?ei5  Cauonicum  *  |^;eben= 
narium,  3int^onium!^ufe  3rmigerum,  31ol)annem  Clarfee  $  31o= 
tiamiem  Jncentl^otariogpublicoa  conjunctim  ^titiiOm  noftrog 
t)ero0,ccrto)3 legitimes  at  inr)ubitatos0?ocurato?e0,acto?es,  f  a= 
cto?e0,negotionuuque  noftromm  gelto?c0  $  nuncios  fpecialesaD 
infrafcriptanommamus,  o?t)inanui0,  facimus  $  couftituimus 
perp?efente0,t)amufi\itj  concet)imu0  eifDem  ^?ocurato?ibii0  no= 
ltri0conjunctim  $  eo?um  cuilibet  (ut  p?efcrtur)  per  fe  Ditifim$ 
infoliiS  poteftatem  generalem  $  mantjatum  fpeciale  p?o  nobis  $ 
nominibu0  noftris  \)eneraliilem  $  enmlum  liirum  #agiftrum 
^attl^euni parser  facre  'Cljeologie  ^^ofeffo^em  in  3lircl)upum$ 
0afto?eni  Dicte  Ccclefiecatben^alis  ?a^etropolitice  Cb^iftiCaiif 
pernos  €lectum,feu  ejus  ^?ociirato?em  ltimumCempo;ibn0  $ 
locis  congrni0$  oppoHunis  atjeunDi,  Hpfumq^  er  parte  noftra  aD 
confenticniS  celectioni  Be  perfona  fua  facte  $  celebrate  ncbitacum 
3Inftantia  peteni5f  requirenti,necnon  Clectionembujufmotii  per 
no0t)e  perfona  p?efati  iSfagiftri  ^atljei^BarKer  (utp?ofertur)fa-' 
ctamf  celeb?atam€):cellenti(rime  inCl);ifto^?incipi  $  Bomine 
noftre^Domine  Cli^abetbelDei  gratia  3(inglie,francu?  i^ibernie 
megine  jfiUei  Befens^c.  tiicteCcclefiedFuntJatrici  $iaatroneinti= 
manni $ notificanti,  $tju0  confenfnm  $  affenfnm  Eegios  in  ea 
parte  bumiliter  implo?an<l ,  ac  Becretnm  €lectiom0  p^enicte  $ 
p<:rfonampernos(utp?emittitur)  electam  co?am  quibufrinuiiie 
perfonismegia  autbo?itate  in  bac  parte  legitime  fulcitis  p^efen* 
tantieterbibentii,  Dcumqs  Becretum  Otie  ^^oceCfum  eifctioni? 
metiictef  perfonam  fie  (utp?emittitiir)  electam  in  DebUa  juris 
to?maconfirmari  ^app^obari ,  effectufq;  fi  qui  fo^fan  in  bar  par^ 
te  intfr^enerint )  tebitcfuppleri  petenc,  requirenfi  f  impetranS, 
aarnlMquf  $  tiefent!cni5,  ac  litem  feulites  conteGani5  ^couieltan 
tittn$:^irticulum  Utt  Brticulos,  liibelfum  fivie  jlibeUoe ,  feu 
quafcunque^ummarias, ^etitiones  t!an6 $ p?eponeiii5  celfcs. 


(1027) 

fill!!  m  caiifa  Un  Caufig  f onclutiena  ^  rone  uii  b/rif nT  L         • 

tern  incluq\)^?ofcquen6,  mcmn  aiDmniiarationem  omnium 
(5  fingute  ^piritualmm  $  Cempo^alium  liicti  ^rSitiJs 
cantuaf  cinrm  Clecto  committi ,  Jpfumqiie  itrr  aiTm fa^ ," 
lem  t  co?po.?aUm  polTeffionem  cjufBfm3rcl;kpatii0/iir  um- 
quf ,  IDignitatum ,  i|ono;um,  ^^eemintn  $  pertin m  mo  m 
iinifeerfo?ummnuccni5  f  introni3ani5  fo;e  Df cerni  petcub  r/o ui^ 
ren^  $  obtimnfi,  $gencraliter  omnia^  fingula  alia  facienS  ltm= 
tmt^txmnxp,  mtmmnmsmt  circa  canccelTariaf  tcrYnt 
feuquomonolctopponiina,  ctiamfi  ^annatumDeffmaaisfr' 
igant  fprciaU  quam  fupfriii0  eft  c pp^cffam  ,  ^^omittimulque 
000  ratum ,  gratum  $  firmum  perpctuo  l)abiturc0 ,  ton  ml 
qmcqiut)  mcti  iB?ocurato?f 0  noari ,  feu  eo;um  aUqn!0  fecfrint 
ffii  fccent  m  p;Emim0  tclaliquo  p^emiffomm,  $  in  ea  mr"p 
Cantionem  Cfpommu0  per  p^cftntcs ,  3ln  Cuju0  mi  ztUimn 
^i^iUiim  noQrum ,  ( muo  ui  p^cfmti  teacatione  ^et)i0  ZuUt- 
pali0Camuarifnfi0p2ei5)  utimur  p?efentibu0  apponi  fecimn0' 
Bar  m  Bomo  noQra  Capitulan  certio  oir  a^enfi0  ^iuaufti ,  ain- 

noBomimapiluamo£iuingenteamo€JuinquagEfimoi^ono 

i^arear  mmtfra0  pcr  p?efentf0 ,  £iuot)(!Sgo  ^attl;fU0i4r=  p.ocar. 
Itt  facre  Cbeologie  id^ofeffoz  in  3rctiifpum  ccclefie  Cat5i0  $  ^^^^^  ^^^ 
^etropoUtice  €\)M\  Cantuaf  per  menci-a{3ile0  $  ej:imio0  tiitos  ""'"'  ^''*^'* 
Becanum  fCapitulum Ccclefie  metiicteritc  f  legitime  ClectU0, 
Bilecto0  mitii  in  Cti^iflo  a^agim-O0  isiillielifi  ^tv  Becanum 
Cccltfie  Catl)et!?ali0  Biti  idauli  %o\\t ,  ^  Bicljolaum  23uUing= 
^am^lcgumBocto^em  conjunctim  $r)i\3ifimmeo0berc0,  certO0, 
legitimo0acinr)ubitatO0  ia?ocurato?e0, 3Iicto?e0,jfacto2e0,Bego= 
tio?umque  meoru  geflo?e0$nunciO0rpeciale0at)  infrafcripta  no= 
mino,  o^Bino,  facid  $  confiituo  per  p?efente0,Boque$ccnceDo 
cifDem  ^,2ocurato?ibu0  mei0  conjunctim  $  eo.nim  utrique  ( ut 
p?efertur )  per  fe  tiitiifim  f  infolifi  poteflate m  gnlrm  $  ^ant)a= 
tumfpeciale p^omeac  Wee,  loco f  nomine mei0 co;ammeberen= 
t)i6inCl)?iltoi3atribu0f  Bomini0,  Bomini0  GStillielmo  quon= 
t)ami3atboii$QSieUenCpifcoponunc  Ciceflrefi  Clecto,  Joanne 
^mv  quontsam  Ciceflren  Cpifcopo  nunc  Clecto  l^erefoztifn , 
^^llonecobertialequonnamCronCpifcopo ,  ^  3!ol?anne©er)fo2= 
tifit  Cpifcopo  ^uffraganeo  ^erenitlime  in  C^^iflo  l^;incip{0  $ 
Bomine  noQre ,  BomineCli3abetl)eBei  gratia  3^nglie ,  f  rancie 
(t  iliberniemegine  JFinei  BefenB.fc.  an  infrafcripta  Commi(rari= 
i0  cum  ^ac  claufula  (tiDelicet)  mta  cum  Bomim0  Jobanne 
'Cbetfo^tifft^uffraganeo,  $jGl)annei3ale€>[ro?cn Cpifcopo,  $ 
etiam  bac  ClaHlula ,  ^iuatenus  \30s  aut  an  minu0  quatuo,:  l^e= 
drum,? c.  Becnon  et bac  atjecticne,  fupplcutf0  nibilominus,  fc. 
fpwialiter  $  legitime  Beputaf  comparenDi ,  meq;  a  perfonale 
compavitione  ercufanti,  ac  caufam  cc  caufa0  abfentie  mee  bUjuf= 
moDi  alleganfi  f  p?oponeni3,ac  (fiopu0  luerit)  firsem  nefuper 
facienfi  $ )uran$,  Clectionemq^Be me? perfona  mea aD Dictum 
3irf biepatum Cantuarien  per  p.2efatO0,  Becanum  ^t  capltulum 

^  Ccclefie 


eccleae  (latl)et)?ali0  ?  a^etropoUtice  mm  Cantuarif n  factam 
a  rficluatam  ufi'  cofDem  Commi[fano0  mtgios  app^obari  $con- 
firmari ,  mm  in  3ccUicp?f fuUm  Cautuaf  p?c6  rccipi  $  atjmltti, 
ataiKlnreaUm,  actuaUm ^t co^po^aUmpoficffiontmnicti  3ircl)i-- 
£Diicoi3atii0CCantuar ,  juriumq.;  $  pertintu  fuo^u  uniDecfonnn-- 
nuci  $  introni3aripcteni:i,  tcquitcnti  $  impetranfi,  JDccretaqs 
iiiiccunqunliacparinucfirariaf  ouponuna  fern  $  luterponi  pe= 
tnitl^oDtinenfi,  Juramentum  infupcr  tarn  Be  fiBflitate ,  fubjf- 
ftione$ob£t)imtiatiicte^ftcm(rimc  Bomine  noUremeginf€li= 
^abetbc ,  l^crtDiluifqs  5  ^ucceffo^ibus  fuis  p?cflani5  $  cpbibenii , 
feecnonne  rcnuncianDo ,  recufanno  ^cefutauno  omnem  $  omnu 
moDamaiitl)o?itatemT  potfQatEm ,  JurifDictiouem  $  ^uperio* 
ritatcm  fo?inlfcas  t  eUtaneas  feciuiiium  tim,  fo?mam  t  ffff= 
ctum  ^tatuto?um  l)ujU0  inclvtimfgnUngliein  l)acpartc  rtiito= 
rum^p20tiifo?iun,  £tuam  etiam  aliutj£luoncunque  ^acramfn= 
turn  licitum  ^  lioiiEltum ,  ac  tie  jure ,  HtQihns  $  i^tatiiti0  Imm 
megui  3((nglte  in  liac  parte  qLiiomoDoUbet  reqiUfif  In  animam  me= 
am  ^  p?o  me  p?eftanti,  fubemi^  $  jurani5 ,  Ct  generaliter  omnia 
50nsulaalia  facieni,  ererceni3,  erequenfi^erpenienfi ,  que  in  p?r= 
miffa  aut  circa  ea  neceflaria  fuecmt  feu  quomonilibet  opponu- 
na,  etiamfi^auDatumtiefeerigant  magis  (peciale  quam  fupe= 
riuseQ  erp^effum,  p^omittoque  me  ratum,  gratum  t  fitmum 
perpetuo  l;abiturum,  totum  $  quicquitJ  Dicti  is?ocurato?e0  met 
leu  eonimaliquig  fecerint  feu  fecerit  in  p^emitTis  tel  aliquo  eo= 
runnem,  fub  ppotbeca  $  obliijatione  omnium  $  fingulo?um  bo= 
no^ummeonim  tam  p^efentium  quam  futurom,  $in  ra  parte 
Cautionem  erpono  per  p?efente0 ,  3!n  €mm  mei  'CeQimonium 
*>igiiIumtienerabiliumtiirommBominonimBecani  $  capitu= 
li  eccleCe  99etropoliiice  cr^?iQi  Cantuarien  p?effntibu!5  afiigi 
p?ocurat)i,  €t  0oe  Becanus  $  capitulum  antenicf  at)  Eoga= 
turn  t)icticonflituenti0^igiUum  nofirum  ljujufmotii  p?efenti- 
bu0appofuimu0.  Baf  ^eptlmo  tiie  fll^enCsBfcemb?i03innoBo= 
mini,  a^illefimo  mutngeutefimo  €>uinquagefimo  i^ono,  m= 
gniquefeliciffimit)icte^eremffime  Bomine  nofire  megine  eU= 
3abetlK3nno  fecunt)o. 
citario cor     WiHuimiis £>uoni3am:©att)on$OTcUfnCpifcopu0 nunc  €U 
oppoL '  ■  ce(lrenClectu0 ,  3Iol)anne0  ^co^vquontiam  CiceQrefi  epifcopu)?, 
Ks,  6-c.     nunc  ekctus  !^erefo?Deft,  0pilo  Cotiertiale  quontiom  Cron  epi» 
fcomi0,  $31otiannfs  }3er)fo,2t)en  Cpu0,  median  XLiteris  Com= 
mituonalibus  paten HUuGnffime  in  Cb?iflo  ^?incipi0  $  Bomi* 
ne  noQre ,  Bomine  Cli^abetbe  Bei  gratia  3!tnglie ,  J'rancie  f  l^i^ 
berniemeaineifitJctBefen6$c,una  cum  Ijac  Claufula  (bit!fli« 
cet)  una'cum  Bomim0  Jobanne  'Cl)etfo,2tien  ;^uffr^aneo,  $ 
3]obanne  Bale  j©ffo?enCpi[copo;  5t  etiam  Ijac  Claufula ,  £iua» 
tenu3  t)O0  aut  at)  minus  €iuatuo?  beflrum  ? c.  l^ecnon  et  l^ac  at)- 
jectiontfupDlente0mbilominu0  ^c.  0ob\s  Birecri  Ictime  fulciti 
um\3frfi0  ^ringulisDicte  Bomine  noflremegine  fubt)iti0per  uni- 
t)errum3^nglie  iiegnum  ubtlibet  conflitnti0,  falutem.cum  ba* 
cantenuprr  f'^Bt  Hrcbiepifcopali  Cantuaricn  per  mortem  natura» 
lemBominiEeginalBi  pole  Cart)inali0,t!iiltimi  ^  imeDiati  3rcbi= 
epifcoptejusBem ,  Becanus  $  Capitulum  i^ccUfie  Catt)eB,2ali0  $ 


(1029) 

m  ea  parte  petira  ?  obtima ,  celeb^aniS  ccrtum  Ccrminiin  S 

CermmoatiiMatuefamgnaf,  rite  p^oceneutes ,  benerabiiem 
biriim  i^agifirum.a^attljfiimi^arKerfafre  Ctjeologie  Sff^^ 
ff^'^^i"/^?i^"l^^^^'^^,^'^^^^.^^  cratDe^^alis  $  ^etropolitice  cfei- 
m  cane   3rct)ip?eiulcm  elegermt,  CHinq;  Dicta  Wemffima 
Bomma  noflra  megmaat)!)umilem?aetitionem  nictoztim  5©eca= 
nifCapituli,  eiDemelectiont  tie  perfona  p?efati  eierti  (iitDJc- 
mittitur)  facte  $celeb;ate,  f  perfcucciecte,  megium  fuum  an-- 
mbueritaffenfum  pariter  f  fato;em ,  p?out  per  ealDem  jliteras 
fua0^atmte0,  magno  ^igiUofuo  3inglie  agillaf  agnificabe= 
rit,  ^ant)an!Doqiiatenu0perfonameiectam,  feiectionem!iu= 
jufmoDi  confirmare,  $  eunDem  fllpattlieum  in  aircbiepifconum 
Cantucconfecrare,  jurtafemam  ^tatiiti  in  ea  parte  etiiti  « 
p^obifi  Mimm  cum  omni  celeritate  accommota ,  p^out  per eaf- 
t)em?litera0  ^atmteg  megia0  ( at)  qiias  Imbeatur  relatio )  pleni- 
110  liquet  9  apparet,  i^os  tero  bolente0  ejuftienx  ^ertniffime 
5DominenoQrt  Eegine  ^annatig  p?o  ^fficij  noflri  Debito  pa= 
rere,  ac  intiujufmoBiConfirmationis^egotio  jurta  juri0$^ta= 
tuto?um  ftu  jus  inclpti  me  gni  anglie  eri^entiam  p^ocetiere  omne0 
^  Ongulo0  ( fi  qui  elTent )  €iui  i  oittra  tiictam  eicctionem  feu  fo2= 
mam  ejufbem  >  perfonamte  Clectam,  tiicere  belapponerePolue= 
rint,  at)t)ifm  locum  $  effectjum  fubfcriiitos  ebocanfi  $  citaiuj 
fojetiecrebimusiufiitiaitipofcente,  mobis  igitur  coujunctimf 
DiPifim  committimw ,  ^firmiter  iniungeuco  mant)amu0>  ^ua= 
tenu0  citeti0  ffu  citari  faciatisperemptone  publice ,  altaque$  in= 
telligibiliboceinfraceccleOam  ^arocpialem  beate  aparie  De  3r= 
ct)ubii0  )Lonr)'3n  CccUCe  Cb^ifii  Cantuarienfig  3Iurift)ictiom0  im= 
meDiate ,  Becnon  per  affirionem  p^efentium  in  aliquo  loco  con= 
benientimfraCccUfiam^^arocljiaiemp^etiictam,  bel  iuaUi0  lo= 
cis  publicis  >  ubi  bitiebitur  erpeDien^ ,  omnes  $  Ongulos  DDpoa= 
to2e0  (fi  qui  0nt)  in  fpecie  alioquin  m  genere,  €lui  contra  hu 
ctamc^lectionem,  fo?mam  ejufDem,  perfonambe  in  \)iU  mrte 
Clectam  tiicere,  obiicere,erciperct)eloppouereboluerint,  quoD 
compareant  cozam  il^tobi^  in  eaDem  ccclefia  De  mt\)uhm  Die 
j^abbatip?cj:,futue  (WDelicet)  jlttonoDie  p^efentia  i5^enfi0Be= 
cemb?i0,  inter  Ijo^as  €>ctabam  $  il^onam  ante  iaperiDiem  ejuf^ 
DemDiei,  cum  coutinuattone  f  p?o?ogatione  Dierum  er  tunc  fe= 
queii ,  $  locojum  d  opo^teat  contra  Clectionem  ^ujufmoDi ,  fo,2= 
iiiam  ejufDem,  $  perfonam in  ea  parte  electam  ( U  fua  putabe= 
rint  intereffe)  Dictuf,  erceptuf  f  p?opoOtuf ,  factufq;  ulterius  $ 
teceptucquoD  JuOitia in bac parte  fuaDebit,  $Dicti|^egotij  qua^ 
litasatnatura  oe  fe  engunt  $  rcquirum  ,  lintimantes  infuper 
moDof  fo2map?crecitaeomttibu0?  Ongulis  oppofuo.ntius  ( fiqui 
ant )  in  fpecie  aiioquin  in  genere,  €luibu0Bo0etiam  Uarum  fe= 
rieficintimamus,  muoDlibeipaficCitatiDictisDie,  tjoc  $  loco 
cc:amBobiscomparuerint,$ contra  Dictam  Clcctiouem,  fo,:-- 
mam  eiulDcm  nerlonambein  Dae  parte  clectam  objicere ,  eccipe*: 
rebel  opponere curaberiut  abe  nou,  0o^  niliilomuuis in  Dicto 

il^tego^- 


(lo?o)  ill 

maoiio  (jurtajungsj^tatuto^ummea  parte  ct)Uc!;ummgen= 
t'iani )  p^ocfBtmus  ^p^oceDcre  inttunimus  ipfonunfic  Citatof,  f  i 
non  coniparmabuia  mieCoiiiumacia  in  aliquo  nou  obtlan ,  €t  * 
iiuiDmp;cmiffisfeccnti0iFlO0Diftist)if  Nis  $  loco  rcrtificetis, 
ft u  fie  certifif ct  ille  tffirnm  luu  p?efcn0  noflrum  ^annatum  fue= 
ritfvcinuitusp^outcecft,  3ln  cuius  mei  tiDcflimomum  ^iail- 
turn  ^jnicrabilt'm  bitoninx  Bomino^um  Becani  $  capituli  cc= 
fkfifCatl)eti?ali0f  a?etropoUticeCl);ifli  Cantuar  (quoiu  pnte 
\)acatioue  utuntur )  p^efcntiluisaffigi  rogatjimug ,  Jsaf  ^HouDini 
fcrtotile  S©enfi0  5Decemb?i0 ,  3Iiunoj©omini  ^illefimo  ^uingeu* 
tffimo  quiuquagcfimo  nono. 

Nir  o  nif  ^cnfi0  5Deccmb?i03tmioBomini  ^^illeCmo,  quin- 
quagffimo  tiono ,  in  ccclefia  ^arocbiali  25fate  ^arie  te  3rclju= 
bu0  HonDon  (^ccUfie  Cb^ifli  Cantuar  HurifDictionis  immeuiate, 
co;araCommi(rarti0mcgij3  rctronommati0,  comparuit  pcrfo= 
nalitet  iEl)oma0  umiM  0omm  publicus  S0ant)ata^iu0  in  bac 
parte  legitime  Beputatus,  $  certificablt  fe  fcptimo  Die  a^enfis  5©e= 
rembnsiamcurcentis,  erecutum  fuitfe  p;efen0  ^^annatumiit 
Ccclefia  ^arocbiali  i)e3rcbubu0p?eiJ  jurtafo^mam  iuferiu0  ne* 
Prima  Sere-  ^^^^V^  fuper  quibu0fecit  fiDem. 

duia  icdta  I M  Dm  Nomine  Amen  1^00  MiiUielmu0  quoutiam  ©atbon  $ 
con.oppo-  ^elltnCpifcqpU0,  nunc  (iElectU0  Ciceflren,  Jot)anne0  ^co?p 
litorcs.  quontiam  Ciceuren  Cpifcopug ,  nunc  i^erefo^tien  Clectu0 ,  £i^U 
loCoterDale  auonDam  Cpon  Cpifcopu0 ,  a  Jobannes  iSetjfo^Defi 
€pifcopu0  ,  ^treniffime  in  Cb?iflo  ^,2incipi0  $  Bomine  nofire, 
?^medi^abetbe©eigratia3(inglie,  francie^i^ibernieiaegine  fi= 
t)£i  Befcns  $c.  metiian)!Literi0  rui0iaegi)0  Commi(rionalibu0  ^^a- 
ten  aDinfrafrripta  Commilfarij  cum  tiac  Claufula  ( biuelicet ) 
iinna  cumBominisjlobanne'Cbetfo^Beii  ^uffraganeo,  $  3Ioban= 
ne  ©ale  £>(rercn  Cpifcopo ,  ?  etiam  bac  Claufula  quatenu0  bo0 , 
autatiminu0quatuort)eflrum  fc.  0ecnon  $  bac  anjectione  fup= 
plentes  nibilominu0  $c.  fpecialiter  $  legitime  5©eputati  in  i^ego- 
tioConfirmationi0Clectioni0Beperfona  l)enerabili0  $  e)cimijt)i= 
ri  0^agi(lri  ^attbei^arfeer  ^acre  'Cbeologie^?ofe(fo?i0  in  M= 
cbiepitcopumCantuaricn  €lecti ,  facte  et  celebrate  rite  et  legiti= 
me  p,2oceDente0  omnes  et  fingulog  oppofito?e0 ,  qui  contra  nictam 
Clectionemfo^mam  ejufuem  aut  perfonam  electam  nicere ,  txtU 
pere  tiel  opponere  boluerint,  an  comparen6  co?am  Bobi0  ifti0  Die 
bo?i0  et  loco  (fi  fua  putaberint  interelTe )  contra  nictam  electio- 
nem  fo?mam  e jufnem  aut  perfonam  electam  in  ncbita  |uri0  fo;= 
manictuc ,  erceptutet  p?opofituf  Itimc  et  peremptorie  Citato0 
fepiU0  ,  publice  p?econi^atO0  t)iuq;  et  fufficienter  ei:pectato0  et 
nuUomoi3ocomparente0at)  petitionem  p?ocuratori0  et  Becani 
et  Capituli  Cant.  p;ommciamu0Contumace0  ac  ipfi0  et  eozum 
cuilibet  in  penam  Contumaciarum  fuarum  bujufmoni  biam 
ulteriu0  opponenDi  contra  nictam  Clectionem,fo?mam  eiufnem 
aut  pc?fonam  0c  electam  bmoi  p?eclunimu0  <in  bi]0  ^criptis 
ac  etiam  necerniinu0  an  nlterio^a  in  nicto  Confirmationi0  Jie= 
gocio  p^ocenenS  fore  jurta  |uri0  et  ^tatutorum  buju0  megni 
3ingli0^  erigentiam  ipio^um  Contumar  in  aliquo  non  obftafi. 
In  Dei  Nomine  Amen.  Co2am  tobi0  ilieberenni©  in  Cbriflo 

^a» 


vummaria 


i^atribue  $iDomiui0,53Dminis  2StiilIielmonuper©at|30nf  rtitl= 
UnCpifcopo,  mincClfctoCicearfn,  Jol^anuc ^co;p  quoiitam 
Cicrurmepifcopo,  mincClcctol^ereto?l3fn,  la^ilone  Coberuale 
quoiipam  Cron  epifcopo ,  t  Jolianne  i3ctifo,2t)fn  epifropo ,  ^i= 
rmiUimcin  Cli?irto^?incipi0tBominenoflre,  5Domine  ca3abr= 
tbfBd  gratia  ainglic,  :ffrancie  $ l^ibernie  llegine  f  iDei  ^r feng. 
f c.  mctian  literis  fuis  mcgijs  Commiffionalibus  ^atefi  at)in= 
frafcripta  Commiirarijscum  \)u  claufula  (tintlicet)  una  cum 
isominis  Jotianiie  CljEtfo^Ben  ;^uffraganeo ,  $  Jotiatine  Bale 
€)Uo;fn  Cpifcopo,  f  ctiam  Ijac  Claufula ,  quatenus  "cos  autao 
minus  quatuo,2tcftrumfc.  iFtccnon$bac  aDjectione,  fupplentes 
niliilominusfc.fpecialiter  $  legitime  JDeputaf ,  pars  t)entrabili= 
umbironimBecani^Capituli  CccUCe  CattieC^alis  $  Si?etropo= 
liticeCb?iQi  crantuarienfis  nicit,  aUegat,$  inbijs  fcriptisatjocm 
juris  cffcctum  erinne  fcqui  balentem  per  \)iam  ^ummarie^eti= 
tionisin  jurep^oponit  articulatimp^outfequitun 

imp-ims  (bimlicet)  €iuot)  ^eties  ^rcpiepifcopalis  Ccclffie 
CatbeD?ali0  $  apetropoUtice  Ct)?ifli  cantuarienfis  p^enicte ,  per 
obitum  bone  memo?ie  5Domini  meginalDi  Cartiinalis  ^oU  nun= 
cupati  ultimiaircbiepifcopiCantuarienOsnuper  tacare  cepit,  $ 
aliquanniu  bacatit ,  }Baflo?ifque  folatio  caruit,  i^oca;fintfeft 
\)erum,  publicum,  noto^ium,  manifeflum ,  pariter  $famofum  $ 
ponit  conjunctim,  tibifim  ac  De  quolibet. 

lrer,u  €iuot)  Dicta  ^ene  3irct)tepifcopaU  cantuat  (utp?emit= 

titur)t!ut)um  tacan,  ac  co?po?e  ticti  Bomini  meginalDi  ^ole 
Cccle0aflice  tranito  fepulture ,  Becauus  $  capitiuum  ecclefie 
Catl)et):ali0  $  a^etropolitice  antetJicte  capitulariter  congregaf  % 
CapituUim  facientes ,  jdicentia  megia  p2imitus  at)  iu  petita  $  ob= 
tenta,  certumniemac  Domum  fuam  Capitularem  cantuarien 
ancglectionemfuturi  Ktrcbiepifcopi  Cantuarien  celeb2an$  unam= 
miter  $  conco?Diter  p^earerunt ,  ac  omnes  f  Cngulos  ejuluem 
Cccle0eCanomcos$}&?ebent)arios3us,  boces  am  interelle  in  ea= 
tem  eiectione  babentes,  \m\  babere  pjetennentes  au  niem  $lociim 
p?ei5  in  bujurmonieiectionis/Hifgotio  p;occffuf ,  $  p^oceci  liiliif 
legitime  $  perempto?ie  citari  fecerunt ,  bocque  tmt  $  eU  berum 
publicum  $c.  ct  ponit  utfup^a. 

\un\  £luoD  p?efati  ©ecanus  t  capif ulum  tie  $  loco  p^jearis 
( bitielicet )  p?imo  Die  a^enfie  Hiugufn  ultimo  p2eteri0  capltulari= 
ter  conaresati,  ^plenum  capitulum  facientes,  ferPatis p?imi-- 
tusnereosDeiure  $Dicte  ccclefie  confuetuDine  ferbauDis  imani= 
miter  f  conco?Diter,  nuUo  eo?i»iTi  contraDicentc  aDClectionem 
fiuuri  3(lrcbiepifcopi  Ccclefie  memo^ate  per  biam  feu  fo?mam 
comri2omi[rip20ceDen6  fo?e  Decreberunt  >  iUamque  biam  feufo^ 
mam  unanimiterafTumpferunt  $  elegerunt,  liecnon  inbeitera-- 
bilem  birum  ^^agiflrum  iHiicbolaum  tmotton ,  utruifquc  Juris 
S  02em  Dicte  ci:ccle0e  CatbeD?alis  %  fa^etropoUtice  Cb2iftiaauf 
Secanum,  fubcertisini^^ocelTu  ejufDem  Clectioms  ejp2e{ratis 
•Heaibus  $  CouDitionibus  comp2omifcrunt,  p?omuten fe  ilium 
accematur  in  eo2um  f  Dicte  CccUae  3ircbiepifcopum ,  mueni  pi= 
ctus  comp?omilfariii0  fub  liegibus  f  CouDitionibus  p.kdic  is 


CI030 

mxttit  diQCwtt  $  p;obitieni5,  et  ponit  \it  fup?a. 

I  rem,  £iuoD  Dictus  comp;omiQariU)3^nii0Comp;omiui  !)u^ 
iiifmoDnn  fearceptans,  matura  Deliberationc  aput)  ft  Ijabita, 
totum  fiium  ill  ijeiierabilem  itenmiuml)irum9^agifltum<a^at- 
mmi  packer ,  ^acretirljeologie  ^^ofcffo^em  nirent ,  Jpfum- 
quein3ircl)icpifcopum$  ?aa(lo?cmecclcaeCat]bct)?ali5  t  ^etto= 
politicc  crb^im  canf  p^rtiicte ,  juna  f  fecmiBum  potefiatem  fibi 
m  ea  parte  concelTam,  $  Comp^omiffionem  p?eDictam  elegit ,  $ 
ccclefiememo?ate  ne  eoncm  p?o\3iriebit,  m  ponit  ut  fup?a. 

Item,  ^uoD  omne0  $  0uguli  Dicte  Ccclefie  Canonici  $  ^.2C- 
bentjarij  in  Bomo  Capitulari  p?ei$  tunc  p^efentes  plenum  capi= 
tulum  conflituentes ,  eiectionem  per  eunDem  ^agiflrum  m= 
fbolaum  ^iciotton  comp^omilTarium  antenictum  (utp^emitti= 
tur)  factam  acceptarunt$app;obarunt,acraf  $graf  babueruut 
paritcr  t  acr eptaf ,  ct  ponit  ut  fup?a. 

Fcem,  :©uotJ  Clectio  bujufmoDi  $  perfoua  electa  Die  p?enotal 
in  ecclefia  a^etropolitica  Cb?ifliCantuat  p?ei5,  co?am€lero$ 
l^opulo  tunc  in  multitunine  copiofa  ibiDem  congregae ,  nebite 
publica0$r)eclara0  fuerunt,et  ponit  ut  fup?a. 

Ircm,  £luorjtiictus  meberent)itrimu0Bominu0C5lectU0bujuf= 
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giUum  tenerabilis  biri  ^fficialis  IDomini  3ircbiDiaconi  Cau0 
pnfibns  apponi  p,20curabi,  et  iittos  oSicialis  anteDictus  aD  fpia= 
lemrogatumDicti  Certifican^^igiUum  nollrum  bujufmoDi  mf= 


ifaer,  ^Br Micro  miruAnU    mf!n^^^^ 


pemiD,  si^r3o5C023utlcr ,  Qinbiis  omnite $  Cnguli0  U2S= 
fi0ficsfQi0$ej:pemti0,  omnibufque  ^  Cngultg  meu  errlffir  r^ 

em  Ijor$  locum  cuatt0  aD  fo?a0  m  5i>omu0SK^^ 
P?£coni3atj0jomparmtibu0  perfonaliter  u  1^^^^^^^ 

cr  anOi  cantuac  canonic  0  $^?ebmDariJ0  Bol  SSfcl 
mtulumantetJicefic  capuularitcr  congreskprniominatumS 
Eanncm  ^nccnx  ^otarium  publicum  in ^^(ctoSmS^^^^^^ 

ctiom0p;eDiceaffppamu0,^ccnon9pagiarum3ofiemSe?^^^ 
Clmcum, $(i5ilbertuml^it)e<i5m  in^mtmmnS 

^cgotDf  agenno^umm  coricmperfonaUtfr  tunc  mtknttsdmi' 
mu0 , ^ eo0 rogabtmu0nobifcum ibiDem remanerr,  €tmtms 
^icl)olau0zni3ottonBecanu0antftiicrDe  confmfu  iicto/umn- 
noniconmi  f  ia?ebent)ario;um  p^ed  tunc  pnf  iumin  bmoi  I  f  rtin^ 
m0il^esotiop?oceDcnte0omne0f  fingulo0  alio0Canonico0  ^mit 
htnnmoQ  at)  coftiem  Diem ,  ^oc  t  locum  Cltatoa  publice  alia  hn- 
re,  utfup^a  p;ecom3ato0  niu  fi:pecfatO0 ,  ?  nullo  mono  comna- 
rentej  p,2onunciatimu0.Conmmace0 ,  t  in  penam  Contumaciam 
rum  fuarum  bujufmoni  atiulterio^aintiicto  Clectioni0  aeaotiti 
p?ocet}eni5  f o?e  t)ecrebimu0 ,  eo^um  abfentia  0te  contumacia  m  a= 
liquo  nonobffantein  fcnpti0per  nogfub  Ijmoi  \)erbonim  tenon 

ieC0*  In  Dei  Nomine  Amen,  i^O0  ^ic!)OlaU0^OttOn  Uttiufque 

31uri0  5BOcto? ,  3©ecanu0  ecclefie  Cat^et);aU0  $  a^etropoUtice 
Cb;?iiJiCantuarient)e  unanim  affenfu  f  confcnfu  capituii  ejuf= 
t)emCcclefieomne0ffingulo0Canonico0  $  pnbent)ano0  Ccclc= 
fie  memo^ate  at) ^00 Diem  $  locum  ao  p^orfnend  in  i^cgotto  Cle« 
ctionis  f  uturi  3irc^iepifcopi  $  ^a«o,2i0  CccI  efie  Catl)eB?ali0  mm= 
ctt  juaamo?emp?etenti  tempo;i0  in  eanem  Ccclefia  uOtaf  $ob= 
femf,  ltime$perempto?iecitatO0  publice  p;econi^atO0t)iu  (bi- 
telicet)  inl?oeiocum$  tempn0  rite  affignaf  ej:pectato0,  f  nullo 
mot)ocomparcnte0p?onunciamu0contumacr0,  etin  penam  con* 
tumaciarum  fuarum  l)ujufmot)iet  eonim  rujuliibet  t)ecernimu0 
iu$  etpoteflatemp^occBend  in  ^ujufmotii  (aectioni0  l^egotioau 
alio0Canonico0compaicnte0,  fpectare  et  pminere,  etaDulte* 
rio?a  in  eoDem  elections  l^egotio  p?ocet)cnd  fo^e,  ipfo^um  Cita- 
tonimetnoncomparcntium  abfentia  fibe  contumacia  inaliquo 
non  obftante,  Hns  expediri.s,  |^o0|^ict)olau0  seiottonBecanus 
antctJictu0t)econfimilibu6  confenfu,  alTenfuet  boluntate  eomn= 
tjem  canonico?nm  et^^ebentiarionim  tunc  p^elcntiumquaftiam 
^onitionemet^^oteflatiomm  in  fcripti00mulrcDaceet  concept 
fecimus  et  puUice  Ugebamu0jtunc  et  ibioem  fub  buiufmoDi  ut  U- 

anitiix: 


fluitur  \3Cibo?um  itm;t  in  Dei  nomine  .\mcn  ii^o0 il^icljolaus 

S  ccci mm  cantiiarimtice  nottra ,  acbice  $  nomine  onnu-- 
iim  f  anaulouuu  canonico^um  f  Confratrum  noQro;um  Inc 
in mircfnuiummonemusomnea  ^  angulosfufpcnfos,  frcom= 
mi  nifatosf  inttrDicto^  (fi qui fo?fan inter  \m  liic  jam  0nt)  qui 
rie   irc  ffu  r onfuctuDinc ,  aut  quatis  alia  occafionc ,  feu  raufa 
inV^eftnti  elcctionisiBtcgotio  inter ftfenon  Debtnt,  ^luoDteljac 
Domocapitiilarifiatim  jam  receUant ,  ac  no0  ^  alios  tie  p,2efen= 
ti  canitulo  at)  quos  m  t  poteQates  eligentii  pcrtmet ,  Ulie re  eU= 
aere  nermittant  ^  tJ^oteflantio  omnibus  ^ia ,  motio  $  juris  foima 
melioJibus  $etficacio?ibus ,  quibus  melius  f  efficacius  pnfliimus 
ft  tebemus  nomine noQro ,  acliice  $  nomine  omniums  angulo= 
rumCanomco?um.,^?ebent)arionim  ^donfratrum  noflronim 
metJicebic  jam  p?efentium,  ^uoti  non  ett  noflra  nee  eo?um  to* 
luntas  tales atimitteretanquam jus,  tJOces^interelTe  inlnijuf= 
motii  Clectione  babentes ,  aut  p^ocetiere  tel  eligere  cum  eiftem. 
Imo  t)0lumus   $  t)Olunt   quqti   tqces  talium  ( fi  que  poQ 
mot)umreperiantur )  quotj  abCt  m  bujufmom  Clectione  mtertie- 
niffenuUi  p?eflent  auriUum  ,  nee  afferant  alicui  nocumentum, 
fet)  n20?fus  p?o  non  rccepf  $  non  babitis ,  nuUifque  f  inbaliDis  pe= 
nitiis  t  omnino  babeantur^cenfeanfur,  Canonicos  beroomnes 
mefentesp?opleno€apituloCcclene  p,2et)icte  babentios  f  cenfen= 
So0  f02e  cebere  p?onunciamus  $t)eclaramus  in  bijs  fcriptis: 
Cor:ieq';rnr>r  teroticclarafpublice  per  nosBicbolaum  cotton 

antetiictum  Becanum  capitulo ,  ( ;©uia  propter  t)i\3erfas  f  e,)  er= 
po0tifquepernostribu0  motiis  Cleetionis  cunctifqi  Canonicis 
tuncp2efentibu0publice  percontatis  fecuntium  quem  motium  11= 
\)e  quamtiiam  illarum  trium  in  tiicto  Capitulo ,  ( ^uia propter 
Diberfa0  fc.)  comp?ebenfarumin  bujufmotii  Clectioni0  iFtcgotio 
p?ocet)ereboluerintno0Becanu0f  Capitulum  antetiicf  tie  ffu* 
per  fo2ma  Clectioni0bujulmot)i ,  ac  per  quamtiiam  fitefo;mam 
tuerit  nobis  p20cet)en6  at)  Clectionem  futuri  3lircbiepifcopi  Cccle= 
fie  catbet)?alis  t  ^etropolitice  Cb2ifli  Cantuarienfis  p?e6  niligen^ 
ter  tractatimus ,  ^  tanDem  nobis  iserano  $  Canonicis  anteBicf 
(ut  p2efertur)  tuncibitiem  p^efentibusf  Capitulum  in  ea  parte 
facien  tifum  efl  $  placuit  nobis  ©ecano  ac  omnibus  $  fingulis  fu* 
p?at)ictis  nullonoflrumtiifcrepantefeu  contraDicente ,  per  tiam 
feu  fo?mamcomp?omi(fi in  bujufmotii  Clectionis  neaotio  p?o= 
cetiere ,  ac  tunc  $ibit)em  in  tenerabilem  tirum  !g^agi(!ruin  ^i= 
cbolaum  cotton  Becanum  antetiictum  fub  certis  erp^effatis  Xe= 
gibus  $  Cont)itionibus ,  Jta  quot)  tictus  Comp,2omiffariu5p.2iuf= 
quameBomoCapitulari  vMtt  ^recetieret,  $  antequam  capi-- 
tulumbujufmoDi  folberetur ,  unum  birum  itoneum  in  3([rcbie= 
pifcoDum  t  ^a(lo?em  Ccclefie  memo^ate  eligeret  comp^omiiTi^ 
mus,^;2cmittEntes  nos  bona  fitie  ilium  acceptatuf  in  noftrum  f  Di= 
.  cte  ccclefie  3lircbiepifcopum  quem  ipffComp2omiffarius  fub  mo= 
1)0$  forma p?enotati6t)urerit  eligen6  $  p?obitieni5,  Hnia-'.  in 

buncmot)um  tiifpofiti0 ,  P2efatus0pagiflerii^icbolaus3tliotton 
<ii;omp?omilfariusantetiictus,  onus  Comp2omi[ri  bujufmoDi  In 

fc 


(1059) 

ff  acceptans ,  bota  fuawi  \3enerabilcm  bitiim  ^agiftrum  <^at» 
tbmmi^ar^er,  ^acreclifologicp^ofelTd^fm  jujcta  f  fecaniium 
poteflatemQbiinljacpartf  factam  ^conceffam  acComp2omiffio= 

nnnp;ei)ictamt)ircrir,3;pfaniquein31irrl)i£pifcopumct^aito2em 
fjufDemecclfCeflcglt,  ^(©ccleae  p;cDicte  tieconempzomDebar, 
p?out 111  ^cl)etiulatciio?cm  $  fo^mam  comp^omiffi  eUctiom0? 
^:obi0oni0  p?fi5  continenprr  eunDem  ^agiflrum  iaicliolaum 
viREiotton  publireUcf  (Ctujus  teno?  tic  bcrbo  in  berbum  fcquitiir 
tiUucitiUis  continctur),  lo  Dei  Nomine  Amen.  Cum  tacante 
nupfr^fDcaircbiepifcopalt  Cautuat  pet  obitum  bone  mrmo^ie 
tlclifvenDidimi  in  Cl;;i(to  ^atris  Bomini  mcginalti  |Bolt  CarDi= 
nalis,  uUimi3ircbicpircoplf0alto;i0  c|ufDcmtocati0,  f  legi= 
time  p^cmonitis  an  eitciioncmfuturi  3trctiip?efuli0  Uttt  ^e* 
tii0  omnibus  $  Cngulis ,  quinc  jurcbcl  confuetuDinetiicte  eccle= 
ncaneicctioncm^ujufmoBifuerint  ctocanni,ac  omnibus,  qui 
tebucrint  autpotueriutliujufmonicicctionis  negotio  commoDc 
intcreiTf,  in  5somo  Capitulari  autefatr  CccleCe,  Ccrmino  an  ni= 
ttameifctionemceUb^anfi  p^cfiro  f  alfignatop;ef£ntibus  a  capi= 
tulariter  congrcgati0 ,  placufui^  Becanoomuibufqut^  Crigulig 
fjufnemc5ccU0eCapituU,  nemiiic  contranicente  t)el  nifcrepan= 
tt,  pert)iamftufo?mamComp:omitri  ncfuturo  ^enispzenic^ 
3irctjicpifcopop?ot3inere,  acmibi^icbolao  cciotton  eccleneca^ 
tben^ali0  f  #etropol  itice  C  bnfii  Cant  uarif  u  p^enicte  5©£cano,  iu0 
9  \)0Cfmin  bujufmoni  eiectionis  negotio  ^abenti  Comp;omifla= 
rio  in  bac  parte  foe cialiter  $  legitime  electo ,  plenam  $  libecam 
nenerint  9  concenerint  poteQatem ,  autbo;itatem  $  ^l^annatum 
fpeciale  nieiQoantequam  abbac  Bomo  Capitulari  recenerem,  ac 
recenerent$  capitulo  nurante  perfonam  babilem  $  inoneara  in 
Srcbiepifcopum  f  ^aflo?em  nicte  eccleCe  eligenni^  einem  p?oW= 
t)enni,p?outej:teno?e  nicticomp^omiffimanifefleliquet  t-apparet, 
€Q;o^icIiolau0tlOottonBecami0  antenictU0,  onu0Comp:omif- 
fipujufmoniarceptansinticnerabilem  tjirum  ^agiflrum  ^at= 
ttieumj^arKer,^aere^beologie  ^?ofe(ro?em,  \30ta  mea  nirr= 
gen0,  birumutiquep?otinum$nifcretum,  jliterarumfcientia, 
tif  a  $  mo2ibU0  meri0  commennatum ,  Uberum  $  ne  legitimo  ma= 
trimoniopjocreatum,  atquein  etatc  legitima  $  o?nnie  ^acer^^ 
notali  conflitutumin^piritualibu0$Cempo?alibu5  plurimum 
circumfpectum,fcientem,  tolentemf  balentem,  Jlura  $  xLiber= 
tateg  nicte  €ccleQetutri  ^nefennere,  bice  mei,  tiiceque  loco  $ 
nomine  totiU0CapituU  eiufnem  ecclcOe  p?enictum  benerabilem 
birum  iSBagiflrum^attbeumiBarKer ,  piemiffommmerito^um 
fuo;um  intuitu  in3tre^iepifcopum  $  p^aQo^em  ejufnem  eccleCe 
Catben^alis^^^etropoUticeCbnQiCantuaricnas,  mfra  tempus 
mibi  anboc  natum  $  affignatum  eligo  in  communt ,  5  emem  Cc= 
clefie  p^obincone  eonemm  W^  fcriptis ,  Dn^Sc  no0 Becanusf 
capitulum  antenirf  p^efatamd^lectionem  $  perfonam  dectam , 
tttpote  rite  factam  fcelebzatam  obbijs  ulnis  ampUrantes  aceam 
ratam,  gratam  ^  firmaml^abtnteseunncmQ^agiftrumia^attbe^- 
umjaarfer ,  eiectumiu3trcl)iepifcDpum$i^a(lo:empuiateec. 
clefie,  quatenu0in^obi0fuitautea,  acceptabimu0  $  eiectio= 
Hembi']ufmoniapp?oi)abimu0.  Conisqucnccr  bero  no3  ©fca^ 

%  nu0 


(io4<>) 

BUS  ft  caBituUim  antcBice ,  pnfato  SJ^agiQro  (Suiliclmo ©arrel, 
rnffftitfmnfLiimuefConcefrimusi  cDlectionem  nram  IjujufmoDi 
rmrfoiiam€lfctam, Citron populo  palam puHicaiii3,  t)caa= 
ran6  ft  manifc(fani3p?out  mo?i9  ett,  atqut  m  CmilibiiQ  Dt  tifu 
lautialnlifitnaffoUt ,  Poarcmo  \3trot105  ©ccaniist  Capitulum 
antftiire ,  JDomum  noQramdTapitulartm  antctJicr  fgcrtientt^ , 
ft  chonim  ecclffic  mt mo^atc  iiurantt«,  ]^pmnum ,  Te  Deum 
laudatnus ,  iu  *)frmoiu  3angUco  per  ^inmo^  €Wi  foUmni* 
tcrt^fc-^ntari  fecimu0,  ^uo  peracto  p?tfatii0  fll^asiaer  mim= 
musmrrtUiurtapotcQatem  abl  elargltam  ^iuiuris  fjufticm 
cccltficac  ptbitunc  coaDunite  eicctionemtiouram  tmiufmont 
tjpfcfonam  eiectam  'mbo  ttnm  publica\)it,  tmunciabit  ac  nu 
flaratir.  o-ie  omnia  $lingula,iao5®<canu0  ^  c^apitulum  ante* 
nice,  p?oi)fftcij  noQrimbif  tnHrc^ctemlTimtSl^ajtffati  fubfc= 
ricinborp^ocmuinfctta,  Durimug  agnificanii,  eitiem  j^ajefla- 
ti  tcrtrcbumiliter  ^obm):erupplicantef ,  quatciiHgeUctionino- 
{frc  tiu jafmoni  fie  ( ut  p?emittitut )  facte  ?t  ctleb?ate  conf tnfum  j 
affniUim  \3eftroi3  mtgios  anbibert,  $  eanDem  confirmari  facert 
(J  maiiDare  nignetut  teftra  e^tUentilama  iSfajf  ua0 ,  ut  5©eo  ^- 
ptimo  SBanmo  bonontm  omnium  largtto?efat3ente?opitulante, 
r)ictu0>  €lcctu0  $ €onfirmatu0  |iobi0  p?eeut  taleat,  utilitec , 
paritcr  ?t  pzoueffe ,  ac  1100  fub  eo  f  ejU0  veuimine  bono  poffumus 
©foln  nicta  ccclcfiamilitarf.  Ec  nt  ne  p;fmiiro?umfeetttatet3e= 
ftceclementilTime^aJfftatiabunBf  conftare  poffit ,  1^00  m^ 
tanu0  ^capitulum  antet)ic0,  p?efentcm  Clectioni0  noftre  p;o- 
celTum^igno,  iBtomineet  Cognomine ,  ac  fubfcriptiont  ii^otarii 
publici  fubfcripti ,  fignart  $  fubfcribi ,  uoftriqne  ^igilii  com* 
muni0  appciifione  iummu0  $  fecimu0  communirt.  Hc^in  Bamo 
noftra  Capitulari  p^eDicf ,  p?lmo  Die  ^ena0  3ltugufti ,  3nno 
Bomini  #ilIe(imo  £)uingentffimo  i^uinquagefimo  nono. 
!i,r  Ku -v)  aauncaoccjir  CantuacitH  JDioc  J&ublicu0  ^up?e» 

ma  autbo^itate  mtgia  0atanus  in  p2efcnti(eiectiom0iafgotio 

in3icto;um^cnbamMumptu0  ^  Beputatu0,  j^uia  omnibus 

$finguli03!cti0tjuiCiemeUctiom0i)umfic  (utp^emittitur)  Tub 

Snno  3©omini  ^F'cnfe ,  Oie ,  bot  $  toco  p,2enicti3  agebantur  9  fie- 

bant ,  una  cum  'i3:cUibu0r)equibu0  inp?cfenti  p^ocefTu  fit  men- 

tio ,  p?efcns  perConaliter  interfui ,  eaque  omnia  $  fingula  fie  fie= 

ritjiDi,  icitoi,  $aut)iti, atqnnjl^otasfumpfi,  ll^eo boc p?efen0 

publicum  Clectioni0  laeccetum  fite  i&^oceuum  manu  mea  p2o- 

pnafimliterfcnptumecinoe  confeci,  atque  in  banc  publicam  $ 

autbenticamfo?mam  retjcgi ,  ac  nomini0  et  cognomini0  meo= 

rumaojectionefubfccipfi,  necnon^ignomeo  foliOo  et  confuet. 

figmi\3i,  unacumappenfione  ^igilli  communis  oicto^um  5De= 

cam  et  CapituU  in  ficem  et  'Ceftimonium  omnium  et  Cngulonun 

p?emiCo?u;n  rogatu0  Ipecialiter  et  requifitu0. 

indrumcn-     In  r>i  Nnaunr  Ax\^cr ,  p?efenti0  pubUct  Jfuftrumeuti  ferie , 

tumfup-r  cunctis  c\)iT)enter  apparcat  et  fitnotum,  £>uoD  3(nno  JDomini 

c.ofeiifu    <j|piUfQn;o£luingentefimo£iuinquageQmo  nono,  ii^enfig  tero 

Dom.Eicai^^g.^^jj^l.fgj.j.p^  iuquooam  infecion  Cenaculo  infra  (3paneri* 

um^^^ltccbiepiicopi  Caniuarienfi0apur)]tambetb  254inton32>iocno. 

to. 


(104-1  ) 


tontat  $ fcituaf inmnqiii^otanipiiblici fubfcripti,  acccilium 

gifln^xuilimus  BarrfU  ccimrus,  canonifii0  ?^  benDarfus 
€fclcuccatbrt2alis  $  «3^ctropolitice  ct);iai  Cantuac  &^    Si 

""  ?^2£o  coimmmi  f  cap^         ut  appar^iit  SiKo 


u-ci  pto  coiDiinr  tim  $  mtifim  facf ,  $  fe  pact? ni  p' o  Skra- 
no ^  crapitulo  tccerunt ,  ac  nomine  ^;ocurato;io  mmt^mmi- 
fciuarunt  tencrabili  ^  txmio  biro  flSagiaro  ^attfaeo  ^Sr 
^acrc  |l3cologie  ^,2ofe(ro2i ,  tunc  fS&m  m(Sitixv& 
n  P2occffumcuctioni0,  u  ipfo  ^cjusperfonain  3rcbifr)ifconiim 
$mQo2£mCccUQcCatl)el)^ali0f^etropolitice€S^ 
nnl  mt ,  facff  celeb^ae,  mst  fub  fo?miso?iginS 
CuiiDemqiia^asiftrum  ^att^eum  ^arfecc ,  inaaritec  roiariint 
$  reqiuferunt ,  auatenus  eitieni  eiectionitieipro  $  ems  nerfmta 
( ut  p^cmittituu )  facte  f  celebrate  confentire  DianareturrK 
ClectoafTerente ,  Jiuot) licet  fetanto  munere  mDiauum  Imu-i. 
ret,  'Camcn ne  ipfe  lDil3UU  boluntati reaSere,  aci&errniffi  uf 
^omine  noflre  laegine  beneplacif  (que  ipfum  licet  inDiijnam  me. 
fatis  Bf  cano  $  Capitulo  commeuDarc  riiguata  eQ)  minime  obtem« 
nerarc  t)iDeretur,  Clectioui  tiuiufmoiJi  confentiebat ,  accanfen. 
mm  ^  affenfum  fuo0  eiDem  mMt  in  fcripf  per  eum  Utt  teiior  m 
qui  fequiturDe  tecbo  interbum  mfe  complectefl,  in  Del  noaii-- 
ne  AriK^P.egoa^attljeusi&arfefr,  ^acre  ^&eolog;ic  ja.:oftflbi , 
in  omint  ^acerijotaliatquf  in  etatelegitima  conmtutiis ,  ac  in 
f  nclegittmoja^atrimanio  p?ocreatug  in  Utrctiiepifcopum  $  m^ 
Oo;emeccleficCatl)et);ali0gt  gi^etropolitlce  Cb^iQicamuaacfK 
rite^  legitime  nominatU)5$(^lectu0 ,  m  confcntieni5  IjuMmom 
Clectioui  Be  me  ^perfona  meain  ftac  parte  facte  $  celebrate,  et 
parte  t  per  partem  benli  tun  toirowm  Becani  $  <iapftuli  ejafDem 
ecclefieCatl?eD;ali0$^etropolitice  inffauter  rogatus  f  mmup 
tu0,  Bel  Dmnipotenti0  dementia  fretus  c^lecticnii  IjujimnoDi 
ne  me  taerfonamea  (fie  utp^emittitur )  facte  $  celeb.^ate  aDljo= 
no;em  Bci  jflDmmpotenti0  0atri0 ,  ifilii ,  f  %iritu0  ^aneti 
co»Treiitio ,  eioeinqi  confenfumf  affenfum  meos  femel  atque  iu= 
runTtocratU0$  interpeltatusp^ebeolnljijsfcriptig ,  fuper  onihixs 
om^-'(bus$  finguli0  pzemifa ,  tam  ipfe  Clectus  quam  p2enomuia= 
ti  2i^>\^iM  OiiUimus  BatreU  $  Ifintbonlu©  l^ufe  ^2ocurato?es 
anteDicti,  meeunt)em  /l^otarium publicum  fubfcriptum ,  ubi 
uiiumtoelplura  publicum  feu  publica,  InQrumnua  fim  ^n=' 
flrumcuta  conficere,  ac  Cedes  inferiu^nominatosCeliimonium 
erinDe  per'oibereinffcinter  refpecti^jerogarunt  ^requiferuiit.  3cra 
fuerunt  bee  omnia  $fingulap2emiffa,  p^out  fup2afcribmitur  f 
recitantur,  fublnno  Bomini,  Sl^enfe ,  Die  $  loco  p,?eDictirrp;e= 
featibuj  tunc  $  ibinem  UicbarDa  Caljerner  3trmigero ,  3oOan= 
ne23aker  eHh  l^aDulptjo  3iacfefon  $  Zmm  }3ierfon  Clerici0 
Crfiibu0  at)  p^cmilTa  tiinenS,  auDienii,  $  teftificand  rogatis  $  ipe= 
n'alitcrrcqnifitie. 


'1043  ^ 

Er  Eeo  Jo!)anne5  Jmtnt  caiUuaricn  iDiot  publicus ,  ^.icra 
«t^iip2cmaautUo;itate  ncgia  iitiotanus  ,  iEliiia  p?cmifri6omni= 
luis  ^  fiiiguUs  t)um  0c  (  ut  p^cmittitur  )  fub  3nno  isomnii, 
Q^cnfe,  Die  gt loco  pjetjictisagcbantur  $  ficbant ,  una  cum  p?:nD- 
minati5'C£flibu0pft0p£rfonalitcrint£rfui,  caq;  omnia  $  lingu- 
la  fie  fieri  ViitJi ,  fcit>i  $  aut)itii ,  atque  in  ii^otamfampfii ,  iBco  ijoc 
p;cfcn0  publicum  Jnflvumc  ntum  manu  mea  p2op?ia  fiDelittr  Icci^ 
ptunurinDccouftci,  fubfcripfii  (tpublicatoi ,  atquc  in  banc  publi= 
cam^autbenlicamfojmamrfDfgi,  ^ignoquc,  nomine,  cogno= 
mine  $  fubfcriptioue  meia  foli^  $  confuetie  fignabi ,  in  fincm  $ 
'Ceflimonium  omnium  f  fingulo^um  p^cmiiTonim  rogatus  Ipe-- 
ciaiitet^requifiittDs. 

Super  LibciU)  Cbe^ummaria  petitione  ©af  per  partem 

teneraliiliumt]ironim  lDomino2umBecam  $  CapituU 

CccUe  Calais  tjsa^etuopoce  ^^icTantuaf. 

^esTeft-'  '    JoHann  sBak  r  (i5en,  mo^amtrabeujEi  Ut  p?efenti  cumtene-- 

um.  '  "  tabili  $  erimio  biro  ^agiflro  a^attbeo  i^^arfeer  Clecto  Cantuaf 

59.3iuno2um€tatis,  o^iuuDus  in  ^arocbia  ^ancti  dementis 

in  Cif  e  ifio?ttiici  libere  ut  Dicit  Conmtionis  ? 'Ceilis  ne  $  fuper  p<!e* 

Dicto  p?ot)UctUj3 ,  juratug  $  eraminatustiicit  (ut  fequitnr. ) 

Ad  Frimum «  fecuuDum,  tertium,  quartum,  quintum,  fer- 

tum^feptlmum,  refert  fe  au  p^oceffum  in  bujufmoni  Caufa 
Witumi  factum. 

Ad  oaaviim  Dicit  et  iu  bim3iuramenti  fuit)cponit,quoi)iDem 
mebecmt)ilRmu0|&ater  a^attbeu0  ^arfeer  ,  fuit  f  eObir  p;obi= 
t)U0 ,  ac  ^acrarum  )Literarum  fcientia ,  bita  $  mo?ibu0  com- 
mennatu^ ,  ac  tiomo  liber ,  $  er  legitimo  S^atrimonio  p?ocrea« 
tus,  atque  in  ttateltgitima,  fin  €>?t)ine  ^acertjotali  con(litu=' 
tm,  $  nicte  Jsomine  notlre  meginefiDeli0  fubnitus,  retiDeuDo 
Caufam  fcientie  fue  in  bac  parte  Dicit ,  ^uoD  efl  jfrater  uatu- 
rali)8  tiictlH^omini  Clecti,  funtque  t%  uni0  parentibU0p;ocreat( 
9  gtniti. 

Ad  Nonum,  t)ecimumfunDecimum, refert  fe  an  la^iocelTum 
|iujufmot)i. 

Ad  Ultimiim  tiicit,  quoD  p;et)epoCta  per  turn  funt  bera  ft. 

WillielmusTolwvn  mtium  iS^agifier ,  ac  mtta;  Ccclefie 

!S)ancfi3linfomm  in  Cibitate  '/LoniS  yo.Bnno^um  etatis ,  ut  nicit 
libcrc  cont)itioni0  etc.  ceftisetc. 
Ad  Primnm ,  fecuutium,  tertium ,  quartum,  quintum,  fej:' 

turn  it  fcptimum ,  referf  fe  au  p^oceffumbmoi. 
Ad  06taviim  ^  ticit  tt  Dcpouit  coufeuta  in  bmoi  3lrticulo  eCfe 

tfra,  te  tjm  cerfafcietitia,  quianicit  quotbene  euro  nobit  per 
te  f rigpinta  3linnos ,  acperiDem  tempu0,  fecum  aDmoDum  fa- 
miliari0fuit,  ct  inpntieft,  et  etiamnicit,  quotinobit  ejus  pa- 
ttern* 
Ad  Non-im ,  t)ecimum,unticcimum  et  tiuoDecimum  refert  t r. 

sTfvh        III  OeiNoiTiinc  Amen.  |^O0  tffilillimU0  qUOntJamiSatbOftft 

r'nuaop-  ^tellefici5piiCopU0 ,  nunc  eiectU0  Ciceftreii ,  Jobannes  ^co^p, 
r  nforcs.    quontiam  Ciceitren  if pifcopu0 ,  nunc  i^erefo^nen  (glectus,  #ii9 

€0^ 


('l043  ) 

Cobfrtiale  iiuoutiflm  €j:on€pifcopu0,  f  Io^anne6i5eDfo2Den  €= 
pifco{]U0.  -^trentffimc  in  Cli^iQo  ld?iucipis  $  Bommenoare, 
Bomine  einaktbe5©fl  gratia  ainglic ,  f cancie  $i^iberme  megU 
ne,f  iDri  iDtftni  $c.  meDian  Tlitcng  fuis  megijs  CommiffionaU= 
Ills  iDatfftan  infraffriptaCommilTarii  cum  Ijac  Claurula  (bir)c= 
Um)iina  cumjsominis  HaUanne -ctietfo^nEft  ^uffraganeo,  $ 
Jlotianiif  23ale€)irErcn  epifcouo,^  etiambac  Claufula^quatenuj; 
t30saut  anminu0  quatuo?  teftrum  ^c.  nfcnon$  bac  atijectione, 
fiipplcutes  mUilomimis  ^cipeciafi  $  legitime neputati  in  negotio 
Coiifirmationis  Clectionie  Be  peufona  tenerabilis  gt  ejcimij  tiici 
!9^agri  a^attbei  ^BarKer,  ^aci'e'Cl)Eologie|©?ofeiro?i0,  in  3ttrcl)ie« 
pifcopum  Cantuariffi  Clecti,facte  f  celebrate  cite  $  legitime  p2o= 
cetentcs  omneg  $  Ongulos  oppofito?e0,  qui  ronttanictam  eifcti= 
onemfeufo^mamejufDem,  autperfonamcicctamtiifere,  em= 
pcrttelopponcrttoluerintaD  compareiiiS  co;am  l^obis  iCiji  Ut 
vom  ?  loco(0fua  putabenntinterciTe)  contra  t)ictam€lectionem 
fo,2mam  ejuHiem  aut  perfonam  eiectam  in  Debita  juris  lozma 
tiictur,erceptur$p;opofitur legitimes  perempto?ie  Cita0fe.piu0 
publice  p;?econi3atO0,  Diuqi  t  fufficienter  erpectato«,  $  nulio  moDo 
comparentes ,  nee  contra  Dictam  Clectionem  fozmam  cjufDem 
aut  perfonam  Clectam,  aliquit)  Dicenteg,  err ipientcs  tel  opponen= 
teg,  au peticoem |^?ocarig  Bfcani  ^ Capituti  Cantuarien ,  pzo- 
nunciamusContumaces,  f  inpenam  Contumaciarum  fuarum 
ljum6it)fcermmusp?ocer)en6fo2e,  anpzolationem  ^niefil)e5Be= 
creti  finalis  in  \)u  caufa  ferenni  ipro.mm  Cc  Citatonim ,  f  non 
comparentium  contumat  in  aliquo  non  obflan. 

T  ^attfjein  }9artttr  eUcteO  arcbbiftop  of  Canterburp,  &o  utterlf  teQIRe  an!)  btclafe  Juramcn- 

in  mp  confcicnce  ,  tbat  t\)$  ^uKn«  ^igbnets  is  tbe  on\p  fupjeme  (Bobernour  of  turn  de  ag- 
tbifiHealmjanoofanotb^rl^Ki^lgbmee'fi  ^omintonfi  an)  Countrufl,  aBtDeilhi  nofcendo 
^pintnal  aa  CBccleQaQical tbings  o;  caufts  as  tempo^aM  tbat no  ifeji tign  ^ime,  fupremam 
i^erfon,  pjselatc^tate.o?  l,aotentate,batb  n  sugbt  lo  babtan?  3luttf Diction  potoft,  poteiutcra, 
?upMio?itp,i?eeemin2nce,e^  autbo?ftp  ecclefitftical  oiSptritual  toitbintbis  llealm-,  Rcgiam. 
ano  tberefo?*  JOo  utterlp  renounce  aniJ  fojfahe  all  iForrtign  autiCotctionB,  gotDers, 
^upetiorities,  ano  Suttjojities,  ano  io  p;omif«,  tbat  from  bencefojtb  3  t^aU  bear 
faitb  and  true  allegiance  to  tbt  Queens  ^igbrtfs,  l^er  ^lirs  and  lattoruU  tiMctt- 
fours  ano  to  m?  potoerftall  aflift  aneorfend  all  lurinifrtions.  ^jibileOges  g^fcmi' 
nences,  ania  autl'oritfeB  granted  or  brlenaing  to  tbe  Sinefns  l^igfcnrfs  ^tr  ipdre 
anb  faucceCfors,  or  united  and  atinejceb  to  tbe  Umperial  <trctonot  tUslKealm.    910 
tielp  me  CBob,  anb  bp  tbe  Content  s  of  tbis  1^006- 

In  Dei  Nomine  Amen.  ^uDitis,  tifis f  intellectis ,  ac  plena=  J,  .^  ^.^^ 
rie  (J  mature  nifcuffis  per  nos  CdiUimum  quounam  isat^on  $  .."/.'a. ' 
OCieUfu  e^um,  nunc  Ciceflrcn  electum,  Holiannem  ^con^e 
Quont)amCiceflren€pifcopiim,nunc(i^lectumi^erefojnfii,Mo= 
mm  co\3ert!alequont)am  eron  epifcopum,  $  lobanncm  Bemo,:- 
ticnCpum,  ^ereniffime  inCWo  iBnucipis  q^  ©ominc  nottre , 
Bomine  Clisabet^e,  Bei  gratia  idngUe,  ifrancie  $  i^iberme  Uegi- 
ntfineiBefensfcmeniaii,  titer  is  fuis  l^egiis  CommiUionali^ 
buslBaten  at)  infrafcripta  Commiffarios  cumt^ac  claufula  (bijf- 
licet )  una  cum  Bflisjobaune  -^tictfoznEn  ^uttraganco  >  f  3o- 
lianue  Bale Mmfi  epifcopo,  $  etiam  l)ac  Claufula,  quatenus 
t)O0  auf  an  minus  quatuo!  \3eflrum  $c.  ii^ecnon  $  bac  aDiectione 
fuppUutes,  nibilommus  ec.  fpecialiter  $  legitime  Ba^utatos , 


(1044) 
mtim  f  rircumflantijc  cujufDam  caufe  Otot  ,nfSotijCouficma= 
tio\m  €\ntm\s  te  pcrfona  tenecabilia  $  cnmi]  Wi  m^ii^n 
Stbd?aarfecr,^acreclicologie^?ofe{ro,2i0,  m  3{rf Qirpiim ct 
SaQo/f mecflf0c catl)ft)?alt0  $ a^etropolitice  €\mW\ Canfuari^ 
ffi,  mr  olntiimbonc  numo^ie  5Domini  me gmaim iBolr ,  ultimi 
3rfmci]ifcomibit)fmtacan elect! ,  facte  $  ceUb;atc ,  quoDco^anx 
mm  aliquantiiu  tertebatur,?  in  p^cfcnti  bei'tuur  $  pentiet  mt^ 
ciarimatopiimttuj  per  1100  toto$mtegrop?oce(ruco?am|^obis 
inDicto  ncgotiobabie  $facl ,  atqs  mligcmec  rccenato  ferbatifq; 
i3etno&t)euirf$^tatuti0bujusmegmfertanDi0,  aD  noari  Be= 
cretifinalisfite  fententie  I3iffimtibe  Confirmationig  in  biijufino= 
Hi  negotio  fercntc  p^olationem  Oc  rjupmus  p?oceDcni5 ,  $  p2orcm= 
mugiul^unc  qutfequitur  moDum,  ojia  per  3(icta,  CrbUnta,  p2o- 
mictat  probata  co?am  nobi0  in  bujufmoni  Confirmationig  nego« 
tio  comperimiw,  ?tlucnlenter  in\3enimu6  eiectionem  ipfam  pec 
3©ecannm  f  CapituUmt  eccleCe  catbeDjalis  *  ^etropolirice 
Cb?ifii  Cantuac  p?ei5,  tie  p?efato  tenerabili  5  enmio  tiro  ^^agiftro 
iS^attbeo  i&arfeer(iElecto,bujufmor)ibiro  utiq->p?ot)it)o  $  nifcreto, 
Wta  It  mo?ibu0  meri?  comment)ato,Ubero  t  ne  Ugitimo  a^atrimo= 
nio  p^ocreato,  atque  inetatelegitima  $^;t)ine  ^acertiotalt  con- 
flituf,  rite  f  legitime fuiffe  ^ellefactamttcelebmam ,  nibiUp  tU 
Bern  benri  yiiro  #agtaro  a^attbeo  ^arfeer  eiecto,  bujufmoDi  ne 
ecclefiaQici03Inmtuti)5  obljiaffefeu  obbiarequo  minu0  in  3rcbi= 
epifcopnm  <lantuafantbo?itate  Dicte  JUuCtriffime  Bomineno= 
ureiaeginemerieDebeatconfirmari,  Idcirco  BO0  (iHaiUimugnu^ 
per  25atbon  $  SffiieUen  €pifcopu0,  nunc  Ciceflren  eiectU0, 3oban» 
ne)5*co?pquonr)am  Ciceflren  cpifcopusi,  nunc  Clectu0l^erefo?« 
Den,  fl^ilo  Cobertale  quontjam  cpoft  <eplf  copu0>  ^  Jobanneg  :6eD= 
fD?DenCpifcopu0>Commiirarii  laegij  anteDicti  attenfp^emifs,  t 
altj0  Virtue  merif,  fuper  quibu0  p?efatu0eiectu0  CantuariEnfi= 
5e  nigno  commentiatur  teflimonto ,  Cb?ifli  nomine  pizimitns  in= 
tjocato,  ac  ipfum  folum  Beum  OCUU0  noflri0  p^eponen,  ne  $  cum 
CondioHurlfperitomm ,  cum  quibu0  inbac  parte  commnnica= 
timu0  p?enictam€lectionemne  eonemtencrabili  tiro,  ^agiSro 
#att|)eo  i&ar^er  (ut  p?efertur)  factam  $celeb;atam,  lup^ema 
autbo?itate  nicte  ^erenilTimeBomine  noflreilleginenobi0in  bac 
parte  commiffa  confirmamus,  fupplente0  ep  fupiema  autbo2ita= 
temegia  ermero^?incipi0motu,ac  certa  fcientia  nobi0nelegata 
quicquinin  baceiectione  futtitnefccttim,  -Cum  inbij0  quejur= 
ta^annatum|iobi0crenitum  a  ^obi0  factum  tpizoceffum  efl, 
aut  in  iHtobi0  aut  aliquo?um  nrof urn  connitione,  flatu ,  facuUate 
an  bee  perficieni  neeft  aut  neerit,^um  etiam  eo?um  qu  e  per  ^ta= 
tuta  bu3tt0  megni  Sdnglie,  aut  per  Jlegeg  eccle0aflica0  in  bac  par= 
te  requiCta  funt  tel  necefl"aria,  p?out  tempo?i0  ratio  $  eo;um  p;e= 
fenUumneceirita0in  potlulant  per  banc  noflram  fententiamBif= 
fitam,  nte  boc  noftrum  finale  Bccretum ,  quam  fibe  quon  an  pe» 
titionem  partium  ita  peten  fecimu0  ?  p?omulgamu0  in  liijj 
fcripti0. 

Ki'    >im  .^:  C^remoniaruin  Ordo  m  COllfecratiOne  iltU^ 

renniHimiBominiJapattbei^ar^er ,  3rcbiepifcopi  can- 

ta^ 


( 1045 ) 

tuaricn  in  ccapella  infra  ^mtmm  fiuim  ue  )Lambeliif  h 
tiie  Bomimco(tit)elicet)IDecimo  feptimo  nit  SBenQs  Sf- 
ttmmsy  3nno  t^omini  ^illeamo  ^uinaentcfimo  m.mn' 
quasefimo  nono.  y**uiii- 

Pfincipio,  ^aceUum  Capetibu0  an  o?ientem  atjomabatur,  fo=  o  a  r 
tiimbcropannorub2oinfiecnfbatur ,  mni^  qiioqj  facris  pera»  monLJm' 
gcatJisncceffana,  tcapeto  pultmanquc  o<jnata  ao  o.iimtem  fita  inconfc- 

frat»  cratione 

Qiiatuor  p?etereaCatbcD;e,  quatuo?  epifcopi0  quibu0mu=  '^'"""'' 

mi05onf;crantJiatrcl)iepiffopit)elegabatui:  anatuQcum  oiienta=  parktr 
li0^acelli  partis  erantpoCtf. 

Sra.nnum  p?etereacapeto,pulbinanbufqnnflratum,  €m€= 
pifcopi  ge  uibn0  fleri0  tnnitercntur  antecatbcti?a0  ponebatur. 

Pa  r i  quoque  moDo  Cat^et)?a  J^camnumqi  'Capcto  pultinariq; 
o?natum3(irct)iepifcopoatJi5o?falmi  o?ientaU0  cjnfDem  ^accUi 
parti0plagam  pofitaerant. 

Hiis  rebus  jta  o^Dine  fuo  inaructi0 ,  mane  drcitcrqumtam 
aut  toam  per  occitcntalem  ^aojitam  ingretJitur  ^acellum  3Iir= 
cblepifcopu0,  Coga'CalariCoccmea,Caputioquntiutufi,  quatu= 
01  p?eretientibu0  tunalibu0,  $quatuo?  comitfttu;Dcpifcopi0 ,  qui 
tins  Confecrationi  inferbirent(bit>cUtet)  ^ilUmo©arloequon= 
nam  Bati;on  <j  mxtxitn  Cpifropo,  nunc  dfUctocicriJren,  3oban= 
ne^co^^quonDamCiccflrcn  Cpifcopo,  nunc  l^crefo^ncn  clccto, 
ii^ilone  Cobcrnalt  quondam  c^ron  Cpifcopo,  at  Hobannc  mUox' 
ten  ^uffraganeo,  mui  omne0  poflquam  Urns  0bl  paratas  o;Dine 
finguUfuooccupaffent,  ^itzts  continuo  japatutineper  3inti;cam 
^icrfon^ircbicpifcopi  capellanuiti  claratocerecitabantur,  ^vlU 
bu0pcrace,3Io|e0^co?p,t)cquofup?atJinmu0  5  fuggeQum  com 
fcenr)it,atq5  inDe  affumpto  fibi  in  Cbema ,  ^enio?e0  ergo  qui  in 
tiobi0  f  unt  obfecro  conf  enio;  ^c.  non  ineUgantcr  concionabatur. 

Finira  Conciouc,  egrtt)iuntutfimul3ltrcbiepifcopu0reliquique 
Quatuo?  epifcopi  §)acellum,  fc  at)  facram  Communionem  para= 
turi,nequcmo?aconfeftimptn5o?ealem  ^o?tam,  at)^uncmo= 
tiumbeuitiretieunt,  3rcbicpifi:opu0  nimirum  linteo  fupcrpcUi= 
cco(quont)ocant)  intiuebatur  Cicearen  ClectU0  CapatcricaaD 
facta  peragenna  paratU0  utebatur,cui  miniOrabant,  operamque 
fuam  p^ebebant,  uuoairc^iepi  Capellani  (bi5. )  iaicl)olau0  23ul= 
linabam Lincoln,  $  etjmunt)n0  (Beft  cantuat  rcfpectiPe  3rcbi= 
maconi,  Capi0  fencisfimiliter  tefliti,  l^erefo^nen  eicctu0  $25ct)-- 
fo?oen  ^uffcaganeu0  lintci0  fupcrpeUicei0  innucbantiir. . 

Milo  teroCo\3erliaUu0,nonm(lCoga^anca'Calanuteba^ 

tur 
Arque  tocinmoBumWiti^inaructi  atiCoionem  ceUb?ani5 

pcrrcrerunt,  3irc^iepifcopo  genibu0  Mis  at  mfitii  S)acelli  gra= 

^TnimmnBem  ebangelio,  l^erefo^mn  elcctu0 ,  ©tDfoJiieu 
fi^t,ffraffancus,$  ^ilo  Co\3crt)alc  (Dc  quibU0  fupza)  3[trclncpifco= 
mmfrSct  SeectoapuD!3l^  iu  catbema  icBcutc, 

ffVS^^  "^  ^''  ^ater.bunc  birum  pi=^ 


(io4<5) 

timimdtcratciuenoctiim,  -cibi  offcnmugatquemefmfamus, 
vSclneoifcopiigcouffcccturi  poOiiuam  Dec  Dinltet,  p?ofereba= 
ftir  iiico  mcaiumlDiploma  fitoe  fii^anuatum  p?o  €onfecratione 
Tf  liienifcopi ,  ilDuo  per  5D.  Cliomam  ?ale  )legumBocto?em  per= 
ffrto^acrameutumneEeglo^^tmatu,  a\}efup?ema  e)usautl)o- 
rifafrtueiiDa,  jupta  ^tatiita  p?imo  3linno  mcsni  ^ereniffime 
maim  noflre  eii^abetl;e  etiita  $  p^omulgata  ab  eotem  3(ircbiepi= 
(VfiMo  enaebatur,iuion  cum  iUe  folemniter  tactic  co;po?aliter  ia» 
rris  c^tangelijs  coucepf  lierbis  p^eattiffet ,  Cicellren  Clectus  po« 
milumat)£)?ationtmbo?tatu0,  autitanias  tecantanDae  Clwo 
ronDente feaccimit,  :©uibu0fimti0, poft^ueflione0aUciuot3llt= 
cbiemfcopo  per  Ciceflren  Clectum  p^opoOtas ,  $  po{l:^;atione0  $ 
l>ufraaia  ciueDam  jurta  fo?mam  %m  autbo?itate%arliamenti 
tniti ,  amruBcumbapita,  Ciceflren,  l^erefo?t)tn Suffragan eu0 , 
25er)fo?t)en,^  a^iloCol]erUaUu0  manibu03rcl)iepifcopo  impofitig, 

Direrunt  3(tltgUce(t)lDeUcet)  Take  the  Holy  Ghoft,and  remember  that 
thou  ftir  up  the  Grace  ot  God,  which  is  in  thee  by  Impofition  of  hands, 
for  God  hath  not  given  us  the  fpirit  of  Fear  ,  but  of  power  ,  and  love, 

andfobernefs.  i^ijs t)icti0, i5ibUa  facra  illiin  mambu0 tranitjc* 
runt,  bujufmom  apuD  eum  berbababente0,  Give  heed  unto  thy 

reading,  exhortation,  and  doftrinc,  think  upon  thefe  things,  contained 
in  this  Book, be  diligeoi  '.u  item,  that  the  increafe  coming  thereby ,tBay 
bemanifeft  unto  all  meni  take  heed  unto  thy  fclf ,  and  unfothy  teach- 
ing and  be  diligent  in  doing  them  ,  for  by  doing  this ,  thou  (halt  fave 
thv  felt  and  them  that  hearthee^  through  Jefus  Chrift  our  Lord.  |^ofl« 

ouam  becDirifTent,  atjreliqua  communionigfolenma  pergit  €U 
c£flren,uuUum3lircbiepifcopo  trat)en0pafto?ale  mculum,  cum 
quo  communicabant3(trcbiepifcopu0  $  illi  C^ifup<:a  nominati , 
cumalij0ettamnonnulli0.         , 

Finiti^  tantjem  peractifquc  facn0,  cgretiitur  per  23o?ealem  ^= 
rientali0  S)acelU  parti0po?tam3Iircbiepifcopu5,quatuo?  illi0co- 
mitatug  Cpircopi0  qui  eum  coniecraberant,  $  confeftimeifnem 
ii)00  ftipatu0  epi(copi0per  eanr)emret)ertitur  ^o?tam,albo  <i^pi= 
icooali  luperpelliceo ,  crimeraq^  {at  tiocant)er  nio^ro  f erico  innu- 
tU0  circa  collum  tero  collare  quonnam  er  p?eciocif6  pellibU0  fa^ 
bellim0  (bulgo  tablet  tjocant)  confutum  geftabat ,  pari  quoque 
mono  cicef  treil  $  l^eref o?t)cn  f ui0  Cpifcapalibu0  amictibu0,fuper= 
uelliceo  $  Crimera  uterque  Innuebatuc,  Cobert)aliu0^ero  $  23eD= 
to^Den  ^uffraganeu0  t![:ogi0  folummoBo  'Calaribu0  utebantur , 
i3cracn0  Dcintie  occineutalem  po?tamt)erfu0  3(rcbiepifcopu0  %\)o= 
me  Bopleliconimo,  Joanni  isafeer  ^befaurario ,  $  Jo^i  laparcb 
Compuerotulario,finguli0OngulO0  3(ilbo0  nenit  25acuiO0,  i^oc 
(fcil'et)  motjo  eos  muneribu0  $  ottici  j0  rui0  o?nan0. 

Hijutaquebunc  an  moDum  o;Uiit  fuo  {nt  jam  ante  Dictum 
eft)  peracf  per  occitientalemi^o?tam  ^acellum  egretiitur  MtW 
epilcopu0  (I5enerofio?ibu0  quibufq;  fanguine  t  ejU0  familia  eum 
p;ieceDen.  reliqui0  t)ero  eii  a  tergo  fequentibU0. 

A.-  gellaquebcc  erant omnia f  fingula  inpntiai'veberentio= 
rum  in  Cb?iflo  patrum ,  CDmuntii  <!5nnr)all  ?LonUon  Cpifcopi 
electi,  micbartii  Cocfee0  Clienelecti,  Q^ntDini  ^anr)e0  ^igo?n 
electi,3intbomj  i^ufe  3lirmigeri  i^?incipali0,  $  ja^imarij  megir 

ftcarii 


atum 


flranjDicti  3Krc^iepifcopi,  'C^omc  3cgall  ^icmiqcci,  meaiararii 
Curie  |a?crogatibe€antuat,'Cl)ome  Quillet  (t  Martnis  llncent 
Ittotano^um  ^ublicomm,  $  alionim  nonnuUo?um. 

VViIliflmus  Barlovve  CpifcOpUS  CiCfflrcfl,  lOljanneS^COjZP  Mand..., 

epifcopu0l^erefo?nen,!gi^ilo  Cobecnale  nuprr  Cron  Cpifcopu0,$  oircaum 
3Iot!ann£sCpifcopus  ^uffraganeiis  23et)fo?nen,  lllluuriffimem  r    '"■ 
Cl)2ifto^?innpisf  Bfie  noftre  JDomineClmbettie,  ?DEi  gratia  en 'la  ir" 
3nglie,  jfrancic  ^i^ibernie  i^icgiiu,  jfioeiJDefens  fc.at)  infrafcri=  troniiand 
ptamemanf  )Literi@  CommifTionaUbus  partn  riicte  3illuftri(ri=  oom.  Ar. 
me  HDomine  noftre  Kegine  i^tobis  intiac  parte  r)iref0,Commiffarij  chi.pum, 
inter  altos',  cum  bac  Claufula,  £iuatenu0'oo0  aut  an  minus  qua= 
tuo2  tfum  tc.^etiam  cum  bac  anjeftione  fupplentes,  nibilomi= 
nus  f  c.  fpecialitf  r  $  legitime  neoutati  $  conftituti,  tenerabili  biro 
Sl^agiftroCt)munr)o<!5eft3rc5ino  Cantuafjalutem  in  Bommo 
fempiternam.  Qi-.im  tacante  nuper  ^ene  ^erc^iepali  Cantuac 

per  monem  naturalem  Bomini  me ginalni  ^ole  CarDinalis  ulti= 
mi,  f  immetiiati  Kircbiepifcopi  ejulnem,  Becanus  $  Capitulum 
Cccle0eCatbet);ali0  f  a9etropoUticeCb?ifti  Cantuarienfis  ( %U 
rentia  llegia  p?imitU0m  ea  parte  petita$  obtcnta)  meterenniffi^ 
mum  in  Cbnito  ^atrem  Bominum  Slpattlieum  ^arKer ,  facrc 
Cbeologie#?ofelIo?emin  eommtnicte  Ccclefie  Catber);ali0epi= 
fcopum$  i^afto^em  elegerint,  $  Cccle0eCatb£i3?ali  p?eiS  p^obine-- 
rintneeobem,  ^uam  quinem  Clectionem  $  ^Berfonam  Oc  (0le«= 
ctam,  (ferbati0  ne  31ure  $  ^tatuti0  buiu0  inclpti  megni  3(inglie 
in  ea  parte  ferbantig)  iBto0  autliontate  iLiterarum  Commi{riona= 
lium  pattnt)icte3Uuflritfime  Bomme  noflre  Uegine  |iDbi0  ( ut 
p^emittitur)  Direct  rite  $  legitime  confirmabimus,  eir)emiiueCu= 
ram,llegimenf  3Ct)miaiQrationem  nicti  mc^iepatus  Cantuari= 
fncommi0mu0,i^ec  nonmunu0Confecrationi0  eitem,  CMM' 
tie  Deritu  $  mo?e  cccleOe  3Iinglicane  ^uffragij0  $3!nfignij0  at)= 
l)ibenr)i0)  impennimu0  jurta  ^tatuta  buiu0  mclvtiilegni  3in= 
glie  in  bac  parte  pie  $fancte  enitatfancita,  3iPf"mque  mebet= 
mum  i§a'rem0cconfirmatum«coufecratum  mrealem^actua^ 
lem  f  co^pojalc  poffeffione  t)ictimci5iepatu0  cEantuar,  luriumqi 
$  pertineft  f  uozu  uniberfom  inDuceni5,iubef  teuD  maallauD  $  intrp= 
ni5anij  fo;et)ecrebimu0$  manDabimus,  lEibi  igitur  barum  ferie 
11uri0 outline  in  erigentt  firmiter  p,2Ccipenno'  mannamu0,  quate= 
nu0  p?efatummeberenni(rimuml3atrcm'feui^?ocurem  fuum  le= 
gitimum  (eju0  nomine) in  realem,  actualem  $  co?po.2 al em  poirei= 
Oonem nicti  mc9iepatu0Cantuarien00,3Iurmmquf,  gono?um, 
Bianitatum$pertinenfuonimuniberfo?u  innuca0  mbcltias  ni= 
rtaue0  ^  introni^e0, feu 0c  innuci,  inbcfliri,  mftallari  ?  nuroni= 
3ari  facias  cum  effectu,Catben?amqi  Obe  §enem  m-cbiepifcopa-- 
lem  in  eanem CccleOa ei  (uti mo2i0  eft)  a(fignc0  ? eumm eanem 
Catbennx fibe  ^cne arcbiepifcopali  imponas  cum  omni  bono^e ne= 
bif ,  M\mt  ne  mo?e  anbibcnni0, aut  ita  fieri  $ unponi  cures  mout 
I)ece^1!^  cuius  mei'Ceaimonium,  isigiUum  ofticialitatis  :iiune 
Curi  Cantiiarien00 p^efcutibus  apponifecinuis  $ p^ocurabnmis, 

Bae'toiinini  ultimo  nie  ^pcnQs  Becemb^is,  ^uno  Bomini  ^^^il= 
le0mo£iutngenteamo£auinquageamonono.  ^^^ 


.iiu..a.an.  Edm.nJusGcft  3itc9iuu0Cantuat,  3H)qutm3Int)uctio,1n= 
u.tum  tacr.  n.ir-, ti^  »  luttoni3atio  omnium  ^  Ongulomm  €pifcopo;um 
p.rdKtu.n  S-'mtuafiaio'Dincie  DC  laumbili  longttoaqi  $  legitime  p^elcripta 
^j' ff-cu?.r.tbnructutiiue  noto?ie  Qinofcuntur  pertiuere,  \)eneral)ilibu0  mi= 

J,rxV''"'ns 

^aliif  em  in  iDomino  fempittrnam,  muum  ^acantenuptt  ^ete 
arfl)iepifcopali  ccantuaf ,  per  montm  naturalem  Bomini  megi^ 
!ialL)liaole,  ultimi  irci^iepiibitiem ,  manm $  Capitulum ec^ 
clffic  catl;eti?ali0  $  s^ctropolitice  Clinfli  cantuaf  ( )Licentia  «e* 
ffia  p?imitii0  in  ea  parte  petita  $  obtenta)  meterenDilTimum  in 
Cli^iflo  i&atrem  Bominiim  a?attbeum  ^arKer ,  ^acre  cbeolo- 
aie42>?oteiro?emineo?um$r)icteCccleae3Itrc|iiepifcopum$iaaao' 
rem  elecrerint,  Ciimq^  p?etereamel3erent)i  inCl);ifto  jaatres  l©ni, 
cailUnfugisarloe  cicearcftCpus ,  3Iobanne0  ^tom  epifcopu0 
l^crefoinen,  lapilo  coterrjaU  ciuounam  €xon  epifcopus ,  $  Jo- 
baunee  cpifcopus  feuffraganeus  :©et5fo?t)en,  autbo?itate  ?Litera= 
riim  commiffionaliumi^aten  JUuftriffime  in  Cb?iflo  #;incipis 
(iBonunenoQreS©omine€li3abetbeBn  gratia  3inglie  ,fcancie 
^i^ibernie  megine,ifiDeiBefen0fc,  eisinbac  parte  nirecefuffici- 
enter  $  legitime  fiilciti,  CUctionem  p?erjcaifi  ne  pfona  p;iefatl  me- 
terenmiTimi  isatrie  int  p?emittitur)  factam  ^  r eleb^atam ,  $  per* 
fonam  fie  electam  (ferbatietie  Jure  ^  S)tatutis  \}nm  inclptiEe* 
gni^nglieinbac  parte  fertjanuis)  coufirmatjerint,  ciDemque  me* 
t)erenr)ilTimoin  €\)Mo  iaatri,Curam,  megimen  $  3t)miniacatt- 
onemt)icti3lrcbiepatu0Cantuar  commiferint,  0tmon<S^mn% 
Confecrac6i0einemme\)enmo  i^atri  (at)bibiti0  ne  ritu$mo?cCc= 
clefie  Bnaltcane  ^uffragij0  $  Unfigmjs  at)bibenr)i0)  impenterint 
jurta^tlimta  l)u|u0inclvtimei|ni  3ingliein  bac  parte  pie  $  fan= 
cteeDita  $fancita,0obifq5t)etjenntin!apant)ati0,  £iuatenu0  nojj; 
p?etatumE£\)erfnt)iirimum  ^atrem  Cc  Confirmatum  $  Confe- 
cratiim  feu  |^?ocurem  fuum  iegitimum  (e]ii0  nomine)  in  realem 
actualem  $co?po?al£mpoircirionemDicti  3rcbifpatu0  Cantuari= 
eft,  Jiiriumque  $pertinentiumfuo?um  uniberfo?6intiuceremu0, 
inflaUaremu0  $  introni^aremue,  p2out  per  eo^um  5iitera0  0,oUs 
ineapartefacta0  $infcriptas,pleniu0  liquet  $  apparet,  muia 
^o0impntiarumqmbufDamartiui0f  urgentibu0  Begotij0atieo 
funui0  impliciti  $  remo?ati,;^uoDCrecutioni  officii  noflri  bmot 
bacarenont)alfmu0utioptamu0,  t3obi0igitur  $befirum  cuili-- 
betfonjimctimftibifim,  Be  quorum  circumfpectione  $  iuDufiria 
fpecialeminlDomino  finuciam  obtinemu0,  at)  intiuceniS  p?eliba« 
turn  mftjerentiCTimumpatrem  feu  p^ocufem  fuum  legitimum 
(ejus  nomine)  in  realem,  actualem  $  co2po?alem  poffellionem  an^ 
teDicteerclefie  catbeb?ali0  $  i^etropolitice  Cb^ifii  Cantuarien-^ 
fi6,3;uruimq5$  pertinentmfuot  uniberfomm,  euuDemqi  meben= 
mum  iBatremleueju0^^ocuremltimum  cum  plenituDine  juri0 
Arcbifpaligmflallani5  $  introni3ant5 ,  Ceteraq;  omnia  $  fingula 
facieufi,  erercnitl  ^etpeDienti  que  in  bac  parte  neceffaria  fuermt , 
Icuquomotiolibet  requifita,  bice0  noflra0  committimu0>  $ple^ 
namteno?ep?efentium  concenimu0  poteftatem,  mogaute0  ut  to-- 
tumin  quouin  p^emiCe  feccriti0,  aut  lieflrum  aliqui0fecerJt  Dirto 

3n^ 


(1049) 

5nmictioni0  mmio  nmito  mUs  p;o  loco  $  tmmt  zammis 
$  oppo;  turns  Debite  agnificare  Mitie,  feu  Uc  Cgnifim  iUe  SRm 

monuim  ^igiUum  noarum  mitntmus  apponi  ftrlmag    4irfi 
pnmo  Die  ^en00  Januarij  3nno  Jsomini  Ourta  co mnut.'^n^! 

Untverfis  l^afce i^ocurationisf  $ ig^auDati  )titcca03lnfpectu-  Pro  ur  oni 
n0,  ^ifuri0,auDitun05rtlfcturi0  mnotefcat,$palamQt.  ^aon  Aiiieriad 
1100  ^atmu0.  permimonmibmacantuarienfi/^rc&f  tn-  v'"'^^-^ 
urn  3n5lifia?imas  fa?etrooanu0  (Clecfus,  confltm^f ub  a  conft-  °''^'"''^^- 
^^ams,Bilecto0|&obi0  inctoflo  fiUo0  mQiUm  cototium  ["o^'^'"* 

mUiare0  $  Bomeflico0  noQros  conjunctim  f  t)ibifim!^STS^ 
co0certo0  ltimo0acintjubitato0  p?Gcurato<ic0,  acto^c0,  fmaits 
|^rgqtio?umq;  nromm  gffio?e0  $  nuur  100  fpec':alf0  ao  infrafcri- 
pta  ntc,  tice,  nomine  $  loco  noOris  obeuni5  nomi  namu0 ,  02Dina^ 
mu0,  fanmu0  $  confiituimus  per  p?efente0,  oamufque  $  concent 
mu0  eiftiem  ^?ocuratonbu0  noflris  coniunctim  >  1  eomm  utti- 
que(utp?efertur)pec  femtiam  $  infoliiS  poteQatem  generalema 
#autjatumfpeciaUp?oiaobi0,  acbicet  nomine  noflcigcoiam 
Bilecti0nobi0in(!Cb?i(tofilij0,Bomino  J^ecanof  Capftulo,  ec- 
clefie  uoflreCatbemaU0$  (3lpetropolitice  €\)M\  €antuaf,eomm' 
toe  in  bac  parte  toicefgeten  quibufcunque  comparenDi,  $  luQa© 
Caufasabientienollreco^ameisp^oponeniS,  oiceniJ  fp2ofiteniS, 
jEtofq;  eo  obtentu  a  perfonali  comparitione  ej:cufani5,ac  fuper  toe* 
ritate  earunoem  fioem  De  jurerequifitam  faciend,  acBo0  $  nerfo= 
nam  noftram  inrealem,actualem?  co^po^alempoHeflionemnO' 
ftri  3irc9iepatu0  Cantuarien  cum  omnibus  $  anguli0  fui0  bono> 
ribu0,  p^itoilegij0,p?erogatitoi0,  p^ebeminentijs,  juribus  $  perti* 
nenfuis  uniberfis  fpirtafibus  $  tempo;alibU0jurta  $  fecunoum 
ipfius  €ccUfieCatbet)?ali0  f  9i^etropoliticeCb?iftiCantuaf  %^a= 
tuta,<D<JOinatione0,5  Coufuetutjine0  Olegibus,  ^tatutis  $  p2o= 
toi0oiubu0  bu|u0  laegni  3ingUe  imputiammnon  repuguan)  inDu= 
ci,  intoefliri,  inflallari  $introni3arf,  ciun  plcnitutJine  juris  aircfii^ 
epalis,  CatbetJ^amqs  fitoe  :^eDrm  3irc9iepalem  in  Cbo?o  eccle0e 
mem.o^atemcQiepo  ibioem  ab  antiquo  affignarf  foUa  $  confuef 
i^obi0quatenustoioebiture);per)iens  affignari  f  limitari  peteni5, 
reauireni5$obtineni5,  l^ecnon  realem,  actualem  f  cozpojalem 
poteffionem,  3InflaUationem  $  3ntroni3ationem  Dicti  airc9iepa= 
tii5  Cantuaritn,  toice  $  nomine  noflri0  nancifcenfi  $  aoipiCceua, 
aciUa0ficnacta0f  at)epta0atiufum  ?  commooum  noflrum  cu* 
aoriim6$  confertoani5,at  per  legitima  Juris  remeoia  tueufif  oe-- 
fenocnfi,  ©uoocunqueiniuper  Juramentum  licitum  $  app?oba= 
tum,actje  jure  Confuctutiimbus  t  ^tatutis  Dicte  cgcclefie  ca? 
tbeti^alis  f  a^etropolitice  Cl),nQi  Cantuarien  in  bac  parte  quo-- 
moBolibet  requiCf,  muatenus  ConfuetuDines,  €);l)inationes  et 
^tatutaljujufmoni juriS)ibino,  ac  ^Legibus  et  ^tatutis  Imm 
megni  :?liugUe  non  fint  contraria  toelrepugnan,in  animam  meam 
et  p?o  me  p?ellani5,  fube«ni$  ft  jucan6,/i^f  cuon  Juramen  t  um  obe=  -^ 
tiiemif,etq.uoi3Cunq5aUttt)  .^acramentum  licitum  et  boneaum 

De 


Df  £);DinationiI)U0ft  ^tatuti0  Ccclcfic  <latlicl3?alis  tt  3l^etropo= 
litif  e  Cl3?ifli  Cantuaricn  mt  moBo  p^emilTo  qualificatie,  a  Bf  ca= 
no  ft  capitulo,Canonicifqi  ct  cctcri0^imfli:is  ejufDem  Ccclefie 
3rrl)icpoUnDcm  tx\)\hm  tt  p^efJarifolif  et  confueeab  tift)cmet 
fo;umquolibct,  acticectnominibug  noflri0  recipieniS  et  anmit> 
unt,  tt  Qtneralittr  omnia  ttangula  aliafatieniS ,  txtxitnt  tt  er- 
pecifni,  que  in  p?fmifl"i0  et  circa  earie  jure  feu  conruetuDine^ac* 
tfnu0ufitalnefeffariafuerim,feuquomol'et  opponuna,  etiama 
i^antiatunine  femagi0fngant  fpecialequamiuptriu0ea  erp?ef= 
fum,  p;omittimulqj  ^00  ratum,  gratum  et  firmum  perpetuo 
ialiituf,totum  et  quicquit)t)icti^?ocurato?e0noff,  feu  eonimal= 
ter  fecerint  feu  fecerit  in  p?emi(ri0,tel  aliquo  memiffo^u  fub  bvpcv= 
fliecaet  obligatione  omnium  et  fingulomm  bono^um  noflro^um, 
tam  p?f fentium  quam  futuro^um ,  et  in  ea  parte  Cautione m  tt:: 
ponimu0per  p?efente0,  Jn  cujU0  mei  tceftimonium  ^igillum 
noftrum  pntibu0  apponi  fecimu0.  Baf  in  ^anerio  noftro  tie 
tambebitp  ?minton  Bioc  fecunuo  Die  ^enO031anuatij,3nno 
Bomini  fecunnum  Computation  em  Ccclefieatnglicane,  ^lllefi= 
mo  ^uingentefimo  0uinquagefimo  nono,  tt  nit  Confecrationiis 
3innop?imo. 

Concordat  cum  Regiftro 
fada  Collationc  per  Nos 
Wmum  Angier  Notarium  publicum, 

& 
Johiinncmjacobum  Benard. 


i 


I 


iiiiimatqic^rewordanim 


€)?Do,  m  confccranno  meterennimmo  m  cwto  i&atre, 

mmto^atltt,  Cantuaricnfi  3lrctiiepifcopo,  in 

S)acello  fuo  apun  ^aneriu  fuum  tc  )lambet^, 

Die  J^nico,  pWj  ti3.  Die  apenOg;  5Decemb?ii5, 

anno  Bom.  1559.  W0. 

i^^lfiinCipiO?  Saccllum  tapetibus  ad  Orientem  adornabatur ,  foliim  ve- 
^)^lj  ro  panno  rubro  inllernebatur,  Mcnfa  quoque  Sacris  peragendis  nccef- 
^^^X  faria.  tapeto  pulvinariqi  ornata  ad  Orientem  fita  erat. 
^gg£  SilMUUl  pretcrea  Cathedra? ,  quatuor  Epifcopis  quibus  munus  con- 
J^K\  fecrandi  Archiepifcopi  delegabatur,  ad  auftrum  Orientalis  Sacelli  par- 
tis crant  polltac. 

^Camnum  preterea  tapeto  pulvinaribufqi  inftratum,  cui  Epifcopi  genubus  flexis 
inniterentur,  ante  Cathedras  ponebatur. 

^an  quoq-,  modo  Cathedra,  fcamnumquapetopulvinariqi  ornatutn,  Archiepi(co- 
po,  ad  Borealem  Orientalis  cjafdem  Sacelli  partis  plagam  pofita  erant. 

^HB  rebus  ita  ordine  fuo  inftructis,  mane  circiter  quintam  aut  fextam  per  occi- 
dentalcm  portam  ingreditur  Sacellum  Archicpifcopus,  toga  talari  coccinea  caputio- 
queindutus,  quatuor  prccedcntibus  funalibus,  &  quatuor  comitacus  Epifcopis,  qui 
ejus  confecrationl  infervirent  (verbi  gratia) Guilielmo  Barlow  olim  B3thon.&  Wel- 
len.  Epi'copo,  nuncvero  ad  Ciceftren  Epifcopatum  eledo,  johanne  Scory  olim  Ci- 
cheftriaj  EpifcopoSc  nunc  ad  Herefordenfem  vocato,Milone  Coverdallo  olim  Exoni- 
enft  Epifcopo,  &  Johanne  Hodgskinne  Bedfordie  Suftraganco.  Qui  omnes  poftquam 
{edes  tlbi  paratas  ordine  fingua  fuo  occupaflent  ,Preces  continuo  matutina?  per  An- 
drcam  Pierfon  Archiepifcopi  Capellanurn  clara  voce  recitabantur  ,  quibus  peradtis, 
Johannes  ScoryCde  quo  fupra  diximus)fuggeftum  confcendit.atqs  inde  aflumpto  fibi, 
in  thema,  Semores  ergo  qui  in  vobis  funt  obfccro  confenior,  &c  non  ineleganter  con- 
cionabatur. 

Slinita  concione,  cgrediuntur  fimul  Archicpifcopus  reliquiqj  quatuor  Epifcopi  Sai 
cellum  fe  ^d  facram  communionem  piraturi,  ncqi  mora  confellim  per  borealem  por# 
tarn  *in  veftiarum  ad  hunc  raodum  veftiti  redeunt.  Archicpifcopus  nimirum  linteofu- 
perpelliceo  C  quod  vocantjinduebatur.  Ciceftrenfis  eledus,  capa  ferica  ad  facrapera- 
genda  paratus  utebatur.  Cui  miniftrabant  operamqi  fuam  prebebant  duo  Archiepi- 
fcopi Capellani,  Nicholaus  viz.  Bullingham  Lincolniae  Archidiaconus,  &  Edmundus 
Geft  Cantuarienfis  quoqi  Archidiaconus,  capisfericis  fimiliter  ,  veftiti.  Hereford  elc- 
dus  &  Bedford  Suffraganeus,  lintcis  fuperpellicics  induebantur. 

9i!0  verb  Covcrdalhis  non  nifi  toga  lanea  talari  utebatur. 

JJtq^  hunc  in  modum  vefliti&inftrufli  ad  communionem  celcbrandam  perrcxe- 
runt.  Archiepifcopo  genubus  flexis  ad  infimum  Sacelli  gradum  fedente. 

jFlnttO  tandem  Evangelic,  Hcreforden.  eledus,  Bedfordia;  Suffraganeus  &  Mtio 
Coverdallus  (de  quibus  fupra)  Archiepifcopum  coram  Ciceftren.  cledo  apud  men- 
fam  in  Cathedra  fedenti  hi)s  verbis  adduxerunt,  Revercnde  in  Deo  Pater,  hunc  vi- 
rum  pium  pariter  atqi  dodum  tibi  offerimus  atqi  prefentamus  ,  ut  Archicpifcopus 
ftonfccretur.  Poftqi  hxc  dixiffent,  profcrebatur  illico  Regine  diploma  fivemandatum 
pro  confecrationc  Archiepifcopi  ,  quo  per  Reverendum  Thomam  Yale  Lcgum  Do- 

O  ftorem 


dorem  perledto,  Sacratnentum  de  RcgioPrimatu  five  fuprema  ejus  authoritate  tu- 
enda  juxtaStatura  i.  An.  regni  Serenillimas  Reginsenoftras  Eliiabeth  promulgata  ab 
codem  Archicpifcopoexigcbatur ,  quod  cum  ille  folcmniter  tadis  corporaliter  faaris 
Evingeliis  conceptis  verbis  preftitifTet,  Ciceftrienf.  cledus  quaedam  prxfatus  atq>  po- 
piiluin  ad  orationem  hoitatus ,  ad  Litanias  decantandas  Choro  refpondcnte  (c  ac- 
cinxif.  Qtiibus  Hnitis,  port  quaeftiones  aliquot  Archicpifcopo  per  Cicertrien.  eledum 
propofitas,  &  poll  oraticncs  &  fuffragiaqusedam  juxta  formam  Libri  antedidi  Par« 
liamenti  cditi,  apud  Dcum  habita,  Ciccftrienfis  Hereford ienlls  Suffraganeus  Bcdfor- 
Jiciilis  &  Mill)  Covcrdallus,manibusArchiepifcopoimporitis.Accipe(inquiunt  jingli' 
(6)  Spirifum  fandum,&:  gratiam  Dei  qu«jam  per  impolitionis  manuum  in  te  eft  ex- 
citare  memento.  Non  enim  timoris,fed  virtutis,  diIedionis&:  fobrietatis  fpiritum  de- 
dit  nobis  Deus.  His  itadictis,  Biblia  facra  illi  in  manibus  tradiderunt  hujufmodi  a- 
ptid  cum  verba habentes,  in  legendo,hortando,  &  doccndo  vide  diligens  fis ,  atqi  ca 
medicare  aliiduc  quae  in  hifce  Libris  (cripta  funt,noIi  in  his  fegnis  efTequo  incrcmen* 
turn  inde  proveniens  omnibus  innotcfcat  &  palam  fiat.  Cura  quaead  te  &  ad  docen- 
di  munus  fpedtant  diligenter.  Hoc  enim  modo  non  teipfum  folum,  fed  &  reliquos 
Auditores  tuos  per  Jefum  Chriftum  Dominum  noftrum  falvabis.  Poflquam  hsc  di- 
xifTent ,  ad  rcliqua  communionis  folennia  pergit  Ciceflrenfis  nullum  Archiepifcopo 
tradens  paftorale  baculum,  cum  quo  communicabaut  una  Archiepifcopus,  8c  illi  Epi. 
^opi  fupranominati  cum  aliis  etiam  nonnullis. 

ifinitiS  tandem  peradlifqifacris  ,  egreditur  per  boreakm  oricntis  Sacelli  partis 
portam  Arcliiepifcopus  quatuor  illis  comitatus  Epifcopis  qui  eum  confecravcrant,  8c 
confertim  iifdem  ipfisftipatus  Epifcopis  per  eandem  revertitur  portam  albo  Epifco- 
pali  riperpellitio.  Crimeraqi  Cut  vocantUx  nigro  fcrico  indutus,  circa  collum  vc- 
ro  coliare  quoddam  ex  pretiofis  pellibus  fabellinis  Cvulgo  Sables  vocantj  confutum 
geftabat.  Pariquoq',  modo  Ciccftrcnfis  &  Herefordenfis,  fuis  Epifcopalibus  amidi- 
bus,fuperpellitio  fciiicet  Sccrimera  uterqiinduebatur.D.Coverdallus  vcro 8C  Bedfor- 
dis  Suffraganeus  togis  folummodo  talaribus  utcbantur.  Pergens  deindc  occidenta- 
lem  portam  verfus  Archiepifcopus  Thome  Doyle  Economo,  Johanni  Baker  Thefau- 
rarie,  8c  Johanni  Marche  computo  rotulario,  fingulis  fingulos  Albos  dedit  Baculos, 
hoc  fciiicet  modo  eis  muneribus  Scofficiisfuis  ornans. 

1^<;S  itaq-,  hunc  ad  modum  ordine  fuo,  ut  jam  ante  didum  eft  peradis,  per  occi- 
dentalem  portam  Sacellum  egreditur  Archiepifcopus    generofioribus  quibufqv  fan-  ' 
guine  ex  ejus familia  eum  precedentibus,  reliquis  vcro  cum  a  tergo  fequentibus. 

3(t8  geftaqj  haec  erant  omnia  in  prxfentia  Reverendorum  Epifcoporum  , 
Edmundi  Gryndall  Londinenfis  Epifcopi  eledti,  Richardi  Cockes  Elienfiseledi,Ed- 
wini  Sandes  Wigornicnfis  elefti,  AnthoniiHufe  Armigeri,  Principalis  &Prisnarii  Re- 
giftrarii  difti^Archicpifcopali,Thome  Argall Armigeri  Regrarii  Ciceftriae  Prerogativae' 
Cantuarienfis,  Thomae  Willet,&  Johannis  Incent  Notariorum  publicorum  ,  &  alio* 
rum  quoqi  nonnullorum. 

Concordat  cumOriginali  in  BiWiotheca  Collegii 
Corp.  Chrifti  apud  Cantabrigienf. 

Ita  teftor  Matth.  Whinn  Notarius 
Jj'J.  8.  Public.  &  Acad.  Cantabr.  Rcgi- 

1^74.  ftrarius  Principalis. 

Cambridge  Ja».  11.  1674. 
Z/^yE  rvhofe  names  are  hereunto  fnhfcribed,  having Jeen  the  Original,  whereof  thit  tPri- 
ting  is  a  perfeU  Copy,  and  confidered  the  hand  and  other  circitmflances  thereof^  are 
fully  perfuaded  that  it  is  a  true  and  genuine  Record  of  the  Rites  and  Ceremonies  of  Argh- 
Bifhop  Paiker'i  Confecration  ,  and  at  ancient  as  theT>ate  it  heaves.  \n  rvitnefs  rvhireofrve 
have  hereunto  fet  our  hands,  the  day  and  yeare  above  vcritten. 

Hen.   Paman  Orat.  Publicus. 

Hen.  More   D.  D. 
Ra:  Widdrington.  S.T  D.  &.  D.  Marg.  P. 

Oi  C»  C»  G, 


"^Ethe  Majlerand  Fellows  0/ Corpus  ChrilH  College  in  tbeVniverfuy  0/ Cambridge 
doe  hereby  declare  and  certifie,  that  this  writing,  being  a  Narrative  of  Archbilhop 
Parkci/  Conjecratton  inL^mhctb  Chaffel,  is  faithfully  tranfcribed  from  the  Original 
Record  in  our  College  Library:  and  that  we  are  fully  fat,  ffied  that  the  faid  Records  as 
ancient  as  the  date  it  beares,  and  the  oaafwn  to  which  it  doth  referr.  Nor  can  n>e  doubt 
but  the  f  lain  and  evident  tokens  of  antiquity  which  it  carries,  will  as  much  fatisfy  any 
ingenuous  per  fans  whojhall  have  a  fight  thereof:  which  therefore  we  fhall  readily  afford 
to  thofe  vbo  fhall  repair e  to  the  College  for  that  purpofe. 

John   Spencer.  D.  D.  Mr.  of  the  ColJ. 

Joh:  Peckover.  B.  D. 

Erafmus  Lane.    B.D. 

Ri :  Sheldrake.  B*  D. 

Sam:  Beck.  B.  D. 

Hen:  Goftling.  B.  D. 

Will:Briggs.M.A. 

John  Richer.  M.  A. 


j^f^Hereof  there  are  fever  al  words  in  the  fregsing  Records ,  that  are  notfufficiently  eon~ 
gruoHS  according  to  the  Latine  Jdiom  ,  many  of  which  are  marked  with  Afteriskes, 
■}}e  Reader  may  be  pleafed  to  tah^notice,  we  would  notfo  math  vary  from  the  Records ,  as 
to  eorreS  the  common  Err  ours  of  them. 


y> 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DL'E  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


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Form  L9-40m-7,'56 (079084)444 


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