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i  ©laje^togijcal 


I 


PRINCETON.  N.  J. 

'I'art  ottlx* 

APOmON  ALEXANDER  LIBRART, 

which  was  presented  hy 

MeiSUS.  R.  li.  ANI>   A.   Stlart. 


I 


BX  '8915  .L3  1835  v. 6 
Lardner,  Nathaniel,  1684- 

1768. 

The  works  of  Nathaniel 

Lardner 


LARDNER'S   WORKS. 


VOL.  VI. 


THE 


WORKS 


OF 


NATHANIEL    LARDNER,  D.   D. 


WITH  A  LIFE  BY  DR.  KIPPIS. 


IN    TEN    VOLUMES. 


VOL.  VL 


LONDON : 
WESTLEY  &  DAVIS,  STATIONERS'  COURT. 

MDCCCXXXV. 


BUNGAY : 
STEREOTYPED  AND  PRINTED  BY  J.  R.  AND  C.  CHILDS. 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  SIXTH  VOLUME. 


A   HISTORY  OF   THE   APOSTLES  AND   EVANGELISTS. 

eUAP.  PAGE 

XU.       St.  Paul's  Epistles 3 

XIII.  That  the  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to 

them  ------  112 

XIV.  That  the  Churches  of  Colosse  and  Laodicea  were  planted 

by  the  Apostle  Paul            -            -            -            -  151 

XV.  Of  the  Seven  Catholic  Epistles               ...  159 

XVI.  St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother    -            -            -            -  162 

XVII.  The  Epistle  of  St.  James           .            -            .            .  195 
XVm.  St.  Peter 203 

XIX.  The  Two  Epistles  of  St.  Peter    -  ^  -  -  254 

XX.  The  Three  Epistles  of  St.  John  .  .  -  275 

XXI.  St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle  -  -  -  -  298 

XXII.  The  Revelation  of  St.  John      -  -  -  -  318 

XXIII.  The  Order  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  -  329 

XXIV.  That  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament,  consisting  of  a 

Collection  of  Sacred  Writmgs,  in  two  parts,  one 
called  Gospel,  or  Gospels,  or  Evangelicon  j  the  other 
called  Epistles,  or  Apostles,  or  Apostolicon,  were 
early  known,  read,  and  made  use  of  by  Christians    -  340 

XXV.  The  Question  considered,  whether  any  Sacred  Books  of 

the  New  Testament  have  been  lost   -  -  -  352 

JEWISH  TESTIMONIES. 

Preface  ..---.  365 

I.  The  Faith  of  many  Jewish  Believers  in  early  times,  a 

Valuable  Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Re- 
ligion       .-.---  371 
It.          Of  the  Treatment  given  to  the  Primitive  Christians  by  the 

unbelieving  Jews  .  -  _  _  388 

III.  Josephus,  with  his  Testimony  at  large  to  the  fulfilment  of 
our  Saviour's  Predictions  concerning  the  Destruction 
of  the  Temple  and  City  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  miseries 
coming  upon  the  Jewish  people       -  .  -  393 


ii  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  A.  D.  PAGE 

IV.  Three  Paragraphs  in  the  works  of  Josephus,  concerning  John 

the  Baptist,  our  Saviour,  and  James  the  Lord's 
Brother,  and  Observations  upon  his  Writings  and 
Testimony  -  -  -  -  -  480 

V.  The  Mishnical  and  Talmudical  Writers     .  -  -  505 

VI.  Joseph  Ben  Gorion,  or  Josippon  ...  531 
Vn.    A  Recollection  of  the  preceding  Articles,  and  Reflections 

upon  them  -  -  -  -  -  558 

TESTIMONIES  OF  ANCIENT  HEATHEN  AUTHORS. 

I.        The  Epistle  of  Abgarus,  King  of  Edessa,  to  Jesus,  and 

the  Rescript  of  Jesus  to  Abgarus        -  -  596 

IT.      Of  the  Knowledge  which  the  Emperor  Tiberius  had  of 

our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  ...  606 

III.  A  Monumental  Inscription  concerning  the  Cliristians  in 

the  time  of  Nero       -            -            -            -  .  .  .  623 

IV.  Pliny  the  Elder 77  625 

V.  Tacitus           -            -            -            -            -            -  100  626 

VI.  Martial           -            -            -            -            -            -  ...  635 

VII.  Juvenal          -            -            -            -            .            -  ...  638 
Vm.  Suetonius 110  641 


SUPPLEMENT 


TO    THE 


SECOND  PART 


OF    THE 


CREDIBILITY 


OP    THE 


GOSPEL    HISTORY 


VOL.  VI.  B 


i4. 


v'YW'V»*'*' 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


APOSTLES  AND  EVANGELISTS. 


CHAP.  XII. 

ST.   PAUL'S  EPISTLES. 


I.  The  Introduction.  II,  The  two  Epistles  to  the  Thcssa- 
lonians.  III.  The  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  IV.  The 
Jirst  epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  V.  The  first  Epistle  to 
Timothy.  VI.  The  Epistle  to  Titus.  VII.  The  second 
Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  VIII.  The  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  IX.  The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  X.  The 
second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  XI.  The  Epistle  to  the  Phi- 
lippians.  XII.  The  Epistle  to  the  Colossians.  XIII,  The 
Epistle  to  Philemon.     XIV.  T'he  Epistle  to  the  Hehreics. 

Sect.  I. 

The  Introduction, 

I  SHALL  now  endeavour  to  settle  the  time  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  of  which  Origen  said  :  '  If  ^^  any  man  reads  them 
'  with  attention,  I  am  persuaded,  he  will  admire  the  writer's 
'  abilities  in  expressing-  great  things  in  vulgar  language  ;  or, 
'  if  he  does  not  admire  them,  himself  will  appear  ridiculous.' 
It  cannot  but  afford  satisfaction  to  know  the  order  of 
time  in  which  they  were  written.  It  will  not  only  be  at- 
tended with  pleasure,  but  will  also  contribute  to  the  right 
understanding  of  them.  For  wrong  dates  have  been  the 
occasion  of  many  mistakes.     Baronius  observes,  that  some 


See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 
B  2 


4  A  History  of  the  Jlposllcs  and  Evangelists. 

have  imagined  the  shipwreck  at  Melita,  related  in  Acts 
xxvii.  to  be  one  of  the  three  mentioned  by  St.  Paul,  2  Cor. 
xi.  25,  not  considering,  that  the  second  epistle  to  the  Co- 
rinthians had  been  written  several  years  before.  I  have  put 
the  passage^  in  the  margin,  as  quoted  by  Lewis  Capellus. 
The  author  of  the  commentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  in  the  fourth  century,  made  '^  the  same  mistake,  and 
several  others  of  a  like  kind,  in  explaining  the  paragraph  of 
2  Cor.  xi.  25,  26. 

Of  St.  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  thirteen  have  been  gene- 
rally received  by  catholic  christians  in  all  times.  I  there- 
fore need  not  now  allege  the  testimonies  of  ancient  christian 
writers,  which  may  be  seen  in  the  preceding  volumes  of 
this  work.  But  as  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has  been 
sometimes  doubted  of,  I  shall  observe  the  evidences  of  its 
genuineness.  With  regard  to  the  others,  I  shall  do  little 
more  than  show  the  time  Avhen  they  were  written.  And  I 
would  take  it  for  granted,  that  they  who  are  disposed  to 
examine  the  arguments  in  this  chapter,  have  first  read  the 
history  of  St.  Paul,  in  the  preceding  chapter  :  which  will  be 
of  great  use,  and  prevent  the  trouble  of  numerous  references. 

Sect.   II. 

The  tico  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians, 

The  first  and  second  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  are  now 
generally  allowed  by  learned  interpreters  and  chronologers 

^  Quantum  juvet,  quamque  sit  utile,  certotenere  tempus,  quo  Pauli  episto- 
Iffi  ab  eo  fuerunt  scriptae,  recte  observavit  Baronius  ad  A.  C.  58,  sect  xlii.  Sed 
hie,  inquit  ille,  et  illud  necessario  monendum  putamus  lectorem,  nonnullis 
accidisse,  ut  temporum  ignoratione  in  maximos  errores  incidant,  putantes 
nimirum  naufragium  apud  Melitara  passum,  quod  Lucas  narrat.  Act.  xxvii. 
unum  e  tribus  fuisse  a  Paulo  enunieratis,  2  Cor.  xi.  non  animadvertentes,  se- 
cundam  istam  epistolam  ad  Corinthios  longe  ante  illud  naufragium  esse  scrip- 
tarn.  Quamobrem  scrupulosa,  quae  videtur,  in  historia  temponim  indagatio, 
quantam  conferat  ad  veram  atque  germanam  Divinae  Scripturae  interpretatio- 

neni,  quisque  facile  judicabit. Haec  rectissime  Baronius.     Itaque  hac  in 

parte  operam  nostram  ejusmodi  indagatione  post  alios  collocaviraus.     Lud. 
Cap.  Append,  ad  Hist.  Apost.  p.  63. 

'  '  Nocte  et  die  in  profundo  maris  fui.']  Hoc  factum  est,  quando  missus 
est  Romam,  cum  appellasset  Caesarem.     Tunc  desperatione  vitae  in  alto,  id  est, 

in  profundo  maris  fuit,  mortem  ante  oculos  habens. '  Periculis  in  raari.' 

Jam  superius  dixit :  '  Ter  naufragium  feci,  nocte  et  die  in  profundo  maris  fui.' 
Quod  aliud  periculum  fuit  in  mari  ?  Sed  hoc  est  periculum,  quando  in  mari, 
hoc  est,  in  navi,  milites  cogitaverant  omnes  custodias  occidere,  ne  quis  ena- 
taas  eftiigeret.  Quod  periculum  centurio  prohibuit  inferri,  ne  Paulus  occide- 
retur,  ut  eum  vivum  Romam  produceret.  In  2  ep.  ad  Cor.  xi.  25,  26.  p.  202 
ap.  Arabros.  in  App.  tom.  H. 


St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  the  Thcssalonians.  5 

to  be  the  two  first  written  epistles  of  St.  Paul.  The  time  and 
place  of  writing-  them  may  be  deduced  from  the  epistles 
themselves,  and  from  the  history  of  St.  Paul's  travels  in  the 
book  of  the  Acts.  Some  have  thought,  that  ^  the  first  at 
least,  if  not  also  the  second,  was  written  at  Athens.  But  I 
suppose  it  to  be  now  generally  allowed,  that*^  both  these 
epistles  were  written  at  Corinth  :  whereby  we  are  also  as- 
sured of  their  time.  For  it  was  formerly  shown  to  be  pro- 
bable, that  ^  St.  Paul  came  to  Corinth  before  the  end  of  the 
year  51,  and  stayed  there  till  the  beginning  of  the  year  53. 

In  the  Synopsis  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  thes  first  epistle 
to  the  Thessalonians  is  said  to  have  been  written  at  Athens, 
and''  the  second,  very  absurdly,  at  Rome. 

Theodoret,  as'  before  quoted,  saw  these  to  be  the  two 
first  written  epistles  of  the  apostle.  The''  first  he  supposed 
to  have  been  written  at  Athens,  and  the  second  not  long-  af- 
ter, either  at  Athens  or  Corinth.  For  he  does  not  seem  to 
say  distinctly,  at  which  of  these  two  cities  the  second  was 
written.  Nevertheless  I  suppose  it  may  be  shown  that  they 
were  both  Avritten  at  Corinth.  St.  Paid  came  from  Tliessa- 
lonica  to  Berea :  which  place  he  left  in  haste,  because  of 
the  violence  of  the  Jews,  who  came  thither  from  Thessalo- 
nica,  and  "  stirred  up  the  people,"  Acts  xvii.  10 — 13. 
"  And  then  immediately,"  says  St.  Luke,  "  the  brethren 
sent  away  Paul,  to  go  as  it  Avere  to  the  sea.  But  Silas  and 
Timothy  abode  there  still.  And  they  that  conducted  Paul, 
brought  him  vmto  Athens.  And  receiving  a  commandment 
unto  Silas  and  Timothy  to  come  to  him  with  all  speed,  they 
departed,"  ver.  14,  15.  Accordingly,  as  we  may  suppose, 
Silas  and  Timothy  did  soon  come  to  him.  And  Paul,  hav- 
ing great  concern  for  the  Thessalonians,  whilst  he  was  at 
Athens,  «ent  Timothy  to  them.  As  he  says,  1  Thess.  iii.  1, 
2, "  Wherefore,  when  we  could  no  longer  forbear,  we  thought 
it  good  to  be  left  at  Athens  alone.  And  sent  Timothy,  our 
brother  and  minister  of  God,  and  our  fellow-labourer  in  the 
gospel  of  Christ,  to  establish  you,  and  comfort  you,  con- 
cerning your  faith."  From  Athens  Paul  went  to  Corinth, 
where  he  stayed  a  year  and  six  months.     There  Timothy 

^  Ante  Pauli  vincula  omnium  prima  scripta  est  ad  Thcssalonicenses  utra- 
que.  Scriptae  autem  omnino  videntur  duae  istae  epistolae  Athenis,  Lud.  Cap. 
Hist.  Ap.  p.  63. 

*  Pearson,  Ann.  Paulin.  p.  11 — 13.     Mill.  Proleg.  num.  4.  et6. 

'  See  vol.  V.  ch.  xi. 

s  Synops.  S.  S.  n.  66.  ap.  Athan.  T.  II.  p.  196. 

^  Num.  67.  ib.  p.  197.  '  Vol.  v.  ch.  cxxxL 

^  Praef.  in  Ep.  PauU,  T.  HI.  p.  3. 


6  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

came  back  to  him  from  Tliessalonica.  Comp.  Acts  xviii,  5, 
and  1  Thess.  iii.  6.  And  Silas,  or  Silvanus,  and  Timothy 
are  joined  with  the  apostle  in  the  inscription  of  the  epistle. 

Near  the  end  of  this  epistle,  ch.  v.  27,  are  these  remark- 
able words  :  "  I  charge,"  or  adjure,  "you  by  the  Lord, 
opKi^w  v/.La9  -Tov  KVfuov,  that  this  epistle  be  read  unto  all  the 
holy  brethren."  It  is  likely,  that  from  the  beginning-  all 
christian  assemblies  had  readings  of  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  Testament.  Paul,  knowing  the  plenitude  of  the  apos- 
tolical commission,  now  demands  the  same  respect  to  be 
paid  to  his  Mritings,  with  those  of  the  ancient  prophets. 
This  is  a  direction  fit  to  be  inserted  in  the  first  epistle  writ- 
ten by  him.  And  the  manner  in  which  it  is  given,  suggests 
an  argument  that  this  >vas  his  first  apostolical  epistle. 

The  second  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  appears  to  have 
been  written  soon  after  the  first,  and  at  the  same  place.  And 
Silvanus  and  Timothy  are  joined  together  with  the  apostle 
in  the  inscription  of  this  epistle,  as  well  as  of  the  former. 

These  two  epistles  therefore  1  suppose  to  have  been  writ- 
ten at  Corinth,  in  the  year  of  Christ  52.  Which  is  also  the 
opinion  of  Mill,  and  others.  But  by  whom  these  epistles 
were  carried  to  the  Thessalonians,  we  do  not  perceive. 

Some  objections  have  been  made  against  the  above-men- 
tioned date  of  these  two  epistles.  But  the  point  is  so  clear, 
that  I  do  not  think  it  worth  the  while  to  prolong  this  argu- 
ment in  examining  them.  They  who  are  curious,  may  see 
those  objections  well  answered  by  Dr.  Benson,  in  the  second 
edition  of™  his  history  of  the  first  planting  the  Christian 
religion. 

Sect.  III. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Galatians. 

The  epistle  to  the  Galatians  is  inscribed  after  this  man- 
ner: "  Paul,  an  apostle, and  all   the  brethren  which  are 

with  me,  unto  the  churches  of  Galatia."  Upon  which 
Jerom  observes,  '  In"  other  epistles  Sosthenes  and  Silvanus, 

'  Prolegom.  num.  4 — 7.  *"  Vol.  ii.  p.  119 — 122. 

"  In  aliis  epistolis  Sosthenes  et  Silvanus,  interdum  et  Timotheus,  in  exordio 
praeponuntur :  in  hac  tantuni,  quia  necessaria  erat  auctoritas  plurimoi-um, 
omnium  fratrum  nomen  assumitur.  Qui  et  ipsi  forsitan  ex  circumcisione 
erant,  et  a  Galatis  non  contemptui  ducebantur.  Plurimura  quippe  facit  ad 
populum  corrigendum  multorum  in  una  re  sententia  atque  consensus.  Quod 
autera  ait,  *  Ecclesiis  Galatiae,'  et  hoc  notandum,  quia  hie  tantum  generaliter 
non  ad  unam  ecclesiam  unius  urbis,  sed  ad  totius  provinciae  scribat,  ecclesias : 


St.  Fours  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  7 

'  and  sometimes  also  Timothy,  are  mentioned  at  the  begin- 

*  ning":  but  in  this,  for  adding-  the  greater  weight  and  au- 

*  thority,  are  put  "  all  the  brethren  :"  M'ho,  perhaps  too, 
'  were  believers  of  the  circumcision,  and  notdespised  by  the 

*  Galatians.  And  the  consent  of  many  is  of  great  use  to 
'  satisfy  people.  "  To  the  churches  of  Galatia."  Here  also, 
'  as  he  proceeds,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  in  this  place  only, 
'  Paul  writes  in  general,  not  to  the  church  of  one  city  only, 

*  but  to  the  churches  of  a  whole  province  :  and  that  he  calls 
'  them  churches,  whom  afterwards  he  reproves  as  corrupted 
'  with  error.  Whence  we  learn,  that  a  church  may  be  un- 
'  derstood  in  a  two-fold  manner  :  both  of  that  which  has  no 
'  spot,  or  wrinkle,  and  is  indeed  the  body  of  Christ ;  and  of 
'  that  which  is  assembled  in  the  name  of  Christ,  ^vithout 
'  complete  and  perfect  virtues.' 

Tertullian"  seems  to  have  thought  this  one  of  St.  Paul's 
first  written  epistles ;  as  has  been  observed  by  Grotius,i' 
who  transcribed  the  passage,  though  long",  into  his  preface 
to  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians.  Fabriciusi  likewise  has 
taken  notice  of  it. 

Theodoret,"^  the*  Synopsis  of  sacred  scripture,  ascribed  to 
Athanasius,  and*^  the  author  of  the  Arg-ument  in  OEcumenius, 
reckon  this  among-  the  epistles  written  at  Rome,  and  conse- 
quently a  late  epistle.  But  I  see  no  ground  for  that  opinion, 
there  not  being  in  the  epistle  any  notice  taken  of  an  im- 
prisonment at  the  time  of  writing'  it. 

However  Lightfoot"  was  also  of  the  same  opinion.     He 

et  *  ecclesias'  vocet,  quas  postea  errore  arguat  depravatas.  Ex  quo  noscea- 
dum,  dupliciter  ecclesiam  posse  dici ;  et  earn,  quae  non  habet  maculam  aut 
rugam,  et  vere  corpus  Christi  sit ;  et  earn,  quae  in  Chi-isti  nomine  absque  ple- 
nis  perfectisque  virtutibus  congregetur.     In  ep.  ad  Gal.  cap.  i.  T.  IV.  p.  225. 

° ab  illo  certe  Paulo,  qui  adhuc  in  gratia  rudis,  trepidans  denique,  ne 

in  vacuum  cucurrisset,  aut  curreret,  tunc  primum  cum  antecessoribus  Aposto- 
lis  conferebat.  Igitur,  si  ferventer,  ut  adhuc  neophytus,  adversus  Judaismura 
aliquid  in  convcrsatione  reprehendendum  e.xistimavit,  passivum  scilicet  con- 
victura,  postmodum  et  ipse  usu  omnibus  omnia  futuras,  ut  omnes  lucraretur, 
Jndaeis  quasi  Judgeus,  eteis  qui  sub  lege,  tamquamsub  lege;  tu  illam  solius 
conversationis,  placiturae  postea  accusatori  suo,  reprehensionem  suspectam  vis 
haberi,  etiam  de  praedicationis  erga  Deum  prevaricatione.  Tertull.  adv.  Marc. 
1.  i.  cap.  20.  p.  443. 

P  Tertullianus,  in  prime  adversus  Marcionem,  banc  epistolam  inter  primos 
Pauli  fuisse  e.xistimat,  &c.  Grot.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Gal. 

1  Scripsisse  banc  epistolam  adhuc  neophytum,  et  in  gi-atia  rudem,  adeoque 

inter  primas  non  dubitat  affirmare  Tertullianus. Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  4.  cap. 

v.  torn.  ni.  p.  155. 

'  Tag  HIV  Sr]  aXKag  airo  tijq  'Fiofiric  aire^ti\e,  Kat  ravrijv  fiev  i^ya/tat  rtjv 
vpog  VaXarag  ypa(pr]vai.     Theod.  Praef.  in  ep.  Paul.  T.  III.  p.  5.  B. 

*  Ap.  Athan.  T.  II.  p.  194. 

'  Aig.  ep.  ad  Gal.  ap.  (Ecum.  T.  I.  p.  71-3.  "  Vol.  I.  p.  323. 


8  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

supposeth  this  to  have  been  tlie  first  epistle  written  by  St, 
Paul  after  his  arrival  at  Rome.  He  says  it  was  carried  by 
Crescens,  arguing  from  2  Tim.  iv.  10.  Which  epistle  to 
Timothy  he  thinks  was  written  at  Rome  soon  afterwards. 

Chrysostom*'  says,  this'''  epistle  was  written  before  that  to 
the  Romans.  And  in  like  manner '^  Theophylact,  probably, 
borrowing-  from  him. 

Divers  learned  moderns  have  thought,  that  this  epistle 
was  written  at  Ephesus,  after  Paul's  arrival  there  from  his 
jounicy,  related  in  Actsxviii.  23.  and  xix.  1.  consequently, 
after  that  the  apostle  had  been  a  second  time  in  Galatia. 
To  this  purpose  y  Lewis  Capellus,  ^Witsius,  and  *Wall.  This 
likewise  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  ^Pearson.  For 
he  placeth  this  epistle  in  the  year  57,  after  the  first  to  the 
Corinthians,  and  before  Paul  left  Ephesus.  But  I  do  not 
discern  his  reasons  for  so  doing. 

Grotius'^  thought  it  difficult  to  assign  the  time  when  this 
epistle  was  written :  but  conjectures,  that  it  was  written 
about  the  same  time  with  that  to  the  Romans. 

Fabricius  says,  '  the**  design  of  the  epistle  is  to  dissuade 
'  the   Galatians  from  putting  their  neck  under  the  yoke  of 

*  See  of  this  work,  vol.  v.  ch.  cxviii. 

"  AoKei  Se  fioi  koi  t)  irpoQ  TaXaraQ  Trporepa  iivai  ttiq  irpo^  'P(t)[iaisc.  Chrys. 
Prooem.ep,  ad  Rom.  T.  IX.  p.  427.  D. 

*  AXKa  Kai  i)  irpoQ  TaXarag  vpoTtpa  fri  ravTijg  irpoq  'Pw/t«t8f.  Theoph. 
Arg.  ep.  ad  Rom. 

y  Per  idem  tempus,  nempe  sub  finem  biennii  Ephesini,  videtur  omnino 
scripta  epistola  ad  Galatas,  &c.  Cap.  Hist.  ap.  p.  69. 

^  Epistola  ad  Galatas  temporis  sui  hos  characteres  habet.  Primum,  quod 
noil  dm  post  Pauli  ab  iis  discessum  scripta  esse  videatur.    Sic  enim  ipse,  cap.  i. 

6. Artlierat  autem  iis  Paulus  paulo  antequam  proficisceretur  Ephesum. 

Act.  xviii.  23.  coll.  cum  cap.  xix.  1.  Unde  probabiliter  saltern  infertiir  Ephesi 
esse  datam.  Specialius,  datam  esse  ♦  sub  finem  biennii,'  quod  Paulus  Ephesi 
exegit,  inde  coUigit  Capellus. Wits,  de  Vit.  Paul.  sect.  viii.  num.  xxxii. 

*  *  About  this  time,  A.  D.  55,  when  Paul  had  been  at  Ephesus  a  little  while, 
*  he  is  supposed  to  have  written  his  epistle  to  the  Galatians.'  Wall's  Notes 
upon  the  N.  T.  p.  1G4. 

*•  Scribit  primam  ad  Corinthiosepistolam. Scribit  epistolam  ad  Galatas. 

Per  Demetrium  Epheso  pellitur.     Annal.  Paulin.  p.  15.  A.  D.  57. 

'^  Tempus,  quo  scripta  est  haec  epistola  ad  Gallograecos  epistola,  sicut  de- 
signate indicare  non  possum,  ita  videre  mihi  videor,  non  longe  abfuisse  ab  eo 
tempore,  quo  ad  Romanos  scripta  est  epistola.     Gr.  Pr.  ep.  ad  Galat. 

*  Argumentum  epistolae  est,  Galatas  dehortari,  ne  jugo  legis  Mosaicae  ite- 
rum  collum  animasque  supponereut.  Idem  dissuaserat  Romanis,  sed  ad  illos, 
quos  nondum  praesens  ille  docuerat,  et  scribit  minus  familiariter,  et  prolixius 
iis  capita  christiance  fidei  exponit.     Ad  Galatas  vero,  et  brevius  omnia,  et 

tamquam  doctor  ipsorum,  ita  ut  nee  a  gravi  increpatione  sibi  temperet. 

Non  possum  tamen  improbare  eorum  sententiam,  qui  non  diu  post  epistolam 
ad  Romanos  in  itinere  Hierosolymam  versus  A.  C.  58.  exaratam  banc  epis- 
tolam arbitrantur.  Fabr.  ubi  supra,  p.  155. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  9 

*  the  Mosaic  law.     And,'  says  lie,  '  to  the  like  purpose  the 

*  apostle  writes  to  the  Romans.  But  them  he  had  never  seen, 

*  and  he  treats  them  very  respectfully,  and  enlargeth  upon 
'  the  doctrine  of  the  g^ospel  with  greater  prolixity.     To  the 

*  Galatians  he  writes  more  briefly,  and  as  their  master,  and 

*  not  without  some  severity  in  his  reprehensions.  He  adds, 
'  that  he  is  inclined  to  their  opinion,  who  suppose  this  epistle 
'  to  have  been  written   not  long'  after  that  to  the  Romans, 

*  and  in  the  May  to  Jerusalem,  in  the  year  of  Christ  58.' 

Mill  being  a  man  of  great  judgment  in  these  things,  and 
what  he  says  appearing  at  first  sight  plausible,  I  shall  tran- 
scribe it  below.  He  thinks,  that^  this  epistle  was  not  writ- 
ten until  after  that  to  the  Romans,  probably  at  Troas,  or 
some  other  place  in  Asia,  as  Paul  was  going  to  Jerusalem. 
And  he  thinks  that  Paul  refers  to  the  collections  lately  made 
in  Macedonia  and  Greece,  Gal.  ii.  10.  And  the  apostle 
writes  not  only  in  his  own  name,  but  also  in  the  name  of  all 
the  brethren,  mentioned  Acts  xx.  4.  who  were  with  him  at 
Troas,  and  accompanied  him  to  Jerusalem.  Moreover,  this 
epistle  was  written  by  the  apostle  with  his  own  hand,  and 
the  more  easily  and  readily,  though  in  a  journey,  because 
he  had  just  before  treated  the  same  argument  in  his  epistle 
to  the  Romans.  This  epistle  therefore  is  placed  by  Mill  at 
the  year  58. 

Upon  all  which  I  beg  leave  to  remark,  as  follows.  First, 
that  those  words,  "  all  the  brethren  which  are  with  me," 
need  not  to  be  understood  of  those  who  were  with  Paul  at 
Troas,  and  were  setting  out  with  him  for  Jerusalem.  Thereby 
may  be  intended  the  brethren  of  some  other  place  where 
Paul  was.     Secondly,  the  apostle  Paul  was  able  at  any  time 

^  Paulo  post  didatam  lianc,  quae  Romanis  inscripta  est,  scripsit  Paulus 
epistolam  ad  Galatas,  ut  apparet  ex  cap.  ii.  10.  6  koi  tff-KsSaffa  avro  thto 
■Koir](Tai.  His  enim  verbis  aperte  indicat  Apostolus,  epistolam  banc  post 
ministerium  seu  studium,  quod  eleemosynis  pro  ecclesia  Hierosolymitana  colli- 

gendis  impendebat,  scripsisse  se,  dum  aoristo  utitur,   (.oTmSaaa Troujoai. 

In  itinere  itaque  versus  Hierosolymam  versatus  D.  Paulus  alicubi  banc  episto- 
lam exarasse  videtur,  et  quidem  Troade  fortassis,  ubi  septem  dies  moratus  est ; 
postquam  in  Asiam  veniens  coraperisset  Galatas  ad  aliud  evangel  ium  aria 
rax«ti;e  translatos  fuisse.  Audita  nempe,  jam  ut  videtur  ab  appulsu  ejus  in 
Asiam,  ista  airo'^am^,  arrepto  calamo,  propria  manu,  contra  quam  factum  in 
aliis  epistolis,  (excepta  forte  una  ad  Philemonem,)  totam  istam  scripsit  episto- 
lam, acrem  et  objurgatoriam,  nomine  suo,  omniumque,  qui  cum  ipso  erant, 
fratrum  jam  Troade,  Sopatri,  Aristarchi,  Secundi,  Gaii,  Tychici,  Trophimi, 
Titi,  Silae,  alioruin.  Scripsit  autem  eo  celerius,  et  festinantius,  quod  idem  ar- 
gumentum  in  hac  epistola  prosequeretur,  quod  tractaverat  paulo  ante  in  epis- 
tola  ad  Romanos,  cujus  fere  sensus  in  banc  transfundit. — Scripta  est  statim,  ut 
dixi,  post  epistolam  ad  Romaaos,  anno  serae  vulgaris  Iviii.  Proleg.  num. 
30,  31. 


10  A  History  of  the  Jlposlles  and  Evangelists. 

to  represent  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel  to  any  churches,  suit- 
ably to  their  particular  case  and  circumstances,  whether 
he  had  just  before  treated  of  it  in  an  epistle,  or  not.  So  that 
the  agreement  between  the  epistles  to  the  Romans  and  the 
Galatians,  is  no  proof  that  they  were  written  very  soon  "one 
after  another.  Thirdly,  when  Paul  says,  ch.  ii.  10,  "  The 
same  which  I  also  was  forward  to  do  :"  he  cannot  intend  the 
collections  made  in  Macedonia  and  Greece,  with  which  he 
Avas  going-  to  Jerusalem.  If  that  had  been  his  meaning, 
he  would  have  expressed  himself  more  particularly,  like  to 
what  he  says  to  the  Romans,  ch.  xv.  25—27.  What  he  says 
here,  he  might  have  said,  when  at  Ephesus,  before  he  set 
out  for  Macedonia,  and  indeed  at  any  time,  and  in  any  place. 
For  he  had  been  always  mindful  of  the  poor  in  Judea.  I 
apprehend,  that  the  apostle's  words  are  to  be  interpreted  in 
this  manner.  "  The  same,  which  I  also  had  endeavoured  to 
do,  or  had  been  careful  to  perform  :"  referring  to  his  con- 
duct, even  before  that  proposal  of  the  three  apostles  at  Jeru- 
salem :  and  intending-,  probably,  in  particular,  the  contri- 
butions brought  by  himself  and  Barnabas  from  Antioch  to  Je- 
rusalem, some  while  before,as  related  Acts  xi. 29.  Which  con- 
tributions, as  may  be  well  supposed,  had  been  promoted  by 
our  apostle's  exhoitations.  Fourthly,  St.  Paul  says  to  the 
Galatians  in  this  epistle,  ch.  i.  6,  "  1  marvel,  that  ye  are  so 
soon  removed  from  him  that  called  you  unto  the  grace  of 
Christ,  unto  another  gospel."  Those  expressions  cannot  pos- 
sibly suit  the  date  assigned  by  Mill,  that  is,  after  the  passover 
of  the  year  58.  Which  must  have  been  above  four  years 
after  even  Paul's  second  journey  in  the  country  of  Galatia. 

Another  opinion  has  been  proposed  by  the  ingenious  and 
thoughtful  author '^  of  Miscellanea  Sacra,  and  embraced  bye 
Dr.  Benson :  that  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  was  written 
at  Corinth,  when  the  apostle  was  first  there,  and  made  a  long- 
stay  of  a  year  and  six  months.  Whilst  Paul  was  there,  he 
received  tidings  of  the  instability  of  his  converts  in  Galatia, 
with  which  he  was  much  affected.  Whereupon  he  wrote 
this  epistle,  and  sent  it  by  one  of  his  assistants.  At  that 
season  he  might  aacII  say  at  the  beginning-  of  his  address  to 
them:  "  I  marvel,  that  ye  are  so  soon  removed  from  him 
that  called  you  luito  the  grace  of  Christ."  Nor  is  there  in 
the  epistle  any  hint  of  his  having  been  with  them  more  than 
once.     The  epistle  therefore  was  written  at  Corinth,  or  per- 

^  Sec  there  the  Abstract  of  the  Scripture  History  of  the  Apostles,  p.  31,  and 
the  Post^:cript  to  the  Preface,  p.  56—58. 

K  History  of  the  first  Planting  the  Christian  Religion.  B.  3.  ch.  v.  sect  xi. 
Vol.  ii.  p.  118,  liy.  first  edit.  p.  136,  137.  second  edit 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  11 

Laps  at  Ephcsus,  M'ben  Paul  was  first  there,  in  his  way  to 
Jerusalem,  as  mentioned.  Acts  xviii.  19 — 21. 

This  opinion  is  proposed  by  the  above-mentioned  author, 
as  his  own.  And  I  make  no  doubt,  that  it  was  so,  and  the 
fruit  of  his  own  inquiries  and  observations.  Nevertheless  it 
is  not  quite  new.  .Say  L'Enfant  and  Beausobre,  in  their  ge- 
neral preface  to  St.  Paul's  epistles:  '  We''  find  not  in  the 
epistle  to  the  Galatians  any  mark  that  can  enable  us  to 
determine  with  certainty,  at  what  time,  or  in  what  place, 
it  was  >vritten.  It  is  dated  at  Rome  in  some  printed  copies 
and  manuscripts.  But  there  is  nothing-  in  the  epistle  itself 
to  confirm  that  date.  Paul  does  not  here  make  any  men- 
tion of  his  bonds,  as  he  does  in  all  his  epistles  written  at 
Rome.  He  says  indeed,  ch.  vi.  17,  that  "  he  bears  in  his 
body  the  marks  of  the  Lord  Jesus."  But  he  had  often 
sufiiered,  before  he  came  to  Rome.  There  are  therefore' 
some  learned  chronologers,  who  place  the  epistle  to  the 
Galatians  immediately  after  the  two  epistles  to  the  Thes- 
salonians.  They  think  it  was  written  between  the  third 
and  fourth  journey  of  Paul  to  Jerusalem,  and  between  his 
first  and  second  journey  into  Galatia.  This  opinion  ap- 
pears to  me  very  probable.  For  since  the  apostle  says, 
"  he  wonders,  that  they  were  so  soon  turned  unto  another 
gospel,"  this  epistle  must  have  been  written  a  short  time 
after  he  had  preached  in  Galatia.  Nor  can  we  discern  in 
the  epistle  any  notice  of  the  second  journey  which  St.  Paul 
made  into  this  country.  For  this  reason  it  is  thought  that 
the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  was  written  at  Corinth,  where 
the  apostle  made  a  long  stay,  or  else  in  some  city  of  Asia, 
particularly  Ephesus,  where  he  stayed  some  days  in  his 
way  to  Jerusalem,  Acts  xviii.  19 — 21.  Therefore,  in  all 
probability,  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  was  written  from 
Corinth,  or  from  Ephesus,  in  the  year  52  or  53.' 
Nothing  could  be  said  more  properly.  And  I  think  this 
date  may  be  further  confinned  by  some  other  considerations. 
Paul  says  to  the  Corinthians,  xvi.  1,  "  Now  concerning  the 
collection  for  the  saints,  as  I  have  given  orders  to  the 
churches  of  Galatia,  so  do  ye."  Which  shows  that  at  the 
writing  of  that  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  in  56,  he  had  a 
good  opinion  of  bis  converts  in  Galatia,  and  that  he  had  no 
doubt  of  their  respect  to  his  directions.  Which,  probably, 
had  been  sent  to  them  from  Ephesus,  during  his  long  abode 

'^  Sect.  xlii.  p.  24 — 26.  '  Here,  in  the  margin,  are  put  Iho 

names  of  Usher  and  L.  Capellus,  without  any  references.     Nor  have  I  found 
the  places  where  this  opinion  is  maintained  by  them. 


12  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

there,  by  some  one  or  other  of  his  assistants.  This  good 
temper  of  tlie  Galatians  may  be  supposed  owing-  to  the  letter 
sent  to  them  some  time  before,  and  to  his  second  visit  to  them, 
related.  Acts  xviii.  23. 

And  now  we  shall  be  better  able  to  account  for  what  ap- 

fjears  very  remarkable.  When  Paul  left  Corinth,  after  his 
ong  stay  there,  he  Avent  to  Jerusalem,  having-  a  vow.  In 
his  way  he  came  to  Ephesus.  Acts  xviii.  19 — 21,  "  And 
when  they  desired  him  to  tarry  longer  with  them,  he  con- 
sented not.  But  bade  them  farewell,  saying :  I  must  by  all 
means  keep  this  feast  that  cometh  at  Jerusalem.  But  I  will 
return  again  unto  you,  if  God  will."  When  we  read  this  we 
might  be  apt  to  think  that  Paul  should  hasten  back  to  Ephe- 
sus, and  return  thither  presently  after  he  had  been  at  Je- 
rusalem. But  instead  of  so  doing,  after  he  had  been  at 
"  Jerusalem,  he  went  down  to  Antioch.  And  after  he  had 
spent  some  time  there,  he  departed,  and  went  over  all  the 
country  ofGalatia,  and  Phrygia,  in  order,  strengthening  the 
disciples,"  ver.  22,  23.  We  now  seem  to  see  the  reason  of 
this  course.  At  Corinth  he  heard  of  the  defection  of  many 
in  Galatia.  Whereupon  he  sent  away  a  sharp  letter  to  them. 
But  considering  the  nature  of  the  case,  he  judged  it  best  to 
take  the  first  opportunity  to  go  to  Galatia,  and  support  the 
instructions  of  his  letter.  And  both  together  had  a  very 
good  effect.  Gal.  iv.  19,  20,  "  My  little  children,  of  whom 
1  travail  in  birth  again — I  desire  to  be  present  with  you,  and 
to  change  my  voice.  For  I  stand  in  doubt  of  you :"  or,  I 
am  perplexed  for  you.  Now  then,  we  see  the  reason  of  the 
apostle's  not  coming  directly  from  Jerusalem  to  Ephesus. 
However  he  was  not  umindful  of  his  promise,  and  came  thi- 
ther, after  he  had  been  in  Galatia. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  is  an  early 
epistle.  And,  as  seems  to  me  most  probable,  was  written  at 
Corinth,  near  the  end  of  the  year  52,  or  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  year  53,  before  St.  Paul  set  out  to  go  to  Jerusa- 
salem  by  the  way  of  Ephesus.  But  if  any  should  rather 
think,  that  it  Mas  written  at  Ephesus,  during  the  apostle's 
short  stay  there,  in  the  way  from  Corinth  to  Jerusalem,  that 
M'ill  make  but  very  little  difference.  And  still  according-  to 
our  computation,  this  epistle  was  written  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year  53. 

Ch.  vi.  11,  "  Ye''   see  how  large  a  letter  I  have  written 
unto  you  with  my  own  hand." 

Hereby  some  understand  the  apostle  to  say,  that  this,  with 
what  follows  to  the  end  of  the  epistle,  was  written  with  his 

"*    iStrt  TTiiXiKOKj  vfuv  yfjciixfiamv  lypaipa  ry  tfiy  X'*P'* 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Galaticins.  13 

own  hand.  So  ^  Jerom,  and  ^Grotius.  Others  understand 
St.  Paul  to  speak  of  the  whole  epistle.  So  thought  "Chrys- 
ostom,  and  °  Theophylact,  and  p  Theodoret,  and  i  the  author 
of  the  Commentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  epistles. 
Which  interpretation  is  approved  by  "^Wolfius. 

"  How  long  a  letter  I  have  written  unto  you."  Which 

some  interpret  after  this  manner :  "  In  what  large  letters  I 
have  written  unto  you,"  intending  the  deformity,  or  inele- 
gance of  the  characters.  Which  sense  is  also  found  in  di- 
vers^ ancient  authors. 

But  it  is  not  approved  of  either  by  *Beza,  or  "  Wolfius. 

'  Hi  qui  circumcidi  Galatas  volebant,  disseminaverant,  alia  Paulum  facere, 

alia  prffidicare. Hanc  opinionem  quia  non  poterat  Paulus  apud  omnes  prae- 

sens  ipse  subvertere seipsum  per  litems  reprsesentat.     Et  ne  aliqua  suppo- 

sitae  epistolee  suspicio  nasceretur,  ab  hoc  ipso  usque  ad  finem  manu  sua  ipse 
perscripsit,  ostendens  superiora  ab  alio  exarata.  Hieron.  in  ep.  ad  Gal.  T.  IV. 
p.  314. 

"•  In  aliarum  epistolarum  fine  quaedam  scribebat  sua  manu.  1  Cor.  xvi. 
21 ;  2  Thess.  iii.  17 ;  et  Col.  iv.  18 ;  caetera  manu  aliena,  ut  videre  est,  Ro- 
man, xvi.  22.  Hie  vero  Paulus  sua  manu  scripsit  omnia  quae  sequuntur,  ut 
recte  putat  Hieronymus.  Id  autem  multum  erat  in  homine  adeo  occupato,  et, 
ut  videtiu',  non  multum  assueto  Graece  scribere.  *  Quantis  Uteris,'  id  est, 
•  quam  multis.'  Solent  adjectiva  magnitudinis  poni  pro  adjectivis  ad  nume- 
rum  pertinentibiis.  Sic  Graecum  roo-oi,  *  tanti,'  utroque  sensu  usurpatum.  Grot. 
adGalat,  vi.  11. 

"  EvTav9a  sSev  aXko  aiviTrerai,  aW  on  ovtoq  eypaipe  rrjv  tTrtToXt/v  cnra- 
aav,  6  ttoWjjc  yvjjo-iorjjroj  atjjiEiov  t)v.  k.  X.     Chr.  in  loc.  T.  X.  p.  727.  B. 

°  In  loc.  T.  11.  p.  492.  P  Haaav,  wq  toiKS,  rrjv  Se  rrjv  nri'^oXtjv 

avTOQ  typaxpe.     Theod.  in  loc.  '^  Auctoritatem  dat  epistolae 

suae. Ubi  enim  holographa  manus  est,  falsumdici  non  potest.     In  loc.  ap. 

Ambros.  in  App.  p.  230. 

■■  Idem  vero  [Grotius]  quamvis  prseeunte  Hieronymo,  errat,  quando  haec 
verba  non  ad  totam  hanc  epistolam,  sed  ad  ea  tantum,  quae  inde  usque  ad  finem 

legtuitur,  vult  referri.      Rectius  Chrysostomus. Addit  idem  causam,  cur 

totam  epistolam  sua  manu  exararit,  ut  nempe  omnis  voOeiac  suspicio  idioypa(pii> 
hoc  praecideretur  iis,  qui  dicere  alioquin  poterant,  nonnulla  illi  inserta,  quae 
Apostoli  sententiae  non  responderent.  Wolf,  in  loc. 

^  To  Se  TTtfKiKOig,  tjuoi  doKti  a  to  /lEyEOoQ,  aWa  Tr\v  a/top^tav  rwv  ypaftfiuTwv 
t}i<paiv())v\tyuv,  fiovovayi  Xtywv'  on  ovrt  api'^a ypu<puv  uSu)g,  ofiwQ  i)vayKaa- 
Qr]v  SC  tjuivTS  ypaifjai,  tli^e  rwv  (TVKO(pavTwv  t[i(}paKat  to  tojuw.  Chr,  ubi 
supr.  p.  727.  C. 

To  Se  irrfKiKotQ  ypafmaai,  tiv(q,  f.i(v  [XfyaXoic,  Tivtc  ^«  (pavXoig  rjpurjvtvffav. 
Eyw  yap,  (prjaiv,  typa-i\/a  Tt\v  tiri'^oXriv,  Katroi  fjn]  ypa(p<i>v  ttg  KaWog.  Theod. 
in  loc. 

'  *  Quam  longis,'  TrrjXutoic.     Ad  verbum  '  quantis.'     Vulgata  *  qualibus.' 

In  quo  explicando  miror  cur  se  tantopere  torqueant  interpretes,  dum  alii 

ad  sublimitatem  sententiarum  referunt,  ut  Hilarius,  alii  ad  ipsa  litcrarum  ele- 

menta,  quae  grandiuscula  fuerint, alii  ad  deformitatem  characterum,  quasi 

Paulus  imperitus  fuerit  pingendarum  literarum,   ut  exponit  Theophylactus, 

Chrysostomum  secutus. Sunt  autem  sane  longiores  epistolai  Romania  et 

Corinthiis  inscriptae,  sed  aliena  manu  exarata2,  &c.     Bez.  ad  loc. 

"  '  Ecce  quantis,'  i.  e.  *  quam  multis.  Uteris  vobis  scripsi.'  Ita  recte  Gro- 
lios,  addens,  adjectiva  magnitudinis,  pro  adjectivis  ad  numerum  pertinentibus. 


14  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

They  say  that  this  is  as  long-  as  any  of  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
excepting-  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  two  epistles  to  the 
Corinthians,  and  that  to  the  Hebrews.  I  may  add  another 
thought :  that  according*  to  our  computation  this  is  the  third 
apostolical  epistle,  written  by  St.  Paul,  and  is  much  longer 
than  either  of  those  to  the  Thessalonians,  which  had  been 
written  before.  However,  undoubtedly,  the  apostle  has  re- 
gard to  the  quantity  of  his  own  hand-writing.  The  rest  of 
his  epistles  were  written  by  others,  while  he  dictated,  (as  is 
generally  done  by  eminent  men,  much  engaged,)  and  him- 
self wrote  only  a  few  words,  or  sentences,  at  the  end  : 
whereas  this  epistle  was  all  in  his  own  hand-writing-. 

And  the  original  word  is  elsewhere  used  for  epistle,  or 
letter.  Acts  xxviii.  21,  "  We"  have  not  received  letters 
out  of  Judea  concerning  thee." 

So  far  therefore  as  1  am  able  to  judge,  our  English  ver- 
sion is  very  right.  "  Ye  see  how  large  a  letter  1  have 
written  unto  you  with  my  own  hand." 

That  is'^Beza's  translation.  Le  Clerc,'' in  his  French 
Testament,  and  yBeausobre,  translate  in  the  like  manner. 

In  Beausobre's  remarks  upon  the  New  Testament,  pub- 
lished after  his  death,  is  this  note  upon  the  text  we  are 
considering:  '  "  How'^  large  a  letter,  TnjXtKoi^  ripai^ifiaai" 
'  Some,  says  Theodoret,  explain  this  of  the  largeness  of  the 
'  letters,  others,  that  the  letter  was  ill  written,  as  if  the  apos- 
'  tie  had  said  :  "  I  have  written  to  you  with  my  own  hand, 
*  though  I  do  not  write  well."  St.  Jerom,  in  his  commentary 
'  upon  this  place,  says,  he  had  heard  somewhat  of  the  like 
'  kind  from  somebody.     But  he  does  not  seem  to  approve  of 

poni  solere,  quemadmodum  et  Graecum  rocroi  utroque  sensu  usurpetur. 

Longius  autem  a  vero  aberrant,  qui  to  irtjXiKog  ad  designandam  '  characte- 
rum,'  quibus  usiis  sit,  *  magnitudinem,'  spectare  putant,  ut  TrjjXt/ca  ypafifiarn 
sint  literse  majusculae. Addit  [Le  Cene]  Apostolum  banc  epistolam  non 

fiotuisse  appellare  TrjjXiKjjr  respectu  longitudinis,  cum  longiores  scripserit  abas, 
mo  vero  scriptionera  non  tarn  multorum  verborum,  quam  quod  earn  totam 
sua  manu  scripserat,  qui  abas  caeteris  pauca  qusedam  subscribere  consueverit, 
longam  appellat.  Praeterea  haec  ad  Galatas,  si  tres  priores,  et  unara  ad  He- 
breeos  exceperis,  rebquas  omnes  longitudine  excedit.     Wolf,  in  loc. 

*'  'HiiiiQ  ST£  Ypafifiara  TTtpi  as  ih^ajxeOa  utto  rrjg  laSaiag. 

^^  Videtis  quam  longis  bteris  vobis  scripserim  mea  manu.     Bez. 

"  Voyez  quelle  grande  lettre  je  vous  ai  ecrite  de  ma  main.     Le  Clerc. 

y  Voyez  quelle  grande  lettre  je  vous  ai  ecnte  de  ma  propre  main.     B. 

^  •  Quelle  grande  lettre.'  Quelques  uns,  dit  Tbeodoret,  expliquoient  ce 
mot  de  la  grandeur  des  lettres,  et  d'autres  de  ce  que  la  lettre  etoit  mal  ecrite, 
les  caracteres  mauvais  :  '  Je  vous  ai  ecrit  de  ma  main,  quoique  j'ecrive  mal.* 
St.  Jerom,  dans  son  Commentaue  sur  cet  endroit  dit  avoir  oui  dire  quelque 
chose  d'approchant,  a  quelqu'un  dont  il  ne  paroit  pas  approver  la  peosee. 
Beaus.     Remarques  sui-  le  N.  T.  p.  466. 


St.  Pauls  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  15 

'  it.'  I  transcribe  at  length'  below  the  passage  referred  to. 
But  Jerom,  having  mentioned  that  observation  of  some  learn- 
ed man  of  his  time,  does  himself  seem  to  trifle,  when  he  adds, 
'  That  St.  Paul's  letter  to  the  Galatians  was  great  for  the 
'  sense.  And  so  were  all  his  letters,  though  short.'  How- 
ever, this  interpretation  may  be  approved  by  some.  It  Is  in 
the  note  of  Beza,  above '^  transcribed. 

Sect.    IV. 

The  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 

The  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  was  written  at  Ephe- 
sus,  as  all  may  perceive.  Says  the  apostle,  I  Cor.  xvi.  8, 
9,  "  But  I  will  tarry  at  Ephesus,  until  Pentecost.  For  a 
great  door  and  effectual  is  opened  unto  me.  And  there  are 
many  adversaries."  And  ver.  19,  he  says  :  "  The  churches 
of  Asia  salute  you.  Aquila  and  Priscilla  salute  you  much 
in  the  Lord."  Those  two  good  christians  had  come  with 
Paul  from  Corinth  to  Ephesus,  when  he  was  first  there,  and 
stayed  but  a  short  time,  as  appears  from  Acts  xviii.  18, 
19.  And  there  they  continued,  as  we  suppose,  till  after 
Paul  left  Ephesus,  to  go  into  Macedonia. 

This  epistle  is  placed  by  "^Pearson  in  the  year  57.  Mill 
thinks'^  it  was  written  before  the  passover  of  the  year  57. 

According"  to  our  computation '^  of  St.  Paul's  times  and 
travels,  this  epistle  was  written  at  Ephesus,  in  the  spring  of 
the  year  56.     Which  ^  was  also  the  opinion  of  the   French 

"  *  Videte  qualibus  Uteris  scripsi  vobis  :'  non  quod  grandes  literae  fuerint, 
[hoc  quippe  in  Grseco  sonat  ttjjXikoic,]  sed  quod  suae  manus  essent  eis  nota 
vestigia;  ut,  dum  literarum  apices  recognoscunt,  ipsum  se  putarent videre,  qui 
scripserat.  In  hoc  loco  vir  apprime  nostris  temporibus  eruditus,  miror  quo- 
modo  rem  ridiculam  loquutus  sit.     Paulus,  inquit,  '  Hebraeus  erat,  et  Graecas 

*  literas  nesciebat.     Et  quia  necessitas  expetebat,  ut  manu  sua  epistolam  sub- 

*  scriberet,  contra  consuetudineni  curvos  tramites  hterarum  exprimebat :    etiam 

*  in  hoc  suae  ad  Galatas  indicia  caritatis  ostendens,  quod  propter  illos  id  quo- 

*  que,  quod  non  poterat,  facere  conaretur.'     Grandibus  ergo  Paulus  Uteris 

scripsit  epistolam,  quia  sensus  erat  grandis  in  Uteris. Grandes  Paulus  literas 

non  solum  tunc  ad  Galatas,  sed  etiam  hodie  scribit  ad  cunctos  :  et  quamvis 
parvi  sint  apices,  quibus  ejus  epistolae  conscnbuntur,  tamen  magnse  sunt  literae, 
quia  in  Uteris  magnus  est  sensus.     Hieron.  Comm.  in  Gal.  T.  IV.  p.  315. 

^  See  note  S  p.  13.  *=  Scribat  primara  ad  Corinthios  epis- 

tolam, cum  Sosthene  respondens  epistolae  Corinthorum.  Pearson.  Ann. 
Paulin.  p.  15.     Anno  Ivii.  ^  Quando  igitur  ?  Haud  diu  sane 

antequam  ex  Asia  abiret  anno  serae  vulgaris,  Ivii.  et  quidem  ante  illius  anni 
festum  paschale.     Proleg.  num.  9.  ^  See  Vol.  v.  ch.  xi. 

''  La  i.  Epitre  aux  Corinthiens  fut  ecrite  d'Ephese  au  printemps  de  I'annee 
56.     Pref.  Gen.  sur  les  Ep.  de  S.  Paul.  sect.  45.  p.  27. 


16  A  History  of  the  Jlpostles  and  Evangelists. 

corarnentators  before  named,  L'Enfentanil  Beausobre.  Some 
have  argued  from  ch.  v.  7,  "  For  Christ,  our  passover,  is 
sacrificed  for  us,"  that  it  was  now  the  time  of  the  Jewisli 
passover,  or  that  it  was  just  over.  But  to  me  it  seems,  that 
the  apostle  might  make  use  of  that  expression,  and  buihl  an 
argument  or  exhortation  upon  it  in  any  part  of  the  year. 
And  when  a  year  was  begun,  he  might  speak  of  staying 
where  he  was,  till  some  distant  feast.  And  supposing  the 
epistle  to  have  been  written  early  in  the  spring,  he  might 
think  of  continuing  at  Ephesus  till  Pentecost.  This  letter 
was  carried  to  Corinth  by  Stephanus,  Fortunatus,  and  Acha- 
ichus,  mentioned,  1  Cor.  xvi.  17,  18,  who  had  come  to  the 
apostle  from  the  Corinthians,  and  are  supposed  to  have 
brought  a  letter  with  them.  See  1  Cor.  vii.  1.  It  was  af- 
ter writing  this  epistle,  that  the  tumult  happened,  which  was 
caused  by  Demetrius.  For  as  Lightfoot^  says:  '  Between 
*  ver.  22  and  23  of  this  xixth  chapter  of  the  Acts  falleth  in 
'  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  writing  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corin- 
'  thians.'  Consequently  this  epistle  was  sent  away  before 
the  tumult  raised  by  Demetrius,  and  other  silversmiths,  re- 
lated by  St.  Luke,  Acts  xix.  23 — 41,  nevertheless,  after  Paul 
had  fought  with  beasts  at  Ephesus,  as  he  says,  1  Cor.  xv. 
32.  When  that  tumult  of  Demetrius  was  appeased,  Paul 
seems  to  have  been  at  rest.  And  though  he  did  not  judge 
it  prudent  to  stay  any  longer  there,  he  took  leave  of  his 
friends  with  deliberation.  "  And  after  the  uproar  was 
ceased,  Paul  called  unto  him  the  disciples,  and  embraced 
them,  and  departed  for  to  go  into  Macedonia,"  Acts  xx.  1. 
The  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  therefore,  according  to 
our  account,  was  written  at  Ephesus,  in  the  beginning,  or 
the  spring,  of  the  year  56. 

Sect.  V. 

The  First  Epistle  to  Timothy, 

The  first  epistle  to  Timothy  was  written,  according  to 
''Pearson,  'Whitby,  ''Basnage,  'Cave,  '"  Fabricius,  "Mill, 
and  others,  in  the  year  of  Christ  64  or  65,  some  Avhile  after 
St.  Paul's  release  from  his  confinement  at  Rome.  In  "Light- 
foot  this  is  the  epistle  written  next  after  the  first  to  the 

K  Vol.  I.  p.  299.                           '•  Pearson,  Annal.  Paulin.  An.  64.  p.  22. 

•  Wh.  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle.  ''  Ann.  62.  n.  vii. 

'  Cuy.  H.  L.  m  Paulo.  ■"  Bib.  Gr.  I.  4.  cap.  v.  T.  HI.  p.  157. 

'  Proleg.  num.  123.  °  See  Harmony  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  i. 
p.  307 


St.  PaaVs  first  Epistle  to  Timothy,  17 

Corinthians.  It  is  the  same  in  Pliaronius  and  lEstius.  Who 
say,  that  this  epistle  was  written  in  Macedonia,  when  PanI 
was  there  the  second  time.  In  this  date  agree  in  the  jnain 
""Dr.  Benson,  and  ^Dr  Doddridge.  This  also  was  the  opinion 
of  Hammond,  as  may  be  seen  in  his  preface  to  this  epistle. 
Witsius,  after  having-  considered  the  reasons  of  Lightfoot 
and  Pearson  in  behalf  of  their  several  opinions,  hesitates,* 
and  cannot  say  exactly  when  this  epistle  was  written : 
though  he  does  not  judge  it  needful  to  defer  it  so  long-  as 
Pearson  did,  that  is,  till  after  St.  Paul's  deliverance  from  his 
imprisonment  at  Rome.  Lewis  Capellus  was  in  doubt  which 
was  first  written,  whether"  the  second  epistle  to  the  Corin- 
thians, or  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy.  HoAvever,  he  thinks 
that  both  were  written  not  long  after  St.  Paul  had  left  Ephe- 
sus,  to  go  into  Macedonia.  Consequently  his  opinion  was 
not  very  difterent  from  that  of  Lightfoot,  13aronius,  and  Es- 
tius,  before  recited. 

According  to  Theodoret,  in  his  general  preface  to  St. 
Paul's  epistles,  the  first  four  are  the  two  epistles  to  the 
Thessalonians,  and  the  first  and  second   to  the  Corinthians. 

*  The  ^  fifth,  says  he,  is  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy.  For  af- 
'  ter  the  introduction  he  says :  "  As  I  besought  thee  to  abide 
'  still  at  Ephesus,  when  I  went  into  Macedonia,  that  thou 

*  mightest  charge  some,  that  they  receive  no  other  doctrine," 

*  1  Tim.  i.  3.     It  is  manifest  therefore,  that  when  Paul  went 

*  the  second  time  into  Macedonia,  he  left  the  most  excellent 


P  An.  57.  n.  187. 

'^  Scripta  estautem  haec  epistola,  posteaquam  Paulus,  Epheso  relicta,  sicut 
habetur  initio  XX.  cap.  Actorum,  profectus  est  in  Macedoniam.  Id  quod  ip- 
siiis  epistolae  verba  statim  initio  declarant.  Unde  cum  Cardinals  Baronio  col- 
ligimus,  in  Macedonia  scriptam  esse.     Est.  arg.  1.  ep.  ad  Timoth.  p.  758. 

■■  History,  &c.  B.  3.  ch.  vii.  sect.  v.  p.  167,  &c.  first  edit.  p.  184,  &c.  sec. 
edit.     See  also  his  preface  to  the  first  ep.  to  Tim.  sect.  iii.  =  See 

Family  Expositor,  Vol.  III.  p.  305.  notee,  p  319,  note  b,  p.  332,  noter. 

'  Non  tamen  seque  constat,  scriptionem  epistolae  diflTerendam  esse  ad  solu- 
tionem  Pauli  a  Romanis  vinculis.     Neque  enim  omnia  Pauli  itinera  descripsit 

Lucas,  sed  notabiliora  quaedam. Pronuntieraus  itaque,  de  tempore,  quo 

scripta  est  prior  Pauli  ad  Timotheum  epistola,  non  liquere.  Wits,  de  Vit.  Paul, 
sect.  9.  num.  v.  "  Posterior  ad  eosdem  Corinthios  epistola,  et 

prior  ad  Timotheum,  certant  de  proprietate,  et  sub  judice  lis  est.  Utraque 
autem  scripta  est  paulo  postquam  Paulus  Epheso  discessisset,  adeoque  dum 
Macedoniam  peragraret.  Sed  utra  tempore  prsecedat,  non  liquet.  Lud.  Cap. 
Hist.  Ap.  p.  72.  "   nijiTTTTiv  t'lynfjiai.  tojv  irpog  TifioOiov  Tt]v 

irporcpav.      Mtra  yap  5e  to  irpooifiiov  htu)  ^r](n'      Ka9<x)g  TrapsKaXtffa  ae  vpoff- 

liiivai,  IV  E0£cr^,  Troptvojievoc  «f  MaKsSoviav. ArjXov  roivvv,   w£  r/viKa  to 

CivTspov  aizo  Ti]g  E(ptas  TrapiyivtTO  Hg  MuKtSoviav  6  fiaKapiog  navXog,  tots 
Tov  TravTa  api'^ov  Tifiadtov  tKti  KaToKiXonrev,  eig  tTn/jiEXuaiv  Tdiv  oit,afiiv(t}v  to 
<T(jDTt]piov  Ktjpvyfia.    Praef.  in  ep.  Paul.  T.  III.  p.  3,  4. 

VOL.    VI.  C 


18  A  HislGnj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  to  take  care  of  those  who  had  received 
'  the  salutary  doctrine.' 

I  shall  now  endeavour  to  sliow  at  length  the  grounds  of 
this  opinion. 

St.  Luke  expressly  says,  Acts  xx.  1,  "  And  after  the  up- 
roar was  ceased,  Paul  called  unto  him  the  disciples,  and 
embraced  them,  and  departed  for  to  go  into  Macedonia." 
And  St.  Paul  says,  in  the  place  just  cited,  1  Tim.  i.  3,  "  As 
I  besought  thee  to  abide  still  at  Ephesus,  when  I  went  into 
Macedonia."  And  St.  Luke  informs  us,  ch.  xix.  21,  22. 
"  After  these  things  were  ended,  Paul  purposed  in  spirit, 
when  he  had  passed  through  Macedonia  and  Achaia,  to  go 

to  Jerusalem. So  he  sent  into  Macedonia  two  of  them 

that  ministered  unto  him,  Timothy  and  Erastus.  But  he 
himself  stayed  in  Asia  for  some  season."  Then  follows  an 
account  of  the  tumult  at  Ephesus.  Some  while  after  those 
messengers,  Timothy  and  Erastus,  were  gone  to  Macedonia 
and  Greece,  Paul,  as  it  seems,  wrote  and  sent  aw  ay  his  first 
letter  to  the  Corinthians.  From  which  letter  we  plainly 
perceive,  that  Timothy  was  in  those  parts.  For  so  it  is  said 
in  1  Cor.  iv.  17,  "  For  this  cause  have  I  sent  unto  you  Ti- 
mothy." And  ch.  xvi.  10,  11,  "  Now,  if  Timothy  come,  see 
that  he  may  be  with  you  without  fear. Let  no  man  there- 
fore despise  him,  but  conduct  him  forth  in  peace,  that  he 
may  come  unto  me.  For  I  look  for  him  with  the  brethren." 
Whence  it  appears,  that  at  concluding  that  letter  Paul  was 
in  expectation  of  Timothy's  return  to  Ephesus.  And  very 
probably  he  did  return  before  Paul  went  thence.  Moreover 
St.  Luke  said  just  now,  that  after  Timothy  and  Erastus  had 
been  sent  into  Macedonia,  "  Paul  himself  staid  in  Asia  for 
a  season." 

St.  Paul,  in  the  place  above  cited,  says,  1  Tim.  i.  3,  that 
he  "  besought  Timothy  to  abide  still  at  Ephesus,  when  he 
went  into  Macedonia."  Does  not  that  term,  beseeching,  or 
entreating  Timothy,  imply  some  difficulty  in  the  service 
required  of  him  ?  And  do  we  not  see,  what  apprehensions 
Timothy  might  be  under  upon  being  left  at  Ephesus,  where 
Paul  had  met  with  much  opposition,  and  some  very  lately? 
'  A  "soft  word,'  says  Beza  upon  the  place,  '  to  be  used  by 
*  one  of  much  superior  authority.'  But  if  we  consider  the 
dafigers  of  our  supposed  time,  we  may  see  the  reason  of 
Paul's  speaking  in  that  manner  to  Timothy. 

"  UaptKoKtaa,  •  sum  precatus,  vel  hortatus.']  Blando  vocabiilo  utitur  sin- 
gulare  modestise  exemplum  relinquens  quibusvis,  in  maxima  etiam  aiictoritate 
constitutis.     Bez.  in  ioc. 


St.  PauVs  first  Epistle  to  Timothy.  1 9 

Again.  1  Tim.  iii.  14,  15,  "  These  things  write  I  unto 
thee,  hoping-  to  come  unto  thee  sliortly.  But  if  I  tarry  long-, 
that  thou  niayest  know  how  thou  oughtcst  to  behave  thyself 
in  the  house  of  God."  Words  which  mightily  suit  the  pre- 
sent time.  St.  Paul  went  into  Macedonia,  with  a  design  to 
forward  the  collections  for  the  poor  saints  in  Judea,  and 
then  to  g-o  to  Jerusalem.  And  it  may  be  well  supposed,  that 
he  had  then  hopes  of  calling-  in  at  Ephesus,  in  his  way  to 
Judea,  and  there  seeing-  Timothy.  However,  he  could  not 
yet  say  the  time.  Which  also  is  plainly  agreeable  to  the 
apostle's  circumstances  at  this  season.  For  we  perceive 
from  what  St.  Luke  writes  in  the  Acts,  and  from  the  second 
epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  written  some  while  afterwards  in 
Macedonia,  that  Paul  was  not  then  able  long  before  hand 
to  fix  resolutions  about  the  time  of  journies  to  be  under- 
taken by  him. 

Farther,  the  time  assigned  by  Pearson,  and  those  who 
agree  with  him,  must  be  wrong.     It  appears  from  Acts  xx. 

17 that  when  Paul  was  going'  to  Jerusalem  in  the  former 

part  of  the  year  58,  there  were  elders  at  Ephesus,  and  pro- 
bably in  the  neighbouring  cities  of  Asia.  But  when  Paul 
wrote  this  epistle,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  want  of  such 
officers  at  Ephesus,  or  thereabout.  For  a  main  design  of  it 
appears  to  be,  to  instruct  Timothy  in  the  proper  qualifica- 
tions of  such  men,  and  to  admonish  him  to  use  great  care 
and  caution  in  the  choice  of  them. 

Once  more,  I  am  of  opinion,  that  the  second  epistle  to 
Timothy  was  written  soon  after  Paul  had  been  brought  to 
Rome  a  prisoner  from  Judea.  Therefore,  if  this  epistle  be 
prior  to  it,  it  must  have  been  written  before  Paul  went  to 
Jerusalem,  with  the  contributions  of  the  christians  of  Greece, 
and  Macedonia,  and  other  places. 

There  is,  however,  a  difHculty  attending  our  supposition. 
For  Timothy  is  joined  with  Paul  in  the  inscription  at  the 
beginning  of  the  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  gene- 
rally allowed  to  have  been  written  in  Macedonia.  And  in 
Acts  XX.  4,  Timothy  is  mentioned  among  those  who  accom- 
panied Paul  into  Asia,  when  he  was  going  to  Jerusalem  with 
the  above-mentioned  contributions.  All  which  may  induce 
some  to  think,  that  either  Timothy  did  not  return  to  Paul, 
before  he  lefl  Ephesus,  or  that  Paul  took  Timothy  with  him, 
when  he  went  into  Macedonia. 

To  which  I  answer :  we  have  showed  it  to  be  very  pro- 
bable that  Timothy  returned  to  Ephesus  before  Paul  left  it. 
The  apostle  therefore  might  send  Timothy  this  letter  from 
Macedonia,  and  afterwards  send  for  him,  to  come  thither  to 

c  2 


20  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

him,  having'  some  special  occasion  for  his  assistance.  And 
though  this  was  not  entirely  agreeable  to  the  apostle,  he 
might  be  the  rather  disposed  to  it,  hoping,  that  as  he  went 
to  Jerusalem,  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  leave  Timo- 
thy at  Ephesus.  Which,  as  I  apprehend,  he  did,  when  he 
came  to  Miletus. 

Farther,  this  difficulty  is  very  much  abated  by  the  account 
formerly  given  of  this  period  of  our  apostle's  history.  For 
it  was  then  shown,  that  there  was  a  space  of  almost  two 
jears  between  St.  Paul's  going*  from  Ephesus,  when  he  went 
into  Macedonia,  and  his  coming  to  Troas,  in  the  way  to  Je- 
rusalem. Timothy  therefore  may  have  resided  at  Ephesus 
above  a  year,  and  yet  be  with  the  apostle  at  the  writing-  of 
the  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  which  was  not  sent  to 
them  till  near  the  end  of  the  year  57. 

Dr.  Benson''  supposeth  this  epistle  to  have  been  written 
at  Troas,  soon  after  the  apostle  was  come  from  Ephesus. 
And  indeed  many  learned  men  think,  that  Paul  now  went 
into  Macedonia  by  the  way  of  Troas.  This  has  been  col- 
lected from  2  Cor.  ii.  12,  13.  But  that  appears  to  me  a 
difficult  text.  And  it  may  be  disputed,  whether  Paul  there 
refers  to  his  journey  from  Ephesus.  For  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive,  how  the  apostle  could  have  reason  to  expect  Ti- 
tus at  Troas  at  that  season  :  considering-,  that  his  removal 
from  Ephesus  had  been  sudden,  or,  however,  somewhat 
sooner  than  he  had  intended.  How  then  was  it  possible  for 
him  to  have  made  an  appointment  for  Titus  to  meet  him  at 
Troas  punctually  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  there. 

But  allowing-  Paul  to  have  gone  from  Ephesus  to  Mace- 
donia by  the  way  of  Troas,  it  will  not  follow,  that  this  epis- 
tle was  written  there.  It  may  be  concluded  from  1  Tim.  i. 
3,  that  the  apostle  was  now  hi  Macedonia,  or  had  been  there, 
since  he  left  Ephesus.  Accordingly,  Lightfoot,  Baronius, 
and  Estius,  before  named,  suppose  this  epistle  to  have  been 
written  in  Macedonia.  Says  y  Lightfoot:  'It  Is  apparent 
'  from  1  Tim.  i.  3,  that  this  epistle  was  written  after  Paul's 

'  setting  out  from  Ephesus  for  Macedonia. Now  it  can- 

'  not  be  conceived  to  have  been  written  when  he  was  going- 
'  toward  Macedonia.  For  then  he  was  but  newly  parted 
'  from  Timothy.     And   it  is  not  likely,  that  he  Avould  so 

'  write  to  him,  when  he  was  but  newly  come  from  him. 

'  Therefore  it  cannot  but  be  concluded,  that  this  epistle  was 
'  written  whilst  he  was  in  Macedonia,  or  the  parts    there- 

"  See  hLs  preface  to  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy,  sect.  iii. 
y  Harmony  of  N.  T.  Vol.  i.  p.  307. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  Titvs.  21 

*  about,  at  this  time  that  we  are  upon.'  To  which  I  readily 
assent. 

I  shall  add  only  what  is  also  already  hinted  by  Light- 
foot,  that  it  is  very  improbable,  that  the  apostle  should  use 
those  expressions,  1  Tim.  iii.  14,  "  hoping-  to  come  and  see 
thee  shortly,"  before  he  had  been  in  Macedonia.  St.  Paul 
was  much  more  likely  to  say  this,  when  he  had  been  some 
months  absent  from  Ephesus,  than  when  he  had  been  come 
away  but  a  few  days  only. 

I  should  now  say  more  particularly  when  this  epistle  was 
written.  And  I  think  it  must  have  been  written  in  the  year 
5G.  In  the  beginning  of  that  year,  according  to  our  account, 
Paul  wrote  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  Before  Pen- 
tecost in  that  year  he  left  Ephesus.  And  before  the  end  of 
that  year,  I  suppose,  he  might  write  this  epistle  to  Timothy. 
The  place  is  not  absolutely  certain.  Before  writing  this 
epistle  the  apostle  had  been  in  Macedonia,  since  he  left 
Ephesus.  But  whether  he  was  now  in  that  country,  cannot, 
I  appreliend,  be  fully  determined  by  those  expressions,  1 
Tim.  i.  3.  However,  this  may  be  reckoned  very  likely,  that 
the  apostle  was  either  in  Macedonia,  or  near  it.  Lewis  Ca- 
pellus,  as  before  observed,  was  in  doubt  which  was  first 
written,  this  epistle,  or  the  second  to  the  Corinthians.  About 
that  I  have  no  doubt.  We  shall  soon  see  clear  proof,  that 
the  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  was  written  not  long 
before  the  end  of  the  year  57.  This  first  epistle  to  Timothy 
w  as  written  in  the  year  56,  and  probably,  some  good  while 
before  the  end  of  it. 

Sect.  VL 

The  Epistle  to  Titiis. 

Says  Theodoret  immediately  after  what  was  transcribed 
from  him  above  concerning-  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy  : 
'  After  that,  ^as  I  think,  was  written  the  epistle  to  Titus. 

*  For  being  still  in  those  parts,  he  desired  Titus  to  come  to 
'  him,  saying:  "  When  I  shall  send  unto  thee  Artemas,  or 
'  Tychicus,  be  diligent  to  come  to  me  at  Nicopolis.  For  I 
'  have  determined  to  winter  there,"  Tit.  iii.  12.  They  say, 
'  that  Nicopolis  is  a  city  of  Thrace,  nigh  unto  Macedonia.' 


'  Mera  Tavrijv  viroXanpavo)  tt]v  irpog  Titov  ytypa00ai*  tv  ikuvoiq  yap  in 
Siayojv   Toig    jufptcrt,    KaTaXafitii'   avrov   ■Kapr]yyvr](Tt.       Atyii    de  UTiaq'    orav 

irtfiipui  Aprt/ioj'. Trjv  cs  'SikottoXiv  Op^KiKi}v  fiiv  TroKiv  Hvai  ipaai,  ry  Se 

MuKtSovig.  irtXa^Hv.     Theod.  T.  III.  p.  4.  C. 


22  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

So  writes  Theodoret  in  his  general  preface  to  St.  Paul's 
epistles.     And  in  his  note  upon  Tit.  iii.  12,   he  says,  '  Nico- 

*  polis^^  is  a  city  of  TInace,  nigh  unto  Macedonia.  It  is 
'  manifest  therefore,  that  he  wrote  this  epistle  when  he  was 
'  in  Macedonia  and  Achaia.' 

Following-  the  opinion  of  this  learned  ancient,  which  I 
think  to  be  very  right,  the  epistle  to  Titus  was  written  in 
the  year  5G,  and  Paul  spent  the  winter  of  that  year  at  Nico- 
polis. 

If  it  be  asked,  when  was  Paul  in  Crete  ?  I  answer,  in 
general,  a  short  time  before  he  wrote  this  epistle,  as  may 
appear  from  tliose  words :  "  For  this  cause  left  I  thee  in 
Ciete,  that  thou  shouldest  set  in  order  the  things  that  are 
wanting-,  and  ordain  elders  in  every  city,  as  1  appointed 
thee,"  ch.  i.  5.  More  particularly,  1  suppose,  that  Paul  had 
been  in  Crete  in  this  year  56,  since  he  came  from  Ephesus, 
to  go  into  Macedonia.  About  this  time,  I  think,  he  was  in 
Crete  and  lUyricum,  as  well  as  in  Macedonia.  But  as  I  do 
not  indulge  myself  in  making  conjectures,  I  do  not  attempt 
to  describe  the  order  of  the  apostle's  voyages.  It  was  be- 
fore shown  to  be  probable,  tliat^  between  Paul's  leaving 
Ephesus  in  the  spring  of  the  year  56,  and  his  coming  to 
Troas,  after  the  passover,  in  the  year  58,  in  his  way  to  Jeru- 
salem, there  was  the  space  of  about  two  years.  In  that  time 
Paul  might  do,  and  probably  did,  more  than  is  particularly 
related  by  St.  Luke.  Few  learned  men,  considering  the 
conciseness  of  St.  Luke's  manner  of  writing-,  can  make  any 
difficulty  to  allow,  that*^  he  has  not  related  all  the  apostle's 
journies.  It  is  observable,  that  Titus  was  the  person  who 
was  sent  by  Paul  into  Dalmatia,  when  he  Avas  come  to  Rome. 
As  it  appears  from  2  Tim.  iv.  10.  Which  may  be  reckoned 
an  argument  that  he  had  been  there  before. 

About  this  time  the  epistle  to  Titus  was  written,  according" 
to  the  opinion  of  divers  learned  men,  to  whom  I  refer :  as 
''Baronius,  "^^Capellus,  ^Hammond,  and  ^Lightfoot.  Estius** 

*  Tijg  OpaKTjQ  frtv  r)  NiKOTToXtg,  ry  5i  MaKidovi^  TrtXa^tt.  AijXov  roivvv 
tiig  KUT  iKiivov  ro%>  icnijioj',  ic«0'  bv  tv  tij  MaKtSovi^  Km  A^atqc  cttrpi/Stv,  iypa^^t 
TT]v  an^oXrjv.  Ibid.  p.  515,  A.  ^  See  Vol.  v.  ch.  xi.  "  Nequeenim 
oiiuiia  Faiili  itinera  descripsit  Lucas,  sed  notabiliora  qiiaedam.  Wits.  deVita 
I'auli.  Sect.  9.  num.  v.                         ^  Baron.  Ann.  57.  num.  ccix. 

*  Lud.  Capell.  Hist.  Ap.  p.  16.  et  66.  Vid.  et  Jacob.  Cap.  Compend.  in 
Apost.  Hist.  Chronol.  Tab.  '  Praef.  in  ep.  ad  Tit. 

8  Lightibot's  Works,  Vol.  i.  p.  309,  310.  "  Quando  scripta  sit 

hcec  opLstol;!,  non  liquet,  nee  facile  ex  Actis  Apost.  colligi  potest,  quod  in  iis 
non  Kgatiir  l*aulus  Cretam  ingressus  fuisse.  Verisimile  est,  ante  captivitatem 
Apostoli,  quia  vinculomm  hie  nulla  mentio.     Imo,  cum  dicit  cap.  iii.  *  ibi  e- 

*  nJm  statui  liiemare,'  plane  signiticat,  non  esse  vinctum.  Est.  Argum.  ep.  ad.  Tit 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  Titus.  23 

could  not  determine  the  time  of  tliis  epistle  exactly :  but  lie 
thought  it  was  written  before  the  apostle's  imprisonment  at 
Jerusalem  and  Rome. 

Cave  in  his  'Historia  Literaria  placeth  this  epistle  in  the 
year  63.  But,  when  he  wrote  the  lives  of  the  apostles,  he"^ 
supposed  it  to  have  been  written  soon  after  the  first  epistle 
to  the  Corinthians. 

Mill'  placeth  this  epistle  in  the  year  64.  Pearson"'  in 65. 
Paul  having',  as  he  supposes,  been  in  Crete,  and  left  Titus 
there  the  year  before,  that  is,  in  64.  And  many  others  may 
be  of  the  same  opinion. 

But  this  appears  to  me  too  late  a  date.  All  that  is  said 
of  Paul's  going-  into  Spain,  and  Crete,  and  some  other  places, 
after  being-  released  from  his  imprisonment  at  Rome,  is  mere 
conjecture,  without  any  good  authority,  either  from  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament,  or  very  early  antiquity.  It  is 
iiot  likely  that  Paul,  who  in  his  epistle  to  Philemon  calls 
himself  "  aged,"  should  after  that  undertake  new^  work.  It 
is  more  probable,  that  he  went  to  such  places,  where  he  had 
been  before,  and  where  he  had  disciples  already  :  as  he  inti- 
mates in  his  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians,  Phi- 
lemon, the  Hebrews.  Nor  is  itat  all  likely,  that"  the  Cretans 
should  have  been  so  long  without  being-  instructed  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  gospel,  as  Pearson  supposeth. 

I  have  already  shown  the  most  probable  date  of  the  first 
epistle  to  Timothy.  It  is  likely,  that  the  epistle  to  Titus  was 
written  about  the  same  time.  For  the  state  of  things  in  both 
appears  to  be  very  similar.  In  both  are  instructions  con- 
cerning* the  qualifications  of  elders,  or  bishops,  and  deacons. 
So  1  Tim.  iii.  and  Tit.  i.  Nor  is  it  reasonable  to  think  that 
Paul  should  have  occasion,  so  late  as  the  year  64  or  65,  to 
send  to  his  assistants  and  fellow-labourers  such  particular 
directions  concerning-  that  matter,  as  are  in  these  two  epistles. 
It  is  probable,  that  instructions  of  that  kind  had  been  given 
sooner.  Moreover,  the  like  errors  are  guarded  against  in 
both  these  epistles.  1  Tim.  i.  4,  "  Neither  give  heed  to  fa- 
bles, and  endless  genealogies." Ch.   iv.  7, "But refuse 

profane  and  old   wives'  fables." Ch.  vi.  20,  "  Avoiding- 

profane  and  vain  babblings." Tit.  iii.  9,"  But  avoid  fool- 

'  Epistola  ad  Titum data  anno  63,  e  medio  aliquo  loco  inter  Maoedoai- 

•am  et  Nicopolim.   lUic  enim  hiemare  decreverat.  H.  L.  in  Paulo. 

^  See  there  the  Life  of  St.  Paul,  sect  iv.  num.  ix.  '  Proleg. 

num.  122.  "■  Ann.  Paulin.  p.  20—22. 

"  Non  verisimile  est,  ad  illud  usque  tempus  ignoratum  fuisee  Christum  in 
Creta ;  quum  tota  Achaia,  Macedonia,  Asia,  Cyprus,  Syria,  personarent  evan- 
gelii  praeconio.     Wits,  de  Vita  Pauli,  sect.  v.  num.  i. 


24  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

isli  questions,  and  genealogies,  and  contentions,  and  strivings 
about  the  laM.  For  they  are  unprofitable  and  vain,"  See 
also  ch.  i.  10 — 14.  In  both  are  like  directions  for  paying  a 
proper  regard  to  civil  magistrates,  1  Tim.  ii.  1 — 6,  and  Tit. 
iii.  1 — 3.  There  are  also  like  directions  concerning  relative 
duties,  particularly  those  of  masters  and  servants,  1  Tim. 
vi.  1,2;  Tit.  ii.  9,  10.  Timothy  and  Titus  are  in  a  like 
manner  exhorted  to  take  heed  to  themselves  and  their  doc- 
trine, and  to  be  examples  of  virtue,  1  Tim.  i.  18, 19 ;  iv.  6, 
16 ;  Tit.  ii.  1 — 8.  I  might  add,  that  near  the  conclusion  of 
each  epistle  the  practice  of  good  works  is  in  a  very  similar 
manner  enjoined  upon  the  converts  to  Christianity. 

It  appears  from  many  texts  of  the  second  epistle  to  the 
Corinthians,  written  in  Macedonia,  that  about  this  time  Paul 
had  the  assistance  of  Titus  in  those  parts.  And  Tychicus, 
mentioned  Tit.  iii.  12,  was  likewise  with  Paul  at  this  time: 
for  he  was  one  of  the  company  that  went  with  him  into  Asia, 
Acts  XX.  4.  And  therefore,  probably,  not  he,  but  Artemas, 
had  been  sent  into  Crete,  to  relieve  Titus.  Moreover,  Apol- 
los  was  at  Ephesus,  a  little  before  Paul  left  that  city,  to  go 
into  Macedonia.  That  is  manifest  from  1  Cor.  xvi.  12.  And 
it  may  be  reckoned  very  probable,  that  he  did  not  stay  long 
at  Ephesus  after  Paul :  but  either  went  with  him  into  Mace- 
donia, or  came  into  those  parts  soon  afterwards.  So  that 
Paul  might  now  have  occasion  to  recommend  him  to  Titus, 
in  Crete,  together  with  Zenas,  Tit.  iii.  13. 

There  are  not  in  this  epistle  any  tokens  of  Paul's  great 
age,  or  of  his  being  near  the  period  of  his  ministry.  He  is 
plainly  at  liberty  at  the  time  of  writing  this  epistle.  Nor 
are  there  any  intimations  of  his  having  as  yet  endured  any 
long  imprisonment. 

This  letter  may  be  the  shorter,  because  probably,  Paul  had 
lately  written  at  length  upon  the  same  subject  to  Timothy. 
Moreover,  Titus  was  older,  and  might  have  more  experi- 
ence. Chrysostom  judged"  the  brevity  of  this  epistle  to  be 
an  argiuuent  of  the  ability  of  Titus.  He  did  not  need  a 
long  exhortation.     A  few  hints  were  sufficient. 

St.  Paul  says,  Tit.  iii.  12,  "  When  I  shall  send  Artemas 
unto  thee,  or  Tychicus,  be  diligent  to  come  to  me  at  Nico- 
polis.  For  I  have  determined  there  to  winter."  Thereby 
Theodorct  understood  Nicopolis  in  Thrace,  as  seen  above. 
So  likewise  Chrysostom.i'     But  Jerom'i  supposed  the  apos- 

° Ppcfx^nav  Se  iroiH  Tr]v  nnzo\i]v,  hkotwc.      Km  tsto  Se  Ttjg  aptrijg  t» 

Tirs  TtKfMtjpiov  riv,  to  fir)  StiaOcu  \oyiov  ttoWwv,  aXk'  uxnTip  tivoq  vTrofU'ijatia^. 
In  Tit.  horn.  i.  torn.  XL  p.  730.  13.  •'  'H  5'  Nj/cottoAic  r>;c  epaKt]^ 

171.  Chrys.  in  Tit.  honi.  G.  ib.  p.  766.  B.  ''  Scribit  igitur  Apostolus 


St,  PauVs  second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  25 

tie  to  mean  Nicopolis  in  Epirus.  Neither  of  these  interpre- 
tations is  any  prejudice  to  our  argument.  In  which  soever 
of  those  countries  Nicopolis  was  situated,  the  apostle  was  as 
likely  to  be  there  at  the  time  supposed  by  us,  as  at  any 
other. 

At  Nicopolis  the  apostle  wintered,  in  the  year  56,  accord- 
ing- to  my  computation.  Consequently,  this  letter  was  written 
some  time  before,  in  the  year  56.  When  the  M'inter  was 
over,  Paul  came  into  Macedonia,  where  he  had  been  before, 
since  he  came  from  Ephesus.  From  Macedonia  he  came 
into  Greece. 

Sect.  VII. 

The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 

Whilst  the  apostle  was  in  Macedonia,  at  this  time,  he  wrote 
the  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  A.  D.  57. 

Concerning  this  there  can  be  no  doubt,  if  we  attend  to  the 
epistle  itself.  From  which  it  plainly  appears,  that  the  apos- 
tle was  then  in  Macedonia,  and  >vas  going  to  Greece,  parti- 
cularly to  Corinth.  So  2 Cor.  ix.  1 — 5.  "For as  touching- 
the  ministering  to  the  saints,  it  is  superfluous  for  me  to  write 
unto  you.  For  I  know  the  forwardness  of  your  mind,  for 
w  hich  I  boast  of  you  to  them  of  Macedonia  ;  that  Achaia  was 

ready  a  year  ago Yet  have  I  sent  the   brethren lest 

haply,  if  they  of  Macedonia  come  with  me,  and  find  you  un- 
prepared, we  (that  we  say  not  you)  should  be  ashamed  in  this 
same  confident  boasting-.  Therefore  I  thought  it  necessary 
to  exhort  the  brethren,  that  they  would  go  before  unto  you 
and  make  up  beforehand  your  bounty." — See  also  ch.  viii. 
and  ch.  xiii.  1,  "  This  is  the  third  time  I  am  coming  to  you." 

According  to  Pearson,"^  tiiis  epistle  was  written  in  Mace- 
donia, in  the  year  57  ;  according  to  ^  Mill,  near  the  end  of  that 
year.  I  likewise  think  that  it  was  written  in  the  year  57, 
probably,  in  September,  or  October.  For  the  apostle, 
plainly,  was  soon  to  go  to  Corinth,  where  he  might  arrive, 
as  I  apprehend,  in  November. 

I  suppose  it  was  now  above  a  year  since  writing  the  first 

6  Paula  et  Eustochiuni,  de  Nicopoli,  quae,  in  Actiaco  littore  sita,  nunc  posses- 
sionis  vestrae  pars  vel  maxima  est,  &c.  Hieron.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Tit.  T.  IV.  P.  I. 
p.  407. 

Nicopolis  ipsa  est,  quae  ob  victoriam  Augusti,  quod  ibi  Antonium  et  Cleo- 
patram  superant,  nomen  accepit.     Id.  in  Tit.  cap,  iii.  ib.  p.  439. 

'  Anna!.  Paulin.  p.  15.  A.  D.  Ivii.  »  — — sub  finem,  ut  vi- 

detur,  anni  aerae  vulgaris  Ivii.  Proleg.  num.  21. 


26  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  The  reasons  of  that  supposition 
were  mentioned*  formerly.  And  need  not  to  be  repeated 
here. 

Timothy  was  with  Paul  at  writing  this  epistle  :  for  his 
name  is  in  the  inscription.  It  is  likely  that"  he  had  come 
from  Ephesus  to  the  apostle  in  Macedonia,  either  upon  oc- 
casion of  some  affairs  of  that  church,  or  at  the  desire  of  the 
apostle,  who  needed  his  assistance.     As  before  said. 

Sect.  VIII. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 

The  epistle  to  the  Romans  is  dated  by ^  Pearson  in  the 
year  57,  by  ^"Mill  in  the  year  58.  According  to  our  compu- 
tation of  Paul's  journies  there  can  be  no  reason  to  hesitate 
about  either  the  time  or  the  place  of  this  epistle.  It  was 
written  at  Corinth  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  58,  before 
Paul  set  out  on  his  journey  to  Jerusalem. 
.  As  St.  Luke's  few  words  in  Acts  xx.  1,  2,  3,  afford  great 
light,  and  are  a  sure  guide,  I  recite  them  here.  "  And  after 
the  uproar  was  ceased,  Paul  called  unto  him  the  disciples, 
and  embraced  them,  and  departed"  [from  Ephesus]  "  for  to 
go  into  Macedonia.  And  when  he  had  gone  over  those  parts, 
and  given  them  much  exhortation,  he  came  into  Greece. 
And  there  abode  three  months."  In  the  space  of  these  three 
months  was  written  the  epistle  to  the  Romans. 

According-  to  Theodoret  the  epistle  to  the  Romans''  is  the 
seventii  in  order  of  time,  having  been  written  by  the  apostle 
after  the  two  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  and  to  the  Corin- 
thians, the  first  to  Timothy,  and  the  epistle  to  Titus.  He 
adds ,  '  Thaty  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  was  written  from 
'  Corinth,  is  manifest  from  the  conclusion.  For  there  the 
'  apostle  recommends  Phoebe,  calling-  her  "  deaconess  of 

*  See  Vol.  V.  ch.  xi.  "  Fateor,  cum  Paulus  esset  in  Macedo- 
nia, una  cum  illo  fuisse  Timotheum,  2  Cor.  i.  1 ;  et  postquam  hyemem  tran- 
segisset  in  Epiro,  Tit.  iii.  12,  ac  per  tres  menses  comraoratus  in  Grsecia,  Act. 
XX.  2,  3,  leversusque  esset  in  Macedoniam,  illi  adfuisse  Timotheum,  Act.  xx. 
4,  ac  recta  cum  illo  ivLsse  Troadem.  Quse  omnia  contingere  potuerunt,  post- 
quam Paulus  reliquisset  Timotheum  Ephesi ;  ex  qua  urbe  tamen  iverit  ad 
Paulum,  sive  propter  negotia  Ephesinae  ecclesise,  de  quibus  Paulum  consuli 
ab  eo  oporteret,  vel  ut  pareret  Paulo,  quem,  ut  videmus,  et  posteti  invisit,  lon- 
giore  itinere,  Romam  usque,  2  Tim.  iv.  9.  Hammond.  Piacf.  in  1  ep.  Ti- 
moth.  ex  versione  Clerici.  "  Aiinal.  Paulin.  p.  15. 

*  Proleg.  num.  26.  *=  'E/35o;ui;v  ti]v  irpoc  'PiojiaisQ  tirtffrtiXi' 
fura  yap  Stj  ravraq  airaffag  Tavrrjv  avTor  ytynafivai  didacKei,  k.  X.  Theod. 
T.  III.  p.  4.  C.                          y  Ibid.  p.  5. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  27 

*  the  church  in  Cenchrea,"  which  Avas  a  borough  of  the 
'  Corinthians,  Rom.  xvi.  1.  Besides,  he  says  :  "  Ga  us,  my 
'  host,  and  of  the  whole  church,  saluteth  you,"  ver.  23.  By 
'  host  he  means  the  person  who  entertained  him.  And  that 
'  Gains  was  a  Corinthian  we  learn  from  the  first  epistle  to 
'  the  Corinthians.  For  thus  he  writes  to  them:  "  I  thank 
'  God  that  1  baptized  none  of  you,  but  Crispus  and  Gains," 
'  1  Cor.  i.  14.  The  epistle  to  the  Romans  therefore  is  the 
'  last  of  the  epistles  written  from  Asia,  and  Macedonia,  and 
'  Achaia :  and  is  the  seventh  in  order,  as  has  been  shown. 

*  The  rest  were  sent  from  Rome.'  So  Theodoret.  Who 
might  have  added,  as  a  proof  that  this  epistle  was  written 
at  Corinth,  what  follows  in  ver.  23,  "  Erastus,  the  chamber- 
lain of  the  city,  saluteth  you."  For  by  the  city  I  suppose 
to  be  meant  Corinth.  But  whether  this  Erastus  be  the  same 
who  is  mentioned  by  St.  Luke,  Acts  xix.  22,  as  one  of  St. 
Paul's  assistants,  I  cannot  say  certainly. 

The  time  of  writing-  this  epistle  is  farther  manifest  hence. 
It  was  written  after  that  Paul  had  completed  his  collections 
in  Macedonia,  and  Achaia,  and  when  he  was  setting  out  for 
Jerusalem.  For  so  he  writes,  ch.  xv.  25,  26,  "  But  now  I 
g"o  unto  Jerusalem,  to  minister  unto  the  saints.  For  it  has 
pleased  them  of  Macedonia  and  Achaia  to  make  a  certain 
contribution   for  the  poor  saints  which  are   in  Jerusalem." 

ver.  30,  31,  "  Now  I  beseech  you,   brethren, that 

ye  strive  together  with  me,  in  prayers  to  God  for  me :  that 
I  maybe  delivered  from  them  that  do  not  believe  in  Judea, 
and  that  my  service,  which  I  have  for  Jerusalem,  may  be 
accepted  of  the  saints." 

Consequently,  it  is  probable,  that  it  was  now  near  the  end 
of  the  three  months,  that  the  apostle  staid  in  Greece. 
Whence  "  he  returned  to  Macedonia,  and  after  the  days  of 
unleavened  bread  sailed  from  Philippi  to  Troas,"  upon  the 
continent  of  Asia,  Acts  xx.  3 — 6.  And  then  went  to  Jeru- 
salem, where  he  arrived  about  the  time  of  Pentecost  in  the 
year  58. 

If  St.  Paul  came  to  Corinth  in  November  57,  the  epistle 
to  the  Romans  might  be  sent  thence  in  the  month  of  Febru- 
ary, in  the  year  58. 

Sect.  IX. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 

Concerning  St.  Paul's  epistles,  written  during  his  impri- 
sonment at  Rome,  particularly  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 


28  A  Hisiory  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Soon  after  writing-  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  as  was  be- 
fore hinted,  Paul  set  out  from  Corinth,  on  his  journey  to 
Jerusalem.  In  a  short  time  after  his  arrival  there,  he  was 
apprehended.  And  he  was  kept  a  prisoner  in  that  country 
till  he  was  sent  to  Rome. 

During  his  stay  in  Judea,  we  know  not  of  his  correspond- 
ing- with  any  churches,  or  particular  persons,  by  writing". 
But  at  Rome,  though  a  prisoner,  he  wrote  divers  letters. 
Grotius  says,  that^  though  all  St.  Paul's  epistles  are  excel- 
lent, he  most  admires  those  written  by  him  when  a  prisoner 
at  Rome.  And  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  he  says,  it* 
surpasseth  all  human  eloquence. 

It  is  generally  supposed,  that  St.  Paul  wrote  there  four 
epistles:  to  the  Ephesians,  thePhilippians,  the  Colossians, 
and  Philemon.  Jerom  has  twice^  spoken  of  these  four  epis- 
tles, as  written  at  Rome.  Theodoret  having-  spoken  of  the 
epistle  to  the  Romans,  as  the  seventh  in  order,  and  the  last  of 
those  that  were  sent  from  Asia,  Macedonia,  and  Achaia, 
says:  '  The*^  rest  were  sent  from  Rome:  the  first  of  which  I 
take  to  be  that  written  to  the  Galatians.'  Lightfoot*^  like- 
wise supposed  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  to  have  been  writ- 
ten at  Rome,  and  the  first  of  those  that  were  written  there. 
That  is  a  wrong  computation,  as  must  appear  from  what  has 
been  already  said.  But  beside  the  four  above  mentioned, 
the  second  epistle  to  Timothy  might  be  written  at  this  sea- 
son. The  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  likewise,  if  it  be  Paid's, 
was  probably  written  about  this  time,  either  during  the 
apostle's  imprisonment,  or  soon  after  it,  before  he  left  Rome 
and  Italy. 

St.  Paul's  imprisonment,  from  the  time  of  his  being  appre- 
hended at  Jerusalem,  to  his  coming  to  Rome,  was  the  space 
of  almost,  or  quite  three  years.  For  a  short  time  he  was 
confined  in  the  castle  of  Antonia  at  Jerusalem.  Thence  he 
was  sent  to  Ca-sarea  by  the  sea-side,  the  seat  of  the  Roman 
governor,  who  at  that  time  was  Felix.     Where  he  was  kept 

*^  Omnes  epistoiae  Pauli  egregiae  sunt ;  sed  omnium  in  primis,  quae  Roma 

ex  vinculis  missae  sunt.     Gr.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Col.  ' rerum  sub- 

limilatem  adaequans  verbis  sublimioribus,  quara  ulla  unquam  habuit  lingua 
humana.     Grot.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  '*  Quod  Romae  in  vincula 

conjectus,  banc  epistolani  miserit  eo  tempore,  quo  ad  Philemonem,  et  ad  Co- 
lossenses,  et  ad  Philippenses,  in  alio  loco  scnptas  esse  monstravimus.  Hieron. 
in  Eph,  cap.  iii.  T.  IV.  p.  347. 

Scribit  igitur  ad  Philemonem  Romae  vinctus  in  carcere,  quo  tempore  mihi 
videntur  ad  Philippenses,  Colossenses,  ct  Ephcsios  epistola;  esse  dictatae.  In 
Philem.  ib.  p.  445.  in.  '^   Tag  yap  Ot]  aWaij  mro  Ttjg  "Pw^jjg 

iTTf^iiXf  Km  irpMTrjv  /xiv  riyufiai  rtjv  Trpog  TaXarag  ypacpijvai.  T.  III.  p.  5. 

■»  Lightf.  Vol.  i.  p.  323. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Ephcsians.  29 

in  Herod's  judgment-hall,  Acts  xxiii.  35.  And  though  af- 
terwards there  was  an  order  for  enlarging-  the  first  strictness 
of  his  custody,  "  and  that  his  acquaintance  should  be  per- 
mitted to  come  to  him,  and  minister  to  him,"  ch.  xxiv.  23, 
1  suppose  he  was  still  confined  in  the  above-mentioned  pri- 
son. And,  perhaps,  this  new  order  imported  little  more,  than 
leave  for  his  friends  to  bring*  him  needful  refreshments,  and 
take  care  of  his  health.  It  does  not  appear,  that  during-  the 
space  of  two  years  and  several  months,  whilst  he  was  in  Ju- 
clea,  he  wrote  any  letters,  or  received  any,  as  befpre  inti- 
mated. Says  ''Wall:  'Those  two  years  of  imprisonment 
'  under  Felix  seem  to  have  been  the  most  unactive  part  of 
'  St.  Paul's  life.  There  is  no  account  of  any  preaching^s,  or 
'  disputations,  or  of  any  epistles  written  in  this  space.'  In- 
deed, considering-  the  violent  opposition  made  by  the  Jews 
throughout  the  whole  space  of  the  apostle's  being-  in  that 
country,  I  apprehend  there  was  no  attempt  made  by  Paul, 
or  his  friends,  to  procure  him  intelligence  from  the  christian 
churches  abroad :  and  that  the  Roman  g-overnor  could  not 
allow  of  any  such  thing.  He  would  rather  have  set  Paul  at 
liberty,  and  let  him  go  quite  away.  But  when  Paul  was 
brought  to  Rome,  though  he  was  under  a  guard,  he  was 
"  suffered  to  dwell  by  himself,  in  his  own  hired  house." 
Acts  xxviii.  16 — 30,  where  he  was  two  years.  Having  such 
liberty,  he  wisely  improved  it,  not  only  by  discoursing-  with 
all  those  who  came  to  him,  but  also  by  writing  several  epis- 
tles. 

Of  all  these  epistles,  the  first  written  seems  to  me  to  be 
that  to  the  Ephesians.  I  think  it  was  drawn  up  by  the  apos- 
tle, as  soon  as  conveniently  could  be  after  his  friends  at 
Rome  had  taken  a  lodging  for  him,  and  he  was  settled  in  it. 
A.  D.  Gl. 

The  epistle  is  inscribed  "  to  the  saints  w  hich  are  at  Ephe- 
sus,  and  to  the  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus."  But  I  apprehend 
that  the  apostle  thought  of  the  christians  throughout  Asia, 
properly  so  called,  whether  living  at  Ephesus,  the  chief  city 
of  the  country,  or  not.  To  the  like  purpose  ^Hammond  : 
and  also  Mr.  Pyle,  who  paraphraseth  the  first  verse  of  the 
epistle  in  this  manner  :  '  Paul,  called  to  be  an  apostle,  send- 
'  eth  this  epistle  to  the  church  of  Ephesus,  and  to  all  the 
*  christians  of  the  lesser  Asia,  those  faithful   christians,  that 

*  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  267,  268.  '  Ephesum  fuisse  pri- 

inam  Metiopolim  Lydise,  vel  proconsularis  Asiae,  ostendimus  in  notis  ad  Co- 
loss,  iv.  16.  Itaque  epistola  haec,  Ephesiis  inscripta,  non  est  putanda  ad  eos 
solos  pertincre,  verum  etiam  ad  alias  urbes  provincise,  imo  et  totius  Asiae. 
tiammond.  Praef.  in  ep.  ad  Eph. 


30  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  firmly  rely  upon  the  christian  religion  for  salvation,  with- 
'  out  the  observation  of  the  Mosaical  ceremonies.'  We  are 
led  to  this  supposition  by  what  St.  Paul  says  near  the  con- 
clusion of  his  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  written  at 
Ephesus :  "  the  churches  of  Asia  salute  you,"  1  Cor.  ch. 
xvi.  19.  And  that  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  is  addressed 
"  to  the  church  of  God  which  is  at  Corinth,  to  them  that 
are  sanctified  in  Christ  Jesus,  called  to  be  saints,  with  all 
that  in  every  place  call  upon  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord,  both  theirs  and  ours."  And  the  second  epistle  to  the 
Corinthians  is  addressed  "  to  the  church  of  God  which  is  at 
Corinth,  with  all  the  saints  which  are  in  all  Achaia." 

After  the  salutation  of  these  christians,  at  the  beginning" 
of  the  epistle,  he  praiseth  God  for  the  gospel-dispensation, 
now  made  known  to  all  men,  agreeably  to  the  gracious  pur- 
pose long  since  formed  in  the  divine  counsels.  "  Blessed 
be  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  has 
blessed  us  with  all  spiritual  blessings  in  heavenly  places  in 
Christ :  according  as  he  hath  chosen  us  in  him  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world,"  ver.  3,  4,  to  12.  He  then  reminds 
them  of  their  first  faith  in  the  gospel,  and  the  circumstances 
of  it.  "  In  Avhom  ye  also  trusted,  after  that  ye  heard  the 
word  of  truth,  the  gospel  of  your  salvation:  in  whom  also, 
after  that  ye  believed,  ye  Mere  sealed  with  that   holy  Spirit 

of  promise.     Which  is  the  earnest  of  our  inheritance," 

ver.  13,  14.  After  which  he  lets  them  know,  that  in  his 
confinement,  since  he  came  to  Rome,  he  had  heard  of  the 
continuance  of  their  faith,  and  of  their  love  for  all  christians 
in  general  :  which  had  filled  him  with  transports  of  joy  and 
satisfaction.  "  Wherefore  I  also,  having  heard  of  your  faith 
in  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  love  unto  all  the  saints,  cease  not  to 
give  thanks  for  you,  making  mention  of  you  in  my  prayers  : 
that  the  God  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Father  of  glory, 
may  give  unto  you  the  spirit  of  wisdom  :"  or  that  they  might 
be  more  and  more  illuminated,  and  established  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  true  religion,  ver.  15,  16,  and  to  ver.  23. 

The  account  that  had  been  brought  him  of  the  christians 
at  Ephesus  by  Tychicus,  as  may  be  supposed,  having  been 
very  agreeable,  the  apostle  does  not  censure  them  for  any 
great  irregularities  in  conduct,  as  he  does  the  Corinthians, 
nor  for  any  remarkable  deviations  from  the  simplicity  of 
the  gospel,  or  instability  therein,  as  he  does  the  Galatians. 
But  he  treats  them  with  mildness.  However,  he  sends  them 
a  pathetic  exhortation  to  persevere  in  a  conversation  be- 
coming their  profession  and  their  privileges,  and  to  guard 
against    the    temptations    which    they    might    meet   with. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Epiicsians.  31 

cither  from  heathen  idolaters,  or  corrupt  aiul  self-interested 
christians. 

At  the  end  he  tells  them  that  he  had  sent  Tychicus,  who 
would  g-ive  them  information  concerning-  his  affairs,  and 
comfort  them,  ch.  vi.  21,  22.  And  then  adds:  "  Peace  be 
to  the  brethren,  and  love,  with  faith  from  God  the  Father, 
and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,"  ver.  2?3.  "  Peace  be  to  the 
brethren,"  that  is,  the  brethren  with  you  at  Ephesus,  to 
Avhom  the  epistle  is  directed.  So  1  Thess.  v.  27,  "  I  charge 
you  by  the  Lord,  that  this  epistle  be  read  to  all  the  holy 
brethren  :"  meaning  the  brethren  or  christians  at  Thessalo- 
nica.  So  to  the  Philippians.  ch.  iv.  21,  "  Salute  eveiy 
saint  in  Christ  Jesus,"  meaning,  undoubtedly,  the  christians 
at  Philippi.  And  then  at  ver.  22,  "  All  the  saints  salute 
you  :"  meaning  all  the  christians  in  general  at  Rome.  It 
was  not  needful  to  say,  of  this  place.  The  meaning  is  ob- 
vious. 

The  concluding  words  of  this  epistle  are  these  at  ver.  23, 
"  Grace  be  with  all  them  that  love  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in 
sincerity  :"  which,  I  think,  may  be  understood  and  para- 
phrased after  this  manner.  '  And  grace  be  with  all  those, 
'  who,  like  you,  love  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  sincerity.' 

That  is  a  brief  and  general  account  of  the  epistle  itself. 
I  must  add  somewhat  in  behalf  of  the  early  date  of  it,  which 
is  here  assigned  by  me. 

There  might  be  many  considerations  inducing  the  apostle 
to  write  to  the  Ephesians  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Rome. 
Ephesus  was  a  place  of  great  importance,  being  the  chief 
city  of  Asia,  where  was  a  great  resort  of  merchants,  and  all 
other  people.  Here  the  apostle  chose  to  settle  that  eminent 
disciple  of  his,  Timothy.  Here  also  St.  John  took  up  his 
residence  after  he  had  left  Judea.  It  was  the  place  where 
Paul  had  been  longer  than  in  any  other  city,  except  Anti- 
och.  Here  also  he  had  wrought  many  and  special  miracles, 
and  had  great  success  in  his  preaching,  Acts  xix.  More- 
over, he  had  intended  them  a  visit,  1  Tim.  iii.  14,  but  had 
been  prevented.  When  he  went  to  Jerusalem,  it  is  likely, 
that  it  was  earnestly  desired,  and  confidently  expected  by 
the  christians  at  Ephesus.  Such  expectations  are  suffici- 
ently intimated  by  St.  Luke,  Acts  xx.  15 — 17.  "  The  r»ext 
day  we  came  to  Miletus.  For  Paul  had  determined  to  sail 
by  Ephesus,  because  he  would  not  spend  the  time  in  Asia; 
for  he  hasted,  if  possible,  to  be  at  Jerusalem  the  day  of  Pen- 
tecost. And  from  Miletus  he  sent  to  Ephesus,  and  called 
the  elders  of  the  church."  Where  having  made  a  pathetic 
discourse,  all  present  were  much  affected,  and  gave  testi- 


32  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

monies  of  a  fervent  and  high  esteem.  These  things  must 
have  made  impressions  upon  the  apostle,  and  liave  been  well 
remembered  by  him:  and  may  have  induced  him  to  think  of 
writing"  first  to  this  church  upon  his  coming  to  Rome,  and 
having-  liberty  of  correspondence. 

There  might  be  likewise  some  other  reasons  for  this  de- 
termination. The  epistle  is  carried  by  Tychicus,  who  Avas 
of  Asia,  and  probably  an  Ephesian.  Mr.  Biscoe&  thought 
that  Tychicus  accompanied  the  apostle  in  his  voyage  to 
Rome.  But  for  that  1  see  no  ground.  I  rather  think,  that 
like  divers  others  of  his  fellow-labourers,  Tychicus  had  come 
to  Rome  of  his  own  accord,  to  meet  Paul,  and  to  attend  upon 
iiim :  or  had  been  sent  by  the  Ephesians,  to  pay  their  re- 
spects to  him,  and  inquire  into  the  state  of  his  affairs.  It 
seems  to  me,  that  Tychicus  was  one  of  the  first  who  came  to 
the  apostle,  and  very  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Rome.  Yet, 
possibly,  Tychicus  was  got  thither  before  him,  as  some 
other  of  the  apostle's  friends  likewise  might  be.  However, 
Tychicus  being  now  at  Rome,  he  was  a  very  fit  person  to 
go  with  a  letter  from  the  apostle  to  Ephesus. 

If  we  duly  attend  to  the  apostle's  situation,  after  having 
been  above  two  years  in  a  close  confinement  at  Caesarea,  we 
may  be  able  to  discern  the  reason  of  several  things.  Par- 
ticularly, we  may  perceive,  why  this  is  a  kind  of  general 
epistle,  not  much  concerning  itself  with  the  att'airs  and  cir- 
cumstances of  any  church:  but  delivering-,  first,  the  doctrine 
of  the  gospel,  and  then  the  duties  of  it,  with  a  fulness 
scarcely  equalled  in  any  other  of  the  apostolical  epistles. 
As  Theodoret  said  :  '  Tlie''  former  part  of  the  epi.;tle  con- 
'  tains  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  the  latter  part  a  moral  ad- 

*  monition.'     Or  as  a  learned  modern  says :  '  Being  some- 

*  what  in  the  manner  of  an  institute.'  The  apostle  might 
well  judge  it  best  to  write  thus  in  his  first  letter,  written  after 
a  long  silence  :  and  in  this  manner,  to  remind  his  friends 
and  converts  in  Asia  of  the  principles  of  the  gospel,  and  their 
obligations  as  christians. 

We  are  likewise  hence  led  to  discern  the  great  beauty  and 
propriety  of  the  several  places  of  this  epistle,  where  the 
apos-tle  speaks  of  his  bonds,  ch.  iii.  1.  *'  I  Paul,  the  prisoner 
of  Jesus  Christ  for  you  Gentiles."  That  for  their  cause  he 
was  now  in  bonds,  appears  from  the  history  of  his  imprison- 
ment, as  related  by  St.  Luke  in  the  Acts,  and  particularly, 
from  what  is  said,  ch.  xxii.  21,  22,  and  the  following  verses. 
Tliere  is  an  especial  suitableness  in  that  expression  of  the 
apostle,  in  a  letter  written  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Rome,  and 

8  Upon  the  Acts,  p.  435.  "  See  Vol.  v.  p.  17. 


Si.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  33 

♦•speci.ally,  if  it  be  the  first  letter  written  by  him  after  his 
being-  apprehended,  as  1  think  it  is.  And  liaving-  enlarged 
somewhat  farther  upon  liis  l)aving- been  appointed  an  apostle 
by  Christ,  for  forwarding-  the  gospel  among  Gentiles,  he 
goes  on,  and  endeavours  to  comfort  these  christians,  and  all 
Gentile  converts  in  general,  with  regard  to  the  afflictive  dis- 
petisation,  which  he  was  under,  and  Avhich  might  appear 
very  strange  to  many,  ver.  13,  "  Wherefore  I  desire  that  ye 
faint  not  at  my  tribulations  for  you,  which  is  your  glory." 
Again:  iv.  1,  "  I  therefore  the  prisoner  of  the  Lord  beseech 
you."  And  ch.  vi.  20,  he  calls  himself"  an  ambassador  in 
bonds."  How  suitable  is  this  to  the  apostle's  circumstances, 
if  we  consider  him  now  lately  arrived  in  the  city  of  Rome, 
the  capital  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  the  seat  of  the  em- 
peror. 

I  cannot  forbear  transcribing  that  passage,  ch.  vi.  18 — 20, 

"  Praying  for  all  saints, and  for  me,  that  utterance  may 

be  given  to  me,  that  I  may  open  my  mouth  boldly,  to  make 
known  the  mystery  of  the  gospel.  For  which  I  am  an  am- 
bassador in  bonds:  that  I  may  speak  boldly,  as  I  ought  to 
speak."  Wherein  I  do  not  think  the  apostle  so  much  de- 
sires these  christians  to  pray  for  his  enlargement,  as  that  he 
might  discharge  his  commission  aright :  and  speak  with 
the  freedom  and  boldness  of  an  ambassador  from  a  great 
prince  :  though  he  was  chained  as  a  prisoner,  and  had  not 
the  outward  pomp  and  state,  usual  with  men  of  that  high 
character.  This  Avas  very  proper  at  the  time  of  his  arrival 
at  Rome,  where  he  was  likely  to  continue  some  while. 

There  is  a  like  passage  in  Col.  iv.  3,  4,  which,  I  thinlc, 
ought  not  to  be  understood  very  differently. 

It  is  also  an  argument,  that  this  epistle  was  written  by  the 
apostle  soon  after  his  coming  to  Rome :  that  here  are  no  ex- 
pressions, denoting  hopes  of  enlargement,  as  there  are  in  the 
epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians,  and  Philemon : 
written,  as  we  suppose,  not  long  before  his  deliverance. 
Nor  does  be  here  take  any  notice  of  successes  obtained  at 
Rome,  or  give  any  intimations  of  converts  made  by  him  there, 
as  he  does,  Philip,  i.  12,  13,14;  iv.  22.  He  seems  indeed  to 
have  pleased  himself  with  a  prospect  of  recommending  the 
gospel  in  his  present  situation,  ch.  ii.  7 — 10,  like  to  what 
he  says,  2  Tim.  iv.  17,  an  epistle  written  about  the  same  time. 
But  he  does  not  intimate  any  advantages  obtained  as  yet. 
Nor  does  he  at  the  end  of  this  epistle  send  such  salutations, 
as  at  the  end  of  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians, 
and  Philemon.  All  which  must  lead  us  to  think,  that  the 
circumstances  of  the  apostle  at  writing  this  epistle  were  dif- 

VOL.    VI.  D 


34  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

ferent  from  his  circumstances  at  writing'  those  epistles : 
when  his  captivity,  as  is  allowed,  was  near  its  period. 

Says  St.  Paul,  2  Tim.  iv.  12,  "  And  Tychicushave  I  sent 
to  Ephesus."  It  is  likely  that  the  apostle  there  refers  to  the 
epistle  of  which  we  are  now  speaking.  He  had  just  sent, 
or  was  sending  away  Tychicus  to  Ephesus  with  this  epistle. 

1  think  I  shall  presently  show,  that  the  second  epistle  to  Ti- 
mothy was  written  in  the  first  year  of  the  apostle's  imprison- 
ment at  Rome,  and  not  very  long  after  his  arrival  there. 
Consequently  this  epistle,  being  there  referred  to,  must  have 
been  sent  about  the  same  time. 

That  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  here  referred  to,  has 
been  the  opinion' of  many.  So  thought 'Tillemont.  Who, 
supposing  that  the  second  to  Timothy  was  written  in 
a  second  imprisonment  of  the  apostle  at  Rome,  placeth 
the  writing  of  this  to  the  Ephesians  in  the  year  65. 
Whitby,  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 
observes,  '  In  his  close  of  this  epistle  St.  Paul  speaks 
'  thus  to  them,  ch.  vi.  21,  22,  "  That  ye  may  know  my  af- 

'  fairs,  and  how  I  do. Tychicus  shall  make  known  vmto 

*  you  all  things."' And  in  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy 

he  saith,  "  Tychicus  have  I  sent  unto  Ephesus,"  2  Tim.  iv. 
12.  So  Whitby.  But  forgetting,  as  it  seems,  what  he  had 
said  in  some  other  places.  However,  this  shows  how  natu- 
ral and  easy  it  is  to  think  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  in- 
tended in  that  place  of  the  second  to  Timothy.  And  it 
is  what  most  would  think,  if  not  biassed  by  some  prejudice. 

Theodoret,  in  his  general  preface  to  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
says,  '  the  ''  apostle  sent  to  the  Ephesians  and  the  Colossians 
'  at  the  same  time,  and  sent  them  by  the  same  messenger,' 
meaning  Tychicus.  But  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  having  quoted  Eph.  vi.  21,  22,  he  goes  on  : 
'  And'  that  he  sent  Tychicus  from  Rome,  he  shows  in  his 
'  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  saying-,  do  thy  diligence  to  come 
to  me  shortly. And   Tychicus  have  1  sent  to  Ephesus,' 

2  Tim.  iv.  10 — 12.  So  Theodoret,  without  considering  the 
consequence.  For  he  supposed  the  second  to  Timothy  to 
have  been  written  but  a  short  time  before  the  apostle's  mar- 
tyrdom. But  if  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  written 
when  the  apostle  was  first  at  Rome  (as  Theodoret  allows) 
<ind  if  he  refers  to  it  in  his  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  it  will 

'  Saint  Paul,  art.  49.  et  Note  58.  Mem.  Ec.  Tom.  I. 

^  Kmi  fiiv  Toi  Kca  E^£(Tiotc  Km  KoKoffaatvm  kutci  rov  avrov  eypa>pt  ;^poi'Ov, 
ivi  Twv  fnizoK^jjv  ciuKovip  afuportpoiv  ■)(ffi]'Jafiivo^.     Theod.  T.  111.  p.  5. 

'  Tov  ct  nuKapiov  Ty;^i(co»/  ano  ti]q  'Poj/jliiq  (nrtztiXt'  Kai  tsto  iv  t^  TrpOff 
'lifioOtov  hvTtpff.  cioa<TKei.  k.  \.     lb.  p.  292.  A. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Ephcsians.  35 

follow,  that  this  was  written  soon  after  that  to  the  Ephesi- 
ans,  and  when  the  apostle  was  first  at  Rome. 

However,  there  are  difficulties  attending-  this  opinion 
M'hich  must  be  considered. 

First,  it  is  said  that  the  epistles  to  the  Ephesians  and  the 
Colossians  were  sent  by  the  same  messenger.  Comp.  Eph. 
vi.  21,  22;  Col.  iv.  7,  8.  The  epistle  to  the  Colossians  was 
sent  a^vay  from  Rome  when  the  apostle  had  hopes  of  en- 
largement. Consequently,  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was 
written  about  the  same  time. 

I  answer,  that  this  is  no  proof.  For  Tychicus  might  be 
sent  twice  into  the  same  country,  in  the  time  of  the  apostle's 
two  years' imprisonment.  Tychicus  might  be  sent  to  Ephe- 
sus,  with  this  letter  to  the  Ephesians,  soon  after  the  apostle's 
arrival  at  Rome,  and  come  back  to  him,  and  be  able  to  take 
another  journey  into  those  parts  a  year  after,  when  the  apos- 
tle was  about  to  be  set  at  liberty. 

Secondly,  it  is  said  that  there  is  a  great  agreement  be- 
tween the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  that  to  the  Colossi- 
ans. This  last,  as  is  allowed,  was  written  in  the  second 
year  of  the  apostle's  confinement,  and  when  it  was  near  its 
end.  Consequently,  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  writ- 
ten about  the  same  time. 

To  which  I  answer :  undoubtedly,  there  is  an  agreement 
between  these  epistles  in  several  things,  taken  notice  of  by 
*"  Grotius  and  others.  But  it  does  not  therefore  follow  that 
they  were  sent  away  tog'ether.  For,  as  has  been  observed 
by  "Ligbtfoot,  it  is  likely  that  the  apostle  kept  copies  of  his 
letters.  If  so,  it  might  be  easy  for  him  to  write  after  the 
same  manner  at  different  times,  to  people  not  very  remote 
from  each  other,  and  whose  circumstances  were  much  alike. 
Indeed,  without  keeping  copies  of  his  letters,  I  believe  it 
would  be  no  difficult  matter  for  St.  Paul  to  repeat  the  chris- 
tian principles,  and  exhortations  to  christian  virtues,  at 
several  times,  in  like  expressions,  if  the  circumstances  of 
men  required  it. 

And  there  are  several  thing's  in  the  epistles  themselves, 
M'hich  aflTord  good  reason  for  thinking  that  they   were  not 

■"  Proxima  huic  et  argumeoto,  et  verbis  ctiam,  eat  ilia  ad  Colossenses,  eo- 
dera,  ni  fallor,  scripta  tempore.  Grot.  Praef.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  Vid.  et  ejusd.  Pr. 
in  ep.  ad  Coloss. 

"  '  It  may  be  the  ••  parchments,"  2  Tim.  iv.  13,  were  the  originals  of  those 
'  epistles  that  he  had  already  written.     For  that  he  sent  transcripts,  and  re- 

*  served  the  originals,  may  be  collected  from  these  passages.     "  I  Tertius,  who 

*  wrote  out  this  epistle,"  Rom.  xvi.  22.  See  also  1  Cor.  xvi.  21  ;  Col.  iv.  18  ; 

*  2  Thess.  iii.  17.     For  all  the  epistle  beside  was  written  with  another  hand.' 
Haimony  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  I.  p.  31G. 

D  2 


36  A  Hislonj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

written  and  sent  away  at  the  same  time  :  and  tbat  the  epistle 
to  the  Colossians  was  written  some  while  after  that  to  the 
Ephesians.  From  what  is  said  in  the  second  chapter  of"  the 
epistle  to  the  Colossians,  concerning-  the  worshipping-  of 
angels,  and  other  matters,  it  may  be  concluded,  that  the 
apostle  had  received  from  those  parts  some  intelligence, 
which  he  had  not,  Avhen  he  wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesi- 
ans.    For  there  those  matters  are  not  at  all  touched  upon. 

And  though  there  is  a  resemblance  between  these  two 
epistles,  they  are  very  different.  For  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  is  a  good  deal  longer  than  that  to  the  Colossians, 
though  the  fore-mentioned  article  in  the  second  chapter  to 
the  Colossians  is  entirely  Avanting- :  and  in  those  places 
where  there  is  an  agreement,  there  are  differences. 

Nor  is  there  in  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  any  notice 
taken  of  Timothy,  or  Epaphras,  or  Mark,  so  expressly  men- 
tioned in  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians.  Which  must  be 
reckoned  a  very  strong,  and  even  a  demonstrative  argument, 
that  these  two  epistles  Mere  not  written  and  sent  away  at 
the  same  time. 

In  this  date  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  I  have  fol- 
lowed °  Lightfoot :  from  whom  1  have  had  great  assistances 
in  settling-  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  epistles.  1  have  likewise 
had,  in  this  instance,  assistances  from  Pfiaronius,  lEstius, 
'Hammond,  and  ^Witsius. 

Baronius'  and  Lightfoot  first  speak  of  the  second  epistle 
to  Timothy,  though  they  do  not  deny  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  to  have  been  written  before  it.  But  as  we  are 
now  inquiring-  into  the  order  of  time,  I  have  judged  it  best 
to  adhere  to  that  strictly.  A  few  weeks,  yea,  a  i'ew  days, 
might  make  a  great  alteration  in  the  apostle's  circumstances 
at  this  time.  And  some  of  his  friends  and  assistants  might 
be  daily  coming-  to  Rome  from  the  provinces,  and  getting 
access  to  him  in  his  apartment.  By  comparing-  these  two 
epistles  I  am  led  to  think,  that  when  the  apostle  wrote  the 
second  epistle  to  Timothy,  he  had  been  longer  at  Rome, 
and  was  better  acquamted  with  tlie  world  about  him,  than 
when  he  wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 

Basnage  is  singular  in  his  sentiment  concerning  the  time 
of  this  epistle.     '  That"  it  was  written  at  Rome,  when  Paul 

"  As  before,  p.  325.  p  Annal.  59.  num.  xv.     Vid.  et  num.  xx. 

'>  Praef.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  ■"  Praef.  iu  ep.  ad  Ephes. 

"  Wits,  de  Vit.  Paul.  sect.  xii.  num.  vi.  et  Lx.  '  Haec  cum  ita 

sint,  nos  tamen  primum  egimus  de  ipsa  ad  Timotheum  scripta  epistola,  eo  quod 
multa  in  ea  de  rebus  suis  Romae  gestis  ipse  significet,  ex  quibus  intexeretur  his- 
toria}  quarum  nulla  est  mentio  in  Epistola  ad  Ephesios.  Baron.  Ann.  59. 
num.  XV.  "  Epistolamm  omnium,  quas  primis  in  vinculis  exa- 


St.  Paul's  Episilc  to  the  Ephesians.  37 

*  was  prisoner  there,'  be  says,  '  is  manifest.  But  he  thinks 
'  it  to  have  been  the  last  epistle  which  was  sent  thence  by 
'  the  apostle.  He  arg'ues  well  enoug-h  that  it  was  not  sent 
'  with  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians.  And  hesiipposetb  that 
'  Tychicus  was  sent  twice  into  these  countries  by  the  apostle 
'  from  Rome.'  He  should  therefore  have  concluded,  that 
this  letter  to  the  Ephesians  was  carried  by  Tychicus,  not 
after  those  other  epistles,  but  before  them. 

Says  St.  Paul,  2  Tim.  iv.  12,  "  And  Tychicus  have  I  sent 
to  Ephesus."  I  suppose  the  apostle  here  to  refer  to  the 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  which  was  carried  from  Rome  to 
Ephesus  by  Tychicus.  But  still,  perhaps,  it  may  be  ques- 
tioned, whether  those  two  epistles,  that  to  the  Ephesians, 
and  the  second  to  Timothy,  were  sent  away  together.  Ba- 
ronius^  says  they  were.  He  says,  the  apostle  puts  the  pre- 
terit for  the  present.     So  Eph.  vi.  21,22. "  That  ye  may 

know  my  affairs,  and  how  I  do. Tychicus shall  make 

known  unto  you  all  things,  Avhom  I  have  sent  unto  you  for 
the  same  purpose."  And  unquestionably,  that  way  of  speak- 
ing is  not  uncommon.  Instances  are  obvious.  So  Philem. 
ver.  12,  "  Whom  I  have  sent  again."  Which  may  be  ren- 
dered :  "  whom  I  am  sending  again"  to  you.  See  also  ver. 
19—21,  and  Philip,  ii.  28.  So  here  in  2  Tim.  iv.  12.  The 
words  may  be  rendered ;  "  And  Tychicus  I  am  sending  to 
Ephesus."  Nevertheless,  as  that  interpretation  in  this  place 
is  not  certain,  I  would  not  be  positive.  The  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  I  think,  was  carried  from  Rome  by  Tychicus, 
either  at  the  same  time  with  the  second  to  Timothy,  or  a  short 
time  only  before  it. 

And,  according  to  my  calculation,  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  was  written  at  Rome,  soon  after  the  apostle's  ar- 
rival there,  in  61,  and  before  the  summer  of  that  year.  It 
was  the  first  epistle  written  by  the  apostle  in  that  city. 

ravit  Apostolus,  ea  quae  ad  Ephesios,  ultima  esee  videtur.  Ludovico  enim 
Capello  non  assentimur,  qui  eodem  tempore  ad  Colossenses  et  ad  Ephesios 

epistolam  scriptam  esse  statuit. Agebat  Roraae  Epaphras,  dura  Paulus  scri- 

bit  Colossensibus.  Col.  i.  8.  Urbe  autem  aberat,  cum  ad  Ephesios  misit  epis- 
tolam, in  qua  ne  verbulo  quidem  meminit  Epaphrae.  Quinetiam  non,  ut  ad 
Colossenses,  sic  et  ad  Ephesios,  nomine  suo  et  Timothei  scribit.  Praeterea  per 
Tychicum  missa  est  epistola.  Eph.  vi.  21.  Queede  alia  prorsus  Tychici  pro- 
fectione  intelligenda  sunt,  quam  cujus  meminit  ad  Colossenses  iv.  12.  Alio- 
quin  Timothei  ac  Epaphrse  mentionem  quoque  injecisset.  Ann.  61.  num.  vii. 
"  Verum  eidem  tabellario,  nempe  Tychico,  dedit  etiara  tunc  Paulus  epis- 
tolam ad  Ephesios.  Licet  in  ed  ad  Timotheum  dicat :  Tychicum  misi  Ephe- 
sum  :  tamen  praeteritum  tempus  pro  prsesenti  ustupasse  videtur,  sicut  cum,  ad 
Ephesios  de  eodem  scribens,  ait :  *  Ut  autem  et  vos  sciatis,  quae  circa  me 

sunt nota  faciet  Tychicus quem  misi  ad  vos  ad  hoc  ipsum.' Bar. 

ann.  59.  num.  xv. 


38  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  it  was  sent  away  a  short  time  before  the  second  epis- 
tle to  Timothy,  of  which  I  shall  speak  next,  or  together 
with  it. 

Sect.  X. 

The  second  Epistle  to  Timothy, 

We  come  now  to  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  which 
we  suppose  to  have  been  sent  away  together  w  ith  that  to  the 
Ephesians,  or  soon  after  it,  A.  D.  61. 

Many  learned  men  speak  of  a  second  imprisonment  of 
Paul  at  Rome,  and  suppose  that  this  second  epistle  to  Timo- 
tliy  was  then  written,  in  67  or  66.  But  I  do  not  know  that 
we  have  any  good  account  of  a  second  imprisonment  of  Paul 
at  Rome.  He  suffered  martyrdom  there,  as  some  think,  in 
64  or  65,  or  as  others,  in  67  or  68.  But  that  he  might  do, 
without  a  previous  imprisomnent  of  any  duration.  For  he 
might  be  apprehended  on  a  sudden,  and  be  put  to  death 
presently.     Which  may  be  reckoned  as  likely  as  not. 

Before  I  proceed  to  the  proofs  that  this  second  epistle  to 
Timothy  was  written  during  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Rome, 
when  he  was  sent  thither  from  Judea  by  Festus,  I  would 
premise,  that  I  suppose,  with  most  learned  moderns,  that 
Timothy  was  now  at  Ephesus. 

It  has  been  thought  that  Timothy  was  not  there,  because 
it  is  said,  ch.  iv.  12,  "  Tychicus  have  I  sent  to  Ephesus.'* 
But  that  argument  is  of  no  force.  There  was  no  need  to 
say,  I  have  sent  Tychicus  to  you.  There  are  many  similar, 
or  parallel  ways  of  speaking  in  St.  Paul's  epistles,  1  Cor. 
XV.  32.  He  speaks  of  his  having  "  fought  with  beasts  at 
Ephesus :"  where  he  certainly  was  at  that  time,  as  appears 
from  xvi.  8.  And  2  Tim.  i.  17,  he  says :  "  When  Onesi- 
phorus  was  at  Rome  he  sought  me  out  very  diligently." 
He  does  not  say,  when  he  was  here.  Lightfoof*  observes, 
that  from  the  epistle  itself  it  may  be  concluded,  that  Timo- 
thy was  at  Ephesus.  For,  1.  He  directs  him  to  salute  the 
household  of  Onesiphorus,  ch.  iv.  19,  who  Mas  an  Ephesian, 
ch.  i.  16 — 18.  2.  He  directs  Timothy  to  take  Troas  in  his 
way  to  him,  ch.  iv.  13,  which  was  the  way  that  Paul  had 
gone  from  Ephesus,  2  Cor.  ii.  12,  and  to  Ephesus  again, 
Acts  XX.  5.  3.  He  warns  him  of  Alexander,  ch.  iv.  14,  who 
was  an  Ephesian,  1  Tim.  i.  20;  Acts  xix.  33.  So  Light- 
foot.  To  which,  1  think,  may  be  added,  4.  Paul's  salutation 
of  Priscilla  and  Aquila,  ch.  iv.  ID,  who,  probably,  were  now 

•  Vol.  i.  p.  324. 


St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  39 

returned  to  Ephesus,  and  settled  there,  where  they  had  been 
formerly,  Acts  xviii.  18,  19 — 2G  ;  and  1  Cor.  xvi.  19.  For 
certainly  they  were  not  now  at  Rome,  where  Paul  himself 
was  :  though  they  were  there  w hen  he  wrote  the  epistle  to 
the  Romans,  ch.  xvi.  3,  4. 

Here  it  may  be  asked  :  when  did  Timothy  come  to  Ephe- 
sus  ?  And  how  long  liad  he  been  there  ?  I  answer,  that  by  a 
very  easy  and  probable  conjecture,  it  may  be  concluded, 
that  he  was  left  there  when  Paul  was  going-  up  to  Jerusa- 
lem, with  the  collections  Mhich  he  had  made  among  the 
Gentile  christians,  for  the  poor  saints  in  Judea.  For  Timothy 
is  expressly  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  among  the  apostle's 
company  in  that  journey.  Acts  xx.  3,  4,  5.  "  And  as  he 
was  about  to  sail  into  Syria,  he  purposed  to  return  through 
Macedonia.     And  there  accompanied  him  into  Asia,  Sopater 

of  Berea and  Timothy,  and  of  Asia,  Tychicus,  and  Tro- 

phimus."  Timothy  therefore  was  in  Paul's  company,  and 
went  with  him  as  far  as  Asia,  in  which  Ephesus  stood.  And 
so  far,  I  suppose,  all  above  mentioned  accompanied  Paul, 
but  not  into  Syria.  I  apprehend  that  Timothy  and  Tychicus 
stayed  in  Asia.  For  we  have  not  any  intimations  from  St. 
Luke  or  St.  Paul,  or  any  way,  that  these  two  were  with  the 
apostle  at  Jerusalem. 

Every  one  is  here  able  to  recollect,  that  when  Paul  went 
into  Macedonia  in  the  year  56,  about  the  time  of  Pentecost, 
he  left  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  1  Tim.  i.  3.  But  for  some  rea- 
sons, which  may  be  well  supposed  to  have  been  good  and 
sufficient,  he  came  from  thence  to  Paul  in  Macedonia.  For 
he  is  joined  with  Paul  in  the  salutation,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  And,  as  has  been  just 
seen,  he  attended  Paul  when  he  left  Macedonia  to  proceed 
to  Jerusalem.  But  no  man  can  doubt  that  Paul  would  be 
willing  to  replace  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  where  his  presence 
was  of  great  importance,  if  an  opportunity  should  offer. 
Such  an  opportunity  there  now  vvas.  And,  very  probably, 
it  was  embraced.  And  Paul  parted  with  him  at  Miletus, 
M'here  he  had  sent  for  the  elders  of  the  church  of  Ephesus 
to  meet  him. 

Tillemont  says  :  '  It"  is  not  said  what  became  of  Timothy 
'  during  the  two  years  that  St.  Paul  was  prisoner  in  Judea.' 
I  think  I  may  presume  to  say  he  was  all  that  time  at  Ephe- 
sus, and  parts  adjacent  in  Asia.  Du  Pin  was  of  the  same 
opinion,  whose  words  I  transcribe^  below. 

*  S.  Timothee,  Mem.  T.  II.  >'  On  pourroit  dire  neanmoins, 

et  je  ne  m'eloignerois  pas  de  ce  sentiment,  que  S.  Paul  le  laissa  a  Ephese, 
quand  s'etant  arrete  a  Milct,  il  envoya  querir  les  pretres  de  TegUse  d'Ephese 


40  A  Histoi-y  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Tillemont  adds  presently  afterwards  :  '  It  is  however  cer- 
'  tain,  that  Timothy  was  at  Rome,  when  the  apostle  wrote  to 
'  Philemon,  the  Philippians,  and  the  Colossians :  forasmi^ch 
'  as  he  is  named  jointly  with  him  in  the  titles  of  those  three 
'  epistles.'  How  Timothy  came  to  be  then  at  Rome,  we  shall 
see  presently. 

Paul  therefore  parted  with  Timothy  at  Miletus,  as  just 
said.  And  I  think  that  when  the  elders  of  Ephesus  were 
come  to  Miletus,  Timothy  joined  himself  with  them,  and 
stood  at  the  head  of  them :  and  consequently  was  one  of 
those,  of  whom  it  is  said  :  "  And  they  all  wept  sore,  and  fell 
on  Paul's  neck,  and  kissed  him  :  sorrowing  most  of  all  for 
the  words  which  he  spake,  that  they  should  see  his  face  no 
more.  And  they  accompanied  him  to  the  ship,"  Acts  xx. 
37,  38. 

Of  this  Paul  takes  notice  in  the  most  affectionate  manner, 
2  Tim.  i.  4,  "  Greatly  desirous  to  see  thee,  being-  mindful  of 
thy  tears,  that  I  may  be  filled  with  joy."  Doubtless  Paul 
was  much  aflected  by  the  tears  of  all  the  rest,  but  especially 
Timothy's :  and  was  now  "  greatly  desirous  to  see  him," 
who  had  been  so  deeply  struck  with  the  thoughts  of  never 
seeing  his  face  any  more. 

Timothy,  then,  was  at  Ephesus  when  this  epistle  was  sent 
to  him.  And  he  had  been  there  from  the  time  that  Paul 
left  Miletus,  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  and  during  his  imprisonment 
in  Judea. 

The  observation  that  Paul  here  refers  to  the  tears  shed  by 
his  friends  at  his  parting  with  them  at  Miletus,  appears  to 
me  very  obvious :  though  it  has  been  hitherto  entirely  over- 
looked, so  far  as  I  know.  And  it  Mill  directly  lead  us  to 
the  true  date  of  this  epistle.  It  is  a  most  proper  beginning 
of  a  letter  sent  by  Paul  to  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  soon  after  his 
arrival  at  Rome  from  Palestine,  at  the  time  we  suppose :  but 
it  is  very  unlikely  to  be  taken  notice  of  in  an  epistle  written 
several  years  afterwards,  and  after  there  had  been  an  inter- 
view, as  there  certainly  was,  when  Paul  was  at  Rome. 

I  shall  now  observe  divers  particulars,  confirming-  the  sup- 
position, that  St.  Paul's  second  epistle  to  Timothy  was 
written  during  the  apostle's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  and  near 
the  beginning  of  it. 

Act.  XX.  ver.  17.  Car  nous  lisons,  que,  comme  S.  Paul  partoil  pour  aller  en 
Asie  par  Macedoiae,  Timothee  fut  un  de  ceux  qui  \  accompagnerent  ea  Asie, 
ch.  XX.  4.  Et  nous  ne  trouvons  plus  Timothee  a  sa  compagnie,  ni  a  Jemsa- 
lem,  ni  pendant  sa  prison  de  Ces£u-ee.  Si  cela  est,  Timothee  aura  ete  etabli 
par  S.  Paul  pour  gouverner  les  eglises  d'  Asie  en  58.  Du  Pin,  Diss.  Prelim.  1. 
2.  ch.  2.  sect.  viii. 


Si.  Paurs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  41' 

1,  The  circuinsdinces  of  the  apostle's  imprisonment  at 
Rome,  when  sent  thither  by  Festus,  and  at  the  time  of  writ- 
ing this  epistle,  are  exactly  the  same. 

Says  St.  Luke,  Acts  xxviii.  16,  "  Paul  was  suffered  to 
dwell  by  himself,  with  a  soldier  that  kept  him."  And  ver. 
30,  "  Paul  dwelt  two  whole  years  in  his  owi\  hired  house, 
and  received  all  that  came  in  unto  him." 

Here  are  two  remarkable  particulars.  First,  that  Paul 
"  dwelt  by  himself,  with  a  soldier  that  kept  him :"  that  is, 
after  the  maimer  of  the  Romans,  by  an  iron  chain  of  conve- 
nient length,  he  was  fastened  to  a  soldier,  who  had  one  end 
of  the  chain  upon  his  left  hand,  and  Paul  the  other  end 
upon  his  right  hand,  as  was  largely  shown^  formerly.  To 
this  St.  Paul  refers  in  this  his  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  i. 
16,  speaking'  of  Onesiphorus  :  "  He  oft  refreshed  me,  and 
was  not  ashamed  of  my  chain."  So  exactly.  Acts  xxviii. 
20,  "  Because  for  the  hope  of  Israel,  I  am  bound  with  this 


chain, 


Secondly.  The  other  remarkable  particular  is,  that  when 
at  Rome,  "  Paul  dwelt  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  received 
all  who  came  in  unto  him."  Such  also  was  his  case  at  writ- 
ing this  epistle,  as  appears  abundantly  from  ch.  iv.  10,  and 
other  places.  He  had  with  him  Demas,  Crescens,  Titus. 
The  first  was  gone  to  Thessalonica,  without  his  approba- 
tion :  the  others  were  gone,  whither  he  had  sent  them,  as  it 
seems.  And  Luke  was  still  with  him.  And  at  ver.  21,  he 
sends  salutations  to  Timothy  from  divers  persons,  and  from 
the  church  at  Rome  in  general,  saying  :  "  Eubuhisgreeteth 
thee,  and  Piidens,  and  Linus,  and  Claudia,  and  all  tiie  bre- 
thren." Which  shows  that  people  had  free  access  to  the 
apostle  when  he  wrote  this  epistle. 

1.  Obj.  However,  it  has  been  objected,  thaf*  when  One- 
siphorus came  to  Rome,  Paul  was  close  shut  up,  and  Onesi- 
phorus had  much  difficulty  in  finding  him.  Which  is 
different  from  the  imprisonment  of  which  St.  Luke  has  given 
an  account. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  Onesiphorus  had  no  uncommon 
difficulty  in  his  access  to  Paul,  whose  words  are,  2  Tim.  i. 
16,  17,  "  The  Lord  give  mercy  to  the  house  of  Onesiphorus. 

^  See  Vol.  i.  B.  I.  ch.  x.  *  In  secundis  vinculis  alia  sta- 

tim  rerum  facies  fuit.  Tunc  enim  '  Onesiphorus,'  inquit,  '  cum  Rofnam 
venisset,  solicite  me  quaesivit,  et  invenit,'  i.  17.  An  opuserat,  ut  Onesiphorus 
aTTsSaioTipov,  et  cum  tanto  studio  ac  solicitudine  qua;reret  Paulum,  et  ex  tam 
sedula  inquisitione  inveniret,  si  apostolus  aut  in  eadem  domo,  aut  cum  eadem 
libertate,  et  non  in  arcta  et  abdita  custodia  prsedicasset  ?  Pearson,  De  Success, 
primor.  Rom.  Episcop.  Diss,  i,  cap.  9.  n.  viii. 


42  A  History  of  (he  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

For  he  oft  refreshed  nie,  and  was  not  ashamed  of  my  chain. 
But  when  he  was  at  Rome,  he  sought  me  out  very  diligent- 
ly, and  came  unto  me  :"  that  is,  1  think  :  '  Onesiphorus  has 
'  been  often  with  me,  and  refreshed  me,  with  presents,  and 

*  with  his  conversation,  without  being-  at  all  ashamed  of  me, 

*  though  1  had  a  chain  upon  me.'  Which  shows,  that  One- 
siphorus might  come  to  visit  the  apostle,  when  he  pleased  : 
and  might  give  him  as  much  relief  as  he  saw  good.  '  Yea, 
'  says  the  apostle,  as  soon  as  he  came  to  Rome,  he  made  in- 
'  quiries  after  me,  and  came  to  see  me  without  delay.' 

Here  appear  not  any  tokens  of  Paul's  being  under  a  very 
strict  confinement.  But  here  are  evidences  of  his  being  in 
such  a  condition,  as  that  represented  by  St.  Luke,  when  he 
had  been  brought  from  Judea  to  Rome.  Onesiphorus  seems 
to  have  come  to  Rome  soon  after  the  apostle's  arrival  there. 
In  order  to  find  him  out,  and  know  where  he  was,  it  was 
needful  to  make  some  inquiries.  How  else  should  any  man 
find  a  stranger  in  a  great  city  ?  Whether  he  was  quite  at 
liberty,  or  in  one  of  the  prisons  of  it,  some  inquiries  would 
be  needful.  And  when  Onesiphorus  had  found  the  place 
where  Paul  was,  he  came  to  it  without  any  difficulty. 

Witsius*"  speaks  exactly  to  the  like  purpose  :  and  suppos- 
eth,  that  after  some  inquiries,  (such  as  are  needful,  wfien  a 
man  comes  to  a  large  city,  and  wants  to  see  a  stranger  newly 
arrived,)  Onesiphorus  found  Paul  with  the  soldier  in  his  own 
hired  house. 

The  case  I  take  to  be  this.  Onesiphorus  came  to  Rome 
upon  his  own  secular  business.  He  knew  very  well  that 
Paul  had  been  carried  thither  as  a  prisoner.  But  what  was 
become  of  him  he  did  not  know :  whether  he  had  been  set 
at  liberty,  or  was  still  a  prisoner,  or  had  been  put  to  death. 
Upon  coming'  to  Rome  therefore,  not  long  after  Paul  had 
been  brought  thither,  he  made  anxious  inquiries  after  him. 
And  hearing  where  Paul  was,  he  readily  came  to  him,  not- 
withstanding his  disgraceful  circumstances,  being  chained 
to  a  soldier.  And  so  long  as  he  stayed  in  Rome,  he  made 
the  apostle  frequent  visits,  and  afforded  him  such  refresh- 
ment as  was  in  his  power. 

*•  Quando  Onesiphorus  Paulum  Romse  quajsitum  venit,  non  videtur  inve- 
nisse  in  carcerem  conjectum,  arctaque  custodia  detentum,  sed  militi  suo  alli- 
gatum,  in  diversiolo.     Sic  enim  Paiilus  :   Kai  rijv  aXvaiv  jiu  ovk  eirTjaxwOtj. 

Et  sane  quamvis  vincula  Pauli  nota  fuerint  in  loto  Praetorio,  non  tamen 

inde  conscquitur,  Pauli  donium  ita  notam  omnibus  fuisse,  ut  homini  peregre 
advenienti,  in  urbe  quae  orbis  compendium  erat,  ad  eaptivi  Judaei  domum  in- 
veniendam  diligenti  inquisitione  non  fuerit  opus.  Praesertim  si  attendamus, 
facta  hcec  esse  initio  vinculorum  Pauli,  antequam  eum  celebritatis  gradum  esset 
nactus.     Wits,  ubi  supra,  sect.  12.  num.  vi. 


5^  PmiVs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy,  43 

"2.  Obj.  But  it  is  urged,  that  St.  Paul  says,  2  Tim.  ii.  9,*= 
-"  Wherein  I  suffer,  as  an  evil  doer,  even  unto  bonds.' 


To  which  I  answer,  that  the  word,  here  rendered  bonds, 
is  the  same  that  is  used  in  other  epistles,  written  during-  the 
apostle's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  when  sent  thither  by  Fes- 
tus.  Col.  iv.  18,  "  Remember  my  bonds."  MvrnuoveveTefin 
-ruiv  beafjiicv.  The  same  word  is  used  at  least  four  times  in 
the  epistle  to  the  Philippians,  eh.  i.  7,  13,  14,  16,  and  in 
Philem.  ver.  10,  and  13 ;  Hebr.  x.  34.  And  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  he  says,  ch.  iii.  1,  "  I  Paul,  the  prisoner  of  Jesus 
Christ,"  o  Scffjiuoi:  And  ch.  iv.  1,  "  The  prisoner  of  the 
Lord."  Not  to  mention  any  other  places.  When  Paul  was 
so  bound,  he  had  reason  to  say, "  he  suffered  as  an  evil-do- 
er," or  malefactor,  "  even  unto  bonds."  He  was  not  a 
malefactor,  or  notorious  offender,  nor  a  criminal :  but  was 
innocent  in  the  view  of  the  Roman  laws,  as  well  as  in  point 
of  reason,  justice,  and  equity.  But  he  suffered,  "  as  an  evil- 
doer." Had  he  not  reason  to  say  so  when  he  was  sent  bound 
from  Judea  to  Rome  ?  Had  he  not  been  prosecuted  as  a 
malefactor?  Did  not  the  Jewish  multitude,  who  first  laid 
hold  of  him,  intend  to  kill  him?  Acts  xxi.  31 — 36;  xxiii. 
27;  xxiv.  6.  Did  not  the  multitude,  who  heard  him  with 
patience  for  a  while,  at  length  say :  "  Away  with  such  a 
fellow.  For  it  is  not  fit  that  he  should  live?"  ch.  xxii.  22. 
Does  not  Festus  say  to  king  Agrippa,  and  the  large  assembly 
at  CfEsarea,  "  Ye  see  this  man,  about  whom  all  the  multitude 
of  the  Jews  have  dealt  with  me,  both  at  Jerusalem,  and  also 
here,  crying,  that  he  ought  not  to  live  any  longer?"  ch. 
XXV.  24.  So  that  he  was  prosecuted  as  a  malefactor  all  the 
while  that  he  was  in  Judea.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  there 
was  any  likelihood  of  his  escape,  but  by  appealing  to  the 
emperor.  And  was  he  not  after  all  sent  bound  to  Rome  with 
many  obnoxious  persons  vuider  the  command  of  a  centurion  ? 
Certainly,  I  think,  these  things  afforded  sufficient  ground 
for  Paul  to  say  what  he  does  in  this  place  to  Timothy. 

But  to  insinuate  from  these  expressions  that  Paul  was  now 
in  some  close  confinement,  his  friends  debarred  access  to 
him,  and  himself  forbid  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  and  paper,  I 
humbly  conceive,  is  altogether  without  foundation.  It  is 
inconsistent  with  the  whole  tenor  of  the  epistle,  and  with  the 
apostle's  writing,  or  inditing,  and  sending  such  a  letter  as 
this  to  Timothy.  Wherein  too  he  desires  Timothy  to  come 
unto  him. 

St.  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  when  sent  thither  by 
Festus,  was  occasioned   by  his  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  the 


44  A  Hislory  of  the  Aposlles  and  Evangelists. 

Gentiles,  as  is  manifest  from  Acts  xxii.  21,  22.  Of  which 
he  also  takes  notice,  Eph.  iii.  1,  saying-:  "  I  Paul,  the  pri- 
soner of  Jesus  Christ,  for  you  Gentiles."  His  imprisonment 
at  Rome,  at  the  time  of  writing  this  epistle,  was  owing  to 
the  same  thing.  For  he  says  here,  ch.  i.  11,  12,  "  Where- 
unto  1  am  appointed  a  preacher,  and  an  apostle,  and  a  teach- 
er of  the  Gentiles.  For  the  which  cause  I  also  suffer  these 
things."  This  is  very  observable.  And  indeed  the  twelve 
verses  at  the  beginning  of  this  epistle  are  a  most  proper  in- 
troduction to  an  epistle  sent  to  Timothy  by  Paul  at  the  time 
for  which  we  argue. 

Thus  the  circumstances  of  Paid's  confinement  at  the  time 
of  writing  this  epistle,  compared  with  the  circumstances  of 
that  confinement  at  Home,  of  which  St.  Luke  has  given  a 
general  account,  and  in  wliich  it  is  allowed  that  St.  Paul 
wrote  epistles  to  the  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Colossians, 
Philemon,  show  it  to  be  one  and  the  same  imprisonment, 
and  that  this  epistle  also  was  written  about  the  same  time 
with  them. 

St.  Luke  was  with  the  apostle  at  Rome  when  he  wrote  this 
epistle,  2  Tim.  iv.  11.  And  we  know  from  the  Acts,  that  he 
went  with  Paul  from  Judea  to  Rome,  when  he  was  sent  thi- 
ther by  Festus.  He  is  likewise  mentioned  in  the  epistles  to 
the  Colossians  and  Philemon,  written  during  this  imprison- 
ment. Bvit  it  would  be  presumption  to  say,  that  St.  Luke 
was  with  the  apostle  at  Rome,  in  another  imprisonment,  three, 
or  four,  or  five  years  after  this :  especially,  when  we  see 
that  his  history  of  St.  Paul  in  the  book  of  the  Acts,  con- 
cludes with  the  account  of  his  two  years'  imprisonment  at 
Rome,  when  sent  thither  by  Festus. 

3.  Since  the  apostle's  coming  to  Rome,  he  had  had  with 
him,  beside  Luke,  who  accompanied  him,  Demas,  Crescens, 
Titus,  Tychicus,  four  of  his  assistants  and  fellow-labourers. 
Which  might  be  likely  enough  to  be  expected,  when  Paul 
was  sent  from  Judea  to  Rome.  But  it  cannot  be  said  to 
have  been  likely  at  any  other  season.  But  at  this  it  was. 
For  Paul's  imprisonment  in  Judea  had  lasted  above  two 
years.  And  it  must  have  been  known  to  all  Gentile  christi- 
ans throughout  the  world,  and  observed  by  them  with  as- 
tonishment and  grief.  And  his  last  appearance  before  Festus 
and  others,  at  Ceesarea,  was  a  very  remarkable  thing,  and 
must  have  soon  come  to  the  knowledge  of  all  christians  in 
Syria,  Asia,  Greece,  and  Italy.  At  that  assembly  it  was 
determined  that  Paul  should  go  to  Rome.  He  took  shipping* 
at  Ccesarea  with  others.  He  had  a  long*  and  dangerous 
voyage.     And  after  such  an  imprisonment  in  Judea,  as  that 


St.  Pauls  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  45 

related  by  St.  Luke,  Avith  all  its  circumstances,  it  may  be 
reckoned  highly  probable,  that  some  g"Ood  number  of"  the 
apostle's  affectionate  friends,  especially  his  fellow-labourers, 
if  not  too  much  engaged,  should  forma  design,  and  do  their 
utmost,  to  meet  him  at  Rome.  It  seems  to  me  very  likely, 
that  some  such  persons  should  with  this  view  get  to  Rome, 
before  Paul  himself.  Accordingly,  Ave  have  seen  four  such 
persons  mentioned  by  Paul  in  this  epistle.  It  is  a  striking 
circumstance,  and  exceedingly  favours  our  argument  for  the 
time  of  this  epistle. 

4.  Says  St.  Paul,  2  Tim.  iv.  20,  "  Erastus  abode  at  Co- 
rinth :"  which  is  agreeable  to  the  account  of  St.  Paul's 
journey  to  Jerusalem,  as  related  by  St.  Luke.  For  Acts 
xix.  22,  Erastus  is  expressly  mentioned  as  "  one  of  those 
who  ministered  to  Paul,"  whom  he  sent  from  Ephesus  to 
3Iacedonia.  Nor  is  Erastus  amono-  those  who  went  with 
Paul  from  Macedonia,  Acts  xx.  4.  It'^  is  therefore  very 
likely  that  he  stayed  at  Corinth,  and  did  not  go  with  the 
apostle  to  Jerusalem.  This  Timothy  knew  very  well.  Ne- 
vertheless, it*^  is  very  properly  mentioned  together  with 
other  particulars,  showing  Timothy  the  reasonableness  of  his 
coming  to  him,  and  the  need  which  the  apostle  had  of  his 
presence. 

We  should  here  recollect  what  was  formerly  said  of  the 
apostle's  situation  at  Rome,  after  a  long-  and  close  confine- 
ment in  Judea.  And  then  we  shall  easily  account  for  Paul's 
mentioning  to  Timothy  divers  things  which  had  happened 
some  good  while  before.  In  a  word,  Paul  may  take  the 
same  notice  of  several  things  which  had  happened  before 
parting  with  Timothy  at  Miletus,  in  the  same  manner  that 
he  would  have  mentioned  them,  supposing  him  to  have 
stayed  but  a  few  weeks  at  Jerusalem,  and  then  sailed  from 
Caesarea  to  Rome,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Rome,  had 
written  to  Timothy  to  come  to  him.  For  all  the  time  of  the 
apostle's  close  confinement  in  Judea  had  been  sunk  and 
annihilated  in  his  computation. 

5.  In  the  same  verse,  "  Trophimus  have  I  left  at  Miletus 
sick."  Another  particular  leading  to  that  date  of  this  epis- 
tle for  which  we  argue. 

We  know  from  Acts  xxi.  29,  that  Trophimus  was  with 

^  '  Erastus  remansit  Corinthi.']  Fuerat  in  Macedoniam  missus  a  Paulo. 
Acts  xix.  22.  Deinde  Corinlhurn  redierat,  ibique  manserat,  nee  venevat  Ro- 
mam.  Grot,  in  2  Tim.  iv.  20.  *  Quod  Erastum  Corinthi 

mansisse  scribit,  non  tamquam  rem  novam  incognitamque  Timotheo  renun- 
tiat :  refert  tamen,  uti  attinentem  ad  scopum  suum,  &c.  Wits,  de  Vit.  Pauli, 
sect.  xii.  n.  vi. 


46  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Paul  at  Jerusalem.  It  may  be  reckoned  probable  that  he 
set  out  with  Paul  from  Caesarea  to  go  to  liome.  St.  Luke 
indeed,  Acts  xxvii.  2,  mentions  not  expressly  any  compani- 
ons of  Paul  in  his  voyage,  beside  himself  and  Aristarchus. 
Nevertheless  Trophimus  likewise  may  have  embarked  with 
him.  The  reason  of  not  mentioning  him  may  be,  that  he  did 
not  complete  the  voyage,  having  fallen  sick,  and  therefore 
had  been  left  at  Miletus.  This  Timothy  might  know  very 
well.  Nevertheless  it  is  fitly  taken  notice  of  by  Paul,  in  a 
letter  written  soon  after  finishing  the  voyage,  and  when  writ- 
ing to  Timothy  to  come  to  him. 

But  when  was  Trophimus  left  at  Miletus?  Beza*^  was  in- 
clined to  read  here  MeXnt],  Melita,  Malta,  instead  of  Mt\?/T(5 
Miletus,  which  conjecture  is  approved  by  ^Grotius.  But 
if  Miletus  should  be  reckoned  the  true  reading,  Beza  sup- 
poseth  that  Trophimus  might  be  set  on  shore  in  the  time  of 
that  slow  sailing,  mentioned.  Acts  xxvii.  7.  Lightfoot*^  con- 
cludes from  what  is  in  Acts  xxvii.  2,  that  Paul  had  a  good 
J.  opportunity  to  leave  Trophimus  at  Miletus. 

This  will  be  farther  confirmed,  if  we  admit  the  interpre- 
tation given  by  Wall,  without  any  view  to  the  use  which  we 
are  about  to  make  of  it.     '  Acts  xxvii.  2,  "  Meaning  to  sail 

*  by  the  coasts  of  Asia."       McWoi'tg?    vXeiv  t«s  Kara  TTjv  Affiav 

*  T07r89.  The  ship  meant  to  call  at  some  places  in  Asia.  This 

*  is  a  different  phrase  from  that,   ch.  xx.  16,  ■n-apaTrXevaai 

*  'E(f)e(Tov,  to  sail  by  Ephesus,  that  is,  to  leave  it,  to  pass  by 

*  it,  without  calling.'  It  is,  then,  a  very  easy  and  natural  sup- 
position, that  Paul  might  have  an  opportunity  of  setting 
Trophimus  on  shore  at  Miletus. 

*■  Nempe  in  ill&  tardi  navigatione  cum  prateiveheretur  litus  Asiae,  sicuti 
narratur.  Act.  xxvii.  7.  Quamquam  potius  conjicio  legendum  iv  MeXtTtj, 
in  Melita,  quod  vocabulum  facile  fuit  in  MiX»jry  depravare.  Bez.  in  2  Tim. 
iv.  20.  s  Omnino  assentior  doctissimo  Bezae  legenti  tv  MiXtry. 
In  itinera  Hierosolymis  Paulus  Meliten  attigit,  non  Miletum.  Grot,  in  loc. 

^  '  But  when  was  he  left  ?  Not  when  Paul  went  toward  Jerusalem,  and  sent 
'  for  the  elders  of  Ephesus  to  Miletus,  Acts  xx.     For  Trophimus  went,  and 

*  was  with  Paul  at  Jerusalem,  xxi.  29.     But  it  was  when  Paul  returned  from 

*  Jerusalem,  as  has  been  said,  though  it  be  not  particularly  mentioned,  that  he 
'  touched  there. Luke  says  plamly,  that  at  Paul's  coming  away  from  Ju- 

*  dea  in  his  voyage  to  Rome,  it  was  their  resolution  "  to  sail  by  the  coasts  of 

*  Asia,"  Acts  xxvii.  2.     Which   would  have  been  a  fairer  ground  to  have 

*  concluded  upon,  that  Paul  was  at  Miletus  in  this  voyage,  since  that  was  a 

*  part  of  those  Asian  coasts,  than  to  change  Miletus  into  Melita,  upon  no 
'  ground  at  all.     And  certainly  the  very  scope  of  the  apostle  in  that  passage 

*  will  not  admit  of  that  change.     For  he  is  not  telling  Timothy  of  Erastus's 

*  abode  at  Corinth,  or  of  Trophimus's  sick  stay  at  Miletus,  as  things  unknown 
'  to  him,  but  as  things  very  well  known,  yet  mentioned  to  him,  as  making  to 

*  the  apostle's  purpose.'     Lightfoot's  Harmony  of  the  N.  T.  vol.  i.  p.  324. 


St.  Paulas  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  47 

6.  St.  Paul  desires  Timothy  to  come  to  him  shortly,  ch. 
iv.  9.  And  unquestionably  he  did  so.  We  find  lu's  name 
in  the  salutations  at  the  beg-inning  of  the  epistles  to  thePhi- 
lippians,  the  Colossians,  Philemon,  Mritten  during-  this  im- 
prisonment, and  near  its  period.  Witsius'  observes,  that  in 
the  Acts  there  is  no  account  of  Timothy's  accompanying 
Paul  to  Rome.  Timothy  therefore  not  being-  there  at  the 
beginning  of  the  apostle's  captivity  in  that  city,  he  might 
have  occasion  to  send  a  letter  to  him,  at  the  time  supposed 
by  us.  This  particular  is  well  enforced  by  Witsius  at  the 
beginning  of  his  argument  upon  the  date  of  this  epistle. 

7.  Ver.  11,  St.  Paul  says,  "  Take  Mark,  and  bring  him 
with  thee."  And  doubtless  Timothy  did  bring  Mark  to 
Rome.  For  he  is  mentioned  with  others,  Col.  iv.  10,  and 
Philem.  ver.  24,  and  comprehended  in  those  general  expres- 
sions, Philip,  iv.  21. 

Grotius  in''  his  notes  upon  2  Tim.  iv.  9,  11,  says  the  same 
of  Timothy,  Luke,  and  Mark,  that  I  have  done.  It  is  strange 
that  he  did  not  discern  the  consequence  which  is  so  obvious; 
that  this  second  epistle  to  Timothy  must  have  been  written 
before  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians,  and 
Philemon.  But  that  he  discerned  this  consequence,  does 
not  appear  clearly  from  his  preface  to  this  epistle.  Whether 
he  did,  or  not,  he  admits  our  interpretations.  And  the  con- 
sequence is  unavoidable.  It  follows  also  from  what  he  says 
upon  ver.  20,  of  Trophimus  having'  been  left  at  Melita,  in 
Paul's  voyage  from  Judea  to  Rome,  as  before  observed, 
and  from  some  other  things  said  by  him  in  his  annotations 
on  this  epistle.     Which  may  be  taken  notice  of  hereafter. 

8.  Ver.  13,  "  The  cloak  that  I  left  at  Troas  with  Carpus, 
when  thou  comest,  bring  with  thee,  and  the  books,  especi- 
ally the  parchments." 

As  St.  Paul  went  to  Jerusalem  by  the  way  of  Troas,  we 
are  hereby  led  to  the  time  of  this  imprisonment :  especially 

'  Pro  certo  habent,  Timotheuni  initio  priorum  Pauli  vinculorum  Romae  non 
fuisse.  Etenim  in  Actibus  Apostolicis  nihil  ultra  de  Timotheo  dieitur,  quam 
quod  Paulum  Hierosolymam  proficiscentem  in  Asiam  fuerit  comitatus,  cap. 
XX.  4.  Exinde  nulla  Timothei  mentio ;  de  itinere  Hierosolyraitano,  nedum  de 
navigatione  Romana,  a^t  ypv.  Quia  vero  res  ipsius  adeo  Pauli  rebus  innexae 
fuere,  ipseque  tam  eximiani  sustinuit  personam,  vix  videtur  praeteriri  potuisse 
in  tanta  rerum,  quae  Paulo  acciderunt,  varietate,  &c.  De  Vit.  Pauli.  sect.  12. 
num.  V.  ''  ^TTsSaffov  tXGtiv  Trpog  [xt  ra;^fwc*  nempe  Romain. 

Et  hoc  fecit  Timotheus,  utapparet,  Coloss.  i.  1.  Philem.  i.  Hebr.  xiii.  Philip, 
ii.  19.     Grot,  in  2  Tim.  iv.  9.  vid.  et  in  ver.  1 1. 

AsKac  £Ti  fiovog  /jut  fjt«8.  Nam  post  iter  illiid,  quod  fine  Actorum  descrip- 
sit,  mansit  in  Italia  cum  Paulo.  Col.  iv.  14.  Philem.  ver.  24. 

MapKov  avaXn^Mv  ayays  ^ira  atavTH. Et  hoc  desiderium  Pauli   imple- 

tum  est.     Vide  Philem.  24.  Coloss.  iv.  10.  Id.  in  ver.  11. 


48  ji  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

when  wc  consider,  that  Timothy  accompanied  the  apostle  in 
that  journey  as  far  as  Asia.  And  Paul  here  seems  to  write 
to  Timothy,  as  knowing  Carpus,  and  that  these  things  had 
been  left  M'ith  him. 

If  it  be  objected,  that*  Paul  had  at  that  time  several  friends 
witli  him,  who  might  be  willing  to  take  care  of  those  things: 
we™  readily  answer  :  it  is  true.  Nor  need  it  be  supposed 
that  in  any  other  journey  Paul  was  without  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  friends,  to  perform  for  him  any  needful  service  of  that 
kind.  There  mi"  ht  be  other  reasons  for  leaving-  those  thing's 
behind  him. 

We  need  not  inquire,  Avhat  were  those  reasons,  nor  what 
were  those  things.  However  I  shall  observe  here  what 
Lightfoot  says  of  the  word,  rendered  cloak  in  his  account 
of  St.  Paul's  journey  from  Troas  to  Jerusalem:  '  when"  he 
'  goes  now  from  thence,  it  is  most  likely,  was  the  time  when 
'  he  left  his  cloak  and  parchments  with  Carpus,  2  Tim.  iv. 
'  13.  His  cloak.  For  he  was  now  going  among  his  own 
'  nation  in  Judea,  and  there  he  was  to  wear  his  Jewish  habit. 
'  And  he  left  his  Roman  garb  here,  till  he  should  come  into 
*  those  Roman  quarters  again.' 

9.  The  progress  of  the  gospel  at  the  time  of  writing  this 
epistle,  and  the  other  epistles,  confessedly  written  in  the 
time  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  when  sent  thither 
from  Judea,  appears  to  be  the  same,  or  very  much  alike. 

To  the  Philippians  he  writes,  ch.  i.  12,  13,  "  1  Mould  ye 
should  understand,  brethren,  that  the  things  which  have 
happened  unto  me,  have  fallen  out  rather  to  the  furtherance 
of  the  gospel:  so  that  my  bonds  in  Christ  are  manifest  in  all 
the  palace,  and  in  all  other  places."     See  also  ver.  14 — 18. 

In  this  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  he  says,  ch.  ii.  9. that 

"  though  he  suffered  unto  bonds,  the  word  of  God  was  not 
bomid."  And  see  ch.  iv.  16,  17.  And  at  ver.  11,  he  desires 
that  Mark  would  come  to  him :  "  for,"  says  he,  "  he  is  pro- 
fitable to  me  for  the  ministry  :"    supposing,  that  he  should 

'  Quia  jubet  ^ibi  adferri  paenulam,  quam  Troade  apud  Carpum  reliquerat, 

et  libros. Ineptum  autem  est  vel  cogitare  Pauluni  haec  Troade  reliquisse, 

quum  tot  secum  haberet  comites,  et  collectas  Hierosolymara  perferendas,  et 
navem  ubique  conduceret.  Ap.  Wits.  ibid.  sect.  12.  num.  iv. 

•"  Respondetur :  non  magis  ineptum  esse  cogitate,  Paulum  psenulara  suam 
cum  libris  quibusdam  et  membranis  Troade  reliquisse  in  illo  itinere,  quod  Lu- 
cas meminit,  quam  in  alio,  quod  supponitur,  quocumque.  Si  enim  id  consulto 
factum  sit,  ratio  consilii  aeque  nobis  in  obscuro  manet ;  quippe  nullibi  tradita. 
Si  per  oblivionem  aliquam  aut  negligentiam  ejus  qui  Paulo  ministrabat :  quo 
plures  erant,  majorisque  momenti  sarcinae,  eo  facilioresse  videturunius  alicu- 
jus,  et  vilioris,  forsan,  neglectus,  &c.     Wits.  ib.  sect.  12.  num.  vi. 

"  As  before,  p.  298. 


St.  PauVs  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  49 

have  employment  for  him,  wherein  he  might  promote  tlie 
interest  of  the  gospel.  Paul  could  speak  more  distinctly  of 
his  successes,  and  of  the  oppositions  which  he  met  with  at 
Rome,  in  the  epistles  written  a  short  time  before  his  enlarge- 
ment. But  even  now  he  appears  to  have  had  in  prospect 
those  things,  which  were  afterwards  accomplished. 

10.  At  ch.  iii.  11,  he  reminds  Timothy  of"  the  persecu- 
tions and  afflictions  which  he  had  endured  at  Antioch,  Ico- 
nium,  Lystra,  all  well  known  to  Timothy.  Which  is  very 
proper  and  seasonable,  at  our  supposed  time  of  writing-  this 
epistle:  more  seasonable  than  it  would  have  been  several 
years  afterwards. 

Some,  perhaps,  may  think  it  reasonable  to  expect  more 
notice  taken  of  the  apostle's  imprisonment  in  Judea,  and  at 
Rome.  But  we  suppose  that  to  be  the  very  imprisonment 
which  he  was  now  under,  and  of  which  he  often  speaks  in 
this  epistle,  saying,  that  he  "  suffered  trouble,  even  unto 
bonds  :  that  he  endured  all  things  for  the  elect's  sake  :" 
that  "  Onesiphorus  was  not  ashamed  of  his  chain  :"  that  he 
had  "  made  an  apology,  when  all  men  forsook  him."  But  if 
this  letter  had  been  written  several  years  after  his  imprison- 
ment in  Judea  and  at  Rome,  it  would  have  been  reasonable 
to  expect  some  references  to  it,  as  a  thing  past,  in  his  ex- 
hortations to  Timothy,  in  speaking  of  persecutions  and  af- 
flictions formerly  endured  by  him. 

11.  Ch.  ii.  22,  "  Flee  also  youthful  lusts."  An  exhorta- 
tion to  Timothy  more  suitable  now  than  several  years  after- 
wards. Indeed,  this  Avhole  epistle  is  an  admonition  to 
Timothy,  as  a  christian  and  a  minister,  better  suiting-  the 
time  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  when  sent  thither 
from  Judea,  than  any  later  time. 

12.  Ch.  iv.  16,  17,    "  At  my  first  answer  no   man  stood 

with  me,   but  all  men  forsook  me. Notwithstanding,  the 

Lord  stood  with  me,  and  strengthened  me,  that  by  me  the 
preaching  might  be  fully  known,  and  that  all  the  Gentiles 
might  hear.  And  1  was  delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of  the 
lion." 

These  words  afford  a  strong-  argument  that  this  epistle  was 
written  when  Paul  was  sent  bound  from  Judea  to  Rome. 
For  it  is  much  more  reasonable  to  think  that  Paul  Mould 
speak  of  such  an  apology  in  an  epistle  written  soon  after  it 
was  made,  than  in  an  epistle  written  five  or  six  years  after- 
wards. That  Paul  speaks  of  an  apology  made  at  the 
time  supposed  by  us,  is  very  probable.  And  this  text 
was  so  understood  by  several  ancient  writers.  Euse- 
bius,  Jerom,  Chrysostom,  and  Theodoret.     The  words  of 

VOL.    VI.  E 


50  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

"Eiisebius  I  transcribe  below  in  his  own  language.  Jerom's 
words  were  transcribed  by  usp  formerly,  and  are  fit  to  be 
repeated  here.  They  represent  the  same  sentiment  witjj  that 
in  Eusebius  :  from  whom,  probably,  and  from  some  other 
ancients,  he  learned  it.     '  It'i  should  be  observed,  says  he, 

*  that  at  the  time  of  his  first  apology,  Nero's  government  not 
'  being"  yet  quite  degenerated,  nor  disgraced  with  the  horri- 
'  ble  wickedness  which  historians  speak  of,  Paul  was  set  at 
'  liberty,  that  he  might  preach  the  gospel  in  the  western 
'  parts  of  the  world  :  as  himself  writes  in  the  second  epistle 
'  to  Timothy,  dictated  by  him  in  his  bonds,  at  the  time  he 
'  suflTered.'     And  what  follows. 

And  Chrysostom,  in  a  homily  upon  the  fourth  chapter  of 
this  epistle  :  '  How,'  says"^  he, '  shall  we  understand  this  first 
'  apology?  He  was  at  first  brought  before  the  emperor, and 

*  escaped.     But  when  he  had  converted  his  cup-bearer,  then 

*  he  was  beheaded.' 

Theodoret  is  very  express  in  his  comment.  '  When^  upon 
'  his  appeal  he  was  sent  to  Rome  by  Festus,  having  apolo- 
'  gized  for  himself,  he  was  dismissed  as  innocent,  and  went 

'  into  Spain,  and  other  nations. By  the  first  apology  there- 

'  fore  he  meaneth  that  which  was  then  made.  "And  I  was 
'  delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lion."  So  he  calls  Nero, 
'  as  being  emperor,  and  a  cruel  man.' 

Indeed  this  defence,  or  apology,  cannot  relate  to  any  other 
time.  For  he  says :  "  But  the  Lord  stood  with  me,  and 
strengthened  me :  that  by  me  the  preaching-  might  be  fully 
known,  and  all  the  Gentiles  might  hear."  This  could  not 
be  said  at  any  supposed  second   imprisonment,  when  the 

° roTi  fitv  ovv  aTro\oyi]aafiivov,  avQiq  tTTt  Tt]v  rs   KTipvyfiaTog   Ciaico- 

viav  Xoyog  tx^t  TiiXaaQai  tov  otto'^oXov'  ItvTtpov  ti  tm^avTa  ry  avry  TroXti 
TO)  KUT  avTOv  reXiiiuOqvai  /lapTvpitfi'  tv  <^j  Cfc/notg  iyo\i.tvoq  ti}v  -Kpog  Ti[jio6iov 
StvTEpav  eTTi^oXtjv  ffvvTarru,  bfis  arj/^iaiviov  tt}v  ti  Trporepav  avro)  yivofitvrjv 

aTToXoyiav,  kcu  ttjv   irapaTroca.Q   TtXtiuxriv. EtKOg    ytroi   Kara    fitv   apxag 

ijiruonpov  m  Ntpwvoc  dutKunevn,  pq.ov  Tt)v  inrep  ra  coyfiarog  ra  TlavXa  Kura- 
fiixQi]vai  anoXoyiav'  -izpotXdovrog  if.  eig  aQtfiiTHQ  ToX^iag,  fitra  tiov  dXXwV:  Kai 
ra  Kara  rwv  otto'^oXiov  tyxtipKrOrjvai.     H.  E.  1.  ii.  cap.  22.  p.  62.  A.  et  D. 

p  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  "i  Sciendum  autera,  in  prima  satis- 

factione,  necdum  Neronis  imperio  roborato,  nee  in  tanta  enampente  scelera, 
quanta  de  eo  narrant  historiae,  Paulum  a  Nerone  dimissum,  ut  evangelium 
Christi  in  Occidentis  quoque  partibus  praedicaret :  sicut  ipse  in  secunda  epis- 
tola  ad  Timotheuni,  eo  tempore  quo  et  passus  est,  de  vinculis  dictans  episto- 
1am,  &c.  De  V.  I.  cap.  5.  ■■   Tlouiv  ce  TrnwT7]v  airoXoyiav 

Xiyii ;  TlapETTj  r]di]  T<f)  'Sipwvi,  koi  cu(pvyev.  lETTiiSt]  ce  tov  oivoxoov  avrfi 
Kartjxtm,  TOTt  avTov  airtrijitv.  In  2  ep.  ad  Tim.  cap.  iv.  hom.  10.  T.  XI.  p. 
722.   B.  ^   'Hvt/ca  Ty  E0£(T£t  ;)^pjjcra;i£VOC£te  rz/v 'Pw/ij/r  VTTO  r« 

<I>j;t8  vaptTrefiipOi},  aTroXoyijaayLtvog  wg  aOuiog  afpuBtj. Tlpujrijv  roivov  avro- 

Xoyutv  Ttjv  tv  iKuvy  ry  (KSrinig.  ytyiVTjfiivtjv  eKaXetrt.  k.  X.  In  2  ep.  Tim.  iv.  16 
torn.  ill.  p.  506. 


Si.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  51 

apostle  was  near  his  end.  But  must  relate  to  the  prospect 
of  success,  which  he  had  soon  after  he  was  brou<^ht  from 
Judea  to  Rome.  At  that  time  these  expressions  were  ex- 
ceedingly proper,  and  his  expectations  were  fully  answered. 
As  may  be  collected  from  Philip,  i.  12 — 20,  and  ch.  iv.  22. 
Witsius  has  some  observations  upon  this  place,  Avhich'  de- 
serve to  be  transcribed.  So  do  likewise  the  observations  of 
another  learned  writer,"  they  being  well  suited  to  illustrate 
this  text. 

For  farther  clearing-  up  this  point,  I  must  stay  somewhat 
longer  here.  1  cannot  but  think  it  very  evident,  that  Paul 
was  now  brought  before  the  emperor,  and  that  he  here  refers 
to  it.  Lightfoot  supposeth,  '  that^  in  those  words,  "  at  my 
'  first  answer,"  Paul  does  not  refer  so  much  to  what,  or  how 

*  many  ansM  ers  he  was  called  to  :  but  intimates,  that  even  at 

*  the  first  pinch  and  appearance  of  danger,  all  that  should 

*  have  been  his  assistants  started  from  him.'  And  that  may 
be  the  meaning.  Nevertheless  it  is  not  impossible,  that  Paul 
might  make  two  apologies,  one  soon  after  the  other,  at  the 
first  of  which  all  forsook  him :  whereas,  at  the  second,  there 
were  some,  who  appeared  with  him,  and  spoke  in  his  behalf. 
But  however  that  may  be,  I  am  of  opinion,  that  Paul  was 
brought  before  Nero  himself,  and  that  he  here  speaks  of  it. 

'  Puto  heec  ad  ea  quae  Romas  tunc  gesta  sunt  referenda  esse.  Ibi  enim  con- 
stitutus  tunc  fuit  Paulus,  ut  in  summo  totius  mundi  loco,  unde  evangelii  ab 
ipso  praedicati  sonus,  non  tamquam  buccinae,  sed  tanquam  tonitru,  quaqua- 
versum  audiretur. Porro  ea,  quae  Romae,  quae  in  Praetorio,  quae  ad  tribu- 
nal Caesaris  dicebantur,  vel  agebantur,  in  tanta  confluentium  multitudine, 
celeri  faraa,  per  omnes  totius  propemodum  orbis  gentes  vulgata  fuere.  Quibus 
non  parum  ponderis  ex  eo  accessit,  quod  captivus  isfe,  tarn  mirabilium  rerum 
anunciator,  a  popularibus  quidem  suis  accusatus,  sed  a  Caesare  absolutus,  vel 
certe  non  damnatus  esset.     Wits,  de  Vit.  Paul.  sect.  12.  num.  xxxii. 

"  Idem  jam  a  Paulo  indicatum,  2  Tim.  iv.  16,  17.  *  In  prima  mea  defen- 
sione  nemo  mihi  adfuit,  sed  omnes,'  nimirum  Christiani,  Romae  tum  Pauli 

aggregati,  •  me  deseruerunt. Dominus  autem  mihi  adfuit,  ct  confortavit 

me,  ut  per  me  promulgatio  evangelii  compleretur,  et  omnes  gentes  illud  au- 
dirent:  Etenim  liberatus  fui  ex  ore  leonis,'  quocum  jamjam  mihi  erat  depug- 
nandum.  Paulus  docet,  sese,  adjuvante  Deo,  ab  intentata  sibi  cum  leone 
depugnatione  fuisse  ereptum  ;  sese  caussam  suam  ita  dixisse,  ut  liber  et  invio- 
latus  fuent  dimissus  e  Praetorio  ;  Deum  hoc  pacto  promulgationem  evangelii 
promovisse,  et  in  celebritatem  deduxisse,  ac  ad  securitatem.  Securitas  adnun- 
tiationis  sita  est  in  voce  7rXj;po^opiac»  quae  a  nave,  plenis  velis  ac  liberrime  in- 
vehente,  est  desumta.  Eum  igitur  finem  libei-ationis  suae  Nuraen  Supreranm 
voluerat  esse  proprium,  ut  Paulus  in  po^terum  eo  liberius  doctrinam  e\angeiii 
evulgaret.  Roma  erat  locus  celeberrimus.  Quidquid  ibi  gerebatur,  id  puta- 
batur  agi  in  luce  orbis  terraxum.  Caussa  itaque  Pauli  inde  innotuit  ac  incre- 
buit  passim,  ac  quicumque  de  ea  aliquid  audiebant,  avidi  fuerunt  redditi 
doctrinae  quoque  ipsias,  quam  docebat,  audiendae  et  cognoscendse.  J.  Ch. 
Harenburg.  Otia  Gandei-shem.     Observ.  8.  sect.  3. 

'  As  before,  p.  322. 

E  2 


52  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Several"'  moderns  have  perceived  this.  But  though  this 
opinion  Jiad  never  the  patronage  of  any  great  names,  I  ap- 
prehend it  might  be  deduced  with  certainty  from  St.  Luke's 
history  in  the  Acts.  He  is  very  concise  in  what  he  says  of 
Paul  after  his  arrival  at  Rome.  Nor  has  he  said,  that  Paul 
was  brought  before  Nero.  But  it  may  be  argued,  and  con- 
cluded from  what  he  has  said. 

When  Paul  was  first  brought  before  Festus  at  Csesarea, 
after  he  had  been  left  bound  by  Felix,  at  the  end  of  two 
years'  imprisonment,  and  Festus  proposed  that  he  should 
"  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  be  there  judged  before  him  : 
Paul  said,  I  stand  at  Caesar's  judgment-seat,  where  I  ought 
to  be  judged,"  Acts  xxv.  9,  10.  "Then  Festus,  Avhen  he 
had  conferred  with  his  council,  answered.  Hast  thou  ap- 
pealed unto  Csesar  ?  Unto  Caesar  thou  shalt  go,"  ver.  12. 
Therefore  that  was  now  determined.  When  Festus  first 
spoke  to  king  Agrippa  about  Paul's  afiair,  he  said  to  him, 
"  But  when  Paul  had  appealed  to  be  reserved  to  the  hear- 
ing, or  judgment,  of  Augustus,  I  commanded  him  to  be 
kept,  till  I  might  send  him  to  Caesar,"  ver.  21.  And  when 
Festus  actually  brought  Paul  before  Agrippa,  and  the  rest, 
he  said,  "  He  himself  having  appealed  unto  Augustus,  I 
have  determined  to  send  him,"  ver.  25.  After  Paul  had 
pleaded  before  Festus,  and  Agrippa,  and  that  great  company 
at  Caesarea,  it  is  said,  cb.  xxvi.  31,  32  ;  "  And  the  king 
rose  up,  and  Bernice,  and  they  that  sat  with  them.  And 
when  they  had  gone  aside,  they  talked  between  themselves, 
saying,  This  man  doth  nothing  worthy  of  death,  or  of  bonds. 
Then  said  Agrippa  mito  Festus :  This  man  might  have  been 
set  at  liberty,  if  he  had  not  appealed  unto  Caesar."  After 
his  appeal  therefore  the  sending  Paul  to  Rome  was  unavoid- 
able. If  Agrippa  and  the  rest  of  that  great  company  did 
not  dare  to  dismiss  him,  though  they  thought  him  innocent, 
but  judged  it  needful  that  he  should  go  to  Rome,  it  may  be 
reckoned  probable,  that  he  was  actually  brought  before  the 
emperor.  And  Festus  m  rote  a  letter  concerning  Paul  to  the 
emperor  himself,  as  may  be  concluded  from  ch.  xxv.  26,  27. 
And  while  Paul  Avas  in  the  voyage  to  Rome,  he  had  a  vision. 
"  An  angel  stood  by  him,  saying:  Fear  not,  Paul,  thou  must 

"  I  shall  cite  an  author  or  two  here,  though  they  may  not  agree  with  me 
about  the  time  of  Paul's  appearance  before  the  emperor. 

Acts  xxvii.  24,  "  Thou  must  be  brought  before  Ceesar."  '  By  this,  and  by 
'  what  Paul  says,  2  Tim.  iv.  ]  7,  it  seems,  that  he  had  a  personal  hearing  before 
'  Nero  himself.'     Wall's  Crit.  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  271. 

Nous  ne  saurions  douter  au  moins  que  S.  Paul  n'ait  comparu  devant  Neron 
peu  de  temps  avant  sa  mort,  comme  on  le  voit  par  sa  seconde  epitre  a  Timo- 
thee.     Tillem.  S.  Paul,  note  40.  Mem.  T.  I.  p.  531.  Paris. 


St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  53 

be  brought  before  Ctesar,"  cb.  xxvii.  23,  24.  Certainly, 
therefore,  he  was  brought  before  him.  And  that  is  what  he 
intends,  when  he  speaks  of  his  apology.  Which  is  also 
confirmed  by  what  follows  :  "  And  I  was  delivered  out  of 
the  mouth  of  the  lion."  Whereby  must  be  meant  Nero 
himself. 

And  now  we  may  be  able  to  understand  those  expressions  : 
"  No  man  stood  with  me:  but  all  men  forsook  me."  St. 
Luke's  history  of  Paul's  arrival  at  Rome  will  give  great 
light  to  those  words,  Acts  xxviii.  13 — 15,  "  And  we  came 
the  next  day  to  Puteoli.  Where  we  found  brethren,  and 
were  desired  to  tarry  >vith  them  seven  days :  and  so  we  went 
toward  Rome.  And  from  thence,  when  the  brethren  heard 
of  us,  they  came  to  meet  us,  as  far  as  Appii  Forum,  and  the 
three  taverns  :  Avhom  when  Paul  saw,  he  thanked  God,  and 
took  courage."  The  affectionate  and  respectful  visit  of  so 
many  christians  from  Rome  was  very  refreshing'  and  com- 
fortable to  him,  after  all  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage,  and  in 
the  disgraceful  circumstances  of  his  appearance.  But  when 
he  was  presented  to  the  emperor,  "  no  man  stood  by  him  : 
but  all  men  forsook  him."  And  these  are  the  men,  whom  he 
intends :  these,  and  other  christians  then  at  Rome.  None  of 
them  had  courage  to  appear  in  his  favour,  and  plead  in  bis 
behalf,  as  they  might  have  done.  But  all  drew  back,  and 
left  him  alone.  "  Notwithstanding  the  Lord  stood  with  me, 
and  strengthened  me." 

Let  me  now  represent  the  progress  of  this  affair,  as  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  after  having  consulted  ^Lightfoot,  and  others. 

When  the  prisoners  from  Judea  were  brought  to  Rome, 
they  were  all  delivered  to  the  captain  of  the  guard,  or  pre- 
fect of  the  praetorium.  At  the  same  time  Julius  the  centu- 
rion, to  whose  charg'c  they  had  been  committed,  and  vvho  had 
all   along  "  courteously  entreated  Paul,"    [Acts  xxvii.  3,] 

'■  '  Julius,  the  Centurion,  that  had  brought  Paul  and  the  rest  of  the  prisoners 
'  from  Judea,  had  been  his  friend  and  favourer  from  his  fii-st  setting  out,  and  so 

'  continued,  till  his  settling  at  Rome His  accusers  that  were  come  from 

'  Judea,  to  lay  in  the  charge  against  him,  [for  we  can  hardly  suppose  but  that 
'  some  were  come,]  would  be  urgent  to  get  their  business  despatched,  that  they 

*  might  be  returning  to  their  own  homes  again  ;  and  so  would  bring  him  to 

*  his  trial,  as  soon  as  they  could.  And  that  his  trial  was  early  this  year,  appears 

*  by  his  own  words  in  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  where  he  speaketh  of  his 
<  answer,  and  requireth  Timothy  to  come  to  him  before  winter,'  2  Tim.  iv. 
16,  21. 

*  As  he  appealed  to  Nero  himself,  so  Nero  himself  heard  his  cause,  Philip,  i. 

*  13  J  2  Tim.  iv.  16.     And  here  it  was  possible  for  Paul  and  Seneca  to  see  each 

*  other.     At  which  time  all  that  had  owned  him  before,  withdrew  themselves 

*  for  fear,  and  dared  not  to  stand  by  him,  or  appear  with  him  in  his  danger.' 
Lightfoot,  as  before,  p.  322. 


54  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

spoke  honourably  of  him  to  the  prefect,  or  delivered  in  a 
written  memorial  of  his  voyage,  and  the  several  prisoners, 
whom  he  had  brought  with  him,  inserting,  particularly,  some 
things  in  favour  of  this  prisoner,  and  also  put  into  his  hands 
the  governor's  letter  to  the  emperor,  concerning  Paul.  The 
tenor  of  which,  as  may  be  concluded  from  the  letter  of  Lysias 
to  Felix,  ch.  xxiii.  25 — 30,  and  from  other  things  afterwards 
recorded  in  the  Acts,  omitting  the  usual  forms,  not  needful 
to  be  mentioned  here,  was  to  this  purpose:  '  My  Lord, 
when  I  came  into  this  province,  committed  to  my  charge 
by  thy  favour,  I  found  a  prisoner,  named  Paul,  left  bound 
by  my  predecessor  Felix,  after  he  had  been  two  years  in 
custody.  Ir\  a  short  time  grievous  complaints  Avere  made 
against  him  by  the  chief  men  of  the  nation,  desiring  me  to 
pass  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  him.  Whereupon  I 
appointed  them  a  hearing.  And  being  sat  on  the  judg- 
ment seat,  I  commanded  the  man  to  be  brought  forth.  But 
when  the  accusers  stood  up,  they  alleged  no  proofs  of  any 
thing  that  could  render  him  criminal  in  the  eye  of  our 
laws.  They  had  only  certain  questions  against  him  of  their 
own  religion,  and  concerning  one  Jesus,  Avho  had  died,  and 
whom  Paul  affirmed  to  be  alive.  At  this  time  the  man 
expressed  a  desire  to  be  heard  at  thy  tribunal.  And  hav- 
ing conferred  with  my  council,  and  considering  that  he  is 
a  citizen  of  Rome,  his  appeal  was  allowed  to  be  valid. 
Whereupon  1  resolved  to  send  him  unto  thee,  as  soon  as  I 
could.  In  the  mean  time,  king  Agrippa  and  Bernice  came 
to  the  place  of  my  residence.  Who  being  Jews  by  nation 
and  religion,  and  willing  to  hear  the  man,  I  set  him  before 
them,  that  I  might  be  the  better  informed  concerning  him 
myself.  In  their  presence,  and  before  me,  and  many  others, 
Roman  officers,  and  principal  men  of  this  city,  he  without 
reserve  declared  his  doctrine,  and  his  concern  to  promote 
it,  and  indeed  his  whole  life  from  the  beginning.  After 
which,  when  the  assembly  (as  honourable  as  can  be  ex- 
pected to  be  seen  in  any  of  the  provinces)  were  gone  aside, 
they  talked  between  themselves.  And  they  were  all  agreed, 
saying ;  This  man  doth  nothing  worthy  of  death,  or  of 
bonds:  and  he  might  have  been  set  at  liberty  if  he  had 
not  appealed  to  Augustus.  To  thee  therefore  I  now  send 
him.  And  to  thy  cognizance  his  cause  is  referred.' 
When  Burrhus,  the  prefect  of  the  pra-torium,  brought 
Paul  before  the  emperor,  and  delivered  the  governor's  let- 
ter, it  is  not  improbable,  that  he  might  add  some  hints  in 
favour  of  the  prisoner,  from  the  character  given  of  him  by 
Julius,  either  by  word,  or  in  his  memorial.     At  this  audi- 


St.  Paul's  seco7id  Epistle  to  Timothy.  55 

ence  must  Lave  been  present,  beside  y  Eurrlius,  divers  other 
courtiers,  of"  the  greatest  (uninence  and  distinction,  and  jx-r- 
liaps  Seneca.  It  may  be  likewise  supposed,  that  some  Jews, 
delegated  by  the  council  at  Jerusalem,  appeared,  to  plead 
against  Paul.  If  there  were  none,  it  must  have  been  under- 
stoo<l  to  be  a  disrespect  to  the  emperor,  and  a  great  pnjndicc 
to  the  cause  of  the  accusers.  If  there  were  any  such  here, 
it  would  show  the  reasonableness  of  Paul's  expectation, 
that  some  of  the  christians  at  Rome  should  have  attended 
likewise. 

At  this  time  (unless  tliere  was  another  audience  soon  af- 
ter) the  emperor  pronounced  sentence  upon  P;uil,  and  signed 
the  order  of  his  confinement :  such  as  is  related  by  St. 
Luke,  Acts  xxviii.  IG,  30,  31.  And  though  Paul  was  not 
acquitted,  nor  set  at  liberty,  it  may  be  esteemed  a  favour- 
able decision. 

It  was  after  this  audience  of  the  emperor,  and  this  sen- 
tence, that  Paul  sent  for  the  Jews  at  Rome  to  come  to  him. 
But  when  he  laid  before  them  his  case,  and  spoke  of  the 
proceedings  against  him  in  Judea,  and  of  his  appeal  to  Cae- 
sar, they  were  very  humble,  and  even  low  spirited,  and  did 
not  choose  to  enter  into  discourse  upon  the  matter. 

Paul  says,  Acts  xxviii.  19;  "  But  when  the  Jews  spake 
against  it,  I  was  constrained  to  appeal  to  Csesar :  not  that 
I  had  ought  to  accuse  my  nation  of."  These  last  words 
may  be  understood  by  some,  as  if  he  had  said,'  Not  that  I 
'  have  any  cause  of  complaint  against  my  nation.'  Which 
would  be  great  complaisance  indeed,  after  he  had  received 
so  much  hard  usage  from  the  Jews.  But  the  Avords  may  be 
thus  rendered  :  '  Not  that  I  have  a  design  to  accuse  my 
'  nation  of  any  thing.'  And  in  that  manner  they  are  rendered 
by  'Le  Clerc  and  "L'Enfant,  in  their  French  translations. 
And  it  is  agreeable  to  ''Beza's  annotation  upon  the  place, 
who  is  another  good  judge.  This  sense  is  very  becoming- 
Paul,  and  was  very  suitable  to  his  circumstance  and  situa- 
tion at  that  time.  It  was  very  proper  to  pacify  the  Jews  at 
Rome,  who  might  have  been  apprehensive  of  Paul's  making- 
use  of  his  interest  in  the  emperor's  court  against  them,  after 

>'  Burrhus  is  computed  to  have  died  in  the  year  of  Christ  62,  and  Seneca  in 
the  year  65.     Vid.  Basil.  Ann.  62.  num.  i.  et  Ann.  65.  num.  iv. 

^  Mais  les  Juifs  s'y  opposant,  j'ai  ete  contraint  d'en  appeler  a  Cesar,  sans 
que  j'aye  neanmoins  dessein  d'accuser  ma  nation,  en  quoique  ce  soit.     CI. 

*  sans  que  j'aye  dessein  neanmoins  d'accuser  ma  nation,  en  quoique 

ce  soit.     L'Enf.  ''  Est  autem  hoc  additum  a  Paulo,  ne  putarent 

Judaei  ipsum  constituisse  criminari  gentem  suam  apud  Caesarem  ;  cum  hoc 
unum  potius  ageret,  ut  nuUo  hostium  incommodo  causam  Christi  et  innocen- 
tiam  suam  tueretur.     Bez. 


56  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

he  had  been  so  ill  used  in  Judea.  But  all  he  aimed  at  was 
the  vindication  of  his  own  innocence,  that  he  might  with 
greater  liberty  preach  the  gospel. 

Here  we  see  the  ground  of  the  difference  between  Paul's 
imprisonment  in  Judea,  and  at  Rome.  The  difference  is 
manifest.  Whilst  in  Judea,  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had 
[\  any  communication  wMth  other  churches  out  of  it.  He  is 
wholly  engag'ed  in  his  own  defence,  and  does  but  just  se- 
cure his  life  against  the  violence  of  the  unbelieving  Jews, 
and  their  council.  But  when  he  came  to  Rome,  and  his 
apolog-y  was  over,  he  was  permitted  to  live  by  himself,  in 
his  own  hired  house.  There  he  receives  intelligence  by 
messengers  of  the  churches,  who  come  to  him  from  divers 

f>arts.  He  makes  converts,  and  writes  letters,  and  has  fel- 
ow-labourers,  whom  he  sends  abroad,  as  he  pleaseth.  We 
now  see  the  ground  of  this.  As  "^  Jerom  says, '  the  apostle 
*  being  sent  to  prison  by  the  emperor,  he  becomes  acquainted 
'  with  the  emperor's  family,  and  makes  the  persecutor's 
'  house  a  church.'  Referring  to  Philip,  iv.  22.  When  Paul 
Avas  in  Judea,  he  was  the  governor's  prisoner,  Avhose  good 
will  was  restrained  by  the  influence  of  the  people  of  the 
country.  Now  he  is  the  emperor's  prisoner,  who  allows 
what  liberty  he  pleaseth.  And  Avhen  granted,  none  dare  to 
control,  or  abridge  it  in  any  measure.  Hence  all  the  ad- 
vantages of  this  imprisonment,  and  the  happy  conclusion  of 
it.  Having  so  much  liberty,  and  being*  able  to  receive  all 
who  came  to  him,  he  makes  many  converts  and  many  friends, 
some  in  the  emperor's  own  family,  and  near  his  person. 
Says  the  apostle  in  this  very  epistle,  ch.  iv.  16,  17,  "  At  my 

first  answer  no  man  stood  with  me. Notwithstanding  the 

Lord  stood  w  ith  me,  and  strengthened  me,  that  by  me  the 
])reaching  might  be  fully  known,  and  all  the  Gentiles  might 
hear."  It  is  a  case  much  resembling*  that  of  our  apostle  be- 
fore at  Corinth,  Acts  xviii.  9—11,  "  Then  spake  the  Lord 
unto  Paul  in  the  night,  by  a  vision  :  Be  not  afraid,  but  speak, 
and  hold  not  thy  peace.  For  I  am  with  thee,  and  no  man 
shall  set  on  thee  to  hurt  thee :  for  I  have  much  people  in 
this  city.  And  he  continued  there  a  year  and  six  months, 
teaching  the  word  of  God  among  them."  And  though  he 
was  brought  before  Gallio  the  governor,  and  accused  ;  he 
was  acquitted,  and  continued  there  yet  a  good  while.  In 
like  majuier  here,  "  the  Lord  stood  by  Paul,  strengthened 
him,  and  delivered  him."  And  he  afterwards  "  dwelt  two 
whole  years  at  Rome,  preaching  the  kingdom  of  God,  and 

*^  A  Csasare  missus  in  carcerem,  notior  familiae  ejus  factus,  persecutoris  do- 
mum  Christi  fecit  ecclesiam.     In  ep.  ad  Pliilem.  T.  IV.  p.  445.  in. 


St.  Paulas  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  57 

teacliing-  those  things  which  concern  the  Lord  Jesus,  no  man 
forbidding-  him,"  Acts  xxviii.  30,  31. 

Some  may  say,  that  during"  this  space  several  of  the  apos- 
tle's friends  and  fellow-labourers  were  apprehended  and 
imprisoned :  which  seems  inconsistent  with  the  supposition 
of  his  being  committed  by  the  emperor,  Avith  an  order  for 
allowing  him  all  the  liberty  which  he  enjoyed.  For  Aris- 
tarchus  is  spoken  of  as  his  fellow -prisoner.  Col.  iv.  10,  and 
Epaphras,  Philem.  ver.  23.  And  Timothy  is  said  to  have 
been  set  at  liberty,  Heb.  xiii.  23.  Who  therefore  must  have 
been  confined. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  these  imprisonments  of  some  of 
Paul's  friends  and  fellow-labourers  do  not  at  all  weaken 
our  supposition,  but  confirm  it:  forasmuch  as  Paul's  liberty 
was  not  abridged,  but  continued  the  same  all  along,  until 
he  was  quite  enlarged  :  which  affords  reason  to  think  that 
the  method  of  his  confinement  was  appointed  and  ordered 
by  an  authority  above  control.  And  it  is  easy  to  conceive 
how  it  came  to  pass  that  some  of  Paul's  friends  were  impri- 
soned :  when  it  is  considered  that  he  must  have  had  many 
enemies,  and  some  of  his  friends  acted  imprudently,  and 
there  were  others,  who  from  envy  and  ill-will  were  prompted 
to  behave  irregularly,  with  a  view  of  bringing  him  and  his 
best  friends  into  danger,  by  exposing  them  to  general  re- 
sentment, and  especially  the  resentment  of  men  in  power. 
As  we  learn  from  Philip,  i.  15 — 17.  And  yet  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  of  Paul's  fellow-labourers  endured  a  long 
imprisonment.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  they  were  taken  up 
and  imprisoned  by  some  inferior  officers,  to  gratify  the  fury 
of  the  common  people,  who  did  not  dare  to  keep  them  long- 
in  custody,  nothing  material  appearing-  against  them.  As 
Jerom'^  observes,  such  frequent  short  imprisonments  and 
speedy  releases  were  common  at  the  first  rise  of  the  chris- 
tian religion,  before  Nero  became  an  open  persecutor,  and 
before  the  publication  of  such  edicts  as  affected  the  lives  of 
the  followers  of  Jesus. 

All  these  considerations  cannot  but  be  of  great  weight  to 


^  Quod  autern  crebro  Paulus  in  carcere  fuerit,  et  de  vinculis  liberatus  sit, 
ipse  in  alio  loco  dicif^  *  In  carceribus  frequenter :'  de  quibus  nonnunquam 
Domini  auxilio,  crebro  ipsis  persecutoribus  nihil  dignum  in  eo  morte  inveni- 
entibus,  dimittebatur.  Necdum  enini  super  nomine  christiano  senatus- 
consulta  praecesserant ;  necdum  christianum  sanguinem  Neronis  gladius  dedi- 
carat.  Sed  pro  novitate  praedicationis,  sive  a  Judaeis  invidentibus,  sive  ab  his 
qui  sua  videbant  idola  destrui,  ad  furorem  populis  concitatis,  missi  in  carcerem, 

rursum  impetu  et  furore  deposito,   laxabantur id  agente  Dommo,  ut  in 

loto  orbe  nova  pr^edicatio  disseminaretur.     In  Philem.  ver.  22.  T.  IV.  p.  453. 


■SS  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

iletermine  the  time  of  this  epistle.  However,  there  are  some 
difiiculties  that  ought  to  be  taken  notice  of. 

1.  Obj.  "  For  1  am  now  ready  to  be  offered  up,  and  the 
time  of  my  departure  is  at  hand,"  2  Tim.  iv.  6, 

These  expressions  led "^  Eusebius  of  Coesarea,  and  *^Jerom, 
who  followed  him,  and  ^Chrysostom,  though  he  did  not  fol- 
low either,  to  say  that  this  was  the  last  epistle  of  St.  Paul, 
written  only  a  small  space  of  time  before  his  martyrdom. 
And  many  learned  moderns  have  been  of  the  same  opinion, 
as  is  well  known. 

But  let  us  attend  to  Lightfoot.  '  There'^  is  one  passage,' 
says  he,  '  in  this  epistle,  which  has  caused  some  to  doubt 
'  about  the  time  of  its  writing.     That  is  what  he  says,  ch.  iv. 

*  6 ;  "I  am  now  ready  to  be  offered  up,  and  the  time  of  my 

*  departure  is  at  hand."  Which  would  make  one  think  that 
'  he  was  now  ready  to  be  martyred  and  taken  away.     And 

*  it  has  made  some  believe  this  was  the  last  epistle  that  ever 
'  he  wrote.  But  when  we  compare  his  own  words  again, 
'  ver.  17, 18,  and  Philip,  i.  25,  and  Philem.  ver.  22,  itmaketh 

*  past  controversy,  that  he  speaketh  not  of  his  sudden  mar- 
'  tyrdom,  but  that  he  is  to  be  understood  in  some  other  sense. 

* And  indeed   the  resolution  of  the  difficulty  lies  open 

'  and  conspicuous  in  the  very  text  itself.  Paul  looked  upon 
'  Timothy,  as  the  prime  and  choice  man  that  was  to  succeed 
'  him  in  the  work  of  the  gospel,  when  he  himself  should  be 
'  dead  and  gone:  as  being- a  young*  man,  not  only  of  sing"ular 
'  qualifications  for  that  work,  but  of  whom  there  had  been 
'  special  prophecies  to  such  a  purpose,  1  Tim.  i.  18.  He 
'  exhorts  him  therefore,  in  this  place,  to  improve  all  his  pains 
'  and  parts  to  the  utmost  "  to  do  the  work  of  an  evangelist, 

*  to  make  full  proof  of  his  ministry,"  ch.  iv.  5,  for  that  him- 
'  self  could  not  last  long,   being*  now  grown  old,  and  worn 

*  out  with  travail,  and   beside  all  that,  in  bonds  at  present, 

*  and  so  in  continual  danger.  Therefore  must  Timothy  be 
'  fitting  himself  daily  to  take  his  work,  when  he  is  gone.' 

So  Lightfoot,  and,  as  seems  to  me,  very  properly.  To 
the  like  purpose  Estius  upon  the  same  text.  Whom'  I 
transcribe  below. 

«  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  22.  f  Quoted  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv ;  from  De 

V.  I.  cap.  V.  B  Quoted  likewise  as  before. 

"  Vol.  I.  p.  324. 

'  Quare  quae  liic  ab  Apostolo  dicuntur  non  ita  sunt  accipienda,  quasi  pliine 
eentiat  sese  jam  jam  rapiendum  ad  martyriura  ;  praesertim  cum  alia  quaedam 

ejusdem  episfolaj  repugnent  huic  intellectui. Sed  tantum  significant,  ipsum, 

ctsi  de  tempore  mortis  et  passionis  incertum  tamen  per  carceres  et  tribunalia 

parari  ad  victimam. Quocirca  non  appuret  hac  a  Paulo  dicta  fuisse  per 

revelatiouera  aliquani  de  inslante  martyrio  sibi  factam. Illud  etiam  con- 


St.  PauVs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  59 

I  likewise  place  below''  a  part  of  Baronius's  solution  of 
the  same  difHculty,  which  appears  to  me  very  sutlicient. 

That  Paul  had  now  no  certain  and  prophetic  view  of  suf- 
fering martyrdom  immediately,  is  apparent  from  several 
things  in  this  epistle:  particularly  from  his  desiring-  Timo- 
thy to  come  to  him,  and  to  bring  Mark  with  him,  as  "  pro- 
fitable to  him  for  the  ministry."  He  supposed  therefore, 
that  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  employ  him  in  the 
service  of  the  gospel.  He  likewise  must  have  hoped  to 
receive,  and  use  the  things  left  at  Troas,  which  he  desired 
Timothy  to  bring  to  lum. 

Obj.  2.  St.  Paul  says,  ch.  iv.  18,  "  And  the  Lord  shall 
deliver  me  from  every  evil  work,  and  will  preserve  me  un- 
to his  heavenly  kingdom."  By  which  many  have  supposed, 
that  the  apostle  does  not  express  any  hope  of  being-  now 
delivered  from  death,  or  the  present  danger,  or  any  other 
temporal  evil,  but  from  sin,  and  from  all  unworthy  conduct 
of  his  own.  So  say  '  Le  Clerc  and  ""Whitby.  "  Paul  had 
been  delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lion."  But  he  did 
not  now  expect  any  such  deliverance.  He  only  hoped  to 
be  preserved  from  sin,  and  to  be  brought  to  God's  heavenly 
kingdom. 

But  I  do  not  think  that  to  be  St.  Paul's  meaning'.  It  is 
inconsistent  with  what  he  had  just  said:  that  "  the  Lord 
had  stood  by  him,  and  strengthened  him,  that  by  him  the 

siderandum  est,  Paulum  loqui,  ut  jam  senem,  et  laboribus  confectum,  qui  pro- 
inde  non  multum  vitae  tempus  sibi  reliquum  arbitretur.  Ac  quoniam  non 
dubitat,  se  martyrio  finiendura,  idcirco  et  de  eo  tamquam  brevi  future  loqui- 
tur :  '  Ego  enim,'  inquit,  *  jam  delibor.' Sensus  et  connexio  est:   Idcirco, 

cum  tam  seria  obtestatione  te  discipulum  meum  officii  tui  admoneo,  quod  jam 
senex  sim,  et  incertus  quamdiu  futurus  superstes.  Jam  enim,  tamquam  victima 
Christo  destinata,  per  hos  carceres,  et  gravissimos  quos  patior  adversariorum 
impetus,  immolari  incipio.     Est.  ad  2  Tim.  iv.  6. 

'' eo  enim  sensu  hsec  putant  accipienda  esse  verba,  quasi  proxime  esset 

Paulus  martyrio  coronandus,  sicque  ab  eo  spiritu  prophetico  esse  pronuntiata. 

Sed  dicant  velim :    Nonne  idem  ipse  Paulus  in  eadem  testatur  epistola, 

sibi  Dominum  apparuisse,  dum  in  summo  illo  discrimine  versaretur,  hortatum- 
que  esse,  ac  fore  praedixisse,  ut  per  ipsum  in  omnes  Gentes  prsedicatio  imple- 
retur  ?  Quomodo  igitur  hajc  sibi  cohaerent,  ut  instans  Pauli  consiunmatio 
esset,  idemque  ipse,  sic  a  periculo  liberandus,  in  omnes  gentes  praedicationem 
evangelii  propagaturus  esset  ?  Et  reliqua.     Ann.  59.  n.  xiii.  xiv. 

'  Non  de  la  moit,  mais  des  mauvaises  actions,  qu'il  auroit  fallu  que  S,  Paul 
fit  pour  I'eviter.     Clerc. 

"'  Dr.  Whitby's  note  upon  ver.  18,  is,  '  If  he  will  deliver  him,'  as  Cliry- 
sostom  says,  why  does  he  say,  "  I  am  offered  ?"  Observe  therefore  his  words. 
He  says  not,  he  will  again  deliver  me  "  out  of  the  power  of  the  lion  :"  but 
only,  that  "  he  will  preserve  me  from  every  evil  work,  and  to  his  heavenly 
kingdom.'  The  place  of  Chrysostom,  which  I  suppose  to  be  here  referred 
to,  may  be  seen,  on  2  ad  Tim.  cap.  iv.  liom.  x.  torn.  XI.  p.  722.     Ed.  Bened. 


60  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

preacbing-  might  be  fully  known,  and  tbat  all  the  Gentiles 
might  bear."  Which  could  not  be  done  presently.  But 
must  require  some  time.  To  me  it  clearly  appears,  that  the 
apostle's  words  express  faith  in  God,  and  hope  of  the  divine 
protection  in  future  difficulties  and  dangers;  or,  that  God 
would  still  deliver  him,  and  uphold  hmi  in  his  service, 
aoainst  all  the  designs  of  evil  men.  And  when  he  had  done 
the  work,  still  remaining*  for  him  to  do,  and  fulfilled  his 
testimony  to  the  g^ospel,  he  should  be  "  brought  safe  to 
God's  heavenly  kingdom."  Accordingly,  he  was  preserved 
for  some  good  while  after  this,  enjoying,  so  far  as  Ave  know, 
as  much  freedom  in  preaching  the  gospel,  as  ever  he  did, 
till  a  period  Avas  put  to  his  life  by  martyrdom.  As  before 
observed,  what  the  apostle  says  here  at  ch.  iv.  16 — 18,  much 
resembles  what  is  said,  Acts  xviii.  9 — 17.  And  the  apos- 
tle's circumstances  at  Corinth  and  Rome  were  much  alike. 

3.  Obj.  Once  more,  it  may  be  said,  the  state  of  things 
shows  this  epistle  to  have  been  w  ritten  many  years  after  the 
first  epistle  to  Timothy,  and  when  Paul  was  near  his  death. 
For  he  says  here,  ch.  i.  15,  "  This  thou  knowest,  that  all 
they  which  are  in  Asia  be  turned  aAvay  from  me.  Of  whom 
are  Phygellus  and  Hermogenes."  Which  implies  that  great 
corruptions  now  prevailed  in  Asia,  particularly  in  the  church 
of  Ephesus. 

To  which  I  answer:  that  if  the  Asiatics,  here  spoken  of, 
were  now  at  Rome,  or  had  been  lately  there,  we  are  not 
hereby  led  to  think  disadvantageously  of  the  christians  at 
Ephesus,  and  in  Asia  in  general.  That  such  are  the  persons 
here  intended,  has  been  the  opinion  of  many,  and  is  very 
probable.  It  Avas  formerly  observed,  that  "  Chrysostora 
hereby  understood  such  as  Avere  at  Rome.  Estius,  upon 
the  place,  says,  this"  was  the  general  opinion  of  the  Greek 
writers.  And  indeed  it  is  in  p  CEcumenius,  Avho  expressly 
says,  that  they  which  are  in  Asia  is  the  same  as  they  A^hich 
are  of  Asia.  To  the  like  purpose  Theophylact :  '  Theyi  in 
'  Asia  are  such  of  Asia  as  Avere  then  at  Rome.'  Dr.  Ham- 
mond's paraphrase  is  to  this  purpose,  '  Thou"^  hast  heard,  I 
'  believe,  that  in  my  affliction  I  have  been  deserted  by  all  the 

°  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxviii.  °  Porro  secundum  Graecorum  expositio- 

ncm,  non  est  sermo  de  iis,  qui,  Paulo  liEec  scribente,  in  Asia  erant,  sed  qui  ex 
Asia  Romam  venerant.     Est.  in  loc. 

P  'Oi  IV  Ty  limq.'  rHTimv,  oi  tK  ttjq  Aaiag'  CEcuni.  in  loc.  T.  II.  p.  261. 

''  KartKiTTOv  avrov  o'l  iravTtg  tv  ry  A<nci,  tstetiv  o'l  iK  Tt]C  Affiac  tvdtfiHvreg 
ry  'Poj^y.     Theoph.  T,  II.  p.  806. 

■■  Audivisti,  ut  opinor,  ab  Asiaticis  christianis,  qui  erant  Romse,  excepto  solo 
Onesiphoro,  me  desertum  fuisse,  in  mea  calamitate.  Hammond,  in  loc.  ex 
versione  Cleric. 


Si.  PauVs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  61 

*  Asiatic  cliristians  at  Rome,  excepting-  only  Onesiphorus.' 
So  tliat  this  interpretation  is  confirmed  by  the  connection,  it 
following-  immediately  afterwards,  "  The  Lord  give  mercy 
to  the  house  of  Onesiphorus.  For  he  oft  refreshed  me,  and 
was  not  ashamed  of  my  chain.  But  when  he  was  at  Rome, 
he  sought  me  out  very  diligently,  and  found  me."  liightly 
does  Hammond  say,  that  Timothy  had  heard  of  tiiis.  It  was 
likely,  that  before  this  letter  came  to  Timothy's  hands,  he 
might  have  heard  in  general,  how  the  christians  at  Rome, 
particularly  those  of  Asia,  had  carried  it  toward  his  great 
master,  now  in  bonds,  lint  it  seems  by  the  apostle's  way  of 
speaking-,  that  he  thought  he  g-ave  Timothy  some  farther 
information,  especially  when  he  added,"  Of  whom  are  Phy- 
o-ellus  and  Hermog-cnes."  Beausobre  Avas  for  the  late  date 
of  this  epistle.  Nevertheless  he  supposeth*  the  apostle  to 
speak  of  some  Asiatics,  who  had  been  with  him  at  Rome, 
but  were  returned  to  their  own  country.  Mr.  Mosheim*^ 
speaks  largely  to  this  place.  He  understands  hereby  some 
Asiatics,  who  had  left  Paul,  and  were  gone  home.  He 
thinks  they  were  guilty  of  unkindness,  and  are  chargeable 
with  inconstancy  :  but  he  does  not  suppose  that  they  for- 
sook the  apostle's  doctrine,  or  endeavoured  to  make  inno- 
vations. 

There  is  no  ground  therefore  to  suppose  that  Paul  here 
speaks  of  a  general  corruption  and  defection  of  the  Christi- 
ans in  Asia. 

1  know  not  of  any  other  objections  that  deserve  consider- 
ation. From  what  has  been  argued  therefore,  I  conclude, 
that  this  epistle  to  Timothy  was  M-ritten  at  Rome,  when  Paul 
was  sent  thither  by  Festus  in  the  year  61. 

For  determining  the  time  of  the  year  Me  may  receive  as- 
sistance, not  only  from  those  who  are  for  this  early  date, 
but  from  those  likewise  who  are  for  a  later  date  of  this 
epistle. 

From  Paul's  desiring  Timothy  to  come  to  him,  before 

'  II  y  a  de  I'apparence,  que  quelques  Asiatiques,  qui  avoient  suivi  S.  Paul  a 
Rome,  I'avoient  abandonne,  et  s'en  etoient  retournes  dans  leur  pais.  Beaus. 
upon  the  place. 

'  Discesserant  hi  sine  dubio,  et  in  patriam  reverterant,  quod,  Paulo  Romae  in 
vincula  conjecto,  vitae  suse  metuebant,  desperabantque,  fore  aliquando,  ut  is 
libertati  restitutus  itinera,  quse  meditabatur,  persequeretur.  In  hoc  vitii  est 
aliquid  :  fratrem  enim,  et  multo  magis  Dei  legatum,  cui  praesidio  et  solatio 
esse  possis,  in  vitae  discrimine  positum,  relinquere,  animi  levis  est,  et  christi- 
anse  disciplinae  immemorL';.  Verum  nihil  habet  haec  inconstantia,  ex  quo 
intelligi  possit,  ideo  hos  homines  domum  red'usse,  ut,  quae  ex  Paulo  percepe- 
rant,  dogmata  oppugnareut,  novasque  res  inter  christianos  molirentur.  Mo- 
shem.  De  Reb.  christian  ante  Constantin.     Sec.  i.  num.  Ix.  in  notis. 


62  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

winter,  Tillemont"  concludes,  tliat  tin's  epistle  was  written 
near  the  middle  of  the  year.  Witsius  thinks  it^  wasAvritten 
in  the  beginning-  of  the  summer.     So  likewise  '''Baronius. 

It  seems  very  probable,  that  Paul  came  to  Rome  about 
the  end  of  February,  or  soon  after,  before  April,  or  at  the 
utmost  in  the  besinninaf  of  it.  But  before  the  writing"  of  this 
letter  several  things  had  passed.  His  apology  before  the 
emperor  was  over,  Onesiphorus  had  made  the  apostle  divers 
visits.  Several  of  the  apostle's  assistants  or  fellow-labour- 
ers had  been  with  him,  since  his  arrival,  and  had  taken 
directions  from  iiim.  Demas  was  gone  to  Thessalonica, 
Crescens  to  Galatia,  Titus  to  Dalmatia.  The  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  likewise,  I  suppose  to  have  been  written  before, 
and  if  it  had  not  been  sent  away,  it  lay  ready,  at  least,  to  be 
carried  by  Tychicus,  together  with  this  to  Timothy.  If 
therefore  Paul  came  to  Rome  in  March,  this  letter  might  be 
sent  away  in  May,  or  the  beginning-  of  June.  The  direction, 
ch.  iv.  21,  "  Do  thy  diligence  to  come  before  winter,"  might 
proceed  from  tenderness  for  Timothy,  the  apostle  himself 
having  lately  felt  the  inconveniences  of  a  winter-voyage ; 
and  may  also  lead  us  to  think  there  would  be  need  of  Timo- 
thy's making  despatch,  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  lest 
he  should  be  overtaken  by  bad  weather. 

In  dating  this  epistle  at  the  time  I  have  done,  I  have  fol- 
lowed "Lightfoot,  yBaronius,  ^Estius,  *  Hammond,  ''Wit- 
sius. Who  have  all  well  asserted  this  date.  Witsius,  the 
last  mentioned,  has  an  argument  upon  the  point,  which  he 
has  all  along-  conducted  Avith  great  candour,  and  concluded*^ 

"  II  y  prie  S.  Timolhee  de  le  venir  trouver  avant  I'hiver,  ainsi  ce  ne  pouvoit 
pas  etre  plus  tard  que  vers  le  milieu  de  I'annee.  S.  Paul,  art.  49.  Mem.  torn.  I. 

"  Observant,  jussisse  hac  epistola  Paulum,  ut  festinato  ad  se  accederet,  et,  si 
fieri  posset,  ante  hiemem,  assurato  secum  Marco.  Venit  autem  Paulus  Ro- 
mam,  mense,  ut  creditur,  Februario.  Pone,  scriptani  hanc  epistolam  esse 
ineunte  asstate  :  potuit  Timotheus  cum  Marco  ante  hiemem  Romae  esse  ;  ubi 
fuit,  quando  illse  scribebantur  epistolae,  quibus  praefixum  illius  nomen  est : 
quemadmodum  ct  Marcus  ibi  fuit,  quo  tempore  scribebatur  ilia  ad  Colossen- 
ses,  et  ad  Philemonem.  Quidquamne  probabilius  est,  quam  omnia  ista  ex 
maudato  Pauli  esse  facta  ?  Ubi  supra,  sect  12.  num.  v. 

"  Sed  et  cum  illud  admonet,  ut  ante  hiemem  se  Romam  conferat :  certe,  si 
quis  ejiacte  consideret  tempus,  et  locum  ipsum,  Timotheumque  agentem  in 
Asi&,  ut  ejusmodi  reddi  posset  epistola,  ct  ipseTroadem  ad  sumendam  paenu- 
1am  proficisceretur,  ac  Romam  ante  hiemem  se  confen'et :  plane  inveniet,  hoc 
ips<j  anno,  ineunte  aestate,  hanc  ad  I'imotheum  scriptam  epistolam.  Baron, 
ann.  59.  num.  x. 

*  Harmony  of  the  N.  T.  in  his  Works,  Vol.  i.  p.  324. 

J   Annal.  59.  num.  x.  "  Prsef.  in  2  ad  Timoth. 

*  Prx'f'.  in  2  ep.  ad  Timoth.  ''  De  Vita  et  Rebus  Pauli 
ApoHt.  sect.  xii.  apud  Meletem.  Leyd.  p.  182,  &c. 

*^  Mea  si  desideretur  e-n-iKpunQ,  fateor  equidem  ali'iiiamdiu  nie  in  rationum 


St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  63' 

witL  miuli  modesty :  though  to  me  he  seems  to  liave  re- 
moved every  difHciilty  in  a  very  satisfactory  manner.  And 
he  speaks  of  Sahnero,  as  being-  of  the  same  opinion.  And 
besides,  in  the  course  of  the  argument  cites  from  Cocceius, 
and  Solomon  Van  Till,  (M'ith  M'hose  writings  I  am  but  little 
acquainted,) divers  observations, confirniing-  the  same  opinion. 
Cave  likewise  Avas  of  this  opinion,  when  he  wrote  the  Lives 
of  the  Apostles,  and  the  first  volume  of  the  Lives  of  the 
primitive  Fathers,  in  English  ;  expressing-  himself  very 
clearly,  and  properly,  both  in''  the  life  ofPaul,  and*"  the 
life  of  Timothy,  but  when  he  wrote  his  Historia  Literaria,  he 
speaks  in  the  article  of  St.  Paul,  as  ^  if  he  had  quite  changed 
his  mind  :  though  in  the  article  of  St.  Peter,  as  it  still  stands 
in  the  new  edition  at  Oxford,  he  ^  speaks  exactly  as  he  had 
done  before. 

If  he  altered  his  mind,  I  suppose  it  must  have  been  in 
compliance  with  Pearson,  m  ho  of  late  has  been  followed  in 
this  particular  by  many ;  who,  if  they  had  carefully  read 
the  above-named  authors,  might  easily  have  discerned  the 
superiority  of  their  arguments. 

To  him''  likewise  1  suppose  it  must  be  chiefly  ascribed, 

conflictu  animi  ancipitem  haesisse,  quae  quibus  anteponeiidae  sint.  Omnibus 
tamen  peipensis,  noii  dissimulo,  eo  me  magis  propendere,  ut  scriptionem 
hujus  epistolaB  ad  priora  Pauli  apud  Romam  vincula  referendam  esse  arbitrer. 
lb.  sect.  12.  num.  viii. 

^  '  It  is  not  improbable,  but  that  about  this  time  St.  Paul  wrote  his  second 

*  epistle  to  Timothy.     I  know  that  Eusebius,  and  the  ancients,  and  most  mo- 

*  dems  after  them,  will  have  it  written  a  little  before  his  martyrdom,  induced 

*  thereto  by  that  passage  in  it,  that  he  was  "  then  ready  to  be  ofFeied,  and  the 

*  time  of  his  departure  was  at  hand."  But,  surely,  it  is  most  reasonable  to 
'  think  that  it  was  written  at  his  first  being  at  Rome,  and  that  at  his  first 

*  coming  there,  presently  after  his  trial  before  Nero.  In  it  he  appoints  Timothy 
'  sliortly  to  come  to  him,  who  accordingly  came,  and  his  name  is  joined  to- 

*  gether  with  the  apostle's,  in  the  front  of  several  epistles,  to  the  Philippians, 

*  Colossians,  and  Philemon.'  Cave's  Life  of  St.  Paul,  sect.  7.  num.  5.  p. 
103,  104. 

*  Life  of  Timothy,  num.  vii. 

'  Epistolam  secundam  ad  Timotheum  scriptam  esse  Romae,  in  prima  Pauli 
captivitate  contendit  cl.  Hammondus.  Sed  errat  omnino  vir  eruditissimus. 
Quisquis  enim  totius  epistolae  contextum,  omnesque  hujus  temporis  circum- 
stantias  serio  perpenderit,  quin  scripta  sit  anno  64,  paulo  ante  Apostoli  mar- 
tyrium,  dubitare  nequit.     De  S.  Paulo.  Hist.  Lit.  tom.  I.  p.  12. 

8  Durante  biennali  captivitate,  Paulus  inde  scripsit  quatuor  vel  quinque 
epistolas,  ad  Colossenses,  Ephesios,  Philippenses,  et  Philemonem,  in  quibus 
nuUae  notae,  nulla  indicia,  unde  vel  divinando  quis  assequi  posset,  Romae 

Petrum  tunc  fuisse. In  posteriori  ad  Timotheum,  quam  hoc  etiam  tempore 

scriptam  esse,  maxime  est  proliabile. Carcere  Romano  hberatus,  dum  ad- 

huc  in  Italia  haereret,  scripsit  epistolam  ad  llebrseos.     De  Petro,  H.  L.  p.  9. 

''  Paulus  Romae  [A.  D.  Ixvii.]  e  carcere  in  discrimen  vitae  vocatur  ab  altero 
Nerone,  et  apologiam  habet,  sive  *  defensionem  suam,'  vel  ♦  sui,'  quod  in  pri- 


64  /I  Hislory  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

that  by  tlie  apostle's  first  answer,  or  apology,  many  of  late 
have  understood  an  apology  made  in  a  second  imprisonment 
at  Rome.  Which,  as  '  before  shown,  is  contrary  to  the  ge- 
neral opinion  of  ancient  christian  writers  :  and  indeed  ap- 
pears to  me  a"*^  very  unlikely  meaning.  And  to  him  I  suppose 
it  to  be  entirely  owing  that  'Paul's  lion,  whom'"  all  christi- 
ans in  general  had  hitherto  understood  to  be  the  emperor 
Nero,  has  on  a  sudden  dwindled  into  °Elius,  or  Helius,  the 
emperor's  freed  man  and  favourite. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  to  me  very  probable,  that  this 
second  epistle  to  Timothy  was  written  at  Rome,  when  Paul 
was  sent  thither  by  Festus.  And  I  cannot  but  think,  that 
this  ought  to  be  an  allowed  and  determined  point.  Accord- 
ingly, I  now  proceed  to  mention  some  observations  in  the 
way  of  corollaries. 

1.  This  second  epistle  to  Timothy  affords  not  any  argu- 
ment that  Peter  was  not  at  Rome,  when  Paul  came  thither  a 
second  time,  and  suffered  martyrdom. 

Upon  these  words,  ch.  iv.  16,  "  At  my  first  answer,  no  man 
stood  with  me,  but  all  forsook  me,"  Beza  says:  '  Where" 

oribus  vinculis  factum  non  est ;  ubi  habuit  tantura  '  defensionem  et  coafirma- 
tionera  evangelii,'  adversus  Judseos  scilicet.  Annal.  Paulin.  p.  24. 

'  See  before,  p.  50 — 53. 

^  Eusebe,  S.  Jerome,  S.  Chrysostome  en  quelques  endroits,  et  Theodoret, 
cat  entendu  cette  premiere  defense  de  son  premier  voyage.  S.  Chrysostome 
s'en  eloigne  en  d'autres  endroits,  et  I'entend  d'une  premiere  compantion  de  S. 
Paul  devant  Neron  dans  son  dernier  voyage.  Mais  Tautre  sentiment  est  plus 
autorise,  et  fonde  sur  le  sens  le  plus  naturel  du  texte,  &c.  Du  Pin,  Diss. 
Prelim.  P.  II.  1.  2.  ch.  ii.  sect.  viii.  p.  53. 

'  In  qua  defensione  tantum  erat  et  Pauli  et  suorum  periculum,  ut  omnes  sui 
eum  desererent,  et  nemo  illi  adesset,  2  Tmi.  iv.  16,  17.  Sed  ereptus  est  ex  ore 
leonis,  nempe  Helii  Csesareani.     Ann.  Paulin.  ibid. 

"  I  refer  to  the  collections  of  Grotius  upon  2  Tim.  iv.  17,  whereby  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  common  to  give  such  denominations  to  bad  princes,  not  to 
their  officers.  And  I  shall  transcribe  here  a  curious  passage,  to  which  he  only 
refers,  showing,  that  Nero,  for  his  bad  temper,  was  early  called  a  lion.  Adde 
haec  scholiastis  in  Juvenalis  Sat.  v.  Seneca  sub  Claudio,  quasi  conscius  adulte- 
riorum  Juliae,  Germanici  filiae,  in  Corsicam  relegatus,  post  trienniura  revocatus 
est.  Qui  etsi  magno  desiderio  Athenas  intenderet,  ab  Agrippina  tamen,  erudi- 
endo  Neroni,  in  palatium  adductus,  saevum  immanemque  natum  et  sensit  cito, 
et  mitigavit,  inter  familiares  solitus  dicere ;  non  fore  saevo  illi  leoni,  quin,  gus- 
tato  semel  hominis  sanguine,  ingenita  redeat  ssevitia.  Lipsius  in  notis  ad  Tacit. 
Ann.  1.  12.  cap.  9. 

"  Nobis  sane  non  probatur  conjectura  doctissimi  Peai-son,  qui,  communis 
sententiae  pertsesus,  Helium  Caesareanum  designatum  fuisse  existimat  in  Anna- 
libus  Paulinis.  Neronis  potius  et  furor  et  dignitas,  aptaea  metaphora  signifi- 
catur ;  quomodo,  defuncto  Tiberio,  Marsias  Agrippae  libertus  dixit  domino  sue, 
Mortuus  est  Leo.     Basnag.  ann.  64.  n.  vi. 

°  Ubi  tum  Petrus,  si  Romae  erat?  Num  enim  quaeso  Paulura  deseruisset  ? 
Sed  quod  in  genere  dicitur,  etsi  non  temere  sic  loquitur  Paulus,  ita  tamen  acci- 
piendum  est,  ut  aliqui  excipi  potuerint,  sed  perpauci.     Bez.  in  loc. 


St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  65 

'  was  Peter  then,  if  he  was  at  Rome?  Did  he  desert  Paul  in 
'  the  time  of  his  ditKculty  :'  But  the  g-ood  man  adds ;  '  That 
'  Paul's  general  expressions  need  not  to  be  understood  abso- 
'  lutely,  without  any  exception.'  That  is  very  charitable  and 
benevolent.  But  indeed,  if  Peter  had  then  been  at  Rome, 
lie  could  not  have  afforded  any  assistance  to  his  brother 
apostle.  Nor  >vould  Paul  have  expected  it  of  him.  For 
Peter  was  himself  an  obnoxious  person.  Paul''  refers  only 
to  such,  as  by  their  station  Avere  likely  to  be  of  some  use  to 
him,  if  they  had  appeared  with  him,  and  had  exerted  them- 
selves in  his  behalf. 

But  though  Peter's  not  appearing  upon  that  occasion  af- 
fords not  any  argument  that  he  was  not  then  at  Rome,  the 
entire  silence  concerning  him  throughout  this  epistle,  affords 
good  reason  to  think  he  was  not  then  at  Rome.  For  ch.  iv. 
2,  Paul  sends  salutations  from  Eubulus,  Pudens,  Linus,  and 
Claudia.  If  Peter  had  been  then  at  Rome,  he  would  have 
been  mentioned  likewise.  We  do  justly  argue  from  St. 
Paul's  omitting-  Peter  among  his  salutations  sent  to  divers  of 
the  Roman  christians,  ch.  xvi.  that  Peter  Avas  not  then  in 
that  city.  It  is  also  rightly  argued  from  the  silence  con- 
cerning Peter  in  the  epistles  to  the  Ephesians,  Philippians, 
Colossians,  and  Philemon,  that  Peter  was  not  at  Rome  when 
they  were  written.  To  which  ought  to  be  added  this  second 
epistle  to  Timothy,  as  farther  confirming-  the  same  thing,  if 
written  about  the  same  time.  But  then,  if  it  was  written  in 
the  year  61,  as  I  suppose,  it  will  not  aflfbrd  any  argument 
against  Peter's  being  at  Rome  in  64  or  65,  and  then  suflfer- 
ing-  martyrdom  there.  About  Avhich  there  ought  not  to  be 
any  doubt.  That  Peter  suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome,  is  said 
by  the  same  writers  that  speak  of  the  martyrdom  of  Paul 
there.  The  '' martyrdoms  of  both  the  apostles  have  a  like 
degree  of  credibility.  For  neither  is  Paul's  martyrdom  at 
Rome  founded  upon  the  testimony  of  any  sacred  book  of  the 
New  Testament.  If  this  second  epistle  to  Timothy  was  writ- 
ten at  the  time  here  argued  for,  we  have  no  proof  from  scrip- 
ture that  Paul  was  a  second  time  at  Rome.  Nevertheless, 
he  must  have  been  there  a  second  time,  if  he  sufl^ered  mar- 
tyrdom there,  as  ecclesiastical  history  says.     Consequently, 

P  Loquitur  de  iis  qui  prodesse  poterant,  et  qui  gfalia  valebant  apud  aulicos, 
Potest  et  ita  exponi :  *  Omnes,'  id  est,  pene  oranes.     Est.  in  loc. 

''  Denique  si  mentitur  traditio  de  loco  Petrini  martyrii  atque  sepulchro,  quo 
nobis  indicio  liquebit  Paulum  Rorase  interfectum  fuisse  atque  conditum  ? 
Unum  nobis  est  argumentum  fama  constans,  in  quo  etiam  fundamento  collo- 
catur  quae  per  animos  invasit,  de  Petri  in  urbem  et  adventu  et  morte,  immota 
explorataque  Veterum  sententia.     Basnag.  ann.  64.  num.  x. 

VOL.    VI.  F 


66  A  History  of  the  apostles  and  Evangelists. 

the  martyrdom  of  Paul  at  Rome,  has  no  other,  nor  better 
evidence,  than  the  martyrdom  of"  Peter  in  the  same  city. 

2.  We  cannot  conclude  from  this  second  epistle  to  Timo- 
i\xj,  that  St.  Luke  was  qualified  to  write  the  history  of  the 
apostle  Paul  for  the  space  of  several  years  lower  than  he  has 
done  in  the  book  of  the  Acts. 

Whitby  says  upon  ver.  11,  of  the  fourth  chapter  of  this 
epistle :  '  Hence  it  appears,  that  Luke  must  be  alive  in  the 
12th  or  13th  year  of  Nero,  when  this  epistle  was  indited.' 
St.  Luke  mig-ht  be  then  alive.  But  thisepistle,  if  written  in 
the  7th  or  8th  of  Nero,  affords  not  any  proof  that  Luke  lived 
to  the  12th  or  13th  of  Nero,  or  that  he  was  then  with  Paul. 
And  it  may  be  reckoned  probable,  that  St.  Luke  did  not 
accompany  the  apostle  after  his  release  from  his  imprison- 
ment at  Rome. 

Again,  says  Wall  upon  Acts  xxviii,  30,  31,  '  St.  Luke 

'  wrote  this  book  about  the  year  63. It  is  a  wonder  that 

'  he  did  not  add  the  history  of  the  rest  of  his  life,  Avhitherhe 
'  went,  when  he  was  set  free,  and  what  he  did  in  the  five 
'  years  afterwards.  One  might  have  guessed,  that  Luke 
'  died  about  this  time.  But  it  was  not  so.  He  was  with 
'  Paul  a  little  before  Paul  died  ;  as  appears  from  2  Tim.  iv. 
'  11.'  But,  that  St.  Luke  was  alive  and  with  Paul  in  the  year 
67,  or  68,  cannot  be  inferred  from  this  epistle,  if  it  was  writ- 
ten in  the  year  61. 

3.  We  are  now  able  to  vindicate  the  character  of  Demas. 
Says  Wall  upon  2  Tim.  iv.  10,  '  At  the  former  imprison- 

'  ment,  five  years  ago,  Demas  was  one  of  Paul's  fellow-la- 
'  bourers.  As  we  learn  from  Philem.  ver.  24.'  But  that 
remark  will  appear  preposterous,  if  the  second  epistle  to 
Timothy  was  written  before  that  to  Philemon,  as  I  think  it 
was. 

Upon  our  order  of  the  epistles  the  case  will  stand  thus. 
Some  time  after  Paul's  coming  from  Judea  to  Rome,  upon 
the  appearance  of  some  unexpected  difficulties,  Demas,  who 
had  come  to  Rome  to  meet  Paul,  was  discouraged^  He  did 
not  apostatize  from  the  christian  religion.  But  out  of  too 
great  regard  for  his  own  safety,  he  absented  himself  from  the 
apostle,  and  went  where  Paul  had  rather  he  should  not  have 
g'onc.  This  is  what  St.  Paul  intends,  when  writing  to  Timo- 
thy, he  here  says:  "  Demas  hath  forsaken  me,  having  loved 
this  present  world,  and  is  departed  unto  Thessalonica,"  ch. 
iv.  10.  But  it  was  not  very  long  before  he  returned.  Ac- 
cordingly, Paul  makes  honourable  mention  of  him.  Col.  iv. 
14,  andPhilem.  24,  epistles,  written  near  the  end  of  his  con- 
finement at  Rome. 


St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  67 

How  disagreeable  to  tliink,  tliatafellow-labourerof  Paul, 
who  had  attended  him  in  his  bonds,  near  the  end  of"  a  two 
year's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  should  afterwards  forsake 
him  !  According  to  our  account  his  fault,  whatever  it  might 
be,  was  first,  and  his  repentance  last :  and  so  sincere  and 
complete,  that  Paul  readily  accepted  of  it,  and  joins  him 
with  his  best  friends  in  the  salutations  sent  to  Colosse,  and 
Philemon.  And,  perhaps,  Demas  had  been  very  useful  at 
Thessalonica,  though  the  apostle  did  not  send  him  thither. 

Grotius  upon  2  Tim.  iv.  10,  says  :  '  we"^  conclude  from 
'  Philem.  ver.  24,  and  Col.  iv.  14,  that  Demas  repented  of 
'  his  fault.'  But  that  is  inconsistent  M'ith  the  late  date  of  the 
second  epistle  to  Timothy.  For  if  those  texts  prove  Demas's 
repentance,  the  second  to  Timothy  must  have  been  Avritten 
before  those  two  epistles:  as  '^Beza  perceived,  when  he  al- 
lowed the  repentance  of  Demas. 

4.  Cave's  arg-ument*^  for  the  time  of  St.  Mark's  writing 
his  gospel,  built  upon  the  supposition,  that  this  second  epis- 
tle to  Timothy,  in  which  that  evangelist  is  mentioned,  was 
written  just  before  St.  Paul's  martyrdom,  is  of  no  value. 

5.  This  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  affords  not  any  argu- 
ment against  the  supposition,  that  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
was  written  by  St.  Paul  in  the  year  63,  about  the  time  of  his 
being  released  from  his  confinement  at  Rome. 

Le  Clerc  in  his  French  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  in 
his  notes  upon  Heb.  xiii.  23,  says:  '  Nothing"  of  that  kind 
'  happened  to  Timothy,  during  the  life  of  St.  Paul,  if  it  had, 

*  he  would  not  have  failed  to  take  notice  of  it  in  his  second 

*  epistle  to  him,  written  a  very  short  time  before  his  death. 
'  And  he  Mould  have  thence  taken  occasion  to  say  something 
'  to  Timothy,  by  way  of  commendation  and  encouragement, 

*  or  otherwise.     If  then  Timothy  was  not  imprisoned,  during 

"■  Vide  hie  etiam  bonos  interdum  metu  aut  malis  exemplis  mutari.  '  Qiiare, 
qui  Stat,  videat  ne  cadat.'  Sed  et  culpse  hujus  pcEnituisse  Demam  colligimus 
ex  loco  Philem.  24.  et  Coloss.  iv.  14.  Grot,  ad  2  Tim.  iv. 

*  Videtur  ille  postea resipiscens ad  Paulum  revertisse,  cum  fiatejus  mentio  in 
epistola  ad  Philemonem,  quam  probabile  est  post  hanc  scriptam  fuisse,  cum 
in  ca  fiat  mentio  Timothei  ipsius  in  inscriptione,  atque  etiam  Marci,  quasi  jam 
cum  Paulo  versantis.     Bez.  ad  Tim.  iv.  10. 

'  Factum  id  circa  annum  65,  Petro  et  Paulo  jam  morte  sublatis.  Cum 
enim  ilium  epistola  secunda  ad  Timotheum,  non  longe  ante  martynum  scripta, 
Romam  accersiverat  Paulus ;  probabile  est,  Marcum  vel  eodem,  vel  saltem  se- 
quenti  anno  illuc  venisse,  ibique  Evangelium  vel  primum  condidisse,  vel  prius 
conditum  edidisse.     H.  L.  T.  I.  p.  24.  in  Marco. 

"  II  n  etoit  rien  arrive  de  semblable  a  Timothc,  pendant  la  vie  de  S.  Paul, 
qui  lui  ecrivit  sa  2  epitre  tres  pen  de  tems  avant  que  de  mourir,  et  qui  n'au- 
roit  pas  manque  d'en  parler  en  quelque  occasion.  &c.  Notes  sur.  Heb. 
xiii  23. 

F   2 


68  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'Paul's  life;  the  mention  of  these  his  bonds,  and  his  re- 
'  lease,  proves  this  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  not  to  have  been 
'  written  till  after  Paul's  death.'  Le  Clerc  speaks  also  to 
the  like  purpose  in  his  ^Ecclesiastical  History.  And  some 
before  Le  Clerc  must  have  been  affected  with  this  diffi- 
culty. As  may  be  concluded  from  Beza's  Notes  upon  Heb. 
xiii.  23. 

To  which  I  answer,  first,  that  the  original  word  rendered 
by  us,  "  set  at  liberty,"  may  signify^"  "  sent  abroa<l  on  an 
errand,"  But  upon  that  I  do  not  now  insist,  and  therefore 
say,  secondly,  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  now  generally 
supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Paul  in  the  year  68,  soon 
after  his  release  from  his  imprisonment  at  Rome.  And  we 
know,  from  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians, 
and  Philemon,  that  Timothy  was  with  Paul  at  that  time, 
when  his  imprisonment  was  near  the  period.  It  is  not  at 
all  improbable,  that  Timothy  might  be  imprisoned,  and  soon 
set  at  liberty  again :  as  divers  of  Paul's  felloAv-labourers 
Avere.  But  it  is  unreasonable  to  expect,  that  any  notice 
should  be  taken  of  these  things,  in  either  of  the  epistles  to 
Timothy :  one  of  which  was  written  before  Paul's  first  im- 
prisonment, as  it  is  called  :  and  the  other  soon  after  the  be- 
ginning of  it. 

6.  There  can  be  no  ground  from  this  epistle  to  conclude 
a  second  imprisonment  of  Paul  at  Rome.  For  it  was  written 
in  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  in  that  city,  when  he  had 
been  sent  thither  from  Judea  by  Festus. 

7.  There  may  be  many  other  things  said  upon  a  suppo- 
sition, that  this  epistle  was  written  in  a  second  imprisonment 
of  Paul  at  Rome,  in  the  year  67,  or  thereabout.  All  which 
must  now  fall  to  the  ground. 

It  is  often  said  that  error  is  endless.  And  it  is  certain, 
that  one  error  is  productive  of  another.  This  in  particular 
is  so.  It  has  occasioned  forced  and  wrong  interpretations 
of  divers  texts  of  this  epistle,  and  many  false  and  groundless 
suppositions,  contrary  to  the  truth  of  history.  I  shall  take 
notice  of  but  one  more,  beside  those  which  have  been  already 
mentioned.  Tillemont,  in  his  history  of  St.  Paul's  affairs,  in 
the  year  65,  some  while  after  he  had  been  set  at  liberty  from 

*  Mentio  fit  Titnothei  in  vincula  conjecti  et  dimissi.  cap.  xiii.  23.  Quod 
non  contigerat  ante  posteriorem  ad  Timotheum,  ubi  nulla  ejus  rei,  uti  nee  in 
priore,  vel  niinima  mentio.  Quam  tamen  Paulus  non  praetermisset,  si  quid 
simile  coiitigisset,  cum  ad  laudem  Timothei,  et  constantiam  in  eo  augendam, 
multum  iaceret.  Itaque  in  vmcula,  post  conscriptas  demum  ad  eum  epistolas, 
aut  etiam  post  mortem  Pauli,  conjectus  fuerit.     H.  E.  A.  D.  69.  p.  459. 

"  Vid.  Mill.  Prolegom.  num.  68,  69. 


St,  PauVs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  G9 

his  captivity  at  Rome,  says:  '  It"  was,  perhaps,  at  this  time, 
'  that  he  suffered  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  at  Iconium,  and 
'  Lystra,  the  afflictions,  which  he  mentions  in  general,  in  his 
'  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  ch.  iii.  11.'  Which  to  me  ap- 
pears very  absurd,  and  I  had  almost  said,  ridicuh>us. 

I  shall  now  mention  one  observation  more,  of  a  different 
kind. 

8  We  have  no  reason  upon  the  whole  to  regret  St.  Paul's 
imprisonment  at  Rome. 

When  we  read  the  opinion  of  that  great  company  which 
had  heard  Paul's  pleading  in  Ctesarea.  Acts  xxvi.  31,  "  This 
man  doth  nothing  worthy  of  death,  or  of  bonds  :"  and  what 
Agrippa  said  to  Festus,  in  the  next  verse.  "  This  man  might 
have  been  set  at  liberty,  if  he  had  not  appealed  to  Caesar:" 
we  may  be  disposed  to  wish  that  appeal  had  not  been  nifide, 
thinking',  that  in  that  case  he  might  now  have  been  set  at 
liberty.  But  if  we  consider  things  maturely,  Ave  shall  per- 
ceive it  to  have  been  necessary.  It  was,  indeed,  prudently 
made,  being  the  only  probable  means  of  his  escape  from  the 
continued  persecutions  of  the  enraged  Jews. 

But  beside  that,  there  are  very  many  advantages  attending- 
it :  which  ought  to  reconcile  us  to  it,  and  induce  us  to  ac- 
knowledge the  over-ruling  providence  of  God  in  it.  With- 
out that  appeal  Paul  would  not  have  been  mentioned  to 
Agrippa.  Nor  should  we  have  had  that  excellent  apology 
for  himself  and  his  doctrine,  M'hich  he  made  before  Agrippa, 
and  Festus.  We  should  not  have  had  the  fine  history  of  the 
apostle's  voyage  to  Rome,  in  which  are  so  many  affecting- 
incidents.  And  though  he  came  to  Rome  as  a  prisoner,  he 
had  there  a  great  deal  of  liberty.  "  Nor  was  the  word  of 
God  bound."  As  he  was  able  to  say  in  this  epistle,  written 
soon  after  his  settlement  at  Rome,  2  Tim.  ii.  9.  And  in  his 
epistle  to  the  Philippians,  ch.  i.  12 — 14,  written  afterwards, 
are  these  remarkable  m  ords,  "  But  I  would,  ye  should  un- 
derstand, brethren,  that  the  things  which  have  happened 
unto  me,  have  fallen  out  rather  to  the  furtherance  of  the 
gospel.  So  that  my  bonds  in  Christ  are  manifest  in  all  the 
palace,  and  in  all  other  places.  And  many  of  the  brethren 
waxing-  confident  by  my  bonds,  are  much  more  boUl  to  speak 
the  word  without  fear.  Says  St.  Luke,  "  Two  whole  years 
Paul  dwelt  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  received  all  that 
came  in  unto  him.  Preaching  the  kingdom  of  God,  and 
teaching  those  things,  which  concern  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
with  all  confidence,  no  man  forbidding-  him,"  Acts  xxviii. 
30,  31. 

"  Sf.  Paul.  art.  47.  Mem.  Ec.  T.  I. 


70  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evpngelists. 

Jerom  thinks  ity  was  a  handsome  dwellrng,  in  which  was 
a  spacious  room,  where  Paul  could  receive  a  good  deal  of 
company,  and  display  his  apostolical  gifts  to  advantage.  So 
he  beforehand  wrote  to  Philemon,  "  to  prepare  him  a  lodg- 
ing," ver.  22.  Not  that  he  should  want  many  things  for  his 
own  accommodation.  But  he  wished  to  have  a  dwelling  in 
a  frequented  part  of  the  city  of  Colosse,  and  large  enough 
to  admit  conveniently  all  who  were  desirous  to  be  informed 
concerning  his  doctrine. 

Paul  had  a  great  desire  to  go  to  Rome,  and  testify  there 
the  gospel  of  Christ.  He  thought,  it  is  likely,  that  he  should 
there  have  a  good  opportunity  to  propose  it  to  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  of  inquisitive  tempers,  and  distinguished  charac- 
ters.    Rom.  i.  9,  10, "  Without  ceasing  making  mention 

of  you  always  in  my  prayers :  making  request  (if  by  any 
means  now  at  length  I  might  have  a  prosperous  journey  by 
the  will  of  God)  to  come  unto  you."  And  ver.  14,  16,  "  I 
am  debtor  both  to  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  to  the  wise  and 
unwise.  So,  as  much  as  in  me  is,  I  am  ready  to  preach  the 
gospel  to  you  that  are  at  Rome  also,  for  1  am  not  ashamed 
of  the  gospel  of  Christ ;  for  it  is  the  power  of  God  unto  sal- 
vation,  to  the  Jew  first,   and  also  to  the   Greek."     See 

likewise  ch.  xv.  28 — 32.  Well,  Paul's  desire  was  fulfilled. 
He  was  brought  to  Rome  :  and  although  not  in  the  way,  and 
in  the  circumstances  which  himself  would  have  chosen:  yet 
1  suppose,  that  in  the  end  he  had  good  reason  to  be  well 
satisfied.  Indeed,  I  think,  that  the  time  of  his  abode  at 
Rome,  must  have  been,  upon  the  whole,  as  comfortable,  and 
honourable,  and  useful,  as  any  period  of  the  like  duration, 
since  his  conversion  to  the  faith  of  Christ.  He  was  bound, 
and  was  guarded  by  a  soldier.  But  it  needs  not  to  be  sup- 
posed, that  the  chain  was  always  upon  his  hand.  And  not- 
withstanding the  disgraceful  circumstance  of  his  bonds,  and 
the  disadvantage  of  his  outward  appearance  in  some  respects, 
such  were  the  dignity  and  importanceof  his  behaviour,  such 

y  •  Simul  autem  et  prsepara  mihi  hospitium.'  Non  puto  tarn  divitem  fuisse 
apostolum,  et  tantis  sarcinis  onustum,  ut  praeparato  egeret  hospitio,  et  non  una 

contentus  cellula,  breves  corporis  sui  spatio  aedes  amplissimas  existimaret. 

Si  autem  hoc  non  dispeiisatorie,  sed  vera  quis  existimet  imperatum,  apostolo 
magis  quam  Paulo  hospitium  praeparandum  est.  Venturus  ad  novam  civitatem, 
pi"ajdicaturus  crucifixum,  ot  inaudita  dogmata  delaturus,  sciebat  ad  se  plurunos 
concursuros :  et  necesse  erat,  primum,  ut  domus  in  celebri  esset  urbis  loco,  ad 
quam  facile  conveniretur.  Deinde  ut  ab  omni  importunitate  vacua,  ut  ampla, 
quae  plurimos  caperet  audientium  ;  ne  proxima  spectaculorum  locis,  ne  turpi 
vicinia  detestabilis :  postremo,  ut  in  piano  potius  sita  esset,  quam  in  coenaculo. 
Quam  ob  causara  eum  existimo  etiarn  Romae  in  conducto  raansisse  biennio. 
Nee  parva,  ut  reor,  erat  mansio,  ad  quam  Judaeorum  turbae  quotidie  conflue- 
bant.     Hieron.  inPhilera.  ver.  22.  T.  IV.  p.  453. 


St.  PauVs  second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  71 

the  superiority  of  his  discourse  above  that  of  all  other  men, 
and  such  the  works  which  God  enabled  him  to  perforin, 
as  could  not  but  secure  him  the  regard  of  all  serious  and 
discerning-  men.  And^  success  in  his  work  would  alleviate 
all  his  sufferings.  For  which  reason  we  also  ought  to  re- 
joice in  them,  and  on  account  of  the  testimony  thereby  given 
to  the  truth  and  innocence  of  the  christian  doctrine. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  first  part  of  this  work,  where  our 
concern  was  with  facts  occasionally  mentioned  in  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament,  I  said  :  '  Here  is  withal  an  account  of 

*  proceedings  and  sentences  of  courts  of  judicature,  in  cities 
'  of  the  first  rank,  and  most  general   resort :    and  of  some 

*  discourses  made   before  persons,  next  under  the   Roman 

*  emperor,  of  the  highest  rank  and  distinction  :'  referring  to 
the  history  in  Acts  xxiii.  xxiv.  xxv.  xxvi.  But  now  I  should 
choose  to  say :   '  And  of  some  discourses  made   before  per- 

*  sons  of  the  highest  rank  and  distinction,  not  excepting  the 

*  Roman  emperor  himself.'  From  M'hat  has  been  just  now 
argued,  it  appears  to  be  very  probable,  that  Paul,  when 
brought  to  Rome,  pleaded  once,  if  not  twice,  before  Nero. 
And  though  those  pleadings  may  have  been  very  short ;  yet 
from  thence,  and  from  the  treatment  which  Paul  had  pre- 
sently afterwards  in  the  imperial  city,  ariseth  a  very  forcible 
argument  for  the  innocence  of  the  christian  doctrine  and  its 
teachers. 

Every  one  perceives,  that  St.  Paul's  pleadings  upon  the 
occasions  before  referred  to,  in  the  presence  of  the  Jewish 
council  at  Jerusalem,  and  before  Felix,  and  Festus,  and 
Agrippa,  at  Casarea,  do  us  great  honour.  Particularly,  in 
this  last  mentioned  apology,  the  doctrine  which  Paul 
preached  as  received  from  heaven,  was  reported  to  those 
great  personages,  and  the  honourable  company  attending- 
them.  He  lays  before  them  the  history  of  his  life,  from  his 
youth  up,  before  he  was  a  christian,  and  afterwards.  He 
plainly  declares  his  doctrine,  and  the  zeal  with  which  he 
had  spread  and  propagated  it  every  where,  among  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  and  his  unwearied  diligence  in  the  cause  in  which 
he  was  engaged.  And  in  the  end  all  acknowledge,  that  he 
did  nothing  contrary  to  the  peace  of  society  :  and  that  he 
might  have  been  set  at  liberty.  But  having  appealed  to 
the  emperor,  it  was  now  requisite  that  the  cause  should  be 
referred  to  his  tribunal,  and  be  finally  determined  there. 

^  Simul  autein  admirandum  de  magnanimitate  apostoli,  et  in  Christum 
raente  ferveiitis.  Tenetur  in  carcere,  vmculis  stringitur,  squalore  corporis,  ca- 
rorum  separatione,  poenalibus  tenebris  coarctatur  ;  et  non  sentit  injuriam,  non 
dolore  cruciatur  ;  nihil  novit  aliud,  nisi  de  Christi  evangeho  cogitare.  Hieron. 
in  Philem.  torn.  IV.  p.  450.  m. 


72  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Here  therefore  is  another  testimony  to  the  innocence  of 
Paul  and  his  doctrine.  Festus,  the  governor  of  Judea,  cer- 
tainly vvTote  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  giving  an  account  of 
Paul.  Of  this  all  may  be  satisfied,  who  observe  what  is  said, 
Acts  XXV.  24 — 27.  !So  Lysias,  the  tribune,  and  command- 
ing officer  at  Jerusalem,  when  he  sent  Paul  to  Felix  at  Coesa- 
rea,  wrote  a  letter,  containing  an  account  of  the  prisoner,  and 
the  proceedings  against  him  hitherto,  ch.  xxiii.  25 — 30.  In 
like  manner  now  acted  Festus.  Nor  can  it  be  imagined,  that 
any  governor  should  presume  to  falsify,  prevaricate,  or  dis- 
guise, in  such  a  letter.  It  might  be  very  respectful  to  the 
emperor,  and  favourable  to  the  prisoner.  But  there  could 
be  nothing  but  truth.  And  there  must  have  been  all  the 
truth,  that  was  needful  to  give  a  just  notion  of  the  cause. 
And  yet  Paul  is  not  condemned,  but  obtains  an  order  for 
such  a  custody,  as  leaves  him  at  liberty  to  "  dw  ell  by  him- 
self, in  his  own  hired  house,"  and  to  receive  all  who  came  to 
him,  and  to  discourse  to  them  of  his  doctrine.  Here  he  was 
two  years  :  during  which  time  he  had  no  molestation.  And 
at  length  he  was  released.  He  was  all  that  time  in  one 
place.  And  the  place  of  his  abode  was  well  known.  He 
might  have  been  called  for  at  any  time.  But  there  were  no 
complaints  made  against  him,  or  none  such  as  could  induce 
those  in  power  to  change  the  order  first  given. 

When  Paul  lay  bound  in  the  castle  of  Antonia,  at  Jerusa- 
lem, after  he  had  been  brought  before  the  Jewish  council, 
and  his  life  was  in  imminent  danger ;  "  the  night  following, 
the  Lord  stood  by  him,  and  said,  Be  of  good  cheer,  Paul : 
for  as  thou  hast  testified  of  me  in  Jerusalem,  so  must  thou 
bear  witness  also  at  Rome,"  Acts  xxiii.  II.  Which  word 
of  our  Lord  was  fully  accomplished :  as  we  are  assured  in 
the  history,  which  St.  Luke  has  given  of  the  apostle's  going 
to  Rome,  and  dwelling  in  that  city  two  whole  years,  and  in 
the  epistles,  written  by  himself,  during  that  period:  which 
by  the  divine  goodness  are  still  preserved  to  us. 

According  to  the  preceding  argument,  the  second  epistle 
to  Timothy  was  sent  away  from  Rome,  about  the  summer  of 
the  year  6l,  probably  in  May,  or  June. 

Sect.  XI. 

The  Epistle  to  the  PJiilippians. 

There  still  remain  three  epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  be  con- 
sidered by  us,  which  are  generally  allowed  to  have  been 
written  during  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  at  Rome :  the 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Pkilippians.  73 

epistles  to  tlie  Pliilippians,  tlie  Colossians,  and  Philemon. 
And  1  shall  speak  of"  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  have 
been  just  named. 

The  epistle  to  the  Philippians  was  written  in  the  second 
yearof  the  apostle's  imprisonment.  Timothy,  who  had  come 
to  him  from  Ephesus,  according-  to  his  desire,  2  Tim.  iv.  9 — 
21,  is  joined  with  the  apostle  in  the  inscription  at  the  beoin- 
ning'  of  the  epistle.  Jt  seems  to  have  been  written  not  long- 
before  the  end  of  his  two  years'  imprisonment.  For  he  had 
some  hopes  of  a  release,  ch.  i.  24,  25.  "  Nevertheless  to 
abide  in  the  tlesh,  is  more  needful  for  you.  And  having  this 
confidence,  I  know  that  I  shall  abide,  and  continue  with  you 
all,  for  your  furtherance,  and  joy  of  faith."  Yea,  he  ex- 
presseth  hopes  of  making*  the  Philippians  a  visit,  ver.  26, 
"  That  your  rejoicing-  may  be  more  abundant  in  Jesus  Christ 
for  me,  by  my  coming-  to  you  again."  And  ch.  ii.  19,  "  But 
I  trust  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  send  Timothy  shortly  unto  you," 
and  ver.  23,  24,  "  Him  therefore  I  hope  to  send  pre- 
sently, so  soon  as  I  shall  see  how  it  will  go  with  me.  But 
I  trust  in  the  Lord,  that  I  also  niysel/  shall  come  shortly." 
But  though  he  had  hopes  of  obtaining  his  liberty,  he  was 
not  yet  certain  of  it.  As  appears  from  those  wordsjust  cited, 
"  so  soon  as  I  shall  see  how  it  will  go  with  me  :"  and  from 
what  he  says,  ch.  ii.  17,  "  Yea,  if  I  be  offered  upon  the  sacri- 
fice and  service  of  your  faith,  I  joy,  and  rejoice  with  you 
all."  See  also  ch.  i.  ver.  20.  In  the  mean  time,  he  sends 
back  to  them  Epaphroditus,  who  had  come  to  Rome,  with  a 
kind  present  from  the  christians  at  Philippi,  and  who  had 
been  aangerously  sick,  but  was  now  recovered.  And  it  is 
likely  that  by  hiin  this  epistle  was  carried.  So  it  follows  in 
ver.  25 — 30,  of  the  second  chapter,  "  Yet  I  supposed  it  ne- 
cessary to  send  to  you  Epaphroditus,  my  brother,  and  com- 
panion in  labour,  but  your  messeng'er,  and  he  that  ministered 
to  my  Avants. 1  have  sent  him  therefore  the  more  care- 
fully :  that  when  ye  see  him  again,  ye  may  rejoice."  Of 
their  kind  regard  to  him,  he  speaks  again,  ch.  iv.  10 — 19. 
In  the  end  of  the  epistle  he  sends  salutations  to  the  Philippi- 
ans from  "  the  l)retliren  that  were  with  him,"  and  from  "  all 
the  saints,  chiefly  these  of  Caesar's  household."  Who  may 
be  supposed  to  be  the  apostle's  converts,  and  the  persons 
w  ho  chiefly  contributed  to  his  being-  set  at  liberty,  and  had 
already  given  him  hopes  of  it,  and  may  likewise  have  been 
friendly  to  him  in  other  respects.  And  at  the  beginning  of 
this  epistle,  ch.  i.  13,  speaking  of  the  progress  of  the  gospel, 
he  says  :  "  So  that  my  bonds  in  Christ  are  manifest  in  all 
the  palace,  and  all  other  places." 


74  A  Hisioi-y  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

The  salutations  in  this  epistle  are  singular,  being  different 
from  those  at  the  end  of  the  other  epistles,  written  about  the 
same  time.     First  it  is  said, "  The  brethren  which  are  with 
me  greet  you  :"  intending,  as  I  apprehend,  Mark  and  others, 
the  apostle's  fellow-labourers,  mentioned  by  name  near  the 
end  of  the  epistles  to  the  Colossians  and  Philemon,  but  not 
so  mentioned  here.    Then  it  is  added,  "  All  the  saints  salute 
you :"    meaning    all   the    christians   at    Rome    in    general, 
"  chiefly,  they  that  are  of  Ciesar's  household."     The  kind 
present  from  the  Philippians,  it  is  likely,  had  recommended 
them  to  the  notice  of  all  at  Rome.  That  testimony  of  respect 
for  the  apostle  was  highly  pleasing,  and  very  edifying  to  the 
christians  in  that  city.     It  seems  to  have  been  a  handsome 
sum.  And  it  maybe  reckoned  probable,  that  the  collections 
made  for  the  apostle  at  Rome,  and  the  contributions  brought 
in  from  abroad,   were  all  put  into  one  bank,  and  lodged  in 
the  hands  of  some  person  or  persons  of  good  credit  and  sub- 
stance.    Possibly,  there  was  now  a  superfluity.     For  St. 
Paul  says  to  these  Philippians,  "  I  have  all,  and  abound.     I 
am  full."     If  there  was  any  thing  superfluous,  beyond  what 
was  requisite  for  his  maintenance  at  Rome,  it  would  be  of 
use  for  defraying-  the  expenses  of  the  journies  which  he  had 
in  view.     And   this  may  be  one  reason,  why  this  epistle  is 
inscribed  "  to  all  the  saints,  which  are  at  Philippi,  with  the 
bishops  and  deacons."     For  there  must  have  been  such  ofli- 
cers  in  many  of  the  churches  to  which  the  apostle  sent  let- 
ters, though  they  are  not  mentioned.     But  the  bishops  and 
deacons  at  Philippi  had  encouraged  the  contributions  made 
for  the  apostle,  and  had  assisted  in  conveying  them  to  him. 
And  therefore  they  could  not  be  omitted. 

St.  Paul  came  to  Rome,  as  I  suppose,  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  61.  "  There  he  dwelled  two  whole  years  in  his  own 
hired  house,"  Acts  xxviii.  30.  Consequently,  his  captivity 
ended  in  the  spring  of  the  year  63. 

Hereby  1  am  led  to  think,  that  this  epistle  to  the  Philip- 
pians Mas  Avritten  in  the  year  62.  It  was  carried  by  Epa- 
phroditus.  Some  time  after  he  was  gone,  I  suppose  (as  ■'  does 
Mill  likewise)  that  St.  Paul  sent  Timothy  to  Philippi,  agree- 
ably to  his  design,  mentioned,  ch.  ii.  19 — 23.  And  when  he 
wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  in  the  spring-  of  the  year 
63,  he  was  in  expectation  of  Timothy's  return  to  him,  Heb. 
xiii.  23.     According  to  this  computation,  the  epistle  to  the 

•  De  visendis  enim  Philippensibus,  ubi  primum  e  carcere  evaserit,  omnino 

cogilat. Et  quidem  paullo  post  niissas  hasce  literas  libertatem  adeptus, 

Timotheum  in  Macedonian!  misit,  uti  liquet  ex  Hebr.  xiii.  23,  &c.  Mill.  Prol. 
num.  68. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Colossians.  75 

Pliilippions  was  written,  and  sent  away,  in  the  year  62,  and 
some  while  before  the  end  of  it. 

Sect.  XII. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Colossians. 

The  epistles  to  the  Colossians,  and  Philemon,  were  sent 
away  together.  Chrysostom,  as  ^ formerly  observed,  thought 
that  the  epistle  to  Philemon  was  first  written.  That  he 
concluded  from  Col.  iv.  7 — 9.  However,  1  shall  first  speak 
of  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  according-  to  the  order  in 
which  the  epistles  lie  in  our  volume  of  the  New  Testament. 

The  epistle  to  the  Colossians  was  carried  by  Tychicus  and 
Onesimus,  as  we  perceive  from  ch.  iv.  7 — 9,  "  All  my  estate 
shall  Tychicus  declare  unto  you. Whom  I  have  sent  un- 
to you  for  the  same  purpose,  that  he  might  know  your  estate, 
and  comfort  your  hearts:  with  Onesimus,  a  faithful  and  be- 
loved brother,  who  is  one  of  you.  They  shall  make  known 
unto  you  all  things  (which  are  done)  here." 

These  two  letters,  as  before  said,  were  sent  away  at  the 
same  time.  But  it  is  likely,  that  the  letter  to  Philemon  was 
first  delivered.  For  till  Onesimus  had  been  received  by  his 
master,  he  could  not  be  a  fit  person  to  join  in  delivering  a 
letter  to  the  church  of  Colosse. 

Timothy  joins  with  the  apostle  at  the  beginning-  in  the 
salutation  "  to  the  saints  and  faithful  brethren  in  Christ, 
which  are  at  Colosse."  Near  the  end  of  the  epistle  are  salu- 
tations from  Aristarchus,  said  by  the  apostle  to  be  his 
"  fellow  prisoner,"  from  Mark.  "  Jesus  called  Justus, 
Epaphras,  Luke  the  beloved  physician,  and  Demas." 

It  might  have  been  expected,  that  this  letter  should  be 
carried  by  Epaphras,  who  had  come  to  the  apostle  at  Rome 
from  Colosse,  ch.  i.  7,  8.  But  he  was  now  the  apostle's 
"  fellow  prisoner,"  as  is  said,  Philem.  ver.  23.  However,  he 
and  Aristarchus  may  have  been  set  at  liberty  about  the  same 
time  with  St.  Paul.  Such  things  were  frequent  in  the  early 
days  of  the  gospel,  and  before  Nero  became  a  persecutor, 
according  to  an  observation  of  Jerom  in  his  commentary 
upon  the  epistle  to  Philemon,  ver.  22,  cited  by  us<^  not 
long  ago. 

As  Timothy  joins  with  the  apostle  in  the  salutation  at 
the  beginning  of  this  epistle,  he  was  still  at  Rome,  and  not 
yet  sent  away  to  Philippi.  I  therefore  conclude,  that  this 
epistle  was  written   about  the  same  time  with  that  to  the 

^  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxviii.  «  See  before,  p.  57. 


76  -^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Pbilippians,  in  the  year  G2,  and  some  while  before  the  end 
of  it. 

Sect.  XIII. 

The  Epistle  to  Philemon. 

Philemon  Mas  a  citizen  of  Colosse, in  Phrygia.  Paul'^ 
writes  this  epistle  to  him  in  behalf  of  Onesimus,  a  slave,  who 
had  robbed  his  master,  and  run  away.  Him  Paul  had  con- 
verted to  the  christian  faith  at  Rome,  during-  his  bonds, 
which  are  several  times  mentioned  in  this  epistle. 

Timothy  is  joined  with  Paul  in  the  salutations  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  epistle.  At  ver.  23  and  24,  the  apostle  sends 
salutations  from  Epaphras,  then  his  "  fellow  prisoner :"  from 
Mark,  whom  Timothy  had  brought  with  him  to  Rome,  ac- 
cording to  Paul's  desire,  2  Tim.  iv.  11 :  from  Luke  and 
Aristarchus,  who  had  accompanied  the  apostle  in  his  voyage 
from  Judea  to  Rome,  and  had  continued  with  him  ever 
since :  and  from  Demas,  who  had  departed  from  the  apostle 
for  a  while,  but  was  now  returned.     Compare  2  Tim.  iv.  10. 

From  ver.  19,  it  is  argued  by  '^  Jerom,  as  well  as  by  some 
learned  commentators  of  late  times,  that  the  whole  of  this 
epistle  was  sent  in  the  apostle's  own  hand  Mriting. 

St.  Paul  had  now  good  hopes  of  obtaining  his  liberty.  For 
he  says,  at  ver.  22  ;  "  But  withal  prepare  me  also  a  lodging. 
For  1  trust,  that  through  your  prayers  1  shall  be  given  unto 
you."  Nevertheless,  as  Timothy  joins  with  the  apostle  in 
the  salutations  at  the  beginning  of  the  epistle,  I  think  it  was 
not  yet  fully  determined.  For  Paul  says  to  the  Philippians, 
ii.  23,  that  "  he  hoped  to  send  him  to  them  presently, 
so  soon  as  he  should  see  how  it  Avould  go  with  him."  As 
Timothy  was  still  at  Rome,  and  not  sent  away  to  Philip  pi,  it 
may  be  argued,  that  the  apostle  did  not  yet  certainly  know 
the  success  of  the  attempts  made  use  of  by  his  friends  to 
procure  his  liberty.  1  therefore  conclude,  that  (his  epistle 
was  written  about  the  same  time  Avith  that  to  the  Philippians, 
in  the  year  62,  and  some  while  before  the  end  of  it. 

^  Totiim  autem,  pro  quo  rogat,  illucl  est :  Onesimus,  servus  Philemonis, 
fugam  furto  cumulans,  qusedam  lei  domesticte  compilarat.  Ilic  pergens  iu 
Italiam,  ne  in  proximo  faciliijs  posset  appreiiendi,  pecuniam  domini  per  lux- 
uriaiu  prodegerat,  &c.  Hieron.  iu  Philem.  T.  IV.  p.  449.  Vid.  et  Thoodoreti 
argum.  in  ep.  ad  Piiilem.  T.  111.  p.  516. 

«  Quod  dicit,  talc  est.  Quod  Onesimus  furto  rapuit,  ego  mo  spondeo  red- 
diturum.  Cuj\is  sponsionis  epislola  Inec  et  manus  testis  est  propria-,  quam 
non  solito  more  dietavi,  sed  mea.  manu  ipse  conscripsi.     Ilier.  ib.  p.  452. 


St.  Pmirs  Epistle  to  Philemon.  77 

These  tliree  epistles  to  the  IMiilippiaii.*;,  the  Colossians,  and 
Philemon,  arc  also  placed  by  Mill'  in  the  year  02. 

1  will  now  add  a  few  observations  concerning-  the  epistle 
to  Philemon. 

Philemon's  station  is  not  certainly  known.  Grotius 
tliought  hes  dwelt  at  Ephesus,  and  was  one  of  the  elders  of 
that  church.  Beausobre,  in  his  notes  upon  the  first  verse  of 
this  epistle,  speaks  of  Philemon  as'*  one  of  the  pastors  of 
the  church  of  Colosse. 

To  me  it  appears  evident,  that  Philemon  was  an  inhabi- 
tant of  Colosse.  For  his  servant,  Onesimus,  is  recommended 
by  St.  Paul  to  the  church  in  that  city,  and  said  to  be  "  one 
of  them,"  ch.  iv.  9.  And  the  christians  at  Colosse  are 
required  by  the  apostle  to  "  say  to  Archippus,  take  heed  to 
the  ministry,  which  thou  hast  received,"  ver.  17.  Which 
Archippus  is  saluted  in  the  epistle  to  Philemon,  ver.  2. 

Theodoret  expressly  says,  that'  Philemon  was  a  citizen  of 
Colosse,  and  that  the  house  in  which  he  dwelt,  was  still 
remaining-  there.  Theophylact  ^  calls  him  a  Phrygian. 
Jerom  likewise  says,  he'  was  of  Colosse.  But  he  bestows 
so  many  words  to  make  it  out,  that  we  may  be  led  to  think 
there  were  some  in  his  time  who  disputed  it. 

Philemon,  therefore,  was  a  Colossian.  But  whether  he 
was  an  elder  there,  or  only  a  private  christian,  in  g-ood  cir- 
cumstances, is  not  so  certain.     The  inscription  is, 

"  unto  Philemon,  our  dearly  beloved,  and  fellow  labourer." 
Which  last  expression  is  ambig-uous.  It  may  imply,  that 
Philemon  w  as  an  elder  in  the  church  of  Colosse,     Or  no 

'  Vid.  Prolegom.  num.  68—70.  et  80—82. 

8  Philemoni  dilecto.]     Videtur  habitasse  Ephesi,  ubi  Onesimus  postea  epis- 

copatu  functus  est,  ut  et  Ignatii  literae,  et  alii  scriptores  tradunt. 'Et  ad- 

jutori  meo.']  Id  est  uni  Presbyteroruni  illorura,  qui  Ephesi  plures  erant,  Act. 
XX.  17.  Grot,  in  Philem.  ver.  1.  *■  II  paroit  par  la,  que 

Philemon  etoit  un  des  Pasteurs  de  I'eglise  de  Colosses.     Beaus. 

'  IToXii'  ^t  u-)(t  Tag  KoXoucrag.  Kai  ri  oiKia  Se  avrs  ^£XP'  '"**  'TapovTOg  /ia/i£- 
vr]Ke.     Theod.  arg.  ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  III.  p.  516. 

^  Theop.  ep.  ad  Philem.  T.  II.  p.  861. 

'   Si  autem  Philemon,  ad  quern  haec  epistola  scribitur,  Onesimi  dominus 

est et  ad  Colossenses  refertur,  quod  ex  iis  sit,  ratio  nos  ipsa  et  ordo 

deducit,  quod  et  Philemon  Colossensis  sit,  et  eo  tempore  communem  ad  om- 
nem  ecclesiam  Onesimus  epistolam  tulerit,  quo  privatas  et  sui  commendafrices 
ad  dominum  literas  sumserat.  Est  et  aliud  indicium,  quod  in  hac  eadem 
epistola  et  Archippus  nominatur,  cui  hie  cum  Philemone  scribitur :  •  Dicite,' 
inquit,    '  Archippo :    Vide  ministerium,  quod  accepisti  a  Domino,  ut  illud 

impleas-' Ex  quo  puto,  aut  Episcopum  fuisse  Colossensis  ecclesiae,  cui 

admonetur  studiose  et  diligenter  prasesse,  aut  evangelii  prsedicatorem.  Aut  si  ita 
non  est,  illud  mihi  impraesentiarum  sufficit,  quod  et  Philemon,  et  Archippus, 
et  Onesimus  ipse,  qui  literas  perferebat,  fuerint  Colossenses,  &c.  Coram,  ia 
Philem.  T.  IV.  p.  445. 


78  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evavgelists. 

more  may  be  intended  thereby,  tlian,  in  general,  that  Phile- 
mon was  some  way  useful  in  helping-  forward  the  gospel. 
In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,"'  Philemon  is  said  to  have 
been  ordained  bishop  of  Colosse  by  the  apostles.  But 
their  testimony  is  of  very  little  weight.  I  do  not  perceive 
Jerom  to  say  expressly,  that"  Philemon  was  bishop,  or 
elder  at  Colosse.  Perhaps  he  was  not  positive  about  it  in 
his  own  mind.  The  author  of  the  Commentary  upon  thir- 
teen of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  by  some  reckoned  to  be  Hilary, 
deacon  of  Rome,  says,  that^  Philemon  had  no  ecclesiastical 
dignity,  but  was  one  of  the  laity.  And  fficumenius,  in  his 
prologue  to  the  second  epistle  of  St.  John,  formerly  p  cited, 
appears  also  to  have  thought  Philemon  to  be  a  man  in  a 
private  station. 

Perhaps  some  have  been  the  rather  unwilling  to  allow, 
that  Philemon  was  a  bishop,  or  elder,  because  he  had  a 
wife,  whose  name  was  Apphia,  and  because  he  was  a  man 
of  substance,  who  had  one  slave  at  least,  if  not  more. 
Nevertheless  we  have  just  observed  two  learned  men,  of 
very  good  judgment,  Grotius  and  Beausobre,  who  were 
not  much  swayed  by  those  considerations.  One  of  whom 
thought  Philemon  to  have  been  an  elder  in  the  church  of 
Ephesus  :  the  other,  one  of  the  pastors  of  the  church  of 
Colosse.     To  them  I  can  now  add  i  Dr.  Doddridge. 

However,  as  the  thing*  is  of  no  great  importance,  so  I 
must  acknowledge,  that  it  is  not  very  easy  to  be  decided. 
St.  Paul's  expression,  "  fellow  labourer,"  as  before  observed, 
is  ambiguous.  His  manner  of  address,  which  is  very  ear- 
nest, farther  induces  me  to  hesitate.  If  Philemon  had  been 
an  elder,  he  must  have  known  his  duty  :  and  could  not  have 
needed  so  pressing  an  exhortation  to  receive  a  penitent,  and 
him  one  of  his  family. 

Onesimus,  unquestionably,  was  received  by  the  church 
of  ColossC;  as  a  good  christian,  upon  the  apostle's  recom- 
mendation. It  is  as  reasonable  to  think,  that  Philemon  was 
reconciled  to  him  :  and,  probably,  gave  him  his  freedom. 
In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions'^  he  is  said  to  have  been 
bishop  of  Berea  in  Macedonia.  When  Ignatius  wrote  his 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  about  the  year  107,  their  bishop's 

">  Const.  Ap.  1.  7.  cap.  46. 

"  Scribunt  igilur  Paulas  et  Tiinotheus  Philemoni  carissimo  et  co-operatori ; 
qui  ideo  carrissimus  dictus  est,  quod  in  eodem  Christi  opere  versetur.  In  ep. 
ad  Philem.  p.  446.  °  Philemon  nulla  erat  ecclesiasticae 

ordinationis  praeditus  dignitate,  sed  vir  laudabilis,  unus  ex  plebe,  &c.  Proleg. 
in  ep.  ad  Philem.  p  See  Vol.  v.  ch.  ix. 

1  See  his  preface  to  Philemon,  p.  585,  and  his  Paraphrase  of  the  first  verse, 
p.  589,  of  the  Family  Expositor,  Vol.  V.  Lib.  7.  cap.  46. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  79 

name  was  Oncsiimis.  And  Grotius'*  thought  him  to  be  the 
same,  for  whom  Paul  interceded  with  Philemon.  But  that' 
is  not  certain. 

Sect.  XIV. 

The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

I  shall  inquire,  1.  To  whom  it  was  written.  2.  In  what 
language.  3.  By  whom.  4.  The  time  and  place  of 
writing  it. 

I.  In  the  first  place  let  us  consider  to  whom  this  epistle 
was  written,  A.  D.  63. 

Sir  Isaac  Newton  thought,  '  that "  this  epistle  was  writ- 
'  ten  to  Jewish  believers,  who  left  Jerusalem  about  the 
'  time  that  the  war  broke  out,  and  went  into  Asia.'  Accord- 
ing to  this  account,  the  epistle  could  not  be  written  till 
some  while  after  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  in  Judea,  in 
the  year  66.  But  it  will  be  difficult  to  show,  that  Paul, 
whom  Sir  Isaac  allows  to  be  the  writer,  lived  so  long.  Not 
now  to  mention  any  thing  else. 

Dr.  Wall  was  inclined  to  the  same  opinion,  or  somewhat 
not  very  different.  'P  agree,  says  he,  that  the  epistle  was 
'  written  to  Hebrews,  that  is,  to  the  Hebrew  Christians  of 
'  some  place.  But  for  the  place  or  country,  I  think,  they 
'  were  rather  the  Hebrew  Christians  of  Asia,  (Ephesus,  Mi- 
'  letus,  and  thereabout,)  Macedonia,  Greece,  &c.  Avhere  St. 
'  Paul  had  spent  most  of  his  time,  than  that  they  were  those 
'  of  Jerusalem,'  &c. 

The  late  Mr.  Wetstein  conjectured,  that"^  the  epistle  was 
written  by  Paul  to  the  Jewish  believers  at  Rome,  soon  after  he 
had  been  released  from  his  confinement  in  that  city.  Which 
conjecture,  I  believe,  will  be  followed  by  very  few.  And 
as  it  has  no  ancient  authority,  and  is  destitute  of  all  appear- 
ance of  probability,  I  suppose  it  need  not  be  confuted. 

'  See  before,  notes  p.  77.  '  Vid.  Basnag.  Ann.  GO.  num.  xxvii. 

"  *  The  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  since  it  mentions  Timothy,  as  related  to  the 
*  Hebrews,  must  be  written  to  them,  after  their  flight  into  Asia  :  where  Tirao- 
'  thy  was  bishop,  and  by  consequence  after  the  war  was  begun.'  Newton's 
Observations  upon  the  Apoc.  of  St.  John,  ch.  i.  p.  244. 

"  Critical  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  317,  318. 

*  Si  conjecture  locus  est,  existiraaverim  potius  ad  Judaeos  qui  Romae  dege- 
bant,  et  Christo  nomen  dederant,  scriplam  fuisse :  quo  admisso,  facile  intelli- 
gitur,  qui  factum,  turn  ut  Paulus,  qui  Roma  quidem,  sed  non  Italil,  excedere 
jussus  erat,  brevi  se  rediturum  speraret,  turn  ut  Itali  Romanes  salutcirent 
Wetsten.  N.  T.  tom.  H.  p.  386,  387. 


80  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Lightfoot  thought,  '  That"  this  epistle  was  sent  by  Paul 
'  to  the  believing  Jews  of  Judea,  a  people,  says  he,  that  had 
'  been  much  engaged  to  him,  for  his  care  of  their  poor, 
'  getting-  collections  for  them  all  along  in  his  travels.'  He 
adds :  '  It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  indeed,  that  he  intendeth 
'  the  discourse  and  matter  of  this  epistle  to  the  Jews 
'  throughout  their  dispersion. — Yet  does  he  endorse  it,  and 
'  send  it  chiefly  to  the  Hebrews,  or  the  Jews  of  Judea,  the 
'  principal  part  of  the  circumcision,  as  the  properest  centre 

*  to  which  to  direct  it,  and  from  whence  it  might  be  best 
'  diffused  in  time  to  the  whole  circumference  of  the  dis- 

*  persion.' 

Whitby,  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  is 
of  the  same  opinion,  and  argues  much  after  the  same  man- 
ner with  Lightfoot. 

So  likewise  y  Mill,^  Pearson,^  Lewis  Capellus,  and  Beza 
in  his  preface  to  this  epistle,  and  the  editors  of  the  French 
N.  T.  at  Berlin  in  their  general  preface  to  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
and  in  their  preface  to  this  epistle  in  particular.  Of  this 
Mr.  Hallet  had  no  doubt,  who  in  his  Synopsis  of  the  epistle 
says :  'This  epistle  was  particularly  designed  for  the  He- 
'  brew  Christians,  that  dwelt  in  one  certain  place,  and  was 
'  sent  thither,  as  appears  from  the  apostle's  saying,  ch.  xiii. 
'  19,  23.     "  I  beseech  you  the  rather  to  do  this,  that  I  may 

*  be  restored  to  you  the  sooner. 1  will  see  you."     And 

*  what  particular  place  can  this  be  supposed  to  be,  but 
'  Judea  ?  There  the  Christians  were  continually  persecuted 
'  by  the  unbelieving  Jews,  as  we  read  in  the  Acts  of  the 

*  apostles,  and  as  St.  Paul  takes  notice,  1  Thess.  ii.  14.  Hebr. 

*  X.  32 — 3{).  ch.  xii.  4,  5.  By  these  persecutions  the  He- 
'  brew  Christians  were  tempted  to  apostatize  from  Christi- 
'  anity,  and   to  think,  there  was  strength  in  the  arguments 

*  urged  by  the    persecutors  in    favour  of  Judaism.     The 

*  apostle  therefore  sets  himself  to  guard  against  both  these 

*  dangers.'     And  what  follows. 

This  appears  to  me  to  be  the  most  probable  opinion. 
For  1.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  ancient  christian  writers, 
who  received  this  epistle. 

It  may  be  taken  for  granted,  that  this  was  the  opinion  of 

"  Harmony  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  I.  p.  340. 

y  Per  Hebraeos  autem  istos  potissimum  fideles  Hierosolymitanos  intelligit, 
apud  quos  ante  duos  annos  versatus  fuerat.  Hinc  illud,  iva  anoKaraa- 
Ta9o)  vftiv.  cap.  xiii.  19.  Mill.  Proleg.  num.  83. 

'^  Annal.  Paulin.  p.  20,  21.  *  Ex  quibus  conjiccre  licet,  banc 

epistolam  a  Paulo  sub  finem  priorum  vinculorum  Roma  sciiptum  fuisse  ad 
Hierosolymitanos  Judaeos,  qui  in  Christum crediderant.  L.  Capel.  Hist.  Ap.  p.  80. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  IJebj-ews.  81 

Clement''  of  Alexandria,  and'=  Jeroni,  and"'  Euthalius,  who 
supposed  this  epistle  to  have  been  first  written  in  Hebrew, 
and  afterwards  translated  into  Greek.  It  may  be  allowed 
to  have  been  also  the  opinion  of  many  others,  who  quote 
this  epistle,  as  written  to  the  Hebrews,  when  they  say  no- 
thing- to  the  contrary.  Nor  do  1  recollect  any  ancients,  who 
say  it  was  written  to  Jews  living-  out  of  Judea. 

Chrysostom  says,  that''  the  epistle  was  sent  to  the  believ- 
ing' Jews  of  Palestine.  And  supposeth,  that  the  apostle 
afterwards  made  them  a  visit.  Theodoret^  in  his  preface 
to  the  epistle  allows  it  to  be  sent  to  the  same  Jews.  And 
Theophylacts  in  his  argument  of  the  epistle  expressly  says, 
as  Chrysostom,  that  it  was  sent  to  the  Jews  of  Palestine. 
So  that  this''  was  the  general  opinion  of  the  ancients. 

2.  There  arc  in  the  epistle  many  things  especially  suit- 
able to  the  believers  in  Judea.  Which  must  lead  us  to 
think  it  was  written  to  them.  I  shall  select  divers  such 
passages. 

1.)  Hebr.  i.  2, "  Has  in  these  last  days  spoken  unto 

us  by  his  Son." 

2.)  Ch.  iv.  2,  "  For  unto  us  was  the  gospel  preached, 
as  well  as  to  them." 

3.)  Ch.  ii.  1—4,  "  Therefore  we  ought  to  give  the  more 

earnest  heed  to  the  things  that  we  have  heard how 

then  shall  Ave  escape,  if  we  neglect  so  great  salvation,  which 
at  the  first  began  to  be  spoken  by  the  Lord,  and  was  con- 
firmed unto  us  by  them  that  heard  him  :  God  also  bearing 
them  witness  with  signs  and  wonders,  and  with  divers  mira- 
cles, and  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost." 

Does  not  that  exhortation,  and  the  reason,  with  which  it 
is  supported,  peculiarly  suit  the  believers  of  Judea,  where 
Christ  himself  first  taught,  and  then  his  disciples  after  him, 
confirming  their  testimony  with  very  numerous  and  conspi- 
cuous miracles? 

4.)  The  people,  to  whom  this  epistle  is  sent,  were  well 
acquainted  with  our  Saviour's  suflferings,  as  they  of  Judea 


^  Ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  6.  cap.  14.  •=  Scripserat,  ut  Hebrseus 

Hebraeis,  Hebraice,  id  est,  suo  eloquio  disertissime.  De  V.  I.  cap.  v. 

**  Argum.  ep.  ad  Hebr.  ap.  zac.  p.  670. 

^   n«  Se  saiv  tTTirsWei ;  E^ot  SoKti  iv  'lepoaoXvfioic  koi  HaXatnvT]. 

Auo  fiev  Hv  trt)  tTroirjatv  tv  'Fwjxy  dtCefievoQ'  tira  a<pii6i],  eira  hq  raq  'ETraviag 
T]\9ev'  tiTa  HQ  lalaiav  tfir],  ore  kol  IsSaisg  tiSs.  Ken  Tore.  nnXiv  ijXOtv  hq 
"Pw/iTjv,  6r6  KM  vTTo  tiepwvog  avyptOtj.     Pr.  ia  ep.  ad  Hebr.  T.  XH.  p.  2. 

'  Vid.  Theodoret  argum.  ep.  ad  Hebr.  s  Xoig  ev  IlaXai'^ivy  de 

Kat  'lipo(ToXvp.otQ  tTTi'^tXXsi.    Theophyl.  arg.  ep.  ad  Hebr.  p.  872. 

''  Voyez  la  pref.  de  Beausobre  sur  I'epitre  aux  Hebr.  num.  xxxviii 
VOL.  vr.  G 


82  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

must  have  been.  This  appears  in  ch.  i.  3}  ii.  9,  18;  v.  7,  8; 
ix.  14,  28 ;  X.  11 ;  xii.  2,  3 ;  xiii.  12, 

5.)  Cb.  V.  12,  "  For  Avhen  ye  ought  to  be  teachers  of 
others,"  and  what  follows,  is  most  properly  understood  of 
christians  in  Jerusalem  and  Judea,  to  whom  the  gospel 
was  first  preached. 

6.)  What  is  said,  ch.  iv.  4 — 6,  and  x.  26—29,  is  most 
properly  applicable  to  apostates  in  Judea. 

7.)  Ch.  X.  32 — 34,  "  But  call  to  remembrance  the  former 
days,  in  which,  after  ye  were   illuminated,  ye  endured  a 

great   fight  of  afflictions to  the  end  of  ver.  34.     This 

leads  us  to  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  which  had  suffered 
much,  long  before  the  writing  this  epistle,  even  very  soon 
after  they  had  received  the  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Comp. 
Acts  viii.  1 ;  ix.  1,  2;  xi.  19;  and  1  Thess,  ii.  14.  Grotius' 
supposeth  as  much. 

8.)  Those  exhortations,  ch.  xiii.  13,  14,  must  have  been 
very  suitable  to  the  case  of  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem,  at  the 
supposed  time  of  writing  this  epistle,  a  few  years  before 
the  war  in  that  country  broke  out. 

9.)  The  regard  shown  in  this  epistle  to  the  rulers  of  the 
church  or  churches,  to  which  it  is  sent,  is  very  remarkable. 
They  are  mentioned  twice  or  thrice :  first  in  ch.  xiii.  7, 
"  Remember  your  rulers,  who  have  spoken  vmto  you  the 
word  of  God :  whose  faith  imitate,  considering  the  end  of 
their  conversation."  These  were  dead,  as*'  Grotius  ob- 
serves. And  Theodoret's  note  is  to  this  purpose:  'He' 
'  intends  the  saints  that  were  dead,  Stephen  the  proto-mar- 
'  tyr,  James  the  brother  of  John,  and  James  called  the  Just. 
'  And  there  were  many  others,  who  were  taken  off  by  the 
'  Jewish  rage.  Consider  these,'  says  he,  '  and  observing 
'  their  example,  imitate  their  faith.'  Then  again  at  ver.  17, 
"  Obey  them  that  have  the  rule  over  you,  and  submit  your- 
selves.    For  they  watch   for  your  souls." And   once 

more,  ver.  24,  "  Salute  all  them  that  have  the  rule  over  you, 
and  all  the  saints."  Upon  which  Theodoret  says  :  '  This'" 
'  way  of  speaking  intimates,  that  their  rulers  did  not  need 
'  such  instruction.     For  which  reason  he  did  not  write  to 

'  Post  Stephani  mortem  vehementer  vexati  fuere  illi  in  Judea  christiani,  ut 
videre  est,  Act.  xi.  19.  1  Thess.  ii.  14.  Grot,  ad  Heb.  x.  34. 

"  Loquitui-  autem  de  iis,  qui  jam  obierant,  ut  ostendunt  sequentia.  '  Qui 
vobis  locuti  sunt  verbum  Dei :'  nempe  in  diversis  oppidis  :  forte  etiam  diversis 
teniporibus,  cum  raortuis  alii  successerint.  Id.  ad  Hebr.  xiii.  7. 

'  In  cp.  ad  Hebr.  cap.  xiii.  torn.  III.  p.  459.  D. 

"'  AiviTTcrai  6  Xoyoj,  ug  ol  vpo'^arfvovnc  avrtov  Toiavrris  SiSaaKaXiac  hk 
tXprjrrnv'  oi)  St]  X'^f^^  ^"^  tKtivoiQ  nrtTtiKiv,  aXka  TOig  uaOriraic.  Ibid, 
p.  4G2.  D. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  83 

'  them,  but  to  their  disciples.'  That  is  a  fine  observation. 
And  Whitby  upon  that  verse,  says :  '  Hence,  it  seems  evi- 
'  dent,  that  this  epistle  was  not  sent  to  the  bishops  or  rulers 
'  of  the  church,  but  to  the  whole  church  or  the  laity.'  And 
it  may  deserve  to  be  considered,  whether  this  repeated  no- 
tice of  the  rulers  among  them  does  not  afford  ground  to 
believe,  that  some  of  the  apostles  were  in  Judea?  Whether 
there  be  sufficient  reason  to  believe  that,  or  not,  I  think 
these  notices  very  proper  and  suitable  to  the  state  of  the 
Jewish  believers  in  Judea.  For  I  am  persuaded,  that  not 
only  James,  and  all  the  other  apostles,  had  exactly  the 
same  doctrine  with  Paul :  but  that  all  the  elders  likewise, 
and  all  the  understanding-  men  among  the  Jewish  believers, 
embraced  the  same  doctrine.  They  were,  as  I  apprehend, 
the  multitude  only,  w\»/0os,  plebs,  or  the  men  of  lower  rank 
among  them,  >vho  were  attached  to  the  peculiarities  of  the 
Mosaic  law,  and  the  customs  of  their  ancestors.  This  may 
be  argued  from  M'hat  James  and  the  elders  at  Jerusalem  say 
to  Paul.  Acts  xxi.  20 — 22.  "  Thou  seest,  brother,  how 
many  thousands  of  Jews  there  are  that  believe.     And  they 

are  all  zealous  of  the  law. What  is  it  therefore  ?  The 

multitude  must  needs  come  together." It  is  hence  evi- 
dent, that  the  zeal  for  the  laAv,  which  prevailed  in  the  minds 
of  many,  was  not  approved  by  James,  or  the  elders.  That 
being  the  case,  these  recommendations  of  a  regard  for  their 
rulers,  whether  apostles,  or  elders,  were  very  proper  in  an 
epistle  sent  to  the  believers  in  Judea. 

For  these  reasons  I  think  that  this  epistle  was  sent  to  the 
Jewish  believers  at  Jerusalem,  and  in  Judea. 

But  there  are  objections,  which  must  be  considered, 
1.  Obj.  Ch.  vi.  10,  "  God  is  not  unrighteous,  to  forget 
your  work  and  labour  of  love, in  that  ye  have  minister- 
ed to  the  saints,  and  do  minister."  Upon  which  Dr.  Wall  ■* 
remarks :  '  Here  again  we  are  put  upon  thinking,  to  M'hat 
'  church,  or  what  christian  this  is  said.      For  as  to  those  of 

*  Jerusalem,  we  read  much  in  Paul's  former  letters,  of  their 
'  poverty,  and  of  their  being  ministered  to  by  the  Gentile 
'  christians  of  Galatia,  Macedonia,  Corinth  :  and  in  the  Acts, 
'  by  the  Antiochians :  but  no  where  of  their  ministering  to 
'  other  saints.  If  it  is  of  them  that  St.  Paul  speaks  this,  it 
'  must  be  meant  of  their  ministering  to  their  own  poor. 
'  For  that  they  were  famous  at  first,  when  the  rich  men  sold 
'  their  lands,  and  brought  the  money  to  the  apostles,  and 

*  they  had  all  things  in  common,  and  none  lacked.  Tint  in 
'  the  time  since  that,  they  were  very  poor,  and  were  relieved 

"  Critical  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  306. 
G    2 


84  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

f  by  other  churches.'  The  late  Mr.  Wetstein,  whose " 
words  I  place  below,  argued  much  after  the  same  manner 
Avith  Dr.  Wall.  This  objection  perhaps,  might  be 
strengthened  from  Heb.  xiii.  2,  "  Be  not  forgetful  to  enter- 
tain strangers."  And  from  ver.  16,  "  To  do  good,  and  to 
communicate,  forget  not." 

Answ.  But  the  poverty  of  the  Jews  in  Judea,  and  the 
contributions  of  the  Gentile  churches  for  their  relief,  are  no 
reasons,  why  such  admonitions  as  these  should  not  be  sent 
to  them.  They  are  properly  directed  to  all  christians,  that 
they  may  be  induced  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost. 
The  Gentile  churches,  among  whom  St.  Paul  made  collec- 
tions for  the  saints  in  Judea,  were  not  rich.     As  he  says, 

1  Cor.  i.  26,  "  For  ye  know  your   calling,  brethren 

not  many  mighty,  not  many  noble,  are  called." And  of 

the   churches  in  Macedonia,  he  says,  2  Cor.  viii.  2 

"  How  that  in  a  great  trial  of  affliction,  the  abundance  of 
their  joy,  and  their  deep  poverty,  had  abounded  unto  the 
riches  of  their  liberality."  In  like  manner  there  might  be 
instances  of  liberality  to  the  distressed,  among  the  believers 
in  Judea.  There  is  a  fine  example  recorded.  Acts  ix. 
36 — 39.  Nor  Avas  there  ever  any  city  or  country  in  the 
world,  to  whom  that  exhortation,  "  be  not  forgetful  to  enter- 
tain strangers,"  or,  "  be  not  unmindful  of  hospitality," 
T1/9  4>Lko^evias  firj  eTrtKavOaveaOe,  could  be  more  properly 
given,  than  Jerusalem  and  Judea.  For  the  people  there 
must  have  been  much  accustomed  to  it  at  their  festivals, 
Avhen  there  was  a  great  resort  thither  from  all  countries. 
And  the  writer  of  an  epistle  to  the  christian  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  and  Judea  Avould  naturally  think  of  such  an  ad- 
monition ;  being  desirous  that  they  should  not  fall  short  of 
others  in  that  respect.  And  we  may  here  not  unfitly  re- 
collect the  history  of  St.  Paul's  going  to  Jerusalem,  and 
how  he  and  his  fellow  travellers  were  entertained  at  C*sa- 
rea,  in  the  house  of  Philip  the  evangelist,  and  at  Jerusalem, 
in  the  house  of  Mnason,  an  old  disciple.  As  related  Acts 
xxi.8— 16. 

2.  Obj.  Upon  ch.  xiii.  18,  19,  the  same?  Dr.  Wall  says, 
'  One  would  think,  that  Paid  should  have  prayed  and  pur- 
'  posed  to  go  any  Avhither,  rather  than  to  Jerusalem,  where 

"  Secundo,  non  possunt  intelligi,  qui  Hierosolymis  degebant.  Hi  enim 
pauperiores  erant,  et  opus  habebant,  ut  eorum  inopia  ab  aliis  ecclesiis  subleva- 

retur. lis  vero,  ad  quos  haec  epistola  scripta  est,  cummendatur  beneficen- 

tia,  xiii.  l(j ;  vi.  10.  Erant  ergo  talcs,  non  qui  stipem  accipere,  sed  qui  dare 
debebant,  solebantque.     Wetst.  ubi  supr.  p.  3C8.  fin. 

p  As  before,  p.  316. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  85 

*  he  had  been  so  used :  and   where  he  fell   into  that  five 

*  years'  imprisoninent,  from  whicli  lie  was  but  just  now  dc- 

*  livered.'     To  the  like  purpose  alsoi  Mr,  Wetstein. 

But  there  is  not  any  improbability,  that  Paul  might  now 
desire  to  see  his  countrymen  in  Judea;  if  he  might  go 
thither  with  safety,  as  1  think  he  might.  Almost  three 
years  had  now  passed  since  he  left  Judea ;  and  his  trial, 
or  apology,  had  been  over  two  years.  And  ho  was  now  set 
at  liberty  by  the  emperor  himself.  No  man,  not  very  pre- 
sumptuous, would  admit  a  thought  of  disturbing-  him. 
However,  I  suppose,  that  the  apostle  would  behave  dis- 
creetly :  so  as  to  give  no  needless  provocation  to  any,  and 
that  he  would  stay  but  a  short  time  in  Judea,  and  then  go  to 
Ephesus.  There  have  been  men  of  g'ood  sense,  Avho  have 
supposed,  that  Paul  went  to  Jerusalem  about  this  time,  par- 
ticularly Chrysostom''  among  the  ancients,  and**  divers  mo- 
derns, one  of  whom  is*^  Pearson. 

3.  Obj.  '  St."  Peter's  epistles  were  written  to  the  Hebrew 

*  christians,  scattered  in  Asia,  and  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappa- 

*  docia,  and  Bithynia.     St.  Paul  must  have  written  an  epis- 

*  tie  to  those  Hebrew  christians,  to  whom  St.  Peter  writes 
'  his  two  epistles.  For  St.  Peter,  2  epist.  iii.  15,  cites  to 
''  them  what  "  Paul  had  written  unto  them."  No  epistle  of 
'  Paul  was  written  to  Hebrews,  particularly,  but  this.      So 

*  that  these    must    be    the    Hebrews  of  the  above  named 

*  countries.' 

To  which  I  answer,  that  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  not  sent 
to  Jews,  but  to  Gentiles,  or  to  all  christians  in  general,  in 
the  places  above  mentioned,  as  will  be  clearly  shown  here- 
after. When  St.  Peter  says,  "  as  Paul  has  written  unto 
you,"  he  may  intend  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  and  " 
some  other  epistles  written  to  Gentiles.  If  he  refers  at  all 
to  this  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  it  is  comprehended  under 
that  expression,  ver.  16,  "  as  also  in  all  his  epistles." 

4.  Obj.  This  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  Greek.  But  if  it  had  been  sent  to  the  Jewish 
believers  in  Judea,  it  would  have  been  written  in  Hebrew. 

1  Ubi  supra,  p.  386.  •■  See  before,  p.  81. 

"  Lud.  Capell.  Hist.  Apost.  p.  39.  L'Enfant  et  Beausobre,  Pref.  generale 
sur  les  epitres  de  St.  Paul.  num.  Iv.  '  Paulus  e  Creta  cum  Timotheo 

in  Judaeam  navigat.     Heb.  xiii.  23.  Annal.  Paulin.  p.  21.  A.  Chr.  64. 

"  Wall,  as  before,  p.  318,  319.  "  Videtur  respicere  Petrus  ad 

Rom.  ii.  4.  ubi  de  Dei '  longanimitate' similia  habet  his  quae  docet  hie  Petrus: 
dicereque  ad  Asiaticos  scriptam  epistolam,  quae  ad  Romanes  data,  eo  quod 
epistolae  Pauli,  quamquam  ad  singulas  ecclesias,  et  homines  singulos,  missae, 
omnium  christianorum  illius  aevi  communes  jure  haberentur.  Cleric.  H.  E.  A. 
69.  p.  459. 


86  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  allowing  the  epistle  to  have 
been  written  in  Greek,  it  might  be  sent  to  the  believers  in 
Judea.  If  St.  Paul  wrote  to  the  Jewish  believers  in  Pales- 
tine, he  intended  the  epistle  for  general  use,  for  all  chris- 
tians, whether  of  Jewish  or  Gentile  original.  Many^  of  the 
Jews  in  Judea  understood  Greek.  Few  of  the  Jews  out  of 
Judea  understood  Hebrew.  The  Greek  language  was 
almost  universal,  and  therefore  generally  used.  All  St. 
Paul's  epistles  are  in  Greek,  even  that  to  the  Romans. 
And  are  not  both  St.  Peter's  epistles  in  Greek  ?  and  St. 
John's,  and  St.  Jude's?  Yea,  did  not  St.  James  likewise 
write  in  Greek,  who  is  supposed  to  have  resided  at  Jerusa- 
lem, from  the  time  of  our  Lord's  ascension,  to  the  time  of  his 
own  death?  His  epistle  is  inscribed  "  to  the  twelve  tribes 
scattered  abroad."  But  I  presume,  that  they  of  the  twelve 
tribes  who  dwelt  in  Judea,  are  not  excluded  by  him,  but 
intended.  Nor  could  he  be  unwilling,  that  his  epistle  should 
be  read  and  understood  by  those,  who  were  his  special 
charge.  The  epistle  written  by  Barnabas,  a  Levite,  or 
ascribed  to  him,  was  written  in  Greek.  Not  now  to  men- 
tion any  other  Jewish  writers  who  have  used  the  Greek 
language. 

II.  Thus  we  are  unawares  brought  to  the  inquiry,  in 
w^hat  language  this  epistle  was  written.  For  there  have  been 
doubts  about  it  among  both  ancients  and  moderns.  So 
that  we  are  obliged  to  take  some  particular  notice  of  this 
point.  But  I  should  have  deferred  the  consideration  of  it, 
till  we  had  observed  the  writer  of  the  epistle,  if  the  just 
mentioned  objection  had  not  brought  this  inquiry  in  our 
way  in  this  place. 

And  it  may  be  recollected,  that^  I  formerly  alleged 
divers  learned  and  judicious  moderns,  who  have  been  of 
opinion,  that  Greek,  and  not  Hebrew,  was  the  original  lan- 
guage of  this  epistle.  To  them  I  now  add  several  others: 
>  James  Capellus,  ^S.  Basnage,  ''Mill   in  his  Prolegomena 

*  lis  n'ont  point  eu  d' autre  raison  de  croire,  que  S.  Paul  avoit  ecrit  en 
Hebreu,  que  celle  qu'il  ecrivoit  a  des  Hebreux.  Or  cette  raison,  toute 
vraisemblable  quelle  paioit,  n'est  point  convamcante,  parcequ'il  est  certain, 
que  la  langue  Grecque  etoil  entendue  dans  la  Judee,  quoiqu'elle  ne  tut  pas 
la  langue  vulgaire.  Tous  les  auteurs  du  Nouveau  Testament  ont  ecrit  en  Grec, 
bien  qu'ils  ecrivissent  pour  tous  les  fideles,  soit  Hebreux,  soit  Gentils.  Beaus. 
Pref.  sur  I'epitre  aux  He'breux.  num.  xv.  '^  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii. 

^  Jacob.  Capell.  observat.  in  ep.  ad  Hebr.  sect.  ii.  et  iii. 

'■  Ann.  61.  num.  vi.  *  Et  sane  magis  adhuc  futilis  est 

eorum  sententia,  qui  hanc  epistolam  Paulo  quidem  Hebraice  scriptam  volunt, 
ab  alio  autem  aliquo  traductam  fuisse  in  sermonem  Graecum.  Nihil  enim 
clarius  atque  evidentius,  quam  earn  lingua  Grseca  primitus  conceptam  fuisse, 
&c.  Prolegom.  num.  95 — 98. 


St.  Paul's  Epistle  tu  the  Hebrews.  87 

to  the  New  Testament,  and ''  the  late  Mr.  Wetstein,  and  also 
Spanheim'  in  his  Dissertation  concerning' the  author  of  this 
epistle,  which  well  deserves  to  be  consulted.  One  argu- 
ment for  this,  both  of*^  Spanheim,  and'^  Wetstein,  is  taken 
from  the  Greek  paronomasias  in  the  epistle,  or  the  frequent 
concurrence  of  Greek  words  of  like  sound.  Which  seems 
to  bean  argument  not  easy  to  be  answered. 

Some  ancient  christian  writers  were  of  opinion,  that  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  written  in  the  Hebrew  language, 
and^  translated  into  Greek  by  Luke,  or  Clement  of  Rome. 
Jeroms  in  particular,  seems  to  have  supposed,  that  this 
epistle  was  written  in  Hebrew.  And  Origen  also  is  some- 
times reckoned  among  those,  who  were  of  this  opinion. 
But  1  think  I  have  shown  it  to  be  probable  that''  he 
thought  it  was  written  in  Greek.  It  seems  likewise,  that 
they  must  have  been  of  the  same  opinion,  who  considered 
the  elegance  of  the  Greek  language  of  this  epistle  as  an 
objection  against  its  having-  been  written  by  St.  Paul.  For 
if  the  Greek  epistle  had  been  supposed  to  be  a  translation, 
the  superior  elegance  of  the  style  of  this  epistle  above  that 
of  the  other  epistles  of  Paul  could  have  afforded  no  objec- 
tion against  his  being*  the  author  of  it. 

Indeed  the  ancients,  as  Beausobre  said'  formerly,  had  no 
other  reason  to  believe  that  St.  Paul  wrote  in  Hebrew,  but 
that  he  wrote  to  the  Hebrews.  So  likewise  says''  Capellus. 
The  title  deceived  them.     And  because  it  was  written  to 

''  Ad  haec  observamus,  1.  epistolam  ad  Hebraeos,  quse  nunc  Graece  exstat, 
non  esse  interpretis,  sed  ipsius  auctoris.  Qui  putant  ad  Hebraeos  non  aliter 
quara  Hebraice  scribi  debuisse,  manilesto  falluutur.  Omnes  enim  novi  foede- 
ris libii,  etiam  Matthasi,  ut  ad  ipsum  vidimus,  lingua  Grseca  scripti  sunt. 
Hanc  linguam  plerique  Judaei  noiant.     Wetstein.  T.  Gr.  T.  II.  p.  385. 

•^  Spanh.  De  Auctore  epist.  ad  Heb.  Part.  III.  cap.  ii.  torn.  II.  p.  245 — 252. 

^  Nono,  decretorium  fere  argumentum  est  a  Graecorum  idiotismis,  hac  in 
epistola  passim  conspicuis.  Pauca  haec  de  multis.  Auctor.  cap.  v.  versu  8. 
elegantem  adhibet  TrapMvoixamav,  Scil.  'EfxaOtv  a(f  wv  iiraOe,  qualem  He- 
braismus  non  ferebat.  Graeci  contra  mire  sibi  in  talibus  placent,  &c.  Spanh. 
ubi  supr.  n.  xii.  p.  249.  *  Porro  manifestae  reperiuntur  paro- 

nomasiae,  et  b^oioTtkivra,  quae  si  in  aliam  linguam  convertantiir,  pereunt. 
Hebr.  V.  8.  et  ver.  14.  koXh  te  km  kukh.  vii.  3.  aTrarwp,  ajiijTojp.  xi.  37. 
trrpi(jdt]riav,  nnipaaOrjcrav.  ix.  10.  ^^w^aai  km  Trw/taffi.  xiii.  14.  nivaaav  /cat 
^tWsffav.    Talia  auctor  potius  sectatur  quam  interpres.    Wetst.  ib.  p.  385. 

•■  See  Vol  ii.  ch.  ii.  xxii.  and  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii.  e  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv. 

I*  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  and  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii. 

•  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii.     See  likewise  here,  p.  86.  note". 

■'  Qui  volunt  hanc  epistolam  Hebraice  scriptam,  hos  decepit  titulus.  Cum 
enim  ad  Hebraeos  scribebatur,  Hebraice  quoque  scribi  debuisse  sunt  opinati. 
Sed  meminisse  debuerant,  etiam  Hierosolymis  magnum  fuisse  linguce  Graecae 
usura.  Cis  Hierosolymam  paucissimi  Judaei  aliter  quam  Graece  loquebantur. 
Jacob.  Capel.  Observat.  in  Nov.  Testam.  p.  1 09. 


88  ji  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Hebrews,  they  concluded  it  was  written  in  Hebrew.  For 
none  of  the  ancients  appear  to  have  seen  a  copy  of  this  epis- 
tle in  that  language. 

in.  I  now  proceed  to  the  third  inquiry,  who  is  the  wri- 
ter of  this  epistle.  And  many  things  offer  in  favour  of  the 
apostle  Paul. 

1.  It  is  ascribed  to  him  by  many  of  the  ancients. 

Here  I  think  myself  obliged  briefly  to  recollect  the  testi- 
monies of  ancient  authors,  which  have  been  produced  at 
large  in  the  preceding  volumes.  And  I  shall  rank  them 
under  two  heads  :  first,  the  testimonies  of  writers  who  used 
the  Greek  tongue,  then  the  testimonies  of  those  who  lived 
in  that  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  M'here  the  Latin  was  the 
vulgar  language. 

There  are  some  passages^  in  the  epistles  of  Ignatius, 
about  the  year  107,  Mhich  may  be  thought  by  some  to  con- 
tain allusions  to  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  The  epistle 
seems  to  be  referred  to  by'"  Polycarp  bishop  of  Smyrna,  in 
his  epistle  Avritten  to  the  Philippians  in  the  year  108,  and" 
in  the  relation  of  his  martyrdom,  written  about  the  middle 
of  the  second  century.  This  epistle  is  often  quoted  as 
Paul's  by"  Clement  of  Alexandria,  about  the  year  194. 
It  is  received,  and  quoted  as  Paul's  byP  Origen,  about  280. 
It  was  also  received  as  the  apostle's  byi  Dionysius,  bishop 
of  Alexandria  in  247.  It  is  plainly  referred  to  by"^  Theog- 
nostus  of  Alexandria,  about  282.  It  appears  to  have  been 
received  by^  Methodius,  about  292,  by*^  Pamphilus,  about 
294,  and  by"  Archelaus,  bishop  in  Mesopotamia,  at  the 
beginning'  of  the  fourth  century,  by "  the  Manichees  in  the 
fourth,  and'''  by  the  Paulicians,  in  the  seventh  century.  It 
was  received,  and  ascribed  to  Paul  by''  Alexander,  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  in  the  year  313,  and  by  y  the  Arians  in  the 
fourth  century.  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Csesarea,  about  315, 
says,  *  There ^  are  fourteen  epistles  of  Paul,  manifest  and 

*  well  known:  but  yet  there  are  some,  who  reject  that  to 

*  the  Hebrews,  alleging,  in  behalf  of  their  opinion,  that  it 
'  was  not  received  by  the  church  of  Rome,  as  a  writing  of 
'  Paul.'  It  is  often  quoted  by  Eusebius  himself,''  as  Paul's, 
and  sacred  scripture.  This  epistle  was  received  by**  Atha- 
nasius  without  any  hesitation.     In  his  enumeration  of  St. 


-  See  Vol.  ii.  p. 

87, 

88. 

■"  P.  106. 

"  P.  111. 

"  P.  225, 239.                     p  P.  495,  501. 

1  P.  G90,  721. 

'  Vol.  iii.  p.  152. 

'  P.  194—196. 

'  P.  226.                                u  P.  258. 

'  P.  403. 

"  P.  448.                               "  P.  567. 

y  P.  58],  582. 

'  Vol.  iv.  p.  98,  102,  103. 

»  P.  119,  120. 

"  P.  155,  157. 

St.  Pmirs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  89 

Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  this  is  placed  next  after  the  two  to 
the  Thessalonians,  and  before  the  epistles  to  Timothy,  Titus, 
and  Philemon.  The  same  order  is  observed  "■  in  the  Synopsis 
of  scripture  ascribed  to  him.  This  epistle  is  received  as 
Paul's  by**  Adamantius,  author  of  a  dialogue  against  the 
Marcionites  in  330,  and  by'"  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  in  348,  by*^ 
the  council  of  Laodicea,  in  363.  Where  St.  Paul's  epistles 
are  enumerated  in  the  same  ordei',  as  in  Athanasius,  just 
taken  notice  of.  This  epistle  is  also  received  as  Paul's  by& 
Epiphanius,  about  368,  by''  the  Apostolical  Constitutions, 
about  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  by'  Basil,  about  370, 
by''  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in  370,  by  Amphilochius'  also. 
But  he  says  it  was  not  received  by  all  as  Paul's.  It  was 
received  by'^^  Gregory  Nyssen,  about  371,  by"^  Didymus  of 
Alexandria,  about  the  same  time,  by*'  Ephrem  the  Syrian, 
in  370,  and  byi'  the  churches  of  Syria,  byi  Diodorus  of 
Tarsus,  in  378,  by""  Hierax,  a  learned  Egyptian,  about  the 
year  302,  by^  Serapion,  bishop  of  Thmuis  in  Egypt,  about 
347,  by  ^  Titus,  bishop  of  Bostra,  in  Arabia,  about  362,  by  " 
Theodore,  bishop  of  Mopsuestia,  in  Cilicia,  about  the  year 
394,  by  ^  Chrysostom,  at  the  year  398,  by"*  Severian,  bishop 
of  Gabala,  in  Syria,  401,  by^  Victor  of  Antioch,  about  401, 
byy  Palladius,  author  of  a  life  of  Chrysostom,  about  408, 
by^  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  about  412,  by*  Cyril,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  in  412,  by''  Theodoret,  at  423,  by'^'^  Eutherius, 
bishop  of  Tyana,  in  Cappadocia,  in  431,  by''**  Socrates,  the 
Ecclesiastical  Historian,  about  440,  by*"*^  Euthalius,  in 
Egypt,  about  458,  and,  probably,  by  ^^  Dionysius,  falsely 
called  the  Areopagite  ;  bys?  the  author  of  the  Qutestiones  et 
Responsiones,  commonly  ascribed  to  Justin  Martyr,  but 
rather  written  in  the  tifth  century.  It  is  in''*'  the  Alexan- 
drian manuscript,  about  the  year  500,  and''  in  the  Sticho- 
metry  of  Nicephorus,  about  806,  is  received  as  Paul's  by'''' 
Cosmas  of  Alexandria,  about  535,  by"  Leontius,  of  Constan- 
tinople, about  610,  by""™  John  Damascen,  in  730,  by""  Pho- 

=  P.  1G2,  163.-  ^  P.  167.  «  P.  173,174. 

f  P,  182.  8  P.  187— 189.  "  P.  227. 

i  P.  279.  "  P.  287.  '  P.  292,  293. 

•"  P.  296.  "  P.  303.  °  P.  310. 

pp.  321,322.  '           "P.  377.  ■■  Vol.  iii.  p.  288. 

»  P.  271.  t  P.  274, 404.  "  Vol.  iv.  p.  395. 

»  P.  537,  547.  "  P.  571.  "  P.  586. 

y  Vol.  V.  p.  6.  "  p.  10.  *  P-  13. 

•>  P.  15,  17.  "  P.  33.  "  P.  172. 

"  P.  71.  "  P.  73,  74.  66  Vol.  ii.  p.  129. 

"h  Vol.  V.  p.  82.  "  P.  86.  ""P.  95. 

"  P.  143.  •""'  P.  147.  ""  P.  150. 


90  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

tius,  about  858,  by°  CEcumenius,  about  the  year  950,  aiid 
by  P  Theopbylact  in  1070.     I  shall  not  go  any  lower. 

I  shall  now  rehearse  such  authors  as  lived  in  that  part 
of  the  Roman  empire,  where  the  Latin  was  the  vulgar 
tongue. 

Here  in  the  first  place  offers  Clement  in  his  epistle  to  the 
Corinthians,  written  about  the  year  96,  or,  as  some  others 
say,  about  the  year  70.  For  though  he  wrote  in  Greek, 
we  rank  him  among  Latin  authors,  because  he  was  bishop 
of  Rome.  In  his  epistlei  are  divers  passages,  generally 
supposed  to  contain  allusions,  or  references  to  the  epistle 
to  the  Hebrews.  Irenaeus,  bishop  of  Lyons,  about  178,  as 
we  are  assured  by  Eusebius,  alleged''  some  passages  out 
of  this  epistle,  in  a  work  now  lost.  Nevertheless,  it  does 
not  appear,  that  he  received  it  as  St.  Paul's.  By  Tertullian, 
presbyter  of  Carthage,  about  the  year  200,  this^  epistle  is 
ascribed  to  Barnabas.  Caius,  about  212,  supposed  to  have 
been  presbyter  in  the  church  of  Rome,  reckoning*  up  the 
epistles  of  St.  Paul,  mentioned  thirteen  only,  omitting  that 
to  the  Hebrews.  Here  I  place  Hippolytus,  who  flourished 
about  220.  But  it  is  not  certainly  known  where  he  was 
bishop,  whether  at  Porto  in  Italy,  or  at  some  place  in  the 
east.  We  have  seen  evidences,  that"  he  did  not  receive 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  as  St.  Paul's.  And  perhaps 
that  may  afford  an  argument,  tiiat  though  he  wrote  in  Greek, 
he  lived  where  the  Latin  tongue  prevailed.  This  epistle 
is^  not  c|uoted  by  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  about  248, 
and  afterwards.  Nor  does  it  appear  to  have  been  received 
by^"  Novatus,  otherwise  called  Novatian,  presbyter  of 
Rome,  about  251.  Nevertheless  it  was  in  after  times 
received''  by  his  followers.  It  may  be  thought  by  some, 
that  this  epistle  is  referred  to  by^  Arnobius,  about  306, 
and  ^  Lactantius  about  the  same  time.  It  is  plainly  quoted 
by  *  another  Arnobius  in  the  fifth  century.  It  was  received 
as  Paul's  by''  Hilary,  of  Poictiers,  about  354,  and  by  "^  Lu- 
cifer, bishop  of  Cagliari,  in  Sardinia,  about  the  same  time, 
and  by''  his  followers.  It  Avas  also  received  as  Paul's  by^ 
C.  M.  Victorinus.  Whether  ^  it  was  received  by  Optatus, 
of  Milevi,  in  Africa,  about  370,  is  doubtful.  It  was  received 
as  Paul's  by&  Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,  about  374,  by'' 

"  P.  154,  155.                 P  P.  157.                 ''  Those  passages  are  alleged, 

with  remarks,  vol.  ii.  p.  46—50,  and  see  p.  53.  ■■  P.  176—178,  and  182. 

s  p.  288—291.                   '  P.  397—400.  "  P.  425,436. 

'  Vol.  iii.  p.  40—43,  and  55.  '  P.  1 15—1 17. 

"  P.  116,  120, 121.                         y  P.  479.  ^  P.  538,539. 

»  P.  480.                "^  Vol.iv.p.  179.            '  P.  250.                 "  P.  251. 

'  P.  256.               '  P.  328.               8  P.  334.  «>  P.  366. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  91 

the  Priscillianists,  about  378.  About  the  year  380,  was 
published  a  commentary  upon  thirteen  epistles  of  Paul 
only,'  ascribed  to  Hilary,  deacon  of  Rome.  It  was  received 
as  Paul's  by ''  Philaster,  bishop  of  Brescia  in  Italy,  about 
380.  But  he  takes  notice  that  it  was  not  then  received  by 
all.  His  successor  Gaudentius,  about  387,  quotes  this' 
epistle  as  Paul's.  It  is  also  readily  received  as  Paul's  by'" 
Jerom,  about  392.  And  he  says,  it  was  generally  received 
by  the  Greeks,  and  the  christians  in  the  east,  but  not  by 
all  the  Latins.  It  was  received  as  Paul's  by"  Rufinus  in 
397.  It  is  also  in"  the  catalog-ue  of  the  third  council  of 
Carthage  in  397.  It  is  frequently  quoted  by?  Augustin  as 
St.  Paul's.     In  one  place,i  he  says,  '  It  is  of  doubtful  autho- 

*  rity  with  some.  But  he  was  inclined  to  follow  the  opinion 
'  of  the  churches  in  the  east,  M'ho  received  it  among-  the 

*  canonical  scriptures.'  It  was  received  as  Paul's  by  "^  Chro- 
matins, bishop  of  Aquileia,  in  Italy,  about  401,  by '  Innocent, 
bishop  of  Rome,  about  402,  by  *^  Paulinus,  bishop  of  Nola,  in 
Italy,  about  403.  Pelagius"  about  405,  wrote  a  commentary 
upon  th  irteen  epistles  of  8 1.  Paul ,  omitting  that  to  the  Hebrews. 
Nevertheless  it  was  received  by^  his  followers.  It  was 
received  by'^^  Cassian,  about  424,  by''  Prosper  of  Aquitain, 
about  434,  and  by  y  the  authors  of  the  works  ascribed  to 
him:  by'^  Eucherius,  bishop  of  Lyons,  in  434,  by''  Sedulius, 
about  818,  by""  Leo,  bishop  of  Rome,  in  440,  by*"  Salvian, 
presbyter  of  Marseilles,  about  440,  by '^  Gelasius,  bishop  of 
Rome,  about  496,  by^  Facundus,  an  African  bishop,  about 
540,  by^  Junilius,  an  African  bishop,  about  556,  bys  Cas- 
siodorius,  in  556,  by*'  the  author  of  the  imperfect  Work 
upon  St.  Matthew,  about  560,  by  ■'  Gregory,  bishop  of  Rome, 
about  590,  by''''  Isidore  of  Seville,  about  596,  and  by"  Bede, 
about  701,  or  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century. 

It  may  be  now  needful  to  make  a  few  remarks. 

It  is  evident  that  this  epistle  was  generally  received  in 
ancient  times,  by  those  christians,  who  used  the  Greek  lan- 
g-uage,  and  lived  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Roman  empire. 
I  forbear  to  insist  here  on  the  seeming-  references  in  Ignatius 

>  P.  381.  "  P.  386,  387.  '  P.  388. 

""  P.  436,  451,454,  455.  "  P.  483,  484. 

o  p.  487.  P  P.  494,  506—509. 

n  P.  508.  ^  P.  581.  »  P.  586. 

'  P.  589.  -  P.  590.  »  P.  591. 

«  Vol.  v.p.29.  "  P.  36.  y  P.  38,  39. 

'  P.  52.  '  P.  57,  58.  "  P.  62. 

«=  P.  65.  ^  P.  76.  ^  P.  101. 

'  P.  107.  8  P.  110,  113.  "  P.  121. 

"  P.  129, 130.  ""  P.  135—137.  "  P.  144. 


9^  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

and  Polycarp.  But  Clement  of  Alexandria,  before  the  end 
of  the  second  century,  received  this  epistle  as  Paul's,  and 
quotes  it  as  such  frequently,  without  any  doubt  or  hesita- 
tion. And  had  a  tradition  from  some  before  him,  concerning 
the  reason  why  the  apostle  did  not  prefix  his  name  to  this, 
as  he  did  to  the  other  epistles. 

Concerning"  the  Latin  writers,  it  is  obvious  to  remark, 
that  this  epistle  is  not  expressly  f(uoted,  as  Paul's,  by  any 
of  them  in  the  first  three  centuries.  However,  it  Mas  known 
to  Irenaeus,  and  Tertullian,  as  we  have  seen,  and  possibly 
to  others  also.  It  is  generally  supposed,  that  there  are 
divers  allusions  and  references  to  this  epistle,  in  the  epistle 
of  Clement  of  Rome,  written  to  the  Corinthians.  However, 
I  formerly  mentioned™  two  learned  men,  who  did  not  think 
that  a  clear  point.  I  have  since  met  with  another  of  the 
same  mind,  whose  words  I  place"  below.  And  I  must 
likewise  refer  to  a  consideration,  formerly"  proposed  :  that 
the  little  notice  taken  of  this  epistle  by  Latin  Avriters  in  the 
second  and  third  centuries ;  and  Eusebius  p  and  Jerom  ^ 
assuring  us,  that  by  many  of  the  Romans  in  their  time  this 
epistle  was  not  received ;  seem  to  weaken  the  supposition, 
that  Clement  had  often  alluded  to  this  epistle.  For  if  the 
church  of  Rome,  in  his  time,  had  owned  it  for  an  epistle  of 
Paul,  it  is  not  easy  to  conceive,  how  any  Latin  christians 
afterwards  should  have  rejected  it,  or  doubted  of  its 
authority. 

However,  it  is  manifest,  that  it  w  as  received  as  an  epistle 
of  St.  Paul  by  many  Latin  writers  in  the  fourth,  fifth,  and 
following-  centuries. 

The  reasons  of  doubting-  about  the  genuineness  of  this 
epistle,  probably,  were  the  want  of  a  name  at  the  beginning, 
and  the  diflference  of  argument,  or  subject  matter,  and  of 
style,  from  the  commonly  received  epistles  of  the  apostle, 
as  is  intimated  by  ^  Jerom.  Whether  they  are  sufficient 
reasons  for  rejecting  this  epistle,  will  be  considered  in  the 
course  of  our  argument. 

2.  There  is  nothing  in  the  epistle  itself,  that  renders  it 
impossible  or  unlikely  to  be  his. 

•"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  50.  "  Sed  quis  dubitaret,  quin  ex 

epistola  ad  Ilebraeos  multa  habeat,  cum  Eusebius  illud  diserte  annotet ? 

Nee  tamen  illud  tarn  exploratum  est.  Phrasium  et  sententiarum  eequalitas,  ex 
qua  illud  utiice  derivandum  est  (nam  misquam  a  Clemente  citatui)  non  est  adeo 
perfecta  et  frequens,  non  adeo  singularis,  ut  ex  Ep.  ad  Hebraeos  eas  repetitas 
esse,  inde  evincatur.''  Herman.  Venein,  Diss.  ii.  de  Tit.  ep.  ad  Ephes.  num. 
viii.  p.  343.  <>  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  54. 

p  Vid.  Euseb  If.  E.  1.  3.  c.  3.  p.  72.  B.  C.  and  in  this  work,  Vol.  iv.  eh.  Ixxii. 

1  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  ■■  Ibid.  id. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebi-ews.  93 

For  the  epistle  appears  to  have  been  written  before  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  as  was  of  old  observed  by'  Chry- 
sostom,  and  *  Theodoret,  and  has  been  argued  also  by  many 
moderns."  That  the  temple  was  still  standing-,  and  sacrifices 
there  offered,  may  be  inferred  from  ch.  viii.  4,  "  For  if  he 
Avere  on  earth,  he  should  not  be  a  priest :  seeing  there  are 
priests,  that  offer  according-  to  the  law:"  and  from  ch.  xiii. 
10,  "  We  have  an  altar,  whereof  they  have  no  right  to  eat, 
which  serve  the  tabernacle."  Moreover,  if''  the  temple 
had  been  destroyed,  and  the  worship  there  abolished,  the 
writer  would  not  have  failed  to  take  some  notice  of  it,  in 
support  of  his  argument,  and  for  abating-  the  too  great 
attachment  of  many  to  the  rites  of  the  Mosaic  institution. 
To  this  purpose  speaks  Spanheim  in  a  passage  which  I  have 
transcribed  below.  And  in  like  manner  another  learned 
commentator,  to'*'  whom  I  refer.  It  is  also  probable,''  that 
those  words,  ch.  iii.  13,  "  While  it  is  called  to-day,"  refer  to 
the  patience  which  God  yet  continued  to  exercise  toward 
the  Jewish  nation.  He  seems  to  have  had  in  view  the 
approaching  desolation  of  Jerusalem,  which  would  put  an 
end  to  that  "  to-day,"  and  finish  the  time  which  God  gave 
to  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  to  "  hear  his  voice."  And  Light- 
foot  y  argues  from  ch.  xii.  4,  "Ye  have  not  yet  resisted 
unto  blood  :"  that  the  epistle  was  written  before  the  war  in 
Judea  was  begun. 

Indeed  those  words  have  been  the  ground  of  an  objection 
against  this  epistle  having-  been  sent  to  the  believing-  Jews  in 
Judea,  because  there  had  been  already  several  martyrdoms 
in  that  country.  That  difficulty  I  would  now  remove. 
And  I  have  received  from  a  learned  friend  the  following- 
observation,  which  may  be  of  use.  '  It  seems  to  me,'  says 
he,  'that  the^  apostle  here,  as  well  as  in  the  preceding 

'  Vid.  Chrysost.  Pr.  in  Ep.  ad  Heb.  T.  XII.  p.  4.  C.  D. 

'  Theod.  in  Heb.  xiii.  9,  10.  "  Quaerentibus,  quo  tempore, 

et  unde  scripta  sit  epistola  ad  Hebraeos,  nihil  est  quod  respondeamus,  nisi 
sciiptam  fuisse,  cum  Juda^i  adhuc  gloriarentur  templo  Jerosolymitano,  et 
sacerdotio  Mosaico :  de  quibus  ubique  loquitur  scriptor,  ut  etiamnuni  stanti- 
bus.    Cleric.  Hist.  Ec.  An.  69.  p.  461. 

*  Quia  nata  haec  epistola,  stante  templo  et  Levitico  sacerdotio Heb.  viii. 

4.  Neque  alias  necesse  fuit  declamare  in  sacrificiorum  us,um,  et  praxin  ^cer- 
dotii,  penitus  eo  templi  et  urbis  et  reipublicae  eversione  sublato.  Neque  maxima 
omnium  prsegnans  argumentum  Judaeis  confundendis,  et  coercendis  pseudo- 
apostolis,  ab  ipsa  jactura  cultus,  et  Hierosolymitanae  sedis  restitutionis  spe 
nulla  amplius  afFulgente  praeteraxisisset.  Spanhem.  ubi  supra,  P.  II.  cap.  vi. 
p.  3.  T.  I.  p.  229.  *  See  Beausobre's  preface  to  the  epistle  to 

the  Hebrews,  num.  iii.  "  The  same. 

y  Harm,  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  i.  p.  339. 
npoQ  Tr]v  afxapTiav  avrayMviiCoiicvoi. 


94  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  context,  alludes  to  the  Grecian  games  or  exercises :  and 

*  be  signifies,  that  they,  to  whom  he  writes,  had  not  been 

*  called  out  to  the  most  dangerous  combats,  and  had  not 

*  run  the  immediate  hazard  of  their  lives.  Which,  1  sup- 
'  pose,  might  be  said  of  them,  as  a  body,  or  church.'  And 
I  shall  transfer  hither  Mr.  Beausobre's  note  upon  this  place. 
'  There  had  been  martyrs  in  Judea,  as  Stephen,  and  the 
'  two  James's.  But  for  the  most  part  the  Jews  did  not  put 
'  the  christians  to  death,  for  want  of  power.  They  were 
'  imprisoned  and  scourged.     See   Acts  v.  40,  and   here   ch. 

*  xiii.  3.     And   they  endured  reproaches,  and  the  loss  of 

*  their  substance,  ch.  x.  32 — 34.  These  were  the  sufferings, 
'  which  they  had  met  with.  The  apostle  therefore  here 
'  indirectly  reproves  the  Hebrews,  that  though  God  treated 
'  them  with  more  indulgence  than  he  had  done  his  people 

*  in  former  times,  and  even  than  his  own  Son,  they  never- 
'  theless  wavered  in  their  profession  of  the  gfospel.  See 
*ver.  12.'  ^  ^/ 

3.  There  are  divers  exhortations  in  this  epistle,  much 
resembling  some  in  the  acknowledged  epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

1.)  Heb.  xii.  3» "  Lest*   ye  be  wearied,  and  faint  in 

your  mind."  Gal.  vi.  9,  "  And**  let  us  not  be  weary  in 
well-doing,  for  in  due  season  we  shall  reap,  if  we  faint  not." 
And  see  2  Thess.  ii"!.  13.  and  Eph.  iii.  13. 

2.)  Heb.  xii.  14,  "  FoIIoav"^  peace  with  all  men,  and  holi- 
ness, without  which  no  man  shall  see  the  Lord."  An 
exhortation  very  suitable  to  Paul,  and  to  the  Jewish  believers 
in  Judea :  admonishing  them  not  to  impose  the  rituals  of 
the  law  upon  others,  that  is,  the  Gentile  believers,  and  to 
maintain  friendship  with  them,  though  they  did  not  em- 
brace the  law.  It  has  also  a  resemblance  with  Rom.  xii. 
18.     But  the  words  of  the  original  are  different. 

3.)Heb.  xiii.  1,  "Let  brotherly  love  continue:"  and  what 
follows  to  the  end  of  ver.  3.  Then  at  ver.  4,  "  Marriage  is 
honourable.  But  fornicators  and  adulterers  God  will  judge." 
Here  is  an  agreement  with  Eph.  v.  2, 3,  "  And  walk  in  love, 

as  Christ  also  has  loved  us. But  fornication  and  all  un- 

cleanness,  and  covetousness,  let  it  not  be  once  named  among 

you." Ver.   4,  "  For  this  ye  know,  that  no  fornicator, 

nor  unclean  person,  nor  covetous  man, has  any  inherit- 
ance in  the  kingdom  of  God." 

4.)  Ch.  xiii.  16,  "Buf^  to  do  good,  and  to  communicate, 

* tj/a  firi  (ca/i»j7"£,  raig  \l/vxfiic  (KXvojxfvot. 

^  To    Se  KaXov   TTOiHVTiQ  fiT]    iKKaKio^iiv'     Krti()(;j  ynp   iSuf}    QipiaofjitVy  /xi) 

lK\vOfltVOt.  '^     EipTJVriV  OLbJKETt  ^tTCl  TTaUTMV,  Kai  TOV  aytaffjUOf. 

**    Tjjc  C£  tVTTOuag  Kai  koivmvuiq  fir\  iiziKavOavtaQt. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  95 

forget  not.  For  with  such  sncrifices  God  is  well  pleased." 
That  exhortation  is  very  suitable  to  Paul's  doctrine,  and  has 
an  agreement  with  what  he  says  elsewhere,  as  Philip,  iv. 
18, "  An  odour  of"  a  sweet  smell,  a  sacrifice  accepta- 
ble, well  pleasing  to  God."  Moreover  as  is  observed''  by 
Grotius  upon  this  text,  the  word  communicate,  or  commu- 
nion, is  found  in  a  like  sense  in  the  Acts  and  in  other  epis- 
tles of  St.  Paul.  See  Acts  ii.  ^.  Rom.  xv.  26.  2  Cor.  viii. 
4.  ch.  ix.  13. 

4.  In  the  next  place  I  observe  some  instances  of  agree- 
ment in  the  style,  or  phrases,  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
and  the  acknowledged  epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

1.)  Heb.  ii.  4,  "  God^  also  bearing  them  witness  with 
signs,  and  wonders,  and  divers  miracles,  and  gifts  of  the 
Holy  Ghost." 

"  Signs  and  wonders,"  together,  seldom  occur  in  other 
books  of  the  New  Testament.  But  they  are  found  several 
times  in  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles.  The  phrase  is  in 
Matt.  xxiv.  24,  and  Mark  xiii.  22,  and  once  likewise  in  St. 
John's  gospel,  ch.  iv.  48.  But  it  is  several  times  in  the 
Acts,  ch.  ii.  19;  iv.  30;  v.  12;  vi.  8;  viii.  13;  xiv.  3;  xv. 
12.      The  most  remarkable  are  these,  where  there  are  three 

different    words.      Acts  ii.  22, "  A  man  approved  of 

God   among  you  bys  miracles,  and   M'onders,  and  signs." 

Rom.  XV.  19, "  Through'^  mighty  signs  and  wonders, 

by  the  power  of  the  Spirit  of  God."     2  Cor.  xii.  12, 

" '  In  signs,  and  wonders,  and  mighty  deeds."  2  Thess.  ii. 
9,  "^  With  all  power,  and  signs,  and  lying  wonders." 

2.)  Ch.  ii.  14, "  That  through  death  he  might  de- 
stroy him  that  had  the  power  of  death."  The  word 
KaTopr^ew  or  Karap^eofiai,  is,  I  think,  uo  where  used  in  the 
New  Testament,  except  in  Luke  xiii.  7,  and  St.  Paul's  epis- 
tles, where  it  is  several  times :  and  is  sometimes  used  in  a 
sense    resembling    this   place,   particularly  2  Tim.    i.    10, 

"  Who    has    abolished    death  :"     KaTapr^Tfaav-ro^    fiev    OavaTov, 

And  1  Cor.  xv.  26.  Compare  Dr.  Doddridge's  Family 
Expositor,  Vol.  IV.  upon  1  Cor.  xv.  24. 

3.)  Ch.    iii.    1, "Holy    brethren,    partakers   of  the 

heavenly  calling :"  Philip,  iii.  14, "  The  prize  of  the 

*  Koivtaviaq  VOX  refertuT  ad  pecunias,  et  ea,  quae  pecuniis  comparantur. 
Vide  Act.  ii.  42.  Rom.xv.  26.    2.  Cor.  viii.  4  ;  ix.  13.  Grot,  in  Heb.  xiii.  16. 

'  '2vvimp.apTV()Svrog  th  Qts  atijiHOig  re  Kcti  repam,  koi  iroiKiXaiQ  dvva/itm,  (cat 
rrpiVfiaTOQ  ayis  fitpiofioig.  ^  ——.  Svvafitai,  Kai  ripaffi,  Kai 

rrTjfiHoig.  **  ———fv  Svvafiii  (jtjiihiov,  Kai  rsparojv,  tv  Svvafin 
TTvevparoQ  9en.  ' sv  cTTJUtioic,  Kai  npaai,  km  Svvafitm. 

"^ IV  Traat]  Svvafiii,  kui  arji-iiioic,  Kai  repam  -^pevSng. 


96  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

liig-li  callinjr  of  God  in    Christ  Jesus."     2  Tim.  i.  9, 

"  Who  has  called  us  with  an  holy  calling." 

4.)  Ch.  V.  12, — "  And  are  become  such  as  have  need  of 
milk,  and  not  of  strong  meat."  1  Cor.  iii.  2,  "  I  have  fed 
you  with  milk,  and  not  with  meat."  However,  in  the  ori- 
ginal, there  is  no  great  agreement  in  the  words,  except  that 
in  both  places  "  milk"  is  used  for  the  first  rudiments  of  the 
christian  doctrine. 

5.)  Ch.  viii.  1, — "  Who  is  set  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
throne  of  the  majesty  on  high.  Eph.  i.  21, — "  And  set 
him  at  his  own  right  hand  in  the  heavenly  places." 

6.)  Ch.  viii.  6 ;  ix.  15 ;  and  xii.  24,  Jesus  Christ  is  styled 
"  mediator."  So  likewise  in  Gal.  iii.  19,  20.  1  Tim.  ii.  5, 
and  in  no  other  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

7.)  Ch.  viii.  5,  "  Who  serve  unto  the  example  and 
shadow  of  heavenly  things." — nai  oKia — tujv  eTrnpavitou.  x.  1, 
'^  For  the  law  having  a  shadow  of  good  things  to  come, 
and  not  the  very  image  of  the  things."      ^Kiav  e^f^v — twj/ 

f^ieWouTwv  an/aOcjoi/,  hk  avTtjv  t>]v  eiKova  tivv  Trpw^/jnaTivv,      Col.  II. 

17,  "  Which  are  a  shadow  of  things  to  come.     But  the 

body  is  of  Christ."      A    eaji    aicia    twv    /neWovTWv'  TO   be    awfxa 

T«    X/5i(TT8, 

8.)  Ch.  X.  33,  "  Whilst  ye  were  made  a  gazing-stock," 
or  spectacle,  "  both  by  reproaches  and  afflictions."  oveBia^ 
IL1019  T6  Kai  eXnlreai  OeaTpt^ofievoi.  1  Cor.  iv.  9,  "  For  w^e  are 
made  a  spectacle  unto  the  world  " oti  Oearpov  e^cvrjeruxev 

9.)  St.  Paul,  in'  his  acknowledged  epistles, often  alludes 
to  the  exercises  and  games,  Avhich  were  then  very  reputable 
and  frequent  in  Greece,  and  other  parts  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. There  are  divers  such  allusions  in  this  epistle,  which 
have  also  great  elegance.  So  ch.  vi.  18,  "  Who  have  fled 
for  refuge  to™  lay  hold  of  the  hope  set  before  us,"  or  the 
reward  of  eternal  life,  proposed  to  animate  and  encourage 
us.     And  ch.  xii.  1,  "  Wherefore  seeing  we  also"  are  com- 

'  See  1  Cor.  Lx.  24-26.    1  Tim.  vi.  12.    2  Tim.  ii.  5.  and  ch.  iv.  7,  8. 

"  KpaTTjcrai  ttjq  Trpo/ca/itvjjc  eXTri^of :  '  ad  obtineiidam  spam  propositam,* 
sc.  vitam  'ceternam.  Elegantissima  metaphora  est  vocis  TrpoKiipsvtjQ,  e  veterum 
certaminum  ratione  ducta.  Propria  enim  irpoKttaOai  dicuntur  ra  aOXa,  sc. 
praemia  certaminis,  quae  publice  proponuntiir  in  propatulo,  ut  aorum  adspectus, 
certaque  eorum  adipiscendorum  spes  certaturos  alacriores  redderet  ad  carta- 
man  ineundum,  victoriamque  reportandam  ;  ut  interpretabamur  supra  ad  2 
Tim.  iv.  8.  ro  airoKSKjOai,  quod  eamdem  significationem  obtinet.  J.  Tob. 
Krebsii  Observat.  in  N.  T.  e  Josepho.  p.  377. 

Ego  vero  puto  ^tvyeiv  accipi  pro  (tvvtovioq  rpfx^cv,  at  sumptam  transla- 
tionem  a  gyninicis  ludis;  quo  spectant  etiam  vocabula  Kparriaai,  KarairiTaa- 
IxaroQ,  et  TtpolpopB.  Bez.  in  loc. 

"  See  Mr.  Hallet  upon  the  place,  note  *  p.  336. 


St,  Paulas  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  97 

passed  about  with  so  great  a  cloud  of  witnesses,  Jet"  us  lay 
aside  every  weight,  and  the  sin  which  does  so  easily  beset 
us,  and  p  let  us  run  with  patience,  the  race  that  is  set  before 
us.  Ver.  2,  "  Looking  unto  Jesus,  who''  for  the  joy  that 
was  set  before  him  endured  the  cross."  And  ver.  3,  "  Lest  ^ 
ye  be  wearied,  and  faint  in  your  minds."  And  ver.  12, 
"  Wherefore  *  lift  up  the  hands  that  hang  down,  and  the 
feeble  knees." 

All  these  texts  seem  to  contain  allusions  to  the  celebrated 
exercises  and  games  of  those  times.  And  under  each  of 
them  I  have  referred  to,  or  transcribed  the  notes  of  some 
learned  critics  and  commentators,  tending  to  illustrate  them. 
And  to  these  may  be  added,  if  I  mistake  not,  the  place 
before*  taken  notice  of,  ch.  xii.  4,  "  Ye  have  not  resisted 
unto  blood,  striving"  against  sin." 

10.)  Ch.  xiii.  9,  "  Be  not  carried  about  with  divers  and 

strange  doctrines."    At^a^at?  TroiKcXai^  Km  l^evai^  fir]  Tre/JKpepeaOe. 

Eph.  iv.  14,  "  That  we  henceforth  be  no  more  children, 
tossed  to  and  fro,  and  carried  about  with  every  wind  of 

doctrme    K\vbwvi'^o/iievoi,    kui    Trepicpepofievoi    TravTi    avefjiw 

T7J9  8iBa(7Ka\ia9, 

11.)  Ch.  xiii.  10,  "  We  have  an  altar,  whereof  they  have 
no  right  to  eat."  1  Cor.  ix.  13,  "  And  they  that  wait  at 
the  altar,  are  partakers  with  the  altar."  And  ch.  x. 
18,  "  Are  not  they  which  eat  of  the  sacrifices,  partakers  of 
the  altar." 

"  OyKOj/  aTroQifitvoi  iravra'  *  deponentes  omne  pondus.'  Tota  haec  oratio 
translatitia  est ;  quasi  nobis  in  stadio  non  sine  magnis  difficultatibus  curren- 
dum  :  qua  translatione  saepe  utitur  Paulus.  In  primis  igitur  monet,  ut  oyKov 
abjiciamus,  qui  vocabulo  crassa  omnis  et  tarda  moles  significatur.     Bez.  in  loc. 

A  stadio  sumta  similitude.  Ibi  qui  cursuri  sunt,  omnia  quae  oneri  esse 
possunt,  deponunt,  &c.  Grot,  in  loc.     And  see  Hallett  as  before,  note  ". 

P  TjL)«xa)/i£v  Tov  ■KpoKiijitvov  rifuv  tov  ciyiova.  Loquendi  ratio  est  agonistica, 
et  petita  a  cursoribus,  qui  stadium  absolvunt.     De  voce  TrpoKiipai  satis  multa 

afFerebamus  supra,  Cap.  vi.  ]  8. Sensus  autem  Apostoli  est :   *  Curramus 

in  stadio,  nobis  proposito  ad  currendum :'  voce  aywv  pro  loco,  sc.  stadio, 
sumta.  Krebs.  ubi  supra,  p.  390. 

"•  'Oc  avri  Tr]g  Trpoiceifitvrjc  ^npaCj  f^-  ^-     Vid.  Krebs.  ib.  p.  390. 

^  'Iva  pt]  Ka/itjTi,  Tttig  ■>pvx»is  iV'^^  6K\vop(voi. Haec  duo  verba  a  palaes- 
tra et  ab  athletis  desumpta  sunt,  qui  proprie  dicuntur  Kopviiv,  et  ;^i»x"'C 
EKXveaOai,  cum  corporis  viribus  debilitati  et  fiacti,  omnique  spe  vincendi  abjecta, 

victas  manus  dant   adversario Neque  dubium   est,    quin   Apostolus  eo 

respexerit.  Id.  ib.  *   Aw  rac  Trapeiptvag  xftpa^  kcu  ra 

TTapaXiXvpeva  yovara  avopOwaars.  Quemadmodum  Paulus  saepissime  delec- 
tatur  loquendi  formulis  ex  re  palaestricft  petitis ;  ita  dubium  non  est,  quia  hie 
quoque  respexisse  eo  videatxir.  Athletis  enim  et  luctatoribus  tribuuntur 
Traptinevai  xftpfc  et  TrapnXfXii/ieva  yovara,  cum  luctando  itadefatigati,  viribus- 
que  fracti  sunt,  ut  neque  manus  neque  pedes  officio  suo  fungi  possint,  ipsique 
adeo  victos  se  esse  fateri  cogantur.  Id.  ib.  p.  392. 

'  See  here,  p.  93.  "   Upog  ttjv  aiiapriav  avTaywviKoiitvoi, 

VOL.    VI.  H 


98  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

12.)  Ch.  xiii.20,  21,  "  Now  the  God  of  peace make 

you  perfect."  Which  is  a  title  of  the  Deity,  no  wliere 
found  in  the  New  Testament,  but  in  St.  Paul's  epistles. 
And  in  them  it  is  several  times,  and  near  the  conclusion,  as 
here.  So  Rom,  xv.  33,  "  Now  the  God  of  peace  be  w  ith 
you  all."  See  likewise  ch.  xvi.  20,  and  Philip,  iv.  9. 
And  1  Thess.  v.  23.  And  "  the  very  God  of  peace  sanctify 
you  wholly."  And  2  Cor.  xiii.  11,"  And  the  God  of  love 
and  peace  shall  be  with  you." 

5.  The  conclusion  of  this  epistle  has  a  remarkable  agree- 
ment Avitli  the  conclusions  of  St.  Paul's  epistles  in  several 
respects. 

1.)  He  here  desires  the  christians,  to  wliom  he  is  writing", 
to  pray  for  him,  ch.  xiii.  18,  "  Pray  for  us."  So  Rom.  xv, 
30;  Eph.  vi.  18, 19;  Col.  iv.  3;  1  Thess.  v.  25;  2  Thess.  iii.  1. 

2.)  It  is  added  in  the  same  ver.  18,  "  For  we  trust  we 
have  a  good  conscience,  in  all  things  willing  to  live  honestly." 
Which  may  well  come  from  Paul,  some  of  the  Jewish  be- 
lievers not  being  well  affected  to  him,  or  being  even  offended 
with  him.  So  says  ^  Theodoret  upon  this  place,  and  Chry- 
sostom"'  to  the  like  purpose,  very  largely.  To  which 
might  be  added  ver.  32,  "  And  I  beseech  you,  brethren,  to 
suffer  the  word  of  exhortation."  It  is  also  observable,  that 
St.  Paul  makes  a  like  profession  of  his  sincerity,  in  pleading 
against  the  Jews,  before  Felix,  Acts  xxiv.  16. 

3.)  Having  desired  the  prayers  of  these  christians  for 
himself,  he  prays  for  them,  ch.  xiii.  20,  21,  "  Now  the  God 

of  peace make  you  perfect through  Jesus  Christ : 

to  whom  be  glory  forever  and  ever.  Amen."  So  Rom.  xv. 
30 — 32,  having  asked  their  prayers  for  him,  he  adds  ver, 
33,  "  Now  the  God  of  peace  be  with  you  all.  Amen.  Com- 
pare Eph.  vi.  19 — 23,  and  1  Thess.  v.  23 ;  2  Thess.  iii.  16. 

4.)  Ch.  xiii.  24,  "Salute  all  them  that  have  the  rule  over 
you,  and  all  the  saints.  They  of  Italy  salute  you."  The 
like  salutations  are  in  divers  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  Rom. 
xvi;  1  Cor.  xvi.  16— 21;  2  Cor.  xiii.  13;  Philip,  iv. 21, 22. 
Not  to  refer  to  any  more. 

5.)  The  valedictory  benediction  at  the  end,  is  that  which 
Paul  had  made  the  token  of  the  genuineness  of  his  epistles, 
2  Thess.  iii.  18.     So  here,  ch.  xiii.  25,  "  Grace  ^  be  with 

"  ArojSf/SX^ro  avroig,  wg  ravavria  t({)  vofK^  KTjpvTTiov.  AiSaoKH  toivvv 
aVTSQ,  Cjq  tK  aX\«  r«  x"P"'  '"**''<'  tokij  aSXa  rii)  Guii>  \oy(^  TrtiOofievog.  Aia 
THTO  KM  Tr)v  avvtiStiaiv  tig  fiaprvpuiv  iKaXtrre.  Theod.  ill  Hebr.  xiii.  18. 
T.  III.  p.  4G1.  "  In  Heb.  xiii.  horn.  34.  torn.  XII.  p.  313,  314. 

"  Et  hoc  ad  exemplum  Pauli.  Eph.  vi.  24  ;  Col.  iv.  18;  1  Tim.  vi.  21; 
2  Tim.  iv.  22 ;  Tit.  iii.  15.  Qui  ahbi  explicat,  quae  sit  ilia  gratia,  nempe 
Christi.     Grot,  in  Heb.  xiii.  25. 


I 

St.  PaiWs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  99 

you  all.  Amen."  Indeed,  sometimes  it  is  "  the  grace  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  you."  But  at  other  times  it  is 
more  contracted.  So  Col.  iv.  18,  "  Grace  be  with  you." 
1  Tim.  vi.  21,"  Grace  be  with  thee."  See  likewise  Eph. 
vi.  24  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  22 ;  Tit.  iii.  15.  The  same  observation 
is  in  >  Theodoret. 

6.  The  circumstances  of  the  epistle  leads  us  to  the  apostle 
Paul. 

1.)  Ch.  xiii.  24,  "  They  of  Italy  salute  you."  The  writer 
therefore  was  then  in  Italy,  whither  we  know  Paul  was  sent 
a  prisoner,  and  where  he  resided  two  years,  Acts  xxviii. 
where  also  he  wrote  several  epistles,  still  remaining-. 

2.)  Ver.  19,  He  desires  them  "  the  rather  to  pray  for  him, 
that  he  might  be  restored  to  them  the  sooner."  Paul  had 
been  brougflit  from  Judea  to  Rome.  And  he  was  willing 
to  go  thither  again,  where  he  had  been  several  times.  And 
though  the  original  words  are  not  the  same,  there  is  an 
agreement  between  this  and  Philem.  ver.  22,  "  I  trust,  that 
through  your  prayers,  I  shall  be  given  to  you."  This  par- 
ticular is  one  of  the  arguments  of  Euthalius,  that^  this 
epistle  is  Paul's,  and  written  to  the  Jews  of  Palestine. 

3.)  Ver.  23,  "  Know  ye,  that  our  brother  Timothy  is  set 
at  liberty.  With  whom,  if  he  come  shortly,  I  will  see  you." 
Timothy  was  with  Paul,  during  his  imprisonment  at  Rome: 
as  is  allowed  by  all.  For  he  is  expressly  mentioned  at  the 
beginning  of  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  Colossians, 
Philemon,  written  Avhen  he  was  in  bonds.  He  is  mentioned 
again,  Philip,  ii.  19.  When  the  apostle  writes  to  Timothy, 
he  calls  him  "  his  son,"  or  "  dearly  beloved  son."  1  Tim. 
i.  2 ;  2  Tim.  i.  2.  But  when  he  mentions  him  to  others,  he 
calls  him  brother.  2  Cor.  i.  1 ;  Col.  i.  1  ;  1  Thess.  iii.  2. 
In  like  manner  Titus.    Comp.  Titus  i.  4,  and  2  Cor.  ii.  13. 

This  mention  of  Timothy  has  led  many,  not  only  moderns, 
but  ancients  likewise,  to  tliink  of  Paul  as  writer  of  the 
epistle,  particularly*  Euthalius.  And  undoubtedly,  many 
others  have  been  confirmed  in  that  supposition  by  this  cir- 
cumstance. 

The  original  word,  «7roXe\v/i6i/oi/,  is  ambiguous,  being*  ca- 
pable of  two  senses:  one  of  which  is  that  of  our  translation, 

^   To  evvtjOeg  aKponXivrov  nQtiKS,  rrjv  Trjs  xaptrof  fitTsauiv.      Theod,  in 
loc.  T.  III.  p.  462.  ^   MapTv^tnai  St  kuiivtoic  i£.T]g  rj  sTrt-roXj; 

iiTTapxHoa  ITai'Xs,  rq)  ypatpHV,  on  Kc(i  roig  hrrfioig  fin  avvtiraGrjcrart,  (cat  sk  ts 
Xiyuv,  irepiffffortpov  ivxtcrQi,  iva  tcixi-ov  aTroKaraTaOw  vfiiv.  Euthal.  ap. 
Zacagn.  p.  670.  ^   Kai  «k  rs  Xeyuv,  yivioaKSTi  rov  ctSt\<poj' 

r)fiOL>v  TifioOtov  anoXtXvfitvov ovSfig  yap  av,  oifiai,  nmXvfffi'  tig  diOKOi'tav 

TifioOiovt  11  fii]  UavXog.  k.  X.     Euthil.  ib.  p.  671. 

H    2 


100  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

"set  at  liberty,"  that  is,  from  imprisonment:  the  other  is 
dismissed,  "sent  abroad  on  an  errand."  In  this  last  sense 
it  was  understood  by  Euthalius.  Who,  in  the  place  just 
cited,  says,  '  That  scarcely  any  one  can  be  thought  of,  be- 
'  side  Paul,  who  would  send  Timothy  abroad  upon  any  ser- 

*  vice  of  the  gospel.'  And  indeed  this  passage  doth  put  us  in 
mind  of  what  Paul  says  to  the  Philippians,  ch.  ii.  19,  "  But 
I  trust  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  send  Timothy  shortly  unto  you, 
that  I  also  may  be  of  g'ood  comfort  when  I  know  your 
state.  Him  therefore  I  hope  to  send  presently,  so  soon  as  I 
shall  see  how  it  will  go  with  me.  But  I  trust  in  the  Lord, 
that  I  also  myself  shall  come  shortly,"  ver.  23,  24.  Which 
induced  Beausobre  to  say  in  the  preface  to  this  epistle : 
'  The  sacred  ^  author  concludes  with  asking  the  prayers  of 

*  the  Hebrews,  ch.  xiii.  19,  "That  he  may  be  restored  to 
'  them."  These  words  intimate,  that  he  was  still  prisoner, 
'  but  that  he  hoped  to  be  set  at  liberty.     Therefore  he  adds, 

*  ill  the  23d  ver.  that  he  intended  to  come  and  see  them  with 

*  Timothy,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  returned.  If  this 
'  explication  be  right,  this  epistle  was  written  at  Rome  some 
'  time  after  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians,  and  since  the  depar- 

*  ture  of  Timothy  for  Macedonia.' 

Thus  we  are  brought  to  the  time  of  this  epistle.  Never- 
theless, before  I  proceed  to  speak  distinctly  to  that,  I  would 
conclude  the  argument  concerning  the  writer  of  it. 

All  these  considerations  just  mentioned,  added  to  the 
testimony  of  many  ancient  writers,  make  out  an  argument  of 
great  weight  (though  not  decisive  and  demonstrative)  that 
the  apostle  Paul  is  the  writer  of  this  epistle. 

It  should  be  observed,  I  have  hitherto  declined  the  use  of 
two  arguments  often  insisted  upon  in  discoursing  of  this 
point. 

One  of  M'hich  is  the  testimony  of  St.  Peter :  2  epjst.  ch. 
iii.  15, 16.  This  I  have  omitted,  because  I  am  not  satisfied 
that  he  and  the  author  of  this  epistle  write  to  the  same  per- 
sons. Nor  does  it  appear  certain  to  me,  that  St.  Peter  there 
takes  any  particular  notice  of  this  "^  epistle  as  one  of  Paul's. 

^  Preface  sur  1'  upitre  aux  Hebreux.  n.  37.  p.  429. 

•=  Says  Mr.  Hallet,  Introduction,  p.  21,  "  Some  learned  men  have  attempted 
'  to  prove  this  point  from  what  St.  Peter  says,  2  Pet.  iii.  15,  16.     If  it  could 

*  l)e  proved,  that  he  speaks  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the  testimony  of  this 

*  apostle  would  fully  determine  the  dispute.     But  a-s  I  do  not  think,  it  can  be 

*  certainly  proved,  that  he  speaks  of  this  epistle,  without  proving  that  St.  Paul 

*  wa.s  the  author  of  it,  I  cannot  argue  from  this  passage.     Those  on  the  other 

*  side  go  upon  the  supposition,  that  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  written  to  the 

*  Hebrews,  or  Jews.  But  it  seems  to  me  abundantly  more  natural  to  suppose, 
'  tliat  they  were  written  to  Gentile  christians,  if  we  consider  many  passages  of 

*  the  epistles  themselves.' 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  101 

However  as  many  learned  men  look  upon  that  passage  of 
8t.  Peter,  as  a  full  testimony  to  Paul's  being-  the  writer  of 
this  epistle,  I  shall  refer  to  several,  or  transcribe  below  a 
part  at  least  of  what  they  say  :  particularly  ''  3Iill,  ""  Span- 
lieim,  and  ^  Basnage. 

The  other  argument  omitted  by  me  is  that  taken  from 
Heb.  X.  34,  "  For  ye  had  compassion  of  me  in  my  bonds." 
On  this  insist  »  Spanheim,  ''Mill,  and  'Basnage,  to  prove 
that  this  epistle  was  written  by  Paul.  But  Mr.  James  Pierce 
translates  the  words  thus :  "  For  ye  sympathized  w  ith  those 
who  were  in  bonds."  And  in  his  notes  says  :  '  Were  it  cer- 
'  tain,  that  the  common  is  the  true  reading  of  the  place, 
'  there  would  be  little  room  left  to  doubt  of  the  epistle's  be- 
'  ing  written  by  St.  Paul.  But  the  Alexandrian,  and  other 
'  manuscripts,  of  the  best  note,  read  here  ce<r/nioi^  instead  of 
'  Befffioi9  fi8.  And  the  same  is  confirmed  by  ancient  versions.' 
And  that  this  is  the  truer  reading,  may  be  seen  in  Bengelius, 
Wetstein,  and  Mill  himself:  though  in  his  argument  con- 
cerning the  author  of  the  epistle,  he  has  been  pleased  to 
argue  from  the  common  reading.  If  Paul  here  referred  to 
his  bonds,  I  should  think  he  intended  his  imprisonment  in 
Judea,  as  Mill  thought,  not  at  Rome,  as  Basnage  does,  in 
the  place  just  cited.  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  the  He- 
brew believers  in  Judea  afforded  St.  Paul  relief  and  com- 
fort, whilst  he  lay  prisoner  at  Caesarea.  But  as  I  do  not 
here  discern  any  plain  reference  to  that,  I  do  not  form  any 
argument  from  this  text,  in  behalf  of  the  writer  of  the 
epistle. 

*  Et  quidem  episfolam  banc  earn  ipsam  fuisse,  quara  ad  Hebraeos  christi- 
anos  miserat  apostolus  noster,  disertis  verbis  D.  Petri  constat.  Ep.  2.  cap.  iii. 
15,  &c.  Mil.  Proleg.num.  86—91. 


Vid.  Spanheni.  Diss,  de  Auct.  ep.  ad  Hebr.  Part.  1  cap.  ii.- 


''  Hebraeis  Paulum  scripsisse,  planum  est  ex  posteriore  Petri ;  '  Paulus  pro 
sibi  data  sapientia  scripsit  vobis.'  Hebraeos  enim  adibat  scripto  Petrus  cir- 
cumcisionis  apostolus.     Quaenam  autem  Pauli  ad  Hebraeos  scripta  epistola,  si 

nostra  non  est  ? Ipsa  igitur  est,  quae  omnium  in  manibus  versatur  atque 

oculis.     Basn.  ann.  61.  num.  iv.  s  Prima  esto  circumstantia 

vinculorum  ilia  mentio.     Capite  x.  ver.  34. Constat  enim,  soli  Paulo,  et 

fere  semper,  venisse  hoc  in  usu.  Et  quas  omnes  ex  Italia  transmisit  epistolas, 
vinculonim  suorum  mentione  quasi  distinxit.     Spanh.  ib.  P.  II.  cap.  4. 

''  Auctorem  habet  haec  epistola,  si  qua  usquara  alia,  D.  Paulum.  Alloqui- 
tur  auctor  Hebraeos  istos,  velut  ipsius  in  carcere  raemores,  ejusque  vinculis 
avinraQi](TavTaQ.  Ista  apostolo  nostro  congruere,  nemo  non  videt.  Hieroso- 
lyma  ipse  duos  ante  annos  eleemosynas  ecclesiarum  detulerat,  ubi  ab  universa 
illic  ecclesia  benigne  exceptus  erat,  toto  tempore,  quo  Caesareae  mansit  incar- 
ceratus.    Mill.  Prol.  num.  85.  '  A  manu  catenata  epistolam 

in  Italia  exaratani  fuisse,  cemimus  et  videmus  :  *  vinculis  meis  mecum  affecti 
fuistis,'  Barnabam  vero  aut  Lucam  compedibus  in  Italia  fuisse  detentos,  vete- 
rum  in  monimentis  ne  minima  quidem.litera  invenimus.  Basnag.  An.  61.  n.  iv. 


102  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

I  say  no  more  by  way  of  argument.  But  there  are  ob- 
jections, which  ought  to  be  considered. 

1.  Obj.  Heb.  ii.  3,  "How  shall  we  escape,  if  we  neglect 
so  great  salvation,  which  at  the  first  began  to  be  spoken 
by  the  Lord,  and  was  confirmed  unto  us  by  them  that  heard 
him?" 

Hence  it  has  been  argued,  that  the  writer  of  this  epistle 
placeth  himself  with  those  who  had  received  the  doctrine  of 
the  gospel  from  Christ's  apostles.  But  Paul  had  it  from 
Christ  hhnself,  as  he  says  at  large  in  the  first  chapter  of  the 
epistle  to  the  Galatians.  This  has  been  thought  by  ^  Grotius 
and  Le  Clerc'  a  good  reason  why  Paul  should  not  be  es- 
teemed the  writer  of  this  epistle. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  it  is  not  uncommon  for  Paul  to 
join  himself  with  those  to  whom  he  is  writing,  and  to  say  us^ 
where  he  might  say  you :  especially,  when  he  says  any  thing 
that  is  humbling,  and  that  might  be  thought  disagreeable. 

So  Col.  i.  12,  13,  "  Giving  thanks  to  the  Father,  who 

has  delivered  us  from  the  power  of  darkness." This  I 

take  to  be  a  plain  instance.  To  which  might  be  added, 
according  to  the  judgment  of  some  commentators,  Eph.  ii. 
3,  and  Tit.  iii.  3.  The  note  of  Grotius  upon  this  last  cited 
text  may  be  observed.  And  now  I  transcribe  below  "'  the 
answer  of  Mr.  Wetstein  to  this  objection :  which  is  in  the 
main  agreeable  to  what  I  have  just  said. 

I  would  also  observe,  that  there  is  another  iixstance  in 
this  epistle,  much  resembling  the  text,  upon  which  the  pre- 
sent  objection  is  founded.      Heb.  xii.  1, "Wherefore 

^  Praeterea  Paulo  hanc  epistolam  abjudicat,  quod  hujus  scriptor  se  iis  annu- 
raeret,  qui  non  a  Christo,  sed  ab  ejus  discipulis,  notitiam  evangelii  acceperit. 
cap.  ii.  3.  Cum  contra  Paulus  auctoritatem  sibi  addat  inde,  quod  banc  notitiam 
a  Cbiisto  ipso  acceperit.     Grot.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Hebr. 

'  Videtur  et  scriptor  epistolae  ad  Hebraeos,  cap.  ii.  3.  &c.  eonim  numero 
censeri  velle,  qui  evangeUum  acceperant  ab  iis,  a  quibus  auditus  er&t  ipse 

Christus Quod  in  Paulum   non  quadrat,  qui  evangelium  ab  ipso  Jesu 

Christo  et  Deo  accepisse  se  non  falso  gloriatur,  Gal.  i.  Cleric.  H.  E.  A.  D.  G9. 
p.  459. 

""  Hebr.  ii.  3.  Paulus  se  iis  annumei'at,  qui  notitiam  evangelii  a  discipulis 
Cliristi  acceperunt ;  cum  tameu  ad  Galatas  non  semel  testetur,  glorieturque, 
se  non  ab  hominibus,  sed  ab  ipso  Christo  fuisse  institutum,  Gal.  i.  1,  12,  17 ; 
eh.  ii.  6.  Ratio  discriminis  ex  modo  dictis  manil'esta  est.  In  epistola  ad 
Galatas  id  agit,  ut  auctoritatem  suam  adstniat ;  hie  autem,  ubi  de  supplicio 
desertoribus  impendente  loquitiu:,  ut  minus  ingrata  esset  comminatio  atque 
adnionitio,  seipsum  iliis  annumerat,  comm.  1.  Ast  ii/xaQ  irpoatx^v  roig  aKH<x- 

Buijiv,  (JLY]   TTOTt   Trappvoifitv TTujQ   iifiHc  tK(ptv^oyi.tQa. Postquam  igitur 

ita  ca'pisset,  consequens  crat,  ut  in  eadem  figiira  pergeret,  scriberetque  ^ng 

ffcuTjjpta tiQ  iiiuiQ  t(3tt3aiw0r].  Ita  Eph.  ii.  3 ;  Col.  i.  12,  13  ;  Tit.  iiL  3.  ubi 

gentium  peccata,  et  pajiiam  imminentem  describit,  et  seipsum  illis  annumerat. 
J.  J.  Wetstein.  N.  T.  torn.  IT.  p.  384. 


St.  Pauls  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  103 

let  us  lay  aside  every  weig-ht,  and  the  sin  which  does 

so  easily  beset  us." And  this  way  of  writing  is  suit- 
able to  Paul's  style  and  method  in  his  acknowledged 
epistles. 

Secondly,  I  would  farther  add,  if  it  might  not  be  esteemed 
too  prolix,  that  in  divers  other  places  we  find  Paul,  when 
he  asserts  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  insisting  also 
upon  the  testimony  of  the  other  apostles,  and  likewise  of 
other  disciples.  Thus,  preaching  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia, 
Acts  xiii.  30,  31,  "  ]>ut  (iod  raised  him  from  the  dead.  And 
he  was  seen  many  days  of  then),  which  came  up  with  him 
from  Galilee  to  Jerusalem,  who  are  his  witnesses  unto  the 
people."  And  also  1  Cor.  xv.  at  the  beginning :  which  I 
shall  recite  largely,  as  full  to  the  point.  "  Moreover,  bre- 
thren, 1  declare  unto  you  the  gospel,  which  I  preached  unto 

you,  which  also  ye  have  received By  m  hich  also  ye 

are  saved,  if  ye  keep  in  memory  what  I  preached  unto  you. 

For  I  delivered  unto  you  first  of  all,  how  that  Christ 

died  for  our  sins,  according  to  the  scriptures  :  and  that  he 
was  buried,  and  that  he  rose  again  the  third  day,  according 
to  the  scriptures :  and  that  he  was  seen  of  Cephas,  then  of 
the  twelve.  After  that  he  was  seen  of  James,  tlien  of  all 
the  apostles.     And  last  of  all  he  was  seen  of  me." 

And  this  context,  perliaps,  will  justify  me  in  proceeding 
somewhat    farther.      When    8t.   Paul   says,   2  Tim.   ii.   8, 

♦'  Remember,  that  Jesus    Christ was   raised    from  the 

dead,  according  to  my  gospel :"  he  intends,  as  I  apprehend, 
to  lead  Timothy  to  recollect  the  gospel,  that  had  been 
preached  by  him  in  such  and  such  circumstances,  confirmed 
by  miracles  wrought  by  him,  and  agreeable  to  the  pro- 
phecies of  the  ancient  scriptiu-es,  and  the  testimony  of  the 
other  apostles,  and  disciples  of  Christ.  As  he  also  says,  at 
ver.  2,  of  the  same  chapter, "  The  things  that  thou  hast  heard 
of  me  among  many  witnesses:"  literally,  "  by  many  Avit- 
nesses  :"  that  is,  confirmed  by  many  witnesses.  And  he 
may  be  supposed  to  intend  not  only  "  the  prophets,  which 
is  Grotius's  interpretation,  but  likewise  the  testimony  of 
all  the  apostles  of  Christ,  and  of  many  others,  to  which 
he  had  appealed  in  his  preaching. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  seems  to  me,  that  the  expression  of  this 
text  is  highly  becoming-  the  apostle  Paul,  especially,  suppos- 
ing him  to  be  here  writing  to  the  believers  of  Jerusalem 
and  Judea.  And  hideed,  as  before  shown,  the  beginning  of 
this  second  chapter  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews   affords,  in 

"  Multis  adductifi  testibiis  prophetis,  qui  hsec  pradixerant.  Hebr.  xii.  1. 
Grot,  in  2  Tim.  ii.  2. 


104  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

my  opinion,  an  arg-ument  of  no  small  force,  that  they  are  the 
christians  to  whom  it  is  sent. 

2.  Obj.  Another  objection  against  this  epistle  being  St. 
Paul's  is,  that  it  is  supposed  to  have  in  it  an  elegance  supe- 
rior to  that  of  his  other  writings.  This  has  been  judged  by 
Grotius,  and  Le  Clerc,  who  were  formerly  °  quoted,  sufficient 
to  show,  that  it  was  not  written  by  Paul. 

In  order  to  judge  the  better  of  this,  it  may  be  of  use  to 
recollect  w  hat  we  have  already  seen  in  divers  ancient  writers, 
relating  to  this  point. 

Eusebius  has  a  passage  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  from 
his  institutions,  at  large  cited  by  us  p  formerly  :  where 
Clement  says, '  That ''  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  Paul's, 
'  and  that  it  was  Avritten  to  the  Hebrews  in  the  Hebrew 
'  language,  and  that  Luke  having  carefully  translated    it, 

*  published  it  for  the  use  of  the  Greeks.  Which  is  the  rea- 
'  son  of  that  conformity  of  style,  which  is  found  in  this 
'  epistle,  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.' 

The  opinion  of  Origen  in  his  homilies  upon  this  epistle  as 
cited  by  Eusebius,  and  by  us"^  from  him,  is,  '  That  the  style 
'  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has  not  the  apostle's  rudeness 

'  of  speech but   as  to   the  texture   of  it,   is  elegant 

'  Greek,  as  every  one  will  allow,  who  is  able  to  judge  of 
'  the  differences  of  style.'  Again  he  says,  '  The  sentiments 
'  of  the  epistle  are  admirable,  and  not  inferior  to  the 
'  acknowledged  writings  of  the  apostle.  This  will  be 
'  assented  to  by  every  one  who  reads  the  writings  of  the 
'  apostle  with  attention.'  Afterwards  he  adds,  '  If  I  was 
'  to  speak  my  opinion,  I  should  say,  that  the  sentiments  are 
'  the  apostle's,  but  the  languag-e  and  composition  another's, 

*  who  committed  to  writing  the  apostle's  sense,  and  as  it 
'  were,  reduced  into  commentaries  the  things  spoken  by  his 

*  master.'     And  what  follows. 

Eusebius^  himself,  speaking  of  Clement's  epistle  to  the 
Corinthians,  says,  '  Paul  having  written  to  the  Hebrews  in 
'  their  own  language,  some  think  that  the  evangelist  Luke, 

*  others,  that  this  very  Clement,  translated  it  into  Greek. 

*  Which  last  is  the  most  likely,  tliere  being  a  great  resem- 

*  blance  between  the  style  of  the  epistle  of  Clement,  and 

*  the  epistle   to  the  Hebrews.     Nor  are  the  sentiments  of 

°  See  Hist,  of  the  Apost.  Vol.  v.  ch.  ii.  p  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 

''  K«i  rr)v  irpog  'Elipaiac  tTTiToXjjj/  JJavXs  fitv  eivai  ^t](n,  ytyparpOai  Se 
EPpcuoiQ  'E(3pa'iKy  (Jxovy.  Ahkuv  Se  (jiiXorifiMg  avrrjv  [j,i9tpnrtvtv(TavTa,  tK^nvai 
ToiQ  'FJi.\rjmv,  K.  \.  ap.  EiLscb.  H.  E.  1.  G.  c.  14.  in. 

'   Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  fixjm  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  G.  cap.  25. 

•  II.  E.  i.  3.  cap.  38. 


St.  Paurs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  105 

'  those  two  writii)g-s  very  different.'  This  passage  has  been 
already  twice  quoted  by  us :  once  in  tlie  chapter  of  Cle- 
ment *  bishop  of  Rome,  and  again  in  that"  of  Eusebius. 

Philaster,  bishop  of  Brescia,  about  380,  as  formerly 
quoted,  says,  '  There ^  are  some,  who  do  not  allow  the  epistle 
'  to  the  Hebrews  to  be  Paul's  :  but  say,  it  is  either  an 
'  epistle  of  the  apostle  Barnabas,  or  of  Clement  bishop  of 
'  Rome.     But  some  say,  it  is  an  epistle  of  Luke  the  evangelist. 

' Moreover,  some  reject  it,  as  more  eloquent  than  the 

'  apostle's  other  writings.' 

Jerom,  about  392,  in  his  article  of  St.  Paul  in  the  book 
of  Illustrious  Men,  as^''  before  cited  also,  says,  '  The  epistle, 
'  called  To  the  Hebrews,  is  not  thought  to  be  his,  because  of 
'  the  difference  of  the  argument  and  style :  but  either  Bar- 
'  nabas's,  as   Tertullian  thought,  or  the  evangelist  Luke's, 

*  according  to  some  others;  or  Clement's,  bishop  of  Rome: 
'  who,  as  some  think,  being  much  with  him,  clothed  and 

*  adorned  Paul's  sense  in  his  own  language. Moreover 

'  he  wrote  as  a  Hebrew  to  Hebrews  in  pure  HebreAv,  it 
'  being  his  own  language.     Whence  it  came  to  pass  that, 

*  being  translated,  it  has  more  elegance  in  the  Greek,  than 
'  his  other  epistles.' 

I  need  not  allege  here  any  more  testimonies  relating  to 
this  matter.  We  sufficiently  perceive  by  what  has  been 
said,  that  many  ancient  christians  supposed  the  Greek  of 
this  epistle  to  have  a  superior  elegance  to  the  received 
epistles  of  St.  Paul.  And  to  some  of  them  the  Greek  was 
their  native  language.  And  others,  as  Jerom,  though 
Latins,  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  good  judges  in  this 
matter. 

Some  learned  men  of  late  times,  as  Grotius  and  Le  Clerc, 
have  thought  this  to  be  an  insuperable  objection.  Of  this 
opinion  likewise  Avas^  Jacob  Tollius :  who  in  his  notes 
upon  Longinus,  Of  the  Sublime,  has  celebrated  the  sublimity 
of  this  epistle,  and  particularly  the  elegance  of  the  begin- 
ning of  it.     Which  alone  he  thinks  sufficient  to  show,  that 

'■  Vol.  ii.  ch.  ii.  "  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii.  "  Ibid.  ch.  ex. 

*  Ibid.  ch.  cxiv.  "  Ejusmodi  T/jpiy/isc.  icat 

ava-rravauQ  statim  in  initio  eloquentissimsD,  et  nescio  annon  omnem  gentiliiun 
scriptonim  sublimitatem  superantis,  certe  adaequautis  epistolse  ad  Hebraeos 
reperias ;  quam  vel  hocuno  Pauli  non  esse  proteverim.  Sed  sawt  ava-TravanQ 
illae  non  deorsmn  mentis  orationis,  veram  contra  ea  in  coelum  ascendentis 
•rripiyfioi.  Ita  vero  incipit :  HoXvjiepcog,  kui  iroXvrpoTrojg,  TraXai  o  Qsoq 
Xn\ij(T«c  Toic  irarpaatv,  k.  X.  Ubi  tres  consequenter  sunt  positi  Paeones  quarti 
ciun  syllaba  post  singulas  renianente,  velut  ad  subsistendum,  diun  ita  in 
coeliun  ad  Deiuii  velut  gradibus  sciiptor  adscendit.  J.  Tollius  ad  Longin.  de 
Sublim.  sect.  39.  not,  22. 


106  A  History  of  the  Apostles  mid  Evangelists. 

it  is  not  Paul's.  Others  allow  the  fine  contexture  of  the 
style  of  this  epistle ;  but  do  not  see  that  consequence. 
These  are  obliged  to  account  for  it :  which  they  do  several 
ways. 

Mr.  Wetstein,  who  allows  that  the  epistle  is  St.  Paul's, 
and  that  it  was  written  in  Greek,  thinks  that^  Paul  having* 
now  lived  two  years  at  Rome,  may  have  improved  his 
Greek  style.  But  in  answer  to  that  it  may  be  said,  that  we 
have  several  epistles  of  Paul,  written  near  the  end  of  his 
imprisonment  at  Rome,  in  which  we  perceive  his  usual 
style. 

Ag-ain,Mr.  Wetstein  adds,  'That^  this  is  a  learned  epistle, 
'  and  may  have  been  composed  with  more  care  and  exactness 
'  than  letters  written  to  friends,  or  to  churches,  whose 
'  urgent  necessities  oblioed  him  to  write  in  haste.'  But 
neither  will  this,  I  believe,  be  sufficient  to  account  for  the 
difference  of  style  in  this,  and  the  epistles  received  as  Paul's. 
For  no  care  and  attention  will  on  a  sudden  enable  a  man  to 
alter  his  usual  style,  in  a  remarkable  manner. 

It  remains  therefore,  as  seems  to  me,  that  if  the  epistle  be 
Paul's,  and  was  originally  written  in  Greek,  as  we  suppose, 
the  apostle  must  have  had  some  assistance  in  composing  it. 
So  that  we  are  led  to  the  judgment  of  Origen,  which 
appears  to  be  as  ingenious  and  probable  as  any.  '  The 
'  sentiments  are  the  apostle's,  but  the  language  and  compo- 

*  sition  of  some  one  else  :  who  committed  to  writing  the 
'  apostle's  sense,  and  as  it  were  reduced  into  commentaries 
'  the  things  spoken  by  his  master.'  According  to  this 
account,  the  epistle  is  St.  Paul's,  as  to  the  thoughts  and 
matter,  but  the  words  are  another's.  Jerom,  as  may  be 
remembered,  said,  '  He  Mrote  as  a  Hebrew  to  Hebrews  in 

*  pure  Hebrew,  it  being  his  own  language.  Whence  it 
'  came  to  pass,  that  being  translated,  it  has  more  elegance  in 
'  the  Greek,  than  his  other  epistles.'  My  conjecture,  which 
is  not  very  different,  if  1  may  be  allowed  to  mention  it,  is, 
that  St.  Paul  dictated  the  epistle  in  Hebrew,  and  another, 
who  was  a  great  master  of  the  Greek  language,  immedi- 
ately wrote  down  the  apostle's  sentiments  in  his  own 
elegant  Greek.  But  who  this  assistant  of  the  apostle  was, 
is  altogether  unknown. 

y  Potuit  Paulus  aliter  scribere,  cum  esset  in  Graecia,  aliter  postea,  cum  in 
Italiam  translatus  ex  asu  t'requentiori  linguae  Graecae,  et  Hebraismos  vitare,  et 
facilius  scribere  didiciseet.  Wetst.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  385. 

"  Potuit  banc  epistolam,  qua  erudita  est,  longiori  meditations  elaborasse, 
cum  alias  ad  familiares  amices,  vel  ad  ecclesias,  ubi  necessitas  urgebat,  festi- 
nantius  effudisset.     Ibid, 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  107 

The  ancients,  beside  Paul,  have  mentioned  Barnabas, 
Luke,  and  Clement,  as  writers,  or  translators  of  this  epistle. 
But  I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  remarkable  agreement 
between  the  style  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the 
style  of  the  epistle  commonly  ascribed  to  Barnabas.  The* 
style  of  Clement,  in  his  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  is  verbose 
and  prolix.  St.  Luke**  may  have  some  words,  which  are 
in  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  But  that  does  not  make  out 
the  same  style.  This  epistle,  as  Origen  said,  'as  to  the 
'  texture  of  the  style  is  elegant  Greek.'  But  that  kind  of 
texture  appears  not  in  Luke,  so  far  as  I  can  perceive. 
There  may  be  more  art  and  labour  in  the  writings  of  Luke, 
than  in  those  of  the  other  evangelists  :  but  not  much  ele- 
gance, that  I  can  discern.  This  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  '=  is 
bright  and  elegant  from  the  beginning-  to  the  end,  and 
surpasseth  as  much  the  style  of  St.  Luke,  as  it  does  the 
style  of  St.  Paul  in  his  acknowledged  epistles.  In  short, 
this  is  an  admirable  epistle,  but  singular  in  sentiments  and 
language  :  somewhat  different  in  both  respects  from  all  the 
other  writings  in  the  New  Testament.  And  whose  is  the 
language,  as  seems  to  me,  is  altogether  unknown  :  whether 
that  of  Zenas,  or  Apollos,  or  some  other  of  the  apostle  Paul's 
assistants,  and  fellow-labourers. 

3.  Obj.  There  still  remains  one  objection  more  against 
this  epistle  being  written  by  St.  Paul :  which  is  the  want 
of  his  name.  For  to  all  the  thirteen  epistles,  received 
as  his,  he  prefixeth  his  name,  and  generally  calleth  himself 
apostle. 

This  objection  has  been  obvious  in  all  ages.  And  the 
omission  has  been  differently  accounted  for  by  the  ancients, 
who  received  this  epistle  as  a  genuine  writing  of  St.  Paul. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  his  institutions,  as  cited  by  us*^ 
formerly  from  Eusebius,  speaks  to  this  purpose,  '  The  epistle 
'  to  the  Hebrews,  he  says,  is  Paul's.  But  he  did  not  make 
'  use  of  that  inscription,  "Paul  the  apostle."  Of  which  he 
*  assigns  this  reason.  Writing*  to  the  Hebrews,  who  had 
'  conceived  a  prejudice  against  him,  and  were  suspicious  of 
'  him,  he  wisely  declined  setting  his  name  at  the  beginning, 
'  lest  he  should  offend  them.  He  also  mentions  this  tradition : 
'  forasmuch  as  the  Lord  was  sent  as  the  apostle  of  Almighty 
'God  to  the  Hebrews,  Paul  out  of  modesty  does  not  style 

*  Clementest  difFus,    &c.  Beaus.  Pref.  sur.  I'epilre  aux  Hebreux.  num. 

vii.  "  Lucamautemhujusepistolse  scriptorem  ostendiintetiam 

vocabula  et  loquendi  genera  quaedam  Lucie  velut  propria.  Grot.  Praef.  in  ep. 
ad  Hebr.  <=  Tout  le  monde  reconnoit  de  Teloqueace  et  de 

I'elevation  dans  I'epttre  aux  Hebreux.  Beaus.  ibid. 

''  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxii. 


108  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  himself  the  apostle  of  the  Hebrews :  both  out  of  respect 
'  to  the  Lord,  and  that  being-  preacher  and  apostle  of  the  Gen- 
'  tiles,  he  over  and  above  wrote  to  the  Hebrews.' 

Jei'om  also  speaks  to  this  purpose, '  That  ^  Paul  might 
'  decline  putting  his  name  in  the  inscription,  on  account  of 
'  the  Hebrews  being-  offended  with  him.'  So  in  the  article 
of  St.  Paul,  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men.  In  his  com- 
mentary upon  the  beginning  of  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians, 
he  assigns  another  reason,  '  that  ^  Paul  declined  to  style 
'  himself  apostle  at  the  beginning  of  the  epistle  to  the  He- 

*  brews,  because  he  should  afterwards  call  Christ  "  the 
'  high  priest,  and  apostle  of  our  profession."  '  See  ch. 
iii.  1. 

Theodoret  says,  that  Paul  was  especially  the  apostle  of 
the  Gentiles.  For  which  he  allegeth,  Gal.  ii.  9,  and  Rom. 
xi.  13.  'Therefore 6  writing  to  the  Hebrews,  who  were  not 
"  entrusted  to  his  care,  he  barely  delivered  the  doctrine  of 
'  the  gospel,  without  assuming  any  character  of  authority. 
'  For  they  were  the  charge  of  the  other  apostles.' 

I  need  not  quote  any  others;  which  would  be  only  a  repe- 
tition of  the  same,  or  like  reasons.' 

All  these  reasons  may  not  be  reckoned  equally  good. 
And,  perhaps,  none  of  them  are  sufficient  and  adequate  to 
the  purpose.  But  though  we  should  not  be  able  to  assign 
a  good  reason,  why  Paul  omitted  his  name;  the  epistle, 
nevertheless,  may  be  his.  For''  there  may  have  been  a 
good  reason  for  it,  though  we  are  not  able  to  find  it  out.  It 
is  the  work  of  a  masterly  hand,  who  for  some  reason 
omitted  his  name.  Paul  might  have  a  reason  for  such 
silence,  as  well  as  another. 

Lightfoot '  says,  '  Paul's  not  affixing  his  name  to  this,  as 

*  he  had  done  to  his  other  epistles,  does  no  more  deny  it  to 

^  Vel  certe  quia  Paiilus  scribebat  ad  Hebraeos,  et  propter  invidiam  sui  apud 
eos  nominis  titulum  in  principio  salutationis  amputaverat.  De  V.  I.  cap.  v. 

'  Et  in  epistola  ad  Hebraeos  propterea  Paulum  solita  consuetudine  nee 
nomen  suum,  nee  apostoli  vocabulum  praeposuisse,  quia  de  Christo  erat 
dicturus :  '  Habentes  ergo  principem  Sacerdotum,  et  Apostolum  confessionis, 
Jesum ;'  nee  fuisse  congruura,  ut,  ubi  Chrisliis  apostolus  dicendus  erat,  ibi 
etiam  Faulus  apostolus  poneretur.     In  ep.  ad  Gal.  cap.  i.  T.  IV.  p.  225.  in. 

s  'Ej3pcaoig  Se  ypacjxijv,  wv  «k  tvtxHpicrQr)  rijv  emusXeiav,  ynfivrjv  ruv 
a'^iu)[iaroJV  tiKOTo)Q  ttjv  SiSaoKctXiav  TT^toatp'EyKtv'  vtto  yap  Trjv  tmv  aWuv 
CTToruXiov  TrpoixijOnav  irtXHv.     Theod.  in  Hebr.  T.  III.  p.  392. 

''  Vei-uni  est,  Paulum  onmibus  aliis  epistolis,  si  banc  excipias,  et  nomen 
auum  praeposuisse,  et  titulos  addidisse,  quibius  sibi  auctoritatem  conciliaret. 
Nee  tamen  inde  consequitur,  hanc,  de  qua  agimus,  Pauli  non  esse.  Aut  enim 
dicendiuii  erit,  nuUius  esse,  quia  nomen  nullum  prefixum  est :  aut  si  alias 
cjuis  contra  morem  receptum  nomen  suinn  reticere  ])otuit,  idem  aequo  jiue 
etiam  Paulo  iicuit.    Wctst.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  384.  med. 

*  See  his  Works,  Vol.  I.  p.  339. 


St.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  109 

'  be  his,  than  the  first  epistle  of  John  is  denied  to  be  John's 
*  upon  that  account.' 

Tilleniont  says,  '  Possibly  ^  Paul  considered  it  as  a  book, 
'rather  than  a  letter:  since  he  makes  an  excuse  for  its 
'  brevity,  ch.  xiii.  22.  For  indeed  it  is  short  for  a  book, 
'  but  long-  for  a  letter.'  The  same  thought  is  in  '  Estiiis. 
This  may  induce  us  to  recollect  an  observation  of  Chry- 
Bostom  to  the  like  purpose,  formerly '"  taken  notice  of. 

It  is,  I  think,  observable,  that  there  is  not  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  epistle  any  salutation.  As  there  is  no  name  of 
the  writer,  so  neither  is  there  any  description  of  the  people, 
to  whom  it  is  sent.  It  appears  from  the  conclusion,  that  it 
was  sent  to  some  people  in  a  certain  place.  And,  undoubt- 
edly, they  to  whom  it  was  sent,  and  by  whom  it  was 
received,  knew  very  well  from  whom  it  came.  Neverthe- 
less there  might  be  reasons  for  omitting-  an  inscription,  and 
a  salutation  at  the  beginning.  This  might  arise  from  the 
circumstances  of  things.  There  might  be  danger  of  offence 
in  sending-  at  that  time  a  long-  letter  to  Jcms  in  Judea. 
And  this  omission  might  be  in  part  owing-  to  a  regard  for 
the  bearer,  who  too  is  not  named.  The  only  person  named 
throughout  the  epistle  is  Timothy.  Nor  was  he  at  that  time 
present  with  the  writer. 

Indeed  I  imagine,  that  the  two  great  objections  against 
this  being  a  genuine  epistle  of  the  apostle  ;  the  elegance  of 
the  style,  and  the  want  of  a  name  and  inscription,  are  both 
owing  to  some  particular  circumstances  of  the  writer,  and 
the  people  to  whom  it  was  sent.  The  people,  to  whom  it 
was  sent  are  plainly  Jews  in  Judea ;  and  the  writer,  very 
probably,  is  Paul.  Whose  circumstances  at  the  breaking- 
up  of  his  confinement  at  Rome,  and  his  setting  out  upon  a 
new  journey,  might  be  attended  with  some  peculiar  em- 
barrassments; which  obliged  him  to  act  diflferently  from  his 
usual  method. 

IV.  Thus  we  are  brought  to  the  fourth  and  last  part  of 
our  inquiry  concerning  this  epistle,  the  time  and  place  of 
writing  it.  Mill  was  of  opinion,  that"  this  epistle  was 
written  by  Paul  in  the  year  63,  in  some  part  of  Italy,  soon 
after  he  had  been  released  from  his  imprisonment  at  Rome. 

I'  S.  Paul.  art.  4G.  Mem.  T.  I. 

'  Sed  post  hgec  omnia,  an  vera  ratio  omissse  salutationis  est,  quod  hsec 
epistola  scripta  est  per  modum  libri,  non  per  modum  epistolse  ?  Unde  in  fine 
dicit :  •  Etenim  perpaucis  scrips!  vobis.'  Quod  de  epistola  non  erat  dicturus, 
cum  sit  epistola  prolixa.  Est.  de  Auct.  Ep.  ad  Hebr.  p.  893. 

™  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxviii.  "  Interea,  mox  ut  e  carcere  evasit 

apostolus,  recessit  in  ulteriorem  aliquam  Ilaliae  partem,  ibique  scripsit  episto- 
1am  ad  Hebraeos.     Proleg.  num.  83. 


110  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Mr.  Wetstein  °  appears  to  have  been  of  the  same  opinion. 
TilleniontP  likewise  placeth  this  epistle  in  the  year  63, 
immediately  after  the  apostle's  being-  set  at  liberty  ;  who, 
as  he  says,  was  still  at  Rome,  or  at  least  in  Italy.  Basnag-e  'i 
speaks  of  this  epistle  at  the  year  61,  and  supposeth  it  to  be 
written  during  the  apostle's  imprisonment.  For  he  after- 
wards speaks  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  says,  it  ^ 
was  the  last  letter,  which  the  apostle  wrote  during  the  time 
of  his  bonds.  L'Enfant  and  Beausobre,  in  their  general  pre- 
face to  St.  Paul's  epistles,  observe, '  that  **  in  the  subscrip- 
'  tion   at  the  end  of  the  epistle    it  is  said   to    have  been 

*  written  from  Italy.     The  only  ground  of  which,  as  they 

*  add,  is  what  is  said,  ch.  xiii.  24.     "  They  of  Italy  salute 

*  you."     This  has  made  some  think,  that  the  apostle  wrote 

*  to  the  Hebrews,  after  he  had  been  set  at  liberty,  and  when 

*  he  was  got  into  that  part  of  Italy  which  borders  upon 

*  Sicily,  and  in  ancient  times  was  called  Italy.     Nevertheless, 

*  there  is  reason  to  doubt  of  this.     When  he  requests  the 

*  prayers  of  the  Hebrews,  that  "  he  might  be  restored  to 

*  them    the    sooner,"  he    intimates,    that    he    Avas   not    yet 

*  set  at  liberty.'  Accordingly,  they  place  this  epistle  in 
the  year  62. 

There  is  not  any  great  difference  in  any  of  these  opinions 
concerning  the  time,  or  place  of  this  epistle  :  all  supposing, 
that  it  was  written  by  the  apostle,  either  at  Rome,  or  in 
Italy,  near  the  end  of  his  imprisonment  at  Rome,  or  soon 
after  it  was  over,  before  he  removed  to  any  other  country. 

I  cannot  perceive  why  it  may  not  be  allowed  to  have 
been  written  at  Rome.  St.  Paul's  first  epistle  to  the  Corin- 
thians was  written  at  Ephesus.  Nevertheless  he  says,  ch. 
xvi.  19,  "  The  churches  of  Asia  salute  you."  So  now  he 
might  send  salutations  from  the  christians  of  Italy,  not  ex- 
cluding-, but  including  those  at  Rome,  together  with  the 
rest  throughout  that  country. 

The  argument  of  L'Enfant  and  Beausobre,  that  Paul  was 
not  yet  set  at  liberty,  because  he  requested  the  prayers  of 
the  "  Hebrews,  that  he  might  be  restored  to  them  the 
sooner,"  appears  not  to  me  of  any  weight.  Though  Paul 
was  no  longer  a  prisoner,  he  might  request  the  prayers  of 
those  to  whom  he  was  writing,  that  he  might  have  a  pros- 
perous journey  to  them,  whom  he  was  desirous  to  visit,  and 

°  Wetst.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  387.  in.  p  S.  Paul.  art.  46. 

'I  Ann.  01.  num.  ii. — vi. 

■"  Ilpistolarum  omnium,  quas  primis  in  vinculis  exaravit  apostolus,  ea,  quae 
ad  Ephesios,  ultima  esse  videtur.     Ibid.  num.  vii. 
•  Pref.  gen.  sur  Ics  epitres  de  S.  Paul.  num.  lii. 


iS^.  PauVs  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  Ill 

that  all  impediments  of  his  intended  journey  might  be 
removed.  And  many  such  there  miglit  be,  though  he  was 
no  longer  under  confinement.  Paul  was  not  u  prisoner 
when  he  wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Romans.  Yet  he  Mas  very 
fervent  in  his  prayers  to  God,  that  he  might  have  a  prosper- 
ous journey,  and  come  to  them,  ch.  i.  10. 

For  determining-  the  time  of  this  epistle,  it  may  be  ob- 
served, that  M'hen  the  apostle  wrote  the  epistles  to  the 
Philippians,  the  Colossians,  and  Philemon,  he  had  hopes 
of  deliverance.  At  the  writing  of  all  those  epistles,  Timo- 
thy was  present  with  him.  But  now  he  was  absent,  as  plain- 
ly appears  from  ch.  xiii.  23.  This  leads  us  to  think  that 
this  epistle  was  written  after  them.  And  it  is  not  unlikely, 
thatthe  apostle  had  now  obtained  that  liberty,  which  he  ex- 
pected when  they  were  written. 

Moreover  in  the  epistle  to  the  Philippians  he  speaks  of 
sending-  Timothy  to  them,  ch.  ii.  19 — 23.  "  But  I  trust  in 
the  Lord  Jesus,  to  send  Timothy  shortly  unto  you,  that  I 
also  may  be  of  good  comfort,  when  I  know  your  state." 
Timothy  therefore,  if  sent,  was  to  come  back  to  the  apostle. 
"  Him  therefore  I  hope  to  send  presently,  so  soon  as  I  shall 
see  how  it  will  go  with  me."  It  is  probable  that  Timothy 
did  go  to  the  Philippians  soon  after  writing  the  above- 
mentioned  epistles,  the  apostle  having  gained  good  assur- 
ance of  being-  quite  released  from  his  confinement.  And 
this  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  written  during  the  time  of 
that  absence.  For  it  is  said,  Heb.  xiii.  23,  "  Know  ye  that 
our  brother  Timothy  is  set  at  liberty.     With  whom,  if  he 

come  shortly,  I  will  see  you. Know  ye  that  our  brother 

Timothy  is  set  at  liberty  :"or'has  been  sent  abroad.'  The 
Avord  *  is  capable  of  that  meaning-.  And  it  is  a  better  and. 
more  likely  meaning,  because  it  suits  the  coherence.  And 
T  suppose  that  Timothy  did  soon  come  to  the  apostle, 
and  that  they  both  sailed  to  Judea,  and  after  that  went 
to  Ephesus  ;  where  Timothy  was  left  to  reside  with  his  pe- 
culiar charge. 

Thus  this  epistle  was  written  at  Rome,  or  in  Italy, 
soon  after  that  Paul  had  been  released  from  his  con- 
finement at  Rome,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  63. 

And  I  suppose  it  to  be  the  last  written  of  all  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  which  have  come  down  to  us,  or  that  we  have  any 
knowledge  of. 

■  Et  qiiidem  paullo  post  rnissas  hasce  ['  ad  Philippenses']  literas,  libertatem 

af^eptus,  Timotheum  in  Macedonian!  misit,  uti  liquet  ex  Hebr.  xiii.  23. 

Neque  enim  verbis  istis  signiticatum  vult  apostolus,  Timotheum  turn  temporis, 
secum  una  vinculis  liberatum  fuisse,  sed  a  se  ob  carta  negotia  fuissedimissum. 
Mill.  Proleg.  num.  68. 


112  A  Histoi'y  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Who  was  the  bearer  of  it,  is  not  known.  At  the  end  of 
the  epistle  in  some  manuscripts,  is  a  subscription  to  this 
purpose :  '  that  it  was  carried  from  Italy  by  Timothy.' 
But  that  subscription  is  esteemed  of  no  authority  by  ali 
learned  men  in  general,  Beza  in  particular.  I  put  below  " 
part  of  what  he  says.  It  is  inconsistent  witli  what  is  said  of 
Timothy,  ch.  xiii.  23.  Timothy  was  to  accompany  the 
writer  :  the  epistle  was  sent  before. 


CHAP.  XIII, 


That   the  Epistle  inscribed  to  the   Ephesians  was 
written  to  them. 

THE  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  one  of  the  acknowledged 
epistles  of  St.  Paul.  There  never  was  any  doubt  among- 
christians,  who  was  the  writer.  But  there  has  been,  espe- 
cially of  late,  a  dispute  concerning  the  persons  to  whom  it 
was  sent :  some  thinking*  that  the  common  inscription  is 
false,  and  that  this  is  either  a  general  epistle,  or  that  it  was 
sent  to  the  Laodiceans.  Of  this  opinion  is"  Mill  in  his  Pro- 
legomena to  the  New  Testament,  who  has  had  many  follow- 
ers. Some  of  whom  must  be  here  mentioned  by  me.  Mr. 
James  Pierce,'^  who  likewise  speaks  of  Mr.  Whiston  as  of 
the  same  opinion.  The*^  author  of  a  Latin  letter,  or  disser- 
tation in  the  third  volume  of  Mr.  La  Roche's  Literary  Jour- 
nal, published  in  the  year  1731.  That  letter  is  anonymous. 
But  the  writer  is  Artemonius,  otherwise  Samuel  Crellius, 
author  of  Initium  Evangelii  S.  Joannis  Apostoli  restitutum. 
This  I  was  assured  of  by  Mr.  La  Iloche,  the  editor.  W. 
Wall  in  his  Critical  Notes  upon  the  New  Testament.  Dr. 
Benson.*^     The  author  of  a  letter  at  the  end  of  the  second 

«  "  Puto  igitur  banc  subscriptionem  non  satis  considerate  adscriptam  fuisse  a 
quopiam,  qui  occasionem  ex  eo  arripuerit,  quod  Timothei  et  Italorum  mentio 
facta  fuerat.  Nam  etiain  et  in  Claromontano  codice,  et  in  Syra  interpretationc 
non  exstat.  Bez.  ad  cap.  xiii.  in  fiin. 

'^  Quidni  igitur  scripta  fuerit  ad  Laodicenses?  Proleg.  num.  74.  vid.  ib. 
num.  71 — 79.  et  num.  237.  ''  See  an  advertisement  at  the  end 

of  his  paraphrase  upon  the  Ep.  tothe  Phihppians,  p.  114,  &c. 

"  See  La  Roche's  Literary  Journal  for  April,  May,  and  June,  1731.  vol.  III. 

p.  1G5 183.     Et  Conf.  Artemonii  Initium  Evangel.    S.  Joan,  restitutum. 

p.  2 12.  edit.  Londini.  1726.  **  See  Dr.  Benson's  History  of 

the  first  Planting  the  Christian  Religion,  Vol.  II.  p.  270—276.  first  ed.  p. 
290—297.  2d.  ed. 


7%€  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.     113 

volume  of  Dr.  Benson's  History  of  the  first  Planting-  the 
Christian  Reliaion.  Which  learned  author  has  also  since 
published  a  postscript  to  that  letter,  which  is  at  the  end  of 
the  third  volume  of  the  same  work  of  Dr.  Benson.  The 
unknown  author  of  an  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  in 
Greek  and  English,  in  two  volumes  octavo,  published  at 
London  in  1729.  Campegius  Vitringa,  the  son,  professor 
of  divinity  in  the  university  of  Franequer,  Mrote  a  disser- 
tation on  the  same  side  of  the  question  ;  and  not  having 
therein  finished  his  design,  his  successor,  Mr.  Venema, 
added  another  dissertation,  both  together  making  more  than 
one  hundred  and  thirty  pages  in  •=  quarto.  Lastly,  Mr.  J.  J. 
Wetstein  in  his  notes  upon  the  beginning  of  this  epistle. 
WVo  also  has  put  a  mark  under  the  text,  showing  Laodicea 
to  be,  in  his  opinion,  the  right  reading,  instead  of  Ephesus. 
I  here  mention  no  more.  But  perhaps  some  others  may  be 
taken  notice  of  hereafter. 

The  common  reading  however  has  been  defended  by  ^  se- 
veral. I  mention  two  authors  of  great  note.  One  is  Le  Clerc,^ 

*  Dissertat.  de  genuino  titulo  epistolae  D.  Pauli,  quae  vulgo  inscribitur  ad 
Ephesios.  Ap.  Campeg.Vitring.  Fil.Diss.Sacr.Franequerae.  1731.  p.  247 — 379. 

f  Vid.  J.  C.  Wolf.  Curas  in  N,  T.  torn.  IV.  p.  1  —  13.  I  may  be  allowed 
likewise  to  take  notice  of  a  Commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 
published  in  the  Dutch  language,  by  Peter  Dinant,-  a  learned  minister  at  Rot- 
terdam, in  the  year  1721.  Of  which  an  honourable  account  is  given  in  the 
Bibliotheca  Bremensis,  where  we  are  assured  :  Ampla  operi  praemisit  Prolego- 
mena, in  quibus  primo  loco  apostolum  Pauluni  vere  epistolte  ad  Ephesios 

scriptorem  esse  demonstrat. Agit  deinde  de  Epheso,  ej  usque,  cum  apostolus 

hanc  epistolam  conscriberet,  statu :  de  Dianae  cultu Hinc  refutat  Grotium, 

qui  Marcionem  secutus  non  ad  Ephesios,  sed  Laodicenses,  scriptam  hanc  epis- 
tolam credidit.  Sententia  quoque  Usserii,  qui  non  ad  solos  Ephesios,  sed 
plures  ecclesias  destinatam,  adeoque  pro  encyclica  habendam  putat,  examina- 
tur,  ac  rejicitur.  Bibliotheca.  Hist.  Phil.  Theolog.  Classis  quintse  Fasc. 
tertius.  p.  533, 534.  Bremee.  1721. 

8  Postea  scripsit  epistolam  ad  Ephesios,  quam  viri  quidam  docti  [Joan. 
Millius,  in  Prolegom.  ad  N.  T.  cujus  conjectura  paucis,  credo,  probabitur:] 
suspicantur  ad  Laodicenos  datam,  sed  sine  uUo  sat  firmo  argumento.  Volunt 
quidem  in  hac  epistola  qusedam  esse,  quae  Ephesiis  non  conveniunt,  ut  cum 
cap.  i.  15.  Paulusse  *  audlsse  fidcm  et  caritatem'  Ephesiorum  ait,  quas  ipse 
per  se  norat,  non  ex  auditu.  Sed  nihil  vetat,  quin  Romae  audiverit,  Ephesios 
constanter  eas  virtufes  coluisse,  ex  quo  ipse  eos  viderat,  eoque  in  hisce  verbis 
respexerit.  Similiter,  et  quae  habet  cap.  iii.  2.  *  Si  tamen  audistis  dispensa- 
tionem  gratiae  Dei,  quae  data  est  mihi  in  vobis,'  in  Ephesios  optime  quadrant, 
si  ita  intelligantur,  ut  si,  Graece,  ti  yt  non  sit  dubitantis,  sed  adfirraantis,  et 
significet  *  quandoquidem,'  ut  cap.  iv.  21,  et  alibi.  Ejusdem  cap.  iii.  4.  ait 
Paulus  posse  eos,  ad  quos  scribit,  *  legentes  intelligere  prudentiam  ejus  in 
mysterio  Christi,'  quam  non  tam  lectione  eorum,  quae  in  hac  epistola  anteces- 
serunt,  quam  ex  praesentis  sermonibus  intellexerant  Ephesii.  Sed  nihil  nos 
cogit  eo  confugere.  Nam  revera  poterat  hoc  intelligi,  vel  ex  iis  quae  supe- 
rionbus  capitibus  leguntur.  Alia  argumenta,  leviora  multo,  et  omnium 
VOL.    VI.  1 


114  A  Hislonj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  whose  words  I  have  placed 
below.  He  had  seen  Mill's  argument,  and  slighted  it. 
He  thought  that  few  would  be  moved  by  it.  However, 
he  briefly  considers,  and  answers  the  principal  objections, 
taken  from  Eph.  i.  15 ;  iii.  2,  and  4.  As  for  any  other 
arguments,  he  says,  they  are  of  too  little  moment  to  be 
opposed  to  the  general  consent  of  christian  writers.  So 
that,  says  he,  there  is  no  reason,  why  we  should  doubt, 
whether  this  epistle  was  written  to  the  Ephesians. 

The  other  writer  is  Whitby,  in  his  preface  to  this  epistle. 
A  part  of  Avhich  I  cheerfully  transcribe  here.  '  That  this 
'  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  indeed  written  by  St.  Paul, 
'  and  directed  to  them,  and  not  to  any  other  church,  we 
*  cannot  doubt,  if  we  believe  either  the  epistle,  or  Paul 
'  himself.  For,  first,  it  begins  thus,  "  Paul  an  apostle  of 
'  Jesus  Christ  to  the  saints  which  are  at  Ephesus."  And  in 
'  this  reading  all  the  versions,  and  all  the  manuscripts 
'  agree.  Secondly,  in  the  close  of  the  epistle  he  speaks  to 
'  them,  "  That  you  may  know  my  affairs,  and  how  I  do, 
'  Tychicus,  a  beloved  brother,  and  faithful  minister  in  the 
'  Lord,  shall  make  known  unto  you  all    things ;  w  hom   I 

'  have  sent  unto  you  for  the  same  purpose." Ch.  vi.  21, 

'  22.  And  in  the  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  he  says, 
'  "  Tychicus  have  I  sent  to  Ephesus,"  2  Tim.  iv.  12. 
'  Moreover,  thirdly,  all  antiquity  agrees,  that  this  epistle 
'  was  written  by  Paul  to  the  Ephesians.'  And  what 
follows. 

Those  arguments  appear  to  me  a  sufficient  defence  of 
the  present  reading*.  Nevertheless  the  other  opinion,  con- 
trary to  Le  Clerc's  expectation,  has  of  late  much  prevailed  : 
as  appears  from  the  number  of  the  patrons  of  it  above 
named.  And  as  the  arguments  of  those  two  learned  men, 
whose  writings  are  well  known,  have  not  been  judged 
satisfactory  ;  there  can  be  little  reason  to  expect,  that  any 
thing  said  by  me  should  be  of  much  weight.  And,  indeed, 
it  has  sometimes  happened,  that  certain  opinions  have  had  a 
run,  and  it  has  been  in  vain  to  oppose  them  :  though  after- 
wards they  have  fallen  of  themselves,  being  unsupported 
by  any  good  evidence. 

However,  as  a  fair  occasion  offers,  I  shall  enlarge  upon 
the  arguments  just  mentioned,  in  favour  of  the  present  read- 
ing in  our  Bibles.  After  which  I  will  particularly  consider 
the  objections  brought  against  it. 

christianorum  consensui  opposita,  non  adtingam.  Quare  an  ad  Ephesios  scripta 
sit  hsec  epistola,  nihil  est  cur  dubitemus.     Cleric.  11.  E.  Ann.  62.  niun.  viii. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephcsians  was  written  to  them.      115 

1.  The  present  reading-  at  the  beginning-  of  this  epistle, 
"  to  the  saints  which  are  at  Ephesus,  and  to  the  faithful  in 
Christ  Jesus,"  is  the  reading-  of  all  Greek  manuscripts,  and 
of  all  ancient  versions,  the  Latin,  Syriac,  Persic,  Arabic, 
Ethiopic,  and  all  others.  It  is  altogether  inconceivable,  how 
there  should  have  been  such  a  general  concurrence  in  this 
reading",  if  it  had  not  been  the  orig-inal  inscription  of  the 
epistle. 

2.  It  may  be  argued  from  the  epistle  itself,  that  it  was 
written  to  the  Ephesians. 

Says  the  apostle  here,  ch.  ii.  19 — 22 ;  "  Now  therefore 
ye  are  fellow  citizens  with  the  saints,  and  of  the  household 
of  God.  And  are  built  upon  the  foundation  of  the  apostles, 
and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  himself  being  the  chief  corner 
stone.  In  whom  all  the  building  fitly  framed  together, 
groweth  unto  an  holy  temple  in  the  Lord.  In  whom  you 
also  are  buildcd  together  for  an  habitation  of  God  through 
the  Spirit."  It  has  been  observed  that  ^  St.  Paul  frequently 
accommodates  his  style  to  the  persons  to  whom  he  is  writing. 
In  the  first  epistle  to  Timothy,  sent  to  him  at  Ephesus,  he 
useth  architect  style.  So  particularly,  ch.  ii.  15.  In  like 
manner  here  the  apostle  may  be  well  supposed  to  allude  to 
the  magnificent  temple  of  Diana,  on  account  of  which  the 
people  of  Ephesus  much  valued  themselves,  as  appears  from 
Actsxix.  27,  28,34,35. 

I  might,  perhaps,  refer  likewise  to  ch.  iii.  18,  but  forbear, 
it  being  an  obscure  text. 

And  that  the  epistle  was  sent,  not  to  strangers,  but  to 
christians,  m  ith  whom  the  apostle  was  well  acquainted,  I  sup- 
pose to  be  certain  from  internal  characters.  But  the  show- 
ing* that  is  deferred  till  by  and  by. 

3.  That  this  epistle  was  sent  to  the  church  at  Ephesus, 
we  are  assured  by  the  testimony  of  all  catholic  christians  in 
all  past  ages. 

This  we  can  now  say  with  confidence,  having  examined 
the  principal  christian  writers  from  the  first  ages  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  twelfth  century.  In  all  which  space  of 
time  there  appears  not  one  who  had  any  doubt  about  it. 

The  testimony  of  some  of  these  is  especially  remarkable, 
on  account  of  their  early  age,  or  their  learning,  or  some  other 
considerations. 

One  of  them,  remarkable  for  his  early  age,  is  Ignatius, 

who  was  bishop  of  Antioch  in  the  latter  part  of  the  first,  and 

the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  and  suffered  martyrdom 

at  Rome  in  the  year  107,  or,  as  some  think,  in  116.     In  a 

••  See  Dr,  Benson  upon  1  Tim.  iii.  15. 

I  2 


116  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

letter  of  his  to  the  Ephesians,  written  at  Smyrna,  as  he  was 
going-  from  Antioch  to  Rome,  he  says, '  Ye  '  are  the  com- 
'  panions  in  the  mysteries  of  the  gospel  of  Paul,  the  sancti- 
'  tied,  the  martyr,  [or  highly  commended,]  deservedly  most 
'  happy,  at  whose  feet  may  I  be  found,  when  I  shall  have 
'  attained  unto  God,  mIio  throughout  all  his  epistle  makes 

*  mention  of  you  in  Christ  Jesus.' 

He  plainly  means  the  epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesians,  in 
which  the  apostle  commends  those  christians,  and  never 
blames  them. 

So  I  wrote  in  the  first  edition  in  1734,  when  I  collected 
the  passages  of  Ignatius,  bearing  testimony  to  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament.  Afterwards,  in  1735,  was  published 
the  letter  above  mentioned  at  the  end  of  the  first  edition  of 
Dr.  Benson's  History  of  the  first  Planting  the  Christian  Re- 
ligion. Which  occasioned  my  adding  a  note  upon  that  quo- 
tation from  Ignatius,  at  p.  154 — 156,  of  the  second  edition  of 
the  first  volume  of  this  work  in  1748. 

'  The  learned  writer  of  that  letter,  instead  of  fivrj/.iovevet 

*  vfiwu  would  read  fivTjfiovevw  v^wv  :  meaning"  that  Ignatius 
'  himself  mentioned  the  Ephesians  in  every  epistle.     In  an- 

*  swer  to  which  I  said,  that  conjecture  appears  to  be  with- 

*  out  foundation  :  forasmuch  as  in  all  the  editions  of  Igna- 
'  tius's  epistles  the  verb  is  in  the  third  person  :  not  only  in 
'  the  Greek  of  the  smaller  epistles,  which  I  translate,  but 
'  also  in  the  old  Latin  version  of  the  same  small  epistles. 
'  Qui  in  omni  epistolumemoriam  facit  vestri  in  Jesu  Christo. 
'  So  likewise  in  the  Greek  interpolated  epistles,  and  in  the 
'  Latin  version  of  the  same.  There  is  therefore  no  various 
'  reading.     And  a  new  one  ought  not  to  be  admitted,  unless 

*  the  sense  should  require  it.     Which  it  does   not  appear 

*  to  do  here.    For  Ignatius  is  extolling  the  Ephesians.    And 

*  one  part  of  their  glory  is,  that  the  apostle  throughout  his 

*  epistle  to  them  had  treated  them  in  an  honourable  manner.' 

So  I  wrote  in  the  note  just  referred  to.  And  though 
that  learned  writer  has  been  since  pleased  to  publish  a 
postscript  to  his  letter,  he  has  not  produced  any  manuscript, 
or  version  of  this  epistle  of  Ignatius,  where  the  verb  is  found 
in  the  first  person. 

However,  in  order  to  support  his  proposed  reading  he 
excepts  to  our  interpreting  the  word  /nvij/jLovevio,  of  an 
honourable  mention.  In  answer  to  which  I  did  in  the  same 
note  produce  proof  of  the  word's  being  used  sometimes  for 
an    honourable  or  affectionate    mention    or   remembrance. 

vaay  «7rtToXj/  fivrffiovtvii  vfjiiiiv  tv  Xpt^w  Iqffa.     Ignat.  ep-  ad  Eph.  cap.  xii. 


The  Eptdle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.        1 17 

Alul  the  noun  ^n-ijfioawov,  is  evidently  thrice  used  in  the 
New  Testfinient  fur  aii  honourable  memorial,  Matt.  xxvi. 
13;  JMark  xiv.  0;  Acts  x.  4,  Ot"  these  examples  1  have 
been  reminded  by  a  learned  friend. 

That  learned  author  excepts  likewise  to  our  interpretation 
of  11/  7ra<T7  cTria~v\yj,  "throughout  all  his  cpistle,"  aud  would 
translate,  "  who  hiake  mention  of  you  in  every  epistle:" 
that  is,  as  he  understands  it,  Ignatius  tells  the  Ephesians,  to 
w  horn  he  is  Meriting-,  that  he  made  mention  of  them  in  every 
one  of  his  epistles.  In  answer  to  which  I  said  in  the  above- 
mentioned  note,  that  Pearson  had  well  defendetl  the  inter- 
pretation, for  which  we  coTitend.  And  1  alleged  a  part  of 
the  note  of  Cotelerius  upon  this  passage  of  Ignatius.  But 
by  some  means  Valesius  is  printed  there,  instead  of  Cotele- 
rius. I  now  transcribe  that  note  of  Cotelerius  at  length. 
Frustrasunt,  et  Andabatarum  moredigladiantur  viri  literati, 
non  videntes,  cu  vraaij  eTriaToXt]  esse,  in  tota  epistola,  ad  Ephe- 
sios  nimirum  scripta,  qu^'  illos  laudat  valde,  ac  semper 
commendat,  ut  fuit  ab  Hieronymo  observatum.  And  I  shall 
place  here  two  instances  of  the  use  of  the  word  Tra?,  which 
appear  to  me  altogether  similar,  and  therefore  to  the  pur- 
pose. One  is  taken  from  the  fifth  chapter  of  Ignatius's 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  where  he  says,  '  If  the  prayer  of 
*  one  or  two  be  of  such  force,  how  much  more  that  of  the 
'  bishop  and  the  whole  church,'  kui.  vaar]^  eKtcXijcia?.  The 
other  is  in  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  ch.  ii.  21 ; 
"  In  whom  all  the  building,"  or  the  whole  building,  "  fitly 
framed  together,  groweth  unto  an   holy   temple  to  God." 

Eu  w  Traaa  oikoSo/litj,  k,  X. 

Indeed,  Ignatius  has  mentioned  the  Ephesians  in  every 
one  of  his  epistles,  except  that  to  Polycarp.  But  it  is 
very  unlikely,  that  this  should  be  his  meaning  here.  He 
is  extolling  the  Ephesians,  as  companions  of  Paul  in  the 
mysteries  of  the  gospel,  and  the  like.  To  say  to  them 
presently  afterwards,  and  in  the  same  period,  that  "  he 
made  mention  of  them  in  every  one  of  his  epistles,"  would 
have  an  appearance  of  much  vanity:  with  which,  I  think, 
Ignatius  was  never  charged.  And  at  the  same  time  it 
Mould  be  very  flat  and  insipid.  Moreover,  it  is  observable, 
that  this  is  not  one  of  the  last  epistles  which  Ignatius  wrote. 
But,  according  to  the  order  in  which  they  are  mentioned'^ 
by  Eusebius,  it  is  the  very  first  of  his  seven  epistles. 

There  is  therefore  no  reason,  why  Ave  should  hesitate  to 
admit  the  sense,  in  M'hich  this  place  has  been  generally 
imderstood  by  learned  men. 

''  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  36,  and  this  Work,  Vol.  ii.  p.  75. 


118  A  History  of  the  Aposties  and  Evangelists. 

We  also  find  this  sense  in  some  ancient  writers.  Jerom 
observes,  that '  when  the  apostle  wrote  to  the  Corinthians, 
he  had  occasion  to  blame  them  for  fornication,  for  strifes 
and  contentions  :  but  there  is  no  fault  found  by  him  in  the 
Ephesians.  To  the  like  purpose  Priniasius  in '"  the  preface 
to  his  Commentary  upon  St.  Paul's  epistles,  and"  of  his 
argument  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  in  particular. 

So  that  either  those  ancient  writers  understood  Ignatius 
as  we  do,  or  else  they  were  led  by  the  epistle  itself  to 
form  the  same  idea  of  it  that  we  suppose  him  to  have 
had. 

What  Ignatius  means  by  the  apostle's  mentioning,  or 
being  mindful  of  the  Ephesians  throughout  all  his  epistle 
to  them,  is  happily  explained  by  bishop  Pearson  ;  whose 
words"  I  shall  transcribe  below,  as  his  work  is  not  in  every 
body's  hands.  Indeed  this  is  a  proper  character  of  this 
epistle,  as  may  be  easily  perceived.  Nor  did  any  of  the 
ancients  for  that  reason  hesitate  to  allow,  that  it  was  sent  to 
the  church  at  Ephesus. 

I  hope,  that  I  have  now  justified  the  present  reading,  and 
common  interpretation  of  this  passage  of  Ignatius. 

The  learned  writer,  with  whom  I  have  been  arguing, 
concludes  his  postscript  in  this  manner.     '  Should  what  has 

*  been  offered  not  prove  satisfactory,  the  difliculty  will  still 

'  Corinthii,  iu  quibus  audiebatur  fomicatio,  qualis  nee  inter  gentes,  lacte 
pascuntur,  quia  necdum  poterant  solidum  cibiun  capere.  Ephesii  autem,  iu 
quibus  nullum  crimen  ar^tur,  ab  ipso  Domino  coelesti  vescuntiir  pane,  et 
sacramentum  quod  a  seculis  absconditum  fuerat  agnoscunt.     Ep.  ad  Marcell. 

T.  II.  p.  628.  ed.      Martian animadvertat  magnam  inter  Corinthios  et 

Ephesios  esse  distantiam.  Illis  quasi  parvulis  atque  lactentibus  scribitur :  in 
quibus  orant  dissensiones,  etschismata,  et  audiebatur  fomicatio,  qualis  ne  inter 

gentes  quidem Ephesii  vero,  apud  quos  fecit  trieunium,  et  omnia  eis 

Christi  apemit  sacramenta,  aliter  erudiuntur,  &c.  In  ep.  ad  Eph.  cap.  v.  T. 
IV.  P.  i.  p.  389, 390.  "'  Ephesii  sane  nulla  reprehensione, 

sed  multa  sunt  laude  digni,  quia  fidem  apostolicam  servaverunt.  Primas. 
Pra^f.  ad  Comm.  in  S.  PauliEp.  ap.  Bib.  P.  P.  T.  X.  p.  144.  H. 

"  Ephesii  sunt  Asiani.  Hi,  accepto  verbo,  veritatis  perstitenint  in  fide. 
Hos  conlaudat  Apostolus,  scnbens  eis  Roma  a  carcere.  Aigum.  ep.  ad 
Eph.  ib.  p.  217.  A.  °  quse  scripsit  S.  Ignatius,  S.  Paulum 

*  in  tota  epistola  memoriam  eorum  facere  in  Jesu  Christo.'  Hcec  a  martyre 
non  otiose  aut  frigide,  sed  vere,  imo  signanter  et  vigilanter  dicta  sunt.  Tota 
enim  epistola,  ad  Ephesios  scripta,  ipsos  Ephesios,  eorumque  honorem  et 
cuiam  maxime  spectat,  et  summe  honorificam  eorum  memoriam  ad  posteros 
Iransraittit.      In  aliis  epistolis  apostolus  eos,  ad   quos  scribit,  saepe  acriter 

objurgat aut  parce  laudat.      Hie  omnibus   modis  perpetuo   se  Ephesiis 

apphcat,  illosque  tamquam  egregios  chiistianos  tractat,  evangelio  salutis 
firmiter  credentes,  et  Spiritu  promissionis  obsignatos,  concives  sanctorum,  et 
domesticos  Dei.  Pro  iis  saepe  ardenter  orat,  ipsos  hortatur,  obtestatur,  laudat, 
utrumque  sexum  sedulo  instruit,  suiini  erga  eos  smgularem  affectum  ubique 
prodit.     Pearson.  Vind.  Ignat.  Part  2.  cap.  x.  sub  init 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      1 19 

'  remain,  how  to  reconcile  the  present  reading-  in   Ignatius, 
'  with  Dr.  Mill's   reasons  against  St.  Paul's  epistle  being- 

'  written  to  the  Ephesians. The  most  plausible  solution 

'  of  Avhich  seems  to  be  that  in  Mr.  Locke. '     And  what 

there  follows  to  the  end. 

1  think  we  should  cheerfully  accept  of  Mr.  Locke's,  or 
any  other  reasonable  solution  of  the  dithculty,  if  there  be' 
any.  This,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  judge,  is  better  than  to 
attempt  the  alteration  of  a  passage  in  an  ancient  author, 
without  the  authority  of  any  manuscript,  Avhen  there  is 
nothing  in  the  coherence,  that  necessarily  requires  it.  And 
much  better,  than  to  alter  a  text  of  an  epistle  of  the  New 
Testament,  contrary  to  the  authority  of  all  manuscripts,  and 
the  concurring  testimony  of  all  ancient  christian  Avriters. 

Beside  that  passage,  there  are  in  Ignatius's  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  many  allusions  and  references  to  St.  Paul's  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians.  Which  shows,  that  he  believed  that 
epistle  to  have  been  written  to  the  church  at  Ephesus. 
Those  allusions  (though  not  all  of  them)  were  taken  notice 
of  by  us  longP  ago.  And  Dr.  jortin  having  observed, 
that*!  Ignatius  in  his  twelfth  chapter  takes  notice  of  St. 
Paul's  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  his  martyrdom,  adds, 
'  And  as  he  was  writing  to  the  same  church,  he  often  alludes 

*  to  the  apostle's  letter  to  them.' 

.  But  there  is  one  word  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  Ignatius's 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  of  which  I  have  not  yet  taken 
sufficient  notice.  I  mean  the  word  av/^i/AvaTai.  "  Ye  are," 
says  he,  "  the  companions  of  Paul  in  the  mysteries  of  the 
g-ospel :"  or,  "  ye  are  partakers  of  the  mysteries  of  the 
gospel  with  Paul."  This  is  said  out  of  a  regard  to  St.  Paul's 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  And  it  fully  shows,  that  Ignatius 
thought  that  epistle  to  have  been  sent  to  the  church,  to 
which  himself  was  then  writing.  For  that  is  their  distin- 
guishing character :  at  least  it  is  a  character,  which  is 
more  especially  the  character  of  the  christians  to  whom 
that  letter  is  written. 

I  formerly  "^  gave  an  account  of  Palladius,  author  of 
a  Dialogue  of  the  Life  of  Chrysostom,  about  the  year  408. 
In  that  work  Palladius  has  an  argument,  in  which  he 
observes,  '  that  Paul  had  called  the  Cretans  liars.  Tit.  i. 
'  12;  the  Galatians  stupid.  Gal.  iii.  1  ;  and  the  Corinthians 

*  proud,    1    Cor.   v.  2.     On   the  other  hand'  he  calls  the 

">  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  85.  •"  See  the  first  volume  of  his  Remarks 

upon  Ecclesiastical  History,  p.  56.  "■  Vol.  v.  p.  6. 

'  r]  avanakiv  iri-SQ  'PiOfxainQ  anoKoKon',  km  fiv^ag  E^eTiKr,  o'(q  Kni 

j'i//j/Xorfj)Oj/  ETTiztWii,  KM  <pi\a5iX(pHg  OtarraXoviKnc,  ^lovoig  irtpitypu^l/tv  thi; 
ETTaivas;  n  iravrwg.     Pallad.  ap.  Clirys.  T.  XIll.  p.  71.  E. 


120  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  Romans  faithful,  the  Ephesians  fivatai,  initiated,  to  whom 

*  also  he  writes  in  a  sublime  manner,  and  the  Thessalonians 

*  lovers  of  the  brotherhood.' 

When  Palladius  says,  that  St.  Paul  called  the  Romans 
faithful,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  he  refers  to  Rom.  i.  8. 
And  when  he  says  that  the  Thessalonians  were  called"  lovers 
of  the  brotherhood,"  he  must  intend  1  Thess.  iv.  9,  10. 
When  he  speaks  of  the  Ephesians  as  "  initiated,"  it  may  not 
be  so  easy  to  determine  the  text  particularly  intended  by 
him.  But  probably  it  is  Eph.  i.  9;  or  that  joined  with 
others,  such  as  ch.  iii.  3,  4 — 6,  and  9,  and  v.  32,  ch.  vi.  19. 
For  in  this  epistle  the  word  "  mystery"  occurs  frequently. 

However,  hereby  we  are  assured,  that  this  was,  especially, 
the  character  of  the  christians  at  Ephesus.  And  we 
plainly  perceive,  that  Ignatius  supposed  that  epistle  to  have 
been  written  to  them. 

Nor  will  my  readers,  possibly,  blame  me  for  prolixity,  if 
I  here  allege  a  passage  of  Jerom ;  where  he  says,  '  That  * 
'  still  there  are  in  the  churches  remainders  of  the  same  vir- 
'  tues,  or  vices,  for  which  they  were  remarkable  of  old. 
'  The  Romans  are  still  faithful  and  devout,  the  Corinthians 

*  proud,  the  Galatians  stupid,   the  Thessalonians  lovers  of 

*  the  brotherhood.'  In  that  place  Jerom  says  nothing  par- 
ticularly of  the  Ephesians.  But  in  his  Commentary  upon 
the  epistle  to  them  he  often  observes,  that "  no  epistle  of  St. 
Paul  was  fuller  of  mysteries  :  which  occasionecl  obscurity, 

*  Usque  hodie  eadem  velvirtutiun  vestigia  pennanentjvel  erromm.  Roraa- 
norum  laudatur  fides.     Ubi  alibi  tanto  studio  et  frequentia  ad  ecclesias,  et  ad 

martyrum  sepulchra  concurritur  ? Non  quod  aliam  habent  Romani  fidem, 

nisi  banc  quam  omnes  Christi  ecclesiae ;  sed  quod  devotio  ia  eis  major  sit,  et 

simplicitas  ad  credendum Corinthios  quoque  notat,   quod  indifforenter 

vescantur  in  templis,  et  inflati  sapientia  seculari,  resurrectionem  carnis  negant. 
Macedones  in  carifate  laudantur,  et  hospitalitate,  ac  susceptione  fratrum. 
Unde  ad  eos  scribitur,  *  De  caritate  autem  fraternitatis,  non  necesse  habemus 
scribere  vobis.  Ipsi  enim  vos  a  Deo.didicistis,  ut  diligatis  invicem.  Etenim 
facitis  illud  in  omnes  fratres  in  universa  Macedonia.'  In  ep.  ad  Gal.  Pr.  2. 
T.  IV.  p.  255. 

"  Satis  abundeque  ostendi,  quod  beatus  apostolus  ad  nullam  ecclesiarum 
tam  mystice  scripserit,  et  abscondita  seculis  revelaverit  sacramenta.  Pr.  3.  in 
ep.  ad  Eph.  T.  IV.  p.  375. 

Non  vobis  molestum  sit,  si  diu  in  obscurioribus  immoremur.  Causati  enim 
in  principio  sumus,  inter  omnes  Pauli  epistolas,  banc  vel  maxima,  et  verbis  et 
sensibus  involutam.     Comm.  in  ep.  ad  Eph.  Ibid.  p.  369. 

Decenter  quoque  Ephesiis,  qui  ad  scientiae  summam  conscenderant,  scribitur, 
quod  sint  hue  in  Domino.     In  cap.  v.  p.  383. 

Ephesii  vero,  apud  quos  fecit  triennium,  et  omnia  eis  Christi  aperuit  sacra- 
menta, aliler  erudiuntur.     lb.  p.  390. 

Haec  idcirco  universa  replicuimus,  utostenderemus,  quare  apostolus  in  hac 
vel  potissimum  epistola  obscuros  sensus,  et  ignota  seculis  sacramenta  conges- 
serit.  Pr.  i.  in  ep,  ad  Eph.  ib.  p.  322. 


Tlie  Epislle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      121 

and  rendered  it  very  difiiciilt  to  be  explained.  And  in  a 
place  already  cited,  he  says  of  the  Ephesians,  that  they  had  " 
received  the  mystery  hid  from  ages:  that  is,  they  were  initi- 
ated, or  were  partakers  of  the  mysteries  of  the  gospel  with 
Panl.  And  to  the  like  pnrpose  in  several  passages,  just 
transcribed  at  the  bottomof  the  page, 

By  all  which,  1  think,  it  must  appear  very  evident,  that 
Ignatius  supposed  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  to 
have  been  really  Avritten  to  them.  And  his  judgment  is 
decisive :  for  he  could  not  be  mistaken.  So  says  the 
writer  of  the  letter  above  mentioned  ;  whose  words  are 
these ;  '  I  have  been  the  longer,'  says  he,  '  upon  these 
'  passages  of  Ignatius,  by  reason  of  the  weight  his  authority 
'  might  justly  claim  in  this  case,  was  it  certain,  that  he  had 

*  spoken  of  this  epistle  of  Paul,  as  written  by  him  to  the 
'  Ephesians.  For  if  this  epistle  was  written  in  the  ninth 
'  year  of  Nero,  and  that  of  Ignatius  in  the  tenth  of  Trajan, 
'  as  bishop  Pearson  placeth  them,  the  distance  of  time  will 

*  be  but  forty-five  years.  So  that  Ignatius  being  then  far 
'  advanced  in  age,  could  not  well  be  ignorant  of  the  truth 
'  of  this  matter.  And  besides,  Onesimus  was  bishop  of 
'  Ephesus  at  the  time  Ignatius  wrote  his    epistle  to  that 

*  church,  is  mentioned  in  it,  and  had  lately  made  Ignatius 
'  a  visit.  So  that  had  there  been  any  doubt  concerning  this 
'  affair,  he  could  easily  have  set  him  right.' 

It  might  have  been  added,  that '"  Ignatius,  at  the  time  of 
his  writing  his  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  had  with  him 
Burrhus,  a  deacon  of  the  church  at  Ephesus,  and  Crocus, 
Euphus,  and  Fronto,  all  members  of  the  church  at  Ephesus, 
who  were  then  with  him  at  Smyrna.  Who  likewise,  as  may 
be  supposed,  afterwards  carried  his  letter  to  Ephesus. 

If  therefore  by  what  has  been  said  it  appears  evident, 
that  Ignatius  has  spoken  of  this  epistle  of  Paul,  as  written 
to  the  Ephesians  (as  I  think  he  does)  we  have  made 
out  what  must  be  reckoned  of  great  weight  in  this  matter. 

However,  it  is  not  Ignatius's  testimony  only  that  is 
decisive.  There  are  many  other  ancient  writers,  whose 
testimony  also  is  satisfactory  and  decisive. 

For  by  Irenceus,  C  lenient  of  Alexandria,  Tertul  I  ian,  Origen, 
Cyprian,  writers  of  the  second  and  third  centuries,  this  epistle 
is  expressly  quoted  as  written  by  Paul  to  the  Ephesians. 
They  so  quote  this  epistle,  without  hesitation,  as  freely  and 
plainly  as  they  do  the  epistles  to  tlie  Romans,  the  Galatians, 

"  Ephesii sacramentum  quod  a  seculis  absconditum  fuerat,  agnoscunt. 

Vid.  supr.  p.  1 18.  not. '.  "  Vid.  ep.  ad  Eph.  cap.  ii. 


122  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  a7id  Evangelists. 

the  Corinthians,  or  any  other  of  the  acknowledged  epistles 
of  St.  Paul. 

It  is  quoted  in  the  like  manner  by  all  writers  in  general 
of  every  age,  Latins,  Greeks,  and  Syrians.  I  would  parti- 
cularly observe,  that  it  is  so  quoted  by  Jerom,  who  also 
wrote  a  commentary  upon  this  epistle,  and  had  seen  many 
ancient  manuscripts  and  editions  of  the  New  Testament : 
who  never  expresseth  any  doubt,  whether  this  epistle  was 
written  to  the  Ephesians,  nor  takes  notice  of  any  various 
reading  in  the  inscription  of  it.  For  which  I  refer  to  his 
chapter,  in  the  fifth  volume  of  this  work.  This  epistle  is 
quoted  in  the  like  manner  by  Athanasius,  Epiphanius,  Gre- 
gory Nazianzen,  and  all  the  writers  of  every  age,  and  of 
different  and  remote  countries. 

We  may  also  observe  here,  that  in  the  fifth  century  there 
were  some  christians  who  had  a  notion,  that  this  epistle 
was  written  to  the  Ephesians  before  the  apostle  had  seen 
them.  It  is  likely  that  this  notion  was  founded  upon  Eph. 
i.  15.  Nevertheless,  they  still  thought  the  epistle  to  have 
been  m  ritten  to  the  Ephesians :  Avhich  is  a  proof  that  they 
knew  nothing  to  the  contrary,  and  had  never  heard  of  any 
various  reading  in  the  inscription  of  this  epistle.  Among 
these  is  Euthalius,  who  ^  in  his  prologue  to  St.  Paul's  epis- 
tles considers  the  two  epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Ephesians 
as  epistles  written  to  christians,  whom  the  apostle  knew  by 
report  only.  This  is  remarkable.  It  shows,  that  he  had 
no  various  reading  in  this  place.  If  he  had,  he  would  have 
taken  notice  of  it.  Euthalius  was  a  learned  man.  He  put 
out  an  accurate  edition  of  the  catholic  epistles,  and  of  St. 
Paul's  epistles,  with  a  general  prologue  to  them.  And  y 
he  had  consulted,  beside  others,  the  manuscripts  in  the 
library  at  Ccesarea  in  Palestine.  Nevertheless  he  had  not 
met  with  any  various  reading. 

And  in  the  argument  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  now 
placed  in  the  edition  of  Euthalius,  it  is  said,  that  ^  the  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians  was  sent  by  Paul  from  Rome  to  them, 
when  he  had  not  yet  seen  them,  and  had  only  heard  of  them. 
I  do  not  ascribe  this  argument  to  Euthalius.  The  reasons 
were  assigned  =*   formerly.     Euthalius  wrote  a  prologue  to 

UtjiTrr?]  »;  Trpog  E<ptmHg   Kurai,   ttithc  ni'DpiOTrng,  Kai   ira^iaf.nvovraQ,  rjc 
(V  Ty  7rpoypa(p7j    to    fivTiipiot'    tKTiOerai,    TrapccTrXriaiioQy    ry    Trpog    'Pw/iaisi; 
an(JH)rtpou:  ci  I'i  aKorjg  yvojpijjiou:.     Eiithal.  ap.  Zucagn.  p.  524. 
>  See  Vol.  V.  p.  68 ;  and  Vol.  iii.  p.  229. 

TavTrtv  tm-rtWH   aito  'Pufirjg   sttw  /xev  tiopaKwg  avTugj  uKUffag  6t   Tript 
avTuv.     Are.  ep.  ad  Eph.  ib.  p.  633. 
»  See  Vol.  V.  p.  69. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.     123 

St.  Paul's  epistles.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  he  wrote 
arguments  to  each  of  his  epistles  severally.  The  same 
thing-  is  also  said  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  in  the  Sy- 
nopsis'^  of  Scripture  ascribed  to  Athanasius.  These  I 
reckon  one  and  the  same,  but  different  from  Euthalius. 

And  1  may  here  take  notice  of  a  small  inaccuracy  in  Mr. 
Wetstein,  who'  in  his  i.otesupon  the  beginning  of  the  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians,  quotes  both  the  prologue  to  St.  Paul's 
epistles,  and  the  argument  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians 
in  particular,  as  Euthalius's  :  though  in  his  Prolegomena, 
in  his  account  of  what  Euthalius  had  done,  he  had  observed, 
and  rightly,  that*^  those  arguments  were  not  composed  by 
Euthalius,  but  by  another. 

I  therefore  here  suppose  two,  that  is,  Euthalius  and 
another,  who  wrote  the  arguments  of  St.  Paul's  epistles 
severally  ;  who  may  be  the  same  that  composed  the  Synopsis 
ascribed  to  Athanasius. 

However,  beside  these,  there  may  have  been  about  this 
time  some  others  of  the  same  opinion.  For  Theodoret  in 
his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  observes,  there  ^ 
were  some,  who  said  that  Paul  wrote  to  the  Ephesians 
before  he  had  seen  them.  But  he  shows  it  to  be  a  false 
and  absurd  opinion,  and  concludes,  saying-:  '  It*  is  mani- 
'  fest,  therefore,  that  the  apostle  had  preached  the  gospel  to 
*  them,  before  he  wrote  to  them.' 

This  affords  a  good  argument  that  there  was  not  in  the 
fifth  century,  nor  before,  any  notice  or  apprehension  of  a 
various  reading  in  the  inscription  of  this  epistle.  For  if 
there  had,  none  would  have  admitted  so  absurd  a  suppo- 
sition, that  Paul  wrote  from  Rome  an  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians, before  he  had  seen  them. 

Another  thing-  deserving-  notice  here  is,  that  before  the  end 
of  the  fourth  century  there  was  forged  an  epistle  to  the 
Laodiceans,  ascribed  to  Paul.  For  s  it  is  expressly  men- 
tioned by  Jerom  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  written  about 
392.  Which  must  induce  us  to  think,  that  the  epistle  to 
the  Ephesians  was  never  called  the  epistle  to  the  Laodi- 
ceans.    For  then  there   could  have  been  no  pretence  for 


avTwv     Ap.  Athan.  T.  II.  p.  194.  ed.  Bened. 

"=  Vid.  N.  T.  Vol.  II.  p.  238.  ^  Vid.  ejusd.  Prolegom.  Vol.  I.  p.  75. 

"  rov   Se    Ouorarov   llavXov   fir\SnTio   rsc    E^so-isg  nGtafiivov,  tjjv  ^e 

tTTiToXjjv  irpog  avTsg  yeypafivai      Theod.  T.  III.  p.  290. 

'  Af 5f iKrat  apa  aafojs,  ojq  irpoKtjpv^ag  avroig  to  tvayytKiov  srwc  y£ypai//£  ttjv 
fTTiToXijj/.     lb.  p.  292.  E  Legunt  qiudaiu  et  ad  Laodicenses. 

Sed  ab  omnibus  exploditur.     De  V.  I.  cap.  v. 


124  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

forging-  another  with  that  title,  to  verify  a  false  interpreta- 
tion of  Col,  iv.  16. 

I  should  now  proceed  to  another  argument.  But  I  must 
look  back,  to  secure  this,  taken  from  the  testimony  of 
ancient  christian  writers.  For  it  has  been  argued  from  a 
passage  of  St.  Basil,  in  his  books  against  Eunomius,  that  he 
had  seen  some  ancient  manuscripts  of  this  epistle,  in  which 
these  words,  "  at  Ephesus,"  were  wanting.  That  passage, 
as  cited  formerly,  is  thus :  '  And  Paul  writing  to  the  Ephe- 
'  sians,  as  truly  united  to  him  "  who  is,"  through  know- 
'  ledge,  called  them  in  a  particular  sense  "  such  who  are," 
*  saying,  "  to  the  saints  Avho  are,  and  [or  even]  the  faithful 
'  in  Christ  Jesus."  For  so  those  before  us  have  transmitted 
'  it,  and  we  have  found  it  in  ancient  copies.'  This  point 
having  been  already  examined  by  us  largely,  I  refer  to 
what  was  then  said.'^  It  was  then  argued  by  us,  that  St. 
Basil  does  not  here  intimate,  that  the  word  or  words,  "  at 
Ephesus,"  were  Manting-  in  any  copies  seen  by  him.  And 
I  would  now  observe  farther,  that  our  account  of  this 
passage  is  confirmed  by  the  works  of  other  authors,  both 
before  and  after  Basil.  There  had  lived  many  learned 
christian  writers  before  his  time.  There  were  many  learned 
christians  cotemporary  with  him :  as  his  own  brother,  Gre- 
gory Nyssen,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Amphilochius,  and  others: 
and  also  soon  after  him,  as  Theodoret,  and  Euthalius  :  not 
now  to  mention  Jerom,  or  other  learned  Latin  authors. 
None  of  whom  have  said  that  the  words, "  at  Ephesus,"  were 
wanting  in  any  copies,  which  they  had  seen.  The  various 
reading,  therefore,  intended  by  Basil,  must  have  been  some- 
what less,  a  small  matter,  not  any  thing  like  ev  E(peaw, 
"  at  Ephesus."  For  so  remarkable  a  reading  could  not 
have  been  passed  by  in  silence,  unobserved  by  all  others. 
And  every  one  may  see,  that  in  this  very  place,  as  well  as 
elsewhere,  Basil  cites  this  epistle,  as  written  by  Paul  to  the 
Ephesians.  And  they  are  the  christians,  of  whom  Paul  had 
said,  that  through  knowledge  they  were  united  to  him 
"  Avho  is." 

In  the  place  to  which  T  referred  just  now,  I  gave  an  ac- 
count of  a  Dissertation  of  L'Enfant,  vindicating  the  common 
reading  ;  which  was  approved  by  Wolfius,  and  others. 
However,  Mr.  Kuster  was  not  satisfied.  And  in  the  pre- 
face to  his  edition  of  Mill's  New  Testament,  he  says,  *  That' 

''  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  xcvii. 

'  Nee  magis  iciaZ^ovrwQ  apostolus  Ephesios,  ex  sensu  Basilii,  vocaverit  ovtuq 
quam  Romanes,  Philippenses,  etc.  ad  quos  scribens  eadem  plane  loquendi 
formula  utitur.     Kuster. 


The  Epistle  inseribed  to  the  Ephcsians  was  written  to  them.      125 

'  the  argument,  or  interpretation  of  Basil,  depends  upon  a 
'  supposition,  that  the  words,  "  at  Ephesus,"  were  wanting* 

*  in  the  inscription  of  this  epistle.  Otherwise  the  christians, 
'  to  whom  that  epistle  is  sent,  could  not  have  been  reckoned 

*  more  especially  united  to  him,  "who  is,"  or  called  "  such 
'  who  are,"  rather  than  the  Romans,  or  Philippians,  or  any 
'  other  christians  to  whom  Paul  >vrote.' 

To  which  I  answer :  that  is  saying  all,  and  the  only 
thing  that  can  be  said,  in  behalf  of  the  supposition,  that 
the  words,  "  at  Ephesus,"  were  wanting  in  some  copies, 
which  Basil  had  seen.  But  though  this  may  seem  specious 
and  plausible,  it  is  not  conclusive.  We  have  perceived 
from  Palladius,  and  Jerom  lately  alleged,  that  there  were 
some,  who  appropriated  certain  characters  to  divers  churches. 
The  Romans  were  especially  called  faithful,  the  Ephesians 
initiated,  and  knowing,  and  the  Thessalonians  lovers  of  the 
brotherhood. 

But  it  cannot  be  thence  concluded,  that  other  christians 
were  not  entitled  to  the  same  characters  :  or  that  the  same 
things  might  not  be  also  said  of  them.  As  may  appear  to 
any  one  who  does  but  look  into  St.  Paul's  epistles  :  in 
which  the  faith  of  other  churches  is  spoken  of,  beside  that 
of  the  Romans.  And  others,  beside  the  Thessalonians,  are 
supposed  to  have  been  lovers  of  the  saints,  or  the  brother- 
hood. Says  the  apostle,  1  Thess.  i.  3,  "  Remembering  without 
ceasing  your  work  of  faith,  and  labour  of  love."  2  Thess. 
i.  4,  "  So  that  we  ourselves  glory  in  you,  in  the  churches  of 
God,  for  your  patience  and  faith  in  all  your  persecutions." 

2  Cor.  viii.  7,  "  As  ye  abound  in  every  thing  in  faith." 

Eph.  i.  1,  "  To  the  saints  which  are  at  Ephesus,  and  to  the 

faithful  in  Christ  Jesus."     Ver.  15,  "  Wherefore after 

I  heard  of  your  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  love  unto  all 
the  saints."  Col.  i.  2,  "  To  the  saints  and  faithful  brethren 
in  Christ,  which  are  at  Colosse."  Philem.  ver.  5,  "  Hear- 
ing of  thy  love  and  faith,  which  thou  hast  toward  the  Lord 
Jesus,  and  toward  all  saints."  And  others,  beside  the  Ephe- 
sians, were  partakers  of  the  mysteries  of  the  gospel  with 
the  apostle.  See  Rom.  xi.  25 ;  1  Cor.  ii.  6,  7 ;  Col.  i.  25 — 27 ; 
ii.  2  ;  iv.  3. 

That  is  the  very  observation  of  Palladius  in  the  place 
above  cited  :  that  when  the  apostle  blames  some  for  certain 
vices,  and  commends  others  for  certain  virtues,  he  by  no 
means  intends  to  intimate,  that  those  vices,  or  those  vir- 
tues, were  peculiar  to  the  persons  blamed  or  commended  by 
him. 

The  Romans  m  ere  called  by  some  in  ancient  times  in  an 


126  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

especial  manner  faithful,  the  Ephesians  initiated,  and  the 
Thessalonians,  or  Macedonians,  lovers  of  the  brotherhood. 
But  they  were  not  so,  exclusive  of  others.  For  all  the 
churches  or  christians  to  whom  Paul  wrote,  were  faithful, 
and  initiated,  or  partakers  with  him  in  the  mysteries  of  the 
gospel,  and  lovers  of  the  saints,  or  brotherhood  :  though 
they  might  be  reasonably  exhorted  to  abound  therein  more 
and  more.  As  are  the  Thessalonians  themselves,  1  epist. 
ch.  iv.  10 ;  see  also  ch.  iii.  12.  And  indeed,  if  such  pro- 
perties did  not  belong  to  them,  they  could  not  have  been 
christians.  Nevertheless,  when  these  several  characters  had 
been  applied  to  some  particularly,  it  is  likely,  that  few 
would  scruple  to  follow  the  same  way  of  speaking,  if  there 
was  occasion. 

So  in  the  present  case,  that  observation  in  Basil  having 
been  applied  to  the  Ephesians  by  some  men  of  no  great 
judgment,  it  was  left  there,  and  not  applied  to  any  others. 
Indeed  it  is  an  impertinent  observation,  as  Jerom ''  calls  it. 
And,  as  it  seems,  was  made  use  of  by  a  few  only.  But  it 
might  have  been  as  properly  said  of  other  christians,  as  of 
the  Ephesians. 

One  thing  more  I  add  here.  They  who  are  for  leaving 
out  the  words,  "  at  Ephesus,"  must  read  the  place  in  this 
manner,  "  to  such  as  are  saints,  and  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus." 
Then  this  should  be  a  general  epistle,  not  directed  to  any 
one  place,  but  to  good  christians  every  where.  But  that  it 
is  not  a  general  epistle,  is  manifest  from  Eph.  vi.  21,  22. 
without  insisting  now  on  any  other  places.  "  But  that  ye 
may  also  know  my  affairs,  and  how  I  do,  Tychicus  a 
beloved  brother,  and  faithful  minister  in  the  Lord,  shall 
make  known  unto  you  all  things  ;  whom  I  have  sent  unto 
you  for  the  same  purpose,  that  ye  might  know  our  affairs, 
and  that  he  might  comfort  your  hearts."  This  plainly 
shows,  that  the  epistle  had  not  a  general  inscription,  "  to 
saints  and  faithful  men,"  but  was  inscribed  to  the  saints  of 
some  place.  And  who  should  they  be,  but  the  saints  and 
faithful  at  Ephesus :  to  whom  it  is  inscribed  in  all  Greek 
manuscripts,  and  in  all  versions,  and  in  all  catalogues  of 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  whether  composed  by 
councils  or  others  ? 

4.  Once  more.  St.  Paul  himself  says,  2Tim.  iv.  12,  "And 
Tychicus  have  I  sent  to  Ephesus,"  very  probably  referring 
to  this  epistle,  as^  was  shown  some  while  ago.  This  is  what 
Whitby  intends  at  the  beginning  of  his  preface  to  this 
epistle  before  transcribed.     '  That  this  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 

^  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  xcvii.  '  See  before,  p.  34. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.       1 27 

'  sians  was  indeed  written  by  St.  Paul,  and  directed  to 
'  them,  and  not  to  any  other  church,  we  cannot  doubt,  if  we 
<  believe  either  the  epistle,  or  St.  Paul  himself.'  By  the 
testimony  of  the  epistle  he  means  the  inscription  at  the 
beginning-,  where  is  "  at  Ephesus,"  in  all  manuscripts  and 
versions.  By  the  testimony  of  St.  Paul  himself  he  means 
what  is  said,  2  Tim.  iv.  12,  quoted  above. 

Having-  finished  the  argument  in  favour  of  the  genuineness 
of  the  common  inscription  of  this  epistle,  which  to  me  ap- 
pears sufficient  and  satisfactory,  1  now  propose  to  con- 
sider objections,  which  have  been  raised  by  Mill,  and  others. 

l.Obj.  'It  is  said,  that  there  are  in  this  epistle  divers 
'  expressions,  not  suited  to  the  christians  at  Ephesus,  where 
'  Paul  had  been  twice,  and  spent  there  almost  three  years, 
'  See  Acts  xviii.  19 — 21 ;  xix.  and  xx.  l,and  17 — 38.' 

Says  Mr.  Pierce,  in  the  place  before  referred  to,  repre- 
senting Mill's  argument,  'He  has  proved  it  highly  impro- 
'  bable,  that  the  epistle  was  at  first  written  to  the  Ephesians. 
'  St.   Paul  had  resided  among-  them,  and  "  kept  back  no- 

'  thing   that    was    profitable    unto    them." How    then 

'  could  he  write  to  them,  as  though  he  had  never  seen,  or 
'  been  among  them,  but  only  had  heard  of  them  1  Eph.  i.  5, 
*  "  Wherefore  I  also,  after  I  heard  of  your  faith  in  the  Lord 
'  Jesus,  and  love  to  all  the  saints."  Again,  is  it  likely  he 
'  would  refer  those  to  whom  he  had  declared  all  the  counsel 
'  of  God,  so  long-  together,  to  a  bare  report  of  himself? 
'  Eph.  iii.  2,  "  If  ye  have  heard  of  the  dispensation  of  the 
'  grace  of  God,  which  is  given  me  to  you-ward."  Or 
'  would  he  suppose,  that  they  who  had  heard  him  preach  a 
'  thousand  times  would  need  to  "  understand  his  knowledge 
'  in  the  mystery  of  Christ,"  from  what  he  said  in  a  few  verses, 
'  or  even  the  whole  of  that  short  epistle  V  Eph.  iii.  4. 

To  the  like  purpose  another  learned  author,  whom  like- 
wise I  shall  transcribe  here,  that  this  objection  may  appear 
in  all  its  strength,  '  He  ""  intimateth,  that  he  had  only  heard 
'  of  their  faith  in  Christ,  and  of  their  love  to  all   christians, 

'  ch.  i.  15. Again,  he  not  only  mentioneth  his  "  hearing- 

'  of  their  faith  in  Christ,"  but,  ch.  iii.  1,  2,  he  speaks,  as  if 
'  he  was  dubious,  whether  they  had  heard  of  the  extraordi- 

'  nary  revelations,  which  he  had  received  from  heaven. 

'  And  verses  3,  4,  he  intimateth,  that  if  they  had  never  heard 
'  of  these  things  before,  they  might  understand  them  from 
'  the  brief  hints  which  he  had  given  them  in  this  epistle.  Is 
'  this  like  St.Paul's  style  to  the  churchesof  hisown  planting? 

"  Dr.  Benson's  History  of  the  first  Planting  the  Christian  ReUgion,  Vol.  II. 
p.  272.  first  edit.  p.  292.  second  edit. 


128  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

-Or  could  a  few  lines,  or  even  a  larger  epistle  than 


*  this,  have  given  them  so  clear  a  knowledge  of  St.  Paul's 
'  illumination,  as  their  hearing  him  a  thousand  times?  For 
'  had  he  not  been  among  them  for  the  space  of  three  years, 
'  warning  every  one  of  them  night  and  day  with  tears  V 

But  this  difficulty,  if  I  mistake  not,  will  disappear 
upon  farther  consideration,  and  a  fuller  examination  of 
the  matter. 

First.  It  appears  from  the  epistle  itself  that  the  chris- 
tians, to  whom  it  is  sent,  were  not  unknown  to  Paul,  nor 
they  to  him;  but  they  were  Mell  acquainted  with  each 
other. 

That  the  apostle  was  acquainted  with  these  christians, 
must,  I  think,  be  evident  to  all,  who  read  without  prejudice 
the  first  fourteen  verses  of  the  first  chapter  of  this  epistle. 
I  insist  only  upon  ver.  13,  "  In  whom  ye  also  trusted,  after 
that  ye  heard  the  word  of  truth,  the  gospel  of  your  salva- 
tion :  in  whom  also  after  that  ye  believed,  ye  were  sealed 
with  the  holy  Spirit  of  promise."  How  could  the  apostle 
write  thus  to  any,  but  to  such,  whose  conversion  to  Christi- 
anity he  was  well  acquainted  with,  and  that  upon  their 
believing-  they  had  received  gifts  of  the  Spirit?  How  could 
any  man  write  thus  to  people  whom  he  had  but  lately 
heard  of? 

There  are  also  many  other  passages  of  this  epistle,  which 
show  the  apostle's  knowledge  of  the  state  of  these  christians, 
both  before,  and  after  their  conversion.  Some  of  which  I 
must  select  here. 

Ch.  ii.  1,  2,  "  And  you  hath  he  quickened,  who  were 
dead  in  trespasses  and  sins:  wherein  in  time  past  ye  walked 

according  to  the  course  of  this  world." and  throughout 

that  chapter  to  the  end. 

Then  at  ch.  iii.  13,  "Wherefore  I  desire,  that  ye  faint 
not  at  my  tribulation  for  you,  which  is  your  glory."  That 
must  be  said  to  christians,  of  Avhose  tender  affection  for  him 
he  was  very  sensible  :  recollecting',  it  is  likely,  what  had 
happened  at  Miletus,  as  related.  Acts  xx.  36 — 38.  And 
indeed  it  is  throughout  an  affectionate,  as  well  as  instructive 
and  useful  epistle. 

Ch.  iv.  20,  "  But  ye  have  not  so  learned  Christ."  Ver. 
21,"  If  so  be,"  or  ""forasmuch  as  ye  have  heard  him,  and 


"  *  Si  tamen  illud  audistis ;']  *  Si  tamen,'  Graece,  *  siquidem.'  Non  enim 
(lubitans  hoc  dicit  apostolus,  sed  magis  rem  '  confiriiians,'  uti  post  Chrysosto- 
mum  annotat  Theophylactus.  Nam  et  alias  interdum  vim  confimiandi  habet 
conjunctio,  si,  ut  secundoead  Thessalon.  primovers.  G.  Est.  ad  Eph.  iv.  21. 


The  Epistle  insa-ibed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      129 

liave  been  taught  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus."  This  the  apos- 
tle knew  very  well. 

I  cannot  forbear  to  recite  this  place  more  largely,  from 
ver.  20  to  34,  "But  ye  have  not  so  learned  Christ,  foras- 
much as  ye  have  heard  him,  and  have  been  instructed  in  him, 
as  the  truth  is  in  Jesus,  to  °  put  oft'  with  respect  to  the 
former  conversation,  the  old  man,  which  is  corrupt  accord- 
ing to  deceitful  lusts,  and  to  be  renewed  in  the  spirit  of  your 
mind,  and  to  put  on  the  new  man,  which  is  created  accord- 
ing to  God  in  righteousness  and  true  holiness."  Certainly 
these  are  St.  Paul's  own  converts  and  disciples.  The  case 
of  these  people  resembles  that  of  the  Galatians,  Ch.  iii.  1, 
"  Before  whose  eyes  Jesus  Christ  had  been  evidently  set  forth 
crucified  among  them."  But  to  these  christians,  at  Ephe- 
sus,  the  apostle  expresseth  himself  with  more  mildness,  as 
was  fit,  than  to  the  Galatians. 

Then  ver.  30,  "And  grieve  not  the  holy  Spirit  of  God, 
whereby  ye  were  sealed  unto  the  day  of  redemption  :"  or  with 
which  ye  were  sealed  in  the  day  of  redemption.  These 
Gentile  christians  had  received  the  Spirit.  And  from 
whom,  I  pray,  if  not  from  St.  Paul  ?  And  that  they  had  a 
variety  of  spiritual  gifts,  is  manifest  from  ch.  v.  IS — 20. 

Ch.  V.  8,  "  For  ye  were  sometime  darkness :  but  now  are 
ye  light  in  the  Lord.  Walk  as  children  of  the  light." 
Which  shows,  that  the  apostle  knew  the  state  of  these 
christians  before  and  after  their  conversion. 

And  that  St.  Paul  was  acquainted  with  them,  and  they 
with  him,  appears  to  me  very  evident  from  ch.  vi.  21,  22. 

Secondly,  at  ch.  i.  15,  are  words,  upon  which  an  objec- 
tion has  been  formed,  as  we  have  seen.  "  Wherefore  I  also, 
after  I  heard  of  your  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  love  unto 
all  the  saints  :"  that  is,  according  to  Mr.  Locke's  para- 
phrase :  '  Wherefore  I  also  here  in  my  confinement  having- 
'  heard  of  the  continuance  of  your  faith  in  Christ  Jesus  and 

*  your  love  to  all  the  saints.'  And  in  his  preface  to  this 
epistle  Mr.  Locke  has  these  expressions.  '  Wherefore 
'  when  he  heard  that  the  Ephesians  stood  firm  in  the  faith, 

*  whereby  he  means  their  confidence  of  their  title  to  the 
'  privileges  and  benefits  of  the  gospel,  without  submission 
'  to  the  law,  he  thanks  God  for  them.' 

Whitby's  paraphrase  of  this  verse  is  to  this  purpose: 
'  Wherefore  I  also  having  heard  of  your  stedfast  faith  in  the 
'  Lord  Jesus,  and  your  increasing  love  to  all  the  s-aints  ;  that 

"  See  Dr.  Doddridge  upon  the  place,  whose  version,  in  the  main,  I  have 
here  adopted. 

VOL.    VI.  K 


1 30  A  Ilislorij  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists, 

'  is,  that  the  faith  and  love  wrought  in  you  continues  sted- 
'  fast,  and  aboundeth.' 

To  the  like  purpose  also  p  Grotius,  whose  words  I  have 
placed  below. 

Theodoret's  note  upon  ver.  15  and  16,  is  to  this  purpose : 
'  Hence  some  have  supposed,  that  the  apostle  wrote  this 
'  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  when  he  had  not  yet  seen  them. 
'  But  they  should  consider,  that  writing-  to  the  Corinthians, 
*  concerning  whom  he  had  received  some  disagreeable  in- 
'  formation,  he  says,  "  It  has  been  related  to  me  of  you,  my 
'  brethren,  by  them  which  are  of  the  household  of  Chloe, 
'  that  there  are  contentions  among  you,"  1  Cor.  i.  11.  As 
'  therefore  when  he  had  received  intbrmation  of  some  things 
'  disagreeable,  he  wrote  with  grief  of  mind  :  so  when  he 
'  had  received  an  account  of  things  agreeable  concerning: 
'  these  Ephesians,  he  bestows  commendation.  He  praiseth 
'  them,  both  for  their  piety  and  for  their  liberality  to  the 
'  saints  ;  whereupon  he  also  gives  thanks  to  God,  the  author 
'  of  all  good  things.' 

So  that  this  text  was  no  difficulty  at  all  with  Theodo- 
ret.  However,  it  may  be  expedient  that  1  should  enlarge 
somewhat  farther. 

I  observe,  then,  that  St.  Paul  writes  in  the  same  manner 
to  Philemon,  his  own  convert,  whose  faith  therefore  he  cer- 
tainly knew.  Philem.  4,  5  :  "I  thank  my  God,  making 
mention  of  thee  always  in  my  prayers  :  hearing  of  thy  love, 
and  faith,  which  thou  hast  toward  the  Lord  .Jesus,  and 
toward  all  saints."  That  Philemon  had  been  converted  to 
the  faith  of  the  gospel  by  Paul,  I  suppose  to  be  evident 
from  ver.  1,9  :  "  Albeit  1  do  not  say  unto  thee,  how  thou 
owest  to  me  thy  ownself  besides."  So  that  text  i  has  been 
generally  understood :  and  how  it  can  be  interpreted  other- 
wise, I  do  not  conceive. 

Whitby's  paraphrase  is:  '"Albeit  I  do  not  say  unto 
'  thee,  how  thou  owest  to  me,"  by  whom  thou  wast  con- 
'  verted,  "  even  thy  ownself,"  or  the  well-being  of  thy  soul 
'  "  besides." ' 

Beausobre  and  L'Enfant  in  their  preface  to  the  epistle  to 
Philemon  express  themselves  in  this  manner.  *  Philemon 
'  was  a  considerable  person  at  Colosse,  a  city  of  Phrygia. 
'  St.  Paul  had  converted  him,  either  at  Ephesus,  or  some 

p  Loquitur  autem  Paulus  de  profectu  evangelii  apud  Ephesios,  ex  quo  ipse  ab 
illis  discesscrat.     Grot,  in  Eph.  i.  14. 

1  Ca'teniin,  si  ad  jus  nicum  radeam,  propter  sermonem  Christi,  quern  tibi 
cvangelizavi,  et  christianus  elfectus  es,  teipsum  mihi  debes.  Hieron.  in  Ep.  ad 
Philem.  T.  IV.  p.  452. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      131 

'  other  city  of  Asia,  when  he  preached  the  g-ospel  in  (hat 
'  country  :  or  else  at  Colosse  itself,  in  one  of  the  journics 
'  which  he  had  made  in  Phrygia.' 

There  are  some  other  things  to  be  observed  here  concern- 
hig'  this  person.  For  in  the  first  verse  of  that  epistle  Paul 
calls  Philemon  beloved,  and  his  fellow-labourer ;  which,  if 
I  am  not  mistaken,  indicate  personal  acquaintance,  and 
imply  their  having  laboured  together  in  the  service  of  the 
gospel  at  Colosse,  or  Ephesus,  or  in  some  other  place. 
And  yet  St.  Paul,  writing*  to  Philemon,  speaks  of  his 
"  having  heard  of  his  faith  and  love." 

Still  farther,  it  appears  to  me  highly  probable,  that  One- 
simus,  in  whose  behalf  this  epistle  was  written,  knew  Paul 
before  he  saw  him  at  Rome.  He  either  had  seen  Paul  at 
his  master's  house  at  Colosse,  or  else  at  Ephesus,  when 
attending*  upon  his  master  there.  Paul  was  a  prisoner  at 
Rome,  and  could  not  go  abroad.  "  He  dwelt  in  his  own 
hired  house,  with  a  soldier  that  kept  him,"  Acts  xxviii.  16, 
and  30.  It  is  likely,  therefore,  that  Onesimus  came  first 
to  Paul.  Being  in  straits,  and  knowing  Paul's  benevolent 
temper,  and  what  civilities  he  had  received  from  his  master, 
Philemon,  he  might  hope  for  sonje  relief  from  him.  Or, 
possibly,  hearing  that  Paul  was  at  Rome,  and  recollecting 
the  discourses  which  he  had  heard  him  make,  when  attend- 
ing- on  Philemon,  he  was  touched  with  remorse  for  the  faults 
which  he  had  been  guilty  of,  and  came  to  Paul  for  farther 
instruction  in  the  things  of  relioioii,  and  for  advice  and 
comfort.  He  might  also  encourage  himself  with  hopes  of 
Paul's  interceding  in  his  behalf,  and  obtainino-  a  reconcilia- 
tion  with  his  master. 

Says  Beaiisobre  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  Philemon, 
'  It  can  hardly  be  doubted,  that  the  repentance  of  his  fault 
'  obliged  Onesimus  to  come  to  Paul,  whom  he  knew  to  be 
*  his  master's  friend.  For  otherwise,  he  might  have  remained 
'  unknown  at  Rome.' 

Philemon  then  was  well  known  to  Paul.  Nevertheless, 
at  the  beginning  of  his  epistle  to  him,  he  thanks  God, 
"  having  heard  of  his  love  and  faith."  The  meaning  is,  he 
had  received  information  of  the  continuance  of  his  faith,  and 
of  its  bearing  good  fruit.  If  Paul  could  write  thus  to 
Philemon,  his  convert,  friend,  and  fellow-labourer,  he 
might  write  in  a  like  manner  to  other  christians,  to  whom  he 
was  no  stranger. 

So  likewise  to  the  Colossians,  ch.  i.  3,  4;  "  We  give 
thanks  to  God,  even  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
praying  always  for  you  :  since  we  heard  of  your  faith  in 

K  2 


132  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Christ  Jesus,  and  of  the  love  which  ye  liave  to  all  the  saints  :" 
that  is,  having-  heard  of  the  continuance  of  your  faith,  and 
of  the  good  fruits  of  it.  This  he  had  been  assured  of  by 
Epaphras,  who  had  come  to  the  apostle  at  Rome.  It  is  not 
to  be  supposed,  that  Paul  now  first  heard  of  the  faith 
of  the  Colossians  or  the  Laodiceans.  I  think  that  the 
Colossians  were  Paul's  own  converts,  and  that  the  church 
there  had  been  planted  by  him.  But  supposing-  that  to  be 
uncertain,  I  imag-ine,  it  cannot  be  questioned,  that  the  church 
there  had  been  planted  a  good  while  ago,  by  some  of  the 
apostle's  assistants  and  fellow-labourers.  Consequently, 
the  apostle  did  not  now  tirst  know,  and  hear  of  the  faith 
and  love  of  the  christians  at  Colosse.  He  must  have  known 
it  before  he  came  to  Rome,  and  before  he  was  apprehended 
at  Jerusalem.  But  he  had  lately  received  good  tidings 
concerning  their  steadiness  and  perseverance  from  some, 
who  had  come  from  them  to  him  at  Rome. 

St.  Paul,  since  his  coming  to  Rome,  had  received  from 
Tychicus  an  account  of  the  state  of  things  at  Ephesus, 
which  upon  the  whole  was  very  pleasing.  He  had  received 
from  Epaphras  a  like  account  of  the  state  of  thhigs  at  Co- 
losse, and  particularly  a  good  account  of  the  conduct  of 
Philemon.  For  all  which  he  praiseth  God  in  his  epistles 
to  them.  Indeed  it  could  not  but  be  matter  of  much  joy  to 
the  apostle,  to  hear  of  the  continued  faith  of  christians  in 
several  places,  notwithstanding  the  many  difficulties  attend- 
ing the  profession  of  Christianity,  and  notwithstanding  the 
discouragement  which  his  own  long'  captivity  might  have 
occasioned  in  the  minds  of  many. 

In  these  three  epistles,  to  the  Ephesians,  the  Colossians, 
and  Philemon,  are  the  same  expressions,  near  the  beginning, 
"  having  heard  of  your  faith  and  love."  And  they  are  all  to 
be  understood  in  alike  manner.  If  these  words  were  to  be 
understood  in  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  of  "  now  first 
hearing :"  it  might  be  as  well  argued,  that  the  epistle 
could  not  be  written  to  the  Laodiceans.  For,  as  before 
intimated,  it  may  be  reckoned  certain,  that  before  Paul 
came  to  Rome  he  knew  of  the  faith  of  the  church  at 
Laodicea. 

Thirdly,  in  the  next  place  I  consider  that  part  of  the 
objection,  which  is  raised  from  Eph.  iii.  2,  3,  4,  "  If  ye 
have  heard  of  the  dispensation  of  the  grace  of  God,  which 
is  given  me  to  you-ward  :  how  that  by  revelation  he  made 
known  unto  me  the  mystery,  as  I  wrote  before  in  a  iew 
words  :  whereby  ye  may  understand  my  knowledge  in  the 
mystery  of  Christ." 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      133 

To  which  part  of  the  objection  I  answer,  that  "  if  ye  have 
heard  of  the  dispensation,"  may  be  rendered,  "  since,"  or 
"  forasmuch  as  ye  have  heard,"  and  what  follows.  So 
Theophylact,  approved  by  Whitby  upon  the  place. 

I  observe  farther.  These  thing^s  are  as  properly  said  to 
the  Ephesians,  as  to  any  other  christians  in  that  country,  or 
thereabout.  They  were  all  acquainted,  and  much  alike 
acquainted  with  them.  If  such  expressions  might  be  used 
in  an  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  or  the  Laodiceans,  they 
might  be  used  in  an  epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  No  Gentile 
christians,  whether  converted  immediately  by  Paul  himself, 
or  by  some  of  his  assistants  or  fellow-labourers,  could  be 
ignorant  of  it.  Nor  could  Paul  doubt  whether  they  knew 
it.  Nevertheless  he  might  judge  it  proper  to  hint  these 
things,  the  more  to  confirm  the  instructions,  and  exhorta- 
tions Avhich  he  sent  them,  and  to  secure  their  steadiness  in 
the  faith  and  profession  of  the  pure  gospel  of  Christ,  as  they 
had  been  taught.  And  does  he  not  speak  more  largely, 
and  more  distinctly  of  this  matter,  in  his  epistle  to  the 
Galatians,  whom  none  ever  denied  to  be  the  apostle's  converts? 
Gal.  i.  11—20;  "  But  I  certify  you,  brethren,  rjvwpi^u}  he 
vfiiv,  that  the  gospel,  which  was  preached  of  me,  is  not  after 

men. For  ye  have   heard   of  my  conversation  in  time 

past But  it  pleased  God to  reveal  his  Son  in  me 

Now  the   things   Avhich    I    write    unto  you,    behold, 

before  God,  I  lie  not."  These  things  the  Galatians  were 
not  ignorant  of.  But  in  his  epistle  he  reminds  them  of 
them,  and  in  a  very  solemn  manner. 

The  writers,  from  whom  (his  objection  was  taken,  speak 
of  the  Ephesians  having- heard  the  apostle  'preach  a  thou- 

•  sand  times,'  and  ask :  '  Could  the  apostle  suppose,  that 
'  they  who  had  heard  him  preach  a  thousand  times,  could 
'  need  to   understand    his    knowledge    of  the  mystery    of 

*  Christ,  from  M'hat  he  said  in  a  few  verses,  or  even  from 
'  the  whole  of  this  short  epistle?'  But  those  expressions 
appear  to  me  very  strong,  and  even  unjustifiable;  though 
they  are  warranted  by  "^  Mill,  whom  those  learned  men 
follow. 

He  and  they  seem  to  conceive  of  the  christians  at  Eplie- 
sus,  as  a  small  society,  consisting  perhaps  of  two  or  three 
hundred  people.  And  they  speak,  as  if  they  supposed  that 
church  to  have  been  formed  and  planted  before  the  apostle 
came  thither,  or  very  soon  after  his  arrival :  and  that  they 
bad  all  heard  him  preach   once  at  least  every  day  of  the 

'  Quoraodo  convenit  hoc  civibus  Ephesinis,  qui  sexcenties  praedicantem 
audierant  apostolum  ?  Mill.  Prol.  num.  72. 


1 34  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

three  years  that  he  resided  in  that  city.  How  else  could 
they  think  that  the  christians  at  Ephesus  had  heard  Paul 
preach  a  thousand  times  ?  He  says  indeed  to  their  elders 
at  Miletus,  Acts  xx.  31,  that  "for  the  space  of  three  years 
he  had  not  ceased  to  warn  every  one  night  and  day  with 
tears."  Certainly  the  apostle  was  very  diligent  in  making- 
converts,  and  in  confirming  the  believers  there.  But  con- 
versions were  made  gradually,  not  all  at  once,  as  is  evident 
from  the  account,  which  we  have  of  Paul's  preaching*  at 
Ephesus,  in  the  nineteenth  chapter  of  the  Acts  ;  Avhere 
also  St.  Luke  observes,  at  ver.  10,  "  that  all  they  which 
dwelt  in  Asia,  heard  the  word  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  both  Jews 
and  Greeks."  This  may  lead  us  to  think  that  Paul  had 
many  converts  in  several  parts  of  Asia.  Some  of  these  may 
have  seen,  and  heard  the  Apostle  at  Ephesus  once  only,  or 
liowever  not  often.  To  all  these  the  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians  Mas  sent.  The  inscription  "  to  the  saints  and  faithful 
at  Ephesus,"  the  chief  city,  would  comprehend  all  the  be- 
lievers in  the  country.  And  some  converts  may  have  been 
made  since  the  apostle  Mas  there.  However,  though  it 
should  be  alloM^ed,  that  most  of  these  christians  had  heard 
the  apostle  often,  the  reading*  of  this  epistle  might  be  of 
great  use  to  them.  For  it  is  an  excellent  epistle,  as  all 
must  alloM,  and  not  inferior  to  the  most  admired  of  St. 
Paul's  writings. 

I  have  noM'  considered  the  first,  and,  as  I  suppose,  the 
principal  objection, 

2.  Obj.  It  is  said,  '  that  in  all  St.  Paul's  epistles,  written 
'  to  particular  churches,  there  is  some  particular  case  men- 
'  tioned,  respecting  each  church,  that  seems  to  be  one  reason 
'  at  least  for  Mritino-  to  them  :  m hich  is  also  observed  in  his 
*  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  M'hom  he  there  cautions  against 
'  the  Avorsbip  of  angels.' 

I  ansM'er.  That  is  a  just  observation.  And  the  same 
may  be  found  in  Jerom's  preface  to  his  Commentary  upon 
this  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  :  Mhere  he  says,  as"  the  blessed 
John  in  the  Revelation,  writing  to  the  seven  churches,  either 
reproves  the  faults,  or  commends  the  virtues  of  each  :  so 
likewise,  he  says,  does  the  apostle  Paul  in  his  epistles.     And 

*  Necesse  est  enim,  ut  juxta  diversitates  locorum,  et  temporum,  et  hominum, 
quibus  scriptae  sunt,  diversas  et  causas,  et  argumenta,  et  origines  habeant.  Et, 
quomodo  beatus  Joannes  in  Apocalypsi  sua  ad  septem  scribens  ecclesias,  in 
unaquaque  eaaim  specialia  vel  vitia  reprehendit,  vel  virtutes  probat ;  ita  et 
sanctus  apostolus  Paulus  per  singulas  ecclesias  vulneribus  medetur  illatis,  nee 
ad  instar  imperiti  medici  uno  collyrio  omnium  oculosvult  curare.  Pr.  i.  in 
ep.ad  Eph.  T.  IV.  p.  320. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephcsians  was  wiiltcn  to  them.       135 

lie  supposeth  this  epistle  to  have  been  written  to  the  chris- 
tians at  Ephesus,  and  to  be  suited  to  their  case. 

But  Me  are  not  to  expect,  that  even  an  apostle  should 
censure,  and  find  fault  M'liere  there  is  little  or  no  occasion 
for  it.  It  becomes  him  to  own  the  good  temper  and  con- 
duct of  any  churcli  that  deserves  it.  And  what  church 
could  be  so  likely  to  deserve  mild  treatment,  as  the  church 
at  Ephesus,  which  had  had  so  much  of  the  apostle's  pre- 
sence, and  of  his  favourite  disciple  Timothy,  upon  whom  he 
has  bestowed  so  great  commendations?  1  Cor.  iv.  17  ;  xvi. 
10;  Philip,  ii.  19—22;  and  who  undoubtedly  would  be 
faithful  and  diligent,  Avhere  he  was  sent  occasionally  only, 
or  where  he  was  stationed  for  a  while.  This  was  the  case 
here.  I  suppose  that  Timothy  was  left  at  Ephesus,  M'hen 
Paul  went  up  to  Jerusalem.  There  he  continued  till  after 
the  apostle's  arrival  at  Rome,  and  after  the  writing  of  this 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  of  which  we  are  now  speaking. 
Moreover,  as  is  well  known,  when  Paul  was  going  up  to 
Jerusalem,  he  delivered,  at  Miletus,  a  most  pathetic  charge 
to  the  elders  of  that  church,  and  to  Timothy  with  them,  as 
I  suppose.  See  Acts  xx.  17— 3S,  particularly  28—31, 
which  certainly  must  have  excited  all  to  faithfulness  and 
zeal  in  the  performance  of  their  duty.  Indeed  he  says,  "  I 
know,  that  after  my  departing  shall  grievous  wolves  enter 
in  among  you,  not  sparing  the  flock."  There  would  arise 
men,  that  would  endeavour  to  devour,  and  lay  waste  the 
church  of  Ephesus.  Nevertheless,  I  think  these  earnest 
warnings  of  the  apostle  must  have  been  of  great  use  to 
defeat  the  designs  of  such  evil  men  :  so  that  they  should  not 
be  able  to  do  much  mischief  there,  at  least  for  some  while. 

And  says  the  apostle,  ver.  31 ;  "  Watch,  and  remember, 
that  by  the  space  of  three  years  I  ceased  not  to  warn  every 
one  of  you  night  and  day  with  tears."  This  the  apostle 
does  again  very  suitably  in  this  epistle,  in  divers  places 
which  cannot  be  overlooked,  nor  passed  by  us  here.  So 
Eph.  iv.  1,  "I  therefore  the  prisoner  of  the  Lord  beseech 
you,  that  ye  walk  worthy  of  tlie  vocation  wherewith  ye  are 

called." ver.  17,  "  This  I  say  therefore,  and  testify  in 

the  Lord,  that  ye  henceforth  walk  not  as  other  Gentiles,"  and 

what    follows.      So   also   ch.    v.    1. And    vi.    12—17. 

These  warnings  have,  probably,  a  respect  to  temptations, 
M'hich  the  Ephesians  might  meet  Avith  from  their  heathen 
and  idolatrous  neighbours,  and  from  deceitful  and  artful  men 
among  christians.  To  such  things  as  these  Jerom  supposed 
Paul  to  have  an  eye  in  this  ^  epistle. 

•  Scnbebat  ad  Ephesios  Dianam  colciites Scribebat  autem  ad  metropolim 


136  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  these  written  warnings,  as  well  as  others,  seem  to 
have  had  a  good  effect.  The  church  of  Ephesus  appears 
to  have  behaved  conimendably  for  a  good  while.  This  may 
be  collected  from  Rev.  ii.  1—6.  And  Ignatius  at  the  begin- 
ning- of  his  epistle  to  them  says,  ch.  vi.  '  And  indeed 
'  Onesimus  himself  does  greatly  commend  your  good  order 
'  in  God :  that  you  all  live  according  to  truth,  and  that  no 
'  heresy  dwells  among  you.'  And  ch.  ix.  '  1  have  heard  of 
'  some,  who  have  passed  by  you,  having  perverse  doc- 
'  trine  :  Avhom  you  did  not  suffer  to  sow  among  you.'  And 
to  the  like  purpose  in  other  places  of  that  epistle. 

3.  Obj.     It  IS  said,  '  that  Timothy's  name  is  not  mention- 

*  ed  in  the  introduction  to  this  epistle  :  though  it  is  found  in 

*  the   beginning  of  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  and  that 

*  to  Philemon.     Hence  it  is  argued,  that  Timothy  was  un- 

*  known  to  all,  or  most  of  the  church,  to  whom  this  epistle 
'  was  written.     Consequently  it  was  not  sent  to  the  church  of 

*  Ephesus  where  Timothy  was  well  known.' 

In  answer  to  which  I  would  say,  ffrst,  that  I  can  see  no 
reason,  why  St.  Paul  should  scruple  to  put  Timothy's  name 
at  the  beginning  of  an  epistle,  written  to  christians,  with 
whom  Timothy  was  not  personally  acquainted.  Secondly, 
There  can  be  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  Timothy  was  as  well 
known  to  the  christians  at  Laodicea,  as  at  Colosse.  Thirdly, 
Therefore  there  must  have  been  some  other  reason  for 
omitting  the  name  of  Timothy  at  the  beginning  of  this 
epistle.  Fourthly,  That  reason  presently  offers,  and  proba- 
bly was  this,  that  at  writing*  this  epistle  Timothy  was  not 
with  the  apostle  at  Rome.  I  think  Timothy  was  now  at 
Ephesus.  How  then  could  his  name  be  placed  at  the 
beginning  of  an  epistle  written  to  the  Ephesians  from  Rome  ? 

4.  Obj.  '  At  rhilippi  the  church  was  settled  with  fixed 
'  officers,  before  the  apostle  wrote.  And  therefore  he 
'  directs  his  epistle  not  only  to  the  christians  in  general  there, 
'  but   to  the  bishops  and  deacons.     But  there  is  no  such 

*  thing  here :  though  the  church  of  Ephesus  had  evidently 

*  such   officers,  before  the  writing   of  this   epistle."     See 
Acts  XX.  17. 

To  which  I  answer,  that  there  must  have  been  fixed 
officers  in   many  churches,  beside  that  at  Philippi.     Says 

Asiae  civitatem,  in  qua  ita  idololafria et  arlium  magicarum  prsestigiae  vigue- 

rant Heec  idcirco  universa  replicavimus,  ut  ostenderemus,  quare  apostolus 

in  hac  vel  potissimum  epistola  obscuros  sensus,  et  ignota  seculis  sacramenta 
congeb^ei  it ;    et  de  sanctaruin  contrariarumque  virtutum  docuerit  potestate ; 

qui  sint  daeinones,  quid  valeant De  quibus  ait :  '  Non  est  nobis  pugna 

adversum  camem  et  sanguinem,  sed  adversum  principitatus  et  potestates.' 
Hieron.  ubi  snpr.  p.  322. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.       137 

St.  Luke,  in  his  account  of  the  pereorination  of  Paul  and 
Barnabas  in  several  places,  Acts  xiv.  21—23,  "  they  return- 
ed again  to  Lystra,  and  Iconium,  and  Antioch,  (in  I'isidia,) 

confirming-  the  souls  of  the  disciples. And  when  they 

had  ordained  them  elders  in  every  church,  and  had  prayed 
with  fasting-,  they  commended  them  to  the  Lord  on  whom 
they  had  believed."  Says  Beza  upon  this  text :  '  In  "  every 
'  church  they  ordained  elders,  that  is,  pastors,  and  deacons, 
'  and  other  officers.'  From  what  is  said  here  Luke  leads 
us  toconclude,  what  was  done  elsewhere.  It  was  not  need- 
ful to  mention  such  things  every  where.  But  very  pro- 
bably there  were  church-officers  fixed  in  all  the  churches 
in  no  long  time  after  they  were  planted,  and  particularly 
in  Greece  and  Macedonia.  From  St.  Paul's  epistle  we 
know,  that  there  were  bishops  and  deacons  at  Philippi, 
though  not  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  in  his  history  of  the 
apostle's  preaching  there.  Acts  xvi.  12 — 40.  Beza  con- 
cludes from  1  Thess.  v.  27,  that^  there  were  fixed  officers 
in  the  church  at  Thessalonica.  And  it  is  very  manifest  from 
ver.  12  and  13  of  that  chapter:  "And  we  beseech  you, 
brethren,  to  know  them  which  labour  among  you,  and  are 
over  you  in  the  Lord,  and  admonish  you  :  and  to  esteem  them 
very  highly  in  love,  for  their  work's  sake."  St.  Paul  says 
to  Titus,  ch.  i.  5,  "  For  this  cause  left  I  thee  in  Crete,  that 
thou  shouldcst  set  in  order  the  things  that  are  wanting,  and 
ordain  elders  in  every  city,  as  I  appointed  thee."  When- 
ever Paul  was  in  Crete,  it  is  reasonable  to  think,  that  he 
made  there  but  a  short  stay.  Nevertheless  before  he  left 
that  island,  he  had  given  orders  to  Titus,  to  ordain  "  elders 
in  every  city."  And  not  long  after  coming  thence  he 
wrote  to  him  an  epistle,  with  particular  directions  for  that 
purpose.  Before  Paul  left  Ephesus,  it  is  likely,  that  he  had 
ordained  several  elders  in  that  city,  and  in  the  district  of 
Asia.  And  yet  he  afterwards  wrote  to  Timothy,  giving 
him  directions  concerning  the  qualifications  of  such  persons, 
that  he  might  make  a  farther  supply,  where  it  was  wanting. 
Which  must  induce  us  to  think,  that  the  apostle  was  not 
willing,  that  any  churches  should  be  destitute  of  fit  guides 
and    instructors    for  any  long  time  after    they   had    been 

"  *  Per  singulas  ecclesias,'  kut  sKKXijaiav.  Sic  antea  dixit  Lucas  /car'  oikov, 
pro  '  domatim  Presbyteros,'  id  est,  Pastores  et  Diaconos,  et  alios  ecclesiae 
gubernationi  prsefectos.  Hie  enim,  ut  alibi  saepe,  generaliter  accipitur  Pres- 
byteri  nomen.     Bez.  in  Act.  xiv.  23. 

"  Vos,  vfiaQ.  Hinc  apparet,  mitti  solitas  fuisse  apostolicas  epi&tolas  presby- 
terio,  ad  quod  haec  abjuratio  et  praecedentes  duo  versiculi  proprie  pertineant; 
quoniam  alioqui  absurda  esset  hsec  petitio,  si  ad  totum  ecclesiae  coetum  refer- 
rctur.     Bez.  in  1  Th.  v.  27. 


138  A  Hislorij  of  (he  Apostles  and  Evangelists, 

planted.  St.  Paul's  epistle  to  the  Galatiaris,  is  inscribed 
"  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,"  without  any  mention  of  bishops 
or  deacons.  And  yet  there  must  have  been  there  men'  of 
that  character. 

St.  Peter  writes  to  the  christians  in  Galatia,  and  other 
neighbouring-  parts,  and  sends  an  admonition  to  such.  1 
Pet.  V.  1,  2,  "  The  elders  which   are  among  you   I  exhort. 

Feed  the  flock  of  God,  which  is   among  you."     And 

from  the  epistle  itself  it  may  be  concluded  with  certainty, 
that  there  were  fixed  oflicers  in  the  churches  of  Galatia, 
though  they  are  not  mentioned  in  the  inscription.  For  so 
St.  Paul  directs,  ch.  vi.  6,  "  Let  him  that  is  taught  in  the 
word,  communicate  unto  him  that  teacheth  in  all  good 
things."  There  is  no  notice  taken  of  any  elders  in  the  in- 
scriptions of  either  of  St.  Paul's  epistles  to  the  Corinthians. 
And  yet  there  must  have  been  such  officers  in  that  church. 
Clement  of  Rome,  in  the  first  century,  in  his  epistle  to  the 
Corinthians,  speaking  of  the  apostles,  says,  ch.  xlii. '  They 

*  went  abroad,  publishing  the  good  tidings,  that  the  king- 
'  doraof  God  was  at  hand.  And  preaching-  in  countries  and 
'  cities,  they  "■"  appointed  their  first-fruits,  having  first 
'  proved  them  by  the  spirit,  to  be  bishops  and  deacons  of 
'  those  who  should  believe.'     And  afterwards,  in  ch.  xliv. 

*  Wherefore  we  cannot  think  that  they  may  be  justly  cast 
'  out  of  their  ministry,  who"  were  either  appointed  by  them 
'  [the  apostles]  or  were  afterwards  chosen  by  other  eminent 

'  men  with  the  consent  of  the  whole  church.' So  writes 

Clement.  And  thus  he  bears  witness  to  two  things.  First, 
that  this  was  the  general  method  of  the  apostles.  And, 
secondly,  he  assures  us,  particularly,  that  this  had  been 
done  in  the  church  of  Corinth.  About  which,  I  suppose, 
he  could  not  be  mistaken.  There  must  therefore  have 
been  fixed  officers  in  the  churches  of  Thessalonica,  Corinth, 
and  Galatia :  though  St.  Paul  has  taken  no  particular 
notice  of  them  in  the  inscriptions  of  his  epistles.  It  cannot 
then  be  any  just  exception  against  this  epistle  having  been 
sent  to  the  Ephesians,  because  their  bishops  or  elders  are 
not  named.  For  it  was  a  common  thing-  M'ith  the  apostle,  to 
inscribe  his  epistles  to  tlje  churches,  or  saints,  of  such  a 
place,  Avithout  any  particular  notice  of  their  officers,  though 
there  were  men  of  that  character  among  them.  I  have 
mentioned  above,  St.  Paul's  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians, 
the   Corinthians,  and   the    Galatians.     To  them  might  be 

Ka9i'ra(Tav   tuq  anapxoQ  avTwv,   SoKifiaffavreg  rift   TrvEVfiari,    £t£ 

tiri(TKOTrH£  Kai  SuiKOvng  tiov  ntXXovroJv  TriTfvuv, 
"   Ta£  ovv  KaTwraOtvrac  vtt'  tKEivwv,  k.  \. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      1 39 

added  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians.  For  that  also  is  in- 
scribed "  to  the  saints,  and  faithful  brethren  in  Christ, 
which  are  at  Colosse."  And  yet  there  must  have  been 
elders  in  that  church :  one  is  mentioned  whose  name  is 
Archippus.  However,  it  is  in  this  manner  only :  Col.  iv, 
17,  "  And  say  to  Archippus,  take  heed  to  the  ministry, 
which  thou  hast  received  of  the  Lord,  that  thou  fulfil  it." 
Nor  does  the  apostle  send  his  salutations  to  the  church  in 
Laodicea  by  him  in  particular,  but  by  the  saints  to  whom 
the  epistle  is  inscribed.  See  ch.  iv.  15.  Once  more,  Timo- 
thy, as  is  generally  allowed,  Avas  at  Ephesus  when  St.  Paul 
wrote  to  him  those  two  epistles,  which  we  have.  When  the 
first  was  written,  there  nuist  have  been  some  elders  in  that 
church,  and  yet  more  at  the  time  of  writing  the  second.  It 
cannot  be  contested  by  any.  Nevertheless  no  salutations 
are  sent  to  the  elders  of  Ephesus,  in  either  of  those  epistles. 

5.  Obj.  '  If  this  epistle  was  sent  to  the  Ephesians,  it 
'  may  be  thought  very  strange,  that  St.  Paul  should  not 
'  salute  any  of  his  friends  there,  where  he  had  many  friends 
'  and  acquaintance.' 

But  I  cannot  perceive  this  to  be  of  much  weight.  There 
is  no  epistle  of  St.  Paul  that  has  so  many  salutations  in  it, 
as  that  to  the  Romans,  whom  he  had  never  seen.  There 
are  no  salutations  of  particular  persons  at  the  end  of  the 
first  epistle  to  Timothy,  who  was  then  at  Ephesus.  I  sup- 
pose Timothy  to  have  been  in  the  same  city  likewise,  when 
Paul  wrote  his  second  epistle  to  him.  Nevertheless  there 
are  in  it  no  particular  salutations,  except  those  in  ch.  iv.  19, 
"  Salute  Priscaand  Aquila,  and  the  household  of  Onesipho- 
rus."  Tychicus  went  with  this  epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 
And  what  is  said  ch.  vi.  21 — 23,  would  be  instead  of  many 
particular  salutations,  and  fully  answer  the  end.  For 
Tychicus  is  there  required  to  "  make  known  unto  them  all 
things,  and  to  comfort  their  hearts."  I  might  add,  that  no 
particular  persons  are  saluted  by  name  in  either  of  the 
epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  nor  in  the  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
tians,  nor  in  that  to  Titus,  excepting  only  Titus  himself,  to 
whom  the  epistle  is  sent. 

6.  Obj.  Mr.  Wetstein  says,  '  that  y  the  epistle  to  the 
*  Ephesians  is  written  to  Gentiles,  whereas  the  church  at 
'  Ephesus  consisted  chiefly  of  Jews.' 

I  answer :  That  the  epistle,  called,  to  the  Ephesians,  is 

y  Imprimis  vero  observandum,  cum  ecclesia  Ephesina  ex  Judaeis  potissi- 
mum  coUecta  fuerit,  Act.  xviii.  19,  21,  24,  25  ;  xix.  9,  10,  17  ;  xx.  21 ; 
Apoc.  ii.  2,  7 ;  earn,  ad  quam  haec  cpistola  scripta  est,  non  ex  Judaiis,  sed 
ex  Gentilibus  fuisse  congregatam.     Wetst.  N.  T.  torn,  II.  p.  239. 


140  A  History  of  the  apostles  and  Evangelists. 

written  to  Gentiles,  or  to  siicli  chiefly,  is  allowed,  and  is 
very  manifest.  And  it  seems  to  me  very  evident,  from  tbe 
history  which  we  have  of  St.  Paul's  preaching  at  Ephesus, 
in  the  book  of  the  Acts,  that  the  apostle's  chief  harvest  there 
was  from  amono-  the  Gentiles.  For  a  M'hile  indeed  he 
taught  in  the  synagogue,  but  the  behaviour  of  the  Jews 
obliged  him  to  withdraw.  Whereupon  he  preached  in 
another  place.  And  I  should  conclude  from  what  is  in 
Acts  xix.  17 — 40,  that  the  apostle  had  many  more  converts 
there  among  Gentiles,  than  Jews. 

7.  Obj.     '  It  is  argued  from  Col.  iv.  16,  that  this  epistle 

*  was  sent  to  the  Laodiceans.  For  St.  Paul  says  there  : 
'  "  and  when  this  epistle  is  read  among  you,  or  has  been 
'  read  among  you,  cause  that  it  be  read  also  in  the  church 
'  of  the  Laodiceans  :  and  that  ye  likewise  read  the  epistle 

*  from  Laodicea."  Hereby,  as  is  argued,  must  be  intended 
'  the  epistle  called,  to  the  Ephesians,  but  really  sent  to  the 
'  Laodiceans.  For,  says  Mill,  ^  and  likewise  others  after 
'  him,  this  epistle  called,  to  the  Ephesians,  and  the  epistle  to 
'  the  Colossians,  were  both  sent  by  the  same  messenger,  and 
'  at  the  same  time.' 

To  which  I  answer,  that  if  the  epistle,  called,  to  the  Ephe- 
sians, be  the  epistle  intended  by  the  apostle,  and  sent  at  the 
same  time  with  that  to  the  Colossians,  it  is  manifest,  that  it 
Mas  not  sent  to  the  Laodiceans.  This  may  be  concluded 
from  what  is  said  to  the  Colossians,  ch.  iv.  15,  "  Salute  the 
brethren  which  are  in  Laodicea,  and  Nymphas,  and  the 
church  which  is  in  his  house."  This  plainly  shows,  that 
there  was  not  now  any  epistle  sent  to  the  Laodiceans.  If 
there  had,  there  would  have  been  no  occasion  for  the  apos- 
tle to  send  this  order  to  the  Colossians.  For  it  is  impos- 
sible to  write  a  letter  to  any  persons,  or  societies,  without 
saluting  them,  or  doing  somewhat  that  is  equivalent.  And 
it  is  manifest,  that  in  the  epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians, 
the  christians,  to  whom  it  is  sent,  are  saluted.  Particularly 
cb.  i.  1,  2,  and  ch.  vi.  21,  22,  23.  This  has  appeared  evi- 
dent to  learned  men  of  the  first  rank,  and  different  commu- 
nions.     So*    Baronius,    and    Tillemont.      This    last    says, 

'■  Qiiidni  igitur  scripta  fuerit  ad  Laodicenses  ? Sane  per  eundetn  nun- 

tium  missa  erat  haec  epistola,  per  quem  delata  erat  epistola  ad  Colossenses, 
Tychicum  scilicet,  nee  non  eodem  tempore.     Mill.  Prol.  num.  74. 

*  Sane  nullara  eidem  tabellario  ad  Laodicenses  fuisse  a  Paulo  datam  episfo- 
lara,  satis  constat :  dum  in  ea,  quam  turn  scripsit  ad  Colossenses,  salutari 
mandat  eos,  qui  Laodicese  essent  fideles,  sic  dicens :  '  Salutate  fratres,  qui  sunt 

Laodiceae.' Libentius  igitur  Chrysostomo  ac  Tlieodoreto  inh^eremu?,  quam 

caeteris,  ut  nulla  a  Paulo  scripta  fuerit  epistola  ad  Laodicenses.  Baron,  ann. 
CO.  num.  xiii. 


Tlie  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      141 

*  that''  since  St.  Paul  orders  the  Colossiaiis  to  salute  those 

*  of  Laodicea  in  his  name,  it  is  a  certain  sign,  that  he  did 
'  not  write  to  them  at  that  time.'  Du  Pin  says :  '  If''  St. 
'  Paul  had  written  at  the  same  time  to  the  Laodiceans,  he 
'  would  not  have  charged  the  Colossians  to  salute  tliem  in 
'  his  name.'     And  James   Basnage  :    '  St."^   Paul  did    not 

*  then  write  to  the  Laodiceans,  since  he  salutes  them  in  his 
'  letter  to  the  church  of  Colosse.'  The  acute  and  honest 
Mr.  Peirce,  though  much  inclined  to  Mill's  opinion  con- 
cerning* this  epistle,  saw  this  difficulty  and  owned  it.  '  But 
'  I  have  one  objection,'  says  he,  '  which  I  cannot  so  easily 
'  get  over.  And  were  it  not  for  that,  I  might  fully  agree 
'  with  him.  My  objection  is,  that  it  seems  highly  impro- 
'  bable,  that  St.  Paul  should  send  his  salutations  to   the 

*  Laodiceans,  in  the  epistle  which  he  wrote  to  the  Colossians, 
'  in  case  he  had  sent  that  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  by  the 
'  same  messenger.' 

I  am  not  unwilling  to  allow,  that  the  epistle  spoken  of 
in  the  latter  part  of  verse  16,  of  ch.  iv.  to  the  Colossians,  is 
our  epistle  to  the  Ephesians:  "  and  that  ye  likewise  read 
the  epistle  from  Laodicea  :"  that  is,  the  epistle  that  is  to 
come  to  you  from  Laodicea.  So  the  place  is  rendered  in 
the  French  Testament  of  L'Enfant  and  Beausobre,  "  and*" 
cause  likewise  to  be  read  among  you  that  which  the  Laodi- 
ceans will  send  to  you."  And  their  note  is  this, '  "  that  ^  from 
Laodicea:  that  is  to  say,  that  which  will  come  to  you  from 
Laodicea."     For  the  original  has  that  sense.' 

If  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  sent  away  by  the 
apostle  at  the  same  time  with  those  to  the  Colossians,  and 
to  Philemon  :  I  should  think,  that  Tychicus  went  first  to 
Ephesus,  and  there  left  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  with 
an  order,  that  it  should  be  forwarded  to  Laodicea,  and  so 
to  Colosse.  Tychicus  having  left  that  letter  at  Ephesus, 
went  forward  with  Onesimus  to  Colosse  :  where  they  de- 
livered the  epistles  to  Philemon,  and  the  Colossians.  And 
then  I  suppose,  that  Tychicus's  commission  was  at  an  end. 

''  Et  puisque  S.  Paul  ordonne  aux  Colossiens  de  saluer  de  sa  part  ceux  de 
Laodicee,  c'est  un  marque  indubitable,  qu'il  ne  leur  ecrivit  point  alors. 
S.  Paul,  note  69.  Mem.  Ec.  tom.  I. 

"^  En  effet,  si  saint  Paul,  eut  ecrit  en  meme  temps  aux  Laodiceens,  il  n'  eut 
pas  charge  les  Colossiens  de  les  saluer  de  sa  part.  Diss.  Prel.  1.  2.  ch.  2.  sect, 
viii.  ^  S.  Paul  n'ecrivoit  pas  alors  aux  Laodiceens,  puisqu'il 

leur  fait  une  salutation  dans  la  lettre  a  I'eglise  de  Colosse.  Basn.  Hist,  de 
r  Eglise,  1.  8.  ch.  3.  n.  iii. 

*  Et  faites  lire  de  meme  parmis  vous  celle  que  les  Laodiceens  vous  envoyeront. 

^  Gr.  '  celle  de  Laodicee,'  c'est  a  dire,  '  celle  qui  vous  viendra  de  Laodicee.' 
Car  I'original  a  ce  sens  la. 


142  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

He  had  no  order  to  go  to  Laodicea.  The  apostle's  saluta- 
tions to  the  brethren  at  Laodicea  were  to  be  taken  care  of  by 
the  Colossians. 

But  1  rather  think,  as  before  shown,  that  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  was  written  very  soon  after  the  apostle's  arrival 
at  Rome,  and  then  carried  to  Ephesus  by  Tychicus.  And 
when  Tychicus  went  now  in  the  second  year  of  the  apos- 
tle's imprisonment,  with  these  epistles  to  the  Colossians, 
and  Philemon ;  he  came  ashore  at  Ephesus,  and  there  left 
express  orders,  that  the  epistle,  formerly  sent  to  them, 
should  be  soon  forwarded  by  them  to  Laodicea,  and  so  to 
Colosse.  Having  so  done,  he  went,  as  before  said,  with 
Onesimus  to  Colosse :  where  they  joined  in  delivering  the 
letters  to  Philemon,  and  the  church  at  Colosse.  And  now 
the  commission  of  Tychicus  was  at  an  end. 

8  Obj.  '  Once  more,  it  is  observed  by  learned  men, 
'  that  Marcion  said,  this  epistle  was  written  to  the  Lao- 
'  diceans,  or  called  this  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.' 

To  which  I  answer,  first.  Humphry  Hody  denied,  thate 
Marcion  reckoned  the  epistle  called,  to  the  Ephesians,  to 
have  been  written  to  the  Laodiceans.  And  indeed  this 
point  seems  to  lie  in  great  obscurity.  Nor  is  it  said  by  any 
one  beside  Tertullian,  that  I  know  of. 

Secondly.  Suppose  Marcion  to  have  affirmed  this,  what 
does  it  avail  ?  Grotius  says,  in  his  preface  to  this  epistle, 
'  Marcion  ''  called  this  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.  Nor 
'  was  there  any  reason  why  he  should  falsify  in  this  matter.' 
And  to  the  like  purpose  others.  To  which  I  answer:  Ca- 
tholic writers  of  the  same  time,  and  since,  call  this  the  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  why  they 
should  falsify.  Yea,  the  same  is  said,  not  only  by  all  catho- 
lics, but  likewise  by  all  heretics  in  general.     Let  Marcion's 

8  Decern  tantum  epistolas  Pauli,  cum  particulis  quibusdam  ex  epistola  ad 

Laod. recepit  Marcion  haereticus,  quas  librum  apostolicuni  inscripsit. 

De  cseteris  scripturarum  libris  nullum  agnovit,  praeter  Evangelium  Lucae, 
illudque  mutilatum.      Epistolas  etiam,  quas  recepit  Paulinas,  mutilavit,  vitia- 

vitque Simonius,  in  Hist.  Cnt.  N.  T.  cap.  15.  contendit,  Marcionem 

nullani  epist.  ad  Laod.  recepisse,  sed  epistolam  ad  Ephesios  I'also  inscripsisse 
ad  Laodicenos.  Sed  in  hoc  Epiphanius  falli  non  potuit,  qui  in  apostolico 
Marcionis  recensct  epistolam  ad  Ephesios  loco  7mo,  et  illam  ad  Laodicenos 
loco  llmo.  TTpog  \aociKiic  la.  Ideo  vero  dicit  Tcrtullianus  contra  Marc.  1.  v. 
cap.  xi.  *  Epistolam  quani  nos  ad  Ephesios  proescriptam  habemus,'  a  Mar- 
cione  *  ad  Laodicenos  inscriptam  fuissc,'  quoniam  locus,  qui  ex  Epistola  ad 
Laodicenos  a  Marcioneadductus  est,  in  epistola  ad  Ephesios  exstabat.  Quod 
etiam  observat  Epiphanius.  Hod.  de  Bibl.  Text,  origin,  p.  664. 
»  ^  Marcion  banc  epistolam  vocat  ad  Laodicenscs,  ex  fide,  ut  credibile  est, 
ecclesia;  Laodicensis.  Nam  cur  in  ea  re  mentiretur,  nihil  erat  causae.  Grot. 
Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Eph. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  t/iem.      143 

credit  be  ever  so  good,  this  is  a  sufficient  answer.  For 
what  interest  had  the  catholics  to  falsify  here?  If  Marcion 
said,  this  epistle  was  sent  to  the  Laodiceans,  he  must  have 
been  mistaken.  We  are  assured,  that  what  he  said  is  false, 
from  the  unanimous  testimony  of  numerous  men,  who  had  no 
interest  to  deceive,  and  could  not  be  deceived. 

But  Marcion's  credit  is  very  little  in  such  an  affair  as 
this.  The  same  writer,  who  speaks  of  Marcion's  '  calling 
this  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans,  I  mean  Tertullian,  does 
also  let  us  know,  that''  Marcion  rejected  the  epistles  of  Paul 
to  Timothy  and  Titus.  And  chargeth  '  him  with  altering 
the  text  of  scripture,  openly  employing  a  knife,  not  a  stile. 
And  speaks  particularly  of  his  leaving  out  texts  "  in  the 
epistle  to  the  Romans.  Will  any  say,  that  Marcion  had  good 
reason  for  so  doing'?  or  that  all  this  was  owing  to  his  supe- 
rior care  and  judgment  above  other  christians'?  For  my 
own  part,  I  think  not.  And  if  he  said,  that  this  epistle  was 
written  to  the  Laodiceans,  not  to  the  Ephesians,  he  was 
mistaken  at  least.  He  had  not,  and  could  not  have,  any 
good  reason  for  it. 

Mill,  °  and  other  learned  men  after  him,  in  defending  their 
opinion  concerning  this  epistle,  magnify  the  care  and  exact- 
ness of  Marcion.  '  He  flourished,  they  say,  in  the  begin- 
'  ning  of  the  second  century,  and  lived  atSinope,  in  Paphla- 
'  gonia,  which  was  in  Asia  Minor,  as  well  as  Laodicea. 
'  And  he  affirmed  that  the  epistle  called,  to  the  Ephesians, 
'  was  actually  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.  Most  probably, 
'  he  had  heard  so  from  such  as  knew  the  fact,  and  could 
'  inform  him:  or  rather,  had  seen  some  of  the  manuscripts, 
'  which  gave  it  that  title.' 

But  all  this  is  said  without  any  ground.  Such  suppo- 
sitions are  easily  made.  But  there  is  no  proof  of  the  truth 
of  them.  If  there  be  any  credit  to  be  given  to  what  the 
ancients  say  of  Marcion,  he  must  have  been  a  very  rash, 
and  arbitr€ary,and  careless  critic provided  he  at  all  deserve 

■  Tertull.  adv.  Marc.  1.  5.  cap.  xi. 

''  Miror  tamen,  quum  ad  unum  horainem  literas  factas  receperit,  quid  ad 
Timotheum  duas,  et  imam  ad  Titum,  de  ecclesiastico  statu  compositas,  recusa- 
verit.     Adv.  Marcion.  I.  5.  cap.  ult.  p.  6]5. 

'  Marcion  enim  exerta  et  palam  machaera,  non  stylo  usus  est ;  quoniam  ad 
raateriam  suani  caedem  scriptiirarum  confecit.     Id.  de  Praesc.  Haer.  cap.  38. 

"  Quantas  autem  foveas  in  ista  vel  maxima  epistola  Marcion  fecerit,  aufe- 
rendo  quae  voluit,  de  nostri  instriunenti  integritate  patebit.  Adv.  Marc.  1.  5. 
cap.  13.  "  Sedomnino  verisimile  est,  Marcionem,  qui  Sinope 

aliquamdiu  agebat,  baud  procul  a  Laodicea,  sive  ex  popularium  suorum 
traditione,  seu  etiara  auctoritate  exemplarium  quorumdam,  banc  epistolam 
tanquam  ad  Laodicenses  scriptam  citasse.     ]\Iill.  Prol.  nimi.  78. 


144  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

the  name  of  a  critic.  And  if  he  thouo  ht  this  epistle  to  have 
been  written  to  the  Laodiceans;  it  is  likely,  that  he  took  up 
that  opinion  without  much  inquiry,  or  examination,  and 
without  sufficient  reason,  and  perhaps  without  assign- 
ing any. 

Jerom°  speaking  of  Marcion  and  Basilides,  who,  as  he 
says,  were  not  friendly  to  the  Old  Testament,  and  altered 
the  gospels  and  epistles  of  the  New  Testament,  and  rejected 
both  the  epistles  to  Timothy,  and  the  epistle  to  Titus,  ana 
that  to  the  Hebrews,  he  adds  :  '  And  if  they  assigned  any 
'  reasons,  why  they  did  not  reckon  these  epistles  to  be  the 
'  apostle's,  we  should  endeavour  to  make  an  answer,  and 
'  perhaps  might  say  what  would  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  the 
'  reader.  But  now  since  with  heretical  authority  they  pro- 
'  nounce,  and  say,  this  epistle  is  Paul's,  and  that  not :  they 
'  may  be  fitly  answered  on  the  side  of  truth,  in  the  same 
'  manner  that  they  assert  falsehood.' 

And  Tertullian  having  spoken  of  Marcion's  admitting 
the  genuineness  of  the  epistle  to  Philemon,  adds,  '  Never- 
'  thelessP  I  wonder,  that  Avhen  he  receives  an  epistle  to  one 
'  man,  he  should  reject  two  to  Timothy,  and  one  to  Titus, 
'  which  treat  of  the  government  of  the  church.  He  had  a 
'  mind,  I  suppose,  to  alter  also  the  number  of  the  epistles  :* 
that  is,  as  he  had  done  of  the  gospels  :  which  passage, 
as  the  reader  may  remember,  was  quoted  by  us  i  for- 
merly. 

It  hence  appears,  that  Tertullian  knew  not  why  Marcion 
rejected  the  epistles  to  Timothy  and  Titus.  He  knew  that 
Marcion  rejected  those  three  epistles.  But  he  was  not 
aware  of  his  having    assigned  any   reasons  for  so  doing : 

"  Licet  non  siat  digni  fide,  qui  fadem  primam  irritam  fecerunt,  Maxcionem 
loquor et Basilidem,  et  omnes  haereticos,  qui  vetus  Ian ianttestamen turn;  tanien 
eos  aliqua  ex  parte  feremus,  si  saltern  in  novo  continerent  mantis  suas,  et  non 

auderent  Christ! vel  evangelistas  violare,  vel  apostolos.     Nunc  vero  cum 

Evangelia  ejus  Christi  dissipaverint,  et  apostolorura  epistolas  non  apostolorum 
Christi  fecerint  esse,  sed  proprias,  miror,  quomodo  sibi  christianorum  nomen 
audeant  vindicare.  Ut  enim  de  cseteris  epistolis  taceam,  de  quibus  quidquid 
contrarium  suo  do^ati  viderant,  eraserunt,  nonnullas  integras  repudiandas 
crediderunt;  ad  Timotheum  videlicet  utramque,  ad  Hebraeos,  et  ad  Titum, 
quam  nunc  conamur  exponere.  Et  si  quidem  redderent  causas,  cur  eas 
apostoli  non  putarent,  tentaremus  aliquid  respondere,  et  forsitan  satisfacere 
lectori.  Nunc  vero,  quum  haeretica  auctoritate  pronuntient,  et  dicant :  Ilia 
epistola  Pauli  est,  haec  non  est ;  ea  auctoritate  refelli  se  pro  veritate  intelligant, 
qua  ipsi  non  erubescunt  falsa  simulare.    Hieron.  Pr.  in  ep.  ad  Tit.  T.  IV.  p.  407. 

p  Miror  tamen,  quum  ad  unum  hominem  literas  factas  receperit,  quid  ad 
Timotheum  duas,  et  unam  ad  Titum,  de  ecclesiastico  statu  compositas,  recu- 
saverit.     Adfectavit,  opinor,  etiam  numerum  epistolarum  interpolare.     Adv. 
Marcion.  5.  cap.  ult.  p.  615.  D. 
,  "J  See  Vol.  ii.  oh.  xxvii.  num.  vii.  11.     See  also  here,  note  ''. 


The  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      145 

which  shows,  I  think,  that  Marcion  acted  arbitrarily  in  such 
thing's  as  these. 

Indeed  Tertullian,  speaking  of  Marcion's  attempting-,  or 
designing  to  alter  the  inscription  of"  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  useth  this  expression  :  '  as"^  if  he  had  made  more 
'  than  common  inquiries  about  it.'  But  1  suppose  Tertul- 
lian, to  speak  by  way  of  irony,  and  sarcastically  :  not  al- 
lowing Marcion  unconmion  diligence  and  exactness,  but 
intimating,  that  a  man  who  acted  thus,  should  be  very  care- 
ful to  be  rightly  informed. 

All  this  I  have  said  in  the  way  of  a  general  answer  to 
the  argument  taken  from  the  supposed  opinion  of  Marcion. 
I  will  now  more  particularly  inquire  what  Marcion  said  and 
did,  and  what  might  be  the  ground  and  reason  of  his  opi- 
nion and  conduct.  And  1  think  there  are  but  two  writers, 
from  whom  we  can  receive  any  information,  Tertullian  and 
Epiphanius. 

The  first  is  Tertullian.  '  I  ^  pass  by  another  epistle,'  says 
he,  '  which  we  have  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians,  but  heretics 
'  to  the  Laodiceans.' 

Afterwards  :  '  According  ^  to  the  true  testimony  of  the 
'  church,  we  suppose  that  epistle  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
'  Ephesians.  But  Marcion  once  had  a  mind  to  alter  the 
'  title,  as  if  he  had  made  a  very  diligent  inquiry  into  that 
'  matter.  But  the  title  is  of  no  importance,  since  the  apostle 
'  wrote  to  all,  Avhen  he  wrote  to  some.' 
#1  hope  I  have  rightly  translated  the  word  '  gestiit.'  I 
think  it  meaneth,  '  had  a  mind  to,'  or  '  was  inclined,'  or 
showed  an  inclination  so  to  do. 

By  these  passages  of  Tertullian  we  are  assured,  first,  that 
this  epistle,  which  was  in  the  hands  of  catholic  christians, 
was,  in  all  its  copies,  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians.  And 
Tertullian  was  persuaded,  that  it  Avas  the  true  testimony,  or 
tradition  of  the  church  from  the  beginning. 

Secondly,  in  the  first  of  these  passages  Tertullian  says, 
that  heretics  called  this  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans : 
by  heretics  meaning,  as  I  suppose,  Marcion  and  his 
followers. 

Thirdly,  Tertullian  says,  that  once,  or  upon  some  occa- 
sion, Marcion  had  a  mind  to  alter  the  title  of  this  epistle. 

■■  See  below,  note'.  '  Praetereo  hicetde  alia  epistola, 

quam  nos  ad  Ephesios  praescriptam  habemus,  hseretici  vero  ad  Laodicenos. 
Tertull.  adv.  Marcion.  1.  5.  cap.  xi. 

'  Ecclesiae  quidem  veritate  epistolam  istem  ad  Ephesios  liabemus  emissam, 
non  ad  Laodicenos.  Sed  Marcion  ei  tituliim  aliquando  interpolare  gestiit, 
quasi  et  in  illo  diligentissimus  explorator.  Nihil  autem  de  titulo  interest,  cum 
adomnes  apostolus  scripserit,  dum  ad  singuloe.     lb.  cap.  xvii.  p.  607. 

VOL.    VI.  L 


146  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Here  it  may  be  questioned,  whether  by  title  be  meant 
what  we  call  a  running  title,  affixed  to  the  epistle,  or  the 
inscription,  which  makes  a  part  of  the  epistle,  and  is  inserted 
at  the  beginning  of  it.  1  rather  think  this  last  to  be  intend- 
ed. But  take  it  either  way,  Tertullian  supposed,  that 
JMarcion  had  in  his  copies  the  same  title,  or  inscription,  with 
the  catholics,  that  is,  to  the  Ephesians,  oratEphesus.  Nor 
does  Tertullian  say,  that  Marcion  ever  inserted  the  inscrip- 
tion to  the  Laodiceans,  iu  any  of  his  copies.  It  seems  to  me 
that  he  did  not. 

Consequently,  what  Tertullian  says  is,  that  Marcion,  and 
his  followers,  sometimes  at  least,  called  this  the  epistle  to 
the  Laodiceans,  and  perhaps  quoted  it  by  that  title.  But 
he  had  not  in  his  copies  any  title,  or  inscription,  different 
from  that  of  the  catholics.  Marcion  gave  out,  that  the 
epistle,  called  by  the  catholics,  to  the  Ephesians,  was  written 
to  the  Laodiceans.  He  affirmed  this  to  be  right,  and 
that  the  catholics  were  in  the  wrong  in  calling  it  an  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians.  For  he  was  persuaded  it  was  Mritten 
to  the  Laodiceans. 

I  think  this  is  the  most  that  is  said  by  Tertullian,  or  that 
can  be  collected  from  him.  Yea,  it  seems  to  me,  that  I  have 
in  a  strong  manner  represented  the  whole  of  what  is  said  by 
him. 

I  now  proceed  to  Epiphanius,  who  says,  '  that "  Marcion 
'  received  only  ten  epistles  of  Paul.  They  are  these.  The 
'  first  is  that  to  the  Galatians,  the  second  is  the  first  to  the 
'  Corinthians,  the  third  is  the  second  to  the  Corinthians,  the 

*  fourth  that  to  the  Romans,  the  fifth  is  the  first  to  the  Thes- 

*  salonians,  the  sixth  the  second  to  the  Thessalonians,  the 
'  seventh  is  that  to  the  Ephesians,  the  eighth  to  the  Colos- 

*  sians,  the  ninth  to  Philemon,  the  tenth  to  the  Philippians. 

*  He  has  also  some  parts  of  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.' 
So  Epiphanius. 

It  is  well  known,  that  Marcion  had  an  evangelicon,  and 
an  apostolicon,  or  a  gospel  and  an  apostle.  In  the  former, 
as  is  generally  said,  he  had  St.  Luke's  gospel  only.  But 
concerning  the  truth  of  that  account  I  make  no  inquiries 
now.  Our  concern  at  present  is  with  St.  Paul's  epistles 
only.  And  Epiphanius  here  expressly  says,  th.nt  Marcion 
received  ten,  ami  placed  them  in  the  order  in  which  they 
are  rehearsed  above.     He  likewise  says,  that  Marcion  had 

"  'Exti   Ct   Kai   tTTiToXac   Trap'  avrtfi    r«    ayta    ottotcXs   ctica,   a'tg  fiovaiQ 

KixprjTai. A(  ^£    £7rt?oXai  ai   nap'  avr<i)   Xtyo/Kfi'ai  um   irpixtTi]   fiiv   irpog 

raXarac: f/3co^?j    npog   ¥.<pimiiQ,  oy^oi;  Trpog  KoXoaaatig 'F-X"  ^'  '^"* 

TTpog  AaodiKuac  Xcyofjievtjg  ncpi],     Epiph.  H.  42.  nimi.  ix.  p.  310. 


77jc  Epistle  insa-ihed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.       147 

some  parts  of  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceaiis.  And  he  quotes, 
as  from  him,  those  words  which  are  in  Eph.  iv.  5,  6,  after 
this  maimer  :  "  One  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  Christ, 
one  God  and  Father  of  all,  who  is  above  all,  and  through 
all,  and  in  you  all."  Having-  so  done,  he  says  :  '  Nor^  (lid 
'  the  uidiappy  Marcion  think  fit  to  take  that  passage  from 
'  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  but  from  the  epistle  to  the 
'  Laodiceans,  which  is  not  the  apostle's.' 

This  account  of  Epiphanius  led  H.  Hody  to  say,  that 
Marcion  received  eleven  epistles  of  St.  Paul.  James  Bas- 
nage  was  of  the  same  opinion.  He  says :  '  It "  has  been 
'  conjectured  by  some,  that  Marcion  confounded  the  epistle 

'  to  the  Laodiceans  with   that  to  the  Ephesians But 

'  that  conjecture  cannot  be  maintained.  For  he  distinguished 
'  two  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  one  to  the  Ephesians,  and  another 
*  to  the  Laodiceans.  And  Epiphanius  reproacheth  him, 
'  because  be  rather  chose  to  take  his  passage  from  the 
'  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans,  which  was  not  Paul's,  than 
'  from  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  where  are  the  same 
'  words.' 

And  indeed,  I  apprehend,  that  if  we  had  Epiphanius  only, 
many  might  be  of  the  same  opinion.  But  comparing  him 
and  Tertullian,  and  examining  carefully  the  w  hole  article  of 
Epiphanius,  1  think  it  must  appear  more  probable,  that 
Marcion  did  sometimes  quote  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 
as  if  it  had  been  sent  to  the  Laodiceans.  Nor  can  I  per- 
ceive any  good  reason  to  think,  that  any  letter  to  the 
Laodiceans  was  forged  so  early  as  the  time  of  Marcion. 

And  now  I  Avould  observe,  that  Epiphanius  seems  to 
have  been  well  acquainted  with  Marcion's  apostolicon.  For 
he  "  had  his  writings,  and  composed  a  treatise  against  him, 
called  Scholion,  or  Scholia,  which  he  inserted,  somewhat 
altered,  in  his  article  of  the  Marcionitcs,  in  his  large  work, 
called  the  Panarium,  which  we  have. 

Having  observed  this,  I  say,  that  from    Epiphanius  it 

"  Ov  yap  iSo^t  T(j>  ikiuvoTaTO)  Mapctwi/i  ano  Tr\q  Trpoc  E^ffftac  TavTt]v  ttjv 
fiuprvfuav  Xsyiiv,  aXKa  ttjq  Trpog  AaoliKeag,  rt]g  jir)  narjQ  ev  t<i>  aTroToXi^j.  H. 
42.  p.  375.  in. 

"  Marcion  I'a  citee.  II  en  tiroit  meme  quelque  preuve  pour  son  heresie.  On 
a  conjecture,  qu  il  la  confondoit  avec  celle  des  Ephesiens. Mais  cette  con- 
jecture ne  peut  se  soutenir,  parceque  Marcion  distinguoit  deux  lettres  de  S. 
Paul,  I'une  aux  Ephesiens,  I'autre  aux  Laodiceens.  Et  S.  Epiphane  lui  fait 
una  especede  reproche,  dece  qu'il  a  mieux  aime  tirer  son  passage  de  I'epistre 
aux  Laodiceens,  qui  n'etoit  point  de  S.  Paul,  que  de  celle  aux  Ephesiens,  dans 
laquelle  on  trouvoit  les  raemes  paroles.  J.  Basn.  Hist,  de  I'Egl.  1. 8.  ch.  3.  num. 
ill.  "^  "EXtvaofiai  de  £ic  ra  vn'  avrs  yty pa fifitva,  k.  X.  H.  42. 
cap.  ix.  p.  309.  C. 

L  2 


148  A  ilistorij  of  iht  Jpostlcs  and  Evangelists. 

appears,  that  in  Marcion's  apostolicon  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  was  entitled,  and  inscribed  to  them  as  it  was  in 
the  copies  of  the  catholics.  And  all  the  difference  between 
the  catholics  and  him,  upon  this  head,  was,  that  he  some- 
times quoted  this  epistle,  as  Mritten  to  the  Laodiceans. 
Epiphanius,  M'ho  had  seen  3Iarcion's  apostolicon,  found 
therein  ten  epistles,  all  inscribed,  as  in  the  catholic  copies. 
One  of  which,  and  the  seventh  in  order,  was  that  to  the 
Ephesians.  However,  in  one  place  of  Marcion's  works,  and  y 
but  one,  he  had  seen  a  passag-e  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephe- 
sians quoted,  as  from  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans. 

Some  such  thing-  as  this  induced  Tertullian,  a  man  of  a 
violent  temper,  to  say  :  '  I  pass  by  another  epistle,  which 
'  we  have  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians,  but  heretics  to  the 
'  Laodiceans.'  However,  from  Tertullian,  as  before  shown, 
it  appears,  that  in  Marcion's  copies  of  this  epistle  it  had 
the  same  title  as  in  the  catholic  copies,  and  that  he  never 
altered  the  inscription.  And  thus  Tertullian  and  Epipha- 
nius agree.  For  from  this  last  likewise  we  plainly  perceive 
that  in  Marcion's  Apostolicon  was  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians:  but  not  exactly  in  the  same  order,  as  with  the 
catholics. 

And  thus,  if  I  mistake  not,  Marcion  himself  confirms  the 
common  reading-  at  the  beginning-  of  this  epistle.  And  this 
recompense  we  have  of  our  diligent  inquisition  into  this 
affair.  So  it  often  happens.  Opposition  made  to  truth  is  the 
means  of  establishing-  it. 

This  opinion  of  the  case  may  be  farther  justified  by  two 
considerations,  which  perhaps  deserve  to  be  mentioned. 
One  is,  that  there  is  no  notice  taken  of  this  affair  by  any 
other  writers,  beside  Tertullian  and  Epiphanius.  Jerom, 
and  many  others,  who  often  speak  of  Marcion  and  his  prin- 
ciples, say  nothing-  of  it.  It  is  therefore  very  probable,  that 
his  inscription  of  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  Avas  the  same 
as  in  the  catholic  copies.  If  not,  his  alteration  here,  as  well 
as  in  other  places,  would  have  been  observed.  The  other  is, 
that  all  those,  called  heretics,  so  far  as  mc  know,  had  this 
epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians.  The  Manichees  agreed 
with  Marcion  in  divers  of  his  peculiarities.  Nevertheless, 
in  their  copies  this  epistle  was  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians. 
This   has  appeared  from   the   quotations  of  it  in  the  writ- 


^  Praeter  banc  tamen  ad  Ephesios  epistolam,  putat  Epiphanius,  recepta 
etiam  esse  a  Marcione  cpistolae  ad  Laodicenses  fragmenta.  E^ft  t«  /cm  rijc 
irnog  AaociKiaQ  fiipri,  inquit.  E  quibus  tamen  nnicum  illud  a  se  pjoductum 
repent.     Jac.  Usicr.  Diss,  de  Ep.  ad  Laod. 


77(6  Epistle  inscribed  to  the  Ephesians  was  written  to  them.      149 

ings  of  Faustus,  and  Seciindinus,  formerly  ^  taken  no- 
tice of. 

But  though  the  inscription  of  this  epistle  was  the  same 
in  Marrion's,  as  in  the  catholic  copies,  he  sometimes  quoted  it 
as  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans,  and  was  of  opinion  that  it 
was  written  to  them.  We  are  therefore  now  to  inquire  into 
the  ground  and  reason  of  this  opinion. 

Paniolius  ^  in  his  notes  upon  Tertullian,  as  cited  by  arcji- 
bishop  Usher,  (for  I  have  not  his  edition  at  hand,)  conjec- 
tured, that  the  words  of  Col.  iv.  IG,  were  the  occasion 
of  this  opinion   of  Marcion.     So  likewise  says'' Estius. 

It  is  very  j)robable,  that  those  words  *=  gave  occasion 
to  the  forging  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.  Theodoret,  not 
far  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  as  formerly*^ 
cited  by  us,  says  in  his  commentary  upon  that  text :  '  Some 
'  have  hence  imagined,  that  the  apostle  had  also  written  to 
'  the  Laodiceans,  and  they  have  forged  such  an  epistle. 
'  Nevertheless,  the  apostle  does  not  say  "  the  epistle  to  the 
'  Laodiceans,  but  from  Laodicea."  ' 

That  is  the  unvaried  reading'  of  this  text  in  all  the  copies 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  in  all  ancient  Greek  ^  writers. 
And  I  have  suspected,  that  the  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans 
was  forged  by  a  Latin,  and  that  the  Latin  version  of  that 
text  gave  occasion   to  it.     Fabricius  ^  in  the  introduction  to 

*  See  Vol.  iii.  ch.  Ixiii.  niun.  iv.  4.  num.  v.  ib.  sect.  vii. 

"  Jacobus  Pamelius,  Annot.  259.  in  lib.  5.  TertuUiani  adv.  Marcionem, 

*  Fortassis,'  inquit,  occasionem  dedit  Maicioni  hujus  tituli  huic  epistolae  impo- 
nendi,  quod  legisset,  Col.  iv.  ♦  Salutale  fratres,'  &c.  Usser.  Diss,  de  Ep.  ad 
Laod.  ''  Sciendum  prteterea  est,  Marcionem,  antiquum 
hsereticum,  occasione  pnaesentis  loci,  epistolae  ad  Ephesios  scriptse  titulum 
mutasse,  inscribendo  earn  ad  Laodicenos,  tamquam  ea  non  ad  illos,  sed  ad 
hos  scripta  esset,  &c.  Est.  ad  Col.  iv.  16.  '  '  Et  eam,  quae  Laodicensium 
est,  vos  legatis.']  Horum  verborum  occasione  abususquispiamconcinnavit,  at- 
que  evulgavit  epistolam  quamdam,  velut  a  Paulo  scriptam  ad  Laodicenses.  Est. 
in  Col.  iv.  16.  ^  See  Vol.  v.  p.  17,  18.  *  As  some  proof  of  this,  I  allege  the 
note  of  Theophylact  upon  this  verse.  •  Which  is  the  epistle  from  Laodicea  ? 
'  It  is  the  iirst  to  Timothy.  For  that  was  written  from  Laodicea.  However 
'  some  say,  it  is  an  epistle,  which  the  Laodiceans  had  sent  to  Paul.     But  what 

*  good  the  reading  such  an  epistle  could  do  them,  I  do  not  know.  Tie  Se  ijv 
»)  £K  AaohKiiag ;  »';  vpog  TifioOeov  TrpoiTrj.  Avttj  yap  tc  AaoSiKeiag  eyparprj. 
TivHQ  It  (paaiv,  on  t)v  o'l  AaoSiKiig  Ilat'Xffi  {7r£<r£iXoi'.  AXX'  sk  otSa  ti  av 
iKuvT)  eSu  avToiQ  trnog  fiiXriwaiv.     Theoph.  in  loc.  tom.  II.  p.  676. 

^  Quamquam  hunc  Pauli  locum  neutiquam  puto  testimonium  perhibere 
commentitiae  ad  Laodicenses  epistolae,  tamen  quia  ex  illo,  sive  Latina  potius 
ejus  versione  ambigua  ansam  cepit  quisquis  illam  supposuit,  non  fuit  a  me 
omittendus.  Lectionis  nulla  est  in  codicibus  Graecis  differentia.  Omnes 
enim,  quantum  scio,  habent  Tt]v  tK  AaohKtiag.  Ita  et  Syrus,  et  Arabs,  et 
interpretes  Graeci,  Chrysostomus,  Theodoritus,  Theophylactus,  CEcumenius. 
Neque  Latinus  aliter  legisse  videtur,  etsi  vertit :  *  Eam,  quae  Laodicensium  est.' 
Fabr.  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  tom.  II.  p.  S5.3. 


150  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

his  account  of  the  epistle  to  the   Laodiceans  speaks  to  the 
same  purpose. 

In  like  manner  1  have  for  a  good  while  been  of  opinion, 
that  the  Latin  version  of  this  text  was  the  occasion  of  the 
mistaken  notion  of  Marcion. 

When  I  formerly  gave  an  account  of  a  Latin  Commentary 
upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  written  about  380,  J 
took  notice,  that  °  the  translation  of  Col.  iv.  16,  followed  by 
that  author,  was,  "  that  ye  read  the  epistle  of  the  Laodi- 
ceans."  Et  vos  ut  eam,  quae  est  Laodicensium,  legatis. 
The  same  translation  is  in  the  Commentary  of  Pelagius. 
Et  ea,  quae  Laodicensium  est,  vobis  legatur.  Which  afibrds 
good  proof,  that  this  was  the  translation,  which  was  in  the 
Latin  version,  then  in  use. 

I  also  observed  in  the  same  place,  that  this  expression  is 
ambiguous.  It  may  import  an  epistle,  written  by  the  Lao- 
diceans  :  or  an  epistle,  which  was  their  property,  as  having 
been  written  to  them.  I  have  since  found  the  same  obser- 
vation in ''  Estius.  So  Secundinus,  the  Manichee,  in  his 
letter  to  Augustine,  by  the  epistle  of  the  Ephesians  plainly 
means  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  For  his  words  are 
these:  'Against"  whom  the  apostle,  in  the  epistle  of  the 
'  Ephesians,  says,  "  he  M-restled."  For  he  says :  "  we 
'  wrestle  not  against  flesh  and  blood,  but  against  principa- 
'  lities,  and  powers,"'  Eph.  vi.  12. 

It  is  not  unlikely,  that  a  good  number  of  the  Latins,  by 
"  the  epistle  of  the  Laodiceans,"  in  Col.  iv.  16,  understood 
an  epistle  Mritten  to  the  Laodiceans.  And  Marcion  also, 
having  before  him  the  Latin  version,  and  understanding  the 
words  in  that  sense,  concluded,  that  St.  Paul  had  written  an 
epistle  to  the  Laodiceans.  At  length  he  was  brought  to 
think,  that  the  epistle,  intended  by  St.  Paul,  was  the  epis- 
tle inscribed  to  the  Ephesians.  Accordingly,  he  sometimes 
quoted  it  Avith  that  title.  This  will  be  the  more  readily 
admitted,  when  it  is  considered,  that  Marcion  made  use  of 
the  Latin  version  of  St.  Paul's  epistles.  So  say  both  ^ 
Mill,  and '  Wetstein. 

8  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cix.  num.  ii.  8. 

^  Fefellet  tamen  hos  omnes  ambiguitas  verborum  hujus  loci,  prout  Latino 
leguntur.  Quod  enim  dicitur,  *  eam  quae  Laodicensium  est,'  intelligi  potest, 
vel  ad  quos,  vel  a  quibus  epistola  scripta  sit  aut  missa.  Et  quidem  priori 
modo  Latini  fere  intellexerunt.  Sed  banc  ambiguitatem  dissolvit  Graeca 
lectio,  qu£E  sic  habet :  '  Et  eam  quae  ex  Laodicea  est,  ut  et  vos  legatis.'  Est 
ad  loc.  '  Contra  quos  se  apostolus  in  Ephesiorum  epistola 

certamen  subiisse  fatetur.  Dicit  enim,  se  non  contra  carnem  et  sanguinem 
habere  certamen,  sed  adversus  principes  et  potestates.  Secundin.  ep.  ad 
Aug.  sect.  i.  Ap.  Aug.  T.  VIIL  ''  Vid.  Mill.  Prolcg.  num.  378.  et  606. 

'  Ac  principle,  quod  a  nemiue  adhuc  animadversum  puto,  (nisi  a  J.  Millio 


The  Churches  of  Colossc  and  Laodicca  planted  by  St.  Paul.    151 

And  now,  1  suppose,  it  may  appear,  what  regard  is  due  to 
the  authority  of  Marcion  in  this  matter. 

Thus  I  have  at  Varge  stated  and  considered  all  the  mate- 
rial objections  against  the  common  reading-  at  the  beginning 
of  this  epistle,  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  And  the  solu- 
tions that  have  been  offered,  seem  to  me  satisfactory.  And 
from  the  universal  agreement  of  all  copies  in  that  reading, 
and  the  unanimous  testimony  of  all  christian  writers  for  the 
first  twelve  centuries,  it  appears,  that  there  is  no  more  rea- 
son to  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  the  inscription  of  the 
epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  than  of  any  other  of  the  acknow- 
ledged epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

This  disquisition  has  been  of  greater  length  than  might 
have  been  wished.  But  if  any  things  have  been  set  in 
a  truer  light  than  usual,  it  will  be  acceptable  to  some. 


CHAP.  XIV. 


That  the  Churches  of  Colosse  and  Laodicea  were  planted 

by  the  apostle  Paul. 


IT  has  been  of  late  a  prevailing  opinion,  that  the  chris- 
tians at  Colosse  and  Laodicea  were  not  converted  by 
St.  Paul.  But  to  me  it  seems,  that  there  is  no  good  ground 
for  it. 

Says  Theodoret,  in  his  argument  of  the  epistle  to  the  Co- 
lossians,  prefixed  to  his  Commentary,  '  Some''  are  of  opi- 
'  nion,  that  when  the  divine  apostle  wrote  this  epistle,  he 

*  had  not  seen  the  Colossians.  And  they  endeavour  to 
'  support  their  opinion  by  these  words,  "  For  I  would  that 

*  ye  should  know,  what  great  conflict  I  have  for  you,  and 
*,  for  them  at  Laodicea,  and  for  as  many  as  have  not  seen  my 
'  face  in  the  flesh,"  ch.  ii.  1.     But  they  should  consider,  that 

*  the  nteaning  of  the  words  is  this,  "  I  have  not  only  a 
'  concern  for  you,  but  I  have  also  great  concern  for  those 
'  that  have  not  seen  me."     And  if  he  be  not  so  understood, 

*  he  expresses  no  concern  for  those  who  had  seen  him,  and 

Prol.  378.  suboluisse  putemus)  comperimus  ?  Marciopis  codices  N.  T.  non  ex 
Greecis  exemplaribus,  sed  ex  versione  Latiaa  veteri  sive  Italica  conflatos  fuisse, 
&c.     Wetsten.  Prolegom.  p.  79. 
»  Theod.  torn.  III.  p.  342,  343. 


152  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  had  been  taught  by  him.  Moreover  the  blessed  Luke  says 
'  in  the  Acts,  "  And  after  he  had  spent  some  time  there,  he 

•  departed,  and  nent  over  all  the  country  of  Galatia,  and 

*  Phryg'ia,  in  order,"  ch.  xviii.  23.  Colosse  is  a  city  of 
'  Phrygia.  AndLaodicea,  the  metropolis  of  the  country,  is 
'  not  far  from  it.  How  Avas  it  possible  for  him  to  be  in 
'  Phrygia,  and  not  carry  the  gospel  to  those  places  ?  And 
'  in  another  place  the  blessed  Luke  says,  "  Now  when  they 
'  had  gone  throughout  Phryg"ia,  and  the  region  of  Galatia, 
'  and  were  forbidden  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  preach  the  word 
'  in  Asia,"  '  ch.  xvi.  6. 

So  says  that  very  learned  writer  in  the  fifth  century. 
And  those  observations  had  led  me  to  divers  considerations, 
inducing-  me  to  think,  that  the  churches  of  Colosse  and 
Laodicea  had  been  planted  by  Paul,  and  that  the  christians 
there  were  his  converts. 

1.  The  apostle  was  twice  in  Phrygia,  in  which  were 
Colosse,  Laodicea,  and  Hierapolis.  Says  St.  Luke,  in  the 
places  already  cited  by  Theodoret,  Acts  xvi.  6,"  Now  when 
they  had  gone  throughout  Phrygia,  and  the  region  of  Ga- 
latia, and  were  forbidden  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  preach  the 
word  in  Asia."  And  ch.  xviii.  23,  "  And  after  he  had 
spent  some  time  there,  [at  Antioch,]  he  departed,  and  went 
over  all  the  countries  of  Galatia  and  Phrygia,  in  order, 
strengthening  the  brethren."  To  which  St.  Luke  refers 
again,  ch.  xix.  1,  "  Paul  having  passed  through  the  upper 
coasts,  came  to  Ephesus."  St.  Luke  does  not  mention  any 
cities  by  name.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  say,  that  he  was 
not  at  Colosse.  It  is  much  more  reasonable  to  think,  that 
in  one,  or  rather  in  both  those  journies,  Paul  was  at  Colosse, 
Laodicea,  and  Hierapolis,  chief  cities  of  Phrygia.  For,  as 
Theodoret  says,  how  was  it  possible,  that  he  should  be  in 
that  country,  yea,  and  go  "  through  it,"  and  "  all  over  it," 
and  not  be  in  the  chief  places  of  it?  St.  Luke  has  not  par- 
ticularly named  any  places  in  Galatia,  in  which  Paul  was  ; 
but  he  must  have  been  in  several  towns  and  cities  in  that 
country,  where  he  planted  divers  churches.  Gal.  i.  1,  2. 
So  was  he,  in  like  manner,  in  several  cities  of  Phrygia  :  where 
also,  in  all  probability,  he  planted  divers  churches. 

This  argument  alone  appears  to  me  conclusive.  The 
accounts  which  St.  Luke  has  given  of  St.  Paul's  journies 
in  Phrygia,  are  sufficient  to  assure  us,  that  he  preached 
the  gospel  there,  and  made  converts,  and  planted  churches  in 
the  chief  cities. 

2.  Ch.  i.  6,  "  Which  bringeth  forth  fruit,  as  it  does  also 
in  you,  since  the  day  ye  heard  it,  and  knew  the  grace  of 


The  Churches  of  Colossc  and  Laodicea  planted  by  St.  Paul.    153 

God  in  truth."  Of  this  St.  Paul  was  assured.  Whicli 
renders  it  probable,  that  he  was  their  father,  or  first  teacher. 
He  speaks  to  the  like  purpose  several  times.  Ch.  ii.  (>,  7. 
See  likewise  ch.  i.  23.  St.  Paul  knew  that  they  had  been 
rightly  taught  the  g-ospel.  Nothing-  more  remained,  but 
that  they  should  persevere  in  the  faith,  which  they  had  re- 
ceived, and  act  according  to  it. 

3.  Epaphras  was  not  their  first  instructor  in  the  doc- 
trine of  the  gospel.  This  may  be  concluded  from  ch.  i.  7, 
the  words  following  those  quoted  above  from  ver.  6,  "  As  ^ 
ye  have  also  learned  of  Epaphras  our  dear  fellow-servant, 
who  is  for  you  a  faithful  minister  of  Christ."  The  Colos- 
sians  had  been  taught  by  Epaphras.  But  he  Avas  not 
their  first  instructor.  However  he  had  faithfully  taught 
them,  agreeably  to  the  instructions  which  they  had  re- 
ceived. 

Theodoref^  upon  ch.  i.  7,  8,  well  observes,  'that  the 
'  apostle  bestows  many  commendations  upon  Epaphras, 
'  calling  him  "  beloved,"  and  "  fellow-servant,"  and  a 
*  "  faithful  minister  of  Christ,"  that  the  Colossians  might 
'  have  the  greater  regard  for  him.'  If  Epaphras  had  first 
taught  the  Colossians  the  Christian  doctrine,  I  think  the 
apostle,  when  recommending  him  to  their  esteem  and  regard, 
would  have  added,  "  by  whom  ye  believed,"  or  "  by  whom 
ye  were  brought  to  the  fellowship  of  the  gospel,"  or  some- 
what else,  to  the  like  purpose.  That  would  have  been 
a  great  addition  to  Avhat  is  said  at  ver.  7,  before  cited,  and 
to  what  is  said  of  him,  ch.  iv.  12,  13,  "  Epaphras,  who  is 
one  of  you,  a  servant  of  Christ,  saluteth  you,  always  labour- 
ing fervently  for  you  in  prayers,  that  ye  may  stand  perfect 
and  complete  in  all  the  will  of  God.  Fori  bear  him  re- 
cord, that  he  has  a  great  zeal  for  you,  and  for  them  that 
are  in  Laodicea,  and  them  in  Hierapolis." 

"  Epaphras,  who  is  one  of  you."  Would  the  apostle 
have  used  such  an  expression  concerning  Epaphras,  if  the 
church  of  Colosse  had  been  founded  by  him  ?  Impossible. 
He  says  as  much  of  Onesimus,  who  was  but  just  converted, 
and  was  now  first  going  to  appear  among-  them  as  a  chris- 
tian. His  words  at  ver.  9,  of  the  same  chapter,  are,  "  Onesi- 
mus, a  faithful  and  beloved  brother,  who  is  one  of  you." 

I  imagine,  that  St.  Paul  does  the  more  enlarge  at  ver.  12, 
13,  upon  the  affectionate  concern  which  Epaphras  had  for 
these  christians,  being-  apprehensive  of  some  prejudices 
taken  up  against  him,  that  might  obstruct  his  usefulness 
among  them.     For  he  had  brought  the  apostle  an  account 

Ka0we  Kai  tfiaQtrt  ano  Eira<ppn.  *^  Ubi  supra,  p.  344. 


154  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

of  the  state  of  this  church.  Which,  though  it  was  true  and 
faithful,  was  not  in  all  respects  agreeable  :  as  is  concluded 
by  commentators  from  what  St.  Paul  writes  in  the  second 
chapter  of  this  epistle. 

4.  St.  Paul  does  in  effect,  or  even  expressly,  say,  that 
himself  had  dispensed  the  gospel  to  these  Colossians,  ch.  i. 
21 — 25.  I  shall  recite  here  a  large  part  of  that  context,  ver. 
23—25,  "  If  ye  continue  in  the  faith,  grounded  and  settled, 
and  be  not  moved  away  from  the  hope  of  the  gospel,  which 

ye  have  heard whereof  I    Paul  am  made  a  minister. 

Who  now  rejoice  in  my  sutierings  for  you,  and  fill  up  that 
Avhich  is  behind  of  the  afflictions  of  Christ  in  my  flesh,  for 
his  body's  sake,  which  is  the  church.  Whereof  I  am  made 
a  minister,  according-  to  the  dispensation  of  God  which  is 
given  to  me  for  you,  to  fulfil,"  or  fully  to  preach,  "  the  word 
of  God."     And  what  follows  to  ver.  29. 

St.  Paul  therefore  had  been  the  "  minister  of  God "  to 
these  Colossians,  as  well  as  to  other  Gentiles.  Nor  would 
they  have  been  excluded,  but  included  among  other  Gen- 
tiles, to  whom  he  had  preached  the  word,  if  commentators 
had  not  been  misled  by  a  false  interpretation  of  those 
Avords  in  ch.  iv.  1,  2,  of  which  we  have  already  seen  Theo- 
doret's  account,  and  shall  say  more  presently.  Those  words 
having  been  misinterpreted,  a  wrong  turn  has  been  given  to 
these  likewise. 

5.  Chrysostom,  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  to  the  Romans, 
speaks  to  this  purpose,  '  I  '^  see  the  apostle  writing  to  the 
'  Romans  and  the  Colossians,  upon  the  same  things  indeed, 
'  but  not  in   the  same  manner.     To  them  he  writes  with 

'  much  mildness,  as  when  he  says Rom.  xiv.  1,  2.     To 

'  the  Colossians  he  does  not  speak  of  the  same  things,  but 
'  with  greater  freedom.     "  If  therefore,"  says  he,  "  ye  be 

'  dead  with  Christ  from  the  rudiments  of  the  world" 

*  and  what  follows,  ch.  ii.  20 — 23.'  Does  not  this  observa- 
tion lead  us  to  think,  that  the  Colossians  were  the  apostle's 
own  converts,  to  whom  a  different  address  from  that  used 
toward  others  might  be  very  proper?  And  there  are  other 
passages  of  this  epistle  beside  that  alleged  by  Chrysostom, 
which  might  be  taken  notice  of,  as  confirming-  the  same 
observation. 

6.  Ch.  ii.  G,  7,  "  As  ye  have  therefore  received  Christ 
Jesus  the  Lord,  so  walk  ye  in  him  :  grounded,  and  built  up 

''  'Otuv  yap  iCu) 'Puj[icuoig  Kai  KoXoaaatvaiv  vrrtp  avrwv  fitv  tiri'TiWovTa, 
ov\'  ojioi<j)q  St  inrtp  ruiv  avTutv,  aXX'  (.khvoiq  fitv  fitra  ttoXXj/c  ttiq  avyKara- 

^annaq. Yi.oKoa(raivai  Se    ovx   ovto)  Tnpi  t(ov   avrwv,   aXKa  fitra   ttXuovoq 

vappt]oia£y  K.  X.     Prooem.  in  cp.  ad  Rom.  T.  IX.  p.  427. 


The  Churches  of  Colosse  and  Laodicca  planted  by  St.  Paul.    155 

in  him,  and  established  in  the  faith,  as  ye  have  been  taught, 
abounding  therein  with  thanksgiving."  Certainly  these 
exhortations  of  the  apostle  are  the  more  proper  and  forcible, 
supposing  the  Colossians  to  have  been  Hrst  taught  and 
instructed  by  him.  Nor  had  he  any  occasion  to  be  more 
particular.  They  knew  avIio  had  taught  them.  But  I 
think  that  in  this,  or  some  other  of  the  places,  where  he 
reminds  the  Colossians  of  what  they  had  heard,  and  had 
been  taught,  if  those  instructions  had  been  received  from 
another  difterent  from  himself,  that  Mould  have  appeared  in 
the  expressions  made  use  of  by  him.  In  short,  if  they  were 
converted  by  the  apostle,  there  could  not  possibly  arise  in 
liis  mind  a  doubt  whether  they  remembered  who  had  been 
their  first  teacher,  and  who  were  his  fellow-labourers  who 
had  accompanied  him  in  his  journies,  when  he  was  in  their 
country.  And  therefore  there  was  no  need  to  remind  thera 
of  himself  more  expressly  than  he  has  done.  The  thing  is 
supposed  all  along. 

7.  The  presence  of  Epaphras  with  Paul  at  Rome  is  an 
argument  that  the  Colossians  had  personal  acquaintance  with 
the  apostle.  Indeed  Grotius  upon  ch.  i.  7,  says,  '  that  Epa- 
'  phras  is  the  same  as  Epaphroditus,  mentioned  in  the 
'  epistle  to  the  Philippians.'  But  Beausobre  well  observes 
upon  the  same  place:  '  This  may  be  the  same  name  with 
'  Epaphroditus,  Philip,  ii.  25.  But  it  is  not  probable  that  it 
'  is  the  same  person.  St.  Paul  had  sent  Epaphroditus  to 
'  Philippi.  But  Epaphras  was  still  at  Rome,  And  there  is 
'  reason  to  think,  that  he  was  a  prisoner  there.  See  Philem. 
'  ver.  23.'  If  Epaphras  was  sent  to  Rome  by  the  Colossians 
to  inquire  after  Paul's  welfare,  as  may  be  concluded  from 
ch.  iv.  7,  8,  that  token  of  respect  for  the  apostle  is  a  good 
argument  of  personal  acquaintance.  And  it  is  allowed,  that 
Epaphras  had  brought  St.  Paul  a  particular  account  of  the 
state  of  affairs  in  this  church.  Which  is  another  argument 
that  they  were  his  converts. 

8.  Ch.  i.  8,  "  Who  also  declared  unto  us  your  love  in  the 
Spirit :"  that  is,  says  *  Grotius,  '  how  you  love  us  on  ac- 
'  count  of  the  Holy  Spirit  given  to  you.'  Or,  as  Peirce, 
'  Who  also  declared  unto  me  the  love  you  bear  to  me  upon 
*  a  spiritual  account.'  Or,  as  Whitby,  '  Your  spiritual  and 
'  affectionate  love  to  me,  wrought  in  you  by  the  Spirit,  M'hose 
'  fruit  is  love.'  All  thus  understanding  it  of  their  love  of 
the  apostle,  and  rightly,  as  seems  to  me.  Nothing  else  can 
be  meant  by  it.  For  before,  at  ver.  4,  he  had  spoken  of 
"  their  love  to   all  the  saints."     This    I  take  to  be  another 

*■  Quomodo  nos  diligatis  propter  Spiritum  Sanctimi  vobis  datum.  Grot,  in  loc' 


156  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

good  proof  of  pergonal  acquaintance.  And  the  place  is 
agreeable  to  what  he  writes  to  the  Thessalonians,  allowed 
by  all  to  be  the  apostle's  converts.  1  Thess.  iii.  6, "  But 
now  when  Timothy  came  from  you  unto  us,  and  brought 
us  good  tidings  of  your  faith  and  charity  :  [that  is  the  same 
with  Col.  i  4,  "  Since  we  heard  of  your  faith  in  Christ  Jesus, 
and  of  your  love  to  all  the  saints  :"]  and  that  ye  have  good 
remembrance  of  us  always." 

9.  Ch.  iii.  16,  "  Let  the  word  of  Christ  dwell  in  you  richly 
in  all  wisdom,  teaching  and  admonishing  one  another,  in 
psalms,  and  hymns,  and  spiritual  songs,  singing  with  grace 
in  your  hearts  to  the  Lord."  This  shows,  that  the  Colossians 
were  endowed  with  spiritual  gifts.  And  from  whom  could 
they  receive  them,  but  from  St.  Paul  ?  Apostles  ^  only  are 
allowed  to  have  had  the  power  and  privilege  of  conveying 
spiritual  gifts  to  other  christians.  This  text  therefore 
had  been  a  difficulty  with  such  as  have  supposed  that 
Paul  never  Avas  at  Colosse.  But  now  that  difficulty  is  re- 
moved. 

10.  Ch.  ii.  1,  2,  "  For  I  would,  that  ye  knew,  what  great 
conflict  I  have  for  you,  and  for  them  at  Laodicea,  and  for  as 
many  as  have  not  seen  my  face  in  the  flesh  :  that  their 
hearts  might  be  comforted."  This  quick  change  of  persons 
upon  the  mention  of  such  as  had  not  seen  the  apostle's  face, 
seems  to  imply,  that  the  Colossians,  to  whom  he  is  writing, 
had  seen  him.  For  if  the  Colossians  had  been  amongf  those 
who  had  not  seen  him,  he  Avould  have  expressed  himself  in 
this  manner  :  "  I  would  that  ye  knew,  what  great  conflict  I 
have  for  you,  and  for  them  at  Laodicea,  and  for  as  many  as 
have  not  seen  my  face  in  the  flesh,  that  your  hearts  might  be 
comforted."  But  upon  the  mention  of  such  as  had  not  seen 
him,  he  says  :  "  that  their  hearts  might  be  comforted." 
And  having  finished  his  testimony  of  concern  for  such  "  as 
had  not  seen  his  face,"  he  returns  to  the  Colossians,  to 
whom  he  was  writing,  and  says,  ver.  4,  "  And  this 
I  say,  lest  any  man  should  beguile  you  with  enticing 
words." 

Theodoret,  beside  Avhat  he  had  said  in  the  preface  to  this 
epistle,  which  has  been  already  transcribed,  speaks  again  to 
this  purpose  in  his  paraphrase  of  ch.  ii.  1,  2,  '  I  would  have 
'  you  be  persuaded  of  my  great  concern  for  you,  and 
'  for  the  Laodiceans :  and   not  only  for  you  and  the  Lao- 

'  *  Though  several  of  the  christians  had  spiritual  gifts,  and  miraculous 
'  powers,  none  but  apostles  could  confer  upon  others  such  gifts  and  powers.' 
Dr.  Benson  upon  the  Acts,  Vol.  I.  p.  157,  first  edit.  p.  16'2,  second  edit.  In 
like  manner  other  commentators.     And  see  Acts,  ch.  viii.  5 — 25. 


77/e  Churches  of  Colosse  and  Laodicea  planted  by  St.  Paul.     157 

'  (liceans,  but  likewise  for  all  who  have  not  seen  me. 
'  And  s  that  this  is  his  meaning",  appears  from  what  follows  : 
'  "  that  their  hearts  may  be  comforted."  He  does  not  say 
'  "  your :"  but  "  their :"  that  is,  of  such  as  had  not  seen 
'  him.' 

11.  Ch.  ii.  5,  "  For  though  1  be  absent  in  the  flesh,  yet 
am  I  w  ith  you  in  the  spirit,  joying,  and  beholding-  your 
order,  and  the  stedfastness  of  your  faith  in  Christ."  It  is 
here  implied,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  that  the  apostle  had 
been  with  them,  and  had  been  present  in  the  assembly  of 
the  believers  at  Colosse. 

12.  What  is  said,  ch.  iv.  7 — 9,  "  All  my  state  shall  Tychi- 
cus  declare  unto  you,"  and  the  rest,  best  suits  the  supposi- 
tion of  personal  acquaintance,  as  before  hinted.  Indeed,  1 
think  it  to  be  full  proof,  that  Paul  was  acquainted  with  them, 
and  they  Avith  him. 

13.  The  salutations  in  ver.  10,  11,  14,  from  Aristarchus, 
Mark,  Luke,  Demas,  suppose  the  Colossians  to  have  been 
well  acquainted  with  St.  Paul's  fellow-travellers,  and  fel- 
low-labourers. And  Timothy's  name  is  in  the  salutation  at 
the  beginning  of  the  epistle.  Consequently,  the  Colossians 
Avere  not  unknow  n  to  the  apostle,  nor  unacquainted  w  ith 
him.  And  the  like  salutations  are  also  in  the  epistle  to  Phi- 
lemon, an  inhabitant  of  Colosse. 

14.  Ch.  iv.  15,  "  Salute  the  brethren,  which  are  in  Laodi- 
cea, and  Nymphas,  and  the  church  which  is  in  his  house. 
Vcr.  17.  And  say  to  Archippus  :  Take  heed  to  the  minis- 
try, w  hich  thou  hast  received  in  the  Lord,  that  thou  fulfil 
it."  This  shows,  that  Paul  Avas  well  acquainted  w  ith  the 
state  of  the  churches  in  Colosse  and  Laodicea.  And  it 
affords  an  argument  that  he  had  been  in  that  country,  and 
particularly  at  Laodicea.  He  salutes  the  brethren  there, 
and  Nymphas  by  name,  and  the  church  in  his  house.  '  It** 
'  is  probable,  says  Theodoret,  that  he  was  one  of  the  faith- 
'  ful  in  Laodicea,  who  had  made  his  house  a  church,  adorn- 
'  ing  it  with  piety.'  As  for  Archippus,  the  same  Theodoret 
says,  '  That'  some  had  supposed  him  to  have  been  minister 
'  at  Laodicea :  but,'  says  he,  '  the  epistle  to  Philemon  shows, 
'  that  he  dwelled  at  Colosse,  Avhere  Philemon  was.'  See 
Phi  I  em.  ver.  2. 

15.  Ch.  iv.  3,  4,  "  Withal  praying  also   for  us,  that  God 

^  On  Si  ravra  Kara  Tavrtjv  avT(^  rtjv  Siavoiav  iipr]Tai  Kai  ra  fjrayo/ntva 
c»;Xoi  tva  7rapaK\t]6(jjaiv  ai  KapSiai  avnov.  Ov/c  iiinv  vfiuv,  a\X'  avriov, 
tut'  tTi,  TiDV  fxr)lnrb}  ridiufitvwv.     Theod.  ib.  p.  350,  351. 

•'  Ibid.  p.  363. 

'    'VivtQ  t<^a<jav,  THTOv  A.aooiKtiaQ  yfyiviioQaL^iZaOKoKov,  K.  \.     Ibid. 


158  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

would  open  unto  us  a  door  of  utterance,  to  speak  the  mys- 
tery of  Christ,  for  which  I  am  in  bonds,  that  I  may  make  it 
manifest,  as  I  ought  to  speak."  And  ver.  18,  "  Remember 
my  bonds."  Such  demands  may  be  made  of  strangers.  But 
they  are  most  properly  made  of  friends  and  acquaintance. 

In  a  word,  the  whole  tenour  of  this  epistle  shows,  that 
the  apostle  is  not  Avriting  to  strangers,  but  to  acquaintance, 
disciples,  and  converts. 

16.  Finally,  an  argument  may  betaken  from  the  epistle  to 
Philemon,  an  inhabitant  of  Colosse,  sent  at  the  same  time 
with  this  to  the  Colossians. 

From  ver.  19th  of  the  epistle  to  Philemon,  I  suppose  it  to 
be  evident,  that  he  had  been  converted  to  Christianity  by 
St.  Paul.  Indeed  this  might  be  done  at  some  other  place. 
But  it  may  as  well  have  been  done  at  home. 

And  St.  Paul's  acquaintance  with  Philemon  and  the 
christians  at  Colosse,  may  be  inferred  from  several  things 
in  that  epistle.  At  ver.  2,  he  salutes  Apphia  by  name, 
probably  wife  of  Philemon  :  and  Archippus,  probably  pas- 
tor at  Colosse,  at  least  an  elder  in  that  church  :  who,  as 
before  observed,  is  also  mentioned.  Col.  iv.  17.  Once  more, 
at  ver.  22,  St.  Paul  desires  Philemon  "  to  prepare  him  a 
lodging."  Whence  I  conclude,  that  Paul  had  been  at 
Colosse  before. 

We  might  arg-ue  also  from  the  characters  of  Philemon 
and  Archippus,  in  the  first  two  verses  ot  the  same  epistle. 
The  former  the  apostle  calls  his  "  fellow-labourer,"  and  the 
other  his  "  fellow-soldier."  Which  expressions  imply  per- 
sonal acquaintance,  and  that  they  had  laboured  with  him  in 
the  service  of  the  gospel  in  some  place.  And  what  place 
can  be  so  likely  as  Colosse?  There  are  many,  of  whom  St. 
Paul  speaks  in  his  epistles,  as  his  "  fellow-labourers,"  or 
"  fellow-helpers,"  or  "  fellow-soldiers :"  concerning  whom 
it  may  be  made  to  appear,  that  he  and  they  had  laboured 
together  in  some  one  place.  And  why  then  should  these 
two  be  exceptions  ?  Yea,  it  may  be  reckoned  not  improbable, 
that  Archippus  had  been  ordained  by  St.  Paul  himself  an 
elder  at  Colosse.  Whether  Philemon  likewise  was  an  elder 
there,  I  do  not  say :  though  he  may  have  been  so. 

F'rom  all  these  considerations  it  appears  to  me  very  pro- 
bable, that  the  church  of  Colosse  had  been  planted  by  the 
apostle  Paul,  and  that  the  christians  there  were  his  friends, 
disciples,  and  converts.  And  if  the  christians  at  Colosse 
were  his  converts,  it  may  be  argued,  that  so  likewise 
were  the  christians  at  Laodicea  and  Hierapolis.  None  of 
which  places  were  far  asunder. 


159 
CHAP.  XV. 

OF  THE  SEVEN  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES. 


I.  The  antiquity,  and  the  reason  of  that  Denomination, 
II.  Called  also  canonical.  III.  Concerning  their  recep- 
tion in  several  ages.     IV.  Their  order. 

I.  THERE  are  seven  epistles,  which  we  call  catholic. 
The  antiquity  of  this  denomination  may  be  made  manifest 
from  a  few  quotations.  Eusebius,  having  given  an  account 
of  the  death  of  James  called  the  Just,  and  our  Lord's  bro- 
ther, concludes  :  'Thus*  far  concerning  this  James,  who  is 
'  said  to  be  the  author  of  the  first  of  the  epistles  called 
'  catholic'  In  another  place  he  says,  '  That  ^  in  his  Insti- 
'  tutions  Clement  of  Alexandria  had  given  short  explica- 
*  tions  of  all  the  canonical  scriptures,  not  omitting  those 
'  which  are  contradicted.  I  mean  the  epistle  of  Jude,  and 
'  the  other  catholic  epistles.'  They  were  so  called  there- 
fore in  the  time  of  Eusebius,  and  probably  before.  Of 
which  likewise  we  have  good  proof.  For  St.  John's  first 
epistle  is  several  times  called  a  catholic  epistle  by  Origen,  *^ 
in  his  remaining  Greek  works,  as  well  as  in  others.  It  is 
likewise*^  so  called  several  times  by  Dionysius,  bishop  of 
Alexandria.  Athanasius,  Epiphanius,  and  later  Greek  wri- 
ters, received  seven  epistles,  which  they  called  catholic. 
I  only  observe  here  farther,  that  they  are  so  called  likewise 
by'^  Jerom. 

They  are  called  catholic,  or  universal,  or  general,  because 
they  are  not  written  to  the  believers  of  some  one  city,  or 

'  Toiavra  km  ra  Kara  rov  loKdj^ov,  ov  »';  Trpwrjj  tojv  ovo/xa^o^Jvojv  Ka9o- 
\iKwv  £7rtToXaiv  tivai  Xeytrai.     H.  E.  1.  2.  c.  23.  p.  66.  D. 

''  ixr)  Se  Tag  avTi\(yofiivag  7rapi\6iov-  Tjjv  lada  Xeyai,  km  tuq  Xonrag 

KaOoXiKag  eTriToXag.     lb.  1.  6.  cap.  14.  in. 

'■  See  of  this  work,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  xiii. 

^  oil  TO  tvayyiXiov  to  Kara  Idiavvtiv  nriyiypafiiJLe.vov,  Kai  i)  (tti'^oXij  >; 

KaOoXiKr].  Ap.  Euseb.  1.  7.  cap.  25.  p.  273.  D.  Vid.  ib.  p.  274.  B.  And 
in  this  work,  Vol.  li.  ch.  xliii.  num.  xiv. 

^  Petrus scripsit  duas  epistolas,  quae  catholicoe  nominantur.  Dc  V.  I.  cap.  i. 

Jacobus unam  tantum  scripsit  cpistolam,  quae  de  septem  catholicis  est. 

lb  cap.  2. 

Judas,  frater  Domini,  parvam,  quae  de  septem  catholicis  est,  epistolam  reli- 
quit.     Ib.  cap.  4. 


1 60  Jl  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

country,  or  to  particular  persons,  as  St.  Paul's  epistles  are, 
but  to  christians  in  general,  or  to  christians  of  several  ^ 
countries.  This  is  the  case  of  five,  or  the  greater  part  of 
them,  with  which  the  two  others  are  joined.  Moreover 
when  the  first  epistle  of  Peter,  and  the  first  of  St.  John,  were 
called  catholic  by  the  most  early  christian  writers,  the  two 
smaller  of  St.  John  were  vmknown,  or  not  generally  received. 

II.  These  epistles  are  several  times  called  canonical  by  e 
Cassiodorius,  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  and  ^ 
by  the  writer  of  the  prologue  to  these  epistles,  ascribed  to 
Jerom,  though  not  his.  The  reason  of  which  appellation  is 
not  certainly  known.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  perceive  the  pro- 
priety of  it.  Du  Pin  says :  '  Some '  Latins  have  called 
'  these  epistles  canonical,  either  confounding-  the  name  with 
'  catholic,  or  else  to  denote,  that  they  also  are  a  part  of  the 
'  canon  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.' 

III.  Of  these  epistles  two  only,  the  first  of  St.  Peter,  and 
the  first  of  St.  John,  were  universally  received  in  the  time'' 
of  Eusebius.  However,  the  rest  were  then  weW  known. 
In  proof  of  which  I  shall  allege  one  passage  only  from  him. 
'  Here,' '  says  he,  '  it  will  be  proper  to  enumerate  in  a  sum- 
'  mary  way  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  which  have 
'  been  already  mentioned.     And  in  the  first  place  are  to  be 

*  ranked  the  four  sacred  gospels.  Then  the  book  of  the 
'  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  After  that  are  to  be  reckoned  the 
'  epistles  of  Paul.  In  the  next  place,  that  called  the  first 
'  epistle  of  John,  and  the  first  of  Peter.  After  these  is  to 
'  be  placed,  if  it  be  thought  fit,  the  Revelation  of  John. 

*  And  among  the  contradicted,  but  yet  well  known  to  the 

*  most,  [or  approved  by  many,]  are  that  called  the  epistle  of 
'  James,  and  that  of  Jude,  and  the  second  of  Peter,  and  the 

*  second  and  third  of  John.' 

'  Or,  as  Leontius  expresseth  it,  •  They  are  called  catholic,  because  they  are 

*  not  written  to  one  nation,  as  Paul's  epistles,  but  in  general  to  all.'  See 
Vol.  V.  ch.  clviii.  6  Octavus  codex  canonicas  epistolas 

continet  apostolorum sed  cum  de  reliquis  canonicis  epistolis  magna  nos 

cogitatio  tatigaret,  §ubito  nobis  codex  Didymi  Gi-aeco  stylo  conscriptus  in 
expositionem  septem  canonicarum  epistolanini  Domino  largiente  concessus  est. 
De  Instit.  Div.  Lit.  cap.  8 . 

Vid.  et  Cassiodorii  Complexiones  canonicarum  Epistolarum  septem. 

^  Prologus  septem  Epistolarum  canonicarum.    Ap.  Hieron.  tom.  I.  p.  1667. 

'  Diss.  Prelim.  1.  2.  ch.  2.  sect.  ix. 

^  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  3.  cap.  24.  et  cap.  25. 

'   a'lg    f.Kt)g  tt]V  <pt^Qfitvt}V    laiavps   Trponpav,    km  ofioiwg   rrjv    Ilfrpa 

KvpuiTiov  tirtroXrjv tojv  ot  avrtXtyofiiviov  yx'wjjtjuwv  5'  tiv  bfiuig  toiq  ttoXKoiq 

r)  Xiyoiuvr)  Irt/coj/3«  (ptptTai,  Kai  rj  IhSu'  r/rt  lltrpH  cevnpa  tTn<7vXr)  kch  t) 
ovofia'Cofitvtj  Sevrtpa  km  rptrt]  Iwavva.  Ibid.  c.  25.  in.  See  also  in  this 
work,  Vol.  iv.  p.  96. 


Of  the  Seven  Catholic  Epistles.  161 

And  in  the  preceding"  volumes  of  this  work  we  have 
observed  all  the  seven  to  have  been  received  by  Athanasius, 
Epiphanius,  Jeroni,  Augustine,  and  many  other  writers; 
but  the  Syrian  churches  received "'  three  only  of  these 
epistles.  Nor  does  it  appear,  that  more  were  received  by  " 
Chrysostom  or  "  Theodoret.  And  Amphilochius,  in  his 
Iambic  poem,  says, '  Ofi'  the  catholic  epistles  some  receive 
*  seven,  others  three  only.'  However,  as  we  proceed,  we 
shall  particularly  consider  the  claims  of  the  disputed  epistles, 
under  the  names  of  those  to  whom  they  are  ascribed. 

IV.  Before  I  conclude  this  introduction,  I  would  take 
notice  of  the  order  of  these  epistles,  because  there  is  some 
variety  in  ancient  authors.  In  the  passage  cited  from 
Eusebiusat  the  beginning-  of  this  chapter,  he  says,  that  the 
epistle  of  James  was  the  first  of  those  called  catholic.  In 
the  passage,  since  taken  from  him,  where  he  mentions  these 
epistles  according  to  the  degree  of  authority  which  they  had 
obtained,  he  first  speaks  of  the  first  epistle  of  John,  and  the 
first  of  Peter.  Nevertheless,  when  he  comes  to  those  that 
were  contradicted,  the  epistle  of  James  is  first  named.  This 
is  the  order  in  the  festal  epistle  of  Athanasius  :  '  Seven  i 
'  epistles  of  the  apostles,'  says  he, '  called  catholic  :  of  James 
'  one,  of  Peter  two,  of  John  three,  and  after  them,  of  Jude 
'  one.'  Which  is  our  present  order.  The  same  order  is 
observed  in  the  catalogue  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  Epiphanius,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Amphilochius, 
Jerom's  letter  to  Paulinus  Euthalius,  Gelasius,  bishop  of 
Rome,  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  the  Stichometry  of 
Nicephorus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  Leontius,  J. 
Damascenus.  The  same  order  is  in  Bede's  prologue  to 
these  epistles,  largely  transcribed  by  us  ^  in  its  proper  place : 
where  he  assigns  reasons  of  this  order,  and  particularly, 
why  the  epistle  of  James  was  placed  first.  In  other  authors 
is  a  different  order.  By  Rufinus*  they  are  rehearsed  in 
this  manner:  '  Two  epistles  of  the  apostle  Peter,  one  of 
'  James,  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  and  apostle,  one  of  Jude, 
'  three  of  John  :  the  Revelation  of  John.'  One  may  be  apt 
to  think,  that  St.  John's  three  epistles  are  here  mentioned 
last,  that  they  might  not  be  separated  from  the  book  of  the 
Revelation.  In  the  canon  of  the  third  council  of  Carthage, 
they  stand    in  this  order:    'Two*  epistles  of  the  apostle 

"  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  ciii.  and  ch.  cxix.  and  Vol.  v.  ch.  cxlviii. 

■'  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxviii.  num.  iv.  and  viii.  "  Vol.  v.  ch.  cxxxi.  num.  iv. 

P   KaOoXiicwv    tTTtToXwv    riveg   jitv   i-nra    (pamv,    ot    Ss    rpfig  fiovag. 

Araphil.  p.  132.  ver.  310,  311.     And  see  Vol.  iv.  ch.  xcix. 

1  lb.  ch.  Ixxv.  num.  iii.  "■  See  Vol.  v.  ch.  clix. 

*  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxv.  '  Ch.  cxvi. 

VOL.    VI.  M 


162  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  Peter,  three  of  the  apostle  John,  one  of  the  apostle  Jude, 
'  one  of  the  apostle  James.'  In  Augustine's  Avork  of  the 
Christian  Doctrine  :  '  Two  "  epistles  of  Peter,  three  of 
'  John,  one  of  Jude,  and  one  of  James.'  In  the  catalogue 
of  pope  Innocent:  '  Three  ^  epistles  of  John,  two  epistles  of 
'  Peter,  an  epistle  of  Jude,  an  epistle  of  James.'  In  the 
commentary  of  Cassiodorius  "^  upon  these  epistles  they  are 
in  this  order: '  Two  epistles  of  Peter,  three  of  John,  of  Jude 
'  one,  of  James  one.' 


CHAP.  XVI. 

ST.  JAMES,  THE  LORD'S  BROTHER. 


I.  His  History  from  the  N.  T.  tcherehy  he  appears  to  have 
been  an  apostle.  II.  His  History  from  ancient  authors. 
A  passage  from  Eusehius  concerning  him,  ivitk  remarks, 
shoicing  him  to  be  the  same  with  James  the  son  ofAlpheus. 
III.  A  passage  of  Eusebitis,  containing  tico  quotations 
from  Clement  of  Alexandria,  mentioning  his  appointment 
to  be  bishop,  or  residing  apostle  at  Jerusalem,  and  the 
manner  of  his  death.  IV.  ^  passage  of  Origen, 
speaking  of  our  Lord's  brethren,  and  the  death  of  James. 

V.  A  Chapter  of  Eusehius,  containing  accoimts  of  his 
death  from    Hegesippiis,  and    Josephus,  with   remarks. 

VI.  The  time  of  his  Death.  VII.  Hoxc  he  was  related 
to  our  Lord,  and  in  what   respect  he  was  his  brother. 

VIII.  That  he  teas  an  apostle  and  the  S07i  of  Alphens. 

IX.  Why  called  the  Less.  X.  Surnamed  the  Just,  and 
other  marks  of  respect  shown  him.  XI.  A  Review 
of  tvhat  has  been  said. 


I.  THERE  is  frequent  mention  of  James  in  the  Acts,  and 
St.  Paul's  epistles.  If  he  was  an  apostle  he  must  be 
James,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  always  distinctly  named  in  the 
catalogues  of  the  apostles,^  in  the  first  three  gospels,  and  in 

"  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxvii.  num.  ii.         *  Ch.  cxxii.        "*  Vol.  v.  ch.  cliii.  num.  iv.^ 
•  Mat.  X.  .3  ;  Mark  iii.  18  ;  Luke  vi.  15 ;  Acts  i.  13. 


Sf.  James,  the  Lord^s  Brother.  163 

the  first  chapter  of  the  Acts.  For''  there  was  but  one  other 
npostle  of  tliis  name,  James  the  brother  of  John  and  son  of 
Zebedee.  However,  the  proofs  of  his  being-  James  the  son 
of  Alpheus  are  deferred  for  the  present.  I  beoin  with 
writing  the  history  of  James,  mentioned  in  the  Acts  and  St. 
Paul's  epistles. 

St.  Paul,  reckoning-  up  the  several  appearances  of  our 
Lord  to  the  disciples  after  his  resurrection,  says,  1  Cor.  xv. 
5 — 8,  "  That  he  was  seen  of  Cephas,  then  of  the  tAvelve. 
After  that  he  was  seen  of  above  five  hundred  brethren  at 
once :"  meaning-,  I  suppose,  at  the  place  in  Galilee,  where 
he  had  appointed  to  meet  the  disciples.  "  After  that  he 
was  seen  of  James,  then  of  all  the  apostles;"  meaning-,  it  is 
likely,  when  they  were  witnesses  of  his  ascension.  "  And 
last  of  all  he  was  seen  of  me  also." 

By  James  must  be  here  intended  the  same  that  is  mention- 
ed by  St.  Paul  elsewhere.  Moreover  James,  the  son  of 
Zebedee,  had  been  dead  a  good  while  before  writing-  this 
epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  in  the  year  of  Christ  56.  It  is 
likely,  that  St.  Paul  speaks  of  him,  who  was  still  living.  And 
he  here  speaks  of  a  particular  appearance  of  Christ  to  him. 

We  learn  from  Jerom,  that  in  the  gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews,  there  >vas  an  account  of  a  particular  appearance 
of  our  Lord  to  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  who,  according 
to  his  computation,  governed  the  church  of  Jerusalem  thirty 
years.  It  is  to  this  purpose.  '  Very  '^  soon  after  the  Lord 
'  was  risen,  he  went  to  James,  and  showed  himself  to  him. 
'  For  James  had  solemnly  sworn,  that  he  would  eat  no 
'  bread  from  the  time  that  he  had  drunk  the  cup  of  the  Lord, 
'  till  he  should  see  him  risen  from  among  them  that  sleep. 

*  It  is  added  a  little  after:  "  Bring-,"  saith  the  Lord,  "  a  table 
'  and  bread."  And  lower,  "  He  took  bread,  and  blessed, 
'  and  brake  it,  and  then  gave  it  to  James  the  Just,  and  said 
'  to  him  :  My  brother,  eat  thy  bread.  For  the  Son  of  man  Ls 
'  risen  from  among  them  that  sleep.'" 

••  NuUi  dubium  est,  duos  fuisse  apostolos  Jacobi  vocabulo  nuncupates: 
Jacobum  Zebedaei,  et  Jacobum  Alphaei.  Hieron.  adv.  Helvid.  T.  IV.  p. 
137.  fin.  ^  Evangelium  quoqiie,  quod  appellatur  secundum 

Hebraeos,  et  a  me  nuper  in  Graecum  Latinumque  sermonem  translatum  est, 

post  resurrectionem  Salvatoris  refeil :  Douiinus  autem  cum  dedisset  sin- 

donem  servo  Sacerdotis,  ivit  ad  Jacobum  et  appaiuit  el.  Juraverat  enim 
Jacobus,  se  non  comesturum  panem  ab  ilia  hora,  qua  biberat  calicem 
Domini,  donee  videret  eum  resurgentem  ♦  a  dormientibu=.'  Rursnsque  post 
ptiululum.     *  Afferte,'  ait  Dominus,  '  raensam  et  panem.'     Statimque  additur. 

*  Tulit  panem,  etbenedixit,  ac  fregit,  et  post  dedit  Jacobo  Justo,  et  dixit  ei  : 
Fiater  mi,  comede  panem  tuum,  quia  resurrexit  Filius  hominis  a  dormientibus.' 
De  V.  I.  cap.  2. 

M  2 


164  A  History  of  the  Aposiles  and  Evangelists. 

I  think  this  story  may  be  sufficient  to  show,  that  James, 
called  the  Just,  and  the  Lord's  brother,  was  in  high  esteem 
with  the  Jewish  believers,  who  used  the  gospel  above  men- 
tioned. But  some  of  the  circumstances  of  this  account 
must  needs  be  fabulous.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  think 
that  James,  or  any  of  the  apostles,  had  a  certain  expecta- 
tion of  the  Lord's  rising-  from  the  dead :  nevertheless  I 
shall  mention  a  thought  to  be  considered  by  candid  readers. 
Possibly  this  account  is  founded  upon  the  history  recorded 
in  Luke  xxiv.  L3 — 35,  of  the  two  disciples,  to  whom  the 
Lord  appeared  on  the  day  of  his  resurrection,  "  to  whom 
he  was  known  in  breaking  of  bread."  One  thing  more  may 
be  concluded  from  this  passage.  They  who  used  this  gos- 
pel, thought  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  to  have  been  an 
apostle.  For  here  is  a  reference  to  his  partaking  in  the 
eucharist,  appointed  by  our  Lord,  where  none  were  present 
beside  the  twelve. 

However,  as  I  have  proposed  a  conjecture  concerning 
the  history  in  Luke  xxiv.  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  the 
two  disciples,  there  mentioned,  were  not  apostles.  For  at 
ver.  35,  it  is  said,  that  when  they  were  returned  to  Jerusalem, 
"  they  found  the  eleven  gathered  together,  and  them  that 
were  with  them." 

Upon  that  text  of  St.  Paul,  Dr.  Doddridge  ^  mentions  a 
conjecture,  which  had  been  communicated  to  him:  that 
James  had  not  seen  our  Lord  after  his  resurrection,  until 
the  time  there  mentioned  by  St.  Paul.  '  That  by  sickness, 
'  or  some  other  accident,  James  had  been  detained  from 
'  meeting  his  brethren,  both  on  the  day  of  our  Lord's 
'  resurrection,  and  that  day  sevennight,  and  likewise  at  the 
'  time  when  Christ  appeared  to  the  five  hundred.  And 
'  that  he  might  in  this  respect  be  upon  the  level  with  them, 
'  our  Lord  appeared  to  him  alone,  after  all  the  appearances 
'  mentioned  before.'  But  I  take  that  conjecture  to  be  with- 
out ground,  as  well  as  very  improbable.  St.  Paul's  words 
do  not  imply  that  our  Lord  had  not  been  seen  by  James 
before,  but  that  this  was  a  particular  appearance  to  him 
alone,  as*'  Augustine  has  observed.  Who  likewise  adds 
very  judiciously  :  '  Nor  did  Christ  now  first  show  himself 


^  See  the  Family  Expositor,  Vol.  IV.  p.  380. 

"  *  Postea,'  inquit,  *  apparuit  Jacobo.'  Non  tunc  autem  primum  accipere 
debemus  visum  esse  Jacobo,  sed  aliqua  propria  manii'estatione  singulariter. 
*  Deinde  apostolis  omnibus ;'  nee  illis  tunc  primum,  sed  jam  ut  familiarius 
convetsaretur  cum  eis  usque  ad  diem  adscensionis  suae.  Aug.  de  Consens. 
Evang.  1.  3.  cap.  25.  num.  85.  tom.  HI.  p.  2. 


St,  James  the  Lord's  Brother.  165 

'  to  all  the  apostles.'  Which  agrees  with  Lightfoot's  ^  inter- 
pretation of"  that  text. 

1  have  one  thing-  more  to  add.  It  seems  to  me,  that 
James  here  spoken  of,  was  an  apostle.  And  it  will  afibrd  a 
good  argument,  that  James,  sometimes  called  by  ancient 
christian  writers  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  was  an  apostle. 

Gal.  i.  IS,  19,  "  Then  after  three  years  I  went  up  to 
Jerusalem,  to  see  Peter,  and  abode  with  him  fifteen  days. 
But  other  of  the  apostles  saw  I  none,  save  James  the  Lord's 
brother." 

This  text  seems  decisive  in  favour  of  the  apostleship  of 
James.  St.  Luke  speaks  of  the  same  thing  in  this  manner. 
Acts  ix.  27,  "  Barnabas  took  him,  and  brought  him  to  the 
apostles."  Comparing  these  two  texts  together,  1  conclude, 
that  James  now  resided  at  Jerusalem,  and  acted  there  as 
president  of  that  church.  And  I  imagine,  that  Barnabas 
first  brought  Paul  to  James,  and  James  brought  him  to 
Peter.  Thus  Paul  had  communion  with  all  the  apostles, 
thouarh  he  saw  and  conversed  with  none  of  them,  beside 
James  and  Peter. 

When  St.  Peter  had  been  delivered  out  of  prison,  in  the 
reign  of  Herod  Agrippa,  about  the  time  of  the  passover,  in 
the  year  44,  "  he  came  to  the  house  of  Mary,  where  many 
were  gathered  together,  praying-.  And  when  he  had 
declared  unto  them,  how  the  Lord  had  brought  him  out  of 
prison,  he  said  :  Go  show  these  things  to  James,  and  to  the 
brethren,"  Acts  xii.  12—17.  This  also  gives  ground  to 
think,  that  James  now  presided  in  the  church  of  Jerusalem. 

Before,  Acts  xi.  29,  30,  it  is  said  :  "  Then  the  disciples  at 
Antioch  determined  to  send  relief  unto  the  brethren  which 
dwelt  in  Judea.  Which  also  they  did,  and  sent  to  the 
elders  by  the  hands  of  Barnabas  and  Saul."  Hence,  some 
have  concluded,  that  James  was  not  now  at  Jerusalem. 
But  there  is  no  reason  for  that  supposition.  For  it  would 
imply  also,  that  none  of  the  apostles  were  at  Jerusalem ; 
whereas,  probably,  they  were  all  there,  or  near  it.  We  have 
proof  from  the  next  chapter,  already  cited,  that  James,  the 
son  of  Zebedee,  and  Peter  were  there.     For  the  former  was 

^  *  After  the  appearing  to  above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once,  which  we 

*  suppose,  and  not  without  ground,  to  have  been  that  last  mentioned,  Ihe 
'  apostle  relateth  that  "  he  was  seen  of  James,"  1  Cor.  xv.  7,  "  and  then  of 
'  all  the  apostles."  Which  does  plainly  rank  this  appearance  to  James  between 
'  that  to  the  five  hundred  brethren  on  the  mountain  in  Galilee,  and  his  coming 
'  to  all  the  apostles,  when  they  were  come  again  to  Jerusalem.     Which  James 

*  this  was,  Paul  is  silent  of,  as  all  the  evangelists  are,  of  any  such  particular 

*  appearance.     It  is  most  hkely  he  means  "  James  the  less,"  of  whom  he 

*  speaks  often  elsewhere.'     Harmony  of  the  N.T.  Vol.  I.  p.  273. 


166  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

beheaded,  and  Peter  imprisoned  at  Jerusalem  by  Herod 
Agrippa  about  this  time.  And  when  Peter  bad  been 
brought  out  of  prison  he  desired  his  friends  to  inform 
James  of  it,  as  we  have  just  seen.  Therefore  he  certainly 
was  then  at  Jerusalem. 

There  are  two  ways  of  understanding  that  expression. 
B}^  elders  may  be  meant  elders  in  general,  not  excluding 
tiie  apostles.  So  in  the  place  of  Paul,  before  cited:  "After 
that  he  was  seen  of  above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once." 
Where  the  apostles  are  not  excluded,  but  included  in  the 
word  brethren.  For  it  is  reasonable  to  think,  that  divers, 
yea,  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  apostles,  were  present  at  that  time. 
So  here  the  apostles  may  be  included  in  the  general  deno- 
mination of  elders.  Or  by  elders  may  be  meant  such  as  are 
called  elders  by  way  of  distinction  from  apostles,  as  in  Acts 
XV.  4,  22 ;  xxi.  18,  who  might  be  persons  more  especially 
entrusted  with  the  receiving  and  the  distributing  such  con- 
tributions. Neither  of  these  senses  oblige  us  to  think  that 
James  was  not  now  at  Jerusalem. 

When  the  controversy  about  the  manner  of  receiving-  the 
Gentiles  was  brought  before  "  the  apostles  and  elders," 
assembled  in  council  at  Jerusalem ;  "  after  there  had  been 
much  disputing,"  Peter  spoke,  and  then  Barnabas  and 
Paul.  After  all  M'hich,  James  speaks  last,  sums  up  the 
argument,  and  proposeth  the  terms  upon  which  the  Gentiles 
should  be  received.  To  which  the  whole  assembly  agreed. 
And  they  sent  letters  to  the  Gentiles  in  several  places 
accordingly.  Acts  xv.  1—29.  It  is  manifest,  I  think,  that 
James  presided  in  this  council.  And  it  may  be  thence 
reckoned  probable,  that  he  was  an  apostle,  as  well  as  pre- 
sident of  the  church  of  Jerusalem. 

Chrysostom,  in  a  homily  upon  the  fifteenth  chapter  of  the 
Acts,  says:  '  James  ^  was  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  therefore 
spoke  last.'  In  the  same  place  he  justly  applauds  the  pro- 
priety of  his  discourse  in  the  council. 

St.  Paul,  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
tians,  giving-  an  account  of  some  things  which  happened 
when  he  was  that  time  at  Jerusalem,  but  are  not  mentioned 
in  the  book  of  the  Acts,  speaks  of  James,  Cephas,  and  John, 
as  pillars:  "  who  also  gave  to  him  and  Barnabas  the  right 
hands  of  fellowship."  Those  expressions  strongly  imply 
that  James  was  an  apostle,  and  presiding  apostle  in  the 
church  of  Jerusalem. 

^  'ETTKncoTTOQ  rfv  r)jg  tv  'liporroKvfioiQ  iKicKrjaiaQ  oiTof  ^(O  v'^tpoQ  Xfy£». 
In  Act.  Ap.  horn.  33.  p.  2o3.  T.  IX. 


St.  James  the  Lord's  Brother.  167 

Jeroiu,  in  his  book  against  Helvidius,  allows  that  ''  the 
texts,  which  1  have  already  cited,  from  the  epistle  to  the 
Galatiaus,  show  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  to  have  been  an 
apostle. 

Afterwards,  in  the  same  chapter,  giving"  an  account  of 
what  happened  at  Antioch  :  ver.  11,  12,  he  says,  that  "when 
Peter  was  come  thither,  he  did  eat  with  the  Gentiles,  before 
that  certain  came  from  James  :  but  when  they  were  come, 
Le  w  ithdrew,  and  separated  himself,  fearing*  them  of  the 
circumcision."  This,  I  think,  implies  that  James  resided 
at  Jerusalem,  and  presided  in  that  church,  and  that  he  was 
greatly  respected  by  the  Jewish  believers  there.  Once 
more,  Acts  xxi.  17,  18,  when  Paul  went  up  to  Jerusalem, 
about  Pentecost,  in  the  year  58,  the  day  after  our  arrival, 
says  St.  Luke,  "  Paul  went  in  with  us  unto  James,  and  all 
the  elders  were  present ;"  and  w  hat  follows.  Here  is  another 
proof  that  James  resided  at  Jerusalem,  and  superintended 
in  that  church.' 

In  what  has  been  now  alleged  we  have  perceived  evi- 
dences of  James  being  related  to  our  Lord,  forasmuch  as  he 
is  called  his  brother,  and  that  he  was  much  at  Jerusalem, 
and  presided  in  that  church,  and  that,  probably,  he  was  an 
apostle  in  the  highest  sense  of  that  w  ord.  We  have  also  seen 
reason  to  think  that  he  was  much  respected  by  the  Jewish 
believers.  And  though  we  do  not  allow  ourselves  to  en- 
large upon  every  thing-  said  of  him  in  the  history  of  the 
council  of  Jerusalem,  and  his  reception  of  Paul  Avhen  he 
went  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  imprisoned,  yet  I  suppose 
that  every  one  may  have  discerned  marks  of  an  excellent 
character,  and  of  his  admirably  uniting  zeal  and  discretion, 
a  love  of  truth  and  condescension  to  weak  brethren.  His 
epistle  confirms  that  character.  I  think  likewise  that  the 
preservation  of  his  life,  in  such  a  station  as  his,  to  the  time 
when  he  is  mentioned  last  by  St.  Luke,  (which  we  suppose 
to  have  been  about  the  time  of  pentecost,  in  the  year  of 
Christ  58,)  may  induce  us  to  believe,  that  he  was  careful  to 
be  inoffensive  in  his  behaviour  toward  the  unbelieving  part 
of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  that  he  was  had  in  reverence  by 
many  of  them. 


— — et  frater  Domini  apostolus  sit,  Paulo  dicerrte :  '  Deinde  post  trien- 
•  nium  veni  Jenasalem,  videie  Petixim.'    Gal.  i.  18,  19.     Etin  eadem  epistola : 

'  Etcognifa  gratia,  quae  data  estmihi' cap.  ii.  9.    Adv.  Helvid.  p.  138.  in. 

'  Dr.  Whitby,  in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  of  St.  James,  has  argued  in  a  like 
manner  that  I  have  done,  that  he  was  an  apostle  in  the  strict  acceptation  of  the 
word.  And  to  the  same  purpose  also  Cave,  at  the  beginning  of  his  Life  of 
St.  James  the  Less,  in  English. 


168  A  History  of  the  Apos'dcs  and  Evangelists. 

II.  I  should  now  proceed  to  write  the  history  of  this  per- 
son from  ancient  authors.  But  that  is  a  difficult  task,  as  I 
have  found,  after  trying  more  than  once,  and  at  distant 
spaces  of  time.  I  shall  therefore  take  divers  passag-es  of 
Eusebius,  and  others,  and  make  such  reflections  as  ofl'er, 
for  finding  out  as  much  truth  as  we  can. 

Eusebius  has  a  chapter*^  '  concerning  our  Saviour's  dis- 
'  ciples.'  Where  he  speaks  of  all  these  following,  as  said 
to  be  of  the  number  of  the  seventy  :  Barnabas,  Sosthenes, 
who  joins  with  Paul  in  writing  the  first  epistle  to  the  Co- 
rinthians, Cephas,  whom  Paul  resisted  at  Antioch,  of  the 
same  name  with  the  apostle  Peter,  but  difl^erent  from  him, 
Matthias,  chosen  in  the  room  of  Judas,  and  he  who  was  put 
up  with  Matthias,  and  James,  to  whom  Christ  showed  him- 
self after  his  resurrection,  as  related  by  St.  Paul,  1  Cor. 
XV.  7.  '  He  '  likewise,'  says  Eusebius, '  was  one  of  those  call- 
'  ed  our  Saviour's  disciples,  and  one  of  his  brethren.' 

Upon  this  it  is  easy  to  observe,  that  beside  the  loose  and 
inaccurate  manner  in  which  this  chapter  is  written  by  our 
historian,  here  are,  probably,  several  mistakes.  Some 
things  will  be  readily  assented  to,  as  not  imlikely  ;  that 
Matthias,  and  the  other  disciple  put  up  with  him,  were  of 
the  seventy.  But  omitting  some  other  things,  there  is  no 
good  reason  to  say  that  Cephas  was  different  from  Peter,  or 
that  Sosthenes  was  one  of  the  seventy.  If  those  things  are 
wrong,  there  is  the  less  reason  to  rely  upon  that  account 
which  places  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  in  the  number  only 
of  his  disciples,  or  of  the  seventy. 

However,  we  here  seem  to  discern  the  opinion  of  our 
Ecclesiastical  Historian,  that  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  so 
often  mentioned  in  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles,  was 
not  one  of  Christ's  apostles.  And  there  we  have  also  his 
interpretation  of  these  words.  Cor.  xv.  7,  "  then  he  was 
seen  of  all  the  apostles."  By  ™  which  he  understands  others, 
beside  the  twelve.  And  to  the  like  purpose"  Origen. 
And  it  was  formerly  shown  at  large,  in  the  chapter  of  Euse- 
bius, that  °  he  did  not  esteem  this  James  an  apostle  in  the 
highest  acceptation  of  the  word.  It  may  be  observed  like- 
wise, in  the  large  account  formerly  given  of  Jerom's  opinion 
concerning  this  James,  that  p  he  seems   not  to  be  quite  free 

^    (Iff)t  Tiiiv  fiaOtfTojv  TH  'S(i)Tr]pog  rifi(i)v.  H.  E.  1.  i.  cap.  12.  p.  30. 

'  TL-TTHTa  S'  oj(pOai  avrov  laKw^ij)  cpijuiv'  tig  Se  icai  ovtoq  rwv  ^ipofievwv  rn 
2ajrjj()oc  fiaOrjTwv,  aXXa  ju>;v  /cot  aSik^ujv  tjv.     lb.  p.  31.  B. 

■"  Ei9'  ojc  TTapa  TSToig  Kara  fiifiijaiv  t(ov  d(ji)SiKa  TrXurwv  oerwx/  {nrap^avrojv 
airoToXtijv TrpoTtOjjo'i  Xtyaiv'  twiira  (ti(p0i]  toiq  aTrc^oKotg  Tracn.     lb.  p.  31. 

"  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  nuni.  xxviii.  11.  "  Vol.  iv.  ch.  ixxii. 

num.  ix.  20, 21,  22.  ''  Ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  6. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  169 

from  hesitation.  Sometimes  he  speaks  of  liimasoiie  of  the 
twelve  apostles,  and  sometimes  not  so.  We  have  also  seen 
reason  to  think,  that  'i  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  did  not  reckon 
James,  called  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  to  have  been  one  of  the 
twelve  apostles.  Gregory  Nyssen"^  likewise  distinguishes 
James,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  from 
James  the  Less,  who  was  not  of  that  number.  The  same 
opinion  appears  in''  the  Apostolical  Constitutions. 

Tillemont  says  :  'The'  Greek  christians  of  our  time  dis- 

*  tinguished  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  one  of  the  twelve 
'  apostles,  and  James    the  Lord's   brother,  and    bishop   of 

*  Jerusalem,  as  two  different  persons  :  so  making' us  entirely 
'  ignorant  of  the  history  of  James,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and 

*  excluding  the  Lord's  brother  from  the  ninnber  of  apostles. 

*  But  the  opinion  of  the  Latins,  avIio  believe  that  they  are 
'  one  and   the  same  person,  and  the  apostle,  appears  more 

*  conformable  to  the  scripture,  and  is  supported  by  the 
'  authority  of  St.  Paul  in  particular,  who  gives  to  James 
'  the  Lord's  brother  the  title  of  apostle  in  the  same  manner 
'  that  he  gives  it  to  Peter.'     Gal.  i.  19. 

in.  Eusebius  has  "  another  chapter,  entitled,  '  Of  things 
'  constituted  by  the  apostles  after  our  Saviour's  ascension.' 
Which  is  to  this  purpose.  '  The  first  is  the  choice  of 
'  Matthias,  one  of  Christ's  disciples,  into  the  apostleship  in 

*  the  room  of  Judas.  Then  the  appointment  of  the  seven  dea- 

*  cons,  one  of  whom  was  Stephen,  who  soon  after  his  being 

*  ordained  was  stoned  by  those  who  had  killed  the  Lord, 
'  and  was  the  first  martyr  for  Christ.      Then  James,  called 

*  the  Lord's  brother,  because  he  was  the  son  of  Joseph 

'  to  whom  the  virgin  Mary  was  espoused.  This  James, 
'  called  by  the  ancients  the  Just,  on  account  of  his  eminent 

*  virtue,  is  said  to  have  been  appointed  the  first  bishop  of 
'  Jerusalem.     And  Clement,  in  the  sixth  book  of  his  Tusti- 

*  tutions,  writes  after  this  manner  :  That  after  our  Lord's 
'  ascension,  Peter,  and  James,  and  John,  though  they  had 
'  been  favoured  by  the  Lord  above  the  rest,  did  not  con- 
'  tend  for  honour,  but  chose  James  the  Just  to  be  bishop  of 

*  Jerusalem.  And  in  the  seventh  book  of  the  same  work, 
'  he  says,  that  after  his  resurrection,  the  Lord  gave  to 
'  James  the  Just,  and  John,  and  Peter,  the  gift  of  know- 
'  ledge.     And  they  gave  it  to  the  other  apostles.     And  the 

*  other  apostles  gave  it  to  the  seventy,  one  of  whom  was 
'  Barnabas.    For  there  were  two  named  James :  one  the  Just, 

••  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxix.  num.  vii.  •'  De  Christi  Res.  Or.  2.  torn.  III. 

p.  413.  B.  C.  *  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxxv.  num.  viii.  6. 

'  S,  Jacquele  Mineur,  Art.  i.  torn.  I.  "  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  i. 


170  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  M'ho  was  thrown  down  from  the  battlement  of  the  temple, 

*  and  killed  by  a  fuller's  staff.     The  other  is  he  who  was 

*  beheaded.  Of  him  that  was  called  the  Jusf,  Paul  also  makes 

*  mention,  saying- :  "  other  of  the  apostles  saw  1  none,  save 

*  James    the  Lord's  brother."  ' 

Upon  what  has  been  thus  transcribed  a  few  remarks 
may  be  properly  made.  In  the  former  part  of  it  Eusebius 
seems  to  declare  it  as  his  own  opinion,  that  James,  called 
the  Lord's  brother,  was  the  son  of  Joseph,  that  is,  by  a  for- 
mer wife. 

For  clearing-  up  this  passage,  I  would  farther  observe :  I 
suppose  the  whole  of  tiiis  quotation  to  be  taken  from  Cle- 
ment. Some  may  indeed  at  first  be  apt  to  think  that 
the  second  passage  of  Clement  concludes  with  the  word 
Barnabas.  But  1  rather  think  that  all  which  follows  in 
this  quotation  is  Clement's,  and  nothing  of  Eusebius's.  One 
reasonof  my  thinking-  so  is,  that  in  the  twenty-third  chapter 
of  the  same  book,  where  our  Ecclesiastical  Historian  gives 
an  account  of  the  death  of  James  from  Hegesippus,  who 
relates,  that  James  was  thrown  down  from  the  temple, 
and  killed  by  a  fuller's  staff",  he  twice  says,  that  is,  at " 
the  entering- upon  that  account,  and'"  at  finishing  it,  that 
this  was  agreeable  to  what  had  been  before  alleged  from 
Clement.  The  other  reason  is,  that  Eusebius  seems  not  to 
Lave  been  so  clear  that  there  were  no  more  than  two  of 
this  name,  as  is  implied  in  this  passage,  particularly  in  the 
conclusion  of  it. 

Upon  these  two  passages,  cited  by  Eusebius  from  Clement, 
one  from  the  sixth,  the  other  from  the  seventh  book  of  his 
Institutions,  we  are  led  to  observe,  first,  that  James,  called 
the  Just,  is  here  supposed  to  be  an  apostle.  Nor  did  Cle- 
ment know  of  any  more  of  the  name  James,  in  the  New 
Testament,  beside  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  him  called 
James  the  Just.  Secondly,  I  observe,  that  James,  called 
the  Just,  is  supposed  to  have  been  appointed  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  by  three  apostles  especially,  Peter,  and  the  two 
sons  of  Zebedee,  and  not  by  our  Lord.  And  the  order 
and  coherence  of  things  in  this  chapter  of  Evisebius  seems 
to  imply,  that  this  was  done  soon  after  the  martyrdom  of 
Stephen. 

Which  appears  to  me  agreeable  to  the  history  in  the  Acts, 
and  the  passages  alleged  thence  at  the  beginning  of  this 

*  Tov  St  TtjQ  TH  laKw/Js  TtXtvrjjc  Tpoirov  r\crt  )iiv  Trportpov  a'l  irapaTfOiiaat 
TH  KXtjiievTOQ  (pojvai  SiStiXojKamv,  airo  m  TTTipvyin  /3f/3X7j(T0at,  ^vXi^  ti  rrjV 
vpOQ  Qavarov  TrtTrXtjx^aiavTOv  iTopj^icoro^.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  63.  C. 

•  Tavra  dia  TrXarng  avvi^Sa  r'i>  KXtjiuvti'  km  6  'ilyt]<nnirog.  Ibid.  p.  65.  C. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  171 

chapter.  Peter  always  speaks  first,  as  president  among 
the  apostles,  until  after  the  choice  of  the  seven  deacons. 
Every  thing*  said  of  St.  James  after  that  implies  his  pre- 
siding- in  the  church  of  Jerusalem.  And  when  St.  Paul 
mentions  the  three  chiefs,  who  were  pillars,  Gal.  ii.  9,  with 
Avhom  he  conferred  at  Jerusalem,  he  names  James  first.  The 
reason  of  his  doing  so,  I  take  to  be,  that  James  then  presided 
in  the  church  of  Jerusalem. 

Tillemonf    thinks,  '  That   Christ  himself  may  have  ap- 

*  pointed  James  to  be  bishop  in  that  church  :  but  the  apos- 
'  ties  deferred  the  declaring  it  solemnly,  till  the  time  of 
'  the  persecution,  which  broke  out  after  the  death  of  St, 
'  Stephen.  Then  they  thought  of  providing  more  particu- 
'  larly  for  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  whence,  perhaps,  they 
'  feared   they   should    be     constrained    to    remove.       This 

*  obliged  them  to  appoint  a  proper  pastor:  who  should  be 

*  obliged  to  stay  there   till  his  death,  and   should   charge 

*  himself  with  every  thing  necessary  for  their  welfare.' 

To  me  it  appears  evident,  that  y  the  apostles  did  not  now 
leave  Jerusalem,  nor  till  a  good  while  afterwards.  But 
they  were  obliged  to  live  privately.  And  the  circum- 
stances of  things  made  it  prudent  to  appoint  one  of  their 
number,  who  should  preside  in  that  church,  and  act  in 
their  name.  Though  they  could  not  all  appear  in  pub- 
lic, it  was  fit  there  should  be  one  at  least,  to  whom  the 
faithful  might  apply  at  any  time,  in  case  of  need.  This 
choice,  or  appointment,  is  ascribed  by  Clement  to  three 
of  the  apostles.  But  it  might  be  done  with  the  consent  and 
approbation  of  all. 

As  this  episcopate,  or  superintendence,  of  James  has 
been  thus  mentioned,  I  shall  here  observe  what  notice  is 
taken  of  it  by  other  ancient  christian  MTiters. 

Eusebius,  in  one  place,  says,  that  ^  James  was  appointed 
bishop  of  Jerusalem  by  the  apostles:  in  another  by^  Christ 
and  the  apostles.  So  likewise  in  the '^  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions. Jerom,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers, 
says,  '  that  "^  James,  surnamed  the  Just,  was  ordained  bishop 

*  of  Jerusalem  by  the  apostles,  soon  after  the  Lord's  pas- 
'  sion.'     In  his  Commentary  upon   the  epistle  to  the  Gala- 

*  St.  Jacquele  Mineur,  Art.  iv.  mem.  tom.I.  >  See  Acts  viii,  1, 
u>  irpoQ  Tti)v  mroroXuJv  6  Tt]Q  emiTKOTrjjg  Tr}Q  iv  \tfioao\vfioiQ  ijKtxupi'^o 

Qqovoq.  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  m.  Vid.  et  1,  2.  cap.  1.  in.  p.  38.  B. 

*  Tor    yap    laKuifis    Opovov    r«   irpajTH    rrjQ  'ItpoaoXvfiwv    tKK\r}(naQ     tjjv 
fKi(!Kowr\v  irpoQ  Ts  2ojr>jpo£  Kai  ruJV  airoToXwv  VTroStKa^eva,  K.X.I.  7.  c.  19. 

*>  Constit.  1.  8.  cap.  35.  <=  Jacobus,  qui  appellatur  frater 

Domini,  cognomento  Justus post  passionem  Dommi  statim  ab  apostolis 

Hierosolymorura  Episcopus  ordinatiB.    De  V.  I.  cap.  2. 


172  A  History  of  the  apostles  and  Evangelists. 

tians,  he  speaks  as**  if  the  Lord  himself  had  given  him  this 
high  trust :  meaning,  perhaps,  no  more  than  that  Christ 
gave  it  him  by  the  apostles :  or  that  they  in  so  doing  had 
acted  by  divine  inspiration.  Epiphanms*^  ascribes  this 
appointment  to  our  Saviour  himself,  as  do  ^  Chrysostom, 
and»  OEcumenius,  and''  Photius.  The  Latin  author  of  a 
Commentary  upon  thirteen  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  says, 
James '  was  appointed  bishop  of  Jerusalem  by  the  apostles. 
Nicephorus's  account  is,  that''  he  was  so  appointed  by 
our  Saviour,  or,  as  some  said,  by  the  apostles  also. 
I  shall  cite  no  more  writers  relating  to  this  point,  but  pro- 
ceed. 

IV.  I  would  now  take  a  passage  of  Origen,  from  the 
tenth  tome  of  his  commentaries  upon  St.  Matthew,  where  he 
discourseth  upon  Matt.  xiii.  55,  56,  "  Is  not  this  the  car- 
penter's son?  Is  not  his  mother  called  Mary?  and  his 
brethren,  James,  and  Joses,  and  Simon,  and  Judas?  And 
his  sisters,  are  they  not  all  with  us  ?"  '  They  '  thought, 
'  says  Origen,  that  he  was  the  son  of  Joseph  and  Mary. 
'  The  brethren  of  Jesus,  some  say,  upon  the  ground  of 
'  tradition,  particularly  what  is  said  in  the  gospel  accord- 
'  ing  to  Peter,  or  the  book  of  James,  were  the  sons  of 
'  Joseph  by  a  former  wife,  who  cohabited  with  him  before 
'  Mary.  They  who  say  this,  are  desirous  to  maintain  the 
'  honour  of  Mary's  virginity  to  the  last :  [or  her  perpetual 
'  virginity  :]   that  the  body  chosen  to  fulfil  what  is  said, 

*  "  the  Holy  Ghost  shall  come  upon  thee,  and  the  power 

*  of  the  Highest  shall  overshadow  ihee,"  Luke  i.  55,  might 
'  not  know  man  after  that.  And  I  think  it  very  reasonable, 
'  that  as  Jesus  was  the  first  fruits  of  virginity  among  men, 

*  Mary  should  be  the  same  among  women.  For  it  would  be 
'  improper  to  give  that  honour  to  any  beside  her.  This 
'  James  is  he  whom  Paul  mentions  in  his  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
'  tians,  saying' :  "  Other  of  the  apostles  saw   I  none,  save 

*  James,  the  Lord's  brother."  This  James  was  in  so  great 
'  repute  with  the  people  for  his  virtue,  that  Josephus,  who 

■*  Nunc  hoc  sufficiat,  ut  propter  egregios  mores,  et  incomparabilem  fidem, 
sapientiamque  non  niediam,  frater  dictus  sit  Domini ;  et  quod  primus  ei  eccle- 
siae  praefuerit,  quaj  prima  in  Christum  credens  ex  Judaeis  f'uerat  congregata. 
Dicuntur  quidem  et  caeteri  apostoH  fratres  Domini.  Sed  praecipue  hie  frater 
dicitur,  cui  fihos  matris  suae  ad  Patrem  vadens  Dominus  commendaverat.  In 
ep.  ad  Gal.  cap.  ii.  19.  *  Haer.  78.  num.  vii. 

'  Chr.  in  ep.  1  ad  Cor.  hom.  38.  p.  355.  torn.  X. 

B  GEc.  ad  Act.  xv.  13. T.I.  p.  122.  "  Phot.  Ep.  117. 

'  Jacobum  vidit  Hierosolymae,  quia  illic  erat  constitutus  ab  apostolis  epis- 
copus.     In  ep.  ad  Gal.  cap.  i.  19.  "^  Niceph.  1.  2.  cap.  38. 

'  Origen.  m.  Matt.  T.  X.  p.  462,  463.  T.  III.  Bened.  p.  223.  torn.  I.  Huet. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  173 

'  wrote  twenty  books  of  the  Jewish  Antiquities,  desirous  to 
'  assign  the  reason  of  their  suffering  such  things,  so  that 

*  even  the  temple  Avas  destroyed,  says,  that  those  things 
'  were  owing  to  the  "'  anger  of  God  for  what  they  did  to 
'  James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  called  Christ.  And  it  is  won- 
'  derful,  that  he  who  did  not  believe  our  Jesus  to  be  the 

*  Christ,  should  bear  such  a  testimony  to  James.  He  also 
'  says,  that  the  j)eople  thought  they  suffered  those  things 
'  upon  account  of  James.     Jude   wrote  an    epistle  of  few 

*  lines  indeed,  but  filled  with  the  powerful  words  of  the 
'  heavenly  grace,  who  says  at  the  beginning :  "  Jude,  a  ser- 
'  vant  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  brother  of  James."  Of  Joses  and 
'  Simon  we  know  nothing.' 

Origen,  in"  his  books  against  Celsus,  quotes  Josephus 
again,  as  speaking  of  James  to  the  like  purpose.  But 
there  are  not  now  any  such  passages  in  Josephus  :  though 
they  are  quoted  as  from  him,  by  °  Eusebius  also.  But  he 
does  not  say  whether  from  his  Jewish  War,  or  from  his 
Antiquities,  or  in  what  book  of  either,  as  he  sometimes  does, 
when  he  quotes  Josephus.  Jerom  has  twice  quoted  Jose- 
phus for  these  things  :  first  in  this  ^  article  of  St.  James,  and 
then  in  that  1  of  Josephus  himself:  but  not  much  more  ex- 
pressly than  Eusebius. 

Upon  the  long  passage  of  Origen,  just  transcribed,  I  would 
observe  as  follows  : 

It  is  strange,  that  Origen  should  take  such  particular 
notice  of  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude,  and  say  nothing  of  the 
epistle  of  James,  whose  history  he  was  writing,  when  it  was 
not  unknown  to  him.  It  may  be  suspected  that  a  para- 
graph has  been  lost  and  dropt  out  of  the  Commentary  in 
this  place.  It  is  also  strange  that  he  should  say  he  knew 
nothing  of  Simon :  when  it  is  probable  that  he  likewise 
was  one  of  Christ's  apostles,  called  "  Simon  the  Canaanite" 
by  Matthew,  ch.  x.  4,  and  Mark  iii.  18,  "  Simon  Zelotes" 
by  Luke,  vi.  15,  and  Acts  i.  13. 

""   tinriKtvai,   Kara  H)]viv  Qts  ravra   avroig  airrjvrrjKtvai,  Sia  ra   iiq 

laKw/jOv  rov  aSi\<pov  Itjffn  rs  Xtyojiivu  Xpi"7«,  vir'  avrojv  rero^fiijutva.  Kai 
TO  9avfia<T0v  t^iv,  on  rov  lr](Tovv  iiyuov  «  Kara^c^a/uvof  uvai  Xpirov,  uSt 
yTTOV  laK(t)j3(f)  Sucaioavvrjv  (fiafirvprtae  ToaavTi]v.      S.iyu  Se,  on  (cat  6  \aoQ  ravra 

fvofuKt   lia   Tov   laKw^ov  Triirovdivai' TTtpi  Se  l(it<ji]<p,  Kai  'S^hojvoq  uSev 

tropiiaantv.     lb.  p.  463.  Bened.  p.  223.  Huet. 

"  Contra  Cels.  1,  i.  p.  35.  et  1.  2.  p.  69.  Cantab.  1.  i.  cap.  48.  et  1.  2.  cap. 
13.   Bened.  °  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  65.  C.  D. 

p  Tradit  idem  Josephus,  tantae  eiim  sanctitatis  fuisse,  et  celebritatis  in  populo, 
ut  propter  ejus  necem  creditum  sit,  subversam  esse  Hierosolymam.  Hier.  De 

Vii-.  111.  cap.  2.  1  Hie  coniitetur et  propter  interfectionem 

Jacobi  apostoli  dinitam  Hierosolymam.  lb.  cap.  13. 


174  A  History  of  the  apostles  and  Evangelists, 

From  what  Origen  says  of  the  death  of  James  it  may  be 
coiicliided,  that  in  his  time  christians  Mere  persuaded  that 
James  had  died  a  martyr  for  Christ,  and  liad  been  killed  by 
the  Jews,  notwithstanding  his  eminent  virtue.  Though  the 
passages  to  which  Origen  refers  are  not  now  in  Josephus, 
and  though  it  should  be  supposed  that  there  was  some  inac- 
curacy in  Origen's  quotations  of  him,  or  references  to  him, 
I  think  it  must  be  allovAcd,  that  christians  had  in  his  time  a 
tradition  concerning  the  death  of  James,  and  that  it  hap- 
pened in  circumstances  very  dishonourable  to  those  who 
were  the  authors  of  it  :  insomuch  that  many  were  disposed 
to  think  it  was  one  of  those  things  for  which  God  was  much 
offended  with  the  Jewish  people.  Moreover  we  have 
already  observed  a  brief  account  of  the  death  or  martyr- 
dom of  James  in  Clement,  older  than  Origen,  though  in 
part  cotemporary  with  him. 

All  farther  notice  of  that  passage  of  Origen  is  deferred 
till  we  come  to  consider  how  James  was  related  to  our 
Lord. 

V.  As  the  death  of  James  has  been  mentioned,  I  shall 
now  immediately  take  the  accounts  of  it  which  are  in  Euse- 
bius.  And  I  Avill  transcribe  a  large  part  of  the  twenty- 
third  chapter  of  the  second  book  of  his  Ecclesiastical 
History. 

'  But  when  Paul  had  appealed  to  Caesar,  and  Festus 
'  had  sent  him  to  Rome,  the  Jews  being  disappointed  in 
'  their  design  against  him,  turned  their  rage  against  James, 
'  the  Lord's  brother,  to  whom  the  apostles  had  assigned 

*  the  episcopal  chair  of  Jerusalem.  And  in  this  manner 
'  they  proceeded  against  him.  Having  laid  hold  of  him, 
'  they  required  him  in  the  presence  of  all  people  to  renounce 

*  his  faith  in  Christ.  But  he,  with  freedom  and  boldness 
'  beyond  expectation,  before  all  the  multitude,  declared 
'  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  God. 
'  They,  not  enduring  the  testimony  of  a  man  who  was  in 
'  high  esteem  for  his  piety,  laid  hold  of  the  opportunity, 
'  when  the  country  was  without  a  governor,  to  put  him  to 
'  death.  For  Festus  having  died  about  that  time  in  Judea, 
'  the  province  had  in  it  no  procurator.  The  manner  of  the 
'  death  of  James  was  shown  before  in  the  words  of  Clement, 
'  who  said,  that  he  was  thrown   off  from  the  battlement   of 

*  the  temple,  and  then  beat  to  death  with  a  club.  But  no 
'  one  has  so  accurately  related  this  transaction,  as  Hege- 
'  sippus,  a  man  in  the  first  succession  of  the  apostles,  in  the 

*  fifth  book  of  his  Commentaries,  whose  words  are   to  this 


St.  James  lite  Lord's  Brother.  \7^ 

'  purpose  :  James/  the  brother  of  our  Lord,  undertook, 
'  together  m  ith  the  apostles,  the  government  of  the  church. 
'  l\e  has  been  called  the  Just  by  all  from  the  time  of  our 
'  Saviour  to  ours.  For  many  have  been  named  James^ 
'  But  he  was  holy  from  his  mother's  womb.  He  drank 
'  neither  wine,  nor  strong  drink,  nor  did  he  eat  any  animal 
'  food.  There  never  came  razor  upon  his  head,  lie  neither 
'  anointed  himself  with  oil,  nor  did  he  use  a  bath.  To  him 
'  alone  was  it  lawful  to  enter  the  holy  place.  He  wore  no 
'  woollen,  but  only   linen  garments.     He  entered  into  the 

*  temple  alone,  where  he  prayed  upon  his  knees.  Insomuch 
'  that  his  knees  were  become  like  the  knees  of  a  camel  ; 
'  by  meansof  his  being  continually  upon  them,  worshipping 
'  God,  and  praying  for  the  forgiveness  of  the  people. 

'  Upon  account  of  his  virtue  he  was  called  the  Just, 
'  and  Oblias,  that  is,  the  defence  of  the  people,  and  righte- 
'  ousness.  Some  therefore  of  the  seven  sects,  which  there 
'  were  among  the  Jews,  of  whom  1  spake  in  the  former 
'  part  of  these  commentaries,  asked  him,^  which  is  the  gate 
'  of  Jesus  :  or,   what  is  the   gate   of  Salvation.      And   he 

*  said,  Jesus  is  the  Saviour,  or  the  way  of  salvation.     Some 

'  of  them  therefore  believed  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ. 

'  And  many  of  the  chief  men  also  believing',  there  was  a 
'  disturbance  among  the  Jews,  and  among  the  scribes  and 
'  pharisees,  who  said  there  was  danger,  lest  all  the   people 

*  should  think  Jesus  to  be  the  Christ.  Coining  therefore  to 
'  James,  they  said,  we  beseech  thee  to  restrain  the  error  of  the 

'  AiaCix^TOiCi  Tt]v  EKKXTjCftav [isra  roiv  ano^oKwv  6  adt\(pog th  KvpialaKio/Sog, 
K.  X.  p.  603.  C.  D. 

'  iirvvQavovTO  uvth,  rig  tj  Qvpa  tb  Itjou  ;  koi  iXtyt  tutov  eivai  rov 

^loTtipa.  Le  Clerc,  in  his  observations  upon  this  passage  of  Hegesippus,  says, 
he  does  not  understand  those  words,  '  what  is  the  gate  of  Jesus.'  And,  per- 
hiaps,  the  place  has  been  corrupted.  Ti?  ij  Bvpa  ts  Irjaa ;  quod  quid  sibi  velit, 
noa  intelHgo.  Sed  forte  locus  est  con-uptus.  H.  E.  p.  416.  Ann.  Ixii.  Mr. 
Mosheim  thinks,  with  great  probability,  that  the  question  put  to  James  was, 
«  What  is  the  gate,  or  way  of  salvation  ?  Tell  us,  how  we  may  obtain  eternal 
'  life.'  James  answered, '  The  gate  of  salvation  is  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.* 
Vitium  vero  ejus  non  in  vocabulo  Gvpa,  sed  potius  in  nomine  ljjffn  quaeri 
debere  censeo.  Judaei,  quod  manifestum  est,  sciscitantur  sententiam  Jacobi 
de  via  seu  de  ostio  salutis,  id  est,  de  vera  ratione  ad  salutem  seternam  perve- 
niendi.  Nullus  ergo  dubito,  quin  patrio  sermone,  quo  utebantur,  vocabulum 
Jeschuah   adhibuerint,  atque  ex  Jacobo  qusesiverint :   Die,  rogamus,  nobis, 

quodnam  tibi  videatur  esse  salutis  ostium. Graecus  quaestionis  hujus  inter- 

pres  vero,  aut  sermonis  non  nimis  gnarus,  aut  minus  attentus,  nomen  proprium 
Servatoris  nostri,  Jesus,  cernere  sc  putabat,  et  perperam  idcirco,  quum  ffojTrjpia 
ponendum  ipsi  fuisset:  Tig  r;  Ovpa  Trjg  ffunjpiag ;  vocabulum  Itjaa  scribebat : 
Tic  v  Bvpa  Iijffs ;  Ita  si  Judaeorum  quaestio  mtelligatur,  nihil  fieri  aptius  potest 
responsione  Jacobi :  '  Ostium  salutis  est  Servator  noster,  Jesus  Christus.' 
Moshem.  De  Reb.  Christianor.  ante  Constantin.     Sec.  prim.  num.  23.  p.  95, 


176  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

people.  We  entreat  thee  to  persuade  all  that  come  hither 
at  the  time  of  passover  to  think  rightly  concerning"  Jesus. 
For  all  the  people,  and  all  of  us  put  confidence   in  thee. 

Stand  therefore  upon  the  battlement  of  the  temple, 

that,  being  placed  on  high,  thou  mayest  be  conspicuous, 
and  thy  words  may  be  easily  heard  by  all  the  people. 
For  because  of  the  passover,  all  the  tribes  be  come  hitner, 
and  many  gentiles.  Therefore  the  scribes  and  pharisees, 
before  named,  placed  James  upon  the  battlement  of  the 
temple,  and  cried  out  to  hnn,  and  said,  O  Justus,  whom 
we  ought  all  to  believe,  since  the  people  are  in  an 
error,  following  Jesus  who  was  crucified,  tell  us  *  what 
is  the  gate  of  Jesus.  And  he  answered  with  a  loud 
voice.  Why  do  you  ask  me  concerning  the  Son  of  man  :  he 
even  sitteth  in  the  heaven,  at  the  right  hand  of  the  great 
power,  and  will  come  in  the  clouds  of  heaven.  And  many 
were  fully  satisfied,  and  well  pleased  with  the  testimony 
of  James,  saying,  Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David.  But  the 
same  scribes  and  pharisees  said  to  one  another,  We  have 
done  wrong  in  procuring  such  a  testimony  to  Jesus. 
Let  us  go  up,  and  throw  him  down,   that  the  people  may 

be  terrified  from  giving  credit  to  him. And  they  went 

up  presently,  and  cast  him  down,  and  said.  Let  us  stone 
James  the  Just.  And  they  began  to  stone  him,  because  he 
was  not  killed  with  the  fall.  But  he  turning  himself, 
kneeled,  saying,  I  entreat  thee,  O  Lord  God  the  Father, 
forgive  them :  for  they  know  not  what  they  do.  As  they 
were  stoning  him,  one  said.  Give  over:  what  do  ye?  The 
just  man  prays  for  you.  And"  one  of  them,  a  fuller, 
took  a  pole,  which  was  used  to  beat  cloths  Avith,  and  struck 
him  on  the  head.  Thus  his  martyrdom  was  completed. 
And  they  buried  him  in  that  place,  and  his  monument 
still  remains  near  the  temple.  This  James  was  a  true 
witness  to  Jews  and  Gentiles,  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ. 
And  soon  after  Judea  was  invaded  by  Vespasian  and  the 

f)eople  were  carried  captive.'  '  So  writes  Hegesippus  at 
arge  agreeably  to  Clement.  For  certain,  James  was  an 
excellent  man,  and  much  esteemed  by  many  for  his  virtue : 
insomuch  that  the  most  thoughtful  men  among  the  Jews 
were  of  opinion,  that  his  death  was  the  cause  of  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem,  which  followed  soon  after  his  martyrdom: 
and  that  it  was  owing  to  nothing  else,  but  the  wickedness 


*  See  before,  note  *.  "   Kai  Xafiwv  tiq  ati  avrwi',  tig  tojv 

yva<pnav,  to  %v\ov    (v  w  aTTinu'Ct   ra    'inaria,    rjvtyKe  Kara   rtjc   Kf^aXijc   rs 
SiKain.     lb.  p.  65.  B. 


St.  James  the  Lord^s  Brother.  177 

'  coramittetl  against  him.  And^  Josephus  says  the  same 
'  ill  these  words:'  '  These  tilings  befell  the  Jews  in  vindica- 

*  tion  of  James  the  Just,  who  was  brother  of  Jesus,  called 
'  the  Christ.  For  (he  Jews  killed  him,  who  was  a  most 
'  righteous  man.'  "  The  same  historian,  in  the  twentieth 
'  book  of  his  antiquities,  relates  his  death  in  this  manner." 
'  The  emperor  being  informed  of  the  death  of  Festus,  sent 
'  Albinus  to  be  prefect  in  Judea.  But  the  younger  Ananus, 
'  who,  as  we  said  before,  was  made  high  priest,  was  haughty 
'  in  his  behaviour,  and  very  enterprizing-.  And  moreover 
'  he  was  of  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  who,  as  we  have  also 
'  observed  before,  are  above  all  other  Jews  severe  in  their 
'  judicial  sentences.  This  then  being-  the  temper  of  Ananus, 
'  he  thinking-  he  had  a  fit  opportunity,  because   Festus  was 

*  dead,  and  Albinus  was  yet  upon  the  road,  calls  a  council. 
'  And  bringing-  before  them  James,  the  brother  of  him  who 
'  is  called  Christ,  and  some  others,  he  accused  them  as 
'  transg-ressors  of  the  laws,  and  had  them  stoned  to  death. 
'  But  the  most  moderate  men  of  the  city,  who  also  Avere 
'  reckoned  most  skilful  in  the  laws,  were  offended  at  this  pro- 
'  ceeding-.  They  therefore  sent  privately  to  the  king,  [Agrippa 
'  the  younger,]  entreating  him  to  send  orders  to  Ananus,  no 
'  more  to  attempt  any  such  things.  And  some  went  away 
'  to  meet  Albinus,  Avho  was  coming  from  Alexandria,  and 
'  put  him  in  mind,  that  Ananus  had  no  right  to  call  a 
'  council  without  his  leave.  Albinus,  approving-  of  what 
'  they  said,  wrote  a  very  angry  letter  to  Ananus,  threatening 
'  to  punish  him  for  what  he  had  done.  And  king  Agrij)pa 
'  took  away  from  him  the  priesthood,  after  he  had  enjoyed  it 
'  three  months,  and  put  in  Jesus,  the  son  of  Damnteus.' 
'  "  These  are  the  things  which  are  related  of  James,  whose 
'  is  the  first  of  the  epistles  called  catholic."  ' 

Thus  I  have  given  a  literal  version  of  almost  the  whole 
of  this  chapter,  being-  desirous  that  my  readers  should  see 
the  acc(uints  w  hich  ancient  writers  have  given  of  James  : 
though  they  are  not  altogether  so  credible,  nor  so  entertain- 
ing, as  might  have  been  wished.  Nor  do  they  any  where 
lie  in  better  order  than  here.  And  therefore  I  have  chosen 
this  chapter.  The  same  things  are  transcribed  by  Jerom 
from  Eusebius,  in  his  chapter  of  James  the  Just,  in  his  cata- 
logue of  ecclesiastical  writers  :  but  very  inaccurately,  blend- 
ing together  Hegesippus,  and  Clement,  and  Josephus  :  so 

O  yav  lojarjTTog  hk  UTroJKvriffi  Kai  tut  tyypa^wc  iTrifiaprvptaQai,  Si  wv 
ijtrjai  Xt^tiov'  Tavra  £e  trv^/Sf/S/jwr'  ledaioii;  kut  iKSiKt/aiv  laKwlia  m  Sixais,  bq 
t]v  af iX^oc  Ij/<Ta  rs  Xeyofitys  XptTS"  iTrnStjTnp  ciKaiorarov  avrov  ovra  oi  laCaioi 
arrtKTHvav.   lb.  p.  65.  D.     . 

VOL.    VI.  N 


178  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

that,  without  comparing  Eusebius,  it  could  not  be  known 
what  belongs  to  one,  and  what  to  the  other.  For  which, 
I  think,  he  deserves  to  be  censured.  Nor  could  I  pass  it 
by  without  notice,  as  an  use  may  be  made  of  it.  For  it 
may  induce  us  to  suspect,  that  to  such  carelessness  and  inac- 
curacy of  quotation  we  owe  those  passages  of  Josephus,  in 
which  he  is  said  to  have  assigned  the  death  of  James  as  the 
sole  cause  of  the  ruin  of  the  Jewish  people. 

And  now  I  proceed  to  make  some  remarks  upon  the 
chapter  of  Eusebius,  and  the  passages  therein  quoted  by 
him. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  it  appears  from  Eusebius's  introduc- 
tion, at  the  beginning  of  the  chapter,  that  he  supposed  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  James  to  have  happened  at  a  time  when 
there  was  no  Roman  governor  in  Judea,  after  the  death  of 
Festus,  and  before  the  arrival  of  Albinus  in  the  province. 
What  reason  he  had  for  this  we  do  not  certainly  know.  We 
do  not  observe  any  notice  of  that  circumstance  in  what  he 
has  transcribed  from  Hegesippus.  It  is  indeed  expressly 
said  in  the  passage  of  Josephus.  But  if  that  passage  be  the 
only  foundation  for  the  opinion,  its  authority  may  be  ques- 
tioned. For  divers  learned  men  have  suspected  the  genu- 
ineness of  that  part  of  the  passage,  which  speaks  of  the 
death  of  James.  As  will  be  shown  more  particularly  by 
and  by. 

2.  Upon  the  first  quotation,  which  is  from  Hegesippus, 
it  is  easy  for  any  one  to  observe,  that "  there  are  in  it  many 
things  very  unlikely:  as''  that  James  should  live  in  the 
manner  here  represented,  and  particularly,  that  he  should 
eat  no  animal  food  :  that  he  had  a  right  to  enter  into  the 
holy  place  when  he  pleased,  whether  thereby  be  understood 
the  holy  of  holies,  or  only  the  temple:  that  the  scribes  and 

"  Et  Jacobus  Justus,  ecclesise  Hierosolymitanae  antistes,  quem  misere  truci- 
darunt :  quod  ipse  Josephus  paucis,  copiosius  Hegesippus  apud  Eusebium 
memoria  prodidit;  quamquam  in  nanatione  hujus  multa  sunt,  quibusnemo, 
nisi  reiTjm  vetenim  et  christianarum  et  Judaicarum  prorsus  ignarus,  fidem 
habeat.  Moshem.  De  Reb.  Christian,  ante  Constantin.  Sect.  i.  sect,  xxiii. 
p.  93.  '^  '  Hie  ab  uteromatrissanctus  fuit :' Nazireatus 

nempe  vote  Deo  consecratus,  ut  sequentia  ostendunt.  Nee  fieri  hoc  potuisse 
negarim.  '  Nee  vinum  unquam  bibit,  nee  siceram.'  Itadebuit,  si  Nazirseus 
fuit.  '  Ab  animantium  carnibus  abstinuit.'  Hoc  vero  Pythagoricum  et 
supci-stitiosum  fuit  institutum,  de  quo  nihil  in  Mosal'ca  lege,  et  cujus  reura 
fuisse  Jacobum,  etiam  postquam  christianus  factus  est,  vix  credibile  fit. 
'  Comam  nunquam  totondit.'  Recte,  atque  ordine.  Sic  enim  Lex  jubet. 
Num.  vi.  3 — 5.  '  Neque  ungi,  neque  lavare  balneo  corpus  unquam  solitus.' 
Non  tantum  praeter,  sed  et  contra  legem  hoc  fuit,  qua  multae  ablutiones 
Judaeis  impositae.  Nee  certe  sordes  qusesitoe  quidquam  ad  sanctitatem 
faciunt.  Cleric.  Hist.  Ec.  Ann.  kii.  not.  2.  p.  415. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  179 

pliarisees  should  place  him  on  a  pinnacle,  or  battlement  of 
the  temple,  to  deliver  his  opinion  to  the  people  concerning- 
Jesus  :  that  they  should  throw  him  down  thence,  and  kill 
him  in  the  temple,  or  any  of  the  courts  of  it:  that  they 
should  bury  him  near  the  place  in  which  he  is  here  said 
to  have  been  killed  :  when  the  Jews,  and  all  other  people  in 
those  times,  usually  buried  their  dead  without  the  walls 
of  their  cities :  and,  finally,  that  he  should  have  a  monument, 
or  pillar  over  him,  near  the  place  where  he  was  buried, 
which  remained  to  the  time  of  Hegesippus,  after  the  war 
was  over,  and  the  city  of  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  had 
been  overthrown.  Concerning  which  last  particular,  Jerom, 
in  the  catalogue  above  mentioned,  sa3's,  'He>'  was  buried 
*  near  the  temple,  where  he  had  been  thrown  down.  He 
'  had  a  conspicuous  monument,  till  the  siege  of  Titus,  and 
'  that  since  by  Adrian.  Some  of  our  people  have  thought 
'  that  he  was  buried  on  mount  Olivet.  But  that  is  a  mis- 
'  taken  opinion.'  So  that  even  in  Judea  there  were  dif- 
ferent opinions  concerning  the  place  were  James  was 
buried.  Nevertheless,  I  presume,  all  were  persuaded  that 
he  had  suffered  martyrdom  from  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem. 
There  was  no  different  sentiment  about  that. 

However,  this  difference  of  opinion  concerning  the  place 
where  St.  James  was  buried,  deserves  our  notice  ;  for  it 
may  lead  us  to  suspect  some  mistake  in  the  account  of 
Hegesippus.  Possibly,  St.  James  Mas  buried  in  mount 
Olivet,  though  there  was  a  pillar  erected  near  the  place 
where  he  was  killed.  I  think  this  may  be  of  use  to  remove 
some  difficulties  in  the  account  of  Hegesippus.  The  pillar, 
which  he  saw,  might  be  erected,  after  the  siege  of  Jerusa- 
lem, by  some  who  remembered  the  place  where  St.  James 
had  been  killed.  And  some  from  that  monument  might 
conclude  he  had  been  buried  there,  though  really  he  was 
not. 

I  have  made  some  remarks  upon  the  passage  of  Hege- 
sippus. A  fuller  critique  may  be  seen  in  other  ^  writers : 
partly  aggravating  the  improbabilities  of  this  account,  partly 
softening  them,  and  striving  to  remove  difficulties.  Ac- 
cordhigly    Petavius  says,  '  that  ^  though    there  are    in     it 

y  et  juxta  templum,  ubi  et  prsecipitatus  fuerat,  sepultus  est.     Tiluliim 

usque  ad  obsidionem  Titi,  et  ultimam  Hadriani  notissimum  habuit.  Quidam 
e  nostris  in  monte  Oliveti  eum  putaverunt  conditum ;  sed  falsa  coram  opinio 
est.  De  V.  I.  cap.  2.  ^  Vid.  Joseph.  Scaliger.  Animadvers.  iu 

Euseb.  Chron.  p.  193,  194.  J.  Cleric.  Hist.  Ec.  A.  D.  Ixii.  Pefav.  Animadvers. 
ad  Epiphan.  Haer.  Ixxviii.  Vales.  Annot.  in  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  et 
Tillemont,  S.  Jacque  le  Mineur,  Mem.  Ec.  torn.  I.  Basnag.  Ann.  33.  num. 
184,  &c.  *  Nee  difRteor  nonnuUa  vel  ab  Hegesippo  prodita, 

N  2 


180  Jl  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  several  things  very  unlikely,  yet  the  whole  history  ought 
'  not  therefore  to  be  rejected.'  To  whom  1  am  not  unwilling 
to  accede.  But  as  I  have  not  room  to  enlarge  upon  parti- 
culars, for  showing  the  reasonableness  of  that  judgment, 
I  must  be  content  with  recommending  a  careful  and  impar- 
tial attention  to  the  observations  of  the  writers  to  whom  I 
have  referred.  However,  I  may  by  and  by  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  mention  a  few  thoughts,  beside  what  1  have  al- 
ready said,  for  removing  difficulties  and  answering  objec- 
tions. 

3.  Eusebius  says,  '  that  many  thoughtful  men  among 
'  the  Jews  were  of  opinion,  that  the  death  of  James  was  the 
'  cause  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  that  it  was  owing 
'  to  nothing'  else  but  the  wickedness  committed  against  him, 
'  and  that  Josephus  says  the  same.' 

Origen  speaks  to  the  like  purpose,  as  we  have  seen  :  but 
not  quite  so  strongly.  The  same  is  said  by  Jerom  more 
than  once.  I  mean  ^  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  3Ien,  and'' 
also  elsewhere.  But  neither  he  nor  Eusebius  expressly 
say,  in  what  place  of  Josephus.  Which  may  make  us 
think  that  they  borrowed  this  from  Origen.  Nor  does 
Origen  inform  us  in  what  work  of  Josephus  those  things 
were  said,  though  he  has  mentioned  them  several  times. 
Which  may  dispose  us  to  think  that  they  were  no  where 
expressly  in  Josephus. 

4.  Eusebius  proceeds,  and  says,  that  in  the  twentieth 
book  of  his  Antiquities,  Josephus  had  related  the  death  of 
James,  in  a  passage  which  he  there  transcribes.  Which 
passage  is  still  in  the  works  of  Josephus.  And  what  is 
there  said,  may  be  very  true,  for  the  most  part :  '  that  "^ 
'  Ananus  the  younger,  being  high-priest,  and  a  man  of  an 

vel  ab  aliis  inserta,  quae  parum  probabilia  videantur.  Sed  totam  ipsam  histo- 
riani  nego  propterea  damnandam  esse.  Petav.  Animadv.  ad  Epiph.  H.  78.  n. 
iii.  p.  332.  ''  Tradit  en im  Josephus, 

tantae  eum  sanctitatis  fuisse  et  celebritatis  in  populo,  ut  propter  ejus  necem 
crediUim  sit,  subversam  Hierosolyraam.  De  V.  I.  cap.  2.  Vid.  et 
cap.  13.  ^  Transeamus  ad  Jacobum,  qui  frater  Domini  dicebatur, 

tantae  sanctitatis,  tantaeque  justitiae,  et  perpetuse  virginitatis,  ut  Josephus 
quoque  historicus  Judaeorum  propter  hujus  necem  Jerosolyraam  subversam 
referat.  Hie  primus  episcopus  ex  Judaeis  Jerosolymas  credentis  ecclesiae. 
Adv.  Jovin.  1. 1.  T.  IV.  P.  2.  p.  182.  in. 

■'  Facile  quidem  crediderim  Jerosolymitanos  proceres  graviter  tulisse,  quod 
synedriumsuaauctoritateinstituisset,  cum  dudum  jusgladii  a  Romanis  Judaeis 
esset  ereptum  :  quod  iterum  inconsulto  Caesare  ab  Anano  usurpatum  timebant, 
negentisuae  gravi  fortasse  poena  luendum  esset.  Sed  quae  de  Jacobo,  Jesu,  qui 
Chiistus  dicebatur,  fratre,  habentur,  merum  adsumentum  male  feriati  christian! 
esse  videntur :  qua  de  re  alibi  diximus.  Cleric,  ubi  supr.  sect.  ii.  p.  415.  Conf. 
ejusd.    Ars  Crit.  part  III.  sect.  i.  cap.  14.  num.  xi. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  181 

*  haug^hty  and    enterprizing    temper,  when    there  was   no 

*  Roman   governor  in  Jiitlea,  convened  a  council,  and  hud 

*  some  stoned  to  death,  as  transgressors  of  the  laws  :  and 
'  tliat  many  of  the  most  discreet  and  moderate  men  among 
'  the  Jews  were  offended  at  this  proceeding :  forasnuuii  as 
'  whilst  Judea  was  in  the  state  of  a  province,  the  high-priest 
'  had  no  right  to  call  tlie  council  together,  without  leave, 
'  and  they  feared  that  this  action  would  be  resented  by  the 
'  emperor.'  All  this,  I  say,  is  very  likely.  Nevertheless 
those  words,  "  James  the  brother  of  him  who  is  called 
Christ,"  have  been  suspected  to  be  an  interpolation.  And 
probably  *^  are  so.  Supposing'  those  words  to  be  an  inter- 
polation, we  can  gather  no  more  from  that  passage,  than 
that  Ananus  did  illegally  condemn  several  persons  to  death, 
as  transgressors  of  the  Jewish  laws.  But  who  they  were, 
or  whether  any  of  them  were  christians,  or  not,  cannot  be 
determined  M'ith  certainty. 

5.  Eusebius  supposeth,  that  this  passage  of  Josephus  con- 
firms the  account  given  by  Hegesippus :  whereas «  it 
appears,  on  the  other  hand,  very  difHcult  to  reconcile  them. 
I  do  not  perceive  Hegesippus  to  say  any  thing  of  A  nanus,  the 
high-priest.  Nor  has  he  expressly  mentioned  the  Sad- 
ducees,  of  which  sect  Ananus  was.  Nor  does  Hegesippus 
say  a  word  of  the  council  of  the  Jews.  And  as  the  punish- 
ment of  stoning-,  when  ordered  by  magistrates,  was  gene- 
rally inflicted  on  men  out  of  the  city,  it  is  probable,  that 
they  who  were  put  to  death  by  the  procurement  of  Ananus, 
suffered  M'ithout  Jerusalem.  But  according  to  Hegesippus, 
James  died  at  the  temple,  or  near  it,  and  was  buried  not  far 
off  from  the  place  where  he  expired. 

6.  Since  what  is  said  of  James  in  the  passage  of 
Josephus,  is  justly  suspected  to  be  an  interpolation,  it 
ought   not  to  be  regarded.      Learned  men  of  late  times 

*  See  Vol.  i.  p.  83,  84.     See  here  likewise,  note  •*. 

f  See  Dr.  Benson's  History  of  St.  James,  sect.  ii.  p.  12.  the  second  edition. 

8  Quid  magis  contrarium  esse  potest,  quam  haec  Josephi,  et  ilia  Hegesippi 
narratio  ?  Nam  Josephus  quidem  danmatum  esse  scribit  in  publico  Judaeorum 
concilio  ;  Hegesippus  vero,  per  seditionem  ac  tumultum  populi  occisum. 
Et  Hegesippus  quidem  fuste  fullonis  necatum  in  media  urbe,  Josephus  autem 
lapidatiuii  occubuisse  narrat.  Fiebat  autem  lapidatio  extra  portas  civitatis, 
ut  notumest.  Vales.  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  41. 

Secundo,  qui  fidem  habent  narrationi  Hegesippi,  eos  oportet,  aut  Josephum 
falsi  arguere,  aut  suspectum  habere  hunc  lociun,  quo  res  publice  Jerosolymse 
gesta,  adeoque  notissima,  aliter  narrat  ur;  utrairari  subeat,  ab  Eusebio  Josephi 
et  Hegesippi  verba  allata,  eodem  capite,  nee  eum  tentasse  ea  in  concordiam 
vedigere,  aut  alteiutrius  nareationis  fidem  in  dubium  non  revocasse.  Cleric. 
Ars  Crit.  P.  111.  sect.  i.  n.  xii. 


182  j1  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

find  ^  it  very  difficult  to  determine  how  James  died. 
But  that  difficulty,  as  seems  to  me,  is  much  increased  by 
paying"  too  much  regard  to  a  passage,  the  genuineness  of 
which  is  far  from  being  certain.  Josephus  indeed  is  an 
older  author  than  Hegesippus,  and  he  is  an  historian  of  good 
credit.  But  we  should  be  first  assured  that  the  account  is 
his.  If  a  passage,  or  part  of  a  passage,  has  been  inserted 
in  his  works,  and  there  is  good  reason  to  think  it  not  his,  it 
should  be  disregarded,  and  stand  for  nothing. 

If  we  once  set  aside  that  passage,  we  may  soon  come  to 
a  determination  concerning  the  manner  of  James's  death. 
That  James  had  suffered  martyrdom  at  Jerusalem,  was  the 
general  persuasion  of  christians  in  the  time  of  Eusebius,  and 
before,  as  we  plainly  perceive.  Two  ancient  christian  wri- 
ters of  the  second  century  assure  us,  that  his  death  was 
completed  by  the  blow  of  a  fuller's  pole,  with  which  they 
are  wont  to  beat  wet  clothes.  And  Hegesippus,  in  particu- 
lar, and  at  large,  relates  that  his  death  was  effected  in  a 
tumultuous  manner.  The  tumult  began  at  the  temple; 
where  the  scribes,  and  pharisees,  and  other  Jews,  entered 
into  discourse  with  James.  He,  standing  upon  some  emi- 
nence, which  Hegesippus  calls  -Tnepv^nov,  and  we  now 
generally  render  a  battlement,  or  pinnacle,  openly  declared 
and  argued,  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ,  or  the  expected 
Messiah,  and  that  his  doctrine  contained  full  instruction 
how  men  may  be  saved  and  obtain  eternal  life.  At  which 
some  leading-  men  among*  the  Jews  Avere  much  offended. 
They  then  laid  hold  of  him,  and  perhaps  dragged  him  out 
of  the  temple.  Some  of  the  people  threw  stones  at  him. 
And  though  he  earnestly  prayed  to  God  in  the  behalf  of 
those  who  abused  him,  they  persisted  in  their  abuses,  till 
one  struck  him  with  a  long  pole,  which  put  an  end  to  his 
life. 

St.  John  has  recorded  two  instances  of  the  Jews  taking 
up  stones  to  throw  at  our  Lord,  when  he  was  teaching  in  the 
temple,  ch.  viii.  59,  and  ch,  x.  31.  The  first  is  in  these 
words :  "  Then  took  they  up  stones  to  cast  at  him.  But 
Jesus  hid  himself,  and  went  ovit  of  the  temple,  going  through 
the  midst  of  them,  and  so  passed  by.  They  took  up  stones 
to  cast  at  him."  And  if  our  Lord  had  not  saved  himself  by 
a  miraculous  exertion  of  power,  they  would  have  then  killed 
him.  Divine  Providence  not  interposing  in  a  like  manner, 
when  a  like  attempt  was  made  upon  James,  he  fell  a  sacri- 

^  Potest  tamen  fieri,  ut  Jacobus  hoc  tempore  mortuus  sit.  Sed  genus 
mortis  ignotum.  Cleric.  H.  E.  Ann.  Ixii.  num.  iii.  in. 


Si.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  183 

fice  to  the  rage  of  the  unbelieving  part  of  the  Jewish  peo- 
ple at  Jerusalem. 

Nor  ought  it  to  be  thought  exceeding*  strange,  or  abso- 
lutely unaccountable,  that  some  scribes  and  pharisees,  or 
other  Jews,  should  gather  about  James  at  the  temple,  and 
ask  his  opinion  concerning  Jesus,  though  they  knew  it  very 
well  already  :  or  that  they  should  come  to  him  with  pre- 
tences of  great  respect,  and  assurances  of  paying-  a  regard 
to  his  judgment.  For  many  like  things  are  recorded  in  the 
gospels:  which  every  one  is  able  to  recollect.  I  shall 
therefore  take  particular  notice  only  of  that  second  instance, 
mentioned  by  St.  John,  of  their  taking  up  stones  to  throw 
at  our  Lord,  John  x.  22 — 31,  "  And  it  was  at  Jerusalem,  the 

feast  of  the   dedication" And  "  Jesus  walked   in  the 

temple  in  Solomon's  porch.  Then  came  the  Jews  round 
about  him,  and  said  unto  him  :  How  long  dost  thou  make  us 
to  doubt?  If  thou  be  the  Christ,  tell  us  plainly.  Jesus 
answered  them :  I  told  you,  and  ye  believed  not.  The 
works  that  I  do  in  my  Father's  name,  they  bear  witness  of 

me. Then  the  Jews  took  up  stones  again  to  stone  him." 

They  came  to  Jesus,  and  desired  an  answer  to  a  question 
that  had  been  answered  before.  But  they  pretend  now  to 
desire  it  should  be  answered  in  the  plainest  and  fullest  man- 
ner. Nevertheless  they  could  not  hear  the  answer  with 
patience. 

I  said  just  now,  that  two  ancient  writers  of  the  second 
century,  Clement  and  Hegesipp us,  assure  us,  that  the  death 
of  James  had  been  completecl  by  a  fuller's  pole,  after  he 
had  been  thrown  off  from  the  temple.  I  suppose  this  must 
have  been  the  opinion  also  of  Eusebius,  who  has  taken 
notice  of  these  things,  and  of  other  ancient  christians.  It  is 
the  account  which '  Jerom  gives  of  the  death  of  James,  in 
his  article,  in  the  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  and  likewise'' 
elsewhere.     The  same  is  said  by  •  Epiphanius. 

Let  this  suffice  for  the  circumstances  and  the  manner  of  the 
death  of  James. 

VI.  The  time  of  the  death  of  James  may  be  determined 
without  much  difficulty.  He  was  alive  when  Paul  came  to 
Jerusalem  at  the  Pentecost,  in  the  year  of  Christ  58.     And  it 

'  Qui  cum  praecipitatus  de  pinna  templi,  confractis  cruiibus,  adhuc  semi- 

vivus fullonis  fuste,   quo  uda  vestimenta   extorqueri  solent,  in  cerebro 

percussus,  interiit.     De  V.  I.  cap.  2. 

"^  Hie  autem  Jacobus  episcopus  Jerosolymorum  primus  fuit,  cognomenfo 
Justus:  qui  et  ipse  postea  de  templo  a  Judaeis  prsecipitatus,  successorem 
habuit  Simonem,  &c.     Comm.  in  cp.  ad  Gal.  cap.  i.  T.  IV.  p.  237. 

'  Haer.  78.  num.  xiv.  p.  1046. 


184  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

is  likely  that  he  was  dead  when  St.  Paul  wrote  the  epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  at  the  beg  inning"  of  the  year  G'S.  Theodo- 
ret,"'  upon  Hebr.  xiii.  7,  supposeth  the  apostle  there  to  refer 
to  the  martyrdoms  of  Stephen,  James  the  brother  of  John, 
and  James  the  Just.  According- to  Heg-esippus  the  death  of 
James  happened  about  the  time  of  the  passover,  which  might 
be  that  of  the  year  62.  And  if  Festus  was  then  dead,  and 
Albinus  not  arrived,  the  province  was  without  a  governor. 
Such  a  season  left  the  Jews  at  liberty  to  gratify  their  licen- 
tious and  turbulent  disposition.  And  they  were  very  likely 
to  embrace  it.  We  may  therefore  very  reasonably  place  this 
event  at  that  juncture. 

And  it  is  now  the  g-eneral  opinion  of  learned  men,  that 
James  died  about  that  time.  Pearson,"  who  seems  to  admit 
the  genuineness  of  the  whole  passage  of  Josephus,  placeth 
the  death  of  James  in  the  year  62.  Him  Mill  °  follows.  Le 
Clerc,  who  disputes  the  genuineness  of  those  words  that 
relate  to  James,  allows  that  p  he  might  die  about  that  time. 
This  also  is  agreeable  to  Tillemont's  'i  computation.  And  I 
refer  to  ^  Valesius. 

VH.  It  still  remains  that  Ave  consider  on  what  account 
he  Avas  called  the  Lord's  brother,  and  whether  he  be  the 
same  as  James  the  Son  of  Alpheus. 

James,  as  we  have  seen,  is  called  by  St.  Paul  "  the  Lord's 
brother,"  Gal.  i.  19.  All  christian  writers  in  general  speak 
of  him  in  the  like  manner.  The  question  is,  in  what  sense 
he  was  so. 

That  James  was  not  the  son  of  Mary,  or  our  Lord's 
brother  by  nature,  has  been  well  argued  by  christians  in 
former  times,  both  ^  Latins  and  *  Greeks,  from  our  Lord's 
words  upon  the  cross,  recorded  John  xix.  26,  27,  where  he 

■"  Theod.  torn.  III.  p.  459.  "  Ann.  Paulin.  p.  19.  A.  Chr.  Ixii. 

°  Prolegom.  num.  5G.  p  H.  E.  An.  62.  num.  iii. 

"^  S.  Jacque  le  Mineur,  art.  vii.  in. 

'  Vales.  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  41. 

^  Verum  homines  pravissirai  hinc  praesumunt  opinioni  suae  auctoritatem, 
quod  plures  Dominiim  nostrum  fratres  habuisse  sit  traditiun.  Qui  si  Marise 
filii  i'uissent,  et  non  potius  Josephi  e.K  priore  conjugio  suscepti,  nunquam  in 
tempore  passionis  Joanni  Apostolo  transcripta  esset  in  matrem,  Domino  ad 
utnimque  dicente,  Mulier,  ecce  filiustuus,  et  Joanni,  Ecce  mater  tua ;  nisi 
quod  desolataj  solatium  caritatem  filii  in  discipulo  relinquebat.  Hilar.  Pict. 
Conim.  in  Matt.  cap.  i.  p.  612.  Ed.  Bened. 

'  El  T]Tav  Se  TiKva  rtj  Mapt^,  km  ii  VTrrjpxiv  avr/j  avi](),  Tivi  \oytji  irapiSiCa 
Tt]v  Mapuiv  Tii>  lujavvi],  (ca«  rov  Iwavvtfv  ry  Mapi^ ;  Epiph.  Haer.  78. 
num.  X.  p.  1042.  C. 

Ei.ya()  tyvu)  avrtjv,  Kai  ev  raS,H  yvvaiKOQ  Hxtj  nwQ  b)Q  airpO'^artVTOV  avrtjv, 
icai  H^tva  ixnactp,  Tti)  /i(i0/jr?j  TrapuTiBtrai,  kcil  KiXtvti  avTii>  tiq  ra  iSia  avniv 
Xa/3Hv  ;  Chrysost.  m  Matt.  honi.  5.  T.  VII.  p.  77. 


St.  James,  the  Lord^s  BrutUr.  185 

recoiniueiids  the  care  of  his  mother  to  John  :  requiring"  her 
to  consider  him  as  her  son,  and  him  to  take  care  ot"  her,  as 
his  mother. 

And  indeed  it  has  been  the  opinion  of  all  christians  in 
general,  that  Mary  was  always  a  virgin,  and  that  she  never 
had  any  children  by  Joseph.  We  must  therefore  inquire  in 
what  respect  this  James  was  our  Lord's  brother,  and  some 
others  his  brothers,  or  sisters. 

Euscbius,  in  a  chapter  quoted  some  while  ago,  the  first  of 
the  second  book  of  his  ecclesiastical  history,  without  hesita- 
tion says,  '  that  "  James  was  said  to  be  the  Lord's  brother, 
'  because  he  also  was  called  the  son  of  Joseph.  And  Joseph 
'  was  reckoned  his  father,  because  the  virgin  Mary  was  es- 

*  poused  to  him.' 

Orig-en  *'  in  a  passage  also  cited  ^^  above,  says,  that  the 
brethren  of  Jesus  were  the  sons  of  Joseph  by  a  former  wife, 
who  had  cohabited  with  him  before  Mary.  And  he  men- 
tions it  as  supported  by  an  ancient  tradition.  This  was  the 
opinion"  of  Epiphanius,  and  of  many  y  ancient  writers,  both 
Greeks  and  Latins. 

Jerom,  in  his  article  of  this  person,  in  his  Catalogue  of 
Ecclesiastical  Writers,  says  :  '  James,^  who  is  called  the 
'  Lord's  brother,  surnamed  tlie  Just,  was  as  some  think, 
'  the  son  of  Joseph  by  another  wife,  but,  as  seems  to  me, 
'  the  son  of  Mary,  sister  to  our  Lord's  mother,  mentioned  by 

*  John  in  his  gospel,  John  xix.  25.'  And  in  his  book  against 
Helvidius  he  deliv^ers  it  as  his  opinion,  thnt^  those  called 
our  Lord's  brethren  in  the  gospels,  were  so  named,  as  they 
were  cousins,  or  relations.  He  speaks  to  the  like  purpose 
also  ^  in  liis  commentary  upon  Matth.  xii.  49,  50. 

"  Tort  dri  Kai  IaKw/3ov,  tov  rs  Kt/pi«  Xiyojxtvov  ade\(pov,  on  S71  km  ovtoq 
Ioj(Tr]<p  a>vo/ia<ro  TraiQ'  th  Se  XptTS  TTUTTjp  6  laicrj;^,  ^(>  [xvtj'TivOdffa  7)  napQivog, 
K.  X.  L.  2.  c.  1.  p.  38.  B. 

"  In  Matt.  T.X.  p.  462,  463.  T.  III.  iiened.  P.  223.  torn.  I.  Huet. 

*  See  before,  p.  172.  "  Epiph.  Hser.  29.  n.  iii.  etiv.  Hter. 

51.  num.  X.  Haer.  78.  num.  viii.  et  ix.  Aacorat.  num.  Ix.  p.  62. 

y  Greg.  Nyssen.  de  Christi  Resur.  Or.  2.  torn.  III.  p.  412,  413.  Chrysost. 
in  Matt.  horn.  5.  torn.  VII.  p.  77.  C.  Theophyl.  m  Gal.  i.  19.  p.  448. 
Niceph.  Call.  1.  2.  cap.  3.  in  Hilar.  Pictav.  Coram,  in  Matt.  cap.  i.  p.  612.  ed. 
Bened.  Ambros.  de  lustit.  Virg.  cap.  vi.  T.  II.  p.  260.  Bened.  Ambrosiastri 
Comment,  in  Gral.  i.  19.  ap.  Ambros.  in  App.  T.  II.  p.  213. 

^  Jacobus,  qui  appellatur  frater  Domini,  cognomento  Justus,  ut  nonnulli 
existimant,  Joseph  ex  alia  uxore,  ut  mihi  videtur,  Mariae  sororis  matris  Domini, 
cujus  Joannes  in  libro  suo  meminit,  tilius.  De  V.  I.  cap.  2. 

^  Restat  igitur,  ut,  juxta  superiorem  expositionem,  fratres  eos  intelligas 
appellatos,  cognatione,  non  atlectu,  non  gentis  privilegio,  non  natura ;  quo- 
modo  Lot  Abrahae,  quomodo  Jacob  Laban  est  appellatus  frater,  &c.  Adv. 
Helvid.  T.  IV.  P.  2.  p.  140. 

''  Quidam  fratres  Domini  de  alia  uxore  Joseph  filios  suspicantur,  sequentes 


186  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

.  This  opinion  was  at  length  embraced  by  Augustine.  In 
Tiis  exposition  of  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  written  about 
the  year  394,  he  speaks  dubiously,  saying,  '  that*^  James 
'  was  the  Lord's  brother,  as  he  was  the  son  of  Joseph  by  a 
'  former  wife,  or  else  as  he  was  related  to  his  mother  Mary.' 
But  in  works  written  afterwards,  he  continually  says, 
that"^  our  Lord's  brethren  were  relations  of  his  mother 
Mary. 

The  former,  as  appears  from  the  authors  just  cited,  was 
the  more  ancient  opinion.  Nor  does  Jerom  allege  any 
before  him  who  held  the  opinion  mentioned  as  his  own.  In- 
deed he  seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  said  that  our 
Lord's  brethren  were  the  sons  of  Mary,  his  mother's 
sister,  and  therefore  only  cousins  or  relations.  But 
when  he  advanced  this  notion,  he  «  was  inclined  to  think 
Joseph  also  a  virgin.  As  has  been  well  observed  by  ^  G.  J. 
Vossius. 

However  Jerom's  opinion  has  prevailed  very  much  of 
late.  I  suppose  it  may  be  that  =  of  the  Romanists  in  gene- 
ral.    It  was  also  the  opinion  of '^  Lightfoot.     It  is  likewise 

deliramenta  apocryphorum,  et  quandam  Mescham  vel  Escham  mulierciilam 
confingentes.  Nos  autem,  sicut  in  libro,  quem  contra  Helvidium  scripsimus, 
continetur,  non  filios  Joseph,  sed  consobrinos  Salvatoiis,  Mariae  liberos,  intel- 
ligimus,  materterae  Domini ;  quae  esse  dicitur  mater  Jacobi  miuoris,  et  Joseph, 
et  Judae;  quos  in  aho  Evangehi  loco  fratres  Domini  legimus  appellatos. 
Fratres  autem  consobrinos  dici  omnis  scriptura  demonstrat.  In  Matt.  cap. 
xii.  T.  IV.  p.  53. 

'^  Jacobus  Domini  frater,  vel  ex  fihis  Joseph  de  alia  uxore,  vel  ex  cogna- 
tione  Mariae  matris  ejus  debet  intelligi.  Aug.  Expos,  ep.  ad  Gral.  cap.  i.  et 
ii.  num.  viii.  tom.  III.  P.  2. 

''  Fratres  ejus  sic  accipite,  sicut  nostis.  Non  enim  novum  est,  quod  auditis. 
Consanguinei  virginis  Mariae  fratres  Domini  dicebantur.  Scriptura  tamen 
hujusmodi  cognaliones  fratres  appellat.  Nam  Abraham  et  Lot  fratres  sunt 
dicti,  cum  esset  Abraham  patruus  Lot :  et  Laban  et  Jacob  fratres  sunt  dicti, 
cum  esset  Laban  avunculus  Jacob,  &c.  In  Joan.  Tract.  28.  num.  iii.  tom. 
III.  P.  2.  Vid.  ibid,  in  Matt.  Qu.  xvii.  et  in  Joan.  Tr.  x. 

Et  Lot  frater  Abrahae  dicitur,  cum  patruus  ejus  esset  Abraham.  Ex  qua 
vocabuli  consuetudine  etiam  fratres  Domini  vocantur  in  Evangelio,  non 
utique  quos  Maria  virgo  pepererat,  sed  ejus  consanguinitate  omnes  propinqui. 
Contr.  Faust.  1.  22.  cap.  35.  T.  VIII. 

^  Tu  dicis,  Mariam  virginem  non  permansisse.  Ego  mihi  plus  vindico, 
etiam  ipsum  Joseph  virginem  fuisse  per  Mariam,  ut  ex  virginitatis  conjugio 
virgo  fiiius  nasceretur.  Adv.  Helvid.  tom.  IV.  p,  142.  in. 

f  Et  sane,  qui  Josephum  putaret  non  habuisse  uxorem,  antequam  B.  Mariam 
duceret,  ante  B.  Hieronymum  arbitror  fuisse  neminem ;  utcumque  posterioribus 
temporibus,  in  virginitate  extolleuda  immodicis,  avide  multi  earn  fuerint  senten- 
tiam  amplexi.     Vos.  de  Gen.  Christ!,  cap.  vi. 

8  Vid.  Baron,  in  Apparatu,  num.  Ixi.  &c.  Est.  ad  Gal.  cap.  i.  19.  et  alibi. 
Tillem.  S.  Jacque  le  Mineur,  Art.  i.  et  ii. 

»>  See  Lightloot's  Works,  Vol.  I.  p.  270, 541,  660. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  187 

embraced  by  '  Witsius,  and  ^  Lampe,  and  '  many  other  pro- 
testants.  But  Valesius,  among-  the  Romanists,  in  his  anno- 
tations upon  the  above-cited  chapter  of  Eusebius,  says,  he*" 
thinks  that  James  was  the  son  ot  Joseph  by  a  former  wife. 
The  same  opinion  has  been  asserted  by  several  among  the 
protestants,"  G.  J.  Vossius,  and  "  Basnage,  and  p  Cave,  in 
his  Lives  of  the  Apostles  written  in  English.  Nor  does  it 
appear  that  he  had  abandoned  his  first  judgment,  when  i 
he  wrote  his  Historia  Literaria. 

I  likewise  have  for  a  long  time  been  much  inclined  to  the 

•  At  quamvis  Eusebiiis,  Epiphanius,  Gregorius  Nyssenus,  plurimique 
veterum,in  eamdcm  concesserint  sententiam,  non  videtur  mihi  ea  probabilibus 
niti  argumentis.  Rectius  Hieronymo  accedemus,  arbitranti  eos,  qui  Domini 
fratres  dicuntur,  fuisse  ejus  consobrinos,  loquendi  genere  etiam  Graecis  et 
Romanis  noto.  Wits.  Coram,  in  ep.  Jud.  sect.  4.  p.  454. 

■^  Erat  liic  frater  Jacobi  minoris. Quare  fait  consobrinus  Christi  secun- 
dum carnem,  natus  ex  Maria,  uxore  Cleophse,  seu  Alphaei,  quae  soror  erat 
Mariae  Matris  Domini.  Lampe,  in  Evang.  Joan.  cap.  xiv.  22.  T.  III.  p.  167. 

'  Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  4.  cap.  5.  n.  xi.  T.  III.  p.  165.  And  see  L'Enfant  et 
Beausobre,  sui-  Gal.  i.  19.  et  la  preface  sur  I'epitre  de  S.  Jacques.  Dr.  Benson 
in  his  preface  to  the  epistle  of  St.  James,  sect.  ii.  Doddridge  in  his  preface  to 
the  same  episde.  ™  Ait  igitur  Eusebius,  Jacobum,  qui  in 

Evangelic  et  epistola  Pauli  frater  Domini  dicitur,  filium  fuisse  Josephi  ex 
alia  conjuge,  quam  Josephus  ante  Mariam  sibi  sociaverat.     Cum   Eusebio 

consentit  Epiphanius Gregorius  Nyssenus sed  Hieronymus,  in  Iibro  de 

Scriptoribus  Ecclesiasticis  Jacobum  himc  idcirco  fratrem  Domini  appellatura 

esse  existimat,  quod  filius  esset  Mariae  sororis  matris  Domini Multa  qui- 

dem  de  hoc  argiunento  disseruit  Baronius  in  Annalibus.  Mihi  tamen  verier 
videtur  opinio  eorum,  qui  Jacobum,  et  reliquos  Domini  fratres,  Josephi  ex 
priore  matrimonio  filios  esse  dicunt.  Haec  enim  sententia  magis  convenit 
verbis  Evangelii.   Vales.  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  1.  2.  cap.  1. 

Fuit  enim  Jacobus  filius  Josephi,  ac  proinde  oriundus  ex  stirpe  David.  Id. 
in  Annot.  ad.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  40.  "  Voss.  de  Gen.  J.  C.  cap.  vi. 

°  Basnag.  ann.  ante  Christ.  6.  num.  xxviii.  et  xxix. 

P  '  He  was  the  son  (as  we  may  probably  conjecture)  of  Joseph,  afterwards 

*  husband  to  the  blessed  virgin,  and  his  first  wife.     Hence  reputed  our  Lord's 

*  brother,  in  the  same  sense,  that  he  was  reputed  the  son  of  Joseph. Jerom, 

*  and  some  others,  will   have  Christ's   brethren  so  called,  because  sons  of 

*  Mary,  cousin-german,  or,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Hebrew  language, 

*  sister  to  the  virgin  Mary.     But  Eusebius,  Epiphanius,  and  the  far  greater 

*  part  of  the  ancients  (from  whom,  especially  in  matters  of  fact,  we  are  not 

*  rashly  to  depart)  make  them  the  children  of  Joseph  by  a  former  wife.  And 
'  this  seems  most  genuine  and  natural,  the  evangelists  seeming  very  express  and 

*  accurate  in  the  account  which  they  give  of  them.     "  Is  not  this  the  car- 

*  penter's  son  ?  Is  not  his  mother  called  Mary  ?  and  his  brethren,  James,  and 

*  Joses,  and  Simon,  and  Jude  ? Matt.  xiii.  55,  56.     By  which  it  is  plain, 

*  that  the  Jews  understood  these  persons  not  to  be  Christ's  kinsmen  only,  but 

*  his  brothers,  the  same  carpenter's  sons,  having  the  same  relation  to  him  that 

*  Christ  himself  had  :  though  they  indeed  had  more.      Clirist  being  but  his 

*  reputed,  they  his  natural  sons.'     And  what  follows.     The  Life  of  James  the 

Less,  num.  2.  "i  S.  Jacobus  apostolus minor  diclus, 

cognomento  Justus,  frater  Domini,  Josephi  utpote  ex  priori  conjuge,  seu,  ut 
Hieronymo  placet,  Mariae  sororis  matris  Domini  filius.  Hist.  Lit.  torn.  I.  p.  14. 


188  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

same  opinion  ;  and  have  composed  an  argument  upon  the 
question.  But  1  have  laid  it  aside,  supposing  it  to  be  rather 
too  prolix,  and  too  intricate,  to  be  inserted  in  this  place. 
And  after  all,  perhaps,  some  may  think  that  the  argument 
does  not  afford  a  complete  solution  of  all  difficulties  and 
objections.  I  therefore  enter  not  at  present  into  any 
dispute  about  it,  but  leave  every  one  to  judge  as  he  sees 
good. 

VIII.  Whether  James  was  the  son  of  Joseph  by  a  former 
wife,  or  the  son  of  Mary,  wife  of  Cleophas,  sister  to  Mary 
our  Lord's  mother,  or  otherwise  nearly  related  to  her,  he 
was  an  apostle.  I  think  it  was  clearly  proved  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  chapter  from  the  New  Testament,  that  James, 
called  "  the  Lord's  brother,"  was  an  apostle  in  the  highest 
acceptation  of  the  word.  Consequently,  he  must  be  James 
the  son  of  Alpheus,  or  Cleophas.  For  those  names  seem  to 
be  one  differently  written. 

But  how  he  was  so  is  made  out  differently.  They  who 
say  that  those  called  our  Lord's  brethren  were  sons  of  Cleo- 
phas, husband  of  Mary,  related  to  our  Lord's  mother,  seem 
to  have  here  no  difficulty.  But  they  who  suppose  our 
Lord's  brethren  to  have  been  sons  of  Joseph  by  a  former 
wife,  are  somewhat  embarrassed.  However,  I  just  observe, 
that  the  account,  given  by  "^  Epiphanius,  is  this.  Cleophas 
and  Joseph  were  brothers.  The  former  died  without  issue, 
and  Joseph  raised  up  seed  to  his  brother.  Accordingly, 
James  being  the  first-born  of  Joseph,  was  called  the  son 
of  Cleophas.  In  like  manner  speaks  ^  Theophylact. 
But,  as  before  said,  I  do  not  now  form  any  debate  about 
this. 

That  James,  called  our  Lord's  brother,  is  the  same  as  he, 
who  in  the  catalogues  of  the  apostles  is  called  the  "  son  of 
Alpheus,"  or  "Cleophas,"  is  allowed  by  Epiphanius,  Chry- 
sostom,  and  Theophylact.  Epiphanius  says,  that  *  James, 
by  nature  the  son  of  Joseph,  who  was  called  the  Lord's 
brother,  and  was  an  apostle,  was  appointed  the  first  bishop 
of  Jerusalem.  Chrysostom,  in  his  comment  upon  Gal.  i.  19, 
says,  '  that  "  Paul  calls  James  the   Lord's   brother,  giving 

■■  Vid.  Epiph.  Hasr.  29.  n.  iii.  iv.  H.  51.  n.  x.  H.  78.  num.  vii.  viii.  Lx.  et 
Ancorat.  num.  lx.  *   Uojg  St  r}v  th  KXoira  ■■,  Akhe'  KXavrag 

uai  lw<Jr}(p  aStX^oi.  T«  KXoTra  mraiSog  Tt\tvTi]aavTOQ,  o  ltoai](p  i^avf^rfrrtv 
avTi^  ffTrtpfia,  Kca  triKt  thtov,  koi  rag  aWag  avrs  aSi\(pHg,  k.  X.  Theoph.  in 
Gal.  i.  19.  ' KaTarraOtvTog  aiOvg  Ia/ca)/3  th  aSe\^n  Kvpia 

ICaX«/X«l'8   Kai  ttTTOToXs  ttTlfKOTTIi    ITptOTH  W«  \ii)(Ttl(f>  (jlVnil    OVTOg,    K.   X.     HsPr.   29. 

n.  iii.  "   El  yap  (Ttji^iavai  ov  iXfytv  jjOtXiv,  ivr)v  Km  i'i  tTcpa 

yvoiQKTuaTog  thto  ■KOir](rai  SijXop,  icm  inrnv  top  th  KXwTra,  oirip  (cat  fuayytXtTJjS 

iXtyiv.  Chr.  in  Gal.  cap.  i.  T.  X.  p.  G78.  E. 


St.  James,  the  Lord^s  Brother.  189 

*  him  that  honourable  appelhition,  when  he  might  have  said 

*  "  the  son  of  Cleophas,"  as  he  is  called  in  the  gospels.' 
Theophylact  likewise  says,  '  tliat "  Paul  calls  him  the  Lord's 
'  brother,  by  the  Avay  of  an  honourable  distinction,  when  he 
'  might  have  called  him  the  son  of  Cleophas.  Nor  was  he 
'  the  Lord's  brother  according-  to  the  flesh,  but  only  thought 
'  to  be  so.'     I  mention  no  more  ancient  writers. 

And  that  James,  called  the  son  of  Alpheus  in  the  cata- 
logues of  the  apostles,  was  one  of  those  M'ho  are  called  "  the 
Lord's  brethren,"  1  think,  may  be  shown  from  the  gospels, 
by  comparing-  several  texts  together. 

In  all  the  catalogues  of  the  twelve  apostles  of  Christ,  the 
four  last  mentioned  are  these.  "  James  the  son  of  Alpheus, 
and  Lebbeus,  whose  surname  was  Thaddeus,  Simon  the 
Canaanite,  and  Judas  Iscariot,  who  also  betrayed  him," 
Matth.  X.  3,  4.  "James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  Thaddeus, 
and  Simon  the  Canaanite,  and  Judas  Iscariot,  which  also 
betrayed  him,"  Mark  iii.  18,  19.  "  James  the  son  of  Al- 
pheus, and  Simon  called  Zelotes,  and  Judas  the  brother  of 
James,  and  Judas  Iscariot,  which  was  also  the  traitor," 
Luke  vi.  15,  16.  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  Simon 
Zelotes,  and  Judas  the  brother  of  James,"  Acts  i.  13. 

Let  us  now  compare  the  texts  in  the  gospels,  M'here  our 
Lord's  brethren  are  named.  Matt.  xiii.  55,"  Is  not  this  the 
carpenter's  son?  Is  not  his  mother  called  Mary?  and  his 
brethren  James,  and  Joses,  and  Simon,  and  Judas  ?"  And 
Mark  vi.  3,  "  Is  not  this  the  carpenter,  the  son  of  Mary, 
the  brother  of  James,  and  of  Joses,  and  of  Judah,  and 
Simon  ?" 

All  these,  except  Joses,  seem  to  hav^e  been  apostles.  For 
must  not  the  three  apostles,  last  mentioned  before  Judas 
Iscariot,  in  the  first  catalogues,  and  the  three  last  mention- 
ed in  the  Acts,  be  three  of  the  four  called  in  the  gospels  our 
Lord's  brethren  ? 

And  I  should  choose  to  translate  the  texts  of  St.  Luke, 
where  the  apostles  are  named,  somewhat  differently  from 
what  is  generally  done,  in  this  manner.  "James  the  son  of 
Alpheus,  and  Simon  Zelotes,  and  Judas,  brethren  of  James: 
declaring,  that  both  Simon  and  Judas  were  brethren  of 
James,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  before  named.  A  word  must  be 
supplied.  And  the  coherence  leads  me  to  think  brethren 
more  proper  than  brother. 

'  'EiSe  Se  Kai  laKwfiov.  Msra  Tifiric  ci  Km  tutu  fienvtjrai,  rov  aStXtpov  ts 
KvpiH  tiTTiov'  ovtu)  KaL  ftaOKaviaQ  aTrtjWaKTO'  koitoi,  n  rf[3n\iro  arffiavai,  iiirtv 
av,  TOP  rn  KXoTra'  uSi  yap  Kara  ffapKci  adi\(pOQ  t)v  th  Kvpm,  aW  evOfiiZtTO. 
Theoph.  in  Gal.  i.  19. 


190  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Eimngelists. 

By  all  which  vfe  are  led  to  conclude,  that  James,  seve- 
ral times  mentioned  in  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles,  is 
the  same  who  in  the  catalogues  of  the  apostles,  is  called 
"  James  the  son  of  Alpheus."  For  James,  mentioned  by 
St.  Paul,  is  called  "  the  Lord's  brother,"  and  plainly  ap- 
pears to  be  an  apostle.  Consequently,  he  is  "  James  the 
son  of  Alpheus,"  mentioned  in  all  the  catalogues  of  the  apos- 
tles of  Christ. 

Wall,  in  his  notes  upon  John  vii.   at  the  beginning,  says, 

*  These  brethren  and  kinsfolk  of  our  Lord,  as  they  were 
'  but  mean  persons,  so  also  they  were  some  of  the  backward- 
'  est  to  believe  in  him. They  that  are  most  usually  called 

*  his  brethren  were  James,  and  Joses,  and  Simon,  and  Judas. 

* Two  of  these,  James  and  Judas,  some  learned  men 

'  think  to  have  been  two  of  the  apostles.  And  there  were 
'  two  apostles  of  those  names  that  were  brethren.  But  this 
'  place,  if  they  be  of  those  that  are  meant  in  it,  is  a  strong 
'  argument  against  that  opinion.  For  these  brethren  did 
'  hardly  yet  believe  in  him;  but  the  apostles  did.     This  was 

*  but  half  a  year  before  he  suffered.' 

Upon  Avhicli  I  would  observe  :  when  St.  John  says,  ch. 
vii.  5,  "  For  neither  did  his  brethren  believe  in  him  :  he 
does  not  intend  to  say  that  they  had  not  faith  in  him.  Gro- 
tius's  comment  appears  to  me  very  right.  '  The  '"  meaning 
'  is  not  that  they  did  not  believe  at  all ;  but  that  they  did 
'  not  believe  as  they  should.' 

Learned  men  are  certainly  in  the  right,  when  they  say 
that  some  of  our  Lord's  brethren  were  apostles.  And  it 
seems  to  me,  that  all  those,  who  in  the  gospels  are  called 
our  Lord's  brethren,  had  early  and  always  an  affection  and 
esteem  for  him.  This  may  be  perceived  from  several  places 
in  the  gospels,  as  Matt.  xii.  4G  ;  Mark  iii.  31  ;  Luke  viii. 
19;  See  also  John  ii.  12.  And  in  time  they  all  believed  in 
him,  and  that  rightly,  as  the  Messiah.  St.  Luke,  in  the  his- 
tory of  things  after  our  Lord's  ascension.  Acts  i.  13,  14, 
having  mentioned  the  names  of  the  apostles,  adds,  "  These 
all  continued  with  one  accord  in  prayer  and  supplication, 
with  the  women,  and  Mary  the  mother  of  Jesu?,  and  with 
his  brethren."  And  St.  Paul,  1  Cor.  ix.  5,  speaks  of 
*'  brethren  of  the  Lord,"  not  apostles,  who  laboured  in 
spreading  the  gospel  in  the  world. 

They  of  whom  St.  John  speaks,  had  worldly  views  and 

expectations.     They  were  desirous,  that  Jesus,  if  he  were 

indeed  the  Messiah,  should  go  to  Jerusalem,  and  set  up  his 

kingdom  in  a  glorious  manner.   Even  after  this,  several  who 

*  Non  omnino,  non  ut  oportebat.   Grot,  in  loc. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  191 

certainly  were  apostles,  betrayed  great  ignorance,  or  weak 
faith,  or  wrong  apprehensions,  by  their  discourses,  and 
questions  put  to  our  Saviour.  Of  Thomas,  see  John 
xiv.  5.  Of  Philip,  see  ver.  8 — 11,  and  of  Judas,  ver.  22, 
23. 

Those  brethren  of  our  Lord  proposed  that  he  should 
hasten  to  Jerusalem,  to  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  nigh  at 

hand. "  Jesus  said  to   thoni,  my  time  is  not  yet  come. 

But  your  time  is  always  ready.  The  world  cannot  hate 
you.  But  me  it  hateth,  because  I  testify  of  it,  that  the 
works  thereof  are  evil.  Go  ye  up  unto  this  feast.  I  go 
not  up  yet  unto  this  feast  :  for  my  time  is  not  yet  full 
come,"  ch.  vii.  G,  7,  8.  It  is  manifest,  that  he  taxeth  their 
carnality  and  worldly-mindedness.  As  if  he  had  said  :  '  It 
'  is  *  not  proper  for  me  to  go  up  to  this  feast,  as  yet,  nor  till 
*  after  it  is  begun.  But  you  may  go  up  at  any  time,  since 
'  you  have  done  little  or  nothing*  to  make  the  Jews  lui- 
'  friendly  to  you,  as  I  have  done :  who  by  the  strictness  of 
'  my  doctrine,  and  the  freedom  of  my  reproofs,  have  pro- 
'  voked  many  to  a  great  degree.' 

It  follows  in  ver.  9,  10,  "  When  he  had  said  these  things 
unto  them,  he  abode  still  in  Galilee.  But  when  his  brethren 
were  gone  up,  then  went  he  also  up  unto  the  feast,  not 
openly,  but  as  it  Avere  in  secret."  These  words  may  afford, 
in  the  opinion  of  some,  another  objection  to  the  supposi- 
tion, that  these  brethren  of  our  Lord  were  apostles.  But  to 
me  the  objection  appears  not  of  much  moment.  Some  of 
these  brethren  might  nevertheless  be  among  the  apostles,  and 
go  up  to  the  feast  before  him.  For  our  Lord  seems  not  to 
have  been  attended  by  all  his  apostles  in  that  journey. 
So  much  is  implied  in  the  manner  in  which  it  was  per- 
formed. "  lie  went  not  openly,  but  as  it  were  in  private:" 
in  a  more  private  manner  than  he  had  usually  done,  and 
attended  by  a  small  number  of  his  apostles  only,  several  of 
them  having  gone  up  to  Jerusalem  before  him,  upon  occa- 
sion of  the  approaching  solemnity. 

Chrysostom  seems  not  to  have  doubted,  that  some  of  the 
brethren  of  our  Lord  here  spoken  of  were  apostles,  or  at 
least  among  his  disciples.  For  discoursing-  on  John  vii.  3, 
4,  5,  he  says  :  '  Observe  y  with  me  the  povver  of  Christ. 
'  Of  them  who  uttered  these  words,  one  was  the  first  bishop 

"  Compare  Mr.  James  Macknight's  Harmony  of  the  Gospels,  Vol.  ii.  p.  5. 

^  2u  St  HOI  CKOTTU  TS  Xpi<r«  Tr]V  Svva^iv.  Airo  yap  thtuiv  twv  ravra 
\iyovT<t)v  ra  pijfiara,  o   irpioTOQ  rwv  '\ipoao\vfiu)v  imcKOiroQ  ytyovtv,  6  fiUKa- 

pioQ   laKiiifioQ. Aeysrai    St  koi   o   Is^a^  QavfiaTOQ  re   ytyovtvai.     In    Jo. 

hom.  48.  T.  VIII.  p.  284.  D. 


192  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanrjelists. 

'  of  Jerusalem,  even  the  blessed  James,  of  whom  Paul  says: 
'  "  Other  of  the  apostles  saw  I  none,  save  James  the  Lord's 
'  brother."  And  Judas  also  is  said  to  have  been  a  wonder- 
'  ful  man.'  So  says  Chrysostom,  who  did  not  receive  the 
epistle  of  St.  Jude,  so  far  as  we  tan  perceive,  though  he  did 
that  of  St.  James. 

IX.  This  James  is  called  by  St  Mark,  "  the  less,"  ch.  xv. 
40.  "  Theie  were  also  women  looking-  on  afar  oft'.  Among' 
whom  was  Mary  Magdalene,  and  Mary  the  mother  of  James 
the  Less,  and  Joses,  and  Salome."  That  hereby  is  meant 
James,  the  Lord's  brother,  and  the  son  of  Alpheus,  is  gene- 
rally supposed,  and  I  think  reasonably.  He  can  be  no 
other,  because  Joses  is  presently  afterwards  mentioned  as 
his  brother,  agreeably  to  other  places  of  the  evangelists, 
where  our  Lord's  brethren  are  named.  Matt.  xiii.  55; 
Mark  vi.  3.  But  interpreters  are  not  agreed  why  he  was  so 
called. 

It  has  been  thought,  that  ^  herein  is  a  reference  to  James 
the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  brother  of  John,  who  had  been 
beheaded  by  Herod  in  the  year  of  Christ  44.  And  Light- 
foot  says,  '  that^  James,  or  Jacob,  is  commonly  called  James 
'  the  great,  in  distinction  from  James  the  son  of  Alpheus, 
'  who  is  called  the  Less,  not  for  any  dignity,  or  superiority  of 
'  apostleship  that  he  had  above  the  other,  but  either  because 
'  this  James  was  the  elder,  or  because  of  the  singular  privacy 
'  that  Christ  admitted  him  to  with  himself,  as  he  also  did 
'  Peter  and  John.' 

Here  are  several  reasons  of  this  denomination,  but  though 
Lightfoot  says  James  the  son  of  Zebedee  was  connnoidy 
called  James  the  great,  there  is  no  instance  of  it  in  the  New 
Testament. 

It  may  be  observed,  that  the  less,  in  the  original,  is  not  a 
comparative,  but  a  positive,  the  little,  ts  /.uKpn.  And  so  Beza 
has  translated.  Maria  Jacobi  parvi  et  Jose  mater.  How- 
ever in  the  Latin  Vulgate  it  is  Jacobi  minoris.  And  it  is 
evident  that  ^  Jerom  so  understood  the  word. 

Gregory  Nyssen  *=  thought  he  was  called  the  Less,  as  not 

'■  Puto  ita  dictum  inter  Apostolos  ad  discrimen  Jacobi  Zebedai'dae.  Grot. 
ad  Marc,  xv,  40.  =*    The  third  part  of  the  Harmony  of  the 

four  Evangehsts,  Vol.  I.  p.  G34. 

''  Si  non  est  ApostoUis,  sed  nescio  quis  Jacobus,  quomodo  est  frater  Domini 
putandus?  Et  quomodo  tertius  ad  distmctionem  majoris  appellabitur  minor? 
quum  major  et  minor  non  inter  tres,  scd  inter  duos  soleant  prabere  distan- 
tiara.     Adv.  Helvid,  p.  138.  in.  *■  'O  Sc  Map/cof  Ia(ca>/38  t» 

HlKpti   KOI     lojtTt)     fX-qTipU    aVTI]V    flTTiV,   tTTSITTfp    I^V    (iXXoq   I«IC(ii/3q£   O    TS   A\(*)UIS, 

Cut  THTO  fiiycuj,  VTi  roiQ  aTTO'zoXoiQ  roig  CuiStKci  avvufiiQfiriTo'  b  yap  fiiKpog  «/c 
i}v  avToiQ  iva(M9fiioc.     Greg.  Nyss.  de  Christ.  Res.  Or.  2.  T.  III.  p.  413. 


St.  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.  193 

being-  one  of  the  twelve  apostles.  Which  reason  1  cannot 
admit,  because  I  am  persuaded  he  was  an  apostle,  if  he  was 
the  Lord's  brother.  Nor  do  I  perceive  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment more  than  two  of  this  name. 

Some  say,  he  was  so  called,  because  he  was  the  younger 
of  the  two  apostles  of  this  name.  But  of  this  there  is  no 
proof  nor  probability.  For  James,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  must 
have  been  his  father's  first-born,  and  may  have  been  as 
old,  or  older  than  James  the  son  of  Zebedee. 

Some  have  conjectured  that  '^  he  might  be  so  called  on 
account  of  his  stature.  Which  conjecture  is  favoured  by 
the  literal  sense  of  the  word  in  the  positive  degree,  James 
the  Little.  And  some  may  be  apt  to  think,  that  this  was 
one  reason  Avhy  the  Jews  at  the  temple,  according*  to  Hege- 
sippus,  placed  him  on  an  eminence,  that  he  might  be  heard 
by  all  tlie  people,  when  assembled  in  great  numbers.  So 
Zaccheus,  being  little  of  stature,  and  there  being*  a  great 
crowd,  climbed  up  into  a  sycamore  tree,  to  see  Jesus  as 
he  passed  by,  Luke  xix.  Perhaps  this  is  as  likely  a  conjec- 
ture as  any. 

Nevertheless  I  shall  mention  one  more.  He  might  be  so 
called  on  account  of  his  inferiority,  in  comparison  of  the 
other  James.  It  is  manifest,  that  during  the  time  of  our 
Lord's  abode  on  this  earth,  Peter,  and  James  and  John,  the 
two  sons  of  Zebedee,  were  the  most  eminent  and  consider- 
able of  the  disciples.  They  were  the  most  favoured,  and 
were  admitted  by  our  Lord  to  some  special  measure  of  con- 
fidence and  freedom.  And  it  is  observable,  that  in  all  the 
catalogues  of  the  apostles,  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and 
Simon  the  Canaanite,  or  Zelotes,  and  Judas,  are  the  last 
mentioned,  except  Judas  Iscariot.  Possibly  these  three, 
whom  I  suppose  to  have  been  our  Lord's  brethren,  were  the 
latest  called  to  be  apostles,  and  for  a  while  were  defective 
in  faith  and  understanding,  or  not  so  considerable  and  emi- 
nent as  some  of  the  other  apostles,  particularly  James  the 
son  of  Zebedee.  The  question  put  to  our  Lord  by  Judas, 
one  of  them,  recorded  in  John  xiv.  22,  seems  a  remarkable 
instance  of  the  slowness  of  his  understanding  in  the  things 
of  religion,  under  all  the  advantages  >vhich  he  had  en- 
joyed. 

James  therefore  might  be  called  "  the  Less,"  by  way  of 
distinction  from  another  of  the  same  name,  who  had  been 
called  to  be  an  apostle  before  him,  and   was  more  eminent. 

■*  Potuit  etiain  Jacobus  parvus  appellari  ad  corporis  molem  ratione  habita ; 
quomodo  apud  Romanos  ob  corporis  affectiones  Pauli,  Magni,  Longi,  Crassi, 
Claudii,  Pulchri  nuncupabantur.    Basnag.  ann.  ante  Dom.  6.  num.  xxxi. 

VOL.    VI.  O 


1 94  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  yet  the  appellation  carried  not  in  it  any  reflection. 
This  coincides  with  some  things  said  by  Lightfoot  a- 
bove. 

However,  it  is  mentioned  only  as  a  conjecture,  to  be  con- 
sidered by  those  who  are  disposed  to  do  it.  For  I  am  not 
able  to  say  with  assurance,  what  was  the  ground  and  reason 
of  this  appellation. 

X.  We  have  seen  divers  proofs  of  the  respect  shown  to 
this  person,  which  any  one  is  able  to  recollect,  and  therefore 
they  need  not  to  be  repeated.  However,  I  shall  here  take 
notice  of  a  few  such  things. 

1.  He  is  never  called  Justus,  or  the  Just,  in  the  New 
Testament ;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  so  called  by  many, 
even  in  his  life-time,  as  well  as  afterwards.  Eusebius  says, 
that  ^  he  was  called  the  Just  by  the  ancients  on  account  of 
the  eminence  of  his  virtue.  He  is  several  times  so  called 
in  the  passag-es  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  quoted  from  Eu- 
sebius '  some  while  ago.  Hegesippus  says,  he  ^  had  been 
called  the  Just  by  all  from  our  Saviour's  time  to  his  own  : 
and  afterwards,  that  '^  on  account  of  his  eminent  virtue  he 
was  called  the  Just,  and  Oblias.  He  likewise  says,  that ' 
the  Jews  at  the  temple  called  him  the  Just,  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  account  of  his  death,  transcribed  above.  Jerom''  in 
the  beginning  of  his  article  of  this  person  says,  '  that  James 
'  the  Lord's  brother  was  surnamed  the  Just.' 

2.  In  his  commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians, 
at  ch.  i.  19,  he  says,  '  that'  James,  there  spoken  of,  was  in 
'  such  esteem  for  his  sanctity,  that  it  was  no  uncommon  thing* 
'  for  people  to  crowd  about  him,  and  strive  to  touch  the  hem 
'  of  his  garment.' 

3.  Eusebius  says,  that"*  the  episcopal  chair  in  which 
James  was  used  to  sit,  was  preserved  to  his  time,  and  was 
had  in  veneration  by  the  church  at  Jerusalem. 

XI.  I    have    not    been    able   to   write     the    history    of 

*  Thtov  St]  Hv  nvTov  laKdjfSov  ov  Kffi  SiKaiov  tTTiKXr/v  01  TraXai  Si  apirrig 
tKaXnv  TTQOTfprjixaTa. Eus.  H.  E.  1.  2.  C.  1.  p.  38.  B.  '   P.  169,  170. 

8  'O  ovofxaaBtic  viro  Travruiv  Sikowq  otto  tiov  r»  Kvpis  XP"*''^*'  H'^XP''  *"* 
rjnojv.    Ap.  Euscb.  1.  2.  c.  23.  p.  63.  D. 

''   Aui   yiroi  rrjv   vTrepfSokrjv  Tr]Q    SiKaioavvrjQ   avrs    ikoXhto   SiKaiog    (cat 

Q^Xiac-     lb.  p.  64.  A.  '  Kai  ticpa'^av  avTti),  Kai   inrov' 

AiKaa,  0)  iravTig  ■n-nOtrrOai  o^nXojuer.     lb.  D.  Vid.  et  p.  65.  A.  ct  B. 

''  Jacobus,  qui  appelliiliirfrater  Domini,  cognoniento  Justus.  DeV.  I.  cap.2. 

'  Hie  autem  Jacobus  episcopus  Jerosolymonim  primus  fuit,  cognomento 
Justus  ;  vir  tanlae  sanctitatis  et  rumoris  in  populo,  ut  fimbriam  vestimenti  ejus 
certatim  cuperent  altiiigere.  '  In  Gal.  T.  IV.  p.  237.  in. 

"   Tov  yap    luKttjfiii   Qpovov   r«    irpiors    rt}(;  'UpoaoXv/iuiv    tKKXt)<nac ttg 

Stvpo  Trt<pvXaynivov  o\  rrjSe  Kara  5iaSoxr)v  Trepie 'Trovrtg  aSeXtpot,  k.  X.  H.  E.  1. 
7.  c.  19. 


Tlic  Epistle  of  St.  James.  1 95 

tliis  person  so  regularly,  as  that  of  some  others.  For  which 
reason  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  take  a  summary  view  of  what 
we  have  seen. 

James,  sometimes  called  the  Less,  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and 
called  the  Lord's  brother,  either  as  being"  the  son  of  Joseph 
by  a  former  wife,  or  a  relation  of  his  mother  Mary,  was  one 
of  Christ's  apostles.  We  have  no  account  of  the  time  when 
he  -was  called  to  the  apostleship.  Nor  is  there  any  thing" 
said  of  him  particularly  in  the  history  of  our  Saviour,  which 
is  in  the  gospels.  But  from  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epis- 
tles, we  can  perceive  that  after  our  Lord's  ascension  he  was 
of  note  among'  the  apostles.  Soon  after  St.  Stephen's  death 
in  the  year  3(l,  or  thereabout,  he  seems  to  have  been  ap- 
pointed president,  or  snperintendant  in  the  church  of  Jeru- 
salem, where,  and  in  Judea,  he  resided  the  remaining  part  of 
his  life.  Accordingly,  he  presided  in  the  council  of  Jeru- 
salem, held  there  in  the  year  49,  or  50.  He  was  in  great 
repute  among-  the  Jewish  people,  both  believers  and  unbe- 
lievers, and  was  surnamed  the  Just.  Notwithstanding- 
which  he  suffered  martyrdom  in  a  tumult  at  the  temple  : 
and,  probably,  in  the  former  part  of  the  year  62.  He 
wrote  one  epistle,  not  long  before  his  death,  of  which  we 
shall  speak  presently. 


CHAP.  xvn. 

THE  EPISTLE  OF  ST.  JAMES. 


I.  J'he  Evidences  of  its  Genuineness.      H.   When  written. 

HL    To  rvhom. 


HAVING  now  done  all  I  am  able  for  clearing  up  the  his- 
tory of  this  person,  I  come  to  consider  the  epistle  ascribed 
to  him. 

Here  I  would  observe  the  evidences  of  its  genuineness 
and  authority,  the  time  when,  and  the  people  to  whom  it 
was  written. 

L  And  for  the  first  point.  This  epistle  seems  to  be 
alluded,  or  referred  to,  by  Clement  bishop  of  Rome,  Vol. 
ii.  ch.  ii.  num.  xxxvii.— xl.  and  by  Hermas,  ch.  iv.  num. 
xxviii.— xxxiv.     It   is    not  expressly  quoted   by  Irenreus. 

o  2 


196  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Nor  are  there  in  him  any  undisputed  references  to  it,  cb. 
xvii.  num.  v.  1,  2,  7.  Nor  do  we  perceive  it  to  be  quoted 
by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  ch.  xxii.  num.  viii.  nor  by  Ter- 
tullian,  ch.  xxvii.  num.  xi.  1.  This  epistle  is  quoted  once 
or  twice  by  Origen,  but  as  of  doubtful  authority,  or  not 
received  by  all,  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  xi.  We  do  not  observe 
any  notice  to  be  taken  of  this  epistle  by  Cyprian,  Vol.  iii. 
ch.  xliv.  num.  vii.  It  seems  to  be  referred  to  by  Commo- 
dian,  a  Latin  writer,  about  the  year  270,  ch.  xlix.  num.  iii.  6. 
It  is  probable  that  it  was  received  by  the  Manichees  and 
Paulicians,  ch.  Ixiii.  sect.  vi.  num.  iv.  9;  sect.  ix.  num.  ii. 
5,  10—12.  It  seems  to  be  referred  to  by  Lactantius,  ch.  Ixv, 
num.  vi.  5. 

From  a  passage  of  Eusebius,  cited  in  the"  preceding" 
chapter,  it  appears,  that  in  his  time,  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century,  all  the  seven  epistles  called  catholic,  were 
well  known,  and  received  by  many.  And  he  expressly  says, 
that  the  epistle  of  James  was  the  first  of  them.  And  to  the 
like  purpose  again  in  another  passage  to  be  here  taken 
notice  of  by  us.  Having  given  a  particular  account  of  the 
death  of  James,  called  the  Just,  and  the  brother  of  the 
Lord,  and  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  he  concludes  the  chapter 
in  this  manner.  '  Thus  far,'  ^  says  he, '  concerning  James, 
'  who  is  said  to  be  the  writer  of  the  first  of  the  epistles  called 
'  catholic.  But  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  it  is  spurious  : 
'  [meaning,  that  it  was  a  contradicted  book  of  scripture,  or 
'  at  the  utmost,  that  it  Avas  doubted  of,  or  rejected  by 
'  many  :']  forasmuch  as  there  are  not  many  of  the  ancient 
'  writers,  who  have  quoted  it :  as  neither  that  called  Jude's, 
'  another  of  the  seven  epistles  called  catholic.  However  we 
*  know  that  these  also  are  commonly  used  [or  publicly  read] 
'  in  most  churches,  together  with  the  rest.' 

This  passage  is  very  satisfactory.  For  it  assures  us  who 
M  as  the  writer  of  this  epistle  :  namely,  James,  before  spoken 
of,  called  the  Lord's  brother,  surnamed  the  Just,  who  gene- 
rally resided  at  Jerusalem.  It  also  assures  us,  that  though 
it  had  been  doubted  of  by  some,  it  was  then  g'enerally  re- 
ceived, and  publicly  read  in  the  assemblies  of  christians. 
They  who  have  leisure  and  are  curious,  may  see  what  was 
farther  observed  by  us  formerly,  relating  to  the  opinion  of 

"  See  before,  p.  160,  161. 

^  ToiavTcx  Kcu  Ta  Kara  rov  laKto[iov,  oh  rj  Trpwrjj  riov  ovofiaZontvwv  KaBo- 
XiKojv  tivai  Xtyerai.  Iteov  Ct  dig  voGevsTai.  Ov  ttoXXoi  yav  rwv  TraXaiwv 
avrric  tfiviiiiovtvaav,  iliQ  uSs  rijg  Xtyo/xfVJjc  laSa,  fiiag  (cat  avTtjg  «(TJ/f  ruv 
iTTTa  Xiyofifvuv  KaOo\iK<i)v.  'Ofitijg  Ss  larfisv  Kai  ravrag  fiira  rwv  Xoittwv  tv 
irXiiTCug  £iSt)fin(nevfievag  (KK\r)auiig.  II.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  Q6.  Comp.  Vol. 
iv.  p.  104. 


The  Epistle  of  St.  Jmnes.  197 

Eusebius  himself  concerning  this  epistle,  and  the  writer  of 
it,  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii.  num.  ix.  17 — 24. 

I  only  add  here,  that  this  epistle  of  St.  James  is  one  of 
the  three  catholic  epistles  received  by  the  Syrian  christians, 
and  by  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret.  And  that  after  the 
time  of  Eusebius,  this,  and  the  other  six  catholic  epistles, 
were  received  by  all  Greeks  and  Latins  in  general :  and 
are  in  the  catalogues  of  canonical  scripture  composed  by 
councils  and  learned  authors  :  as  was  shown  in  a  foregoing 
chapter.  However,  there  might  be  still  some  few  Avho 
doubted  of  its  authority,  especially  in  the  east,  as  was  observed, 
Vol.  V.  ch.  clii.  7. 

This  epistle  was  received  by  Jerom,  as  was  distinctly  and 
largely  shown  in  his  article.  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  G. 
Who  in  one  place  says,  '  The'=  apostles,  James,  Peter,  John, 
'  Jude,  wrote  seven  epistles,  of  few  Mords,  but  full  of  sense.' 
It  may  nevertheless  be  worth  the  while  to  recollect  here 
particularly  what  he  says  of  it  in  his  book  of  Illustrious 
Men,    transcribed    there    at    p.    125,    '  James,    the  Lord's 

'  brother, wrote    but    one    epistle,    which    is    among 

'  the  seven  catholic  epistles.  Which  too  "^  is  said  to  have 
'  been  published  by  another  in  his  name.  But  gra- 
'  dually,  in  process  of  time,  it  has  gained  authority. 
'  This  is  he  of  whom  Paul  writes  in  his  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
'  tians.  And  he  is  often  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the 
'  Apostles.' 

'  Which  likewise,'  says  Jerom,  '  is  said  to  have  been 
*  published  by  another  in  his  name:'  that  is,  even  that  one 
epistle  is  said  by  some  to  be  spurious,  and  not  really  writ- 
ten by  James,  though  it  bears  his  name.  But  I  do  not 
believe  there  is  reason  to  think  that  was  ever  said  by  any. 
And  I  am  persuaded,  that  what  Jerom  says  here  is  owing 
to  a  mistake  of  his,  not  rightly  understanding  Eusebius : 
who,  as  may  be  remembered,  says,  '  This  James  is  said  to 
'  be  the  author  of  the  first  of  the  epistles  called  catiiolic, 
'  But*^  it  ought  to  be  observed  that  it  is  spurious.'  By 
which  Jerom  understood  Eusebius  to  say,  that  this  epistle 
was  falsely  ascribed  to  James,  and  was  not  his :  whereas 
Eusebius  means  no  more  than  that  it  was  a  contiadicted 
book,  not  received  by  all  as  of  authority :  or  at  the  utmost, 
that  it  was  doubted  of,  or  rejected  by  many.      This  I  sup- 

*  Vol.  iv.  oh.  cxiv.  num.  v. 

"•  QuTE  et  ipsa  ab  alio  quodam  sub  nomine  ejus  edita  asseritur. 

'  »T£ov  Se  utQ  voQtvtTctt  fiiv.  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  66.  C. 


198  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

pose  to  have  been  clearly  shown   before.     See  Vol.   iv.  ch, 
Ixxii.  num.  viii.  4 — 6 ;  and  also  num.  ix.  24.^ 

The  reason  why  this  epistle  was  not  received  by  all,  I  sup- 
pose to  have  been,  that  it  was  not  certainly  known  that 
James,  the  writer  of  it,  was  an  apostle.  We  have  observed 
several  ancient  writers,  who  did  not  allow  him  to  have  that 
high  character.  There  were  two  apostles  of  this  name : 
James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  James  the  son  of  Alpheus. 
That  the  writer  of  this  epistle  was  not  James  the  son  of 
Zebedee,  must  have  been  evident.  Nor  was  it  certain  that 
he  was  the  son  of  Alpheus.  Another  reason  of  doubting  of 
his  apostleship  may  have  been  that  he  was  often  called 
bishop  of  Jerusalem,  and  said  by  some  to  have  been  ap- 
pointed to  that  office  by  the  apostles.  This  also  may  have 
contributed  to  the  doubt,  whether  he  was  one  of  the  twelve 
apostles  of  Christ. 

Other  reasons  have  been  assigned  in  late  ages,  why  some 
might  hesitate  about  receiving  this  epistle  as  a  part  of 
canonical  scripture.  But  those  reasons  are  not  to  be  found 
in  the  most  early  antiquity  :  whereas  we  can  plainly  per- 
ceive, that  not  a  few  learned  christians  of  the  first  ages 
were  not  satisfied  the  writer  was  an  apostle ;  which  must 
have  occasioned  a  demur  concerning  the  high  authority  of 
the  epistle. 

If  this  James  was  not  one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  he  was 
nevertheless  a  person  of  great  distinction,  as  he  was  the 
Lord's  brother,  and  resided  many  years  at  Jerusalem  after 
our  Lord's  ascension,  as  president,  or  superintendent  of  the 
church  there,  and  of  the  Jew^ish  believers  in  Judea  in  gene- 
ral. Accordingly,  Eusebius,  who  did  not  think  this  James 
to  be  one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  in  his  commentary  upon 
Isaiah,  reckons  fourteen  apostles,  meaning  Paul,  and  this 
James,  though  not  equal  to  him.  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxii. 
num.  ix.  23.  And  Jerom  likewise,  in  one  place,  formerly 
taken  notice  of,  reckons  this  James,  brother  of  the  Lord, 
an  additional  apostle  with  Paul,  beside  the  twelve,  Vol.  iv. 
ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  6. 

But  I  think  it  manifest,  that  James  the  Lord's  brother, 
who  resided  at  Jerusalem,  several  times  mentioned  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  in  St.  Paul's  epistles,  was  an  apos- 
tle, one  of  the  twelve,  and  consequently  the  same  with  him 
who  is  called  the  son  of  Alpheus.  And  as  this  epistle  has 
been  all  along   ascribed    to   James,    the   Lord's  brother, 

*■  I  likewise  refer  to  Dr.  Leonard  Twell's  Examination  of  the  late  new  text 
and  version  of  the  N.  T.  Part.  2.  ch.  2.  p.  82  ;  who  speaks  to  the  like  purpose. 


The  Epistle  of  Si.  James,  199 

surnanied  the  Just,  1  receive  it  as  a  nart  of" sacred  scripture, 
and  think  it  ought  to  be  so  received. 

II.  Concerning-  tUo.  time  of  this  epistle,  there  cannot  be 
very  different  apprehensions. 

Mill  ^  says  it  w.is  written  before  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  aud  a  year  or  two  before  his  own  death, 
about  the  year  60:  which  is  also  the  opinion  of'  Fabri- 
cius. 

But  that  appears  to  me  rather  too  soon.  If  St.  James 
suffered  martyrdom  in  the  year  62,  I  should  be  inclined 
to  think  this  epistle  was  written  in  the  beginning  of  that 
year,  or  in  61,  and  but  a  short  time  before  his  death. 

Eusebius  says,  '  When'  Paul  had  appealed  to  Caesar, 
'  and  had  been  sent  to  Rome  by  Festus,  the  Jews,  who  had 

*  aimed  at  his  death,  being  disappointed  in  that  design, 
'  turned  their  rage  against  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  vvho 
'  had  been  appointed  by  the  apostles  bishop  of  Jerusalem.' 
In  like  manner  Tillemont,  adopting  that  thought,  says,  '  St. 

*  Paul  ^  having  been  sent  to  Rome  near  the  end  of  the  year 
'  60,  by  Festus,  governor  of  Judea,  the  Jews  finding  them- 
'  selves  not  able  to  accomplish  their  design  against  him, 
'  turned  their  rage  against  James.  Nevertheless  they  did 
'  not  show  it  till  eighteen  months  after,  when  Festus  being 
'  dead,  and  Albinus,  who  succeeded  him,  not  being-  yet 
'  arrived,  the  province  was  without  a  governor.' 

That  the  Jews  were  much  vexed,  when  Paul  was  sent  to 
Rome,  and  had  thus  escaped  out  of  their  hands,  is  very  rea- 
sonably supposed.  But  that  their  vexation  upon  that  ac- 
count was  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  James,  is  mere  con- 
jecture. Nor  does  any  thing  like  it  appear  in  the  accounts 
of  his  death,  whicli  Eusebius  has  transcribed  from  He- 
gesippus,  and  Joseph  us. 

If  I  likewise  may  be  allowed  to  mention  a  conjecture, 
(which  is  at  least  as  probable  as  that  just  taken  notice  of,) 
J  should  say,  I  am  apt  to  think,  that  the  death  of  James  was 
partly  occasioned  by  the  offence  taken  at  his  epistle :  in 
which  are  not  only  sharp  reprehensions  of  the  unbelieving 
Jews  for  the  crimes  committed  by  them,  but  also  affecting- 

6  De  tempore,  quo  scripta  est,  certum  est  in  primis  exaratam  fuis&e  ante 
excidium  Hierosolymitanum.  De  hoc  enim,  ut  et  general!  Judaeorum  calami- 
tate  veluti  jam  immmente,  loquitur  cap.  v.  1.  Jam  vero  Jacobus  statim  post 
Festi  mortem  martyrium  obiit,  teste  Josepho,  anno  peroe  vulgaris,  ex  rationibus 
Pearsonianis,  quas  libenter  sequor,  Ixii.  adeoque  uno  vel  altero  ante  mortem, 
scriptam  censuerim  banc  epistolam,  circa  annum  Ix.  Prol.  num.  56. 

*>  Bib.  Gr.  1.  4.  cap.  v    n.  ix.  torn.  III.  p.  165. 

'  H.  E.  1. 2.  cap.  23.  in. 

•^  S.  Jacque  le  Mineur,  Art.  vii.  Mem.  Tom.  I. 


200  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Erangeiists. 

representations  of  the  dreadful  calamities  coming  upon  them, 
ch.  iv.  1,  8.  V.  1—6, 

III.  1  am  now  to  consider  to  whom  this  epistle  was 
sent. 

Beza  says,  it'  was  sent  to  the  believing-  Jews,  dispersed 
all  over  the  world.  Cave"'  seems  to  say  to  believing  Jews 
chiefly.  And  "  to  the  like  purpose  Fabricius.  Grotius  ° 
says,  to  all  the  people  of  Israel  living  out  of  Judea.  Wall's 
account  of  this  epistle  is  this:  '  It  p  was  written  to  such 
'  Jews  (being  now  Christians)  as  were  dispersed  abroad  out 

'  of  Judea. This  epistle  consists  of  general  exhortations 

'  to  piety,  patience,  and  other  moral  virtues.  It  has  twice 
'  or  thrice  mentioned  our  Saviour  :  but  has  nothing  of  his 
'  miracles,  or  teachings,  or  death,  or  resurrection,  or  ourre- 
'  demption  by  him  :  of  which  Paul's,  and  Peter's,  and  John's 
'  epistles  are  full.' 

To  me  it  seems,  that  this  epistle  was  written  to  all  Jews, 
descendants  of  Jacob,  of  every  denomination,  throughout  the 
world,  in  Judea,  and  out  of  it.  For  such  is  the  inscription  ; 
"  James,  a  servant  of  God,  and  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to 
the  twelve  tribes,  which  are  scattered  abroad,  greeting." 
No  expression  can  be  more  general,  than  "  the  twelve 
tribes."  There  is  not  any  limitation,  restraining  it  to  chris- 
tians, or  believers  in  Jesus.  Nor  does  he  wish  them  grace 
or  peace  from  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  only  a  general  salutation, 
or  greeting.  Indeed  he  does  not  dissemble  his  own  cha- 
racter. He  calls  himself  "a  servant  of  God,  and  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ."  He  takes  upon  himself  the  character 
of  a  christian,  and  perhaps  of  an  apostle.  But  he  does  not 
so  characterize  those  to  whom  he  writes.  Nor  is  there  any 
christian  benediction  at  the  end  of  the  epistle. 

Nor  can  I  see  Avhy  "  the  twelve  tribes  scattered  abroad" 
should  not  comprehend  those  of  them  in  Judea,  which  were 
the  peculiar  charge  of  the  writer.  And  divers  things  in 
the  epistle  seem  to  belong  to  them  especially.  He  means 
therefore  the  people  of  the  twelve  tribes  every  where,  in 
Judea,  and  out  of  it. 

A  large  part  of  the  epistle  is  suitable  to  christians.  But 
there  are  divers  paragraphs,  that  must  be  understood  to  be 
addressed  to  unbelieving  Jews,  particularly,  ch.  v.  1 — 6.  as 

' fidelibus  omnibus  Judaeis,  cujuscumque  tribus  sint,  per  orbem  terra- 
rum  dispersis.  Bez.  ad  cap.  i.  1.  ™  Scripsit,  Paulo,  ut  videtur, 
ante  mortem,  epi>tolam  cathol.cam  Judoeis  tv  ^ia(T7ro|oa,  Christianam  praecipue 
doctrinam  professis.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Jacobo. 

"  Ad  Judaeos  maxime  Christianismum  amplexos,  qui  usquequaque  dispersi 
dep;ebant.     Ubisupr.  p.  160.  °  Id  est,  gente  Israelitica  qui  erant 

extra  Judaeam.  Gr.  ad  loc.  p  Crit.  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  144. 


The  Epistle  of  St.  James.  201 

is  generally  allowed.  1  think  likewise,  that  the  first  ten 
verses  of  ch.  iv.  are  addressed  to  unbelieving*  Jews.  Where 
it  is  said,  "  Whence  come  wars  and  fightings  among-  you  ? 
Come  they  not  hence,  even  of  your  lusts,  that  war  in  your 
members?  Ye  lust,  and  have  not.  Ye  kill,  and  desire  to 
have,  and  cannot  obtain.  Ye  fig^ht,  and  war."  These 
things  could  not  be  said  to  christians.  They  must  relate  to 
those  disturbances,  which,  some  while  before  the  Roman 
Avar  broke  out,  were  every  where  among  the  unbelieving 
Jews. 

lam  of  opinion,  that  this  way  of  writing  was  chosen  to  abate 
the  offence,  which  the  reproofs,  and  exhortations,  and  warn- 
ings of  the  epistle  were  likely  to  occasion.  St.  James  writes 
in  a  general  way.  Let  all  apply  to  themselves  those  things, 
Avhich  belong'  to  them.  Wall's  note  upon  ch.  v.  6,  is  to  this 
effect, '  This  is  spoken,  not  to  the  christians,  but  to  some  rich 
'  heathens,  or   infidel  Jews,  that  oppressed  and    murdered 

*  them.  No  christians  of  those  times  had  any  wars,  or 
'  fightings,  such  as  ch.  iv  1.  or  killing-,  as  here :  viz.  not  in 
'  the  time  of  James,  bishop  of  Jerusalem.' 

And  says  AVhitby  upon  ch.  iv.  1,  "  Whence  come  wars  ?" 
'  This  epistle  seems  to  have  been  written  about  the  eighth 
'  of  Nero,  and  the  sixty-second  of  Christ,  the  year  before 
'  the   death  of  James  :    before   which    time  the  Jews  had 

*  great  wars  and  fightings,  not  only  with  their  neighbours, 
'  [see  note  upon  Matt.   xxiv.  6,]  but  even  among  thera- 

*  selves,  in  every  city  and  family,  saith  Joseph  us :  not 
'  only  in  Judea,  but  in  Alexandria,  and  Syria,  and  many 
'  other  places.'  A  very  proper  note  upon  the  text,  as 
seems  to  rae.  And  what  he  says  upon  the  following- 
verses  of  that  chapter,  and  upon  ch.  v.  1—6,  and  in  his 
preface  to  the  epistle,  sect.  v.  and  vi.  deserves  also 
attentive  regard.  Where  indeed  he  expressly  says, 
'  Since  James  writes  to  the  whole  twelve  tribes,   1  doubt 

*  not  but  those  of  Palestine  must  be  included.' 

Mr.  Pyle  i  has  spoken  clearly  to  the  like  purpose 
in  the  preface  to  his  paraphrase  of  this  epistle. 

I  shall  now  transcribe  a  part  of  Venerable  Bede's  note 

''  These  circvimstances  gave  occasion  to  this  apostle,  the  residentiary  of  the 
circumcision  in  Judea,  to  indite  this  epistle  partly  to  the  infidel,  and  partly  to 

the  believing  Jews It  was  directed  to  the  Jews  and  Jewish  converts  of 

the  dispersion.  Yet,  as  that  to  the  Hebrews  was  intended  for  the  general 
benefit  of  all  the  scattered  tribes,  though  directed  to  the  natives  of  the  holy 
land ;  so,  no  doubt,  this  had  an  equal  respect  to  them,  over  whom  James 
immediately  presided,  in  the  special  character  of  their  bishop.  Pyle's  Para- 
phrase, Vol,  ii.  p.  290,  291. 


202  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

upon  the  beginning  of  this  epistle.  From  the  words, 
"  scattered  abroad,"  he  is  led  to  think  of  what  is  said, 
Acts.  viii.  1,  that  upon  occasion  of  the  persecution  against 
the  church  at  Jerusalem,  after  the  deatn  of  Stephen,  they 
were  all  scattered  abroad  throughout  the  regions  of  Judea 
and  Samaria,  except  the  apostles,  and  says,  '  that  ^  James 

*  writes  this  epistle  to  those  who  were  scattered  abroad,  and 
'  suffered  persecution  for  the  sake  of  righteousness  :  nor  to 
'  them  only,  but  also  to  those,  who  though  they  had  be- 
'  lieved  in  Christ,  were  not  careful  to  be  perfect  in  good 
'  works,  as  what  follows  in  the  epistle  plainly  shows :  and 
'  likewise  to  such  as  continued  unbelieving,  and  to  the  utmost 

*  of  their  power  persecuted  those  who  believed.'  Which 
appears  to  me  very  right. 

■■  Legimus,  occiso  a  Judaeis  B.  Stephano,  quia  facta  est  in  ilia  die  perseculio 
magna  in  ecclesia,  quae  est  Hierosolymis,  et  omnes  dispersi  sunt  per  regiones 
Judaeae  et  Samariae,  praeter  apostolos.  His  ergo  dispersis,  qui  persecutionem 
passi  sunt  propter  justitiam,  mittit  epistcum.  Nee  solum  his,  verum  etiam 
illis,  qui,  percepla  fide  Christi,  necdum  openbus  perfecti  esse  curabunt,  sicut 
sequentia  epistolae  plane  testantur;  necnon  et  eis,  qui  etiam  fidei  exortes 
durabant,  quin  et  ipsam  in  credentibus  quantum  valuere,  persequi  ac  perturbare 
studebant.    Bed.  Expos,  super  Jacob.  Epist. 


203 


CHAP.  XVIII. 


ST.  PETER. 


I.  His    history   to    the    time  of  our   Saviour's    ascension. 

II.  To    the    council    of    Jerusalem,    in    the    year  49. 

III.  He  goes  to  Antioch,  where  he  is  reproved  by 
St.  Paul  for  dissimnlaf.io7i.  IV.  His  travels,  and 
the  time  of  his  coming  to  Rome.  V.  The  time  of 
his  death.  VI.  Several  things,  hitherto  omitted,  or 
hut  lightly  touched  upon.  1.  His  episcopate  at 
Antioch.  2,  His  having  been  jive  and  twenty  years 
Bishop  of  Rome.  3.  His  children.  4.  His  wife's 
martyrdom.  5.  His  absconding  at  Rome.  6.  The 
manner  of  his  crucifxion.  VII.  That  he  was  at 
Rome,  and  suffered  martyrdom  there. 

I.  '  THE  land  of  Palestine,'  says*  Cave,  '  at  and  before  the 

*  coming-  of  our  blessed  Saviour,  was  distinguished  intQ 
'  three  several  provinces,  Judea,  Samaria,  and  Galilee. 
'  This  last  was  divided  into  the  Upper  and  the  Lower.  In 
'  the  Upper,  called  also  Galilee  of  the  Gentiles,  within  the 

*  division  belong-ing  to  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  stood  Bethsaida, 
'  formerly  an  obscure  and  inconsiderable  village,  till  lately 

*  re-edified  ^  and  enlarged  by  Philip   the  tetrarch,  and  in 

*  honour    of  Julia   daughter  of  Augustus,  called  by  him 

*  Julias.  It  was  situated  upon  the  banks  of  the  sea  of  Gali- 
'  lee,  called  also  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  and  the  lake  of  Genne- 

*  sareth,  which "  Mas  about  forty  furlongs  in  breadth,  and 

*  a  hundred   in  length,  and  had  a  wilderness  on   the  other 

*  side,  called  the  desert  of  Bethsaida,  whither  our  Saviour 

*  used  often  to  retire.' 

At  this  place  was  born  •*  Simon,  surnamed  Cephas,  or 
Petros,  Petrus,  Peter,  signifying  a  stone  or  rock.  He  was 
a  fisherman  upon  the  fore-mentioned  lake  or  sea :  as  was 
also,  in  all  probability,  his  father  Jonas,  Jonah,  or  John. 
He  had  a  brother,  named  Andrew.  Which  was  the  oldest 
of  the  two  is  not  certain.  For  concerning  this  there  were 
diflferent  opinions  among  the  ancients.     Epiphanius*  sup- 

"  Life  of  St.  Peter,  sect.  i.  ^  Joseph.  Antiq.  1.  18.  cap.  3.  al.  2.  in. 

<=  Id.  de  B.  J.  1.  3.  cap.  10.  al.  18.  ^  John  i.  44. 

*  H.  51.  num.  xvii. 


204  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

posed  Andrew  to  be  the  elder.  But  according- to  Chrysos- 
tom/  Peter  was  the  first-born.  So  likewise ^  Bede,  and'' 
Cassian,  who  even  makes  Peter's  age  the  ground  of  his 
precedence  among-  the  apostles.  And  Jerom  himself  has 
expressed  himself  in  the  like  manner,   saying,  '  that  '   the 

*  keys  were  given  to  all  the  apostles  alike,  and  the  church 
'  was  built  upon  all  of  them  equally.  But  for  preventing 
'  dissension,  precedency  was  given  to  one.      John  might 

*  have  been  the  person.  But  he  was  too  young.  And 
'  Peter  was  preferred  upon  account  of  his  age.' 

St.  John''  has  informed  us  of  the  first  acquaintance  of 
Simon  Peter  with  Jesus,  to  whom  he  was  introduced  by  his 
brother  Andrew.  "  He  findeth  his  own  brother  Simon,  and 
saith  unto  him  ;  We  have  found  the  Messiah.  And  he 
brought  him  to  Jesus.  And  M'hen  Jesus  beheld  him,  he 
said  :  Thou  art  Simon,  the  son  of  Jonas.  Thou  shalt  be 
called  Cephas." 

Undoubtedly,  they  had  been  from  the  beginning  among- 
those,  who  are  said  to  have  "  looked  for  the  kingdom  of 
God,  and  waited  for  redemption  in  Israel."  Andrew  had 
received  Jesus  as  the  Messiah.  And  his  brother  Simon 
readily  concurred  in  the  same  belief  and  profession.  They 
had  heard  John,  and,  as  may  be  supposed,  had  been  bap- 
tized by  him,  as  all  Jews  in  general  were.  Being  from  his 
testimony,  and  by  personal  conversation  with  Jesus,  convin- 
ced, that  he  was  the  Messiah,  it  is  likely,  that  henceforward 
they  often  came  to  him,  and  heard  him,  and  saw  some  of 
the  miracles  done  by  him.  We  may  take  it  for  granted, 
that  they  were  present  at  the  miracle  at  Cana  in  Galilee, 
it  being  expressly  said,  that  "  Jesus  and  his  disciples  were 
invited  to  the  marriage  solemnity"  in  that  place,  John  ii.  1, 
2.  It  is  also  said,  ver.  11,  "  This  beginning  of  miracles  did 
Jesus  in  Cana  of  Galilee,  and  manifested   forth   his  glory. 

f  Horn,  in  Matt.  58.  al.  59.  T.  VII.  p.  586.  D. 

B  In  Evang.  Joann.  cap.  i.  ^  Interroganti  ergo  Domino  Jesu 

Christo,  quern  eum  crederent respondit  primus  apostolorum  Petrus,  unus 

ulique  pro  omnibus.  Idem  enim  unius  habuit  responsio,  quod  habeat  [f. 
habebat]  oinnium  fides.  Sed  primum  debuit  respondere,  ut  idem  esset  ordo 
responsionis,  qui  erat  honoris,  et  ipse  antecederet  confessione,  qui  antecedebat 
setate.     Cassian.  de  Incarn.  1. 3.  cap.  12.  ap.  Bib.  P.  P.  torn.  VII. 

'  At  dicis,  super  Petrum  fuadatur  Ecclesia ;  licet  id  ipsum  in  alio  loco  super 
omnes  Apostolos  fiat,  et  cuncti  claves  regni  ccelorum  accipiant ;  et  ex  aequo 
super  eos  Ecclesise  fortitudo  solidetur:  tamen  propterea  inter  duodecim  unus 
eligitur,  ut,  capite  constitute,  schismatistollatur  occasio.  Sed  cur  non  Joannes 
electus  est  virgo  ?  iEtati  delatum  est,  quia  Petrus  senior  erat :  ne  adhuc 
adolescens,  ac  pene  puer,  progressae  aetatis  hominibus  pnel'erretur.  Adv. 
Jovin.  1.  i.T.lV.  p.  I(i8. 

"  Ch.  i.  35—42. 


St.  Peter.  205 

And  bis  disciples  believed  on  bim :"  tbat  is,  were  confirm- 
ed in  the  persuasion,  that  be  was  tbe  Messiab. 

Tbe  call  of  Andrew  and  Peter  to  a  stated  attendance  on 
Jesus  is  recorded  by '  three  evang-elists.  Their  father, 
Jonas,  seems  to  have  been  dead.  For  there  is  no  mention 
of  him,  as  there  is  of  Zebedee,  when  bis  two  sons  were 
called.  It  is  only  said  of  Andrew  and  Peter,  that  when 
Jesus  called  them,  "  they  left  their  nets,  and  followed  him." 
At  that  time  Jesus  made  them  a  magnificent  promise. 
"  Follow  me,"  said  be,  "  and  1  will  make  you  fishers  of 
men."  '  In  time  you  will  be  qualified  by  me  to  gain  men, 
'  and  to  recover  them,  in  great  numbers,  from  ignorance 
'  and  error,  folly  and  vice,  and  form  them  to  just  sentiments 
*  in  religion,  and  the  practice  of  virtue.' 

From  this  time  they  usually  attended  on  our  Lord.  And  "* 
when  be  completed  the  number  of  bis  apostles,  they  were 
put  among  them. 

Having  before  written  the  history  of  St.  John  at  large, 
I  need  not  be  so  particular  in  that  of  Peter,  because  these 
two  apostles  were  much  together.  However,  I  intend  to 
take  notice  of  the  most  remarkable  things  in  his  life,  espe- 
cially after  our  Saviour's  ascension. 

Simon  Peter  was  married  when  called  by  our  Lord  to 
attend  upon  him.  And  upon  occasion  of  that  alliance,  as 
it  seems,  had  removed  from  Bethsaida  to  Capernaum, 
where  was  his  wife's  family.  Upon  °  her  mother  our 
Saviour  in  a  very  gracious  manner  wrought  a  great  miracle 
of  healing. 

And  1  suppose,  that  when  our  Lord  "  left  Nazareth,  and 
came  and  dwelled  at  Capernaum,"  (as  mentioned  Matt.  iv. 
13,)  he  made  Peter's  house  "  the  place  of  his  usual  abode, 
when  he  was  in  those  parts.  I  think  we  have  aproof  of  it 
in  the  history  just  taken  notice  of.  When  Jesus  came  out 
of  the  synagogue  at  Capernaum,  "  he  entered  into  Simon's 
bouse,"  Luke  iv.  38.  Comp.  Mark  i.  29,  which  is  well 
paraphrased  by  Dr.  Clarke:  '  Now  when  Jesus  came  out 
'  of  tbe  synagogue,  he  went  home  to  Peter's  bouse.'  And 
there  it  was  that  the  people  resorted  unto  him  in  the  evening, 
Luke  iv.  40 ;  Matt.  viii.  16 ;  Mark  i.  32—34. 

Another  proof  of  this  we  have  in  a  history  which  is  in  St. 
Matthew  only,  ch.  xvii.  24—27,  of  our  Lord's  paying  at 

'  Matt.  iv.  18—20;  Mark  i.  16-18;  Luke  v.  1—9. 
"  Matt.  X.  1—4  ;  Mark  iii.  13—19  ;  Luke  vi.  12—16. 
"  Matt.  viii.  14,  15  ;  Mark  i.  29—31 ;  Luke  iv.  38,  39. 
"  It  is  called  "  Peter's  house,"  Matt.  viii.  14.     "  Simon's  house,"  Luke  iv. 
38.     "  The  house  of  Simon  and  Andrew,"  Mark  i.  29. 


206  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists, 

Capernaum  the  tribute-money  for  the  use  of  the  temple, 
and  his  directing-  Peter,  when  he  had  found  a  piece  of 
money,  in  the  manner  there  prescribed,  to  pay  it  for  both 
of  them.  The  text  is  to  this  purpose.  "  And  when  they 
were  come  to  Capernaum,  they  that  received  the  tribute- 
money,  came  to  Peter^  and  said  :  Doth  not  your  master  pay 
tribute?    He  saith,  Yes.     And  when  he  was  come  into  the 

house,  Jesus  prevented    him." The  beginning  of  that 

account  at  ver.  24,  is  thus  paraphrased  by  Dr.  Clarke. 
*  Now  when  they  were  come  home  to  Capernaum,  where 
'  Jesus  used  to  dwell,  the  officers  appointed  to  gather 
'  the  yearly  offering  for  the  service  of  the  temple  came  to 
'  Peter.' 

After  the  miracle  of  the  five  loaves,  and  two  fishes, 
"  straightway  Jesus  constrained  his  disciples  to  get  into  a 
ship,  and  to  go  before  him  to  the  other  side,  whilst  he  sent 
the  multitudes  away."  In  their  passage  they  met  with  a 
contrary  wind.  "  In  the  fourth  watch  of  the  night,"  near 
morning,  "  Jesus  came  toward  them,  walking  on  the  sea." 
And  there  not  being  yet  lig-ht  enough  to  know  who  he 
was,  they  were  affrighted,  thinking  it  had  been  an  appari- 
tion, and  cried  out  for  fear.  Jesus  then  spake  to  them,  and 
they  knew  him.  After  w  hich  follows  a  particular  concern- 
ing Peter,  related  by  St.  Matthew  only.  "  Peter  p  answered 
him,  and  said  :  Lord,  if  it  be  thou,  bid  me  come  unto  thee 
on  the  water.  And  he  said,  Come.  And  Mhen  Peter  was 
come  down  out  of  the  ship,  he  walked  on  the  water,  to  go 
to  Jesus.  But  when  he  saw  the  sea  boisterous,  he  was 
afraid  :  and  beginning"  to  sink, he  cried,  saying:  Lord,  save 
me.     And  immediately  Jesus  stretched  forth  his  hand,  and 

caught  him. And  when  he  was  come  into  the  ship,  the 

wind  ceased."  Peter  at  first  presumed  too  much  upon  the 
strength  of  his  faith,  and  was  forward  to  show  his  zeal. 
However,  this  must  in  the  end  have  been  of  use  to  con- 
firm his  faith.  He  had  here  great  and  sensible  experience 
of  the  knowledge,  as  well  as  the  power  of  Jesus.  As  soon 
as  his  faith  failed,  our  Lord  suffered  him  to  sink.  And 
upon  his  calling  for  help,  Jesus  immediately  stretched  out 
his  hand,  and  saved  him. 

The  next  day  our  Lord  preached  in  the  synagogue  at 
Capernaum,  as  related  by  St.  John,  ch.  vi.  24—65,  where 
rnany,  who  expected  from  the  Messiah  a  worldly  kingdom, 
were  offended  at  his  discourse.  And  it  is  said,  ver.  66—69, 
"  From  that  time  many  of  his  disciples,"  who  had  hitherto 
followed  him,  and  professed  faith  in  him,  "  Avent  back,  and 

p  Matt.  xiv.  28—31. 


St.  Peter.  207 

xvalked  no  more  with  him.  Then  snid  Jesus  unto  the  twelve : 
Will  ye  also  go  away  '}  Then  Simon  Peter  answered  him : 
Lord,  to  whom  should  we  go  ?  Thou  hast  the  words  of  eter- 
nal life.  And  we  know,  and  are  sure,  that  thou  art  the 
Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God." 

Some  time  after  this,  when  our  Lord  had  an  opportunity 
of  private  conversation  with  the  disciples,  he  inquired  of 
them  what  men  said  of  him,  and  then,  whom  they  thought 
him  to  be  ?  "  Simon  Peter  answered  and  said,  Thou  art  the 
Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God."  Matt.  xvi.  13-16.  So 
far  likewise  in  Mark  viii.  27—29,  and  Luke  ix.  18—20. 
Then  follows  in  Matthew,  ver.  17—19.  "  And  Jesus 
answered,  and  said  luito  him,  Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar- 
Jona :  for  flesh  and  blood  hath  not  revealed  it  unto  thee, 
but  my  father  which  is  in  heaven."  That  is,  '  It  is  not  a 
'  partial  affection  for  me,  thy  master,  nor  a  fond  and  incon- 
'  siderate  regard  to  the  judgment  of  others,  for  whom  thou 
'  hast  a  respect,  that  has  induced  thee  to  think  thus  of  me. 

•  But  it  is  a  just  persuasion  formed  in  thy  mind  by  observ- 

*  ing  the  great  works  which  thou  hast  seen  me  do  by  the 
'  power  of  God,  in  the  confirmation  of  my  mission  and 
'  doctrine,'  "  And  I  say  unto  thee.  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon 

this  rock  will  I  build  my  church And  1  will  give  unto 

thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven."  By  which  many 
interpreters  suppose,  that  i  our  Lord  promised  to  Peter, 
that  he  should  have  the  honour  of  beginning  to  preach  the 
gospel,  after  his  resurrection,  to  Jews  and  Gentiles,  and  of 
receiving  them  into  the  church.  If  so,  that  is  personal. 
Nevertheless,  what  follows;  "  And  m hatsoever  thou  shalt 
bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  in  heaven.  And  whatsoever 
thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven."  This, 
1  say,  must  have  been  the  privilege  of  all  the  apostles.  For 
the  like  things  are  expressly  said  to  them,  Luke  xxii.  29, 
30,  John  XX.  21—23.  Moreover,  all  the  apostles  concurred 
with  Peter  in  the  first  preaching  both  to  Jews  and  Gentiles. 
As  he  was  president  in  the  college  of  the  apostles,  it  was 
very  fit,  and  a  thing  of  course,  that  he  should  be  primarily 

*i  Dr.  Clarke  is  very  singulai'  in  his  paraphrase  of  that  text.  Matt.  xvi.  18, 
'  You  shall  be  the  first  preacher  of  ray  true  religion  to  the  Gentile  world.' 
And  ver.  19,  ♦  You  shall  first  open  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah,  and  make  the 
'  firfct  publication  of  the  gospel  to  the  Gentiles.'  Upon  both  verses  also  refer- 
ring to  Acts  X.  When  I  first  observed  this,  I  was  surprised.  Nor  could  I 
see  the  ground  of  it.  But  now  I  guess,  that  he  confined  this  personal  privilege 
to  Peter's  first  preaching  to  Gentiles  at  the  house  of  Cornelius,  because  Peter 
was  then  alone,  and  none  of  the  apostles  were  there  with  him  :  whereas  after 
the  pouring  out  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  all  the  apostles  were  present  with  him. 
Acts  ii.  14,  **  But  Peter,  standing  up  with  the  eleven,  lift  up  his  voice." . 


208  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

concerned  in  the  first  opening  of  things.  The  confession, 
now  particularly  before  us,  was  made  by  him.  But  it 
was  in  answer  to  a  question  that  had  been  put  to  all.  And 
he  spoke  the  sense  of  all  the  apostles,  and  in  their  name. 
I  suppose  this  to  be  as  true  in  this  instance,  as  in  the 
other,  before  taken  notice  of,  which  is  in  John  vi.  68,  G9. 

In  the  account  which  St.  John  has  given  of  our  Saviour's 
washing  the  disciples'  feet,  Peter's  modesty  and  fervour  are 
conspicuous,  John  xiii.  1—10. 

When"^  the  Jewish  officers  were  about  to  apprehend  our 
Lord,  "  Peter  having  a  sword,  drew  it,  and  smote  a  servant 
of  the  high  priest,  and  cut  oft'  his  right  ear."  Our  Lord 
having  checked  Peter,  touched  the  servant's  ear,  and  heal- 
ed him.     So  great  is  Jesus  every  where ! 

They  that  laid  hold  of  Jesus,  led  him  away  to  the  house 
of  Caiaphas.  The  rest  of  the  disciples  now  forsook  their 
Master,  and  fled.  "  But  Peter  followed  him  afar  off"  unto 
the  high  priest's  palace,  and  went  in,  and  sat  with  the  ser- 
vants to  see  the  end."  Here  Peter  thrice  disowned  his 
Lord,  peremptorily  denying  that  he  was  one  of  his  disci- 
ples, or  had  any  knowledge  of  him,  as  related  by  *  all  the 
evangelists.  For  which  he  soon  after  humbled  himself,  and 
wept  bitterly. 

We  do  not  perceive  that  Peter  followed  our  Lord  any 
farther,  or  that  he  at  all  attended  the  crucifixion.  It  is 
likely  that  he  was  under  too  much  concern  of  mind  to 
appear  in  public,  and  that  he  chose  retirement,  as  most 
suitable  to  his  present  temper  and  circumstances. 

On  *  the  first  day  of  the  week,  early  in  the  morning,  when 
Mary  Magdalene,  and  other  women  came  to  the  sepulchre, 
bringing  the  sweet  spices  which  they  had  prepared,  "  they 
saw  an  angel,  who  said  unto  them.  Be  not  affrighted.  Ye 
seek  Jesus,  M'ho  was  crucified.     He   is  not  here :   for  he  is 

risen. Go  quickly,  and  tell  his  disciples  that  he  is  risen 

from  the  dead  :"  as  in  Matthew.  "  Tell  his  disciples,  and 
Peter:"  as  in  Mark.  "And  behold  he  goes  before  you 
into  Galilee."  That  was  a  most  gracious  disposal  of  Pro- 
vidence, to  support  the  disciples,  Peter  in  particular,  under 
their  great  affliction. 

Our  Lord  first  showed  himself  to  Mary  Magdalene,  and 
afterwards  to  some  other  women.  On  the  same  day  like- 
wise on  which  he   arose  from  the  dead,  he  showed  himself 

■■  John  xviii.  10,  11;  Matt.  xxvi.  51 — 54  ;  Mark  xiv.  46,  47  ;  Luke  xxii, 
50,  51.  '  Matt.  xxvi.  57—71  j  Mark  xiv.  53—72;  Luke 

xxii.  54—62 ;  John  xviii.  15 — 27. 

'  Matt,  xxviii;  Mark  xvi;  Luke  xxiv;  John  xx. 


St.  Peter.  209 

to  Peter,  th<)ug"li  the  circumstances  of  this  appearance  are 
nowhere  related.  However  it  is  evident  from  Luke  xxiv. 
33,  34.  For  when  tlie  two  disciples  who  had  been  at  "  Em- 
maus,  returned  to  Jerusalem,  they  found  the  eleven  gathered 
together,  and  those  that  were  with  them,  saying-,  The  Lord 
is  risen  indeed,  and  has  appeared  unto  Simon."  That  must 
be  the  same  appearance  which  is  mentioned  by  St.  Paul,  1 
Cor.  XV.  5,  "  and  that  he  was  seen  of  Cephas,  then  of  the 
twelve."  And  it  has  been  observed,  that  as  Mary  Mag-da- 
lene  was  the  first  woman,  so "  Peter  was  the  first  man 
to  whom  Jesus  showed  himself  after  he  was  risen  from  the 
dead. 

In  the  twenty-first  chapter  of  St.  John's  gospel  are  some 
appearances  of  our  Lord  to  his  disciples,  in  which  Peter  is 
greatly  interested,  to  which  the  attentive  reader  is  referred. 
Our  Lord  there  graciously  affords  Peter  an  opportunity  of 
making  a  threefold  profession  of  love  for  him  :  which  he 
accepts,  and  renews  to  him  the  apostolical  commission,  and 
as  it  Mere  re-instates  him  in  his  high  and  important  office  : 
requiring  him,  as  the  best  testimony  of  love  for  his  Lord,  to 
feed  his  sheep  with  fidelity  and  tenderness.  And  notwith- 
standing- his  late  unsteadiness,  our  Lord  encourageth  this 
disciple  to  hope,  that  in  his  future  conduct  he  would  set  an 
example  of  resolution  and  fortitude  under  great  difficulties, 
and  at  length  glorify  God  by  his  death,  in  the  service  to 
■which  he  had  been  appointed. 

As  we  have  now  proceeded  in  the  history  of  this  apostle 
to  the  time  of  our  Lord's  ascension,  it  may  be  worth  the 
while  to  look  back,  and  observe  those  things  in  the  gospels, 
which  imply  his  peculiar  distinction,  or  at  least  are  honour- 
able to  him. 

By  Mark  ch.  v.  37,  and  Luke  viii.  51,  we  are  assured, 
that  Peter  was  one  of  the  three  disciples  whom  our  Lord 
admitted  to  be  present  at  the  raising  of  Jairus's  daughter. 
That  particular  is  not  mentioned  by  Matthew,  ch.  ix. 
18—26.  From  all  the  first  three  evangelists  we  know,  that 
Peter  was  one  of  the  three  whom  our  Lord  took  up  with 
bim  into  the  mountain,  where  he  was  gloriously  transform- 
ed. Matt.  xvii.  1  ;  Mark  ix.  2 ;  Luke  ix.  28.  He  was  also 
one  of  the  three  whom  our  Lord  took  with  him  apart  from 
the  other  disciples,  when  he  retired  to  prayer,  a  little  be- 
fore his  last  suflTerings.  As  we  know  from  Matt.  xxvi.  37 ; 
Mark  xiv.  33.  But  that  particular  is  omitted  by  Luke,  ch. 
xxii.  39—46. 

-aXK'  IV  avBpam  rnrq)  Trpain^j,  t({J  ^aX»<ra  avrov  iroOntrri  tStiv.     Chrys. 


in  1  Cor.  horn.  38.  Tom.  X. 
VOL.    VI. 


210  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  if  it  might  not  be  reckoned  too  minute  and  particu- 
lar, 1  would  observe  some  things  of  this  kind  mentioned  by 
one  evangelist  only. 

There  are  several  such  things  deserving  notice  in  St. 
Matthew.  1.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  apostles,  Matthew 
only  ^  calls  Peter  "  chief,"  or  "  the  first,"  ch.  x.  2.  He 
only  has  the  account  of  Peter's  desiring*  to  come  to  Christ 
xipon  the  water;  and  what  follows,  ch.  xiv.  28— 31.  3.  He 
alone  has  recorded  what  our  Lord  said  to  Peter,  when  he 
gave  him  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  ch.  xvi. 
16—19.  4.  He  only  relates  our  Lord's  paying  the  tribute- 
money  for  Peter,  ch.  xvii.  24—27.  5.  He  likewise  says 
that  after  Peter  had  denied  Christ,  "  he  wept  bitterly,"  ch. 
xxvi.  75. 

In  St.  Mark  are  chiefly  two  things  to  be  observed,  as 
honourable  to  Peter.  The  first  is,  that  he  was  one  of  the 
four  apostles  to  whom  our  Lord  addressed  himself,  when 
he  foretold  the  destruction  of  the  temple,  and  the  calamities 
attending  it,  Mark  xiii.  3.  The  other  is,  that  in  the  message, 
sent  by  the  angel  to  the  disciples  after  our  Lord's  resurrec- 
tion, Peter  is  particularly  named,  ch.  xvi.  7. 

In  St.  Luke  are  these  things  remarkable.  First,  that 
when  our  Lord  warned  Peter  of  his  danger,  he  also  assured 
him,  "  he  had  prayed  for  him  that  his  faith  might  not  fail," 
Luke  xxii.  31,  32.  Secondly,  we  perceive  from  St.  Luke 
that  our  Lord  appeared  to  Peter  in  particular  on  the  day  of 
his  resurrection,  though  the  circumstances  of  that  appear- 
ance are  not  recorded,  ch.  xxiv.  33,  34. 

In  St.  John's  gospel  are  divers  things  honourable  to  Peter. 

1.  Th'>  profession  of  faith  in  Christ,  related  John  vi.  67— G9. 

2.  Peter's  remarkable  humility, expressed  in  an  unwillingness 
that  Jesus  should  wash  his  feet,  with  our  Lord's  particular 
discourse  to  him,  ch.  xiii.  6 — 10.  3.  Peter's  zeal  in  cutting 
off  the  ear  of  the  high  priest's  servant  is  related  by  other 
evangelists.  But  St.  John  only  mentions  Peter  by  name, 
ch.  xviii.  10.  4.  It  is,  I  think,  honourable  to  Peter,  that 
when  he  and  John  went  together  to  the  sepulchre,  John, 
only  stooping  down,  looked  in  :  but  Peter  went  in,  and 
searched  the  sepulchre.  After  which  John  also  went  in,  ch. 
XX.  4—8.  5.  St.  John  only  mentions  Peter's  faith  and  zeal 
in  "  casting  himself  info  the  sea,"  to  go  to  Christ,  ch.  xxi.  7. 
6.  Our  Lord's  discourse  with  Peter  concerning  his  love  to 
liim,  and  his  particular,  repeated  charge  to  "  feed  his  sheep," 
ver.  15—17.  7.  Our  Lord's  predicting  to  Peter  his  martyr- 
dom, and  the  manner  of  it,  ver.  18,  19. 

■"    npioros  "Sii-iui'  o  \tyofitroc  Iltrpof. 


St.  Peter.  211 

It  is  observable,  that  Matthew  and  John,  the  two  apostles, 
have  mentioned  more  of  these  prerogatives  of  Peter  than 
the  other  two  evang-elists.  We  may  hence  conclude,  that 
the  apostles,  when  illuminated  by  the  Spirit  with  the  know- 
ledge of  the  true  nature  of  Christ's  kingdom,  were  quite  free 
from  envy,  and  that  Peter  was  not  assuming  and  arrogant 
among  his  brethren. 

It  may  be  here  observed  likewise,  that  as  our  sacred 
historians  were  not  envious,  so  neither  M'cre  fhey  fond  and 
partial.  The  several  advantages  and  virtues  of  Peter  are 
recorded  by  some  only.  But  his  fault  in  denying  Christ, 
when  under  prosecution,  is  related  by  all. 

II.  In  a  short  time  after  our  Lord's  ascension,  Peter,  as 
president  in  the  college  of  the  apostles,  proposed,  that  in 
the  room  of  Judas  another  sliould  be  chosen  out  of  the  men 
that  had  accompanied  them  during  the  time  that  Jesus  had 
been  with  them.  And  when  two  such  had  been  nominated, 
and  they  had  by  prayer  appealed  to  God,  "  mIio  knows 
the  hearts  of  all  men,  the  lot  fell  upon  Matthias.  And 
he  was  numbered  with  the  eleven  apostles."  Acts  i. 
15-26. 

I  have  here,  and  elsewhere,  spoken  of  Peter  as  presiding 
among  the  apostles,  or  having  a  primacy  of  order.  For  it 
appears  in  M'bat  has  been  just  mentioned,  and  in  other 
things  related  afterwards.  And  it  is  observable,  that  in  all 
the  catalogues  of  the  twelve  apostles  Peter  is  named  first, 
though  there  is  some  variety  in  the  order  of  the  names  of 
the  other  apostles.  I  might  add,  that  *  wherever  the 
three  disciples,  Peter,  James,  and  John,  are  mentioned 
together,  Peter  is  always  put  first,  though  there  is  a  variety 
in  the  order  of  the  names  of  those  two  brothers,  James  and 
John,  sons  of  Zebedee.  He  is  also  first  placed,  where  '^ 
four  are  named,  Andrew  being-  added  to  them.  And  like- 
wise where  y  only  he  and  John  are  mentioned.  There  is  an 
exception  in  Gal.  ii.  9,  where  the  order  is  James,  Cephas, 
and  John.  The  reason  of  which  I  take  to  be,  that^  James 
there  mentioned,  then  presided  in  the  church  of  Jerusa- 
lem, M-here  Paul  then  was.     I   place  below  ^  the  thoughts 

"  See  Mark  v.  37,  and  Luke  viii.51 ;  Matt.  xvii.  1 ;  Mark  ix.  2  ;  Luke  ix. 
28  ;  Matt.  xxvi.  37  ;  Mark  xiv.  33.  "  See  Mark  xiii.  3. 

>  Luke  xxii. 8;  Actsiii.  1;  iv.  13,  19;  viii.  14  ^  See  before,  p.  167. 

"  Ordinis  pnmatum  quod  attinet,  ilium  aPetro  abjudicari  non  posse  cense- 
mus,  SI  qua  fides  evangelic.  Neque  ulla  ratio  assignari  potest,  cur  Apostoio- 
rum  in  indiculo  a  tribus  Evangelistis  exhibit  j,  Pelrus  semper  ordinem  ducat. 
Quippe  sola  necessitate  numerandi  non  scnbitur  Matthaeo  '  primus  Petrus:' 
(sic  enira  sequens  secundus  dici  debuisset:)  scd  quia  in  divino  hoc  collegio 
praesidem  agebat.     Eo  quidem  munere  functum  fuisse,  ubique  Scriptura  testatur. 

p  2 


212  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

of  Basnage  concerning  this  point,  who  speaks  to  the  like 
purpose  :  without  denying-  the  equal  dignity  of  the  apostles, 
or  ascribing  to  Peter  any  jurisdiction  over  them.  For 
which  there  is  not  any  the  least  foundation  either  in  the 
Gospels,  or  the  Acts. 

On  the  day  of  Pentecost  next  ensuing,  the  promised  gift  of 
the  Holy  Gliost  came  down  upon  the  apostles  and  their 
company.  And  upon  this  occasion  "  Peter,  standing  up 
with  the  eleven,"  preached  to  a  great  number  of  people 
assembled  about  the  apostles,  and  asserted  the  resurrection 
of  Jesus,  and  with  such  force,  that  about  three  thousand 
were  converted  and  baptized.  Acts  ii.  14 — 47. 

Afterwards  Peter  and  John  healed  a  poor  man  at  the 
temple,  who  had  been  lame  from  his  birth,  a  well  known 
person,  forty  years  of  age.  And  many  being  gathered 
about  them,  Peter  made  an  aftecting-  discourse,  whereby 
many  were  awakened  and  convinced.  And  in  a  short  time 
after  this,  the  number  of  believers  at  "  Jerusalem  was  '' 
about  five  thousand,"  ch.  iii.  and  iv.  4.  But  the  Jewish 
priests  and  rulers  were  much  offended.  And  whilst  Peter 
and  John  were  speaking  to  the  people,  their  officers  came 
and  laid  hold  on  them.  And  it  being  then  evening,  they 
put  them  in  prison  till  the  next  day.  On  the  morrow  there- 
fore they  were  brought  before  the  council.  Having  been 
examined,  they  were  at  length  dismissed,  with  a  charge 
not  to  preach  any  more  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  and  were 
severely  threatened  if  they  did,  ch.  iv.  1—22. 

The  number  of  believers  being  much  increased,  and 
many  being  in  low  circumstances,  "  some  who  were  pos- 
sessed  of  houses,    or  lands,   sold    them,  and  brought  the 

Aliomm  sane  Apostolorura  ordinem  mutavit  Lucas  in  Actis,  primum  tamen 
Petro  locum  servavit :  Petrus,  Jacobus,  Joannes.  Quid,  nonne  praesidis 
functio  fuit,  surgere  in  medio  discipulorum,  eosque  monere,  ut  in  proditoris 
Judae  locum  alium  sufficerent  Apostolum  ?  Si  ordinis  causa  non  praeerat 
Apostolis,  cur  Petrus  surgens  cum  undecim  Judseos  miraculum  linguarum 

stupentes  alloquitur Cur  etiam  dum  Joannis  erat  in  comitatu  Petrus,  et 

claudum  sanandum  alloquitur,  et  senatum  Hierosolymitanum  compellat,  et 
Simoni  Mago  minitatur  ?  Rationis  est  quidem  et  consuetudinis,  ut  legatorum 
primus  orationem  habeat,  quomodo  Paulus,  qui  Barnabam  eminebat,  praeibat 
in  loquendo.  Ut  ad  pauca  redeamus,  is  Petro  collatus  honor  est,  ut  primus  et 
in  Judaeis,  et  in  Gentibus,  Ecclesiae  fundamenta  jaceret.  Qui  longe  maximus 
honos  principem  Apostolorum  decuit,  nee  a  praesidis  munere  divelli  potest. 
Annon  nobiliores  Apostolatus  functiones  honoratiori  competebant  ?  Basnag. 
ann.  31.  num.  Ixxv. 

''  How  that  five  thousand  in  Acts  iv.  4,  ought  to  be  understood,  was  shown 
at  p,  66  of  Vol.  V.  I  shall  now  add  here  the  words  of  Seueur.  Ainsi 
croissoit  I'Eglise  Chretienne  parmi  les  Juifs.  Et  elle  se  montoit  bien  alors  a 
cinq  mille  personnes.  A.  C.  35.  Histoire  de  I'Eglise,  et  de  I'Empire,  Vol.  I. 
p.  133. 


St.  Peter.  213 

prices  of  the  things  that  were  sold,  and  laid  them  at  the 
apostles'  feet.  And  distribution  was  made  to  every  man 
according  as  he  had  need."  But  a  certain  man  named 
Ananias,  and  Sapphira  his  wife,  Avhen  they  had  sold  a  pos- 
session, brought  a  part  of  the  price,  keeping  back  the  rest, 
though  they  declared  it  to  be  the  whole  price.  For  this 
they  were  reproved  by  Peter,  and  were  charged  with  hav- 
ing lied  to  God  himself,  who  acted  by  the  apostles.  At 
this  reproof  Ananias  and  Sapphira  were  both  struck  dead 
by  the  immediate  hand  of  God,  in  a  small  spaceof  time,  one 
after  the  other,  ch.  iv.  34—37;  v.  1—11.  We  have  here, 
as  seems  to  me,  a  proof,  that  Peter  now  presided  in 
the  assembly  of  the  apostles,  and  the  whole  church  of 
Jerusalem. 

"  And,"  after  this,  "  by  the  hands  of  the  apostles  were 

many  signs  and  wonders  wrought  among  the  people 

insomuch  that  they  brought  forth  the  sick  in  the  streets, 
and  laid  them  on  beds  and  couches,  that  at  least  the  shadow 
of  Peter  passing  by  might  overshadow  some  of  them. 
There  came  also  a  multitude  out  of  the  cities  round  about 
Jerusalem,  bringing  sick  folks,  and  them  that  were  vexed 
with  unclean  spirits.  And  they  were  healed  every  one." 
Ch.  V.  12—16. 

1  put  this  in  the  history  of  St.  Peter,  as  he  has  a  share  in 
it.  But  I  do  not  think  that  all  the  miracles  here  spoken  of 
Avere  wrought  by  his  hands,  or  by  his  shadow  passing  by. 
It  seems  that  many  of  these  miracles  were  Avrought  by  other 
apostles,  as  hinted,  or  expressly  said,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  citation,  in  ver  12.  In  a  word,  there  were  now  miracles 
wrought  at  Jerusalem  in  great  numbers,  by  all  and  every 
one  of  the  apostles.  This  may  be  also  farther  argued 
hence,  that  hereupon  all  the  apostles  were  taken  up,  as  is 
said  ver.  17,  18,  "  Then  the  high  priest  rose  up,  and  all 
they  that  were  with  him,  and  Avere  filled  with  indignation. 
And  they  laid  their  hands  on  the  apostles,  and  put  them  in 
the  common  prison."  The  event  may  be  seen  in  what  fol- 
lows, ch.  V.  17 — 42.  However,  I  am  willing  to  allow,  that 
there  were  no  miracles  wrought  by  the  shadow  of  any  of 
the  apostles,  except  Peter's.  This  "=  seems  to  be  most  agree- 
able to  St.  Luke's  expressions. 

*=  Omnibus  accurate  perpensis,  illorum  opinion  is  magis  sumus,  qui  soli 
Petro  id  auctoritatis  concessum  fuisse  putant,  ut  ipsius  umbra  aegroti  a  morbis 
suis  recrearentur.  Neque  id  obscure  Lucas  indicat.  Prsemissis  enim  Aposto- 
lorum  prodigiis,  subinde  hoc  addit.  *  In  plateas  efferebant  gegrotos,  et  pone- 
bant  in  lectis,  ut  venientis  Petri  vel  umbra  inumbraret  aliquem  eorum.'  Cur 
non  dixit,  *  ut  praetereuntium  Apostolorum  vel  luubra,'  si  facultatem  ejusraodi 
a  Christo  nacta  fuit  ?  &c.     Basnag.  Ann.  34.  n.  xviii. 


214  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Upon  the  death  of  Stephen  "  there  arose  a  great  perse- 
cution against  the  church  that  was  at  Jerusalem :"  inso- 
much that  all  the  believers  in  general  "  were  scattered 
abroad  throughout  the  regions  of  Judea  and  Samaria,  ex- 
cept the  apostles.  Then  Philip,"  one  of  the  seven,  "  went 
down  to  Samaria,  and  preached  Christ  to  them."  And 
many  of  the  people  there  believed.  "  Now  when  the  apos- 
tles, which  were  at  Jerusalem,  heard  that  Samaria  had 
received  the  word  of  God,  they  sent  unto  them  Peter  and 
John,"  that  they  might  confer  upon  them  the  gift  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  Which  they  did  by  prayer,  and  laying  on 
of  their  hands.  Here  Peter  reproved  Simon  of  Samaria 
as  he  is  called  :  who  himself  was  a  believer  for  a  while, 
but  had  given  proofs  of  insincerity.  These  two  apostles 
then  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  in  their  way  thither 
"  preached  the  gospel  in  many  villages  of  the  Samaritans." 
ch.  viii.  1—25. 

St.  Paul,  who  informs  us  of  his  return  to  Jerusalem, 
three  years  after  his  conversion,  has  assured  us,  that  he 
then  saw  Peter  and  James,  and  no  other  of  the  apostles. 
Gal.  i.  18,  19.  And  St.  Luke  having  given  the  history  of 
St.  Paul's  opposition  to  the  disciples,  and  of  his  conversion, 
and  return  from  Damascus  to  Jerusalem,  says,  that  "  Bar- 
nabas brought  him  to  the  apostles,"  Acts  ix.  1—30.  These 
two  accounts  are  easily  reconciled.  Paul  saw  only  Peter 
and  James.  But  they  received  him  in  the  name,  and  with 
the  approbation  of  all  the  apostles,  and  thus  he  had  com- 
munion Avith  them. 

It  follows  in  St.  Luke's  history,  Acts  ix.  31,  "  Then  had 
the  churches  rest  throughout  all  Judea,  Galilee,  and  Sama- 
ria, and  were  edilied  ;  and  walking  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
and  in  the  comfort  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  were  multiplied." 
This  rest,  as  was  formerly  shown,  commenced  in  the  year 
40,  and  probably  continued  a  year  or  more.  This  season,  as 
we  may  well  suppose,  was  improved  by  all  the  apostles, 
and  by  Peter,  in  particular.  Of  whom  it  is  said,  that  he 
passed  through  all  parts  of  the  country,  "  and  came  down 
also  to  the  saints  that  dwelt  at  Lydda."  Here,  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ,  he  healed  iEueas,  who  had  the  palsy,  and 
had  kept  his  bed  eight  years.  Whilst  he  was  in  that  place, 
a  christian  woman,  named  Tabitha,  died  at  Joppa,  which 
was  not  far  off.  The  disciples  therefore  sent  to  Peter  de- 
siring him  without  delay  to  come  to  them.  Which  he 
did,  and  there  restored  her  to  life.  "  And  he  tarried 
many  days  at  Joppa,  M'ith  one  Simon,  a  tanner,"  ch.  ix. 
32-43. 


St.  Peter.  215 

Whilst  Peter  was  there,  Cornelius  of  "  Ceesarea  by  iho 
sea-side,"  (the  city  where  the  Roman  g^overnor  had  his  resi- 
dence,) a  centurion,  a  worshipper  of  God,  but  not  of  the 
house  of  Israel,  nor  a  Jewish  proselyte,  had  a  vision ; 
wherein  he  Mas  directed  by  an  angcl,  to  send  to  Joppa  for 
Simon,  whose  surname  was  Peter ;  from  whom  he  would 
receive  farther  information  in  the  things  of  religion.  When 
the  vision  was  over,  he  called  two  of  his  servants,  and  a 
pious  soldier,  and  sent  them  to  Joppa.  The  day  after,  as 
they  drew  near  the  city,  Peter  went  up  to  the  top  of  the 
house  to  pray,  about  the  sixth  hour  of  the  day,  or  noon. 
There  he  fell  into  a  trance  or  ecstacy,  and  had  a  vision.  A 
vessel  descended,  wherein  were  all  sorts  of  living  creatures, 
wild  and  tame,  clean  and  unclean.  "  And  there  came  a  voice 
to  him,  saying.  Kill  and  eat.  But  Peter  said.  Not  so.  Lord. 
For  I  have  never  eaten  any  thing  that  is  common  or  unclean. 
And  the  voice  spake  unto  him  again  the  second  time. 
What  God   hath    cleansed,  that   call    not  thou    common. 

While  Peter  thought  on   the  vision,    the   Spirit  said 

unto  him.  Behold,  three  men  seek  thee.  Arise  therefore, 
and  get  thee   down,  and  go  with  them,  doubting  nothing'  ; 

for  I  have  sent  them. On  the  morrow  Peter  went  away 

with  them,  and  certain  brethren  froni  Joppa,  six  in  number, 
accompanied  him."  The  next  day  they  arrived  at  Ceesarea, 
and  entered  into  the  house  of  Cornelius,  where  Mere  also 
many  others  his  relations,  and  intimate  friends,  whom  Cor- 
nelius had  invited  to  come  thither.  "  Peter  said  unto  them. 
Ye  know,  how  that  it  is  an  unlawful  thing  for  a  Jew  to 
keep  company,  or  to  come  unto  one  of  another  nation. 
But  God  has  shown  me,  that  I   should  not  call  any  man 

common  or  unclean." Whilst  Peter  was  preaching-,  and 

speaking  to  them  the  things  concerning  Jesus  Christ,  and 
before  he  had  finished,  "  the  Holy  Ghost  fell  on  all  of  them 
that  heard  the  word.  And  they  of  the  circumcision,  which 
believed,  were  astonished,  as  many  as  came  with  Peter, 
because  that  on  the  Gentiles  also  was  poured  out  the  gift  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.     For  they  heard  them  speak  with  tongues, 

and  magnify  God. Peter  therefore  commanded  them  to 

be  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.  Then  prayed  they 
him  to  tarry  certain  days."  ch.  x. 

Thus  the  door  of  faith  or  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  or  of 
the  Messiah,  was  opened  to  Gentiles, and  they  Mere  received 
into  the  church  of  God.  A.nd,  if  I  may  say  it,  God  now 
cleansed  all  Gentiles,  and  shoMcd  Mith  full  evidence  and 
divine  attestations,  that  all  men  of  every  nation.  Mho  became 
worshippers  of  God,  and   believed  in  Jesus,  Mere  accepted 


216  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

of  him,  as  his  people,  and  the  members  of  his  church,  and 
in  the  way  of  salvation,  without  circumcision,  or  takings 
upon  them  the  observation  of  the  rituals  of  the  law  of 
Moses. 

While  Peter  tarried  at  Caesarea,  the  apostles  and  bre- 
thren that  were  in  Judea,  heard  that  the  Gentiles  also  had 
received  the  word  of  God.  And  when  Peter  was  come  up 
to  Jerusalem,  they  that  were  of  the  circumcision  contended 
with  him,  saying:  "  Thou  wentest  in  to  men  uncircumcised, 
and  didst  eat  with  them."  But  Peter  gave  them  an  ac- 
count of  the  transaction  from  the  beginning,  and  all  were 
satisfied.  "  When  they  heard  those  things,  they  held  their 
peace,  and  glorified  God,  saying'  ;  Then  hath  God  also  to 
the  Gentiles  granted  repentance  unto  life." 

An  opinion  has  obtained  among  christians  in  late  ages, 
that  Cornelius  was  a  proselyte  of  the  gate.  Which  opinion 
is  founded  upon  a  supposition,  that  there  were  among  the 
Jews  two  sorts  of  proselytes  :  some  called  proselytes  of 
the  covenant,  or  of  righteousness,  who  were  circumcised : 
and  others,  called  proselytes  of  the  gate  :  who,  though  they 
were  not  circumcised,  observed  some  things,  not  obligatory 
in  themselves,  as  is  supposed,  in  order  to  facilitate  commerce 
between  the  Jews  and  them.  What  those  things  were,  or 
supposed  to  be,  I  do  not  now  inquire. 

However,  for  clearing  up  this  matter  I  would  observe, 
that  there  was  but  one  sort  of  proselytes  among  the 
Jews :  and  that  Cornelius  Avas  not  a  proselyte,  but  a 
Gentile. 

First.  There  was  but  one  sort  of  proselytes  among  the 
Jews.  They  were  circumcised.  So  they  became  Jews  by 
religion,  and  were  admitted  to  eat  the  passover,  and  to  par- 
take of  all  religious  privileges,  as  the  Jews  by  descent 
did.  They  Avere  called  "  strangers,  or  proselytes  within 
the  gates,"  and  "  sojourners,"  as  they  were  allowed  to 
dwell,  or  sojourn  among  the  people  of  Israel.  And  they 
■were  so  called,  because  they  could  not  possess  land.  For 
accordino-  to  the  law  of  Moses,  all  the  land  of  Canaan  was 
to  be  given  to  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,  the  descend- 
ants of  the  patriarch  Jacob.  Which  enables  us  to  discern 
the  propriety  of  the  expression  just  mentioned. 

What  has  been  now  said,  may  be  illustrated  by  some 
texts:  which,  though  well  known,  shall  be  alleged  here. 

Exod.  xii.  48,  "And  when  a  stranger  shall  sojourn  with 
thee,  and  will  keep  the  passover  to  the  Lord,  let  all  his  males 
be  circumcised.  And  then  let  him  come  near,  and  keep 
it.     And  he  shall  be  as  one  born  in  the  land.     49,  One  law 


St.  Peter.  217 

shall  be  to  liiia  that  is  home-born,  and  to  the  stranger  that 
sojourneth  among"  you." 

Lev.  xvii.  8,  Whatsoever  man  there  be  of  the  house  of 
Israel,  or  of  the  strangers,  which  sojourn  among-  you,  that 

ofTereth    a    burnt-offering,    or    sacrifice ver.   13, 

children  of  Israel,  neither  any  stranger,  that  sojourneth 
among-  you."  The  same  again,  ver.  15,  "  One  of  your  own 
country,  or  a  stranger." 

Numb.  ix.  14,  "  And  if  a  stranger  shall   sojourn  among 

you,  and  will  keep  the   passover  to  the  Lord ye  shall 

have  one  ordinance,  both  for  the  stranger,  and  for  him  that 
was  born  in  the  land." 

Numb.  XV.  15,  "  One  ordinance  shall  be  both  for  you  of 
the  congregation,  and  also  for  the  stranger  that  sojourneth 

with  you as  ye  are,  so  shall  the  stranger  be  before  the 

Lord.  16,  One  law  and  one  manner  shall  be  for  you,  and 
for  the  stranger  that  sojourneth  among  you." 

In  all  these  places  by  "  stranger,"  and  "  stranger  that 
sojourneth  among  you,"  1  suppose  to  be  meant,  men  circum- 
cised, according-  to  the  law  of  Moses. 

Perhaps,  it  may  be  here  asked.  Could  none,  then,  dwell 
among  the  Israelites  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  but  proselytes, 
or  circumcised  men  ?  To  which  I  answer.  It  seems  to  me, 
that  no  other  had  the  privilege  of  a  settled  abode,  or  resi- 
dence there,  that  is,  to  sojourn  in  the  land.  However,  I 
think,  there  must  have  been  an  exception  for  travellers, 
passing  through  the  country,  even  though  they  were  idola- 
ters, and  for  some,  whose  traffic  was  needful,  and  therefore 
allowed  of.  As  Patrick  says  upon  Deut.  xiv.  21,  '  There 
'  were    some    called    Nocherim,  which    we   here    translate 

*  aliens:  who  were  mere  Gentiles,  and  not  suffered  to  have 
'  an  habitation  among-  them,  but  only  to  come  and  go  in  their 

•  traffic  with  them.' 

And,  if  I  mistake  not,  an  argument  of  the  apostle  may 
be  hence  illustrated  ;  Eph.  ii.  13,  "  But  now,  in  Christ 
Jesus,  ye  who  some  time  were  afar  off,  are  made  nigh," 
very  nigh,  even  to  a  coalescence,  "  by  the  blood  of  Christ." 
Ver.  19,  "  Now  therefore  ye  are  no  more  strangers,  and 
foreigners,  but  fellow-citizens  with  the  saints,  and  of  the 
household  of  God."  The  apostle  alludes  to  the  state  of 
things  in  the  Jewish  commonwealth.  "  Now  therefore," 
says  he,  "  ye  are  no  more  strangers,  and  foreigners."  Those 
are  not  terms  of  distance,  as  they  seem  to  be  in  our  transla- 
tion, and  as  some  have  supposed,  but  of  nearness.  They 
are  expressive  of  all  the  favour  and  privilege  which  could 
be  vouchsafed  to  any,  not  of  the  natural  seed  of  Israel,  be- 


218  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

fore  the  manifestation  of  the  gospel.  '  "  Now  "^  therefore 
'  ye  are  no  longer  guests."  JSuch  you  might  be,  and  be 
'  well,  and  civilly  entertained  ^  for  a  while,  though  you 
'  were  aliens,  and  sojourners,  as  the  Jewish  proselytes 
'  were  who  might  live  in  the  country,  but  had  few  privi- 
'  leges,  they  not  being  allowed  to  possess  land,  nor  to  have 
'  any  share  in  the  government  of  it ;  "  but  ye  are  fellow- 
'  citizens  with  the  saints  :"  you  have  equal  rights  of  citi- 
'  zenship  with  the  people,  and  natives  of  the  country  ;  "  and 
'  are  God's  domestics."  You  are  brought  into  the  court 
'  and  family  of  the  king  of  the  country,  and  are  admitted 
'  to  his  presence,  and  to  attend  upon  his  person.'  The 
whole  of  this  is  much  the  same  with  Avhat  is  said,  1  Pet. 
ii.  9,  10,  and  Rev.  i.  6.  I  place  below  a  Latin  version  ^ 
of  this  text,  which  appears  to  me  to  be  right. 

Proselyte  is  a  word  of  Greek  original,  equivalent  to 
stranger,  long  since  become  a  technical  M'ord,  denoting 
a  convert  to  the  Jewish  religion,  or  a  Jew  by  religion. 

In  the  fourth  commandment  they  are  called  "  thy 
stranger  within  thy  gates."     Exod.  xx.  10,  and  Deut.   v. 

According  to  the  Jewish  way  of  reckoning,  agreeably  to 
the  law  of  Moses,  there  were  three  sorts  of  men  in  the 
world :  Israelites,  called  also  home-born,  or  natives ; 
strangers  within  their  gates,  and  aliens.  So  Deut.  xiv.  21, 
"  Ye  shall  not  eat  any  thing  that  dieth  of  itself.  Thou 
shalt  give  it  to  the  stranger  that  is  in  thy  gates,  that 
he  may  eat  it :  or  thou  mayest  sell  it  to  an  alien."  Or, 
otherwise,  there  were  two  sorts  of  men,  circumcised  and 
imcircumcised,  Jews  and  Gentiles,  or  Heathens. 

A  proselyte,  as  before  said,  is  a  man  circumcised  ac- 
cording- to  the  law  of  Moses,  or  a  Jew  by  religion.  This 
is  the  sense  of  the  word  in  all  the  texts  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, where  it  is  used.  Matt,  xxiii.  15,  "  Ye  compass  sea 
and  land  to  make  one  proselyte."  Acts  ii.  10,  "  Jews  and 
proselytes."  Acts  vi.  5,  "  Nicolas,  a  proselyte  of  Antioch." 
Ch.  xiii.  43,  "  Religious  proselytes."  There  never  was 
any  doubt  about  preaching  to  these,  and  receiving  them 
into  the  church.      Such  were  amonff  St.  Peter's    hearers 

Apa  ovv  ovKtTi  £T£  ^evoi,  Kai  irapoiKot  aWa  avinrokirai  rwv  ayiwv,  xai 
otKtioi  TH  Qm.  *  The  Greek  word  Ktvoc,  like  the  Latin  word 

•  hospes,'  signifies  both  a  *  host'  and  a  *  guest,'  an  entertainer,  and  him  tliat  is 
entertained,  et  qui  domo  suscipit,  et  qui  suscipitur.  In  Rom.  xvi.  23,  it  is 
used  in  the  fomier,  here  in  the  latter  sense. 

''  Nempe  igitur  non  amplius  estis  hospites,   et  inquiUni,  sed   concives 
sanctorum,  ac  domestici  Dei. 


St.  Peter.  219 

of  his  first  sermon.  And  one  such  person  at  least  was 
among  the  seven  deacons  in  the  church  of  Jerusalem. 

In  this  sense  the  word  is  always  understood  by  ancient 
christian  writers.  Says  Bede,  in  his  exposition  of  the  second 
chapter  of  the  Acts:  '  They  e  called  those  proselytes,  that 
*  is,  strang-ers,  who  being-  of  Gentile  original,  had  embraced 
'  circumcision,  and  Judaism.'  To  the  like  purpose ''  another 
Latin  writer,  of  the  ninth  century,  in  his  commentary  upon 
St.  Matthew's  gospel.  So  likewise  '  Theodoret,  and  ''  Eu- 
thymius.  Nor  do  1  believe,  that  the  notion  of  two  sorts  of 
Jewish  proselytes  can  be  found  in  any  christian  writer  be- 
fore the  fourteenth  century,  or  later. 

Cornelius  is  not  called  a  proselyte  in  the  New  Testament. 
It  is  said  of  him,  that '  he  was  "  a  devout  man,  and  one  that 
feared  God  with  all  his  house  :"  that  is,  he  was  a  truly 
good  man.  What  is  there  said  of  him  is  only  his  personal 
character.  Here  is  not  any  thing,  denoting  a  religious 
denomination,  as  some  have  thought.  And  it  is  plain, 
that  notwithstanding  his  piety,  he  was  an  alien.  Peter 
would  not  have  conversed  with  him,  if  he  had  not  been 
directed  by  an  express  command.  The  reason  is,  that 
there  is  no  appointment  in  the  law  of  Moses  for  receiving 
any  men  into  covenant  with  God  or  to  communion 
with  his  people,  but  by  circumcision  :  which  implied 
an  obligation  to  obey  all  the  Laws  of  the  Mosaic  institu- 
tion. 

Let  us  now  go  over,  and  observe  the  most  remarkable 
particulars  of  this  historyo 

Cornelius,  and  his  friends,  are  called  Gentiles,  ch.  x. 
45  ;  ch.  xi.  1,  and  18;  ch.  xv.  7,  that  is,  'gojim,'  a  Hebrew 
word,  very  frequent  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  rendered 
by  us  "  nations,"  or  "  heathen,"  or  "  heathens."  And  in 
our  version  of  the  New  Testament  likewise  is  several  times 

B  *  Judsei  quoque  et  proselyti.']  Proselytos,  id  est,  advenas,  nuncupabant 
eos,  qui,  de  Gentibus  originem  ducentes,  circumcisionem  et  Judai'smum  eli- 
gere  malebant.  Non  solum  ergo,  inquiunt,  [f.  inquit,]  qui  natura  sua  Judaei 
ex  diverso  orbe  convenerant ;  verum  et  ii,  qui  de  praeputio  nati,  eorum  adhae- 
sere  ritui.     Bed.  Expos,  in  Act.  Ap.  cap.  ii. 

^  Proselytus  dicebatur  Gi-sece  ad  vena ;  quia  de  alia  gente  ad  legem  ipso- 
rum  convertebatur,  ut  fuit  Jethro,  et  Achior.  Et  multa  millia  viroi-um  fueiimf , 
qui  de  Gentibus  circumcisi  fuerunt,  et  Deum  coeli  crediderunf.  Christian. 
Druthmar.  Grammatic.  Exp.  in  Matth.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  Tom.  XV.  p.  156.  A. 

'  Ot  eS  tOviuv  irpoaeXriXvQoTic,  koi  Kara  tuq  ang  vojihq  TroOijaavreg  ttoXi- 
TtvtaQai,  Ti]v  adiKov  Trap'  avrwv  ofayrjv  inrofuVHCt:  TrpovrjXvrsg  yap  rsrug 
wvofiaffe.  Theod.  in  Ps.  xciii.  al.  xciv.  ver.  6.  Tom.  I.  p.  775.  Conf.  Suid. 
V.     UpourjXvTog.  "^  Proselytum  vero  Judaei  appeUabant,  qui 

ex  Gentili  effectus  fuisset  Judaeus.  Euthym.  in  Ps.  xciii.  p.  396.  ap.  Bib.  PP. 
T.  XIX.  '   Eii(7£/3j;c  Kai  ^o/Se/xji'Og  tov  9toi',  aw  navri  ti{)  oiKif)  avTS. 


220  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 


S 


ut "  heathen"  instead  of  "  the  nations,"  or  "  the  Gentiles.'* 
^  Cor.  xi.  26 ;  Gal.  ii.  9,  ch.  iii.  8. 

In  the  next  place  we  take  notice  of  the  vessel  let  down 
from  heaven,  and  set  before  Peter.  There  were  in  it  "  all 
manner  of  four-footed  beasts  of  the  earth,  and  wild  beasts, 
and  creeping-  things,  and  fowls  of  the  air  :"  some  of  them 
altogether  abominable,  and  exceeding  tilthy  in  the  eye  of 
Jews.  Hereby  are  represented  the  people,  who  had  sent 
for  Peter,  though  pious,  because  they  were  uncircumcised. 
But  it  is  likely,  that  herein  are  also  included,  and  represent- 
ed, Gentiles  of  all  sorts,  men  of  every  nation,  all  men  uncir- 
cumcised in  general,  whether  worshippers  of  God,  or  not. 
Ver.  13—16,  "And  there  came  a  voice  to  him,  saying: 
Arise,  Peter,  kill  and  eat.  But  Peter  said  :  Not  so.  Lord, 
for  I  have  never  eaten  any  thing-  that  is  common  or  un- 
clean. And  the  voice  spake  unto  him  again  the  second 
time  :  what  God  has  cleansed,  that  call  not  thou  common. 
This  was  done  thrice ;  and  the  vessel  was  received  up  again 
into  heaven. " 

"  What  God  has  cleansed,  that  call  not  thou  common  :" 
denoting,  that  those  people,  which  were  most  impure  in 
Jewish  esteem,  were  now  cleansed  or  to  be  cleansed,  and  to 
be  received  as  pure  and  holy. 

Omitting  some  other  things,  in  the  next  place  we  observe 
Peter's  address  at  the  house  of  Cornelius,  ver.  28 ;  "  Ye 
know  how  that  it  is  an  unlawful  thing  for  a  man  that  is  a 
Jew  to  ™  keep  company,  or  to  come  to  a  man  of  another 
nation."  The  people,  therefore,  to  whom  Peter  had  been 
sent,  and  among  whom  he  now  was,  were  such,  as  no  Jew 
might  converse  with,  according  to  the  Law  of  Moses,  and 
their  established  custom.  "  A  man  of  another  nation  :" 
a\\o(jivKto  :  an  alien  or  foreigner.     Jerom  observes,  that  ° 

"  *  KoXXacrOai  t]  Trpoffcpx^ffOat  aXKo<pv\(^.  By  which  words  is  not  to  he 
understood,  as  if  a  Jew  might  have  no  dealing  at  all  with  a  Gentile,  and  traffic 
with  them :  for  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  do  otherwise,  they  living,  very 
many  of  them,  in  Heathen  cities.  And  Gentiles  came  continually,  in  the 
way  of  trade,  to  Jerusalem,  Neh.  xiii.  16.  What  was  unlawful,  was  convei"s- 
ing  with  Gentiles  ia  near  and  close  society,  as  the  word  KoXkaaQai  signifies, 
and  that  especially  in  these  two  things,  "  not  to  eat  with  them,"  and  "  not  to 
go  into  their  houses."  And  this  is  that,  for  which  they  of  the  circumcision 
excepted  at  Peter  upon  his  return.  "  Thou  wentest  in  to  men  uncircumcised, 
and  didst  eat  with  them,"  ch.  xi.  3.'  So  Lightfoot  in  his  commentary  upon 
the  Acts  of  the  apostles,  vol.  I.  p.  844.  Where  follow  other  tilings,  relating 
to  this  subject,  very  worthy  of  obsei^vation. 

"  Pro  Philisthiim  semper  Ixx.  alienigenas  interpretati  sunt,  nomen  com- 
mune pro  proprio  ;  qu3e  est  hodie  gens  Palsestinorum,  quasi  Philistinorum. 
Hieron.  in  Is.  cap.  ii.  6.  Tom.  III.  p.  24. 

Philistaeos  autem,  ut  saepe  diximus,  Palsestinos  significat,  quos  alienigenas 


St.  Peter.  221 

thouffhthe  Greek  word  sifj-nifies  ing-encral  a  man  of  another 
nation  :  the  seventy  translators  of  the  Old  Testament  con- 
stantly made  use  of  it,  to  denote  the  Philistines,  or  heathen 
people  of  the  land  of  Palestine.  That  observation  is  repeat- 
ed by  him.  And  I  have  transcribed  below  several  of  his 
passages.  This  character,  an  alien,  or  a  man  of  another 
nation,  satisfies  us,  that  the  people,  to  whom  Peter  was  now 
sent  by  divine  order,  had  not  been  before  received  into  the 
Jewish  church,  or  admitted  to  communion  with  them,  but 
were  aliens  from  their  commonwealth. 

It  follows  in  the  same  address  of  Peter:  "But  God  has 
showed  me,  that  I  should  not  call  any  man  common  or  un- 
clean." Those  expressions  are  as  general  and  comprehen- 
sive as  any  that  can  be  used  ;  plainly  including-  all  mankind, 
who  now  were  cleansed,  or  to  be  cleansed  and  purified 
by  faith,  and  received  into  the  church  of  God  without  cir- 
cumcision. 

Cornelius  having  declared  the  occasion  of  sending  for 
him,  "  Peter  opened  his  mouth,  and  said,  of  a  truth  I  per- 
ceive that  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons :  but  in  every 
nation,  he  that  feareth  him,  and  worketh  righteousness,  is 
accepted  with  him."  These  expressions  are  as  general  and 
comprehensive  as  the  former,  including  men  of  all  nations, 
without  exception. 

The  conclusion  of  St.  Peter's  discourse  at  the  house  of 
Cornelius,  is  this,  "  To  him  give  all  the  prophets  witness, 
that  through  his  name,  whosoever  believeth  in  him  shall 
receive  remission  of  sins."  Which,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to 
perceive,  is  preaching  the  gospel  as  clearly  as  ever  it  was 
preached  by  Paul  himself. 

"  While  Peter  yet  spake  these  words,  the  Holy  Ghost 
fell  on  all  them  that  heard  the  word."  Or,  as  St.  Peter 
himself  expresseth  it,  rehearsing  the  matter  of  Jerusalem, 
ch.  xi.  15,  "  As  I  began  to  speak,  the  Holy  Ghost  fell  on 
all  them,  as  on  us  at  the  beginning  ;"  whereupon  Peter 
ordered  them  to  be  baptized,  and  so  received  into  the 
church.  And,  as  he  says  in  the  defence  of  himself,  "  For- 
asmuch then,  as  God  gave  them  the  like  gift  as  he  did 
unto  us  who  believed  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ :  what  was 
I  that  I  could  withstand  God  ?" 

vulgata  scribit  editio ;  quura  hie  non  unius  gentis,  sed  omnium  caeterarum 
gentium  vocabulum  sit.     Id.  in  Is.  xiv.  29.  p.  116. 

Videamus  autem,  quid  Philistiiiim,  et  urbes  ejus  peccaverint,  quos  septua- 
ginta  semper  alienigenas  transtulerunt.  Ubicumque  enim  in  veteri  testamento 
aXKoipvXnc,  id  est,  '  alienigenas,'  legimus,  non  commune  nomen  omnium 
externarimi  gentium,  sed  proprie  Philisthiim,  qui  nunc  Palaestini  vocantur, 
accipiendi  sunt.     Id.  in  Amos.  cap.  i.  ib.  p.  1376. 


222  A  Histovj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

That  very  extraordinary  manifestation,  the  coming*  down 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  immediately  from  heaven  upon  these 
persons,  leads  us  to  think,  that  the  transaction  at  the  house 
of  Cornelius  was  a  very  important  thing,  and  no  less  than 
cleansing-  the  whole  Gentile  world  :  or  encouraging  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel  to  them,  and  receiving  them  to 
communion,  without  the  rites  of  the  law.  And  from  this 
time  forward  it  was  not  preached  to  them,  as  appears  from 
the  history  in  the  Acts. 

I  suppose  that  what  I  have  now  said  is  agreeable  to  the 
sense  of  all  christians  in  ancient  times  :  who  call  Cornelius" 
the  first-fruits  of  the  Gentiles,  and  ^  the  beginning  of  the 
Gentiles.  And  say,  that  i  in  him  all  Gentiles  were  cleansed 
and  sanctified,  and  that"^  the  living  creatures  of  all  kinds, 
which  were  in  the  vessel  let  down  to  Peter,  and  held 
by  four  corners,  represented  all  Gentiles  throughout  the 
world. 

Many  learned  men  of  late  times  make  a  great  difference 
betvieen  preaching-  the  gospel  to  what  they  call  "  devout 
Gentiles,"  or  "  proselytes  of  the  gate,"  and  "  idolatrous 
Gentiles."  But  I  do  not  perceive,  that  christians  in  ancient 
times  had  any  notion  of  this.  Nor  is  there  any  foundation 
for  it  in  the  New  Testament.  But  al!  men,  uncircumcised, 
whether  worshippers  of  God,  or  idolatrous,  are  called  Gen- 
tiles. That  Cornelius,  and  his  family,  and  friends,  are  call- 
ed Gentiles,  though  pious,  has  been  lately  seen.      And  in 

°  Ex  quibus  esse  arbiti'or  etiam  Comelium  illimi,  qui  Ceesariensis  ecclesiae 
cum  iis  cum  quibus  Spiritum  Sanctum  meruit  accipere,  primitiae  merito  dicitur. 
Et  non  solum  hujus  ecclesise,  sed  fortassis  et  onmium  gentium  primitiae  Cor- 
nelius appellandus  est.  Primus  enim  credidit  ex  gentibus,  et  primus  Sancto 
Spiritu  repletus  est.  Et  ideo  recte  primitice  gentium  appellabitur.  Origen.  in 
Num.  horn.  xi.  p.  306.  T.  II.  Bened. 

P  'Opnc  7ro0£v  r)  a^txn  yivirat  twv  iOvwv.  Chrys.  in  Act.  Ap.  hem.  22. 
T.  IX.  p.  180. 

1  Sub  Apostolis  veto,  cum  ii,  qui  in  Christum  ex  circumcisione  crediderant, 
cos  qui  Gentiles  erant,  dicebanturque  prasputium,  justificationem  gratiae 
arbitrarentur  participes  esse  non  posse,  docet  B.  Apostolus  Petrus,  quam 
indiscretus  apud  Deum  ulerque  sit  populus,  si  in  unitatem  fidei  denuo  conve- 
nerint.  '  Cumautem,'  inquit,  '  ccepissem  loqui,'  &c.  De  Vocatione  Gentium. 
Lib.  II.  cap.  18.  ■■  Etenim  Ecclesia  necdum  erat  in  gentibus. 

In  Judaea  crediderunt  ex  Judaeis,  et  putabant solos  se  pertinere  ad  Chiistum. 

Missi  sunt  Apostoli  ad  gentes,  praedicatum  est  Cornelio. Discus  ille,  qui 

habebat  omnia  animalia,  significabat  omnes  gentes.  Ideo  aiitem  quatuor 
lineis  pendebat,  quia  quatuor  sunt  partes  orbis,  unde  futuri  populi  erant. 
August.  Enarr.  in  Ps.  xcvi.  num.  13.  Tom.  IV. 

Siquidem  cum  Sanctus  Petrus  per  visionem  omne  genus  animalium,  dc 
baptizando  Cornelio,  ac  perinde  de  omnibas  gentibus  doceretur,  atque  ille 
immundum  et  indiscretum  cibum  Judaica  observantia  recusaret,  trina  ad  cum 
vox  facta  sit,  dicens:  quae  Deus  mundavit,  tu  ne  commune  dixeris.  Prosp.  ep. 
ad  Rufin.cap.  vi.  ap.  Aug.  T.  X.  in  Append.  Ed.  Bened. 


St.  Peter.  223 

almost  innumerable  places  of  St.  Paul's  epistles  the  same 
word  is  used  of  such  as  then  were,  or  had  been  idolaters. 

Nor  can  I  conceive,  how  there  should  be  an  objection 
against  preaching-  to  idolatrous  Gentiles  in  order  to  convert 
them  from  idolatry.  It  is  well  known,  that  the  Jewish 
people  were  very  diligent  in  making  proselytes  to  their 
religion.  Our  Lord  himself  has  taken  notice  of  it.  Matt, 
xxiii.  15.  The  obstructions  given  to  Paul  were  not  owing* 
to  his  converting  men  from  idolatry,  but  to  his  manner  of 
receiving  them.  If  he  had  taught,  and  required  them  to  be 
circumcised,  and  keep  the  law,  all  had  been  well.  For 
certain,  I  think,  there  could  have  been  no  offence  taken  by 
any  believers  from  among'  the  Jews,  however  bigoted, 
"  And  1,  brethren,"  says  the  apostle  to  the  Galatians, 
"  If  I  yet  preach  circumcision,  why  do  I  yet  suffer 
persecution  ?  Then  is  the  offence  of  the  cross  ceased,'* 
Gal.  V.  11. 

These  thoughts,  which  are  now  proposed  to  public  con- 
sideration, are  not  new.  A  thorough  examination  of  this 
point  was  occasioned  by  the  Miscellanea  Sacra,  which  was 
published  in  1725.  And  in  a  few  year.s  I  came  to  a  full 
determination.  Nor  have  I  concealed  my  sentiments.  They 
have  been  communicated  to  several ;  and  by  some  they 
have  been  approved. 

Nor  do  1  make  any  question,  but  that  others  likewise 
are  of  the  same  opinion.  I  shall  therefore  here  transcribe 
a  paragraph  of  a  letter  from  my  honoured  friend,  Mr.  Jo- 
seph Plallet,  of  Exeter,  received  from  him  in  the  year  1735. 
'  It  is  certain  fact,'  says  he, '  that  the  scripture  never  men- 
'  tions  the  difference  between  preaching  to  devout  Gentiles, 
'  and  idolatrous  Gentiles,  which  some  do.  The  original 
'  instruction  was  :  "  Go,  disciple  all  nations,"  Matt,  xxviii. 
'  19.  "  Preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature,"  Mark  xvi. 
'  15.  The  order  in  which  the  apostles  were  to  preach  the 
'  gospel,  was  in  "Jerusalem,  in  all  Judea,  in  Samaria,  and 
'  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth,"  Acts  i.  8.  In  these, 
'  and  all  other  places,  one  and  the  same  character  compre- 
'  hends  all  Gentiles.  When  St.  Peter  stuck  at  preaching 
'  the  gospel  to  Cornelius,  the  plain  reason  was,  because  he 
'  was  uncircumcised.  See  Acts  xi.  3.  Neither  he  at  first, 
'  nor  they  that  afterwards  quarrelled  M'ith  him,  would 
'  have  any  more  hesitated  to  preach  to  idolaters,  than  to 
'  Cornelius.  Only  in  that  case,  they  must  have  begun 
'  with  proving  the  unity  of  God  ;  which  they  had  no 
'  need  to  do  in  the  case  of  Cornelius,  since  he  already  be- 
'  lieved  it.' 


224  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  as  I  have  this  opportunity,  I  shall  now  communicate 
to  the  public  some  other  thoughts  of  Mr.  Hallet,  relating'  to 
the  same  subject,  which  I  received  from  him  at  the  same 
time.  '  That  the  decree  in  Acts  xv.  relates  to  the  idolatrous 
Gentiles  in  particular,  is  manifest.  Indeed  it  is  demon- 
strable from  ver.  19,  Athere  St.  James  speaks  of  those, 
"  who  from  among  the  Gentiles  are  turned  to  God." 
Their  being  "  turned  to  God  "  here  is  the  same  as  their 
becoming  christians.  They  were  not  turned  to  God  be- 
fore. And  therefore  they  were  (not  devout,  but)  idolatrous 
Gentiles.  They  were  plainly  of  the  same  sort  with  the 
Thessalonians,  who  "  turned  to  God  from  idols,"  1  Thess. 
i.  9,  who  are  acknowledged  to  be  idolatrous  Gentiles. 
The  same  character  then  will  prove,  that  the  others  were 
so  too.  The  same  thing  is  demonstrable  from  ver.  17. 
For  the  expression,  "  all  the  Gentiles,"  can  never  be 
restrained  to  a  few  proselytes  of  the  gate.  Farther,  the 
letter  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  was  directed  and  sent  to 
the  believing-  Gentiles  in  Antioch,  &c.  ver.  23,  to  decide  a 
dispute  which  was  raised  there.  But  the  dispute  there 
was  about  idolatrous  Gentiles  in  particular,  ver.  2,  «S,  5. 
Consequently,  the  letter  must  be  interpreted  to  speak  of 
the  same  persons.  Nay,  the  church  at  Antioch  was  com- 
posed of  such  as  had  been  idolatrous  Gentiles.  And 
therefore  the  letter  must  relate  to  that  sort  of  men.  And 
when  Paul  went  through  Syria,  Cilicia,  Derbe,  Lystra,  &c. 
(where  it  is  allowed,  there  were  converts  from  among  the 
idolatrous  Gentiles,)  "  he  delivered  the  decrees  to  them," 
i.  e.  the  said  idolatrous  Gentiles,  to  "  keep,"  ch.  xvi.  1,  4.' 
So  Mr  Hallet. 

Dr.  Doddridge,  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Family  Ex- 
positor, which  is  upon  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  has  many 
acute  and  judicious  observations,  relating  to  this  subject. 
And  I  am  well  satisfied,  that  he  intended  to  write  a  disser- 
tation concerning  Jewish  proselytes.  Which  is  also  ac- 
knowledged by  '  the  learned  editor  of  his  posthumous 
volumes  :  though  no  such  thing  has  been  found  among- 
his  papers.  And  in  his  general  introduction  to  the  first 
epistle  of  St.  Peter,  Dr.  Doddridge  freely  declares, '  that 
'  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  to  suppose,  that  there  ever 

*  were  any  such  persons,  as  proselytes  of  the  gate.'     And 
he  thinks,  *  that  what  he  has  suggested  in  his  notes  upon 

*  the  Acts  may  convince  an  attentive  reader.'     And  indeed 
I  am  of  the  same  opinion   concerning  what  he  has  said  in 

'  See  the  note  at  the  bottom  of  p.  218,  of  the  sixth  volume  of  the  Family 
Expositor. 


St.  Peter.  225 

those  notes.  For  wliich  reason  1  do  not  so  much  regret 
the  loss  of  the  dissertation,  as  otherwise  1  should. 

Says  Sueur,  speaking-  of  St.  Peter's  vision  of  the  sheet : 
'  God*  thereby  showed  unto  his  servant,  that  thenceforward 
'  he  would  have  all  the  people  of  the  world,  without  excep- 
'  tion,  called  to  partake  in  his  gracious  covenant  in  his  son 
'  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  the  knowledge  of  salvation  by  him.' 
That  it  was  so  understood  by  the  primitive  christians, 
we  have  lately  seen.  And  that  this  whole  transaction  was 
so  understood  by  the  apostles,  and  by  the  evangelists, 
their  fellow-labonrers,  is  manifest  from  the  sequel  of  the 
history  in  the  book  of  the  Acts. 

For  removing-  difficulties,  and  fully  clearing  up  this  point, 
it  may  be  needful  to  consider  that  text.  Gal.  ii.  1,  2, 
"  Then  fourteen  years  after,  I  went  up  again  to  Jerusalem 
with  Barnabas,  and  took  Titus  with  me  also.  And  I  went 
up  by  revelation,  and  connnunicated  unto  them  that  gospel, 
which  I  preach  among  the  Gentiles,  but  privately  to  them 
which  were  of  reputation,  lest  by  any  means  I  should  run, 
or  had  run,  in  vain." 

Some"  who  contend  for  the  supposition  of  two  sorts  of 
proselytes  among  the  Jews,  and  think  that  the  gospel 
was  preached  several  years  to  such  as  they  call  "  proselytes 
of  the  gate,"  before  it  was  preached  to  idolatrous  Gentiles ; 
and  understand  the  decree  of  the  council  of  Jerusalem  to 
bind  those  proselytes  only,  say,  that  the  conversion  of  idola- 
trous Gentiles  was  unknown  to  the  church  at  Jerusalem, 
when  that  decree  was  made,  and  explain  the  above-cited 
words  after  this  manner :  '  That  "  Paul  communicated  what 

*  he  had  preached    to   the    Gentiles,    only    to  James   and 

*  Peter,  and  John,  the  three  renowned  apostles  of  the 
'  circumcision,  and  that  under  the  seal  of  tlie  greatest  se- 
'  crecy.' 

But  that  cannot  be  St.  Paul's  meaning.  For  most,  if  not 
all  the  converts  at  Antioch,  must  have  been  idolaters.  But, 
supposing  for  the  present,  that  they  had  been  devout  Gen- 
tiles; it  is  universally  allowed,  that  before  the  controversy 
arose  at  Antioch  about  circumcising-  the  Gentiles  that  be- 
lieved, the  gospel  had  been  preached  for  a  good  while  by 

'  Et  puisque  Dieu  rompoit  cette  separation,  il  montroit  a  son  serviteur,  que 
de-la  en  avant  il  vouloit  appeller  indifferement  tous  les  peuples  du  moade  a 
son  alliance  de  grace  en  son  fils  Jesus  Christ,  et  a  sa  saluteire  connoissance.  J. 
Sueur  Hist,  de  I'Eglise,  &c.  A.  C.  41.  Tom.  I.  p.  165. 

"  See  Miscellanea  Sacra  in  the  Preface,  and  Essay  iv.  and  Dr.  Benson's 
History  of  the  first  planting  the  Christian  Religion,  Vol.  ii.  chap.  iii.  sect.  i. 
ii.  &c.  "  Miscell.  Sacr.  Ess.  iv.  p.  50.    Dr.  Benson,  as  before. 

Vol.  ii.  p.  52.  second  edit. 

VOL.    VI.  Q 


226  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Paul  and  Barnabas  to  idolatrous  Gentiles  in  Cyprus,  Perga, 
Antioch  in  Pisidia,  Iconiiiin,  Lystra,  Derbe,  and  other 
places  :  of  which  a  particular  account  is  g'iven  Acts  xiii. 
xiv.  And  presently  after,  St.  Luke,  relating-  the  journey 
of  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Jerusalem,  says,  ch.  xv.  3, 4,  "  And 
being  brought  on  their  way  by  the  church  [of  Antioch] 
they  passed  through  Phenice,  and  Samaria,  declaring  the 
conversion  of  the  Gentiles :  [or  heathens  :]  and  they  caused 
great  joy  to  all  the  brethren.  And  when  they  were  come 
to  Jerusalem,  they  were  received  by  the  church,  and  by 
the  apostles,  and  elders  ;  and  they  declared  all  things,  that 
God  had  done  with  them."  In  Avliich  must  have  been  in- 
cluded their  preaching  not  only  at  Antioch  in  Syria,  but 
also  in  all  the  other  countries  and  cities  mentioned  just 
before.  Of  this  they  gave  an  account  to  the  church  of 
Jerusalem  in  general,  and  particularly  to  the  apostles  and 
elders. 

And  Acts  XV.  12,  in  the  council.  "  Then  all  the  multitude 
kept  silence,  and  gave  audience  to  Barnabas  and  Paul,  de- 
claring what  miracles  God  had  wrought  among  the  Gentiles 
by  them." 

And  ver.  25,  26,  the  apostles  and  elders,  in  their  epistle, 
speaking  of  Barnabas  and  Paul,  say,  "  they  were  men  that 
had  hazarded  their  lives  for  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ."  Intending,  as  may  be  reasonably  supposed,  the 
dangers,  and  sufferings,  which  they  had  met  with,  when 
preaching'  the  gospel  to  idolaters  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  Ico- 
nium,  and  Lystra,  of  which  St.  Luke  has  given  an  account. 
Acts  xiii.  near  the  end,  and  ch.  xiv.  to  which  St.  Paul  also 
refers,  2  Tim.  iii.  11.  These  things  Paul  and  Barnabas,  or 
the  brethren  that  went  up  with  them  from  Antioch,  had 
related  to  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  and  to  the  apostles  and 
elders.  For  we  hence  plainly  perceive,  that  these  things 
were  well  known  there. 

That  is  St.  Luke's  history.  Let  us  noAV  observe  St.  Paul's 
own  words  in  this  text.     "  Then  fourteen  years  after  I  went 

up  again  to  Jerusalem. And  I  went  up  by  revelation, 

and  communicated  to  them  that  gospel,  which  I  preach 
among  the  Gentiles  :"  meaning,  as  seems  to  me,  the  church, 
or  the  believing  brethren  there.  So  say  all  the  best  inter- 
preters in  general.  Dr.  Hammond's  paraphrase  is  in  these 
words  :  '  And  by  God's  appointment,  either  first  signified, 
'  or  afterwards  confirmed  to  me  by  vision,  (such  as  Paul 
'  had  about  several  matters,)  I  M-eiit  up  at  this  time  to  Jeru- 
'  sal  em,  and  gave  the  church  there  an  account  of  my 
*  preaching,  and  the  success  of  it  among  the  Gentiles.     This 


St.  Petei:  227 

'  I  thougfht  fit  to  do,  and  yet  first  to  do  it  to  those  that 
'  were  the  principal  men  among'  them.'  So  Hammond.  To 
the  like  purpose  Estiiis,"  whom  I  transcribe  below.  Le 
Clerc's  French  version  is  to  this  purpose.  "And"  I  ex- 
phiined"  in  public  "  to  the  saints  the  gospel  which  I  preach 
among"  the  Gentiles  :  the  which  I  also  did  in  particular 
to  them  who  were  in  reputation."  And  Beausobre's:  '  ly 
'  went  thither  by  revelation,  and  I  conferred  with  the  faith- 
'  ful  about  the  gospel,  which  I  preach  among  the  Gen- 
'  tiles.  1  conferred  about  it  also  in  particular  with  those 
'  who  were  most  esteemed  among-  them.'  ^ 

It  follows  in  the  same  verse :  "  Lest  by  any  means  I 
should  run,  or  had  run  in  vain."  That  is  :  '  This  I  thought 
'  fit  to  do,  in  order  to  secure  the  success  of  my  ministry  : 
'  for  removing  obstacles   in  the  way  of  my  preaching  for 

*  the  future,  and  that  the  minds  of  converts  already  made 

*  might  not  be  unsettled.  With  those  views  I  conferred 
'with  the  believers  at  Jerusalem  in  public,  and  also  in  pri- 

*  vate  with  those  who  were  most  esteemed.' 

Ver.  3,  "  But  neither  Titus,  who  was  with  me,  being  a 
Greek,  was  compelled  to  be  circumcised."  The  apostle's 
taking  such  particular  notice  of  Titus  in  a  letter  to  chris- 
tians converted  from  idolatry,  and  calling  him  a  Greek, 
led  us  to  think,  that  he  was  originally  idolatrous. 

Ver.  4,  "  And  that  because  of  false  brethren,  unawares 
brought  in,  who  came  in   privily  to  spy  out  our  liberty  in 

*  *  Et  contuli  cum  illis  evangeliuni,  quod  prsedico  in  Gentibus.'  Augusti- 
nus  legit :  '  Et  exposui  illis.'  Sed  intellige,  more  conferentis.  Id  enim  vult, 
etiam  Hieronymo  teste,  quod  in  Graeco  est,  avtOsfirjv  avroiQ.  Nam  sensus 
est:  Communicavi  cum  illis  qui  Jerosolymis  erant,  de  evangelic,  quod  prse- 
dico  inter  Gentes,  deque  tota  ratione  doctrinae  mese  quam  tradidi,  et  efiam 
nunc  trado  Gentibus,  quarum  sum  Apostolus.  Non  itaque  discendi  studio, 
quod  supra  negavit,  evangelium  suum  nunc  demum  cum  ecclesia  Jerosolymi- 
tana  confert,  &c.  Est.  ad  Gal.  ii.  2. 

"  J'y  allai et  j'expliquai  en  public  aux  saints  I'evangile,  que  j'annonce 

parmi  les  Gentils  ;  ce  que  je  tis  aussi  en  particulier  a  ceux  qui  etoient  le  plus 
en  reputation.     Le  Clerc.  ^  Or  j'y  allai  par  revelation,  et  je 

conferai  avec  les  fideles  touchant  I'evangile,  que  je  pr^che  pamii  les  Gentils. 
J'en  conferai  en  particulier  avec  les  pluscelebres  entr'  eux.  Beaus. 

^  The  interpretation  given  by  me  of  St.  Paul's  phrase  kut  ihav,  as  equivalent 
to  separately,  particularly,  may  be  much  confirmed  by  a  passage  of  Libanius, 
which  I  here  transcribe.  Eyw  dt  aoi  jiira  Tijg  6\i]c  ttoXiwq  oida  x"P'^-  0'« 
yap  fie  kui  avrov  ii'  roig  Trap'  ikhvoiq  tivai  ypannacri  nai  iraXiv  lOta  ravrov 
TTOfw.  Liban.  [ad  Mavimum.]  Ep.  1 157.  p.  553.  ed.  Wolf.  To  which 
may  be  added  another  from  Josephus.  V.tth  S'  viria\r\nca  tijv  ainoKoyiav 
aTravTwv  iSia  avyypatl'aiitvog  irapadaxTEiv,  eiQ  Ton  kui  tjjv  ■jrtpi  avrrjg  tp^rj- 
vttav  ava^aXnnai.     Antiq.  1.  1.  cap.  i.  sect.  1. 

Accordingly,  the  Latin  Vulgate  is  thus :  '  Seorsum  autem  iis,  qui  videbantur 

aliquid  esse.' And,  in  the  margin  of  some  of  our  Bibles,  for  privately  is  put 

severally :  which  I  think  to  be  the  true  meaning 

Q   2 


228  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Christ  Jesus,  that  tliey  might  bring  us  into  bondage."  Ver. 
5,  "  To  whom  we  gave  place  by  subjection,  no  not  for  an 
hour  :  that  the  truth  of  the  gospel  might  continue  with 
you." 

Where  St.  Paul  seems  to  refer  to  the  rise  of  the  dispute 
at  Antioch,  which  is  thus  related  by  St.  Luke,  Acts.  xv.  1, 
"  And  certain  men,  which  came  down  from  Judea,  taught 
the  brethren,  and  said  :  Unless  ye  be  circumcised  after  the 
manner  of  Moses,  ye  cannot  be  saved."  These,  as  the 
apostle  here  says,  had  intruded  themselves  into  the  church 
of  Antioch,  that  they  might  bring  them  into  subjection  to 
all  the  burdensome  observances  of  the  law  of  Moses.  Upon 
that  account,  and  for  defeating  their  design,  he  went  up  to 
Jerusalem,  and  there  acted,  as  just  shown. 

This  text,  and  the  explication  now  given  of  it,  may 
receive  illustration  from  the  account  which  St.  Luke  g"ives 
of  Paul's  coming  to  Jerusalem  afterwards,  where  he  first 
converses  with  the  brethren,  and  then  has  a  conference 
with  James  and  the  elders.  The  result  of  which  is  soon 
made  known  to  all.  Acts  xxi.  17,  "  And  when  we  were 
come  to  Jerusalem,  the  brethren  received  us  gladly."  Ver. 
18,  "  And  the  day  following-  Paul  went  in  with  us  unto 
James.  And  all  the  elders  were  present."  Ver.  19,  "  And 
when  he  had  saktted  them,  he  declared  to  them  ^  particularly 
what  things  God  had  wrought  among  the  Gentiles  by  his 
ministry."  Certainly  St.  Paul  here  intends  heathens  and 
idolaters.  Ver.  20,  "  And  m  hen  they  heard  it,  they  glori- 
fied the  Lord,  and  said  to  him" ver.  25,  "  As  touching- 

the  Gentiles  which  believe,  we  have  written,  and  concluded, 

that  they  observe  no  such  thing." The  connection  leads 

us  to  suppose,  that  they  speak  of  all   Gentiles  whatever, 
idolatrous,  as  well  as  others. 

Upon  the  whole  the  apostle  assures  the  christians,  his 
converts,  in  Galatia,  that  his  going  to  Jerusalem,  his  declar- 
ing there  to  all,  the  g'ospel  which  he  preached  among*  the 
Gentiles,  and  his  conferring  in  private  with  the  apostles, 
particularly  with  those  who  were  reckoned  the  chief  of 
them,  were  all  done  with  a  view  to  their  benefit,"  that  the 
truth  of  the  gospel  might  continue  with  them,"  and  other 
Gentiles.  And  the  event,  as  related  by  St.  Luke,  and  as 
represented  by  the  apostle  himself  in  this  epistle,  was  en- 
tirely to  his  satisfaction. 

St.  Paul  in  this  epistle  most  earnestly  exhorts  the  Gala- 
tians,  "  to  stand  fast  in  the  liberty  with  which  Christ    has 

fKrjyuro  KaO'  iv   Ikhtov  mv  tTroujatv  u  6eoQ  ev  toiq  tOviOi  £ia  Tt]Q 


St.  Peter.  229 

made  us  free,  and  not  be  entangled  ag^ain  with  tl)e  yoke 
ot"  bondage,"  ch.  v.  1,  and  he  severely  censures  instability 
in  the  genuine  faith  of  the  gospel.  It  would  be,  as  seems 
to  me,  very  strange,  to  suppose  him  to  say,  that  when  he 
was  at  Jerusalem,  a  few  years  only  before  writing  this  epis- 
tle, he  had  studiously  concealed  the  doctrine  which  he 
preached  among  the  Gentiles,  from  all  but  some  few  apos- 
tles. His  so  doing,  whether  through  fear,  or  from  pruden- 
tial considerations,  or  any  reasons  whatever,  must  have  been 
a  great  discouragement  to  those  to  whom  he  is  writing. 
How  could  it  be  expected,  that  they  should  openly  assert 
before  all  the  world  the  true  evangelical  liberty,  if  himself 
had  been  upon  the  reserve  upon  a  late  and  important  occa- 
sion. 

St.  Paul's  having  a  pi'ivate  conference  with  some  of  the 
apostles,  is  no  proof  that  he  had  any  secrets  withheld 
from  the  knowledge  of  others.  But  it  might  be  a  pro- 
per piece  of  respect  to  discourse  with  those  who  were 
in  great  esteem,  about  what  was  to  be  communicated  to 
all. 

If  St.  Paul  had  desired  to  conceal  his  preaching  to 
idolatrous  Gentiles,  he  could  not  have  done  it.  His 
preaching  at  Antioch,  and  his  and  Barnabas's  peregrination 
in  divers  other  countries,  related  in  Acts  xiii.  xiv.  were  well 
known  to  all  the  christians  at  Antioch.  And  when  Paul 
and  Barnabas  went  thence  to  Jerusalem  about  the  question 
that  had  been  started  there  :  it  is  very  likely,  that  some 
went  to  Jerusalem  upon  the  same  occasion,  who  were  on  the 
imposing  side  of  the  question.  If  Paul  had  endeavoured 
to  conceal  any  thing  of  an  offensive  nature,  they  would  not 
have  failed  to  divulge  it. 

We  now  proceed  in  the  history. 

Peter  having  by  divine  appointment  and  direction  per- 
formed that  important  service  at  the  house  of  Cornelius  in 
Ceesarea,  and  having  received  Gentiles  into  communion 
by  baptism,  without  circumcision  according  to  the  law  of 
Moses :  and  his  conduct  having'  been  approved  by  the 
apostles,  and  brethren  at  Jerusalem  :  "  they  who  had  been 
scattered  abroad  upon  the  persecution  that  arose  about 
Stephen,"  and  had  hitherto  preached  the  word  to  none 
but  Jews  only,  having-  heard  of  this  transaction,  when  they 
came  to  Antioch,  "  spake  unto  the  Greeks,  [there,]  preach- 
ing the  Lord  Jesus.  And  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  with 
them.  And  a  great  number  believed,  and  turned  unto  the 
Lord.  Then  tidings  of  these  things  came  unto  the  ears  of 
the  church  which  was  at  Jerusalem.     And  they  sent  forth 


230  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Barnabas,  that  he  should  go  as  far  as  Antioch."  He  after- 
wards brought  Paul  thither.  And  from  that  time  forward 
the  gospel  was  freely  preached  to  Gentiles,  as  well  as 
Jews,  and  with  great  success.     Acts  xi.  19—26. 

Soon  after  the  conversion  of  Cornelius,  it  is  likely  that 
"  the  rest  of  the  churches"  before  mentioned  was  abated, 
till  it  was  finite  interrupted.  However,  Peter,  and  the 
other  apostles,  still  continued  in  Judea.  And  according  to 
the  utmost  of  their  power,  as  the  circumstances  of  things 
allowed,  employed  themselves  in  confirming  the  believers, 
and  making  additions  to  their  number. 

Toward  the  end  of  his  reign  Herod  Agrippa  became  an 

open  persecutor  of  the  believers;  "  and  killed  James  the 

brother  of  John,  Avith  the  sword.     And  because  he  saw  it 

^leased  the  Jews,  he  proceeded  farther,  to  take  Peter  also. 

Then  were  the  days  of  unleavened  bread.]     And  when  he 

lad  apprehended  him,  he  put  him  in  prison,  and  delivered 

him  to  four  quaternions  of  soldiers,  to  keep  him:"  that  is, 

sixteen  in  all,  four  of  which  were  by  turns  to  watch  him : 

"  intending  after  Easter  to  bring  him  forth  to  the  people," 

Acts  X.  1—4. 

The  conversion  of  Cornelius  happened,  as  I  suppose,  in 
the  year  41  of  our  Saviour's  nativity,  according  to  the  vul- 
gar computation.  And  the  Easter,  or  passover,  here  men- 
tioned, was  probably  the  passover  of  the  year  44. 

"  Peter  therefore  was  kept  in  prison.  But  prayer  was 
made  without  ceasing  of  the  church  unto  God  for  him,"  ver. 
5.  And  he  was  delivered  out  of  prison  in  a  miraculous 
maimer,  as  related  ver.  6—11.  The  divine  being-  did  not 
allow  that  a  period  should  be  yet  piif  f(f  tTie  life  of  that 
apostle.  One  thing  very  observable  in  this  history  is  the 
composure  of  Peter's  mind  in  a  great  extremity,  and  in  the 
near  apprehension  of  death.  For  it  is  said,  ver.  6,  "  And 
when  Herod  would  have  brought  him  forth,  the  same  night 
Peter  was  sleeping  between  two  soldiers  bound  with  two 
chains."  In  that  posture  the  angel  found  him,  who  at  that 
instant  was  sent  to  assist  his  escape. 

Having  informed  some  of  his  intimale  friends,  assembled 
at  the  house  of  Mary,  in  Jerusalem,  of  his  wonderful  deli- 
verance out  of  prison,  "  he  departed  and  went  to  another 
place,"  ver.  17.  Meaning*  either  another  house  in  Jerusa- 
lem, or  else  some  city,  or  village  not  far  from  it. 
j  Where,  probably,  he  lived  privately,  till  the  death  of 
I  Herod  Agrippa,  which  happened  before  the  end  of  that 
year. 

Some  have  thought,  that  Peter  now  went  to  Antioch  or 


St.  Peter.  231 

Rome.  But  there  is  no  good  evidence  of  either  of  those 
opinions.  Says  Mr.  L'Enfant  upon  the  place  :  '  If  St.  Peter 
'  nad  gone  to  some  celebrated  city,  for  instance,  Antioch, 
'  according  to  sonic,  or  Rome,  according  to  others,  no  doubt 

*  St.  Luke  would  liave  mentioned  it,  and  some  of  the  bre- 

*  thren  would  have  accompanied  him,  according  to  custom. 

*  From  the  manner  in  which  St.  Luke  expresscth  himself, 
'  nothing  is  more  natural,  than  to  suppose,  that  St.   Peter, 

*  that  he  might  not  expose  to  danger  the  faithful  at  the 

*  house  where  he  first  called,  and  where   many  were  as- 

*  sembled,  retired  to  some  other  place  in  Jerusalem.' 

In  the  year  49,  or  50,  was  assembled  the  council  of  Jeru- 
salem, concerning  the  question,  "  whether  it  was  needful  to 
circumcise  the  Gentiles  who  believed,  and  to  command  them 
to  keep  the  law."  At  this  assembly  Peter  was  present, 
and  in  the  debate  clearly  declared  his  opinion,  that  "  the 
yoke  of  the  law  should  not  be  laid  upon  the  neck  of  the 
disciples"  from  among  the  Gentiles.  As  a  cogent  argument 
for  his  opinion,  he  reminded  the  assembly,  how  by  divine 
appointment  he  had  preached  the  word  of  the  gospel  to 
Gentiles  at  Coesarea,  and  that  God,  "  who  knoweth  the 
hearts  of  all  men,"  had  shown  his  acceptance  of  them  by 
giving  to  them  the  Holy  Ghost,  though  uncircumcised.  By 
which  it  had  been  made  manifest,  that  they  might  be 
saved  by  faith  in  Jesus  Christ,  without  the  rituals  of  the 
laAv. 

Whilst  Paul  was  this  time  at  Jerusalem,  James,  Peter, 
and  John,  "  gave  to  Paul  and  Barnabas  the  right  hands 
of  fellowship,"  that  they  might  proceed  in  preaching  to 
Gentiles:  whilst  they,  and  tlie  other  apostles,  still  con- 
tinued in  Judea  to  preach  to  those  of  the  circumcision.  Gal. 
ii.  6-10. 

in.  Some  short  time  afterwards,  as  it  seems,  Peter  was 
at  Antioch,  as  we  learn  from  St.  Paul,  Gal.  ii.  11—16.  I 
place  this  journey  of  Peter  to  Antioch,  after  the  council  of 
Jerusalem,  according  to  the  general  opinion.  But  Basnage 
argues,  that  ''  it  was  before  it.  If  it  was  not  till  after  it 
(as  I  rather  think)  it  could  not  belong.  For  Barnabas  was 
now  at  Antioch.     Whereas  in  a  short  time  after  their  return 

^  Illud  nobis  verisimilius,  Concilii  Hierosolymitani  celebrationi  anteces- 
sisse  Petrinam  banc  in  Syriae  metropob  commorationem.  Argumento  est 
disceptatio  Pauli  ciira  Petro,  cujus  dissimulationem  obniisset  auctoritate  Syaodi, 
si  jam  coacta  fuisset.  Quin  imo  nulla  Petro,  et  timendi  Judaeos,  et  eorutn 
gratia  sese  separandi  a  Gentibus,  causa  fuit,  si  turn  teniporis  promulgata  fuisset 
Concilii  Hierosolymitani  Epistola ;  quo  veluti  clypeo,  ad  omnes  telorum 
Judaicorum  ictus  tutus  erat.     Basnag.  Ann.  46.  num.  xxv. 


232  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

thither  from  Jerusalem,  he  and  Paul  parted.  Here  Peter 
at  first  conversed  freely  with  the  Gentile  converts.  But 
when  there  came  thither  from  Judea  some  Jewish  believers, 
zealous  for  the  law,  "  he  separated  himself,  fearing  them  of 
the  circumcision."  Herein  Peter  acted  contrary  to  his  own 
judgment  and  declared  opinion,  through  fear  of  the  dis- 
pleasure of  others.  St.  Paul  therefore  represents  his  con- 
duct, as  dissimulation,  or  hypocrisy.  What  he  now  did,  in 
compliance  with  the  zealots  for  the  law,  was  a  thing  of 
very  bad  tendency.  St.  Paul  therefore  justly  "withstood 
him,"  and  so  showed  him  to  be  blamable,  that  Peter  ac- 
quiesced. Hereby,  as  Paul  expresseth  it,  "  he  ^  compelled 
the  Gentiles  to  judaize,"  or  become  Jews.  For  his  separat- 
ing from  them,  as  luifit  for  converse  and  communion  with 
the  apostles  of  Christ,  and  the  believers  from  among  the 
Jews,  implied,  that  they  were  not  acceptable  in  the  sight 
of  God,  nor  in  the  way  of  salvation  :  and  that  in  order  to  be 
saved,  it  was  needful  for  them  to  be  circumcised,  and  keep 
the  law. 

It  was,  as  I  suppose,  soon  after  the  council,  and  the 
year  50,  in  which  Peter  came  to  Antioch.  And  I  imagine, 
that  he  now  first  of  all  went  abroad  out  of  Judea,  into  Gen- 
tile countries.  It  is  very  likely,  that  he  was  desirous  to 
see  the  christian  people  at  Antioch.  But  hitherto  he  had 
been  little  used  to  converse  with  Gentiles.  And  when  some 
zealous  Jewish  believers  came  to  Antioch  from  Jerusalem, 
he  was  alarmed:  recollecting,  it  is  likely,  how  some  at  Je- 
rusalem had  contended  with  him  after  he  was  come  from 
Csesarea,  because  he  had  been  with  men  uncircumcised, 
and  "  did  eat  with  them,"  Acts  xi.  23,  and  very  well  know- 
ing, from  long  and  frequent  experience,  the  prevailing  tem- 
per of  the  people  of  his  country.  But  it  is  reasonable  to 
think,  that  Peter  never  more  showed  the  like  unsteadiness, 
but  was  firm  ever  afterwards. 

This  is  the  last  time  that  Peter  is  expressly  mentioned 

•^  '  lie  compelltd  the  Gentiles  to  judaize,'  or  become  Jews.]  Our  trans- 
lation is,  "  Why  conipellest  thou  the  Gentiles  to  live  as  do  the  Jews?"  But  it 
is  far  from  being  exact.  Tt  ra  tQvi]  avayKu'iuc  laSaiZav ;  to  judaize  is  to 
become  a  Jew,  or  proselyte  to  the  Jewish  religion.     Esther  viii.  17,  "  And 

many  of  the  people  of  the  land  became  Jews."     Or,  as  in  the  seventy 

"  were  circumcised  and  judaized."  Kai  ttoXXoi  tujv  iQvtov  irtguTtfivovro,  tat 
tHOa'i'Cov.  The  Greek  word  is  used  in  the  same  sense  by  Josephus.  De  B.  J. 
1.  2.  cap.  18.  n.  2.  ' ATrtaKtvaaQai  yap  rue  I«^ai»c  SoKuvreg  eica'^oi,  thq 
iHCa'i'CqvaQ  tixov  tv  vTro-^iq..  To  christianize,  arianize,  sabellianize,  is  to  be- 
come a  Christian,  an  Arian,  a  Sabellian.  And  to  judaize  is  to  Vjecome  a 
Jew.  Which,  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  it,  shows  the  impropriety  of  the 
use  of  the  word  Judaizer,  now  very  common  among  learned  moderns,  as  de- 
noting a  man,  who  is  for  imposing  Judaism  upon  others. 


St.  Peter.  233 

in  the  New  Testament,  excepting  Lis  own  epistles,  and 
1  Cor.  i.  12,  and  cli.  iii.  22.  From  mIucIi  texts  Pearson 
concludes,  that''  St.  Peter  had  been  at  Corinth,  before 
St.  Paul  wrote  his  first  epistle  to  the  church  there.  But 
others  think,  that  "^  there  were  some  at  Corinth,  who  had 
heard  Peter  preach  in  Judea  :  and  some  who  had  seen 
Christ  in  person.  They  who  said,  "  1  am  of  Cephas,  or 
of  Christ,"  must  be  supposed  to  have  been  Jews,  either 
by  descent,  or  religion. 

I  do  not  think  these  words  can  prove  that  Peter  had 
been  at  Corinth,  before  Paul  wrote  this  epistle.  At  ch. 
iii.  G,  St.  Paul  says  :  "  I  have  planted,  Apollos  water- 
ed." He  makes  no  mention  of  Peter's  labours  among  the 
Corinthians.  Peter  may  have  been  at  Corinth  afterwards, 
in  his  way  to  Rome.  But  I  do  not  see  any  proof  from 
this  epistle  of  his  having  been  there. 

IV.  We  have  no  where  any  very  distinct  account  of  this 
apostle's  travels.  He  might  return  to  Judea,  and  stay  there 
a  good  while  after  having-  been  at  Antiocb,  at  the  time  spo- 
ken of  by  St.  Paul  in  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians.  How- 
ever,  I   formerly  quoted   Epiphanius,  saying,  that  Peter  *^ 

was  often  in  the  countries  of  Pontus,  and  Bithynia.  And 
by  Eusebius  we  are  assured,  that  Origen,  in  the  third  tome 
of  his  exposition  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  writes  to  this  pur- 
pose :  '  Peter  =  is  supposed  to  have  preached  to  the  Jcms  ' 
'  of  the  dispersion  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Bithynia,  Cappadocia, 
'  and  Asia.  Who  at  length  coming  to  Rome,  was  cruciiied 
'  with  his  head  downwards,  himself  having  desired  it  might 
'  be  in  that  manner.' 

For  the  time  of  Peter's  coming  to  Rome,  no  ancient  writer 

•'  At  certissiraiim  est,  Petnim  non  minus  quam  Pauliim  Corinfhi  fuisse,  et 
quidem  antequam  S.  Paulus  primam  epistolam  dedit  ad  Connthios.  Ita  enim 
Apostolus  loquitur.  1  Cor.  i.  12.  Unde  colligitur,  non  minus  Cepham,  et 
Apollo,  quam  Paulum  Corinthi  fuisse.    Pears.  Op.  Post.  Diss.  i.  cap.  vii.  p.  37. 

^  Alii  ergo  Corinthi  ab  Apollo  instituti  post  Pauli  abitum,  alii  ab  ipso 
Paulo,  alii  qui  ex  Judaea  venerant  a  Petro,  sub  illis  nominibus,  alia  atque  alia 

dogmata  tradebant. '  Ego  autem  Christi.'     Venerant  enim  ex  Judaea  qui- 

dam,  qui  ipsum  Christum  docentem  audierant.  Grot,  ad  1  Cor.  i.  12.  Vid. 
et  Wits,  de  Vita  Pauli.  sect.  7.  num.  xx.  Meletem.  p.  104,  105. 

Sunt  viri  docti  qui  existimant,  Petrum  Apostolum  hoc  anno  Corinthum 

venisse,  dum  in  ea  lu-be  etiamnum  esset  Apollos Sed  propensio  in  Petrum 

esse  potuit,  licet  Corinthum  pedem  non  intulisset.  Nihil  enim  vetat  fuisse 
Christianos  Corinthi,  qui  cum  Petrum,  in  Judaea  aut  alibi  audivissent,  magis- 
trum  eum  suum  dictitarent,  et  Paulo  praeferrent.  Itaque  iter  hoc  Petri  nimis 
levi  conjectura  nititur.     Cleric.  H.  E.  ann.  55.  num.  v. 

'  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxxiv.  num.  iv. 

^   Tlirpog  St  iv  novT(ft KiKtjpvKtvai  roic  fv  Siaoiropq,  laSuioig  toiKiv.     'Of 

Kai  twi  TiXii  IV  'P(u/i{/  ytvofiivog,  aviaKoKoniaQT]  Kara  Ki(pa\i]Q,  oiirwf  ai;ro<; 
a^iuaaq  naOtiv.     Euseb,  H.  E.  1.  3,  cap.  i. 


234  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

is  now  more  regarded  by  learned  moderns  than  Lactantius, 
or  M'hoever  is  the  author  of  the  book  of  the  Deaths  of  Per- 
secutors :  who  says,  that ''  Peter  came  thither  in  the  time  of 
Nero.  Insomuch  that'  Pagi  assents  to  this  account;  and 
has  shown  it  to  be  altogether  improbable  that''  St.  Peter 
came  thither  in  the  time  of  Claudius.  He  likewise  ob- 
serves'' some  difficulties,  which  they  are  liable  to,  who  sup- 
pose that  he  first  came  to  Rome  in  the  reign  of  Claudius, 
and  afterwards  in  the  reign  of  Nero.  But  though  Peter  did 
not  come  to  Rome  before  the  reign  of  Nero,  which  began  in 
the  year  of  Christ  54,  we  cannot  say  exactly  the  time  M'hen 
he  came  thither,  as  is  also  "  acknowledged  by  the  same  ex- 
cellent chronologer. 

However,  it  appears  to  me  very  probable,  that  St.  Peter 
did  not  come  to  Rome  before  the  year  of  Christ  63,  or  64,  nor 
till  after  St.  Paul's  departure  thence,  at  the  end  of  his  two 
years'  imprisonment  in  that  city. 

The  books  of  the  New  Testament  afford  a  very  plausible, 
and  probable,  if  not  a  certain  argument  for  it.  After  our 
Lord's  ascension  we  find  Peter,  with  the  rest  of  the  apostles, 
at  Jerusalem.  He  and  John  were  sent  by  the  apostles 
from  Jerusalem  to  Samaria,  whence  they  returned  to  Jerusa- 
lem. When  Paul  came  to  Jerusalem,  three  years  after  his 
conversion,  he  found  Peter  there.  Upon  occasion  of  the 
tranquillity  of  the  churches  in  Judea,  Galilee,  and  Samaria, 
near  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Caligula,  Peter  left  Jerusalem, 
and  visited  the  churches  in  the  several  parts  of  that  coun- 
try, particularly  at  Lydda  and  Joppa,  where  he  tarried 
many  days.  Thence  he  went  to  Caesarea  by  the  sea  side, 
where  he  preached  to  Cornelius,  and  his  company.  Thence 
he  returned  to  Jerusalem :  and  some  time  afterwards  he 
was  imprisoned  there  by  Herod  Agrippa.  This  brings 
down  the  history  of  our  apostle  to  the  year  44.  A  few 
years  after  this  he  was  present  at  the  council  of  Jerusalem. 
Nor  is  there  any  evidence  that  he  came  thither  barely  for 
that  occasion.     It   is  more  probable,  that  he  had  not  yet 

^ et  per  annos  XXV.  usque  ad  piincipium  Neroniani  imperii  per  omnes 

provincias  et  civitates  ecclesiae  fundamenta  misenmt.  Cumque  jam  Nero 
imperaret,  Petrus  Romam  advenit,  et  editis  quibusdam  miraculis,  quae  virtute 
ipsius  Dei,  data  sibi  ab  eo  potestate,  faciebat,  convertit  multos  ad  justitiam, 

Deoque  templum  fidele  ac  stabile  collocavit.    Qua  re  ad  Neronem  delata 

et  primus  omnium  persecutus  Dei  servos,  Petrum  cruci  adtixit,  et  Paulum 
interfecit.     De  Mort.  Persec.  cap.  2. 

'  Critic,  in  Baron,  ann.  43.  num.  iii. 

''  Ibid.  num.  ii.  '  Ibid.  num.  iii. 

■"  cum  verus  ejus    adventus  annus  nos  lateat.     Id.   ann.  54. 

num.  ii. 


St.  Peter.  235 

been  out  of  Judea.     Soon  after  that  council  be  was  at  An- 
tiocli,  where  he  was  reproved  by  St.  Paul. 

The  books  of  the  New  Testament  afford  no  light  for  de- 
termining" where  Peter  was  for  several  years  after  that.  But 
to  me  it  appears  not  unlikely,  that  he  returned  in  a  short 
time  to  Judea  from  Antioch  :  and  that  he  stayed  in  Judea  a 
g'ood  while  before  he  went  thence  any  more.  And  it  seems 
to  me,  that  when  he  left  Judea,  he  went  again  to  Antioch, 
the  chief  city  of  Syria.  Tiience  he  might  go  into  other 
parts  of  the  continent,  particularly  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappa- 
docia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,  which  are  expressly  mentioned 
at  the  beginning  of  his  first  epistle.  In  those  countries  he 
might  stay  a  good  while.  It  is  very  likely  that  he  did 
so  ;  and  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  chris- 
tians there,  to  whom  he  afterwards  wrote  two  epistles. 

When  he  left  those  parts,  I  think,  he  went  to  Rome  : 
but  not  till  after  Paul  had  been  in  that  city,  and  was  gone 
from  it.  Several  of  St.  Paul's  epistles  furnish  out  a  cogent 
argimient  of  Peter's  absence  from  Rome  for  a  considerable 
space  of  time.  St.  Paul,  in  the  last  chapter  of  his  epistle 
to  the  Romans,  written,  as  we  suppose,  in  the  beginning'  of 
the  year  58,  salutes  many  by  name  without  mentioning- 
Peter.  And  the  whole  tenor  of  the  epistle  makes  it  reason- 
able to  think,  that  the  christians  there  had  not  yet  had  the 
benefit  of  that  apostle's  presence  and  instructions.  During- 
his  two  years'  confinement  at  Rome,  which  ended,  as  we 
suppose,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  63,  St.  Paul  wrote  four, 
or  five  epistles,  those  to  the  Ephesians,  the  second  epistle 
to  Timothy,  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians,  and  Phile- 
mon :  in  none  of  which  is  any  mention  of  Peter.  Nor  is 
any  thing  said,  or  hinted,  whence  it  can  be  concluded  that 
he  had  ever  been  there. 

I  think  therefore  that  Peter  did  not  come  to  Rome  before 
the  year  63,  or  perhaps  64.  And,  as  I  suppose,  he  ob- 
tained the  crown  of  martyrdom  in  the  year  64,  or  65. 
Consequently,  St.  Peter  could  not  reside  very  long  at  Rome 
before  his  death. 

It  is  very  remarkable,  that"  Nicephorus  at  the  beginning- 
of  the  ninth  century,  in  his  Chronography,  computes  St. 
Peter's  episcopate  at  Rome  to  have  been  of  two  years'  dura- 
tion only.     For  that  passage  I  am  indebted  to  °  Basnage, 

"  Oi  (V  Pwfiy  (.irioKOTTtvaavrtQ  airo  XpiTH,  Kai  ruv  airoroXojv'  a  Iltrpog 
ano^oXoc  iri)  j8^,  Ap.  Scalig.  Thes.  Temp.  p.  308. 

°  Lactantius,  Eusebio  pauUo  antiquior,  Petrum  non  Claudio  quidem,  sed 
Nerone  imperante,  Romam  venisse  tradit.  Neque  Lactantio  propria  chrono- 
logia  haec  est In  Nicephori  enim  Chronographia  legiimis :  *  Qui  Roma9 


236  ji  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Avliose  argument  upon  it  I  have  placed  below.  Nice- 
pliorus,  therefore,  (and  probably  others  likewise,)  must  have 
supposed,  that  Peter  did  not  come  to  Rome,  till  near  the 
end  of  his  life. 

As  the  foregoing-  is  the  most  likely  account  of  St.  Peter's 
travels,  which  1  have  been  able  to  form  ;  I  do  not  see  any 
reason  to  believe  that  he  ever  was  in  Chaldea.  Cosmas  of 
Alexandria,  who  thought,  that  by  p  Babylon  at  the  end  of 
St.  Peter's  first  epistle  is  meant  Babylon  in  Persia,  must 
have  supposed,  that  this  apostle  was  in  that  country.  And 
learned  men  i  who  understood  Babylon  in  the  same  sense, 
take  it  for  granted,  that  St.  Peter  travelled  into  that  part 
of  the  world.  But  I  do  not  perceive  them  to  support  their 
opinion  by  testimonies  of  ancient  writers;  which  surely 
would  have  been  of  advantage  to  it. 

And  there  are  some  passages  of  ancient  authors,  where  it 
would  be  reasonable  to  expect  an  account  of  such  a  journey, 
if  there  had  been  in  those  times  any  knowledge  of  it,  or 
well  attested  tradition  about  it. 

Origen,  in  the  passage  cited  by  Eusebius,  and  already 
quoted  by  us  likewise  from  him,  says  : '  Peter  is  said  to  have 
'  preached  to  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  in  Pontus,  Galatia, 

*  Bithynia,  Cappadocia,  and  Asia."^  Who  at  length  coming 
'  to  Rome  was  crucified.' 

Eusebius,  in  his  Chronical  Canon,  as  published  by 
Scaliger,  says,  in  the  Greek,  '  that  ^  Peter  having  found- 

*  ed  the  church  in  Antioch,  went  away  to  Rome,  preaching 

*  the  gospel.' 

Jerom  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  in  like  manner  says  : 
'  that*  Peter  having  been  at  Antioch,  and  preached  to  the 
'  Jews  of  the  dispersion  in   Pontus,  and  the  neighbouring 

*  episcopatuin  gesserunt  a  Christo  et  Apostolis.     Petrus  apostolus  annis  duo- 

*  bus.'  Quibus  consequens  est,  Petrum  biennium  circiter  ante  mortem  iter  in 
urbem  direxisse.  Secus  diuturaiorem  ei  episcopatum  vindicasset  Nicephorus. 
Basnag.  ann.  42.  num.  x.  p  See  Vol.  v.  p.  98. 

''  Verum  ego  priorem  sententiam  tanquam  longe  verisimiliorem  am- 

plector,  turn  quod  in  Babylone  Parthica  magna  esset  Judaeorum  frequentia, 
qui  aixtJiaXwrapxr]v  suum  habuerunt ;  tum  quod  Petro  Antiochia  discedenti 
facilior  ac  commodior  esset  in  haec  loca  transitus,  in  quibus  eum  diu  praedi- 
casse,  nemo,  opinor,  facile  negabit.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Petro.  p.  6.  Et  Coaf. 
Basnag.  Ann.  57.  num.  iii.  et  ann.  46.  num.  xxv. 

•■  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  i.     - 

^  TliTpog  6  Kopv(paioiQ,  rriv  iv  AvTioxfi^  irpurriv  BeixiKitotrag  tKK^tjTiav,  tic 
'PwHTfv  anuae  Krjpvrrwv  ro  ivayyiXiov.     Chr.  Can.  p.  204. 

'  Simon  Petrus, princeps  Apostolonim,  post  episcopatum  Antiochensis 

ecclcsise,  et  predicationem  dispersionis  eorum,  qui  de  circumcisione  credide- 

rant,  in  Ponto secundo   Claudii    Imperatoris    anno,  ad   expugnandum 

Simonem  Magum,  Romam  pcrgit.     De  V.  I.  cap.  i. 


St.  Peter.  237 

*  countries  went  to  Rome.'  In  another  place  Jerom  says  : 
'  that  "  Christ  was  with  the  apostles  in  all  the  places 
'  whither  they  went.     He  was  with  Thomas  in  India,  with 

*  Peter  at  Rome,  with  Paul  in  Illyricum,  with  Titus  in  Crete, 

*  with  Andrew  in  Acliaia.'  Why  does  he  not  also  say,  that 
Christ  was  with  Peter  in  Babylon  ? 

Ephrem  the  Syrian  says,  that "  '  Peter  preached  at  Rome, 
'  John  at  EphesLis,  Matthew  in  Palestine,  and  Thomas  in  the 
'  Indies.' 

Greg^ory  Nazianzen  "'  speaks  of  Paul,  as  having  for  his 
province  all  the  Gentiles  in  general;  Peter,  Judea;  Luke, 
Achaia  ;  Andrew,  Epirus ;  John,  Ephesus  ;  Thomas,  the  In- 
dies ;  and  Mark,  Italy. 

Why  do  none  of  these  writers  take  in  Babylon,  or  Per- 
sia, or  Chaldea,  as  the  apostle  Peter's  province  1 

Once  more.     Says  Chrysostom  :  '  This  ^  is  one  prerogative 

*  of  our  city,  (Antioch)  that  we  had  at  the  beginning'  the 

*  chief  of  the  apostles  for  our  master.  For  it  Mas  fit  that 
'  the   place  Avhich  was   first  honoured    with  the  name  of 

*  christians,  should   have  the  chief  of  the  apostles   for  its 

*  pastor.  But  though  Ave  had  him  for  a  master  awhile,  we 
'  did  not  detain  him,  but  resigned  him  to  the  royal  city, 
'  Rome.     Or  rather,  >ve  have   him  still.     For  though   we 

*  have  not  his  body,  we  have  his  faith.'  I  might  refer  to 
other  places  of  Chrysostom,  Avhere  he  speaks  of  Peter's 
having'  been  at  Rome.  But  why  does  he  not  also  mention 
Babylon  ? 

I  therefore  rely  upon  the  account  before  given  of  St. 
Peter's  travels,  as  most  likely.  And  in  particular  I  ob- 
serve, that  we  have  not  in  ancient  christian  writers  any  good 
assurance  of  his  having  ever  been  in  Persia,  or  Parthia.  A 
learned  writer  of  our  time,  who  contends  that  he  was  there, 
and  that  his  first  epistle  was  written  at  the  Assyrian  Ba- 
bylon, acknowledgeth,  that  >  from  that  epistle  of  St.  Peter 
alone  Me  have  not  any  assurance  of  his  having  been  at 
Babylon. 

V.  In  the  history  of  St.  Paul  I  have  already  shown  it  to 

»  Tom.  IV.  P.  I.  p.  167.  ad  Marcell.  ep.  148. 

"  See  Vol.  IV.  ch.  cii.  num.  vi.  "  Orat.  25.  p.  438.  A. 

"   El'  yap  KM    THTO    ir\ioveKTrij.i.a   Trig   tfiiiTE^s   iroXewg,   to    tu>v  mro'^oXwv 

Kopv<pawv  Xa^eiv  tv  apxy  SiSaffKoXov. AXXa ouk  tig  TeXog  KuTtyoftiv, 

aXXa  ■Kaptx'>ipi)'fau.tv  Ty  (BaaiXiSi  'Pojun,  k.  X.  In  Princip.  Act.  Ap.  hora.  2. 
T.  III.  p.  70. 

y  Superest  aliquid,  quod  ex  hoc  Petri  loco  discamus.  Primum  igitur  cog- 
noscimus  hie,  quod  aliunde  non  constat,  Babylone  etiam  fuisse  Petrum, 
magnamque  ibi  messuisse  Christo  messem.  Heumann.  Nova  Sylloge  Diss. 
Part.  II.  p.  113. 


238  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

he  probable,  that  he  and  Peter  suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome 
in  64,  or  65. 

Cave  ^  likewise,  in  his  Life  of  St.  Peter,  written  in  Eng- 
lish in  1G76,  placeth  the  death  of  this  apostle  in  64  or  65. 
Nor  was  his  mind  much  altered  when  he  published  his 
Historia  Literaria  in  1688.  For  there  also  he  supposeth 
that  St.  Peter  *  died  a  martyr  at  Rome,  in  the  year  of 
Christ  64,  at  the  beginning  of  Nero's  persecution :  and 
indeed  expresseth  himself  M'ith  a  great  deal  of  assurance 
and  positiveness. 

Jerom  concludes  his  article  of  St.  Peter  saying,  '  He  ^  was 
'  buried  at  Rome  in  the  Vatican,  near  the  triumphal  way, 
'  and  is  in  veneration  all  over  the  world.'  We  likewise 
formerly  "^  saw  a  passage  of  Caius,  about  the  year  212,  where 
he  speaks  of  the  tombs  of  the  two  apostles,  Peter  and 
Paul,  at  Rome.  And  Chrysostom,  in  a  passage  lately 
cited,  supposes  St.  Peter  to  have  been  buried  in  that 
city. 

VI.  I  shall  now  take  notice  of  a  few  things  hitherto 
entirely  omitted,  or  but  slightly  touched  upon.  His  epis- 
copate at  Antioch,  his  having  been  five  and  twenty  years 
bishop  of  Rome,  his  children,  his  wife's  martyrdom,  said  to 
have  absconded   at  Rome,  the  manner  of  his  crucifixion. 

1.  We  have  seen  several  authors  who  speak  of  Peter's 
having  been  at  Antioch.  Chrysostom  seems  to  have  sup- 
posed,  that  ^  he  was  there  a  good  while.     This  may   be 

'  '  The  date  of  his  death  is  differently  assigned  by  the  ancients. That 

<  which  seems  to  me  most  probable  is,  that  it  was  in  the  tenth  of  Nero,  or  the 
'  year  65.     Which  I  thus  compute.     Nero's  burning  of  Rome  is  placed  by 

*  Tacitus  under  the  consulship  of  C.  Lucanus,  and  M.  Licinius,  about  the 

*  month  of  July,  that  is,  A.  ch.  Ixiv.     This  act  procured  him  the  hatred  and 

*  clamours  of  the  people.     Wliich  having  in  vain  endeavoured  several  ways  to 

*  remove  and  pacify,  he  at  last  resolved  upon  this  project,  to  drive  the  odium 

*  upon  the  christians.     Whom  therefore,  both  to  appease  the  gods,  and  please 

*  the  people,  he  condemned  as  guilty  of  the  fact,  and  caused  to  be  executed 

*  with  all  manner  of  acute  and  exquisite  tortures.     This  persecution  began,  as 

*  we  may  suppose,  about  the  end  of  that,  or  the  beginning  of  the  followmg, 

*  year.     And  under  this  persecution,  I  doubt  not,  it  was  St.  Peter  suifered, 

*  and  changed  earth  for  heaven.'     Cave's  Life  of  St.  Peter,  sect.  xi. 

*  Tandem  sub  Nerone,  forsan  circa  annum  63,  Romam  venit,  fideles, 
quos  ibi  reperit,  in  ordinem  redegit,  ecclesiam  constituit,  auxit,  et  mox  san- 
guine  suo   locupletavit Obiit  igitur  sanctus  Petrus  anno  Christi   64, 

Neronis  10,  sub  initium  persecutionis  Neronianae,  ut  in  opere  vernaculo,  •  De 
Vitis  Apostolorum,'  latius  disseruimus.  Etenim  cum  Nero  ob  grande  illud 
scelus,  Romanaj  Urbis  incendium,  in  odium  omnium  venisset,  abolendo 
rumori,  inquit  Tacitus,  crimen  conjecit  in  christianos,  eosque  hac  de  causa 
qujesitissimis  poenis  alTecit.  Quin  hac  occasione  rapti  sint  ad  martyrium 
Apostoli,  nemo,  cui  sanum  sinciput,  dubitare  potest.     Hist.  Lit.dePetro,  p.  5. 

^  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  7.  "=  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxii.  num.  i.  1. 

^  See  before,  p.  236. 


St.  Peter.  239 

also  implied  in  the  jwissag-e  of"  Jcroin  before  cited  "  from  his 
book  of  Illustrious  Men,  where  he  speaks  of  Peter's  epis- 
copate of  Antioch,  And  in  his  commentary  upon  the 
epistle  to  the  Galatians,  he  says,  that  ^  Peter  was  first 
bishop  of  Antioch,  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Rome.  Euse- 
bius,  speaking-  of  Ignatius  and  his  epistles,  calls  ^  him  the 
second  bishop  of  Antioch  after  Peter.  Jerom  ''  calls  Igna- 
tius the  third  bishop  of  Antioch  after  Peter.  They  both 
suppose  Euodius,  of  whom '  Eusebius  speaks  elsewhere, 
to  have  been  the  first  bishop  of  Antioch,  or  the  first  after 
Peter. 

What  real  foundation  there  is  for  all  this,  is  hard  to  say ; 
whether  it  be  built  entirely  upon  what  St.  Paul  writes, 
Gal.  ii.  11 — 16,  or  whether  there  was  some  other  ground 
for  it. 

But,  as  before  said  in  the  account  above  given  of  St. 
Peter's  travels,  I  think  that  St.  Peter  did  not  stay  long- 
at  Antioch,  the  first  time  he  was  there,  which  is  mentioned 
by  St.  Paul,  but  returned  to  Judea,  and  after  some  time  leav- 
ing that  country,  he  went  to  Antioch  again.  Where  he  might 
stay  a  while,  and  then  go  and  preach  in  the  countries  men- 
tioned at  the  beginning  of  his  first  epistle,  and  then  go  to 
Rome. 

2.  It  has  been  said,  that  Peter  was  bishop  of  Rome  five 
and  twenty  years.  This  is  said  by  Jerom  in  ^  his  book  of 
Illustrious  Men,  and  '  in  his  Chronicle,  or  his  Latin  edition 
of  Eusebius's  Greek  Chronicle,  or  Chronical  Canon,  as  it 
is  sometimes  called  :  where"*  he  added  divers  things,  not 
said  by  Eusebius  himself. 

*  See  before,  p.  236,  note  *.  '  Denique  primum  episcopum 

Antiochenae  ecclesiae  Petnim  fuisse  accepimus,  et  Romam  exinde  translattim ; 
quod  Lucas  penitus  omisit.      Hieron.  in  ep.  ad  Gal.  cap.  ii.  11 — 13.  T.  IV. 

P.  I.  p.  244.  ^   ■ Ttjc  KUT  Avrwxit-av  Ilfrps  SiaSo^tfg 

dsvrtpog  Tt]v  iiri<TK07rr}v  KtKXrjpM/itvog.     H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  36.  p.  106.  D. 

^  Ignatius,  Antiochenee  ecclesiae  tertius  post  Petrum  apostolum  episcopus. 
De  V.  I.  cap.  16.  '  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  22. 

''  Post  episcopatum  Antiochensis  ecclesiae,  et  piaedicationem  dispersionis 

eomni,  qui  de  circumcisione  crediderant  in  Ponto Romam  pergit :  ibique 

viginti  quinque  annis  cathedram  sacerdotalem  tenuit,  usque  ad  ultimum 
annum  Neronis,  id  est  decimum  quartum.  De  V.  I.  cap.  i. 

'  Petrus  apostolus,  quum  primus  Antiochenam  ecclesiam  fundasset,  Romam 
mittitur,  ubi  evangelium  praedicans  xxv  annis  ejusdem  urbis  episcopus  perse- 

verat.  Chron.  p.  160.  "^  '  Ibid.  xxv.  annis  ejusdem  urbis 

episcopus  perseverat. '  J  Adjecta  sunt  ab  Hieronymo,  et  ab  eodem  repetuntur  in 
Catalogo  Scriptor.  Ecc.  Graeca  enim  non  habent.     Ab  Assumtione  Domini, 

ad  id  tempus,  quo  Petrus  conjectus  fuit  in  vincula  ab  Herode  Agrippa 

Petnis  semper  fuit  in  Palaestina,  aut  Syria.  Herodes  obiit  quarto  anno  Claudii. 
Quomodo  igitur  anno  secundo  Claudii  profectus  est  Romam  ?  Quomodo 
viginti  quinque  annos  Romae  perseveravit  ?  Scaliger.  Animad.  p.  189. 


240  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

But  this  is  inconsistent  with  the  history  in  the  Acts.  Nor 
is  it  any  where  expressly  said  by  Eusebius  :  though,  per- 
haps, it  might  be  argued  from  some  things  said  by  him. 
How  the  origin  of  this  notion  is  accounted  for  bv  "  Paoi, 
and  "  Baluze,  both  Romanists,  may  be  seen  in  their  own 
words,  which  1  transcribe  below.  I  refer  likewise  to  p 
Basnage,  and  Dodwell.i  In  all  whom  are  good  observa- 
tions relating  to  this  point. 

3.  Clement  of  Alexandria  ^  reckons  Peter  among  those 
apostles,  who  had  children.  According  to  him  Philip  was 
another.  Epiphanius  says,  that  ^  Peter  came  to  Christ 
after  he  was  married,  and  had  children.  Jerom,  in  his 
first  book  against  Jovinian,  takes  notice,  that  *  in  the  Cir- 
cuits, probably  meaning  the  Recognitions,  mention  was 
made  both  of  Peter's  wife  and  daughter.  But,  says  he, 
that  is  not  a  canonical  book.  And  still  Ave  have  a  passage 
in  the  Recognitions,  where  St.  Peter's  wife  is  mentioned  : 
but,  as  "   Cotelerius    observes,    what  was  said  of  Peter's 

"  Praestat  hie  Lactantii  citati  verba  in  medium  afFerre.    *  Apostoli  per  annos 

*  XXV.  usque  ad  principium  Neroniani  Imperii  per  omnes  provincias  et  civi- 

*  tates  ecclesiae  fundamenta  miserunt.     Cumque  jam  Nero  imperaret,  Petrus 

*  Romam  advenit.' Ex  his  viginti  quinque  annis,  qui  ad  pi-aedicationem 

omnium  Apostolorum  ex  aequo  pertinent,  orta  videtur  opinio  de  xxv.  annis, 
qui  vulgo  tribuuntur  S.  Petro  in  sede  Romana.     Pagi,  ann.  43.  num.  iii. 

°  Fortassis  ergo  ex  his  viginti  quinque  annis,  qui  ad  prsedicationem  omnium 
Apostolorum  aeque  pertinent,  orta  est  opinio  de  viginti  quinque  annis,  quos 
quidam  veteres,  innumerabile  recentiorum  agmen,  sancto  Petro  apostolo  tri- 
buunt  in  sede  Romana.  Sane  hcet  frustra  et  supervacanee  a  nonnullis  negari 
putem  adventum  ejus  ad  urbem  Roraam,  qui  clarissimis  veterum  testimoniis 
comprobatus  est ;  de  tempore  tamen  multum  ambigo,  cum  videam  tot  tantas- 
que  difficultates  habere  eorum  sententiam,  qui  ilium  Romam  venisse  volunt 
Claudio  imperante,  ut  coacti  sint  duplicare  profectionem  ejus  in  urbem,  et 
duplex  item  ejus  cum  Simone  Mago  certamen  comminisci,  primo  quidem 
temporibus  Claudii,  dein  principatu  Neronis.  Quae  res  quam  absurda  sit, 
cum  id  a  nullo  veterum  proditum  sit  memoriae  literamm,  pervident  istarum 

rerum  periti. Itaque  si  fas  esset  recedere  a  vulgari,  et  in  animis  hominum 

insita  opinione,  ei  Lactantianam  lubenter  praeferrem ;  id  est,  Petrum  quidem 
Romae  praedicasse  evangelium  facile  concederem,  non  sub  Tiberio  Claudio,  ut 
vulgo  putant,  sed  sub  Nerone  Claudio,  &c.  Steph.  Baluz.  annot.  ad  libr.  de  M. 
P.  cap.  2.  p  Ann.  42.  n.  x.  xi. 

■i  Diss.  Singularis.  cap.  iii.  n.  1.  p.  13. 

'  T)  Kcu  a7ro<roX8c  aTTodoKifia^Hcri ;   Iltrpog  jxtv  yap  Kai  fpiXnrirog  iirmlo- 

■jroitjaavTo.    Clem.  Strom.  1.  3.  p.  448.  D.  et  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  30. 

'  Mira  yap  to  yTjfiai,  Kai  riKva  KiKTTjcrOai,  (cat  TrivQtpav  tx^iv,  avvtrvx^  Tift 
a(i)TT)ph  £?  luSaiwv  opno}jitvoQ.     Hacr.  30.  num.  xxii.  p.  147.  B. 

'  Possumas  autemet  de  Petro  dicere,  quod  habuerit  socrum  eo  tempore  quo 
credidit,  et  uxorem  non  habuerit ;  quamquam  legatur  in  Yltpio^oiQ  et  uxor 
ejus  et  filia.  Sed  nunc  nobis  de  canone  omne  certamen  est.  Contr.  Jovin.  I. 
1.  T.  IV.  P.  II.  p.  168.  in. 

"  'Die  autem  postera  sedens  cum  uxore  Petri.']  Testatur  Hieronyraus 
contra  Jovinianum  scribens,  legi  in  Periodis  et  uxorem  Petri  et  filiam.     Ea 


Si.  Petei:  241 

daughter  is  wantiDg-.  Possibly  these  things  may  illustrate 
the  words  of  Peter,  recorded  Matt.  xix.  27,  "  Behold,  we 
have  forsaken  all,  and  followed  thee.  What  shall  we  have 
therefore?"  And  indeed  Origen,  in  his  Commentary  upon 
St.  Matthew,  says:  'If  seems  that  Peter  did  not  leave 
'  nets  oidy,  but  also  a  house,  and  a  wife,  whose  mother  the 
'  Lord  healed  of  a  fever,  and,  as  may  be  supposed,  chil- 
'  dren,  and  possibly  likewise  some  small  estate.' 

4.  Farther,  Clement  of  Alexandria,'"  cited  also  by  " 
Eusebius,  informs  us  :  '  It  was  said,  that  the  blessed  Peter 
'  seeing-  his  wife  led  forth  to  death,  rejoiced  for  the  grace 
'  of  God  vouchsafed  to  him,  and  calling"  to  her  by  name, 
*  exhorted  and  comforted  her,  saying :  "  Remember  the 
'  Lord."  '  If  time  and  place  had  been  mentioned,  it  would 
have  added  to  the  credibility  of  the  story.  However,  she 
might  be  at  Rome,  as  we  know  Peter  was.  And  if  so, 
she  might  suffer  about  the  same  time  with  him.  For  Nero's 
persecution  took  in  people  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  condi- 
tions, as  we  know  from  the  accounts  given  by  Tacitus.  And 
we  learn  from  St.  Paul,  that  Peter  was  attended  by  his  w  ife 
in  his  travels.     1  Cor.  ix.  5. 

5.  It  is  also  said,  '  that  ^  St.  Peter  being  imprisoned  at 
'  Rome,  or  being*  in  some  imminent  danger  of  suftering,  the 
'  brethren  there  entreated  him  to  consult  his  safety  by  flight, 
'  and  to  reserve  himself  for  farther  service  and  usefulness. 
'  At  length  he  was  persuaded,  and  went  out  in  the  dark 
'  night.  But  when  he  came  to  the  g"ate,  he  saw  Christ  en- 
'  tering  into  the  city.     Whereupon  he  said  :  "  Lord,  whither 

igitur  Circuituum  pars,  in  qua  de  Petri  filia  (Petronillam  illam  vocant)  seraio 
erat,  nunc  desideratur.  Uxorem  autem  memorant  praeterea  Clem.  A.  Str.  7. 
ubi  et  martyrium  illius  refert  verbis,  quae  citantur  ab  Eusebio,  iii.  30.  Origenes 
ad  Matt.  xix.  27.  Epiphanius,  H.  30.  n.  22.  Hieronymus,  ep.  34.  Coteler. 
ad  Recognit.  1.  7.  cap.  25. 

"  Origen.  in  Matt.  Tom.  XV.  p.  682.  T.  III.  Bent d. 

*   $a<Tt  ysv,  Tov  naKapwv  nerpov  Qiacafiivov  rrjv  avrs  yvvaiKa  ayofifvtjv 

rrfv    tni  QavaTOv,    rjaOrivai  rtjg   KXrjaewg    x^P"'" tTn<pu)V)]aai   St   iv  fiaXa 

nporpiTTTiKuig  kui  TrapaKXtjTiKwg  i^  ovojiaTOQ  Trpoatnrovra'  Mf/ivjjcro,  a»  avrt],  r« 
jcvpw.     Str.  7.  p.  736.  B.  ''  H.  E.  i.  3.  cap.  30. 

y  Idem  Petrus  postea,  victo  Simone,  cum  pnjecepta  Dei  populo  seminaret, 
excitavit  animos  Gentilium :  quibus  eum  quaerentibus,  christians  animae 
deprecatae  sunt,  ut  paulisper  cederet.  Et  quamvis  esset  cupidus  passionis, 
tamen  contemplatione  populi  precantis  inflexus  est.  Rogabatur  enim,  ut  ad 
instituendum  et  confimiandum  populum  se  reservaret.  Quid  multa  ?  Nocte 
muros  egredi  coepit.  Sed  videos  sibi  in  porta  Christum  occurrere,  urbemque 
ingredi,  ait :  Domine,  quo  vadis  ?  Respondit  Christus  :  Venio  itefnm  crucitigi. 

Intellexit  ergo  Petrus,  quod  itcruni  Christus  cnicifigendus  esset  in  servulo. 

Itaque  sponte   remeavit.      Interrogantibus   christianis    responsum   reddidit, 
statimque  correptus,  per  crucem  suam  honoravit  Dominum  Jesum.  Ambr. 
Serm.  contr.  Aux.  T.  II.  p.  867.  A.  B.  ed.  Bened. 
VOL.    VI.  R 


242  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  art  thou  going-  V  Christ  answered  :  "  I  am  come  hither 
'  to  be  crucified  again."  By  which  Peter  apprehended  him- 
*  self  to  be  reproved,  and  perceived  that  Jesus  spake  of  his 
'  death,  and  that  now  lie  was  to  be  crucified  in  his  servant. 
'  Accordingly  Peter  turned  back,  and  gave  satisfaction  to  the 
'  brethren.  And  being-  soon  after  taken  up,  he  was  cruci- 
'  fied.' 

This  story  is  in  Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,  in  the  fourth 
century.  Tillemont  ^  has  endeavoured  to  find  some 
g-rounds  for  it,  or  references  to  it,  in  more  ancient  authors. 
But  they  are  very  obscure  and  doubtful.  Basnage  ^  has 
some  remarks  upon  it,  which  may  be  read  by  such  as  have 
leisure. 

6.  St.  Peter's  death,  and  the  manner  of  it,  we  saw  just 
now  in  a  passage  cited  from  ^  Origen,  and  likewise,  that 
when  he  was  to  be  crucified,  he  desired  it  might  be  in  that 
way.  So  likewise  Jerom,  '  that "  he  was  crucified  by  order 
'  of  Nero,  and  so  crowned  with  martyrdom,  his  head  down- 
'  ward,  and  his  feet  lifted  up,  saying-  he  was  unworthy  to  be 
'  crucified  as  his  Master  was.'  To  the  like  purpose  '*  Pru- 
dentius.  Chrysostom  also  several  times  speaks  ^  of  Peter's 
being-  crucified  with  his  head  downwards. 

And  it  is  unquestioned,  that  ^  among-  the  Romans  some 
were  so  crucified,  to  add  to  their  pain  and  ig-nominy. 
Nevertheless  some  ancient  writers,  who  speak  of  Peter's 
martyrdom   by   crucifixion,  do  s   not  take    notice  of   that 

'^  S.  Pierre,  art.  35.  et  note  39.  Mem.  Tom.  I. 

*  Ann.  65.  num.  xi.  ''  See  p.  234. 

*=  A  quo  et  affixus  cruci,  martyrio  coronatus  est,  capite  ad  terram  verso,  et 
in  sublime  pedibus  elevatis,  asserens,  se  indignum,  qui  sic  crucifigeretur,  ut 
Dominus  suus.     De  V.  I.  cap.  i. 

''  Primum  Petrum  rapuit  sententia,  legibus  Neronis, 
Pendere  jussum  praeminente  ligno. 
llle  tamen,  veritus  celsae  decus  aemulando  mortis 

Ambire  tauti  gloriam  raagistri, 
Exigit,  ut  pedibus  mersum  caput  imprimaut  supinis. 
Quo  spectet  imum  stipitem  cerebro.     Iltpi  '^((p.  cap.  12. 

*  — —  uTi  £i)  Kai  TrXtiovog  Xa^uv  Svvafiiv  kql  p-hCov  to  Oapffog  virtp  avTe 
anoOavtiv,  Kai  t(^j  <rai/o'fj  Kara  Ki(j>aXT]g  TTpoffo/iiXtjcrai,  k.  X.  Chr.  in  Pr.  Act. 
hom.  4.  T.  III.  p.  93.'  E. 

navXog  St  Kai  Hirpog  8%'  ^C  ^f  aTroT)xi]QiiQ,  6g  Ci  aiz'  ivavnag  T(^  Stanory 
TB  "^avpa  rr)v  Tifiujniav  ct^afiivog,  ovrw  /J.tre'^t}  rtjg  irapsarjg  ?at;;f.  In  Gen. 
hom.  66.  Tom.  IV."  p.  630.  A. 

"O  Xpirog  travpwQrj'  ovrog  efitXXiv  anoKitpaXiZtaOai'  b  UtTpog  KaTuQtv 
avt(TKoXoma9T}.     In  2  Tim.  hom.  5.  T.  XI.  p.  687.  D. 

'  Vid.  Basnag.  ann.  65.  num.  xiv. 
.  s  Ubi  Petms  passioni  dominicae  adaequatur.  Tertull.  Pr.  cap.  36.  p.   245. 
Tunc  Petrus  ab  altero  cingitur,  quum  cruci  adstringitur.     Id.  Scorp.  cap.  15. 
p.  633. 

Petrum  cruci  adfixit,  et  Paulum  interfecit.  De  Mort.  Persec.  cap.  2. 


St.  Peter.  243 

circumstance.  Which  has  induced  ''  Basnage  to  dispute 
tlie  truth  of  it.  Allowing  that  '  Peter  was  crucified  in  that 
manner,  he  thinks  it  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  it  Avas  at 
his  own  request.  And  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  his 
reasoning  is  plausible. 

It  seems  to  me,  that  Peter  might  be  crucified  in  that 
manner,  and  that  it  might  be  owing  to  the  spite  and  malice 
of  those  who  put  him  to  death.  The  saying,  that  it  was 
at  his  own  desire,  may  have  been  at  first  only  the  oratorical 
flight  of  some  man  of  more  wit  than  judgment.  But  the 
thought  was  pleasing,  and  therefore  has  been  followed  by 
many.  ^ 

VII.  Some  learned  men  have  denied  that  Peter  ever  was 
at  Rome,  as  ''  Scaliger,  ^  Salmasius,  ""  Frederick  Spanheim, 
and  some  others.  Mr.  Bower  is  much  of  the  same  mind. 
His  words  are  :  '  From  "  what  has  been  hitherto  said,  every 
'  impartial  judge  must  conclude,  that  it  is  at  best  very 
'  much  to  be  doubted,  whether  St.  Peter  ever  was  at  Rome.' 
Nevertheless  there  have  been  many  learned  men  among  the 
protestants,  as  well  as  Romanists,  whose  impartiality  was 
never  questioned,  who  have  believed,  and  argued  very  well 
that  Peter  was  at  Rome,  and  suffered  martyrdom  there.  I 
refer  to  soijfie  :  °  Cave,  p  Pearson,  ^  Le  Clerc,  ^  Basnage, 
*  Barratier. 

I  shall  therefore  remind  my  readers  of  some  testimonies 
of     ancient     writers,    relating-    to     this    matter,    making* 

''  Ubi  supra,  num.  xiv.  '  Concesso,  ut  plures  testantur, 

sublimibus  Petrum  vestigiis  affixura  cruci,  quia  ex  Prsetoris  mandato  inogatum 
hoc  supplicii,  quo  pereunti  adderetur  dolor  et  ludibrium  non  credere  non 

possumus Praepostera  sane  et  vana  ea  videtur  esse  modestia,  quam  ascri- 

bunt  Petro Neque  priscorum  aliquem  martyrum,  qui  in  crucem  acti  fue- 

runt,  similis  unquam  incessit  humilitas Praeterea  certo  certius  est,  atrocius 

eorum  fuisse  supplicium,  qui  inverso,  quam  qui  recto  capite  figebantur  cruci. 

Martyris  autem  est,  imperatam  sibi  mortem  perferre  fortiter,  non  vero 

poscere,  ut  intendantur  a  camifice  tormenta.     Id.  ib.  num.  xv. 

•^  Quum  igitur  Petrus  ad  TrepiTOfirjv  missus  esset,  videtur  in  Siaairopq, 
Asiana  periisse,  si  conjecturae  locus  est.  Nam  de  ejus  Romam  adventu,  sede 
25  annorum  et  supremo  capitis  supplicio,  ibidem,  nemo  qui  paullo  humanior 
fuerit,  credere  posset.  Jos.  Seal,  annot.  ad  Job.  xviii.  31. 

'  De  Petro  vero  a  Nerone  sublato  non  constat.  Si  non  potest  probari 
Romae  illam  fuisse  unquam,  quoraodo  ibi  crucifixus?  Putem  ego  cum  Sal- 
masio  Babylone  martyrium  passum  esse,  si  quid  divinare  in  re  inccrta  licet. 
Gallaeus  ad  Lact.  Instit.  1.  4.  cap.  21.  Vid.  et  de  Salmasii  sententia  Pearson. 
De  Success,  prim.  Rom.  Episcop.  Diss.  i.  cap.  viii. 

™  Diss,  de  ficta  profectione  Petri  Ap.  in  urbem  Romam.  0pp.  Tom.  II.  p. 
331,  &c,  "  History  of  the  Popes,  Vol.  I.  p.  5. 

°  Hist.  Lit.  in  Petro.  p  De  Successione  priraorum  Romae 

episcoporum.  Diss.  i.  cap.  vii.  et  viii. 

■i  Hist.  Ecc.  ann.  67.  n.  i.  et  ann.  68.  n.  1,  2. 

■■  Ann.  64.  num.  Lx.  x.  xi.  ^  De  Successione  Episc.  Roman,  cap.  i. 

R  2 


244  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

also  a  few  remarks  upon  them.  And  then  let  every  one 
judge. 

I  begin  with  Clement  of  Rome,  who  wrote  an  epistle  to 
the  Corinthians,  before  the  year  of  Christ  70,  as  some  think, 
or  about  the  year  96,  as  others  suppose.  In  that  epistle 
are  these  expressions.  '  But  ^  not  to  insist  any  longer,'  says 
he,  '  upon  examples  of  former  times,  let  us  come  to  those 
'  worthies  that  are  nearest  to  us,  and  take  the  brave  ex- 
'  amples  of  our  own  age.  Through  zeal  and  envy  they 
'  who  were  the  most  righteous  pillars  of  the  church  "  have 
'  been  persecuted  even  to  a  cruel  death.  Let  "  us  set 
'  before  our  eyes   the  excellent  apostles.     Peter  through 

*  imrighteous  zeal  underwent  not  one  or  two,  but  many 
'  labours,  till  at  last,  being  martyred,  he  went  to  the  place 
'  of  glory  that  was  due  to  him.  Through  zeal  ''"  Paul  ob- 
'  tained  the  reward  of  patience.  Seven  times  he  was  in 
'  bonds,  he  was  whipped,  he  was  stoned.  He  preached 
'  both  in  the  east  and  in  the  west.  And  having-  taught  the 
'  whole  vvorld  righteousness,  and  "  coming-  to  the  borders 
'  of  the  west,  and  suffering-  martyrdom  under  the  gover- 
'  nors,   so  he  departed  out  of  the  world,  and  went  to  the 

*  most  holy  place,  being  a  most  eminent  pattern  of  pa- 
'  tience. 

'  To  >  these  men,  who  lived  a  divine  life,  was  joined  a 
'  great  multitude  of  choice  ones,  who  having  undergone 
'  through   zeal   many  reproaches  and  torments,  became  an 

*  excellent  example  among  us.' 

From  these  passages  I  think  it  may  be  justly  concluded, 
that  Peter  and  Paul  were  martyis  at  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Nero's  persecution.  For  they  suffered  among  the  Romans, 
where  Clement  was  bishop,  and  in  whose  name  he  was  writ- 
ing to  the  Corinthians.  They  were  martyrs,  when  many 
others  were  an  example,  or  pattern,  of  a  like  patience 
among  them.  To  '  these  apostles,'  says  Clement,  '  was 
'joined  a  great  multitude  of  choice  ones,'  or  elect,  that 
is,  christians.  This  is  a  manifest  description  of  Nero's  per- 
secution at  Rome,  when  a  multitude  of  christians  there  were 

*  Clem.  ep.  ad.  Cor.  cap.  v.  vi. 

" tSiw^Orjaav  Kai  ewq  Qavam  Otiva. 

"  A«/3(i>/i£v  npo  o<p6a\fi(i)v  yj/iwv  tuq  ayadng  aTro'^oXac.  Uerpog  Sia  S^ijkov 
aSiicov Kai  oiiTio  fta^TvprfaaQ  tTToptvOt]  ng  rov  ofuXofiivov  ronov  Trjc  So^tjg. 

"   Ala  ZrjXov  6  TlavXoc  inronovtjc  ppafitiov  tirtaxtv. 

" .  Kat  tin  TO  Ttpfia  rrjg  dvaiuQ  tXQu)v,  icai  fiapTvpriaag  tni  rwv  riyafitvuv, 
OVTWQ  OTrriXXayr]  th  Koafis  Kai  iig  to  ayiov  tottov  nropivGri,  vnofiovTjg  ytvofiivog 
fttyi'7or  viroypafifiog.  ^   Tsroif   Toig  avSpaaiv   6hioq 

TToXiTtvaafitvoig  avvrjdpoitrOrj  ttoXv  7rXr}9og  sKXtKTWv,  oWivig  TroXXaig  (((Kiat£  km 
fiaaavoi^  Sia  ZrjXov  iraOovTig  inroSuyfia  koXXi'^ov  fyivovro  iv  r'ifiiv. 


St.  Peter.  245 

put  to  death  under  grievous  reproaches,  and  exquisite  tor- 
ments, as  we  are  assured  by  Tacitus.  These  were  joined 
to  the  excellent  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  before  mentioned. 
Therefore  Peter  and  Paul  had  suffered  at  that  place,  and  at 
that  time:  and,  as  it  seems,  according'  to  this  account,  at  the 
beginning"  of  that  persecution.  Which  may  be  reckoned 
not  at  all  improbable. 

When  Clement  says,  that  "  Paul  suffered  martyrdom 
under  the  gov  ernors,"  he  may  be  understood  to  mean  "  by 
order  of  the  magistrate."  It  cannot  be  hence  inferred,  that 
Peter  and  Paul  did  not  die  by  Nero's  order,  or  in  virtue  of 
his  edict  against  the  christians.  It  should  be  considered, 
that  Clement  is  not  an  historian.  He  is  writing-  an  epistle, 
containino-  divers  exhortations.  It  was  not  needful  for  him 
to  be  more  particular.  He  does  not  name  the  city  in  which 
either  Peter  or  Pan  Id  led,  nor  the  death  which  they  undervvent. 
But  he  intimates,  that  they  suflfered  a  cruel  death,  together 
with  many  choice  ones  among-  them.  Which  must  mean 
Rome.  And  he  plainly  represents  these  apostles  as  martyrs, 
who  had  suffered  through  envy  and  unrighteous  zeal.  The 
place  and  the  manner  of  their  death  were  well  known 
to  the  christians  at  Corinth,  to  whom  Clement  was  writ- 
ing. 

If  we  consider  where  Clement  was,  he  may  be  reasonably 
excused  from  naming  the  emperor,  or  being  otherwise  more 
particular.  This  epistle  was  written  soon  after  some 
troubles,  which  the  christians  at  Rome  had  met  with,  as 
appears  plainly  from  the  beginning  of  it:  meaning-,  it  is 
likely,  either  the  persecution  of  Nero,  or  of  Domitian,  the 
next  persecutor  of  the  christians.  It  is  not  at  all 
strange,  that  at  such  a  time  Clement  should  think  him- 
self obliged  to  circumspection  in  the  manner  of  his  ex- 
pressions. 

Indeed  the  primitive  christians  were  always  very  careful, 
not  to  speak  disrespectfully  of  heathen  princes,  or  other 
magistrates,  how  much  soever  they  suffered  from  them. 
The  epistle  begins  in  this  manner.  '  The  calamities  and 
'  afflictions,  brethren,  which  have  befallen  us,  have  some- 
'  what  retarded  our  answer  to  your  inquiries.'  Those 
afflictions  intend,  as  before  said,  the  persecution  of  Nero 
or  Domitian.  And  if  so,  certainly  there  is  much  mildness 
in  the  expressions.  But  a  very  different  style  is  used  pre- 
sently after  in  speaking-  of  the  dissension  which  there  was 
among-  the  christians  at  Corinth.  It  is  called  '  a  wicked 
'  and  ungodly  sedition,  inibecoming  the  elect  of  God,  fo-, 
'  mented  by  a  few  rash  and  self-willed  men.' 


246  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

Bishop  Pearson  has  argued  from  this  place,  that  ^  Peter 
and  Paul  did  not  die  by  order  of  Nero  himself,  but  by 
order  of  the  prefects  of  the  city,  when  Nero  was  absent, 
and,  particularly,  on  Feb.  22,  in  the  year  of  Christ  68,  and 
the  last  year  of  Nero.  And  he  says,  that''  the  Greek  word, 
which  1  have  rendered  governors  or  magistrates,  never 
denotes  the  emperor,  but  only  the  prefects  of  the  city  or 
of  the  provinces. 

But  Pearson  was  very  unhappy  in  that  observation.  For 
Nero  was  at  Home  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  68.  Pagi '' 
and  Basnage  '^  have  shown,  that  whereas  Nero  was  ab- 
sent from  Rome  almost  two  years,  the  greatest  part  of 
Q(^,  and  67,  he  arrived  at  Home  from  Greece  in  Decem- 
ber 67. 

And  the  word,  which  I  have  rendered  'governors,'  is  often 
used,  not  only  for  prefects,  but  also  for  kings  and  emperors, 
or  other  supreme  magistrates.  Of  ^  which  I  place  several 
instances  in  the  margin. 

However  both  the  noun  and  the  verb  are  general  words, 
and  are  used  concerning  governors  supreme  and  subordi- 
nate. As  is  apparent  from  that  well  known  text,  Luke  iii. 
1,  "  Now  ^  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius 

^  S.  Paulus  (cum  Petro)  ultimo  Neronis  anno  martyrium  fecit.  Factum 
autem  id  est  sub  Prsefectis  in  urbe,  ut  testatur  Clemens  Romanus,  absente 
scilicet  Nerone,  Februarii  die  22.  Ann.  Paulin.  p.  25.  A.  D.  68. 

'■  Quod   SI  Romam  diserte  non  expresserit,  Neronem  certe  multo  minus 

delineavit.     Dicit  enim  Paulum  iin  tojv  r'lysntvujv. Neque  enim  rjysfiivoi 

Imperatore,  in  provinciis  pi-aeseitim,  Praesidum  loca  sub  variis  nominibus  obti- 

nebant. Neque   haec  vox  tantum   in  provinciis  solennis  fuit,  sed  etiam 

Romsp Tales  erant  Romae,  ultimo  Neronis  anno,  duo  Praefecti  Praetorio, 

Tigellines  et  Sabinus,  et  cum  summa  potestate  Helius.  De  Succession,  prim. 
Romae  Episcop.  Diss.  i.  cap.  8.  sect.  ix. 

^  Ann.  67.  num.  ii.  *^  Ann.  66.  num.  vi.  et  67.  n.  v. 

^  1  Kings  XV.  13,  it  is  said  of  Asa,  "  And  also  Maachah  his  mother  he 
removed  from  being  queen."  In  the  Lxx.  it  is  thus :  Kai  Tr]v  ava  ttjv 
fijjrtpa  tavTH  fitTcrrjae  ts  fit)  tivai  I'lynfiivtjv.  2  Chron.  vii.  18.  AVhen  God 
appeared  to  Solomon,  he  said,  "  Then  will  I  establish  the  throne  of  thy  king- 
dom. There  shall  not  fail  thee  a  man  to  be  ruler  in  Israel."  G^k  i^apQt)(fiTai 
ffoi  riyafiivoc  avT]p  tv  IcrpatjX.  2  Chr.  ix.  26,  "  And  he  reigned  over  all  the 
kings  Irom  the  river."  Kai  »jv  j/ys/utrof  iravTcov  rwv  jiaaiXioiv  utto  ts 
TroTafiH.  When  St.  Matth.  ch.  ii.  6,  quotes  the  words  of  the  prophet  Micah : 
"  Out  of  thee  shall  come  a  governor,  rjyn^ivoQ,  that  shall  rule  my  people 
Israel :"  he  does  not  mean  a  governor  of  inferior  rank,  but  the  Messiah  himself. 
I  shall  add  only  a  like  instance  or  two  from  Josephus,  and  from  a  Greek 

classic,   though   many  might   be    mentioned /tfXP'   """^    SioSiKars   rjjv 

N£pwj/oc  tjyefiovias.  Joseph.  Ant.  1.  20.  cap.  x.  sect.  ult.  n.  2 ^w^f/car^ 

fuv  erei  ti]q   titpwvo^   ijymovutc.      De  B.   I.  1.   2.   cap.    14.   n.   4. tov 

TTQtrrftvTipov  avrwv  anolti^ai  'ViofiaiiDV  rjyifiova.  Dion.  Hal.  1.  4.  cap.  4.  p. 
202.  ed.  Hudson.  *   Ev  ith  £e  TnvTeKaiciKartp  rij^  Jjyf/zoviag 

TifiipiH  Kaj(TffpOf,  riymovtvovTOQ  llovTis  lliKara  Tt}C  laSaiaQ. 


St.  Peter.  247 

Csesar,  Pontius  Pilate  being-  governor  of  Judea."  As  the 
words  are  well  rendered  in  our  version,  liut,  literally, 
they  might  be  translated  in  this  manner.  "  Now  in  the 
fifteenth  year  of  the  government  of  Tiberius  Ctcsar,  Pontius 
Pilate  being  governor  of  Judea." 

As  for  the  words  being  in  the  plural  number,  it  is  no  un- 
common thing  to  prefer  that  to  the  singular,  when  we  are 
obliged  to  be  cautious,  and  intend,  as  I  suppose  Clement 
did,  to  speak  in  a  general  way.  In  short,  Clement  shows, 
that  Peter  and  Paul  had  died  by  martyrdom,  and  not  in  a 
tumult  of  the  people,  but  by  order  of  the  magistrate,  mean- 
ing the  emperor,  though  he  is  not  named. 

So  that  1  must  take  the  liberty  to  say,  that  Pearson's  ob- 
servation, that  Peter  and  Paul  Avere  put  to  death,  not  by 
Nero,  but  by  the  prefects  of  Rome,  or  some  other  great 
officer,  in  the  absence  of  the  emperor,  appears  to  be  of  no 
value.  And  it  is  destitute  of  all  authority  from  history. 
For  we  shall  see  as  we  proceed,  that  the  death  of  these  two 
apostles  is  continually  ascribed  to  Nero  by  all  who  speak 
distinctly  about  it. 

One  thing  more  I  must  take  notice  of.  From  these  pas- 
sages of  Clement  it  has  been  argued,  that  Peter  never  was 
at  Rome,  in  ^  this  manner.  '  Clemens  Romanus,  (who  was 
'  personally  acquainted  with  the  apostles,  and  knew  very 
'  well  where  they  travelled,)  writes  a  letter  from  Rome  to 
'  Corinth,  and  mentions  St.  Paul's  travelling  very  far  to 
'  spread  the  gospel  :  but  in  the  same  section,  though  he 
'  mentions  St.  Peter's  sufferings  and  martyrdom,  yet  he 
'  says  nothing- of  his  travelling  much,  nor  one  word  of  his 

*  ever  having  been  at  Rome.' 

Upon  which  I  beg  leave  to  observe,  first.  It  seems  to 
me  that  Clement  says,  Peter  and  Paul  suffered  martyrdom 
at  Rome,  for  speaking  of  the  '  great  multitude  of  the  elect, 

*  who  had  been  an  excellent  example  of  patience  among- 
'  them,'  meaning  the  Romans,  he  says,  'they  s  were  joined 
'  to'  or  with  '  the  good  apostles,' before  mentioned.  There- 
fore the  apostles  had  suffered  in  the  same  place.  Certainly 
Clement,  who  wrote  this,  did  not  think  that  Peter  died  at 
Babylon  in  Mesopotamia,  and  Paul  at  Rome  in  Italy.  Se- 
condly. The  reason  Avhy  Clement  so  particularly  mentions 
St.  Paul's  travels,  probably,  was,  because  the  extent  of  his 
preaching  was  very  remarkable.  And  it  is  likely,  that 
Clement  refers  to  Rom.  xv.  19.     Thirdly,  his  omitting  to 

•■  See  Dr.  Benson's  Preface  to  St.  Peter's  first  epistle,  secyt.  iii.  p.    157. 
second  edition. 

*  Tsroie (Tvvt]9poia0rj  ttoXv  7rXjj9o£  f/cXticrwv. 


248  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

speak  of  Peter's  travels  is  not  a  denial  of  his  having  travelled 
a  great  deal.  Nor  does  it  imply  that  he  had  not  been  at 
Rome.  St.  Paul  must  have  been  twice  in  the  west,  and  at 
Rome,  if  he  suffered  martyrdom  there.  But  Clement  does 
not  say  so,  though  he  knew  it  very  well.  As  did  the  Co- 
rinthians likewise.  But  when  we  speak  or  write  of  things 
well  known  (as  these  things  were  at  that  time)  there  is  no 
need  to  be  very  particular.  It  was  sufficient  if  Cle- 
ment mentioned  such  things  as  would  render  his  exhor- 
tations effectual. 

1  shall  now  transcribe  below '^  some  like  observations  of 
Pearson,  in  his  confutation  of  Salmasius. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  cannot  but  think  that  these  passages 
of  Clement  bear  a  testimony  to  the  martyrdoms  both 
of  Peter  and  Paul,  and  that  at  Rome,  which  cannot  be 
evaded. 

Ignatius,  about  108,  writing  to  the  Romans  says,  '  I  '  do 
'  not  command  you,  as  Peter  and  Paul.  They  were  apos- 
'  ties.  I  am  a  condemned  person.'  Ignatius  must  have 
supposed  that  the  christians  at  Rome  had  been  instructed  by 
Peter,  as  well  as  by  Paul.  The  observations  of  ^  Pear- 
son, and  '  Barratier,  upon  this  place,  which  I  put  below,  ap- 
pear very  just. 

The  preaching  of  Peter,  or  of  Peter  and   Paul,  quoted 

''  Denique  manifestum  est,  nihil  hie  a  Cleraente  de  Urbe  vel  de  Imperatore 
diserte  el  expressim  dictum  esse,  quia  a  Romanis  ad  Corinthios  scripsit,  qui 
hajc  omnia,  non  minus  quam  ipse,  noverunt.  Imo  Clemens  mentionem  loci 
non  fecit,  non  quia  ipse  ignorabat,  sed  quia  illi  cognoverunt.  Nam  si  igno- 
raseet  quo  in  loco,  qua  in  regione,  aut  qua  in  orbis  parte,  mortuus  est  Petrus, 

quomodo  asserere  potuit,  eum  martyrio  coronatum  fuisse? Proculdubio 

hacc  loci  omissio  non  ex  ignorantia  cujuspiam,  aut  scriptoris  alterius,  sed  ex 
certissima  omnium,  ad  quos  spectabat  haec  epistola,  tum  Romanoram,  turn 
Corinthioram,  aliorumque  fidelium  cognitione  et  explorata  scientia  quae  ulte- 
riorem  expositionem  minime  requirebat.  Ac  tandem  argumentum  hoc  nega- 
tivum  ex  Clemente  productum,  non  eorum  sed  nostrum  est.  Clemens  optima 
novit,  et  ubi,  et  quomodo  passus  est  S.  Petrus.  Idem  etiam  bene  noverunt 
tum  Romani,  tum  Corinthii.  Aliter  eos  ea  de  re  certiores  fecisset  Clemens. 
Pearson,  de  Success,  prim.  Rornse  Episc.  Diss.  i.  cap.  8.  sect.  ix. 

'  Ovx  wff  RtrpoQ  Kai  IlctvXoQ  SiaTaffaofiai  vfiiv.  "Ekuvoi  airo'^oXoi,  tyu 
KaraKpiTOQ.     Ad  Rom.  cap.  4. 

^  Quid  enim  ex  his  verbis  ad  Romanes  scriptis  apertius,  quam  sanctissimum 
raartyrem  in  ea  sententia  fuisse,  quod  Petrus,  non  minus  quam  Paulus,  Romae 
evangelium  praedicavit,  et  passus  sit  ?  Pearson,  ib.  cap.  7.  n.  ii. 

'  Ignatius, Romanis  scribens,  negat   se  ipsis,  tamquam   Petrum  et 

Paulum,  prsecipere  velle.  Cur  Petrum  et  Paulum  una  nominat,  nisi  quod 
uterque  Romae  i'uerit  ?  Cur  Petrum,  si  cum  Romanis  nullum  nexum  habuerit  > 
Si  enim  Romae  non  ftierit,  cum  Romanis  non  scripserit,  nil  magis  cum  lis 
commune  habebat,  vel  iis  praeceperat,  quam  Jacobus,  vel  Judas,  vel  Joannes. 
Manifestum  est,  Ignatium  Romanum  Petri  iter  novisse.  Barrat.  ubi  supr. 
num.  iii.  p.  5. 


St.  Peler.  249 

by  several  ancient  writers,  (as  has  been  shown  in  this  work,) 
though  not  as  a  book  of  authority,  composed  ^  about  the 
middle  of  the  second  century,  or  sooner,  makes  mention  of 
Peter's  being'  at  Rome  in  this  manner,  as  cited  by  Lactaii- 
tius.  '  After  °  his  resurrection  Christ  opened  to  his  disci- 
'  pies  all  things  that  should  come  to  pass,  which  things 
'  Peter  and  Paul  preached  at  Rome.'  And  what  fol- 
lows. There  °  is  another  large  quotation  of  this  book 
in  the  author  of  Rebaptizing,  written  about  256,  where 
it  is  supposed  that  Peter  and  Paul  were  together  at 
Rome. 

Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth,  about  170,  in  a  letter  to 
the  church  of  Rome,  inscribed  to  Soter  their  bishop,  as 
cited  by  Eusebius,  takes  notice,  '  that  p  Peter  and  Paul 
'  going  to  Italy,  taught  there,  and  suffered  martyrdom 
'  about  the  same  time.' 

Irenseus,  about  178,  speaks  of  the  church  of  Rome,  '  i  as 

*  founded  and  established  by  the  two  great  apostles  Peter 
'  and    Paul.'     In   another  place   he  says,   '  that  ^  Matthew 

*  wrote  his  gospel  whilst  Peter  and  Paul  were  preaching  at 

*  Rome,  and  establishing  the  church  there.'  Ireneeus,  who 
was  as  likely  to  know  as  most,  had  no  doubt  about  these 
things.  And  some  of  his  arguments  with  heretics  are 
partly  built  upon  them  ;  well  knowing  that  they  could 
not  be  contested,  and  that  they  were  generally  allowed. 

According  to  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  flourished 
about  the  year  194,  St.  Mark's  gospel  ^  was  written  at  the 
desire  of  St.  Peter's  hearers  at  Rome. 

Tertnllian,  about  the  year  200,  and  after,  often  speaks  * 

•"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  255,  note  ". 

"  Sedet  futura  aperuit  ill  is  omnia,  quae  Petrus  et  Paulus  Romse  praedicave- 
runt.  Et  ea  prsedicatio  in  memoham  scripta  permansit.  Lactant.  Inst.  1.  4. 
cap.  21.  p.  422.  °  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  70. 

P  'Ofioiwg,  St  Kai  HQ  IraXiav  ofioat  Stda^avreQ  e/iapTvpriffav  Kara  rov  avrov 
Kaipov.  Ap.  Euseb.  1.  2.  cap.  25.  p.  68.  The  same  passage  is  largely  quoted, 
Vol.  ii.  p.  135.  1  Sed  quoniam  valde  longum  est  in 

hoc  tali  volumine  omnium  ecclesiarum  enumerare  successiones :  maxmiae,  et 
antiquissimse,  et  omnibus  cognitse,  a  gloriosissimis  apostolis,  Petro  et  Paulo, 
Romse  formatae  et  constitutae  ecclesia,  eam  quam  habet  ab  apostolis  tradi- 
tiniiem,  et  annuntiatam  omnibus  fidem,  &c.  Adv.  Haer.  1.  3.  cap.  3. 

*■  Adv.  Haer.  I.  3.  cap.  1.  et  ap.  Euseb.  1.  5.  cap.  8. 

'  Vid.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  15.  et  lib.  VI.  cap.  14,  and  of  this  work. 
Vol.  ii.  p.  224.  *  Si  autem  Italiae  adjaces,  habes 

Romam. Ista  quam  felix  ecclesia,  cui  totam  doctrinam  apostoli  cum  san- 
guine suo  profuderunt!  Ubi  Petrus  passioni  Dominicae  adaequatur;  ubi  Paulus 
Joannis  exitu  coronatur.     De  Praeser.  Haer.  cap.  36.  p.  245. 

Nee  quidquam  refert  inter  eos,  quos  Joannes  in  Jordane,  et  quos  Petrus  in 
Tiberi  tinxit.     De  Baptism,  cap.  4.  p.  257. 

Videamus  quod  lac  a  Paulo  Corinlhii  hauserint Quid  etiam  Roniaai  de 


250  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

of  Peter  being  at  Rome,  and  teaching  there,  and  suffering 
martyrdom  there,  together  with  Paul,  or  about  the  same 
time. 

Caius,  about  212,  observes,  that "  in  his  time  were  to  be 
seen  at  Rome  the  tombs  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  who 
had  established  that  church. 

Origen,  about  230,  as  cited  by  Eusebius,  says,  that  " 
Peter  having  preached  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  and  other 
places,  at  length  came  to  Rome,  M'here  he  was  crucified. 

Cyprian  "■"  at  Carthage  about  248,  and  afterwards,  always 
supposeth  the  church  of  Rome  to  have  been  established  by 
Peter.  So  '^  likewise  does  Firmilian  in  Cappadocia,  in  his 
letter  written  in  258. 

Lactantius  y  about  306,  in  his  Institutions,  ascribes  the 
death  of  Peter  and  Paul  to  Nero  at  Rome. 

The  same  Lactantius,  or  whoever  is  the  author  of  the 
book  of  the  Deaths  of  Persecutors,  is  very  clear,  that  ^ 
in  the  reign  of  Nero,  Peter  came  to  Rome,  and  that 
by  his  order  Peter  was  crucified,  and  Paul  also  put  to 
death. 

Eusebius,  both  in  his  Demonstration,  and  in  his  Eccle- 
siastical History,  bears  witness  to  the  same  things.  Not 
now  to  insist  on  his  Chronicle.     In  the  former,^  he  says, 

proximo  soneat,  quibus  evangeliuin  et  Petrus  et  Paulus  sanguine  quoque  suo 
signatum  reliquerunt.     Adv.  Marcion  1.  4.  cap.  5.  p.  505.  B. 

Orienteni  fidem  Romae  primiis  Nero  cruentavit.  Tunc  Petrus  ab  altero 
cingitur,  quum  cruci  adstringitiir.  Tunc  Paulus  civitatis  Romanae  consequitur 
nativitatem,  quum  illic  martyrii  renascitur  generositate.  Scorpiac.  cap.  15. 
p.  633.  B.  "  evp7]atis  ra  rpotraia  tojv  ravrr]v  iSpwafiiviov 

eKKXrjaiav.  Ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  I.  2.  cap.  25.  p.  68.  in.  And  see  in  this 
work,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxii.  num.  i.  1.  "  Ap.  Euseb.  1.  3.  cap.  i. 

"  Factus  est  autem  Cornelius  episcopus  de  Dei  et  Christi  ejus  judicio 

cum  nemo  ante  se  factus  esset,  cum  Fabiani  locus,  id  est,  cum  locus  Petri,  et 
gradus  cathedrae  sacerdotalis  vacaret.     Cyprian,  ad  Autonian.  ep.  55.  p.  104. 

Post  ista  adhuc  insuper  pseudo-episcopo  sibi  ab  haereticis  constituto,  navi- 

gare  audent,  et  ad  Petri  cathedram,  atque  ecclesiam  prmcipalem a  schis- 

maticis  etprofanis  literas  ferre Cyprian.  Cornelio.  ep.  59.  p.  135.  Oxon. 

1682.  ^  Atque  ego  in  hac  parte  juste  indignor  ad  banc  tcun 

apertam  et  manifestam  Stephani  stultitiam,  quod  qui  sic  de  episcopatus  sui 

loco  gloriatur,  et  se  successionem  Petri  tenere  contendit multas  alias  petras 

inducat.  Stephanus,  qui  per  successionem  cathedram  Petri  habere  se  praedicat, 
nullo  ad  versus  haereticos  zelo  excitatur.    Firmilian.  ep.  Cyprian.  75.  p.  225. 

>■  Itaquepost  illorum  obitum,  cum  eos  Nero  interemisset,  Judaeorum  nomen 
et  gentem  Vespasianus  exstinxit,  fecitque  omnia  quae  illi  futura  praedixerant. 
Institut.  1.  4.  cap.  21.  p.  423. 

'  Cumquc  jam  Nero  imperaret,  Petras  Romam  advenit. et  convertit 

multos  ad  justitiam Qua  re  ad  Neronem  delata et  primus  omnium 

persecutus  Dei  servos,  Petrum  cruci  adtixil,  et  Pauium  inteifecit.  De  Mort. 
Persec.  cap.  2.  *  Km  ritrpog  ttt  nri  'PwfiijQ  Kara  KtipaXrjs 

Tauperai,  llavXog  ct  aTroTtfivirai.     Dem.  Ev.  1.  3.  p.  116.  C. 


St.  Peter.  251 

'  that  Peter  was  crucified  at  Rome  with  his  head  downward, 
'  and  Paul  beheaded.'  In  his  ecclesiastical  history,  speak- 
ing- of  Nero  '  as  ^  the  first  persecutor  of  the  christians,' 
be  says,  '  that  he  put  to  death  the  apostles,  at  which  time 
'  Paul  was  beheaded  at  Rome,  and  Peter  crucified,  as  his- 

*  tory  relates.  And  the  account,'  he  says,  '  is  confirmed 
'  by  the  monuments  still  seen  in  the  cemeteries  of  that  city, 

*  with  their  names  inscribed  upon  them.'  And  what  follows. 
In   another  chapter  of  the  same  work,   he  says  :    '  that  •= 

*  Linus  was  the  first  bishop  of  Rome  after  the  martyrdom 
'  of  Paul  and  Peter.'  It  is  needless  to  refer  to  any  more 
of  the  many  places  of  this  learned  bishop  of  Caesarea, 
Avhere  he  appears  to  have  been  fully  persuaded  that  these 
two  apostles  accomplished  their  martyrdom  at  Rome. 

Athanasius  ^  supposes  both  Peter  and  Paul  to  have  suf- 
fered martyrdom  in  that  city. 

Ephrem  the  Syrian,  about  370,  says,  that  ^  Peter  taug^ht 
at  Rome. 

Epiphanius,  as  may  be  remembered,  says,  '  that  ^  Matthew 
'  wrote  first,  and  Mark  soon  after,  being"  a  companion  of 
'  Peter  at  Rome.'  In  another  place  s  he  speaks  of  Peter 
and  Paul  as  the  first  apostles  and  bishops  of  Rome.  After 
whom,  he  says,  were  Linus,   Cletus,  Clement. 

Jerom's  opinion  is  well  known  from  his  article  of  St. 
Peter  in  his  Book  of  Illustrious  Men,  where  he  says,  'that'' 
'  Peter  was  crucified  at  Rome  in  the  fourteenth  year  of 
'  Nero's  reign  ;'  and  from*  his  chapter  of  St.  Mark,  whom 
he  calls  the  disciple  and  interpreter  of  Peter,  and  says,  '  that 
'  at  the  desire  of  the  brethren  at  Rome,  he  wrote  a  short  gos- 
'  pel,  according-  to  what  he  had  heard  from  Peter.'  Not 
now  to  refer  to  any  other  places. 

We  lately  saw  how  ''  Chrysostom  says,  that  Peter  having- 
been  at  Antioch,  afterwards  went  to  Rome.      In  another 

TavTTi  yav  ovtoq  Osofiaxog  tv  roig  fiaXiTa  vpcoroQ  avaKtiQvx^HQi  lift  tuq 
Kara  rwv  airoToXuiv  tTrt]pGr]  aipayag.  HavXog  Sr]  ovv  iir  avrrjg  'Pw/iJ/c  ttjv 
KnpaXrjv  arroTfirjdrjvai,  koi  Utrpog  uxravTUjg  avaffKoXoTriaGr^vai  icar'  avrov 
i^opBVTai,  K.  \.     H.  E.  1.  2.  c.  25.  p.  67.   Vid.  et  1.  2.  cap.  22.  fin.  p.  62.  D. 

"^  Ttjg  St  'Pojfiaiuv  iKKXr)cnac  {.tcra  ti]v  UavXa  Kai  Herps  iiaprvpiav,  TrpMTog 
icXjjpsrai  Tr]v  imaKOTrr]v  Aivog.     H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  2. 

**  lltrpog  Si,  6  Sia  tov  tpofiov  rwv  InSaiuv  KpvTrrofitvog,  Kai  UavXog  ev 
aapyavTj  xaXaaOeig,  Kai  (pvywv,  aKHdavng,  tig  "Poi/xj/i'  ^(t  vfiag  fiaprvprjaai,  8/c 
avtjiaXovTO  ti]v  arroCr]fiiav.     Apol.  pro  fuga  sua,  p.  331. 

*  See  in  this  work,  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cii.  num.  vi.  13.  et  opp.  syr.  Tom.  I.  p.  553. 

'  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  Ixxxiv.  num.  iv.  3.  from  Haer.  51.  num.  vi. 

^  El/  "Pwjuy  yap  yeyovacri  Trpwroi  lltrpog  kui  HavXog  oi  rt7ro<?o\oi  Kai  tiria- 
KOTToi,  lira  Aivog,  k.  X.     Haer.  27.  num.  vi. 

*"  See  Vol.  iv,  ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  7.  '  The  same,  num.  viii.  2. 

''  See  before,  p.  237 


252  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

place  be  says,  that^  after  Peter  and  Paul,  Ignatius  also  suf- 
fered martyrdom  at  Rome.  And  he  thinks  it  a  wise  dispo- 
sal of  Providence,  that  so  many  should  bear  tbe  most  signal 
testimony  to  truth  in  a  place  which  was  then  the  chief  seat 
of  impiety  and  superstition. 

According  to  Sulpicius  Severus,  who  wrote  about  the 
year  401,  Paul  ™  and  Peter  suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome  in 
Nero's  persecution. 

Prudentius,  about  405,  has  several  times  celebrated  the 
martyrdoms  of  Peter  and  Paul  at  Rome.  One  place  was 
transcribed  from  him  not  long  °  ago. 

To  him  I  subjoin  P.  Orosius  •*  about  416. 

And  Theodoret,  about  423,  well  observes,  that  p  though 
Nero  put  to  death  two  of  the  principal  christian  lawgivers, 
Peter  and  Paul,  he  could  not  abolish  their  laws. 

I  omit  Augustine,  and  many  others,  who  speak  to  the 
like  purpose.  But  I  would  add,  for  showing  how  general 
this  tradition  is,  that  Abdias  Babylonius,  as  he  is  called  in 
his  apostolical  history,  supposes  Peter''  to  have  been  at 
Rome,  and  to  have  suffered  martyrdom  there. 

Nor  can  any  of  my  readers  forbear  to  recollect  the  gene- 
ral, and  almost  unanimous,  testimony  of  ancient  writers  con- 
cerning St.  Mark  :  that  he  was  a  disciple  of  St.  Peter,  that 
his  gospel  is  the  substance  of  St.  Peter's  preaching,  and 
that  it  was  written  at  Rome. 

It  is  not  needful  to  make  many  remarks  upon  this  tradi- 
tion. But  it  is  easy  to  observe,  that  it  is  the  general,  uncon- 
tradicted, disinterested  testimony  of  ancient  writers,  in  the 
several  parts  of  the  world,  Greeks,  Latins,  Syrians.  As 
our  Lord's  prediction  concerning  the  death  of  Peter  is  re- 
corded in  one  of  the  four  gospels,  it  is  very  likely,  that  ■■ 

'  Ot  Ci  Trjv  'Pwfiijv  oiKuvrtQ,  are  voWtjc  rare  aae^tiag  sar\q  ikh,  ttKiwvoq 
iXP'nX.ov  (ioTjOtiag.  Aia  tsto  koi  Hsrpog  Kai  UavKog,  Kat  fitr'  tKeivsg  ovrog  txti 
iravTtQ  iQvQrtoav.     Ch.  hom.  in  S.  Ig.  Mart.  T.  11.  p.  599.  A. 

•"  Turn  Paulus  ac  Petrus  capitis  damnati.  Quorum  uni  cervix  gladio  de- 
secta,  Petrus  in  crucem  sublatus  est.     Sul.  Sev.  Hist.  Sacra.  1.  2.  cap.  29.  al.  41. 

"  See  before,  p.  242. 

°  Nam  primus  Romae  christianos  suppliciis  et  raortibus  adfecit,  ac  per 
omnes  provincias  pari  persecutione  excruciari  imperavit.  Ipsumque  nomen 
extirpare  conatus,  beatissimos  Christi  apostolos,  Petrum  cruce,-  Paulum  gladio 
occidit.  Oros.  Hist.  1.  7.  cap.  7. 

p  See  before,  Vol.  v.  p.  25.  fromTheod.  Serm.  9.  DeLegibus,  Tom.  IV.  p. 
611.  D.  <>  Apostol.  Hist.  dePetro,  sect  xvi.  &c.  Ap.  Fabr.  Tom.  II. 

■■  Non  infirmanda  esse  ea  de  re  antiquitatis  testimonia,  multa  monent.  I. 
Convenientissimum  sane  fuit  sciri  locum,  ubi  Petro  mors  oblata  est,  ad  illus- 

trandum  Christi  de  servi  sui  martyrio  oraculum Locus  autem  in  ignora- 

tione  jacet,  si  in  Romana  civitate  Petrus  cruci  suffixus  non  fuit.  Basnag.  ann. 
64.  n.  X. 


St.  Peter.  253 

christians  would  observe  the  accomplishment  of  it.  Which 
must  have  been  in  some  place.  And  about  this  place  there 
is  no  difference  amono-  christian  writers  of  ancient  times. 
Never  any  other  place  was  named,  beside  Rome.  Nor  ' 
did  any  other  city  ever  g'lory  in  the  martyrdom  of  Peter. 
There  were  in  the  second  and  third  centuries  disputes  be- 
tween the  bishop  of  Rome  and  other  bishops  and  churches 
about  the  time  of  keeping*  Easter,  and  about  the  baptism  of 
heretics.  Yet  ^  none  denied  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  have 
what  they  called  the  chair  of  Peter. 

It  is  not  for  our  honour,  nor  our  interest,  either  as  chris- 
tians, or  protestants,  to  deny  the  truth  of  events,  ascertained 
by  early  and  well  attested  tradition.  If  any  make  an  ill 
use  of  such  facts,  we  are  not  accountable  for  it.  We  " 
are  not,  from  a  dread  of  such  abuses,  to  overthrow  the 
credit  of  all  history  :  the  consequence  of  which  would  be 
fatal. 

Fables  and  fictions  have  been  mixed  with  the  accounts  of 
Peter's  being"  at  Rome.  But  they  are  not  in  the  most  early 
writers.  They  have  been  added  since.  And  it  is  well 
known  that  fictions  have  been  joined  with  histories  of  the 
most  certain  and  important  facts. 

The  two  traditions,  concerning  Peter's  being  at  Rome  and 
Paul's  preaching  in  Spain,  ought  not  to  be  compared  toge- 
ther. They  are  not  at  all  alike.  The  latter  is  not  attested 
by  so  many,  nor  so  early  writers,  as  the  other:  and  is, 
probably,    a    mere     conjecture,    without    any    foundation, 

•  Gloriae  decorique  maximo  ecclesiis  fuit,  quod  et  doctrina  et  sanguine 
apostolorutn  conderentur.  Hinc  exclamabat  olim  Tertullianus :  '  FelLx 
'  ecclesia,  cui  totam  doctrinam  apostoli  cum  sanguine  suo  profudenmt.' 
Qui  fit  ergo,  ut  nulla,  praeter  Romanam,  ecclesia  in  raorte  Petri  exultarit  et 
triumphant  ?  Id.  ib.  '  Cum  gTavissimos  in  adversarios 

jnciderint  olim  episcopi  Romani,  Cyprianos,  Fimiilianos,  aliosque  bene  mul- 
tos,  nonne  eorum  aliquis  earn  perstrinxisset ;  et  gloriationera,  qua  Romana  se 
efFerebat  ecclesia,  utpote  quse  nunquam  praesentia  Petri,  sanguineque  floruerit, 
etsi  ad  ravim  usque  utroque  ornamento  superbiret  ?  Id.  ib. 

"  Neque  ulla  unquam  traditio  fuit,  quae  raajore  testium  numero  cingatur ;  ut 
de  Petri  in  urbem  adventu  dubitari  non  possit  quin  omnia  historiae  fundamenta 
convellantur.     Basn.  ann.  64.  n.  ix. 

Tantushac  in  re  omnium  consensus  fuit,  ut  sane  miraculo  debuerit  esse, 
quosdam  nostris  seculis  ortos,  factum  adeo  manifestum  negare  praesumsisse. 
Barrat.  de  Success.  Ep.  Rom.  cap.  i.  num.  i. 

Verum  hi  omnium  veterum  patrum  testimonio  refelluntur. Quae  (ma- 
lum ! )  impudentia  est,  id  quidem  quod  nemo  vetenim  dixit,  temere  affirmare, 
Petrum  scilicet  sedem  fixisse  Babylone ;  id  vero  quod  veteres  omnes  ecclesiastici 
scriptores  disertissime  prodideruut,  adventum  videlicet  Petri  apostoli  in 
urbem  Romam,  pertinaciter  negare  !  Atqui  nihil  in  tota  historia  ecclesiastica 
illustrius,  nihil  certius,  atque  testatius,  quam  adventus  Petri  apostoli  in  urbem 
Romam.     Vales.  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  1.  2,  c.  15. 


254  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

but  the  words  of  Rom.  xv.  28,  which  are  no  proof  at 
all. 

This  argument  may  be  censured  by  some  as  prolix,  and 
even  needless.  But  as  some  of  our  own  times,  as  well  as 
formerly,  have  denied  or  disputed  this  point,  I  have 
thought  it  expedient  to  let  my  readers  see  the  evidences  of 
what  appears  to  myself,  as  well  as  to  many  other  protestants, 
very  certain  :  that  St.  Peter  was  at  Rome,  and  suffered 
martyrdom  there. 


CHAP.  XIX. 

THE  TWO  EPISTLES  OF  ST.  PETER, 


I,  Their  (jenmneness  shown  Jrom  testimony  and  internal 
characters.  II.  The  people  to  tchom  they  were  sent, 
III.  The  place  where.  IV.  The  time  when  they  were 
written.     V.  Remarks  upon  1  Pet.  v.  13. 


HAVING  written  the  history  of  the  apostle  Peter,  I  now 
proceed  to  his  epistles.  Concerning-  which  three  or  four 
things  are  to  be  considered  by  us :  their  genuineness,  the 
persons  to  whom  they  were  sent,  the  place  where,  and  the 
thne  when  they  were  written. 

I.  The  first  epistle  was  all  along"  received  by  catholic 
christians  as  authentic  and  genuine.  This  we  learn  from* 
Eusebius.  Who  likewise  says:  '  Of '^  the  controverted 
'  books  of  the  New  Testament,  but  yet  well   known,  and 

*  approved  by  many,  are,  that  called  the  epistle  of  James, 
'  and  that  of  Jude,  and  the  second  of  Peter,  and  the  second 
'  and  third  of  John.'     And  in  another  place  :  *  One''  epistle 

*  of  Peter,  called  the  first,  is  universally  received.  This 
'  the  presbyters  of  ancient  times  have  quoted  in  their  writ- 

*  ings,  as  undoubtedly  genuine.  But  that  called  his  second, 
'  we  have  been  informed,  [by  tradition,]  has  not  been  re- 
'  ceived  as  a  part  of  the  New  Testament.  Nevertheless, 
'  appearing  to  many  to  be  useful,  it  has  been  carefully 
'  studied  with  tlie  other  scriptures.'  By  which,  I  think, 
we  may   be  assured,  that  a  great  regard  was  shown  to  this 

«  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  9G— 99,  123.  ''  P.  97.  ^  P.  98. 


St.  Peler^s  Epistles.  255 

epistle    by  many   christians    in  the    time  of   our    learned 
Ecclesiastical  Historian. 

Jeroni  says  :  '  Peter '^  wrote  two  epistles,  called  catholic: 
'  the  second  of  which  is  denied  by  many  to  be  his,  because 
'  of  tJie  difference  of  the  style  from  the  former.' 

And  Orig-en  before  them,  in  his  Commentaries  upon  the 
gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  as  cited  by*^  Eusebius,  says: 
'  Peter, '^  on  whom  the  church  is  built,  has  left  one  epistle, 
'  [universally]  acknowledged.  Let  it  be  granted,  that  he 
'  also  wrote  a  second.     For  it  is  doubted  of.' 

What  those  learned  Avriters  of  the  third  and  fourth  cen- 
turies say  of  these  two  epistles,  we  have  found  agreeable  to 
the  testimony  of  more  ancient  writers,  whom  we  have  con- 
sulted. For  the  first  epistle  seems  to  be  referred  to  by  s 
Clement  of  Rome.  It  is  plainly  referred  to  by  ''  Polycarp 
several  times.  It  is  also  refeiTed  to  by  the  '  martyrs  at 
Lyons.  It  was  received  by  "^^  Theophilus,  bishop  of  An- 
tioch.  It  was  quoted'  by  Papias.  It  is  quoted  in  the 
remaining  writings  of  ™  Irenseus,  "  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
and  "^  Tertullian.  Consequently,  it  was  all  along  received. 
But  we  do  not  perceive  the  second  epistle  to  be  quoted  by 
P  Papias,  nor  i  by  Irenseus,  nor  ^  Tertullian,  nor  *  Cyprian. 

However,  both  these  epistles  were  generally  received  in 
the  fourth  and  following*  centuries,  by  all  christians,  except 
the  Syrians.  For  they  were  received  by  Athanasius,  Cyril 
of  Jerusalem,  the  council  of  Laodicea,  Epiphanius,  Jerom, 
Rufin,  Augustine,  and  others.  As  may  be  seen  in  the  al- 
phabetical table,  in  St.  Peter,  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  vo- 
lume, to  which  the  reader  is  referred. 

Such  are  the  testimonies  of  ancient  writers  concerning 
these  two  epistles.  If  we  consult  the  epistles  themselves, 
and  endeavour  to  form  a  judgment  by  internal  evidence: 
I  suppose  it  will  appear  very  probable  that  both  are  of  the 
same  author.  And  it  may  seem  somewhat  strange,  that  any 
of  the  ancients  hesitated  about  it,  who  had  the  two  epistles 
before  them.  For  with  regard  to  some  of  the  most  ancient 
writers,  it  may  be  supposed  that  the  second  epistle  had  not 
been  seen  by  them,  it  not  having  come  to  their  hands  to- 
gether with  the  first. 

The  first  epistle  being  allowed  to  be  St.  Peter's,  we  can 
argue  in    favour  of  the  other  also  after  this  manner.     It 

"  Vol.  iv.  p.  459.  «  H.  E.  1.  6.  cap.  25.  p.  227.  A. 

'  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  494,  495.  s  p.  52 

"  P.  107, 108.     See  also  p.  95,  96.  '  P.  164.  "  P.  207,  213 

'  P.  119,  123,  125.  ™  P.  179.  "  P.  241.  "  P.  292. 

P  P.  123.  1  P.  179,  182.  ^  P.  293, 295.  »  Vol.  iii.  p.  44. 


256  ^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

bears  in  the  inscription  the  name  of  the  same  apostle.  For 
so  it  begins :  "  Simon  Peter,  a  servant,  and  an  apostle  of 
Jesus  Christ."  And  in  ch.  i.  14,  are  these  words  :  "  Know- 
ing, that  shortly  I  must  put  oft'  this  my  tabernacle,  even  as 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  has  showed  me."  The  writer  of 
this  epistle  may  have  had  a  particular  revelation  concerning 
the  time  of  his  death,  not  long  before  writing  this.  But  it 
is  probable,  that  here  is  a  reference  to  our  Lord's  predic- 
tions concerning  St.  Peter's  death,  and  the  manner  of  it, 
which  are  recorded  in  John  xxi.  18,  19. 

From  ch.  i.  16 — 18,  it  appears,  that  the  writer  M'as  one 
of  the  disciples,  who  were  with  Jesus  in  the  mount,  when 
he  was  transfigured  in  a  glorious  maimer.  This  certainly 
leads  us  to  Peter,  who  was  there,  and  whose  name  the 
epistle  bears  in  the  inscription. 

Ch.  iii.  1,  "  This  second  epistle,  beloved,  I  now  write 
unto  you  :  in  both  which  I  stir  up  your  pure  minds  by  way 
of  remembrance:"  plainly  referring-  to  ihe  former  epistle, 
which  has  been  always  acknowledged  for  Peter's.  These 
words  are  express.  But  it  might  have  been  argued  with 
some  degree  of  probability  from  ch.  i.  12 — 15,  that  he  had 
before  written  to  the  same  persons. 

Once  more,  ch.  iii.  15,  16,  he  calls  Paul  brother,  and 
otherwise  so  speaks  of  him  and  his  epistles,  as  must  needs 
be  reckoned  most  suitable  to  an  apostle. 

The  writer  therefore  is  the  apostle  Peter,  whose  name  the 
epistle  bears  in  the  inscription. 

So  that  we  are  here  led  to  that  observation,  which  Wall 
placed  at  the  head  of  his  notes  upon  this  second  epistle. 
'  It  is,'  says*  he,  '  a  good  proof  of  the  cautiousness  of  the 

*  ancient  christians  in  receiving  any  book  for  canonical, 
'  that  they   not   only  rejected   all   those  pieces  forged  by 

'  heretics,  under  the  names  of  apostles : but  also,  if  any 

'  good  book  afHrmed   by  some  men,  or  by  some  churches, 

*  to    have   been   written  and   sent  by  some   apostle,  were 

*  offered  to  them,  they  would  not,  till  fully  satisfied  of  the 
'  fact,  receive  it  into  their  canon.'  He  adds :  '  There  is 
'  more  hazard  in  denying  this  to  be  Peter's,  than  there  is  in 
'  denying  some  other  books  to  be  of  that  author,  to  whoni 
'  they  are  by  tradition  ascribed.  For  they,  if  they  be  not 
'  of  that  apostle,  to  whom  they  are  imputed,  yet  may  be  of 
'  some  other  apostle,  or  apostolical  man.     But  this  author  is 

*  either   the   apostle,  or  else  by  setting  his  name,  and  by 

*  other  circumstances,  he  does   designedly  personate  him  ; 

*  which  no  man  of  piety  and  truth  would  do.'     And   then 

»  Critical  Notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  358,  359. 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  257 

he  concludes:  '  This  epistle  being  written  by  him  but  a 
'  little  before  his  death,  ch.  i.  14,  and  perhaps  no  more  than 
'  one  copy  sent ;  it  might  be  a  g-ood  while  before  a  number 
'  of  copies,  well  attested,  came  abroad  to  the  generality  of 
'  the  christian  churches.' 

What  has  been  just  said  is  sufficient  to  confute  the  opin- 
ion advanced  by  Grotius,  that  "  this  second  epistle  was 
written  by  Simeon,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  after  James,  the 
Lord's  brother.  Indeed  that  opinion  cannot  be  admitted.  It 
is  destitute  of  all  authority  from  antiquity,  and  is  inconsist- 
ent with  the  whole  tenor  of  the  epistle  itself,  or  at  least 
with  many  things  in  it.  As  has  been  well  observed  by  " 
Vitringa,  and  has  been  now   shown  by  us. 

Jerom,  in  his  article  of  St.  Peter,  in  his  book  of  Illustrious 
Men,  as  already  seen,  says  :  '  Peter  '"  wrote  two  epistles, 
*  called  catholic :  the  second  of  which  was  by  many  denied 
'  to  be  his,  because  of  its  differing  in  style  from  the  former.' 
Of*  this  he  speaks  likewise  in  his  epistle  to  Hedibia.  Bas- 
nage  y  says,  he  is  not  able  to  discern  such  difference  of 
style  in  the  two  epistles.  However,  Dr.  Sherlock,  now 
bishop  of  London,  has  largely  treated  of  this  point  in  his 
Dissertation  concerning  the  authority  of  the  second  epistle 
of  St.  Peter.  Who  observes,  p.  203,  '  that  the  first  and 
'  third  of  the  three  chapters,  into  which  this  epistle  is  now 
'  divided,  agree  in  style  Avith  the  first  epistle.  The  only 
'  difference  is  in  the  second  chapter,  the  style  of  which  is 
'  no  more  like  to  that  of  the  other  two,  than  it  is  to  that  of 
'  the  first  epistle.  The  occasion  of  this  difference  seems  to 
'  be  this,  that  in  the   second  chapter  there  is  a  description 

"  Scriptorem  autem  hujus  epistolae  aibitror  esse  Simeonem,  episcopuin 
post  Jacobi  mortem  Hierosolymis,  ejusdemqiie  Jacobi,  cujus  epistolam  habe- 
inus,  successorem  et  imitatorem,  &c.  Grot,  in  2.  ep.  S.  Petri. 

"  Varum  quacumque  etiam  specie  se  commendet  conjectatio  haec  Grotiana, 
hactenus  animum  inducere  non  potui,  ut  eam  probem.  Epistola  Petri  poste- 
rior talis  est,  ut  scripta  censeri  nequeat  ab  impostore.  Est  enim  gravis,  ct 
.sancto  viro  dignissima.  Quod  si  ita  est,  certissime  Petro  erit  vindicanda,  quia 
praeter  praetationem,  non  temere  rejiciendam,  alia  per  banc  epistolam  sparsa 
sunt,  quae  personam  Petri  nobis  digito  quasi  monstrant,  ut  cap.  i.  18.  iii.  15. 
Vitring.  Observat.  Sacr.  1.  4.  cap.  9.  num.  xlii. 

"  Scripsit  duas  epistolas,  quae  catholicae  nominantur :  quarum  secunda  a 
plerisque  ejus  esse  negatur,  propter  styli  cum  priore  dissonantiam.  De  V.  I. 
cap.  i.  *  Habebat  ergo  Titum  interpretem,  sicut  et  beatus 

Petrus  Marcum  ;  cujus  evangelium,  Petro  narrante,  et  illo  scribente,  composi- 
tum  est.  Denique  et  duee  epistolae,  quae  feruntur  Petri  stylo  inter  se  et  charac- 
tere  discrepant,  structuraque  verborum.  Ex  quo  intelligimus,  pro  necessitate 
rerum  diversis  eum  usum  interpretibus.  Ad  Hedib.  Qu.  xi.  T.  IV.  P.  I.  p. 
183.  al.  ep.  150.  y  Nos  styli  discrimen  deprehendere  non 

possumus.  Neque  continet  aliquid,  quod  apostolo  sit  indignura.  Basnag,  A. 
63.  num.  iii. 

VOL.    Vl.  S 


258  A  Histoiy  of  ihe  Apostles  and  EvawjeUsts. 

'  of  the  false  prophets  and  teachers,  who  infested  the 
'  church,  and  perverted  tlie  doctrines  of  the  gospel.  Some 
'  ancient  Jewish  writer  had  left  behind  him  a  description  of 
'  the  false  prophets  of  his  own,  or  perhaps  earlier  times. 
'  Which  description  is  applied,  both  by  St.  Peter  and  St. 
'  Jude,  to  the  false  teachers  of  their  own  times.'  It  is 
added  by  his  Lordship,  p.  204,  '  St.  Jerom  supposed,  and 
'  others  have  followed  his  opinion,  that  St.  Peter  made  use 
'  of  different  interpreters,  to  express  his  sense  in  his  two 
'  epistles.  But  had  that  been  the  case,  the  difference  of 
'  style  would  have  appeared   in  the  whole,  and  not  in  one 

*  part  of  it  only  :  which  is  the  present  case.  And  I  see  no 
'  reason  to  think  that  St.  Peter  did  not  write  both  his  epis- 
'  ties  himself.' 

This  is  the  account  which  his  Lordship  gives  of  the  dif- 
ference of  the  style,  which  all  will  allow  to  be  ingenious, 
whether  they  admit  it  to  be  right,  or  not.  For  some  may 
think,  that^  all  this  difference  of  style  arises  from  the  sub- 
ject treated  of  in  the  second  chapter. 

I  conclude,  therefore,  that  the  two  epistles,  generally 
ascribed  to  the  apostle  Peter,  are  indeed  his.    i 

Mr.  Ostervald,  of  Neufchatel,  speaking  of  the  first  of 
these  epistles,  says  :  '  It  contains  very  weighty  instructions, 
'  and  is  one  of  the  finest  books  of  the  New  Testament.' 
Of  the  second  he  says :  '  It  is  a  most  excellent  epistle,  as 
'  well  as  the  foregoing,  and  is  written  with  great  strength 

*  and  majesty.' 

Certainly,  these  epistles,  and  the  discourses  of  Peter 
recorded  in  the  Acts,  together  with  the  effects  of  them,  are 
monuments  of  a  divine  inspiration,  and  of  the  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  which  Christ  made  to  him,  Avlien  he  saw  him 
and  his  brother  Andrew  employed  in  their  trade,  and  cast- 
ing a  net  into  the  sea  :  "  Follow  me,"  said  he,  "  and  1  will 
make  you  fishers  of  men,"  Matt.  iv.  19. 

II.  Concerning  the  persons  to  whom  these  epistles  were 
sent,  there  have  been  diflferent  opinions  among  both  ancients 
and  moderns. 

Eusebius,*  speaking  of  St.  Peter's  first  epistle,  as  univer- 
sally acknowledged,  says  :  '  It  is  inscribed  by  him  to  the 
'  Hebrews,  "scattered  throughout  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappa- 
'  docia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia."  '  They  who  were  desirous 
to  know  Jerom's  opinion,  may  consider  what  is  transcribed 
from  him.  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  num.  viii.  7.  For  he  does 
not    seem    to   me    to    have    any    settled   judgment   about 

^  Concerning  this,  see  more  hereafter  in  the  remarks  upon  St.  Jude's  epistle, 
«hap.  xxi.  near  the  end.  *  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  99, 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  259 

the  persons  to  wJioni  Peter  >vrote.  Didyni us  of  Alexandria 
supposed  ''  St.  Peter's  first  epistle  to  have  been  sent  to 
Jews  scattered  abroad  in  several  countries  ;  to  the  same 
purpose  (Ecumenius,  not  only  in  his  argument  of  the  epistle, 
referred  to  by  me  "^  formerly,  but  also  in  his  commentary  *^ 
upon  the  beginning-  of  the  epistle. 

Among'  the  moderns  not  a  few  are  of  the  same  opinion, 
as  Beza  and  Grotius  in  their  notes  upon  the  first  verse  of 
the  first  epistle, and  Mill'  in  his  Prolegomena.  Cave  says, 
St.  Peter's  ^  two  epistles  were  written  chiefly  to  JeAvisIi 
christians.  Tillemont,  speaking  of  the  first  epistle,  says 
its  is  addressed  particularly  to  the  converted  Jews  in  those 
countries,  but  it  speaks  also  to  the  Gentiles,  who  had  em- 
braced the  failh. 

But  though  some  of  the  ancients,  as  just  seen,  say  that 
St.  Peter  M'rote  to  the  believers  of  the  circumcision,  we 
have  in  the  course  of  this  work  observed  divers  others,  who 
say  he  wrote  to  Gentiles:  as''  the  author  of  the  Calling  of 
the  Gentiles,  by  some  supposed  to  be  Prosper  of  Aquitain  : 
the  '  author  of  the  Divine  Promises  and  Predictions,''  Juni- 
lius.  Cassiodorius  in  one  place  '  speaks  of  Peter's  writing 
to  the  Gentiles,  in  another"^  to  believing  Jews.  Augus- 
tine has  twice  said,  that  "  Peter  Avrote  to  Gentiles.  In 
like  manner  another  author"  in  a  sermon  joined  with  his 
works,  who  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  his  disciple. 
Gregory,  p  the  first  bishop  of  Rome,  expresseth  himself  as 
if  he  thought  that  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  sent  to  all  chris- 
tians in  general,  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  in  the  countries 
mentioned  at  the  beginning-  of  the  first  epistle.  Bede,  in 
his  prologue  to  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  largely  cited  by 
us  formerly,  says,  thafJ  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  sent  to 
such  as  had  been  proselyted  from  gentilism  to  Judaism, 
and  after  that  were  converted  to  the  christian  religion. 
He  speaks  again  to  the  like  purpose  at  the  beginning  of 
his  Exposition  of  St,  Peter's  first  epistle.      But  the  Greek 

"  P.  303.  <=  P.  156. 

Toig  tK  TTspiTOnriQ  ovTO^  fTriTfXXst,  wQ  6  (iciKapioQ  luKioPog'  aW  eKeivoQ 
aopiTiOQ  TTuffi  Toig  vTzo  Tr)V  oiKs)itvr]v  KaroiKovaiv  Isiaioiq  OTra^j/Trore  ovffiv. 
OiTOf  Si  a(p(ijpt(jfitvwg  rotg  KXi/iam  llovra,  k.  X.     CEcum.  T.  ii.  p.  482.  C.  D. 

*  Num.60.  '  Reli quit  post seepistolas  duaSjJudaeis 

christianis  praecipue  inscriptas.  H.  L.  T.  I.  p.  5. 

^  II  I'addresse  particulierement  aux  Juifs  convertis  dans  toiites  ces  pro- 
vinces, quoiqu'elle,  parle  aussi  aux  Gentils  qui  avoient  embrasse  la  foi.  S. 
Pierre  art.  33.  Mem.  T.  I.  •>  Vol.  v.  p.  38. 

'  P.  39.  "  P.  107.  •  P.  111. 

■"  P.  113.  "  Vol.  iv.  p.  510.  "  The  same. 

P  Vol.  V.  p.  130.  "  P.  145. 

s  2 


260  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evancjelists. 

word,  rendered  by  us  "  strangers,"  is  not  equivalent  to 
proselytes  :  as  was  observed  long-  ago  by  ^  (Ecumenius  upon 
the  place,  and  since  by  *  Basnage. 

Mr.  Wetstein  argues  from  divers  texts,  that '  the  first 
epistle  was  sent  to  Gentiles.  Mr.  Hallet  in  his  learned  In- 
troduction to  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  observes:  'Some,' 
says  he,  '  g-o  upon  the  supposition,  that  St.  Peter's  epistles 
'  were  written   to  Jews.     But  it  seems  to  me  abundantly 

*  more  natural  to  suppose,  that  they  were  written  to  Gentile 
'  christians,  if  we  consider  many  passages  of  the  epistles 
'themselves.'  Where"  he  proceeds  to  allege  many  pas- 
sages, and,  in  my  opinion,  very  pertinently.  Some  of 
which  will  be  also  alleged  by  me  by  and  by. 

Dr.  Sykes  "  has  lately  declared  himself  in  favour  of  the 
same  sentiment,  and  argued  well  for  it. 

Mr.  Basnage  supposed  that '"  St.  Peter's  epistles  were 
written  to  Jews  and  Gentiles,  chiefly  the  former. 

To  me  it  seems,  that  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  sent  to  all 
christians  in  general,  Jews  and  Gentiles,  living  in  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia  :  the  greatest  part 
of  whom  must  have  been   converted   by    Paul,    and   had 

'   Yrjixatvti  Se  to  ovo/ia  ov  ravTov  rtfi  TrpoffrjXvrq),  k.  X.     CEcum.  Vol.  II.  p. 

483.  D.  *  Fallitur  egregie  Beda. A  qua  se  sententia 

revocasset,  si  vocem  a  Petro  adhibitam,  tmSiinoQ,  attendisset,  qua  religionis 
proselytus  nunquam  designatur.     Basil,  ann.  57.  n.  iv. 

'  Ad  eos,  qui  ex  Gentibus  electi  sunt,  ut  Christo  et  veritati  obedirent.  Cap. 
i.  8,  18,  21,  22.  ii.  10.  iv.  3.     Wetsten.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  681. 

"  See  his  introduction,  p.  23 — 25. 

*  '  This  epistle  of  St.  Peter,'  says  he,  *  was  written  to  the  strangers  scattered 

*  through  several  parts  of  the  Lesser  Asia.  And  it  is  plain,  that  he  meant  by 
'  them  Gentiles  conveiled  in  those  parts  of  the  world  to  Christ.     He  does  not 

*  mean  Jews,  but  such  as  were  elect,  according  to  the  foreknowledge  of  God 

*  the  Father.  Such,  "  of  whose  salvation  the  prophets  inquired,  who  prophe- 
'  sied  of  the  grace  tliat  should  come  unto  them,"  ch.  i.  ver.  10  ;  such,  "  for 
'  whom  Christ  was  manifested  in  these  last  times,"  ver.  20 ;  such  as  were  Xaog 
'■  iig  -TTipiTroitjaiv,  an  acquired  people,  who  had  not  obtained  mercy,  ch.  ii.  9, 

*  10  J  "  as  sheep  going  astray,  but  now  returned,"  ver.  25 ;  as  men, "  who  in 

*  the  time  past  of  their  life  had  wrought  the  will  of  the  Gentiles,"  iv.  3.  * 
These  are  marks  sufficient  to  describe  the  people  to  whom  St.  Peter  wrote. 

The  Gentiles  were  "  now  begotten  in  Christ  to  a  lively  hope."     They 

were  become  now  what  Jews  foi-merly  were,  "  a  chosen  generation,  a  royal 
priesthood,  an  holy  nation,  a  peculiar  people,"  &c.  The  Scripture  Doctrine 
of  the  Redemption  of  Man  by  Jesus  Christ,  ch.  iii.  sect.  252.  p.  C2,  63 }  see 
likewise  ch.  v.  num.  832.  p.  306,  307. 

"  Ut  nostra  fert  opinio,  ad  utrosque  scripta  est,  praecipue  tamen  ad  Judaeos, 
qui  sub  apostolatum  Petri  ceciderant.  Ad  gentes  quoque  epistolam  scriptam 
fuisse,  ex  his  explorate  percipitur :  '  Qui  quondam  emtis  non  populus,  nunc 

estis  populus  Dei,'  1  ep.  ii.  10.     Quae  Ethnicorum  praecipue  sunt. Prae- 

terea  Ethnicorum  idolatria  his  perstringitur  :  '  Incessimus  in  nefariis  idolorum 
cultibus,'  iv.  3.  Basn.  ann.  57.  num.  iv. 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  261 

been  before  involved  in  ignorance,  and  sin,  as  all  people 
in  general  were,  till  the  manifestation  of  the  gospel  of 
Christ. 

That  St.  Peter  wrote  to  all  christians  in  those  countries, 
is  apparent  from  the  valedictory  blessing,  or  wish,  at  the 
end  of  the  epistle,  1  Ep.  v.  14,  "  Peace  be  with  you  all 
that  are  in  Christ  Jesus."  Lewis  Capelhis,  who  thought 
that  St.  Peter's  first  epistle  was  written  to  Jewish  believers, 
allows  that"  the  second  epistle  was  written  to  all  chris- 
tians in  general,  and  particularly  to  Gentiles,  induced  thereto 
by  the  comprehensiveness  of  the  address  at  the  beginning- of 
that  epistle  :  "to  them  that  have  obtained  like  precious 
faith  with  us."  He  should  have  concluded  as  much  of 
the  first  epistle  likewise.  For  they  were  both  sent  to  the 
same  people,  as  is  evident  from  St.  Peter's  own  words,  2 
Ep.  iii.  1. 

Moreover,  the  inscription  of  the  first  epistle  seems  to 
be  as  g-eneral  as  that  of  the  second.  Let  us  observe  it  dis- 
tinctly. 

"  To  the  elect,"  eK^e/cToi?,  says  Wall  upon  the  place  : 
'  He  useth  the  word  eKXeKjoi,  choice  ones,  just  as  St.  Paul 
'  does  the  word  a^iiot,  saints,  for  the  word  christians.  And 
'  as  St.  Paul  directs  almost  all  his  epistles  "  to  the  saints," 
'  that  is,  the  christians,  of  such  a  place ;  so  St.  Peter 
'  here,  "  to  the  elect,"  or  choice  ones,  that  is,  christians, 
'  sojourning   in   the    dispersions    of  Pontus,   Galatia,   and 

*  Bithynia.' 

"  Strangers,"  ■n-apem^ij/noi^.  Good  men,  though  at  home, 
are  strangers,  especially  if  they  meet  with  opposition, 
trouble,  and  aflliction,  as  those  christians  did  to  whom  St. 
Peter  is  here  writing*.  For  he  speaks  of  their  "  trials  and 
temptations,"  ch.  i.  ver.  6,  7,  and  exhorts  them,  ch.  ii.  11, 
"  as  sojourners,  and  strangers,  w?  -n-apoiKH^  Km  7rape7riBr}fi8<!, 
to  abstain  from  fleshly  lusts."  Says  (Ecumenius  upon  ch. 
i.  ver.  1,2,  'He  calls >"  them  strangers,  either  on  account 
'  of  their  dispersion,  or  because  that  all  who  live  relig"iously 

*  are  called  strangers  on  this  earth,  as  David  also  says:  "  I 

'^  Ad  posteriorem  autem  B.  Petri  epistolam. ^Nec  fuit  ea  scripta,  quem- 

adraodiun  prior,  solis  Judaeis  toiq  ek  Siaffiropag,  sed  omnibus  in  universum 
fidelibus,  turn  ex  Judaeis,  turn  ex  Genlibus,  ad  Christum  conversis.  Quod 
liquet  turn  ex  ver.  1.  cap.  i.  roig  ktotihov  rjnivXaxnoi  tti'tiv,  (quod  de  Gentibus 
proprie  dicitur)  turn  ex  eo  quod  cap.  iii.  15,  16.  dicit  Paulumad  eos  scripsisse 
in  omnibus  suis  epistolis.  Atqui  pleracque  omnes  Pauli  epistolae  scriptae  sunt 
ad  Grentes  ad  fidem  Christi  conversas.    Capell.  Hist.  Apost.  p.  44. 

''  EfcXticrotc  TrapnriSrjiJ.oiQ.']  To  TraptTriSrjfioig,  rjroi  ha  ttiv  SiaffTTOpav  rnrtv, 
t)  Kai  OTi  TravTEQ  ol  Kara  Oiov  ^wi/rec  Trapem^tj/Moi  \syovTai  rrjc  yjC*  ^S  *«• 
^a(3iS  <pri<7iv,  K,  \.     CEcum.  T.  II.  p.  483. 


262  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

'  am  a  sojourner  with  thee,  and  a  stranger,  as  all  my  fathers 
'  were,"  Ps.  xxxix.  12.' 

"  Scattered  throughout  Pontus or,  of'  the  disper- 
sion of  Pontus,  Galatia : — "  so  he  calls  them,  not  because 
they  had  been  driven  out  from  their  native  country,  but 
because  he  writes  to  the  christians  of  divers  countries,  who 
also  were  but  a  few,  or  a  small  number,  in  every  place  where 
they  dwelled. 

This  may  suffice  for  showing',  that  these  two  epistles 
were  sent  to  all  christians  in  general,  living  in  the 
countries,  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  epistle. 

1  shall  now  show,  that  these  christians  were  for  the  most 
part  of  Gentile  stock  and  original. 

1  Pet.  i.  14,  "  As  obedient  children,  not  fashioning  your- 
selves, according  to  the  former  lusts  in  your  ignorance." 
This  mig-ht  be  very  pertinently  said  to  men  converted  from 
gentilism  to  Christianity  ;  but  no  such  thing  is  ever  said 
by  the  apostles,  concerning  the  Jewish  people,  who  had 
been  favoured  with  divine  revelation,  and  had  the  know- 
ledge of  the  true  God.  And  ver.  20  and  21,  he  says,  that 
"  through  Christ  they  did  now  believe  in  God."  There- 
fore they  were  not  worshippers  of  God,  till  they  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  christian  revelation.  In  like  manner,  ch. 
ii.  9,  St.  Peter  speaks  of  those  to  whom  he  writes,  as  "  hav- 
ing been  called  out  of  darkness  into  God's  marvellous 
light."  Moreover,  they  once  m  ere  not  God's  people,  ver.  10, 
"  Which  in  time  past  were  not  a  people,  but  are  now  the 
people  of  God  :  which  had  not  obtained  mercy,  but  now 
have  obtained  mercy."  Words  resembling*  those  of  St. 
Paul,  Rom.  ix.  24,  25,  where  he  is  unquestionably  speaking 
of  Gentile  converts. 

There  are  also  other  expressions,  which  plainly  show, 
that  these  persons  had  been  Gentiles,  and  had  lived  in  the 
sins  of  gentilism.  Ch.  i.  18,  "  Forasmuch  as  ye  know,  that 
ye  were  redeemed  from  your  vain  conversation,  received 
by  tradition  from  your  fathers."  And  ch.  iv.  3,  "  For  the 
time  past  of  our  life  may  suffice  us,  to  have  wrought  the 
will  of  the  Gentiles:  when  we  walked  in  lasciviousness, 
lusts,  excess  of  wine,  revellings,  banquetings,  and  abomina- 
ble idolatries."  St.  Peter  does  not  charge  himself  with 
such  things.  But  they  to  whom  he  Avrites  had  been  guilty 
in  those  respects.  And  by  way  of  condescension,  and  for 
avoiding  oflfence,  and  for  rendering  his  argument  more  effec- 
tual, he  joins  himself  with  them. 

Once   more,  when  St.   Peter  represents   the  dignity    of 

^   EKXticrOtff  naptTTiCtjfiOic  ^taaTTopat;  Uovts, 


St.  Ptla-'s  Epistles.  263 

those  to  wlioiii  he  writes,  upon  account  of  (heir  christian 
vocation,  ch.  ii.  i),  "  as  a  chosen  generation,  a  peculiar  people, 
a  royal  priesthood  :"  certainly,  the  expressions  are  most 
pertinent,  and  eniphatical,  it"  understood  of  such  as  had 
been  brought  from  gentilism  to  the  faith  of  the  gospel,  as 
indeed  they  plainly  were.  For  ho  there  says,  "  they  were  to 
show  forth  the  praises  of  him,  who  had  called  them  out  of 
darkness  into  his  marvellous  li<»ht." 

To  all  which  might  be  added,  what  was  hinted  before, 
that  the  persons  to  whom  Peter  writes  were,  for  the  most 
part,  the  apostle  Paul's  converts.  This  must  be  reckoned 
probable  from  the  accounts  which  we  have  in  the  Acts  of 
St.  Paul's  travels  and  preaching.  Whence  we  knovv,  that 
he  had  been  in  Galatia,  and  the  other  countries,  mentioned 
by  St.  Peter  at  the  beginning  of  his  first  epistle.  More- 
over he  observes,  2  Ej).  iii.  15,  that  "  his  beloved  brother 
Paul  had  written  unto  them."  We  may  reasonably  sup- 
pose, that  he  thereby  intends  St.  Paul's  epistles  to  the 
Galatians,  the  Ephesians,  and  Colossians,  all  in  those 
countries,  and  for  the  most  part  gentile  believers.  Nor  do 
I  see  reason  to  doubt,  but  that  Peter  had  before  now  seen 
and  read  St.  Paul's  two  epistles  to  Timothy.  And  if  we 
should  add  them,  as  here  intended  also,  it  would  be  no 
prej  udice  to  our  argument.  For  those  epistles  likewise  were 
designed  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  churches  in  those 
parts. 

To  me  these  considei'ations  appear  unanswerable.  I  shall 
therefore  take  notice  of  but  one  objection  on!}-,  Aviiich  is 
grounded  upon  ch.  ii.  12,  "Having  your  conversation 
honest  among  the  Gentiles  :  that  whereas  they  speak 
against  you  as  evil-doers,  they  may  by  your  good  Avorks, 
which  they  shall  behold,  glorify  God  in  the  day  of  visita- 
tion." 

Upon  the  first  clause  in  that  verse  Beza  says,  that  -^  this 
place  alone  is  sufficient  to  show,  that  this  epistle  was  sent 
to  Jews.  But  1  think  not.  From  St.  Paul  may  be  alleged 
a  text  of  the  like  sort,  1  Cor.  x.  32,  "  Give  no  oflence, 
neither  to  the  Jews,  nor  to  the  Gentiles,  [icai  'EWtjai,']  nor  to 
the  church  of  God."  It  miolit  be  as  Avell  arsfued  from  that 
text,  that  the  Corinthians  were  by  descent  neither  Jews  nor 
Greeks,  as  from  this,  that  the  persons  to  whom  St.  Peter 
wrote,  were  not  originally  Gentiles.  In  the  text  of  St. 
Paul,  just  alleged,  by  Jews  and  Gentiles,  or  Greeks,  are 
intended  such  as  were  unbelievers.     So  it  is  likewise  in  the 

'  Inter  Gentes.  tv  toiq  tOvt(nv.'\     Vel  unus  hie  locvis  tribubits  illis  dispersis 
proprie  fuisse  inscriptara  hanc  cpistolam  convincit,  Bez.  iu  loc. 


264  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

text  of  St.  Peter,  which  we  are  considering- :  as  is  apparent 
from  the  latter  part  of  the  verse,  above  transcribed  at 
large.  St.  Peter  had  a  right  to  distinguish  those,  to  whom 
he  writes,  from  the  gentile  people  among  whom  they  lived  : 
as  he  had  at  the  beginning  of  his  epistle  called  them  elect, 
or  choice  ones,  and  strangers,  and  they  likewise  went  by 
the  name  of  christians,  as  we  perceive  from  ch.  iv.  16. 

St.  Peter's  two  epistles  then  were  sent  to  all  christians 
in  general,  living  in  those  countries:  the  greatest  part  of 
whom  had  been  converted  from  gentilism,  or  heathenism. 

III.  Our  next  inquiry  is,  concerning  the  place  where 
these  epistles  were  written. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  epistle  St.  Peter  says :  "  The  church 
that  is  at  Babylon,  elected  together  with  you,  saluteth  you." 
Which  text  vmderstood  literally,  has  been  thought  by  some 
to  denote  Babylon  in  Assyria,  or  Babylon  in  Egypt.  By 
others  it  is  interpreted  figuratively,  and  supposed  to  denote 
Jerusalem,  or  Rome.  So  that  there  are  four  opinions  con- 
cerning the  place  where  this  epistle  is  dated.  All  which 
must  be  considered  by  us. 

1.  Pearson  by  Babylon  supposes  to  be  meant  ^  a  town, 
or  city,  of  that  name  in  Egypt.  But  it  seems  to  me,  that*= 
little  can  be  said  for  this  opinion.  Babylon  in  Egypt  is  an 
obscure  place.  It  was  a  frontier  town,  or  strong  castle, 
with  a  garrison,  as  it  is  described  by ''  Strabo  :  in  whose  time, 
the  reign  of  Tiberius,  was  quartered  there  one  of  the  three 
Roman  legions,  appointed  to  keep  the  Egyptian  people  in 
order.  In  such  a  place,  as  may  be  supposed,  there*  were 
but  few  Jews  and  not  many  inhabitants  of  any  sort,  beside 
soldiers.  This  opinion  likewise  is  altogether  without  the 
authority  of  ancient  christians.     If  St.  Peter  had  written  an 

''  Explodatur  figurata,  admittatur  literalis  expositio.  Non  opus  erit,  ut  in 
Assyrian!  nos  conferamus,  si  nudo  urbis  nomine  standum  esse  arbitremur. 
Alia  enim  erat  urbs  Babylonis  nomine  insignita,  eaque  Judaeae  raulto  vicinior, 
a  Babyloniis,  post  dira  prophetanim  vaticinia,  Ptolomseorum  permissu  con- 
dita  et  habitata.  Pearson,  de  Siicc.  Rom.  Episc.  Diss.  i.  num.  vii.  &c. 

'^  Duas  enim  vetus  terrarum  orbis  habuit  Babylones,  alteram  clarissimam 
illam  Chaldaeorum  regiam,  alteram  castellum  quoddani  iEgypti  a  Babyloniis 
conditum.  Posteriorem  hie  nominari,  nemo  crediturus  tuisse  videtur,  nisi 
fama  fuisset  vulgata,  prions  Babylonis  aetate  nihil  superfuisse,  certe  nullos 
prorsus  ei  fuisse  incolas.     Heumann.  Nova  Sylloge  Dissertat.  P.  II.  p.  106, 

■^   AvairXtvaavTi  5'  €?i  Ba[iv\wv  (ppspiov  ipv/jivov vvvt  S"  tTt  ^paTomSov 

tj/of  Twv  rpnov  TayfxaTwv  tuiv  <j)pnpHVTu)v  ttjv  Aiyvirrov.  Strab.  1.  17.  p.  807. 
al.  p.  1 160. 

*  Abundasse  Judaeis  iEgyptiacam  Babylonem,  vix  probabile  videtur, 
propter  et  constitutum  in  ea  civitate  Bomanorum  praesidium,  cum  signis  et 
aquilis  suis  quae  Judaeis  odio  erant,  et  vicinitatem  Alexandriae,  in  qua  liben- 
tius  degebant.  Basnag.  Ann.  46.  num.  xxvii. 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  265 

epistle  in  Egypt,  in  all  probability,  it'  would  have  been 
dated  at  Alexandria.  But  there  is  not  in  early  antiquity 
any  intimation,  that  s  the  apostle  Peter  was  at  all  at  Alex- 
andria, or  in  any  part  of  Egypt.  If  St.  Peter  had  been  at 
Babylon  in  Egypt,  and  had  founded  a  church  there,  it  would 
have  been  a  church  of  great  renown  among  christians  : 
whereas''  there  is  not  for  the  first  four  centuries  any  notice 
taken  of  a  church,  or  bishop  in  that  place. 

Le  Clerc,  who '  follows  Pearson,  says,  in  his  notes  upon 
1  Pet.  V.  13,  '  Thereby  ^  is  to  be  understood,  not  Babylon, 

*  which  lay  on  the  east  side  of  the   Euphrates,  and  where 

*  Peter  never  was,  but  a  city  in   Egypt,  so  called,  and  ly- 

*  ing  not  far  from  the  place  where  now  is  Cairo.'  But 
what  proof  is  there  of  Peter's  ever  having  been  in  Egypt, 
more  than  of  bis  having  been  in  Assyria? 

2.  Lewis  Capellus  conjectured,  that'  by  Babylon  is  to 
be  understood  Jerusalem.  But  it  is  a  mere  conjecture, 
quite  destitute  of  foundation  in  antiquity.  And  therefore, 
in  my  opinion,  no  more  to  be  received,  than  the  j)receding 
interpretation. 

3.  Divers  other  learned  men  think,  that  by  Babylon  is 

f  Si  Petrus  in  ^gyptiaca  Babylone  versatus  est,  cui  probabile  fiet,  non 
petivisse  Alexandriam,  civitatera  totius  orbis  secundum  Romam  nobilissimam, 
magnoque  Judaeorum  numero  frequentem ;  cum  Alexandriae  in  vicinia 
exstaret  Babylon,  et  moris  esset  apostolorum,  aliqua  in  regione  vestigium 
ponentium,  metropoles  adire,  ut  majus  theatrum  haberet  evangelii  praedicatio, 
quae  inde  veluti  ex  fonte  manabat  urbibus  provincialibus  irrigandis.  Id.  ibid. 

B  Quod  vero  in  ^gypto  unquam  versatus  fuerit,  ne  levissima  quidem  anti- 
quitatis  umbra  obtendi  potest.  Cav.  de  Petro,  H.  L.  p.  6. 

Quis  vero  veterum  dixit,  Petrum  se  Alexandriam  contulisse  ?  Hoccine  dissi- 
mulassent  tot  eruditi  scriptores,  quos  Alexandrina  peperit  ecclesia  ?  Basnag.  ib. 

''  Liquet  omnes  ecclesias  apostolicas  magnae  existimationis  fuisse  vetenbus. 
Hinc  illud   Tertullianum :    *  Percurre  ecclesias  apostolicas,  apud  quas  ipsae 

*  adhuc  cathedrae  apostolorum  suislocis  praesident.'  Proindeque  ecclesia,  quae 
Memphitica  Babylone  fuit,  apostolicis  esset  inferenda,  et  multo  honore  cumu- 
lata  fuisset,  utpote  a  Petro  fundata.  Jam  vero  tarn  obscura  fuit  Babylonica 
ilia  ecclesia,  ut  labentibus  quadringentis  amplius  annis,  in  antiquitatis  monu- 
mentis  nullo  vestigio  reperiatur :  nulla  fuit  episcoporum  successione,  nulla 
martyrum  passione  nobilis.  Quod  de  ecclesia  apostolica,  et  in  Imperio 
Romano  constituta,  vix  cogitatione  fingi  potest.    Basn.  ubi  supra. 

'  Vid.  ejusH.  E.  anno.  61.  num.  vii.  et  Annot.  ad  Hammondi  Praemoni- 
tionem  in  1  Petri  epistolam. 

^  II  faut  entendre,  non  la  Babylone,  qui  etoit  a  I'orient  de  I'Euphrate,  et  ou 
S.  Pierre  n'a  jamais  etc;  mais  une  ville  d'Egypte,  qui  senommoit  ainsi,  et  qui 
n'etoit  pas  loin  de  lieu  ou  est-bati  le  Caire.  Le  Clerc.  sur.  1.  ep.  de  S.  Pierre, 
V.  13.  '  Ego  potius  conjicerem  Jerosolymae  fuisse  scriptam, 

et  Jerosolymam  a  Petro  fuisse  dictam  figurate  Babylonem  ;  quod  tum  tempo- 
ris  Jerusalem  non  esset  amplius  urbs,  sed  spiritualis  quaedam  Babylon,  in  qua 
ecclesia  Dei  captiva  quasi  tenebatur,  et  gravi  servitute  premebatur,  quatenus 
])iidem  a  Judaeis  persecutionem  pati  cceperat.    Cap.  Hist.  Ap.  p.  42. 


266  A  History  of  the  ApostUs  and  Evangelists. 

meant  Babylon  in  Assyria.  So  ™  Beza,  °  Lightfoot,  "  Bas- 
nag-e.  Cave,  who  supposeth  '•  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter 
to  have  been  written  at  Babylon  in  Assyria,  thinks  that  "i 
his  second  epistle  was  written  at  Rome. 

They  who  reject  this  opinion  say,  thaf  the  Assyrian 
Babylon  was  at  that  time  almost  deserted.  On  the  contrary, 
they  who  embrace  it,  say,  there  ^  were  multitudes  of  Jews 
in  that  country.  Which  may  be  true.  For  there  were 
many  Jews  in  most  countries.  But  it  aaouM  have  been 
more  to  the  purpose  to  produce  some  evidence  from  anti- 
quity, that  Peter  was  in  that  country.  The  primitive 
christians  had  in  their  hands  St.  Peter's  first  epistle.  And 
it  was  universally  received  as  his.  And  it  is  dated  at 
Babylon.  And  yet  ecclesiastical  history  aftbrds  no  ac- 
counts, that  this  apostle  was  in  Assyria  or  Chaldea.  Is  not 
this  a  proof,  that  *  there  was  not  any  very  ancient  tradition, 
that  he  was  in  that  country  ?  We  just  now  observed  pas- 
sages of  Origen,  Epiphanius,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Jerom, 
Chrysostoin,  relating  to  St.  Peter's  travels.  But  none  have 
mentioned  Babylon  as  a  place  where  he  travelled  and 
preached  the  gospel. 

Says  Mr.  Beausobre  :  '  As  "  Peter  was  the  apostle  of  the 

■"  Babylona  proprie  accipio  pro  celebri  ilia  Assyriae  urbe  in  qua  turn  esset 
Pttrus,  circumcision  is  apostolus.    Bez.  in  1  Pet.  v.  13. 

"  See  his  sennon  upon  1  Pet.  v.  13.  Vol.  ii.  p.  1141 — 1147,  and  many 
other  places  in  his  works.  "  Basn.  ann.  46.  num.  xxvii. 

p  Venim  ego  priorem  sententiam,  tanquam  longe  verisimiliorem,  amplector, 
turn  quod  in  Babylone  Parthica  magna  esset  Judseorum  frequentia,  &c.  Cav. 
in  Petro,  H.  L.  p.  6. 

<>  Epistola  secunda  Romae,  utvidetur,  paullo  ante  mortem  scripta.  Id.  ibid. 

■■  An  urbem  illam  S.  Petrus  adire  maxime  concupivit,  quam  Prophetaaim 
vaticinio,  et  justo  Dei  judicio  percussam  esse  novit  ?  Pearson,  ubi  supr.  sect.  iv. 
Paullatim  igitur  defecit  Babylon,  a  regibus  primo,  deinde  a  populo  deserta. 
lb.  num.  V.  ^  In  Assyria,  ubi  Babylon,  immensa  fuit  Judaeorura 

nuiltitudo,  quos  sub  Petrinum  cecidisse  apostolatum,  cerium,  exploratumque 
est ;  ut  nusquam  gentimn  provinciam  administrare  suam  felicius  potuent. 
Basnag.  ann.  46.  num.  xxvii. 

'  Sunt  qui  in  dicta  Petri  epistola Babylonis  nominenon  Romam,  sedBaby- 
lonem  ipsam,  quae  caput  fuit  Assyriorum,  designari  contendunt.  Verum  hi 
omnium  veterum  patrum  testimonio  refelluntur.  Certe  qui  Petnim  Babylone 
sedisse  volunt,  ostendant  nobis  oportet  successionem  episcoporum,  qui  Baby- 
lonis ecclesiam  post  Petrum  administrarimt. Quae  (malum!)  inipudentia 

est,  id  quidem  quod  nemo  veterum  dixit,  temere  affinuare,  Petrum  scilicet 
sedcm  fixisse  Babylone  ;  id  vero  quod  veteres  omnes  scripfores  disertissime 
prodiderunt,  pertinaciter  negare  !  Vales.  Annot.  in  Euseb.  1. 2.  cap.  15.  p.  33. 

Negant  enim  Petrum  Romae  fuisse ;  quod  testatur  antiquitas.  Affirmant 
autem  Babylone  fuisse,  vel  in  iEgypto,  vel  in  Chaldaea;  (juod  nulla  prodit 
historia.     Est  in  1  Pet.  v.  13. 

"  Comme  il  etoit  I'apotre  des  Juifs  disperses  panni  les  Payens,  S.  Jacques 
etant  demeure  en  Judce,  il  alia  a  Babylone  et  dans  les  provinces  voisines,  oii 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  267 

'  Jews  scattered  abroad  among  the  Gentiles,  St.  James  hav- 
'  ing-  stayed  in  Judoa,  he  went  to  Babylon,  where  a  great 
'  number  of  the  Israelites  had  remained.'  But  may  1  not 
take  the  liberty  to  ask  a  question,  and  say,  who  assigned 
to  these  apostles  those  several  provinces,  with  such  limita- 
tions? St.  Janies  stayed  in  Judea.  It  is  allowed.  We  are 
certain  of  it  from  the  history  in  the  Acts.  Nevertheless  he 
did  not  confine  his  regards  to  the  JeWs  in  the  land  of 
Israel.  For  he  wrote  an  epistle,  addressed  "  to  the  twelve 
tribes  scattered  abroad."  And  if  Peter  also  was  an  apos- 
tle, chiefly,  of  the  circumcision  ;  it  was  not  of  those  otdy, 
who  were  in  Gentile  countries,  but  of  those  likewise  who 
were  in  Judea  :  where,  as  I  apprehend,  he  spent  the 
greatest  part  of  his  life,  even  after  our  Saviour's  ascen- 
sion. 

Mr.  Beausobre  says,  '  Peter  went  to  Babylon,  where  a 
'  great  number  of  Israelites  had  remained.'  That  is,  he 
imagined  that  he  did  so.  And  it  was  fit  for  him  so  to 
do.  As  Basnage,  in  a  passage  ^  cited  not  long  ago,  says  : 
'  There  was  a  multitude  of  Jews  in  Assyria,  where  was 
'  Babylon.  Nor  could  he  any  where  more  successfully 
'  execute  his  apostolical  commission.'  And  because  we 
imagine  that  Peter  might  very  fitly  preach  the  gospel  in 
Assyria,  we  conclude  that  he  went  thither.  But  such  rea- 
sonings, if  calmly  considered,  are  of  no  weight.  It  would 
be  much  better  to  allege  some  ancient  testimonies,  in  l>e- 
half  of  St.  Peter's  journey  into  Assyria,  or  Parthia. 

Mr.  Wetsteiu  thinks  that  St.  Peter's  first  epistle  was 
Avritten  in  the  country  of  Babylon,  in  Mesopotamia.  As 
there  is  somewhat  new  in  his  argument,  I  place  below  '" 
a  large  part  of  it.  In  particular,  he  says,  that  when  a  per- 
il etoit  reste  un  bon  nombre  d'lsraelites.  Hist,  de  Manich.  1.  2.  ch.  3. 
T.  I.  p.  181.  ''  See  note  ^ 

"  Cur  Babylon  in  Italia  potius,  aut  iEgypto,  quam  in  Mesopotamia  sit 

quaerenda,  causam   non  video.      Veteres  qviidem   Romam  intelligunt. 

Quod  recentiores  observant,  Babylonem  proprie  dictam,  quo  tempore  Petms 
li£Ec  scribebat,  habitatam  non  fuisse,  verum  est.  At  (praeterquam  quod  et  Ste- 
phano  Byzantino  et  Lucano  constat,  etiam  Seleuciam  eo  tempore  nomine 
Babylonis  fuisse  appellatam)  possumus  Babylonem  interpretari  non  urbem, 

sed  totam  regionem. Huic  observation!  addo  aliam,  quae  licet  mihi  nunc 

primum  in  mentem  venerit,  suum  tamen  apud  me  pondus  habet.  Nimirum 
ubi  de  plunbus  vel  provinciis  vel  urbibus  loquimur,  vel  ubi  ad  plures  scnbi- 
mus,  ordini  naturae  convenientius  et  simplicius  videtur,  ut  incipiamus  non  ab 
ea,  quae  loquentibus  vel  scribentibus  est  remotissima,  sed  proxima.  Huno 
ordinem  servavit  Paulus,  Col.  iv.  13.  et  Joannes  ex  Patmo,  Apoc.  i.  et  ii, 
Iiuic  ordinem  accurate  servavit  etiam  Petrus,  si  scripsit  ex  Mesopotamia  mU 
nime  autem,  si  vel  ex  .Sgypto,  vel  ex  Italia  eum  scripsisse  existimemus, 
Wetiten.  in  2  Pet.  v.  13.  T.II.  p.  697,  G98. 


268  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanc^elisls. 

son  writes  to  the  people  of  several  cities,  or  countries, 
it  is  natural  to  begin  with  that  which  is  nearest  to  him.  So 
does  Paul,  Col.  iv.  3,  and  St.  John  in  Patmos,  Rev.  i.  and 
ii.  The  like  order,  says  he,  is  also  accurately  observed  by 
St.  Peter,  if  he  wrote  from  Mesopotamia,  not  if  we  suppose 
him  to  have  written  from  Italy  or  Egypt. 

But  such  observations,  though  ingenious  and  plausible, 
are  not  demonstrative  and  decisive,  even  when  they  are 
just  and  right.  AVhich  cannot  be  said  of  this.  For  sup- 
posing St.  Peter  to  have  been  in  Mesopotamia,  the  country 
nearest  to  him  would  be  Cappadocia,  as  lying  more  east- 
ward and  more  southward  than  the  two  first  named.  Cer- 
tainly Pontus  and  Galatia  were  farther  off  from  Mesopota- 
mia than  Cappadocia.  The  truth  is,  St.  Peter  begins 
at  the  north,  and  so  goes  round.  And  that  way  of  begin- 
ning does  as  well  suit  Rome,  as  Babylon,  so  far  as  I  can  see. 

Beside  all  this,  there  offers  an  argument,  which  appears 
to  me  decisive.  If  the  Assyrian  Babylon  Mas  not  now 
subject  to  the  Romans,  but  to ''  the  Parthians,  (which  I 
suppose  to  be  allowed  by  all,)  it  cannot  be  the  place  in- 
tended by  St.  Peter.  For  the  people,  to  whom  he  writes, 
were  subject  to  the  Romans.  And  at  the  time  of  writing 
this  epistle  he  must  have  been  within  the  territories  of  the 
same  empire,  1  Epist.  ii.  13,  14,  "  Submit  yourselves  to 
every  ordinance  of  man,  for  the  Lord's  sake  :  whether  it  be 
to  the  king,"  or  rather  emperor,  as  formerly  y  shown,  "  as 
supreme  :  or  unto  governors  sent  [from  Rome]  by  him  for 
the  punishment  of  evil-doers,  and  for  the  praise  of  them  that 
do  well."  Again,  ver.  17,  "  Honour  the  king  :"  or  rather, 
the  emperor.  If  St.  Peter  had  not  now  been  within  the 
Roman  territories,  he  would  have  been  led  to  express  him- 
self in  a  different  manner,  when  he  enforced  obedience  to 
the  Roman  emperor. 

This  argument  appears  to  me  very  obvious.  And  yet  I 
do  not  know  that  it  has  ever  been  thought  of  by  any  before. 
Which  makes  me  almost  suspect  the  validity  of  it:  though 
I  cannot  discern  where  the  defect  lies. 

St.  Peter  requires  subjection  to  governors  sent  by  the 
emperor:  undoubtedly  meaning  from  Rome.  I  suppose 
that  way  of  speaking  might  be  properly  used  in  any  part 
of  the  empire.  But  it  might  have  a  special  propriety,  if 
the  writer  was  then  at  Rome:  where  indeed,  in  all  probabi- 
lity, Peter  then  was. 

4.  So  that  we  are  now  come  to  the   fourth   opinion  con- 

"  Vid.  Strab.  1.  16.  p.  1081.  in  al.  p.  745. 
y  See  Vol.  i.  p.  89. 


Si.  Peter's  Epistles.  2G9 

ccrning  the  date  of  this  episth?.  Which  is,  that  by  Babylon 
St.  Peter  figuratively  iiicans  Koine.  This  is  th(!  opinion  of 
'  Grotius,  and  '^  W  hitby,  and  ''  \'alesins,  and  ail  the  learned 
writers  of  the  Roman  coninumion  in  g-eneral. 

They  have,  confessedly,  in  their  favour,  the  testimony  of 
antiquity  ;  which  is  no  small  advantage. 

Eusebius  having  an  account  of  St.  Mark's  gospel,  and  of 
its  having  been  M'ritten  at  the  request  of  St.  Peter's  hear- 
ers at  Rome,  adils  :  '  and  *^  it  is  said,  that  Peter  mentions 
'  this  Mark   in   his   epistle,   which,   they   say,  he  wrote  at 

*  Rome:  and  that  himself  calls  that  city  Babylon  figura- 

*  tively  in  those  words  :  "  The  church  that  is  at  Babylon, 
'  salutes  you,  as  does  Mark  my  son."  ' 

This  interpretation  some  suppose  Eusebius  to  ascribe  to 
Papias.  But ''  Spanheim  denies  it.  And  perhaps  it  is  not 
certain.  Whether  Papias  said  so  or  not  it  was  the  pre- 
vailing opinion  in  the  time  of  Eusebius. 

Jerom  in  his  book  of  Illustrious  Men,  in  his  article  of  St. 
Mark,  transcribes  the  just  cited  passage  of  Eusebius,  but 
expresseth  himself  more  positively.  '  Peter  "  makes  nien- 
'  tion  of  this  Mark  in  his  first  epistle,  figuratively  denoting 
'  Rome  by  the  name  of  Babylon.  "  The  church  which  is 
'  at  Babylon,  elected    together  with  you,  saluteth   you,  as 

*  does  Mark  my  son."  ' 

'  De  Babylone  dissident  veteres  et  novi  interpretes.  Veteres  Roraam  inter- 
pretantur,  ubi  Pelrum  fuisse  nemo  verus  christianus  dubitabit ;  novi  Babylo- 
nem  in  Chaldaea.  Ego  veteribus  assentior.  Nam  quod  Romam  Babylonem 
vocavit,  non  in  hoc  tantum  serviit,  ut  si  deprehenderetur  epistola,  non  posset 

inde  sciri,  quibiis  in  locis  viveret.      Verum  etiam congruentias  plurimas 

inter  Babylonem  et  Romam  vide,  Orosii  ii.  2,  3,  4.    Grot,  ad  1  Pet.  v.  13. 

*  See  him  upon  1  Pet.  v.  13. 

'•  Romam  Pttrus  figurate  Babylonem  vocavit,  vel  ob  magnitudinem  et 

potentiam,  vel  propter  impietatem. Potest  etiam  alia  ratio  hujus  cogno- 

minis  afFerri,  quod  scilicet,  ut  Babylonii  Judaeos  in  servitutem  redegerant,  sic 
Romani  tunc  Judaeos  ditioni  suae  subjecissent.  Sunt  qui  m  dicta  Petri  epis- 
tola Babylonis  nomine  non  Romam,  sed  Babylonem  ipsam,  quae  caput  fuit 
Assyriomm  designari  contendunt.  Verum  hi  omnium  veterum  palrum  testi- 
monio  refelluntur.     Vales.  Annot.  ad  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  2.  c.  15.  p.  33. 

"^  Ts  de  'M.apKs  nvrjfioviveiv  tov  Jlerpov  iv  ry  -rrpoTtoa  iTTKoky,  ijv  Kai 
avvraKai  (paaiv  tiz  avrr^g  'Pwfiijg'  (Trjfiaivnv  n  tut  avTOv  Tt}v  ttoXiv  t()0T7-ikw- 
repov  Ba/3ii\a(va,  TTpoatnrovTa  cut  tht(ov'  AtTTra^srat  iifxag  »/  tv  Ba[3v\(i)vi 
ffvvtKkiKTr),  KM  MapKoc  6  v'lOQ  jiH.     Eus.  H.  E.  1.  2.  c.  15. 

■*  Atqui  primus  omnium  Eusebius  narrationi  de  Marco  haec   subjungit: 

*  Esse,  qui  dicerent  Romam  figurate  Babylonem  appellari.' Nee  tamen 

Papiae  ipsi  adscribi  cam  interpretationem,  quidquid  vulgo  sentiant,  Valesio 
ipso  verba  haec  a  prioribus  sejungente,  supra  demonstratum  est.  Vid.  P.  III. 
num.  xii.  Spanhem.  Diss,  de  ficla  Profect.  Petri  ad  Rom.  Part  iv.  num.  ii. 
torn.  II.  p.  375.  *  Meminit  hujus  Marci  et  Petrus  in  epistola 

prima,  sub  nomine  Babylonis  figuraliter  Romam  significans :  Salutat  vos  quae 
in  Babylone  est  coelecta,  et  Marcus  filius  meus.     De  V.  I.  cap.  viii. 


270  A  Ilislortj  of  the  .^poslles  and  Evangelists. 

Bede/  by  Babylon  understood  Rome,  as  did  s  fficunie- 
iiius.  However,  it  may  be  here  properly  recollected,  that'' 
formerly  we  saw  an  author,  Cosmas  of  Alexandria,  in  the 
sixth  century,  who  hereby  seems  to  have  understood  Baby- 
lon in  Assyria. 

This  opinion  concerning  the  place  of  writing  this  epistle 
is  much  confirmed  by  the  general  tradition  of  the  ancients, 
that  St.  Mark's  gospel  Mas  written  at  Rome,  at  the  request 
of  Peter's  hearers,  and  that  Mark  here  mentioned  is  the 
evangelist.  Nor  is  this  contradicted  by  Cosmas,  but  con- 
firmed by  him.  For  he  expressly  says,  '  that '  Mark,  the 
'  second  evangelist,  wrote  his  gospel  at  Rome  by  the  direc- 
'  tion  of  Peter.' 

They  ^  who  reject  this  interpretation,  aifect  to  slight  Pa- 
pias  :  whereas  there  is  no  good  reason  for  it.  If  he  said  so, 
certainly  his  testimony  would  be  of  some  value.  But  we 
do  not  clearly  perceive  that  this  was  in  Papias.  However, 
it  is  said  by  Eusebius.  It  was  then  a  common  opinion.  Nor 
did  he  know  of  a  better. 

Others  insinuate  likewise,  that  *  the  reason  why  Jerom 
was  willing  to  confound  Rome  with  Babylon,  was,  that  he 
was  out  of  humour  with  the  people  of  Rome  ;  which  seems 
to  me  to  be  groundless.  Jerom  only  transcribes  what  he 
bad  found  in  Eusebius.  They  who  reject  the  accounts  of 
those  two  learned  ancients  should  by  all  means  produce 
some  evidence  that  Peter  was  in  Mesopotamia.  We  have 
good  assurance  that  St.  Mark's  gospel  was  written  at  Rome, 
and  that  Peter  preached  and  suffered  martyrdom  there. 
His  two  epistles  therefore,  probably,  were  written  in 
the  same  city,  a  short  time  before  the  period  of  his  life. 

Mill  varies.  In  his  note  upon  the  place,  he  is  for  Baby- 
Jon  in  Egypt.     But  in  his  Prolegomena"  he  is  for  Rome, 

'  Babylonem  typice  Romam  dicit,  videlicet  propter  confusionem  multi- 
plicis  idololatrise,  &,c.     Bed.  expos.  1  Pet.  v.  13. 

"  'RafivXuiva  tt  t7]v  "Pw/jj/v  ha  to  7rtpi(pavic  KoXei,  6  km  BajSvXuv  jroXKtp 
xpovq)  taxni^i-     CEcum.  in  loc.  torn.  II.  p.  526.  A. 

h  See  vol.  V.  p.  97,  and  100.  '  P.  94,  and  336. 

''  Quod  si  ut  llufinus  interpretatur,  teste  Papia  nititur,  infirmo  sane  tibicine 
fultum  est.  Nee  temere  ad  tropum  in  nominibus  urbiiom  aut  regionum  est 
recuiTendiim,  nisi  ubi  propria  vocis  significatio  locum  habere  non  potest. 
Wetsten.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  697. 

'  C'est  une  imagination  de  Papias,  que  les  anciens  ont  adopte  avec  trop  de 
facilite,  et  que  S.  Jerome  auroit  rejettee  avec  mepris,  si,  dans  la  mauvaise 
hiimeur  ou  il  etoit  contre  Rome,  il  n'eut  ete  bien  aise  de  la  confondre  avec 
Babylone.   Beaus.  Hist.  Manich.  1.  2.  ch.  3.  T.  I.  p.  181. 

■"  Romae  earn  scriptam  fuisse,  notant  ex  traditione  veterum  Eusebias, 
Hieronymus  in  Catalogo,  et  alii  permulti.  Ilanc  enira  Babylonis  nomine 
designatara  voluit  Petrus,  ecu  communi  turn  temporis  apud  Judaeos  suos  appel- 


St.  Peter's  Epistles.  271 

and  argues  well  enougli  for  that  opinion.  I  suppose  that 
to  be  his  final  (leternjination. 

It  may  be  best  for  me  now  to  conclude  this  argument 
with  a  part  of  Whitby's  note  upon  1  Pet.  v.  13,  which  is 
very  agreeable  also  to  the  note  of  Estius  upon  the  same 
text.     '  That  Babylon,  is  figuratively  here  put  for  Rome, 

*  is  an  opinion  so  early  delivered  by  Papias,  and  which  af- 
'  terwards  so  generally  prevailed, (as  we  learn  from  Eusebius, 
'  Jerom,  and  fficumenius,)  that  I  subscribe  to  the  note  at 
'  the  end  of  this  epistle,  c^ipac^tj  a-n-o  'Pa'^t?/?,  "  it  was  written 
'  from  Rome,"  styled  also  "  Babylon"  by  the  author  of  the 
'  Revelations,  ch.  xvii.  and  xviii.  For  the  apostle,  at  the 
'  time  of  writing  it,  must  be  at  Rome,  fig'uratively,  or  at 
'  some  city,  properly  called  Babylon.  Now  as  it  is  uncer- 
'  tain  whether  St.  Peter  ever  was  at  Babylon  in  Chaldea, 
'  or  in  Eg-ypt,  and  improbable  that  he  made  any  considerable 
'  stay  there  :  so  it  is  very  improbable  he  should  do  it  when 
'  near  his  end.     At  Rome  and  Antioch,  where  he  confess- 

*  fcdly  resided,  church  history  is  copious  in  giving"  an  ac- 

*  count  of  his  successors  in  those  sees.     But  who  can  show 

*  any  thing  of  this  nature,  with  reference  to  either  of  those 
'  Babylons?  &c.  &c.' 

IV.  The  only  thing  remaining  to  be  observed  by  us  is 
the  time  of  writing  these  two  epistles.  Which  I  think  to 
be  the  year  63,  or  04,  or  at  the  latest  65.  1  suppose  Paul 
to  have  left  Rome  in  the  spring  of  the  year  63.  St.  Peter 
was  not  then  come  thither.  If  he  had  been  there,  he  would 
have  been  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  in  some  of  his  epistles, 
written  near  the  end  of  his  imprisonment  at  Rome.  How- 
ever, not  very  long-  after  St.  Paul  was  gone,  St.  Peter 
might  come  thither.  Here,  1  suppose,  he  preached  for  a 
while  freely,  and  with  great  success.  And  it  appears  to  me 
probable,  that  both  these  epistles  were  written  at  Rome,  not 
long  before  the  apostle's  death. 

That  he  was  old,  and  near  his  end,  when  he  wrote  the 
second  epistle,  is  apparent  from  ch.  i.  14.  And  that  the 
first  epistle  to  the  same  christians  had  not  been  written 
long  before,  may  be  argued  from  the  apology  which  he 
makes  for  writing  this  second  epistle  to  them  ;  ch.  i.  ver. 
13 — 15,  "  Wherefore  I  will  not  be  negligent  to  put  you 
always  in  remembrance  of  these  things,  though  ye  know 
them,  and  be  established  in  the  present  truth.     Yea,  I  think 

latione :  quae  quidem  et  in  hunc  usque  diem  apud  eos  obtinet.  Abarbinel, 
aliiqueiecentioresJudaei,  commentantesiii  prophetias  de  Babylone,  ad  Romam 
istas  referunt ;  quod,  sicut  a  Babyloniis  ohm  in  seivitutem  redacti  fuerint,  ita 
postea  jam  a  Romanis,  &c.    Proleg.  num.  59,  60. 


272  A  History  of  tJ^e  Apostles  and  Eiancjelists. 

it  meet,  as  long"  as  I  am  in  this  tabernacle,  to  stir  you  up  by 
way  of  remembrance.  Knowing-,  that  shortly  I  must  put 
oft' this  my  tabernacle,  even  as  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  has 
showed  me.  Moreover,  I  will  endeavour,  that  you  may  be 
able  after  my  decease  to  have  these  things  always  in  re- 
membrance." 

It  is  not  unlikely,  that  soon  after  the  apostle  had  sent 
away  Silvanus  with  the  first  epistle,  some  came  from  those 
countries  to  Rome,  where  was  a  frequent  and  general  resort 
from  all  parts,  bringing  him  informations  concerning  the 
state  of  religion  among-  them:  which  induced  him  to  write 
a  second  time  for  the  establishment  of  the  christians,  among 
whom  he  had  laboured.  And  he  might  well  hope  that  his 
last  words,  and  dying-  testimony  to  the  doctrine,  which  he 
had  received  from  Christ,  and  had  taught  for  many  years 
with  unshaken  stedfastness,  would  be  of  great  weight 
with  them. 

V.  1  have  now  gone  through  the  four  inquiries  proposed 
at  the  beginning-  of  this  article.  I  shall  here  add  only  a 
iew  remarks  upon  1  Pet.  v.  13,  "  The  "  church  that  is  at 
Babylon,  elected  together  with  you,  saluteth  you.  And  so 
does  Mark,  my  son." 

The  word  "  church"  is  not  in  the  original,  but  is  inserted 
in  the  translation.  The  same  word  is  supplied  in  °  OEcu- 
menius,  andi'  in  the  Latin,  and  other  ancient  versions, 
with  the  approbation  of  i  Grotius,  and  many  others.  But 
Mill  ^  in  his  notes  upon  this  text,  where  he  understands 
the  word  Babylon  literally,  of  a  city  of  that  name  in 
Egypt,  argues,  that  thereby  is  intended  St.  Peter's  wife, 
or  some  honourable  christian  woman,  of  the  city  of  Baby- 

"    AffTraZirai  iifxaQ  >'/  tv  Ba/SwXwvi  avviKkucTr},  Kai  Map/cof  6  viOQ  pa. 

°   AffTTat^erai  vfia^  rj  iv  Ba/ivXwvi  tKKXjjcrta  avvtKKiKTT]. 

P  EK/cXjj(Tia  prsefigunt  Lin.  [margine.  inanu  lecentiori :]  CEcumen.  Vulg. 
Syr.  Arab.  Jithiop.  ex  interpretamento  Mill,  in  loc. 

1  Ad  vocem  avviKktKrr],  et  Syrus,  et  Arabs,  et  Latinus,  addunt  nomen  eccle- 
siae,  recte.  Nam  et  ad  ecclesiam  jcribit,  et  haec,  et  lUa,  pariter  Deo  electa, 
id  est,  a  mundo  segregata.    Grot,  in  loc. 

'  Nempe  pro  indubitato  sumitiir,  ecclesiam  Babyloniorum  hie  intelligi. 
Atqui  vero,  si  de  ecclesia  hie  sermo,  quum  nulla  ejus  mentio  facta  sit  in  prae- 

cedentibas,  apcrte  dixisset  Petrus  iKK\i]aia  iv   Ba^vXiovi Mihi  quidem 

vehemens  suspicio  est,  per  rriv  iv  Ba[3v\wvi  (svvik\ikti)v,  intelligi  hie  Petri 
uxorem,  fidei  simul  susceptae,  vitae,  laborum,  sociam ;  quae  Babylone,  ^Egyp- 

tiaca  tunc,  cum  haec  scriberentur,  egerit. Si  dicas,  illud  r)   iv  Ba^vXiovi 

denotare  potius  feminam  aliquam,  quae  fixam  sedem  habucrit  in  Babylone, 
nihil  equidem  repugno.  Esto  >)  tv  BafivX^vi  sive  uxor  Petri,  sive  etiam  opu- 
lenta  quaedam  ac  illustri  loco  nata  femina  apud  Babylonios,  quae  apostolum 
hospitio  exceperit ;  ccrte  nihil  hoc  loco  de  ecclesia  Babyloniorum.  Mill, 
in  loc. 


St.  Pdcr's  Epistles.  273 

Ion,  where  lietiieii  \vas.  Which  conjecture  is  counteiiauced 
by  »  Wall. 

Dr.  Heutnann  proceeds  farther.  First,  he  says,  tliat  *■  by 
*'  Mark  my  son,"  Ave  are  to  understand  Peter's  own  son, 
which  he  had  by  his  wife.  And  "  then  by  "  elected 
together  with  you,"  is  to  be  understood  an  excellent  Jew- 
ish woman  of  Babylon  in  Assyria,  Avhoni,  with  many  others, 
Peter  had  there  converted  to  the  christian  faith,  and  after- 
wards married  :  his  first  wife,  mentioned,  Luke  iv.  38,  by 
whom  he  had  Mark,  being-  dead. 

But  it  appears  to  me  very  unlikely  that  St.  Peter  should 
send  salutations  to  the  christians  of  several  countries 
from  a  woman,  not  named  by  him.  Beza  says  well,  that*' 
St.  Peter  omits  the  noun  "  church,"  as  is  often  done  with 
regard  to  Mords  of  common  use.  What  was  the  sense  of 
christians  in  former  times,  appears  from  OEcumenius,  and 
the  versions  taken  notice  of  above.  The  same  sense  appears 
in  "  the  Complexions  of  Cassiodorius,  and  ^  the  Exposition 
of  Bede. 

With  regard  to  St.  Mark,  OEcumenius  says,  '  that  y  Peter 

*  calls  him  "  his  son"  according-  to  the  spirit,  not  accord- 
'  ing-  to  the  flesh.  Him  he  permitted  to  write  the  g-ospel. 
'  But   some,    as    he    adds,    have    presumed  to  call    Mark 

*  son  of  Peter  according  to  the  flesh,  arguing  from  Luke's 
'  history,  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles :  where  Peter,  having* 

'  '  The  word  "  church"  is  not  in  the  Greek,  but  put  by  the  translators,  as 

*  understood  in  the  Greek. Dr.  Mill  thinks  it  to  mean  Peter's  wife,  who, 

'  being  now  at  Babylon  with  her  husband,  did  salute  those  christians  to  whom 
'  the  epistle  was  written.  And  then  the  reading  of  the  words  will  be :  "  She 
'  who  is  your  fellow-christian  at  Babylon,  saluteth  you.'"     Wall,  p.  357. 

'  Similem  errarunt  errorem,  qui  quern  '  filium  suum'  hie  loci  nominavit 

Petrus,  eum  non  naturalem  ejus  fuisse  filium,  sed  spiritualera  arbitrati  sunt. 

Maneat  nunc,  Petrum  de  filio  sibi  ex  conjuge  nato  loqui ;  queni  facile  ex 

hoc  ipso  loco  cognoscimus  fuisse   socium  paternorum   itinerum,  et  simul 

avvcpyov  tv  XpiT^.  Heum.  ubi  supr.  p.  1 10. 

"  Relinquitur  igitur,  ut  statuamus,  loqui  apostolum  de  uxore  sua.  Baby- 
lone  nata,  ac  tum,  cum  ibi  versaretur  Petrus,  una  cum  aliis  utriusque  sexus 
Judaeis  in  ecclesiam  Christi  traducta.     Hoc  enim  sibi  volunt  haec  verba :  j) 

€v  BaPvXwvi  (TvveKXiKTT]. Quis  nunc  non  videat,  Petrum  hanc  vtofvTov, 

singulari  haud  dubie  pietate  et  prudentia  conspicuam,  duxisse  in  matrinionium, 
comitemque  postea  habuisse  sacrorum  itinerum  ?  Ex  quo  sequitur,  priorem 
uxorem,  cujus  Lucae  iv.  38,  mentio,  e  qua  susceperat  Marcum,  fuisse  extinc- 
tam.     Heum.  ibid.  p.  112,  113. 

*  Ecclesiae  nomen  omittit  ut  in  vocabulis  communi  usu  tritis  fieri  solet. 
Bez.  "  Salutationes  quoque  ecclesiae,  quam  de  Babylonia, 

id  est,  de  seculi  istius  confusione,  dicit  electam,  et  Marci  filii  sui  pia  institutione 
transmittens.  Cassiod.  in  loc.  "  Expos,  in  1  Pet.  cap.  v. 

^  MapKov  St  wlov  Kara  Ttvivaa  koKu,  aW  a  Kara  aaoKa.  CEcum.  T.  II. 
p.  526.  A. 

VOL.    VI.  T 


274  A  History  of  the  .apostles  and  Evcmgelists. 

*  been  delivered  out  of  prison  by  an  angel,  is  said  to  have 
'  "  come  to  the  house  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  John,  whose 
'  surname  was  Mark,"  as  "^  if  he  had  then  gone  to  his  own 
'  house,  and  his  lawful  wife.' 

That  is  a  wrong-  deduction  from  the  words  of  Acts  xii. 
12.  But  we  hence  perceive,  that  those  people  supposed 
Mark  the  evangelist  to  have  been  the  same  as  John,  sur- 
named  Mark. 

And  I  would  also  farther  observe  here,  by  the  way, 
'  that  CEcumenius''  computes  Silvanus,   by  whom  St.  Peter 

*  sent  this  epistle,  and  who  is  mentioned,  chap.  v.  12,  to  be 

*  the  same  who  is  several  times  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  in 
'  his  epistles,  particularly  1  Thess.  i.  1.  2  Thess.  ii.  1.* 
Who  likewise,  very  probably,  is  the  same  as  Silas,  often 
mentioned  in  the  Acts. 

(Ecumenius  there  calls  Silvanus  "  a  most  faithful  man, 
zealous  for  the  progress  of  the  gospel."  Indeed  all  must 
be  sensible  that  he  was  an  excellent  man,  who  from  gene- 
rous principles  attended  the  apostles  of  Christ  in  the  jour- 
nies  undertaken  by  them  in  the  service  of  the  gospel.  His 
deputation  from  the  apostles  and  elders,  and  church  of 
Jerusalem,  with  their  letter  to  the  christians  at  Antioch,  is 
very  honourable  to  him.  Acts  xv.  27,  32.  His  stay  there, 
and  Paul's  choosing  him  for  his  companion  in  his  travels, 
when  he  and  Barnabas  separated,  farther  assure  us  of  his 
just  sentiments  concerning  the  freedom  of  the  Gentiles  from 
the  yoke  of  the  law,  and  of  his  zeal  for  promoting  true 
religion. 


"»■ 


*  fcig  ciQ  TTjv  tavTH  oiKiav  iiravtKQovra,  km  ttjv  vo/zt/zjjv  (rv/^vyov.  lb.  B. 

*  HiTOQ  virtpfjoXKovTioQ  6  'S.iXovavog  ovtoq,  Kai  mpi  to  Ki]pvyfm  ivByfiuQ 
aywvi^ofiEVOQ,  iiye  Kac  UavXog  ovth  /ti'rj^ovfwt,  /cat  (Tvvepyoi>  avrov  (itra  Ti/io- 
6in  fv  raiQ  nriToXaiQ  TrapoKafipavn'  IIaii\oc»  Xtyatv,  (cat  "EiXovavog  Kai  Tifio- 
Geog.     Qicum.  ib.  p.  525!  D. 


275 


CHAP.  XX. 

THE  THREE  EPISTLES  OF  ST.  JOHN. 

f.  Their  genuineness  shown  from  testimony  and  internal 
characters.  II.  The  time  of  writing  the  Jirst  of  these 
epistles.  III.  The  people  to  tc horn' it  urns  sent.  IV. 
Observations  upon  the  second  epistle,  V.  Upon  the 
third.     VI.   The  time  token  they  were  written. 

I.  t  HAVE  already  written  the  history  of  St.  John, 
one  of  Christ's  twelve  apostles,  and  an  evangelist. 
I  have  also  observed  what  is  needful  concerning"  the 
gospel  written  by  him.  We  are  now  to  consider  his  epis- 
tles. 

The  regard  shown  to  them  by  the  ancients,  may  be  soon 
perceived  by  recollecting  briefly  what  has  been  largely 
alleged  by  us  from  them  in  the  several  volumes  of  this 
work. 

St.  John's  first  epistle  is  referred  to  by  Polycarp,  vol.  ii. 
p.  108,  is  quoted  by  Papias,  p.  119,  123,  125,  and  is  refer- 
red to  by  the  martyrs  of  Lyons,  p.  1G4.  His  first  and  second 
epistles  are  quoted  by  Irenoeus,  p.  180.  They  were  also  re- 
ceived by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  p.  225,  242.  And,  says 
Origen,  '  John,  beside  the  gospel   and  Revelation,  has  left 

*  us  an  epistle  of  a  few  lines.  Grant  also  a  second,  and  a 
'  third.  For  all  do  not  allow  these  to  be  genuine,'  p.  495. 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria  receives  John's  first  epistle,  which 
he  calls  his  catholic  epistle,  «  ^  eiriaioXyj  Ij  kuOoXikij.  He 
likewise  mentions  the  other  two,  as  ascribed  to  him,  p.  694. 
The  first  epistle  was  received  by  Cyprian,  and,  probably, 
the  other  two  likewise,  vol.  iii.  p.  45 — 47.  The  second 
epistle  is  quoted  by  Alexander,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  p. 
568.  Eusebius  says,  '  Beside  his  gospel,  his  first  epistle  is 
'  universally  acknowledged   by  those  of  the  present  time, 

*  and  by  the  ancients:  but  the  other  two  are  contradicted:' 
that  is,  doubted  of  by  some,  vol.  iv.  p.  96,  97.  See  also  p. 
124,  125.  All  the  three  epistles  were  received  by  Athana- 
sius,  p.  155,  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  p.  173,  by  the  council 
of  Laodicea,  p.  182,  by  Epiphanius,  p.  187,  190.  All  three 
were  received  by  Jerom,  p.  436,  but  the  two  last  were  doubt- 

T   2 


276  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

ed  of  by  some  in  his  time,  p.  445,  440.  All  flirce  were  re- 
ceived by  Rufinus,  p.  484,  by  the  third  council  of  Carthag^e, 
p.  487,  by  Augustine,  p.  494,  510,  511,  and  by  all  those 
authors,  who  received  the  same  canon  of  the  New  Testament 
that  we  do.  They  are  in  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  vol. 
V.  p.  82.  All  three  are  also  in  the  catalogues  of  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  vol.  iv.  p.  287,  and  of  Amphilochius,  p.  293. 
But  this  last  observes,  that  some  received  one  of  them  on- 
ly. And  indeed  it  is  acknowledged,  that  but  one  epistle  of 
St.  John  is  received  by  the  Syrian  churches,  p.  310, 312, 321. 
Nor  were  any  more  received  by  Chrysostom^  p.  537, 548, 549. 
Venerable  Bede,  near  the  beg-inning-  of  the  eighth  century, 
in  his  Exposition  of  the  second  epistle,  says,  '  Some  ^  have 
'  thought  this  and  the  following  epistle  not  to  have  been 
'  written  by  John  the  apostle,  but  by  another,  a  presbyter 
'  of  the  same  name,  whose  sepulchre  is  still  shown  at  Ephe- 
'  sus,  whom  also  Papias  mentions  in  his  writings.  But  now 
'  it  is  the  general  consent  of  the  church,  that  John  the 
'  apostle  Avrote  also  these  two  epistles  :  forasmuch  as  there 
'  is  a  great  agreement  of  doctrine  and  style  between  these 
'  and  his  first  epistle,  and  there  is  also  a  like  zeal  against 
'  heretics.'  They  who  are  desirous  to  see  more  quotations 
of  ancient  writers,  may  consult  the  table  of  principal  mat- 
ters in  the  last  volume,  in  St.  John,  Catholic  epistles,  and 
Authors,  who  had  the  same  canon  of  the  N.  T.  with  that 
which  is  now  generally  received  :  which  article  may  be 
found  under  Canon  of  the  scriptures  of  the  N.  T. 

All  the  three  epistles  are  now  generally  received  as  St. 
John's  in  these  parts  of  the  Avorld.  And  Avith  good  reason, 
as  seems  to  me.  Said  Origen  :  '  he  has  also  left  an  epis- 
'  tie  of  a  very  few  lines.  Grant  also  a  second  aiul  a 
'  third.'  That  is  very  right.  One  epistle  Mas  received  by 
all,  as  certainly  genuine.  And  it  is  not  worth  the  while  to 
contend  about  the  other  two,  when  they  are  so  very  short, 
and  resemble  the  first  in  sentiment,  phrase,  and  manner  of 
writing,  as  is  well  observed  by  ^  Mill.     And  of  the  second 

'  Quidam  putant,  hanc  et  sequentem  epistolam  non  esse  Joannis  apostoli, 
std  cujiasdem  presbyteri  Joannis,  cujus  sepulcruni  usque  hodie  monstratur  in 
Epheso.  Cujus  etiam  Papias,  auditor  apostolonim,  et  in  Hierapoli  Episcopus, 
in  opusculis  suis  ssepe  meminit.  Sed  nunc  generalis  ecclesiae  consensus  habet, 
quod  has  quoque  epistolas  Joannes  apostolus  scripserit,  quia  revera  multam 
verborum  et  fidei  similitudinem  cum  prima  ejus  epistola  ostendunt,  et  simili 
zelo  detestantur  haereticos.     Bed.  Exp.  in  Sep.  Joan. 

''  Epistolas  autem  istas  habere  auctorem  Joannem ex  eo  plane  constat, 

quod  in  istis  omnibus  eadem  passim  sint  vorj^ara,  idem  genus  et  character 
dictionis.  Secundae,  certe  oXtyoTtxa*  (neque  enim  continet ultra  tredecim  \ersus 
ex  hodiernis  nostris)  octo  quidem  versiculorum  cum  sensus,  turn  ipsae  ptjauc. 


St.  Johns  three  Epistles,  277 

epistle,  which  consists  of  only  thirteen  of  our  verses,  eight 
may  be  found  in  the  first,  either  in  sense  or  expression. 
The  title  of  elder,  at  the  booinniiig-  of  these  two  epistles, 
affords  no  just  exception.  It  Ms  a  very  honourable  charac- 
ter, well  becoming-  John  as  an  apostle,  and  now  in  years, 
residing  in  Asia,  as  superintendent  of  all  the  churches  in 
that  country.  And  St.  Peter  speaks  of  himself  in  the 
snme  character,  in  his  epistle  universally  acknowledged, 
ch.  V.  1. 

Dr.  Heumann  snpposeth,  that  ^  here  is  a  reference  to 
St.  John's  great  age,  at  the  time  of  his  writing  these  two 
epistles.  And  he  thinks  that  St.  John  was  then  as  well 
known  by  that  title  as  by  his  name.  The  elder  therefore  is 
as  much,  as  if  he  had  said,  the  aged  apostle.  And  he  refers 
to  Wolfius,  and  others,  who  had  before  said  the  same,  or 
what  is  to  the  like  purpose. 

The  want  of  a  name  at  the  beginning  is  no  objection.  It 
is  rather  an  argument  that  they  are  his  :  that  being  agree- 
able to  St.  John,  who  prefixes  not  his  name  to  that  epistle, 
which  is  unquestionably  his. 

And  say  Beausobre  and  L'Enfant  in  their  preface  to  the 
second  and  third  epistles  :  '  It  is  certain,  that  the  writer  of 
'  the  third  epistle  speaks  with  an  authority,  which  the  bishop 
'  of  a  particular  church  could  not  pretend  to,  and  could 
'  not  suit  John  the  elder,  even  supposing  him  to  have  been 
'  bishop  of  the  church  of  Ephesus,  as  the  pretended  apos- 
'  tolical  constitutions  say  he  Mas  appointed  by  John  the 
'  apostle.  For  if  Diotrephres  was  bishop  of  one  of  the 
*  churches  of  Asia,  as  is  reckoned,  the  bishop  of  Ephesus 
'  had  no  right  to  say   to  him,  as  the  writer  of  this  epistle 

exstant  in  epi?tola  prima Epistola  autem  tertia,  ejusdem  omnino  colons  ac 

characteris  cum  secunda,  per  omnia  sapit  Joannem  apostolum.  Mill.  Proleg. 
num.153.  "^  Quod  aliqui  Joanni  cuidara  alteri,  Presbytero 

vulgo  dicto,  adscriptas  velint  has  duas  epistolas,  ii  neutiquara  vident,  quam 
fortiter  contra  ipsos  militet  illud  6  TrptcrjivTipog  kot   (Kox'IV  ;  quique  privato 

homini,  vel  etiam  episcopo,  ^audquaquam  conveniat imo  vero  apostolo 

nostro  peculiariter  adaptatum  et  accommodatum  erat :  utpote  qui  jam  plus- 
quam  nonagenarius  fuerit,  omnibusque  provinciae  Asiaticse  ecclesiis  praesederit. 
Mill.  Ibid.  num.  153,  154.  Vid.et  Lamp-  Prolegom.  in  Joan.  1.  i.  cap.  7. 
num.  viii.  ^  Deinde  articulo  6  docet  Joannes,  nomen  hoc 

sibi  cum  nemine  commune  esse,  adeoque  viso  ra  Trpecr/Swrsps  titulo  statim 

scriptorem  harum  literamm  agnovisse Nihil  proinde  resfat,  quam  ut  statua- 

mus,  a  Joanne  isto  titulo  indicari  aetatem  suani  provectissimam,  morisque  tum 
fuisse,  eum  appellitari  honoris  ac  reverentia;  causa  '  Senem,'  sive  '  Seniorem,' 

vel  etiam  '  Senem  apostolum.' Graeca  proinde  haec,  "O  npta^vrtpoQ  TaV*^, 

melius  reddi  Latine  non  possunt,   quam  hoc  modo  :  Grandaevus  apostolus 

salutem  dicit  Gaio. Heuman.  Comm.  in  Joan.  Ep.  iii.  ap.  Nov.  Syllog.  Diss. 

P.  i.  p.  279,  280. 


278  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyelists. 

'  does,  ver.  10,  "  If  I  come,  I  will  remember  his  deeds 
'  which  he  does."  That  language,  and  the  visits  made  to 
'  the  churches,  denote  a  man,  who  had  a  more  general  juris- 
'  diction,  than  that  of  a  bishop,  and  can  only  suit  St.  John 
'  the  apostle.' 

II.  That  may  suffice  for  showing  the  genuineness  of  the 
three  epistles.  Let  us  now  make  some  remarks  upon  each 
of  them,  beginning-  with  the  first.  Concerning- which  there 
are  two  inquiries  that  may  be  proper :  the  time  when,  and 
the  persons  to  whom  it  was  written. 

Grotius  thought  this  '^  epistle  to  have  been  written  in 
Patmos  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Hammond 
and  Whitby  likewise  were  of  opinion,  that  it  was  written 
before  that  great  calamity  befell  the  Jewish  nation.  Dr. 
Benson  ^  is  inclined  to  place  it  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  68, 
of  Nero  14,  that  is,  after  the  Jewish  war  was  broke  out, 
and  not  long  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Mill,^  and 
Le  Clerc,''  who  follows  him,  place  this  epistle  in  the  year 
91,  or  92.  Basnage  '  speaks  of  this  epistle  at  the  year  98, 
and  Baronius  ^  at  the  year  99.  Beausobre  and  L'Enfant  in 
their  preface  to  this  epistle  express  themselves  after  this 
manner :  '  Although  we  cannot  say  any  thing  certain  con- 
'  cerning  the  time  when  St.  John  wrote  this  epistle,  we 
'  may  be  satisfied,  that  it  was  near  the  end  of  the  first  cen- 
'  tury,  when  the  apostle  was  far  advanced  in  age.'  Du  Pin ' 
says,  it  is  not  known  when  it  was  written,  but  most  proba- 
bly, near  the  end  of  the  apostle's  life.  Mr.  Whiston "' 
thought  this,  and  the  other  two  epistles  of  St.  John,  to  have 
been  written  not  long  after  each  other,  about  the  year  of 
Christ  82,  or  83.  Mr.  Lampe  "  supposeth  this  first  epistle 
to  have  been  written  after  the  Jewish  war,  before  St.  John's 
exile  in  Patmos,  and,  probably,  some  good  while  before  it. 
Consequently,  he  and  Mr.  Whiston  do  not  differ  greatly 
about  the  time  of  this  epistle. 

I  must  likewise  say,  though  the  exact  time  is  not  known, 
1  am  of  opinion,  it  was  not  written,  till  after  the  Jewish  war 

*  Puto  autem  scriptam,  ut  alibi  dixi,  ex  Patmo  banc  epistolam,  non  miilto 
ante  excidium  Hierosolymitanum.     Grot.  Pr.  in  1  Ep.  Joan. 

^  Preface  to  St.  John's  first  Epistle,  sect.  iv. 

e  Proleg.  num.  148 — 150.  ^  H.  E.  ann.  91.  num.  i. 

*  Ann.  98.  num.  iv.  ''  Ann.  99.  num.  vii — x. 
'  Diss.  Prelim.  1. 2.  ch.  2.  sect.  xi. 

"'  Commentary  upon  St.  John's  three  Catholic  Epistles,  p.  14. 

"  Acquiescimus  igitur  hactenus  in  judicio  clarissimi  Ensii  de  Canone  N.  T. 
p.  270.  Scriptae  tamen  creduntur  Joanuis  epistolic  ante  exilium  in  Patmura 
insulam.  Neque  est  ratio,  ob  quam  non  statueremus,  eas  diu  ante  illud  tcm- 
pus  t'uissc  conscriptas.     Lanipc,  Prol.  cap.  7.  num.  iv.  note  {h). 


St.  Joiiii's  three  Epistles.  279 

Nvas  over.  My  reason  is,  that  the  arguments  alleged,  for 
proving'  it  to  have  been  written  sooner,  are  not  satisfactory. 
And  in  examining-  them,  perhaps,  some  things  may  occur, 
attbrding-  hints  of  a  hiter  date. 

One  argument  is  taken  from  ch.  ii.  18,  "  it  is  the  hist 
lime,"  or  hour :  meaning-,  as  "  some  interpreters  think,  the 
last  hour  of  the  Jewish  state  and  constitution.  Nevertheless, 
there  P  are  learned  men,  who  do  not  assent  to  that  interpre- 
tation. Grotius  himself  owns,  that  i  the  phrase  is  some- 
times used  concerning  the  world,  or  mankind  in  general,  as 
well  as  the  Jews.  And  Mr.  Lampe,  M'ho  supposeth  the 
phrase  to  relate  to  the  divine  judgment  upon  the  Jewish 
people,  says,  it"^  might  be  used  not  only  at  the  time  when 
it  was  inflicting,  but  also  after  it  was  accomplished.  Which 
he  supposes  to  be  meant  by  those  expressions,  ch.  ii.  8, 
"  the  darkness  is  past,  and  the  true  light  now  shineth  ;" 
[though  *  Wolfius  thinks  no  such  thing  there  intended.] 
And  therefore,  he  says,  he  *  does  not  acquiesce  in  the  reasons 
alleged  by  Grotius  and  Hammond,  to  prove  that  this  epistle 
was  written  before  that  event. 

Let  me  add  here  also  a  part  of  Wall's  note  upon  ch.  ii. 
18,  which  to  me  appears  not  amiss.  '  The  saying  of  St. 
'  John,  "  it  is  the  last  time,"  is  spoken  as  a  great  many  such 
'  sayings  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  other  apostles,  had  been, 
*  according  to  the  general  charge  given  by  Christ  to  the 
'  apostles,  and  to  all  other  christians,  to  live  in  a  continual 
'  expectation   of  the  judgment.      They   that    interpret    it 

"  '  Ultima  hora'  (id  est,  ultimum  tempus,)  ubi  ad  Judaeos  sermo  est,  signi- 
ficat  tempus,  proximum  excidio  urbis,  ac  templi,  et  reipublicae  Judaeorum. 
Grot,  annot.  in  1  ep.  Jo.  ii.  18. 

••  Vid.  Wolff.  Piolegom.  in  1  ep.  Joann.  p.  243,  244.  Conf.  eund.  ad  i. 
ep.  cap.  ii.  ver.  18.  *>  Nomen,  *  horge  extremae '  modo  totuni 

humanum  genus  respicit,  modo  populura  Judaicura,  ex  quo  erant  apostoli,  et 
non  pauci  christianorum.  Grot,  in  loca  qusedam  N.  T.  de  Anticliristo :  spe- 
ciatim  in  1  ep.  Jo.  cap.  li.  Opp.  torn.  III. 

•■  Alii  maturius,  aut  brevi  ante,  aut  saltern  circa  excidium  Hierosolymitanum 
scriptum  esse  existimant,  qui  nobis  maxirae  ad  verisimilitudinem  accedere 
videntur.  Probabile  enim  est,  per  tcrxarr/v  wpav  intelligi  tempus  judicii 
divini  in  JudsGos,  cap.  ii.  18.  ejusque  consummationera  spectare  verba  cap.  ii. 
8.   Lampe,  Prol.  1.  1.  c.  7.  n.  iv.  p.  106. 

• sed  non  video,  quoinodo  iraminens  illud  judicium  argumentum 

esse  possit,  quo  apostolus  ad  inculcandum  et  urgendum  amorem  mutuum  uti 
voluerit.  Tenebrae  omnino  inferunt  pristinam  et  Judceorum  et  Gentilium 
conditionem,  per  quam  non  solum  erroribus,  sed  et  vitiis  ita  erant  immersi,  ut 
v'wi  (T/corsc  appellari  potuerint.     Wolf.  Curae  in  1  Jo.  ii.  8. 

'  Grotius  et  Hammondus  ante  excidium  Hierosolymitanum  scriptam  esse 
suspicantur ;  quod  tamen  loca  adducta  non  evincunt.  Licet  enim  excidium 
illud  in  actum  datum  essef,  did  tamen  etiamnum  poterat,  quod  hora  ilia 
ultima  venerit.     Id.  ib.  note  (/i). 


280  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  Otherwise,  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  as  Grotius,  and 
'  Hammond,  are  forced  to  suppose  this  epistle  to  have  been 

'  written  just  before  that  destruction,  about  the  year  69. 

'  Nor  are  St.  John's  words  here  like  those  of  any  one 
'  that  was  foretelling'  that  event  :  but  rather  of  one 
'  that  was  speaking  of  the  present  state  of  the  christian  re- 
'  ligion.' 

Again,  it  is  argued,  that "  the  apostle  might  refer  to  the 
calamities  of  the  Jewish  people  in  those  words,  ch.  ii.  17, 
"  The  world  passethaway  and  the  lust  thereof."  But  those 
are  only  general  expressions,  representing  the  uncertainty 
of  all  earthly  things.  And  therefore  aflord  not  any  argu- 
ment, that  the  apostle  had  therein  a  regard  to  affairs  in  Ju- 
dea.  For,  if  he  had,  his  expressions  would  have  been  more 
distinct  and  particular. 

Thirdly,  an  argument  is  also  brought  from  ch.  ii.  13,  "  I 
write  unto  you,  fathers,  because  ye  have  known  him  that 
is  from  the  beginning."  Whereby  St.  John  has  been  sup- 
posed by  some  to  intend  some  aged  christians,  who  had 
seen  Jesus  Christ  upon  earth.  Which  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  the  case  of  some  in  the  year  68,  about  thirty-five 
years  after  Christ's  ascension,  than  many  years  afterwards. 
To  which  1  answer,  that^  by  "him  that  is  from  the  begin- 
ning," probably  is  intended  God  the  Father,  not  Jesus 
Christ.  It  is  equivalent  to  what  is  afterwards  said  of  others, 
in  the  same  verse,  "  I  write  unto  you,  little  children,  because 
ye  have  known  the  Father."  But  it  would  not  sound  so 
well  to  say  :  "  1  have  written  unto  you,  fathers,  because 
ye  have  known  the  Father."     See  also  ver.  14. 

Fourthly,  it  is'*^  argued  to  the  like  purpose  from  ch.  ii. 
7,  "  1  write  no  new  commandment  to  you,  but  an  old  com- 
mandment, which  ye  had  from  the  beginning."  But  thereby 
may  be  meant  no  more  than  the  commandment,  which  ye 
had  from  the  beginning  of  your  being  christians :  or  from 
the  time  when  you  were  first  converted  to  the  christian  re- 
ligion, whenever  it  was.     And,  as  ^  Wolfius  observes,  none 

"  Unde  etiam  per  '  munduni  transeuntem  cum  suis  cupiditatibus '  ad  idem 
excidium  reipublicae  Judaicaerespicereevangelista  potuit.    Lampe,  ib.  p.  106. 

"  '  Nostis  Deum,  qui  Senex  Dierum.'  Dan.  vii.  9,  13,  22.  Dat  cuique 
ordini  quae  ipsi  conveniunt.  A  prima  aetale  novistis  Deum,  hujus  mundi 
opificem.  Is  autem  is  est,  qui  Christum  misit,  eumque  pro  se  audiri  voluit. 
Grot,  ad  ver.  13.  "  Accedit,  quod  ad  fratres  scribat,  qui 

praeceptum  aprincipio  audiverant.  cap.  ii.  7.  Per  quod  intelligi  debet  princi- 
pium  pra?dicationis  evangelicse.  A  quo  igitur  non  nimium  removeri  debent 
jlli,  quos  apostolus  alloquitur.     Laiupe,  ubi  supra,  p.  106. 

"  Quod  ad  alteram  rationem  altmet,  nullus  eorum,  qui  Joannis  setate  ad 
Christi  coguitioncm  adducti  sunt,  ab  originibus  evangelii  nimium  removebitur. 


St.  Johris  three  Epistles.  281 

of  tliose  to  whom  St.  John  wrote,  in  any  part  of  his  life,  were 
very  far  distant  in  point  of  time  from  the  first  preaching-  of 
the  gospel. 

Since  therefore  there  are  no  expressions  in  the  epistle, 
declaring-  the  time  of  it,  or  clearly  referring  to  the  calami- 
ties attending-  the  downfall  of  the  Jewish  state,  it  appears 
to  me  probable,  that  it  was  not  written  till  a  good  while 
after  that  event,  about  the  year  of  Christ  80,  or  later. 

III.  We  are  next  to  consider  to  whom  this  epistle  was 
sent. 

And  here  I  observe:  as  the  writer  does  not  at  the  begin- 
ning- prefix  his  name,  nor  any  where  else  mention  it  in  the 
epistle,  so  neither  does  he  describe  or  characterize  the  per- 
sons to  M'hom  he  m  rites  by  the  name  of  their  city,  or  coun- 
try, or  any  such  thing-. 

The  first  expression  of  address  is  that  in  ch.  ii.  1,  "  My 
little  children,  these  things  write  I  unto  you,  that  ye  sin 
not."  And  the  epistle  concludes  with  these  words  :  "  Little 
children,  keep  yourselves  from  idols."  And  he  several 
times  calls  the  christians,  to  whom  he  writes,  "  little  chil- 
dren," as  ch.  ii.  12,  18  ;  iii.  7,  18 ;  iv.  4;  v.  21.  Our  Lord 
spoke  to  the  disciples  in  alike  manner,  John  xiii.  33,  and 
xxi.  5.  It  is  a  tender  and  affectionate  appellation,  denoting- 
paternal  authority,  love,  and  concern.  As  an  apostle,  it 
might  be  used  by  St.  John  in  any  part  of  life.  Neverthe- 
less it  seems  to  imply,  together  with  apostolical  authority, 
advanced  age. 

Some  have  thought  that  this  epistle  was  written  to  Par- 
thians  or  Jewish  believers  in  that  country.  We  have  seen 
several  ancient  Latin  authors  who  speak  of  it  as  inscribed 
to  Parthians.  So  y  Augustine,  ^  Cassidorius,  and  ^  Bede.  I 
have  already  spoken  of  this,  and  have  referred  to  divers 
learned  moderns  ''  whose  opinions  deserve  to  be  taken  no- 
tice of.  1  shall  now  add  Mr.  Whiston's  thoughts  relating 
to  this  point,  taken  from  his  commentary  upon  St.  John's 
epistles,  published  in  1719.  '  None  of  these  three  epistles 
'  of  St.  John,'  says  he,  p.  5,  6,  '  were  written  to  the  Par- 
'  thians,  as  some  later  Latin  Avriters  have  supposed:  but 
'  rather  to  the  christians  or  churches  of  Asia,  nearEphesus. 
'  This  he  argues  from  the  perfect  silence  of  all  true  antiquity, 
'  as  to  St.  John's  ever  preaching-  in  Parthia:  and  from  the 

sive  illi  anle,  sive  post  excidium  Hierosolymitanum  eo  pervenerint.  Omnes 
eaim  sub  originibus  ejus  earn  adepti  censeri  debent,  quippe  quibus  Joannes,  ut 
avTowrt}!:  earum,  testis  et  prseco,  adfuji;'.     Wolf,  ubi  supr.  p.  2-14. 

y  Vol.  iv.  p.  510.  "  Vol.  V.  p.  111. 

*  p.  145.  ^  As  note  ". 


282  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyelists. 

'  account  which  we  have  in  Eusebius  from  Origen,  that 
f  Parthia  was  St.  Thomas's  province,  and  Asia  St.  John's  : 
'  as  also  from  the  account  in  the  Recognitions,  ix.  29,  that 
'  Thomas  really  preached  the  gospel  in  Parthia,  without  a 
'  syllable  of  St.  John  thereto  relating.  All  which,'  says 
he,  '  makes  it  plain  that  this  pretended  direction  of  any  of 
'  St.  John's  epistles  to  the  Parthians  stands  upon  no  good 
'  authority  at  all.  And  it  is  not  improbable,  that  the  occa- 
'  sion  of  this  error  was  barely  a  false  reading  in  some  an- 
'  cient  manuscript,  where  tt/jo?  irapOovi  was  read  for  jt/jos 
'  7rapOeve<i :  "  to  the  Parthians,"  for  "  to  the  virgins :"  which 
'  latter  inscription  might  easily  be  applied  to  the  first  epis- 
'  tie.     For  as  it  is  chiefly  addressed  to  young  christians,  yet 

*  uncorrupted,  both  as  to  fleshly  and  spiritual  fornication, 
'  such  as  in  St.  John's  Revelations  are  called  irapOevoi, 
'  "  virgins  :"  so  was  the  second  epistle  anciently  aflirmed 
'  by  some  to  be  written  "  to  the  virgins :"  as  we  learn  from 
'  Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  Cassiodorius  :'  that  is,  from 
Clement's  Adumbrations  upon  the  catholic  Epistles,  trans- 
lated by  order "  of  Cassiodorius.  For  there  •*  the  second  epis- 
tle of  St.  John  is  said  to  be  written  to  virgins. 

And  before,  at  p.  4,  of  the  same  commentary,  Mr.  Whis- 
ton  observes,  '  St.  John  says  nothing  in  his  first  epistle, 
'  by  which  we  can  directly  gather,  to  whom  it  was  sent  : 
'  though  it  seems  most  probably  to  belong  to  his  own  Asia- 

*  tic  churches.' 

As  I  have  quoted  Clement,  I  must  not  omit  the  observa- 
tion of  L'Enfant  and  Beausobre:  '  Clement  ^  says,  that  the 
'  second  epistle  of  John  was  directed  to  virgins,  undoubt- 
'  edly  intending  by  the  means  of  this  lady.  But  there  is 
'  nothing  in  the  epistle,  which  suits  virgins,  more  than  other 
'  christians.' 

Mr.  Lampe  says, '  This  ^  first  epistle  is  written  to  believers, 
'  as  is  abundantly  manifest  from  the  whole  scope  of  the 
'  epistle.  We  also,'  says  he,  '  easily  admit,  that  Jewish 
'  believers  are  especially  regarded.  Nevertheless  >ve  think 
'  that  St.  John  directed  it  to  all  believers  of  his  time  in  ge- 


"  Vol.  ii.  p.  243. 

•^  Secunda  Joannis  epistola,  quae  ad  virgines  scripta  est,  simplicissima  est. 
Sciipta  vero  est  ad  quandam  Babyloniam,  Electam  nomine.  Adumbr.  in 
ep.  2.  Joan.  «  As  before,  p.  584. 

'  Ad  fideleseum  scripsisse,  abunde  patet  ex  scopo  epistolae,  cap.  i.  4,  toto- 
quoojus  argijinento.  Facile  etiam  admittimus,  speciatim  fideles  ex  Hebraeis 
innui.  Univei"sis  tamen  credentibus  siii  teraporis  Joannem  banc  epistolam 
destinisse  putamus,  quia  nulla  restrictionis  occurrit  mentio.  Lamp.  ibid.  num. 
iii.  105. 


St.  Juhn's  three  Epistles.  283 

*  ncrnl :  forasmuch  as  there  appears  not  in  it  any  expression 
'  of  limitation.' 

L)u  Pin  says, '  Though  ^  there  is  no  inscription,  it  appears 

*  from  the  beginning'  of  the  second  chapter,  that  it  isaudress- 
'  ed  to  many  christians.  And  there  is  no  proof  that  it  is 
'  sent  to  Jews  rather  than  to  Gentiles.' 

On  the  other  hand.  Dr.  Benson  ''  thinks,  '  tliat  the  apos- 
'  tie  wrote  this  epistle  to  the  Jewish  christians  in  Judea  and 
'  Galilee.' 

But  the  former  opinion  appears  to  me  more  probable.  For, 
1.  It  is  always  called  a  catholic  epistle.  So  it  was  called 
by  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  as  before  seen,  as  well  as  by 
later  writers.  2.  It  really  appears  to  be  so.  For  there  are 
not  in  it  any  expressions  of  limitation.  3.  There  could  be 
very  little  occasion  for  that  admonition  to  believers  in  Ju- 
dea, in  the  year  68,  after  the  war  was  broke  out,  which  is 
in  ch.  ii.  15  ;  "  Love  not  the  world,  nor  the  things  that 
are  in  the  world."  That  admonition  is  rather  suited  to 
people,  who  were  supposed  to  be  in  easy  circumstances, 
and  are  in  danger  of  being  ensnared  by  the  allurements 
of  prosperity.  4.  Nor  has  the  concluding  exhortation  of 
the  epistle,  "  keep  yourselves  from  idols,"  any  special 
suitableness  to  believers  in  Judea  :  but  is  much  more  likely 
to  be  directed  to  christians  living  in  other  parts  of  the 
world. 

QScumenius  in  his  comment  upon  the  last  verse  of  this 
epistle  says,  it  '  was  Avritten  to  the  whole  church  in  ge- 
neral. And  in  the  proem  to  his  commentary  upon  the 
second  epistle  he  ''  calls  the  first  a  catholic  epistle.  And 
he  says,  '  that '  epistle  is  not  written  to  a  certain  person, 
'  nor  to  the  churches  of  one  or  more  places,  as  the  blessed 
'  Peter's  to  the  Jews  in  their  dispersion,  nor  as  James's 
'  before  him,  to  the  twelve  tribes  of  the  Jewish  people. 
'  But  he  writes  to  all  the  faithful  in  general,  whether 
'  assembled  together  or  not.  For  which  reason  there  is 
'  no  inscription  to  that  epistle,  as  there  is  to  the  other 
'  two.' 

To  me  therefore  it  seems,  that  this  epistle  was  designed 

8  Dispertat.  sur  la  Bible.  I.  2.  ch.  2.  sect.  xi. 

*'  See  his  preface  to  St.  John's  first  epistle,  sect.  iv. 

'  ——(pafitv  sv,  u)Q  iTTtidav  tKKkr]aia  ok'g  ravra  iy^a<ptv,  k.  X.  fficum.  T.  II. 
p.  602.  B.  '   "  lb.  p.  605.  B. 

Ov  yap  TTQoq  uipnTfitvov  eypatpt  TrpoawTrov,  ovSt  irpoQ  iKKXrjffUiv  roTTotv 

Tivwr,  dxTTTEp  nroir)(nv  6  fiaKapiog  Iltrpoc  a^wpicr/ifvwe  Tpoc  r«c  iv  Ty  diatriropg. 
inimjuaivoiitvot;   laScuoig  ypa^fiv"  km,  Trpo    tstu  6   deiog  laKio(3oc  r«tf  SwStKa 

(pvXaig aWa  iratn   vi'^oiQ  koivov  TTOisfitvog  top  Xoyov  tKKXtjaia^um  kcu  fit) 

tKKXtjaia^fiai,  tov  rr^g  npoypa(pi]Q  napiXnrt  Xoyov.      Id.  p.  606.  B.  607.  A. 


284  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelids . 

for  the  churches  in  Asia  under  St.  John's  inspection,  and  for 
all  other  christians,  into  whose  hands  it  should  come.  Or 
in  other  words,  it  was  designed  for  all  christians  in  general, 
especially  those  under  the  apostle's  inspection,  and  nearest 
to  him,  without  excepting  the  believers  in  Judea,  or  in  any 
other  country  whatever. 

-  Nor  am  I  aware  of  any  thing  in  the  epistle,  that  should 
lead  us  to  think  Jewish  believers  in  particular  to  be  intended, 
except  what  is  in  ch.  ii.  2,  where  by  "  our,"  some  have 
understood  Jewish  christians,  and  by  "  the  whole  world," 
Gentiles.  But  the  coherence  does  not  require  that  interpre- 
tation. In  the  preceding  verse  is  first  mentioned  that 
general  address,  "my  little  children,"  Avhich  occurs  several 
times  afterwards.  He  there  says  ;  "  These  things  write  I 
unto  you,  that  ye  sin  not."  Having  delivered  that  earnest 
exhortation  for  avoiding  all  offensive  harshness,  he  soon 
afterwards  joins  himself  with  those  to  whom  he  writes, 
adding:  "  And  if  any  man  sin,  we  have  an  advocate  with 
the  Father,  Jesus  Christ  the  righteous.  And  he  is  the  pro- 
pitiation for  our  sins,  and  not  for  ours  only,"  '  that  is,  mine 
'  and  yours,  to    whom  I   am  now  writing,  who   already  be- 

*  lieve    in    Jesus,    and    have   done    so  for    a  good    while  : 

*  "  but  also  for  the  sins  of  the  w  hole  world  :"  that  is,  of 
'  all  men,  of  every  nation  and  people,  rank  and  condition, 
'  in  every  part  and  age  of  the  world,  M'ho  shall  believe 
'  and  repent.'  Here  is  nothing  to  limit  what  the  apostle 
says  to  Jewish  christians.  And  that  this  apostle  does 
frequently  join  himself  M'ith  those  to  whom  he  writes, 
with  a  like  view  to  that  above  mentioned,  must  be  evi- 
dent to  all  who  read  this  epistle  with  attention.  See  ch.  i. 
6— 10;  ii.  3;  iii.  14,  18— 22. 

However,  for  the  sake  of  such  as  are  really  inquisitive,  I 
shall  here  subjoin  the  note  of  CEcumenins  upon  those 
words  :  "not  for  ours  only,  but  also  for  the  sins  of  the 
whole  world."  '  This""  he  said,  either  because  he  wrote 
'  to  Jews,  and  intended  to  show,  that  the  benefit  of  re- 
'  pentance  was  not  restrained  to  them,  but  extended  to 
'  Gentiles  also:  or  else,  that  the  promise  was  not  made 
'  to  the  men  of  that  time  only,  but  likewise  to  all  in  fu- 
'  tiire  times.' 

IV.  St.  John's  second  epistle  is  thus  inscribed  :  "  The 
elder  to  the  elect  lady,  and  her  children."       Which  has 

"•  Taro  £t  tiTTiv,  tjtoi  on  irpoQ  laEaisg  typatps,  icai  iva  fir)  fiovoiq  iKuvoig 
TnpiK\nrti)  Ta  Ti]C  fiiravoiuQ,  aXka  Kai  irpoQ  ra  iQvri  t£,aTr\way  ravTr)v'  t)  on  firj 
ToiQ  Kar  iKitvo  KaipH  >/  fTrayyiXia  fiovov,  aWa  kcu  roig  fitnnura  rraai. 
C£cum.  in  1  ep.  Joan.  p.  565. 


St.  John's  three  Epistles.  285 

been  differently  understood  by  ancients  and  moderns : 
whose  opinions  may  be  seen  in  "  VV^oIfius,  and  in  Dr. 
Benson's  preface  to  the  second  and  third  e[)istles  of  St. 
John,  and  brielly  in  Beza,''  whom  I  transcribe  below. 

Some  have  hereby  understood  the  christian  church  in 
general.  So''  Jerom.  But  that,  as  Beza  well  observes 
in  the  place  just  transcribed,  is  a  way  of  speaking-  of  which 
no  like  instance  can  be  found.  And  it  is  inconsistent  with 
what  is  said  in  the  conclusion  of  the  epistle,  wiiere  the  Mrit- 
er  speaks  of  coming  to  see  her,  and  sends  her  the  saluta- 
tions of  the  children  of  her  elect  sister. 

Cassiodorius  here  "i  understood  a  particular  church. 

Mr.  Whiston  "^  says  :  '  St.  John's  second  epistle  was  not 
'  written  to  a  particular  lady,  but  to  a  particular  church  : 
'  and  not  improbably  to  the  church  of  Philadelphia.'  Which 
last  I  take  to  be  said  without  any  good  foundation. 

fficumenius,  in  his  comment  upon  the  last  verse  of  this 
epistle,  says  :  '  Hence  *  some  argue  that  this  epistle  was 
'  sent  not  to  a  woman,  but  to  a  church.  About  which,'  he 
says,  '  he  does  not  choose  to  dispute.'  But  in  his  introduc- 
tion, or  comment  upon  the  beginning  of  the  epistle,  he 
says,'  St.*  John  did  not  scruple  to  write  to  a  faithful 
'  woman  :   forasmuch  as  "  in  Christ  Jesus   there   is  neither 

"  Wolf.  Prolegom.  in  ep.  Joann.  ii.  p.  320 — 32G. 

°  '  Electae  Dorainse.'  NonnuUi  '  Electae'  nomen  proprium  esse  volunt. 
Quod  non  probo.  Dicendum  enim  esset  Kvpic}  EKXiKry,  '  Dominae  Electae.' 
Alii  hoc  nomine  volunt  ecclesiam  christianam  in  genere  significari.  Quibus 
repugnat  primum,  quod  hoc  dicendi  genus  sit  prorsus  inusitatum.  Deinde, 
quod  in  extremis  duobus  versibus  diserte  poUicetur,  se  ad  earn  et  filios  ipsius 
venturura,  additque  filiorum  sororis  salutem,  quam  et  ipsam  '  electam '  vocat. 
Puto  igitur  inscriptam  esse  epistolam  pi-aestanti  alicui  feminae,  quarum  non- 
nullae  ecclesias  suis  opibus  passim  sustentabant ;  et '  electam '  illam  vocari,  id 

est,  *  eximiam,'  addita  Dominae  appellatione sicut  Lucas  Theophilum,  et 

Paulus  Festuni  (cpariTov,  id  est, '  potentissimum,  vel  '  praestantissimum,'  cora- 
pellant.  Neque  enim  ab  ejusmodi  honestis  titulis  Christiana  religio  abhorret, 
quatenus  quidem  j  ustum  ac  fas  est.  Perinde  est  igitur  acsi  scriptum  esset : 
Eximiae  ac  praestanti  dignitate  Dominae.  Etenim  cur  nomen  proprium  non 
addidit  ?  Nempe  satis  inter  se  noti  ac  familiares  erant.  Quamobrem  etiam  ne 
nomen  quidem  suum  exprimendum  putavit.     Bez.  in  Joan.  ep.  secund. 

p  Legimus  in  Carminum  libro '  Una  est  cohunba  mea.' Ad  quam 

scribit  idem  Joannes  epistolam  :  '  Senior  electae  dominae,  et  filiis  ejus' 

Ad  Ageruch.  ep.  91.  [al.  11.]  T.  IV.  p.  745. 

1  Joannes  senior,  quoniam  aetate  provectus,  electae  dominae  scribit  ecclesiae, 
filiisque  ejus,  quos  sacro  fonte  genuerat.     Cassiod.  in  ep.  Jo.  ii. 

'  As  before,  p.  469. 

*  Ala  Se  Ts  7rpocr0j;vat,  affTraZtTai  as  ra  TtKVa  rijc  aSiXiprjc  as  tjjc  ticXf ktj/Cj 
(inXovTai  TiviQ  (3ij3aiHV,  (ugs  Trpog  yvvaiKa  rj  tTnToXr],  aWa  TTpoc;  (kk\7](Tuiv 
TTtpi  01)  sStvT({}  (3n\ofiiv({i  SiivtxOtu]v.     CEcum.  T.  II.  p.  612. 

'  Upog  Se  yvvcuKa  ypaipuv  TriTjjv  vctv  vTrfjeiXaTO,  on  ev  XpiT<,'j  l7jcr';j  oj'k 
apptva  uSt  BtiXv  oiSe.     lb.  p.  606.  C. 


286  Jl  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyclists. 

'  male  nor  female."  '  And  before,  he  speaks"  of  this  epis- 
tle being-  written  to  a  particular  woman. 

In  the  Adumbrations  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  as  we 
now  have  them  in  Latin,  this  ^  epistle  is  said  to  be  written 
to  a  Babylonian  woman,  or  virgin,  named  Electa. 

And  of  late  many  learned  men,  whose  "'"  arguments  I 
place  below,  choose  to  read  this  inscription  thus :  "  To  the 
lady  Electa,"  or  "  Eclecta."  But  in  my  opinion  the  con- 
clusion affords  an  objection.  For  it  is  not  very  likely  that 
two  sisters  should  both  have  one  and  the  same  name.  So  it 
may  be  sometimes  :  but  very  seldom,  as  I  imagine.  This 
was  a  difficulty  with  ''  Wolfius  and  y  Tillemont. 

Dr.  Heumann  supposeth,  that  ^  this  woman's  name  was 
Kuria,  or  Kyria,  and  renders  the  inscription  after  this  man- 
ner :  "  To  the  elect  Kyria."  Which  opinion  is  embraced 
by  ''Dr.  Benson.  But  ^Wolfius  is  not  quite  satisfied 
with  it. 

Tillemont  has  observed,  that ''  in  the  Synopsis  of  A tha- 

"  KaGoTi  (cat  TtpEcr^vTepov  kavrov  iv  Tavraig  ypa^ti,  Kai  npog  yvvaiKa, 

Kat  irtpop  Ta'iov,  iva  Kai  avrov,  dairtp  Kai  rrjv  yvvaiKa  fiiav.     Id.  p.  605.  B. 

"  Secunda  Joannis  epistola,  quse  ad  virgines  scripta  est,  simplicissima  est. 
Scripta  vero  est  ad  quandam  Babyloniam,  Electam  nomine.  Significat  autem 
electionem  ecclesise  sanctae.     Clem.  A.  ed.  Potter,  p.  1011. 

"  Epistola  secunda  scripta  est  ad  quandam  Babyloniam,  Electam  nomine, 
ut  legas  in  Adumbrationibus  ad  banc  epistolam,  quae  feiuntur  sub  nomine 
Clementis  Alexandrini.  Nomen  enim  proprium  feminse  esse  Electam,  recte 
observarunt  viri  doctissimi,  perinde  ut  EkXektoc  viii  nomen  est  apud  Hero- 
dianum.  Eandem  Joannes  Kvpiav  vocat,  quemadmodum  Latini  feminas 
honestas  vocabant  dominas,  sive  doranas.  Et  Nazianzenus  ep.  iv.  Kvpia  ry 
firjrpi.     Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  4.  cap.  5.  torn.  III.  p.  343. 

EKXsKTt]  quoque  litera  majuscula  scribitur  apud  Wechelium,  et  in  editione 
R.  Stephani,  quam  secutus  est  Millius,  quamvis  ipse  eo  nomine  christianani 
feminam  indicari  existimet.    Wolf,  in  2  ep.  Jo.  p.  323. 

Electus  cubicularius  fuit  Imp.  Commodi  genere  ^gyptius,  &c.  Welstein. 
ad  Joan.  ep.  2.  p.  729. 

"  Electam  proprii  nominis  vocabulo  vix  habuerim,  per  comma  13,  ubi 
matrona;  hujus  soror  itidem  iKXtKrr]  appellatur.  Quod  ut  iliius  setatis  moribus 
non  respondet,  ita  soror  ilia  iKXtKrr},  tan  quam  Christiana,  commode  vocari 
poterat.  Wolf.  ib.  p.  325. 

^  Et  on  trouvede  la  difficulte  a  croire  qu  tKXiKTr)  en  soit  un,  [nom  propre] 
parceque  S.  Jean.  ver.  13.  ledonne  aussi  a  la  soeur  cle  cette  dame,  n'etant  pas 
ordinaire  que  deux  soeurs  aient  le  meme  nom ;  et  parcequ'  il  auroit  du  elre 
devant  Kvpia  plutot  qu'  apres.     S.  Jean  1'  Evangeliste.  note  xiv.  Mem.  T.  I. 

^  Heuman.  Poec.  T.  II.  p.  421—427.  et  T.  III.  p.  14,  &c. 

'  See  his  preface  to  the  second  and  third  epistles  of  St.  John,  sect.  iv. 

''  Posterius  hoc  argumentum  me  etiam  adducit,  ut  nee  Cyriae  nomen  pro- 
prium hie  agnoscam.  Ita  enim  apostolus  scripturus  erat :  Kwptrt  ry  ticXocrj?, 
quemadmodum  ver.  1,  epistolae  tcrtise  :  TaiV^j  nij  ayain)rii).  Siinili  scribendi 
ratione  utitur  Paulus.  Rom.  xvi.  5,  AmraaiaQi  Enaivirov  rov  ayairriTOv  fis. 
Vid.  etiam  ib.  ver.  8.  et  12.  et  13.    Wolf.  ib.  p.  325. 

•^  Neanmoins  Saint  Athanase  met  ypa^u  Kvpi^,  Kai  roig  rtKvoig  nvrtjc,  par 


St.  John's  three  Epistles.  287 

nasins  Kvpta  seems  to  be  taken  for  a  proper  name.  lint  that 
is  not  clear.  The  expression  is  ambiguons,  and  may  be  as 
well  rendered:  'the''  elder  writes  to  a  lady,  and  her 
'  children,'  as  to  Kyria,  and  her  children.  So''  likewise 
thought  Wolfius. 

Before  1  proceed,  I  must  detain  the  reader,  whilst  I  ob- 
serve, that  the  article  of"  the  Synopsis,  quoted  by  Tillemont, 
is  exactly  the  same  with  the  hypothesis,  or  argument,  pre- 
fixed to  St.  John's  second  epistle  in  '  the  second  tome  of 
(Ecumenius.  However,  1  do  not  suppose  it  to  be  really 
Qilcumenius's.  I  allow  it  to  be  a  part  of  the  Synopsis, 
g-enerally  thought  to  have  been  composed  by  Athana- 
sius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  in  the  fifth  century,  as^'  formerly 
shown. 

(Ecumenius  himself  seems  to  me  to  have  supposed  this 
epistle  to  have  been  sent ''  to  a  christian  woman,  whose  name 
is  not  known.  However  in  one  place,  in  his  prologue,  he 
has  these  expressions  :  '  He'  calls  her  "  elect,"  either  from 
'  her  name,  or  on  account  of  the  excellence  of  her  virtue.' 

Finally,  then,  others  understand  this  inscription  agree- 
ably to  our  own  translation  :  "  The  elder  to  the  elect  lady 
and  her  children."  This''  has  hitherto  been  the  common 
opinion,  and  is  favoured  by'  Beza, "  Mill,"  Wall,*^  Wol- 
fius, f  Le  Clerc,  and  others.  And  Tillemont,  in  the  place 
before  referred  to,  says :  '  The  second  epistle  of  St.  John  is 
'  inscribed  to  ckXck-tj  Kvpta.  St.  Jerom  translates  the  word 
'  Kvpia  by  dominjE,'lady.  And  it  is  difficult  to  translate 
'  otherwise  in  the  fifth  verse,  where  St.  John  repeats  the 
'  same  word.' 

It  is  not  easy  for  me  to  decide  in  such  a  variety  of  opinions, 

ou  il  paroit  avoir  pris  le  mot  de  Kvptq.  pour  un  nom  propre.  Mem.  Ec.  T.  I. 
S.  Jean  I'Evangeliste,  note  xiv. 

•^   TavTTiv   i)Q   ■KpiiT^VTtpoQ  ypatpH   Kvpia    KM    TOiQ  TiKvoig  avTTjQ.     Afhan. 
Synops.  S.  S.  T.  II.  p.  190.  ed.  Bened. 

®  Mihi  quidem  id  ex  phrasi  ista  non  admodura  liquet.  Wolf.  ib.  p.  323. 

f  CEcum.  T.  II.  p.  G03. 

8  Vol.  iv.  p.  161,  162. 

''   Auo  de  ry  iKXexry  ravry  efripaprvpei,  k.  X.     CEcum.  torn.  II.  p.  606.  D. 

'   'EKXtKTijv  Se  1)  airo  ra  ovoparog,   jj  otto  tt]Q  unni  rriv  apcrrjv  ^iXortpiag,- 
icaXit.     Id.  p.  606.  B. 

^  Alii  utramque  vocem  pro  appellativa  habent,  matronaeque  nomen  simili 
silentio  tectum  censent,  quo  suum  Joannes  ipse  texit.     Haec  commumor  fere' 
est  sententia.     Wolf.  ib.  p.  324. 

'  See  before,  note  °,  p.  285.  "^  Prolegora.  num.  151. 

"  Critical  notes  upon  the  N.  T.  p.  378.  "  UIm  supra,  p.  326. 

''  Quoique  ce  mot  puisse  etre  un  nom  propre il  est  assez  vraisemblable 

que  c'est  ici  un  nom  appellatif,  qui  signifie,  que  c'etoit  une  Dame  Chrelienne, 
a  qui  S.  Jean  ecrivoit,  et  qui  etoit  connue  a  ceux  qui  lui  devoienl  rendre  cette 
lettre,  &c.  Le  Clerc,  Remarques  sur  la  2  ep.  de  S.  Jean. 


288  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evunfjelists. 

each  one  of  which  is  supported  by  great  patrons.  The  ar- 
guments for  a  proper  name,  either  of  Eclecta,  or  Kyria, 
are  plausible,  and  specious.  But  it  is  an  object  of  some 
moment  that  this  notion  was  little,  if  at  all,  known  to  the 
ancients.  If  it  had,  they  would  not  have  supposed  that  St. 
John  here  writes  to  the  church  of  Christ  in  general,  or  to 
some  christian  church  in  particular.  The  Latin  Adumbra- 
tions of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  as  they  arc  called,  are  not 
very  material.  The  passage  of  the  Synopsis,  quoted  by  Til- 
lemont,  is  ambiguous.  (Ecnmenius  has  just  mentioned  the 
opinion,  that  Eclecta  might  be  the  name  of  the  person  to 
whom  St.  John  wrote.  But  he  does  not  seem  to  adhere  to 
it,  as  has  been  observed  by  Estius.'i  Nor  is  there  any  no- 
tice of  this  interpretation  by  Jerom,  or  Cassiodorius,  or  Bede, 
authors  in  which  it  would  be  very  likely  to  be  found,  if  it 
had  been  known  in  ancient  times.  And  why  it  should  not  have 
been  known,  if  there  is  any  foundation  for  it,  would  not  be 
easily  shown.  That  Jerom  did  not  take  Kvpiu  to  be  a  proper 
name,  appears  not  only  from  the  Latin  version  of  this  epistle, 
but  likewise  from  his  book  of  the  Interpretation  of  Hebrew 
names  :  where,  as  formerly "  observed,  there  are  no  proper 
names  collected  out  of  the  second  epistle  of  St.  John, 
though  there  are  other  out  of  his  two  epistles,  and  indeed 
from  all  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  excepting  only  this 
one  of  St.  John's  second  epistle. 

V.  The  third  epistle  of  St.  John  is  thus  inscribed  :  "  The 
elder  to  the  beloved  Gains."  There  ^  seem  to  be  two  of 
this  name  mentioned  in  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles. 
In  the  disturbance  at  Ephesus,  it  is  said  :  "  Having  caught 
Gains  and   Aristarchus,  men   of  Macedonia,  Paul's  com- 

1  •  Electee.'  Non  liquet,  an  hoc  sit  nomen  proprium  mulieris,  ad  quam 
scribitur  epistola,  an  commune  ;  id  quod  potius  existimandum  videtur  ;  quo- 
niam  in  fine  epistolse  etiam  soror  ejus  vocatur  '  electa.'  Non  solent  autem  in 
eadera  familia  duse  proles  esse  cognomines.  Posse  sumi  tanquam  commune, 
(Ecumenius  sua  expositione  ostendit,  et  recte.     Videtur  fuisse  mulier  nobilis 

sive  genere,  sive  opibus. Alioqui  poterat  vocare  filiam Sed  moris  est 

apud  bene  moratas  gentes,  infirmiorem  sexum  titulis  et  aliis  decentibus  modis 
honorare.     Est.  in  Joan.  ep.  ii.  ver.  1. 

■"  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  num.  vi. 

*  Gaius  quidam  inter  comites  ejus  nominatur  in  tumultu  Ephesino,  Act.  xix. 
29.  qui  Derbaeus  videtur  dici.  Act.  xx.  4.  Habebat  etiam  Corinthi  hospitem 
Gaium,  Rom.  xvi.  23,  quem  ipse  baptizaverat,  1  Cor.  i.  14.  An  hi  sint 
iidem  inter  se,  aut  cum  Gaio  Joannis,   quis  dispiciet  ?  Beda,  Pseudo-Dexter, 

Lyranus,  aliique  affirmant Id  quoque  novum  procreare  dubium  potest, 

quod  Gaius  Paulinus  Corinthi  sedem  ac  domicilium  habiierit,  noster  vevo  pro- 
culdubio  in  Asia  habitaverit,  brevi  ab  apostolo  visitandus,  de  cujus  extra 
Asiam  post  cxcessum  Neronis  itineribus  tota  antiquitas  silet.  Lampe,  Proleg. 
in  Joan.  I.  1.  cap.  7.  num.  xii. 


St.  JohiCs  three  Epistles.  289 

panions  in  travel,  they  rushed  with  one  accord  into  the  thea- 
tre." Acts  xix.  29.  And  among-  the  same  apostle's  fellow- 
travellers,  who  accompanied  him  in  his  journey  toward 
Jerusalem,  is  mentioned  "  Gaius  of  Derbe,"  xx.  4.  There 
is  another  Gaius,  who  appears  to  have  been  an  inhabitant 
of  Corinth.  1  Cor.  i.  14 ;  IJom.  xvi.  23.  I  see  no  reason 
to  think  that  Gaius,  or  Caius,  to  whom  St.  John  writes,  was 
one  of  them.  He  seems  to  have  been  an  eminent  christian, 
who  lived  in  some  city  of  Asia,  not  far  from  Ephesus,  where 
St.  John  chiefly  resided  after  his  leaving-  Judea.  For  at 
ver.  14,  the  apostle  speaks  of  "  shortly  coming-  to  him." 
Which  he  could  not  well  do,  if  Caius  lived  at  Corinth,  or 
any  other  remote  place.  Grotius  thought  him  to  be  a  good 
christian,  who'  lived  in  one  of  the  churches  or  cities  men- 
tioned in  the  Revelation. 

Mr.  Whiston  "  supposes  Caius  to  have  been  bishop  of 
Pergamos.  Mill^  was  inclined  to  be  of  the  same  opinion. 
But  this  is  said  only  upon  the  ground  of  the  pretended 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  in  this  case  are  of  no 
authority  at  all. 

Dr.  Heuraann """  in  his  Commentary  upon  this  epistle  of 
St.  John  has  some  curious  and  uncommon  observations. 
He'^  does  not  choose  to  trouble  himself  with  inquiring-  who 
Caius  was  :  the  knowledge  of  which,  he  thinks,  would  be 
of  no  great  use.  It  is  sufficient  that  we  know  him  to  have 
been  a  good  christian.  Nevertheless  he  appears  to  slight 
the  opinion  just  mentioned  thaty  he  was  bishop  of  Pergamos, 
And  he  argues  likewise,  that^  he  is  different  from  those  of 
the  same  name  mentioned  in  the  Acts,  or  St.  Paul's  epistles. 
And  indeed  it  cannot  be  thought  strange,  that  in  the  times 
of  the  apostles,  there  were  several  christians  of  this  name: 
which  seems  to  have  been  as  common  a  name  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  as  any  name  whatever. 

Dr.  Heumann  says,  that  *  Diotrephes,  mentioned  by  St. 
John,  ver.  9,  and  said,  to  "  love  to  have  the  pre-eminence," 

'  Vixit  hie  Caius  in  aliqua  ecclesiaiura,  quarum  mentio  in  Apocalypsi. 
Grot,  in  3.  ep.  Joan.  ver.  1. 

"  Commentary  upon  St.  John's  Epistles,  p.  14,  15,  16. 

"  Alteram  vero  illam  ad  Gaium,  ecclesia;  Pergamcnsis  episcopum,  ab  ipso 
Joanne  (si  quid  Apostolicariun  Const itutionum  auctori  credimus)  ordinatuni. 
Mill.  Prol.  num.  152. 

*  Commentarius  in  Joan.  Ap.  epistolam  tertiam.  Ap.  Nov.  Syllog.  Disser- 
tation. P.  I.  p.  276—328.  "  Ibid.  277. 

y  Millius,  Constitutionibus  Apostolicis  credulus,  Caium  hunc  ecclesiae  Per- 
gamenae  episcopum  scribit  in  Prolegomenis  suis  ad  N.  T.  Eandem  amplexum 
esse  sententiam  Guil.  Whistonum  in  suo  in  hanc  epistolam  commentario,  quis 
mirabitur  ?  lb.  p.  277.  in  notis. 

■'■  P.  277,  278.  »  Ibid.  p.  306,  307. 

VOL.    VI.  U 


290  .^  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjelists. 

was  not  a  heathen  magistrate,  nor  a  heretic,  nor  a  bishop,  but 
a  deacon  in  the  church  to  Mhich  he  belonged.  Upon  which 
I  observe,  it  was  easy  to  show  that  Diotrephes  was  not  a 
heathen  magistrate. 

Dr  Heumann  seems  likewise  to  have  proved,  that  ^ 
Diotrephes  was  not  a  heretic.  For,  as  he  argues,  it" 
Diotrephes  had  been  a  corrupter  of  the  true  christian 
doctrine,  it  would  have  been  the  duty  of  the  apostle 
to  caution  christians  against  familiar  converse  with  him, 
in  like  manner  as  he  does  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
verses  of  his  second  epistle.  Moreover,  in  that  case,  the 
apostle  would  have  signified  his  errors,  and  would  have  di- 
rected men  to  beware  of  the  leaven  of  Diotrephes.  But 
this  he  has  not  done.  He  only  reproves  his  pride,  want  of 
hospitality,  and  a  perverse  contemj)t,  not  of  the  apostle's 
doctrine,  but  of  his  direction  for  receiving  strangers.  He 
also  quotes'^  Calovius,  as  speaking  to  the  like  purpose. 

And  the  late  Mr.  Mosheim,  who,  as  I  suppose,  had  not 
seen  Dr.  Heumann's  Dissertation,  and  gives  a  very  different 
account  of  this  epistle  in  several  respects,  allows  that*^  Dio- 
trephes was  not  a  heretic.  So  likewise  argued  Mr.  Lampe*^ 
before  either  of  them. 

But  I  cannot  say  that  Dr.  Heumann  has  proved  Diotre- 
phes not  to  have  been  a  bishop.  For  1  think  that  every 
thing'  said  of  him  in  the  epistle  implies  his  being  president, 

^  Nunc,  ille  Diotrephes  qiiis  fiierit,  investigandum  venit.     Erasmus  *  nova; 

heresis  auctorem'  vocat  in  Paraphrasi.     Ac  ita  jam  olim  sensit  Beda Vc- 

rum  recte  Buddeus  hanc  sententiam  respuit.  Quod  si  eiiim  corruptor  doctrinae 
apostolicee  fuisset  Diotrephes,  apostoh  fuisset  avocare  christianos  a  famihari 
cum  ipso  consuetudine ;  id  quod  fecit  htereticis  in  secundae  suae  epistolae  versu 
decimo  et  undecimo.  Fuisset  item  apostoli,  notare  ipsius  errores,  et,  ut  a  fer- 
mento  Diotrephis  caveatur,  praecipere.  Jam  vero  id  non  facit,  sed  superbiam 
duntaxat  ejus  notat,  et  inhospitahtatem,  et  protervam  non  doctrinae  Joannis, 
sed  prsecepti  ejus  de  liberahtate  in  pios  exules  exercenda,  contentionem.  lb. 
p.  302,  303. 

■^  Etiam  Calovius  ad  h.  1.  hac  de  causa  negat  Diotrephen  fuisse  haereticum.  *  Si 
haereticus  fuisset,'  inquit,  '  gravius  sine  dubio  acturus  adversus  eum,  et  Caium 
aliosque,  de  seductione  ipsius  cavenda  moniturus  fuisset  Joannes.'  Quod  ar- 
gumentum  accepit  a  Cornelio  a  Lapide,  cujus  pene  omnes  sunt  annotationes, 
(juas  ad  hanc  Joannis epistolam  exhibet  Calovius.  Heuman.  ib.  p.  303,  note  (r.) 

•*  Nullam  igitur  Diotrephes  roiigionis  dograatibus  injuriam  inferebat,  sed 
iniquus  tantum  erat,  ot  ultra  modum  rigidus  dignitatis  suae  custos.  Moshem. 
dc  Reb.  Christianor.  p.  176,  177. 

^  De  causa  rixae  et  contentionis  inter  Diotrephen  et  Joannem  in  divcrsa 
abeunt  interpretes.  Bartholomaeus  Petri  :  '  Credibile  est,'  inquit,  '  fuisse 
quempiam  ex  illis  Judaeis  titulo  tenus  christianis,  qui  Christi  fidem  ita  susci- 

piendam  putabant,  ut  simul  servaretur  lex  cajremonialis  Mosis.' Sed  optime 

observat  Calovius,  si  Joannes  id  innuisset,  quod  turn  sine  dubio  acturus  ad- 
versus eundem,  et  Caium  aliosque  de  seductione  ipsius  cavenda  moniturus 
esset.  NuUius  sane  dogmatis,  sed  factorum  tantum  perversorum,  Diotrephes 
incusatur.     Lamp.  Prol.  1.  1.  cap.  7.  sect.  xiv. 


St.  Jokri's  three  Epistles.  291 


or  chief  director  of  thin<rs  in  the  cliiirch  to  which 
Caius  belonged.  liowever,  we  will  consider  his  argu- 
ments. 

In  the  first  place  he  says,  the  ^  principal  reason  why 
learned  men  have  thought  Diotrephes  to  be  a  bishop  is  be- 
cause they  have  understood  those  words,  at  ver  10,  "  and 
casteth  them  out  of  the  church,"  of  excommunication.  But 
those  words,  he  says,  arc  capable  of  another  sense.  They 
seem  rather  to  mean,  that  by  ill  treatment  he  forced  those 
strangers  to  leave  the  church,  to  which  they  had  applied  for 
relief,  and  to  go  elsewhere. 

But  granting  this  interpretation  to  be  right,  Diotre- 
phes might  nevertheless  be  a  bishop.  For  that  ill  treat- 
ment might  be  owing  to  an  abuse  of  his  episcopal  power  and 
authority. 

Again,  says  Dr.  Heumann,  thes  fault  of  Diotrephes  lay 
in  seeking  pre-eminence;  which  shows  he  was  not  a  bishop  : 
for  then  he  would  have  had  pre-eminence.  Nor  does  a  man 
seek  what  he  has  already. 

But  I  cannot  perceive  that  observation  to  be  very  mate- 
rial. For  a  bishop  may  show  improper  love  of  power  and 
pre-eminence  by  arbitrary  proceedings  in  the  society  over 
which  he  presides,  and  by  an  arrogant  behaviour  toward 
neighbouring  bishops  or  superintendants,  his  equals,  and 
perhaps,  in  some  respects,  his  superiors. 

Finally,  not  to  take  notice  of  any  other  arguments  of  this 
kind,  Dr.  Heumann  thinks,  that  ^'   Diotrephes  was   deacon, 

^  Alii  igitur  Diotrephen  fuisse  illius  ecclesiae  episcopum  crediderunt,  hoc 
potissimum  usi  argumento,  quod  excommunicasse  scribatur  pios  exules.  Ve- 
rum  infra  docebimus,  '  ejicereexecclesia,'  hie  non  esse  excommunicare,  atquc 
adeo  affingi  Diotrephi  excommunicationem  judicio  prsecipiti.  lb.  303. 

s  Ac  vel  verbum  (pCKoirpwTivwv  demonstrat  nobis,  eum  hand  fuisse  episco- 
pum :  episcopus  enim  est  6  TTQajrevuv  in  ecclesia.  Atqui  quod  quis  jam 
habet,  non  cxpetit.    lb.  p.  303,  304. 

^  Jam  cum  clarissime  cognoscamus,  nee  hsereticum,  nee  episcopum,  nee 
presbyterum,  nee  ethnicum  scilicet  reipublicae  lectorem,  fuisse  Diotrephen,  via 
satis  aperta  est  ad  personam  ejus  inveniendam.  Statim  enim  mentem  nostrum 
hsec  subit  quacstio  :  An  forte  fuit  illius  ecclesise  diaconus,  hoe  est,  bonomm 
ecclesiasticorum  administrator  ?  Hoe  enim  officium  eertis  hominibus  jam 
initio  ehristianae  eeclesiae  demandatum  fuisse,  ex  Act.  vi.  notum  est.  Ac 
sane  faeilis  nunc  et  perspicuus  nobis  videtur  totus  hie  locus  noster.  Praeerat 
scilicet  aerario  eeclesiastico  Diotrephes.  Erat  ejus  pauperibus  inde  erogare 
pecunias.  Advenas  autem  fratres  ideo  non  sublevabat,  quod  vix  ecclesiae 
illius  pauperibus  alendis  satis  viderctur  suppetere.  Id  causatus,  alio  discedere, 
aliorum  auxilium  iniplorare,  jubebat :  imo,  dum  nihil  ipsis  suppeditabat, 
cogebat  hoc  ipso  eos  jk  Ttjg  sKKXrjmac,  ex  ilia  ecclesia,  excederc,  atquc  ila 
erat  cKJSaWwv  avrag  ik  tt]q  iKKXrjffiac-  Erant,  qui  exulibus  his  ex  aprario  dari 
aliquid  volebant.  Verum  non  audiebat  hos  providus,  scilicet  oeeonomus,  sed 
suam  sequi  sententiam  cupicbat  eaeteros  christianos  omnes.     At  que  ita  erat 

u2 


292  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

and  had  the  charge  of  the  stock  or  treasure  of  the 
church  to  >vhich  he  belonged,  and  therefore  he  was  not 
bishop. 

But  neither  do  I  see  the  force  of  this  argument.  For 
Diotrephes  might  have  the  disposal  of  the  church-stock,  and 
yet  be  bishop.  For  in  ancient  times  it  was  a  part  of  the 
bishop's  office  and  care,  to  see  that  the  revenues  of  the 
church  were  managed  and  disposed  to  the  best  advan- 
tage. This  appears  from '  Justin  Martyr,  and  ''  Cyprian. 
They  who  desire  to  see  more  proofs,  may  consult '  Bing-- 
ham.  Since  tlien  we  allow  Diotrephes  to  have  had  a 
right  to  concern  himself  in  the  disposal  of  the  church- 
stock,  it  need  not  affect  Dr.  Heumann's  main  argument, 
whether  he  was  bishop  or  deacon. 

To  me,  then,  it  seems,  that  Diotrephes  was  bishop  in  this 
church,  and  that  Caius  was  a  man  in  a  private  station,  of 
good  substance,  and  a  liberal  disposition.  St.  John  says, 
ver.  9,  "  I  wrote  unto  the  church  :"  or  rather™  I  would  have 
written  unto  the  church,  and  at  the  same  time  to  Diotrephes  : 
"  but  Diotrephes,  who  loveth  to  have  the  pre-eminence,  re- 
ceiveth  us  not."  For  that  reason  St.  John  sent  this  letter  to 
Caius. 

Let  us  now  consider  what  was  the  case  to  which  St.  John 
refers  in  this  epistle,  and  what  was  the  fault  of  Diotrephes. 
Concerning:  this  there  have  been  various  sentiments  of  learn- 
ed  men.  Grotius  supposed  "  these  strangers  here  spoken 
of  to  be  believing-  Jews,  whom  Diotrephes,  a  Gentile,  would 
not  receive,  because  they  were  Jews,  or  because  they  were 
for  joining  the  rites  of  the  law  with   Christianity.     To  the 

(piXoirpiiJTtr'ifUv  (sive,  ut  Petrus  loquitur,  KaraKvpuvtov)  avToiv.  Quid  ?  Tarn 
prudens  et  Justus  sibi  videbatur  oeconomus,  ut  lie  Joannis  quidem  apos-toli 
praecepto  morem  gereret,  ratus  scilicet,  eum,  si  hie  esset,  aerariique  rationes 
haberet  cognitas,  aliter  sensurura,  Bonum  doctorem  esse  Joannem,  non  nega- 
bat :  bonum  eum  esse  oeconomum,  prudentemque  in  politicis  rebus  consilia- 
torem,  id  vero  negabat.  Imo  eo  temeritatis  provehcbat,  ut  ludicra  maledicta 
etfutiret  in  virum  sanctissimum,  et  fortasse  '  senem'  appellaret,  csetera  quidem 
summe  venerabilem,  sed  hoc  certe  in  genere  '  delimm.'     lb.  p.  306,  307. 

'  'Ot  ivnopuvreg  Se  icat  fSsKofiivoi  Kara  ■7rpoaipt(nv  tKa<^og  ttjv  tavTH,  6  /3«- 
Xtrai  SiCioai'  Kai  to  ffvXXtyofievov   irapa    tiji    npot'^cori   aTroriBtTai,   Kai   avrog 

iTTiKspti  op(pavoig  re  Kai   xrjpaig Kai   toiq  naptTriStjfioig   atri   ^ivoig.    k.    X. 

Apol.  2.  p.  99.  A,  Par.  1636. 

•^ et  stipendia  ej  us  episcopo  dispensantc  perciperent.  Cypr.  ep .  4 1 .  al.  38 . 

'  Antiquities  of  the  Christ.  Church.  B.  1.  ch.  iv.  sect.  6. 

"'  Scripsissem  forsitan  ecclesia?.  Vulgat.  Vid.  et  Cleric.  H.  E.  A.  D.  92. 
num.  ii.  Vid.  et  Grot,  in  loc. 

"  Is  vero  ex  illo  erat  hominum  genere,  qui  Judaeos,  quanquam  Christum 
professos,  si  legis  ritus  observabant,  (quod  in  Judaea  christiani  faciebantad 
haec  usque  tempora,  ut  Sulpicius  nos  docet,)  ad  sues  coetus  non  admittebant. 
Grot,  in  ep,  3.  ver.  9. 


St.  Johii's  three  Epistles.  293 

like  purpose"  Le  Clerc,  and  p  Beaiisobre.  This  opinion  is 
much  disliked  by  '^  Dr.  Heumann.  Mr.  Mosheim  ^  likewise 
argfues  ag-ainst  it,  as  an  opinion  quite  destitute  of  foundation 
in  antiquity. 

Others  think  that  Diotrcphes  was  a  Jew,  and  zealous  for 
the  law,  and  that  he  would  not  receive  these  strang-ers,  con- 
verts from  among-  the  Gentiles,  because  they  did  not  take 
upon  them  the  observation  of  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
law  of  Moses.  This  opinion  is  mentioned  by  ^  Lampe.  But 
he  arg-ues  well  against  it. 

And  indeed  both  these  opinions  were  confuted  before, 
when  we  showed  that  Diotrephes  was  not  a  heretic,  or  that 
there  is  no  reason  to  think  him  so. 

It  has  been  of  late  a  common  opinion  among  learned  men, 
that  ^  St.  John  here  speaks  of  some,  particularly  Jews,  who 
had  g-one  out  into  the  world  to  propagate  the  christian  reli- 
gion. Who  had  acted  upon  a  generous  and  disinterested 
principle,  refusing-  to  take  any  thing  from  those  among 
Avhom  they  laboured,  and  whom  they  had  converted  to  the 
christian  faith.  And  they  think  that  St.  John  commends 
Caius  for  encouraging  such  teachers,  and  blames  Diotre- 
phes for  not  receiving  and  helping  them.  But  that  opinion 
appears  to  me  without  foundation.     For  I  see  nothing  that 

°  Nolebat  autem  christianos  circumcisos  ab  incircumcisis,  seu  Gentilibus, 
in  ecclesiam  admitti.     Cleric,  ib. 

P  Son  nom  est  Grec.  Ce  qui  faitjuger,  qu'il  etoit  Payen  d'origine  ;  et 
c'est  peut-etre  pour  cela  qu'il  ne  vouloit  pas  qu'on  recut  Chretiens  d'entre 
les  Juifs,  fort  meprises  par  les  Gentils.  Pref.  sur  ii.  et  iii.  ep.  de  S.  Jean.  p. 
585.     Voyez  aiissi  la  reraarque  sur  I'ep.  ii.  ver  9. 

"i  Heuman.  ubi  sup.  p.  303.  note  (a). 

'  Earn  (causam)  viri  docti  quaerunt  in  conditione  eoram,  quos  beneficiis 
et  amore  ecclesise  excludebat.  Diotrephen  nempe  suspicantur  origine  fuisse 
Ethnicum,  illos  vero,  quos  recipere  nolebat,  Judaeos.  Ex  quo  efficiunt,  insi- 
tum  Ethnicorum  animis  contemptum  Judaeorum  tantum  apud  eum  potuisse, 
ut  sanctissimum  amoris  praeceptum  violaret.  In  hac  conjectura,  ut  verum 
fatear,  nihil  est  quo  moveri  queat  aliquis  consideratus  et  rerum  christianarum 
non  imperitus.     Nam,  ut  omittam,  omnibus  earn  praesidiis  destitutam  esse,  si 

nomen  Diotrephis  excipias,  quod  Graecum  est ut  taceam,  nusquam  aliquid 

memoriae  proditum  extare,  unde  pateat,  tarn  immani  Judaeorum  odio  et 
despicientia  christianos  ex  Graecis  flagrasse,  ut  in  fratribus  eos  habere  noUenf, 
et  omni  amoris  fructu  spoliarent,  &c.  Moshem.  De  Reb.  Christian,  ante 
Const.  M.  p.  175.  ^  Sec  before,  p.  290,  note  ^ 

'  Tertiam  epistolam  scripsit  Gaio  cuidam Hominis  liberalitatem  laudat, 

qui  praecones  quosdam  evangelicos,  e  Judaea  gente,  qui  a  Gentilibus  nihil 
accipere  voluerant,  opibus  suis  adjuvisset.     Cleric,  ubi  supr. 

Diotrephen  duplici  nomine  S.  Joannes  objurgat  :  primum  ideo,  quod  im- 

perium  sibi  arrogaret  in  ecclesia deinde  propterea  quod  durum  se  ac  inhu- 

manum  fratribus  bene  de  religione  Christiana  promeritis  exliiberet.  Egressi 
erant  quidam  ex  coetu,  cujus  membrum  Diotrcphes  orat,  ad  propagandum 
inter  vicinas  gentes  religionem  christianam,  &c.  Moshem.  ib.  p.  175. 


294  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

should  lead  us  to  think  preachers  here  spoken  of,  but  only 
strangers  in  want. 

.  Ver.  5,  "  Beloved,"  says  St.  John  to  Caius, "  thou  doest 
faithfully  whatsoever  thou  doest  to  the  brethren,  and  to 
strangers  :"  '  that  is,  to  the  members  of  the  church  to  which 
'  he  belonged,  and  to  strangers  who  came  to  the  city 
'  where  he  dwelt  :  whom  he  had  received  civilly, 
'  and  courteously,  and  relieved  generously  if  they  were 
'  in  M-ant.' 

Ver.  6,  "  Which  have  borne  witness  of  thy  character  be- 
fore the  church."  '  Some  such  persons,  or  some  members  of 
'  that  church,  had  been  at  the  place  where  St.  John  resided. 
'  And  before  the  church  they  declared  his  good  temper  and 
'  liberality.'  "  Whom  if  thou  bring  forward  on  their  jour- 
ney, after  a  godly  sort,  thou  shalt  do  well,"  '  And  it  will 
'  be  very  commendable  in  you,  if  after  this  any  other  such 
'  persons  should  come  to  your  city,  you  shall  act  in  a  like 
'  manner  to  them  also,  receiving  them  kindly,  and  forward- 
'  ing  them  in  their  way.  This  will  be  very  becoming  your 
'  christian  profession.' 

Ver.  7,  "Because  that  for  his  name's  sake  they  went  forth, 
taking  nothing  of  the  Gentiles." 

We  learn  from  Bede,  that "  there  were  in  ancient  times 
two  interpretations  of  these  words.  '  For  the  name  of 
'  Christ  they  went  forth  to  preach  the  gospel.  Or  for  the 
'  faith  of  Christ,  and  the  profession  of  his  name,  they  had 
'  left  their  native  country,  or  had  been  expelled  from  it.' 
This  "  is  the  sense  for  which  Dr.  Heuinann  contends,  and 
therefore  often  calls  these  strangers  exiles. 

He  supposeth  these  strangers  to  have  been  Gentile  con- 
verts, who  had  forsaken  their  native  country,  or  had  been 
driven  out  of  it,  destitute  of  all  things. 

However  this  place  may  be  understood  partly  otherwise  : 
'  That  we  who  are  christians  ought  to  help  these  strangers 
'  in  their  difficulty,  especially  because  they  have  not  sought 
*  for  relief  among  unbelieving  Gentiles  :  though  some  even 
'  of  thetn  might  have  been  disposed  to  give  them  assistance.' 

Grotius  "^   explains  the  place  in  that  manner.     The  same 

"  Duabus  autem  ex  causis  pro  nomine  Domini  sunt  profecti,  aut  ad  prae- 
dicandum  videlicet  nomen  ejus  proprie  sponte  venientes,  aut  propter  nomi- 
uis  sancti  fidem  et  confessionem  a  civibus  seu  contribubibus  suis  patria  expulsi. 
Bed.  in  3.  Joann.  Ep. 

"  Nam  exules  illi  christian!  e  patria  sua  cum  egressi  sunt,  nihil  quidquam 
suorum  bonorum  acceperunt  ab  hostibus  suis  Ethnicis,  sed  coacti  sunt  abire 
sine  uUo  vita}  subsidio.     Ileuniann.  ubi  supr.  p.  327. 

"   MjjSfv  \anl3avovrig  ano  tujv  tdvwv. In  manuscripto  ano  twv  iOvikiov. 

Potuerant  in  istacabmitaleadjuvari  misericordia  rwve^w,  '  cxtraneorum.' 


St.  Juhn^s  three  Episllcs.  295 

sense  is  likewise  in  Estius.  Whose"  note  upon  this  text  1 
shall  now  transcribe  at  large,  it  being-  well  suited  to  illus- 
trate this  epistle. 

Ver.  8,  "  We  therefore  ought  to  receive  such,  that  we 
might  be  fellow-helpers  to  the  truth."  '  It  should  be  an 
'allowed   maxim,  that  we  are  to  show  kindness  to   such: 

*  otherwise  we  do  not  act  the  part  of  christians,  who  ought 

•  to  encourage  those  who  have  a  zeal  for  truth.' 

Ver.  9,  "  1  wrote  to  the  church."  Or "  1  should  have 
written  to  the  church,"  and  therein  to  Diotrephes.  But 
Diotrephcs,  m  ho  loveth  to  have  the  pre-eminence  among- 
them,  receiveth  us  not."  '  I  know  he  Avould  not  pay  a  re- 
'  g-ard  to  my  directions.' 

V"er.  10,  "  Wherefore,  if  I  come,  I  will  remember  his 
tleeds,  which  he  does."  That  is,  '  1  y  will  remind  him  of 
'  his  actions,  and  reprove  and  admonish  him,  in  order 
'  to  his  amendment,  of  which  I  do  not  despair.'  "  Prat- 
ing- against  us  with  malicious  Avords."  He  proceeded 
so  far,  as  to  speak  of  the  apostle  in  a  petulant  manner. 
Perhaps  he  said,  that  though  St.  John  did  well  iu  giving- 
out  general  rules  for  the  practice  of  piety ;  yet  he  had  no 
right  to  intermeddle  in  particular  cases,  concerning  which 
every  one  should  judge  for  himself.  "  And  not  content 
therewith,  neither  doth  he  himself  receive  the  brethren,  and 
forbiddeth  them  that  would,  and  casteth  them  out  of  the 
church."     '  Nor  is  that  all.     For  he  not  only  refuses  to  re- 

Sed  maluerint  omnia  christianis  debere.     Grot,  ad  ver.  7.  *  Nos  ergo.'     Nos 

christiaiii  ubique  locorutn  ofuXofitv  aTroXafijSavsiv Manuscriptus,  i)7ro\ajtt- 

(iavtiv  roiHTHQ  :  id  vero  est,  opitulari.     Id.  ad  ver.  8. 

'^  Quod  ait  apostolus,  '  istos  profectos  pro  nomine  Jesu  Christi,'  potest 
bifariam  cxponi,  ait  Beda,  videlicet,  autut  praedicaturi  evangelium  ejussponte 
sint  profecti  ad  Gentiles  convertendos,  aut  ut  propter  fidem  et  confessionem 
nominis  Christi  per  contribules  sues  patria  fuerint  expulsi.  Similiter,  quod 
sequitur,  *  nihil  accipientes  a  gentibus,'  ambiguum  est,  an  de  gentibus  ad  fidem 
Christi  jam  conversis  accipiendum  sit,  an  de  nondum  conversis.  Et  uterque 
sensus  sua  nititur  probabilitate.  Illo  modo  sensus  est,  quod  hi,  quamvis 
annuntiassent,  et  deinceps  forent  annuntiaturi  gentibus  evangelium  seu  fidem 
Christi,  essentque  jam  complures  gentilium  eorum  praedicatione  conversi,  nihil 
tamen  ab  iis  exigere,  vel  accipere  volucrint  necessariae  sustentationis,  hac  scili- 
cet de  causa,  ne  quod  offendiculum  darent  evangelio  Christi De  gentibus 

autem  non  convei-sis  si  scrmo  sit,  tunc  significatur,  quod  isti  peregrini,  quam- 
vis egerent,  quacumque  lantum  ex  causa,  nihil  tamen  ab  hujusmodi  gen- 
tilibus  accipere,  nedum  petere,  voluerint ;  ne  ii  scandalizarentur,  et  longius  a 
Christiana  religione  averterentur.     Dixissent  enim :  Ecce  nulla  est  caritas  inter 

christianos Utraque  expositio  bene  probabilis  est.      Nee  satis  liquet,  utra 

sit  praeferenda.     Est.  in  3.  Joan.  ver.  7. 

y  Certe  nihil  aliud  sibi  viilt  apostolus,  quara  se  more  sue  molissimum, 
placidissimumque  in  modum  adraoniturum  esse  Diotrephen  peccati  sui,  rec- 
famque  eum  revocaturum  in  viani.  Heum.  ib.  p.  309. 


296  A  History  uf  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  ceive  and  entertain  these  brethren,  but  he  also  discourages 
'  those  who  would  relieve  and  entertain  them.  And  thus 
'  he  obligeth  these  strangers  to  leave  your  church,  and  go 
'  elsewhere.' 

By  these  last  words  most  interpreters  understand  St.  John 
to  say,  that  Diotrephes  excommunicated,  or  cast  out  of  the 
church,  "  the  brethren,"  members  of  it,  who  were  for  re- 
ceiving these  stranf^ers.  But  Dr.  Heumann  says,  that  ^  by 
the  persons  whom  Diotrephes  cast  out  of  the  church,  must 
be  understood  these  strangers,  not  the  members  of  the 
church.  For,  as  plainly  appears,  Caiuswas  not  excommu- 
nicated, though  he  had  done  what  was  opposed  by  Diotre- 
phes. Nor  need  it  be  supposed,  that  all  the  strangers,  here 
spoken  of,  were  obliged  to  leave  that  place,  or  society. 
Diotrephes,  it  is  true,  discouraged  their  reception,  and  some 
might  remove  elsewhere.  Others  of  them,  however,  might 
contiuue  their  abode  there,  encouraged  by  Caius  and 
some  other  pious  members  of  this  church,  who  did  not 
submit  to  the  reasons  or  the  orders  of  Diotrephes. 

In  this  interpretation  it  is  supposed,  that  "  casting  out  of 
the  church,"  refers  not  to  the  persons  last  mentioned,  who 
would   receive    these   strangers,    but    to  "  the   strangers," 
whom  Diotrephes  would  not   have    to   be    received.     And 
Beausobre   says,  the  '^  place  may  be  so  understood.     Dr. 

^-  Universi  videlicet,  qui  banc  tractarunt  epistolam,  sibi  pei-suaserunt,  de- 
scribi  his  verbis  lUud  pcense  ecclesiasticae  genus,  quod  excommunicatio  vooari 
solet.  Facile  quidem  poterat  hic  error  agnosci.  Nani  primo,  Caium,  id, 
quod  fieri  nolebat  Diotrephes,  facientem,  ab  ipso  non  fuisse  excommunica- 

tum,  in  propatulo  est. Sed  age,  rem  totam  uitueamur  propius.     Initio  igi- 

tur  considerandum  quosnam  ecclesia  ejecerit  Diotrephes.  Ab  omnibus,  si 
Beausobrium  excipirrus,  hoc  refeitur  ad  propinquius,  rug  PhXchivsq,  hoc  est, 
eos  qui  volebant  exules  hospitio  excipere.  Cum  vero  jam  graves  attulimus 
causas,  cur  non  credi  possit  hos  excommunicatione  ejecisse  ecclesia,  sequitur, 
ut  statuamus,  ha;c  verba,  ik  r»je  tKK\r)(jiac  iKJ3aXKii,  pertinere  ad  remotius,  ad 
fratres  exules.  His  scilicet,  dum  nee  ipse  ex  aerario  aliquid  impertiebat,  et 
aliis  quoque,  ut  nihil  ipsis  darent,  suadebat  ac  persuadebat,  hoc  ipso  migrare 
eos  cogebat  alio,  atque  ita  '  e  sua  expcllebat  ecclesia.'  Non  erat  igitur  nostro 
loco  neccsse  excommunicationem  tnbuere  Diotrephi.  Sed  satis  evidens  est  id 
eum  elfecisse,  quod  omissam  priorum  exulum  receptioncm  necessario  conse- 
quebatur,  ut  videlicet  exirent  ecclesia,  aliamque  peterent,  opum  pariter  et  mi- 

sericordiae  abundantiorem ^Apparet  hinc  etiam  facile,  cum  volentes  exulum 

misereri  KwXtveiv  hic  dicitur  Diotrephes,  non  credi  eum  debere  id  vetuisse  pro 
imperio,  sed  allatis  duntaxat  causis,  cur  fieri  id  non  oportebat,  multos  ab  hoc 

pietatis  officio  revocasse Atque  hoc  ipsum  nos  admonet,  verbo,  tK(3a\\eiVr 

non  necessario  significari,  omnes  illos  exules  revera  abire  coactas,  sed  id 
etiam  recte  usurpari  de  conatu  Diotrephis  id  efficiendi.  Heumann.  ibid.  p. 
310—313. 

■*  '  Les  chasse  de  1'  eglise.'  Cela  se  peut  rapporter  ou  aux  freres,  ou  a  ceux 
qui  les  rcQoicnt,  ou  aux  uns  et  aux  autres.     Sur  ver.  10. 


St.  John's  three  Epistles.  297 

Heumann  blames  him  for  not  saying  that  ^  it  ought  to  be  so 
uiulerstood. 

There  have  been  various  conjectures  of  learned  men  con- 
cerning the  reasons  of  Diotrephes'  conduct,  which  I  do  not 
choo(<e  to  take  notice  of  now.  Dr.  Heutnann  supposeth, 
that  Diotrephes  had  the  disposal  of  the  revenues  of  the 
church.  There  came  to  the  place  strangers,  who  needed 
relief.  But  Diotrephes  opposed  the  distribution  of  any  of 
the  common  stock,  and  also  discouraged  such  as  were  will- 
ing to  assist  them  wilh  their  own.  For  all  which,  as  may 
be  supposed,  ho  assigned  some  reasons.  This  appears  to 
me  to  have  been  the  whole  of  the  affair. 

But  whether  these  strangers  were  Jews,  or  Gentiles,  I 
cannot  say.  There  might  be  some  of  both.  Grotius  *=  and 
Lampe''  think  they  were  Jews,  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  Palestine,  or  had  been  reduced  to  want  by  the  general 
and  grievous  calauiity  of  that  covmtry,  and  had  come  into 
Asia  with  hopes  of  relief,  and  for  the  sake  of  a  settlement. 
Heumann,  as  before  seen,  says  they  were  Gentiles.  For 
certain  they  were  christians.  And  St.  John,  I  think,  says, 
that  we  ought  to  receive  such,  Avhether  they  be  of  Jewish 
or  Gentile  stock,  "  that  we  may  be  fellow-helpers  to  the 
truth  :"  '  that  we  also  may  serve  the  interests  of  truth, 
'  for  the  sake  of  which  these  persons  have  suffered  the  loss 
'  of  all  things.' 

Ver.  11,  "  Beloved,  follow  not  that  which  is  evil,  but  that 
which  is  good."  Here  the  apostle  exhorts  Caius  to  persist 
in  his  good  conduct,  and  to  be  upon  his  guard,  not  to  be 
influenced  by  any  bad  examples. 

In  the  twelfth  verse  he  recommends  to  him  Demetrius,  by 
whom,  as  may  be  supposed,  this  letter  was  carried. 

In  the  13th  and  14th  verses  he  sends  salutations,  and 
speaks  again  of  coming  to  the  place  M'here  Caius  dwelled, 
and  of  "  speaking  with  him  face  to  face."  Which  I  sup- 
pose he  did. 

And  I  please  myself  with  the  supposition,  that  his  journey 

^  Hie  enim  in  Gallica  sua  N.  T.  versione  animridvertit,  haec  verba  etiam  ad 
remotius  referri  posse,  hoc  est,  ad  fratres  exules.  Debebat  vero  indul- 
gere  meditationi,  ncc  id  relinquere  dubium  et  incertum.  Heum.  ib.  311. 
note  (/>). 

*=  'Yirtp  TH  ovofiaTog  avr»  £?jjX0oV  id  est,  a  Judaea  ejecti  sunt  per  Ju- 
dros  incredulos  ob  Christum.     Grot,  ad  ver.  7. 

■*  Unde  colligimus,  percgrinos  hos,  quorum  causam  Joannes  tarn  impense 
egit,  fuisse  Judaos  ex  Palaestina  cum  eo  profugos,  qui  pro  sc  aliisque,  per  to- 
talem  regionis  illius  devastationem  ad  summam  egestatcm,  redactis, 
opem  ecclesiarum  Asiae  florentium  implorabant.  Lamp.  Proleg.  1.  1.  c.  7, 
num.  xvi. 


298  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

was  not  in  vain.  I  imagine,  that  Diotrephes  submitted,  and 
acquiesced  in  the  advices  and  admonitions  of  the  apos- 
tle. Of  this  1  have  no  certain  assurance.  However  I 
may  add,  that  neither  does  any  one  else  know  the  con- 
trary. 

VI.  Concerning-  the  time  of  writing  these  two  epistles, 
nothing-  can  be  said  with  certainty.  Mill "  placeth  them 
about  the  same  time  with  the  first,  in  91  or  92.  Whis- 
ton  ^  likewise  supposeth  that  they  were  all  three  written 
about  the  year  82  or  83.  I  imagine  that  St.  John  was 
somewhat  advanced  in  age,  and  that  he  had  resided  a 
g-ood  while  in  Asia,  before  he  wrote  any  of  these  epis- 
tles. Consequently,  1  am  disposed  to  think  that  these 
two  were  not  written  sooner  than  the  first.  And  as  it 
was  before  s  argued,  that  the  first  epistle  was  written 
about  the  year  80,  these  two  may  be  reckoned  to  have 
been  written  between  the  years  80  and  90. 


CHAP.  XXI. 


ST.  JUDE  AND  HIS  EPISTLE. 


I.  His  history.  II.  Testimonies  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
epistle.  111.  To  ichom  it  2C as  sent.  IV.  The  time  when 
it  icas  icritten. 


I.  THE  writer  describes  himself  in  this  manner  at  the 
beginning-  of  the  epistle,  ch.  i.  ver.  1,  "  Jude,'^  the  ser- 
vant of  Jesus  Christ,  and  brother  of  James."  Those  two 
characters  lead  us  to  think  that  he  was  one  of  those 
called  the  Lord's  brethren,  and  that  he  was  an  apostle. 
Our  Lord's  brethren,  as  enumerated  in  Matt.  xiii.  55,  are 
"  James,  and  Joses,  and  Simon,  and  Judas."  In  Mark 
vi.  3,  "  James,  and  Joses,  and  Judas,  and  Simon."  And 
in  the  catalogues  of  the  apostles  are  these.  Matt.  x.  3, 
"  James    the  son  of   Alpheus,    and  Lebbeus,    whose    sur- 

"  Proleg.  num.  151.  ''  As  before,  p.  278, 

B  See  above,  p.  279. 

*  Is^ac,  ItjCH  XpiTS  ^sXof,  aStX(pocSe  laKwftn. 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  299 

name  was  Thaddeus.  Simon  the  Canaanite."  Mark  iii. 
IS,  "  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  Thaddeus,  and  Simon 
the  Canaanite."  Luke  vi.  15,  16,  "James  the  son  of 
Alpheus,  and  Simon  Zelotes,  and  Judas  the  brother  of 
James."  Acts  i.  13,  "  James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and 
Simon  Zelotes,  and  Judas  the  brother  of  James." 

Thus  he  appears  to  have  been  sometimes  called  Judas, 
at  other  times  Thaddeus,  or  Lebbeus.  As  I  do  not  in- 
quire into  the  meaning-  and  origin  of  these  names,  1  re- 
fer to  ^  others.  1  only  observe,  that  it  was  no  unconunon 
thino-  amonir  the  Jews  for  a  man  to  have  different  names,  as 
Simon,  sometimes  called  Simeon,  at  other  tunes  Peter,  or 
Cephas.     And  Thomas  was  also  called  Didymus. 

"  Jude,  servant  of  Jesus  Christ."  He  does  not  thereby 
deny  himself  to  be  an  apostle.  St.  Paul  does  not  always 
take  upon  himself  that  character  at  the  beg-inning-  of  his 
epistles.  It  is  wanting-  in  his  two  epistles  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians,  in  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians  and  to  Philemon. 
The  epistle  to  the  Philippians  begins  in  this  manner ;  "  Paul 
and  Timothy,  servants  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  all  the  saints  in 
Christ  Jesus,  which  are  at  Philippi." 

It  follows.  "  And  brother  of  James  :"  meaning  James, 
sometimes  called  the  Lord's  brother,  and  son  of  Alpheus, 
one  of  the  twelve  apostles.  And  he  does  fitly  so  style  him- 
self, as  that  James  was  the  eldest  brother,  and  was  of  note 
among  the  apostles,  after  our  Saviour's  ascension,  and  in 
great  repute  among  the  Jewish  believers.  As  appears  from 
Acts  xii.  17 ;  xv  ;  xxi.  18 — 25  ;  and  Gal.  i.  19 ;  ii.  9. 

We  have  no  account  of  Jude's  vocation  to  the  apostle- 
ship.  Nor  is  there  any  thing  said  of  him  particularly  in  the 
gospels,  except  what  is  related  in  John  xiv.  21—23,  in 
the  account,  which  that  evangelist  has  given  of  our  Lord's 
most  excellent  and  affectionate  discourses  with  the  disciples 
a  short  time  before  his  last  suffering-.  "  He  that  hath  my 
commandments,  and  keepeth  them,  he  it  is  that  loveth  me. 
And  he  that  loveth  me,  shall  be  loved  of  my  Father.  And 
I  will  love  him,  and  will  manifest  myself  to  him.  Judas 
saith  unto  him,  not  Iscariot :  Lord,  how  is  it  that  thou  wilt 
manifest  thyself  to  us,  and  not  unto  the  world!  Jesus  an- 
swered, and  said  unto  him  :  If  a  man  love  me,  he  will  keep 
my  words.  And  my  Father  will  love  him,  and  we  will  come 
unto  him,  and  make  our  abode  Avith  him." 

This  disciple  still  had  the  common  prejudice  concerning 

•^  See  Lightfoot's  Hebrew  and  Talmudical  Exercitations  upon  St.  Matthew, 
Vol.  II.  p.  176.  Witsii  Comm.  in  ep.  Judse.  num.  ii.  Cave's  Life  of  St, 
Jude,  in  English.     Dr.  Benson's  Preface  to  this  epistle,  sect.  i. 


300  A  History  of  the  Apostks  and  Evanyelists. 

the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah.  And  he  asks  our  Saviour 
M'ith  surprise,  how  he  could  speak  of  manifesting  himself  to 
a  few  only,  when  he  was  about  to  set  up  an  universal  mo- 
narchy in  great  power  and  splendour  ?  our  Lord  tells  him 
(\Ahat  he  might  have  known  before)  that  his  kingdom,  as 
Messiah,  was  spiritual,akingdomof  truth  and  righteousness: 
and  that  the  blessings  and  privileges  of  it  were  peculiar  to 
good  men,  who  obeyed  the  precepts  of  true  religion,  which 
had  been  taught  by  him.  Such  would  be  accepted, 
and  approved  by  himself,  and  by  his  heavenly  Father,  in 
M'hose  name  he  bad  spoken.  This  they  would  all  know, 
when  he  should  come  again  among  them,  after  his  resurrec- 
tion, and  when  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  should  be  bestowed 
upon  them,  and  others  his  followers. 

As  there  is  little  said  of  Jude  in  the  history  of  our  Saviour 
l)efore  his  resurrection,  so  St.  Luke  in  the  Acts  has  inserted 
nothing  particularly  concerning-  him  after  it.  However,  it 
is  uncpiestionable  that  he  partook  of  the  plentiful  effusion 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  at  the  pentecost  next  after  our  Lord's 
ascension  :  and  that  he  joined  with  the  other  apostles  in 
bearing  an  open  testimony  to  our  Lord's  resurrection  at 
Jerusalem  :  and  (hat  he  had  a  share  with  them  in  the  re- 
proaches and  other  sufferings,  which  they  endured  upon 
that  account. 

It  may  be  also  reasonably  supposed,  that  for  a  while  he 
preached  the  gospel  in  several  parts  of  the  land  of  Israel, 
and  wrought  miracles  in  the  name  of  Christ.  But  what 
they  were,  we  cannot  say,  because  they  are  not  recorded 
hy  St.  Luke  nor  any  other  credible  historian  near  the 
time. 

As  his  life  seems  to  have  been  prolonged,  it  may  be  also 
reckoned  very  likely,  that  he  afterwards  left  Judea,  and 
went  abroad,  preaching  the  gospel  to  Jews  and  Gentiles  in 
other  countries.  But  we  have  no  account  of  his  travels, 
that  can  be  relied  on.  Some  have  said,  that  he  preached  in 
Arabia,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and  Persia :  and  that  he  suf- 
fered martyrdom  in  this  last-mentioned  country.  But  of 
these  things  there  remains  not  any  credible  history. 

Indeed,  it  may  be  questioned,  whether  St.  Jude  was  a 
martyr.  It  was  formerly  observed  by '^  us,  that  Heracleon, 
a  learned  Valentinian,  as  cited  by  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
reckons  "^  among  apostles,  who  had  not  died  by  martyrdom, 

*=  See  Vol.  V.  cli.  v.  note  ''. 

^  Ov  yap  TTavTtQ  ot  ato'Coiitvoi  wpoXoyr/crav  Tr]v  ^la  rrjc  (fnovrjc  Oj.io\oyiav, 
Kai  i^r]\9ov'  I'i  o)v  MarOaioQ,  ^iKiirnog,  Qw/iac,  Atvic,  Knt  aWoi  TToXXot.  Heracl. 
ap.  Clem.  A.  Str,  1.  4.  p.  502. 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  301 

Matthew,  Pliilij),  Thomas,  and  Levi.  Ami  it  was  tlien  said, 
that  by  Levi,  lleiaclcon  |)rol)ably  meant  Lebbeus,  that  is, 
Judas.  Which  is  aUowed  by  "^  Dodwell,  and  some  other 
learned  writers,  to  wliom  we  then  referred.  Nor  does 
Jerom,  in  his  article  of  St.  Jude,  in  his  Catalogue  of 
Ecclesiastical  Writers,  say  any  thing-  of  his  having-  died  a 
martyr. 

Jerom,  in  his  commentary  upon  the  tenth  chapter  of  St. 
Matthew,  where  is  tiie  catalogue  of  the  apostles,  says,  '  that  ^ 
'  the  apostle  Thaddeus,  called  by  the  evangelist  Luke, 
'  "  Jude  the  brother  of  James,"  was  sent  to  Edessa  to  Abga- 
'  rus  king  of  Osroene.'  But  Eusebius,  in  his  account  of 
that  affair,  says,  'thats  Thomas,  one  of  the  twelve,  sent  to 
*  Edessa  Thaddeus,  one  of  Christ's  seventy  disciples,  to 
'  preach  the  gospel  in  those  countries.'  And  in  the  pre- 
ceding-'' chapter,  where  bespeaks  of  Christ's  seventy  disci- 
ples, he  reckons  Thaddeus,  who  went  to  Edessa,  one  of 
them.  Whence  it  came  to  pass,  that  Jerom  called  him  an 
apostle,  and  reckoned  him  one  of  the  twelve,  is '  not  easy  to 
say.  But  I  imagine,  that  what  he  says  in  his  commentary 
upon  St  Matthew,  is  an  inaccuracy,  owing-  to  his  writing-  in 
haste.  This  conjecture  receives  confirmation  hence,  that  in 
the  article  of  St.  Jude,  in  the  catalogue  above  mentioned,  he 
says  nothing-  of  that  journey. 

Before  1  proceed  any  farther,  I  must  take  notice  of'  a 
Dissertation  of  the  learned  Theodore  Haseeus  :  in  which  he 
argues,  that  Judas,  called  Lebbeus,  and  Thaddeus,  is  the 
same  as  Levi,  of  whose  call  St.  Mark,  ch.  ii.  13 — 17,  and  St. 
Luke,  ch.  v.  27 — 32,  give  an  account. 

He  supposeth,  that  St.  Matthew,  ch.  ix.  9 — 13,  gives 
an  account  of  his  own  call  to  be  an  apostle,  and  that  St. 
Mark  and  St.  Luke  give  an  account  of  the  call  of  another 
publican  named  Levi,  or  Lebbeus,  or  Judas. 

Upon  which  1  observe : 

L  That  is  a  very  forced  interpretation.  The  M'hole  histo- 
ry, and  all  the  circumstances  of  it,  show,  that  one  and  the 
same    person    is  spoken    of  by  all   the    three  evangelists. 

'  Diss.  Iren.  i.  num.  xxiv. 

'  Thaddaeum  apostolum,  ecclesiastica  tradit  hisforia  missum  Edessan  ad 
Abgarum  regem  Osroenae,  qui,  ab  evangelista  Luca,  Judas  Jacobi  dicitur.  In 
Matt.  T.  IV.  p.  35.  in. 

8  H.  E.  1.  i.  cap.  13.  p.  32.  "  Cap.  12.  p.  31.  A. 

'  Vid.  Vales.  Annot.  in  loc.  p.  21. 

''  Theodoii  Hasaei  de  Levi  a  Christo  ad  apostolatum  vocato :  ad  loca  Marci 
ii.  14.  seq.  Luc.  v.  27.  seq.  Disquisitio.  Qua  eum  non,  ut  vulgo  putatur, 
Matthaeum,  sed  Judam  Thaddaeum  esse  ostenditur.  Ap.  Biblioth.  Brem.  CI. 
V.  Fascic.  iii.  num.  vi.  p.  475,  &c.     Bremae.  1721. 


302  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

And  the  coherence  renders  it  indubitable.  Tlie  same  things 
precede  and  follow  in  those  several  evangelists;  as  may 
be  perceived  by  any  one  Avho  compares  them. 

2.  So  far  as  we  can  find,  it  has  been  the  opinion  of  the 
most  ancient  and  learned  christian  writers,  that  Matthew 
and  Levi  are  two  names  of  one  and  the  same  man.  So 
thought'  Eusebius.  So  likewise"  Jerom  in  several  places 
of  his  works  :  which  shows  it  was  his  settled  opinion,  and 
that  he  never  hesitated  about  it.  The  "  compiler  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  says  the  same  expressly.  Victor 
ofAntioch,  in  his  commentary  upon  St.  Mark,  says,  that" 
Mark  and  Luke,  when  they  give  an  account  of  his  call  at 
the  receipt  of  custom,  designedly  use  a  name  by  which  he 
was  not  so  well  known  as  that  of  Matthew.  Jerom  speaks 
to  the  like  purpose  in  a  passage  already?  transcribed.  It 
is  very  likely,  that  Victor  had  seen  that  observation  in  more 
ancient  writers  :  and  possibly  in  Origen,  in  i  whose  preface 
to  his  commentary  upon  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  as  we 
now  have  it  in  Latin  only,  is  somewhat  equivalent.  How- 
ever, he  plainly  says,  that  3Iatthew  and  Levi  are  only  two 
names  of  one  and  the  same  man. 

3.  Hasoeus  argues,  that  "^  Levi  is  never  said  in  the  gospels 
to  have  been  also  called  Matthew,  nor  is  Matthew  said  to 
be  otherwise  called  Levi. 

To  which  I  answer,  there  was  no  necessity  that  wc  should 

'  Vid.  Dera.Ev.  1.  3.  cap.  v.  p.  119,  Sac.  cited  in  this  work,  Vol.  iv,  p.  91, &c. 

"  Primus  omnium  iVIattiiaeus  est  Publicanus  cognomento  Levi,  qui  evan- 
gelium  in  Judaea  Hebraeo  sermone  edidit.  Hieron.  Prol.  in  Matt.  T.  IV.  in 
citat.  supra,  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  nimi.  vii. 

Caeteri  evangelistae  propter  verecuudiara  et  honorem  Matthaei  noluerant  eum 
nomine  appellare  vulgato,  sed  dixerunt  Levi.  Duplici  quippe  vocabulo  fuit. 
Id.  in  Matt.  cap.  x.  tom.  IV.  P.  I.  p.  30. 

Matthaeus,  qui  et  Levi,  ex  Publicano  Apostolus.     De  V.  I.  cap.  3. 

"  Tlepi  Ct  avayviiJTWv  tyai  MarOaiog,  o  (cat  Atvig,  6  iroTt  TtXiovTjC,  haratr- 
aofiai.     Const.  Ap.  1.  8.  c.  22. 

"  Est  autem  Levi  hie  idem  omnino  cum  evangelista  Matthaeo.  Et  qui- 
dem  Marcus  et  Lucas  nomen,  quod  illi  familiars  erat,  primaeva  appellatione 
obnubunt,  &c.  Victor  in  S.  Marc.  ap.  Bib.  PP.  Lugd.  T.  IV.  p.  375.  B.  citat. 
Vol.  ii.  hujus  operis,  ch.  clxxii. 

P  See  note  "". 

1  Prima  nobis  quaestio  do  nomine  ipsius  Pauli  videtur  exsurgere,  cur  is  qui 

Saulus  dictas  est  in  Actibus  Apostolonim,  nunc  Paulus  dicatur. Inveni- 

raus  igitur  in  scripturis  aliquantos  binis,  alios  etiam  ternis  uses  esse  nomini- 
bus. Sed  nee  evangelia  quidem  hunc  renuimt  morem.  Nam  et  Mat- 
thaeus ipse  refert  de  se,  quod,  cum  transiiet  Jesus,  invenit  quendam  seden- 
tem  ad  telonium,  nomine  Matthaeum.  Lucas  vero  de  eodem  dicit,  quia,  cum 
transiret  Jesus,  quendam  vidit  publicanuui,  nomine  Levi,  &c.  Origen.  in  ep. 
ad  Rom.  tom.  II.  p.  458.  Basil. 

'  Nam  observabam,  Matthaeum  nunquam  dici  Levin,  vel  Levin  vicissim 
appcllari  Matthaeum,  &c.  Has.  ubi  supra,  p.  477. 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  303 

be  told  this.  It  is  allowed,  that  Thaddeiis,  and  Lebbeus, 
and  Judas,  are  names  ot  one  and  the  same  apostle.  And  " 
it  was  also  so  understood  by  ancient  christians  :  some  of 
whom  I  have  quoted  below.  Nevertheless  St.  Luke  has 
never  told  us,  that  Judas  was  snrnamed  Thaddeus,  or  Leb- 
beus.  Nor  has  St.  3Iatthew,  or  St.  Mark  said,  that  Thad- 
deus, or  Lebbeus,  was  also  called  Judas. 

These  observations,  as  seems  to  me,  are  sufficient  to  con- 
firm the  common  opinion.  However  I  will  add  a  thought 
or  two  of  less  moment. 

4.  St.  Matthew,  in  the  catalogue  of  the  apostles,  placeth 
himself  in  this  manner,  ch.  x.  3,  "and  Matthew  the  publi- 
can :"  Kai  MaTOaiov  o  TcXivvrj';.  May  it  uot  be  hence  argued 
with  probability,  that  he  was  the  only  publican  among  the 
apostles,  and  that  there  was  no  other  ? 

5.  If  we  were  to  form  a  conjecture  concerning-  the  em- 
ployment, that  was  followed  by  Jude,  before  he  was  an 
apostle,  it*  would  be  that  of  an  husbandman.  In  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  the  apostles  are  made  to  say  : 
*  Some  of  us  are  fishermen,  others  tent-makers,  others  hus- 
'  bandmen.'  Undoubtedly  several  of  the  apostles  were 
fishermen.  But  by  the  latter  part  of  the  sentence  no  more 
may  be  meant,  than  that  there  was  among  them  one  tent- 
maker,  even  Paul,  and  one  husbandman,  intending",  perhaps, 
St.  Jude.  For  Hegesippus,  as  quoted  by  Eusebius,  writes, 
'  that  "  when  Domitian  made  inquiries  after  the  posterity 
'  of  David,  some  grandsons  of  Jude,  called  the  Lord's  bro- 
'  ther,  were  brought  before  him.  Being  asked  concerning 
'  their  possessions  and  substance,  they  assured  hi?n,  that 
'  they  had  only  so  many  acres  of  land,  out  of  the  improve- 
'  ment  of  which  they  both  paid  him  tribute,  and  maintained 
'  themselves  with  their  own  hard  labour.  The  truth  of 
'  what  they  said  was  confirmed  by  the  callousness  of  their 
'  hands.     Being  asked  concerning  Christ,  and  his  kingdom, 

*  Thaddaeum  apostolum qui  ab  evangelista  Luci  Judas  Jacobi  dici- 

tur,  et  alibi  appellatur  Lebbeeus,  quod  interpretatur  corculus.  Credendum- 
que  est  eura  fuisse  trinomineni ;  sicut  Simon,  Petrus,  et  filii  Zebedaei,  Boaner- 
ges, ex  firmitate  et  magnitudine  fidei,  nominati  sunt.  Hieron.  in  Matt.  x.  T. 
IV.  p.  35.  in. 

Hv  yap  irtpog  laSag  o  Af/3/3atoe,  6  kui  eTrtK\r]9HQ  QaSSawQ,  ov  laKOjfia  iptjmv 
iivai  6  AsKag,  Xeyuv,  IsSag  Ia(cw/3«.  Clirys.  in  Matt.  hom.  32.  Pal.  33.]  torn. 
VII.  p.  369. 

Vid.  et  Hesychii  Quaestiones.  DiiF.  xiv.  ap.  Cotcler.  Monum.  Gr.  torn. 
III.  p.  11.  '  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  in  S.  Juda. 

Ert  Se  Tnptr)(jav  oi  ano  ytvsq  m  Kvpin  viutvoi  InSa,  ts  Kara  aapKa  Xtyofttva 
avTH  aSe\(pn,  ovg  tStjXaTopevaav,  wc  (k  yevngovrag  Aaj3iS.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  3. 
cap.  XX. 


304  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjdisis. 

*  of  what  kind  it  was,  and  when  it  would  appear,  they  an- 
'  swered,  that  it  was  not  worldly  and  earthly,  but  heavenly 
'  and  angelical  :  that  it  Mould  be  manifested  at  the  end  of 
'  the  world  :  when  coming-  in  great  glory  he  would  judge 
'  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  render  to  every  man  accord- 
'  ing  to  his  works.  The  men  being  mean,  and  their  princi- 
'  pies  harmless,  they  were  dismissed.' 

Hence  some  may  argue,  that  St.  Jude  himself  had  been  an 
husbandman.  And  from  this  account,  if  it  may  be  relied 
upon,  we  learn,  that  this  apotle  was  married,  and  had  chil- 
dren. 

That  may  suffice  for  the  history  of  St.  Jude. 

II.  In  the  next  place  I  am  to  observe  the  evidences  of 
the  genuineness,  and  canonical  authority,  of  the  epistle  as- 
cribed to  him. 

Somewhat  relating  to  this  point  has  been  already  said  in 
the  fifteenth  chapter,  concerning  the  catholic  epistles  in 
general.  To  which  chapter  therefore  the  reader  is  referred, 
though  I  may  here  transcribe  some  things  from  it,  for  show- 
ing the  authority  of  this  epistle  in  particular. 

It  should  be  remembered,  that  Eusebius  having  enume- 
rated the  books  of  scripture  universally  received  from  the 
beginning,  and  among  them  the  first  epistle  of  Peter,  and 
the  first  epistle  of  John,  he  adds  :  '  And  ^  among  the  con- 
'  tradicted,  but  yet  well  known  to  the  most,  [or  approved 
'  by  many,]    are    that    called    the    epistle    of  James,   and 

*  that  of  Jude,  and  the  second  of  Peter,  and  the  second 
'  and  third  of  John.'  So  that  in  his  time  this  epistle  was 
well  known,  and  received  by  many,  though  not  by  all. 

This  epistle  is  no  where  expressly  cited  by  Irenaeus, 
who  wrote  about  the  year  of  Christ  178.  Whether  he 
has  at  all  referred  to  it,  was  considered  formerly.  And  the 
reader  is  referred  to  M'hat  was  then  """  said. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  flourished  about  the  year  194. 
Eusebius,  giving  an  account  of  his  works,  says  that  ^  in  his 
Institutions,  Clement  had  given  explications  of  all  the 
canonical  scriptures,  not  omitting  those  who  were  con- 
tradicted. I  mean  the  epistle  of  Jude,  and  the  other  catho- 
lic epistles. 

That  work,  entitled  Institutions,  is  lost.  But  we  have  in 
Latin  a  small  treatise  or  fragment,  called  Adumbrations, 
supposed  to  be  translated   from  the  Institutions.        Here 

"  See  before,  p.  160. 

"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  181,  182. 

"  fill  di  rag  avriXtyofjitvag  iraptXOwv,  rtjv  laSa  Keyu   Kai  rag  Xotrrag 

ca0o\((cac  f TTiToXac.     H.  E.  1,  6.  cap.  14.  in. 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  305 

are  notes  upon  the  epistle  of  Jude  :  in  which  is  an  obser- 
vation concerning-  the  modesty  of  the  writer:  '  that  y  Jude 
'  who  wrote  a  catholic  epistle,  did  not  style  himself  at  the 

*  beginning-  of  it,  brother  of  the  Lord,  thongh  he  was  relat- 

*  ed   to  him,  but  "Jude  the  servant  of  Jesus  Christ,  and 

*  brother  of  James."  ' 

Which  observation  serves  to  show  whom  Clement  took 
to  be  the  writer  of  this  epistle.  He  supposed  him  to  be 
one  of  them,  who  are  called  the  Lord's  brethren.  Matt, 
xiii.  55 ;  Mark  vi.  3 ;  and  an  apostle.  See  Luke  vi*  16, 
In  that  Adun)bration  follow  brief  remarks  upon  almost 
every  verse  of  the  epistle,  except  the  last,  or  twenty-tifth 
verse. 

It  might  be  observed  likewise,  that  in  tliat  place  Clement 
declares  his  opinion  concerning*  those  called  the  Lord's  bre- 
thren, that  they  were  children  of  Joseph. 

This  epistle  is  also  quoted  expressly  by  Clement  in  two 
of  his  works,  which  remain  entire,  the  Pedagogue  or  In- 
structor, and  the  Stromata  or  Miscellanies. 

In  the  Pedagog-ue  he  speaks  to  this  purpose  :  "  I  will^  that 
ye  should  know,"  says  Jude,  "  that  God  having-  once  saved 
the  people  out  of  Egypt,  afterwards  destroyed  them  that 
believecl  not.  And  the  angels,  which  kept  not  their  first 
estate,  but  left  their  own  habitation,  he  "^  has  reserved  in 
everlasting-  chains  under  darkness,  unto  the  judgment  of 
the  great  day."  And  afterwards,  he  emphatically  describes 
the  characters  of  those  who  are  judged.  "  Woe  unto  them, 
for  they  have  walked  in  the  way  of  Cain,  and  run  greedily 
in  the  error  of  Balaam  for  reward,  and  perished  in  the  gain- 
saying of  Core." — Jude,  ver.  5,6,  and  11. 

In  his  Stromata,  Clement  writes  to  this  purpose:  'Of' 
'  these,  and  the  like  heretics,  I  think,  Jude  spoke  propheti- 
'  cally  in  his  epistle  :'  "  Likewise  also  these  dreamers,"  and 
what  follows,  to  "  And  their  mouth  speaketli  great  swelling- 
words  :"  that  is,  from  ver.  8,  to  ver.  16.  And  that  manner 
of  quoting  shoMS,  that  the  epistle  was  in  the  hands  of 
many  people,  or  of  all  christians  in  general,  to  be  consulted 
by  them. 

y  Judas,  qui  catholicam  scripsil  epistolam,  frater  filiorum  Joseph,  extans 
valde  religiosus,  quum  sciret  propinquitatem  Domini,  non  tamciti  dixit,  se 
ipsum  fratrem  ejus  esse.  Sed  quid  dixit?  '  Jacobus,  servus  Jesu  Christi,' 
utpote  Domini,  ♦  frater  autem  Jacobi.'  Adumbrat.  in  epist.  Judae.  p.  1007. 
ed.  Oxon.  '  Paed.  1.  3.  p.  239, 

Sta^oiQ  aioioiQ  VTVO  Z,o<>iOV  aypiiov  [a],  ayuov']  ayytXwv  TtrrjptiKev. 

Etti  rsrojj/,  oijxai,  kcu  tojv  o/jloiujv  aiptfftiov  TrpoiprjTiKojQ  Isoav  ivry  nri'^oXy 
Hor)KtvaV  'Ofioiu)q  fiivTOi  Kai  utoi  ivvKvia'Coixivoi'  6  yaf)  innp  ry  aXijOtu^i  tTripaX- 
Xaffiv'  tbjc,  KCU  To^ojia  avrojvXaXeivTTipoyKa.     Strom.  1.  3.  p.  431.  A.  B. 
VOL.    VI.  X 


306  A  Hislorii  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

I  have  been  thus  prolix  in  reliearsing*  these  passages  of 
Clement.  For  they  appear  to  me  a  suthcient  proof  of  the 
antiquity  and  genuineness  of  this  epistle  :  or  that  it  was 
Avritten  by  Jude,  one  of  Christ's  twelve  apostles.  However 
I  would  also  refer  those  of  my  readers,  who  are  M'illing  to 
look  back,  to  Clement's  testimony  to  this,  and  to  the  other 
catholic  epistles,  as  formerly  observed  in*^  his  chapter. 

In  Tertullian,  about  the  year  200,  is  but  one  quotation  of 
this  epistle.  But  it  is  very  express  :  '  Hence '^  it  is,  says  he, 
'  that  Enoch  is  quoted  by  the  apostle  Jude.'  Intending  the 
I4th  verse  of  the  epistle,  and  making  no  doubt,  that  the 
writer  m  as  an  apostle. 

In  Origeji,  about  the  year  230,  are  divers  plain  quotations 
of  St.  Jude's  epistle. 

In  his  Commentaries  upon  St.  Matthew,  which  we  havestill 
in  Greek,  having  taken  notice  of  the  words  of  Matth.  xiii.  55, 

5G, beside  other  remarks,  he  says, '  that  *'  James  is  the  same 

'  whom  Paul  mentions  in  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  as  hav- 
'  ing-  been  seen  by  him.'  Gal.  i.  19.  He  also  observes  a 
passage,  said  to  be  in  the  Antiquities  of  Josephus,  relating 
to  the  same  James.  Then  he  adds  :  '  And  '  Jude  wrote  an 
'  epistle,  of  few  lines  indeed,  but  full  of  the  powerfid  words 
'  of  the  heavenly  grace,  who  at  the  beginning  says  :  "  Jude 
*  the  servant  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  brother  of  James."  '  These 
passages  are  of  use  to  show  us  whom  Origen  took  to  be  the 
writer  of  this  epistle. 

Again,  in  the  same  Commentaries.  '  And  s  in  the  epistle 
'  of  Jude  :  "  To  them  that  are  "  beloved  [or  sanctified]  in 
'  God  the  Father,  and  preserved  in  Jesus  Christ  and  call- 
'  ed."  ' 

Once  more,  in  the  same  Greek  Commentaries  upon  St. 
Matthew's  gospel,  having  quoted  I  Pet.  i.  12,  he  says : 
'  But ''  if  any  one  receives  also  the  epistle  of  Jude,  let  him 
'  consider  what  will  follow  from  what  is  there  said  :  "  And 
'  the  angels,  which  kept  not  their  first  estate,  but  left  their 

«=  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  242—245. 

''  Eo  accidit,  quod  Enoch  apud  Judam  apostolum  testimonium  peihibot. 
De  Cultu  Fem.  1  1.  cap.  3.  p.  172.  A. 

*  laKoi/Soc  Si  i<^iv  oiiTOQ,  ov  Xfyf I  WavKoQ  fidiiv  iv  ry  irpog  TaXarag  fTn-roXy, 
Hirwv  K.  \.     Comment,  m  Matt.  p.  223.  C.  Heut.  p.  4{i3.  B.  T.  3.  Bened. 

'  Kai  luSoQ  eypa^w  t7riTo\>jv,  oXiyozixov  yi.iv,  TrnrXtjpufievijv  St  rwv  Tijg 
apaviH  xaptrog  ifipaintviov  Xoyiov,  o'rig  iv  Vf)  tt^woi/iuij  iipi]Kiv'  I«^at,'»  It](Th 
XpiT«  ShXoq,  aoeX(l>og  St  laKiofia.     Ibid.  p.  223.  D.  al.  p.  4(J3.  D. 

"  Kai  IV  Ty  luSa  fTTiToX^,  Ting  tv  Off^j  ITarpt  riymrrjuivoig  Kai  T»j(T8  Xpi'^q) 
TirijpriiKvoig  Kai  KXriroig.     lb.  p.  332.  A.  al.  ()07.  C. 

''  Et  St  Kai  Ti]v  lnSa  TTpoaoiTO  rig  nri'roXtp',  opnup  ri  firtTairif)  Xoyij)  SutTO' 
AyytXng  rt  jMr)  rrjprjrravTug,  k,  X.      11).  p.  488.  E.  al.  p.  814.  C. 


St.  Judc,  and  his  Epistle.  307 

'  own   habitation,    he  has    reserved  in   everlasting-    chains 
'  under  darkness  unto  the  judgment  of  the  great  day."  ' 

This  epistle  is  also  quoted  in  those  works  of  Origen, 
which  we  now  have  only  in  a  Latin  translation.  lUit  for- 
bearing to  take  farther  notice  of  them  here,  1  refer  to  the 
account  formerly  given  at  large  of  Origen's  testimony  to  the 
scriptures,  in'  the  2nd  volume  of  this  work. 

Upon  the  whole  we  perceive,  that  there  were  some  in  his 
time,  who  doubted  of,  or  denied,  the  authority  of  this  epistle. 
But  himself,  as  seems  to  me,  admitted  the  genuineness  and 
authority  of  it.  For  he  quotes  it  expressly,  without  hesita- 
tion, as  written  by  Jude,  one  of  the  Lord's  brethren,  and 
brother  of  James,  consequently  apostle.  And  he  says, 
that  it  was  "  full  of  the  powerful  words  of  the  heavenly 
grace." 

1  have  not  observed  any  notice  taken  of  this  epistle ''  in 
the  writings  of  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  about  the  year 
248,  and  afterwards. 

It  is  quoted  by  the  anonymous  author  against  the  Nova- 
tian  heretic,  who  wrote  about  the  year  255.  But  he  does 
not  name  St.  Jude.  His  words  are  ;  'As'  it  is  written  : 
"  Behold  he  cometh  with  ten  thousands  of  his  angels,  to  ex- 
'  ecute  judgment  upon  all,"  and  what  follows,'  that  is,  the 
14th  and  15th  verses  of  the  epistle. 

Eusebius  flourished  about  the  year  315.  I  have  already 
transcribed  from  him  a  ■"  passage  concerning  the  catholic 
epistles,  and  among  them  concerning  St.  Jude's,  which 
ought  to  be  recollected  here.  There  is  another  taken  from 
him,  at"  the  beginning  of  this  article.  And  I  shall  here 
put  down  again  a  third  passage  transcribed  above  in  the 
chapter  of  °  the  epistle  of  St.  James.  Where  having  given 
an  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  James,  he  says  :  '  Thus  p 
'  far  concerning  James,  who  is  said  to  be  the  writer  of  the 
'  first  of  the  epistles  called  catholic.  But  it  ought  to  be 
'  observed,  that  it  is  spurious,  [that  is,  contradicted,]  foras- 

*  much  as  there  are  not  many  of  the  ancients,   who  have 

*  made  mention  of  it :  as  neither  of  that  called  Jude's,  which 
'  likewise    is   one    of  the  epistles  called  catholic.     How- 

'  Ch.  xxxviii.  Vol.  ii. 

^  See  Vol.  iii.  p.  47. 

'  Sicut  scriptum  est :  Ecce  ^'enit  cum  multis  millibus  iiuntiorum  siiorum, 
facere  judicium  de  omnibus,  &c.  Ap.  Cyprian,  in  App.  p.  20.  Vid,  et  hujus 
operis  Vol.  iii.  p.  64. 

"  See  p.  159,  of  this  volume.  "  P.  304. 

"  P  196. 

p  H.  E.  1.  2.  c.  23.  p.  66.  C. 

X  2 


308  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjelists. 

'  ever  we  know,  that  i  these  also  are  commonly  used 
*  [or  publicly  read]  in  most  churches,  together  with  the 
'  rest.' 

That  passage  needs  no  comment  This  epistle  was 
generally  received  in  the  time  of  Eusebius,  though  not 
by  all. 

Lucifer  of  Cagliari  in  Sardinia,  about  354,  has"^  quoted 
almost  the  whole  of  this  epistle.  He  quotes  it  expressly, 
as  written*  by  the  excellent  apostle  Jude,  brother  of  the 
apostle  James. 

I  need  not  particularly  mention  more  authors.  For  after 
the  time  of  Eusebius,  seven  catholic  epistles  were  generally 
received  by  all  christians,  Greeks,  and  Latins.  St.  Jude's 
epistle  therefore,  as  well  as  the  rest,  was  received  by  Atha- 
nasius,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Epiphanius,  Didymus  of  Alex- 
andria, Jerom,  Rufinus,  the  third  council  of  Carthage.  Au- 
gustine, Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Cyril  of  Alexandria, and  others, 
whose  names  may  be  seen  in  the  alphabetical  table  in  the  last 
volume,  under  the  article  of  seven  catholic  epistles.  But  ' 
it  was  not  received  by  the  Syrians. 

And  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  observe  here,  that  we 
have  found  this  epistle  oftener  quoted  by  writers  who 
lived  before  the  time  of  Eusebius,  than  the  epistle  of  St. 
James. 

Of  the  authors  above  named  there  are  two,  of  whom  I 
would  take  some  farther  notice. 

Epiphanius,  about  368,  in  his  heresy  of  the  Gnostics,  ex- 
pressly '  cites  "^  the  catholic  epistle  of  the  apostle  Jude,  bro- 
'  ther  of  James,  and  of  the  Lord,  written  by  inspiration.' 
This  epistle  is  received  by  Jerom,  as  Avritten  by  the  apos- 
tle Jude,  as  may  be  recollected  by  those  who  have  read  his 
chapter  in  the  fourth  volume  of  this  work.  Where,^  in  his 
letter  to  Paulinus,  he  says,  '  The  apostles  James,  Peter, 
'  John,  Jude,  wrote  seven  epistles,  of  few  words,  but  full  of 
'  sense.' 

And  in  the  chapter  of  St.  Jude,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ec- 
clesiastical Writers,  he  says  :  '  Jude,'*'  brother  of  James,  left 

'•  'On^e  Se  ifffjitv  Kai  ravTOQ  /lira  rwv  \oi7r(i)v  iv  TrXftTaic  SiSrjuomEvnevaQ 
fKicXrimaig.     Ibid. 

'   See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  xci. 

*  Cum  exhortetur  Judas,  gloriosus  apostolus,  frater  Jacobi  apostoli,  &c. 
Ap.  Bib.  PP.  T.  IV.  p.  227.  C— E. 

'  See  Vol.  iv.  ch.  ciii.     Vol.  v.  p.  96,  97. 

"  'Qc  Km  irepi  THrtov,  oi/iai,  eKivr}Or}  to  dyiov  Trvtvfia  tv  T<{t  a7ro<roXy  Is^^, 
\tyu)v  dt  tv  ry  vtt'  cwth  ypa^aff^/  K«0oXtK^  nri'^oXy.  InSag  Se  tTiv  ovrog,  o 
aSiXijyoc  IaKw/3»  Km  KvpiH  Xtyojifvog.     H.  2t>.  n.  xi.  p.  92.  D. 

"  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxiv.  num.  v.  "  Ibid.  num.  viii,  8. 


Si.  Jude,  and  liis  Epistle.  309 

'  a  short  epistle,  which  is  one  of  the  seven  called  catholic. 
'  But "  because  of  a  quotation  from  a  book  of  Enoch, 
'  which  is  apocryphal,  it  is  rejected  by  many.  However  at 
'  length  it  has  obtained  authority,  and  is  reckoned  among- 
'  the  sacred  scriptures.' 

There  is  some  inaccuracy  in  Jerom's  manner  of  expres- 
sion. For  a  book  to  be  at  the  same  time  rejected  by  the 
most  or  many,  and  to  be  reckoned  among  the  sacred  scrip- 
tures, are  inconsistent.  But  it  might  have  been  properly 
said :  '  that  Avhereas  it  had  been  rejected  by  many,  because 
*  of  a  quotation  from  an  apocryphal  book;  it  had  at  length 
'  obtained  authority,  and  was  reckoned  among  the  sacred 
'  scriptures.' 

Many  learned  men^  have  carefully  considered  this  diffi- 
culty. But  as  the  ancients  overcame  it,  and  at  length  ad- 
mitted the  authority  of  this  epistle,  perhaps  it  might  have 
been  passed  over  as  a  thing  of  no  great  consequence.  In- 
deed, if  there  is  a  credible  testimony  to  any  book,  or  epistle, 
that  it  was  written  by  an  apostle,  such  a  passage  need  not 
cause  much  hesitation.  Origen  has  an  observation  in  one  of 
his  Latin  tracts.  '  St.  Paul  ^  says :  as  Jannes  and  Jambres 
'  withstood  Moses.  This  is  not  found  in  the  public  scrip- 
'  tures,  but  in  a  secret  book,  entitled  Jannes  and  Jambres. 
'  For  which  reason  some  have  been  so  daring,  as  to  argue 
'  against  that  epistle  of  Timothy,  though  in  vain.'  For  cer- 
tain such  an  objection  could  be  of  little  weight  against  so 
well  attested  a  writing  as  St.  Paul's  second  epistle  to  Timo- 
thy.    Nor  ought  it  to  weigh  much  in  this  case. 

I  might  conclude  here.  But  for  the  sake  of  some,  shall 
add  the  two  following"  observations. 

1.  It  is  not  certain  that  St.  Jude  cites  any  book.  He 
only  says,  that''  "  Enoch  prophesied,  saying,  The  Lord  com- 

"  Et  quia  de  libro  Enoch,  qui  apocryphus  est,  in  eaassumitur  testimonium, 
a  plerisque  rejicitur.  Tamen  auctoritatem  vetustate  jam  et  usu  meruit,  et 
inter  sanctas  scripturas  computatur.     De  V.  1.  cap.  iv. 

y  Beausobre  and  L'Enfant  in  their  Preface  to  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude.  Dr. 
Benson  in  his  Preface  to  this  epistle,  sect.  i.  and  many  others. 

"  Item  quod  ait,  '  sicut  Jamnes  et  Mambres  restiterunt  Mosi,'  non  inveni- 
tur  in  publicis  scripturis,  sed  in  libro  secreto,  qui  suprascribitur  Jamnes  et 
Mambres.  Unde  ausi  sunt  quidam  epistolam  ad  Timotheum  repellere,  quasi 
habentem  in  se  textum  ahcujus  secreti.  Sed  non  potuerunt.  In  Matt.  Tract. 
35.  p.  193.  tom.  II.  Basil.    Et  in  hoc  opere,  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  xxv.  14. 

'  Varum  quicquid  et  vetustis  patribus  et  recentioribus  quibusdam  videatur, 
non  potest  ullo  mihi  pacto  probari,  Judam  apostolum  ex  libro  scripto  tempo- 
ribus  ejus  extante,  tritaque  prophetia  suum  illud  vaticinium  deprompsisse. 
Nam  primo  id  Judas  non  testatur.  Qui  simpliciter  habet,  Trpot<priTivai.  Pro- 
phetiam  scriptis  ab  eo  consignatam  esse  non  dicit.  J.  H.  Heidegger.  Hist.Patr. 
Exercita.  x.  de  Prophetia  Enochi.  sect.  v.  torn.  I.  p.  271. 


310  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

eth  with  ten  thousands  of  his  saints."  Which  ''  might  be 
words  of  a  prophecy,  preserved  by  tradition,  and  inserted 
occasionally  in  divers  writings.  Nor  is  there  good  evidence, 
that  in  St.  Jiide's  time  there  was  extant  any  book  entitled 
Enoch,  or  Enoch's  Prophecies,  though  there  was  such  a 
book  in  the  hands  of  christians  in  the  second  and  third  cen- 
turies. Moreover  St.  Jude  might  ascribe  to  Enoch  what  it 
is  reasonable  to  believe  was  the  import  of  his  prophecy. 

I  transcribe  here  an  observation,  which  I  have  met  with  : 
'  St.  Jude  '^  in  his  epistle,  from  the  circumstances  of  the  men 
*  and  the  manners  of  the  people  to  >vhom  Enoch  preached, 
'  gathered  what  might  be  the  sum  of  Enoch's  preaching,  in 
'  this  sort.  "  Behold  the  Lord  cometh."  How  ?  As  at  the 
'  giving  of  the  law,  "  with  thousands  of  his  angels,  to  give 
'judgment  against  all  men,  and  to  rebuke  all  the  ungodly 
'  among  them  of  all  their  wicked  deeds,  which  they  have 
'  ungodly  committed,  and  of  all  their  cruel  speakings,  which 
'  wicked  sinners  have  spoken  against  him."  Upon  which 
'  words  the  Greeks,  not  knowing  the  course  of  the  Hebrews 
'  in  their  feigned  speeches,  imagined,  that  Enoch  left  a  book 
'  of  his  preaching  behind  him.' 

Grotius'^  has  somewhat  to  the  like  purpose. 

And  J.  H.  Heidegger®  approved  of  this  manner  of  inter- 

At  neque  dicit  Judas  Henoclium  ita  scripsisse  ;  neque  in  libro  qui  Henochi 
dicitur,  prophetiae  hujus  vel  vola  vel  vestigium  reperitur.  Imo  credibile  est, 
Judae  setate  suppositium  hunc  librum  ne  quidem  in  rerum  natura  fuisse  sed  a 
putido  et  portenso  nescio  quo  Cabbalista  Giaecanico,  vel  ab  hseretico,  et  sciolo 
aliquo  Christum  professo,  sub  Henochi  nomine  procusum  esse.  Witsius  in  ep. 
Jud.  num.  xh.  p.  502. 

''  Alii  denique  verisimilius  arbitrantur,  habuisse  Judam  ex  nota  et  confessa 
eo  tempore  traditione,  quam  veram  esse  Spiritu  magistro  cognovit,  dignamque 
judicavit,  quam  sua  hac  epistola  consecraret  aeternitati.  Cui  sententiae  ego 
quoque  hactenus  acquiesco.     Wits,  ubi  supr.  num.  xh.  p.  503. 

<=  The  General  Review  of  the  Holy  Scriptui-es,  p.  38,  by  Thomas  Hayne, 
London,  1640,  folio. 

•*  Solebant  Rabbini  et  angelis  et  magnis  hominibus  tribuere  ea  verba,  quae 
verisimiliter  dicere  potuerunt.  Tale  illud  quod  de  Enocho  habebimus,  et  illud 
quod  Heb.  xii.  21.  et  Actor,  vii.  26,  &c.     Grot.  ap.  S.  Jud.  ver.  9. 

Solebant,  ut  modo  dixi,  Rabbini  et  angelis  et  viris  magnis  tribuere  ea  dicta, 
quae  dixisse  poterant.     Id.  ad  ver.  14. 

Quod  tunc  Enoch  aut  dixit,  aut  dicere  potuit,  imminente  diluvio,  idem 
Judas  ad  ingentem  illam  internecionem,  quae  Judaeis  contumacibus  immine- 
bat,  referre  commode  potuit.     Id.  ib.  ad  ver.  15. 

*  Distinguendum  accurate  est  inter  fundamentum  prophetiae,  et  ejus  forrau- 

1am,     Fundamentum  quod  attinet,  est  illud  totara  iyypa(pov Alterum  est, 

quod  scriptum  reperitur,  '  Enochum  cum  Deo  ambulasse."  Ex  eo  Judae  pro- 
clive  fuit  conficere  Enochum  non  pro  se  lantum  quaesivisse  Deum,  sed  etiam 
alios  proposito  terrore  ultimi  judicii  ab  impietate  et  injusfitia  deterruisse 
neque  potuisse  cum  Deo  ambulare,  vel  pii  viri  oflicio  defuugi,  nisi  judicium 
Domini  venturi  cum  myriadibus  angelorum  hominibus  suae  aetatis  annuntiaret. 


St.  Judc,  and  his  Epistle.  311 

pretatiou.  He  supposes  St.  Judc  to  refer  to  the  words  of 
iMoses.  Cen.  v.  22  and  24 ;  "  and  Enoch  walked  with 
ijrod."  Cooceius,  also,  as  '  cited  by  Witsius,  argued  not 
very  diflerently,  though  Witsius  did  not  fully  approve 
of  it. 

1  shall  add  a  thought  or  two  confirming*  that  method 
of  interpretation.  St.  Peter,  2  ep.  ii.  5,  calls  Noah,  "a 
preacher  of  righteousness  :"  referring',  I  su[)pose,  to  the 
iiistory  in  Genesis,  though  it  is  not  expressly  said  there. 
And  at  ver.  7,  8,  he  says  of  Lot,  that  ''  he  was  vexed 
with  the  filthy  conversation  of  the  wicked  :  and  that 
dwelling-  among  them,  in  seeing  and  hearing,  he  vexed 
his  righteous  soul  from  day  to  day,  Avith  their  unlawful 
deeds."  These  things  are  not  expressly  said  in  the  book 
of  Genesis.  Nevertheless,  I  make  no  question  but  the  apos- 
tle refers  to  what  is  there  said,  and  deduceth  these  things 
thence,  and  not  from  an  apocryphal,  or  any  other  writing 
M'hatever. 

There  is  no  necessity  therefore  to  suppose,  that  St.  Jude 
quoted  a  book  called  Enoch,  or  '  Enoch's  prophecies.' 

2.  Allowing-  St.  Jude  to  quote  such  a  book,  he  gives  it  no 
authority.  It  was  no  canonical  book  of  the  Jews.  That  is 
certain.  Conseciuently,  if  there  was  such  a  book  among 
them,  it  was  apocryphal.  But  though  it  was  so,  there  might 
be  in  it  some  right  things.  These  St.  Jude  might  take, 
without  approving  the  whole  of  it.     To  this  purpose  s  Je- 

Cum  igitur  non  potuerit  non  loqui  de  judicio  Domini  superventuro  impiis,  et 
ii,  de  quibus  S.  Judas  loquitur,  sint  ultimi  temporis,  conficit,  Enochum  diu 

ante  diluvium  de  iis  prophetasse Porro  quod  formulam  attinet  prophetise, 

cujus  fundamentum  ita  in  Scripturis  ostendimus,  illam  ex  iis  verbis  contexuit 
Judas,  in  quorum  virtute  eam  latere  per  avviaiv  TrvevnariKiiv,  '  intelligentiam 
•spiritualem,'  probe  scivit.     Heid.  ubi  supra,  num.  x.  p.  277. 

''  Celeben-imus  Coccejus  conjectat  Judam  ex  historia  Mosaica  collegisse. 
'  Nam,'  inquit,  '  prophetasse  Heaoclium,  satis  constat  ex  sacris  literis.  Am- 
'  bulavit  enim  cum  Deo.     Ergo  cum  Deo  fecit,  defectoribus  se  opposuit,  ver- 

'  bis  sine  dubio  in  Spiritu  Sanclo  dictis,  et  opere Porro  Judas  talia  Heno- 

'  chum  prophetasse  testatur,  quae  optime  et  pathetice  ei  attribuuntur  in  proso- 
•  popceia.'  Quae  quidem  non  male  mihi  animadversa  videntur  ;  attamen  non 
validum  satis  firmamentum  continere,  cui  Judae  allegatio  commode  insedifice- 
tur.  Nam  Judas  formulam  prophetiae  Henocho  adscribit,  quae  ex  Mose  disci 
non  potest.     Wits.  ib.  num.  xli.  p.  502,  et  503. 

B  Qui  autem  dicunt  totum  librum  debere  sequi  eum  qui  libri  parte  usus  sit, 
videntur  mihi  et  apocryphum  Enochi,  de  quo  apostolus  Judas  in  epistoli 
sua  testimonium  posuit,  inter  ecclesiae  scripturas  recipere,  et  multa  alia,  quae 
apostolus  Paulus  de  reconditis  est  loquutus.  Possumus  enim  hoc  argumento 
dicere :  quia  apud  Athenienses  ignotum  Deum  colere  se  dixit,  quem  illi  in  ara 
annotaverant,  debere  PauUira  et  caetera,  quae  in  ara  scripta  fuerant,  sequi,  et  ea 
quae  Athenienses  faciebant  facere,  quia  cum  Atheniensibus  in  cultura  ignoti 
Dei  ex  parte  consenserat.     Hicron.  in  Tit.  T.  IV.  p.  421. 


312  ^4  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjelists. 

rom  has  argued  largely,  and  very  well,  in  his  commentary 
upon  tlie  epistle  to  Titus,  upon  occasion  of  St.  Paul's  quo- 
tation of  Epinienides.  Tit.  i.  12.  And  Cave  says,  '  It  '*  is 
'  no  more  strange,  that  St.  Jude  should  quote  an  apocryphal 
'  book,  than  that  St.  Paul  should  put  down  Jannes  and  Jam- 
'  bres  for  the  two  magicians  of  Pharaoh  that  opposed  Moses. 
'  Which  he  must  either  derive  from  tradition,  or  from  some 
'  uncanonical  author  of  those  times,  there  being  no  mention 
'  of  their  names  in  Moses'  relation  of  that  matter.' 

As  1  have  said  so  much  about  this  text,  I  am  induced  to 
take  notice  of  some  other  like  things  in  this  epistle. 

Says  St.  Jude,  ver.  2  and  9,  "  Likewise  also  these  filthy 
dreamers  defile  the  flesh,  despise  dominion,  and  speak  evil 
of  dignities.  Yet  Michael,  the  archangel,  when  contending 
with  the  devil,  he  disputed  about  the  body  of  Moses,  dared 
not  [chose '  not]  to  bring  against  him  a  railing  accusation, 
but  said  :  The  Lord  rebuke  thee." 

Origen,  in  the  third  century,  supposed  that  ^  St.  Jude 
might  refer  to  a  book,  called  the  Assumption,  or  Ascension 
of  Moses,  though  it  was  not  a  book  of  authority.  But  in- 
deed, there  is  no  good  reason  to  think,  that  there  was  any 
such  book  extant  in  the  time  of  St.  Jude.  It  is  more  proba- 
ble that  it  was  forged  afterwards.  Some  therefore  have 
imagined,  that  St.  Jude  took  this  passage  from  some  more 
valuable  Hebrew  author,  of  whom  however  we  have  no 
knowledge. 

But  to  me  it  is  apparent,  that  St.  Jude  refers  to  the  vision 
in  Zech.  iii.  1 — 3,  "  And  he  shewed  me  Joshua  the  high- 
priest,  standing  before  the  angel  of  the  Lord,"  and  "  Satan 
standing  at  his  right  hand  to  resist  him.  And  the  Lord" 
[that  is,  "  the  angel  of  the  Lord,"  before  mentioned]  "  said 
unto  Satan  :  The  Lord  rebuke  thee."  And  what  follows. 
The  text  of  St.  Jude  is  parallel  with  2  Pet.  ii.  11,  "  Whereas 
angels,  which  are  greater  in  power,  bring  not  railing  accu- 
sation before  the  Lord."  Here  also  is  a  plain  reference  to 
the  vision  in  Zechariah.  The  thing  itself,  and  that  circum- 
stance, "  before  the  Lord,"  answering  to  the  expression  in 
Zechariah,  "standing  before  the  Lord,"  or  "before  the 
angel  of  the  Lord,"  put  it,  as  seems  to  me,  beyond  question. 

Campegius  Vitringa  '  has  some  curious  observations  upon 

''  Life  of  St.  Jude,  in  English,  p.  205. 

'  Michael  autenni  «k  troXjujyae,  non  •  sustinuit,'  non  induxit  aninium,  impin- 
gere  illi  iiotain  maledicti,  id  est,  ultionem  maledicendo  sumere.  Non  quod 
timuerit  diabolum,  sed  quod  ex  decoro  omnia  agere  voluerit.  Wits.  Comm. 
in  l']p.  Judae,  ver.  9.  p.  480.  ''  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii. 

num.  xiv.  a  citation  from  Origin's  Books  of  Principles. 

'  Probabile  nobis  videtur,  Judam  scripsisse  ■ki^ith  I/yo-a  ffojfiaroQ,  ethodier- 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  313 

this  text  of  St.  Jude.  Instead  of  "  the  body  of  Moses,"  he 
would  read  "  the  body  of  Joshua."  That  is  ingenious. 
Nevertheless  the  common  reading-  may  be  right,  and  may 
be  explained  very  agreeably  to  the  passage  of  Zeehariah. 
For,  according  to  an  interpretation  of  that  vision,  formerly  '" 
taken  from  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  Joshua,  the  high-priest, 
there  denotes  the  Jewish  people.  Whom  St.  Jude  might 
call  "  the  body  of  Moses,"  as  christians  are  called  "  the  body 
of  Christ"  by  St.  Paul,  1  Cor.  xii.  20,  25,  27;  Epii.  i.  23, 
and  iv.  12,  l6;  Col.  i.  18.  The  same  interpretation  was 
proposed  some  while  ago,  and  well  supported  in  a  Disser- 
tation of  a  learned  writer,  who  was  not  acquainted  with 
Ephrem." 

Once  more.  St.  Jude  says,  ver.  6,  "  And  the  angels, 
which  kept  not  their  first  estate,  but  left  their  own  habita- 
tion, he  has  reserved  in  everlasting  chains  under  darkness 
unto  the  judgment  of  the  great  day."  To  which  there  is 
a  parallel  place  in  2  Pet.  ii.  4.  The  learned  writer,  above 
quoted,  observes,  that"  neither  here  have  these  apostles  a 
reference  to  any  Jewish  apocryphal  book,  but  to  some  text  of 
sacred  scripture,  or  of  the  Old  Testament.  But  he  then 
deferred  showing  the  place.  Nor  do  I  know  that  these  texts 
ever  came  in  his  way  afterwards.  I  wish  they  had.  For  I 
also  am  much  inclined  to  believe,  that  in  all  these  places 
the  apostles  referred  to  passages  of  the  Old  Testament. 

This  may  assist  us  in  forming  a  judgment  concerning  the 
opinion  p  of  the  bishop  of  London,  that  St.  Jude  in  his  epis- 

nam  lectionem  esse  a  manu  imperitioris  bibliographi,  qui,  cum  nihil  in  Scrip- 
turis  memorabile  legisset  de  '  corpore  Josuae,'  sed  contra  ex  Historia  Sacra 
intellexisset,  quid  circa  '  corpus  Mosis'  singulare  accidisset,  nee  interea  de 
loco  Zacliariae  cogitaret,  Josuae  nomen  in  illud  Mosis  commutavil.  Sed  quam 
certum  est,  Judara  his  verbis  respexisse  locum  ilium  Zachariae,  tam  quoque 
certum  est,  non  scripsisse,  Michaelem  disputasse  cum  Diabolo  de  *  corpore 

Mosis.' Imo  ex  eadem  ratione  liquidissime  patet,  Judam,  quae  hie  habet 

'  de  corpore  Mosis,'  non  desumpsisse  ex  apocrypho  aliquo  Judaici  ingenii,  in 
quo  hanc  fabulam  offendisset.  Respexit  Judas,  ut  jam  dixi,  ad  locum  Zacha- 
riae, et  inde  recte  evicit,  Satanae,  potentissimi  angeli,  ab  ipso  principe  angelorum 
Michaele  in  judicio  in  ipsum  proferendo  magnam  habitam  esse  rationem  :  ac 
proin  multo  minus  '  potestates '  et  '  glorias,'  hoc  est,  potentissimos  principes, 
licet  malos,  nobisque  adversos,  a  nobis  esse  vilipendendos.  Campeg.  Vitring. 
Observ.  Sacr.  1.  4.  cap.  ix.  n.  35.  p.  1003,  1004. 

■"  See  Vol.  iv.  oh.  cii.  num.  vi.  6. 

»  See  Bib.  Raisonnee,  tom.  XXXI.  P.  II.  art.  i.  p.  243—269. 

"  Quid  Petrus  et  Judas  per  alterum  illud  exemplum  *  angelorum,'  qui  *  pecca- 
verunt,  principio  et  domicilio  suo  derelicto,'  intenderint,  et  ad  quam  partem 
Ilistoriae  Sacrae  respexerint,  (ad  Historiam  enim  Sacrara  respexisse  certum  est,) 
nunc  praetermitto,  alia  forsitan  occasione  commodiore  indicandum.  Id.  ib. 
num.  35.  p  See  his  Dissertation  concerning  the  authority  of  the 

second  epistle  of  St.  Peter.     And  here  in  Uiis  Volume,  p.  257. 


314  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

tic,  and  St.  Peter  in  the  second  chapter  of  his  second  epis- 
tle, copied  or  imitated  some  Hebrew  writer,  who  had  left 
behind  him  a  description  of  the  false  prophets  of  his  own 
or  former  times.  Which  indeed  is  ingenious,  and  plausible. 
Nevertheless  1  think,  such  conjectures  ought  not  to  be  pre- 
sently received  as  certain.  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Jude,  and  all 
the  christians  in  general  of  their  time,  had  before  them  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  JMany  of  the  cases  refer- 
red to  by  these  apostles  are  evidently  found  there,  such  as 
Cain,  Korah,  Balaam,  the  people  of  Sodom.  And  why 
should  not  the  other  instances  be  taken  thence  likewise?  If 
they  are,  I  presume,  the  argument  would  be  more  forcible 
with  all,  than  otherwise  it  would  have  been.  Nor  does  the 
resemblance  of  style  in  St.  Peter  and  Jude  afford  a  conclu- 
sive argument  that  they  both  borrowed  from  someone  Jew- 
ish author.  The  similitude  of  the  subject  might  produce  a 
resemblance  of  style.  The  design  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude 
was  to  condemn  some  loose  and  erroneous  christians,  and  to 
caution  others  against  them.  When  speaking  of  the  same 
sort  of  persons,  their  style  and  figures  of  speech  would  have 
a  great  agreement.  And  certainly  I  think  that  the  apostles 
needed  not  any  other  assistance  in  confuting  and  exposing 
corrupt  christians,  than  their  own  inspiration,  and  an  ac- 
quaintance M'ith  the  ancient  scriptures  of  the  Jewish 
church. 

III.  We  are  now  to  consider  to  whom  this  epistle  was 
sent. 

Witsius  says,  it  i  was  written  to  all  christians  every  where, 
but  especially  to  christians  converted  from  Judaism  :  foras- 
much as  St.  Jude  refers  to  Jewish  writings  and  traditions. 
Moreover  he  wrote  to  the  same  christians  to  whom  Peter 
wrote,  who  were  such  as  had  been  Jews.  To  the  like  pur- 
pose "^  Estius. 

Hammond  ^  says,  the  epistle  was  written  to  the  Jews  scat- 

<i  Epistola  haec  christianis  quidem  universim,  et  potissimum  Hebraeis  scripta 
est. li  quibus  scripta  est  epistola,  illis  desigiiantiir  epithetis,  quae  sine  Gen- 
tium distiuctioue  chnstianis  otnriibus  competuut ;  quamvis  credibile  sit,  potis- 
simum eos  spectari,  qui  ex  Isiaelitis  in  Christo  crediderant.  lis  enim  saepiuscule 
argumentis  utitur,  quae  ex  Judaeorum  libris,  vel  etiam  traditionibus,  desumpta 
sunt.  Videnturque  prorsus  lidem  e:se  cum  illis,  quos  Petrus  posteriore  sua 
epistola  compeihit.     Wits.  Comment,  in  ep.  Jud.  sect.  viii.  p.  460. 

■■  Porro  verisimile  est,  ad  eosdemscriptamessc,  ad  quosscripsit  B.  Petrus,  id 

est,  ad  eos  praecipue,  qui  ex  circumcisione  crediderant. Id  ipsum  indicant 

ilia  verba  vcrsils  5.  '  Commoncre  autem  vos  volo,  scientes  semel  omnia,' 
Nam  id  aptissime  Judaeis  dicitur,  a  prima,  state  inibutis  cogaitione  historiae 
sacra?.     Est.  Argum.  in  Ep.  Jud. 

»  Vidctur  autLin,  sicut  epislolae  Jacobi  et  Petri,  scripta  fuisse  ad  Judaeos 
dispersionis,  christianam  religionem  araplexos,  ut  confirmarentur  contra  pravas 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  315 

tereil  abroad,  who  believed  the  christian  religion,  to  secure 
them  auainst  the  errors  of  the  Gnostics. 

Dr.  Benson  ^  thinks  that  St.  Jude  wrote  to  Jewish  chris- 
tians, as  his  brother  James  had  done,  and,  most  probably,  to 
the  Jews  of  the  western  dispersion. 

Let  us  now  observe  the  inscription  of  the  epistle  in  the 
Avriter's  own  words.  "Jude,  the  servant  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  brother  of  James,  to  them  that  are  sanctified  by  God 
the  Father,  and  preserved  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  called,"  ver, 
1.  And  ver.  3,  "  Beloved,  when  I  gave  all  diligence  to 
M'rite  unto  you  of  the  common  salvation  :  it  Avas  needful  for 
me  to  write  unto  you,  and  exhort  you  that  ye  should  ear- 
nestly contend  for  the  faith,  which  was  once  delivered  unto 
the  saints." 

These  expressions,  as  seems  to  me,  lead  us  to  think,  that 
the  epistle  was  designed  for  the  use  of  all  in  general  who 
had  endiraced  the  christian  religion.  And  if  St.  Jude  writes 
to  the  same  people  to  whom  St.  Peter  wrote,  that  is  a  far- 
ther argument  for  this  supposition.  For  that  St.  Peter 
wrote  to  all  christians  in  general,  in  the  countries  named  at 
the  beginning  of  his  first  epistle,  was  shown  "  formerly. 

IV.  We  now  come  to  the  last  point,  the  time  of  writing- 
this  epistle.     Here  I  shall  observe  the  opinions  of  several. 

Dr.  Benson's  opinion  is,  '  that "  this  epistle  was  written 
'  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  a  few  weeks,  or 
'  months,  after  the  second  epistle  of  St.  Peter :  forasmuch 
'  as  the  state  of  things,  as  represented  in  both  these  epistles, 
*  is  very  much  the  same.' 

JMill's  conjecture  is,  that"  this  epistle  was  written  about 
the  year  of  Christ  90.  But,  as  he  says,  there  are  no  clear 
evidences  of  the  exact  time  when  it  was  Avritten. 

Dodwell,"  whom  Cave  y  follows,  argues,  that  this  epistle 
was  Avritten  soon  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  in  the 
year  71,  or  72.  But  the  reasonings  of  those  learned  men 
are  far  from  being  conclusive. 

L'Enfantand  Beausobre  were  of  opinion,  that^  this  epistle 

doctrinas  Gnosticorum,  qui  tunc  temporis  exorti  sunt.  Hammond.  Admonit. 
in  ep.  Judfe.     Ex  versione  Cleiici. 

'  Preface  to  thisep.  sect.  ii.  p.  446.     See  also  his  paraphrase  of  ver.  1. 

"  See  before,  p.  260,  &c. 

^  Preface  to  the  epistle  of  St.  Jude,  sect.  iii.  p.  448. 

"  Fortasse  quidem  circa  annum  vulgaris  serae  xc.  Verum  de  ipso  proeciso 
tempore  nihil  habemus  explorate.     Proleg.  num.  147. 

'^  Diss.  Iren.  i.  num.  xiv. 

y  II.  L.  in  S.  Juda. 

'■  On  ne  se  trompera  pas  en  placant  cette  epitre  entre  les  annees  70  et  75 
de  r  ere  chretienne.     Pref  sur  V  epitre  de  S.  Jude. 


316  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjelists. 

may  be  placed  with  great  probability  between  the  year  70, 
and  the  year  75. 

Witsius  thinks  it  *  was  written  in  this  apostle's  old  age, 
and  in  the  last  age  of  the  apostles  of  Christ,  and  when  few, 
or  perhaps  none  of  them,  were  living,  besides  St.  John. 

To  the  like  purpose''  Estius. 

(Ecumenius  in  his  note  upon  ver.  17,  18,  of  this  epistle, 
"  Remember  the  w  ords  which  were  spoken  before  of  the 
apostles  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ :  that  they  told  you  there 
should  be  mockers  in  the  last  time," — '  Meaning,'  says  he, 
'  by  '^  Peter  in  his  second  epistle,  and  by  Paul  in  almost  all 
'  his  epistles.  Hence  it  is  evident,  that  he  wrote  late,  after 
'  the  decease  of  the  apostles.' 

If  St.  Jude  referred  here  to  St.  Peter's  second  epistle,  it 
must  be  allowed  that  he  had  seen  it,  and  wrote  after  St. 
Peter  :  w  hich  indeed  is  the  opinion  of  many.  So  (Ecume- 
nius appears  to  have  thought.  So  also  says  ^  Estius.  Dr. 
Benson  expresseth  himself  after  this  manner : '  that  ^  it  seeras 
'  highly  probable,  that  St,  Jude  had  seen  and  read  the  se- 
'  cond  epistle  of  St.  Peter.  For  there  are  found  in  St.  Jude 
'  several  similar  passages,  not  only  to  those  in  the  second 
'  chapter  of  the  second  of  St.  Peter,  but  also  in  the  other 
'  parts  of  that  epistle.' 

Nevertheless,  I  must  still  say,  this  appears  to  me  doubtful. 
For  it  seems  very  unlikely  that  St.  Jude  should  write  so 
similar  an  epistle  if  he  had  seen  St.  Peter's.  In  that  case 
St.  Jude  would  not  have  thought  it  needful  for  him  to  write 
at  all.  If  he  had  formed  a  design  of  writing,  and  had  met 
with  an  epistle  of  one  of  the  apostles,  very  suitable  to  his 
own  thoughts  and  intentions,  I  think  he  would  have  for- 
borne to  write. 

Indeed  the  great  agreement  in  subject  and  design  between 
these  two  epistles  affords  a  strong  argument  that  they  were 

^  Tempus  scriptse  hiijus  epistolse,  uti  ad  postremam  apostolorum  setatem 
referendum  est,  quod  coUigitur  ex  ver.  17,  ita  ad  extremam  quoque  Judse 
senectutein  pertinet,  &c.  Wits,  in  Jiid.  num.  ix. 

"^  Czeterum  apostolis  fuit  posteriur,  non  omnibus,  sed  plerisque  jam  ante 
vita  defunctis,  ut  Petro,  et  Paulo,  et  Jacobo.  Nam  Joannes  adhuc  supererat. 
Est.  ad  Jud.  ver.  17. 

'^  vTTo  Tiov  aTro<^o\tov'  Twv  viro  Wtrps  iv  Ty  Sevrspq.  tmroXy,  km  viro 

llavKn  tv  narty  rrxiCov  tTTiToKy.  Ek  tuts  St  StjXov,  on  taj(^aTOV  fitra  to  irapiK- 
Vtiv  THQ  aTTOToXng,  iypa(pt  ravra.     fficum.  T.  II.  p.  633.  D. 

■*  Convenit  argumentum  hujus  epistolae  cum  iis,  quae  B.  Petrus  scribit  in 
sccunda  epistola,  praesertim  capite  2,  et  initio  tertii.  Nam  quse  hie  scnbuntur, 
adeo  cum  illis  similia  sunt,  ut  hujus  auctor  S.  Judas  earn  non  solum  legisse 
videtttur,  verum  etiam,  partim  contraliendo,  partim  extendendo,  partim  iisdera 
vocibus  et  sententiis  utendo,  iraitatus  fuisset.  Est.  Argum.  Vid.  eund.  ad  ver. 
epistolae  17.  ^  Preface  to  St.  Jude,  sect.  ill. 


St.  Jude,  and  his  Epistle.  3 1 7 

nritten  about  tlie  same  lime.  As  therefore  I  liavc  placed 
the  second  epistle  of"  St.  Peter  in  the  year  ()4,  I  am  induced 
to  phice  til  is  epistle  of  St.  Jude  in  the  same  year,  or  soon 
after,  in  65  or  t)6.  For  there  was  exactly  the  same  state  of 
things  in  the  christian  church,  or  in  some  part  of  it,  when 
both  these  epistles  were  written. 

I  do  not  insist  upon  the  expression,  "  in  the  last  time," 
which  is  in  ver.  18.  Some  would  understand  thereby  the 
last  period  of  the  Jewish  state  and  constitution,  immediately 
preceding-  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  But  I  cannot  in- 
terpret the  phrase,  "the  last  time,"  in  Jude,  or  "  the  last 
days,"  in  St.  Peter  iii.  3,  in  so  limited  a  sense.  I  think  that 
thereby  must  be  meant  the  days  of  the  Messiah,  or  the  late 
ag'es  of  the  world. 

However,  undoubtedly,  that  exhortation,  ver.  17  and  18, 
"  But,  beloved,  remember  ye  the  words  which  were  spoken 
before  by  the  apostles  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ:  that  they 
told  you  there  should  be  mockers  in  the  last  time :"  do 
imply,  as  Witsius  and  Estius  observe,  that  it  was  then  the 
last  age  of  the  apostles  :  when  several  of  them  had  left  the 
world,  and  few  of  them  were  still  surviving.  Which  well 
suits  the  date  before  mentioned,  the  year  64,  or  65,  or  66. 

When  St.  Jude  adviseth  the  christians  to  recollect,  "  and 
be  mindful  of  the  words  of  the  apostles  of  Christ,"  he  may 
intend  their  preaching,  which  these  christians  had  heard, 
or  the  writings  of  apostles,  which  they  had  read,  and  had 
in  their  hands.  Such  discourses  of  St.  Paul  may  be  seen 
recorded  in  Acts  xx.  29,  30.  And  he  writes  to  the  like 
purpose  1  Tim.  iv.  1^ — 5,  and  2  Tim.  iii.  and  iv.  They  who 
suppose  that  "Sf.^JiTde^  had  seen  and  read  the  second 
epistle  of  St.  Peter,  must  think  that  he  refers  also  to  2 
Pet.  ch.  iii.  1 — 5. 

There  are  some  other  expressions  in  this  epistle  which 
may  deserve  to  be  here  taken  notice  of  by  us.  Ver.  3,  "  It 
was  needful  for  me  to  write  unto  you,  and  exhort  you,  that 
you  should  earnestly  contend  for  the  faith  once  delivered 
to  the  saints  ;"  and  ver.  5,  "  I  will  therefore  put  you  in  re- 
membrance, thougji  ye  once  knew^this."  These  expres- 
sions seem  to  imply,  that  now  some  considerable  time  had 
passed,  since  the  whole  scheme  of  the  christian  doctrine 
had  been  published  to  the  world,  and  since  the  persons  to 
whom  the  apostle  is  writing  were  first  instructed  in  it. 

Upon  the  whole,  as  before  said,  this  epistle  might  be  writ- 
ten in  the  year  of  Christ  64,  or  65,  or  66. 


318  A  History  of  tlie  .Apostles  and  Evangelists. 


CHAP.  XXII. 


THE  REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHX. 


I.  Its  genuineness  shoicn  Jrom  testimony.     II.  From  inter^ 
nal  characters.     III.  lis  time. 


I.  WE  are  now  come  to  the  last  book  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  Revelation  :  about  which  there  have  been  differ- 
ent sentiments  among^  christians,  many  receiving-  it  as  the 
writing  of  John,  the  apostle  and  evangelist,  others  ascrib- 
ing it  to  John  a  presbyter,  others  to  Cerinthus,  and  some 
rejecting-  it  without  knowing  to  whom  it  should  be  as- 
cribed. 

I  shall  therefore  here  rehearse  the  testimony  of  ancient 
christians,  as  it  ariseth  in  several  ages. 

It  is  probable,  that  Hermas  had  read  the  book  of  the  Re- 
velation, and  imitated  it.  He  has  many  things  resembling 
it,  vol.  ii.  p.  69 — 72.  It  is  referred  to  by  the  martyrs  at 
Lyons,  p.  164.  There  is  reason  to  think  it  was  received 
by  Papias,  p.  118, 123.  Justin  Martyr,  about  the  year  140, 
was  acquainted  with  this  book,  and  received  it,  as  written 
by  the  apostle  John.  For  in  his  dialogue  with  Trypho  he 
expressly  says  :  '  And  a  man  from  among  us,  by  name 
'  John,  one  of  the  apostles  of  Christ,  in  the  revelation  made 
'  to  him,  has  prophesied,  that  the  believers  in  our  Christ 
*  shall  live  a  thousand  years  in  Jerusalem,  and  after  that 
'  shall  be  the  general,  and,  in  a  word,  the  eternal  resurrec- 
'  tion  and  judgment  of  altogether,'  p.  136,  137.  To  this 
very  passage  we  suppose  Eusebius  to  refer  in  his  ecclesias- 
tical history,  when  giving  an  account  of  Justin's  works,  he 
observes  to  this  purpose  :  '  He  also  mentions  the  Revelation 
'  of  John,  expressly  calling  it  the  apostle's.'  See  p.  137, 
note  (s.)  Among  the  works  of  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis, 
one  of  the  seven  churches  of  Asia,  about  the  year  177,  Euse- 
bius mentions  one,  entitled,  '  Of  the  Revelation  of  John,'  p. 


The  Revelation.  319 

159.  It  is  very  probaMo,  fliat  Melito  ascribed  tliis  book  to 
the  apostle  of  that  name,  and  esteemed  it  a  book  of"  canoni- 
cal authority.  Ireniieus,  bishop  of"  Lyons  in  Gaul,  about 
178,  who  in  his  younger  days  was  acquainted  with  Poly- 
carp,  often  (juotes  this  book  as  '  the  Revelation  of  John, 
'  the  disciple  of  the  Lord,'  p.  181.  And  in  one  place  ho 
says :  '  It  was  seen  not  long"  ago,  but  almost  in  our  age,  at 

*  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Domitian.'     Ibid.  And  see  p.  I(j7. 

Theophilus  was  bishop  of  Antioch  about  181.  Eusebius, 
speaking-  of  a  Mork  of  his  against  the  heresy  of  Uermo- 
genes,  says,  '  he  therein  made  use  of  testimonies  or  quoted 
passages,  from  John's  Apocalypse,'  p.  204,  The  book  of 
the  Revelation  is  several  times  (juoted  by  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, who  flourished  about  194,  and  once  in  this  manner  : 
'  Such  an  one,  though  here  on  earth  he  is  not  honoured  with 
'  the  first  seat,  shall  sit  upon  the  four  and  twenty  thrones 
'  judging-  the  people,  as  John  says  in  the  Revelation,'  p.  245. 
Tertullian,  about  the  year  200,  often  quotes  the  Revelation, 
and  supposeth  it  to  have  been  written  by  St.  John,  the  same 
who  wrote  the  first  epistle  of  John,  universally  received,  p. 
295.  Again  ;  '  the  apostle  John  in  the  Apocalypse  de- 
'  scribes  a  sharp  two-edged  sword  coming*  out  of  the  mouth 

*  of  God,'  ibid.     He  also  says,  '  We  have  churches,  that  are 

*  disciples  of  John.     For  though  Marcion  rejects  the  Reve- 

*  lation,  the  succession  of  bishops,  traced  to  the  original, will 
'assure  us,  that  John  is  the  author:'  ibid.  By  John  un- 
doubtedly meaning-  the  apostle. 

From  Eusebius  we  learn,  that  Apollonius,  who  wrote 
against  the  Montanists  about  the  year  211,  quoted  the  Re- 
velation, p.  393.  By  Caius,  about  the  year  212,  it  Mas  as- 
scribed  to  Cerinthus,  p.  401.  It  was  received  by  Hippoly- 
tus,  about  the  year  220,  p.  43G,  and  by  Origen  about  230, 
p.  495.  It  is  often  quoted  by  him.  He  seems  not  to  have 
had  any  doubt  about  its  genuineness.  In  his  commentary 
upon   St.  John's  gospel,  he  speaks  of  it  in  this  manner  : 

*  Therefore  John,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  says  in  the  Revelation,' 
p.  512.     Se  also  p.  513,  577. 

Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  about  the  year  247,  or 
somewhat  later,  wrote  a  book  against  the  Millenarians,  in 
which  he  allows  the  Revelation  to  be  written  by  John,  a 
holy  and  divinely  inspired  man.  But  he  says  '  he  cannot 
'  easily  grant  him  to  be  the  apostle,  the  son  of  Zebedee, 
'  whose  is  the  gospel  according  to  John,  and  the  catholic 
'  epistle,'  p.  694.  He  rather  thinks  it  may  be  the  work  of 
John,  an  elder,  who  also  lived  at  Ephesus,  in  Asia,  as  well 


320  Jl  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

as  the  aposlle,  p.  695.  See  likewise  p.  718,  719, 720.  More- 
over, it  appears  from  a  conference,  which  Dionysius  had 
with  some  Millenarians,  that  tiie  Revelation  was  about  the 
year  240,  and  before,  received  by  Nepos,  an  E<>'yptian 
bishop,  and  by  many  others  in  that  country,  p.  654,  692, 
693,  and  that  it  was  in  great  reputation,  p.  718,  719.  It 
was  received  by  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  about  248, 
and  by  the  church  of  Rome  in  his  time,  vol.  iii.  p.  47,  48, 
and  by  divers  Latin  authors,  whose  history  is  written  in  the 
third  volume  of  this  work.  As  may  be  seen  in  the  alpha- 
betical Table  of  Principal  Matters,  in  the  article  of  the  Re- 
velation. 

The  Revelation  was  received  by  Novatus,  and  his  follow- 
ers, p.  118,  119,  and  by  divers  other  authors,  whose  history 
is  written  in  that  volume. 

It  is  also  probable,  that  it  was  received  by  the  Manichees, 
p.  404. 

It  was  received  by  Lactantius,  p.  541.  and  by  the  Dona- 
tists,  p.  565,  by  the  latter  Arnobius,  about  460,  p.  480,  and 
by  the  Arians,  p.  581. 

In  the  time  of  Eusebius,  in  the  former  part  of  the  fourth 
century,  it  was  not  received  by  all.  And  therefore  it  is 
reckoned  by  him  among  contradicted  books,  vol.  iv.  p.  97. 
Nevertheless  it  was  generally  received,  p.  103,  125.  Eu- 
sebius himself  seems  to  have  hesitated  about  it.  For  he 
says,  '  It  is  likely,  that  the  Revelation  was  seen  by  John  the 
elder,  if  not  by  John  the  apostle,'  p.  125.  It  may  be  reck- 
oned probable,  that  the  critical  argument  of  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria,  was  of  great  weight  with  him,  and  others  of 
that  time.  See  p.  127,  128.  The  Revelation  was  received 
by  Athanasius,  p.  155,  157,  and  by  Epipbanius,  p.  187, 190, 
191.  But  we  also  learn  from  him,  that  it  was  not  received 
by  all  in  his  time,  p.  190, 191.  It  is  not  in  the  catalogue  of 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  about  348,  and  seems  not  to  have  been 
received  by  him,  p.  173 — 175,  It  is  also  wanting  in  the 
catalogue  of  the  council  of  Laodicea,  about  363,  p.  182. 
Nevertheless  I  do  not  think  it  can  be  thence  concluded, 
that  tlijis  book  was  rejected  by  the  bishops  of  that  council. 
Their  design  seems  to  have  been  to  mention  by  name  those 
books  only  which  should  be  publicly  read.  And  they 
might  be  of  opinion,  that  upon  account  of  its  obscurity,  it 
should  not  be  publicly  read,  though  it  was  of  sacred  autho- 
rity. And  some  may  be  of  opinion,  that  this  observation 
should  likewise  be  applied  to  Cyril's  catalogue  just  taken 
notice  of 


The  Revelation.  321 

The  Revelation  is  not  in  Gregory  Nazianzen's  catalogue, 
p.  287.  Nevertheless  it  seems  to  have  been  received  by 
him,  p.  287,  288.  It  is  in  the  catalogue  of  Amphilochius. 
But  he  says,  it  was  not  received  by  all,  p.  293.  It  is  also 
omitted  in  Ebedjesu's  catalogue  of  tiie  books  of  scripture, 
received  by  the  Syrians,  p.  321  ;  nor  is  it  in  the  ancient 
Syriac  version,  p.  323. 

It  was  received  by  .jerom,  p,  436,  437,  446,  450.  But  he 
says,  it  was  rejected  by  the  Greek  christians,  p.  456.  It 
was  received  by  Rufin,  p.  484,  by  the  third  council  of  Car- 
thage in  397,  p.  487,  and  by  Augustine,  p.  494,  514.  But 
it  was  not  received  by  all  in  his  time,  p.  511.  It  is  never 
quoted  by  Chrysostom,  and,  probably,  was  not  received  by 
him,  p.  549.  It  is  in  the  catalogue  of  Dionysius,  called  the 
Areopagite,  about  490,  vol.  v.  p.  74.  It  is  in  the  Alexan- 
drian manuscript,  p.  82,  84.  It  was  received  by  Sulpicius 
Severus,  about  401,  vol  iv.  p.  575,  and  by  J.  Damascenus, 
vol.  V.  p.  147,  and  by  QEcumenius,  p.  156,  157,  and  by  many 
other  authors,  whose  history  is  written  in  the  fifth  volume. 
Andrew,  bishop  of  Coesarea  in  Cappadocia,  at  the  end  of  the 
fifth  century,  p.  77,  and  Arethas,  bishop  of  the  same  place 
in  the  sixth  century,  wrote  commentaries  upon  it,  p.  103. 
But  it  was  not  received  by  Severian,  bishop  of  Gabala, 
vol.  iv.  p.  572,  nor,  as  it  seems,  by  Theodoret,  vol.  v. 
p.  19, 

Upon  the  whole  it  appears,  that  this  book  has  been  gene- 
rally received  in  all  ages :  though  some  have  doubted  of  it, 
or  rejected  it,  particularly  the  Syrians,  and  some  other 
christians  in  the  east.  However,  for  more  particulars,  see  St. 
John,  and  the  Revelation,  in  the  alphabetical  table,  which 
is  in  the  last  volume  of  this  work. 

It  may  not  be  improper  for  me  here  to  remind  my  readers 
of  the  sentiments  of  divers  learned  moderns  concerning  this 
book,  which  were  put  together  in  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii,  num.  xv. 
and  xvi.  after  having  largely  represented  the  criticisms  of 
Caius,  and  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  in  the  third  century, 
upon  the  style  of  this  book,  and  of  the  other  writings 
ascribed  to  St.  John.  Where  also  is  proposed  this  obser- 
vation, '  It  may  be  questioned  whetner  their  exceptions, 
'  founded  in  the  difference  of  style,  and  such  like  things, 
'  or  any  other  criticisms  whatever,  can  be  sufficient  to 
'  create  a  doubt  concerning  the  author  of  this  book  :  which 
'  was  owned  for  a  writing  of  John,  the  apostle  and  evan- 
'  gel ist,  before  the  times  of  Dionysius  and  Caius,  aiid  so  far 
'  as  we  know,  before  the  most  early  of  those  who  disputed 
'  its  genuineness.' 

VOL.    VI.  Y 


322  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evany elists. 

II.  Having  thus  represented  the  external  evidence  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  book  of  the  Revelation,  or  of  its  being- 
written  by  St.  John,  1  should  proceed  to  consider  the  in- 
ternal evidence.  But  I  need  not  enlarge  here,  because  the 
objections  taken  from  the  style,  and  some  other  particulars, 
were  stated  and  considered  in  the  first  volume,  in  the  article 
of  Dionysius,  above  named,  bishop  of  Alexandria. 

I  now  intend  therefore  only  to  take  notice  of  a  few 
things,  of  principal  note,  which  learned  men  insist  upon,  as 
arguments,  that  the  Revelation  has  the  same  author  with  the 
gospel  and  epistles,  that  go  under  the  name  of  the  apostle 
and  evangelist  John. 

1.  Ch.  i.  ver.  1,  "The  Revelation  of  Jesus  Christ,  which 
God  gave  unto  him,  to  show  unto  his  servants  things  which 
must  shortly  come  to  pass.  And  he  sent,  and  signified  it 
by  his  angel,  unto  his  servant  John." 

Hence  it  is  argued,  that''  John  styles  himself  the  "ser- 
vant of  Christ,"  in  a  sense  not  common  to  all  believers,  but 
peculiar  to  those  who  are  especially  employed  by  him. 
So  Paul,  and  other  apostles,  call  themselves  "  servants  of 
God  and  of  Christ."  Particularly  Rom.  i.  1,  "  Paul  a  servant 
of  Jesus  Christ."  James  i.  1,  "  James  a  servant  of  God,  and 
of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  2  Pet.  i.  1,  "Simon  Peter,  a 
servant,  and  an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ."  Jude  v.  1, 
"  Jude,  a  servant  of  Jesus  Christ."  So  Moses  is  called 
"  the  servant  of  God."  Numb.  xii.  7,  and  Heb.  iii.  2. 
And  in  like  manner  divers  of  the  prophets.  And  in  this 
very  book,  ch.  x.  7,  is  the  expression  :  "  as  he  has  de- 
clared unto  his  servants  the  prophets." 

This  observation  may  be  of  some  weight  for  showing 
that  the  writer  is  an  apostle.  But  it  is  not  decisive.  And 
in  the  same  verse,  whence  this  argument  is  taken,  the 
phrase  is  used  in  its  general  sense.  "  Which  God  gave 
unto  him  to  show  unto  his  servants." 

2.  Ver.  2,  "  Who  bare  record  of  the  word  of  God,  and 
of  the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  all  things  that  he 
saw." 

Some  suppose  the  writer  herein  to  refer  to  the  written 
gospel  of  St.  John,  and  to  say  that  he  had  already  "  borne 
testimony  concerning  the  word  of  God,  and  Jesus  Christ." 
But,  as  formerly  ''  observed,  these  words  may  be  under- 

'  Sed  esse  so  '  inter  notabiles  Christi  Jesu  ministros,'  quos  ad  ecclesiam 

Ruam  docendam,  regendam,  et  curandam  adhibebat. Hoc  sensu  Moses, 

David,  Jesaias,  et  prophetae  omnes  sub  oeconomia  vetere,  et  Paulus,  et  alii 
apostoli  sub  oeconomia  nova,  vocantur  servi  Dei.     Vitring.  in  Apoc.  cap.  i.  1. 

^  See  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xliii.  num.  xv. 


Tlie  Revelation.  323 

stood  of  this  very  book,  the  Revelation,  and  tlie  things 
contained  in  it.  The  writer  says  here  very  properly,  at  the 
beginning-,  and  by  way  of  preface,  that  he  had  perform- 
ed his  office  in  this  book,  having-  therein  faithfully  record- 
ed the  word  of  God,  which  he  had  received  from  Jesus 
Christ. 

For  certain,  if  these  Mords  did  clearly  refer  to  a  written 
gospel,  they  would  be  decisive.  But''  they  are  allowed  to 
be  ambiguous,  and  other  senses  have  been  given  of  them. 
By  some  they  have  been  understood  to  contain  a  declaration, 
that  the  writer  had  already  borne  witness  to  Jesus  Christ 
before  magistrates.  Moreover,  I  think,  that  if  St.  John  had 
intended  to  manifest  himself  in  this  introduction,  he  would 
have  more  plainly  characterized  himself  in  several  parts  of 
this  book  than  he  has  done. 

This  observation  therefore  appears  to  me  to  be  of  small 
moment  for  determining-  who  the  writer  is. 

3.  Farther,  it  is  argued,  in  favour  of  the  genuineness  of 
this  book,  '  that  there  are  in  it  many  instances  of  conformity, 
'  both  of  sentiment  and  expression,  between  the  Revelation 
'  and  the  uncontested  writings  of  St.  John.' 

Divers  such  coincidences,  or  instances  of  agreement,  were 
taken  notice  of  formerly,  and  remarks  were  made  upon  them, 
Vol.  ii.  p.  710 — 715.  That  which  is  at  p.  713,  appears  to 
me  as  striking-  as  any.  I  shall  therefore  enlarge  upon  it 
here.  Our  Saviour  says  to  his  disciples,  John  xvi.  33,  "  Be 
of  good  cheer.  I  have  overcome  the  world."  Christian 
firmness  under  trials  is  several  times  represented  by  "over- 
coming," or  "  overcoming  the  world,"  or  "  overcoming  the 
wicked  one,"  in  St.  John's  first  epistle,  ch.  ii.  13,  14;  iv.  4; 
V.  4,  5.  And  it  is  language  peculiar  to  St.  John,  being  in 
no  other  books  of  the  New  Testament.  And  our  Lord  says. 
Rev.  iii.  21,  "  To  him  that  overcometh  will  I  grant  to  sit  with 
me  in  my  throne,  even  as  1  also  overcame,  and  am  set  down 
M'ith  my  Father  in  his  throne."  Compare  ch.  ii.  7,  11,  17, 
26 ;  iii.  5,  12,  21 ;  and  xxi.  7. 

■"  Ver.  2.  '  Qui  testatus  est  sermonem  Dei,  et  testimonium  J.  C.  et  quae 
vidit.']  Duplici  modo  heec  accipi  possunt,  vel  Joannem  confessionem  verita- 
tis  solennera  coram  tribunali  Prsefecti  Asiae  Romani  edidisse,  ob  quam  ipse 
missus  fuerit  in  exilium ;  vel  ipsum,  evangelic  a  se  edito,  solenne  de  Christo, 
ejusque  dictis  et  gestis  edidisse  testimonium.  Priore  sensu  vox  naprvpttv 
scriptoribus  Graecis  posterioris  temporis  receptissima  est,  et  manifeste  etiam 

sumitur  a  Paulo,  1  Tim.  vi.  13. Veni  igitur  ultro  in  illam  sententiam,  quae 

haec  Joannis  verba  refert  ad  evangelium  non  praedicatum  tantum  a  Joanne 

solenniter,  sed  et  scriplis  confimiatum Quae  si  sane  sit  hujus  loci  interpre- 

tatio,  cerfo  simul  testabitur  de  illius  auctore,  Joanne  apostolo,  ac  proinde  de 
libri  hujus  divinitate,  et  summa  auctoritate.     Vitring.  in  Apoc,  cap.  i.  ver.  2. 

Y  2 


321  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists, 

III.  Concerning  the  time  of  writing  this  book,  I  need  not 
now  say  much,  having  before  shown,  in  '^  the  history  of  St. 
John,  that  it  is  the  general  testimony  of  ancient  authors,  that 
St.  John  was  banished  into*^  Patmos,  in  the  time  of  Domi- 
tian,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  and  restored  by  his  suc- 
cessor Nerva.  But  the  book  could  not  be  published  till 
after  St.  John's  release  and  return  to  Ephesus  in  Asia. 

As  Domitian  died  in  96,  and  his  persecution  did  not  com- 
mence till  near  the  end  of  his  reign,  the  Revelation  seems 
to  be  fitly  dated  in  the  year  95  or  96. 

Mill  ^  placeth  the  Revelation  in  the  year  of  Christ  96,  and 
the  last  year  of  the  emperor  Domitian.  At  first  he  suppos- 
ed that  the  Revelation  was  written  in  Patmos.  But  after- 
wards he^  altered  his  mind,  and  thought  it  was  not  writ- 
ten until  after  his  return  to  Ephesus  from  Patmos.  He 
builds  upon  the  words  of  Rev.  i.  9.  If  so,  I  apprehend  it 
might  not  be  published  before  the  year  97,  or,  at  the  soon- 
est, near  the  end  of  the  year  96. 

Basnage ''  placeth  the  Revelation  in  the  year  of  Christ  96. 

Le  Clerc'  likewise,  who  readdy  admits  the  genuineness 
of  this  book,  speaks  of  it  at  the  same  year. 

"*  See  Vol.  V.  ch.  ix.  num.  v. 

*  Eodem  ordine  septem  istae  Aside  civitates  enumerantur,  quo  ex  Patmo 
insula  adiri  debebant.     Wetsten.  in  Apoc.  i.  11.  torn.  II.  p.  750. 

'  Paucis  post  conscriptas  has  epistolas  annis,  exorta  est  christianorum  per- 

secutio  sub  Domitiano. In  insula  vero   Patmo,   in  quam  relegatus  erat 

Joannes,  Domitiani  ultimo,  seu  anno  aerae  vulgaris  xcvi. facta  est  ipsi 

Revelatio,  quam  universam  postea  expresso  Christi  mandato  scriptis  consigna- 
vit.  Scriptamque  Domini  ejusdem  jussu  misit  ad  septem  ecclesias  Asiae. 
Unde  manifestum  est,  visionem  non  modo  Joanni  factam  fuisse,  sed  etiam  ab 

eo  Uteris  traditam  in  insula  Patmo. Scriptam  fuisse  ex  pradictis  constat 

anno  vulgaris  aerse  xcvi.  seu  Domitiani  xvi.  et  quidem  ad  finem  ejusdem  im- 
perii, inquit  Irenaeus,  seu  tempore  aestivo  aerae  vulg.  xcvi.  Proleg.  num.  157. 

«  Subjiciemus  hie  verba  Millii,  quae  in  emendandis  posuerat :  *  Hie  senten- 
tiam,'  inquit, '  mutavimus.  Constat  enim  ex  ipsis  Joannis  verbis  Apoc.  i.  9, 
eum  post  reditum  ad  Ephesum  hunc  librum  scripsisse.'  Kuster.  in  notis.  num 
157.  Proleg.  p.  19. 

''  Vid.  ann.  96.  num.  xii. 

'  At  nemo  de  auctoritate  ejus  dubitarat  ante  Caium,  Romanum  presbyte- 
rum,  qui  circa  finem  ii.  seculi  vixit.  Cum  Cataphryges  eo  libro  abuterentur 
fetum  hunc  esse  apostoli  negare,  atque  a  Cerintho,  pi-aescripto  ejus  no- 
mine, editum  dicere  maluit.  At  Justinus,  et  Irenaeus,  eo  antiquiores,  et  qui 
cum  Joannis  discipulis  versati  erant,  apostolo  hoc  opus  tribuerunt.  Similiter, 
cum  medio  seculo  iii.  Nepos,  in  ^gypto  episcopus,  Chiliastarum  deliria 
eodem  libro  tueretur,  Dionysius  Aiexandrinus  eadem  de  causa  Joanni  eum 
abjudicavit.     Sed  alitor  senserant,  quicumque  Apocalypseos  antea  mentionem 

fecerant,  excepto  Caio,  quos  sequuti  etiam  posteri  omnes  ad  unum. Multo 

fide  dignior  Irenaeus,  qui  passim  hunc  librum,  quasi  Joannis  apostoli,  ad 
testimonium  vocat,  et  diserte,  lib.  v.  c.  30.  'Neque  enim  ante  multum  tem- 
'  pus  visa  est,  sed  ferme  nostra  aetate,  sub  finem  imperii  Domitiani.'  Quae  ejus 
verba  Graeca  habet  Eusebius,  1.  5.  c.  8.  J.  Cleric.  H.  E.  An.  96.  num.  v. 


The  Revelation.  325 

Mr.  Lowinan ''  supposes  St.  Jolin  to  have  had  his  visious 
ill  the  isle  of  Patinos  in  the  year  95. 

But  31r.  Wetstein '  favours  the  opinion  of  those,  who 
have  argued,  that  the  Revelation  was  written  before  the 
Jewish  war.  He  moreover  says,  thht  ■"  if  the  Revelation 
was  written  before  that  war,  it  is  likely  that  the  events  of 
that  time  should  be  foretold  in  it.  To  which  I  answer, 
that  "  though  some  interpreters  have  applied  some  things  in 
this  book  to  those  times,  I  cannot  say  whether  they  have 
done  it  rightly,  or  not,  because  1  do  not  understand  tiie  Re- 
velation. But  to  me  it  seems,  that  though  this  book  was 
written  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  there  was  no 
necessity  that  it  should  be  foretold  here :  because  our 
blessed  Lord  had  in  his  own  preaching  at  divers  times  spo- 
ken very  plainly,  and  intelligibly,  concerning  the  calamities 
coming  upon  the  Jewish  people  m  general,  and  the  city  and 
temple  of  Jerusalem  in  particular.  And  his  plain  predic- 
tions, and  symbolical  prefigurations  of  those  events,  were 
recorded  by  no  less  than  three  historians  and  evangelists, 
before  the  Avar  in  Judea  broke  out. 

Grotius,  Avho,  as  °  formerly  seen,  placeth  this  book  in  the 
reign  of  Claudius,  was  of  opinion,  that?  the  visions  of  this 

''  See  tlie  scheme  and  order  of  the  prophecies  in  the  book  of  the  Revela- 
tion, which  is  prefixed  to  his  paraphrase. 

'  Nos  quidem,  omnibus  expensis,  cum  iis  facimus,  qui  statuunt,  Apocalypsiu 
ante  bellum  judaicum  fuisse  scnptum.     Wetst.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  746.  m. 

™  Quaestio  est  non  levis  momenti,  cum  vera  Apocalypseos  interpretatio 
maximam  partem  inde  pendeat.  Si  enim  scripta  est  ante  bellum  judaicum, 
et  bella  civilia  in  Italia ;  nullo  modo  probabile  est,  tantam  rerum  conver- 
sionem  omnino  prasteriri  atque  negligi  potuisse.  Sin  autem  post  illos  motus 
composites  scripta  e^t,  probabilior  erit  eorum  sententia,  qui  eventus  in  Apoca- 
lypsi  praedictosin  seculorum  sequentium  histona  quaerendos  existimant.  Id.  ib. 

"  Lightfootus  in  genere  censet,  Apocalypsin  banc  editam  esse  ante  novissi- 
mum  Hierosolymorum  excidium.  Et  certe  si  Joannes  banc  Revelationem 
vere  a  Cbristo  Jesu  accepisset  sub  Claudio,  magna  cum  specie  negari  non 
posset  doctissimis  his  viris,  quadam  '  sigillorum  visa '  ad  fata  judaismi  non 
adeo  incommode  applicari  posse.  Sed  obstant  graves  rationes,  quae  nos  in 
banc  sententiam  ire  vetant.  Vitring.  in  Apoc.  cap.  i.  ver.  2.  p.  7.  Vid.  et 
in  cap.  vi.  ver.  1,  2.  p.  101 — 105. 

"  See  Vol.  V.  ch.  ix.  num.  v,  2. 

r  '  Et  mitte  septem  ecclesiis.'  Nempe  hujusvisidescriptionem.  Nequead 
caetera  hujus  libri  pertinet.  Diversa  visa  diversis  temporibus  Joanni  obtigere, 
ut  etpropbetis  aliis.  Grot,  ad  Apoc.  cap.  i.  11. 

Post  absolutum  Visum,  monita  salutaria  continens  ad  septem  episcopos  et 
ecclesias — sequuntur  Visa  alia,  quaj  diversis  temporibus  apostolo  obtigere,  et 
postea  in  unum  volumen  redacta  sunt ;  quod  et  in  prophetiis  aliis  evenit,  saepe 
etiam  non  annotate  temporis  discrimine,  sed  dato  intelligi  ex  iis  quae  loco 
quoque  continentur.  Pertinent  autem  haec  Visa  ad  res  Judseorum  usque  ad 
finem  capitis  undecimi ;  deinde  ad  res  Romanorum,  usque  ad  finem  capitis 
vicesimi;  deinde  ad  statum  florentissimum  ecclesiae   christianae  ad  fineoi 


326  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists, 

book  were  seen  at  several  times,  and  afterwards  joined  toge- 
ther in  one  book,  in  like  manner  as  the  visions  and  prophe- 
cies of  some  of  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament. 

Concerning-  this  opinion  it  is  not  proper  for  me  to  dis- 
pute, though  there  appears  not  any  foundation  for  it  in  the 
book  itself,  as  i  Vitringa  has  observed.  But  that  the  book 
of  the  Revelation,  in  its  present  form,  sent  as  an  epistle  to 
the  seven  churches  of  Asia,  ch.  i.  ver.  4,  was  not  composed 
and  published  before  the  reign  of  Domitian,  appears  to  me 
very  probable  from  the  general,  and  almost  universally  con- 
curring testimony  of  the  ancients,  and  from  some  things  in 
the  book  itself. 

Now  therefore  I  shall  transcribe  ^  a  part  of  L'Enfant's 
and  Beausobre's  preface  to  the  Revelation,  at  the  same  time 
referring  to  Vitringa  *  in  the  margin,  vrho  has  many  like 
thoughts. 

usque,  &c.  Ejusdem  Annot.  ad  cap.  iv.  init.  Vid,  et  ejus  Commentafio  ad 
locaqused.N.  T.  &c.  citat.  in  hujus  Supplementi  volumine  primo,  p.  176. 

1  Et  vero  Grotius  et  Hammondus  ipsi  causam  suam  produnt,  ubi  posteriorem 
Apocalypseos  partem  sub  Vespasiano  Ephesi  scriptam  concedunt.  Quis 
enim  illos  docuit,  Visa  Joannis  in  Apocalypsi  hoc  inodo  distinguere,  et  diversa 
illis  et  tam  longe  dissita  assignare  tam  tempora  quam  loca  >  Nullum  indicium, 
nulla  significatio  illius  lei  in  ipsa  Apocalypsi  exstat.  Contra  dicitur  Joannes, 
quae  vidit,  'vidisse  in  insula  Patmo.'     Vitr.  ib.  p.  11,  12. 

■■  Preface  sur  1'  Apoc.  de  S.  Jean.  p.  613,  614. 

*  Primo  dubium  non  est,  quin  si  testimoniis  Veterum  res  conficienda  sit, 
communis  antiquse  ecclesiae  traditio,  firmata  auctoritate  Irenaei,  hie  multum 
praeponderet  testimonio  Epiphanii.  Irenseus  enim  temporibus  Joannis  apos- 
toli  propior  fuit,  tanquam  qui  eodem  adhuc  seculo  cum  Joanne  vixerit,  et 
traditionem  nobis  retulit  sua  aetate  communem,  et  omnibus  notissimam. 

Sed,  quod  plus  etiam  momenti  causae  nostras  addit,  non  nititur  nostra  haec 
sententia  de  tempore  scriptae  Apocalypsis  sola  traditione  Veterum.  Potest 
ilia  ex  ipso  hoc  libro,  etiam  absque  uUa  traditione  veteris  ecclesiae,  demon- 
strari.  Quare  secundo  observari  velim,  ex  ipsa  Apocalypsi  evidentissimas 
adduci  posse  probationes,  ex  quibus  evincatur,  hunc  librum  non  utique  sub 
Claudio,  sed  omnino  post  Claudii  et  Neronis  tempora,  quinimo  sub  Domi- 

tiano,  demum  in  lucem  editum  esse Quo  tempore  scripta  est  Apocalyp- 

sis,  ecclesiae  jam  per  Asiam  inferiorem  in  celeberrimis  locis  non  tantum  erant 
fundatae  et  constabilitae,  sed  jamdudum  fundatae  et  stabilitae  fuisse  supponun- 
tur.  lledarguuntur  enim  pleraeque  a  Domino  graviixm  vitiorum  et  criminum, 
quce  tractu  longioris  temporis  ecclesias  illas  obrepserant.  Ephesina  jam  •  reli- 
querat  primam  suam  caritatem.'  Sardicensis  dicebatur,  *  nomine  vivere,  sed 
vere  mortua  esse.'  Laodicenam  *  magnus  occupaveret  tepor,'  eratque 
•  aerumnosa  et  miserabilis.'  Haec  vero  quam  belle  conveniunt  temporibus 
Claudii !  Ex  ecclesiis  enim  septem,  quae  hie  memorantur,  in  Actibus  Apostolo- 
rum,  aliarum  mentio  non  est,  quam  Ephesinae  et  Laodicenae.  Ephesina 
autem  a  Paulo  apostolo  demum   fundata  est,  secundum  Annales  Cestriensis, 

anno  Claudii  Imperatoris  extreme. Liquet  ex  iisdem  epistolis  Joannis,  illo 

tempore,  quo  edita  est  Apocalypsis,  Gnosticorum  haereses  quae  dicuntur,  in 
florentLssimis  Asiae  ecclesiis  altas  jam  egisse  radices.  Ad  illas  enim  carnalium 
hominum  doctrinas  sub  mysticis  nominibus  Bileamitanim  et  Nicolaitarum  in 


The  Revelation.  327 

Having-  quoted  Irenaeus,  Orig-en,  Eusebius,  and  divers 
other  ancients,  placing  St.  John's  banishment  in  Patnios  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Doniitian,  and  saying,  that 
he  there  saw  the  Revelation,  they  say  :  '  To  these  incon- 
'  testible  witnesses  it  is  needless  to  add  a  long  list  of  others, 
'  of  all  ages,  and  of  the  same  sentiment:  to  whom  the  au- 

*  thority  of  Epiphanius  is  by  no  means  comparable.'  And 
then  they  go  on  :  '  We  must  add  to  so  constant  a  tradition 
'  other  reasons,  which  farther  show,  that  the  Revelation  was 

*  not  written,  till  after  Claudius,  and  Nero.  It  appears  from 
'  the  book  itself,  that  there  had  been  already  churches  for  a 

*  considerable  space  of  time  in  Asia :  forasmuch  as  St.  John 

*  in  the  name  of  Christ  reproves  faults,  that  happen  not  but 
'  after  a  while.     The  church  of  Ephesus  "  had  left  her  first 

variis  locis  alluditur.  Illani  hEEresim  praevidebat  Petrus  in  ecclesia  brevi  ex- 
orituram,  quando  epistolam  suam  scribebat  posteriorem,  non  longe  ante  Hie- 
rosolymorum  excidium.  Judas,  qui  epistolam  suam  edidit,  ut  probabilis  ratio 
suadet,  post  Hierosolymorum  illud  excidium,  hoc  semen  in  prima  vidit  herba. 
Sed  quo  tempore  scripta  est  Apocalypsis,  non  nata  tantum,  sed  confirmata 
erat  hsec  haeresis,  et  praecipuas  Asia?  ecclesias  inquinaverat.  Quare  si  Judas 
apostolus  epistolam  suain  scripsit  sub  Vespasiano,  quis  neget,  Apocalypsin 
editam  esse  sub  Domitiano  ?  In  ipsis  illis  epislolis  passim  supponuntur  afflic- 
tiones  graviores,  quas  ecclesia  Christi  religionis  suae  causa  jam  siMinebat,  et 
sustinuerat ;  et  inter  illas  supplicium  capitale,  quo  confessores  veritatis  afficie- 
bantur.  Sic  Dominus  ad  angelum  ecclesiae  Ephesinae  :  *  Novi  laborem  tuum, 
KOI  Tijv  vTrojiovtjv  (T8,  ct  tolcrantiam  in  atflictionibus.'  Ad  angelum  Smyrnensis : 

*  Novi  opera  tua,'  et  rijv  OXi^iv,  '  afflictionem,  et  paupertatem,'  Ad  angelum 
Pergamenae  :  '  Nee  abnegasti  fidein  meam,  ne  quidem  indiebus,  quibus  Antipas, 
tt^stis  meus  fidelis,  ainKTavdrj,  occisus  est.'  Supponunt  haec  manifeste,  tem- 
pore editas  Apocalypsis  Gentiles  jam  ccepisse  in  christianos  saevire,  et  ipsam 
etiam  mortem  poenae  loco  illis  quandoque  solennibus  judiciis  irrogasse.  Id 
vero  hacteuus  non  liquet  factum  esse  imperante  Claudio.  Nero,  postquam 
humanitatem  exuisset,  sanguinem  christianum  primus  bibit ;  Romae  tamen, 
magis  quara  in  provinciis.  Post  Neronem  Domitianus,  ultimis  imperii  sui, 
idem  tentavit.  Ad  quas  postremas  Domitiani  persecutiones  in  his  locis  hand 
dubie  alluditur.  Neronis  enim  illam  persecutionem  in  provinciis  Romani  Im- 
perii aeque  ac  Romae  arsisse,  nee  liquet,  nee  probabile  est.  Ad  Domitiani 
itaque  persecutionem  hie  manifeste  alluditur.  Quod  argumento  est,  Apoca- 
lypsin banc  sub  ipso  editam  esse.  Ejusdem  hujus  Domitianaei  teniporis  ma- 
nifestum  habemus  characterem  in  Joanne.  Dicit  enim  exerte,  *  se  accepisse 
banc  revelationem  a  Domino  Jesu,  cum  ob  confessionem  veritatis  evangelicae 
ageret  in  insula  Patmo.'  Vocatque  se  christianorum,  illo  tempore  '  afflicto- 
rum,  socium  in  atHictione,  regno,  et  patiente  exspectatione  Jesu  Christi.' 
Fuit  igitur  Joannes  '  in  exilio,'  causa  veritatis  relegatus  in  insulam  Patmon. 
Id  vero  quo  modo  accideret  sub  Claudio  ?  lUura  enim  in  christianos  in  pro- 
vinciis aut  exilio  aut  caede  saevisse,  nullibi  legifur. Domitiani  igitur  hie, 

et  nullius  alius  Imperatoris  character  est.  Nero  enim  christianos  capitali 
supplicio  Romae  affecit  :  sed  Domitianus  plures  exilio,  paucos  morte  punivit, 
ut  certi  testes  sunt  Dio  et  Eusebius,  et  pluribus  prosecutus  est  Dodwellus. 
Diss.  xi.  De  Pauc.  Mart.  sect.  xvii.  Quid  ccssamus  itaque,  tam  evidentibus 
probationibus  convicti,  fidem  adhibere  traditioni  Vetemm  apud  Iren^um  ?  Vi- 
tring.  in  Apoc.  cap.  i.  ver.  2.  p.  9 — 11. 


328  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

love."  That  of  Sardis  "  bad  a  name  to  live,  but  was  dead." 
The  church  of  Laodicea  was  fallen  into  lukewarmness  and 
indifference.  But  the  church  of  Ephesus,  for  instance, 
was  not  founded  by  St.  Paul,  before  the  last  years  of 
Claudius.  When  in  61,  or  62,  St.  Paul  wrote  to  them 
from  Rome,  instead  of  reproving-  their  want  of  love,  he 
commends  their  love  and  faith,  ch.  i.  15.  2.  It  appears 
from  the  Revelation,  that  the  Nicolaitans  made  a  sect,  when 
this  book  was  written,  since  they  are  expressly  named : 
whereas  they  were  only  foretold,  and  described  in  general 
terms  by  St.  Peter  in  his  second  epistle,  written  after  the 
year  sixty,  and  in  St.  Jude's  about  the  time  of  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  by  Vespasian.  3.  It  is  evident,  from 
divers  places  of  the  Revelation,  that  there  had  been  an 
open  persecution  in  the  provinces.  St.  John  himself  had 
been  banished  into  Patmos  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus.  The 
church  of  Ephesus,  or  its  bishop,  is  commended  for  their 
"  labour  and  patience,"  which  seems  to  imply  persecution. 
This  is  still  more  manifest  in  the  words  directed  to  the 
church  of  Smyrna,  ch.  ii.  9,  "  I  know  thy  works  and  tri- 
bulation." For  the  original  word  always  denotes  perse- 
cution, in  the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament :  as  it  is  also 
explained  in  the  following  verse.  In  the  thirteenth  verse 
of  the  same  chapter  is  mention  made  of  a  martyr,  named 
Antipas,  put  to  death  at  Pergamus.  Though  ancient  ec- 
clesiastical history  gives  us  no  information  concerning  this 
Antipas,  it  is  nevertheless  certain,  that  according  to  all  the 
rules  of  language,  what  is  here  said,  ought  to  be  under- 
stood literally. — All  that  has  been  now  observed  concern- 
ing the  persecution,  of  which  mention  is  made  in  the  first 
chapters  of  the  Revelation,  cannot  relate  to  the  time  of 
Claudius,  who  did  not  persecute  the  christians,  nor  to  the 
time  of  Nero,  whose  persecution  did  not  reach  the  provin- 
ces. And  therefore  it  must  relate  to  Domitian,  according 
to  ecclesiastical  tradition.' 
The  visions  therefore  here  recorded,  and  the  publication 

of  them  in  this  book,  must  be  assigned,  so  far  as  I  can  see, 

to  the  years  of  Christ  95,  and  9Q,  or  97. 


CHAP.  XXIII. 


THE  ORDER  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


I.  Their  order  in  ancient  authors.  II.  General  observations 
vpon  their  order.  III.  The  order  oj' the  several  parts  oj" 
the  N.T.  1.  The  gospels.  2.  The  Acts.  3.  St.  PauVs 
epistles  in  general.  4.  Their  order  severally.  5.  Of' 
placing  them  in  the  order  oJ' time.  6.  The  order  of  the 
catholic  epistles.     7.   The  Revelation. 

I.  IN  showing  the  order  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
1  begin  with  a  passage  of  Eusebius,  in  a  chapter,  which  is 

*  entitled,  Concerning-  the  *  divine  scriptures,  which  are  uni- 

*  versally  received,  and  those  which  are  not  such.'  '  But,' says 
he,  '  it  will  be  proper  to  enumerate  here  in  a  summary  way 

*  the ''  books  of  the  New  Testament,  which  have  been  already 
'  mentioned.     And  in  the  first  place  are  to  be  ranked  the 

*  sacred  four  gospels.  Then  the  book  of  the  Acts  of  the 
'  Apostles.  After  that  are  to  be  reckoned  the  epistles  of 
'  Paul.  In  the  next  place,  that  called  the  first  epistle  of 
'  John,  and  the  [first]  epistle  of  Peter,  are  to  be  esteemed 

*  authentic.  After  these  is  to  be  placed,  if  it  be  thought 
'  fit,  the  Revelation  of  John,  about  which  we  shall  observe 

*  the  diflferent  opinions  at  a  proper  season.     Of  the  contro- 

*  verted,  but  yet  well   known,  \or  approved  by  the  most, 

*  or  many,]  are  that  called  the  epistle  of  James,  and  that  of 

*  Jude,  and  the  second  of  Peter,  and  the  second  and  third 
'  of  John  :  whether  they  are  written  by  the  evangelist,  or 
'  by  another  of  that  name.' 

This  passage,  as  my  readers  may  well  remember,  was 
transcribed  by  us "  formerly.  And  here  the  order  is  very 
observable:  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
the  two  catholic  epistles  of  St.  John  and  St.  Peter,  which 
were  universally  received,  and  then  the  books  that  were 
controverted,  that  is,  not  received  by  all,  though  by  many. 

The  same  order  seems  to  have  been  followed  by  that  an- 
cient writer  Irenaeus.      For  in  the  third  book  of  his  works 

ITfpi  TMv  oixokoysfitvtav  Otitou  ypa(j)(ov,  Kai  ruiv  fit]  Toisrotv.      H.  E.  1.  3. 

cap.  25.  *>  rr]g  Kaivrfs  Sia9r)Kris  ypat^aq. 

«  Vol.  iv.  p.  96,  97. 


330  A  Hislorij  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyelists. 

against  heretics,  where  he  is  confuting-  the  Valentinians,  he  ^ 
in  several  chapters  argues  from  the  gospels  of  Matthew, 
Mark,  Luke,  and  John.  Then  in  the  twelith  chapter  of  that 
book  he  largely  quotes  the  book  of  the  Acts.  After  which 
he  considers  the  authority  of  the  apostle  Paul,  and  quotes 
both  him  and  Peter. 

In  the  festal  epistle  of  Athanasius,  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament  are  enumerated  in  this  order.  '  The  ''  four  gos- 
'  pels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  seven  catholic  epistles, 
'  the  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  and  the  Revela- 
'  tion.'  They  stand  exactly  in  the  same  order  in  ^  the  Sy- 
nopsis ascribed  to  him,  though  not  composed  till  more  than 
a  hundred  years  after  his  time.  The  same  is  the  orders  of 
our  Alexandrian  manuscript.  So  likewise  in  •'  Cyril  of  Je- 
rusalem :  '  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  seven 
'  catholic  epistles,  and  the  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle 
'  Paul.'  He  omits  the  Revelation.  The  same  is  the  order 
of'  the  catalogue  of  the  council  of  Laodicea,  omitting  also 
the  Revelation.  So  likewise  in  the  ^  catalogue  of  John  Da- 
masceuus  :  '  the  four  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the 
'  catholic  epistles,  fourteen  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  and 
'  the  Revelation.'  The  same  is  the  order  of  Leontius. 
And  in  the  Syrian  catalogues  as  given  by  "^  Ebedjesu  : '  the 
'  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  three  catholic  epistles,  and  the  four- 
'  teen  epistles  of  Paul.' 

Rufinus's  order  is  '  the  "  gospels,  the  Acts,  Paul's  epis- 
'  ties,  the  catholic  epistles,  and  the  Revelation.'  The  same 
order  is  in  °  the  catalogue  of  the  third  council  of  Carthag-e. 
In  Gregory  NazianzenP  also 'the  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  the 
'  fourteen  epistles  of  Paul,  the  catholic  epistles.'  The  Re- 
velation is  wanting.  The  same  order  is  in  the  catalogue 
of''  Amphilocliius,  with  the  Revelation  at  the  end,  mentioned 
as  doubtful.  In  the  Stichometry  "^  also  of  Nicephorus,  pa- 
triarch of  Constantinople  about  the  year  806,  '  the  four  gos- 
'  pels,  the  Acts,  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  and  the  seven  ca- 
'  tholic  epistles.' 

That  is  the  order  of  Eusebius,  and  probably  of  Irenaeus 
likewise,  as  before  shown,  consequently,  the  most  ancient. 
It  is  also  the  order  which  is  now  generally  received.  And 
to  me  it  appears  to  be  the  best. 

^  Iren.  1.  3.  cap.  ix.  x.  xi.  «  Vol.  iv.  p.  155. 

'  P.  163.  e  Vol.  V.  p.  82.  >-  Vol.  iv.  p.  173. 

*  P.  182.  "  Vol.  V.  p.  147. 

'  P.  142.  '"  Vol.  iv.  p.  321. 

"  P.  4S3,  484.  "  P.  487.  p  P.  287. 

1  P.  292,  293.  '  Vol.  v.  p.  86. 


The  Order  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament.  331 

In  Epiphanius  '  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  enu- 
merated in  this  order  :  '  the  four  sacred  gospels,  the  four- 
'  teen  epistles  of  tlie  apostle  Paul,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
'  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  and  the  Revelation.' 

1  imagine  that  this  must  have  been  the  order  of  Eutha- 
lius.  For  ^  he  is  supposed  to  have  first  published  an  edition 
of  Paul's  epistles,  and  afterwards  an  edition  of  the  Acts,  and 
the  catholic  epistles,  about  the  year  490.  In  his  prologue 
to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  addressed  to  Athanasius,  then 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  he  says:  '  Having  "  formerly  divided 
'  the  epistles  of  Paul  into  sections,  I  have  now  done  the  like 
'  in  the  book  of  the  Acts,  and  the  seven  catholic  epistles/ 
Hence  I  am  led  to  argue  that  this  was  his  order:  Paul's 
epistles,  the  Acts,  and  the  catholic  epistles. 

Jerom's  order,  in  his  letter  to  Paulinus,  is'  'the  four 
'  gospels,  St.  Paul's  epistles,  the  Acts,  the  catholic  epistles, 

*  and  the  Revelation.'  Which  is  very  agreeable  to  the  order 
of  Epiphanius,  and  also  of  Euthalius,  if  I  understand  him 
aright.  But  in  Jerom's  work  of  the  interpretation  of  He- 
brew names  the  order  is  thus :  '  The  *  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the 

*  Apostles,  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  the  fourteen  epistles  of 

*  Paul,  and  the  Revelation.'  In  the  letter  to  Lreta,  the  order 
is,  '  the''  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  the  epistles  of  the  apostles.' 

Augustine  varies.  In  his  work  of  the  Christian  Doctrine, 
the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  are  rehearsed  in  this 
manner  :  '  The  >  four  books  of  the  gospels,  fourteen  epistles 
'  of  the  apostle  Paul,  the  seven  catholic  epistles,  the  Acts 
'  of  the  apostles  in  one  book,  and  the  Revelation  of  John  in 

*  one  book.'     In  another  work  :  '  the  gospels,^  the  epistles  of 

*  apostles,  [meaning-  Paul's  epistles,  and  the  catholic  epis- 
'  ties,]  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Revelation  of  John.' 
In  one  of  his  Morks  he  quotes  texts  from  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  in  this  order :  first  ^  from  the  gospels,  next 
from  several  of  the  catholic  epistles,  then  from  almost  all  the 
epistles  of  Paul,  after  that  from  the  Revelation,  and  lastly 
from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

In  the  catalogue  of  Innocent  the  first,  bishop  of  Rome, 
this  order  is  observable :  '  The  ^  four  gospels,  St.  Paul's 
'  fourteen  epistles,  seven  catholic  epistles,  the  Acts,  and  the 

«  Haer.  76.  p.  941.  cited  Vol.  iv,  p.  187.  '  See  Vol.  v.  p.  68. 

EvayKoc  roivvv  uc  Kptjv,  ttjv  IlavXs  ^(/3\ov  aveyvuKujg,  avriKa  Si}ra  Kai 
rijvoe  Tr)v  twv  mro'^oXiKOJv  Ilpa^eiiiv,  dfia  r-g  twv  KaGoXucwv  eTri-oXuiv  ificofjuiSif 
■rrovr](saq,  apriwg  aoi  TmrofKpa.     Euthal,  ap.  Zacagn.  Monutn.  Vet.  p.  405. 

^   Cited,  vol.  IV.  p.  436.  "  P.  437. 

"  P.  471,472.  >   P.  494.  '  P.  512. 

»  P.  514.  "  P.  586. 


332  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyelisfs. 

•  Revelation.'  Isidore  of  Seville,  in  his  several  works,  has 
three  or  four  catalogues  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. In '  all  of  them  Ave  see  this  order :  '  first,  the  gos- 
'  pels,  then  the  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  then  the  catholic 
'  epistles,  after  them  the  Acts,  and  then  the  Revelation.' 
There  were,  according-  to  him,  two  parts  or  divisions  of  the 
New  Testament,  one  called  the  gospels  or  the  evangelists, 
the  other  the  apostles  or  the  epistles.  And  in  this  last  part 
the  book  of  the  Acts  was  placed.  The  same  is  the  order 
in  the  Complexions  or  short  Commentaries  of  Cassiodorius  : 
they*^  are  upon  St.  Paul's  epistles,  the  catholic  epistles, 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Revelation. 

The  three  writers,  alleged  in  this  last  paragraph,  agree 
very  much  with  Augustine  in  the  two  passages  first  cited 
from  him  in  the  preceding  paragraph. 

Chrysostom's  order  in  the  Synopsis  ascribed  to  him,  as 
formerly  observed,  is  very  singular :  '  the  ^  fourteen  epistles 
'  of  the  apostle  Paul,  the  four  gospels,  the  book  of  the  Acts, 
'  and  three  catholic  epistles.' 

The  catalogue  of  Gelasius  also  is  particular  for  the  place 
of  the  Revelation.  For  he  enumerates  the  books  in  this 
order  :  '  the  ^  four  gospels,  the  Acts,  St.  Paul's  fourteen 
'  epistles,  the  Revelation,  and  the  catholic  epistles.' 

I  suppose  I  ought  not  to  omit  the  order  of  the  books  in 
the  85th  Apostolical  Canon,  as  it  is  called,  which  is  this. 
'  The^  four  gospels,  Paul's  fourteen  epistles,  seven  catholic 

*  epistles,  two  epistles  of  Clement,  the  Constitutions,  the 
'  Acts  of  the  Apostles.' 

I  shall  transcribe  nothing  more  of  this  kind.  They  who 
are  desirous  to  see  more  examples  may  consult  the  alphabe- 
tical table  at  the  end  of  the  last  volume,  in  that  article, 
"  The  New  Testament."  Here  is  enough  to  be  a  founda- 
tion for  such  remarks  as  are  proper  to  be  made,  relating  to 
this  point. 

II.  It  is  obvious  to  remark  upon  what  we  have  now  seen, 
that  in  the  several  ages  of  Christianity,  and  in  several  parts 
of  the  world,  there  has  been  some  variety  in  the  disposition 
of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  in  two  particulars  espe- 
cially. For  in  some  catalogues  St.  Paul's  epistles  precede 
the  catholic  epistles,  in  others  they  follow  them.  And  the 
book  of  the  Acts  is  sometimes  placed  next  after  the  gospels, 
in  other  catalogues  it  follows  all  the  epistles. 

Dr.  Mill,  who,  in  his  Prolegomena,  has  an  article  concern- 


.c 


Vol.  V.  p.  139,  ^  P.  113.  "  Vol.  iv.  p.  537. 

f  Vol.  V.  p.  76.  8  Vol.  iv.  p.  230. 


T/t€  Order  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament.  333 

ing  the  order  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  with  re- 
g-ard  to  the  first  particular,  the  placing'  in  divers  catalogues 
the  catholic  epistles  before  St.  Paul's,  says,  '  that''  possibly 
'  the  christians  of  those  times  supposed  them  to  deserve 
'  precedence,  because  they  were  not  directed  to  one  church 
'  or  person  only,  as  St.  Paul's  are,  but  to  christians  in  gene- 
'  ral,  and  many  churches  scattered  over  the  world.  Some 
'  might  also  think  the  catholic  epistles  entitled  to  precc- 
'  dence,  because  they  were  written  by  those  who  were  apos- 
*  ties  before  Paul,  and  had  accompanied  our  Lord  in  his 
'  personal  ministry  here  on  earth.' 

Mill  likewise  argues,  that  this  was  the  most  ancient  order, 
because  it  is  that  of  the  Alexandrian,  and  some  other  ancient 
manuscripts.  But  I  do  not  think  that  to  be  full  proof.  For 
Eusebius  is  older,  and  his  order  is  the  same  as  ours.  The 
same  order  is  in  the  catalogues  of  Rufin,  the  council  of  Car- 
thage, Gregory  Nazianzen,  Amphilochius,  and  divers  others, 
very  probably  older  than  any  manuscripts  now  in  being. 
And  in  many  other  writers  likewise  of  great  antiquity, 
St.  Paul's  epistles  precede  the  catholic  epistles.  Whereby 
I  am  induced  to  think  this  must  have  been  the  most  ancient 
order. 

The  reason  why  the  book  of  the  Acts  was  sometimes 
placed  after  all  the  epistles,  some  may  think  was  because  it 
was  not  so  generally  received  as  the  gospels,  the  thirteen 
epistles  of  Paul,  and  some  of  the  catholic  epistles.  Mr. 
Wetstein  '  hints  at  that  reason.  But  I  rather  think,  that  by 
some  it  was  judged  proper,  that  the  epistles  of  apostles 
should  immediately  follow  the  gospels,  containing-  the  his- 
tory of  our  Lord  himself:  and  that  the  history  of  the  apos- 
tles and  of  their  preaching,  written  by  an  apostolical  man, 
should  not  precede,  but  rather  follow  their  writings.  For 
by  Eusebius,  as  we  have  seen,  the  book  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  is  reckoned  among  scriptures  universally  acknow- 

'■  In  epistolarum  quidem  dispositione  variatum  est.  In  antiquissimis  qucs 
habemus  mannscriptis,  etiam  Alexandrino  nostro,  Paulinis  praemissae  sunt 
catholicae ;  eo  quod  hae  Judaeis  per  orbem  quaquaversum  dispersis,  adeoque 
pluribus  ecclesiis,  inscriptae  sint ;  illae  vero  singulis  sive  ecclesiis,  sive  etiam 
hominibus.  Ne  dicam,  quod  in  isthac  dispositione  rationem  forsan  habuerint 
dignitatis  apostolorum,  a  quibus  scnptae  sunt ;  ut  nempe  apostoli  Judaeorum, 
iique  jam  ab  initio  electi  a  Domino,  ac  cum  eo  per  omne  ministerii  ipsius  tem- 
pus  versati,  prasponerentur  Paulo,  apostolo  gentium,  ac  cui  novissime  omnium 
Christus  visus  erat.  Postea  autem  Paulmae  positae  sunt  ante  catholicas. 
Mill.  Proleg.  num.  236. 

'  Apud  orthodoxos  vero  hie  Actuum  hber  non  videtur  eodem  loco  fuisse 
habitus,  quoreliqui  N.  T.  libri.     Wetsten.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  455. 


334  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

ledgcd  by  catholic  christians.  It  is  so  considered  likewise 
by  ^  Origen.  And  indeed,  that  this  has  been  all  along-  an 
universally-acknowledged  sacred  book  of  the  NeAV  Testa- 
ment, appears  from  our  collections  from  every  age  of  Chris- 
tianity from  the  beginning.  See  "  Acts  of  the  Apostles" 
in  the  alphabetical  table  of  matters  at  the  end  of  the  last 
vol  ume. 

Mr.  Wetstein'  argues  from  the  85th  Apostolical  Canon, 
where  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  are  mentioned  last.  To 
which  I  answer,  first,  that  the  age,  when  those  canons  were 
composed,  is  uncertain.  And  secondly,  that  order  may 
have  been  there  chosen  out  of  a  regard  to  the  common  rules 
of  modesty.  For  it  is  thus:  'the"  gospels,  Paul's  epistles, 
'  the  catholic  epistles,  two  epistles  of  Clement,  the  Consti- 
'  tutions,  and  °  the  Acts  of  us  the  apostles.'  When  a  man 
took  upon  himself  the  character  of  the  apostles,  and  express- 
ed himself  in  that  manner,  it  was  natural  enough  to  reckon 
the  book,  Avhich  contained  the  history  of  their  own  actions, 
last  of  all.  Surely  it  is  trifling-  to  form  an  argument  from 
that  position  in  this  canon.  And  Mr.  Wetstein  might  have 
observed,  that  in  many  catalogues,  undoubtedly  ancient, 
the  Acts  immediately  follow  the  gospels  :  and  that,  not  only 
in  those  catalogues  where  St.  Paul's  epistles  have  the  pre- 
cedence before  the  catholic  epistles,  but  in  divers  others 
likewise,  where  the  catholic  epistles  precede. 

III.  Having  made  these  general  observations,  I  now 
propose  to  consider  distinctly  the  order  of  these  several 
parts  of  the  New  Testament :  the  gospels,  the  Acts, 
St.  Paul's  epistles,  the  catholic  epistles,  and  the  Reve- 
lation. 

1.  The  order  of  the  four  gospels  has  generally  been 
this,  Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  John.  This  is  their  order 
in  °  Irenaeus,  p  Origen,  "i  Eusebius,  in  his  Ecclesiastical 
History,  and  in  his  ten  Canons,  as  represented  in  his  let- 
ter to  Carpian,  ^  Athanasius,  ^  the  council  of  Laodicea, 
*  Epiphanius,  "  the  85th  Apostolical  Canon,  "  Gregory  Na- 

''  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxxviii.  num.  viii. 

'  In.  Can.  Ap.  85.  ordo  librorumiste  reperitur.  iv.  Evangelia,  Epistolse  Paiili 
xiv.  Petri,  Joannis,  Jacobi,  Judae,  dementis  duae,  Constitutiones,  Acta. 
Wetst.  ubi  supr.  p.  455. 

■"  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  230. 

"   Koi  UpaKtiQ  J7/iwv  Tojv  airo'^o\(i>v. 

°  Vol.  ii.  p.  170.  P  P.  493. 

t  Vol.  iv.  p.  95.  '  P.  155,  163. 

'^  P.  182.  '  P.  188. 

"  P.  230.  "  P.  285. 


The  Order  of  the  Boohs  of  the  New  Testament.  335 

zianzeii,  '*'  Aniphilochius,  "  the  Syrian  catalogue,  >  Jerom, 
'  Uufiii,  *  Augustine,  ''  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  "^  the 
Stichometry  of  Nicephorus,  ''  Cosuias  of  Alexandria,  "^  Ju- 
nilius,  an  African  bishop,  'Isidore  of  Seville,  s  Leontius 
of  Constantinople.  And  in  like  manner  in  all  authors 
and  catalogues  in  general,  distinctly  taken  notice  of  in 
the  several  volumes  of  this  work. 

Nevertheless,  in  considering  the  testimony  of  Tertullian, 
we  thought  we  saw  reason  to  apprehend,  that ''  in  his  time, 
in  the  African  churches  at  least,  the  gospels  were  disposed 
according  to  the  quality  of  the  writers :  in  the  first  place 
those  two,  which  were  written  by  apostles,  then  the  other  two, 
written  by  apostolical  men.  This  was  inferred  from  some 
expressions  in  his '  works.  But  perhaps  the  argument  is 
not  conclusive.  However  the  four  gospels  are  in  the  same 
order  in''  some  Latin  manuscripts,  still  in  being,  and  also 
in '  the  Cambridg-e  manuscript,  which  is  Greek  and  Latin  : 
Matthew,  John,  Luke,  Mark.  But  by  Mr  Wetstein,  we  are 
assured,  that  "  it  is  the  only  Greek  manuscript  in  which  the 
evangelists  are  so  disposed.  For  certain  the  other  order 
must  have  generally  prevailed. 

2.  Concerning"  the  Acts  the  question  is,  in  which  part  of 
the  New  Testament  it  was  generally  placed  by  the  ancients  : 
whether  in  the  Evangelicon,  or  the  Apostolicon.  And  un- 
doubtedly, by  those  who  mention  it  after  St.  Paul's  epistles, 
or  after  all  the  epistles  of  the  apostles,  it  was  placed  in  the 
latter  part.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  it  is  often  mentioned  by 
ancient  writers  next  after  the  four  gospels.  Was  it  then 
reckoned  a  part  of  the  Evangelicon,  or  of  the  Apostolicon  ? 
From  some  passages  of  Tertullian  it  was  formerly  argued 
by  us,  that  °  the  book  of  the  Acts  was  placed  in  the  second 
part  of  the  New  Testament,  and  at  the  beg-inning  of  it.  I 
would  now  add,  that  I  think  the  same  may  be  argued  from 
Irenaeus,  who,**  having  alleged  passages  from  the  four  gos- 

'  P.  292,  293.  "  P.  321.  y  P.  436,  437,  439,  441 

•  P.  483.  ^  P.  494.  b  Vol.  v.  p.  82. 

•=  P.  86.  ''  P.  93,  94.  «  P.  106. 

'  P.  138.  e  p.  142.  h  See  vol.  ii.  p.  301. 

'  Denique  nobis  fidem  ex  apostolis  Joannes  et  Matthaeus  insinuant ;  ex 
apostolicis  Lucas  et  Marcus  instaurant,  iisdem  regulis  exorsi.  Adv.  Marcion. 
1.  4.  cap.  2.  p.  503.     A.  Vid.  et  ibid.  cap.  5.  p.  505.  C.  D. 

''  Vid.  Joseph  Blanchini  Evangeliarium  Quadruplex  Latinae  Versionis 
Antiquae.  '  Vid.  Mill,  Prolegom.  num.  1269. 

•"  Vidit  taraen,  nisi  admodum  fallor,  hunc  ipsum  codicera  Cantabiigiensem, 
qui  unus  et  solus  omnium  codicum  Graece  Scriptorum  hunc  ordinem  servat. 
Wetsten.  Prolegom.  p.  28. 

"  Vol.  ii.  p.  .300. 

"  Vid.  Iren.  contr.  Haer.  1.  3.  cap.  xi.  fin.  et  cap.  xii.  in. 


336  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

pels,  proceeds  to  the  Acts,  and  considers  what  he  allegeth 
thence  as  the  doctrine,  particularly  of  the  apostles.  And 
3Iill  supposeth,  thatP  iu  the  most  ancient  times  the  Acts 
were  placed  with  the  epistles,  but  before  them,  as  the  first 
book  of  that  part.  However  it  is  observable,  that  the  Cam- 
bridge manuscript  has  the  Acts  of  tjie  Apostles,  though  it 
has  not  the  epistles.  But  then  Mill  says,  thati  volume  once 
had  the  epistles,  as  well  as  the  gospels.  And  therefore, 
probably,  the  book  of  the  Acts  stood  at  the  head  of  that 
part  which  contained  the  epistles.  And  for  certain,  I  think 
it  best  that  the  historical  books  of  the  New  Testament 
should  appear  together.  Accordingly,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Acts  do  in  many  ancient  catalogues  immediately  follow  the 
gospels.  And  I  wish  that  Mr.  Wetsteiu  had  followed  that 
order  which  now  prevails,  and  that  he  had  not  placed 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  as  he  has  done,  at  the  head  of 
the  catholic  epistles,  and  after  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

3.  In  the  catalogues  lately  alleged,  we  have  seen  St. 
Paul's  epistles  sometimes  preceding  the  catholic  epistles, 
at  other  times  following  them.  Here  the  order,  as  seems 
to  me,  is  of  little  consequence.  But  I  rather  prefer  our 
present  order,  which  places  St.  Paul's  epistles  first :  because, 
excepting  only  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  all  of  them  have 
been  all  along  universally  acknowledged  :  whereas  among 
the  seven  catholic  epistles,  there  are  but  two,  which  have 
not  been  at  some  times  contradicted  books.  Moreover  St. 
Paul's  epistles  immediately  follow  the  historical  books  in 
Eusebius.  Whence  I  am  willing  to  infer,  that  it  is  the  most 
ancient  order. 

4.  I  must  say  something  about  the  order  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles  severally.  Our  order  is  that  of  his  thirteen  epis- 
tles, which  have  been  universally  acknowledged,  and  then 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  about  which  there  had  been 
doubts  in  the  minds  of  many  for  a  good  while. 

Among  the  ancients  there  is  some  variety.  To  the  Romans, 
the  Corinthians,  the  Galatians,  the  Ephesians,  the  Philippi- 
ans,  the  Colossians,  the  Thessalonians,  Hebrews,  Timothy, 
Titus,  Philemon.     So"  in  the  Festal  Epistle  of  Athanasius, 

p  Prirao  loco  posita  sunt  Acta  Apostolorum. Subsecutae  sunt  epistolae 

indubitato  apostolicae,  quas  corrogare  undique  liceret.  Proleg.  num.  195. 

'1  Marci  evangelio  suffixa  est  etiam  notula,  significans,  post  illud  proxime 
poni  librum  Actuura.  Verum  haec  est  scribae  recentioris.  Seqwens  enim 
folium,  quod  prima  facie  duodecim  postremos  versus  epistolae  tertiae  B.  Joannis 
exhibet,  altera  primam  partem  capitis  priini  Actorum,  clare  indicat  Exemplar 
hoc  jam  olira,  praeter  Evangel ia  et  Acta,  complexum  fuisse  catholicas  saltern 
epistolas.     Mill.  Proleg.  num.  1270. 

'  Vol.  iv.  p.  155. 


Tfie  Order  of  the  Books  of  the  Neiv  TestamerU.  337 

and  •  in  the  Synopsis  ascribed  to  him,  and '  in  the  catalogue 
of  the  council  of  Laodicea,  and  "  in  the  Alexandrian  manu- 
script. In  others  may  be  found  our  present  order,  as  "  in 
the  iambic  poem  of  Amphilochius,  the'"  Syrian  catalogue 
in  Ebedjesu,  "  Jerom,  in  his  article  of  St.  Paul,  >  Augus- 
tine in  his  work  of  the  christian  doctrine,  ^  (Ecumenius,  and 
many  others. 

Epiphanius,  observing  how  Marcion  had  disturbed  the 
order  of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  says,  that  *  in  some  editions  of 
the  New  Testament,  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  the 
fourteenth,  in  others  the  tenth,  being  placed  before  the  two 
epistles  to  Timothy,  and  the  epistles  to  Titus  and  Philemon  : 
and  that  ^  in  all  good  copies  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  was 
the  first,  not  that  to  the  Galatians,  as  Marcion  had  disposed 
them. 

Theodoret<=  and  Chrysostom*^  have  particularly  taken 
notice,  that  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  was  placed  first, 
though  it  was  not  the  first  in  the  order  of  time. 

Concerning  the  reason  of  that  disposition  of  the  epistle 
to  the  Romans,  Theodoret  observes, '  that*  it  had  been  placed 
'  first,  as  containing  the  most  full  and  exact  representation 
'  of  the  christian  doctrine  in  all  its  branches.  But  some  say. 
*  it  had  been  so  placed  out  of  respect  to  the  city  to  which 
'  it  had  been  sent,  as  presiding  over  the  whole  world.' 

I  have  sometimes  thought  that  first  observation  might  be 
applied  to  all  St.  Paul's  epistles,  as  the  ground  and  reason 
of  their  situation.  For  the  first  five  epistles,  that  to  the 
Romans,  the  two  to  the  Corinthians,  and  the  epistles  to  the 
Galatians,  and  the  Ephesians,  are  the  largest  of  St.  Paul's 
epistles.  And  all  that  follow  are  shorter,  excepting  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  which  has  been  placed  after  those 
sent  to  churches,  or  last  of  all,  after  those  likewise  which 
were  sent  to  particular  pei'sons,  because  its  g'enuineness  was 
not  universally  allowed  of. 

But  the  other,  the  dignity  of  the  cities  and  people  to  whom 
the  epistles  were  sent,  has  been  more  generally  supposed 
to  be  the  ground  and  reason  of  the  order  in  which  they  are 

•  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  163.  '  P.  182.  "  Vol.  v.  p.  82. 
'  Vol.  iv.  p.  292.                     •  P.  321,  322.  *  P.  451. 

y  P.  494.  '  Vol.  V.  D.  154.  155. 

•  Hner.  42.  p.  373.  C. 

*"  navra  h  ra  avTiypa<pa  ra  ffwa  icat  aX7j0rj  r»jv  fl-pof  'Poj^aiac  'X***^'  irpiDrrjv, 
f'X  '^S  ^^  Mapfciojv,  rr}v  npos  TaXarag  traKaeirpinTtiv.     H.  42.  p.  373.  D. 
■^  Vol.  V.  p.  17.  "*  Vol.  iv.  ch.  cxviii.  num.  vii.  2. 

•  llportTa)(^a(n  Ct  r»;v  Trpog  'Poj/zniff,  tjg  iravrolairriv  cxaaav  SiSaaKaXuiv, 
icai  Ti]v  rii)v  Soyfiarotv  OKpifitiav  ^ta  ttXhovujv  hSaoKnaav.  TtvtQ  Ss  (jiaeriv, 
oTi  KOI  rrjv  TToXiv  ri^wvrff,  k.  X.     Theod.  Pr.  in  Ep.  S.  P.  T.  III.  p.  6. 

vol..    VI.  z 


338  A  Histonj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evanyelists. 

placed.     How  this  is  represented  by  Mill,  may  appear  in 
liis  own  words,  which'  I  place  below. 

I  also  shall  show  this  as  well  as  I  can.  Epistles  to 
churches  are  placed  first.  Afterwards  those  to  particular 
persons.  The  epistles  to  churches  are  placed  very  much 
according-  to  the  rank  of  the  cities  or  places  to  which  they 
were  sent.  The  epistle  to  the  Romans  is  placed  first,  be- 
cause Rome  was  the  chief  city  of  the  Roman  empire.  The 
two  epistles  to  the  Corinthians  come  next,  because  Corinth 
was  a  large,  and  polite,  and  renowned  city.  Galatia  was 
a  country  in  which  were  several  churches,  and  therefore  the 
epistle  to  them  might  be  placed  before  others,  written  to 
one  church  only.  Nevertheless,  the  epistles  to  the  Romans 
and  the  Corinthians  have  been  preferred,  as  is  supposed, 
upon  account  of  the  great  eminence  of  those  two  cities. 
The  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  follows  next,  because  Ephesus 
was  the  chief  city  of  Asia,  strictly  so  called.  Afterwards 
follow  the  epistles  to  the  Philippians,  the  Colossians,  and  the 
Thessalonians.  But  how  to  account  for  this  order,  accord- 
ing to  the  method  we  here  observe,  1  do  not  well  know, 
Colosse  indeed  might  be  reckoned  a  city  of  inferior  rank, 
and  Philippi  was  a  Roman  colony.  But  Thessalonica  was 
the  chief  city  of  Macedonia,  in  which  Philippi  stood.  And 
if  the  epistles  were  disposed  according  to  the  dignity  of 
places,  it  is  not  easy  to  conceive  why  the  two  epistles  to  the 
Thessalonians  were  placed  after  those  to  the  Philippians, 
and  the  Colossians.  So  that  in  this  method,  as  seems  to  me, 
the  order  of  the  epistles  is  made  out  in  but  a  lame  and  im- 
perfect manner.  And  there  may  be  reason  to  apprehend 
that  the  brevity  of  the  two  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  es- 
pecially of  the  second,  procured  them  this  situation,  though 
they  are  the  first  written  epistles  of  our  apostle,  and  indeed 
the  first  written  of  all  the  sacred  scriptures  of  the  New 
Testament. 

Among-  the  epistles  to  particular  persons,  those  to  Timothy 
have  the  precedence,  as  he  was  a  favourite  disciple  of  St. 
Paul,  and  those  epistles  are  the  largest  and  fullest.  The 
epistle  to  Titus  comes  next,  as  he  was  an  evangelist.  And 
that  to  Philemon  is  last,  as  he  was  supposed  by  many  to  be 

'  In  iis  vero  disponendis,  (excepta  una  ad  Hebraeos,  de  qua  mox,)  specfata 
est  oninino  dignitas  ecclesiarum  et  hominmn,  qiiibus  missac  sunt.  Epistola 
ad  ecclesias  Galatiae,  i\ux  erat  Integra  provincia,  merito  praDcedebat  illas,  quae 
ad  unam  datae  erant  civitateni,  Laodiceam,  Philippos,  Colossenses,  Tliessaloni- 
cara.  His  tamen  praeponere  visum  est  epistolas  ad  Romanos  et  Corinthios,  ob 
eminentem  haruni  urbium  dignitatem,  qua  provinciam  istam  superare  vide- 
bantur.  Epistolas  integris  ecclesiis  inscriptas  sequuntur,  quae  ad  singulos 
homines  datae  sunt,     Proleg.  num.  237. 


The  Order  of  the  Books  of  tlve  New  Testament.  339 

only  a  private  christian.  Undoubtedly  Titus  was  a  persoji 
of  greater  eminence,  and  in  a  higher  station  than  Philemon. 
Moreover,  by  many  the  design  of  that  epistle  was  thought 
to  be  of  no  great  importance. 

The  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  fitly  enough  placed  after 
the  rest,  because  for  a  while  it  was  doubted  of,  as  before 
said.  I  likewise  think  it  to  be  the  last  written  of  all  St. 
Paul's  epistles. 

5.  Some  learned  men,  who  have  examined  the  chrono- 
logy of  St.  Paul's  epistles,  have  proposed,  that  they  should 
be  placed  in  our  Bibles  accord mg  to  the  order  of  time. 
Dr.  Wall,  at  the  end  of  the  preface  to  his  Critical  Notes  upon 
the  Testament,  has  an  argument  to  this  purpose. 

But  first,  it  will  be  difficult  to  alter  the  order  which  has 
been  so  long  established  in  all  editions  of  the  original 
Greek,  and  in  all  versions.  Secondly,  The  order  of  their 
times  has  not  been  yet  settled.  Many,  I  suppose,  are  of 
opinion,  that  Dr.  Wall's  order  is  not  right.  Must  the  order 
be  altered  again  and  again,  to  suit  every  one's  fancy  ?  That 
would  create  a  very  troublesome  and  disagreeable  con- 
fusion. 

I  think  that  the  knowledge  of  the  order  in  which  St. 
Paul's  epistles  were  written,  must  be  very  entertaining  and 
useful  :  and  I  have  done  w  hat  is  in  my  power  to  find  it  out. 
But  I  am  far  from  desiring  that  they  sliould  be  placed,  and 
bound  up  together,  according"  to  my  calculations.  Before 
an  attempt  of  that  kind  is  made,  the  order  of  time  should  be 
settled,  and  determined,  to  the  general  satisfaction  of  all 
learned  and  inquisitive  men.  And  judicious  christians, 
who  have  studied  the  chronological  order  of  the  writings  of 
the  New  Testament,  may  have  an  advantage  by  it,  though 
the  books  are  continued  in  their  present  order. 

6.  I  say  nothing  here  concerning  the  order  of  the  seven 
catholic  epistles,  because  I  have  spoken  to  it  sufiiciently  in 
a  preceding  ^  chapter. 

7.  Finally,  the  book  of  the  Revelation  is  now  placed  the 
last  of  all,  and  has  been  generally  so  placed  in  former  times, 
and  very  fitly,  as''   Mill  says  in  his  observations  upon  the 

8  See  this  Vol.  p.  161,  162. 

^  Agraen  vero  Novi  Foederis  libromrn  claudit  Apocalypsis  ;  quae  cum  circa 
diversum  plane  a  reliquis  versetur  argumentum,  atque  minus  apte  inter  evan- 
gelia  et  epistolas  media  fuisset  interposita,  commodissime  in  fine  omnium 
collocata  fuit ;  quoniam  tanquam  liber  propheticus  futura  respicit  adhuc  im- 
plenda ;  ac  denique  insignem  illam  habet  in  calce  clausulam  de  non  addendo 
quidpiam  isti  prophetiae,  vel  ab  ea  detrahendo  :  qua  etiam  ad  omnes  N.  T. 
libros  accommodata,  canonem  universum  veluti  obsignare  convenientissimum 
videbatur.     Mill.  Proleg.  num.  239. 

z  2 


340  A  History  of  tlie  Apostka  and  Evatujelists. 

order  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  '  it  being  prophe- 
'  tical  of  things  to  be  hereafter  fulfilled,  and  therefore  of  a 
*  different  kind  from  the  rest :  and  having  also  near  the  end 
'  that  remarkable  clause,  ch.  xxii.  18,  19,  containing  a  cau- 
'  tion  against  adding  to,  or  taking  from  it:  which  may  be 
'  applied  to  all  the  books  of  scripture.'  To  which  might 
be  added,  that  there  are  not  wanting  divers  reasons  to  think  it 
is  the  last  written  of  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 


CHAP.  XXIV. 


That  the  Books  of  the  JVeic  Testament,  consisting  oj"  a 
collection  oJ'  sacred  icritings,  in  ttco  parts,  one  called 
Gospels,  or  Evangelicon,  the  other  Epistles,  or  Apostle, 
or  Apostles,  or  Apostolicon,  tcere  early  known,  read,  and 
made  use  oJ'  hy  christians. 


THAT  the  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  the  epistles  of  the  New 
Testament,    or    divers    of  those    epistles,  were  soon    well 
known,  much  read,  and   collected  together,  may  be  argued 
from  internal  marks  and  characters,  and  from  testimony. 
I.  Internal  marks  and  characters  are  such  as  these. 

1.  It  is  obvious  from  the  nature  of  the  thing.  Who 
composes  and  publishes  any  works  without  desiring  to  have 
them  perused  ?  It  is  very  likely,  therefore,  that  the  authors 
of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  who  were  at  the  pains 
of  writing  histories,  or  epistles,  would  take  care  that  they 
should  be  known.  The  same  zeal  that  prompted  any  man 
to  write,  would  induce  him  to  provide  for  the  publication. 
The  importance  of  the  subject  would  justify  a  concern  to 
spread  the  work.  All  must  allow,  that  there  never  were, 
and  that  there  cannot  be,  any  writings,  containing  more  im- 
portant facts  and  principles.  To  suppose  that  any  of  these 
writers  were  indifferent  about  the  success  and  acceptance 
of  what  they  had  composed,  is  very  absurd  and  unreason- 
able. 

2.  All  the  writings,  of  Avhich  the  New  Testament  consists, 
were  addressed  to  some,  who  would  set  a  great  value  on 
them,  and  would  willingly  recommend  them  to  others.  All 
the  epistles,  and  the  Revelation,  as  is  manifest,  are  sent  to 


T/iat  the  Books  oftlie  New  Testament  were  early  known.       341 

christian  societies,  or  particular  persons.  St.  Luke's  gos- 
pel, and  the  Acts,  were  sent  to  the  most  excellent,  or  most 
noble  Theophilus.  St.  John  intended  his  gospel  for  some 
whom  he  had  in  his  eye.  As  appears  from  ch.  xx.  30,  31, 
and  from  ch.  xxi.  24,  25.  And  it  is  very  likely,  that  St. 
Matthew  and  St.  Mark  also  wrote  for  some,  who  would 
gladly  receive  and  highly  value  their  books,  and  get  them 
copied  for  the  use  and  satisfaction  of  others. 

3.  In  several  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  direc- 
tions are  given,  which  would  tend  to  make  them  well 
known.  St.  Paul,  at  the  end  of  his  first  epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians,  one  of  his  first  written  epistles,  enjoins,  "  that  it 
should  be  read  to  all  the  holy  brethren,"  1  Tliess.  v.  27. 
The  same  method,  undoubtedly,  was  observed  with  regard 
to  the  second  epistle,  sent  to  the  same  Thessalonians,  and 
written  not  long  after.  Probably,  the  same  practice  ob- 
tained in  all  the  christian  churches,  to  which  St.  Paul  after- 
wards sent  any  epistle.  And  the  christian  people  of  other 
churches,  beside  those  who  had  letters  sent  to  them,  would 
be  desirous  to  see  the  epistles  of  their  great  apostle,  by 
whom  they  had  been  converted,  and  would  therefore  get 
them  transcribed  for  their  own  use.  At  the  end  of  the  epis- 
tle to  the  Colossians,  ch.  iv.  16,  he  directs:  "  And  when 
this  epistle  is  read  among  yon,  cause  that  it  be  read  in  the 
church  of  the  Laodiceans,  and  that  ye  read  the  epistle  from 
Laodicea  :"  meaning,  probably,  the  epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 
which  was  to  come  round  to  Colosse  from  Ephesus,  by  the 
way  of  Laodicea.  The  apostle  therefore  was  willing,  and 
even  desirous,  that  his  epistles  should  be  read  by  others, 
beside  those  to  whom  they  were  sent,  for  the  sake  of  general 
edification.  And  can  it  be  questioned,  whether  other  Gen- 
tile churches  in  these  parts,  all  which  were  of  his  own 
planting,  would  not  thankfully  embrace  the  encouragement 
hereby  given  them  to  look  into  his  epistles,  and  to  get  them 
transcribed, and  read  in  their  assemblies  also? 

4.  St.  Peter  writes  to  this  purpose  in  his  second  epistle, 
which  we  may  suppose  to  have  been  written  in  the  year  64. 
"  And  account,  that  the  long-suffering  of  the  Lord  is  salva- 
tion, even  as  our  beloved  brother  Paul  also,  according  to 
the  wisdom  given  to  him,  has  written  unto  you.  As  also  in 
all  his  epistles,  speaking  of  these  things,  in  which  there  are 
some  things  hard  to  be  understood.  Which  they  that  are 
unlearned  and  unstable  wrest,  as  they  do  the  other  scrip- 
tures, unto  their  own  destruction,"  2  Pet.  iii.  15,  16. 

Here  are  several  things  to  be  observed.  First,  Peter 
speaks   of  epistles  of  Paul  sent  to  the  same   christians,  to 


342  A  Histofry  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

whom  himself  was  writing.  Secondly,  he  speaks  of  other 
epistles  of  Paul :  as  also  in  all  his  epistles.  Thirdly,  Peter 
therefore  had  a  knowledge  of  several  epistles  of  Paul,  sent 
to  the  christians  of  those  countries,  and  likewise  of  divers 
others,  which  he  intends  in  the  phrase  "all  his  epistles." 
Fourthly,  the  christians,  to  whom  Peter  writes,  were  well 
acquainted  with  the  epistles  which  Paul  had  written  to 
them,  and  with  the  rest  of  his  epistles,  or  divers  of  them. 
Fifthly,  it  is  supposed,  and  implied,  that  all,  or  at  least 
many  of  Paul's  epistles,  were  well  known  and  much  read. 
For  Peter  speaks  of  some,  whom  he  calls  unlearned,  and 
mistable,  who  wrested  Paul's  epistles,  or  some  things  in 
them,  to  their  own  destruction.  And  very  probably  there 
were  other  readers  of  the  same  epistles,  who  improved  them 
to  their  edilication  and  salvation. 

It  seems  to  me,  that  what  Peter  says  here,  affords  reason 
to  think,  that  at  the  time  of  writing  this  epistle,  Paul's  epis- 
tles (most,  or  all  of  them)  were  well  known  among  chris- 
tians, and  that  Peter  had  good  evidence  of  it. 

When  Peter  says,  "  as  our  beloved  brother  Paul  has  writ- 
ten imto  you  :"  some  learned  men,  Mill  *  in  particular,  have 
supposed,  that  thereby  Peter  intended  the  epistle  to  the  He- 
brews. But  I  think  without  reason,  as  Mr.  Hallett"^*  has 
largely  shown.  St.  Peter's  epistles  are  addressed  to 
"  the  strangers  scattered  throughout  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cap- 
padocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia."  It  is  not  unlikely,  therefore, 
that  St.  Peter  intends  Paul's  epistles  to  the  Galatians,  and 
the  Ephesians,  and  the  Colossians,  all  situated  in  those 
countries  :  and  likewise  the  two  epistles  to  Timothy,  who 
resided  much  at  Ephesus,  and  must  have  received  the  epis- 
tles written  to  him,  when  in  that  city,  and  the  epistle  to 
Philemon,  who  was  of  Colosse.  And  in  the  expression, 
"  all  his  epistles,"  some  others  must  be  intended,  and  in- 
cluded :  such  as  the  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  the  Co- 
rinthians, Romans,  Philippians,  Titus:  so  many,  however, 
as  the  apostle  Peter  was  then  acquainted  with.  Mill  has 
observed  passages  in  *^  the  first  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians, 
and  in  "^  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  in  ^  that  to  the  Phi- 
lippians :  in  which  are  "  some  of  those  things  hard  to  be 
understood,"  to  which  St.  Peter  may  be  supposed  to  have 
an  eye. 

These  marks  and  characters  there  are  in  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament,    which   may   induce   us    to    believe,  that 

=*  Prolegom.  num.  86. 

''  See  his  introduction  to  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  p.  21,  &c. 

•^  Prolegom.  num.  5.  *  lb.  num.  28.  *  lb.  num.  70. 


That  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  were  early  known.       343 

they  were  soon  dispersed  among-  christians,  and  well  known 
to  them. 

This  is  also  manifest  from  testimony. 
,    1.  The  accounts,  which  we  find  in  the  ancients,  concern- 
ing the  occasions  of  the  several  gospels,  lead   us  to  think, 
that  they  Mere  soon  spread  abroad  after  they  were  written. 
Matthew   is  said  to  have  written  his  gospel  at  the  request 
of  the  believers  in  Judea  :  and  Mark  his,  at   the  desire  of 
the  christians  at  Rome,  for  the  assistance  of  their  memories. 
When  therefore  those  gospels  had  been  written,  divers  co- 
pies would  be  soon  taken,  that  the  ends,  for  which   they 
had  been  written,  might  be  answered.      The  several  defec- 
tive and  imperfect  accounts,  which  had  been  published  of 
our  Lord's  words  and   works,  induced  St.  Luke  to   write. 
And  when  his  fuller  and  exactor  account  was  published,  it 
must  have  been  attended  to,  and  would  be  transcribed,  and 
communicated   to  many.      Before  St.  John  wrote,  he  had 
seen  the  other  three  gospels.     And   the  christians  in  Asia, 
where  he  resided,   were  acquainted  with  them.     Therefore 
they  were   Avell   known,  and  joined  together.     And  when 
his  gospel  was  written,  undoubtedly  it  was   added  to  them, 
and  they  were  all  joined  together  in  one  volume,  for  gene- 
ral use. 

That  the  first  three  gospels  were  well  known  in  the  world, 
before  St.  John  wrote,  is  supposed  by  Eusebius  of  Caesarea, 
who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  christians 
before  his  time.  These  are  the  words  of  that  eminent  man. 
Having  spoken  of  St.  Matthew's  gospel  he  goes  on  :  '  And  ^ 
'  when  Mark  and  Luke  had  published  the  gospels  accord- 

*  ing-  to  them,   it  is  said  that  John,  who  all  this  while  had 

*  preached  by  word  of  mouth,  was  induced  to  write  for  this 
'  reason.  The  three  first-written  gospels  being  now  deliver- 
'  ed  to  all  men,  and  to  John  himself,  it  is  said,  that  he  ap- 
'  proved  them.'  And  what  follows.  Before  this  last  evan- 
gelist wrote,  the  'other  three  gospels  had  been  delivered 
'  unto  all  men,  and  to  John.'  He  therefore  had  seen  them 
before,  and  they  were  in  the  hands  of  many  people. 

What  has  been  now  said  of  the  gospels,  is  applicable,  in 
a  great  measure,  to  the  Acts,  and  the  epistles  of  the  New 
Testament :  as  may  be  perceived  by  all,  without  my  en- 
larging any  farther. 

2.  Ignatius,  who  was  honoured  with  the  crown  of  mar- 
tyrdom about  the  year  107,  does,  in  his  epistles,  use  expres- 
sions, denoting  s  t^yo   codes,  or  collections,   one  of  gospels, 

''  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  95. 

»  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  89,  90,  94  j  and  Vol.  v.  p.  185,  186,  188. 


344  A  liidory  of  the  Apostles  and  EvanyelUts. 

the  other  of  epistles  of  apostles.  Such  volumes  there  were 
then,  and  may  have  been  some  good  while  before. 

I  shall  here  remind  my  readers  of  a  few  other  like  in- 
stances. In  the  epistle  to  Diognetus,  certainly  very  ancient, 
and  by  some  ascribed  to  Justin  Martyr,  are  these  expres- 
sions :  '  The  fear  of  the  Lord  '*  is  celebrated,  and  the  grace 

*  of  the  prophets  is  known,  the  faith  of  the  gospel  is  esta- 
'  blished,  and  the  tradition  of  the  apostles  is  kept.'  By  these 
last  expressions  denoting-,  as  is  reasonable  to  think,  a 
volume  of  the  gospels,  and  another  of  epistles  of  apostles. 
Irenseus  speaks  of  the  evangelic  and  apostolic  writings,  in  a 
passage,  which  will  be  alleged  presently.  Tertullian 
speaks '  of  '  the  sayings  of  the  prophets,  the  gospels,  and 
'  the  apostles.'     And  in  another  place  says:  '  This  ^  I  per- 

*  ceive  both  in  the  gospels,  and  the  apostles.'  I  go  no 
lower,  my  intention  at  present  being  only  to  allege  a  few 
M'riters  of  the  earliest  times. 

3.  As  before  shown'  from  Eusebius,  they  who  in  the 
reign  of  Trajan,  about  the  year  112,  travelled  abroad  to 
teach  the  christian  religion  in  remote  countries,  '  took  with 
'  them  the  scriptures  of  the  divine  gospels.'  Nor  can  there 
be  any  reason  to  doubt,  that  our  ecclesiastical  historian 
here  speaks  of  the  four  gospels,  so  well  known  in  his  own 
time. 

4.  By  Justin  Martyr,  about  the  year  140,  in  his  account 
of  the  christian  worship,  which  is  in  his  apolog-y  to  the 
emperor  and  senate  of  Rome,  the  whole  world  was  assured, 
that™  the  g^ospels  which  he  calls  Memoirs  of  the  apostles, 
and  their  companions,  were  publicly  read  in  the  assemblies 
of  christians  every  Lord's  day. 

Certainly,  the  gospels  were  then  well  known,  and  had 
been  so  for  some  while  before. 

5.  Tatian,  who  flourished  some  time  before  and  after  the 
year  170,  composed  a  harmony  of  the  four  gospels.  We" 
have  full  assurance  of  it.  Is  not  this  sufficient  evidence, 
that  the  gospels  were  then,  and  had  been  for  a  good  while, 
generally  known,  and  in  common  use  ?  And  does  it  not  also 
afford  reason  to  believe,  that  it  was  then,  and  had  been  for 
some   while,  an  established,  or  generally  received  opinion 

h  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  144. 

'  Compendiis  paucorum  verborura,  quot  attinguntur  edicta  prophetarum, 
evangeliorum,  apostolorum?  De  Oratione,  cap.  9.  p.  125.  C.  quoted  Vol.  ii. 
p.  299.  "  Ibid. 

'  P.  115;  and  Vol.  v.  p.  189. 

■"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  13],  132  •,  and  Vol.  v.  p.  190. 

"  Vol.  ii.  p.  148,  149,  439;  and  Vol.  v.  p.  190. 


Thai  the  Bouku  of  the  Neiv  Testament  were  early  hnoicn.       345 

among-  christians,  that  there  were  four,  and  no  more  than 
four  autl)entic  memoirs  or  histories  of  Jesus  Christ  ? 

().  I  forbear  to  allege  any  thing  from  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, Irenseus,  or  Tertullian,  for  showing-  the  notoriety  of 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament  in  early  times,  because  I 
now  insist  only  upon  writers  of  the  highest  antiquity.  But 
1  shall  take  notice  of  some  things,  which  we  have  in  the 
accounts  of  the  heresies  of  the  second  century. 

However,  that  this  argument  may  not  be  too  prolix,  I 
entirely  pass  by  Basil  ides. 

7.  Valentinus  is  placed  by  Cave"  as  flourishing  about 
the  year  120.  By  Basnage  p  he  is  placed  at  the  year  124. 
By  Mill  1  between  123,  and  127.  And  by  Irenceus  we  are 
assured,  '  that"^  the  Valentinians  endeavoured  to  support 
'  their  opinions  from  texts  of  the  evangelic  and  apostolic 

•  scriptures,  or  of  the  gospels  and  apostles,  that  is,  both 
'parts  of    the   New   Testament:     and   that^   they  argued 

*  especially  from  the  gospel  according  to  John.' 

And  Tertullian  allows,  that '  Valentinus  used  the  books 
of  the  NeAv  Testament  entire,  without  altering  them,  as  Mar- 
cion  did. 

Mr.  Wetstein  says,  the  "  Valentinians  rejected  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles.  And  he  thinks  this  appears  from  Irenaeus. 
But  to  me  it  appears  manifest  from  Irenoeus,  that  they  re- 
ceived the  Acts.  For  in  his  confutation  of  them,  in  his 
third  book  against  heresies,  he  "  argues  against  them  largely, 
first  from  the  gospels,  then  from  the  book  of  the  Acts,  and 
lastly  from  the  epistles  of  apostles.  And  Massuet,  the 
learned  Benedictineeditor  of  Irenaeus,  allows,  that^"  accord- 

"  Hist.  Lit.  p.  50.  P  Ana.  124.  num.  vii. 

'*  Proleg.  num.  265. 

'  Kat  ov  /xovov  eie  tmv  tvayytXiKuv,  Kai  tuv  airoroXiKuv  rreiptavTai  to^ 
aiToStiKtig  TToieiaOai.     Iren.  1.  i.  c.  3.  n.  6.  p.  17. 

^  Hi  autem  c|ui  a  Valentino  sunt,  eo  quod  est  secundum  Joanncm  plenis- 
sime  utentes,  ad  ostensionem  conjugationum  suarura,  ex  ipso  detegentur,  nihil 
recte  dicentes.     Id.  1.  3.  cap.  xi.  n.  7.  p.  190. 

'  Alius  manu  scripturas,  alius  sensus  expositione,  intervertit.  Neque  enira 
si  Valentinus  integro  instrumento  uti  videtur,  non  callidiore  ingenio,  quam 
Marcion,  nianus  intulit  veritati.  Marcion  enim  exerte  et  palara  machaera, 
non  stylo,  usus  est ;  quoniam  ad  materiam  suam  caedem  scripturarum  con- 
lecit.  Valentinus  autem  pepercit;  quoniam  non  ad  materiam  scripturas,  sed 
materiam  ad  scripturas,  excogitavit.     De  Praesc.  Haer.  cap.  38.  p.  246. 

"  Acta  Apostolorum  rejecerunt  Valentiniani.  Quod  constat  ex  Irenaeo. 
Haer.  iii.  2.  Wetsten.  N.  T.  tom.  ii.  p.  455. 

*'  Vid.  Iren.  contr.  Haer.  1.  3.  cap.  xi.  xii. 

*  At  ijisi  Valentino  nihil  simile  usquam  adscribit  Irenaeus.  Imo  cum  loco 
mox  citato,  turn  lib.  1.  cap.  viii.  et  ix.  et  alibi  passim,  satis  significat  Valen- 
finianos  sibi  coaevos  sic  canonem  scripturarum  novo  evangelic  auxisse,irt  nihil 
quidqiiam,  nullum  librum  integrum,  nullam  ejusdem  partem,  (quod  Mar- 


346  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evancjelisls. 

ing  to  that  ancient  writer,  the  Valentinians  did  not  reject 
any  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

Irenaeus,  as  we  have  just  seen,  says,  that  the  Valentinians 
endeavoured  to  support  their  opinions  by  the  evangelic 
and  apostolic  scriptures.  The  Acts  were  included  in  this 
second  volume  of  the  New  Testament  according  to  the  me- 
thod of  the  ancient  christians. 

8.  Heracleon,  a  learned  Valentinian,  is  supposed  by  " 
Grabe  to  have  been  contemporary  with  his  master,  Valenti- 
nus,  and  to  have  appeared  about  the  year  123.  However, 
he  might  continue  a  good  while  after  that.  Basnage^ 
speaks  of  him  at  the  year  125.  And  Cave^  placeth  him  at 
126.  They  who  are  so  pleased,  may  recollect  what  was  said 
of  his  age  ^  formerly. 

Heracleon  seems  to  have  written  commentaries  upon  seve- 
ral parts  of  the  New  Testament.  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
having  quoted  the  words  of  Matt.  x.  32,  or  Luke  xii.  8,  and 
of  Luke  xii.  11,  12,  says:  'Heracleon,''  explaining  this 
'  place,  has  these  very  words,'  which  I  need  not  transcribe 
at  present,  though  it  be  a  valuable  passage.  There  is  in 
Clement  "^  another  short  passage  of  Heracleon's  commentary 
upon  St.  Luke. 

Origen,  in  his  commentary  upon  St.  John's  gospel,  often 
quotes  Heracleon.  The  passages  of  Heracleon's  commen- 
tary upon  that  gospel,  with  Origen's  remarks,  are  collected 
by  ^  Grabe.  And  from  him  they  have  been  placed  by 
Massuet  in  his  appendix  to  Irenaeus.  The  passages  of  He- 
racleon, quoted  by  Origen,  are  above  forty  in  number,  and 
some  of  them  long. 

Heracleon's  commentaries  upon  the  gospels  of  St.  Luke 
and  St.  John,  are  an  early  proof  of  the  respect  shown  to 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  And  it  may  be  reason- 
able to  think,  that  others  beside  Heracleon,  both  catholics 
and  heretics,  published  about  the  same  time  commentaries 
upon  some  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

Origen  "^  has  at  once  given  us  Heracleon's  observations 
upon  Matt.  viii.  12  and  Is.  i.  2. 

cioni  non  semel  exprobat)  ab  eo  abjecissent;  sed  *  vel  parabolas  Dominicas, 
vel  dictiones  propheticas,  aiit  seraiones  apostolicas,'  ad  hypothesim  suam  aptare 
conatos,  calumniam  intiilisse  scripturis.     Massuet.  Diss.  i.  num.  ix.  p.  xvii. 

"^  Spicil.  T.  I.  p.  G2.  T.  II.  p.  69,  et  80.  ^  Ann.  125.  num.  iii, 

^  H.  L.  p.  53.  ^  Vol.  ii.  p.  255,  256,  note  ". 

**   'Thtov  i^rjyHnevog    rov    tottov  'HpaKXiiov Kara    Xt^iv  (priaiv. 

Slrom.  1.  4.  p.  502.  A D. 

''  Vid.  Eclog.  Proph.  ap.  CI.  Al.  p.  804.  D.et  Grabe,  Spic.  T.  II.  p.  85. 

■^  Spic.  T.  II.  p.  85—117. 

*  Origen.  Comm.  in  Joan.  T.  II,  p.  256.  C.  Iluet. 


Tliat  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  were  earhj  known.       347 

Heracleon  likewise  received  St.  Paul  and  his  writing's. 
For  ^  he  quotes,  as  his,  the  beoinning-  of  the  twelfth  chapter  of 
the  epistle  to  the  Romans.  Moreover  Origen  t?  has  given  us 
Heracleon's  interpretation  of  1  Cor.  xv.  53,  54. 

I  might  add  here  some  other  thing's.  But  this  is  suf- 
ficient to  show  that  in  the  very  early  days  of  Christianity, 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament  were  well  known,  much 
used,  and  greatly  respected. 

9.  Marcion  about ''  the  year  138,  placed  by  some '  sooner, 
in  127,  or  130,  had,  and  probably  in  imitation  of  other 
christians,  a  ^  gospel,  and  an  apostle,  or  an  Evangelicon,  and 
Apostolicon. 

In  the  former  as  is  generally  said,  was'  St.  Luke's  gos- 
pel only,  and  that  curtailed.  But  Mr.  Lampe  says,  that  "> 
Marcion  did  not  reject  the  other  gospels,  though  he  pre- 
ferred St.  Luke's.  This  he  infers  from  a  passage  in  Ter- 
tuUian,  which  seems  to  show  that  Marcion  did  not  reject  St. 
Matthew's  gospel. 

I  shall  add  another  from  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Avhere  he 
says  :  '  Take  "  the  gospel  [or  the  Evangelicon]  of  Marcion, 

'  KuQ'  6  KM  o  aTToroXog  SiSaffKet,  Xtyiov,  XoyiKjjv  Xarpeiav  rr)v  ToiavTt]V 

OtoctjSHav.     Ap.  Orig.  ib.  p.  217.  E.  et  Grabe  Spic.  p.  101. 

B  Ap.  Orig.  lb.  p.  255.  D.  et  Grabe,  p.  110. 

•>  Vid.  Pagi  aim.  144.  n.  iii.  et  Asseman.  Bib.  Or.  T.  I.  p.  389,  note  (4.) 

•  Vid.  Cav.  H.  L.  p.  54.  &c.     S.  Basnag.  ann.  131.  iii. v.  133.  iv.  Mill. 

Prol.  num.  306,  307. 

^  Adamant.  Atto  ttoiwv  ypatpojv  SuKm  ravra  tTrayyiXKr]\  Marc.  Atto  th 
tvayyiXis  km  ts  aTTOToXs.  Dial,  contr.  Marcion.  sect.  2.  p.  54.  Basil.  1(574. 
p.  821.  D.  T.  I.  Bened.     Vid.  et  Epiph.  H.  42.  n.  ix. 

'  Et  super  hsec,  id  quod  est  secundum  Lucam  evangelium  circumcidens. 
Iren,  1.  1.  cap.  27.  2.  al.  cap.  29. 

Nam  ex  lis  Commentoribus,  quos  habemus,  Lucam  videtur  Marcion  elegisse, 
quem  caederet.  Tertull.  adv.  Marc.  1.  4.  cap.  2.  p.  503.  Vid.  et  Epiph. 
Haer.  42.  n.  ix. 

■"  Verum  hinc  quoque  plus  elicitur,  quam  voluit  Marcion.  Non  enim 
a:«erere  Marcion  ausus  est,  evangelia,  qua  extra  Lucam  habemus,  esse  conficta 
et  false  evangelistis  supposita.  Nemo  Patrum  antiquiorum  hujus  criminis 
Marcionem  accusavit.       Id  tantum  voluit,  Lucae  evangelium,  ductu  Pauli 

conscriptura,   reliquis  evangeliis  praeferendum  esse. Clarissima  haec  esse 

puto.  Et  quod  praetensionem  interpolationis  attinet,  hujus  insigne  statimcap. 
7,  [lib.  4.  contr.  Marc]  exemplum  atFertur :  '  Caeterum  et  loco  et  illumina- 
tionis  opere  secundum  praedicationem  occurrentibus  Christo,  jam  cum  pro- 
jjhetam  incipimus  agnoscere,  ostendentem  in  primo  ingressu  venisse  se,  non 
iit  legem  et  prophetas  dissolveret,  sed  ut  potens  adimpleret.  Hoc  enim  Mar- 
cion, ut  additum  erasit.'  Cum  enim  haec  verba  Matthaei  v.  17,  inveniantur, 
hinc  inferimus,  Marcionem  evangelium  Matthaei  non  simpliciter  negasse,  sed 
quaecumque  erroribus  ejus  non  patrocinabantur,  pro  lubitu  erasisse.  Atque 
ita  proculdubio  etiam  cum  reliquis  evangelistis  egit.  Lampe  Proleg.  ad  Joan. 
Evang.  1.  2.  cap.  1.  n.  iv.  p.  136,  137. 

"  El  TTpoiffxtTM  6  rrjg  Mapiciwvoc  ffvvrjyopoQ  (SXafffrjfiiaQ,  ro  Trap'  ckeivoic 
ovonaZofiivov  ivayyiKiov  \o/3(uv  avayvwOiy  km  ivpt](Jtiq  evdvg  tv  7rpoot/ii(jj  Tt)v 


348  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

*  and  you  will  presently  see  at  the  very  beginning  a  proof 
'  of  their  impudence.  For  they  have  left  out  our  Lord's 
'  genealogy  from  David  and  Abraham.  And  if  you  pro- 
'  ceed  a  little  farther,  you  will  see  another  instance  of  their 

*  wickedness,  in  altering  our  Lord's  words.  "  I  came  not," 
'  says  he,  "  to  destroy  the  law  or  the  prophets."  But  they 
'  have  made  it  thus  ;  "  Think  ye,  that  1  came  to  fulfil  the 
'  law  or  the  prophets  ?  I  am  come  to  destroy,  not  to  ful- 
'  fil."  '     Matt.  V.  17. 

It  might  be  also  argued  from  the  dialogue  against  the 
Marcionites,  that  they  used  St.  Matthew's  gospel.  But  1 
forbear  to  allege  any  places  in  particular. 

So  that  it  may  be  reckoned  probable,  that  Marcion  did 
not  reject  any  of  the  four  gospels.  But  undoubtedly  he 
made  alterations  in  them,  agreeable  to  his  own  particular 
opinion,  under  a  pretence  that  °  they  had  been  corrupted  by 
some  before  his  time. 

Perhaps?  Marcion  filled  up  St.  Luke's  gospel  out  of  the 
rest,  taking  from  them  such  things  as  suited  his  purpose. 
TertuUian  says,  that  i  his  gospel,  or  Evangelicon,  had  no 
title.  That  mav  have  been  the  reason  of  it.  And  we  can 
hence  conclude,  that  in  very  ancient  tmies,  among  the  ca- 
tholics, the  four  gospels  were  entitled,  and  inscribed,  with 
the  names  of  the  several  evangelists.  Which  "^  has  been 
denied,  or  doubted  of  by  some. 

Marcion  had  also  an  Apostolicon.  In  this  were  ten  epis- 
tles only  of  St.  Paul,  and  those  diminished,  at  least  some  of 
them.  Their  order  according  to  him,  as  we  are  informed 
by  ^  Epiphanius,  was  this  :  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  the 
first  and  second  to  the  Corinthians,  to  the  Romans,  the  first 

aroTTiav-  AvTrjv  yap  t»jv  Karayaaav  tin  XptTov  airo  AafSio  Knt  Aftpaafi 
ytvtaXoyiav  aTztriixiv.  Knt  fitKpov  vripov  irpoiiov  aWrjv  Oipu  KaKovoiav. 
AfiUTpavTtQ  yap  Tr)V  th  Kvpin  ^wvrjv,  Gi^k  r)\9ov,  \iyovroQ,  KaraXvaai,  rov 
vofioi',  j;  THC  Trpo^j/rnc,  tiroirjaav'  Aokiits,  on  jj\0oj'  TrXjjpaxrai  rov  vofiov,  t) 
TSQ  Trpo^t}TaQ  \  HX^ov  KuraKvaai,  aX\'  «  TrXrjpuxyat.     Isid.  Pel.  1.  i.  ep.  371. 

"  Vid.  TeiluU.  adv.  Marcion.  1.  4.  cap.  4. 

f  Occurrit  priino  loco  Marcion  et  Marcionitae,  qui  corruperunt  libros  N.  T. 
resectis  omnibus  lis,  quae  Judaicse  religioni  favere  putabant,  et  contracto  toto 
N.  T.  in  duos  codices,  quorum  priorem  vocabant  evangelium,  ex  Luca  niaxi- 
mam  partem  conflatum,  et  subinde  ex  reliquis  evangelistis  integratura. 
Wetst.  Proleg.  N.  T.  tom.  I.  p.  79. 

1  Contra  Marcion  evangelio,  scilicet  suo,  nullum  adscribit  auctorem ; 
quasi  non  licuerit  illi  titulum  quoque  adfingere,  cui  nefas  non  fuit  ipsum  cor- 
pus evertere.  Et  possem  hie  jam  gradum  figere,  non  agnoscendum  contendens 
opus,  quod  non  erigat  fronfem,  quod  nuliam  constantiara  praeferat,  nullam 
fidem  reproniittat  de  plenitudine  tituli,  et  professione  debita  auctoris.  Contr. 
Marc.  1.  4.  cap.  2.  '  Vid.  Mill.  Prol.  num.  347. 

•  Haer.  42.  num.  ix.  et  alibi. 


Tliat  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  wei'e  early  knoivn.       349 

«ntl  second  to  the  Tliessaloni.iiis,  to  the  Ephesians,  the  Co- 
.ossians,  Philemon,  the  Pliilippians. 

He  received  not  any  other  epistles  of  St.  Paul.  It  is 
supposed  likewise,  that  he  rejected  the  catholic  epistles, 
and  the  Revelation.  Whether  he  received  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  I  cannot  say  certainly :  though  '  some  learned 
men  think  he  did  not  receive  them.  But  then  ft  should  be 
observed  by  us,  that  "  the  Marcionite  Apostolicon  was 
reckoned  very  defective  by  the  catholic  christians. 

And  it  may  be  inferred  from  the  accounts  which  we  have 
in  the  best  writers  of  the  most  early  ages,  that  Marcion  was 
the  most  arbitrary  and  most  licentious  of  all  the  ancient 
heretics,  in  his  judgment  concerning  the  scriptures  that 
should  be  received,  and  in  his  manner  of  treating  such  as 
were  received  by  him.  So  that  his  opinion  can  be  no  pre- 
judice to  the  genuineness  or  the  notoriety  of  any  of  those 
books  of  the  New  Testament,  which  were  received  by  the 
catholics,  and  indeed  by  most  heretics  likewise.  1  shall 
place  below "  a  remarkable  passage  of  Irenaeus,  where  he 
says :  '  Marcion  and  his  followers  curtail  the  scriptures  with 
'  great  assurance,  rejecting  some  entirely,  and  diminishing- 
'  the  gospel  according  to  Luke,  and  the  epistles  of  Paul, 
'  afiirming  those  parts  of  them  alone  to   be  genuine  which 

'  they  have  preserved. All  others,  who  are  puffed  up 

'  with  the  science  falsely  so  called,  receive  the  scriptures, 
'  whilst  they  pervert  them  by  wrong  interpretations.' 

In  another  place  he  says, '  that '"  Marcion  alone  had  open- 
'  ly  dared  to  curtail  the  scriptures.'  And  my  readers  can 
easily  recollect,  how"  severely  Tertullian  censures  Mar- 
cion y  for  altering  the  text  of  the  scriptures,  openly  em- 
ploying a  knife,  as  he  says,  not  a  style,  to  render  them 
agreeable  to  his  erroneous  opinions. 

'  Acta  Apostolorum   rejecemnt  Marcionitse. TertuUianus  adv.  Mar- 

cionera,  lib.  v.  cap.  2.  '  Si  ex  hoc  congruunt  Paulo  Apostolorum  Acta,  cur  ea 
respuatis,  jam  apparet.'     Wefst.  N.  T.  torn.  II.  p.  455. 

"  TSpoevtyKt  to  AttotoXikoi'  aa,  ti  koi  ra  na\i<^a  rrtpiKiKOfiiiivov  t<7i.  Dialog. 
adv.  Marcion.  sect.  i.  p.  8.  Basil,  p.  806.     T.  I.  Bened. 

*  Unde  et  Marcion,  et  qui  ab  eo  sunt,  ad  intercidendas  conversi  sunt 
scripturas,  quasdam  quidem  in  totum  non  cognoscentes,  secundum  Lucam 
autem  evangelium,  et  epistolas  Pauli  decurtantes,  haec  sola  legitima   esse 

dicunt,  quae  ipsi  minoraverunt. Reliqui  vero  omnes,  falso  scientiae  nomine 

inflati,  scripturas  quidem  confitentur,  interpretationes  vero  convertunt.  Iren. 
adv.  Haer.  1.  3.  cap.  xii.  n.  12.  p.  198.  b.  Massuet. 

*  Sed  huic  quidem,  quoniam  et  solus  manifeste  ausus  est  circuracidere 
.scripturas,  &c.     Iren.  1.  i.  cap.  27.  n.  4.  p.  106.  [al.  cap.  29.]  Vid.  ib.  num.  2. 

"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  297.  y  Marcion  enira  exerte  et 

palam  machaera,  non  stylo,  usus  est ;  quoniam  ad  raateriam  suam  caedem 
icripturarum  confecit.     De  Praescr.  Haer.  cap.  38.  p.  246.  C. 


350  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evamjelisfs. 

However,  1  think,  here  is  full  proof,  that  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament  were  well  known  in  Marcion's  time, 
and  before  him :  and  that  they  were  collected  together  in 
two  parts  or  volumes,  an  Evangelicon  and  Apostolicon.  He 
and  other  christians  had  a  gospel  and  an  apostle.  But 
theirs  were  fuller  than  his. 

10.  We  might,  perhaps,  not  unprofitably  recollect  here 
those  ^  passages  of  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  where  he  speaks 
of  the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament :  some  of  which 
were  universally  received,  others  were  contradicted  :  divers 
of  which  last,  nevertheless,  were  received  by  many.  The 
universally  received  by  the  sounder  part  of  christians,  were 
the  four  gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  thirteen  epistles 
of  Paul,  one  of  Peter,  one  of  John.  It  may  be  reckoned 
not  unlikely,  that  all  these  had  been  from  ancient  time  in- 
serted by  most  christians  in  their  two  volumes  of  the  gos- 
pel and  apostle.  And,  probably,  divers  of  the  other  books, 
called  controverted,  or  contradicted,  were  joined  with  the 
rest  in  the  volumes  of  a  good  number  of  christians. 

HI.  There  are  some  observations  of  Mr.  Henry  Dodwell 
concerning  the  late  forming  of  the  canon  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, which  cannot  be  easily  overlooked,  and  seem  to  re- 
quire some  notice  in  this  place. 

1.  He  says,  '  that  *  the  canon  of  the  sacred  books  was  not 
'  determined,  nor  what  number  of  them  should  be  of  au- 
'  thority  in  points  of  faith,  before  the  time  of  the  emperor 
'  Trajan,  who  began  his  reign  in  the  year  of  Christ  98.' 

Ans.  If  hereby  be  meant  all  the  books  of  our  present 
canon,  this  may  be  true.  But  then  it  is  a  trifling  proposi- 
tion. For  some  of  them  were  not  written,  or  have  been 
supposed  by  many  not  to  have  been  written,  till  near  the 
end  of  the  first  century.  How  then  could  they  be  sooner 
made  a  part  of  sacred  scripture  1  or  how  could  they  be 
placed  in  the  number  of  books,  esteemed  to  be  the  rule  of 
faith?  But  the  first  three  gospels  of  St.  Matthew,  St.  Mark, 
and  St.  Luke,  and  possibly  the  fourth  likewise,  St.  John's, 
and  many  of  the  epistles  of  the  New  Testament,  were  m'cH 
known  before  the  reign  of  Trajan,  even  as  soon  as  they  were 
written.  And  wherever  they  were  known,  and  by  whom- 
soever they  were  received,  they  were  reckoned  a  part  of  the 
rule  of  faith. 

'  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  94—100. 

*  Atqui  certe  ante  illam  epocham,  quam  dixi,  Trajani,  nondum  constitutiis 
est  librorum  sacrorum  canon,  nee  receptus  aliquis  in  ecclesia  catholica  libro- 
rum  certus  numerus,  quos  deinde  adhibere  oportucrit  in  sacris  fidei  cansis 
dijudicandis  ;  nee  rejecti  haereticorum  pseudepigraphi,  monitive  fideles,  ut  ab 
eorum  usu  deinde  caverent.     Dodw.  Diss.  lien.  i.  num.  39.  in.  p.  67. 


77ifl<  tlic  Books  of  the  New  Testament  were  early  known.       351 

2.  The  same  learned  man  says,  likewise,  the""  canonical 
scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  '  lay  hid  in  the  cabinets  of 
'  particular  churches  and  private  persons,  till  the  reign  of 
'  Trajan,  and  perhaps  till  the  reign  of  Adrian.' 

But  1  presume  we  have  now  sufficiently  shown  the  false- 
hood of  this,  and  that  the  gospels,  and  other  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  were  written  and  published  with  a  design 
to  be  read  and  made  use  of,  and  that  they  were  soon  di- 
vulged abroad,  and  not  purposely  hid  by  any. 

3.  Farther  says  3Ir.  Dodwell  :  *  The  "^  epistles  of  Paul 
*  were  well  known  soon  after  they  were  written.  His  many 
'  travels,  and  the  mark  of  his  hand  at  the  end  of  them,  oc- 
'  casioned  this.' 

We  readily  acknowledge  it.  It  is  very  true.  We  think 
also,  that  the  gospels,  the  Acts,  and  other  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  were  well  known  soon  after  they  were  written  : 
and  that  in  a  short  space  of  time  many  copies  were  taken  of 
them,  and  thus  they  were  divulged  abroad.  The  first  three 
gospels  were  well  known  to  St.  John,  and  to  many  others, 
before  he  wrote  his  gospel.  Which  must  have  been  written 
before  the  end  of  the  first  century,  and,  probably,  a  good 
while  before  the  end  of  it. 

4.  The  same  learned  writer,  speaking  of  the  apostolical 
fathers,  Clement  of  Rome,  Barnabas,  Hermas,  Ignatius, 
Polycarp,  says,  they  '^  several  times  quote  apocryphal 
books.  And  he  so  expresseth  himself,  as  if  he  intended 
to  affirm  this  of  all  of  them. 

To  which  I  must  answer,  that  so  far  as  I  am  able  to 
perceive,  after  a  careful  examination,  there  are  not  any 
quotations  of  apocryphal  books  in  any  of  the  apostolical 
fathers.  They  who  are  desirous  of  farther  satisfaction 
therein,  are  referred  to  their  several  chapters  in  the  second 
volume  of  this  work,  and  to*'  some  additional  observations 
in  the  Recapitulation  of  the  second  part  of  the  Credibility, 
which  is  in  the  fifth  volume. 

''  Latitabant  enim  usque  ad  recentiora  ilia  seu  Trajani,  seu  etiam  fortasse 
Iladriani  tempora,  in  privatamm  ecclesiavum,  seu  etiam  hominum  Ecriniis, 
scripta  ilia  canonica,  ne  ad  ecclesiae  catholicae  notitiam  pervenirent.  Ibid, 
num.  38.  p.  66.  "=  Sequuntur  epistolse  Paulinse,  quas  a 

prima  usque  scriptione  celeben-imas  fecere  ipsius  apostoli  tam  crebrse  peregri- 
nationes,  et  nota  ejus  in  omni  epistola  manus. — Proinde  meminit  eorum  et 
Petnis,  meminit  S.  Clemens,  meminit  Ignatius,  et  Polycarpus.  Ibid.  num.  41. 
p.  73.  ^  Ilabemus  hodieque  horum  temporum  scriptores 

ecclesiasticos  luculentissimos,  Clementem  Romanum,  Baraabam,  Hermam, 
Ignatium,  Polycarpum. — Sed  et  apocrypha  adhibent  iidem  aliquoties,  quae 
cerium  est  in  hodiernis  non  haberi  evangeliis.     Ibid.  n.  39.  p.  67. 

*  See  Vol.  V.  p.  188,  244,  &c. 


352  A  Histwy  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

5.  Once  more.  The  same  learned  writer  says,  '  that  ^ 
'  before  the  reign  of  Trajan,  the  pseudepigraphal  books  of 
'  heretics  had  not  been  rejected.  Nor  had  the  faithful 
*  been  cautioned  not  to  make  use  of  them.' 

Which  appears  to  me  an  observation  of  little  or  no 
importance.  If  those  pseudepigraphal  books  were  not  in 
being  before  the  reign  of  Trajan,  how  should  they  be 
rejected  before  that  time?  That  they  were  not  sooner  in 
being,  has  been^  sufficiently  shown.  They  are  the  pro- 
ductions of  heretics,  who  arose  in  the  second  century : 
who  asserted  two  principles,  had  a  disadvantageous  opi- 
nion of  marriage,  and  denied  the  real  humanity  of  our 
Saviour.  In  that  second  century  many  pseudepigraphal 
gospels,  Acts,  travels,  or  circuits  of  apostles,  were  com- 
posed. Which  were  afterwards  made  use  of  by  the  Ma- 
nichees,  the  Priscillianists,  and  some  others. 

But  those  pseudepigraphal  books  of  heretics  never 
were  joined  with  the  genuine  writings  of  the  apostles 
and  evangelists.  They  were  always  distinguished  from 
them,  and  were  esteemed  by  all  catholic  christians  in 
general  to  be  of  little  value,  and  no  authority.  As  ap- 
pears from  our  collections  out  of  ancient  authors,  and 
particularly  from  the  accounts  given  of  those  books  by  •' 
the  learned  bishop  of  Caesarea  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century. 


CHAP.  XXV. 


Thp  question  considered,  whether  any  sacred  Boohs  of  the 
New  Testament  have  been  lost. 


THERE  is  a  question  which  has  been  proposed  by  some 
learned  men :  whether  any  sacred  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  or  any  epistles  of  apostles  and  evangelists,  writ- 
ten by  divine  inspiration,  have  been  lost  ?  And  some 
have  taken  tlie  affirmative,   particularly^    Mr.  John  Ens, 

f  See  before,  p.  350,  note  '.  b  Vol.  v.  p.  247,  248. 

•'  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  97,  98 ;  and  Vol.  v.  p.  244,  245. 

*  Et  certe,  pace  et  incolumi  amicitia  dissentientium  id  dictum  sit,  affiinia- 
tiva  nobis  eligi  dcbere  videtur  sententia,  et  concedi,  quod  multi  divini  libri 
perierint,     Joh.  Ens,  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  cap.  4.  sect.  iv.  p.  19.  Amst.  1710. 


Whetlier  any  of  the  Boohs  of  the  New  Testament  have  beei^  lost.  363 

and ''  Mr.  C.  M.  Pfaff,  in  a  work  published  by  him  in  tho 
early  part  of  his  life.  Herman  Witsius  likewise*^  has  argued 
on  the  same  side  in  several  of  his  works. 

I.  Here,  in  the  first  place,  I  observe,  that  some  supposi- 
tions have  been  made,  and  propositions  laid  down  by  learn- 
ed men,  which  may  form  a  prejudice  in  favour  of  the 
affirmative  side  of  the  question,  but  afford  no  proof.  Such 
things  should  not  be  advanced  by  fair  disputants. 

As  first,  that  ^  the  apostles  of  Christ  were  ever  ready  to 
serve  all  the  exigences  of  the  church;  which  is  very  true. 
And  yet  it  does  not  follow  that  any  epistles,  or  other  writ- 
ings, were  composed  by  them  for  the  general  use  of  chris- 
tians, beside  those  which  mo  have.  And,  secondly,  that^ 
it  is  unlikely  that  all  the  apostles  of  Christ  should  have 
written  no  more  letters  than  now  remain  :  as  it  is  also,  that  ^ 
Paul  should  have  written  no  more  than  fourteen  epistles. 
These,  and  such  like  observations,  though  adopted  bys 
Witsius,  as  well  as  some  others,  I  choose  to  dismiss  without 

Ilaque  hoc  misso,  inspiciamus  et  rite  perpendamus,  quid  probationi  inserviat, 
ad  evincendum,  quod  apostoli  plura  exararint  scripta  vere  dioirvivsa  et  divina, 
quam  nunc  extant.     Id.  ib.  sect.  vi.  p.  22. 

''  Chr.  Matth.  Pfaffii  Dissertatio  Critica  de  genuinis  Librorum  N.  T. 
Lectionibus.  p.  46—48.  Amst.  1709. 

•^  Coccejus  asseveranter  dicit,  Judam,  praster  banc  epistolam,  non  scripsisse, 
neque  necesse  habuisse  scribere,  neque  a  Spiritu  Sancto  inipulsum  fuisse  ut 
scriberet.  Id  mihi  non  videtur  certum,  imo  nee  probabile.  Apostoli  enim, 
quum  universalis  ecclesiae  doctores  et  directores  essent,  et  corpore  ubique  prae- 
sentes  esse  non  possent,  et  frequenter  sine  dubio  ab  ecclesus  consulerentur, 

necesse   habuerunt   frequenter   scribere. Non   autem   inagis  opus  fuit 

onines  apostolorum  epistolas  superstites  manere,  quam  omnes  sermones  Christi. 
Sufficiunt  quos  habemus,  ad  peifectum  canonem.  Wits.  Comment,  in  Ep.  S. 
Jud.  sect.  xii.  p.  463.  Vid.  Id.  De  Vita  Pauli  apostoli.  sect.  7.  n.  xi.  sect.  8. 
n.  xxi.  et  sect.  12.  n.  xvi. 

^  Prima  observatio  est,  quod  alacres  et  paratissimi  fuerint  apostoli  ad  om- 
nia conferenda,  quae  usui  et  utilitati  ecclesiae  inservire  poterant.  Ens,  ubi 
supr.  sect.  xx.  p.  35.  ^  Porro  attendamus,  secundo,  quod 

quatuordecim  habeamus  epistolas  a  solo  Paulo  conscriptas  :  et  judicet  unus- 
quisque,  an  sibi  probabile  videatur,  Bartholomaeum,  Thomam,  Jacobum, 
Alphaei  Andream,  Philippum,  et  Siraonem  Zelotem,  quorum  nulla  habemus 
scripta,  ne  unicam  quidem  ad  ecclesiae  a?difiratiouem  epistolam  scripsisse,  atque 
Jacobum  et  Judam  unicam  tantum,  Petrum  duas,  et  Joannem  tres  exarasse  ; 
quum  Paulustoties  scripserit.     Ens,  ib.  sect,  xxxiii.  p.  38. 

^  Immo  nee  illud  veritatis  speciem  habet,  ipsum  Paulum  non  plures  quam 
quatuordecim  epistolas  scripsisse.  Quod  tertio  observari  velim.  Id.  sect.  xxv. 
p.  41.  e  Nullus  equidem  dubito,  quin  apostoli  omnes  pro 

singulari  sua  diligentia  frequentissimas  literas  ad  ecclesias  curae  suae  commissas 
dederint :  quibus  praesentes  semper  adesse  non  licebat,  et  quibus  multa  tamen 
identidem  habebant  inculcanda.     Wits.  De  Vita  Pauli,  sect.  7.  num.  xi.  p.  98. 

Laudanda  profecto  Dei  benignitas  est,  quod  ex  tot  Paulinis  epistolis,  quae 
perierunt,  banc  tamen  [ad  Philem.]  mole  exiguam,  et  de  re  domestica  agen- 
iem,  superaie  voluerit.     Id.  ib.  sect  12.  num.  xvi. 

vol..  VI.  2  a 


354  A  History  of  the  jipostles  and  Evangelists. 

a  particular  discussion,  as  they  contain  not  any  real  argu- 
ment. 

A  man  who  thinks  of  our  Lord's  great  character  and  the 
unparalleled  excellence  of  his  discourses,  and  the  great 
number  of  his  miraculous  works,  and  that  he  had  twelve 
apostles,  and  seventy  other  disciples,  employed  by  him,  all 
zealous  for  the  honour  of  their  Master,  and  the  good  of  his 
people,  might  be  disposed  to  say :  Certainly,  there  were 
many  gospels,  or  authentic  histories  of  his  life,  written  be- 
fore the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  And  yet,  if  there  is  any 
credit  to  be  given  to  ecclesiastical  history,  when  John  was 
desired  to  write  his  gospel,  about  the  time  of  that  event,  or 
after  it,  there  were  brought  to  him  no  more  than  three  gos- 
pels, to  be  confirmed  by  him,  or  to  have  some  additions 
made  to  them.  One  of  which  only  had  been  written  by  an 
apostle,  even  Matthew's.  And  it  is  the  concurrent  testimo- 
ny of  all  christian  antiquity,  that  there  were  but  four  gos- 
pels, written  by  apostles,  and  apostolical  men.  And  yet 
we  have  no  reason  to  say  that  the  true  interest  of  mankind 
has  not  been  duly  consulted. 

II.  I  observe,  secondly  :  it  is  generally  allowed  by 
learned  men,  and  by  ''  Mr.  Ens,  and  '  Witsius,  that  the 
epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  are  among  the  first  of  St. 
Paul's  epistles  that  remain,  or  were  written  by  him.  And 
I  think,  that  the  conclusion  of  the  first  epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians suggests  a  very  probable  argument,  that  it  is  the 
first  epistle  which  was  written  by  him  with  divine  and 
apostolical  authority  for  the  edification  of  christians.  The 
words  intended  by  me,  are  those  of  1  Thess.  v.  27,  "  I  charge 
you  by  the  Lord,  that  this  epistle  be  read  unto  all  the  holy 
brethren."  This,  as''  was  formerly  observed,  I  take  to  be 
the  first  instance  of  enjoining  the  reading  of  a  christian 
writing  in  their  religious  assemblies,  as  a  part  of  their  wor- 
ship. Christian  people  had  before  now,  very  probably,  read 
in  that  manner  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  St.  Paul, 
who  knew  the  fulness  of  the  apostolical  inspiration,  asserts 
his  authority,  and  requires  that  the  same  respect  should  be 
now  shown  to  his  epistle,  and  that  it  should  be  publicly 
read  among  them  for  their  general  edification.  If  any  such 
thing  had  been  done  before,  there  would  not  have  been  oc- 
casion for  so  much  earnestness  as  is  expressed  in  this  di- 
rection.    This  epistle   is  supposed   to  have  been  written  in 

^  Ens,  ubi  supra,  sect,  xxviii.  p.  45.  '  At  nobis  de  Paulinis 

epistolis  nunc  est  agendum;  quarum,  quae  supersunt,  primas  esse  constat 
utramcjue  ad  Thessalonicenses,  Corinthi,  ut  initio  dixi,  sciiptas.  Ubi  supra, 
sect.  7.  num.  xii.  p.  99.  ^  See  before,  p.  6. 


Ifliether  any  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  have  been  lost.  355 

the  year  52,  consequently  not  till  near  twenty  years  after 
our  Lord's  ascension.  If  this  be  the  tirst  epistle  of  Paul, 
written  with  apostolical  authority,  there  were  no  sacred 
writings  of  his  of  a  more  ancient  date  to  be  lost.  And  his 
other  remaining-  epistles  are  as  many  as  could  be  reason- 
ably expected. 

111.  There  are  many  considerations,  tending  to  satisfy  us 
that  no  sacred  writings  of  the  apostles  of  Christ  are  lost. 

1.  The  four  gospels,  which  we  have,  were  written  ^  for 
the  sake  of  those  who  certainly  would  receive  them  with 
respect,  keep  them  with  care,  and  recommend  them  to  others. 
And  if  any  other  such  authentic  histories  of  Jesus  Christ 
had  been  written  by  apostles,  or  apostolical  men,  they  would 
have  been  received,  and  preserved  in  the  like  manner,  and 
would  not  have  been  lost. 

2.  We  can  perceive  from  the  testimony  of  divers  ancient 
christian  writers,  that '"  the  book  of  the  Acts,  which  we  still 
have,  was  the  only  authentic  history  of  the  preaching  of  the 
apostles  after  our  Lord's  ascension,  which  they  had  in  their 
hands,  or  had  heard  of;  consequently,  there  was  no  other 
such  history  to  be  lost. 

3.  The  epistles  of  Paul,  James,  Peter,  John,  Jude,  were 
sent  to  churches,  people,  or  particular  persons,  who  Mould 
show  them  great  regard,  when  received,  and  would  care- 
fully preserve  them,  and  readily  communicate  them  to 
others,  that  they  might  take  copies  of  them,  and  make 
use  of  them,  for  their  establishment  in  religion  and  vir- 
tue. If  those  apostles  had  written  other  epistles,  and  if 
other  apostles  had  sent  epistles  to  churches  planted  by  them, 
or  to  particular  persons,  their  disciples,  or  christian  friends, 
the  case  would  have  been  much  the  same.  Those  epistles 
would  have  been  esteemed,  preserved,  and  frequently  co- 
pied, and  could  not  easily  have  been  lost. 

4.  Moreover,  the  apostles  and  evangelists,  who  drew  up 
any  writings  for  the  instruction  or  confirmation  of  christian 
people,  must  have  been  careful  of  them.  The  same  princi- 
ple of  zeal  for  the  doctrine  taught  by  them,  and  for  the  wel- 
fare of  christian  people,  which  induced  them,  amidst  their 
many  labours,  fatigues,  and  difficulties,  to  compose  any 
writings,  would  lead  them  to  take  due  care  that  they  should 
answer  the  ends  for  which  they  were  composed.  Proofs  of 
such  care  we  evidently  discern  in  divers  of  the  epistles  of 
apostles,  which  we  have.  A  like  care,  probably,  was  taken 
of  the  rest,  and   would  be  taken  of  epistles  written  by  any 

•  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  109,  110. 

■"  See  particularly  Vol.  ii.  p.  174,  280;  Vol.  v.  p.  142,  143,  &c. 

2  A  2 


356  A  Ilistortj  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

other  apostles.  They  would  be  sent  by  fit  messengers,  and 
be  faithfully  delivered.  And  they  might  be  accompanied 
with  some  proper  directions,  such  as  we  find  in  several  of 
St.  Paul's  epistles  :  as  that  in  the  first  epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians,  requiring  it  to  be  read  to  all  the  brethren  :  and 
that  in  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  iv.  16,  that  it  should 
be  read  first  among  themselves,  and  then  sent  to  the  church 
of  the  Laodiceans  :  and  that  they  likewise  should  read  the 
epistle  that  would  be  brought  to  them  from  Laodicea. 

All  which  considerations  must  induce  us  to  think,  that  no 
sacred  writings  of  apostles,  composed  for  the  instruction  and 
edification  of  christian  people,  their  friends,  and  converts, 
could  be  easily  lost. 

IV.  There  are  no  sufficient  reasons  to  believe,  that  any 
sacred  writings  of  the  New  Testament  have  been  lost.  Let 
us  however  see  what  they  are.  For  divers  difficulties  have 
been  thought  of. 

1.  St.  Paul  says,"   2  Thess.   ii.  1,  2,   "  Now   we   beseech 

you,  brethren, that  ye  be  not  soon  shaken  in  mind,  or 

be  troubled  neither  by  spirit,  nor  by  word,  nor  by  letter,  as 
from  us,  as  that  the  day  of  Christ  is  at  hand." 

These  words,  as  I  apprehend,  afford  not  any  proof  that 
St.  Paul  wrote  more  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  than 
those  which  we  have.  For  a  person,  who  had  never  written 
one  letter  before,  might  use  such  expressions,  if  he  had  any 
ground  to  suspect  that  some  men  were  disposed  to  forge 
letters  in  his  name, 

2.  2  Thess.  iii.  17,°  "  The  salutation  of  Paul  with  my 
own  hand,  which  is  the  token  in  every  epistle  :  so  I  write." 

But  I  think  he  might  say  this,  though  it  were  the  very 
first  epistle  written  by  him  :  provided  he  thought  that  he 
should  have  occasion  to  write  more,  and  had  reason  to  sus- 
pect that  there  were  some  men  who  might  be  disposed  to 
falsify  his  name.  Nor  does  it  follow  that  he  afterwards 
wrote  any  more  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians.  However,  he 
could  not  be  certain  that  he  should  not   have  occasion  to 

"  Atqui  hujus  rei  nullum  fuisset  periculum,  nulla  monendi  necessitas,  nisi 
varias  acceperunt  Thessalonicenses  epistolas  a  Paulo  missas.  Qui  enira  unam 
ac  alteram  solummodo  ad  ecclesias  scribebat  epistolas,  lUius  noraen  falsae  epis- 
tolae  ad  ecclesias  datae  non  facile  mentiri  poterat.  J.  Ens,  ubi  supr.  sect.  xxix. 
p.  46.  °  lUud  idem  iterumagnoscit  apostolus,  statmiallegato, 

cap.  iii.  17,  date  signo  epistohs  suis  peculiar!,  quo  nullae  epistolae  a  se  missae 

carent. Se  dicit  ypa^tcv,  *  scribere.'     Quod  paucis  admodum  epistolis  vix 

congruum  videtur ;  praesertim  quando  dicit,  se  oiirw  ypa<puv,  ut  salutatio  pro- 
pria manu  sit  signum  tv  Traay  tTriToXy,  '  in  quacumque  epistola." Quid 

erat  periculi,  quod  datis  cpistolis  committeretur  fallacia,  si  nullas,  prseter  et 
post  hasce  duas,  ad  ilios  daret  epistolas  ?  Id.  ib.  sect.  xxx.  p.  46,  47. 


JJliether  any  Books  of  the  Neio  Testament  have  been  lost.      357 

write  to  them  ag-ain.  And  lie  might  judge  it  to  be  very 
likely  that  he  should  write  more  letters,  either  to  them,  or 
to  others.  This  declaration,  then,  was  a  proper  mark,  which 
might  be  of  use  to  the  Thessalonians,  and  to  others,  and  a 
security  against  all  impositions  of  that  kind. 

3.  2  Cor.  X.  9,  10,  11,  "That  1  may  not  seem  as  if  I 
would  terrify  you  by  letters.  For  his  letters,  say  they,  are 
weighty  and  powerful,  but  his  bodily  presence  is  weak,  and 
his  speech  contemptible.  Let  such  an  one  think  this,  that 
such  as  we  are  in  word  by  letters,  when  we  are  absent, 
such  will  we  be  also  in  deed,  when  we  are  present." 

Hence  it  is  argued,  that  p  the  apostle  had  before  now 
written  more  than  one,  even  several  letters,  to  the  Corin- 
thians. 

To  which  I  answer.  It  is  very  common  to  speak  of  one 
epistle  in  the  plural  number,  as  all  know.  And  St.  Paul 
might  well  write,  as  he  here  does,  though  he  had  as  yet  sent 
but  one  letter  to  those  to  whom  he  is  writing.  And  from 
so  long'  a  letter,  as  is  the  first  to  the  Corinthians,  men  might 
form  a  good  judgment  concerning  his  manner  of  writing 
letters,  though  they  had  seen  no  other. 

4.  1  Cor.  V.  9,  "  I  wrote  unto  you  in  an  epistle,  not  to 
company  with  fornicators." 

Hence  it  is  argued,  thati  St.  Paul  had  written  an  epistle 
to  the  Corinthians,  before  he  wrote  the  first  of  those  two, 
which  Ave  have.  Consequently,  here  is  proof  of  the  loss 
of  a  sacred  writing,  which  Mould  have  been  canonical,  if 
extant. 

And  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  several '  learned  men 
have  concluded  as  much  from  this  text.  Others  however 
see  not  here  any  such  proof.  And  on  this  side  have  argued  * 
Whitby  and  *■  others.  And  I  think  it  is  of  no  small  weight, 
that  several  ancient  writers  understood  the  apostle  to  say  : 

P  Cum  duobus  illis  ex  epist.  ad   Thessalonicenses  locis  conferam  Pauli 

dictum  ad  Corinthios.    2.  x.  9,  10,   11. Quibus  verbis  apostolus  statuit, 

quod  non  unam  epistolam,  sed  plures,  ad  Corinthios  scripserit.     Id.  ibid,  sect 

xxxiii.  p.  4S.  1  Inter  illas  est  epistola  quaedam ad 

Corinthios  scripta  ante  illam,  quae  nobis  prima  est,  de  qua  apostolus :  Eypoi/za 
vfiiv  IV  T-g  tiri'^oXy,  '  scripsi  vobis  in  epistola.'  1  Cor.  v.  9.  Ens,  ib.  sect, 
xxxiii.  p.  51. 

''  Ex  quibus  verbis  hoc  conclude,  ante  banc  ad  Corinthios  epistolam  aliam 
cxstitisse,  ubi  Paulus  a  conversatione  cum  fornicatoribus  eos  dehortatus  fuerit 
C.  M.  Pfaff.  ubi  supr.  p.  46. 

Hinc  autem  apparet,  aliam  ante  hanc  a  Paulo  scriptam  fuisse  epistolam  ad 
Corinthios,  quae  post  interciderit.  Estius  in  loc.  Vid.  et  Grot,  in  loc.  H.  Wits, 
de  Vit.  Paul.  Ap.  sect.  8.  n.  xxi.  Mill.  Prolegom.  n.  8. 

*  See  him  upon  the  place. 

•  Wolf,  curae  inloc.  Fabric.  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  p.  918,  &c. 


358  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists. 

"  I  have  written  to  you  in  this  epistle."  So  "  Theodoret, 
"  Theophylact,  and  "*  Photius  in  OEcumenius.  They  sup- 
pose that  the  apostle  here  refers  to  somewhat  before  said 
by  him  in  the  same  epistle,  and  in  this  very  chapter,  ver.  2, 
or  6,  7. 

And  that  hereby  is  meant  this  epistle,  seems  to  me  very 
evident.  That  interpretation  suits  the  words.  And  there 
are  divers  other  places,  where  the  same  phrase  is,  and  must 
be  so  rendered,  Rom.  xvi.  22,  "  I  Tertius,  who  wrote  this 
epistle,"  o  7^aT^as  -rrjv  eTriffToXrfv.  1  Thcss.  V.  27.  I  charge 
you  by  the   Lord,  that  this  epistle  "  be  read   unto  all  the 

holy  brethren,"  avar^vwaOip-ai    tj]v    eTnaroXTjv    Tratri   Tot's    a<^ioi^. 

And  1  Thess.  iv.  6,  "Tliat  no  man  go  beyond,  and  defraud 
his  brother  in  any  matter:"  or  "in  this  matter,"  ^ly  vTrep- 

^aiveiv  Kai  nXeoveKreiv  ev  tw  Trpar^fiajL  tov  aheK({)ov  aurs,^ 

Fabricius  says,  the  y  words,  "  I  have  written  unto  you," 
may  be  understood  as  equivalent  to,  "  I  do  write."  And  it 
may  be  remembered,  that  ^  some  while  ago  I  quoted  an  an- 
cient writer,  who  gives  this  interpretation,  <  «  I  a  have 
'  written  unto  you," '  that  is,  '  I  write.'  And  intending,  I 
think,  somewhat  to  be  afterwards  said  by  the  apostle  in  this 
epistle :  which  appears  to  me  to  be  right.  Many  like  in- 
stances might  be  alleged.  I  shall  put  in  the  margin  some 
passages'^   from  A.  Gellius,  where  it  is  said  :  '  I  have  sub- 

"  OvK  tv  aWy,  aW  tv  ravTy.  Upo  ^payiwv  yap  i(pt]'  One  oiSari,  on 
fiiKpa  ZvfiT]  6\ov  TO  (pvpajxa  ^rjuot ;  Theod.  in  loc. 

'  Ev  TTot^  (TTKTToXy  I  Ev  uvTjj  TavTy.  Ettei^j;  yap  tnriv  avtortpu),  on 
iKKaQapciTf.  Ti]v  vakaiav  ^vfirjVf  tov  TTopvivKora,  wq  StSr]\u)Tai,  aiviTTOfitvog, 
li  oi)  tCTjXsTO  TO  fit)  (JiivafiiyvvoOai  Tropvoig'  lawQ  inrtvorjaav  av  on  iravTwv 
T<t)v  TTopvwv,  Kai  Twv  vap" E\\r](n  ^(mpi^efTOai  Set.  'Epfirjvtvti  Toivvv  irtpi 
■Koimv  Traprjyyeike.      Theoph.  in.  loc. 

"    n«  typail^tVj   Ev  ot^  Xtyti,  Kai  ax^  fiaWov  iirev6t]aare,  k.  X. Kai 

TTaXiv  tKKuOapaTi  Tr]v  iraXaiav  ^vixrjf,  k.  X. Toig  TTopvoig  ts  Kocr/xe  thth.^ 

Iva  iirj  vofiiauxTiv,  o^ffXtiv  Kai  toiq  twv  'EWjjvojv  nopvoig  firj  avvafiiyvvffOai, 
oirtp  rjv  aSvvaTOv  roiQ  ttoXiv oiKum,  SiopOnTai  avTO.     Apud.  CEcum.  in.  loc. 

'^  I  might  refer  to  many  other  texts  of  scripture,  and  to  passages  of  other 

writers.  Matt,  xxvii.  8.  fug  Ttjg  ffrj^epov.     xxviii.  15. /^'XP'  '"''?  arijupov. 

Apoc.  i.  3.  Kai  o\  aKsovTig  rag  Xoyag  Trig  ■7rpo(pT]Tuag.     Id  est,  Tavrt]g  Trpo- 

^»jr«tac>  (luomodo  accepit  Latiniis.  Grot,  m  loc.  So  Liban.  ep.  1174.  p. 
558.     EjM£\\t  /lev,  Kai  (it)  SovTog  fis  ttjv  tTri^oXriv,  k.  X.     Etiamsi  ego  has 

literas  non  scripsissem Ep.  1177.  p.  559.     Kai  firjv  KaKuvo  S}]Xov,  on 

fid^ovog  aiToXavati  rrjg  irapa  as  Trpovoiag,  fiera  tt]V  « jtitoXjjv — post  traditas  has 
111  eras. 

'  Possunt  etiam  verba,  typa-ipa  vfiiv,  reddi,  *  scribo  vobis,'  &c.  Bib.  Gr.  1. 
4.  cap.  V.  torn.  III.  p.  154. 

^  Sec  Vol.  V.  p.  58  ;  See  likewise  Vol.  iv.  p.  592. 

="  '  Scripsi  vobis.']  Pro  scribo.  Vel  ideo  praeteritiim  dicit,  quia,  cum  le- 
geretur,  tempus  scribendi  prsteritum  asset.  Sedul.  Comm.  in  loc.  Ap.  PP. 
Lugd.  T.  VI.  p.  540.  C. 

''  Verba  Varronis  subjeci.     A.  Gell.  Noct.  Alt.  I.  2  cap.  20. 


fVIidhcr  any  of  the  Books  of  Oie  New  Testament  have  been  lost.  359 

'  joined  the  words  of  Varro  :'  that  is,  I  shall  subjoin  them. 
In  another  place,  '  I  have  transcribed  the  words  of  PIu- 
'  tarch.'  And  in  like  nianner  often  :  when  the  words  of  an 
author  had  not  yet  been  transcribed,  but  were  to  be  tran- 
scribed soon  after. 

In  John  iv.  38,  our  Lord  says  to  the  disciples :  "  I  sent 
you  to  reap  that  whereon  ye  have  bestowed  no  labour." 
Nevertheless  the  disciples  had  not  yet  been  sent  forth  by 
him.  But  knowing-  what  he  designed  to  do,  and  also 
knowing  before-hand  what  would  be  the  circumstances  of 
their  mission,  he  says  to  them  :  '  When  I  shall  send  you  to 
'  preach  the  gospel,  you  will  find  the  case  to  be  as  I  now 
'  represent  it.' 

In  like  manner  St.  Paul,  having  in  his  mind  the  whole 
plan  of  the  epistle  which  he  was  writing,  and  considering- 
some  directions  which  he  should  give  in  the  remaining  part 
of  the  epistle,  says:  "I  have  written  unto  you."  If  it  be 
asked,  where  are  those  directions  1  I  answer :  I  think  they 
are  in  the  tenth  chapter  of  this  epistle,  where  the  apostle 
cautions  against  idolatry,  and  dangerous  temptations  to  it,  and 
against  doing  what  might  be  understood  to  be  religious 
communion  with  idols  and  idolaters.  These  things  I  ap- 
prehend the  apostle  then  had  in  his  mind. 

What  he  says  therefore  here  in  ch.  v.  9,  10,  11,  is  to 
this  purpose:  'I  shall  in  this  epistle  deliver  some  cau- 
'  tions  against  a  dangerous  and  offensive  intimacy  with 
'  idolaters :  but  when  I  do  so,  it  is  not  my  intention  to 
'  prohibit  all  civil  commerce  with  Gentile  people,  "  who 
'  are  fornicators,  or  covetous,  or  extortioners,  or  idolaters." 
'  For  at   that  rate  you  could    not   live  in  the  world.       But 

*  here  lam  speaking  of  such  as  are  professed  christians. 
'  "  And  I  have  now  written  unto  you,"  that  is,  I  now  charge 

*  you,  and  require  it  of  you :  "  If  any  man  called  a  bro- 
'  thcr,"  a  professed  christian,  "  be  a  fornicator,  or  covetous, 
'  or  an  idolater,  or  an  extortioner,  with  such  an  one,  no  not 
'  to  eat:"  that  is,  not  to  have  any  conversation  with  him.' 
Compare  2  Thess.  iii.  14,  15. 

That  appears  to  me  the  most  probable  account  of  this 
text.  But  if  any  hesitate  about  the  reference  to  a  place 
that   follows   in  the  remaining  part  of  the  epistle,  I  still 

Propterea  verba  Atteii  Capitonis  ex  quinto  Librorum,  quos  de  Pontificio 
Jure  composuit,  scrips!.     lb.  1.  4.  cap.  6. 

Verba  ipsa  Plutarchi,  quoniam  res  inopinata  est,  s^abscripsi.     lb.  cap.  12. 

Ex  quo  libro  plura  verba  adscripsimus,  ut  simul  ibidem,  quid  ipse  inter  res 
gestas  et  aunales  esse  dixerit,  ostenderemus.     lb.  1.  5.  cap.  18. 

Ipsa  autem  verba  Chrysippi,  quantum  valui,  memoria  adscripsi In  libro 

enim  -n-tm  irpovoiac.  quarto  dicit. -lb.  1.  6.  cap.  2. 


360  A  History  of  the  Apostles  and  Evaiu^elists. 

hope  I  may  insist  upon  it,  that  ev  t>;  eTnaroX^,  which  we  l;ave 
rendered  '  in  an  epistle,'  does,  and  must 'signify,  '  in  this 
'  epistle.' 

5.  2  Pet.  iii.  15,  16,  "  And  account,  that  the  long-suffer- 
ing of  our  Lord  is  salvation  :  even  as  our  beloved  brother 
Paul  also,  according  to  the  wisdom  given  unto  him,  has 
written  unto  you." 

Hence  it  is  argued,  that "  St  Paul  wrote  several  letters  to 
the  dispersed  Jews,  which  are  now  lost.  I  answer,  that  this 
argument  depends  upon  the  supposition,  that  the  epistles 
of  St.  Peter  were  sent  to  believing  Jews  :  which  is  far  from 
being  certain.  It  is  more  probable,  as  was  ^  formerly 
shown,  that  St.  Peter's  epistles  were  sent  to  believing  Gen- 
tiles in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,  or 
to  all  christians  in  general  in  those  countries.  To  which 
christians  Paul  had  indeed  sent  several  letters.  To  them 
were  sent  his  epistles  to  the  Galatians,  the  Ephesians,  the 
Colossians.  To  w  hich  might  be  added,  his  two  epistles  to 
Timothy,  then  residing  at  Ephesus,  the  chief  city  of  Asia. 
To  these,  and  other  epistles  of  the  apostle  Paul,  St.  Peter 
might  refer.  Nor  can  I  see  any  reason  at  all  to  doubt,  whe- 
ther the  epistles  of  Paul,  intended  by  St.  Peter,  are  not  still 
in  being-. 

6.  3  John,  ver.  9,  "  I  wrote  unto  the  church."  Hence  " 
some  have  argued,  that  St.  John  wrote  an  epistle  to  the 
church,  where  Diotrephes  affected  to  have  pre-eminence, 
which  is  now  lost. 

Indeed  this  text  has  exercised  the  thoughts  of  many  cri- 
tics, as  may  be  seen  in  Woljii  Curce.  However,  the  words 
may  be  translated  thus :  '*  I  had  written,"  or  "  I  would  have 
written  to  the  church."  This  version  has  been  approved 
by  ^  some.  And  tome  it  appears  very  right.  If  this  inter- 
pretation be  admitted,  there  is  no  reason  to  conclude,  that  6 
any  writing  of  St.  John  has  been  lost. 

"=  S.  Petrus,  2  ep.  iii.  15,  16,  plures  literas  ad  disperses  Hebrseos  allegat, 
quae  jam  dudum  periere.  Neque  enim,  uti  Millius  putavif,  f.  x.  col.  2.  hie 
citatur  epistola  ad  Hebraeos,  quae  exstat,  &c.  Pfaff.  ubi  supra,  p.  47.  Conf 
Ens,  ubi  supra,  sect,  xxxvi.  xxxvii.  p.  53,  54. 

•*  See  before,  p.  261,  &c. 

*  Eodem  modo  et  literae  S.  Joannis  ad  ecclesiam,  in  qua  Diotrephes  6 
ipiKoirQwTiviiiv  erat,  scriptae  et  3  Joh.  ver.  9,  memoratae,  periere.  PfaiF.  ib. 
p.  47.  '  See  Whitby  upon  the  place,  and  Dr.  Benson. 

And  see  before,  p.  292,  note  "" . 

8  •  Some  would  from  hence  gather,  that  St.  John  wrote  an  epistle  which  is 
'  now  lost.  But  the  primitive  cliristians  were  not  so  careless  about  preserving 
•  the  apostolic  writings.  There  is  not  the  least  hint  among  the  ancients,  that 
'  there  ever  was  such  an  epistle.  And  the  apostle's  words,  in  this  place,  are 
'  fairly  capable  of  another  interpretation.' Dr.  Benson  upon  theplace,  p.703. 


Whether  any  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  have  been  lost.  361 

7.  It  is  argued,  that''  Polycarp,  writing  to  the  Philip- 
pians,  expresseth  himself,  as  if  he  thought  St.  Paul  had 
written  to  them  more  epistles  than  one. 

To  which  it  is  easy  to  answer,  that  though  the  word  be 
in  the  plural  nutuber,  one  epistle  only  might  be  meant. 
Secondly,  it  is  not  improbable,  that  Polycarp  intended  the 
epistle  to  the  Philippians,  and  also  the  two  epistles  of  Paul 
to  the  Thessalonians,  who  were  in  the  same  province  of 
Macedonia,  as  was  shown  '  formerly.  Indeed  this  objection 
is  so  obviated  by  what  was  said,  when  we  largely  consi- 
dered the  testimony  of  Polycarp  to  the  New  Testament,  that 
1  think  nothing  more  needs  to  be  added  here. 

V.  In  treating  this  subject  Mr.  Ens  could  not  help  think- 
ing of  those  passages  of  Origen  and  Eusebius,  where  they 
speak  of  the  apostles  not  being  solicitous  to  write  many 
volumes.  Which  passages  were  taken  notice  of  by  us  ''  long 
ago.  He  endeavours  to  evade  the  proper  conclusion  to  be 
thence  drawn.  But  he  owns,  that*^  the  ancients  had  no 
knowledge  of  those  writings  of  the  apostles,  which  he  and 
some  others  have  imagined  to  be  lost.  And  he  thinks  it 
almost  miraculous,  or  however  a  very  wonderful  dispensa- 
tion of  providence,  that  they  should  so  soon  perish,  as  to 
be  unknown  to  the  ancients,  as  well  as  to  us. 

But  does  not  that  show,  that  this  whole  argument  is 
frivolous  and  insignificant  ?  For  plausible  speculations  can- 
not be  valid  against  fact  and  evidence.  If  the  primitive 
christians  knew  not  of  any  apostolical  writings,  beside  those 
which  have  been  tiansmitted  to  us,  it  is  very  probable  there 
were  none. 

••  Memorat  quoque  Polycarpus  in  Uteris  ad  Philippenses,  S.  Paulum  non 
unam  sed  plures  ad  eos  £7ri<roXac  absentem  scripsisse.  PfafF.  ib.  p.  47.  Conf. 
Ens,  p.  51— 56.  '  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  100,  101. 

"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  494 ;  and  Vol.  iv,  p.  95,  96. 

'  Fateor  ingenue,  vix  concipi  potest,  unde  tam  cilo  tanta  fuerit  inter  vetei-es 
jgnorantia  de  eo,  quod  apostoli  multo  plura  scripserint,  quam  qnidem  illorum 
ct  nostras  pervenit  ad  manus.  Fateor,  vix  concipi  potest,  ubi  tam  profunda 
latere  potuerint  scripta  ilia  apostolica,  ut  omnium  fugerint  oculos.  At  divina 
hie  mihi  admiranda  ac  adoranda  videtur  providentia,  quae  ad  tempus  data 
scripta,  dura  aliorum  quae  permanerent  in  vitae  canonem  perpetuum  nonduua 
csset  in  ecclesiis  copia,  deinde  protinus  e  medio  tolli  voluerit.  Ens,  ibid,  sect, 
Ii.  p.  68. 


LARGE  COLLECTION 


OF    ANCIENT 


JEWISH  AND  HEATHEN  TESTIMONIES 


TO  THE  TRUTH   OF  THE 


CHRISTIAN  RELIGION; 


NOTES    AND    OBSERVATIONS. 

VOLUME  L 

CONTAINING 

THE  JEWISH  TESTIMONIES,  AND  THE  TESTIMONIES  OF 
HEATHEN  AUTHORS  OF  THE  FIRST  CENTURY. 


PREFACE. 


IT  is  well  known  that  I  have  long"  since  intended  a  col- 
lection ot"  passages  ot"  Jewish  and  heathen  authors,  who 
bear  testimony  to  the  books  or  facts  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, or  the  atiairs  of  christians  in  their  own  times.  I  have 
also  intimated,  that  1  had  by  me  large  materials  for  that 
purpose ;  at  the  same  time  expressing  my  doubts,  whether 
I  ever  should  be  able  to  put  those  materials  into  order. 
But  God,  in  his  good  providence,  has  prolonged  my  life. 
And,  having  completed  the  Supplement  to  the  second  part 
of  the  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History,  I  have  now  put 
my  collections  of  Jewish  and  heathen  Testimonies  into  such 
order,  that  it  has  been  judged  not  improper  to  begin  the 
publication. 

This  part  of  my  design  has  been  long  deferred ;  but  I 
hope  it  is  not  the  worse  for  that. 

Many  others  of  late  times  have  made  collections  of  this 
kind. 

This  argument  was  not  omitted  by  Mr.  Addison,  in  his 
Evidences  of  the  Christian  Religion,  who  has  insisted, 
though  briefly,  upon  the  testimonies  of  Tacitus,  Suetonius, 
Phlegon,  Dion,  Celsus,  Macrobius,  and  other  heathen  au- 
thors, and  made  good  remarks  upon  them :  intending  like- 
wise to  add  the  testimonies  of  Jewish  writers,  but  was  pre- 
vented by  death. 

In  the  year  1733  was  published  a  book  with  this  title— 
An  Appeal  to  the  genuine  Records  and  Testimonies  of  Hea- 
then and  Jewish  Writers  in  Defence  of  Christianity  :  by 
Thomas  Dawson,  D.  D.  Vicar  of  New  Windsor,  some  time 
Member  of  Convocation.'^ 

That  work  has  a  pompous  title,  from  which  a  great  deal 
might  be  expected  ;  but  it  is  little  more  than  an  angry  de- 
clamation against  Dr.  Sykcs,  for  not  showing  due  respect 
to  Phlegon,  and  Dionysius  the  Areopagitc.  1  have  made 
no  use  of  that  work.  Nor  do  I  know  that  I  shall  have  oc- 
casion to  take  any  farther   notice  of  it. 

An  Argument  in  Defence  of  Christianity,  taken  from  the 

'  It  is  in  two  parts;  201  pages  for  the  first  part,  and  112  for  the  second; 
in  octavo. 


366  PREFACE, 

Concessions  of  the  most  ancient  Adversaries,  Jews  and 
Pag-ans,  Philosophers  and  Historians  :  by  Greg-ory  Sharpe 
L.  L.  D.  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  of  the  Society  of 
Antiquarians.''  I  am  indebted  to  this  learned  author,  and 
shall  quote  him  sometimes. 

In  1725  J.  A.  Fabricius  published  a  volume  in  quarto, 
concerning-  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion/  In  the  32d 
chapter  of  which  volume  is  a  catalogue  of  authors,  who 
have  supported  the  evidence  of  the  Jewish  and  christian 
religion  by  testimonies  of  heathen  writers  :^  where  are 
mentioned  many  authors,  with  whom  I  am  unacquainted,  as 
well  as  others,  whom  I  have  seen,  and  of  whom  I  shall  take 
notice  presently. 

Le  Clerc,  who,  in  the  year  1727,  revised  that  work  of 
Fabricius,  in  his  Bibliotheque  Ancienne  et  Moderne,  ob- 
serves, that  *  '  there  are  in  Pagan  authors,  still  remaining, 
♦  testimonies  and  events,  which  may  be  of  great  use  to  con- 
'  firm  the  truth  of  the  christian  religion.     The  same  is  said 

*"  A  small  volume  of  166  pages,  published  in  1755. 

•^  Delectus  argumentorum,  et  syllabus  scriptorum,  qui  veritatem  religionis 

christianae    adversus    atheos    deistas, lucubrationibus    suis    asseruerunt. 

Hamb.  1725.  "*  Cap.  xxxii.  Ethnicorum  testimonia, 

veritati  religionis  naturalis,  judaicae,  et  christianae  suffragantia.  Ibid.  p. 
634 — 643.  *  II  y  a  dans  les  auteurs  Payens  qui  nous  restent 

des  temoignages  et  des  evenemens,  qui  peuvent  beaucoup  servir  a  confirmer 
la  verite  de  la  religion  chretienne.  C  etoit  le  sentiment  d'  Herman  Con- 
ringius,  qui  etoit,  comme  Ton  fait,  un  tres-savant  homme.  Bib.  A.  et  M.  T. 
27.  P.  i.  p.  71. 

Le  Clerc  here  follows  the  modem  way  of  speaking ;  which  indeed  is 
now  in  use  with  all  learned  men  in  general.  But  heathen  people  were 
not  called  Pagans,  '  Pagani,'  before  the  year  of  Christ  365,  about  which 
time,  and  afterwards,  that  denomination  became  common  in  Latin  authors, 
as  Prudentius,  Salvian,  Orosius,  Augnstin.  That  denomination  is  sup- 
posed to  have  had  its  rise  from  the  state  of  things  at  that  time.  Sacri- 
fices were  prohibited  by  christian  emperors  in  cities,  but  allowed  of  for  a  while 
in  villages  and  country-places.  But  I  do  not  recollect  that  this  way  of 
speaking  is  adopted  by  the  Greek  ecclesiastical  historians,  Socrates,  Sozomen, 
and  Theodoret ;  though  they  wrote  after  this  style  was  common  in  Latin 
authors.  To  me  it  seems  not  quite  proper  to  call  those  writers  Pagans, 
who  lived  before  the  times  of  the  christian  emperors.  I  therefore  gene- 
rally say,  Heathens,  Gentiles,  Greeks ;  Heathenism,  Gentilism,  Hellenism. 

Haec  omnia,  ut  in  urbibus   primo    sublata,  sic   permissa  ad  tempus  in 

pagis  et  vicis,   ubi  templa  aliquamdiu  Gentilibus   patuere Unde  Paga- 

norum  nomen  enatum  est,  primum  auditum  sub  imperatoribus  christianis, 
primaque  Paganorum  mentio  exstat  in  L.  xviii.  Cod.  Theod.  De  Episcopis, 
&c.  Valentiano  et  Valente.  A.  A.  Coss.  Spanhem.  Hist.  Christ.  Sec.  iv. 
T.  i.  p.  836.  Vid.  et  Jac.  Gothofred.  in  notis  in  Tit.  de  Pagan  is.  Et 
Conf.  Pagi  ann.  351.  num.  v. 

Praccpcras  mihi,  ut  scriberem  adversus  vaniloquam  pravitatem  eorum, 
qui  alieni  a  civitatn  Dei,  ex  locorum  agrestium  compitis  et  pagis,  Pagani 
vocaiitur,  sive  Gentiles.     Oros.  Hist.  1.  1.  cap.  1. 


PREFACE.  3G7 

*  by  Herman  CoiiriDg^iiis,  who,  as  is  well  known,  was  a  very 
'  learned  man.' 

Unquestionably,  Conring-ius  of  Brunswick  was  a  very 
learned  man,  author  of  many  valuable  works,  and  in  great 
esteem  >vitli  divers  princes'  of  Germany.  But  I  wish  that 
Le  Clerc  had  quoted  his  words  at  leng-th,  'or  referred  to 
the  work  in  which  Conringius  delivered  judgment  upon 
this  point,  and  where,  possibly,  he  so  enlargeth  upon  it,  as 
to  afford  us  some  instruction. 

Iloutteville,  in  his  work  entitled,  The  Christian  Relig-ion 
proved  by  Facts  ;  and  in  his  Historical  and  Critical  Dis- 
course, prefixed  to  it,*?  has  alleged  the  testimonies  of  many 
.Jewish  and  heathen  writers  :  Celsus,  the  emperor  Julian, 
Porphyry,  Jamblicus,  the  Talmud,  and  the  Rabbins.  Fa- 
bricius,  in  the  fore-cited  volume,  has  given  a  large  account 
of  this  performance. 

I  may  not  omit  Tobias  Eckhard,  who  has  published  a 
learned  and  useful  work,  entitled,''  The  Testimonies  of  such 
as  are  not  Christians,  collected  from  ancient  Monuments.  Of 
which  there  have  been  two  editions,  both  in  my  hands,  and 
from  which  I  have  reaped  benefit.  This  author  also  is  in 
the  fore-mentioned  catalogue  of  Fabricius. 

The  '  Christian  Religion  confirmed  by  the  Testimonies 
of  ancient  Pagan  authors ;  by  Dominique  Colonia,  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  This  author  likewise  is  in  the  cata- 
logue of  Fabricius,  who  ^  calls  him  a  polite  and  eloquent 
writer. 

This  work  has  a  nearer  resemblance  with  mine,  than  any 
other  which  I  have  met  with.  Many  authors  are  here  ' 
quoted :  and  Colonia  gives  some  account  of  them,  for 
shoAving  the  value  of  their  testimony.     I  shall  often  quote 

f  See  the  Dictionary  and  Supplement  of  MorerL 

«  A  large  volume  in  quarto,  at  Paris  in  1722. 

''  Non  Christianorum  de  Christo  Testimonia,  ex  antiquis  Monumentis  pro- 
po>ita  et  dijudicata.     Quarto.  1725,  et  1736. 

'  La  Religion  Chretieane  autorisee  par  le  Temoignage  des  anciens  Auteurs 
Payens.     Par  le  P.  Dominique  de  Colonia,  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.     A 

Lyon.  1718.  "^  elegans  ac  disertus  scriptor.   Fabr. 

ubi  supra,  p.  635.  '  Tom.  1.  ch.  I.  Phlegon,  et  Thallus, 

ch.  II.  Ammianus  Marcellinus.  III.  Marcus  Antoninus,  Dion,  Capitolinus, 
Claudian,  Themistius.  IV.  Plutarch  ;  where  comes  in  the  pilot  Thamus, 
Strabo,  Lucan,  Juvenal.  V.  Claudian.  Again,  VI.  Chalcidius,  Amelius, 
and  Macrobius.     VII.  Cornelius  Tacitus.     VIII.  Celsus,  the  epicurean.     IX. 

The  philosopher  Porphyry Tom.  2.  ch.  I.  Lampridius.     II.  The  younger 

Pliny.  III.  The  sophist  Libanius.  IV.  The  emperor  Julian  the  apostate. 
V.  Lucian,  of  Samosata.  VI.  Rutilius  Claudius  Numatianus.  VII.  The 
emperor  Antoninus  the  pious.  VIII.  The  emperor  Marcus  Antoninus  again. 
IX.  The  false  prophet,  Mahomet.  X.  Josephus  the  historian.  XI.  The  true 
acts  of  Pilate. 


368  PREFACE. 

Lim,  or  refer  to  him ;  whereby  the  character  of  the  work, 
and  the  judgment  of  the  author,  will  be  apparent  to  my 
readers.  Undoubtedly,  he  has  learning  and  zeal,  but 
some  allowances  must  be  made  for  the  credulity  of  his 
church. 

However,  it  can  little  become  me  to  pass  censures 
upon  others,  who  am  as  liable  to  be  censured  ;  and 
may  fall  into  mistakes,  nowithstanding  my  best  care  to 
avoid  them. 

One  fault  in  my  work  may  be  reckoned  to  be  very 
obvious,  which  is  the  prolixity  of  it.  In  regard  to  which 
1  beg  leave  to  say  beforehand,  that  I  am  to  be  distinct  and 
particular.  These  things  have  been  already  slightly 
touched  upon  by  many.  I  propose  to  enlarge,  and  set 
them  in  a  fuller  light.  1  allege  passages  of  ancient  authors, 
at  length  ;  1  settle  their  time :  1  distinguish  their  works, 
and  endeavour  to  show  the  value  of  their  testimonies.  J 
intend  likewise  to  allege  the  judgments  of  divers  learned 
moderns,  who  have  gone  before  me  in  this  service.  All 
the  persecutions  of  this  time  are  a  part  of  my  subject,  as 
they  were  appointed  by  edicts  of  heathen  emperors,  and 
were  carried  on  by  heathen  governors  of  provinces,  and 
officers  under  them.  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  show 
the  patience  and  fortitude  of  the  primitive  christians;  and 
the  state  of  Judaism,  gentilism,  and  Christianity,  in  the  first 
four  centuries.  As  most  of  the  authors  to  be  quoted  by 
me,  are  men  of  great  distinction  in  the  republic  of  letters, 
some  occasions  will  offer  for  critical  observations,  which 
cannot  be  all  declined  :  but  nice  and  intricate  questions 
will  be  carefully  avoided,  that  the  whole  may  be  upon  the 
level  with  the  capacities  of  all  M'ho  are  inquisitive,  and 
disposed  to  read  with  attention. 

In  the  first  volume  are  the  Jewish  Testimonies,  and 
the  Testimonies  of  Heathen  Authors,  who  lived  in  the  first 
century. 

In  the  second  volume  are  Heathen  Writings  of  the  se- 
cond century  :  among  which  are  the  letter  of  tlie  younger 
Pliny  to  Trajan,  and  that  emperor's  rescript ;  which  will  give 
occasion  for  many  observations  concerning  the  sufferings 
of  the  christians  at  that  time,  and  afterwards;  and  the 
remains  of  the  work  of  Celsus  against  the  christians,  pre- 
served in  Origen  ;  which  afford  an  early  and  very  valua- 
ble testimony  to  the  genuineness  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  to  the  truth  of  the  evangelical  history 

In  the  third  volume  will  Ix,'  Ulpian,  Dion  Cassiws,  Por- 
phyry, Hierocles,  and  other  heathen  writers,  and  a  history 


PREFACE.  3G9 

of  the  several  persecutions  of  the  christians  in  the  third 
century,  concluding  with  that  of  the  emperor  Diocletian. 

The  fourth  and  last  volume,  in  which  will  be  the  empe- 
ror Julian,  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  Libanius,  and  other 
heathen  writers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  may  be 
as  entertaining  as  any  of  the  rest;  but  it  cannot  be  so  im- 
portant. Julian,  in  his  work  against  the  christians,  may 
mention  the  names  of  the  evangelists,  and  of  the  other  writ- 
ers of  the  New  Testament,  and  quote  the  books  more 
distinctly  than  Celsus ;  but  his  testimony  to  the  scriptures, 
in  the  fourth  century,  cannot  be  so  valuable  as  that  of  Cel- 
sus in  the  second.  However,  these  also  deserve  to  be  col- 
lected, and  put  together  in  their  proper  order.  We  shall 
there  see  the  last  struggles  of  expiring  gentilism,  and 
some  attempts  to  restore  it,  after  it  had  been  for  a 
while  exploded  with  scorn  and  disdain.  And  we  may 
meet  witli  more  than  a  few  men  of  great  learning,  and 
fine  abilities,  who  were  still  tenacious  of  the  ancient  rites, 
aiid  fond  of  all  the  fables  upon  which  they  were  founded, 
and  by  which  they  had  been  long  upheld  and  encouraged. 

The  author  professes  great  impartiality  :  for  which  reason 
he  is  not  without  hopes  that  his  work,  notwithstanding 
some  imperfections,  may  be  approved  by  the  candid  of 
every  denomination.  If  it  shall  be  of  some  use  to  promote 
good  learning,  and  true  religion,  he  will  have  great  reason 
to  be  well  pleased. 


\()i .   \  I.  •-.'   i; 


LARGE  COLLECTION 


OF    ANCIENT 


JEWISH  AND  HEATHEN  TESTIMONIES. 


JEWISH  TESTIMONIES. 
CHAP.  I. 


THE  FAITH  OF  MANY  JEWISH   BELIEVERS   IN  EARLY  TIMES, 

A  VALUABLE  TESTIMONY  TO  THE  TRUTH  OF 

THE  CHRISTIAN  RELIGION. 


].  That  many  of'  the  Jeivish  people  believed  m  Jesus  as 
the  Christ,  shoicn  from  the  books  oj'  the  New  Testa- 
ment.     IL    From   other  ancient    writings.     IIL    Their 
J'aith  a  valuable  testimonij. 

1.  THE  Lord  Jesus  was  born  at  Bethlehem,  and  brought 
lip  at  Nazareth  ;  and  in  Judea  (understanding  thereby  the 
land  of  Israel)  he  fulfilled  his  ministry.  At  Jerusalem  he 
was  crucified :  there  he  arose  from  the  dead,  and  thence  he 
ascended  to  heaven. 

A  short  time  before  his  appearance  in  the  world,  John, 
called  the  Baptist,  a  man  of  an  austere  character,  and  ac- 
knowledged by  all  to  be  a  prophet,  who  acted  with  a  divine 
commission,  preached  to  the  people,  saying,  "  Repent,  for 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand."  '  Be  persuaded  by  me 
'  to  reform  your  lives,  and  break  oflf  every  evil  course,  by 
'  repentance  ;  for  the  kingdom  of  God  by  the  Messiah,  long 
'  since  promised  by  God,  and  foretold  by  the  prophets,  is 
*  now  about  to  be  erected  among  you,  which  is  a  dispensa- 

2  B  2 


372  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  tion  of  the  greatest  purity  and  perfection,  the  privileges 
'  of  which  are  appropriated  to  sincere  penitents  only,  and 
'  really  good  men.'  He  also  pointed  to  Jesus,  as  the  per- 
son who  was  to  set  up  that  kingdom,  and  Avas  much  greater 
than  himself. 

Soon  after  which  Jesus  also  appeared,  preaching-  the  like 
doctrine  in  the  name  of  God :  recommending  the  practice 
of  strict  and  sublime  virtue  in  heart  and  life  ;  with  a  view, 
not  to  honour  from  men,  or  any  other  worldly  advantages, 
but  with  an  eye  to  the  favour  and  approbation  of  God,  who 
knows  all  things.  These  were  the  general  terms  proposed 
by  him ;  forgiveness  of  past  sins  upon  repentance,  and 
eternal  life  to  perseverance  in  the  profession  of  the  truth, 
and  the  practice  of  virtue;  without  any  assurances  of 
worldly  riches,  honour,  or  preferment ;  and  with  frequent 
intimations  of  many  difficulties,  and  external  discourage- 
ments-. 

As  he  went  about  preaching-  that  doctrine,  he  wrought 
many  miracles,  healing-  all  men,  who  came  to  him,  of  the 
diseases  they  laboured  under;  and  raising'  to  life  some 
who  had  died.  And  twice  he  miraculously  fed  in  desert 
places,  with  a  few  loaves  and  small  fishes,  g-reat  numbers  of 
men,  who  had  long-  attended  upon  his  discourses.  At  the 
beginning-  of  his  ministry,  and  during  the  time  of  it,  there 
Mere  some  extraordinary  manifestations  from  heaven,  bear- 
ing testimony  to  him,  as  the  "beloved  Son  of  God,"  or  the 
Messiah,  the  great  and  extraordinary  person,  who  had  been 
long  since  foretold,  and  promised,  as  the  "  seed  of  the 
woman,  that  should  bruise  the  head  of  the  serpent,  the  seed 
of  Abraham,  in  whom  all  the  families  of  the  earth  should 
be  blessed,"  and  "  the  Son  of  David,"  in  whom  the  promise 
of  an  extensive  and  everlasting  kingdom  was  to  be  fulfilled. 
Of  all  which  things  the  blessed  Jesus  sometimes,  in  the  latter 
part  of  his  ministry,  reminded  the  Jewish  people,  his  hearers, 
to  induce  them  to  act  according  to  evidence,  and  to  improve 
the  present  opportunity,  and  accept  the  blessings  offered  to 
them,  lest  they  should  expose  themselves  to  the  divine  dis- 
pleasure and  resentment.  But,  as  before  hinted,  he  never 
invited  any  with  assurances  of  worldly  advantages  from 
him  :  and  all  were  at  liberty  to  act  according  to  their  own 
judgment,  and  to  "  go  away,"  or  stay  with  him.  John  vi. 
'6&-71. 

Wherever  he  went,  preaching  thatexcellont  and  heavenly 
doctrine,  he  was  attended  by  many  ;  who  plainly  discerned 
it  to  be  superior  to  that  of  their  ordinary  teachers,  the 
scribes  and   pharisees,  and  that  he  spoke  and   acted   as  a 


That  many  Jews  believed  shown  from  the  N.  T.  373 

prophet,  with  divine  illumination  and  authority.  The  peo- 
ple ill  general  were  so  well  satisfied  of  his  great  character, 
that  they  could  not  help  wondering,  that  their  scribes  and 
rulers,  for  whom  they  had  a  great  respect,  did  not  publicly 
acknowledge  him  to  be  the  Messiah.  "  And  many  of  the 
people  believed  on  him,  and  said:  When  the  Christ 
cometh,  will  he  do  more  miracles  than  these  which  this 
man  has  done?"  John  vii.  31.  Again:  "  And  many  re- 
sorted unto  him,  and  said  :  John  did  no  miracle.  But  all 
thitjgs  that  John  spake  of  this  man  were  true.  And  many 
believed  on  him  there,"  John  x.  41,  42. 

"  Nevertheless,  among  the  chief  rulers  also  many  believed 
on  him :  but  because  of  the  pharisees  they  did  not  confess 
him,  lest  they  should  be  put  out  of  the  synagogue:  For 
they  loved  the  praise  of  men  more  than  the  praise  of  God," 
John  xii.  42,  43.  But  Nicodemus,  a  pharisee,  and  a  ruler, 
and  in  the  very  early  part  of  our  Lord's  ministry,  came  to 
him  of  his  own  accord,  and  acknowledged  him  to  be  a 
"  teacher  come  from  God,"  John  iii.  And  it  is  very  likely 
that  he  went  away  fully  convinced  that  he  was  the  Christ. 
And  when  the  Jewish  council  reproved  their  officers  for  not 
having  apprehended  Jesus,  and  brought  him  before  them, 
Nicodemus,  "  being  one  of  them,"  pleaded  his  cause,  say- 
ing, "  Doth  our  law  judge  any  man  before  it  hear  him,  and 
know  what  he  doth  ?"  John  vii.  51.  For  which  he  was 
reviled,  as  very  ignorant  and  greatly  mistaken.  However, 
he  afterwards  attended  the  burial  of  Jesus,  together  with 
"  Joseph  of  Arimathea,"  another  "  disciple  of  Jesus;  but 
secretly,  for  fear  of  the  Jews.  He  was  a  rich  man,  and  an 
honourable  counsellor:  who  Avent  to  Pilate,  and  begged  the 
body  of  Jesus,  and  wrapt  it  in  a  clean  linen  cloth,  and  laid 
it  in  his  own  new  tomb,  hewn  out  of  a  rock,"  John  xix. 
3.S — 42;  Matt,  xxvii;  Mark  xv  ;  Luke  xxiii. 

Beside  them,  Jairus,  ruler  of  a  synagogue,  and  a  noble- 
man of  Capernaum,  were  disciples  of  some  distinctioji. 
And  there  may  have  been  some  others  in  like  stations,  who 
paid  their  respects  to  Jesus,  though  they  are  not  named. 
The  centurion  at  Capernaum  had  such  faith  in  Jesus,  as  to 
believe  him  able  to  heal  his  sick  servant  at  a  distance,  by 
speaking  a  word  only.  He  was  a  Gentile,  but  he  was  in 
esteem  with  "  the  elders  of  the  Jews,"  who  lived  in  that 
city.  And  they  also  joined  with  him  in  the  request  to  Jesus 
to  heal  his  sick  servant,  saying,  "  that  he  was  worthy,  for 
whom  he  should  do  this,"  Luke  vii.  4.  So  that  they  also 
were  persuaded  in  their  minds,  that  Jesus  had  power  to 
perform  so  great  a  miracle.     Not  now  to  take  any  notice  of 


374  Jewish  Testimonies. 

our  Saviour's  female  disciples,  though  they  also  were,  some 
of"  them,  respectable  for  their  outward  condition,  as  well  as 
for  their  eminent  virtue. 

Out  of  the  number  of  his  disciples  Jesus  chose  twelve, 
to  be  generally  with  him,  and  to  be  employed  by  him, 
whom  he  named  apostles ;  who,  notwithstanding  some  im- 
perfections and  failings,  owing  to  the  prevailing  prejudices 
of  the  Jewish  people,  all  continued  faithful  to  him,  except- 
ing only  Judas  the  traitor,  a  man  of  a  worldly  and  covet- 
ous disposition.  And  though  the  miscarriage  and  loss  of 
Judas  could  not  but  be  a  great  grief  and  discouragement  to 
them,  the  other  eleven  kept  together,  even  after  the  death  of 
their  Lord. 

When  he  was  risen  from  the  dead,  he  came  again  among 
them,  and  showed  himself  to  them  :  and  though  they  were 
not  to  be  persuaded  without  good  proof,  in  the  end  they 
were  all  satisfied  that  it  was  he. 

Having,  in  the  space  of  forty  days,  been  often  seen  by 
them,  and  having  frequently  conversed  with  them,  "  speak- 
ing of  the  things  pertaining  to  the  kingdom  of  God,  he  was 
in  their  sight  taken  up  into  heaven."  Acts  i. 

Soon  after  which,  when  they  Mere  assembled  together, 
to  the  number  of  "  about  one  hundred  and  twenty,"  ano- 
ther, named  Matthias,  was  chosen  in  the  room  of  Judas,  to 
be  a  witness  with  the  rest  of  the  things  concerning  the 
Lord  Jesus,  and  particularly  his  resurrection  from  the 
dead. 

At  the  next  following  Pentecost,  the  Holy  Ghost,  in  a 
remarkable  manner,  came  down  upon  the  apostles  and  their 
company,  agreeably  to  the  promise  which  Jesus  had  made 
to  them.  And  henceforward  the  apostles,  being  fully  qua- 
lified, preached  to  all  men  in  the  name  of  Christ,  exhorting 
them  to  repentance,  with  the  promise  of  the  remission  of 
sins,  and  everlasting  salvation.     Acts  ii. 

Such  was  the  effect  of  St.  Peter's  first  discourse  at  Jeru- 
salem, after  our  Lord's  ascension,  that  "  there  were  added  to 
them  about  three  thousand  souls  :"  and  afterwards  such 
accessions  were  made,  that  their  number  was  "  about  five 
thousand,"  Acts  ii.  41  ;  iv.  4. 

But  though  many  miracles  were  done  by  the  hands  of 
the  apostles,  and  the  whole  company  of  the  believers  be- 
haved in  a  very  becoming  manner,  insomuch  that  it  is  said, 
"they  had  favourwith  all  thepeople;"  Acts  ii.49:  and  again, 
that  "the  whole  multitude  of  them  that  believed  was  of  one 
heart,  and  of  one  soul ;  neither  said  any  of  them,  that  ought 
of  the  things  which  he  possessed  was  hi*  own,  but  they  had 


That  many  Jews  believed  shown  from  the  X.  T.  375 

all  thingfs  common;"  Acts  iv.  32  :  yet  tliey  met  with  many 
ditticulties,  and  were  ill  treated  by  the  Jewish  rulers. 
Peter  and  John  were  apprehended  and  brought  before  the 
council,  and  examined,  and  Mere  then  commanded,  not  to 
speak  at  all  nor  teach  in  the  name  of  Jesus  :"  Acts  iv.  And 
they  >vere  farther  threatened,  if  they  transgressed  that 
order.  But  they,  nevertheless,  thinking  themselves  obliged 
to  persist  in  their  work,  and  "  to  obey  God,  rather  than 
men  ;"  in  a  short  time  afterwards,  ali  the  apostles  were 
taken  up,  and  put  "  in  the  common  prison,"  and  then 
brought  before  the  council :  and  having  been  "  beaten," 
and  again  "commanded  not  to  speak  in  the  name  of  Jesus," 
they  were  dismissed.  Acts  v.  Soon  after  this,  Stephen,  a 
man  of  great  eminence  and  usefulness  among- the  disciples, 
Avas  stoned  ;  Acts  vi.  vii.  And  James,  brother  of  John, 
one  of  the  chief  apostles  of  Jesus,  was  beheaded  by  order  of 
Herod  Agrippa,  then  king  in  the  land  of  Judea.  "And 
because  he  saw  it  pleased  the  Jews,  he  proceeded  farther 
to  take  Peter  also,  and  put  him  in  prison,  intending  after 
Easter  to  bring  him  forth  to  the  people;"  Acts  xii.  But 
now  Divine  Providence  interposed  :  Peter  was  miraculously 
delivered  out  of  prison ;  and  Herod  died  under  tokens 
of  divine  displeasure.  What  is  added  is  well  wor- 
thy of  observation,  "  But  the  word  of  God  grew,  and 
multiplied." 

And  gradually  the  apostles  and  their  fellow-labourers, 
with  divine  approbation  and  encouragement,  enlarged  their 
views,  and  preached  the  gospels  to  Samaritans,  and  then  to 
Gentiles.  But,  wherever  they  went,  they  first  addressed 
themselves  to  the  Jewish  inhabitants,  and  particularly  in 
their  synagogues,  which  there  were  at  that  time  in  many 
cities  of  Greece,  and  elsewhere,  and  visually  had  some  con- 
verts among  them.  The  evidences  of  the  christian  religion 
were  fairly  and  opeidy  proposed,  and  to  many  they  appear- 
ed sufficient  and  satisfactory.  The  whole  argument  is 
briefly  summed  up  in  those  words  of  St.  Paul  before  the 
governor  Festus,  and  king  Agrippa,  and  the  rest  of  that 
great  audience.  "  Having  therefore  obtained  help  of  God, 
I  continue  to  this  day,  witnessing  both  to  small  and  great, 
saying  none  other  things  than  those  which  the  prophets  and 
Moses  did  say  should  come;  that  the  Christ  should  be 
liable  to  sufferings ;  and  that,  being  the  first  who  rose  from 
the  dead,"  to  die  no  more,  "  he  should  show  light  unto  the 
people,  and  to  the  Gentiles,"  Acts  xxvi.  22,  23.  Thus,  at 
Antioch  in  Pisidia,  it  is  said  of  Paul  and  Barnabas,  Acts  xiii. 
14,  "  they  went  into  the  synagogue  on   the  sabbath-day;" 


376  Jewish  Testimonies. 

M'liere  Paul  made  a  long  discourse — — "  Now,  when  the 
congregation  was  broken  up,  many  of  the  Jews,  and  reli- 
gious," or  worshipping  "  proselytes,  followed  Paul  and 
Barnabas,  who,  speaking  to  them,  persuaded  them  to  con- 
tinue in  the  grace  of  God."  Afterwards,  at  Iconium,  "  they 
went  both  into  the  synagogue,  and  so  spake,  that  a  great 
multitude  of  the  Jews,  and  also  of  the  Greeks,  believed," 
Acts  xiv.  1.  And  in  like  manner  at  other  places.  And 
particularly  at  Thessalonica,  Acts  xvii.  1 ;  and  at  Berea, 
ver.  10;  at  Athens,  ver.  17;  at  Corinth,  xviii.  4;  at 
Ephesus,  xviii.  19,  and  26.  When  Paul  came  to  Rome, 
he  Avas  a  prisoner.  He  therefore  could  not  go  to  any 
Jewish  synagogue.  But  being  "  suffered  to  dwell  by 
himself,   with  a  soldier   that  kept  him,  he  called  the  chief 

of   the  Jews  together And   when  they   had  appointed 

him  a  day,  there  came  many  to  him  into  his  lodging;  to 
whom  he  expounded  and  testified  the  kingdom  of  God, 
persuading-  them  concerning  Jesus,  both  out  of  the  law  and 
the  prophet?!,  from  morning  to  evening.  And  some  believed, 
and  some  believed  not,"  Acts  xxviii.  16 — 24. 

As  for  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  Me  know,  from  the  history 
of  the  council,  held  there  in  the  year  of  Christ  50,  about 
the  terms  upon  Avhich  the  Gentiles  should  be  received,  that 
the  believers  were  then  numerous  there,  and  greatly  con- 
cerned for  the  establishment  and  propagation  of  the  gospel, 
Acts  XV.  And  when  St.  Paul  came  thither  again,  at  the 
Pentecost  of  the  year  58,  as  we  compute,  the  believers 
there  were  still  steady  and  numerous.  And  St.  James, 
the  apostle  who  presided  there,  and  the  elders,  reminded 
him,  saying ;  "  Thou  seest,  brother,  how  many  thousands 
of  Jews  there  are  that  believe,"  Acts  xxi.  20.  By  which 
I  suppose  to  be  intended  chiefly  the  church  at  Jerusa- 
lem ;  though  some  others  may  be  included,  who  were 
come  up  thither  upon  occasion  of  the  feast.  And  about 
four  years  after  this,  near  the  end  of  bis  imprisonment 
at  Rome,  or  soon  after  it,  Paul  wrote  his  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  or  the  believers  at  Jerusalem  and  in  Judea, 
not  excluding  such  as  lived  elsewhere,  to  confirm  and 
strengthen  them,  and  fortify  them  against  discourage- 
ments. 

Indeed,  it  should  be  particularly  observed  by  us,  that 
there  were  societies  of  believers  in  other  parts  of  Judea, 
beside  Jerusalem.  For  in  the  account  of  things  about  the 
year  of  Christ  40,  it  is  said,  (Acts  ix.  31,)  "Then  had 
the  churches  rest  throughout  all  Judea,  and  Galilee,  and 
Samaria,  and  were  edified  ;  and,  walking  in  the  fear  of  the 


That  many  Jews  believed  shown  from  the  N.  T,  377 

Lord,  aiul  in  the  comfort  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  were  multipli- 
ed." And  St.  Paul,  in  his  epistle  to  the  Galatians,  speaks 
of  his  being-  "  unkiiown  by  face  unto  the  churches  of  Judea, 
which  are  in  Christ,"  Gal.  i.  22.  See  likewise  1  Thess. 
ii.  14. 

Nor  were  all  these  men  of  the  lowest  rank  and  condition. 
For,  in  the  g-eneral  account  of  the  early  progress  of  the 
trospel,  we  are  told,  Acts  vi.  7,  "  And  the  word  of  God  in- 
creased, and  the  number  of  the  disciples  multiplied  in  Je- 
rusalem greatly  :  and  a  great  company  of  the  priests  were 
obedient  to  the  faith."  And  we  can  reckon  up  some  by 
name,  who,  upon  several  accounts,  were  men  of  eminence, 
Nicolas,  a  proselyte  of  Antioch,  then  residing-  at  Jerusalem, 
who  generously  undertook  a  share  in  providing  for  the 
poor  of  the  church  :  a  man  of  substance  imdoubtedly,  and 
probably  a  man  of  good  understanding,  and  great  probity. 
Barnabas,  a  Levite,  a  native  of  Cyprus,  where  he  had  an 
estate  in  land,  >vhich  he  sold  for  the  relief  of  those  believers 
in  Jesus  who  were  poor  and  indigent.  Paul,  a  Pharisee, 
son  of  a  Pharisee,  a  native  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  educated  in 
Jewish  learning  at  Jerusalem  under  "Gamaliel,  a  doctor 
of  the  law,  and  had  in  reputation  among  all  the  people," 
Acts  iv.  V.  and  xxii.  and  not  unacquainted  with  Greek 
literature,  and  a  person  of  uncommon  acuteness;  who  of  a 
violent  persecutor,  became  a  sincere  convert  to  the  faith, 
and  a  zealous  preacher  of  the  gospel.  In  which  service  he 
laboured  as  fervently,  and  as  successfully,  as  any  other  of 
the  apostles  ;  showing-  therein  great  fidelity  and  self-denial  : 
whose  disinterestedness  had  been  so  conspicuous,  that  he 
could  openly  appeal  to  the  Avorld,  and  say;  "  Though  I 
be  free  from  all  men,  yet  have  I  made  myself  servant  to  all, 
that  I  might  gain  the  more,"  1  Cor.  ix.  19. 

The  character  of  this  person  is  so  extraordinary,  that  I 
must  enlarge  somewhat  in  his  history:  notwithstanding  the 
brevity  Avhich  I  have  prescribed  to  myself  in  this  article. 
By  the  special  choice  and  designation  of  Jesus  Christ,  after 
his  resurrection  from  the  dead,  he  was  added  to  the  other 
twelve  apostles,  "  that  he  might  bear  his  name  before  the 
Gentiles,  and  kings,  and  the  children  of  Israel  :"  Acts  ix. 
and  xxvi.  though  it  was  foreseen,  that  he  would  "  suffer 
many  things"  in  that  service.  In  the  course  of  his  ministry 
he  preached  and  asserted  the  christian  doctrine  to  the 
Jewish  people  in  general,  and  before  the  Jewish  council  at 
Jerusalem.  He  pleaded  also,  and  preached  the  doctrine  of 
Christ  before  Felix  and  Festus,  Roman  governors  of  Judea, 
and  before  king  Agrippa,  and  his  sisters  Drusilla  and  Ber- 


378  Jewish  Testimoiues. 

nice,  who  were  Jews  by  religion ;  and  in  the  presence  of 
many  other  personages  of  great  distinction  at  Caesarea,  the 
residence  of  the  Roman  governor.  Acts  xxii. — xxvi.  He 
also  pleaded  ^  before  the  emperor  Nero  at  Rome  ;  by  whom 
was  signed  the  order  of  his  confinement  in  that  city,  which 
Mas  a  kind  of  free  custody  :  where  he  "  dwelt  two  whole 
vears  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  received  all  that  came 
in  unto  him,  preaching*  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  teaching 
those  tilings  which  concern  tlie  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  with  all 
confidence,"  and  with  great  success,  "  no  man  forbidding" 
him,"  Acts  xxviii.  30,  31.  At  the  end  of  which  period  he 
was  discharged,  and  set  at  liberty  by  ihe  same  authority  by 
which  he  had  been  confined.  And  then  he  went  abroad 
again,  preaching-  the  gospel,  as  he  had  done  before,  and 
visiting-  and  confirming-  the  christian  churches  in  several 
places.  Afterwards,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  he  came 
to  Rome  again.  And  there,  in  the  year  64  or  65,  in  the  per- 
secution of  the  christians,  ordered  by  the  same  emperor,  he 
sufi'ered  martyrdom,  being  beheaded,  as  a  Roman  citizen ; 
so  bearing  his  final  testimony  to  the  truth  of  that  doctrine, 
which  he  had  long-  preached  with  great  zeal  and  diligence. 

1  now  proceed. 

The  chamberlain  and  treasurer  of  "  Candace,  queen  of 
the  Ethiopians,"  a  Jewish  proselyte,  "  who  had  come  up  to 
Jerusalem  to  worship,"  Acts  viii.  27.  His  high  station, 
and  the  great  trust  reposed  in  him,  are  arguments  of  his 
ability  and  fidelity.  His  journey  to  Jerusalem  indicates 
his  zeal  for  the  relioion  which  he  had  embraced :  and 
his  reading-  the  Jewish  sacred  scriptures,  as  he  was  re- 
turning in  his  chariot,  shows  his  studiousness  to  understand 
them.  His  discourse  with  Philip,  a  disciple  of  Jesus,  who 
drew  near  to  him,  manifests  inquisitiveness  and  openness 
to  conviction,  which  are  laudable  dispositions.  And  his 
conversion  to  the  faith  of  Jesus  is  therefore  a  testimony  to 
the  truth  of  the  christian  religion,  which  cannot  be  slighted. 

"  Judas  and  Silas,  chief  men  among  the  brethren"  at 
Jerusalem ;  Acts  xv. — xviii.  and  the  latter  of  them,  as  it 
seems,  a  Roman  citizen.  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  Jews  of 
Pontus,  persons  of  good  understanding,  and  uncommon 
piety.  Timothy,  a  young  man  of  good  understanding  at 
Lystra,  who  from  his  childhood  had  been  instructed  in  the 
scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  being  the  son  of  a  Jewess, 

2  Tim.  i.  His  mother  Eunice,  and  his  grand  mother  Lois, 
also  were  believers.  Acts  xii.  12.     John  Mark,  an  evangelist, 

*  See  the  second  Vol.  (in  the  fifth  of  this  edition)  of  '  The  Supplement  to 
the  Credibihty,'  &c. 


Tliat  many  Jews  believed  shown  fro^n  the  N.  T.  379 

son  of  Mary,  a  woman  of  great  zeal  and  courage  in  the  pro- 
fession of  the  christian  religion,  an  inhabitant  of  Jerusalem, 
and  nephew  to  IJarnabas,  Col.  iv.  10.  Luke,  another  evan- 
gelist, by  some  thought  to  be  the  same  as  Lucius  of  Cy- 
rene ;  Acts  xiii.  1.  If  so,  he  was  a  Jew  by  birth.  If  he 
was  not  that  Lucius,  yet  very  probably  he  was  a  Jewish 
proselyte  before  he  became  a  christian.  With  that  Lucius 
of  Cyrene  is  mentioned,  in  the  place  just  referred  to,  "  Ma- 
naen,  who  had  been  brought  up  with  Herod  the  tetrarch." 
A  ^  person,  undoubtedly,  of  a  liberal  education. 

Apollos,  a  Jew  of  Alexandria,  an  elorpient  or  learned  man, 
and  "  mighty  in  the  scriptures  "  of  the  Old  Testament, 
Acts  xviii.  Crispus  and  Sosthenes,  rulers  in  the  Jewish 
synagogue  at  Corinth,  1  Cor.  1 ;  and  Zenas,  a  Jewish  lawyer, 
Tit.  iii.  18. 

All  these  I  have  reckoned  up  briefly  and  imperfectly  " 
among  the  Jewish  believers;  designedly  omitting  converts 
from  among  the  Gentiles.  All  these  Jews,  by  their  fliith 
and  profession,  bore  a  testimony  to  Jesus,  \\e\\  deserving- 
cur  regard.  For  they  must  have  acted  under  as  great 
discouragements  as  can  be  conceived.  They  underwent 
the  keenest  reproaches  from  the  unbelieving  Jews,  their 
neighbours,  for  receiving  a  person  as  the  Messiah,  who,  in- 
stead of  working  out  a  great  deliverance  for  their  nation, 
as  was  generally  expected  and  earnestly  desired,  had  him- 
self undergone  an  ignominious  death.  For  my  own  part,  I 
always  think  of  these  early  Jewish  believers  with  peculiar 
respect.  I  am  not  able  to  celebrate  all  the  virtues  of  their 
Milling'  and  steady  faith  under  the  many  difficulties  m  hicli 
they  met  with.  But  I  am  persuaded  that  when  the  Lord 
Jesus  shall  come  again,  he  will  bestow  marks  of  distinction 
upon  those  who  extricated  themselves  out  of  the  snares,  in 

'*  Max'arjire  'Hpwcs  ra  r£rpapx«  avvrpotpoQ.  *  Herodis  tctrarchse  coUecta- 
neus.'  Vulg.  '  At  vocabulum  awrpoipti  latius  patet,  significatque  '  eum,  qui 
a  prima  actate  cum  altero  educatus  est.'     Grot,  in  loc. 

*■  I  say  '  imperfectly.'  For  I  have  not  rehearsed  all  the  Jewish  believers, 
who  are  expressly  mentioned,  and  by  name.  I  have  omitted  several  :  as 
Jason,  who  was  so  friendly  to  St.  Paul  at  Thessalonica,  as  related,  Acts  xvii. 
5 — 9 ;  Sopater  of  Berea,  Acts  xx.  4.  These  two  seem  to  be  the  same  who 
are  mentioned  again,  Rom.  xvi.  21,  where  they  appear  to  have  been  the 
apostle's  kinsmen,  and  therefore  must  have  been  Jews.  Aristarchus,  a  Thes- 
salonian,  Acts  xx.  4,  who  is  mentioned  again  in  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians, 
iv.  10,  11,  written  during  the  apostle's  imprisonment  at  Rome,  or  near  the  end 
of  it,  in  the  year  62.  Where  St.  Paul  calls  him  "  his  fellow-prisoner  ;"  and 
reckons  him  among  those  "  of  the  circumcision,  who  had  been  his  fellow- 
workers  unto  the  kingdom  of  God."  "  Mnason  of  Cyprus,  an  old  disciple ;" 
Acts  xxi.  16.  And  there  are  divers  others,  who  may  be  observed  by  attentive 
readers  of  the  Acts,  and  St.  Paul's  epistles. 


380  Jewish  Testimonies. 

which  their  close  connections  with  others  liad  involved 
them.  And  as  "  they  were  not  ashamed  of  him,  and  his 
words,  but  confessed  his  name  in  the  midst  of  an  adulterous 
and  sinful  generation,  he  will  not  be  ashamed  of  them,  but 
will  confess  them,"  and  own  them  for  his,"  when  he  shall 
come  in  the  g"lory  of  his  Father,  with  the  holy  angels," 
Mark  viii.  38 ;  Mat.  x.  32. 

For  certain,  I  apprehend,  that  the  faith  of  the  Jewish 
believers  is  of  greater  importance  than  the  unbelief  of  other 
Jews  in  the  time  of  Jesus  and  his  apostles. 

II.  What  has  been  hitherto  alleged  we  know  from  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament.  It  will  be  worth  while  to 
attend  also  to  the  informations  of  ecclesiastical  history. 

There  is  good  reason  to  believe,  that  no  christians  were 
involved  in  the  miseries  of  the  last  siege  of  Jerusalem. 
They  are  supposed  to  have  left  it  before  the  siege  began. 
Some  went  to  Pella,  as  mentioned  by  Eusebius,''  a  city  on 
the  other  side  of  Jordan.  Others  might  go  elsewhere,  into^ 
Asia,  or^  other  remote  countries,  where  they  could  get  a 
settlement.  St.  John,s  as  I  suppose,  left  Judea,  and  went 
to  Ephesus  in  the  year  66,  or  thereabout,  a  short  time  be- 
fore the  war  commenced.  Some  Jews  of  Jerusalem,  and 
other  parts  of  Judea,  might  go  with  him,  or  follow  him 
afterwards.  And,  under  his  direction  and  assistance,  they 
might  procure  a  comfortable  settlement  in  some  places  not 
far  from  him. 

After  the  war  was  over  in  Judea,  it  is  supposed,  that  the 
believers,  who  had  retired  into  the  country  beyond  Jor- 
dan, returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  formed  a  church  there. 

James,  the  Lord's  brother,  who  had  presided  in  the 
church  of  Jerusalem,  died,  as  we  suppose,  in  the  year  of 
Christ  62;  who  was  succeeded  by  Simeon.  In  his  Eccle- 
siastical History''  Eusebius  placeth  his  election  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  but  in  his  Chronicle'  it  is  so  ex- 
pressed, as  if  it  had  been  done  immediately  after  the  death 
of  James.  That  is  no  very  material  circumstance  :  nor  are 
we  able  to  determine  which  is  right,  for  want  of  sufficient 

<*  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  5.  p.  75.  A.  Vid.  et  Epiph.  H.  29.  vii.  H.  30.  n.  ii. 

•^  See  The  Supplement,  in  this  Vol.  eh.  ix.  sect.  lii.  and  ch.  xx.  sect.  vi. 

'  Credibile  est,  Judaeae  christianos,  non  tantum  Pellse,  ad  ortuni  Jordanis, 
commoratos  esse,  sed  et  per  vicinas,  immo  et  lemotiores  Romani  imperii  pro- 
vincias,  in  quibus  tutiores  esse  poterant,  sparsosesse,  &c.  Cleric.  H.  E.  ann. 
71.  num.  i.  e  See  The  Supplement  to  the  Credib.  in  this  Vol. 

chap.  ix.  sect.  iv.  ^  H.  E.  L.  3.  cap.  xi. 

'  Jacobus,  frater  Domini,  quern  omnes  Justum  appellabant,  a  Judaeis 
lapidibus  opprimitur ;  in  cujus  thronum  Simeon,  qui  et  Simon,  secundus 
assumitur.     Chr.  p.  IGl. 


Jcioish  Believers  mentioned  hij  ancient  Writers.  38 1 

rviilence.  By  Ilcgesippiis  he  is  ^  said  to  have  been  son  of 
Cleophas,  brothtr  of  Joseph;  and  therefore  was  our  Lord's 
cousin-i>;ernian.  But  Eusebius  mentions  that  in  a  doubtful 
manner.  We  should  therefore,  as  1  apprehend,  be  cautious 
of  being-  too  particuhir  in  our  decisions  about  it.  However, 
Eusebius'  justly  reckons  him  among'  the  eye  and  ear-wit- 
nesses of  the  Lord  :  and  according'"'  to  Hegesippus,  whose 
ecclesiastical  history  Eusebius  had  before  him,  he  suffered 
martyrdom  in  Trajan's  persecution.  We  therefore  without 
hesitation,  place  his  death  at  the  year  of  our  Lord  107; 
where  also  it  is  placed  by  Eusebius  in"  his  Chronicle. 
Simeon  was  then  120  years  old.  By  order  of  Atticus,  pre- 
sident of  Syria,  he  was  crucified  ;  he  must  therefore  have 
been  born  several  years  before  our  Lord  ;  and  supposing' 
him  chosen  bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  the  year  62,  he  presid- 
ed  in  that  church   more  than  forty  years. 

He  was  succeeded  by  Justus,  a  Jew ;  and,  as  Eusebius 
adds,  'there"  were  then  many  believers  of  the  circunici- 
'  sion.'  '  The  p  times  of  the  ensuing-  successions  of  bishops 
'  at  Jerusalem,  Eusebius  says,  he  could  never  learn  :  but 
'  it  was  said  they  had  sat  in  the  see  for  a  short  time  only. 
'  This  he  had  learned  from  ancient  writers,  that  to  the  war 
'  in  Adrian's  time,  (about  the  year  132,)  there  had  been 
'  fifteen  successions,  who  were  all  Hebrews  by  birth,  and 
'  had  held  the  genuine  doctrine  of  Christ.'  Whose  nanus 
are  all  put  dovvn  by  him.  In  this  catalogue  of  fifteen, 
Eusebius  reckons  James  the  first,  Simeon  the  second  ;  after 
which  there  follow  thirteen  more.  Why  their  times  were 
so  short  we  cannot  say,  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that 
any  of  them  were  taken  off  by  persecution  :  but  possibly 
they  were  all  in  years,  seniority  being  esteemed  a  ground 
of  preference.  After''  their  defeat  by  Adrian,  the  Jews 
were  forbid  to  come  to    Jerusalem  :    from    that   time   the 

^ Xvii\)iovy  u)Q  ys  0o(7t,  ysyovora  rs  (rwrjjpoc-      Tov  yap  hv  KXioirav, 

aSe\<l>ov  Ts  Ia>(T/j^  i^Trapxt'v   'Uyrjaiirirog   Wopn.     H.   E.   1.  3.   C.    xi.  p.   87. 
Conf.  i.  4.  cap.  22.  p.  142.  C. 

hoyiafiif}  £'  av  Kai  tov  'S.vfitujva  rwv  avrOTrrwv  km   avTT]Kou>v  tnroi  av  ri£ 
yiyovivai  th  K.vptn.     L.  3.  c.  32.  p.  104.  B. 

"•  Ap.  Eus.  H.  E.  1.  3.  c.  32.  p.  104.  C. 

"  Trajano  adversus  christianos  persecutionera  movente,  Simon,  filius  Cleopae, 
qui  in  Jerosolymis  episcopatum  tenebat,  crucifigitur.  Cui  succedit  Justus. 
Ignatius  quoque  Antiochenae  ecclesiae  episcopus,  Romam  perductus,  bestiis 
traditur.     Chr.  p.  165. 

"  T;/^  €v  'IipoaoXvfiotg  etriffKOTrtjQ  tov  Qpovov  ladaiog  Tig  ovofia  Iwrog, 

fjLvpiojv  o(j{j)v   SK    TTEpiTOfirig   tig   TOV    XptTOV  rtjviKavTa  TrtniTiVKOTwv  tig   Km 
avTog  wv  SiaStxiTai.  1.  3.  c.  35.  p.  106.  p  L.  4.  cap.  v. 

"  lb.  1.  4.  cap.  6.  vid.  et  Chr.  p.  167. 


382  Jewish  Tcxtimoiiies. 

cluiic'li  there   consisted  of  Gentiles,  whose  first  bishop  was 
named  Mark. 

That  there  were  Jews  who  believed  in  Jesus,  we  are  as- 
sured even  by  Celsus  the  epicurean,  who  wrote  against  the 
christians  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  In 
divers  parts  of  his  work  he  personates  a  Jew :  it  is  likely 
that  he  had  conversed  with  divers  luibelievers  of  that  na- 
tion. He  consulted  them,  that  they  might  assist  him  in  his 
argument  against  the  christians,  and  likewise  furnish  him 
with  scandal  against  them  if  they  could.  '  In  "^  this  man- 
'  ner,'  says  Origen,  '  this  personated  Jew  addresseth  those 
'  who  had  believed  from  among  the  Jews — What  ailed  you, 
'  fellow-citizens,  that  you  forsook  the  law  of  your  country, 
'  to  follow  him,  whom  we  mentioned  just  now,  by  whom 
*  you  have  been  miserably  deceived,  leaving  us,  and  going 
'  over   to  another   name,  and   another  w  ay  of  living  V 

And  Origen,  in  his  books  against  Celsus,  says,  '  that*  the 
'  Messiah  had  been  foretold  so  long,  and  by  so  many,  that 
'  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews  were  in  earnest  expectation 
'  of  his  coming ;  but  since  the  birth  of  Jesus  they  have 
'  been  divided  in  their  opinion  ;  for  many  of  them  have  be- 
'  lieved  that  Jesus  is  the  person  whom  the  prophets  fore- 
'  told  ;  but  others  rejected  him,  despising  him  because  of 
'  the  meanness  of  his  outward  character.' 

Irenaeus  says,  '  there  ^  were  many  of  the  circumcision 
'  who  believed  in  Jesus,  who  rose  from  the  dead,  hearken- 
'  ing  to  Moses  and  the  prophets,  who  beforehand  preached 
'  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  God.' 

Among  these  Jewish  believers  there  were  diflferent  senti- 
ments. Origen  says,  '  there  "  were  two  sorts  of  Ebionites  ; 
'  some  who  believed  Jesus  to  have  been  born  of  a  virgin, 
'  as  we  do  ;  some  who  supposed  Jesus  to  be  born  as  other 
'  men  are.'  Origen  speaks  of  both  sorts  of  these  men,  as 
fond  of  the  Jewish  observances.     Afterwards,^  in  the  same 

'  Contr.  Cels.  1.  2.  sect.  1.  p.  57.     Conf.  sect.  3.  p.  58,  59. 

''   'Q'?£  TO   lnSaiii)V  6\ov   i9vog  ijpTrjutvov  t7]q  irtpt  th  fXm^oftsvs 

nnlr]firi<Jiiv  irpoaSoKiag,  hq  tjjv  irpoQ  aWijXsc  ^rjTtjmv  i\r]\v6evai,  th  Irian 
tTri5t]fii]iyavrog'  kui  iroKv  ixtv  ttXijOoq  avrojv  wfioXoyriKtvai  XpiTOv,  Kai 
TrtTriTtVKivai  avrov  tivai  tov  TrpoipriTtvojiivov'  thq  Si  fit)  Tn<s-tvovrag,  k.  A. 
Contr.  Cels.  1.  3.  n.  28.  p.   127. 

'  etiam  ipsum  Dominum,  qui  resurrexit  a  mortuis,  in  quem  et  credunt 

multi  qui  sunt  ex  circumcisione,  qui  et  Moysem  et  prophetas  audiunt  prae- 
dicantes  adventum  filii  Dei.     Iren.  1.  4.  cap.  ii.  sect.  4. 

"   iTi  St  Kui  TOV  IsSaiuv  vofxov,  MQ  Ta  IsSaiuv  TrXtjOtfy  fSiav  eOeXovrtQ. 

OvToi  d'  tiaiv  oi  SiTTOi  'E^itjJi'aiot,  rjTOi  «k  TrapOtvn  6fioXoynvrtg  Ofioiujg  rifiiv  tov 
I/jffKV,  t)  ovx  ovroj  yiyivvr)<jQai,  aXX'  wg  Tag  XotTrsg  avOpojTrng.  Contr.  Cel-:. 
I.  5.  sect.  til.  p.  272  *'    Eiai  yap  Tivig  diptatig.  Tag  IlavXa 

tTTCToXac  ra  airoToXs  fd]  Trpomifitvat,  wanip  Efliwvaioi  an<poTtpoh  Kai  oi  koXu- 


JewisJi  Believers  mentioned  by  ancient  Writcrx.  383 

hook  against  Celsns,  he  says,  that  hoth  sorts  oftho  Ehionitos, 
like  ihc  Encratites,  rejected  St.  Paul's  epistles;  nor  did 
they  consider  him  as  a  wise  or  g'ood  man. 

Eusebius,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  in  a  chapter  en- 
titled, Of  the  Heresy  of  the  Ebionites,  speaks  to  the  like  pur- 
pose.    '  Some,' ''   says  he,  '  n  ho  are   not  to  be  moved  by 

*  any  means  from  their  respect  for  the  Christ  of  God,  are 
'  in  some  respects  very  infirm.  They  are  called  by  the  an- 
'  cients  Ebionites,  because  they  have  but  a  low  opinion  of 
'  Christ,  thinking  him  to  be  a  mere  man,  born  of  Joseph 
'  and  Mary,  honoured  for  his  advancement  in  virtue;  and  es- 
'  teeming  the  ritual  ordinances  of  the  law  necessary  to  be 
'  observed  by  them,  as  if  they  could  not  be  justified  by 
'  faith  in    Christ  only.     Others  of  them   do  not  deny,   that 

*  Jesus  was  born  of  a  virgin  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  Never- 
'  theless,  they  do  not  acknowledge  his  pre-existence  as  God 

*  the  Word :  and,  like  the  others,  they  are  fond  of  the  ex- 
'  ternal  observances  of  the  law  of  Moses.  They  also  re- 
'  jeet  Paul's  epistles,  and  call  him  an  apostate  from  the 
'  law.' 

These  two  learned  ancient  authors  speak  of  two  sorts  of 
Ebionites,  therein,  as  ^  may  be  supposed,  including  those 
who  are  sometimes  called  Nazarenes,  and  were  the  de- 
scendants of  the  Jewish  believers  at  Jerusalem. 

It  may  be  also  here  observed  by  us,  that  many  learned 
men  are  now  of  opinion,  that  there  never  was  any  man 
named  Ebion,  the  leader  of  a  sect ;  but  that  the  Ebionites 
were  so  called  from  their  low  opinion  concerning*,  the  per- 
son of  Christ,  and  their  attachment  to  the  external  rites  of 
the  law  of  Moses,  and  that  opinion,  as  I  apprehend,  is 
much  countenanced  by  the  passages  which  have  been  just 
quoted. 

We  cannot  deny  that  there  were  some  believers  who  sup- 
posed Jesus  to  have  been  born  as  other  men :  but  I  appre- 
hend that  the  number  of  these  was  very  small :  nor  do  1  re- 

fuvoi  EytcparriTai.  Owk  av  av  ot  /it]  yfi(i)fiivoi  T(it  airoroXti)  u)q  ^aKapuj)  rtvi 
KM  ao^(i>.     lb.  n.  65.  p.  274. 

"  AXXwf  li  6  TTOv/jpoc  Saijiaiv  rrig  ircpt  rov  XpiTOv  tb  Ges  SiaOeaiwQ  aSvva- 
Twv  iKtriioai,  QanpakriTrTSQ  tvpuiv,  ta<piTipi^tTo.  E(3iwvaiHg  rarsg  oiKsiujg 
fJTKprjm^ov  01  npdiTOi,  tttwx^Z  kui  rarreivwc  ra  ircpi  rs  XpiTS  do^aZovraQ  \itov 
fitv  yap  avrov  Kai  koivov  riynvro,  Kara  TrpoKOTrj/v  jjffag  uvto  fiovov  avQpionov 

StliKaHi>fiii'Ov,  E^  avSpoQ  TE  KOivo)Viag  Kai  Tr]Q  Mapiac  ytyevrjuivov AXAot  de 

irapa  tutoiq  Tijg  avTtjc  ovteq  Trpocrijyopiac,  ek  TrapOEvn  Kai  ts  ayiov  TrvEVfiaroQ 
fiTi  apvovfitvoi  yEyovEvai  rov  Ktrptov,  8  ^»jv  £0'  bfiouoq  Kai  ovtoi  ■Kpovitapxiiv 
avTOv  9eor'  \oyov  ovra  Kai  <TO<ptav  ojioXoyovvTEQ,  k.  X.      L.  3.  cap.  27.  p.  99. 

"  Et  Origenes,  cum  duplices  facit  Ebionseos  in  disputatione  contra  Celsum, 
Ebionseorum  nomine  abutens,  sub  priore  ilia  nota  Nazaraeos,  ut  credibile  est, 
describit.     Grot.  Prol.  in  Matt.  p.  5. 


384  Jewish  Testimonies. 

collect  any  christian  writing,  now  extant,  where  that  opi- 
nion is  maintained. 

We  must  also  allow  that  there  were  some  who  y  rejected 
the  apostle  Paul,  whilst  they  received  the  other  apostles : 
these  likewise  1  suppose  to  have  been  few  in  number.  I 
know  no  work  of  any  ancient  author  now  remaining-,  who 
speaks  disrespectfully  of  him,  excepting  only  ^  The  Kecog- 
nitions,  or  Clementine  Homilies,  of  which  we  formerly  took 
particular  notice. 

As  for  the  other  Ebionites,  called  also  Nazareans,  it  is 
allowed,  as  we  have  just  seen,  that  they  believed  Jesus  to 
be  born  of  a  virg-in,  by  an  especial  interposition  of  the  pow- 
er of  God,  or  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  These  also  received  the 
apostle  Paul.  The  Testaments  of  the  twelve  Patriarchs 
Mere  written  by  a  Jewish  believer  of  this  character  in  the 
second  century.  He  plainly  received  Paul  and  his  epis- 
tles and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  as  was  shown  ^  formerly. 
It  is  a  very  curious  work.  When  it  came  in  my  way  I 
enlarged  in  my  extracts  of  it.  Nor  do  I  now  repent  of  that 
labour. 

That  the  Nazareans,  called  also  believers  from  among  the 
Hebrews,  received  Paul,  is  apparent  from  Jerom's  commen- 
tary upon  Is.  iv.  1 — 3,  quoted  Matt.  iv.  15,  16.  '  The'' 
'  Nazareans,'  says  he,  '  whom  I  before  mentioned,  endeavour 
'  to  explain  this  text  after  this  manner.  When  Christ  came, 
'  and  began  to  enlighten  the  world  with  his  doctrine,  the 
'  land  of  Zabulon  and  Naphtali  was  first  delivered  from  the 
'  errors  of  the  scribes  and  pharisees,  and  shook  off  from 
'  their  necks  the  heavy  yoke  of  Jewish  traditions.  After- 
'  wards,  by  the  preaching  of  the  apostle  Paul,  who  was  the 
'  Ifist  of  all  the  apostles,  the  preaching  was  increased,  and 
'  even  multiplied  ;  and  the  gospel  of  Christ  shone  out 
'  among  the  Gentiles,  and  by  the  way  of  the  sen.     At  length 

y  Nota,  quod  primi  apostoli  salvatoris  literam  Sabbati  destruunt  adversus 
Ebionitas,  qui  quum  caeteros  recipiant  apostolos,  Pauluni,  quasi  transgressoreni 
legis,  repudiant.     Hieron.  in  Matt.  xii.  2.  T.  4.  P.  i.  p.  46. 

^  See  The  Credib.  P.  li.  Vol.  ii.  p.  373,  and  p.  380. 

^  See  The  Credib.  P.  ii.  Vol.  ii.  p.  360. 

''  Hebraei  credentes  in  Christum  liunc  locum  ila  edisserunt Nazaraei, 

quoium  opinionem  supra  posui,  hunc  locum  ita  explicare  conantur.  Adve- 
niente  Christo,  ac  prsedicatione  illius  coruscante,  prima  terra  Zabulon  et  terra 
Naphtali  scribarura  et  pharisaeorum  est  erroribus  liberata,  et  gravissimam  tra- 
ditionum  judaicarum  jugum  excussit  de  cervicibus  suis.  Postea  autem  per 
evangelium  apostoli  Pauli,  qui  novissimus  omnium  apostolorum  omnium  fuit, 
ingravata  est,  id  est,  multiplicata  praedicatio  :  et  in  terminos  gentium,  et  viam 
universi  maris  Christi  evangelium  splenduit.  Denique  omnis  orbis,  qui  ante 
ambulabat,  vel  sedebat  in  tenebris,  et  idololatriae  ac  mortis  vinculis  teneba- 
tur,  claram  evangelii  lucem  aspexit.     In  Is.  cap.  ix.  T.  3.  p.  83. 


Jewish  believers  mentioned  by  ancient  JVriteis.  385 

'  the  whole  world,  that  had  walked,  or  'sat  in  darkness,' 
'  and  had  been  held  in  the  chains  of  idolatry  and  death,  saw 
'  the  clear  light  of  the  gospel.'  So  he  says  that  text  was 
explained  by  the  Nazarenes,  whom  just  before  he  called  the 
Hebrews  that  believed  in  Christ. 

That  the  Nazarenes  received  all  Christ's  apostles,  is  evi- 
dent from  the  passage  just  transcribed.  It  is  also  manifest 
from  Jerom's  conjujcntary  upon  Is.  xxxi.  6 — 9.  'The*^  Na- 
'  zarenes,'  says  he  '  understand  this  place  after  this  manner  : 
'  O  ye  children  of  Israel,  who  under  the  worst  direction  de- 
'  nied  the  Son  of  God,  return  to  him,  and  to  his  apostles: 
'  for  if  you  do  that,  you  will  then  cast  away  your  idols, 
'  which  have  been  a  sin  to  you ;  and  the  devil  shall  fall  be- 
'  fore  you,  not  by  your  own  power,  but  by  the  mercy  of 
'  God;  and  his  young-  men,  Avho  before  fought  for  him,  shall 
'  be  tributary  to  the  church,  and  all  his  strength  and  power 
'  shall  be  subdued.' 

The  Ebionites**  are  said  to  have  adhered  to  the  injunc- 
tions of  the  law  of  Moses,  after  they  had  received  the  gos- 
pel of  Christ.  '  Some  of  them,'  as '  Jerom  intimates,  '  were 
'  for  imposing  the  legal  observances  upon  all  men,  as  ne- 
'  cessary  to  salvation ;  but  the  other  Ebionites,  (or  Naza- 
'  renes,)  as  the  same  ancient  and  learned  writer  owns,  observ- 
'  ed  these  appointments  themselves,  as  being  of  the  seed 
'  of  Israel,  without  imposing  them  upon  others.'  These 
were  evidently  of  the  same  opinion  with  the  believers  in 
the  church  of  Jerusalem:  see  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  ch. 
xxi.  And  divers  learned  moderns'^  are  now  convinced  of 
this,  and  readily  allow  that  the  Jewish  believers,  who  were 
called  Nazarenes,  did  not  impose  the  ordinances  of  the  law 
upon  others,  though  they  observed  them  as  descendants  of 
Israel  and  Abraham. 

*^  Nazaraei  locum  istum  sic  intelligunt.  O  filii  Israel,  qui  consilio  pessimo 
Dei  Filium  denegastis,  revertimini  ad  eum,  et  ad  apostolos  ejus.  Si  enim  hoc 
feceritis,  omnia  abjicietis  idola,  quae  vobis  prius  fuerant  in  peccatum  :  et  cadet 
vobis  diabolus,  non  vestris  vinbus,  sed  misencordia  Dei :  et  juvenes  ejus  qui 
quondam  pro  illo  pugnavei-ant,  erunt  ecclesiae  vectigales,  omnisque  fortitude 
et  petrailliuspertransibit.     In  Is.  cap.  xxxi.  T.  3.  p.  267. 

^  Simul  arat  in  bove  et  asino  Ebion,  dignus  pro  humilitate  sensus  paupertate 
nominis  sui,  qui  sic  recipit  evangelium,  ut  judaicarum  superstitionum,  quae  in 
umbra  et  imagine  praecesserunt,  caeremonias  non  relinquant.  Hieron.  in  Is. 
cap.  i.  T.  3.  p.  9.  ^  Audiant  Ebionsei,  qui  post  passionem 

abolitam  legem  putant  esse  servandam.  Audiant  Ebionitarum  socii,  qui 
Judaeis  tantum,  et  de  stirpe  Israelitici  generis  haec  custodienda  decernunt. 
Id.  in  Is.  cap.  i.  T.  3.  p.  15. 

'  Ego  ad  eos  accedere  non  vereor,  qui  statuunt,  Nazaraeos,  nullos  chris- 
tianoaini,  nisi  Judaeos,  et  Abrahae  posteros,  legi  Mosaicae  alligare  voluisse, 
&c.    Moshem.  de  Reb.  Chr.  ante  C.  M.  p.  330. 
VOL.   VI.  2   c 


386  Jeicish  Testimonic<}. 

The  Ebiouites,  or  some  who  went  under  tliat  denomina- 
tion, must  have  received  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  'For, 
'  as  s  sye  learn  from  Epiphanius,  they  said  they  were  called 
'  Ebionites,  or  Poor,  because  in  the  times  of  the  apostles, 
'  they  sold  their  goods,  and  laid  them  at  the  apostles'  feet, 
'  and  by  that  means  they  had  voluntarily  reduced  them- 
'  selves  to  poverty.  For  that  reason  men  called  them  poor, 
'  but  they  gloried  in  the  name.'  Manifestly  referring-  to 
the  history  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  chapters  of  the  Acts. 
They  Avho  received  that  book  nuist  have  received  Paul  and 
all  the  apostles  of  Jesus,  and  very  probably  all  their  writ- 
ings which  were  received  by  other  christians. 

1  suppose  likewise,  that  all  the  Jewish  believers  in  gene- 
ral received  the  gospel  of  St.  Matthew  entire,  with  the  ge- 
nealogy at  the  beginning.  The  testimony  of  Irenseus,  as 
seems  to  me,  without  searching  for  any  other  authority,  is 
sufficient  to  put  it  out  of  question  :  '  The'^  gospel  accord- 
'  ing  to  Matthew,'  he  says,  'was  written  to  the  Jews;  for 
'  they  earnestly  desired  a  Messiah  of  the  seed  of  David  : 
'  and  Matthew,  having  the  same  desire  to  a  yet  greater  de- 
'  gree,  strove  by  all  means  to  give  them  full  satisfaction, 
'  that  Christ  was  of  the  seed  of  David;  wherefore  he  began 
'  with  his  genealogy.' ' 

Eusebius  in  a  place  above  cited,  says,  '  that  even  those 
'  Ebionites,  (or  Nazarenes,)  who  believed  Jesus  to  be  born 
*  of  a  virgin  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  did  not  acknowledge  his 
'  pre-existence,  as  God  the  Word.'  Nevertheless,  I  pre- 
sume they  did  believe  Jesus  Christ  to  be  the  Word,  and 
Wisdom,  and  Power  of  God.  But  they  did  not  believe 
the  pre-existence  of  the  Word  as  a  distinct  person,  and  se- 
parate from  God  the  Father;  as  Eusebius  and  some  Arian- 

s  AvTOi  St  dr}9tv  atuvvvovrai,  tavTug  (paaKovriq  7rr(U)^8c>  Sici  to,  (pumv,  iv 
Xpovotg  Toiv  awoToXiiiv  TrwXeiv  Ta  avToiv  w7r«()i^oj/ra,  Km  riBivai  Tvapa  thq  ttoSuq 
rojv  aTTOzoXoiv,  kui  hq  Trroj^eiai'  Kai  airoTa^tav  niTtXrjXvOivai  Kai  Sia  tuto 
KaXiiaOai  vwo  Travruiv,  <pam,  tttmxoi-  H.  30.  n.  xiii.  p.  141.  A. 
»  lien.  147.  Mass.  and  see  The  Credibil.  P.  2.  Vol.  ii.  p.  171, 
'  As  many  mistakes  have  been  entertained  about  the  Gospel  according  to 
the  Hebrews,  it  may  not  be  unseasonable  to  observe  here,  that  probably  it  was 
an  Hebrew  translation  of  St.  Matthew's  original  Greek  gospel,  with  additions 
from  the  other  gospels :  to  which  possibly  might  be  added  some  few  par- 
ticulars received  by  tradition  from  the  early  Jewish  believers.  See  Credi- 
bility, P.  2.  Vol.  i.  ch.  V.  and  Vol.  ii.  ch.  xxix.  Epiphanius  therefore 
says,  that  the  Hebrew  gospel  of  Matthew,  used  by  the  Nazarenes,  was  a  full 
gospel.  E;^8(Tt  6e  to  Kara  Mardawv  ivayytXiop  irXr)pi'7aTov  ' Ej3pa'i^t.  H.  29. 
num.  ix.  p.  124.  The  Nazarenes  therefore  did  not  reject  the  authority  of  the 
other  evangelists,  but  owned  and  acknowledged  it.  That  St.  Matthew  wrote 
in  Greek,  see  The  Supplement,  in  this  Vol.  p.  309.  Says  Lampe,  Sy- 
nops.  H.  E.  p.  73.  Graeca  vero  lingua  omnes  ne  Matthseo  quidem  excepto, 
usi  sunt,  ut  a  Juda;is  et  Gentibus  utcrentur. 


Jewish  Believers  mentioned  by  ancient  Writers.  387 

izing"  cliristians  of  his  time  did.  Tliat  1  take  fo  be  truth, 
and  th(,'  ground  and  reason  why  Eusebius  exprcsseth  him- 
self as  he  does.  And  it  might  be  easily  shown,  tljat"* 
the  Nazarean  christians  did  not  reject  St.  John's  gospel, 
nor  hold  any  principles  that  obliged  them  to  reject  or  dis- 
like it. 

Finally,  we  are  assured  by  St.  Jerom,  '  that'  in  his  time 
'  there  were  many  all  over  the  East  called  Nazareans, 
'  upon  whom  the  Jews  pronounced  their  curses  as  heretics. 
*  They  profess,'  says  Jerom,  '  that  they  believe  in  Christ, 
'  the  Son  of  God,  born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  who  suffered 
'  under  Pontius  Pilate,  and  rose  again  from  the  dead,  the 
'  same  in  M'hom  we  also  believe.' 

1  shall  proceed  no  farther  in  this  argument,  nor  go  any 
lower.  There  were  for  the  first  four  centuries  many  Jews 
who  professed  faith  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  notwithstanding" 
the  difficulties  and  discouragements  to  which  they  were  ex- 
posed; for  they  were  in  an  especial  manner  the  object  of 
the  spite  and  enmity  of  the  unbelieving-  part  of  their  nation  : 
and,  besides,  they '"  were  too  much  slighted  and  disregard- 
ed by  the  Gentile  christians. 

III.  I  now  leave  it  to  my  readers  to  judge,  whether  the 
faith  of  so  many  Jewish  believers,  in  the  early  days  of  the 
gospel,  be  not  a  valuable  testimony  to  the  truth  of  the  chris- 
tian religion. 

Some  Jews  have  all  along,  in  every  age  since,  embrace<l 
the  christian  religion,  who  have  joined  themselves  to  the 
Gentile  believers,  and  have  been  incorporated  with  them. 
These  are  not  now  the  subjects  of  my  history. 

■^  Vid.  Lamp.  Prol.  in  Joh.  Evang.  1.  2.  cap.  i.  sect.  1,2,  3,  et  cap.  iii.  num. 
38 — 43.  '  Usque  hodie  per  lotas  Orientis  synagogas,  inter 

JudaBOs  haeresis  est,  quae  dicitur  minaeonem,  et  a  Ptiarisaeis  nunc  usque  dani- 
natur  ;  quos  vulgo  Nazaraeos  nuncupant,  qui  credunt  in  Christum  Filium  Dei, 
natura  e.x  virgine  Maria,  et  eum  dicunt  esse,  qui  sub  Pontic  Pilato  passus  est,  et 
resurrexit,  in  quern  et  nos  credimus,  &c.  Hieron.  ad  Ai;gust.  ep.  74.  [al.  89.] 
torn.  4.  p.  G23. 

'"  See  W.  Wall,  in  the  preface  to  his  Notes  upon  the  O.  T.  p.  xi.  xii. 


2  c  2 


388 


CHAP.  II. 


Oj'  the  treatment  given  to  the  primitive  christians  by  the 

unbelieving  Jews. 


JUSTIN,  in  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho,*  speaks  to  this  pur- 
pose— '  For  ye  have  killed  the  Just,  and  his  prophets  be- 
'  fore  him  ;  and  now  you  despise,  and,  as  much  as  in  you 
'  lies,  disparage  them  who  hope  in  him,  and  in  God  A\- 
'  mighty,  Lord  of  the  whole  world,  who  sent  him,  cursing 
•  in  your  synagogues  those  who  believe  in  Christ.  For  it 
'  is  not  now  in  your  power  to  lay  hands  upon  us,  being 
'  hindered  by  them  who  have  the  chief  government  of 
'  things.     But  whenever  you   have  had  it  in  your  power, 

'  you  have  done  that   also For  no  other  people  are  so 

'  averse  to  us  and  Christ,  as  you,  who  are  the  authors  of 
'  all  the  prejudices  which  others  have  against  Him  and  us: 
'  for  after  that  you  had  crucified  Him,  that  one  unblamable 
'  and  righteous  Man,  by  whose  stripes  they  are  healed  who 
'  come  to  the  Father  through  Him ;  and  when  ye  knew 
'  that  he  was  risen  from  the  dead,  and  was  ascended  into 
'  heaven,  as  the  prophets  had  foretold  ;  you  not  only  did 
'  not  repent  of  the  evil  that  you  had  done,  but  you  sent  out 
'  chosen  men  from  Jerusalem  into  all  the  earth,  saying,  that 
'  an  atheistical  sect,  called  christians,  had  arisen  among 
'  you:  thus  spreading  abroad  all  those  evil  reports  con- 
'  cerning  us,  which  all  who  are  ignorant  of  us  now  believe. 
'  So  that  you  have  been  the  causes  not  only  of  your  own 
'  wickedness,  but  likewise  of  the  wickedness  of  others.' 

Eusebius,'^  rehearsing  the  works  of  Justin,  has  tran- 
scribed this  passage  from  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho. 

And  afterwards,  in  the  same  dialogue,  or  the  second  part 
of  it — '  Notwithstanding  "^  all  that  Christ  said  to  you,  you 
'  did  not  repent.  So  far  from  it,  that  after  he  was  risen 
'  froni  the  dead  you  sent  forth  chosen  men  into  all  the 
'  world,  giving  out,  that  a  wicked  and  atheistical  sect  Avas 
'  risen,  the  author  of  which  was  one  Jesus  of  Galilee,  an 
'  impostor;  whom,  when  you  had  crucified,  his  disciples 
'  stole  out  of  the  sepulchre  by  night,  where  he  had  been 
'  laid  after  his  crucifixion,  and  that  they    deceived   men, 

'  Just.  M.  Dial.  p.  234,  235.  Paris,  sect.  16,  et  17.  p.  127.  Bened. 

"  H.  E.  1.  4.  cap.  18.  ^  Dial.  p.  335.  Paris,  sect.  108.  p.  202.  Bened. 


Treatment  of  the  Christians  by  the  unbelieving  Jews.         389 

'  saying",  that  he  was  risen  from  the  dead  and  ascended  into 
'  heaven.  3Ioreover  you  gave  out,  that  he  taught  those 
'  wicked  and   impure   and   abominable   things,   Avhich   you 

*  every  where  charge  upon  all  those  who  confess  Him  to 
'  be  the  Christ,  and  their  master,  and  the  Son  of  God. 
'  And  though  your  city  has  been  taken,  and  your  country 
'  laid  waste,  you  do  not  repent;  but  still  pronounce  curses 
'  upon  him,  and  upon  all  who  believe  in  him.' 

He  has  somewhat  to  the  like  purpose,  once  more  after- 
wards, in  the  same*^  dialogue;  where  he  chargeth  them 
with  hating  all  who  believed  in  God  through  Christ,  and 
killing  them  when  they  had  power,  and  still  continually  de- 
votinji'  him  and  them  to  destruction. 

Tertullian  does  not  expressly  say  all  this;  but*^  lie 
often  intimates,  that  the  Jews  were  the  principal  authors  of 
the  reproaches  cast  upon  the  christians:  and  he  speaks  of 
one  calumny  in  particular,  which  had  been  then  lately  forg- 
ed by  them,  in  his  own  time. 

Origen  says  much  the  same  that  Justin  does.  Having 
taken  notice  of  some  things  in  Celsus,  he  says,  '  that ' 
'  therein  he  acted  much  like  the  Jews  of  old,  who  at  the 
'  rise  of  the  christian  religion  spread  abroad  calumnies 
'  against  it ;  as  if  the  christians  killed  a  child,  and  ate  it, 
'  and  putting  out  the  lights  practised  promiscuous  lewd- 
'  ness.  Which  calumnies,  though  very  absurd,  were  in  for- 
'  mer  times  believed  by  many.' 

And  Eusebius,   in   his  commentary  upon  Is.   xviii.    1,  2. 

*  We"  find  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients,'  says  he,  'that 

•*  Dial.  p.  363.  Paris,  sect.  133.  p.  225.  Bened. 

*  Nova  jam  de  Deo  nostro  fama  suggessit,  Adeo  nupei-  quidam  perditissi- 
mus  in  ista  civitate,  etiam  suae  religionis  deserter,  solo  detrimenlo  cutis,  Ju- 

daeus picturam  in  nos  proposuit  sub  ista  proscriptione,  Onochoetes.     Is 

erat  auribus  canteriorum,  et  in  toga,  cum  libro,  altero  pede  ungulate.  Et 
credidit  vulgus  Judaeo.  Quod  enim  aliud  genus  seminarium  est  infamiae  nos- 
trae  ?  Itaque  in  tota  civitate  Onochoetes  praedicatur.  Adv.  Nat.  1.  i.  cap.  14. 
p.  59.  Vid.  et  Ap.  cap.  16.  p.  17.  D.  et  conf.  Minuc.  Fel.  cap.  ix.  et  xxviii. 

Dehinc,  cum  ex  perseverantia  furoris,  et  nomen  Domini  per  ipsos  blasphe- 
maretur,  sicut  scriptum  est :  *  Propter  vos  blasphematur  nomen  meum  in  na- 
tionibus :'  (ab  illis  enim  coepit  infamia :)  et  tempus  medium  a  Tiberio  usque 
ad  Vespasianum,  non  poenitentiam  intellexissent,  facta  est  terra  eorum  deserta, 
civitates  eorum  exustae  igni ;  regionem  eorum  sub  eorum  conspectu  extranei 
devorant.     Adv.  Marcion.  1.  iii.  cap.  23.  p.  498.  B. 

'  Kai  SoKU  fiot  ■!rapaTr\i](nov  InSaioiQ  irnroiijKivai,  toiq  Kara  tt}v  apxr\v  Ttjg 
TH  ^piTtavi(T/aa  SiSafTKoXiaQ  KaratTKeSaacKTi  Svacjirjutav  th  Xoyn'  wq  apa  KaraOv- 
aavTtg  Traidiov,  fiira\ai.i^avsai  avm  rwv  anpKwv'  icai  vaXiv,  on  oi  arro  th 
Xoys,  ra  th  (jkoth  irparriiv  fSaXofxevoi  ajiivvvsai  fXiv  ro  (piog,  £rca<rof  Ce  ry 
iTapaTvx>i<Ty  fiiyvvTai.     Contr.  Cels.  1.  6.  num.  27.  p.  293. 

^  EvpofKv  ev  Toig  TraXcaoov  avyyoanfiaaiv,  wg  oi  tt)v  'lepaaaKrjiJ,  oikhvtic  ra 
Ttjv  luSaibJV  t9viig  iioiig  /cat  irptafivTipoi  ypafXfiaTa  Staxctpa^avrtg  tig  vavra 


390  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  the  priests  and  elders  of  the  Jewish  nation,  M'ho  dwelt  at 
'  Jerusalem,  wrote  letters  which  they  sent  to  the  Jews 
'  abroad  in  all  countries,  traducing  the  doctrine  of  Christ, 
'  as  a  new  and  strange  heresy,  and  exhorting  them  not  to 
'  embrace  it.' 

Whether  the  Jews  did  send  out  men  in  this  manner,  be- 
fore the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  to  asperse  the  followers 
of  Jesus,  is  not  quite  certain.  The  question  is  particularly 
considered  by  the  Benedictines ''  in  their  preface  to  Justin 
Martyr.  The  origin  of  the  early  calumnies  upon  the  chris- 
tians is  somewhat  doubtful.  Some  have  supposed  them  to 
have  been  occasioned  by  the  absurd  doctrines,  and  vicious 
lives,  of  those  called  heretics.  However,  1  formerly  '  pro- 
posed some  observations,  tending  to  show  that  they  are  not 
to  be  accounted  for  in  that  way. 

It  is  certain  that  the  christians  were  very  early  aspersed 
with  crimes  of  Avhich  they  Mere  not  guilty.  When  St. 
Paul  was  come  a  prisoner  to  Rome,  he  sent  for  the  chief 
of  the  Jews  of  that  city  to  come  to  him,  who  say  to  him — 
"  As  for  this  sect,  we  know  that  every  where  it  is  spoken 
against,"  Acts  xxviii.  22.  Those  words  might  be  spoken 
in  the  year  of  Christ  61,  and  not  far  from  the  beginning 
of  it.  And  Tacitus,  giving  an  account  of  Nefo's  persecution 
of  the  christians,  which  seems  to  have  begun  in  the  year  64, 
intimates,  '  that ''  the  christians  Mere  generally  hated  for 
'  the  crimes  imputed  to  them.' 

Whether  the  JeM'ish  rulers  did,  before  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  send  abroad  messengers  and  letters  on  purpose 
to  defame  the  doctrine  of  Christ  and  his  folloMcrs,  or  not, 
it  must  be  allowed  to  be  true,  which  Justin  says,  that  no 
other  people  Mere  so  averse  to  Christ  and  his  followers  as 
the  Jews.  It  must  be  alloMed  to  be  very  true,  M'hich  he 
likewise  says  of  them,  that  they  continued  to  anathematize 
Jesus  Christ  and  his  folloMers. 

In  the  authentic  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp, 
at  Smyrna,  M'hen  he  Mas  condemned  to  be  burnt,  it  is  said, 
'  that '  presently  the  people  brought  together  dried  Avood, 
'  and    branches  of  trees    from   their  shops,   and  from    the 

luTTijii^/avTO  ra  tQvi)  toiq  Travraxs  IsdaioiQ,  £iaj3aWovTe^  Tt]v  Xpiars  SiCaa- 
KciXiav,  tijg  a'lptaiv  Kaivriv  Kai  aWorpiav  tu  Qih,  TrapayysWovrtg  Si  tniToXuv 
H7]  ■KcipaWiaaOca  avrriv.     Euseb.  in  Es,  c.  xviii.  p.  424. 

"  \'t.  Fart.  3.  c.  iv.  p.  76,  &c. 

'  Cicdib.  P.  ii.  ch.  xxxix.  in  Vol.  ii. 

^  Ergo  abolendo  rumori  Nero  subdidit  reos,  ef  qiiaesitissimis  poenis  affecit, 
quos,  per  flagitia  invisos,  vulgus  christianos  appellabat.  Tac.  Ann.  1.  15.  c.  44. 

' fiaKi^a  InSan>Jv  irpoOifuwQ,  wQiOocavroiCjiiQ  TiSTO  VTTspysvTCJV.      Ap. 

Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  4.  cap.  15.  133.  A. 


Treatment  of  the  Christians  by  the  unbelieving  Jews.         3OI 

'  baths;  in  wliicli,  the  Jews  especially,  as  is  usual  with  tlieni, 
*  readily  assisted.' 

We  are  assured  by  Jerom,  that  the  Jews  anathematized 
the  christians  under  the  name  of  Nazareans,  in  their  syna- 
gogues, thrice  every  day.  So  he  writes  in  '"  his  commen- 
tary upon  Is.  V.  18,  19.  And  ag-ain"  in  like  manner  upon 
Is.  xlix.  7,  and  °  upon  the  first  chapter  of  the  prophecy  of 
Amos. 

Epiphanius  says,  '  that^  tlie  Jews  three  times  every  day 
'  anathematized  the  Nazareans  in  their  synagogues.  For 
'  they  were  more  especially  displeased  with  them,  because, 
'  though  they  were  Jews,  they  believed  in  Jesus  as  the 
Christ.' 

All  which  may  be  very  true.  The  Jews,  as  Jerom  says, 
anathematized  in  their  synagogues  all  christians  under  the 
denomination  of  Nazareans;  and  yet,  as  Epiphanius  says, 
they  were  more  especially  displeased  with  those  believers 
who  were  of  the  seed  of  Israel. 

These  passages  of  ancient  christian  writers  do  sufficiently 
attest  the  early  and  continued  enmity  of  the  unbelieving- 
Jews,  to  all  christians  of  every  denomination. 

There  are  still  some  other  things  to  be  here  taken  no- 
tice  of.  For  some  time  after  our  Saviour's  ascension,  they 
aspersed  the  character  of  Mary,  our  Lord's  mother,  and  re- 
proached him  with  a  spurious  nativity.  When  these  as- 
persions were  first  given  out,  we  cannot  say  exactly  ;  but 
they  are  in  1  Celsus,  who  wrote  against  the  christians  about 
the  middle  of  the  second  century  ;  and  doubtless  he  had 
them  from  the  Jews :  they  are  also  in  the  Talmudical  writ- 
ings, as  we  shall  see  hereafter. 

""  Dicuatur  aufem  haec  ad  principes  Judaeorum,  qui  supra  arguli  sunt  ia 
avaritia  et  luxuria;  quod,  provocati  a  Domino  ad  pcEiiitentiam,  et  pobtea  ab 
apostolis  ejus,  usque  hodie  perseverant  in  blaspheraiis;  et  ter  jier  singulos 
dies  m  omnibus  synagogis  sub  nomine  Nazarenorum  anatheniatizant  vocabu- 
lum  christianum.     In  Is.  cap.  v.  T.  3.  p.  53. 

"  Ipse  enim  bonus  pastor  posuit  aniinam  suam  pro  ovibus  suis,  et  contemp- 
siteara  J  qui  abominationi  est  genti  Judaeomm,  cui  ter  per  singulos  dies  sub 
nomine  Nazarenorum  maledicunt  in  synagogis  suis.     Id.  in  Is.  c.  xlix.  T.  3. 

p.  353.  "  antiquumque  furorem  et  iracundiam  tenentes, 

usque  hodie  in  synagogis  suis  sub  nomine  Nazarenorum  blaspheinant  populum 
christianum,  et,  dummodo  nos  interficiant  volunt  igne  combuii.  In  Amos. 
cap.  i.  p.  1378.  fin. 

P  Ov  fiovov  yap  ol  twv  laluiuv  TraiSiQ  Trpog  TuTug  KtKTrjvrai  jxiaoQ,  crXV 
avf^afiivoi  cwOtv,  kcu  fitTrjg  I'jfiepag,  Kai  Trept  lOTrtpav,  rpiQ  rtjg  I'lftipuQ,  or£ 
ti'X^Q  iT^iTtXsaiv  tv  TuiQ  avTwv  avvaydjyaiQ,  tnapujvTcu  avroig,  km  avaOtfiu- 
Tiiam,  ^a(SKOVT(Q,  on  nriKuTapatrai  6  Qtog  Tag  Tiai^ioauisg.  Kai  yap  tstoiq 
TTipiaaoTtQov  tvtxaai,  cia  to  otto  ludaiojv  avrag  opTcig,  lijirav  Kijpvuattv  iivcu 
XpiToi',  K.  \.     Epiph.  H.  29.  sect.  ix.  p.  124. 

•^  Vid.  Orig.  Contr.  Cels.  I.  i.  num.  28,  et  32.  p.  22,  et  26. 


392  Jewish  Testimonies. 

In  order  to  disparage  our  Lord's  miracles,  they  gave  out 
that  they  were  performed  by  magical  arts,  such  as  he  had 
learned  in  Egypt.  This  calumny  also  is  in  ^  Celsus  ;  and 
doubtless  he  had  it  from  the  Jews.  It  is  also  in  the  Tal- 
mudical  writers,  as  we   shall  see  hereafter. 

In  the  time  of  the  emperor  Adrian,  about  the  year  of 
Christ  132,  the  Jews  rebelled  under  the  conduct  of  the  im- 
postor Barchochebas,  who  set  up  himself  for  the  Messiah, 
'  who  ^  inflicted  heavy  penalties  upon  the  christians,  to  in- 
'  duce  them  to  deny  and  blaspheme  Jesus  Christ ;  and  if 
'  they  did  not,  he  ordered  them  to  be  put  to  death.'  So 
writes  Justin  Martyr,  who  lived  at  that  time.  Some  have 
censured  Justin  for  saying'  that  Barchochebas  tortured 
christians  only ;  but  without  reason,  as  seems  to  me.  For 
certain,  the  christians  were,  above  all  men,  objects  of  his 
and  his  followers'  enmity  :  nor  could  any  be  called  upon  to 
deny  Jesus  Christ,  but  such  as  had  received  him  for  the 
Messiah.  Of  the  sufferings  of  the  christians  at  that  time, 
Eusebius  speaks  in  '  his  Chronicle,  and  in  "  his  Ecclesias- 
tical History  ;  not  now  to  refer  to  any  ^  others. 

'  Vid.  Orig.  Contr.  Cek.  I.  i.  sect.  28.  p.  22. 

*  Km  yap  tv  ri^  vvv  yf.yivr]\JLivi^  iHS<x'iic<f  ttoXe/jki),  Bap)(0i^f/3ac,  o  Ti]g  laSauov 
ano'^aanoc  apx'nyiTr}Qi  xpiTiamg  fiovag  tig  rinojpiag  dtivag,  ei  [itj  apvoivro 
Jr)(Tnv  rov  Xoitov,  Kai  IS\a(T(prifioiiv,  iKiKtvaaro  airaytaOai.  Ap.  i.  p.  72.  E. 
Par.  p.  62.  Bened. 

'  Cochebas  dux  judaicae  factionis  nolentes  christianos  adversum  Romanum 
militem  ferre  subsidium  omnimodis  cruciatibus  necat.     Chron.  p.  167. 

"  H.  E.  1.  4.  c.  6. 

^  Vid.  Moshem.  de  Reb.  Christianor.  ante  Const,  p.  238,  239. 


393 


CHAP.  III. 


JOSEPHUS,  WITH  HIS  TESTIMONY  AT  LARGE  TO  THE  FUL- 
FILMENT OF  OUR  SAVIOURS  PREDICTIONS  CONCERNING 
THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  TEMPLE  AND  THE  CITY  OF 
JERUSALEM,  AND  THE  MISERIES  COMING  UPON  THE  JEWISH 
PEOPLE. 


I.  His  time,  rcorks,  and  character.     II.  The  state  of  thinqs 
in  Judea  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  and  some  while  be- 
J'ore.     III.  Ozir  Lord's  predictions  concerninrf  the  destruc- 
tioji   of  the  temple  and  the  city  of  Jerusalem,   and  the 
miseries  to  be  endured  by  the  Jewish  people — tvith  the 
several  sir/ns  preceding  those  calamities,  as  recorded  in 
the  gospels.     IV.   The  dates  of  several  events  ;  viz.  the 
commencement  and  the  duration  of  the  icar,  and  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem — when  the  temple  teas  burnt,  and  the  city 
taken.     V.  Of  the  abomination  of  desolation  standing  in 
the  holy  place.     VI.   The  actual  accomplishment  of  our 
Saviour's  predictions  concerning  divers  events  that  should 
precede  the  great  calamities  coming  upon  the  Jeivish  peo- 
ple— the  gospel  preached  all  over  the  world — the  disci- 
ples of  Christ  persecuted   in    many  places — declensions 
among    his  follow ers^f amines,  pestilences,  and   earth- 
quakes in   divers  places — wars  and  commotions.      VI 1, 
The  occasion  of  the  Jewish  war  icith  the  Romans,  as 
represented  by  Josephus.     VIII.  The  history  of  the  Jew- 
ish tear  from  Josephus,  with  his  account  of  the  sieqe  of 
Jerusalem,  and    the   miseries  endured    therein,  and  the 
demolition  of  the  temple  and  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
desolation  of  the  land  of  Judea,  being  his  testimony  to 
the  fulfilment  of  our  Lord's  predictions  of  those  events. 
IX.  Reflections  upon  the  preceding  history,  and  the  value 
of  the  testimony  of  Josephus.     X.  Other  ancient  writers, 
who   have    borne  witness  to  the  accomplishment  of  our 
Lord's  predictions  in  the  conquest  of  Judea  by  Vespasian 
and  Titus — Justus    of  Tiberias — Pausanias — Antonius 
Julianus — Suetonijis — Tacitus — Dion    Cassius — Philos- 
tratus — The  arch  of  Titus. 

J.  JOSEPHUS,  son  of  Matthias,  of  the  race  of  the  Jewish 
priests,  and  of  the  first  course  of  the  four  and  twenty,  by 
his  mother  descended  from  the  Asmonean  family,  which  for 


394  Jewish  Testimonies. 

a  considerable  time  had  the  supreme  government  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation,  was  born  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Cali- 
gula, of  our  Lord  ^  37. 

He  was  educated  together''  MJth  Matthias,  who  was  his 
own  brother  by  father  and  mother,  and  made  such  profi- 
cience  in  knowledge,  that  when  "^  he  was  about  fourteen 
years  of  age,  the  high  priests,  and  some  of  the  principal  men 
of  the  city,  came  frequently  to  him  to  consult  him  about 
the  right  interpretation  of  things  of  the  law.  In  the  six- 
teenth year  of  his  age  he  retired  into  the  wilderness,  where 
he  lived  three  years  an  abstemious  course  of  life,  in  the 
company  of  Banus.  Having  fully  acquainted  himself  Avith 
the  principles  of  the  three  sects,  the  Pharisees,  the  Saddu- 
cees,  and  the  Essenes,  he  determined  to  follow  the  rule  of 
the  Pharisees.  And  being  now  nineteen  years  of  age,  he 
began  to  act  in  public  life. 

Felix,  when  procurator  of  Judea,  sent  some  priests  of 
his  acquaintance  for  a  trifling  offence  to  Rome,  to  be  tried 
before  Caesar.  Josephus,  hearing  that  they  behaved  well, 
resolved  to  go  to  Rome  to  plead  their  cause  :  but  he  had  a 
bad  voyage;  the  ship  was  wrecked;  and  out  of  six  hun- 
dred persons,  not  more  than  eighty  were  saved.  Soon 
after  his  arrival  at  Rome,  he  became  acquainted  with  Ali- 
tiirius,  a  Jew  by  birth,  but  a  stage-player,  in  favour  with 
Nero.  By  him  he  was  introduced  to  Poppaea,  the  em- 
peror's wife  ;  by  whose  interest  he  procured  that  the  priests 
should  be  set  at  liberty.  Josephus,  who  never  omits  Avhat 
may  be  to  his  own  honour,  adds,  that*  beside  that  favour, 
he  also  received  from  Poppeea  many  valuable  presents; 
and  then  he  returned  home.  This  voyage  was  made,  as 
he*^  says,  in  the  26th  year  of  his  age,  which  must  have 
been  in  the  G2d  or  63d  year  of  "^  Christ. 

Upon  his  return  to  Judea  he  found  things  in  great  confu- 
fusiou,  many  s  being'  elevated  with  hopes  of  advantage  by 

'  Joseph,  in  Vila  sua.  cap.  i.  ''  Cap.  2. 

*^    En    ce    irate  '>'V   Ttpi    Tt(TffapiaKai£iKaTOv    trog ffvviovrwv    an   twv 

apxiipti^*'  i^ai  Twv  Tr)Q  7ro\£<i>r  irpuiTtiiv  virip  ra  nap'  (fin  irtpi  rwv  j/o/<i/iaiv 
OKpifiirtpov  Ti  yvojvai.     Cap.  2. 

■* fityaXujv  Si  S(i)pt(t)v  irpog  ry  tvipyiatq.  ravry  Tvx<^i'  Trapa  nomrrfiae. 

C.  3.  ^    Mtr'  iiKO'^ov  Kai  ektov  iviavTOV  eiq  "Pw/t»;v  fioi 

avviTTKyiv  avapi]vai.     lb.  f  Felix  must  have  been  removed 

from  his  government  some  while  before  that ;  which  may  be  thought  to 
create  a  difficulty  in  this  account :  Ijut  it  may  be  observed,  that  Josephus 
had  heard  of  the  good  behaviour  of  those  priests  at  Rome  before  he  left  Judea; 
consequently  they  had  been  some  while  at  Rome  before  he  set  out  on  his 
journey. 

«  Kcu  noXKng  tTTi  Ty'PwiiaiuJV  airo'^aaHfiiya  fpovavrag.     Vit.  c.  4. 


JosEPHus.     IJis  Life  and  JForks.  395 

a  revolt  from  the  Romans.     He  says,   he  did  what  lay  in 
liis  power  to  prevent  it,  though  in  vain. 

Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  tlie  year  of 
Christ  66,  (when  he  nuist  have  been  himself  about  thirty 
years  of  age,)  he  was  sent  from  Jerusalem  to  command  in  '' 
Galilee;  where,  having' ordered  matters  as  well  as  he  could, 
and  made  the  best  preparations  for  war,  by  fortifying"  the 
cities  in  case  of  an  attack  from  the  Romans,  he  was  at 
length  shut  up  in  the  city  of  Jotapata :  which,  after  a 
vigorous  defence,  and  a  siege  of  seven  and  forty  days,  was 
taken  by  Vespasian,'  on  the  first  day  of  July,  in  the  13th 
vear  of  Nero  and  the  67th  of  our  Lord. 

When  that  city  was  taken,  by  Vespasian's  order  strict 
search  was  made  for  Josephus;  for  if'  that  general  was 
once  taken,  he  reckoned  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  Avar 
would  be  over.  However,  he  had  hid  himself  in  a  deep 
cavern,  the  opening-  of  which  was  not  easily  discerned  above 
g-round.  Here  he  met  with  forty  persons  of  eminence,  who 
had  concealed  themselves,  and  had  with  them  provisions 
enough  for  several  days.  On  the  third  day  the  Roman 
soldiers  seized  a  woman  that  had  been  with  them.  She 
made  a  discovery  of  the  place  where  they  were  ;  whereupon 
Vespasian  sent  two  tribunes,  inviting*  him  to  come  up,  w  ith 
assurances  that  his  life  should  be  preserved.  Josephus, 
however,  refused.  Vespasian  therefore  sent  a  third  tribune, 
named  Nicanor,  well  known  to  Josephus,  with  the  like 
assurances.  Josephus,  after  some  hesitation,  was  then  will- 
ing to  surrender  himself.  But  the  men  who  were  with  him 
exclaimed  against  it,  and  were  for  killing  him  and  them- 
selves rather  than  come  alive  into  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 
mans. Hereupon  he  made  a  long  speech  unto  them,  show- 
ing that  it  was  not  lawful  for  men  to  kill  themselves,  and 
that  it  was  rather  a  proof  of  pusillanimity  than  courage:  but 
all  without  effect.  He  then  proposed  an  expedient;  which 
was  that  they  should  cast  losts,  two  by  two,  Avho  should  die 
first.  He  who  had  the  second  lot  should  kill  the  first,  and 
the  next  him,  and  so  on,  and  the  last  should  kill  himself. 
It  happened  that  Josephus  and  another  were  preserved  to 
the  last  lot.  When  all  the  rest  were  killed,  he  without 
much  difficulty  persuaded  that  other  person  to  yield  up  him- 
self to  the  Romans.     So  they  two  escaped  with  their'  lives. 

This™  has  been  judged  to  be  a  remarkable  providence, 

"  Vit.  cap.  7,  8.     De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  20.  .  ■  De  B.  J.  1.  3.  cap.  7. 

Conf.  cap.  8.  sect.  9.  ^  fieyirr]  yap  rjv  fioipa  r«  jroXf/iia  XijCftGtiQ. 

De  B.  J.  1.  3.  c.  8.  in.  '  De  B.  J.  1.  3.  c.  8.  sect  1—7. 

■"  See  Tillotson's  Serm.  num.  ISO.  Vol.  2.  p.  564. 


396  Jewish  Testimonies. 

by  wliicli  Joseplius  was  preserved  to  write  the  history,  of 
which  we  are  now  able  to  make  so  good  use. 

Wlien  "  Josephus  had  surrendered,  Vespasian  gave  strict 
orders  that  he  should  be  kept  carefully,  as  if  he  had  intend- 
ed to  send  him  to  Nero.  Josephus  then  presented  a  request 
that  he  might  speak  to  Vespasian  in  private,  which  was 
gTanted.  When  all  were  dismissed,  except  Titus  and  two 
friends,  he  spoke  to  Vespasian  after  this  manner  :  '  You  " 
'  think,  Vespasian,  that  you  have   in  Josephus  a  mere  pri- 

*  soner.  But  lam  come  to  you  as  a  messenger  of  great  tidings. 

*  Had  I  not  been  sent  to  you  p  by  God,  I  know  what  the  law 

*  of  the  Jews  is,  and  how  it  becomes  a  general  to  die.     Do 

*  you  intend  to  send  me  to  Nero?  Are  they,  who  are  to 
'  succeed  Nero  before  you,  to  continue  ?  You,  Vespasian, 

*  will  be  Coesar :  you  will  be  emperor.     So  will  likewise 

*  this  your  son.       Bind  me  therefore  still  faster,    and  re- 

*  serve  me  for  yourself.  For  you  are  lord,  not  of  me 
'  only,  but  of   tlie  earth,    and  the    sea,  and    all  mankind. 

*  And  I  for  punishment  deserve  a  closer  confinement  if  1 

*  speak  falsehood  to  you  in  the  name  of 'i  God.'  Vespa- 
sian, as  he  says,  at  first  paid  little  regard  to  all  this ; 
but  afterwards  his  expectations  of  empire  were  raised. 
'  Besides,'  as  he  goes  on  to  say,  '  he  found    Josephus  to 

*  have  spoken  truth  upon  other  occasions :    for  when  one 

*  of  his  friends,  who  was    admitted  to  be  present  at  that 

*  interview,  said.  It  appeared  strange  to  him  that  Josephus 

*  should   not  have  foretold   to  the   people  of  Jotapata  the 

*  event  of  the  siege,  nor  have  foreseen  his  own  captivity,  if  all 

*  he  now  said  was  not  invention  to  save  his  own  life  ;  Jose- 

*  phus  answered,  that  he  had  foretold  to  the  people  of  Jota- 

*  pata,  that  the  place  would  be  taken  upon  the  forty-seventh 

*  day  of  the  siege,  and  that  himself  should  be  taken  alive  by 

*  theRomans.  Vespasian,havingprivately  inquired  of  the  pri- 

*  soners  concerning  these  predictions,  found  the  truth  of  "^  them.' 

All  these  things  I  have   inserted  here  for  showing  the 

»  De  B.  I.  1.  3.  c.  8.  sect.  8.  »  Ibid.  sect.  S. 

p  That  is,  that  a  Jewish  general  should  make  away  with  himself,  rather 
than  be  taken  prisoner  alive  by  heathen  people.  We  know  not  of  any  such 
law  in  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  And  it  seems  to  be  a  manifest  con- 
tradiction to  what  he  says  in  the  speech  before  referred  to. 

1  Josephus's  address  to  Vespasian  is  very  precise  and  formal,  predicting 
things  then  future.  Possibly,  this  speech  was  improved  afterwards,  and  at 
the  time  of  writing  this  history  made  more  clear  and  express,  and  more  agree- 
able to  the  event,  than  when  first  spoken. 

'  Among  other  presages  of  Vespasian's  empire,  Suetonius  has  mentioned 
this  of  Josephus.  Et  unus  ex  nobilibus  captivis,  Josephus,  cum  conjiceretur 
in  vincula,  constantissime  asseveravit,  fore,  ut  ab  eodcm  brevi  solveretur,  ve- 
rum,  jam  imperalore.     Sueton.  Vesp.  c.  5. 


JosEPHUs.     His  Life  and  Works.  397 

character  of  this  Mritcr  :  though   the  prolixity  of  my  nar- 
ration be  thereby  increased. 

It  is  very  likely,  that  he*  often  thought  of  Joseph  in 
Egypt,  and  of  Daniel  at  Babylon  ;  and  was  in  hopes  of  mak- 
ing- a  like  figure  at  the  court  of  Rome.  But  1  suppose  it 
may  be  no  disparagement  to  Josephus  to  say,  that  he  was  not 
equal  to  them  in  wisdom,  or  in  virtue  and  integrity.  And 
the  circumstances  of  things  were  much  altered:  the  promis- 
ed Messiah  was  come;  and  the  Jewish  people  were  no 
longer  entitled  to  such  special  regard,  as  had  been  shown 
them  in  times  past.  Nor  was  it  then  a  day  of  favour  and 
mercy  for  them,  but  the  day  of  the  Lord's  vengeance 
against  them,  as  Josephus  himself  saw :  and  they  were  en- 
tering into  a  long  captivity,  of  which  they  have  not  yet  seen 
the  end,  after  a  period  of  almost  seventeen  hundred  years, 
though  they  are  still  Avonderfully  preserved. 

Josephus  was  still  a  prisoner:  but  when  Vespasian  had 
been  proclaimed  emperor,  he  ordered  his  iron  chain  to  be 
cut*  asunder.  When  Vespasian  went  to  Rome,  Josephus 
continued  to  be  with  Titus,  and  was  present  at  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  and  saw  the  ruin  of  his  city  and  country. 

After  the  war  was  over,  when  Titus  went  to  Rome,  he 
went  with  him  ;  and  Vespasian  allotted  him  an  apartment 
in  the  same  house  in  which  himself  had  lived  before  he 
came  to  the  empire  :  he  also  made  him  a  citizen  of  Rome, 
and  gave  him  an  annual  pension  ;  and  continued  to  show 
him  great  respect  so  long-  as  he  lived.  His  son  Titus,  who 
succeeded  him,  showed  him  the  like  regard.  And  after- 
wards Domitian,  and  his  wife  Domitia,  did  him  many  kind  " 
offices. 

Josephus,  however,  does  not  deny  that "  he  had  many 
enemies  :  but  the  emperors,  in  whose  times  he  lived,  pro- 
tected him.  Indeed,  it  is  very  likely  that  the  Jews  should 
have  little  regard  for  a  man  vvho  was  with  the  Romans,  in 
their  camp  during  the  siege  of  their  city.  He  particularly 
says,  that'"  upon  the  first  tidings  of  the  taking  of  Jotapata, 
the  people  of  Jerusalem  made  great  and  public  lamenta- 
tions for  him,  supposing  that  he  had  been  killed  in  the 
siege  :  but  when  they  heard  that  he  had  escaped,  and  was 
with  the  Romans,  and  was  well  used  by  them,  they  loaded 
him  with  all  manner  of  reproaches,  not  excepting  treachery 

*  Josephus  has  several  times  spoken  of  his  having  had  prophetic  dreams, 
and  of  his  abiUty  to  interpret  dreams  that  were  ambigvous.  Vid.  De  B.  J.  1. 
3.  viii.  3  et  9,  et  de  Vit.  sect.  42.  '  DeB  J.  1. 4.  cap.  x.  sect.  7. 

"  Vit.  cap.  76.  »  Ibid. 

"  De  B.  J.  1  3.  cap,  ix.  sect.  7. 


398  Jewish  Testimonies. 

itself.  Nor  do  we  find  that^  the  Jewish  people  ever  had 
any  great  respect  for  his  writings ;  though  they  have  been 
much  esteemed,  and  often  quoted,  by  christian  and  y  other 
writers,  in  early  and  latter  times. 

Of  them  ^  we  are  now  to  take  some  notice. 

The  first  is  The  History  of  the  Jewish  war,  and  the  tak- 
ing of  Jerusalem,  in  seven  books.  In  which  work  he  goes 
back  to  the  times  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  the  Macca- 
bees. In  the  preface  he  says,  that  he  ^  first  wrote  it  in  the 
language  of  his  own  country,  for  the  sake  of  such  as  lived 
in  Parthia,  Babylonia,  Arabia,  and  other  parts  :  and  after- 
wards published  it  in  Greek  for  the  benefit  of  others,  which 
is  what  we  have :  it  is  generally  snpposed  to  have  been 
published  by  him  in  the  seventy-fifth  year  of  Christ,  and 
the  thirty-eighth  year  of  his  own  age.  He  professeth  to 
have  written  with  great  ^  fidelity  :  and  for  the  truth  of  his 
history  appeals  to  Vespasian  and  Titus,  and  King  Agrippa, 
then  •=  living.  He^  presented  it  to  Vespasian  and  Titus; 
which  last*"  not  only  desired  the  publication  of  it,  but  with 
his  OAvn  hand  signed  the  book,  that  should  be  reckoned 
authentic. 

2.  The  Jewish  Antiquities,  in  twenty  books,  or  the  his- 
tory of  the  Jews  from  the  creation  of  the  world,  to  the 
twelfth  year  of  Nero,  in  which  the  war  began.  This  work 
was  finished  by  him  ^  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  own 
life,  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Domitian,  and  the  year 
of  Christ  93. 

3.  To  this  work  is  subjoined,  as  a  part  of  it,  or  an  ap- 
pendix to  it,  His  Life,  written  by  himself  some  time  after- 
wards. 

4.  After  the  several  above-mentioned  works,  he  publish- 
ed another  work  in  two  books,  entitled.  Of  the  Antiquity 
of  the  Jews  against  Apion  ;  being  a  vindication  of  the  Jew- 
ish people  against  the  calumnies  of  that  Egyptian  author. 

5.  To  Josephus  likewise  is  generally  ascribed  a  book  en- 

"  Quamvis  enim  ejus  scripta  apud  Judgeos  in  nullo  pretio  fuerint 

Gentiles  tamen  pariter  et  christiani  Josephiim,  licet  Judieum,  ejusque  opera, 
magni  aestimarunt.     Ittig.  Proleg.  pag.  88.  ap.  Havercamp. 

y  Josephus  is  quoted  by  Porphyry,  not  in  his  books  against  the  christians, 
but  elsewhere.     See  the  testimonies  prefixed  to  the  works  of  Josephus. 

"  Particular  accounts  ofthemareto  be  seen  in  Cav.  Hist.  Lit.  Fabric.  Gr.  1. 
4.  cap.  6.  torn.  3.  p.  228,  &c.  Tillemont  La  Ruine  des  Juifs.  art.  79.  &c. 
Hist,  des  Emp.  torn.  i.  '  De  B.  J.  1.  i.  in  Pro.  sect.  2. 

''  In  Proleg.  sect.  5,  &c.  et  1.  7.  cap.  ult.  fin. 

■^  In  Vit.  cap,  65.  Adv.  ap.  1.  i.  c.  9. 

^  AXX'  avroig  mriSwKa  roig  avTOKparoprn  ra  ^ijSXia.  Vit.  sect.  65.  Conf. 
Adv.  Ap.  ut  supr.  "  wtc  ^^apa^af  tjj  tavrn  %£(pt  ra  |3t/3\ia 

StjfioauvaiaOai  vpoatru^tv.     Vid.  sec.  65.  '  Ant.  I.  20.  cap.  ult.  fin. 


JosEPHUS,     His  Life  and  Worlis.  399 

titled,  A  Discourse  of  the  Maccabees  ;  but,  as  e  Cave  says, 
there  is  g'ood  reason  to  doubt  of  its  genuineness :  and  '' 
Mr.  Whiston,  Avho  made  an  English  translation  of  all  the 
above-named  works  of  this  writer,  declined  to  translate 
this,  and  would  not  publish  it  among  the  rest. 

The  works  of  Josephus,  notwithstanding  many  things 
in  them  liable  to  exception,  which  may  be  observed  by 
careful  and  impartial  readers,  are  very  valuable.  In  his 
larger  work.  The  .Jewish  Antiquities,  he  confirms  the 
truth  of  the  history  of  the  Old  Testament :  and,  as  in 
several  of  the  last  books  of  that  work  he  has  brought 
down  the  Jewish  history  from  the  ceasing-  of  proj)hecy 
among  them  to  the  twelfth  of  Nero,  he  has  let  us  know 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Judea  during  the  time  of  the  evan- 
gelical history.  And  he  had  before  done  the  like  in 
the  first  two  books  of  The  Jewish  War.  What  he  has 
therein  said  of  Herod  and  his  sons,  of  the  Roman  governors 
in  Judea,  the  Jewish  sects  and  their  principles,  the  man- 
ners of  the  Jewish  people,  and  likewise  concerning  the 
Samaritans,  greatly  confirms  and  illustrates  the  history 
of  our  evangelists;  as  was  formerly  shown  in  the  first 
part  of  this  work.  The  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  His- 
tory :  the  design  of  which  was  to  confirm  the  facts  oc- 
casionally mentioned  in  the  New  Testament  by  passages 
of  ancient'  authors. 

We  are  now  to  consider,  whether  there  is  any  thing-  in 
the  works  of  this  Jewish  author  more  directly  confirming- 
the  principal  facts  of  the  New  Testament:  particularly, 
whether  he  affords  any  evidences  of  the  fulfilment  of  our 
Lord's  predictions  concerning  the  destruction  of  the  temple 
and  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  great  calamities  coming  upon 
the  Jewish  people ;  and  whether  he  has  said  any  thing-  of 
John  the  Baptist,  our  Lord's  forerunner,  or  of  our  Lord 
himself,  or  of  any  of  his  apostles. 

I  shall  begin  with  the  first  article;  for  it  is  very  likely, 
that  in  his  History  of  the  Jewish  War  we  should  find  many 
things  g-iving-  credit  to  the  fulfilment  of  our  Lord's  predic- 
tions concerning  the  Jewish  people. 

H.  Judea  was  first  brought  into  subjection  to  the  Romans 
by  Pompey  ;  who,  after  a  siege  of  three  months,  took  Jerusa- 

«  Nihilominus  ad  genuinura  sit  Josephi  opus,  justa  est  dubitandi  ratio. 
Cav.  H.  L.  de  Josepho,  p.  35. 

•^  See  his  note  at  the  end  of  his  Translation  of  Josephus. 

'  Quam  in  multis  capitibus  evangel istarum  narrationi  suffragetur  Josephus, 
erudite  nuper  demonstravit  Nathaniel  Lardnerus  in  opere  Anglice  edito,  de 
Fide  Histodae  Evangelic3e.  Lond.  1727,  8vo.  2  volum.  J.  A.  Fabric.  Lux 
Evangelii.  p.  16.  not.  (a). 


400  Jewish  Testimonies. 

lem  in  the  year  G3  before  the  christian  era,  about  the  time  of 
our  ^  Midsummer.  Josephus  always  dates '  the  loss  of  their 
liberty  at  that  time.     The  same  is  said  by  "'  Tacitus. 

But  though  the  Jewish  people  then  became  subject  to  the 
Romans,  and  it  may  be  said,  that  from  that  time  forward 
the  rod  of  heaven  hung  over  them,  they  enjoyed  many  pri- 
vileges, and  the  freedom  of  their  worship,  under  the  mild 
government  of  those  masters ;  as  appears  botli  from  Jose- 
phus, and  from  the  historical  books  of  the  New  Testgment. 

When  Pompey  became  master  of  Jerusalem,  he  °  and 
some  of  his  officers  entered  into  the  temple,  and  the  most 
holy  places  of  it ;  but  he  took  nothing  away.  There  were 
then  in  it  the  table,  the  candlestick,  Avith  its  lamps,  the 
pouring  vessels,  and  the  censers,  all  of  gold,  and  great 
quantities  of  spices,  and  two  thousand  talents  in  money  ;  all 
which  he  left  untouched;  and  the  day  after  he  gave  orders 
that  they  who  had  the  charge  of  the  temple  should  cleanse 
it,  and  perform  the  accustomed  sacrifices.  And  he  restored 
the  priesthood  to  Hyrcanus. 

And  that  after  this  the  Jewish  people  were,  sometimes  at 
least,  in  a  flourishing  condition,  appears  from  many  con- 
siderations. It  was  during  this  period  that  °  Herod  repaired 
the  temple.  Excepting  the  cloud  of  glory  with  which  the 
first  temple  had  been  favoured,  that  erected  by  Herod  may 
be  reckoned  to  have  been  equal  to  it  in  the  splendour  and 
magnificence  of  the  building,  and  in  rich  and  costly  pre- 
sents, and  other  ornaments. 

When  the  Jewish  people,  after  their  return  from  the  Ba- 
bylonish captivity,  laid  the  foundation  of  the  new  house, 
"  many  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  chief  of  the  fathers, 
who  were  ancient  men,  wept  with  a  loud  voice,"  Esr.  iii. 
12.  But  God  encouraged  them  by  the  prophet  Haggai,  in 
this  manner,  ch.  ii.  3,  "  Who  is  left  among  you  that  saw 
this  house  in  its  first  glory  ?  and  how  do  ye  see  it  now  ? 
is  it  not  in  your  eyes,  in  comparison  of  it,   as  nothing?  Yet 

now  be  strong,  O  Zerubbabel,  saith  the  Lord and  be 

strong,  all  ye  people  of  the  land,  and   work ;    for   I  am 

^  See  Prideaux,  in  the  year  before  Chiist  63,  p.  439.  And  Joseph.  Antiq. 
1.  14.  c.  iv.  4.  De  B.  J.  1.  i.  c.  vii.  sect.  6. 

'  Tars  TH  TtaBsg  rotg  'iHpoaoXvfioig  airioi  KartTtjaav  'YpKnvog  koi  A7rt<ro/3e- 
\oQ  TrpoQ  aXXijXsc  TamaZovTtg.  TtjV  re  yap  tXevOtpiav  wKejiaXofifv,  Km 
v-Kr]Kooi  'Piofiaiwv  KartTtifitv.  Antiq.  \.  14.  iv.  5,  And  compare  what 
Agrippa  says  to  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem.     De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  xvi.  4.  p.  187. 

">  Romanomm  primus  Cn.  Pompeius  Juddeos  domuit,  templumqiie  jure 
victoriae  ingressus  est.     Tacit.  H.  1.  5.  c.  9. 

"  De  B.  J.  1.  1.  c.  vii.  6.     Conf.  Antiq.  1.  14.  cap.  iv. 

°  Vid.  Antiq.  1.  15.  cap.  xi.    De  B.  J.  1.  i.  cap.  xxi.  et  1.  5.  cap.  v. 


JosEPlius.     The  state  of  Jadea.  401 

with  you,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts For  thus  saith  the 

Lord  of  hosts 1  will  shake  all  nations:  and  the  desire 

of  all  nations  shall  come:  and  I  will  fill  this  house  with 
glory,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.  The  silver  is  mine,  and  the 
gold  is  inine,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.  The  glory  of  this 
latter  house  shall  be  greater  than  that  of  the  former,  saith 
the  Lord  of  hosts.  And  in  this  place  will  1  give  peace, 
saith  the  Lord  of  hosts." 

Here  is  undoubtedly,  a  renewal  of  the  great  promise  con- 
cerning- the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  the  true  Shechinah, 
whose  presence  would  make  this  second  temple  more  glo- 
rious than  the  first.  But  here  is  also  a  gracious  assurance 
of  external  grandeur  and  splendour.     '  Silver  and  gold,  and 

*  all  the  riches  of  the  world,  says  God,  are  mine  to  bestow 

*  on  whom  I  please.     And  notwithstanding  the  present  mean 

*  and  despicable  appearance  of  the   building-  before  your 

*  eyes,  1  w  ill  fill  it  w  ith  glory,  and  will  cause  it  to  equal,  or 

*  even  surpass,  the  former  in  splendour  and  magnificence 

*  • — ■ "  For  in  this  place  will  1  give  peace."     My  purpose 

*  is  to  bless  you  abundantly,  and  to  give  you  great   pros- 

*  perity.'     Which  gracious  declaration  was  fulfilled. 

That  they  were  in  flourishing-  circumstances  at  the  time 
of  our  Lord's  preaching  among  them,  is  apparent :  though 
they  were  uneasy  under  subjection  to  the  Romans.  Jo- 
sephus  continually  speaks  of  the  temple,  as  very  grand  and 
magnificent;  and  it  appeal's  to  be  so  from  his  large  and 
particular  description  of  it,  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  the  fifth 
book  of  his  Jewish  War,  just  before  its  final  ruin.  And 
when  Titus,  upon  the  fire  having  seized  the  temple,  entered 
it,  with  some  of  his  officers,  he  says,  '  that  p  Titus  saw  it 
'  to   be  far  superior  to  the  report  of  strangers,  and  not  infe- 

*  rior  to  our  boastings  concerning-  it.'  And  having-  related 
how  it  Avas  burnt,  he  says,  it  might  be  justly  lamented, 
'  since  "i  it  was  the  most  admirable  of  all  the  works  which 

*  we  have  seen   or  heard  of,   for   its  curious  structure  and 

*  magnitude,  and  for  all  the  wealth  bestowed  upon  it,  as 
'  well  as  for  the  reputation  of  its  sanctity.'  And  he  ex- 
pressly calls  if^  the  temple  that  was  built,  or  begun  to  be 
built,  in  the  second  year  of  Cyrus,  under  the  direction  of 
the  prophet  Haggai.     And   our  Lord's  disciples  bear  wit- 

P  7rapf\0ajv  fitra  twv  j/yj/iorwv  tvSov  iQtaaaTO  r«  van  ro  ayiov,  Kai  ra 

(V  avTu),  TToXv  fiiv  TTjQ  TTo^a  TOiQ  aXXo^vXoig  <pr}i.i7}g  afxeivii),  ts  Si  KO/juni  Kai 
r/;c  irapa  roig  oiKtwig  Co^i}g  hk  iXarTw.     De  B.  J.  I.  6.  cap.  iv.  7. 

1  L.  6.  iv.  8.   Conf.  1.  6.  x.  fin. 

''  Atto  Se  Tt}g  ii^-tpov,  rjv  trii  Stvrf()(()  Kvps  fiamXivovroc  ciroiriffaTO  'Ayyaiog. 
L.  6.  c.  iv.  8. 

VOL.    VI.  2    D 


402  Jewish  Testimonies. 

uess  to  the  same,  in  some  passages  that  will  come  before 
us  ill  reciting-  his  predictions,  of  which  we  are  now  to 
take  notice,  and  then  observe  the  fulfilment  of  them. 

III.  We  find  our  Lord's  disciples  speaking- of  the  magni- 
ficence of  the  temple  with  admiration.  So  in  Mark  xiii.  10, 
"  And,  as  he  went  out  of  the  temple,  one  of  his  disciples 
saith  unto  him  :  Master,  see  what  manner  of  stones,  and 
what  buildings  are  here !  And  Jesus,  answering,  said  unto 
him  :  Seest  thou  these  great  buildings?  There  shall  not  be 
left  one  stone  upon  another,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  down. 
And  as  he  sat  upon  the  mount  of  Olives,  over  against  the 
temple,  Peter,  and  James,  and  John,  and  Andrew,  asked 
him  privately  :  Tell  us,  when  shall  these  things  be?  and 
what  shall  be  the  sign,  when  all  these  things  shall  be  fulfil- 
led ?  And  Jesus  answering  them,  began  to  say  :  Take  heed, 
lest  any  man  deceive  you ;  for  many  will  come  in  my  name, 
and  say,  I  am  Christ.  And  will  deceive  many.  And 
when  ye  shall  hear  of  wars,  and  rumours  of  wars,  be  ye 
not  troubled  ;  for  such  things  must  needs  be :  but  the  end 
shall  not  be  yet.  For  nation  shall  rise  against  nation,  and 
kingdom  against  kingdom  ;  and  there  shall  be  earthquakes 
in  divers  places  ;  and  there  shall  be  famines  and  troubles  : 

these    are  the  beginnings  of  sorrows And  the  gospel 

must  first  be  published  among  all  nations."  And  ver. 
14 — 20,  "  But  when  ye  shall  see  the  abomination  of  desola- 
tion, spoken  of  by  Daniel  the  prophet,  standing  where  it 
ought  not,  (let  him  that  readeth  understand,)  then  let  them 
that  be  in  Judea  flee  to  the  mountains.  And  let  him  that 
is  on  the  house-top  not  go  down  into  the  house,  neither 
enter  therein,  to  take  any  thing-  out  of  his  house.  And  let 
him  that  is  in  the  field  not  turn  back  again  for  to  take  up 
his  garment.  But  woe  to  them  that  are  with  child,  and  to 
them  that  give  suck  in  those  days.  And  pray  ye,  that  your 
flight  be  not  in  the  winter,  for  in  those  days  shall  be  afflic- 
tion, such  as  was  not  from  the  beginning  of  the  creation  which 
God  created,  unto  this  time,  neither  shall  be." 

The  like  things  are  in  St.  Matthew  xxiv.  1 — 35,  "  And 
Jesus  went  out,  and  departed  from  the  temple;  and  his  dis- 
ciples came  to  him,  for  to  show  him  the  buildings  of  the 
temple.  And  Jesus  said  unto  them  :  See  ye  not  all  these 
things?  Verily  I  say  unto  you,  there  shall  not  be  left  here 
one  stone  upon  another,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  down. 
And  as  he  sat  upon  the  mount  of  Olives,  the  disciples  came 
unto  him  privately,  saying :  Tell  us  when  these  things  shall 
be,  and  what  will  be  the  sign  of  thy  coming,  and  of  the  end 
of  the  world  ?  And  Jesus  answered,  and  said  unto  them : 


JosEPHUS.     Our  Ix)rd's  Predictions.  403 

Take  heed  that  no  man  deceive  you;  for  many  will  come 
in  my  name,  saying,  I  am  Christ;  and  will  deceive  many. 
And  ye  will  hear  of"  wars,  and  rumours  of  Avars:  see  that 
ye  be  not  troubled  ;  for  all  these  things  must  come  to  pass: 
but  the  end  is  not  yet.  For  nation  will  rise  against  nation, 
and  kingdom  against  kingdom  :  and  there  will  be  famines, 
and  pestilences,  and  earthquakes,  in  divers  places.  All 
these  are  the  beginnings  of  sorrows.  Then  shall  they  de- 
liver you  lip  to  be  afflicted,  and  shall  kill  you  :  and  ye  will 
be  hated  of  all  nations  for  my  name  sake.  And  then  will 
many  be  offended,  and  will  betray  one  another,  and  will 
hate  one  another.  And  many  false  prophets  will  arise,  and 
will  deceive  many.  And,  because  iniquity  shall  abound, 
the  love  of  many  will  wax  cold;  but  he  that  shall  endure 
to  the  end  shall  be  saved.  And  this  gospel  of  the  king- 
dom shall  be  preached  in  all  the  world,  for  a  witness  unto 
all  nations.  And  then  shall  the  end  come.  When  ye, 
therefore,  shall  see  the  abomination  of  desolation,  spoken  of 
by  Daniel  the  prophet,  stand  in  the  holy  place,  (whoso 
readeth  let  him  understand)  then  let  them  which  are  in 
Judea  flee  to  the  mountains.  Let  him  which  is  on  the 
house-top  not  come  down  to  take  any  thing"  out  of  his  house  : 
neither  let  him  that  is  in  the  field  return  back  to  take  his 
clothes.  And  woe  unto  them  which  are  with  child,  and  to 
them  that  give  suck,  in  those  days.  But  pray  ye,  that  your 
flight  be  not  in  the  winter,  neither  on  the  snbbath-day.  For 
then  shall  be  great  tribulation,  such  as  was  not  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  world  to  this  time;  no,  nor  ever  shall  be. 
And  except  those  days  should  be  shortened,  there  should 
no  flesh  be  saved.  But  for  the  elect's  sake,  those  days 
shall  be  shortened.  Then,  if  any  say  unto  you  :  Lo,  here  is 
Christ,  or  there,  believe  it  not ;  for  there  will  arise  false 
Christs,  and  false  prophets,  and  shall  show  great  signs  and 
M'onders ;  insomuch  that  (if  it  were  possible)  they  should 
deceive  the  very  elect.  Behold,  I  have  told  you  before. 
Wherefore,  if  they  shall  say  unto  you,  Behold,  he  is  in  the 
desert,  go  not  forth  ;  Behold,  he  is  in  the  secret  chambers, 
believe  it  not.  For  as  the  lightning  cometh  out  of  the  east, 
and  shineth  even  unto  the  west,  so  shall  also  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  man  be ;  for  wheresoever  the  carcass  is,  there  will 
the  eagles  be  gathered  together. — — — Verily  I  say  unto 
you,  this  generation  shall  not  pass  till  all  these  things  be 
fulfilled ;  Heaven  and  earth  shall  pass  away  ;  but  my  words 
shall  not  pass  away." 

Those  inquiries  of  the  disciples,  and  our  Lord's  answers 
to  them,  are  made  in   private :  but  they   plainly  refer  to 

2  D  2 


404  Jewish  Testimonies. 

things  said  by  our  Lord  publicly  in  the  courts  of  the  tem- 
ple ;  we  may  do  well  therefore  to  look  back  to  what  pre- 
cedes, as  related  in  St.  Matthew's  gospel  especially; 
where  are  recorded  the  many  woes  pronounced  by  our 
Lord  upon  the  scribes  and  pharisees,  and  the  people  in 
general,  who  were  under  their  influence  aud  direction ; 
Matt,  xxiii.  29 — 39,  "  Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and  pharisees, 
h3'pocrites  ;  because  ye  build  the  tombs  of  the  })rophets, 
and  garnish  the  sepulchres  of  the  righteous  :  and  ye  say. 
If  we  had  been  in  the  days  of  our  fathers  we  would  not  have 
been  partakers  with  them  in  the  blood  of  the  prophets  : 
wherefore  ye  be  witnesses  unto  yourselves,  that  ye  are  the 
children  of  them  that  killed  the  prophets.  Fill  ye  up  then 
the  measure  of  your  fathers.  Ye  serpents,  ye  generation  of 
vipers,  how  can  ye  escape  the  damnation  of  hell !  Wherefore, 
behold,  I  send  unto  you  prophets,  and  wise  men,  and  scribes : 
and  some  of  them  ye  will  kill  and  crucify;  and  some  of 
them  ye  will  scourge  in  your  synagogues,  and  persecute 
from  city  to  city  ;  that  upon  you  may  come  all  the  righteous 
blood  shed  upon  the  earth,  from  the  blood  of  righteous  Abel 
unto  the  blood  of  Zacharias,  son  of  Barachias,  whom  ye  slew 
between  the  temple  and  the  altar.  Verily  I  say  unto  you, 
All  these  things  shall  come  upon  this  generation.  O  Jeru- 
salem, Jerusalem,  thou  that  killest  the  prophets,  and  stonest 
them  that  are  sent  unto  thee ;  how  often  would  I  have 
gathered  thy  children  together,  even  as  a  hen  gathereth  her 
chickens  under  her  wings  !  and  ye  would  not !  Behold, 
your  house  is  left  unto  you  desolate  :  for  I  say  unto  you,  ye 
sliall  not  see  me  henceforth,  till  ye  shall  say.  Blessed  is  he 
that  Cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  Compare  Luke  xi. 
47—51. 

The  like  things  are  recorded  by  St.  Luke,  ch.  xxi.  5 — 28, 
a  part  of  which  I  shall  also  transcribe  here.  "  And  as 
some  spake  of  the  temple,  how  it  was  adorned  with  goodly 
stones,  and  gifts,  he  said  :  As  for  these  things,  which  ye 
behold,  the  days  will  come,  in  the  which  shall  not  be  left 
one  stone  upon  another,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  down. 
And  they  asked  him  saying:  Master,  but  when  shall  these 
things  be?  and  what  signs  will  there  be  when  these  things 
shall  come  to  pass?  And  he  said  :  Take  heed  that  ye  be  not 
deceived ;  for  many  will  come  in  my  name,  saying,  I  am 
Christ,  and  the  time  draws  near:  go  ye  not  therefore  after 
them.  But  when  ye  shall  hear  of  wars  and  commotions,  be 
not  terrified  ;  for  these  things  must  first  come  to  pass  :  but 
the  end  is  not  by  and  by.  Then  said  he  unto  them  :  Nation 
t<hall  rise  against  nation,  and  kingdom  against   kingdom  : 


JosEPHUS.     Our  Lord's  Predictions.  405 

and  great  earthquakes  shall  be  in  divers  places,  and  fa- 
mines, and  pestilences,  and  fearful  sights,  and  great  sif^ns 
shall  there  be  from  heaven :  but  before  all  these  things 
they  shall  lay  their  hands  upon  you,  and  persecute  you, 
delivering"  you  up  to  the  synagogues,  and  into  prisons,  be- 
ing brought   before  kings   and  rulers   for  my  name's  sake. 

And    it    shall   turn  to  you  for  a   testimony And    ye 

shall  be  betrayed  both  by  parents,  and  brethren,  and  kins- 
folk, and  friends.  And  some  of  you  shall  they  cause  to 
be  put  to  death.  And  ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  men  for  my 
name's  sake.  But  there  shall  not  an  hair  of  your  head  perish. 
In  your  patience  possess  ye  your  souls.  And  when  ye 
shall  see  Jerusalem  compassed  with  armies,  then  know  that 
the  desolation  thereof  is  nigh  :  then  let  them  which  are  in 
Judea  flee  to  the  mountains;  and  let  them  which  are  in  the 
midst  of  it  depart  out.  And  let  not  them  that  are  in  the 
country  enter  thereinto  :  for  these  are  the  days  of  ven- 
geance, that  all  things  which  are  written  may  be  fulfilled. 
But  woe  unto  them  that  are  with  child,  and  to  them  that 
give  suck  in  those  days.  For  there  will  be  great  distress 
in  the  land,  and  wrath  upon  this  people  :  and  they  shall 
fall  by  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  shall  be  led  away  captive 
into  all  nations.  And  Jerusalem  shall  be  trodden  down 
of  the  Gentiles,  until  the  times  of  the  Gentiles  be  fulfilled." 

And  before  this,  when  he  was  making  his  public  entrance 
into  Jerusalem,  says  St.  Luke,  xix.  41 — 44,  "  And  when  he 
was  come  near,  he  beheld  the  city,  and  wept  over  it,  saying* : 
If  thou  hadst  known,  even  thou,  at  least  in  this  thy  day,  the 
thing's  which  belong-  to  thy  peace  !  But  now  they  are  hid 
from  thy  eyes  !  For  the  days  will  come  upon  thee,  that  thy 
enemies  shall  cast  a  trench  about  thee,  and  compass  thee 
round,  and  keep  thee  in  on  every  side,  and  will  lay  thee 
even  with  the  ground,  and  thy  children  within  thee  :  and 
they  will  not  leave  in  thee  one  stone  upon  another,  because 
thou  knewest  not  the  time  of  thy  visitation." 

And  afterwards,  when  they  were  leading'  him  away  to  be 
crucified,  Luke  xxiii.  27 — 31,  "  And  there  followed  him  a 
great  company  of  people,  and  of  women  ;  which  also  be- 
wailed and  lamented  him.  But  Jesus,  turning  unto  them, 
said  :  Daughters  of  Jerusalem,  weep  not  for  me,  but  w  eep 
for  yourselves,  and  for  your  children  ;  for  behold  the  days 
are  coming,  in  which  they  will  say  :  Blessed  are  the  barren, 
and  the  wombs  that  never  bare,  and  the  paps  which  never 
gave  suck.  Then  shall  they  begin  to  say  to  the  mountains. 
Fall  on  us;  and  to  the  hills.  Cover  us.  For  if  they  do 
such  things  in  a  green  tree,  what  shall  be  done  in  the  dry  !" 


406  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Our  Lord  delivers  these  predictions,  of  which  he  had  the 
foresight,  with  marks  of  <>reat  and  undissenibled  compassion 
and  tenderness.  If  all  these  desolations  and  calamities  had 
been  now  present,  and  before  his  eyes,  and  if  they  had  been 
the  calamities  of  his  best  friends,  he  could  not  have  been 
more  aft'ected.  He  is  particularly  touched  with  the  fore- 
sight of  the  difficulties  of  snch  as  are  most  helpless,  the  dis- 
tresses of  women  with  child,  or  who  have  infants  at  their 
breasts.  This  is  true  compassion,  the  effect  of  the  sensibility 
of  the  human  nature;  which  he  is  not  ashamed  of, and  does 
not  dissemble.  And  that  the  apprehension  of  these  cala- 
mities, impending  on  the  Jewish  people,  lay  much  upon 
his  mind,  is  manifest  from  his  so  often  speaking  of  them. 

And  there  are  references  likewise  to  the  calamities  coming 
upon  the  Jewish  people  in  divers  parables.  Luke  xiii. 
^—9',  Matt.  xxii.  1 — 7;  Luke  xiv.  17 — 24;  Matt.  xxi. 
33—46;  Mark  xii.  1—12;  Luke  xx.  9— 19;— Luke 
xix.  11^ — 27.  Compare  Matt.  xxv.  14 — 30,  and  also  in  the 
miracle  of  the  barren  fig-tree.  Matt.  xxi.  18,  19;  Mark  xi. 
12,  13,  and  20,  21. 

In  what  has  been  just  transcribed  from  the  evangelists, 
are  observable  these  several  things: 

1.  Our  Lord  foretells  the  destruction  of  the  temple  and 
city  of  Jerusalem. 

2.  He  speaks  of  great  and  extraordinary  afflictions  and 
distresses,  which  the  Jewish  people  would  suffer  at  that  time. 

3.  He  says,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel  should  be 
preached  in  all  the  world,  or  all  over  the  Koman  empire, 
before  the  final  ruin  and  overthrow  of  the  Jewish  nation. 

4.  He  foretells,  that  his  disciples  and  followers  Mould  be 
brought  before  kings  and  governors  for  his  name's  sake,  and 
would  suffer  many  hardships  ;  and  that  some  of  them  would 
be  put  to  death. 

5.  He  intimates,  that  among  his  followers  there  would 
be  great  declensions,  and  that  they  would  betray  each 
other. 

6.  He  foretells,  that  there  would  be  famines,  and  pesti- 
lences, and  earthquakes,  in  divers  places. 

7.  He  speaks  of  wars  and  tumults  in  many  places,  preced- 
ing the  final  ruin  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  as  preludes  of  it. 

8.  He  likewise  snys,  that  at  that  time,  and  before  it, 
would  a|)pear  many  false  prophets,  and  impostors,  by 
whom  many  would  be  deceived  ;  and  he  Avarns  men  against 
hearkening  to  them. 

9.  He  declares  that  all  these  things  would  come  to  pass 
before  the  end  of  that  age  or  g'eneration  of  men. 


JosEPHus.      Tfie  State  of  Judea.  407 

10.  He  forewarns  and  advises  those  who  regarded  their 
own  welfare,  to  Heeout  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  M'hen  they 
perceived  the  near  approach  of  the  cahunities  >vhich  had 
been  spoken  of  hy  hiui,  whicli  they  might  know  when  tliey 
should  see  the  Roman  armies,  with  their  idolatrous  ensigns, 
standing-  were  thoy  ought  not ;  that  is,  near  Jerusalem,  or 
in  the  land  of  Judea. 

Of  all  these  several  things  I  propose  to  show  the  fulfil- 
ment :  though  not  exactly  in  the  order  in  which  they  have 
been  just  now  mentioned. 

IV.  Before  I  enter  upon  the  history  of  the  fulfilment  of 
these  predictions,  it  may  be  of  use  to  observe,  in  general, 
the  dates  of  some  events. 

The  war  began,  as^  Josephus  says,  in  the  second  year  of 
the  government  of  Gessius  Florus,  who  succeeded  Albinus, 
successor  of  Porcius  Festus,  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  in  the  month  of  May,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the 
emperor  Nero  and  the  seventeenth  year  of  Agrippa,  men- 
tioned. Acts  XXV.  and  xxvi.  that  is,  in  the  month  of  May,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  G6. 

'  The*  temple  was  burnt  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  month 
'  of  August,  [in  the  year  of  Christ  70,]  the  same  day  and 
*  month  on  which  it  had  been  burnt  by  the  king  of  Caby- 
'  Ion.'     Which  "  Josephus  repeats  again  afterwards. 

The  ^  city  was  taken  on  the  eighth  day  of  September,  in 
the  second  year  of  the  reign   of  Vespasian,  or  the  year  of 
Christ  70. 

That  was  the  end  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  which 
began,  as  the  same  author '"  observes  several  times,  about 
the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  Nisan,  or  our  April. 

The  war  therefore  lasted  four  years  and  four  months, 
computing"  from  May  66,  to  September  in  the  year  70 : 
and  the  siege  lasted  about  five  months,  computing  from  the 
fourteenth  day  of  April  to  the  eighth  of  SeptemlDcr,  in  the 
year  70.     If  we  carry  on  our  computation  to  the  taking'  of  the 

'  Kot  C)]  rt]v  apxijv  t\af3iv  6  TroXf/toc  SevTep(p  jxev  srti  rr/g  tTrirporrtjc  $\wp8, 
SuStKarii)  Ce  rriQ  'SfriMVOcapxV^-     Antiq.  i.  20.  xi.  1. 

Kat  Trpoai\an(3ave  ttjv  apxr]v  6  ttoXe/xoc  duiSiKaTti)  (xtv  tTCi  njg  Nfpwvoc 
ijyf/itoi'iae,  S7rTaKaiSiKaT(ijde  Ti]q  Aypnnra  (SaaiXuae,  ApTefiiais  firjpug.  De  B. 
J.  1.  2.  cap.  xiv.  4. 

'  rtan/jv  d'  I'l  uiiapiiivi]  xpovo)v  irspioSog,  ijjitpa  StKOTTi  \(joh  firjvog,  Ka9'  i)v 
Kai  TO  Trponpov  vtto  tb  t(ov  Ba[3v\ojviii)v  [iaaiKiuig  ivtirprjdOr].  De  B.  J.  I.  6. 
IV.  5.  "   Qavfiaaai  S'  av  Tig  ev  avTjj  ttj ^  TrepwSfi  Tt]v  aKpifSeiav' 

Kai  fij]va  JHV,   wg  e(pr]v,   Kai  t'mtpav  iireTtiptive  Tr\v  avTijv,  tv  y  Trponpov  vtto 

BajSvXwviwv  6    vaog  evtirpijaOrj »"/   yeyovtv  etsi  SevTip'i)  rijg  OvtaTraaiavH 

r/yefioviag.     lb.  sect.  8.  "  'EoAw  fiiv  ovrog  'lepoffoXvixa  eTci 

Stvreptji  rr]g  Ovecnracnavii  r'lyejioviag,  Top-TriaiH  tit]vog  oydoy.  lb.  1.  6.  cap.  X.  in. 

"  De  B.  J.  1.  5.  cap.  iii.  1.  cap.  xiii.  7.  1.  6.  cap.  ix.  3. 


408  Jewish  Testimonies. 

castle  of  Massada,  which  happened  in  the  year  73,  (as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,)  the  Avar  lasted  seven  years. 

V.  I  think  \\.  proper  here  also  to  take  noticeof  our  Lord's 
expressions  concerning-  the  sign  whereby  the  approach  of 
these  calamities  might  be  discerned.  Matt.  xxiv.  15,  16, 
"When  ye  therefore  shall  see  the  abomination  of  desolation, 

stand  in  the   holy  place;  then  let  them  which  be  in 

Judea,  flee  to  the  mountains."  Mark  xiii.  14,  "  When  ye 
shall   see  the   abomination  of  desolation  standing  where  it 

ought  not then  let  them  that  be  in  Judea  flee  to  the 

mountains."  Luke  xxi.  20,  "  And  when  ye  shall  see  Je- 
rusalem compassed  with  armies,  then  know  that  the  desola- 
tion thereof  is  nigh." 

By  "  the  abomination  of  desolation,"  or  the  abomination 
that  maketh  desolate,  therefore,  is  intended  the  Rotnan  ar- 
mies with  their  ensigns.  As  the  Roman  ensigns,  especially 
the  eagle,  which  Avas  carried  at  the  head  of  every  legion, 
were  objects  of  worship,  they  are,  according  to  the  usual 
style  of  scripture,  called  "an  abomination." 

By  "  standing  in  the  holy  place,"  or  "  where  it  ought 
not,"  needs  not  to  be  understood  the  temple  only,  but  Je- 
rusalem also,  and  any  part  of  the  land  of  Israel, 

There  are  several  things  in  Josephus,  which  will  confirm 
this  interpretation.  'Pilate,'''  says  he,  'the  prefect  of  Ju- 
'  dea,  sending  his  army  from  Ccesarea,  and  putting  them 
'  into  winter  c^uarters  at  Jerusalem,  brought  the  carved 
'  images  of  Ccesar,  which  are  in  the  ensigns,  into  the  city, 
'  in  violation  of  the  Jewish  laws  ;  since  our  law  forbids  the 
'  making  of  images.  For  which  reason  the  former  govern- 
'  ors  were  wont  to  come  into  the  city  with  ensigns  destitute 
'  of  these  ornaments.  Pilate  was  the  first  who  set  up 
'  images  in  Jerusalem :  and  he  did  it  privately,  the  army 
'  making  their  entrance  in  the  night  time  :  but,  as  soon  as 
'  the  people  knew  it,  they  went  in  a  large  body  to  Csesa- 
'  rea,  making  earnest  supplications  that  the   images  might 

'  be    removed And    at    length    Pilate    gave   orders 

'  for  bringing-   back   the   images   from  Jerusalem   to  Cse- 


sarea.' 


And  not  long  after  that,  Vitellius,  president  of  Syria,  re- 
ceived orders  from  Tiberius,  to  attack  Aretas,  king  of  Pe- 
tra ;  whereupon  he  was  going  to  march  through  Judea: 
'  But  y  some  of  their  chief  men  waited  on  him,  and  entreated 
'  him  not  to  lead  his  army  through  their  country,  because 
'  it  was  contrary  to  their  laws  that  any  images  should  be 
'  brought  into  it,  v^hercas  there  were  a  great  many  in   his 

"  Antiq.  1.  18.  c.  iii.  sect.  1.  ^  Anliq.  1.  18.  cap.  vi.  3. 


JosEPHUS.      Events  precediii'j  ihe  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.    409 

*  army.  And  lie  hearkened  to  them,  altered  his  intention, 
'  and  marched  his  troops  another  way.' 

Our  Lord's  disciples  and  foUowers  therefore  might  well 
be  alarmed  as  soon  as  they  saw  Roman  armies,  with  their 
idohUrous  ensij^ns,  appear  in  an  hostile  manner  in  any  part 
of  the  land  of  Israel  ;  but  as  they  approached  to  Jerusalem, 
the  danger  would  be  more  imminent  and  pressing. 

And  as  men  unwillmgly  leave  their  native  country,  and 
their  accustomed  habitations,  and  removals  are  always  at- 
tended with  dangers  and  difficulties,  our  Lord  recommends 
flight  in  very  urgent  terms,  lest  any  of  those  who  loved  him, 
and  respected  his  doctrine,  should  partake  in  the  dreadful 
calamities  of  the  siege. 

VL  We  now  observe  some  events  spoken  of  by  our  Lord, 
which  would  precede  the  great  calamity  coming  upon  the 
Jewish  nation. 

1.  One  is,  that  "the  doctrine  of  the  gospel"  should  be 
preached  throughout  the  Roman  empire,  and  in  other  places 
adjoining  to  it. 

"  And  this  gospel  of  the  kingdom,"  says  he,  "  shall  be 
preached  in  all  the  world,  for  a  witness  to  all  nations;  and 
then  shall  the  end  come:"  Matt.  xxiv.  14.  "And  the 
gospel  must  first  be  published  among  all  nations,"  Mark 
xiii.  10. 

And  however  unlikely  that  might  seem  when  those  words 
were  spoken  by  our  Lord,  they  were  verified.  The  epistles 
of  the  New  Testament,  still  extant,  and  written  to  christians 
in  divers  cities  and  countries,  are  a  standing  monument  of 
it:  for  they  are  sent  to  believers  at  Rome,  Corinth,  Galatia, 
Ephesus,  Philippi,  Colosse,  Thessalonica,  and  the  Hebrews ; 
all  written  by  St.  Paul.  And  the  epistles  of  the  apostle 
Peter  are  directed  to  christians,  residing  in  Pontus,  Galatia, 
Cappadocia,  Asia  and  Bithynia.  And  the  four  gospels,  and 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  afford  evidence,  that  there  were 
numerous  converts  to  the  faith  of  Jesus ;  for  they  were 
written  for  the  use  of  such.  St.  Paul  says,  Rom.  xv.  19, 
that,  "  from  Jerusalem,  and  round  about  unto  lllyricum,  he 
had  fully  preached  the  gospel  of  Christ."  He  reminds  the 
Romans,  i.  18,  "  that  their  faith  was  spoken  of  throughout 
the  whole  world."  To  the  Colossians  he  observes,  "  that 
the  gospel  had  been  preached  to  every  creature  under  hea- 
ven ;"  ch.  i.  2-3,  and  see  ver.  G.  The  prediction  therefore  of 
that  great  event  had  been  accomplished  within  the  limits  of 
the  time  assigned  for  it. 

And  Tacitus^  bears  witness  that  the  christian  religion, 
*  Ann.  1.  15.  cap.  44. 


410  Jewish  Testimonies. 

which  had  its  rise  in  Judea,  had  spread  into  many  parts,  and 
had  reached  Rome  itself,  where  the  professors  of  it  were 
numerous,  and  many  of  them  underwent  g-rievous  torments 
in  the  reign  of  Nero,  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  G4,  and 
afterwards. 

2.  Our  Lord  also  says  to  his  disciples,  in  his  prophetical 
discourses  concerning-  the  coming  calamities  upon  Judea ; 
"  Before  all  these  things  they  will  lay  their  hands  upon 
you  and  persecute  you,  delivering-  you  up  to  the  syna- 
g"ogues,  and   into   prisons,  being  brought  before  kings  and 

rulers  for  my  name's  sake And  some  of  you  shall  they 

cause  to  be  put  to  death.  And  ye  will  be  hated  of  all  men 
for  my  name's  sake,"  Luke  xxi.  12,  and  16,  17.  And  to 
the  like  purpose  in  the  other  evangelists. 

The  full  accomplishment  of  these  things  is  well  known  to 
christians,  from  the  book  of  the  Acts,  and  the  epistles  of 
the  New  Testament.  The  apostles  of  Jesus  met  with  great 
difficulties  in  preaching  the  gospel :  and  the  converts  made 
by  them  were  exposed  to  many  sufferings.  Peter  and 
John,  and  all  the  apostles,  were  brought  before  the  Jewish 
council,  and  were  imprisoned,  and  beaten,  and  further 
threatened  :  Acts  iv.  Stephen,  an  eminent  disciple  and 
evangelist,  suffered  death  by  stoning;  vi.  vii.  Jan)es,  the 
brother  of  John,  was  beheaded  by  King  Agrippa  ;  who  also 
shut  up  Peter  in  prison,  with  intention  to  put  him  to  death 
also:  but  he  was  miraculously  delivered;  ch.  xii.  Paul 
was  kept  in  prison  two  years  in  Judea,  and  afterMards  as 
long-  at  Rome.  He  pleaded  before  Felix  and  Festus,  Ro- 
man governors  in  Judea,  and  King  Agrippa  the  younger, 
as  well  as  before  the  Jewish  council  at  Jerusalem  ;  xxi. 
• — xxviii.  And  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  tliaf  he  was 
brought  before  Nero  himself.  Many  of  his  sufferings  and 
dangers  are  enumerated  in  2  Cor  xi.  23 — 33. 

They  who  received  the  doctrine  taught  by  the  apostles, 
had  also  their  share  of  afflictions  and  trials.  Paul,  whilst 
he  was  their  enemy,  "  made  havoc  of  the  church,  entering 
into  every  house;  and,  haling  men  and  women,  committed 
them  to  prison  :  and  when  they  were  put  to  death  he  gave 

I)is  voice   against  them  : He  punished   them  in   every 

synagogue,  and  persecuted  them  even  into  strange  cities :" 
Acts  viii.  3,  and  xxvi.  10,  11.  And  in  his  epistle  to  the  He- 
brews, he  observes  to  them,  that  "  they  had  endured  a  great 
fight  of  afflictions  :  y)artly  whilst  they  were  made  a  gazing- 
stock,  both  by  reproaches  and  afflictions;  and  partly  whilst 

*  See  that  fully  proved  in  The  Supplement  to  the  Credibility,  &c.  la 
this  Vol.  ch.  xii,  sect.  10. 


JosEPHUS.     Events  preceding  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.  411 

they  became  companions  of  those  who  were  so  used  ;  and 
that  they  had  joyfully  taken  the  spoiling-  of  their  goods  : 
ch.  X.  32 — 34.  And  Agrippa,  before  mentioned,  began 
with  "  laying-  his  hands  u])on  certain  of  the  church  ;"  Acts 
xii.  1.  And  that  the  believers  suffered  afflictions  in  other 
places  beside  Judea,  is  manifest  from  2  Thess.  i.  3 — 6\ 
James  ii.  5 — 7  ;  2  Pet.  iv.  12 — \i).  And  the  Jews  at  Rome, 
whom  Paul  sent  for  to  come  to  him,  say  ;  "  As  concerning 
this  sect,  we  know  that  every  m  here  it  is  spoken  against." 

Tacitus  confirms  the  truth  of  these  predictions  of  our 
Lord.  He  has  given  a  particular  account  of  the  sufferings 
of  many  christians  at  Rome,  before  the  desolations  of  Judea. 
In  the  tenth  year  of  Nero,  the  sixty-fourth  of  our  Lord, 
there  happened  a  great  fire  at  Rome.  JSero  was  suspected 
to  have  set  it  on  fire  himself.  'For''  suppressing  that 
'  common  rumour,  Nero  procured  others  to  be  accused,  and 
'  inflicted  exquisite  punishments  upon  those  people,  who 
*  were  in  abhorrence  for  their  crimes,  and  were  commonly 
'  known  by  the  name  of  Christians.'  And  he  says,  that 
'  they  were  condemned,  not  so  much  for  the  crime  of  burn- 
'  ing-  the  city,  as  for  their  enmity  to  mankind.'  Thus  Ta- 
citus bears  w  itness,  not  only  to  their  undeserved  sufferings, 
but  also  lo  the  reproaches  they  underwent,  agreeably  to 
what  our  blessed  Lord  has  said,  that  "  they  would  be  hated 
of  all  men  for  his  name's  sake."  However,  these  innocent 
sufferers  had  their  supports  :  for  their  unerring-  Master,  all 
whose  words  were  true,  has  said  ;  "  Blessed  are  ye,  when 
men  shall  revile  you  and  persecute  you,  and  shall  say  all 
manner  of  evil  against  you  falsely,  for  my  sake." 

3.  Further,  our  Lord  intimates,  that  before  the  full  accom- 
plishment of  his  predictions  concerning  the  miseries  coming 
upon  the  Jewish  nation,  there  would  be  declensions  of  zeal 
among-  his  own  professed  disciples  and  followers. 

"  And  then  shall  many  be  offended,  and  shall  betray  one 
another— — and  because  iniquity  will  abound,  the  love  of 
many  will  wax  cold;"  Matt.  xxiv.  10,  12,  and  see  Mark 
xiii.  12,  13,  and  Luke  xxi.  16. 

What  is  said  of  this  matter  in  the  gospels  may  be  veri- 
fied from  the  epistles  of  the  New  Testament.  The  whole 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  an  argument  to  stedfastness,  im- 
plying the  great  danger  of  apostasy  from  the  faith,  or  of 
abatements  of  zeal  for  it :  "  Let  us,"  says  he,  "  hold  fast 

"  Ergo  abolendo  rumori  Nero  subdidit  reos,  et  exquisitissimis  poenis  affecit, 

quos,  per  flagilia  invisos,  vulgus  christianos  appellabat Igitiir  prime  cor- 

repti  qui  fatebanlur  j  delude  indicioeorum  multitudo  ingens,  baud  perinde  cri- 
niine  incendii,  quam  odio  humani  generis  convicti  sunt,  &c.     Ann.  15.  c.  44. 


412  Jewish  Testimonies.  ' 

the  profession  of  our  faith  without  wavering And  let  us 

consider  one  another,  to  provoke  unto  love  and  good  works ; 
not  forsaking  the  assembling  of  ourselves  together,  as  the 
manner  of  some  is ;  Heb.  x.  23 — 25 ;  and  onwards  to  ver. 
39.  And  ch.  xii.  12,  "  Wherefore  lift  up  the  hands  which 
hang  down,  and  the  feeble  knees."  In  ch.  vi.  4 — 9,  he 
shows  the  great  guilt,  and  the  deplorable  condition,  of  such 
as  apostatize.  In  his  second  epistle  to  Timothy,  ch.  i.  15 ; 
"  This  thou  knowest,"  says  he,  "  that  all  they  which  are  of 
Asia  [probably  meaning  such  as  were  then  at  Rome]  are 
turned  away  from  me;  of  whom  are  Phygellus  and  Her- 
mogenes."  And  afterwards,  ch.  iv.  16,  he  complains  of 
other  christians  at  Rome  who  deserted  him  when  he  made 
his  appearance  there  before  Nero.  "At  my  first  answer 
[or  apology]  no  man  stood  with  me:  but  all  men  forsook 
me."  And  again,  in  the  same  epistle,  ch.  ii.  17,  he  speaks 
of  Hymeneus  and  Philetus  :  "  who  concerning  the  truth 
have  erred,  saying  that  the  resurrection  is  past  already,  and 
overthrow  the  faith  of  some  :"  and  see  1  Tim.  i.  19,  20.  I 
allege  nothing-  more  from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

Tacitus,  in  his  account  of  Nero's  persecution  of  the 
christians  already  quoted  more  than  once,  does  also  confirm 
the  truth  of  this  prediction  of  our  Lord  :  who  says  that 
'  at  "^  first  they  only  were  apprehended,  who  confessed  them- 
'  selves  to  be  of  that  sect :  afterwards,  many  more  were 
'  taken  up,  whom  they  discovered  to  be  of  their  number.' 

Nor  ought  this  to  be  thought  exceeding  strange,  not- 
withstanding the  perfection  of  the  christian  doctrine,  and 
the  evidences  of  its  truth.  For,  in  a  great  number  of  men, 
it  is  very  likely  that  some  should  be  overcome  by  the  diffi- 
culties and  dangers  attending  the  profession  of  it.  So  says 
the  chief  sower  of  his  heavenly  doctrine:  "some  seed  fell 
in  stony  places.  The  same  is  he  that  heareth  the  word,  and 
anon  with  joy  receiveth  it :  yet  hath  he  not  root  in  himself, 
but  dureth  for  a  while;  for  when  tribulation  or  persecution 
ariseth  because  of  the  word,  by  and  by  he  is  oflTended." 

4.  Our  blessed  Lord  said  that  before  the  great  calamity, 
predicted  by  him,  there  would  be  "famines,  and  pestilences, 
and  earthquakes,  in  divers  places." 

We  know,  from  the  history  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
that  there  was  a  famine  in  Judea  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Claudius;  ch.  xi.  25 — 30.  It  was  not  an  accidental  scarcity 
at  Jerusalem  only,  but  it  was  a  famine  all  over  that  country. 
It  began  in  the  fourth  year  of  that  emperor,  and  lasted  se- 

"  Igitur  primo  correpti,  qui  fatebantur ;  deinde  indicio  eoruin  multitudo 
ingens,  &c.     Ann.  15.c.  44. 


JosEPHUs.     Famines  in  divers  Places.  413 

veral  years.  We  have  a  particular  account  of  it  in  '^  Jo- 
seplius.  He  also  says  it  was  a  very  severe  •"  famine.  And 
in  another  place  '  he  mentions  the  high  price  of  corn  at  that 
season ;  anil  says  that  this  famine  happened  in  the  reig-n  of 
Claudius,  not  long  before  the  war. 

That  famine  is  also  taken  notice  of  by  Eusebius  in  s  his 
Chronicle,  and  ''  in  his  History,  and  by  '  Orosius. 

There  was  also  a  famine  at  Rome,  and  in  Italy,  mention- 
ed''  by  Dion  Cassius,  which  began  in  the  first  year  of 
Claudius,  and  continued  in  the  next  year. 

There  was  another  famine  in  the  same  reign,  mentioned' 
by  Tacitus  and '^  Eusebius;  M'hich  seems  to  have  been 
chietly   in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  year  of  that  emperor. 

To  all  these"  Suetonius  seems  to  refer,  though  he  does 
not  mention  the  years  in  which  they  happened. 

Concerning  the  famines  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor 
Claudius,  some"  modern  historians  and  chronologers  might 
be  consulted. 

Our  Lord  speaks  also  of  "  pestilences."  IJy  Josephus 
we  are  informed  that,  about  the  year  of  Christ  40,  there 
was?  a  pestilence  at  Babylon,  in  which  the  Jews  suffered. 

In  the  1  sixty-fifth  year  of  the  christian  sera  there  was  a 
great  mortality  at  Rome.  At  the  same  time  there  w^ere 
other  calamities  in  divers  parts  of  the  Roman  empire, 
as  we  learn  from  ■■  Tacitus  and  ^  Suetonius,  as  well  as  from 
*  Orosius,  who  might  transcribe  from  them. 

^  Ant.  1.  20.  ii.  6.  ^  Etti  tbtoiq  St)  km  ficyavXifiov  Kara 

Ttiv  IsSaiav  <Tvvtj3r]  yEVfaOai.     lb.  cap.  v.  2. 

8  HT]V  aWa  Kai  rs  Se  Ts  iroKifis  fxiKpov  tuirpoadiv,  KXau^ts  'Pw/iaiwv 

aoxovTOQ,  Kai  Xi/ioy   tj/v  x'^pav  t'ljiuv   KUTaXafiovToq,  wg  TtcTffapujv  ^paj^/iwv 
TToXiiaOai  TOP  aaaapuva-     Ant.  1.  3.  XV,  3. 

e  Chr.  p.  160.  "  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  xii. 

'  Or.  1.  7.  cap.  6.  ^  Dio.  1.  60.  p.  671.  al.  S49. 

'  Frugum  quoque  egestas,  et  orta  ex  eo  fames,  in  prodigium  accipiebatur. 
Tac.  Ann.  1.  12.  c.  43.  ■"  Fames  facta  in  Graecia.     Modius  sex 

drachmis  venundatus  est Magna  fames  Romae.     Chr.  p.  160.  infr.  ra. 

"  Arctiore  autem  annona  propter  assiduas  sterilitates,  &c.  Suet.  Claud,  c, 
18.     Vid.  et  cap.  19,  et  20. 

"  Vid.  Pagi,  A.  D.  72.  n.  vii.  Reimari  Annot.  ad  Dion.  Cass.  p.  948. 
See  also  Credib.  P.  i.  B.  i.  ch.  x. 

P (pQoQa  ev  Ba/SuXwj/i  iyevcro  avruv.     Ant.  1.  18.  ix.  8. 

•i  Vid.  Pagi,  A.  D.  67.  n.  iii. 

'  Tot  facinoribus  foedum  annum  etiam  Dii  terapestatibus  et  morbis  insigna- 
vere.  Vastata  Campania  turbine  ventorum,  qui  villas,  arbusta,  fruges  passim 
disjecit,  pertulitque  violentiam  ad  vicina  urbi ;  in  qua  omne  mortalium  genus 
vis  pestiientiae  depopulabatur,  nulla  coeli  intemperie,  quae  occurreret  oculis. 
Sed  domus  corporibus  exanimis,  itinera  funeribus  complebantur.  Non  sexus, 
non  aetas  periculo  vacua.  Servitia  perinde  ac  ingenua  plebes  raptira  exstingui, 
inter  conjugum  et  liberorum  lamenta ;  qui  dum  assident,  dum  deflent,  saepe 


414  Jewish  Testimonies. 

-and  "  earthquakes." 


Tacitus  "  speaks  of  an  earthquake  at  Rome  in  the  time 
of  Claudius,  and  of  another^  at  Apamea  in  the  same  reign. 

In  the  reign  of  Nero  there  was  an  earthquake  at  Laodi- 
cea,  mentioned  by  "*  Tacitus;  and  likewise  by  ^  Eusebius 
in  his  Chronicle  ;  who  says  that  in  Asia  three  cities,  name- 
ly, Laodicea,  Hierapolis,  and  Colosse,  were  overturned  by 
an  earthquake.  And  in  like  manner  y  Orosius.  Possibly 
the  earthquake,  which  was  most  violent  at  Laodicea,  was 
felt  in  the  other  cities  likewise. 

In  the  same  reign  there  was  an  earthquake  in  Campania 
mentioned  by  ^  Tacitus  and  ^  Seneca.  By  the  former  it 
seems  to  be  placed  in  the  year  of  Christ,  62,  by  the  latter  in 
the  year  63.  And  there  may  have  been  other  earthquakes 
in  the  time  of  the  just-mentioned  emperors. 

5.  Our  Lord  foretells  "  wars  and  commotions"  preceding 
the  final  ruin:  Matt.  xxiv.  6;  Mark  xiii.  7;  Luke  xxi.  9. 

Josephus^  has  a  long  story  of  a  disturbance  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, occasioned  by  the  ambition  and   indiscretion  of  two 

eodera  rogo  cremabantuv.  Equitum,  senatorumque  interitus,  quamvis  pro- 
miscui,  minus  flebiles  erant,  tanquam  communi  mortalitate  saevitiam  priacipis 
prffivenirent.     Tacit.  Ann.  16.  cap.  13. 

'  Accessenmt  tantis  ex  principe  mails,  probrisque,  qusedam  et  fortuita : 
pestilentia  uniiis  autumni,  quo  triginta  funerum  millia  in  rationem  Libitinae 
venerunt ;  clades  Bnttannica,  qua  duo  praecipua  oppida,  magna  civium  socio- 
rumque  csede  direpta  sunt :  ignominia  ad  Orientem,  legionibus  in  Armenia 
sub  jugum  missis,  aegreque  Syria  retenta.     Sueton.  Nero.  cap.  39. 

'  Oros.  1.  7.  c.  7.  "  Multa  eo  anno  prodigia  evenere.     In- 

sessum  diris  avibus  Capitolium  ;  crebris  terrae  motibus  prorutae  domus.  Ann. 
12.  cap.  43.  '  Tributumque  Apamiensibus,  terrae  motu  con- 

vulsis,  id  quinquennium  remissum.     Id.  1.  12.  c.58. 

*  Eodem  anno  ex  illustribus  Asias  urbibus  Laodicea,  tremore  prolapsa, 
nullo  a  nobis  remedio,  propriis  viribus  revaluit.     lb.  1.  14.  c.  27. 

*  In  Asia  tres  urbes  terrae  motu  conciderunt.  Laodicea,  Hierapolis,  Colos- 
sae.     Ens.  Chr.  p.  161. 

y  Oros.  1.  7.  cap.  7. 

^  lisdemque  Consulibus  gymnasium  ictu  fulminis  conflagravit,  effigiesque 
in  eo  Neronis  ad  informe  aes  liquefacta.  Et  motu  terrae  celebre  Campaniae 
oppidum  Pompeii  magna  ex  parte  proruit.     Ann.  1.  15.  c.  22. 

»  Pompeios,  celebrem  Campaniae  urbem desedisse  terrae  motu,  vexatis 

quacumque  adjacentibus  regionibus,  Lucili  virorum  optime,  audivimus  :  et 
quidem  diebus  hibernis,  quos  vacare  a  tali  perlculo  majores  nostri  solebant 
promittere.  Nonis  Febr.  fuit  motus  hie,  Regulo  et  Virginio  Consulibus,  qui 
Campaniam  nunquam  securam  hujus  mali,  indemnem  tamen,  et  toties  de- 
functam  metu,  magna  strage  vastavit.  Nam  et  Herculanensis  oppidi  pars 
ruit,  dubieque  stant  etiam  quae  relicta  sunt.  Et  Nucirinorum  colonia,  ut 
sine  clade,  ita  non  sine  querela  est.  Neapolis  quoque  privatim  multa,  publice 
nihil  amisit,  leviter  ingenti  malo  perstricta.  Villse  vero  praeaiptae  passim  sine 
injuria  tremuere.  Adjiciunt  his  sexcentarum  ovium  gregem  exanimatum,  et 
divisas  statuas,  &c.     Sen.  Not.  Qu.  1.  6.  c.  1. 

•»  Antiq.  1.  18.  cap.  ix. 


JosEPHUS.      Wars  and  Commotiotis.  415 

Jews,  who  Mere  brothers.  It  seems  to  have  happened  •" 
about  the  year  of  Christ  40.  Josephus  says  if^  was  not 
inferior  to  any  cahnnity  which  the  Jews  had  suffered 
hitlierto ;  and  that  it*"  occasioned  the  death  of  more  than 
fifty  thousand  people. 

When  Cuspius  Fadus  came  procurator  into  Judea,  in 
the  reign  of  Claudius,  in  the  year  of  Christ  44  or  45,  as  ^ 
Josephus  says,  '  he  found  the  Jews  in  Perea  in  a  riot  fig-ht- 
ing-  with  the  Philadelphians  about  the  limits  of  the  village 
Mia.  And  indeed  the  people  of  Per^a  had  taken  up  arms 
without  the  consent  of  their  chief  men,  and  had  killed  a 
good  number  of  the  Philadelphians.  When  Fadus  heard 
of  it,  he  was  much  displeased  that  they  had  taken  up  arms, 
and  had  not  left  the  decision  of  the  dispute  to  him,  if  they 
thought  the  Philadelphians  had  done  them  any  injury. 
Three  of  the  principal  men,  who  >vere  the  causes  of  the  se- 
dition, were  apprehended  and  put  in  prison,  one  of  whom 
was  afterwards  put  to  death,  and  the  two  others  banished.' 

Afterwards,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  49,  whilst  Cumanus 
was  procurator  of  Judea,  there  ^  happened  a  tumult  at  Je- 
rusalem at  the  time  of  Passover.  The  number  of  Jews 
that  perished  in  it  was  not  less  than  twenty  thousand,  as  it 
is  in  his  Antiquities;  but  in  the  Jewish  War  the  number  is 
no  more  than  ten  thousand. 

Whilst  Cumanus  was  yet  in  Judea  there  •'  happened  a 
disturbance  between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans,  in  which 
many  were  killed  on  both  sides. 

Josephus  also  says  that '  under  Cumanus  the  troubles  of 
the  Jewish  people  began,  and  that  in  his  time  they  suffered 
very  much. 

These  disturbances  went  on  increasing.  At  Ccesarea 
there  had  long  been  contentions  between  the  Jewish  people 
and  the  other  inhabitants.  '  And,'  as ''  Josephus  says,  '  in 
one  hour's  time  more  than  twenty  thousand  Jews  were  de- 

<=  Vid.  Usser.  A.  P.  J.  4753.  p.  864.  Basnag.  ami.  40.  n.  xiii.  Tillem- 
Ruine  des  Juifs.  art.  xxviii. 

**  Yivi-ni  St  Kai  irepi  thq  iv  ry  MfuoTTorajui^  icai  naKi^a  rrjv  BafSvXwva 
oiKHVTUQ  IsSaiBQ  avfitpopa  Siivt],  Kca  HStfiiaQ  ?;g  tivhq  iXaffcrwv,  (povog  re  avruv 
■n'oXvg,  Kai  OTrocroe  sx  iropti[ievog  Trportpov.     lb.  sect  1. 

«  lb.  sect.  9.  f  Ant.  1.  20.  cap.  i.  1 . 

8  Antiq.  1.  20.  c.  v.  3.  De  B.  J.  1.2.  c.  xii.  1. 

'■  Antiq.  1.  20.  vi.  1.  De  B.  J.  1.  2.*  xii.  3. 

'   £^'  ov  6opv(5oi  Ti  t]p^avTO,  Kai  <pGopa  iraXiv  laSaiwv  lytviro.     De 

B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  xii.  1. 

^  Ti]q  Se  avTTjg  rifiipag  Kai  wpac,  wairep  ek  daifiovm  irpovoiag,  avypav  oi 
KatnapeiQ  thq  Trap'  avTHQ  ludamg  wg  vtto  fxiav  wpav  a'iro<J(payi]vai  fitv  vTnp 
Siafivping,  KtvuiOrjvai  St  vaffav  twv  IsSaiuv  Kaiaaptiav.  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  cap. 
xviii.  1. 


416  Jewish  Testimonies. 

stroyed,  and  all  Csesarea  was  at  once  emptied  of  its  Jew- 
ish inhabitants.  Some  fled,  whom  Florus  caught,  and  sent 
them  bound  to  the  gallies:  at  which  the  whole  nation  was 
enraged.  They  therefore  divided  themselves  into  several 
parties,  and  laid  waste  the  villages  of  the  Syrians,  and 
their  neighbouring  cities  Philadelphia,  Sebonitis,  Gerasa, 
Pel  la,  and   Scythopolis:  and  after  them   Gadara  and  Hip- 

f»os :  and  falling  upon  Gaulanitis,  some  cities  they  demo- 
ished  there,  others  they  set  on  fire.  Then  they  went  to 
Kedessa,  belonging  to  the  Syrians,  and  to  Ptolemais,  and 
Gaba,  and  Csesarea.  Nor  Avas  Sebaste  or  Ascalon  able 
to  withstand  the  violence  with  which  they  Mere  attack- 
ed. When  they  had  burnt  these  to  the  ground,  they  de- 
molished Anthedon  and  Gaza.  Many  also  of  the  villages 
round  about  these  cities  were  plundered  ;  and  an  immense 
slaushter  Avas  made  of  the  men  found  in  them.' 

'  The  •  Syrians  destroyed  not  a  less  number  of  the  Jews  : 
so  that  the  disorders  all  over  Syria  were  terrible.  For 
every  city  was  divided  into  parties  armed  against  each 
other;  and  the  safety  of  the  one  depended  upon  the  de- 
struction of  the  other.  The  days  were  spent  in  slaughter, 
and  the  nights  in  terrors,  which  were  the  worst  of  the  two. 
It  was  common  to  see  cities  filled  with  dead  bodies,  lying 
unburied,  those  of  old  men  mixed  with  infants,  all  dead  and 
scattered  about  promiscuously,  and  women  without  covering 
for  their  nakedness.' 

'Af"  Scythopolis  the  contention  was  carried  so  far,  that 
above  thirteen  thousand  Jews  were  killed.' 

'  After  that,"  other  cities  also  rose  up  against  the  Jcavs 
that  were  among  them.  They  of  Ascalon  slew  two  thousand 
and  five  hundred  ;  they  of  Ptolemais  two  thousand,  and  put 
many  others  into  prison.  The  Tyrians  acted  in  the  likemanner; 
as  did  also  Hippos  and  Gadara  and  divers  other  cities  of  Syria.' 

'  At°  Alexandria  fifty  thousand  lay  dead  in  heaps:  nor 
would  the  remainder  have  been  spared  if  they  had  not  pe- 
titioned for  mercy.' 

Not  long  after  that,  the  p  men  of  Damascus  having  got 
(he  Jewish  inhabitants  into  the  place  of  exercise,  ev  tw 
r/vfivaffiw,  they  came  upon  them  unarmed,  and  slew  ten 
thousand  in  an  hour's  time. 

These  are  what  our  Lord  calls  "the  beginning  of  sor- 
rows," when  there  were  "  wars  and  rumours  of  wars,  one 
people  and  nation  rising  up  against  another.  The  end  was 
not  yet."     Jerusalem  was  not  yet  besieged,  nor  the  people 

'  Ibid.  sect.  2.  ""  lb.  sect.  3.  "  lb.  sect.  5. 

"  Ibid.  sect.  7,  8.  ■•  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  xx.  sect.  2. 


JosEPHUS.     Tlie  Occasion  of  the  War.  417 

ill  it  shut  up  for  universal  destruction.  But  that  period 
was  nigh.  See  Matt.  xxiv.  6 — 8  ;  Mark  xiii.  7,  8  ;  Luke 
xxi.  9,  10. 

VII.  And  now  I  think  it  may  not  be  improper  for  us  to 
take  notice  of  Josephus's  accounts  of  the  occasion  of  the 
war. 

Giving"  an  accoimt  of  the  contentions  of  the  Jews  and 
Greeks,  or  Syrians,  at  Coesarea,  where  the  latter  obtained  a 
decree  from  Nero  that  the  government  of  the  city  belonged 
to  them,  he  says  :  '  And  this ''  occasioned  the  war  which 
began  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero.'  Soon  after  which  the 
Jews  at  Csesarea  were  treated  very  contemptuously  and  in- 
juriously, till  they  were  all  destroyed,  as  he  there  proceeds 
to  relate  ;  and  we  have  already  in  part  transcribed  from  him. 

In  the  last  chapter  of  the  Jewish  Antiquities  he  complains 
much  of  Albinus,  and  still  more  of  Florus,  who  succeeded 
him,  and  exceeded  him  in  avarice  and  cruelty:  insomuch, 
that  the  Jews  were  ready  to  consider  Albinus  as  a  benefictor. 
'  Finally,' "^  says  he,  '  without  adding  any  thing  more,  it  was 
Florus  who  compelled  us  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Ro- 
jnans,  thinking  it  better  to  be  destroyed  all  at  once  than  by 
little  and  little.' 

In  his  own  life  he  says:  '  P  have  mentioned  all  these 
things  to  show  that  the  Jews'  war  with  the  Romans  was 
not  their  own  choice,  but  rather  that  they  were  compelled 
by  necessity.' 

In  another  place  he  says :  '  And  '  at  the  temple  Eleazar, 
son  of  Ananias  the  high-priest,  a  young  man  of  a  daring- 
temper,  and  then  governor,  persuaded  those  who  officiated  in 
the  divine  service  not  to  accept  of  the  gift  or  sacrifice  of  a 
foreigner.  That  was  the  origin  of  the  war  with  the  Romans : 
for  thus  they  rejected  the  sacrifice  of  Caesar  for  them.' 
[That  is,  as  I  apprehend,  they  refused  to  offer  prayers  and 
sacrifices,  as  subjects  ought  to  do,  for  the  emperor,  and  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  Roman  empire.]  '  And  though  many 
of  the  high-priests,  and  of  the  principal  men  of  the  nation, 

'^  Ev  St  Tnr(^  Kai  o\  Kaiaapewv  'EXXjjvfC  viKjjffavrtf  -rrapct  "Septovi  njr 
TToXtuQ  apxi^'  T""  '■'?£  KpiatwQ  iKo^iaav  ypafifiura.  VLai  vrpoaiXan^avt  rrjv 
apxriv  6  iroXcftog  SwdeKaT(i)  /''''  """  '''?C  Ncpwvoc  vyifioviaQ.  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c. 
XIV.  4.  ■■   Kai  Ti  hi  nXeidt  Xtyeiv  ;  Tov  yap  irpog  'Poi/iatsf 

TToXf/iov  6  KaravayKaaag  rj/iag  apaaQai,  ^Xwpog  r)v,  Kpiirrov  tjyufitvag  aGposg,  t) 
tear  oXiyov  anoXiadai.     Antiq.  1.  20.  xi.  1. 

^  on  8  npoaiptffii  lyiviTO  ra  TroXt/is  jrpoc  'y^fiame  IsSaioiCt  aXXa    ro 

TrXeov  avay<i].     Vit.  sect.  6. 

' avaTrnOu  firjCivoi  aXXo^i^X«  Swpov  i]  Gvmav  TrpoaSixeaQat.     Tsro  St 

tjv  TH  npoQ  'Vwiiaiag  ttoXihh  xrara/SoXr;.  Trjv  yap  vnip  rerojv  Ovcnav  Kaiuapnr 
aTTippiipav.     De  B.  1.  2.  xvii.  2. 

VOL.    VI.  2    E 


418  Jeivish  Testimonies, 

earnestly  entreated  them  not  to  omit  the  cnstomary  respect 
for  their  governors,  they  could  not    prevail.' 

Afterwards,  near  the  conclusion  of  his  History  of  the  Jew- 
ish War,  when  the  city  was  actually  taken,  he  says  :  '  But  " 
that  which  principally  encourag-ed  them  to  the  Avar,  was 
an  ambiguous  oracle,  found  also  in  their  sacred  writings, 
that  about  this  time  some  one  from  their  country  should  ob- 
tain the  empire  of  the  world.  This  they  understood  to  be- 
long to  themselves;  and  many  of  the  wise  men  were  mis- 
taken in  their  judgment  about  it :  for  the  oracle  intended 
the  government  of  Vespasian,  who  was  proclaimed  emperor 
in  Judea.' 

Tiiat  is  a  very  remarkable  passage :  some  farther  notice 
shall  1/0  taken  of  it  by  and  by. 

That  the  Jewish  people  were  uneasy  under  subjection  to 
the  Romans,  even  in  our  Saviour's  time,  long  before  the 
war  broke  out,  appears  from  many  things  recorded  in  the 
gospels:  as  their  great  aversion  to  the  publicans,  though 
Jews,  who  were  employed  in  collecting  the  Roman  tribute  ; 
from  the  question  brought  to  our  Saviour  "  whether  it  was 
lawful  to  give  tribute  to  Ceesar  or  not :"  Matt.  xxii.  15 — 22 ; 
]\Iark  xiii.  13 — 17;  Luke  xx.  19 — 26;  from  the  attempt 
of  some  who  followed  our  Lord  for  a  time  to  make  him  a 
king:  John  vi.  15:  from  their  frequent  and  importunate 
demands  that  he  would  "  show  them  a  sign  from  heaven',' 
meaning-  some  token  that  he  intended  to  work  out  for  them 
a  temporal  deliverance,  "  that  they  might  believe  in  him," 
and  have  full  assurance  of  his  being-  the  Christ :  Matt.  xii. 
38  ;  xvi.  1 — 4 ;  and  elsewhere  :  and  from  divers  other 
things,  which  must  be  obvious  to  all  who  have  read  the 
gospels  with  attention. 

This  uneasiness  under  the  Roman  yoke  continued  and 
increased.  Observable  here  is  the  answer  which  was  made 
by  Titus,  after  the  temple  was  burnt,  to  the  petition  of  Si- 
mon and  John,  the  two  great  leaders  of  the  factions  in  Je- 
rusalem :  'You"  have  never  ceased  rebelling  since  Pom- 
'  pey  first  made  a  conquest  of  your  country  :  and  at  length 
'  you  have  declared  open  Avar  against  the  Romans. — Our 
'  kindness  to  you  has  encouraged  your  enmity  against  us  ; 
'  who  have  let  you  live  in  your  country  in  peace  and  quiet- 
'  ncss.  In  the  first  place  we  gave  you  your  own  country  to 
'  live  in,  and  set  over  you  kings  of  your  own  nation  ;  and  far- 
'  ther,  we  preserved  to  you  your  own  laws  :  and  withal  we 
'  have  permitted  you  to  live  cither  by  yourselves,  or  among 
'  others,  as  you  liked  best.  And,  which  is  the  greatest  favour 

"  De  B.  J.  1. 6.  cap.  v.  4.  '  De  B.  1.  6.  cap.  vi.  2. 


JosEPHUS.      Tlu;  Occasion  of  the  JVar.  419 

'  of  all,  we  have  given  you  leave  to  gather  up  that  tribute 
'  which  you  pay  to  God,  together  with  all  such  other  gifts 
'  as  are  dedicated  to  him.  Nor  have  we  called  those  to  ac- 
'  count  who  carried  such  donations,  nor  given  them  any 
'  obstruction  :  till  at  length  you  became  richer  than  our- 
'  selves,  even  when  you  were  our  enemies,  and  you  have 
'  made  preparations  for  the  war  against  us  with  our  own 
'  money.' 

There  are  other  things  likewise  in  Josephus,  which  de- 
serve to  be  taken  notice  of  in  this  place,  (iiving  an  account 
of  the  assessment  made  in  Judea  after  the  removal  of 
Archelaus,  he  says :  '  At "  the  persuasion  of  Joazar  the 
high-priest,  the  Jews  did  generally  acquiesce.  However, 
Judas  the  Gaulanite,  of  the  town  called  Gamala,  associating" 
to  himself  Sadduc  a  pharisee,  excited  the  people  to  rebel- 
lion, telling  them  that  an  assessment  would  bring  in  down- 
right slavery,  and  exhorting  the  whole  nation  to  assert  their 
liberty.  The  whole  nation  heard  their  discourses  with  in- 
credible pleasure.  And  it  is  impossible  to  represent  the 
evils  the  nation  has  suffered,  which  were  owing"  to  these 
men  :  for  Judas  and  Sadduc  brought  in  among"  us  this 
fourth  sect :  and  there  being-  many  Mho  embraced  their  sen- 
timents, they  not  only  caused  disturbances  in  the  govern- 
ment at  that  time,  but  laid  the  foundation  of  those  evils 
which  followed  :  which  indeed  are  owing  to  this  principle, 
till  then  unknown  among  us.' 

He  then  delivers  the  character  and  principles  of  the 
three  chief  and  more  ancient  sects  of  the  Jews,  as  he  calls 
them :  and  after  that  returns  again  to  the  men  of  whom  he 
had  been  speaking  before.  '  Judas"  the  Galilean  was  the 
leader  of  the  fourth  sect.  In  all  other  points  they  hold  the 
same  sentiments  with  the  pharisees:  but  they  have  an  in- 
vincible affection  for  liberty,  and  acknowledge  God  alone 
their  Lord  and  Governor.  From  that  time  the  nation  became 
infected  with  this  principle:  and  Florus,  by  abusing  his 
power  when  he  was  governor,  threw  them  into  despair,  and 
provoked  them  to  rebel  against  the  Romans.' 

Those  two  passages  Mere  cited  by  y  me  formerly  ;  and 
divers  observations  were  made  upon  them,  which  still  ap- 
pear to  me  not  impertinent.  But  I  am  unwilling  to  re- 
peat them  here :  and  I  think  that,  in  the  connection  in  which 
they  are  now  cited  by  nte,  it  must  be  apparent  from  them, 
without  farther  remarks,  that  the  nation  in  general  was  in- 
fected with  the  doctrine  of  Judas  of  Galilee.     They  had  an 

"  Antiq.  1.  18.  c.  i.  sect.  1.  "  Ibid,  sect,  6. 

y  Vol.  i.  p.  228,  &c. 

2  E  2 


420  Jewish  Testimonies. 

invincible  zeal  for  liberty,  scorned  subjection  to  the  Ro- 
mans, their  masters,  and  took  up  arms  against  them.  As 
Capellus  says,  'Florus,  ^  by  his  exactions,  forced  them 
'  against  their  consent,  or  rather  drove  them  who  were  al- 
'  ready  disposed  to  it,  and  wanted  no  incitement  to  rebel 
'  ag-ainst  the  Romans.' 

1  would  now  take  farther  notice  of  the  passage  above 
cited,  wherein  our  Jewish  historian  says,  '  what  principally 
encouraged  them  to  the  war  was  an  ambiguous  oracle 
found  in  their  sacred  writings,  that  about  that  time  some 
one  from  their  own  country  should  obtain  the  empire  of 
the  world.' 

The  truth  and  importance  of  that  observation,  as  I  appre- 
hend, may  be  confirmed  and  illustrated  by  the  accounts 
which  Josephus  has  given  of  numerous  impostors  or  false 
prophets,  which  arose  among-  them  about  this  time,  agree- 
able to  our  Lord's  predictions,  as  I  shall  now  show. 

'  Whilst''  Fadus  was  procurator  of  Judea,  a  certain  im- 
postor, called  ^  Theudas,  persuaded  a  very  great  multitude, 
taking-  their  effects  with  them,  to  follow  him  to  the  river 
Jordan  :  assuring-  them  that  he  was  a  prophet,  and  that, 
causing-  the  river  to  divide  at  his  command,  he  would  give 
them  an  easy  passage  over:  by  such  speeches  he  deceived 
njany.  But  Fadus  was  far  from  suffering"  them  to  go  on  in 
their  madness ;  for  he  sent  out  a  troop  of  horse,  who,  com- 
ing upon  them  unexpectedly,  slew  many,  and  took  many 
prisoner.  Theudas  himself  was  among  the  last  mentioned. 
They  cut  off  his  head  and  brought  it  to  Jerusalem.  These 
things  happened  in  Judea  whilst  Cuspius  Fadus  was  pro- 
curator.' 

Fadus  was  sent  into  Judea  by  the  emperor  Claudius, 
after  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa.  This  affair  of  Theudas 
therefore  must  be  rightly  placed  in  the  year  of  Christ 
45  or  46. 

That  is  transcribed  from  the  twentieth  and  last  book  of 
the  Antiquities.  In  the  same  book  afterwards,  in  another 
chapter,  in  the  history  of  transactions  in  the  time  of  Nero, 
Josephus  says  ;  '  Buf^  affairs  in  Judea  went  on  continually 
growing  worse  and  worse.  The  country  was  again  filled 
with  robbers  and  impostors,  who  deceived  the  people;  but 
Felix  time  after  time  apprehended  and  put  to  death  many  of 

'■  Florus,  pessimus  homo,  qui  modis  omnibus  Judaeos  cum  vexaretet  oppri- 
meret,  cogit  vel  invitos,  aut  potius  ultro  ruentes  impulit,  adversus  Romanes 
rcbellare.     L.  Capp.  Hist.  Jud.  p.  121.  *  Ant.  1.  20.  cap.  v.  1. 

''  That  Theudas  is  different  from  him  mentioned  by  GamaUel,  Acts  v.  36, 
as  was  shown  formerly,  Vol.  i.  B.  ii.  ch.  vii.  *  Antiq.  1.  20.  cap.  viii.  5. 


JoSEPHUS.     False  Pruphels  and  false  Chrisls.  421 

tlieiii.'  A  little  lower :  'And  '^  indeed,  by  means  of  the 
crimes  committed  by  the  robbers,  the  city  was  tilled  with  all 
sorts  of  impiety  :  and  impostors  and  deceivers  persuaded 
the  people  to  follow  them  into  the  wilderness ;  where,  as 
they  said,  they  should  see  manifest  wonders  and  signs  per- 
formed by  the  prov  idence  of  God.  And  many  hearkening- 
unto  them,  at  length  suffered  the  punishment  of  their  folly  : 
for  Felix  fetched  them  back  and  punished  them.  About 
the  same  time  there  came  a  man  out  of  Egypt  to  Jerusa- 
lem, who  said  he  was  a  prophet  :  and  having  persuaded 
a  good  number  of  the  meaner  sort  of  people  to  follow  him 
to  the  mount  of  Olives,  he  told  them  that  thence  they 
should  see  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  fall  down  at  his  command, 
and  promised  through  them  to  give  them  entrance  into  the 
city.  But  Felix  being  informed  of  these  things,  ordered 
his  soldiers  to  their  arms;  and,  marching-  out  of  Jerusalem 
with  a  large  body  of  horse  and  foot,  he  fell  upon  the 
Egyptian,  and  killed  four  hundred  of  them,  and  took  two 
hundred  prisoners  :  but  the  Egyptian,  getting  out  of  the 
fight,  escaped.' 

This  same  story  is  also  in  The  War,  with  some  differ- 
ences in  the  numbers,  which  were  considered  *  formerly. 

There  the  account  concludes  in  this  manner :  '  When  "^ 
they  came  to  engage,  the  Egyptian  fled,  followed  by  a  i'ew 
only.  A  large  part  of  those  who  were  with  him  were 
either  slain  or  taken  prisoners.  The  rest  of  the  multi- 
tude, being  scattered,  shifted  for  themselves  as  they  could.' 

This  is  supposed  to  have  happened  in  the  year  of  Christ  55. 

In  The  War,  in  the  paragraph  preceding  his  account  of 
the  Egyptian  impostor,  having  just  before  related  how 
Judea  then  abounded  with  robbers,  called  Sicarii,  he  says  : 
'  Beside  s  them,  there  was  another  body  of  wicked  men, 
whose  hands  indeed  were  cleaner,  but  their  intentions  were 
as  impious;  who  disturbed  the  happy  state  of  the  city  no 
less  than  those  murderers.  For  deceivers  and  impostors, 
under  a  pretence  of  divine  inspiration,  aiming  at  changes 
and  innovations,  made  the  people  mad  :  and  induced  them 
to  follow  them  into  the  wilderness,  pretending  that  God 
would  there  give  them  signs  and  wonders.  Felix  judging 
these  proceedings  to  be  no  less  than  the  beginning  of  a  re- 
volt, sent  out  his  soldiers,  both  horse  and  foot,  and  destroyed 
great  numbers  of  them.' 

In  the  fore-cited  chapter  of  the  twentieth  book  of  the 
Antiquities,  speaking  of  the  robbers   in  the  time  of  Por- 

*  lb.  sect.  6.  *  Vol.  i.  ch.  viii. 

'  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  xiii.  5.  e  lb.  sect.  4. 


422  Jewish  Testimonies. 

cius  Festiis,  about  the  year  of  Christ  GO,  he  says  that  '  he*' 
also  sent  out  both  horse  and  foot  to  fall  upon  those  who 
had  been  seduced  by  a  certain  impostor,  who  had  promised 
them  deliverance  and  freedom  from  the  miseries  under 
which  they  laboured,  if  they  would  but  follow  him  into  the 
wilderness.  The  forces  destroyed  him  that  had  deceived 
them,  and  those  that  followed  him.' 

Josephus  speaks  of  six  thousand  who  perished  in  the 
outer  courts  of  the  temple  after  it  had  been  set  on  fire. 
'  The'  soldiers,'  says  he,  '  set  fire  to  the  portico  ;  whereupon 
some  threw  themselves  headlong"  down  the  precipice,  others 
perished  in  the  fiames  :  and  not  one  out  of  so  great  a  num- 
ber escaped.  A  false  prophet  was  the  occasion  of  the  ruin 
of  those  people,  who  on  that  very  day  had  made  proclama- 
tion in  the  city,  assuring'  them  that  God  commanded  them 
to  go  up  to  the  temple,  where  they  would  receive  signs  of 
deliverance.  And  indeed  there  were  then  many  prophets 
suborned  by  the  tyrants  to  impose  upon  the  people,  and  tell- 
ing- them  that  they  ought  to  wait  for  help  from  God.' 

And  presently  after,  proceeding  to  relate  the  omens  and 
prodigies  fores ignifying  the  calamities  coming-  upon  the 
Jewish  people,  and  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  which  shall  be 
recited  by  and  by,  he  says:  '  Impostors,''  who  spake  lies 
in  the  name  of  God,  deceived  this  miserable  people.  They 
neither  attended  to,  nor  believed,  the  manifest  signs  fore- 
signifying  the  coming  desolation  :  but  like  infatuated  men 
who  have  neither  eyes  to  see,  nor  minds  to  perceive,  they 
neglected  the  divine  denunciations.' 

So  truly  did  our  Lord  say  :  "  I  am  come  in  my  Father's 
name,  and  ye  receive  me  not.  If  another  shall  come  in  his 
own  name,  him  ye  will  receive  :"  John  v.  43. 

Our  blessed  Lord  says,  Matt.  xxiv.  24,  "  For  there  will 
arise  false  christs,  and  false  prophets,  and  will  show  great 
signs  and  wonders,  insomuch  that  (if  it  were  possible)  they 
will  deceive  the  very  elect."  But  our  Lord  does  not  intend 
to  say  that  any  of  those  false  prophets  would  exhibitor  per- 
form great  wonders.  The  original  word  is  cwaaai,  they  will 
give:  the  same  word  that  is  in  the  Septuagint  version  of 
Deut.  xiii.  1,  "If  there  arise  among-  you  a  prophet,  or  a 
dreamer  of  dreams,  and  he  giveth  thee  a  signi,  or  a  wonder  ; 
Kai  cw  aoi  arjfieiov  rj  repas,  that  is,  shall  propose,  or  promise, 
some  sign  or  wonder,  as  the  sequel  shows.  Parallel  with 
the  text  just  cited  from  St.  Matthew  is  Mark  xiii.  22,  "  For 
false  christs  and  false  prophets  will   arise,  and  will  show 

''  Ant.  1.  20.  cap.  viii.  sect.  10.  '  De  B.  J.  1.  6.  cap.  v.  sect.  2. 

"  Ibid.  sect.  3. 


JosEPiius.      False  Prophets  and  false  Christs.  423 

signs  and  wonders,"  the  same  word  again,  *rat  Iwatiai  arj^uia 
nat  Tepaia,  "  in  Order  to  seduce,  if  it  were  possible,  even  the 
elect." 

The  accounts  which  Josephus  has  given  of  the  impostors 
in  his  time,  show  the  exact  accomplishment  of  these  predic- 
tions of  our  Lord  :  "  They  persuaded  the  people  to  follow 
them  into  the  wilderness,  where,  as  they  said,  they  would 
see  manifest  signs  and  woiulers,  performed  by  the  power  of 
God  :"  or,  assuring  them,  "  that  God  would  there  give  them 
signs  and  wonders:"  or,  that  "  they  should  there  receive 
signs  of  deliverance,"  and  the  like. 

The  passages  of  Josephus  bear  witness  to  the  fulfilment  of 
our  Lord's  prediction,  "  that  many  false  prophets  Mould 
arise,  and  deceive  many,"  Matt.  xxiv.  11. 

Our  Lord  does  also  say  there,  at  ver.  5,  "  And  many  will 
come  in  my  name  saying',  I  am  Christ  :  and  will  deceive 
many."  And  it  is  easy  to  believe  that '  some  of  the  many 
false  prophets  did  expressly  take  to  themselves  that  title, 
though  Josephus  does  not  say  it.  But  whether  they  did 
or  not,  our  Saviour's  predictions  are  verified  in  the  appear- 
ance of  those  false  prophets.  'Josephus,'  says™  arch- 
bishop Tilloison,  'mentions  several  of  these;  of  whom, 
though  he  does  not  expressly  say  that  they  called  them- 
selves the  Messias,  yet  he  says  that  which  is  equivalent — that 
they  undertook  to  rescue  the  people  from  the  Roman  yoke. 
Which  was  the  thing  which  the  Jews  expected  the  Mes- 
sias would  do  for  them.  And  therefore  Me  find  that 
the  disciples  M'ho  M'ere  going  to  Emmaus,  and  knew  not 
that  Christ  Mas  risen,  and  Mere  doubtful  what  to  think  of 
him,  say  :  "  We  hoped  this  had  been  he  that  should  have 
redeemed  Israel  :"  that  is,  they  hoped  this  had  been  the  Mes- 
sias; that  being,  it  seems,  a  common  periphrasis  of  the  Mes- 
sias, that  he  Mas  "  he  that  was  to  deliver  Israel."  '  W  hich  is 
agreeable  to  a  note  of"  Grotius  upon  the  place.  All  they 
therefore,  mIio  pretended  that  they  M'ere  inspired,  and  sent  by 
God  to  deliver  the  Jewish  people,  were  indeed  "false  Christs." 
They  took  upon  themselves  the  character  of  the  Messiah. 

We  may  now  readily  admit  the  truth  of  what  Josephus 
says  in  the  passage  transcribed  not  long  ago  ;  '  That  m  hat 
principally  excited  the  JcM'ish  people,  the  wise  men,  as  he 

'  See  Tillemont,  Ruine  des  Juife,  art.  36.  A.  D.  52. 

■"  Vol.  iii.  p.  552. 

"  Christi  nomine  populus  judaicus  intelligebat  vindicem  libertatis.  Nam 
illud,  j)^i6if  de  iXniZofitv,  on  avrog  iTiv  6  fiiWiov  XvrpHrrOai  tov  laparjX,  de- 
scriptio  est  nominis  Chri&li.  Qiiare  quicumque  semissos  divinitus  liberatores 
populi  judaici  dicebant,  eo  ipso  Christos  se  profitebantur,  et  erant  ipivSo- 
XptTOJ,  &c.     Grot,  in  Matt.  xxiv.  5. 


424  Jewish  Testimonies. 

calls  them,  as  well  as  others,  to  the  war  with  the  Romans, 
was  the  expectation  of  a  great  deliverer  to  arise  among 
them,  who  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world.'  This 
great  deliverer  was  the  Messiah.  The  numerous  "  false  pro- 
phets" and  "false  Christs,"  of  whom  Josephus  speaks  so 
frequently  and  so  distinctly,  are  full  proofs  of  it. 

The  expectation  of  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  about  the 
time  of  the  appearance  of  Jesus,  was  universal,  and  had 
been  so  for  some  "  Mhile.  But  with  the  idea  of  a  prophet, 
or  extraordinary  teacher  of  religion,  they  had  joined  also 
that  of  a  worldly  king  and  conqueror,  who  should  deliver 
the  Jewish  people  from  the  burdens  under  which  they  la- 
boured, raise  them  to  a  state  of  independence,  and  bring 
the  nations  of  the  earth  into  subjection  to  them,  to  be  ruled 
and  tyrannized  over  by  them  ;  and  because  our  Lord  did 
not  perform,  nor  attempt  this,  they  rejected  and  crucified 
him.  If  he  would  but  have  assumed  the  state  and  character 
of  an  earthly  prince,  scribes  and  pharisees,  priests  and  peo- 
ple, would  all  have  joined  themselves  to  him,  and  have  put 
themselves  under  his  banner.  Of  this  we  see  many  proofs 
in  the  gospels.  This  disposition  prevailed  to  the  last.  The 
people  therefore,  though  they  had  already  met  with  many 
disappointments,  when  our  Lord  entered  into  Jerusalem,  in 
no  greater  state  than  riding  upon  an  ass,  accompanied  him 
with  loud  acclamations,  and  other  tokens  of  respect,  say- 
ing :  "  Hosanna  to  the  son  of  David.  Blessed  is  the  king- 
that  Cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  And  Jesus,  our 
Lord,  not  assuming  then  the  character  of  an  earthly  prince, 
was  a  fresh  disappointment,  and  left  deep  resentments ; 
which  rendered  them  susceptible  of  the  worst  impressions 
from  the  chief  priests,  and  their  other  rulers.  And  at  their 
instigation  they  desired  Pilate,  the  Roman  governor,  to  set 
Barabbas  at  liberty,  and  crucify  Jesus.  With  which  cla- 
morous and  importunate  demand  he  at  length  complied,  stili 
bearing  testimony  to  the  innocence  of  hiniMhom  he  unwill- 
ingly condemned.  The  account  of  St.  Matthew  alone,  with- 
out any  other,  will  suffice  for  showing  this  amazing  trans- 
action :  "  Pilate  saith  unto  them  :  M  hat  shall  I  do  then 
with  Jesus,  M'ho  is  called  Christ "^  They  all  say  unto  him: 
Let  him  be  crucified.  The  governor  said  :  Why  ?  what  eviJ 
has  he  done?  But  they  cried  out  the  more,  saying  :  Let  him 
be  crucified.  When  Pilate  saw  that  he  prevailed  nothing, 
and  that  rather  a  tumult  was  made,  he  took  water  and 
washed  his  hands  before  the  multitude,  saying:  I  am  inno- 

°  Proofs  of  this,  together  with  divers  remarks,  may  be  seen  in  Vol.  i.  p. 
138,  &c. 


JosEPHUS.      Transactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66.  425 

cent  from  the  blood  of  tliis  just  person  :  see  ye  to  it.  Then 
answered  all  the  people:  His  blood  be  upon  us,  and  our 
children.  Then  released  he  Barabbas  unto  them.  And 
when  he  had  scour<^ed  Jesus,  he  delivered  him  to  be  cru- 
cified :"  Matt,  xxvii.  22—26. 

The  continued  expectation  of  the  Messiah,  as  a  worldly 
king-  and  conqueror,  as  we  have  just  seen  in  Josephus,  and 
their  uneasiness  under  the  Roman  yoke,  were  the  immediate 
occasions  of  their  rebelling-  against  the  authority  to  which 
they  were  then  subject.  And  the  same  principles  that  in- 
duced them  to  reject  and  crucify  Jesus,  brought  upon  them 
their  utter  and  final  ruin. 

As  the  sin  of  the  Jewish  people  in  rejecting  and  crucify- 
ing-Jesus,  after  a  life  of  perfect  innocence  and  consummate 
virtue,  after  speaking"  as  no  man  had  done  before,  and  doing- 
works  which  no  other  man  had  done  at  Jerusalem,  and  in 
every  part  of  the  land  of  Israel  ;  after  such  preparations  as 
had  been  made  for  his  reception  by  the  prophets,  and  by  the 
testimony  of  John  the  Baptist,  his  forerunner:  was?  very 
great  and  aggravated  :  and  as  they  rejected  the  renewed 
offers  of  mercy,  and  repeated  and  earnest  calls  to  repent- 
ance made  by  Christ's  apostles,  and  went  on  increasing  in 
wickedness;  God  at  length  suffered  the  Romans  to  come 
upon  them  with  an  armed  force,  demolished  their  temple, 
and  made  desolate  their  city,  and  their  whole  country,  with 
many  circunistances  of  uncommon  and  even  unparalleled 
distress.  All  which  having-  been  foreseen  and  often  foretold 
by  the  Lord  Jesus  in  his  public  discourses,  the  accomplish- 
ment of  these  predictions,  in  the  event,  is  an  argument  of 
great  force  in  favour  of  his  divine  mission,  and  of  his  being 
indeed  the  Messiah,  additional  to  the  excellent  doctrine  and 
wonderful  works  of  his  ministry. 

VIII.  Having  shown  the  occasion  and  causes  of  the  war, 
and  having  also  observed  the  several  things  foretold  by 
the  Lord  Jesus,  as  preceding  it,  I  now  proceed  to  The  His- 
tory of  the  War  itself,  collecting  it  from  Josephus,  and  mak- 
ing my  extracts  in  his  own  words. 

The  disturbances  still  increasing  at  Jerusalem,  and  the 
animosity  against  Florus  being  very  great,  '  Cestius  Gallus,'' 
president  of  Syria,  judged  it  not  proper  for  him  to  lie  still 

P  "  If  ye  were  blind,  ye  should  have  no  sin :  but  now  you  say,  we  see, 
therefore  your  sin  remaineth  :"  John  ix.  41.  "  If  I  had  not  come  and  spoken 
to  them,  they  had  not  had  sin  :  but  now  they  have  no  cloak  for  their  sin.  If 
I  had  not  done  among  them  the  works  which  no  other  man  did,  they  had  not 
had  sin  :  but  now  they  have  both  seen,  and  hated,  both  me  and  my  Father:" 
John  XV.  22—24.  •>  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  cap.  xviii.  sect.  9. 


426  Jewish  Testiinonics. 

any  longer ;  be  therefore  determined  to  march  into  Judea  : 
whereupon  he  took  out  of  Antioch  the  twelfth  legion  entire, 
and  out  of  the  rest  two  thousand  chosen  men,  Avith  six 
cohorts  of  foot,  and  four  troops  of  horse,  beside  the  auxilia- 
ries which  Avere  sent  by  the  kings  :  of  which  Antiochus  sent 
two  thousand  horse,  and  three  thousand  foot,  all  archers. 
Agrippa  sent  a  thousand  horse  and  two  thousand  foot. 
Sohemus  followed  with  four  thousand.  He  then  marched 
to  Ptolemais.  Agrippa  accompanied  Cestius  as  a  guide  in 
the  journey,  and  as  capable  of  being  useful  to  him  in  other 
respects.  After  he  was  come  thither,  Cestius  took  a  part  of 
his  army  and  marched  hastily  to  Zabulon,  a  strong  city  of 
Galilee,  which  separates  the  country  of  Ptolemais  from  our 
nation  :  that  he  found  destitute  of  its  men,  the  multitude 
having  fled  to  the  mountains,  but  full  of  all  good  things, 
which  he  allowed  the  soldiers  to  seize  as  plunder:  and  he 
set  fire  to  the  city,  though  its  buildings  were  very  beautiful, 
resembling  those  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  Berytus.  After 
that  he  overran  the  neighbouring  country,  seizing  whatever 
came  in  his  way,  and  setting  fire  to  the  villages  :  and  then 
returned  to  Ptolemais.'  At  this  very  time,  as  Josephus 
adds  in  the  same  paragraph,  the  Jews  found  means  to  de- 
stroy about  tw  o  thousand  Syrians,  at  Berytus,  and  near  it, 
Cestius  being  at  a  distance. 

'  Now^  "^  Cestius  himself  marched  from  Ptolemais,  and 
came  to  Caesarea ;  and  then  sent  part  of  his  army  before 
him  to  Joppa ;  Avho  coming  suddenly  upon  that  people, 
who  were  prepared  neither  for  flight  nor  for  their  own  de- 
fence, slew  them  with  all  their  families,  and  then  plundered 
and  burnt  the  city.  The  number  of  the  slain  were  eight 
thousand  and  four  hundred.  In  like  manner  he  sent  a 
nuniber  of  horse  into  the  toparchy  of  Narbata,  not  far  from 
Csesarea,  who  slew  many  of  the  inhabitants,  plundered  their 
goods,  and  set  fire  to  the  villages.' 

'  Now '  also  Cestius  sent  Gallus,  commander  of  the 
twelfth  legion,  into  Galilee,  where  he  slew  more  than  two 
thousand.' 

'  Gallus*  then  returned  to  Caesarea,  and  Cestius  moved 
with  his  whole  army  and  came  to  Antipatris.  Thence  he 
set  forward  to  Lydda,  where  he  found  the  place  empty  of 
men,  the  people  being  gone  up  fo  Jerusalem  upon  account 
of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  However,  he  found  there  fifty 
men,  whom  he  slew,  and  burnt  the  city,  and  then  marched 
onward  ;  and  going  up  by  Bethoron,  he  pitched  his  camp 
at  Gaba,  fifty  furlongs  from  Jerusalem.' 

'  Sect.  10.  »  lb.  sect.  11.  '  lb.  cap.  xix.  sect.  1. 


JosEPHUS,     Transactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66.  427 

♦  The"  Jews,  seeing  the  war  approaching  to  their  metro- 

Eolis,  relying  upon  their  numbers,  went  out  to  fight  in  a 
asty  and  disorderly  manner,  even  in  the  time  of  the  fes- 
tival. But  the  rage  which  made  them  forget  their  religion 
did  also  make  them  superior  to  their  enemies.  Cestiuswith 
his  whole  army  was  in  danger.  Five  hundred  and  fifteen 
of  the  Romans  >vere  slain,  Mhilst  the  Jews  lost  only  two- 
and-tweutv.  The  most  valiant  of  the  Jews  were  Monoba- 
zus,  and  Kenedeeus,  related  to  31onobazus,  king  of  the 
Adiabenes.  Next  to  them  were  Niger  of  Per^a,  and  Silas 
of  Babylon,  who  had  deserted  from  king  Agrippa  to  the 
Jews,  and  Simon  son  of  Gioras,  to  be  hereafter  often  men- 
tioned. After  that  the  Jews  retired  into  the  city.  Cestius 
staid  there  three  days.' 

*  At '  this  time  Agrippa  with  the  consent  of  Cestius  sent 
to  the  Jews  two  ambassadors,  Borcseus  and  Phoebus,  men 
well  known  to  them,  with  assurances  of  plenary  forgive- 
ness from  Cestius  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms  and 
submit.  But  the  Jews  would  not  so  much  as  receive  the 
ambassadors.  Phoebus  they  fell  upon,  and  slew  him,  be- 
fore he  had  spoken  a  word.  Borcseus  too  was  wounded  : 
but  he  retreated  and  escaped.' 

'  Soon  '^  after  that,  Cestius  moved  forward  with  his  whole 
army,  and  encamped  upon  an  elevated  spot  of  ground  call- 
ed Scopos  [signifying  the  prospect  or  watch-tower].  Here 
he  rested  three  days.  On  the  fourth  day,  which  was  the 
thirtieth  of  October,  he  brought  his  army  into  the  city.  The 
seditious,'  asJosephus  calls  them,  *  were  much  terrified,  and 
retired  from  the  suburbs  to  the  inner  part  of  the  city  and  the 
temple.  Cestius  soon  set  fire  to  the  place  called  Bezetha, 
or  the  new  city,  and  to  the  wood-market.  After  which  he 
came  forward  to  the  upper  part  of  the  city,  and  pitched  his 
camp  over  against  the  royal  palace.  And  if  at  that  time  he 
had  attempted  to  make  his  way  within  the  walls  by  force, 
he  would  have  won  the  city  presently,  and  put  an  end  to 
the  war  at  once.  But  Tyrannus  Priscus,  a  general  in  the 
army,  and  many  officers  of  the  horse,  who  had  been  cor- 
rupted by  Florus,  diverted  him  from  that  design  :  which 
was  the  occasion  that  this  war  lasted  so  long,  and  the  Jews 
were  involved  in  such  grievous  calamities.' 

So  writes  Josephus.  And  afterwards  he  says  :  '  If"  Ces- 
tius had  continued  the  siege  a  little  longer  he  had  certainly 
taken  the  city.  But  God,  as  I  think,  for  the  wickedness 
of  the  people  abhorring*  his  own  solemnities,  suffered  not 
the  war  to  come  to  an  end  at  that  time.' 

"  lb.  sect.  2.  '  lb.  sect.  3.  *  lb.  sect.  4.  «  Sect.  6. 


428  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  Cestius>  then  withdrew  from  the  city.  The  Jews  re- 
sumed courage,  and  went  after  him ;  and  coming"  upon  his 
rear,  destroyed  a  good  number  both  of  horse  and  foot.  That 
night  Cestius  lay  at  his  former  camp,  Scopos.  As  he  went 
farther  off  the  next  day,  he  even  invited  his  enemies  to  pur- 
sue him.  The  Romans  suffered  greatly.  Among  the  slain 
were  Priscus,  commander  of  the  sixth  legion,  Longinus,  a 
tribune,  and  iEmilius  Secundus,  commander  of  a  troop  of 
horse.  It  was  not  without  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  that 
they  got  to  Gabao,  their  former  camp,  and  leaving  behind 
their  baggage.  There  Cestius  staid  two  days,  and  Avas  in 
great  perplexity  how  to  proceed.  On  the  third  day  he 
judged  it  expedient  to  move.' 

'  That  ^  he  might  march  on  with  the  greater  expedition, 
he  threw  away  every  thing*  that  might  retard  his  march. 
He  killed  the  mules,  and  the  other  beasts,  excepting  only 
such  as  carried  weapons  of  war  ;  which  the  Romans  kept 
for  their  own  use,  and  that  they  might  not  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Jews  to  be  afterwards  employed  against  them. 
In  that  march  they  met  with  such  difficulties,  that  the  Jews 
w^ere  near  taking  the  whole  army  of  Cestius  prisoners  ;  and 
would  have  effected  it,  if  night  had  not  come  on.' 

'  In*  their  flight  they  left  behind  them  many  engines,  for 
sieges,  and  for  throwing  stones,  and  a  great  part  of  their 
other  instruments  of  war.  The  Jews  pursued  them  as  far 
as  Antipatris,  and  then  returned,  taking  up  the  engines, 
spoiling  the  dead  bodies,  and  gathering  up  the  prey  which 
the  Romans  had  left  behind  them.  So  they  came  back  to 
their  metropolis  with  great  rejoicings.  They  lost  but  a  few 
men  themselves.  But  they  had  slain  of  the  Romans  and 
their  auxiliaries  five  thousand  and  three  hundred  foot,  and 
three  hundred  and  eighty  horse.  These  things  happened 
on  the  eighth  day  of  November,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the 
reign  of  Nero.' 

'  After''  that  calamity  had  befallen  Cestius,'  says  Jose- 
phus,  '  many  of  the  most  considerable  of  the  Jewish  people 
forsook  the  city,  as  men  do  a  sinking  ship.' 

And  it  is  very  likely  that  at  this  time  many  of  the  chris- 
tians also  withdrew  from  Jerusalem  and  Judea.  Eusebius 
says  that  ^  before  the  war  began,  the  christians  left  Jerusa- 
lem, and   went  to  a   place    beyond   Jordan    called    Pel  la. 

y  lb.  sect.  7.  »  Seet.  8,  '  Sect.  9. 

''  Mtra  Ss  tjjv  Ktris  crvfi^opav,  ttoWoi  rujv  em^ovoiv  la^atwv,  uxtttiq  fSair- 
Til^oiJivrjQ  viuc,  antvrixovTO  Tr)Q  ttoXimc-     De  B.  J.  1.  2.  C.  XX.  sect.  1. 

^    TTpO    TH     TToKtflH,  fllTa^t]l'ai   TTfQ  TToXsWf,    KM    TIVU    TTIQ    WipaiUQ  TTOXd* 

oixitv JliKKav  avTt]v  ovofiu'Cuaiv.     II.  E.  1.  3.  C  v.  p.  75.  A. 


JosEPUUS.     Transactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66.  429 

Epipham'us'^  speaks  to  the  like  purpose.  Eusebius  does 
not  quotf  any  ancient  author  for  what  he  says  :  but  it  might 
be  tbuncleil  upon  tradition,  and  such  as  couhl  be  relied 
upon.  As  he  resided  near  the  place  he  might  have  satis- 
factory information  of  it,  and  receive  the  account  from  the 
descendents  of  those  Jewish  believers. 

However,  some  of  them  may  have  g-one  abroad  into  other 
countries.  8t.  John,  as  is  well  knovvn,  lived  for  some  time 
in  Asia.  When  he  came  thither  we  cannot  say  exactly  ; 
but  probably  in  the  year  of  Christ  66,  or  sooner.  Some  of 
the  Jewish  believers  might  go  with  him  out  of  Judea,  or 
come  to  him  into  Asia  afterwards.  St.  John,  in  his  third 
epistle,  ver.  6,  speaks  of"  strangers"  who  were  under  diffi- 
culties. Some  learned  men  have  supposed  that''  thereby 
are  meant  Jewish  believers,  who  had  been  driven  out  of 
Palestine,  or  had  fled  from  it,  induced  thereto  by  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  times  and  their  fidelity  to  Christ,  and  had  left 
their  substance  behind  them. 

I  think  we  may  reckon  it  to  be  certain,  or  at  least  highly 
probable,  that  none  of  the  faithful  disciples  of  Jesus  were 
shut  up  in  Jerusalem  at  the  siege:  and  that  most  of  them 
left  it  some  while  before  it  began,  in  the  year  of  Christ  66, 
or  thereabouts,  or  sooner. 

Our  blessed  Lord,  speaking  of  the  difficulties  of  these 
times,  and  of  the  declensions  of  some  of  his  followers,  en- 
courages faithfulness  in  strong  terms:  Mark  xiii.  13,  "  And 
ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  men  for  my  name's  sake  ;  but  he  that 
shall  endure  unto  the  end  shall  be  saved."  And  Luke  xxi. 
17 — 19,  "  And  ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  men  for  my  name's 
sake;  but  there  shall  not  an  hair  of  your  head  perish.  In 
your  patience  possess  ye  your  souls."  And  compare  Matt. 
X.  21,  22.  These  gracious  assurances  were  now  fulfilled. 
The  difficulties  which  the  followers  of  Jesus  met  with  were 
very  great ;  and  the  "  love  of  many  waxed  cold,"  and  some 
apostatized  to  Judaism,  to  avoid  sufferings  :  nevertheless 
fhey  gained  nothing*  by  it.  They  joined  themselves  to  the 
unbelieving"  part  of  the  nation,  and  had  part  with  them  in 
the  heavy  calamities  which  befell  them.  But  the  faithful 
followers  of  Jesus,  who  were  steady  to  their  profession,  and 
attended  to  his  predictions  concerning  coming  calamities, 
and  observed  the  signs  of  their  near  approach,  escaped,  and 
obtained  safety,  with  only  the  lesser  difficulties  of  a  flight, 
which  was  necessary  in  the  time  of  a  general  calamity. 

The  ^  Jews,  who  had  defeated  Cestius,  upon  their  return 

**  H.  29.  sect.  vii.  *  See  this  volume,  chap.  xx.  rect.  v.- 

^  lb.  c.  XX.  sect.  3,  4. 


430  Jewish  Testimonies. 

to  Jerusalem,  appointed  g-overnors  and  commanders  for  se- 
veral places.  Joseph,  son  of  Gorion,  and  Ananus  the  high 
priest,  were  chosen  to  govern  the  city,  and  to  repair  the 
walls.  Josephus,  son  of  Matthias,  our  historian,  was  made 
governor  of  both  the  Gal i lees.  Others  were  sent  to  other 
places. 

Cestiuss  sent  messengers  to  Nero  in  Achaia,  to  give  him 
an  account  of  what  had  happened,  and  of  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Judea,  and  to  lay  the  blame  of  all  the  disturbances  upon 
Florus. 

Nero,''  as  Josephus  says,  was  not  a  little  moved  at  these 
things,  though  he  dissembled  his  concern.  However,  he 
chose  for  a  general  a  man  of  known  valour  and  experience 
in  war,  several  of  whose  important  services  are  here  men- 
tioned by  Josephus,  agreeably  to  the  testimony  of  the  Ro- 
man' authors,  who  represent  Vespasian  to  have  been  chosen 
for  this  service  out  of  regard  to  his  merit,  when,  upon  some 
accounts,  he  was  disagreeable  to  Nero. 

Vespasian''  sent  his  own  son  Titus  from  Achaia,  where 
he  then  was,  to  Alexandria,  to  fetch  thence  the  fifth  and 
tenth  legions.  Himself  having  crossed  the  Hellespont,  went 
by  land  into  Syria,  where  he  gathered  together  the  Roman 
forces,  and  a  good  number  of  auxiliaries  from  the  neigh- 
bouring princes. 

The'  Jews,  elevated  by  the  advantages  which  they  had 
gained  over  Cestius,  determined  to  carry  the  war  to  a  greater 

8  lb.  c.  XX.  sect.  1.  f"  De  B.  J.  1.  3.  c.  i.  sect.  1,  2. 

'  Missu  Neronis,  Vespasianiis  fortuna  famaque,  et  egregiis  ministris,  &c. 
Tacit.  Hist.  L.  v.  cap.  10. 

Claudio  principe.  Narcissi  gratia  legatus  legionis  in  Germaniam  missus  est ; 

inde  in  Britanniam  translatus,  tricies  cum  hoste  conflixit. Peregrinatione 

Achaica  inter  comites  Neronis,  cum,  cantante  eo,  aut  discederet  sepius,  aut 
prsesens  obdormisceret,  gravissimam  contraxit  offensam.  Prohibitusque  non 
contuberniomodo,  sed  etiani  publica  salutatione,  secessit  inparvam  ac  deviam 
civitatem,  quoad  latenti,  etiamque  extrema  metuenti,  provincia  cum  exercitu 
oblata  est.  Percrebuerat  Oriente  toto  vetus  et  constans  opinio,  esse  in  fatis,  ut 
eo  tempore  Judaea  profecti  rerum  potirentur.  Id  de  Imperatore  Romano 
(quantum  eventu  postea  patuit)  prsedictum  Judaei  ad  se  trahentes,  rebellarunt ; 
caesoquo  praeposito,  legatum  insuper  Syriae  consularem  suppetias  ferentem, 
rapta  aquila  fugaverunt.  Ad  hunc  motum  comprimendum  cum  exercitu 
ampliore,  et  non  instrenuo  duce,  cui  tamen  tuto  tanta  res  committeretur,  opus 
esset,  ipse  potissimum  delectus  est ;  et,  ut  industriae  expertae,  nee  metuendus 
ullo  modo  ob  humilitatem  generis  ac  nominis.  Additis  igitur  ad  copias  dua- 
bus  legionibus,  octo  alis,  cohortibus  decern,  atque  inter  legatos  majore  filio 
assumto,  ut  primum  provinciam  attigit,  pro.Kiraas  quoque  convertit  inse;  cor- 
recta  statim  castrorum  disciplina  :  uno  quoque  et  altero  prcelio  tam  constanter 
initio  ut  in  oppugnatione  castelli  lapidis  ictum  genu,  scuto  sagittas  pliquot 
exceperit.     Sueton.  Vespasian,  c.  iv. 

"  De  B.  J.  I.  3.  c.  i.  sect.  3.  '  lb.  c.  ii.  sect.  1, 2,  3. 


JosEPHUS.     Tramactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66.  431 

distance.  Accordingly  they  marclied  to  Ascalon,  a  city 
always  at  enmity  with  them,  distant  from  Jerusalem  five 
hundred  and  fifty  furlongs  ;  [more  than  sixty  miles.]  Here 
the  Jewish  people  were  defeated  in  two  attacks,  losing  more 
than  eighteen  thousand  men,  and  two  of  their  generals,  John 
the  Essene,  and  Silas  the  Babylonian.  Niger  the  Peraite, 
the  third  g'eneral,  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life. 

Vespasian,"'  when  he  arrived  at  Antioch,  the  metropolis 
of  Syria,  reckoned  the  third  city  of  the  Roman  empire  for 
magnitude  and  dignity,  found  there  Agrippa  waiting-  for 
him,  and  taking-  the  whole  army  with  him,  he  soon  marched 
forward  to  Ptoleraais. 

Titus"  making  greater  expedition  than  could  have  been 
expected,  especially  in  the  winter  season,  came  to  his  father 
at  Ptolemais,  bringing  Mith  him  the  fifth  and  tenth  legions: 
to  which  were  added  the  fifteenth  legion,  and  eighteen  co- 
horts. There  were  also  five  cohorts  from  Ceesarea,  with  one 
troop  of  horse,  and  also  five  other  troops  from  Syria. 
There  was  also  a  considerable  number  of  auxiliaries  from 
the  kings  Antiochus  [of  Comagene],  and  Agrippa,  and  Se- 
leucus,  and  Malchus  the  Arabian.  So  that  the  whole  army 
of  Romans  and  auxiliaries,  horse  and  foot,  amounted  to 
about  sixty  thousand  men,  beside  servants,  whom  Josephus 
represents  as  far  from  being*  useless,  according  to  the  Roman 
discipline. 

Thus  we  have  pursued  the  history  to  the  end  of  the  year 
C6,  and  into  the  beginning  of  the  year  67. 

Vespasian"  staid  some  while  at  Ptolem:>is.  However 
Placidus,  who  was  before  sent  into  Galilee,  destroyed  many 
whom  he  met  with  in  the  open  countries.  He  also  made 
an  attack  upon  Jotapata,  but  was  repulsed. 

Vespasian  P  leaves  Ptolemais,  and  marcheth  with  his 
army  in  great  order  into  Galilee. 

Thei  first  place  taken  by  Vespasian  was  Gadara,  which 
at  that  time  had  in  it  few  men  of  a  military  age.  But  he 
slew  all  the  young  people :  the  Romans,  from  hatred  of  the 
Jews,  and  resenting  the  defeat  of  Cestius,  having  no  mercy 
on  any  age.  He  also  set  fire  to  the  city,  and  burnt  all  the 
villages  and  smaller  towns  round  about;  making  some  to- 
tally desolate,  in  others  taking  some  captives. 

Josephus  ^  leaves  Tiberias,  and  enters  Jotapata  on  the 
twenty-first  day  of  May. 

The  *  next  day  Vespasian  marches  to  Jotapata,  at  *■  the 
siege  of  which  he  received  a  slight  Avound  in  one  of  his  feet. 

"*  Ibid.  sect.  4.        "  lb.  c.  iv.  n.  2.        "  L.  3.  c.  vi.  1.        p  lb.  n.  2,  3. 
1  Cap.  vii.  1.  t  Sect.  3.  '  lb.  4.  '  lb.  sect.  22. 


432  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  Whilst "  Vespasian  lay  with  his  army  before  Jotapata, 
he  sent  Trajan,  commander  of  the  tenth  legion,  to  Japha, 
not  far  off.  The  place  was  strong  and  surrounded  by  a 
double  wall.  A  large  number  made  a  sally  upon  the  Ro- 
mans. Being  beaten  back  they  retired  within  the  outer 
wall :  but  when  they  came  to  the  inner  wall,  their  fellow- 
citizens  refused  to  admit  them,  lest  the  Romans  should  also 
force  their  way  in  with  them.  And  ^  now,'  says  Josephus, 
'  it  might  be  seen  that  God  had  given  up  the  Galileans  to 
the  Romans  to  be  destroyed  by  their  cruel  enemies.  The 
number  of  the  slain  in  the  distress  between  the  two  walls, 
was  twelve  thousand.  Of  this  Trajan  gave  information  to 
Vespasian,  desiring  him  to  send  his  son  Titus  thither,  that  he 
might  have  the  honour  of  completing  the  conquest.' 

'  Vespasian,  suspecting*  there  might  still  be  some  difficul- 
ty, sent  Titus  with  live  hundred  horse  and  a  thousand  foot. 
When  the  place  was  taken,  all  the  people,  young  and  old, 
were  destroyed.  None  were  saved  excepting  the  male 
infants  and  the  women,  who  were  made  slaves.  The  num- 
ber of  those  w  ho  were  slain  now,  and  in  the  former  attack, 
were  fifteen  thousand.  The  prisoners  were  two  thousand  a 
hundred  and  thirty.  This  calamity  befell  the  Galileans  on 
the  five-and  twentieth  day  of  May.' 

At  '*  the  same  time  the  Samaritans  got  together  in  a  riot- 
ous manner  at  mount  Garizim.  Whereupon  Vespasian  sent 
against  them  Cerealis,  commander  of  the  fifth  legion,  with 
six  hundred  horse,  and  three  thousand  foot  ;  who  slew 
them  all  to  the  number  of  eleven  thousand  and  six  hun- 
dred. This  happened  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  month 
of  June. 

Now"  the  final  attack  was  made  upon  Jotapata,  Avhich 
was  taken  after  a  siege  of  forty-seven  days.  All  of  every 
age  were  slain,  except  infants  and  women.  The  captives 
were  a  thousand  and  two  hundred.  The  number  of  slain  in 
the  last  attack,  and  in  the  former  encounters,  was  forty 
thousand.  Vespasian  ordered  the  city  to  be  demolished, 
and  set  fire  to  all  the  castles.  Thus  Jotapata  was  taken 
on  the  first  day  of  July,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign 
of  Nero. 

I  think  it  may  be  worth  the  while  to  observe  here,  for 
showing  the  violent  and  desperate  disposition  of  the  Jewish 
people  at  this  time,  '  tbaty  in  the  distress  of  the  last  attack, 

"  lb.  sect.  31. 

'  Qtoc  S"  r)v  apa,  6  'Pwfiaioigra  TaXiXaiiDV  TraSt)  xapiKontvoc,  k.  X.     Ibid. 

-  Ibid.  p.  32.  "  Sect.  33—35. 

y  Thto  TToXkag  icai  irtpi  rov  Ioxtijttov  «7riXf(frwv,  tv  avroxupiav  Trapio^vvc. 


JoSEPHUS.     Transactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66.  433 

when  the  Romans  were  got  within  the  walls  of  Jotapata, 
many  of  the  people  made  away  with  themselves  rather 
than  come  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Josephus  calls 
them  chosen  men,  who  were  near  his  person  :  they  could 
not  kill  the  Romans ;  and  they  resolved  not  to  be  killed  by 
them.' 

Undoubtedly  my  readers  recollect  here  what  was  taken 
notice  of  ^  formerly,  which  happened  presently  afterwards, 
in  the  cave  Avhere'  Josephus  and  forty  other  persons  of 
distinction  had  hid  themselves.  And  several  other  like  in- 
stances may  appear  hereafter,  as  we  proceed  in  this  history, 
which  ought  not  to  pass  unnoticed. 

Josephus  ^  now  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  gene- 
ral. He  Avas  still  a  prisoner,  and  carried  a  chain  :  but  he 
had  change  of  apparel  given  him,  and  was  otherwise  well 
used. 

The "  siege  of  Jotapata  being  over,  on  the  fourth  of  July 
Vespasian  returned  to  Ptolemtiis.  Thence  he  went  to  Cae- 
sarea  by  the  seaside.  Here  he  put  two  legions,  for  some 
while,  for  their  refreshment :  but  sent  the  tenth  and  fifth 
to  Scythopolis,  that  Caesarea   might  not  be  over-burdened. 

*  In  ^  the  mean  time  he  sent  some  of  his  soldiers,  both  horse 
and  foot,  to  Joppa  ;  which,  though  it  had  been  demolished 
not  long  since  by  Cestius,  was  repeopled  by  men  who  had 
escaped  from  other  cities.  Here  they  built  many  ships, 
and  exercised  a  kind  of  piracy.  Upon  the  approach  of  the 
Romans,  they  betook  themselves  to  their  ships,  which  met 
with  a  violent  storm  and  were  cast  away.  The  number 
that  perished  was  computed  to  be  four  thousand  and  two 
hundred.  Here*  also  some,  rather  than  be  drowned,  or  be 
cast  on  the  shore,  and  then  be  killed  by  the  Romans,  put 
an  end  to  their  own  lives.  The  place  was  now  entirely  de- 
molished. However,  by  Vespasian's  direction,  a  number 
of  horse  and  foot  were  left  here,  with  orders  to  destroy 
the  neighbouring  villages.  So  those  troops  overrun  the 
country,  as  they  were  ordered,  and  laid  waste  the  whole 
region.' 

In  '^  a  short  time  Vespasian  went  from  Caesarea  before 
mentioned,  to  Caesarea  Philippi,  to  pay  a  compliment  to  king 

KartdovrtQ  yap,  (jjg  aStva  r(ov  'Piofiaiwv  aviXnv  SvvavTai,  roye  firf  ttcvciv  avrct 
viro  'Piofiaiwv  irpoiXajSov,  Kai  avvaOpoiaOtvrsc  tiri  ra  KaraXijyovra  r/jc  7ro\£w; 
(Kpa^  avrsQ  avtiKov.     Sect.  34.  "  See  p.  395 . 

* svOa  TitjaapaKovra  fitv  to)v  imatjucjjv  avSpac  KaraXafifiavH  Xai'Oa- 

vovrag.     lb.  c.  viii.  1.  ,  ''  lb.  sect.  9. 

•^  Ibid.  cap.  9.  sect.  1.  ^  Sect.  2—4. 

*  TtveQ  de,  wg  Ka^ortp^j,  tjjv  OaXaavav  vpQavov,  T(p  (nSt]p({>  a(pa(;  avrsc 
avaipavnc.     lb.  sect.  3.  '  lb.  sect.  7. 

VOL.    VI.  2    F 


434  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Agrippa,  by  whom  he  had  been  invited,  and  by  whom  he 
was  now  entertained  twenty  days. 

Hearings  of  the  revolt  of  Taricheas,  Vespasian  sent 
thither  his  son  Titus.  Taricheas''  was  a  strong  place,  and 
had  been  fortified  by  Joseph  us.  The  number  of  people 
who  perished  in  the  several  attacks,  and  in  taking  the  city, 
was  six  thousand  and  five  hundred. 

After*  which  Vespasian  sat  on  his  tribunal  to  consider 
what  should  be  done  with  the  people  that  remained.  And 
at  length  by  his  order  all  the  old  men,  and  other  useless 
people,  to  the  number  of  twelve  hundred,  were  slain.  Out 
of  the  young  men  he  chose  six  thousand  of  the  strongest, 
whom  he  sent  to  Nero  to  work  at  the  Isthmus.  The  rest 
he  sold  for  slaves,  who  were  in  number  thirty  thousand 
and  four  hundred.  This  was  done  on  the  eighth  day  of 
September. 

The  place  ^  to  which  Vespasian  went  was  Gamala. 
Where  he  met  with  great  difficulties,  and  many  of  the  Ro- 
mans were  slain.  It  was  taken  at  last  on  the  twenty-third 
day  of  October.  When  there  was  no  way  of  escaping  left, 
many  Jews  threw  their  children,  their  wives,  and  them- 
selves, from  the  hill  on  which  the  citadel  was  built,  into  the 
deep  valley  below.  The  number  of  those  M'ho  thus  preci- 
pitated themselves  was  computed  to  be  five  thousand.  The 
rest  amounted  to  four  thousand.  For  here  the  Romans 
spared  none,  not  even  infants.  None  escaped  except  two 
\vomen. 

To  Gischala'  Vespasian  sent  Titus:  here  about  six  thou- 
sand Mere  slain.  But  John,  son  of  Levi,  M^ho  had  command- 
ed in  the  place,  escaped  and  got  to  Jerusalem,  with  some 
others:  which,"^  as  our  historian  says,  was  the  work  of  God, 
who  saved  John  for  the  destruction  of  Jenisalem. 

'  Thus,'  says"  Josephus,  '  was  all  Galilee  subdued,  after 
it  had  cost  the  Romans  much  labour.' 

The  °  next  chapter  of  our  author  contains  an  account  of 
the  state  of  things  in  Jerusalem  after  John  came  into  it. 
Where  he  likewise  says:  '  AtP  the  same  time  there  were 
disturbances  and  civil  wars  in  every  city.  And  all  they 
who  were  quiet  from  the  Romans,  turned  their  hands  one 
against  another.     At  this  time   robbers,  and  others  of  the 

B  lb.  sect.  7.  "  Cap.  x.  1—10.  *  Sect.  10. 

^  De  B.  J.  1.  4.  cap.  1.  sect.  1—10.  '  Ibid.  cap.  ii.  n.  1—5. 

™  0£8  Se  Tjv  TO  ipyov,  a()a  tb  ffu^ovrog  tov  \o)avvr)v  nn  tov  tiov  'IipoffvXv- 
fibjv  o\«0(jov.      Sect.  3.  "   FaXiXata  jxtv  hv  ovrwq  t«Xa>  na(ja, 

TToXXoig  i?()wffi  nQoyvjivatraaa  'Pwjuatsc.     Sect.  5. 

"  ib.  cap.  a  P  lb.  sect.  2,  3. 


JosEPHUS.     Transactions  in  Jacka.     A.  D.  68.  435 

worst  characters,  came  into  the  city,  where  it  had  been 
long"  usual  to  receive  all  who  came  :  but  their  numbers 
consumed  those  provisions,  which  might  have  been  of  use 
in  a  siege.' 

They  i  now  exercised  tyranny  over  the  most  considerable 
men.  Antipas,  a  man  of  royal  lineage,  the  most  potent  man 
in  the  city,  to  whom  tiie  care  of  the  public  treasure  had 
been  committed,  they  laid  hold  of,  and  sent  to  prison :  and 
after  him  Levias,  a  man  of  great  distinction,  and  Sophas, 
son  of  Raguel,  a  man  of  like  eminence,  and  both  of  royal 
lineage.  And  "^  not  thinking  themselves  safe  whilst  they 
wei-e  living,  they  sent  some  men,  of  desperate  characters,  to 
put  them  to  death  in  the  prison. 

Dissensions*  increasing,  there  were  slain'  in  one  night 
eighty  thousand  and  five  hundred  ;  and  afterwards  "  twelve 
thousand  of  the  better  sort,  beside  many  others.  Here  also 
are  mentioned  by  name,  as  put  to  death  by  the  zealots,  or 
others,  divers  men  of  great  eminence,  whose  deaths  our  his- 
torian laments  in  pathetic  terms  :  Ananus,"  the  most  ancient 
of  the  high-priests;  Jesus,  also  high-priest,  inferior  to 
Ananus,  but  yet  a  person  of  great  eminence  ;  and  Zacharias, 
son  of  Baruch  ;  different  from  Zacharias  mentioned  in 
Matt,  xxiii.  35,  and  Luke  xi.  51,as  was  shown  in  another'"^ 
place. 

Soon  ^  after  this,  was  put  to  death  by  the  zealots,  Gorion, 
a  man  of  great  eminence  for  his  own  virtues,  as  well  as  upon 
account  of  his  family,  nor  did  Niger,the  Peraite,  escape  their 
hands,  though  he  had  been  so  serviceable  to  them  in  this 
war.  '  When  y  they  were  killing  him,  he  uttered  this  impre- 
cation upon  them — that,  beside  the  war,  they  might  undergo 
famine  and  pestilence,  and,  after  that,  come  to  the  mutual 
slaughter  of  each  other.  All  which  imprecations  God  rati- 
fied against  those  wicked  men.  And  most  justly  did  they 
soon  after  reap  the  fruit  of  their  madness  in  their  mutual 
dissensions.' 

These  '  things  being  heard  of  in  the  Roman  camp,  the 
commanders  were  for  hastening  the  attack  upon  the  city  ; 
but  Vespasian,  as  Josephus  says,  answered  them,  that  the 
Jews  were  not  now  making  armour,  nor  building  walls  ;  but 
they  are  every  day  tearing  themselves  to  pieces  by  intestine 
wars  and  dissensions,  and  suffer  greater  miseries  than  could 

"»  Sect.  4.  ■•  Sect.  5. 

»  L.  4.  cap.  V.  Et  conf.  cap.  iii.  sect.  7.  '  Cap.  v.  sect.  1 

"   Mvpiot  Se  (cot  ciaxi^ioi  tuiv  tvyivuv  oiirw  hi^QaQr]aav.     Sect.  3. 

'  Sect.  2,  et  4.  "^  See  Vol.  i.  oh.  vi. 

*■  lb.  cap.  vi.  sect.  1.  >  lb.  sect.  1.  '  lb.  sect.  2. 

2  F  2 


436  Jeivish  Testimonies. 

be  inflicted  upon  them  by  iis,  if  they  were  in  our  hands. 
And  it  was  the  best  way  to  let  the  Jews  destroy  one 
another. 

These  things  we  suppose  to  have  happened  at  the  end  of 
the  year  67,  and  the  beginning  of  68. 

'  However,  Vespasian  Avas  not  inattentive  to  affairs,  and 
took  care  to  reduce  other  places  before  he  went  to  Jerusa- 
lem. He  then  left  Csesarea  for  a  M'hile,  and  marched  to 
Gadara,  the  metropolis  of  Perea,'  as  Joseph  us  says,  '  and 
entered  it  on  the  fourth  day  of  March.' 

'  After  Avhich  he  returned  to  Coesarea,  and  left  Placidus 
to  carry  on  the  war  in  those  parts;  who^  took  Abila,  Julias, 
and  Besemoth,  and  other  smaller  cities  and  villages,  as  far 
as  the  lake  Asphaltites  ;  insomuch  that  now  all  Perea  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  excepting  Macherus.  This 
expedition  was  very  fatal  to  the  Jews.  Many  of  the  Jewish 
people  were  slain  by  the  sword,  others  were  driven  into  the 
river  Jordan.  The  number  of  the  slain  was  not  less  than 
fifteen  thousand,  beside  two  thousand  and  two  hundred 
which  were  made  captives.  And  Placidus  had  a  rich  booty 
of  asses  and  sheep,  camels  and  oxen.  This  disaster  was  equal 
to  any  that  had  yet  befallen  the  Jews.' 

In  the  mean  time  ^  Vespasian  with  a  part  of  his  army 
went  from  Csesarea  to  Antipatris  ;  where  he  spent  two  days 
in  settling  the  affairs  of  that  city.  On  the  third  day  he 
marched  on,  laying  waste  and  burning  all  the  villages.  And 
when  he  had  laid  waste  all  the  places  about  the  toparchy  of 
Thamnas,  he  passed  on  to  Lyddaand  Jamnia;  and  then  came 
to  Ammaus.  Thence  he  went  to  the  toparchy  of  Bethlepte- 
phon  ;  and  destroying-  that  and  other  neighbouring  places, 
he  slew  more  than  ten  thousand,  and  made  captives  more  than 
a  thousand  :  and  on  the  second  day  of  the  month  of  July  he 
pitched  his  camp  at  Corea,  not  far  from  Neapolis,  called  by 
the  people  of  the  country  Mabortha,and  then  went  to  Jericho, 

Not  long  afterwards  he  returned  to  Ctesarea.  And  *^ 
now,  when  he  was  getting  ready  all  his  forces  for  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem,  he  hears  of  the  death  of  Nero,  which  happened 
on  the  tenth  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  68.  Where- 
fore Vespasian  for  a  while  put  off  his  intended  expedition 
against  Jerusalem,  waiting  to  see  to  whom  this  empire 
would  be  transferred,  and  expecting  to  receive  orders  from 
him. 

During  the  remaining  part  of  the  year  68  and  the  year 
69,  little''  was  done  by  the  Romans  in  the  war  against  the 

*  L.  4.  cap.  vii.  ^  lb.  cap.  viii.  1.  "^  lb.  cap.  ix.  1,  2. 

^  Nihil  hoc  anno  alicujus  momenti  in  Judaefi  gostiHu.     Pagi  ann.  69.  n.  xiii. 


JosEPHUS.      Transactions  in  Judca.     A.  D.  69.  437 

Jews.  They  kept  garrisons  in  the  places  already  coiiquercfl, 
and  fortified  some  places  :  but  they  made  little  progress,  and 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem  was  deferred.  This  delay  was  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  the  Jewish  people  to  consider 
and  relent,  and  make  peace  with  the  Romans  their  enemies, 
having  first  repented  of  their  sins,  and  humbled  themselves 
before  God  :  but  nothing  of  that  kind  came  to  pass.  They 
went  on  in  their  old  way,  quarrelling  among  themselves,  and 
forming*  parties,  weakening-  themselves  by  divisions  and 
contentions,  and  thereby  hastening  their  ruin. 

Our  Lord  foresaw  this,  as  appears  from  the  terms  of  all 
his  predictions  concerning  them.  He  foresaw  that  nothing 
would  reclaim  them,  after  his  own  teachings  had  failed  of 
the  effect.  When  he  was  come  near,  he  beheld  the  city,  and 
wept  over  it,  saying  :  If  thou  hadst  known,  even  thou,  in 
this  thy  day  the  things  that  belong-  to  thy  peace  :  but  now 
they  are  hid  from  thine  eyes  :  for  the  days  will  come  upon 
thee  that  thy  enemies  shall  compass  the  round,  and  lay  thee 
even  with  the  ground,  and  thy  children  within  thee,  because 
thou  knewest  not  the  time  of  thy  visitation :"  Luke  xix. 
41 — 44.  He  would  still  send  among  them  prophets,  wise 
men,  and  scribes,  his  apostles  and  evangelists ;  but  they 
would  not  hearken  to  them.  They  would  reject  their  mes- 
sage and  abuse  them  :  xxiii.  34. 

At*  this  time,  says  Josephus,  a  new  war  began  at  Jerusa- 
lem. And  Simon,  son  of  Gorias,  who  for  awhile  had  been 
troublesome  to  the  people  there  by  his  furious  attacks  upoi 
the  place,  was  admitted  ^  into  the  city  in  the  month  of  April, 
near  the  end  of  the  third  year  of  the  war. 

On  the  third  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  69, 
Vespasian  was  proclaimed  emperor  s  by  the  Roman  army  in 
Judea ;  as  "^  he  had  been  proclaimed  on  the  first  day  of  the 
same  month  at  Alexandria;  which  day  was  reckoned  the 
beginning  of  his  reign. 

And  may  we  not  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Vespasian 
and  Titus  were  thus  advanced  by  Avay  of  recompence  for 
their  services,  as  instruments  in  the  hand  of  Providence  for 
inflicting  that  punishment  upon  the  Jewish  people  which 

*  Eiravi'^arai  Se  aSXos  roig  'lepo<ro\vfioig  TroXt/ioc.  L.  4.  c.  ix.  sect.  3.  in. 

f  Cap.  ix.  sect.  12.  ?  lb.  cap.  x. 

^  Initium  ferendi  ad  Vespasianum  Imperii  Alexandriae  coeptum,  festinante 
Tiberio  Alexandre,  qui  Kal.  Jul.  saciamento  ejus  legiones  adegit.  Isque 
primus  principatus  dies  in  posterum  celebratus,  qiiamvis  judaicus  exercitus  v. 
nonas  Jul.  apud  ipsum  jiirasset,  eo  ardore,  ut  ne  Titus  quidem  filius  exspecta- 
retur,  Syria  remeans,  et  consiliorum  inter  Municianum  et  patrem  nuntius. 
Tacit.  Hist.  2.  cap.  79.  Conf.  Sueton.  Vespasian,  cap.  6.  Vid.  et  Pagi,  ann. 
69.  n.  vii.  et  Basnag.  ann.  69.  n.  xxi. 


438  Jewish  Testimotnes. 

their  crying  sins  deserved,  and  thus  accomplishing  the  pre- 
dictions concerning'  it?  We  cannot  say  that  they  were  truly 
virtuous ;  but  they  were  persons  of  great  eminence,  and 
many  abilities  :  and  they  had  a  more  social  and  benevolent 
disposition  than  many  others.  Titus  in  particular  is  repre- 
sented by  Roman  authors  as  a  man  of"  a  very  amiable  '  cha- 
racter. And  Josephus,  who  was  present  with  him  in  the 
war,  often  says  that  he  unwillingly  treated  the  Jewish  peo- 
ple so  severely  as  he  did,  and  that  he  often  made  them  offers 
of  mercy,  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms,  and  accept  of 
reasonable  terms. 

Vespasian,*^  not  long  after  this,  went  to  Alexandria,  and 
thence  to  Rome,  leaving  his  son  Titus  to  carry  on  the  war 
in  Judea. 

Vespasian  staid  some  months  at  Alexandria,  waiting  for 
a  fair  wind  and  good  weather,  or  upon  account  of  some 
political  views  and  considerations.  Several  extraordinary 
things  are  related  to  have  happened  during  his  stay  there, 
which  are  related  very  briefly  by'  Dion  Cassius,  more 
particularly  by  •"  Suetonius,  and  still  more  prolixly  by  " 
Tacitus. 

'  Two  men  of  low  rank  at  Alexandria,  one  of  them  blind, 

'  Titus,  cognomento  paterno,  amor  ac  deliciae  huniani  generis.  Sueton. 
Tit.  cap.  i, 

"  Jos.  deB.  J.  1.  4.  cap.  xi.  '  Dio.  1.  66.  n.  8.  p.  1082. 

™  Auctoritas  et  quasi  majestas  quaedam,  ut  scilicet  inopinato  et  adhuc  novo 
principi,  deerat :  haec  quoque  accessit.  E  plebe  quidam  iuminibus  orbatus, 
item  alius  debili  crure,  sedentem  pro  tribunali  pariter  adierunt,  orantes  opem 
valetudinis,  demonstratam  a  Serapide  per  quietem,  restiturum  oculos,  si 
inspuisset;  confirmaturum  crus,  si  dignaretur  calce  contiugere.  Cum  vix 
fides  asset  rem  ullo  modo  successuram,  ideoque  ne  experiri  quidem  auderet ; 
extremo,  hortanlibus  amicis,  palam  pro  concione  utrumque  tentavit,  nee 
eventus  defuit.     Sueton.  Vespas.  cap.  vii. 

"  Per  eos  menses,  quibus  Vespasianus  Alexandrise  statos  aestivis  flatibus 
dies,  et  certa  maris  operiebatur,  multa  miracula  evenere,  quis  coelestis  favor  et 
qusedam  in  Vespasianum  inclinatio  numinum  ostenderetur.  Ex  plebe  Alex- 
andrina  quidam,  oculorum  tabe  notus,  genua  ejus  advolvitur,  remedium  coeci- 
tatis  exposcens  gemitu  •,  monitu  Serapidis  dei,  quem  dedita  superstitionibus 
gens  ante  alios  colit.  Precabaturque  principem,  ut  genas  et  oculoium  orbes 
dignaretur  respergere  oris  excremento.  Alius  manu  aeger,  eodem  deo  auctore, 
ut  pede  ac  vestigio  Caesaris  calcaretur,  orabat.  Vespasianus  primo  irridere, 
aspernari ;  atque,  illis  instantibus,  modo  famam  vanitatis  metuere,  modo 
obsecratione  ipsorum,  et  vocibus  adulantium,  in  spem  induci :  postremo 
aestimari  a  medicis  jubet,  an  talis  coecitas  ac  debilitas  ope  humana  superabiles 
forent.  Medici  varie  disserere:  Huic  non  exesam  vim  luminis,  et  rediturara, 
si  pellerentur  obslanfia;  ill!  iliapsos  in  pravum  artus,  si  salubris  vis  adhibeatur, 

posse  integrari Igitur  Vespasianus  cimcta  fortunae  suae  parere  ratus,  nee 

quidquam  ultra  incredibile,  laeto  ipse  vultu,  erecta  quae  adstabat  multitudine, 
jussa  exsequitur.  Statim  con  versa  ad  usum  manus,  ae  cceco  reluxit  dies. 
Utrumque,  qui  interfuere,  nunc  quoque  meniorant,  postquam  nullum  men- 
dacio  pretium.     Tacit.  Hist.  4.  cap.  81. 


JosEPHUS.     Transactions  in  Judea.     A.  D.  66,  439 

the  other  lame  in  one  of  his  hands,  came  both  together  to 
him  in  a  humble  manner,  saying  that  they  had  been  in  a 
dream  admonished  by  the  god  Serapis  to  apply  to  him  for 
cure  of  their  disorders;  which  they  were  assured  might  be 
done  for  the  one,  if  he  would  be  pleased  to  anoint  his  eyes 
and  face  with  his  spittle;  and  for  the  other,  if  he  would 
vouchsafe  to  tread  upon  his  hand.  Vespasian,  as  is  said, 
hesitated  for  a  whde.  However,  the  physicians  having  been 
consulted,  they  gave  their  opinion  that  the  organs  of  sight 
were  not  destroyed  in  the  blind  man,  and  that  sight  might 
be  restored  if  obstacles  were  removed  ;  and  that  the  other's 
band  was  only  disjointed,  and  with  proper  remedies  nn'ght 
be  set  right  again.  At  length,  moved  by  the  entreaties  of 
the  distempered  persons,  and  encouraged  by  the  flatteries 
of  those  about  him,  Vespasian  performed  what  had  been  de- 
sired, and  the  effect  was  answerable  ;  one  of  them  presently 
recovered  the  use  of  his  hands,  and  the  other  his  sight.' 

I  do  not  see  reason  to  believe  that  any  miracle  was  now 
wrought.  It  was  a  contrivance  between  Vespasian  and 
his  friends  and  favourites.  Nor  °  could  it  be  safe  for  any.  to 
examine  and  make  remarks  upon  an  event,  w  hich  an  empe- 
ror and  his  favourites  recommended  to  public  belief. 

Suetonius  has  accounted  lor  these  stories  in  the  introduc- 
tion to  his  narration,  saying  that  '  somewhat  was  wanting  to 
'  give  dignity  and  authority  to  a  new  chosen  emperor.' 
And  at  the  beginning'  of  his  Life  of  Vespasian,  he  observes, 
that  *  the  p  Flavian  family  was  not  renowned  for  its  antiquity.' 
And  it  is  easy  for  any  to  discern,  from  several  things  said 
by  Suetonius  and  Tacitus,  that  Vespasian  was  very  willing 
to  encourage  the  belief  of  extraordinary  things  concerning 
himself. 

I   think  that  what  ^   Spartian  writes  of  some    miracles 

°  Ad  rei  ipsius  veritalem  quod  adtinet,  non  facile  adfirmantibus  credere 
licet,  cum  vix  tutuin  esset  id  negare,  quo  Imperatori  obsequentiores  .^gyptii, 
et  quod  proinde  intererat  Imperatoris,  verum  videri.  Fraudes  ejus  rctegere, 
qui  fallere  vult,  et  omnibus  Reipublicse  copiis  instructus  est,  nunquam  tutuin 
fuit,  &c.     Cleric.  Ann.  138.  n.  iii. 

p  Imperium  suscepit,  firmavitque  tandem  gens  Flavia,  obscura  ilia  quidem, 
ac  sine  ullis  majorum  imaginibus.     Vespasian,  cap.  i. 

1  Ea  tempestate  supervenil  quaedam  mulier,  quae  diceret,  somnio  se  moni- 
tam,  ut  insinuaret  Adriano  ne  se  occideret,  quod  esset  bene  valiturus  :  quod 
cum  non  fecisset,  esseccecatam  :  jussam  tamen  iterum  Adriano  eadem  diceret, 
atque  genua  ejus  oscularetur,  receptura  visum, si  id  fecisset.  Quod  cum  insom- 
nium  implesset,  oculos  recepit,  quum  aqua  quae  in  fano  erat,  ex  quo  venerat, 
oculos  abluisset.  Venit  et  de  Pannonia  quidam  natus  ccecus  ad  febrientem 
Adrianum,  eumque  contigit ;  quo  facto  et  ipse  oculos  recepit,  et  Adrianum 
febris  reliquit :  quamvis  Marius  Maximus  haec  per  simulationem  facta  com- 
memoret.     Spartian.  Hadrian,  cap.  25. 


440  Jewish  Testimonies. 

ascribed  to  Adrian  may  illustrate  this  history :  and  there- 
fore 1  have  transcribed  him  below  very  largely.  Spartian 
lets  us  know  that  Marius  Maxinius,  who  before  him  had 
written  the  life  of  Adrian,  and  some  other  emperors,  said 
those  miracles  were  mei'e  fictions.  And  says  the  learned 
and  judicious  Reimar,  in  his  notes  upon  Dion  Cassius : 
'  Nor  "^  oug'ht  we  to  form  any  other  judgment  of  the  mira- 
'  cles  ascribed  to  Vespasian.'  And  perhaps  it  may  deserve 
notice,  that,  notwithstanding  such  tine  things  were  ascribed 
to  Vespasian,  Dion  presently  afterwards  says  '  he  '  was  not 
'  at  all  acceptable  to  the  Alexandrians  ;  but  they  hated  him, 
'  and  ridiculed  and  reproached  him  both  in  public  and 
'  private.' 

However,  Crevier's  observation  is  to  this  effect :  '  At '  the 
*  same  time  we  ought  carefully  to  observe  that  these  disor- 
'  ders,  which  Vespasian  cured,  were  not  of  an  incurable 
'  nature :  and  consecjuently  we  are  at  liberty  to  think 
'  that  the  healing  them  did  not  exceed  the  power  of  the 
'  deenion.'  And  indeed  popish  saints  and  heathen  daemons 
are  much  alike:  nor  is  there  any  great  difference  between 
heathen  and  popish  credulity. 

I  cannot  forbear  to  take  notice  of  one  remarkable  history 
in  this"  reign.  Sabinus  '  in  Gaul  engaged  with  some  others 
in  a  revolt  from  the  Romans,  but  was  soon  defeated.  He 
might  then  have  escaped  into  Germany  ;  but  affection  for 
his  wife,  the  best  of  women,  whom  he  could  not  carry  with 
him,  led  him  into  another  scheme,  which  he  communicat- 
ed to  two  only  of  his  freed-men,  in  whom  he  could  con- 
fide. His  country-house  was  burnt  down,  and  he  was  sup- 
posed to  have  perished  in  the  flames :  but  really  he  retired 
into  a  large  subterraneous  cavern,  which  he  had  near  it.  It 
was  universally  believed  that  he  had  made  away  with  him- 
self: and  his  wife  Epponina  abandoned  herself  to  all  the 
excesses  of  grief,  and  for  three  days  and  three  nights  re- 
fused to  take  any  sustenance.     Sabinus  hearing  of  it,  and 

■■  Sed  Marius  Maximus  haec  per  simulationum  facta  commemorat.  Ita 
diseile  Spartianus,  Hadr.  c.  25.  Nee  aliter  de  Vespasiani  miraculis  existi- 
mandum.     Reimar.  in  Dion.  Cass.  1.  66.  sect.  50.  p.  1083. 

^  To  fiiv  Gtwv  ruToic  avrov  trnjivvviv.  Ov  fiivTOt  Kat  AXe^avdpeig  txaipov 
avT(f),  aXka  Kat  ttuvv  tjx^ovto,  k.  X.     Dio.  p.  1082. 

'  Hist,  of  the  Rom.  Emp.  Vol.  6.  p.  32. 

"  See  Tillem.  Vespasian,  art.  vi.  et  xvii.  Crevier's  Hist,  of  the  Roman 
Emperors,  Vol.  vi.  p.  103,  104. 

"  Fusi  Lingones.  Sabinus  festinatum  temere  prceliom  pari  fomiidine 
deseruit.  Utque  famam  exitii  sui  faceret,  villam,  in  quam  perfugerat,  creraa- 
vit ;  illic  voluntaria  morte  interiise  creditus.  Sed  quibus  artibus  latebrisque 
vitam  per  novem  annos  traduxerit,  simul  amicorum  ejus  constantiam,  et  insigne 
Epponinae  uxoris  exemplum,  suo  loco  reddemus.     Tacit.  Hist.  4.  cap.  67. 


JosEPHUs.     Tramactioiis  in  Judea.     A.  D.  70.  44 1 

dreading  the  consequences,  sent  one  of  his  freedmen  to  her, 
to  assure  her  of  his  life,  and  to  advise  her  to  keep  up  the 
appearance  of  a  mourner,  still  avoiding-  extremities.  After- 
wards she  had  access  to  him,  and  bore  two  children,  of  which 
she  delivered  herself  in  the  cavern.  By  various  artful  pre- 
tences, and  the  faithfulness  of  friends,  the  truth  was  kept 
secret,  and  Sabinus  lay  concealed  nine  years :  in  which  in- 
terval there  were  once  some  hopes  of  obtaining"  the  em- 
peror's pardon  ;  and  Eppouina  had  Sabinus  to  Rome,  so 
disguised  that  none  knew  him.  But,  being-  disappointed  in 
those  expectations,  they  returned  to  the  place  of  their  re- 
treat. At  length  ''  Sabinus  was  discovered.  He,  and  Ep- 
ponina,  and  their  two  sons,  were  brought  before  Vespasian. 
She  behaved  with  becoming  firmness,  yet  endeavoured  to 
move  the  emperor's  pity.  Presenting-  her  two  sons  to  him : 
'  These,'  says  she, '  Ceesar,  I  have  brought  forth,  and  nursed 
'  in  the  cavern,  that  1  might  increase  the  number  of  your 

*  supplicants.'  And,  as  is  said,  neither  the  emperor  himself, 
nor  any  others  with  him,  could  refrain  from  tears.  How- 
ever, perceiving  that  he  did  not  yield,  she  then  upbraided 
him  ;  and  told  him  she  had  lived  more  happily  in  the  dark- 
ness of  a  cave  than  he  upon  his  throne.  Sabinus  and  his 
wife  were  condemned,  but  the  children  were  spared.  Plu- 
tarch says,  that  *  thereby  ^  Vespasian  provoked  the  ven- 
'  geance  of  heaven,  and  brought  upon  himself  the  extinc- 

*  tion  of  his  family.  It  was,'  says  he,  '  the  most  tragical 
'  action  of  that  reign  ;  a  thing-  which  neither  gods  nor  dse- 
'  mons  could  bear  the  sight  of.'  Indeed,  not  only  he,  but 
Tacitus  and  Dion  show  a  dislike  of  that  action.  But  we 
have  not  Tacitus's  conclusion  of  the  story,  he  having-  de- 
ferred it  to  a  folloAving  book,  m  hich  is  now  wanting-.  It 
must  appear  not  a  little  strange,  that  a  general  and  his  wife 
should  be  put  to  death  nine  years  after  a  disturbance  had 
been  suppressed,  and  M-hich  had  no  bad  consequences. 
When  likewise,  of  the  two  miscreant  rebels  and  tyrants  at 
Jerusalem,  one  only  was  condenmed  to  death,  and  the  other 
to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Vespasian  did  not  live  long 
after  this.     We  now  proceed  in  our  history. 

About>  this  time  the  Jews  became  divided  into  three  par- 
ties, or  factions  ;  the  leaders  of  which  were  John,  Eleazar, 
and  Simon  ;  by  whom  the  city,  and  every  part  of  it,  and  the 
temple  itself,  were  filled  with  slaughter  and  bloodshed. 
This  happened,  as  ^  Josephus  expressly  says,  whilst  Titus 
was  with  his  father  at  Alexandria,  and   must  therefore  be 

'  Dio.  1.  66.  p.  1090.  ''  Erot.  sub  fin. 

y  L.  5.  cap.  i.  sect.  1.  ^  Ibid. 


442  Jewish  Testimonies. 

rig^htly  placed  by  us  in  the  year  69,  and  perhaps  not  far 
from  the  end  of  it.  '  So,'  as  the  same  writer  says,  '  one 
faction  foug-ht  against  the  other  :  M'hich  ^  partition  in  evil 
cases  may  be  said  to  be  a  good  thing,  and  the  effect  of  di- 
vine justice.' 

Eleazar*"  had  the  temple,  John  was  below  him  in  the 
city,  Simon  had  tiie  upper  part  of  the  city.  Simon''  had 
with  him  ten  thousand,  beside  the  Idumeans:  his  own  men 
had  fifty  commanders,  of  which  he  was  supreme.  The  Idu- 
means that  joined  with  him  were  five  thousand,  and  had  ten 
commanders.  With  Eleazar  were  two  thousand  and  five 
hundred  of  the  zealots.  John  had  six  thousand  armed  men 
under  twenty  conwnanders ;  but  soon  after  the  beginning  of 
the  siege  these  two  parties  united  into  one  ;  after  which 
there  were  but  two  factions,  John's  and  Simon's. 

'  But  before  that  union,  whilst  they  were  in  three  par- 
ties, out  of  spite  to  each  other,  as  it  seems,  they  set  fire** 
to  several  storehouses  that  were  full  of  corn  and  other  pro- 
visions ;  as  if  they  had  done  it  on  purpose  to  serve  the 
Romans  :  destroying  what  had  been  sufncient  for  a  siege 
of  many  years.  So  they  were  taken  with  the  famine : 
which  could  not  have  been,  if  they  had  not  by  this  means 
brought  it  upon  themselves.'  So  says  our  Jewish  his- 
torian. 

Titus  ^  now  leaves  Alexandria,  and  comes  to  Ceesarea, 
designing  to  move  forward  to  Jerusalem,  and  lay  siege  to  it, 
having  with  him  an  army  of  about  sixty  thousand  men,  Ro- 
mans and  auxiliaries.  He  ^  pitched  his  camp  at  the  place 
called  Scopus,  making  however  two  other  encampments  at 
a  small  distance,  one  of  which  was  on  the  Mount  of  Olives. 
HeS  presented  himself  before  the  city  about  the  time  of 
Passover,  which  was  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  of 
April,  in  the  year  of  Christ  70  :  here  he  met  with  difficulties 
at  the  first,  as  the  Jews  made  furious  sallies  upon  his  army; 
some  of  his  soldiers  were  put  by  them  into  disorder,  and 
suffered  very  considerably. 

The ''  city  of  Jerusalem  was  surrounded  by  three  walls, 
excepting  in  such  parts  where  were  deep  vallies  which  ren- 
dered  the  place  inaccessible:    there  it   had  but   one  wall. 

*  oTTipavriQ,  u)Q  IV  kukoiCj  ayaOov  uttoi,  Kai  SiKijc  ipyov.     Ibid. 

''  lb.  sect.  2,  3.  "  L.  5.  cap.  vi.  1.     Vid.  et  cap.  iii.  1. 

vTriniriTTfia  tuq  oiKiar  aim  iutc/q,  km   iravroSantjiv  nnTr]Stn>)v—~-' 
KUTctK(u]vui  Se  TrXrjv  oXtya  Travra  toi>  iriTin',  Iiq  uv  uvtoiq  hk  tn'  oXiya  ^ir]f>Ki(Jiv 

tTTj   TToXlO^KHjUfVOlC.        Aljiq)   yHV    taXiiKTUV,    tlTTfp   i'lKlTa    SvVarOV  TjV,    il  fil]   TUTOV 

kavroiQTrpoTTapi(tKivartav.      L.  5.  cap.  1.  sect.  4. 

*  De  li.  J.  1.  4.  cap.  xi.  n.  5.     L.  5.  cap.  i.  etcap.  ii.  1. 

'  Cap.  ii.  sect.  3.  «  Cap.  iii.  1.  ••  L.  5.  cap.  iv. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  443 

On  '  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  siege,  which  was  the  seventh  day 
of  May,  the  Romans  got  possession  of  the  first  wall,  and 
demolished  a  great  part  of  it.  Titus''  then  encamped  within 
the  city,  in  a  place  called  the  Assyrians'  camp.  On  '  the 
fifth  day  after  that,  he  got  possession  of  the  second  wall, 
but  was  repulsed  and  beat  out  of  it  again.  '  Whereupon 
those  Jews,  who  were  armed,  and  were  the  fighting-  men,' 
as  our  historian  says,  '  were  nuich  elevated,  persuading 
themselves  that  the  Romans  could  never  conquer  the  city  : 
for'"  God  had  blinded  their  minds  for  the  transgressions 
which  they  had  been  guilty  of,  so  that  they  did  not  consi- 
der the  superior  force  of  the  Romans,  nor  discern  how 
the  famine  was  creeping  in  upon  them  :  for  hitherto  they 
had  fed  themselves  out  of  the  public  distresses,  and  drank 
the  blood  of  the  city.  But  poverty  was  now  become  the  lot 
of  many  good  men,  and  a  great  many  had  already  perished 
for  Avant  of  necessaries  :  but  they  supposed  the  destruction 
of  the  meaner  people  to  be  a  benefit  to  them.'  Howevei', 
Titus  renewed  the  attack.  The  Jews  defended  themselves 
resolutely  for  three  days:  but  on  the  fourth  day  he  again 
became  master  of  that  wall  ;  and  then  he  demolished  all 
that  part  which  lay  to  the  north,  and  fortified  the  south  side 
with  towers,  and  placed  soldiers  in  them  ;  and  then  consi- 
dered how  he  might  attack  the  third  and  inmost  wall. 

Now  "  Titus  thought  fit  to  relax  the  siege  for  a  while, 
in  order  to  ease  the  soldiers,  and  to  pay  them  subsistence- 
money,  as  also  to  see  whether  the  Jews  would  relent,  and 
make  some  proposals  for  surrendering',  that  he  might  show 
them  mercy. 

Moreover  Josephus,"  by  order  of  Titus,  took  this  opportu- 
nity to  address  the  Jews  in  a  pathetic  discourse  :  having 
sought  out  a  place  to  stand  in,  where  he  might  be  heard, 
and  be  in  safety.  In  that  speech  he  entreats  the  Jews  to 
save  themselves,  their  temple,  and  their  country,  and  tells 
them  that  they  were  fighting  against  God. 

'  Moreover,'  says  he,  '  as  for  Titus,  those  springs  which 
were  almost  dried  up  when  they  were  in  your  power,  since 
his  coming,  they  run  more  plentifully  than  they  did  before  ; 
accordingly,  you  know  that  Siloam,  as  well  as  all  the  other 
springs  about  the  city,  did  so  far  fail,  that  water  was  sold 
in  pitchers  :  whereas  they  now  have  such  a  quantity  for 
your  enemies  as  is  sufficient  for  themselves,  and  for  their 

' cap.  vii.  sect.  2.  ^  ib.  sect.  3. 

'   Cap.  viii.  sect.  1,2.  "'   ETrtaicorei  yap  avrtov  Taig  yvio/iaig 

Sia  raf  rrapavofiiac  o  0«oc,  k.  \.  Ib.  sect.  2. 

"  L.  5.  cap.  ix.  sect.  1.  °  Sect.  3,  4. 


444  Jewish  Testimonies, 

cattle,  and  for  watering  gardens.  The  same  wonderful 
sign  you  had  experience  of  formerly,  when  the  aforemen- 
tioned king  of  Babylon  made  war  against  us,  who  took 
this  city,  and  burnt  the  temple  ;  though  p  the  men  of  that 
time,  I  believe,  were  far  from  being  such  transgressors  as 
you  are.' 

With  regard  to  that  particular,  the  flowing  of  the  springs 
without  the  city  in  the  time  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  Mr. 
Whiston  says  in  a  marginal  note  upon  the  place  :  '  The  his- 
'  tory  of  this  is  now  wanting"  elsewhere.' 

Four  days  were  spent  in  that  relaxation.  On  the  fifth 
day,  when  no  oflTers  of  peace  came  from  the  Jews,  Titus 
began  to  raise  new  banks  at  several  places. 

'Thei  famine  now  began  to  be  very  severe  ;  and  with 
the  famine  increased  also  the  madness  of  the  seditious'  [as 
Josephus  calls  them,  meaning  John  and  Simon  and  the 
officers  under  them],  'There  could  no  corn  appear  pub- 
licly any  where,  but  those  robbers  came  running  for  it: 
they  also  searched  private  houses;  if  they  found  any  corn, 
they  tormented  the  people,  because  they  had  denied  it ;  if 
they  found  none,  they  tormented  them  nevertheless,  because 
they  supposed  the  people  had  concealed    it.' 

Here"^  Josephus  enlargeth  upon  the  miseries  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  great  wickedness  of  their  present  governors. 
'  But,'  says  he,  '  it  is  impossible  to  enumerate  every  instance 
of  the  iniquity  of  those  men  :  but,  in  a  word,  never  did  any 
city  suffer  so  great  calamities ;  nor  was  there  ever,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  world,  any  time  more  fruitful  of  wicked- 
ness than  that These  were  the  men  who   overthrew  the 

city,  and  compelled  the  Romans  unwillingly  to  gain  a  dis- 
agreeable victory.  They  did  little  less  than  throw  fire 
upon  the  temple,  and  seemed  to  think  it  came  too   slowly.' 

'  At'  this  time  many  came  out  of  the  city  to  seek  for 
food,  or  with  a  view  of  making  an  escape,  who  were  appre- 
hended by  the  Romans,  and  crucified  before  the  walls ;  and 
many  of  them  were  scourged  before  they  were  crucified. 
This  seemed  to  Titus  very  grievous  ;  for  five  hundred  Jews 
were  taken  in  a  day,  and  sometimes  more ;  nevertheless  he 
allowed  of  it.  To  dismiss  them  and  let  them  go  oft,  would 
not  have  been  safe  ;  nor  could  he  spare  men  enough  to  keep 
guard  upon  so  many.  Moreover,  he  hoped  that  the  sight  of 
these  miserable  objects  might  dispose  them  in  the  city  to 
think  of  surrendering.    The  soldiers,  out  of  anger,  and  hatred 

Scv  oifiui  Tojv  Tore  TjacftrjKoruiv  ti}\ikhtuv  t'/XiKa  vfitic-      lb.  sect. 


s 


4.  p.  350.  Haverc.  i  L.  5.  cap.  x.  sect.  1,  2. 

[  Cap.  X.  sect.  4,  5,  *  Cap.  xi.  sect.  1. 


JoSEPHUS.     Of  the  siege  of  Jerttsalem.     A.  U.  70.  445 

of  the  Jews,  hung^  them  upon  the  crosses,  some  one  way, 
some  another,  as  it  were  in  jest;  and  so  great  was  the  num- 
ber, that  room  was  wanting-  for  crosses,  and  crosses  were 
wanting-  for  bodies.' 

'  Now  *  also  Titus  ordered  the  hands  of  some  of  them  who 
had  come  out  of  the  city  to  be  cut  off;  and  then  he  sent 
them  back,  to  let  the  people  within  the  city  know  that 
henceforward  he  should  carry  on  the  siege  with  vigour; 
however,  still  wishing  them  to  repent  and  not  compel  him 
to  destroy  their  city,  and  their  admired  temple.  But  they 
who  stood  upon  the  Mall  returned  reproaches  upon  him, 
and  upon  his  father  Vespasian,  telling-  him  that  death  was 
better  than  slavery,  and  that  so  long  as  they  had  breath 
they  would  do  the  Romans  all  the  harm  they  could.  As 
for  the  temple,  they  believed  it  would  be  preserved  by  him 
w  ho  inhabited  it :  having  him  for  their  helper,  they  de- 
spised all  his  threatenings;  for  the  event  depended  upon  God 
only.' 

The"  Romans  «'ere  employed  in  raising  batteries:  but 
though  they  had  begun  to  raise  them  on  the  twelfth  day  of 
May,  they  had  much  ado  to  finish  them  by  the  twenty-ninth 
day  of  the  same  month,  after  having  laboured  hard  for 
seventeen  days  successively  :  in  which  time,  however,  four 
batteries  were  completed. 

But  John  found  means  to  undermine  them  :  so  that  they 
fell  down  all  at  once,  causing  great  confusion  among-  the 
Romans  ;  and  after  that,  Simon  and  his  men  made  a  furious 
sally  upon  the  Romans. 

The  Roman  army  was  greatly  discouraged  to  see  their 
batteries  ruined  in  one  hour,  which  had  cost  them  so  much 
labour  :  and  many  despaired,  thinking  it  impossible  to  take 
the  city  with  the  usual  engines  of  war. 

Titus  ^  consulted  with  the  officers  what  might  be  fit  to  be 
done  :  at  length  it  was  determined  to  encompass  the  city 
with  a  wall ;  which  was  completed  in  three  days,  with 
towers  at  proper  distances  to  place  soldiers  in  as  garrisons. 

Our  blessed  Lord  says,  Luke  xix.  43 :  "  For  the  days  will 
come  upon  thee,  that  thy  enemies  shall  cast  a  trench  about 
thee,  and  compass  thee  round,  and  keep  thee  in  on  every 
side."  Some  think  that  this  prophecy  was  now  particularly 
fulfilled  in  the  building  of  the  wall  here  mentioned  by  Jo- 
sephus :  others  may  suppose  that  it  had  its  accomplishment 
when  the  Romans  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  en- 
compassed it  with  an  army. 

'  The"  famine  now  increasing,  it  devoured  whole  houses. 

'  lb.  sect.  5,  "  Sect.  4.  "  Cap.  xii.  sect.  1,2.  "  Sect.  3. 


446  Jewish  Testimonies. 

For  a  while  they,  who  had  no  relations  to  take  care  of  them, 
were  buried  at  the  public  expense  :  afterwards  the  dead 
were  thrown  over  the  wall  into  the  ditch.' 

'  When  "  Titus,  in  going-  his  rounds  near  the  vallies  below 
the  walls,  saw  the  dead  bodies,  and  the  putrefaction  issu- 
ing- from  them,  he  fetched  a  deep  sigh;  and,  lilting  up  his 
hands  to  heaven,  called  God  to  witness  that  this  was  not 
his  doing.'  However,  he  proposed  erecting  new  platforms, 
which  was  a  difficult  work,  as  all  the  timber  near  the  city 
was  already  consumed,  and  it  was  now  to  be  fetched  from 
a  great  distance. 

In  the  next  chapter  >'  Josephus  relates  the  death  of  Mat- 
thias, son  of  Boethus,  one  of  the  high-priests,  and  several 
other  persons  of  eminence,  and  divers  others,  who  were 
slaughtered  by  order  of  Simon  in  a  most  shameful  manner. 
Matthias  Mas  the  person  who  had  advised  the  admitting-  of 
Simon  into  the  city,  contrary  to  the  inclinations  of  many 
others.  Matthias  had  four  sons,  one  of  which  had  saved 
himself  by  getting-  away  to  Titus  ;  the  other  three  were  all 
put  to  death  together  with  their  father ;  but  Avith  this  express 
order  from  Simon that  the  sons  should  be  first  slain  be- 
fore the  eyes  of  their  father ;  nor  was  burial  allowed  to 
them.  The  execution  was  committed  by  Simon  to  Ananus, 
son  of  Bamadus,  the  most  barbarous  man  of  his  guards. 
After  them  were  slain  Ananias  a  priest,  and  Aristeas,  scribe 
of  the  Sanhedrim,  and  fifteen  other  men  of  eminence  among 
the  people.  They  also  slew  such  as  made  lamentation  for 
these  persons  without  farther  examination.' 

'  Many  ^  did  still  find  means  to  get  out  of  the  city  :  some 
leaped  dow  n  from  the  wall,  others  went  out  of  the  city  with 
stones  in  their  hands,  as  if  they  were  going  to  fight  with  the 
Romans:  but  most  of  them  died  miserably.  Some  perished 
by  excessive  eating  upon  empty  stomachs.  Moreover  some 
of  them  had  swallowed  gold,  and  were  detected  afterwards 
in  searching  for  it  in  their  excrements.  This,  having  been 
observed  in  a  few  instances,  excited  the  avarice  of  the 
soldiers,  who  concluded  that  all  the  deserters  were  full  of 
gold ;  they  therefore  cut  up  their  bellies  and  searched  their 
entrails.  In  this  May,'  as  Josephus  says,  '  there  perished 
two  thousand  in  one  night.  Nor  does  it  seem  to  me  that 
any  misery  befell  the  Jews  more  terrible  than  this.' 

'  When  Titus  heard  of  it  he  was  greatly  displeased  ;  es- 
pecially when  he  found  that  not  only  the  Syrians  and 
Arabians  had  practised  this  cruelty,  but  the  Romans  like- 
M'ise;  he  therefore  gave  orders  that  all,  M'ho  for  the  future 

»  Sect.  4.  y  Cap.  xiii.  sect.  1.  '  Sect.  4,5. 


JOSEPHUS.      Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  447 

acted  in  that  manner,  should  be  put  to  death  ;  but  the  love 
of  money  prevailed  against  the  dread  of  punishment:  and 
indeed  it  was  God  who  had  condemned  the  whole  nation, 
and  defeated  every  method  taken  for  their  preservation.' 

About ^  this  time  John  melted  down  many  of  the  sacred 
utensils  in  the  temple  to  make  use  of  them  as  instruments 
of  war.  He  also  distributed  the  sacred  wine  and  oil  for 
common  use  to  persons  who,  in  drinking-  and  anointing' 
themselves,  wasted  them   in  a  profuse  manner. 

'  But''  why  do  1  stay  to  relate  particularly  these  several 
calamities?  for  at  this  time  Mannfeus  son  of  Lazarus,  fled 
out  of  the  city,  and  came  to  Titus ;  and  told  him  that 
through  the  one  gate,  which  had  been  entrusted  to  his 
care,  there  had  been  no  fewer  than  a  hundred  and  fifteen 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty  dead  bodies,  from 
the  day  that  the  Romans  encamped  near  the  city,  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  month  of  April,  to  the  first  day  of  July. 
That  was  a  prodigious  number  !  The  man  was  not  a  gover- 
nor at  the  gate,  but  he  was  appointed  to  pay  the  public  al- 
lowance for  carrying  the  bodies  out,  and  therefore  was 
obliged  to  number  them.  Others  were  buried  by  their  re- 
lations, though  their  burial  was  no  other  than  to  bring  them 
and  cast  them  out  of  the  city.  After  that  man  there  came  to 
Titus  several  other  deserters  of  good  condition,  who  told  him 
that  the  whole  number  of  the  poor,  who  had  been  thrown  out 
at  the  gates,  was  not  less  than  six  hundred  thousand :  the  num- 
ber of  the  rest  could  not  be  exactly  known.  They  farther 
told  him  that,  when  they  were  no  longer  able  to  carry  out 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  poor,  they  laid  them  in  heaps  in  large 
houses,  and  then  shut  them  up.  They  likewise  said  that 
a  measure  of  wheat  had  been  sold  for  a  talent :  and  that 
afterwards,  when  it  had  been  impossible  to  come  out  to  ga- 
ther herbs,  because  the  city  was  encompassed  with  a  wall, 
some  were  driven  to  such  distress,  as  to  search  the  common 
shores  and  old  dunghills  of  cattle,  and  to  eat  the  dung 
which  they  found  there  ;  and  that  what  they  could  not  be- 
fore endure  to  see,  they  now  made  use  of  for  food.  When 
the  Romans  heard  of  these  things,  they  commiserated 
their  case:  but  the  seditious,  who  saw  them,  did  not  re- 
pent till  the  same  distress  reached  themselves:  for "^  they 
were  blinded  by  that  fate  which  was  coming  upon  the  city 
and  themselves.' 

There  ends  the  fifth  book  of  our  author's  History  of  the 
Jewish  War.     The  sixth  book  contains  the  progress  of  the 

»  Sect.  6.  ''  Sect.  7. 

'^   TltirjjpovTO  yap  viro  m  j^oewv,  o  ri^rt  TroXti  Km  avroiQ  rjSij  7rap?jv. 


448  Jewish  Testimonies. 

siege,  and  the  miseries  of  the  people,  till  the  city  was  taken 
by  Titus. 

The  ^  Roman  batteries  are  now  raised  at  the  end  of  one- 
and-twenty  days'  hard  labour,  and  the  miseries  of  the  city 
increase.  The  Romans  begin  to  batter  upon  the  walls  of 
the  tower  called  Antonia  :  the  Je«s  make  a  vigorous  de- 
fence :  but  the  Romans  gained  possession  of  it  about  the 
middle  of  July. 

'  Titus''  thereupon  ordered  his  soldiers  to  dig  up  the 
foundations  of  the  tower  Antonia,  to  make  way  for  him  to 
come  up  with  his  whole  army  ;  and  being  informed  that  on 
that  very  day,  the  seventeenth  of  July,  the  daily  sacrifice 
had  failed,  and  that  it  had  not  been  offered  up  for  want  of 
men,  and  that  the  people  were  greatly  concerned  at  it,  he 
sent  for  Josephus,  and  commanded  him  to  say  to  John  the 
san»e  things  that  had  been  said  before.  Accordingly  Jo- 
sephus sought  for  a  proper  place  to  stand  in  ;  and  in  the 
name  of  Titus  himself  earnestly  exhorted  John,  and  those 
that  were  with  him,  to  spare  their  own  country,  and  to  pre- 
vent that  fire  which  was  ready  to  seize  upon  the  temple,  and 
to  offer  to  God  therein  their  usual  sacrifices.  But  John 
cast  many  reproaches  upon  Josephus,  with  imprecations ; 
adding'  withal,  that  Mie  did  not  fear  the  city  should  ever 
be  taken,  which  was  God's  own  city;  after  Avhich  Josephus 
went  on  with  a  pathetic  speech,  Avhich,  though  it  did  not 
persuade  John  and  his  adherents,  was  not  altogether  with 
out  effect.' 

And^  some,  watching  for  an  opportunity,  fled  to  the 
Romans;  of  whom  were  the  high  priests  Joseph  and  Jesus, 
and  of  sons  of  high-priests  three,  and  four  sons  of  Matthias, 
as  well  as  one  son  of  the  other  Matthias,  formerly  mention- 
ed, who  with  three  of  his  sons  had  been  killed  by  order  of 
Simon,  son  of  Gioras ;  and  many  others  of  the  nobility  : 
all  whom  Titus  received  very  kindly,  and  sent  them  to 
Gophna,  a  small  city,  where  they  might  live  quietly,  follow- 
ing their  omu  customs;  which  t)lfer  they  cheerfully  accept- 
ed :  but  as  they  did  not  appear,  the  seditious  Avithin  the 
city  gave  out  that  those  men  had  been  slain  by  the  Romans. 
It  M'as  in  vain  therefore,  they  said,  for  any  to  go  over  to  the 
Romans,  unless  they  were  willing  to  be  put  to  death. 

Titus ''  therefore  sent  for  those  men  from  Gophna,  and 
let  them  go  round  near  the  wall  with  Josephus,  to  assure 
the  people  that  they  might  come  over  to  him  with  safety. 

"•  L.  6.  cap.  i.  sect.  1 — 8.  *  Cap.  ii.  sect.  I. 

^  — '■ a»c  ouK  av  irort  deiaeuv  oKiamv,  deov  yap  vTrap)(^tiv  rrjv  iroXtv. 

e  Ibid.  cap.  ii.  sect.  2.  "  Ibid.  sect.  3. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  Sie()e  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.         449 

If  all  this  be  true,  as  Josephus  writes,  it  is  a  proof  of 
the  good  temper  of  Titus.  Moreover,  the  Romans  were  now 
pushing'  their  conquests  upon  the  temple  itself,  which  Titus 
seems  unwilling  to  have  destroyed. 

'  And,' '  as  Josephus  adds,  '  Titus  was  much  affected  with 
the  present  state  of  things,  and  reproached  John  and  those 
with  him  :  reminding;  them  of  the  regard  which  had  been 
shown  to  the  temple  by  the  Romans,  who  had  allowed  them 
to  erect  in  the  courts  of  it  a  partition  wall,  with  inscriptions 
in  Greek,  forbidding  all  foreigners  to  enter  within  those 
limits,  and  allowing  them  to  kill  such  as  did  so,  though  they 
were  Romans.  I  call  to  witness,'  says  he, '  the  gods  of  the 
country,  and  every  god,  who  ever  had  a  regard  to  this  place; 
(for  I  do  not  now  suppose  it  to  be  regarded  by  any  of  them  ;) 
1  also  call  to  witness  my  own  army,  and  the  Jews  Avho  are 
M'ith  me,  and  your  own  selves,  that  I  do  not  compel  you  to 
pollute  your  sanctuary  :  and  if  you  will  change  the  place 
of  combat  no  Roman  shall  come  near  it;  for  1  will  endea- 
vour to  preserve  your  temple,  whether  you  will  or  not.' 

Such  '^  things  were  spoken  by  Titus,  and  by  Josephus 
after  him  in  Hebrew,  to  John  and  the  rest  with  him  ;  but 
they  perverted  it,  as  if  all  these  fine  ofl*ers  proceeded  from 
Tearfulness,  and  not  from  any  good  will  to  them. 

Titus'  therefore  proceeded  in  his  attacks.  His  soldiers 
fought  with  the  Jews  at  the  temple,  whilst  he  continued 
on  the  higher  ground   in  Antonia  to  observe  their  conduct. 

They ""  had  now  made  a  broad  way  from  the  tower  An- 
tonia to  the  temple,  and  began  to  play  on  the  temple  with 
their  batterino-  eno-ines. 

The"  fight  was  very  desperate.  A  cloister  near  Antonia 
was  set  on  fire.  On  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  July  the  Ro- 
mans set  fire  to  another  cloister,  when  the  fire  proceeded  fif- 
teen cubits  farther. 

'Whilst"  the  Jews  and  Romans  were  thus  fighting 
at  the  temple,  the  famine  prevailed  in  the  city,  till  at  length 
they  did  not  abstain  from  girdles  and  shoes.  The  very  lea- 
ther that  belonged  to  shields  they  took  off"  and  gnawed. 
Wisps  of  old  straw  became  food  to  them.' 

AtP  this  time  a  woman  named  Mary,  of  a  good  family 
beyond  Jordan,  who  had  fled  from  her  native  place  to  Je- 
rusalem, to  avoid  the  inconveniences  of  the  war  in  the  open 
country,  when  all  she  had  brought  with  her  was  consumed, 
or  taken   from  her  by  the  rapaciousness  of  the  tyrants  and 

'  Sect.  4.  »  Sect.  5.  '  Sect.  5,  6. 

"  Sect.  7.  "  Sect.  8,  9. 

"  Cap.  iii.  sect.  3.  p  Sect.  4. 

VOL.  VI.  2  r. 


450  Jewish  Testimonies. 

their  adherents,  was  reduced  to  such  extremity  that  she  kill- 
ed her  sucking-  child,  and  dressed  it  for  food. 

On  '5  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  of  August  the  Roman 
batteries  were  completed,  and  Titus  ordered  the  batteries  to 
play  upon  the  temple.  The  battle  between  the  Jews  and 
Romans  was  very  desperate. 

'Titus'^  retired  to  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  resolved  the 
next  day  early  in  the  morning  to  storm  the  temple  with  his 
M'hole  army,  and  to  encamp  about  it.  But  certainly  the  di- 
vine sentence  had  long  since  condemned  it  to  the  fire :  and 
now  the  fatal  day  was  come,  according  to  the  revolution  of 
ages;  it  was  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  August,  the  same 
day  upon  which  it  had  been  formerly  burnt  by  the  king  of 
Babylon.' 

'  The"  temple  was  now  on  fire:  nevertheless  Titus,  still 
desirous  to  save  it,  if  possible,  came  near  and  went  into  the 
sanctuary  of  the  temple  with  his  commanders,  and  saw  it, 
with  what  was  in  it :  which  he  found  to  be  far  superior  to 
the  accounts  of  foreigners,  and  not  inferior  to  our  boastings 
and  persuasion  concerning  it.' 

As'  the  fire  had  not  yet  reached  the  inner  parts  of  the 
temple,  Titus  gave  fresh  orders  for  extinguishing  the  fire, 
and  preserving  the  temple  ;  but  to  no  purpose :  such  was 
the  enmity  of  the  soldiers  against  the  Jews:  filled  also  with 
the  hopes  of  plunder,  and  now  animated  with  the  rage 
of  war. 

'  Nor  "  can  we  forbear  to  wonder  at  the  accuracy  of  the 
period  :  for  this  happened,  as  before  said,  in  the  same  month, 
and  day  of  the  month,  in  which  the  temple  had  been  burnt 
by  the  Babylonians.  And  the  number  of  years,  from  its 
first  foundation  by  King  Solomon  to  this  its  destruction  in 
the  second  year  of  Vespasian,  are  collected  to  be  one  thou- 
sand and  thirty,  and  seven  months  and  fifteen  days.  And 
from  its  second  building  by  Haggai,  in  the  second  year  of 
king'  Cyrus,  to  it's  destruction  by  Vespasian,  there  were 
six  hundred  and  thirty-nine  years,  and  forty-five  days.' 

Whilst  ^  the  temple  was  burning,  every  thing"  was  plun- 
dered that  came  to  hand,  and  ten  thousand  of  those  who 
were  caught,  were  slain  :  nor  was  there  any  regard  had  to 
age  or  condition;  but  children  and  old  men,  profane  per- 
sons and  priests,  were  all  slain  in  the  same  manner. 

*  At^*  this  time  the  treasury  chambers  were  burnt,  where 
was  an  immense  quantity  of  money,  and  an  immense  number 
of  garments,  with  other  precious  things :  for  there  it  was 

1  Cap.  iv.  sect.l.  '  Sect.  5.  '^  Sect.  7.  '  Ibid. 

"  Sect.  8.  "  Cap.  v.  sect.  1.  "  Sect.  2. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  45 1 

that  the  riches  of  the  Jews  were  heaped  up.  The  soldiers 
also  came  to  the  rest  of  the  cloisters  in  the  outer  court,  where 
were  women  and  children  and  a  mixed  multitude  of  people, 
to  the  number  of  six  thousand  :  and  before  Coesar  had  given 
any  orders  about  it,  the  soldiers  in  a  rage  set  fire  to  the 
cloister.  Nor  did  any  one  of  that  multitude  escape  with  his 
life.  A  false  prophet  was  the  occasion  of  their  destruction  : 
who  that  very  day  had  made  proclamation  in  the  city  that 
God  commanded  them  to  go  up  to  the  temple,  where  they 
would  receive  signs  of  deliverance.  And  indeed  there  was 
then  a  great  number  of  false  prophets  suborned  by  the  lead- 
ers of  the  factions  to  impose  upon  the  people,  who  told  them 
that  they  should  wait  for  deliverance  from  God.' 

*  Thus,'"  as  our  author  goes  on  in  the  words  next  follow- 
ing, '  was  this  miserable  people  deceived  by  impostors,  who 
spoke  lies  in  the  name  of  God.  But  they  did  not  attend 
nor  give  credit  to  those  prodigies  which  evidently  foretold 
their  future  desolation;  but  like  men  infatuated,  who  have 
neither  eyes  to  see  nor  minds  to  consider,  they  disregarded 
the  divine  denunciations.  There  ^  was  a  star,  a  comet  re- 
sembling a  sword,  which  stood  over  the  city  and  continued 
for  a  year.  And  before  the  rebellion,  and  before  the  war 
broke  out,  when  the  people  were  come  together  in  great 
multitudes  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  on  the  eighth 
day  of  the  month  of  April,  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the  night, 
so  great  a  light  shone  round  the  altar  and  the  temple  that 
it  seemed  to  be  bright  day  :  which  light  continued  for  half 
an  hour.  This,  to  the  unskilful,  seemed  to  be  a  good  sign ; 
but,  by  the  sacred  scribes,  it  was  judged  to  portend  what 
has  since  happened.  And  at  the  same  festival  a  heifer,  as 
she  was  led  by  the  high-priest  to  be  sacrificed,  brought 
forth  a  lamb  in  the  midst  of  the  temple.  Moreover,  the 
eastern  gate  of  the  inner  court  of  the  temple,  which  was 
of  brass,  and  very  heavy,  which  was  not  without  difficulty 
shut  in  the  evening  by  twenty  men,  and  rested  upon  a  basis 
armed  with  iron,  and  was  fastened  with  bolts  that  went  deep 
into  the  floor,  which  was  made  of  one  entire  stone,  was  seen 
to  open  of  its  own  accord  at  the  sixth  hour  of  the  night : 
whereupon  they  who  kept  watch  at  the  temple  went  to  the 
captain  and  told  him  of  it.     He  then  came  thither,  and  not 

"  lb.  sect.  3.  y   Thto  fitv  ore  virip  rriv  iroKiv  aTpov  i<^ti 

pofKpaiq,  TrapaTrXtjmov,  Kai  irapariivaQ  iiri  tviavrov  KojjiTiTtjQ. 

Mr.  Whiston's  translation  is ;  '  Thus  there  was  a  star  resembUng  a  sword, 
'  which  stood  over  the  city  ;  and  a  comet  that  continued  a  whole  year.'  And 
he  has  a  note  to  this  purpose ;   '  Whether  Josephus  means  that  this  star  was 

*  different  from  that  comet  which  lasted  a  whole  year,  I  cannot  certainly  de- 

•  termine.     His  words  most  favour  their  being  different  one  from  another.' 

2  G  2 


452  Jewish  Testimonies. 

without  difficulty  had  it  shut  again.  This  also  appeared 
to  the  vulgar  a  good  sign ;  as  if  thereby  God  opened  to 
them  the  gate  of  happiness.  But  the  wiser  men  concluded 
that  the  security  of  the  temple  was  gone,  and  that  the  gate 
was  opened  for  the  advantage  of  their  enemies ;  and  they 
said  it  was  a  signal  of  the  desolation  that  was  coming  upon 
them.  Beside  these,  a  few  days  after  that  festival,  on  the 
one-and-twentieth  day  of  May,  there  appeared  a  wonderful 
phenomenon,  almost  exceeding  belief;  and  the  account  of 
it  might  seem  fabulous  if  it  had  not  been  related  by  those 
who  saw  it,  and  if  the  following  events  had  not  been  an- 
swerable to  such  signs  :  for  before  sunset  chariots  and  troops 
in  armour  were  seen  carried  upon  the  clouds,  and  surround- 
ing cities.  And  at  the  festival,  which  we  call  the  Pentecost, 
as  the  priests  were  going  by  night  into  the  inner  court  of 
the  temple,  as  the  custom  was,  to  perform  their  ministrations, 
they  first  felt,  as  they  said,  a  shaking,  accompanied  with  a 
noise,  and  after  that  a  sound,  as  of  a  multitude,  saying, 
"  Let  us  remove  hence."  But,  which  is  still  more  awful, 
there  was  one  Jesus,  son  of  Ananus,  of  a  low  condition,  and 
a  countryman,  who  four  years  before  the  war  began,  when 
the  city  enjoyed  profound  peace  and  flowing  prosperity, 
came  up  to  the  festival,  in  which  it  is  the  custom  for 
us  all  to  make  tabernacles,  who  on  a  sudden  began  to  cry 
out  in  the  temple :  "  A  voice  from  the  east,  a  voice  from  the 
west,  a  voice  from  the  four  winds,  a  voice  against  Jerusa- 
lem and  the  temple,  a  voice  against  the  bridegrooms  and  the 
brides,  a  voice  against  the  whole  people."  This  was  his  cry, 
as  he  went  about  both  by  day  and  by  night,  in  all  the  lanes 
of  the  city.  Some  of  the  chief  men  were  oflfended  at  this 
ill-boding  sound,  and,  taking  him  up,  laid  many  stripes  upon 
him,  and  had  him  beaten  severely.  Yet  he  said  not  a  word 
for  himself,  nor  made  any  peculiar  complaint  to  them  that 
beat  him  ;  but  went  on  repeating  the  same  words  that  he 
had  said  before.  Hereupon  the  magistrates,  thinking  it  to 
be  somewhat  more  than  ordinary,  as  indeed  it  was,  bring 
him  before  the  Roman  governor;  where  he  was  whipped 
till  his  bones  were  laid  bare.  All  which  he  bore  without 
sheddingany  tears  or  making  any  supplications  :  but  with  a 
mournful  voice  at  every  stripe,  cried  out :  "  Woe  to  Jerusa- 
lem." Albinus,  the  governor,  asked  him  who  he  was,  and 
whence  he  came,  and  why  he  uttered  those  words.  To  all 
which  he  made  no  answer,  but  continued  making  his  mourn- 
ful denunciations  to  the  city.  Albinus,  thinking  him  to  be 
mad,  dismissed  him.  And  thenceforward,  to  the  time  of  the 
war,  he  did  not  go  to  any  of  the  citizens ;  nor  was  he  seen 


JosKPHUS,     Of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  453 

speaking-  to  any  ;  but  only  went  on  with  his  mournful  de- 
nunciation, as  if  it  had  been  his  premeditated  vow  :  "  Woe, 
M'oe  to  Jerusalem."  He  did  not  give  ill  language  to  those 
who  beat  him,  as  many  did  frequently ;  nor  did  he  thank 
those  who  gave  him  food:  but  went  on  repeating  to  all  the 
doleful  presage.  But  especially  at  festivals  his  cry  was 
the  loudest.  And  so  it  continued  for  seven  years  and  five 
months,  without  his  growing  hoarse,  or  being*  tired  there- 
with, till  he  saw  his  presage  in  the  siege  ;  then  he  ceased  : 
for  going  round  upon  the  wall,  with  his  utmost  force  he 
cried  out :  "  Woe,  woe  once  more,  to  the  city,  and  to  the 
people,  and  to  the  temple."  And  then  at  last  he  added : 
"  Woe,  woe  to  myself  also."  At  which  instant  there  came  a 
stone  out  of  one  of  the  engines  that  smote  him,  and  kill- 
ed him  immediately:  and  whilst  he  was  uttering  these 
mournful  presages,  he  gave  up  the  ghost.' 

*  If  ^  any  one  considers  these  things,'  adds  Josephus,  '  he 
w  ill  be  convinced  that  God  takes  care  of  mankind,  and  by 
all  ways  possible  foreshows  to  our  race  what  is  for  their  be- 
nefit ;  and  that  men  perish  by  those  miseries  which  they 
madly  and  voluntarily  bring  upon  themselves.' 

Thus  I  have  transcribed  this  whole  article  of  Josephus  at 
length,  and  in  the  place  and  order  in  which  it  stands  in  his 
own  work.  I  must  be  so  candid  as  to  take  notice  of  the  re- 
flections which  some  learned  men  have  made  upon  it. 

To  this  purpose  speaks  Dr.  Willes,  in  his  first''  discourse 
upon  Josephus  :  '  The  prodigies,  that  he  saith  happened 
before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  would  agree  better  to 
Livy  or  Tacitus,  than  to  a  Jewish  historian. — The  flying  open 
of  the  great  brazen  gate  of  the  temple  is  the  same  as  hap- 
pened at  Thebes,  just  before  the  great  battle  of  the  Lace- 
demonians at  Leuctra,  when  the  great  gates  of  the  temple 
of  Hercules  opened  of  themselves,  without  any  one's  touch- 
ing them.  I  omit  many  other  things  of  the  like  nature; 
whence  it  is  evident  that  Josephus  endeavoured  to  Grecise 
and  shape  the  history  of  the  Jews,  as  like  as  he  could  to 
those  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.'  So  Dr.  Willes.  And  I 
shall  transcribe  below  the  passage  of  Cicero  de  Divinatione,'' 
to  which  he  refers. 

'■  Sect.  4. 

*  Prefixed  to  L'Estrange's  edition  of  Josephus,  p.  3,  4.  8vo. 

''  Quid  ?  Lacedaemoniis  pauUo  ante  Leuctricam  calamitatem,  quae  signifi- 
catio  facta  est,  cum  in  Herculis  fano  arma  sonuerunt,  Herculisque  simulacrum 
multo  sudore  manavit  ?  At  eodem  tempore  Thebis,  ut  ait  Callisthenes,  in  tem- 
plo  Herculis  valvae,  clausae  repagulis,  subitose  ipsae  aperuerunt ;  armaque,  quae 
fixa  in  parietibus  fuerant,  ea  sunt  humi  inventa.  De  Divin.  I.  1.  c. 
24.  n.  74. 


454  Jewish.  Testimonies. 

Basnage  '^  in  his  History  of  the  Jews  speaks  after  this 
manner;  '  Besides,  deception  was  easy  in  many  of  the  things 

*  related  by  him.  The  bright  light  round  the  altar  in  the 
'  night-time  :  the  cow  that  brought  forth  a  Iamb  as  she  was 

*  led  to  the  altar  :  the  chariots  of  file  that  were  seen  in  the 
'  air,  and  passed  over  the  city  with  a  frightful  noise,  are  very 

*  liable  to  suspicion  :  the  opening  of  the  temple  seems  to  be 
'  rather  better  attested  than  the  others,  because  it  is  said  that 
'  the  magistrate  came  to  shut  it.  But  the  meaning-  was  doubt- 
'  ful.  To  some  it  seemed  to  be  an  assurance  that  God  had 
'  opened  the  treasures  of  his  benediction  ;  whilst  others  con- 
'  eluded  that  he  had  abandoned  the  protection  of  his  temple. 
'  But  it  is  not  easy  to  deny  the  truth  of  the  history  of  the 

*  man  that  cried,  "  A  voice  from  the  east,  a  voice  from  the 
'  west,"  and  every  day  predicted  the  ruin  of  the  city  :  for 
'  this  man  was  brought  before  Albinus,  who  examined  him. 

*  He  was  severely  scourged,  and  he  was  often  beaten  by  the 

*  people,  who  could  not  endure  so  dismal  a  noise  :  but  he 
'  was  all  along  vunnoved.     His  cry  continued  for  the  space 

*  of  seven  years.     At  length  he  was  killed  upon  the  walls  of 

*  the  city,  at  the  beginning  of  the  siege.  This  is  not  a  thing 
'  about  which  men  might  be  deceived.  Josephus,  who  re- 
'  lates  it,  was  at  Jerusalem   when  this  preacher,  who  was 

*  treated  as  a  madman,  denounced  its  desolation  :  and   he 

*  might  inform  himself  concerning  his  death.  So  that  if 
'  there  are  any  things  to  which  we  ought  to  attend,  it  is  this, 

*  in  which  we  must  acknowledge  somewhat  extraordinary.' 
So  says  Basnage. 

I  am  inclined  to  go  over  and  examine  every  one  of  these 
prodigies. 

'  There'^  was  a  star,  a  comet  resembling  a  sword,  which 
stood  over  the  city,  and  continued  for  a  year.' 

How  Mr.  Whiston  understood  this  has  been  seen  already. 
L'Estranofe  translates  thus  :  '  What  shall  we  sav  to  the 
'  comet  that  hung  over  Jerusalem,  for  one  whole  year  to- 
'  gether,  in  the  figure  of  a  sword  V  Archbishop  Tillotson ' 
in  this  manner:  '  At  a  little  before  the  destruction,'  he  tells 
us,  '  there  hung  over  their  city  a  fiery  sword,  which  con- 
'  tinned  for  a  year  together.  A  little  before  their  rebellion 
'  against  the  Romans  there  appeared  a  comet,  which  shined 

*  so  clear  in  the  temple,  and  about  the  altar,  as  if  it  had  been 
'  day.'     It  must  be  confessed  that  is  not  exact.     Tillemont : 

*^  L.  i.  ch.  viii.  sect,  3.  p.  224. 

*^    ThTO    fliV    OTt    VTTtp     TTjV    TToXlV    tt'^QOV    tTJJ    pon(pai(f    'Kapan\t)fsiov,    KM 
TrapuTHvag  in  tviavrov  KOfii]ri]g. 
*  As  before,  p.  554. 


JoSEPHUS.     Of  the  sieyc  uf  Jerusakm.     A.  D.  70.  455 

There  ^  was  also  a  comet  which  appeared  for  a  year,  and 
'  over  Jerusalem  an  extraordinary  star,  >vhich  seemed  to  be 
'  a  sword.  But  Josephus  does  not  say  the  time.'  Neither 
is  this  very  exact.  However,  I  have  also  transcribed  below 
the  M'ords  of  Josephus  himself. 

This  is  the  first  ])rodioy.  And  indeed  it  is  a  wonderful 
and  very  awful  thing-.  A  star,  resembling  a  sword,  hanging- 
over  a  city,  for  a  whole  year. — Upon  this  we  camiot  forbear 
to  observe  that  Josephus  has  not  told  us  the  time  when  this 
star  or  comet  appeared.  He  says,  '  it  continued  for  a  year.' 
But  does  not  say  when.  A  very  strange  omission.  I  must 
take  the  liberty  to  add,  that  if,  about  the  time  of  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  or  some  period  within  a  few  years  before,  there 
liad  been  a  star  resembling  a  sword,  which  hung  over  that 
city  for  a  year  together,  I  should  expect  to  find  it  in  some 
author  beside  Josephus,  and  an  author  that  does  not  depend 
upon  him  or  borrow  from  him. 

Tacitus  s  has  mentioned  several  of  the  prodigies  preceding- 
the  ruin  of  the  Jewish  people,  but  he  does  not  mention  this  : 
however,  it  must  be  owned  that  his  omitting  it  is  of  no 
great  importance,  as  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  care- 
ful to  put  down  every  thing  of  this  kind. 

2.  It  follows:  'And  before  the  rebellion,  and  before  the 
war  broke  out,  when  the  people  were  come  together  in  great 
multitudes  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  on  the  eighth 
day  of  the  month  of  April,  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the  night,' 
or  three  hours  after  midnight, '  so  great  a  light  shone  round 
the  altar,  and  the  temple,  that  it  seemed  to  be  bright  day  : 
which  light  continued  for  half  an  hour.'  This  prodigy  is 
related  by  Josephus  so  particularly  and  circumstantially, 
as  happening  too  at  the  time  of  passover,  when  Jerusalem 
was  full  of  people,  and  in  the  year  65,  as  it  seems,  that  I  am 
not  at  all  disposed  to  contest  the  truth  of  it.  I  think  it 
must  have  so  happened.  But  the  design  of  this  appearance 
is  ambiguous.  And,  as  Josephus  says,  some  thought  it  to 
portend  good,  others  bad  things.  But  that  does  not  affect 
(he  truth  of  the  fact. 

3.  '  And  at  the  same  festival  a  heifer,  as  she  was  led  by 
the  high  priest  to  be  sacrificed,  brought  forth  a  lamb  in  the 

^  II  parut  aussi  une  comete  pendant  un  an,  et  sur  Jerusalem  un  astre  extraor- 
dinaire, qui  sembloit  etre  une  epee.  Joseph  n'en  marque  pas  le  temps. 
Ruine  des  Juifs.  art.  41.  «  Evenerant  prodigia,  quse  neque 

hostiis  neque  votis  piare  fas  habet  gens  superstitioni  obnoxia,  religionibus  ad- 
versa.  Visae  per  coelum  concurrere  acies,  nitilanfia  arma,  et  subito  nubiiun 
igne  coUucere  templum.  Expassae  repente  delubri  fores,  et  audita  major 
humana  vox,  *  Excedere  Deos :'  simul  ingens  motus  excedentium.  Tacit. 
Hist.  1.  5.  c.  13. 


456  Jewish  Testimonies. 

midst  of  the  temple.'  Here  again  I  hesitate.  I  am  surpris- 
ed to  see  so  trifling*  a  story  in  a  grave  writer.  I  think  Jo- 
sephus  inserted  this  to  gratify  his  Greek  readers. 

4.  The  next  prodigy  is  the  opening  of  the  '  eastern  gate 
of  the  inner  court  of  the  temple  at  midnight :'  which,  as  be- 
fore observed  by  Dr.  Willes,  has  such  a  resemblance  with 
like  stories  told  by  credulous  heathen  people,  that  it  seems 
to  be  only  an  imitation  of  them,  and  has  therefore  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  fiction,  by  way  of  accommodation  to  the  judg- 
ment of  heathen  readers. 

5.  '  Beside  these,  a  few  days  after  that  festival,  on  the 
one-and-twentieth  day  of  the  month  of  May,  there  appeared 
a  wonderful  phenomenon,  almost  exceeding-  belief:  and  the 
account  of  it  might  seem  fabulous,  if  it  had  not  been  related 
by  those  who  saw  it,  and  if  the  following  events  had  not 
been  answerable  to  such  signs.  For  before  sunset  chariots 
and  troops  of  soldiers  in  armour  were  seen  carried  upon  the 
clouds,  and  surrounding  cities.' 

Such  seeming  appearances  have  often  been  the  effect  only 
of  imagination,  without  any  reality.  But  this  is  related  by 
Josephus  so  particularly,  and  with  so  much  solemnity,  that 
it  is  hard  to  contest  the  truth.  And  if  it  be  true,  this,  and 
the  'light  surrounding  the  altar  and  the  temple'  before 
mentioned,  may  be  some  of  those  things  intended  by  our 
Saviour  when  he  said  :  "  And  fearful  sights,  and  great 
signs,  shall  there  be  from  heaven  :"  Luke  xxi.  11.  Of  this  ^ 
Crevier  speaks  in  this  manner :  '  1  say  nothing  of  the  armed 
'  chariots  and  troops  of  warriors  that  were  seen  fighting  in  the 
'  air.  That  might  be  the  natural  effect  of  a  phenomenon  then 
'  not  understood,  but  which  we  are  now  well  acquainted  with, 
'  and  call  the  Aurora  Boreal  is,  or  northern  light.'  A  wise 
observation  truly  !  Who  ever  before  saw  or  heard  of  an 
Aurora  Borealis  in  the  day  time?  Josephus  expressly  says 
that  these  chariots  and  warriors  were  seen  '  before  sun- 
setting.' 

6.  '  And  at  the  festival,  which  we  call  the  Pentecost,  as 
the  priests  were  going  by  night  into  the  inner  court  of  the 
temple,  as  the  custom  was,  to  perform  their  ministrations, 
they  first  felt,  as  they  said,  a  shaking,  accompanied  with  a 
noise,  and  then  a  sound,  as  of  a  multitude,  saying, "  Let  us 
remove  hence."  ' 

This  passage  is  quoted  by'  Eusebius,  and  this  particular 
is  taken   notice   of  by  ^  divers  ancient  christian  writers  : 

»•  History  of  the  Rom.  Emp.  Vol.  vi.  p.  240.  '  H.  E.  1.  3.  c. 

vii.  Dem.  Ev.  1.  8.  p.  402.     And  see  the  Credib.  Vol.  iv.  p.  81. 

''   Kat  IwffjjTTOf  Se  /Jitra  ^paxw  yivofitvog  \povot',  e<pi],  rivac  ayyiKs^  rag  tri 


JosEPHus.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.         457 

but  they  do  not  always  quote  so  accurately  as  might  be 
M'ishetl. 

I  beg-  leave  to  observe  upon  it ;  First  of  all,  this  is  said 
to  have  happened  in  the  '  night  time,'  and  therefore  deserves 
the  less  regard.  Secondly,  1  do  not  know  what  ministra- 
tions the  priests  had  to  perform  in  the  inner  temple  in 
the  night.  Doubtless  they  kept  watch  at  the  temple  by 
night  as  well  as  by  day:  but,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect,  the 
ministrations  at  the  temple,  which  were  of  divine  appoint- 
ment, were  performed  by  daylight.  Thirdly,  the  sound  of 
a  multitude,  saying,  "Let  us  go  hence,"  has  much  of  an 
heathenish  air. 

All  these  signs  or  prodigies,  just  mentioned,  (excepting* 
the  star  like  a  sword,  of  which  before,)  seem  to  be  placed 
by  Josephus  in  the  year  of  Christ  65;  the  year  before  the 
war  commenced. 

7.  The  seventh  and  last  is  that  of  'Jesus,  son  of  Ananus, 
Avho  four  years  before  the  war  began  came  up  to  the  festival, 
■which  we   call  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  and  on  a  sudden 

began  to  cry  out :  "  A  voice  from  the   east a  voice 

against  Jerusalem  and  the  temple."  And  so  it  continued 
for  seven  years  and  five  months,  till  he  saw  his  presage  ful- 
filled in  the  siege.'  He  therefore  began  this  cry  near  the 
end  of  the  year  G2.  This  last  Josephus  calls  more  '  awful 
than  the  rest,'  to  Be  -thtivu  (pojiepwrarov.  And,  as  Le  Clerc ' 
observes,  *  if  it  be  true,  Josephus  rightly  says  it  was  somewhat 
'  divine.'  I  hope  we  may  depend  upon  the  truth  of  this 
history,  which  is  related  with  so  many  particulars  and  cir- 
cumstances. 

All  these  things  Josephus  has  recorded  as  affecting  signs, 
warnings,  and  presages  of  great  calamities  coming  upon  the 
Jewish  nation  :  omitting  entirely  the  warnings,  and  predic- 
tions, and  admonitions,  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  his  apostles 
after  him  ;  and  also  the  three  hours'  darkness  over  the  whole 
land  of  Judea,  and  the  rending  the  veil  of  the  temple,  and 
the  earthquake  near  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's 

■jrapajxivovrac;,  ii  /it]  ^sXrjQufv  ticttvoi  niTa^ijvai,  KaToXnruv  avrovg.  Chr.  in 
Jo.  Horn.  64.  [al.  65.]  p.  390.  T.  8. 

Josephus  quoque  lefert,  virtutes  angelicas,  prsesides  quondam  templi,  tunc 
pariter  conclamasse  :  Transeamus  ex  his  sedibus.  Hieron.  in  Malt,  xxvii.  51. 
T.  4.  p.  139.  Conf.  ep.  ad  Hedib.  sect.  viii.T.  4.  P.  i.  p.  176. 

Unde  et  Josephus  in  sua  narrat  historia,  quod,  postquam  Dominus  cruci- 
fixus  est,  et  velum  terapU  scissum  est,  sive  liminare  templi  fractum  corruit, 
audita  sit  vox  in  adytis  Templi  Virtutum  coelestium,  Transeamus  ex  his  sedi- 
bus.    Id.  in  Ezech.  c.  47.  p.  1058. 

'  Quae  si  vera  sunt,  non  immerito  Josephus  rem  divinitus  contigisse  cen- 
suit.     Cleric.  H.  E.  An.  62.  n.  v. 


458  Jewish  Testimonies. 

crucifixion.  And  though  all  these  signs  and  warnings,  re- 
lated by  himself,  are  considered  by  him  as  very  affecting, 
he  acknowledgetb  that  they  made  not  any  great  impression 
upon  his  nation.  And  says :  '  But  they  did  not  attend  or 
give  credit  to  those  prodigies,  which  evidently  foretold  their 
desolation  ;  but  like  men  infatuated,  who  have  neither  eyes 
to  see,  nor  minds  to  consider,  they  disregarded  the  divine 
denunciations.'  And  his  history  verifies  the  truth  and  just- 
ness of  this  observation. 

'  Now™  the  Romans  brought  their  ensigns  to  the  temple, 
and  set  them  over  against  the  eastern  gate.  There  they 
offered  sacrifices  to  them,  and  there  they  made  Titus  em- 
peror, with  the  greatest  acclamations  of  joy.  And  all  the 
soldiers  had  such  vast  quantities  of  spoils,  which  they  got 
by  plunder,  that  in  Syria  a  pound  weight  of  gold  was  sold 
for  half  its  former  value.' 

There  "  were  some  priests,  as  Josephus  says,  sitting  upon 
the  wall  of  the  temple,  who  continued  there  till  they  were 
pined  with  hunger;  then  they  came  down  and  surrendered 
themselves.  When  they  were  brought  by  the  guards  to 
Titus,  they  begged  for  their  lives.  But  Titus  answered,  that 
the  time  of  pardon  was  over  as  to  them,  that  being  destroy- 
ed, for  the  sake  of  which  alone  he  should  have  saved  them  ; 
and  it  was  very  fit  that  priests  should  perish  with  their  tem- 
ple.    Whereupon  he  ordered  them  to  be  put  to  death. 

Now"  Simon  and  John,  and  they  that  were  with  them, 
desire  a  conference  with  Titus;  which  he  granted.  He 
placed  himself  on  the  western  side  of  the  outer  court  of  the 
temple,  and  there  was  a  bridge  that  parted  them.  There 
were  great  numbers  of  Jews  waiting  with  those  two  tyrants, 
and  there  were  also  many  Romans  on  the  side  of  Titus.  He 
ordered  the  soldiers  to  refrain  their  rage,  and  appointed  an 
interpreter  :  and,  being  conqueror,  he  spoke  first.  He  then 
reproached  them  in  very  bitter  tenns,  and  very  justly.  And 
then  concluded  :  '  However,  I  will  not  imitate  your  mad- 
'  ness.     Jf  you  will  throw  down  your  arms,  and  deliver  up 

*  your  bodies  to  me,  I  grant  you  your  lives.     I  will  act  like 

*  a  mild  father  of  a  family.  What  cannot  be  healed  shall  be 
'  destroyed.     "J'lie  rest  1  will  reserve  for  my  own  use.' 

'  They  answered,  they  could  not  consent  to  that,  because 
they  had  sworn  never  to  do  it.  They  asked  leave  to  go 
through  the  wail  that  surrounded  them  with  their  wives  and 
children  ;  so  they  would  go  into  the  desert  and  leave  the 
city  to  him.  At  which  Titus  was  greatly  provoked,  that, 
when  they  were  now  already  in  the  case  of  men  taken  cap- 

"'  L.  6.C.  vi.  sect.  1.  "  Ibid.  "  Sect.  2. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  459 

tives,  tliey  should  pretend  to  make  their  own  terms  with  him, 
as  if  they  were  conquerors.  He  then  gave  orders  that  pro- 
clamation should  be  made  to  them,  that  henceforward  none 
should  be  allowed  to  come  over  to  him  as  deserters,  nor 
hope  for  security  ;  for  that  now  he  would  spare  nobody,  but 
fight  them  with  his  whole  army.  lie  therefore  gave  orders 
to  the  soldiers  both  to  burn  and  to  plunder  the  city.  On 
that  day  however  they  did  nothing-.  But  the  day  following 
they  set  fire  to  the  repository  of  the  archives,  to  the  coun- 
cil houses,  to  Acra,  and  to  the  place  called  Ophilas  :  at  which 
time  the  fire  proceeded  as  far  as  to  the  palace  of  queen  He- 
lena, which  was  in  the  middle  of  Acra.  The  lanes  also  were 
burnt  down,  as  were  all  the  houses  that  were  full  of  the 
dead  bodies  of  such  as  had  died  by  the  famine.' 

'  On  >'  the  same  day  the  sons  and  brothers  of  king'  Izates, 
and  '1  with  them  uiany  other  eminent  men  of  the  city,  got 
together,  and  besought  Titus  to  give  them  his  right  hand 
for  their  security.  Whereupon,  though  he  was  now  very 
angry  and  nuich  displeased  with  all  who  were  still  remain- 
ing, he  did  not  depart  from  his  wonted  moderation,  but  re- 
ceived them.  However  he  kept  them  all  in  custody.  And 
having  bound  the  king's  sons  and  kinsmen,  he  took  them 
with  him  to  Rome,  to  be  kept  there  as  hostages  for  the  fide- 
lity of  their  country.' 

Here,  as  I  apprehend,  we  see  a  proof  of  the  zeal  of  the 
Jewish  proselytes  at  this  time.  For  such  were  the  relations 
of  king  Izates.  These  persons  had  chosen  to  reside  much  in 
the  holy  city  of  Jerusalem:  or  they  had  come  up  thither  to 
the  feast  of  the  Passover  this  year,  notwithstanding-  the  dan- 
ger it  was  in  from  the  approaches  of  the  Roman  army.  And 
it  was,  as  seems  to  me,  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  modera- 
tion of  this  prince,  that  he  now  showed  mercy  to  these  per- 
sons who  might  have  come  over  to  him  long  before,  and 
did  not  surrender  themselves  till  matters  were  brought  to 
the  utmost  extremity,  and  after  he  had  publicly  declared 
that  he  would  spare  none. 

Titus'^  still  had  difficulties  remaining-  in  taking"  the  rest  of 
the  city. 

'  Some*  there  were  who  deserted  to  Titus,  notwithstand- 
ing the  care  of  the  tyrants  to  prevent  it.  These  were  all 
received  by  the  Romans,  because  Titus  grew  negligent  as 
to  his  former  orders,  and  because  the  soldiers  were  weary 
of  killing,  and  because  they  hoped  to  gain  money  by  spar- 

P  Sect.  4.  1   TrpoQ  o'lg  ttoWoi  nov  e-TTKTtjjJLijJv 

Sijfiorwv  £Kf t  (FvviXOovrfg,  iKtTtvffav  Kataapa,  k.  X. 

'  Cap.  vii.  et  viii.  ^  Cap.  viii.  sect.  2. 


460  Jeivish  Testimonies. 

ing  them.  They  therefore  sold  them  with  their  wives  and 
children,  though  at  a  very  low  price.  For  there  were 
many  to  be  sold,  and  but  a  few  purchasers.  Indeed  the 
number  of  those  who  were  sold  was  prodigious.  And  *  yet 
there  were  forty  thousand  of  the  people  saved,  whom  Titus 
permitted  to  go  where  they  pleased.' 

And  now  Mere  fulfilled  those  words  of  Moses:  "  And  ye 
shall  be  sold  for  bondmen  and  bondwomen  ;  and  no  man 
shall  buy  you:"  Deut.  xxviii.  68.  And  likewise  those 
words  of  our  Lord,  Luke  xxi.  24;  "  And  they  shall  fall  by 
the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  shall  be  led  away  captive  into 
all  nations.  And  Jerusalem  shall  be  trodden  down  by  the 
Gentiles,  until  the  times  of  the  Gentiles  be  fulfilled." 

'  At  "  this  time  one  of  the  priests,  son  of  Thebuthus,  whose 
name  was  Joshua,  upon  his  having  security  given  him  by 
the  oath  of  Caesar  that  he  should  be  preserved,  upon  con- 
dition that  he  should  deliver  to  him  certain  of  the  precious 
things  deposited  in  the  temple,  came  out  and  delivered  to 
him  from  the  wall  of  the  temple  two  candlesticks,  like  to 
those  that  lay  in  the  temple,  together  with  tables  and  cis- 
terns, and  vials,  all  of  solid  gold,  and  very  heavy.  He  also 
delivered  to  him  the  veils,  and  the  garments  of  the  high 
priests,  with  the  precious  stones,  and  many  other  vessels  be- 
longing to  the  sacred  ministrations.  And  now  was  seized 
the  treasurer  of  the  temple,  whose  name  was  Phineas,  who 
discovered  to  him  the  coats  and  girdles  of  the  priests  with  a 
great  quantity  of  purple  and  scarlet,  which  were  reposited 
for  the  use  of  the  veil ;  as  also  a  great  deal  of  cinnamon  and 
cassia,  and  other  sweet  spices,  which  used  to  be  mixed  and 
offered  to  God  as  incense  every  day.  A  great  many  other 
precious  things  and  ornaments  of  the  temple  were  delivered 
by  the  same  person.  Which  things  so  delivered  to  Titus, 
obtained  for  that  man  the  same  pardon  that  was  allowed  to 
such  as  deserted  of  their  own  accord.' 

'  At "  length,  after  great  labour,  and  against  a  furious  op- 
position, the  Romans  became  masters  of  the  rest  of  the  city, 
and  set  their  ensigns  upon  the  walls  in  triumph,  and  with 
great  joy.  They  then  plundered  the  houses,  and  killed 
every  one  whom  they  met  with  in  the  streets.  Tliey  set  fire 
to  the  city,  and  made  the  streets  run  with  blood  to  such  a 
degree,  that  the  fire  of  many  houses  was  quenched  with 
men's  blood.  However  it  so  happened  that,  when  the  slayers 
had  left  off  in  the  evening,  the  fire  greatly  prevailed  in  the 
night.     As  all  was  burning,  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  of 

'  Ol  SrifioTiKoi  dt  Sis(j(i)9ri(Tav  virtp  TtTQaKiOfivpmQt  ovg  Sia^tjKe  Kaiffap,  9 
ipiKov  t]v  iKw^tf).     Ibid.  "  Cap.  viii.  sect.  3.  "  Sect.  4,  5. 


JoSEPHUS.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.         461 

September,  came  on  to  Jerusalem,  a  city  which  had  suffer- 
ed so  many  calamities  during*  the  siege,  of  which  it  was 
upon  no  account  so  deserving",  as  upon  account  of  its 
producing-  such  a  generation  of  men  as  occasioned  its  over- 
throw. 

'  When '"  Titus  was  come  into  this  upper  city,  he  admir- 
ed some  places  of  strength  in  it,  and  particularly  those 
strong  towers  which  the  tyrants  in  their  madness  had  relin- 
quished. And  he  expressed  himself  in  the  following' man- 
ner: "  We^  have  certainly  had  God  for  our  helper  in  this 
war.  It  is  God  who  has  ejected  the  Jews  out  of  these  for- 
tifications. For  what  could  the  hands  of  men,  or  any 
machines  do,  towards  throwing'  down  suchy  fortifications?" 
At  which  time  he  had  many  like  discourses  with  his  friends. 
He  also  set  at  liberty  such  as  had  been  bound  by  the 
tyrants,  and  were  still  in  the  prisons.  And  when  he  en- 
tirely demolished  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  overthrew  its*^ 
walls,  he  left  those  towers  to  be  monuments  of  his  fortune, 
which  had  fought  with  him,  and  had  enabled  him  to  take 
what  otherwise  would  have  been  impregnable.' 

'  The*  soldiers  were  weary  of  killing*.  But  there  were 
many  still  alive.  Titus  therefore  gave  orders  that  none 
should  be  killed   but  such  as  were  in  arms  or  made  resist- 

"  Cap.  ix.  sect.  1.  "  Sw  Gtijj  y  nro\snt](Tafitv ic.  X.     Fb. 

y  Undoubtedly  Titus,  upon  entering  into  that  part  of  the  city  which  was 
now  taken,  and  so  becoming  master  of  the  whole  city  of  Jerusalem,  had  some 
discoui'ses  with  his  generals  suitable  to  the  occasion.  But  Josephus,  in  imi- 
tation of  the  Greek  and  Roman  historians,  who  made  speeches  for  their 
generals,  embellisheth  here  ;  and  he  makes  Titus  say  some  things  which  he 
did  not  say.  The  tyrants,  as  Josephus  calls  them,  were  guilty  of  mad  con- 
duct in  their  divisions,  in  destroying,  as  they  had  done,  many  stores  proper 
for  sieges,  and  in  other  respects.  But  Titus  could  not  charge  them  with 
folly  and  madness  in  relinquishing  the  three  towers  here  referred  to.  Jose- 
phus has  given  a  particular  description  of  them.  De  B.  J.  1.  5.  c.  iv.  sect.  3. 
They  were  strong  and  lofty  buildings,  raised  upon  the  north  wall  of  the  city. 
Herod  had  displayed  his  magniiicence  in  them  :  but  they  were  not  fit  for  gar- 
risons, or  to  be  made  places  of  defence.  They  were  rather  summer-palaces, 
fitted  for  diversion  and  entertainment,  with  splendid  apartments  and  sumptu- 
ous furniture.  The  Jews  did  not  relinquish  any  places  of  defence.  They 
vigorously  defended  their  several  walls,  and  the  tower  Antonia,  and  the  tem- 
ple. They  had  fully  exercised  all  the  military  skill  and  courage  of  Titus,  and 
his  many  generals,  and  tired  his  soldiers  :  and  induced  them  more  than  once 
to  despair  of  victory,  as  our  historian  himself  has  informed  us.  It  appears 
however  from  Josephus,  that  Simon  made  use  of  the  tower  Phasaelus  for  his 
own  habitation,  during  a  good  part  of  the  siege,  TjjviKaura  ysjujjv  Tvpawnov 
antSsixdr)  rov  ^ifiwvoQ.     lb.  sect.  3.  p.  330.  in. 

^  Av9ig  Ss  Ttjv  aWTjV  a(JiaviZii)v  ttoXiv,  Kai  rfi%jj  KaraaKaTTTMV,  rHmg  rug 
TTvpyug  KartXiire  fivrjfieiov  civai  Ti)r  avrn  Tv^(^}|g,  j;  avrpanioTtSi  xpriaayavog 
tKparTjffs  Tii)v  aXoivai  fjii]  Svva[ievwv.     L.  7.  c.  ix.  sect.  1. 

*  Cap.  ix.  sect.  2. 


462  Jewish  Testimonies. 

ance,  and  to  take  the  rest  captive.  Nevertheless  the  soldiers 
slew  the  aged  and  the  infirm  :  but  for  those  who  were  in 
their  flourishing-  age,  and  might  be  useful  to  them,  they 
drove  them  together  into  the  temple  and  shut  them  up 
within  the  walls  of  the  court  of  the  women  ;  over  whom 
Titus  set  one  of  his  freed-men,  and  Fronto,  one  of  his 
friends,  who  was  to  determine  the  fate  of  each  one  accord- 
ing to  his  desert.  Many  were  ordered  to  be  slain.  But  of 
the  young  men  he  chose  out  the  tallest,  and  the  most  beau- 
tiful, and  reserved  them  for  the  triumph.  .Such  as  were 
above  seventeen  years  of  age  he  bound,  and  sent  them  to 
work  in  the  mines  in  Egypt.  Titus  also  sent  a  great  many 
into  the  provinces,  as  presents  to  them,  that  they  might  be 
destroyed  in  their  theatres,  either  by  the  sword  or  by  m  ild 
beasts.  They  who  were  under  seventeen  years  of  age  were 
sold  for  slaves.  And  during  the  time  that  Fronto  was  de- 
termining the  fate  of  these  men,  there  perished  eleven  thou- 
sand for  want  of  food.  Some  of  them  had  no  food  through 
the  ill-will  of  those  who  guarded  them.  Others  would  not 
take  what  was  given  them.  And  indeed  there  were  so  many, 
that  there  was  not  food  for  them.' 

Josephus  does  not  here  speak  of  any  Jews  being  cruci- 
fied at  this  time.  Nevertheless,  I  apprehend  that  many  now 
suffered  in  that  manner.  For  in  ^  one  of  the  last  sections 
of  his  life,  giving  an  account  of  things  presently  after  the 
city  was  taken,  he  says  he  was  sent  by  Titus  with  Cereal  is, 
one  of  his  generals,  and  a  thousand  horse,  to  a  village  called 
Thekoa,  to  see  whether  it  was  a  place  fit  for  a  camp.  '  As 
I  came  back,'  says  he,  '  i  saw  many  of  the  captives  crucified. 
Among  them  I  discerned  three  of  my  former  acquaintance, 
which  gave  me  great  concern.  I  thereupon  went  to  Titus 
with  tears  in  my  eyes,  and  spoke  to  him ;  who  immedi- 
ately gave  orders  to  have  them  taken  down,  and  that 
the  best  care  should  be  taken  of  them  for  their  recovery. 
However  two  of  them  died  under  cure  :  the  third  sur- 
vived.' 

The  "^  number  of  those  who  were  taken  captive  during  the 
whole  Mar  was  computed  to  be  ninety  and  seven  thousand : 
and  the  number  of  those  who  perished  during  the  siege 
eleven  hundred  thousand.  The  greater  part  of  them  were 
indeed  of  the  same  nation,  but  not  inhabitants  of  the  city. 
For  they  were  come  up  from  all  the  country  to  the  festival 
of  unleavened  bread,  and  were  on  a  sudden  shut  in  by  the 
army;  which  occasioned*^  so  great  a  straitness  that  there 

''  De  Vit.  sect.  75.  "^  Sect.  3.  ^  'Qre  to  npojTov  avToig 

TTjv  --tvoxixypiav  ytviaOai  \oiiio)St)  (pBopav,  avQiQ  ce  km  Xifiov  (OKvrtpov. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  70.  4G3 

came  on  a  pestilential   disorder,  and  then  a  famine,  which 
was  more  severe.' 

And  presently  afterwards:  'This*^^  great  multitude  was 
collectett  from  other  places.  The  whole  nation  was  shut 
up  as  in  a  prison  :  and  the  Roman  army  encompassed  the 
city,  M'hen  it  was  crowded  with  inhabitants.  Accordingly,'^ 
the  multitude  of  those  who  perished  therein  exceeded  all 
the  destructions  that  men  or  God  ever  brought  on  the 
world.' 

'  As  s  many  were  hid  in  caverns,  the  Romans  made 
searches  after  them.  If  any  were  found  alive  they  were 
presently  slain.  But  beside  them  they  found  there  more 
than  two  thousand  :  some  killed  by  themselves  and  by  one 
another,  and  more  destroyed  by  famine.  The  ill  savour  of 
the  dead  bodies  was  offensive :  nevertheless,  for  the  sake  of 
gain,  many  of  the  soldiers  ventured  into  the  caverns,  where 
was  found  much  treasure.' 

'John,''  and  his  brethren  who  were  with  him  in  the  ca- 
vern, wanted  food.  Now  therefore  he  begged  that  the 
Romans  would  give  him  the  right  hand  for  security,  which 
he  had  often  rejected  before.  But  Simon  struggled  hard 
with  the  distress  he  was  in,  till  he  was  forced  to  surrender 
himself,  as  we  shall  relate  hereafter.  So  he  was  reserved 
for  the  triumph,  and  to  be  then  slain.  John  was  condem- 
ned to  perpetual  imprisonment.  And  '  now  the  Romans 
set  fire  to  the  extreme  parts  of  the  city,  and  burnt  them  down, 
and  demolished  the  walls  to  the  foundation.' 

'  Thus  ^  was  Jerusalem  taken  in  the  second  year  of  the 
reign  of  Vespasian,  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  of  Sep- 
tember. It  had  been  taken  five  times  before.  This  is  the 
second  time  of  its  desolation.'  Josephus  then  enumerates 
these  several  times,  and  computes  how  many  years  it  was 
from  the  time  of  its  being  first  built,  and  then  adds :  '  But 
neither  its  antiquity,  nor  its  immense  riches,  nor  the  repu- 
tation of  the  nation,  celebrated  throughout  the  whole  world, 
nor  the  great  glory  of  its  religion,  has  been  sufficient  to 
preserve  it  from  destruction.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  siege 
of  Jerusalem.'  These  are  the  last  words  of  his  sixth  book 
of  the  Jewish  War. 

Then,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  book,  he  says : 
*  And  ^   now,  when  no  more  were  left  to  be  slain,  nor  any 

^  Sect.  4.  ^  Ylacav  yav  avOpiomvrjv  Kai  Saifioviov  <p6opav 

vn-epl3ak\fi  to  irXtjOog  twv  airoXuiXoTtov.     lb.  s  Sect.  4. 

Ibid.  sect.  4.  '  'Pwfxaioi  rag  rt  cerxcTi-ag  th  anog 

evtirptjaav.  Km  TCI  TdxT]  KantTKa^pav.     Ibid.  ''  Cap.  X.  ibid. 

'  L.  7.  cap.  i.  sect.  I . 


464  Jewish,  Testimonies. 

more  plunder  remained  for  the  soldiers,  Caesar  gave  orders 
that  they  should  demolish  to  the  foundation  the  whole  city, 
and  the  temple;  leaving-  only  the  fore-mentioned  towers 
Phasoelus,  Hippicus,  and  Mariamne,  and  so  much  of  the 
wall  as  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  city  :  that  was  spared 
in  order  to  afford  a  camp  for  those  who  were  to  lie  in  gar- 
rison ;  but '"  as  for  all  the  rest  of  the  whole  circumference 
of  the  city,  it  was  so  thoroughly  laid  even  with  the  ground, 
by  those  who  dug  it  up  to  the  foundation,  that  there  was 
nothing  left  to  make  those  who  came  thither  to  believe  it 
had  ever  been  inhabited.'  So  said  our  Lord,  Luke  xix.44, 
"  And  they  shall  lay  thee  even  with  the  ground,  and  thy 
children  within  thee:  and  they  shall  not  leave  in  thee  one 
stone  upon  another,  because  thou  knewest  not  the  time  of 
thy  visitation." 

The  soldiers  who  were  left  in  garrison  near  the  city  must 
have  been  instruments  in  digging  up  every  part  of  it  to  the 
foundation.  For  Josephus,  afterwards  describing  the  jour- 
ney of  Titus  through  Palestine  to  Alexandria,  and  observing 
how  Titus  was  affected  at  the  sight  of  the  deplorable  con- 
dition of  the  place,  has  these  expressions:  *  And  "  no  small 
part  of  its  riches  had  been  found  in  its  ruins :  this  the  Ro- 
mans dug  up.  They  found  a  great  deal  of  gold  and  silver, 
and  other  precious  things,  which  the  owners  had  treasured 
up  under  ground  against  the  uncertain  fortunes  of  war ;  and 
they  were  assisted  by  the  captives  in  the  discovery  of  such 
things.' 

And  Eleazar,  in  one  of  his  speeches  at  Massada,  to  be 
farther  taken  notice  of  hereafter,  where  he  persuades  the 
people  with  him  to  consent  to  be  put  to  death,  has  these 
expressions :  '  Where  °  is  now  that  great  city,  the  metro- 

'  polis  of  the  whole  Jewish  nation  ? Where  is  that  city 

'  which  we  believed  to  have  God  inhabiting  in  it  ?  It  p  is 
'  rooted  up  to  the  foundation,  and  has  no  other  monument 
'  left  but  the  army  of  those  who  have  destroyed  it,  encamp- 

'  ing  upon  its  ruins Who  can  consider  these  things  and 

'  not  be  sorry  that  he  is  still  alive  ?  I  cannot  but  wish  that 
'  we  had  all  died  before  we  had  seen  that  holy  city  over- 
'  thrown  by  its  enemies,  and  i  the  holy  temple  so  profanely 
'  dug  up  to  the  foundation.' 

"*  AXAov  anavra  t>jq  iroXiUQ  irepi^oXov  ovtwq  t^(i)fiaXi(Tav  oJ  KaraaKaiTTOv- 
TIQ K.  X.      lb. 

"  L.  7.  cap.  V.  sect.  2.  p.  412.  Hav.     Et.  conf.  1.  6.  cap.  ix.  sect.  4. 
"  L.  7.  cap.  viii,  sect.  7.  p.  430.  Hav. 
P   ITpoppt^oc  f  K  (iaOpojv  avTjnira^ai- 


-Trpiv  TOv  vaov  tov  ayiov  oiirug  avoauoQ  s^oputpvyfievov.     Ibid. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jenisalem.     A.  D.  70.         465 

And  Whitby,  in  his  notes  upon  Matt.  xxiv.  2,  says  :  *  The 
'  Jewish  Talmud  and  Maimonides  add,  that  Turnus  [i.  e. 
Terentius  Rufus]  captain  of  the  army  of  Titus,  did  with  a 
ploughshare  tear  up  tlie  foundations  of  the  temple,  and 
thereby  signally  fulfil  those  words  in  Micah  iii.  12  :  "There- 
fore shall  Zion  for  your  sakes  be  ploughed  as  a  field,  and 
Jerusalem  become  heaps,  and  the  mountain  of  the  house 
as  the  high  places  of  the  forest."  ' 

Grotius  has  well  observed  upon  Matt.  xxiv.  1  :  *  That  the 
temple  which  had  been  repaired,  or  rebuilt  by  Herod,  was 
rightly  esteemed  to  be  the  same  temple  that  had  been  built 
by  Zerubbabel.  So  therefore  Josephus  says  that  the  tem- 
ple had  been  twice  destroyed  ;  once  by  the  Chaldeans,  a 
second  time  by  Titus.  And  the  Jewish  masters  call  the  de- 
struction made  by  Titus,  "  the  destruction  of  the  second 
temple."  Whilst  this  temple  stood  the  Messiah  was  to  be 
expected,  not  only  according  to  the  prophecy  of  Daniel,  but 
likewise  of  Haggai,  ch.  ii.  8,  and  Malachi,  ch.  iii.  1.' 

'  Cgesar  ■■  determined  to  leave  there  as  a  guard  the  tenth 
legion,  with  some  troops  of  horse  and  companies  of  foot. 
Having  now  completed  the  war,  he  returned  thanks  to  his 
whole  army,  and  distributed  rewards  among  them.  For  this 
purpose  he  had  a  large  tribunal  erected  for  him  in  the  place 
where  ne  formerly  encamped.  That  was  a  Avork  of  three 
days.* 

'  The '  rest  of  the  army  was  sent  away  to  several  places  ; 
but  he  permitted  the  tenth  legion  to  stay  as  a  guard  upon 
Jerusalem.  Then  he  went  to  Caesarea  by  the  seaside,  tak- 
ing with  him  two  legions,  the  fifth  and  the  fifteenth,  to  at- 
tend him,  till  he  should  go  to  Egypt.  At  Csesarea  he  laid 
up  the  spoils  in  great  quantities,  and  gave  orders  that  the 
captives  should  be  kept  there.' 

'From*  that  Caesarea  Titus  went  to  Caesarea  Philippi, 
where  he  stayed  some  while,  and  exhibited  all  sorts  of  shows. 
Here  many  of  the  captives  were  destroyed  :  some  were 
thrown  to  wild  beasts,  others   in  great  numbers  were  com- 

[)elled  to  fight  with  each  other.  Whilst  he  was  there  he 
leard  of  the  seizure  of  Simon,  son  of  Gioras,  who  during 
the  siege  had  commanded  in  the  upper  city,  and  who  had 
concealed  himself  under  ground  as  long  as  he  could,  but 
now  fell  into  the  hands  of  Terentius  Rufus,  who  had  been 
left  to  keep  guard  at  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem.  When  Titus 
was  returned  to  Caesarea  by  the  seaside,  Simon  was  brought 
bound  before  him,  who  ordered  him  to  be  kept  for  the 
triumph  at  Rome.' 
'  L.  7.  cap.  i.  sect.  1.  •  Sect.  2.  '  Cap.  ii.  sect.  1 

VOL.    VI.  2    H 


466  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  At "  Ceesarea  Titus  solemnized  the  birthday  of  his 
brother  Domitian,  on  "  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  October, 
in  a  splendid  manner,  doing-  honour  to  him  in  the  punishment 
of  the  Jews;  for  the  number  of  those  who  were  now  slain,  in 
fighting  with  beasts,  or  were  burnt  to  death,  or  fought  with 
one  another,  exceeded  two  thousand  and  five  hundred  :  yet 
did  all  this  seem  to  the  Romans,  though  they  were  destroy- 
ed ten  thousand  ways,  beneath  their  deserts.  Afterwards 
Titus  went  to  Berytus,  a  city  in  Phoenicia,  and  a  Roman 
colony  ;  there  he  stayed  a  longer  time,  and  exhibited  a 
more  pompous  solemnity  on  his  father's  birthday,  f  November 
17.]  Here  a  great  number  of  the  captives  were  destroyed 
in  the  like  manner  as  before.' 

'  Having'"*  stayed  some  while  at  Berytus,  he  set  forward 
to  Antioch  ;  and  as  he  went  exhibited  magnificent  shows  in 
all  the  cities  of  Syria,  making  use  of  the  captives  as  public 
instances  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Jewish  nation.' 

At "  Antioch  he  was  received  with  loud  acclamations. 
Thence  he  went  to  Zeugma,  which  lies  upon  the  Euphrates  : 
whither  came  to  him  messengers  from  Vologesus,  king  of 
Parthia,  who  brought  him  a  crown  of  gold,  congratulating 
him  upon  his  victory  over  the  Jews,  which  he  accepted. 
There  he  feasted  the  king's  messengers,  and  then  returned 
to  Antioch. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Titus  celebrated  any  shows  there  ; 
and  when  the  people  of  that  place  requested  him  to  expel  the 
Jews  out  of  their  city,  he  refused  to  comply  with  them,  and 
confirmed  to  them  all  the  privileges  which  they  had  hitherto 
enjoyed  there. 

Having  y  sent  away  the  two  before-mentioned  legions  by 
which  he  had  been  attended,  one  to  Mysia,  the  other  to  Pan- 
nonia,  and  having  given  orders  for  sending  Simon  and 
John,  and  seven  hundred  of  the  tallest  and  handsomest 
of  the  captives,  to  appear  in  the  triumph  at  Rome,  he 
went  to  Alexandria,  and  thence  to  Rome,  and  passing- 
through  Palestine,  in  his  way  to  Egypt,  he  was  much 
moved,  as  Josephus  says,  at  the  sight  of  the  desolations  of 
that  country. 

When  ^  Titus  came  near  Rome  he  was  received  with  great 
rejoicings  by  the  people,  who  came  out  to  meet  him,  as  also 
by  his  father  Vespasian :  and  though  the  senate  had  decreed 
to  them  two  several  triumphs,  they  chose  to  have  but  one. 
Josephus  has  not  informed  us  exactly  concerning  the  time  of 

"  Cap.  iii.  sect.  1.  *  Vid.  Pagi  ann.  70.  n.  iii.  et  Basnag.  ann. 

70.  n.  xviii.  *  Cap.  v.  sect.  1.  '  Sect.  2. 

y  Sect.  2,  3.  '  Sect.  3,  4. 


JosEPHUS.     The  Triumph  of  the  Emperors  at  Rome.     A.  D.  71.   467 

it ;  and  learned  critics  are  now  of  different  opinions  :  some  * 
place  it  near  the  end  of  the  month  of  April,  in  71 :  others '' 
argue  that  it  must  have  been  later. 

'  Many "  other  spoils,'  says  Josephus,  '  were  carried  in 
great  abundance ;  but  the  most  considerable  of  all  were 
those  taken  out  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  There  was  the 
golden  table  of  many  talents;  and  the  candlestick,  likewise 
of  gold,  with  its  seven  lamps,  a  number  much  respected 
by  the  Jews:  the  last  of  all  the  spoils  was  the  law  of  the 
Jews:  after  which  were  carried  images  of  Victory,  made  of 
gold  or  ivory  ;  after  which  came  Vespasian  first,  on  horse- 
back, then  Titus  ;  Domitian  also  was  there  splendidly  at- 
tired, and  riding  upon  a  beautiful  horse.' 

'  The  '^  end  of  this  pompous  show  Avas  at  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  Capitolinus.  When  they  came  thither  they  stood 
still ;  for  it  was  the  ancient  custom  of  the  Romans  to  stay  till 
word  was  brought  that  the  general  of  the  enemy  was  slain. 
This  Mas  Simon,  the  son  of  Gorias,  who  had  been  led  in 
the  triumph  among  the  captives.  A  rope  was  put  about 
his  neck,  and  he  was  led  to  a  proper  place  in  the  forum, 
where  malefactors  were  put  to  death.  When  tidings  of  his 
death  were  brought,  all  the  people  set  up  the  shout  of  joy, 
and  sacrifices  were  offered  up,  with  the  accustomed  prayers. 
The  emperor  then  went  to  his  palace,  and  feastings  were 
made  every  where.' 

'  And "  now  Vespasian  determined  to  build  a  temple  to 
Peace,  Avhich  Avas  finished  in  a  short  time,  and  in  a  splendid 
manner.  Here  he  laid  up  those  golden  vessels  and  instru- 
ments, that  were  taken  out  of  the  Jewish  temple,  as  ensigns 
of  his  glory :  but  their  law,  and  the  purple  veils  of  the 
holy  place,  he  ordered  to  be  deposited  in  his  palace.' 

*  That  ^  temple  was  adorned  with  paintings  and  statues. 
In  it  Avere  collected  and  reposited  all  such  curiosities  as 
men  are  wont  to  wander  all  over  the  world  to  obtain  a 
sight  of.' 

The  book  of  the  law  does  not  now  appear  in  Avhat  is  call- 
ed the  triumphal  arch  of  Titus,  though  the  table  and  the 
candlestick  are  very  visible. 

Josephus,  in  his  Life,  says,  that '  Avhen  the  city  Avas  taken, 
Titus  gave  him  leave  to  ask  what  he  pleased.'  One  of  his 
requests  s  was  to  have  the  sacred  books,  which  were  granted 
to  him.     Here,  in   the  History  of  the  War,  he  seems  to  say 

*  Vid.  Pagi  ann.  70.  n.  vi.  '■  Basnag.  71.  n.  iii. 
•^  Sect.  5.                                                                 ^  Sect.  6. 

«  Sect.  7.  '  lb.  Sect.  7. 

8  Kai  Pij3\i(ov  lepwi/  tXaPov  xap'ffrt/tfJ's  Tirn.     Vit.  sect.  75. 

2  H  2 


468  Jewish  Testimonies. 

they  *'  were  deposited  in  tbe  emperor's  palace  :  possibly  they 
were  placed  there :  but  Josephus  was  allowed  to  have  the 
use  of  them  when  he  desired  it. 

The  temple  of  Peace,  according-  to  the  description  which 
Josephus  has  given  of  it,  appears  to  have  resembled  our  Bri- 
tish Museum,  and  other  like  rich  cabinets  of  princes  in  se- 
veral parts  of  Europe. 

The  temple  of  Peace  was  burnt  down  in  the  reign  of 
Commodus;  but  it  is  likely  that  many  of  the  curiosities 
deposited  in  it  were  preserved  from  the  flames.  And  the 
Jewish  spoils  were  in  being  in  the  fifth  century,  and  after- 
wards, though  not  at  Rome,  as  we  learn  from '  Adrian 
Reland. 

We  have  seen  the  overthrow  of  the  city  and  temple  of 
Jerusalem;  but  there  still  remained  some  strong  places  in 
Judea  not  yet  taken  by  the  Romans,  of  which  Josephus  has 
given  an  account  ;  and  it  is  fit  we  should  trace  him  to  the 
end  of  his  History  of  the  Jewish  War :  for,  as  our  Lord 
said,  "  Wheresoever  the  carcass  is,  there  will  the  eagles 
be  gathered  together  :"  Matt.  xxiv.  28.  And  see  Luke 
xvii.  37. 

Lucilius  Bassus''  was  sent  into  Judea  by  Vespasian  as 
lieutenant,  where  he  received  a  sufficient  army  from  Cerealis 
Vitellianus  :  he  soon  took  Herodion,  and  made  the  garrison 
prisoners. 

He '  then  determined  to  go  to  Machserus  :  by  means  of 
an  accident,  well  improved,  he  became  master  of  it  without 
much  loss  on  either  side. 

'  Having  ™  settled  affairs  there,  he  marched  hastily  to  the 
forest  of  Jardes;  where,  as  he  was  informed,  many  were 
gathered  together  who  during  the  siege  had  escaped  from 
Jerusalem  and  Machaerus.  When  they  engaged,  the  battle 
was  fierce  and  obstinate  on  both  sides ;  nevertheless,  of  the 
Romans  there  were  not  more  than  twelve  killed,  and  not 
many  wounded  ;  but  of  the  Jews  not  one  escaped  out  of  the 
battle,  but  they  were  all  killed,  being  not  fewer  in  number 
than  three  thousand  :  and  with  them  their  general,  Judas, 
the  son  of  Jairus,  who  had  been  captain  of  a  band  in  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  by  getting  out,  through  a  vault  un- 
der ground,  had  privately  escaped.' 

^  Tov    Se  vofiov    avrcjv, irpoaETa^tv   ev    toiq  f^aaiXetoig  aTroOifuvsg 

<pv\aTrtiv.     L.  7.  c.  v.  sect.  7. 

•  Imperante  Commodo  deflagravit  hoc  templum  Pacis,  teste  Herodiano, 
L.  i.  cap.  14.  sed  cum  eo  non  periisse  spolia  Hierosolymitana  certura  est, 
quoniam  seculo  quinto  a  Christo  nato  ea  in  Africam  delata  sunt,  ut  mox 
videbimus,  &c.     Reland.  De  Spoliis  Temp].  Hieros.  cap.  13.  p.  133. 

•^  L.  7.  cap.  vi.  1.  '  lb.  sect.  1—4.  ■"  lb.  sect.  5. 


JosEPHUS.     Other  Places  in  Judea  reduced.     A.  D.  73.      469 

*  About"  this  time  the  emperor  sent  orders  to  Lucilius 
Bassus,  and  Liberius  Maximus,  that  all  Judea  should  be 
exposed  to  sale :  for  he  founded  not  any  city  there,  but  re- 
served the  country  to  himself.  However,  he  assigned  a 
place  for  eight  hundred  men,  whom  he  dismissed  from  the 
army,  which  he  gave  them  for  their  habitation.  It  is  called 
Ammaus,  and  is  distant  from  Jerusalem  sixty  furlongs :  he 
also  laid  a  tribute  upon  the  Jews  wherever  they  were,  re- 
quiring that  every  one  of  them  should  bring  two  drachmas 
[half  a  shekel]  every  year  to  the  capitol ;  the  same  that 
they  had  been  used  to  pay  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.' 

Bassus"  having  died  in  Judea,  Flavins  Silva  was  sent  to 
succeed  him  in  the  government  of  that  country ;  who  soon 
made  an  expedition  against  Massada,  the  only  remaining 
fortress ;  it  was  in  the  possession  of  Eleazar,  a  commander 
of  the  Sicarii :  he  was  a  descendant  of  Judas,  who  had  per- 
suaded many  of  the  Jews,  as  formerly  related,  not  to  submit 
to  the  assessment  made  by  Cyrenius  when  he  came  into  Ju- 
dea after  the  removal  of  Archelaus. 

WhenP  there  was  no  room  left  for  escaping,  Eleazar  call- 
ed together  the  principal  persons,  and  consulted  with  them 
what  might  be  best  to  be  done :  at  which  time  he  made  an 
oration  to  them  to  induce  them  to  kill  themselves  rather  than 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

That  1  oration  had  great  effect  upon  many  :  some  however 
there  were  who  hesitated  :  he  therefore  went  on,  and  made 
another  oration  to  the  like  purpose :  all  now  were  persuaded. 

They"^  then  chose  ten  men  of  the  number  by  lot  to  slay 
all  the  rest.  When  these  ten  men  had  without  fear  slain 
all  the  rest,  men,  women,  and  children,  as  determined,  they 
cast  lots  upon  themselves,  and  he  who  had  the  first  lot  kill- 
ed the  other  nine,  and  then  himself.  These  people  so  died 
with  the  intention  that  they  might  not  leave  so  much  as  one 
man  among  them  to  be  subject  to  the  Romans.  However, 
there  was  one  ancient  woman,  and  another  woman  related 
to  Eleazar,  whoexceeded  most  women  in  knowledge  and  pru- 
dence, and  five  children,  who  had  hid  themselves  in  a  cavern 
under  ground  :  they  had  carried  water  with  them  for  their 
drink,  and  lay  quiet  there,  whilst  the  rest  were  intent  upon 
the  slaughter  of  each  other.  The  whole  number  of  these 
people,  including  the  just-mentioned  women  and  children, 
Avas  nine  hundred  and  sixty.  This  slaughter  was  made  on 
the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  of  April,  in  the  year  78,  as  may 
be  computed.' 

"  Sect.  6.  0  Cap.  viii.  sect.  1.  p  Sect.  6. 

1  lb.  sect.  7.  '  Cap.  ix.  sect.  1,  2. 


470  Jewish  Testimomes. 

When  the  Romans  entered  the  place  the  next  morning-, 
their  surprise  was  very  great,  as  may  be  well  supposed. 

Soon  ^  after  this  some  turbulent  Jews  were  the  occasion 
of  disturbances  at  Alexandria,  where  six  hundred  were 
slain ;  and  after  that  in  Cyrene,  where  more  than  three 
thousand  suffered.  The  disturbance  there  was  occasioned 
by  the  imposture  of  Jonathan,  a  Aveaver,  who*  persuaded 
many  people  of  the  meaner  sort  to  follow  him  into  the 
wilderness,  where  he  promised  to  show  them  signs  and 
wonders.  3Ioreover  Vespasian  sent  express  orders  that 
the  Jewish  temple  of  Onias,  as  it  was  called,  built  in  the 
prtjefecture  of  Heliopolis  in  Egypt,  should  be  demolished  : 
which  was  done  in  the  year  of  Christ  74,  about  two  hundred 
and  twenty-four  years  after  it  had  been  first  built,  as  "^  Pri- 
deaux  computes. 

We  before  saw  what  Avas  the  number  of  those  who  were 
computed  to  have  perished  in  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  :  but, 
taking  in  also  those  who  had  suffered  in  other  places  out 
of  Jerusalem,  these,  added  to  the  eleven  hundred  thousand 
that  perished  in  the  siege,  make  the  whole  number  thirteen 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  thousand  four  hundred  and  nine- 
ty ;  an  innumerable  company  still  being  omitted  that  pe- 
rished through  famine,  banishment,  and  other  ^  miseries. 
Which  I  think  to  be  no  aggravation  at  all. 

IX.  Let  us  now  reflect. 

1.  All  these  things  have  we  seen  in  Josephus,  who  at  the 
beginning  of  his  work  says:  '  I"*  Josephus,  son  of  Matthias, 
by  birth  a  Hebrew  of  Jerusalem,  and  a  priest,  who  myself 
at  first  fought  against  the  Romans,  and  was  afterwards 
forced  to  be  present  at  the  things  that  Avere  done,  have 
written  this  history.' 

The  conclusion  of  the  whole  work,  at  the  end  of  the 
seventh  and  last  book  of  the  Jewish  War,  is  to  this  effect : 
'  Here  ^  we  put  an  end  to  our  history,  which  Ave  promised  to 
deliver  Avith  all  accuracy  to  those  Avho  are  desirous  to  knoAV 
how  this  Avar  of  the  Romans  with  the  Jews  Avas  managed. 
Concerning  the  style  let  the  readers  judge:  concerning  the 
truth,  I  may  boldly  say,  that  only  has  been  aimed  at 
throughout  the  whole  work.' 

Perhaps  likewise  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  observe  what  he 

'  Cap.  X.  xi.  '  — SK  oXtyHC  rwv  uttoowv  tvtirtiat 

■7rpo(T(xiiv  avTiji,  Kai  iTQoriyayiv  hq  tov  tprjuov,  ar^yma  koi  0a(T/tora  Sii^uv 
viroax"iiivo^.  cap.  xi.  sect.  1. 

"  See  his  Connexion,  &c.  year  before  Christ  149.  p.  266. 

"  See  Usher's  Annals,  p.  907.  in  Enghsh,  Lond.  1658. 

*  DeB.  Jud.  in  Pr.  sect.  1.  "  L.  7.  cap.  xi.  sect.  5. 


JosEPHUS.     Rejlecttons  upon  the  foregoing  History.         471 

says  of  tin's  work  in  his  first  book  against  Appion,  written 
long  afterwards,  near  the  period  of  his  life. 

'  Asy  for  myself  I  have  composed  a  true  history  of  that 
war,  and  of  all  the  particulars  that  occurred  therein,  as  hav- 
ing been  concerned  in  all  its  transactions :  for  I  acted  as 
general  among  those  among-  us  who  are  called  Galileans, 
as  long-  as  it  was  possible  for  us  to  make  any  opposition: 
and  when  I  was  taken  captive  by  the  Romans,  Vespasian 
and  Titus  had  me  kept  under  a  guard,  but  obliged  me  to 
attend  them  continually.  At  first  I  was  in  bonds  ;  after- 
wards I  was  set  at  liberty,  and  was  sent  to  accompany  Titus 
when  he  came  from  Alexandria  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  ; 
during  which  time  nothing  M'as  done  which  escaped  my 
knowledge.  What  happened  in  the  Roman  camp,  1  saw, 
and  wrote  it  down  carefully ;  m  hat  information  the  deserters 
brought  out  of  the  city,  I  was  the  only  man  that  understood 
it :  afterwards  I  got  leisure  at  Rome  :  and  when  all  my  ma- 
terials M^ere  prepared,  I  procured  the  help  of  one  to  assist 
me  in  writing  Greek.  Thus  I  composed  the  history  of  those 
transactions.  And  I  was  so  well  assured  of  the  truth  of 
what  I  related,  that  I  first  appealed  to  those  who  had  the 
supreme  command  in  that  war,  Vespasian  and  Titus,  as  wit- 
nesses for  me  ;  for  to  them  1  first  presented  those  books, 
and  after  them  to  many  of  the  Romans  who  had  been  in  the 
war.  I  also  communicated  them  to  many  of  our  own  men, 
who  understood  the  Greek  philosophy ;  among  whom  were 
Julius  Archelaus,  and  Herod,  a  person  of  great  gravity,  and 
king-  Agrippa  himself,  who  deserved  the  greatest  admiration  : 
all  these  bore  testimony  tome  that  I  had  the  strictest  regard 
to  truth ;  who  would  not  have  dissembled  the  matter,  nor 
have  been  silent,  if  through  ignorance,  or  out  of  favour  to 
either  side,  I  had  altered  or  omitted  any  thing.' 

2.  Joseph us's  History  of  the  Jewish  War  is  an  ample  tes- 
timony to  the  fulfilment  of  all  the  predictions  of  our  Lord, 
concerning  the  demolition  of  the  temple  and  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  the  miseries  to  be  endured  by  the  nation  during  the 
siege,  which  were  such  as  had  never  before  happened  to  any 
people,  nor  were  likely  to  happen  again. 

3.  The  sufl^erers  in  these  calamities  were  generally  men 
of  the  worst  characters,  robbers  and  Sicarii,  and  others  too 
much  resembling-  them.  It  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  no 
christians  were  then  shut  up  in  the  city,  nor  many  other  good 
men,  to  partake  in  the  miseries  of  that  long-  and  grievous 
siege.  As  St.  Peter  says,  having  instanced  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  "  Noah  the  eighth  person,  when  God  brought  in  the 

y  Contr.  Ap.  1.  i.  sect.  9. 


472  Jewish  Testimonies. 

flood  upon  the  world  of  the  ungodly,  and  then  delivering  just 
Lot,  when  the  cities  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were  turned 
into  ashes,"  adds,  with  a  view  to  other  like  cases,  and  pro- 
bably to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  itself:  "  The  Lord 
knoweth  how  to  deliver  the  godly  out  of  temptations,  and 
to  reserve  the  unjust  unto  the  day  of  judgment  to  be 
punished,"  2  Pet.  ii.  5 — 9. 

4.  I  think  it  ought  to  be  observed  by  us  that  there  was 
not  now  any  pestilence  at  Jerusalem,  but  the  Jews  perished 
by  the  calamities  of  war.  It  might  have  been  expected  that 
the  bad  food,  which  they  were  forced  to  make  use  of  in  the 
straitness  of  the  siege,  and  the  noisome  smell  of  so  many 
dead  bodies  lying  in  heaps  in  the  city  itself,  and  in  the 
vallies  or  ditches  without  the  walls,  should  have  produced 
a  plague:  but  nothing  of  that  kind  appears^  in  the  His- 
tory :  which  must  have  been  owing  to  the  special  interpo- 
sition of  Divine  Providence.  Josephus,^  in  some  of  the 
places  where  he  speaks  of  the  putrefaction  of  the  dead 
bodies,  may  use  expressions  equivalent  to  pestilential ;  but 
he  never  shows  that  there  was  an  infection :  if  there  had,  it 
would  have  equally  aflfected  the  Romans  and  the  Jews, 
and  the  siege  of  the  place  must  have  been  broken  up,  and 
the  Romans  would  have  gone  off  as  fast  as  they  could. 

5.  None  can  forbear  to  observe  the  time  when  all  these 
things  came  to  pass.  Our  Lord  says.  Matt,  xxiii.  36, 
*'  Verily,  I  say  unto  you,  all  these  things  shall  come  upon 
this  generation."  And  xxiv.  34,  "  Verily,  1  say  unto  you, 
This  generation  shall  not  pass  till  all  these  things  be  ful- 
filled." So  likewise  Mark  xiii.  30,  and  Luke  xxi.  32.  So 
it  was.  All  these  things  foretold  by  our  Lord  came  to  pass 
before  the  end  of  that  generation  of  men.  Jerusalem  and 
the  temple  were  no  more,  before  the  end  of  the  year  70 
of  the  christian  epoch,  and  within  forty  years  after  his 
crucifixion. 

Concerning  the  time  also  our  Lord  said :  "  And  this 
gospel  of  the  kingdom  shall  be  preached  in  all  the  world, 
for  a  witness  to  all  nations:"  Matt.  xxiv.  14.  Comp.  Mark 
xiii.  10. 

This  we  know  from  christian  writings,  particularly  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament,  most  of  which  were  written 

*  II  est  difficile  que  tant  de  peuples  renformes  dans  une  ville  durant  les  cha- 
leurs  de  1'  ete,  de  si  mechantes  noiirritures  et  surtout  la  puanteur  de  tant  de 
corps  morts,  n'aient  joint  la  peste  a  la  famine.  Joseph  n'en  parle  neanmoins 
c|u*en  un  endroit,  en  passant ;  ce  qui  marque  qu'elle  ne  fut  pas  considerable. 
Till.  Ruine  des  Juifs.  art.  67.  p.  960. 

'  Vid.  De  B.  Jud.  1.  5.  cap.  xii.  sect  4. 


JoSEPHUS.     The  Value  of  his  Testimony.  473 

before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  They  bear  witness 
that  the  gospel  had  been  preached  to  Jews  and  Gentiles  in 
Judea,  Syria,  Asia,  Greece,  Macedonia,  and  Rome,  and  other 
places,  and  with  great  success:  and  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel  throughout  the  world  was  a  testimony  to  all  nations 
that  the  calamities  inflicted  upon  the  Jewish  people  were 
just  and  tit.  They  bear  witness  that  the  Jewish  nation  had 
been  called  upon  to  repent,  and  were  faithfully,  and  aflfec- 
tionately,  and  earnestly  warned  and  admonished ;  but  they 
refused  to  hearken.  See  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  Mark 
xvi.  20;  Rom.  x.  18 ;  Col.  i.  6,  and  23. 

Says  archbishop  Tillotson  :  *  We  ''  have  this  matter  relat- 
'  ed,  not  by  a  christian,  (who  might  be  suspected  of  parti- 
'  ality  and  a  design  to  have  paralleled  the  event  with  our 

*  Saviour's  prediction,)  but  by  a  Jew,  both  by  nation   and 

*  religion,  who  seems  designedly  to  have  avoided,  as  much 

*  as  possibly  he  could,  the  very  mention  of  the  christian  name, 
'  and  all  particulars  relating  to  our  Saviour,  though  no  his- 

*  torian  was  ever  more  punctual  in  other  things.' 

Says  Mr.  Tillemont  x"  '  God  had  been  pleased  to  choose 

*  for  our  information  in  this  history,  not  an  apostle,  nor  any 

*  of  the  chief  men  of  the  church,  but  an  obstinate  Jew,  whom 
'  neither  the  view  of  the  virtue  and  miracles  of  the  christians, 

*  nor  the  knowledge  of  the  law,  nor  the  ruin  of  his  religion 

*  and  country,  could  induce  to  believe  in  and  love  the  Mes- 
'  siah,  who  was  all  the  expectation  of  the  nation.  God  has 
'  permitted  it  so  to  be,  that  the  testimony  which  this  historian 

*  gave  to  an  event,  of  which  he  did  not  comprehend  the 

*  mystery,  might  not  be  rejected  either  by  Jews  or  hea- 
'  thens  ;  and  that  none  might  be  able  to  say  that  he  altered 

*  the  truth  of  things  to  favour  Jesus  Christ  and  his  disciples.* 

Dr.  W.  Wotton  says  of  Josephus  :  '  He*  is  certainly  jui 

*  author  very  justly  to  be  valued,  notwithstanding  all  his 
'  faults.  His  History  of  the  Jewish  War  is  a  noble  demon- 
'  stration  of  the  truth  of  the  christian  religion;  by  show- 
'  ing,  in  the  most  lively  manner,  how  the  prophecies  of  our 
'  blessed   Lord,  concerning  the  destruction   of  Jerusalem, 

*  were  literally  fulfilled  in  their  fullest  extent.' 

And  Dr.  Doddridge,  in  his  notes  upon  chap.  xxiv.  of  St. 
Matthew's  gospel,  says :  '  Christian   writers  ^  have  always 

•^  Vol.  2.  p.  563.  serm.  186,  the  seventh  sermon  upon  2  Cor.  iv.  3,  4. 

'  Ruine  des  Juifs,  art.  i.  p.  722. 

•^  Preface  to  his  Miscellaneous  Discourses  relating  to  the  Traditions  and 
Usages  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  p.  xlix.  The  faults,  which  he  observes 
in  Josephus,  may  be  seen  at  p.  xxxiii.  &c. 

«  The  Family  Expositor,  sect.  160.  Vol.  2.  p.  373. 


474  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  with  great  reason  represented  Joseplius's  History  of  the 
'  Jewish  War  as  the  best  commentary  upon  this  chapter. 
'  And  many  have  justly  remarked  it  as  a  wonderful  instance 
'  of  the  care  of  Providence  for  the  christian  church,  that  he, 

*  an  eye-witness,  and  in  these  things  of  so  great  credit, 
'  should  (especially  in  so  extraordinary  a  manner)  be  pre- 
'  served  to  transmit  to  us  a  collection  of  important  facts, 
'  which  so  exactly  illustrate  this  noble  prophecy,  in  almost 
'  every  particular  circumstance.  But  as  it  would  swell  my 
'  notes  too  much  to  enter  into  a  particular  detail  of  those 
'  circumstances,  I  must  content  myself  with  referring-  to 
'  Dr.  Whitby's  excellent  notes  upon  the  twenty-fourth  of 
'  Matthew^  and  to  archbishop  Tillotson's  large  and  accurate 
'  discourse  on  the  same  subject,  in  the  second  volume  of  his 
'  posthumous  works.     Serm.  183 — 187.' 

Isidore  of  Pelusium,  who  flourished  about  the  year  412, 
in  one  of  his  epistles  has  these  expressions:  '  If  ^  you  have 
'  a  mind  to  know  what  punishment  the  wicked  Jews  under- 
'  went,  who  ill-treated  the  Christ,  read  the  history  of  their 
'  destruction,  written  by  Josephus,  a  Jew  indeed,  but  a  lover 

*  of  truth,  that  you  may  see  the  wonderful  story,  such 
'  as  no  time  ever  saw  before  since  the  beginning  of  the  world, 
'  nor  ever  shall  see.     For  that  none   might  refuse  to  give 

*  credit  to  the  history  of  their  incredible  and  unparalleled 
'  sufferings,  truth  found  out  not  a  stranger,  but  a  native,  and 

*  a  man  fond  of  their  institutions,  to  relate  them  in  a  doleful 

*  strain.' 

Eusebius  often  quotes  Josephus,  and,  in  his  Ecclesiastical 
History,  has  transcribed  from  him  several  articles  at  large. 
Having  rehearsed  from  the  gospels  divers  of  our  Lord's  pre- 
dictions of  the  evils  then  coming  upon  Jerusalem  and  the 
Jewish  people,  he  adds:  '  Whosoever  &  shall  compare  these 
'  words  of  our  Saviour  with  the  history  of  the  whole  war, 
'  published  by  the  above-mentioned  writer,  must  admire  our 
'  Lord's  great  wisdom,  and  acknowledge  that  his  foresight 
'  was  divine.' 

In  his  Chronicle,  as  we  have  it  from  Jerom  in  Latin,  Eu- 
sebius says:  'In*^  subduing  Judea,  and  overthrowing  Je- 

'  Lib.  4.  ep.  75.  vid.  et  ep.  74. 

8  H.E.I.  3.  cap.  8.  p.  81.  D.  

•^  Titus,  Juda;a  capta,  et  Jerosolymis  subversis,  DC  millia  viroruni  interfecit 
Josephus  vero  scribit  undecies  centena  millia  fame  et  gladio  periisse,  et  alia 
centum  millia  captivorum  publice  venumdata.  Ut  autem  tanta  multiludo 
Jerosolymis  reperirentur,  causam  Azymorum  fuisse  refert ;  ob  quam  ex  orani 
genere  Judaci  ad  templum  confluentes  urbe  quasi  carcere  sunt  reclusi.  Opor- 
tuit  enim  in  iisdeni  diebus  eos  interfici,  in  quibus  Salvatorem  crucifixerant. 
Chron.  p.  162. 


JosEPHUS.     The  Testimony  of  other  JFriters.  475 

'  rusalem,  Titus  slew  six  hundred  thousand  people :  but  Jo- 

*  sephus  writes,  that  eleven  hundred  thousand  perished  by 
'  famine  and  the  sword,  and  that  another  hundred  thousand 
'  were  publicly  sold  and  carried  captives  :  and  he  says  that 
'  the  occasion  of  there  being*  so  great  a  multitude  of  people 

*  at  Jerusalem  was  this,  that  it  was  the  time  of  passover; 
'  for  which  reason  the  Jews,  having-  come  up  from  all  parts 
'  to  worship  at  the  temple,  Mere  shut  up  in  the  city  as  in 
'  a  prison.     And  indeed  it  was   fit  they  should  be  slain  at 

*  the  same  time  in  which  they  crucified  our  Saviour.' 

It  is  certainly  very  fit  that  christians  should  attend  to  the 
fulfilment  of  our  Lord's  predictions  relating-  to  the  Jewish 
people,  Avhich  are  so  frequent,  so  solemn,  and  affectionate. 
The  testimony  of  Josephus  is  the  most  considerable  of  all : 
it  is  the  must  full,  and  particular,  and  exact  of  any  we  have, 
or  have  the  knowledge  of :  and  he  was  an  eye-witness ;  and 
he  was  manifestly  zealous  for  the  honour  of  his  country  : 
he  had  a  great  respect  for  the  temple,  and  its  worship,  and 
for  all  the  peculiarities  of  the  Mosaic  law ;  and  he  conti- 
nued to  have  the  same  to  the  last,  as  appears  from  his  own 
life  and  his  books  against  Appion. 

X.  Josephus,  in  the  preface  to  his  own  work,  intimates 
that  some  histories  of  the  war  had  been  before  written  by 
others :  but  he  represents  them  as  partial  and  defective, 
and  composed  by  men  who  were  not  Mell  informed.  Un- 
doubtedly none  of  these  remain  now:  they  have  been  lost 
long  since. 

Justus  of  Tiberias,  contemporary  with  Josephus,  between 
whom  there  were  many  differences,  also  wrote  a  history  of 
the  War.  Josephus  in  his  Life  chargeth  him  with  false- 
hood, and  blames  him  for  not  publishing-  his  work  until  after 
the    death    of  Vespasian  and   Titus,    and    king-  Agrippa. 

Josephus  owns'  that  Justus  was  well  skilled  in  Greek 
learning- :  and  he  plainly  says  that  he  wrote  of  the  war. 

I  do  not  clearly  perceive  Eusebius''  to  have  known  any 
thing-  of  Justus  but  what  he  learned  from  the  testimonies  of 
Josephus,  above  referred  to  by  me. 

Justus'  is  in  Jerom's  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers. 
He  seems  to  ascribe  to  him  two  books. 

Photius™  I  think  speaks  of  but  one  work  of  this  author, 

'  Kai  yap  «5'  aTTupog  r]V  Tradtiag  Tt)q  nap'  'EWr/erii/,  rj  Oafipwv  cmx^tptjmv 
KaiTTjv  l';op^av  ruiv  Trpayfiaroiv  thtmv  avaypa<pu)v,  k.  \.  Joseph.  Vit.  sect.  S. 
Vid.  et  sect.  65.  ^  H.  E.  1.  3.  cap.  x.  p.  86.  B. 

'  Justus  Tiberiensis,  de  provincia  Galilaea,  conatus  est  et  ipse  judaicarum 
rerum  historian!  texere,  et  quosdam  commentariolos  de  Scripturis  componere, 
&c.   De  V.  I.  cap.  14. 

""  AvtyvoicQt]  I8T8  Tt/3tp£wc  xP''»'"^<"'»  ''•  ^-     Cod.  33.  p.  20. 


476  Jewish  Testimonies. 

which  he  calls  a  Chronicle.  He  says  it  began  with  Moses 
and  ended  at  the  death  of  Agrippa.  He  also  takes  notice 
of  Josephus's  censures  both  of  the  author  himself  and  his 
work. 

Stephanus  Byzantinus,  in  his  article  of  Tiberias,  says  : 

*  Of°  this  city  was  Justus,  who  wrote  of  the  Jewish  war  in 

*  the  time  of  Vespasian.' 

Diogenes  Laertius,"  in  his  Life  of  Socrates,  quotes  a  pas- 
sage from  Justus  of  Tiberias,  and  seems  to  quote  the  same 
book  that  vvas  read  by  Photius. 

Several  lenrned  moderns  p  are  of  opinion  that  Justus,  like 
Josephus,  wrote  two  books,  one  of  the  Jewish  War,  another 
of  the  Jewish  Antiquities.  Menage,i  in  his  notes  upon  Dio- 
genes Laertius,  ascribes  to  Justus  three  books,  that  is,  Me- 
moirs, beside  the  two  before  mentioned.  1  rather  think 
there  was  but  one,  and  that  what  Justus  wrote  of  the  war 
was  comprised  in  the  Chronicle.  Menage's  argument  from 
Suidas  is  of  no  value  ;  for  Suidas  expresseth  himself  inac- 
curately ;  nor  does  he  mention  more  than  two  works  :  the 
Memoirs,  vnofivqixaia,  are  the  same  with  Jerom's  Commenta- 
rioli  de  Scripturis.  Indeed  Suidas  only  transcribes  Jerom, 
or  his  interpreter  Sophronius,  and  has  done  it  inaccurately. 

Some  '^  learned  men  lament  the  loss  of  this  work.  Others  * 
think  it  was  of  little  value.  I  cannot  but  wish  that  the  work, 
which  was  in  being  in  the  time  of  Photius,  had  also  reached 
us.  It  must  have  been  of  some  use.  Perhaps  the  censure 
passed  upon  it  by  Josephus,  who  was  in  great  credit,  has 
been  a  prejudice  to  it. 

I  have  allowed  myself  to  enlarge  in  my  notice  of  this  wri- 
ter, who  lived  at  the  time,  and  was  an  actor  in  the  Jewish 
war  with  the  Romans.  Though  his  work  is  not  extant,  he 
is  a  witness  to  that  important  transaction. 

°  Ek  TavTijQ  r}v  IsTOg,  o  tov  luSdiKOP  UoXtfjiov  tov  Kara  OveiTiramavn 
I'^oprjiraQ.     Steph.  Byz. 

"  *>j(Tiv  I«<roc  o  Ti(5fpfvg  £v  Tq)  '^cfifiari.     Diog.  La.  1.  2.  sect.  41. 

p  Unde  colligo,  [ex  Hieronymi  Catalogo,)  ut  Josephus,  ita  et  Justum,  non 
modo  de  Antiquitatibus  Judaicis,  sed  seorsum  etiam  de  Bello  Judaico  scripsisse. 
Voss.  de  H.  Gr.  Vid.  et  Vales.  Ann.  in  Eiiseb.  1.  .3.  cap.  x.  Tillem.  Ruine  de 
.Tiiifs.  art.  82.  *•  Scripsit  ille  Historiam  Judaicam,  eodem 

tempore  quo  Josephus,  a  quo  niendacii  arguitur.  Scripsit  praeferea  viroiivr)- 
fiara,  quorum  meminit  Suidas.  Scripsit  et  Chronicon  Regum  Judscorum,  qui 
coronati  fuere  ;  ut  est  apud  Photium :  quod  opus  signat  hie  Laertius.  Menag. 
in  loc.  p.  94.  •■  Josephus,  in  Vita  sua,  et  ahbi,  quasi  parum 

fido  scriptori  conviciatur.  Sed,  de  inimico,  non  magis  ei  crediderim,  quara 
Justo  de  Josepho  crederem,  si  historia  ejus  cxstaret,  atque  in  ea  aemulo  ab  eo 
detractum  viderem.  Utinam  vero,  qusecumque  fuerit,  ad  nos  usque  pervenis- 
set.     Cleric.  H.  E.  A.  C.  C.  cap.  vii. 

'  Tillem.  as  above,  art.  80. 


JosEPHUS.     Tlie  Testimony  of  other  Writers.  477 

Pausanias,  who'  lived  in  tlie  second  century,  and  wrote 
after  the  year  of  our  Lord  IHO,  speaks"  of  a  monument  of 
queen  Helena  at  Jerusalem,  which  (city)  an  emperor  of  the 
Romans  had  destroyed  to  the  foundation. 

'  Minucius  Felix  refers  "  the   heathen   people  not  only  to 

*  Josephus,  but  also  to  Antonius  Julianus,  a  Roman  author, 
'  from  whom  they  might  learn  that  the  Jews  had  not  been 
'  ruined  nor  abandoned  of  God  till  they  had  first  abandoned 

*  him :  and  that  their  present  low  condition  was  owing-  to  their 
'  wickedness  and  obstinacy  therein,  and  that  nothing-  had 
'  happened  to  them  but  what  had  been  foretold.' 

Who  that  Julianus  was  cannot  be  said.  There  have  been 
several  of  that  name,  one'"  of  whom  was  procurator  of 
Judea,  and  was  present  with  Titus  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
as  we  know  from  Josephus.  Tillemont  says  that  "^  possibly 
he  wrote  a  history  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  G.  Vossius,y 
upon  the  ground  of  this  passage  of  Minucius,  puts  Antonius 
Julianus  among  Latin  historians  who  had  written  a  history 
of  the  Jews. 

Minucius  reckons  Josephus  among  Roman  writers.  Dr. 
Davis  suspects  it  to  be  an  interpolation,  and  assigns  not  im- 
probable reasons  in  his  notes  upon  the  place. 

Suetonius  ^  has  mentioned  the  occasion  of  the  war,  the 
appointment  of  Vespasian  to  be  general,  his  and  his  son's 
triumph  at*  Rome,  and  several  other  material  things,  which 
have  been  already  observed,  or  will  in  time  be  observed  by 
us  from  him. 

What  ^  Tacitus  has  written  upon  this  subject,  so  far  as  it 
Kemains,  may  be  taken  notice  of  hereafter. 

Dion  Cassius*^  is  another  witness,  whose  testimony  also 
may  be  taken  more  at  large  hereafter. 

'  See  Tillem,  L'Emp.  Marc.  Aurele.  art.  xxxii. 

"  'E/3patoe  St  'EKivriQ  yvvaiKog  fn-ixtopiag  Ta<j>og  ern'  tv  ttoKu  SoXwjuotc,  ^v 
ig  tSa(poQ  Kart^aXiv  6  'Pwjxaiojv  (iaffiXtvg.     Pausan.  1.  8.  cap.  16.  p.  633. 

"  Scripta  eorum  relege.  Vel  si  Romanis  magis  gaudes,  ut  transeamus  ve- 
teres,  Flavii  Josephi,  vel  Antonii  Juliani,  de  Judaeis  require.  Jam  scies, 
nequitia  sua  hanc  eos  meruisse  fortunam  :  nee  quidquam  accidisse,  quod  non 
sit  his,  si  in  contumacia  perseverarent,  ante  praedictum.  Ita  prius  eos  dese- 
ruisse  comprehendes,  quain  esse  desertos ;  nee,  ut  impie  loqueris,  cum  Deo 
suo  esse  captos,  sed  a  Deo,  ut  disciplinae  transfugas,  deditos.  Minuc.  c.  33. 
Conf.  C.  10.  *   Kai  Ma(>Kog  Avrujviog,  6  Tt}g  InSaiag  (.■Ktrpo-rrog. 

Jos.  de  B.  J.  1.  6.  cap.  iv.  3.  *  Ruine  des  Juifs,  art.  72. 

y  Antonius  Julianus  Judaicam  videtur  Historiam  consignasse,  &c.  De 
Hist.  Lat.  1.  3.     De  Historicis  incertae  aetatis, 

*  Sueton.  Vespas.  c.  4,  5. 

*  ac  triumphum  utriusque  judaicum,  equo  albo  comitatus  est. 

Domit.  c.  2. 

"  Vid.  Tac.  Hist.  Lib.  v  "^  Dio.  1.  QQ.  sub.  in. 


478  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Philostratus  says  that  '  when  "^  Titus  had  taken  Jerusalem, 
'  and  filled  all  about  it  M'ith  dead  bodies,  and  the  neigh- 
'  bouring-  nations  offered  him  crowns,  he  said  he  Mas  not 
'  worthy  of  such  an  honour,  nor  had  he  himself,  he  said,  done 
'  that  great  work.  He  had  only  lent  his  hand  in  the  service 
'  of  God,  when  he  was  pleased  to  show  his  displeasure.' 
Philostratus  says  that  Apollonius  was  much  pleased  with 
that  token  of  wisdom  and  humanity.  He  likewise  says  that 
Apollonius  Avrote  a  letter  to  Titus,  and  sent  it  by  Damis, 
to  this  purpose :  '  Apollonius  sendeth  gTeeting  to  Titus 
'  emperor  of  the  Romans.  Since  you  refuse  to  be  applaud- 
'  ed  for  bloodshed  and  victory  in  M'ar,  I  send  you  the 
'  crown  of  moderation.  You  know  for  what  things  crowns 
'  are  due.' 

Hence  divers  learned  men  have  argued  that  Titus  refused 
to  be  crowned  for  his  victory  over  the  Jews.  Basnage,^  and 
other  learned  men,  on  the  contrary,  are  of  opinion  that  mo 
may  rely  upon  the  authority  of  Josephus,  who  tells  us  that 
'  he  went  from  Antioch  to  the  Zeugma,  whither  came  to  him 
messengers  from  Vologesus,  king  of  Parthia,  and  brought 
him  a  crown  of  gold  upon  the  victory  obtained  by  him  over 
the  Jews  ;  Avhich  he  accepted  of,  and  feasted  the  king's 
messengers,  and  then  returned  to  Antioch.'  Moreover  he 
accepted  of  a  triumph  for  his  victory  over  the  Jews,  and  all 
other  honours  customary  upon  the  like  occasions.  Never- 
theless, Olearius,  in  his  notes  upon  the  place,  argues  that^ 
Philostratus  needs  not  be  understood  to  say  that  Titus  re- 
fused the  crowns  offered  him,  but  only  said  that  he  was  un- 
worthy of  that  honour,  he  having  been  only  an  instrument 
in  the  hand  of  God  for  displaying  his  just  vengeance  against 
guilty  men. 

And  it  must  be  owned  that  Olearius  expresseth  himself 
with  great  judgment  and  moderation.  Either  way  those 
learned  men  are  to  be  reckoned  mistaken,  who  have  main- 

''  Etth  Ss  Titos  vpr)Kti  ra  'SoXv^a,  kui  vtKpoiv  irXta  t]v  iravra  ra  bftopa  rt 
tBvt)  i'n<pavHV  avrov.  "O  cc  sk  jj^ts  iavrov  thth'  ^iri  yap  avrov  ravra  eipyaaOat, 
Oc(f)  6e  opytjv  <pyvavTi  nrtctcioKtvai  rag  tavm  y^tipag,  k.  X.  Philos.  de  Vit. 
Apol.  1.  6.  cap.  29. 

*  Modestiam  Titi  laudibus  effert  Baronius,  quod,  '  oblata  sibi  corona  aurea 
'  a  provinciis,  noluit  coronari,  testatus  se  prorsus  indigniim.'     Usserius,  aliique 

eruditi,  illud  et  ipsum  tiadunt,  freti  auctoritate  Philostrati. ^Basnag.  ann. 

70.  n.  xvi.  ^  Quem  tamen  Joseph!  locum  immerito  Philos- 

trato  opponi  putera. Neque  enim  Philostratus  *  repudiasse  coronam.'     Ti- 

tum  ait,  atque  ea  non  accepta  legates  dimisisse,  quod  viro  docto  inteqsretes 
persuasere,  sed  hoc  tantum,  quod  eo  honore  se  indignum  dixerit ;  justitise  Dei 
vindicatricis  instrumentum,  cujus  nullae  fuerint  in  istis  patrandis  propriae  vires, 
sese  exstitisse  agnoscens,  &c.     Olear.  in  loc. 


JosEPHLS.      The  Testimony  of  Other  JFriters.  479 

tained  that  Titus  refused  to  be  crowned  for  his  victory  over 
the  Jews. 

However,  we  are  still  to  reckon  Philostratus,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  third  century,  a  good  witness  to  the  overthrow 
of  Jerusalem  by  Titus. 

These  are  early  heathen  authors  who  have  related  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  thereby  bore  testimony  to  the 
accomplishment  of  our  Lord's  predictions  concerning  it. 

Nor  can  any  forget  the  triumphal  arch  of  Titus,  still  stand- 
ing at  Rome,  of  which  we  before  took  notice. 

'  There  s  is  also  an  ancient  inscription  to  the  honour  of 
Titus,  who,  by  his  father's  directions  and  counsels,  had 
subdued  the  Jewish  nation,  and  destroyed  Jerusalem,  which 
had  never  been  destroyed  by  any  princes  or  people  be- 
fore.' 

Which  has  occasioned  some  learned  men  to  say  that  even 
inscriptions  are  not  free  from  flattery.  But  then  it  must  be 
owned  that''  the  genuineness  and  antiquity  of  this  inscrip- 
tion has  been  called  in  question  :  and  there  are  some  reasons 
to  doubt  whether  this  comes  from  the  senate  of  Rome  itself, 
as  is  pretended. 

s       Imp.  Tito.  Caesari.  Divi.  Vespasiani.  F. 
Vespasiano.  Aug.  Pontifici.  Maximo. 
Trib.  Pot.  X.  Imp.  xvii.  Cos.  viii.  P.  P. 
Principi.  suo.  S.  P.  Q.  R. 
Quod.  Pi-aeceptis.  Patris.  Consiliisque.  et 
Auspiciis.  Gentem.  JudEeorum.  Domuit.     Et 
Urbem.  Hierosolymam.  Omnibus.  Ante.  Se 
Ducibus.  Regibus.  Gentibusque.  aut.  Frustra 
Petitam.  aut.  omnino.  Inteutatam.  Delevit. 

Ap.  Gruter.  p.  244. 
''  Ubi  steterit,  ignoratur.    Scaliger  vuU  ab  Onufrio  fictum.    Ap.  Gniter.  lb 


480 


CHAP.  IV. 


THREE  PARAGRAPHS  IN  THE  WORKS  OF  JOSEPHUS  CONCERN- 
ING JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  OUR  SAVIOUR,  AND  JAMES,  THE 
LORD'S  BROTHER;  AND  OBSERVATIONS  UPON  THE  WRIT- 
INGS OF  JOSEPHUS. 


I.  Of  John  the  Baptist.  II.  Concerning  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  III.  Concerning  James,  the  Lord's  Brother. 
IV.  Concluding  observations  upon  the  icritings  and  tes- 
timony of  Josephus. 


I.  '  ABOUT  this  time,'  says*  Josephus,  '  there  happened  a 
difference  between  Aretas  king  of  Petraea  and  Herod  upon 
this  occasion.  Herod  the  tetrarch  had  married  the  daughter 
of  Aretas,  and  lived  a  considerable  time  with  her.  liut,  in 
a  journey  he  took  to  Rome,  lie  made  a  visit  to  ''  Herod  his 

brother,  though  not  by  the  same  mother Here  falling  in 

love  with  Herodias,  wife  of  the  same  Herod,  daughter  of 
their  brother  Aristobulus,  and  sister  of  Agrippa  the  great, 
he  ventured  to  make  to  her  proposals  of  marriage.  She  not 
disliking  them,  they  agreed  together  at  that  time,  that  when 
he  was  returned  from  Rome  she  would  go  and  live  with 
him.  And  it  was  one  part  of  the  contract,  that  Aretas's 
daughter  should  be  put  away.  This  *^  was  the  beginning'  of 
the  difference ;  and  there  being  also  some  disputes  about 
the  limits  of  their  territories,  a  war  arose  between  Aretas  and 
Herod.  And  in  a  battle  fought  by  them  Herod's  whole  army 
was  defeated.' 

'  But,'  says  •*  Josephus,  '  some  of  the  Jews  were  of  opinion 

*  Antiq.  1.  18.  cap.  v.  sect.  1. 

''  Our  evangelists  call  him  Philip,  Matt.  xiv.  3,  and  elsewhere.  That  diffi- 
culty was  considered  formerly.  Josephus  and  the  evangelists  mean  the  same 
person,  though  they  call  him  by  different  names.     See  Vol.  i.  B.  ii.  ch.  v. 

•^  'O  0£  apxT}V  ex^P'^C  ravrtjv  7roit}ffanivog,  Tripi  re  opwv  ev  ry  yy  ry  Tafia- 
\tTih,  Kai  IvvafiiiDQ  iKaTtpi^t  cvWtyiioriQ,  hq  TToXifiov  Kadi'^avrai'  Kai  fiaxrjg 
ytvoiiiVTig,  lufOapt)  irag  6  'Upwda  '^parog,  k.  \.     lb.  sect.  1. 

■^  Ti<Ti  ^£  Tojv  luSaiiiJv  iSoKsi,  o\(o\tvai  rov  'UpwSa  Tparov  viro  th  Qes,  kui 
fiaXa  SiKaiojg  rivwuivs  Kara  voivrjv  Iwavi'8  rs  e-mKaXsntvn  BaTrriTS.  Kthvh 
yap  THTOv  'EpwStjg,  ayaOov  avSpa,  Kai  rug  laSaing  KiXtvovra  apirriv  iiraa- 
KHvrag,  Kai  ry  Trpoc  aWriXag  SiKaioavvy  kui  -Kpog  rov  Btov  tvaifiti^  xpw/ifvsc, 
fianTKTuq)  ffvvitvai'  ovrti)  yap  Tr\v  fiairriaiv  airodiKrrfv  avr(fi  ^aviiaOai,  firi  im 
Tivuiv  cijxapraSmv  irapairrfOti  xpw/xtvojv,  aXX'  e^'  ayviiq.  rs  awyiatog,  an  ^t) 
Kai  rjjg  ipvxric  SiKaioavvy  irpoiKKiKaOapixevtig-     Kat  ruv  aXXuv  ffv^pt^ofitvtov' 


JosEPHUS.     Of  John  tlie  Baptist.     A.  D.  7G.  481 

that  God  had  suffered  Herod's  army  to  be  destroyed  as  a 
just  punishment  on  him  for  the  death  of  John,  called  the 
Baptist.  For  Herod  had  killed  him,  who  was  a  just  man, 
and  had  called  upon  the  Jews  to  be  baptized,  and  to  prac- 
tise virtue,  exercising"  both  justice  toward  men  and  piety 
toward  God.  For  so  would  baptism  be  acceptable  to  God, 
if  they  made  use  of  it,  not  for  the  expiation  of  their  sins, 
but  for  the  purity  of  the  body,  the  mind  being"  first  purified 
by  righteousness.  And  many  coming"  to  him,  (for  they  were 
wonderfully  taken  with  his  discourses,)  Herod  was  seized 
with  apprehensions,  lest  by  his  authority  they  should  be  led 
into  sedition  ag"ainst  him  ;  for  they  seemed  capable  of  under- 
taking- any  thing  by  his  direction.  Herod  therefore  thought 
it  better  to  take  him  off  before  any  disturbance  happened, 
than  to  run  the  risk  of  a  change  of  affairs,  and  of  repenting- 
when  it  should  be  too  late  to  remedy  disorders.  Being" 
taken  up  upon  this  suspicion  of  Herod,  and  being"  sent  bound 
to  the  castle  of  Machserus,  just  mentioned,  he  was  slain  there. 
The  Jews  were  of  opinion  that  the  destruction  of  Herod's 
army  was  a  punishment  upon  hira  for  that  action,  God  being" 
displeased  with  him.' 

The  genuineness  of  this  passag-e  is  generally  admitted  by 
learned  men  :  though  *=  Blondell  hesitated  about  it.  Tana- 
quil  Faber  ^  received  it  very  readily. 

The  genuineness  of  this  paragraph  may  be  argued  in  the 
following-  manner : 

It  is  quoted  or  referred  to  by  Origen  in  his  books  against 
Celsus.  '  Besides,'^  says  that  ancient  writer,  '  I  would  have 
'  Celsus,  who  personates  a  Jew,  who  after  a  sort  admits 
'  John  the  Baptist,  and  that  he  baptized  Jesus,  to  consider  that 
'  an  author,  who  wrote  not  long  after  the  time  of  John  and 
*  Jesus,  says  that  John  was  a  baptist,  and  that  he  baptized 

Kai  yap  ypdrftrav  tin  TrXtt-rov  ry  axpoaaii  twv  Xoycov,  SiKra^  'Hpoi^TjC  to  evi 
ro(TovO£  TTiBavov  avra  roig  avQpuircotQ  fir]  itti  ano^cwii  rivt  ipipot,  iravra  yap 
tijiKtaav  avfifSuXy  ry  tKuvs  TrpaKovreg'  ttoXv  Kptirrov  t'lyarai,  Trpiv  Tt  vnorepav 
tS  avm  yiviaOai,  irpoXa^aiv  avaiptiv,  t],  fiera^oXijt;  yivonivqq,  uq  ra  TVpayfiara 
ffiirs(Tti)v  fiiravoHV.  Kat  6  fitv  vnotpKf  T7j  'Hpoj^«  Otrjiiog  tic  tov  ^laxaipsvTU 
TrtfKpdiic,  TO  Trpoiipjffiivov  (ppupwv,  Tavry  ktivvvtui-  ■  Toiq  £t  ladawg  do^av, 
(TTt  Tifiwpia  Ty  tKiivfi  TOV  oXfGpov  iTTi  Ty  <^paTivyiaTi.  ytvsaGai,  th  Oia  kukoiq 
'HpwSy  GtXovTOQ.     lb.  sect.  2. 

^  Des.  Sibylles,  1.  1.  c.  vii.  p.  28,  29. 

f  Fab.  ap.  Haverc.  p.  269,  270. 

^  E/SaXo/i/jv  S'  av  T^iXaij),  Trpoiru)iroir]fTavri  tov  TaSatov  irapahKajiivov  -koiq 
lwavvr]v  (1)q  fSaTrTirrjv,  fiairTiX,ovTa  tov  Itjaav,  inrtiv'  6ri  to  luiavvijv  yeyovivai 
^aTTTiTTjv,  €iQ  a(t>tmv  afiapTijfiaTtiJV  /3a7rri$orra,  avtypa\(/i  rig  rtov  jifT  a  ttoXv 
TH  IwavvH  Kai  th  Irian  yiyevrffitvuv.  Ev  yap  tii)  OKTioKaiSiKUTip  Trie  wlciiKrig 
apxaioXoyiag  6  Iojtjjttoc  fiapTvpn  Tif}  Iwavvy  wg  (iaiTTizy  ytysvofiivii),  Kai  KaQap- 
mov  Toig  (iaiTTKtantvoig  nrayytXXonivu}.  Contr.  Cels.  1.  1.  sect.  47.  p.  35. 
VOL.    VI.  2    I 


482  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  for  the  remission  of  sins.  For  in  the  eighteenth  book  of 
'  his  Jewish  Antiquities  Josephus  bears  witness  to  John  that 
'  be  was  a  baptist,  and  promised  purification  to  those  who 
'  were  baptized.' 

Here  it  may  be  objected  that  Origen  supposes  Josepluis 
to  say,  that  John  promised  purification,  or  forgiveness  of 
sins,  to  those  who  were  baptized  :  whereas  Josephus  says 
of  John,  that  '  he  taught  the  people  to  make  use  of  baptism, 
not  for  the  expiation  of  their  sins,  but  for  the  purity  of  the 
body.' 

But  I  do  not  think  that  a  sufficient  reason  why  we  should 
hesitate  to  allow  that  Origen  refers  to  the  passage  which  we 
now  have  in  Josephus.  Certainly  Origen  did  not  design  to 
say,  or  intimate,  that  John  promised  to  men  the  forgiveness 
of  their  sins  barely  upon  their  being  baptized  :  but  only 
upon  the  condition  that  they  repented,  or,  as  the  phrase  is  in 
the  gospels,  that  they  "  brought  forth  fruits  meet  for  repent- 
ance :"  or,  as  in  Josephus, '  the  mind  being  first  purified  by 
righteousness.'     I  therefore  proceed. 

This  passage  of  Josephus  is  distinctly  and  largely  quoted 
by  ^  Eusebius  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

Jerom '  also  must  be  allowed  to  refer  to  the  same  in  his 
book  of  Illustrious  Men,  though  he  does  it  very  inaccu- 
rately. 

This  passage  was  read  in  Josephus  by  "^  Photius,  as  is  ap- 
parent. 

I  do  not  think  it  needful  for  me  to  refer  to  any  more  an- 
cient authors  :  but  I  shall  consider  some  difficulties. 

Obj.  1.  In  the  first  place,  it  has  been  said  that  this  passage 
interrupts  the  course  of  the  narration. 

In  answer  to  which  I  must  say  that  I  do  not  perceive  it : 
the  connexion  is  very  good  in  my  opinion. 

Obj.  2.  Secondly,  it  is  objected  that  in  the  preceding  sec- 
tion Machserus  is  spoken  of  as  subject  to  Aretas ;  therefore 
John  the  Baptist  could  not  be  sent  prisoner  thither  by  Herod 
the  tetrarch. 

To  which  I  answer :  it  is  there  said  to  be  subject  to 
Aretas,  father  of  Herod's  wife :  tot6  iraTpi  uvtij^  wotcXij. 
But  it  is  also  there  said  to  be  in  the  borders  of  the  go- 
vernmont  of  Aretas  and  Herod  :  fieOopiov  Be  cgti  ti;?  tc  Apeia 
Kfii  'HptvBs  ap')(7j<i, 

"  H.  E.l.  ].  cap.  xi. 

'  Hie  in  decimo  octavo  Antiquitatum  libro  manifestissime  confifetur, 
propter  magnitudiiicm  signorum  Christum  a  pharisaeis  interfectum  j  et  Johan- 
nem  Baptistam  vere  prophetam  fuisse.     De  V.  I.  cap.  xiii. 

"  Cod.  238.  p.  972. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  John  the  Baptist.     A.  D.  7G.  483 

The  history  in  that  very  section  does  not  lead  us  to  think 
that  Machterns  was  in  the  possession  of  Aretas,  but  of  Herod. 
It  is  thus:  'Herod's  wife,  daug^hter  of  Aretas,  having-  dis- 
covered the  agreement  he  had  made  with  Herodias  to  come 
and  live  with  him  ;  and  iiaving  discovered  it  before  he  had 
notice  of  her  knowledge  of  the  design,  she  desired  him  to 
send  her  to  Macheerus,  a  place  in  the  borders  of  the  do- 
minions of  Aretas  and  Herod,  without  informing  him  of  her 
intentions.  Accordingly,  Herod  sent  her  thither,  as  thinking- 
his  wife  had  not  perceived  any  thing  of  the  affair.' 

By  that  means  she  got  to  her  father.  But  hence,  I  think, 
it  may  be  collected  that  Machaerus  was  not  then  a  part  of 
her  father's  dominions  :  for  if  it  had,  her  request  to  be  sent 
thither  would  have  occasioned  suspicions  in  Herod's  mind. 
Moreover,  it  may  be  argued,  from  many  things  in  Josephus, 
that  Machaerus  was  now  in  the  possession  of  Herod  the  te- 
trarch.  It  belonged  to  his  father,  Herod  the  Great,  who  had 
both  adorned  it  and  fortified  it :  and  it  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  Jewish  people  during  the  time  of  the  Mar,  and  was  '  one 
of  the  last  places  that  were  taken  by  the  Romans  after  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  was  over. 

Obj.  3.  According  to  our  evangelist,  the  daughter  of  He- 
rodias obtained  the  promise  of  John  the  Baptist's  head  at 
the  time  of  a  public  entertainment:  and  it  was  delivered  to 
her  presently.  But  how  could  that  be  done  if  John  was 
imprisoned  at  Machaerus,  at  a  great  distance  from  Herod's 
court  ? 

To  which  I  answer,  first,  that  Herod  the  tetrarch  may  have 
kept  his  birthday  and  made  that  entertainment  at  Machie- 
rus;  for  his  father,  Herod  the  Great,  had  built  a  palace  there, 
with  large   and  beautiful  "^   apartments.     Says  Tillemont : 

*  We"  learn  from  Josephus  that  he  was  beheaded  atMachae- 

*  rus,  where  it  is  easily  supposed  that  Herod  made  his  feast : 
'  [Maid,  in  Matt.  p.  304,  a.]  for  it  was  a  palace  as  well  as  a 
'  citadel.'  Secondly,  supposing  the  entertainment  to  have 
been  made  at  the  capital  city  of  Galilee,  the  promise  might 
be  made  at  the  time  of  the  entertainment,  but  the  execu- 
tion might  be  deferred  till  the  next  day,  or  till  several  days 
after. 

Obj.  4.  Still  it  may  be  said  that  this  paragraph  con- 
tradicts our  evangelists  :  for,  according  to  them,  it  was  at 
the  solicitation  of  Herodias  and  her  daughter  that  John  was 

'  Vid.  DeB,  J.l.  7.cap.vi. 

™    Mfffov  ^£  rs  TTfpi/SoXa  (SaatXtiov  (.»Ko5o/irjffaro,  ntytOii  re  Kai  KaWit  tmv 
oiKtjfftwv  TToXvTiXeg,  k.  \.     De  B.  J.  1.  7.  c.  vi.  sect.  2. 
"  S.  Jean  Battiste,  art.  viii.  p.  101.  Mem.  Ec.  T.  i. 

o  ,  o 


484  Jewish  Testimonies. 

beheaded.  But  here  it  is  said  that  Herod  put  John  to 
death,  because  he  feared  he  might  be  the  cause  of  a  sedi- 
tion. 

But  there  is  no  inconsistence  in  these  things ;  for  Herod 
might,  as  is  said  in  this  paragraph,  have  apprehensions  from 
John's  popularity,  and  be  disposed,  upon  that  account,  to 
take  him  off.  Lesser  differences  there  may  be  in  several  his- 
torians, who  write  of  the  same  matter  with  different  views  : 
and  some  circumstances  may  be  mentioned  by  one  writer 
which  are  omitted  by  others. 

I  shall  give  an  instance  from  the  writings  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament :  Acts  ix.  22 — 25,  "But  Saul  increased  the  more  in 
strength,  and  confounded  the  Jews  which  dwelt  at  Damas- 
cus, proving  that  this  is  very  Christ.  And  after  that  many 
days  were  fulfilled,  the  Jews  took  council  to  kill  him  ;  but 
their  lying  in  wait  was  known  to  Saul  :  and  they  watched 
the  gates  day  and  night  to  kill  him.  Then  the  disciples  took 
him  by  night,  and  let  him  down  by  the  wall  in  a  basket." 
So  says  St.  Luke.  Let  us  now  observe  St.  Paul  himself. 
2  Cor.  xi.  31^33,  "  The  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  is  blessed  for  evermore,  knoweth  that  I  lie  not. 
In  Damascus  the  governor,  under  Aretas  the  king-,  guarded 
the  city  of  the  Damascenes,  desirous  to  apprehend  me;  and 
through  a  window  in  a  basket  was  I  let  down  by  the  wall, 
and  escaped  him."  St.  Luke  and  St.  Paul  write  of  the 
same  thing,  as  is  apparent,  and  is  allowed  by  all  commenta- 
tors and  ecclesiastical  historians  :  nevertheless,  here  is  a 
very  considerable  difference  of  circumstance.  St.  Paul 
says  nothing  of  the  Jews,  and  St.  Luke  says  nothing  of  the 
g-overnor  of  Damascus.  But  we  can  conclude  from  St. 
Paul  that  the  Jews  had  engaged  the  governor  in  their  in- 
terest, who,  with  the  soldiers,  kept  strict  guard  at  all  the 
gates  of  the  city  :  but  there  was  a  window  or  opening  in 
some  part  of  the  wall,  to  which  his  friends  had  access;  and 
through  that  they  let  him  down  by  the  side  of  the  wall,  in 
a  basket  held  by  a  rope,  and  he  escaped.  The  danger 
was  very  pressing,  and  the  apostle  was  much  affected 
with  it. 

So  far  from  contradicting  the  evangelists,  this  account  in 
the  paragraph  greatly  confirms  them.  In  the  preceding 
paragraph  Josephus  assures  us  of  the  unlawful  contract  made 
by  Herod,  that  Herodias  should  leave  her  first  husband  and 
come  and  live  with  him.  In  this  paragraph  he  gives  an  ac- 
count of  John's  doctrine,  very  agreeable  to  that  in  the  gos- 
pels^ — that  he  earnestly  recommended  the  practice  of  righte- 
ousness toward  men,  and  piety  toward  God  ;  that  he  taught 


JosEPHUS.     Of  John  tlie  Baptist.     A.  D.  76.  485 

men  not  to  rely  on  baptism,  or  any  other  external  rites,  for 
the  forg"iveness  of  their  sins,  unless  their  minds  were  also 
purified  by  righteousness  :  and  he  assures  us  that  John  was 
in  g'reat  esteem  with  the  Jewish  people.  The  same  is  also 
said  by  our  evangelists,  who  tell  us  that  "  all  men  held  John 
for  a  prophet."  He  likewise  says  that  John,  called  the  Bap- 
tist, was  imprisoned  by  Herod,  and  afterwards  put  to  death 
by  his  order. 

We  may  be  the  more  induced  to  admit  the  genuineness  of 
this  paragraph,  because  there  is  nothing  in  it  out  of  charac- 
ter. Josephus  did  not  receive  our  Jesus  as  the  Christ:  nor 
is  there  here  any  mention  made  of  that  part  of  John's  cha- 
racter, that  he  was  the  forerunner  of  the  Christ,  or  referred 
men  to  him. 

There  may  have  been  many  Jews  who  had  a  great  regard 
for  John,  and  yet  did  not  believe  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ.  St, 
Paul  met  with  twelve  Jews  of  that  sort  at  Ephesus,  about 
the  year  of  our  Lord  53,  as  appears  from  a  history  at  the 
beginning  of  Acts  xix,  "  He  said  unto  them  :  Have  ye  re- 
ceived the  Holy  Ghost  since  ye  believed  ?  They  said  unto 
him:  We  have  not  so  much  as  heard  whether  there  be  any 
Holy  Ghost.  And  he  said  unto  them :  Unto  what  then 
were  ye  baptized  ?  And  they  said  :  Unto  John's  baptism. 
Then  said  Paul  :  John  verily  baptized  with  the  baptism  of 
repentance,  saying-  unto  the  people  that  they  should  believe 
on  him  which  should  come  after  him ;  that  is,  on  Christ 
Jesus."  These  men  had  received  John's  baptism  as  the 
baptism  of  repentance,  but  they  had  not  attended  to  that 
other  part  of  his  preaching,  that  "  they  should  believe  on 
him  who  came  after  him,"  till  they  were  reminded  of  it  by 
St.  Paul ;  and  then  they  were  presently  satisfied,  "  When 
they  heard  this,  they  were  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus."     And  what  folloMS. 

Possibly  those  men,  or  most  of  them,  had  seen  and  heard 
John,  and  been  baptized  by  him  ;  and  left  Judea  before 
Jesus  had  begun  his  public  ministry  :  and  being  at  a  dis- 
tance from  the  land  of  Judea,  had  never  had  any  distinct 
account  of  the  transactions  there:  but  now  being"  informed 
of  them,  and  being-  open  to  conviction,  they  became  disci- 
ples of  Jesus,  and  believed  in  him  as  the  Christ. 

But  many  other  Jews,  not  so  well  disposed,  might  stand 
out.  They  might  retain  a  great  respect  for  John,  as  we  sup- 
pose Josephus  to  have  done,  as  an  holy  man  of  an  austere 
character,  who  had  recommended  the  practice  of  virtue,  and 
had  been  put  to  death  by  the  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  without 
believing"  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ. 


486  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Origen  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Jewish  sentiments, 
having'  often  conversed  with  their  learned  men.  And  in 
his  answer  to  Celsus,  he  puts  him  in  mind  that  '  the"  Jews 
'  always  make  a  difference  between  John  and  Jesus,  and 
'  between  the  death  of  each  of  them.' 

Indeed  both  were  for  a  while  in  great  repute  with  the 
Jewish  people.  But  Jesus  had  greatly  disappointed  them 
in  not  assuming  the  character  of  a  temporal  prince,  as  they 
expected  the  Messiah  should  have  done.  And  John  was  put 
to  death  by  a  prince  not  much  beloved  :  but  Jesus  was  cru- 
cified at  the  importunate  demand  of  the  Jewish  rulers  and 
people  in  general. 

Josippon,  in  the  ninth  or  tenth  century,  though  he  says 
nothing  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  James,  the  Lord's  brother,  men- 
tions the  death  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  more  agreeably  to 
the  evangelists  than  this  passage  of  Josephus  which  we  are 
considering.  He  represents  the  tetrarch  Herod  as  a  very 
wicked   prince.     He  says,  '  that  he  i'  took  to  himself,  to  be 

*  his  own  wife,  the  wife  of  his  brother  Philip,  though  his  bro- 

*  ther  was  still  living,  and  slie  had  children  by  him.  He 
'  killed  many  wise  men  in  Israel  :  and  he  killed  that  great 
'  priest  John,  the  baptizer,  because  he  had  said   to  him,  "  it 

*  is  unlawful  for  thee  to  have  thy  brother's  wife." '  Many 
Jews,  as  it  seems,  have  respected  John  the  Baptist  as  an 
eminently  good  man,  without  allowing  him  to  have  any  con- 
nexions with  Jesus  Christ. 

n.  In  the  same  eighteenth  book  of  Josephus's  Jewish 
Antiquities,  but  in  a  chapter  preceding  that  in  which  is  the 
account  of  John  the  Baptist,  just  considered,  is  this  para- 
graph. 

'  At  1  that  time  lived  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  he  may  be  call- 

"   avayxaiov  avrtft  Trapa'?T}<rai,  ore  Kai  thto   8k  oikhwq  ry    isSdiK(^ 

vpoauTTqj  TTipudriKtv.  Ovoe  yap  avvaTrrsai  rov  lioavvtfv  oi  JaSaioi  t(i>  Irjffqr, 
Kai  rrjv  Iwavvs  rp  m  iTjffa  KoXaau.     Contr.  Cels.  1.  i.  cap.  48.  p.  38. 

P  Ipse  accepit  uxorem  Philippi  fratris  sui  adhuc  viventis  in  uxorem,  licet 
ilia  habeiet  filios  ex  fratre  ejus  :  earn,  iuquam,  accepit  sibi  in  uxorem.  Oc- 
cidit  autem  multos  sapientes  Israel.  Occidit  etiam  Jochanan  sacerdotem 
magnum,  oh  id  quod  dixerat  ei :  Non  licet  tibi  accipere  uxorem  fratris  tui 
Ph.lippi  in  uxorem.  Occidit  ergo  Jochananem  Baptistam.  Josipp.  1.  6. 
cap.  63.  p.  274. 

■I  Tiverai  Se  Kara  thtov  tov  xpovov  iTiaag,  ao(poc  avrjp,  tiyc  avSpa  avrov 
"Kiytiv  xPy-  Hv  yap  vapaSo^iiiv  tpywv  TroiTjr/jCj  SiSaaKuXog  avOpioTriov  rojv 
I'lCovy  T  aXr/Or)  hixontvii)v.  Kai  ttoWhq  fiev  laSainQ,  ttoXXsq  St  Kai  r«  'EXXq- 
vtKH  Eirriyayero.  'O  XpiTog  ovroc  7]v.  Kai  avrov  tvStiKit  rdiv  vptanov  avSpuv 
Trap'  t'ifiiv,  '^avpip  t7nririixr]K0T0Q  IltXara,  sk  tiravaavro  o'lyt  irpwrov  avrov 
ayairrirravriQ.  E(puvr)  yap  avroiq  rpirrjv  f%(iJV  rjnipav  TraXiv  K'ov,  rtxiv  Oti(ov 
7rpo(prirtiiv  ravra  re  Kai  aXXa  fivpia  Oavfiaata  -mpi  avrs  tiprjKorwv.  Eig  en 
vvv  Tojv  xP'criavtov  rnro  rude  oivofiaa^tvuiv  ovk  iTrtXiwi  to  <pvXov.  Antiq. 
Jud.  I.  18.  cap.  iii.  sect.  3. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  Jesus  Christ.     A.  D.  76.  487 

ed  a  man ;  for  he  performed  many  wonderful  works.  He 
was  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  received  the  truth  with  plea- 
sure. He  drew  over  to  him  many  Jews  and  Gentiles.  This 
was  the  Clirist.  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
chief  men  among"  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  they 
who  before  had  conceived  an  affection  for  him  did  not  cease 
to  adhere  to  him.  For  on  the  third  day  he  appeared  to 
them  alive  a^ain,  the  divine  prophets  having  foretold  these 
and  many  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him.  And 
the  sect  of  the  christians,  so  called  from  him,  subsists  to  this 
time.' 

This  passage  is  received  by"^  many  learned  men  as  genu- 
ine :  by  others*  it  is  rejected  as  an  interpolation.  It  is 
allowed  on  all  hands  that  it  is  in  all  the  copies  of  Josephus's 
works,  now  extant,  both  printed  and  manuscript :  neverthe- 
less, it  may  be  for  several  reasons  called  in  question.  They 
are  such  as  these. 

1.  This  paragraph  is  not  quoted  nor  referred  to  by  any 
christian  writers  before  Eusebius,  who  flourished  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century  and  afterwards. 

If  it  had  been  originally  in  the  works  of  Josephus,  it  would 
have  been  highly  proper  to  produce  it  in  their  disputes  with 
Jews  and  Gentiles  :  but  it  is  never  quoted  by  Justin  Martyr, 
or  Clement  of  Alexandria,  nor  by  Tertullian  or  Origen  ; 
men  of  great  learning,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  works 
of  Josephus.  It  was  certainly  very  proper  to  urge  it  against 
the  Jews  ;  it  might  also  have  been  fitly  alleged  against  Gen- 
tiles. A  testimony  so  favourable  to  Jesus  in  the  works  of 
Josephus,  who  lived  so  soon  after  the  time  of  our  Saviour, 
who  was  so  well  acquainted  with  the  transactions  of  his  own 
country,  who  had  received  so  many  favours  from  Vespasian 
and  Titus,  could  not  be  overlooked  or  neglected  by  any 
christian  apologist. 

If  this  passage  had  related  only  to  some  one  of  the  first 
followers  of  Jesus,  the  omission  had  not  been  so  remarkable  ; 
but  it  relates  to  Jesus  himself;  it  declares  his  proper  cha- 
racter, his  miracles,  his  crucifixion,  and  resurrection;  and 
that  all  this  was  agreeable  to  the  predictions  of  the  pro- 
phets. 

This  passage  is  not  only  not  quoted  by  Origen,  but  we  can 

*■  Cav.  H.  L.  in  Josepho.  Huet.  Dem.  Ev.  Prop.  iii.  p.  32,  &c.  Fab.  Bib. 
Gr.  1.  4.  cap.  vi.  Tom.  .1.  Whiston  in  his  first  dissertation.  Spanhem.  0pp. 
T.  i.  p.  531.     Tillem.  Ruine  des  Juifs,  art.  81.  and  note  xl.  H.  E.  Tom.  i. 

"  J.  Ittigii  Prolegom.  ap.  Havercamp.  p.  89.  Blondel.  des  Sibylles,  p.  18. 
Tan.  Fabr.  ap.  Havercamp.  p.  267,  &c.  Cleric.  H.  E.  An.  25.  n.  iv.  et  Ars 
Crit.  p.  3.  cap.  xiv. 


488  Jewish.  Testimonies. 

perceive  that  he  had  it  not ;  for  in  the  words  next  following 
the  notice  taken  of  John  the  Baptist,  as  mentioned  by  Jose- 
phus,  and  before  quoted  by  us,  he  adds  ;  '  The  *  same  writer, 
though  he  did  not  believe  Jesus  to  be  the  Christ,  inquiring 
into  the  cause  of  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem,  and   the  de- 
molition of  the  temple,  when  he  ought  to  have  said  that  their 
attempt  upon  Jesus  was  the  cause  of  the  ruin  of  that  people, 
forasmuch  as  they  had  put  to  death  the  Christ  before  pro- 
phesied of;  he,  as  it  were  unwillingly,  and  not  erring  far 
from  the  truth,  says  :  These  things  befell  the  Jews  in  vindi- 
cation of  James  called  the  Just,  who  was  the  brother  of  Jesus 
called  the  Christ :   forasmuch  as  they  killed  him  who  was  a 
most  righteous  man.  That  James  is  the  same  whom  Paul,  that 
genuine  disciple  of  Jesus,  says  he  had  seen,  and   calls  the 
Lord's  brother,  [Gal.  i.  19.]  not  so  much  for  the  sake  of  con- 
sanguinity,  as  their  common  education,  and  agreement  in 
manners  and  doctrine.     If"  therefore  he  says  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  had  befallen  the  Jews  for  the  sake  of  James, 
with  how  much  more  reason  might  he  have  said  that   this 
had  happened  for  the  sake  of  Jesus  who  was  the  Christ,  to 
-whose  divinity  so  many  churches  bear  witness  ;  who,  being 
now  recovered  from  the  pollutions   of  vice,  have  given  up 
themselves  to  the  Creator,  and  endeavour  to  please  him  in 
all  things?' 

Afterwards,  in  his  second  book  against  Celsus,  he  argues 
our  Saviour's  knowledge  of  futurities  from  his  predictions 
concerning  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  which  had  not  been 
effected  till  the  times  of  Vespasian  and  Titus.  '  Which,'  ' 
as  Josephus  writes,  '  happened  upon  account  of  James  the 
Just,  the  brother  of  Jesus  called  the  Christ;  but  in  truth 
upon  account  of  Jesus  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God.' 

Origen  speaks  again  to  the  like  purpose  in  his  com- 
mentary upon  St.  Matthew  ;  and  says  that  '  this  "  James,  the 
'  same  that  is  mentioned  by  Paul  in  his  epistle  to  the  Gala- 
'  tians,  [i.  19.]  was  so  respected  by  the  people  for  hisrighte- 

*  ousness,  that  Flavins    Josephus,   who  wrote  the  Jewish 

*  Antiquities  in  twenty  books,  being  desirous  to  assign  the 

'  O  5'  avTOQ,  KaiToiye  rnnruiv  rw  Ijjffs  i)Q  Xpi^ip,  Z^rwv  rrjv  aiTiav  rijg  rwv 
Jtpoco\v[i,wv  TTTMnewc,  /cat  rrjg  th  van  Kadaipi(Tew<;'  Ceov  avrov  tnreiv,  on  ») 
Tn  Ij)<T8  tTTi/SaX?;  rsrwv  airta  yeyove  ti^  \ai^,  tiru  aiciKTiivav  top  npOipriTfvo- 
fifvov  Xqitov,  k.  X.     Contr.  Cels.  1.  I.e.  47.  p.  35. 

"  Enrep  av  Zia  Ia/c(o/3ov  (TVfi(3([ir}Kevai  Xtyti  TOis  IsSaiotg  ra  KOTa  Tt}V  tprffiut- 
aiv  rriQ  'leftsffaXyj^,  k.  X.      lb. 

'   wc  M"'  Ito(T>jrroc  ypafu,  Sia  laKw^ov  top  cikuiov,  tov  aSiXcpov  l7)(78 

T«  XtyofxivH  XptT«'  wc  ^£  ')  aXrjOtia  TrapiTtjffi,  Sia  \r}(XHV  rov  Hpiiov  tov  v'lov  Ts 
Om.  Contr.  Cels.  I.  2.  sect.  13.  p.  69. 

*  Comm.  in  Matt.  Tom.  x.  sect.  17.  p.  4G3.     Bened.  T.  i.  p.  223.  Huet 


JosEPHUs.     Of  Jesus  Christ.     A.  D.  76.  489 

*  cause  why  that  people  suffered  such  things,  so  that  even 

*  their  temple  was  demolished  to  the  foundation,  says  that 
'  those  things  had  happened  because  of  the  anger  of  God 

*  against  them,  for  what  they  had  done  to  James  the  brother 

*  of  Jesus  called  the  Christ.     And  it  is  wonderful   that  he 

*  who  did  not  receive  our  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  should  ascribe 
'  such  righteousness  to  James.     He  says  that  the  people  also 

*  were  of  opinion  that  they  suffered  these  things  upon  ac- 
'  count  of  James.' 

After  Origen,  the  same  saying  of  Josephus  concerning 
James  is  also  alleged  by"  Eusebiusand  y  Jerom;  but  with- 
out saying  any  more  than  Origen  what  work  of  Josephus,  or 
what  book  of  his  works,  it  was  in. 

There  is  not  now  any  thing  of  that  kind  in  any  of  his 
works :  nor  is  it  easily  conceivable  that  ^  there  ever  was. 
But  what  I  now  allege  these  passages  of  Origen  for,  is  to 
show  that  it  may  be  hence  evidently  and  certainly  con- 
cluded that  Origen  never  read  in  Josephus  that  testimony  to 
Jesus  which  we  now  have  in  his  works. 

I  have  above  mentioned  no  other  Latin  author  but  Ter- 
tullian,  to^  whom  Josephus  was  well  known.  But  I  might 
also  have  insisted  upon  the  silence  of  the  other  Latin 
apologists  for  Christianity  of  the  first  three  centuries,  as  Mi- 
nucius  Felix,  Cyprian,  Arnobius,  and  Lactantius;  to  whom 
so  extraordinary  a  testimony  to  our  Saviour,  in  so  celebrated 
a  Jewish  writer,  would  not  have  been  unknown  if  it  had 
been  in  him. 

Eusebius  then,  who  flourished  about  the  year  of  Christ 
315,  and  afterwards,  is  the  first  christian  writer  in  whom 
this  paragraph  is  found  ;  and  by  him  ""  it  is  twice  quoted  at 
large.  After  him,  as  is  well  known,  it  is  quoted  by  "  Jerom, 
^  Sozoraen,  and  many  other  following  writers. 

But  it  is  observable  that  this  paragraph  is  never  quoted  by 
Chrysostom,  whom  I  suspect  to  have  had  but  little  regard 

*  H.  E  1.  2.  cap.  xxiii.  p.  65. 

y  Tradit  idem  Josephus,  tantae  eum  sanctitatis  fuisse,  et  celebritatis  in 
populo,  ut  propter  ejus  necem  credituin  sit,  subversam  esse  Hierosolymam. 
De  V.  I.  cap.  2.  vid.  et  cap.  13. 

^  Quod  vero  attinet  ad  ista,  ravra  (TVfif3efiriKev  IsSaioic  Kara  tKhicrjffiv 
IaKw/3s  Ts  SiKais,  k.  \.  quae,  tanquam  a  Josepho  probata  in  Antiquitatum 

libris,  affert  Origenes, et  ex  eo,  ut  puto,  Eusebius,  aliique,  versimile  est, 

ea   referri   debere  fjLvtjfxoviKif)  afia^Tr)fiaTi   Origenis Certe  nullibi,   quod 

sciaui,  haberi  potuerunt  m  Antiquitatibus,  ut  quaenon  agant  de  Hierosolymo- 
rum  excidio.  Hudson,  annot.  ad  Jos.  Antiq.  1.  20.  c.  ix.  sect.  1.  p.  976.  ed. 
Hav.  Vid.  et  Cleric.  Ars  Crit.  p.  3.  c.  xiv.  sect.  8—10. 

*  et  qui  istos  aut  probat  aut  revincit  Judaeus  Josephus  Antiquitatum 

judaicarum  vemaculus  vindex.     Tert.  Ap.  c.  19.  p.  19.  ''  H.  E.  1.  1. 

c.  xi.  Dcm.  Ev.  1.  3.  p.  124.        '^  De  V.  I.  c.  13.        ^  Soz.  1. 1.  c.  1.  p.  399. 


490  Jewish  Testimonies. 

for  Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  He  several  times  refers  to  Jose- 
phus  as  a  proper  writer,  from  whom  men  might  learn  what 
miseries  the  Jewish  people  had  undergone  in  their  war  with 
the  Romans,  'he^  not  being"  a  believer,  but  a  Jew,  and  zea- 
lous for  the  Jewish  rites,  even  after  the  rise  of  Christianity.' 
He  refers  likewise^  to  what  Josephus  says  of  John  the  Bap- 
tist, though  inaccurately,  as  must  be  acknowledged  :  but 
he  never  takes  any  notice  of  this  testimony  to  Jesus ;  M'hich 
surely  he  would  not  have  omitted,  in  his  many  arguments 
with  the  Jews,  if  he  had  been  acquainted  with  it,  and  had 
supposed  it  to  be  genuine. 

Some  have  supposed  that  this  testimony  of  Josephus  was 
alleged  by  Macarius  in  the  time  of  Dioclesian.  But  ^  Fabri- 
cius  has  honestly  and  judiciously  observed  that  there  is  no 
reason  to  take  that  passage  of  Macarius  for  genuine. 

2.  This  paragraph  was  wanting  in  the  copies  of  Josephus 
which  were  seen  by  Photius  in  the  ninth  century. 

I  make  a  distinct  article  of  this  writer,  because  he  read 
and  revised  the  works  of  Josephus  as  a  critic.  He  has  in 
his  Bibliotheque  '^  no  less  than  three  articles  concerning  Jose- 
phus, but  takes  no  notice  of  this  passage.  Whence  it  may 
be  concluded  that  it  was  wanting  in  his  copies,  or  that  he 
did  not  think  it  genuine :  but  the  former  is  the  more  likely. 
He  refers  to  the  passage  concerning  John  the  Baptist  in  this 
manner  :  '  This '  Herod,  tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  Peraea,  son  of 
'  Herod  the  great,  is  he  who  put  to  death  the  great  John  the  fore- 

*  runner,  because,  as  Josephus  says,  he  was  afraid  he  would 
'  stirupthe  people  to  rebellion.  For  all  men  paid  great  regard 

*  to  Jolin  upon  account  of  his  transcendent  virtue.     In   his 

*  time  also  our  Saviour  suffered.'  How  fair  an  occasion  had 
Photius  here  to  refer  also  to  the  testimony  given  to  Jesus, 
which  we  now  have,  if  he  had  seen  it?  Upon  this  article 

*  /cat  yap  IsSaioc  tjv,  Kai  <r(poSpa  lnSatog,  icai  ^^jXwrjye,  Kai  twv  fiira 

rriv  XptTs  Trapao-jar.  In  Matt.  hom.  76.  [al.  77.]  T.  7.  p.  732.  Vid.  et  in 
Matt.  hom.  75.  [al.  76.]  p.  727.  et  in  Jo.  horn.  64.  [al.  65.]  T.  8.  p.  390. 

f  In  Jo.  hom.  12.  [al.  13.]  T.  8.  p.  73.  A. 

8  Hoc  Joseph!  loco  non  utuntur  Jubtinus,  Tertullianus,  Chrysostomus, 
aliiquo  compluies,  quando  contra  Judaeos  disputant.  Non  produxit  Origenes, 
alia  Josephi  laudans  in  libris  contra  Celsum.  Nee  Photius  quidem  tanto  junior 
meminit,  in  cujiis  Bibl.  Antiquitates  Josephi  bis  recensentiir,  cod.  76,  et  238. 

Ante  Eusebium  tamen allegaverit  ilium  Marcarius  quidam,  cubiculi  impe- 

ratorii  praefectus,  siquidem  genuinus  sit  hujus  ad  Diocletianum  sermo,  qui 
refertur  in  Actis  Sanctorum  Macarii,  a  Cl.  viro  W.  E.  Tenselio,  primum  in 
Dialogis  menstruis  Germanice  editis,  A.  1697.  p.  556.  Sed  merito  existiman- 
dum,  haec  Acta  martyris  Macariani,  si  non  longe  post  Diocletianum  plane 
conficta,  saltem  interpolata,  atque  locum  Josephi  insertum  a  recentiore  manu 
esse.     Fabr.  Bib.  Gr.  T.  3.  p.  237. 

»>  Cod.  48,  76,  et  238.  '  Cod.  238.  p.  973. 


JoSEPHUS.     Of  Jesus  Christ.     A.  D.  76.  491 

of  Photius  the  very  learned  Ittigius  in  his  Prolegomena  to 
Josephus''  has  just  remarks,  invincibly  asserting  the  abso- 
lute silence  of  this  great  critic  concerning  this  paragraph  of 
Joseph  us. 

And  very  observable  is  what  Photius  says  in  his  article  of 
Justus  of  Tiberias.  'This'  >vriter,  labouring  under  the  coni- 
'  mon  prejudice  of  the  Jews,  and  being  himself  a  Jew,  makes 
*  not  any  the  least  mention  of  the  coming  of  Christ,  or  the 
'  things  concerninghim,or  the  miracles  done  by  him.'  This 
is  very  remarkable.  This  silence  of  Justus  concerning  our 
Saviour  was  not  peculiar  to  him,  but  Mas  coinmon  to  other 
Jewish  writers  with   him,  very   probably   intending  Jose- 

{)hus.     If  Josephus  had  been  an  exception,  he  would  not 
lave  been  omitted,   but  Mould   have  been  expressly  men- 
tioned. 

3.  This  paragraph  concerning  Jesus  interrupts  the  course 
of  the  narration  ;  and  therefore  is  not  genuine,  but  is  an 
interpolation. 

In  the  preceding  paragraph  Josephus  gives  an  account 
of  an  attempt  of  Pilate  to  bring  Mater  from  a  distant  place 
to  Jerusalem  with  the  sacred  money ;  which  occasioned  a 
disturbance,  in  which  many  Jews  were  killed,  and  many 
others  Mere  Mounded. 

The  paragraph  next  folIoM'ing  this,  about  which  we  are 
iioM'  speaking,  begins  thus :  '  And ""  about  the  same  time 
'  another  sad  calamity  gave  the  Jews  great  uneasiness.'  That 
calamity  was  no  less  than  banishing  the  Jews  from  Rome  by 
order  of  the  emperor  Tiberius :  '  occasioned,'"  as  he  says, 
'  by  the  misconduct  of  some  Jcm's  in  that  city.' 

This  paragraph  therefore  Mas  not  originally  in  Josephus. 
It  does  not  come  from  him :  but  it  is  an  interpolation  insert- 
ed by  somebody  afterwards.  This  argument  must  be  of 
great  weight  M'itli  all  who  are  well  acquainted  M'ith  the  M-rit- 
ings  of  Josephus,  M'ho  is  a  cool  and  sedate  M'riter,  very 
exact  in  connecting  his  narrations,  and  never  failing  to  make 
transitions  where  they  are  proper  or  needful. 

I  believe  it  is  not  easy  to  instance  another  writer  who  is 
so  exact  in  all  his  pauses  and  transitions,  or  so  punctual 
in  the  notice  he  gives  M'hcn  he  has  done  with  one  thing  and 

''  Ap.  Havercamp.  p.  89. 

'  WQ  Ce  -a  laCaiojv  voawv,  luSaiog  tc  koi  avrog  virapyuv  to  ytvog,  r»jc  Xpt<r8 
TrapHCFiag,  Kai  twv  irept  avrou  TtKiaBevraiv,  Kai  rwv  vir  avra  repaTovpyrjOivruv, 
u£evoQ  bXwQ  /xvTifirjv  eTroiTjcraTO.      Cod.  33.  p.  20. 

■"  Krti  vTTo  rove  avTovg  xpovovg  irepov  ti  Seivov  tOopvPi  tovq  luSaiag.  L. 
18.  c.  3.  sect.  4.  "    Kai  ot  ftcv  lia  kokiov  riffaapoav  avdpojv 

k\avi'orro  tjjc  ttoXewc.     Sect.  5.  fin. 


492  .     ■  Jewish  Testimonies. 

goes  on  to  another.  That  must  make  this  argument  the 
stronger. 

Tillemont  was  sensible  of  this  difficulty,  though  he  thinks 
that  the  writers  who  maintain  the  genuineness  of  this  pas- 
sage have  made  good  their  point.  '  It  °  must  be  owned, 
'  however,'  says  he,  '  that  there  is  one  thing  embarrassing  in 

*  this  passage,  which  is,  that  it  interrupts  the  course  of  the 

*  narration  in  Josephus.     For  that  which  immediately  fol- 

*  lows  begins  in  these  terms :  "  About  the  same  time  there 

*  happened  another  misfortune  which  disturbed  the  Jews." 

*  For  those  words,  "  another  misfortune,"  have  no  connec- 

*  tion  with  what  was  just  said  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  is  not 

*  mentioned   as  an  unhappiness.     And,  on  the  contrary,  it 

*  has  a  very  natural  reference  to  what  precedes  in  that  place : 

*  which  is  a  sedition  in  which   many  Jews  were   killed  or 

*  wounded.     Certainly  it  is  not  so  easy  to  answer  to  this 

*  difficulty  as  to  the  others.  I  wish  that  Mr.  Huet  and  Mr. 
'  Roie  had  stated  this  objection,  and  given  satisfaction  upon 
'  it.  As  for  myself,  I  know  not  what  to  say  to  it;  but  that 
'  Josephus  himself  might  insert  this  passage  after  his  work 

*  was  finished;  and  he  did  not  then  think  of  a  more  proper 
'  place  for  it  than  this,  where  he  passed  from  what  happened 

*  in  Judea   under  Pilate  to  somewhat  that  was  done  at  the 

*  same  time  at  Rome  ;  and  he  forgot  to  alter  the  transition, 

*  which  he  had  made  at  first.' 

Undoubtedly  the  difficulty  presses  very  hard,  which  will 
allow  of  no  better  solution. 

4.  Let  us  now  observe  the  paragraph  itself,  and  consider 
whether  it  be  suitable  or  unsuitable  to  the  general  character 
of  Josephus. 

'  At  the  same  time  lived  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  he  may  be 
called  a  man  ;  for  he  performed  many  wonderful  works.' 

But  why  P  should  Josephus  scruple  to  call  Jesus  '  a  man  V 
Were  not  Moses,  Elijah,  Elisha,  and  other  prophets,  men? 
The  wonderful  works  done  by  them  were  not  done  by  their 
own  power,  but  by  the  power  of  God,  bearing  testimony 
to  their  commission,  or  supporting  them  in  the  execution  of 

"  Ruine  des  Juifs,  note  xl.  Hist,  des  Emp.  Tom.  i. 

f  Sed  quo  judicio  scriptum  est  quod  sequitur :  tiye  avSpa  avTov  Xtyitv  xf>y- 
Quaenam,  quaeso,  ratio  est  ?  Quia,  inquit,  TropuSo^wv  ipyoav  ttoitjttjq  tjv.  Ita- 
que  adeo,  quando  ita  vult,  dubitabitur  in  posterum  a  nobis,  dii  an  homines 
appellandi  sint  Moses,  Elias,  Elisaus  ?  Nam  et  illi  fuerunt  TrapaSo^uv  fpywr 
TTOujrai.  Deinde,  cum  ait  tiyt  avSpa  avrov  \tytiv  xpy,  quid,  quaeso,  aliud 
jnnuere  vult,  nisi  Jesum  Dominum  esse  Deum  ?  In  quo  graviter  errat  hie  pius 
impostor.  Judaei  enim  ne  suspicabantur  (juidem,  Messiam  seu  Christum  fore 
Deum,  sed  praestantissimum  aUquem  principem  ex  semine  Davidis.  Tan. 
Fab.  ap.  Ilavercamp.  Joseph,  p.  269. 


JosEPHUs.     Of  Jesus  Christ.     A.  D.  76.  493 

it.  Moreover,  Moses  himself,  who  *i  is  so  highly  extolled  and 
magnified  by  Josephus,  is"^  often  called  by  him  a  man. 
Why  then  should  he  scruple  to  say  the  same  of  Jesus  ? 
However  it  should  be  owned  that  he  has  this  expression 
concerning  Moses:  'So'  that  his  legislation,  Avhich  was 
from  God,  made  this  man  to  be  thought  superior  to  his  own 
nature.' 

'  He  was  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  received  the  truth  with 
pleasure.' 

Very  honourable  to  Jesus  and  his  followers!  But  would 
Josephus  say  this  of  them?  And  would  he  call  the  christian 
religion  '  the  truth  V 

'He  drew  over  to  him  many  Jews  and  Gentiles.' 

That  is  not  true  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  if  intended  of  his  own 
personal  preaching,  before  his  crucifixion.  It  was  done 
indeed  afterwards.  But  this  manner  of  speaking  is  more 
suitable  to  a  writer  of  the  second  or  third  century  than  to 
Josephus. 

*  This  was  the  Christ.' 
-  Jerom,  in  his  article  of  Josephus,  in  his  book  of  Illustrious 
Men,  quoting  this  passage,  puts  it  thus  :  '  And  *■  he  was  be- 
'  lieved  to  be  the  Christ.'  Which  is  a  qualifying  expres- 
sion for  which  there  is  no  ground.  Nor"  did  Sophronius, 
Jerom's  Greek  interpreter,  follow  that  translation,  but  puts 
it  as  it  is  in  Eusebius,  and  other  Greek  '  writers  :  '  This  was 
*  the  Christ.'  But  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  Josephus 
either  thought  or  said  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ. 

It  follows :  *  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
chief  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  they 
who  before  had  conceived  an  affection  for  him  did  not  cease 
to  adhere  to  him  :  for  on  the  third  day  he  appeared  to  them 
alive  again,  the  divine  prophets  having  foretold  these  and 
many  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him.' 

All  must  be  sensible  that  this  could  not  be  said  by  any 
man  but  aprofessed  christian,  which  Josephus  was  not;  there- 
fore he  could  not  write  this. 

'  And  the  sect  of  the  christians,  so  called  from  him,  sub- 
sists to  this  day.' 

Which  Mr.  Whiston  translates  in  this  manner  :  '  And  the 
'  tribe  of  christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at 

''  Antiq.  1.  3.  c.  xv.  1.  4.  c.  viii.  et  alibi. 

'  QavfiaTOQ  Se  tijq  npt rijc  6  avtfp,  k.  X.     Ant.  1.  3.  c.  xv.  sect.  3. 
'  Oiirwc  i?  vo/ioGema  rs  Qts  SoKstra  tov  avSpa  TTtiroirjKe  rt}C  avrs  <pvffiioc 
Koetrrova  vofuHiiaOai.     Ibid.  *  Et  credebatur  esse  Christus. 

"      O  XplTOg  OVTOQ   1JV. 

"  See  particularly  Sozomen,  1.  1.  cap.  i.  p.  399. 


494  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  this  day.'     But  Mr.  W ,  who  thinks  this  passage  to  be 

Josephus's,  should  not  have  rendered  (pvXou,  tribe,  because 
<pv\i]  is  the  word  always  used  by  Josephus  for  tribe;  and 
(pvXov,  M'hich  we  have  here,  always  sig-nifies  nation  '"  in  Jose- 
phus :  nor  were  the  christians  a  nation  or  political  society  in 
the  first  three  centuries. 

Here  it  is  put  for  sect:  it  cannot  signify  any  thing  else 
in  this  place.  Jesus  is  called  a  '  wise  man,'  and  is  said 
to  have* been  a  teacher  of  such  as  received  the  truth  with 
pleasure.'  And  though  he  had  been  crucified,  '  they 
who  had  before  conceived  an  affection  for  him  did  not 
cease  to  adhere  to  him,  because  he  appeared  to  them  alive 
again.' 

Here  the  word  denotes  sect.  But  ulpeffi?,  heresy,  is  the 
word  generally  used  by  Josephus  in  speaking  "  of  the  pha- 
risees,  sadducees,  and  Essenes,  the  three  prevailing  sects, 
or  different  ways  of  philosophizing  among  the  Jews. 

The  phrase  ^  x/="<^'^'*«"^''  (j)v\ov,  here  used,  resembles  the 
phrase  x/'"^t'«'"^*'  eOvos,  which  was  in  use  in  the  time  of 
Eusebius,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  and  de- 
notes '  the  sect  of  the  christians.' 

Moreover,  the  expression,  '  subsists  to  this  time,*  or,  is  not 
extinct  at  this  day,  imports  a  considerable  space  of  time 
since  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus ;  and  does  very  reasonably 
lead  us  to  think  that  the  composer  of  this  paragraph  lived 
later  than  Josephus. 

These  considerations,  as  seems  to  me,  are  sufficient  to  de- 
termine the  point  in  f|uestion,  and  to  satisfy  all  men  that 
Josephus  was  not  the  author  of  this  paragraph.  However, 
1  shall  add  one  consideration  more. 

5.  If  Josephus  were  the  author  of  this  paragraph,  it  would 
be  reasonable  to  expect  in  him  frequent  mention  of  Christ's 
miracles,  whereas  he  is  every  where  silent  about  them. 

Josephus  was  a  pharisee:  he  believed  the  miracles  of 
Moses  and  the  Jewish  prophets  :  he  believed  a  divine  pro- 
vidence superintending  human  affairs,  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  and  the  rewards  of  a  future  state.  And  he  is  will- 
ing enough  to  relate  extraordinary  things,  or  such  things  as 
had  an  appearance  of  being  so. 

Therefore  ^  he  tells  a  story  of  Eleazar's  dispossessing  a 

"  oiTH  Kai  YinpQoi,  ro  woXf/itKwrarov  (pvKov.     De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  16.  sect. 

4.  p.  189.  Hav.     Vlav  v^wv  ro(pvXov.     lb.  p.  191.  et  passim. 

"  Vid.  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  c.  viii.  Ant.  Jud.  1.  13.  c.  v.  sect.  9.  c.  x.sect.  5.  1.  14. 

c.  i.  et  pjissim.  ^  ry  e6vu  rwv  xptTtavajv  iavrsc 

rrvfuiiixoTaq.     Maximin    ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  9.  c.ix.  p.  360.  C ad  chris- 

tianorum  sectam  ?e  applicuisse  ccrnerent.     Vales. 

'  Virl.  de.  B.  J.  I.  7.  c.  vi.  Ant.  1  8.  c.  ii.  sect.  5. 


JosEPHUS.     Of  Jesus  Christ.     A.  D.  76.  495 

(IteiQon  by  virtue  of  some  incantations,  and  the  use  of  a 
certain  root  called  Baanas. 

Therefore  *  he  relates  a  dream  of  Archelaus,  and  then 
another  of  Glaphyra,  as  very  extraordinary,  as  ''  confirming 
the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  souls,  and  the  belief  of  a 
divine  providence  concerning"  itself  about  human  affairs. 
Those  dreams  are  related  by  him  both  in  the  History  of 
the  Jewisli  War,  and  in  his  Antiquities;  and  yet  that  dream 
of  Glaphyra  is  now  considered"  by  divers  learned  men  as  a 
mere  fiction. 

I  might  refer  to  another  silly  story  of  the  fulfilment  of  a 
prediction  of  Judas  an  Essene :  which  "^  is  related  by  him 
also  in  both  those  works,  the  War  and  the  Antiquities. 

Would  any  man  please  himself  M'ith  such  poor  things  as 
these,  and  relate  them  to  the  world  as  matters  of  import- 
ance, if  he  had  any  respect  for  the  doctrine  and  miracles 
of  Jesus  Christ?  No.  He  was  either  unacquainted  with 
them,  or  resolutely  silent  about  them  ;  and  never  can  be 
supposed  author  of  the  honourable  testimony  here  borne  to 
Jesus  as  the  Christ. 

Supposing  these  arguments  to  be  of  great  weight,  some 
may  ask  how  this  paragraph  came  to  be  in  the  works  of 
Josephus?  In  that  case  1  should  answer,  that  probably  some 
learned  christian,  who  had  read  the  Avorks  of  Josephus, 
thinking  it  strange  that  this  Jewish  historian  should  say  no- 
thing of  Jesus  Christ,  wrote  this  paragraph  in  the  margin  of 
his  copy,  and  thence  it  came  to  be  afterwards  inserted  into 
many  copies  of  the  works  of  Josephus  :  but  for  a  good  while 
it  was  not  in  all :  and  therefore  Photius  did  not  see  it  in  that 
copy  which  he  made  use  of. 

Who  was  the  first  author  of  this  interpolation  cannot  be 
said.  Tanaquil  Faber*"  suspected  Eusebius.  I  do  not 
charge  it  upon  him;  but  1  think  it  was  first  made  about  his 
time  ;  for,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  we  have  seen  sufficient  rea- 
son to  believe  that  this  paragraph  was  not  quoted  by  Origen, 
nor  by  any  ancient  christian  writer  before  Eusebius,  that  we 
have  any  knowledge  of. 

Though  many  learned  men  have  maintained  the  genuine- 

*  Antiq.  1.  17.  c.  xiii.  sect.  3 — 5.     De  B.  Jud.  1.2.  c.  vii. 

''  rart   a/ii^t  rag  4'^x^^  aOavaaiag   t/i^tpsf,  Kai  ra  Oiis  irpoixrfQda  ra 

av9pii)iriva  TranuXri^oToc,  ry  avrs,  ica\<i»g  sx^iv  tvofiiaa  iineiv.  Ant.  1.  17.  xiii.  5. 

'  Vid.  Nons.  Cenotaph.  Pis.  Diss.  2.  cap.  xii.  p.  238.  et  Le  Clerc.  Bib.  Ch. 
T.  iv.  p.  60. 

^  DeB.  J.  1.  1.  cap.  iii.  sect.  4,  5.     Ant.  1.  13.  cap.  xi.  sect.  2. 

"  Itaque  constet  necesse  est,  id  intra  illud  tempus  admissum  fuisse,  quod  ab 
Origene  ad  Eusebium  fluxit.  Mihi  autem  imprimis  credibile  fit,  auctorem 
hujus  rtxvaafiaroQ  esse  Eusebium.   Fabr.  ap.  Havercamp.  p.  272. 


496  Jewish  Testimonies. 

ness  of  this  paragraph,  others  have  rejected  it.  And  for 
avoiding"  the  charge  of  singularity,  and  for  giving*  satisfac- 
tion to  some  scrupulous  persons,  1  shall,  beside  the  authors' 
before  referred  to,  transcribe  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  s  the 
observations  of  Vitringa.  And  1  add  the  judgment  of  Dr. 
Warburton,  now  bishop  of  Gloucester,  wlio  has  expressed 
himself  upon  the  subject  in  very  clear  and  strong  terms. 
'  If  a  Jew,'  says'*  his  Lordship,  'owned  the  truth  of  christ- 
'  ianity,  he  must  needs  embrace  it.  We,  therefore,  cer- 
'  tainly  conclude  that  the  passage  where  Josephus,  who  was 
'  as  much  a  Jew  as  the  religion  of  Moses  could  make  him, 
'  is  made  to  acknowledge  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  in  as  strong 
'  terms  as  words  could  do  it,  is  a  rank  forgery,  and  a  very 
'  stupid  one  too.' 

III.  There  is  yet  one  passage  more  in  the  works  of  Jose- 
phus, which  ought  to  be  here  taken  notice  of:  it  is  in  the 
twentieth  book  of  his  Antiquities,  and  to  this  purpose. 

'  The '  emperor  having  been  informed  of  the  death  of 
Festus,  sent  Albinus  to  be  prcefect  in  Judea.  And  the  king 
fmeaning  Agrippa  the  younger]  took  away  the  high-priest- 
hood from  Joseph,  and  bestowed  that  dignity  upon  the  son 

of  Ananus,  who  also  was  named  Ananus This  younger 

Ananus,  who,  as  we  said  just  now,  was  made  high-priest, 
was''  haughty  in  his  behaviour,  and  very  enterprising  :  and 
moreover  he  was  of  the  sect  of  the  sadducees,  who,  as  we 
have  also  observed  before,  are  above  all  other  Jews  severe 
in  their  judicial  sentences.  This  then  being  the  temper  of 
Ananus,  and  he  thinking  he  had  a  fit  opportunity  because 
Festus  was  dead,  and  Albinus  was  yet  upon  the  road,  calls  ' 

f  Seep.  487,  note'. 

8  Sed  vehementer  dubito,  post  doctissimas  etiam  Huetii  curas,  an  non  hie 
fetus  Josepho  sit  suppositus,  et  ab  aliena  manu  in  textum  intrusus.  Utique  pro 
certo  et  indubio  habeo,  totum  locum,  ut  nunc  apud  Josephum  habetur,  e 
calamo  Josephi  non  effluxisse :  sed,  si  oranino  Josephus  Christi  Jesu  hoc  in 
contextu  meminerit,  locum  a  manu  Christiana  esse  interpolatum  mutatumque. 
Quod  jam  si  dicamus,  ne  sic  quidem  omnis  sublata  erit  difficultas :  sed  restat 
longe  maxima  de  cohaerentia  horum  verborum  Josephi,  quibus  Christo  testi- 
monium perhibet  cum  sequentibus ;  *  Circa  eadem  tempora  aliud  etiam  Ju- 
daeos  turbavit  incoramodum,'  &c.  Quae  tamen  verba,  si  testimonium  de 
Christo  e  contextu  Josephi  sustuleris,  egregie  cum  praecedentibus  conspirabunt. 
Ad  quam  difficultatemremovendam  nuper  nihil  aliud  a  doctissimo  TiUemontio 
produci  potuit,  quam  verba  Josephi,  quae  de  Christo  agunt,  contextui  naptv- 
GtTiKwg  inserta  esse.  In  quo  tamen  dubito,  an  docti  acquieturi  sint.  Vitring. 
Ob-erv.  Sacr.  1.  4.  cap.  7.  sect.  xi.  p.  971.  ^  See  Divine  Legation 

of  Moses,  B.  2.  Sect.  6.  p.  295.  Vol.  i.  '  L.  20.  cap.  viii.  sect.  1. 

9j)cr(TDC  Jjv  Tov  rpoirov,  km  ToXfXTjTtjg  luKpipovrojg. 

'   KaOiZei  avviSpiov  k()itu)v'  Kai  irapayayiov  tig  avro  tov  af'i\<pov  Itjas  r« 

Xiyontvu  Xpiru,  laiew^oc  ovofia  avrq),  Kai  nvaQ  irip^q,  wg  napavofjiTiffavTUV 
Karriyopiav  iroirj'Jantvoc,  napiSwKi  XtvaOrjaofitvag. 


JosEPHUs.     Of  James,  the  Lord's  Brother.     A.  D.  7Q.       497 

a  council  of  judges  :  and,  bringing-  before  them  James  the 
brother  of  him  who  is  called  Christ,  and  some  otliers,  he 
accused  them  as  transgressors  of  the  laws,  and  had  them 
stoned  to  death.  But  the  most  moderate  men  of  the  city, 
who  also  were  reckoned  most  skilful  in  the  laws,  Mere 
offended  at  this  proceeding.  They  therefore  sent  privately 
to  the  king,  [^Agrippa  before  mentioned,]  entreating*  him  to 
send  orders  to  Ananus  no  more  to  attempt  such  things  :  and 
some  went  away  to  meet  Albinus  who  was  coming  from 
Alexandria,  and  put  him  in  mind  that  Ananus  had  no  right 
to  call  a  council  without  his  leave.  Albinus,  approving  of 
what  he  had  said,  wrote  to  Ananus  in  much  anger,  threaten- 
ing to  punish  him  for  what  he  bad  done  ;  and  king  Agrippa 
took  away  from  him  the  high-priesthood,  after  that  he  had  en- 
joyed it  three  months,  and  put  in  Jesus  the  son  of  Damnseus.' 

This  passage  is  cited  fi'om  Josephus  by  '"  Eusebius,  and 
from  the  twentieth  book  of  his  Antiquities.  It  is  also 
quoted  by  "  Jerom,  but  very  inaccurately.  We  perceive 
likewise  that"  it  was  in  the  copies  of  Josephus  in  the  time 
of  Phot i us. 

Nevertheless,  there  are  learned  men,  of  good  judgment,P 
who  think  that  the  words  which  we  now  have  in  Josephus 
concerning  James  are  an  interpolation. 

They  were  in  Josephus  in  the  time  of  Eusebius,  and  after- 
wards :  but  it  does  not  follow  they  were  always  there  :  in- 
deed, there  is  a  good  deal  of  reason  to  believe  that  they  were 
not  originally  in  Josephus. 

I  have  elsewhere  1   carefully  examined  the  most  ancient 

">  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  65,  66. 

"  De  V.  I.  cap.  li.  De  Jacobo  fratre  Domini. 

°   av9evriaag  KaOiiii  tJvvfSpiov,  Kai  laKu)fiov  rov  aSt\<pov  m  KuptH, 

aw  krepoig,  irapavofiiav  ainacrantvog,  XtOotg  avai^tGt)vai  TrapaaKtva^si,  k.  X. 
Phot.  cod.  238.  p.  977. 

P  Facile  quidem  crediderim,  Jerosolymitanos  proceres  gravitertulisse,  quod 
synedrium  sua  auctoritate  instituisset,  cum  dudum  jus  gladii  a  Romanis  esset 
Judaeis  ademtum  ;  quod  iterum  inconsulto  Caesare  ab  Anano  usurpatum  time- 
bant,  ne  genti  suae  gravi  fortasse  poena  luendum  esset.  Sed  quae  de  Jacobo, 
Jesu,  qui  Christus  dicebatur,  fratre,  habentur,  merura  adsumentum  male  feriati 
christian!  esse  videntur.     Cleric.  H.  E.  ann.  62.  n.  ii.  p.  415. 

Sunt  quoque  rationes  sat  graves,  quae  persuadeant  haec  fuisse  interpolata,  et 
scripsisse  duntaxat  Josephum  :  km  vapayayiuv  eiq  avro  rivag,  Kai  wg  Trapavo- 
fitfffavTwv  Kartyopiav  TroirjrrafKvog,  k.  \.  Statutosque  coram  eo  nonnullos,  et 
accusatos  perfractae  legis,  tradidit  lapidibus  obmendos.  Id.  Ars  Crit.  P.  3. 
cap.  14.  sect.  12.  Vol.  2.  p.  289. 

Ilia  de  Jacobo,  Jesu,  qui  Christus  dicebatur,  fratre,  (licet  agnita  ab  Eusebio, 
aliisque  eum  sequutis,  disertimque  a  Photio,)  pro  mero  adsumento  male  feriati 
christiani  habentur  a  nonnullis ;  quam  recte,  KoiTiKiortpuv  esto  judicium. 
Hudson,  annot.  ad  Antiq.  1.  20.  c.  ix.  sect.  1. 

•i  See  this  Vol.  ch.  xvi.  sect.  iii.  v.  vi. 
VOL.    VI.  2   K 


498  Jewish  Testimonies. 

accounts  of  the  death  of  James,  called  the  Just,  and  the  bro- 
ther of  Jesus  :  those  disquisitions  will  be  of  use  here.  The 
persons  of  whom  Josephus  speaks,  who  were  tried  and  con- 
demned by  the  Jewish  council  at  the  instigation  of  Ananus, 
were  stoned,  and  probably  without  the  city.  But  accord- 
ing* to  the  history  of  the  death  of  James,  given  by  Hegesip- 
pus,  a  learned  Jewish  believer  and  writer  in  the  second  cen- 
tnry,  the  death  of  James  was  effected  in  a  tumultuous  man- 
ner ;  the  disturbance  began  at  the  temple,  and  he  died  there, 
or  near  it.  Some  flung  him  down  and  threw  stones  at  him  : 
but  his  death  was  completed  by  a  blow  on  the  head  with  a 
long'  pole,  such  as  fullers  make  use  of  in  beating  wet  clothes. 
This  is  said  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  in  his  Institutions,  as 
cited  by  "^  Eusebius,  and  by'  Hegesippus,  as  cited  also  by 
him.  That  therefore  is  the  true  and  ancient  account  of  the 
death  of  James,  the  Lord's  brother  :  and  the  christians  of  the 
second  century  knew  nothing-  of  that  account  of  his  death 
which  we  now  have  in  Josephus:  therefore,  probably  there 
was  then  nothing-  in  him  about  it ;  for  if  there  had,  they 
would  not  have  been  ignorant  of  it. 

Moreover,  it  is  very  observable  that,  according  to  the 
long  and  particular  history  of  the  death  and  martyrdom  of 
James,  which  we  have  in  Hegesippus,  that  apostle  suffered 
alone  :  there  was  no  attempt  made  upon  any  others,  as  the 
passage  now  in  Josephus  intimates.  And  it  is  inconsistent 
with  the  whole  narrative  that  any  others  should  be  joined 
with  him. 

And  that  James  suffered  martyrdom,  not  by  order  of 
council,  as  now  in  Josephus,  but  in  a  tumultuous  manner  at 
the  temple,  or  near  it,  and  by  a  blow  on  the  head  with  a 
fuller's  pole,  appears  to  have  been  the  general  and  prevailing 
opinion  of  christians  in  the  fourth  century,  as  well  as  before  : 
for  it  is  mentioned  by  *  Jerom,  and  "  Epiphanius,  very 
agreeably  to  Hegesippus. 

''  Ado  0£  ytyovaaiv  laKiufioi'  itg  6  SiKaiOQ,  6  Kara  th  Trrcpvyis  j8X»)0fJff,  Km 
vno  yvaipiwQ  %v\(>iiT\i]yHq  hq  Qavarov.  Clem.  A.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  ).  2.  C.  i. 
p.  38.  D.  Conf.  lb.  cap.  23.  p.  63.  C.  et  65.  C.  And  see  in  this  work,  the 
present  Vol.  oh.  xvi.  num.  ill. 

'  Kot  Xa^iov  riQ  mr'  avnov,  hq  tiov  yvatpeuiv,  to  ^vKov  iv  (,<i  anfTTuKt  ra 
ifjtaria,  tjVtyKi  Kara  rrjQ  Kt<paXT}Q  th  cikoih.  Kat  ovToig  tfiaQTvprjfftv.  Hege- 
sipp.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  I.  2.  cap.  23.  p.  65.  B. 

'  Qui  cum  praecipitatus  de  pinna  templi,  confractis  cruribus,  adhuc  semivi- 

vus fuUonis  fuste  quo  uda  vestimenta  extorqueri  solent,  in  cerebro  per- 

cussus  interiit et  juxta  templum,  ubi  et  praecipitatus  fuerat,  sepultus  est. 

Hier.  de  V.  I.  cap.  2. 

Qui  et  ipse  postea  de  templo  a  Judaeis  praecipitatus  successorem  habuit 
Simonem,  quern  et  ipsum  tradunt  pro  Domino  crucifixum.  Id.  Comm.  in  ep. 
ad  Gal.  cap,  i.  T.  4.  p.  237.  "  Haer.  78.  num.  xiv.  p.  1046. 


JosEPHus.     Of  James,  the  Lord's  BroUiei:     A.  D.  76.      499 

111  this  place  therefore  Josephus  gave  an  account  of  some 
nho  were  accused  by  Ananus,  and  condemned  by  iiis  coun- 
cil as  transgressors  of  the  Jewish  laws  :  and  what  Ananus 
did  was  upon  several  accounts  disliked  by  many  discreet  and 
moderate  men  :  but  there  is  not  sufficient  reason  to  believe 
that  James  was  particularly  mentioned  by  him  as  one  of 
them. 

It  is  certain  we  ought  to  be  very  cautious  in  admitting 
quotations  from  Josephus  by  later  christian  writers  ;  for  they 
had  a  great  regard  for  him,  and  were  fond  of  having  his  tes- 
timony, whether  there  was  ground  for  it  or  not.  Theophy lact, 
upon  John  xiii.  33,  and  referring  also  to  John  vii.  34,  says, 
'  The  "■'  Jews  sought  him  when  their  city  was  taken,  and  the 
'  wrath  of  God  fell  upon  them  on  all  sides ;  as  also  Josephus 
'  testifies,  that  those  things  happened  to  them  upon  account 
'  of  the  death  of  Jesus.' 

So  says  Theophylact.  But  from  Origen,  as  before  seen, 
we  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  there  was  no  such  ac- 
count in  the  works  of  Josephus,  and  that  he  never  said  any 
such  thing. 

In  Suidas  is  a  long  article  at  the  word  Jesus,  where  it  is 
said  that  'Josephus,'"  who  is  often  quoted  by  Eusebius 
'  Pamphili   in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  expressly  says,  in 

*  his  History  of  the  Jewish  War,  that  Jesus  sacrificed  with  the 

*  priests  at  the  temple.' 

There  is  no  such  thing  there  now  ;  and  probably  never 
was  in  any  good  copies  of  the  works  of  Josephus  :  but  as  he 
was  an  author  in  great  repute  with  christians,  and  he  was 
often  appealed  to,  and  too  often  quoted  inaccurately,  (of 
which  Jerom,  in  his"  article  of  St.  James,  is  a  remarkable 
instance,)  his  works  were  as  likely  to  suffer  some  interpo- 
lations as  any  writer's  M'hatever. 

Blondel  supposed,  that  to  this  desire  of  making  an  advan- 
tage from  Josephus  we  owe  the  insertion  of  the  remarkable 
testimony  to  Jesus  which  we  have  above  so  largely  con- 
sidered. What  Blondel  says  appears  to  me  so  judicious, 
and  so  apposite  to  the  purpose,  that  I  shall  transcribe  him 


'   wf  KM  I(offr]irog  napTvpti,  Sia  rov  Qavarov  r«  Ij/crs  ravra  avrotg 

ytvtoQai.     In  Ev.  p.  762.  A. 

*  Eiipofitv  sv  lojffiiTTOv,  rov  avyypa<pta  Tt}q  dXwaeoJC  'lipoaoXvjxwv  {oii  fivrffitfv 
TToXXijv  Ev<Ti(3iOQ  6  IIa/i0(\8  tv  ry  tKKXijma'^iKy  avrs  Wopicf  trottirai)  ipavepwQ 
Xtyovra  iv  toiq  ttiq  aixficiXwmac  avr»  vtrofivrjfiaaiv,  on  It]<thq  tv  T'(t  itpift  ixtra 
T(ov  ifptwv  r)yial^t.      Suid.  V.  IjjffBf. 

"  De  V.  I.  cap.  ii.  To  Jerom  might  have  been  added'Eusebius,  and  divers 
other  christian  writers.  Concerning  Eusebius's  inaccurate  quotations  of  Jose- 
phus somewhat  was  said  formerly,  Vol.  iv.  p.  80,  81.  And  they  have  been 
observed  and  censured  by  Scaliger,  and  other  learned  moderns. 

2  K  2 


500  Jewish.  Testimonies. 

below  in  his  y  own  words:  and  let  his  judgment  be  added 
to  those  of  Vitringa  and  the  bishop  of  Gloucester  above 
quoted. 

IV.  Supposing  Josephus  not  to  have  said  any  thing  of 
Jesus  Christ,  some  may  ask :  What  could  be  the  reason  of 
it ;  and  how  can  it  be  accounted  for  ? 

To  which  I  might  answer,  that  such  a  question  is  rather 
more  curious  than  judicious  and  important;  and  it  may  be 
difficult  to  propose  a  solution  that  shall  be  generally  approv- 
ed of.  However,  I  shall  hazard  a  few  observations  upon 
jthe  point. 

It  is  easy  to  believe  that  all  Jews  who  were  contemporary 
with  Christ  or  his  apostles,  and  did  not  receive  Jesus  as  the 
Christ,  must  have  been  filled  with  much  enmity  against  him 
and  his  followers.  We  are  assured  by  early  christian  writ- 
ers of  good  credit,  such  as^  Justin  Martyr,''  Tertullian,  and 
others,  that  the  ruling  part  of  the  Jewish  nation  indus- 
triously spread  abroad  false  and  injurious  reports  among  the 
nations  concerning  the  followers  of  Jesus.  But  the  polite 
and  learned  writers,  such  as  Justus  of  Tiberias,  and  Jo- 
sephus, might  think  it  expedient  to  be  silent.  They  had 
nothing  to  say  against  Jesus  or  the  christians  with  an  appear- 
ance of  truth  and  credibility  ;  they  therefore  thought  it  bet- 
ter to  be  silent,  and  thereby,  if  possible,  bury  them  in  utter 
oblivion. 

It  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the  silence  of  Josephus  any 
other''  way.     Many  things  are  omitted  by  him  of  which  he 
y  A  m^me  dessein,  de  tirer  avantage  de  Josephe,  quelque  main  hardie  a 
insere  dansses  Antiquites,  lib.  18.  c.  4,  des  paroles  qui  lui  sont  d'autant  moins 
convenables,  qu'elles  contienuent  un  l^moignage  honorable,  tant  de  la  per- 
sonne  de  notre  Seigneur,  que  de  la  saintete  et  verite  du  chnstianisme,  de  la 
profession  duquel  cet  auteur  a  toujours  ete  tres  eloigne  :  et  d'ailleurs  qu'elles 
sont  notoirement  une  piece  d'attache  sans  liaison  avec  le  reste  de  son  discours, 
tant  precedant  que  suivant,  et  placee  a  I'endroit  qu'elle  occupe  par  affection 
de  parti  plutot  que  par  raison.     Blondel  des  Sibylles.  p.  28. 
^  Dial,  cum  Tryph.  p.  234.  D.  Par.  sect.  18.  p.  102.  Bened. 
»  Ad  Nat.  1.  i.  cap.  13.  p.  59.  D.  et  adv.  Marcion.  1.  3.  cap.  23.  p.  498. 
••  Le  Cardinal  Noris  se  fache  avec  raison  contre  Joseph,  de  ce  qu'il  expedie 

en  dix  lignes  les  neuf  annees  du  regne  d'  Archelaiis pour  raconter  au  long 

lesdeux  songes,  dont  on  a  parle  cidessus.  Mais  on  a  encore  plus  de  sujet  de 
se  plaindre  de  la  negligence,  ou  plutot  du  silence  affecte  de  cet  Historien, 
touchant  le  denombrement,  dont  S.  Luc  parle,  et  touchant  le  meurtre  des 
enfansde  Bethlehem,  du  terns  dela  naissance  de  notre  Seigneur:  pourne  pas 
parler  de  sa  vie,  et  de  sa  mort,  dont  il  ne  dit  rien  non  plus:  car  on  ne  pent 
guere  douter,  que  le  passage,  ou  il  en  est  parle,  ne  soit  fourre,  par  un  chretien 
malhabile,  dans  Joseph.  S'll  eut  dit  !;eulement  un  mot  du  denombrement,  et 
du  massacre  de  Bethlehem,  on  n'auroit  point  la  peine  dechercherle  terns  de  la 
naissance  de  Notre  Seigneur.  Mais  ce  Juif  malicieux  a  voulu,  autant  qu'il 
etoit  en  lui,  ensevebir  cette  histoire  dans  un  eternel  oubli,  en  haine  des  Chre- 
tiens.    Le  Clerc.  Bib.  Ch.  T.  4.  Art.  i.  p.  74,  75. 


JosEPUUS.     Conchtding  Observations.     A.  D.  76.  501 

could  not  be  ignorant :  he  must  have  known  oC  the  massacre 
of  the  infants  at  Bethlehem  soon  after  the  birth  of  Jesus.  The 
arrival  of  the  wise  men  from  the  East,  w  ho  were  conducted 
by  a  star,  gave  concern  not  only  to  Herod,  but  to  all  Jeru- 
salem; Matt.  ii.  8.  Josephus  was  a  priest :  he  could  not  but 
have  heard  of  the  vision  of  Zacharias  the  father  of  John  the 
Baptist  at  the  temple,  Luke  i.  arid  it  was  a  thing  very  proper 
to  have  had  a  place  in  his  History.  The  prophecies  of 
Simeon  and  Anna  at  the  temple,  and  other  things  that  hap- 
pened there  about  that  time,  as  we  may  think,  must  have 
been  well  known  to  him  :  then  the  preaching  and  miracles 
of  our  Saviour  and  his  apostles  at  Jerusalen),  and  in  Galilee, 
and  all  over  Judea;  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  at  Jerusalem  at 
the  time  of  a  passover;  the  darkness  for  three  hours  at  Jeru- 
salem, and  all  over  Judea;  the  death  of  James  the  brother 
of  John  at  Jerusalem,  by  Herod  Agrippa  :  all  these  things 
must  have  been  well  known  to  him. 

Moreover,  before  Josephus  had  finished  his  work  of  the 
Jewish  Antiquities,  or  even  the  History  of  the  Jewish  War, 
Christianity  had  spread  very  much  in  Asia  and  in  other 
parts,  and  at  Rome  itself,  where  also  many  had  sufl^ered, 
and  that  several  years  before  the  final  ruin  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  Jewish  nation.  The  progress  of  the  christian  reli- 
gion was  a  very  considerable  event;  and  it  had  its  rise  in 
Judea. 

The  sect  of  the  christians,  which  had  its  rise  in  Judea,  and 
consisted  partly  of  Jews,  partly  of  men  of  other  nations,  was 
as  numerous,  or  more  numerous,  in  the  time  of  Josephus, 
than  any  of  the  three  Jewish  sects,  the  sadducees,  pharisees, 
and  Essenes,  whose  principles  are  particularly  described  by 
him  in  the  "  War,  and  in  ^  the  Antiquities  ;  and  therefore, 
as  we  may  think,  were  deserving"  of  notice :  but  they  were 
not  Jewish  enough  ;  they  were  not  entirely  Jewish :  and 
they  were  followers  of  a  leader  whom  our  author  did  not, 
and  could  not  esteem,  consistently  with  his  prevailing  views 
and  sentiments. 

.  Josephus  was  well  acquainted  with  aflfairs  at  Rome,  and 
in  all  the  settlements  of  the  Jewish  people  in  Asia,  and  parts 
adjacent.  He  is  as  exact  in  the  account  of  the  several  succes- 
sions in  the  Roman  empire  as  any  Roman  historian  whatever. 
What  ^  a  long  and  particular  account  has  he  given  of  the 
conspiracy  against  Caligula,  and  his  death,  and  the  succes- 
sion of  Claudius? 

I  do  not  say  that  Josephus  had  read  the  books  of  the  New 

•^  De  B.  J.  1.  2.  cap.  viii.  ^  Antiq.  1.  13.  cap.  v.et  1.  .18.  cap.  1. 

*  Antiq.  1.  19.  cap.  i — iii. 


502  Jewish  Testijncmies. 

Testament :  lie  might  have  come  to  the  knowledge  of  most 
of  the  things  just  mentioned  another  way  :  they  are  great 
and  remarkable  events,  about  which  a  contemporary,  and  a 
man  of  good  intelligence,  engaged  in  public  life,  could  not 
be  ignorant :  bis  silence  therefore  about  christian  affairs  is 
wilful  and  affected.  It  cannot  be  owing  to  ignorance,  and 
must  therefore  be  ascribed  to  some  other  cause,  whatever  it 
may  be. 

His  profound  silence,  however,  concerning  the  affairs  of 
the  Christians  in  his  time  is  no  objection  to  their  truth  and 
reality.  The  history  of  the  New  Testament  has  in  it  all  the 
marks  of  credibility  that  any  history  can  have.  Heathen 
historians  f  of  the  best  credit  have  borne  witness  to  the  time 
of  the  rise  of  the  christian  religion,  the  country  in  which  it 
had  its  origin,  and  who  was  the  author  of  it,  and  its  swift 
and  early  progress  in  the  M-orld. 

Of  all  those  things  which  are  recorded  in  the  gospels  and 
of  the  progress  of  Christianity  afterwards,  we  have  uncon- 
tested evidence  from  the  evangelical  writers  themselves, 
and  from  ancient  christian  authors  still  extant,  and  from 
heathen  writers  concurring  with  them  in  many  particulars. 

And  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian,  who  believed  not  in 
Jesus,  has  recorded  the  history  of  the  Jewish  people  in 
Judea,  and  elsewhere  :  and  particularly  the  state  of  things 
in  Judea,  with  the  names  of  the  Jewish  princes  and  Roman 
governors,  during  the  ministry  of  our  Saviour  and  his  apos- 
tles. Whereby,  as  ?  formerly  shown  at  large,  he  has  won- 
derfully confirmed,  though  without  intending  it,  the  vera- 
city and  the  ability  of  the  evangelical  writers,  and  the  truth 
of  their  history.  He  has  also,  as  we  have  now  seen  in  this 
volume,  borne  testimony  to  the  fulfilment  of  our  Lord's  pre- 
dictions concerninsf  the  coming  troubles  and  afflictions  of 
that  people ;  which  is  more  credible,  and  more  valuable, 
than  if  given  by  a  believer  in  Jesus,  and  a  friend  and 
favourer  of  him  ;  so  that,  though  all  the  passages  in  his 
works  which  have  been  doubted  of  should  be  rejected,  he 
would  be  still  a  very  useful  writer,  and  his''  works  very 
valuable. 

' quos  vulgus  chrisfianos  appellabat.     Auctor  hujus  nominis  Christus, 

qui,  Tiberio  imperante,  per  procuratorem  Pontium  Pilalum  supplicio  affectus 
erat.  Repressaque  in  pra^sens  exitiabilis  superstitio  rursus  erumpebat,  non 
modo  per  Judaeara  originem  ejusmali,  sed  per  Urbem  etiani,  &c.  Tacit.  Ann. 
1.  15.  cap.  44.  8  See  Vol.  i. 

''  Evangelicam  quoque  et  apostolicam  historiam  Josephus  confirmat  in 
multis,  etiamsi  vel  maxime  ponamus  dubitandum  esse  de  ■yvT/ffiorijn  locorum 
de  Christo  servatore.  lib.  xviii.  Antiq.  cap.  4.  de  Joanne  Baptista  lib.  xviii. 
cap.  7.  de  Jacobo.  I.  20.  c.  8.  et  qua;  de  dirutis  propter  Jacobi  necem  injus- 


JosEPHUS.     Concluding  Observations.      A.  D.  76.  503 

Juseplius  knew  how  to  be  silent  when  he  thought  fit,  ;u«d 
h;«s  omitted  some  things  very  true  and  certain,  and  well 
known  in  the  «orld.  In  the  preface  to  his  Jewish  Antiqui- 
ties, he'  engages  to  write  of  things  as  lie  found  them  men- 
tioned in  the  sacred  books,  without  adding^  any  thing  to 
them,  or  omitting  any  thing  in  them  :  and  ^  yet  he  has  said 
nothing  of  the  golden  calf,  made  by  tiie  Jewish  people  in 
the  wilderness;  thus  dropping-  an  important  narrative,  with 
a  variety  of  incidents  recorded  in  one  of  the  books  of  Moses 
himself,  the  Jewish  lawgiver,  the  most  sacred  of  all  their 
scriptures. 

The  sin  of  the  molten  calf  is  also  mentioned  in  otiier  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  confessions  of  pious  Israelites  : 
as  Neh.  ix.  18,  and  Ps.  cvi.  19.  Nevertheless  Joseph  us 
chose  to  observe  total  silence  about  it. 

A  learned  critic  observed  some  while  ago,  as  somewhat 
very  remarkable,  that '  Josephus  has  never  once  mentioned 
the  word  .Sion,  or  Zion,  neither  in  his  Antiquities  nor  in  his 
Jewish  War,  though  there  were  so  many  occasions  for  it,  and 
though  it  is  so  often  mentioned  in  the  Old  as  well  as  the 
New  Testament :  and  he  suspects  that  omission  to  be  owing- 
to  desion  and  ill-will  to  the  christian  cause. 

And,  if  1  was  not  afraid  of  offending  by  too  great  pro- 
lixity, I  should  now  remind  my  readers  of  a'"  long*  argu- 
ment of  old  date,  relating  to  the  assessment  made  in  Judea 
by  order  of  Augustus,  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  nativity, 
near  the  end  of  Herod's  reign,  recorded  by  St.  Luke,  ch.  ii. 

tam  Hierosolymis — ex  iisdem  Joseph!  libris  laudant  Origene"!,  1.  contr.  Cels. 
et  1.  2.  et  in  Matthaei  cap.  xiii.  E'lsebius,  1.  2.  c.  23.  H.  E.  Hieronymus, 
Calalogo  Script.  Ec.  cap.  2,  et  13.  Suidas,  lojarfwoc,  et  Ijjtrsc,  hodie  vero  in 
Josephi  libris  non  reperiiintur.  Fabric.  Bib.  Gr.  1.  4.  cap.  vi.T.  3.  p.  237,  238. 
TuToyap  Cia  ravTtjg  iroirjcFeiv  r/jc  T^payj-iariiaQ  iTrrjyyuXanrjv,  hSsv  irpoaOtig, 
eo'  av  napaXiTTojv.     Antiq.  Pr.  sect.  3.  p.  3. 

''  Eruditionem,  diligentiam,  priidentiam,  fidem,  omnes  collaudant,  praeter- 
quam  iibi  nimio  est  in  suam  gentem  atTectu  ;  v.  gr.  in  rebus  Mosis  et  Salomonis 

silentiiim  nonnunquam  aftectatum,  ut  in  iis  quas  probro  cederent  suae 

genti.  Qualis  ex.  gr.  fuit  vituli  aurei  fabrica,  et  adoratio,  tacita  Josepho  :  ita  et 
m  iis  quae  faverent  christianae  rei,  eruditi  passim  notarunt,  et  nos  subinde  in 
locis  suis.  F.  Spanhem.  H.  E.  T.  i.  p.  258.  Conf.  J.  Otton.  Aniraadver- 
siones  in  Josepli.  sect.  ii.  p.  305.  Havercamp. 

And  by  all  means  see  Tillemont's  remarks  upon  this  Author's  Antiquities, 
Ruine  des  Juifs,  art.  81. 

'  Sion,  Tzion  nomen,  montem,  munimentum,  semel  iterumque  apud  Jose- 
phum  quaereiis,  nullibi  inveni,  neque  iis  etiani  in  locis,  ubi  expugnationem 
arcis  Tzion  expresse  tractat ;  quum  tamen  centies  et  millies  ipsi  occasio  data 
fuerit,  ita  ut  plane  sentiam  ipsum  studio  et  data  opera  hoc  tam  gloriosum  pro 
Novo  Testamento  nomen  pressisse  silentio,  &c.  J.  B.  Ottii  Animadversiones 
in  .Joseph,  ap.  Havercamp.  T.  2.  p.  305. 

'"  See  Vol.  ii.  p.  290—305. 


504  Jewish  Testimonies. 

1  °  then  quoted  a  passage  from  the  Antiquities  of  Josephus, 
whence  it  appears  that  there  >vere  then  great  disturbances 
in  Herod's  family,  and  there  were  some  pharisees  who  fore- 
told, or  gave  out,  that  '  God  had  decreed  to  put  an  end  to 
'  the  government  of  Herod  and  his  race,and  transfer  the  king- 
'  dom  to  another.'  Josephus  here  takes  great  liberties  :  and 
though  he  was  himself  a  pharisee,  and  at  other  times  speaks 
honourably  of  that  sect,  he  now  ridicules  them.  He  says" 
'  they  were  men  who  valued  themselves  highly  for  their 
exact  knowledge  of  the  laws;  and  talking  much  of  their 
interest  with  God,  were  greatly  in  favour  with  the  women  ; 
who  had  it  in  their  power  to  control  kings;  extremely  sub- 
tle, and  ready  to  attempt  any  thing  against  those  whom  they 
did  not  like.'  But  it  appears  that  the  king,  who  was  then  talk- 
ed of,  and  who  was  to  be  appointed  according  to  the  predic- 
tions of  the  pharisees,  was  a  person  of  an  extraordinary  cha- 
racter, for  he  says  that  Bagoas,  an  eunuch  in  Herod's  palace, 
'  was  elevated  by  them  with  the  prospect  of  being  a  father 
and  benefactor  to  his  country,  by  receiving  from  him  a 
capacity  of  marriage,  and  having  children  of  his  own.'? 

All  these  particulars,  though  not  expressed  with  such 
gravity,  as  is  becoming  an  historian,  and  is  usual  in  Jose- 
phus, cannot  but  lead  us  to  think  that  he  was  not  unac- 
quainted with  the  things  related  in  the  second  chapter  of 
St.  Matthew's  gospel.  Says  the  evangelist:  "Now  when 
Jesus  M  as  born  in  Bethlehem  of  Judea,  in  the  days  of  Herod 
the  king,  behold,  there  came  wise  men  from  the  East  to  Je- 
rusalem, saying  :  Where  is  he  that  is  born  kingof  the  Jews? 
For  we  have  seen  his  star  in  the  East, and  are  come  to  worship 
him.  When  Herod  the  king  had  heard  these  things  he  was 
troubled,  and  all  Jerusalem  with  him."  The  word  rendered 
"  troubled"  is  of  a  middle  meaning.  How  Herod  was  mov- 
ed may  be  easily  guessed,  and  is  well  known.  The  inha- 
bitants of  Jerusalem  were  differently  moved  and  agitated, 
partly  with  joyful  hopes  of  seeing  their  Messiah  "king  of 
the  Jews  ;"  partly  tilled  with  apprehensions  from  Herod's 
jealousy,  and  the  consequences  of  it. 

It  seems  to  me  that  Josephus  had  then  before  him  good 
evidences  that  the  Messiah  was  at  that  time  born  into  the 
world :  but  he  puts  all  off  with  a  jest.  Perhaps  there  is 
not  any  other  place  in  his  works  where  he  is  so  ludicrous. 

"  The  quotation  is  as  above,  p.  292,  293,  taken  from  the  Antiquities,  1.  17. 
cap.  2  sect.  4,  p.  831.  Havercamp.  °  P.  292. 

P  Whiston  translates :  And  for  Bagoas,  he  had  been  puffed  up  by  thena  ; 
for  that  this  king  would  have  all  things  in  his  power,  and  would  enable  Bagoas 
to  marry,  and  to  have  children  of  his  own  body  begotten. 


JosEPHUS.     Concluding  Observations.     A.  D.  76.  505 

We  are  not  therefore  to  expect  that  ever  after  he  should  take 
any  notice  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  or  things  concerning^  him,  if 
he  can  avoid  it. 

And  why  should  we  be  much  concerned  about  any  de- 
fects in  this  writer's  regard  for  Jesus  Christ  and  his  fol- 
lowers :  who  out  of  complaisance,  or  from  self-interested 
views,  or  from  a  mistaken  judgment,  or  some  other  cause, 
so  deviated  from  the  trutii  as  to  ascribe  the  fulfilment  of 
the  Jewish  ancient  prophecies  concerning-  the  Messiah  to 
Vespasian,  an  idolatrous  prince :  who  was  not  a  Jew  by 
descent  nor  by  religion  ;  who  was  neither  of  the  church, 
nor  of  the  seed  of  Israel  1 

Josephus  was  a  man  of  great  eminence  and  distinction 
among  his  people  ;  but  we  do  not  observe  in  him  a  serious- 
ness of  spirit  becoming  a  christian,  nor  that  sublimity  of  vir- 
tue which  is  suited  to  the  principles  of  the  christian  religion ; 
nor  do  we  discern  in  him  such  qualities  as  should  induce 
us  to  think  he  was  one  of  those  who  were  well  disposed, 
and  were  "  not  far  from  the  kingdom  of  God  :"  Mark.  xii. 
34.  He  was  a  priest  by  descent,  and  early  in  the  magis- 
tracy; then  a  general,  and  a  courtier;  and  in  all  showing  a 
worldly  mind,  suited  to  such  stations  and  employments; 
insomuch  that  he  appears  to  be  one  of  those,  of  whom,  and 
to  whom,  the  best  judge  of  men  and  things  said,  "  How  can 
ye  believe  who  receive  honour  one  of  another,  and  seek  not 
the  honour  that  cometh  from  God  only  V  John  v.  44. 


CHAP.  V. 

THE  MISHXICAL  AND  TALMUDICAL  WRITERS. 

I.  The  aye  and  the  authors  of  the  Mishna  and  the  Talmuds, 
II.  Extracts  J'rom  the  Mishna,  icith  remarks.  III.  Ex- 
tracts from,  the  Talmtids.  1.  Of'  our  Saviour'' s  nativity. 
2.  His  journey  into  Eyypt.  3.  His  disciples.  4.  James 
in  particular.  5.  His  last  sufferings.  6.  The  power  of 
miracles  in  Jesus  and  his  disciples.  7.  Jl  testimony  to 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  by  Vespasian  and  Titus,  with 
remarks. 

I.  THE  word  Talmud  is  used  in  different  senses;  sometimes 
it  denotes  the  Mishna,  which  is  the  text ;  at  other  times  it  is 


506  Jewish  Testimonies. 

used  for  the  commentaries  upon  the  3Iislina  :  at  other  times 
it  includes  both  :  I  shall  generally  use  it  as  distinct  from 
the  Mishna,  denoting  the  commentaries  upon  it,  of  which 
there  are  but  two,  the  Jerusalem  and  the  Babylonian  :  of  all 
which  good  accounts  may  be  seen  in  Wagenseil's  preface 
to  his  Tela  Ignea  Satanae,  and  in  Dr.  Wotton's  Discourses 
upon  the  Traditions  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  and  in 
many  other  writings.  The  most  authentic  account  is  that 
of  M.  Maimonides,  in  his  preface  to  the  Order  of  Seeds, 
which  is  the  first  of  the  six  orders  into  which  the  whole 
work  is  divided  ;  and  may  be  seen  in  Pocock's  Porta  Mosis, 
as  it  is  also  prefixed  to  the  first  volume  of  Surenhusius's 
edition  of  the  Mishna. 

The  compiler  of  the  Mishna  is  Rabbi  Jehudah  Hakka- 
dosch,  or  the  Holy,  upon  whom  the  highest  commendations 
are  bestowed  by  Maimonides,  ^  as  eminent  for  humility,  tem- 
perance, and  every  branch  of  piety,  as  also  for  learning  and 
eloquence, and  likewise  for  his  riches;  which  are  magnified 
by  him  and  other  Jewish  writers,  beyond  all  reasonable 
bounds  of  probability. 

But  it  may  not  be  amiss  for  me  to  give  my  readers  some 
farther  insight  into  this  work,  by  reciting  an  article  of  Dr. 
Prideaux  m  his  Connexion  of  the  History  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament.  He  observes  how  the  number  of  Jewish 
traditions  had  increased  :  '  And  ^  thus,'  says  he,  *  it  went  on 
to  the  middle  of  the  second  century  after  Christ,  when  An- 
toninus Pius  governed  the  Roman  empire,  by  which  time 
they  found  it  necessary  to  put  all  these  traditions  into  writ- 
ing :  for  they  w  ere  then  grown  to  so  great  a  number,  and 
enlarged  to  so  huge  a  heap,  as  to  exceed  the  possibility  of 
being  any  longer  preserved  by  the  memory  of  men.  And 
therefore  there  being  danger,  that  under  these  disadvan- 
tages they  might  be  all  forgotten  and  lost,  fur  the  prevent- 
ing hereof  it  was  resolved  that  they  should  be  all  collected 
and  put  into  a  book  ;  and  Rabbi  Judah,  the  son  of  Simeon, 
who,  from  the  reputed  sanctity  of  his  life,  was  called  Hak- 
kadosh,  that  is,  the  Holy,  and  was  then  rector  of  the  school 
which  they  had  at  Tiberias  in  Galilee,  undertook  the  work, 
and  compiled  it  in  six  books,  each  consisting  of  several 
tracts,  which  all   together  make  up  the   number  of  sixty 

three This  is  the  book  called  the  Mishna  ;  which  book 

was  forthwith  received  by  the  Jews  with  great  veneration 
throughout  ail  their  dispersions,  and  hath  ever  since  been 
held  in  high  esteem  among  them And  therefore,  as  soon 

»  Ap.  Poc.  Port.  Mosis,  p.  35,  36. 

"  The  year  before  Christ  446,  p.  326,  &c.  Vol.  i. 


The  Age  and  Authors  of  the  Mishna  and  the  Talmuds.        507 

*  as  it  was  published,  it  became  the  object  of  the  studies  of 
'  all  their  learned  men  ;  and  the  chiefest  of  them  employed 
'  themselves  to  make  comments  upon  it:  and  these  with  the 
'  Mishna  make  up  both  their  Talnuids,  that  is,  the  Jerusalem 

*  Talmud,  and    the  Babylonish   Talmud.     These   comments 

*  they  call    the  Gemara,  that  is,  the  Complement;  because 

*  by  them  the  Mishna  is  fully  explained,  and  the  Avhole  tra- 
'  ditionary  doctrine  of  their  law  and  their  relig'ion  complet- 

*  ed  :  for  the  Mishna  is  the  text,  and  the  Gemara  the  com- 
'  ment;  and  both  togelher  is  what  they  call   the  Talmud. 

*  That  made  by  the  Jews  of  Judea  is  called  the  Jerusalem 
'  Talmud,  and  that  made  by  the  Jews  of  Babylonia,  the  Ba- 
'  bylonish   Talmud.     The   former  was  completed  about  the 

*  year  of  our  Lord  800,  and  is  published  in  one  large  folio; 

*  the  latter  was  published  about  two  hundred  years  after,  in 

*  the   beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  and  hath  had  several 

*  editions  since  the  invention  ofprijiting:  the  last  published 

*  at  Amsterdam,  is  in  twelve  folios.     And  in  these  two  Tal- 

*  muds  is  contained  the  whole  of  the  Jewish  religion  that  is 

*  now  professed  among*  them  :  buf^  the  Babylonish  Talmud 

*  is  that  which  they  chiefly  follow.' 

The  same  learned  author  again  afterwards  computes  that 
the  Mishna  was  composed  about  the  one  hundred  and  fifti- 
eth year  of  our  Lord,  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  about  the  three 
hundredth  year,  and  the  other  Talmud  about  the  five  hun- 
dredth year  of  our  Lord. 

And  Wagenseil  observes,  that  **  Rabbi  Jehuda  was  con- 
temporary with  Antoninus  the  pious.  Mr.  Lampe,^  speaking- 
of  several  of  the  Jewish  rabbins  celebrated  about  this  time, 
says  that  R.  Jehuda,  author  of  the  Mishna,  died  about  the 
year  of  Christ  194,  or  according  to  others  in  the  year  230. 

Dr.  Lightfoot  [Fall  of  Jerusalem,  sect.  vii.  vol.  i.  p.  369.] 
says,  that  '  R.  Judah  outlived  both  the  Antonines,  and  Com- 
'  modus  also.'  And  afterwards,  in  the  same  page:  'He 
'  compiled  the  Mishna  about  the  year  of  Christ  190,  in  the 
'  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Commodus;  or,  as  some  compute, 

=  Dr.  Wotton,  as  above,  p.  22,  23,  says :  '  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  wants 

*  the  impertinences,  and,  consequently,  the  authority  of  the  Babylonish  Gemara 
' It  has  little  of  that  hyperbolical  and  fabulous  stuff,  for  which  the 

*  other  is  so  highly  valued  by  the  modern  Talmudists.' 

*  Rabbi  Jehudam,  qui  Sancti  cognomen  inter  suos  meruit,  et  AntoniniPii 
Imperatoris  aequalis  fuit,  metus  invaserat,  ne,  ob  tantas  gentis  suae  miserias,  et 
in  remotissimis  terris  deportationes.  Oralis  Lex  plane  in  hominum  animis  obli- 
teraretur.     Wagens.  Pr.  p.  55. 

*  Sed  praecipue  emiuuit  R.  Jehuda,  quem  Sanctum  nominant,  Mishnae 
auctor,  (]ui  circa  annum  194,  aut  secundum  alios  230,  obiisEe  creditur.  Lampe, 
Synops.  II.  E.  P.  111. 


508  Jewish  Testimonies. 

*  in  the  year  of  Christ  220,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  after 
'  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.' 

I  do  not  take  upon  me  to  contest  at  all  what  Prideaux 
says  of  the  times  of  the  two  Talmuds :  but  I  must  say  a 
few  things  about  the  time  of  the  Mishna.  1  allow  that 
Rabbi  Jehudah,  the  composer  of  it,  was  contemporary  with 
Antoninus  the  pious;  though  the  stories  told  by  the  Jewish 
writers,  of  the  favours  shown  him  by  that  emperor,  must  be 
reckoned  partly  fabulous.  But,  allowing-  him  to  be  contem- 
porary with  Antoninus,  who  died  in  the  year  161,  it  does  not 
follow  that  the  Mishna  was  composed  so  soon  as  the  year  of 
Christ  150.  R.  Jehudah  is  supposed  to  have  had  a  long-  life  ; 
and  the  compiling  of  the  Mishna,  which  must  have  been  the 
work  of  many  years,  and  much  leisure  and  deliberate 
thought  and  consideration,  may  not  have  been  finished  be- 
fore the  year  190,  or  *^  later.  If  therefore  I  place  this  work 
at  the  year  180,  1  think  1  place  it  soon  enough.  Besides,  it 
is  said  that  R.  Jehuda  had  several  sicknesses,  some  of  long 
continuance,  which  are  particularly  mentioned  both  in  the 
Jerusalem  and  the  Babylonian  Talmud,  though  with  some 
variations.  These  must  have  been  obstructions  to  him  in  his 
studies,  and  must  have  prolonged  the  labours  of  his  work. 
The  nature  of  the  work  also  required  time.  It  is  not  a  spe- 
culation which  might  be  spun  out  of  a  man's  head  at  once. 
But  it  is  a  collection s  of  traditions  from  all  quarters,  and  from 
the  contributions  of  other  learned  men  of  the  nation,  who  had 
treasured  up  these  hitherto  unwritten  traditions  in  their  me- 
mories. 

One  thing  more  I  may  premise  here,  that  ^  it  is  the  opinion 

*  Talmudici  Operis  fundamenta  hoc  seculo  jacta,  circa  A.  C.  190.  Magistri 
citius,  imperante  Antonino  Pio.  Fred.  Spanh.  0pp.  T.  i.  p.  687.  Vid.  et 
p.  793.  8  Quamobrem,  adhibitis  in  consilium  auxiliumque 

sapientissimis  quibusque,  sedulo  ab  iis,  quibiis  licebat,  Judaeis,  voce  ac  per 
epistolas  sciscitatus  est,  quasnam  a  parentibus  oralis  legis  scita  didicissent,  quin 
ct  schedas  undique  conquisivit,  quibus  hactenus  memorise  causa  traditiones 
inscriptee  fuerant.  Ea  omnia,  secundum  certa  doctrinse  capita  disposuit,  et  in 
unum  volumen  redegit,  cui  nomen  hoc  Mishna,  hoc  est,  hvTtpuxfiQ  imposuit. 
Wagenseil.  Pr.  p.  55. 

^  Scilicet,  si  per  Talmud  solam  Mishnam  inteliigam,  vere  affirmavero,  nul- 
1am  in  toto  Talmude  reperiri  blasphemiani,  nihil  christianis  adversum,  nullam 
fabulam  quoque,  imo  nee  quicquam  quod  valde  a  ratione  sit  alienum.  Con- 
tinet  enim  meras  tantum  TrarpoTrapacocrttc,  et  est,  ceu  diximus,  corpus  juris 
judaici  olim  non  scripti.  Rem  ita  se  habere,  testem  idoneum  ac  locupletem 
sistere  possumus,  viium  harum  rerum  scientissimum,  omnique  dignum  prae- 
conio,  Josephum  de  Voisin. — Wagenseil.  Prcef.  p.  57. 

Quippe,  quod  in  praefatione  hujus  voluminis  satis dixi,  idtamen  nunc  iterum 
dico,  in  universa  Mishna,  de  Jesu  servatore,  nee  vola  nee  vestigium  ullum  ap- 
paret,  imo  ne  de  christianis  quidem,  ejus  nonien  profitentibus.  Id  in  Confut. 
Toldos  Jeschu.  p.  x.  sect.  4. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Mishna.     A.  D.  180.  509 

of  clivers  learned  men,  well  skilled  in  this  part  of  learning-, 
that  in  the  Mishna,  which  is  a  collection  of  Jewish  tradi- 
tions, there  is  little  or  nothing'  concerning;  our  Saviour  or 
his  followers.  I  allow  also  that  here  are  none  of  those 
open  blasphemies  which  may  be  found  in  some  other  Jew- 
ish writings. 

11.  1  shall  now  make  some  extracts  out  of  the  Mishna. 

1.  In  the  tract  concerning-  fasts  are  these  words  :  '  Five  ' 
heavy  afflictions  have  befallen  our  ancestors  on  the  seven- 
teenth day  of  the  month  Tammuz  [|June,]  and  as  many  on 
the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Ab  [July:]  for  on  the  seven- 
teenth day  of  Tammuz  the  tables  of  the  law  were  broken  ; 
the  perpetual  sacrifice  ceased  ;  the  walls  of  the  city  were 
broke  open  ;  the  law  was  burnt  by  Apostemus  ;  and  an  idol 
was  set  up  in  the  temple.  On  the  ninth  day  of  the  month 
Ab,  God  determined  concerning- our  fathers,  that  they  should 
not  enter  into  the  promised  land;  the  first  and  second  tem- 
ple was  desolated  ;  the  city  Either  was  taken ;  the  holy 
city  was  destroyed  :  for  which  reason,  as  soon  as  the  month 
Ab  begins,  rejoicing-s  are  abated.''' 

'  Quinque  res  luctuosae  patribus  nostris  acciderunt  die  septimo  decimo  men- 
sis  Tammuz  [sc.  Junii.]  totidemque  die  nono  mensis  Abh  [sc.  Julii.]  Nam 
xvii.  Tammuz  fractae  sunt  tabulae  Legis:  cessavit  juge  sacrificium  :  Urbis 
mcenia  perrupta  :  Lex  ab  Apostemo  combusta,  idolumque  in  templo  statutum. 
Nono  autem  die  mensis  Abh,  decrevit  Deus  de  patribus  nostris,  non  ingres- 
suros  eos  in  terram  promissam  :  desolatum  est  templura  primum  et  secundum  : 
capta  est  urbs  Either  :  diruta  urbs  sancta.  Unde  ex  quo  mensis  Abh  incipit, 
laetitiara  iraminuuat.  Tract,  de  Jejuniis,  c.  4.  sect.  7.  Pars  2.  p.  382.  edit 
Surenh. 

''  I  think  it  cannot  be  disagreeable  to  my  readers,  if  I  here  transcribe  some 
observations  of  Dr.  Lightfoot,  from  what  he  calls  a  Parergon.  Concerning 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem.     Of  his  works.  Vol.  i.  p.  362,  though  they  are  long : 

*  The  temple  was  burnt  down,  as  Josephus  a  spectator  setteth  the  time,  "  on 

*  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  Lous."     Which  he  saith  was  a  fatal  day  to  the 

*  temple  ;  for  it  had  been  burnt  down  by  the  Babylonians  before  on  that  day. 
'  De  Bell.  1.  6.  c.  vii.     And  yet  his  countrymen,  who  write  in  the  Hebrew 

*  tongiie,  fix  both  these  fatalities  to  the  ninth  day  of  that  month,  which  they 

*  call  the  month  Ab.     And  they  account  that  day  fatal  for  three  other  sad 

*  occurrences  besides.  "  On  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Ab,"  say  they,  "  the 
'  decree  came  out  against  Israel  in  the  wilderness  that  they  should  not  enter 
'  into  the  land.  On  it  was  the  destruction  of  the  first  temple,  and  on  it  was 
'  the  destruction  of  the  second.     On  it  the  great  city  Either  was  taken,  where 

*  thousands  and  ten  thousands  of  Israel,  who  had  a  great  king  over  them,  [Ben 

*  Cozba,]  whom  all  Israel,  even  their  greatest  wise  men,  thought  to  have  been 
'  Messias.     But  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  heathen,  and  there  was  great  afflic- 

*  tion  as  there  was  at  the  destruction  of  the  sanctuary.  And  on  that  day,  a 
'  day  allotted  for  vengeance,  the  wicked  Turnus  Rufus  ploughed  up  the  place 
'  of  the  temple,  and  the  places  about  it,  to  accomplish  what  is  said,  "  Sion 
'  shall  become  a  ploughed  field."  Talmud,  in  Taanith.  per.  4.  halac.  6. 
'  Maimon.  in  Taanith.  per.  5.' 

'  It  is  strange,  that  men  of  the  same  nation,  and  in  a  thing  so  signal,  and 


olO  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Who  is  meant  by  Apostemus,  or  Appostenius,  is  not  very 
material,  and  therefoie  I  do  not  inquire.  I  allege  this  pas- 
sage as  an  early  Jewish  testimony  to  the  destruction  of"  the 
holy  city,  or  Jerusalem,  and  the  second  temple,  as  it  is  here 
called. 

2.  In  the  tract  concerning  the  woman  suspected  of  adul- 
tery, are  these  words:  'When'  the  war  of  Vespasian  began, 
the  coronets  and  bells  of  bridegrooms  were  forbidden  by  a 
public  decree.  When  the  war  of  Titus  began,  the  coronets 
of  brides  were  forbidden,  and  that  no  man  should  educate 
his  son  in  great  learning.  Because  of  the  final  issue  of  that 
war  every  bride  was  forbidden  to  come  abroad  under  an 
umbrella.  Nevertheless,  our  masters  have  [since]  thought 
fit  to  allow  of  it.' 

'  of  which  both  parties  were  spectators,  should  be  at  such  a  difference  :  and 

•  \et  not  a  difference  neither,  if  we  take  Josephus's  report  of  the  whole  story, 
'  and  the  other  Jews'  construction  of  the  time.     He  records  that  the  cloister- 

•  walks,  commonly  called  the  Porticoes  of  the  temple,  were  fired  on  the  eighth 

•  day,  and  were  burning  on  the  ninth  :  but  that  day  Titus  called  a  council  of 

•  war,  and  carried  it  by  three  voices,  that  the  temple  should  be  spared.  But  a 
'  new  busthng  of  the  Jews  caused  it  to  be  fired,  though  against  his  will  on  the 

•  next  day.     Joseph,  ubi  supr.  c.  22,  23,  24.     Now  their  Kalendar  reckons 

•  from  the  middle  day  of  the  three,  that  fire  was  at  it  as  from  a  centre.  And 
«  they  state  the  time  thus :  "  It  was  the  time  of  the  evening  when  fire  was  put 
'  to  the  temple  ;  and  it  burnt  till  the  going  down  of  the  sun  of  the  next  day. 
'  And  behold  what  Rabban  Jochanan  Benzaccai  saith :  If  I  had  not  been  in 

•  that  generation,  I  should  not  have  pitched  it  upon  any  other  day  but  the 

•  tenth,  because  the  most  of  the  temple  was  burnt  that  day.     And  in  the  Jeru- 
salem Talmud  it  is  related  that  Rabbi  and  Joshua  Ben  Levi  fasted  for  it  the 

'  ninth  and  tenth  days  both."     Gloss,  in  Maim,  in  Taanith.  per.  8.' 

'  Such  another  discrepancy  about  the  time  of  the  firing  of  the  first  temple 

•  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  may  be  observed  in  2  Kings  xxv.  8,  9,  where  it  is  said 
'  that  "  in  the  fifth  month,  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  month,  came  Nebuzara- 
'  dan,  captain  of  the  guard,  and  burnt  the  house  of  the  Lord  :"  and  yet  in  Jer. 
'  lii.  12,  it  is  said  to  have  been  "  in  the  fifth  month,  on  the  tenth  day  of  the 
'  month."     Which  the  Gemarists  in  the  Babylon  Talmud  reconcile  thus : 

•  "  It  cannot  be  said  on  the  seventh  day,  because  it  is  said  on  the  tenth.  Nor 
'  can  it  be  said  on  the  tenth,  because  it  is  said  on  the  seventh.  How  is  it  then  ? 
'  On  the  seventh  day  tlie  aliens  came  into  the  temple  and  ate  there,  and  defiled 

•  it  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth  days.     And  that  day,  towards  night,  they 

•  set  it  on  fire,  and  it  burnt  all  the  tenth  day,  as  was  the  case  also  wilh  the 

•  second  temple."     Taanith.  fol.  29.' 

«  The  ninth  and  tenth  days  of  the  month  Ab,  on  which  the  temple  was 
'  burnt  down,  was  about  the  two  and  three-and-twentieth  days  of  our  July. 
'  And  the  city  was  taken  and  sacked  the  eighth  day  of  September  following. 
'  Joseph,  supr.  c.  47.'     So  Lightfoot. 

'  Orto  bello  Vespasian),  decreto  publico  abrogatae  sunt  coronae  sponsorum 
et  tympana.  Orto  bello  Titi,  cautum  est  de  coronis  sponsarum,  et  ne  quis 
filiura  in  Graecaniciserudiret.  Propter  postremum  belli  impetum,  prohibeba- 
tursponsa  in  publicum  piodiresub  uranisco.  Sed  magistris  nostris  visum  est, 
facultatem  ejus  rei  indulgere.  Tractat.  de  Uxore  Adulterii  suspecta.  num. 
14.  P.  3.  p.  304.  Edit.  Surenh. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Mishna.     A.  D,  180.  511 

This  also  is  an  early  testimony  to  the  Mar,  in  which  the 
Jewish  people  were  subdued  by  those  two  great  generals, 
Vespasian  and  Titus. 

3.  I  shall  now  transcribe  below  another  long-  passage  from 
the  same  tract :  a  j)art  of  which  shall  be  translated. 

'  When  '"  Rabbi  31eir  died,  there  were  none  left  to  instruct 
men  in  wise  parables.' 

'  When  Simeon,  son  of  Gamaliel,  died,  there  came 

locusts,  and  calamities  were  increased.  When  R.  Akiba 
died,  the  glory  of  the  law  vanished  away.  Upon  the  death 
of  Gamaliel  the  Aged,  the  honour  of  the  law  vanished,  and 
there  was  an  end  to  purity  and  sanctimony.  When  Rabbi 
Ishmael,  son  of  Babi,  died,  the  splendour  of  the  priesthood 
was  tarnished.  When  Rabbi  [Judah]  died,  there  was  no 
more  any  modesty  or  fear  of  transgression.  Rabbi  Pinchas, 
son  of  Ishmael,  said.  When  the  temple  was  destroyed,  all  men 
were  covered  w' ith  shame,  both  wise  men  and  nobles ;  and 
all  now  cover  their  heads:  the  bountiful  are  reduced  to 
poverty,  and  the  violent  and  slanderers  prevail  :  nor  is  there 
any  to  explain  the  law,  nor  are  there  any  who  ask  and  in- 

™  Mortuo  R.  Meir,  defecere  q iii  homines  erudiebant  [doctis]  parabolis. 

Mortuo  R.  Simeone  Filio  Gamalielis,  venerunt  locustae,  et  auctae  sunt  calami- 
tates. — R.  Ahiba  mortuo,  decus  legis  evanuit. — Mortuo  R.  Gamaliele  Sene, 
evanuit  honor  legis,  simulque  raundities  et  sanctimonia,  intermortuae.  R. 
Ismaele  filio  Babi  defuncto,  occubuit  splendor  sacerdotii.  Mortuo  Rabbi 
[Juda  Sancto]  cessavit  modestia,  et  timor  peccati.  R.  Pinchas  F.  J.  ait  diruto 
templo  pudore  suffusi  sunt  sapientes  pariter  et  nobiles  ;  obnubuntque  capita. 
Liberales  ad  pauperiera  sunt  redacti,  contra  invaluerunt  violenti,  et  calumnia- 
tores :  nee  superest  explicans,  nee  quaerens,  nee  interrogans.  Cui  ergo  inni- 
tendum  est  nobis?  Patri  nostro  coelesti.  R.  Eliezer,  cognomento  Magnus, 
ait :  Ex  quo  templum  devastatum  est,  coepere  sapientes  similes  esse  scribis, 
scribae  .SIdituis,  ^ditui  vulgo  hominum.  Vulgus  autem  hominum,  in  pejus 
in  dies  ruit :  nee  quis  rogans,  aut  quaerens  superest.  Cui  ergo  innitendum  ? 
Patri  nostro  ccelesti.  Paullo  ante  adventum  Messiae  impudentia  augebitur,  et 
magna  erit  annonae  caritas.  Vitis  proferet  fructum,  sed  vinum  nihilominus 
care  vendetur.  Summum  in  orbe  imperium  obruetur  opinionibus  pravis,  et 
nulli  locum  habebit  correptio.  Synagogae  convertentur  in  lupanaria,  limites 
Judaeae  desolabuntur,  et  regio,  quanta  quanta  est,  devastabitur.  Viri  insignes 
oppidatim  circuibunt,  nee  ulla  humanitatis  officia  experientur.  Foetebit 
sapientia  raagistrorura,  a  delictis  sibi  caventes  spernentur,  et  veritatis  magnus 
erit  defectus.  Juvenes  confundent  ora  senum.  Senes  coram  junioribus  sur- 
gent.  Filius  irritabit  patrem.  Nata  insurget  adversus  matrem,  nurusque  con- 
tra socrum.  Denique,  suos  quisque  domesticos  inimicos  habebit.  Scilicet 
seculo  isto  canina  facies  erit,  ncc  verebitur  filius  parentem.  Cui  ergo  confi- 
dendum  ?  Patri  ccelesti. — R.  Pinchas  F.  J.  ait:  Providentia  causa  alacritatis. 

Timor  sceleris  ducit  ad  pietatem.     Pietas  causa  est  ['  gratiae ']  S.  Spi- 

ritus.    Spiritus  S.  ['  fideles ']  facit  participes  resurrectionis  mortuorum.     Resur- 
lectio  mortuorum  obtinget  interventu   Eliae,  cujus  memoria  sacra  esto  et 

sancta Deus  aeternus  benigne  concedat  ut  adventu  illius  cito  salvi  sani- 

quefruamur.  Amen.     Tr.  de  Uxore  Adult erii  suspecta.  num.  15.  P.  3.  p.  308, 
309.  Surenh. 


512  Jetvish  Testimonies. 

quire.  What  then  shall  we  do  ?  Let  us  trust  in  our  heavenly 
leather.  R.  Eliezer,  surnamed  the  Great,  says,  From  the 
time  that  the  temple  was  destroyed  the  wise  men  began  to 
be  like  scribes,  the  scribes  like  sextons,  and  sextons  like  the 
vulgar;  and  the  vulgar  are  continually  degenerating  from 
bad  to  worse  :  nor  are  there  any  who  ask  and  inquire. 
What  then  shall  we  do  ?  Let  us  trust  in  our  heavenly 
Father.  A  short  time  before  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  im- 
pudence will  be  increased,  and  great  will  be  the  price  of 
provisions.  The  vine  will  bear  fruit ;  nevertheless  wine  will 
be  sold  at  a  high  price.  The  supreme  empire  of  the  world 
will  be  overwhelmed  with  bad  opinions:  nor  will  there  be 
room  for  any  to  correct  them.  Synagogues  will  be  turned 
into  brothel  houses,  and  the  whole  land  of  Judea  will  be  laid 
waste.  Excellent  men  will  wander  from  town  to  town,  and 
experience  no  offices  of  humanity.  The  wisdom  of  the  mas- 
ters will  be  slighted,  and  all  who  strive  to  avoid  transgres- 
sion will  be  contemned,  and  great  will  be  the  dearth  of  truth. 
Young  men  Avill  cover  the  faces  of  the  aged  with  shame  : 
and  the  aged  will  rise  before  the  young.  The  son  will  dis- 
honour the  father:  and  the  daughter  will  rise  up  against 
her  mother :  and  the  daughter-in-law  against  her  mother- 
in-law.  And  a  man's  enemies  will  be  they  of  his  own 
household.  In  a  word,  that  age  will  have  a  canine  appear- 
ance.    Nor  will   the  son  reverence  the  father.     What  then 

shall  we  do?  Let  us  trust  in  our  heavenly  Father. May 

the  coming  of  Elias  be  hastened.  And  may  the  eternal 
God  graciously  vouchsafe  that  we  may  be  preserved  to  that 
time.' 

This  passage  may  deserve  an  attentive  regard,  and  will  re- 
c[uire  divers  observations.  But  I  shall  take  no  particular 
notice  of  what  is  here  said  about  'the  coming-  of  Elias,'  that 
not  being-  reckoned  certainly  genuine. 

I.  In  the  first  place,  this  passage  ought  to  be  compared 
with  Jerom's  commentary  upon  Is.  ch.  viii.  14,  where"  he 
mentions  divers  of  the  Jewish  masters,  who  flourished  and 
were  very  eminent  about  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  and  some 
while  after;  Sammai,  Hillel,  Meir,  Akibas,  Johanan  the  son 

"  Deus    domus    Nazaraei duas  familias   interpretantur,    Sammai   et 

Hillel :  ex  quibus  orti  sunt  scribaj  ct  phariseei,  quorum  suscepit  scholam 
Akibas,  quern  magistrum  Aquilae  proselyti  autumant :  et  post  eum  Meir,  cui 
successit  Johanan  filius  Zachai:  et  post  eum  Eliezer,  et  per  ordinem  Delpbon  : 
et  rursura  Joseph  Galilaeus :  et  usque  ad  captivitatem  Jerusalem  Josue.  Sam- 
mai igitur  et  Hillel  non  multo  priusquam  Dominus  nasceretur,  orti  sunt  in 
Judaia,  quorum  prior  '  dissipator '  interpretatur,  sequens  *  profanus :  '  eo  quod 
per  traditiones  et  Stvripwaiig  suas  legis  praecepta  dissipaverit,  atque  macula- 
verit,  &c.     In  Is.  cap.  viii.  T.  3.  p.  79, 


Extracts  out  of  the  Mishna.     A.  D.  180.  513 

of  Zaclmi,  and  some  others.  In  °  another  place  he  censures 
the  numerous  traditions,  or  secondary  laws,  of  the  phari- 
sees.  Undoubtedly  Jerom  was  not  unacquainted  with 
Jewish  traditions.  But  I  cannot  say  that  these  passages 
amount  to  a  proof  that  he  had  seen  the  volume  of  the 
Mishna. 

2.  Here  is  another  testimony  to  the  destruction  of  the  tem- 
ple at  Jerusalem. 

3.  1  suppose  likewise  that  here  is  a  reference  to  the  dis- 
asters of  the  Jews,  occasioned  by  the  rebellion  of  Barcho- 
chebas  in  the  time  of  Adrian.  This  1  suppose  to  be  intend, 
ed  in  these  words:  '  And  the  whole  land  of  Judea  will  be 
laid  waste,  and  excellent  men  will  wander  from  place  to 
place,  and  experience  no  offices  of  humanity.'  Moreover, 
in  the  passage  tirst  cited,  the  taking  of  the  city  Either  is 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  calamities  that 
had  befallen  the  Jewish  people.  It  was  the  concluding 
event  of  the  Jewish  war  with  Adrian,  about  the  year  18G. 
^Vhich  shows  that  the  Mishna  was  not  composed  till  some 
while  afterwards. 

4.  Meir,  the  first  rabbi  here  mentioned,  is  said  to  have 
been  p  one  of  the  principal  of  the  Jewish  doctors  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem. 

5.  Rabbi  Akibas'i  was  a  man  upon  whose  praises  the 
Jewish  writers  enlarge  mightily  :  and  his  sayings  are  often 
mentioned  in  the  Mishna  and  the  Talmud.  He  was  a  zea- 
lous follower  of  the  impostor  Barchochebas,  who  took  upon 
him  the  character  of  the  Messiah,  in  the  time  of  Adrian, 
about  the  year  of  Christ  132;  and  he  perished  with  him. 
This  shows  the  temper  of  Akibas  :  and  we  can  hence  con- 
clude how  he  stood  affected  to  the  Lord  Jesus.  The 
honourable  mention  here  made  of  him  shows  also  the  tem- 
per of  the  compiler  of  this  work,  the  Mishna. 

6.  Gamaliel  the  Aged  is  supposed  to  be  Gamaliel,  St. 
Paul's  master,  mentioned  by  him.  Acts  xxii.  3,  and  in  ch.  v. 
34,  to  be  "one  of  the  council,  a  pharisee,  and  doctor  of  the 
law,  had  in  reputation  with  all  the  people."  From  what  is 
here  said  of  him,  in  the  passage  now  before  us,  he  appears 

"  Quantae  traditiones  pharisseorura  sint,  qiias  hodie  vocant  Stvrcpojaitg,  et 
quam  aniles  fabulae,  evolvere  nequeo.  Neqiie  libri  patitur  magnitudo  ;  et 
pleraque  tarn  turpia  sunt,  ut  erubescam  dicere.  Ad  Algas.  Qu.  x.  T.  4.  F.  i. 
p.  207.  •*  See  Basnag.  Hist,  des  Juifs,  1.  6.  ch.  x.  sect.  iv.  &c. 

1  Of  Akibas  may  be  seen  Basnage  Hist,  des  Juifs,  liv.  vi.  ch.  ix.  sect.  14 — 
25.  Vid.  et  Basnag.  ann.  134.  num.  iii.  Raymund.  Martini  Pug.  Fidei,  p. 
256—264.  Edzardi  Avodazara,  Vol.  i.  p.  162,  338.  Lightfoot  in  the  Fall 
of  Jerusalem,  sect.  iv.  vol.  i.  p.  366,  367.  Dr.  Sharpe's  Ai^ument  for  Chris- 
tianity, p.  35. 

VOL.    VI.  2    L 


514  Jewish  Testimonies. 

to  Lave  been  in  great  esteem  with  the  Jewish  people  ;  and  he 
is  often  mentioned  in  the  Mishna.  What  is  here  said  of  him, 
th;  refore,  confirms  the  truth  of  what  is  said  of  him  in  the 
book  of  the  Acts.  Moreover,  we  are  hereby  assured  that 
Gamaliel  never  was  converted  to  Christianity,  as  some  chris- 
tians, especially  of  the  church  of  Rome,  have  fondly  and 
weakly  nTiagined.  And  indeed  from  what  St.  Paul  says,  in 
the  text  before  quoted,  it  may  be  argued  that  Gamaliel  was 
still  a  firm  Jew  :  otherwise  it  had  not  been  to  the  purpose 
to  take  notice  of  his  education  under  him,  in  the  critical 
circumstances  which  he  was  then  in, 

7.  Of  Rabbi,  [^Jehudah,]  the  compiler  of  the  Mishna,  here 
and  elsewhere  called  Rabbi,  or  the  master,  without  any 
other  distinction,  so  much  has  been  said  already,  that  little 
more  needs  to  be  added  now  :  It  is  here  said  that  '  when 
he  died,  there  remained  no  longer  any  modesty  or  fear  of 
transgression.'  Maimonides,  in  his  character  of  Jehudah 
the  Holy,  did  not  omit  "^  this  particular.  But  here  is  some- 
what which  could  not  be  said  hy  himself:  it  must  have  been 
inserted  after  his  death.  Wagenseil  therefore  acknowledg-- 
eththat^  there  were  some  additions  made  to  the  Mishna. 
But  he  says  there  are  not  many,  and  they  were  soon  made, 
and  chiefly  regard  R.  Jehudah  himself,  vvhich  I  see  no  rea- 
son to  contest.  For  1  am  willing-  to  allow  this  volume  to 
be  a  work  of  the  second  century.  Nevertheless  this  man- 
ner of  speaking-  may  perhaps  induce  us  to  think  that  more 
hands  than  one  were  employed  in  compiling  it. 

8.  Once  more  in  the  eighth  place.  This  whole  passage 
appears  to  me  to  be  a  disguised  and  invidious  representa- 
tion of  the  state  of  thing's  under  the  gospel  dispensation 
since  the  appearance  of  Jesus,  whom  his  disciples  and  fol- 
lowers have  received  as  the  Messiah:  and  especially  after 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  when  Christianity  prevailed  and 
Judaism  declined. 

For,  (1.)  The  destruction  of  the  Jewish  temple  is  ac- 
knowledged. Nevertheless  here  are  no  tokens  of  repent- 
ance and  humiliation,  but  complaints  and  reflections  upon 
others.  The  times  were  bad.  But  the  blame  is  all  laid 
upon  others. 

(2,)  The  'supreme  empire  of  the  world,'  he  says,  *  will 
be,'  or  is  '  overwhelmed   with  bad  opinions :'  meaning-,  as 

"■  In  summo  etiam  pietatis,  et  hiimilitatis,  et  abstinentiae  a  voluptatibus  gradu : 
uti  etiam  dixeiunt :  Ex  quo  moituus  est  Rabbi,  cessavit  humilitas,  et  timer 
peccati.     Maim.  Porta Mosis,  p.  35. 

"  Accessisse,  post  obitum  R.  Judaei,  qiiasdam  interpolationes,  non  nega- 
verim  :  sed  e;e  paiicae  sunt,  ac  mature  liierunt  adjectae,  ipsumque  R.  Judam 
potissimum  repiciunt.     Wag.  ib.  p.  55. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Mishna.     A.  D.  180.  515 

I  think,  the  christian  religion,  and  the  several  sects  and  here- 
sies which  arose  in  the  second  century,  and  some  of"  them 
not  far  from  the  beginiiino-  of  it. 

(3.)  '  Synagogues  will  be  turned  into  brothel  houses.' 
He  refers  to  the  common  reports  among  the  vulgar,  that  the 
christians  practised  promiscuous  lewdness  in  their  relig'ious 
assemblies.     And  he  adopts  the  cahnnny. 

(4.)  In  what  follows,  the  author  adopts  the  words  of  our 
Lord,  recorded,  Matt.  x.  35,  30,  and  Luke  xii.  51 — 53;  which 
words  are  also  in  Micah  vii.  6,  concerning  the  dissensions 
that  would  be  in  families;  some  cheerfully  embracing-  his 
doctrine,  whilst  others  obstinately  rejected  it,  and  were 
bitter  towards  those  who  received  it.  Which  the  compiler 
of  this  work  represents  as  the  utmost  distress  and  misery, 
and  as  hitherto  unkisown  and  unparalleled  wickedness. 

(5.)  And  w  hat  do  all  the  clamours  of  this  paragraph  mean 
concerning  the  '  failure' or  dearth  '  of  truth,  the  multiplicity 
of  bad  opinions,  whilst  there  was  no  room  left  for  reproof  or 
correction  V  What  is  intended  by  the  complaints  that  '  the 
wisdom  of  the  masters  was  slighted,  that  there  was  an  end 
to  purity  and  sanctimony,  to  modesty  and  the  fear  of  trans- 
gression, and  that  the  young  covered  the  faces  of  the 
aged  with  shame,  and  the  aged  rose  up  to  the  young?'  and 
the  rest. 

All  these  complaints,  as  seems  to  me,  refer  to  the  resolu- 
tion and  steadinessof  the  converts  to  Christianity  from  Juda- 
ism and  Gentilism,  who  judged  for  themselves,  and  admitted 
the  evidences  of  the  truth  of  the  new  religion,  which  over- 
powered their  minds.  Of  M'hich  therefore  they  made  an 
open  profession,  notwithstanding  the  sophistry,  the  en- 
treaties, and  the  menaces  of  the  world  about  them  ;  many  of 
whom  were  their  superiors  in  age,  learning,  and  outward  cir- 
cumstance and  condition.  Of  all  this  we  have  in  this  pas- 
sage, as  seems  to  me,  a  graphical  description. 

I  cannot  but  understand  this  passage  after  this  manner. 
And  I  refer  these  thoughts  to  the  consideration  of  my  read- 
ers. This  paragraph,  if  my  interpretation  be  right,  is  very 
curious. 

I  am  unwilling-  to  enter  into  a  controversy  about  the 
Mishnical  tract '  Avoda  zara,  de  Cultu  Peregrine'  [of strange 
or  idolatrous  worship].  I  pay  a  great  regard  to  the  judg- 
ment of  those  learned  men  who  say  there  is  in  it  no  refer- 
ence to  the  christians.  Nevertheless  there  seems  to  me  a 
defect  in  their  reasonings  upon  that  point.  I  think  that 
when  the  Mishna  was  compiled  the  christians  were  more 
numerous,  more   considerable,  and   of  more   consequence, 

2  L  2 


516  Jewish  Testimonies. 

than  those  learned  men  suppose  in  their  argument  concern- 
ing that  tract. 

III.  I  have  done  with  the  Mishna.     1  proceed  to  the  Tal- 
mud. 

1.  The  first  passage  to  be  taken  thence  will  relate  to  our 
Lord's  nativity. 

'  Upon  *  a  certain  day,  Avhen  several  masters  were  sitting 
at  the  gate  of  the  city,  two  boys  passed  by  before  them;  one 
of  whom  covered  his  head,  the  other  had  his  head  unco- 
vered. Concerning  him  who,  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of 
modesty,  had  boldly  passed  by  with  his  head  uncovered, 
Elieser  said  he  believed  he  was  spurious :  R.Joshua  said 
be  believed  he  was  the  son  of  a  woman  set  apart :  but  R. 
Akiba  said  he  was  both.  The  others  said  to  Akiba,  Why 
do  you  differ  from  the  rest  of  your  brethren  ?  He  answered 
that  he  would  prove  the  truth  of  what  he  had  said.  Ac- 
cordingly he  went  to  the  mother  of  the  boy,  whom  he  found 
sitting  in  the  market,  and  selling  of  herbs.  He  then  says 
to  her,  "  My  daughter,  answer  me  a  question  which  I  am 
going  to  put  to  you,  and  I  assure  yon  of  a  portion  of  hap- 
piness in  the  world  to  come."  She  answered  :  "  Confirm 
Avhat  you  say  with  an  oath."  Akiba  then  swore  with  his 
lips,  but  at  the  same  time  absolved  himself  in  his  mind. 
Then  he  said  to  her  :  "  Tell  me  the  origin  of  this  your  son  V 
Which  she  did,  and  confessed  that  it  was  as  he  had  said. 
When  he  returned  to  his  colleagues  and  told  them  the  dis- 

'  Juramentis  vero  illorum  nihil  prorsus  est  tributndum,  quia  in  ipso  Tal- 
raude  docentur,  posse  juramenta,  dimi  prsestantur,  confestim  in  niente  aboleri, 
ut  non  obligent.  Exemplo  est  R.  Akifa,  de  quo  Cod.  KoUa,  fol.  18.  col.  2, 
med.  sequens  refertur  historia.  Cum  aliquando  Seniores  sederent  in  porta 
[urbis]  prseterierunt  ante  ipsos  duo  pueri,  quorum  alter  caput  texerat,  alter 
retexerat.  Et  de  eo  quidem,  qui  caput  [proterve,  et  contra  bonos  mores] 
retexerat,  pronuntiavit  R.  Elieser,  quod  esset  spurius.  R.  Josua  autem 
dixit,  eum  esse  a  muliere  menstruata  conceptum.  At  R.  Akifa  subjecit, 
esse  ilium  et  spurium  et  tilium  menstruatae.  Unde  caeteri  interrogarunt 
R.  Akifam,  quomodo  tam  audaciter  coUegis  suis  contradiceret.  Sed  ille 
regessit,  se  dicta  sua  esse  confirmaturum.  Abiit  ergo  ad  matrem  pueri 
istius,  quam  cum  videret  sedentem  in  foro,  et  vendentem  legumina,  dixit  ad 
illam,  Filia  mea,  si  tu  mihi  ingenue  indicaveris  id  quod  sum  interrogaturus, 
efficiam  ut  potiaris  vita  seculi  futuri.  Ipsa  autem  postulante,  ut  jurejurando 
assertura  suum  roboraret,  juravit  R.  Akifa  labiis  suis,  sed  corde  suo  jusjuran- 
dum  hoc  statim  reddidit  irritum.  Turn  R.  Akifa,  Die,  inquit,  mihi  qualis  sit 
hie  filius  tuus  ?  Ad  quae  ilia :  Quando  ego  nuptias  celebrarem,  laborabam  a 
menstruis.  Ideoque  secessit  a  me  marifus,  paranymphus  autem  meus  [occa- 
sione  arrepta]  congressus  mecum  est.  Atque  ex  eo  concubitu  exstitit  mihi 
filius  hie.  Unde  apparuit,  puerum  istum  esse  non  modo  spurium,  sed  et  men- 
sti'uatae  filium.  Cumque  id  percepissent  caeteri  assessores,  dixerunt :  Magnus 
est  Akifa,  quando  correxit  doctores  suos.  Edzard.  Avoda  Sara,  Tom.  i.  p. 
279.  Conf.  Wagenseil.  Confut.  Tol.  Jeschu.  p.  14,  15.  et  Buxtorf.Syn.  Jud 
c.  vii.  p.  1.32,  133. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Talinuds.     A,  D.  500.  517 

covery  he  had  made,  they  said  :  "  Great  is  Akiba,  who  had 
corrected  the  rest  of  the  masters."  ' 

An   absolute    fiction,   the   fruit  of   deep-rooted    malice ! 
Though  "   no   person  is  here  named,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
who  is  intended.     And  it  is  adopted  by  "  the  author  of  Tol 
doth  Jeschu. 

2.  Upon  Matt.  ii.  14,  Lightfoot  observes  as  follows : 
*  There'"  are  some  footsteps  in  the  Talmudists  of  this  jour- 
ney of  our  Saviour  into  Egypt,  but  so  corrupted  with  vene- 
mous  blasphemy,  (as  all  their  writings  are,)  that  they  seem 
only  to  have  confessed  the  truth  that  they  niight  have  mat- 
ter more  liberally  to  reproach  him  :  for  so  they  speak  [Bab. 
Sanhedr.  fol.  107.  a.]  "  When  Jannay  the  king-  slew  the 
rabbins,  R.  Joshua  Ben  Perachiah  and  Jesus  went  away 
unto  Alexandria  in  Egypt.  Simeon  Ben  Shelah  sent  thi- 
ther, speaking-  thus  :  From  me  Jerusalem,  the  holy  city,  to 
thee,  O  Alexandria  in  Egypt,  my  sister,  health.  My  hus- 
band dwells  with  thee,  while  I  in  the  mean  time  sit  alone. 
Therefore  he  rose  up  and  went.  And  a  little  after  he 
brought  forth  four  Ijundred  trumpets,  and  anathematised" 
[Jesus.]  And  a  little  before  that,  '  Elizaeus  turned  away 
Geliazi  with  both  his  hands,  and  R.  Joshua  Ben  Perachiah 
thrust  away  Jesus  with  both  his  hands."  ' 

*  And  [Schabb.  fol.  104,  2.]  "  Did  not  Ben  Satda  bring 
enchantments  out  of  Egypt  in  the  cutting  which  was  in  his 
flesh  ?"  Under  Ben  Satda  they  wound  our  Jesus  with  their 
reproaches.' 

The  story  of  our  Lord's  journey  to  Alexandria  with  Joshua 
Ben  Perachiah,  when  king  Jannay  killed  the  rabbins,  may 
be  seen  more  at  large  in  some  other  authors,''  to  whom  I 
refer.     And  I  shall  transcribe  it^  below,  though  1  do  not 

"  Haec  historia  tecte  videtur  loqui  de  Christo.  Buxtorf.  ubi  supr.  p.  133. 

Ac  de  infantia  quidem  et  natalibus  Jeschu,  credo  ego,  creduntque  Judaei 
hoc  mecum,  sermoneni  esse,  quanquam  nomine  penitus  suppresso,  in 
Massechet  Calla,  quam  et  ipsum  allegare  convenit.     Wageas.  ut  supr.  p.  14. 

"  Apud  Wagens.  p.  5. 

"  Hebrew  and  Talmud  ical  Exercitations,  p.  Ill,  112. 

*  Vide  B.  Scheidii.  Loca  Talmudica,  in  quibus  Jesu  et  discipulorum  ejus 
fit  mentio,  p.  6.  et  Wageuseil.     Confutatio  libr.  Toldos  Jeschu.  p.  15,  16. 

y  In  Tr.  Sanhedrin,  f.  107.  2.  et  Sota,  f.  47.  1.  Quum  Jannai  rex  interfi- 
ciebat  Rabbinos,  fugiebat  R.  Josua  filius  Parachiae  et  Jesus  Alexandriam 
.Sgypti.  Pace  reddita,  in  haec  verba  Simeon  Schetachides  R.  Josuee  Perachiae 
filio  scribit.  Hierosolymae  civitas  sancta,  tibi  Alexandriae  ^gypti.  O  soror 
mea,  maritus  meus  in  medio  tui  degit ;  at  ego  sedeo  desolata.  Surgens  ergo 
ille  veniebat  eo,  et  pervenit  ad  quandam  hospifam,  quae  omnibus  honoris 
officiis  eum  prosequebatur.  Turn  dicebat,  [Josua,]  Quam  pulchrum  est  hoc 
hospitium.  Sed  discipulus  de  hospita  sermonem  excipiens,  dicebat  ei :  Mi 
magister,  oculi  ejus  sunt  teretes.  Cui  ille  respoadebat :  Impie,  taUane  tu 
curas  ?  atque  feminas  spectas  intentius  ?  Nee  mora.     Productis  ergo  400  tubis. 


518  Jewish  Testimonies. 

translate   it  eiitire.     It  is  obscure.     Nevertheless  the  folly, 
the  malice,  and  the  falsehood  of  it,  are  apparent. 

It  should  be  observed  that  this  story  of  our  Lord's  jour- 
ney into  Egypt,  with  Joshua  Ben  Perachiah,  has  little 
agreement  with  the  true  history  in  Matt.  ii.  13^23.  For, 
according-  to  the  evangelist,  Jesus  was  carried  thither  when 
an  infant,  and  was  soon  brought  back  again  into  Judea. 
But,  according  to  the  Talmud ists,  Jesus  was  a  young  man 
when  he  went  thither  with  Joshua  Perachides,  who  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  his  master  or  tutor.  And  according-  to 
them,  when  Perachides  and  Jesus  had  been  some  while  in 
Egypt,  they  were  informed  that  peace  was  restored  in  Ju- 
dea. As  they  were  returning-  back  they  were  well  received 
at  an  inn.  Here  Perachides  and  Jesus  disagreed,  and  parted 
asunder;  nor  could  they  ever  be  reconciled  again,  though 
some  attempts  on  both  sides  were  made  toward  a  reconcilia- 
tion. After  that  Jesus,  as  is  said,  wholly  gave  up  himself 
to  magical  practices,  and  was  excommunicated. 

If  by  king-  Jamiai  be  intended  Alexander  Jannaeus,  here 
is  a  great  anachronism  ;  for  he  died  fourscore  years  ^  before 
the  christian  epoch.  But  I  do  not  insist  upon  that ;  for, 
perhaps,  it  is  owing  to  design  and  not  to  ignorance. 

If,  in  the  discourse  between  Perachides  and  Jesus  at  the 
inn,  where  they  first  disagreed,  there  be  an  aspersion  of  our 
Lord's  moral  character,  as  if  he  too  attentively  observed  the 
faces  of  women,  it  is  of  a  piece  with  another  charge  of  theirs, 
that  Jesus  endeavoured  to  seduce  men  to  idolatry  ;  which 
we  shall  see  presently. 

I  do  acknowledge,  however,  that  when  I  first  observ- 
ed this  paragraph,  I  was  not  a  little  surprised.  For  Ori- 
gen  says,   that  'though''   innumerable   lies  and  calumnies 

proclamari  curabat  eum  [Jesum]  esse  excommunicatum.  Saepenumero  adibat 
[discipulus]  magistrum,  obsecrans,  ut  sese  denuo  reciperet.  Verura  ipse  ejus 
nuUam  habuit  rationem.  Die  quodam,  cum  recitasset  [Josua  Perachides] 
lectionem,  Audi  Israel,  Deut.  vi.  4.  accedit  [Jesus]  Perachidem.  Nam  putabat 
se  receptum  in.  Indicabat  ei  R.  Josua  filius  Perachiae  manu  sua,  quod  vellet 
recipere  eum.  Ipse  [Jesus]  putabat,  quod  repellendo  repelleret  se.  Abibat 
ergo,  et  suspendens  laterem,  eum  adorabat.  Dicebat  [Perachides]  iUi : 
Recipisce.  Cui  ille  respondebat:  Sic  a  teipso  didici :  Quod  nuUi,  qui  pec- 
cavit,  et  ad  peccandum  multis  fuit  auctor,  facultas  agendi  pcenitentiam  suppe- 
ditetur?  Nam  dixerat  Mar  [•  doctor  Talmudicus ']  Jesus  ad  magiam  seduxit, 
et  crimen,  Deuf.  xiii.  5,  6,  impulsionis,  vetitum  commisif,  et  Israehtis  ad 
peccandum  auctor  fuit.  *  Ergo,  ceu  Gemarici  volunt,  deserto  Perachide  prae- 
cepfore,  Jeschu  totum  se  deinde  magicis  artibus  in  ^gypto  addixit:  cumque 
has  infus  et  in  cute  teneret,  in  Judaeam  se  contulif.'  Apud  Scheid.  et  Wagens. 
ubi  supra.  ^  Prideaux's  Connection,  year  before  Christ  79.  p.  396,  397. 

*    TTOOf  Tov  tjlfivov    I'lfxiov    Ji}iTHV,  Oil  f^rjSt  01  ftvpiu  KuTr)yopriaavTiQ, 

Kui  \l/iv?t)  oaa  TTi^ii  avTH  Xiyovnc,  ti£vvrivrai  KaTtintiv,  wq  fc^v  to  tv\ov  oKoXa- 
autQ  Kfv  IK  oXiyov  ytvffa/itva.  Contr.  Cels.  1. 3.  num.  36.  Bened.  p.  32-  Sperc 


Extracts  out  of  the  Tainuuh.     A.  D.  300.  519 

*  had  been  forged  ag^ainst  tlie  venerable  Jesus,  none  bad  dared 
'  to  charge  him  with  any  intemperance  wliatever.'  So  says 
Origen  about  the  middle  i)f"  the  third  century.  IJe  speaks 
contidently  witli  full  assurance.  If  he  Jiad  ever  met  with 
sucii  a  calumny,  he  would  not  have  denied  it;  for  he  was 
perfectly  honest  and  sincere.  And  if  such  a  calumny  had 
appeared,  he  was  as  likely  to  know  it  as  any  man;  for  he 
was  acquainted  with  all  sorts  of  people:  and  he  had  often 
conversed  with  the  learned  men  of  the  Jewish  nation,  as 
well  as  others.  This  story  therefore  Mas  not  in  being  in 
his  time,  nor  till  after  it.  But  reflections  upon  a  man's  cha- 
racter, unknown  till  long-  after  his  departure  out  of  the  world, 
are  destitute  of  authority,  and  deserve  no  regard.  They 
oidy  show  the  bad  temper  of  those  who  receive,  or  who  in- 
vent and  forge  them. 

Let  me  add  one  thought  more  here.  We  may  reason- 
ably conclude,  and  reckon  it  certain  from  Origen's  Mork, 
that  Celsus  knew  nothing-  of  this  story  ;  consequently  it 
was  not  yet  invented  :  for  he  had  conversed  with  Jews, 
and  made  use  of  them  to  assist  him  in  his  argument  against 
the  christians,  and  had  picked  up  all  the  scandal  he  could 
get. 

I  must  be  allowed  to  observe  yet  farther  :  Celsus  had 
made  use  of  some  disparaging  expressions  concerning  our 
Saviour.  Whereupon  Origen  says  :  'If'  Celsus  had  alleged 
'  any  kind  of  infamous  actions  in  the  life  of  Jesus,  we  would 

*  have  done  our  best  to  answer  to  every  thing-  that  might 
'  appear  so  to  him.     As  to  the  miserable  death  of  Jesus, 

*  the  same  may  be  objected  to  Socrates  and  Anaxarchus 
'Just  mentioned.'  Celsus  therefore  knew  not  of  any  such 
thing. 

Finally,  I  do  not  recollect  in  the  remains  of  Celsus,  who 
wrote  in  the  second,  nor  in  Origen,  who  wrote  in  the  tl)ird, 
century,  any  traces  of  this  journey  of  our  Lord  into  Egypt, 
with  a  tutor.  This  story  therefore  is  a  late,  as  well  as  a  ma- 
licious fiction  without  ground. 

The  second  quotation  in  Lightfoot  shall  now  be  more  dis- 
tinctly transcribed.     '  In  *=  the  Mishnical  tract,  called  Schab- 

''  El  yap  TO  tiSi]  m  tTnpptjroraTH  (3is  ev  rate  Trpa'^smv  avrs  (bnivonsva  avrqj 
tKTiOifiivoQ  tjv,  Kq.v  TfytiiviaafiiQa  ttooc  fKa^ov  riov  Sokhvtojv  iivai  avroj  eTripprj- 
Torarojv.     Coiitr.  Cels.  I.  7.  sect.  56.  Ben.  p.  369.  f.  Sperc. 

"=  In  tractatu  Schabbath,  fol.  104.  2.  in  Mishna  dicitur.  Si  quis  [die  Sab- 
bati]  lineam  ducat,  sou  incisuram  faciat  super  carnem  suum,  R.  Eliezer  eum 
reum  censet  sacrificii  peccati.  Sapientes  autera  absolvunt.  Postea  in  Gemara, 
ad  haec  verba  notatur  :  Traditio.  Dixit  R.  Elieser  ad  sapientes  :  At  annon 
filius  Stadae  extulit  magicas  artes  ex  ^gypto,  in  iacisura,  quae  erat  super  came 
ejus  ?  Glossa.     Quia  non  poterat  eas  etferre,  vel  educere,  scriptas ;  quia  magi 


520  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  bath,  it  is  said  :  "  If  any  one,  especially  on  the  sabbath, 
'  draws  a  line,  or  makes  a  cut  in  his  flesh,  he  is  obliged  to 
'  brinjj'  a  sin-ottering,-:  but  the  wise  men  absolve  him." 
'  Upon  which  words  it  is  remarked  in  the  Gemara,  A  tradi- 
'  tion ;  R.  Eliezer  said  to  the  wise  men  :  "  But  did  not  the 
'  son  of  Stada  bring-  magical  arts  out  of  Egypt,  in  a  cut- 
'  ting  in  his  flesh  ?  The  Gloss  says  :  "  The  reason  of  that  was 
'  that  h«  could  not  bring  them  away  in  writing,  because  the 
'  priests  diligently  searched  all  at  their  going'  away,  that 
'  they  might  not  carry  out  magical  arts  to  teach  them  to 
'  men  dwelling  in  other  countries."  ' 

This  is  said,  I  suppose,  to  insinuate  that  all  the  great 
works  ascribed  to  our  Saviour  were  performed  by  virtue  of 
magical  arts  which  he  had  learned  in  Egypt.  This  insinu- 
ation has  been  considered,  and  well  confuted,  by  Grotius,** 
to  whom  I  now  refer.  Hereafter  I  shall  transcribe  his  words 
at  length,  in  the  chapter  of  Celsus,  where  this  charge  will 
come  over  again. 

3.  Let  us  now  observe  whether  Jesus  gained  any  disci- 
ples. 

Lightfoot,  upon  Matt.  ix.  9,  speaks  to  this  purpose: 
'  Five  disciples  of  Christ  are  mentioned  by  the  Talmudists, 
'  [Bab.  Saidiedrim.  fol.  431.]  among  whom  Matthew  seems 
'  to  be  named.  The  rabbins  deliver  there  were  five  dis- 
'  ciples  of  Jesus,  Matthai,  Nakai,  Nezer,  Boni,  and  Thodah. 
'  These  they  relate  were  led  out  and  killed.  Perhaps  five 
'  are  only  mentioned  by  them  because  five  of  the  disciples 
'  were  chiefly  employed  among  the  Jews  :  namely,  Matthew, 
'  who  wrote  his  gospel  in  Judea,  Peter,  James,  John,  and 
'  Judas.' 

I  shall  now  transcribe  at  length  the  passage  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Talmud,  to  which  Lightfoot  refers  ;  though  it  is  so 
silly,  that,  when  produced,  some  may  think  it  might  have 
been  omitted. 

'  The''  rabbins  have  taught  that  there  were  five  disciples 

diligealer  inquirebant  in  omnes  qui  exibant,  ne  efferrent  artes  magicas,  ad 
docendum  eas  alios  homines  alibi  terrarura  habitantes.  Scheid.  ib.  p.  1.  et 
Wagenseil.  Confut.  Told.  Jeschu.  p.  17. 

•1  De  V.  R.  Chr.  1.  5.  cap.  iii. 

*  Sanhedr.  cap.  vi.  fol.  43.  fin.  Quinque  tantum  discipuli  dicuntur  fuisse 
Jesu  Nazareno,  quorum  nomina,  Matthai,  sc.  Matlhaeus,  Nakai,  Nezer,  Boni, 
et  Toda,  sc.  Thaddaeus,  (jui  alio  nomine  Lebbeeus  fuit  appellatus.  Matt.  x.  3. 
Verba  intcgre  ita  habent.  Rabbini  docuerunt,  riuinquc  discipulos  fuisse  Jesu, 
Matthai,  Nakai,  Nezer,  Boni,  et  Toda.  Cum  adduxissent  Matthai,  [ui  capitis 
ipsum  damnarent,]  dixit  ille  ad  judices:  Num  Matthai  occidetur?  Atqui 
scriptum  est,  Quando  [Matai]  veniam,  ut  compaream  coram  facie  Dei  ?  Ps. 
xiii.  2.  Sed  illi  regesserunt :  Omnino  Matthai  occidetur,  quia  scriptum  est, 
Quando  [Matai]  morietur,  ut  j^ereat  nomen  ejus  ?  Ps.  xli.  5.    Cum  adduxissent 


Extracts  out  of  the  Talmuds.     A.  D.  500.  52 1 

of  Jesus,  Mattliai,  Nakai,  Nezer,  Boni,  and  Toda.  When 
Mattiiai  was  brought  forth  [to  be  condemned  to  death]  he 
said  to  the  judg-cs  :  Shall  Matthai  be  slain?  But  it  is  writ- 
ten:  "When  shall  I  come"  [Matai]  "and  appear  before 
God?"  Ps.  xlii.  2.  But  they  answered  :  Yes,  Matthai  shall 
be  slain.  For  it  is  written:  "When"  [Matai]  "shall  he 
die,  and  his  name  perish?"  Ps.  xli.  5.  When  Nakai  was 
brought  out,  he  said  :  Shall  Nakai  be  slain?  But  it  is  writ- 
ten: "Thou  shall  not  kill  the  iimocent"  [Nakai]  "  and  the 
just:"  Ex.  xxiii.  7.  But  they  said:  Yes,  Nakai  shall  be 
slain.  For  it  is  written  :  "  In  the  secret  places  does  he  mur- 
der the  innocent."  [Naki.]  Ps.  x.  8.  When  they  brought 
forth  Nezer,  he  said  to  them:  And  shall  Nezer  be  slain? 
But  it  is  written  :  "  A  branch"  [Nezer]  "shall  grow  out  of 
his  roots,"  Is.  xi.  1.  But  they  answered  :  Yes,  Nezer  shall 
be  slain.  For  it  is  written  :  "  Thou  art  cast  out  of  thy 
grave  as  an  abominable  branch,"  Is.  xiv.  19.  When  they 
brought  out  Boni,  he  said  :  And  shall  Boni  be  slain?  But 
it  is  written:  Israel  is  "my  son"[Beni]  "  even  my  first-born," 
Ex.  iv.  22.  But  they  said  :  Yos,  Boni  shall  be  slain.  For 
it  is  written  :  "  Behold,  I  will  slay  thy  son,"  [binckn,]  "  thy 
first-born,"  Ex.  iv.  23.  When  they  brought  out  Toda,  he 
said  to  them  ;  And  shall  Toda  be  slain  ?  It  is  written  :  "  A 
psalm  to  praise"  [Lethoda.]  Ps.  c.  But  they  answered  : 
Yes,  Toda  shall  be  slain.  P'or  it  is  written  :  "  Whoso  offereth 
praise"  [Toda]  "  glorifieth  me."  ' 

Here  it  may  be  asked :  Why  do  the  Talmudists  speak 
only  of  five  disciples  of  Jesus?  Lightfoot,  as  before  seen, 
supposeth  it  to  be,  that  these  five  men  were  chiefly  employed 
among  the  Jews.    Edzardns  says:  '  We^  hence  see  how  false 

Nakai,  dixit  ille :  Num  Nakai  occidetur  ?  Atqui  scriptum  est,  Ex.  xxiii.  7, 
Insontem  [Naki]  et  justum  noa  occides.  Sed  illi  responderunt :  Omnino 
Nakai  occidetur,  sicut  scriptum  est,  Ps.  x.  8,  In  latibulis  occidit  insontem. 
[Naki.]  Cum  adduxissent  Nezer,  dixit  ad  illos :  Num  Nezer  occidetur  ?  Atqui 
scriptum  est,  Es.  xi.  1,  Nezer  e  radicibus  ejus  fructum  feret.  Sed  illi  repo- 
suerunt:  Omnino  Nezer  occidetur,  quia  scriptum  est,  Es.  xiv.  9,  Tu  autem 
ejectus  cs  o  sepulcro  tuo,  ut  surculus  [Nezer]  abommabilis.  Cum  adduxerunt 
Boni,  dixit  ille  :  Num  Boni  occidetur  ?  Atqui  scriptum  est,  Ex.  iv.  22,  Filius 
mens  [Beni]  primogenitus  est  Israel.  Sed  illi  regesserunt :  Omnino  Boni  occi- 
detur, sicut  scriptum  est,  Ex.  iv.  23,  Ecce  ego  occidam  tiUum  tuum 
[Bincka]  primogenitum.  Cum  adduxissent  Todam,  dixit  ad  illos:  Num  Toda 
occidetur  ?  Atqui  scriptum  exstat,  Ps.  c.  1,  Psalmus  [Lethoda]  eucharisticus. 
Sed  illi  responderunt :  Omnino  Toda  occidetur,  quemadmodum  scriptum  est, 
Ps.  1.  23,  Qui  sacrificat  laudem,  [Toda,]  is  honorabit  me.  Ap.  Edzard  Avoda 
Sara.  T.  i.  p.  298,  299.  Conf.  B.  Scheidii  Loca  Talmudica  de  Jesu  et  Disci- 
pulis  ejus  et  Wagenseil.     Confut.  T.  I.  p.  17. 

'  Quod  si  autem  quinque  tantum  discipuli  hi  Jesu  Nazareno  fuerunt,  unde 
ergo  sextus,  Jacobus  Sechaniensis,  cujus  noraea  inter  quinque  numerates  non 


522  Jewish  Testimonies. 

*  and  fabulous  every  thing-  is  which  the  Talmudists  say  of 
'  Christ  and  his  disciples.'  Which  surely  is  not  amiss.  How- 
ever, to  me  it  seems  that  the  Jewish  rabbins  affected  silence 
and  reserve  about  Jesus  and  his  history,  and  said  little  about 
it,  the  better  to  keep  their  own  people  in  ignorance  and  bond- 
age. Wagenseil's  reflections  upon  this  passage  are  some- 
what different:  I  place  them^  below,  though  nothing  ma- 
terial can  be  said  upon  what  is  so  exceeding  trifling. 

4.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  James  be  one  of  the  five 
disciples  there  named  :  I  shall  therefore  allege  a  passage 
of  the  Talmud  where  he  is  mentioned. 

R.  Akiba  and  Rabbi  Eliezer  are  talking  together.     '  Eli- 

*  ezer'"  says,  O  Akiba,  you  have  brought  something  to  my 
'  mind.  As  I  was  walking  in  the  high  street  of  Zipporis,  I 
'  met  one  of  the  disciples  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  whose  name 
'  is  James,  a  man  of  the  town  of  Shecaniah.     He  said  to  me  ; 

*  In  your  law  it  is  written,  "  Thou  shalt  not  bring  the  hire 
'  of  a  harlot,"  Deut.  xxiii.  18.     I  did  not  make  him  any 

*  answer.     But  he  added,  and  said  to  me  :  Jesus  of  Nazaretli 

*  taught  me  the  meaning.  "  She  gathered  it  of  the  hire  of  a 
'  harlot;  and  they  shall  return  to  the  hire  of  a  harlot,"  Mic. 

*  i.  7.     "  From  an  impure  place  they  came,  and  to  an  im- 

*  pure  place  they  shall  return."  Which  interpretation, 
'  (says  Eliezer,)  did  not  displease  me.' 

5.  We  will  now  observe  some  passages  concerning  our 
Saviour's  last  sufferings. 

Says  Lightfoot  upon  Matt,  xxvii.  31.      'These  things' 

apparet  ?  Constat  hinc,  quam  fabulosa  sit  Talmudistarum  narratio  de  iis  quae 
contra  Christum  atque  discipulos  ejus  deblaterant.  Ut  alia  confutatione  non 
sit  opus,  cum  seipsos  suis  contradicfionibus  jugulent.  Edz.  ibid.  p.  299. 

B  Apparet,  ista  hue  tendere,  quasi  in  viros  illos,  quomm  nomina  exprimun- 
tur,  ultimis  poenis  fuerit  animadversum  ;  etsi  magis  est  ut  credamus,  ab  otiose 
aUquo,  et  scripfurae  dicta  in  lusum  et  jocum  sic  detorquente,  dehrantis  ingeniosi 
ostentandi  causa,  ineptias  has  esse  confictas.     Wagens.  ib  p.  18. 

•"  In  Tr.  Avoda  Sara.  f.  16.  2.  Tradiderunt  Rabbini — Turn  P.  Ehazar : 
In  memoriam  mihi,  O  Akiba,  revocasti,  aiebat,  me  ahquando  spatiatum  in  foro 
superiori  urbis  Zipporis,  obvium  habuisse  ahquem  ex  discipulis  Jesu  Nazareni, 
cui  nomen  erat  Jacobus,  civis  Caphar,  vel  viri  Saccaniensis,  qui  dicebat  mihi : 
In  Lege  vestra  scribitur :  Non  afferes  mercedem  meretricis — Quo  audito,  nihil 
prorsus  ei  respondebam.  Illo  autem  pergente  mihi  dicere :  Sic  docuit  me  Jesus 
Nazarenus.  Si  ex  mercede  meretricia,  meretrix  quid  coUigat,  usque  ad  mer- 
cedem meretricis  revertetur.  Ex  loco  impuro  si  qua  venerint,  in  locum  im- 
purum  redibunt.  Et  profuit  mihi  verbum  hoc  opera  hujus — ap.  Scheid.  Loca 
Talmud,  p.  5,  6.     Et  conf.  Edzardi  Avoda  Sara.  Vol.  i.  p.  130. 

'  I  shall  here  put  an  exact  Latin  version  of  the  same.  Tr.  Sanhedrim,  fol. 
43,  Mishna.  Inventa  reai  partis  innocentia,  reus  ille  liber  dimittitur.  Sia 
minus,  exit,  ut  lapidetur.  Praco  aufem  exit  ante  cum,  his  verbis  proclamans  : 
Vir  iste  N.  N.  Filius  alicujus  N.  N.  exit,  ut  lapidetur,  quia  transgressus  est 
lalem  trangressionem.     Cujus  rei  testes  sunt  hi,  N.  N.  et  N.  N.    Quicunque 


Extracts  out  of  the  Talmuds.     A.  D.  500.  523 

'  are  delivered  in  Sanhedrim  [cap.  vi.  Hal.  4.]  of  one  that  is 

•  g"uilty  of"  stoning-:  If  there  be  no  defence  found  for  him, 
'  they  lead  him  out  to  be  stoned,  and  a  crier  went  out  before 
'  him,  saying-  aloud  thus:  N.  N.  comes  out  to  be  stoned, 
'  because  he  has  done  so  and  so.  The  witnesses  against  him 
'  are  N.  N.  Whosoever  can  bring  any  thing  in  his  defence 
'  let  him  conie  forth  and  produce  it.  On  which  thus  the 
'  Gemara  of  Babylon.     The  tradition  is,  that,  on  the  evening' 

•  of  the  passover,  Jesus  was  hanged,  and  that  a  crier  went 
'  before  him  for  forty  days,  making  this  proclamation  :  This 
'  man  comes  forth  to  be  stoned,  because  he  dealt  in  sorce- 
'  ries,  and  persuaded,  and  seduced  Israel.  Whosoever 
'  knows  of  any  defence  lor   him,  let   him  come  forth  and 

•  produce  it.  But  no  defence  could  be  found  :  therefore 
'  they  hanged  him  upon  the  evening  of  the  passover. 
'  Ulla  saith  his  case  seemed  not  to  admit  of  any  defence, 
'  since  he  was  a  seducer,  and  of  such  God  has  said,  "  Thou 
'  shall  not  spare  him  nor  conceal  him  :"  Deut.  xiii.' 

There  is  another  place  relating  to  the  same  event,  the 
death  of  our  Saviour,  to  be  taken  from  the  Babylonian  Tal- 
mud.    '  The''  Mishna,  explaining  Deut.  xiii.  and  showing 

noverit  aliquid  de  ejus  innocentia,  veniat,  et  doceat  de  eo.  Postea  in  Gemara 
ad  verba  Mishnae  :  praeco  autem  exit  ante  eum,  &c.  notalur.  Atqui  traditio 
est :  Die  Farasceves  Sabbati  suspenderunt  Jesum,  et  prsco  exibat  ante  eum 
40  diebus,  his  verbis  prolatis  proclamans :  Exit  ut  lapidetur,  quia  magicas 
artes  exercuit,  seduxit,  et  impiilit  Israelitas.  Quiciimque  ergo  noverit  aliquid  de 
ejus  innocentia,  veniat,  et  doceat  de  eo.  Cum  autem  nihil  de  ejus  innocentia 
comprobanda  inveniri  potuissef,  suspenderunt  eum  die  Parasceves  Paschatis. 
Dixit  Ula :  Et  putetur,  quod  filius  versorum  sen  contrariorum  innocentia;  ipse 
seductorest.  Dixit  autem  Deus,  Deut.  xiii.  8,  Non  parces,  neque  teges  super 
eo.  Deut.  xiii.  8.  et  conf.  5.  et  6.  Scheid.  Loca  Talmud,  p.  7,  8.  Conf.  Wag. 
Confut.  T.  I.  p.  19. 

''  Sanhedrim,  f.  67.  1.  Mishna,  de  quo  Deut.  xiii.  6.  Ex  omnibus  qui 
morti  adjudicantur  in  lege,  nulli  insidise  collocantur,  hoc  excepto — Postea,  in 
Gemara  notatur :  Ex  omnibus  qui  morti  adjudicantur  in  lege,  nulli  insidiae 
collocantur,  hoc  excepto  [seductori,  qui  aliud  ad  idololatriam,  et  cultum  alie- 
num  cupit  seducere].  Quomodo  faciunt  id  ei?  Accendunt  lUi  candelam  in 
conclavi  interiori,  et  testes  collocant  in  cubiculo  exteriori,  ut  hi  ipsum  videre, 
et  vocem  ejus  audire  possint.  Sed  ipse  non  videt  illos.  Turn  ilie,  quern 
antea  conatus  erat  seducere,  dicit  ei,  Repete,  quaeso,  id  quod  antehac  dixisti  hie 
privatim.  Turn,  si  id  dicat,  hie  regent  ei :  Quomodo  reiinquemus  Deum  nos- 
trum in  cceUs,  et  serviemus  iduiis  ?  Ad  hoc  si  convertatur,  poenitentia  acta, 
bene  est.  Si  veio  dicat:  hoc  est  officium  nostrum,  atque  ita  omnino  decet 
nos  facere,  testes  exterius  audientes,  eum  ad  domum  judicii  abducunt,  et  lapi- 
dant.  [Conf.  Schabbath.  f.  104.  2.]  sic  fecerunt  filio  Stadae  [vel  Sladtie]  in 
Lud,  et  suspenderunt  eum  in  vespei a  Paschatis,  seu  pridie  diei  Paschatis.  Filius 
Stadae  filius  Pandira  est.  Dixit  R.  Chasda :  Maritus  seu  procus  matris  ejus 
fuit  Stada,  iniens  Pandiram — Maritus  Paphus  filius  Judae  ipse  est,  mater  ejus 
Stada,  mater  ejus  Maria,  plicalrix  capillorum  mulierum  erat:  sicut  diciinus  in 
Pompedita.  Declinavit  haec  a  marito  suo.  Glossa :  Ideo  quia  scortata  haec 
erat,  vocabatur  ita.     Schedii  Loca  Talmud,  p.  1.  et  2. 


524  Jewish  Testimonies. 

who  is  the  seducer  there  spoken  of,  says,  Of  all  that  are 
adjudged  to  die,  to  none  of  them  are  snares  to  be  laid,  ex- 
cepting- a  seducer :  for,  if  he  has  attempted  two,  and  they 
bear  testimony  against  him,  he  is  to  be  stoned.  Upon  this 
it  is  said  in  the  Gemara ;  Against  none  are  snares  to  be 
laid,  except  against  a  seducer  of  the  people  ;  ^meaning  one 
who  seduces  to  idolatry  ;]  and  that  is  done  after  this  man- 
ner. They  light  a  candle  in  a  closet  or  inner  room,  and 
place  witnesses  in  another  room,  so  that  they  may  see  him, 
and  hear  his  voice,  but  he  does  not  see  them:  there  he,  whom 
some  time  before  he  had  endeavoured  to  seduce,  (being  with 
him,)  says  to  him  :  Repeat  to  me  now  in  private  what  you 
before  said  to  me.  If  he  then  repeats  it,  the  other  says  to 
him :  How  can  we  leave  our  God  who  is  in  the  heavens, 
and  serve  idols?  If  he  then  owns  his  fault  and  repents,  all 
is  well.  But  if  he  says  :  This  is  our  duty,  and  so  we  ought 
to  do ;  the  witnesses  who  are  in  the  outer  room  carry  him 
to  the  house  of  judgment,  and  stone  him.  So  they  did  to 
the  son  of  Stada  in  Lud,  and  hanged  him  on  the  evening  of 
the  Passover.     Rabbi  Chasda  said  :  The  son  of  Stada  is  the 

son  of  Pandira His  mother  was  Stada. — — — She  was 

Mary  the  plaiter  of  women's  hair  ;  as  we  say  in  Pompedita, 
she  departed  from  her  husband.  In  the  Gloss  it  is  said  : 
She  was  so  called  because  she  transgressed  the  laws  of 
chastity.' 

This  is  translated  by  Lightfoot  upon  Matt,  xxvii.  56,  p. 
270,  after  this  manner:  '  They  stoned  the  son  of  Satda  in 
Lydda,  and  hanged  him  up  on  the  evening  of  the  passover. 
Now  this  son  of  Satda  was  son  of  Pandira.  Indeed  Rabbi 
Chasda  said  the  husband  [of  his  mother]  was  Satda,  her 
husband  was  Pandira,  her  husband  was  Papus,  the  son  of 
Juda.  But  yet  I  say  his  mother  was  Satda,  namely,  Mary 
the  plaiter  of  women's  hair ;  as  they  say  in  Pombeditha,  she 
departed  from  her  husband.' 

In  several  other  places  of  these  Talmudical  writers,  Mary 
is  called  a  '  plaiter  of  women's  hair,'  as  may  be  seen  in  Light- 
foot,  p.  270.'  And  from  some  things  alleged  just  now  it 
seems  that  thereby  they  denote  a  transgressor  of  the  laws  of 
purity.  And  we  arc  led  to  think  that  by  this  description 
they  intended  to  represent  not  her  outward  condition,  but  her 
moral  character. 

Upon  the  two  foregoing  passages,  relating  to  the  event  of 
our  Saviour's  death,  we  may  now  make  souie  remarks. 

First,  it  is  here  acknowledgfjd  that  Jesus  suffered  death 
as  a  malefactor;  and  that  he  was  put  to  death  at  the  time 
'  Vid.  et  Scheid.  Loca  Talmud,  p.  3. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Talmuds.     A.  D.  500.  525 

of  a  Jewish  passover,  or  on  the  evening*  of  it,  as  the  expres- 
sion is. 

Secondly,  but  here  are  many  greatand  notorious  falsehoods. 
It  is  here  said  that  Jesus  was  put  to  death  at  Lud  :  whereas 
it  is  certain  that  he  suflered  at  Jerusalem.  It  is  insinuated 
that  he  endeavoured  to  persuade  men  to  forsake  the  true 
God,  and  Morship  false  gods,  and  idols:  another  abonn'nable 
falsehood.  It  is  also  insinuated  that  he  carried  on  this  evil 
design  of  seducing  men  from  the  worship  of  the  true  God  in 
a  clandestine  manner  ;  whereas  nothing  is  more  certain  than 
that  Jesus  lived,  and  acted,  and  taught,  publicly  before  all 
the  world.  Farther,  it  is  intimated  that,  for  many  days  be- 
fore his  death,  proclamation  was  made,  that  any  who  could 
say  any  thing  in  his  defence  might  appear  and  plead  for 
him,  but  no  tiefence  was  made.  It  is  also  said  that  he  was 
put  to  death  by  stoning,  and  then  hanged  up:  (which  indeed 
was  the  usual  method  among  the  Jews,  first  to  put  criminals 
to  death,  and  then  hang  them  up  ;)  but  Jesus  was  crucified; 
and  though  the  Jews  were  his  prosecutors,  he  was  condemn- 
ed and  put  to  death  by  a  Roman  magistrate. 

It  is  truly  surprising  to  see  such  falsities  contrary  to  well 
known  facts.  For  the  sufferings  of  Jesus,  and  the  circum- 
stances of  them,  are  recorded  in  the  gospels,  well  known 
histories,  written  in  a  language  which  Mas  then  almost  uni- 
versal in  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa.  That  Jesus  Mas  cruci- 
fied at  Jerusalem,  when  Pontius  Pilate  was  governor  of 
Judea,  under  the  emperor  Tiberius,  was  in  all  christian  creeds, 
and  attested  by  Roman  authors  of  good  credit,  and  indeed 
was  well  known  to  all  Greeks  and  Romans  in  general. 
How  then  was  it  possible  for  the  Jewish  rabbins,  whose  tes- 
timonies are  collected  in  their  Talmuds,  to  speak  in  the  man- 
ner which  M'e  have  now  seen  ?  Perhaps  it  is  not  easy  to  be 
accounted  for ;  but  I  apprehend  the  case  to  be  this :  The 
rabbins  taught  and  wrote  in  a  language  little  known  to  any 
in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  but  themselves,  and  the 
men  of  their  own  nation.  Their  people  were  ig'norant,  and 
they  endeavoured  to  keep  them  so.  Their  people  had  a 
great  respect  for  them,  and  so  they  presumed  to  say  what- 
ever they  pleased. 

6.  There  seems  to  be  in  these  writings  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  power  of  miracles  in  Jesus  and  his  disciples.     '  In  ■" 

"•  Similis  lociis habetur  infra  in  Gemara,  fol.  27.  col.  2.  med.  Sed  insto  ego. 
In  Bareitha  docemur.  Non  conversabitur  quisquam  cum  haereticis,  neque 
licet  medicinam  ab  illis  admittere,  etsi  morbus  videatur  ita  desperatus,  ut  aegro- 
tus  non  sit  ultra  unius  horae  spatium  superfuturus.  Exstat  quoque  hujus  rei 
exemplum  in  filio  Damae,  nepoteR.  Ismaelisex  sorore,  quern  cum  momordisset 


526  Jevoish  Testimonies. 

the  Geniara,  upon  Avoda  Sara,  in  Bereitha,  it  is  said :  No 
man  may  converse  witli  Iieretics,  nor  receive  medicines  from 
them,  thoug:h  the  disease  be  mortal  and  desperate.  Of  this 
there  is  an  example  in  the  son  of  Dama,  nephew  to  R.  Ish- 
mael  by  his  sister:  When  he  had  been  bit  by  a  serpent, 
James  of  Shechania  [a  disciple  of  Jesns]  came  to  heal  him  ; 
])nt  R.  Ishmael  did  not  allow  it  to  be  done.  The  son  of 
Dama  said  to  R.  Ishmael :  O  Rabbi  Ishmael,  my  uncle,  let 
me  be  healed  by  him:  1  will  allege  a  text  out  of  the  law 
•which  allows  of  it.  But  before  he  had  finished  all  he  would 
say,  he  expired.  Then  Ishmael  pronounced  this  speech 
over  him:  Thou  art  happy,  O  son  of  Dama:  for  thy  body 
has  remained  pure,  and  thy  soul  also  has  gone  pure  out  of 
it :  and  thou  hast  not  transgressed  the  words  of  thy  bre- 
thren.' 

This"  is  supposed  to  be  an  acknowledgment  of  the  pow- 
er of  M'orking-  miracles  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  at  the  same 
time  that  it  shows  the  virulent  temper  of  the  Jewish  doctors 
against  him  and  his  disciples. 

There  is  another  like  instance  alleged  from  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud  :  '  A°  child  of  a  son  of  Rabbi  Joses,  son  of  Levi, 
swallowed  somewhat  poisonous.  There  came  a  man  who 
pronounced  some  words  to  him  in  (he  name  of  Jesus,  son  of 
Pandira,  and  he  was  healed.  When  he  wasg-oing-  away,  R. 
Joses  said  to  him :  What  word  did  you  use  ?  he  answered, 
Such  a  word.  R.  Joses  said  to  him  :  Better  had  it  been  for 
him  to  die,  than  to  hear  such  a  word.  And  so  it  happened, 
that  is,  he  instantly  died.' 

serpens,  veiiit  Jacobus  Secaniensis  ad  sanandum  ipsum.  Sed  non  permisit  ei 
R.  Ismael.  Dicebat  quideni  filius  Dainse  ad  R.  Ismaelem  :  O  Rabbi  Ismael 
frater  [i.  e.  cognate,  avuncule]  mi!  Sine  ipsum,  ut  saner  ab  ipso.  Afferam 
enim  textum  e  Lege,  qui  id  concedat.  Sed  nondum  absolverat  omnia,  quae 
constituerat  dicere,  cum  jam  efflaret  animam,  atque  moreretur.  Turn  R. 
Ismael  sequentem  super  ipsum  conciunculam  habuit.  Beatus  es,  o  fili  Damae  ! 
quod  corpus  tuum  manserit  mundum,  etiamque  anima  tuo  corpore  exierit 
munda,  neque  fueris  transgressus  verba  sociorum  tuorum,  &c.  Edzard.  Avoda 
Sara.  Vol.  i.  p.  312.   Conf.  Martini  Pug.  Fidei,  P.  2.  cap.  8.  p.  289. 

"  Memorabile  hujus  rei  exemplum  occurrit,  Cod.  Abhoda  zara  f.  27.  2.  de 
R.  Ismaele  vetante  aliquem  sanari  in  nomine  Jesu — Exempio  est  B.  Dama — 
Insignissane  historia,  et  praeclarum  veritatis  evangelicee  testimonium,  ab  ipsis 
Judaeis  dictum.  J.  Rhenford.  Diss,  de  Redemtione  Marcosiorum  et-Hera- 
cleonit.  sect.  1.  p.  215. 

°  Item  in  lib.  Sabbat  Jerosolymitano,  distinctione  Shemona  Scheratzin — 
Filius  filii  R.  Jose  filii  Levi  glutiverat  toxicum  scilicet,  vel  aliud  morbiferum. 
Venit  itaque  vir  quidam,  et  conjuravit  ei  in  nomine  Jesu  Pandirini,et  sanatus 
est,  sive  quievit.  Cumque  exivisset,  ait  ei,  Quomodo  conjurasti  eum  ?  Aitei, 
Tali  verbo.  Ait  ei :  Remissius  fuisset  ei,  si  mortuus  fuisset,  ut  non  audivisset 
verbum  tale.  Et  factum  est  sic  ei;  id  est,  statim  mortuus  est.  Pug.  Fid.  ib. 
p.  290. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Talmxtds.     A.  D.  500.  527 

Another  P  proof  this  of  the  power  of  miracles  inherent  in 
the  disciples  of  Jesus,  and  at  the  same  time  a  mark  of  the 
malignity  of  the  Jewish  rabbins. 

That  passage  1  have  transcribed  as  it  is  in  the  Pugio 
Fidei :  I  shall  now  '»  put  it  down  below  as  it  stands  in  Edzardi 
Avoda  zara. 

7.  It  will  certainly  be  worth  the  while  to  take  a  testimony 
from  these  writers  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
temple  there.  I  shall  therefore  transcribe  and  translate  al- 
most word  for  word  a  long  passage  out  of  the  Babylonian 
Talmud,  in  the  title  Gittin,  chapter  Hannisah. 

*  This  '  is  the  tradition.     Rabbi  Eliezer  said :  Go,  and  see 

P  Si  quis  diligenter  advertat  has  duas  traditiones,  in  nomine  Domini  nosiri 
Jesu  Christi  fuisse  facta  miracula  judaicarum  scripturarum  testimoiiio  coni- 
probabit.     Raym.  Martin,  ib. 

*>  Similis  textus  est  in  Talmude  Hierosolymitano  :  Avoda  S.  Fol.  40.  4.  et 
Schabb.  fol.  14.  4.  med. — ^Nepos  R.  Josuse  filii  Levi  laborabat  ab  absorpto  : 
[id  est,  diglutiverat  aliquid,  quod  ipsi  in  gutture  haerebat,  et  suffocationera 
niinabatur.]  Venitque  quidam,  qui  illi  clam  insusurravit,  [idest,  jussit  ipsum 
convalescere,]  in  nomine  Jesu  filii  Pandirce.  Unde  confestim  respiravit. 
Quando  autem  egressus  est  inde,  dixit  ad  eum  R.  Josua  tilms  Levi :  Quid 
insusurrasti ei  ?  Respondit  ille :  Voceni  banc  [i.  e.  nomen  Jesu]  :  Turn  R.  Josua: 
Praestitisset  ipsum  fuisse  mortuum,  et  non  audivisse  nomen  illud.  Atque  hoc 
ipsum  etiam  ei  [baud  longe  post]  contigit.  Edzard.  Avoda  zara.  Vol.  2. 
p.  311,  312. 

■■  Traditio  est.  Dixit  R.  Elieser :  Exi,  et  vide  quanta  est  virtus  pudoris, 
quia  ecce  Deus  sanctus  et  benedictus  juvit  Barkamtza,  et  destruxit  domum 
suam,  et  exussit  templum  suum,  et  desolavit  Jerusalem — Ivit  Romam,  et  dixit 
Neroni  Csesari  :  Judaei  rebellarunt  contra  te.  Dixit  ei :  Quis  dicit  ?  Dixit  ei, 
Mitte  illis  sacrifieium.  Videbis,  si  illi  ofFerent.  Ivit  filius  Kamtza,  et  misit 
per  raanus  ejus  vitulam  trimara.  Ipse  autem  rediens  impressit  in  ea  maculam 
in  ora  labii  ejus.  Alii  dicunt,  quod  in  pupilla  oculi  ejus  maculam  impressit: 
secundum  aliquorum  opinionem  est  macula,  et  secundum  opinioneni  aliorum 
non  est  macula.  Rabbini  censebant  itaque  illam  sacrificandam  propter  pacem 
regni.  Dixit  eis  R.  Zacharias  filius  Onkelos  :  dicetur,  Maculata  offeruntur 
super  altare.  Voluerunt  occidere  eum,  ne  iret,  et  diceret.  Dixit  eis  R.  Zacha- 
rias, dicens  :  Mittens  maculam  in  Sanctuarium  occidetur.  Dixit  R.  Jochanan  : 
Superstitio  R.  Zachariae  destruxit  domura  nostram,  et  combussit  templum  nos- 
trum, et  urbem  nostram  evertit,  et  fecit  ut  nos  e  terra  nostra  captivi  duceremur. 
Misit  itaque  Bar-Kamtza  super  his  ad  Neronem  Caesarem.  Quando  venit,  jecit 
sagittam  ad  orientem.  Cecidit  ad  Jerusalem  ad  occidentem — Dixit  puero. 
Lege  mihi  versum  tuum.  Dixit  ei  Ezech.  xxv.  14. — ^DixitNero:  Deus  sanctus, 
benedictus,  vult  per  me  destruere  domum  suam.  Misitque  contra  illos  Vespa- 
sianum,  qui  venit,  et  obsedit  Jerusalem  tres  annos,  et  dimidium.  Interim  venit 
nuntius  ad  eum,  dicens  illi :  Surge,  quia  mortuus  est  Nero  Caesar,  et  consense- 
runt  tibi  optimates  Romanorum,  ut  fe  constituant  principem — Ivit,  et  misit 
Titum  impiuin  filium  suum — Hie  est  Titus  impius,  qui  blasphemavit,  et  male- 
dixit  contra  Justum,  i.  e.  Deum.  Quid  fecit  ?  Cepit  meretricem  in  manu  sua, 
ei  ingressus  in  Sancta  Sanctorum  stravit  librum  legis,  et  transgressus  est  super 
ilium  transgressionem.  Et  accepit  gladium,  et  dirupit  vela,  et  factum  est  mira- 
culum.  Et  fuit  sanguis  erumpens  et  exiens.  Et  putavit  occidisse  ipsam  sub- 
stantiam  Dei  sancti  benedicti,  i.  e.  ipsum  Deum. — Quid  fecit  ?  Accepit  vela, 
et  fecit  ilia  sicut  saccum,  et  adduxit  omnia  vasa  quae  erant  in  Sanctuario,  et 


528  Jewish  Testbnon'ves. 

bow  the  blessed  and  holy  God  helped  Bar-kamtza,  and  be 
destroyed  bis  bouse,  and  burnt  up  his  temple,  and  made  Je- 
rusalem desolate.'  [Here  is  inserted  an  account  of  a  trifling- 
discourse  and  difference  between  some  rabbins.]  'Where- 
upon he  [Bar-kamtza]  went  to  Rome,  and  said  to  the  em- 
peror Nero,  The  Jews  have  rebelled  against  thee.  Who 
says,  this?  said  the  emperor.  Kamtza  answered  :  Send  to 
them  a  sacrifice;  see  if"  they  will  offer  it.  Bar-kamtza  re- 
turned. Nero  sent  by  him  an  heifer,  three  years  old.  As 
he  was  going  he  made  a  blemish  in  the  mouth  of  it ;  others 
say  in  the  pupil  of  its  eye  :  according  to  the  opinion  of  others 
it  was  no  blemish.  The  rabbins  therefore  thought  it  ought 
to  be  oflfered  for  preserving  the  peace  of  the  nation.  But 
Rabbi  Zacharias,  sonof  Onkelos,  said  :  Shall  blemished  sa- 
crifices be  offered  upon  the  altar?  He  that  brings  blemished 
sacrifices  into  the  sanctuary  ought  to  be  put  to  death.  R. 
Jochanan  said  :  The  superstition  of  R.  Zacharias  has  de- 
stroyed our  house,  and  burnt  up  our  temple,  and  overthrown 
our  city,  and  caused  us  to  be  led  captive  out  of  our  land. 
Bar-kamtza  therefore  sent  an  account  of  these  things  to 
Nero Nero  said  ;  The  great  and  blessed  God  has  deter- 
mined by  me  to  destroy  his  house.  And  he  sent  against 
them  Vespasian,  who  came  and  besieged  Jerusalem  three 
years  and  a  half.  In  the  mean  time  there  came  a  messenger 
to  him,  who  said  :  Arise,  for  the  emperor  Nero  is  dead,  and 
the  nobles  of  the  Romans  have  agreed  to  make  thee  emperor. 

He  went  and  sent  the  impious  Titus  his  son This  is  the 

impious  Titus,  who  blasphemed  the  Most  High,  even  God 
himself.  What  did  he  do?  He  took  a  harlot  into  the  holy 
of  holies,  and  there  lay  with  her:  and  he  took  a  sword  and 
cut  the  veils;  at  the  same  time  there  was  a  miracle,  for 
blood  burst  out:  he  thought  he  had  killed  God  himself — 
Well,  what  did  he?  He  took  the  veils  and  made  a  sack  of 
them,  and  put  into  it  all  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary:  and 
then  put  them  in  a  ship,  that  he  might  go  and  triumph  in 
his  city- — There  stood  against  him  a  dragon,  that  he  might 

posuit  ilia  in  illo.  Et  collocavit  ilia  in  navi,  ul  iret,  et  gloriaretur  in  urbe  sua 
— Stetit  contra  draco,  vel  tempestas,  in  mari,  ut  demergeret  ilium  in  mari. 
Dixit :  Puto  ego,  quod  Deus  horum  nullam  habet  potentiam  nisi  in  mari : 
Venit  Pharao  et  submersit  eum  in  mari.  Stat  etiam  contra  me,  ut  me  sub- 
mergat.  Si  fortis  est,  ascendat  in  siccam,  et  faciat  bellum  mecum.  Exivit 
filia  vocis,  et  dixit  ei,  Impie  fili  inipii,  fili  filii  inipii  Esau :  Creatura  vilis  est 
mihi  in  mundo  meo,  et  culex  est  nomen  ejas.  Ascende  in  siccam,  et  bellum 
coniraillam  geres.  Statim  innuit  Deus  mari,  et  quievet.  Ascendit  in  siccam, 
et  venit  culex,  et  ingressus  est  in  nasum  ejus,  et  perf'oravit  illi  cerebrum  septem 
annis,  et  occidit  ilium.  Ex  libro  Gittin,  capite  Hannisakin,  ap.  R.  Martin. 
Pug.  Fid.  P.  3.  cap.  xxi.  p.  703,  704. 


Extracts  out  of  the  Tnlmuds.     A.  D.  500.  529 

drown  iiiin  in  the  sea.  He  said,  I  think  the  God  of  these 
men  has  no  power  but  in  the  sea.  Pharaoh  arose,  and  he 
drowned  him  in  the  sea.  He  has  a  mind  to  destroy  me  in 
the  like  manner:  if  lie  has  power,  let  him  come  upon  the 
dry  land  and  make  war  with  me.  There  went  forth  a  voice 
and  said  to  him:  O  impious  son  of  the  wicked  man,  O  son 
of  the  impious  son  of  Esau,  there  is  a  contemptible  creature 
in  my  world,  called  a  gnat :  go  upon  the  dry  land,  and  you 
shall  make  war  against  it.  God  presently  rebuked  the  sea, 
and  it  was  calm.  He  went  t)ut  upon  the  dry  land,  and  the 
gnat  came,  and  entered  into  his  nose,  and  gnawed  liis  brain 
seven  years,  and  killed  him.' 

J.  De  Voisin,  in  his  notes  upon  this  passage,  particularly 
the  last  words  of  it,  quotes  some  Jewish  authors  who  say, 
'  The**  story  of  the  fly  is  not  to  be  understood  literally,  but 
'  mystically,  and  allegorically,  intending  to  insinuate  in  men's 
'  minds  a  persuasion  of  the  power  of  God,  and  that  he  is 
'  able  to  abase  those  who  rise  up  against  him,  and  to  punish 
'  the  proudest  of  men  by  very  contemptible  creatures.'  Nor 
is  it  any  wonder  that  some  should  be  ashamed  of  this  silly 
story  of  the  fly  getting-  up  a  man's  nose,  and  dwelling-  there 
seven  years.  But  men  of  true  wisdom  can  find  out  more 
cleanly  allegories  than  this,  when  they  are  disposed  to  make 
use  of  that  kind  of  instruction. 

Nor  has  Voisin  alleged  any  Jewish  authors,  who  condemn 
the  horrible  story  of  Titus  defiling-  the  sanctuary  of  the  temple 
with  lewdness:  though  Martini  has  alleo-ed  another  Jewish 
writnig-  m  great  repute,  where  ^  the  same  story  is  told  withall^ 
thesamehorrible,  or  yet  more  horrible,  circumstances  of  filthi- 
iress,  if  such  there  can  be  :  nor  is  the  concluding-  part  of  that 
narrative  of  the  Talmud  there  omitted.     But  I  presume  the 

*  Alii  asserunt  illud  de  culice,  sive  muscaejusmodi,  non  juxta  literalem  sen- 
sum  intelli£cendi!iii  eiS3,  sed  sensuni  habere  mysticum — Itaqiie  poteris  de  his- 
toric Titi  Hbere  pronuntiare,  quod  narratio  ejus  nihil  aliud  sit,  quam  inventio, 
sive  fabula,  atque  modus  doctrinae  usitatus  apud  eruditos  ad  stabiliendum  in 
corde  plebis,  quod  magnus  est  Dominus  noster,  et  potentissimus,  ad  retribuen- 
diun  illis  qui  contra  ipsura  insurgunt ;  sed  in  priniis  ad  puniendum  superbos 
etiam  per  miniraam  creaturam.  Ap.  Pugion.  Fid.  p.  714. 

'  Hucusque  Talmud.  Legitur  quoque  in  Midrash  Kohelet  super  illud  Eccles. 
cap.  v.  8. — Dixit  Deus  sanctus  benedictus  prophetis  :  Quid  vos  putatis,  quod 
si  vos  non  eatis  in  missionem  mcam,  non  sit  mihi  alius  nuntius  ?  In  omni  ego 
do  missionem  vel  legationem  meam,  etiam  per  serpentem,  vel  scorpium,  vel 
culicem,  vel  ranam.  Titus  impius  ingressus  est  in  Sancta  Sanctorum,  quando 
destruxit  doraum  Sanctuarii,  et  gladius  ejus  districtus  in  manu  sua,  et  dirupit 
duo  vela,  et  accepit  duas  meretrices  in  manu  illarum,  et  coivit  cum  illis,  cum 
una  super  altare,  cum  altera  super  librum  legis  et  exivit  et  gladius  ejus  plenus 
sanguine.  Et  incepit  blasphemare,  et  exsecrari.  Quid  fecit  ?  Collegit  omnia 
vasa  Sanctuarii,  et  posuit  ilia  in  sacco,  et  descendit  ad  navem.  Et  reliqua, 
sicut  modo  ex  Talmude  citata  sunt.     Ibid.  p.  704,  705. 

VOL.    VI.  2    M 


•530  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Divine  Being  never  arms  his  feeble  creatures  to  destroy  or 
annoy  men  for  no  fault  at  all  ;  for  none,  but  such  as  are  only 
imputed  to  them  by  those  who  give  a  loose  to  their  tongues, 
to  lie  and  calumniate  as  they  please  :  for  Titus,  M'hen  he 
went  into  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  all  in  flames,  neither  com- 
mitted lewdness  there,  nor  did  he  blaspheme  the  Deity. 

Behold  then  the  temper,  the  incorrigible  temper,  of  the 
Jewish  people,  and  their  rabbins,  the  Talmudical  writers. 
Their  temple  had  been  burnt  up,  their  city  destroyed,  their 
land  laid  waste,  and  they  carried  into  captivity  :  but,  instead 
of  repenting,  they  revile  him  w  ho,  under  God,  had  been  the 
instrument  of  their  chastisement ;  a  prince,  M'ho,  as  good 
authority  says,  was  as  remarkable  for  the  humanity,  the  com- 
passion, and  equity,  in  his  manner  of  subduing  them,  as  for 
his  military  skill  and  courage.  Who  then  are  the  men  who 
exalt  themselves  against  God? 

But  I  may  no  longer  indulge  myself  in  such  reflections  as 
these.       Let  us  attend  for  our  own  benefit.      Here  is  a  tes- 
timony  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  from   Talmudical 
writers  :  they  agree  very  much  with  Josephus  in  their  ac- 
count of  the  origin  of  the  war.     He  says  that  '  Eleazar," 
'  then  captain  at  the  temple,  persuaded  those  m  bo  officiated 
'  in  sacred  things,  not  to  accept  the  gift  or  sacrifice  of  a  stran- 
'  ger  :  which  was  the  occasion  of  the  war.'     The  Talmudists 
say  the  same  thing  in  difl^erent  words,  after  their  manner. 
According  to  this  account  also,  the  war  broke  out  near  the 
ejul  of  the  reign  of  Nero,  who  sent  Vespasian  general  into 
Judea.     Whilst  Vespasian  was  there,    carrying  on  the  war, 
Nero  died,  and  he  was  chosen  to  succeed  him.     When  he 
was  chosen  emperor  at  Rome,  he  sent  Titus  to  carry  on  the 
war  in  Judea:  the  issue  of  which  was  that  the  temple  was 
burnt  up,  their  city  destroyed,  and  their  whole  government 
overthrown,  and  they  carried  into  captivity.      Moreover,  as 
they  here  own,  Titus  was  in  possession  of  the  veils  and  sa- 
cred vessels  of  the  temple,  which  he  took  with  him  to  adorn 
his  triumph  at  Rome.     All  this  (though  they  relate  not  par- 
ticularly the  distresses  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem)  is  said,  not 
very  diflTerently  from  Josephus,  and  more  agreeably  to  him 
in  some  respects,  than  by  Josippon,  who  afterwards  wrote  at 
length  the  history  of  the  war,  as  we  shall  see  by  and  by. 


De  B.  J.  1.  2.  cap.  17.  sect.  2.  p.  192. 


531 

CHAP.  VI. 

JOSEPH  BEN  GORION,  OR  JOSIPPON. 


I.  His  age,  work,  and  character.  II.  Extracts  from  his 
work  ;  showing  his  historg  oj"  the  Jewish  war  with  the 
Romans,  and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  111.  Conclud- 
ing remarks. 


I.  WE  are  now  coming"  to  an  author  of  a  very  extraordinary, 
or  even  a  singular,  character,  writer  of''  The  Jewish  History 
in  six  books,  who  styles  himself  Josippon,  or  Joseph  Ben 
Gorion. 

He  had  a  very  high  opinion  of  himself,  and  has  now  been 
for  some  while  in  great  reputation  with  the  learned  men  of 
the  Jewish  nation. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  thirty-sixth  chapter,  which  is  the 
first  chapter  of  the  fifth  book,  he  writes  :  '  So  **  says  Joseph 
Ben  Gorion  the  priest,  who  has  written  the  things  which  have 
happened  to  Israel,  and  his  calamities,  to  be  a  memorial  and 
instruction  to  his  posterity From  this  day,  and  hence- 
forward, this  book  is  to  be  a  testimony  to  other  writers  who 
shall  come  after  me,  and  attempt  to  write  of  the  same  things, 
and  shall  allege  proofs  of  what  they  write.  For  they 
will  say  :  "  So  and  so  has  recorded  Joseph  the  priest, 
who  is  the  prince  of  all  writers,  who  have  published 
books  among  the  people  of  Israel,  excepting  only  the  wri- 
ters of  the  four  and  twenty  sacred  books."  ' 

And  indeed  so  it  has  happened.  For  Rabbi  Tham,  who 
published  this  work  in  the  Hebrew  original  at  Constantino- 
ple in  the  year  1510,  and  made  another  edition  of  it  at  Ve- 

*  Josippon,  sive  Josephi  Ben  Gorionis  Historiae  Judaicae  libri  sex.  Ex 
Hebraeo  vertit,  Praefatione  et  Notis  illustravit  Joannes  Gagnier.  A.  M.  Oxon. 
1 706,  4to.  "^  Sic  ait  Joseph  Ben  Gorion  Saceidos,  qui  rerum 

historian!  texuit,  quae  contigerunt  IsraeH,  et  calamitatem  ejus,  ut  sit  memoria 
earum  in  documentum,  et  eruditionem  posteris  ejus. 

Hie  autem  hber  ab  hac  die,  et  deinceps  futurus  est  in  testimonium  caeteris 
scriptoribus,  qui  post  me  venturi  sunt,  et  aggredientur  scribere,  et  testimonia 
allegare.  Dicent  enim :  '  Sic  et  sic  memoriae  prodidit  Joseph  Sacerdos,  qui  est 
princeps  scriptorum  omnium,  qui  libros  ediderunt,  quotquot  reperti  sunt  in 
Israel,  exceptis  quidera  scriptoribus  quatuor  et  viginti  hbrorum  sanctorum.' 
lib.,5.  c.  36.  p.  170. 

2  M  2 


532  Jewish  Testimonies. 

nice  in  1544,  says  of  it  in  bis  preface  :  '  Altliough  "^  this  book 
'  resembles  other  books  in  some  respects,  it  is  very  different 
'  from  them  in  others.  The  great  difference  between  books 
'  consists  in  their  truth  or  their  falsehood.  The  words  of 
'  this  book  are  all  justice  and  truth,  nor  is  there  any  thing 
'  perverse  in  it.  The  evidence  of  it  is  this,  that  it  approach- 
'  eth  nearer  to  prophecy  than  any  other  book  written  since  the 
'  sacred  scriptures  :  for  it  was  written  before  the  Mishna  and 
'  the  Talmud.  Upon  that  man  was  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
'  when  he  wrote  this  book.  And  it  may  be  said  that  his 
'  words  are  well-nigh  equal  to  the  words  of  a  man  of  God.' 

This  work  is  not  so  ancient  as  the  author  and  his  admirers 
pretend,  as  will  be  shown  presently.  But  from  the  time 
that  he  has  begun  to  be  taken  notice  of,  as  Mr.  Gagnier 
observes  in  the  preface  to  his  edition  of  this  work, '  All''  Jew- 
'  ish  writers,  whether  commentators,  or  historians,  or  philo- 
'  logers,  continually  allege  it,  and  quote  authorities  and  testi- 
'  monies  from  it,  as  an  authentic  and  fundamental  book. — As 
'  for  the  Greek  Josephus,  they  have  little  regard  for  him,  or 
'  rather  none  at  all ;  but  declaim  against  him  as  a  lying  his- 
'  torian,  full  of  falsehoods  and  flatteries.  But  their  Josip- 
'  pon  they  extol  and  magnify  as  true  and  almost  divine.' 

But  christian  critics,  of  the  best  credit,  have  argued  that 
the  work  is  the  production  of  a  late  age.  They  show  this 
from  the  work  itself;  in  which,  as''  Joseph  Scaliger  has 

'^  Quamvis  autem  hie  liber  cum  caeteris  iibris  in  genere  conveniat,  tamen 
ratione  argunienti  plurimum  ab  eis  difTert.  Differentia  autem  ilia  prascipue 
consistit  in  veritateaut  in  falsitate.  Porro  hujus  Lbri  verba  omnia  sunt  justitia 
et  Veritas  ;  neque  perversitas  ulla  invenitur  ni  eo.  Cujus  quidem  rei  signum 
est,  quod  propius  accedat  ad  prophetiam,  quam  caeteri  omnes  libri,  qui  post 
scripturas  sacras  editi  sunt.  Siquidem  ante  Misnam  et  Talmud  scriptus  fuit. 
Adde  quod  super  virum  ilium  fuit  manus  Jehovae,  dum  hunc  librum  compo- 
neret :  et  parum  abest,  quin  ejus  verba  sint  verba  viri  Dei.  Prsef.  R.  Tham. 
De  Scopo  Libri. 

^  Deinde  omnes,  qui  secuti  sunt,  Judsei  scriptores,  sive  commentatores,  sive 
historici,  sive  philologi,  ubique  eum  allegant,  et  tanquam  ex  libro  fundamen- 
tal! atque  authentico  testimonia  et  auctoritates  depromunt Nam  quod  ad 

Josephum  Graecum  adtinet,  ilium  non  in  magno  solent  habere  pretio,  imo  ei 
nuUam  habent  fidem,  et,  tanquam  in  hisloricum  mendacem  et  adulatorum, 
adversus  ilium  acriter  invehuntur.  Suum  vero  Josippon  quasi  hominem  vera- 
cem  et  penedivinum  summis  laudibus  ad  sidera  evehunt,  extoUunt,  et  preedi- 
cant,  &c.     Gagnier,  in  Praef.  p.  xxix. 

*  De  Josepho  Gorionide  satis  est,  si  ostendero  cujas  fuit,  quando  vixit, 
cujusniodi  scriptor  est.  Galium  Judaeum  fuisse  ex  agro  Turononsi  non  diffi- 
cile est  coUigere,  ut  qui  plus  de  illis  quam  de  aliis  Galliae  tractibus  agat.  Re- 
cenfem  admodum  fiiiss-e  arguunt  verba  locorum  recenfia,  quibus  utitur.  Tours, 
Amboise,  Chinon.  Quai  loca  post  DC  annos  a  natali  Christi  adhuc  Turones, 
Ambasia,  Kainon  vocabantur.  Quare  cum  MunsterusvidereteumFrancorum 
et  Gothorum  mentionem  facere,  et  Francos  interfuisse  exsequiis  Herodis,  quos 
FaXarag  Josephus  vocarit,  ex  eo  solo  potuit  odorari  hunc  scriptorum  recentis- 


JosiPPON.     A.  D.  930.  533 

observed,  people  and  countries  are  called  by  modern  nanies, 
not  in  use  till  more  than  six  hundred  years  after  our  Saviour's 
nativity.  And  he  supposeth  him  to  be  a  Jew  that  lived  in 
France.     He  therefore  considers  him  as  an  impostor. 

Fabricius*^  has  argued  in  the  like  manner.  lie  supposeth 
l)im  to  have  been  a  Jew  who  lived  in  Bretagne  in  France,  in 
the  ninth  or  tenth  century.  The  many  modern  names  of 
people  and  countries  made  use  of  by  him  plainly  declare 
his  late  ag^e.  His  Hebrew  history  is  translated,  or  more  pro- 
perly extracted,  from  the  Greek  of  Josephus,  or  rather  from 
a  Latin  translation  of  him  :  taking-  from  him  what  he  likes, 
omitting  some  thing^s,  and  adding-  others. 

To  the  like  purpose  Gagnier,  in  his  preface,  already  cited 
more  than  once.     Who  also  says  that  '  Rabbi  ^  Saadias  Gaon, 

*  who  wrote  his  commentary  upon  the  book  of  Daniel  in  the 

*  year  of  Christ  93G,  is  the  first  author  who  has  mentioned 

*  Josippon  Ben  Gorion.     He  does  not  expressly  name  his 

*  work,  though  probably  he  refers  to  it.'     Gagnier  adds  : 

*  The ''first  writer,  who  has  expressly  mentioned  this  work 

*  with  the  name  of  Josippon  Ben  Gorion,  and  quoted  au- 

*  thorities  from  it,  is  Rabbi  Solomon  Jarchi,  who  flourished 

*  about  the  year  of  Christ  1140.' 

1  refer  likewise  to  '  Ittig-ius,  and  Basnage,  who  in''  his 
History  of  the  Jews,  has  a  long  article  concerning  this  writer 
and  his  work.  He  says  Josippon  lived  in  the  tenth  or 
eleventh  century:  which  he  argues  after  this  manner :  '  So- 

*  lomon  Jarchi,'  who  wrote  in  the  year  1140,  is  the  first  who 
'  has  quoted   this  Hebrew  Joseph.      Abraham  Ezra,  and 

simum  esse,  ac  proinde  planum,  qui  nomen  Joseph!  Historici  sibi  vindicarit. 
Jo.  Scalig.  in  Elencho  Trihaer.     Vid.  Gagnier,  Praef.  p.  xlviii. 

f  Caeterum  eruditis  hodie  plerisque  dubium  non  est,  Josephum  huncce  He- 
braicum  ex  Graeco,  vel  potius  ex  Latina  Josephi  versione,  esse  expressum,  vel 
excerptum-potius :  nee  Josephum  ipsum  auctorem,  sed  longe  recentiorem  ali- 
quem,  qui  in  Britannia  Galliae  Armorica  non  ante  nonum  vel  decimum  secu- 
lum  vixit,  et  pro  lubitu  digessit,  addidit,  interpolavit,  omisit  quaecunque  ipsi 

videbantur  addenda  esse  vel  omittenda Ita  recentiora  longe  Josepho 

tempora  arguit,  quod  memorat  Francos,  et  Burgundiae  populum,  et  Daniscos, 
ac  Danemanam,  et  Anglicam  gentem,  et  quae  in  Irlandia  sive  Hibernia.  Fab. 
Bib.  Gr.  lib.  4.  c.  6.  T.  3.  p.  249.  et  apud  Havercamp.  Joseph.  T.  2.  p.  68. 

8  R.  Saadias  Gaon,  qui  scribebat  circa  annum  696,  min.  siippul.  Christ. 
936,  in  suo  commentario  in  Danielem  primus  omnium  Josephi  Ben  Gorionis 
meminit — Gagn.Pr.  p.  xxvii. 

■^  R.  Salomo  Jarchi,  qui  florebat  circa  annum  Christi  11 40,  primus  est,  qui 
diserte  citat  hunc  librum  sub  nomine  Josippon,  vel  Josephi  Ben  Gorionis,  et 
auctoritates  ex  eo  adducit,  quarura  loca  habes  infra  in  Teslimoniis.  Gagn. 
ib.  p.  xxviii. 

'  Ittigii  Prolegom.  ap.  Joseph.  Havercamp.  Tom,  2.  p.  87. 

"  Basnag.  Hist,  des  Juifs,  liv.  7.  ch.  vi.  p.  1539.     1570. 

'  Ib.  sect.  XXV.  p.  1564. 


534  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  Abraham  Ben  Dion,  nho  by  their  quotations  gave  the  work 
'  credit,  lived  in  the  same  age.        It  would  be  very  strange 

*  that  a  work  should  be  unknown  for  three  or  four  hundred 
'  years  to  the  nation  for  whose  sake  it  was  composed.  But 
'  if  it  was  written  near  the  end  of  the  tenth,  or  the  begin- 
'  ning  of  the  eleventh,  century,  it  is  not  at  all  strange  that 

*  it  did  not  begin  to  be  taken  notice  of  till  some  while 
'  after.' 

1  say  nothing  more  in  the  way  of  introduction.  I  shall 
now  make  such  extracts  out  of  this  work,  as  may  be  suffi- 
cient to  show  the  writer's  character,  and  his  testimony  to  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  and  Jerusalem  by  Vespasian  and 
Titus.  1  have  placed  him  in  the  tenth  century,  not  very  far 
from  the  beginning  of  it,  in  the  year  of  Christ  930. 

II.  The  work  is  divided  into  six  books  and  ninety-seven 
chapters.  The  sixth  and  last  of  which  books  consists  of 
five  and  fifty  chapters. 

The  forty-third  chapter,  which  is  the  first  of  the  sixth 
book,  begins  in  this  manner.  '  Thus  "^  says  Joseph  Ben  Go- 
rion  the  priest,  the  same  who  is  also  called  Josippon — This 
is  the  book  which  I  have  entitled.  The  Wars  of  Jehovah,  be- 
cause it  contains  the  history  of  the  calamities  of  the  house  oT 
our  sanctuary,  and  of  our  land  and  our  glory.' 

My  readers  cannot  but  remember  that  our  Greek"  Jose- 
phus,  when  he  gives  an  account  of  the  determination  of  the 
Jewish  people  to  go  to  war  with  the  Romans,  informs  us 
that  they  appointed  Joseph  Gorion  and  Ananus  the  high 
priest,  to  preside  at  Jerusalem.  Others  were  sent  as  gene- 
rals into  several  parts  of  the  country  ;  and  himself,  Joseph 
son  of  Matthias,  was  appointed  governor  of  the  two  Gali- 
lees,  together  with  the  prsefecture  of  Gamala  annexed  to 
them. 

Our  author's  account  of  the  same  determination  is  to  this 
purpose  :  '  The  "  Jews,  out  of  their  generals  which  were  at 

•"  Sic  dicit  Joseph  Ben  Gorion  sacerdos.    Ipse  est  Josippon,  nomine  qui- 

dem  diminutive  Josippon Hie  est  liber  ille,  quern  appellavititulo,  Bella 

Jehovae,  eo  quod  continet  historiam  calamitatum  desolationis  domus  Sanctuarii 
Dostri,  et  terrae  nostrae,  et  gloriae  nostrse.  Lib.  6.  c.  43.  p.  189. 

°  D.  B.  J.  1.  2.  cap.  20. 

°  Quae  omnia  cum  audissent  Judaei,  elegerunt  e  ducibus,  qui  erant  in  Juda 
et  Jerusalem,  tres  principes  fortissimos  bello,  me  scilicet,  Joseph  sacerdotem 
fortissimum  bello  cum  auxilio  Jehova;,  et  Anani  sacerdotem  et  Eleazar  sacer- 
dotem filium  ejus;  et  praeiecerunt  illos  super  terram,  et  partiti  sunt  terram 
Judlae  inter  illos  per  sortem,  dederuntque  illis  praesidio  manum  Judaeonim  ad 
bellum  gerenduin.  Et  obtigit  tcrtia  pars  tcrrae  per  primam  sortem,  scilicet, 
omnis  terra  Galileae  a  terra  Nephtali,  et  deinceps,  Josepho  filio  Gorionis 
sacerdoti,  in  honorem  et  gloriam.  Et  appellaverunt  ilium  Josippon  in  titu- 
lum  dignitatis  et  laudis ;  quia  tunc  unctus  fuit  unctione  militari.     Deinde  sors 


JosiPPON.     A.  D.  930.  '  535 

Jerusalem,  chose  three  princes  valiant  for  war;  me,  Joseph 
the  priest,  valiant  for  war  with  the  help  of  Jehovah,  and 
Ananiis  the  priest,  and  Eleazar  his  son,  priests  also,  and  by 
lot  they  divided  to  them  the  several  parts  of  the  country  in 
which  they  should  carry  on  the  war.  The  third  part,  which 
was  the  first  lot,  containino-  the  land  of  Galilee  and  Napthali, 
came  out  to  Joseph  Ben  Gorion  the  priest ;  and  they  called 
him  Josippon  by  way  of  praise  and  honour:  forasmuch  as 
he  was  then  anointed  with  the  military  ointment  for  the  war. 
The  second  lot  caine  out  to  Ananus  the  high  priest,  to  go- 
vern at  Jerusalem  aiid  the  adjoining-  country.  The  third 
lot  came  out  to  Eleazar,  son  of  Ananus,  and  what  follows.' 
This  should  be  compared  with  what  is  written  by  i'  Jose- 
phus. 

Thus  he  adopts  the  appellation  of  Joseph  son  of  Gorion,'' 
but  personates  Joseph  son  of  Matthias;  and  like  him  he  is 
appointed  governor  of  Galilee  :  and  all  along-  he  will  be  Jo- 
seph us  in  the  main,  and  another  person  when  he  pleaseth.  He 
will  also  transcribe  the  Greek  Josephus,  and  copy  a  large 
part  of  his  History  of  the  Jewish  War  without  taking-  any 
notice  of  him.  If  he  differs  from  him,  and  adds  to  him,  it  is 
not  taken  out  of  any  other  writers  better  informed,  but  from 
his  own  invention  only. 

Being  come  into  Galilee,  he  there  orders  things  very 
agreeably  to  what  we  have  formerly  seen  in  our  Greek 
Josephus.  At  length  he"^  flies  from  Vespasian  and  Titus  and 
the  Roman  army,  and  shuts  himself  up  in  Jotapata.  Ves- 
pasian *  with  his  army  comes  before  Jotapata.  The '^  city  is 
taken  after  asieg-e  of  eight-and-forty  days.     Joseph"  him- 

secunda  exiit  pro  Anano  sacerdote  magno,  Jerusalem  scilicet,  et  omnia  circum 
vicina  loca. — Sors  denique  tertia  egressa  est  Eleazaro  filio  Anani,  &c.  Josipp. 
c.  67.  p.  293.  P  De  B.  Jud.  lib.  2.  c.  20.  sect.  1—3. 

'i  Gagnier,  in  his  notes  upon  this  place,  p.  293,  assigns  some  reasons  why 
this  writer  chose  to  be  thought  the  son  of  Gorion,  rather  than  the  son  of  Mat- 
thias. Cur  autem  hie  noster  Gorionis  filius  quam  Matthiae  esse  voluerit,  ratio 
videtur  fuisse,  quod  cum  nomen  Gorionis  cujusdam  insignis  viri  mentio  ali- 
quando  in  Talmude  occurrat,  atque  etiam  Nicodemi  filii  Gorionis,  in  earn 
ferailiam  ipsi  se  adoptare  visum  est,  ut  proderet  in  lucem  gratior  contribulibus 
suis,  eisque  facilius  imponeret.  Vid.  reliqua  ibid.  Et  conf.  not.  p,  ap.  Jos. 
Havercamp.  p.  207. 

■■  At  vero  ut  audivit  Josephus,  quod  venit  Vespasianus,  et  cum  eo  filius  ejus 
Titus,  omnisque  exercitus  ejus,  ut  proelium  committeret,  fugit  Josephus  a  facie 
eorum  in  Jotapatam,  urbem  magnam,  qua;  est  in  Galilaea;  et  inclusit  se  Jose- 
phus et  omnis  exercitus  intra  illam.  c.  68.  p.  299. 

*  Cap.  69.  p.  300.  et  cap.  70.  p.  301,  &c.  '■  Cap.  71.  p.  307. 

"  Tunc  surrexit  Josephus  ipse,  et  quadraginta  viri  ex  militibus,  qui  residui 
erant  cum  illo,  et  egressi  sunt  ex  urbe,  fugeruntque  in  sylvam,  ubi  invents, 
caverna  illuc  intraverunt,  delitueruntque  omnes  in  ilia  caverna,  &c.  Cap.  71. 
p.  307. 


536  Jewish  Testimonies. 

self,  and  with  him  forty  more,  go  out  of  the  city  and  hide 
themselves  in  a  cave.  Vespasian  sends  Nicanor  to  Joseph 
with  offers  of  peace  and  safety  if  he  would  surrender.  But'' 
the  forty  men  who  were  with  him  chose  rather  to  die  by 
their  own  hands.  After  long- arguing,  Joseph  proposeth  that 
they  should  cast  lots  till  they  were  all  killed.  Which  being 
done,  there  were  none  left  alive  but  Joseph  and  one  more, 
who  at  length  consented  to  surrender.  Joseph"'  then  calls 
to  Nicanor,  and  they  yield  up  themselves  to  him.  Vespa- 
sian, when  Joseph  was  brought  before  him,  treated  him 
kindly,  and  carried  him  about  with  him  from  place  to  place, 
together  with^  Agri|)pa. 

So  far  there  is  a  great  agreement  between  our  Josephus 
and  Joseph  Ben  Gorion.  But  now  they  differ.  For  Josip- 
pon  entirely  omits  the  compliments  which  our  Josephus  paid 
to  Vespasian. 

Upon  y  the  death  of  Nero,  and  after  the  short  reigns  of 
Galba  and  Vitellius,  Vespasian  is  declared  emperor  by  the 
soldiers  in  Judea  ;  and,  after  some  hesitation,  he  is  persuad- 
ed to  accept  of  the  diadem  from  them. 

Some  while  '■  after  that,  Vespasian  takes  part  of  the  army 
and  goes  to  Rome ;  but  leaves  the  other  part  with  Titus  to 
carry  on  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  However  he  orders 
Titus  to  stay  at  Alexandria  till  he  shall  send  to  him  from 
Rome. 

'  When^  Vespasian  left  Judea  to  go  to  Rome,  he  took  with 
him  Agrippa,  and  his  son  Monbaz,  lest  they  should  rebel 
against  him.  With  himself  and  them  he  also  took  me  Joseph 
the  priest,  bound  with  iron  chains.'  And  when  Vespasian 
was  come  to  Rome,  he  ordered  that''  Joseph  should  be  sent 
to  prison,  and  kept  bound  there. 

Vespasian  upon  his  arrival  at  Rome  was  received  joyfully 
by  the  senators  and  all  the  people  in  general.     And  "^  in  a 

'  Cap.  72.  p.  315—319.  "  Cap.  73.  p.  319,  &c. 

*  Cum  ergo  audivisset  Vespasianus  Titum  filium  suum,  recta  visa  sunt  verba 
illius  in  oculis  ejus,  et  dementia  usus  est  erga  Josephum  sacerdotem,  et  prohi- 
buit,  quo  minus  moreretur  gladio,  et  constituit  eum  principem,  et  magnum 
inter  principes  sues,  et  secum  ducebat  de  urbe  in  urbem  cum  Agrippa  rege. 
c.  73.  p.  321. 

y  Cap.  75.  p.  333,  334.  '  Cap.  77.  p.  340. 

»  Abiit  itaque  Vespasianus  Romam.  Cumque  pergeret,  ut  iterum  acciperet 
illic  coronam  regni,  duxit  secum  Agrippam  regem,  et  Monbaz  filium  ejus. 
Dixerat  enim,  ne  forte  rebellent  contra  me.  Duxit  praeterea  cum  eis,  et  secum, 
meipsum  Josephum  sacerdotem,  vinctum  catenis  ferreis.     Cap.  77.  p.  340. 

''  Tunc  jussit,  et  vinxerunt  me  in  domo  carceris.  Agrippam  vero  et  filium 
ejus  ipsorum  arbitrio  reliquit.     lb.  p.  341. 

"=  Postridie  illius  diei  congregati  sunt  oranes  senatores  Romani,  ut  Vespa- 
sianum  Csesarera  crearent,  secundum  jus  Csesareae  dignitatis  pro  consuetudine 


JosiPPON.     A.  D.  930.  537 

short  time  he  is  inaugurated  with  great  solemnity.  Agrippa 
and  his  son  are  allowed  to  be  with  the  senators  ;  and  Joseph 
himself,  though  a  prisoner,  is  allowed  by  the  keeper  of  the 
prison  to  have  a  j)lace  where  he  may  see  all. 

The*^  coronation  is  then  described  by  him  iti  a  pompous 
manner;  seven  electors  of  the  empire  attending,  agreeably 
to  the  coronations  of  the  emperors  in  late  ages,  a  good  while 
after  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  as  "^  Gagnier  observes  in 
a  note  which  1  shall  place  below.  Basnage  thinks  that' 
this  Hebrew  Joseph  intends  the  coronation  of  Otho  the  first, 
or  his  son  Otho  the  second.  And  he  considers  this  article 
as  a  proof  that  Josippon  lived  in  the  tenth,  or  rather  in  the 
eleventh  century. 

'Soon  after  his  coronation,'  as  this  author  says,  'Ves- 
pasian s  was  offended  with  Agrippa  upon  account  of 
some  calumnies  cast  upon  him,  which  he  had  received 
from  wicked  men  of  the  Jewish  nation :  whereupon  he 
slew  Agrippa,  and  his  son  Monbaz,  with  the  sword.  Which 
M'as  done  three  years  and  a  half  before  the  desolation  of  the 
house.' 

So  writes  this  author.  Supposing  Agrippa  to  have  been 
put  to  death  at  this  time,  1  do  not  conceive  how  it  could  be 
done  three  years  and  a  half  before  the  destruction  of  the 
temple.  Besides,  Agrippa  survived  the  Jewish  war  and  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  many  years  :  as  is  attested  not  only 
by  Josephus,  but  also  by  ancient  medals ''  still  extant. 

Romana.  Porro  Agrippa  et  filius  ejus  erant  cum  illis.  At  ego  supplex  rogavi 
principem  domus  careens — Et  inveni  gratiam  in  oculis  ejus,  et  introduxii  me 
in  consessum  regni,  ubi  fieri  debebat  inauguratio  Caesaris ;  attamen  vinctum 
catenis  ferreis  et  collocavit  juxta  se  in  loco,  unde  vidi  omnia  quae  facta  sunt. 
lb.  p.  341.  "^  Cum  itaque  perventum  est  ad  ilium  locum, 

accedunt  ad  eura  septem  reges  coronis  suis  insignes,  quas  acceperunt  de  manu 
Caesaris,  electi  vero  jussu  Senatus  Romani,  &c.  ibid. 

*  Fingit  hie  fabulator  Josephum,  id  est,  seipsum  a  Vespasiano  Romam  per- 
duetum  fuisse,  ut  ibi  spectator  adesset  ejus  coronationis,  quam  describit  cum 
omni  ilia  cseremonia  iuaugurationis  Caesarum,  qualis  longe  post  tempora 
Caroli  Magni,  sub  Roraanis  pontifieibus  instituta  fuit,  praesentibus  nempe  et 
mmistrantibus  septem  Imperii  Electonbus,  cum  toto  illo  apparatu,  quem  fuse 
et  lepide  narrat.     Gagn.p.  341. 

^  Tous  ces  caracteres  nous  font  eroire,  que  le  Josephe  Hebreu  n'a  vecu  qu' 
a  la  fin  de  dixieme,  ou  plutot  dans  I'onzieme  siecle,  et  que  le  couronnement, 
dont  il  a  laisse  la  description,  est  ceUii  d'Othon  I.  ou  de  son  fils  Othon  II. 
Basnag.  utsupr.  sect.  xxiv.  p.  1563. 

8  Post  aliquot  autem  dies,  ex  quo  Vespasianus  Caesar  factus  fuit,  indignatus 
est  adversus  Agrippam,  quia  calumniati  sunt  eum  impii  Israel,  dieentes  eum 
cogitasse  perfide  agere  in  ilium,  et  idcirco  misisse  literas  in  Jerusalem  ea  de  re. 
Interfecit  itaque  ilium  et  filium  ejus  Monbaz  gladio.  Quod  quidem  contigit 
tribus  anniscum  dimidio  ante  desolationem  doraus,  &e.  c.  77.  p.  344. 

''  Vid.  Gagnier,  in  loc. 


538  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Rabbi  Isaac,  in  bis  Miininien  Fidei,  written  in  the'  six- 
teenth century,  has  quoted  this  passageof  our  author.  And  I 
have  put  down  his  Mords  in  tlie  margin:  though,  perhaps, 
they  may  be  taken  notice  of  again  hereafter. 

In''  the  same  year  and  month  that  Agrippa  and  his  son 
were  put  to  death,  Vespasian  sent  for  Joseph,  and  spake 
comfortably  to  him,  and  released  him  from  his  bonds.  Jo- 
seph complained  of  the  death  of  Agrippa ;  but  Vespasian 
assured  him  he  had  good  reason  for  so  doing-.  And  now 
Vespasian  sent  Joseph  to  Titus  at  Alexandria,  with  a  letter 
of  recommendation.  Joseph  goes  to  Alexandria.  Titus' 
and  all  his  counsellors  rejoiced  at  the  arrival  of  Joseph  : 
'For  he  was  full  of  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding, 
the  spirit  of  counsel  and  valour,  the  spirit  of  knowledge  and 
of  the  fear  of  the  Lord.'  Is.  xi.  1,  2.  After'"  some  con- 
sultation it  was  determined  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem  and  be- 
siege it.  '  For  Joseph  knew  that  it  was  of  the  Lord,  and 
that  it  was  not  possible  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  should 
be  turned  back.'  Titus  therefore  went  from  Alexandria  to 
Judea. 

In  "  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian,  in  the  tenth 
month,  and  the  seventh  day  of  the  month,  came  Titus  with 
Joseph,  with  all  his  forces,  and  his  army,  to  the  delightful 
city  of  Caesarea  ;  where  he  was  employed  in  collecting  his 
forces  from  all  parts,  till  he  had  completed  his  army  for  be- 
sieging Jerusalem.     There  °  he  stayed  all  the  winter  till  the 

'  Verba,  '  Vae  pastori  nieo  nihili  derelinquenti  gregem,'  [Zach.  xi.  17.] 
Agrippam  respiciunt,  qui  Romam  se  contulit,  atque  inde  evocavit  Vespasia- 
nuai,  hiijusque  privignum  Titum,  adversus  Hierosolymas.  Tandem  aulem 
irasci  illi  coepit  Vespasianus,  eumque  una  cum  Monbaso  filio  securi  percussit, 
tribus  et  dimidio  annis  ante  templi  desolationem.  Caeterum  ob  iliam,  quae 
inter  regem  Agrippam  et  improbos  duces  factiosorum  exorta  fuerat  conten- 
tionem,  denique  desolatum  fuit  templuni,  uti  ex  Josepho  constat.  Munimen 
Fide,  p.  417.  "  Cap.  78.  p.  344. 

'  Postea  profectus  Josephus  Roma  venit  Alexandriam.  Cumque  audisset 
Titus  de  adventu  Josephi,  laetatus  est  plurimum  ipse,  et  omnes  seniores  et 
sapientes  qui  cum  illo  erant.  Josephus  enim  plenus  erat  splritu  sapientiae  et 
intelligentiffi,  spiritu  consilii  et  fortitudinis,  spiritu  scientiae,  et  timoris  Jehovse. 
cap.  78.  p.  34G. 

'"  Postea  consilium  inierunt  inter  se,  ut  ascenderent  in  Jerusalem,  et  obside- 
rent  eam.  Sciebat  enim  Josephus  a  Jehova  hoc  esse,  neque  possibile  esse,  ut 
verbum  Jehovae  convertatur  retrorsum.     lb.  p.  347. 

"  Anno  primo  regni  Vespasiani,  mense  decimo,  die  septimo  mensis,  venit 
Titus  cum  Josepho,  et  cum  omnibus  copiis  suis  etexercitu  suo,  in  urbem  Cae- 
sareae,  gratissimam  et  desideratissimam  omnibus,  qui  iliam  viderunt.  cap.  79. 
p.  347.  "  Mansitquo  illic,  donee  complerentur  dies  brumae, 

et  dies  hiemis,  et  donee  venirent  dies  Abib.     Toto  autenv  hoc  anno  prime 

regni  Vespasiani,  quo  erectus  est  super  rcgnum  Romanorum, ingruerunt 

praelia  durissima  in  medio  Jerusalem  inter  habitat  ores  ejus  per  crudelitatem  iraj 


JosippoN.     A.  D.  930.  539 

montli  of  Abib,  or  March.  During  the  whole  year,  the  first 
year  of  the  roigii  of  Vespasian,  were  grievous  wars  and 
fighting's  in  the  midst  of  Jerusalem.  From  the  time  that 
Vespasian  left  .ludea  to  go  to  Rome,  there  to  receive  the 
confirmation  of  the  empire,  in  sununer  and  winter  were  per- 
petual quarrels  and  contentions  between  the  three  parties, 
into  which  the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  divided,  and  head- 
ed by  three  leaders,  Simon,  John,  and  Eleazar.  'For''  at 
that  time  God  poured  out  a  spirit  of  insensibility  in  the 
midst  of  Jerusalem  :'  Is.  xxix.  10.  And  they  destroyed, 
asi  this  writer  says,  a  thousand  and  four  hundred  garners, 
filled  with  things  that  might  have  been  useful  in  a  siege;  for 
there  were  in  them  provisions  sufiicient  to  maintain  two 
hundred  thousand  people  for  twenty  years.  But  by  the 
madness  of  these  robbers  all  was  consumed  by  fire  :  which 
brought  on  the  famine  in  Jerusalem. 

And  now  this  writer  makes  a  long  and  grievous  lament- 
ation over  "^  Jerusalem:  which  in  the  Hebrew  original,  as* 
Gagnier  observes,  is  a  sort  of  metrical  composition,  not  in 
use  among  the  Jews  till  long  after  the  supposed  time  of  the 
author. 

Titus*  draws  out  his  numerous  forces,  and  reviews  them 
in  a  plain  near  Caesarea,  and  then  moves  toward  Jerusalem. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  relate  particularly  from  this  writ- 
er, as  I  have  done  from  Josephus,  the  attacks  of  Titus,  and 
the  defences  of  the  people  in  the  city.  I  shall  pass  over  a 
great  deal. 

'Whilst"  they  were  hard  pressed  by  the  Romans,  the 

et  furoris :  et  percutiebant  unusquisque  proximum  suum,  nulla  interposita 
quiete  aut  mora.  Quitietiain  nulla  cessatio  belli  full  inter  illos  tola  hieme,  ut 
post  est  universae  terraj ;  sed  et  aestate  et  hieme  duraverunt  proelia  Simonem 
inter  et  Jehochananem.  Porro  tertiusfuit  Eleazarus.  Atque  hoc  ab  ipso  die, 
quo  proficiscens  Vespasianus  de  terra  Juda  abiit  Romam,  ut  illic  de  novo  sus- 
ciperet  regnum  Caesareae  dignitatis,  secundum  jus  consuetudinis  Romanae.  Ibid. 

P  Eo  anno  effudit  Jehova  spiritum  vertiginisin  medium  Jerusalem — p.  348. 

■i  Porro  numerus  horreorum  illorum  in  Jerusalem  erat  mille  et  quadringen- 
torum :  et  omnia  plena  commeatibus  victus  pro  tempore  obsidionis.  Tempore 
autem,  quo  Vespasianus  veiiit  in  urbes  Galileae,  seniores  et  viri  fide  digni,  qui 
aestimaverunt  quantitatem  proventus  horreorum  illorum,  invencrant  in  illis  esse 
commeatus  et  victus  pro  ducentis  mille  animabus  per  viginti  annos.  £t  tunc, 
in  bello  latronum,  haec  omnia  cremata  sunt.  Coepitque  fames  in  Jerusalem. 
p.  350.  "■  Lamentatus  est  itaque  Josephus  lamentationem  banc 
super  Jerusalem,  ct  dixit c.  80.  p.  350 — 355. 

*  Lamentatio  Josephi.  In  Hebraeo  est  carmen  rhythmicum ;  quod  genus 
proeseos  multis  post  seculis  a  recentioribus  Judaeis,  Arabum  exemplo,  usurpa- 
tum  est.     Gagn.  not.  p.  350. 

'  Postea  Titus  venit  in  planitiem  Caesareaecum  exercitu,  etrecensuit  exerci- 
tum  suum,  &c.  cap.  81.  p.  355. 

"  Quando  instabat  prcelium  Romanorum,  omnes  ad  invicem  coalescebant. 


540  Jewish  Testimonies. 

three  parties  within  agreed,  and  joined  together,  in  opposing 
the  common  enemy.  But,  as  soon  as  the  Romans  gave  them 
any  respite,  the  three  rulers  of  the  robbers  within  exercis- 
ed a  cruel  war  with  one  another ;  insomuch  that  the  blood 
of  the  citizens  ran  like  a  torrent  out  of  the  gates  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  the  sight  of  the  Romans,  who  could  not  forbear 
to  pity  them.'  Those  expressions  are  extravagant.  But 
what  is  here  said  may  be  compared  with  Josephus,  de  B.  J. 
1.  5.  cap  vi.  sect.  1.  Upon  this  occasion  our  author  made 
another  lamentation. 

After  ^  having  carried  on  the  siege  for  some  while,  Titus 
draws  off  from  the  city,  and  for  several  days  ceaseth  to  make 
any  attacks.  And  by  Joseph,  who  addresseth  them  in  a 
very  long  speech,  in  their  own  language,  he  makes  them 
offers  of  peace,  that  he  might  preserve  their  temple  and 
city.  But  they  hardened  their  necks,  and  would  not  hear. 
In ''^  this  speech  he  tells  them,  not  disagreeably  to  what  the 
Greek  Josephus  says,  [de  B.  J.  1. 5.  cap.  ix.  p.  350.]  that,  for 
their  sins,  the  waters  of  Siloam  had  before  failed  on  a  sud- 
den :  but  now  they  flowed  plentifully  in  the  camp  of  the 
Gentiles  fighting  against  them.  In  this  speech  he  goes  on 
and  says  :  '  Though  I "  am  in  the  camp  of  the  Romans,  I  am 

tanquam  unus  vir  ad  pugnam  ;  et  pugnabant  contra  Romanes,  fugabantque 
illos  a  se.  Et  postquam  fugaveiant  a  se  Romanes,  revertebantur  ad  se,  et  inci- 
piebant  pugnare  unusquisque  in  fratrem  suum.  Tuncque  fiebat  prcelium 
magnum  et  durum  inter  tres  principes  latronum  crudelium,  donee  egrederetur 
sanguis  extra  portas  Jerusalem,  tanquam  torrens  scaturiens  de  scaturigine  aqua- 
rum.  Videbantque  Romani  sanguinem  egredientem  de  portis  Jerusalem.  Et 
conterebatur  cor  eorum  in  medio  ipsorum,  et  flebant,  et  dolebant  ea  de  re. 
Josephus  autem  sacerdos  stabat  cum  eis.  Tunc  lamentatus  est  Josephus 
lamentationem  banc  iterum  super  Jerusalem.  Et  prolocutus  est  Josephus  alte 
proferens  vocem  lamentationis,  et  dixit,  &c.  c.  82.  p.  362,  &c. 

"  Tunc  temporis  jussit  populum  suum  discedere  a  muro  extra  urbem,  et 
cessare  a  bello  per  aliquot  dies,  ut  clamaret  pacem  in  auribus  Judaeorura.  cap. 
84.  p.  369—377.  et  cap.  85.  p.  378—385. 

"  Nunc  autem  videte  malum  vestrum  esse  maximum,  et  quod  Jehova  non 
sit  in  medio  vestri,  quia  propter  bella,  quae  geritis  unusquisque  cum  fratre  sue, 
mox  brevi  siccatae  sunt  apud  vos  aquae  Siloe.  At  vero  in  castris  Gentium, 
quando  congregatae  sunt  contra  vos,  ecce  aquae  Siloe  redundant,  et  fluunt  instar 
torrentis,  et  fluvii  magni  pleni  super  omnes  margines  suos.  cap.  85.  p.  383.  m. 

"  Porro,  quamvis  ego  sim  in  castris  Romanorum,  tamen  reputor  idem,  ac 
si  essem  vobiscum  ;  quia  ecce  nunc  uxor  mea  dilectissima,  carissima,  vobiscum 
est,  uxor  nempe  juventutis  meae.  Neque  respuo  illam  ;  et,  licet  filii  ex  ea  non 
sint  mihi,  nihilominus  illam  diligo  plurimum,  cum  sit  ex  familiis  nobilissimis 
et  optimis  populi  Dei,  et  populi  virorum.  Quin  et  pater  mens  et  mater  mea, 
infelices,  paujaeres,  sancti,  senes,  provecti  in  diebus  apud  vos  sunt.  Nam  et 
pater  mens  est  centum  et  trium  annorum  hodie.  Mater  vero  mea  octoginta  et 
quinque  annorum  est  hodie.  Ego  vero  paucos  et  malos,  et  per  varias  tribula- 
tiones  et  aerumnas  sexaginta  et  quatuor  annos  exegi,  ac  nondum  attigi  termi- 
num,  qui  postulet  mortem  juxta  viam  naturae,  &c.  cap.  85.  p.  383.  fin. 


JosiPPON.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.         541 

still  considered  as  one  of  you.  For  with  you  is  my  dear 
wife,  the  wife  of  niy  youth,  whom  I  still  embrace,  thoug'h  1 
have  had  no  children  by  her.  With  you  also  are  my  fa- 
ther and  mother.  He  is  now  an  hundred  and  three  years 
old,  and  my  mother  eighty-five.  1  am  sixty-four  years 
of  age,  and  have  not  yet  attained  to  the  term  of  human 
life.' 

Many,  he-^  says,  wept  at  hearing-  him;  and  many  people 
of  meaner  rank  would  willingly  have  gone  out  of  the  city 
to  surrender  themselves  to  Titus  ;  but  the  three  leaders  of 
the  factions,  Simon,  and  Eleazar,  and  John,  prevented  them 
by  their  severe  threatenings,  and  the  strict  guard  they  kept 
over  them. 

In  ^  the  mean  time  the  famine  increased,  and  was  very 
grievous.  The  people  ate  mice,  spiders,  weasels,  serpents, 
toads  :  and  if  the  carcase  of  a  horse  or  other  beast  was 
found  in  any  of  the  streets  of  Jerusalem,  multitudes  contended 
for  it. 

Titus '^  continues  his  attacks,  but  the  Jews  gain  great 
advantages  over  him.  They  killed  a  great  number  of  his 
men,  and  destroyed  his  platforms,  which  gave  him*^  great 
concern. 

Soon  after  that, '  Titus,  as  this  author  says,  received  nu- 
merous recruits  from  all  nations  and  countries  subject  to 
the  Roman  empire.  At  their  arrival,  Titus  represents  to 
their  [generals  and  chief  men  the  state  of  things,  and  how 
the  Jews  had  prevailed,  and  still  had  great  strength  remain- 
ing. These  recruits,  however,  are  very  willing  to  engage 
with  the  Jews:  and  ^  outof  the  vast  numbers  of  fresh  men, 

y  Cum  ergo  audivisset  populus  verba  Josephi  sacerdotis,  fleverunt  plurimum 
-Et  quidetn  sumniopere  optabat  plebs  iiifima  exire  ad  Titum,  et  pacem 


inire  cum  illo  juxta  consilium  Josephi.  Sed  astabant  Simon,  Eleazarus,  et 
Jochanan,  principes  latronum,  et  praeposuerunt  viros  fortissimos  ad  portas 
&C.C.  86.  p.  385. 

*  Interea  fames  ingravescebat  in  Jerusalem Crescebat  autem  malum 

eo  usque,  ut  populus  comederet  omne  genus  reptilium  ten'ae  a  mure  usque  ad 

araneara,  et  ad  serpentem,  et  mustellam,  et  bufonem. Si  forte  inveniretur 

in  Jerusalem  cadaver  equi,  aut  cadvercujuslibet  bestise,  multi  ex  Israel  inter  se 
pugnabant,  et  mortui  corruebant,  dum  pugnarent  super  cadaver  bestiae,  aut 
super  cadaver  ferae cap.  86.  p.  385,  386. 

»  Cap.  87.  p.  388—391.  "  Cap.  88.  p.  391,  392. 

^  Eo  tempore  congregatae  sunt  innumerae  turbae  ex  omnibus  gentibus,  et 
venerunt  contra  Jerusalem  in  auxilium  Romanorum  ex  omnibus  dominiis  Cae- 

sareae  dignitatis  ad  Romam  pertinentibus Narravit  autem  Titus  senioribus 

gentium,  quae  sibi  venerant  in  auxilium,  ea  omnia,  quae  sibi  contigerant  dum 

oppugnavit  Jerusalem Narravit  etiam,  quomodo  perdiderant  milites  suos, 

et  principes  suos, omnesque  machinassuasdirutrices,  et  omnia  instrumenta 

belli,  quae  secum  habebat,  corruperant.  cap.  88.  p.  393,  394. 

■^  Electisunt  itaque  ex  turmis  nationum  illarum  octoginta  raillia  virorum. 


542  Jewish  Testimonies. 

supposed  to  be  capable  of  doing  more  than  the  Romans 
who  were  fatigued  and  worn  out,  and  discouraged  with  the 
fatig"ues  of  a  long' siege,  were  selected  eighty  thousand  men, 
Macedonians,  Britons,  Syrians,  Africans,  Burgundians,  Per- 
sians, Chaldeans.  All  these,  without  any  Romans  joined 
with  them,  marched  in  order  toward  Jerusalem,  and  encamp- 
ed near  it.  And  then  they  began  to  attack  the  wall,  and  to 
fight  with  the  Jews  that  were  u[)on  it. 

*  Now  *■  the  three  leaders  within  the  city,  John,  and  Simon, 
and  Eleazar,  consult  together  between  themselves,  and  with 
their  friends,  Mhat  was  best  to  be  done.  It  was  agreed  that 
two  should  go  out  of  the  city,  and  the  other  abide  within. 
John  then  and  Eleazar  Avent  out,  having  with  them  fifteen 
hundred  of  the  most  valiant  of  their  men.  They  prevailed 
and  slew  their  enemies  with  the  edge  of  the  sword  from 
morning  to  evening'.  The  day  on  which  this  battle  was 
fought,'  he  says,  '  was  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Thebet, 
which  was  the  tenth  month  from  the  arrival  of  Titus  before 
Jerusalem.  And  they  slew  of  the  hosts  of  the  Gentiles  se- 
ven-and-fifty  thousand  and  five  hundred.  They  took  cap- 
tive three  thousand  of  their  chiefs,  putting  the  rest  to  flight. 
Of  the  Jews  there  fell  on  that  day  seven  men.  And  they 
brought  ofl^  their  dead  and  their  wounded  to  Jerusalem  : 
where  they  buried  their  dead,  that  the  uncircumcised  might 
not  insult  them.' 

'  Whereupon  ^  John  and  Eleazar  returned  to  Jerusalem 

scilicet  decern  millia  Macedonum,  viginti  miliia  virorum  Britanniae,  quinque 
millia  Syrorum,  decern  millia  virorum  Africae,  decern  millia  fortissimorum  ex 
viris  Borgoniae,  qumque  millia  de  filiis  Cedar,  decern  millia  militum  ex  fortis- 
simis  Persarum  et  Chaldaeorum.  Et  progress!  sunt  eo  ordine,  quo  venerunt ; 
neque  unus  Romanus  ex  illis.  Abierunt  autem  in  planitiem,  quae  erat  e  re- 
gione  sepulcri  Jehochanan,  sacerdotis  magni.  Et  cceperunt  miscere  proelia 
cum  Judaeis,  qui  erant  super  murum,  et  admovere  scalas,  cum  instrumentis 
ligneis  quibus  fegebantur,  ut  ascenderentad  eos  supra  murum.  lb.  p.  394,  395. 

•  Egressi  sunt  ergo  Jehochanan  et  Eleazarus  cum  mille  et  quingentis  fortissimis 

latronum,  et  percusserunt  turmas  gentium  plaga  gladii a  mane  diet  pugnae 

usque  ad  vesperam.  Quod  quidem  contigit  nona  die  mensis  Thebet,  qui  fuit 
decimus  ab  adventu  Titi  in  Jerusalem  ;  et  prostraverunt  ex  turmis  gentium  ilia- 
rum  quinquaginta  septem  millia  cum  quingentis.  Et  ceperunt  ex  eis  vivos  ter 
mille  principes,  caeteris  in  fugam  conjectis.  Ex  Judaeis  autem  ceciderunt  ilia 
die  septem  viri ;  et  vulneratos  suos  secum  extulerunt  latrones,  ut  illos  sepeli- 
rent,  ne  insultarent  eis  incircumcisi.     lb.  p.  395. 

f  Venerunt  itaque  Jehochanan  et  Eleazaius  in  Jerusalem  cum  fratribus  suis, 
cantantes  hymnum,  et  gratiarum  actiones  Jehovae.    Reliquiae  autem  fugientium 

ex  turmis  nationum  illarum  reversae  sunt  ad  castra  Titi  cum  ignominia 

Postridie  latrones  accepemnt  tria  millia  principuni,  quos  comprehenderant 
vivos,  effoderunt  unicuique  eorum  oculum,  manumque  amputaverunt,  atque 
itd  remiserunt  eos  ad  castra  Titi,  ut  ipsi  assent  dedecori  et  opprobrio.  lb. 
p.  395. 


JosiPPON.      Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalejyi.     A.  D.  930.         543 

with  their  brethren,  singing-  a  hymn  of  triumph,  and  ottering 
praises  to  Jeliovah.     The  rest  of  those  nations  returned  to 

the  camp  of  Titus  in  shame  and  confusion. The  day  after, 

the  robbers  took  the  three  thousand  chiefs,  whom  they  had 
brought  captives,  and  put  out  an  eye  of  every  one  of  them, 
and  also  cut  oft*  one  of  their  hands,  and  so  sent  them  back  to 
the  camp  of  Titus.' 

All  tiction,  surely;  without  any  ground  or  authority 
from  Josephus,  or  any  other  ancient  writer  that  we  know 
of!  We  here  plainly  see  that  the  author  was  an  artful  man. 
He  knew  how  to  flatter  and  please  his  own  nation.  And 
he  has  obtained  his  end.      He  is  in  admiration  m  ith  them. 

At  thats  time  Titus  consulted  with  his  generals  and  sol- 
diers, and  his  whole  army,  that  it  might  be  determined  what 
M'as  best  to  be  done,  especially  considering  the  strength 
and  fortitude  of  the  Jewish  people.  After  a  long  consulta- 
tion, the  opinion  of  Titus,  which  he  was  resolved  to  adhere 
to,  was,  that  the  siege  of  the  city  should  be  continued  with- 
out making  any  attacks  upon  it.  'For,'  says  he,  'their 
provisions  fail  already,  and  will  be  all  speedily  consumed. 
Moreover,  they  will  quarrel  among  themselves,  and  thus 
hasten  their  ruin;  and  we  shall  overcome.' 

'  And  indeed,'  says''  this  writer,  '  the  famine  prevailed 
greatly.  And  if  it  had  not,  the  city  could  not  have  been 
broken  up  nor  taken  for  ever  :  for  the  valiant  of  Israel  were 
"  swifter  than  eagles,  and  stronger  than  lions,"  2  Sam.  i.  23. 
But  the  famine  consumed  them.  The  streets  were  filled 
with  dead  bodies  ;  nor  were  there  any  to  bury  them.  And 
when  Titus  saw  the  dead  cast  out  from  the  city,  like  dung- 
upon  the  earth,  he  was  much  afl^ected  at  the  sight;  and  lift- 
ing up  his  hands  to  heaven,  he  fell  down  upon  his  knees 
and  said  :  "  This  is  not  my  work."  He  had  desired  peace: 
but  the  people  would  not  accept  of  it.' 

Tn '  the  following,  the  eighty-ninth  chapter,  is  an  account 

8  Eo  tempore  Titus  consilium  inivit  cum  principibus  et  railitibus  suis,  et 
cum  filiis  populi  sui  Romanis,  et  cum  populo  omnium  nationum,  quae  cum 
eis  convenerant,  dicens:  Quid  faciemus  contra  Israelem.et  contra  fortitudmem 

ejus  ? At  consilia  eorum  omnium  contemtui  fuerunt  coram  Tito 

Dixit  ergo  eis  Titus,  Hoc  est  consilium  meum,  quod  a  me  ipso  juxta  rectara 
rationem  profertur,  neque  ab  eo  recedara.  Cedo,  teneamus  urbem  banc  ob- 
sessara,  neve  oppugnemus  illam  amplius.  Victus  enim  et  commeatus  eorum 
omnino  defecerunt,  neque  cibus  est  apud  illos.  Haud  dubium,  quin  fames 
ilios  consumtura  est :  neque  etiam  dubium  est,  quin,  quando  viderint  nos  non 
amplius  miscere  proelia  cum  illis,  ipsi  proelia  misceant  inter  se,  unusquisque 
adversus  fratrem  suum. ^Ib.  395,  396. 

''  Porro  nisi  grassata  fuisset  fames  in  Jerusalem,  nunquam  perrupta  fuisset 
urbs,  neque  capta  in  aeternum.  Fortes  enim  Israel  erant  velociores  aquilis,  et 
fortiores  leonibus.     lb.  p.  396.  '  Cap.  89.  p.  397—406. 


544  Jewish  Testimonies. 

of  several  acts  of  cruelty  committed  by  Simon  in  putting  to 
death  Amittai,  or  Matthias,  and  others. 

In''  the  mean  while,  as  he  says  in  the  ninetieth  chapter, 
Gorion  the  priest,  father  of  Joseph,  who  wrote  this  book  for 
Israel,  to  be  a  memorial  and  testimony  to  them,  was  a  pri- 
soner in  one  of  the  towers  upon  the  wall,  bound  in  iron  fetters. 
Joseph  came  near  to  the  place  hoping  to  see  his  aged  father  : 
but  the  Jews  cast  stones  at  him,  and  wounded  him.  And 
now  likewise,  he  at  length  gets  a  sight  of  his  mother.  She 
was  not  bound  with  chains,  though  she  was  kept  prisoner  in 
the  house  of  Simon.  But  she  got  upon  the  wall  to  see  her 
son  and  make  her  lamentations  to  him.  His  father  was  about 
one  hundred  and  three  years  of  age,  and  his  mother  eig^hty- 
five. 

It  is  observable  that  about  this  time,  after  the  slaughter 
of  Amittai,  or  Matthias,  and  his  sons,  by  order  of  Simon,  Jo- 
sephus'  also  makes  mention  of  his  father  and  mother,  as  be- 
ing- in  Jerusalem.  And  about  this  time  also  Josephus  was 
wounded  :  not  for  attempting  to  see  his  father  or  mother,  but 
as  he  was  going  round  the  city  near  the  walls  of  it,  propos- 
ing- arguments  to  the  people  within  to  surrender  to  Titus 
for  their  benefit. 

The  ^  famine  being  very  severe  in  the  city,  many  Jews  in 
good  circumstances  went  out  in  order  to  go  over  to  the  Ro- 
mans. But  it  being  found  that  some  of  them  had  gold  and 
jewels  hid  in  their  bowels,  they  were  ripped  up  by  the  Ara- 
bian and  Syrian  soldiers  which  were  in  the  army  of  Titus. 
Some  of  the  Roman  soldiers  did  the  like.  In  this  practice 
the  Arabians  and  Syrians  killed  a  thousand  Jews.  When 
Titus  heard  of  it  he  was  exceedingly  grieved  and  provoked. 
And  he  gave  orders  that  all  who  had  done  this  thing  should 

■  ^  Interea  Gorion  sacerdos,  pater  Joseph!  sacerdotis,  qui  scripsit  hunc  librum 
Israeli,  ut  esset  illis  in  testimonium,  et  m  meraoriale,  tunc  erat  vinctus  catenis 
ferreis,  et  in  vinculis  aereis  in  una  e  turribus  Jerusalem.     Ipse  autem  senex 

processerat  in  diebus,  natus  scilicet  centum  et  trium  annorum Eo  tempore 

venit  Josephus,  filius  ejus,  versus  murum  e  regione  turris,  in  qua  erat  pater  ejus 
Gorion  sacerdos,  tunc  illic  vinctus cap.  90.  p.  406,  &c. 

'  De  B.  J.  1.  5.  c.  xiii.  num.  1—3. 

"'  Porro  Judaei,  qui  egressi  fuerant  de  Jerusalem  ad  castra  Romanorura 

deglutierunt  aurum,et  argentum,  et  gemmas,  et  lapides  pretiosos Cumque 

animadvertissent  nonnulli  ex  Syris  et  Arabibus  illos  ita  facere,  indicavit  rem 

unusquisque  socio  suo Turn  apprehenderunt  illos,  et  scissis  eorum  visceri- 

bus,  invenerunt   intra   viscera  aurum,  et  lapides  pretiosos Factusque 

Humerus  scissoruin  per  manus  Syrorum  et  Arabum  mille  animarum.     Cumque 

audivisset  Titus  rem  illam  pessimam, indignatus  est,  et  accensus  est  furor 

ejusadmodum.  Tunc  jussit  comprehendi  omnes,  qui  patraverant  hujusmodi 
facinas  pessimum,  ct  jugulari,  ac  deindc  dari  omnes  facultates  eorum  Judaeis 
vivis  haeredibus  mortuorum.  Et  mortui  sunt  propter  hoc  facinus,  jussu  Titi, 
turn  ex  Syris,  turn  ex  Arabibus,  sex  millia  virorum.  cap.  91.  p.  41 1,  412. 


JosiPPON.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.         545 

be  put  to  death,  and  tliat  their  g-oods  should  be  given  to 
living-  Jews,  heirs  ot"  the  dead.  Upon  this  occasion  six  thou- 
sand Arabians  and  Syrians  suffered  death. 

A  most  unlikely  thing',  and  mere  romance!  No  general 
would  show  such  favour  to  a  resolute  people,  whom  he 
was  besieging-  with  an  army.  Josephus  says  that  "  two 
thousand  of  the  Jews  were  thus  cruelly  destroyed  by  the 
Syrian  and  other  soldiers  for  the  sake  of  the  gold  hid  in 
their  bt)dies.  He  also  says,  Titus  was  much  displeased,  and 
would  have  ordered  his  horse  to  surround  the  criminals  and 
kill  theru  with  darts;  hut  he  considered  that  the  number  of 
the  guilty  exceeded  that  of  the  slain.  He  therefore  was 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  forbidding-  that  cruelty  for 
the  future,  upon  the  pain  of  heavy  punishment. 

This  author  moreover  says,  that  '  strict  "  inquiry  was  made 
by  Titus  after  the  Romans  who  had  been  guilty  of  the  like 
action  ;  and  they  were  found  to  be  three  hundred  and  twenty 
men,  whom  Titus  ordered  to  he  burnt  to  death  in  one  pit  or 
cistern.  After  which  all  Jews  who  came  over  to  Titus  were 
treated  by  the  soldiers  very  civilly,  and  they  lived  very  quiet 
and  unmolested  in  his  camp.'  All  fiction  from  this  author's 
fruitful  invention  !  And  the  story  is  made  out,  as  it  seems,  to 
do  honour  to  his  nation,  at  the  same  time  that  their  city  was 
falling  into  ruin,  and  they  going  into  captivity  ! 

He  likewise  tells  the  story  which  Josephus  has  done,  of  the 
crucifixion  of  the  Jews  before  the  walls  of  the  city,  five? 
liuiulred  in  a  day,  and  sometimes  more,  as  Josephus  «ays. 
But  this  author  tells  it  very  diflferently  in  this  manner. 
Some  1  went  out  of  the  city  with  their  wives,  and  sons  and 

"  De  B.  J.  I.  5.  c.  xiii.  sect.  4,  5.  p.  361,  362. 

°  Fuitque  numerus  eorum,  qui  reperti  sunt,  turn  eorum  qui  fecerunt,  turn 
eorum  qui  noverant,  trecentorum  et  viginti  viroruni.  At  jussit  Titus  servis 
.suis,  et  combusserunt  omnes  in  medio  cistemse  unius.  Et  deinceps  Judsei  cum 
fiducia  in  castris  Titi  degebant,  neque  ultra  fuit  adversarius,  aut  incursus  nialus. 
Sed  quotiescumque  Romanus  inveniebat  Judaeum  aliquem  pcrplexum  aut 
errantcm  extra  castra  procul,  clam  ilium  deducens  comitabatur  usque  dum  ad 
castra  incolumem,  et  tranquille,  et  cum  securitate  bona  reduxisset.  cap.  91. 
p.  413.  P  De  B.  J.  1.  5.  cap.  xi.  n.  1. 

1  Quando  aliqui  ab  urbe  exibant  cum  uxonbus,  et  filiis,  et  filiabus,  et  par* 

vulis  suis,  ut  invenirent  herbas, Roman!,  qui  illos  inveniebant,  jugula- 

bant  natos  eorum,  et  dicebant :  Jugulemus  hos  parvulos,  ne  adolescent,  et  suc- 
cessu  dierum  pugnent  nobiscum,  sicut  patres  illorum.  Idcirco  Roniani  truci- 
dabant  infimam  plebem,  quotquot  exibant  ab  urbe,  et  suspendebant  ilios  ad 
arbores  ex  adverse  portae  Jerusalem.  Sicque  faciebant  Romani  quotidie. 
Pervenitque  numerus  occisorum  et  suspensorum  ad  quingentas  animas.  Idem 
etiam  faciebant  Simon,  Jehochanan,  et  Eleazarus,  iis  onmibus,  quos  capiebant 
ex  cohortibus  Romanorum  postquam  illos  per  insidias  circumvenerant.  Eo- 
dem  niodo  animadvertebant  in  eos,  qui  quaerebant  exire,  ut  perfugerent  ad  illo.«. 
Jugulabant  enim  eos,  etcadavera  suspendebant  super  murum  ex  ad  verso  Ronia- 
VOL.    VI.  2   N 


546  Jewish  Testimonies. 

daughters,  and  little  ones,  to  gather  herbs  for  food  ;  and  the 
Romans  slew  all  the  young-  people,  saying:  'Let  us  kill 
these,  lest  they  grow  up  and  fight  against  us,  as  their  fathers 
have  done.'  So  the  Romans  acted  from  day  to  day,  till  the 
number  of  slain  and  hanged-up  amounted  to  five  hundred. 
The  like  to  this  was  done  within  the  city  by  Simon,  and  John, 
and  Eleazar.  They  killed  and  hung  up  upon  the  walls  all 
the  Romans  which  they  could  catch,  and  all  their  own  peo- 
ple who  endeavoured  to  go  out  of  the  city,  till  they 
amounted  also  to  the  number  of  five  hundred  ;  which  when 
Titus  saw,  he  save  strict  orders  to  all  the  men  of  his  armv 
not  to  kill  any  Jews  that  came  out  of  Jerusalem.  If  any 
did  so,  they  should  be  put  to  death.  For  his  bowels  yearned 
over  Israel. 

So  says  this  fantastical  writer. 

He  computes  the  taking-  of  Antonia  to  have  been  on  the 
fifth  day  of  Sivan,  the  third  month,  on  the  eve  of  the  feast 
of  weeks,  or  Pentecost;  the  fourteenth  month  from  the 
coming  of  Titus  to  besiege  Jerusalem.  So  ^  at  the  end  of 
ch.  91. 

He  proceeds,  *  in  the  ninety-second  chapter,  to  relate  con- 
tentions and  fightings  of  the  Jews  and  Romans  at  the  tem- 
ple, or  near  it;  which  1  need  not  rehearse  particularly  : 
especially  since  it  is  not  all  exact  truth  or  matter  of  fact, 
but  exaggeration  agreeable  to  this  author's  fancy. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  *  ninety-third  chapter  he  tells  the 
story  of  Mary,  who,  in  the  extremity  of  the  famine,  killed 
her  only  child,  and  dressed  it,  and  ate  a  part  of  it.  The 
same  story  that  is  told  by  '^  Josephus :  but  their  harangues 
upon  the  event  are  difl^erent. 

In  the  next  chapter "  the  temple  is  on  fire,  and  the  doors 

norum Fuitque  numerus  suspensorum  per  manus  latronum  quingento- 

rum  virorum,  tot  scilicet  numero,  quot  suspendebant  Romani  ex  Judseis.  Ita- 
que  Titus  prsecepit  omnibus  viris  exercitiis  sui,  dicens:  Quicumque  interfecerit 
aliquem  ex  iis  qui  egrediuntur  de  Jerusalem,  morietur.  Et  quidein  ita  fecit 
Titus,  quia  flagrabant  viscera  ejus  super  Israel,  cap.  86.  p.  386. 

■■  Ut  autem  vidit  Titus  turrim  Antoniam  esse  in  laqueum  Romanis,  jussit 
Titus  ut  diruerent  illam  :  quod  quidem  contigit  in  quinta  in  Sivan,  mense  ter- 
tio,  in  vespera  festi  Hebdomadarum.  Ipse  est  mensis  quartus  decimus  ab  ad- 
ventu  Titi  ad  obsidendam  Jerusalem,  cap.  91.  in  fin.  p.  420. 

»  p.  420—431.  '  P.  431. 

"  De  B.  J.  1.  6.  cap.  iii.  sect.  4. 

'  Postridie  congregati  Romani  miserunt  ignem  in  Sanctum  Sanctorum  in 

circuitu. Mox  incaluit  aurum,  et  combusta  sunt  ligna  valvarum,  et  cecide- 

runt  in  terram,  ct  aperta  fuit  domus  Sancti  Sanctorum  in  oculis  omnium  mense 
quiiito,  nona  die  mensis,  co  ipso  die,  quo  aperta  fuerat  domus  Sancti  Sancto- 
rum in  dicbus  Chaldseorum.  Et  statim  ut  aperuerunt  Romani  portam  Sancti 
Sanctorum,  et  ceperunt  illud,  tunc  vero  vociterati  sunt  clamore  magno  mirum 
in  modura  praj  laetitia Cucurrit  autem  Titus  totis  viribus  suis,  ut  ext  ngue- 


JosiPPON.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D,  930.         547 

of  the  house  of  the  sanctuary  were  opened  on  the  ninth  day 
of  the  fifth  month,  the  same  day  of  the  month  in  the  which 
it  had  been  opened  in  the  time  of  the  Chaldeans.  The 
soldiers  rejoiced  greatly.  But  Titus  was  much  concerned, 
and  ran  towards  the  temple,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  have 
the  fire  extinguished,  calling-  aloud  to  his  men,  till  he  was 
hoarse,  and  persisting-  in  his  exclamations,  as  this  author 
says,  till  he  fell  to  the  ground  almost  dead.  And  the  priests 
at  the  temple  fought  as  long-  as  they  were  able  ;  and  when 
they  saw  the  fire  prevail,  they  threw  themselves  into  it. 
As  there  remained  no  hopes  of  preserving  the  temple,  Titus, 
before  it  was  entirely  consumed,  went  in,  and  greatly  ad- 
mired it Soon  after  that  the  Romans  set  up  their  idols 

and  images  in  the  temple,  and  offered  sacrifices  to  them, 
and  reviled  the  Jews,  and  blasphemed  their  law  before 
their  idols. 

He  now  comes  to  the  signs  and  prodigies,  foresignifying 
the  calamities  that  were  coming-  upon  the  Jewish  people, 
which  also  are  mentioned  by  Josephus'"  in  this  same  place, 
after  the  burning-  the  temple.  '  Nor"  did  the  Jews  attend 
to  the  words  of  the  signs  which  happened  in  Jerusalem, 
though  they  were  very  awful.  For  a  year  before  Vespasian 
came,  there  appeared  over  the  temple  a  blazing-  star  in  the 
shape  of  a  man,  in  whose  hand  were  drawn  swords.  The 
day  in  which  this  sign  was  seen,  was  the  first  of  the  feast  of 
the  Passover?  and  during-  the  whole  night  the  temple  was 
illuminated  as  if  it  had  been  day  :  and  so  it  continued 
throughout  the  seven  days  of  the  Passover.'  Thus  confound- 
ing, as  it  seems,  the  first  two  signs  in  Josephus,  and  making 
them  one  only,  and  likewise  representing  the  blazing-  star 

ret  ignem —Ac  tandetn  defessus  defatigatusque  corruit  ad  lerram  viribus  ex- 

haustus Postquam  itaqiie  incensa  fuit  domus  Sancti  Sanctorum,  surrexit 

Titus,  et  ingressus  in  Sanctum  Sanctorum  vidit  gloriam  domus,  et  decorem 
ejus,  et  splendorem  illius  Nondum  enim  tota  domus  incendio  consumta 

erat,  ut  pulchritudinem  illius,  et  majestatem  ejus  contemplaretur.  Tunc  dixit 
Titus :  Nunc  cognovi,  quia  non  est  hie  aliud,  nisi  domus  Dei.     Hoc  est  ha- 

bitaculura  Dei  coelorum,  et  tabernaculum  ejus Quia  magna  est  majestas 

domus  hujus,  et  magnus  splendor  majestatis  templi  ejus  longe  supra  tempi um 

Romanorum,  et  omnia  templa  nationum,  quae  vidi Deinde  surrexerunt 

Romani,  et,  extincto  incendio,  idola  et  imagines  suas  in  templo  statuerunt. 
Et  obtulerunt  eis  holocausta,  et  probro  affecerunt  Judaeos,  et  legem  eorum 
coram  idolis  suis  blasphemarunt.  cap.  94.  p.  436 — 438. 

"  De  B.  J.  1.  6.  cap.  v.  num.  3. 

''  Neque  Judaei  animum  adverterant  ad  verba  signorum,  quae  contigeruut  in 

Jerusalem Nam  anno  uno  antequam  veniret  Vespasianus,  apparuit  super 

templnm  stella  quaedara  scintillans  instar  formae  hominis,  in  cujus  manu 
gladii  districti.  Dies  autem,  quo  visum  est  signum  illud,  fuit  primus  ex  diebus 
festi  Paschatis ;  et  tota  nocte  illius  diei  templum  fulsit,  et  resplenduit  fanquam 

lux  diei ;  et  ita  factum  est  per  totos  septem  dies  Paschatis. Cap.  94.  p.  438. 

o  ^  o 


548  Jeioish  Testimonies. 

somewhat  differently  from  Josephus.  Tlien  follow  in  him 
the  other  signs  taken  from  Josephus;  but  I  shall  not  re- 
hearse them.  He  has,  particularly,  that  of  the  man  of  low 
rank,  who  for  several  years  travelled  through  the  streets  of 
Jerusalem,  with  his  mournful  denunciation  of  '  Woe  to  the 
city;'  whoniy  he  calls  Joshua,  son  of  Hananiah. 

When^  the  Romans  had  got  possession  of  the  temple,  the 
Jews  fled  to  mount  Sion.  Here  our  author  useth  a  different 
style  from  Josephus,  who  has  never  used  the  word  Sion  in 
his  writings,  but  always  describes  that  part  of  the  city  by 
other  names. 

Now  "^  some  priests  came  to  Titus  entreating  mercy ; 
but  he  would  not  grant  it,  and  ordered  them  to  be  put  to 
death. 

Now^  also  John  and  Simon  sent  messengers  to  Titus,  pro- 
posing to  surrender  to  him,  if  he  would  grant  them  their 
lives ;  but  Titus  rejected  their  proposal,  and  reproached 
them  severely. 

Whereupon '^  Titus  ordered  the  war  to  be  renewed,  and 
carried  on  by  his  army  with  vigour. 

Af*  this  time  Zarach  [or  Izates]  of  royal  descent,  and 
his  brothers,  came  down  from  mount  Sion,  and  surrendered 
to  Titus,  and  were  well  received  by  him.  Whereupon  Simon 
and  his  adherents  set  fire  to  their  goods  and  treasures  which 
they  had  left  behind  them,  that  they  might  not  come  into 
the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

Simon  *'  and  John  escape,  and  hide  themselves  in  a  cavern. 

y  Porro  quatuor  annis  ante  hsec  signa  fuit  vir  quidam  in  Jerusalem,  cfe 
popiilo  terrae,  seu   plebeius,  nonaine  Jehoshua,  filiiis  Chananiae,  et  coepit  cla- 

mare  voce  magna  die  ipso  festi  Tabernaculorura Oderunt  autem  ilium 

omnes  cives  iiibis,  &c.     Ibid.  p.  439. 

'■  Postquam  itaque  ingressus  fuit  omnis  exercitus  Romanorum  in  templum, 
diffugerunt  Judsei  ad  niontem  Sion.     Cap.  95.  in.  p.  440. 

^  Postquam  autem  libaverunt  Romani  coram  domino  suo  Tito,  ecce  pars 
sacerdotum,  qui   capti  fuerant  juxta  templum,  deprecati  sunt  Titum,  ut  seip- 

sos  vivos  servaret,  neve  interficeret Tunc  Romani  irruerunt  in  illos,  et 

mortui  sunt  omnes.     Cap.  95.  p.  440. 

^  Simon  autem  et  Jochanan  miserunt  ad  Titum  sermones  pacis  et  depreca- 
tionis,  orantes  pro  seipsis,  ut  vivos  servaret Ibid.  440. 

■^  Tunc  jussit  Titus  Romanis  instaurari  bellum  cum  principibus  latronum 

Jehoclianane  et  Simone,  quandoquidem  se  tam  pertinaciter  gerebant 

lb.  p.  441.  ^  Eo  tempore  surrexit  Zarach,  qui  quidem  erat 

de  filiis  Regum,  de  monte  Sion,  cum  fratribus  suis,  et  cum  omnibus  filiis 

seminis  regii, et  venerunt  ad  Titum,  qui  excepit  illos  cum  honore, 

et  benigne  tractavit Cum  ergo  vidissent  Jochanan  et  Simon  principes  la- 
tronum abiisse  Izatam  cum  caeteris  filiis  regis, — — abieru  it  ii  si,  et  combusse- 
runt  omnia  quae  pertinebant  ad  filios  regis,  et  incenderunt  domum,,et  omnes 
thesauros  ejus  combusserunt,  neacciperent  eos  Romani p.  441. 

"  Tunc  temporisfugientes  Simon  et  Jehochanan,in  quadam  latebra  abscon- 
derunt  sc,  quocumque  se  contulerint.     Caetcri  vero  eorum,  qui  erant  cum  eis, 


JosiPPON.     Of  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.  519 

Many  Jews  of  good  cotidition  surrender  to  Titus,  and  he  re- 
ceives theui  favourably. 

Joshua  "^  a  priest,  son  of  Shebuthi  high-priest,  conies  to 
Titus,  bringing"  with  liini  two  golden  candlesticks,  which 
were  in  the  sanctuary,  and  golden  tables,  and  divers  other 
rich  utensils  of  the  temple,  and  vestments  of  the  priests,  and 
precious  stones,  all  which  he  made  a  present  of  to  Titus,  who 
received  him  graciously. 

At  5  this  time  also  came  out  Gorion  the  priest,  father  of 
the  writer  of  this  history,  and  his  mother,  with  their  son 
Bonian.  They  came  out  of  the  house  of  Simon,  in  which 
they  had  been  kept  prisoners.  Gorion  ''  lived  twenty  months 
after  taking- the  city  of  Jerusalem.  Bonian  was  a  wise  and 
good  man.  Titus  did  not  take  him  to  Rome  with  himself, 
as  he  did  Joseph,  but  left  him  to  preside  over  the  priests 
in  that  country.  Now  also  Phineas,  a  priest,  brought  more 
of  the  holy  things  otit  of  the  temple  to  Titus.  But  our  au- 
thor blames  both  these  priests  for  delivering"  such  things 
into  the  hands  of  an  enemy  of  the  people  of  God.  How- 
ever, I  do  not  perceive  him  to  make  any  mention  here  of 
the  book  of  the  law. 

At'  that  time  therefore  was  taken  Jerusalem,  with  all  its 

et   principes   Jerusalem,  et   nobiles  Juda, statiui  atque  vidcrunt  fugisse 

Siraonem  et  Jehochananem, tunc  descenderunt et  veiiientes  ad  Tituni, 

procubuerunt  ante  faciem  ejus  in  terram Et  Titus  benigne  excepit  illos 

lb.  p.  442.  '  Sub  id  tempus  venit  ad  Titum  Jehoshua,  sacerdos, 

filius  Shebuthi,  Sacerdotis  Magni,  et  attulit  secum  duo  ex  candelabris  auieis, 
quae  fuerant  in  Sanctuario.     Avexit  autein  secum  omnes  mensas  aureas,  et 

omnia  vasa  aurea, et  crateres,  et  acerras, et  scutellas,  ac  etiam  vestes 

ministerii,  et  vestes  sanctitatis  cooperfas  auro,  et  circumcinctas  lapidibus  pre- 
tiosis,  cum  magna  copia  gemmarum Quae  omnia  donavit  Tito,  a  quo  be- 
nigne acceptus  est lb.  p.  442. 

8  Tunc  temporis  egressus  est  Gorion,  sacerdos,  pater  Jose  phi  sacerdotis 
auctoris  historiarum  libri  hujus,  de  carcere  suo,  de  turri  videlicet  domus  Simonis 
latronis,  cum  uxore  sua,  et  cum  filio  Bonian.  Is  erat  frater  Josephi  sacerdotis 
natu  minor.     Iste  quoque  Bonian  fuit  sapiens,  niagnus,  et  sacerdos  sanctus 

Nam  reliquit  eum  Titus  in  Jerusalem,  neque  abductus  fuitabeo,  quemad- 

modum  Josephus.  Vixit  autem  pater  Josephi  postquam  capta  est  Jerusalem, 
viditque  Josephura  filium  suum,  per  viginti  menses,  et  mortuus  est.  Tunc 
etiam  temporis  captus  est  Phinehas  sacerdos,  custos  cellarum  sacrarii,  in  quas 
contulerat  omnes  thesauros  sacerdotum,  et  vestes  sacerdotum  sanctas,  et  dedit 
Tito  thesaurum  unguenti  optimi,  et  aromata,  et  vestes  purpureas,  quibus  sanc- 
tificaverant  Sanctuarium  Reges  domus  secundae,  et  omnia  vasa  aurea,  quae 
apud  se  habebat  de  vasis  domiis  Jehovae.     lb.  p.  443. 

''  According  to  Josephus,  Gorion  was  put  to  death  by  the  zealots,  before  the 
siege  of  the  city  began  :  see  above,  p.  43G,  and  De  B.  J.  1.  4.  cap.  vi.  sect,  1. 
What  therefore  this  author  says  of  his  father  and  mother  must  be  all  fiction 
and  falsehood.  '  Tunc  itaque  temporis  capta  fuit  Jerusalem, 

cum  omnibus  rebus  desirabilibus  ejus.  Deinde  ascendil  Titus  in  montem 
Sion,  et  cepit  ilium.     Jussit  autem  destrui  murum  civitatis  Sion.     Jam  vero 


650  Jewish.  Testimonies. 

desirable  things:  and  then  Titus  went  up  to  Mount  Sion 
and  took  it,  and  ordered  that  the  wall  of  the  city  of  Sion 
should  be  demolished.  And  three  days  after  that,  John,  one 
of  the  princes  of  the  robbers,  being-  pinched  with  hunger, 
came  out  of  his  hiding-place,  and  surrendered  to  Titus,  beg-- 
ging-  mercy  of  him  ;  but  Titus  commanded  him  to  be  bound 
with  heavy  iron  chains,  and  gave  orders  that  he  should  be 
led  about  before  his  soldiers,  to  be  derided  and  insulted  by 
them,  and  after  seveu  days  he  was  hanged.  And  now  also, 
immediately  in  the  same  coimection,  he  relates  the  appear- 
ance of  Simon,  though  it  could  not  be  till  some  while  after- 
wards. He  was  first  brought  before  the  Roman  general 
Rupha,  or  Rufus,  and  then  before  Titus:  who  conunanded 
him  to  be  bound,  and  to  be  led  round  the  m  hole  anny,  to 
be  exposed  and  insulted  by  them,  as  John  had  been  :  after 
which  he  was  beheaded,  and  his  body  was  cut  to  pieces,  and 
thrown  to  the  dogs. 

Moreover,''  as  he  goes  on,  the  number  of  the  people  that 

elapso  triduo,  deficiebat  anima  Jehochananis  principis  latronum,  pne  fame. 
Surrexit  itaque  de  loco  ubi  latebat,  et  egressus  inde  abiil  ad  Titum,  et  corruens 
ante  faciem  ejus,  et  deosculatus  pedes  ejus  dixit  ei ;  Serva,  quaeso,  Doraine  mi 
Rex.  Tunc  jussit  lUum  Titus  constringi  vinculis  ferreis  gravissimis,  et  obduci 
ilium,  et  circumvehi  per  totura  exercitum  suum,  atque  ignominiose  tractari 

tandem  post  septem  dies  mortuus  est  strangulatus Postea  egressus  est 

efiam  Simon  lairo,  homicida  impius,  de  loco  latebrae  suae,  quia  fames  graviter 

premebat  ilium Tunc  dixit  eis  :  Venite,  et  vocate  mihi  ducem,  et  tradam 

me  illi Et  vocaverunt  Rupha, qui  tunc  erat  Rector  seu  praefectus  mili- 

tiae  Romanorum Et  sic  fecit  ille,  deduxitque  eum  ad  Titum.     Statim 

autem  ut  vidit  Titus  Simonem,  jussit  ilium  vinculis  constringi, et  abduci, 

et  circumvehi  per  totum  exercitum  suum,  et  ignominiose  tractari,  etsubsannari, 
quemadmodum  feceiant  Jehochanani.  Erat  autem  vinctus  catenis  aereis. 
Tum  denique  jussit  Titus  interfici  ilium  in  vinculis.  Itaque  amputaverunt 
illi  caput  antequam  moreretur.  Tum  dissecuerunt  eum  in  partes,  et  projece- 
runt  membra  cadaveris  ejus  canibus.     lb.  p.  443,  444. 

''  Porro  numerus  totius  populi  eorum,  qui  occisi  sunt,  quatenus  potuerunt 
cognosci  tunc  gladio  cecidisse  sive  per  Romanos,  sive  per  latrones,  ex  populo 
Judaeorum,  sive  qui  de  proximo,  sive  qui  de  longinquo  venerant  ad  festum, 
festum  scilicet  Jehovae  in  Jerusalem,  et  restiterant  illic  propter  obsidionem, 
corrueruntque  gladio  ;  numerus,  inquam,  fuit  millia  millium,  et  centum  millia : 
praeter  illos,  qui  quidem  occisi  sunt,  sed  cognosci  non  potuerunt,  ut  numera- 
rentur.  Illi  enim  tantummodo  numerati  sunt,  qui  sepulti  et  cogniti  fuerunt. 
Qui  autem  cognosci  non  potuerunt  non  recensiti  sunt  in  numerum.  Praeter 
eos  quoque,  qui  postea  mortui  sunt  cum  Eleazaro,  filio  Anani  sacerdotis,  post 
mortem  Jehochananis,  et  Simonis,  latronum  et  tyrannorum  crudeliuni. 

Numerus  autem  populi  ex  Judaeis,  qui  abierunt  cum  Tito  in  captivitatem,  et 
quos  abduxit  secum  Romam,  sexdecim  millia.  Et  abduxit  quidem  Romara 
Josephum  sacerdotem :  Bonian  vero,  ejus  fratrem,  reliquit  in  antistitem  super 
sacerdotes,  qui  remanserunt  in  Jerusalem.     Ita  enim  deprecatus  fuerat  Josephus 

frater  ejus  ;  et  suscepit  faciem  ejus,  et  ita  fecit. Nam  quoad  caeteros  ex 

eis,  quos  Titus  cepit  vivos,  ne  unum  ex  eis  vivere  passus  fuit :  sed  omnes  la- 
trones residues,  quotquot  vivos  comprchendit,  interfecit  Titus  morte  probrosa, 


JosiPPON.     Of  t fie  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.         551 

were  slain,  so  far  as  could  be  found,  who  were  killed  by 
the  Romans,  or  the  robbers,  of  all  the  people  of  the  Jews, 
who,  from  the  neighbouring-  country,  or  from  far  off,  had 
come  up  to  Jerusalem  to  the  feast,  the  feast  of  the  Lord,  and 
were  shut  up  in  the  city  by  the  siege,  was  eleven  hundred 
thousand,  beside  many  others  whose  number  was  not  found, 
and  besi(le  those  who  died  with  Eleazar,  after  the  death  of 
John  and  Simon. 

The  number  of  the  people  of  the  Jews  who  were  taken 
captive  by  Titus,  and  carried  with  him  to  Rome,  he  says, 
were  sixteen  thousand.  He  also  took  with  him  to  Rome 
Joseph  the  priest;  but  Bonian,  his  brother,  he  left  to  preside 
over  the  priests  in  that  country  ;  but  as  for  those  whom  he 
took  captives,  he  says  that  Titus  put  to  death  at  Jerusalem 
all,  and  every  one  of  them,  in  an  ignominious  manner,  ex- 
cepting only  such  as  he  reserved  to  take  with  him;  and 
them  he  caused  to  die  in  a  very  ignominious  manner  :  for 
in  all  the  cities,  where  he  made  any  stay,  in  his  return  to 
Rome,  he  ordered  some  of  them  to  be  thrown  to  lions,  and 
other  wild  beasts,  until  all  whom  he  had  taken  with  him 
were  destroyed. 

So  says  our  author.  The  number  of  the  captives,  accord- 
ing to  Josephus,  [De  B.  J.  1.  6.  ix.  3.]  were  ninety  and  seven 
thousand  ;  many  of  Avhom,  according  to  him,  were  sold  for 
slaves:  but  this,  so  far  as  I  see,  is  quite  omitted  by  our  au- 
thor, as  also  the  triumph  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  for  their 
conquest  of  Judea. 

But  why  does  he  omit  these  things?  To  me  it  seems  to 
be  owing  to  the  pride  of  his  heart.  The  temple  had  been 
burnt,  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  ;  the  whole  country  of  Judea 
had  been  subdued  by  the  Romans,  uncircumcised  and  idol- 
atrous people ;  facts  which  he  could  not  deny,  or  disown, 
however  dishonourable  and  reproachful  to  his  nation;  and 
he  has  himself  related  these  events  in  his  way  and  manner. 
But  yet  he  was,  as  it  seems,  desirous  to  save  his  nation  from 
some  circumstances  of  reproach  and  dishonour;  he  there- 
fore forbore  to  say  any  thing-  of  the  triumph  of  Vespasian 
and  Titus,  though  performed  in  the  raetroj)olis  of  the  vast 

et  ignominiosa  in  Jerusalem.  Quosdam  tamen  ex  eis  secum  superstites  asser- 
vavit,  ut  contumelia  eos  afficeret  per  singulas  urbes  transitus  sui,  cum  conten- 
deret  Romam.  Cum  itaque  profectus  est  Titusde  Jerusalem,  accepit  eos  secum, 
et  abduxit  etiam  secum  reliquumpopulum  captivitatis,  quem  captivum  fecerat 
ex  Judseis  :  cumque  morabatur  in  singulis  urbibus  transitus  sui,  dum  iter  t'aceret 
Romam,  in  quacunque  urbe  ubi  castra  metabatur,  educebat  quosdam  ex  latro- 
nibus  illis,  et  jubebat  illos  objici  leonibus,  etferis  pessimis,  ut  devorarent  ilios, 
donee  consumpti  sunt  omnes  latrones,  quos  secum  habebat.  Cap.  95.  p. 
444,  445. 


552  Jewish  Testimonies. 

empire  of  the  Romans,  and  published  and  recorded  in  pub- 
lic and  durable  monuments,  as  well  as  in  writings  of  the 
best  credit.  From  the  same  principle  of  pride  and  vanity, 
he  forebore  to  say  that  at  this  time  many  Jews,  the  people 
of  Israel,  had  been  sold  for  slaves,  to  live  in  slavery  to  un- 
ciicumcised  Gentiles:  so  it  seems  tome.  And  1  think  it 
may  deserve  to  be  taken  notice  of  by  us,  that  in  the  fictitious 
history  which  he  has  given  of  his  journey  to  Rome,  and  the 
inauguration  of  Vespasian  there,  he  has  mentioned  a  particu- 
lar, somewhat  resembling  this:  '  For  after  the  coronation  of 
Vespasian,  and  the  death  of  Agrippa,  and  his  son  Monbaz 
before  mentioned,  when  Vespasian  began  to  show  favour  to 
Joseph,  and  ordered  his  chains  to  be  struck  off,  Joseph  •  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  Vespasian  in  behalf  of  all  sons  of  Israel, 
who  were  then  in  prison  at  Rome,  entreating  that  they 
might  be  set  at  liberty;  and  upon  that  condition  promising 
that  he  would  for  the  future  be  a  faithful  counsellor  to  the 
emperor,  and  serve  him  according  to  the  utmost  of  his 
ability:  vvhich  petition  was  granted  by  the  emperor:  and 
all  Israelites  who  had  been  bound  at  Rome,  were  set  at 
liberty.'  Which  must  be  allowed  to  be  one  of  the  fictitious 
events  of  that  voyage  to  Rome  which  is  throughout  the 
fiction  of  this  writer's  fertile  invention,  who  says  what  he 
pleaseth. 

After  this  our  author""  tells  the  story  of  Eleazar,  and  his 
men  at  Massada,  but  somewhat  differently  from"  Josephus. 
He  does  not  say  that  they  determined  to  kill  themselves  and 
one  another:  his  account  is,  that"  after  the  speech  of 
Eleazar,  they  killed  their  wives  and  daughters  that  they 
might  not  fall  a  prey  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  :  and  p 

'  Dixit  veio  Josephus:  Nonne  opprobrium  niihi  est  reserari  a  me  catenas 
ferreas,  et  interim  vinciila  filiorum  Israel,  qui  mecum  sunt  Romae,  non  etiam 
reserari  tuo  jussu  ?  Si  ergo  nunc  audieris  me,  quandoquidem  inveni  gratiam  in 
oculis  tuis,  solves,  quseso,  vincula  omnium  Israelitarum,  qui  mecum  sunt 
llomse ;  et  ere  tibi  consiliarius  fidelis  omnibus  diebus,  et  inimicus  ero  inimicis 
tuis,  et  adversabor  adversariis  tuis.  Fecit  itaque  Vespasianus  secundum  ser- 
monera  Josephi,  et  solvit  omnia  vincula  omnium  vinctorum  filiorum  Israel, 
qui  erant  cum  Josepho  Romse.     Lib.  6.  cap.  78.  p.  346. 

'"  Cap.  96.  p.  447,  488.  et  cap.  97.  p.  452. 

"  Vid.  de  B.  J.  1.  7.  cap.  viii.  ix. 

"  Tunc  surgentes  viri  uxores  suas  et  filias  suas  accersunt,  quas  osculati  et 
complexi,  ita  alloquuntur.  Melius  est  in  oculis  nostris,  ut  moriamini  in  terra 
vestra  cum  sanctitate  et  honore,  quam  ut  eatis  in  captivitatem,  et  cum  oppro- 

brio  in  terram  inimicorum  vestrorum,  et  cum  idolis  gentium, et  contu- 

meiii  moriamini Cap.  97.  p.  452. 

V  Postea  egressus  est  Eleazarus  sacerdos  cum  omnibus  viris  bellatoribus  qui 
secum  erant  ex  urbe,  et  niiscuerunt  ingentem  pugnam  cum  multitudineexerci- 
tus  Romanorum,  et  occiderunt  multos  ex  eis  absque  numero.  Ac  tandem 
pugnantes  Judan  contra  proprias  ipsorum  animas,  donee  omnes  absumerentur 


JosiPPON.     Of  tlie  Siege  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.         553 

then  tlie  men  went  out  of  the  city  and  fought  witli  the  Ro- 
mans :  of  whom  they  slew  very  many,  till  they  were  them- 
selves all  killed.  '  And,'  says  he, '  here  end  the  wars  of  the 
second  house.' 

After  which  follows  i  this  author's  final  lamentation,  and 
in  a  rythmical  sort  of  poesy,  as  Gagnier"^  observes,  very 
different  from  that  among"  the  Hebrews  at  the  time  when 
thei:'  temple  was  destroyed. 

*  Woe*  is  now  unto  us! 

For  the  city  of  our  glory  is  laid  waste, 

And  the  house  of  our  sanctuary  is  thrown  down, 

In  which  our  hope  was  placed, 

And  all  the  desires  of  our  hearts. 

And  our  temple  is  consumed  with  fire; 

And  we  have  been  carried  out  of  our  country, 

And  from  the  heritage  of  our  fathers  ; 

Nor  have  we  stretched  out  our  hands  to  God, 

in  proelio  illo  raortui  pro  Jehova,  et  pro  sanctuario  ejus.  Hue  usque desinunt 
bella  domus  secundae.     Cap.  97.  p.  452. 

1  Tunc  lamentatus  fuit  Josephus,  sacerdos  Dei,  lamentationem  banc 
p.  452.  *■  Lamentatio  Ben  Gorionis  ultima,  eaque  rythmica, 

quam,  ut  Leoninae  cujusdara  inter  Judaeos  specimen  poeseos  non  injucundum, 
hie  Hebraice  subjunximus.     Et  credat  lector,  si  potest,  sine  risu,  hane  ab  ipso 
Flavio  Josepho  compositum  fuisse  tempori  templi  e.xcidii.  Gagnier.  Not.  p.  452. 
*  Vae  nunc  nobis-! 

Quia  desolata  est  eivitas  gloriae  nostrse, 

Et  eversa  est  Domus  Sanetuarii  nostri, 

In  quo  posita  fuit  spes  nostra, 

Et  omnia  desideria  cordium  nostrorum. 

Et  incensum  est  Templum  nostrum; 

Et  migravimus  de  terra  nostra, 

Et  ex  haereditate  patrum  nostrorum ; 

Neque  ad  Deum  [extendimus]  raanus  nostras, 

Ut  liberaremur  de  exiliis  nostris. 

Quae  aggravaverunt  super  nos. 

In  ilium  [commissae]  iniquitates  nostrae; 

Et  redegerunt  nos  in  captivitatem  peecata  nostra  ; 

Et  humiliaverunt  in  terram  capita  nostra  praevarieationes  nostrae. 

Sed  adhue  veniet  dies,  et  terminus 

Redemtionis;  et  adjiciet  Deus  noster, 

Ut  recordetur  juramenti  sui  ad  patres  nostros  ; 

Et  aedificabit  civitatem  nostram, 

Et  restaurabit  templum  nostrum, 

Et  coUiget  dispersos  nostros, 

Et  reducet  captivitatem  nostram, 

Et  accelerare  faciet  Messiam  nostrum, 

Et  festinabit  ad  redimendum  nos, 

Et  prosternet  inimicos  nostros, 

Et  humiliabit  osores  nostros, 

Et  perdet  et  delebit  hostes  nostros, 

Et  nos  restituet,  sicut  in  principio. 

Cap.  97.  p.  452,  453. 


554  Jewish  Tcslimonics. 

That  we  might  be  delivered  from  our  exiles. 

And  our  sins  and  iniquities 

Have  been  aggravated  upon  us. 

Our  transgressions  have  carried  us  into  captivity  ; 

And  our  apostasies  have  brought  us  down  to  the  earth. 

But  the  day  will  come,  and  the  time  of  our  redemption  ; 

And  our  God  will  deliver  us. 

He  will  remember  the  oath  made  with  our  fathers; 

And  will  build  up  our  city, 

And  restore  our  temple, 

And  gather  our  dispersions, 

And  will  bring  back  our  captivity, 

And  hasten  the  coming  of  our  Messiah, 

And  will  speedily  deliver  us. 

And  will  cast  down  our  enemies. 

And  will  humble  those  who  hate  us. 

And  will  destroy,  and  root  out  all  our  adversaries. 

And  will  restore  us,  as  at  the  beginning.' 

Here,  beside  other  things  which  an  attentive  reader  M'ill 
observe,  he  expresseth  his  expectation  of  the  rebuilding  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem.  So  likevvise,  when  he  gave  an  account 
of  Herod's  building,  or  repairing  the  temple,  he  describes 
the  rejoicings  made  upon  that  occasion:  'For'  the  build- 
ing,' says  he,  'of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  which  we  have  seen 
both  built  and  destroyed  ;  but  it  shall  be  raised  a  third  time 
in  honour  and  glory,  and  shall  be  established  for  ever.' 
And  in  like  manner  in  another"  place.  He  is  therefore  a 
good  witness  to  the  destruction  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
which  had  been  raised  after  the  return  from  the  Babylonish 
captivity  ;  in  which,  as  we  say,  the  prophets  had  foretold 
the  Messiah  would  make  his  appearance:  see  Hag.  ii.  6 — 9, 
and  3Ial.  iii.  1. 

After  his  lamentation  this  author  adds,  '  Bnt^  Titus  left  a 
remnant  of  Israel  in  the  land  of  Israel,  in  the  city  Jabne, 
and  its  towns,  and  in  the  city  Bether,  and  in  its  towns,  and 
in  Osha,  and  its  towns.'      Of  all  which  cities,  as  Gagnier" 

'  Et  laudaverant  Jehovam  cum  gaiidio propter  sedificium  Domfls 

Jehovae,  quaiii  vidimus,  et  aedificatam,  devastatam.  Sed  adhuc  reaeditica- 
bitur  tertio  cum  laude,  et  celebritate,  et  gloria ;  et  firraabit  earn  Jehova  in  aeter- 
num,  1.  6.  cap,  55.  p.  243. 

"  Cap.  65.  p.  288.  sub  fin.  et  p.  289. 

"  Reliquit  autem  Titus  Israeli  reliquias  in  terra  Israel,  in  urbe  Jabne,  et  in 
oppidis  ejus,  in  urbe  Bether,  et  in  oppidisejus,  et  in  Osha,  et  oppidis  ejus. 
Cap.  97.  p.  454.  "  Tres  illas  urbcs,  viz.  Jabneh,  Bether,  et 

Oshah,  hoc  loco  commemorat  Bcn-Gorion  noster,  non  ex  Josepho  auctore  suo, 
(jui  nihil  hie  habet  de  hac  belli  Judaici  coronide,  sed  ex  Pandectis  Talmudicis, 
ubi  fre(juentissima  illarum  mentio  occurrit.     De  quarum  urbium  situ  et  cele- 


JosiPPON.     Of  the  Sie(je  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  930.         555 

ill  his  notes  observes,  there  is  no  notice  taken  by  Flavins 
Josephns  ;  thongh  tliere  is  in  the  Tahnudical  writings ;  and 
he  refers  to  Lightfoot's  works  such  as  are  inquisitive. 

This  author  proceeds :  '  Moreover,"  Titus  reigned  two 
years  after  he  had  taken  Jerusalem,  and  then  died.  Titus 
was  a  wise  king,  and  composed  many  valuable  books  both 
in  the  Greek  and  in  the  Roman  language.  Titus  was  a 
just  and  upright  man,  and  all  his  judgments  were  in  righte- 
ousness ;  but  being-  compelled  by  necessity  he  destroyed 
and  laid  waste  Jerusalem  :  all  which  evil  came  upon  Je- 
rusalem because  of  the  robbers  which  were  in  Israel,  and 
because  of  their  wickedness ;  as  we  have  shown  in  this 
history.' 

He  here  says  that  '  Titus  reigned  two  years  after  he  had 
taken  Jerusalem,'  which  is  very  inaccurate.  Vespasian  did 
not  die  before  the  year  of  our  Lord  79  :  after  him  Titus 
reigned  more  than  two  years,  and  died  in  the  year  of  Christ 
81 :  nor  does  our  author  say  any  thing  here  of  Vespasian,  as 
he  ought  to  have  done.  But  we  must  not  stay  to  remark 
upon  the  defects  or  inaccuracies  of  this  writer;  if  we  had 
so  done  we  should  never  have  got  through  his  work  ;  and 
every  reader  is  able  to  observe  many  such  things  without 
my  mentioning  them. 

This  author  gives  a  good  character  of  Titus ;  and  he  could 
do  no  less,  after  having  before  related  so  many  favours  and 
civilities  conferred  by  him  upon  the  Jews.  Titus  also,  as 
all  know,  is  much  commended  in  the  History  of  the  Jewish 
War,  written  by  Flavins  Josephus,  from  which  this  writer 
had  all  his  materials  that  are  of  any  value.  Buty  herein 
he  differs  from  the  Tahnudical  writers,  as  Gagnier  observes 

britate  maxime  post  eversa  Hierosolyma,  consulenda  est  doctissimi  Lightfooti 
Chorographia  Terraa  Israelis.     Cap.  xv.  lii.  et  Ixxxiv.     Gagn.  Not.  p.  454. 

*=  Regnavit  autem  Titus  duobus  annis  postquam  cepit  Jerusalem,  et  mortuus 
est  Porro  Titus  rex  fuit  sapiens,  magnus  in  scientia  eloquentiae,  turn  in 
lingua  Graeca,  turn  in  lingua  Romana,  et  composuit  libros  multos  cum 
sapientia  Graece  et  Romane.  Fiiitque  Titus  vir  Justus  et  rectus,  et  omnia 
judicia  ejus  erant  cum  justitia.  Verum  necessitate  coactus  desolavit  et  delevit 
Jerusalem.  Et  quidem  desolavit  et  delevit  eam,  quia  omne  malum  ilkid,  quod 
venit  super  Jerusalem,  non  venit  nisi  per  latrones,  qui  erant  in  Israel,  et 
propter  impietatem  illorum,  uti  memoravimus.     Cap.  97.  p.  456. 

y  Hie  magna  est  discordia  Ben-Gorionem  inter  et  Talmudicos  Doctores, 
quam  non  diffitentur  ipsi  Rabbini.  Nee  deesse  tamen  asserunt  sapientes  qui 
illam  contradictionem  concilient,  quemadmodum  affirmat  R.  David  Ganz. 
Sed  quo  judicio  id  tentaverint,  judicium  sit  penes  lectorem. 

Quoad  nostrum  Ben-Gorionem,  ilium  hoc  loco  sibi  constare  fatendum  est. 
Cum  enira  in  versione  Rufini  ubique  magnas  Titi  Imp.  virtutes  summis  laudi- 
bus  praedicari  legerit,  ipseque,  Flavium  Josephum  secutus,  ilium  s«epius  multis 
elogiis  ornavisset,  non  ausus  fuit  suos  Doctores  Talmudicos  cum  famae  suse 
dispendio  sequi,  ne  videlicet  sibi  contrarius  videretur.     Gagn.  p.  456. 


556  Jewish  Testimonies. 

ill  his  notes  upon  this  work  ;  for  they  represent  Titus  as  ex- 
ceeding impious  and  profane,  as  we  also  have  seen.  How 
the  learned  Jews  can  reconcile  these  contradictions  is  not 
easy  to  comprehend  ;  but  they  continue  to  pay  respect  to  this 
author  as  well  as  to  the  Tahnudical  doctors. 

Reland,^  likewise,  in  his  Notes  upon  the  Triumphal  Arch 
of  Titus,  takes  notice  of  the  g-rievous  reproaches  and  scandal- 
ous reflections  upon  him  in  the  Jewish  writers;  whereby  they 
have  shown  that  they  are  skilful  in  the  art  of  slandering-,  and 
spare  not  when  they  attempt  it.  Moreover,  in  this  their  en- 
mity to  Titus,  they  bear  witness  to  that  great  event,  the 
overthrow  of  their  city  and  temple,  of  Avhich  he  was,  under 
God,  the  instrument. 

III.  I  may  now  make  some  general  remarks  ;  but  they  need 
not  to  be  many  nor  long. 

1.  This  writer  is  evidently  an  impostor,  a  detestable  cha- 
racter, which  cannot  be  too  much  disliked,  nor  too  much 
censured  :  he  did  not  live  in  the  time  of  Vespasian  and  Titus, 
as  he  pretends ;  nor  is  he  Joseph  the  son  of  Gorion  the  priest, 
who  was  appointed  to  preside  in  Jerusalem,  or  to  govern  iu 
Galilee. 

2.  Nevertheless  he  is  a  witness  to  the  burning  of  the  tem- 
ple and  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  conquest  of  Judea, 
by  the  fore-mentioned  emperors :  to  those  events  he  has 
borne  his  testimony,  and  his  testimony  is  received  by  the 
people  of  his  own  nation  ;  especially  by  the  learned  among 
them. 

3.  He  says  that  '  Titus  was  compelled  by  necessity  to  de- 
stroy Jerusalem,  and  that  all  this  evil  had  come  upon  Jeru- 
salem because  of  the  robbers  and  their  wickedness.' 

He  therefore  does  not  ascribe  the  calamities  which  befell 
the  Jews,  in  the  time  of  Vespasian  and  Titus,  to  their  sin  in 
rejecting  Jesus,  and  not  receiving  him  as  the  Messiah. 
Their  calamities  he  owns,  and  thereby  bears  witness  to  the 
fulfilment  of  our  Saviour's  prophecies  concerning  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  :  but  he  does  not  acknowledge  any 
guilt  contracted  by  his  people  in  crucifying  the  Lord  Jesus, 
and  persecuting  his  followers:  nor  doesJosephus  :  nor*  in- 

*  Hebnei  narrant,  sed  ex  odio  Titi,  quem  ilium  impium  vocant,  ac  si  homi- 
ncm  longe  post  homines  natos  sceleratissimum  diceres,  non  modo  veils  sacris 
sum  vasa  templi  imposuisse,  sed  et  contaminasse  adytum  impio  facinore,  in 
Gemara  Gittin.  fol.  56.  2.  Cepit  meretriccm,  eaque  inducta  in  sanctum 
sanctorum,  strafoque  legisvolumine,  facinus  patravit  super  illui  Deinstricto 
gladio  velum  perrupit,  unde  sanguis,  facto  miraculo,  missus  est,  sic  ut  exiens 

Titus  putaret  se  Deum  ipsum  peremisse Reland.  de  Spoliis  Templi  in 

Arcu  Titiano.  cap.  13.  p.  130,  131. 

*  It  is  said  by  some  learned  ineu,  that  Muiniouidcs  ascribes  the  destruction 


JosiPPON.     Concluding  Remarks.     A.  D,  930.  557 

deed  can  I  well  see  how  any  unbelieving'  Jews  can  make 
such  acknowledgments.  Rabbi  Isaac,  in  his  Muninien  Fidei 
above  quoted,  which  is  written  against  the  christians,  quotes 
John  xix.  15,  "  The  chief-priests  answered  :  We  have  no  king' 
but   Cfesar."       Upon  which   he  remarks  in  this   manner: 

*  This  ^  shows  that,  before  Jesus  was  crucified,  the  Jews  were 
'  subject  to  the  Roman  emperors.  The  emperor  here  intended 
'  was  Tiberius,  who  sent  Pilate  to  preside  at  Jerusalem,  as 
'  appears  from  the  third  chapter  of  Luke  at  the  beginning. 
'  This  may  sufKce  for  an  answer  to  an  objection  of  the  Naza- 
'  renes,  who  say  the  Jews  lost  their  kingdom  for  their  sin  in 
'  hanging  Jesus.'  This,  though  it  be  no  better  than  an  eva- 
sion, shows  the  Jewish  temper  and  principles.  I  say  it  is  no 
better  than  an  evasion.  The  Jewish  people,  as  we  know  very 
well,  were  subject  to  the  Romans  in  our  Saviour's  time: 
but  the  case  was  much  altered  with  them  afterwards.  They 
were  then  very  happy,  and  were  so  for  some  good  while  after 
that,  enjoying',  under  the  mild  government  of  the  Romans, 
the  free  exercise  of  their  relig'ion,  and  the  temple-worship, 
and  many  other  privileges.  The  distress,  and  other  circum- 
stances of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  were  very  uncommon, 
sufficient  to  raise  the  attention  of  all  serious  men,  and  the 
long' duration,  and  other  circumstances  of  their  captivity  and 
dispersion  ever  since,  are  also  very  uncommon  and  extraor- 
dinary ;  but  this  is  not  a  time  or  place  for  me  to  enlarge 
upon  them  any  farther.  But  it  is  reasonable  to  think  that 
unbelieving'  Jews  must  endeavour,  some  how  or  other,  to 
evade  the  argument  in  favour  of  Christianity,  taken  from  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  their  long-continued  captivity 
and  dispersion.  And  beside  the  passage  just  now  alleged, 
the  same  Rabbi  Isaac,  in  the  place  before  referred  to,  re- 
lating to  the  death  of  Agrippa,  says,  '  That  the  *^  differ- 

of  Jerusalem  to  our  Lord.  So  Dr.  Sharpe  in  his  argument,  &c.  p.  38,  39. 
And  De  Voisin  in  Pr.  Rugion.  Fidei.  p.  127.  Certe  R.  Mos&i  in  tract.  De 
Regibus,  et  De  Bell.  cap.  11,  propter  Jesum  Christum  excidium  Jerosolymi- 
tanuni  contigisse  fatetur. Id  est,  '  Hie,  qui  visus  est  esse  Messias,  et  occi- 

*  sus  esfrsententia  judicial!,  &c.  ille  fuit  causa,  cur  Israel  gladio  perierit,  et  reli- 

*  quiae  Israel  dispersae  sint,  et  depressae,  et  cur  lex  mutata  sit.'  But  how  this  is 
to  be  understood,  I  cannot  well  say.  I  have  not  the  tract  of  Maimonides  here 
referred  to.  ''  Haec  ibi.  Ecce  hoc  dicto  ostenditur,  ante  Jesu 
cruci  atfixionem  jam  turn  Caesares  Romanos  Juda^is  imperitasse.  Atque  is 
Caesar  [de  quo  ibi  sermo]  Tiberius  fuit,  qui  Pilatum  Hierosolymis  praefecerat, 
ceu  constat  ex  capitis  iii.  Lucae  initio.  Valebit  hoc  pro  responso  adversus 
objectionem  Nazaraeorura,  qua  clamitant,  Judaeos  propter  peccatum  suspen- 
sionis  Jesu  perdidisse  regnum  suum,  &c.  R.  Isaaci  Munimen  Fid.  p.  446. 
Conf  p.  55,  56.  ibid. 

•^  Caeterum,  ob  illam,  quae  inter  regem  Agrippam  et  improbos  duces  factio- 
sorum  exorta  fuerat  coatentionem,  denique  desolatum  fuit  teraplum,  uti  ex 
Josepho  constat.  Munim.  Fid.  p.  417.     And  see  before,  p.  538,  note  '. 


558  Jewish  Testimonies. 

'  ences  between  king-  Agrippa,  and  the  wicked  leaders  of 
'  the  factions,  at  length  brought  on  the  desolation  of  the 
*  temple.' 

4.  This  work  of  Josippon  confirms  the  history  of  the  Jew- 
ish war  written  by  Flavins  Josephus,  son  of  Matthias;  and 
it  must  induce  us  to  set  a  real  value  upon  Josephus,  and  raise 
our  esteem  for  him.  They  are  both  fond  of  their  own  peo- 
ple :  but  Josephus  was  indeed  contemporary  with  the  events 
which  he  records,  and  with  the  principal  actors  in  them,  and 
therefore  he  must  have  the  preference.  This  author  is  a 
plagiary,  and  knows  nothing  of  the  war  of  which  he  writes, 
but  what  he  has  stolen  from  another,  without  naming  him: 
and,  witli  all  his  Greek  politeness,  Josephus  has  more  the 
air  of  sincerity  and  simplicity  than  this  Hebrew  writer.  In- 
deed, it  would  have  been  a  bad  exchange,  if,  instead  of  the 
History  of  the  Jewish  War,  written  by  Flavius  Josephus, 
we  had  palmed  upon  us  the  History  of  the  Wars  of  Jehova, 
written  by  Josippon  ;  who  neither  was  the  son  of  Gorion 
who  presided  at  Jerusalem,  nor  the  son  of  Matthias  who  go- 
verned in  Galilee. 


CHAP.  VII. 


A  RECOLLECTION  OF  THE  FOREGOING  ARTICLES,  AND 
REFLECTIONS  UPON  THEM. 


I.  The  precedinr/  articles  recollected.     II.  Reflections  iipon 
them.     III.  Concluding  observations. 

I.   I  QUOTE  no  more  Jewish  *  writers.     I  therefore  now 
proceed  to  recollect  what  we  have  seen,  and  to  make  re- 

'  Some  learned  men  have  of  late  appealed  to  a  book  entitled  Toldoth 
Jeschu.  I  am  of  opinion  that  Christianity  does  not  need  such  a  testimony, 
nor  such  witnesses.  I  have  looked  it  over  several  times,  with  an  intention  to 
give  some  account  of  it ;  but,  after  all,  I  could  not  persuade  myself  to  attempt 
it:  for  it  is  a  modern  work,  written  in  the  I4th  or  15th  century,  and  is 
throughout,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  burlesque  and  falsehood ;  nor 
does  the  shameless  writer  acknowledge  any  thing  that  has  so  much  as  a  re- 
semblance of  the  truth,  except  in  the  way  of  ridicule.  I  shall  however  put 
down  here  the  short  censure  of  Grotius  upon  this  work,  though  he  does  not 
mention  the  title  of  it ;  not  thinking  it,  as  I  suppose,  worthy  to  be  named. 
'  Some  of  the  Jews  ascribe  the  miracles  of  Jesus  to  a  certain  secret  name. 


A  Recollection  of  the  preceding  Articles.  559 

marks;  but  I  need  not  recollect  the  first  two  chapters:  I 
hope  tliey  have  not  been  improperly  premised  to  this  work  ; 
but  they  need  not  to  be  brought  in  here  in  the  way  of  reca- 
pitulation and  recollection  :  1  shall  recollect  only  what  we 
have  seen  in  Jewish  writers,  beginning  m  ith  Josephus. 

Two  things  are  to  be  regarded  by  us — their  testiniony  to 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 

In  Josephus  there  is  a  paragraph  «  here  Jesus  is  men- 
tioned very  honourably,  and  agreeably  to  his  true  charac- 
ter: but  it  is  not  universally  received  by  learned  men  as 
getiuine.  Many  are  rather  ot'  opinion  that  it  has  been  in- 
serted in  his  works  since  his  time. 

There  is  in  him  another  paragraph  concerning"  John  the 
Baptist,  which  is  generally  received  as  genuine:  and  it  is  a 
valuable  testimony  to  his  preaching,  and  therein  calling 
men  to  the  practice  of  virtue.  He  likewise  says  that  he  was 
put  to  death  by  Herod  the  tetrarch  ;  but  he  says  nothing  of 
that  part  of  his  character,  that  he  appeared  as  the  forerunner 
of  the  Messiah. 

He  likewise  acknowledgeth  that  there  wag  then  in  Judea 
a  general  expectation  of  a  great  person  to  arise  from  among 
them,  who  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world  ;  and  that 
this  expectation  was  one  great  occasion  of  the  war  with  the 
Romans,  and  that  it  was  built  upon  an  oracle  found  in  their 
sacred  writings  ;  and  that  many  of  their  wise  men  embraced 
it,  and  acted  upon  it  in  their  engaging  in  the  war.  He  has 
also  spoken  of  many  false  prophets  who  appeared  at  that 
time,  promising  great  advantages  to  the  people  if  they  would 
follow  them,  and  that  many  were  deceived  by  them.  If  they 
did  not  call  themselves  Christs,  as  well  as  prophets,  they 
did  in  effect  take  upon  them  the  character  of  the  Messiah. 

In  the  Mishna  it  is  allowed  that  there  is  no  express  men- 
tion of  Jesus  Christ,  the  design  of  that  work  being  to  make 
a  collection  of  the  numerous  traditions  which  hitherto  were 
unwritten  ;  but  I  have  alleged  a  paragraph  ^  which  I  think 
contains  an  invidious  representation  of  the  state  of  things 
under  the  gospel  dispensation,  in  the  second  century. 

'  which  was  put  in  the  temple  by  Solomon,  and  kept  by  two  lions,  for  above 

*  a  thousand  years,  but  was  conveyed  thence  by  Jesus ;  which  is  not  only  false, 

*  but  an  impudent  fiction,  [non  mendaciter  modo,  sed  et  impudenter  confictum 
'  est.]     For,  as  to  the  lions,  so  remarkable  and  wonderful  a  thing,  neither  the 

*  books  of  the  Kings,  nor  the  Chronicles,  nor  Josephus,  mention  anything  of 

*  them.  Nor  did  the  Romans,  who  before  the  limes  of  Jesus  entered  the  tem- 
'  pie  with  Pompey,  find  any  such  thing.'  Grotius,  Of  the  Truth  of  the  Chris- 
tian Religion.  B.  5.  sect.  iv.  in  the  version  of  Dr.  John  Clarke.  And  I  refer 
to  Wagenseil's  Confutation  of  the  Toldoth  Jeschu. 

''  See  above,  p.  511 — 516 


560  Jewish  Testimonies. 

In  the  Talmudical  M-ritings  Jesus  is  mentioned  :  but  a» 
Lig'htfoot,  who  was  Mell  acquainted  with  theni,  says,  it  was 
chiefly  with  a  view  to  wound  and  reproach  him.  They  call 
his  mother  by  the  name  Mary  ;  but  they  have  aspersed  her 
character,  and  have  assigned  to  Jesus  a  spurious  nativity. 
They  have  mentioned  several  of  our  Saviour's  disciples,  who, 
as  they  say,  were  put  to  death.  They  say  our  Saviour 
suffered  as  a  malefactor  at  one  of  the  Jewish  Passovers,  or 
in  the  eve  of  it,  as  the  expression  is.  They  seem  in  some 
places  to  acknowledge  the  power  of  miracles  in  Jesus  and 
his  disciples:  and  if  they  had  not  known  that  many  miracu- 
lous works  were  ascribed  to  him,  they  would  not  have  in- 
sinuated that  he  learned  magical  arts  in  Egypt,  and  brought 
them  thence  in  a  private  manner,  and  then  set  up  himself 
among  his  countrymen  as  an  extraordinary  person. 

That  is  the  sum  of  their  testimony  upon  this  article.  It 
would  be  in  vain  to  expect  a  great  deal  from  Jews  upon 
this  head,  who  are  our  enemies.  Such  are  their  prejudices, 
that  they  are,  and  always  have  been,  the  most  inveterate 
enemies  of  Jesus  and  his  followers. 

Concerning  the  other  point,  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
their  testimony  is  more  material,  indeed  very  valuable.  Jo- 
sephus,  without  intending  it,  has  borne  testimony  to  the  ful- 
filment of  all  our  Saviour's  predictions  concerning  the  mi- 
series of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  the  desolation  of  the  land  of 
Judea,  and  the  dispersion  of  his  nation.  We  have  above 
transcribed  his  account  at  large.  His  testimony  has  been 
repeated,  with  some  variations,  in  Josippon's  History  of  the 
Jewish  War:  and  the  JMishna,  and  the  Talmuds  likewise, 
acknowledge  the  conquest  of  Judea  by  Vespasian  and 
Titus,  the  burning  of  the  temple,  or  the  second  house,  and 
the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem,  which  Avas  dug  up  to  the  foun- 
dation. 

II.  But  how  should  this  be?  How  could  this  come  to 
pass?  What  should  be  the  reason  of  it?  Does  not  this  de- 
serve serious  consideration?  Amos  iii.  6,  "Shall  there  be 
evil  in  a  city,  and  the  Lord  has  not  done  it  ?"  Such  things 
are  not  the  effect  of  chance,  but  are  owing  to  the  direction 
of  Providence.  Is.  xlv.  7,  "I  form  the  light,  and  create 
darkness  :  I  make  peace,  and  create  evil :  I  the  Lord  do  all 
these  things."  But  if  God  inflict  calamities  upon  any  peo- 
ple, it  is  not  without  reason  ;  for  all  his  works  are  done  in 
truth.  So  again,  in  the  fore-cited  chapter  of  Amos,  ver.  I 
and  2  :  "  Hear  this  word,  that  the  Lord  hath  spoken  against 
you,  O  children  of  Israel,  against  the  whole  family,  which  I 
brought  up  from  the  land  of  Egypt,  saying:  You  only  have 


Refleclions  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  56 1 

1  known  of  all  the  families  of  llie  eartli.  Therefore  1  will 
j)iniish  [or  visit]  you  for  all  your  iniquities." 

It  is  a  reasonable  maxim:  "Unto  whom  nuich  is  given, 
of  him  shall  much  be  required  :  and  to  whom  men  have 
committed  much,  of  him  they  will  ask  the  more  :"  Luke  xii. 
48.  The  people  of  the  Jews  had  been  favoured  by  God 
with  many  privileges  ;  a  suitable  improvement  might  be  ex- 
pected ;  if  they  transgress  the  laws  of  God,  their  punish- 
ment will  be  exemplary  :  nor  could  any  thing  else  but  sin 
alienate  the  mind  of  God  from  them.  Is.  lix.  1,2:  "  Be- 
hold the  Lord's  hand  is  not  shortened  that  it  cannot  save  : 
neither  is  his  ear  heavy  that  it  cannot  hear.  But  your  ini- 
quities have  separated  between  you  and  your  God."  And 
Lam.  i.  8  :  "  Jerusalem  has  grievously  sinned  ;  therefore  she 
is  removed."  According  to  the  declarations  of  Moses  and 
all  the  prophets,  the  prosperity  and  adversity  of  this  people 
would  be  proportionate  to  their  regard  or  disregard  of  the 
laws  of~  God  ;  for  this  I  refer  to  Leviticus,  ch.  xxvi,  and 
Isaiah,  ch.  i.  And  I  shall  make  quotations  from  the  book  of 
Deuteronomy,  ch,  xxviii.  1,2:  "  And  it  shall  come  to  pass, 
if  thou  shall  hearken  diligently  unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord 
thy  God,  to  observe  and  do  all  his  commandments  which  I 
command  thee  this  day,  that  the  Lord  thy  God  will  set  thee 
on  high  above  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  And  all  these 
blessings  shall   come  on  thee,   and   overtake  thee,   if  thou 

shalt  hearken  unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord  thy  God ver. 

15.  But  it  shall  come  to  pass,  if  thou  wilt  not  hearken 
unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord  thy  God,  to  observe  to  do 
all  his  commandments,  and  his  statutes,  which  I  com- 
mand thee  this  day,  that  all  these  curses  shall  come  upon 
thee,  and  overtake  thee:  25.  The  Lord  shall  cause  thee  to 
be  smitten  before  thine  enemies.  Thou  shalt  go  out  one 
way  against  them,  and  fiee  seven  ways   before   them,  and 

shalt  be  removed  into  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth 

ver.  37.  And  thou  shalt  become  an  astonishment,  a  proverb 
and  a  !)y-word  among  all  the  nations,  whither  the  Lord  shall 
lead  thee — — ver.  49,  50.  The  Lord  shall  bring  a  nation 
against  thee  from  far  from  the  end  of  the  earth,  [as  swift] 
as  the  eagle  flieth,  a  nation,  whose  tongue  thou  shalt  not 
understand:  a  nation  of  fierce  countenance,  which  shall  not 
regard  the  person  of  the  old,  nor  show  favour  to  the  young: 

ver.  52^ — 59.  And  he  shall  besiege  thee  in  all  thy  gates, 

until  thy  high  and  fenced  walls  come  down,  wherein  thou 
trustedst  throughout  all  thy  land.  And  he  shall  besiege 
thee  in  all  thy  gates,  throughout  all  thy  land,  which  the 
Lord  thy  God  hath  given  thee.      And  thou  shalt  eat  the 

VOL.   VI.  2   o 


562  Jewish  Testimonies. 

fruit  of  thine  own  body,  the  flesh  of  thy  sons  and  thy 
daughters,  wliich  the  Lord  thy  God  hath  given  thee,  in  the 
siege,  and  in  the  straitness  wherewith  thy  enemies  shall 
distress  thee.  So  tiiat  the  man,  who  is  tender  among  you, 
and  very  delicate,  his  eye  shall  be  evil  toward  his  brother, 
and  toward  the  wife  of  his  bosom,  and  toward  the  remnant 
of  his  children  wliich  he  shall  leave:  so  that  he  will  not 
give  to  any  of  them  of  the  flesh  of  his  children,  which  he 
shall  eat:  because  he  has  nothing  left  him  in  the  siege,  and 
in  the  straitness  wherewith  thine  enemies  shall  distress  thee 
in  all  thy  gates.  The  tender  and  delicate  woman  among-  you 
which  would  not  adventure  to  set  the  sole  of  her  foot  upon 
the  ground,  for  delicateness  and  tenderness,  her  eye  shall  be 
evil  toward  the  husband  of  her  bosom,  and  toward  her  son, 
and  toward  her  daughter,  and  toward  her  young  one  that 
Cometh  from  between  her  feet,  and  toward  her  children  which 
she  shall  bear.  For  she  shall  eat  them  for  the  want  of  all 
things  secretly  in  the  siege,  and  straitness,  wherewith  thine 
enemy  shall  distress  thee  in  thy  gates.  If  thou  wilt  not  ob- 
serve to  do  all  the  words  of  this  law,  which  I  have  written  in 
this  book,  that  thou  nmyest  fear  this  glorious  and  fearful  name, 
the  Lord  thy  God  ;  then  the  Lord  will  make  thy  plagues 
wonderful,  and  the  plagues  of  thy  seed,  even  great  plagues, 
and  of  long  continuance,  and  sore  sicknesses,  and  of  long- 
continuance." 

We  may  be  hence  apt  to  think  that  Moses  foresaw  the 
distresses  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
70,  and  all  the  calamities  endured  by  the  Jewish  people 
about  that  time,  throughout  their  whole  land,  and  their  dis- 
persion afterwards.  If  he  did  not  foresee  them,  the  words 
spoken  by  him  were  then  fulfilled  ;  and  all  the  calamities 
which  then  befell  the  Jewish  people,  or  have  since  befallen 
them,  are  exactly  according  to  the  original  plan  of  Divine 
Providence  concerning  them. 

When  the  law  of  the  ten  commandments  was  delivered  at 
mount  Sinai,  the  people  were  greatly  terrified  ;  and  they 
earnestly  requested  that  God  might  speak  to  them  no  more 
in  that  way;  if  he  would  be  pleased  to  speak  to  them  by 
Moses,  they  engaged  to  hear  and  obey  him.  God  accepted 
of  this  recjuest,  and  assured  them  that  for  the  future  he 
would  reveal  his  mind  to  them  in  a  more  familiar  maimer: 
he  M'ould  speak  unto  them  by  Moses,  and  af'lerwards  by 
prophets  like  unto  hiui  :  and  that  there  might  be  no  room 
for  mistake,  deceit,  or  delusion,  he  would  fuinish  those, 
whom  he  should  send  unto  ihcm,  with  sufficient  credentials 
of  their  mission.     If  any  should  come  to  them  in  his  name 


Rejkctions  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  563 

without  such  credentials,  they  might  be  slighted  and  de- 
spised ;  but  if  they  came  with  proper  credentials,  they  ought 
to  be  heard  and  obeyed  ;  and  if  not,  it  woubl  be  rcsente<l. 
This  is  related  several  times  in  the  books  of  Moses,  and  de- 
serves to  be  attended  to  by  us. 

Ex.  XX.  IN,  1.0  :  "  And  all  the  people  saw  the  thunder- 
ing, and  (he  lightnings,  and  the  noise  of  the  trumpets,  and 

the   mountain   smoking.' And    they   said    unto    Moses: 

Speak  thou  with  us,  and  we  will  hear:  but  let  not  God 
speak  with  us,  lest  \\c  die." 

Deut.  V.  22 — 29,  "  These  words  the  Lord  spake  unto  all 
your  assembly  in  the  mount,  out  of  the  midst  of  the  fire  of 
the  cloud,  and   of  the  thick  darkness,  with   a  great  voice 

And  it  came  to  pass,  when  ye  heard  the  voice  out  of  the 

midst  of  the  darkness,  (for  the  mountain  did  burn  with  fire,) 
that  ye  came  near  unto  me,  even  all  the  heads  of  your 
tribes  and  your  elders.  And  ye  said  :  Behold,  the  Lord  our 
Cod    has  shown   us   his  glory,  and   his  greatness,  and  we 

have  heard  his  voice  out  of  the  midst  of  the  fire Now 

therefore,  why  should  we  die  ?  For  this  great  fire  will  con- 
sume us.  If  we  hear  the  voice  of  the  Lord  our  God  any 
more  we  shall  die — — Go  thou  near,  and  hear  all  that  the 
Lord  our  God  shall  say,  and  speak  thou  unto  us  all  that  the 
Lord  our  God  shall  speak  unto  thee,  and  we  will  hear,  and 
do  it.  And  the  Lord  heard  the  voice  of  your  words  when 
ye  spake  unto  me,  and  the  Lord  said  unto  me,  I  have  heard 
the  voice  of  the  Mords  of  this  people  which  they  have 
spoken  unto  thee  ;  they  have  well  said  all  that  they  have 
spoken  ;  O  that  there  Mere  such  an  heart  in  them,  that  they 
would  fear  me,  and  keep  all  my  commandments  always,  that 
it  might  be  well  with  them,  and  Avith  their  children  for 
ever!"  Which  words  are  supposed  to  be  wonderfully 
emphatical,  expressive  of  a  most  ardent  wish  and  desire. 

Once  more,  Deut.  xviii.  15 — 18,  "The  Lord  thy  God  will 
raise  up  to  thee  a  prophet,  from  the  midst  of  thee,  of  thy 
brethren,  like  unto  me:  unto  him  shall  ye  hearken.  Ac- 
cording to  all  that  thou  desiredst  of  the  Lord  thy  God  in 
Horeb,  in  the  day  of  the  assembly,  saying,  Let  me  not  hear 
again  (he  voice  of  the  Lord  thy  God,  neither  let  me  see  this 
great  fire  any  more,  that  1  die  not.  And  the  Lord  said  unto 
me,  They  have  well    spoken  that  which  they  have  spoken 

T    will    raise   them  up  a    prophet    from  among-  their 

brethren,"  and  what  follows. 

Here  is  the  origin  of  the  prophetical  character  ;  men  sent 
from  God  with  a  special  commission  to  declare  to  muikitid 
his  mind  and  will.     And  from  the  occasion  of  this  institution 

2  o  2 


564  Jeivisli  Testimonies. 

(the  great  terrors  of  mount  Sinai,  and  the  request  thereupon 
made)  it  mig-ht  be  argued  that,  if  ever  a  prophet  should 
arise  among-  the  people  of  Israel,  like  unto  Moses,  and  meek- 
er than  he,  and  if  his  miracles,  the  signs  and  proofs  of  his 
mission,  should  be  more  universally  saving  and  beneficent 
than  those  of  Moses,  it  should  not  be  any  disadvantage  to 
him,  nor  lessen  the  respect  fit  to  be  shown  unto  him. 

We  proceed  in  considering  the  texts  lying  before  us. 

Deut.  xviii.  18 — 22.  Says  God  to  Moses:  "I  will  raise 
them  up  a  prophet  from  among  their  brethren,  like  unto 
thee,  and  will  put  my  words  in  his  mouth,  and  he  shall  speak 
imto  them  all  that  I  shall  command  him.  And  it  shall  come 
to  pass,  that  whosoever  will  not  hearken  to  my  M^ords, 
which  he  shall  speak  in  my  name,  /  loill  require  it  of' him. 
But  the  prophet  which  shall  presume  to  speak  a  word  in 
my  name,  which  I  have  not  commanded  him  to  speak,  or 
that  shall  speak  in  the  name  of  other  gods,  even  that  pro- 
phet shall  die.  And  if  thou  say  in  thy  heart,  How  shall 
we  know  the  word  which  the  Lord  has  not  spoken  ?  When 
a  prophet  speaketh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  if  the  thing 
follow  not,  nor  come  to  pass,  that  is  the  thing  which  the  Lord 
lias  not  spoken,  but  the  prophet  has  spoken  presumptuously. 
Thou  slialt  not  be  afraid  of  him." 

Here  is  a  general  rule  for  discerning  the  mission  of  pro- 
phets, or  such  as  should  come  in  that  character,  as  from  God. 
It  is  a  rule  that  Mould  be  of  use  m  all  ages;  and  is  here 
delivered  for  that  purpose. 

"  If  the  thing  follow  not  nor  come  to  pass."  Those  words 
do  not  intend  any  prediction  of  some  distant  good  or  evil, 
to  come  some  Avhile  hereafter;  but  they  intend  a  prodigy, 
or  some  work  above  the  ordinary  course  of  nature  ;  which 
he  who  takes  upon  him  the  character  of  a  prophet  propos- 
eth,  as  a  sign,  or  token,  or  proof  of  his  mission.  If  the  sign 
proposed  by  any  man,  as  a  token  and  proof  of  his  mission, 
be  performed,  he  ought  to  be  hearkened  to  ;  if  it  is  not 
performed,  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  harm  from 
despising  and  rejecting*  him  ;  he  has  no  message  from  God  ; 
"  he  has  spoken  presumptuously ;  thou  shalt  not  be  afraid 
of  him." 

This  may  appear  farther  from  what  is  said,  ch.  xiii.  1,  2, 
3:  "If  there  arise  among  you  a  prophet,  or  a  dreamer  of 
dreams,  and  he  giveth  a  sign,  or  a  wonder  ;"  that  is,  propos- 
eth  some  great  work  as  a  proof  of  his  mission,  "  and  the 
sign  or  the  wonder  come  to  pass,  whereof  he  spake  unto 
thee,  saying.  Let  us  go  after  other  gods  (which  thou  hast  not 
known)  and    serve  them  ;    thou  shalt   not  hearken  to   the 


Rejlections  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  565 

words  of  that  prophet,  or  dreamer  of  dreams.  For  the  Lord 
your  God  proveth  you,  to  know  whether  you  Jove  the  Lord 
your  God  with  all  your  heart,  and  with  all  your  soul." — 
ver.  5.  "  And  that  prophet,  or  that  dreamer  of  dreams, 
shall  be  put  to  death — ■ — So  shalt  thou  put  the  evil  away 
from  the  midst  of  thee." 

Here  is  a  case  put  which  never  would  happen ;  never 
would  any  man  be  able  to  perform  a  miracle  in  order  to  in- 
duce the  people  of  Israel  to  worship  other  gods;  but  sup- 
posing' it,  he  was  nevertheless  to  be  disregarded. 

Li  all  other  cases,  the  rule  here  laid  down  forjudging  of 
prophets  would  hold,  and  was  to  be  observed  by  all.  If  a 
man  proposed  some  extraordinary  work  as  a  proof  of  his 
mission,  which  was  not  performed,  he  was  not  to  be  regarded. 
So  all  the  false  prophets,  spoken  of  by  Josephus,  who  ap- 
peared in  the  times  of  Felix,  Festus,  and  other  governors  of 
Judea,  some  while  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  in 
order  to  induce  people  to  follow  them,  in  hopes  of  deliver- 
ance from  subjection  to  the  Romans,  engaged  that  they 
should  "see  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  fall  down  before  them," 
to  give  them  easy  entrance  into  the  city ;  or  that  they 
"  should  see  the  waters  of  Jordan  divided,"  that  they  might 
go  over  upon  dry  ground ;  or  "  that  God  would  show  them 
signs  in  the  wilderness,"  and  the  like.  But  nothing  of  that 
kind  came  to  pass. 

But  if  a  prophet  gave,  or  proposed  a  sign  or  wonder  in 
proof  of  his  mission,  and  it  came  to  pass,  or  was  performed, 
it  would  be  decisive  in  his  favour.  So,  when  there  were 
murmurings  and  disputings  among  the  people  of  Israel  \\\ 
the  wilderness,  which  tribe  should  have  the  priesthood,  it 
was  proposed  that  "  twelve  rods,  each  having  the  name  of 
the  prince  of  the  tribe  upon  it,  and  another  rod,  witi'  Aaron's 
name  upon  it,  for  Levi,  should  be  laid  up  in  the  tabernacle, 
before  the  testimony  ;"  and  his  rod  which  blossomed  should 
be  known  to  be  the  man  whom  God  had  chosen.  "  Moses 
then  laid  up  the  rods  before  the  Lord,  in  the  tabernacle  of 
witness.  And  it  came  to  pass,  that  on  the  morrow  Moses 
went  into  the  tabernacle  of  witness :  and  behold,  the  rod  of 
Aaron,  for  the  house  of  Levi,  budded,  and  brought  forth 
blossoms,  and  yielded  almonds.  And  Moses  brought  out  all 
the  rods  from  before  the  Lord  luito  all  the  children  of 
Israel;  and  they  looked,  and  took  every  man  his  rod:" 
Numb.  xvii.  So  that  point  was  determined, and  the  "mur- 
murings of  the  children  of  Israel  ceased."  And  so  it  must 
be  in  all  other  like  cases.     If  a  "  sign,"  or  "  wonder,"  has 


566  .lavish  Testimonies. 

been  "  given  "  or  proposed,  and  it  is  performed,  or  "  comes 
to  pass,"  it  is  decisive. 

Here  then  is  the  rule.  If  a  man  come,  and  speak  in  the 
name  of  God,  and  prove  his  commission  by  signs  and  won- 
ders, lie  is  to  be  regarded  and  received  as  a  prophet.  And 
God  declares  "  whosoever  will  not  hearken  unto  my  words, 
which  he  shall  speak  in  my  name,  I icill  require  it  q/'him," 
Dent,  xviii.  19.  It  cannot  be  otherwise.  The  consequence 
of  disobedience  to  the  word  of  the  Lord,  so  manifested  and 
confirmed,  must  be  dreadful. 

Let  us  now  apply  this.  Jesus  spoke  in  the  name  of  God, 
faithfully  deliveied  the  Mords  which  he  had  received  from 
God,  and  performed  many  miracles  in  proof  of  his  commis- 
sion. John  xii.  49,  50,  "  For  I  have  not  spoken  of  myself: 
but  the  Father,  which  hath  sent  me,  he  gave  me  command- 
ment what  I  should  say,  and  what  I  should  speak.  And  I 
know  that  his  commandment  is  life  everlasting.  Whatso- 
ever I  speak  therefore,  even  as  the  Father  said  unto  me,  so 
1  speak."  Ch.  viii.  42,  "  I  proceeded  forth  and  came  from 
God  :   neither  came  I  of  myself,  but  he  sent  me." 

And  in  proof  of  his  mission  he  appealed  to  his  works, 
which  were  great  and  numerous,  and  openly  performed  in 
the  view  of  all  men.  John  v.  31,  32,  33,  "  If  1  bear  witness 
of  myself,  my  witness  is  not  true.  There  is  another  that 
bearetir  witness  of  me,  and  I  know  that  the  witness  w  hich  he 
witnesseth  of  me  is  true.  Ye  sent  unto  John,  and  he  bare 
witness  unto  the  truth.  36  But  I  have  greater  witness  than 
that  of  John  ;  for  the  works  which  the  Father  hath  given 
me  to  finish,  they  bear  witness  of  me  that  the  Father  hath 
sent  me."  And  ch.  xv.  24,  "  If  I  had  not  done  among 
them  the  works  which  no  other  man  did,  they  had  not  had 
sin  :  but  now  they  have  both  seen  and  hated  both  me  and 
my  Father." 

If  Moses  and  the  ancient  prophets  wrought  miracles, 
there '^  is  as  good  reason  to  believe  Jesus  likewise  did  so, 
and  more  than  any  of  them,  or  than  all  of  them  together. 
For  the  testiniony  of  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  is  as 
credible  as  that  of  the  Avriters  of  the  Old  Testament.     And 

"=  Si  quis  paganus  ab  ipsis  Judaeis  quaerat,  cur  credant  miracula  a  Mose 
facta,  nihil  dicant  aliiid,  quam  inter  suos  adeo  perpetuam  constantemque  ejus 
rei  fuisse  famam,  ut  non  potuerit,  nisi  extestimonioeorum  qui  vidissent,  profi- 
cisci.  Sic  ab  Elisseo  [2  Reg.  cap.  iv.]  auctum  apud  viduam  oleum  ;  purgatum 
[cap.  v.]  subito  a  mala  scaliie  Syrum,  hospital  [ib.  iv.]  filium  ad  vivum  revoca- 
tun),  et  similia  alia  crednnt  Judaji,  non  aiiam  sane  ob  causani,  quam  quod 
testes  bonae  fidei  id  proditum  ad  posteros  transraiserunt.  Grot,  de  V.  R.  C. 
1.  V.  sect.  ii. 


Rejlcctions  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  567 

if  it  be  said  that  Elijah  was  taken  up  to  heaven,  it*^  is  as 
credible  that  Jesus  was  raised  Ironi  the  dead,  and  afterwards 
ascended  up  to  heaven. 

Our  Lord  asserted  his  |)roj)hetical  character,  and  his  pe- 
culiar character  of  the  jMessiali  ;  and  often  reminded  the 
Jews  of  the  terrible  conse(iuences  of  rejecting- him  M'ho  spake 
ill  the  name  of  God,  or,  in  the  words  of  Moses,  that  it 
"  would  be  required  of  them."  John  viii.  24,  "  If  ye  believe 
not  that  1  am  he,  ye  shall  die  in  your  sins."  Ver.  25, 
"  They  said  unto  him,  Who  art  thou  ?  Jesus  said  unto  them. 
Even  the  same  that  I  said  unto  you  from  the  beg^inning." 
John  the  Baptist  often  said  the  same — that  "  he  was  not  the 
Christ,  but  was  sent  before  him,"  John  iii.  28;  and  see  cb. 
i.  19—37. 

But,  not  to  multiply  texts,  I  shall  quote  Matt.  xxi.  33^ — 
44,  "  Hear  another  parable.  There  was  a  certain  house- 
holder, who  planted  a  vineyard,  and  hedged  it  round  about, 
and  digged  a  wine-press  in  it,  and  built  a  tower,  and  let  it 
out  to  husbandmen,  and  went  into  a  far  country.  And  when 
the  time  of  the  fruit  drew  near,  he  sent  his  servants  to  t\u. 
husbandmen  that  they  might  receive  the  fruits  of  it.  And 
the  husbandmen  took  his  servants,  and  beat  one,  and  killed 
another,  and  stoned  another.  Again  he  sent  other  servants 
unto  them,  more  than  the  first  ;  and  they  did  unto  them 
likewise.  Last  of  all  he  sent  unto  them  his  son,  [the  Mes- 
siah,^  saying:  They  will  reverence  my  son.  But  when  the 
husbandmen  saw  the  son,  they  said  among  themselves  :  This 
is  the  heir  ;  come,  let  us  kill  him,  and  let  us  seize  on  his 
inheritance.  And  thev  caught  him  and  cast  him  out  of  the 
vineyard,  and  slew  him.  When  therefore  the  Lord  of  the 
vineyard  cometh,  what  will  he  do  unto  those  husbandmen? 
They  say  unto  him  :  He  will  miserably  destroy  those  wicked 
men,  and  will  let  out  his  vineyard  unto  other  husbandmen, 
which  shall  render  him  the  fruits  in  their  season.  Jesus 
saith  unto  them  :  Did  you  never  read  in  the  scriptures.  The 
stone  which  the  builders  rejected,  the  same  is  become  the 
head  of  the  corner  ?  This  is  the  Lord's  doing,  and  it  is  mar- 
vellous in  our  eyes :"  Psalm  cxviii.  22,  23,  "  Therefore  I  say 
unto  you  :  The  kingdom  of  God  shall  be  taken  from  you, 
and  shall  be  given  to  a  nation  bringing  forth  the  fruits  thereof. 
And  whosoever  shall  fall  on  this  stone  shall  be  broken:  but 

^  De  Eliae  vero  in  coelum  raptu,  unius  Elisaei,  tanquani  viri  omai  exceptione 
majoris,  testimonio  fideni  habeiit.  At  nos  de  Christi  adscensu  in  ccelum  duo- 
decini  proferimus  testt;.  vitae  inculpate  ;  de  Christo  post  mortem  in  terris  vise 
multo  plures.  Quae  si  vera  sunt,  veruiii  sit  neces^e  est  Christi  dogma  :  plane- 
que  nihil  a  Judaeis  pro  se  adferri  potest,  quod  noa  et  nobis  pari  aut  potiori 
jure  possit  aptari.     Grot.  ib. 


568  Jewish  Testimonies. 

on  whomsoever  it  shall  fall,  it  will  grind  him  to  powder. 
And  when  the  chief-priests  and  pharisees  had  heard  his  pa- 
rables, they  perceived  that  he  spake  of  them.  This  should 
be  compared  with  Luke  xx.  9 — 18. 

Here  our  Lord  speaks  of  the  ancient  prophets,  and  then 
of  himself,  and  shows  the  dreadful  consequences  of  rejecting" 
him,  and  his  message.  There  is  another  thing-  that  should 
be  observed,  which  is  what  our  Lord  added  concerning  the 
treatment  to  be  given  to  his  apostles  and  evangelists,  the 
prophets  of  the  New  Testament,  also  sent  to  the  Jewish 
people.  Matt,  xxiii.  29 — 39,  "  Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and 
pharisees,  hypocrites,  because  ye  build  the  tombs  of  the 
prophets,  and  garnish  the  sepulchres  of  the  righteous,  and 
say.  If  we  had  been  in  the  days  of  our  fathers  we  would  not 
have  been  partakers  with  them  in  the  blood  of  the  prophets. 
Wherefore  ye  are  witnesses  to  yourselves  that  ye  are  the 
children  of  them  who  slew  the  prophets.  Fill  ye  up  then 
the  measure  of  your  fathers.  Ye  serpents,  ye  generation  of 
vipers,  how  can  ye  escape  the  damnation  of  hell  ?  Where- 
fore, behold,  I  send  unto  you  prophets,  and  wise  men,  and 
scribes.  And  some  of  them  ye  will  kill  and  crucify,  and 
some  of  them  ye  will  scourge  in  your  synagogues,  and  per- 
secute them  from  city  to  city  :  that  upon  you  may  come  all 
the  righteous  blood  shed  upon  the  earth,  from  the  blood  of 
righteous  Abel  to  the  blood  of  Zacharias  son  of  Barachias, 
[rather  son  of  Jehoiada,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  17 — 22,*"]  whom  ye- 
slew  between  the  temple  and  the  altar.  Verily  I  say  unto 
you,  all  these  things  shall  come  upon  this  generation.  O  Jeru- 
salem, Jerusalem,  thou  that  killest  the  prophets,  and  stonest 
them  that  are  sent  unto  thee  !  How  often  would  1  have 
gathered  thy  children  together,  even  as  a  hen  gathereth  her 
chickens  under  her  wings,  but  ye  would  not.  Behold,  your 
house  is  left  unto  you  desolate.  For  I  say  unto  you:  Ye 
shall  not  see  me  henceforth  till  ye  shall  say,  Blessed  is  he 
that  cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord." 

All  this  is  properly  said  by  our  Lord  in  his  prophetic 
denunciations.  Not  only  the  rejection  of  Jesus  himself 
would  be  "required  of  them,"  but  likewise  their  refusal  to 
hearken  to  his  apostles.  For  they  likewise  were  prophets, 
and  spake  by  divine  inspiration.  They  spake  in  the  name 
of  God,  and  delivered  his  mind  and  word,  and  proved  their 
mission  by  miraculous  works.  If  therefore,  after  having- 
crucified  the  Lord  Jesus,  the  Jewish  people  should  proceed 
to  treat  in  like  manner  his  disciples,  who  were  sent  to  them; 
if  they  should  "  scourge  them  in  their  synagogues,"  and 
'  See  Vol.  i.  B.  ii.  ch.  vJ.  &c. 


Reflections  uport  the  prcoedincj  Articles.  569 

put  some  of  tliein  to  death,  "  and  persecute  tliem  from  city 
to  city,"  (as  he  foresa^v  they  would,)  they  would  then  bring 
upon  themselves,  in  the  end,  a  terrible  condemnation  :  and 
such  miseries  would  befall  them,  that  it  Mould  seem  as  if 
all  the  righteous  blood  shed  from  the  foundation  of  the 
world  had  been  required  of  them. 

And  that  they  did  so  treat  the  apostles  and  other  disciples 
of  Jesus,  appears  from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 
These  things  may  have  been  alrca<ly  taken  notice  of  by  us  : 
nevertheless  they  must  be  here  briefly  recollected.  How 
the  apostles  of  Jesus  were  apprehended,  imprisoned,  beaten, 
and  farther  threatened,  may  be  seen  in  the  book  of  the  Acts, 
ch.  iv.  and  v.  Somewhile  afterwards,  ch.  vi.  and  vii.  "  Ste- 
phen was  stoned,  and  there  was  a  great  persecution  against 
the  church,  which  was  at  Jerusalem,  and  they  were  all  scat- 
tered abroad  throughout  the  regions  of  Judea  and  Samaria, 
except  the  aj)ostles."  Some  time  after  this,  when  Herod 
Agrippa  had  been  advanced  to  the  kingdom  of  Judea  by  the 
Romans,  we  are  informed,  ch.  xii.  1 — 4,  that  "  he  stretched 
forth  his  hands  to  vex  certain  of  the  church.  And  he  killed 
James  the  brother  of  John  with  the  sword.  And  because  he 
saw  it  pleased  the  Jews,  he  proceeded  farther  to  take  Peter 
also."  But  after  he  had  been  imprisoned  he  was  n)iracu- 
lously  delivered  "out  of  the  hands  of  Herod,  and  from  the 
expectation  of  all  the  people  of  the  Jews."  St.  Paul,  writ- 
ing to  the  Hebrews,  ch.  x.  33, 34,  bids  them  "  call  to  remem- 
brance the  former  days,  in  which,  after  they  had  been  illu- 
minated, they  had  endured  a  great  fight  of  afflictions: 
partly,"  says  he,  "  whilst  ye  were  made  a  gazing-stock, 
both  by  reproaches  and  afllictions,  and  partly  whilst  ye  were 
companions  of  those  who  were  so  used.  For  ye  had  com- 
passion upon  those  who  were  in  bonds,  and  bore  joyfully 
the  spoiling  of  your  g'oods  :  knowing  that  ye  have  in  heaven 
a  better  and  a  more  enduring  substance."  And  we  have 
good  reason  to  believe  that  James,  called  the  Lord's  brother, 
the  apostle,  who  generally  resided  at  Jerusalem,  was  put 
to  death  by  the  Jews  there  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  about  the 
year  of  Christ  62. 

How  Paul  acted  in  the  early  days  of  the  gospel,  and 
whilst  he  was  under  the  direction  of  the  chief-priests  and 
pharisees,  we  know  partly  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  partly  from  his  own  epistles.  It  is  said,  Acts  viii.  1, 
that  be  *'  was  consenting*  to  the  death  of  Stephen."  And 
ch.  vii.  5S,  "When  he  Avas  stoned,  the  witnesses  laid  down 
their  clothes  at  a  young  man's  feet  M'hose  name  was  Saul." 
And  afterwards,  chap.  ix.  1,  2,  "  But  Saul,  yet  breathing  out 


570  .Tcicish  Testimonies. 

threaten ings  and  slaughter  against  the  disciples  of  the  Lord, 
went  unto  the  high-priest  and  desired  of  him  letters  to  Da- 
mascus, to  the  synagogues,  that  if  he  found  any  of  this  way, 
M'hether  they  were  men  or  women,  he  might  bring  them 
bound  to  Jerusalem."  And  in  his  speech  before  king  Agrip- 
pa,  and  the  governor  Festus,  Acts  xxvi.  9 — 12,  he  says  him- 
self: "I  verily  thought  with  myself  that  I  ought  to  do 
many  things  contrary  to  the  name  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth. 
Which  thing  I  also  did  in  Jerusalem  :  and  many  of  the 
saints  did  I  shut  up  in  prison,  having  received  authority 
from  the  chief  priests ;  and  when  they  were  put  to  death  I 
gave  my  voice  against  them.  And  1  punished  them  oft  in 
every  synagogue,  and  compelled  them  to  blaspheme  ;  and, 
being  exceedingly  mad  against  them,  I  persecuted  them 
even  unto  strange  cities.  Whereupon  he  set  out  for  Damas- 
cus, with  authority  and  commission  from  the  chief-priests." 
But  in  his  way  thither  he  met  with  a  check,  received  new 
light,  to  which  he  submitted,  and  became  a  true  penitent 
and  sincere  convert  ;  and  then  preached  the  faith,  which 
for  some  while  he  had  endeavoured  to  destroy.  Com- 
pare Gal.  i.  13 — 24;  1  Cor.  xv.  8,  9;  Eph.  iii.  8;  1  Tim.  i. 
12—14. 

How  he  was  treated  by  the  Jews,  after  his  conversion,  we 
know  from  the  history  in  the  Acts,  and  from  his  own  epis- 
tles. For  when  he  began  to  preach  the  gospel  at  Damas- 
cus, "  the  Jews  laid  wait  for  him,  and  they  watched  the 
gates  day  and  night  to  kill  him.  But  the  disciples  took 
him  by  night,  and  let  him  down  by  the  wall  in  a  basket," 
Acts  ix.  24,  25.  Of  which  great  danger,  and  his  wonderful 
escape,  he  speaks  himself  in  an  affecting-  manner,  2  Cor.  xi. 
31 — 33.  When  he  came  to  Jerusalem  from  Damascus, 
"and  disputed  with  the  Grecians,"  or  Jewish  proselytes, 
"  they  went  about  to  slay  him,"  Acts  ix.  29.  For  which 
cause  the  disciples  found  it  prudent  to  bring  him  down  to 
Caesnrea,  that  he  might  go  to  Tarsus. 

The  Jews  out  of  Judea  acted  in  the  like  manner.  At 
Antioch  in  Pisidia,  Paul  having  preached  there  with  some 
success,  both  among  Jews  and  Gentiles,  "  the  Jews,  moved 
with  envy,  stirred  up  the  devout  and  honourable  women, 
and  the  chief  men  of  the  city,  and  raised  persecution  against 
Paul  and  Barnabas,  and  expelled  them  out  of  their  coasts:" 
Acts  xiii.  50,  and  see  ver.  45.  They  therefore  went  to  Ico- 
nium,  where  also  they  had  some  converts  among  Jews  and 
Gentiles.  "  But  the  unbelieving  Jews  stirred  up  the  Gen- 
tiles, and  made  their  minds  evil  affected  toward  the  bre- 
thren— But  the  multitude   of  the  city  was  divided — And 


Rnjieciions  upon  the  precedincj  Articles,  571 

wlien  there  was  an  assault  made  both  of  the  Gentiles  and  of 
the  Jews,  with  their  rulers,  to  use  them  despiteful ly,  and  to 
stone  them,  they  were  aware  of  it,  and  tied  to  Lystra  and 
Derbe,  cities  of  Lycaonia,  and  unto  the  region  that  lieth 
round  about.  And  there  they  preached  the  gospel :"  ch. 
xiv.  1 — 7.  At  Lystra  a  great  miracle  was  wrought  by  Paul 
upon  a  "  lame  man,  who  had  been  a  cripple  from  his  mother's 
M'omb,  and  never  had  walked."  And  the  people  of  the 
place  were  disposed  to  g-ive  divine  honours  to  Paul  and 
Barnabas,  which  they  refused  to  accept.  "  But  there  came 
thither  certain  Jews  from  Antioch  and  Iconium,  who  per- 
suaded the  people.  And,  having*  stoned  Paul,  they  drew 
him  out  of  the  city,  supposing  he  had  been  dead.  How- 
beit,  as  the  disciples  stood  round  about  him,  he  rose  up  and 
came  into  the  city.  And  the  next  day  he  departed  with 
Barnabas  to  Derbe  :"  chap.  xiv.  1 — 20.  And  having  passed 
through  several  places  they  returned  to  Antioch  in  Syria, 
from  which  place  they  had  been  sent  out  with  special  re- 
commendations to  the  grace  of  God  :  ver.  21 — 28.  All 
which  things  therefore  happened  in  what  is  sometimes  call- 
ed the  first  peregrination  of  Paul  and  Barnabas. 

How  the  Jews  acted  at  Thessalonica,  may  be  seen,  Acts 
xvii.  1 — 9;  at  Berea,  maybe  seen,  ver.  10 — 15.  How  they 
behaved  at  Corinth,  may  be  seen,  ch.  xviii.  ver.  5 — 20, 
And  when  Paul  came  to  Jerusalem,  afterwards,  in  the  year 
of  Christ  58,  as  we  compute,  he  was  very  hard  pressed  by 
the  Jews  there,  where  was  their  great  council,  and  where 
the  whole  nation  was  gathered  together  at  the  feast  of  Pen- 
tecost,  as  is  related,  Acts  xxi.andxxii.  Nor  was  there  any 
visible  means  of  his  escaping  out  of  their  hands  with  his  life, 
but  by  appealing"  to  the  emperor  himself,  notwithstanding 
the  favourable  dispositions  of  the  Roman  governors,  Felix 
and  Festus,  to  show  him  equity :  by  which  appeal  he  obtained 
leave  to  go  to  Rome,  where  he  lived  two  whole  years  in  a 
kind  of  free  custody,  "receiving*  all  that  came  in  unto  him, 
and  preaching  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  those  things  which 
concern  the  Lord  Jesus,  « ith  all  confidence,  no  man  forbid- 
ding- hmi:"  chap,  xxviii.  30,  31.  And  then  he  was  set  at 
liberty,  and  went  abroad  again. 

Thus  the  Jews  resisted  the  counsel  of  God,  and  went  on 
accumulating  guilt,  and  laying-  up  a  store  of  vengeance  to 
fall  upon  them,  when  God  saw  fit,  and  when  the  measure 
of  their  iniquity  was  full.  As  St.  Paul  says  to  the  Tliessa- 
lonians,  1  ep.  ii.  14,  "  For  ye,  brethren,  became  followers  of 
the  churches  of  God,  which  in  Judea  are  in  Christ  Jesus. 
For  ye  also  have  suffered  the  like  things  of  your  country- 


572  Jewish  Testimonies. 

men,  even  as  they  have  of  the  Jews;  uho  have  killed  the 
Lord  Jesus,  and  their  own  prophets,  and  have  persecuted 
us,  and  are  contrary  to  all  men  :  forbidding*  us  to  speak  to 
the  Gentiles,  that  they  may  be  saved,  to  till  up  their  sins 
always.  For  the  wrath  is  come  upon  them  to  the  utter- 
most." 

For  certain,  such  things  cannot  be  overlooked  by  the  so- 
vereign Lord  and  Governor  of  all  nations,  and  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation  especially.  For  he  has  said,  and  it  is  agreeable 
to  reason,  and  to  all  the  rules  of  right  government,  that  "  if 
he  raiseth  up  a  prophet,  and  putteth  his  words  in  his  mouth, 
and  he  speaks  all  that  he  has  commanded  him,  it  shall  come 
to  pass  that  whosoever  will  not  hearken  unto  my  words, 
which  he  shall  speak  in  my  name,  I xcill  require  it  oj' him  ;" 
Dent,  xviii.  18,  19.  This  rule  was  laid  down  and  promul- 
gated by  Moses  himself,  the  great  lawg^iver  of  the  Jews  ; 
and,  as  before  observed,  it  was  to  be  a  standing  rule.  If 
faithful  messengers,  who  deliver  truly  the  message  they  have 
received  from  God  are  rejected,  and  not  otdy  not  hearkened 
to,  but  abused,  the  God  of  the  prophets  will  resent  it,  and 
show  his  displeasure.  Accordingly,  soon  after  the  events 
before  related,  wrath  did  come  upon  the  Jewish  people  to  a 
very  remarkable  degree.  And  the  numbers  of  those  who 
perished  at  Jerusalem  and  in  Judea,  by  the  famine  and 
by  the  sword,  and  by  intestine  feuds  and  divisions,  or 
otherwise,  was  very  extraordinary,  and  even  unparalleled, 
as  we  know  from  Josephus,  a  contemporary  writer  of  their 
own  nation,  and  from  Josippon,  a  Jew  likewise,  and  from 
others. 

Josephus,  Avho  was  a  witness  of  that  awful  scene,  often 
acknowledgeth  the  hand  of  God  in  it.  Cestius  Gallus,  pre- 
sident of  Syria,  made  a  successful  attempt  upon  Jerusalem, 
and  then  withdrew  :  Avhereupon  he  says,  '  If  Cestius  had 
'  continued  the  siege  a  little  longer,  he  would  have  taken 
'  the  city ;  but  God,  as  I  think,  for  the  wickedness  of  the  peo- 
'  pie  abhorring  his  own  solemnities,  suffered  not  the  war  to 
'  come  to  an  end  at  that  time.'  When  John  of  Gischala  es- 
caped from  out  of  the  hands  of  Vespasian,  and  got  to  Je- 
rusaleu),  he  says,  '  It  ^^  was  the  work  of  God,  who  saved  John 
'  for  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.'  In  another  place''  he 
says,  that  '  God  had  blinded  their  minds  for  the  transgres- 

*  sions  which  they  had  been  guilty  of.'     And  'Never'  did 
'  any  city  endure  so  great  calamities  :  nor  was  there  ever  from 

*  the  beginning"  of  the  world  any  time  more  fruitful  of  wick- 

'  See  before  in  this  volume,  p.  427.  «  P.  434. 

■>  P.  443.  '  P.  444. 


Rejlcctions  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  573 

*  edness.'  Again,  '  Indeed  ^  it  was  God  who  had  condemn- 
'  ed  the  whole  nation,  and  defeated  every  method  taken  for 
'  their  preservation.'  When  the  temple  was  burning-,  he 
says,  'Certainly'  the  divine  sentence  had  long-  ago  con- 
'  demned  it  to  the  tire.'  lie  also  observes,  that  'they'"  did 
'  not  attend  to  the  prodigies  which  evidently  foretold  their 
'  desolation  ;  but  like  men  infatuated,  who  have  neither 
'  eyes  to  see,  nor  minds  to  consider,  they  disregarded  the 
'  divine  denunciations.'  lie  also  observes,  that  'the"  whole 
'  nation  was  then  shut  up  as  in  a  prison  ;  and  the  Romans 
'  encompassed  the  city  when  it  was  crowded  with  inhabitants. 
'  Accordingly,  the  multitude  of  them  who  perished  therein 
'  exceeded  all  the  destructions  that  ever  man  or  God  brought 
'  upon  the  world.  And'  the  whole  circumference  of  the  city 
'  wjis  so  thoroughly  laid  even  with  the  ground,  by  them 
'  who  dug-  it  up  to  the  foundation,  that  there  was  nothing- 
'  left  to  make  those  who  came  thither  believe  it  had  ever  been 
'  inhabited.'  So  writes  Josephus,  in  the  Greek  lang-uage, 
in  the  face  of  the  whole  world,  not  many  years  after  the 
Jewish  war  was  ended.  And  says  Eleazar,  in  his  speech  at 
Massada,  recorded  by  the  same  historian,  '  The  metropolis 
'  of  the  whole  nation,  the  city,  which  we  believed  to  have 
'  God  inhabiting  it,  has  been  rooted  up  to  the  foundation, 
'  and  the  holy  temple  has  been  profanely  dug-  up  to  the 
'  foundation.' 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  in  the  second 
year  of  Vespasian,  and  the  year  of  Christ  70.  And  thus 
were  accomplished  the  predictions  of  Jesus  concerning-  the 
city  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  temple,  and  the  Jevvish  people,  if 
they  did  not  repent. 

Here  I  might  conclude:  but  if  any  should  be  desirous  to 
see  this  argument  in  all  its  force,  and  in  its  full  light,  it  will 
be  requisite  to  look  farther  back,  and  ascend  up  to  the 
orig-in  of  this  people;  and  then  trace  their  history  through 
the  several  periods  of  it  :  for  they  are  a  people  separated 
from  all  other  nations,  chosen  of  God,  for  very  great  ends 
and  purposes,  to  uphold  the  belief  of  the  Divine  Unity,  the 
doctrine  of  a  Divine  Providence  concerning-  itself  in  the 
aft'airs  of  mankind,  upon  the  belief  of  which  all  religious 
worship  depends,  and  to  preserve  the  expectation  of  the 
coming-  of  a  great  person  to  redeem  the  human  race  from 
error  and  vice,  and  the  bad  consequences  of  their  deviation 
from  truth  and  virtue  :  Gen.  iii.  15. 

For  these  ends  God  chose  Abraham, and  brought  him  out 

"  P.  447.  P.  450.  "•  P.  451. 

n  P.  462.  "  P.  463.  P   P.  464. 


574  Jewish  Testimonies. 

ofi  "  Ur  of  the  Clialdees.  When  lie  called  him  out  of  hs 
country,  and  from  his  kindred,  and  from  his  father's  house, 
he  said  :  I  will  make  thee  a  great  nation,  and  I  will  bless 
thee,  and  make  thy  name  great,  and  thou  shalt  be  a  blessing 
— — And  in  thee  shall  all  the  families  of  the  earth  be  bless- 
ed :"  Gen.  xii.  1 — 3.  The  fulfilment  of  M'hich  magnificent 
promise  was  limited  to  Isaac,  or  his  seed  by  Sarah  :  Gen. 
xvii.  and  afterwards  to  Jacob:  Gen.  xxvii.  xxviii.  And 
when  his  posterity  was  greatly  increased,  after  their  sojourn- 
ing a  while  in  Egypt,  where  they  had  been  treated  in  a  ser- 
vile manner,  God  brought  them  out  of  that  country,  with  a 
"  mighty  hand  and  an  ont-stretched  arm,"  working  many 
great  and  conspicuous  miracles  for  their  safety.  Whilst 
they  were  in  the  wilderness  he  gave  to  them  a  system  of 
laws,  the  ten  principal  of  which  were  delivered  from  mount 
Sinai  with  great  solemnity,  and  then  engraved  on  tables  of 
stone  by  the  finger  of  God.  God  then  brought  them  into 
the  land  of  Canaan,  where  they  became  a  flourishing  and 
powerful  nation,  according  to  the  promise  made  to  Abraham 
concerning  Sarah,  when  she  was  yet  barren,  that  "  she 
should  be  a  mother  of  nations,  and  kings  of  people  should 
be  of  her:"  Gen.  xvii.  16. 

David  intended  to  build  a  house* for  the  name  of  the 
Lord  :  but  that  honour  was  reserved  for  his  son  Solomon  : 
the  divine  approbation  of  David's  design  is  manifest ;  and 
God,  by  inspiration,  gave  him  the  form  and  dimensions  of 
the  house,  and  the  order  of  the  worship  to  be  performed 
there;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  11 — 13:  "Then'  David  gave  to 
Solomon  his  son  the  pattern  of  the  porch,  and  of  the  houses 
thereof,  for  of  the  house,  and  the  apartments  thereof,]  and  of 
the  treasuries  thereof,  and  of  the  upper  chambers  thereof, 
and  of  the  place  of  the  mercy-seat;  and  the  pattern  of  all 
that  he  had  by  the  Spirit,  of  the  courts  of  the  house  of 
the  Lord,  and  of  all  the  chambers  roimd  about,  of  the  trea- 
suries of  the  house  of  God,  and  of  the  treasuries  of  the 
delicate  things.  Also  for  the  courses  of  the  priests  and  the 
Levites,  and  for  all  the  work  of  the  service  of  the  house  of 

the  Lord ver.   19.     All   this,"  said  David,  "  the  Lord 

made  me  to  understand  in  writing  [as  if  it  were  inscribed 
on  his  mind]  by  his  hand  upon  me,  even  all  the  works  of 
this  pattern." 

When  the  house  was  finished,  and  dedicated  by  a  prayer 

•"  (ien.  XV.  7.     Neh.  ix.  7. 

■■  Dedit  autem  David  Salomoni  filio  suo  descriptionem id  est,  dedit  ei 

formam  conspicuam,  qualem  Deus  animo  inscripscrat,  utdicitur  infra,  ver.  19. 

Grot. 


Reflections  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  575 

suitable  to  the  ^reat  occasion,  2  Chr.  v.  vi.  we  are  informed, 
cli.  vii.  12,  "  that  the  Lord  appeared  to  Solomon  by  night, 
and  said  unto  him  :  I  have  heard  thy  prayer,  and  have  cho- 
sen this  place  to  myself  for  an  house  of  sacrifice.  15,  16, 
Now  mine  eyes  shall  be  open,  and  mine  ears  attent  unto  the 
prayer  that  is  made  in  this  place.  For  now  have  I  chosen 
and  sanctified  this  house,  that  my  name  may  be  there  for 
ever,  and  mine  eyes  and  my  heart  shall  be  there  perpetually 

19 — 22.     But  if  ye  turn  away,  and  forsake  my  statutes 

and  my  commandments,  which  1  have  set  before  you,  and 
serve  other  gods,  and  worship  them,  then  will  I  pluck  them 
up  by  the  roots  out  of  my  land  which  I  have  given  them. 
And  this  house,  which  I  have  sanctified  for  my  name,  will  I 
cast  out  of  my  sight,  and  make  it  to  be  a  proverb,  and  a 
by-word  among  all  nations.  And  this  house,  which  is  high, 
shall  bean  astonishment  to  everyone  that  passeth  by  it,  so  that 
he  shall  say  :  Why  hath  the  Lord  done  thus  unto  this  land, 
and  to  this  house?  And  it  shall  be  answered,  Because  they 
forsook  the  God  of  their  fathers,  which  brought  them  out 
of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  laid  hold  on  other  gods,  and 
worshipped  them;  and  served  them  :  therefore  hath  he 
brought  all  this  evil  upon  them." 

And  though  God  is  ever  merciful,  and  full  of  compassion, 
"  and  forgave  their  iniquity,  and  many  a  time  turned  away 
his  anger,  and  did  not  stir  up  all  his  wrath,"  [Ps.  Ixxviii. 
38,  and  what  follows,  and  Neh.  ix.]  yet  at  length  the  pro- 
vocation of  their  repeated  idolatries,  and  gross  immoralities, 
after  the  renewed  admonitions  of  his  prophets,  Avas  such, 
that  God  gave  them  up  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies.     So 
this  is  related,  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  15 — 20,  "  And  the  Lord  God 
of  their  fathers  sent  unto  them  by  his  messengers,  rising  up 
early,  and  sending  them,  because  he  had  compassion  upon 
his  people,  and  his  dwelling-place.     But  they  mocked  the 
messengers  of  God,  and  despised  his  words,  and  misused 
his  prophets,  until   the  wrath  of  the  Lord   rose  against  his 
people,   till  there  was  no  remedy.     Therefore  he  brought 
upon  them  the  king  of  the  Chaldees,  who  slew  their  young 
men  with  the  sword,  in  the  house  of  their  sanctuary,  and 
had  no  compassion  upon  young  man  or  maiden,  old  man,  or 
him  that  stooped  for  age :  he  gave  them  all  into  his  hand  ; 
and  all  the  vessels  of  the  house  of  God,  great  and   small, 
and  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  the  treasures 
of  the  king-,  and  of  his  princes;  all  these  things  brought  he 
to  Babylon.     And  they  burnt  the  house  of  God,  and  brake 
down   the   wall   of  Jerusalem,  and   burnt   all  the   palaces 
thereof  with  fire,  and  destroyed  all  the  goodly  vessels  thereof. 


576  Jewuli  Testimonies. 

And  them  that  had  escaped  from  the  sword  carried  he  (o 
Babylon  :  where  they  were  servants  to  him,  and  his  sons, 
until  the  reign  of  the  kingdom  of  Persia." 

That  was  the  overthrow  of  tlie  temple  and  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  the  kingdom  of  Judah  at  that  time.  All  which  is 
related  at  large,  and  rather  more  particularly,  in  the  fifty- 
second  and  last  chapter  of  the  book  of  Jeremiah :  and  may 
be  seen  also  in  2  Kings,  ch.  xxiv.  xxv. 

And  it  may  be  worth  the  while  to  observe  here,  Jer.  xxv. 
1 — 11,  "  The  word  that  came  unto  Jeremiah  concerning  all 
the  people  of  Judah,  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim  the  son 
of  Josiah,  king  of  Judah,  which  was  the  first  year  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar king  of  Babylon  :  Which  Jeremiah  the  prophet 
spake  unto  all  the  people  of  Judah,  and  to  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Jerusalem,  saying  :  From  the  thirteenth  year  of 
Josiah  the  son  of  Amon,  king  of  Judah,  even  unto  this  day, 
(that  is,  the  three-and-twentieth  year,)  the  word  of  the  Lord 
hath  come  unto  me,  and  I  have  spoken  unto  you,  rising 
early,  and  speaking,  but  ye  have  not  hearkened.  And  the 
Lord  hath  sent  unto  you  ^  all  his  servants  the  prophets, 
rising  early,  and  sending  them,  but  ye  have  not  hearkened, 
nor  inclined  your  ear  to  hear.  Thei/  said.  Turn  ye  again 
now  every  one  from  his  evil  way,  and  from  the  evil  of  your 
doings,  and  dwell  in  the  land  that  the  Lord  hath  given  to 
you,  and  to  your  fathers  for  ever.  And  go  not  after  other 
gods  to  serve  and  to  wors-hip  them,  and  provoke  me  not  to 
anger  with  the  works  of  your  hands,  and  1  will  do  you  no 
hurt.  Yet  ye  have  not  hearkened  unto  me,  saith  the  Lord, 
that  ye  n)ight  provoke  me  to  anger,  with  the  works  of  your 
hands  to  your  own  hurt.  Therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord  of 
hosts,  because  ye  have  not  heard  my  words,  behold  I  will 
send  and  take  all  the  families  of  the  north,  saith  the  Lord, 
and  Nebuchadnezzar  (he  king  of  Babylon  my  servant,  and 
bring  them  against  this  land,  and  against  the  inhabitants 
thereof — — And  this  whole  land  shall  be  a  desolation,  and 
an  astonishment.  And  these  nations  shall  serve  the  king  of 
Babylon  ^  seventy  years." 

It  ought  to  be  here  particularly  observed  by  us,  that  this 
calamity  is  said  to  have  been  brought  at  length  upon  this 

'  Jeremiah  seems  there  to  intend,  as  prophets  of  former  times,  so  also  some 
who  were  contemporary  with  him,  two  of  which  are  mentioned  in  scripture, 
Zephaniah,  whose  prophecies  we  have,  and  Urijah,  mentioned  here,  ch.  xxvi. 
20.     See  Lowth  upon  the  place.     And  says  Grotiusupon  ver.  1.  A  tertio  anno 

regni  Josise. Nam  31  annis  regnavit  Josias.     Ab  his  deme  12,  et  adde 

annos  4  Joakimi ;  fiunt  ipsi  anni  23.  Per  quos  nuUo  labore  et  se  et  socios 
suos  abstinuisse  ait  Jeremias,  ut  ad  meliorem  frugem  populum  rednceret. 

'  Praedictio  insignis,  ob  ita  exactam  temporis  designationem.     Grot. 


Rejleciions  upon  the  prccediny  Articles.  577 

people  "  because  they  bad  lefiLsed  to  bearken  to  the  words 
of  God,  spoken  to  them  by  the  prophets." 

The  vessels  of  the  temple  were  carried  to  Babylon,  and 
lodged  in  the  temple  there  dedicated  to  Belus.  2  Chr. 
XXX vi.  7,  "  Nebuchadnezzar  also  carried  of  the  vessels  of 
the  house  of  the  Lord  to  Babylon,  and  put  them  in  his  tem- 
ple at  Babylon."  They  are  more  particularly  enumerated, 
Jer.  lii.  17 — 23.  This,  undoubtedly,  was  intended  by  way 
of  scorn  and  insult  to  the  conquered  people  of  Israel,  and 
as  a  triumph  over  the  God  whom  they  Avorshipped.  Never- 
theless they  were  thereby  preserved,  and  many  of  them  were 
afterwards  returned.  That  they  were  there  near  the  end  of 
the  captivity  we  learn  from  the  profane  and  unseasonable 
feast  made  by  Belshazzar,  as  related,  Dan.  v.  1 — 4.  "  Who 
then  commanded  to  bring-  the  golden  and  silver  vessels, 
which  his  father  Nebuchadnezzar  had  taken  out  of  the  tem- 
ple, which  is  at  Jerusalem,  that  the  king'  and  his  princes, 
and  his  wives  and  concubines,  might  drink  therein."  At 
the  end  of  the  captivity,  when  Cyrus  permitted  the  people 
to  return  to  their  own  country,  he  also  gave  orders  tor  the 
restoring  of  these  vessels,  as  related  at  the  beginning  of  the 
book  of  Ezra,  ch.  i.  1 — 11,  "  Now,  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus 
king  of  Persia,  (that  the  word  of  the  Lord  by  the  mouth  of 
Jeremiah  might  be  fulfilled,)  the  Lord  stirred  up  the  spirit 
of  Cyrus  king  of  Persia,  that  he  made  proclamation,  through- 
out all  his  kingdom,  and  put  it  also  in  writing,  saying  :  Thus 
saith  Cyrus  king  of  Persia.  The  Lord  God  of  heaven  hath 
given  me  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  and  he  hath  charg- 
ed me  to  build  him  an  house  at  Jerusalem,  which  is  in  Ju- 
dah.  Who  is  there  among  you  of  all  his  people  ?  His  God 
be  with  him,  and  let  him  go  to  Jerusalem,  which  isin  Judah, 
and  build  the  house  of  the  Lord  God  which  is  at  Jerusalem 
— ■ — Also  Cyrus  the  king  brought  forth  the  vessels  of  the 
house  oT the  Lord,  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  brought  out  of 
Jerusalem,  and  had  put  them  in  the  house  of  his  god.  Even 
these  did  Cyrus  king  of  Persia  bring  forth  by  the  hand  of 
Mithredath  the  treasurer, and  numbered  them  unto  Sheshbaz- 
zar,  the  prince  of  Judah.  And  this  is  the  number  of  them  : 
thirty  chargers  of  gold,  a  thousand  chargers  of  silver,  nine- 
and-twenty  knives  :  thirty  basons  of  gold  :  silver  basons  of 
a  second  sort,  four  hundred  and  ten,  and  other  vessels  a  thou- 
sand. AH  the  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  were  five  thousand 
and  four  hundred.  All  these  did  Sheshbazzar  bring"  up  with 
them  of  the  captivity,  that  were  brought  up  from  Babylon 
unto  Jerusalem." 

The  first  thing  that  was  done  by  them,  after  their  return  to 

VOL.   VI.  2   p 


578  Jewish  Testimonies, 

Jerusalem,  was  restoring'  the  altar  for  burnt-offerings.  Ezra 
iii.  2,  *'  Then  stood  up  Joshua,  the  son  of  Josedech,  and  his 
brethren  the  priests,  and  Zerubbabel  the  son  of  Shealtiel, 
and  his  brethren,  and  builded  the  altar  of  the  God  of  Israel 

to  offer  burnt-offerings  thereon From  the  first  day  of 

the  seventh  month  began  they  to  offer  burnt-offerings  unto 
the  Lord,  But  the  foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord 
Mas  not  yet  laid."  The  building*  of  the  temple  met  with 
opposition  ;  and  therefore  it  was  several  years  before  it  was 
finished  :  which  is  mentioned,  Ezra  vi.  14 — 16,  "  And  the 
elders  of  the  Jews  builded,  and  they  prospered  through  the 
prophesying  of  Haggai  the  prophet,  and  Zachariah  the  son 
of  Iddo,  and  they  builded,  and  finished  it,  according  to  the 
commandment  of  Cyrus  and  Darius,  and  Artaxerxes  king 
of  Persia.  And  this  house  was  finished  on  the  third  day  of 
the  month  Adar,  which  was  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Darius  the  king.  And  the  children  of  Israel,  the  priests 
and  the  Levites,  and  the  rest  of  the  children  of  the  captivity, 
kept  the  dedication  of  this  house  with  joy." 

At  first  they  were  discouraged  by  the  little  prospect 
they  had  of  raising  the  temple  suitably  to  their  wishes. 
Ezra  iii.  12,  "  Many  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  chief  of 
the  fathers,  who  were  ancient  men,  who  had  seen  the  first 
house,  when  the  foundation  of  this  house  was  laid  before 
their  eyes,  wept  with  a  loud  voice,  and  many  shouted  aloud 
for  joy."  But  God  himself  encouraged  them  to  proceed 
with  the  most  gracious  assurances.  Haggai  ii.  1 — 7. 
"  In  the  seventh  month,  in  the  one-and-twentieth  day 
of  the  month,  came  the  word  of  the  Lord  by  the  prophet 
Haggai,  saying :  Speak  now  to  Zerubbabel,  the  son  of 
Shealtiel,  governor  of  Judah,and  to  Joshua,  the  son  of  Jose- 
dech the  high-priest,  and  to  the  residue  of  the  people. 
Who  is  left  among- you  that  saw  this  house  in  its  first  glory  ? 
And  how  do  you  see  it  now?  Is  it  not  in  your  eyes,  in  com- 
parison of  it,  as  nothing?  Yet  now  be  strong,  O  Zerubbabel, 
saith  the  Lord  ;  and  be  strong,  O  Joshua,  son  of  Josedech, 
the  priest,  and  be  strong  all  ye  people  of  the  land,  saith  the 
Lord  of  hosts,  and  work  :  for  I  am  with  you,  saith  the  Lord 
of  hosts.  According  to  the  word  that  I  covenanted  with 
you  when  ye  came  out  of  Egypt,  so  my  Spirit  remaineth 
among  you  :  fear  ye  not.     For  thus  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts : 

Yet  once  a  little  while And  I  will  shake  all  nations,  and 

the  desire  of  all  nations  shall  come.  And  I  will  fill  this 
house  with  glory,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts."  See  likewise 
ch.  i.  and  Zech.  i.  ii.  iii.  and  viii. 

And  now  they  restored  the  worship  of  God  at  the  temple, 


Reflections  upon  the  preceding  Articles.  579 

according"  to  the  prescriptions  of  the  law  of  Moses,  for  offer- 
ing sacrifices.  They  kept  the  feast  of  the  passover,  and 
other  great  feasts,  according  to  the  law  of  Moses,  and  the 
priests  and  Levites  were  set  to  officiate  in  their  courses.  So, 
after  tlie  setting  up  the  altar  of  burnt-oftering-,  and  their  be- 
ginning to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  temple,  it  is  said,  Ezra 
iii.  10,"  And  when  the  builders  laid,"  or  were  laying,  "the 
foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  they  set  the  priests  in 
their  apparel  with  trumpets,  and  the  Levites,  the  sons  of 
Asaph,  with  cymbals,  to  praise  the  Lord  after  the  ordinance 
of  David  king  of  Israel."  And  afterwards,  when  the  temple 
was  raised,  it  is  said,  Ezra  vi.  18,  "And  they  set  the  priests 
in  their  divisions,  and  the  Levites  in  their  courses,  for  the 
service  of  God,  which  is  at  Jerusalem,  as  it  is  written  in  the 
book  of  Moses."  Then  it  follows,  ver.  19,  "And  the  chil- 
dren of  the  captivity,"  that  is,  who  were  returned  from  their 
captivity,  "kept  the  passover,  upon  the  fourteenth  day  of 
the  first  month." 

Thus  the  worship  of  God  was  again  restored,  and  set  up 
at  his  temple  in  Jerusalem.  And  though,  undoubtedly,  in 
the  intermediate  space  the  Jews  met  with  various  difficulties 
from  surrounding  enemies,  and  were  now  in  subjection  to  the 
Romans,  yet  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour  and  his  apostles  the 
Jewish  people  had  free  access  to  the  temple,  performed  their 
sacrifices  there,  kept  the  Passover  and  Pentecost,  and  other 
great  solemnities,  according  to  the  appointments  of  the  law 
of  Moses  ;  and  the  genealogies  of  their  tribes  were  in  being : 
Jesus,  our  Lord,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  of  the  family 
of  David,  though  then  in  low  circumstances :  Matt.  i.  and 
ii;  Luke  i.  and  ii.  Zacharias,  father  of  John  the  Baptist, 
was  of  the  course  of  Abia,  and  his  wife  Elisabeth  was  of  the 
daughters  of  Aaron  :  and  he  executed  the  priest's  office  be- 
fore God  at  the  temple,  in  the  order  of  his  course.  Luke  i. 
5 — 12,  "  Anna,  a  prophetess,"  is  said  to  have  been  "  the 
daughter  of  Phanuel,  of  the  tribe  of  Aser,  a  widow  of  four- 
score years  of  age,  who  departed  not  from  the  temple,  and 
served  God  with  fastings  and  prayers  night  and  day." 

But  it  is  not  needful  to  add  any  thing-  more,  it  being  ap- 
parent from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and  from  Jose- 
phus,  as  well  as  from  other  writings,  that  the  worship  at 
the  temple  in  Jerusalem  subsisted  till  the  second  year  of 
Vespasian,  and  the  year  of  Christ  70,  in  which  year 
they  had  come  up  in  great  numbers  to  keep  the  Pass- 
over, and  were  suddenly  shut  up  in  the  city  by  the  Roman 
army. 

The  times  of  the  first  and  second  temple  are  computed  by 

2  p  2 


580  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Dr.  Lightfoot  in  this  manner  ;  '  The  "  time  of  the  standing 
'  of  the  first  temple,  from  its  finishing  in  the  eleventh  year 
'  of  Solomon,  to  its  firing  by  Nebuzaradan,  was  four  hundred 
'  and  twenty  years.'  '  From  the  "  first  year  of  Cyrus  (in 
'  which  he  proclaimed  redemption  to  the  captives,  and  gave 
'  commandment  to  restore  and  build  Jerusalem)  to  the 
'  death  of  Christ  were  four  hundred  and  ninety  years,  as 
'  they  are  summed  up  by  an  angel,  Dan.  ix.  and  from  the 
'  death  of  Christ  to  the  fatal  and  final  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
*  leni,  were  forty  years  more;  five  hundred  and  thirty  years  in 
'  all.'  Which  two  numbers  make  no  more  than  nine  hundred 
and  fifty  years.  In  another  place '"^  he  computes  the  times 
of  the  two  temples  to  be  exactly  one  thousand  years.  Others 
nray  make  different  computations;  but  now  we  need  not 
concern  ourselves  about  a  nice  exactness :  however,  I  refer 
to"  Prideaux,  who  may  be  consulted. 

III.  I  shall  now  shut  up  these  reflections  with  some  con- 
cluding observations. 

Obs.  1.  The  temple  at  Jerusalem  was  designed  by  David, 
and  erected  by  Solomon  with  divine  approbation  ;  and  the 
worship  there  performed  was  of  divine  appointment :  and 
as  the  building  itself,  and  the  worship  there,  had  a  divine 
sanction,  it  was  fit  that  a  suitable  respect  should  be  shown 
to  the  place  itself,  and  to  the  ordinances  there  enjoined, 
by  all  the  worshippers  of  the  true  God. 

Solomon,y  and  all  understanding"  Israelites,  were  per- 
suaded of  the  divine  omnipresence.  Nevertheless,  as  God 
had  determined  to  make  peculiar  manifestations  of  himself 
at  the  temple,  it  was  fit  that  respect  should  be  shown  to  it. 
1  Kings  viii.  27—30,  "  But  will  God  dwell  on  this  earth  ? 
Behold  the  heaven  of  heavens  cannot  contain  thee:  how 
much  less  this  house  that  1  have  built?  Yet  have  thou  re- 
spect  unto  the   prayer  of  thy  servant That  thine  eyes 

may  be  open  toward  this  house,  night  and  day,  even  toward 
the  place  of  which  thou  hast  said,  My.  name  shall  be  there: 
[Deut.  xii.  II.]     And  hearken  thou  to  the  supplication  of 

"  The  Temple  as  it  stood  in  the  Time  of  our  Saviour,  eh.  40,  p.  2063. 

"  lb.  p.  2064.  "  •  If  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  exactly 

'  forty  years  after  our  Saviour's  death,  as  it  is  apparent, — then  that  destruction 
'  of  it  befell  just  in  the  four  thousandth  year  of  the  world.  And  so,  as  the 
'  temple  of  Solomon  had  been  finished  anno  mundi  exactly  3000,  so  in  anno 

*  mundi  exactly  4000  both  the  city  and  the   temple  that  then  was,  were  de- 

*  stroyed,  never  to  be  repaired  or  lebuilt  again.  And  from  that  time  most 
'  properly  began  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  the  New  Jerusalem,  when  that 

*  earthly  kingdom,  and  that  old  city,  were  utterly  ruined.'  Haimony  of  the 
four  Evangelists,  vol.  i.  p.  487. 

"  See  his  Connexion,  &c.  year  before  Christ,  458,  vol.  i.  p.  262,  &c. 
y  See  his  letter  to  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  2  Chr.  ii.  1 — 7. 


Coiicludiiuj  Observations.  581 

thy  servant,  and  of  tliy  people  Israel,  when  tlicy  shall  pray 
touanl  this  place.  Aint  hear  thou  in  heaven  thy  (hvelling- 
place,  and  when  thou  hearest  forgive."  See  likewise  ver. 
45—50. 

"  And  when  Solomon  had  made  an  end  of  praying,  fire 
came  down  from  heaven,  and  consumed  the  burnt-offering, 
and  the  sacrifice  ;  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  filled  the  house," 
2  Chr.  vii.  1.  "  And  the  Lord  appeared  to  Solomon  by  night, 
and  said  unto  him:  I  have  heard  thy  prayer,  and  have  cho- 
sen this  place  to  myself  for  an  house  of  sacrifice.  If  I  shut 
up  heaven,  that  there  be  no  rain — or  if  I  send  pestilence 
among-  my  people,  if  my  people,  which  are  called  by  my  name, 
shall  hiunble  themselves,and  pray,  and  seek  my  face,and  turn 
from  their  Avicked  ways;  then  will  I  hear  from  heaven, and  will 

forgive  their  sin,  and  will  heal  their  land For  now  have 

1  chosen  and  sanctified  this  house,  that  my  name  may  be 
there  for  ever  :  and  mine  eyes  and  my  heart  shall  be  there 
perpetually  :"   ver.  12 — 1(). 

Accordingly,  Daniel,  who  was  renowned  for  secular  wis- 
dom, as  well  as  for  divine  illuminations,  and  eminent  piety, 
when  his  fidelity  to  God  met  with  a  severe  trial,  as  we  are 
told,  ch.  vi.  10,  "he  went  into  his  house,  and,  his  M'indow 
being  open  in  his  chamber  toward  Jerusalem,  he  kneeled 
down  upon  his  knees  three  times  a  day,  and  prayed,  and 
gave  thanks  before  his  God,  as  he  did  aforetime."     Comp. 

1  Kings  viii.  48;  Ps.  v.  3;  Jonah  ii.  4.  And  the  Lord 
Jesus  was  often  at  Jerusalem,  especially  at  the  great  fes- 
tivals. And  twice  in  the  course  of  his  ministry  he  cleared 
the  temple  of  some  abuses  and  incumbrances,  and  severely 
rebuked  those  who  practised  those  indecencies,  or  connived 
at  them. 

Obs.  2.  The  temple  and  the  city  of  Jerusalem  were  twice 
destroyed  ;  once  by  the  Chaldeans,  a  second  time  by  the 
Romans. 

The  city  of  Jerusalem  was  besieged  and  taken  several 
times  besides;  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  Ponipey,  and  Herod 
the  Great,  and  others.  But  now  we  confine  ourselves  to 
those  seasons  when  the  city  was  ruined,  and  the  temple  also 
was  destroyed. 

Obs.  3.  The  taking  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldeans  was 
a  very  grievous  calamity. 

The  particulars  are  related,  Jer.  lii ;  2  Kings  xxiv.  xxv  ; 

2  Chron.  xxxvi.  Daniel,  in  his  confessions,  ch.  ix.  12,  says  : 
"  For  under  the  whole  heaven  hath  not  been  done  as  hath 
been  done  upon  Jerusalem."  It  was  a  calamity  not  easy  to 
be  paralleled  in  all  it's  circumstances.    Which  was  agreeable 


582  Jewish  Testimonies. 

to  tbe  maxim  before  observed,  "  that  where  much  is  given, 
there  also  much  will  be  required,"  and  to  the  words  of  God 
by  the  prophet  Amos  :  "  You  only  have  I  known  of  all  the 
families  of  the  earth,  therefore  I  will  punish  you  for  all  your 
inicjuities." 

Obs.  4.  The  final  captivity  of  the  Jewish  people  by  the 
Eoinans  has  been  a  much  greater  calamity  than  that  by  the 
Chaldeans.     It  exceeds  in  many  respects. 

(1.)  The  distresses  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  num- 
bers that  perished  there  by  famine  or  sword,  by  the  hands 
of  the  Romans,  or  by  their  own  intestine  divisions,  and  the 
numbers  carried  captive,  exceeded  all  the  desolations  that 
ever  Mere.  It  happened  when  the  city  was  crowded  with 
people,  they  being  assembled  together  at  one  of  their  fes- 
tivals ;  and  the  city  itself,  its  buildings,  its  walls,  and  the 
temple  were  demolished,  and  thrown  down  to  the  foundation, 
so  as  they  had  never  been  before.  So  our  Lord  foretold, 
Matt.  xxiv.  21,  "  For  then  shall  be  great  tribulation,  such 
as  was  not  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  to  this  time  : 
no,  nor  ever  shall  be."  So  Jesus  said  it  would  be  ;  and 
Josephus  says,  it  was  so,  and  that  'it  exceeded  all  the 
'  destructions  ever  brought  upon  the  world  by  God  or 
'  man.' 

(2.)  The  captivity  by  the  Romans  has  exceeded  the 
former  in  duration. 

This  second  captivity  has  now  already  lasted  almost  seven- 
teen hundred  years,  without  any  the  least  prospect  of  a  pe- 
riod to  it.  That  was  limited  to  seventy  years  only,  accord- 
ing to  the  word  of  God  by  Jeremiah,  ch.  xxv.  12 — 18 ;  xxix. 
10—14;  and  Dan.  ix.l,  2. 

(3.)  During  the  captivity  by  the  Chaldeans,  the  Jewish 
people  had  prophets  among  them,  but  now  they  have 
none. 

In  this  second  captivity,  as  they  are  without  altar,  and 
sacrifice,  and  temple,  and  city  of  their  own,  so  are  they,  all 
this  while,  without  visions,  and  prophecies,  and  divine  illu- 
minations of  every  kind. 

In  the  former  captivity  they  had  several  prophets  of  great 
eminence.  Jeremiah  continued  to  prophesy  to  the  remains 
of  the  people  in  Judea  several  years  after  the  beginning  of 
the  captivity.  Ezekiel  and  Daniel  prophesied  in  Babylon. 
These,  and  other  good  men,  may  have  been  of  great  service 
for  bringing  men  to  repentance,  and  fitting  them  for  the  ex- 
pected deliverance.  And,  during  that  period  of  seventy 
years,  there  were  miraculous  deliverances  vouchsafed  to 
some  :  the  preservation,  particularly,  of  the  three  young  men 


Coiicbiding  Observations.  583 

in  the  fiery  furnace :  Dan.  iii.  Then  Daniel's  satisfactory 
interpretations  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  dreams,  ch.  ii.  and  iv. 
and  Daniel's  great  advancement,  and  some  other  extraordi- 
nary occurrences,  were  much  in  their  favour.  They  must 
have  tended  to  influence  the  minds  of  the  great  princes  to 
whom  they  were  subject;  and  must  have  been  means  of 
facilitating-  their  deliverance,  and  accomplishing  their  safe 
return  into  their  own  country,  and  to  their  happy  settlement 
in  it.  But  we  hear  not  of  any  such  like  favourable  appear- 
ances in  the  present  captivity  and  dispersion. 

Obs.  5.  All  these  calamities,  those  of  the  former  and  of 
the  latter  captivity,  have  happened  to  the  Jewish  people, 
agreeably  to  the  original  plan  of  divine  dispensations  con- 
cerning them. 

This  observation  was  mentioned  formerly  :  but  it  is  re- 
peated here  as  a  thing  of  great  importance  :  and  we  have 
an  acknowledgment  of  it  in  Daniel's  confessions,  with  re- 
gard to  the  Babylonish  captivity,  ch.  ix.  11 :  "  Yea,  all 
Israel  have  transgressed  thy  law,  even  by  departing,  that 
they   might  not  obey  thy  voice.     Therefore  the   curse  is 

Soured  upon  us,  and  the  oath  that  is  written  in  the  law  of 
loses,  the  servant  of  God,  because  we  have  sinned  against 
him.  — 13  :  As  it  is  written  in  the  law  of  Moses,  all  this  evil 
is  come  upon  us."  See  Lev.  xxvi.  14 — 46;  Deut.  xxviii. 
15,  &c.  What  is  here  said  of  the  captivity  by  the  Chal- 
deans, is  as  true  of  the  captivity  by  the  Romans,  and  ought 
to  be  in  like  manner  acknowledged. 

Obs.  6.  Our  blessed  Lord's  predictions  therefore  of  evil 
coming  upon  Jerusalem  and  the  people  of  Judea,  did  not 
proceed  from  private  resentment,  enmity,  malice,  ill-will,  or 
any  other  unsociable  affection,  from  which  the  mind  of  the 
blessed  Jesus  was  always  free  :  but  they  were  declarations 
of  the  counsel  of  God,  prophetical  denunciations  of  evil  to 
come,  if  mendid  not  repent ;  faithful  warnings  to  men  to  take 
heed  to  themselves  ;  and  earnest  and  affectionate  calls  to  re- 
pentance and  reformation,  that  the  impending  and  threatened 
calamities  might  be  averted  and  avoided. 

A  prophet,  who  is  intrusted  with  the  mind  of  God,  must 
faithfully  deliver  both  promises  to  obedience,  and  threaten- 
ings  to  disobedience,  as  is  required.  Says  Moses  to  the  peo- 
ple under  his  care,  for  whose  welfare  and  prosperity  he  was 
greatly  concerned,  Deut.  iv.  5:  "Behold,  I  have  taught 
you  statutes  and  judgments,  even  as  the  Lord  my  God  com- 
manded me. — ver.  25,  26.  "  But  if  thou  do  evil  in  the  sight 
of  the  Lord  thy  God,  to  provoke  him  to  anger,  1  call  hea- 
ven and  earth  to  witness  that  ye  shall  soon  utterly  perish 


584  Jewish.  Testimonies. 

from  off  the  land,  whereunto  you  go  over  Jordan  to  possess 
it :  ye  shall  not  prolong  your  days  upon  it :  but  shall  utterly 
he  destroyed."  Nor  was  Jeremiah  to  be  charged  with  ill-will 
to  the  Jewish  people  when  he  foretold  the  desolations  of  the 
Chaldean  captivity. 

Obs.  7.  The  great  aggravation  of  the  transgressions  of 
the  Jewish  people,  lay  in  their  not  hearkening  to  the  mes- 
sages of  the  prophets,  which  God  sent  among  them. 

This  was  observed  before  from  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  15,  16,  and 
from  Jerem.  xxv.  1^ — 11,  to  which  1  now  add  that  it  is  par- 
ticularly mentioned  by  Daniel  in  his  devout  and  humble  con- 
fession of  the  sins  of  that  people,  which  brought  upon  them 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  ch.  ix.  5,  6,  "  We  have  sinned,  and 
have  committed  iniquity,  and  have  done  wickedly,  and  have 
rebelled  even  by  departing  from  thy  precepts  and  thy 
judgments.  Neither  have  we  hearkened  unto  thy  servants 
the  prophets.  Mho  spoke  in  thy  name  to  our  kings,  our 
princes,  and  our  fathers,  and  to  all  the  people  of  Israel."  By 
which,  certainly,  these  prophets  manifested  their  fidelity. 
And  the  reason  of  this  is,  that  refusing  to  hearken  to  mes- 
sages of  God,  faithfully  delivered  by  his  prophets,  demon- 
strafes  obstinacy  and  irreclaimableness.  This  is  represented 
by  our  Lord  in  the  parable  of  the  tig-tree,  Lukexiii.  6 — 10, 
and  of  the  husbandmen.  Matt.  xxi.  33,  &c.  and  in  other  pa- 
rables and  discourses.  The  parable  of  the  fig-tree,  just 
mentioned,  is  thus  :  "  A  certain  man  had  a  fig-tree  planted 
in  his  vineyard.  And  he  came,  and  sought  fruit  thereon, 
and  found  none.  Then  said  he  to  the  dresser  of  the  vineyard  : 
Behold  these  three  years  1  come  seeking  fruit  on  this  fig-tree, 
and  find  none  ;  cut  it  down,  why  cumbereth  it  the  ground? 
And  he  answering  said  :  Lord,  let  it  alone  this  year  also,  till 
I  shall  dig  about  it,  and  dung  it:  if  it  bear  fruit,  well ;  if 
not,  thou  shalt  cut  it  down."  So  God  said  of  old  to  the  people 
of  Israel  by  Isaiah,  after  having  in  a  like  manner  represented 
his  care  and  cultivation  of  his  vineyard.  Is.  v.  3 — 5,  "  And 
now,  O  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  and  men  of  Judah,  judge, 
I  pray  you,  betwixt  me  and  my  vineyard.  What  could  have 
been  done  more  to  ray  vineyard,  than  I  have  done  in  it  ? 
Wherefore,  when  I  looked  that  it  should  bring  forth  grapes, 
brought  it  forth  wild  grapes  ?  I  will  tell  you  what  1  will  do 
to  my  vineyard  ;  1  will  take  away  the  hedge  thereof,  and 
it  shall  be  eaten  up  :  and  break  down  the  wall  thereof,  and 
it  shall  be  trodden  down." 

This  was  the  case  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour.  After  all 
other  prophets,  came  Jesus,  who  taught  the  people  in  the 
name  of  God,  and  faithfully  delivered  his  mind  to  them,  and 


Concluding  Observations.  585 

called  them  to  repentance,  and  Avrouglit  many  wonderful 
M'orks.  There  was  then  a  great  profusion  of  spiritual  gifts 
in  himself  and  his  apostles.  If  their  message  was  not 
hearkened  to,  but  rejected,  and  they  abused,  it  would  be  an 
aggravated  provocation,  and  would  be  required  of  the  people 
to  whom  they  had  spoken  in  the  name  of  God. 

Obs.  8.  Finally,  in  the  eighth  and  last  place,  let  us  now 
inquire  and  consider  what  was  the  sin,  what  the  sins  or 
offences,  that  occasioned  the  great  calamity  which  befell  the 
Jewish  people  about  forty  years  after  the  times  of  the  Lord 
Jesus,  under  the  conduct  of  those  two  generals  Vespasian 
and  Titus. 

We  have  seen  accounts  in  Josephus,  and  other  Jewish 
writers,  of  the  distresses  then  suffered  by  the  Jewish  people 
at  Jerusalem,  and  in  other  parts  of  Judea,  and  of  the  de- 
struction and  demolition  of  their  city  and  temple,  and  their 
captivity  and  dispersion,  which  still  continue.  And  we 
have  seen  evident  proofs  that  the  hand  of  God  was  therein, 
and  that  all  came  to  pass  by  the  overruling  providence  of 
God.  It  is  an  affecting-  subject.  And  if  we  make  inqui- 
ries into  the  reasons  and  canses  of  these  great  calamities,  we 
should  do  it  seriously  and  impartially,  and  may  be  dis- 
posed also  to  compassion  and  candour. 

When  God  appeared  to  Solomon,  after  he  had  finished 
and  dedicated  the  temple,  he  graciously  assured  him  that  he 
accepted  the  prayer  which  he  had  made,  and  that  he  would 
hearken  to  the  prayers  which  his  people  should  make  to 
him  toward  that  place  in  their  distresses.  Nevertheless  he 
declares,  2  Chron.  vii.  19 — 22:  "But  if  ye  turn  away  and 
forsake  my  statutes,  and  my  commandments,  m  hich  I  have 
set  before  you,  and  serve  other  gods,  and  worship  them  : 
then  will  I  pluck  them  up  by  the  roots  out  of  my  land  which 
I  have  given  them.  And  this  house  which  I  have  sancti- 
fied for  my  name  will  I  cast  out  of  my  sight,  and  will  make 
it  to  be  a  proverb,  and  a  by-word  among-  all  nations.  And 
this  house,  which  is  high,  shall  be  an  astonishment  to  every 
one  that  passeth  by  it :  so  that  he  shall  say  ;  Why  hath 
the  Lord  done  thus  unto  this  land  and  unto  this  house? 
And  it  shall  be  answered.  Because  they  forsook  the  Lord 
God  of  their  fathers,  avIio  brought  them  out  of  the  land  of 
Egypt,  and  laid  hold  on  other  gods  and  worshipped  them, 
and  served  them.  Therefore  hath  he  brought  all  this  evil 
upon  them." 

This  was  fulfilled  in  the  Babylonish  captivity,  when  Jeru- 
salem Avas  taken,  and  the  temple  built  by  Solomon  was  burnt 
down.     That  was  an  event  which  occasioned  inquiries  into 


586  Jewish  Testimonies. 

the  reasons  and  causes  of  it.  And  shall  we  not  consider  and 
make  like  inquiries  concerning  the  captivity  by  the  Romans, 
which  has  been  attended  with  so  many  awful  circumstances  ? 
Shall  we  not  say  :  "  Why  has  the  Lord  done  thus  unto  this 
land  and  to  this  house  ?"  meaning"  the  second  house,  built 
after  the  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity.  For  that 
house  also  was  high,  and  had  been  erected  with  divine  ap- 
probation and  encouragement :  and  the  worship  had  been 
restored  there  according  to  the  appointment  of  Moses,  and 
Mas  so  continued  there  till  its  final  desolation. 

If  now  we  ask,  "  Why  has  the  Lord  done  thus  to  this 
land  and  people,  and  to  this  house?"  it  cannot  be  said, 
"  because  they  laid  hold  on  other  gods,  and  worshipped 
them,  and  served  them."  For  after  the  return  from  the 
Babylonish  captivity,  they  were  for  the  most  part  free  from 
the  sin  of  idolatry,  into  which  they  had  so  often  relapsed 
before.  Nor  are  they  now  guilty  of  that  sin,  for  which 
their  dispersion  should  be  continued.  For  some  while  be- 
fore the  last  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  they  appear  from  all 
accounts  to  have  been  generally  very  zealous  for  the  law  of 
Moses,  and  the  rites  of  it,  and  very  diligent  in  their  attend- 
ance on  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  to  which  they  resorted  in 
great  numbers,  from  all  parts  of  the  world  where  they  in- 
habited, at  the  solemn  festivals  ;  and  where  a  large  part  of 
the  nation  was  assembled  to  keep  the  passover,  when  the 
final  overthrow  befell  them. 

We  are  therefore  led  to  think  that  these  calamities  befell 
the  Jewish  people  because  they  rejected  and  crucified  the 
Lord  Jesus,  who  was  a  prophet  mighty  "  in  deed  and  word 
before  God  and  all  the  people,"  Luke  xxiv.  19;  who  spake 
as  never  man  spake  before,  and  performed  many  wonderful 
works  which  none  had  done  before.  And  God  has  "  required 
it  of  them,"  as  he  said  by  Moses  he  would  do,  Deut.  xviii. 
L9.  And  I  must  again  recite  here  those  affecting  and  awful, 
but  true,  sayings  of  our  Lord,  recorded,  John  xv.  22, 24,  "  If 
I  had  not  come  and  spoken  unto  them,  they  had  not  had  sin  : 
but  now  they  have  no  cloak  [or  excuse]  for  their  sin.  If  I 
had  not  done  among  them  the  works  which  no  other  man  did, 
they  had  not  had  sin  :  but  now  they  have  both  seen  and  ha(ed 
both  me  and  my  Father." 

The  expectation  of  the  Messiah  is  no  new  thing.  It  had 
not  its  rise  from  Jesus  or  his  disciples.  It  was  in  being 
long  before  the  nativity  of  Jesus.  We  are  assured  ^  by 
Suetonius,  and  Tacitus,  and  Celsus,  heathen  writers  of  great 

*  See  the  passages  of  those  heathen  authors,  and  of  Josephus,  all  alleged 
Vol.  I.  p.  138—140. 


Concluding  Observations.  587 

learning-,  as  well  as  from  Joscplius,  that  '  There  had  been 
for  a  long'  time,  all  over  the  east,  a  notion  fimily  believed, 
that,  at  that  very  time,  some  one  coming  from  Jiidea  should 
obtain  the  empire  of  the  world.'  Heathen  writers  say  this 
was  contained  in  the  book  of  the  fates:  Josephus,  who  at 
the  time  of  his  writing  the  History  of  the  War,  was  disposed 
to  think  as  the  heathen  writers  above  mentioned  do,  that  Ves- 
pasian was  thereby  intended,  says,  that  this  expectation  was 
founded  upon  an  ambiguous  oracle.  Nevertheless  he  owns 
that  the  expectation  was  general  among  the  Jewish  people, 
and  that  it  was  embraced  by  '  many  of  the  wise  men  among- 
'  them,'  as  well  as  by  others,  and  that  it  was  the  thing 
V  Inch  '  principally  encouraged  them  to  undertake  the  war 
'  with  the  Romans.'  But  upon  this  head  there  is  now  no  dif- 
ference between  the  Jews  and  us  ;  all  allowing  that  the  ex- 
pectation of  a  Messiah  is  founded  on  the  writings  of  Moses 
and  the  prophets. 

That  this  was  the  time  of  his  appearance  they  may  have 
argued  and  collected  from  divers  texts  of  scripture,  as  Dan. 
ii.  34 — 45 ;  vii.  14 ;  ix.  24 ;  and  from  Hag-,  ii.  4 — 9;  Mai.  iii. 
1  ;  iv.  5,  6. 

How  general  and  prevailing  the  expectation  of  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  Messiah  then  was  among-  all  sorts  of  men, 
the  rulers  as  well  as  the  common  people,  we  farther  know 
from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  Luke  iii.  15,  16: 
"  And  as  the  people  were  in  expectation,  and  all  men  mused 
in  their  hearts  of  John,  whether  he  Avere  the  Christ  or  not, 
John  answered,  saying  unto  them  all :  I  indeed  baptize  you 
with  water;  but  one  mightier  than  I  cometh,  the  latchet  of 
whose  shoes  I  am  not  worthy  to  unloose:  he  will  baptize 
you  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  with  fire."  And  from  John 
i.  19 — 34,  we  know  that  the  Jews  sent  priests  and  Levites, 
who  M'ere  of  the  sect  of  the  pharisees,  to  John,  were  he  was 
baptizing-,  to  ask  him  who  he  was.  He  declared  "  he  was 
not  the  Christ,  but  was  sent  before  him  ;  and  said  :  There 
standeth  one  among-  you,  Avhom  ye  know  not.  He  it  is  who, 
coming  after  me,  is  preferred  before  me;  whose  shoes'  latchet 
I  am  not  worthy  to  unloose."    I  need  not  cite  any  other  texts. 

At  that  very  time  Jesus  appeared  and  wrought  many 
wonderful  works,  irrefragable  attestations  to  his  divine 
mission  and  authority,  and  the  truth  of  his  doctrine;  of 
which  we  are  as  well  assured  from  the  concurring  and 
imanimous  testimony  of  all  the  writers  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, as  we  can  be  of  any  thing-  that  ever  was  done  in  the 
world  ;  or  as  the  Jews  are  of  the  miracles  wrought  by 
Moses  and  the  prophets. 


588  Jewish  Testimonies. 

Here  therefore  we  may  adopt  the  words  of  our  Lord  spo- 
ken to  his  disciples,  Matt.  xvii.  12,  "  But  I  say  unto  you, 
that  Elias  is  come  already.  And  they  knew  him  not,  but 
have  done  unto  him  whatsoever  they  listed.  Likewise  shall 
alsotjje  Son  of  man  suffer  of  them."  As  he  did  soon  after- 
wards. For  which  God  has  reckoned,  and  is  still  reckoning 
with  them. 

However,  though  the  treatment  given  to  Jesus  and  his  apos- 
tles, was  a  very  great  offence,  there  may  have  been  other  pro- 
vocations which  occasioned  the  displeasure  of  God  against 
his  people,  and  concurred  to  bring  down  the  vengeance  of 
heaven  upon  them.  One  sin  is  never  alone.  There  is  gene- 
rally a  complication  of  guilt  in  all  great  and  aggravated 
transgressions.  Though  the  Jewish  people  often  fell  into 
the  practise  of  heathen  idolatry,  and  that  was  one  great  oc- 
casion of  the  Babylonish  captivity,  that  was  not  the  only  sin 
with  which  they  were  chargeable.  All  sorts  of  immoralities 
abounded  among  them.  And  Daniel,  in  the  confession  which 
he  makes  of  the  sins  of  his  people,  says,  ch.  ix.  5,  "We  have 
sinned, and  have  committed  iniquity, and  havedonovickedly, 
and  have  rebelled,  even  by  departing  from  thy  precepts  and 
thy  judgments."  So  now  the  greatness  of  their  guilt  lay  in 
rejecting  and  crucifying  Jesus  the  Messiah.  But  that  would 
not  have  been  done  if  wickedness  had  not  greatly  prevailed 
among  them.  Josephus  owns,  that '  never  was  there  a  time 
'  more  fruitful  of  wickedness  than  that.'  In  the  gospels  the 
men  of  that  time  are  spoken  of  as  an  "  untoward  generation, 
and  a  wicked  and  adulterous  generation."  They  were  charge- 
able with  all  kinds  of  evil,  and  were  openly  reproved  for 
them  by  the  faithful  teacher  and  prophet  whom  God  sent 
among  them,  and  whom  they  so  ungratefully  used.  They 
were  covetous  and  worldly-minded  :  Luke  xvi.  14, 15.  They 
were  exceeding  proud  awd  ambitious  of  respect  and  honour. 
"They  did  all  their  works  to  be  seen  of  men.  They  made 
broad  their  phylacteries,  and  enlarged  the  borders  of  their 
garments.  They  loved  the  uppermost  rooms  at  feasts,  and 
the  chief  seats  in  the  synagogues,  and  to  be  called  of  men, 
Kabbi,  Rabbi ;"  Matt,  xxiii.  5,  G  ;  and  see  Mark  xii.  38,  3,0  ; 
and  Luke  XX.  46;  and  Luke  xiv.  7.  They  were  extremely 
uneasy  and  impatient  under  the  Roman  government,  to 
Avhich,  by  the  disposal  of  Divine  Providence,  they  were  sub- 
ject. They  were  very  deceitful  and  hypocritical,  who  "  de- 
voured widoM's'  houses,  and  for  a  pretence  made  long 
prayers  :"  Mark  xii.  40,  and  see  Matt,  xxiii.  23 — 28.  At 
the  same  time  they  depended  upon  their  descent  from  Abra- 
ham, and    other  external   privileges;    which  rendered   all 


Concluding  Observation.  589 

oxiiortations  to  repentance  fruitless  and  ineffectual.  See 
Matt.  iii.  9;  John  viii.  33,  and  S9.  Accordingly  they  are 
represented  to  have  "  hardened  their  hearts,  and  shut  tlieir 
eyes:"  for  which  reason  they  did  not  understand,  nor  attend 
to  the  signs  of  the  times,  and  the  evidences  of  truth  set  be- 
fore thcni :  Matt.  xiii.  14,  15;  John  xii.37^ — 41.  And  more- 
over, they  Mere  at  this  time  very  fond  of  traditions,  which 
made  void  the  moral  law  of  God. 

All  these  charges,  now  collected  from  the  gospels,  might 
be  verified  by  examples  and  observations  in  Joseph  us.  These 
evil  dispositions  prevailing  among  them,  especially  in  their 
great  men  who  had  the  chief  influence  on  the  people,  they 
did  not,  and  could  not  believe,  but  rejected  and  ill  treated 
the  I^ord  Jesus  Christ.  Let  me  recite  here  Jolin  v.  39 — 44; 
"  Search  the  scriptures,"  impartially.  "  For  in  them  ye  think 
ye  have  eternal  life;  and  they  are  they  which  testify  of  me. 
And  ye  will  not  come  unto  me  that  ye  might  have  life.  I 
receive  not  honour  from  men.  But  1  know  you,  that  ye 
have  not  the  love  of  God  in  you — How  can  ye  believe,  which 
receive  honour  one  of  another,  and  seek  not  the  honour  that 
cometh  from  God  only  ?" 

One  thing  more  1  must  add  here.  That  the  time  in  which 
our  Lord  appeared  was  not  a  time  of  gross  ignorance.  The 
Jews  now  had  synagogues  every  where  in  all  parts  of  Judea, 
and  in  many  places  out  of  it,  where  the  law  of  Moses  and 
the  prophets  were  read  and  explained.  The  common  peo- 
ple in  general  were  well  acquainted  with  those  scriptures, 
and  with  the  explications  given  of  them  by  their  rabbins. 
Among  the  scribes  and  pharisees  were  many  men  of  very 
good  abilities.  Their  acuteness  and  subtilty  are  manifest 
in  their  cavils  with  our  Saviour.  Nor  were  the  Jewish  peo- 
ple now  altogether  unacquainted  with  the  Greek  literature. 
Their  three  sects  of  the  pharisees,  sadducees,  and  essenes, 
had  occasioned  disputes  and  controversies,  and  spread  the 
knowledge  of  the  things  of  religion  among' them. 

It  is  amazing  that  a  prophet  who  teaches  men  a  reasonable 
doctrine,  and  works  many  miracles,  all  useful  and  bene- 
ficent, should  be  rejected.  And  it  would  be  still  more 
amazing',  were  it  not  that  we  are  in  some  measure  able  to 
account  for  it,  by  the  bad  dispositions  before  taken  notice 
of.  Jesus  gave  no  sign  from  heaven  to  induce  them  to  ex- 
pect from  him  (what  suited  their  carnal  and  ambitious 
views)  a  deliverance  from  the  Roman  government.  And  all 
other  M'orks,  of  mighty  pow  er  and  of  great  goodness,  were 
slighted  and  despised.  Thus  prejudice  and  passion  pre- 
vailed against  evidence.     And  it  is  a  great  aggravation  of 


590  Jewish  Testimonies. 

the  guilt  of  any  men,  who  are  knowing  and  discerning,  if 
they  reject  the  truth  of  which  good  evidences  are  set  before 
them.  Our  Lord  having  made  some  remarks  after  the  cure 
of  the  man  born  blind,  and  after  his  being  excommunicated 
by  the  pharisees,  John  ix.  39 — 41,  some  of  them  who  heard 
him  said  unto  him  :  "  Are  we  blind  also?  Jesus  said  unto 
them  :  If  ye  were  blind  ye  should  have  no  sin  :  but  now  ye 
say,  We  see  ;  therefore  your  sin  remaineth." 

Thus  they  were  incurable.  And  these  evil  dispositions 
prevailing  in  them,  brought  on  that  great  sin  of  rejecting 
and  crucifying  the  Lord  Jesus,  which  God  has  required  of 
them. 

The  destruction  therefore  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and 
the  temple,  and  the  continued  dispersion  of  the  Jews,  are  a 
cogent  argument  for  the  truth  of  the  christian  religion.  They 
confirm  the  history  of  the  New  Testament,  and  every  part  of 
it.  If  they  had  not  sinned,  as  they  are  there  said  to  have 
done,  these  calamities  had  not  befallen  them.  Their  suffer- 
ings bear  witness  to  the  spotless  life,  and  excellent  doctrine, 
and  wonderful  works,  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  They  testify  that 
there  had  been  one  among  them  greater  than  Jonah,  and 
wiser  than  Solomon ;  but  they  slighted  all  his  wisdom  and 
repented  not,  as  the  people  of  Nineveh  did  at  the  preaching 
of  Jonah. 

They  confirm  particularly  the  history  recorded  in  Luke 
xxiii.  1 — 25:  "  And  the  whole  multitude  of  them"  [that  is, 
many  of  the  Jewish  council]  "  arose,  and  led  him  unto  Pilate, 
saying:  We  found  this  man  perverting  the  nation,  and  for- 
bidding to  give  tribute  to  Csesar,  saying,  that  he  himself  is 
Christ,  a  king.  Pilate  then  asked  him,  saying :  Art  thou 
the  king  of  the  Jews  ?  And  he  answered  him,  and  said,  Thou 
sayest  it."  [It  is  as  you  say.]  "  Then  said  Pilate  to  the 
chief  priests,  and  to  the  people,  I  find  no  fault  in  this  man. 
And  they  were  the  more  fierce,  saying  :  He  stirreth  up  the 
people,  teaching  throughout  all  Judea,  beginning  from  Ga- 
lilee to  this  place."  He  then  sent  Jesus  to  Herod,  who  sent 
him  back  again  to  Pilate.  "  After  which,  when  Pilate  had 
called  together  the  chief  priests,  and  the  rulers^  and  the 
people,  he  said  unto  them  ;  Ye  have  brought  this  man  unto 
me  as  one  that  perverteth  the  people ;  and  behold,  I  having 
examined  him  before  you,  have  found  no  fault  in  this  man 
touching  these  things  whereof  ye  accuse  him.  No,  nor  yet 
Herod  ;  for  I  sent  you  to  him.  And  lo,  nothing  worthy  of 
death  is  done  unto  him.  I  will  therefore  chastise  him,  and 
release  him.  For  of  necessity  he  must  release  one  unto  them 
at  the  feast.     And  they  cried  out, all  at  once,  saying:  Away 


Coucludiny  Observations.  591 

u  itii  this  man,  and  release  unto  us  Barabbas  :  (who,  for  a 
certain  sedition  made  in  the  city,  and  for  murder,  was  cast 
into  prison  :)  Pilate  therefore,  willing- to  release  Jesus,  spake 
again  to  them.  But  they  cried,  saying:  Crucify  him,  cru- 
cify him.  And  he  said  unto  theui  the  third  time:  Why, 
what  evil  hath  he  done?  I  have  found  no  cause  of  death  in 
iiim.  I  will  therefore  chastise  him  and  let  him  go.  And 
they  were  instant  with  lond  voices,  requiring-  that  he  might 
be  crucified  :  and  the  voices  of  them  and  the  chief-priests 
prevailed.  And  Pilate  gave  sentence  that  it  should  be  as  they 
required.  And  he  released  unto  them  him  that  for  sedition 
and  murder  was  cast  into  prison,  whom  they  desired  :  but 
he  delivered  Jesus  to  their  will."  Or  as  in  Matt,  xxvii. 
24,  25,  26,  "  When  Pilate  saw  that  he  could  prevail  no- 
thing-, but  that  rather  a  tumult  was  made,  he  took  water, 
and  washed  his  hands  before  the  multitude,  saying  :  1  am 
innocent  of  the  blood  of  this  just  person  :  see  ye  to  it. 
Then  answered  all  the  people,  and  said  :  His  blood  be  upon 
us,  and  our  children.  Then  released  he  Barabbas  unto 
them.  And  when  he  had  scourged  Jesus,  he  delivered  him 
to  be  crucified." 

To  these  things  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  pre- 
sent circumstances  of  the  Jews,  bear  witness;  as  also  to  the 
resurrection  of  Jesus,  and  his  ascension  to  heaven,  and  to 
the  plentiful  effusion  of  spiritual  gifts  afterwards  upon  his 
apostles,  and  others  ;  whereby  they  were  enabled  to  preach 
the  heavenly  doctrine,  in  which  their  Lord  and  Master  had 
instructed  them.  He  commanded  them  to  "  preach  repent- 
ance and  remission  of  sins  in  his  name,  beg-inning-  at  Jerusa- 
lem," Luke  xxiv.  47.  And  that  they  did  so,  preaching-  re- 
pentance toward  God,  and  faith  toward  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ :"  or,  that  they  did  earnestly  call  upon  the  Jewish  peo- 
ple in  Judea,  and  elsewhere,  to  repent  of  their  sins,  and  believe 
in  the  Lord  Jesus;  and  that  they  did  not  receive  their  in- 
structions and  warnings,  but  'killed  some  of  them,  scourged 
'  others,  and  persecuted  them  from  city  to  city  ;'  To  all 
these  things,  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  the  temple, 
and  other  calamities  brought  upon  the  Jevvish  people, 
bear  witness  :  and  thus  they  filled  up  the  measure  of  their 
iniquity. 

The  argument,  upon  which  I  have  now  insisted,  is  not 
new  ;  it  is  old;  and  has  been  well  managed  by  divers  ancient 
christian  writers.  I  shall  place  below  the  observations  made 
upon  the  long  captivity  of  the  Jews  by  Jerom  ^  and  by  Pru- 

*  Multa,  Judaee,  scelera  commisisti ;  cunctis  circa  te  servisti  nalionibus. 
Ob  quod  factum  ?  Utiquc,  propter  idololatriam.     Quumque  servisses,  crebro 


592  Jewish  Testimonies. 

dentius'^  in  their  own  language.  1  believe  they  will  be  pe- 
rused with  pleasure  by  some  of  my  readers  :  and  1  refer  to 
a  '^  place  of  Chrysostom  which  was  formerly  quoted  more  at 
large.     I  likewise  refer  to^  Oriffen. 

Nor  can  it  be  said  that  God  has  been  unrighteous  in  his 
dealings  with  them.  All  these  judgments  befell  them,  ac- 
cording to  the  original  plan  of  providence  concerning  them, 
and  according-  to  the  prophetic  denunciations  of  their  law- 
giver Moses.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  their  continued  dis- 
persion is  unrighteous,  since  they  persist  in  the  sin  which  first 
occasioned  it,  and  reject  Him  M'hom  God  has  sent  unto 
them  ;  and  not  only  reject  him,  but  reproach  and  revile  him, 
so  as  no  other  people  do.  And,  finally,  whenever  they 
repent,  they  may  obtain  forgiveness,  and  be  received  into 

misertus  tui  est  Deus :  et  misit  judices  et  salvatores,  qui  te  de  famulatu  Moabita- 
rum  et  Ammontarum,  Philistiim  quoque  et  diversarum  gentium  liberarunt. 
Novissime  sub  regibus  offendisti  Deum  ;  et  omnis  tua  provincia,  gente  Baby- 
lonica  vastante,  deleta  est.  Per  septuaginta  annos  templi  solitudo  permansit. 
A  Cyro  rege  Persarum  est  laxata  captivitas.  Esdras  hoc  et  Nehemias  plenis- 
sime  referunt.  Exstructum  est  templum  sub  Dario  rege  Persarum  a  Zorobabel 
filio  Salathiel,  et  Jesu  filio  Josedec,  sacerdote  magno.  Quae  passi  sitis  a  Medis, 
iEgyptiis,  Macedonibusque,  non  enumero.  Nee  tibi  adducam  in  raemoriam 
Antiochum  Epiphanem,  crudelissimum  omnium  tyrannorura ;  nee  Cn.  Pom- 
peium,  Gabinium,  Scaurum,  Varum,  Cassium,  Sosiumque  replicabo,  qui  tuis 
uvbibus,  et  praecipue  Jerosolymae,  insultavere.  Ad  extremum  sub  Vespasiano 
et  Tito  urbs  capta,  templumque  subversum  est.  Deinde  civitatis  usque  ad  Ha- 
drianum  principem  per  quinquaginta  annos  mansere  reliquiae.  Post  ever- 
sionem  templi  pauUo  minus  per  quadringentos  annos  et  urbis  et  templi  ruinae 
permanent.  Ob  quod  tantum  facinus  ?  Certe  non  colis  idola  ;  sed  etiam  ser- 
viens  Persis  atque  Romanis,  et  captivitatis  pressus  jugo,  ignoras  alienos  deos. 
Quomodo  clementissimus  quondam  Deus,  qui  nunquam  tui  oblitus  est,  nunc 
per  tanta  spatia  temporum  miseriis  tuis  non  adducitur  ut  solvat  captivitatem, 
el,  ut  verius  dicam,  exspectatum  tibi  mittat  Antichristum  ?  Ob  quod,  inquam, 
facinus,  et  tam  exsecrabile  scelus,  avertit  a  te  oculos  suos  ?  Ignoras  ?  Memento 
vocis  parentum  tuorum.  Sanguis  ejus  super  nos,  et  super  filios  nostros.  Et : 
Venite,  occidamus  eum,  et  nostra  erit  haereditas.  Et:  Non  habemus  regem, 
nisi  Caesarem.  Habes  quod  elegisti ;  usque  ad  finem  mundi  serviturus  es  Cae- 
sari,  donee  gentium  introeat  plenitude,  et  sic  omnis  Israel  salvus  fiet ;  ut  qui 
quondam  erat  in  capite,  vertatur  in  caudam.  Hieron.  ad  Dardan.  T.  2.  d. 
610,  611. 

''  Quid  mereare,  Titus  docuit :  docuere  rapinis 

Pompeianae  acies,  quibus  extirpata  per  omnes 

Terrarum  plagique  plagas  tua  membra  feruntur. 

Exiliis  vagus  hue  illuc  fluitantibus  errat 

Judaeus,  postquara,  patria  de  sede  revulsus, 

Supplicium  pro  caede  luit,  Christique  negati 

Sanguine  respersus  commista  piacula  solvit. 

Prud.  Apoth.  ver.  238,  kc. 
*=  Adversus  Judaeos  Or.  vi.  T.  i.  p.  652,  653. 

^  Contr.  Cels.  1.  2.  sect.  13.  Bened.  p.  69.  Spenc.  1.  4.  sect.  22.  Bened  p. 
174.  Sp.  et  sect.  73.  Ben.  p.  212.  Sp.  1.  8.  sect.  42.  Ben.  p.  405.  Spenc. 
seu  Cantab. 


ConcludiiKj  Observations.  593 

the  church  of  Christ,  and  partake  in  all  the  privileges  of  it, 
and  in  the  end  obtain  everlasting-  life,  which  God  through 
Jesus  Christ  has  promised  to  all  those  who  love  him.  "  For 
God  has  not  cast  away  his  people  whom  he  foreknew  ;  and 
if  they  abide  not  still  in  unbelief,"  they  will  be  graciously 
received.     Rom.  xi.  2,  and  23. 

The  circumstances  of  the  Jewish  people  deserve  the  atten- 
tive regard  and  serious  consideration  of  all  mankind,  Jews, 
and  christians,  and  the  men  of  all  nations  and  religions,  where 
their  history  is  known :  as  it  now  generally  is,  from  the 
books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and  from  Josephus, 
and  other  writing's. 

o  ,  •  1     • 

The  writings  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists,  contained  m 
the  New  Testament,  are  faithful  records  of  the  life  of  Jesus, 
and  the  promises  of  the  gospel.  And  the  continued  subsist- 
ence of  the  Jewish  people  in  a  dispersed  condition,  all  over 
the  earth,  bears  testimony  to  the  truth  of  every  thing  related 
by  them.  Thus  God,  the  Sovereign  Lord  of  all,  in  his  great 
wisdom,  has  provided  a  perpetual  and  universal  living  monu- 
ment to  the  memory  of  the  transactions  and  sufferings  of 
Jesus  in  Judea  ;  and  of  his  own  veracity  in  "  performing  the 
mercy  promised  to  their  fathers,  and  the  oath  which  he 
sware  to  Abraham  ;"  Luke  i.  72,  73,  Gen.  xxii.  15 — 18, 
and,  that  "  when  the  fulness  of  the  time  was  come,  he 
sent  forth  his  Son,  made  of  a  woman,  made  under  the  law, 
to  redeem"  mankind  from  idolatry,  and  all  vice,  and  from  all 
burdensome  rites,  whether  of  Jewish  or  heathen  original. 
Gal.  iv.  4,  5. 

The  circumstances  of  the  Jewish  people  confirm  the  faith 
of  christians,  and  are  a  loud  call  to  themselves  to  think,  and 
consider,  and  repent,  and  believe.  And  it  should  in  a  like 
manner  affect  and  aw^aken  all  other  people.  It  is  a  voice 
M'hich  may  be  heard  by  those  who  have  not  yet  seen  the 
gospels,  and  perhaps  are  averse  to  them  ;  and  it  should  in- 
duce them  to  look  into  them,  and  carefully  examine  them. 

That  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  is  manifest  from  his  agreeing  to 
all  the  prophetic  descriptions  concerning  that  great  person, 
which  are  recorded  in  the  Jewish  scriptures,  that  he  might 
be  known  when  he  came.  He  is  the  seed  of  Abraham,  and 
the  son  of  David  :  "  the  rod  out  of  the  stem  of  Jesse — And 
the  spirit  of  the  Lord  rested  on  him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom 
and  understanding,  the  spirit  of  counsel  and  of  might,  the 
spirit  of  knowledge  and  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord.  And  to 
him  the  Gentiles  have  sought,"  Is.  xi.  1,  2,  3,  10.  He  was 
born  of  a  "  virgin,"  Is.  vii.  14,  "  at  Bethlehem  in  Judea," 
Mic.  v.  2.  "In  him  all  the  families  of  the  earth  have  been 

VOL.    VI.  2    Q 


594  Jewish  Testimonies. 

blessed,"  according-  to  the  promise  made  to  Abraham,  Gen. 
xii.  3,  xviii.  18,  xxii.  18.  He  is  "  the  servant  of  God,  wliom 
he  upheld,  his  elect,  in  whom  his  soul  delighteth,"  [or 
God's  well  beloved  Son,]  *'  and  hath  brought  forth  judgment 
to  the  Gentiles,"  Is.  xlii.  1.  "  He  hath  been  a  light  to  lighten 
the  Gentiles,  and  salvation  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,"  Is. 
xlix.  6.  "  The  isles  waited  for  his  law,  and  have  received  it," 
Is.  xlii.  4.  "  And  the  earth  is  now  full  of  the  knowledge  of 
God,  as  the  waters  cover  the  sea,"  Is.  xi.  9.  We  have 
"anew  heaven,  and  a  new  earth,"  Is.  Ixv.  17.  "All  the  gods 
of  the  earth  have  been  famished,"  Zeph.  ii.  11.  Heathen 
idolatry,  once  so  general,  and  so  much  delighted  in  by 
princes  and  people,  is  now  no  more  in  this  part  of  the  world  ; 
their  temples  are  demolished,  or  put  to  other  uses;  their 
oracles  are  silent ;  nor  do  they  receive  human  or  other  sacri- 
fices. And  God  himself,  the  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  is 
no  longer  served  with  sacrifices  of  animals,  or  oblations  of 
fruits  of  the  earth,  but  with  prayers  and  praises,  and  good 
works  of  righteousness  and  mercy  ;  nor  is  his  worship  now 
confined  to  any  one  particular  place.  The  time  is  come, 
"  when  men  should  neither  at  mount  Gerizim,  nor  at  Jeru- 
salem, worship  the  Father :  and  when  the  true  worship- 
pers of  God  shall  worship  him  in  spirit  and  in  truth,"  John 
iv.  21  — 23.  And  "  in  every  nation,  he  tbat  feareth  God, 
and  worketh  righteousness,  is  accepted  of  him,"  Acts  x. 
36.  Jesus  had  "the  words  of  eternal  life,"  John  vi.  68. 
And  "  God  has  poured  out  of  his  spirit  npou  all  flesh," 
Joel  ii.  28.  Is.  xliv.  3.  Acts  ii.  17.  And  "all  men  now 
know  God  from  the  least  to  the  greatest  of  them,"  Jerem. 
xxxi.  3,  4.  All  have  just  sentiments,  and  are  able  to  dis- 
course rationally  concerning  God,  the  Creator  of  all  things, 
and  his  overruling"  Providence,  and  future  rewards  and  pu- 
nishments. We  now  worship  God  on  earth,  through  Jesus 
Christ,  in  a  reasonable,  spiritual,  liberal  manner,  in  hopes 
of  obtaining,  hereafter,  perfection  of  holiness  and  happiness 
in  the  kingdom  of  our  heavenly  Father. 

Jesus,  then,  is  the  promised  Messiah  who  was  to  come. 
Nor  is  there  any  reason  why  we  should  look  for  another. 

I  have  formerly  repeated  ^  this  subject.  But  the  large 
and  copious  testimony  of  Josephus  to  the  fulfilment  of  our 
Saviour's  predictions  concerning-  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  the  miseries  coming  upon  the  Jewish  people,  and 
the  repeated   acknowledgments  of  the  destruction   of  the 

•  The  circumstances  of  the  Jewish  people  an  argument  for  the  truth  of  the 
christian  religion.     Vol.  ix.  p.  60 — 91. 


Concluding  Observations.  595 

temple  in  the  Mishnical  and  Talmudical  writers,  have  com- 
pelled me  to  enlarge  here,  as  I  have  now  done. 

Finally,  to  put  an  end  to  this  long-  argument  ;  if  we  have 
obtained  the  invaluable  treasure  of  the  gospel,  that  "  pearl 
of  great  price,"  let  ns  be  thankful  to  God  who  has  so  en- 
riched us  by  Jesus  Christ.  And  let  us  be  careful  to  keep 
it  entire,  and  in  all  its  purity,  unalloyed  with  base  mixtures, 
and  undisguised  by  false  colourings.  Our  own  glory  and 
the  credit  of  our  religion  depend  upon  this. 

As  for  the  Jewish  people,  1  believe  all  good  christians 
will  readily  join  with  the  apostle  Paul,  and  say  :  "  Our 
hearts'  desire, and  prayer  to  God  for  Israel,  is,  that  they  might 
be  saved,"  Rom.  x.  1.  Nevertheless  1  acknowledge  that  I 
see  no  immediate  prospect  of  their  general  conversion  ;  and 
must  assent  to  what  the  same  apostle  says  in  another  place, 
who  had  great  dealings  with  them,  after  his  conversion  to  the 
christian  faith,  as  well  as  before,  and  had  full  experience  of 
their  untractable  temper,  which  is  still  too  much  the  same 
that  it  was  in  his  time  :  "  But  their  minds  were  blinded  ; 
for  until  this  day  remaineth  the  same  vail,  untaken  away, 
in  the  reading  of  the  Old  Testament ;  which  vail  is  done 
away  in  Christ.  But  even  unto  this  day,  when  Moses  is 
read,  the  vail  is  upon  their  heart.  Nevertheless,  when  it 
shall  turn  to  the  Lord,  the  vail  shall  be  taken  away,"  2 
Cor.  iii.  14 — 10. 

God  grant  that  we  may  all  know  and  mind  the  things 
which  are  conducive  to  our  true  interests  both  here  and 
hereafter ! 


2  Q 


TESTIMONIES 


OF 


ANCIENT  HEATHEN  AUTHORS. 


CHAP.  I. 


The  Epistle  of  Ahgarus  krny  of  Edessa  to  Jesus,  and  the 
Rescript  of  Jesus  to  Ahgarus, 

AS  the  autliority  of  these  epistles  depends  entirely  upon 
Eusebius,  I  shall  here  transcribe  his  account  at  length, 
which  is  in  the  thirteenth  or  last  chapter  of  the  first  book 
of  his  Ecclesiastical  History. 

'  A*  History  concerning*  the  Prince  of  the  Edessens.' 

*  The  divinity  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,'  says 
Eusebius,  '  being  every  where  talked   of  by  reason   of  his 

wonderful  power  in  working  miracles,  it  drew  after  him 
many  people  from  other  countries,  and  some  very  remote 
from  Judea,  who  were  filled  with  hopes  of  relief  under  all 
sorts  of  pains  and  sicknesses.  For  which  reason  king  Ah- 
garus, who''  with  honour  governed  the  nations  beyond 
the  Euphrates,  labouring-  under  a  grievous  distemper,  in- 
curable by  human  skill,  when  he  heard  of  the  fame  of 
Jesus,  which  Mas  much  celebrated,  and  his  wonderful 
works  attested  by  the  unanimous  testimony  of  all  men, 
sent  a  letter  to  him  by  a  messenger,  entreating  him  to  cure 
his  distemper.  But  he  did  not  then  comply  with  his  re- 
quest, yet  he  vouchsafed  to  write  to  him  a  letter,  wherein 
he  promised  to  send  one  of  his  disciples  who  should  cure 
his  distemper,  and  also  bring  salvation  to  him,  and  to  all 
with  him :  Avhich  promise  was  not  long  after  fulfilled :  for 
after  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  his  ascension  to 
heaven,  Thomas,  one  of  the  twelve  apostles,  moved  by  a 

*  'Iropta  TTtpt  T8  roiv  'E.^t<r(Jr\vti>v  Swuts.     H.  E.  1.  i.  cap.  13.  p.  31. 

••  '  Who  governed  the  nations  beyond  the  Euplirates.'     That  is  the  lofty 
style  of  the  eastern  people.     Abgarus  was  governor  of  only  a  small  territory. 


Of  the  Epistle  of  Abganis  to  our  Saviour.     A.  D.  33.        597 

*  divine  impulse,  sent  Thaddeus,  one  of  Christ's  seventy  dis- 
'  ciples,  to  Edessa,  to  be  a  preacher  and   an  evangelist  of 

*  Christ's  doctrine,  by  whom   all   things  promised  by  our 

*  Saviour  were  fulfilled.  The  evidence  of  this  we  have  from 
'  the  records  of  the  city  of  Edessa :  for  among  the  public 

*  records,  wherein  are  entered  the  antiquities  of  the  city, 
'  and  the  actions  of  Abgarus,  these  things  are  still  found 

*  preserved  to  this  day.  It*^  will  therefore  be  worth  the 
'  while  to  attend  to  the  letters,  as  taken  by  us  [or  for  us] 

*  from  the  archives,  and  translated  word  for  word  from  the 

*  Syriac  language. 

'  The  copy  of  the  letter  which  was  written  by  Abgarus  the 

*  toparch  to  Jesus,  and  sent  to  him  at  Jerusalem  by  the 

*  courier  Ananias. 

*  "  Abgarus,  toparch  [or  prince]  of  Edessa,  to  Jesus  the 

*  good  Saviour,  who  has  appeared  at  Jerusalem,  sendeth 
'  greeting.  I  have  heard  of  thee,  and  of  thy  cures,  performed 
'  without  herbs,  or  other  medicines.  For  it  is  reported  that 
'  thou  makest  the  blind  to  see,  and  the  lame  to  walk :  that 

*  thou  cleansest  lepers,  and  castest  out  unclean  spirits  and 
'  daemons,  and  healest  those  who  are  tormented  with  diseases 
'  of  a  longstanding,  and  raisest  the  dead.  Having  heard  of  all 
'  these  things  concerning-  thee,  I  concluded  in  my  mind  one 
'  of  these  two  things — — either  that  thou  art  God  come 
'  down  from  heaven  to  do  these  things,  or  else  thou  art  the 
'  Son  of  God,  and  so  performest  them.     Wherefore  I  now 

*  write  unto  thee,  entreating  thee  to  come  to  me,  and  to  heal 
'  my  distemper.     Moreover  I  hear  that  the  Jews  murmur 

*  against  thee,  and  plot  to  do  thee  mischief.  I  have  a  city, 
'  small   indeed,   but  neat,  which   may  suffice  for  us  both.' 

*  Now  let  us  attend,'  says  Eusebius,  'to  the  letter  which 
'  Jesus  returned  by  the  same  courier,  short  indeed,  but  very 

*  powerful.     It  is  in  these  words." 

'  The  rescript  oj"  Jesus  to  the  toparch  Abyarns,  sent  by  the 

'  courier  Ananias. 

'  "  Abgarus,  thou  art  happy,  forasmuch  as  thou  hast  be- 
'  lieved  in  me,  though  thou  hast  not  seen  me.'  John  xx. 
29.     '  For  it  is  written  concerning  me,  that  they  who  have 

*  seen  me  should  not  believe  in  me,  that  they  who  have  not 

*  seen  me  mig-ht  believe  and  live.     As  for  what  thou   hast 

"^   mro  Tix)v  apxinov  I'lfiiv  ava\T}<p9eiffMv,  Kai  TovSe  uvtoiq  prjuatriv  ik 

Tij^  ^ifutv  ipoJi'i]^  fitra^XtjOtiaatv  tov  tqottov.  p.  32.  B. 


59S  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens, 

written  to  me  desiring  me  to  come  to  thee,  it  is  necessary 
that  all  those  things,  for  which  I  am  sent,  should  be  ful- 
filled by  me  here  :  and  that  after  fulfilling  them,  I  should 
be  received  up  to  him  that  sent  me.  When  therefore  I 
shall  be  received  up,  I  will  send  to  thee  some  one  of  my 
disciples,  that  he  may  heal  thy  distemper,  and  give  life 
to  thee,  and  to  those  who  are  with  thee." 

*  To  these  epistles,'  as  Eusebius  goes  on  to  say,  '  are  sub- 
joined the  following  things,  and  in  the  Syriac  language — 
That  after  Jesus  had  been  taken  up,  [or  after  his  ascen- 
sion,] Judas,  called  also  Thomas,  sent  the  apostle  Thad- 
deus,  one  of  the  seventy  ;  who,  when  he  came  to  Edessa, 
took  up  his  abode  with  Tobias,  son  of  Tobias.  When  his 
arrival  was  rumoured  about,  and  he  had  begun  to  be 
known  by  the  miracles  which  he  wrought,  it  was  told  to 
Abgarus,  that  an  apostle  was  sent  to  him  by  Jesus,  accord- 
ing to  his  promise.  Thaddeus  therefore  by  the  power  of 
God  healed  all  sorts  of  maladies,  so  that  all  wondered. 
But  when  Abgarus  heard  of  the  great  and  wonderful  works 
which  he  did,  and  how  he  healed  men  in  the  name  and  by 
the  power  of  Jesus  Christ,  he  was  induced  to  suspect  [ev 
vTToi'oia  76701'e//]  that  he  was  the  person  about  whom  Jesus 
had  written  to  him,  saying,  "  When  I  am  taken  up,  I  will 
send  to  thee  some  one  of  my  disciples,  who  shall  heal  thy 
distemper."  Sending  therefore  for  Tobias,  at  whose  house 
he  was,  he  said  to  him  :  "  I  hear  that  a  man,  endowed  with 
great  power,  and  come  from  Jerusalem,  is  at  thy  house,  and 
that  he  works  many  cures  in  the  name  of  Jesus."  To 
which  Tobias  answered,  "  Yes,  Sir  ;  there  is  a  stranger 
with  me,  who  performs  many  miracles."  Abgarus  then 
said  :  "  Bring  him  hither  to  me."  Tobias  coming  to  Thad- 
deus, said  to  him:  "  The''  prince  Abgarus,  has  bid  me 
bring  thee  to  him,  that  thou  may  est  heal  his  distemper." 
Whereupon  Thaddeus  said  :  "  I  go ;  for  it  is  upon  his  ac- 
count, chiefly,  that  I  am  sent  hither."  The  next  day,  early 
in  the  morning,  Tobias  taking  Thaddeus  came  to  Abgarus. 
As  he  came  in,  the  nobles  being  present,  there  appeared  to 
Abgarus  somewhat  very  extraordinary  in  the  countenance 
of  Thaddeus;  which  "  when  Abgarus  saw,  he  worshipped 
Thaddeus;  which  appeared  strange  to  all  present;  for  they 
did  not  see  that  brightness  which  was  discerned  by  Abgarus 
only.  He  then  asked  Thaddeus,  "  If  he  were  indeed  the 
disciple  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  God,  who  had  said  to  him  : 
*'  I  will  send  to  thee  some  one  of  my  disciples  who  shall 

*"    O  TOTrap^Tjg. 

*  'ATTff)  iSuJv  AfiyapoQ  7rpo(rtKVVt)iTf  Tq)  QaSSai'ii. — p.  33.  D. 


of  the  Epistle  of  jlbijarus  to  our  Saviour.     A.  D.  33.       599 

heal  thy  distemper,  and  give  life  to  all  with  thee."     Thad- 
deus  answered  ;   "  Forasmuch  as  thou  hast  great  faith  in 
the  Lord  Jesus,  therefore  am  1  sent  unto  thee:  and  if  thou 
shall  increase  in  faith  in  him,  all  the  desires  of  thy  heart 
will  be  fulfilled  according  to  thy  faith."     Then  Abgarus 
said  to  him  :  ''  I  have  so  believed  in  him,  that  I  would  go 
with  an  army  to  extirpate  the  Jews  m  ho  crucified  him,  if  1 
were  not  apprehensive  of  the  Roman  power."     Then  Thad- 
deus  said  :  "Our  Lord  and  God  Jesus  Christ  has  fulfilled 
the  will  of  his  Father:  and,  having  fulfilled  it,  he  has  been 
taken  up  to  his    Father."     Abgarus  then  said  :  "  I  have 
believed  in  him,  and  in  his  Father."     And  thereupon  said 
Thaddeus:  "  Therefore  I  put  my  hand  upon  thee  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord  Jesus."     And,  upon  his  so  doing,  Abgarus  was 
healed  of  his  distemper.     And  Abgarus  wondered,  that  as 
it  had  been  reported  concerning  Jesus  so  it  had  been  done 
by  his  disciple  and  apostle  Thaddeus;  insomuch  as  he  had 
healed  him  without  herbs,  or  other   medicines.     Nor  did 
he  heal  him  alone,  but  also  Abdus,  son  of  Abdus,  who  had 
the  gout.     For  he   came  to   him,  and   fell   down   upon  his 
knees   before  him,  and  by  the  laying  on  of  his  hands  with 
prayer  he  was   healed.     The  same  apostle   healed    many 
other  citizens  of  the  same  place,  and  wrought  many  and 
great  miracles  as   he   preached    the  word.     After   which 
Abgarus  spoke  to  this  purpose:  "  Thou  Thaddeus  doest 
these  things   by  the  power  of  God,  and  we  admire  thee. 
But   1  beseech  thee  to    inform  me  about  the  coming  of 
Jesus,  how  it  was,  and  of  his  power,  and  by  what  power 
he  did  all  those  things  which  we  have  heard  of."     To  which 
Thaddeus  answered  :  "  Now  I   forbear,  though  I  am  sent 
to  preach  the  word;  but  to-morrow  gather  together  all  the 
citizens,  and  then  in  their  hearing  I  will  preach  the  word, 
and  sow  in  them  the  word  of  life,  and  will  inform  them  of 
the  coming  of  Christ,  how  it  was,  and  concerning  his  mis- 
sion, and  for  what  cause  he  was  sent  by  the  Father,  and 
'  concerning  the  power  of  his  works,  and  the  mysteries  which 
'  he  spoke  in  the  world,  and  by  what  power   he  did  these 
'  things,  and  concerning  his   new  doctrine,  and   about  the 
'  meanness  and  dcspicableness  of  his  outward  appearance, 
'  and  how  he  humbled  himself,  and  died,  and'  lessened  his 
'  deity  ;  how  many  things  he  sufl^ered  from  the  Jews,  and 
'  how  he  was   crucified,  and  descended  into  hell,   and  rent 
'  asunder  the  inclosure  never  before  separated,  and  arose, 
'  and  raised  up  the  dead  who  had  been  buried  many  ages ; 

'  Kai  KTfUKpvvtv  avTs  rrtv  QioTtjra.  p.  35.  A. 


600  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

'  and  how  he  descended  alone,  but  ascended  to  his  Father 

*  with  a  great  multitude  ;  and  how  he  is  set  down  on  the 
'  right  hand  of  the  Father  w  ith  glory  in  the  heavens ;  and 
'  how  he  will  come  again  with  glory  and  power  to  judge 
'  the    living    and    the    dead."      Abgarus    therefore    issued 

*  out  orders  that  all  the  citizens  should  come  together 
'  early  the  next  morning,  to  hear  the  preaching  of  Thad- 
'  deus.      And    after    that    he    commanded    that    gold    and 

*  silver  should  be  given  to  him,  but  he  did  not  receive  it, 
'  saying  :  "When  we  have  left  our  own  things,  how  should 
'  we  receive  those  things  which  belong  to  others  V  This 
'  was  done  in  the  four  hundred  and  thirtieth  year.  These 
'  things,  translated  from  the  Syriac  language,  word  for 
'  word,    we  have  placed    here,  as  we    think,    not    impro- 

*  perly.' 

Thus  I  have  now  translated  this  whole  history  from  Eu- 
sebius  at  large,  thinking  that  to  be  the  shortest  way  to 
a  good  conclusion,  and  that  all  my  readers  may  be  the  bet- 
ter able  to  judge  of  the  remarks  that  shall  be  made. 

Various  are  the  opinions  of  learned  men  concerning-  this 
history,  some  receiving-  it  as  true,  or  at  leasts  being  favour- 
able to  it;  others  rejecting  it  ^  as  false  and  fabulous.  I  shall 
put  down  here  the  following-  observations. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  then,  I  think,  we  are  not  to  make  any 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  what  Eusebius  says,  that  all  this  was 
recorded  in  the  archives  of  the  city  Edessa  in  the  Syriac 
language,  and  was  thence  translated  into  Greek.  Eusebius 
has  been  supposed  by  some  to  say  that  himself  translated  it 
from  the  Syriac:  but  that  is  not  clear;  nor  is  it  certain 
that  he  understood  Syriac  ;  much  less  have  we  any  reason 
to  say  that  he  was  at  Edessa,  and  took  this  account  from  the 
archives  himself. 

2.  This  history  is  not  mentioned  by  any  before  '  Eusebius : 

e  Cav.  H.  L.  Grabe,  Spic.  Assera.  Bib.  Or.  T,  i.  p.  554.  Abp.  Wake's  Intro- 
duction to  his  Translation  of  the  ApostoHcal  Fathers,  ch.  ix.  Tillem.  Mem. 
Ecc.  St.  Thomas,  T.  i.  p.  360.  Addison  of  the  Christian  Religion,  section  i. 
num.  viii.  p.  280.  ^  J.  Basnage,  Hist,  de  I'Eglise,  1.  21.  ch. 

ii.  p.  1312.  Hist,  des  Juifs.  Vol.  i.  p.  200.  S.  Basnag.  Ann.  29.  n.  xxxviii. — 
xlii.  Fr.  Spanh.  H.  E.  T.  i.  D.  578,  et  794.  Pagi,  ann.  244.  n.  vji.  Cleric. 
H.  E.  p.  332.  et  Bib.  ch.  T.'xvi.  p.  99.  Fabr.  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  T.  i.  p. 
319,  &c.  Philip.  Jacob.  Sklerandr.  H.  Antiq.  Ec.  Chr.  cap.  vii.  not.  65. 
J.  Jones  upon  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  2.  p.  1,  &c.  Du  Pin,  Diss.  Prelim. 
Tom.  ii.  Vid.  et  Vales.  Annot.  in  Euseb.  Colonia,  La  Religion  Chret.  autho- 
risee  par  les  Payens.  T.  2.  p.  339,  &c. 

'  Tons  les  ecrivains  ecclesiastiques,  qui  ont  ete  depuis  J.  C.  jusqu'au  temps 
d'  Eusebe,  ne  nous  parlent  ni  pres  ni  loin  de  cette  Histoire,  ni  de  ces  Epitres. 
Et  qui  croira,  qu'ils  n'en  eussent  rien  dit,  si  elle  leur  eut  ete  connue  ?  &c. 
Sueur.  Histoire  de  I'Eglise,  et  de  I'Empire.  A.  J.  C.  31.  T.  i.  p.  103,  &c. 


Of  the  Epistle  of  Abrjarus  to  our  Saviour.     A.  D.  33.        601 

not  by  Justin  IMartyr,  nor  Tatian,  nor  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
nor  Origen,  nor  by  any  otlier;  nor  does  Eusebius  give  any 
liitit  of  that  kind;  he  had  it  from  Edessa;  it  was  unheard 
of  among-  the  Greeks  till  his  time;  but,  having  received  it, 
he  thought  it  might  be  not  improperly  transcribed  into  his 
Ecclesiastical  History. 

3.  It  is  not  much  taken  notice  of  by  succeeding  writers. 
It  is  not  mentioned,  I  think,  by  Athanasius,  nor  Gregory 
Nyssen,  or  Nazianzen,  nor  Epiphanius,  nor  Chrysostom : 
Jerom  has  once  mentioned  it,  and  will  be  cited  by  and  by: 
but  he  has  not  inserted,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical 
Writers,  either  Jesus,  or  Abgarus ;  neither  of  whom  would 
have  been  omitted  if  he  had  any  respect  for  the  epistles  here 
produced  by  Eusebius.  This  affair  is  indeed  mentioned, 
or  referred  to,  by  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  in  his  Testament  : 
but  that  is  not  a  work  of  so  much  authority  as  has  been 
supposed  by  some  :  and  it  is  interpolated  in  several  places, 
both  in  the  Greek  and  Syriac  copies  of  it;  as  was  observed  '' 
formerly. 

4.  This  whole  affair  was  unknown  to  Christ's  apostles,  and 
to  the  believers,  their  contemporaries, both  Jews  and  Gentiles, 
as  is  manifest  from  the  early  disputes  about  the  method  of 
receiving  Gentile  converts  into  the  church.  If  Jesus  Christ 
had  himself  written  a  letter  to  a  heathen  prince,  and  had 
promised  to  send  to  him  one  of  his  disciples,  and  if  that  dis- 
ciple had  accordingly  gone  to  Edessa,  and  there  received 
the  king  and  his  subjects  into  communion  with  the  church 
without  circumcision,  there  could  have  been  no  room  for 
any  doubt  or  dispute  about  the  method  of  receiving  Gen- 
tile converts  to  Christianity.  Or  if  any  dispute  had  arisen, 
would  not  this  history  of  the  visit  of  Thaddeus  have  been 
alleged?  which  would  have  been  sufficient  to  put  all  to 
silence.  Nor  is  there  any  room  to  say  that  this  visit  of 
Thaddeus  at  Edessa  was  after  St.  Peter's  going  to  the  house 
of  Cornelius,  or  after  the  council  of  Jerusalem :  for  it  is 
dated  in  the  three  hundred  and  fortieth  year,  that  is,  of  the 
sera  of  the  Seleucidse,  or  of  the  Edessens  :  which  is  com- 
puted to  be  the  fifteenth  or  sixteenth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Tiberius,  and  the  year  of  Christ  29 ;  M-hen,  according  to 
many  ancient  christians,  our  Lord  died,  and  rose  again, 
and  ascended  to  heaven.  Indeed  I  think  it  is  impossible 
to  reconcile  this  account  with  the  history  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles. 

5.  If  Jesus  Christ  had  written  a  letter  to  king  Abgarus, 
it  would  have  been  a  part  of  sacred  scripture,  and  would 

"  See  Vol.  iv.  p.  306. 


602  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

have  been  placed  at  the  head  of  all  the  books  of  the  New- 
Testament  :  but  it  was  never  so  respected  by  any  ancient 
christian  writers.  It  does  not  appear  in  any  catalogues  of 
canonical  books  which  we  have  in  ancient  authors,  or  in 
councils.  In  the  decree  of  the  council  of  Rome,  in  the  time 
of  pope  Gelasius,  in  the  year  496,  the  epistle  of  Christ  to 
Abgarus  is  expressly  called  '  apocryphal.  Nor  does  Euse- 
bius  himself  upon  any  occasion  reckon  it  up  among-  canon- 
ical scriptures,  received  by  those  before  him.  The  titles  of 
the  chapters  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History  are  allowed  to  be 
his  own.  The  title  of  the  chapter  which  has  been  just 
transcribed  from  him  is  this :  A  History  concerning-  the 
Prince  of  the  Edessens.  It  was  a  story  which  he  had  re- 
ceived ;  and  he  afterwards  tells  us  particularly  where  he  had 
it.  And  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  second  book  of  the  same 
work,  having-  mentioned  the  choice  of  Matthias  in  the  room 
of  Judas,  and  the  choice  of  the  seven  deacons,  and  the  death 
of  St.  Stephen,  from  the  Acts,  he  recites  again  briefly  the 
history  before  told  concerning-  Abg-arus,  and  says  :  '  This  "" 
'  we  have  learned  from  the  history  of  the  ancients.  Now  we 
'  return  to  the  sacred  scripture ;'  where  he  proceeds  to  relate 
from  the  Acts  what  followed  after  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Ste- 
phen. In  short,  though  Eusebius  would  not  pass  over  this 
aft'air  without  notice,  he  seems  not  to  have  placed  any  great 
weight  upon  it:  and  succeeding  writers  have  better  under- 
stood his  meaning*  than  some  of  late  times,  who  have  shown 
so  much  regard  to  this  relation. 

6.  It  was  the  opinion  of  many  of  the  most  learned  and 
ancient  christians,  that  our  Lord  wrote  nothing:  therefore 
this  epistle  was  unknown  to  them,  or  they  did  not  suppose 
it  to  be  genuine.  To  this  purpose  speak  "  Origen,  "  Jerom, 
and  I'  Augustine. 

7.  There  are  several  things  in  this  epistle  to  Abgarus 
which  are  liable  to  exception. 

(1.)  At  the  beginning-  of  the  epistle  our  Lord  is  made  to 
sny  :  '  Abgarus,  thou  art  happy,  forasmuch  as  thou  hast  be- 
'  lieved  in  me  though  thou  hast  not  seen  me.  For  it  is  writ- 
*  ten  concerning  me,  that  they  who  have  seen  me,  should  not 
'  believe  in  me,  that  they  who  have  not  seen  me  might  be- 
'  lieve  in  me  and  live.'     Says  Du  Pin,  and  to  the  like  purpose 

'  Epistola  Jesuad  Abgarum  Regem  apocrypha. 

"'    Kai  rnvTa  jxiv  wc  £?  af)Yatwj/  Wopiag  tipr}(T9io.    MtTuojxev  S'  av^iQ  an  r»;v 
Piutv  ypafrjv.    L.  2.  c.  ] .  p.  'A9.  B. 
"  Contr.  Cels.  1.  i.  sect.  45.  p.  34. 
"  Hieron.  in  Ezech.  c.  xliv.  T.  iii.  1034. 
p  De  Consens.  Evang.  1.  i.  c.  7.  et  Retract.  1.  2.  c.  16. 


Of  the  Epistle  of  Mcjarus  to  our  Saviour.     A.  D.  33.       G03 

say  others  :  '  VVbere'i  are  those  words  written  ?  Does  not  one 
'  see  that  he  who  made  this  letter  alludes  to  the  words  of 
'  Jesus  Christ  to  St.  Thomas :  "  Blessed  are  they  who  have 

♦  not  seen,  and  yet  have  believed,"  John  xx.  29.  Words 
'  which   were  not  spoken   by  Jesus  Christ  until  after  his 

*  resurrection,  and  which  were  not  written  until  long'  after- 
'  wards  :  which  manifestly  shows  the  forgery  of  this  epistle.' 

(2.)  Our  Lord  here  seems  to  speak  more  clearly  of  his 
resurrection,  or  being-  taken  up  to  heaven,  than  he  does  to 
the  disciples  in  the  gospels. 

(3.)  Christ  here  defers  to  cure  Abgarus  of  his  distemper. 
He  tells  him  that  '  some  time  hereafter  he  would  send  one 

•  of  his  disciples  to  him,  who  should  heal  him.'  Which  is 
altogether  unworthy  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  different  from 
his  usual  and  well-known  conduct,  who  never  refused  to 
grant  the  requests  of  those  who  sought  to  him,  and  expressed 
faith  in  his  power.  Listead  of  what  is  here  said  to  Abgarus, 
after  commending-  his  faith,  our  Lord  would  have  added  and 
said:  '  Henceforth  thou  art  healed  of  thy  distemper:'  or, 
'  be  it  unto  thee  according  to  thy  faith  :'  or,  '  as  thou  hast 
'  believed,  so  be  it  done  unto  thee.' 

This  we  can  conclude  from  similar  cases,  recorded  by 
authentic  witnesses  :  Matt.  viii.  13  ;  xv.  28  ;  Mark  vii.  29. 

8.  There  are  several  other  things  in  this  history  which  are 
very  liable  to  exception. 

(1.)  It  is  said  that,  after  our  Lord's  resurrection  and  as- 
cension, Thomas  sent  to  Edessa  Thaddeus,  one  of  Christ's 
seventy  disciples.  But  Thaddeus  was  an  apostle,  as  we 
learn  from  Matt.  x.  3,  and  Mark  iii.  18.  It  is  likewise  here 
said  that '  Judas,  called  also  Thomas,  sent  Thaddeus.'  Upon 
which  Valesius"^  observes  :  '  Thomas,  who  was  one  of  the 
'  twelve,  was  also  called  Didymus,  as  we  learn  from  St. 
'  John  ;  but  that  he  was  also  called  Judas,  is  no  where  said 

*  but  in  this  place  :  for  which  cause  this  story  is  justly  sus- 
'  pected.'  Jerom,  speaking  of  this  matter,^  says,  '  ecclesi- 
'  astical  history  informs  us,  that  the  apostle  Thaddeus  was 
'  sent  to  Edessa  to  Abgarus  king  of  Osrohene,  who  by  the 
'  evanjrelist  Luke  is  called  Judas  brother  of  James:  Luke 


1  Diss.  Prelim,  liv.  2.  ch.  vi.  sect.  1.  '  Thomas  quidem,  qui 

fuit  unus  ex  duodecim,  dicebatur  Didymus,  teste  Joanne  evangelista.  Sed 
eundem  Judam  esse  cognominatum,  alibi,  quod  sciam,  non  repentur.  Ttaque 
et  hoc  nomine  narratio  ista  merito  in  suspicionem  venit.    Vales,  in  loc.  p.  21. 

'  Thaddaeum  apostolum,  ecclesiastica  tradit  historia  missum  Edessam  ad 
Abgarum  regem  Osvoena?,  qui  ab  evangelista  Luca  Judas  Jacobi  dicitur,  et 
alibi  appellatur  Lebbaeus,  quod  mterpretatur  corculus.  Credendumque  est 
eum  fuisse  tiinominem.  Hieron.  in  Matt.  x.  3.  Tom.  iv.  P.  i.  p.  35. 


604  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

*  vi.  16 ;  and  Acts  i.  13 ;  and  elsewhere  is  called  Lebbeus ; 

*  Matt.  X.  3.     So  that  he  had  three  names/ 

(2.)  When  Thaddeus  comes  to  Edessa,  he  does  not  go 
immediately  to  the  king,  to  whom  he  was  sent,  as  might  be 
reasonably  expected  ;  but  he  goes  to  the  house  of  Tobias, 
M'here  he  stays  some  while,  and  Avorks  many  miracles; 
which  being  noised  abroad,  the  king  hears  of  him,  and 
sends  for  him.  All  this  is  very  absurd.  If  Thaddeus,  a 
disciple  of  Jesus,  had  been  sent  to  the  king  of  Edessa,  he 
ought  and  would  have  gone  to  him  directly,  or  would  have 
made  application  to  one  of  the  courtiers  to  introduce  him 
to  the  prince.  This  therefore  cannot  be  true  history,  but 
must  be  the  invention  of  some  ignorant  though  conceited 
person. 

(3.)  *  It  looks  not  a  little  fabulous,'  says  Mr.  Jones,  '  that 
'  upon  Thaddeus's  appearing  before  the  king  he  should  see 
'  somewhat  extraordinary  in  his  countenance,  which  none  of 

*  the  company  else  could  perceive.  Eusebius  call  it  opafia 
'  /tteo/a,  a  great  vision :  Valesius  renders  it  divinum  nescio 
'  quid,  some  divine  appearance.' 

(4.)  *  The  account  in  the  history,'  says  the  same  laborious 
author,  '  that  Abgarus  designed  to  make  war  upon  the  Jews 
'  for  crucifying  Christ,  seems  very  unlikely;  because  it  is 
'  plain  he  was  prince  only  of  a  small  city,  and  that  at  a  vast 
'  distance  from  Judea  ;    and  therefore   could  never  be  so 

*  extravagant   as    to    imagine   himself  able   to   destroy  so 

*  powerful  a  nation  as  the  Jews  then  were.' 

(5.)  Abgarus  is  said  to  have  had  a  grievous  and  incurable 
distemper,  for  which  he  desired  relief  of  Jesus.  This  is 
said  over  and  over.  But  what  the  distemper  was  is  not  said. 
Learned  moderns,*^  who  are  not  wanting  in  invention  for 
supplying  the  defects  of  ancient  history,  say,  some  of  them, 
that  it  was  the  gout,  others  the  leprosy.  However,  presently 
after  the  cure  of  the  prince,  we  are  told  of  one  Abdus,  son 
of  Abdus,  whom  Thaddeus  cured  of  the  gout. 

(6.)  We  read  not  of  any  other  city  or  country,  in  the  first 
three  centuries,  where  the  people  were  all  at  once  converted 
to  the  christian  faith.  If  the  people  of  Edessa  had  been  all 
christians  from  the  days  of  the  apostles,  it  would  have  been 
known  before  the  time  of  Eusebius.  And  I  may  add,  that 
if  this  story,  told  by  our  ecclesiastical   historian,  had  been 

*  Get  Abgare  est  qiialifie  tantot  Toparque,  ou  Prince,  et  tantot  Roy.  Por- 
cope  en  dit  bicn  des  choses,  qui  sont  agreables,  mais  qui  sentent  fort  la  fable. 

Ce  prince  otoit  travaille  d'une  maladie  facheuise  et  incurable,  (ce  que  Pro- 
cope  entend  de  la  goutte,  et  les  aouveaux  Grecs  de  la  lepre,)  &c.  Tiilem.  8S 
before,  M,  E.  T.  i.  p.  361. 


Of  the  Acts  of  Pilate,  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     605 

esteemed  credible,  it  would  have  been  much  more  taken 
notice  of  by  succeeding  writers  than  it"  is. 

(7.)  I  forbear  to  remark,  as  I  might,  upon  that  expression 
of  Thaddeus  in  his  discourse  with  Abgarus  :  *  Jesus  Christ, 
'  our  Lord  and  God,  fulfilled  the  will  of  the  Father:'  or 
upon  what  is  here  said  of  Christ's  descent  into  hell. 

9.  The  observations  which  have  been  already  made  are 
sufficient  to  show,  that  the  letter  of  Abgarus  to  Jesus  Christ, 
and  our  Lord's  rescript,  cannot  be  reckoned  genuine.  The 
whole  history  is  the  fiction  of  some  christian  at  Edessa  in 
the  time  of  Eusebius,  or  not  long  before.  The  people  of 
Edessa  were  then,  generally,  christians,  and  they  valued 
themselves  upon  it.  And  they  were  willing  to  do  them- 
selves the  honour  of  a  very  early  conversion  to  the  christian 
faith.  By  some  one  or  more  of  them,  united  together,  this 
history  was  formed,  and  was  so  far  received  by  Eusebius  as 
to  be  thought  by  him  not  improper  to  be  inserted  in  his 
Ecclesiastical  History.  Nor  could  I  omit  to  take  some  no- 
tice of  it,  as  great  regard  has  been  shown  to  it  by  some. 
But  all  my  readers  may  perceive  that  1  bring  not  in  this 
thing  as  a  testimony  of  the  first  antiquity  :  though  it  may 
afford  good  proof  of  the  Christianity  of  the  people  of  Edessa, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  when  Eusebius 
flourished,  or  before. 


CHAP.  n. 


OF  THE  KNOWLEDGE  WHICH  THE  EMPEROR  TIBERIUS 
HAD  OF  OUR  SAVIOUR  JESUS  CHRIST. 


I.  The  Acts  of  Pontius  Pilate,  and  his  letter  to  Tiberius. 
\l.  The  story  of  Thamus,  in  Plutarch^  concernimj  the 
death  of  Pan,  considered. 

L  JUSTIN  MARTYR,  in  his  first  Apology,  which  was 
presented  to  the  emperor  Antoninus  the  Pious,  and  the  senate 
of  Rome,  about  the  year  140,  having  mentioned  our  Saviour's 

"  The  conversion  of  the  whole  city  is  implied  in  what  is  above  transcribed ; 
and  so  Eusebius  understood  it ;  for  he  says,  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  second 
book,  p.  39.  A.  Ei(T£Tt  Tt  vvv  i%  SKtiva  »/  iraaa  tojv  Edc<7(Tt)V(i)V  ttoXiq  ry  r» 
Xp(?8  irpoaavaKiiTai  Trpotrijyopty. 


606  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

criicitixion,  and  some  of  the  circumstances  of  it,  adds:  *  And* 
'  that  these  things  were  so  done  you  may  know  from  the 

*  Acts  made  in  the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate.' 

Afterwards,  in  the  same  Apology,  having  mentioned  some 
of  our  Lord's  miracles,  such  as  healing  diseases  and  raising 
the  dead,  he  adds:  '  And '^  that  these  things  were  done  by 

*  him  you  may  know  from  the  Acts  made  in  the  time  of  Pon- 
'  tins  Pilate.' 

Tertullian,  in  his  Apology,  about  the  year  200,  having 
spoken  of  our  Saviour's  crucifixion  and  resurrection,  and  his 
appearances  to  the  disciples,  and  his  ascension  to  heaven  in 
the  sight  of  the  same  disciples,  who  were  ordained  by  him 
to  preach  the  gospel  over  the  world,  goes  on  :  '  Of  "^  all  these 
'  things,  relating  to  Christ,  Pilate,  in  his  conscience  a  chris- 
'tian,  sent  an  account  to  Tiberius,  then  emperor.' 

In  another  chapter  or  section  of  the  same  Apology,  nearer 
the  beginning-,  he  speaks  to  this  purpose ;  '  There  '^  was  an 
'  ancient  decree,  that  no  one  should  be  received  for  a  deity 

*  unless  he  Mas  first  approved  of  by  the  senate.     Tiberius, 

*  in  whose  time  the  christian  religion  had  its  rise,  having  re- 
'  ceived  from  Palestine  in  Syria  an  account  of  such  things  as 

*  manifested  our  Saviour's  divinity,  proposed  to  tlie  senate, 
'  and  giving  his  own  vote  as  first  in  his  favour,  that  he 
'  should   be  placed  among  the  gods.     The  senate  refused, 

*  because  he  had  himself  declined  that  honour.  Nevertheless 
'  the  emperor  persisted  in  his  own  opinion,  and  ordered  that 

*  if  any  accused  the  christians  they  should  be  punished.' 
And  then  adds :  *  Search,'  says  he,  '  your  own  writings,  and 
'  you  will  there  find  that  Nero  was  the  first  emperor  who  ex- 

^  Kat  ravTa  on  ytyovi,  SvvaaOt  fiaQuv  £k  rtav  tin  IToj/rts  lliXars  yevofieviov 
aKTUiv.  J.  M.  Ap.  i.  p.  76.  C.  Paris,  1636,  num.  36.  p.  65.  Bened. 

''  'On  Si  Kai  ravra  iTroiriffsv,  ik  twv  itti  Hovtih  ITtXars  ytvofKvwv  aKruv 
HaOtiv  SwaaOe.  lb.  p.  84.  C.  Paris,  num.  48.  p.  72.  Bened. 

"  Dehinc,  ordinatis  eis  ad  officium  praedicandi  per  orbem,  circumfusa 
nube  in  coelum  est  ereptus,  multo  melius  quam  apud  vos  asseverare  de  Romulis 
Proculi  solent.  Ea  omnia  super  Christo  Pilatus,  et  ipse  jam  pro  sua  consci- 
entia  christianus,  Csesari  tunc  Tiberio  nuntiavit.    Tertull.  Ap.  c.  21.  p.  22.  C. 

'*  Ut  de  origine  aliquid  retractemus  ejusmodi  legum.  Vetus  erat  decretum, 
ne  qui  deus  ab  imperatore  consecraretur,  nisi  a  senatu  probatus.  Scit  M. 
iEmilius  de  deo  suo  Alburno.  Facit  et  hoc  ad  causam  nostram,  quod  apud 
vos  de  humano  arbitratu  divinitas  pensitatur.  Nisi  homini  deus  placuerit, 
deus  non  erit.  Homo  jam  deo  propitius  esse  debebil.  Tiberius  ergo,  cujus 
tempore  nomen  christianura  in  seculum  intravit,  annuntiata  sibi  ex  Syria 
Palaestina  qua  illic  veritatem  istius  divinitatis  revelarant,  detulit  ad  senatum 
ciirn  prffirogativa  suffragii  sui.  Senatus,  quia  non  ipse  probaverat,  respuit. 
Caesar  in  sententia  mansit,  comminatus  periculum  accusatoribus  christianorum. 
Consulite  commentarios  vestros.  Illic  reperietis,  primum  Neronem  in  banc 
sectam,  turn  maxime  Romae  orientem,  Caesariano  gladio  ferocisse.  lb.  cap.  5. 
p.  6. 


Of  the  Jets  of  Pilate,  and  his  Lettci-  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     G07 

'  ercised  any  acts  of  seventy  toward  the  christians,  because 

'  they  were  then  very  niunerousat  Rome.' 

It   is   fit  we  should  now  observe  what  notice  Eusebins 

takes  of  these  things  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History.     It  is  to 

this  effect. 

'When^  the  wonderful  resurrection  of  our  Saviour,  and 
his  ascension  to  heaven,  were  in  the  nioutlis  of  all  men,  it 
being-  an  ancient  custom  for  the  governors  of  provinces  to 
write  to  the  emperor,  and  give  him  an  account  of  new  and 
remarkable  occurrences,  that  he  might  not  be  ignorant  of 
any  tiling  ;  our  Saviour's  resurrection  being  much  talked 
of  throughout  all  Palestine,  Pilate  informetl  the  emperor  of 
it,  as  likewise  of  his  miracles,  which  he  had  heard  of;  and 
that,  being  raised  up  after  he  had  been  put  to  death,  he 
M'as  already  believed  by  many  to  be  a  god.  And  it  is  said 
that  Tiberius  referred  the  matter  to  the  senate ;  but  that 
they  refused  their  consent,  under  a  pretence  that  it  had  not 
been  first  approved  of  by  them  ;  there  being  an  ancient 
law  that  no  one  should  be  deified  among-  the  Romans  with- 
out an  order  of  the  senate ;  but  indeed  because  the  saving- 
and  divine  doctrine  of  the  g'ospel  needed  not  to  be  con- 
firmed by  human  judgment  and  authority.  However,  Ti- 
berius persisted  in  bis  former  sentiment,  and  allowed  not 
any  things  to  be  done  that  was  prejudicial  to  the  doctrine 
of  Christ.  These  things  are  related  by  Tertullian,  a  man 
famous  on  other  accounts,  and  particularly  for  his  skill  in 
the  Roman  laws.  I  say  he  speaks  thus  in  his  Apology  for 
the  christians,  written  by  him  in  the  Roman  tongue,  but 
since  translated  into  Greek.  His  words  are  these :  "  There 
was  an  ancient  decree,  that  no  one  should  be  consecrated 
as  a  deity  by  the  emperor,  unless  he  was  first  approved  of 
by  the  senate.  Marcus  iEmilius  knows  this  by  his  god  Al- 
burnus.  This  is  to  our  purpose,  forasmuch  as  among-  you 
divinity  is  bestowed  by  human  judgment.  And  if  God 
does  not  please  man,  he  shall  not  be  God,  And,  according' 
to  this  way  of  thinking-,  man  must  be  propitious  to  God. 
Tiberius,  therefore,  in  whose  time  the  christian  name  was 
first  known  in  the  world,  having-  received  an  account  of 
this  doctrine  out  of  Palestine,  where  it  beg-an,  communi- 
cated that  account  to  the  senate:  giving^  at  the  same 
time  his  own  sufFrfige  in  favour  of  it.  But  the  senate  re- 
jected it,  because  it  had  not  been  approved  by  themselves. 
Nevertheless  the  emperor  persisted  in  his  judgment,  and 

«  Euseb.  H.  E.  1.  2.  cap.  2. 

'  A7j\of  fov  (Kiivoic,  d>e  rf^  ^oyfian  apivKiTai.     'H   St  avyK\r}roc,  tni  ova 
avD]  lt?OKif.iaKti,  aTTwffaro.  p.  41.  C. 


608  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

*  threatened  death  to  such  as  should  accuse  the  christians." 
'  Which,'  adds  Eusebius, '  could  be  no  other  than  a  disposal 
'  of  Divine  Providence,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  g-ospel,  which 

*  M'as  then  in  its  beginning,  might  be  preached  all  over  the 
'  world  without  molestation.'  So  Eusebius.  I  forbear  as 
yet  to  take  particular  notice  of  what  is  said  of  this  matter  by 
later  writers. 

Divers  exceptions  have  been  made  by  learned  moderns  to 
the  original  testimonies  of  Justin  Martyr  and  Tertullian. 
'  Is  there  any  likelihood,'  say  they,  '  that  Pilate  should 
'  write  such  tilings  to  Tiberius  concerning  a  man  whom  he 
'  had  condemned  to  death?  And,  if  he  had  written  them,  is 
'  it  probable  that  Tiberius  should  propose  to  the  senate  to 
'  have  a  man  put  among  the  number  of  the  gods  upon  the 
'  bare  relation  of  a  governor  of  a  province?  And  if  he  had 
'  proposed  it,  who  can  make  a  doubt  that  the  senate  would 
'  not  have  immediately  complied  ?  So  that,  though  we 
'  dare  not  say  that  this  narration  is  absolutely  false,  yet  it 
'  must  be  reckoned  at  the  least  doubtful.'  So  says^ 
Du  Pin. 

These  and  other  difficulties  shall  be  considered. 

Now  therefore  I  shall  mention  some  observations. 

In  the  first  place,  I  observe  that  Justin  Martyr  and  Ter- 
tullian are  early  writers  of  good  repute.  That  is  an  obser- 
vation of  bishop''  Pearson.  These  testimonies  are  taken 
from  the  most  public  writings,  Apologies  for  the  christian 
religion,  presented,  or  at  least  proposed  and  recommended, 
to  the  emperor  and  senate  of  Rome,  or  to  magistrates  of 
high  authority  and  great  distinction  in  the  Roman  empire. 

Secondly,  It  certainly  was  the  custom  of  the  governors 
of  provinces  to  compose  Acts,  or  memoirs,  or  commentaries, 
of  the  remarkable  occurrences  in  the  places  where  they 
presided. 

In  the  time  of  the  first  Roman  emperors  there  were  Acts 
of  the  Senate,  Acts  of  the  City  or  People  of  Rome,  Acts  of 
other  cities,  and  Acts  of  governors  of  provinces.  Of  all 
these  we  can  discern  clear  proofs  and  frequent  mention  in 
ancient  writers  of  the  best  credit. 

Julius  Caesar  ordered  that'  Acts  of  the  Senate,  as  well  as 
daily  Acts  of  the  People,  should  be  published. 

8  Bib.  des  Aut,  Ec.  T.  i.  p.  24.  a. 

^  Nihil  igitur  est,  quod  in  hac  historia  refelli  possit.  Et,  cum  TertuUianus 
adeo  gravis,  adeo  antiquus  auctor,  adeo  rerum  Romanarum  peritus  fuerit, 
tutius  multo  est  istam  Tiberii  ad  senatum  de  divinitate  Christi  relationem 
amplecti.  Pearson.  Lection,  in  Acta  Apost.  iv.  sect.  xv.  p.  65. 

'  Inito  honore,  primus  omnium  instituit,  ut  tain  Senatus  quam  Populi  diurna 
Acta  conficerentur.     Sueton.  Jul.  Caes.  c.  20. 


Of  the  Jets  of  Pilate  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     609 

Aug'ustus''  forbade  publishing-  the  Acts  of  the  Senate. 
There'  was  an  officer,  hinnself  a  senator,  whose  province 
it  was  to  compose  those  Acts. 

The  Acts  of  the  Senate  must  have  been  large  and  volu- 
minous, containing'"  not  only  the  question  proposed,  or  re- 
ferred to  the  senate  by  the  consul,  or  the  emperor,  but  also 
the  debates  and  speeches  of  the  senators. 

The"  Acts  of  the  People,  or  City,  were  journals  or  regis- 
ters of  remarkable  births,  marriages,  divorces,  deaths,  pro- 
ceedings in  courts  of  judicature,  and  other  interesting  affairs, 
and  some  otiier  things  below  the  dignity  of  history. 

To"  these  Acts  of  each  kind  Roman  authors  frequently 
had  recourse  for  information. 

There  were  such  acts  or  registers  at  other  places  beside 
Rome,  particularly  at  Antium.  From  themP  Suetonius 
learned  the  day  and  place  of  the  birth  of  Caligula,  about 
which  there  were  other  uncertain  reports.  And  he  speaks 
of  those  Acts'!  as  public  authorities,  and  therefore  more 
decisive  and  satisfactory  than  some  other  accounts. 

There  were  also  Acts  of  the  governors  of  provinces, 
registering  all  remarkable  transactions  and  occurrences. 
Justin  Martyr  and  Tertullian  could  not  be  mistaken  about 
this :  and  the  learned  bishop  of  Ccesarea  admits  the  truth 
of  what  they  say.  And  in  the  time  of  the  persecuting  em- 
peror Maximin,  in  the  year  of  Christ  307,  or  thereabout,  the 
heathen  people  forged  Acts  of  Pilate,  derogatory   to  the 

''  Auctor  et  aliarum  rerum  fuit ;  in  quels  ne  Acta  Senatus  publicarentur. 
Sueton,  Aug.  c.  36. 

'  Fuit  in  Senatu  Junius  Rusticus,  componendis  patrutn  Actis  delectus  a 
Caesare ;  eoque  meditationes  ejus  introspicere  creditur.  Tacit.  Ann.  1.  5.  c.  4. 

"  Nescio  an  venerint  in  manus  vestras  haec  Vetera,  quae  et  antiquorum  bibli- 
othecis  adhuc  manent,  et  nunc  maxime  a  Minuciano  contrahuntur  ;  ac  jam 
undecim,  ut  opinor,  Actorum  libris,  et  tribus  epistolarum,  composita  et  edita 
sunt.  Ex  his  intelligi  potest,  Cn.  Pompeium  et  Marcum  Crassum,  non 
viribus  modo  et  armis,  sed  ingenio  quoque  et  oratione  valuisse,  &c.  Tacit, 
seu  quis  alius,  in  Dialog,  de  Orator,  c.  37. 

Acta  Senatus  vocabant  conimentarios,  Graece  vTct^.vrmaTa,  quibus  breviter 

inscriptum  quidquid  apud  Patres  diceretur,  agereturque Venio  ad  populi, 

&c.     Lipsii  Excurs.  ad  Taciti  libr.  v.  Annal.  cap.  4. 

"  Nerone  secundum  et  Lucio  Pisone  consulibus,  pauca  memoria  digna 
evenere ;  nisi  cui  libeat,  laudandis  fundamentis  et  trabibus  quis  molem  amphi- 
theatri  apud  Campum  Martis  Caesar  extruxerat,  volumina  implere ;  cum  ex 
dignitate  populi  Romani  repertum  sit,  res  illustres  annalibus,  talia  diurnis  ur- 
bis  aclis  mandare.     Tacit.  Ann.  1.  13.  cap.  31. 

°  Matrem  Antoniam  non  apud  auctores  rerum,  non  diurna  Actorum  scrip- 
tura,  reperio  ullo  insigni  officio  functum.  Tacit.  Ann.  1.  3.  c.  3. 

P  Ubi  natus  sit,  incertum  diversitas  tradentium  facit, — Ego  in  Actis  Antii 
invenio  editum.     Sueton.  Cal.  cap.  8.  Vid.  et  Tiber,  cap.  5. 

1  Sequenda  igitur  est,  quae  sola  restat,  publici  instrumenti  auctoritas.  Id. 
Calig.  cap.  8. 

VOL.  VI.  2  R 


610  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

honour  of  our  Saviour,  which  were  very  diligently  spread 
abroad,  to  unsettle  christians,  or  discourage  them  in  the  pro- 
fession of  their  faith.  Of  this  we  are  informed  by  Eusebius 
in  his  Ecclesiastical  History/ 

Thirdly,  It  was  customary  for  governors  of  provinces  to 
send  to  the  emperor  an  account  of  remarkable  transactions 
in  the  places  where  they  ^  presided. 

So  thought  the  learned  Eusebius,  as  we  have  seen.  And 
Pliny's  letters  to  Trajan,  still  extant,  are  a  proof  of  it. 
Pbilo  *  speaks  of  the  Acts  or  Memoirs  of  Alexandria,  sent 
to  Caligula,  which  that  emperor  read  with  more  eagerness 
and  satisfaction  than  any  thing  else. 

The"  Acts  of  Pontius  Pilate,  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius, 
which  we  now  have,  are  not  genuine,  but  manifestly  spurious. 
Nevertheless,  it  must  be  allowed  by  all,  that "  Pontius  Pilate 
composed  some  memoirs  concerning  our  Saviour,  and  sent 
them  to  the  emperor,  whether  Justin  Martyr  and  Tertullian 
have  given  a  just  account  of  them  or  not. 

Fourthly,  If*  is  said  to  be  very  unlikely  that  Pilate 
should  write  such  things  to  Tiberius,  concerning  a  man 
whom  he  had  condemned  to  death. 

To  which  it  is  easy  to  reply,  that,  if  he  wrote  to  Tiberius 
at  all,  it  is  very  likely  that  he  should  speak  favourably  and 
honourably  of  our  Saviour.  That  ^  Pilate  past  sentence  of 
condemnation  upon  our  Lord  very  unwillingly,  and  not 
without  a  sort  of  compulsion,  appears  from  the  history  of 
the  evangelists;  Matt,  xxvii.  11—26,62 — 65;  Mark  xv. 
1 — 15;  Luke  xxiii.  1 — 25;  John  xviii.  28 — 40,  xix.  1 — 13. 
Pilate  was  hard  pressed.  The  rulers  of  the  Jews  vehemently 
accused  our  Lord  to  him.  They  said  they  had  found  him 
perverting  the   nation,  and   forbidding  to  give  tribute   to 

'  Vid.  H.  E.  1.  i.  c,  ix.  et  1.  9.  c.  v. 

*  Omnino  igitur  credendum  est  aliqua  fuisse  Pilati  acta,  ipsius  auctoritate 
confecta,  et  ad  Tiberiuni  transmissa.     Pearson.  Lect.  iii.  in  Act.  Ap.  sect.  iv. 

'  — ry  ftev  raig  vTrofivtjfiariKaiQ  f^jj/xEptfftv,  ag  airo  rtjc  AXt^avSpsiag  Suirtfi- 
novTO  rivig,  Trpofft^wv*  ^Si^ov  yap  i]v  arayvaxTfta  thto  avri^  uig  ra  aXKutv 
(Tvyypaffojv  xai  TroirjTUJP  ar)di<TaTa  avyKpitru  Ttjg  tv  mroig  x<^P^'''og  vofiiS^taOai. 
K.  X.     Philo  de  Legat.  ad  Caium,  p.  1016.  A. 

"  Vid.  Fabric.  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  p.  298.  et  p.  972,  &c. 

*  Imo  non  potuit  Pilatus  officii  sui  rationem  tantopere  negligere,  ut  tantae 
rei  in  sua  provincia  gestae  notitiam  imperatori  ?  non  impertiretur.  Pearson, 
ubi  supr.  Lect.  iv.  n.  xiv.     Vid.  et  Tob.  Echard.  c.  iv.n.  xi.  p.  126. 

*  Negate  interim  minime  velim,  Pilatum  aliquid  super  tali  ac  tanto  nego- 
tio  scripsisse :  at  incertuni  esse  quid  ac  quale  id  fuerit,  atque  ideo  prudentiores, 
Eusebium,  Hieronymum,  similesque,  talia  cautius  prodidisse.  Ant.  Vandale 
Diss,  de  Actis  Pilati,  p.  615.  Amst.  1700. 

*  — cujus  et  Pilatus,  qui  nolens  compulsus  est  contra  Dominum  ferre  sen- 
tentiam.  Hieron.  adv.  Jovin.  I.  2.  p.  218.  Tom.  4. 


Of  the  Acts  of  Pilate  and  his  Ltlter  to  Tiberixis.     A.  D.  33.     611 

Ccesar,  saying  that  himself  is  Clirist  a  king,  and  the  like: 
and  all  without  eftect  for  a  great  while.  Pilate  still  sought 
for  expedients  to  set  Jesus  at  liberty.  As  his  reluctance 
had  been  very  uianifest  and  public  in  a  court  of  judicature, 
in  the  chief  city  of  the  nation,  at  the  time  of  one  of  their 
great  festivals,  it  is  highly  probable  that  when  he  sent  to 
Rome  he  should  make  some  apology  for  this  conduct.  Nor 
could  any  thing  be  more  proper  than  to  allege  some  of  our 
Saviour's  miracles  which  he  had  heard  of,  and  to  give  an 
account  of  the  zeal  of  those  who  professed  faith  in  him  after 
his  ignominious  crucifixion,  and  openly  asserted  that  he  was 
risen  from  the  dead  and  ascended  up  to  heaven. 

If  Pilate  sent  any  letter  to  Tiberius,  (as  very  probably  he 
did,)  he  would  not  dare  to  write  falsehood,  nor  to  conceal 
the  most  material  circumstances  of  the  case  about  which  he 
was  Avriting.  At  the  trial  of  Jesus  he  publicly  declared  his 
innocence  :  and  told  the  Jews  several  times  that  "  he  found 
in  him  no  fault  at  all."  And  when  he  was  going  to  pro- 
nounce the  sentence  of  condemnation,  "  he  took  water  and 
washed  his  hands  before  the  multitude,  saying :  I  am  inno- 
cent of  the  blood  of  this  just  person  :  see  ye  to  it,"  Matt, 
xxvii.  24.  When  he  wrote  to  Tiberius,  he  would  be  very 
naturally  led  to  say  something-  of  our  Lord's  wonderful 
resurrection  and  ascension,  which  were  much  talked  of  and 
believed  by  many,  with  which  he  could  not  possibly  be 
unacquainted.  The  mention  of  these  things  would  be  the 
best  vindication  of  his  inward  persuasion,  and  repeated 
declarations  of  our  Lord's  innocence  upon  the  trial,  notwith- 
standing- the  loud  clamours  and  united  accusations  of  the 
Jewish  people  and  their  rulers. 

Pilate,  as  has  been  said  several  times,  passed  condemnation 
upon  Jesus  very  unwillingly,  and  not  till  after  a  long  trial. 
When  he  passed  sentence  upon  him,  he  gave  orders  that  this 
title  (ir  inscription  should  be  put  upon  the  cross;  "  Jesus  of 
Nazareth,  the  king  of  the  Jews."  When  he  had  expired, 
application  was  made  to  Pilate,  by  Joseph  of  Arimathea,an 
honourable  counsellor,  that  the  body  might  be  taken  down 
and  buried.  To  which  he  consented  ;  but  not  till  after 
assurance  received  from  the  centurion  that  he  had  been  some 
time  dead.  The  next  day  some  of  the  priests  and  pharisees 
came  to  him,  saying- :  "  Sir,  we  remember  that  that  deceiver 
said,  while  he  was  yet  alive,  After  three  days  I  will  rise 
again.  Command  therefore  that  the  sepulchre  be  made 
sure,  until  the  third  day,  lest  his  disciples  come  by  night  and 
steal  him  away,  and  say  unto  the  people.  He  is  risen  from 
the  dead.     So  the  last  error  shall  be  Morse  than  the  first. 

2r2 


612  Testimonies  of  ^^ncient  Heathens. 

Pilate  said  unto  them  :  Ye  have  a  watch  ;  go  your  way, 
make  it  sure  as  you  can.  So  they  went,  and  made  the 
sepulchre  sure,  sealing-  the  stone,  and  setting  a  watch." 
Whilst  they  were  at  the  sepulchre  there  was  a  "  great  earth- 
quake," the  stone  was  rolled  away  by  an  angel,  "  whose 
countenance  was  like  lightning,  and  for  fear  of  whom  the 
guards  did  shake,  and  became  as  dead  men.  Some  of  the 
guards  went  down  into  the  city,  and  showed  unto  the  chief 
priests  all  the  things  that  were  done."  Nor  can  there  be 
any  doubt  that  those  things  came  also  to  y  the  governor's 
ears.  Pilate  therefore  was  furnished  with  many  materials 
of  great  importance  relating  to  this  case,  very  proper  to  be 
sent  to  the  emperor.  And  very  probably  he  did  send  them ; 
for  he  could  do  no  otherwise. 

Fifthly,  It  is  said,  that  ^  if  Pilate  had  sent  such  things  to 
Tiberius,  it  is  nevertheless  very  unlikely  that  Tiberius  should 
propose  to  the  senate,  that  our  Saviour  might  be  put  among 
the  number  of  the  gods.  For  that  emperor  had  little  or  no 
regard  to  things  of  religion. 

But  it  is  easy  to  answer  that  such  observations  are  of  little 
or  no  importance.  Few  princes  are  able  to  preserve  uni- 
formity in  the  whole  of  their  conduct.  And  it  is  certain 
that  Tiberius  varied  from  himself  upon  many  occasions,  and 
in  different  parts  of  his  life. 

Sixthly,  It  is  farther  urged,  that,  ^  if  Tiberius  had  pro- 
posed the  thing  to  the  senate,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
senate  would  have  immediately  complied. 

But  neither  is  this  difficulty  insuperable  :  for  we  are 
assured  by  Suetonius,  that  ^  Tiberius  let  several  things  be 
decided  by  the  senate,  contrary  to  his  own  opinion,  without 
showing  much  uneasiness. 

And  when  he  had  determined  to  remove  and  destroy 
Sejanus,  who  had  long  been  his  favourite,  he  was  far  from 

y  Iliud  certe  dubitare  non  possumus,  Pilatum  vocasse  ad  se  hos  milites,  ex 
iisque  rem  vere  gestam  cognovisse.  Heumann.  Testimonium  militum  de 
Resurrectione  Christi,  p.  100.  ap.  Primitias  Getting. 

'"  Mihi  certe, — baud  facile  persuaserim,  Tiberium  Caesarem,  cujus  mores  ab 
omni  religionum  omnium  cultu  perquam  fuisse  alienissimos,  comperior,  de 
Christo  Dom.  et  Christiana  religione  tantopere  curasse,  ut  de  ilia  retulerit  ad 
senatum. — Tola  hominis  vita  nil  aliud  prsedicat,  quam  quod  dico.  Et  Sue- 
tonio  dictum  est  expresse  et  signanter,  '  Circa  deos  ac  religiones  negligentior, 
*  quippe  addictus  mathematicae,  persuasion isque  plenus  cuncta  fato  agi.'  Tan. 
Fab.  I.  2.  Ep.  12.  p.  35. 

'  Hem  !  Respuit  senatus,  quod  Tiberio  placuit.     T.  Faber.  ibid. 

''  Quaedam  advei-sus  sententiam  suam  decerni  ne  questus  quidem  est — Cum 
senatusconsultum  per  discessionem  forte  fieret,  transeuntem  eum  in  alteram 
partem,  in  qua  pauciores  erant,  secutus  est  nemo — &c.  Sueton.  Tiber,  cap.  31. 


Of  tlic  Acts  of  Pilate  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     613 

being-  certain  of  the  senate's  compliance.  He"  employed 
the  utmost  art  and  skill,  and  yet  was  for  some  while  anxious 
and  doubtful  of  the  issue. 

Seventhly,  The  right  interpretation  of  the  words  of  Ter- 
tuUian  will  be  of  use  to  remove  difficulties,  and  to  confirm 
the  truth  of  the  account. 

I  have  translated  them  in  this  manner:  '  When  Tiberius 

*  referred  the  matter  to  the  senate,  that  our  Lord  should  be 
'  placed  in  the  number  of  the  gods,  the  senate  refused,  be- 
'  cause  he  had  himself  declined  that  honour.'  The  words 
are  understood  to  the  like  purpose  by''  Pearson. 

There  is  another  sense,  which  is  that  of  the  Greek  trans- 
lation of  Tertullian's  Apology,  made  use  of  by  Eusebius. 
'  The  senate  refused   because  it  had  not   itself  approved  of 

*  it.'  But  that  sense,  if  it  be  any  sense  at  all,  is  absurd,  and 
therefore  unlikely.  If  none  beside  the  senate  had  a  right 
to  consecrate  any  for  a  deity,  yet  certainly  the  consul  or  the 
emperor  might  refer  such  a  thing  to  that  venerable  body. 
According  to  Tertullian's  account  the  whole  is  in  a  fair  way 
of  legal  proceeding.  By  virtue  of  an  ancient  law,  no  one 
might  be  reckoned  a  god,  (at  least  by  the  Romans,)  without 
the  approbation  of  the  senate.  Tiberius  having  been  in- 
formed of  some  extraordinary  things  concerning  Jesus,  re- 
ferred it  to  the  senate,  that  he  also  might  be  placed  in  the 
number  of  the  deities.  Was  it  possible  after  this  that  the 
senate  should  refuse  it,  under  a  pretence  that  Tiberius  had 
bestowed  divinity  upon  Jesus  without  their  consent,  when 
he  had  done  no  such  thing,  and  at  that  very  time  was  re- 
ferring- it  to  their  judgment  m  the  old  legal  way? 

Le  Clerc  objects  that""  the  true  reading  in  Tertullian  is 
not  quia  in  se  non  probaverat,  but  rjuia  7ion  ipse  probaverat. 
Be  it  so.  The  meaning  is  the  same.  Ijjse  must  intend  the 
emperor,  not  the  senate.  The  other  sense  is  absurd,  and 
next  to  a  contradiction,  and  therefore  not  likely  to  be  right, 
and  at  the  same  time  it  is  a  rude  and  needless  affront.  The 
other  interpretation  represents  a  handsome  compliment,  and 
a  compliment  not  without  foundation.  For  it  is  very  true 
that '  Tiberius  had  himself  declined  receiving  divine  honours. 

•=  Sejanum  res  novas  molientem — vix  tandem,  et  aetu  magis  ac  dolo,  quam 
principal!  auctoritate,  subvertit.  Sueton.  ib.  cap.  65. 

•*  '  Senatus,'  inquit  TertuUianus,  '  quia  in  se  non  probaverat.'  Ubi  optima 
facti  ratio  redditur.  Senatus  antea  Tiberio  divinitatem  obtulerat,  quam  ille 
sibi  oblatam  respuit.  Templa,  flamines,  sacerdotes  decerni  sibi  prohibuit — 
ut  refert  Suetonius.  Quia  igitur  divinitatem  in  se  non  probaverat  Tiberius, 
sed  oblatam  rejecerat,  tutissimum  putabat  senatus  alium  neminem  in  deos 
suos  referre,  ne  eum  Tiberio  majorem  efficere  viderentur.  Pearson,  Lect.  4. 
numb.  xiv.        «  Cleric.  H.  E.  an.  29.  n.  97.         '  Templa,  flamines,  sacer- 


614  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

Eighthly,  It  has  been  objected,  that  Tiberius  was  un- 
friendly to  the  Jewish  people,  and  therefore  it  must  be 
reckoned  very  improbable  that  he  should  be  willing  to  put 
a  man,  who  was  a  Jew,  among  the  number  of  the  gods. 

But  there  is  little  or  no  ground  for  this  objection.  It  was 
obviated  long  ago  in  the  first  part  of  this  work,  where,  be- 
side other  things,  it  is  said  :  '  In  the^  reign  of  Tiberius  the 

*  Jewish  people  were  generally  well  used.  They  were  in- 
'  deed  banished  out  of  Italy  by  an  edict ;  but  it  was  for  a 
'  misdemeanour  committed  by  some  villains  of  that  nation. 
'  The  great  hardship  was,  that  many  innocent  persons  suf- 

*  fered  beside  the  guilty.  Upon  other  occasions  Tiberius 
'  showed  the  Jews  all  the  favour  they  could  desire,  especially 

*  after  the  death  of  Sejanus  ;  and  is  much  applauded  for  it 
'  by*'  Philo.'     And  what  there  follows. 

Ninthly,  Still  it  is  urged,  '  Nothing'  can  be  more  absurd 

*  than  to  suppose  that  Tiberius  would  receive  for  a  deity  a 
'  man  who  taught  the  worship  of  one  God  only,  and  whose 
'  religion  decried  all  other  deities  as  mere  fiction.' 

Upon  which  I  must  say,  nothing  can  be  more  absurd  than 
this  objection.  Tertullian  does  not  suppose  Tiberius  to  be 
well  acquainted  with  the  christian  religion,  or  our  Sa- 
viour's doctrine.  All  he  says  is,  that,  having  heard  of  some 
extraordinary  things  concerning  him,  he  had  a  desire  to  put 
him  among  the  Roman  deities. 

Tenthly,  Tertullian  proceeds:  '  Nevertheless  the  emperor 
'  persisted  in  his  opinion,  and  ordered  that  if  any  accused 
'  the  christians  they  should  be  punished.' 

This  was  very  natural.  Though  the  senate  would  not 
put  Jesus  in  the  number  of  the  deities,  the  emperor  was  still 
of  opinion  that  it  might  have  been  done.  And  he  deter- 
mined to  provide  by  an  edict  for  the  safety  of  those  who 
professed  a  high  regard  for  Jesus  Christ.  Which  edict,  as 
Eusebius  reasonably  supposes,  was  of  use  foi  securing  the 
free  preaching  of  the  gospel  in  many  places.  But  the  au- 
thority of  that  edict  would  cease  at  the  emperor's  demise, 
if  not  sooner.  Undoubtedly  it  could  not  be  in  force,  or 
have  any  great  effect,  for  a  long  season. 

dotes,  decern!  sibi  prohibuit ;  etiam  statuas,  atque  imagines,  nisi  permiltente 
se,  poni :  permisitque  ea  sola  conditione,  ne  inter  simulacra  deorum,  sed  inter 
ornamenta  sedium,  ponerentur.     Sueton.  Tiber,  cap.  26. 

K  See  vol.  i.  p.  186,  187.  ^  De  Legat.  ad  Caium,  p.  1015.  C.  D. 

'  Noverat  Jesum  t'uisse  hominem  Judseum,  uniusque  Dei  cultorem,  et  qui 
omnes  alios  deos,  quasi  hominum  commenta,  rejiceret :  ac  proinde  religionem, 
qua  cum  iis  conjungeretur,  summopere  improbaturum,  si  in  coelo  viveret ;  et 
tamen  eura  una,  cum  Romanis  diis  coli  voluisset.  Quo  nihil  absurdius  fingi 
poterat.  Cleric.  H.  E.  an.  29.  n.  96. 


Of  tlic  Acts  of  Pilate  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.      A.  D.  33.     615 

Nor  need  we  to  consider  the  ordering  such  an  edict  as 
this  in  favour  of  the  christians  as  an  incredible  thing-,  ii'  we 
observe  what  Phih)  says,  who  assures  us,  that  '  Tiberius'" 
^  gave  orders  to  all  the  governors  of  provinces,  to  protect  the 
'  Jews  in  the  cities  where  they  lived  in  the  observation  of  their 
'  own  rights  and   customs  ;  and  that  they  should  bear  hartl 

*  upon  none  of  them,  but  such  as  were  unpeaceable  and 

*  transgressed  the  laws  of  the  state.' 

Nor  is  it  improbable  that  the  christians  should  partake  of 
the  like  civilities,  they  being  considered  as  a  sect  of  the  Jews. 
Atul  it  is  allowed  that  the  Roman  emperors  did  not  openly 
persecute  the  christians,  till  they  became  so  numerous  that 
the  heathen  people  were  apprehensive  of  the  total  overthrow 
of  their  religion. 

In  the  eleventh  place.  Says  a  learned  and  judicious' 
writer, '  It  is  probable  that  Pilate,  w  ho  had  no  enmity  toward 

*  Christ,  and  accounted  him  a  man  unjustly  accused,  and 

*  an  extraordinary  person,  might  be  moved  by  the  wonder- 

*  ful  circumstances  attending  and  following  his  death,  to  hold 

*  him  in  veneration,  and  perhaps  to  think  him  a  hero  and  the 

*  son  of  some  deity.     It  is  possible  that  he  might  send  a 
'  narrative,  such    as  he  thought  most  convenient,  of  these 

*  transactions  to  Tiberius  :  but  it  is  not  at  all  likely  thatTi- 

*  berius  proposed  to  the  senate  that  Christ  should  be  deified, 
'  and  that  the  senate  rejected  it,  and  that  Tiberius  continued 

*  favourably  disposed  toward  Christ,  and  that  he  threatened 

*  to  punish  those  who  should  molest  and  accuse  the  chris- 

*  tians.'      '  Observe    also,'    says   the   same   learned    writer, 

*  that  the  Jews  persecuted  the  apostles,  and  slew  Stephen, 

*  and  that  Saul  made  havoc  of  the  church,   entering  into 

*  every  house,  and  haling*  men  and  women,  committing  them 

*  to  prison,  and  that  Pilate  connived  at  all  this  violence,  and 
'  was  not  afraid  of  the  resentment  of  Tiberius  on  that  account.' 

Admitting  the  truth  of  all  these  particulars  just  mentioned, 
it  does  not  follow  that  no  orders  were  given  by  Tiberius  for 
the  protection  of  the  followers  of  Jesus.  For  no  commands 
of  princes  are  obeyed  by  all  men  every  where.  They  are 
oftentimes  transgressed.  Nor  was  any  place  more  likely 
than  Judea,  where  the  enmity  of  many  against  the  disci|)les 
of  Jesus  was  so  great.  Nor  need  it  to  be  supposed  that 
Tiberius  was  very  intent  to  have  this  order  strictly  regarded. 
For  he  was  upon  many  occasions  very  indolent  and  dilatory; 
and  he  was  well  known  to  be  so.  Moreover  the  death  of 
Stephen  was  tumultuous,  and  not  an  act  of  the  Jewish  coun- 

'^  aW  tni  fiovsQ  r«c  atrisc-  De  Legat.  ad  Caium,  p.  1015.  C. 

'  Dr.  Jortin's  Remarks  upon  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  i.  p.  2 — 4. 


616  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

cil.  And  farther,  the  influence  of  Pilate  in  that  country 
was  net  now  at  its  full  height.  We  perceive  from  the 
history  of  our  Lord's  trial  before  him,  as  recorded  in  the 
gospels,  that  he  stood  in  fear  of  the™  Jews.  '  He°  was  ap- 
'  prehensive  that,  if  he  did  not  gratify  them  in  that  point, 
'  they  might  draw  up  a  long  list  of  mal-administrations  for 
'  the  emperor's  view.  His  condemnation  of  Jesus  at  the 
'  importunity  of  the  Jews,  contrary  to  his  own  judgment  and 
'  inclination,  declared  to  them  more  than  once,  was  a  point 
'  gained  :  and  his  government  must  have  been  ever  after 
'  much  Aveakened  by  so  mean  a  condescension.  And  that 
♦  Pilate's  influence  in  the  province  continued  to  decline  is 
'  manifest,  in  that  the  people  of  it  prevailed  at  last  to  have 
'  him  removed  in  a  very  ignominious  manner,  by  Vitellius 
'  president  of  Syria.' 

Pilate  was  removed  from  his  government  before  the  Pass- 
over in  the  year  of  Christ  36.  After  which''  there  was  no 
procurator,  or  other  person  with  power  of  life  and  death,  in 
Judea,  before  the  ascension  of  Herod  Agrippa,  in  the  year 
41.  In  that  space  of  time  the  Jews  would  take  an  unusual 
licence,  and  gratify  their  own  malicious  dispositions,  beyond 
what  they  could  have  otherwise  done,  M'ithout  control. 

Twelfth,  Some  have  objected,  that  Tertullian  is  so  absurd 
as  to  speak  of  christians  in  the  time  of  Tiberius  ;  though  it 
be  certain  that  the  followers  of  Jesus  were  not  known  by 
that  denomination  till  some  time  afterwards. 

But  that  is  a  trifling  objection.  Tertullian  intends  no 
more  by  christians  than  followers  of  Jesus,  by  whatever 
name  they  were  known  and  distinguished :  whether  that 
of  Nazarenes,  or  Galileans,  or  disciples.  And  it  is  un- 
doubted, that  the  christian  religion  had  its  rise  in  the  reign 
of  Tiberius  ;  though  they,  who  professed  to  believe  in  Jesus, 
as  risen  from  the  dead  and  ascended  to  heaven,  were  not 
called  christians  till  some  while  afterwards.  So  at  the 
beginning  of  the  paragraph  he  says,  '  There  was  an  ancient 
'  law  that  no  god  should  be  consecrated  by  the  emperor, 
'  unless  it  was  first  approved  by  the  senate.'  Neverthe- 
less Tertullian  was  not  so  ignorant  as  not  to  know  that  there 
were  not  any  emperors  when  that  ancient  decree  was  passed. 
His  meaning  is,  that  no  one  should  be  deified  by  any  man, 
no  not  by  a  consul  or  emperor,  without  the  approbation  of 
the  senate. 

Finally,  We  do  not  suppose  that  Tiberius  understood  the 
doctrine  of  our  Saviour,  or  that  he  was  at  all  inclined  to 

•"  See  particularly  John  xix.  12.  "  Vol.  i.  p.  97.  Corap.  p.  389. 

°  See  vol.  i.  as  before,  p.  98. 


Of  the  Acts  of  Pilate  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     G\7 

he  a  christian.  Nor  did  Tertullian  intend  to  say  any  sucli 
thing-,  for  immediately  after  the  passage  first  cited  from  him, 
he  adds  :  '  lint''  the  Caesars  themselves  would  have  believed 
'  in  Jesus  Christ,  if  they  had  not  been  necessary  for  tlie 
'  world,  or  if  christians  could  have  been  Coesars.' 

Grotius'i  appears  to  have  rightly  understood  the  import- 
ance of  these  passages  of  Tertullian  ;  whose  note  therefore 
upon  Matthew  xxiv.  11,  I  have  transcribed  below. 

Admit  then  the  rigiit  interpretation  of  Tertullian,  and  it 
may  be  allowed  that  what  he  says  is  not  incredible  nor  im- 
probable. The  Romans  had  almost  innumerable  deities, 
and  yet  they  frequently  added  to  that  number,  and  adopted 
new.  As  deifications  were  very  frequent,  Tiberius  might 
indulge  a  thoug-ht  of  placing-  Jesus  among-  the  established 
deities,  without  "^  intending-  to  derog-ate  from  the  worship  or 
honour  of  those  who  were  already  received.  But  the  senate 
was  not  in  the  humour  to  gratify  him.  And  the  reason 
assigned  is,  because  the  emperor  himself  had  declined  that 
honour ;  which  is  so  plausible  a  pretence,  and  so  fine  a 
compliment,  that  we  cannot  easily  suppose  it  to  be  Tertul- 
lian's  own  invention  ;  which  therefore  g-ives  credibility  to 
this  account. 

Eusebius,  though  he  acknowledgeth  the  overruling  pro- 
vidence of  God  in  the  favourable  disposition  of  Tiberius 
toward  the  first  followers  of  Jesus,  by  which  means  the 
christian  religion  in  its  infancy  was  propagated  over  the 
Avorld  with  less  molestation,  does  also  say,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  chapter  before  quoted,  '  The  senate  refused  their  con- 
'  sent  to  the  emperor's  proposal,  under  a  pretence  that  they 
'  had  not  been  first  asked,  there  being  an  ancient  law,  that 

*  no  one  should  be  deified  without  the  approbation  of  the 

*  senate.  But  indeed,'  adds  he,  '  because  the  saving  and 
'  divine  doctrine  of  the  gospel  needed  not  to  be  ratified  by 

*  human  judgment  and  authority.' 

Chrysostom's  observation  is  to  the  like  purpose,  but  with 

P  Sed  et  Caesares  credidissent  super  Christo,  si  aut  Caesares  non  essent  seculo 
necessarii,  aut  si  et  christiani  potuissent  esse  Caesares,    Apol.  cap.  2 1.  p.  22.  C. 

'I  Cum  pagan ismo  christianam  religionem  miscere  aggressus  est  omnium 
primus  Simon  Magus,  Ciaudio  imperante.  Nam  et  ipse  pro  deo  haberi  voluit. 
Credibile  est,  pervenisse  ad  eum  famam  consilii  ejus,  quod  a  Tiberio  datum 
senatui  Romano  legimus,  ut  Christus  adderetur  deorum  numero.  Qualem 
rerum  plane  insociabilium  mixturam  postea  quoque  Adrianus,  Severus,  Helio- 
gabaius,  sed  fnistra,  efficere  conati  sunt.  Grot,  ad  Matt.  xxiv.  11. 

■■  Tiberius  autem  non  ita  Christum  voluit  deum  recipi,  ut  suetus  Romano- 
rum  cultus  abrogaretur,  sed  ut  juxta  coleretur,  uti  Julium  Ceesarem  Augustus, 
et  Augustum  ipse  Tiberius  consecravei-at,  et  coli  secundum  caeteros  deos  vole- 
bat,  &c.  Tob.  Echard.  cap.  4.  n,  8.  p.  122. 


CIS  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

soQie  inaccuracies.  It  is  likely  that  he  was  not  at  all  ac- 
quainted with  Tertullian  ;  and  he  was  no  admirer  of  Euse- 
bius.  Perhaps  he  builds  upon  general  tradition  only. 
'  The*  Roman  senate,'  says  he, '  had  the  power  of  nominating 
'  and  decreeing  who  should  be  gods.  When  therefore  all 
'  things   concerning   Christ   had    been   published,   he,  who 

*  was  the  governor  of  the  Jewish  nation,  sent  to  them  to 

*  know  if  they  would  be  pleased  to  appoint  him  also  to  be 

*  a  god.  But  they  refused,  being  offended  and  provoked, 
'  that,  before  their  decree  and  judgment  had  been  obtained, 
'  the  power  of  the  crucified  man  had  shined  out,  and  had 
'  attracted  all  the  world  to  the  worship  of  him.  But,*  by 
'  the  overruling  providence  of  God,  this  was  brought  to 
'  pass  against  their  will,  that  the  divinity  of  Christ  might 
'  not  be  established  by  human  appointment,  and  that  he 
'  might  not  be  reckoned  one  of  the  many  who  were  deified 
'  by  them.'  Some  of  which,  as  he  proceeds  to  show,  had 
been  of  infamous  characters. 

I  shall  now  transcribe  below"  in  bis  own  words  what 
Orosius,  in  the  fifth  century,  says  of  this  matter,  that  all 
my  readers  may  have  it  at  once  before  them  without  looking 
farther  for  it. 

And  I  refer  to  Zonaras  ^  and  "  Nicephorus.  The  former 
only  quotes  Eusebius,  and  transcribes  into  his  Annals  the 
chapter  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History  above  quoted  by  me. 
Nor  has  Nicephorus  done  much  more. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  think  the  accounts  of  those  ancient 
authors,  Justin  Martyr  and  Tertullian,  deserve  some  regard. 
It  is  upon  them  that  I  have  made  my  comments  ;  and  my 
defence  is  confined  to  them.  And  we  can  perceive  from 
Eusebius,  and  other  later  writers,  that  their  accounts  were 

»  Chrys.  Horn.  26.  in  2  Cor.  T.  x.  p.  624.  A. 

'  T«TO  Si  (f)KOVOfteiTo  Kai  aKovriav  avTwv,  (Jt£  fii]  f§  avOpuirivn  \pt]<pii  rrjv 
GeoTTira  aj/afcj/pu^Sjjvat  r«  XptTS.  k.  X. 

"  At  postquam  passus  est  Doniinus  Christus,  atque  a  mortuis  resurrexit,  et 
discipulos  suos  ad  prsedicandum  dimisit,  Pilatiis,  praeses  Palestinse  provinciae, 
ad  Tiberium  imperatorem  atque  senatum  refulit  de  passione  et  resurrectione 
Christi,  consequentibusque  virtutibus,  quae  per  ipsum  palam  factae  fuerant,  vel 
per  discipulos  ipsius  in  nomine  ejus  fiebant,  et  de  eo  quod  crescente  piurimo- 
rum  fide  Deus  crederetur.  Tiberius  cuin  suffragio  magni  favoris  retulit  ad 
senatum,  ut  Christus  deus  haberetur.  Senatus,  iadignatione  motus,  quod  non 
sibi  prius  secundum  morem  delatum  e>set,  ut  de  suscipiendo  cultu  prius  ipse 
decerneret,  cousecrationem  Christi  recusavit,  edictoque  constituit,  exterminan- 
dos  es^e  Urbe  christianos  ;  praecipue  cum  et  Sejanus,  pi-cefeclus  Tiberii,  susci- 
piendoe  religioni  obstinatissime  contradiceret.  Tiberius  tamen  edicto  accusa- 
toribus  christianorum  mortem  comminatus  est.  Itaque  paullatim  immutata 
est  ilia  Tiberii  Caisaris  laudalissima  raodestia,  in  poenam  contradictoris  sena- 
tus. P.  Oros.  1.  7.  c.  4.     "  "  Zonar.  Ann.  T.  2.  p.  176 

"  Niceph.  !.  2.  c.  8.  Conf.  1.  i.  cap.  16. 


Of  the  Ads  of  Pilate  and  his  Letter  to  Tiberius.     A.  D.  33.     619 

received  as  true.  But  some  make  additions  or  alterations 
in  Tertullian's  original  narration,  which  diminish  the  credi- 
bility of  the  whole.  Orosius  not  only  says  that  the  senate 
refused  to  comply  with  the  proposal  of  Tiberius,  but  also 
that  they  were  so  provoked  as  to  order,  by  an  edict, 
'  that  the  christians  should  be  expelled  the  city:'  which  is 
loading-  the  history  with  two  great  absurdities.  For  it  is 
very  improbable  that  the  christians  should  be  so  numerous 
at  Rome,  in  the  time  of  Tiberius,  as  to  occasion  an  uneasi- 
ness to  the  senate.  And  it  is  equally  improbable  that  the 
senate  should  behave  so  rudely  to  the  emperor.  Tertullian's 
account  is  free  from  such  things,  and  ought  not  to  be  reject- 
ed because  of  additions  made  by  later  writers. 

The  truth  of  Tertullian's  account  has  been  contested  by 
divers  learned  moderns.  I  have  already  taken  notice  of 
what  is  said  by  Du  Pin,  and  have  also  considered  the  ob- 
jections of  some  others.  1  now  willingly  refer  to  divers 
others"  on  the  same  side.  Other  learned  men^  have  em- 
braced it  as  true,  and  have  taken  a  good  deal  of  pains  to  vin- 
dicate it  against  objections.  Pearson,^  in  particular,  is  very 
favourable  to  this  history ;  and  in  the  course  of  my  argu- 
ment I  have  quoted  him  several  times.  The  late  Mr. 
Mosheim^  also  was  of  opinion  that  it  ought  not  to  be  en- 

*  Tan.  Fabr.  1.  ii.  Ep.  xii.  Vandale  de  Orac.  p.  455.  et  Diss,  de  Actis  Pilati. 
p.  608,  &c.  Amst.  1700.  Cleric.  H.  E.  ann.  29.  n.  96,  &c.  Basnag.  ann.  33. 
n.  192—196.  et  Exercitat.  p.  136,  &c.  Sig.  Havercamp.  Annot.  ad  Tertul- 
lian.  Apol.  cap.  v.  Jortin's  Remarks  upon  Ecclesiastical  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  2 — 4. 

y  Sueur  Histoire  de  I'Eglise  et  de  I'Empire.  Tom.  i.  p.  130,  131.  TiUem. 
Mem.  Ecc.  T.  i.  S.  Pierre  art.  19.  et  notes  xvi. — xix.  Fr.  Balduin.  Comment, 
ad  Edicta  veterum  Principum  Roman,  de  Christianis.  p.  20 — 24.  1727.  Tob. 
Eckhard.  non  christianorum  de  Christo  Testimonia.  cap.  iv.  J.  A.  Fabr.  Lux 
Evangelii.   cap.    xii.   p.   220 — 222.    La   Religion   Chret.   autorisee   par  le 

temoignage  des  anciens  auteurs  Payens.   Par  D.  Colonia.  Tom.  2.  ch.  xi. 

Lettre  de  M.  Iselin  Docteur  et  Professeur  en  Theologie  a  Basle,  sur  le  projet 
con^u  par  Tibere,  de  mettre  N.  S.  J.  C.  au  nombre  des  Dieux  de  Rome.  Bib. 
Germanique,  T.  32.  p.  147,  &c.  et  T.  33.  p.  12,  &c. 

^  Pearson.  Lection,  in  Act.  Ap.  iii.  et  iv. 

*  Negant  hodie  viri  sagaces  ei  erunditi,  fidem  huic  narrationi  habendam 
esse.  Ego  vero  superstitiosi  nomen  minime  formido,  si  dixero,  non  prorsus 
earn  mihi  rejiciendam  videri.  Moshem.  Institution.  H.  Christianae  Maj.  Sec. 
i.  P.  i.  c.  4.  sect.  ix.  p.  109.  A.  D.  1739. 

Sunt  quidem  viri  eruditi,  quibus  hoc  alienissiraum  a  vero  videtur  :  sed  his 
alii,  doctrina  non  inferiores,  rationes  opponunt  baud  facile  destruendas.  Id. 
de  Reb.  Christian,  ante  Const.  M.  p.  92. 

Erudite,  post  Theod.  Hasaeum  peculiar!  libello  de  Decreto  Tiberii,  quo 
Christum  ret'erre  voluit  in  numerum  Deorum,  Ersurti  2715.  4.  edito,  pro 
veritate  hujus  facti  militavit  ven.  Jac.  Christoph.  Isellus,  epistola  Gallica, 
quae  legitur  Bibliotheque  Germanique.  T.  32.  p.  147.  T.  33.  p.  12.  Moshem. 
Insti.  Hist  Ec.  p.  30.  ed.  1755.  Conf.  supr.  not.  *". 


620  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

tirely  rejected,  and  has  spoken  in  favour  of  it  in  several  of 

his  works, 

II.  There  is  another  thing  which  may  not  be  omitted  here, 

though  it  appears  to  me  to  be  of  little  or  no  importance. 
It  is  a  story  told  by  Cleombrotus,  one  of  the  speakers  in 

Plutarch's  dialogue  concerning  the  cessation  of  oracles: 
He''  had  it  from  Epitherses,  his  master  in  grammar.  He 
said  he  was  sailing  for  Italy  in  a  ship  well  freighted  with 
merchandize,  in  which  also  Mere  many  passengers.  When 
they  were  one  evening  among  the  islands,  called  Echi- 
nedes,  in  the  jEgean  sea,  the  sliip  was  becalmed.  Most  of 
the  passengers  were  awake,  and  some  were  carousing  after 
supper;  at  the  same  time  there  came  a  voice  from  the 
island  Paxae,  which  called  aloud  for  Thamus.  He  was 
an  Egyptian,  and  the  pilot,  and  not  so  much  as  known  by 
name  to  many  of  the  passengers.  He  suffered  himself  to  be 
called  twice  without  making  any  answer;  but  at  the  third 
call  he  spoke.  The  voice  then  with  great  vehemence  said 
to  him  :  "  When  you  come  to  the  Palodes,  declare  that 
the  great  Pan  is  dead."  They  were  all  astonished  when 
they  heard  this,  and  debated  the  matter,  whether  it  were 
fit  to  perform  the  order  or  not.  Thamus  determined  that 
if,  when  they  were  arrived  at  the  appointed  place,  there 
was  wind  enough  to  sail  forward,  he  would  pass  by  in 
silence;  but  if  the  vessel  was  becalmed,  he  would  publish 
what  he  had  heard.  When  they  came  over  against  Palodes, 
the  winds  and  waves  were  all  calm.  Thamus  therefore 
placing  himself  at  the  stern  of  the  vessel,  with  his  face 
toward  the  land,  declared  as  he  had  been  told,  "  that  the 
great  Pan  was  dead."  Scarcely  had  he  done  speaking, 
when  they  heard  from  the  shores  groans  and  lamentations, 
not  of  one,  but  as  of  a  great  multitude.  As  there  were 
many  in  the  ship  who  were  witnesses  of  this  aflfair,  the 
fame  of  it  spread  in  a  short  time  so  far  as  Rome,  and 
Thamus  was  sent  for  by  the  emperor  Tiberius ;  and  Tibe- 
rius gave  such  credit  to  the  account  that  he  called  together 
several  learned  men,  to  inquire  of  them  who  this  Pan  was. 
They  delivered  it  as  their  opinion  that  he  was  the  son  of 
Mercury  and  Penelope.' 
As  this  story  is  placed   in  the  time   of  Tiberius,  some 

learned  men  have  been  of  opinion  that '^  by  the  great  Pan 

^  Plut.  de  Oracul,  Defectu.  Et  vid.  Euseb.  Pr,  Ev.  p.  20G. 

•^  Ex  hisce  audiamus,  quaeso,  primo  loco,  Boissardum  in  hunc  niodiim  lo- 
quentem — Quidam  existimant  vocem  illam  locutam  fuisse  de  Chrisli  servatoris 
morte,  cum  audita  sit  anno  decimo  none  imperii  Csesaris,  quo  Christus  cruci- 


Of  a  Passmjc  in  Plutarch  concerning  the  Death  of  Pan.  A.  D.  33.  62 1 

was  meant  Jesus  Christ,  the  Lord  of  the  universe,  who  suf- 
fered ill  the  time  of  that  emperor.  Huef'  gives  credit  to 
this  story,  and  supposeth  that  thereby  the  death  of  Christ, 
who  is  the  true  Pan,  the  parent  of  all  things,  and  the  author 
of  all  nature,  was  notified  to  heathen  people. 

I  shall  now  make  two  or  three  remarks,  which  are  refer- 
red to  the  consideration  of  my  readers. 

1.  The  whole  story  is  improbable,  and  has  more  the  ap- 
pearance of  fiction  than  of  truth  and  credibility. 

2.  The  story  is  all  over  heathenish.  If  there  be  any  truth 
in  the  account,  when  it  was  brought  to  Rome,  and  the  affair 
was  examined  by  the  learned  philologists  at  the  court  of 
Tiberius,  their  determination  was,  that  the  Pan,  Avho  was  re- 
ported to  be  dead,  was  the  son  of  Mercury  and  Penelope. 
Neither  Thamus,  nor  Epitherses,  nor  Tiberius,  nor  the  learned 
men  whom  he  consulted,  nor  yet  Plutarch  and  his  company, 
who  lived  some  good  while  after  the  death  of  our  Lord,  and 
the  publication  of  his  gospel,  had  any  notion  that  this  related 
to  Jesus  Christ. 

That  this  story  is  throughout  heathenish  may  be  argued 
from  what  is  said  presently  afterwards  by  Demetrius,  ano- 
ther of  the  speakers  in  that  dialogue  of  Plutarch:  'that 
'  most  of  the  islands  near  Britain  are  desert,  and  consecrated 
'  to  daemons  and  heroes ;  and  that,  being  sent  by  the  em- 
'  peror  to  take  a  survey  of  those  islands,  he  landed  on  one 
'  of  them  which  had  a  few  inhabitants  ;  and  that,  soon  after 
'  his  arrival,  there  happened  a  tempest,  with  terrible  claps 
'  of  thunder  and  lightning.     When   the  tempest   was  over, 

*  the  people  of  the  island  gave  out  that  some  one  of  the  prin- 
'  cipal  dcemons  was  dead.  A  candle,  said  they,  when  it 
'  burns  is  pleasant;  but  when  it  goes  out  it  leaves  a  stink 

*  behind  :  even  so  the  deaths  of  great  souls  produce  storms, 
'  and   sometimes  a  pestiferous  air.'     To   which  Demetrius 

fixus  est.  Et  hunc  credimus  universae  naturae  et  totius  mundi  Dominum  et 
Formatorem.     Vandale  de  Orac.  p.  435. 

Hiiic  narrationi  fidem  creat  ciicumstantia  temporis.  Incidit  enim  haec  res 
in  tempus,  quo  Christus  mortuus  est.  Estque  verisimile,  ejulationes  daemonum 
inde  ortas,  quod  scirent,  morte  Christi  satanae  regnum  concidisse.  Est  enim 
Pan  vox  aptissima  ad  significandum  Dominum  universi,  qui  est  omnia  in  om- 
nibus, ut  ait  Paulus,  1  Cor.  xv.  28.  Petrus  Moinaeus,  citat.  a  Vandale.  ib.  p.  437. 

^  Ethnicis  vero  stupendo  miraculo  Christi  Jesu  significata  mors  est,  quod 
in  libello  de  desitis  oraculis  Plutarchus  refert.  Id,  quanquam  a  vulgo 
scriptorum  tritum  est,  minime  tamen  ob  admirabilitatera  rei  pigebit  hie  adscri- 
bere — Narrat  id  apud  Phitarchum  iEmilianus  Rhetor,  ut  sibi  a  patre  Epitherse, 
rei  teste,  traditum.  Atqui  id  convenit  in  tempus  mortis  Christi  Jesu,  qui  verus 
Pan  est,  rerum  omnium  parens,  ac  naturae  totius  auctor,  quam  Panos  symbolo 
Mythologi  signatam  voluerunt.  Huet.  Dem.  Ev.  Prop.  ix.  cap.  136.  p.  630. 
See  Ukewise  Tillemont.  Mem.  Ec.  J.  C.  art.  21.  et  note  31. 


622  Testimonies  of  indent  Heathens. 

added,  '  that  in  one  of  those  islands  Satan  was  bound,  and 
'  guarded  by  Briarius,  and  that  there  were  many  dsemons 
'  attendino-  upon  him,  as  his  slaves  and  ministers.'  All  fic- 
tion surely;  but  representing,  as  may  be  supposed,  the  doc- 
trine of  credulous  heathens  concerning-  daemons. 

All  which,  however,  is  quoted  by  Eusebius®  from  Plu- 
tarch, to  prove  the  cessation  or  the  declension  of  oracles  soon 
after  the  coming-  of  Christ. 

His  remark  is  to  this  purpose  :  '  So  far  Plutarch.     But  it 

*  will  be  worth  the  while  to  observe  the  time  when  he  says 
'  the  death  of  that  daemon  happened  :  it  was  in  the  time  of 
'  Tiberius.  At  that  time  our  Saviour  dwelt  among-  men ; 
'  and  it  is  written  of  him  that  he  expelled  all  sorts  of 
'  daemons;  and  some  of  them  fell  down  before  him,  entreat- 
'  ing  him  that  he  would  not  send  them  into  the  abyss.     Here 

*  then  you  have  the  true  time  of  the  expulsion  of  daemons  out 

*  of  this  world.  A  thing  never  heard  of  before.  Nor  was 
'  there  an  end  put  to  human  sacrifices,  so  common  among 
'  the  Gentiles,  till  the  evangelical  doctrine  had  been  preached 
'  to  all  men.'     So  Eusebius. 

And  though  ^  Colonia  flourisheth  mightily  upon  this  story, 
he  in  the  end  finds  it  prudent  to  content  himself  with  con- 
sidering it  as  an  argument, '  that  ^  the  Gentiles  themselves 
'  acknowledged  the  general  downfall  or  declension  of  their 

*  oracles,  after  the  time  of  Tiberius,  and  the  coming  of 
'  Christ,  and  that  two  centuries  before  Eusebius.'  A  point 
about  which  I  do  not  now  particularly  concern  myself. 

Before  I  conclude  this  article,  I  would  observe,  that''  Ba- 
ronius  did  not  fully  rely  upon  the  truth  of  the  story  told  in 
Plutarch,  concerning  the  pilot  Thamus  :  and  that'  the  cen- 
turiators  of  Magdeburg  consider  it  as  an  absurd  and  ridicu- 
lous fiction.  So  likewise  does  ''  Basnage,  who  has  offered 
more  reasons  in  behalf  of  his  opinion  than  need  to  be  re- 
peated by  me  here. 

^  Praep.  Evang.  1.  v.  cap.  17.  p.  206—208. 

'  La  Religion  Chietienne,  &c.  Tom.  i.  p.  124,  &c.  e  p.  129. 

^  Hactenus  de  Pane  Eusebius  ex  Plutarcho  —  Sane  quidem  si  rei  gestae  fidera 
adhibendam  esse  putanms,  &c.  Baron.  Ann.  34.  num.  130. 

'  Ubi  et  de  Pane  mortuo  ridicula  nanat.  Centur.  Magdeb.  Sec.  i.  lib.  2. 
cap.  XV.  "^  Nobis  vero  propius  est,  banc  Epithersis  narra- 

tionem  esse  fabulis  apponendara  :  neque  Christi  passionem  Panis  morte  signi- 
ficatam — ^Basn.  ann.  33.  num.  124. 


A  Monumental  Inscription  concerning  the  Christians.     A.  D.  68.    623 


CHAP.  111. 


A  MONUMENTAL  INSCRIPTION  CONCERNING  THE 
CHRISTIANS  IN  THE  TIME  OF  NERO, 

WHAT  offers  next  is  an  inscription  of  the  emperor  Nero,  on 
a  monument  found  in  Portugal.* 

TO  NERO  CLAUDIUS  CiESAR, 
AUGUSTUS,  HIGH-PRIEST, 
FOR  CLEARING  THE  PROVINCE 
OF  ROBBERS,  AND  THOSE 
WHO  TAUGHT  MANKIND 
A  NEW  SUPERSTITION. 

None  can  doubt  that  by  the  new  superstition  is  here  in- 
tended Christianity.  Some  have  questioned  the  genuine- 
ness of  this  inscription,  because,  say  they,  Nero's  persecution 
extended  no  farther  than  Rome.  The  pretence  for  punish- 
ing them  there  was  a  charge  of  having*  set  fire  to  the  city. 
But  it  could  not  be  so  much  as  pretended  that  they  who 
dwelt  in  remote  countries  were  concerned  in  that  fact. 

If  this  be  the  only  objection,  the  inscription  may  be 
reckoned  very  good.  For  if  the  christians  living  at  Rome 
were  charged  with  so  great  a  crime,  all  of  that  sect  in  any 
place  would  share  in  the  scandal,  and  might  be  judged  a 
vilesortof  people,  fit  to  be  destroyed.  And  indeed  the  chris- 
tians at  Rome  were  as  innocent  as  they  at  the  greatest  dis- 
tance. Besides,  it  will  presently  appear,  from  Tacitus,  that 
the  christians  were  then  much  hated,  and  that  they  suffered 
at  Rome,  not  barely  as  guilty  of  setting  fire  to  the  city,  but 
also  for  their  supposed  enmity  to  mankind.  And  Suetonius, 
in  his  account  of  the  sufferings  of  the  christians  in  this  reign, 
says  nothing  of  any  concern  in  the  fire ;  but  only  that  they 
were  a  people  of  a  new  and  pernicious,  or  magical,  super- 
stition. 

'  In  ruinis  pagi  Marquosiae  in  Lusitania.     Ap.  Gruter.  p.  238.  9. 

NERONI.  CL.  CAES. 

AUG.  PONT.  MAX. 

OB  PROVING.  LATRONIB. 

ET.  HIS.  QUI.  NOV  AM 

GENERI.  HUM.  SUPER. 

STITION.  INCULAB. 

PURGATAM. 


624  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

Which  leads  nie  to  observe  farther,  that  the  style  of  the 
inscription  is  agreeable  to  that  of  Tacitus  and  Suetonius, 
some  of  the  earliest  heathen  writers  who  have  mentioned  the 
christians. 

If  tiie  persecution  in  Nero's  time  never  became  universal, 
it  might  take  place  in  some  of  the  provinces,  particularly  in 
that  part  of  Spain  which  is  now  called  Portugal.  The 
christian  writers,  who  speak  of  Nero's  persecution,  do  ^  in 
efl'ect,  or  expressly,  say  it  was  general  f  that  from  Rome  it 
spread  into  the  provinces,  and  was  authorized  by  public 
edicts. 

Though  there  remain  this  monument  only,  there  may  have 
been  others  of  the  like  kind,  which  have  been  destroyed  out 
of  aversion  to  the  memory  of  Nero,  or  by  some  of  those 
many  accidents  to  which  all  things  are  liable  in  a  long*  course 
of  years. 

If  this  inscription  be  genuine,  it  is  as  early  an  heathen 
monument  as  we  could  expect  to  find  remaining  concerning 
Christianity  ;  especially  so  far  off  from  Judea  as  Lusitania, 
now  called  Portugal.  It  must  have  been  set  up  in  the  life- 
time of  Nero,  who  died  in  June,  A.  D.  68,  or,  at  the  utmost, 
before  his  death  was  publicly  known  ;  for  after  that  no  peo- 
ple paid  him  any  honours. 

I  have  shown  that  the  style  of  this  inscription  is  agree- 
able to  early  antiquity  ;  and  I  have  answered  the  objection 
taken  from  the  supposed  narrow  limits  of  Nero's  persecution. 
Nevertheless,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  the  genuineness 
of  it  is  not  assented  to  by  all.  Joseph  Scaliger*^  doubted. 
Pagi^  and  others  have  endeavoured  to  vindicate  it.  Some 
others  still  ^  hesitate.     This  monument,  they  say,  has  been 

*"  Consulile  commentarios  vestros.  Illic  reperietis,  primum  Neronem  in 
banc  sectam,  cum  maxime  Romae  orientem,  Caesareano  gladio  ferocisse.  Sed 
tali  dedicatore  damnationis  nostrae  etiam  gloriamur.     Tertullian.  Ap.  cap.  5. 

Cum  animadverteret  Nero,  non  modo  Romae,  sed  ubique  quotidie  maguain 
multitudmem  deficere  a  cultu  idolorum — prosiluit  ad  excidendum  cceleste  tem- 
plum,  delendamque  justitiam,  et  primus  omnium  persecutus  Dei  servos,  &c. 
Lactant.  vel  Caecilius  de  M.  P.  cap.  2. 

•=  Hoc  initio  in  christianos  saeviri  cceptum.  Post  etiam  datis  legibus  religio 
vetabatur :  palamque  edictis  propositis  christianum  esse  non  licebat.  Sulp. 
Sev.  Hist.  1.  2.  cap.  41. 

Primus  Romse  christianos  suppliciis  et  mortibus  affecit,  ac  per  omnes  pro- 
vincias  pari  persecutione  excruciari  imperavit.  Oros.  1.  7.  c.  7. 

^  Neque  solum  Romae  saevitum  in  christianos,  sed  etiam  in  provinciis.  Ex- 
stat  vetus  inscriptio  in  Hispania,  loco  Pisuerga  vocato,  in  quo  sine  dubio  haec 
crudelitas  tangitur,  siquidem  vera  est  ilia  inscriptio.  Nam  dubito.  De  Emend. 
Temp.  p.  47].  ^  Pagi  ann.  64.  n.  iv.  J.  E.  I.  Walchius  De 

Persecutione  Christian.  Neroniana  in  Hispania. 

'  Exstat  Celebris  haec  inscriptio  apud  Jan.  Gruter.  p.  238.  n.  9.  Ipsi  vero 
praestantissimi  Hispanorum  viri  auctoritatem  hujus  inscriptionis  tueri  non 


Pliny  the  Elder.  625 

seen  by  few  or  none:  and  the  credit  of  the  first  publisher 
of  the  inscription  is  not  established  above  all  suspicion  of 
falsehood  and  imposture. 

I  therefore  must  not  insist  upon  it  as  certainly  genuine 
and  ancient ;  though  I  could  not  forbear  to  propose  it  to  be 
considered  :  nor  do  I  think  that  any  can  dislike  my  placing 
it  here  before  my  readers. 


CHAP.  IV. 


PLINY  THE  ELDER. 


CAIUS  PLINUS  SECUNDUS,  or''  Pliny  the  elder,  was 
born  at  Nerona,  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius.  He  had  divers 
public  posts  under  the  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus;  not- 
withstanding which  he  redeemed  a  great  deal  of  time  for 
reading  and  writing,  in  which  he  was  indefatigable.  He 
was  suffocated  in  the  smoke  and  ashes  of  Vesuvius,  in  the 
fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of 
Titus,  in  the  year  79.  His  Natural  History  was  published, 
and  inscribed  to  Vespasian;  or,  as  others  think,  to  Titus,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  77,  before  he  was  emperor. 

In  his  History  is  a  chapter  concerning  the  origin  of  magic ; 
where  are  these  words :  '  There  ^  is  another  sect  of  magi- 
'  cians,  depending  on  (or  deriving  from)  Moses,  and  Jamnes, 
'  and  Jotapes,  who  were  Jews,  but  many  thousand  years 
'  since  Zoroaster.     Still  so  much  later  is  the  Cyprian.' 

audent,  quippa  quam  nemo  unquam  vidit,  et  Cyriacus  Anconitanus  primixs 
protulit,  homo,  quod  omnes  sciunt,  fallax,  et,  si  quis  alius,  raalae  fidei,  &c 
J.  L.  Moshem.  Instit.  Hist.  Ec.  p.  37. 

Verum  magni  homines  post  ScaUgerum  dubitant,  quid  de  fide  et  auctoritate 
monumenti  hujus  statuendum  sit :  et,  ut  arbitror,  justissimas  habent  dubitandi 
causas.  Nemo  enim  vel  Hispanorum,  vel  Lusitanorum,  lapidem  hunc  un- 
quam vidit,  quod  ipsi  doctissimi  Hispanise  viri  non  diffitentur.  Is  vero,  si 
aliquando  extitisset,  magna  certe  cura  ob  insigne  pretium  asservatus  fuisset. 
Id.  De.  Reb.  Christian,  p.  109. 

»  Vid.  Plin.  Ep.  1.  vi.  16.  et  20.  Voss.  de  H.  1.  i.  cap.  29.  Fabr.  Bib.  Lat.  1. 
2.  c.  13.  Basnag.  ann.  77.  ii.  et79.  v.  Tillem.  H.  E.  Tite.  art.vi.  Crevier's 
History  of  the  Roman  Emperors.     B.  xvii.  vol.  G.  p.  201. 

**  Est  et  alia  Magicis  factio,  a  Mose,  et  Jamne,  et  Jotape  Judaeis  pendens, 
sed  multis  millibus  annorum  post  Zoroastrem.  Tanto  recentior  est  Cypria. 
Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  1.  30.  cap.  i.  De  Origine  Magica:  artis,  quando,  et  a  quibus 
coeperat,  &c. 

VOL.    VF.  2  S 


626  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

Some  have  thoug;ht,  that  in  this  last  Pliny  refers  to  the 
blindness  inflicted  by  St.  Paul  on  Ely  mas  the  sorcerer,  in 
the  presence  of  Serg-ius  Paulus,  proconsul  of  Cyprus,  and 
related  in  Acts  xiii.  but  I  do  not  affirm  it. 


CHAP.   V. 


TACITUS. 


I.  His  history,  time,  and  tcorks.  II.  Pomponia  Gracina,  a 
Roman  lady,  accused  of  a  foreign  superstition  in  the  year 
of  Christ  57,  the  fourth  year  of  Nero's  reign.  III.  His 
account  of  Nero's  persecution  of  the  christians.  IV.  His 
testimony  to  the  Jewish  war,  and  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem by  Titus. 

I.  CAIUS  CORNELIUS  TACITUS,"  whose  ancestors  are 
unknown,  was**  older  than  the  younger  Pliny,  who  was  born 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  61  or  62.  In  the  year  77  or  78  he 
married  the  daughter  of  Cneeus  Julius  Agricola,  *^  famous 
for  his  consulship,  and  government  of  Britain.  He*^  enjoy- 
ed divers  posts  of  honour  and  trust  under  Vespasian,  and 
the  following-  emperors.  He  was  prcetor  of  Rome,  under 
Domitian,  in  88,  and  consul  in  the  short  reign  of  Nerva,  in 
97.  The  year  was  opened  by  Nerva  and  T.  Virginius  Ru- 
fus,  who  were  then  both  of  them  the  third  time  consuls. 
Virginius  Rufus,  who  was  a  man  of  great  eminence,  and 
then  of  a  great  age,  died  in  his  consulship  ;  whereupon* 
Tacitus  was  substituted  in  his  room,  and  pronounced  his 
panegyric. 

But,  as  has  been  often  observed,  his  writings  have  gained 
him  more  honour  than  all  his  dignities.  His  works  seem  to 
have  been  published  by  him  in  this  order :    first,  his  De- 

*  Vid.  G.  J.  Voss.  de  Hist.  Lat.  Lipsii  Vit.  Tacit.  Fabric.  Bib.  Lat.  Tom. 
i.  Bayle  Diction.     Tillemont,  H.  E.  Trajan,  art.  27. 

^  Equidem  adolescentulus,  quum  jam  tu  fama  gloriaque  floreres,  te  sequi, 
tibi  longo  sed  proximus  intervallo  et  esse  et  haberi  concupiscebam.  Plin.  1. 
7.  Ep.  20.  <^  Consul  egregiae  turn  spei  filiam  juveni  mihi 

despondit,  ac  post  consulatum  coUocavit,  et  statini  Britanniae  praepositus  est, 
adjecto  pontificatiissacerdotio.  Tacit.  Vit.  Agr.  cap.  9. 

"  Vid.  Tacit.  Hist.  1.  i.  cap.  i. 

*  Laudatus  est  a  consule  Cornelio  Tacito.  Nam  hie  supremus  felicitati  ejus 
cumulus  accessit,  laudator  eloquentissimus,  &c.  Plin.  1.  i.  ep.  2. 


Tacitus.     Nero's  Persecution.     A.  D,  100.  627 

scription  of  Germany,  nexf,  The  Life  of  Agricola,  liis  father- 
in-law  ;  after  that  his  History,  beginning-  with  Galba,  and 
ending-  at  the  death  of  Doinitian  ;  and  lastly,  his  Annals, 
beginning  with  Tiberius,  and  ending  at  the  death  of  Nero. 
Both  these  works  are  now  imperfect. 

Tacitus  and  Pliny  the  younger  lived  together  in  intimate 
friendship.  They  '  revised  each  other's  >vritiiigs  before 
publication.  Divers  of  Pliny's  letters  are  written  to  him  ; 
in  particular  those ^  two  wherein  Pliny  gives  an  account  of 
the  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  and  the  death  of  his  uncle.  They 
were  sent  as  memoirs,  to  be  inserted  by  Tacitus  in  his  his- 
tories. 

It  is  allowed  that''  Tacitus  flourished  in  the  first  century  ; 
I  therefore  place  him  here  in  the  year  100,  the  third  of  the 
emperor  Trajan  :  and  though  the  two  last,  and  principal 
of  his  works,  were  not  published  till  some  time  after,  un- 
doubtedly he  was  now  employed  in  collecting  materials  for 
them,  and  in  composing  them.  Nor  did  either  of  them  come 
down  any  !ower  than  the  death  of  Domitian. 

II.  In  his  Annals,  at  the  year  of  our  Lord  57,  he  Avrites 
thus:  '  And  '  Pomponia  Groecina,  a  lady  of  eminent  quality, 
married  to  Plautius,  M'ho,  upon  his  return  from  Britain, 
had  the  honour  of  an  ovation,  being  accused  of  practising 
a  foreign  superstition,  was  referred  to  the  cognizance  of 
her  husband.  And  he,  according  to  ancient  institution,  in 
the  presence  of  the  family,  sat  in  judgment  upon  the  life  and 
reputation  of  his  wife,  and  pronounced  her  innocent.  Pom- 
ponia lived  to  a  great  age,  and  in  perpetual  sorrow,  after 
the  death  of  Julia,  daughter  of  Drusus,  procured  by  the 
intrigues  of  Messalina.  For  the  space  of  forty  years  she 
wore  no  habit  but  that  of  mourning,  nor  admitted  any  senti- 
ments but  those  of  grief.     And  this  behaviour,  which  in  the 


'  Librum  tuum  legi,  et,  quam  diligentissime  potui,  annotavi  quae  commu- 
tanda,  quae  exiraeada  arbitrarer. — ^Nunc  a  te  librum  meum  cum  annotationibus 
tuis  exspecto.  O  jucundas,  O  pulchras  vices  !  Plin.  1.  7.  ep.  20.  Vid.  et  1. 
8.  ep.  7.  B  Petis,  ut  tibi  avunculi  mei  exitura  scribam,  quo 

verius  tradere  posteris  possis.  Gratias  ago.  Nam  video,  morti  ejus,  si  cele- 
bretur  a  te,   immortalem   gloriam   esse   propositam.  L.  6.  ep.   16.  Vid.  et 

ep.  20.  ^  Tacite Historien  Roraain,  a  fleuri 

dans  le  premier  siecle.     Bayle  Diction. 

'  Et  Pomponia  Graecina,  insignis  femina,  Plautio,  qui  ovans  se  de  Britan- 
niis  retulit,  nupta,  ac  superstitionis  exteraae  rea,  mariti  judicio  permissa. 
Isque  prisco  instituto,  propinquis  coram,  de  capite  famaque  conjugis  cognovit, 
et  infontem  nuntiavit.  Longa  huic  Pomponiae  aetas,  et  continua  tristitia  fuit. 
Nam,  post  Juliam  Drusi  filiam  dolo  Messalinae  interfectam,  per  quadraginta 
annos,  non  cultu  nisi  lugubri,  non  animo  nisi  maestoegit.  Idque  illi  imperi- 
tante  Claudio  impune,  mox  ad  gloriam  vertit.  Tacit.  Ann.  1.  13.  c.  32. 

2  s  2 


628  Testimonies  of  Ancient  History, 

reign  of  Claudius  escaped  with  impunity,  afterwards  re- 
dounded to  her  glory.' 

As  it  was  about  fourteen  years  from  the  death  of  Julia, 
to  this  trial  of  Poinponia,  Lipsius  ^  suspects  the  reading  of 
'  forty  years  ;'  and  his  emendation  is  approved  by  some, 
rejected  by  others.  I  rather  think  it  to  be  right,  as  it  is  in 
all  copies.  Nor  does  Tacitus  compute  from  the  death  of 
Julia  to  the  time  of  this  trial,  but  to  the  time  of  Pomponia's 
death.  '  She  lived,'  he  says,  '  to  a  great  age :  and  all  the 
time  from  the  death  of  Julia  to  her  own  death,  which  was 
the  space  of  forty  years,  she  was  a  perpetual  mourner.' 

This  foreign,  or  extraneous  superstition,  of  which  Pom- 
ponia  was  accused,  is  supposed  by  Lipsius,  in  his^  notes, 
and  by™  others,  to  be  the  christian  religion:  and  we  maybe 
inclined  to  that  opinion  ;  but  we  cannot  be  certain  of  it.  I 
have  transcribed  the  whole  account  of  this  lady,  that  every 
one  may  the  better  judge  for  himself. 

III.  After  a  description  of  the  terrible  fire  at  Rome,  in 
the  tenth  of  Nero,  and  the  sixty-fourth  of  our  Lord,  in  which 
a  large  part  of  the  city  was  consumed,  and  an  account  of  the 
orders  given  for  rebuilding-  and  beautifying  it,  and  the 
methods  used  to  appease  the  anger  of  the  gods,  Tacifus  adds : 
'  But"  neither  all  human  help,  nor  the  liberality  of  the  em- 
peror, nor  all  the  atonements  presented  to  the  gods,  availed 
to  abate  the  infamy  he  lay  under  of  having  ordered  the  city 

"  Vid.  Not.  ad  loc.  '  Superstitionis  extetmm  rea."]  Christianismi 

credo  accusatam,  sive,  ut  tunc  confundebant,  judaismi.    Lipsius  in  loc. 

Forte  christianam  pietatem  intelligit.  Nam  apparet,  sanctam  raulierem 
fuisse  Pomponiam  Graecinam.  Tacitus  loquitur  ut  Ethnicus.  Rhenanus  in  loc. 

'"  Christi  doctrinam  a  Pomponia  fuisse  degustatam,  non  immerito  conjici- 
mus.  Basnag.  ann.  57.  p.  ii.  Pomponia  Graecina  fut  accusee  de  suivre  une 
superstition  etrangere,  dit  Tacite ;  ce  qui  se  peut  entendre  du  christianisme. 
Tillem.  Neron.  art.  v. 

"  Sed  non  ope  humana,  non  largitionibus  principis,  aut  deum  placamentis 
decedebat  infamia,  quin  jussura  incendium  crederetur.  Ergo  abolendo  rumori 
Nero  subdidit  reos,  et  quaesitissimis  poenis  atFecit,  quos,  per  flagitia  invisos, 
vulgus  christianos  appellabat.  Auctor  nominis  ejus  Christus,  qui,  Tiberio 
imperante,  per  procuratorem  Pentium  Pilatum  supplicio  affectus  erat.  Re- 
pressa  in  praesens  exitiabilis  superstitio  rursus  erumpebat,  non  modo  per  Ju- 
daeam,  originem  ejusmali,  sed  per  Urbem  etiam,  quo  cuncta  undique  atrocia 
aut  pudenda  confluunt,  celebranturque.  Igitur  primo  correpti  qui  fateban- 
tur,  deinde  indicio  eorum  multitude  ingens,  haud  perinde  in  crimine  incendii, 
quam  odio  humani  generis,  convicti  sunt.  Et  pereuntibus  addita  ludibria, 
ut  ferarum  tergis  contecti,  laniatu  canum  interirent,  aut  crucibus  afifixi,  aut 
flammandi,  atque,  ubi  defecisset  dies,  in  usum  nocturni  luminis  urerentur. 
Ilortos  suos  ei  spectaculo  Nero  obtulerat,  et  Circense  ludicrum  edebat,  habitu 
aurigte  permixtus  plebi  vel  circulo  [curriculo  legit  Lipsius]  insistens.  Uiide, 
quanquam  adversus  sontes,  et  novissima  exempla  meritos,  miseratio  oriebatur, 
tanquam  non  utilitate  publica,  sed  in  saevitiam  unius  absumerentur.  Ann.  1. 
XV.  c.  44. 


Tacitus.     Mcro''s  Persecution.     A.  D.  100.  629 

to  be  set  on  fire.  To  suppress  therefore  this  common  rumour, 
Nero  procured  others  to  be  accused,  and  inflicted  exquisite 
punishment  upon  those  people,  who  were  in  abhorrence  for 
their  crimes,  and  were  commonly  known  by  the  name  of 
christians.  They  had  their  denomination  from  Christus,  who 
in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  was  put  to  death  as  a  criminal  by 
the  procurator  l^ontius  Pilate.  This  pernicious  superstition, 
though  checked  for  a  Avhile,  broke  out  again,  and  spread, 
not  only  over  Judea,  the  source  of  this  evil,  but  reached  the 
city  also;  whither  flow  from  all  quarters  all  things  vile  and 
sliameful,  and  where  they  find  shelter  and  encouragement. 
At  first  they  only  were  apprehended  who  confessed  them- 
selves of  that  sect;  afterwards  a  vast  multitude,  discovered 
by  them:  all  which  were  condemned,  not  so  much  for  the 
crime  of  burning  the  city,  as  for  their  enmity  to  mankind. 
Their  executions  were  so  contrived  as  to  expose  them  to 
derision  and  contempt.  Some  were  covered  over  with  the 
skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  torn  to  pieces  by  dogs  ;  some  were 
crucified  ;  others,  having  been  daubed  over  with  combustible 
materials,  were  set  up  as  lights  in  the  night  time,  and  thus 
burned  to  death.  Nero  made  use  of  his  own  gardens  as  a  the- 
aire  upon  this  occasion,  and  also  exhibited  the  diversions  of 
the  Circus,  sometimes  standing  in  the  crowd  as  a  spectator,  in 
the  habit  of  a  charioteer,  at  other  times  driving  a  chariot  him- 
self: till  at  length  these  men,  though  really  criminal,  and  de- 
serving" exemplary  punishment,  began  to  be  commiserated, 
as  people  who  were  destroyed,  not  out  of  a  regard  to  the 
pulilic  welfare,  but  only  to  gratify  the  cruelty  of  one  man.' 

Divers  facts  of  the  evangelical  history  are  here  attested: 
that  our  Saviour  was  put  to  death  as  a  malefactor  by  Pontius 
Pilate,  procurator  under  Tiberius :  that  from  Christ  the 
people  called  christians  had  their  name  and  sentiments:  that 
this  superstition,  or  religion,  had  its  rise  in  Judea,  where 
also  it  spread,  notwithstanding  the  ignominious  death  of  the 
founder  of  it,  and  the  opposition  which  his  followers  met 
with  from  the  people  of  that  country  afterwards  :  that  thence 
it  was  propagated  into  other  parts  of  the  world,  and  as  far 
as  Rome,  where  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  year  of  Nero,  and 
before,  christians  were  very  numerous :  and  that  the  jjro- 
fessors  of  this  religion  were  reproached,  and  hated,  and 
underwent  many  and  grievous  suflTerings.  Certainly  the 
great  number  of  christians  at  Rome  at  this  time,  and  their 
sufferings,  are  two  things  very  observable. 

And  though  they  were  so  hated,  and  Tacitus  himself  is  so 
much  offended  with  them,  he  owns  the  cruelty  with  which 
they  were  treated  was  so  excessive  as  to  excite  compassion. 


630  Testimonies  of  Ajicicnt  Heathens. 

Nay,  it  seerus  their  destruction  was  looked  upon  by  many, 
not  as  a  public  benefit,  but  an  act  of  savage  cruelty.  Which 
shows,  after  all,  that  they  were  not  such  monsters  of  wicked- 
ness as  they  are  here  represented. 

And  all  this  guilt,  this  enmity  to  mankind,  which  Tacitus 
imputes  to  them,  could  be  nothing-  else,  as  has  been  well 
observed  °  by  learned  men,  but  their  neglect  of  the  ordinary 
worship  of  the  gods. 

It  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  compare  this  article  of 
Tacitus  with  the  account  of  the  fire  at  Rome,  and  the  ensu- 
ing persecution  of  the  christians,  which  is  given  by  Sulpi- 
cius  Severus,  an  elegant  christian  writer  of  history  and  in 
the  Latin  tongue,  who  flourished  about  the  year  4CK). 

'  InP  the  mean  time,'  says  Sulpicius,  '  when  the  number 
'  of  the  christians  was  greatly  increased,  there  happened  a 
<  fire  at  Rome  while  Nero  was  at  Antium.  Nevertheless,  the 
'  general  opinion  of  all  men  cast  the  blame  of  the  fire  upon 
'  the  emperor.  And  it  Avas  supposed  that  his  aim  therein 
'  was  that  he  might  have  the  glory  of  raising  the  city  again 
'  in  greater  splendour.  Nor  could  he  by  any  means  suppress 
'  the  common  rumour  that  the  fire  was  owing  to  his  orders. 

*  He  therefore  endeavoured  to  cast  the  reproach  of  it  upon 
'  the  christians.  And  exquisite  tortures  were  inflicted  upon 
'  innocent  men :  and  moreover  new  kinds  of  death  were  in- 
'  vented.  Some  were  tied  up  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts, 
'  that  they  might  be  worried  to  death  by  dogs.  Many  were 
'  crucified.  Others  were  burnt  to  death  ;  and  they  M'ere  set 
'  up  as  lights  in  the  night-time.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
'  the  persecution  of  the  christians.  Afterwards  the  profession 
'  of  the  christian  religion  was  prohibited  by  laws ;  and  edicts 

•  were  published  that  no  man  might  be  a  christian.     At  that 

°  Tacitus  libro  xv — de  christianorum  suppliciis — Ubi  '  flagitia,'  et  *  odium 
humani  generis,'  nihil  aliud  sunt,  quam  falsorum  deoruin  neglectus ;  quam 
eandem  caussam  etiam  Judaeis  maledicendi  Tacitus  habuit,  et  Plinius  major, 
cui  Judaei  dicuntur  '  gens  contumelia  numinum  insiguis.'  Cleric.  Annot.  ad 
Grot,  de  Ver.  Rel.  Christian.  1.  2.  sect.  ii. 

P  Interea,  abundante  jam  christianorum  multitudine,  accidit,  ut  Roma 
incendio  conflagraret,  Nerone  apud  Antium  constituto.  Sed  opinio  omnium 
invidiam  incendii  in  principem  retorquebat,  credebaturque  imperator  gloriam 
innovandae  urbis  quaesisse.  Neque  ulla  re  Nero  efficiebat,  qum  ab  eo  jussum 
incendium  putaretur.  Igitur  vertit  invidiam  in  christianos;  actaeque  in  in- 
noxios  crudelissimae  quaestiones.  Quin  et  novae  mortes  excogitatee,  ut  ferarum 
tergis  contecti,  laniatu  canum  interirent.  Multi  crucibus  afhxi,  aut  flamma 
usti.  Plerique  in  id  reservati,  ut,  cum  defecisset  dies,  in  usum  nocturni 
luminis  urerentur.  Hoc  initio  in  christianos  saeviri  coeptum.  Post  etiam, 
datis  legibus  religio  vetabatur;  palamque  edictis  propositis,  christianum  esse 
non  licebat.  Turn  Paulus  ac  Petrus  capitis  damnati,  quorum  uni  cervix  gladio 
desecta,  Petrus  in  crucem  sublatus  est.  Sulp.  Sever.  Sacr.  Hist.  lib.  2.  cap.  41. 
al.  cap.  29. 


Tacitus.     The  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  100.       631 

*  time  Paul  and  Peter  were  condeuined  to  death.  The  former 
'  was  beheaded,  Peter  was  crucified. 

So  writes  Sulpicius.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he  had  read 
Tacitus.  However,  I  think  it  ought  also  to  be  supposed 
that  he  had  other  memoirs  besides. 

Sulpicius  says  that  Nero  was  at  Antium  when  the  fire 
beg-an.  The  "^  same  thing  is  observed  by  Tacitus,  who  also 
says,  that  Nero  did  not  come  to  Rome  till  the  fire  had  ap- 
proached his  own  palace,  which  at  length,  with  every  thing 
near  it,  was  consumed. 

iV .  It  is  not  needful  for  me  to  translate  or  transcribe  all 
that  Tacitus  says  of  the  Jewish  people,  of  "^  whose  original 
he  was  ignorant,  and  writes  very  absurdly,  and  therefore 
is  called  by  Tertullian^  a  great  liar.  Nor  need  I  translate 
exactly  his  history  of  the  Jewish  war.  1  observe  however 
these  following  particulars. 

He  says,  that*  Judea  was  first  brought  into  subjection  to 
the  Romans  by  Pompey.  After  which  he  gives  a  summary 
account  of  their  afthirs  under  Herod  and  his  sons,  the  em- 
perors Augustus,  Tiberius,  Caligula,  Claudius,  Nero.  '  He 
mentions  "  Felix,  whom  he  represents  as  a  bad  man,  and 
tyrannical  in  his  government.  However,  the  Jews,'  he  says, 
'  bore  the  exactions  of  their  governors,  till  the  time  of  their 
procurator  Gessius  Florus,  under  whom  the  war  began. 
Cestius  Callus,  president  of  Syria,  came  to  his  assistance: 
but  he  being  defeated,  Nero  sent  Vespasian  into  Judea,  who 
M'as  a  general  of  great  merit  and  reputation,  and  having  also 
under  him  good  officers,  in  the  space  of  two  years,'  mean- 
ing the  years  67  and  68, '  he  reduced  the  open  country,  and 
all  the  cities  of  Judea,  excepting  Jerusalem.  The  next 
year,'  69,  '  was  taken  up  in  civil  wars  ;'  meaning  the  time 
of  the  short  reigns  of  Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius,  till  the  acces- 

*•  Eo  in  tempore  Nero  Anlii  agens,  non  ante  in  Urbem  regressus  est,  quam 
domui  ejus,  qua  Palatiutn  et  Msecenatis  hortos  continuaverat,  ignis  propin- 
quaret.  Neque  taraen  sisti  potuit,  quin  et  Palatium  et  domus  et  cuncta  circuit! 
haurirentur.  Tacit.  Ann.  1.  15.  cap.  39.  '  Tacit.  Hist.  1.  v.  cap,  2. 

'  Cornelius  Tacitus,  sane  ille  mendaciorum  loquacissiraus.  Apol.  c.  16.  p. 
17.  A.  '  Romanorum  primus  Cn.  Pompeius  Judaeos 

dorauit,  templumque  jure  victoriae  ingressus  est.  H.  1.  v.  cap.  9. 

"  Claudius,  det'unctis  regibus,  aut  ad  modicum  reductis,  Judaeam  provin- 
ciam  equitibus  Romanis  aut  libertis  permisit,  e  quibus  Antonius  Felix,  per  oni- 

nem  saevitiara  ac  libidinem,  jus  regium  servili  ingenio  exercuit Duravit 

tamen  patientia  Judaeis,  usque  ad  Gessiuni  Florum  procuratorem.  Sub  eo 
bellum  ortura,  et  comprimere  cceptantem  Cestium  Galium  Syriae  legatum,  varia 
prcelia  ac  saepius  adversa  excepere.  Qui  ubi  fato  aut  taedio  occidit,  missu 
Neronis,  Vespasianus  fortuna  famaque  et  egregiis  ministris  intra  duas  aestates, 
cuncta  camporum,  omnesque  praeter  Hierosolyma  urbes,  victore  exercitu  tene- 
bat.     Proxiraus  annus,  civili  bello  intentus,  quantum  ad  Judaeos  per  otiuni 


632  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

sion  of  Vespasian.  '  The  following  year,  [and  the  begin- 
ning- of  it,]  Titus  was  appointed  to  attend  the  affairs  of 
Judea  ;  who  now  drew  near  to  Jerusalem  and  besieged  it. 
Tacitus  supposeth  that  Titus  was  in  haste  to  go  to  Rome  to 
enjoy  the  pleasures  and  splendour  of  the  city.  He  there- 
fore carried  on  the  siege  with  the  greatest  vigour.  The 
army  likewise  was  intent  upon  plunder,  and  eager  to  gratify 
their  revenge.  The  city  however  was  strong  by  situation, 
and  with  good  walls  and  ramparts  :  the  high  tower  Antonia, 
conspicuous  from  far.  The  temple  itself  was  like  a  citadel 
well  fortified.  They  had  a  fountain  of  water  that  ran  con- 
tinually, and  the  mountains  were  hollowed  under  ground. 
Moreover  they  had  pools  and  cisterns  for  preserving  rain 
water.  And  there  was  a  great  confluence  of  people.  For 
the  men  of  the  other  cities  that  had  been  reduced,  and  in 
general  all  the  turbulent  and  seditious  people  of  the  nation, 
came  hither.  There  were  three  captains,'  or  heads  of  factions, 
'  and  as  many  armies,  Simon,  John,  called  also  Bargioras, 
and  Eleazer,  who  occupied  several  parts  of  the  city.  Among 
themselves  they  had  fierce  contentions,  and  therein  great 
quantities  of  provisions  were  consumed.  Eleazer  being 
killed,  they  were  reduced  to  two  factions.  These  fought 
with  each  other  till  the  near  approach  of  the  Romans  obliged 

transiit.  Pace  per  Italiam  parta,  et  extemse  curae  rediere.  Augebat  iras,  quod 
soli  Judaei  non  cessisseat.  Siinul  manere  apud  exercitus  Titutn  ad  onines 
principatus  novi  eventus  casusve  utilius  videbatur.  [Ejusdem  anni  principio 
Caesar  Titus  perdomandae  Judaeee  delectus  a  patre.  Lib.  v.  cap.  i.  in.]  Igitur 
castris,  uti  diximus,  ante  mcenia  Hierosolymorum  positis,  instructas  legiones 

ostentavit.     Judsei  sub  ipsos  muros  struxere  aciera Mox  cessere  hosles, 

et  sequentibus  diebus  crebra  pro  portis  prcelia  ferebant,  donee  assiduis  damnis 
intra  mcenia  pellerentur.  Romani  ad  oppugnandum  versi.  Neque  enim 
dignum  videbatur,  famem  hostium  opperiri :  poscebantque  pericula,  pars  vir- 
tute,  multi  ferocia,  et  cupidine  praemiorum.  Ipsi  Tito  Roma,  et  opes,  volup- 
tatesque  ante  oculos  :  ac,  ni  statim  Hierosolyma  conciderent,  morari  videban- 
tur.  Sed  urbem,  arduam  situ,  opera  molesque  firmaverant,  quis  vel  plana 
satis  munirentur.      Nam  duos  colles  iramensum  editos  claudebant  muri  per 

artem  obliqui,  aut  introrsus  sinuati.  [Conf.  1.   2.  cap.   4.] Alia  intus 

mcenia,  regise  circumjecta.  Conspicuoque  fastigio  turris  Antonia,  in  honorem 
M.  Antonii  ab  Herode  appellata.  Templura  in  raodum  arcis  propriique  muri, 
labore  et  op)ere  ante  alios.  Ipsae  porticus,  quis  templum  ambiebatur,  egre- 
gium  propugnaculum.      Fons  perennis  aquae,   cavati  sub  terra  montes,  et 

piscinae  cisternseque  servandis  imbribus magna  colluvi,  et  caeterarum 

urbium  clade  aucti.  Nam  pervicacissimus  quisque  illuc  pcrfugerat,  eoque 
seditiosius  agebant.  Tres  duces,  totidem  exercitus,  Extrema  et  latissima 
moenium  Simon ;  mediam  urbem  Joannes,  quern  et  Bargioram  vocabant ; 
templum  Eleazarus  firmaverat.  Multitudine  et  armis  Joannes  ac  Simon, 
Eleazanis  loco  pollebat.  Sed  proelia,  dolus,  incendia,  inter  ipsos,  et  magna  vis 
frumenti  ambusta.  Mox  Joannes,  missis  per  speciem  sacrificandi,  qui  Eleaza- 
rum  manumque  ejus  obtruncarent,  templo  potitur.  Ita  in  duas  factiones  civi- 
tas  discessit,  donee,  propinquantibus  Romanis,  bellum  externum  concordiam 


Tacitus.     Tlie  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.     A.  D.  100.      633 

tliein  to  agreement.  There  were  niaiiy  prodig-ies  fore.sig'iii- 
fying-  their  niiii,  nhich  were  not  to  be  averted  by  all  the 
sacrifices  and  sown  ot"  that  people,  superstitious  in  their  own 
way  of  worship,  though  difierent  from  all  others.  Armies 
were  seen  fighting  in  the  air  with  brandished  weapons.  A 
fire  fell  upon  the  temple  from  the  clouds.  The  doors  of 
the  temple  were  suddenly  opened.  At  the  same  time  there 
was  a  loud  voice  declaring-  that  the  gods  were  removing : 
which  was  accompanied  with  the  sound  as  of  a  multitude 
going-  out.  All  which  things  were  supposed  by  some  to 
portend  great  calamities.  13ut  the  most  had  a  strong  per- 
suasion that  it  was  said  in  the  ancient  writings  of  the  priests/ 
that  is,  ancient  writings  in  the  custody  of  the  priests,  '  that 
at  that  very  time  the  East  should  prevail,  and  that  some  who 
came  from  Judea  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world. 
Which  ambiguities  foretold  Vespasian  and  Titus.  But  the 
common  people,  according  to  the  usual  influence  of  human 
passions,  having  once  appropriated  to  themselves  this  vast 
grandeur  of  the  fates,  could  not  be  brought  to  understand 
the  true  meaning  by  all  their  adversities.  We  have  been 
assured,  that  the  number  of  the  besieged  amounted  to  six 
hundred  thousand.  And  more  bore  arms  than  could  have 
been  expected  from  that  number.  For  great  was  the  reso- 
lution of  all,  both  men  and  women.  Against  this  city  and 
people  was  Titus  sent.  As  the  city  could  not  be  taken  by 
assault,  diflferent  posts  Avere  assigned  to  the  several  legions. 
Battering-  engines  of  all  kinds  were  prepared  :  and  all  the 
methods  hitherto  practised  in  sieges  by  the  ancients,  as  well 
as  new  inventions,  were  employed  on  this  occasion.' 

So  writes  Tacitus,  who  could  and  might  have  been  more 
particular  in  his  history  of  the  Jewish   war  in  the  several 

pareret.  Evenerant  prodigia,  quae  neque  hostiis,  neque  votis  piare  fas  habet 
gens  superstition!  obnoxia,  religionibus  adversa.  Visse  per  ccelum  concurrere 
acies,  rutilantia  arma,  et  subito  nubium  igne  collucere  templum.  Expassae 
repente  delubri  fores,  et  audita  major  humana  vox,  '  Excedere  deos  :'  simul 
ingens  motus  excedentum.  Quae  pauci  in  metum  trahebant :  pluribus  per- 
suasio  inerat,  antiquis  sacerdotum  Uteris  contineri,  eo  ipso  tempore  fore,  ut 
valesceret  Oriens,  profectique  Judaea  rerum  potirentur.  Quae  ambages  Ves- 
pasianum  ac  Titum  praedixerant.  Sed  vulgus,  more  humanae  cupidinis  sibi 
tantam  fatorum  magnitudinem  interpretati,  ne  adversis  quidem  ad  vera  muta- 
bantur.  Multitudinem  obsessorum,  omnis  aetatis,  virilis  ac  muliebris  sexus, 
sexcenta  millia  fuisse  accepimus.  Arma  cunctis,  qui  ferre  possent ;  et  plures 
quam  pro  numero  audebant.  Obstinatio  viris  feminisque  par.  Ac  si  trans- 
ferre  sedes  cogerentur,  major  vitae  metus  quam  mortis.  Hanc  adversus  urbem 
gentemque  Caesar  Titus,  quando  impetura  et  subita  belli  locus  abnueret,  ag- 
geribus  vineisque  certare  statuit.  Dividuntur  legionibus  muria,  et  quies  proe- 
liorum  fuit :  donee  cuncta  expugnandis  urbibus  reperta  apud  veteres,  aut  novis 
ingeniis,  struerentur.  Tacit.  Hist.  l.v.  cap.  9—13. 


634  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

parts  of  that  country,  and  likewise  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem. 
But  his  dislike  of  the  subject,  as  it  seenas,  and  his  love  of 
brevity,  have  made  him  very  concise. 

However,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  in  the  next  book,  which, 
with  all  the  following  books  of  that  work,  is  lost,  there  was 
an  account  of  the  triumph  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  at  Rome 
in  the  following  year.  Nor  is  it  unreasonable  to  suppose, 
that  there  were  also  some  more  particulars  concerning  the 
event  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  :  but  what  they  were  we 
cannot  now  say. 

It  is  also  worth  our  while  to  observe,  that  in  this  fifth  book 
of  his  history,  from  which  the  preceding  article  has  been 
taken,  at  his  entrance  upon  his  account  of  the  war,  he  says, 
'  he''  was  going  to  relate  the  final  end  of  the  renowned  city 
of  Jerusalem.' 

He  likewise  takes  notice  that  '  Jerusalem  "^^  was  the  capi- 
tal city  of  Judea,  and  that  the  temple  there  had  in  it  immense 
riches.' 

Nor  should  we  omit  to  observe,  that  in  the  first  chapter  of 
this  book  he  has  reckoned  up  the  forces  with  which  Vespa- 
sian was  furnished  for  carrying  on  this  war,  and  not  very 
disagreeably  to  Josephus  :  '  For'^  he  mentions  the  three  le- 
gions quartered  in  Judea,  the  twelfth  brought  in  from  Syria, 
and  other  legions  from  Alexandria,  beside  the  armies  of  the 
Roman  allies,  the  kings  Agrippa,  Sohemus,  and  Antiochus, 
and  a  large  body  of  Arabians,  always  averse  to  the  Jews, 
and  some  volunteers  of  distinction  even  from  Rome  and 
Italy,  who  Mere  willing  to  serve  under  Titus,  a  general  of 
such  renown  and  expectation,  desirous  to  signalize  their 
valour  before  him,  and  thereby  to  recommend  themselves  to 
his  favour.' 

And  though  we  do  not  find  in  Tacitus  every  thing  that 
>ve  might  wish  for,  certainly  what  we  have  in  his  remaining 
works  is  a  very  valuable  testimony  to  the  accon)plishment 

*  Sed  quia  faraosae  urbis  supremum  diem  tradituri  sumus,  Sec.  Histor.  1.  5. 
c.  2.  in.  "  Magna  pars  Judaeae  vicis  dispergitur.     Habent  et 

oppida.  Hierosolyma  genti  caput:  Illic  immensae  opuleatiae  templum. 
&c.  Ibid.  c.  8. 

"  Ejusdem  anni  principio,  Caesar  Titus  perdomandae  Judaeae  delectus  a 

patre Tres  enim  in  Judaea  legiones,  quinta  et  decima,  et  quintadecima, 

vetus  Vepasiani  miles,  excepere.  Tradidit  et  Syria  duodecimani,  et  adductos 
Alexandria  duo  et  vicesimanos  tertianosque.  Comitabantur  viginti  sociae  co- 
hortes,  octo  equitum  alae.  Simul  Agrippa  Soherausque  reges,  et  auxilia  regis 
Antiochi,  validaque  et  solito  inter  accolas  odio  infensa  Judaeis  Arabum  manus. 
Multi,  quos  Urbe  at  que  Italia  sua  quemque  spes  acciverat  occupandi  principem 
adhuc  vacuum.  His  cum  copiis  fines  hostium  ingressus,  composite  agmine, 
cuncta  explorans,  paratusque  decernere,  baud  procul  Hierosolymis  castra  facit. 
Tacit.  Hist.  1.  5.  cap.  i. 


Martial.     A.  D.  100.  635 

of  our  Lord's  predictions  concerning-  the  destruction  of  Je- 
rusalem, and  the  overthrow  of  the  Jewish  people. 

He  must  have  read  Josephus;  many  things  are  evidently 
taken  from  him :  however  he  differs  from  him  sometimes. 
It  is  somewhat  strange  that  he  should  not  compute  a  greater 
number  within  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the  siege  than  six 
hundred  thousand.  How  shall  we  account  for  this?  I  an- 
swer, that  perhaps  Tacitus  had  met  with  some  other  accounts 
of  the  Jewish  war  beside  that  of  Josephus.  And  I  am  apt 
to  think  it  not  unreasonable  to  believe,  that  Tacitus  never 
read  Josephus  with  so  much  care  and  diligence  as  we 
christians  have  since  read  him.  Moreover,  six  hundred 
thousand  may  be  a  certain  number,  used  for  an  uncertain, 
denoting,  that  the  city  was  then  very  full  of  people,  and  not 
intending  to  say  there  were  no  more. 


CHAP.  VI. 

MARTIAL. 

I.  His  time  and  writings.     H.  His  testimony  to  the  forti- 
tude of  christians. 

I.  MARTIAL,*  or  M.  Valerius  Martialis,  author  of  fourteen 
books  of  epigrams,  was  born  at  Bilbilis  in  Spain,  in  the  reign 
of  Claudius.  He  is  supposed  to  have  come  to  Rome  in  the 
reign  of  Nero,  when  he  was  about  twenty  years  of  age,  and 
to  have  lived  there  thirty  years,  beloved  by  the  emperors, 
especially  Domitian,  after  whose  death  he  retired  into  his 
own  country.  As  he  lived  long  enough  to^  write  some 
epigrams  in  commendation  of  Nerva  and  Trajan,  I  have 
placed  him  so  low  as  the  last  year  of  the  first  century,  and  "^ 
the  third  of  Trajan.  He  was  intimate  with  Juvenal,  and 
well  acquainted  with  Pliny  the  younger.  Martial  Mas  poor. 
When*  he  left  Rome,  Pliny  made  him  a  handsome  present; 

=■  Vid.  Voss.  de  Poet.  Lat.  Tillemont,  H.  E.  Domitien.  art.  23. 

^  Vid.  L.  12.  Epigr.  v.— ix.  L.  xi.  4,  5.  x.  34. 

*^  Domitiani,   Nervae,  et  Trajani,  tempora  ingenio  suo   illustravit. 

Senex  autem,  Urbe  relicta,  patriam  suam  repetens,  ia  ilia  obiit  sub  eodetn 
Trajano.  Fabric.  Bib.  Lat.  1.  2.  c.  20.  De  M.  V.  Martiali. 

"*  Audio,  Valerium  Martialetn  decessisse.  Et  molests  fero.  Erat  homo 
ingeniosus,  acutus,  acer,  et  qui  plurimum  in  scribendo  et  salis  haberet,  et 


636  Testimonies  of  Aiicient  Heathens. 

and  when  he  heard  of  his  death,  he  lamented  it  very  affec- 
tionately. 

II.  This  writer  has  been  supposed  to  refer  to  the  patient 
fortitude  of  christians,  in  voluntarily  enduring  the  greatest 
pains,  rather  than  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  or  do  any  thing  con- 
trary to  the  principles  of  their  religion. 

'  You*"  have,  perhaps,  lately  seen  acted  in  the  theatre. 
Mucins,  who  thrust  his  hand  into  the  fire.  If  you  think 
such  an  one  patient,  valiant,  stout,  you  are  a  mere  sense- 
less dotard.  For  it  is  a  much  greater  thing  when  threat- 
ened M'ith  the  troublesome  coat,  to  say  I  do  not  sacrifice, 
than  to  obey  the  command- — burn  the  hand.' 

However,  the  two  last  verses  of  the  epigram  may  be 
otherwise  rendered,  after  this  manner:  'For  it  is  a  much 
greater  thing,  when  threatened  with  the  troublesome  coat, 
you  are  commanded  to  burn  your  hand,  to  say;  I  will  not.' 

But  I  can  see  no  reason  for  bringing  in  the  troublesome 
coat  to  oblige  a  man  to  act  the  part  of  Mucins  in  the 
theatre.  And  I  much  rather  incline  to  the  sense  given  in 
the  first  translation. 

I  shall  therefore  place  below  the  remarks^  of  Stephen  Le 
Moyne  upon  this  epigram,  who  makes  no  doubt  that  Martial 
refers  to  the  christians,  and  declares  that  what  Mucius  did, 
is  not  comparable  to  the  resolution  of  christians  under  the 
sufferings  which  they  endured. 

The  troublesome  coat,  or  shirt,  here  mentioned,  a  cruelty 
which,  as  we  have  before  learned  from  Tacitus,  the  innocent 

fellis,  nee  candoris  minus.  Prosequutus  eram  cum  viatico  discedentera. 
Dederam  hoc  amicitiae  :  dederam  etiam  vereiculis,  quos  de  me  composuit., 
PUn.  Lib.  3.  E.  p.  21. 

*  In  matutina  nuper  spectatus  arena 

Mucius,  imposuit  qui  sua  membra  focis, 
Si  patiens  fortisque  tibi  durusque  videtur, 

Abderitanse  pectora  plebis  habes. 
Nam,  cum  dicatur,  tunica  praesente  molesta, 
Ure  manum,  plus  est  dicere  :  Non  facio. 

Martial.  1.  x.  Epigr.  25. 

f  Facinns  Mucii  non  videtur,  inquit  Martialis,  cum  fortitudine  christianorum 
coniparandum.  Ule  ustulandam  manum  suam  flammis  exhibuit,  ut  ista  con- 
stantia  reliquum  corpus  suum  servaret.  Sed  christiani  totum  corpus  igni 
vorandum  tradunt,  imo  igni  lento ;  et  patiuntur  se  supervestiri  cereo  indu- 
mento,  ut  instar  cercorum  ardeant ;  quod  tamen  possent  declinare,  si  vellent, 
et  si  religioni  popularium  suorum,  et  sacris  imperatoris,  faciles  se  alligarent. 
Sed  maUint  in  cineres  et  favillas  redigi,  et  se  vivos  ardere,  quam  sacrificare, 
vel  thura  adolere :  et  cum  ad  id  compelluntur,  dicunt,  Non  facio,  non  sacri- 
fico — et  tunica;  molestae  prsesens  et  Ircmendum  supplicium  illos  a  sacris  suis 
non  potest  avellere,  vel  mininum  terrere.  St.  Le  Moyne  Varia  sacra,  p. 
1041,  1042.  Vid.  et  Kortholt.  De  persecutionib.  primit.  Ec.  p.  25. 


Martial.     His  Testimony  to  Christian  Fortitude.  A,  D.  100.     637 

christians  unjustly  suffered,  was  made  like  a  sack,  of  paper 
or  coarse  linen  cloth  ;  and  having  been  first  besmeared 
within  and  Avithout  with  pitch,  wax,  rosin,  sulpluir,  and 
such  like  combustible  materials,  or  dipt  all  over  in  them, 
was  put  upon  the  person  for  whom  it  was  appointed  ;  and 
that  he  might  be  kept  upright,  the  more  to  resemble  a 
flaming  torch,  his  chin  was  fastened  to  a  stake  fixed  in  the 
ground. 

That  this  was  esteemed  a  cruel  death  is  manifest  from 
Seneca ;  who,  describing  the  greatest  causes  of  fear,  writes 
to  this  purpose:  '  Imagine^'  here,'  says  he,  '  a  prison,  cross- 
'  es,  and  racks,  and  the  hook,  and  a  stake  thrust  through 
'  the  body  and  coming  out  at  the  mouth,  and  the  limbs  torn 
'  by  chariots  pulling  adverse  ways,  and  that  coat  besmeared 
'  and  interwoven  with  combustible  materials,  nutriment  for 
'  fire,  and  whatever  else  beside  these  cruelty  has  invented. 
'  It  is  no  wonder  if,  in  such  a  case,  fear  riseth  high,  where 
'  the  variety  of  evils  is  so  great,  and  the  preparation  is  so 
'  terrible.' 

It  is  hence  apparent,  that  this  was  one  of  the  worst  pu- 
nishments which  cruelty  had  invented. 

I  do  not  know  but  some  may  think  I  ought  to  have  quot- 
ed this  passage  of  Seneca,  not  only  as  a  description  of  this 
coat  and  the  cruelty  of  it,  but  also  as  an  allusion  to  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  christians,  who  felt  it  in  so  great  numbers  ;  for 
Seneca's  death  happened  not''  before  April  in  the  year  65; 
M'bereas  the  fire  at  Rome  began  in  July  the  preceding  year, 
and  the  persecution  of  the  christians '  commenced  in  Novem- 
ber following;  but,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  better  not  to  insist 
upon  any  reference  here  to  the  sufferings  of  the  christians. 

8  Cogita  hoc  loco  carcerem,  et  cruces,  et  eculeos,  et  uncum,  et  adactutn 
per  medium  hominem,  qui  per  os  emergat,  stipitem,  et  distracta  in  diversum 
actis  curribus  membra,  illam  tunicam,  alimentis  ignium  et  illitam  et  intextam ; 
quicquid,  aliud,  pi-aeter  haec,  commenta  ssevitia  est.  Non  est  itaque  mirum, 
si  maximus  hujus  rei  timor  est,  cujus  et  varietas  magna,  et  apparatus  terribilis 
est.  Senec.  Ep.  14.  '■  See  Tillemont,  Neron.  art.  xxii. 

'  See  vol.  V.  ch.  xi.  near  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


638  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Ilealhcns. 

CHAP.  VII. 

JUVENAL. 


I.  His  time  and  icritings.  II.  His  testimony  to  J^ero's 
persecution  oj'  the  christians.  III.  His  testimony  to 
Domitian's  persecution.  IV.  ./^n  observation  concerning 
Seneca  the  philosopher. 

I.  DECIMUS  JUNIUS  JUVENALIS,^  or  Juvenal,  author 
of  sixteen  satires,  which  we  still  have,  is  computed  to  have 
flourished  in  the  reig^ns  of  Domitian,  Nerva,  Trajan,  and 
Adrian.  And,  as  Lipsius  well  says,  he^  was  contemporary 
with  Pliny  the  younger,  Tacitus,  and  others  of  that  age. 
Nevertheless  we  do  not  find  Juvenal  at  all  mentioned  in  any 
of  the  letters  of  Pliny  now  extant.  I  place  him  next  to  his 
friend  Martial,  and  in  the  same  year,  the  last  of  the  first 
century  of  the  christian  epoch. 

II.  He  seems  to  refer  to  Nero's  persecution  of  the  chris- 
tians in  some  lines  *=  of  his  first  satire,  which  are  thus  trans- 
lated by  Mr.  Dryden : 

But  if  that  honest  licence  now  you  take, 
If  into  rogues  omnipotent  you  rake. 
Death  is  your  doom,  impal'd  upon  a  stake, 
Smear'd  o'er  with  wax,  and  set  on  fire  to  light 
The  streets,  and  make  a  dreadful  blaze  by  night. 

Or,  more  literally  :  '  Describe  a  great  villain,  such  as  was 
Tigellinus,  (a  corrupt  minister  under  Nero,)  and  you  shall 
suffer  the  same  punishment  with  those  who  stand  burning- 
in  their  own  flame  and  smoke,  their  head  being  held  up  by 
a  stake  fixed  to  their  chin,  till  they  make  a  long  stream  (of 
blood  and  running  sulphur)  on  the  ground.' 

»  Vid.  Lips.  Epist.  Qu.  1.  4.  Ep.  20.  Fabr.  Bib.  Lat.  1.  2.  cap.  18.  Tillem. 
H.  E.  Domitien,  art.  24.  ''  Ergo,  meo  arbitrio,  compar 

Juvenalis  Plinio  juniori,  Tacito,  et  illi  classi  fuit.  Lips.  L  c. 

'  Pone  Tigellinum,  taeda  lucebis  in  ilia. 
Qua  stantes  ardent,  qui  fixe  gutlure  fumant, 
Et  latum  media  sulcum  deducit  arena. 

Juven.  Sat.  i.  ver.  155,  &c. 


Juvenal.    His  Testimony  to  Domitian''s  Persecidion.  A.  D.  100.  G39 

It*^  is  the  opinion  of  Joseph  Scaliger,  and  many  other 
learned  men,  that  Nero's  cruelties  to  the  christians  are  here 
intended  :  and  that  some  punishments  of  men  accused  of 
magic  in  the  reign  of  Nero  are  here  referred  to,  is  affirmed 
by  an  ^  ancient  scholiast  upon  this  place  of  Juvenal  ;  who^ 
likewise  speaks  of  them  as  exhibited  for  a  spectacle;  as  is 
particularly  described  by  Tacitus.  And  Suetonius  (as  we 
shall  presently  see)  calls  the  christians,  '  men  of  a  new  and 
'  magical  superstition.' 

In  another  satire  e  Juvenal  speaks  of  the  pitched  shirt,  or 
troublesome  coat,  which  they  were  covered  with  M'ho  vi-ere 
condemned  to  that  punishment.  And  I  shall  place  below  '' 
a  part  of  Prateus's  note  upon  that  place. 

III.  In  another  satire  Juvenal  speaks  of  the  death  of  Do- 
mitian  in  this  manner;  'Many'  illustrious  men  he  destroyed 
who  found  no  avenger;  at  last  he  perished,  when  he  became 
formidable  to  the  rabble.  This  ruined  him,  who  long  before 
was  stained  with  the  noble  blood  of  the  Lamiae.' 

The  verses  are  thus  translated  by  Mr.  Stepny : 

What  folly  this  !  But  oh  !  that  all  the  rest 
Of  his  dire  reign  had  thus  been  spent  in  jest ! 
And  all  that  time  such  trifles  had  employed, 
In  which  so  many  nobles  he  destroyed. 
He  safe,  they  unrevenged,  to  the  disgrace 
Of  the  surviving,  tame.  Patrician  race. 
But  when  he  dreadful  to  the  rabble  grew, 
Him,  who  so  many  lords  had  slain,  they  slew. 

*  Scholia  Juvenalis :  *  Nero  maleficos  homines  tseda  et  papyro  et  cera 
•  supervestiebat,  et  sic  ad  ignem  adtnoveri  jubebat,  ul  arderenl.'  Hsec  Scho- 
hastes  ille  in  illos  versus  Juvenalis,  qui  sine  dubio  de  christianis  dicti  sunt. 
Jos.  Scaliger.  Animadv.  in  Euseb.  Chron.  p.  197.  Videatur  Id.  De  Emendat. 
Temp.  I.  V.  p.  471.  ^  Vid.  not.  '^,  supra. 

'  Idem  Scholiatses :  '  Vivus  ardebis,  quemadmodum  in  munere  Neronis 
'  vivi  arserunt,  de  quibus  ille  jussit  cereos  fieri,  ut  lucerent  spectatoribus  quura 
'  fixa  essent  guttura,  ne  se  curvarent.'  Id.  Scalig.  1.  c.  p.  197.  Et  vide 
annof.  ad  Juvenalis  locum. 

e  Aiisi  quod  liceat  tunica  pun  ire  molesta. 

Sat.  8.  lin.  235. 
"  Vestis  erat  e  charta,  cannabe,  stuppa.     Illinebatur  bitumine,  resina,  pice. 
Turn  circumdabatur  iis  qui  grave  quidpiam,  et  maxime  incendia,  moliti  fue- 
rant.     Qua  demum  incensa  vivi  comburebantur.     Annot,  in  loc.  ed.  in  usum 
Delphini. 

'  Atque  utinani  his  potius  nugis  tota  ilia  dedisset 
Tempora  ssevitiae,  claras  quibus  abstulit  Urbi 
lUustresque  animas  impune,  et  vindice  nullo. 
Sed  periit,  postquam  cerdonibus  esse  timendus 
Cceperat.     Hoc  nocuit  Lamiarum  cse  Ic  madenfi. 

Sat.  iv.  ad  fin. 


640  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

^lius  Lamia,  whose  death  is  likewise  particularly  men- 
tioned by  ^  Suetonius,  undoubtedly  was  a  man  of  a  very  an- 
cient and  noble  family.  And  Domitian  had  killed  many 
other  senators.  The  christians  were  generally  of  the  meaner 
rank  of  people,  and  more  despised  still  for  their  religion 
than  their  condition.  But  they  were  not  all  of  the  rabble, 
or  coblers  and  tailors,  as  Juvenal  would  insinuate.  And 
Flavins  Clement,  one  of  those  whom  Domitian  put  to  death 
near  the  end  of  his  reign,  and  whose  death,  as  Suetonius  ex- 
pressly says,  hastened  Domitian's  ruin,  was  of  the  imperial 
family ;  and,  as  we  think,  a  christian.  However,  it  is  ob- 
servable, that  Juvenal  says  Domitian's  death  soon  followed 
after  some  acts  of  cruelty  toward  mean  people.  Herein  he 
agrees  with  and  confirms  the  accounts  of  some  christian 
writers,  particularly  that  of  Caecilius,  or  Lactantius,  in  his 
book  of  the  Deaths  of  Persecutors;  whoobserves,  that  'Domi- 
'  tian'  had  beenlongpermittedtoexercisegreat  cruelties  upon 
'  his  subjects  :  but  when  he  began  to  persecute  the  servants  of 
'  God,  he  was  soon  delivered  up  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.' 

IV.  It  may  be  observed,  that  I  do  not  allege,  among  wit- 
nesses to  Christianity,  or  the  affairs  of  christians,  the  philo- 
sopher, L.  A.  Seneca.  There  is  extant  a  correspondence 
between  him  and  St.  Paul,  in  fourteen  letters  ;  which  may 
be  seen  in  Latin,  in  "  Fabricius,  and  in  Latin  and  English 
in"  Mr.  Jones,  with  remarks.  They  were  in  being  in  St. 
Jerom's  time,  and  Seneca  therefore  is  mentioned  by  him  °  in 
his  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers.  But  they  are  mani- 
festly spurious  and  of  no  value;  and  therefore  are  not  en- 
titled to  a  place  here:  nor  do  they  deserve  any  regard. 

I  have  put  this  advertisement  here,  at  the  end  of  the  chap- 
ter of  Juvenal,  because  he  is  the  last  author  of  the  first  cen- 
tury who  is  alleged  by  me. 

^  Sueton.  Domit.  cap.  x, 

'  Post  hunc,  [Neronem]  interjectis  aliquot  annis,  alter  [Doraitianus]  non 
minor  tyrannus  orsus  est :  qui  cum  exerceret  invisam  dominatioaem,  subjec- 
torum  tamen  cervicibus  incubavit  quam  diutissime,  tutusque  regnavit,  donee 
irapias  manus  adversus  Dominum  tenderet.  Postquam  vero  ad  persequeudum 
justum  populum  iustinctu  daemonum  incitatus  est,  tunc  traditus  in  manus 
inimicorum  luit  poenas.     Caec.  al.  Lact.  De  M.  P.  c.  3. 

■"  Cod.  Apocr.  N.  T.  Tom.  2.  p.  880,  &c.  Conf.  ejusd.  Bibl.  Lat.  T.  i.  p. 
367.  "  See  Jones  of  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  Vol.  2.  ch.  x.  p.  80,  &c. 

°  Lucius  Annaeus  Seneca  Cordubensis,  Sotionis  Stoici  discipulus,  et  patruus 
Lucani  poetae,  continentissimae  vitae  fuit.  Quern  non  ponercm  in  Catalogo 
Sanctorum,  nisi  me  illae  Epistolae  provocarent,  quae  leguntur  a  plurimis,  Pauli 
ad  Senecam,  et  Senecae  ad  Paulum.  In  quibus,  cum  esset  Neronis  magister, 
et  ilhus  teinporis  potentissimus,  optare  se  dicit,  ejus  esse  loci  apud  suos,  cujus 
sit  Paulujs  apud  christianos.  Hie  ante  biennium,  quam  Petrus  et  Paulus  coro- 
narentur  martyrio,  a  Nerone  interfectus  est.     Hieron.  De  V.  I.  cap.  xii. 


Suetonius.     A.  D.  110.  641 

CHAP.  VIII. 

SUETONIUS. 

I.  His  history,  time,  and  xcorks.  II.  The  Jews  expelled 
Jrom  Rome  in  the  reirpi  oj'  Claudius.  III.  His  account  of 
JS'ero's  persecution.  IV.  His  testimonif  to  the  Jewish 
war,  and  the  overthrow  oj'  the  Jewish  people.  V.  OJ' 
Domitian's  persecution  oJ'  the  christians.  VI.  The  sum. 
oJ'  his  testimony. 

I.  CAIUS  SUETONIUS  TRANQUILLUS,='  son  of  Sueto- 
nius Lenis,*'  flourislied  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and  Adrian, 
to  the  latter  of  whom  he  was  secretary:  which '^  place  he 
lost  about  the  year  121.  Pliny  the  younger  had  a  parti- 
cular friendship  for  hirn.  Several  of  Pliny's  letters  still  ex- 
tant are  written  to  him  ;  and  he  performed  for  him  divers 
good  offices.  Suetonius,  having-  no  children  by  his  wife, 
Pliny  procured  for  him  from  Trajan  jms  trium  liherorum,  or 
the  privilege  of  those  who  have  three  children.  His  recom- 
mendation of  him  to  the  emperor  is  very  affectionate,  and 
exhibits  a  very  amiable*^  character. 

That  he  was  born  about  the  beginning'  of  the  reign  of 
Vespasian,  is  argued  hence — that  *^  about  twenty  years  after 
the  death  of  Nero,  or  in  88,  he  speaks  of  himself  as  a  young- 
man.  It  may  be  supposed  therefore,  that  in  the  thirteenth 
of  Trajan,  or  the  year  of  our  Lord  110,  he  was  not  less  than 
forty  years  of  age. 

He  was  the  author  of  a  good  number  of  books,  of  which 
there  are  now  none  remaining,  but  his  '  Lives  of  the  First 
'  Twelve  Caesars,'  and  a  part  of  a  work  'concerning  Illus- 
*  trious  Grammarians  and  Rhetoricians.' 

"  Vid.  Voss.  de  Hist.  Lat.  1.  i.  cap.  26.  Bayle,  Diction.  Hist,  et  Crit.  Sue- 
tone.    Tillemont,  H.  Emp.  Adrian,  art.  24. 

•^  Interfuit  huic  bello  pa'er  meus  Suetonius  Lenis,  tertiae  decimae  legionis 
tribunus  angusticlavius.     Sueton.  Orthon.  c.  x. 

'^  Scepticio  Claro  praefecto  praetorii,  et  Suetonio  Tranquillo,  epistolarum 
magistros,  multisque  aliis,  qui  apud  Sabinam  uxorem,  injussu  ejus,  famiiiarius 
se  tunc  egerant,  quam  reverentia  domus  aulicae  postulabat,  successores  dedit 
— Spartian.  in  Adrian,  cap.  xi. 

^  Suetonium  Tranquillum,  probissimum,  honestissimum,  eruditissimum 
virum,  et  mores  ejus  secutus  et  studia,  jampridem,  Domine,  in  contubernium 
assumpsi,  &c.  Plin.  1.  x.  ep.  95. 

'  Denique  cum  post  viginti  aanos,  adolescente  me,  exstitisset  conditionLs 
incertae,  quiseNeronem  esse  jaclarct,  &c.  Sueton.  inNeron.  cap.  ult. 
vol..    VI.  2  T 


642  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

II.  Suetonius,  in  the  life  of  the  emperor  Claudius,  who 
reigned  from  the  year  41  to  54,  says  of  him  :  '  He*^  banished 
the  Jews  from  Rome,  who  were  continually  making-  dis- 
turbances, Chrestus  being  their  leader.' 

This  passage  luidoubtedly  confirms  what  is  said.  Acts 
xviii.  2,  that  "  Claudius  had  commanded  all  Jews  to  depart 
from  Rome."°  Some  learned  men  are  not  satisfied  that  this 
relates  to  the  christians ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  our 
Saviour  was  sometimes  called  ''  Chrestus  by  heathen  people. 
And  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  Jewish  enmity  against 
those  of  their  own  country,  or  others  who  had  embraced 
Christianity,  might  produce  some  disputes  and  disturbances 
which  came  to  the  emperor's  knowledge.  This  seems  to 
be  the  meaning  of  Suetonius,  that  '  there  were  disturbances 
among  the  Jews  and  others  at  Rome,  upon  occasion  of 
Christ  and  his  followers.' 

If  this  passage  were  clear,  we  should  have  a  testimony 
from  an  heathen  author  of  good  note,  that  there  Mere  chris- 
tians at  Rome  before  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Claudius;  as 
indeed  we  know  there  were  from  an  authentic  writer  of  our 
own.  Acts  xviii.  2,  and  26.  And  compare  Rom.  xvi. 
And  though  it  should  not  be  reckoned  clear  and  decisive, 
it  has  such  an  appearance  of  probability  as  has  satisfied 
many  learned  men  of  good' judgment. 

This  passage  of  Suetonius  is  expressly  cited  by''  Orosius, 
a  christian  historian  of  the  fifth  century.  But  he  was  not 
clear  about  the  meaning  of  it. 

III.  In  the  life  of  Nero,  whose  reign  began  in  54,  and 

^  Judaeos,  impukore  Chresto,  assidue  tumultuantes,  Roma  expulit.  Claud, 
cap.  25.  8  See  Vol.  i.  p.  259. 

'' — Perperam  Chrestianus  pronunciatur  a  vobis,  &c.  Teitull.  Ap.  c.  3.  Sed 
exponenda  hujusnominis  ratio  est,  propter  ignorantiura  errorem,  qui  cum  im- 
mutata  litera  Chrestum,  solent  dicere.     Lact.  Divin.  Inst.  1.  4.  c.  7. 

'  Cum  dixi  supra,  sub  Judaeorum  nomine  comprehensos  christianos,  id  dixi 
quod  complures  ante  me,  multo  me  eruditiores.  Neque  tamen  id  impedit  quo 
minus  durior  fuerit  conditio  christianorum,  ut  etiam  in  judaica  religione  multa 
novantium,  pluresque  homines  a  paganismo  abducentium.  Quo  spectat  illud 
Suetonii  de  Claudio,  '  Judaeos,  impulsore  Chresto,'  (id  est,  per  christianum  dog- 
ma,) •  assidue  tumultuantes,  Roma  expulit,  &c.'  Grot.  App.  ad.  Comm.  de 
Antichristo,  p.  499.  Vid.  et  Cellarii  Diss,  de  primo  principe  christiano,  §  viii. 
et  Basnag.  ann.  51.  num.  68.  Cleric.  H.  E.  ann.  29.  n.  xc.  Heumanni  Diss. 
de  Chresto  Suetonii  ap.  Dissertation.  Syll.  T.  i.  p.  536,  &c.  Kortholt.  De 
Persecut.  Ecc.  p.  4.  Tob.  Eckhard.  non  Christianorum  Testimonia,  c.  1.  S. 
Havercamp,  annot.  ad  Tertullian.  Apol.  cap.  3.  p.  42. 

^  Sed  me  magis  Suetonius  movet,  qui  ait  hoc  modo.  '  Claudius  Judaeos, 
impulsore  Christo,  assidue  tumultuantes,  Roma  expulit.'  Quod  utnim  contra 
ChJistum  tumultuantes  Judaeos  coerceri  et  comprimi  jusserit,  an  etiam  christi- 
anos simul,  velut  cognatae  religionis  homines,  voluerit  expelli,  nequaquam  dis- 
cernitur.     Oros.  Hist.  1.  7.  c.  6. 


SuETOMUS.     A.  D.  110.  643 

ended  in  68,  Suetonius  says;  '  The'  christians  were  punished; 
a  sort  of  men  of  a  new  and  niaf^ical  superstition.' 

Suetonius  here  assures  us,  that  the  cliristian  religion  was 
lately  arisen,  and  that  it  had  already  gained  footing-  in  the 
empire.  From  his  calling  it  a  '  magical  superstition,'  it  may 
be  argued  that'"  there  were  some  thing's  of  an  extraordinary 
nature  performed  by  the  christians  :  or  that  they  endeavoured 
to  justify  their  embracing-  the  relig-ion  of  Christ,  as  of  divine 
orig-inal,  upon  the  ground  of  some  Monderful  works,  Avhicli 
bore  testimony  to  its  truth  and  authority. 

I  have  translated  the  word  '  malefica,'  used  by  Suetonius, 

•  magical,'  agreeably  to  the  judgment  of  divers  learned  men. 
But  Mr.  Mosheim  "  thinks  the  Mord  to  be  equivalent  to 
'  exitiabilis,'  in  Tacitus,  meaning  '  pernicious.'  The  chris- 
tians were  singular  in  their  religious  sentiment,  and  opposed 
the  religions  of  all  nations.  The  Romans  therefore  considered 
them,  he  thinks,  '  as  enemies  to  all  mankind,'  and  disposed 
to  disturb  the  public  peace. 

In  the  word  '  ne\M(Plmdoubtedly,  there  is  a  sting.  For, 
as  Tacitus  says  of  the  Jews,  '  Whatever"  might  be  the 
origin  of  their  religion,  it  has  the  advantage  of  antiquity.' 

That  the  christians  were  roughly  handled  in  the  reign  of 
Nero,  we  have  seen  from  Tacitus,  a  contemporary  writer. 
Nevertheless,  it  has  been  observed  by  some  learned  men, 
that  P  Suetonius  does  not  say  particularly  that  they  were 

'  Afflicti  suppliciis  christiani,  genus  hominum,  superstitionis  novae  et  male- 
ficae.    Sueton.  Nero.  cap.  16. 

""  *  Maleficos'  incantatores,  magicis  rebus  studentes,  venenarios,  interpreta- 
tur  Barth.  Adv.  viii.  1 7.  x.  6,  45,  57. — Pro  talibus  christianos  habuerunt  deter- 
rimis  Gentiles,  forte  quia  daemonia  illis  parebant,  et  ad  illorum  contestationem 

ejiciebantur Exinde  capienduni  putat  Barthius,  Luc.  vi.  2-2.    Km  (KJSaXuai 

TO  ovofia  vfiiuv,  o}Q  TTovTjpov.  Ncc  mirum.  Hoc  enim  genere  '  maleficii '  D. 
Jesum  calumniabantur  Gentilium  accusationes.     Arnob.  p.  25.  *  Occursurus 

•  forsitan  rursus  est  cum  aliis  multis  caUimniosis  illis,  et  puerilibus  vocibus :  Ma- 

•  gus  fuit,  clandestinis  artibus  omnia  ilia  perfecit.'  Sed  D.  Jesu  causam  satis 
accurate  ibid,  agit  Arnobius.     Pitiscus  ad  Suetonii  locum. 

"  Neque  Romanam  solum,  sed  omnium  etiam  aliarum  gentium  religiones 
christiani  hostiliter  invadebant :  ex  quo  Romani  concludebant,  sectam  chris- 
tianam  non  modo  prseter  omnem  modum  arrogantem,  verum  paci  ac  tran- 
quillitati  publico  inimicam,  et  ad  bella  civilia  cienda  aptam  esse.  Hoc  illud 
est,  si  recte  conjicio,  quod  Tacitus  christianis  exprobrat,  '  odium  generis  hu- 
'  mani.'  Nee  aliunde  rationem  putem  duci  debere,  cur  idem  christianorum  re- 
ligionem,  '  supei-stitionem  exitiabilem,'  Suetonius  autem  '  maleficam,'  nomi- 
net.  Moshem.  Instit.  H.  E.  p.  33,  34. 

"  Hi  ritus,  quoquo  modo  inducti,  antiquitate  defenduntur.  Tacit.  Hist.  1. 
5.  cap.  5.  p.  518. 

P  Nee  refert,  quod  Tacitus  de  iis,  quae  in  provinciis  ads-ersus  christianos  gesfa, 
sermonem  non  habeat,  cum  Suetonius  de  Nerone,  cap.  16,  persecutionem  ad 
urbem  Romam  non  restringat.  Pagi  ann.  64.  n.  iv. 

Et  quidem  Suetonius,  a  Nerone  *  afflictos  suppliciis  christianos'  comrac- 


644  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

'  punished  at  Rome,'  or  for  setting-  fire  to  the  city.  His 
expressions  are  general,  and  may  include  more  extensive 
sufferings  in  the  provinces,  as  well  as  the  city.  Of  which 
we  have  good  assurance  i  from  divers  ancient  christian 
writers. 

Once  more.  It  may  be  observed,  that  Suetonius  speaks 
Avith  approbation  of  the  sufferings  which  the  christians 
endured  in  this  reign.  For  ^  they  are  mentioned  together 
with  divers  other  acts,  ordinances,  or  institutions  of  Nero, 
which  were  entitled  to  some  commendation:  as^  anyone 
will  allow  who  observes  the  several  articles  in  the  same 
chapter. 

IV.  In  his  Life  of  Vespasian,  Suetonius  writes  to  this  pur- 
pose :  '  When  *  Nero  went  into  Achaia,  Vespasian  was  one 
of  the  court.  But  showing  a  dislike  to  that  emperor's 
extravagances,  he  lay  under  his  displeasure,  and  was  ap- 
prehensive of  the  consequences  of  his  resentment.  Ves- 
pasian therefore  retired  into  a  private  place  at  some  distance, 
where  an  honourable  province,  with  a  powerful  army,  was 
assigned  him.  There  had  been  for  a  long  time,  all  over  the 
east,  a  prevailing  opinion  that  it  was  in  the  fates,  [in  the  de- 
crees or  books  of  the  fates,]  that  at  that  time  some  one  from 
Judea  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world.  By  the  event 
it  appeared  that  a  Roman  emperor  was  meant  by  that  pre- 
diction. The  Jews,  applying  it  to  themselves,  went  into  a 
rebellion.  At  first  they  had  such  success  that  they  not 
oidy  overcame  their  own  governor,  but  also  defeated  the 
proconsular  governor  of  Syria  who  came  to  his  assistance. 
There  being  now  manifest  occasion  for  a  general  of  great 

morans,  nullam  Romani  incendii  facit  mentionem,  sed  eos  '  genus  hominum 
super^titionis  novae  ac  maleficae'  appellat.  QiitB  cum  referat  Suetonius  inter 
ea,  quae  a  Nerone  instituta  fuerant,  baud  dubium  est,  quin  edictum  adversus 
christianos  ab  eo  tyranno  scriptum  fuevit.  Ruinart.  Pr.  in  Acta  Mart.  n.  26. 
p.  32.  1  — ac  per  omnes  provincias  pari  persecutione 

excruciari  imperavit.     Oros.  1.  7.  cap.  7. 

'  Id  sane  ita  Suetonio  persuasuin  erat,  ut  inter  ea,  quaealiqua  laude  digna  a 
Nerone  sancita  commemorat,  ait,  ab  ipso  fuisse  *  afflictos  suppliciis  christianos.* 
Ruinart.  lb.  n.  25.  p.  29. 

'  Adhibitus  sumtibus  modus,  &c.  eod.  cap.  16. 

'  Peregrinatione  Achaica  inter  comites  Neronis,  cum,  cantante  eo,  aut  dis- 
cederct  sitpius,  aut  praesens  obdormisceret,  gravissimarn  contraxit  offensam ; 
prohibitusque  non  contubernio  modo,  sed  etiam  publica  salutatione,  recessit  in 
parvam  et  deviam  civitatem,  quoad  latenti,  etiaiuque  extrema  metuenti,  pro- 
vincia  cum  exercitu  oblata  est.  Percrebuerat  Oriente  toto  vetus  et  constans 
opinio,  esse  in  fati?,  ut  eo  tempore  Judaea  profecti  rerum  potirentur.  Id,  de 
imperatore  R.  quantum  eventu  postea  pra?dictum  paruit,  Judaei  ad  se  tra- 
hentes  rebellarunt.  Caesoque  praeposito,  legatum  insuper  Syriae  proconsularem 
suppetias  fierentem  rapta  aquila  fugaverunt.  Ad  hunc  motum  comprimendum 
cum  exercitu  ampliore,  et  non  instrenuo  duce opus  esset,  ipse  potissi- 


Suetonius.     A.D.I  10.  645 

reputation,  and  a  numerous  army,  Vespasian  was  appointed 
for  that  service;  who,  among-  other  commanders  under  him, 
had  his  eldest  son  Titus.  Having-  put  his  army  itito  good  or- 
der, he  entered  upon  the  war  with  great  vigour,  and  not  with- 
out hazard  to  his  own  person,  having  been  slightly  wounded 
in  an  attack  made  at  one  of  their  towns,  and  received  seve- 
ral darts  upon  his  shield.'  Suetonius  proceeds  to  relate 
the  accession  of  Vespasian  to  the  empire,  whilst  he  was  in 
Judea,  and  takes  notice  of  what  Josephus,  one  of  the  Jewish 
prisoners,  had  beforehand  said  to  him  relating  to  that  matter. 
And  he  expressly  mentions  Vespasian's  triumph  over  the 
Jews  at  Rome. 

In  his  life  of  Titus,  he  says,  '  that**  whilst  he  yet  served 
under  Vespasian,  he  took  Tarichea  and  Gamala,  two  strong 
cities  of  Judea:  and  that,  having  in  an  engagement  lost  his 
own  horse,  he  mounted  another,  whose  rider  had  been 
killed  in  fighting  against  him.'  And  he  says,  that  "  Titus 
having  been  left  in  Judea  to  complete  the  reduction  of  that 
country,  he,  in  the  last  siege  of  Jerusalem,  killed  seven 
of  the  enemy  with  as  many  darts  :  and  that  he  took  that 
city  on  his  daughter's  birth  day,  and  was  then  saluted  by 
the  soldiers  with  the  title  of  emperor.'  He  also  says, 
'  that  '''  Titus  triumphed  at  Rome  with  his  father.* 

Suetonius  is  a  biographer ;  and  therefore  does  not  write 
of  the  Jewish  war  so  particularly,  as  an  historian  of  another 
character  might  do:  nevertheless,  he  may  be  justly  reckoned 
a  witness  to  the  fulfilment  of  our  Saviour's  predictions  con- 
cerning the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  overthrow  of 
the  Jewish  people.  He  bears  testimony  to  the  Jewish  war, 
and  the  occasion  of  it;  he  mentions  the  generals  employed 

mum  electus  est Additis  igitur  ad  copias  duabus  legionibus,  octo  alis  co- 

hortibus  decern,  atque  inter  legates  majore  filio  assumto,  ut  primutn  provin- 
ciam  attigit,  proximas  quoque  convertit  in  se  ;  correcta  statim  castrorum  dis- 
ciplina  ;  uno  quoque  et  altero  prselio  tarn  constanter  inito,  ut  in  oppugnatione 

castelli  lapidis  ictum  genu,  scuto  sagittas  aliquot  exceperit Et  unus  ex 

nobilibus  captivis  Josephus,  cum  conjiceretur  in  vincula,  constantissime  as- 

severavit  fore,  ut  abeodem  brevi  solveretur,  verumjam  imperatore Talis, 

tantaque  cum  fama  in  UrTaem  reversus,  acto  de  Judaeis  triumpho,  consulatus 
octo  veteri  addidit.     Sueton.  Vespasian,  cap.  4—8. 

"  Ex  Quaesturoe  deinde  honore  legioni  praepositus,  Tarichaeam  et  Gamalana, 
urbes  validissimas  Judaeae,  in  potestatem  redegit ;  equo  quadam  acie  sub  femi- 
nibus  amisso,  alteroque  incenso,  cujus  rector  contra  se  dimicans  occubuerat. 
Tit.  cap.  4. 

'  — — et  ad  perdomandam  Judaeara  relictus,  novissima  Hierosolymorum 
oppugnatione  vii.  propugnatores  totidem  sagittarura  confecit  ictibus  :  cepitque 
earn  natali  filite  suae,  tanto  militum  gaudio  ac  favore,  ut  in  gratulatione  impe- 
ratorem  eum  consalutaverint.     lb.  cap.  5. 

"  Triumphavit  cum  patre,  Censuramque  gessit  una.     lb.  cap.  6. 


646  Testimonies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

in  it,  and  the  issue  of  it  in  the  taking-  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
reduction  of  Judea,  and  the  triumph  thereupon  at  Rome. 

In  the  lifeofDomitian,wliose  reign  began  in  the  year  81, 
and  ended  in  96,  Suetonius  says  :  '  And  "  beside  others,  the 
Jewish  tax  was  exacted  with  the  greatest  severity,  and  was 
demanded  of  those  who  lived  in  the  city  according  to  the 
Jewish  customs,  without  entering-  themselves  as  Jews,  or 
w  ho,  dissembling  their  original,  had  omitted  to  pay  the  tax 
laid  upon  that  nation.' 

It  is  well  known  that,  after  >  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
the  Jewish  people,  wherever  they  dwelt,  were  required  by 
Vespasian  and  Titus  to  pay  that  tribute  to  the  capitol  at 
Rome,  which  they  had  been  wont  to  pay  for  the  use  of  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem.  Among-  those,  of  whom  this  tax  was 
now  exacted,  it  is  likely  there  were  divers  sorts  of  men. 
Some  Gentiles,  who  had  embraced  Christianity,  might  be 
looked  upon  as  Jews:  these  were  under  no  obligation  to  pay 
this  tax.  Beside  them,  some  Jews,  who  were  become  chris- 
tians, might  think  themselves  excused  from  paying  this 
tribute  ;  whether  reasonably  or  not,  I  do  not  determine:  for, 
according  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  they  were  obliged  to  pay 
it,  as  being  circumcised,  though  they  might  think  that  in 
equity  they  had  a  right  to  plead  an  exemption.  And,  beside 
all  these,  there  might  be  some  Jews,  both  by  nation  and 
religion,  who  declined  this  tax.  These,  I  suppose,  will  not 
be  vindicated  by  any,  unless  they  scrupled  to  contribute  to 
a  heathen  temple. 

To  these  several  sorts  of  men,  probably,  Suetonius  here 
refers.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  some  christians  met  with 
sufferings  upon  this  account,  under  the  name  and  character 
of  Jews,  from  whom  they  had  received  their  religion.  And, 
perhaps,  this  story  of  Suetonius  has  a  reference  to  Domitian's 
persecution  of  the  christians,  commonly  called  the  second 
persecution. 

This^  tax  was  not  exacted  with  the  same  rigour  under 
that  good  emperor  Nerva ;  but  it  was  not  abolished,  as 
some  have  thought. 

"  Praeter  caeteros,  judaicus fiscus  acerbissime  actus  est-,  ad  quern  defereban- 
tur,  qui  vel  improfessi  judaicam  inter  iirbom  viverent  vitam,  vel  dissiraulata 
origine,  imposita  genti  tributa  non  pependissent.  Interfuisse  me  adolescentu- 
lum  memini,  cum  a  procuratore,  frequentissimoqueconcilio,inspiceretur  nona- 
genarius  senex,  an  circumsectus  esset.  Domitian.  cap.  12. 
y  Vid.  Joseph.  De  B.  J.  1.  7.  cap.  vi.  §  G.  p.  1 19.  Haverc. 
'^  — Itum  fiscus  judaicus,  ut  Suetonio,  Domit.  12.  qui  cum  acerbissime 
ageretur  sub  Domitiano,  Judaici  Fisci  calumnia  sublata  est  sub  Nerva, 
ut  testatur  nummus  apud  Oiselium — Unde  tamen  plane  cessasse  hoc  Iributum 
non  evincitur,  sicut  Bergerus  et  Spanhemius  jam  demonstrarunt.  Reimar. 
Annot.  ad  Dion  C.  p.  1082.  sect.  43. 


Suetonius.     A.  D,  110.  C47 

This  passage  ought  to  be  understood  as  another  testimony 
from  the  same  writer,  to  the  final  overthrow  of  the  Jewish 
people  by  the  Romans,  as  Jesus  had  foretold. 

V.  Among-  the  cruelties  of  the  latter  part  of  Domitian's 
reign,  Suetonius  mentions  this :  '  And  lastly,''  he  put  to 
death  his  cousin  Flavins  Clement,  a  man  of  an  indolent 
temper,  even  to  contempt,  whose  sons,  when  they  were  as 
yet  infants,  he  had  publicly  declared  his  successors;  and, 
changing-  their  former  names,  he  called  the  one  Vespasian, 
and  the  other  Domitian.  Him  he  put  to  death  on  a  sudden, 
upon  a  slight  suspicion,  when  he  was  but  just  out  of  his 
consulship;  by  which  action,  more  than  by  any  other,  he 
hastened  his  own  ruin.' 

This  happened  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  ^  95.  Suetonius 
does  not  expressly  say  that  Flavins  Clement  was  a  christian; 
that  may  be  farther  cleared  up*^  hereafter.  However,  it 
may  be  argued  from  the  character  here  given  of  Clement, 
that  he  was  '  a  man  of  an  indolent  temper,  even  to  contempt:' 
that  having-  been  a  reproach  frequently  cast  upon  the 
christians  by  heathen  people,  that  they  were  useless,  and 
unprofitable  to  the  public;  as  we  learn  from*^  Tertullian, 
and  *  other  ancient  writers. 

In  this  character  of  Clement  there  seems  to  be  a  censure 
of  him  for  excessive  indolence.  But  I  think  the  chief  and 
direct  intention  of  Suetonius  is  to  aggravate  the  cruelty  of 
Domitian,  who  put  to  death  so  near  a  relation,  in  whom 
there  was  not  one  spark  of  ambition,  and  therefore  there 
could  be  no  reason  to  fear  any  thing-  from  him. 

Before  I  shut  up  this  article,  I  must  observe  some  things 
for  explaining'  the  last-cited  passage  of  Suetonius. 

Flavius  Clement  was  cousin-german  to  Domitian.  There s 
were  two  brothers,  Flavius  Sabinus,  and  Flavius  Clement, 

*  Denique  Flavium  Clementem,  patruelem  suura,  contemtissimae  inertise, 
cujus  filios,  etiam  turn  parvulos,  successores  palam  destinaverat ;  et  abolito 
priore  nomine,  alterum  Vespasiaoura  appellari  jusserat,  alterum  Domitianum ; 
repente,  ex  tenuissima  suspicione,  tantum  non  in  ipso  ejus  consulatu  intere- 
mit.  Quo  maxima  facto  maturavit  sibi  exitium.  Domit.  cap.  15. 

"  Vide  Pagi  ann.  96.  num.  ii.  et  Basnag.  ann.  95.  n.  iv. 

<=  See  the  chapter  of  Dion  Cassius,  in  the  next  volume. 

^  Sed  alio  quoque  injuriarum  titulo  expostulamur,  et  infructuosi  in  negotiis 
dicimur.  Tert.  Ap.  cap.  42. 

^  Cum  autem  hunc  Flavium  Clementem  contemtissimaj  inertite  hominem 
vocat  Suetonius,  eo  ipso  christianum  fuisse  deraonstrat.  De  quo  injuiiae  in 
christianos  titulo,  quod  inertes,  et  inutiles,  et  infructuosi  dicerentur.  Tertull. 
Ap.  cap.  42.  Torrent,  in  Sueton.  loc. 

'  Vid.  Sueton.  Vespas.  cap.  12.  et  VitcU.  oap.  15.  Tacit.  Hist.  1.  3.  cap. 
65.  Eutrop.  1.  7.  cap.  18.  Victor,  de  Cses.  cap.  vii.  Joseph,  de  B.  J.  1.  4.  cap. 
X.  sect.  3.  Conf.  ib.  cap.  xi.  sect.  4. 


648  TestiDionies  of  Ancient  Heathens. 

sons  of  Flavins  Sabinus,  Vespasian's  elder  brother.  Sabinus, 
the  elder  of  those  two  brothers,  had  been  put  to  death  by 
Domitian  some  while  before,  as  is  related  bys  Suetonius. 
The  second  was  put  to  death  now,  as  just  related.  The 
death  of  Flavius  Clement  is  also  mentioned  by*^  Dion  Cas- 
sius,  as  will  be  more  particularly  observed  by  us  hereafter; 
it  is  also  mentioned  by  '  Philostratus,  in  his  Life  of  Apollo- 
iiius  Tyanseus,  and  as  a  thing  that  hastened  the  death  of 
Domitian  himself.  And  we  ought  to  recollect  here  what 
Ave  before  saw  in''  Juvenal. 

Suetonius  assures  us,  that  '  Domitian  had  publicly  de- 
clared the  sons  of  this  Clement  to  be  his  successors,  and  he 
changed  their  names,  calling  the  one  Vespasian,  and  the 
other  Domitian.'  Undoubtedly,  they  are  the  two  young 
persons  whom  Domitian  had  committed  to  the  care  and  in- 
stitution of  Quintilian  ;  who  calls  them  '  the  grand-children 
*  of  Doniitian's  sister.'  Domitian's  only  sister,  Domitilla,  died 
before  Vespasian  came  to  the  empire,  as  we  learn  from  ™ 
Suetonius :  but  she  must  have  left  a  daughter  of  the  same 
name,  whose  sons  therefore  were  her  grandsons.  What 
became  of  them  afterwards  we  are  not  informed. 

Finally,  Dion  Cassius,  in  the  place  above  cited,  calls 
Clement  consul.  Suetonius  says,  '  he  was  put  to  death  on 
a  sudden,  when  he  was  just  out  of  his  consulship.'  But 
tliere  is  no  disagreement  between  them  in  this;  for"  the 
ordinary  consuls  did  not  then  serve  out  the  whole  year, 
but  others  were  substituted  in  their  room,  after  a  few 
months  or  a  less  space.  However,  the  year  was  still  reckoned 
w  ith  the  names  of  the  ordinary  consuls,  and  they  preserved 
the  title  throughout  the  whole  year;  Clement  therefore  was 
still  consul,  though  another,  or  several,  one  after  another, 
had  been  substituted.  As  before  said,  Clement  was  put  to 
death  in  95,  the  year  of  his  consulship. 

VJ.  We  have  seen  so  many  things  in  Suetonius,  that  it 
may  not  be  improper  to  recapitulate;  for  he  bears  witness  to 

8  Flavium  Sabinum  alterum  e  patruelibus,  [occidit,]  quod,  &c.  Sueton. 
Domit.  cap.  x. 

•^  — aXKnQ  re  iroWnQ,  Km  rov  $Xa/3tov  KXrjfiivru  virartvovra,  Kanrtp 
av£i//tov  ovTa,  KareafaKiv  6  Ao/iirtavof.     Dio.  1.  67.  c.  14.  p.  1112.  al.  p.  766. 

'  Eoj^sv  5e  Oioi  AnfiiTiuvov  Tjdrj  tt)q  avOpunraiv  TrpoiSpictQ.  Errx*  /*'»'  yap 
KXrjfitvra  cnriKrovwc,  avlpa  vTcarov,  (^  Tr}v  ace\(p7}v  rijv  tavTH  i%ilti)Kii. 
Philost.  de  V.  A.  T.'l.  8.  cap.  25.  ''  P.  639. 

'  Cum  vero  mihi  Doraitianus  Augustus  sororis  suae  nepotum  delegaverit 
curam.  Quintil.  Imp.  1.  4.  Pr. 

•"  Ex  hac  liberos  tulit  Titum,  et  Domitianum,  et  Donjitillam.  Uxori  et  filiae 
superstes  fuit :  atque  utramque  privatus  amisit.  Sueton.  Vespas.  cap,  3. 

"  Vid.  Pagi  et  Basnag.  ut  supra,  note  '',  p.  647.  et  Reimar.  in  Dion. 
Cas.  1112. 


Suetonius.     A.  D.  110.  649 

the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  and  christians  out  of  Rome  in  the 
reig-n  of  Claudius;  to  the  persecution  of  the  christians  in  the 
time  of  Nero;  to  the  Jewish  war,  and  the  reduction  of  Judea 
by  Vespasian  and  Titus,  and  therein  is  a  witness  to  the  ac- 
complishment of  our  Saviour's  predictions  concerning  the 
calamities  coming  upon  that  people.  He  likewise  mentions 
the  death  of  Flavius  Clement,  which  we  suppose  to  have 
happened  in  the  time  of  Domitian's  persecution  of  the 
christians. 

To  all  these  things  does  Suetonius  bear  testimony,  who  is 
an  historian  of  the  best  credit,  and  lived  at  the  end  of  the 
first,  and  the  begimiing  of  the  second  century. 

Our  next  author  will  be  the  younger  Pliny,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  century. 

1  have  placed  Suetonius  before  him,  and  in  this  volume, 
because  his  testimony  has  a  near  affinity  with  the  particulars 
mentioned  by  Tacitus,  and  the  two  other  last  mentioned 
writers. 


END    OF    THE    SIXTH    VOLUME. 


BUNGAY : 
STEREOTYPED  AND  PRINTED  BY  J.  R.  AND  C.  CHILDS- 


1012  01195   5947 


DATE  DUE 

•:>*'*«** 

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CAYLORD 

PRINTED  IN  U    S    A,    ' 

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