Full text of "The works of the Rev. John Witherspoon... To which is prefixed an account of the author's life, in a sermon occasioned by his death"

UNIVERSITY

OF PITTSBURGH

Hh Bar. Rm.
^^^v. 3

LIBRARIES

0'/; TK ^> ^ Foo V"S

PREFACE.

IN pres^entlng this last Volume of the works of Ti'R.
WiTHERSPOON to the public, the editor thinks it incumbent on
him, to make known what pieces have heretofore been printed,
and xvhat are noxv published for the first time. This is cer-
tainly a matter of justice to the Doctor'' s memory, because he
ought not to be charged either -with the inaccuracy of composi-
tions which he did not design for the press, or with finally </e-
termining to publish xvhat he might have xvritten with that in-
tention, but afterxvards resolved to suppress.

It xuill b^bserved then, that of the pieces in this volume, the
following xvere published during the life oj Dr. Witherspoon,
viz. The Druid ; The Addrefs in belialf of the College of
New-Jerfey ; The Supplication of J. R .

And it is supposed also, that the Letter fent to Scotland for the
Scots '^l.^^Tme,the piece sig7ied Kristiics, andthe essays enti-
tled 'R.&^cStion^ on Public Affairs — On the Controverfy about
Independence — On conducting the American Controverfy —
.Thoii-jhts on American Liberty — and On the Federal City,
may have appeared before, but this is not certainly knoxvn —
The copies of them xvere found among the Doctor'' s papers,
and in his oxun hand xvriting. All the rest, it is pretty xuell
ascertained,.hauK'r^*iti^. now been in print.

Forthefoi '\ Doctor''scharactcr is responsible,

and needs n} he latter, the editor is ent'itled to

whatever % -tns may be thought to deserve —

Thef' hedin obscurity, if his exertions

hodi (11}. to light. He has to regret

that \yme of the essays and letters,

ore ' ' '^the partsxvhich are giv-

en\ I) be lost because the whole

(0 'pst light on the trans-

f" ^he revolutionary war

' "xhibit the peculiar
ke known some cir-
lay xvish, to know ;

PREFACE,

mid somethnes they contain a few ponderous or splendid
thoughts, -which, like fragments of golden ore, are precious
though they are found unconnected xvith the mine. The editor
hopes that not much xvill be found, that even suspicion itself can
imagine was introduced merely for the purpose of swelling the
volume — The Doctor's manner is so striking in all, that no one
acquainted with his writings, will doubt that the whole has
proceeded from his pen.

A more suitable arrangement of the pieces would have been
made, if they had all been obtained at once ; but while some
were in the press, others were to be sought for at many miles
distance. This however, is a matter of small moment, which
in a second edition will easily be corrected.

a woo cz'-T' CC03 OMO 00*0 caom oom oooo oooo «xo oooo oooo ; ccw oooo osoc cooo ewo 3003 «wo woo coco cooo moo «>••
a coo* Koo oooJ ccoo oooo t»oo oooo oooo ooos coeo root oooo • --ooo oooo coco oooo com coos «»o oom wjoo woo com (W0»

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY Leflure on Divinity 9

Defence in the Synod of Glafgovv - - 125

The Druid . . . . . 147

Obfervations on the Improvement of America - 199

Refle^lions on Public Affairs ... 201

On the Controverfy about Independence - 205

On Conducing the American Controverfy - 209

Thoughts on America" Liberty . - - 213

Memorial and Manifefto of the United States - 217

On the Georgia Conftitution - - - 227

On the Federal City - - - - 231

Speech p" " "••■I-<ian-Office Certificates 239

Spee' """d by Lord Howe 245

k ration - 253

CONTENTS.

Page.

Speech in Congrefs on the Finances - - 259

On the appointment of Plenipotentiaries - 267

On the Convention with General Burgoyne - 273

On the propofed Market In General Walliington's

Camp .... 281

Addrefs to General Wafhington - - 285

Letter fent to Scotland for the Scots Magazine - 287

Ignorance of the Britifh with refpefl to America 295

On the Conteft between Great-Britain and America 299

A Defcription of the State of New- Jerfey - 303

Ariftides - - - - -313

Supplication to the Elders of the Church of Scotland 321

On the Tranfportation of Dr. C . . 327

On the Affairs of the United States ' - - 335

Addrefs in behalf of the College of New- Jerfey - 341

Supplication of J. R •. ... ^59

Subscribers^ Names,

Which were forwarded too late to make their appearance
in the Third Volume.

Pennsylvania.
James Gibfon, Efq.
Mrs. Hopkinfon
Matthew Carey (2 copies)
William P. Beatty
Rev. John Bryfon
Jofeph Dennie
Rev. William Tenant
H. H. Brackenridge
William Young
John Peckworth
Mr. Tate

George Stephenfon
Rev. James Walker

North-Carolina.
Thomas J. Hall
James T. Hall
Samuel King
William Stevenfon, jun.
Fergufon Hall
Major Graham
John Reid,
William S\(>!ui
Rev. James W His
Richard King, Efq.
Thom.ns Hall
Thomas I ^'

Samuel Wall, Efq.
Chairman of Library Society

in Long Lane
James Doran
Henry Dobfon
Robert Anderfon
William Steele
Andrew Pickins
John Harris
John Gibfon
Alexander Ramfay
Thomas Garvin
Michael Dickfon
Jeffe Ragfdale
Alexander Glenn
Benjamin Starritt
William Jenkins
James Starrit
Thomas Brown
William Thompfon
Jofeph Re id
John Adair
Benjamin Cleveland
James Wyley
Rev. James Templeton
Rev. John B. Davies
Mrs. Sarah Lawrence
Robert Lawrence, Efq,
Dr. William Parker
Rev. James Stevenfon
v. James Malcomfon
^am Prefsley
''.Vinningham

SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.

Andrew Nonis, Efq.

Archibald M'Quifton, Efq.

Mrs. Frances Legare

Rev. James M'llhemiey

Norwood Witter

Blrs. Eliza You

Mrs. Sufannah Ogier

Mrs. Mary (Solomon) Legare

Blrs. Eliza Cochran

John Parker, Efq.

Mrs. Hefter Hutfon

Mrs. Mary Colcock

Capt. Benjamin Stiles

Gracia Rivers, Efq.

William Rivers, fen.

Jonah Rivers

Mrs. Sufannah Rivers

Mrs. (Richard; Wearing

Mrs. Ann Barnwell

Mrs. M'Intolh

Mrs. Mary Lambell Thomas

William Roach, Efq.

Mrs. Ann Waring

Paul Watters

Jacob Watters

Richard Singleton

Mrs. Mary Barnwell

Dr. J. R. Witherfpoon

Rev. John M. Roberts

William Champlin

William H. Capers, Efq.

Paul Fripp

John Jenkins, fen.

John Jenkins, jun.

Jofeph Pope

Jofeph Edings

Benjamin Champlin

Rev. Jofeph Cork

Dr. Archibald Campbell

Stephen Lawrence

James Scanlin

Major J. H. Cutl '

Col. Thomas Tal

Dr. James Stuart

Thomas Fuller
John Screven
John Rhodes

Virginia.
John Chavis
Col. James M'DowcU
Col. John M'Conkey
William De Vance
William Cowen, Efq.
William Craghead, Efq.
George Craghead, Efq.
Samuel Scott
Sharp Lamkin
Griffin Lamkin

(Patrick Henry
Jofhua League
Jofeph Truman
Thomas Johns
Francis Smith
James Allen
William Penick
James Aiken (2 copies)

Neiu-Tork.
Rev. Window Page
Rev. Robert M'Dowel
Rev. Peter Low
Dr. William Van Buren

New-Jersey.
Eliflia Boudinot, Efq.

Maryland.
James Melvin
Rev. John Brackenridge
Rev. Jofeph Red
Rev. Stephen B. Balch
Rev. Mr. Swan
Mrs. Ann Young
Rev. Samuel Knox

C 9 ]

•coa COM c3(« ooo* ..O03 &0O3 m;o ijoao oooo cooo eaoo mm mw oom ^ccca ootn woo cac3 oo« ooM 000:1 ooco eow {>ooo occa
K93 eoso cooo mot coca c«»« ooc« Doco cooo ooM 0000 oeoo coso 0000 ; omo voo9 -koc 0903 CM* eaod oo» OT«>3 0900 0000 c«a4

INTRODUCTORY LECTURE

O N

DIVINITY.

T Is a very agreeable thing to fee a number of young
perlbns determined to apply themielves to the ftudy of
divinity. We muft charitably hope that they are aftuated
bythenobleft principles; that they are refolved to de-
vo:e their life and talents to the fervice of Chrifl in the
gofpel. He is a good raafter ; his fervice is liberty. They
have not any flattering profpeQ: of an illuftrious or opu-
lent ftate ; but they may have in that office, the greateft
inward confolation, and very commonly more ferenity and
peace, and as much of the real and defirable enjoyment
of this life, as any clafs of men whatever.

It is altogether agreeable to the defign of this inftitution,
to have young men of piety and ability fitted for the
public fervice of the churches. This was the very point
in view with the worthy founders of this ferainary, fome
of whom are yet alive ; and as there was never perhaps,
any feminary, the fupport of which was more the eftedt
of faitli and dependance upon God, fo it is to be hoped,
that he will honour many of the youth brought up in it,
with employment iii ills vin eva*^ .'n d fuccefs in his
fervice. • 1

io Lectures on D'lmmty.

If I may be allowed to fay any thing perfonal, I incline
to add, that it is peculiarly agreeable to me. Nothing
would give me a higher pleafure, than being inftrumental
in furnifliing the minds, and improving the talents of
thofe who may hereafter be the minifters of the everlaft-
ing gofpel. The hope of it, is indeed the chief comfort
in n>y prefent ftation. Notwithftanding the many encou-
raging circumflances that have happened fince my arrival
here, and the evident fmiles of Providence upon the col-
lege, yet I confefs I have often regretted the want of a paf-
toral charge. After having been for twenty three years
conftantly employed in preaching the goipel to a nume-
rous, obedient, and afFeftionate people, to be employed in
a way of life {<:x confiderably different, muft have created
fome imeafmefs. Jull figure to yourfelves, one that had
been fo long accuftomed to preach to a crouded audience
of from twelve to fifteen hundred fouls every day, and all
fubje£l to my jjrivate overfight and difcipline ; now to
have fuch a thin and negligent affembly, and moflly com-
pofed of thofe who think themfelves under no obligation
to attend, but when they pleafe. In fuch a fituation the;
fphere of ufefulnefs feems to be greatly narrowed ; but
if I am made inftrumental in fending out faithful labour-j
ers into the harveil, it will be an ample recompence ;
for as one of great zeal and difcernment expreliled himfelf
to me in Britain : " You will be greatly mortified to fee
the difl'erence between a fmall country fociety in America,
and a large city congregation in Scotland ; but if you be
inftrumental in fending out minifters of the New Tefta-
ment, it will be a ftill more important ftation, for every
gownfman is a legion."

In this preliminary difcourfe, what 1 chiefly mean, is
to repeat, and endeavour to bring you to enter into the
great and leciding view which you ought to have in yourj
ftudies, and which I defire to have ftiU before my eyes in
teaching. This may be expreffed in one fentence — to
unite together piety and literature — to fliew their relation
to, and their influence one uj)on another — ^and to guard
againft any thing that may tend to feparate them, and fet
them in oppofiUon, / ^uother. This Is of more con-

Lectures en Dh'mlty. xt

feqnence, and indeed, of more difiiculty, than perhaps yoi',
will, as yet, be able to apprehend ; — experience however,
has taught me to view it in a mofl important hght. Some
perfons trul}', and perhaps eminently pious, from an in-
ward conviftion that religion is better than all the learning
in the world ; and perhaps obferving, that ill-principled
perl'ons, the more learning they have, are the more dan-
gerous to the truth ; have come to defpite learning itfelf,
as if the natural talent waste blame for the moral depravity,
Of thofe who profefs religion, fome alfo, from a forward
zeal, are impatient to begin the minillry, before they are fit-
ted for the charge : fuch perfons are often quite infenfible
to the hurt they do to the intereft of religion, and how much
they injure the truths of God, by their manner of handling
them. On the other hand, there are fome, who promifed
very well in early life, but applying with vigor and fuc-
cefs to their ftudies, became too much enamoured v/ith
human wifdom, and thought themfelves fuch great fcho-
lars, that they were too proud to be Chriftians. Intellettu-
al pride is perhaps as dangerous a diftemper as any v/e are
liable to. I have often thought, that great natural abilities,
and great accpired knowledge, operate as a temptation, iri
a way fim.i'.ar to great wealth or external property — they
are apt to intoxicate the mind — to produce felf fufficiency
and contempt of others, and to take away from that humi-
lity, which is the greateft boauty, or if the expreffion be
proper, the real glory of a Chriftian. I would therefore
begin, by earneftly befeeching you, to keep clear views of
tiie importance, both of piety, and literature, and never
fuffer them to be divided. Piety, without literature, is but
little profitable ; and learning, without piety, is pernicious
to otaers, and ruinous to the poffeffor. Religion is the grand
concern to us all, as we are men ; — whatever be our calling
and profeflion, the falvation of our fouls is the one thing
needlul. It is however, further and effentially necefTary
for a miniller ; I do not mean that it is necefTary to the
being of a miniller in the vifible church, or to the efficacy
ot the ordinances of the gofpel to thofe who receive them.
This is, properly fpeaking, a popilh tenet, againlt which,
(here is a queftion in the fhoiter catechifm, exprefsly ki

12 Lectures on Dhinity.

veiled. " How do the facraments become efFedlual to
falvation ? The facraments (and it mud be equally true of
every other ordinance) become effectual to falvation, Sec."
Some weak enthufiafts have gone into this miftake, and
have faid it is as impofFible for an unconverted niinirter to
convert a foul, as for a dead man to beget a living child.
A fimilitude is no argument at all, properly fpeaking, but
only an illuftration, if the thing itfelf be juft. In this cafe
it is wholly mifapplied, for it is neither the converted, nor
the unconverted minifter that converts the foul,but thepow-
er of omnipotent grace, by any means that the God of grace
fees proper toemploy. But on the other hand, this takes no-
thing away from the neceflity of religion in a minifter, when
])roperly underftood. It is certainly neceflar}', in ihs moil
ablolute fenfe, to the faithful difcharge of a miniller's trull ;
and for the fame reafon, ic is of the greateft importance to
his fuccefs. True religion feems to give a man that
knowledge, which is proper for a minifter, to direct, and
turn into its proper channel, the knowledge he may other-
wife acquire. It feems neceffary to make a miniller aftive
and diligent, upright and impartial, happy and fuccefsful.

On this fubjedt, I mufl: give you the following particu-
lar advices :

I. Do not content yourfelves barely with found princi-
ples, much lefs turn religion into controverfy, but feek for
inward, vital comfort, to know in whom you have believed,
and endeavour after the greateft ftridlnefs and tendernefs
of praftice. When I defire you to look for inward, vital
comfort, I do not meanthat.you lliould wholly fufpend your
preparations for the miniftry, or immediately lay afide
thoughts of it, becaufe you have not all that clearnefs and
fatisfaftion concerning your own ftate, that you fhould
both defire, and endeavour to attain. There is hardly any
principle fo good, or any fo clear, but it is within the
reach of temptations, and capable of being perverted-
Some being deeply concerned, that it is a dreadful thing to
preach an unknown Sa,viour, and not feeing reafon to be
wholly fatisfied with themfelves, have been thrown into
tlQubts, and embarrafled with fcruples, and h^ve given up

Lectures on jDivbuty. 1 3

wholly that facred ofEce, to which they feemed both in-
clined, and called; this feenis to be taking a very unhap-
py, and a very blameable courfe. If fuch fears had ex-
cited them to give all diliprence to make their calling and
eledtion fure, they would liave been properly improved.
Bat laying afide the thouglits of the miniftry only on this
account, feems to carry in it a fuppofition, that they either
do not intend, or do not hope ever to be better. It is cer-
tainly to the public, a much gi-eater calamitj', that there
fliould be a bad minifter, than a bad man of fome other pro-
feflion, but to the perfon himfelf, if he die in an unrenewed
ftate, it will bring but little comfort. I would have you
upon this fubjefl to obferve, that real Chriftians have very
different degrees of comfort, and that if we examine the
facred oracles with care and accuracy, we fliall find what
is termed afTurance, isjud the grace of hope in livelj^ex-
ercife. It is called the aiTurance of hope, Heb. vi. 2. as
well as elfewhere, and as every real believer has fome de-
gree of hope, which makes him reft and rely on Chrift
alone for falvation, as he is offered in the gofpel, fo perhaps
there are not very many, who have fuch a degree of ftea-
dy, and firm affurance, as to exclude all doubting. I know
there are fome that have taken it up as a principle, and
make affurance even in this reflex fenfe, the effence of
faith ; but when it comes to experience, except the phra-
feology itfelf, I do not find they differ much from others.
I mentioned to you particularly, ftri(Slnefs and tender-
nefs of pradlice. This is of the utmoft moment, as the fruit
and evidence of real religion. All principles are valua-
ble, but as they produce praftice. But to explain ftrift-
nets and tendernefs of practice a little, obferve that the
expreffion of tendernefs, is borrowed from that paffage of
fcripture found 2 Kings xxii. 19. 2 Chron. iii. 4. where
of Jofiah it is faid, " becaufe thine heart was tender," &c. it
fignifies a heart eafily fufceptible of convifition, and obe-
dient to reproof. When this is applied to the carriage of
one devoted to the fervice of the miniftry, I think it im-
plies, I. the ftri£left watchfulnefs to difcover fin and duty,
and a difpofition to obey the diftates of confcience with
fefpeft to both. 2. A concern to avoid, not only what is

14 Lectures on Dmnity.

in itfelf diredly and certainly finfu!, but whatever is but
doubtful according to the apo(lol"c doftrine, " he thatdoubt-
eth," &c. 3. A willingnefs to abftain from lawful things,
if liable to exception, or likely to be matter of offence.

II. A fecond advice I would give you upon this fubjeCt
is, that you ftiould remember the importance of the exer-
cifes of piety, and the duties of the clofet. As there are
no forms of prayer with us, the habit of clofet devotion is
neceffary to give a minlfter fullnefs, propriety, and ferven-
cy in prayer. This for his own faice alio, he fhould at-
tend to, for it is neceffary to the prefervation, and im-
provement of the fpiritual life. Pray without ceafmg,
fays the apoftle, intimating that the very fpirit and temper
of a believer, fliould be that of dependance upon God, and
deriving by faith from him, every neceffary fupply. In
order to recommend it particularly to you, I would obferve,
that it is peculiai^ly neceffary to be begun in early life ;
perhaps there are few, if any inflances of perfons coming
to a greater degree of fervour in devotion, or attention to
the duty of it in advanced years, than they had in j^outh.
There are many particulars, in which an aged, if a real
Chriflian, will infenfibly improve : he will improve in
meeknefs and humility, in prudence and judgment, in at-
tention to Providence, in purity of principle, in fubmiffion
to the divine will ; hirt fervour in devotion muft be begiui
early, while the paffions are llrong, and continued by the
power of reafon and habit. Perhaps you may think it of
fmall moment, yet fome very judicious and experienced
Chriflians have given it as a rule upon this fubjeft, to be
llriftly punftual and regular in point of time,' and even
place.

III. Early fix, and fludy under the influence of thofe
principles, which fliould animate all your future labours in
a concern for the glory of God, and love for the fouls of
men. If thefe are the principles of ftudy, they will keep
you from miflaking die way, and having taken early and
deep root, they will bring forth fruit more abundantly in
•after life. Living by faith, is extremely proper for culti-
vating thefe principles. Keeping the whole fyfteni of re-
vealed truth in view, will flievv its moment, and particu-

Lectures on Dmnhy. ■ x5

iarly what is revealed concerning the eternal condition
of men, cannot fail to fill us with a concern for their
welfare.

IV. Be diligent to acquire every necefiary qualifica-
tion ; and yet Ihidy felf-denial in the ufe of them : this is
one of the moil: important, and at the fame time, one of
the moft difficult attainments. It is comparatively eafy,
to avoid vain glory, if at the fame time, we indulge in
iloth and negligence. But to meditate upon thefe
things, to give ourfclves wholly to them for the glo-
ry of God, and the good of fouls, without having it in view
tofcrve ourfelves, this is real excellence, and here lies the
greateft difficulty. Form yourfclves to a true tafte and
real knowledge ; let your Capacity want no improvement,
that it may be more ufeful, but beware of ftudying only to
lliine.

V. Laftly, guard agaiiill the temptation, that is mofl: in-
cident to your ftate and fituation, particularly, making the
exercifes of piety, and the ordinances of the gofpel, mat-
ter of Icience and criticifm, radier than the means of edi-
fication. When ftudents begin to learn how things ought
to be done, they are apt at all times to be paffing their
judgment of the manner, inflead of improving the matter
of public indruftion ; not that it is poiTible to be wholly
inattentive to this, but let it not carry you fo much away,
as to hinder your teaching others as humble Chriftians, as
well as difcourfmg to them as able minifters.

LECTURE II.

LET us now confider learning as an important qua-
lification of a minifter. On this fubjeft, after fay-
ing a few things on its moment, I Ihall endeavour to point
out to you, what branches of fludy it will be your intereft
to apply yourfelves to, with greatelt diligence. As to

t6 Lectures m Divinity.

the importance of learning, there being no reafon for uS
in this age, to expeft immediate, or fupernatural revela-
tion, the acquiring a proper meafure of knowledge by
fludy and application, is abfolutely neceflary. No parts
or capacity are fufficient without this ; nay, fuch is the
v/ife order of Providence, that to improve a talent, is to
poffefs and fecure it — to negleft it, is to lofe it. There
is fcarce any thing that a man could once do ever fo well,
but if he lay alide the practice, he will lofe the faculty. It
is lamentable to think what a poor and contemptible figure
fome perfons make in advanced life, who had good ta-
lents from nature, but fnfFered them to ruft in floth, or to
.be blunted by fenfuality and felf-indulgence. Learning
is neceflary to keep the facred truths we are obliged to
handle, from contempt. Great weaknefs and infufficiency
expofe the miniftry to contempt, even amongftthe mean-
ell of the people ; but it is efpecially a Humbling block
to thofe who are themfelves perfons of literature and
tafte. It is extremely difficult for them to receive and
relifli things delivered in a mean, flovenl)' manner. Sup-
pole, for example, one who is not fo much as fenfible of
the grofFeil improprieties of ftile, fpeaking in the hearing
of perfons of rank, or of real knowledge : and as even a
good man is not always wholly free from vanity and affec-
tation — fuppofe too tliat the Ipeaker ihould fwell his dif-
cou-rfe with high and pompous phrafes, or hard, and out
of the way fcientific terms — only think how great would
be the temptation to fuch perfons as I have mentioned,
not to negleft what is good, from its being mixed with
what they fo judly defpife. Learning is alfo neceffa-
ry to repel the attacks of adverfaries. The gofpel has
nevei^ been without enemies from Avithout, and from with-
in ; and as it is ufually by means of human learning that
they make the attack, it is neceffary that fome Ihould be
ready to meet them, and able to unravel the fubtilty which
they he in wait to receive. I have- often thought that
there was Ibraething very admirable in the choice our Sa-
viour made of his fivd: minifterSy to affift us in adjufting our
views upon this fubjeft. For the' more immediate mani-

Lectures on Dhinity. 17

filiation of divine power, when the wife and great in the
world were united againft: his truths, he chofe twelve il-
literate fifliernian, which Ihould teacli us not to over-rate
the wifdom of the wife, and lell in after ages we fliould be
tempted to under-rate it, he chofe one apoftle, able and
learned, and to him he gave the moft fignal fuccefs ; fo
that he laboured more abundantly than them all, and was
honoured to be the penman of a very confiderable part of
the code of the New Teftament.

But let me now proceed to confider what branches of
ftudy it will be your intereft to apply to with greatefl di-
ligence ; and if I am able to do this with propriety, I am
perfuaded you will find it of the mod fignal fervice. A
traveller lofes time upon his journey by going out of the
road, as well as by (landing Hill, and if his diredlion is
very wrong, the time is more than loft, for his diUance is
increafed, and his ftrength is exhaufted. On this fubjedt
be pleafed to attend to the following remarks. There is
no branch of literature without its ufe. If it were poflible
for a minifter to be acquainted with every branch of fci-
ence, he would be more fit for public ufefulnefs. The un-
derflanding which God hath given us, and every objefl:
that he hath prefented to it, may be improved to his glo-
ry. A truly good man does grow both in holinefs and
ufefulnefs, by every new difcovery that is made to liim ;
therefore learning in general is to be efleemed, acquired,
and improved; and perhaps I may alfo fay therefore, it
were good if a minifter were a perfon of extenfive know-
ledge. But our time and capacity are both limited, and
we cannot do all that we could wifh. On the fubjeft of
literature in general, obferve, that reading a few books well
chofen, and digefting them thoroughly, together with the
frequent exercife of refleftion, will make a knowing and
intelligent man : but to make what the world calls a learn-

ed man, or a great fcholar, requires a very general know-
ledge of authors books, and opinions of all kinds. A per-
fon of great difcernment may perhaps obferve a ftill nicer
diftinftion in the ufe of epithets in our own language.
The phrafe " a man of learning" according to its prefent
acceptation in Europe, almoft always fuppofes, and in-

^fS - Letture's on l)iv'mhy.

eludes tafie in the belles lettres. A great fcholar, or a
man of erudition, always carries in it the idea of much
reading : the firll always fuppofes genius, the other may
confiftv/ith very moderate talents. A pretty large circle
of the fciences is taught in our fchools and colleges ; and
though many think it too extenfive, yet fomething of the
principles of the whole may be underllood by a perfon of
capacity and diligence : his knowledge may be true and
jull, though not minute. A man may not be a mathe-
matician or an aflronomer, and yet underlland fomething
of the true fyftem of the univerfe. He may underftand
many fciences fo far as to comprehend the reafoning of
thofe more deeply fl-:illed, who fpeak and write of them,
and fo as to fpeak with politenefs and confiilency, and with-
in his own line in every thing he fays of them. But to
excel in any particular branch of fcience, and to know
any thing upon that branch that may be known, is the
v/ork of a life-time. Grammar, mathematics, aftronomy,
oratory, hidory, law, phyfic, poetry, painting, llatuary,
architefture, mufic ; nay, the fubordinate divifions of
fome of thefe fciences, fuch as, anatomy, botany, chy-
miftry, are all of them fufEcient to employ a life, to
carry them to perfection. It is therefore plainly in
itfelf improbable, that almoft any man, can attain a
high degree of perfedlion in all, or indeed in many
of thefe branches of ftudy. There is ever fomething more
to be obferved ; the perfon wdio addifls himfelf to any
one of thofe ftudles, fo as to be an adept, or really a com-
plete mailer in it, cannot be a man of extenfive know-
ledge ; and it is but feldom that he can be a man of a li-
beral, or noble turn of mind, becaufe his time is confumed
by the particularities, and his mind narrowed by attend-
ing to one particular art. He is likewife apt to elteem his
favourite ftudy fo much, as to confine all excellence, and
even all capacity to it. A profound botanift fmitten with
the love of flowers and herbs, if he meets with a man that
does not know one from another, and does not value a
ranunculus or anemone more than a pile of common
fpear-grafs, he has a fovereign contempt of fuch an under-
ftanding. Dean Swift takes notice of a curious expreffion

Lectures on D'mnay. 19

this way, of a dancing-mafler, at whofe fcliool the famous
Harley, Earl of Oxford, had been in his youth ; when he
was made fecretary of ftate, he faid, ha wondered v/hat the
Qiieen could fee in diat man, for he was one of the great-
eft dunces he ever taught.

Hence you may obferve, that all who are devoted to tiie
particular lludy of one fmall branch, are generally confi-
dered as pedants ; and indeed commonly are fuch as are
underftood by that expreflion. Their thoughts have ta-
ken fuch a courfe, and their ideas themfelves taken fuch
a tinfture from their favourite lludy, that they fee every
thing through diat medium, and are apt to introduce the
exprefiions belonging to it, upon every fubjecl and occa-
fion. Mr. Addifon in one of his Speflators, obferves, that
every man whofe knowledge is confined to one particular
fubjedt, is a pedant, as a mere foldier, a mere a£tor, a
mere merchant, &.c. but that the learned pedant though
generally mod laughed at, is of all others the mod tolera-
ble, becaufe he has generally fomething to communicate
that is worth hearing. But I obferve that the moft rea-
fonable pedants, and the lead to be blamed, are thofe, whofe
whole hearts are fet upon what is their bufinefs for life.
Therefore though a fchoolmader can fcarcely fpeak with-
out citing Virgil or Horace, he is to be indulged ; and
though he may not make the moft diftinguiHied figure in.
public or polite life, yet he is ufeful in his generation, and
fit for the difcharge of his trull. Therefore, a minifler that
is a mere theologian, well acquainted with the fcriptures,
though with few other books, or books upon other fubjefts,
and is mailer of the controverfies that belong to divinity,
properly fo called, is certainly much more to be pardon-
ed, than one ever fo much fivilled in any other fcience
without this. But what fhall we fay of thofe, who miftaKc
their duty fo very much, as to be chiefly diftinguiflied for
that which they have lead to do with. I have known a
phyfician, w ho was a much greater connoifleur inmufic than
in medicine; and a divine, much more famous for accounts
and calculation, than preaching. It is therefore in my
opinion, not any honour to a minider, to be very famous
-in any branch that is wholly unconnected with theology ;

io Lectures on Dhinity.

not that knowledge of any thing, properly fpeaking, Is
either a difadvantage or ground of reproach ; but for a
man to fliow a deep knowledge of fome particular fubjeft,
plainly difcovers that he hath beftowed more time and
pains upon it than he had to fpare from his neceflary duty.
It is alfo ufual in all fuch cafes, that the favourite purfuit
infufes fuch a quantity of phrafes and allufions into his lan-
guage, as render it ftift'and improper, and fometimes ri-
diculous.

Agreeably to thefe remarks, I obferve, that the afliftant
Hudies to theology, are chiefly the following : i. Lan-
guages. 2. Moral Philofophy. 3. Hiftory, facred and
profane. 4. Eloquence, including the belles lettres fludy
in general.

I. Languages. This indeed, ufed to be reckoned ef-
fentially neceffary to learning in general, immediately af-
ter the revival of learning in Europe : The Greek and
Latin lansfuages were ftudied univerfally, and with great
care. All authors who expected their works fhould live
any time, wrote in Latin ; but fmce the cultivation of
the languages in Europe, this has been gradually difcon-
tinued, and except in fome few fcientific writings, have
now wholly ceafed. However, as the remains of the an-
cients are Hill the ftandard of tafte, all literary perfons
fliould make themfelves acquainted with the languages.
It is to be lamented that many fpend a great part of the
time of their education in learning Latin and Greek, and
yet few ever attain them to that perfedtion, which alone
can make the learning of a language of great moment, fo
that they can read the authors with pleafure, and profit
for the matter which they contain. This might be eafily
attained by almolt any Itudent after his grammar fchool
and other education ; and reading over the claffics with
fome of the bell critics upon them, would be a very im-
proving ftudy. Books of hiftory and entertainment alfo,
in Greek and Latin, would have a happy efFefl: this way.
The Hebrew language alfo is very proper and ufeful for
a divine, being the language in which a great part of the
fcriptures were originally written, and not difficult to ac-
quire, becaufe we have but few writings in that language

Lectures on Divinity. 21

at all, and the language itfelf is not copious : to tliefe I
only add the ftudy of the French language ; it is both ufc-
ful and ornamental. There is hardly any fuch tiling as a
learned education in Britain, where the French language
is omitted. It was the firft poliflied of all the modern
languages of Europe, having been at leaft fifty years be-
fore the Englifli in this refpeft ; and though there are fome
branches of writing in which there are Englifli authors
not inferior to any of the French that I am acquainted
with ; yet in general, there is to be found a greater purity,
fimplicity and precifion in the French authors than in the
Englifli. But what indeed chiefly difpofes me to recom-
mend the French language to divines, is that of the found,
calviniftic, reformation divinity : there are many more able
and elegant writers in that language, than in Englifli ;
there are alfo fome admirable praftical treatifes written
by the popifli divines in French, as well as by the Janfe-
nifls of the Roman catholic communion : Janfenifl;s and
Molinifts in the church of Rome, are jufl; the fame as Cal-
ifts and Arminians among protefl:ants.

II. Moral Philofophy. The connexion of this with
divinity will be eafily feen. It is a very pleafant and
improving ftudy in itfelf, or a good handmaid to the
Chrifl:ian : morality, and the controverfies upon that fub-
jeft, which are all modern, Hand in immediate connec-
tion with the deiftical controverfies, which it is neceffary
for a divine to make himfelf mafter of. There are few of
the ancient writers of much value upon that fubjeft, ex-
cepting Plato among the Greeks, and Cicero among the
Latins, efpecially the latter. The remains of Socrates (to
be collected from the writers of his country, but chiefly
from Xenophon,) the works of Epidletus, Marcus Anto-
ninus, and Seneca, contain many moral fentiments, but
little or nothing of the principles of morals. I think the
mofl; beautiful moral writer of the ancients, is the author of
the tablature of Cebes. As to any thing contained in the
ancients relative to the truth of Theology, it willbefound al-
niofl,univerfallycolIe(3:ed inCudworth's intelleftual fyfl:em.

III. Hiftory, facred and profane. This is a ftudy, ea-
fy, pleafant and profitable, and by a peculiar happinefs of

22 Lectures on Dmnity,

this age, fafliionable. As a clergyman fliould be a man
of liberal knowledge, and fit for the converfation and foci-
ety of men of rank and letters, it is neceffary that he be.
well acquainted with hiftory ; if he is not, he will be of-
ten ready to betray his ignorance before perfons who
ftiould be much his inferiors in point of ftudy : befides
you fee a great part of the facred writings both of the Old
Teftament and the New, confifts of hiftory ; and few things
are more neceffary to the juft and critical ftudy of the
fcriptures than an acquaintance with hiflory, with the
original flate and gradual progrefs of human fociety ; it
adds greatly too, to a minifter's knowledge of the human
heart ; in that it may be faid to be the way to that know-
ledge of the world, which may be obtained at leaft expence
and with perfeft fafety.

IV. Laftly, Eloquence ; that is to fay, compofition and
criticifm, including the whole of what is conimonly called
the belles lettres lludy. Nothing is more plain than the
necefllty of this fcience : public fpeaking is to be the chief,
or one of the chief parts of a minifter's bufinefs for life.
I fliall not enlarge on this, having occafion to fpeak on it
at great length in another department, which you have
had, or may have an opportunity to hear. I fliould have
made more mention of books, but as I have written at the
particular dellre of fome of the laft year's fcholars, a lift of
the principal and moft valuable writers in every branch
of fcience, it will be more complete for any that defire to
have copies of that lift. This lift may be feen at the end
of thefe ledures.

LECTURE III.

'^r^HE fubje£t in which we are now to enter, is the truth

JL of the Chriftian religion. I am fenfible that every

good man has a conviftion of the truth of the gofpel from

its power and efficacy upon his own heart, diftindt from,

Lectures on Dhinity. 23

and fiiperior to all fpeculative reafoning. That deep, and
heartfelt fenfe of the corruption and weaknefs of our na-
ture, and of the power of indwelling fin, which is infepa-
rable from the reality of religion, and the perception of
the admirable fitnefs of redemption by the crofs, to abafe
the pride of man, and to exalt the grace of God ; to give
confolation to the fmner, while it changes the heart, is
highly fatisfying to a confiderate, if at the fame time, a
ferious perfon ; fo that for his own fake, he would pay but
little regard to all the foolifli cavils of men of corrupt
minds : nay, there is fomething more ; the whole fyflein
of the gofpel, as depending upon, and having conilant re-
ference to the crofs, is fo contrary to the tafle of a carnal
mind, and fo far from carrying in it any of the marks of
human wifdom, that it is impoffible to fuppofe it a cun-
ningly devifed fable, and therefore we may cordially em-
brace, and rely upon it, as the power of God unto falva-
tion. One thing more I would fay by way of introduc-
tion ; that the cultom of fome minillers of conftantly en-
tertaining their hearers with a refutation of infidel objec-
tions upon every fubjefl:, is not much to be commended.
This feems to proceed upon a fuppofition, that a great
part of their audience is inclined to infidelity. There are
times and places when that is proper I admit; but there are
many others in which it is either quite unneceffary, or even
hurtful, as tending to bring people acquainted with what
would perhaps never otherwife have fallen in their way.
It is however certain, that fince in modern times efpecially,
this controverfy has been greatly agitated, and indeed of
late almofi all other controverfies have been dropped on
account of it, or loll in it ; a fludent of divinity fiiould be
well informed upon it. I will therefore endeavour to
Hate it to you with as much diftinftnefs as I am able, and
as much brevity as its nature will admit. The fubject
muft be taken up a little differently, as we fuppofe we
have to do with different adverfaries — atheifts and theifis.
The controverfy with the firft, perhaps it is unneceffary
to treat with much length, becaufe it is not difficult, and
becaufe there are but few that plead the caufe of infidelity
upon this footing, yet fome of the latefi: infidel writers,

24 Lectures on Divinity.

particularly David Hume, has raifed fuch obje£lIons, as
feem chiefly to point this way. The boundlefs fcepticifm
he has endeavoured to introduce, would weaken the be-
lief we have in the Deity, as much as in the gofpel ; and
indeed, as he feldom attacks particulars, (except in the
cafe of miracles) his enmity feems to be againfc religion
in general, and not againft the gofpel : the fame thing may
be faid of Voltaire, Helvetius, and other foreigners ;
though Voltaire deals very much in particular cavils, and
of the moll: fdly kind.

In the deiltical controverfy, what commonly leads the
wa)', is the neceflity of revelation in general. This is to
be proved from the Itate of the heathen world before the
coming of Chrift. The chief circumftances to be taken
notice of, are, i. Their grofs ignorance. 2. Their abfurd
notions of God, as of human fhape, with many paffions,
and the worft of vices. 3. Their impious and fliocking
rites, particulaidy human facrifices. 4. Their polytheifm,
and multiplicity of gods. 5. Their great immorality.
It is to be particularly obferved, that thefe things were
not confined to the barbarous nations, but if there was
any difference, it was rather more eminently the cafe with
thofe who were thought the molt improved and civilized,
the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans. The firfl: infidel
virriters in Europe, were chiefly employed in fliewing the
fufficiency of reafon as a guide to man in his condudl, of
whom Lord Herbert, of Cherburg, was one of the moft
early, and one of the mofl eminent. Their way of argu-
ing is very fallacious ; for they avail themfelves of that ve-
ry improvement of reafon, which they owe to revelation,
in order to lliew revelation to be unnecefl'ary. The fub-
lime and noble conceptions of God, as the father of fpi-
rits, which after they are difcovered, can eafily be fliewn
to be rational, are boalled of as the produftions of unbi-
affed reafon ; but the fair way of deciding the queftion is
to apply to thofe nations that wanted revelation, that is to
fay, the Jewifh and Chriftian revelation, and there we
iliall fee what reafon in the courfe of many ages was able
to do in faft. There is likewife more here than is com-
monly attended to ; for there is the greateft probability.

Lectures on Dhinhy. 25

that the fmall meafure of truth which was mixed witli t!:s
heathen fables, was not the difcovery of reafon, but handed
down by ti-aditions. It is well known that the Egyptian
theology, and their literature, whatever it A\as, was kept a
lecret, and was handed down from one to another by their
jr/iefts, and it is as certain that the earlieft Grecian philo-
Jbphers never expe6led that they could, nor pretended that
they had dlfcovered any of their opinions by reafon, but
they travelled to Egypt, and the Eaflern countries, and
brought it home as information, which tliey had received
from the fages of thoi'e countries. This was the cafe of
Thales in particular, and after him of Pythagoras. Seve-
ral ingenious writers have endeavoured to fliew that the
heathen mvthology contains, in many refpefts, a partial,
and adulterated view of the fcripture hiftory : fee on this
fubjeft, Abbe Banier's niythology of the ancients, with
regard to the Greeks and Romans, and Abbe Pluche's
hiliory of the heavens, with regard to the Egyptians.

But with regard to the neceffity of revelation in general,
what feems particularly decifive is, that by a fair examina-
tion of the matter, and the univerfal confent of all n.ations,
men in a Hate of nature, are chargeable with guilt.
Whatever may be faid either of original fin, or inherent
pollution, it cannot be denied that there is much moral
evil in the world. So true is this, that the hifiory of the
world is little elfe than the hiftor}- of human guilt. They
that would evade this, by frying men are only imperfect,
do not obferve that they are guilty of fuch crimes, as are
llrongly condemned by their own reafon and coni'cience.
Now, whether there is any forgivengfs of fin, and place
for repentance : and if at all, upon v/hat terms can never
be determined but by an exprefs revelation ? This is im-
plied in the nature of guilt. Guilt is a liablenefs to jufl
punifhment : now, whether God will remit a punifliment
which he may inflift with juftice, mud reft ultimately with
himfelf, and no reafoning can decide upon it. Try it who
will, and every argument brought in favour of the remiffi-
on, will militate againft the juUice of the punifhment.
This appears from the very language of perlbns difpofed
to fuch fentiments, for they cannot help faying, and indeed

26 Lectured on t)mni<y.

they have nothing elfe to fay, but that it is probable, for
it would be hard to fuppofe that every tranfgreflion ihculd
be puniflied with divine vengeance : biit pray let us con-
fider this way of fpeaking ; where is the harddiip ? Is juf-
tice hard ? On the contrary, it is glorious and amiable,
I corifefs it is diiBcult for us finful creatures to confefs, and
Hill more difficult from the heart to believe, that every fin
deferves God's wrath and curfe, both in this life, and that
which is to come ; it is however the iieceflary confe-
quence, not of one, but of the whole fyftem of fcripture
truths. There you have in every page, the higheft enco-
miums upon the mercy and compaffion of God. Thefe
are all without meaning, and contrary to truth, if it would
have been the leaft impeachment of the righteoufnefs of
God, to have fuffered the penalty to take place. Pardon,
if the word is underftood, muft be free. Benignity and
goodnefs to the innocent, is a part of the charafter of the
Deity in natural religion : but mercy to the guilty, belongs
wholly to the revelation. Accordingly, it is upon this
point, that all the heathen religions have turned. Expi-
ation feems to have been the great purpofe of all religion,
whether true or falfe. It feems to have been wholly in an-
fwer to the queftion which Balak king of Moab put to Ba-
laam ; " Wherewidi fliall I come before the Lord," &c.
The neceffity of revelation was acknowledged by many of
the heathens in their writings. Of thefe, the faying of
Socrates to Alcibiades was a remarkable example, that it
was reafonable to expeft God would fend one into the
world to deliver men from ignorance and error, and bring
them to the knowledge of himfelf.

J^ectures en Divinity. 27

LECTURE IV.

On the Truth of the Christian Religion.

HAVING endeavoured to eftablifh the truth of reve-
lation in general, we come to the truth of the
Chriltian religion \n particular. The proofs of this are
fo many, and laid down fo differently, according as the
adverfaries of the truth have fhifted their ground, that it
is impoffible to enumerate them, and indeed not eafy to
clafs them. There is one introdudtory way of reafoning,
which may be called comparative, to refleft on the infinite
difference between the Ghriftian, and all other pretended
revelations. If the neceffity of revelation has been properly
and fully eftablifhed, then comparifons between the feve-
ral pretences to it feems to be juft, and even conclufive.
Now I think it does not admit of hefitation, that with ref-
peft to purity, confiftency, fublimity, dignity, and every
excellence which a manifeftation of the true God muft be
fuppofed to have, the Ghriftian religion is fuperior to every
other. The heathen fuperftitions have not now fo much
as an advocate. Infidels do not now plead for Jupiter,
Juno, Mars, and Apollo, but for the fufficiency of hunifin
reafon : and indeed, an age or two after the publication
of the gofpel, that whole corrupt fyftem which had been
fupported fo long by ignorance and credulity, fell to the
ground.

Paffmg from this detached and prelimir^ary confide-
ration, the proofs of the Ghriflian religion are very com-
monly divided into evidence internal and external. By
the firft of thefe we are to underfland the excellency of the
doftrine, as agreeable to the dictates of reafon and con-
fcience, and having a tendency to produce the happiefi;
effefts. Under this head alfo comes the charafter of the
founder of the Ghriftian faith, and every thing conne£led
with this or the former particular. By the external evi-

2§ Lectures on jDivinlty.

dence, we are to underfland the miracles wrought in at-
tedatioil of the truth of the doftrine ; the nature and fub-
je£t of thtle miracles, the credibility of the witneffes, and
every thing necefTary to fupport this teflimony. It is
difficult however, to colleft the evidence under thofe heads,
■vvithout often intermixing the one with the other. I have
therefore thought the evidences of the truth of the Chrif-
tian religion, might be as well divided in a difliirent way.
Firfi:, into two heads under the following titles : i. Col-
lateral, and 2. Direft and pofitive proof. And again to
divide the collateral into two parts, and take the one of
them before, and the other after the direft evidence, under
the titles oi presumptive and consequential.

I. Let us confider the prefumptive evidences of the
truth of the Chriliian religion, or thofe circumflances that
recommend it to our efleem and love, and are of the na-
ture of flrong pi-obabilities in its favour. Thefe we may,
for order fake, divide into fuch as relate, i. To the doc-
trine taught. 2. The perfon who is the author and fubjeft
of it. 3. The circumflances attending its publication,
and other probabilities,.

I. The doflrine taught. When this is confidered in
the way of an argument, for its aftual truth, it refts upon
this principle, that every dotlrine that comes from God.
muil be excellent ; that therefore, if the doftrine did not
appear of itfelf to be excellent, it would be rejetled with-
out further examination, becaufe not worthy of God ; and
on the contrary, that if it appears excellent, amiable, ufe-
ful, it is fome prefumption that the claim of a divine ori-
ginal, is jufl. It is a ju[t refleftion on Chrift's doftrine,
never man fpake like this man, as well as the following,
no man can do the miracles that thou dolt, except God
be with him. Under this great head of excellence, or a
(loirtrine worthy of God, may be confidered feparately.
I. Its Sublimity. 2. Purity. 3. Efficacy. 4. Plainnefs.
5. Confiftency.

I. Sublimity. The doftrines contained in fcripture
concerning God, his works, and creatures, and his rela-
tion to them, is what muil neceffarily have the approbation
of unprejudicefl reafpn, and indeed is the moft noble that

Lectures on Dl-clnity. 29

can be conceived. His fpiritual nature infinitely remo-
ved from inadlive matter, incapable of groffnefs, of fen-
fual indulgence. The unity of God, fo contrary to the
prevailing fentiments under heathenifli darknefs, yet how
nianifeftly rational. Strange indeed that the whole world
ihould have been in a miitake on this fubjeft, and the
Jews, a defpifed nation, in an obfcure corner in Palelline,
only Ihould have difcovered and embraced it. The im-
menfity of God filling heaven and earth with his preience.
His omnipotence in creating all things b}' his word. His
holinefs, juilice, goodnefs and truth : to thefe we may add
the conllant influence of his providence, as the Lord of
n;.ture, the witnefs, and the judge of all. Verj^ beauti-
fully the prophet fays, " can any of the vanities of the
Gentiles caufe rain ;" fo the apoflle Paul, " neverthelefs
lie left not himfelf without a witnefs," &:c. The moral
government of God, as taught in fcripture, is exceedingly
rational and fatisfying, reprefenting his great patience, and
long-fuffcring to be followed by a time of holy and righte-
ous retribution. The mixture of good and evil, that is
plainly to be obferved, is by this means clearly explained,
and fully accounted for. On the fublimity of the fcrip-
ture doftrines, fome are fond of dwelling upon the majelty
of God, and fublimity of the icriptures in lentiment and
language, as well as matter. Upon thi? part of the fub-
jedt, things have been faid, and the controverfy taken up,
on different footings. We have one adverfary to religion.
Lord Shaftfbury, who has been at much pains to vilify the
fcriptures on the fubjeft of flile and compofition, and to
pretend, that if it were the work of infpired writers, it
would be evidently in its manner, fuperior to every hu-
man production. In anfwerto this pretence, there was a
book written Blackwell's Sacred Clailics, comparing the
fcriptures with the ancient writers, and fliewing that there
is not any blemifli in writing to be found in the fcriptures,
but may be juftified by fimllar expreflions in the moft ap-
proved claffics, and that there is no beauty in the claffic,
authors in which they are not outdoneby the facred penmen.
This book I think is well worth reading by every fcholar
oy divine. Dr. Warburton has been pleafed to condemn

30 Lectures on Dhinity.

this way of juftifying the fcriptures, and even to affirm,
that tafte is a thing fp local and variable, that it was a.
thing impoffible to have any book defigned for all man-
kind, to anfwer fuch an idea, as Lord Shaftfbury feems
to have formed; nay, he feems to deny that there is any
fuch thing in nature, as a permanent ftandard of tafte, and
propriety in writing ; but there is one manner for the
Oriental, and another for the Weftern writers, and that
fuch have their excellencies, and no comparifon can take
place between them. I would not choofe to join wholly
with cither of thefe. It is I think plain, that it was not
the defign of the fcriptures, to be a ftandard for eloquence,
nor does it appear any way connected with the end of re-
vealing divine truth ; on the contrary, it feems to be the
purpofe of God, to bring us from glorying in human ex-
cellence. On the other hand, as I am perfuaded there is
a permanent ftandard of propriety and tafte, fo I am fully
convinced there are many examples of fublimity and
majefty in the fcriptures, fuperior to any uninfpired wri-
tings whatfoever.

2. The next thing to be obferved of the do£lrine, is
its purity ; that is to fay, having an evident tendency to
promote holinefs in all who believe and embrace it. That
this is the defign and tendency of the Chriftian doftrine,
is very plain. It is its exprefs purpofe, to fet fin and im-
morality in the moft odious light, and not barely to re-
commend, but to Ihew the abfolute neceffity of bolinefs in.
all manner of converfation. It is pretended by fome in-
fidel writers, that gravity, and apparent fandlity, is the ef-
fence of impoftors, and that all impoftors do deliver a fyf-
tem of good morals. But there is not only one excel-
lence in the Chriftian morals, but a manifeft fuperiority
in them, to thofe which are derived from any other fource,
and that in three refpedls : i. That they are free from
mixture, not only many things good, but nothing of a
contrary kind. 2. That there are precepts in the Chrif-
tian moraUty, and thpk of the moft excellent kind, very
little, if any thing refembling which, is to be found in un-
infpired mcralifts. The love of God — humility of mind
— the forgivenefs of injuries — and the love of o«r enemies,

Lectures on Divinity. 31

The love of God may be inferred confequentially, from
many of the heathen writers ; but it is no where ftated
with that propriety and fullnefs as the firfl obligation on
the creature, as it is in the facred fcriptures. Humility
of mind as reprefented in the gofpel is wholly peculiar to
it. It is obferved by fome, that there is no word, neither
in the Greek nor Latin languages to fignify it. Humili-
tas in Latin, from whence theEnglilh is derived, has a dif-
ferent meaning, and fignifies low and bafe. Mamuetuda
animi in Latin and Praotes in Greek, are the nearefl to
it, but are far from being that > even the forgivenefs of in-
juries- and the love of our enemies, are rather contrary to
the heathen virtue ; and modern infidels have exprefsly
pretended that the Chriftian religion by its precepts of
humility and meeknefs, and paffive fubmilTion to injury
has baniHied that heroifm and magninimity which gives
fuch an air of dignity to the hiftories of Greece and Rome.
The third particular in which the Chrillian morals exceed
all others, is the excellence of the principle, from which
they ought to flow. The law of God is not contradted
into governing the outward condufl:, but reaches to the
very heart, and requires further that our obedience fliould
flow, not principally from a regard to our own happinefs,
far lefs to our own honour, but from a principle of fubjec-
tion in the creature to the Creator, and a fmgle eye to the
glory of God.

in. The excellence of the fcripture doftrine appears
from its efficacy. By this I mean the power it hath over
the mind, and its aftual influence in producing that ho-
linefs it recommends ; there are feveral things that de-
ferve confideration on the efficacy of the fcripture doc-
trine. I. It contains the greateft, and molt powerfiil
motives to duty, and the fitteft to work on our hopes and
tears. Thefe I confefs are much the fame in general that
always have been propofed as inducements to a moral
conduft yet they are opened with a fullnefs and force in
the fcripture no where elfe to be found. Eternity there
makes a very awful appearance. Particularly with refpeft
to the gofpel, and the New Teftament difcoveries ; we are
told that life and immortality are brought to light by it.

11 jLectui'es on Diiilnity.

2. It carries the greatefl: authority with it ; the principle.:
of dut)' are more clearly and fully enforced by the proper"
authority than any wheie elfe ; the right of God from crea-
tion to the obedience and fuhmiffion of his creatures, his
additional title from continual beneficence, to which ought
to be added b)'' ChriiUans the right acquired by redempti-
on; to all which is further to be added the divine nature
itfelf as our pattern. 3. The efFedlual affiftance provided
in the fcripture doftrine to deliver us from the bondage
of corruption, and bring us to the glorious liberty of the
children of God ; this is of more confequence than is
commonly apprehended, defpair of fuccefs breaks the
powers of the mind, and takes away at once the will to
attempt, and the power to perform, whereas effefliual aid
has jult the oppofite effeft. The doftrine of the Holy
Spirit taking it fingly in this view, is moft happily calcu-
lated to animate men to diligence, and infpire them with
courage and refolution, and feems generally to Ihew the
efficacy of the ChrilHan do£^rine.

IV. Another excellence of the Chriftian doftrine is
plainnefs"; it is level to all capacities, well fitted for all
ranks, rich an,d poor, wife and unwife. It is given as one
of the marks of the Mefllah's coming, and is one of the
glories of the gofpel, that it is preached to the poor. Reli-
gion was plainly defigned for all mankind, their intereft
in it is the fame ; therefore it muft be plain and fimple ;
whatever is otherwife, whatever fyitem is built upon ab-
llracl: reafoning, and is evidently above the comprehenfi-
on of the vulgar is for that very reafon unfit for their fer-
vice, and carries a mark of falfebood upon itfelf. There is
even ibmething more in the fimplicity of the gofpel, than
barely the plainnefs of its truths and duties. It is from
firft to lalt founded upon fails Hill plainer, a great part of
the infpired writings is hillory; the Old Tefiament is
founded upon the fall of man, and is filled up with ths
hiiloiy of Providence, or God's condudl to his chofenpeoi-
pie, and the New Teilament contains the birdi, life, and
death, the refurreftion and afcenfion of Chrift. So mate-
rial a part of the dodtrine do thefe things comprife, that
the charafter of the apollks is jufi: that of being vritneffss

Lectures on Dmnhy. 33

ef Chrlfl's refiirreftion. 5. The laft excellence to be
taken notice of in the Chriftian do6lrine, is its confiftency.
This confiftency may be viewed to advantage in two dif-
ferent lights ; firft, its confiftency with itfelf. It is re-
markable that the Chriftian revelation is not a fingle fyf-
tem that was, or might be fuppofed to be, the occafional
produdlion of one man. It extends from the creation,
downwards, to the prefent moment, or rather, taking in
the prophecies, to the laft day and confummation of ail
things. It confifts of feveral different revelations, and par-
ticularly, two grand different difpenfations of providence
and grace. The one of thefe is perfeflly confiilent with,
and fiiited to the other. It is not eafy to fuppofe an im-
poftor either willing to perform, or able to execute any
thing of that kind. But when we confidcr the creation,
and the fall of the Old Teftament difpenfation, and the
prophets of the different and diftant ages, confpiring to for-
ward one great defign, and the appearance of the long pro-
mifed Saviour at the fullnefs of time fo exadlly correfpond-
ing to it, it takes away the polTibility of a concert, and
therefore the fufpicions of an impoftor. It is alfo con-
fiftent with the a£tual ftate of the world, in which we find
two things very remarkable, i. A great depravity, and
vvickednefs. Men may fpeak, and write what they pleafe
upon the beauty, excellence, and dignity of human na-
ture, taking their ideas from the diiflates of confcience, as
to what we ought to be. But it is beyond all controver-
fy, that if we take mankind from the faithful recoi'ds of hii-
tory and examine what they have been, we fhall have no
great reafon to admire the beauty of the pifture. What
is the fame of the greateft heroes of antiquity ? Is it not
that, either of conquerors or law-givers ? Conquerors
give clear teftimony to the wickednefs of man, by filling
the earth with blood, and Ihewing us what havock has
been made in all ages of man, by man. And what is it
that lawgivers have done, but diftinguiflied themfelves by
the beft means of repelling violence and reftraining the
ungoverned lufts and appetites of men. Now the Chrif-
tian religion is the only one that gives a clear and confif-
lent account of human depravity, and traces it to its very

34 Lectures on Dhmicy.

original fource. This confiflency of the doftrines of re-
ligion with the a£lual ftate of the world and prefent con-
dition of the nature of man, is very convincing in the
way of collateral, or prefuniptive proof. The other par-
ticular, remarkable in the Hate of the world, is, the univer-
fal prevalence of the offering of i'acrifices, a thing found
among all nations, and which continued till the coming
of Chrift. Thefe facrifices were a confeffion of guilt, for
they were always confidered as an expiation. But befides
this, it does not appear how they could have occurred,
even in that view, unlefs thej'- had been at firfl; a matter
of revelation, and handed down to mankind by tradition,
and carried widi tliem in dieir difperfion over the whole
world. It docs not appear how any body could have ima-
gined, that taking away the life of a beaft fliould be any
atonement for the fin of a man ; much lefs does it appear
how every body ftiould have agreed in imagining that
fame thing. But if you take it in conjunftion with the
truths of the gofpel, its agreement appears manifeft, and
its univerfal prevalence is eafdy accounted for. Thefe fa-
crifices were inftituted and ordained of God, as typical of
the great propitiatory facrifice to be offered in the fuUnefs
of time, by Chrift upon the crofs.

LECTURE V.

WE proceed now to the fecond branch of this
head to confider the prefumptive proof of
the truth of the Chriftian religion arifing from the perfon
who is the founder of it. He is indeed not only the founder
of it, but the fubjeft of it : for the whole may be faid to
relate to his pcribn and undertaking. For order fake, let
us here confider feparately, i. His charafter. 2. His
fituation and hopes. 3. The fpirit of his religion. 4. The
meafures he took to promote it.

Lectures on Dhinity. 35

I. His character. — This as painted in the gofpels in their
firnple, iinaflefted, and therefore probably genuine nar-
ratives, is truly admirable — the mofl meek and gentle,
the mofl tender-hearted, the niofl; truly benevolent, and
aiStive without oftentation, and the whole crowned and il-
luftrated by fortitude and patience, and the mofl: uncon-
ditional fubjeftion to divine Providence. It is unnecef-
fary to go through at length the various excellencies, that
adorned the man Chrift Jefus. Thofe who are acquainted
with the gofpel hiftory, will fee the beauty and propriety
of the apoltle John's expreflion, ill: chapter of his gofpel,
and 14th verfe, " And tl^e word was made flefli. and dwelt
" among us." It is not improper to adduce here, the evan-
gelills' authorities, becaufe they were his difciples and may
be fuppofed interefted parties, for they are the only wit-
neffes from v/hich we can expedl a teftimony upon this
fubjeft ; and confidering them as employed in giving a
full account of his character and life, however they might
be fuppofed to difguife or add, they could not wholly con-
ceal a character fundamentally wrong : and as there are
more of them than one, it would have been impolFible
for them to have avoided inconfiftencies, and clafliing, if
they had not kept to the truth in point of fa£l, at leall, if
not of character ; and indeed their whole hifbories are fafts
without any laboured encomiums, which carry the mofl:
internal marks of fincerity of any hiftories extant among
men.

There feems not only no defigns to embellifli their
mailer's character but none to conceal the defefts of their
own. It is from the partizans of Mahomet only, and
what they have recited of his hiilory, including his own
writings, that we learn his avarice, pride, and lufl:. Add
to this, that indifferent writers among the heathens have
fpoken to the praife of Jefus. I am fenfible however, and
think it beft to inform you, that feveral of the writings
taken notice of by fome of the ancient Fathers, are pro-
bably fpurious, as the letters from Agbavus King of Edef-
fa to Chriit and the letter in anfwer to it from Chrifl: to
him. Eufebius tells the Ilory of Agbarus having- heard of
ChriU's fame, and fending to \\\vci to come and cure him.

3<S- Lcctiives on Dhinity.

Euftbius in this cafe feems really to have given credit to
it, on the memorials prefented to him by the church of Edef-
fa — Bat the language given to Agbarus is too like that of a
Chriiiian, and the anfvver of Jefus Chrilt is miiquoting,
as well as mifinterpreting fcripture. See Dupins Eccle-
fiafllcal Hiftory. The letters faid to be from the Vir-
gin Mary are evident forgeries of a late date. The
letter faid to be from Pilate to Tiberius is not fo univerfal-
ly acknowledged to be falfe. Bifliop Pearfon has large-
ly and learnedly defended it, and it is very poflible there
might be forae account fent from Pilate to Rome at the
time of Chrift's crucifixion, even though the letter now to
be feen iliould not be gejiuine. There is alfo a palTage
of Jofephus, and in all the raanu^rripts of that author^
veiy favorable to the character oi Chriil. Hcv^rever with-
out going further into thefe, the very filence of Jofephus,
who is known to have been an enemy to ihe Chriilian faith
is an evidence that he had nothing to objcQ: againft the
characler of Chrift, as he certainly \vcald have done it
willingly, and in the hiftory of the Jews had fo fair an op-
portunity. — The character then of Chrift was not only
blamelefs, but amiable. This is certainly a confiderable
prefumption in his favor. His credentials deferve to be
confidered with care, and his pretenfions to be weighed
with impartiality ; nor ought it to be forgotten here, that
his own fincerity was proven in the moft unqueftionable
manner. He fealed his teftimony withhis blood. That he
was tried, condemned, and crucified for his pretenfions,
is abfolutely certain. This is one of the moft important
fafts in the hiftory of the gofpel, and it does not admit of
any doubt, for his eneniies reproach him with it, and his
friends affirm and glory in it. We may depend upon
it therefore that he was fincere. He Avould never forfeit
all that could be dear on earth, and fulFer an ignomini-
o'js death, for what he knew to be falfe.

Ii. Let us next confider his fituation, and hopes ; in any
great and hazardous undertaking, efpecially in an impof-
tor, there muft be fome poffible or probable way of ac-
counting for the motives of the deceiver. In this cafe
there is nothing that can lead us to fuppofe, or that can

Lectures on Dhhiity. yf .

well admit tlie fuppofitlon of his contriving a cunningly
devifed fable. He was of that rank in life, which could
not readily infpire that refolution ; he was of that fort of
education that could not fit him for carrying it into prac-
tice, or give the leafi: probable hopes of fuccefs if he
lliould attempt it. When his enemies, as they all did at
firit called him the carpenter, and the carpenter's fon,
they did not obferve the force of that when impartially
confidered. One of no higher capacity and inflruftion
could neither be fuppofed fit to conceive, or execute fo
noble a defign. Could he, fuppofing him a mere man,
in that fphere of life, have the leaft expedation of pre-
vailing over the power and wifdom of the world combi-
ned againfl; him ? Whoever weighs this with impartiality,
will find it very fatisfying and convincing to the mind.
III. It receives however great additional force from the
next particular, die fpirit of his religion, and that fcheme
of doclrine, and fyftem of duty which he promulgated,
and fupported. It was dire6lly oppofed(in the firfl place)
to the prejudices of the Jews ; Could we even fuppofe,
which is otherwife fo difficult, that all the preparatory dif-
pei I rations, and the whole concordant fucceflion of Jew-
ifli Prophets, and the general perfuafion of the Jews, and
the Eaftern part of the world, (teftified by the Heathen
Hiitorians) that a great prince was to come from that
country, and lay the foundation of a lafting dominion,
happened by chance. — Could we next fuppofe that a
cunning impoftor, finding things in this fituation, was
willing to take the advantage of it, and pafs himfelf upT
on th» world for tlie expefted prince, he would no doubt
have formed his plan upon the views, which the Jews
had ; and mull have founded his hope of fuccefs entirely
upon this circumflance. They expefted a temporal
prince, and he came an humble teacher; and fuffering
Saviour. By this means he had not only the difpofition
of the corrupt, but the prejudices of the beft part of his
countrymen to oppofe. V/hat a ftrange fcheme of hu-
man contrivance ! he had no reafon to think he could
convince men, and he taught that it was unlawful to
force them 1 This reafoning is fupported by experir

38 Lectures on Divinity.

ence. In faft, during the period from Chrifl's death to
the deftruftion of Jerufalem, there were many impoftors
who made their appearance, and they every one took the
meafiires I have defcribed above. The Jews expedted a
mighty Conqueror, and they always appeared at the head
of a band of fighting men. Every impoftor would a£t
the fame part in a fmiilar cafe. — Again as his plan was
oppofed to the prejudices of the Jews, fo indeed it was
oppofed to the prejudices of human nature. The crofs
of Chriil was fooliflmefs to the Greeks, as well as a
flumbling-block to the Jews. The humility and felf-
denial of the gofpel and the precepts of paffive fubmiffion,
tis well as the diftinft account our Saviour gives to his
difciples of the oppofition and fufFering they muft expeft,
had nothing in them alluring to the world in general,
and did not feem at all calculated to draw away difciples
after him. \\'^hen I fay this, I am very fenfible, that
moral precepts in fomc degree, muft fanctify even an
jmpofture itfelf. If any man were to pretend a divine
miffion, and teach grofs immorality, he would be defpifed,
and diibelieved even by immoral men. But a contrived
religion, that the contriver wiflies to proceed, muft be ac-
commodated to human tafte. — Whereas, like the religion
of Chrift, true religion has been, is, and always will be
contrary to the fpirit of the word. — I fhall juft add that
the founder of the Chriftian faith did not contrive his re-
ligion, fuppofnig it ever fo fuccefsful, in fuch a way as to
bring honor or profit to himfelf, or thofe who ftiould be
afterwards concerned in the adminiftration of it. In-
llead of preaching up form and ceremony, ftately tem-
]3les, and coftly facrifice^, he preached them down, and
Ihewed that they were vain, when confidered in them-
lelves, and only valuable, as types and fliadows, fo that
they were to ceafe after his appearance. Inftead of ex-
alting his priefts and minifters, he makes them fer-
vants of all : This reflection upon pure religion, and un-
clefiled, as delivered by our Saviour himfelf, will appear
to have great force, if you confider, that it is from this ve-
ry quarter, that all the corruptions of Chriftianity in the
following ages took their rife ; they proceeded from that

Lectures on Dhmity. 39

Jove of pomp and power, and the influence of that
worldly fpirit, which he took fo much pains to reflrain.

IV. Let us confider what meafures he fell upon to
procure a favourable reception to his doflrine. He call-
ed and employed twelve poor illiterate fifiiermen, no
way qualified for fuch an undertaking.

On this part of the fubjeft it has been often fhewn with
great force of i-eafon, that if the gofpel were a ftible, the
apoltles who bore fo great a part in its firfl: publication,
mufi; have been impoftors or enthufiafts, deceivers, or de-
ceived ; both thefe points have been labored by fe-
veral eminent writers, and it has been fliewn, that they
could not be either the one or the other. Not deceivers,
becaufe they had not the leaft temptation to it. There
was not only nothing to gain by it, but they were obliged '
to fuffer the lofs of all things for their adherence to the
Saviour. Poverty they muft, and did fuffer during his
life-time ; and though during a great part of his perfonal
miniftry, they had the favour of the people, yet about the
time, and ever after his crucifixion, when the apoftles
came to appear upon the fcene, continual reproach, and
univerfal fcorn was their portion ; the truth is, they feetn
to have been forced into the fervice, for a mixture of fear
and unbelief made them all forfake him and fly when he
came to his lafl conflict. Neither, could they be en-
thufiafls, and themfelves under the power of delufion for
many reafons. Their mafter was well known to them,
living witli them in a ftate of the moft intimate familiari-
ty. It was not to a fmgle faft that they bore tellimony,
but to a whole character, and life. His miracles alfo
were all plain and public, and of fuch a nature, as the
deceit mud have been eafily perceived. But there is ano-
ther circumftance more powerful than any other, he pro-
felled to endow thefe his difciples with a power of work-
ing miracles themfelves. Now certainly in this they
could not be deceived. A man may by great flight and
addrefs, make me believe he does a thing that he can-
not do; but to make me believe that I myfelf through
my whole life at a diftance from him, and even after his
death, can, and do perform many things, which yet I do

4o Lectures on Divinity.

not, is plainly more than improbable ; it is literally im-
poffible. So jiift are thefe remarks, that in faft, even the
difciples of Chriil ihemfelves, appear fo far from having
laid any fcheme of delufion, that they appear plainly at
firft to have been under the fame prejudices with the reft
of the Jews. They feem evidently to have expected him
to appear as a temporal prince and conqueror ; and pro-
bably their hopes of honor and offices in the kingdom
which he was to eftablifli, contributed at firfl: in part to
their yielding to the evidence of his divine povv-er. This
feems to have been the import of the requeft of the mo-
ther of James and John, " Lord grant that thefe my two
" fons may fit, &c." as alfo it feems to have been the
meaningof this quellion put to him by his difciples in
general A£ls, 1.6. " Lord wilt thou at this time reflore
" the kingdom to Ifrael." If this was the cafe, can any
perfou believe they were deceived ? would not the difap-
pointment of their carnal expectations have provoked
them to forfake him, if they had not been brought under
the power of inward convidlion from what they faw and
heard.

It is proper to remark here upon the meafures he took
to procure reception to his doftrine, that he framed his re-
ligion totally different in kind, and in principle from all
the heathen religions.

They differed from one another in the objects of their
woi'fliip, and in their feveral rites, but they were all fup-
pofed to be confiftent. There were in different countries
and even cities, different gods and different ways of wor-
fhip ; perhaps alfo different families had various houfe-
hokl gods in one city, but they were not fuppofed to be
deftru£tive of each others divinity, fo that it was eafy to
introduce the worlliip of a deity into any place in which
it had not been before. It was remarked of Athens by
an ancient writer, becaufe of its readinefs to adopt the
Tvorihip of every divinity, that itwas hofpitabletothe gods.
But Chrifl on the contrary in his religion equally oppofed
them all, declaring that the gods made with hands, which
the Gentiles worftiipped, were no gods. This was high-
ly confonant to reafon, becaufe no lie is of the truth ; yet

Lectures on Uivinijy. 41

it vvoald have been highly impolitic in an impoftor, and
indeed would not readily have occurred to an inipollor.
It is remarkable that Lord Shaitfbury has attacked ths
Chriftian religion on this very head, he commends the
heathen religion as of a Ibciable nature, whereas the Chrii-
tian is ablionent from all others. This fliews how much
the greatefl men will be made fdly by prejudices ; for no-
thing can be plainer, than that whatever is according to
truth, mufl be oppoiite to every falfehood. — When we
put all thefe things together with the enlargements of
which they are capable, and which will probably occur to
moft of you, in hearing, they feem to take away all pofii-
bility of llippofmg the goi'pel to be the produfit of an im-
poftor.

III. The third general head of prefumptive evidence
contains the circumilances attending the publication of
the gofpel. Many of thefe are worthy of obfervation, and
we fliail find that, taking them fingly or coUeiTtively, they
are in general fuch as, fiippoling the goi'pel to be true,
greatly illultrate the wifdom of God in the choice of them;
but on the other 4'uppofition, they were the moft unfavor-
able for procuring a reception, and caufing fuccefs to an
impoflor. — The time of Chrift's appearance is called in
fcripture the fuUnefs of time. This indeed may be un-
derllood as only meaning the appointed time — that which
had been fiixed by the ancient prophecies. There are
however many other refpefts, in which it may be called
the fullnefs of time. The ignorance and wickednefs of
the world had come to a full height. The remains of
tradition for many ages continued to have fome efiett,
but v/as by this time wholly obliterated by the inven-
tions of men.

There had alfo been full time to tiy every other method
of reformation ; fo that the intervention of divine provi-
dence, according to the teftimony of feveral heathen wri-
ters, was become neceffary. Whoever will look into the
reafoning of Cicero, " De natura Deorum," and his other
moral, or theological difputations, will have a very clear
and full conviction, how much men of the fineft genius,
andgreateft penetration were bewildered upon the fubjeft

42 Lectures on Dhinity.

of religion. This very thing indeed has been recommend-
ed by fome judicious perfons for a man to fatisfy him-
felf ofthe neceffity of revelation in general., and if this is
fully done, the acceptance of the Chriitian religion follows
as a fpeedy confequence.

We may al fo take notice, that the world in general at
the time of Chrill's appearance, M'as fitted in a manner
it never Iiad been before, for fpreading the knowledge ol
the truth with th6 greateft facility and fpeed. The Ro-
man Empire, which had rifen gradually, was then ex-
tended in a manner over the whole known world. Be-
fore that time, the immenfe number of fmall, indepen-
dent, and commonly hoflile Hates rendered mutual ac-
cefs, and intercourie, far more difficult. It is true, before
this, the Affyrian and Perfian monarchies, were of con-
liderable extent but neither comparable to diis, nor of any
long duration. But now the nations being united under
•«ne head, it was eafy to carry the tidings of falvation to
the moft dillant corners. Add to this the favorable cir-
cumflance, that there was peace over all the world at
the time of Chrill's birth ; a fit emblem of his charafter,
who was the Prince of Peace. It was alfo defigned for
another purpofe that there might be eafy accefs, and op-
portunity to the Apoitles to fulfil their commifilons,
Mark i6. 15. " Go ye into all the world," &c. The
event fully correfponded to this preparation for it in pro-
vidence ; for it is incredible to think with what rapidity
the apoftles carried the name of Chrift through the world,
and how early the gofpel was preached to the mod dii-
tant nations. It is alfo obJervable that when this pur-
pofe had been ferved by it, the power and greatnefs of the
Romans came to an end. As foon as the church was
planted in different corners of the Roman Empire, that"
vafl: body which had long been growing to fuch an enor-
mous bulk, was firfl: rent into two parts, and then broken
into innumerable fmaller divifions. Take it therefore as
a great defign of Providence — the time and circumflances
appear admirably to illuftrate it. But on the other hand,
what probability could there be, that a handful of illiterate
mechanics Ihould be able to overthrow the whole fyfiem

Lectures on Dh'mhy. 43

of Heathen theology, that had continued folong, and fpre.ul
fo wide; — that they fliould think of doingthis in oppolitioR
to the power of princes, the learning of philofophcrs, the
interelled policy of prieils, and tlie rage, and cnthufiafni
of a deluded people! Strange indeed, that thefe fuccefs-
ful agents, fnould come even from an obfcure corner, and
from a nation, that was of all others, not merely defpifed,
but execrated, and abhorred. That they fliould, notwith-
ftanding, fucceed by preaching the divinity of a crucified
man, a fad that carried in it the higheft idea of bafe-
nefs and ignominy. Finally, diat they fliould do this
without the parade or form of worfliip to engage attenti-
on ; without fecrets or myfleries to excite veneration ;
but by the fimplicity of that truth, which the world!}' man
defpifes and the Itridlnofs of that law which the finner
hates.

LECTURE VI.

WE uow come to the principal and dired evidences
for the truth of the chriftian religion. This is of.
fuch a nature, as to be in itfelf full and conclufive ; fo
that if the facts alluded to, be true, the confequence is
neceflary and unavoidable. Prefumptive evidence is
fometimes of fuch a natui'e, and caiTied fo far by the
concurrence of circumllances, as to produce even a clear,
and full convidlion ; yet it differs in its kind from the
direft conclufive proof. — A few circumftances of proba-
bility do but little, they gradually rife in fl:rength by an
addition to their number, but a direct proof, though fingle,
if jult, fatisfies the mind. In this view, the proof of the
truth of the Chriflian religion is the working of miracles.
A fupernatural power is the feal, or fanftion of a fuperna-
tural commiflion. Pei^haps, however, as the Chriftian re-
ligion is the completion of one great fyftem, which

44 Lectures on Divinity.

began to take place from the very fall of man, was gra-
dually opened in fucceeding ages, and perfefted by the
incarnation of the Son of God, we ma)' divide even this,
fingle proof into two parts , the one confifting of the ful-
filling the prophecies of the Old Tellament, and the other
of the miracles performed by our Lord in the days of his
fleili. Thefe ultimately reft upon the fame principle,
for the forcfeeing, and the foretelling of events future and
diftaiit, is as real a miracle, and perhaps as fully fatisfy-
ing to the mind, as any other whatever. But before en-
tering upon thefe two ieparate branches, it will be beft
to begin with what is common to both, and confider, i.
What is a miracle. 2. What is its proper import in
confirmation of a do£lrine, and the force of the proof.

1. Then let us confider the queftion, what is a mira-
cle ? Some fay it is a reverfing, altering, or fufpending
the courfe of nature, or its ordinary or general laws,
Some lay it is doing what is above the power of a creature
or a finite being — And fome, that it is doing v/hat is de-
nionllrably above the power of the immediate agent. —
As to the firfl; of thefe I would obferve, that reverfing, al-
tering, or fufpending the courfe of nature, is certainly a
miracle • but the definition is not fufiiciently comprehen-
five, becaufe every miracle is not of that kind. The pre-
difliing the recovery of a perfon in ficknefs with fpecial
circumftances, as in the cafe of Hezekiah, or dircovering
a knowledge of things diflant, as in the cafe of what our
Saviour faid to Nathaniel, are as clearly and evidently
miracles, as any dominion over nature ; befides it is not
always in our power to fay whether there is any comroul
or alteration of the laws of nature, or not, as when cur
Saviour fpoke to the winds and the fca, and immediately
there was a great calm ; a fudden calm might have hap-
pened in the courfe of things, and yet it following at that
inftant, carried fuch conviftion with it, that the behold-
ers immediately, and juiily faid, " Behold what manner
" of man is this," 8tc.

Againft miracles, under this view of controuling the
courfe of nature, Lord Shaftlbur}^, with his ufual vivacity,
and at the fame time Avith iiis ufual prejudice and partial-

Lectures on Di-vinity. , 45

ity, has objected tlius ; " flrange," fays he, " to make the
" altering the courfe of nature a mark of the Divinity,
" v/hen this is not fo convincing and fatisfying a proof of
" the being and perfe£lions of God, as the order and re-
" gularity of the courfe of nature." But nothing can bs
more equivocal, and Indeed difengenuous than this man-
ner of fpeaking ; for as thefirft conflicution, and conftant
prefervation of the frame of nature, is a proof of the wif-
dom and power of its maker, fo an exprefs vifible interpo-
lition in his own work, at his own time, and for his own
great purpofes, is certainly a moft convincing proof of his
power and prefence. I fnew my power in my family,
by altering, as well as giving my commands ; and my
property in my ground, by cutting down a tree, when I
have ul'e for it in other fervice, as well as by planting it,
or pruning it. The fecond definition of a miracle is, that
it is doing what is above the power of any finite being, and
fliereforc fliews itfelf to be the finger of God. This,
thougli ver}'- often adopted by writers, I think is liable to
great exceptions. We certainly can hardly be thought
capable of defining what is above the power of a finite
creature, and what not. Creation is juftly reckoned an
incommunicable power, though this is only a confequence
from revelation, and particularly from worlliip being
founded upon creation, and from this circumllance joined
with it, that God v/ill not give his glory to another ; but
what powers God may communicate tocreatures, other than
this, we cannot fay, fuch as knowing the thoughts — per-
ceiving things at a difl;an,ce — making a man to do fo by
private intimation or expreffion — controuling the ele-
ments, and many others that might be mentioned ; —
therefore I apprehend it is the third that we muft reft upon
as the true and genuine definition of a miracle, when it
is evidently above the natural power of the vifible agent,
the peribn at whofe command, at whofe defire, or in attef-
tation of whofe claim, it is wrought. This is the point
upon which we can moft eafily fatisfy ourfelves ; and it is
as fure an evidence of divine authority, as if we could cer-
tainly tell whether the thing produced, could, or could
not, be eflefted by a finite power. It was from this that

46 Lectures en Divinity.

'tjie Jews concluded that our Saviour had the prefence and
aiMance of God ; " For no man can do the miracles that
" thou doft except God be with him."

We are now to confider what is the import of a mira-
cle, and of its effefl in confirmation of a doftrine. Pro-
digies, and wonderful things properly prove nothing at all,
except when they are profefl'edly wrought in atteftation of
fome truth, or of feme claim of the perfon who does them.
They reft upon this fuppofition, that fuch a power is an
evidence of a divine commiflion, and they are naturally
expedlied as the credentials of thole who pretend a divine
commiffion. The Jews you fee, made the demand of our
Saviour, John vi. 30. " What fign ilieweft thou," Sec.
and though he fometimes refufed to gratify their malicious
petulance, or obftinate incredulity, yet in general he ap-
pealed to his works, as the juil and proper teftimonies of
his divine commiflion, John x. 25. " The works that I
" do," &:c. John xv. 24. " If I had not done among
" them," he. There are fome who tell us that a miracle
in atteftation of the truth of a dodlrine, muft be confider-
ed as a fanftion to it, only if this doftrine is in itfelf cre-
dible, confonant to reafon, and worthy of belief. Thofe
who reafon in this manner, fay, that fome do6lrines are
fo contrary or fo Ihocking to reafon, that no evidence can
be more plain, even when a miracle is wrought, than the
evidence of fuch dodlrines being contrary to the nature and
perfeftions of God. But I look upon this manner of I'ea-
foning to be very unjuft and unconclufive. It tends, in
the refult to fet the reafonings of man, independent of
revelation, above the teftimony of God, and revelation it-
felf. — This feems to be the darling theme, not only of in-
fidels, but of pretended friends to revealed religion, who
are worfe if poflible than infidels th^mfelves. It is eafy
to fee that if this is the cafe, there can be no benefit re-
ceived by revelation. — Miracles are the only fanclion that
can be given to a revelation — Yet before thefe will be ad-
mitted, or fuffered to be heard, thefe i-eafoners tell us, that
we muft confider the doftrine itfelf, whether it is wholly
of God ; and if they fliall be pleafed to judge that it is not,
the miracles, and any other evidence that can be given,

Lectures on Dmnity. 47

are fet at nought, as of no value, and the matter not even
brought to a trial. — This I apprehend to be ideally the
cafe with many in the prefent age : but it feems to me
very plain, that fuch is our blindnefs and ignorance in the
things of God, diat we know verv little about them, till
they are made known by God himfelf ; and if we were to
make our own reafon the previous flandard of v,hat was
admiffible or not, in quality of revelation, it would make
mad work indeed. I fliall care very little what men of
vain and carnal minds fay of my fentiments ; but I have
been many years of opinion, that as revelation was necef-
fary, and revelation is given us, we aft the moft wife and
truly rational part, if we take all our theological opinions
immediately, and without challenge, from the oracles of
truth. I contefs it is agreeable to me to fhew, that the
truths of the everlafting gofpel are agreeable to found
reafon, and founded upon the ftate of human nature ; and
I have made it my buiinefs through my whole life to illuf-
tratethis remark. Yet to begin by making the fuggellion
of our own reafon the ftandard of what is to be heard or
examined, as a matter of revelation, I look upon to be
highly dangerous, manifeflly unjuft, and inconiillent with
the foundation-ftone of all revealed religion, viz. tliat reafon,
without it is infufficient to bring us to the knowledge of
God, and our duty, and therefore as Socrates faid to Al-
cibiades, " It is reafonable to think tli at God will come
" down into the world, to teach us his will." I am not
infenfible how far it would be jufl: to carry the principle,
On which our adverfaries ground their fentiments. Any
new principles or doctrines, feemingly abfurd in them-
felves, and unholy in their eflefts, would not, v/ith judici-
ous perfons, be raflily, or fuddenly admitted ; and the
more fufpicious the principles are in themfelves, no doubc
we mufl examine the pretenfions to miracles the more
carefully. — This is the part of prudence ; but to carry it
further, and fay, we will receive no evidence that God has
taught any thing different from what we ourfelves think
reafonable, is juft weakening the truth before admitted,
that revelation immediately from himfelf is evidently ne-
ceffary.

48 Lectures on Dhlnity^

It will be ("aid by fome, that i'ometimes pretenfions not
only to revelation, but to inirrx'les are contradiftcr}?, and
deilruftive of each other. I admit tliere may be liich
a luppofition made, but i look upon it as a neeeflkry con-
iequeuce of the wil'Join of the divine government that
he will not fuller any ofthefe things to be without fuffici-
ent marks whereby an impartial enquirer may difcover
the difference. This was the cafe of Mofes, and the ma-
gicians in Egypt, they were fuffered to perform many
things fnnilar to his miracles, but ftill the great fuperiority
was to be feen in his ; and perhaps by the coniparifons
made between tlieni, and the other, there v/as the more
evident demonllrations of the finger of God. On this
whole fubjetl, and particularly the import of miracles, as
the proof of a doc^lrine, See Biftiop Fleetwood's works.
■ — Thefe two preliminary points being difcuffed, what re-
mains may be ftated with the greater brevity, and to the
greater advantage. The miracles in behalf of the truth
of the gofpel may be divided, as hinted above, into two
parts, the fulfil iing the prophecies, of the Old Tellament,
and the miracles during Chrift's perfonal minifiry. — As
to the firfl ofthefe, nothing is more plain than the faith of
believers being pointed from the earlieft ages to a Savi-
our to come. From the firft promife that the feed of the
woman fhould bruife the ierpent's head, through all the
after difcoveries of the divine u'ill, this was manifeft, and
indeed more and more manifefl: as it drew nearer to the
fullnefs of time. Their foreknowledge and foretelling
o'f future events is one of the moft fatisfying kind of mira-
cles, and leaiL liable to deceit. Chrifl was therefore the
promifed feed — The defire of all nations — The hope ot
Ifrael — The prophet that fliould come into the world.
That he appeared at the time fixed in the ancient prophe-
cies — that he aniwered all the eharafters or defcriptions
of the ancient prophets, that he did this in a way fo
peculiar, that he plainly fulfilled them, although not in
the way the miftakes of the latter Jews made them expett
from him, is clearly apparent ; and as I have Hated under
the head of prefumptive proof, their having departed froni
the genuine fpirit of U^e promifes, and his appearing in a

Lectures on Dmnlty, 49

way contrary to their cxpeflations, only feems to defiroy
iEvery fufpicion of fraud and impofture. Impoftiire could
not have been coniinued and handed down through fo
tnany ages. Nothing like this is to be feen, or has ever
been heard of in the hiilory of mankind, and therefore
Chriftas the Meflias of the Jews niuft give the moll fa-
vourable reception to Chriil as the Saviour of the world.*
Here too we might particularly confider the miracks Chriil
performed in the days of his flefli. Them he appealed to as
the evidences of his divine miflion. But after the remarks
that have been made above on the fubjedt abfolutely confi-
dered, it will not be neceffary to extend this part of it. I on-
ly remark thathismiracleswere uponthe plainefl fubjetls — •
the winds — healing the fick — feeding the multitude — raif-
ingthe dead. The Pharifees fooliflily aflced afign from hea-
ven. It had been much eafier to have dazzled their eyes
with the appearance of fome extraordinary meteor in the
airy regions, than to have given them the proofs which he
actually did. — I do not ftay to illuftrate the tender and
benevolent fubjeft of many of his miracles.

LECTURE VII.

WE now proceed to the confequential proofs of the
truth of the Chriftian religion, that is to fay, the
circumllances that have arifen fmce the coming of Chrifl
in the flefh, and his crucifixion on Mount Calvary.
Thefe I fliall divide into the following branches, i. Its
incredible progrefs by the moft unlikely means — great ex

* See Reddei's demonftration of the Meffias.

JO L^ctwes on D'mnity.

tent — and loog continuance. 2. The great and valuable
effedts produced by it. 3. The vifible fulfillment of
fcripture prophecies.

I. Let us confider its incredible progreis. Immediate-
ly after Chrift's afcenfion his difciples went into different
parts of the world, and fpread the truth with a fuccefs,
altogether aftonifliing. It is agreed, I believe, that in lefs
than fifty years the gofpel was preached, and embraced
throughout the vaft extent of the Roman Empire. — This
argumentdoes not appear inits fuUforce, unlefs weconfider
by what means the effedl was produced. The apparent in-
ilruments were only a few fifhermen of Galilee, without
either power or learning. One would think it quite incre-
dible, that any of diem fliould ever think of forming the de-
fign, ilill more fo, that they lliould agree in it ; for tliey were
many, and without a head; and that, though agreed, they
fhould carry it into execution. That Minos in Crete, and
Numa at Rome, profefled lawgivers, and heads of their
petty inconfiderable tribes, fliould pretend intercourfe
with the gods, and procure reverence for their decrees,
or that they (hould fucceed in their little dominions for a
very lliort time, is not wonderful. But that fuch perfons
as Matthew the Publican, and his companions lliould form
a defign of fubverting the whole of the old religion, and
introducing the new, and fucceed in it, is altogether a-
ftonifliing. The wonder increafes when we confider that
thefe fnen were not united under any fyftem of govern-
ment among themfelves, further than their principles of
obedience to their Mailer, who had left the world. There
was not any of them, who claimed, orpolFeffed fuperio-
rity over the reft. They were feparated from one another
without any profpedt of ever meeting again on earth. — r
Yet that they ftiould agree in their doctrine, and propa-
gate one religion, and that their feparate writings Ihould
be the harmonious and concordant fum and ftandard of
that religion, is not to be accounted for without the pow-
er and influence of that Providence, which is over all the
earth. It is not to be omitted here, that they obtained
this fuccefs by preaching the divinity of a man who had
been crucified, the moft odious ajid contemptible idea

Lectures on Dh'mhy. §t

that could be prefented to the human mind. One would
have thought that as foon as Chrifl: was crucified, it would
at once have put an end to all further refpefl and attenti-
on to him. This it is mod likely his enemies, the high-
pi'iefts, and Pharifees thought themfelves quite certain of,
which made them fo intent upon his crucifixion. I can-
not help obferving, that fome judicious commentators
have imagined, that the Devil, the great enemy of man-
kind, fuppofed the fame thing. He, though acquainted in
general, with the end of the Saviour's miffion, yet certain-
ly was not acquainted with every part of the defign of in-
finite wifdom, and thought, if he prevailed to have Chrifi;
rejefted by the Jews, judged, condemned, and crucified
by the Romans, he Ihould entirely defeat the defign. They
fuppofe this to be the meaning of his triumphing over
principalities and powers, making a fliew of them on his
crofs, and by death, deftroyingthem that had the power
of death, that is the Devil. I muft further obferve, that the
whole do6lrine of Chrifl;, is moft diredlly oppofed to human
pride; fo much foindeed, thatafterit isembraced, and there
is a general profeflion of it in any place, a worldly fpirit is
never at eafe endeavoring to corrupt and alter it. I iliall
add but one circumfl:ance more. The gofpel was then
fuccefsful, notwithllanding the greateft and mofi: violent
oppofition made to it from every quarter. The heathen
religions as obferved formerly were not fuppofed to be
mutually repugnant, and did not contend with one ano-
ther ; but they all contended with the gofpel, which was
indeed their common enemy. The moft violent perfe-
cutions were raifed againft the Chriftians throughout all
the Roman empire. The philofophers and learned men,
v/ho had never contended with the popular religion, all
united their force againft the Chriilian religion. Yet the
divine wifdom defeated the counfel of the wife; and
brought to nought the underftanding of the prudent ;
that no flefh might glory in his prefence. I muft: more
particularly obferve that Julian the apoftate, who was not
only the moft inveterate, but alio the moft wile, and able
enemy that ever fet himfelf in oppofition to the Chriftian
faith, tried to affault it in every way that could be thought

5p, Lectures on Div'mUy.

of, he found that cruelty and violence would not do 5
then he tried reproach and public fhame. He encouraged
the philofophers by his kindnefs, and affided them by his
writings, and indeed he carried on his oppolition with fo
much zeal that he even attempted the reformation of the
pagan reliction by iniifdng on the heathen priefls imitating
the Chriflians in their mortified carriage, and the charit-
able care of the poor. But all would not do, and he
himfelf by the circumftances of his death, proved one
of the greateil means of fpreading the triumphs of the
gofpel. When all thefe circumftances with enlarge-
ments of which they are capable, are taken tog;ether, the
fuccefs of the gofpel is a very powerful evidence of its
divine original, fo that we may well fay as the apoftle
did "fo mightily grew the word of God and prevailed."

II. The fecond thing to be confidered is the great and
valuable efFefts produced by the gofpel. There is the
greater reafon to infill upon this part of the fiibjeft that
enemies have fhewed a great inclination to deny or mif-
reprefent them. I am however perfuaded that on a "fair
and candid examination, the efFedls of the gofpel will ap-
pear to be truly great, and truely extenfive. The effefts
of the gofpel may be confidered in two views, as producing
knowledge and pradlice. Now did not the gofpel intro-
dflce fome knowledge in religion ? whoever will compare
the fyflem of religious belief which prevailed before with
that which took place after the publication of the golpel will
lee the great excellence and virtue of that diliaeiifation.
Such was the power of divine light, it attually in
a lliort time baniflied the abfurd polytheifm and idola-
try of the heathen nations. So compleat was the viftory
that it never has again dared to lift up its head. The
enemies of religion are not now even Gripped of Venus
or Bacchus and the whole catalogue of thofe fiftious
deities the worfliip of whom while it claimed to be re-
ligion was nothing but adifcipline of ignorance, vice and
impurity. The only knowledge of religion which was
of value among the ancients was the remains of tradition
from the patriarchal age, and whatever now deferves that

Lectures on D'mnity. ^3

fiame is borrowed from the gofpel. It was an early
femark qf the ChrifUan apologifts, that the gofpel had put
to filence the heathen oracles.

On this head it is particularly remarkable, that the
knowledge of religion, which is the fruit of the gofpel, is
the acquifition of the multitude. There was fomething
of this mentioned formerly in another view. It deferves
however i"epeatecl notice, that the gofpel was preached to
the poor and brought light, not to particular men, but
to mankind in general. A mechanic or peafant, inftruilted
in the oracles of truth, has now more juft and confident
notions of God, his perfeftions, his laws, his Providence,
than the moft renowped philofophers of ancient times.

It is obferved by fonje when on this fubjeft, that
the gofpel has introduced the greateft improvements of
human as jvell as divine knowledge, not but that thofe
arts, which depend entirely upon the exertion of human
talents and powers, were carried to as great perfedtion
before, is lince the coming of Chrift, in the heathen as
in the Chriftian world, fuch as poetry, painting, ftatuary,
&:c. But natural knowledge, or the knowledge of thecon-
llitution and courfe of nature, began with, and increafed
by religious light ; all the theories of the ancients, as to the
formation and prefervation of the earth and he?iven, were
childifn and trifling. From revelation we learn the fimple
account of the creation of all things out of nothing, by the
omnipotence of God ; and perhaps there are few things
jnore delightful, than to obferve, that the latefl difcoveries
in philofophy, have never Ihewn us any thing but what is
perfeftly confiftent with thefcripture doftrine and hiftory.
There is one modern clafs or left of divines, who affirm,
that all human fcience is to be found in the Bible ; natural
philofophy, altronpmy, chronology. — This I am afraid is
going too far ; but I think it had not been poffible, for any
writer or writers, in the age of the facred penmen, to have
wrote fo much on the creation of the world, and its hiflory
iince that, without being guilty of abfurdities and con-
traditlions ; unlefs they had been under the diredion qf
an infallible guide.

^4 Lectures on Dmnlty.

The next branch of this head, is, to confider the effects
of the gofpel, as to praftice. Here I think, the firft thing
is to confider the manifefl tendency, and profeffed aim of
the gofpel itfelf, and its efFedls on thofe who truly believe
it, and live according to it. The temper and charafter
of fuch will appear to be truly admirable, and the more
{o upon a very ftridt and critical examination ; if we con-
fider thenoblenefs of their principles, the llridnefs, regu-
larity, and univerfality of their practice, the ufefulnefs and
happy efFefts of their converfation. — A Chriftian's heart is
poffefled by the love of God, and his will fubjeded to the
order of his providence. Moderation and felf-denial is his
rule, with refpe6t to himfelf, and unfeigned good-will,
proved by aftive beneficence, with regard to others. Nor
is this at all matter of mere theory — it is certainly matter
of experience ; nay, its influence hath been, as it ought
to be, powerful in gaining the affent of others to the truth
of the doftrine. The vifible and eminent piety of the
firft minifters of the New Teftament, and the earliefl con-
verts, had the greatefl effedl in procuring reception to the
principle that produced them. The general integrity of
their lives, and the eminent appearance in fome of them
pf the illuftrious virtues, charity, fortitude and patience,
was what fubdued all oppofition.

The heathens fometimes reproached one another by
the comparifon, faying, fee how thefe Chriftians love one .
another ; how honorable was it, when one of the apologifts
(Laftantius) was able to fay, give me a man who is wrath-
ful, malicious, revengeful, and with a few words of God,
I will make him calm as a lamb ; give me one that is a
covetous, niggardly mifer, and I will give you him again,
liberal, bountiful, and dealing out of his money by hands-
ful : give me one that is fearful of pain, and of death,
and immediately, he fhall defpife racks, and crofi'es, and
tlie moft dreadful punifhments you can invent.

If we were to make a comparifon between particulars,
I apprehend the advantage would appear very jufl; ; but
it is ufual to {late the comparifon, pot with regard to thofe
ih?,t are truly religious, but to take it from the general con-
du£l of thofe who profefs the gofpel, J am not fure that

Lectures on Divinity. ^^^

any compra'ifon is juft ; but between real believers and
others, however, we may make it both ways, and fee how
it will turn out. Compare the piety, humility, charity, and
aftive zeal of a real Chrifiian, with the moll ftrong cha-
rafters of ancient times, and the great fuperiority of the
firil will appear. Not only fottiih idolatry, but luft, pride,
cftentation, will appear to tarnifli many of the lalt in a re-
markable degree. But even with regard to mere profef-
Con, there is reafon to fay, that the manners of men are
greatly improved, even where they are not fandified.

He who will confider with attention the manners of an-
cient nations, will fee great reafon to abate of that venera-
tion, which his reading their exploits, as recorded by wri-
ters of eminence, may fometimes lead him into. There
are perfons to be found of fuch barbarity, in many in-
Itances prevailing through a nation — -the cuftom of ex-
pofmg their children — and in the cafe of fome, there was
fuch ferocity and barbarity, either ])lundering their ene-
mies, or felling them for Haves — infacking cities — as would
make a perfon of any humanity, Ihudder in reading them.
Rollings charafter of the ancient Spartans, and Prefident
Goguet's account of the manners in general of the ancient
ages, may give fome conception of this matter.

LECTURE VIII.

THE third branch of this head, is the fulfilling of
fcripture prophecies. This is an argument very
fatisfying to the mind, and which might be illullrated by
a great variety of examples. The Old Teflament pro-
phecies, I have had occafion to confider in a former part
of the fubjeft, and Ihall not now refume further, than b};-
making this obfervation that — there are fome prophecies
here, which not only had their completion in Ghrift,
but continue to be fulfilled in this Hate of the world. Some

§6 J^ectures oh Dhinky.

entertaining peculiarities of this kind, may be feen Ifl
feveral writers upon the partition of the earth, and the
manner of its being peopled. In Delany's Revelation
examined with candor ; there are fome things well wor-
thy of the attention of a judicious and critical reader.
Take one example, he mentions the prophecy of Ifhmael.
" His hand ftiall be againft every man ; and every man's
" hand againft him^ and he fliall dwell in the prefence of
" all his brethren." He fays that this prophecy is fulfill-
ing at this time as well as formerly, that the pofterity of
Iflimael, who fettled in Arabia, are the wild Arabs, a
people that ate in a ftate of oppofition to all the neigh-
boring nations, that they never were fubdued by any
of the different princes that obtained dominion in differ-
ent ages, in tliofe countries, and continue unconnefted
and uniubdued to this day.

But one of the chiefeft inftances we have to take notice
of, on the fubjedl of fcripture prophecies, is the hiftory
and prefent ftate of the Jewifti iSTation. The deftrudliori
of the city and temple of Jerufalem, was prophefied of
by our Saviour in a manner fo diftinft and lo particular,
ihat it is not eafy to imagine any thing to exceed it.
With regard to the temple in particular, he faid that
there fhould not remain one ftone upon another, that
Ihould not be thrown down. He defcribes the extreme
mifery of the people, when Jerufalem fliould be compaffed
about with armies, and he fixes the time jn the moil pre-
cife manner, that that generation Ihould not pafs away
till all was fulfilled ; and finally, he warns his own difci-
ples when certain figns appeared, to fly for fafety. The
reality of thofe prophecies, from the time in which they
happened, and the fafts with which they were connefted,
is fo well eftabliftied, as not to be eafily capable of contra-
diftion. And when we compare the event with them, it
is truly aftonifliing ; as the guilt of that people, was very
great, fo the judgments on them were themoft fignal, terri-
ble, and lafting, that were ever inflicted on any nation.

Their ownHiftorian (Jofephus) gives fuch an account
of the miferies of the fiege, as is painful and Ihocking to
read, at the fame time, the contentions within the walls,

Lectures on Dmnliy. pp

and the unrelenting fury with which they were animated
one againft another ; makes it impoffible to confider them
in any other light, than as a blinded, and deferted pe-ople.
Another circumftance alfo well worthy of attention is,
that as they had crucified the Saviour, and were particu-
larly defirous to have that punifliment which was not a
Jewifh but a Roman one inflifted upon him ; fo in the
courfe of that fiege they were crucified round their own
walls, in fuch vaft numbers that they wanted wood to
make croiTcs to hang them on ; all this too was done un-
der the command of Titus Vefpafian,oneof the mildeftmen
that ever commanded an army — fo that the fuprenie or-
der of Providence feemed to be forcing into its own fer-
vice, every apparent inftrument. It is well known that
Titus, far from intending the deftrudlion of the temple,
had the utmoft folicitude to have preferved it, but all
was to no purpofe, for God had faid it fliould be deftroy-
ed. To add no more upon this head, the Chriftians in
general, by attending to their mailer's pi-edi6lions, and
following his advice, were preferved from the calamity.
Befide the deftruflion of the polite city, and temple of
Jerufalem, the Jews themfelves, as a nation, continue
a {landing proof of the Scripture prophecies. Their con-
tinuing a feparate people, notwithftanding their difperfion
through all the earth, for above 1700 years, and not mix-
ing with other nations, is an event quite Angular that
never happened in any other cafe ; fo that it appears quite
fupernatural, as if they v/ere prepared by the providence
of^God to prove the truth of the Mefliah, and to wait till
their converfion fliall crown the work, and be as the fcrip-
turefays, " life from the dead."

The other prophecies in the New Teftament, in their .
accomplifliment in the courfe of Providence, do alfo af-
ford much entertainment and inllruftion to a ferious mind.
They are principally contained inthe Revelations of St. John
the Divine. I fliall only now take notice of one, viz.
anti-chrift, or the man of fin, defcribed in 2d Thef. 2,3.
" Who oppofeth and exalteth himfelf againft all that is
" called God," &:c. The proteftant writers, very gene-

jf5 Lectures on Dhmity,

rally fuppofe, that the Pope and Roman Catholic fyfiem
of fuperliition are the anti-chriii:prophefied of, and indeed
they i'eem very much to quadratewith the defcription. The
fetting in the temple of God, and fhewing himfelf that he
is God, correfponds furprifingly with the extravagant pre-
tenfions to infaUibility in that church, and the exceffive
fecular power and profit which it is intended to bring to
the priell-hood. The account in the Revelation of kings
and princes, giving their power and honor to the Beall,
and no man beingallowedtobuy andfell, but t4iofe who had
the mark of the Bead -, correfponds exaftly to the arrange-
ments made by the popifliftatesfor many ages,totheufurped
dominionand to thattyranny over confcience, which was e-
verywhere exercifed. The defcription of myftical Babylon,
in the 17th of the Revelations, feems in all rei'peft to
quadrate Vvith the city of Rome. The feven heads are
iaid to be feven mountains on which the woman fitteth,
and in the clofe of the chapter, it is faid " and the woman
" whom thou fawelt, is that great city, that reigneth over
^' the kings of the earth. " To all this you may add that part
of the defcription, that Ihe was drunken with the blood of
the Saints, which was fo eminently fulfilled in the dread-
fal perfecutions for conlcience fake, which were diiStated
by the anti-chrillian Ipirit, and carried on in the anti-
chrillian Hates. To finifli this parable, the two witneffes
who prophefied in fack-cloth, are fuppofed to be thofe,
who never received the Romifli fuperlUtions, the Wal-
denfes and the Albigenfes in the Piedmontefe vallies ; by
the hillory of whom it appears, that their faith and wor-
Ihip had been the fame that it was from the beginning, and
the fame that was received, andembraced atthe reformation.
Thisremarkable period is fuppofed tobe painted in thedeadly
wound given to the beall notwith Handing which it did
live, and in the ten horns, which fliould hate the whone,
and make her defolate, and eat her flelh, and burn her
with fire.

After this account, I muft obferve that there are fonie

proteilantwriters, who havenotfallen in with the fcheme of

making the Pope to be the anti-chrill, defcribed in the New

Tellament; and as the apoftle fays, there are many anti-

Lectures on Dhimty. 59

chrlfts, fo thefe perfons fay there is an antl-chrlflian f]ii-
rit in every church, or the corrupt part condantly in
oppofition to the found — truth flriving with error, and
pride with the meeknefs of the gofpel. If this is admitted,
the Roman Gathohc church, may ftill be confidered as
tlie fcene of anti-chriftian ufurpation, and it Ihould put
all others upon their guard, lefi: they in any degree par-
take of the fm, and fo expofe themfelvesto the judgment
of the great whore. I ihall only add, that there is a

late opinion advanced by Mr. Glafs and S r-, which,

fo far as I know, was never thought of before thefe, viz,
that an eftablifhed church is anti-chrilt, that whatever has
the approbation and authority of the civil government
in any ftate interpofed in its behalf, not only may, but
muft be contrary to the gofpel. This is certainly carry-
ing matters to excefs, as is ufual with intereftcd perfons,
incenfed with what they fuppofe to be injurious treatment.
Mr. Glafs being caft out of the eftabliflied church of Scot-
land, and perhaps by an unneceffary ftretch of power,
fell into this refentful opinion ; fo that I do not fee how this
fentiment can be fupported, either from fcrlpture or rea-
fon, as it would feem to make it impoflible for the king-
doms of this world to become the kingdoms of our Lord
and his Chrifl : or for kings to become nurling fathers,
and queens nurfing mothers to the church ; but fo far I
fhall readily admit, that an intoUerant eftablifliment, and
all tyranny over the confcience, paitakes of an anti-chrif-
tian fpirit.

It will now be time to confider a little, the objeftions
againfl; the Chrillian religion. It is eafy to fee, that there
mufl be in every infidel writer, particular cavils and ex-
ceptions, which are fo numerous, and fo various, that it
would be in vain to attempt to mention them ; but there
are fome general exceptions, which are to be found in all
their writings, and on which they infill mofl that it will be
proper to take notice of. Two of thefe have indeed alrea-
dy been taken notice of, as they fell in the way, viz. That
reafon is a fufficient guide to truth and happinefs and there-
fore revelation is unneceffary ; and that miracles are im-

6a> Lectures m Divinity,

poffible, and incredible. Thofe I pafs with what has beei^
faid on them above.

A 3d. Objection which ufed to be very much infifteci
upon, is the want of univerfalit}'. If the Chriflian reve-
lation was neceffary, why was it not given in its full ex-
tent, from the beginning of the world, and fpread through
all nations ? why was the world in general, fp long
left in darknefs ? and at this time, vv^hy are there fuch
vaft regions, and fuch multitudes of people, that are
without the light of the gofpel ? Many Uifferent anfwer^
have been given to this objeflion ; forae fliewing the ex-
tent to which the gofpel has been carried ; fome fliewing,
that the mercy of God through Chrift, will extend to all
nations, in proportion to the improvement of the meafure
of light afFoixled them : But I apprehend there is a much
more eafy and fatisfying anfwer to be given tp it, which
is this, that the objeiJtioa proceeds from a groundlefs pre-
fumption, that we are to judge of all the divine proceed-
ings, and, find fault with them, becaufe they do not exa &.\y
follow the rules which we fliould have prefcribed. — It mi-
litates equally againft nature and revealed religion. — It
may as well be aflied, why is not every reptile a man,
and every man an angel ? why is not every creature as
happy as he poffibly could he^ve been made ? Nature and
Providence is full of inftrucSive analogy upon this fubjedl.
Why was not the earth peopled as early and as fully as
poffible ? Why were the vail tradls of fruitful land in
America, fuffered for fo many ages to be a wildforeft, in-
habited by wolves and tigers, and a few men almofl as
fierce as they? Nay, we may go much farther, and aflv,why
was not the world, which appears to be only near 6000
years old, created millions of years before that period ?
The true and proper anfwer to every fuch queflion is, to
refolve it into the fovereignty of God — he hath a right to
bellow his mercies, in the time, manner and meafure, that
feem good unto himfelf. With regard to the difficulty
about creation, fome have attempted to alTume a necelTity,
■that every thing is neceffary to the good of the whole ; and
fo a worm in its place, is as neceffary as an arigel ; and one
ivriter has attempted to prove, that the world could not

Lectures on Dhinity. 6x

Jjave been created any fooner ; becaufe, thougia it were
now a million of years old, inftead of 6000, the queftiou
would ftill remain : but this is only wading beyond our
depth, and ufing words to which if we affix any precife, it
mult be allowed, we have not a compleat or adequate idea.
With refpeft to the time of the publication, and the extent
of the progrefs of the gofpel light, or even the numbers that
are benefited by it, I would fay, " even fo Father, for fo it
feemed good in thy fight;" and I would particularly obferve,
that Rating this as an objeflion againft the truth of the
gofpel, is forgetting the great and fundamental doftrine
of ilie gofpel, that all men are under fin, and liable to the
divine wrath ; and that fending Chrill into the world, is
an a£l of free and iovereign grace. If therefore, it be really
mercy to thofe that are faved, no objedlion can be brought
againft it frqm the number or circumftances of thofe that
perifli.

4th. Another great objedlion againft Chriftianity is, that
it introduced into the world perfecution for confcience
fake, which was before unknown. This is an argument
on which infidels delight to enlarge. The fierce contefts
that have been upon the fubjefl of religion, and the ma-
ny who have died in the field and been brought to a
fcafFold or ftake, on religious a£ts, have been fet forth in
all the force of language. There is no argument ufed by
infidels that 1 think may be more eafily refuted, or rather
indeed, be effeftually turned againft themfelves than this.
In the firlt place it is a plain accomplilhment of our Sa-
viour's prediftion, " think not I am come to fend peace
" on the earth." Now if this never happened before upon
a religious account, which the argument fuppofes, by
what means fliould he forefee it, but by a preternatural
knowledge ? But after we have gone thus far, we are
ftill to obferve, that the Chriftian religion in no other way
introduced perfecution for confcience fake, than by fuf-
fering, not inflifting it. It was perfecuted by Jews and
Gentiles with unrelenting fury, for 300 years after the
coming of Chrift in the flefh. Is there any body that
opens the Bible, that does not fee that perfecution is not
taught there .' It will be faid that in after ages, Chrif-

6isii , Lectures on Dh'inity.

tians, perfecuted Chriftians with as much rage, as the
Heathen ever did. I anfwer if that matter be carefully
looked into, it will be found, that it was the fpirit of the
w^rld, that perfecuted the meek believers in Chrift in
every age. There is a remark of a certain writer that the
perfecution carried on againft the Proteflants in France, was
notbybigots, and thofe under the power of fuperftition; but
by thofe who were low in their principles, and had no
religion of any kind.

But this is not fo great a rarity as he imagined, for it
is but feldom, that perfons who are much in earneft about
religion themfelves, are concerned in oppofmg others ; at
any rate, it is manifeft that none canrafhly judge, much
lefs pcrfecute others, if they attend to the doftrine of the
gofpel.

LECTURE IX.

Of the Doctrine of Trinity.

IT feems highly neceflary, that Students of Divinity,
fhould give particular attention to this fubjeft, as it
relates to the very nature of the true God who is the obje£t
ofourworfliipandtruft. Indeedasit is fo nearly connected
with the doftrine of redemption, its importance isapparent.
Wecannot formjuft notions, and indeed hardly any, of the
fatisfadtion of Chrilt, without being explicit upon this
head. Let us firll endeavor to ftate, briefly and clear-
ly as poflible, what the fcriptures teach us to believe on
the fubjedl, as fummed up in the Proteftant confeffion,
diftinguifliing it from oppofite errors, and afterwards
give a fuocindt view of the proofs. The doftrine may be

Lectures on Divinity. fij'

briefly fummed in two branches (i) firfl the unity of the
divine nature (2) the trinity of perfon in the divine
clTence.

Firft, The unity of the divine nature. That there is
but one God, infinite, eternal, unchangeable, indivifible.
The unity of the God-head is greatly infifted on in fcrip-
ture. It feems to have been the capital article of reveal-
ed truth, under the Old Teftament defpenfation, in op-
pofition to the vanities of the gentiles. The firft com-
mandment of the decalogue is, " thou fhalt have no other
" gods before me," and again Deut. 6. 4. " Hear O Ifrael
" the Lord, or God, is one Lord." The glory of God,
is particularly afferted upon this fubjefl:, that he will not
give his glory to another nor his praile to graven images.
The unity of God feems to be the grand article of natural
religion, clearly fupported by reafon from the impoflibility
of fuppofing infinite perfection to refide in more than
one fubjeft, as well as from the harmony and unity of
the defign that appears in the univerfal fyftem. This part
of the fubje£l fuffers no difficulty, which arifes from the ad-
dition of the other particular from revelation, viz. (2) that
in this unity of the divine nature, and in a perfeft confiilen-
cy with it, there is a threefold diftinftion. In other words
there is the moft perfeft fimplicity and unity of nature and
yet in the mode of exiftence a pluralit}'. We call it in
Englifli three perfons, in the god-head. The ancient
fathers ufed to call it in greek t7-eis upostaseis. It would
be wrong to contend that either of thefe gives a full
and adequate idea of it, becaufe indeed it is incompre-
henfible. For in the language of infpiration. It is faid to
be the Father, the A'V'ord or the Son, and the Holy Ghoft
or Spirit. As foon as men began to difpute upon the
fubjeO:, and exercife their reafon, imaginr.tion, or inven-
tion upon a matter of mere revelation (as was foon done,
by the mixture of platonic philofophy with tlie ftudy of
the fcriptures) they fell into various oppofite errors, which
however were all of them conftantly condemned and op-
pofed, by the confent of orthodox writers. Some faid
there was no diflinftion at all, in the divine being, only
he was reprefented in different lights, and made known

64- Lectures on Divinity.

by different names, as {landing in different relations to
us. Sibellius, I believe was the firfl: author of this doc-
trinci and they were afterwards called trom him Sabcllians,
and fometimes Paterpaffians, from the confequence of
that dodlrine, that the Father as much as the Son, muft
have fuffered upon the crofs. Others went to the oppofite
extreme, and fuppofed there are three wholly diftinft,
and independant, but concordant beings ; neither of thefe
have ever been the general fentiments of Chrillian divines ;
ncr do I think any of them is at all agreeable to fcripture or
reafon. We find in fcripiure, moft clear, and po-
fitive affertions of the unity of God on the one hand, and
on the other, a real plurality, in fome refpefts. There
is a common, peculiar and reciprocal^ but dillinft agency.
The Father is faid to beget the Son — to fend the Son —
and the Son to pray to the Fatlier, to promife and to fend
the Spirit, which is faid to proceed from the Father — and
the folema benediclion, is in the name and the grace
of our Loa d Jefus Chrift, and the communion of the Holy
Ghofl.

Some time before the council of Nice, Arius, fet a
foot his notions of the inferiority of the Son and Spi-
rit, calling them, either properly, or improperly crea^.
tures. I ufe the word improperly, becaufe there were
Ibme, efpecially in latter times, called refined Arians,
who refpefted the Son, as dependant in the order of na-
ture ; but at the fame time, as an eternal effeft, from an
eternal caufe. In oppofition to Arius, the council of
Nice, alTerted the Son to be truly and properly God, of
one fubilance with the Father, felf-exiftent, and indepen-
dent. Lail of all came the Pelagians, and the Socinians,
who denied the divine nature of Chrift altogether, and
afferted that he was only a man. Thefe opinions as do-
ing the utmoll violence to fcripture, and over-throwing
the whole doftrine of redemption, deferve to be treated
with the utmoft abhoirence. Nor indeed are Arians at
bottom much better, becaufe the difference between the
moft exalted creature, and the meaneft, vanifhes altoge-
" ther, when compared with the difference between the
mightieft order of created beings, and the true God.

Lectures on Dmnity. 65

The whole (Economy of our falvation teaches us, the
neceflity of attending to, and believing this doftrine ; but
I fee neither neceffit}^ nor ]}ropriety, in endeavoring to
dip into the mode of it, and attempting to explain it. If
it be a myftery and above our comprehenfion, every at-
tempt to explain it muR be, if not criminal, yet un-
fuccefsful. And indeed this is the cafe with ahnoil eve-
ry thing that relates to God, or is connedted with the
Divine perfe6tion. The wifeft way for us with regard
to all revealed truth, is to receive it as revealed, not prefu-
ming to be wife above what is written.

I do not mean by this to condemn the Council of
Nice, for though there may not be a great deal in fome of
the expreflions ufed by them, their only meaning was, to
exprefs their difapprobation of the opinion of Arius,
which was certainly fubverfive of the proper divinity of
Ghrift. But I apprehend we ought to condemn the
making emblems of this truth, fuch as a triangle infcri-
bed in a circle. This at leail is of no ufe, or more probably
it is always pernicious, and indeed I fhould think it a di-
••refl: breach of the fecond, commandment : nay, I think at-
tempting to explain it by the powers of created intelligences
is no way fafe or proper, although done by fome very-
worthy men. For an example, when the trinity is fup-
pofed to correfpond with power, intelledl and will, in the
human nature.

It is not the ufual way on moft fubje£ls, to introduce
or anfvver objeftions, before pi'opofmg the proof; yet
I believe it will be the moft proper method, on the fub-
je<St we are now treating. The difficulty here does not
arife from the weaknefs, uncertainty, or obfcurity of the
proof; but from the power of prejudice. In order there-
fore, to prevent or deftroy prejudice, it will be beft,
to confider what objections lie in the way of the doStrine.
The rather indeed, that all objeftions to the doftrine
itfelf are reducible to one — that it is contrary to reafon,
abfurd, inconceivable, or impoffible. It is furprifing to
think, with what infolence and triumph, fome have pre-
tended to treat this fentiment, faying it is a contr-adiftion,
that God fliould be both one and three, at the fame time.

66' Lectures on Dh'mity.

But notwithftanding the great confidence with which ene-
mies to the truth talk upon this lubjetT:, I am fincerely of
opinion, that their confidence never could be more mif-
placed. Let us examine the matter coolly and impartially.
When men fpeak of a thing as againfi; reafon, and yet pre-
tend to believe in Revelation, the meaning mufl be, that
it is fo manifeflly abfurd and fclf contradictory, that no
proof can fupport a revelation which contains it. But in
order to this it mull be a thing altogether within the com-
pafs of our reaibn and judgment, if otherwife the firft
unexperienced diftate of reafon, is nothing at all ; nei-
ther for, nor againft it. The ftate of nature and experi-
mental philofophy did fcarcely ever fliew things to be
what men imagined them before ; neither is it at all won-
derful that revelation fliould inform us of what we could
not have fufpefted. The ufe of revelation indeed im-
plies this. Therefore the common dillinclion of fyftema-
tical divines, is far from being either obfcure, or impro-
per, that things may be above reafon, and yet not con-
tradiftory to it.

By this expreffion above reafon, may be underftood
two things — beyond the power of reafon to difcover, and
above the reach of reafon to comprehend. In the firft
fenfe, it would be abfurd to controvert it, and even in the
other, if it was carefully attended to, and prejudice laid
afide, there would be little difficulty. The enemies of
the truth always put more in the idea, than is intended,
or ought to be contained in it. The juft flatement of it
is precifely this, we believe a faft which is fully proved
and authenticated ; although there are fome circum-
flances, as to its caufe and confequences, that we do
not underftand. There are many things in theologi-
cal, moral, and natural knowledge, in which the cafe is
the very fame. I believe that God is a fpirlt, and that
there are alfo created Ipirits different from God, wholly
uneinbodied, and yet I have very obfcure and indiflinft
ideas, if any idea properly at all, of what a fpirit is,
and the manner of its operations. Cartefians believe that
a fpirit has no extention, and that a hundred thoufand of

•Lectures on Divinity. €^

them may b? in the fame place ; which by the bye is an
example of the abfurdity with which men talk upon fub-
jecls which they do not underltand ; for according to
them, place is a relation incompetent to a fpirit, and
therefore it is as abfurd to fay that a fpirit is in a place, as
that three are in the fame place. The whole matter
is above our comprehenfion, and no man can make
me underltand either how diiliniSt fubllances can occupy
the fame place, or even the Newtonian opinion, that a
fubftance, fimple and indivifible, can be in every place.
From which it is demonftrable that there may be many
circumftances relating to things of great moment and cer-
tainty, that are to us totall}' incomprehenfible. In natu-
ral things I believe that the feeds rotting in the ground, is
the mean of producing the blade of the future llalk ; but
if you aflv me how this is done, or how the moid earth can
have any influence either on the mortification or the
growth, I know nothing at all about it.

Therefore though we fay that the trinity in vmity is in-
comprehenfible, or above reafon, we fay nothing that rs
abfurd or contrary to reafon ; fo far from it, I may fay
rather it is confonant to reafon and the analogy of nature
that there fhould be many things in the divine nature that
we cannot fully comprehend. There are many fuch
things in his providence, and furely much more in his
eiTence.

But when our adverfaries areprefled upon this fubjeft,
they fay fometimes it is not an incomprehenfible myilery
we find fault with, but an apparent contradiction that
God fhould be three and one. We know very well what
numbers are, and we know perfeftly, whatever is three,
cannot be one, or one three. But this is owing to great
inattention, or great obftinacy. We do not fay there are
three Gods and yet one God; three perfons and yet one
perfon ; or that the Divine Being is three in the fame
fenfe and rcfpefl that he is one ; but only diat there is a
diftiniStion confillent with perfc£l unity of nature. I
apprehend great refcrve and felf-denial is our duty on this
fubject. It has fometimes been faid why fliould we
doubt whether there can be three perfons in one nature,

68 Lectures on Divinity.

when we ourfelves are an example of an incomprebenfible
union of this nature in our perfons. If this be ufed
merely as an illuftration, and to ftiew that the thing ig
poffible and credible, I have no objeftion to it ; but if it
be carried farther, it is improper and dangerous.

Upon the whole, we ought to confider the objeflion
agaiuft this doftrine as altogether ill founded, and be rea-
dy to receive with all humility the Revelation of God
upon this fubjeft jull: as he has been pleafed to communi-
cate it-

The fecond thing to be attended to is the proof of the
doftrine, as contained in the Holy Scriptures. On this I
will, juit very Ihortly confider the fcripture proof of the
, Trinity in general, and then at fome more length, point
out the proofs of the proper Deity of Chrift the Son; upon
which laft, as is natural to fuppofe, the controverfy hath
always chiefly t\irned.

The proofs of the Trinity in general maybe taken (i)
From the form of baptifm ; we are commanded to bap-
tife in the name of the Father, and of the Son apdof the
Holy Ghofl. •

As baptifm is the initiating profeffion taken frorti
alj cpnvei'ts, it feems cvidnetiy to point at the great
pbjedl of vvorfliip and obedience. Neither do I fee at all
how it can bp accounted for, that the Son and Boly Ghoft
fliould be claffed and put upon the fame footing with
the Father — but upon the fuppofition of this truth. And
indeed their very defignation leads us to an equality of
rank, it is not faid in the name of God, and the name of
Jefus of Nazareth, or his human name, but in the name
of the Father and the Son. Thofe who will confider this
matter attentively will find more in it than perhaps at
firll fight appeared. Baptifm is certainly the badge of
Chriftianity, the feal of God's covenant. With whom then
is a covenant made ? Doubtlefs with thofe in whofe name
we were baptifed, and therefore our covenant God, i§
m-oft fully defcribed by Father, Son and Holy Ghoft. To
this you may add, that the Apoftle Paul feemed plainly
in the firfi: Epiflle to the Corinthians, to confider baptifm
as pointing at fomething very different from any relatior^

Lectures on Divinity. 69

that a minifter could fuftain. i Cor. 1,13,14, 15. "Is
'' Chrift divided ? was Paul crucified for you," &.c.

2d. The proof of the Trinity in general may be taken
from the form of folemn henediftion, the love of God the
Father, the grace of our Lord Jefus Chrift, and the com-
munion of the Holy Ghoft, be with you all. As in the for-
mer inftance the three are taken in as the objeft of wor-
Ihip and obedience, here they are plainly conjoined as the
fource of bleffedncfs.

3d. The proof of the Trinity in general may be taken
from an exprefs paffage of fcripture, i John, 5, 7. " there
f' are three that bear record in heaven," &c.

^LECTURE X,

WE come now to prove the doftrlne of the Trinity
fi-om the proofs of the proper Deity of the Son
and Spirit. On this the controverfy has chiefly turned, and
efpeciallythe firfl, the divinity of theSon; becaufeif thiswas
admitted it would be to very little purpofe to objeft againft
the other ; for this reafon we find that ever fince the firft
ftarting of the controverfy it has been litigated with great
zeal and warmth on both fides ; this was to be expedted as
it mufl; evidently appear an article of the utmofi; moment
to both. I mufl obferve, however, that the contro-
verfy has been chiefly managed by Arians till of late
years. Now it feems to me there are but very few pro-
per Arians, the greater number of the oppofers of the
truth are Socinians.

You are not to expeft that I fliould go through the
whole of this controverfy, which has been carried to fo
great a length ; the pafl'ages of fcripture adduced on both
fides, are more numerous than we would fuppofe ; and
the criticifms, objedlions and anfwers, are exceedingly
voluminous. You will fay then, the controverfy muft

yo ^\Lecturcs on Dhinhy.

needs be difficult and obfcure.' — The confequence is not
juft, for whenever there is a ftrong bias and inclination
one wa}^ it is eafy for ingenious men to perplex and
lengthen out a difpute. The great matter is the objec-
tion I mentioned in the preceding difcourfe. If men be
once fully fatisfied that this thing is not impofllble or in-
credible, and be willing to aflent to the account of the
nature of God, without prejudice, as it Hands in his own
•word, I do not think there is any uncertainty in it at all.
I fliall ilate to you the chief heads of any importance that
have been ufed.

I. The name of God, and his titles, the molt tranfcen-
dant and peculiar, are given to Chrift. Through the Old
Teftament, the name of Jehovah or Lord, but particularly
the firfi, is given to one who is often called an angel, and
the angel of the covenant ; and by this manner of fpeak-
ing in feveral paflages, mufl be diftinguiflied from God
the Father, as in the iioth pfalm, the Lord faid unto my
Lord. — This therefore muftbe underftood of Ghi-ift. The
angel who appeared to Hagar, Gen. i6, and that appear-
ed to Jacob at Bethel, Gen. 13, are both called God. — In
Exodus, chap. 3, an angel is faid to have appeared to
Mofes, at the bufli, and yet this angel fays, I am the God
of your father, the God of Ifrael, who delivered the law on
mount Sinai, and yet Stephen fays, Adts vii. 38, that it
was an angel that I'poke unto Mofes, upon mount Sinai,
and was with the fathers : but what fervcs to apply many
of thefe palTages in the mod precife manner, is comparing
Numb. xxi. 8. with i Cor. x. 9. in the firfl it is faid, that
the Ifraelites tempted God, and fpake againft God, and that
therefore he fent among them fiery ferpents. — In the other
paffage the apoflle Paul affirmeth, that this was Chrift.
Let us not tempt Chrift, as fonie of them alfo tempted,
and v/ere deftroyed of ferpents. See farther, Pfalm ii. 12.
f TliDU art my Son, this day have I begotten thee." Pfal.
slv. 7, " Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever," &c.
which paffage the apofile Paul applies to Chrift. i Heb. i.
8. " But unto the Son he faith, thy throne O God, is for
" ever and ever," he. Another proof may be taken from
Prov. viii, 22. The defcription pf wifdem — again,ir» Ifa. vi.

Lectures on Divinity. 7 1

from tlie beginning, " In the j'ear that king Uzziah died,"
&.C. This paiTage is exprefsly applied to Chrill, by the
apoftle John xii. 41. when having cited the paffage, he
lays, " thel'e things iaid Ifaiah," h.c. the truth is, there is
hardly any writing in the Old Teftament, but by com-
paring it with the New, we may draw a proof of the di-
vinity of Chrift.

2. The thing itfelf — the propofition that Jefus Chrift is
God, is contained in the moft explicit terms, not in one,
but in many places of fcripture — not in figure, but in
plain fimple language, John i. i. " In the beginning was
" the word," 8cc. Phil. ii. 6. " Who being in the form of
" God, thought it not robberj' to be equal with God," Sec.
John X. 30. " I and my Father are one." i John v. 20.
" Tliis is the true God, and eternal life." It would be
endlefs to mention all fetches and imaginations of men,
under the power of prejudice, to evade thefe texts: but I on-
ly call to your mind what was before mentioned — Cleave to
either fide of the queftion, and fay Whether or not the fcrip-
tures have plainly alHxed Chrift's divinity ? — It is not only
the affixations, but the reafoning upon fome of them, that
fixes the fenfe, as in the Philippians. And in that affirma-
tion, I and my Father are one, it is undeniable that the
Jews underftood him in that fenfe, for it is added, " they
" immediately took up itones to Itone him," &c. It has
been often laid by realoners upon this fubjeft, fuppofing
it was the defign of the I'cripture to affirm the divinity of
Chrift, it does not appear what plainer or ftronger words
could have been uied.

3d. The moft diftinguifhing and efTential attributes of the
true God are given to Chrift. I fhall mention only his eter-
nity, immutability, omnifcience, omniprefence and omni-
potence. It is not eafy to conceive any attribute incommu-
nicable if thefe are not. Eternity feems plainly to be afcri-
bed to him, Prov. viii. 22. Rev. i. 8. Sec. and in the famous
. paffage, Mic. v. 2. " Whofe goings forth have been of old
from (i) everlafting." Indeed I reckon the frequent appel-
lation of Jehovah is a fulficient proof of this ; the^word is
derived from what fignifies exiftence — Exod. iii. 14.
John viii. 38. (2) Immutability, Heb. i. 10. Heb. xviii.

f2 Zecttilrs on Dhinity,

8. " Jefus Chriftthe fame yefterday, to day, and for ever.'*
(3) Omnifcience. John xvi. 30. " Now we are fure that
'' thou knowell all things ;" and again, John xxi. 17.
♦' Lord thou knoweli; all things," ike. It is remarkable,
that the knowledge of the heart is afferted in feveral paf-
iages, to diftinguifh the true God, i Kings viii. 39.
" Therein thou only knowefl; the hearts of the children of
" men."— and John xvii. 10. " I the Lord,- fearch the
" hearts, and try the reins,'' &c. yet this very perfeftion
our Lord claims to himfelf, Rev. ii. 23. and the apoftle
John teflifies, that he knew all men, John ii. 24. — and
knew what was in man, John ii. 25. — this is further con-
firmed, iv. 12, 13. " The word of God," &c.

(4.) Omniprefence. Matth. xviii. 20. " Where tv.-o or
" three are gathered togetlier in my name," &c. Maith.
xxviii. 20. " Lo, I am with you always," Sec.

(5.) Omnipotence. Col. i. 17. " By him all things con-
" fill." Creation is afcribed to Chrift, John i. 3. " All
'' things v'ere made by him," &c. and in the fame chapter,
verfe 10, " and the world was made by him." Heb. i. 2.
" by whom alfo he made the world." Col. i. 15, 16, 17.
" who is the image of the invifible God," Sec. The argu-
ment from creation, is very firong. — It is the firft and
great relation we ftand under to God, nor can we conceive
any thing that more properly, or in a more diftinguilliing
manner charadterizes the true God, who pleads fo often,
to diftinguifh himfelf from the vanities of the Gentiles,
Pfal. xix. I. " The heavens declare the glory of God, and
" the firmament fheweth his handy work."

5. The fifth and laft proof of the divinity of Chrifl, may
be taken from divine worfiiip being commanded to be
given to him without reproof, and being accepted by him,
when it is exprefsly rejefted by the inferior minillers of
Providence. It is commanded to be given to him, John
iii. 22,23. "The Father himfelf judgeth no man.'' Phil,
ii. 5. " Wherefore, God, hath highly exalted him,"
Stc. It is adlually given him by the wife men, Matth. ii.
II. By the rulers of the Synagogue, Matth. v. 8. By wo-
men of Canaan, Matth. xv. 25. By the difciples in gene-
ral, Matth. XX. 5. And you fee (hat worfliip is rejefted by
an angel, precifely as faft, Rev. xxii. 8, 4.

Lectures on D'muity.

LECTURE XI.

I PROCEED now fhortly to confider the proofs of the
divinity of the Holy Spirit. The firfl: thing necelTary
here, is to eftablifli the perfonality of the Spirit. — That he
is properly a perfon or fubflance, and not merely a power,
gift or qualification. The name of fpirit, in all languages
fignifies a wind or breath. — It is fuppo'ed this word is
chofen to reprefent divine things of the divine nature, be-
caufe it bears fome refemblance to what is unfeeri, and
yet infinitely powerful. The wind is made ufe of to repre-
fent the Holy Ghoft, and to fignify angels and the fouls of
men, and alfo the gifts and graces of the Spirit. — That
when the Holy Ghoft is fpoken of, a perfon or fubllance
is meant as diftinguifhed from any grace or qualification
he may poiTefs or beftow, may be eafily made to appear
from many paflages offcripture, John xiv. i6. " And I
" will pray the Father, and he fhall give you another Com-
" forter, that he may abide with you for ever ; even the
" Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive." John
xvi. 13. " When he the Spirit of truth is come," &c.
I Cor. xii. 4. " There are diverfity of gifts, but the fame
" Spirit," &c. The form of baptifm alfo proves the fame
thing, as well as all thofe paflages that fpeak of giving the
Spirit — refilling the Spirit, &c.

That the Holy Ghoft is truely and properly God, I think
appears with great evidence from the form of baptifm,
now that we have fully proved the divinity of Chrift,
whofe perfonality we cannot doubt. The Holy Ghofi
being joined with the Father and the Son, carries the
Ilrongeft conviftion with it that he is of the fame nature
with both. The fame thing may be faid of the form of
folemn benediction.

174 Lectures en Divinity.

The divinity of the Holy Ghofl feems to be eflabliflied
in AiSls, 5, 3. where Peter fays to Annanias and Sapphi-
ra, " Why hath Satan filled thine heart," Etc. We might
alfo from feveral paflages fhew the divine attributes given to
the Spirit, as omnipotence, Pfalm 119. " Whither fliall
" I go from thy Spirit," Stc. Omnifcience, Cor. 2. 10.
" The Spirit fearcheth all things even the deep things of
" God," nay creation feenis to be afcribed to him as well
as the Son, Gen. i, 2. It is faid " the Spirit of God
" moved upon the face of the waters," and Job 33, 4.
" The fpirit of the Lord hath made me, and the breath
" of the Almighty hath given me life.

There were in the ancient churches confiderable contro-
verfies about the expreflion of the articles of faith upon
this fubjefl:. The very words of fcripture, John 15, 26. are
that the Spirit proceedeth from the Father. He is alfo call-
ed the Spirit of the Son, and the Spirit of Chrifl, Rom. 8,
9. Gal. 14, 6. Phil, i, 14. i Pet. i, 11. both the Father
and the Son are faid to fend the Spirit, John 15, 26. John
16. 7. Gal. 4, 6. Luke 24, 49.

Therefore the ufual way of fpeaking and that in all the
ancient fymbols and confellions is, that the Son is begotten
of the Father, and the Holy Ghoil proceedeth from the
Father and the Son. If any one fliould prefume to en-
quire farther into the meaning, or aflv the difl'erence be-
tween being begotten "and proceeding, I Ihould willingly
and chearfuUy confefs my ignorance, and that I believe
all others are equally ignorant, and that every attempt to
fay more than is aftually contained in fcripture is not
only impoffible but hurtful. There was a very violent
difpute between the Latin and Greek churches whether
it was proper to fay the Holy Ghofl: proceeded from the
Father and Son, or from the Father only. The whole
current of antiquity, and the whole Latin churches are
for the former, as well as the Proteftants in general ; but
it is not a modern controverfy.

I proceed to confider fome of the objeftions againft the
reafoning above, and unlefs I enter into the criticifms or
particular texts, they may be all reduced to the reafon-
ing on the titles and attributes. They objefl that fome

Lectures on DmiiUy. 75

of the higheft titles were not given to the Son, as — the
highefl or mofl high — the Ahnighty or Supreme over
all — one God and Father of all — one God of whom are
all things. But it is eafy to aniwer that none of thefe
titles are greater or more diflinguifliing than, as has been
fhewn, do really belong to Chrift, and that fome of thofe
mentioned are alfo afcribed to Chrifl; ; fuch as the Al-
mighty, and God over all. So that they are obliged to have
recourfe to the meanefl: quibbles, to interpret away thefe
texts. As for the expreflion one God, and the title one
God the Father of whom are all things — they are plainly
ufed in a diftribution of perfonal a£lsor prerogatives, one
God the Father, of whom are all things, and one Lord
Jefus Chrift by whom are all things.

The other objeftion is that fuch titles are afcribed to
him in a lower fenfe than to the Father. Nothing could
fuggeft fuch an objeftion as this except the power of pre-
judice. They muft firft take for granted their own fen-
timents before they can perceive any fuch thing, beOdes
many of them are fuch as do not admit of a proportion in
this way — fuch as creation — omnifcience — omnipotence.

LECTURE XIL

Of the Decrees of God.

WE have this ftrong affertion in fcripture, "canany
" by fearching find out the Almighty," Sec.
If the nature of God has fomething in it altogether un-
fearchable to us, fo muft alfo his decrees. It is certainly
proper and neceflary for divines to know all that can be
known on this fubjed!:, and therefore the ftudy of a
whole life would be well beftowed on it, if it were
fure of fuccefs. Yet I apprehend a caution is not
unneccflary while we are entering upon it. Our

76 Lectures on Divinity.

great wifdom confids in receiving, admitting, remem-;
bering and applying whatever is clearly revealed in fcrip-
ture, both with regard to the nature and government of
God ; at the fame time we ought to rellrain an impatient
curiofity, and guard againft unneceffary, inexplicable and
hurtful queftions onthefe fubje£ts. The fcriptures do not
contain any thing that is unfit for us to know. If it feem-
ed neceflary to God to reveal the univpvfality of his pro-
vidence and the certainty of his purpofe, we ought with-
out doubt to believe and improve it. On the other hand
let us not prefume to go any farther than he hath pointed
out to us the way. Whatever he hath covered with a veil
it would be both rallmefs and impiety to attempt to pene-
trate. It is therefore my defign to ftate this matter to
you in as precife and fcriptural a manner as I am able, al-
though I muft neceffarily ufe feveral of the theological
fyftematical phrafes, becaufe without them the various
opinions could neither be fifted nor explained.

The expreffion itfelf " the decrees of God" is in a great
meafureifnot vphoUy technical. In the Old Teftament in-
deed there are feveral expreffions particularly relating to
the frame and conftltution of nature which are tranflated
in the Englifh Bibledecrees, as in the Prov. 8. 29. " When
" he gave to the fea his decree," &c. and in the fecond
Pfalm fpeaking of the raifing Meffiah to his throne. " I
will declare the decree." In all of thefe I believe (for I
have confulted mod of them) it is the fame word that is
frequently or ufually tranflated — statute, and to be fure
has a meaning fomewhat fimilar to that of the word ufed
in theology, that is, it fignifies the order or purpofe of
God in nature and providence. In the New Teflament
tliere is no exprefDon on this fubjeQ: that has been tranf-
lated decree, though fome of the jft/^raje^ might have been
fo tranflated. The expreflions in the New Teftamentare
council, purpose, determinate council, foreknowledge; and
when it relates to the Hate of man, choosing, ordaining,
predestinating. I enter upon the criticifm of the Greek
words, becaufe I think it is manifefl; they are not only
tranflated well into Englifli, but tliat they are nioftly if
not wholly of the fame import that they are ufually ua-

Lectwes on Dmn'ity. ijj

derflood to poffefs. I flmll now fliew you a famplc of tha
Socinian criticifm on A£ls 13. 48. It is faid osoi esan
ietagmenoi eis zoeen aionioti, which they tranflatc, " as
many as were let in order, or well prepared for eternal
life believed." They obferve that tetagtneiioi means
fet in order like a difciplined army. But it is mani-
feft that the word here means particularly appvinted
and ordained. By cGmparing together the feveral
expreflions ufed, the meaning that we muft aflign to
the whole is, that the plan of Providence and grace, as
well as the fyftem of nature, muft be fuppofed to be
fixed and determined, and not loofe and uncertain,
till the event, or till one thing be afcertained or determined
by another. — That things are not to God as they are to us,
to whom diings future have no certainty or ftability, but
that as far back as we can carry our ideas they were known
and therefore certainly ordained. Or as fome exprefs it,
that every thing that comes to have a tranfient exiflence in
time, had as it were an original eternal ])re-exiftence in
the divine mind. Yet after all, you fee there is fome-
thing in theexpreffion decrees or purposes which feems to
take its rife only from our own fituations and imperfec-
tions.

Men are obliged to meditate, concert and digeft their
plans of future conduct before they begin to afl:, and then
it is called their purpofe, refolution, or defign, as dif-
tinft from the aSiual execution. From this we fecm
by analogy to borrow the divine decrees. Yet every
thing that implies, or arifes from ignorance, uncertainty,
weaknefs, or imperfection, muft be as much as is in our
power, feparated and abftracted, when we fpeak of the
decrees of God.

This leads us to obferve, that it has often been remark-
ed by divines, that we are not to confider the divine de-
crees, in fo far as they are adts of the divine will, as being
any thing different or diftinft from the divine nature.
There are fome who have ufed the expreffion immanent
decrees, a phrafe which I confefs I do not in the leaft de-
gree underftand the meaning of, aqd therefore I can nei^

9 8 Lectures on Dmnity,

ther afErm'nor contradiift it; without doubt we are to fepa-
rate every thing belonging to created weaknefs. We are
not to fuppofe that God needs forethought to difcover, or
time to digeft his plans, or that by any aft of his will he
feeks information, or feeks or receives gratification from any-
thing without him — If by calling the decrees of God im-
manent a£ls, it is meant to deny thefe, it is fo far juft. But
when it is affirmed that the afts of the divine will, are the
fame with the divine nature, as if this explained the diffe-
rence between divine and human volitions, this I confels
is to me quite incomprehenfible.

In what fliall be further offered on this fubjeft, I fliall
follow this method : —

1. Speak a little of the obje£t of the divine decrees.

2. Of the order of the decrees.

3. Of the pharafter, quality, or attributes of the decrees
as given in fcripture,

4. Of their ufes.

1. Let us Gonfider the objedl of the decrees, and of this
but a little, becaufe it will occur again where it is of mo-
ment to examine it ; yet it will throw fome light upon
fome parts of the doftrine, to obferve,

(i.) That the objefts of the divine decrees, are ftridtlyand
properly univerfal ; fo much fo indeed, as not to admit of
any exception, or fliadow of exception — all creatures, and
all their actions, and all events. Let us vary it as we pleafe.
Hill it relates to every aftion, and every mode of the afliion,
and eveiy quality that can be attributed to it — whatfoever
comes to pafs. The reafon pf this is plain — whatever we
fhall think fit to fay upon the connexion or influence of
one creature or thing upon another, from which all the
difficulty and confufion arifes, yet every fuch thing, and
that connexion itfelf, as much as the things to which it
relates, is the objeft to which the divine foreknowledge, and
the divine purpofe extended. One would think that men
fliould be agreed on this point ; and probably they are fo,
if they underllood one another ; all but thofe extravagant
perfons, as they may ^ell be called, who finding them-
felves hard prefTed by the arguments drawn from the di-

Lectures on Divinity < jf

vine prefciencc, have thought it beft to deny the foreknow-
ledge of God altogether, or affirm that nothing that is fu-
ture can pofllbly be certainly, or any more than conjec-
turally known, till it happens. — But this fentiment is i'o
repugnant to fcripture, and indeed to the common fenfe
and reafon of mankind, that few have firiftly and fincerely
defended it, though fome have occafionally and hypocri-
tically advanced it.

(2.) With refped to the object of the divine decrees, it
muft be admitted, that there is fome difference between
the light in which fome events and aiSlions are to be con-
fidered, and others — The great difliculty indeed, and that
which will fpeedily fet bounds to our enquiry on the fub-
jeft, is to fhew wherein the difference confifts ; yet it is
equally certain, from revelation and reafon, that natural
good and evil, and moral good and evil, are to be confi-
dered as not in the fame fenfe,the objeft of divine appoint-
ment. This leads us to the

lid. General head, which was to confider the order of
the decrees. Many things may be, and many things have
been faidvrpon thisfGbje(ft — Divines who have publillicd
fyftems, have generally exercifed their ingenuity in giving
what they call an order of the decrees. The chief thing
fuch writers have in view, is to form a conception for
themfelves and others, with regard to, and to account for,
the divine purpofes, with regard to the final Hate of man.
The orders which have been laid down by different wri-
ters, are fo very numerous, that they all feem to me to la-
bor under, and equally to labor under, this prodigious
weaknels, that they reprefent the Supreme Being as vary-
ing and marfhalling his views, and comparing as men do,
which yet is acknowledged to be wrong. — They alfo feem
to carry in them the fuppofition of fucceffive duration ;
yet fucceffive duration we have generally agreed not to be
aicribed to God, although, of any other kind of exigence,
we have not the leaf^conpeption. It is impoffible for me to
go through all the different arrangements that have been
made by particular authors : I fliall therefore only give
you a fuccindt view of the chief differences of divines of
different claffes — Calvinills, ArmenianSj Socinians.

8o Lectures on Divinity.

Calvinids are divided upon this fubjeft into two foftS,
commonly called Supra! apiarians and Sublapfarians. The
reafon of the names are from one being of opinion that
God in ordaining the eledl and reprobate confidered man
as before the fall, and the other as fallen and in a Hate
of guilt.

The firfl: fay that in laying down a plan, what is lafl: in
the execution is firft in the intention, that God purpofed
to glorify his mercy and juftice in the everlafting felicity
of fome called veflels of mercy ; and in the everlafting
perdition of others called veffels of wrath. That to
accomplifli this purpofe he refolved to create the world,
to put man in a condition in which he would certainly
•fall ; to fend the Redeemer in the fullnefs of time to carry
on the whole plan of falvation, as we now find it in the
oracles of truth.

The Sublapfarians fay, that the order of purpofing
fliould be the fame as the order of execution. That the de-
crees of God being eternal, there can no order of time be
applied to them, but that which takes place in the execu-
tion. Therefore they fay that God propofed to make
man innocent and holy, with powers to preferve his inno-
cence, but liable to fall ; that he forefaw the fall, and per-
mitted it, and from the corrupted mafs freely chofe fome
as the objefts of mercy, and left others to perilh in the
ruins of their apoftacy, and that to accomplifli this pur-
pofe he refolved to fend the Saviour, &c.

It is eafy to fay fomething very plaufible on each fide
of the queilion between the two : it feems very flrong
what Sublapfarians fay, that the idea of time and order be-
longs only to the execution : but why do they alfo fpeak
of order, when it is certain that as far as we can clearly
fpeak of defign or purpofe at all, the means feem to be de-
figned for the end, and not the end for the means.
The Sublapfarians have alfo this evident advantage of all
the reft that they have the fovereignty of God directly, for
what all the reft are obliged to come to at last. It muft be
obferved that the ftrongeft Sublapfarians do conftantly affert
the holinefs and jufticeofthe divine providence. If you
aflc them how they reconcile the divine juftice with the ab-

Lectures on Dhiiiiiy. 8^

folute and certain event they confefs they cannot explain
it ; but they affirm that all that the others fay to this is
perfedlly trilling, and lefs reafonable than their confei-
lion of ignorance.

The Arminians fay that God decreed to create man
iimocent ; and that after he had fallen he refolved for fu-
tistatlion to juftice, to appoint a Saviour ; that he decreed
to fave thofe that fhould believe and repent ; to give to
all fufficient grace for that purpofe ; and finally to fave and
reward thofe who fliould endure to the end. It is plain
that whatever reafon they may offer with great plaufible-
nefs for feveral things when taken in a feparate ami de-
tached view, nothing can be weaker than the Arminian
fcheme confidered as a fyftem of the divine purpofe, b.e-
caufe they leave out or fufpend the purpofe at every llage.

As to the Socinians they do generally deny the reality
of the decrees altogether, and fay that the event is wholly
uncertain and fufpended upon the will of the creature — ■
as many of them as maintain or admit the foreknowledge
of God, do it contrary to their other principles.

If 1 were to fay any thing upon this fubjeO; (I mean the
order of the decrees) I would fay nearly as Pulit, ii> his
fyftem as contained in the notes upon Rulet, has faid,
which is in fubftance this, that God refolved from all
eternity to manifeft his own glory, and illuftrate his moral
excellence, wifdom, power, holinefs, juftice, goodnefsand
truth, in the produftion and government of a created fyftem.
That for this purpofe the whole fyftem, and all the fafts of
which it confifts and their dependence one upon another,
and the order itfelf in which they were to take place, were
ordained. If the whole, then certainly every particular part
as fully as the whole, is the objefil of oneabfolute decree.
In this view they are all upon a footing ; at the fame time
we do not pretend to difpute that things are ordained
widi confiderable difference ; but this difference it is hard
or impoflible for us to explain. There is certainly a dif-
ference between the ordination of things natural, and thofe
which are fmful or holy. The very fmful difpofition, confi-
dered as becoming a part of the general plan, is certainly as

fifi Lectures on Dhhtity.

holy an ordination as any other, yet the fcripture teaches
us to confider this as a thing quite different from God's
determining to fend his Son into the world to fave fmners.
It feems to be a matter infilled on in the llrongell manner in
fcripture, that the evil or gtiilt of every creature is to be
afcribed to the creature, as to its proper and adequate caufe;
at the fame time it feems fully as plain that whatever con-
nection there may be between one evil and another, the
choice of the veffels of mercy is free and unconditional,
and that the rejedlion of others is imputed to the fove-
reignty of God, Luke lo, 21. John 12, 39. That
the choice of the veffels of mercy is free and fovereign ap-"
pears from the words of fcripture ; from their univerfal
ftate — dead in trefpaffesand fms; from their vifible charac-
ter, and from the means of their recovery — I mean the
omnipotence of divine grace.

LECTURE Xin.

I NOW proceed to the third thing upon this fubjeft,-
which was to confider the character, qualities and at-
tributes of the decrees of God, as they are given to them
in fcripture in exprefs terms, or manifeftly founded up-
on fcripture truths, and particularly upon iuch truths as
relate to the decrees. Of this the chief are what follow.
. (i) Eternity. We have exprefs mention made, Eph.
3, II. of Gods eternal purpofe,: and believers are faid to
be chofen in Chriit before the foundation of the world.
The lall exprcffion is of the fame import with the firft ;
for whatever is before the beginning of time is to be con-
fidered as eternal. This indeed is effential to the divine
purpofe, infeparable from the very meaning of the word
decree ; and if I am not miftaken one of the chief things
vve are to be taught by it is, that whatfoever comes to pais
in revolving years, is noUoofe but fixed in the divine mind

Lectures on Dhin'ny, Ijj

before time itfelf began. It is exceeding difficult
however, at once to reftrain an improper curiofity, and
to fpeak with precifion on the fubjeft and withlafety. Some
have raifed a queftion, whether there is not a necefllty of
fuppofing the exiftence and the nature of God as previous
to his decrees. To which it is commonly faid, that there
is a priority of order, though not of time ; a priority like
that of tiie caufe to its infeparable effeft ; as the lun is the
caufe of light, yet the creation of the fun would not be
before or antecedent to the light; they are infeparable and
necefiarily exillent. One would think there was nothing
amifs in this way of fpeaking, or of laying in confe-
quence of it, that the decrees are to God's nature as an
eternal cfFe£t to an eternal caufe ; and yet I am afraid
there is here what we find in many fubjeiSs of theology,
a mixture of repugnant ideas intricate and difficult, eter-
nity, and time — beginning, and no beginning. When
we fpeak of an effi;£t of a caufe, we cannot do otherwife
than think of fomething produced, fome alteration, or
fomething that was not before. This is the cafe with all
the fimilitudes brought to illuflrate it, as the creation of
the fun and the co-exiftence of light, or another made ufe
of by fome of the refined Arians, who meant to fay the
Son is produced by the Father, as an eternal effeiSl of an
eternal caufe — as the print of a man's foot in the fand is
caufed by his fetting down his foot, but not pofterior in
point of time. But all this is truely abfurd when fpeaking
of God, becaufe it includes fome definite idea of what
might and did begin to take place. I fliould be apt to
think that one of the chief reafons why any thing is re-
vealed to us concerning the decrees of God, is to give us
an awful impreffion of his infinite majelly, his fupreme
dominion, and the abfolute dependance of every creature
upon him ; fo that it is enough for us to fay, that his pur-
pofe is before all worlds, antecedent to all time or the idea
of fucceffion, being indeed entirely infeparable from the
idea of his exiflence.

(2) The next thing to be confidered is the liberty of
God in his decrees. They are according to the council
of his own will. Almoft all the fyftems fay that God did

84 Lectures on Divinity.

rnofl: wifely, mod juftly, and mod freely, decree vvhatfo-
ever comes to pafs.

The chief objeftion to this arifes from what ufed to
be called many years ago the Beltiftan fcheme, of which,
whatever chance traces may be feen in former authors,
Leibnitz is the proper author. Of this fcheme it is the
leadingpart. or rather the foundation of the whole, to fay that
God infinitely wife and good muft neceflarily choofe the bcft
in every thing. That therefore of all poffible fyftems this
which he has chofen, becaufe it has taken place, muft ne-
ceffarily be the belt, and he could not choofe any other ; fo
that from the unalterable reftitude of his nature, he is as in-
variably determined bj'^his neceffity as any of his creatures.
This boafled demonftration would be defenfible perhaps,
were it not that its very foundations are good for no-
thing. Its ideas are not applicable to the divine Being j
better and befl: are definite terms, and aftual comparifons.
We fay a thing is better when it is preferable to fome
others, and belt when it is a thing abfolutely preferable to
all others. Now with what propriety can it be faid that
in the plans that were pofiTible to infinite wifdom and pow-
er there is one beft. Have we comprehenfion fufScientto fee
tliis, and therefore to fay it? Itfeems to me that a demonftra-
tion might be given to the contrary. The whole fyftera of
creationis eitherfinite and temporal, orinfiniteand eternal.
If it be finite, it feems abfurd to fay that it would not
be made better by being made larger and fimilar ; and if
it was not from eternity it might have a been made many
thoufands of years fooner. If on the contrary it be in-
finite and eternal, the poffible combinations of an infinite
fyflem are truly infinite, and there cannot be a befi. The
patrons of this fcheme when prefTed with thefe difficulties
have recourfe to what they fhould have begun with, the
incomprehenfiblenefs of time and fpace, and fay that we
cannot apply any of the ideas of fooner or later to enter-
nity, or larger or leffer to fpace. The impoffibility of
uniting infinite to definite qualities fliould have preven-
ted them from faying that of all pofiible fyftems infinite
wifdom muft ch-aofe the bell ; but when we fpeak of time

' Lectures on Dhin'ity. 85

and fpace, nothing is more clear, than that if at any time
a thing has exiiled ten years, 1 can fiippofe that it exifted
twenty years ; and that if any thing be of finite extent, I
can fuppofe it enlarged as well as diminiflied. So great is
the obftinacy of people in adhering to their fyftems, that
Dr. Clark reduces an antagonift to the abfurdity of affirm-
ing, that though the univerfe were moved ten millions of
leagues in any direftion, it would ftill be in the fame
place ; and another writer of fome note, fays, either that
the thing is impoffible, that the world could have been cre-
ated fooner than it was, or that if it had been created 5000
years fooner, yet it would have been created at the fame time.
Befides this fcheme feems to me to labor under two great
and obvious difficulties — that the infinite God fliould fet
limits to himfelf, by the produdlion of a created fyftem — ■
It brings creation a great deal too near the creatpraf to fay
it is the alternative of Omnipotence. The other difficul-
ty is, that it feems to make fomething which I do not know
how to exprefs otherwife, than by the ancient ftoical fate,
antecedent and fuperior even to God himfelf; 1 would
therefore think it bell to fay, with the current of orthodox
divines, that God was perfeftly free in his purpofe and
providence, and that there is no reafon to be fought for
the one or the other beyond himfelf.

Let us confider the wifdom and fovereignty of his de-
crees ,- I put thefe together, not that they are the fame, but
that they feem, though not oppofite, to limit each other in
their exercife, and the one of which is ofi;en to be refolved
into the other. Wifdom is afcribed to the decrees of God ;
or rather, wifdom indeed is particularly afcribed t(? God
himfelf, as one of his eflential perfeftions, and therefore
by necefiaiy confequence, it muft belong to his provi-
dence in time, and his purpofes from eternity. — The
meaning of this as far as we can conceive, when ufed by
us, is that the befl and noblefl; ends are defigned, and the
beft and mofl: fuitable means in accomplifhing thefe ends.
And indeed all the wifdom that appears in the works and
ways of God when carried into efieft, muft be fuppofed
in the original purpofe. But how ihall we join the fove-
reignty with this I Sovereignty feems to refolve the whole

B6 Lectures on Dmnity.

into mere will, and therefore to ftand oppofed to the wif-
dom of the proceeding ; accordingly there are fome who
in fpeaking of the decrees, reft them entirely and totally on
the fovereignty of God, and fay that not only the reafons are
not made known and unfearchable to us, but that there is
ro reafon at all of preference of one thing to another, but
the divine will. I'here have been fome writers who have
founded the very nature of virtue and vice upon the divine
will. Thofe who think otherwife, ufually fay, it is making
the decrees not abfolute only, but arbitrary — not only un-
fearchable, but unreafonable : and indeed the founding
every thing upon mere will, feems to take away the moral
charadler of the Deity, and to leave us no meaning when
we fay God is infinitely wife and holy, juft and good. I
am however inclined to think that thofe who have gone
the furthefl upon the fovereignty of God, only meant that
we could not or ought not, to dive into the reafon of the
Divine Providence, that his will ought to bound all our
enquiries, and be a full and fatisfaftory anfwer to all our
difficulties ; and if it be taken in this way, it will, not be
eafy to overthrow it.

If we look into the fcripture doftrine upon this fubjeft,
we fhall, if I miftake not, fee both the wifdom and fove.
reignty of God aflerted in the ftrongefl: terms, united to-
gether and founded upon one another. Job ix. 4. " he is
*' wife in heart," — he is faid to be God only wife. Rev. xvi.
27. I Tim. i. 15. Jude 25. Eph. iii. 10. and Rom. xi.
38. fpeaking exprefsly of the decrees, " O the depth," &.c.
at the fame time, the fovereignty of God is aflerted, and
events refolved into it, Luke x. 2 1 . "In that hour Jefus
*' rejoiced in fpirit," &c. I would here call your attentiftn
to two paffages, very remarkable ; one in the Old Tefta-
ment, the other in the New. The book of Job it is agreed
by interpreters, was compofed exprefsly upon the diffi-
culty of Providence, arifing from the affliftions of good
men, and the profperity of the wicked ; but in that book,
after the reafoning of Job and his friends, when God him-
felf is brought in fpeaking out of the whirlwind, in the
38th and 39th chapters, he fays not one word, either of
the wifdom or juftrce of his proceedings ; but in language

Lectures on Dhinity. ~ 87

infinitely majeflic, difplays and dwells upon the greatnefs
of his power. — It is true indeed, the beautiful poetical dif-
play of the order of creation, may be faid to imply in it
wifdom as well as power; but if fo, all that is there ad-
vanced, is to illuihate the power and wifdom of the Crea-
tor, and by that means to impofe filence on the rafli chal-
lenges of the creature.

The other example is from the New Teftament, which
the Apoftle after introducing an objedlion againft the di-
vine purpofe as to the ftate of man, does not offer any
other reafoni but has recourfe to the fovereignty of God,
Rom. 7, 18, 19, 20. " Therefore it is not of him that
" willeth," &c.

It will be perhaps hard or impofPible for you to enter
into this at once, as I confefs it was to me in early life ;
but I now fee more of the neceffity of fubje£ling ourfelves
to the Divine Sovereignty, and making ufe of it to
rellrain and reprefs our ralli and curious enquiries. It
is finely imagined in Milton, that he makes a part of the
damned in hell to torment themfelves with unfearch-
able quefiions about fixed fate, foreknowledge abfolute.
It is certain that we cannot now fatliom thofe fubjefts —
if we ever fhall to eternity. As I hinted formerly
it is of confiderable ufe to obferve the analogy there is be-
tween the courfe of nature, providence and grace. There
are a vafi number of things in which we muft needs re-
folve the lall queflion, fo to fpeak, into the fovereignty of
God. Why did God fee it fit to people this world fo ve-
ry thinly ? Why does the improvement of human arts
proceed fo very imperfedlly ? Why is the chief blefifing*
that God ever bellow yet unknown to a vafl number of
the human race ? The ftate of a favage tribe and of a cul-
tivated fociety, how do they differ in the fame climate ?
Why was fo great a part of this vaft continent for fo ma-
ny ages a howling wildernefs — a dwelling for wild beafts,
and a few human creatures little lefs favage than they i" —
Why is one perfon born into the world a Have and ano-
ther a monarch ? Even with regard to morals, which
are the fource of the higheft dignity and the higheft hap-
pinefs — I could fuppofe one born iij a great but profligate

88 Lectures on Droinity.

family, fupplied with all the means of indulgence, folicited
by the worii; examples, and befet by interefted flatterers ;
and I could fuppofe another born of pious parents, with the
moft amiable example, the moft careful inftruftion, the
mod regular government — why are there fo vaft advan-
tages given to the one, and fo hard a trial impofed on the
other ? muft we not fay " even fo Father," &c. In
ternporal and fpiritual, natural and perfonal circum-
ilances, there is every where to be feen much of the fove-
reignty of God.

IV. The next charafter of God's decrees is that they
are juft, and that they are holy. He is righteous in ail
his ways, and holy in all his works ; and it is the union
of righteoufnefs and holinefs with the moft unfearchable
depth of wifdom that gives occafion to the adoration, Rev.
13, 8. " Great and marvellous," &.c. nothing can be
more manifeft than that all the calamities which God in
his Providence inflifts on earth, and the future judgments
which he will inflift on the ungodly, are reprefented ^s
afts of juftice. The only difficulty or objeftion that lies
in the way of tliis arifes from the next particular to which
we will therefore proceed, viz.

V. That the decrees of God are fixed abfolute and un-
changeable ; that which he hath ordained Ihall certainly
come to pafs, and nothing can oppofe it, fubvert it, or take
its place. Here then the difiiculty arifes full upon us, how
fliall we reconcile this with the free agency of the creature,
with the guilt of fin, or the righteoufnefs of the punifhment
of fin ? yet this is affirmed by all found divines, as in the
confeflTion of faith, chap. 3, fedl. i. " God from all eter-
nity did by the moft holy and wife counfel of his own
will freely and unchangeably ordain whatever comes to
pafs; yet fo as thereby neither is God the author of fin,
nor is violence oftered to the will of the creature ; nor is
the liberty or contingency of fecoud caufes taken away,
but rather eftabliflied." This fubjeft has exerciied the
reafon of men in all ages fo far as it has been propofed to
them, but particularly that of divines. The fubjeft is
dark and intricate as any body m^y eafily perceive.

Lectures on Dhinity. ' 89

it is remarkable what weak things fometimes men of
{<in{c will iky upon Rich fubjefts, when it feems necel-
fary to them to iay fomething in favor of their own hypo-
thefis. One writer propofes to liimfelf to reconcile this
diflerence, and fays God foreiees and predetermines ac-
tions in dilTerent ways, and each according to its own
nature ; that he forefees neceflary aftions as necefTary, free
actions as free, and contingent events as contingent.
This is juil faying nothing at all, and it had been better
to have faid nothing than to have faid it. Every body
knows that as far as theie different kinds of anions and
events take place in the fydein, they are fo ordained of
God ; But it behoved this author to fliew how any
aclion could be free, or any event contingent upon the
fuppofition of the Divine Providence or decree.

Others have attempted to folve the difficulty by found-
ing the decrees upon foreknowledge, and this upon God's
dillintl and perfect view of every perfon's difpofition ;
and how men will determine in every circumllance, in
which they can be placed. But tills is liable to two ob-
jetlions (i) that foreknowledge makes 1:10 difference as
to decrees, for whether God confidered the thing as a con-
feqiaence of another or not, if he forefaw the confequence,
he adiiiitted and ordained that event as a part of the gene-
ral fyftem. The other objeftion is, that it takes for grant-
ed the fyftem of what is called moral neceffity, which
brings back the fame difficulty with re-doubled force.
It is remarkable that the advocates for neceffity have
adopted a diftindlion made ufe of for other piirpofes, and
forced it into their fervice ; I mean moral and natural
neceffity — theyfaynaturalor phyfical neceffity takes away
liberty, but moral neceffity does not — at the fame time they
explain moral neceffity fo as to make it truly ph}fical or na-
tural. That is phyfical neceffity which is the invincible ef-
fect of the law of nature, and it is neither lefs natural nor lefs
unfurmountable if it is from the laws of fpirit, than it would
be if it were from the laws of matter. To fee how fome
people are loft upon thefe fubjefts, you may obferve that the
great argument that men are determined by the ftrongeft
motive, isamereequivocation,andwhatlogicians cdWpstitio

go Lectures on Divinity.

principii. It is impoffible even to produce any medium of
proof that it is the itrongeft motive, except that it has pre-
vailed. It is not the greateft in itfelf, nor does it leem
to be in all refpefts ilrongeft to the agent ; but you fay it
appears Ilrongeft in the mean time — why ? Becaufe you
were determined by it : alas you promifed to prove
that I was determined by the strongest motive, and you.
have only fliown that I had a motive when I afted.
But what has determined you then ? can any effeft be
without a caule ? I anfwer — I'uppofing my felf-determin-
ing power to exift, it is as real a caufe of its proper and dif-
tinguifliing efFeft, as your moral neceffity ; fo that the
matter jull comes to a Hand, and is but one and the fame
thing on one fide and on the other.

But even fuppofe the fyftem of neceffity true, the dif-
ficulty of reconciling it with the guilt of fm, and the
righteoufnefs of God*s judgment, is as great as upon any
fubjefil whatever. Others have made uie of a metaphifi-
cal argument to reconcile foreknoledge with liberty. They
fay when any thing is done in time it only fhews the
futurity of the adlion, as the fchool men fay it was a
true propofition from all eternity that fuch a thing would
be done, and every truth being the object of the divine
knowledge, God's forefeeing it was no more the caufe
of it than a man's feeing another do a thing at a diftanee
is the caufe of its being done. But even this does not fa-
tisfy the mind, as the difliculty arifes from the certainty
of the event itfelf, as being inconfiftent with the fi-eedom
of the agent, not the way in which it comes to be known.
It deferves particular notice that feveral able
writers have fliewn, that with refpeft to the mod
dilEcult part of the decrees of God, all the feveral
fefts of Chriftians at bottom fay the fame thing,
except that clafs of Socinians who deny the omnifcience
and foreknowledge of God altogether, and they are fo
directly oppofite to the letter of fcripture that they deferve
jw regard. — The Arminians fay, that God has decreed
that all that he forefaw would believe and repent, Ihould
be faved — for which purpofe all have fufficient grace
given them. But could not omnipotence have given
them effectual grace to overcome their obftinacy ? Yes

Lectures on Divinity. 91

without doubt ; and are there not feme that had as obfli-
nate and profligate natures as thofe that perifli, overcome
by Divine power ? — Yes, it is not eafy to deny this — that
he did not give the effe(!tual grace to fome, and gave it to
others. So that they mufl: at laft fay, "even fo Fathep,"&c.

It is more eafy to fhew that the Supralapfarians and
Sublapfarians are at bottom of the fame principle. All
then have this difficulty before them — to account for
the divine purpofe confiftently with the guilt of fm.

But I would go a little farther and fay the difficulty is
the fame in natural as it is in revealed religion, and the
fame in the courfe of nature as in both. The certainty
of events makes as much againft common diligence in
the affairs of life, as againft diligence in religion. The
fates which the ftoics of old held, was called the ignava
ratio of the ftoics.

For my own part I freely own that I could never fee
any thing fatisfadlory in the attempts of divines or Meta-
phyficians to reconcile thefe two things ; but it does not
appear difficult to me to believe precifely in the form of
our confeffion of faith — to believe both the certainty of
God's purpofe and the free agency of the creature. Nor
does my being unable to explain thefe doctrines form an
objeftion againft one or the other.

LECTURE XIV.

OF the covenant of works and the fall of man — This
feems to be the next thing in order -That I may

treat of it as concifely as poffible, I will make the following
obfervations.

I. Itisjuftlyand properly by divines, confidered as
a covenant. The word covenant is not indeed made ufe
of by Mofes in giving the hiftory of the fall for which ma-

^2 Lectures on Divinity.

ny reafons may be affigned. The fcripturc does not fo
much limit the phrafe as fix the thing itfelf, which we now
exprei's by it. The word covenant is ufed with latitude
in icripture. Thus, Jer. 33, 20, 25. " Thus faith the
" Lord if you can break my covenant." Scg. It may be
obierved that there muft of neceffity be feme impropriety
in calling any tranfaftion between God and man a cove-
nant, becaufe it muft differ confiderably from an engage-
ment of perfons equal and free. But as far as there can
be a covenant relation between Gpd and man, it evident-
ly took place here. The giving a fpecial command with
a threatening annexed does evidently iniply in it fuch a
covenant.

2. It feems juft and proper to fuppoffe that merely abr
flaining from the tree of knowledge of good and evil was
not the only duty prefcribed and demanded by God, but
that the demand extended to univerfal obedience.

The Jewifti Rabbles fay, that God gave Adam fix pre-
cepts ; (i) to worlhip God ; (2) todojuftice; (3) not
to flied hmnan blood ; (4) not to make ufe of idols or
images; (5) not to commit rapine and fraud; (6) to a-
void inceft. But all this is without the leaft proof.

3. We may confider the choice of the command for
trial, not to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil.
This may give occafion to many conjectures, and Jike-
wife to many folid remarks. It is conjectured by many
that the tree had in it a noifome quality that made the
body liable to corruption, as God often orders his com-
mands fo that obedience to them is of itfelf happinefs,
and difobedience is mifery. If we fuppofe the eating
this tree had r,qthing in itfelf either gpod or evil, and it
is aflced why God thought fit to fufpend the fate of the hu^
man race on a pofitive precept — It may be anfwered,
firft as an aft of fovereignty, to which we have no right to
objedt. (2) It might alfo be more proper for the trial of
obedience, as the mere authority of God would be the
fimftion. (3) It was a juft and natural acknowledgment
that the creature held all created comforts of God. (4) ,
There were then fo few relations that there could be no
trial upon the precepts of the fecond table.

Lectures en Dhinhy'. 93

4. It appears thai Adam in the covenant of works,
was to be confidered ixs the foederal head and reprefenta-
tive of the human race, as he was then the natural head.
By the manner in which the human race was to defcend
from him, the punifliment inflidled upon him, muft of
courfe defcend to them. If wc fuppofe that God might
juftly create an order of beings like to what man is, to
defcend from one another, and to propagate the nature
which he had, the matter could not have fallen out other-
wife in cafe of fin than it did.

J. Let us confider the import of the threatening. In
" the day thou eateft thereof, thou fhalt furely die :" That
tem^xiral death was to be underftood by it, and all the
fufferings preparatory to death, muil neceflarily be ad-
n'/itted. That it fuppofes alfo fpiritual death, or the re-
paration of the foul from God, is a neceflary circum-
llance in the whole of this matter. The expi'effion. Gen.
iii. 22. " Behold the man is become like one of us," &.c.
js by no means to be taken as if God was afraid they would
eat of the tree of life, and hereby become immortal. The
greatefl part of interpreters confider thefe words as fpo-
ken by way of derifion, and as it is alfo probable that this
tree had much in it of a health-giving quality, it was not
proper that men devoted to fo many fufferings fliould be
permitted the ufe of it. And as a facrament it was to be
refufed to thofe who had broken the covenant, and were
therefore unworthy of the fign.

Of the Fall.

Before we fpeak farther of the fall of man by the breach
of the Covenant of works, it may be expefted that we
fliould confider a little the introdudion of fin or moral evil
in general. Why did God permit fin and the train of
evils that follow it .' This has been a queftion that haS
exercifed enquirers from the beginning, and efpecially
under the gofpel- I have treated a little upon this in the
difcourfe upon the decrees and fliall only further drop a
.few hints. Some fay that it was a neceflary confequence
of creating free agents ; but there are many objecTtions to

^4 Lectures on Divinity.

this. Itis neithet certain that itwasanecelTary confequence,
nor that there is any fuch worth in the free agency of the
creature as to deferve to be preferved, at the price of this
evil and its train. Some have faid that the evil natural
and moral was neceflary to the perfeclion of the whole,
as thefliade of a picture to the beauty of the whole piece.
This is the fubftance of the Beltiflian fcheme,the founda-
tion of which I mentioned before with the objeftions
againft it. I fhall now only add, that upon this fyllem it
is neceflary to fuppofethat all the good, natural and moral,
that the univerfe could pofllbly admit, is to be found in it.
This is exceedingly difficult to believe from appearances,
and it is impoffible to fupport it without laying God him-
felf under the chains of neceffity. It is certainly infinite-
ly preferable to take fcripture truths juft as they Hand, that
God is infinitely holy — has teftified his abhorrence to fin
— and therefore cannot be the author of it — that he has.
notwithflanding moft jufl;ly permitted it — .and that he will
illuftrate his own glory by it — but that thedifpofition of his
providence and grace is to us unfearchable.

There is mention made in fcripture of the angels that
finned ; from which it appears that fin was introduced
among them. The fcriptures have not informed us of
many circumftances on this fubjeft, which as ufual, men
of fertile inventions have endeavored to fupply by con-
jeftures, or to determine from very flender evidence.
Some have even prefumed to determine the number of
the fallen Angels, or at leaft their proportion to thofe tliat
flood, from Rev. 12. 3. 4. " And there appeared another
^' wonder in heaven, and behold a great red Dragon ha-
*' ving feven heads and ten horns, and feven crowns upon
" his>heads, and his tail drew the third part of the liars
" of heaven, and did caft them to the earth." But this is
a mifapplication of the paffage in that prophecy which be-
longs to tlie vifible church on earth. Some have faid
the fin of the angels was envy — fome impiety or lufl: ;
but the greater number pride ; and this lafl: feems to
have the moft truth in it, not becaufe we know any thing
certain of the circumftances of their rebellion ; but bo*

Lectures on Dh'mlty. 95

taufe pride or felf-fufEciency feems to be the efl'ence or
ruling part of all our fin.

W e do not know the time of their fall, nor indeed with
much certainty the time of their creation. We only know
that their fall was before that of man — and that God paf-
led by the Angels that hnned — and that they are referved
in cliains under darknefs to the judgment of the great
day.

Some have exercifed themfelves in conjefluring how
long our firll parents continued in the Hate of innocence.
Some fuppofe they fell upon the firft day of their creation.
— others that they continued in innocence fonie years.
There is nothing faid in the book of Genefis that can
determine this point with certainty, nor is it of much mo-
ment, could it be determined.

Eve is faid to have been tempted by the ferpent, and by
many paffages of fcripture it is put beyond a doubt, that it
was by the Devil or Prince of the fallen angels. It ought
not to be underflood allegorically. Probably he made ufe of
this creature as the fittell form in which he could appear.
Many have fuppofed it was one of the bright fiery ferpents
that are feen in Arabia (and fome parts of the eaft) and that
he appeared to Eve as an angel, which would the more eafily
account for the deception. If this opinion is embraced,
we mult however fuppofe that the ferpent was more glo-
rious before the fall than fince, in his appearance ; and in-
deed it is probable that moft or all the creatures were more
excellent in their kind, before than after the fall.

But what we are chiefly to attend to, is the confequence
of the fall upon Adam and his pofterity. As to them-
felves, they loft a great part of the image of God, in which
they were created. They became the objeds of divine
dilpleafure ; their eyes were opened, and they felt fhame
for their nakednefs ; were ftruck with the alarm of an evil
confcience ; were driven from the terreftrial paradife ;
expofed to many fufFerings which were to end in death ;
and obliged to labor on the accurfed ground. Some few
of the ancients have believed that our firft parents periflied
.eternally ; but that has been far from the general belief,

96^ Lectures on JDhinity.

which has been, that as the firfl: .promife was made iti
them, they underftood and improved ft, and receivetl con-
folation by it.

As to the efFeft of Adam's fm upon his pofterity, it
feems very plain that tlie Hate of corruption and wicked-
nefs which men are now in, is dated inlcripture as being
the efFe£t and punilhment of Adam's firfl fin, upon which
it will be fufiicient to read the epiflle to the Romans^
chapter 5, from the 12th verfe and onward. And indeed
when we confider the univcrfality of the effeils of the fall,
it is not to be accounted for any other way, than from
Adam's being the foederal head of the human race, and
they finning in him and falling with him in his firft
tranfgreflion.

The firfi and chief of thefe efFecls is the corruption of our
nature — that man now comes into the world in a flate of
impurity or moral defilement. We will firft confider the
fcripture proof of original fin, and then fay as far as we
have, warrant from fcripture, what it is and the manner
of its conmiunication.

I fhall firll mention the following paflages of fcripture,
Gen. ^,6^ and 21. " And God faw," Sec. Pfalm 37, 5.
" Behold I was fliapen in iniquity," Sec. John 3, 6.
" That which is born," Sec. Rom. 8, 7, 8. Eph. 2, 3.
" And were by nature the children of wrath, even as
" others."

After confidering the above paflages let me ob-
ferve to you that in this as in moft fubjefts, the' general
llrain of the fcripture is fully as convincing as particular
pafl'ages. The univerfal command of making atone-
ment — Children receiving the badge of the covenant —
the tenor of the promifes, I will take away the fl^ony
heart out of your flefli — " the force of the Pfalmiit David's
prayer, "create within me a clean heart," — and many,
others of the fame import; but above all this dofitrine of
our Saviour, John 3, 3. " Verily, verily," Sec. To all
this you may add experience. The univerfal and early
corruption of men in pradtice is a Handing evidence of the
impurity of their original.

Lectures oh Divinity. g^

■ What is the hiflory of the world but the hiftory of hu-
rnan guilt ? and do not children from the firfl: dawn of
I'eafon fliow, that they are v/ife to do evil ; but to do
good they have no knowledge !

As to the nature of original fin and the tranfmlffion
of it, I think n fev/ words may fuffice. We certainly
difcover in mankind, not only a difpofition without re-
ftraint to commit errors of a grofs nature, but in general
an attachment to, and love of the creature more than the
Creator. It may not be improper here to confider the
queftion, whether the whole nature is corrupt, fo that
whatever we do is fm. It will be, I think very eafy to
fettle this point, if the meaning of the enquiry be clearly
underflood. If the fupreme defire of the mind, and lead-
ing principle be wrong, then every thing that is direfted
by it miifl; have the nature of fin.

Thbfe who reprefent it in this light, do by no means
affert that every aft in every part of it is evil. Such as
to fpeak trtith — to do juftice — to fhew mercy, which
certainly an unholy man may do. Nay I fuppofe even
the greatefi: finner that ever was fpeaks twenty true
words, where he fpeaks one that is falfe. But what is
meant to be alTerted is, that every adtion of an unregene-
rate man is effentially defeftive as a moral duty, becaufe
flowing from a wrong principle, and tending to a wrong
end. Let us fiippofe a man inflexibly fober and tempe-
rate from a concern for his health or a covetous delire
of fparing his money, and one fliould fay there is no true
virtue in this. It wiauld be ridiculous to fay that we af-
firmed that fobriety was not a virtue, or that the perfon
concerned finned in being fober. This will appear by
expreffing the fentiment in another form. Everv bodjr
would underftand and approve it, if we fliould fay there
is no virtue at all in that mifer who ftarves his belly, or
clothes himfelf with rags, only to fill his purfe.

As to the tranfmiffion of original fin, the queflion is
to be fure difficult, and we ought to be referved upon the
fubjedt. St. Auguftine faid it was of more confequence
to know how we are delivered from fin by Chrift, than
how we derive it from- Adam. Yet we ihall fay a few

98 Lectures on DhhiHyi

words on this topic. It feems to be agreed by tlie great-
eft part that the foul is not derived from our parents by
natural generation, and yet it feems not reafonable to
fuppoie that the foul is created impure. Therefore it
Ihould follow that a general corruption is communicated
by tjie body, and that there is fo clofe a union between
the foul and body that the impreflions conveyed to us
through the bodily organs, do tend to attach the affec-
tions of the foul to things earthly and fenfible. If it
Ihould be faid, that the foul on this fuppofition muit be uni-
ted to the body as an a6l of punifhment or feverity : I would
anfwer, that the foul is united to the body in confequence
of an aft ofgoverranent, by which the Creator decreed, that
men fhould be propagated by way of natural generation.
And many have fuppofed that the fouls of all men that
ever fliall be, were created at the beginning of the world,
and gradually came to the exercife of their powers, as
the bodies came into exigence, to which they belong.

LECTURE XV.

OF Sin in general and its demerit ; and of aOiual fin,
and its feveral dlvifions.
Of fin in general, and moral evil, we may obferve, that
the fcripture uniformly reprefents it to us in the moftodi-
ous light. Of God it is fald " he is of purer eyes than to
behold iniquity." It is faid to be that which his foul hates.
To grieve him — to difhonor him — and to provoke his
wrath. And though we mufl: exclude from our minds,
every thing in thefe frequent expi-effions that belong to
human palfions or wickednefs, the juft and legitimate
inference to be drawn from it is the great and unfpeakable
evil of fin.

Lectures on Dhhnty. ^p

As the evil of fm appears from every page of the facred
oracles ; fo it alfo appears in the cleared manner from
its efledts, and the mifery that follows it. All natural
evils are the fruits of fin — all the fufferings in the valley
of terror flioot from it ; and if we lay down the righte-
oufnefs of Providence, as a principle, Dr. Buder has fliewn
in his analogy, that the punifliment, and therefore the
guilt of fm is very great — that fometimes very great and
lafling fufFerings are the confequence of afts, one would
think not the mod atrocious. The contagion of fin —
The rage of violent pafilon — And the terror of confcience
in fome inftances, all tend to prove the evil of fin.

One can fcarcely have a clearer idea of the evil of fin,
than by comparing the effefls of piety and virtue, fo far
as our own experience has enabled us to form an idea of
them ; with the effedls of univerfal corruption and de-
pravity in any fociety.

Here perhaps it may be proper, juft to mention the
quefl:ion, whether it is proper to fay there is an infinite
evil in fin ? I would anfwer it thus, there is not a fingle
argument againfl: it ; only this, that the aflions done in
time by a finite creature cannot have in them an infinite
evil ; but this is not the thing denied : for all the fy Items
with one voice fay, that it is not infinite in all re i'pedls,
cthervvife all fins would be equal, which indeed it is faid
that the floics anciently have held. But as far as there
can be meaning to us in the exprefiTion, it mufc be pro-
per to fay the evil of fin is infinite : not only becaufe
when we confider the feveral j^articulars that illudrate
the evil of it, we fee no end to them, but becaufe fin is
properly an oppofition to the nature, and tranfgreflion of
the law of God. Now his nature being infinitely excel-
lent, and the obligation on us arifing from his infinite per-
fections in himfelf, his full propertj' in, and abiblute do-
minion over us ; I reckon that there mull be the very
fame juftice and propriety in faying that there is an infi-
nite evil in fin, as an infinite goodnefs in God.

Sin is explained in general in our Chatechifm, to be
a want of conformity unto, or tranfgrefllon of the law of
God. In this definition offinitis divided into fins of

loo Lecture^ on Divinity.

omifiion 01* commiffion. The law of God is a perfe6^
rule, and every deviation from it is fin, whether in the
matter of the duty or principle from which it ought to
flow. Anaftionto be truly good, muH be compleat in
all refpeft. Hence fome obferve that aftlons truly good
are equally good, becaufe they are perfeft, they compleat-
]y fulfil the law, and are performed at the very time
when it was required. But fins are not equally evil,
fome are very much aggravated in comparifon of others
from many circumftances eafy to imagine — Letonejuft
conlider the diftinftion of fins, with a remark or two up-
on each, (i) Sins of omifiion and commiffion. We
are not to fuppofe that fins of omifiion are conRantly,
and by their nature, lefs henious than fins of commifiion.
There are fome duties fo important, and the obligation
tq which are fo fl:rong and manifeft, that the oniiflaon of
them is an offence as much aggravated as any that can be
named, and much more fo than fo. ic fins of commifiion.
A total and habitual negleQ; of God's worfhip is certainly
much more criminal than fome raih injurious exprefiTions
which are fins of commiffion. (2) Sins voluntary and
involuntary. All fins may be faidto be in fome fenfe vo-
luntary, as lying properly in the difpofitipn of the heart
and will. Some are of opinion that original fin itfelf i^
voluntary, the corrupt bias from the corrupted frame
not taking away the liberty nppeffary to moral a£tion, and
the fin lying in the confent given to the folicitation.
It, is however certain that all aftual fin ftipuld be con-
lidered as voluntary, being fo in its nature. But fome
•fins are fi\id to be involuntary, when they are from inat-
tention, and fometimes when they are the effect of long
habit, fo that they are done without deliberation and with-
out reflection. — Thefe are not any way exciifable on that
accoOnt ; becaufe that want of attention is a very great
fin, and the power of habit has been contra£led by adls of
wickednefs.

3. There are fome fins of ignorance, fome againft
light — light in general is an aggravation of fin. jgno-
ranee, total and invincible, takes away all fin — But, ig-
norance may often be eafily prevented ; and fometimes

Lectures on Dlmnhy, idi

ignorance may be fo circumftanced as to aggravate fin,
as when it ariles from an averfion and hatred to the light.
This is nearly connefted with the opinion of the inno-
cence of error. There are great numbers who will needs
have it, that error in judgment cannot be criminal, if the
perfon is fincerely of that opinion which he profefles or
avows. This is called by bifliop Warburton, the mailer
prejudice of this age. But it is plain that error mult juil
be confidered as ignorance. To lay that a perfon niif-
takes his duty with perfect innocence, is to fuppofc God
has not given fufficient means of difcovering and diftin-
guiftiing truth from falfehood.

There are feveral other divifioi'u; of fins that may be in-
troduced ; fuch as fins in thought, in word and deed.
Filihinefs of the flefla and of the fpirit; occafional and reign-
ing fins : but as they have little difficulty in them, fo the
explanation of them is no way neceflary to the explaining
evangelical truth; for which reafon I will not difcufs them.

There are fpme maxims in eftimating the morality of
aStions, that, though generally admitted, carry fome dif-
ficulty in them, when applied univerfally ; as for exam-
ple ■ -that a fin is the more highly aggravated when it is
committed with little temptation ; and that a virtuous ac-
tion is more laudable, when it overcomes the greateft
temptations. If we extend this to inward, as well as out-
ward temptation, which is commonly done ; it feems to
take much from the merit of true holinefs in eminent
faints, and to annihilate altogether the excellency of the
Divine holinefs. The maxim muft therefore, either be a
millake, or mifapplied. One qf the contraries that flow
from it, is certainly true, viz. that an aftion is not praife-
worthy, in proportion as the contrary is vicious. It is
one of the highelt degrees of vice to be without natural
aflFeftion, and to negledl the common care of family and
relations ; but to take care of them, has but very litde that
is praife worthy in it. Whenever we find difficulty in thefe
things it is but reafoning them up to the quefl:ioii of liberty
and neceffity, the dependance and adivity of the creature,
where we fepuld always Hop fliort, as being above our com-
prehenfion.

tot Lectures on Divinity.

' There is one thing very remarkable, that in the fcrip,
tures, the fin of our nature is always adduced as an ag-
gravation of our guilt ; but loofe perfons in principle and
in practice, are apt to produce it as an extenuation of the
a£tual tranfgreflion which proceeds from it. Nor, I be-
lieve, is there any way by which men can be taken off from
fuch views, but by a thorough work of conviftion, and the
power of Divine grace. Therefore a minifter of great piety
and judgment once faid to me, " No man will cordially be-
lieve the dodtrine of falvation by grace, contained in our
Catechifm and confeflion, unlefs he is born of God."

I can Ihew by realbn that the fall of man, and the
corruption of our nature is contained in the fcripture. —
I can Ihew that it is entirely correfpondent with the
courfe of nature and the fyftem of Providence. But we
need hardly expeft that it will be received and approved
till the pride of the heart is brought down, and the finner
laid at the foot-ftool of divine mercy.

Another remark I Ihall make, and this alfo borrowed
from p. friend, that every error or departure from the
truth might be traced back to a want of convidlion, and
not having a due fenfe, of the evil of fin. Notwithftand-
ing all the boaft of concern for moral virtue, and the re-
peated objeflion that the doctrine of falvation by grace
leads to licentioufnefs, and favors immorality, it is an un-
humbled fpirit that makes fuch perfons oppofe the truth.
Self-vighteoufnefs is eafily traced back to this — all the
merit of works maybe reduced to it — had fuch pevfoi'^s a,
proper fenfe of the extent and fpirituality of the law of
God, they would never think of trulling in themfelves
that they are righteous: and did they feel the obligation
upon every intelligent creature, fupremely to honor the
living and true God, they would fee the evil of refufing
it ; but would never think of pleading any merit from an
imj:>erfei5t performance of that which is fo perfedlly due.

In the lall place, as to the inability of man to recover
himfelf by his own power, though I would never attempt
to efiabliih a metaphyfical fyftem of neceflity, of which
infidels avail themfeU^es in oppofition to all religion, nor

Lestures on Dhhiity, 103

jprefume to explain the influence of the Creator on the
creature ; yet nothing is more plain from fcripture or
better fupported by daily experience, than that man by
nature is in fadt incapable of recovering without the pow-
er of God fpecially interpofed. I will not call it a necef-
fity arifing from the irrefiftible laws of nature. I fee it is
not a neccflity ofthe famekind as conftraint ; but I fee
it an impoffibility fuch as the iinner never does overcome.
A late author in Scotland thinks he has difcovered the
great wheel that connefts the human fyflem with the
univerfal kingdom of God: that this race of creatures were
fuffered or ordained to come into exigence to be a Handing
monument to all other intelligences through the univerfe,
that a rational creature once departing from his allegiance
to his Creator, never could again recover it, but by his
own Almighty power and fovereign grace.

LECTURE XVI.

Of the Covenant of Grace,

WE come now to fpeak of the Covenant of Grace,
This, taking it in a large fenfe, may be faid to
comprehend the whole plan of falvation through Jefus
Chrift. I am not to mention every thing that belongs to
this fubjedt ; but before entering direftly into the conftitu-
tion of the covenant of grace, it will be proper to fpeak a
little of the doftrine of fatisfaftion for the guilt of a crea-
ture.

As to the firft of thefe. Was fatisfadlion or fome atone-
ment necelTary ? would it have been inconfiftent with di-
vine juftice to have pardoned fmners without it ? might
not the fovereignty and mercy of God have difpenfed with
the punifhment of fm, both in the fmner and in the fure-

io4 Lectures on Dhinity.

ty ? The agitation of this queftion, and the zeal that i^
ihewn by ibme upon it, I cannot help faying, feems td
arife from an inward averfion to the truth itfelf of the fa-
tisfaftion, and the confequences that follow from it. What
does itfignify, though any one fliould admit that God by
his fovereignty might have difpenfed ivith demanding fa-
tisfadionj if notwithftanding it appears in fact that he has
demanded and exaded it ? " that without fliedding of
blood there is no remiffion," and " that there is no other
name," Stc. Whether it has been fo oi'dained, becaufe to
have done otherwife would have been inconfiftent with
the divine perfeftions, or becaufe fo it feemed good unto
God, feems at leall an unneceffary if not an indecent
ciueftion. We have an infinite concern in v/hat God has
doiie, but none at all in what he might have done. On
what is really difficult upon this fubjeft, we may howe-s
ver make the few following remarks.

(i.) From its a£tually taking place as the will of God,
we have good reafon to fay it was the wifeft and bell ;
the rather that we find many of the highefl encomiums on
the Divine perfe£lions, as fliewing in this great difpenfa-
tion his power, wifdom, mercy arid jufiice. His wifdom
in a particular manner is often celebrated, Eph. 3. 10.
Rom. II. 33. At the fame time it is proper to obferve
the harmony of the divine attributes that the juftice of
God appears more awful in the fufferings of Chrift than if
the whole human race had been devoted to perdition ; and
his mercy more afcdniflling and more amiable in the gift
of his Son, than it could have been in the total remiffion of
all fin without any fatisfaftion, had it been poffible.

There is a particular proof of the neceffity of fatisfa6lion
that arifes from the death of Chrift, confidered as inti-
mately united with the Divine nature, which it has been
already proved that he pollefled. Can we fuppofe that
fuch a meafure would have been taken, if it had not been
neceffary ? Can we fuppofe that the eternal Son of God
would have humbled himlel; thus, and been expoicd to
fuch a degi-ee of temptation, and fuch amazing fufferings,
if it had not been neceffarv ?

Lectures on Divinity. 105

%. All the accounts given us in fcripture of the nature
of God, his perfeftions and government confirm this fup-
pofition. The infinite juffice and holinefs of his nature
are often mentioned in fcripture ; that he hates fm, and
cannot look upon it but with abhorrence, and particular-
ly that he will by no means fpare the guilty. It is fome-
times objected here, that juftice differs from other attri-
butes; and that its claims may be remitted, being due only
to the perfon offended. But this which applies in part to
man, cannot at all be applied to God. I iiy it applies
in part to man, becaufe a matter of private right, inde-
pendent of the public good, he may eafily pafs by.' But
it is not fo with magiflrates or public perfons, nor even
with private perfons, v/hen they take in the confideratioa
of the whole. Befides, when we confiderthe controverfy
about the juflice of God and what it implies, we fliall fee
the greatelt reafon to fuppofe what is called his vindi£live
judice, viz. a difpofition to punifli fin, becaufe it truly
merits it, even independently of any confequence of the
punilhment, either for the reformation of the perfon, or as
an example to others. The idea of juflice and guilt car-
ries this in it, and if it did not there would be an appa-
rent iniquity in punifhing any perfon for a purpofe dif-
ferent from his own good.

II. The fecond quefiion upon the fatisfaftion is, whe-
ther it was juft and proper to admit the fubllitution of an
innocent perfon in the room of the guilty. This is w hat
the Socinians combat with all their might. The}' fay it is
contrarv to juilice to punifli an innocent perfon; that God
mull always treat things as they really are, and therefore
can never reckon it any proper atonement for fin to
punifli one that never committed any fin. Before I flate
the reafoning in fupport of this fundamental doflrine of
the gofpel, I will firll briefly point out the qualifications
neceflary in fuch a fubftitution. (i) The fecurity under-
taking mull be willing ; it would certainly be contrary
to juilice to lay a punifhment upon an innocent perfon
without his confent. (2) He mull be free and independent
having a right over his own life, fo that he is not account-
able to any other for the difpofal of it. (3 ) The perfon

io6 Lectures on Dii'/nity.

having the demand muft be fatisfied and contented witfi
the fubftitution, inflead of perfonal punifliment. (4) That
the furety be truly able to make fatisfadtion in full. (5)
That it be in all refpeQs as ufeful, and that the fufFerer
be not loft to the public. (6) Some add that he be re-
lated and of the fame nature with the guilty. This is ge-
nerally added from the conflitution of Chrift's perfon,
and in that inllance furely has a great degree of fuitable-
nefs, but does not feem to me to be fo neceffary as the
other particulars for ellablifliing the general principle.

Now fuppofmg all thei'e circumftances, vicarious fatisfac-
tion for fin feems to me eafily and perfeftly julUfiable : to
make this appear, attend to the three following obferva-
tions.

(i) There is nothing in it at all contrary to juftice. If
aiiy innocent perfon were puniihed againll his will, or
laid under a neceflity of fuffering for the caufe of another,
it would evidently be repugnant to the idea of juftice.
But when it is done, as by the fuppofition, willingly and
freely, injuftice is wholly excluded. If we could indeed
fuppofe ignorance and rafhnefs in the undertaking, fo
that he confented to what he did not underftand, there
would be injuftice, but this alfo is wholly excluded in
the cafe before us.

(2) There is nothing in It contrary to utility, becaufe
it has precifely the fame effeft in demonftrating the evil
of fm in the one cafe as in the other. In any human
government it certainly ferves as much to ratify the law,
and in many cafes the exacting the debt with rigor of
a furety is a more awful fanftion to the law, than even
the fatisfaftion of the offending party. We have not in
all hiftory I think, an inftance of this kind fo ftriking as
the lawgiver of the Lorrians who had made a law, that
adultery fliould be punifhed with theJofs of both the eyes.
His own fon was fliortly after convicted of the crime ;
and to fulfill the law, he fufiered one of his own eyes to
be put out, and one of his Son's. Every body muft per-
ceive that fuch an example was a greater terror to others
than if ihe law had been literally inflifted on the offen-
der. After having mentioned thefe two particulars, I

Lectures on Dlvlnhy. ^oj

obferve that the thing is in a mod precife and exafl man-
ner laid down in fcripture. It is impoflible to invent
expreflions, that are either more flrong or more definite
than are there to be found. It is an obfervation of fome
of the Socinian writers that the word fatisfaction is not
to be found in fcripture, and in this they often triumph :
but nothing can be more ridiculous, for fatistadion is a
modern term of art, and unknown in that fenfe to an-
tiquity. But can there be any thing more plain than
that it is intended to exprefs the very meaning fo fully,
and fo varioufly expreffed both in the fcriptures and the
heathen writers. The word in the Old Teftament moft fre-
quently ufed is, atoning, making atonement for fin or for the
foul. AVhat could be more plain than not only the great
day of atonement, but the daily facrifice, in which cer-
tain men were appointed to reprefent the people of
Ifrael and lay their hands on the head of the devoted
beaft ; and confefs the fins of the people, which had not
any other intelligible meaning than the transferring the
guilt from the finner to the viftim. The fprinkling the
blood in the Old Teftament upon the horns of the altar,
whence by allufion the blood of Chrift is called the blood
of fprinkling, carries this truth in it, in the plainell man-
ner — and the prophecies of Ifaiah, chap. 53. 5. "he was
" wounded for our tranfgrefllon," he. " When he flmll give
his foul an oifering for fin." But were there the leall ob-
fcurity in the type, the truth as ftated in the New Tefta-
ment, would put the matter out of all doubt. The ex-
preffions are fo many that we cannot, and we need not
enumerate them all — " redeemed — bought with a price
— redeemed not with corruptible things, as filver or
gold, but with the precious blood of Chrift — This is my
blood flied for many, for the remiflion of fins — he gave
himfelf a ranfom for all — unto him that loved us, and
waflied us from our fins in his own blood."

I would juft add here, that as by the cpnftitution of our
nature, and our being made to defcend in a certain fuc-
ceflion by natural generation, there is a communication
ot guilt and impurity from Adam ; fo we have in human
fociety, and indeed infeparable from it, the idea of com-

io8 Lectures mi Dhinity.

munication by natural relation of honor and il^ame, hap-
pinefs and mifery, as well as the clearell: notion of volun-
tary fubftitution. We fee that the worth and eminent qua-
lities of any perfon, give ] ultra and dignity to his pblleri-
ty ; and wickednefs or bafenefs does juft the contrary.
"We fee that men may eafily, and do neceffarily, receive
much pleafure from the happinefs of their relations, and
mifery in fympathy with their fuffering. And as to vo-
luntary fubllitution, it is as familiar to us, as any tranfac-
tion in focial life. It is true ihere are not many inftan-
ces of men's being bound in their life for one another ; for
vi'hich feveral good reafons may be afiigned. There are
not many men of I'uch exalted geneiofity as to be willing
to forl'eit life for life ; it is rarely that this would be a pro-
per or adequate fatisfaftion to the law ; and it would not
he the intereit of human fociety, commonly to receive it.
Yet the thing is far from being inhuman or unpraftifed —
There are fome inftances in ancient times, in which men
have procured liberty for their friends, by being confined
in their room. And both in ancient and modern times,
hofiages delivered by nations, or public focieties, are obli-
ged to abide the punifiiment due to their conftituents.

(3.) The third queflion on the fubjefit of fatisfadlion is,
"Whether it was neceffary that the redeemer or mediator
lliould be a divine perfon ? It may be aflced, whether an an-
gel of the higheft order, who was perfedtly innocent, might
not have made fatisfaStion for the fins of men ? Perhaps
this is one of the-many queftions in theology, that are un-
necelTary or improper. It is fufficient to fay that it ap-
pears either to have been neceffary or beft, that one truly
divine fnould make fatisfaftion for fin, fince it has been or-
dained of God, who does nothing unneceflary.

But befides this, it feemsto be confonant to other parts of
revealed religion, particularly the infinite evil of fin ascom-
iiiitted againd God, for which no finite being feems fuffici-
ent toatone. To which we ma3radd,that all finite, depend-
ant, created beings are under fuch obligations themfelves,
that it is not eafy to fee what they can do in obedience to the
will of God, which can have any merit in it, or which they
would not be obliged to do for the purpofe of his glory at

Lectures on Dtvinhy. 109

any time ; neither does any created being leem fo much
his own mafter, as to enter into any fuch undertaking.

There is an objedlion made to this doftrine, fome-
times to the following purpofe. How could the fecond
perfon of the ever blcfTed Trinity be faid to make fatis-
faiflion ? Was he not equally offended with the other ?
Could he make fatisfailion to himfelf ? But this objeftion
is eafilv folvcd, for not to mention that we cannot transfer
with fafety every thing human toGod, the thing in queftion
is by no means unknown in human affairs. Though for the
payment of a debt on which the creditor infills, it would
be ridiculous to fay he might pay himfelf; yet in the
charafter of a magiftrate fitting to judge a criminal where
he reprcfents the public, it is no way unfuitable for him
to put oft' the public perfon, and fatisfy the demands of
juftice, and preferve the honor of the law.

Here I would conclude byjufl obferving, that therfe is
no neceffity of a furety's doing juft the fame thing in kind
that the guilty perfon was bound to do. The charafter
and dignity of the furety may operate fo far as to produce
the legal effeft, and make the fatisfaftion proper for giving
its due honor to the law. Thus in the fufferings of Chrifl,
the infinite value of the fufferer's perfon, makes the fuf-
ferings to be confidered as a juft equivalent to the eternal
fuficrings of a finite creature.

LECTURE XVII.

LET us proceed to the conftitution of the covenant, and
you may obferve that there is fome difference among
orthodox divines as to the way of ftating the parties and the
terms of the covenant of grace. There feems to be men-
tion made infcripture of a covenant or agreement between
the Father and the Son. This the generality of Calvi-

no Lectures on Divinity.

nifl divines confider as a feparate or preparatory contraCt,
and call it the covenant of redemption. Some however,
efpecially thofe who have been termed Antinomians, con-
fider this as properly the covenant of grace made with
Chrifl the fecond Adam, as reprefenting his fpiritual
feed ; and the covenant faid to be made with believers
to be only the execution or adminiftration of that cove-
nant, and therefore called a tedament, being the fruits
of Chrift's death, or ratified by the death of the teftator.
According to the different ways of viewing this matter,
they exprefs themfelves differently. The firft faying that
the condition of the covenant of grace is faith in Jefus
Chrifl ; and the other faying it is the righteoufnefs of
Chrift. 1 do not apprehend there need be any difference
between thofe now mentioned, and I obferve Mr. Wil-
lifon in his chatechifm takes it both ways. I fhall firft
very Ihortly fliew you from fcripture that there is plainly
mention made of a covenant, or a tranfaftion between
the Father and the Son, which if diftindt from the cove-
nant of grace may be properly enough called the covenant
of redemption.

There are many proniifes made direftly to the media-
tor refpedling this matter Pf 2. 6. " I declare the de-
" cree," Sec. Ifa. 5. 3. 10. " When he fhall make his
" foul," &c. Ifa. 41. 1. 6. 7. " Behold my fervant whom
" I uphold ; mine eleft in whom my foul delighteth, I
" have put my fpirit upon him, he fhall bring forth judg-
"■ ment to the Gentiles. I the Lord have called thee in
" righteoufnefs and will hold thine hand, and will keep
*' thee and give thee for a Covenant of the people, for light
" of the Gentiles, Zech. 6. 13. " And the council of peace
" lliall be between them both." I only further mention
Pf 40. 6, 7, 8. " Sacrifice and offering thou didfl not
" defire," &c. The truth is, that not only the Socinians
who are enemies to the fatisfaftion of Chrift, but even the
Arminians decline the admiflion of this truth, and attempt
to explain away the above texts ; yet fomething equivalent
to it is neceffarily confequent upon Chrift's undertaking.
When he was conftituted mediator by the Divine decree,
he muft have affented to it, a.nd freely undertaken the im^

Lectures on Dhinlty. iii

portant charge. It is alfo evidently the fpirit of the New
Teftament difpenfation that the hope and ftrength of be-
lievers are in Chrift. He is faid to have afcended up on
high and received gifts ior men, and of his fullnefs, we
are faid by the apoftle John to receive grace for grace.

But the Covenant of grace is faid to be more frequent-
ly made with men, with the houfe of Ifrael, with the tho-
fen of God, with his people; It is a compaft or agree-
ment between God and eleft finners to give freely and
of mere mercy Chrift to die for them, and with him a
pardon of fm and a right to everlafting life, together with
the Spirit of fanftification to make them meet for it ; all
which the believer receives and accepts in the manner in
which it is offered and refts his eternal ftate upon it. This
tranfadtioa has many different titles given it in fcripture.
It is called the Covenant of Grace which is properly the
Theological term — a covenant, becaufe it is often called fo
in the Old Teftament and in the New, and of Grace be-
caufe it is fo often repeated in both — that Salvation is
of grace, and particularly in order to ftate the oppofition
between it ; the Covenant of works. It is alfo called a
covenant of peace, and that with a double view ; to dif-
tinguifli it from the covenant of works, and from the co-
venant on Sinai at the giving the law. It is called like-
wife an everlafting covenant, to diftinguilh it from any
temporary covenant — It is alfo called the promise, and
the promife made of GOD unto our fathers.

Inwhatllhall further offer upon it, it is my defign
(i.) To confider the conftitution of the covenant in its
promifes and conditions. (2.) The various difpenfations
of it and their relations to one another. (3.) In what
manner the gofpel is to be preached agreeably to it, and
what views of things are contrary to it.

As to the conftitution of the covenant, you fee the firft
and leading idea of it is, free and unmerited mercv — that
finners had deferved to perifh — that divine juftice pro-
nounced their condemnation. This muft lie at the foun-
dation of the whole. — It was for this reafon that a medi-
ator was provided, and the faviour is offered by God him-
felf, asthe fruit of his love, John iii. t6. " God fo loved

IT2 Lectures on Dhlnlty.

" the world," 8cc. The freenefs of falvation hi the gof-
pel is largely uifilted on, and proved by the apoftle in his
epilUe to the Romans, and particularly chap. iv. i6. ipeak-
ing of the covenant under the title of the law of faith, he
lays, " therefore it is of faith, that it might be of grace."
This (fovenant is eilablilhed by a mediator, for every
bleiiing comes to believers through Chrift, and for his
fake, who is made unto us, wifdom and righteoufnelsj
lanftification and redemption. The promifes of the co-
venant of grace, may be taken in either view, moi'e gene-
rally, or more particularly. — In general, it procures de-
liverance from the wrath of God, and from every part of
the curie of a broken law. Some alfo dillinguifh the pro-
miles generally, into grace and glory, — peace with God,
holinefs on earth, and the enjovment of God at laft. But
that I may ftate them in the way mofi; proper for preaching
the gofpel, and carrying the meffage of peace, I Ihall enu-
merate them in the following order : —

(i.) The covenant promifes Chrift the mediator to
make fatista£tion to divine juftice, by his fuiFerings and
death. He was the promife made of God unto the fa-
thers, and under the obfcurity of the ancient difpenfation,
he was the hope of Ifrael, and the defire of all nations ;
and when he was come into the world, he was called the
Lord's Chrift, and the falvation of God. So Simeon ex-
prefled himfelf, " Lord now letteft thou thy fervant de-
" part in peace," &c. And as the Redeemer appeared firft
as the objeft of faith to the ancient patriarchs, fo to con-
vinced finners under the gofpel, a faviour is the firft
ground of confolation.

(2.) The covenant promifes the full and free paraonof
all fm through Chrift, John i. 16. Ifa. Iv. i. The forgive-
nefs of fins is the doftrine which Chrift commanded his
difciples to preach to all nations, beginning at Jerufalem,
1 Tim. i. 15. " This is a faithful faying," Sec. The uni-
verl'ality of the offer of mercy, is what particularly diftin-
guiflies it, jN'Iatth. xi. 28. " Come unto me — and him that
'' cometh, I will in no wile caft oat." &c. This feems
to be indeed the preliminary mercy, that opens the way to
every oiber, and it was on this view that the gofpel was

Lectures on Dmn'ity, 113

preached to the humbled and needy, Luke Iv. 18. " The
" fpirir of the Lord is upon me," &c.

(3.) The covenant promifes the fpirilof fanftlflcation
to renew our nature, and fqrm us for the fervice of God,
Jer. xxxi. 33, 34. Jer. xxxii. 40. " And I will make an
" everlalling covenant with them," &c. Ezek. xxXvi.
25, 26, 27. " Then will I fprinkle clean water upon you,"
&c. It is with a view to this, that we are told Ai3s v. 31.
" That Chrift was exalted," Sec. I need not multiply
paflages to this purpole, for it is the conftant teftimony
of the fcriptures, that any gracious difpofition in believers,
is the work of God's holy Spirit, and therefore arc they
called the fruit of the Spirit. It is not only the bringing
fmners again to God by repentance that is confidered as
the work of God's Spirit, but the continuance and incrcale
of fanftification as attributed to their being an habitation
of God through the Spirit ; " I will live in them and walk
" in them," {kc.

(4.) The covenant promifes the favor of God, and all
its happy fruits, while in this life, 2 Cor. xvii. 18. " Where-
" fore come out from auiong them, and be ye feparate,
" faith the Lord," Sec. I need not here mention the parti-
culars that fall under this head — deliverance from temp-
tations — fupport under fufferings — the fanftified ufe of
fufierings ; becaufe we are in one word allured that " all
things fhall work together for good to them that love God,"
and I Cor. iii. 22. " For all things are yours, whether Paul
or Apollos," &c.

(5.) In the laft place, the covenant promifes eternal
life. We cannot fay what vrould have been the fullnefs
of that life, v/hich belonged to the firft covenant ; but it
feems to be generally agreed, that the promife of a glori-
ous imjnortality, contained in the gofpel, is much great-
er, and more valuable, than that which was loft by the
tall. Life and immortality are faid to be brought to light
by the gofpel ; and our Saviour is faid to have entered into
the holieft of all, as the firft fruits of them that flept, and
to have gone to prepare a place for them, that where he is,
there they may be alfo.

114 Lectures on Dhinity.

Let us now fpeak of the conditions of the covenant of
grace. As 1 hinted before, thofe who make the covenant
of grace, and covenant of redemption the fame thing, fay,
the condition is Chrifl's perfedl merit and obedience. Nei-
ther indeed is there any thing elfe that can be called the
meritorious condition. Thofe who fay that the covenant
of grace was made with man, fay that the condition is faith
in our Lord Jefus Chrift. And it is undoubtedly true, that
faith interefts us in Chrift, and brings really in the bond of
the covenant. Faith alone brings us to it; for any thing elfe
that might be confidered as a condition is only a proniife
of what God will do for his people. But to itate this mat-
ter as clearly as I am able, whether there are conditions or
not, or what are the conditions of the covenant of grace,
depends entirely on the fenfe in which we take the word
condition. If we take it as implying proper merit or the
plea or claim in juftice for obtaining the promifes, no-
thing can be plainer, than that there is not, and cannot be
of this kind any condition, but the voluntary, perfeft,
meritorious obedience of the Lord Jefus Chrift. If we take
it as fignifying any particular duty or performance, as the
term on which the promife is fufpended, as in the firft co-
venant abftaining from the tree of knowledge of good and
evil, it can fcarcely be faid witli propriety, that it has a con-
dition ; for the tenor of the covenant in its promifing part
is fuch, that every thing of this kind is promifed as the
work of God. Therefore many divines have afferted, that
the gofpel, ftriflly fo called, has no condition, but confifts
wholly of tree and gracious promifes. (See this matter well
ftated in Witfius' Economy of the Covenant.) It is for this
reafon, that it is often called a teftament, even where we
have it tranflated covenant.

But if condition is taken to fignify a character, qualifi-
cation, or what is neceffary to fit us for everlafting life,
then faith, repentance, new obedience, and final perfe-
verance, are all conditions, but very improperly fo called.
Indeed in this fenfe the covenant of grace has as many
conditions as the law has duties. Yet even in this view
we are carefully to obferve that there is a difference in
the conftitution of the covenant of grace between faith

Lectures en Dhin'iiy, irj

in the blood of the atonement, and its fruits, the various
graces of the chriflian life. For as the promifes of the
covenant contain not only the free pardon of fm for
Chrill's fake, as well as the fpirit of fandtification,
faith is the immediate inllrument for receiving or laying
hold of this nitrc}'-. If there is to man (properly fpeak-
ing) a condition of the covenant, it mufl be fiiiih, becaufe
this, renouncing all felf-dependance, accepts and clofes
with the promife of recovery and falvation juft in the
manner in which it is offered freely, without money, and
without price. It is plainly Itated in this manner in the
Epiftle to the Romans. " Therefore it is by faith that it
may be by grace." " To him that workeUi is the reward
" notrcckoned of grace, but of debt ; but to himthat work-
" eth not, but believeth in him diat juUifieth the ungodly,
" his faith is counted to him for righteoufnefs." Faith in-
deed is highly proper for receiving the righteoufnefs of
Chrift, becaufe it gives the glory only to God. To fup-
pofe faith has any merit in it, is juft as abfurd as to fup-
pofe that a perfon being wholly needy and helplefs and
his accepting the bounty of another, is an evidence of
his having abundance of his own.

As to the fruits of faith, or works of righteoufnefs, no per-
fon can deny that they are the proper evidence of our
relation to God : — That they are the expreffions of our
love to him : — That they are neceffary to form us for
his fervice and lit us for his prefence : But being the
work of his holy Spirit and the accomplilhment of his
faithful promife, it is impoffible that they fliould be in
any refpeft conditions of the covenant of grace.

The promifes of the covenant of grace are ranged in a
certain order — they introduce and lead to one another,
and they are to be received and applied precifely in the
fame order — Chrill the Saviour — the free pardon of fin —
a new nature as the work of his fpirit — increafe of grace
— a fan£lified Providence — vi6tory over death — and the
poffefliou of everlafting life. — Thefe muft take place juft
in the order I have mentioned them. If the order is in-
verted, the fyftem is deftroyed.

iij' Lectures on Divinity.

1. The fecond thing to be confidered is the various
difpenfations of the covenant, and their relation to one
another. Tl)e covenant of grace in every difpenfation
dlliers from the covenant of works. The covenant of
u'orks required perfeft obedience, and one fin rendered
it void. In the covenant of grace there is provifion made,
not only for reconciling the fmner, but for daily pardon
to the believer. In the covenant of works every thing
depends upon the perfonal conduct of the intereifed par-
ty ; in the covenant of grace there is a Mediator who
lays his hands upon them both.

As to the difpenfations of the covenant of grace we may
confider them as appearing before the law, under the law,
and from the coming of Chriil:.

(i.) Before giving the law we fee is made to Adam, this
promiie or rather the promife is made in the iollow-
ing terms — " The feed of the woman ihall bruife the fer-
" pent's head," — And to Abraham — " In thy feed Hull
" all the nations of the earth be called blelied." I think
the promife if not the covenant was fubftantially made the
fame then as now. The apcftle to the Galatians, 3, 17.
thought the fame thing, that the promife to Abraham was
the New Tefiament promife, and that whatever the law
had peculiar to itfelf was pofterior to the promife, " and
" this I fay that the covenant which was confirmed before
" of God in Chrifl,'' &c. The promife at that time, as
now, v/as eternal life, as the Apofl;le to the Hebrews
plainly proves, Heb. 11, 13. " The fe all died in faith,"
&c. — It is aifo plain I think, that as the promife to the
faith of the ancient patriarchs was in fubftance the fame
v/ith ours, fo their faith itfelf was alfo the fame. It was
a reliance on the mercy of God. It was that faith which
is the evidence of things not feen, and the fubftance of
things hoped for.

(2.) Under the law the covenant alfo was the fame in
fubftanee, as appears by the arguments jufl now hinted
at. The only thing particular, is to confider what was
the import of the Sinai covenant, or the defign of giving
the law of Mofes. Some feeing that the Levitical law
confiils chiefly of temporal promifes, are for fuppofing that

Lectures on Divinity, 117

dlfpeiifution quite diflinft from the covenant of grace.
They have even called tlie ten commandments given up.
on Mount Sinai, a republication of the law of nature, and
of the covenant of works. A late celebrated Avriter, Dr.
Warburton, attempted to flaev/ that Mofes did not in tlie
law give them any i-eafon to expeiSl eternal life, but con-
fined both tlie promifes and threatenings entirely to things
temporal. Even to this author probably many have im-
puted more than he intended to affirm. Yet he certain])'-
carries his arguments too lar in lli|)pofing that in none
of the infpired writers of the Old Tellament is eternal
life propofed as the object of faith. This may be ealily
refuted ; and indeed is in the book of Job fo Ih'ongly re-
futed, that the author is forced into the extraordinary
fuppofition of that book being as late as the Babylonifh
captivity, in order to rid hirafelfof it. However I think
that it mud: be admitted that temporal promifes and threat-
nings make the mortdiilinguiflied appearance in the Le*
. yitical law. This took place becaufe it was dellgned as
a typical difpenfation and to be a Ihadow of good things to
come. It is plain however, that the law of Mofes did
not provide an atonement for every crime, and fuppofed
many fins which could not be expiated by the blood of
bulls, or of goats, for which the only remedy Avas reli-
ance on tlie mere mercy of God, in the exercife of true re-
pentance, fee Ifa. i, 16. &cc. the lame prophet, chap. Iv.
I. " Ho ! every one that thirlledi," &c.

The New Teftament exprefsly tells us, tliat the law
was a fchool-mafter to bring us to Chrift, and the innu-
merable perfons, and things, and ordinances that were.
typical in it need not be mentioned. The land of Canaan
itfelf, and all the temporal promifes preparatory to it or
in confequence of the poffelTion of it, had a reference to
the fpiritual promifes under the gofpel, and doubtlefs the
acceptance and falvation of them under the law, are up-
on the footing of the everlafting covenant, which began to
be delivered before the law was given, and will continue
till the final confummation of all things.

The moral law publifhed upon Mount Sinai muft not
be confidered as a republication of the covenant of works,

1 1 8 Lectures on Divinity .

but a publication or fummary of that immutable law of
righteoufnefs which is the duty of creatures, and muft
accompany the admhiillration of every covenant which
God makes with man.

(3.) Since the coming of Chrift the covenant of grace
is adminillered in a manner more full, clear and efficaci-
ous than in any of the former ftates. It was formerly ad-
jTiinidered in the name of, and by a promifed Saviour ;
It is now adminiftered in the name of, and by a rifen Re-
ileeiner, who once fuffered and now reigns in glory. The
harmony of all the divine perfections in the great falvation
is more apparent now than formerly, and the preaching ot
the glad tidings of peace to fmners is moreexplicitand more
univerfal. What falls chiefly to be confidered is how far the
former difpenfations are fufpended or abrogated by the
coming of Chrill in the flefh. The covenant ratified by
the death of Chrift is called a new covenant, in oppofiti-
on to that which is old and vaniflied away. Certainly the
covenant is called new, in oppofition to the covenant of
works, which as the way of falvation was abrogated from
the date of the firft pxomife, and both in the Epillles to
the Rornans, Galatians and Hebrews, efpecially the two
former, the gofpel or law of grace, is oppofed to the law
of works, meaning the firft covenant. And that I may
fatisfy you of this without entering into the endlefs cri-
ticifms upon particular paffages, obferve that thofe who
would by the law, underftand the law of Moles, exclu-
five of the covenant of works, may be eafily confuted, for
the Apoftle fays, " that it is by faith, that it may be by
" gi'ace." — That if juftification was by works, Abraham
might have whereof to glory ; and that the defign of this
conftitution was that no flefli might glory in God's pre-
fence. The ceremonial law is undoubtedly abrogated
both from the exprefs declaration of fcripture, and
from the nature and reafon of things — Chriit is now
the end of the law for righteoufnefs to every one that be-
lieveth. And as the whole fyftem of the Mofaic law was
intended to typify the gofpel difpenfation when Chrift
was aftually come in the flefli, it muft fall of itfelf as un-
neceflary or hurtful.

Lectures on Dhiniiy. 119

There has been much controverfy whethei' it was pro-
per to fay that the moral law was abrogated, or to apply
to that law what is laid of believers not being under the
law but under grace. This matter one would think
might be eafily reconciled, for doubtlefs the moral law as
a covenant of works carrying a fentence of condemnati-
on againfl every tranfgreflion is abrogated. But the moi-al
law as the unalterable rule of duty to creatures is ante-
cedent to all covenants, and cannot be afFedled by them.
The moral law as it requires obedience to the will, and
conformity to the nature of God, was binding on the
Angels before the creation of the world ; and will be the
duty of holy angels and redeemed fmners after the refur-
reftion. But there is alfo another view of this fubjeft —
that the moral law is a part of the covenant of grace, in
the hand of the Mediator. It is the promife of the cove-
nant that the law fhall be written in our hearts, an un-
feigned faith implies the acceptance of this as well as other
promifes, fo that the believer not only remains under his
original unchangeable obligation to keep the law, but
comes under a new and peculiar obligation, to be dif-
charged in his Redeemer's llrength : fo that to take the
thing properly, there is more obedience in the covenant
ofgi'ace, than in the covenant of works. The covenant
of grace requires unfeigned fubjedlion to every part of the
fame law, with this mortifying addition, that the believer
receives it wholly as a condition of his acceptance, and
afcribes it entirely to the riches of divine grace.

There is fometimes mention made of the political law
of Mofes, and it is demanded whether this is of perpetu-
al obligation ? The anfwer feems to be eafy. It con-
tains an excellent fyftem of laws fuited to the fettlement
of the Jews in Canaan, and many principles of
equity, that may be of great ufe to other legiflators ; but
as the civil laws in general have only in view temporal
property and convenience, they certainly are not unalte-
rable, becaufe they muflbe fuited to the ftate of fociety —
and other circumftances which may be very various. —
Sundry of the precepts alfo in the political law feem to
have an allegorical meaning, and to have been made either

120 Lectures on Divinity.

with a view of fuggefting or flrengthenir.g moral princi-
ples, or to be typical of gofpel times — as the precept,
" thou flialt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,"
" thou flialt not feethe the kid in its mother's milk." —
But we may obferve that the principles laid down in the
criminal law are founded upon fo much wifdom, that it
is a queflion whether the departure from them in punilh-
ing of crimes has ever been attended with advantage.
As for example, in regard to violence — the law of retali-
ation — an eye for an eye ; a tooth for a tooth — in theft
and fraud — rellitutlon — and the punifliment of adultery
with death.

What remains upon this fubjecl is only to point out in
Avhat manner the gofpel is to be preached agreeable to it,
and what views of things are contrary to it. To fet this
matter befoi'c you with as much diftin^lnefs and propriety
as I am able, obferve that this gracious difpenfation mult
be opened and prefled jufl as it i.s fuitcd to the various
conditions ofthofe to whom it is addrefled — thefe I 111 all
divide into three great claffes. (i.) Secure or felf-righte-
ousperfons. (2.)Convincedfinners.(3.) Profeffing believers.
I. Secure or felf-righteous perfons who do not
feem to have ever laid their eternal concerns to heart,
or are building on fome falfe foundation, as a form of
godlinefs, or the merit of good v/orks, or the comparative
fmallnefs of the fms of which they are guilty. To thefe
it is neceflary to preach the law in all its extent and in
all the force of its obligation. It is neceffary to point out
the evil of fin, the loft ftate of man by nature ; and the
abfolute necelfity of pardon through the blood of Chrifi:
and renovation b}' his fpirit. It may be very proper for
them and all others, to iliew them the guilt and folly of
particular fins, fuch as fwearing, drunkennefs, unclean-
nefs. But if fomething more is not done the evil is not
fearched to the bottom, for we ought to lliew them that
thefe are but the fruits of an unrenewed nature. That
rellraining, moderating or even reforming a particular
fin is not enough, nor any evidence of a change from fin
unto God. It is particularly proper in fuch caies to point
out the extent and fpirituality of the law as reaching to the

Lectures on Dhinity. 121

tlioughts of the heart, fo as if poffible to fliew them that
they arc guilty and helplefs, and that there is no falvati-
on in any but in ChrilL This leads us to fay,

2. That with regaixl to convinced fmners it is very
particularly necefla.ry to fet before taem the all-fuftlciency
of Chriil, the fullnefs, and freenefs of that falvacion wliich
lie purchafed upon the crofs, and ofTers in his word. To
fliew them that he has finiihed his work and done every
tiling neceflary to render it perfeftly confiltent with the
juflice and holinefs of God to forgive even the chief of fin-
ners. But this will be bell illuftrated by pointing out
fome fentiments and views contrary to tlie freenefs of fal-
vation,andthe plan of the gofpel.

(i) It is contrary to the freenefs of falvation and to the co-
venant of grace to extenuate fin, to have hard thoughts of
God, of the ftriftnefs of his law, or the feverity of its fanc-
tion. This arifesfrom impei-fedl convi<!ilionof finvv^liich
fometimes makes the finner ufe fome efibrts to obtain fal-
vation ; but flill he is apt to think he would have very
hard meafures if he was reje6ted. Iniperfeft convi£tions
lead fmners to feek their comfort from the extenuation of
fm, but true faith incites the finner to give full force to
the accufation, and to plead the benefit of the remiffion.
(2) It is contrary to the freenefs of falvation and to the
tenor of the covenant of grace, to think that the greatnefs
or atrociouftiefs of fin fhould hinder our returning to God
for obtaining mercy. This is one of the firll reflections of a
finner under convlfcion, that he has finned more than any
other, and that anotner can fooner expecl forgivenefs than
he. While this only ferves to increafe humiliation, and rafe
to the foundation every degree of felf-conhdence, its ope-
ration is falutary. But fometimes this arifes from too
rooted adherence to fome degree of human merit, as ne-
ceffary to find favor with God, and then inftead of com-
pelling the finner to refl: in the infinite compaffion of God,
it makes him fall upon fome fcheme of purchafing falva-
tion for himfelf; or if he finds this impracticable, per-
haps he is plunged into the gulph of defpair. In oppofi-
tion to this the new and well ordered covenant fends him
to the infinite fulnefs of Chrilt for a free and complete

122 ' Lectures on Dhinity.

pardon, and for deliverance from the power of his corrup
tions.

3. It is contrary to the freenefs of falvation and the
covenant of grace to have any dependence on one's being
comparatively lefs wicked than another. If the fmner's
hope arifes much from his having been free from this or
that fm, he is refting on a legal foundation. This was a
rock of perdition to the Pharifees — See how the Saviour
has oppofed this charadler to the other, Luke 18, 11,
" The Pharifee flood and prayed," &c. Not that God
would reprefent it as a lefs fafe ftate to attend to the ex-
ercife of religion than to be an adulterer. But when
men reft their dependence on their comparative goodnefs
in themfelves, it only ferves to lead them away from an
efieem and acceptance of divine mercy. On this ac-
count our Saviour fays to the Pharifees, Matth. 21, 31.
" Verily I fay unto you, the Publicans," &c. The fight
of a great profligate deadens the fenfe of fm in the minds
of many worldly perfons, but in an humble penitent it
only excites him to refleft upon the great principles of
all lin in his own heart, and what he might have been, had
not a reftraining Providence and recovering grace been
his prefervation.

4. It is contrary to the freenefs of falvation and the
covenant of grace, to fuppofe that we may not, or muft
not lay hold of divine mercy till we have done fomething
ourfelves in the way of duty and performance; till our
penitential tears or purpofes of obedience, or begun re-
formation, entitle us to call it ours. No doubt felf denial
and experience of the treachery of our own hearts iliould
fdl us with humility and jealoufy of ourfelves ; but the
true way to reconcile the heart to duty, and to break the
■power of fm is to reft our hope upon Divine Mercy for
pardon, and on the promife in the covenant of the Holy Spirit
to fiinftify us wholly. Many retard their reformation as-
well as obllrutl their comfort by yielding to a fpirit of
bondage and Havifli fear. We fliould rather pray in the
words of Zechariah, Luke i, 74. "That we being deli-
" vered," &c. '

Lectures on Divinity. 123

5. It is contrary to the freenefs of fdlvation and the
covenant of grace to boaft of our own righteoufnefs, or in
any degree to truft in our own ftrength. The motto of a
Chriilian fliould be in the words of the Prophet Ifa. 45,
24. " Surely Ihall one fay," &c. It is not merely the
pardon of fin, but the fanftification of the nature and
fireiigth for daily obedience that is promifed in the cove-
nant ; and both muft be received from the Mediator's
hand and afcribed to him as their proper fource. It is an
admirable expreffion of the Apoftle Paul, who fays, "I
" obtained mercy to be faithful," accounting that a fub-
jefl: of gratitude and a mere}' received, which others
v/ould have reckoned an occafion of boafling. Nothing
is more contrary to the fpirit of the gofpel than felf de-
pendence, and indeed tlie whole RibRance of this difpen-
iation has been defigned to abafe the pride of man, and to
exalt the grace of God.

To profefling believers, the whole duties of the law of
God are to be preached, for believers are not without law
to God, but under the law to Chrifl. The laws of the
gofpel are to be inculcated as the fruits of faith, and the
evidence of a faving change. There is a great difference
between confidering duties as going before, and as foU
lowing faith and reconciliation ; the firfl; is legal, die
laft evangelical. You need not be afraid but that duties
may be preached as ftridly in the laft way as in the firft,
?itid it will certainly be done with much greater fafety.

C "5 ]

^««S WXlO eOOt OOOa CCM com coco OOCO tCM com OOOO OCPO OOOO : OOOO woo oe-W 60CO 0OO3 C0&3 OfAl 0--W» 0000 •OOC 0001 K«&

«c=3 «»Q cooa KO* ccoa cow ocm ooco.oooo oom 90M cT'-o COOT ; Mw) eodo o::oo COM coo* '.ioo iooa ecco ooOT cca cooa (K-CO

SPEECH

IN THE

Synod of Glasgow,

ff/jen I was accused of being the Author of the Ecclesi-
astical Characteristics.

Moderator,

IT canrot but give me fome pain to think upon my be-
ing obl'ged to ftand at your bar, in fome fort as a
pannel or accufed perfon. At the fame time, this is
greatly alleviated, by the confideration that I am now call-
ed to a re^jular defence of my charadler, which has been
long abufed in the mod virulent manner, when I had
no opportunity of fpeaking for myfelf. But Sir, before
com'ng to the particular objedtion which has been pleaded
before you, it is neceffar)'^ that I fliould endeavor to re-
move the g-eat odium that has been, by fome in the
world, induftrioufly thrown upon me. Thofe gentlemen
at the bar, by whoiTi I am now conllrained to this apology,
perhaps >now who it was that taught certain perfons who
knew nothing of me, to reprefent me as a firebrand, as
violent and contentious, unfit to be a member of any
quiet fociety. This is a charadter, Sir, which I am moil
Knwilling to bear, and which, if I am not greatly miilaken,

ij6 Defence in the

is mod unjufily imputed to me, from any paft part ct my
conduft. I call upon all thofe, with whom I have lived
many years in prefbytery, to fay if they will lay this to
my charge. The apoflle James tells us, that " if any
" man offend not in word, the fame is a perfedl man,'' —
PerfeiStion I do not plead ; but any comparative guilt in
this refpedl, I doabfolutely relxife, I call particularly up-
on my neareft neighbor, a minifler and co-prefbyter, who
ought furely to be an unfufpefted witnefs, becaufe we have
hardly ever agreed in any principle of church govern-
ment ; yet there hath not been the leaft jealoufy or dry*
iiefs between us as men, nor even as Chriitians or miuif-
ters ; and yet difference in opinion, has often caufed fuch
things between very good men. I have alfo, Sir, been
many times a member of this Synod, fometimes when de-
bates were pretty high, and may fafely affirm, that I have
been as far from indifcretion and violence, as any of thofe
who accufe me. I was none of thofe, in April 1753,
who in the committee of overtures, fpun out the time
purpofely with long fpeeches till the fynod's hour
was come, and then would not fuffer the committee to
,come to any decifion ; but unlefs the fynod were immedi-
ately conftituted, threatened, with apparent paffion and
fury, to withdraw, and conftitute a feparate fynod altoge-
ther. Probably Mr. P , and Mr. M , may be able

to inform you who the perfons were ; and I affure you
from my own knowledge, that fuch condudl in clergymen
was very aflonifhing and offenfive to fome of the laity. I
have been told that at the admiffion of the Rev. Mr. Baine
in Paifley, the perfon who admitted him among other ad-
vices told him to beware of a party fpirit ; and in this, ano-
ther member faid he fpoke thefenfe of the whole prefbytery.
\isn. ponvinced there are fome perfons who by a party fpi-
rit mean a perfon, having different principles from them-
felves, and that no ineeknefs of tempei-, no purity of cha-
racter, no humanity in his carriage, will in that cafe, fave
an opponent from fuch an imputation. But if by a party
fpirit be underflood a regard to the perfon as much as the
caufe, and profecuting their own purpofes in a violent and.
illegal manner, without candor or charity to thofe whQ

Synod of G/asgou\ lif

diiTer from them, I know none who have a jufter title to
the charafter than fome members of that reverend body.
Several inllances might be given in their pad conduft, to
juflify this obfervation ; fome of which perhaps I fliall
afterwards mention ; the reft are well enough known,
and indeed, it feems to he generally agreed by the world
about them, that they are not over patient of mixture.

This, Sir, very plainly appears from the cafe now before
you. This prelbytery have refufed leave to grant even
of a call to me, upon a prefentation and unanimous appli-
cation from all concerned ; and aflign this reafon for it,
that there is a report of my being author of a book, which
they fay in their minutes is of a very bad tendency to
the interefts of religion, and injurious to the characters of
many minifters of this church, and therefore they appointed
a committee, he. The injury done to the town of Paifle3^it
is the bufmefs of the congregation to complain of, and they
have done it, andv/aitfor redrefsfrom you. The injurydone
to me, I beg leave in a few words, to reprefent to this ve-
nerable Synod. — And here, Sir, I do not complain of their
taking into confideration any book that they lliall be pleafed
to think contrary to the interefts of Religion, and fliould
have been well fatisfiedto hear of amotion forcenfurinsj irre-
ligious books come from that quarter. — I wifli if ever
itcomefrom any quarter they may faithfully infpedl it. But
fir, I complain that they have joined my name to a certain
book with which they are not pleafed, and then paffed a
fentence condemning it, when I was not and could not
regularly be before them. This is a cafe that may have
important confequences. All I defire is equity and juflice^
and that furely I have a right to claim. The prefbetery
of Paifley, Sir, had a right to accufe me if they pleafed be-
foretheprelbyteryofwhichlam amember. But theyhadno
right atall to condemn or even to judge me themfelves,and
muchlefs wheni was not heard. — Perhapsitwillbefaid they
have not found me guilty, but propofed a peaceable man-
ner of trying whether I was fo or not; but Sir have they
not found by their fentence the relevancy of the crime, a-
gainft which, as well as the proof, any accufed perfon has a
right to be heard.

izS* Defence in the

The injury tliey have done me and the unjufl; and tr-
rannical method of their proceedings appear in the moft
evident manner from the fituation in which I now {land,
and the manner of the caufcbeing pleadsdbefore 3'ou — You
fee with what difficulty they were hinc'red, or rather thai
they could not be ninderecl, fro a entering into the merits
of the caufe, and endeavoring to perfuade the Synod to
condemn this book to which they have joined my name,
before thej have fo nmcli as leL rr e know the nature and
form 0'.' the procefs agai.itl me, and when I have had no
opportunity to fee and anfwer their charge. — This is a-
gainfl: z\\ rule, for by the form of procefs it ought to have
begun at the prefbytery of Irvine ; and whether it be ta-
ken up upon the footing of a Jama clamosa, or a libel
from a particular accufer, there inufr flill be virtually a
libel in the view of the court — Eutby briagingit in here in
the manner they have done and pleading upon it, they
are endeavoring to get a law made, ?s it were ex post
facto, upon which I may be condemned hereafter ; and
they have reduced me to the neceffity of p'eading in de-
fence of a book with which I do not, nor ever d'd pretend
any conueftion, unlefs I would give a fanfition to a me-
thod of proceeding pregnant with tyranny and injuflice.
So that though I come to the oynod for juftice it is really
hardly poffible for you fidly to grant it, becaufe you can-
not wholly underfiand the bad efietts of the Prefbyterys
wrong procedure. I am fenfible Sir, that it would be [giving
vip the very point which I am chiedy to plead, if I ihould
enter into the merits of the cau fe fo far as to confider the
particulars contained in this book ; whether they are
jufl or unjuft, true or falfe. Bat I muft beg leave to confider
a little in general whether the crime of which they
think prooerto fufpefl: me was ^o certainly and felf-evi-
dently relevant that they might take it for granted, and
aflert it in their minutes, widicut fo much as having the
book before them, or mentioning the ofFenfive paflages;
which I fliould think were neceflary even in the worll
book that can be conceived — and to all this join my name
v.'ithout fufTering me to be heard.

Synod of Glasgovs. 129

And here, fir, I fliould think that motledy and coinmon
decency miglit have led diem to determine otherwife had
they not before themfelves the unanimous application of a
large and numerous people to call me to be their miniiler.
Did not thefe people know of therumourof mybeingauthor
of this book before they entered into this reiclution, and
are they all fo abandoned as to call anenemyto all rules to
M'atch for their fouls? Did not the prefbytery know that the
perfon fo fufpefted had been a member of a prefbytery for
fome years after the fufpicion becan ? that he had been a
memberof thisSynodwith themfelves, nayamember of the
Supreme Court of this church, and no notice taken of it at
all .' Nay are they fo ignorant as not to know that a very
great majority of this nation find no fault with the book
at all ? and any perfon profeffing himfelf the author would
not thereby in the leafl degree forfeit their efteep. Pray
fir, was it, is it, could it be jull in this cafe to conclude it
criminal without debate or examination ? I mean not bv
this to jufiify the book in every particular ; perhaps if it
comes to be examined I may join in condemning it, at
leafl, fome parts; but I infill that this fhows the precipitate-
nefs the partiality and injufi:ice of the Prefbytery in the
fentence which they pafl^ed. It looks as if they themfelves
were (truck at in the performance and afted as intereiled
perfons; and indeed I would gladly alk them whether they
think themfelves pointed at in the pamphlet, and if they
think fo and at the fame time afcribe it to me, whether it
is jufl and equitable that they fliould be my judges who
are fuppofed to be aggrieved?

There is another general confideration that fliews how
unjuft and precipitate this fentence was, and that there is
really no belief of the thing being fo criminal as they
have taken for granted, among thofe who muft be moft un-
prejudiced and impartial judges. It is read in England,
and the prefbytery of Paifley do, or may know the fenti-
ments that are entertained of it there. I have been well in-
formed that the prefent Bifhop of London in converfation
with a Nobleman of our own country, gave it great com-
mendations, and withal added, it feems only direfted at
a certain party in the church of Scotland, but we wjvnt

130 Defence in the

not very manyinthe Church of England, to whom the cha-
racters are very applicable. And Sir, I have feen a letter
from the Rev. Mr. Warburton to a minifter in Scotland,
and it has been feen by feveral miniflers here prefent, in
whichhe commends the performance,and particularly calls
it a fine piece of raillery againft a party, to which lays he,
we arenoftrangers here — Isitto befuppofed fir, that diflin-
guifliedperfons for worth and penetration, wouldcoramend
and approve a thing fo evidently criminal as the pref-
bytery of Paifley'are pleafed to think — Are thefe perfons
of the charaiSler there reprefented in the Church of Eng-
land ? Where then is the Church of Scotland's charter of
fecurity that none fliall ever arile in her deferving fuch a
reprimand ? fliall fuch names as thefe mentioned openly
affirm that there are fuch in England ? and mud: the man
be condemned without hearing and without mercy who
is but fufpefted of hinting that there maybe fuch in her
fifl:er church ? I have often indeed fince the commence-
ment of this bufinefs reflefted on the different fituation of
affairs in Scotland and England. I have feen I know not
how many books in England printed with the authors
names, which plainly and without ambiguity affirm that
there are fome of the Clergy proud, ambitious, time-fervers,
and tools to thofe in power ; fome of them lazy and lloth-
ful, lovers of eafe and pleafure, fome of them fcandalous
and diffolute in their manners, fome ignorant and infuf-
ficient. And thefe things they affirm without the leaft
danger or apprehenfion of it: but I believe, were I to pub-
lifli a book that had the tenth part of fuch feverity in it
in Scotland, I ought at the fame time to have a fnip hired
to flee to another country. I fliall not pretend to account
for this difference, but only affirm, and I am myfelf a
{landing evidence, that it doth really fubfifl. And at the '
fame time it is attended by a very odd circumllance, for
reproaches are criminal when thrown out by one fet againfl
the other, but not in the leafi fo when thrown out or thrown
back by that other againft the firft — Many here prefent
will remember what a fet of overtures were brought into
this Synod in April 1753 by fome of the very perfons
who are now Handing at the bar ; one of them fet forth the

Synod of GIasga\u . 131

grievous crime of bringing our public differences with one
anotlier into the pulpit : and yet, ftrange to think the only
fermon that ever I heard in my life in which this was done,
was by one of my prefcnt accufers, who, Sir, fell bloodily
upon thofe miniflers who bawl out againft thelaw of the land
as a grievance, inftead of giving it that obedience which
becomes good fubjeds. It indted was his ignorance to
find fault with that expreffion, which is ufed even by the
facred infallible General Affembly, in the annual inftruc-
tions to their commiffioners. Is it not alfo well known,
that a pamphlet was publifhed, called " The Jull View of
the Conftitution," which common, uncoatradifted fame,

which is not my cafe, attributes to Mr. H , and

publifhed many months before the one for which I am
now accufed. This pamphlet reprefents us all in general as
not adling upon confcience, but from a love of popularity,

or in the words of the ingenious Mr. T of Gowan,

*' not confcience, but a fpirit of faction and a love of do-
minion." And befides this, it tells a flory, which it calls
a fcene of iniquity, widi the initial letters of the names of
tlie perfons concerned. Was ever this pamphlet charged
by thefe gentlemen, my opponents, as conti'ary to the in-
terell of religion ? At the fame time, I fhould be glad to
know what it is that makes the difcovery of a fcene of
iniquity, if committed by fome whom I mull not name,
contrary to the interefl of religion ; but the difcovery of a
fcene of iniquity, fuppofed to be committed by Mr. Web-
fter, or fome others of us, nothing contrary to it at all. I
am not able to difcover any reafon for this difference of
judgment, but one that is not very honorable to them, viz.
Thefe fcenes of iniquity, fuppofed to be committed by
them, are more probable in themfelves, and actually ob-
tain more credit, than thofe which they throw out againfl
us. I do not affirm that that is the I'eafon, but I think,
fmce they have been the aggreffors, both in cenfuring us
for fcrupling obedience to fome of their decifions, and at-
tacking our charafters in print, if fome namelefs author
has with great fuccefs retaliated thei njury of the lafl: kind,
they ought to lie as quietly under it as poffible, both from
equity and prudence — from equity, becaufe they have

132 Defence in the *

given the provocation ; from prudence, becaufe it will
bring many to fay, t'lat charge muft have been juft, or
it would have been treated with contempt. Surely that
ftroke muft have been well aimed — the wound muft have
been very deep, fmce the fear continues fo long, and is ne-
A'er like to be either forgotten or forgiven.

But, Sir, I muft confefs I am amazed at the boldnefs,
as well ds tlie violence of thofe gentlemen, conudering the
land in which we live. Is it not, and do wc not glory in
its being a land of liberty ? Is it then a land of civil liber-
ty and yet of ecclefiailical tyranny ? Muft not a man have
equity and juftice in the church, as well as the ftate ? Are
there not every day publiflied in this nation, as fevere,
nay much feverer, cenfures of the greateft characters in
the kingdom, and poffelTing the higheft ofFices ? Are there
not attacks upon our fovereign himfelf, and his auguft fa-
mily, many times made in print, and yet paffed unheeded?
And mtift the leaft attempt to fliow that there are corrup-
tions among the clergy, be an unpardonable crime ? I have
feen it infifted on in print, that as foon as the liberty of
the prefs is taken away, there is an end of every lliadovv of
liberty. And as of late years it hath been very frequent
to borrow from what is cuftomary in the civil government,
and apply it to the church, I fli?ll beg leave to borrow this
maxim, and to affirm, that fo foon as it is not permitted
in general, to lafti the charafters of churchmen, there is efta-
blillied a facerdotal tyranny, wliich always was, and always
will be, of the moft cruel, relentlefs, and illegal kind. But
the worit of all is ftill behind, which I am alliamed to
mention in the prefence of fo many of the laity, be-
caufe of the reproach which it brings upon our church.
There have been publifhed among us, writings di-
rectly levelled againft religion itfelf, taking away the
very foundation of morality, bringing in doubt the being
of God, and treating our Redeemer's name with contempt
and derifion. Writings of this kind have been publicly
avowed, with the author's name prefixed. Where has
been the zeal of the prelbytery of Paifley againft fuch
writings ? Have they moved for the exercife of difcipline
againft the authors ?. Have they fupported the motion

Synod of Glasgow . 153

when made by others ? I am afraid, Sir, this profecutlon
will give many juft ground to fay, as was faid an age ago
by Moliere in France, and by fome there upon occafion
of his writings, that a man may write again!!: God Almigh-
ty what he pleafes, in perfeft fecurity ; but if he write
againft the charafters of the clergy in power, he is ruined
for ever.

I am fenfible, Sir, that they have faid, even at this bar,
as indeed they and their emmiffaries in converfation have
often alledged, that the quarrel they have at the pamphlet,
is its hurtful tendency to the intereft of religion : nay,
they have often faid that one who could write in that
Ityle and manner againft his brethren, cannot poflibly be
a good man ; and that has been commonly faid even upoa
the fuppofition of the truth of the fads and charafters con-
tained in the book. This, Sir, I would have had nothing
to do with, but would have fuffered the book to anfwer for
itfclf, fince its author does not think proper to appear in
its defence, if they had not been pleafed to load me with
the fufpicion of it. For removing this odium, by which
alone it is that they have made an impreffion on fome
good men, I obferve in general, that it is not conceivable
that a thing fhould be a certain mark of a bad man, which
is approved by, and conveys no fuch idea to fo great a
number of unqueftionable charafters. But befides, let
us confider a little the nature of the thing — i. It is writ-
ten ironically. 2. It is fuppofed to attack the charac-
ters and credit of a part of the clergy of the church of
Scotland. As to the firft of thefe, far be it from me to
affert that ridicule is the teft of truth ; many here prefent
know how uniformly, and how ftrenuoufly I have main-
tained the contrary : it is however many times ufeful to
tlifgrace known falfehood, and fuch praftices as to be def-
pifed need only to be expofed ; that it is a lawful thing
to make fuch an ufe of it, is evident from the higheft au-
thority. There are many inftances of irony in the facred
writings. In Gen. iii. 22. we have an expreflion put
into the mouth of God himfelf, which many, perhaps moft
interpreters fuppofe to be an irony ; and as it is of the
moft fevere and cutting kind, in a moft deplorable cafe, h

134 £)efcnce hi the'

I do not fee that another interpretation can be put upon the'
words. — " And the Lord God laid, behold the man is be-^
»' come as one of us, to know good and evil." The con-
duct of Elijah, and his treatment of the prophets of Baal,
I Kings xviii. 27. is another example of the fame kind ;
" And It came to pafs at noon, that Elijah mocked them,
" and faid, Cry aloud : for he is a god, either he is talking,
" or he is purfuing, or he is in a journey, or peradven-
" ture he fleepeth, and mud be awaked." There are 3.
good many inftances of it in the prophets, which I omit
to fave time, as the thing is undeniable, and only further
mention an expreffion of our Saviour himfelf, who though
a m.an of forrows, and in a ftate of humiliation, yet in
fome places ufes a language plainly ironical, as in John
s. 31, " Many good works have I fliewed you from my
" Father, for which of thefe works do ye ftone me."

And as the inftances of fuch writing in the word of
God fufiiciently warrants the ufe of it, fo it is founded
upon the plainefl reafon. There are two- diftinfit quali-
ties of truth and piety ; a divine beauty, which renders
them amiable, and a holy majefly, which renders them ve-
nerable : — ^and there are alfo two diflinct qualities of er-
ror and impiety; a criminal guilt, which renders them the.
objedt of horror, and a delufion and folly, which renders
them filly and contemptible — and it is fit and proper that
the children of God fliould have both of thefe fentiments
of hatred and contempt with regard to them. And the lart
is often neceffary, 33 well as the firft, in combating cor-
ruptions. There is for ordinary, a pride and felf-fuffici-
ency in wicked men, which makes them deaf to advice,,
and impregnable to fober and ferious reafoning, nor
is there any getting at them till their pride is levelled a
little with this difmaying weapon. Many of the ancient
fathers of the Chrlllian church, both ufed this manner of
writing, and aflerted its neceffity. There is one paifage
of Tertullian, which I fhall tranflate, becaufe it is very-
much to the purpofe. " There are many things which
ought to be treated with contempt and mockery, through
fear of giving them weight, and making them too impor-
tant, by ferioufly debating them. Nothing more is due

Synod of Glasgoiv. 135

to vanity than derifion ; and it belongs to the truth to
Imile, becaule ii is chearful, and to delpife its enemies,
becaufe it ir; afTured of victory. It is true that we ought
to be careful that the raillery be not low and unworthy of
the truth ; but if that is taken care of, and we can make
life of ii with addrefs and delicacy, it is a duty to do fo."
To this I fhall add another paffage from St. Auguiline — ■
*' Who will dare to fay that the truth ought to remain de-
fencelefs againft the attacks of falfehood ? That the ene-
mies of religion fliall be permitted to terrify the faithful
.with ftrong words, and to entice and feduce them by agree-
able terms of wit ; but that believers ought never to
.write, but with fuch a coklnefs of ftyle, as to lull the
reader afleep ?"

Enough furely has been fiid in defence of the manner
of writing ; and as to the fubjedl of it, attacking the cha-
racters of clergymen, I am altogether at a lofs to know
what is that argument in reafon,or that precept in fcripture,
which makes it criminal to cenfure them, v/hen they de-
ferve it. That their ftation, like that of all other perfons
of influence or in public employment, fliould make men
very tender and cautious how they take up an evil report
againft them, and never to do it, except upon good ground,
I allow ; but when the church is really bad, I hold it as a
juft principle, that as it is in them doubly criminal, and
doubly pernicious, fo it ought to be expofed with double
feverity. And this is fo far from being contrary to the
interells of religion, that nothing can be more honorable
to it, than to fliew that there are fome fo bold as to reprove,
and fo faithful as to withftand the corruptions of others.
How far fecret wickednefs fhould be concealed, and
fcenes of iniquity not laid open, and fo fm turned into
fcandal in mlniiters, is a matter that would require a very-
careful and accurate difculTion, and admit of many excep-
tions ; but if in any cafe, erroneous do£trine, or degene-
racy of life, is plain and vifible, to render them completely
odious, muft be a duty ; and when it is not done, it makes
menconclude weare all combined together, like Demetrius
and the craftfmen, and more concerned for our own power
and credit, than the intereft and benefit of thofe committed

136 Defence in the

to our charge. Thofe who think that no good man can at-
tack the character of the clergy, I would juft remind
of the attack made upon the Jefuits in France, about
one hundred years ago, by the gentlemen of the Port royal,
a fociety of Janfenifts, of great parts, and eminent piety ;
parti cularl}'- by Monfieur Pafcal, in his provincial letters,
which are written almofl entirely in the way of ridicule.
And the very objcclion was made againft them by the Je-
fuits at that time, that is now made againfl; this piece.
Will any man now conclude from them, that Pafcal was
a bad man, whom all hillory teflifies to have been as
pious and unbialFed to the world, as any of his time ?

I hope, fir, what hath been faid thus in general, on the
fpecies of writing, and the fubje(3: of this book, will con-
vince every impartial member of this Synod, that the
Prefbytery of Pailley have afted in a moft unjuft and il-
legal manner, in paffing the fentence they have done up-
on it in my abfence, and without any examination. It is
neceffary that I fliould now alfo fpeak a little to the me-
thod of enquiry which they refolved upon, by appointing
a committee of their number privately to interrogate me.
And indeed, fir, the method isfo full of abfurdity and ty-
ranny, that I know not well where to begin in fpeaking
upon it. They have no where indeed told what were to
be the confequences, if their fufpicions were found to be
juft. Perhaps the Prefbytery of Paifley would have pafT-
ed fentence of depofition againft me in my abfence,
which would have been but ending as they began, contra-
ry to law and juftice. But, whatever were their particular
intentions, by their violent and illegal ftretches of power
in falling upon it, they were plainly of the worft kind ; and
it always put me in mind of a Fryer of the Inquifition, with
an unhappy perfon before you, whom they want to convidl,
that they may burn him, ftroking him, and faying to him
in the fpirit of meeknefs, Confefs, my fon, confefs.

Sir, if thefe gentlemen fuppofed me endued with the
leaft degree of common underftanding, this method was
excefilvely abfurd ; and whether they did or not, it was
full of injuftice. This committee being appointed by
the court, and the appointment inferted on the records of

Synod of Glasgo<m. 137

the Prelbytery, I juft aflc, were they not to make a report
to the next meeting of the Prefbytery, of all their private
converfation with ine ? Would not this alfo be ingroffed
in the minutes, and make a part of the procefs under
their cognizance ? Could I be prefent at their next
meeting, to be the lead check or controul upon their re-
port ? or would they regard any of my corredions of their
committee's report, if I could ? In this fituation, no
man of common fenfe would have had any converfation
with them but by writing, fo that he might be furc no-
thing would be reported but his ov/n words. For I
would not trufl; the mod impartial perl'on in the world
to report any converfation with me, upon a matter in
which he feeined to be keenly interefted, or to have ve-
ry dilTerent fentiments from me. The power of preju-
dice would give a tindure to the reprefentatlon ; nay,
the lejll forgetfulnefs would create fome variance. And
if they fuppofed me iimple enough to converfe with
them, what mull they have been, to take fuch advantage
of my fimplicity ?

Further, iir, this method of enquiry was veryabfurd,
becaufe felf-contradi£tory. They load a man with the
fufpicion of writing a book contrary to the interefl of re-
ligion, and containing many falflioods ; and then they
pretend to afk this man if he had done fo, faying that they
will be well fatisfied if he fliall deny it. Thefe fuppofi-
tions deftroy one another. If his veracity be fo entirely
to be depended on, either he mufl not be the author of
the book, or it is impoffible it can contain the fallhoods
that are alleged : for if he will lie in print to defame his
brethren, he will furely never fcruple to lie in converfa-
tion to favc himfelf from ruin. Therefore, fir, I do af-
firm, that appointing a committee to confer with me,
was highly abfurd, or Jefuitically cunning. For if my
word is fo much to be depended on as they give out, it is
a clear and compleat vindication of me from their charge,
and that out of their own mouths. But perhaps they
were more cunning than abfurd, and intended firft to make
me deny the thing formally, and then adduce it as a proof,
and to aggravate the crime.

138 Defence in the ,

. But, fir, they pretend that in this they are only in th*
fpirit, and following the rules of the Gofpel ; particularly
that rule of our Saviour, " If thy brother trelpafs againft
thee," &c. It is furprifing to hear any fpeaking in the
name of fuch a body, make ufe of this argument. I would
not give my judgment for having a man to preach the
Gofpel, who is capable of giving fuch an interpretation
to that text. It evidently and undeniably relates only
to private offence or perfonal injury. " If thy brother
" trefpafs againft thee, go and teil him his fault between
" thee and him alone; if he hear thee, thou haft gaine-d
" thy brother." Here, fir, nobody has any thing to do
with it but the perfon injured ; if by confeffion or repara-
tion, he is fatisfiied, the matter is ended, fiut will any
man fay that this is to be applied to cafes public in
their nature, and againft which, if true, a procefs and
public cenfure is intended ? If any of the Prefbytery of
Paifley, fuppofing themfelves pointed at in that book,
had previoufly come to me when the report rofe ; or fup-
pofe they had at any time, as private perfons, fpoke to
me on the fubje£l — they would have found no man more
ready to commune with them, and give them ajl fatisfac-
tion due from one Chriftian to another. But, fir, after pro-
ceeding as a court in the manner above veprefented ; after
illegally finding it criminal, and making it the ground
offtoppinga fettlementj then to appoint a committee
privately to interrogate me, as to the faft — it is, in my
humble opinion, a violence of juftice for them to attempt
it, a perverfion of the word of God to build it upon that
text ; and it would be yielding up the natural rights of
mankind, if I fhould be fo tame as to ftibmitto it.

Again, fir, they pretend that their conduQ: is exaftly
conformable to the form of procefs, and the practice
founded upon it, in the cafe of other fcandals. v/hen tlie
veiy firft means of proof is dealing with the accufed per-
fon's confcience, to bring him to a confeflion. And here,
fir, I muft fay, before this Synod, that I am not only
humbly willing to ftand or fall by this form of procefs,
but that I am refolved to affeit and maintain my right to
be judged by it, and by it alone, and not by the arbitrary

Synod of Glasgovi . 139

proceedings of forae modernclergymen. A general obferva-
tion is neceflary here, that this form of procefs doth univer-
fully proceed upon fcandals, the relevancy of which is ac
knovvledged, and cannot be denied. Now, this is by no
means the cafe here, as is evident from my continuing
fo long in the minillerial chara£ler, after the rife of the
report, as well as many other confiderations fuggelted
above ; and therefore, at any rate, the relevancy niuft be
firft proved, before there can be any propriety of alking
for a confeflion, and dealing with the qonfcience. It is
true, they have in their minutes found the relevancy ;
but whether this has been according to the rules in the
form of procefs, I could almoft allow even themfelves to be
judges ; for 1 dare lay they would hardly do it a fecond
rime.

But now, after we have left this in its full force, let ui
fuppofe that the matter objeiSed, were only of a fcanda-
lous nature, and let us go to the 7th chapter in the form
of procefs concerning minifters, and fee whether the me-
thod there prefcribed has been obferved in this cafe.
But, fir, as the whole affair is full of irregularitj% and in-
volved in dai'knefs and confufion by the precipitate or art-
ful conduft of the Prefbytery ; fo there is a particular diffi-
culty which arifes from the ftrange and ambiguous light in
which theyappear. Thofe who read the lUle and direftions
of the form of procefs, will plainly fee that fuch a cafe
as that now before you, was never contemplated by the
compilers of it. It is difficult to fay whether they are
to be confidered as private Chrillians offended and accu-
fmg, or the occafion of the accufation ; or as a church
court taking the affair under their cognizance for judg-
ment. They leeni to have confidered themfelves as
both. This I can never yield to ; but they fliall be at
liberty to be either of them they think proper. And fo
I ihall confider them firft in the one light, and then in
the other.

ift. If they be confidered as Chriftians offended, and
the accufers or occafion of the accufation, the rule is to
be found in the 4th part of the ydi chapter of the form of
procefs, " All Chrillians," &;c. Here then, fir, I com-.

140 Defence in the

plain oftliem, that they have not done as Chriflians, not
even v. hat they refolved to do as a court, and very much
out of time. Have they been wary in accufing me ? Have
they abftained from publifhing or fpreading the fcandal ?
Have they thefe three years by-pall, converfed with me
on the fubjedl ! Have they not in the controverfy every
where called it a heinous crime ; though they knew that
was far from being generally yielded, and would not pro-
bably be yielded by me ? Nay, now inftead of privately
converfm,2; v/ith me, during the feven weeks delay of the
affair, without ailigning a reafon, have they not record-
ed it in their regifter ? Have they not made it a part of a
procefs, difqualifying me for a call ? I leave any one to
judge whetiier this was following the rule laid down in
the form of procefs. Befides, they a£t not only as pri-
vate perfons, but judges ; or at lead are making the en-
quiry themfelves, that they may know whether they may
defire the Prefloytery of Irvine to do it after them.

2d. Let us confider them as a church court, taking
the affair under their cognizance for judgment. Here to
be fare, there is a monftrous impropriety. For, fuppo-
fing them to have taken ever fo juft fleps in other re-
fpetls, I v/as never before them, I cannot be before them,
I am not fubjeft to them. Yet, fir, as it cannot be be-
fore the Synod in any other way than they have been
pleafed to take it up in ; let us fee how agreeable it is to
the form of procefs, and whether they are ready to deal
with me for a confeffion. The form of procefs mentions
three v.-ays of taking up a fcandal againfl a minifter. The
two firll none pretends to hold in this cafe. The laft is,
part 3, laft claufe, " that \hefama clamosa^'' &c. Now,
can arty man fay that this condition holds in the prefent
cafe. Is this fo fcandalous in the eyes of the people, that
a Prefliytery would be reproached if they let it pafs. If
there be any fuch fama, it is very filent ; for I never
Iieard of any fault found with the Prefbytery of Irvine, to
whom it naturally fell to do it. On the contrary, I, do
affirm, becaufe I am able to prove, that the Prefbytery of
Paifley's taking it up, with very many, brings reproach
upon them. Again, do they follow the rule prescribed

Synod of Glasgow. 141

even when that condition exifts ? Have they enquired
into the rile, occafion, branches and grounds oi th\s fama
claniosa. This they were the more bound to do, that it
is far from being an uncontradi6tedy^«z<2 ; fo far from it,
that the very prevailingyjwa is not that I am the author,
but feme how concerned in it. They themfelves exprefs
it fome fuchway in their minutes. Thismakesall the argu-
ments about their paffing over the relevancy, every way
firong; becaufea manmighthave fome acceffion to thepub-
lifliingof a book in which fome very bad things were; and
without examination orfpecifying what this acceffion was, it
would be very hard to judge him guilty of the worfi, or of
the whole. To fay the truth, fome of their well-wifhers
have made it a very diflnonorable fama for me ; faying
that I he-lped to contrive the nufchief, to coUeft the ca-
lumnies, but had not fldll enough to give it its drefs and
form. Should not they have enquired then into the
grounds of x\\\sfama ? and have they ever done it ?

Further, in the 5th paragraph of that chapter of the
form of procefs, it is exprefsly appointed, that even after
aprocefs is begun upon ■xfama clamosa, the court muft
give a liberal and competent time to anfwer it. And the
accufed perfon is to be heard upon the relevancy. This
is, fir, upon the relevancy in the way the fa£ts are laid,
even concerning a thing confefTedly fcandalous ; and all
this, before the court are to endeavor to bring him to a
confeffion. From this, then, it is clear and evident, that
however lawful or prudent it might be for private perfons
to commune with a man himfelf till this be done, there
is no warrant from the form of procefs, for a court to ap-
point any examination and enquiry ; on the contrary, it
is making, inftead of mending a fcandal. And if this is
the rule in cafes confefledly of a fcandalous nature, it
holds much more ftrongly in what is now before you.

The truth is, this is not only the order of proceeding
exprefsly laid down with regard to minifters, but it is
common equity, and in fubftance the fame with the cafe
of fcandal in all other cafes, and with refpeft to all other
perfons. For though when a particular accufer againft a
man appears, layitig to his charge a grofs crime, fuch as

14.3 Defence hi the

uncleannefs, it feems to be due to his own charafiler, ag
well as to the public, that he Ihould profefs innocence ;
yet it often happens that when the accufation appears
wanton and malicious, he puts the accufer upon the
proof, and refufes to give any other fatisfaftion. And
whenever any perfon does fo, though the court may think
it obftinacy and ftatelinefs, or that they cannot fully ap-
prove his condu£l, yet they never condemn him on that ac-
count, butdifmifs theprocefsforwantof fufficientlight. And
I have feen feveral cafes of this fort, in whieh the court ab-
fblutely refufed to put a man to his oath, or even aflc him
if he was willing to fwear, unlefs there were fome more
prefumption than the bare accufation. And indeed this
is required in the form of procefs. This, however, is
ftating the cafe too flrongly. But if there be no partir
cular accufer, but a vague and general fama, would
it be tolerable for a court to call any gentleman whom
they fhall be pleafed to fufpeft, and put him upon
an enquiry, whether he was ever guilty of the fm of un-
cleannefs ? I dare fay fuch a meafure would be detefted
by every reafonable man.

But you will fay, here is a corpus dcb'td. Then let
me fuppofe a cafe exactly parallel — that a child were
expofed in a gentleman's neighborhood ; no mother
appearing or accufing ; but an idle rumour arifes, that
perhaps it may be his, or it may have been fome-
body about his houfe, and he acceflary to the'
commiffion of the crime ; would it in that cafe be
reafonable and juft, would it be according to the
form of procefs, to call him, gnd interrogate him,
whether he had ever, or for twelve months prece-
ding, been guilty of the crime of uncleannefs — without
making any previous enquiry, as to the rife of the affair,
or probability of the imputation ? So, in this cafe, here
is a child of the brain, expofed to the world : the mo-
ther,"-that is to fay, the prefs or the publilher, accufes no-
body ; nay, pretends that it is lawfully begotten. A
vague rumor lays it to me. This hath never been en-
quired into, though the firfl: broacher of it might eafily be
found ; and yet I njuft be interrogate4 by a court, ta

Synod of Glasgow. 143

whom I am not fubjedl, with whom as yet, as a court, I
have nothing to do. In fhort, fir, what I would do if I
were fo irregularly attacked, and charged with a crime
highly and confeffedly fcandalous, I do not know, and
hope I fliall never have occafion to deliberate upon it.
'Rut in this vague and illegal accufation of a doubtful
crime, and a crime perhaps chiefly or only in the eyes
of thofe who accufe me, and their adherents, I hope I
will be approved by every impartial perfon in ftanding
up for the rights of mankind, and refufing to anfwer
super enquircndis.

I could here put the Synod in mind of a queflion of
this nature, which came before the church of Scotland,

in profeffor S 's procefs. He refufed to anfwer fome

queries put to him by the Prelbytery of Glafgow, al-
though they arofe from, and were founded upon, fome
writings given in by himfelf This was debated before
the AfTembly, and rejefted by them, as they would give
no encouragement to inquifitorial proceedings.

But, fir, nothing can demonilrate more clearly the ini-
quity of fuch practices, than what happened not long
ago in this very Prelbytery, which is but little known,
but which I am able to bring to light. And after I have
narrated it, I leave it to the judgment of the Synod, whe-
ther they will countenance with their authority any fimi-

lar praftice in another cafe. When Mr. C was

was prefented to the abbey church of Paifley, there were
feme rumors railed, I know not how, as if he had
been guilty of fome praftices tending to difaffeftion.
Thefe I may fafely fay, were not difcouraged by the Pref-
bytery, but mentioned again and again in their minutes ;
and though the candidate infilled much upon a regular
judgment upon the relevancy, and an enquiry, they ftill
ifhifted both, and inftead thereof appointed a conference
with him. And what think you were the queftions they
put to him to remove the fcandal ? — Where did you learn
your Engliih ? and what minifler of the eftabliflied
church did you hear ? Where did you learn your Latin ?
and in whofe houfe did you Itay ? Did you ever go near
the epifcopal meeting-houfe all the time you were at the

144. Defence in the

profeflion of divinity ? Did Mr. H or Mr. R— ,

epifcopal minitters, recommend you to C 's family .'

Didyour father attendordinancesin the parifhchurch,where
he lived ? Have you any near relations that are related to
the minifters of this church .' We afk this, fay they, that we
may kiiow the difpolltions of your friends. — What could
be the intention of thefe quefiions ? what could be the
efFefit of their being anfwered, one way or the other ?
Might not the moft loyal man in Britain, be brought un-
der an odium in this manner. I flatter myfelf I am of
as untainted, unfufpedted loyalty, as any man in the Prcf-
byteiy of Paifley ; and yet I could not affirm that I had
never lodged in a difaffcdled perfon's houfe, nor had ihe
friendlliip of any fuch ; nor that I never came near the
epifcopal meeting-houfe all the time I was at the profef-
fion of divinity. And did not thefe gentlemen know that
fuch things were perfeflly frivolous and irrelevant \ Yes,^
fir, they knew it well ; but ftill they ferved their purpofe
of difobliging that people, and infufing jealoufies. And fo
they myfterioufly exprefs themfelves in their anfwer to
the reafons of appeal, that there are fuch unhappy cir-
cumllances in the prefenter's charadler, as do not recom-
mend him to the choice of this people. I will not fay,
fir, that all I have above reprefented is now to be found
in their regifier ; for they have a falutary art of expunging
from their minutes any thing that is diftionorable to them-
felves : but this I will fay, it actually happened, and a
great deal more. And I dare fay, if there be any epifco-
palian here prefent, he will inftantly add to his litany,
From fuch Spanifh prefbyterians, good Lord deliver us.

Thus, fir, I hope I have made it appear, that the Pref-
bytery of PaiHey have been guilty of moft irregular pro-
cedure, and flagrant injuftice to me, in paffing a fen-
tence upon my charafler, where they had no title to
judge me ; in finding a relevancy without examination
of the fubjefl;, and when I could not be heard in my
defence; andlaftly, in appointing an inquifition for dif-
covering the faft, diredly in the face of law and equit)'.

I am forry I have detained the Synod fo long. Sir, but
could not poffibly fpeak to this involved, perplexed accu-

Synod of Glasgoiv, 145

fation in fliorter time ; and I hope the importance of the
caufe to me, will plead for fome indulgence, and procure
your attention for a very few minutes longer, and
then I have done. Let me, Sir, fpeak plainly out ; what-
ever may be pretended about the intereft of religion being
concerned in the fate of this pamphlet, there is llrong
reafon to fufpedt that it is the credit of a party that is really
at ftake. We all know that there are very great diffe-
rences of fentiment among us, as to the government of
the church ; and it feems to be my misfortune, to be of
oppofite principles from feveral members of this prefoy-
tery, on that point. This is the caufe of my being charged
with ill-nature and unpeaceblenefs. They themfelves.
Sir, will not pretend to give any other inftance of this
temper ; and I confefs that as I reckon the glory of God,
and the edification of his church to be deeply concerned
in the caufe, I am refolved in his ftrength, to maintain
and fupport it to the utmolt of my power, fo long as I draw
breath ; and if I have been a firebrand, as I have been
fometimes called, I wifh I could anfwer the title, and burn
their pernicious fchemes even to allies. And, Sir, as,
in no other cafe have I ever difcovered any keennefs
of temper, fo I truft, that even in this, I have neither
difcovered an overbearing pride, or perverfenefs of temper,
but have fupported what I efteemed to be truth, with refo-
lution, but without violence. I cannot pretend to the po-
lite and courtly ftyle, in the fame degree with fome of my
oppofers ; yet have I endeavored to preferve the meeknefs
of a Chriftian, believing that the wrath of man worketh not
the righteoufnefs of God. — Now, Sir, I beg every wife and
honeft man of the other fide of the queflion, in our public
differences, to determine ferioufly, whether he will appi"ove
of a prelbytery's making perfonal oppofition, and becaufe
a man is not in every refpedt, of their way of thinking,
barring his fettlement to the utmoft of their power ; and
whether it be decent, or truly moderate, not only to re-
buke, fufpend and deprive thofe who cannot go with them ;
but as the very lad effort of tyranny, to attempt to call
out any who are but fufpefted of debating the point in
writing.

146 Defence^ bV.

Farther, I beg every man in this houfe, to lay his hand
jjpon his heart, and fay this day, in his judgment, whether
he will, in order to reach a man of a diiTerent party from
himfelf, approve of going contrary to all form and law,
and eflablifhing a precedent of inquifition. However
fecure fome may think themfelves and their party at pre-
fent, there is fuch an inftability in all human things, that
the engines which they prepare againil others, may be di-
refted againft themfelves. I know a fear of this kind for
the moft part operates but weakly upon men's minds ;
becaufe the cafes that may afterwards call up, cannot be
clearly difcerned, being hidden in the darknefs of futu-
rity ; but. Sir, he is the wifeft man, that a£ts with moft
prudence, and does not expofe himfelf or his friends to
the law of retaliation. This I fpeak in perfeft fecurity,
as to myfelf, for if the church lliall find that interrogation
is a proper way of enquiring into fadts, it will but open
to me a larger field of information ; and though it come to
the real merits of this caufe, the trial of the relevancy of
this crime objedted to me will take up at leaft feven years
in procefl'es of various kinds.

To conclude. Sir, though I will never approve of, or
give my confent for eliablifhing a pratlice which I think
unjuft and tyrannical ; yet as to my own cafe, I will even
fubmittobe interrogated by this very party upon this juft,
this felf-evidently jult condition, that the minifters of that
Prelbytcry do fubmit themfelves to be interrogated by me
in turn, on their dodlrine — their diligence in paftoral duty
— their care and government of their families — and their
perfonal truth. If they will yield to this, I will anfwer
upon oath, either inftantly, or upon a month's preparation,
not only as to this point, but all that they fliall think fit to
aflc, as to n)y charafter, that can accufe me, from my birth
to this day. And if this condition be refufed, the equity of
their condutt, I leave to the judgment of this venerable
Synod.

[ 147 ]

•coo eooo oMB TCOA (^00 COM owe eeae mm com eooo ooeo ooos * -!oeo ccoc tc^ Obeo tet^ moo f-u^ qm^ eoM looc ooe s cees
wjcc eeca ooco c«co oooc Mn kco ccoc com cow booo cow ooco J :oc3 00:0 coDC SOM c:x oMo ^:o3 ceoo oooe kv Nee o^ea

THE

DRUID,

published in Numbers in a Periodical Publication
0/1781.

NUMBER I.

SIR,

IT is my intention, by your permiffion and afliftance
to attempt the inftruftion and entertainment of the
public once a month, on mifcellaneous fubjedts. This
letter fliall ferve as the firft paper, and fhall be an intro-
diiftion to thofe that are to follow, by pointing out the
fpirit and defign of the undertaking, and the plan upon
Vi liich it is to be conduced.

The title which I have aflumed, was not intended to
carry any wit in it, and indeed not much meaning, fur-
ther than what is common to all names, the diftinftion
of one thing or perfon from another. It proved a mat-
ter of no little difficulty to fix upon a title, after fo great
a variety as the world has feen fince the pradtice of pe-
riodical efiays was firft introduced. After a good deal
of deliberation on a matter of very little moment, the
above was fuggefled, by the place which is now, and is
likely to be, my refidence while I continue on earth.

148 The Druid.

It is a fmall but neat houfe, in a pleafant, retired fituati-
on, furrounded with woods, in all the fimple majefty of
their uncultivated ftate. Neither was it unfuitahleto my
time of life, the age of fifty, a cool and contemplative fea-
fon, when men of education or bufmefs have generally feen
as much of the world as fatisfies their curiofity, and ena-
bles them to underlland well enough what is paffing in it ;
fo that they have neither neceffity nor inclination to mix
again in its aiStive fcenes.

I was born and educated in Great Britain, and had
all th$ advantage I could receive from a long refidence
in one of the moft celebrated feats of learning in that
happy kingdom. The prime and vigor of life I fpent
in the midfl of public bufinefs, and had a thorough
knov/ledge of the greateft part, and perfonal intimacy
with not a fev/, of the fperfons moft diftinguifhed in
rank, politics, or literature, for the laft thirty years.
From what circumftances, or with what views, I came
into this country, it is of no confequence for the reader
to know ; fuffice it therefore to fay, that I was not
trarifported by Sir John Fielding, but came of my own
proper motion and free choice ; and indeed have never
met with any thing in paffing through life, that could be
fuppofed either to four the temper, or break the vigor of
the mind. There are not a few who, towards the cloie of
life, acquire a fettled hatred or contempt of mankind, ancj
feeni difpofed to avenge their own real or fuppofed cala-
mities on the world in general, by the acrimony of their
converfation, and the virulent I'atire of their writings.
Produflions diftated by fuch a fpirit, have often, it muft
be owned, fuch a poignant feverlty as deeply wounds
the objeft of their refentment, and yet, I think, feldom
adds to therelifli of thofe for whom the entertainment is
provided.

It has been generally fuppofed, that fatire and invec-
tive is the way of writing, of all others, moft agreeable to
the public ; and the reafon given for it is very little to the
credit of human nature, viz. The prevalence of envy
and malignity in the bulk of mankind. Had I been of
this opinion, I would have cautioufly avoided introducing

The Drltid. T49

the fentiinent, at lead; fo foon, as it would have been but a
poor compliment to that very public, whole attention I
mean to folicit, and whofe improvement I wilh to promote.
I confefs that a thorough knowledge of the world, and ex-
tenfive reading in hiflory, have often produced mean
thoughts of human nature. We fee fometimes old hack-
neyed politicians difcover a jealoufy of the charafters,
and an indifference to the fufferings, of others, which fur-
prifes and offends men of lefs experience, who are there-
fore often laughed at for their weaknefs. This, in fome
inftances, is the miftake of the obferver, while the coolnefs
and compofure of fpirit, the deliberate and felf-colledted
carriage, which is the effeft of time, is falfely called a cal-
lous or unfeeling difpoiition. But where the remark is
juft, and a real and general hatred of others has obtained
full dominion, it would not be fo decent to infer from it,
that mankind are univerfally worthlefs or incorrigible, as
to impute it to the felfifli meannefs of that heart, in which
it had taken place.

It is very common for authors to go to an extreme
on the one hand or on the other, in fpeaking of human
nature. Thofc philofophers who fpeak of it in fuch
exalted terms as to contradict the truths of religion, have
prefent experience and the hiflory of pad ages diredtly
againft them. The mofl illuflrious perfons in the re-
cords of time, have derived the greateft part of their
luftre itfelf, either from the Angularity of their character,
or, which is nearly the fame thing, from the depravity of
others, who needed their affiftance for inflruftion or cor-
reftion. It was fmartly, at lead, if not juftly faid, by an
author not many years ago, that the v/ifdom of legiilators,
and admirable policy of flates, and even the purity of
moral precepts, are juft fuch arguments for the dignity of
human nature as gibbets are. There is, doubtlefs, no
fmall degree of error, ignorance, prejudice and corrupti-
on to be found among men ; but thefe, when properly
viewed, ferve rather to demonftrate the importance and ne»
ceffity of information and inftrudtion. There are not
only particular inftances in which the human mind has
difcovered the moft exalted virtue as well as amazing pow-

150 5^^ Druid.

ers ; but the human race in general, with all its defers,
is certainly the noblefl and mod valuable in this lower
world, and therefore the moft worthy of cultivation. To
this may be added, that there is no circumftance in which
there is a more manifeft diflinStion between man and the
inferior creatures, than that the individual is more helplefs
as well as the kind more noble ; and theretbre the inter-
courfe of fociety and mutual aflidance is abfolutely ne-
ceffary to his improvement and perfeiSlion.

But this is perhaps treating the fubjeft in too abfiraft
and philofophical a manner, which I well know is not
much to the talle of the prefent age. The importance
of knowledge, and the power of intelledual light, will
be readily confeffed. The queRions to be ferioufly de-
bated with himfelf by an author, at his firft fetting out,
are, What encouragement he has to devote himfelf to
the public fervice ? and, what reafon to think he hath
any thing to communicate that is worthy of the public
attention ? Now, as to xheji/s! of thefe, it is my opinion,
that though error, prejudice, and i)artiality, are very uni-
verfal, that is to fay, they have place in fome degree in
many perfons of every rank, age, and country ; yet their
influence in each has, properly fpeaking, but a narrow
fphere. Truth is much ftronger than them all. They
iliew themfelves chiefly in the fmaller interefts of particu-
lars ; but there is a candor and impartiality in a diffufive
public, which may be in a great meafure depended upon,
and which will both hear truth and-obey it. There is not
perhaps a man in that public, but has many prejudices and
prepoffeflions ; but thefe are confined within certain bounds
like the fphere of attraction of particular bodies, round
himfelf : when you go beyond that fphere, they are not
felt, or they are felt very weakly. There is an oblerva-
tion I have fometimes made, which I do not remember
to have read in any author, but which, if juft, fliould
teach every man to revere the public judgment. The
remark is, that I can fcarcely recolleft any perfon well
and intimately known to me, whofe performances, either
in fpeaking or writing, had been exhibited to the world
fpr any time, of whofe talents and erudition the great plu.

The Druid. 151

rality did not judge exaclly in the fame manner that I did
myfelf. If they do jufiice to evefy other perfon, why
fhould I doubt their doing it to me ? Ignorance, prejudice-
malice, or accident, may have fome influence at firit ; but
their efiefts are merely temporary, and are fpeedily effa-
ced. Time is a diligent enquirer, and a jufl judge. I could
almod fay the fame thing of a man's moral charafter, un-
der two exceptions : If you go beyond the bounds of local
politics, and abftra£t entirely from religious differences,
every man is fpoken of pretty nearly as he deferves, I
am fufEciently aware that there are particular exceptions
to this general theory, but I have not now time to en-
ter upon them ; and therefore fliall leave them till they
fall in my way in the difculfion of fuch fubjefils as fliall
be undertaken in my future papers.

As to the second point, whether I have any thing to
communicate that is worthy of the public attention ? It
is plain from the appearance of this paper, that I have
already judged of it fo far as to make the attempt ; it
is therefore too late for me, and too early for the reader,
to take that matter into confideration. I fnall, however
mention briefly the plan which I mean to follow. The
general fubjed; of thefe papers fhall be the philofophy of
human nature and of human life ; I would willingly join
fcience and refleftion to experience and obfervation. Li-
terature and morals, arts and indullry, fhall be my chief
themes ; and under one or other of thefe, every thing
may be introduced, that can in the leafl contribute to the
happinefs of focial or private life. I mull beg the reader
to obferve, that in handling all thefe fubjefts, I fhall have a
particular view to the ftate and interell of this rifing coun-
try. As in youth the human frame wears its lovelieft
form ; as the fpring is the mofl charming feafon of the re-
volving year : fo, a country newly planted, and every day
advancing to a maturer flate, affords the l.ijhefl delight to
a contemplative philofopher, and is, at the fame time, the
flrongell invitation to adivity and ufefulnefs.

1 am fenfible that fome v/ill think the prefent an impro-
per feafon for beginning on fo extenfive a plan. T hey will
fay the time calls not for fpeculation but adlion. Our in-

iji . The Dniid.

duflry is now all turned into one channel, the vigorotiS
exertion of the fpirit of defence. When liberty, property
and life are at ikke, we muft not think of being fcholars,
but foldiers. When happy peace returns we fhall be able
to apply with proper attention and vigor to the improve-
ment of our minds, as well as to the cultivation of the
foil ; till then we have other work upon our hands. I muft
inform the reader that thefe are miftaken refledlions.
There is fuch a conneftion among all the arts that improve
or embellifli human nature, that they are beft promoted in
conjunfliion, and generally go in a body. As I look with-
out folicitude, or rather with unfhaken confidence of fuc-
cefs, on the prefent glorious and important llruggle for the
liberties of mankind ; fo I confider it as a proper feafon
for the moft ardent application to the improvement of this
country in all refpefts. In times of public commotion
the human mind is roufed, and fliakes oflT the incum-
brances of lloth and felf-indulgence. Thofe who put on
the harnefs and go into the field, muft be encouraged, af-
fifted, and even iupported, by the aftivityand induftry of
thofe who remain at home. Befides, I am much mifta-
ken if the time is not juft at hand, when there fhall be
greater need than ever in America, for the moft accurate
difcuflion of the principles of fociety, the rights of nations,
and the policy of ftates ; all which {hall have a place in
the fubfequent numbers of this paper. But above all, can
it ever be unfeafonable to lay before the public what
tends to improve the temper and morals of the reader,
which ihall be the ultimate object of all my difquifi-
tions ? He who makes a people virtuous, makes them
invincible.

The reader will now, in fome degree, underftand the
defign and extent of this undertaking. As to wit and
humor, I choofe to make no promifes upon that head,
left I fliould break them. Moft people, perhaps, differ
from me ; but I confefs I would rather read a te-
dious argument than a dull joke. Yet the favors of
the ingenious, as the faying is (poft paid) may perhaps
enable me fometimes to gratify a reader of tafte ;' only I
muft take the liberty of being pleafed myfelf firft, other-

The Druid. 153

Wife they fliall fleep with me, or return to the authors.
Some, perhaps, will wonder that I have faid nothing of
the delightful themes of love and gallantry, efpecially as
it is fo eafy to eflablifh a conneftioa between the tender
palTion and military glory. The younger clafs of my
readers may reft fatisfied that they ihall not want good,
advice enough, which may be applied to that and to
every other fubjefl; ; but I do not take myfelf to be qua-
lified to paint the ardors of a glowing flame. I have
not feen any killing eyes thefe feveral years. It was
but yefterday, that I fmiled involuntarily on reading a
poem in your lall: magazine, fetting forth, that both
Beauty and Wifdom had taken up their refidence with a
certain nymph, the one in her cheek, the other in her
tongue, and that they were refolved never to depart ;
which I thought was a little unfortunate for all the reft
of the fex. I wilh every Strephon and Daphne heartily
well, and that the exalted and rapturous phrafes of Ar-
cadia may be foon brought down to the compofed dif-
courfe of a quiet man and wife in Philadelphia ; in
which charafter, perhaps they may fometimes hear from
me, I hope, to their great benefit.
I am. Sir,

Your moft obedient fervant.

The DRUID.

NUMBER II.

S I R,

WH E N I firft came into this country, nothing
was farther from my expeflation than the con-
teft that has now taken place between Great-Britain
and the Colonies. The reader, I fuppofe, will alfo
readily believe me when I affirm, that what relates to

154 '^ke Druid.

this important flruggle, made but a fmall part of the
matter I had meditated and digefied for the fubjedl of
thefc differtations. But, from fonie letters which I have
received, and much converfation that I have heard, it
appears plain, that fomething of this kind is expe£ted
from me, and that if it is long with-held, it will be diffi-
cult to avoid fufpiciou from the warmer fons of liberty^
It is not eafy to determine what branches of this great
argument it would be beft to take up, as moft fuitable
to a fpeculative philofopher, and at the fame time moft
neceffary or ufeful to the bulk of my readers. The
natural ' rights of mankind, and the caufe of liberty in
general, have been e^iplained and defended in innu-
merable treatifeSj ancient and modern. The application
of thefe principles to the American controverfy, has been
made by many wiiters among us, with the greateft clear-
nefs and precifion. The nature of government, and me-
thod of balancing a civil conllitution, I cannot fay has
beeri handled either with fo much fulnefs or propriety as
the other topics ; yet on this alfo many excellent obferva-
tions have been made. If it has not been much reafon-
ed on, it feems neverthelefs to be both felt and under-
flood in almoft every corner of this continent.

Leaving, therefore, thefe fubjefts for the prefent, as we
are yet engaged in a \var fomevi'hat fingular in its nature,
important in its confequences, and uncertain in its dura-
tion, I fliall beg leave to make feme remarks as a fcho-
lar, and as a citizen of the world, on the vianner of car-
ry'ing on luar. By this is not meant to lay down a
plan of difcipline, or taftics for an army, or of flratagems
and manoeuvres for a general or inferior leader ; but to
confider by what means wars of different kinds may be
carried on, confifiiently with reafon, confcience, or com-
mon utility. Every body muft have obferved how fre-
quently the newfpapers have been filled with complaints
of our enemies, as afting favagely and barbaroufly — as
being guilty of unnatural cruelty — as carrying on a felo-
miQus and piratical war — as afting contrary to the laws
of war. I hc^ve, however, taken notice, that among all
thefe differtations little or nothing has been faid to fhew^

The Druid. 155

'wiy they have a6led barbaroiifly, further than that they
have afted unjuftly in being our enemies at all. No one
has told us what are the laws of war, or endeavored to
make us underfland when eneniies may be laid to aft
a fair and honorable, and when a daltardly and cruel
part.

This fubjeft I fhall now therefore enter upon ; and will
endeavor to handle it with as much fimplicity as poffible,
that it may be iifeful to perfons of the loweil: rank, and
moft common underfianding. Let me trace it to its
fource. Wherever fociety exifts, founded upon clear
edabliflied laws, this obliges us to form an idea of a flate
previous to the formation of fociety, or before fuch or any
laws were made and acknowledged to be in force. This
is called a Itate of nature. I do not enter into the innu-
merable queftions upon this fubjeil ; as, how long it
could coi>tinue, when men increafed in number ? Whe-
ther it is a ftate of war or peace ? Whether inclination
prompted, or necefTity compelled, men to enter into fo-
ciety ? It is fufHcient for my purpofe, to obferve, that
independent nations are in a ftate of natural liberty with
refpeft to one another, or as man to man previous to the
focial compaft. When they difagree, they have no com-
mon umpire or judge to refort to, but muft decide their
quarrels by the fvvord. The queftions then to be refolv-
ed are tl^ree : i. Are there any law? at all by which they
are bound ? or, are all kinds of force or violence equally
juft ? 2. If not, what is the law ? what is it that makes
the diftindion ? and, 3. what is the fanftion of the law ?
To whom Ihall we complain when it is broken ?

If there is any fuch law, it is certainly very juftly deno-
minated, by civilians, the law of nature and nations.
Of nature, becaufe its principles are to be derived from
the ftate of natural or univerfal liberty, and perfonal in-
dependerice ; and of nations, becaufe there is no perfoii
in fuch a ftate at prefent, excepting nations, or large bodies,
who confider themfelves as independent of each other.
Now, that there is fuch a law, I think is evident, not
only from the univerfal acknowledgment of men, and
the practice of nations from the earlieft ages, but from

156 The Dni'id.

the nature of the thing. If there are any duties binding'
upon men to each other, in a ftate of natural liberty, the
fame are due from nation to nation. Bodies politic do
not in this circumflance, differ from individuals. The
lame anfwer niuft be made to the fecond quellion. It is
impoffible to mention any right that an individual may
juflly claim, either as to perfon or property, from his fel-
low men, but a fociety has the like claim upon any other
Ibciety. Their perfons mufi: not be affaulted, nor their
property invaded. The fingle purpofe of fociety, indeed,
is to proteft the individual, and to give him the flrength
of the public arm, in defence of his juft and natural right..

But it will be aflced, in the third place, What is the
fanclion of this law ? and who is to call the offender to
account ? To this I anfwer, That the fandlion of the law
of nature is nothing elfe but a fenfe of duty, and accounta-
blenefs to the Supreme Judge ; to which may be added,
fuch a fenfe of general utility, as makes men fear, that if
they notorioufly trample upon it, reproach and infamy
among all nations will be the effe£l, and probably refent-
ment and indignation by common confent. Agreeably
to this, having recourfe to force is often called an appeal
to Heaven, and it is, at the fame time, generally accom-
panied with an attempt, by fome public declaration, to
convince other nations of the juilice of the caufe.

Omitting many things that are not connefted with
the point I liave in view, particularly without enumerat-
ing the legitimate caufes of war ; but fuppofing nations
engaged in a war, which they believe on both fides to be
juft, let us aflc, What are the means by which this war is
to be carried on ? The fii-fl and mod obvious anfwer is, By
aHLjuanner of force or open violence ; and the mod able
warrior is prefumed to be the one that can invent weapons
the moft deadly and deftrudlive. It is admitted alfo on all
hands, that force may be ufed, not only againft the per-
fons and goods of rulers, but of every member of the hof-
tile ftate. This may feem hard, that innocent fubjefts of
a Itate fliould fuffer for the folly and indifcretion of the
rulers, or of other members of the fame date. But it is often
y.navoidable. The whole individuals that compofe a ftate,

The Druid. 157

are conridered but as one body. It M'oiild be impo/Tible
for an enemy to diftinguifla the guilty from the innocent.
When men fubmit to a government, they rift their own
perfons and poflellions in the fame bottom with the whole,
in return for the benefits of fociety.

Upon this principle, open violence may be faid to have
no bounds, and every method that can be invented to fend
delb-uttion and mifery to any part of the hofiile flate, may
be thought to be permitted. But upon the principles of
general equity, and the confent and practice of modern
times, a£ls of cruelty and inhumanity, are to be blamed,
and to be confidered as a violation of the law of nations.
Many of them might be eafily enumerated, fuch as re-
fufing quarter to thofe who fubmit, killing prifoners when
they might be kept without any danger, killing women and
children, inventing methods of torture, burning and def-
troying every thing that might be of ufe in life. The ufe
of poifoned weapons alio has been generally condemned,
as well as the poifoning of fprings and provifions.

The celebrated Dr. Robertfon of Edinburgh, in a fer-
ir.on before the fociety for propagating Chrillian know-
ledge, has made an obiervation to this purpofe, " that to
"the honor of modern times, and (as he thinks) particu-
*' larly to the honor of Chriftianity itfelf, there is much
" more gentlenefs and humanity in the manner of car-
" rying on war than formerly." If we look into ancient
hiftory we fliall fee fuch inllances of ferocity and cruelty
in many cafes, as are too Ihocking to be related. There
is nofadl, however, in the records of antiquity on this fub-
ject, that ever ftruck me fo much as the account given of
Sefoih-is, becaufe it fhews, not the barbarity of a particu-
lar moniler, but the fpirit of the times. He is extolled by
many ancient authors for his clemency, becaufe he did
not put to death, the princes whom he unjuftly attacked
and conquered. Yet he ordered them to wait upon him,
Avith a yearly tribute, and on thefe occafions ufed to yoke
them in his chariot, and make them draw him, in place of
horfes, to the temple. How much worfe than death would
this appear at prefent to a captive prince ?

158 The Druid.

But however juftly praife may be due to modern times
for comparative humanity, what we have faid above is on-
ly general and undefined. Let us feek for the true prin-
ciple that ought to govern the conduct of refined and en-
lightened nations. This, if I miftake not, is, That all acts
of cruelty which have no tendency to weaken the resisting
Jorcc, are contrary to reason and religion, and therefore
to the laiv of nature and nations. The end of war is to
obtain jufl;ice, and reftore peace, therefore whatever tends
to leffen or deftroy the force of the enemy, muft be per-
mitted. It is in this view alone that the capture of private
property is allowed and juflified. But to take lives with-
out neceffity, and even to treat prifoners with oppreffion
or infult, above all to diftrefs or torture the weaker lex, or
the helpleis infant, ought to be detefted by every nation
profeffing the gofpel.

The principle which I have laid down, may be applied
univerfally, and will ferve to point out when any meafure
is to be juflified or condemned between perfons profeffing
open hoftility againil each other. I will take the liberty
to apply it to fome things that have been done or at-
tempted in the prefent war, carried on by Great-Britain
againft America. It is now undeniable that endeavors
have been ufed to bring the Indian tribes upon the back
fettlements. This I call an aft of extreme and unjuftifi-
able barbarity, becaufe their manner of making war is well
known. They are neither formidable for their number
nor their ftrength, but for making inroads upon the dwell-
ings of their enemies, and putting to death women and chil"
dren, with circumflances of horrid cruelty. This is fo far
from weakening the force of the people againft whom it
is pra£tifed, that it tends to infpire them with a revenge
and fury not to be refifted. The well known hiftory of the
late war, will both explain and fupport what I have faid.
The cruelty of the Indians produced fuch a fpirit in the
back fettlers, which not only repelled their attacks, but in
fome indances retaliated their injuries, in a manner that I
will not take upon me either to defend or excufe. There-
fore, when we blame the Brilifli miniftry for ftirring up
the Indians againft us, we do not blame them for aiklng

The Lruid. 1^9

afliftattce from other nations, which is common in all
wars, when any party apprehends itfelf weak, but for a
method of attack, the cruelty of which bears no proportion
to any advantage that can be derived from it.

The fame thing I fay of proclaiming liberty to flaves,
and IHrring them up to rebel againfi: their mailers*
There is, however, fome little difference in the applica-'
tion of the prniciple to this and the preceding inllance*
It is probable that the people in Great-Britain reckoned
upon a degree of advantage from this meafure, vaftly fu-
pcrior not only to what it produced in effeft, but to what
they themfelves expefled from the incurfions of tiie In-
dians. I gather this from an expreffion in a treatife pub-
liflied in England on the American controverfy, to this
purpofe, that, ' if England declare freedom to the flaves,
they (the Americans) have not fix weeks to be a people.'
Thefe appreheniions may be thought to juftify them in
the attempt, as they mufl have taken it to be fo fpeedy
and effedlual a means of producing abfolute fubmiffion.
But I mud obferve, in addition to what I have faid above,
that there are fome things fo bafe and treacherous in their
nature, and fo pernicious in the example to human focie-
ty in general, that whatever efFeft they might be fuppo-
fed to have in a particular cafe, all men of liberal minds
have concurred in rejefting them. For example, though
it is generally agreed that aiming particularly at the life
of a leader in battle, is not only lawful but prudent, as it
is of more confequence than fifty others, yet to fu born his
fervants to aiTafllnate him privately, though it might have
the fame effeft upon the military operations, is univerfal-
]y condemned. An inftance in hiflory occurs to me, in
which a meafure, though likely to have a great influence
in weakening the enemy, yet, for its extreme cruelty,
deferves to be fpoken of with horror. It was that of king
James VII's general at the fiege of Londonderry, 1689,
who, when the garrifon was reduced to extremity for want
of provifions, drove all the proteftants within thirty miles,
chiefly old men, women and infants, under the walls of
the city, to be either taken in, or fuffered to perifli with
hunger under the eyes of their friends. Had this meafure

i6o ITos Druid.

been fuccefsful, it would have been, notwithftanding,-
condemned as unjuft ; but I am happy in being able to
obferve, that afts of extreme cruelty do very feldom pro-
duce the effe(5t:s intended by them. When a certain
point is exceeded, fear itfelf is converted into rage, and
produces the unexpefted and incredible efforts of de-
fpaiiv

The principle I have above laid down, will alfo enable
us to judge what opinion we fhould form of afts of vio-
lence and depredation. When an army can avail itfelf
of the goods and property of the members of a hoftile
Ibte, or probably reduce them to the neceffity of making
peace, not only the feizure but the reduftion of both may
be juftified upon the principles of reafon. But when
men can only deftroy and not poffefs, and that deflruc-
tion can only fall upon an in confiderable number of help-
lefs people, it is at once inconfiftent with greatnefs of
mind, and for the moft part againft the intereft of the
deftroyer. It operates as an inflammatory principle, and
calls up every man, from the ftrongeft to the feebleft, to
affift in repelling or punifliing the favage invader. For
this reafon I give it as my opinion, that burning and de-
ilroying houfes, where there is no fortrefs, as has been in
fome inftances done, deferves all the epidaets of barba-
rous, favage and inhuman, that have been bellowed upon
it, either by thofe who have fuffered, or thofe who have
felt in their behalf.

A few more refledlions fliould have been added upon
wars differently circumftanced, and particularly upon
ctvil wars ; but they muft be referred to the next or fome
future paper.

The Druid, . xQi

NUMBER IIL .

S i R,

MY laft paper was employed in examining what is
the radical principle, according to the law of na-
tare and nations, for determining the just and lawful
means of carrying on war. Having left the fiibjeft un.
finiflied, I will now add what feems further necelfary up-
on it. The chief and mofl: remarkable diftin61;ion of wars
to be found in civilians, is into what they q'^X foreign and
civil wars. By the firfl: are to be underftood, wars be-
tween nations confeffed on both fides to be feparate and
independent. By the fecond, wars between different
parts of the fame ftate. The firft are fuppofed to arife
from fome occafional injury or partial encroachment, and
to have for their end the reparation of the wrong, and the
reftoration of fecurity and peace. The fecond, in which
one part of the fubjefts of a Itate rifes againft another, are
much more various, both in their caufes and ends, al-
though the rulers of every ftate generally affedl to confi-
der them all as of the fame nature, and belonging to the
fame clafs. The light in which they wifli them to be
viewed is, as an infurredlion of diforderly citizens againft
law and order in general, and therefore as including the
greateft crime that can be committed againft fociety, and
deferving the fevereft punifhment. This is the true and
proper import of the laws againft treafon in any country,
and if the objett on which they take hold is really fuch
as they defcribe, no fault can be found with their feverity.
He who breaks the public peace, and attempts to fubvert
the order of the fociety of which he is a member, is guil-
ty of the greateft crime againft every other member, by
robbing him of a bleffmg of the greateft value in itfelf, as
well as eflentially neceffary to the poffeffion of every
other.

For this reafon it is that in civil wars one party takes
upon itfelf to be on the fide of order and good govern-
ment, and confiders every perfon of the oppofmg band,

1 62 'The Druid.

not as a citizen contending for the fuppofed rights of his
own ftate, but as a felon and a criminal breaking the
law of God and man, and if fubdued and taken, dellined
to public, ignominious, legal punifirment. But let us
confider a little the caufes and circumllances of civil
wars, as they have appeared in hiftory. Some have
doubtlefs been of the kind above defcribed, and which
the law in general preiumes ; but if they have been nu-
merous, tliey have hardly ever been formidable. Infur-
reftions of profligate or even miftaken citizens have ge-
nerally been local, and occafioned by fome circumflances
that do not afleft the whole body of an empire, and there-
fore have been eafily fupprefied. Many of the civil wars
wlaich have torn and diilratled great empires, have arifen
from the ambition and turbulence of particular men,
contending for power and influence in the adminiftration
of government. Such were the wars of Sylla and Mari-
iis, Gaefar and Pompey, in the Roman republic ; in
which, though the partifans on both fides were certainly
criminal, yet, at the fame time, they were equally fo.
We may place in the fame rank, the civil wars in Eng-
land and France, which were fo long in the one country,
and fo bloody in both, about the fucceffion to the crown.
In thefe wars, the principle on which they were waged,
was fundamentally wrong, viz. that there was a claim of
right in one family or perfon, which entitled them to
authority, diflinfh from common confent, or the general
good. But this principle was the fame to both parties ;
many perfons of equal honor and truth embraced the
oppoilte iides of the queftion ; and we can perceive no
difference at all between them, in point of merit or deme-
rit towards the fociety. If one contends for the uncle,
and the other for the nephew, to be king, or the poflerity
of each many generations diftant, and a bloody war mull
decide the queftion, little other refleftion can occur to a
confiderate man, than to pity the weaknefs of human
nature.

There remains another clafs of civil wars, in which a
part or the great body of a monarchy or republic refill
the authority of their rulers, on pretence that they are
fuffering under opprelTxdn. They do this Ibmetimes with

The Di-iiid, 163

a view to redrefs their grievances, and fometimes to fub-
vert their governinent altogether as infupportable, and
re-fettle it upon a new foundation. It alfo frequently
happens that it begins with the firfi: of thefe, and in the
Gourfe of the quarrel find or think it neceffary to end with
the lafl. There are many wars of this kind upon record,
fome of which have been fuccefsful, and others not. If
they have been fuccefsful, hiflory dignifies them with the
name of Revolution ; and if otherwife, they mufl bear
that of rebellion. Their fuccefs, however, is no certain
criterion of their juRice. The civil war in England of
the laft century, which bears the name of the grand re-
bellion, and late vigorous contefl of the Corficans againll
the republic of Genoa, though they were fold into flave-
ry, were as honorable in the principles, as the {iiccefsful
refiRance of the Seven United Provinces to the king of
Spain, or the efforts of the Englifli nation at that period
which we have now agreed to call xht glorious revolution.
Let us apply thefe remarks to the fubjeftof our prcfent
enquiry, the means and manner of carrying on war.
In faft, it has always been found that civil wars have
been carried on with a rage and animofity much greater
than thofe of independent nations. Afcs of cruelty have
been much more frequent while they lalled ; and after
peace has taken place, the alienation of mind and inward
refentment has been much greater and of longer continu-
ance. The barbarity of the Syllan and Marian faftions
to each other in Rome, as well as the profcription of the
two fubfequent triumvirates of that flute, were fo horrible
that it is diflicult to conceive how human nature could be
brought to fuch an unfeeling and hardened a temper,
as to give or execute the bloody orders. As foon as a
war between independent nations ceafes, the wound is
perfectly healed, and particular perfons of thefe nations
do not retain the leafl degree of refentment againft each
other. It is quite otherwife in civil wars. Tliey often
give a name and charafler to the different fa<Slions, which
is not obliterated for many generations. Whig and Tory
are names by which perfons and faniilies are Itill diflin-
guifhed in England, although they are both of great anti-

164 ^^^ Druid.

quity, and the firil of them more than a hunclred years
old ■ ■ ■:

Whenever any efFe£l is general and conllant, there muft
be feme fiiitable and permanent caufe or caufes for it. It
may not therefore be amifs, either in a philofophical or a
moral view, to examine the caufes of this phenomenon in
political life. One caufe may be affigned for it which \i
very general, but which will perfe£tly apply to this, as well
as to every other kind of llrife. The greater the injury
that is done, and the ftronger the obligation to friendfliip
that are broken through, the deeper the refentment that is
felt by a ftnfible mind. Nov\'-, if is certain that to difturb
the internal peace of a ftate by a civil war, is a much
more dreadful evil, and touches the people' more miiver-
fall)^, than war with a foreign kingdom. Befides injuries
done, or fuppofed to be done, by thofe with whom we are
nearly connected, and from whom we expected every aft
of friendfliip, wound more deeply than thofe done by
grangers or perfons unknown. This is fo generally true,
that differences between near relations, if they come to a
certain height, and are publicly known, are fcarcely ever
thoroughly reconciled. They may be apparently orim-
perfectly taken away, the fore may be fkiimed over, but
it fiill rankles at bottom, and upon the flighted touch is
ready to break out anew. ' -

Another caufe which may be affigned for the barbarity
exercifed in civil wars, is the hateful or contemptible idea
\vhich the one fide, at leaft, often entertains of the other.
It is a fine obfgrvation of a moral writer of the lalt age,
*' If you want to be wholly free from the guilt of injury,
oppreffion or flander, you muft take care what you think
of others, for it is certain that'your treatment of them will
be according to the opinion you have formed of their cha-
r?.(5ter and merit." ' This remark is perfectly juft : for if
"once a man allow himfelf to hate another heartil7, there is
no anfvvering for what he will do to him, nor is the natu-
ral humanity of his difpofition the leaft fecurity againft his
5;oinft to excefs. Perfons of the gentleft nature and the
fofteft fex, when completely enraged have been guilty of
die moft horrid cruelty. This is commonly accounted

TJ^e Drutd. i6jj

for by the mixture of fear and hatred. But if another in-
gredient is added to the compofition, it will be yet more
powerful, I mean contempt. Some may think that fear
and contempt are inconfiltent, but this is a mifiake. You
cannot fear the llrength of an enemy and defpife it at the
fame time ; but you may eafily fear his llrength and ma-
lice, and defpife his charafter. If therefore you join all
thefe together, fear, hatred and contempt towards an ene-
my, it will not be wonderful if the treatment he receives
is unmerciful or unjufl. This is often the cafe in civil
wars. Thofe who are on the fide of government are apt
to form the moft unjufl; as well as defpicable ideas of their
opponents, and never to fpeak of them but in the moft op-
probrious terms. By this they are naturally led to be-
have towards them with inhumanity, and fometimes in
their correipondence they will fcarce confider themfelves
as upoii an equality, or be bound by the laws of fmcerity
and truth. '

I could illuftrate the influence of chara6:er, and the opi-
nion we entertain of others, on our conduft toward them,
by many Inftances in hiftory. It is the true and genuine
lource of the Roman Catholics not keeping faith with he-
retics. This their enemies charge them with as an avow-
ed principle ; which they deny. But that they have adled
agreeably to it is faQ:, the example of John Hufs of Bohe-
mia, and feveral others, put it beyond all quelUon. It is
alfo the true caufe of the cruelty of the inquifition, com-
monly called the bloody Tribunal. Nothing is more
common th.ua to confider the minifters of this court as
monfters divefled of every feeling of humanity, and fo to
lay three fourths of the blame upon the perlbnal charafter,
whereas in truth, it ought to be wholly imputed to the
power of bigotry and falfe zeal. When once a perfon is
believed to be an enemy to God, and meriting his utmoll
vengeance, it is not wonderful that men fhould co-operate
with him, and infiidl that little part of it that is in their
power. It is not fo properly fuffering in itfelf, as the inno-
cence of the fufferer, or the difproportion of the fuffering
to the crime, that excites our compaffion. When crimes
are very atrocious, we fometimes feel, and in fome degree

j66 The Druid.

regret, the weaknefs of human vengeance, which cannot
poffibly give them their due. I can recolleft feveral in-
ilances of criminals, on whofe condemnation not one but
many would fay, " he deferves, if it were poflible, a thou-
fand deaths."

But now let me draw this difiertation to a conclufion,
or, as divines would fay, to the application. It is eafy to
fee, from the above principles, what are the diftates of
truth and juftice as to the manner of carrying on civil wars.
There is but one clafs of them in which the behavior
fhould be different from the practice that prevails in wars
with independent flates ; I mean when tumultuous and
diforderly citizens attempt to ftibvert law and order alto-
gether. But when the grounds of the quarrel are plaufible
on both fides, and when it is demonflrable that perfons of
the flri£teft honor and integrity may be found adhering to
the oppofite parties, they are bound by every tie to can-
dor in judgment, humanity and mercy in their conduct
towards each other. Happily we often fee the parties in
fuch wars compelled to humanity through felf-interell, and
reltrained by fear of one of the juflefl of all laws, that of
retaliation. I could wilh, however, that a fenfe of duty
ihould be added to this obligation ; for neither necelTity nor
even inclination is fo liable and powerful a principle of
action, as reafon and truth impreffed on the confcience.
Neceffity does not always feem equally flrong, and the im-
pulfe of natural affeftion is tranfient and changeable ; but
that which we confider as elTential to our duty, we fliall
adhere to without the affiftance of either, and ought to do
it even in oppofition to both.

I do truly think myfelf in my prefent retirement (beg-
ging the reader's pardon) not ill qualified, in point of im-
partiality, for handhng this fubjeft, and applying it to the
prefent conteft between Great-Britain and America. I am
paft the age of bearing arms, and whatever I have done
before, fliall probably never again wield any other weapon,
than thofe improperly fo called, the tongue and the pen.
I do clearly fee the perfedl; juflice and great importance of
the claim on the one hand, and eafily conceive the power
of prejudice on the other. On the part of America, there

The Druid. 167

was not the mofi: diftant thought of fubvertuig the govern-
ment, or hurting the intereit of the people of Great-Bri-
tain, but of defending their own privileges from unjuft
encroachment ; there was not the leaft defire of with-
drawing their allegiance from the cofhmon fovereign, till
it became abfolutely neceflary, and indeed was his own
choice : On the other hand, I can eafdy conceive that
thofe who have been long accuftomed to fubjedlion, and
from whom it is really due, fhould not fuddenly enter into
the reafons of exempting a people otherwife fituated from
the fame burden. They are therefore of courfe eafily de-
ceived by falfe or imperfeft accounts of a diftant country,
and infenfibly biaffed by the phrafeology conftantly ufed,
particularly the terms rebels and rebellion. Upon the
whole, as I am nov/ to difmifs this fubjeit, and profecute
the plan laid down in my firfi: number, I fliall conclude
with faying, That humanity is the noblefl attendant on
true valor ; and that he will probably fight molt bravely,
who never fights till it is neceflary, and ceafes to fight as
foon as the neceffity is over.

158 The Dnti'd.

NUMBER IV:
^ I R,

ONE of the greatefl: difficulties that occiars to writers
of mifcellaneous efTays, and which has been often
complained of, is the fixing upon proper fubje£ls. We
are confined, as a certain writer obferves, to ' human
nature and life,' and yet thefe have been fo completely
ranfacked, and almofl every charader and occurrer.ce iias
been placed in fuch a variety of lights, that it is hardly
poffible to find a corner that is wholly untouched. At
the fame time, as to the manner of writing, the reader
generally expedls two things that feem to be incompati-
ble and mutually deftruftive of each other. The one is,
that it be ftriking and original ; and the other, that it be
fimple, natural and obvious. If we fay what any body
might fay, then it is a trite, beaten, common-place, hack-
neyed topic ; and if we fay what would not readily occur
to others, then it is a forced, unnaturalf out of the ivay
manner of thinking and writing, than which there cannot
be a greater difparagement of either writer or fpeaker, nor
any that will more fpeedily or effeftually prevent his fuc-
cefs. But notwithftanding this apparent hardfhip, there
is a real jufiice in the expedation of the public in both
refpefts, when rightly underllood. A writer's fentiments
fhould be properly his own, and yet they fliould not be
too much repugnant to other people's. And as one man's
face is eafily diftinguillied from that of every other, though
the general features are the fame in all, he may preferve
his genuine character without going far out of the inay, or
aiming at any thing odd or particular for this purpofe.
I know not how it is with others, but for my own part, I
would rather write on a fubjeft that has been often han-
dled, or a charafter that has been often defcribed, than
one of a contrary kind ; becaufe, in fuch cafes I can form
my own fentiments with greater precifion, and exprefs
rhem witli greater perfpicuity and force.

The Druid. 169

The reader may confider the above as an introduttion,
preface, or, if he pleafes, apology for the following dilTer-
tation, which (hall have for its fubjeft a certain human
charadler or quality, generally CdXltA. plain common sense.
I mult, in the firfl place, fettle the meaning of the expref-
fion. There are in every language, certain fine or nice
diftintVions in the ufe both of phrafes and fmgle terms,
which, though introduced and finally fettled by general
pratlice, are not always attended to or fuHy underftood.
In the cafe before us, I think, the term is ufed very dif-
ferently in the negative, from what it is in the pofitive
form. When we fay of a man, that he wants common
sense, we mean that he is a very great fool, and fome-
times that he is the next thing to a changeling or ideot.
But when, in the pofitive form, we fay of a man, that he
is a man oi plain common sense, we give him a good cha-
rafter, and are underfiiood by it as affirming that there
are not many fuperlor or equal to him in that particular,
as alfo that he poflefiTes a quality of no inconfiderable va-
lue. It is plain, that in thefe two ways of fpeaking, the
term common fenfe Hands for different things. In the
firfl of them it fignifies, that fenfe that is really common
to all men, or at leafl: nearly univerfal : in the fecond it
fignifies either fomething totally different, or at leaft a
degree of that fenfe which is not poffeffed by the plurality^
but perhaps is called common, becaufe it may be found
in fome perfons of every rank.

Let me now enquire a little into the charaflers of com-
mon fenfe. It is the gift of nature, and may be clearly
diftinguiflied from what is acquired by ftudy or applica-
tion. In the Thoughts on various Subjefts, by Swift and
Pope, we have one to this purpofe, that ' fine fenfe is not
half fo ufeful as common fenfe, for he that has the one
without the other, is like one that carries nothing about
him but gold coin, who mufi; be often at a lofs for want
of change.' In another of thefe thoughts we are informed,
^ that to attempt to move the multitude with fine fenfe, is
like attempting to hew a block with a razor.' With all
refpefl: to thefe great men, I mufi: fay, that though there
is fomething fmart and livelv in the above recited fenti-

i7& 7he Druld.

merits, yet they are more brilliant than juft ; they feem
to Tuppofe, that refinement is a thing of the lame kind
with common ienfe, and only higher in degree, and yet
at the fame time that a man may poffei's genuine refine-
ment and be without common fenfe, neither of which, in
my opinion, is true, at lead in fuch a fenfe as to make
their fimilitudesjuft, or their reafoning eonclufive. Re-
finement is as different from common fenfe as the culture
is from the foil, or the climate from either ; but as their
joint influence is neceffary to the production of the crop, fo
fine fenfe, without conmion fenfe as its ground-work and
foundation, very ill deferves the name. If I faw a man
attempting to hew a block with a razor, or heard him
Ipeaking in metaphyfical, abilra.61;, unintelligible terms, to
a multitude of common people, I fhould heartily agree
that he wanted common fenfe ; but that he pofleffed fine
fenfe, I Ihould not be eafily brought to confefs.

Tlie ufe of fcientific terms and fentiments, brought
from v/hat is known only to fcholars and improperly
introduced, has been long treated with the contempt it
deferves; but it is confidered as belonging only to the learn-
ed poffefTors. I was well acquainted with a divine many
3'earsago, who began a prayerin his congregation with thefe
word?, ' O Lord, thou art the fimpleft of all beings,' which
incenfed his hearers againfl him to fuch a degree, that they
accufed him of having fpoken blafphemy ; whereas the
poor man only meant to fay, that God was philofophically
limple and uncompounded, altogether different from the
groffnefs, divifibiUty, or, as it is fometimes more learn-
edly called, the difcerpibility of matter. I was alfo ac-
quainted with a phyfician, who, fitting with a lady in her
own houfe, and being aflced by her, ' Doftor, are arti-
chokes good for children ?' anfwered, ' Madam, they are
the leafi; flatulent of ail the efculent tribe ,' indeed, doc-
tor, fays the lady, I do not underftand a word of what you
have faid. Now, I think, a few would have much admi-
red either the fine or common fenfe of thefe gentlemen,
though certainly the divine would have been confidered as
the greater fool of the two, for phyficians, as a body, have
afferted and maintained their right to the ufe of hard

7he Braid. lyi

phrafes beyond any other clafs of fcholars. But there is
a certain fpecies of this fault, which, I think, has not been
much taken notice of ; and that is, when men, either of
high fiation or real fenfe and literature, are filled with
felf-fufficiency, and cannot think of defcending to the
level of thofe with whom they converfe, either in lenti-
ments or phrafeology. I fufpe£t there were a few grains
of this failing in the illuftrious perfons not long ago men-
tioned ; and that their fentiments, above related, are
an evidence of it. In this inftance, th^ir fine fenfe was
an over match for dieir common fenfe, and this was an
evident proof of the imperfection of both.

If then fine fenfe does not differ eflentiaily from com-
mon fenfe, and the firft is nothing more than a certain
brightnefs or polifh given to the laft, it would feem as if
by common fenfe we ought to underftand the rational
powers in general and the capacity of improvement. But
here we meet with a difficulty which feems to need a re-
folution. If common fenfe is nothing elfe but the ftrength
of the intelle(5tual powers taken complexly, then mud it
be in every perfon in proportion to thofe powers ; and
fcience, if it does not improve, certainly cannot diminifh
it. Yet there is no branch of fcience whatever but we
find fome perfons capable of learning it, and frequently
even of ftiining in it, who are notwithflanding very de-
fective in common fenfe, and after their learned acquifi-
tions, the defeat is either greater in itfelf, or at leafl more
vifible than before. We find many who learn the dead
languages to great perfection, who learn arithmetic, geo-
metry, natural philofophy, rhetoric, politics, who even
become eminent in fome of them and tolerably fkilled in
all, whom yet we reckon greatly inferior to more igno-
rant perfons, in clear found common fenfe.

Perhaps it may be thought that thefe ignorant perfons
only wanted the opportunity of improvement, and would
have excelled the others alfo in literature had they applied
to it. This I do not find to be the cafe, from the in-
ftances in which a trial has been made. Doubtlefs there
are fome examples of perfons eminently poffefled of judg-
ment or common fenfe, as well as capable of acquiring

tfz The Druid.

fltill in the fciences ; but thefe talents are by no means
the fame or in direfl; proportion to one another. I have
known perfons who feemed capable of learning any thing,
and who did know a great deal upon many fubjeits, who
yet had fuch a comical caft in their general behavior,
that it was not eafy to avoid fmiling at their fpeech and
conduft. I have even known perfons, male and female,
with whom you could find no fault, but that their carriage
and converfation were too complete and pertefl: at all
times, and yet we fufpeded them of folly, merely becaufe
they were free from the follies and irregularities of others.
I remember an inftance, in early life, of my being in
company, for the firft time, with a certain young lady, and
after a few minutes, fhe aflied me a very judicious quef-
tion upon the character and hiflory of Auguftus Csefar,
which made me immediately fufpeft that Ihe was not
quite found ; whereas, if flie had only faid it was a fine
day after the rain, or uttered any otiiar fuch wife and
pertinent refledlion, I fhould have concluded nothing to
her prejudice. On the other hand, there are many in-
ftances of perfons who have made trial of fludy and fcience
with very little fuccefs, and who^ giving them up, have
applied to aftive life, and have defervedly acquired the
character of clear-headed, fenfible, judicious men. The
truth is, the diftinftion between literature and common
fenfe feems to be well known and generally acknowledged.
There are fome who evidently give way to, or even afFedt
ah abfence of mind, from forgetfulnefs and inattention to
what they are about, and expeft we fhould confider it as
an indication of profound Hudy and deep learning. This
is one of the moft ridiculous pieces of alTeftation imagi-
nable. Such gentlemen, if they be logicians, fhould be
told that a particulari ad vnhcrsale non valet consequentia.
We know very well that fome great fcholars are fools,
but this will never prove that all fools are great fcholars.
Upon the whole, it feems that fcience, or a capacity for
it, is not common fenfe.

Since then common fenfe is a gift of nature, different
from a capacity for fcience in general, fhall we fay that \t,
is genius, including particularly thofe exalted and admired

The Druid. 173

talents which have been. by fome of the lateft writers, call-
ed the powers of imagination. Here we are further from
the point than ever, for great '.yit and a lively imagination
are rather confidered as oppofed to judgment and pru-
dence, and other happy fruits of common fenfe. So much
is this the cafe, that the poet has been often cited with ap-
probation, who fays,

Great wit to madnefs fure is near allied,
And thin partitions do their bounds divide.

It is common to fay, that fuch a man has more fail than
ballaft, meaning that his imagination, fire and fprightlinefs
are an overmatch for his prudence, and clearly carrying
the fuppofition, that this lafl quality is as oppofite to the
others as fail is to ballaft, or even motion to reft. To all
this may be added, that fome who really were, and many
who defired to be thought men of great genius, have ac-
tually claimed it as their right, not to be confined to com-
mon forms, and indeed have generally acled accordingly.
We have feen then that refinement, fcience, genius, are
not common fenfe, ftiall we now go any further ? Is there
not a character in which there is knowledge of the moft
liberal kind, clearnefs of underftanding, penetration of
mind upon every fiibjeft, and yet a weaknefs or want of
common fenfe in conduft and behavior ? Are there not
fome who feem to have not only all other fenfes, but com-
mon fenfe too for every body but themfelves ? They can
immediately and readily difcover the miftakes of others,
they can give the beft and foundeft advice upon every
fubjefl:, and yet never could aft a wife part themfelves on
any fubjedl. Some who are even connoiffeurs in (Econo-
my, never can keep their own affairs in tolerable order. I
have known a gentleman who reduced himfelf to beggary
by foolifh projefts, yet, after having fold his paternal in-
heritance, he employed himfelf in thinking and writing
on that fubject on which he had a£led wrong, and pubr
liflied eflays on agriculture, modeftly pointing out to gen-
tlemen and farmers by how fniall a portion of land, well
improved, they might fpeedily acquire a plentiful eftate.

1^4 5"'^^ Druid.

Upon comparing all thefe obfervations together, I beg
leave to lay down a few propofitions which appear to be
neareft the truth in the Way of theory or fyflem, and on
them to ground a few practical advices. There- feem to
be three feparate qualities of the human mind very well
exprefled in the old philofophy, by the three known
terms of memory, imagination and judgment. Thefe
are truly diftinft one from another ; for any one of them
may hot only exifl, but be in high perfeftion in the ab-
fence of both the others. This will not, I think, be
doubted as to the two firft, and even as to the laft I have
known fome perfons not only without imagination as a
talent, but with very little tafte for works of imagina-
tion, and whofe memor}" was no ways remarkable, who
have pafTed through life with great dignity and credit,
who, wither without learning,have conduced their own af-
fairs with prudence and difcretion, and difcovered the
higheft fenfe of propriety and decorum in all their inter-
courfe with others, under the happy guidance of plain
common fenfe.

In the next place, though thefe qualities are difl.iti£t,
they are by no means incompatible. There have been
inftances of perfons who pofteffed all the three in high
perfedlion ; and there muil be a confiderable proportion
of each to form a charafter truly illuftrious. Some, in
whom imagination has been very ftrong, have alfo been
remarkable for clearnefs of judgment in their works,
good fenfe and prudence in their whole deportment. The
fame thing I fay of memory. Some prodigies of memo-
ry have been defeftive in judgment, but many great men
have alfo excelled in this refpecl, and no fmall meafure
of it is neceflary both in works of genius and the functions
6f public life. Again,

Of thefe three qualities, judgment is by far the moft
valuable and important. Of itielf it is amiable and re-
fpeQable, while the others, without it, are contemptible,
ufelefs or hurtful. A man of memory, without judgment,
is a fool ; and a man of imagination, without judgment,
is mad ; but when this great quality takes the government
of both, they acquire luftre, and command univerfal ef-

The Druid. 175

teem, l^o human accomplishment, unlefs it has this as
its foundation and ground-work, can reach perfeftion, even
in its own kind. Memory will make a linguift, imagina-
tion will make a poet, penetration will make a philofo-
pher, public life will make a politician, and court breed-
ing will make a man of fafliion; yet all of them are ef-
fentially defeftive if common fenfe is weak or wanting.
There is foraething in the application and diredtion of all
thefe accomplifhments which judgment mult fupply, and
which neither inftruftion, example, nor even experience
will beftow.

It is probable that many would readily grant me (what
yet I do not afk, being hardly of the fame opinion) that of
all the characters jufl; now mentioned, that of a man of
falhion or politenefs is the molt fuperficial, and what may
be moft eafily attained by imitation and habit. Yet even
here nothing is more eafy than to fee the dominion of
judgment and good fenfe, or the prevalence of folly and
indifcretion. That want of prefence of mind or embar-
raffment, which is often the effedt of modefty or balhful-
nefs ; nay, even the errors and blunders which vifibly
proceed from ignorance and miftake of the reigning mode,
are not half fo abfurd and ridiculous, as the affedted airs
and mifplaced ceremonies of a, fop, of which the ladies are
always moH attentive obfervers, and to give them their
due, generally not incompetent judges.

Once more, judgment is an original and radical qua-
lity, that is of all others leaft capable of being communi-
cated by inflruftion, or even improved or augmented by
culture. Memory and imagination are alfo gifts of na-
ture ; but they may be greatly increafed, the one by ex-
ercife, and the other by indulgence. You may teach a
man any thing in the world but prudence, which is the
genuine offspring of common fenfe. It is generally faid
that experience teaches fools, but the meaning of the pro-
verb is often miftaken, for it does not fignify that experi-
ence makes them wife : it fignifies that they never are
wife at all, put perfifl in fpite of inftrudion, warning and
example, till they feel the effefts of their own folly. If a
man is born with a fund of good fenfe and natural difcern-

tnent, it will appear in the very firft ftages of his educa-
tion. He who outftrips his fellows in a grammar fchool,
will not always be the greateft fcholar in advanced life ;
but he who does not difcover difcernment and fagacity
when a boy, will never be diftinguiihed for it fo long as
he lives. It is often faid, in a certain country, that a
fool of forty will never be wife ; which is fometimes un-
derftood as if a man made as regular a progrefs to the
fummit of his wifdom, till the age of forty, as he does to
that of his ftatore till twenty ; which is a very great mif-
take. I take it to be in this cafe, as in the other, that a
man of forty has fufEciently proved to all the World that he
is not, and therefore that he never was and never will be
wife.

Shall we fay then that this mod valuable of all human
qualities receives no benefit at all from a well conduced
education, from fludy, or from an acquaintance with the
world. I anfwer, that I do not think it is capable of any
change in its nature, or addition to its vigor, but it may
be joined to other talents of more or lefs value, and it may
be applied to perfons more or lefs ufeful and importanty
and thence acquire a luftre and polifh, of which it would"
Otherwife be deftitute. The fame good fenfe and pru-
dence, which alone would make a fenfible judicious far-
mer, would, if united to memory and imagination, and
enriched with fliill in the liberal arts, make an eminent
fcholar, and bring in large contributions to the treafury of
human fcience. The Hime foundnefs of judgment, which,
in a country life or contrafted neighborhood, would fet an
example of frugality, be an enemy to diforder, and point
out the pofieflbr as a proper umpire in unhappy diffen-
tions ; would, in a more enlarged fphere, make an ac-
complilhed fenator or a politician, to manage the affairs of
a large community, or fettle the differences of contending
nations,

I come now to offer my readers fome advices, a prac-
tice to which I am by nature and habit exceedingly prone.
A difficulty, it mufl: be confeffed, feems to occur in this
matter. If the above theory be juft, there feems to be
little room left for advice, as the great talent, fo largely

The Druid. ijf

derciiheJ, Is fuppofed to be original and unalterable. This
difficulty, however, notwithllanding, important inllruc-
tion nipy be grafted upon it, not only to parents and others
who have the charge of the education of youth, but to
every man, for the future direftion of his own conduct.

As to the firll of thefe, I would intreat parents to guard
againft that fond partiality which inclines them to form
a wrong judgment of the capacity of their children ; par-
ticularly, it were to be wiflied, that they would not take
a few fallies of pertnefs and vivacity for an evidence of
diftinguiflied parts. It is well known, and has been fre-
quently obferved, how apt parents are to entertain their
vifitors with an account of the bright fayings or flirewd
fchemes of their children, as moft promifing fymptoms of
their future talents ; and yet, fo far as my obfervation
reaches, the things related might for the moll part juftify
a contrary fuppofition. I fliould run little rifle in affirm-
ing, that three fourths at leall of thofe anecdotes, which
parents relate with fo much triumph of their children, are
to be accounted for from memory, or petulance, or even
ftupidity. A child will repeat, at an improjjer time, a
phrafe or remark that he has heard, and it will make fo
abfurd a contrail with what is going on, that it is impoffi-
ble to forbear langhing, I afl< whether this is an evi-
dence of the greatnefs or the want of underflanding in
the child ? Another will give an infoknt and faucy an-
fwer, and acquire great reputation for what deferved the
mod fevere and exemplary correction. To crown all,
I will tell a true flory : An old gentleman, whom I
knew, would often fay, in cormnendation of his fon's wif-
dom, then a boy about ten or twelve year's of age. That
when other boys are breaking their legs by falls from
limbs of trees, or going a filhing in rivers, at the rifle of
being drov/ned, his fon would fifli a whole afternoon with
s. crooked pin in a tub of foul water in the kitchen. I
fuppofe any reader will agree, that the facl and the re-
mark taken together, conflitute a full proof that the mo-
ther was honeft, and the fon lawfully begotten.

It would be a great advantage, that parents fliould
make a moderate ellimation of the talents of thfir chU-

178 The Druid.

di'en, in two refpefts. (i.) It would prefefve the chil-
dren themlelves from being puffed up with unmerited
praiie, and thus miflaking their own character and capa-
city. Though the native force and vigor of common
fenfe can neither be augmented nor deftroyed, j'Ct it may
be, and I beUeve frequently is neglefted and defpifed, or
overgrown by the rank weeds of oftentation and felf fuffi-
ciency. When young perfons are vain of the talents
which they do not poffefs, or ambitious of a charafter
which they cannot attain, they become ridiculous in their
condu£t, and are generally unfuccefsful in their purfuits.
(2.) It would incline and make their parents to conduit
their education in the moft proper manner, by giving par-
ticular attention to thofe branches of inftruftion, which,
though lefs fplendid, are more generally ufeful than fome
others. It would lead me too much into detail to give
many examples for the illuftration of this remark, and
therefore I ftiall only fay, that common fenfe, which is a
modeft unaffuming quality, and a diligent application to
the ufeful parts of fcience, will neither diftrefs nor weak-
en a fervent imagination, when it really refides in the
fame fubjeft ; but giving loofe reins to a warm imagina^
tion, will qfren overfet a moderate degree of judgment, fo
that it will never more -dare to ihow its head. I have
known fome youths of bright genius in their own elteemj
who have looked down with great contempt upon quiet
and orderly boys aS dull plodding fellows, and yet thofe
laft have, in the iffue, become men of fpirit and capacity,
as well as literature, while the others have evaporated
into rakes and bullies, and indeed blockheads ; or taking
the road to Mount Helicon, have become poets, fools
and beggars.

I muft advife every reader, efpecially thofe in early
years, to form his opinion of others, and his friendly at-
tachments, upon the principles above laid down. No-
thing will more eftedlually millead young perfons, than
an exceffive admiration oflhowy talents in thofe with
whom they converfe, whether they be real or fuppofed.
I have known many inflances of perfons who apparently
ewed their ruin to their irjibibing, early in life, a notion

The Drui^. 179

ihat decency, order, and a prudent management of their
affairs, were marks of dulnefs ; and on the contrary, that
petulance, frowardnefs and irregularit}', and even vicious
exceffes, were the effefts of fpirit and capacity. Many
follow the leading perfon in frolics, not Irom any inward
approbation of fuch pnwSices, but merely to avoid the re-
proach which in fuch focieties is fo unjuflly beftowed. I
beg all fuch to believe me, as a perfon of fome experience
in places of public education, when I affure them, that in
nine inltances out of ten, your ramblers, night-walkers,
and mifchief workers, are blockheads and thick-fculls.
Does it require any genius, think you, to throw a log in
another's way in a dark paffage, and after he has Humbled
over it, to raife a triumphant laugh at him, who was fuch
a fool as not to fee without light.

I conclude with obferving, that whatever may be the
capacity of any perfon in itfelf, if it is neglefted or mif-
improved, it will either be wholly loft or be of little con-
fequence in future life. Our very bodily frame prefents
us with a leflbn of inftru(Stion upon this fubjeft. Though
formed by nature complete and regular, if it is accuftom-
ed to any improper torture or ungraceful motion, the ha-
bit will foon become unconquerable ; and any particular
limb or member that for a long time is not ufed, will be-
come ufelefs. This holds yet more ftrongly as to the
powers of the mind : they are loft by negligence ; but by
"proper application they are prcferved, improved, and in
many cafes increafed. Let all, therefore, who wifti or
hope to be eminent, remember, that as the height to which
you can raife a tower, depends upon the fize and folidity
of its bafe, fo they ought to lay the foundation of their
future fame deep and llrong, in fobriety, prudence and
patient induftry, which are the genuine dictates oi plain
common sense.

iSo The Druid.

NUMBER V,

SIR,

A MAN is not, even at this time, called or confider-
ed as a fcholar, utilels he is acquainted in ibme de-
gree with the ancient languages, particularly the Greek
and Latin. About 150 years ago, however, thofe lan-
guages were better underlloo,^ than they are at prefent ;
becaufe, at that time, authors of reputation publillied al-
niofl: all their works in Latin. Since the period above
mentioned, the modern, or as they are fometimes called,
the northern languages have been gradually polifhed, and
each nation has manifeftjed a zeal for and an attention to the
purity and perfeflion of its own tongue. This has been the
cafe, particularly with refpeft to the French and Englifli,
The French language is as nearly as I can gucfs, about 50
years before the Englifli, in this refpeSt ; that is to fay,
it is fo much longer fmce their men of letters applied
themfelves to the afcertaining, correfting and polifhing of
it. The Englilh, however, has received great improve-
Bients within the lail hundred years, and probably will
continue to do fo. He mull have little judgment, or great
cbflinacy, who does not confefs that feme late authors
have written the Englilh language with greater purity
than tliofe of the firlt charafter in former times. From
this we may certainly infer, that the education muft be
very imperfeft in any feminary where no care is taken
to form the fcholars to tafte, propriety and accuracy, in
that language which they muft fpeak and write all their
life afterwards.

To thefe reflexions it may be added, that our fituatioa
in America is now, and in all probability will continue to
be fuch, as to require pecufiar attention upon this fubjeft.
The Englifli language is fpoken through all the United
States, We are at a great diflance from the ifland of
Great- Britain, in which the fiandard of the language is as
■y&i fuppofed to be founcj. Every ftate is equal to and in^

The Druid. i8i

dependent of every other ; and, I believe, none of them
will agree, at leaft immediately, to receive laws from
another in difcourfe, any more than in aftion. Time
and accident muft determine what turn affairs will take
in this refpeft in future, whether we fhall continue to
confider the language of Great-Britain as the pattern
upon which we are to form ours : or whether, in this new
empire, foine centre of learning and politenefs will not
be found, wiiich fhall obtain influence and prefcribe the
rules of fpeech and writing to every other part.

While this point is yet unfettled, it has occurred to
me to make fome obfervations upon the prefent ftate of
the Englifli language in America, and to attempt a col-
ledf ion of fome of the chief improprieties which prevail
and might be eafily corrected. I will premife one or
two general remarks. The vulgar in America fpeak
much better than the vulgar in Great-Britain, for a very
obvious reafon, viz. that being much more unfettled, and
moving frequently from place to place, they are not h
liable to local peculiarities either in accent or phrafeology.
There is a greater difference in dialedl between one
county and another in Britain, than there is between
one ftate and another in America. I fliall alfo admit,
though with fome hefitation, that gentlemen and fcholars
in Great-Britain fpeak as much with the vulgar in com-
mon chit chat, as perfons of the fame clafs do in America :
but there is a remarkable difference in their public and
folemn difcourfes. I have heard in this country, in the
fenate, at the bar, and from the pulpit, and fee daily in
differtations from the prefs, errors in grammar, impropri-
eties and vulgarifms, which hardly any perfon of the fame
clafs in point of rank and literature would have fallen into
in Great-Britain. Curiofity led me to make a colleftion
of thefe, which, as foon as it became large, convinced
me that they were of very different kinds, and therefore
muft be reduced to a confiderable number of claffes, in
order to their being treated with critical juftice. Thefc
I now prefent to the public under tlie following heads, to
each of which I will fubjoin a fitort explication, and a

i8a The Drulch

number of examples, with remarks where they feem ne-r
ceflary.

1. Americanifms, or ways of fpeaking peculiar to this
country.

2. Vulgarifms in England and America.

3. Vulgarifms in America only.

4. Local phrafes or terms.

5. Common blunders arifing from ignorance.

6. Cant phrafes.

7. Perfonal blunders.

8. Technical terms introduced into the language.

It will be proper to put the reader in mind, that he
ought not to expeft that the enumeration under each of
thefe heads can be complete. This would have required
a very long courfe of obfervation ; and indeed is not ne-
ceflary to my purpofe, which is by fpecimens to enable
every attentive and judicious perfon to make obferva-
tions for himfelf.

I, The firft clafs I call Americanifms, by which I un-
derfiand an ufe of phrafes or terms, or a conftruftion of
fentences, even among perfons of rank and education,
different from the ufe of the fame terms or phrafes, or
the conftrudlion of fimilar fentences in Great-Britain.
It does not follow, from ^ man's ufmg thefe, that he is
ignorant, or his difcourfe upon the whole inelegant ; nay,
it does not follow in every cafe, that the terms or phrafes
ufed are worfe in themfelves, but merely that they are of
American and not of Englilh growth. The word Ame-
ricanifm, which I have coined for the purpofe, is exaftly
fimilar in its formation and fignification to the word
Scotticifm. By the word Scotticifm is underftood any
term or phrafe, and indeed any thing either in conftruc-
tion, pronunciation, or accentuation, that is peculiar to
North-Britain. There are many inftances in which the
Scotch way is as good, and fome in which every perfon
who has the leaft tafte as to the propriety or purity of lan-
guage in general, muft confefs that it is better than that of
England, yet fpeakers and writers muft conform to ciif-
tom. _ . . . -

the Dntid. -iS'S

Scotland, or the northern part of Great-Britain, was
once a feparate independent kingdom, though, except in
the Highlands, the people fpoke the fame language as in
England ; the inhabitants of the Lowlands, in both coun-
tries, having been originally the fame. It is juftly ob-
ferved by Dr. Robertfon, in his hiftory of Scotland, that
had they continued feparate kingdoms, fo that there fliould
have been a court and parliament at Edinburgh, to ferve
as a ftandard, the fmall differences in dialedt and even in
pronunciation, would not have been confidered as defeds,
and there would have been no more opprobrium attend-
ing the ufe of them in fpeech or writing, than there was
in the ufe of the different dialefts of the ancient Grecian
republics. But by the removal of the court to London,
and efpecially by the union of the two kingdoms, the
Scottiih manner of fpeaking, came to be confidered as pro-
vincial barbarifm ; which, therefore, all fcholars are now
at the utmoft pains to avoid. It is very probable that the
reverfe of this, or rather its counter part, will happen in
America. Being entirely feparated from Britain, we Ihall
find fome centre or ftandard of our own, and not be fub-
jeft to the inhabitants of that ifland, cither in receiving
new ways of fpeaking or rejefting the old.
The examples follow.

1. " The United States, or either of them." This is fb
far from being a mark of ignorance, that it is ufed by
many of the moft able and accurate fpeakers and writers,
yet it is not Englifti. The United States are thirteen in
number, but in Englifli either does not fignify one of ma-
ny, but one or the other of two. I imagine either has be-
come an adjeftive pronoun, by being a ibrt of abreviation
of a fentence where it is ufed adverbially, either the one or
the other^ It is exaftly the fame with ekateros in Greek,
and alterutur in Latin.

2. This is to notify the public ; or the people had not
been notified. By this is meant inform and itiformcd. In
Englifti we do not notify the perifon of the thing, but no-
tify the thing to the perfon. In this inftance there is cer-
tainly an impropriety, for to notify is juft faying by a word
of I<atin derivation, to make knoivn. Now if you cannot

184 y^^^ Druid.

lay this is to make the public known, neither ought you
to fay this is to notify the public.

3. Felloiv country men. Tliis is a word of very frequent
ufe in America. It has been heard in public orations from
men of the firft charafter, and may be daily feen in news-
paper publications. It is an evident tautology, for the
lafi word expreffes fully the meaning of both. If you open
any di6tionary, you will find the word countryman figni-
fies one born in the fame country. You may fay fellow
citizens, fellow Ibldiers, fellow fubje£ls, fehow chriftians,
but notjeHow countryjncn.

4. Thefe things were ordered delivered to the army.
The ^vords to be are omitted. I am not certain whether
this is a local expreffion or general in America.

5. I willi we could contrive it to Philadelphia. The
words to curry it, to have it carried, or fome fuch, are
wanting. It is a defeftive conftrudtion, of which there are
but too many that have already obtained in practice, in
fpite of all the remonfi;rances of men of letters.

6. We may hope the alTiftance of God. The vvordyor
or to recei*^' is wanting. In this inftance hope, which is
a neuter verb, is turned into an aftive verb, and not very
properly as to the objeftive term affiftance. It mufl be
admitted, however, that in fome old Englifli poets, hope
is fontetimes ufed as an aftive verb, but it is contrary to
modern praftice.

7. I do not confider myfelf equal to this taflc. The
vi'ord as is wanting. I am not certain whether this may
not be an Englifli vulgarifm, for it is frequently ufed by
the renowned author of Common Senfe, who is an En-
glifliraan born ; but he has fo happy a talent of adopting
the blunders of others, that nothing decifive can be infer-
red from his praftice. It is, however, undoubtedly an
Americanifm, for it is ufed by authors greatly fuperior to
him in every refpeft.

8. Neither to day or to morrow. The proper conllruc-
tion is, either the one or the other, neither the one nor the
other,

9. A certain Thomas Benfon. The word certain, as
ufed in Englifti, is an indefinite, the name fixes it precife-

The Druid. 185

h/, fo that tiiere is a kind of contradi(fi;ion in the exprefllon.
in England they would fay, a certain perfon called or fup-
pofedtobe Thomas Benfon.

10. Such bodies are i/z«V/i?7z/ to thefe evils. The evil
is incident or ready to full upon the perfon, the perfoii
liable or fubje^t to the evil.

11. He is a very clever man. She is quite a clever
woman. How often are thefe phrafes to be heard in con-
verfation ? Their meaning, however, would certainly be
miftaken when heard for the firfl time by one born in Bri-
tain. In thefe cafes, Americans generally mean by c/cver,
only goodnefs of difpofition, worthlnefs, integrity, without
the leaft regard to capacity ; nay, if I am not miilaken,
it is frequently applied, where there is an acknowledged
fimplicity or mediocrity of capacity. But in Britain, cle-
ver always means capacity, and may be joined either to a
good or bad difpofition. We fay of a man, he is a clever
man, a clever tradefman, a clever fellow, without any re-
flexion upon his moral character, yet at the fame time it
carries no approbation of it. It is exceeding good En-
glifli, and very common to fay. He is a clever fellow, but
I am forry to fay it, he is alfo a great rogue. V/hen cle-
vernefs is applied primarily to conduft, and not to the
perfon, it generally carries in it the idea of art or chicanery,
not very honorable ; for example — Such a plan I confefs
was very clever, i. e. fly, artful, well contrived, but not
very fair.

12. I was quite mad at him, he made me quite mad-
In this inftance mad is only a metaphor for angry. This
is perhaps an Englifli vulgariim, but it is not found in
any accurate writer, nor ufed by any good fpeaker, unlefs
when poets or orators ufe it as a Urong figure, and to
heighten the expreffion, fay he was mad with rage.

Thefe fhall fufEce for the firft clafs.

A a

1 86 The Druid.

NUMBER VI.

SIR,

I" PROCEED now upon the plan laid clown in my lafl;
J[ paper, to the fecond general clafs of improprieties,
viz. vulgarii'ms in England and America. Of thefe there
is great plenty to be found every where in writing and in
converfation. They need very little explication, and in-
deed would fcarcely deferve to be mentioned in a difcourfe
of this nature, were it not for the circumflance hinted at
in the introduQlon, that fcholars and public perfons are at
lefs pains to avoid them here than in Britain.

1. I will mention the vulgar abbreviations in genei'al,
as an't, can't, han't, don't, ftiould'nt, would'nt, could'nt,
&c. Great pains were taken by the SpeClator to fliew the
barbarity and inelegance of that manner of fpeaking and
writing. The endeavors of that author, and others of
later date, have been fuccefsful in Britain, and have ba-
nifhed all fuch harlh and mutilated phrafts from public
fpeaking, fo that they remain only in converfation, and
not even in that among perfons of judgment and tafie.
I need hardly fay how far this is from being the cafe in
meri;v

2. YhnovS'd him perfedtly well, for, I hievi him.

3. I see him yellerday, or I see him laft week, for I
saw him. In Scotland, the vulgar fay, I seed him laft
week.

4. This here report of that there committee. Some
merchants, whom I could name, in the Englilh Parlia-
ment, whofe wealth and not merit raifed them to that dig-
r^ity, utb this vulgarifm very freely, and expofe themfelves
to abundance of ridicule by fo doing.

5. He was drmimdcdm the Delaware. This is fo com-
tnon, that I have known a gentleman reading it in a book
to a company, though it was printed droiv?ied, read
drcnvnded.

6. She has got a new gownd. This and the former
are vulgarifms in converfation only ; but even there very

The Druid. 1S7

improper and unbecoming for perfons of education. In
London you are fometimes afked if you will take a glafs
of %vind, for wine. Of the fame nature are an imperti-
nent fc/lar, for fellow ; ivrJler, for ival/oiu ; ivinder, for
window.

7. Some on'em, one on'em, many on'em. This,
though frequent in the northern parts of England, and ibme
parts of America, perhaps is rather local than general.
This indeed may be the cafe with feveral others which
have fallen under my obfervation.

8. It lays in Bucks county, for it lies, 8cc. This is not
only a prevailing vulgarifm in converfation, but has ob-
tained in public fpeaking, and may be often feen in print.
I am even of opinion that it has Ibme chance of overcom-
ing all the oppofition made to it, and fully ellablilhing it-
felf by cuftom, which is the final arbiter in all fuch cafes.
Lov/th, in his grammar, has been at much pains to cor-
rect it ; yet, though that moil excellent treatife has been in
the hands of the public for many years, this word feems to
gain inftead of lofmg ground. The error arifes from con-
founding the neuter verb to ly with the aftive verb to lay^
which are very different in the prefent, preterite and par-
ticiple. The firft of them is formed thus, ly, lay, lien or
lain; the fecond, lay, laid, 'aid.

9. I thinks it will not be long before he come. This is a
London vulgarifm, aod yet one of the groffell kind. To
this confufion or difagreement of the perfon, may be added
the difagreement of the number, giving a verb Angular to
a nominative plural, which is more frequent than the
other, as, after all the stories that has been told, all the rea-
sons that has been given.

TO. Equally as well, and equally as good. This is
frequent in converfation and public fpeaking. It is alfo
to be found in fome publications, of which it is needlefs to
name the authors ; but it is juft as good Englifh to iay, the
most highest mountain in America.

II. One of the moft common vulgarifms or blunders
in the Englifh language, is putting the preterite for the
participle. This is taken particular notice of by Lowth,
in his grammar, as after he had fell down, for fallen ;

i88 rhe Druid.

?.nd in tlie fiime manner, rose^ for risen ; spohe, for spoken ;
ivrotc, for vjrittcn ; broke, for broken. Some of thefe ap-
pear, as he obferves, barbarous to fcholars ; others we are
fo accurtomed to, that they give little oifence to the ear.
Had not a gentleman threw out, tlie reufons of proteft were
drevo up. Thefe are offenfive, but you may meet with
jimilar errors even in good authors, fuch as I had wrote, I
bad spoke, the bone was broke. The beft way to judge of
this impropriety, is to try it upon a word that has been
feldom fo mifufed, as for example, If you go the battle per-
haps you will be slew,

12. Juft as you rise the hill — little or no bread-corn is
grown ill this country. Thefe are fimilar corruptions
arifing from turning neuter into aftive or paffive verbs.
They are alfo, if I am not miftaken, among the neweft
corruptions of the language, and much more common in
England than America. The above two examples are
taken from Cook's firft voyage, by Hawkefworth, where
lome others of the fame kind are to be found.

13. I sat out yeflerday morning, for I fet out. The
verb fet has no change of termination ; the prefent, pre-
terite and pa.rticiple being the fame. I fet out immedi-
ately ; 1 fet out three days fooner than he ; after I had fet
out. The error lies in taking the preterite of the verb sil,
and making ufe of it for the paft time of the other — fit has
three terminations, fit, fat, fitten.

14. He faid as how it was his. opinion. This abfurd
pleonafni is more common in Britain than in America.

The third clafs confiRs of vulgarifms in America only.
This nuifl be underilood, fo far as I have been able to ob-
ferve, and perhaps fome of them are local. It will not be
neceflary either to make the examples on this head nume-
rous, or to fay much upon them, becaufe the introduQion
of vulgarifms into v^'riting or public difcourfes is the fame,
whether they arp of one country or another.

I. I Irave not done it yet, but am jult going to. Thig
is an imperfeft conftrudion ; it wants the words do it.
Imperfefil conftruftions are the blemifli of the Englifli
language in general, and rather more frequent in thi?
country than in England.

The Druid. 189

2. It Is partly all gone, it is mostly all gone. This is
an abfurdity or barbarifm, as well as a vulgarifm.

3. This is the weapon with which he defends himfelf
when he is atiacted, for attacked ; or according to tlie ab-
1- deviation, attack'd.

4. As I told Mr. , for as I told you. I hope Mr.

■ is well this morning. What is Mr. — — 's opinion

upon this fubjeft .' This way of fpeaking to one who is
prefent in the third perfon, and as if he were abfent, is
ufed in this country by way of refpeft. No fucli thing is
done in Britain, except that to perfpns of very high rank,
they fay your majefty, your grace, your lordlhip ; yet even
there the continuance of the diicourfe in the third perfon
is not cuftomary.

5. I have been io Philadelphia, for at or in Philadel-
phia ; I have been to dinner, for I have dined.

6. Walk in the houfe, for into the houfe.

7. You ha'oe no right to pay it, where right is ufed for
what logicians would call the correlative term obligation.

8. A spell of ficknefs, a long spell, a bad spell. ; Per-
haps this word is borrowed from the fea dialeft.

9. Every oi thek ftates; every oi them ; every oi us;
for every one. I believe the word every is ufed in this
manner in fome old Englifh writers, and alfo in fome
old laws, but not in modern practice. The thing is alfo
improper, becaufe it fliould be every one to make it
ftridly a partitive and fubjeft to die fame conftruftion,
as fome of them, part of them, many of them, Sec. yet
it mufl be acknowledged, that there is no greater impro-
priety, if fo great, in the vulgar conftruclion of every y
than in another expreflion very common in both coun-
tries, viz. all of them.

Having finifhed thefe two clafles, I fhall make a re-
mark or two upon vulgarifms in general. Probably
many will think and fay, that it would be a piece of ftiff-
nefs or afFeftation to avoid them wholly in converfation
or common difcourfe. As to fome of thofe which have
been defcribed above, perhaps this may be admitted ; but
as to the greatefi: part, it is certainly bell to avoid them
wholly, left we fliould fall into them inadvertently where

lyo The Druid.

they would be highly improper. If a gentleman will not
imitate a peafant, male or female, in faying if so be, and
forsooth, and many other fuch phrafes, becaufe he knows
they are vulgarifms, why Ihould he imitate them in fay-
ing equally as good, or I see him yesterday, but becaufe-
he does not know or does not attend to the impro-
priety ?

The reader is alfo defired to obferve, that we are not
by far fo much in danger of the charge of afFedtation for
what we omit faying, as for what we do fay. When a
man is fond of introducing hard words, or fludies a nice
or pompous diftion, he brings himfelf immediately into
contempt ; but he may eafily attain a cautious habit of
avoiding low phrafes or vulgar terms, without being at all
liable to the imputation either of vanity or conftraint.

I conclude with obferving, that 51s bombaft and empty
fwelling is the danger to which thofe are expofed who aim
at fublimity, fo low fentiments and vulgar terms are what
thofe are moft in danger of who aim at fimplicity. Now,
as it is ipy intention, in the courfe of thefe papers, to fet
a mark of reprobation upon every affefted and fantaflic
mode of expreffion, and to recommend a pure, and, as it
may be called, claflic fimplicity, it is the more neceflary
to guard the reader againft that low and grovelling man-
ner which is fometimes miftaken for it.

Th Druid. 191J

NUMBER VII.

S I R,

THE fourth clafs of improprieties confifts of local
phrases or terms. By thefe I mean fuch vulgarifms
as prevail in one part of a country and not in another.
There is a much greater variety of thefe in Britain than
in America. From the complete population of the coun-
try, multitudes of common people never remove to any
didance from where they were born and bred. Hence
there are many charafteriftic diftinftions, not only in
phrafeology, but in accent, drefs, manners, &c. not only
between one county and another, but between different
cities of the fame county. There is a county in the
North of England, very few of the natives of which can
pronounce the letter r, as it is generally pronounced in the
other parts of the kingdom.

But if there is a much greater number of local vulgar-
ifms in Britain than America, there is alfo, for this very
reafon, much lefs danger of their being ufed by gentle-
men or fcholars. It is indeed implied in the very nature
of the thing, that a local phrafe will not be ufed by any
but the inhabitants or natives of that part of the country
where it prevails. However, I am of opinion, that even
local vulgarifms find admiflion into the difcourfe of peo-
ple of better rank more eafily here than in Europe.

1. He improved the horfe for ten days. This is ufed
in fome parts of New-England for riding the horfe.

2. Raixj salad is ufed in the South for salad. N. B.
There Is no falad boiled.

3. Chunks^ that is brands, half burnt wood. This is
cuflomary in the middle colonies.

4. He is considerable of a furveyor, considerable of it
may be found in that country. This manner of fpeaking
prevails in the northern parts.

5. He will once in a •mbile, i. e. sometiines get drunk.
The middle ftates.

i^i The biiud.

6. Shall I have occasion, i. e. opportunity to go over
the ferry. New-England.

7. Tot is ufed for carry, in fome of the fouthern fiates.
The fifth clafs of improprieties may be called common

blunders through ignorance. In this they differ from the
former clafTes, that the fimilarjty of one word to another,
in pronunciation or derivation, makes ignorant people
confound them and ufe them promifcuoufly, or fome-
times even convert them and ufe them each in the other's
room. The following arc examples.

1. Eminent for imminent. How often do we hear that
a man was in eminent dangen

2. Ingenious for ingenuous. How common is it to fay
he is an ingenious young man — he is a young man of a
very ingenious difpofition. They are both Eriglifli words,
ingenious fignifies of good capacity ; ingenuous fignifies
funple, upright, fincere ingenuity ; however, the word
that feems to he derived from ingenuous, is ufed in both
fenfes, fometimes for liiirnefs-, opennefs, candor ; fome-
times for capacity or acutenefs of invention. I fliould
think this laft, tliough done by good authors, to be con-
trary to the analogy of the language, efpecially as we
have two words for thefe oppofite ideas regularly derived
from the correfpondent adjedives, ingenioufnefs and in-
genuoufnefs.

3. Three or four times succ<;ssfully, for successively.
This is a blunder through ignorance, very common
among the lower fort of people in England.

4. Intelligible for intelligent. It was a very intelligi-
ble perfon who told me.

5. Conjisticate, for confiscate. The mofl: ignorant of
the vulgar only ufe this phrafe.

6. Fictions iox fictitious. That is no more than zfictious
ftory. This is ufed by people fomewhat fuperior to thofe
who would ufe the former.

7. Veracity for credibility. This is not a blunder in
convcrfation only, but in fpeaking and writing. I have
fome doubt of the veracity of this fadl, fays a certain au-
thor. Veracity is the charafter of the perfon ; truth or
credibility, of the Uoiy told. The fame is the cafe witli

The Drlild. 193

all or mod of the words of fimilar formation, capacU}'-,
Opacity, tenacity. Thefe all are applied to the perfoa
or the difpofition, not to a particular adion of the one or
efFedofthe other. Vfe fay, a man of capacity — this
work is a proof of capacity, but not the capacity of this
performance ; and fo of the reft.

8. Siiscepli'ue, for susceptible. I mufl acquaint tlie
reader, that after I had marked this word as an example of
the miilakes men fall into from ignorance, I found it in
Ibme Englilh writers, who cannot be called altogether con-
temptible, and alfo in Johnfon's Diiflionary. As to the
laft of thefe, I iliajl have Occafion to make a remark or
,tvvo upon that lexicographer under the next clafs, and
therefore fliall fay nothing of it now. As to the other
particular, 1 obferve, that though the Word is ufed by
fome writers, it is not only contrary to general praClice,
but contrary to the analogy of the tongue. AH the ad-
jeflives ending in ive are of an afitive, and thofe ending
in able or iblc of a paflive nature, as aftive, decifive, com-
municative, fignificative, demonflrative, and oil .the con-
trary, able, capable, comnmnicable, demonftrable, con-
temptible.

9i They af e fo very duplicit that I am afraid they will
rescind from what they have done. Here are two errors
in one fentence. DupAicit is an adjedive made by guef?
from duplicity, and rescind is miftaken, by the likeneis of
found, for recede.

10. Detect, f(5r dissect. A lady, in a certain place at
dinner, aflced a gentleman if he would be fo good as de-
tect that piece of meat for her. To thefe I might add a
long lilt of errors, in which ignorance or orthography
makes a vitious pronunciation, and that pronunciation
continued by the fame ignorance, makes a vulgar word
in place of the true one, of which take one example — A
gentleman vvrites to his friend, that on fuch a day they
had a fmart scrlmitcb., for skirmish.

The fixth clafs confifts of cant phrafes, introduced into
public fpeaking or compofition. The meaning of cant
phrafes, is pretty well known, having been fully explain-
ed as long ago is the days of Mr. Addifon. They rife

194 ^'^^' Druid.

occafionally, fometimes perhaps, from the happy or fingu-
lar application of a metaphor or allufion, which is there-
fore repeated and gets into general ufe, fometimes from the
whim or caprice of particular perfons in coining a term.
They are in their nature temporary and fometimes local.
Thus, it is often faid, a man is taken in, he is bilked, he
is bit, that was a hit indeed, that is not the thing, it was
quite the thing. Innumerable others will occur to every
reader. Sometimes the cant confifls in the frequent and
imneceflary repetition, or improper applica,tion of a word
that is otherwife unexceptionable. Thus, when vast was
in repute, a thing was vaflly good, and vaftly bad, vaftly
pretty and vallly ugly, vaftly great and vaftly little.

It is worth while, in remarking on the ftate of the lan-
guage, to refleft a little on the attack made by Addifon,
Steele, Swift, Pope, and Arbuthnot, on many of thefe cant
phrafes in their day, fuch as bite, bamboozle, pof. rep.
mob, Sec. Some of them they fucceeded in banifhing
from, or rather prevented from being ever admitted into
public difcourfes and elegant writing, fuch as bite, bam-
boozle, &c. fome they banillied from all polite converfa-
tion, fuch as pof. rep. plenipo. and fome have kept their
ground, have been admitted into the language, and are
freely and-'gravely ufed by authors of the firft rank, .fuch as
mob. This was at firil a cant abreviation of mobile vidgus,
and as fuch condemned by the great men above mention-
ed ; but time -has now ilaixiped it with authority, the me-
mory of its derivation is loft, and when an hiftorian fays
an unruly mob was aflembled in the ftreets, or he was torn
in pieces by the mob, no idea of any thing low and ludi-
crous is conveyed to the mind of the reader.

I promifed, mider this head, to make a remark upon
Johnibn's Diftionary. It is a book of very great value,
on feveral accounts, yet it may lead ignorant perfonsjn-
tomanymiftakes. He has collefled every word, good or
bad, that was ever ufed by any Englifh writer ; and though
he has, in the larger Diftionary, given his authorities in
full, yet that is not fulEcient to diftinguifli them. There
are inftances in which this may be the very caufe of.wrong
judgmenlrf If an author of reputation has committed a

The Druid. . 195

fingle ^rror, his authority ihould not be made ufe of to
fandtify that error — fometimes, alfo, the author's defigii
is miftaken. In the abridgement of that Dictionary, at
the word bamboozle, you find added, a loi[> 'word ; but
the authority is Arbuthnot : now would not any man
imagine, who was not otherwife informed, that Arbuth-
not was a low writer ; whereas, in fadl, he ufed that word
only to difgrace and put it out of pradtice. The lexico-
grapher would have a£ted more wifely not to have men-
tioned the word at all.

It would be very eafy to make a large colleftion of
cant or low phrafes at prcfent in ufe, fuch as helter flcel-
ter, topfy turvy, upfide down, the Devil to pay, at fixes
and fevens, put to his trumps, flung all in a heap.
Every one of thefe has been feen in print, and many
others of the f^me ftamp, as well as heard in conver-
fation.

It is not long fince I read, in a piece publifhed by a
fenfible writer in this city, ' low methods of shamming
Abraham.'' Now, pray what is fliamming Abraham ?
With fome difficulty I have underftood, that it is a cant
phrafe among feamen, for pretending ficknefs when they
are well, and other fetches of the fame kind. I fliould be
glad to know hov/ a foreigner could tranflate this expref-
fion into his own language.

Under the head of cant phrafes, I vrould include all
proverbial or common fayings introduced into the lan-
guage, as well as trite and beaten allufions. Of the firfl;
fort are thefe, I want to put the faddle upon the right
horfe, the laboring oar lies upon you ; of the fecond, the
following, that is tnly gratis dutum, the Suprenie Being
by his almighty ^ffl?, I will not pay any regard to his ipse
dixit. All thefe are taken from printed pieces, fome of
them by authors not contemptible ; the laft of them, his
ipse dixit, is of moft frequent ufe, and yet is the moft
pedantic and puerile of the whole. I conclude with ob-
ferVing, that a cant phrafe, if it do not die by the way,
has three Itages in its progrefs. It is, firft, a cant phrafe ;
fecondly, a vulgarifm ; thirdly, an idiom of the language.
Some expire in one or other of the two firfl ftages ; but if

196 The Druid.

tliey outlive thefe, they are eftablifhed forever. I have given
an example of this above, in the word mob ; and I think
tops-s tiirvy and upside down have very nearly attained
the fame privilege.

The feventh clafs confifts of personal blunders, that is
to fay, effefts of ignorance, and, want of precifion in an
author, which are properly his own, and not reducible
to ariy of the heads above inentioned. I lliall give an
example or two of this kind, becaufe it \yill make the
meaning of the former clafTes more clear. The exam-
ples follow.

1. ' The members of a popular government fhould be
continually availed of the fituation and condition of every
part.' The author of this did not know that avail is nei-
ther an active nor pafiive, but a reciprocal verb ; a man
is faid to OTjail himself of any thing, but not p avail
others or be availed by them.

2. 'A degree of diflentions and oppofitions under
fome circumftances, and a political lethargy under others,
impend certain ruin to a free Hate." Here a neuter verb
is made an aftive one. I have before given fome exam-
ples in which this is done commonly, J3ut ii;i the prefent
cafe it belongs to this author alone,

3. ' I fhould have let your performance fink into silent
disdain.'' A performance may fall into contempt, or
jink into oblivion, or be treated with difdain, but to make
it fmk into silent disdain, is a very crude expreffion in-
deed.

4. He is a man of moft accomplished abilities. A
iman lyiay be faid to be of diflinguiflied abilities or great
accomplifliments, but accomplished abilities is wholly
new.

5. ' I have a total objeflion againft this meafure.' I
fuppofe the gentleman meant, t|iat he objedted to the
whole and every part of it. It was only an irregular
marriage of the adjeftiye to the wrong lubftantive.

6. An axiom as well eftabliflied as any Euclid ever
demonflrated. Now, it happens that Euclid, notwith-
ftanding his great love of clemonftration, never demon-
itrated axioms, but took them for granted.

The Druid.

^97

I hope the reader will forgive me for not referring to
the treatifes from which thefe examples are taken. They
were in general anonymous ; and as it is probable many
of the authors are alive, and may be of further ufe to their
country, fo being wholly unknown to me, without the
leaft degree of envy qr malevolence, I mean not to injure
but improve them.

C 199 ]

TOM gooo aoaa W*-) ccoo codj c«M eexo cooo cco» OOM oooo tooa I eooo ooco «x-o axa e&Ot raoo Of^w after* ccoo aO30 irfO> »M
oMo MQo 0000 oootf tnco .1000 ccoo flooo aooi I.AOO oTOo eoM 0000 ; vseo ueo ooco mm oooo -..i«> 0000 qju com ccd" '^^'^m -um

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

IMPROVEMENT OF AMERICA.

NORTH AMERICA is at prefent from the natural
courfe of things, in a "growing ftate. It will there-
fore of itfelf, for a feries of years, gradually improve. There
are however many things by which that improvement
may be facilitated or retarded ; and it is the laudable pur-
pofe of this fociety, to attend to thefe circumftances with
care, and ufe their utmoft endeavors to encourage the one
and to remove the other. Having had the honor of being
admitted a member of this fociety, and not having it much
in my power any otherwife to promote American im-
provements, I could not refift the inclination I felt to di-
geft and put in writing, a few reflections upon the police
of countries in general, the great principles on which the
Philadelphia Society ought to procee d, and perhaps I may
propofe fome particular regulations.

I. The moral caufesof the profperity of a countiy,are
almoft infinitely more powerful than tfiofe that are only
occafional. This obfervation is taken from Montefquieu,
by whom it is admirably illuftrated, and it ought never to
be out of view with thole who wifli to promote the gene-
ral good. The moral caufes arife from the nature of the
government, including the adminillrationof juftice, liber-
ty of confcience, the partition of property. The rife of a
particular town, the cultivation and beauty of a particular

200 Observatiojts, ^c.

quartet" of a country, may fometimes be jufily afcribed to
the furprifing effects of a lingle perfon who fet the example ;
yet he was only the occafion, properly fpeaking, of the
vigorous exertion. The confequences could never be
general or lafting, if there was not a difpofition to it in
the conftitution of the country. Therefore, a facred re-
gard fhould be had by every lover of mankind, to the prin-
ciples of equity and liberty, that they may never be vio-
lated by any public proceedings. Pennfylvania is fo hap-
py in this particulaj", that its conftitution need not be im-
proved, but preferved and defended.

2. It is extremely difficult, after you depart from ge-
neral principles, to difcover what particular regulations
will be for the intereft of a country. It requires a very
comprehenfive mind, and a thorough knowledge of the
courfe of trade and police in general. Befides, it is not
only difficult, but impoffible to forefee what circumftances
may afterwards occur. Many things are ufeful and ex-
pedient at one time, which in a few years become unne-
ceflary or hurtful. Nay, many felfilh laws have operated
from the beginning, in a manner direftly contrary to what
was expeflied. The incorporation of trades in the cities
in Britain, is an inftance of the firft : and almoft every
law made to the prejudice of Ireland, is an example of the
laft.

[ 201 ]

J aooa 0000 oooo cooo woo oooo moo ooot »» ooco woa »oo kjcc k»o iooo oooo com »cw w o&m oo^ oooe «« cpos
■ ccM «»c »» 0000 oeoo o©oo mm oc« 3000 oooo oow oooo oxa oooo MOO ooe« cooo ooeo <x»i e«9 woo oow a^o eoo*

REFLECTIONS

On the present State of PUBLIC AFFAIRS, and on
the Duty and Interest of America in this Important
Crisis.

THAT the prefent is an important sera to America,
has been fo often repeated, that I fuppofe no man
doubts it, and I hope few will forget it. Yet, however
auguft the idea, it is capable of being greatly enlarged.
It will be an important zera in the hillory of mankind.
The extent of this country is fuch, that as it is now, and
probably will foon be fettled, it makes no inconfidei"able
part of the globe itfelf. The European in general, but
particularly the Britilh fettlements in America, have for
thefe hundred years paft, been exhibiting to the world a
fcene differing in many refpeds from what it ever be-
held. In all the ancient emigrations, or colonial fettle-
ments, the number was fmall, the territor}'^ very limited,
and which was ftill more, the people and the foil were al-
moft alike uncultivated ; and therefore both proceeded to
improvement by very flow degrees. But in America
we fee a country almoft without bounds, new and un-
touched, taken poffeffion of at once by the power, the
learning and the wealth of Europe.

Hence it is that the cultivation and the population of
America have advanced with a rapidity next to miracu-
lous, and of which no political calculators have principles
or data fufEcient to make a certain judgment. I hold
every thing that has been faid on the numbers in Ameri-
ca to be good for nothing, except in certain places where
they have proceeded on aftual numeration. When writers
'■ ■ Co

202

Reflections on

ftate, tjiat the inhabitants in America double themfelves
in twenty or twenty-five years, they fpeak by guefs, atlcl
they fay nothing. It may be under or over the truth in
certain places ; but there are others in which they be-
come twenty times the nuitiber in feven years. I do not
know, and therefore will not attempt to conje£ture, how
faft mankind may multiply in a country that is in the
moft favorable ftate poffible, both in itfelf, and for receiv-
ing an acceflion from others lefs happily circumftanced.
What is more certain, aS well as of more importance to
obferve, is, that the Britifh colonies in North- America,
have in this refpe£t exceeded every other country lipon
the face of the earth.

What has caufed this difference ? Does the climate of
Britain naturally produce more wifdom, ftrength and ac-
tivity, than that of France, Spain or Portugal ? Surely
not, or wo to America itfelf; for the belt of its colonids
are in the climate of thefe very countries. It is therefore
without doubt owing to the liberty which pervades the
Britifli conftitution, and came with the colonifts to this
part of the earth. Montefquieu has, with inimitable
beauty, fhewn that the natural caufes of population or
depopulation, are not half fo powerful as the moral caufes ;
by which laft he means the flate of fociety, the form of
government, and the manners of the people. War, fa-
mine and peftilence are fcarcely felt, where there is libet*-
ty and equal laws. The wound made by thofe fore judg-
ments is fpeedily clofed by the vigor of the conftitution ;
whereas, in a more fickly frame, a trifling fcratch will
rankle and produce long difeafe. Or perhaps terminate in
death. We need go no further than our own country to
have full proof of the force of liberty. The fouthern co-
lonies, bleffed as they are with a fuperior foil and more
powerful fan, are yet greatly inferior to Pennfylvania
and New-England, in numbers, ftrength, and value of
land in proportion to its quantity. The matter is eafily
folved. The conftitutions of thefe latter colonies are
more favorable to univerfal induftry.

But with all the differences between one colony atKi
another, America in general, by its gradual improve-

Public Affairs. 203

ment, not long ago exhibited a Ipetlacle the mod delight-
ful that can be conceived, to a benevolent and con-
templative mind. A counrry, growing every year in
beauty and fertilit}^ the people growing in numbers and
wealth, arts and fciences carefully cultivated and con-
flantly advancing, and polTelling fecurity of property
by liberty and equal laws, which are the true and proper
fource of all the reft : while things were in this fituation,
4treat-Britain reaped a great, unenvied and flill increafing
profit from the trade of the colonies. I am neither fo
weak as to believe, nor fo foolilh as to affirm, as fome did
in the beginning of this conteft, that the colony trade was
the whole fupport of a majority of the people in Great-
Britain. How could any perfon of refleftion fuppofe that
the foreign trade of three millions of people, could be the
chief fupport of eight millions, when the internal trade
of thefe eight milhons themfelves, is and muft be the
fupport of double the number that could be fupported by
the trade of America, befides their trade to every other part
of the world ? But our trade was Hill of great importance
jmd value,and yielded toGreat-Britainyearlya profit valtly
fuperior to any thing they could reafonably hope to draw
from taxes and impofitions, although they had been fub-
mitted to without complaint.

This however did not fatisfy the king, miniflry and
parliament of Great -Britain. They formed golden, but
miftaken and delufive hopes of lightening their own bur-
dens by levying taxes from us. They formed various
plans, and attempted various meafures, not the moil pru-
dent I confefs, for carrying their purpofe into effeft. The
ultimate purpofe Itfelf was in fome degree covered at firft,
and they hoped to bring it about by flow and impercepti-
ble fteps. In fome inftances the impofition was in itfelf
of little confequence ; as the appointing the colonies to
furnifli fait, pepper and vinegar to the troops. But the
laudable and jealous fpirit of Hberty was alive and awake,
and hardly fuffered any of them to pafs unobferved or un-
refifted. Public fpirited writers took care that it fliould
not fleep ; and in particular the celebrated Pennfylvania
Farmer's Letters were of fignal fervice, by furnifliing the

204 Reflections, £sV.

lovers of their country with fafls, and illuflrating the rights
and privileges which it was their duty to defend.

The laft attempt made by the miniftry in the way of
arc and addrefs, was repealing the a£l laying duties on.
paper, glafs, and painter's colors, and leaving a fmall
duty on tea, attended with fuch circumftances, that the
tea fnoukl come to us no dearer, but perhaps cheaper,
than before. This was evidently with defign that we
might be induced to let it pafs, and fo the claim having
once taken place, might be carried in other inflances to
the greatefl: height. This manoeuvre, however, did not
elude the vigilance of a public fpirited-people. The whole
colonics declared their refolution never to receive it. —

[ 205 ]

teCC MM K>» coco <t 00 cow »00 MW MM 0000 «»» 00» YXX Mrv' C005 OOOO 0000 MOO OOOO COOO 0000 0«» OOBO CCOO «»»

opoa 0000 0000 osoa corsa oooo oeso oooo ooa? coco oeoo cooo o^oo ! com omo mm oooo oooo <«o3 cooi cooe oooo oooo ocoo nja

ON THE

CONTROVERSY

ABOUT

INDEPENDENCE.

SIR,

BEG leave by your afllftance, to publifli a few thoughts
upon the manner of condudling, what I think is now
called the independent controverfy, in which this coun-
try in general is fo greatly interefled. Every one knows
that when the claims of the Britilh Parliament were open-
ly made, and violently enforced, the mofl; precife and de-
termined refolutions were entered into, and publilhed by
every colony, every count}'-, and almoil every townlhip or
fmaller diftrifl:, that they would not fubmit to them. This
was clearly expreffed in the greateft part of them, and
ought to be underftood as the implied fenfe of them all,
n.ot only that they would not soon or easily, but that they
would never on any event, fubmit to them. For my own
part, I confefs, I would never have figned thefe refolves at
firft, nor taken up arms in confequence of them after-
wards, if I had hot been fully convinced, as I am ftill, that
acquiefcence in this ufurped power, would be followed by
the total andabfolute ruin of the colonies. They would
have been no better than tributary ftates to a kingdom at a
great diftance from them. They would have been there-

2o6 On the Controiiersy

fore, as has been the cafe with all Hates in a fimilar fitua,
tion from the beginning of the world, the fervants of fef-
vants from generation to generation. For this reafon I
declare it to have been my meaning, and I know it was
the meaning of thoufands more, that though we earneflly
wifhed for reconciliation with fafety to our liberties, yet
we did deliberately prefer, not only the horrors of a civil
war, not only the danger of anarchy, and the uncertainty
of a new fcttlement, but even extermination itfelf to fla-
vei'y, rivetted on us and our poflerity.

The mod peaceable means were firfi: ufed ; but no re-
laxation could be obtained : one arbitrary and opprelTive
att followed after another; they deflroyed the property of a
Vi^hole capital — fubverted to its very foundation, the confti-
tution and government of a whole colony, and granted the
foldiers a liberty of murdering in all the colonies. I exprefs
it thus, becaufe they were not to be called to account for it
where it was committed, which every body muft allow was
a temporar)-, and undoubtedly in ninety-nine cafes of an.
hundred muft have iffued in a total impunity. There is one
circumftance however in my opinion, much more curious
than all the reft. The reader will fay, What can this be ?
It is the following, which I beg may be particularly at-
tended to : — While all this was a doing, the King in his
fjieeches, the Parliament in their a£ts, and the people of
Great Britain in their addreffes, never failed te extol their
own lenity. I do not infer from this, that the King, Par-
liament and people of Great Britain are all barbarians and
favages — the inference is unneceflaiy and unjuft : But I
infer the mifery of the people of America, if they muft
iubmit in all cases whatsoever^ to the decifions of a body
of the fons of Adam, fo diftant from them, and who have
an intereft in oppreffing them. It has been my opinion
from the beginning, that we did not carry our reafoning
fully home, when we complained of an arbitrary prince,,
or of the infolence, cruelty and obftinacy of Lord North,
Lord Bute, or Lord Mansfield. What we have to fear,
and what we have now to grapple with, is the ignorance,
prejudice, partiality and injuftice of human nature. Nei-
ther king nor miniftry, could have done, nor durft have

about Independence. 207

attempted what we have feen, if they had not liad the na-
tion on their fide. The friends of America in England
are few in number, and contemptible in influence ; nor
mufl I omit, that even of thefe few, not one, till very late-
ly, ever reafoned the American caufe upon its proper
principles, or viewed it in its proper light.

Petitions on petitions have been prefenCed to king and
Parliament, and an addrefs fent to the people of Great
Britain, which have been not merely fruitlefs, but treated
with the higheft degree of diidain. The condufl; of the
Britifli miniftry during the whole of thisconteft,ashasbeen
often obferved, has been fuch, as to irritate the whole peo-
ple of this continent to the higheft degree, and unite them
together by the firm bond of neceflity and common inter-
eft. In this refpecl they have ferved us in the moft effen-
tial manner. I am firmly perfuaded, that had the wifeft
heads in America met together to contrive what mea-
fures the miniftry fhould follow to ftrengthen the Ameri-
can oppofition and defeat their own defigns, they could
not have fallen upon a plan fo efFeftual, as that which has
been fteadily purfued. One inftance I cannot help
mentioning, becaufe it was both of more importance, and
lefs to be expected than any other. When a majority of
the New- York AITembly, to their eternal infamy, attempt-
ed to break the union of the colonies, by refufing to ap-
prove the proceedings of the Congrefs, and applying to
Parliament by feparate petition — becaufe they prefumed
to make mention of the principal grievance of taxation, it
was treated with ineffable contempt. I defire it may be ob-
ferved, that all thofe who are called the friends of America
in Pai^liament, pleaded ftrongly for receiving the New-
York petition ; which plainly fliewed, that neither the
one nor the other underftood the ftate of affairs in Ameri-
ca. Had the miniftry been prudent, or the oppofition fuc-
eefsful, we had been ruined ; but with what tranfport
did every friend to American liberty hear, that thefe trai-
tors to the common caufe, had met with the reception which
they delerved.

Nothing is more manifeft, than that the people of Great-
Britain, and even the king and miniftry,have been hitherta

■2o8 On the Contrmersy, Uc:

exceedingly ignorant of the ftate of things in America.
For this reafon, their meafures have been ridiculous in the
higheft degree, and the iffue difgraceful. There are fome
who will not believe that they are ignorant — they tell us,
how can this be ? Have they not multitudes in this coun-
try, who gave them intelligence from the beginning ? Yes
they have ; but they would trult none but what they called
ofFicial intelligence, that is to fay, from obfequious, intereft-
ed tools of government ; many of them knew little of the
true ftate of things themfelves, and when they did, would
not tell it, left it Ihould be difagreeable. I have not a
very high opinion of the integrity and candor of Dr.

C , Dr; C , and other mercenary writers in

New- York ; yet I firmly believe, that they thought the
friends of American liberty much more inconfiderable,
both for weight and numbers, than they were. They con-
verfed with few, but thofe of their own way of thinking,
and according to the common deception of little minds,
millook the fentiments prevailing within the circle of
their own acquaintance, for the judgment of the public.

f 209 J

cMo CMC tboa ooM »»» i*m ooob ooao wo» Kr« woo coco aooo eooo ^ 0000 0000 com co&5 cxo oc« ccco ccos eocc eo«i •»*>

O N

CONDUCTING

THE

AMERICAN CO NTROVERSr.

SIR,

I TAKE the liberty, by means of your fi-ee and unin-
fluenced prefs, of communicating to the public a few
remarks upon the manner of condudling the American
controverfy in general, and on fome of the writers that
have appeared in your paper in particular. That you
may not pafs fentence upon me immediately as an enemy
to the royal authority, and a fon of fedition, I declare that
I efteem his majefty king George the third to have the
only rightful and lawful title to the Britifh crown, which
was fettled upon his family in confequence of the glorious
revolution. You will fay, this is nothing at all ; it is the
creed of the faftious Boftonians. I will then go a little
further, and fay that I not only revere him as the iirfl:
magillrate of the realm, but T love and honor him as a
man, and am perfuaded that he wilhes the profperity and
happinefs of his people in every part of his dominions.
Nay, I have flill more to fay, I do not think the Britiflz
minillry tbemfelves have deferved all the abufe and foul
names that have been bellowed on them by political wri*

2IO On Conducting

ters. The fteps which they have taken with refpeSl to
American affairs, and which I eireern to be iinjuft, impo-
litic, and barbarous to the highell degree, have been
chiefly owing to the two following caufes. i. Ignorance
or miflake, occafioned by the tnifinformation of interefted
and treacherous perfons employed in their fervice. 2. The
prejudices common to them, with perfons of all ranks in
the ifland of Great-Britain.

Of the firft of thefe, 1 fliall fay nothing at prefent, be-
caufe perhaps it may occur with as great propriety after-
wards. But as to the fecond, there is to be found in the
newfpapers enough to convince every man of refietlion,
that it was not the king and the minlftry only, but the
whole nation that was enraged againft America. The
tide is but juft beginning to turn ; and I am in fome doubt
whether it has fairly turned yet, upon any larger princi-
ples than a regard to their own interefl:, which may be af-
fefted by our proceedings. It can hardly be expected,
that the eyes of a whole nation fliould be at once openecl
upon the generous principles of univerfal liberty. It is
natural for the multitude in Britain, who have been from
their infancy taugiit to look upon an aft of parliament as
fupreme and irreiillible, and to confider the liberty of their
country itfelf as confiding in the dominion of the houfe
of commons, to be furprifed and afiioniflied at any fociety
or body of men, calling in queftion the authority of par-
liament, and denying its power over them. It certain-
ly required time to make them fenfible that things are in
fuch a fituation in America, that for the houfe of com-
mons in Great-Britain to affume the uncontrouled power
ot impofing ta^es upon American property, would be as
inconfiilent with the fpirit of theBritiih conftitution, as
it appears at firlt fight agreeable to its form. It argues
great ignorance of human nature to fuppofe, that becaufe
we fee a thing clearly, ^rhich we contemplate every day,
and which it is our interefl: to believe and maintain, there-
fore they are defl;itute of honor and truth who do not ac-
knowledge it immediately, though all their former ideas
and habits have led them to a contrary fuppofition. A man
will become an American by refiding in the country three

the American Contro'uersy. 211

months, with a profpeft of continuing, more eafily and
certainly than by reading or hearing of it for three years,
aniidft the fophiftry of daily deputation.

For thefe reafons, I have often been grieved to fee that
the pleaders for American liberty, have mixed fo much of
abufe and inveftive againfl: the miniftry in general, as
well as particular perfons, w ith their reafonings in fup-
port of their own molt righteous claim. I have often faid
to friends of America, on that fubjeiSl, it is not the king
and miniftry, fo much as the prejudices of Britons, with
which you have to contend. Spare no pains to have them
fully informed. Add to the immoveable firmnefs with
which you jultly fupport your ov/n rights, a continual fo-
licitude to convince the people of Britain, that it is not
paffion but reafon that infpires you. Tell them it cannot
be ambition, but neceflity, that makes you run an evident
rifk of the heavielt fuffcrings, rather than forfeit for your-
felves and your pofterity, the greateft of all earthly blef-
fings.

Another circumftance''gave me Itill more uneafinefs, viz:
tliat many American patriots feemed to countenance, and
to think themfelves interefled in the profperity of that
molt defpicable of all factions that ever exifted in the Bri-
tilh empire, headed by the celebrated John Wilkes, efq.
That lliamelefs gang carried on their attacks with fuch
grofs, and indecent, and groundlefs abufe of the king and
his family, that they became odious to the nation, and
indeed fo contemptible, that the miniftry fent at one time
the lord mayor of London to the tower, without exciting
the leaft refentment in the perfons of property in that
great city, fo as to be felt in the operations of the trea-
fury.

I am fenfible, and I mention it with pleafure, that no
American ever proceeded to fuch offenfive extravagance
on thefe fubjedts, as the people in Britain. Far great-
er infults were offered to the fovereign, within the
city of London, and within the verge of the court,
than ever were thought of or would have been per-
mitted by the mob in any part of America. Even
the writings containing illiberal abufe from England,

ai2 On Cotiducting, ^c.

were fcarcely fought after here, and many of them ne-
ver publilhed, although it could have been done with-
out the lead danger of a profecution. Yet, though
the people of America are us dutiful and refpedt-
ful fubje<5ls to the king as any in his dominions there
were fome things done, and fome things publiihed, that
feemed to intimate that we had one and the fame caufe
with the author of the North-Britain, No. 45. The evil
confequence of this was, that it had a tendency to lead the
king and minillry to think that the American claim was
no better than the Wilkite clamor, and fo to oppofe it with
the fame firmnefs, and to treat it with the fame dif-
dain. Nothing could be more injudicious than this con-
du£l in the Americans ; and it avofe from the moft abfo-
lute ignorance of political hiflory. The ftamp-aft, that
firft-born of American oppreffions, was framed by the
chief men of that very faction ; and it is plain from their
language to this hour, that they make no other ufe of
American difturbances, but as engines of oppofition, and
to ferve the mean purpofes of party or of family intereft.
I do not mean by this to take any part with or againft
the prefent miniflry. I have feen many changes of the
miniftry, without any fenfible change of theflate of pub-
lic affairs. Nothing is more common with them than to
raife a hideous outcry againfl: a meafure, when they are
out, and yet without fliame or confcience do the very
fame thing as foon as they get in. I look upon the caufe
of America at prefent to lae a matter of truly inexprefiible
moment. The (late of the human race through a great
part of the globe, for ages to come, depends upon it.
Any miniller or minillry, who is in or out of court favor,
at a particular junclure, is fo little a matter, that; it Ihould
not be named with it.

[ -t3 ]

•«ea Dooa oooa cent csm |]co^ oo«o moo e«oc ofi^s cooo osoo cztx aoe^ I >mco o&do km mco eccd ooee oon> coco fraoo coco tcaa

CSCO OOCO O»0ii »»0C CCCO M«M OOCd tJO*« OOOO J3ro COOO COOiJ CCCO OCC* ; COOO OMO MOD CCfci CaCO OtBO CMC 0900 COM COM WM

THOUGHTS

AMERICAN' LIBERTY.

THE Congrefs is, properly fpeaking, the reprefenta-
tive of the great body of the people of North Ame-
rica. Their election is for a particular purpofe, and a
particular feafon only ; it is quite diflindl from the af-
femblies of the feveral provinces. What will be before
them, is quite different from what was or could be in the
view of the eledors when the affemblies are chofen.
Therefore thofe provinces are wrong, who committed it
to the affembly as fuch; to fend delegates, though in fonie
provinces, fuch as Boflon and Virginia and fome others,
the unanimity of fentiment is fuch, as to make it the
fame thing in effect.

It is at leall extremely uncertain, whether it could be
proper or fafe for the Congrefs to fend either ambaffadors,
petition or addrefs, directly to king or parliament, or both.
They may treat them as a diforderly, nnconllitutional
jneeting — they may hold their meeting itfelf to be crimi-
nal — they may find fo man)^ objections in point of legal
form, that it is plainly in the power of thofe who wilh to
be able to do it, to deaden the zeal of the muliitucie in the
colonies, by ambiguous, dilatory, frivolous anfwers, per-
haps feverer meafures. It is certain that this Congrefs is
different from any regular exertion, in the accuftoined
forms of a quiet, approved, fettled conflitution. It is an

214 TJjoughts on

interruption or fufpenJlon of the ufual forms, and an ap-
peal to the great law of reafon, the firfl principles of the
iocial union, and the multitude colleftively, for whofe
benefit all the particular laws and cnftoras of a conflituted
iiate, are fuppofed to have been originally eftablifhed.

There is not the leaft reafon as yet, to think that either
the king, the parliament, or even the people of Great
Britain, have been able to enter into the great principles
of univerfal liberty, or are willing to hear the difcuflion of
the point of right, without prejudice. They have nol on- ,
ly taken no pains to convince us that fubmifilon to their
claim is confident with liberty among us, but it is doubt-
ful whether they expe£t or dcfire we fliould be convinced
of it. It feems rather that the)- mean to force us to be ab-
folute Haves, knowing ourfelves to be fuch by the hard law
of neceffity. If this is not their meaning, and they wifli us
to believe that our properties and lives arc quite fafe in
the abfolute difpofal of the Britifli Parliament, the late
ails witli refpeft to Bollon, to ruin their capital, dcilroy
their charter, and grant the foldiers a licence to murder
them, are certainly arguments of a very fmgular nature.
Therefore it follows, that the great objeft of the approach-
ing Congrefs fliould be to unite the colonies, and make
them as one body, in any meafure of felf-defence, to affure
the people of Great Britain that we will not fubmit volun-
tarily, and convince them that it would be either impoffi-
ble or unprofitable for them to compel us by open violence.

For this purpofe, the following refolutions and recom-
mendations are fubmitted to their confideration : —

1. To profefs as all the provincial and county ru-
lers have done, our loyalty to the king, and our back-
wardnefs to break our connexion with Great Britain, if
we are not forced by their unjull impofitions. Here it
may not be improper to compare our pall conduft with
that of Great Britain itfelf, and perhaps explicitly to pro-
fefs our deteftation of the virulent and infolent abuie of
his majelly's perfon and family, which fo many have been
guilty of in that ifland.

2. To declare, not only that we efleem the claim of
the Britifh parliament to be illegal and unconflitutional,

American Liberty. , 215

but that we are firmlj' determined never to lubmit to it,
and do deliberately prefer war with all its iiorrors, and
even extermination itieU" to flavery, rivetted on iis and
our pofterity.

3. To refolve that we will adhere to the intertil or' the
whole body, and that no colony fhall make its leparate
peace, or from the hope of partial diftinftion, leave others as
the viftims of minifterial vengeance, but that we will con*
tinue united, and purfue the fame meafures, till American
liberty is fettled on a folid bafis, and in particular till the
now i'uffering colony of Malfachufetts Bay is refiored to
all the rights of which it has been on this occafion unjuftly
deprived.

4. That a non-importation agreement, which has been
too long delayed, fliould be entered into immediately, and
at the fame time, a general non-confumptive agreement,
as to all Britilli goods at leaft:, Ihouldbe circulated univer-
fally through the country, and take place immediately,
that thofe who have retarded the non-importation agree-
ment, may not make a profit to themfelves by this injury
to their country.

5. That fome of the nioft efPeftual meafures fliould be
taken to promote, not only indullry in general, but ma-
nufactures in particular ; fuch as granting premiums in
different colonies for manufaflures which can be produced
in them ; appointing public markets for all the materials
of manufa(5ture ; inviting over and encouraging able ma-
nufadlurers in every branch ; and appointing focieties in
every great city, efpecially in principal fea-ports, to receive
fubfcriptions for directing and encouraging emigrants who
Ihall come over from Europe, whether manufacturers or
labourers, and publifliing propofals for thispurpofe, in the
Britiih newfpapers.

6. That it be recommended to the legiflature of every
colony, to put their militia upon the beft footing ; and to
all Americans to provide themfelves with arms, in cafe
of a war with the Indians, French or Roman Catholics,
or in cafe they fliould be reduced to the hard neceffity
of defending themfelves from murder and affaffmation.

2i6 Thoughts, y'c.

7. That a committee fhould be appointed to draw up
an earneft and afFedlionate addrefs to the army and navy,
putting them in mind of their character as Britons, the
reproach which they will bring upon themfelves, and the
danger to which they will be expofed, if they allow them-
felves to be the inftruments of enflaving their country.

8. That a plan of union fhould be laid down for all
the colonies, fo that, as formerly, they may correfpond how
they fliall efFeftually co-operate in fuch meafures as Ihall
be neceflary to their common defence.

[ 217 ]

V aoeo 7M9 "XOD x<7» oKO («M ooM coba coot aaw oota oaoa ; oooo oo» ooco oocc too: oc^s i(^A> co<y* eo« omo w^s «-»
• tow 9000 ocoa oooa oc«) «»co cSOO woo i^^^J oa^ oooa ooci J jcoo com :o» c-wo c-^oo -,30o occo oooc OOoc owx" oooo ko*

Memorial mid Manifesto

OF THE

UNITED STATES

NORTH-AMERICA,

To the Mediating Powers in the Conferences for Peace,
to the other Powers in Europe, and in general to all
%ibo shall see the same.

THE United States of North-America, having been
made acquainted, by their illuflrious ally the king
of France, that there is a propofal for holding a congrefs
under the mediation of the emprefs of Ruflla and the em-
peror of Germany, to treat of terms of accommodation
with Great-Britain, have thought proper to publifh, for
the information of all concerned, the following memorial,
which (hall contain a brief detail of the fteps by which
they have been brought into their prefent interelUng and
critical fituation.

The United States (formerly Britifti colonies) were
firft planted and fettled by emigrants from that country.
Thefcfettlerscame out at different times, and with different

2i8 Memorial and Manifesto

views. Some were aftuated by the fpirit of curiofity and
enterprife, which was fo prevalent in Europe in the fix-
teenth and feventeenth centuries ; fome were chiefly in-
duced by the hope of riches ; and fome were driven from
their native country by the iron rod of facerdotal tyranny.
They folicited their charters, and fettled their govern-
ments on different principles, fuch as befl: pleafed thofe
who were chiefly concerned in each undertaking. In
one thing, however, they all agreed, that they conlidered
themfelves as bringing their liberty with them, and as
entitled to all the rights and privileges of freemen under
the Britifh conflitution.

Purfuant to thefe fentiments, they looked upon it as
the foundation flone of Britifh liberty, that the freehold-
ers or proprietors of the foil, fliould have the exclufive
right of granting money for public ufes, and therefore
invariably proceeded upon this plan. With refpedt, in-
deed, to the whole of their internal government, they
confidered themfelves as not direftly fubjeft to the Bri-
tifli parliament, but as feparate independent dominions
under the fame fovereign, and with fimilar co-ordinate
jurifdidtion. It appears from feveral events, that happen-
ed in the courfe of their hillory, and from public adts of
fome of their governments, that this was their opinion ma-
ny years before the late unjull claims and opprefiive a£t-s,
which gave birth to the bloody conflict not yet finiflied.

From the firii fettlement of the colonies, they willing-
ly fubmitted to Britain's enjoying an exclufive right to
their commerce ; though feveral of the afts of the Britifh
parliament upon this fubjedt, they always looked upon as
partial and unjult. Some of thefe appear at firft view to
be fuch badges of fervitude, that it is furprifmgthata free
people Ihould ever have been patient under them. The
truth is, they would not probably have been fubmitted to,
but that the rigid execution of them at this diftance was
in its nature impoffible.

It was ahvays the opinion of the inhabitants of thefe
ftates, that the benefits which arofe to Britain from the
exclufive commerce of America, and the taxes which it
enabled her to raife on her own fubjedts, was more than

of the United States. 219

their proportion of the common treafure necefl'ary to the
defence of the empire. At the fame time, great as it was,
the lofs to them, by being confined in their trade, was
greater than the benefit to her ; as it obliged them to pur-
chafe any thing they had occafion for from her, and at her
own price, which neceffarily retarded their growth and
improvement. All this notwithftanding, when any ex-
traordinary emergency feemed to render it neceflarj^ and
when application was regularly made to the aflemblies of
the colonies, they complied in every inftance with the re-
quifitions, and made advances of fums which in one or
two inllances Britain herfelf confidered as above their
ability, and therefore made reftitution or compenfation
for them.

The true reafon of this long and patient acquiefcence,
was the natural and warm attachment which the inhabit-
ants of America had to Great-Britain as their parent
country. They gloried in their relation to her ; they
were zealous for her honor and intered ; imbibed her
principles and prejudices with refpeft to other nations';
entered into her quarrels, and were profufe of their blood
for the purpofe of lecuring or extending her dominion. Al-
mofl: every city and county in Great-Britain had its coun-
ter part, which bore its name in the new world ; andthofe
whole progenitors for three generations had been born in
America, when they fpoke of going to Britain, called it
going home.

Such was the ftate of things, when fome unwife coun-
fellors to the Britifii king, thouglit of raifing a revenue
without the confent of the American legiflatures, to be
carried direftly to the Englilla treafury. The firll eflay
on this fubjeft was the famous Ibmp aft, of which we
ftiall at prefent fay nothing, but that the univerfal fer-
ment raifed on occafion of it was a clear proof of the juft-
nefs and truth of the preceding reprefentation. So odious
was it over the whole country, and fo dangerous to thofe
who attempted to carry it into execution, that in a fliort
time it was repealed by themfelves. Parliament, howe-
ver, by their declaratory act, which paffed in the fame fef-
fion, Ihewed that they intended to maintain the right,

220. Memorial and Manifesto

though they defifted in this inftance from the exercife of
it. The Americans, overjoyed at the immediate delir
liverance, returned to their afFeftion and attachinent,
hoping that the claim would ag^in become dormant, and
that no occafion would be given for the future difcuffion
of it.

But it was not long before the Englifli miniftry propo-
fed and carried an a£i of parliament, impofing duties on
tea, glafs, &c. which by the fmallnefs of the duties them-
felves, and feveral other circumftances, was plainly de-
fjgned to fteal upon us gradually, and if poflibie imper-
ceptibly, the exercife of their pretended right. It waa
not, however, in their power to blind the colonies, who
rofe up againfi: the execution of this aft, with a zeal pro-
portioned to the importance of the fubjeft, and with an
unanimity not to be expedted but where a great and com-
mon danger keeps every caufe of jealoufy and diffention
out of view. Not only every colony, by itg reprefenta-
tive body, but every county, and almoft every corpora-
tion or other fubordinate divifion, publicly declared that
they would defend their liberty at the rifle of their eftates
and lives. In the mean while the Englifli government
profeffed a determination equally firm to enforce the ex-
ecution of this aft by military power, and bring us to un..
conditional fubmiffion.

Thus did the rupture take place ; and as to the juflice
of our caufe, we mufl fay, that if any impartial perfon
will read the declaratory aft, that the lords and common^
of Gi'eat-Britain in parliament, have a right to make laws
binding upon the colonies in all cases whatsoever^
and which was now producing its proper fruit, he
mufl be convinced that had we fubmitted to it, we fliould
have been in no refpeft different from a fet of conquered,
tributary ftates, fubjeft to a foreign country ; and the co-
lonial affemblics would have become both ufelefs and con-
temptible. The writings in England upon this fubjeft,
proving that we were reprefented i?i Middlesex, and ufing
many otiier equally forcible arguments, are and will re-
main a difgrace to reafon, as well as an infult on Ameri-
can underllanding.

of the United States, 221

At this period of time, not only the people of England
in general, but the king of England in his fpeeches, and
his parliament in their addrefles, affected to reprefent tl:e
commotions in America as raifed by a few feditioiis per-
fons, and the confequence of a pre-concerted fcheme to
throw off the dominion of Great-Britain, and fet up an
independent empire. This unjuftand indeed abfurd ac-
cufation may be refuted by a thoufand arguments. The
ftrong prediledlion of the people of America for the peo-
])le, the falliions, and the government of Britain, proves
its fallhood. There was no perfon, nor any number of
perfons, in any ftate of America, who hadfuch influence
jis to he able to effect this, or even view it as a probable
objeft of ambition. But what mu!t demonflrate the ab-
furdity of this fuppofition, is the ftate in which America
was found when ihe began to grapple with the power of
Britain. No ftep had been tal^en to open the way for ob-
taining foreign aid. No provifion had been made of
arms, ammunition, or warlike ftores of any kind ; fo that
the country feemed to be expofed, naked and helplefs, to
the dominion of her enemy.

Agreeably to this, addreffes and petitions were the
means to which we had recourfe. Reconciliation to
Britain, with the fecurity and prefervation of our rights,
was the wifh of every foul. The mofl explicit profeffions
of loyalty to the prince, and the moftexprefs affurances of
effeftual fupport in his government, if we were called on
in a conftitutional way, made the fubflance of our decla-
rations. Every fucceeding petition, however, was treat-
ed with new and greater infult, and was anfwered by
a£ts of parliament, which for their cruelty will be a ftain
upon the annals of the kingdom, and bring tlie charadter
of the nation itfelf into difgrace.

Single a£ts of inhumanity may be accounted for from
the depravity of an individual ; but what fhall we fay of
grave and numerous affemblies, enacting fuch laws as the
Boflon port bill, which reduced at once fo many people to
b^gg^^'Yi and their property itfelf to nothing — the adl
permitting thofe charged widi murdering Americans, to
be fent to England to be tried, that is to fay, either not to

%ii Memorial and Manifesto

be tried at all, or certainly abfolved — the a£l appointing
Americans taken at fea, to be turned before the maft in
Engliih fhips, and obliged either to kill their own rela-
tions, or be killed by them — and the aft appointing Ame-
rican prifoners to be fent to the Eaft-Indies as flaves.
But what is of all moft ailonifhing is, that they never
failed to extol their own lenity, when pafling fuch afts as
filled this whole continent with refentment and horror.
To crown the whole, the laft petition fent by congrefs to
the king, which befeeched him to appoint some mode by
which our complaints might be remedied, and a way
be paved for reconciliation, was treated with abfo-
lute contempt, and no anfwer given to it of any kind.
Thus was all intercourfe broken up. We were declared
rebels ; and they themfelves muft confefs, that no alter-
native was left us, but either to go with ropes about our
necks, and fubmit ourfelves not to the king, but to the
kingdom of England, to be trampled under foot, or rifle
all the confequences of open and vigorous refiftance.

The lail part of the alternative we chofe without hefita-
tion ; and as it was impofilble to preferve civil order any
longer underthe name and form of agovernment which we
had taken arms to oppofe, we found it abfolutely necefiary
to declare ourfelves independent of that prince who had
thrown us out of his protection. This great ftep was
taken with the full approbation, and indeed at the ardent
defire of "the public at large. The extent and growth of
the colonies feemed, in the nature of things, to call for fuch
a feparation long before ; yet it would not probably have
happened for many years, if it had not been forced upon
i!S by tlie conduft of our unkind parent herfelf. The
thing indeed feeras to have been the purpofe of God Al-
mighty ; for every meafure of the court of Great-Britain
had the mofl: direft tendency to haften, and render it un-
avoidable.

We muft take notice, that before the declaration of in-
dependence, there was fomething like an attempt to re-
concile us, commonly called lord North's conciliatory
moUou ; but it was fo trifling in its nature, and infidious

of the United States. 223

in its form, that probably no fuccefs was expedted from
it, even by thofe who contrived it. Who does not per-
ceive in it an artful attempt to divide us ? and that while
every thing elfe is left in the greatefi; uncertainty, the
main point for which we contended is clearly decided
againft us ?

After the declaration of independence, lord and general
Howe brought out a commiffion hr giving peace to Ame-
rica. But as they had not liberty fo much as to acknow-
ledge us by an open treaty, fo the fubftance of Vi'hat they
offered was pardon upon fubmiflion ; that the parliament
would revife the afts they had paffed, and if any of them
were found improper, they would amend them : which, in
one word, amounted to this, that they would do for us
v/hat they thenisches thought good. Thefe offers, howe-
ver, poor as they were, came too late. So important a
ftep as the declaration of independence, could not be re-
called ; and the formidable armament fent out againft us
in the year 1776, rendered it more neceffary than ever.

We are forry to be obliged to take notice of the manner
of conducing the war. It would be for the honor of hu-
manity, that it could be buried in oblivion. Many were
the inftances of perfons, after they had fubmitted and
begged mercy on their knees, being murdered in cold
blood. The treatment of prifoners was from the begin-
ning, and has continued through the war, with fome ex-
ceptions, favage and barbarous to the laft degree. Multi-
tudes, before any exchange took place, died by famine
and ftench. Many were, by threatening and ill ufage, con-
ftrained to enliil in their enemy's fervice ; and many were
forced on board their fhips of war, or fent to Britain to
rot in prifon, at a diftance from their friends, without
hope of relief. It is not eafy to enumerate the houfes and
even towns which have been wantonly burnt, or to de-
fcribe the devaftation of the country, and robbery of the
inhabitants, wherever the army palTed. To this mav be
added, hiring the favages to come upon the back fettle-
ments. There is the greater flrame in this expedient,
that they are not formidable either for their number or
their valor, but for the Ihocking manner in which thev

2i4 Memorial and Manifesto

torture their prifoners, and murder women and infants
who fall into their hands. Civilized nations will perhaps
find it hard to believe this reprefentation ; but every part
of it can be fupported by the mofl unqueftionable fafts,
and it is rendered credible not only by the circumftance
that civil wars are carried on commonly with a rancour
and animofity greater than thofe between independent na-
tions, but by the expreffions of hatred and contempt which
have been ufed with refpefl to the Americans, by almoft
every fpeaker and writer in England. What effect could
fuch language have on the minds of the foldiery, but to
Heel them againfl all impreflions of pity and tendernefs,
as we find was really the cafe, till they were reftrained in
fome degree, by the fear of retaliation upon their people
in our hands.

At lall, after four years of real, and near two years of
profefled and declared independence, it pleafed God to
incline the heart of the king of France to give relief to
the opprelled, by entering into a treaty with the United
States, on the mofl; liberal and difinterefted principles.
No exclufive privileges are there ftipulated for the French
nation, but the fecure, open and equal intercourfe to
which all other nations are invited. This acknowledg-
ment and fupport from one of the mofl powerful mo-
narchs in Europe, it may eafily be fuppofed gave a new
turn to our aflairs, and a new dignity to our caufe. The
terms of this treaty, ib favorable to us, as well as honora-
ble to our ally, cannot fail to add the bond of gratitude to
that of jufHce, and make our adherence to it inviolable.

Not long after this treaty was figned, the court and
parliament of Great-Britain fent out commiffioners to
make an offer of terms, which we readily confefs were
not only as good, but better, than what three years before
would have been cheaifuUy accepted. But the ground
was now wholly changed. We were offered freedom
irom taxes, and even a fpecies of independence itfelf,
upon the easy terms of breaking our faith fo lately pledg-
ed, and uniting our force with that of Great-Britain ;
and both would doubtlefs have been immediately em-
ployed in taking vengeance on France for the afliftance

of the United States. 225

Ilie had lent to us in our diflrefs. Yet even here, the
whole was to be liibjeft to the revifion of parliament ;
that is to fay, any part of the agreement might be appro-
ved or rejefted as to the wifdom of that aflembly Ihoiild
feem meet.

Thefe laft propofals from Great-Britain, deferve ver\-
particular notice. They are a clear derelidtion of the firll
caufe of quarrel, and an ample confeflion that the de-
mands of America were jult ; while the time and circuni-
ftances of their being made, ftiew that they could not be
accepted with any regard either to juftice, gratitude, or
policy. Could we be guilty of a direft breach of faith,
when the ink was hardly dry by which our ratification of
the treaty was marked ? Gould we inflantly forget thofe
favors which had been fo earneltly folicitecl, as well as
generoufly bellowed ? Could we, who had not entered
into a league ofFenfive and defenfive with France, except
for the prefent firuggle in our own behalf, becaufe we
did not wilh to be involved in the wars of Europe, throw
ourfelves into the arms of an hoftile nation, and promife
to make peace or war with her, againfl: our benefadtors ?

Upon the whole, fince the American colonies were,
from their extent and fituation, ripe for a feparation from
Great-Britain, and the nature of things feemed to demand
it ; fince their growing power, added to that of Great-
Britain, would give her Ibch a dominion of the fea, as
muft be dangerous to the liberty and commerce of other
nations; fince, by her own afts of oppreflion, flie lias
alienated the minds of the Americans, and compelted
them to ellablifh independent governments, which have
now taken place ; and fince thefe governments, which
are difi;in6t though confederated, wholly fettled upon re-
publican principles, and fit only for agriculture and com-
merce, cannot be an objedl of jealoufy to other powers,
but by free and open intercourfe with them, a general be-
nefit to all ; it is to be hoped that the revolution which
they have efiefted, will meet with univerfal approbation.

F f

[ 227 ']

0OOOO nem dooo arcs ocoo xkx :ok roo^cooc en^eax Kor 'v^'> coee t^m ocoo -voo ooooooo* X!Cc ooq4 >m3 rem coea

OOOO DCCO •:<» 0903 003C OOM ~O0a OOC* OCO 9C04 OOCO 0300 * S003 OCOO Cr<0? 0300 CVO; ICIM («0> OMO ece» eOOi? eOCa 93C»

ON THE

GEORGIA

CONSTITUTION.

SIR,

IN your paper of Saturday laft, you have given us the
new Con|iitution of Geoi'gia, in which I find the fol-
lowing refolution, " No clergyman of any denomination
fliall be a member of the General Affembly." I would
be very well fatisfied that fome of the gentlemen who
have made that an effential article of this conftitution, or
who have inferted and approve it in other conftitutions,
would be pleafedto explain a little, the princif)les, as well
as to afcertain the meaning of it.

Perhaps we underftand pretty generally, what is meant
by a clergyman, viz. a perfon regularly called and fet
apart to the miniftry of the gofpel, and authorifed to preach
and adminfter the facraments of the Chriftian religion.
Now fufFer me to aflc this queftion ; Before any man
among us was ordained a miniiter, was he not a citizen
of the United States, and if being in Georgia, a citizen
of the ftate of Georgia ? Had he not then a right to be
elefted a member of the affembly, if qualified in point of
property ? How then has he loft, or why is h« deprived of
this right ? Is it by offence or difqualification ? Is it a fin
againft the public to become aminifter? Doesit meritthatthe
perfon who is guilty of it Ihould be immediately deprived of

228 On the Georgia Constitution.

one of his moft important rights as a citizen ? Is not thisin-
flifting a penalty which always fuppofes an offence ? Is a
minliler then difqualified for the office of a fenator or repre-
fentative ? Does this calling and profeffion i-ender him
ftupid or ignorant ? I am inclined to forrn a very high
cpuiion of the natural underllanding of the freemen and
freeholders of the ftate of Georgia, as well as of their im-
provement and cultm"e by education, and yet I am not
able to conceive, but that fome of thofe equally qualified,
mayenter into, the clerical order: and then itmuft not be un-
fitnefs, but fome other reafon that produces the exclufion.
Perhaps it may be thought that they are excluded from
civil authority, that they may be more fully and conftantT
ly employed in their fpiritual functions. If this had been
the ground of it, how much more properly would it have
appeared, as an order of an ecclefiaftical body, with ref-
pe£l to their own members. In that cafe I fliould not
only have forgiven, but approved and juftified it ; but in
the way in which it now ftands, it is evidently a punifh-
ment by lofs of privilege, inflidled on thofe who go into
the office of the miniflry ; for which, perhaps, the gentle-
men of Georgia may have good reafohs, though I have not
been able to difcover them.

But befides the uncertainty of the principle ofi which
this refolution is founded, there feems to me much uncer-
tainty as to the meaning of it. How are we to determine
who is or is not a clergyman .'' Is he only a clergyman
who has received ordination from thofe who have derived
the right by an uninterrupted fucceffion from the apoftles ?
Or is he alio a clergyman, who is fet apart by the impo-
fition of hands of a body of other clergyman, by joint Au-
thority I Or is he alfo a clergyman who is fet apart by the
chuixh members of his own fociety, without any impofi-
tion of hands at all ? Or is he alfo a clergyman who has
exhorted in a methodill fociety, or fpoken in a quakef
meeting, or any other religious affembly met for public
worfliip ? There are ftill greater difficulties behind : — Is
the clericalcharafter indelible ? There are fome who have
been ordained, who occafionally perform fome clerical
fundions, but have no paftoral charge at all. There are'

On the Georgia Constitution. ' 229

fame who finding public fpeaking injurious to health, or
from other reafons eafily conceived, have refigned their
paftoral charge, and wholly difcontinued all a<Sts and exer-
cifes of that kind ; and there are fome, particularly in New-
England, who having exercifed the clerical office fome
time, and finding it lefs fuitable to their talents than
they apprehended, have voluntarily relinquiflied it, and
taken to fome other profeffion, as law, phyfic, or mer-
chandize — Do thefe all continue clergymen, or do they
ceafe to be clergymen, and by that ceflation return to, or
recover the honorable privileges of laymen ?

I cannot help thinking that thefe difficulties are very
confiderable, and may occafion much litigation if the ar-
ticle of the conftitution (lands in the loofe, ambiguous
form in which it now appears ; and therefore I would re-
commend the following alterations, which I think will
make every thing definite and unexceptionable.

" No clergyman, of any denomination, fhall be capable,
of being elefted a member of the Senate or Houfe of Re-
prefentatives, becaufe [here infert the grounds of ofFenfive
difqualification, which I have not been able to difcoverT
Provided always, and it is the true intent and meaning of
this part of the conftitution, that if at any time he fliall
be completely deprivedof the clerical charafter by thofe by
whom he was inverted with it, as by depofition for curfing
and fwearing, drunkennefs or uncleannefs, he Ihall then be
fully reflored to all the privileges of a free citizen ; his
offence fhall no more be remembered againfl; him ; but
he may be chofen either to the Senate or Houfe of Reprc-
fentatives, and fhall be treated with all the refped due to
his brethren, t!ie other members of Aflemblv."

f 231 ]

o 0000 0000 0009 90M 000a 30CO 0006 00C9 COM coca woo eooa K>oo M>09 ooeo Moa oeoa k4 000s «ooe »c» eooa omo
a MOO 0000 ooM eeoo ocoe cooo oeoo 0000 coco coco coco sooo ooce cow oeoo oooo com mm woo cooo com oodo «o«

A FEW-
REFLECTIONS

Humbly submitted to the Consideration of the Public in
general, and in particidar to the Congress of the Uni-
ted States.

THOUGH the following refleftions come from an
individual citizen, no way connefted with public
bufmefs, I hope they will be read with candor and atten-
tion. All good conduft proceeds from certain radical
principles ; and retired theoretical perfons certainly may
judge as well, perhaps they often judge better, of thofe,
than fuch as are engaged in the buftle and hurry of an ac-
tive life, or occupied in the management of particular af-
fairs. Another circumftance which encourages me in
this hope is, that I intend to offer nothing but what fhall
be even beyond the imputation of proceeding, either from
party attachment, or mercenary views.

When the Federal conftitution was agreed on, it was
the fervent defire, and I may fay the earneft prayer of ma-
ny, that it might take place, and get into operation with
quietnefs, and under the acquiefcence and approbation of
the public. This I think we may fay, has happily been the
cafe fo far as we have yet proceeded. The perfons chofen
to fill the houfes of Congrefs, have been generally ap-
proved. Perhaps fome ftates, in a h\v inflances, might
have made a better choice ; but upon the whole, there is

232 On th'e Federal, City.

little reafon to complain. I remember to have heard a
gentleman well acquainted with the fubjeft, fay of the for-
mer Coiigrefs which conduced the \var, that he had never
known a time in which it did not contain a great ])Iurality
of men of integrity, and of thofe a very refpectable num-
ber of diftinguiflied abilities. I hope and believe that
this is the cafe at prefent ; and may it always coutinue to
be fo.

The meafures taken by Congrefs in tlieir lafl feffion,
have in general given i'atisfaflion. I am not ignorant
that there have been fome fevere, and in my opinion pe-
tulant and infolent remarks made upon the falaries fixed
for public officers, and the compenfation allowed for the
attendance of members of Congrefs, efpecially the lafl.
I am of opinion, however, that they are both reafonable,
and the laft at leall as reafonable, if not more fo, than the
firft. I hope few perfons will ever be in Congrels, who,
devoting their time to the public fcrvice, may not well
deferve the compenfation fixed for them, from their cha-
rafter and talents. And if rhey have lucrative profef- ■
lions, or valuable private fortunes, thefe mufi: be deferted
for a time, and probably a lofs incurred greater than the
whole wages. I Ihould alfo be forry to hear of any mem-
ber of Congrefs who became rich by the favings above his
expenfe. I know very well, that there have been Con-
grefs men and afiembly men too, who have carried home
confiderable fums from lefs wages ; but they were fuch
generally as did more good to their families by their penu-
ry, than to their country by their political wifdom.

I come now to what I chiefly intended by this fliort
effay. Much time of the lafl feffion was fpent in debates
upon fixing a place for the permanent reildence of Con-
grefs, and building a federal city. That matter was un-
der the confideration of the former Congrefs, and was fix-
ed.and unfixed I believe more than once. It always oc-
cafioned great altercation ; nor was it poffible to tell when
it was fettled ; for whenever Congrefs changed its mem-
bers, or the members changed their opinions, every thing
that had been done was undone. In the lafl: meeting of
the federal Congrefs, it feemed to have been finally deci-

On the Federal City. 233

ded ; but. either by accident or the addrefs of feme who
were oppofed to the decifion, it was thrown open again,
and is now left as unfettled as ever. I have not met with
any body who was forry, but with many who were happy
at this circumftance ; and I fmcerely wifli that it may be
fuffered to fleep in its prefent fituation at leall for a confl-
derable time, and till fome other bufmefs of greater and
more confeffed importance fliall be completely finifFied.
I am now to give my reafons for this opinion.

1. A determination upon that fubjeft is not necessary.
When I fay it is not neceflary, I mean that we are not
urged to it by any preffing inconveniencies or injuries
which we have fuffered or are fuffering for want of it.
Every body muft own that it would be very expenfive ;
and indeed I am one myfelf, who, if it were to be done at
all, afld there were buildings to be erefted which fnould
not belong to any ftate, but to the union, would vvifh that
they fhould be not barely elegant, but magnificent, that
they might not derogate from the dignity of the empire.
This is not even contrary to the general principle of eco-
iiomy ; for it has been obferved that fome of the mod fru-
gal nations have been mofl fumptuous in their public
edifices, of which the ftadthoufe at Amfterdam is an ex-
ample. Therefore, if the neceffity were great, if the pub-
lic bufinefs could not be carried on, nor the public autho-
rity maintained without it, I fhould be for fubmitting to
every inconvenience— I would not be deterred even by
the expence itfelf. But is this really the cafe ? Does it
appear to be neceflary from the nature of the thing ? No.
The weight and influence of any deliberative or legiflative
body, depend much more on the wifdom of their mea-
fures, than the fplendid apartments in which they are af-
fembled. Does it appear to be necefTary from experience
or the example of other nations ? I think not. I can
hardly recolleft above one or two of the kingdoms or ftates
of Europe, in which the capital is central ; and as to
confederated republics, fome of them have no common
capital at all. The Swifs Cantons have no federal city.
The different ftates of which this lafl conlifts, have for
ages, when they had occafion to meet for common con-

G g •

234 ^'^ '^^ Federal City.

fultation, held their Biets in different places. But we
need go no further than our own experience. Did not
the former Congrefs carry on the war with Great-Britain,
defend and lecurethe liberties of the United States, with-
out a federal city ? Was the want of it greatly or deeply
felt as an inconvenience ? I do not recoUefl; afingle com-
plaint made in fpeech or writing upon the fubjeft.

2. It can be but X\X.i\t piqfitahh. The truth is, when
I attempt to recolledt and enumerate the advantages to be
derived from a federal city, in a central place, 3xt thinly
inhabited, I find them very few and very fmall. If the
American empire come to be one confolidated govern-
ment, I grant it woukl be of fome confequence that the
feat of that government and fource of authority fhould not
be too diftant from the extremities, for reafons which I
need not here mention. But if the particular ftates are to
be preferved and fupported in their conftitutional govern-
ment, itfeems of very little confequence where the Con-
grefs, confifting of reprefentatives from thefe ftates, Ihall
hold their feflions. There is not only little profit in their
being fixed and central, but perhaps fome advantages
might arife from their being unfixed and ambulatory.
This laft feems to be more fuitable to the equality of
rights of the feveral fiates. It is far from being an impof-
fible fuppofition, that the fiate on which Congrefs ftvould
be fixed, would think itfelf entitled to a leading, if not
a domineering influence over the other flates. As to
eafinefs of accefs, fuch is the flate of this country, lying
along the lea coalt, and»having fo many navigable rivers,
that any city whatever on the coafl or great rivers is eafily
accefTible ; and the difference of diflance, efpecially when
the payment is to be in proportion to the diftance, is not
worth mentioning. It is farther to be obferved, that
though buildings may be immediately raifed for the ac-
commodation of Congrefs, yet a great city, or a city of
opulence and commerce, could not be raifed for a long
tra£t of time. It is even uncertain whether the bare refi-
dence of Congrefs during their annual feffions (which it is
to be hoped in a few years will be but fliort) independent
of other circumftances, will ever raife a great commercial

On the Federal City. 235

city at all. The Hague, though the refidence of the ftadt-
holder, is far from being the largeil, mofl: populous, or
moft wealthy city in Holland. Now I humbly conceive,
that if not refidence in, yet nearnefs to fome important
commercial city or cities, will be found to be abfolutely
necellary for tranfaftions relating to money or finance :
fo that, if the advantages and difadvantages of a federal
city on the propoied plan are fairly weighed, the latter
would preponderate.

3. There is reafoii to fear that it rnay be very hurtful.
Nothing is of fo much confequence to us at prefent as
union ; and nothing is fo much the defire of all unpreju-
diced, public-fpirited and virtuous men. The federal
conftitution is but new. It is, we hope, taking place ;
but cannot yet be faid to have taken root. It wi!l, from
the nature of things, take fome time before it can acquire
the refpeft and veneration necefl'ary in eveay government
from the body of the people, who are always guided by
feeling and habit, more than by a train of reafoning, how-
ever conclufive. Now, is there no reafon to fear that the
difputes upon this fubje£l may produce warmth and vio-
lence, and perhaps an alienation of mind in fome ftates
againft others, very prejudicial to public order ? The
inoft trifling fubjedls of difpute have fometimes created
divifions both in larger and fmaller political bodies, which
have ended in common ruin. If I am rightly informed,
the difputes which have already taken place in Congrefs
upon this fubjeft, have been carried on with greater viru-
lence of temper and acrimony of expreflion, than upon
any other that has been under their deliberation. This is
not to be wondered at ; for it is indeed of fuch a nature,
that it has a nearer relation to Hate attachments and local
prejudices than any other that can be named. Perhaps
in fuch a queRion it is lawful, decent, and even neceflary,
to plead the local interefi; of particular ftates ; and there-
fore it is to be expefted that every delegate wilt contend
with earneftnefs for that of his own. At any rate, what-
ever oitenfible public reafons may be devifed by a fertile
invention, all unprejudiced hearers will believe that it is
local attachment that guides their judgment, and inflames

136 On the Federal City.

their zeal. The only ufe that it is neceffary for me to
make of fuch a remark, is to Ihew that the contention and
anicno.fity raifed by this difpute will probably extend itfelf
to every other, and that it will not be confined to the con-
tending members in Congrefs, but will fpread itfelf through
all the ftates, whofe caufe they plead, and whofe intereft
they feem to efpoufe. This is one of thofe queftions that
had much better be decided wrong by general confent,
than decided right by a fmall majority, without convinc-
ing or fatisfying the opponents.

4. In the lafl: place, it is certainly at leaf! unseasona-
ble. Though it were pofFible juftly to anfwer all the ob-
je£tions I have ftated above, I muft ftill fay, there is a
time for every thing under the fun. A meafure may be
good in itfelf, and even neceffary in a qualified fenfe,
yet if there be another duty incumbent upon the fame
body, that is better and more neceffary, this furely ought
to have the precedence in point of time. Now, I think
it cannot be denied, and all intelligent perfons in the
United States fcem to be of opinion, that bringing order
into our finances, reftoring and eftablifhing public credit,
is the mod important bufinefs which the Congrefs has
to do. It is alio the mofl: urgent in point of time ; be-
caufe in the interval, many public creditors are in a
fituation truly deplorable, whereas I can think of nobody
that is fuffering much for .want of a federal city. The
two defigns are alfo connefted together as caufe and eflfect ;
and I need not tell any body which of thefe ought to go
foremoil. What a romantic projedl will it be to fix on
a fituation, and to form plans for building a number of
palaces, before we provide money to build them with,
or even before we pay thofe debts which v/e have already
contra£led4 This is a matter in which not only all the
citizens of America, thofe who are, and thofe who are
not, public creditors, afe deeply concerned, but on which
will depend our future fecurity, our interefl; and influ-
ence among foreign nations, and even the opinion that
fhall be formed of us by pofterity itfelf.

Thefe few reflexions, not enlarged upon as they
might eafily have been, nor fwelled_. or exaggerated by

On the Federal City. . 237

pompous declamation, but limply and nakedly propo-
fed, — I leave to the judgment of the impartial public ;
and remain,

Their moft obedient,

Humble fervant,

X. Y.

C 239 ]

• cooc 0000 «Mo ceo* MOO COM (weo cooo won eeoe 0000 oooo woo ; osoo 0000 ecw oooe o»z ecos eooe coos coo; 0000 oow*

a 0900 KKXI eOOO coco cooo COM COOC 0000 OOeo OCOO MOO OOOV coco ; C300 MOO 0000 oooo 0000 oe«0 C«00 cooo eeoo 00O> COM

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

ON A

MOTION FOR PAYING

THE INTEREST OF

LOAN. OFF ICE CERTIFICATES.

Mr. President,

I MUST entreat the attention of the houfe, while I
endeavor to ftate this with as much brevity and per-
fpicuiry as I am maftcr of. It is not eafy to forbear men-
tioning, yet I Ihall but barely mention, the diftrefled and
unhappy fituation of many of the perfons concerned in
the public loans. I fhall alfo pafs by their charafters as
whigs and friends to the American eaufe. I fhall pafs by
the fervices which many of them have rendered in their per-
fons, by their friends, by their purfes, and by their pray-
ers. Thefe are alFefting confiderations, which ought not,
and which I am confident will not fail to have their
weight with every member of this houfe. Let us then,
leave thefe topics altogether, and let us confine ourfelves
to the duty and intereft of the United States in their pre-
fent fituation, when the care of their affairs is committed
to us who are here aflembled.

Public credit is of the utmoft moment to a flate which
expedtsto fupport itfelf at any time ; but it is all in all in
a time of war. The want of it defeats the wifeft mea-

546 speech on the Interest of

fures, and renders every department torpid and motlon-
lefs. It cannot be denied, that by many unhappy, if not
unwife meafures, public credit among us has been redu-
ced to the lowefi: ebb, firft by a monflrous and unheai"d of
emiffion of paper money ; next by an adt of bankruptcy,
reducing it to fixpence in the pound ; then by a table of
depreciation. There remained but one thing which pre-
ferved us fome degree of refpeftability, that the promifes
made to lenders of money before a certain period, had
been kept for three years ; but now, as the laft and finifli-
ing ftroke, this alfo is broken to pieces, and given to the
winds.

Let not gentlemen cry out as before, why diftinguifli
thefe people from other public creditors ? I do not dif-
tinguifli them by afking payment for them alone ; but I
diftinguifli them, becaufe their circumftances and difap-
pointment give a new and difgraceful ftroke to the credit
of the United States. I diftinguilli them, becaufe I hope
that their fufferings and complaints may induce us to take
fome ftep towards the payment of all. Strange it is to the
laft degree, that this comparifon fhould feem to fet gen-
tlemen's minds at eafe — becaufe great injury has been
done to one clafs, therefore the fame may and ought to
be done to another. In this way it would be very eafy
to rid curfelves of both, and to fay, why all this noife
about loan-office certificates ? have not all the receivers
of continental bills fuffered as much or more than they,
and had the immenfe fum of two hundred millions funk
in their hands. — If this would be a good anfwer in one
cafe, it certainly would in the other. Now is it proper or
fafe in our prefent fituation, to refufe all kind of payment
to the public creditors in this country, fo numerous and fo
varioufly circumftanced ? Let us examine it a little.

We are now endeavoring to borrow, and have the hope of
borrowing money in Europe. Is this the way to fucceed 't
Is it not poffible, is it not highly probable, that our treat-
ment of our creditors here, will foon be known there ?
iNlay, are not fome of our creditors interefted in this very
nieafure, refiding there ? Mult not this repeated infolven-
cy, negleft and even contempt of public creditors, pre-

i^oan-Office Certificates. 241

vent people from lending v.s in Europe ? I am forry to
lay it, but in truth I do believe that it is their ignorance
of our fituation and pad condufl;, that alone will make
them trull: us. I confefs, that if I were at Amflerdam juft
now, and had plenty of money, I would give what I
tiiought proper to the United States, but would lend them
none.

It is to be hoped, that in time truth and juftice will fo
far prevail, that our pofterity will fee the neceflity of doing
their duty ; but at prefent we feem but little difpofed to
it.— By making fome payment to the public creditors
immediately, and profecuting the meafures already begun
for further i'ecurity, we fhould obtain a dignity and weight
abroad, that would procure money wherever it could be
found.

I^t us next confider the efie£l upon our credit at home.
It has ever been my opinion, that if our fecurity were
good, and our credit entire, fo that obligations by the pub-
lic would be turned into money at any time, at par or at
little lefs, we fhould find no inconfiderable number of
lenders. Every thing of this' kind proceeds upon fuch
certain principles as never to fail in any indance of hav-
ing their efFetl:. From the general difpofition that pre-
vails in this new country, real ellate is lefs efleemed,
and money at intereft more, that is to fay comparatively
fpeaking, than in the old. Now, whatever fuccefs we
may have in Europe, I am perfuaded we fliould ftill need,
or at lead be much the better of loans at home, which are
in their nature preferable to thofe abroad ; and therefore
whatever leadsutterly todellroyour credit at home, does an
effential injur}' to the public caufe. Nay, though there were
not any proper loans to be expelled or attempted at home,
fome trufting to public credit would be neceflary, to make
thofe to whom we are already indebted patient or at leaft
fdent for fome time. To this may be added that annihi-
lating public credit, or rather rendering it contemptible,
has an unhappy influence upon every particular internal
temporary operation. People will not feek your fervice,
but fly from it. Hence it is well known, that fometimesr
(lores and ammunition or other neceffaries for the army,

H h

242 Speech on the Interest of

have {looJ flill upon the road till they were half lofl: &t'
want of ready money, or people who would truft you, to
carry them forward.

We mud now go a little further, and fay that if this pro-
pofition is inforced, it will be a great hindrance to the
payment of taxes, and raifuig the fup.plies which muft be
called for from the flates. I do not infill upon what has
been already mentioned, that the payment propofed would
enable many to pay their taxes ; becaufe, though that is
certainly true with refpeft to thofe who fliall receive it,
and though it is admitted they are pretty numerous, yet
in my opinion it is but a trifle to the other effedts of it,
both in the pofitive and negative way. It would give dig-
nity to the public fpirit, and animation to the people in
general. It would give the people better thoughts of their
rulers, and prevent murmuring at public perfons and
public meafures. I need not tell this houfe how much
depends in a free ilate, upon having the efteem and at-
tachment of the people. It is but a very general view-
that people at a diltance can take of the management of
men in public truft ; but in general it is well known, they
are abundantly jealous, and as ready to believe evil as
good. I do not fpeak by guefs, but from fafts, when I
tell you that they fay, we arc now paying prodigious taxes,
but what becomes of all the money ? The army, fay they,
get none of it, being almofi: two years in arrear. The
public creditors fay they get none of it, not even intereft
for their money. This was told me by the county col-
leftor of Somerfet county, New-Jerfey, who was not a
contentious man, but wilhed to know what he ought to
fay to the people. Now this fmall payment, as it would
be very general, would be much talked of ; and I am per-
fuaded, for its general good influence, would be worth all
and more than all the fum we fliall beftow. I have heard
it faid, in fome fimilar cafes, you mullfometimes throw a
little water into a pump, in order to bring a great deal
out of it.

Now, on the other hand, vi^hat will be the confequence
of a total refufal ? You have told the public creditors,
that yoii have no money in Europe to draw for. They

Loan-Office Certificates. 243

will very fpeedily hear of this loan in Holland. They are
fufficiently exafperated already ; this will add to their in-
dignation. They really are already fore; their minds
will be rankled more than ever, l^liey are looking with
an evil eye upon fome new men coming into play, and
thinking themfelves unjuflly and ungratefully ufed. I
believe they are not fo much without principle, as to turn
their backs upon the public caufe ; but a fpirit of faction
and general difcontent, upon fuch plaufible grounds, may
do iti^effential injury. They may combine to refufe their
taxes ; and if any fuch unhappy affociation fhould be
formed, it would fpread ; and many from a blind attach-
ment to their own interefl, would pretend to be upon the
fame footing, though diey have no concern in the matter :
and if this difpofition faould become general, it would put
an entire flop to all our proceedings. This difcouraging
profpett is not merely founded on conjefture. I have
been told that there have»already been meetings for enter-
i.ng into concert for refufing to pay taxes. Is it poffible
we can, in our circumftances, more profitably employ the
fam mentioned in the motion, than \\\ giving fatisfaftion
to a deferving body of men, and in preventing evils of fo
alarming a nature.

It is poflible, fir, that foine are comforting themfelves
with their own fmcerity and good intentions ; that they
ultimately refolve to pay all honorably ; that they have
taken, and are taking meafures to prepare for it. — A fum
of money is called for orj purpofe to pay the intereft of the
public debts ; and the five per cent, impolt is appropria-
ted to tlie fame purpofe. But, fir, it will take a confjder-
able time before the moil fpeedy of thefe meafures can
bring money into the treafury ; and in the mean time the
late Itep of refufing to draw bills, has given fuch a llroke
to loan-office certificates, that their value is fallen to a very
trifle — the fpirits of the people are broken — a gentleman
told me the other day, 1 fee the loan-office certificates are
gone, as well as all the ref^ of the rrvoney. The inevita-
ble confequence will be, that hard and irrefiflible neceffity,
or incredulity and ill humor, will make them part with
them for a mere nothing ; and then the greateft: part of

344 Speech,

c^r

tbem by far will really be in the hands of fpeculators.
When this is notoriouily the cafe, I fliall not be at all fur-
prifedto find that fomebody will propofe a new fcale of de-
preciation, and fay to the holders, you fhall have them for
Avhat they were worth and generally fold at, at fuch a time.
Paft experience juflifies this expedation, and no declara-
tion we can make to the contrary, will be ftronger than
that of Congrefs in the year 1779, that they would re-
deem the money, and that it was a vile and flanderous af-
fertion, that they would fuffer it to fink in people's hands.
I know particular perfons alfo, who by believing this de-
claration, lofi: their all. Now, if this Ihall be the cafe
again, public faith will be once more trodden under foot ;
and the few remaining original holders of certificates will
lofe them entirely, being taken in connedion with thofe
who purchafed them at an under value.

[ 2 45 J

o»s ;») ;o(» -so ;<;=o 5=ra -ojo <»i» lOu cos. ^3<« mco 5«<y. ! «») "^ o/Njuoo ofo. toos ■» .j »f^ eeco iioo "" i
«!» ic» KM ;coo -joo COM cocfl *sort «oo Lveo c^wo coac. cc^.^J : x-eu t»M ooco ..<«« oc« -^d^. Mou «a3 Met otcr ««.: c

PART OF A

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

ON THE

C N F E R E N C E
PuoposED EY LORD HO W E.

jMr. PUESIDENT,

THE fubjeft we are now upon, is felt and confefled
_^^ by us all to be of the utnioft confequence, and per-
haps I may alfo fay, of delicacy and difficulty. I have
not been accullomed in iuch cafes to make iblemn pro-
ielTions of impartiality ; and fhall not do it now, be-
rauie I will not fuppofe that there are any fufpicions to
the contrary in the minds of thole who hear mz. Befides,
the variety of opinions that have been formed and deliver-
ed upon it, feem to prove that we are giving our own pro-
per judjrment, without pi'ejudice or influence ; which I
hope will lead to the difcovei-y of what is moll wiie and
expedient upon the whole.

As the deliberation arifcs from a meiTagc fent to us by
lord Hov.'c, at lead by his permiffion, I think it is of im-
portance to attend with greater exaftnefs to all the circum-
flances of that meffage, than has been done by any gen-
tleman who has yet fpoken on tjie fubjed. It comes

24.6 speech on the Conference

from the commander in chief of the forces of the king of
Great-Britain, and one who is faid to carry a commifflon
to giv« peace to America.

From the conduit of the miniftry at home, from the a6ls
of parliament, and from lord Howe's proclamation in
conformity to both, it is plain, that abfolute unconditional
Aibmiffion is what they require us to agree to, or mean to
force us to. And from the moft authentic private intelli-
gence, the king has not laid afide his perfonal rancor ; it
is rather increafmg every day. In thefe circumftances,
lord Howe has evidently a great defire to engage us in a
treaty ; and yet he has conftantly avoided giving up the
leaft punftilio on his fide. He could never be induced to
give general Wafliiiigton his title. He plainly tells us he
cannot treat with Congrefs as fuch ; bur he has allowed a
prifoner of war to come and tell us he would be glad to
fee us as private gentlemen.

It has been faid that this is no infult or difgrace to the
Congrefs; that the point of honor is hard to be got over,
in making the firfl advances. This, fir, is miflaking the
matter wholly. He has got over this point of honor ; he
has made the firft overtures ; he has told general Walh-
ington, by colonel Putnam, that he wilhed that melTage to
be confidered as making the firit flep. His renev/ed at-
tempts by lord Drummond, and now by general Sullivan,
point out to all the world that he has made the firft flep.
It will doLibtlefs be related at home, and I am of opinion
it is already written and boalled of to the miniiiry at
home, that he has taken fuch a part. Therefore, any
evil or condefcenfion that can attend feeking peace firft,
has been fubmitted to by him. Yet has he uniformly
avoided any circumllance that can imply that we are any
thing elfe but fubjects of the king of Great-Britain, in re-
bellion. Such a mefl'age as this, if in any degree intend-
-ed as refpeftful to us, ought to have been fecret ; yet
has it been open as the da}^ In fliort, fuch a meilage was
imnecefl'ary ; for if he meant only to communicate his
mind to the ConnTefs by private gentlemen, he might
have done that many ways, and it needed not to have been
known either to the public or the Congrefs, till thefe

proposed by Lord Eoxve. 247

private gentlemen came here on purpofe to reveal it.
— Thefe, then, are the circumftances which attend this
melTage as it is now before us ; and the quefllon is, Iliall
we comply with it in any degree, or not ? Let us afk
what benefit fliall be derived from it ? There is none
yet fliewn to be poffible. It has been admitted by every
perfon without exception who has fpoke, that we are not
to admit a thought of giving up the independence we have
fo lately declared ; and by the greateft part, if not the
whole, that there is not the leaft reafon to expeQ; that any
correfpondence we can have with him will tend to peiice.
Yet I think, in the beginning of the debate, fuch reafon-
ings were ufed as feemed to me only to conclude that we
fliould grafp at it as a means of peace. We were told
that it was eafy for us to boaft or be valiant here ; but that
our armies were running away before their enemies. I
never loved boafting, neither here nor any where elfe.
I look upon it as almofl a certain forerunner of difgrace. I
found my hope of fuccefs in this caufe, not in the valor of
Americans, or the cowardice of Britons, but upon the
juftice of the caufe, and ftill more upon the nature of
things. Britain has firfl injured and inflamed America to
the higheft degree ; and now attempts, at the didance of
three thoafand miles, to carry on war with this whole
country, and force it to abfokite fubmiffion. If we take
the whole events of the war fince it commenced, we fliall
rather wonder at die uniformity of our fuccefs, than be
furprifed at fome trofs events. We have feen bravery
as well as cowardice in this country ; and there are no
confequences of either that are probable, that can be worth
mentioning, as afcertaining the evejit of the contefi.

Lord Howe fpeaks of a decifive blow not being yet
ftruck ; as if this caufe depended upon one battle, which
could not b_e avoided. Sir, this is a prodigious millake. We
mayfight no battle at all for along time, or we maylofe fome
battles, as was the cafe with the Britifli themfelves in the
Scotch rebellion of 1745, and the caufe notwithtlanding be
the fame. I wifli it were confidered, that neither lofs nor
difgrace worth mentioning, has befallen us in the late en-
gagement, nor cotpparable to what the Britifli troops have

248 speech on the Conference

often fufiered. At the battle of Prefion, fir, they broke
to pieces and ran away like fheep, before a few hio;hland-
ers. I myfelf faw them do the fame thing at Falkirk,
with very little difference, a fmall part only of the army
makinj a ftand, and iii a k\v hours the whole retreating
with precipitation before their enemies. Did that make
any difference in the caufe ? Not in the lead — fo long as
the body of the nation were determined, on principle, a-
gainll the rebels. Nor would it have made any other differ-
ence, but in time, though they had got poflellion of Lon-
don, which they might have eafdy done if they had under-
llood their bufinefs ; for the militia in England there ga-
thered together, behaved fifty times worfe than that of
America has done lately. They generally difbanded and
run off" wholly as foon as the rebels came within ten or
twenty miles of them. In fliort, fir, I'rom any thing that
has happened, I fee not the lealc reafon for our attending
to this (lei.ifive meffage. On the contrary, I think it is
the very word: time that could be chofen for us ; as it will
be looked upon as the efFe6l of fear, and difFufe the fame
fpirit, in fome degree, through different i-anks of men.

The improbability of any thing arifing from this confer-
ence, leading to a jufl: and honorable peace, might be
lliewn by arguments too numerous to be even fo much as
named. But what I ihall only mention is, that we are
abfolutely certain, from every circumffance, from all the
proceedings at home, and lord Howe's own explicit de-
claration in his letter to Dr. Franklin, that he never
will acknowledge the independence of the American
States.

I obferved that one or two members faid, in obje<Stion to
the report of the board of war, that it was like a begging of
the queilion,and makinga preliminary of the whole fubjeft
in debate. Alas, fir, this is a prodigious mlftake. It was not
only not the whole, but it was properly no fubjeft of de-
bate at all, till within thefe three months. We were con-
tending for the refloration of certain privileges under the
governnient of Great-Britain, and we were praying for
re-union with her. But in the beginning of July, with
the univerfal approbation of all the ftates now united, we

proposed by Lord Home. 249

renounced this connection, and declared ourfelves free
and independent. Shall we bring this into queflion
again ? Is it not a preliminary ? has it not been declared
a preliminary by many gentlemen, who have yet given
their opinion for a conference, while they have faid they
were determined on no account and on no condition to
give up our independence ? It is then a neceflary preli-
minary — and it is quite a different thing from any punc-
tilios of ceremony. If France and England were at war,
and they were both defirous of peace, there might be fome
little difficulty as to who fhould make the firfi; propofals ; but
if one of them fliould claim the other as they did long ago as a
vaffalor dependant fubjeft, and ihould fignify adefireto con-
verfe with the other, or fome deputed by him, and propofe
him many privileges, fo as to make him even better than
before, I defire to know how fuch a propofal would be re-
ceived ? If we had been for ages an independent repub-
lic, we (hould feel this argument with all its force. That
we do not feel it, fhews that we have not yet acquired the
whole ideas and habits of independence ; from which I
only infer, that every ftep taken in a correfpondence as
now propofed, will be a virtual or partial renunciation of
that dignity fo lately acquired.

I beg you would obferve, fir, that lord Howe himfelf
was fully fenfible that the declaration of independence
precluded any treaty, in the charadter in which he appear-
ed ; as he is faid to have lamented that he had not arrived
ten days fooner, before that declaration was made. Hence
it appears, that entering into any correfpondence with him
in the manner now propofed, is aftually giving up, or at
leaft fubjedling to a tiew confideration, the independence
which we have declared. If I may be allowed to fay it
without offence, it feems to me that fome members have
unawares admitted this, though they are not fenfible of it ;
for when they fay that it is rcfufmg to treat, unlefs the
whole be granted us, they mufl: mean that fome part of
that whole muft be left to be difcuffed and obtained, or
yielded, by the treaty.

But, fir, many membersof this houfe have either yield-
ed, or at leaft fuppofed, that no defirable peace, or no real

1 i

2SO

Speech on the Conference

good, could be finally expelled frOrti this cCrrefpondetice,
which is wifhed to be fet on foot ; but they have confider-
ed it as neceffary in the eye of the public, to fatisfy them
that we are always ready to hear any thing that will re-
flore peace to the country. Iti this view it is confidered
as a fort of trial of Ikill between lord Howe and us, in the
political art. As I do truly believe, that Itratiy ttiembers
of this houfe are determined by this circumflailce, I Ihall
confider it with fome attention. With this view it will
be neceflary to diltinguifli the public in America into
three great claffes. (i.) The tories, our fecret ehfernies.
(2.) The whigs, the friends of independence, our flncere
and hearty fupportefS. (3.) The army, who niufl; fight
for us.

As to the firft of them, I readily admit that they are
earnefl: for our treating. They are exulting in the prof-
pedl of it ; they are fpreading innumerable lies to for-
ward it. They are treating the whigs already with in-
fult and infolence upon it. It has brought them from
their lurking holes ; they have taken liberty td fay things
in conftquence of it, which they durft not have faid
before. In one word, ifvVe fet this negociation oft foot,"
it will give new force and vigor to all their feditiouS
machinations. But, fir, fliall their devices have any in-
fluence upon us at all ; if they liavc at all, it fliould be
to make us fufpedl that fide of the queftion which they
embrace. In cafes where the expediency of a meafure
is doubtful, if I had an opportunity of knowing what ■
my enemies vvifhed me to do, I would not be eafily in-
duced to follow their advice.

As to the whigs and friends of independence, I arh
well perfuaded that multitudes of them are already clear
in their minds, that the conference fhould be utterly re-
jected ; and to thofe who are in doubt about its nature,
nothing more wit] be requifite, than a clear and full in-
formation of the (late of the cafe, which I hope will be
granted them.

As to the army, I cannot help being of opinion, that
nothing will more effeftually deaden the operations of
war, than what is propofed. We do riot ourfelves es-

proposed by Lord Hovie. 251

peiSl any benefit from it, but thej^ will. And they will
poflibly impute our conduQ: to fear and jealoiify as to
the ifTue of the caufe ; which will add to their prefent
little difcouragement, and produce a timorous and de-
fpondent fpirit. — — — —

C 253 ]

9 nO» COM COM fO0« OMO 0»M OOtO lOOC r'-UA OOM ')90a OOOO 0000 OOM MOO MCS occn COOO CCOi) rXu

a ooto tSM ooeo ooon cc*9 e*<» oooa toeo * oom com «ceo 0000 woo acoo ceoo cooo oeoo qqoo occo exs

PART OF A

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

UPON THE

CONFEDERATION.

THE abfolute neceffity of union, to the vigor and
fuccefs of thofe meafures on which we are already
entered, is felt and confefled by every one of us, without
exception ; fo far, in 'eed, that thofe who have expreffed
their feers or fufpicions of the exifling confederacy prov-
ing abortive, have yet agreed in faying that there muft
and fhall be a confederacy for the purpofes of, and till the
finifhing of this war. So far is well ; and fo far it is
pleafing to hear them exprefs their fentiments. But a.
intreat gentlemen calmly to confider how far the giving
up all hopes of a lading confederacy among thcfe ftates,
for their future fecurity and improvement, will have an
effeft upon the ftability and efficacy of even the tempora-
ry confederacy, which all acknowledge to be ncceflary ?
I am fully perfuaded, that when it ceafcs to be generally
known, that the delegates of the provinces confider a lad-
ing union as impracticable, it will greatly derange the
minds of the people, and weaken their hands in defence
of their country, which they have now undertaken with fo
much alacrity and fpirit, I confefs it would to me great-
ly diminifh the glory and importance of the flruggle,

254 Speech in Congr,ess

whether coiiudered as for the rights of mankind in gene,
ral, or for the profpcrity and happinefs of this continent
in future times.

It would quite depreciate the objefl: of hope, as well as
place it at a greater diftance. For what would it fignify
to rifle our poffeflions and fhed our blood to fet ourfelves
free from the encroachments and opprefllon of Great-
Britain-^witli a certainty, as foon as peace was fettled
with them, of a more lalting war, a more unnatural, more
bloody, and much more hopelefs war among the colonies
themfelves ? — Some of us confider ourfelves as atSling for
pofterity at prefent, having little expeftation of living to
fee all things fully fettled, and the good confequences of
liberty taking efFeft. But how much more uncertain the
hope of feeing the internal contefts of the colonies fettled
upon a lafting and equitable footing ?

One of the greateft dangers I have always confidered
the colonies as expofed to at prefent, is treachery among
themfelves, augmented by bribery and corruption from
our enemies. But what force would be added to the ar-
guments of feducers, if they could fay with truth, that it
was of no coufequence whether we fucceeded againft
Great-Britain, or not ; for we muft, in the end, be flibjeft-
ed, the greateft part of us, to the power of one or more of
the ftrongefi: or largeft of the American ftates ? And here I
wouldapply the argument which we hayefooften ufed againft
Great-Britain— ^that in all hiftory we fee that the flaves of
freemen, and the fubje^ ftates of republics, have been of
all others the moft grievoufly opprelled- 1 do net tiiink
the records of time can produce an inftance of flaves
treated with fo much barbarity as the Helotes by the Lacer
demonians, who were the moft illuftrious champions for
liberty in all Greece; or of provinces more plundered and
fpoiled than the ftates conquered by the Romans for one
hundred years bafore Gasfar's dictatprfliip. The reafon is
plain : there are many great men in free ftates. There
were many eonfular gentlemen in that great republic, who
all confidered themfelves as greater than kings, and muft
have kingly fortunes, which they had no other way of

upon the Confederation. 255

acquiring but by governments of provinces, which Lifted
generally but one year, and feldom more than two.

Inwhat I have already faid,or may fay, or any cafes I may
ftate,I hope every gentleman will do me the juftice tobelieve
that I have not the moll: dillant view to particular perfons
or focieties, and mean only to reafon from the ufual courfe
of things, and the prejudices infeparable from men as fuch.
And can we help faying, that there will be a nmch greater
degree, not only of the corruption of particular perfons, but
the defedlion of particular provinces from theprefent confe-
deracy, if they confider our fuccefs itfelf as only a prelude
to contefts o; a more dreadful nature, and indeed much
more properly a civil war than that which now often ob-
tains the name ? Mull not fmall colonies in particular
be in danger of faying, we mull fecure ourfelves ? If the
colonies are independent Hates, feparate and difunited,
after this war, we may be fure of coming off by the worfe.
We are in no condition to contend with feveral of them.
Our trade in general, and our trade with them, muft be
upon fuch terms as they Ihall be pleafed to prefcribe. —
What will be the confetjuence of this ? Will they not be
ready to prefer putting themfelves under the protedlion of
Great-Britain, France or Holland, rather than fubmit to
the tyranny of their neighbors, who were lately their
equals ? Nor would it be at all impoffible, that they fliould
enter into fuch ralh engagements as would prove their own
dellruftion, from a mixture of apprehended neceflity an4
real refenlment.

Perhaps it may be thought that breaking off this confe-
deracy, and leaving it unfiniflied after we have entered
upon it, will be only poftponing the duty to fome future
period I Alas, nothing can exceed the abfurdity of that
fuppofition. Does not all hiHory cry out, that a common
danger is the great and only effectual means of fettling
difficulties, and compofmg differences. Have we not ex-
pferienced its efficacy in producing fuch a degree of union
through thefe colonies, as nobody would have prophefied,
and hardly any would have expe£led ?

If therefore, at prefent, when the danger is yet immi-
nent, when it is lb far from being over, that it is but

256 speech in Congress

coming to its height, we fhall find it impoffible to agree
upon the terms of this confederacy, what madnefs is it to
fuppofe that there ever will be a time, or that circumftanr
ces will fo change, as to make it even probable, that it
will be done at an after fealbn ? Will not the very fame
diiBculties that are in our way, be in the way of thofe who
fliall come after us ? Is it poffible that they fhould be ig-
norant of them, or inattentive to them ? Will they not
have the fame jealoufies of each other, the fame attach-
ment to local prejudices, and particular intereft ? So
certain is this, that I look upon it as on the repentance of
a finner — Every day's delay, though it adds to the ne-
ceffity, yet augments the difficulty, and takes from the
inclination.

There is one thing that has been thrown out, by which
fome feem to perfuade themfelves of, and others to be
more indifferent about the fuccefs of a confederacy —
that from the nature of men, it is to be expe£ted that a
time muft come when it will be dilfolved and broken in
pieces. lam none of thofe who either deny or conceal
the depravity of human nature, till it is purified by the
light of truth, and renewed by the Spirit of the living
God. Yet I apprehend there is no force in that reafon-
ing at all. Shall we effablifh nothing good, becaufe we
know it cannot be eternal ? Shall we live without go-
vernment, becaufe every conftitution has its old age, and
its period ? Becaufe we know that we fliall die, fliall
we take no pains to preferve or lengthen out life ? Far
from it, fir : it only requires the more watchful atten-
tion, to fettle government upon the beft principles, and in
the wifeft manner, that it may lafl as long as the nature of
things will admit.

But I beg leave to fay fomething more, though with
fome rifle that it vvill be thought vifionary and romantic.
I do expeft, Mr. Prefident, a progrefs, as in every other
human art, fo in the order and perfeftion of human fo-
eiety, greater than we have yet feen : and why Ihould
we be wanting to ourfelves in urging it forward. It is
certain, I think, that human fcience and religion have
kept company together, and greatly affiited each other's

upon the Confederation. 257

progrefs in the world. I do not fay that iatelle6lual and
moral qualities are in the fome proportion in particular
perfons ; but they have a great and i'riendly influence
upon one another, in Ibcieties and larger bodies.

There have been great improvements, not onl}?- in hu-
man knowledge, but in human nature ; the progrels of
which can be eafily traced in hillory. Every body is able
to look back to the time in Europe, when the liberal fen-
liments that now prevail upon the rights of confcience,
wouUlhave been looked upon as abfurd. It is but little a-
bovetv/o hundred years fince that enlarged fy Rem called the
balance of power, took place : and I maintain, that it
is a greater Hep from the former difunited and hoflile
fituation of kingdoms and ftates, to their prefent condi-
tion, than it would be from their prefent condition to a
ftate of more perfedl and lading union. It is not impoffi-
ble, that in future times all the ftates on one quarter of the
globe, may fee it proper by fome plan of union, to perpe-
tuate fecurity and peace : and fure I am, a well planned
confederacy among the ftates of America, may hand down
the bleffings of peace and public order to many genera-
tions. The union of the feven provinces of the Low-
Countries, has never yet been broken ; and they are of
very difterent degrees of ftrength and wealth. Neither
have the Cantons of Switzerland ever broken among
themfelves, though there are fome of them proteftants
and fome of them papifts by public eftablifliment. Not
only fo, but thefe confederacies are feldom engaged in a
war with other nations. Wars are generally between mo-
narchs, or fuigle fiates that are large. A confederation of
itfelt" keeps war at a diftance from the bodies of which it
is compofed.

For all thefe reafons, fir, I humbly apprehend that every
argument from honor, intereft, fafety and neceflity, con-
fpire in preifmg us to a confederacy ; and if it be feriouf-
ly ajrtempted, I hope, by the bleffing of God upon our en-
deavors, it will be happily accompliflied. — —

K k

[ ^59 1

jooa :oeo wm ccoo axa ceco oooo oooo ocos com dooo ooo9 eooo cooo ^ oooo ocoo toto eooa oosa cmu mm ooo} om3 dooi om«
aoiM oQoa toco oDco eoo9 ccgo eoeo ccoc cooo cooi ocoo eooo ocas oooo ; ccos (koo oooo M9b ooeo ooao woa oom oooo oooo c*;«

PART OF A

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

ON THE

FINANCES.

Mr, President,

I HAVE little to fay agalnft the refolutions, as they
ftand reported by the fuperintendant of finance.
Perhaps they are unavoidable in the circumftances to
which we are reduced. Yet the ftep feems to be fo very
important, and the confequences of it fo much to be dread-
ed, that I mult intreat the patience of the houfe, till I
flate the danger in a few words, and examine whether
any thing can poffibly be added to it which may in fome
degree prevent the evils which we apprehend, or at leaft
exculpate Congrefs, and convince the public that it is the
effefl of abfolute neceffity.

Sir, if we enter into thefe refolves as they ftand, it will
be a deliberate deviation from an exprefs and abfolute
flipulation, and therefore it will, as it v/as expreffed by
an honorable gentleman the other day, give the laft ftab to
public credit. It will be in vain, in future, to afk the public
to believe any promife we fliall make, even when the mod
clear and explicit grounds of confidence are produced.
Perhaps it will be faid that public credit is already gone ;
and it hath been faid that there is no more in this, than

zGo Speech in Congress

in neglefling to pa)' the intereft of the loanofTice certifi-
cates of Idteir date; but though there were no other difieren-
ces between them, this being another and freflier inflance
of the fame, will have aa additional evli influence upon
public credit. But in fa£t, there is fomcthing more in it
than in the other. The folemn ftipulation of Congrefs, fpe-
cil'ving the manner in which the intereft was to be paid,
was conftdered as an additional fecurity, and gave a value
to theie certificates, which the other never had. I beg that
no gentleman ma)' think that I hold it a light matter to
withhold the intereft from the other lenders ; they will be
convinced i hope, of the contrary before I have done ;
but I have made the comparifon merely to fiiew vi'hat will '
be the influence of this meafure upon the public mind,
and therefore upon the credit and eftimation of Congrefs.
Now it is plain, that the particular promife of giving bills
upon Europe, as it had an effeft, and was intended to have
it in procuring credit, it mull, when broken or withdrawn,
operate in the moft powerful manner to our prejudice. I
■will give an example of this, in our melancholy pall ex-
perience. The old continental money was difgraced, and
funk firft by the a£l of March i8th, 1780, (which the
Duke de Vergennes juftly called an a'5l of bankruptcy,)
telling you would pa)^ no more of your debt than fix-pence
in the pound. This was afterwards further improved by
new eltimates of depreciation, of ieventy-five and one
hundred and fift)', for nev/ ftate paper, which itfelf was
funk to tu'o or three for one ; and yet bad as thefe men's
cafes were, the difgrace arifing from tliem was more than
doiibled, by peoples referring to, and repeating a public
declaration of Congrefs, in which we complained of the
injurious flanders of thofe that faid we would fufFer
the money to fink in the hands of the holders, and making
the mod folemn proteftations, that ultimately the money
iliould be redeemed dollar for dollar ; and to my know-
ledge, fome trufting to that very declaration, fold their ef-
tates at what they thought a high price, and brought them-
felves to utter ruin.

I cannot help requefting Congrefs to attend to the ftate
pf thofe perfons who held the Loan OfHce certificates,

on the Finances. 261

which drew intereft on France ; they are all without ex-
ception, the firmen; and taftefl: friends to the caufe of Ame-
rica ; they were in tjeneral the moll firm, and aftive, and
generous friends. Many o>f them advanced large fums of
hard money, to aflill: you in carrying on the war in Ca-
nada. None of them at all put awa}- even the loan-office
certificates or fpeculation, but either from a generous in-
tention of ferving the public, or from an entire confidence
in the public credit. There is one circumfiance which
ought to be attended to, viz. the promile of intereli: — bills
on Europe were not made tillthe loth of September, 1777.
It was faid a day or two ago, that thole who fent in cafh
a little before March ifl:, 1778, had by the depreciated
flate of the money, received almolt their principal ; but
this makes but a hnall part of the money, for there were
but fix months for the people to put in the money, after
the promile was made ; only the mod apparent jufiice
obliged Congrefs to extend the privilege to tiiofe who had
put in their money before. Beiides nothing can be more
unequal and injurious, than reckoning the money by the
depreciation, either before or after the lit of March, 1778,
for a great part of the money in all the Loan offices, was
fuch as had been paid up in its nominal value, in confe-
quence of the Tender laws.

This points you. Sir, to another clafs of-^'people, from
whom money was taken viz. widows and orphans, corpora-
tions and public bodies. How many guardians were aclu-
allyled,nr indeed were obliged to put their depreciated and
depreciating money in the funds — I fpeak from good
knowledge. The truftees of the college of New-Jerfey,
iu June, 1777, directed a committee of their's to put
all the money that fliould be paid up to them, in the
loan-office, fo that they have now nearly inverted all.
Some put in before March, 1778, and a greater part fubfe-
quent to that date. Now it mull be known to every body,
that fince the payment of the intereft bills gave a value to
thefe early loans, many have continued their intereft in
them, and relied in a manner wholly on them for fupport.
Had they entertained the llighteft fufpicion that they would
be cut off, they could have fold them for fomething, and

262 speech in Congress

applied thenifelves to other means of fubfifience ; but as
the cafe now ftands, you are reducing not an inconfidera.
b'e number of your very beft friends to abfolute beggary-
Daring the whole period, and through the whole lyftem of
continental money, your friends have fuffered alone — the
difaffecled and lukewarm have always evaded the burden
— have in many inftances turned the fufierings of the
country to their own account — have triumphed over the
wliigs — and if die whole fliail be crowned with this lafl
ftroke, it feems but reafonable that they fliould treat us
with infultand deriiion. And what faith do you expeft
the public creditors fliould place in your promife of ever
paying them at all ? What reafon, after what is palf, have
they to dread that you will divert the fund which is now
mentioned as a diltant fource of payment ? If a future
Congrefs ihould do this, it would not be one whit worfe
than what has been already done.

I wifli. Sir, this houle would weigh a little, the public
confequences that will immediately follow this refolution.
The grief, difappointnient and fufferings of your bed
friends, has been already mentioned — then prepare your-
felves to hear from your enemies the moll infulting
abufe. You will be accufed of the mofl oppi-efTive ty-
ranny, and the groflefi. fraud. If it be poftiblc to poi-
foa the nunc\5 of the public, by making this body ri-
diculous or contemptible, they will have the fairefi:
opportunity of doing ib, that ever was put in their
hands ; but I mull return to our ])lundered, long ruined
friends ; we cannot fay to what their rage and difappoint-
ment may bring them ; we know that nothing on earth is
fo deeply refentful, as defpifcd or rejedled love — whether
they may proceed to any violent or diforderiy meafures,
it is impoffible to know. We have an old proverb, That
the eyes will break through Hone walls, and for my own
part, I fhould very much dread the furious and vio-
lent efforts of defpair. Would to God, that the indepen-
dence of America was once eilabliflied by a treaty of peace
in Europe ; for we know that in all great and fierce po-
litical contentions, the efFecl of power and circumllances

on the Finances. 263

is very great ; and that if the tide has run long with great
violence one way, if it does not fully reach its purpofe,
and is by any means brought to a iland, it is apt to take
a direftion, and return with the fame or greater violence
than it advanced. Muil this be riiked at a crills when the
people begin to be fatigued with the war, to feel the heavy
expence of it, by paying taxes ; and v/hen the enemy,
convinced of their folly in their fortner feverities are doing
every thing they can to ingratiate themfelves with the
public at large. But though our friends fliould not be in-
duced to take violent and feditious meafures all at once, I
am almoft certain it will produce a particular hatred and
contempt of Congrefs, the repreientative body of the union,
and Hill a greater hatred of the individuals who compofe
the body at this time. One thing will undoubtedly hap-
pen ; that it will greatly abate the refpeO: which is due from
the public to this body, and therefore weaken their autho-
rity in all other parts of their proceedings.

I beg leave to fay. Sir, that in all probability it will lay
the foundation for other greater and more fcandalous fleps
of the fame kind. You will fay what greater can there be ?
Look back a little to your hiftory. The firll great and de-
liberate breach of public faith, was the adl of March i8th,
1780, reducing the money to forty for one, which was de-
claring you would pay your debt at fix-pence in the pound
— But did it not turn .'' No, by and by it was fet in this
ftate and others at feventy-five, and finally fet one hundred
and fifty for one, in new paper in ftate paper, which in
fix months, rofe to four for one. Now, Sir, what will be
the cafe with thefe certificates .'' Before this propofal was
known, their fixed price was about half a crown for a dol-
lar, of the eflimated depreciated value ; when this refolu-
rfion is fairly fixed, they will immediately fall in va-
lue, perhaps to a fhilling the dollar, probably lefs. Mul-
titudes of people in defpair, and abfolute neceffity, will fell
them for next to nothing, and when the holders come at
laft to apply for their money, I think it highly probable,
you will give them a fcale of depreciation, and tell them,
they coft fo little, that it would be an injury to the
public to pay the full value. And in truth, Sir, fup-

264 speech in Congress

pofing you finally to pay the full value of the certificates
to the holders, the original and moil meritorious proprie-
tors will in many, perhaps in mofi; cafes, lofe the whole.
It will be very proper to confider what efleft this will
have upon foreign nations ; certainly it will let us in a
noft contemptible light. We are juft beginning to appear
among the powers of the earth, and it may be faid of na-
tional, as of private charafters, they foon begin to form,
and when difadvantageous ideas are formed, they are not
cafily altered or deltroyed. In the very inilance before us,
many of thefe certificates are poiTelTed by the fubjeds of
foreign princes, and indeed are in foreign parts. We mull
not think that other fovereigns will fuller their fubjefts to
be plundered in lb wanton and extravagant a manner.
You have on your files, letters from the Count- de Ver-
gennes, on the fubjeft of your former depreciation ; in
which he tells you, that whatever liberty you take with
your own fubjects, you muft not think of treating the
fubje£ls of France in the fame way ; and it is not impoffi-
ble that you may hear upon this fubjeft, what you little
expetl, when the terms of peace are to be fettled. I do
not in the leaft doubt that it may be demanded that you
fhould pay to the full of its nominal value, all the money
as well as loan-office certificates, which fhall be found in
the hands of the fubje£ls of France, Spain or Holland, and
it would be perfectly jurt. I have mentioned France, &c.
but it is not only not impolTible, but highly probable, that
by accident or danger, or both, many of thefe loan-office
certificates may be in the hands of Englifli fubjecls. Do
you think they will not demand payment ? Do you think
they will make any difference between their being before
or after March ift, 1778 ? And will you prefent them
with a fcale of depreciation ? Remember the aflfair of the
Canada bills, in the lad peace between England and
France — I wifli we could take example from our enemies.
How iviany fine differtations have we upon the merit of
national truth and honor in Great-Britain. Can we think
without blufliing, upon our contrary conduQ; in the mat-
ter of finance ? By their punctuality in fulfiUing their en-
gagements as to intereft, they have been able to fupport

on the Finances. 265

a load of debt altogether enormous. Be pleafed to obferve,
Sir, that they are not wholly without experience of depre-
ciation : navy debentures and lailor's tickets have been
frequently fold at an half, and Ibmetimes even at a third of
their value ; by that means they feem to be held by that
clafs of men called by us fpeculators. Did that govern-
ment ever think of prefenting the holders of them, wheri
they came to be paid, with a Icale of depreciation ? The
very idea of it would knock the whole fyilem of public
credit to pieces.

But the importance of this matter will be felt be-
fore the end of the war. We are at this time eai--
neftly foliciting foreign loans. With what face can we
expeft to have credit in foreign parts, and in future loans,
after we have fo notorioufly broken every engagement
which we have hitherto made ? A difpofition to pay, and
vifible probable means of payment, areabfolutely necef-
fary to credit ; and where that is once eftablilhed, it is not
difficult to borrow. If it may be a mean of turning the at-
tention of Congrefs to this fubjeft, I beg of them to ob-
feTve, that if they could but lay down a foundation of
credit, they would get money enough to borrow in this
country, where we are. There is property enough here ;
and, comparatively I'peaking, there is a greater number
of perfons here who would prefer money at interell to
purchafing and holding real eftates. The ideas of all old
country people are high in favor of real eftate. Though
the interell of money, even upon the very beft fecurity
there, is from four to four and a half, four and three quar-
ters and five per centum ; yet when any real eftate is to
be fold, there will be ten purchafers where one only can
obtain it, and it will coR fo much as not to bring more
than two, two and a half, and at moft three per centum.

It is quite otherwife in this country, and indeed it ought
to be otherwife. To purchafe an eftate in the cultiva-
ted parts of the country, except what a man poffeffes him-
felf, will not be near fo profitable as the intereft of money ;
and in many cafes where it is rented out, it is fo wafted
and worn by the tenant, that it would be a greater profit
at the end of feven years, that the land had been left to itfelf,

266 Speech in Congress, &fc.

tobea.r woods andbuflies that fhould rot upon the ground,
without any rent at all. Any body alfo nmy fee, that it is
almofi: univerfal in this country, when a man dies leaving
infant children, that the executors fell all his property to
turn it into money, and put it in fecurities for eafy and
equal divifion.

All thefe things, Mr. Preiident, proceed upon certain
and indubitable principles, which never fail of their effett.
Therefore, you have only to make your payments as foon,
as regular, and as profitable as other borrowers, and you
will get all the money you want ; and by a fmall advan-
tage over others, it will be poured in upon you, fo that
you fliall not need to go to the lenders, for they will come
to you.

[ 2^7 ]

«< x-ys occo tfca wos xoo cooa C9w ccca oooo eo^o hoc iae» -tooo oooo oooa oooo oom ooos oooo w«n woo com wo3

a VC03 OCW COtXl COeo ooeo oooo OOOi OOOS MO^ oooo COOO * OOO? COOO oooo oooo 3000 eOC3 0000 CCOO cooo eco3 OCOO M^

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

ON THE APrOINTMENT OF

PLENIPOTENTIARIES.

Mr. Presipent,

AM fony to obferve, tliat after going tlirough the in-
flru£ltons to be given to our plenipotentiary or pleni-
potentiaries, we fliould have fo warm a debate, and in-
deed feem to be fo equally divided upon the queftion,
whether there fliould be one or more to whom we will
entruil the negociation.

As to the praftice of European nations, I believe it is
fo various as not to afford any argument on one fide or
the other : we may appoint one or more — there will be
nothing fmgular or remarkable in it, fo as to make our
conduft look like ignorance in fuch matters. I am in-
clined to think, however, tliat negociations are generally
conduded near to their conchifion, by one confidential
perfon, though after the niore important preliminaries are
iettled, more may be fometimes appointed, to give greater
folemnity to the conclufion. We are therefore at liberty
to determine ourfelves wholly by the general reafon and
nature of the thing, and our own particular circumftancesi.
As to the firfl of thefe, on the fide of one perfon, it may
be faid, there will be more precifion, more expedition, more
uniformity, and more certainty of agreement with ethers
an.clconfilicncy with himlclf And the perfcn whom we have

268 On the Appointment

emploj'ed, is a man of found and clear under/landing,
and has had the advantage of being a long time in Europe,
and no doubt has been turning his thoughts, and making
enquiries, upon the fubjedl ever fmce he went there ; fo
that -we may fuppofe him pretty ripely advifed.

On the other fide, it may be faid, that, if alone, he
might be at a lofs ; and that it would be of advantage to
him to have the advice of others. It is even faid, that
there is a neceffity of others better acquainted with parts
of the country different from thole with which he has been
chiefly connefted. — As to council, that does not flrike
me much — perhaps there is greater fafety in one than
three ; becaufe he is fully refponlible ; whereas if a com-
mon council is taken, the blame is divided, and every
one is lefs difficulted to judify his conduft in the iffue.
Befides, is there no danger to the caufe itfelf, from an ob-
ilinate divifion of fentiments in thole who are entrufted
with the conduct of it ? This would expofe us, in the
opinion o!' thofe who obferved it, and might perhaps give
leis refpeft to what each or all of them might fay or do.

As to die neceffity of perfons from different parts of the
country, it is not eafy to conceive what circumllances,
in a negociation of this kind, can be peculiar to one part
of the country more than another. If it were to make
rules for the internal government, taxation, or commerce
of the flates, there would be fome force in the remark ;
but v/hen it is only to make peace for the liberty and pro-
teftion of all, there feems to be little weight in it.

But now let us confider our particular circumllances.
Mention has been made of the difference between Mr.
Adams and the count de Vergennes. I have given parti-
cular attention to all that was faid in his letter upon that
fubjeCt, and all that has been faid by the miniller of
France here ; and there was not one hint given that could
lead us to think it was their defire or expeftation that he
ihould be difmiffed or fuperfeded, or even bridled by the
addition of others in the commiffion. We have fully
complied with their defire upon this fubjeift, in the in-
ftruclions. There is the greated reafon to think that they
are well fatisfied upon it. But if we Ihould ftill go further,

of Plempotent'iarles. 269

and either difcharge him, or do what Is In fubftance the
fame, or might be fuppofed or conceived by him to be
the fame, this would be rather an a£l of too great obfe-
quioufnefs, and but an ill example for the future conduQ:
of our affairs. What we do now, will be often mention-
ed in after times ; and if the like praftice prevail, it will
difcourage public fervants from fidelity, and leffen their
dignity and firmnels. There is alfo fome reafon to fear
that there may not be the moll perfeft agreement among
them ; and if a jealoufy in point of afleftion between them
Ihould arife, it might be dill more fatal than a difference
in opinion. You may obferve, that Dr. Franklin parti-
cularly mentions the impropriety of having more minif-
ters than one at one court, and in the fame place. We
have felt the bad confequences of that already in more In-
ftances than one. Congrefs were led into fuch Heps as
ended in our parting with Mr. Lee, chiefly by the argu-
ment of his being difagreeable to the French court ; and
though he was in my opinion one of the moll able, faith-
ful and active fervants we ever had, and certainly one of
the moll difinterefted — he was but barely able to go off,
with a cold ceremonial adieu, that had very little in it of
a grateful fenfe of his fervice; , or cordial approbation. It
is not pleafant to reflefit, Mr. Prefident, that fo early in the
hidory of this new ftate, perfons in public employment
lliould be fo prone to enter into ambitious contention,
and pufli one another into difgrace.

I cannot help putting you in mind, upon this fubje£l,
of what has jufl now come to light. You are informed by
the French court, in the mofl authentic manner, and in-
deed if I am not miftaken it is by implication at leafl ia
the king's letter, that you had been ill ferved by the peo-
ple you employed there, and cheated both in point of qua-
lity and price ; and that on this account they intend to give
direftlons on that fubjeft themfelves. Now, fir, perhaps it
may be news to many members of this body, that thefe
were the very contracts made by Mr. Dean, without the
knowledge or confent of Mr. Lee, of which Mr. Lee
loudly comjjlained. Thefe were the very fervants whole
accounts Mr. Lee objedled to, and whofe conduct he cen-

270 On the Appointment

fured. But what did he get by it ? Mr. Dean was fupport-
ed by his venerable old friend, as he called him : Mr. Lee
was complained of as jealous and troublefome, and difa-
greeable to the court of France ; and not only oppofed
and flighted by many members of this houfe, but 1 may
fay attacked and perfecuted in fuch a manner, that if he
had not been fupported with a generous franknefs by
others, might have ended in public infamy.

I have juft further upon this fub^eft to obferve, that you
very lately fent a new minifter to die Frencli court, Mr.
Laurens — a meafure much difapproved by many ; and it
was then foretold, it would be a difgraceful thing to Dr.
Franklin. Probably he has conceived it in that light ;
and as he has no defire at all to return home, I am well
convinced that this is the true caufe of the defire e::preired
in his lall letter to refign his comuiifllon.

Some have mentioned the importance of the matter,
and that the chance is greater againft corruption, where
three are to be taken oft", than one. It is very true, that
ceteris paribus, as is commonly faid, there is a greater
chancefor one incorruptible perfon in three than in one ;
but there are fingle perfons in whom I would confide as
much as in ten. And befides, the thing may be taken the
other wa)' ; for there is a greater chance of finding one
corruptible perfon in three than in one ; and in a commif-
fion of that nature, one traitor is able to do much mif-
chief, though the others are perfectly upright. He, being
admitted into the lecret, may not only difclofe meafures,
but perplex diem, let the abilities of his colleagues
be what they will. I have feen a man in Congrefs,
who upon tlie fuppofuion of his being a traitor, 1 am fure
had addrefs enough to draw many into his meafures —
many not contemptible in underllanding, and lincercly
attached to their country's caule.

Before I conclude, I would fay a little upon our clrcum-
flances in another refpeft. The firll appearances we
make upon tlie public Itage, are of confequence. It is to
be wlflied therefore, tliat the credit of the United States ■
were confulted. If we were fure that our commiffioncrs
would be immediately admitted to public and co-ordinate

of Plenipotentiaries. 271

fefTiofi u ith the other plenipotentiaries, perhaps a commif-
fion of three would be auguft and honorable; but if, as I
ftrongly fufpedl will be the cafe, they are not at firfl; pub-
licly admitted at all, but obliged to negociate through the
plenipotentiaries of France — if, as is not impoflible, even
in the fettlenient of the treaty, we are not confidered as
the formal contrafting parties at all, but our intereft at-
tended to in articles as it W"ere occafionally introduced —
if this is done, as a lalvo to the honor of England, and to
purchale for us advantages fubftantial and durable, a
pompous commiilion to a number of delegates will rather
leflen our dignity, anddetraft from our wifdom and caus
tion.

Upon the whole, fir, I am of opinion that it would be
much better to aflign to one the commiffion already given
with the inftrudtions which have been cordially agreed
upon, and feem to be in every refpedl agreeable to the
defires of the court of France, and the opinion of the
king's minilter in this country.

C 273 ]

itfi« CMS OTOt Moe osoa mqA eooo cooo com coot 0000 0030 9000 I cooo oooo ooc-s 0000 ooo« com ec-jo ^cy* ccco aoao '»b) tom

CCOO COM MKO 0030 COOg eoao 0000 OOCO OOM U»CO OOOa 0000 OdOLr- ; 9jca OWO K>09 0000 CCOO --OW 0000 DOCO OOOO C»0^ t»»S9Csja

SPEECH IN CONGRESS,

ON THE

CbNVENriON

WITH

GENERAL BURGOYNE.

Mr. President,

I AM fcnfible, as every other genileman in this houfe
feems to be, of the great importance of the prefent
queftion. It is of much moment, as to private perfons,
fo to every incorporated fociety, to preferve its faith and
honor in folemn contrails : and it is efpecially fo to us»
as reprefenting the United States of America, afTociated
fo lately, and juft beginning to appear upon the public
ftage. I hope, therefore, we Ihall detell the thoughts of
embracing any meafure which fhall but appear to be
mean, captious, or infidious, whatever advantage may
feem to arife from it. On the other hand, as the interell
of this continent is committed to our care, it is our duty,
and it will be expefted of us, that we give the utmoft at-
tention that the public fufFer no injury by deception, or
abufe and infult, on the part of our enemies.

On the firflof thefe principles,itis clearly my opinion that
we ought, agreeably tothefpirit of the firfl; refoluticn report-
ed, to find. That the convention is not fo broken, on the part
©f general Burgoyne, as to entitle us to refufe compliance

M III

274 Gi^ the Convention

with it on ours, and detain him and his army as prifoners
of war. I admit that there is fomething very fufpicious
in the circumflance of the colours, when compared with
his letter in the London Gazette, which makes mention
of the Bfitifh colours being feen flying upon the fort. I
agree, at the fame time, that the pretence of the cartouch
boxes not being mentioned in the convention, is plainly
an evafion. They ought, in fair conilruftion, to be com-
prehended under more expreffions of that capitulation
than one — arms — ammunition — waililce flores. They
were fo underftood at the capitulation of St. John's. In
, this prefent inllance many of them were delive^td up,
which certainly ought to have been the cafe with all or
none. And once more, I admit that the detention of the
bayonets in the inftances in which it was done, was un-
deniably unjuft.

As to the firft of thefe particulars, I am unwilling to
difirufi; the honor of a gentleman folemnly given ; and
therefore, as general Burgoyne has given his honor to
general Gates, that the colors were, left in Canada, I fup-
pofe it is fubflantially true, whatever fmall exception there
might be to it. The colors feen flying at Ticonderoga, were
perhaps old colors occafionally found there, or perhaps
taken from fome of the veiTels lying at that place, and left
there when the army proceeded further up the countrj'.
This is the rather probabfe, that if the regiments in gene-
ral had had colors, they muft have been feen very fre-
quently by our army in the battles, or upon the march.

As to the other circumftances, they are fo mean and
little in their nature, that I fuppofe them to have arifen
from the indifcretion of individuals, quite unknown to
the commander in chief, or even to the officers in ge-
neral.

We ought alfo to confider that it was fo unexpe£led,
and muft have been fo humiliating a thing, for a whole
Britifli army to furrender their arms, and deliver them-
felves up prifoners to thofe of Vv-hom they had been accuf-
tomed to fpeak with fuch contempt and difdain — that it
is not to be wondered at, if the common foldiers did fome
things out of fpite and ill humor, not to be jullified. T©

tuith Gctteral Biirgoyns. 27.7

all thefe confiderations, I will only add, that though the
want of the colors deprives us of fome enfigns of triumph
which it would have been very grateful to the different
ftates to have diftributed among them, and to have pre-
ferved as monuments of our vitliory, the other things are
fo trilling and uneiYcntial, that it would probably be con-
fidered as taking an undue advantage, if we fhould retain
the wlwle army here on that account. I would therefore, fir,
have it clearly afl'erted, that though we are not infenfible
of thofe irregularities, and they may contribute to make
us attentive to what fliall hereafter pafs before the em-
barkation, VV3 do noc confider them as fuch breaches of
the convention, as will authorize us in juftice to declare it
void.

On the other liand, iir, it is our indifpenfible duty to
ufe the greatelt vigilance, and to aft with the greateil
firmnefs, in feeing that iuilice be done to the American
States. Not only caution, but what I may call jealoufy
and fufpicion, is neither unreafonable nor indecent in
fuch a cafe. This will be juitiiied by the knowledge of
mankind. Hiftory aftbrds us many examples of evafive
and artful condudl in fome of the greatefl men and mod
refpeftable nations, when hard prefl'ed by their neceflities,
or when a great advantage was in view. The behavior
of the Romans when their army was taken at the Gaudine
Forks may be produced as one. The conduft of the
Samnites was not over-wife ; but that of the Romans
was dillionorable to the laft degree, though there are ci-
vilians who defend it. Their conful, after his army had
paffed through the yoke, a fymbol at that time of the ut-
moit infamy, made a peace with the Samnites. The fe-
nate refufed to ratify it ; but kept up a lliew of regard to
the faith plighted, by delivering up the conful to the Sam-
nites, to be ufcd as they thought proper. That people
anfwered, as was eafily fuggefted by plain common fenfe,
that it was no reparation at all to them to torment or put
one man to ■ death ; but that if they difavowed the
treaty, they ought to fend back the army to the fame fpot
. of ground in which they had been furroundcd. No I'uch
•thing, however, was done. But the Romans, notwitb-

276 On the Convention

Handing, immediately broke the league ; and with the
fame army which had been let go, or a great part of it,
brought the unhappy Samnites to deftrudtion. — Such in-
fiances may be brought from modern as well as ancient
times. It is even the opinion of many perfons of the
beft judgment, that the convention entered into by the
late duke of Cumberland, was by no means llridtly obferv-
ed by the court of London.

When I confider this, fir, I confefs I look upon the ex-
prefiion in general Burgoyne's letter to general Gates, of
November 1 4, as of the moll alarming nature. For no other
or better reafon, even fo much as pretended, than that his
quarters were not focommodiousas he expe£ted, he declares
the public faith is broke, andxte are the immediate suffer-
ers. In this he exprefsly declares and fubfcribes his opi-
nion, that the convention is broken on our part ; and in
the laft expreflion, we are the inunediate fufferers, every
])erfon mull perceive a menacing intimation of who Ihall
be the fuflerers when he (hall have it in his power.

Being fufficiently fettled as to the principle on which I
fliall found my opinion, ix is unneceffary for me to give
an account of the law of nature and nations, or to heap
up citations from the numerous writers on that fubjeft.
But that v,/hat I fliall fay may have the greater force, I
beg it may be obferved, that the law of nature and nations
js nothing elfe but the law of general reafon, or thofe
obligations of duty from reafon and confcicnce, on one
individual to another, antecedent to any particular law
derived from the focial compaft, or even aQiual confent.
On this account, it is called the law of nature ; and be-
caufe there are very rarely to be found any parties in fuch
a free ftate with regai'd to each other, except independ-
ent nations, therefore it is alio called the law of nations.
Qne nation to another is juft as man to man in a flate of
nature. Keeping this in view, a perfon of integrity will
pafs as found a judgment pn fubjefts of this kind, by
confulting his own heart, as by turning over books and
fvftems. The chief ufe of books and fyltems, is to apply
the principle to particular cafes and fuppofitions different-
ly clalTed, and to point out the pra£tice of natioris in

xvitb General Burgoyne. 277

feveral minute and fpecial particulars, which unlefs af-
certained by praftice, would be very uncertain and am-
biguous.

But, fir, I muft beg your attention, and that of the
houfe, to the nature of the cafe before us — at leafl: as I
think it ought to be dated. I am afraid that fome mem-
bers may be milled, by confidering this declaration of
general Burgoyne as an irregularity of the lame fpecies,
if I may fpeak ib, with the other indifcretions or even
frauds, if you pleafe to call them fo, of withholding the
cartouch boxes, or hiding or Healing the bayonets. Th^
queftion is not, whether this or the other thing done by the
army is a breach of the convention. I have for my part
given up all thefe particulars, and declaredly willing-
nefs to ratify the convention after I have heard them and
believe them to be true. But we have here the declared
opinion of one of the parties, that the public faith is bro-
ken by the other. Now, the fimplell man in the world
knows, that a mutual onerous contraiSl is always condi-
tional ; and that if the condition fails on one fide, whether
irom neceffity or fraud, the other is free. Therefore we
have reafon to conclude, that if Mr. Burgoyne is of opi-
nion that the convention is broken on our part, he will
not hold to it on his. He would aft the part of a fool if
he did. It is of no confequence to fay his opinion is ill-
founded or unjull, as it manifeftly is in the prefent cafe ;
for whether it is juit or unjuft, if it is really his opinion
(and we fliould wrong his fincerity to doubt it) the confe-
quences are the fame with refpeft to us. Men do often,
perhaps generally, adhere with greater obfiinacy to opi-
nions that are ill, than thofe that are well founded, and
avenge imaginary or trifling injuries with greater vio-
lence than thofe that are real and great. Nay, we may
draw an argument for our danger from the very injuftice
of his complaint. If he has conceived the convention to
be broken on fo frivolous a pretence as that his lodging is
not quite comrnodious, after the juft caution inferted
by general Gates in the preliminary articles, wha< have
\ve to expedl from him as foon as he Hiall j-ecover his li-
berty, and the pov/er of ds'"-.g mifchief t It fliewg a dif-

378 On the Convention

pofition to find fault, and an impatience under his pre-
fent confinement ; the future efFefts of which we have
the greatefl reafon to dread.

Tiie more I confider this matter, fir, the more it ftrikes
me with its force. General Gates fays upon the fubjedl
of accommodation, ^Tfl;^?^^^ as far as circumstances ivill
admit. Was not this proper and necelFary ? It was very
natural to fuppofe that general Burgoyne, accuftomed to
the fplendor of the Britifii court, and pofTeffed with ideas
of his own importance, would be but ill pleafed with the
beft accommodations that could be obtained for him, and
his numerous followers, in one of the frugal fiates of Nfew-
England. It was alfo in the neighborhood of a place not
in the leaft expefting the honor of fuch guefis, which had
been long the feat of war — which had been exhaufied by
our army, and plundered by their's. One would have
thought that the recolleftion of the ruin of Charlefiown, the
burning of which, if I mifiake not, in a letter of his from
Bofton to England, he calls a glorious light, might have
prevented his complaints, even though he had lefs elbow
room than he wiflied for. rfBut as circumfiances fland,
by what conduft fliall we be able to fatisfy him ? When
will pretences ever be wanting to one feeking to prove
J:he convention broken, when it is his inclination or his
intereft to do fo. •

It has been faid, fir, that we ought not to take this de-
claration of his in fo ferious a manner ; that it was writ-
ten rafiily, and in the heat of paffion ; and that he did not
mean that we fhould dread fuch confequences from it.
All this I believe to be fliriftly true. It probably fell
from him in paflion — and very unadvifedly. But is he
'he firfi: perfon that has raflily betrayed his own mifchiev-
OU3 defigns .' Or is this a reafon for our not availing our-
ielves of tlie happy difcovery ? His folly in this inftance
is our good fortune. He is a man, fir, whom I never faw,
though I have been more than once in England ; but if I
fiiould fay I did not know him, after having read his lofty
and fonorous proclamation, and fome other productions,
I fnould fay what was not true. He is evidently a man
fr.owy, vain, impetuous and raih. It is reported of gene-

•with General Burgoyme. ' 279

ral Gates, from whom I never heard that any other words
of boafting or oftentation fell, that he faid he knew Bur-
goyne, and that he could build a wall for him to run his
head againft. I do not by any means approve of boafl-
ing in general. I think a man fliould not boaft of what
he has done, much lefs of what he only means to do ; yet
I cannot help faying, that this was a moft accurate predic-
tion, which, with the event that followed it, plainly points
out to us the charafter of general Burgoyne. Do you
think that fuch a man would not take the advantage of this
pretended breach of the convention on our part ; and en-
deavor to wipe off the reproach of his late ignominious
furrender by fome fignal or defpei-ate undertaking ? —

[ 28l ]

teOD oooo 0009 eooo o&» owa ocob cccs qcci oocO ikoj axio 000a ojm pooo ^300 t»ao aooz ccoo ko odoa ooos cooe kxu o*«'>
•00a ooso'oQoa tox aXM coco csooo cooa cc<xi 0000 oou 3C» 0000 soo? OfM oooo o»o Ms: 0054 o«m mco ooog com »:o coco

ON THE

PPOPOSED MARKET
In
GENERAL PFJ SE 1 M GTO JV'S CAMP.

To his Excellency General Washington, and the Officers
of the American Army.

SIR,

ABOUT ten days ago, I was informed diat you were
confulting with the farmers in the neighborhood,
and laying a plan for holding a market at the camp. This
was to me, the mod pleafing news I had heard from camp
for a long time. I fuppofed that you had now difcovered
the true and proper way of providing comforts and refrefli-
ments to your foldiers, which, pardon me, I think has hi-
therto, in God's raoft holy will, been hid from your eyes.
Laft week's news-paper brought us the plan, in which I
have been ib much difappointed, that I have taken pen in
hand, to make a few remarks upon it, and fubmlt them to
your view. Reft affured that they come from a firm friend
to American liberty, who has felt the tyranny of general
Howe, and therefore holds him and his caufe in deteftation.
You are not to expefl; from a plain country farmer, high
founding language, and well turned plirafes — It is poflible
I may be held in derifion for this, by fome of your learned
generals ; for I am told you have fome who can write
full as well as they can fight, perhaps better ; be that how-
ever as it may, I mean to write only of what I think I
underftand, and Ihall make ufe of the plaineft words pof-
fible, that I may be under Hood.

282 On the proposed Market

I niufl begin by faying, that if you are under any dif-
ficulty in fupplying your army, either with the neceflaries
or conveniencifis of life, it is wholly owing to midaken
principles, or unfaithful conduft in the manner of pro-
curing them. You are in the midil of a plentiful country
— You command it by your fword, except a fmall fpot in
which the enemy is confined ; and I nioft heartily vvifli
you would pen tliem in clofer than you do. — You have
alfo the hearts of the country ; for let people talk as they
pleafe of (he number of tories, they are altogether incon-
IJderable to the friends of liberty in every ftate in this con-
tinent. When the Englifh ar;r.y leaves any place, we do
not need your army to conquer it for us. All that were
friends to them, fly with them, or fkulk into corners,
trembling for their lives. Let us confider then how the
matter {lands — Your army confifts, I fhall fuppofe at pre-
fent, of 20,000 men ; for though it was confiderably lar-
ger lately, I reckon from the number gone home on re-
cruiting parties, and for other reafons, that may be about
or near the truth. Suppofe it however 25,000 ; if thefe
were ditlributed one in every houfe, for the twenty-five
thoufand houfes that are neareft to the camp, they would
not reach fo far eaft as the Delaware, nor fo far weft as
Lancafler ; and though no provifions were brought into
that fpace on their account, they could be well fed, and
the burden never felt. This lliows that the whole diffi-
culty arifes from the neceffity of procuring and tranfport-
ing provifions to fuch a number of men collefted together
in one place, a difficulty which one would think might be
eafily furmounted. It is not my intention at prefent, to
make remarks on the commiffary's department for fup-
plying the capital neceflaries, though I want not inclina-
tion. Suffice it to fay, that for refreftiments and fmaller
neceflaries, you are now making an attempt towards the
only effedlual way, viz. a market, or in other words, in-
viting people to bring them to you of their own accord.

Now, Sir, I have read and confidered your plan, the
chief part of which is fettling the prices of a variety of ar-
ticles, which it is expedled will be expofed to fale. Fix-
ing the price of commodities, has been attempted by law

in General Washington'' s Camp, 28

in feveral ftates among us, and it has increafed the evil it
v/as meant to remedy, as the fame praflice ever has done
fince the beginning of the world. Such laws, when they
only fay men fliall be punifhed if they fell at any higher
prices than the legal, and that if any will not fell at thefe
prices, their goods fliall be taken by force, have fome
meaning in them, though little wifdom : but to publifli a
lilt of fixed prices, as an encouragement to a weekly mar-
ket, is a new ftrain of policy indeed. If people brin>g
their goods to market, and are willing to fell them at thefe,
or lower prices, is not that enough ? And if they are not
willing to fell, how fliall they be made willing to come ?
Probably you were told thefe were reafonable prices ; now
I fliouldbe glad to know wliatyou call a reafonable price.
If it be that which is proportioned to the demand on the
one fide, and the plenty or fcarcity of goods on the other,
I agree to it ; but I affirm that this will fix of itfelf, by the
confent of the buyer and feiler, better than it can be done
by any politician upon earth. If you mean any thing elfe,
it fignifies nothing at all, whether it be reasonable or not ;
for if it is not agreeable, as well as reafonable, you might
have one market day, but not a fecond. There are fome
tilings which are not the objecl of human laws, and fach
are all thofe that eflentially depend for their fuccefs upon
inward inclination. Laws, force, or any kind of limita-
tion, are fo far from having any tendency of themfelves,
to perfuade or incline, that they have generally the con-
trary effeO:. It would be much to the advantage of many
lawgivers and other perfons in authority, if thsy would
carefully diflinguifh between what is to be efFefted by force,
and what by perfuafion, and never prepofteroufly mix
thefe oppofite principles, and defeat the operation of both.
Laws and authority compel ; but it is reafon and intereft
that mufl; perfuade.

The fixing of prices by authority, is not only impolitic,
as 1 have Ihewn above, but it is in itfelf unreafonable and
abfurd. There are fo many different circumftances to be
taken in to confiitute equality or juftice in fuch matters,
that they cannot be all attended to, or even afcertained.
The plenty of one kind of provifion, and fcarcity of aiw-

284 On the proposed Market, ^c.

ther — The plenty in one corner of the country, and
fcarcity in another — The diftance of one place, and near-
nefs of another — The changes of circumftances in the
courfe of a few weeks or days — Good or bad I'oads, or
good or bad weather — The comparative quality of the
goods — Thefe, and an hundred other circumftances which
can never be forefeen, adually govern the prices of goods
at market, and ought to govern them. If a price is juft
to one who brings his goods fifteen miles, it is certainly
too much for one who brings them only one. If ten
pence per pound is a juft price for veal at prefent, I am
certain it muft be too much a month hence, when veal will
be much more plentiful; and yet the grafs not yet come on.
If one fhilling and four pence per pound is reafonable for
a fat turkey, ought not I to have more for a fatter, which
is both better in its quality and weight — being light-
er to its bulk, becaufe fat is not fo heavy as either lean
flefli or bones. If it is reafonable to pay me one fliilling
per pound for any meat in a good day, 1 fiiall expect more
if I go out in a ftorm ; if not, I will ftay at home on a
bad day, and fo you muft ftarve one week, and pamper
the next.

, All thefe circumftances you muft allow to reftrain and
limit one another. He who is neareft, and has goods in
plenty, will by felling cheap, moderate the demands
of him who comes far. If you pay very dear for
any article one day, the news of that fpreading
abroad, brings in prodigious quantities, and the price
falls, and fo it happens in every other cafe. Thus it ap-
pears that it is out of your power to tell what is a reafon-
able price, and by attempting to do it, you not only re-
fufe to gratify the expe(5t:ations of the people, but you treat
them with injuftice.

I have one more remark to make upon this fubjefl ;
that to fix the prices of goods, efpecially provifions in a
market, is as imprafticable as it is unreafonable. The
whole perfons concerned, buyers and fellers, will ufe eve-
ry art to defeat it, and will certainly fucceed. — —

[ ^-85 ]

ttOC »00 ;;■«■ MM efeo OOOO woo COOO i-Oca cOOO woo 0000 TOOO <VKv>eOOO MOaooao COCC SC^ C3MO00C coon 0000 CCCC Cj»

o«o 0000 0000 ocog c;oj ccao oow oooo oc«« bom otoo coco ooco ; osoa oooo eooo ooc« ocoo ««■ coo" ecoo cooo oooo ««> ooca

ADDRESS

GENERAL WASHINGTON.

THE Prefident and Faculty of the College of New-
Jerfey, beg leave to embrace this opportunity ot
congratulating your Excellency on the prefent happy and
proniifing (late of public affairs ; and of fmcerely wifli-
ing you profperity and fuccefs in the enfuing campaign,
and in what may yet remain of the important confliiSt in
which the United States are engaged.

As this College, devoted to the interefts of religion
and learning, was among the firft places of America,
that fuffered from the ravages of the enemy — fo, happily,
this place and neighborhood was the fcene of one of the
moil important and feafonable checks which they receiv-
ed in their progrefs. The furprife of the Heffians at
Trenton, and the fubfequent viftory at Princeton, re-
dounded much to the honor of the commander who plan-
ned, and the handful of troops which executed the mea-
fures ; yet were they even of greater moment to the caufe
of America, than they were brilliant as particular mili-
litary exploits.

We contemplate and adore the wifdom and goodnefs of
divine Providence, as difplayed in favor of the UnitedStates
inmany inftances during the courfe of the war; but in none
more than in the unanimous appointment of your Excel-
lency to the command of the army. When we confider

286 Address^ ^c.

the continuance of your life and health — the difcernnient,
prudence, fortitude and patience of your couduft, by which
you have not only facrificed, as others have done, perfonal
eafe and property,butfrequently even reputation itfelfiin the
jHiblic caufe, chufing rather to rifque your own name than
expofe the nakednefs of your country — when we confider
the great and growing attachment of the army, and the
cordial efteem of all ranks of men, and of every ftate in
the Union, which you have fo long enjoyed — we cannot
help being of opinion, that God himfelf has raifedyou up
as a fit and proper inftrument for eflablifliing and iecuring
the liberty and happinefs of thefe States,.

We pray that the Almighty may continue to protect
andblefs you — that the late fignal fuccefs of the Ameri-
can arms, may pave the way to a fpeedy and lafting
peace ; and that, having furvived fo much fatigue, and fo
many dangers, you may enjoy many years of honorable
repoie in the bofom of your grateful country.

JOHN WITHERSPOOK

[ 28; ]

a eOOO <OSt> 0W3 OOOI OOOO OOOS KOO COOO OOSe OOOO t OOCO eOOa OOOa OOOO COOO OOOQ SOOO 0033 OOCO eOOO OOoa 00O« COSS OCV93

D ccea COOO cccs eooa codq cooq ocoo odoo oooe com ; 0000 0000 cooo 000a moc gooo oooo cogo 9GO0 coos coos coco xoD axo

LETTER

SENT TO

SCOTLAND,

FOR THE

SCOTS MAGAZINE.

I AM informed by my correfpondents in Scotland, that
feveral letters have been publiflied in the newfpapers
there, containing the mod virulent reflexions upon me,

on account of an advertifement by J — P , merchant

of Glafgovv, relating to the fettlement of a traft of land
in Nova Scotia, in which he mentions my being concern-
ed. One or two of thefe papers have been fent me, and
contain fo maAy miftakes in point of faft, as well as be-
tray fuch ignorance of the fubjeft they attempt to treat,
that it would be a difgrace for any man to enter into a for-
mal quarrel with fuch opponents. Were I in Scot-
land at this time, I Ihould think it a very great departure
from prudence, to take the leaft public notice of theje in-
veftives. Few perfons have been lefs concerned than
I have been, through life, to contradift falfe accufations,
from an opinion which I formed early, and which has
been confirmed by experience, that there is fcarcely any
thing more harnilefs than political or party malice. It i.s

288 Letter sent to Scotland

beft to leave it to itfelf; oppofition and contradiftio.n are
the only means of giving it life and duration.

But as I am now at fo great a dillancc, and the fubjeft
of the fcandal is what paffes in America, fo that impartial
perfons in general, may be lefs able to judge of the pro-
bability of fafts, and cannot have proper opportunities of
making a complete enquiry, I tliink it neceffary to
ftate this matter with all the perfpicuity and brevity of
which I am capable. The accufation, I think, may be
reduced to the following argument — Migrations from Bri-
tain to America, are not only hurtful, but tend to the ruin
of that kingdom ; therefore, J. Y7. by inviting people
to leave Scotland, and fettle in America, is an enemy to
his country.

It will not be improper to mention in the entry, that
my having any concern in fuch an extenfive undertaking,
■ was wholly accidental and une>:peQed. I was invited
and prefled to it, from a motive that was not at all con-
cealed, that it would give the people who intended to come
out, greater confidence that they fliould meet with fair
treatment. This very reafon induced me to confent ; and
that I might the more effeftually anfwer that purpofe, one
of the exprefs conditions of my joining with the compa-
ny was, that no land fliould be fold dearer to any coming
from Scotland, than I fliould direft. This was the more
neceffary, that either through miftake, and the power of
European ideas, or through mifguided avarice, fome ad-
vertifements had been publifned in the Scots newfpapers,
which would not appear furprifing to perfons born and
educated in Scotland, but which are infinitely ridiculous to
one acquainted with American affairs. In particular,
one I cut out of a Glafgow newfpaper, and fent home,
relating to Newfouiidland, where perfons were invited to
go to make their fortunes, by renting each family thirty
acres of land, at the eafy rent of fix-pence fterling at firft,
and gradually rifing till it came to two fliillings yearly for
ever. Now how abfurd is this, when in many places you
can buy the fee fimple of land for the fame or lefs money
than is here alked for rent ? Befides, how fiiall thirty acres
of land maintain any family, in a place where land is fo
cheap, and labor fo dear ? ^

for the Scots Magazine. 289

I have heard it given as a reafon for thefe enfnaring
propofals, that people in Britain will not believe that land
is good for any thing, if you offer it for a few fliillings per
acre in fee fimple. But the people in Britain fhould be
told, that the value of land does not depend upon its qua-
lity, unlefs in a very fmall degree — It depends upon its
fituation, diftance from other fettlements, and many cir-
cumftances that need not be mentioned. It is a matter
now as fully afcertained, as univerfal uncontradicted tef-
timony can make it, that the back land in America, is in
general better than that along the fliore, though very dif-
ferent in value ; becaufe the one is full of trees and wild
beafts, and the other is full of houfes, fields and orchards.
One would think that this matter might be well enough
underftood by this time. When a new fettlement is ma-
king, efpecially if one family or one company have a very
large traft, they will fell it very cheap ; and if they are ur-
gent to forward the fettlement, they will give it to one or
two families at firft for nothing at all ; and their profit does
not arife from the price paid by the firil purchafers, but
from the profpeft of fpeedily raifmg the value of what re-
mains. Any man that can think, may underfland this

from J — P-" 's advertifement. He propofes to fell to

the firfl families, at fix-pence fterling an acre. What profit
could he make of that fmall price ? Suppofing he fiiould
fell 20,000 acres, the whole produce would be but five
hundred pounds, to be divided among twelve or fourteen
perfons. The plain facl is, that the fum is not at all
equivalent .to the trouble and expence of ferving out the
patent ; therefore the profit muft be future, and mull arife
wholly from the profperity of the fettlement. I believe it
is a rule without any exception, that a man's duty is his
interefl ; but there is no cafe whatever, in which the in-
tereft of both parties is more manifeftly the fame, than in
felling and purchafing new lands to fettle upon ; for the
proprietors can receive no benefit, but from the fuccefs
and thriving of the fettlers.

New land may be bought in America at all prices, from
fix-pence fl:erling an acre, to forty fliillings ; and thofe
who would judge of the quality by the price, would do

290 Letter sent to Scotland

jufi: as one who fliould judge that an acre fold for a houfe
in the city, mud be twenty times better in foil, than the
fields at two miles dlflance, becaufe it is twenty limes the
price. The price of land in America, is riling very faft,
and fometimes riles in particular places, far more rapidly
than could be forefeen. A gentleman who has a large
tract in New-York government, within thefe three years,
offered to give away for nothing, feveral thoufand acres, at
the rate of two hundred acres to each family of aftual fet-
tlers, and yet has given away none ; but fuice that time
has fold a great deal at four fliillings and fix-pence flerling,
and now will fcarce fell any at that price.

Having premifed the above, I would intreat the reader's
attention to the iollowing remarks ;

I. There is very little ground for being alarmed at the
migrations from Britain to America. The numbers who
come abroad, never have been, and probably never will
be of any confequence to the population of the country.
Any one who will read Montefquieu, will foon be fatisfied
that when the fpirit and principles of a conllitution are
good, occafional migrations, and even war, famine and
peflilence, are hardly felt after a little time. The place
of thofe who are removed is fpeedily filled. Two or three
hundred families going abroad, makes a great noife ; but
it is nothing at all to the peojjle in Great Britain, and will
but make way for the fettlement and provifion of thofe xvho
flay behind, and occallon them to marry and multiply the
fdfler. It is probable, that the people in Britain imagine
that the new fettlements in America, are wholly filled
by thofe who come from Europe — It is fiir otherwife.
They do not make the fortieth part in any new fettlement.
Such trafls are peopled from the adjacent fettlements at
firil, with a few foanger emigrants ; but their chief in-
creafe is from natural generation. If a fettlement is good,
a kv! families will fpeedily make a colony ; but if other-
wife, you ma)' fend in ihips full of people every year, and
yet it will come to nothing. If a few paffengers coming
out from Britain, threaten defiruclion to their populous
country, what inllant ruin mull come upon the fettled
parts of New-England, New-York, New-Jerfey, and

for the Scots Magaz,ine. 291

Pennfylvania, from whence many times the number re-
move every year to the back countries, and yet it has not
any fenfible efie£l, either on the price of land, or tlie num-
ber of the people, which continue to incrcafe notwitli-
ilanding. America is certainly exhibiting at this time, a
Icene that is new in the hillory of mankind. It increafcs
in a proportion that no political calculations have yet
been able to underRand or lay down rules for. The rea-
fon of this I take to be, that when colonies were fent out
in ancient times, tke j^eople and the i'oil were fomewhat
flmilar, and improved by flow degrees ; but in Ameriv'a
we fee a wild, but a noble foil, taken poffeffion of by all
the power, wealth, and learning of Europe, which pulhes on
its improvement, witii a rapidity which is inconceivable.

Another thing ought not to be omitted ; there are great
numbers of people that go from. America to Britain, fo that
tlie migration is not all one way. The people in Ntw
England (an old lettlement) fay that they have fent twice
as many people to England, as ever came out of it to them.
But though upon the whole, while this country is but yet
fettling, the number coming out Ihould be greater ; yet
there is this difference, that they commonly come out
poor, and return rich. This is ver_y much to the advan-
tage of Britain, if wealth and an increafed value of land
be an advantage. The truth is even as to numbers, though
I do not think fo many people go from America to Eu-
rope, as come, from Europe to America ; yet I am apt to
think, that there is little difference in tli£ number that goes
to, or comes from the ifland of Great Britain.

2. But fuppofmg, (what I do not believe) that inviting
people over from Scotland to America, did tend in fome
degree to depopulate that part of the world, I cannot
fee why a man who does fo fliould for that reafon, be call-
ed an enemy to his country. What is it for a man to be
a friend to his country : Is it to wiili well to the ftones and
the earth, or the people that inhabit it ? Can he be an ene-
my, to them, by pointing out to fuch of them as are poor
or opprefled, where they may have a happy and plentiiul
provifion, and their pollerity be multiplied as the fand of
the fea ? If he is their enemy by deceiving them, the dif-

292 Letter sent to Scotland

covery will foon be made, and the defign will be detefted ;
or rather indeed, the difcovery would have been made
long ago, as the intercourfe between Great Britain and
America has been of fo many years Handing. Is he then
the enemy of thofe who ftay behind ? Not furely of the
multitude, or common people, for there will be but more
room made for them, and the more eafy accefs to a com-
fortable fubfiflence. It I'emains then, that he muft be the
enemy of the landholders, who may run fome rilk of being
obliged to lower their rents. But is this a liberal way of
thinking, to fay a man is an enemy to his country, while
he promotes the happinefs of the great body of the people,
with a fmall diminution of the intereft of an handful ?
Allowing therefore this argument all the force that it can
pretend to, the accufation is bafe and fcandalous, arifing
from a littlenefs of mind, incapable of cherifhing a gene-
rous love of mankind. I cannot help thinking it is doing
a real fervice to my country, when I fhew that thofe of
them who find it difficult to fabfift on the foil in which
they were born, may eafily tranfport themfelves to a foil
and climate vaftly fuperior to that. Sobriety and induftry
cannot fail to be attended by independence and abun-
dance ; neither is this a matter that can be doubted by
thofe who reflect a little on the nature of things. A coun-
try where land is cheap, provifions in plenty, and as a'
natural confequence, labor is dear, muft be favourable to
the induftrious hulbandman. His chief concern ought to
be, to guaixl againll the temptations always attendant on
fuch a ftate, viz. lazinefs and intemperance. I will take
this opportunity alfo to obferve, that fuch as have a fmall
independent fortune in Britain, if they have a tafte for agri-
culture, might ealily in America, live upon their eftates.
as well as thofe in Britain who have a yearly revenue ■
equal to their whole ftock. But this is only in cafe a man
lives upon his land, and eats the fruit of it. If he expefts'"_
that he may live idly and magnificently irt a city, and rent '
out his land at a high price, he will find himfelf miferabl)?^-
mifiaken. It would be a ftrange country indeed, if land'
might be bought cheap, and rented dear. This is impoffi- •
ble ; for by what arguments could you perfuade a man to

for the Scots Magazine. 293

pay a high rent for land, when by going a little back, he
may have the property to himfelf for a fmall matter.

But after all, I can never admit that the happinefs of
one clafs of men depends upon the mifery of another ; or
that it can be any way contrary to the interell of the land-
holders in Scotland,that a few who find themfelves pinched
in their circumflances, or who have an a£tive and errter-
prifing difpofition, (liould remove to America. There are
always flrong motives to hinder a man's removal from his
own country, and it cannot be fuppofed that any confide-
rable number will think of fuch a meafure, unlel's they are
really in an opprelTed ftate. If this is the cafe, from the
natural courfe of things, their removal will be no injury to
any body ; but like a fwarm of bees coming off from a
hive thai is too full. If it is the cafe in particular places,
from the iron hand of tyranny, I fee no reafon to offer any
excufe for the meritorious aft of affiiUng them to make
their efcape. Let not people confine themfelves to nar-
row, felfifli views. No part of Europe has received, or
does now receive a greater acceffion of wealth, from the
American fettlements, than Great Britain ; and perhaps
there is no part of Great Britain where the rent of land has
rifen higher by the fame means, than Scotland. I fuppofe
every gentleman in tliat part of the kingdom, is well pleafed
to hear that feveral thoufand Palatines, or people from the
north of Ireland go to America every year — or that from
time to time, fome one or other, who went abroad with
a launcet in his pocket, is coming back with an opulent
eftate, to fettle in his neighbourhood — or that no wealthy
American is fatisfied, till he has fent his fon home, as they
call it, to fpcnd from two or three hundreds, to as many
thoufands, in order to complete his education by ftudy, or
end his life by gambling. If fo, why fhould he grudge
that fome of his poorer countrymen fhould acquire a com-
fortable fettlement there, though with little profpeft of re-
turning, efpecially as it is impoffible for them to do any
thing for the improvement of America, that will not in the
end redound to the advantage of Great Britain.

3. I have only further to lay, that the outcry made upon
this fubjeft, is as impolitic, as it is unjuft. If I wanted

294 Letter sent to Scotland., z^c.

to people America from Scotland, I would not think of
employing a more efleclual way, than exciting or hiring
one or two authors, who have nothing elie to do, to write
againft it. This would neceffarily make people pay at-
tention to the ibbjeci:, and feek after the information which
they would otherwife have neglefted. At the fame time,
as human nature in general, is not very fond of reftraint,
they would perhaps be the more difpofed to remove, Vvhen
ihey found their landlords anxious tliat they lliould ilay. I
defire it maybe particularly obferved, that I have notfaid in
any part of the above difcourle, nor do I believe that there is
any hard-heartednefs or difpofition to o])prers in the land-
lords of Scotland, more than in any other country, nor
more at this time than any former period. The rife of
lands has been the confequence of an increafe of trade
and wealth, and the difpofition to go abroad in the com-
mon people, at prefent, is owing to the fame caufe that
made clerks and fupei cargoes go out, for thefe fifty years
pall, viz. the hope of bettering their circumftances. It is
both unjufi: and impoffible to hinder them, if they be fo
minded ; and for the reafons given above, I am perfuaded
it will not be the leaft injury to thofe of any rank whom
they leave behind. For my own part, my intereft in the
matter is not great ; but fmce Providence has fent me to
this part of the world, and fince fo much honor has been
done me, as to fuppofe that my charafter might be fome
fecurity againft fraud and impofition, I fliall certainly look
upon it as my duty, to do every real fervice in my power,
to fuch of my countrymen as fhall fall in my way, and
fliall either defire or feem to need my affiflance.

J. W.

[ 295 ]

0:103 0000 0OC<3 tO&O t^OS CCCJ OOX ;009 COOa COOO CC03 coco coco OOCXJ r OSOO MCO tX-OO UeO (^300 OOCO COM tCK 0000 KOO «i:f:o

(Kco MCO GooQ 0000 ocoo ooos oooo uQoo COOO C3CC c^ooo oDoo COOO 0000 1 COOO moo MOO cood ocoj ofoo CiDQo OCM &000 cacic c:oo

IGNORANCE of the BRITISH

WITH RESPECT TO

AMERICA,

To the Editor of the Scots Magazine.

Philadelphia, May 28, 1771.
S I R,

SAW in your magazine (Appendix 1770) a letter,
\_ figned E. R. containing fome remarks upon, and a
fevere condemnation of Dr. Lathrop's fermon at Bofton,
entitled, " Innocent Blood crying for Vengeance." Thefe
remarks are introduced with obferving, that the fynod of
New- York and Philadelphia had written a letter, and
claimed relation to the church of Scotland ; and then
fays the author, ' on reading of which, I could not help
' thinking, if we may judge of the American church from
• the fample here given, that our church derives no great
' honor froui her weftern progeny ; but I hope the Itock
' is better than the fample.'

Now, fir, as to this author's obfervations on Dr. La-
throp's fermon, I fhall fay little ; becaufe perliaps it can-
not be wholly juflified — yet, if all circumllances are July
attended to, there is as little reafon to infult or glory over
the people of Bofion, as there was to excite the public
refentment againft captain P — — . But what 1 have
only in view, is fliortly to expofe the excelTive abfurdity

a 96 Ignorance of the British

and ignorance of bringing in the fynod of New- York and
Philadelphia on this occafion. Were the author of this
fermon even a member of the fynod, or any way con-
iiefted with it, the attempt would be impertinent ; be-
caufe no church can be fuppofed anfwerable for the pru-
dence of every particular perfon connefted with her, ef-
pecially the wifdom or propriety of their publications.
Does the church of Scotland defire to be judged by this
rule ? I fuppofe not. Nor will I be guilty of fo much
injuftice, as to judge of her by this her friend and advo-
cate. ' I hope (as he fuys) the ftock is better than the
' fample.' For,

How aflonifliing muft be the ignorance of that gentle-
man concerning the Britifh dominions in America, when
he fuppofes the minifters of Boflon to be a part of the fy-
nod of New- York and Philadelphia ! Did the fynocl's
letter fay any fuch thing ? Did it not enumerate the
provinces in which their members refide ? Did it not in-
form the public, that it is but feventy years fince the firft
prefbyter}' met in this country ? But give me leave to
inform your correfpondent, that it is about one hundred
and forty years fince the people of New-England efta-
blillied a college at Cambridge near Boflon ; that their
churches are upon the independent plan, and are in the
i'our New-England provinces above five hundred in num-
ber ; whereas the whole fynod of New-York and Phila-
delphia contained, when their letter was written, but one
lamdred and twenty-feven members, and does not now
amount to one hundred and fifty.

I do not mean by this to difclaim conneftion with the
churches of New-England. They are a moft refpeftable
part of the church of Chrill:. Nor do I think that any part
of the Britifh empire is at this day equal to them for real
religion and found morals. My fingle purpofe is to teach
your correfpondent, and your readers in general, not to
write upon American affairs, unlefs they underftand
them. I tell you nothing but truth when I fay, that being
a Briton, I have often bluflied in company, to hear fto-
ries narrated of the abfurd and ignorant manner in which
perfonsof no inconfiderable ftationsin Britain, have talk-

iviib Respect to America. 297

ed of things and places in America. We have heard ot
a gentleman in the houfe of commons, frequently making
mention of the island of Pennfylvania; and of another
who in the privy counfel infilled, after contradiftion, on
his being right in his defcription of the island of Nevv-
Jcrfey.

But what excels every thing is the following llory, which
I hive been alTured by perfons well acquainted with it,
was a faft. Some years ago, a frigate came from Eng-
land with difpatches for many or molt of the governors of
provinces in Nortli-America. The captain had orders to
go firil to New- York, and from thence to proceed to
Georgia, the Carolinas, Virginia, Maryland, Pennfylva-
nia, and the Jerfeys. When he arrived at New-York,
he delivered his difpatches there, and mentioned his or-
ders. The governor told him, if you v.'ill give me the
letters for the governors of New-Jerfey and Pennfylva-
nia, I will undertake to have them delivered in forty-
eight hours ; but if you take the route prefcribed to you,
perhaps they will not receive them in three months. To
which the captain replied, I do not care a farthing about
the matter ; I will Hick to my inftruftions.

I am, fir, your moft obedient,
humble fervant,

X. Y.

[ 299 ]

Gooo cc«o oc^ -Men ccoo dcoo oooo ocoo oooj oom oooa oooo <xi» ^ oooo oooo aow ooeo am* dd&i ohu ooen oooo te(U cos} com
coro -O50 jccx ::':j iioo com oooo occa oooa loos 30» ooos oooa ; jcoo coco xxa co« wjoo -j^o, oooo oocc oooo ooOf oooo joao

ON THE

c iv T i: s

BETWEEN

GREAT-BRITAIN and AMERICA.

Philadelphia, September 3, 1778.
Dear Sie,

YOUR very acceptable letter of the 21(1 of Marcli,
I received about the middle of June, and would
have anfvvered it long ago, if there had been any encou-
raging profpefl; of conveying it fafely. As to writing you
a fliort letter that mud: have gone open through the ene-
my's pods, I did not think it worth while. I have how-
ever now come to a refolution of writing you pretty fully,
and trying to convey it by France or Holland ; and if it
lliould fall into their hands, and never get to your's, there
will be no other lofs than my time in writing ; for as to
any other confequences, either to the public or to myfelf
I have not the leafl: apprehenfion.

Your letter came to me fealed, and apparently never
opened, in a packet from the Britilh commiflioners, which
arrived at York-town while tlie congrefs was fitting ; and
confequently it, as well as one from Mr. F , was de-
livered to me in prefence of the whole members. As

300 On the Contest between.

the fame packet, befides the public meffage, contained
fome pi'lvate letters addreffed to particular members, forne
of them from governor Johnfione, one of the commiflion-
ers, a propofal was made by a member, who read public-
ly one repeived by himfelf, that every gentleman who had
received private letters from any perfon with the enemy,
fliould deliver them to cougrefs, that they might be read.
This would have been attended with no difficulty as to mej
except fome family affairs in Mr. F 's letter very im-
proper to be publicly read, and fome expreffions in his letter
a little offenfive fpeaking of congrefs. However, it was
not done at that time ; and afterwards, in a diet at many
days diftance, every member who had received any fuch
letters, was called upon to read from diem what related to
public affairs, which was done.

I am and have been greatly concerned, as you feem to
be, for the conteft between Great-Britain and America ;
and certainly, from my own intereft, have by far the
greatell Tcafon of the two ; and as I fuppofe it will he
agreeable to you, fliall make a few obfervations, i. upon
the public caufc, and i. on my own conduft, which I
underftand from many different quarters, to be highly
blamed in my native country.

As to the public caufe, I look upon the feparation of
America from Britain to be the vifible intention of Provi-
dence ; and believe that in the iffue it will be to the benefit
of this country, without any injury to the other — perhaps
to the advantage of both. It feems to me the intention
of Providence for many reafons, which I cannot now
enumerate, but in a particlilar manner for the following —
that I cannot recolleft any inllance in hiftory, in which
a perfon or people have fo totally and uniformly miftaken
the means for attaining their own ends, as the king and
parliament of Britain have in this conteft. I do feriouflyand
pofitively afHrm to you, my dear fir, that it is my opinion,
that congrefs itfelf, if they had been to diredt the meaftires
of the Britilh miniftry, could not or would not have di-
refted them to medfures fo effectual to forward and efta-
blifli the independence of America, as thofe which they chofe
of their own accord. They have had a miftaken opinion

Great-Britain and' America. 301

of the flate of things in America, from the beginning to
this hour, and have founded their whole condutlupon their
miftakes. They fuppofed fometlmes, that the people of
America in general were feditious and fa£lious — defirous
of a feparation from Great-Britain, and that their conduct
on occafion of the llamp-a£t was the effedt of this difpofi-
tion. Nothing could be more untrue. I am a witnefs
that the people of this country had an efteem of, and at-
tachment to the people of Great-Britain, exceeding!}'
ftrong. They were proud of them, and of their own defcent
from them. Britifli faftiions, Britifh goods, and even
Britifh perfons were in the highefl: eltecm. A perfon
educated in the old countries had a degree of rank and
credit from that circumftance, independent of every other.
I think they were even partial in this refpeft. I believe,
had I myfelf been born and educated in America, Ifliould
have met wi*-]- a degree of acceptance aud fuccefs in my
ftation, far ifferior to what actually happened. When
an American fpoke of going to England, he always call-
ed it going home ; and wherever you are in this country,
you meet with almoft nothing but counties, townfhips
and houfes called by Englifli names. I live at Princeton
in IVIiddlefex county ; and on the oppofite fide of the flreet
is Sonierfet county, and indeed I believe all the counties
in New-Jerfey, are called by Englifh names.

From this I defire that you may infer, that the oppofi-
tion made to the claims of parliament, arofe from a deep
and univerfal conviftion in the people, that they were in-
confiftent with their own fecurity and peace. In this I am
fatisfied that they judged right ; for ihad the claim fet up
been acquiefced in, the provincial affemblies would have
become contemptible and ufelefs, and the whole colonies
no better than a parcel of tributary Itates, which, placed
at fo great a diilance, would have been, from error, igno-
rance and felf-intereft, loaded in the mod infupportable
manner.

Another miftake, into which the miniftry and parlia-
ment of England fell, was that this was a deep-laid fcheme
of a few artful and defigning men, who ftirred up the
multitude for their own ends ; that the fentiments in fa-

302 On the Contest^ ^c.

vor of America, were by no means general ; but that the
artful leaders impofed upon them. This I have feen af-
ferted from the beginning to the end of the quarrel ; and
to complete the abfurdity, the very commiffioners now
here from Britain, continue to reafon in the fame man-
ner — impeach the congrefs with ambitious and defigning
views, and feem difpofed to appeal to the people. Alas !
they know nothing of the matter. The congrefs is a
changeable body : members are going from it, and com-
ing to it every month, nay every week. — —

[ 303 ]

oooff 0000 o<woew 0000 0000 0000 0000 cw» 0000 oooo 0000 0000 [ooacoooccooooM joo 0000 0000 csoo oooa e«o

eooo woo 0000 oooo oow oooo oooo oooa oooa cooo oooo oooo oooo oooa oooo oooo cooa ccos oseo ocoo oooo c»» com vna onaa

DESCRIPTION OF THE STATE

NEW-JERSET.

Answers in Part to Mr. Marbois^s ^lestions respecting
New-Jersey,

I. TV TEW- JERSEY is bounded on the north by a
_J^ line drawn from the North or Hudfon's river
to the boundary of Pennfylvania, fixed about ten years
ago by commiffioners appointed from New- York and
New-jerfey, and marked in all the late maps. This line
runs nearly weft, and paffes about thirty miles north of
Morris-town in New-Jerfey.

It is bounded on the eaft by Hudfon's river, from the
line juft now mentioned to the fea.

It is bounded on the fouth by the Atlantic Ocean, from
the mouth of Hudfon's river to Cape May, at the mouth
of Delaware Bay. And on the weft by the Delav.arc, to
the place where the firft mentioned line ftrikes it, between
two and three hundred miles from the fea.

II. Smith's Hiftory of New-Jerfey is the only publi-
cation that can anfv/er the defign of this qviery.

364 A Description of

III. New-Jerfey confifts of thirteen counties, which,
beginning at Cape May on the Delaware Bay, lie in the
following order : CapS-May, Salem, Cumberland, Glou-
celier, Burlington, Hunterdon, Suffex, Morris, Bergen,
EiFex, Somerfet, Middlefex, Monmouth. Thefe coun-
ties are fub-divided into townfliips or precinfts.

'J'here are no cities in New-Jerfey, but Burlington and
Pertii-Amboy, which were fcverally the capitals of Eaft
and Weft Jerfey, as will be feen by the j)atents and hift.ory
of the iettlement.

The chief villages, or confiderable places in New-Jerfey,
are Haddenfield, Mountholly, Burdentown, Trenton,
Princeton, Brunfwick, Morriftown, Springfield, Wood-
bridge, Elizabeth-town, Newark, Hackenfack, Pittftown,
Cranberry, Shrewfbury, AUentown, Pennington, and
fome others of lefs note.

The only river of confiderable extent in New-Jerfey,
is the Raritan ; the two branches of which paffing through
the nortli-eaftern parts of the flate, imite near twenty
miles above Brunfwick, and receiving the Milftone and
fome other fmaller ftreams, it becomes navigable about
two miles above Brunfwick, and from thence to Amboy
ba)', about twenty miles by water, is navigated by fhal-
lops and fmall vefiels of one hundred or one hundred and
fifty tons.

South river paffes through Cranberry, in Middlefex
county, and empties itfelf into the Ra.ritan before it reach-
es Amboy.

Black river is a confiderable ftream, paffing through
Morris county eaflward, and empties itfelf into Hudfon's
river.

Paffaic river paffes through Bergen county, and enters
into the bay oppofite to Newark. There are falls pretty
remarkable on this river, at the head of the bay, which
many people go to fee as a curiofity.

There are many other fmall rivulets, not confiderable,
and many creeks and inlets upon the fea coaft, and par-
ticularly in the bay and river of Delaware, none of them
navigable far into the country.

As to mountains, there is a ridge not very high, but

the State of New-Jersey. 305

commonly called Rocky Hill, which crofFes the great road
from Philadelphia to New- York, about five miles eaftward
of Princeton, and runs from the louth-eafi: to the north-
weft, continuing about ten miles in length, palling a-
bout one mile and a half to the north of Princeton. —
Though there are no hills properly fpeaking, there is a
continued and gradual afcent from the Delaware to Prince-
ton, and a gradual defcent from thence to the eaRward.
There is a great ridge of mountains near and on the
boundary between New-Jerfey and New- York, running
chiefly from eaft to weft.

The trees are very various. As to foreft trees, there are
oaks of various kinds, afti, maple, birch, chefnut, walnut,
pine, locuft. The middle and upper parts of the coun-
try run much into the feveral kinds of oak, and in the
lower parts are to be found great quantities of pine and
cedar. The mulberry tree thrives in moft parts of the
ftate ; and it feems remarkably favorable to fruit trees, par-
ticularly apples, pears, cherries and peaches, of all which
there is great abundance. The vine grows fpontaneouf-
ly in many parts, and bears a large blue grape, not un-
pleafant to eat.

The produce of the improved farms, is wheat, rye,
barley, Indian corn, buckwheat, flax, and hemp. It is
ufual for farmers to have a fmall piece of land in tobacco ;
but it is only for their own ufe, or that of their fervants ;
it is not raifed in New-Jerfey for fale. All the garden
herbs raifed in France and England, thrive well in New-
Jerfey ; fo probably would vines, if cultivated by perfons
who underftood the bufinefs.

Black cattle are raifed in New-Jerfey to great advan-
tage — alfo horfes. There is a particular turn in the inha-
bitants for raifing fine horfes from the breed imported
fi-om England. There is alfo a large breed of heavy
draught horfes in thofe parts of the ftate chiefly inhabited
by the low Dutch.

IV. The number of inhabitants in New-Jerfey at
prefent, is certainly not lefs than two hundred thoufand.
There was an exaft lift of them taken about ten \-ears

3o6 ^i Description of

ago, which will be procured in a fliort time, There are
negroes, but they are certainly not above one feventh or
one tenth part of the whole. The negroes are exceed-
ingly well ufed, being fed and clothed as well as any free
perfons who live by daily labor.

V. There is no profefTion oF religion which has an ex-
clufive legal eftablifliment. Some particular churches
have charters of incorporation ; and probably they would
not be refufed to a body of any denomination. All pro-
feffions are tolerated, and all protellants are capable of
eleding and being elefted, and indeed have every privi-
lege belonging to citizens. — There are in Newjerfey,
Englifli prefbyterians. Low Dutch prefbyterians, epifco-
palians, baptifts, quakers. The two firli, except the dif-
ference of the national connection of the one with the
church of Scotland, and the other with the church
of Holland, and the language, are of the fame princi-
ples as to doftrine. They have the fame worfliip
and government, and they are by far the moft numerous.
There is a great majority of the prefent legiflature of
thefe two denominations. Formerly the quakers, though
not the majority, had confiderable influence ; but fince
the late contelt with Great-Britain, they are fewer in
number, and altogether without power. The epifcopa-
lians are few. The baptiils are prefbyterians in all other
refpefts, only differing in the point of infant baptifm ;
their political weight goes the fame way as the prefbyteri-
ans ; their number is fmall.

VI. There is at Princeton a college, which had ori-
ginally a royal charter, begun in 1748. It is now con^
firmed in its privileges, with fome alterations and im-
provements, by aft of affembly. The charter name of it
is, the College of New-Jerfey ; the name of the building,
Naffau-Hall. It was in aflourifliing ftate before the war,
having about one hundred and fifty under graduates and
other fcholars ; but was entirely defolated, and the houfe
made a v/reck, by the confufion of the times — firft by the
Englifli army, which entirely fcattered the fcholars, and
took poirelTiQn of the houfe j and afterwards, by the Ame-

the State of New-Jersey. 307

rican army making it a barrack and hofpital. It now be-
gins to recover, having of under graduates and fcholars
about lixty. — A printed account of the college has been
given to Mr. Marbois before.

There is alfo in New-Jerfey a college, whofe charter
name is Queen's College, fet up by the Low Dutch, with
a particular view to preferve their language, and all
the peculiar cufcoms of the church of Holland. They have
no building as yet, but have carried on their inflruftion
fometimes at Brunfvvick, fometimes elfewhere.

The College of New-Jerlcy is the beft building in the
ftate. Neither churches nor court-houfes are any where
fumptuous. There is no public hofpital in the flate.

There are few men of letters in the (late of New-Jerfey,
except thofe who belong to law, phyfic, or theology ; and
many of thefe profeffions are often taken up without a
liberal education. The ftate confifts almolt wholly of
fubftantial farmers. There has been formerly known, ef-
pecially when the quakers had fome power, a prejudice
againft learning — That prejudice begins to wear off.

There are no turnpike roads. There are llatutes for
the widenefs of the public roads ; alfo for repairing, though
it is generally poorly done — yet from the climate and the
level pofition of the country, tlie roads are excellent in
fummer. The accommodations in taverns are in general
as good as in any ftate in America. The great road from
Philadelphia to New-York, lies through the middle of
New-Jerfey, by Trenton, Princeton, Brunfvvick, Wood-
bridge, Elizabeth-town, and Newark.

VII. I cannot at prefent recolleft any cuftoms pecu-
liar to the ftate, or that from their fmgularity deferve notice.
New-Jerfey was firft peopled by the Low Dutch, at leaft
the eaftern part of it. Their language is continued there
as yet, though wearing out. They are a remarkably
cleanly people, and frugal. They ufe their flaves and
other fervants with great humanity, often not fcrupling
white and black to eat together. People from all the other
ftates are continually moving into and out of this ftate, fo
that there is little peculiarity of manners.

3oS A Description of

VIII. The present state of manufactures, commerce,
and exterior trade.

New-Jerfey^teing in genei'al fettled hy farmers, with a
great equality of rank and even poffeilions, no confidera-
ble manufaftures are eftablifhed in it. There are, how-
ever, tradefmen difperfed through it, of al moll every kind.
The farmers being frugal and plain in their manners, al-
ways made both linen and woolen cloth for their ov.'n fa-
milies and their fervants. They have given greater at-
tention to this matter within thefe five or fix years that
the differences with Great-Britain have fubfifttd. I be-
lieve it may be depended upon, that there is not one in ten
of th? members of the legiflature of New-Jerfey, who is
not clothed in the manufacture of his own family for the
greateft part, and many of them have no other clothing
of any kind. At this time a great quantity of very-
good cloth is made in the families. Some tradefmen in
different places make for fale, but not much. There are
fome very confiderable dealers in leather, and ffill a great-
er number in hats. All iron tools are well made here,
but not for exportation oiit of the flate.

From the fituation of New-Jerfey, there is hardly any
foreign trade carried on diredfly from it. The merchants
in Trenton, Brunfwick, Burdentovvn, and feveral other
places, have boats, iliallops, and other fmall veffels, with
which they trade to Philadelphia or New-York. In for-
mer times fhips might be entered both at Burlington and
Amboy, for any part of the world : but few are fent
abroad — fuch of our merchants as are concerned in fo-
reign trade, being almofl; always joined in company with
fome of the large cities above mentioned.

IX. A notice of the best sea-ports in the state, and
ho"^v big are the vessels they can receive.

The beft fea-port in the ftate of New-Jerfey is Amboy,
which can receive veffels of as great burden as New- York.
There has never been as yet any great foreign trade at
Amboy. The vicinity of New-York has probably been
a hindrance to it. There are harbors at little Egg-harbor
and great Egg-harbor, on the cpaft of tlie Atlantic, which

the State of Neiv -Jersey, 309

privateers and traders have made a confiderable ufe of
lince the war. They cannot receive vefTels of great bur-
den ; but the greated part of the trading veffels can go in
there. The fame is the cafe with the creeks on the Jer-
ley fliore, in the river Delaware.

X. A notice of the commercial productions peculiar
to that state, and of those objects ivbich the inhabitants
are obliged to draw from Europe and from other parts of
the world.

The produftions of New-Jerfey, and the fources of
its wealth, are grain of every kind as mentioned under
queition third — horfes, cattle, falted beef and pork, and
poultry. In times of peace, great quantities of all thefe
are lent to the AVeil-Indies, and flax-leed to Europe,
fliipped however more commonly in Philadelphia or New.
York than any port in New-Jerfey. The city of Phila-
delphia receives a great proportion of its provifions, in-
cluding vegetables of every kind, from New-Jerfey. The
foil of that part of New-Jerfey which is oppofite to Phila-
delphia, is exceedingly proper for gardening, and derives
much of its value from its proximity to that city.

.The (late of New-Jerfey is obliged to draw from Eu-
rope and otherparts, tea, lugar, wine, fpirits. Before the
war they purchafed confiderable quantities of Englifh
cloth, both linen and woolen, becaufe cheaper than they
could manufafture it in many inftances, and becaufe ma-
ny tradefmen and others had not the materials of manu-
fafture. All articles of finery they mufl purchafe if they
ufe them — lawns, gauzes, filks and velvet.

XL The weights, measures, and the currency of hard
money — Some details relating to the exchange 'njilb
Europe.

The weights and meafures now ufed in New-Jerfey,
are the fame as in England, of every kind — meafures of
length, folidity, fuperficies, dry and liquid. The moft
common for grain is the bufliel, which contains eight
Winchefter gallons, and each gallon two hundred and
feventy-two and a quarter folid inches.

310 A Description of

The exchange between New-Jerfey and Europe, is
carried on altnoft wholly through Philadelphia and New-
York.

The ftatute currency of money in New-Jerfey is in the
fame proportion to fterling as that of Pennfylvania, that
is, as five to three. A Spanifli milled dollar is, of New-
Jerfey proclamation money, feven fhlllings and fix pencei
There was twenty years ago, a currency or way of reckon-
ing in New-Jerfey, commonly called light money, accord-
ing to which a dollar was eight fliillings and eight pence,
but this feems now to be wholly difufed, or confined only
to the north-eaftern part of the ftate. The other way of
reckoning is c'dWedi proclamation money, which prevails.

XII. The public income and expences.

The public income of New-Jerfey confifls, fo far as
is known to me, of taxes annually laid by the afiem-
blles ; and is great or fmall, as they fliall think the exi-
gencies of the uate require. There is in general a great
difpofition to fave the public money ; indeed fuch as in
many inftances to make inadequate provifion. The fala-
ry of the governor was by the a£t of fupply, Oftober 1775,
before the change from a colony to a free flate, twelve
hundred pounds, proclamation money ; the judges of the
fupreme court, three in number, had each of them one
hundred and fifty the fame year ; all other expences for
clerks, &c. were fmall ; and the members of council and
aflembly had each eight (hillings for every day's attend-
ance. The delegates in congrefs had at firll twenty fliil-
lings per day ; and during the depreciation of the money,
if they made any allowance at the beginning of the year
becaufe of its bad flate then, they never made any amends
for the increafed depreciation before the year expired. —
As to this and all fuch matters, they may be feen more
fully from the printed laws, which I believe may be pur-
chafed of Ifaac Collins, printer to the Itate, in Trenton.

the State of New- Jersey. 311

XIII. The measures taken ivith regard to the estates
and possessions of the rebels commonly called tories.

They have been all fold off in perpetuum, and are no\T
in poffeflion of the new proprietors ; the debts upon them
to faithful fubjefts, having been firft difcharged.

XIV. The marine and navigation.

There are no veffels whatever belonging to the flate of
Nevv-Jerfe)^ There are privateers vvho have commiffions,
which fail from the ports on the coaft, or on the enemy's
lines. There is an admiralty court eftabliflied for the
condemnation of prizes. — As to merchant fliips, fee the
anfwer to queftion eighth.

XV". A notice of the mines, and other subterranean
riches.

There are fome very valuable iron mines in New-
Jerfey, in Morris and Suffex counties. Some companies
in England were concerned in working fome of thefe
mines before the war. It was fufpedted fome years ago,
that there were copper mines in New-Jerfey ; but no trial
hitherto made has fully fucceeded — fome gentlemen loft
their fortunes in the attempt.

It is not known whether there are any coal mines or
not, as people every where burn wood.

XVI. Some samples of the mines, and of the extra-
erdinary stones ; in short., a notice of all that can iticrease
the progress of human knowledge.

Iron ore is fo very common, that it cannot be fuppofed
to be an objeft of curiofity. I have heard of and feen
fome pieces of black matter, that was faid, when diifolv-
ed in water, to be exceedingly good ink. If this or any
other curiofity can be obtained by enquiry, they fliall be
forwarded. — There is very good marl in fome parts of
New-Jerfey, to the eaftward. — There is no limeftone in
the parts of New-Jerfey where I have been, but probably
there is fome in Suffex. — There are in feveral places of
New-Jerley, fugar-maple trees, whence the countr)'- peo-
ple draw fugar for their own ufe, as in the back parts of
New-Hampfhire and Vermont.

312. A Description oj

XVII. A description of the Indians established in
the states, before the European settlements, and of those
•who are still remaining. An indication of the Indian
vionuments dkcovered in that state.

The Indians, and their manner of life, are clefcribed in
feveral books, much better than I can do it, who was ne-
ver among them. And indeed by comparing together all
that I have ever heard or read, it appears that the charac-
teriftic features of the Indians of North-America, are the
fame which have diftinguifhed favages in all parts of the
world, and wherever difcovered — gravity and fallennefs
of deportment, love of hunting and war — that is to fay,
depredation ; ferocitj'' to their captives, lazinefs and aver-
fion to habitual labor, tyranny over the female fex, paf-
five courage, and, if it may called fo, aiJtive cowardice,
and flrong paflions both of lading gratitude and unestin-
guilhable refentment.

The chief thing that a philofopher can learn from the
Indians in New-Jerfey is, that perhaps the moft complete
experiment has been made here how they would agree
with cultivated life. At the time when the Indians fold
and confirmed the lands to the fettlers, at their own re-
quefl:, a tradl of land was purchafed for them to live in
the heart of the colony, in Burlington county, of three
thoufand acres and more, which was fecured to them by
law. They had a village built, and a houfe of worlhip
and a miuifter, and every poffible encouragement given
them to cultivate the land, and carry on trades ; yet,
after all, they were fo far from increafing in numbers
, or improving in induftry, that at different times feveral
of them went back into the woods, and the remainder
dwindled away, fo that there are few of them now left.
On the whole it dees not appear, that either by our
people going among them, or by their being brought
among ns, that it is poffible to give them a relilh of
civilized life. There have been fome of them educated
at this college, as ivell as in New-England ; but feldom
or never did they prove either good or uieful. — ■

[ 313 ]

i CA39 COX OOM 0000 OOM OCOO OCOO OOOO 00e» t 0^09 '"''' 03C^ OOOO OCb: CXX<3 '>3C? WOO 0000 C03S COW 0000 COCO 90=0

I TOCO CMo ajoa cooo co«o oooo eooo ccoo coao ; ooco oooo ccoo oooo tooc cooo sow rogo ecoo t»oo fooo ocop ms . cood

A R I S T I D E S.

S I R,

I HAVE a few thoughts to communicate, flift to your-
felf and after that, if you pleafe to the public, upon the
manner of conducing whac is now called the indepen-
dent controverfy, in the newfpapers. There are to be
found in the traits upon one fide of this queilion, almoll
without exception, complaints of forae reflraints, felt or
feared, upon the freedom of the prefs. I ihall be glad to
be informed, becaufe I am yet ignorant, what foundation
there isforthefe complaints. A pamphlet was publiflied
fometime ago, calling itfelf Common Senfe, which nobodv
was obliged to read, but thofe who were willing to pay for
it, and that pretty dearly too. It was however read very
generally, which I fuppofe muft have arifen either from
the beauty and elegance of the compofition, or from the
truth and importance of the matter contained in it. That
it did not arife from the firll of thefe caufes, I fliall take for
granted, until I meet with fomebody who is of a different
opinion ; and when this is added to the circumftance of
its being fold in the manner above mentioned, it is plain
that the fubjeft matter of Common Senfe was propofed
to the world under every difadvantage, but that of its own
manifeft importance and apparent truth or probability.

Things being in this fituation, after time fuflicient to
have matured any pamphlet of an ordinary fize, out
comes an anfwer to Common Sense, under the title of

314 Arlstides.

Plain Truth. This in one refjieft, was perfeftly fair, for
it was pamphlet againft pamphlet ; and the faicl Plain
Truth alio was fold, as well as Common Senfe, at a very
high price. For this lail circum'lance, there was no need
ofaffigninga reafon, becaufe I apprehi-nd it is the im-
doubted right of every author, to let what jn-ice he pleafes
upon the produdlions of his genius, and of every j^rinter
upon the produftions of his prefs, leaving it always to the
public to determine whether they will purchafe thefe pro-
duftions at that price, or any other. A reafon however
was afligned, which v/a,s as fingular as it was unneceffary.
We v/ere told that only a fmall number of copies was
printed of tht Jirst edition, I believe this is the only in-
flance that can be produced, of calling a book in its publi-
cation, the firft edition. I'he only reafon of making
more editions than one of any. book, is the fpeedy fale of
that number of copies, which the modefly of the author,
or the prudence of the bookfeller thought might be fuiE-
cient for the public demand. In this cafe, there is what
is ilated by the printers a call for another edition. But
there are multitudes of publications, as to which, this call
is never heard, and therefore none of them can with pro-
priety of fpeech, be lliled the firft edition. How would
it found if 1 fliould fa}', that a man who came alone into
my houfe, was the firft of the company that entered ; or
that my wife, who is Hill alive and well, is my firft wife,
when it is very poliible that Ihe may live till I am unfit
for any other wife, or till ihe is at liberty to take a fecond
hu{l)and ?

But further, fuppoung that the author and bookfeller
had been right in that expectation which the ufe of the
phrafe plainly fliews, the vanity of the one and the mif-
take of the other had raifed in them, I defire to know how
that was a reafon for printing few copies, and thus render-
ing them unconfcionably dear. You printers know bell,
but 1 take it for granted from the nature of the thing, that
you print fewelt copies of a book, when you do not ex-
pefl; a general fale. If I were certain that this differtation
of mine would caufe an unufual demand for the paper that
contains it, I would modcftly fuggeft to you, to print three

1 Aristhks. 315

oi- four hundred of that number more than common. In
like manner, if it was certain at the appearance of this
pamphlet, that it would be the firil of many editions, fol-
lowing one another in rapid fuccelTion, it feems the mofr
ob-vious thing in the world that the edition fliould have
been as large as poffible. Upon the whole, this was an
unlucky Humble at the threfliold in the author of Plain
Truth, as well as an unexpected /a/'^//^ of the great, illuf-
trious, and exalted R. B. providore, as he calls himfelf, to
the fentimentalills, lor which I find no way of accounting,
but tliat they were inadvertently led by the fubjeft they
had in hand to aft, as well as write, in direft oppofition
to Common Senle.

Well, the bock comes out, ot which I had a prefent of
two copies, from diflerent perfons, notwithfianding the
fmallnefs of the number printed. But what fliall I fay,
either of the ilyle or reafoning of the performance. The
reading of three pages gave me the opinion of it, which
all who read it afterwards concurred in, and which all who
have not read it, eafily acquiefced in. In execution it was
io contemptible, that it could not procure a reading on a
fubjeft, as to which, the curiofity of the public was raifed
to the greateft height ; it not only wanted good qualities in
point of tafte and propriety, but was enunently pofleffed
of every bad one. Common Senfe fometimes failed in
grammar, but never in perfplcuity. Plain Truth was fo
ridiculoufly ornamented with rapid, fcnfelefs phrafes and
feeble epithets, that his meaning could hardly be compre-
hended. He often put me in mind of the painted windows
of fome old gothic buildings, which keep out the light. If
Common Senfe in fome places wanted polifli, Plain Truth
was covered over, from head to foot, with a deteftable and
{linking varnifh.

As to the argument itfelf, although nothing could be
more clearly flated than it was in Common Senfe, yet in
Plain Truth it was never touched upon in the leaft degree.
The author of Common Senfe did not write his book to
fliew that we ought to refill the unconititutional claims of
Great Britain, which we had all determined to do long
before ; he wrote it to fliew that we ought not to feek or

3,i6 Aristides,

wait for a reconciliation, which in his opinion, is now be-
come both imprafticable and unprofitable, but to eltablifli a
iixtd regular government, and provide for ourfelves — Plain
Truth on the contrary, never attempts to lliew that there
is the lead probability of obtaining reconciliation on fuch
terms as will preferve and fecure our liberties, but has ex-
erted all his little force, to prove, that fuch is the ftrength
of Great Britain, that it will be in vain for us to refiil at all.
1 will refer it to the impartial judgment of all who have
read this treatife, whether the juft and proper inference
from his reafoning is not, that we ought immediately
to fend an embafi'y with ropes about their necks, to
make a full and humble furrender of ourfelves and all our
property to the difpofal of the parent ftate. This they have
formally and explicitly demanded of us, and this we have
with equal clearnefs determined we will never do. The
quefiion then is this ; Shall we make refiftance with the
greatefl force, as i-ebel fubjefls of a government which we
acknowledge, or as independent ftates againfl: an ufurped
power which we detelt and abhor ?

After this reprobated author was oflF the ftage, a new
fet of antagonills appeared againft Common Senfe ? but
inRead of publilhing the firfl edition of pamphlets, they
chofe to appear in the newfpapers. The propriety of this
1 beg leave. to exaaiine. Much has been faid about the
liberty of the prefs ; fuller me to fay a few words for the
liberty of readers. When a pamphlet is publifhed and
fold, nobody is wronged. When the anfwer to it is pub-
liflied and fold, the thing is quite fair. The winters and
their caufe will undergo an impartial trial ; but when the
anfwering one pamphlet by another, has fo fltamefuUy
failed, to undertake the fame thing by various detached
pieces in the newfpapers, is cramming the fenfe or non-
lenfe of thefe authors down our throats, whether we will
or not. I pay for your newfpaper, and for two more,
and frequently read others befides. Now, if I pay for
news, mull my paper be ftufFed with differtations, and
niuft I read them four or five times over ? I do declare,
that I have paid, and am to pay, three times for the molt
part of Gate's letters, and if they were to be publiihed in

Arlstides. 317

a pamphlet, I would not give a rufli for them all together.
But it will be faid, the cuftom is old and univerfal, to write
diflertations in newfpapers. I anfwcr, it is both old, uni-
verfal and ufeful, when under proper direction ; but it
may be abufed. It is the right of every publiftier of a
newfpaper, to infert in it upon his own judgment and
choice, when news are fcarce, whatever he thinks will re-
commend his paper to his readers. In this view, an able
writer is a treafure to a publifher of any periodical paper,
and ought certainly to be paid liberally, either in money
or thanks, or both ; and therefore. Sir, if you have paid
for, or even folicited from the author, the papers you have
publiflied, you are wholly acquitted of blame, further than
ibmetimes a millaken choice ; but if on the contrary, which
I firongly fufpefl:, j'ou and others are paid for inferting
political pieces, I affirm, you take nioney to deceive your
readers.

As the fubjeft is of fome importance, efpecially at this
time, I lliall take the liberty of Hating the obje£lions I
have againft the praftice, as above defcribed, leaving you
to Ihape your future courfe as you think proper, and de-
termining to ufe my prerogative of taking or giving up
your paper as it feems to deferve. In the firft place, if
you admit pieces into your paper for pay, I prefume from
the nature of all mankind, that thofe who pay bell, will
have the preference. Then fliall we have a new ftandard
of literary merit ; and a man who is able and willing to
refute pernicious principles, or to deteft the falfehood of
impudent affertions, may yet be too poor to obtain a place
where only it can be done to any good purpoies. The
moment it is in the power of peribns unknown, to conduct
or bias the public channels of intelligence, both the people
in general, and particular peribns, may be deceived and
abufed in the groilefl; manner. It is fcarce worth while
when things of fo much greater moment are to be added,
yet I will jull mention, that you force nonfenfe upon us
which could not make its appearance in any other mode
of publication. Pray Sir, how much copy money would
you have given for a pamphlet in which you had found
that ridiculous pun upon Mount Seir, which is to be ieeii

3 1 8 Anstides.

in one of Cato's letters, and the wretched parody upon
Hamlet's foliloquy ? Parody in general, is one of the loweit
kind of writing that has yet found a name ; and that poor
fpeech has been repeated, imitated and mangled fo often,
that it mufl excite difguft in every perfon who has any ac^
quaintance with newfpapers and pamphlets to fee it again.
I could eallly mention twenty different ways, in which I
have feen that fpeech parodied. To fpeak, or not to fpeak,
that is the queflion — To fight, or not to fight, that is the
quefiion — ■To wed, or not to wed, that is the qiiefiion — To
drink, or not to drink, that is the queftion, &c. 8cc. &.c.
Is this then a time for filling the newfpapers with fuch
egregious trifling ?

BrJ: this is not all ; I could mention a cafe that happen-
ed a few years ago in New York. A gentleman had pub-
iifhed a final} piece by itfelf, and put his own name and
defcription on the title page ; he was immediately attack-
ed in the moft virulent and unmannerly ftile, by anono-
nious writers in the newfpapers, and it was v/ith the ut-
moft difiiculty, that even for pay itfelf, his friends could
get a few words inferted by way of reply. This pra£tice
indeed, is liable to the highefi: degree of corruption. Whe-
ther are we to fuppofe it was pay or profanenefs, that in-
troduced into the paper printed by the infamous R ,

pieces containing the groffed obfcenity, and which ought
to have been punifhed by the magillrates of the place, as a
public nuifance ? It is alfo generally believed of that
printer, that he encouraged or hired worthlefs perfons to
publifli afperfions agalnll a gentleman in the neighbour-
hood, of good eftate, but of no great judgment, that he
might fqueeze money out of him for the libert)' of contra-
dicting them. I do not fay that things are come this
length with you ; but the practice leads to it, and there-
fore fliould be early and vigoroufly oppofed.

For the above reafons, caution is to be ufed in admit-
ting efiays into the newfpapers at any rate, or fuffering a
controverfy in which people are greatly interefted, to be
agitated there at all. The writers are very apt to become
perfonal and abufive, and to forget the fubjeft by refuting
or expoung every thing that has been thrown out by their

Jurist ides. 319

antagoiilfts. Certainly however, tliey ought to confine
themfelves to the pieces that have been originally publifli-
ed in the newfpapers, and are ilippofed to have been read
by the fame peri'ons who read the anfwers. To anlwer a
whole book by a feries of letters in the newfpapers, is like
attacking a man behind his back, antl fpeaking to his pre-
judice before perfons who never faw nor heard him, nor
are ever likely ib to do. Common Senfe has been read
by many, j^et the newfpapers are read by many more ;
and therefore I aflirm, that permitting his adverfarics to
attack him there, is giving them an undue advantage oi'er
him, and laying the public at the mercy of thofe who will
not Hick to affert any thing whatever, in fupport of a bad
caufe.

Let no body fay I am writing againft the freedom of
the prefs. I defire that it fliould be perfeftly free from
every bias ; but I would have all writings of confequence
upon fuch a caufe as this, publifhed by themfelves, that
they may ftand or fall by their own merit, and the judg-
ment of the public. How do you diink Sir, the letter of
the com7?ion man publillied in your paper, fometime ago,
would do if lengthened out a little, and printed in a pam-
phlet? Under a thin and filly pretence of impartiality, he
takes upon him to tell us what a number of things muft
be all previoufly fettled, before we proceed to fix upon a
regular plan of government ; fuch as what price we mull
expeft for our produce at this and the other nation and
port. Shall we call this reafoning ? Are our underlland-
ings to be infulted ? If all or any fuch things mull be pre-
vioufly fettled, any man of common invention may enu-
merate fifty thoufand perfectly llmilar, which v.'ill never
be fettled by previous computation to the end of the world,
but will fpeedily fettle themfelves by common intereft,
when a trade is open, and the common man fliall never
know any thing of the matter.

But what I chiefly complain of, is the tedious, tritlin.':,
indecent altercation, occafioned by handling this fabjeil in
the newfpapers. It certainly requires a fpeedy decinon,
as well as mature deliberation ; yet mud we wait till Cato
and oilier writers have exhaufted thi:ir invention in the

320 ArhtldeS.

newfpapers, from week to week, guefled at one ano-
ther's perfons, and triumphantly expreffed their difdain at
eax:h others fentiments or Itilc. If Cato's letters had been
a pamphlet, I could have read all that he has faid in an
liour, and all the reafoning part by itfelf, in the fourth part
of the time ; yet after eight letters, muft we wait fome
weeks more, for it would be indecent to proceed to action
before he has done fpeaking. But after all, the worll of
it is, that in this way of letter and anfwer, we never come
to the argument at all. If I miftake not, the points to be
difcuffed are very plain and not numerous, and yet wholly
untouched, at leail by Cato, though h6 has been repeatedly
called upon by his adverfaries. For example — Is there
a probable profpe£t of reconciliation on conftitutional -
principles ? What are thefe conftitutional principles ?
Will any body fliew that Great Britain can be fuffi-
ciently fare of our dependance, and yet we fure of
our liberties ? A treatife upon this laft fubjeft vi/ould be
highly acceptable to me, and if well executed, ufeful to
all. I fliall add but one queftion more. Will the coun-
try be as orderly and happy, and our efforts for refiftance
as effedlual, by the prefent loofe and temporary proceed-
ings, as when the whole are united by a firm confede-
racy, and their exertions concentrated like the ftrength of
a fingle itate ? I am greatly miftaken if thefe points ought ,
not to be the hinge of the controverly, and yet if they have
been examined fully, or the greateft part of them even
touched upon by Cato or his coadjutors, I have read their
works with very little attention.

Now, Sir, this paper goes to you, that if you pleafe you
may infert it, but neither money nor promife of good deed
to make way for it, fo that its fate is wholly uncertain.

I remain Sir,

Your's, &c.

ARISTIDES.

[ 321 ]

90ai ooM'oceo COM osoo 0000 oooO MOO cooo oooa CMS oooo ooeo sobc J oaoo cooo dMo oooo cooa moo oc30 cooc oooo tooo ezcis
V'lOi oooo 0000 ocyi oom moc Qooo qox c^eo Mro cooo rcao oooo oooo ; ccoo oooa oooo dom oooo o*oo xoo ocoo oooo oooo coco

HUMBLE SUPPLICATION

To such of the ISobllity and Gentry of Scotland as aj-e
Elders of the Church, and Me7nbers of the General
Assembly.

MUCH HONORED,

You will furely be fenfible that it muft have been a
very urgent neceffity that has compelled a man of
my flation and profeffion to become an author ; efpecially
when I addrefs myfelf to you, whofe circumftances fet you
at fo great a diftance from me, and may, without that
candor and condefcenfion on your part, provoke you to
contemn that advice which is offered voluntarily, and
from fuch a hand. And indeed there is nothing of which
I am more firmly perfuaded, than that the affairs of the
church of Scotland are drawing fall towards a crifis, and
that a little time will determine whether fhe will fink or
fwim. This view of things cannot fail to conflrain every
one who hath any regard to her profperity and welfare,
of which number I hope I fliall always he, fo long as I
draw breath, to exert himfelf to the utmoft for her fup-
port ; and alfo to fpread the alarm, and call on others to
aflift, who have more ability and opportunity to be ufeful.
On this occafion, I am emboldened to addrefs myfelf to
you, not only as by your quality and ftation, you are able to

S s

322 To the Elders of the

contribute much to a change of the meafures that have
lately prevailed, but as your office of elders in the church,
may be prefumed to incline you to be ready and aftive
for her prol'pcrity and fupport. I intended once to have
ftyled you brethren, becaufe I alfo was an elder, but was
afraid of giving offence by too forward anu .liTuniing an
introduflion ; however, 1 ftill hope for fome regard in
confequence of this relation, becaufe I have ever o^ferv-
ed that a llkenefs of character, a participation of the fame
office, or indeed a likenefs in almofl: any confiderable cir-
cumfiance, creates a kind of connexion, and produces a
fympathy or fellow-feeling between the very highefl and
lowelt that fall under the fame denomination. The in-
habitants of the fame city, though very different in their fta-
tions, reckon thernfelves interefled in one another. Thofe
of the fame corporation are flill n:iore clofely connefted.
And there is a certain fociety comprehending perfons of
very diftant charafters in other refpeQs, who are faid to
have an extraordinary tendernefs for each others concerns.
The fociety I mean is that of free-mafons ; for I am told
a free-mafon, though a king, will fliow a very great affec-
tion for a brother, although a beggar, or at lead the next
thuigto it, if there be no real beggars in that community.

It is not without a very important defign that I have
mentioned this ; for I have obferved fome of late have en-'
deavored to fkte a diftintlion, or perhaps I may call it to
fow iedition, between the great elders of our church and
the fmaller. Many who are not wanting in an humble,
if not fervile refpeft to the elders that furround the com-
miffioners throne in the affembly-houfe, make it their
bufinefs to throw all the blame of the confufion that at-
tends the fettlement of any parifh, upon the elders of
lower rank, whom I may call (in allufion to the fimili-
tude of free mafons) the operative members of the fame
fociety. It is time, therefore, for us to fpeak for our-
felves, and particularly to thofe from whom becaufe of
our relation to them, of which I again boaft, we may con-
fidently ex peel a fail* and impartial hearing.

One other ground of encouragement I have in niy pre-
fent reprefentation, viz. that many or moft of our honorable

f Cbitrch of Scotland. 323

elders are bred to the law. Now, I find in the hidory of the
gofpel, that it was a lawyer that took care of the body of
our blefied Saviour, after it was crucified at the inftiga-
tion of the priefts. This is a paflage recorded by all the
four evangeliils ; and I hope one efiecl of its having a
place in the bible, will be the ftirring up fuch of our law-
yers as have a fliare in the management of public affkiis,
to refcue the church, which is Chrifi's myftical body, from
the tyrannical impofitions of churchmen in power.

I have been confidering with myfelf, -whether I oii'zht
not to endeavor to raife my ftyle a little, when fpeaking
to your honors, above what was either neceflary or proper
when fpeaking to thofe of a lower rankand weaker capacity.
But upon mature deliberation, I ani refolved to continue
in my old plain way, becaufe it is probable I fliall acquit
myfelf better in that than in any otlier. I have often ob-
ferved, that when a countryman is called, upon bufinefs,
to fpeak to thofe of high rank, if he behaves in a quiet way,
makes as few motions as pofiible, and fpeaks with fimjjli-
city, he pafles very well ; but if he begins to fcrape widi
his right foot, and to imitate the manners of his betters,
he expofes himfelfto their derifion. Should it happen
that fuch a man, upon his going out, hears a great loud
laugh in tlie company he hath lefr, it is my opinion he
ought to conclude they are making a jeft of his ridiculous
behavior ; and if he were permitted to retiu-n back, it is
probable he would find one or two in the middle of the
room mimicking his geftures for the entertainment of the
rcfl; : for there is not a more refined pleafure to thofe in
high life (efpecially the ladies) than aping and deriding
the manners of their inferiors. Nay, the fame difpo-
fition is to be found in all ranks towards fuch as
are below them. Even we tradefmen and merchants
have learned to fpeak ^ith contempt of a low-lived
fellow, by which we mean one in lower life than our
0wn. This hath determined me (as I fiiid) to aim at
nothing but plainnefs of fpeaking. And it is very poffi-
ble it may happen in this, as in my former treatile, that
to fome I fhall be found more 'plain than pleafant.

The firfl: point I am to apply to you upon, to which I
humbly intreat your ferious attention, is the manner of

324 Td) the Elders of the

making fettlements of minifters in the feveral pariflies
throughout this church. It is not unknown to you, that
this truth caufed a great deal of confufion in feveral cor-
ners of the country ; that a great part of the people have,
on that very account, feparated from the eftablifhed
church ; and many more have fallen into an indifFcrence
about religion, and given over attendance upon public
inftrudtion altogether. Now there are fome things upon
this fubjeft that I inuft needs take for granted ; becaufe \
cannot find any thing more evidently true than they are
in themfelvesby which I might prove them; fuch as that the
inftruiStion of a nation in religion, is a matter of very great
importance, and that you all believe it to be fo ; that
there is no ground to hope that people will receive benefit
by the inftruftions of thofe wl:om they hate and abhor,
and that it is impoflible they can receive benefit from
thofe infiruftions which they will not hear. There
is one thing more, which to me appears as evident as any
of them, that no compulfion ought to be ufed toponflrain
men's choice in matters of religion. From thefe 1 think
it plainly follows, that violent fettlements, that is to fay,
giving a man a llipend, with a charge to inftruft and go-
vern the people within a certain diftrift, the whole of
which people do abfolutely refufe to fubjeft themfelves to
his miniftry, are, to fay the leaft, abfolutely unprofitable,
and the money that is bellowed upon the perfon fo fettled,
is wholly thrown away.

There are not a few in whofe hearing if I Ihould es-
prefs myfelf as abpve, they would immediately reply. All
this is very true, and we are forry for it ; but ss the law
now (lands with regard to patronages, how can it he help-
ed ? Now, though I am far from being of thefe gentle-
men's opinions, that this matter might not be made much
better even as the law now fl:ands, if the church were fo
difpofed as I hope fliortly to fliow, yet I will fuppofe it
for a little, and make a few reflefitions upon the condu£t
of many in that fuppofed fituation.

And firfi, they muft forgive me if I fay that I can by
no means believe the hardlliip of the law of patronage lies
veryheavyupon their fpirits.or atleaft if it does they fupport
themfelves imder it with furprifing firmnefs, and difcovcr

Church of Scotland. 325

not the lead outward fign of uneafinefs. Are they ever
heard to complain of it, iinlefs in a conflrained manner,
when others mention it before them ? Do tliey not Ihew
all vvillingnefs to appoint fuch fettlements — to enforce
them, to defend them ? Do xhey in the lead difcounte-
nance fuch probationers as accept of prefentures uncon-
ditionally, although it cannot be pretended that the law-
obliges any man to this ? On the contrary, are not theie
the men whom they love and delight in, whofe charatlers
they celebrate for knowledge and underltanding, and for
difmterefted virtue,

I do confefs then I am apt to doubt the fincerity of thofe
gentlemen, when they profefs their forrow for the hard-
fhips they are under by the patronage a6l ; becaufe fome
apparent tokens of their concern might have been expect-
ed, and are no where to be feen. But alas ! why am I
exprelHng my fufpicions what is our fituation ? things
are changing fo fall, that it isimpolTible to write even fuch
a book as this with propriety, and fuited to the times ; for
even fmce I wrote the above paragraph I have received
information from Edinburgh, which if it had come before
it was written, would have prevented the writing of it ;
and even, if not for mangling my own book, I would yet
expunge it, I am aflured, that laft May it was openly
profefTed by fome in the afl'embly, that prefentures were
of all others, the belt way of fettling preachers ; and
that it was the proto pseuclon of men of my principles to
imagine otherwife. This proto pseudon is a phrafe which
I do not underrtand, and therefore muft let it alone. It
may be a phrafe of fome of the learned languages, and it
may be of no language at all. However, I have recorded
it with great fidelity, as I am informed the gentleman
pronounced it. And whatever is its particular fignifica-
tion, I fuppofe its general meaning is, that patronages
are no grievance, but a blefling. As therefore, it is pro-
bable that your lordlhips and honors have this many times
affirmed to you, it is neceffary that I ftiould firft attempt
to prove what I thought had' been felf-evident, that we
are in a bad fituation, before I crave your afGftance for
our relief. — — — —

[ 327 ]

0CO3 oooo cooc 0000 coco oooa ooeo oow oooo t oooo vooo oooo oooo ccM oeoo eo>:a oow coco tooo com ooga
a com coco moo oooa oooo bo» oooo cooa oooa ; ooeo oooo sooo oeoo oooo cooo oooo OM^ oeoo ecoc oooo tcM

SPEECH

IN THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY,

On the Transportation of Dr. Cr

Moderator,

AS it is ufual for people to differ almoft upon every
fubjeft, I am not furprifed that there fliould be fome
in this Affembly, who are for appointing, that this tranfpor-
tation fliall take place; but I apprehend it is really ground
of furprife, to fee the way in which they urge their opi-
nion ; they do not fpeak as if they were weighing and de-
liberating upon the caufe, that they might be able to give a
juft determination ; they do not fpeak as if clearly fatisfied
themfelves ; or as if they defired to convince others, and
bring them over to their own opinion ; but they fpeak in
overbearing manner, and prefs the conclufion with a
vifible difpleafure at the time fpent upon it, and impa-
tience that any body fhould differ from, or contradift
them. But as pofitivenefs is feldom any ilrong prefump-
tion of a good caufe, fo I think it is very much mifplaced
here ; and as the quiet and comfort of a hrge parilh imme- .
diately, and the whole country fide more remotely, depends.

328 On the TratispoHation

upon our decifion, I hope the aflembly will not give it, till
after mature deliberation and with realimpartiality.

The firfi; thing, no doubt, to be confidered, is, whether
the commillion have exceeded their powers, that we may
fee whether we have room at all for the other queftion,
about the expediency of this tranfportation ; and after
reading the words of the affembly's remit, I cannot
help being of opinion, with the great majority of the
members of Preftytery, that the commifTion had no
power to determine this caufe. Is it not plain that this
is not the caufe which was before the laft affembly ? And
is it not confefled on all hands, that the commiffion had no
title to take in any caufes, but fuch as were remitted to
them ? Is it not plain, that the words in any after quef-
tion relating to this fettlement, are not to be fotlnd in it ?
It is alfo proper to obferve, from the almoft confiant ufe
of thefe words in the remits of the affembly, that they do
not fuppofe that a queflion relating to the fame fettlement
with another, makes it the fame caufe. The anfvver made
to this is, that it was a miftake or omiffion in the clerk of
the aflembly. Admitting, Sir, that this had been the cafe,
it would be extremely wrong and dangerous, to approve
the commiffion in paying no regard to that legal defeft,
but taking in the caufe. For the affembly itfelf to make
free with, and defpife ellablilhed forms of procedure, is of
the very woril confequence- I have heard fome honorable
members, eminently {killed in the law, affirm, that for a
court to defpife even its own forms, is to make way for the
admiffion of many inftances^f great and real injuftice.
But for the commiffion, which is a delegated court, fo far to
come over form, as to take in a caufe not remitted to them^
is a bold tranfgrelTion with a witnefs ; and if allowed, mull
be attended with confequences, which it is impofflble to
forefee, but can fcarce be imagined worfe, than they really
will be in effeft.

But Sir, why fhould any fay this was either an omiffion
in the clerks, or an overfight in the laft affembly. 1 am
fure for my part, I think they would have done wrong,
had they done it in any other way. What is the rea-
fon of this claufe, (or any after queftion) when it is inferted.

of Dt\ C— — — . 329

Ii is after tlie part of the caufe is decided, to prevent coiiteu-
lious people to protrafl: a fettLemeut, b}'foolilli and frivolous
appeals upon every little interlocutor or refolution of a
])rt{1)_vtery, in carr}'ing it into execution. But in this
cafe, neither all the parties, nor the prhicipal part of the
caufe itfelf, was before the aflembly at all ; and I dare fay,
we may all remember to have heard it oiven as the
opinion of the moil judicious members of this church, that
it is a very wrong meafure to refer any caufe of moment
to the commiflion that hath not been in a good meafure
heard and underllood, by the aflembly itfelf. Moderator,
I beg leave further to fay, that I hope this affembly will not
authorife the commiflion in making a long arm, to take in
caufes without fufiicient powers, becaufe the commiffion is
ceruinlythip moll unhappily conftituted court of any in this
church. I fay this without intending, and I hope without
giving offence to any body ; for fuppofmg human nature
in us to be juft what it is in odier people, the members
of the commiffion being fo numerous, and fpread over all
Scotland, few of them attend voluntarily, and it is the ea-
Jlefl thing in the world for interefted perfons to bring up
a number of a particular way of thinking, and they may
carry any caufe whatever.

Thus, Sir, it aj)pears that the fentence of the com-
miflion ha£ plainly exceeded their powers in fome
meafure, even by the confefllon of the friends of this
tranfportation. Let us confider it a litde in itfelf, and
fee if it is like to be fo great a benefit, or fo great an
lionor to this church, as that we fliould either forgive the
commifl^ion tlie incroachment they have been guilty of, or
fliould now do ourfelves, what they have formerly done
in a precipitate and irregular manner. Upon this branch
of the fubjeft, I am very much at a lofs, not wdiat to fay,
if every thing were to be brought out that might be urged
againil it, but to bring the argument within fome compafs,
and chiefly indeed to difcover fome hope of fuccefs by rea-
Ibning from fome common principles, on which we fliall
generally agree.

Moderator, I take this opportunity of declaring before
this afiemblv, that I have always had the deepeft fenfe of

330 On the Transportation

the difiionor and lofs of authority which this church has
fufFered, and what indeed is infinitely more, the injury
which the fouls of men have fuffered, by many fettle-
ments in which we have ordained a pallor vvithout a
people ; at the fame time, I am fenfible that many worthy
men and faithful minifters, look upon themfelves as un-
der a neceffity in fome fuch cafes from the law of patron-
age ; and I am afraid many from a habit of doing this
where there is neceffity, are unwilling to come out of the
fame traft, and continue to do it, when there is no ne-
ceffity at all.

Moderator, I defire it may be obferved that I do not be-
lieve, and I know nobody fo foolifii as to believe, what is
commonly imputed to us ; that any Chridian, as fuch, has
a right to call a minifter on an eftablifliment ; we know
that nobody has any right to call a minifter on an eftablifli-
ment, excepting thofe to whom the law gives it ; neither
would I contend that every man ought to have a right,
though we bad it in our power, to make laws upon that
fubjeft fince this feeming equality would be a vile inequa-
lity. But, Sir, I would choofe to form my judgment
upon a few principles, in which I would think, hardly
any in this affembly would difagree. Has not every man
a natural right, well fecured to him in this happy ifland,
to judge for himfelf in matters of religion, and in faft to
adhere to any minifter he pleafes ? Is not the legal ftipend
intended to provide a fufficient and ufeful paftor to the
people within the bounds of a certain parifli ? Can he be
of much fervice to them, if he be upon ill terms with them ;
or can he do them any at all, if they v/ill not hear him ?
Does any body defire to compel them by penal or eccle-
fiaftical laws to hear him ; or would fuch forced religion
be of any worth ? Is not then the legal encouragement
unhappily loft and mifapplied by fomebody's fault, when
a minifter is fettled to whom nobody will adhere ? Now,
Sir, the inference that I would draw from thefe princi-
ples is no more than this, that decency and our indifpen-
fible duty as a church court, requires us to make no fuch
fettlements but with regret, and never without a real ne-
ceffity ; and the caufs we have now before us, is one in

of Dr. C . 331

which no fuch necelTity exifls. It is a tranfportat'on, Sir,
the expediency of which we are to judge of, and the perfon
concerned is not only bound in duty, but can be eafily
compelled by law, to fubmit to our decifion. The great
argument that always has been ufed agalnft this or the
like reaibning, has been brought out in this caufe, that the
people were unreafonable and prejudiced, and have been
ftirred up by evil-minded perfons. This argument. Sir,
is fo old and Hale, that I am furprifed people are not
afliamed of it, and that the ingenuity of the lawyers has
not been able to invent another, that fliall have the ad-
vantage of being new. How often have we henrd from
this bar, this parilh would have been agreeably and peace-
ably fettled, but very early a combination was formed —
This is all in all, the reft follows of courfe. I am perfuad-
ed, Sir, from the certain knowledge of many particular
inftanccs, in which this was alleged, that in nine cafes of
ten the allegation is falfe. One perfon in a parilh or
country fide may be aflive, and it may be faid with plaufi-
bility, that he is the main fpring of the oppofition. Sir, it
is very eafy to lead a people according to their own in-
clit^ations ; but it is not fo eafy as many feem to fuppofe,
to change their inclinations and dii eel their choice. In
the mean time, it is always forgotten that the argument is
founded not upon the caufe or occafion, but upon the re-
ality of the averfion of the people to the miniiler.

Moderator, an argument that is made ufe of to perfuade
us to order this tranfportation, is, that if it fliould be re-
fufed, it would encourage the people to refift in other cafes.
I am afraid, Sir, that the tame fubmiffion which indeed is
faft approaching, and which many feem fo ardently to de-
fire, can never take place, till there is a total indifference
about religion among all the members of the eftabliflied
church ; take our neighbor country of England, as an ex-
ample of that defirable peace. 13 ut if this argument be
laid as it ought to be, that people fliould not be headilrong
and unr»afonable, it operates plainly the contrary way ;
for there is nothing whatever that would give us fo much
weight and influence with the people, as that we fhow a
proper tendernefs to them, as we have opportunity. If

33 i On the Transportatwi

we do not opprefs them, when we have it in our power ta
relieve them, we may expedt to have fome influence over
them, when we are ftraitened and diftreli: ourfelves.

Befides, Sir, on this fubjeiEl of the prejudices of the peo-
ple, this pretence is carried a moft unreafonable and ex-
travagant length, and nothing But the prejudice in them-
felves, could make inen fpeak in fuchaftile. Many will
needs liave it to be prejudice and groundlefs prejudice in
a people, if they do not fall in with a man to be their mi-
nifier, agalnfi; whofe life and do£lrine they cannot bring
any legal objection. Alas, Sir, all fuch things are matters
of ele^ion and choice, and not of legal proof. In illuRra-
tion of the people's cafe, there is a very good example giv-
en, that a riian would have jud caufe of complaint if you
ihpuld force a phyfician upon him of whofe flcill he had no
opinion, though he could not prove him infufficient before
the faculty.

But, Sir, as it would be v.7rong to attribute oppofition tq
a minifter's fettlement in all cafes to groundlefs prejudice,
I am forry to fay it, but I am obliged in juftice to fay it, we
have very little reafon to do fo in the prefent cafe. Even
in the cafe of a probationer, when he abfolutely adheres
to a prefentation, notwithftariding the greateft oppofition
from the people, it is but a forry mark of love to fouls,
and of that felf-denial v/hich every Chriftian fliould con-
tinually maintain. Many things however may be faid in
i'avor of a probationer ; yet, Sir, for a fettled minider not
only to act this part, but to excel all that eyer v^ere before
him in a bold and irifolent contempt of the people, as

plainly appears to be Dr. C ; 's cafe, is fuch a con-

du6l, that I fliall have a worle opinion of this affembly
than I have at prefent, if they do not openly exprefs their
indignation at fuch indecency of behaviour. In the hif-
tory of the church we find no charafter more odious, or
jnore unclerical if I may fpeak fo, than ambition and open
folicitation of ecclefiaflical preferment. Little changes in
forms, Sir, do often produce at laft great changes m man-
ners and characters. In former times in our church, the
brobationer or minifler himfel'f, was never confidered as a
party, but was confidered as the fubjeft concerning which

of Br. C ■. 333

that procefs was carried on by the callers or referrees ;
but now they have been for fome time pafl, confidered as
p'.rcies — they begin to allov/ the caufe to appear at the
bar — to urge their claim — to confider the people who are
to be their charge as their adverfaries, and to treat them
with contempt and difdain.

I confefa, Sir, 1 am not able to imagine what are the
views of a minliler who aflis in this manner. It is not I
fear eafy to anfwer, that he refolves to change his fituation,
and take upon him tliat office from fincere regard to the
glory of God and love to fouls, which he muil profcfs at
his admiffion. But as we mufl be tender and cautious in
judging of the inward motives of others,! fhall leave that
to him who judgeth the fecrets of all hearts ; but in the
mean time, every one in this houfe is nov/ called to judge
whether it would be for the glory of God, and the good of
mankind, to fuifer him to execute his intention. Let it
be confidei-ed with ferioufnefs. Moderator, it is not only
the people of the pariih, or thofe of lower rank, but many
of all Nations whom v.'e fliall offend, in the proper fenfe of
the word, if we order this fettlement. They are led by fuch
things to treat, and they often do treat with derifion, a mi-
niiler's concern for his ufefulnefs, and affirm that it is no
more than a defire of a comfortable benefice and falary
for life. I fhall be forry to fee the day, when by refembling
them in their praftice, we fliall learn from England to
leave the people and the work altogether out of the aft,
and fo call our charges no more parishes^ but livings.

C 335 ]

MOO 000" e»« ooao tooo tom cow eaoo oqo» oooa oooo oooo eooo 'ooo coco tooo oooo oooo ooo» ■Joo 00^5 own o;cc =>
ucoeeo coso oooc eco* eooe oooo moo ocoe cooo oooo oooo oooo oooo eoo-soooo 00030003.0093 ocoeocoa o«» o*» 3

ON THE

AFFAIRS

OF THE

UNITED STATES.

Tusciilum, near Princeton, March 20, 1780.
Dear Sir,

I HAVE received a letter from you, dated June ir,
1778, a few days after 1 had written to you a long
letter of the date September 2 1 , that year. The defign of it
was to defire me to enquire after, and endeavor to pro-
cure the enlargement of one Alexander Mairhead, fuppo-
fed to be carried into Bofton. I immediately wrote to
Bofton myfclf, and caufed one of the delegates of that ftate
alio to write ; but we could hear nothing of him, fo that
probably he was not carried into that place.

Your favor of March 19, 1779, acknowledging the re-
ceipt of mine of the 2ifl: of September preceding, I re-
ceived in the month of Auguft lafl year. I am to blame
in not anfwering it fooner ; but I had no inclination to
fend an open letter through the Englifli ports, and any
proper opportunity of fending it another way feldom oc-
curs. -'This goes by a gentleman who means to get to
Europe upon bufmefs, and has promifed to t^ke particular

33 S On the Affairs of

care of it ; fo that I mean to embrace the opportunity of
writing to you and feme others of my friends; I am
obliged to you for your particular private home news
about Glafgow, and would be glad of the continuance of
fuch intelligence, and the more fo if you would take in
Paifley alfo. '

I have been, fince I wrote you laft, in general in good
health, and indeed' am^ at prefent in better health than I
have l^een fince I had the lad fit. Excepting thel'e fits,
and the weaknefs that follovv^ed upon them, my health
has been good ever fince I came to America ; and that
\ve?iknels has been chiefly a fvvimming in my head, and
fear and uncertainty when I went to make a long dif-
courfe iii ptiblic. It was the opinion of Dr. Rufli, that
thefe fits were fomething of the apopleftic kind. It is re-
markable that for thefe twelve months pafl: I have had
almoft conftantly a fucceffion of pimples or rather fmall
biles or blotclies about the temples within the hair and
fometimes on the forehead ; fince which time I have been
fenfibly better, and freer from the other complaint.

I have now left congrefs, not being able tofupport the
expence of attending it, with the frequent journeys to
Princeton, and being determined to give particular atten-
tion to the revival of the college. Profcfibr Houfton,
however, our profellor of mathematics, is a delegate this
year ; but he tells me he will certainly leave it next No-
vember. I mention this circumftance to confirm what I
believe I wrote you formerly, that the members of con-
grefs in general, not only receive no profit from that of-
fice, but I believe five out of fix of them, if not more, are
great lofers in their private affairs. This cannot be other-
wife; for as none of the delegates are allowed tohave any lu-
crative oflice whatever, either in their own fiateor for the
United States, though their expencesfliould be fully borne,
their time is taken up, and their own private efiates are
negleiSted. At the end of the year 1778, I gave notice to
our legiflature that they mufl: either not chufe me at all, or
leave me at full liberty to attend only when I could con-
veniently. They chofe me however, and I made a good
deal of ufe of that liberty in the year 1779 ; and this year

the United States. 357

all the delegates were changed but one, who had only
been in one year, and who has not a iioui'e to go home to,
his eilate, behig in the neighborhood of New-York.

My family are all well fo far as I know. The trufiees
of the college have laft September chofe my fon-in-law,
Mr. Smitli, profeflbr of moral philofophy. He came to
Princeton with his family in December. To him I gave
up my houfe at college, and devolved upon him the whole
biifmefs of boarding young gentlemen, and retired to my
houfe in the country, at the dillance of one mile, and in
full ilg-ht of Princeton. This I have had in view for

foine years, and intend to fpend the remainder of my
life if poflible in ot'io cum dignitate. You know I vras
always fond of being a fcientihc farmer. That diipofition
has not loft but gathered ftrength, fince my being in Ame-
rica. In this refpe£l I got a dreadful ftroke indeed from
the Englifli when they were here, they having feized and
nioftly deftroyed my whole ftock, and committed fuch
ravages that we are not yet fully recovered Ironi it.
My (now) eldell fon failed in O6tober lall for France,
with Mr. Girard and Mr. Jay, late prefident of congrefs.
He is to purchafe a few medicines and inftruments in
Europe, and return to profecute his bufmefs as a phyfi-
cian. My other fon was fludying law ; but for the
mean while, is private fecretary to the prefent prefi-
dent of Congrefs, and my youngeft daughter is at home.
As to public affairs, it feems to be yet uncertain whe-
ther we fliall have peace foon. Greatly do I and many
others in America defire it ; and yet, were our condition
ten times worfe than it is, nothing fliort of the clear inde-
pendence of this country would he accepted. I obferve,
by your letter of the 19th of March laft year, that you had
a high opinion of your fucceffes at St. Lucia, in Georgia,
and againft the Ftench trade. I believe before the end of
the campaign, there was little reafon to boaft of your fuc-
cefs upon the whole. I mentioned to you in my laft how
obftinately the court of England continued in erroneous
opinions refpedling America ; and now I think that ob-
llinacy has become incurable. It is plain that they ftill

^3"8 On tht Affairs of

harp upon the fame firing, that a few leading men in
congreis fiir up the people, and perfuade them to conti-
nue the conteil. Allow me to afl'ure you that this is one
of the moft abfurd and groundlefs opinions that ever was
formed. The congrefs is changing every day. There is
no inftance in the whole conteft, in which the public opi-
nion did not go before their refolutions. To go back to
the very beginning — the declaration of independence was
forced upon the majority of the then congrefs, by the
people in general ; and, in confequenee of fubfequent
eledVions, every fix months that I have been in congrefs
has weakened the jiarty that was fufpe£led of coldnefs
upon that fubje£t ; and now perhaps I may fay it is an-
nihilated.

I have read lately your parliamentary enquiry into the
caufes of yourwant of fuccefs in America-. The exami-
nation of Galloway in particular is a curiofity. I know
that he, and fuch as he, are blinded and ftupified to an
almoft incredible degree, by their prejudices ; and yet it
is hard to fuppofe that he thought as he faid in all points.
For example, when he endeavors to make it believed that
the difficulty of fupplying general Wafliington's army
arofe from the diffaffeition of the country to his caufe. I
admit that he was in the winter 1777, in a part of the
country where there are more people either cool or difaf-
fedted to the caufe of America, than in any other on the
continent ; and yet his want of fupplies did not arife from
that in the leaft degree. It arofe from the ftate of our mo-
ney. If he and his commifTaries had had as much hard
money as general Howe, he would have had all the pro-
vifions in the country laid down at his tent door.

I am not only fully fenfible, by a general knowledge of
the country in this and other flates, that the public mind
is entirely on the fide of liberty, and for the independence
of America — but I could mention a great many fadls and
circumftances as evidences of it, ftronger than could well
be imagined, and indeed which have turned out ftronger
than even my expectations. One circumftance is alone
decifive upon this fubject, which is well known to your-
felves, that the moment your army leaves any part of the

the United States. > 339

countrj', it is not only lofl; to you, but returns fo flrongly
to the intereft of congrefs, that all the perfons known to
have been attached to you are obliged to fly with terror
and confufion. But there is another rtrong circumflance,
the univerfal attachment of the people to the French alli-
ance, in vain have your partlikns endeavored to alarm
the people with the fears of popery and arbitrary power.
It makes not the leaft impreffion even upon the common
people.

Pleafe to attend to the circumftance I am going to
mention ; becaufe it furprifed myfelf when I obferved it.
There are always, you know, little feuds and contentions,
jealoufy and emulation, in every fociety and in every af-
fociation. Both in congrefs and in the country, I have
obferved that when one fet or fadlion wants to make the
other odious, they charge them with being cold to the
French alliance, and ungrateful to them for their fervices.
This to my knowledge has been the fubjeft of mutual I'e-
proaches, when I do not believe there was any truth in it
on either fide. Would you think it — fome have feriouHy
attempted to perfuade me that the New-England dele-
gates were cold to the French, and inclined to the Eng-
lifli ; to which lanfwered, that I well knew the contrary,
but that they were of an independent fpirit, and would
not eafdy fubmit to unwarrantable influence, either from
the French or the Englifli, I mention all this fingly with
this view, to Hievv you the bent and inclination of the
public mind.

I have been lately reading over governor Johnfton's
fpeech after his return, in which to my amazement he
pofitively and publicly denies his having fent any melTage
by a lady to Mr. Reed. The thing is now publicly known
and confefled. He fays they would have named the lady
if there had been an}' fuch thing. Mr. Reed forbore
naming the lady out of tendernefs to her ; but it has now

come out. It was Mrs. F , daughter of the late

Dr. G , married to Mr. F , ion of R. F ,

of . What fhould people think of perfons

of his character fo boldly and folemnly to deny a certain,
faa.

^o Oil the Affairs, £sV,

I will mention another circumilance to you. The dif-
trefs of this country by the depreciation of the money,
has been very great. Many have fuffered great loffes ;
not a few have been utterly ruined. Yet I never could
perceive that this altered the inclination of the people as
to the public caufe, in the leaih Nay, notvvithftanding
the dreadful complaints made againfi; particular clalles of
men, fuch as foreilallers and engrofl'ers, commiflaries and
quartermatlers, yet I am perfuaded that any body who
fhould but propofe to return to fubmiflion to England for
relief from their depredations, would be torn in pieces.

[ 341 ]

oc^ BK9 ooos aoco occo oooa woo ooeo MM coo» oooo oooo oooo * 3000 oo«» dooo oou com odoo cmj coon eooo eooa ooo> oco9
<»:■; oooo «» oooo »M dooo coco coca eooj oocc ooap :ooo coc J 000 o&co &:«o «» ocoo 'ioo 0:50a coco ocoo e^ct oco;' ooiA

D D R E

TO THE

Inhabitants of Jamaica, and other West-India Islands^
in behalf of the College of New-Jersey.

Gentlemen,

IT is unnecelTaiy to begin tliis addrefs by ^ labored en-
comium on learning in general, or the importance of
public feminaries for the inllruftion of youth. Their ule
in every country ; their neceffity in a new or rifing
country ; and, particularly the influence of Science, in
giving a proper direftion and full force to induftry or en-
terprize, arc indeed fo manifeft, that they are either ad-
mitted by all, or the exceptions are fo few as to be wholly
unworthy of regard.

In a more private view, the importance of education is
little lefs evident. It promotes virtue and happinefs, as
well as arts and indullry. On this, as on the former, it
is unnecefTary to enlarge ; only fuffer me to make a re-
mark, not quite fo common, that, if there is any juft com-
parifon on this fubjeft, the children of perfonsin the high-
er ranks of life, and, efpecially, of thofe who by their own
activity and diligence, rife to opulence, have of all others
the grcdtiift need of an early, prudent, and well- conducted
education. The wealth to which they are born become'
often a dangei'ous temptation, and the ftation in wh'
they enter upon life, requires fuch duties, as thofe c'

34's Address in behalf of

iineft talents can fcarcely be fuppofed capable of, unlefs
they have been improved and cultivated with the utmoft
care. Experience fhews the ufe of a liberal education in
both thele views. It is generally a prefervative from vices
of a certain clafs, by giving eafy accefs to more refined
pleafures, and infpiring the mind with an abhorrence of
low riot and contempt for brutal converfatlon. It is alfo
of acknowledged neceffity to thofe who do not wifh to live
tor themfelves alone, but would apply their talents to the
fervice of the public and the good of mankind. Education
is therefore of equal importance in order either to enjoy life
with dignity and elegance, or employ it to the benefit of
fociety, in offices of power or truft.

But leaving thefe general topics, or rather, taking it for
granted that every thing of this kind is by intelligent per-
fons, efpecially parents, both believed and felt ; I proceed
to inform the public that it is intended to folicit benefac-
tions from the wealthy and generous, in behalf of a College
of confiderable lianding, lounded at Nassau-Hall, in
Princeton, New-Jersey. In order to this it is neceffary
for me — i. To fhew the great advantage it will be to the
inhabitants of the Weft-Indies, to have it in their power
to lend their children to approved places of education on
the continent of America, inftead of being obliged to fend
them over, for the very elements of fcience, to South or
North Britain. 2. To point out the fituation and advan-
tages of the College of New-Jerfey in particular. And as
I was never a lover either of florid difcourfe, or oftenta-
tious promifes, I fhall endeavor to handle thefe two point?
with all polFible fimplicity, and with that referve and de-
cency which are fo neceffary, where comparifon in fome
refpeSls cannot be avoided.

On the firfl: of thefe points, let it be obferved,
• That places of education on the continent of America
are miich nearer to the Weft-Indies than thofe in Great-
Britain ; and yet fufficiently diftant to remove the temp-
tation of running home and lurking in idlenefs. This is
a circumftance, which, other things being fuppofed equal,
is by no means inconliderable. Parents may hear much
oFtener from and of their children, and may even vifit

the College of Nevi-Jersey. 34^

them, as is known to have been the cafe here, with no
great lofs of time for bufinefs, and to the advantage
of their own health. They may alfo much more fpeedi-
ly and certainly be informed, whether they are profiting
and have juliice done them, or not, and remove or conti-
nue them at pleafure* The diftance indeed is, if I mif-
take not, well proportioned in all refpefts. It is fuch as
to allow of the advantages jufl: now mentioned, and yet fo
great as to favor the behavior and inftrufliion of the youth.
I have obferved in the courfe of four years experience, that
thofe who came from the greateft diftance have, in gene-
ral, behaved with moll regularity. Being removed from
their relations, it becomes neceffary for them to fupport
a charadter, as they find thenifelves treated by their com-
panions, teachers, and indeed all other perfons, according
to their behavior. T'his is fo true, that if parents are
obliged to place their children out of their own families,
an hundred miles diftance is better than twenty, and fo
of every other proportion till we come to the hurtful es-
Ireme.

Let it be further obferved, that the climafeof the continent
of North-America is certainly much more healthy in itfelf,
and probably alfo more fuitedto the conftitutions of thofe
v/ho have been born in the Weft-Indies, than that of Great-
Britain. Health is the foundation of every earthly blef-
fing, and abfolutely neceffary both to the receiving in-
ftruftion in youth, and being able in riper years to apply
it to its proper ufe. Parental tendernefs will make every
one feel the importance of this to his own children. And
whether the obfervation itfelf is juft or not, I leave to be
decided by the judgment of all who have been in both
countries, and the information they will readily give to thofe
who have not.

Having touched on thefe circumftances, let us try to
make the comparifon as to the fubftance of the education
itfelf. Here, I am fenfible, it behoves me to write with
the utmoft circiunfpedion to avoid giving offence, and
that to fome this will a]>pear, at firfl fight, altogether im-
poffible. I am however not without the greateft hopes,
that I Ihall be able fully to prove the propofition I

344 Address hi behalf of

l>ave laid down, without giving any jun; grbund df
oflence to perfons of refleftion and candor. No man
can have a higher opinion of, and not many have a
more thorough acquaintance with, the means of Edu-
cation, at prefent, in Great Britain, than the author of this
addrefs, who was born in tlie neigliborhood of Edinburgh,
educated in it, and fpent the greatell part of his after-
life in conftant intercoiirfe and great intimacy with the
Members of the Univerfity of Glafgow. He therefore
fays it, both with pleafure and gratitude, that any young
gentleman, who is llriftly fober in his behavior, and who
applies with lieadinefs and difigence, has all poffible ad-
vantages, particularly in North-Britain, with which he i&
beR acquainted, for improving himfelf in clalTic literature,
in every branch of fcience, and efpecially in the jullly va-
lued, knowledge of the force and propriety of the Englifh
language, and in true tafte, including all that is ufually
comprehended under the general expreffion of the Belles
Lettres. Nay, further, he admits and affirms, that any gen^
tleman of fortune, who would give the lad and highelt po-
lilh to the education of a young man of promifing parts,
would do well to fend him, after his principles are lixed^
and his judgment a little matured, for a year or two, to
fome of the Univerfities of Great Britain. But notwith-
Handing thefe conceffions, if they may be fo called, it is
hoped It will appear, that it would be much more to the ad-
vantage of the gentlemen of the Weft-Indies to give their
children their grammar fchool and college education, at
leall to their firit degree in the arts, in an American femi-
nary, if conduced by perfons of ability and integrity,
than to fend them to Great Britain ; and that for two im-
portant reafons ; firft, the better to fecure their inftruftioni
and fecondly, for the prefervation of their morals.

1. For the greater fecurity of their inftruftion. The
colleges in Britain have b}^ no means that forcible motive
that we have, not only to teach thofe who are willing to
learri, but to iee that every one be obliged to ftudy, and
actually learn, in proportion to his capacit}^ Thefe old
foundations have flood fo many ages, have had their cha-
racter fo long eftablillied, and are indeed, fo well known

the College of Nciv-'Jersey. 345

to be filled with men of the greatefl abilit}'-, tliat they do
not fo much as feel any injury, in point of reputation,
from one or more coming out of college almoil: as ignorant
as they went in. The truth is, I do not think they ought
to lofe any charafter by it. Every one knows, that it is
owing to the idlenefs or profligacy of the boy, and not
the infuificiency of the mafler. When the numbers of one
clafs are from an hundred to an hundred and thirty, or
perhaps more, and when they do not live in College, how
is it poffible the mafler can keep them to their private flu-
dies, or even with any certainty difcern v/hether they llu-
dy diligently or not. A good profeflor is eafily and fpee-
dily dilUnguiflied by his own performances, by the efleeni,
attachment, and progrefs of the diligent, but very little, if
at all, hurt by the ignorance of the negligent. I write thefe
things to vail numbers \<\\o know them as well as I do j
and I could eafily produce gentlemen in America, who
have freely and generoufly confelTed themfelves to be un-
happy proofs of their truth. Let not any body Hiy ! refletl
upon the teachers for not ufing difcipline to oblige them to
apply. The numbers are fo great, that to try and judge
every negledt, would take more time than they have for
their whole work. To this may be added, that it may
very often happen that the perfons to whofe charge boys
in early life are fent from the Well- Indies, either are not
themfelves judges, or, from their fituation and bufinefs,
have few opportunities of knowing whether they profit or
not.

On the other hand, the young feminaries in America
have their charafter conflantly at ftake for their diligence,
as one or two untaught coming out from us afFedls us in
the mod fenfible manner. As to the College of New-
Jerfey in particular, we have feen the importance of this
in fo ftrong a light, that whereas before we had half-yearly,
we now have quarterly examinations carried on with the
utmoft firiftnefs, when all who are found deficient are de-
graded to the inferior clafs. So impartially have thefe
trials been condufted, that nothing is more ufual than for
thofe who fufpeiil themfelves, efpecially, if their relations
are near, to pretend ficknefs and avoid the examination,

346 Address in behalf of

that they may afterwards fall back without the difhonor of
a fentence. Further, all the fcholars with us, as foon as
they put on the gown, are obliged to lodge in college, and
mufi: of necefTity be in their chamber in lludy-hours : nor is
it in the leaft difficult to difcover whether they apply care-
fully or not. The teachers alfo live in college, fo that they
have every poffible advantage ; not only for affilling the
diligent, but ftimulating the flothful.

2. The fecondreafon for preferring an American edu-
cation is, that their morals may be more eftefilually pre-
ferved. This, by all virtuous and judicious parents, will
be held a point of the lall confequence. The danger
they run of contrafting vicious habits by being fent to Bri-
tain, has been often complained of, and therefore, I fup-
pofe, is matter of experience. If fo, it will not be diffi-
cult to affign the caufes of it, which may be fafely men-
tioned, becaufe they carry no imputation upon the fchools
or colleges to which they are fent. They generally are,
and are always fuppofed to be, of great wealth. The very
name of a Weft-Indian, has come to imply in it great opu-
lence. Now it is well known that, in all the great towns
in Britain, a fet of profligate boys, and fometimes artful
perfons farther advanced in life, attach themfelves to fuch
as are well fupplied with money, impofe upon their youth
and fimplicity, gratify them in every irregular defire, and
lead them both into idlenefs and vice. There are alfo in
every confiderable place in Great Britain, but efpecially
the principal cities where the colleges are fixed, a confiant
fucceffion and variety of intoxicating diverfions, fuch as
balls, concerts, plays, races, and others. Thefe, v/hatever
may be pleaded for ibme of them in a certain meafure for
thofe further advanced, every body muft acknowledge, are
highly pernicious to youth in the firfr ftages of their edu-
cation. The temptation becomes fo muK:h the flronger,
and indeed almoft irrefiftible, when an acquaintance with
thefe things is confidered as faihionable life, and neceffary
to the accompli (hment of a man of breeding. Is it to be
fuppofed that young perfons of great fortune, when they
can be immediate partakers, will wait with patience for the
proper time when they may be permitted to view with .

the College of Nevi -Jersey. 347

caution fuch fcenes of diffipation ? On the contrary it
may be expedted, that they will give into them with all
the impetuofity and railinefs of youth; and, when their
parents expedt them to return well flored with claflic learn-
ing and philofophy, they may find them only well ac-
quainted with the laws of the turf or gaming-table, and
expert in the ufe of the reigning phrafes of thofe honora-
ble arts.

What provlfion is made for preferving and improving
the morals of the fcholars with us, I leave till I come to
fpeak of the conllitution and fituation of the College of
New-Jerfey. But before I difmifs this part of the fubjedl
I mull juft repeat; that the two reafons I have given againft
a Britifh education do, and were intended only to con-
clude againft fending boys in early life. At that time
they are incapable of reaping the advantages chiefly to be
valued in a Britifli education. Thefe are not only hear-
ing and being able to judge of the public performances of
men of letters, in the pulpit, at the bar, and in parliament ;
but being introduced to the acquaintance and enjoying
the converfatlon of men of eminence. This is a favor
that would not be granted to boys, and if granted could be
of no fervice, but contributes in the highefi; degree to the
delight and inftru'flion of thofe of riper years. Experi-
ence feems greatly to confirm this, for, as many boys
have left fome of the befl fchools in Britain with little
claflic knowledge, though fupported at great expence, fo
thofe who received their firft education in this country,
and went home to finifh it, have feldom returned without
great and real improvement.

In addition to thefe arguments in behalf of American
colleges, drawn from the inflruftion and morals of the
youth who are fent to them, I cannot help mentioning
one other which muft have great weight in a view fome-
vvhat different. Thefe colleges muft neceffarily, in time,
produce a number of young men proper to undertake the
office of private tutors in gentlemen's families. There
are fome who prefer a private to a public education at any
rate, efpecially in the very firft ftages, and fome find it
neccifary, as not being able to fupport the expence of

34? Address in behalf of

fending their children fo early, and keeping them fo long
from home. Now all who know the fitiialion of things in
Britain, niuft be fenfible how difficult it is to get young
men of capacity or expe£lation, to leave their native coun-
try in order to undertake the inftruftion of gentlemen's
children. In tliis office there is little profpecl of
increafc of fortune, to balance the rifle of going to a
iiew and dangerous, or fuppofed dangerous, climate.
But thofe who are born and educated in America will
not only increafe the number of fuch teachers, but they
will have no fuch hideous apprehenfions of going to
any part of the continent or iflands. Whatever is done,
therefore, to raife and fupport proper feniinaries in Ame-
rica, will, in time, be followed by this great and general
benefit, which 1 have been alfured is very much needed
in many or moft of the Weft-India illands.

I will now proceed to fpeak a little of the Conftitutioa
and Advantages of the College of New-Jerfey in parti-
cular.

About twenty-four years ago, feveral gentlemen and
miniflers in this province, by the friendlhip and patronage
of Jonathan Belcher, Efq. then Govei'nor, obtained a,
very ample royal charter, incorporating them under the,
title of Truftees of the College of New-Jerfey ; and gi-
ving them the fame privileges and powers that are given to
the ' two Englifli Univerfities, or any other Univerfity or
' College in Great-Britain.' They, although only pof-
felTed of a naked charter, without any public encourage-
ment, immediately began the inftruftion ; and very foon
after, by their own adtivitj'- and zeal, and the benevolence
of others who had the higheft opinion of their integrity,
raifed a noble building, called Naffau-Hall, at Princeton,
New-Jerfey. This they chofe to do, though it wailed
their capital, as their great intention was to make effec-
tual provifion, not only for the careful inftru£lion, but
for the regular government of the youth. There all the
fcholars are lodged, and alfo boarded, except when they
have exprefs licenfe to board out, in the prefident's houfe
or elfewhere.

the College of New -Jersey. 349

The regular courfe of inftrufilion is in four clafTes, ex-
a<Stly after the manner and bearing the names of the clailes
in the Englifli univerfities ; Frcfliman, Sophomore, Ju-
nior and Senior. In the firft year, they read Latin and
Greek, with the Roman and Grecian antiquities, and
rhetoric. In the fecond, continuing the lludy of the lan-
guages, they learn a complete fyftem of geography, with
the ufe of the globes, the fivit principles of philofopliy,
and the elements of mathematical knowledge. The third,
though the languages are not wholly omitted, is chiefly
employed in mathematics and natural Philofophy. And
the I'enior year is employed in reading the higher claflics,
proceeding in the mathematics and natural philofophy,
and going through a courfe of moral philofophy. In addi-
tion to thefe, the Prefident gives leftures to the juniors
and feniors, which confequently every lludent hears twice
over in his courfe, firit upon chronology and hiltory, and
afterwards upon compofition and crlticifm. He has alfo
taught the French language lafl winter, and it will conti-
nue to be taught to thofe who defire to learn it.

During the whole courfe of their ftudies, the three
younger claffes, two every evening formerly, and now
three, becaufe of their increafed number, pronounce an
oration on a llage eredted for that purpofe in the hall, im-
mediately after prayers ; that they may learn, by early
habit prefence of mind and proper pronunciation and gel-
ture in public fpeaking. This excellent pradlice, which
has been kept up almoft from the firft foundation of the
College, has had the moft admirable efFefts. The fenior
fcholars, every five or fix weeks, pronounce orations of
their own compofition, to which all perfons of any note in
the neighborhood are invited or admitted.

The College is now furniflied with all the mofl impor-
tant helps to inftrudtion. The library contains a very
large colleftion of valuable books. The leffons of aftro-
nomy are given upon the orrery, lately invented and con-
liruQied by David Rittenhoufe, Efq. which is reckoned
by the beft judges the moft excellent in its kind of any
ever yet produced ; and when what is commilTioned and
now upon its way is added to what tlie College already

35-6 Address in behalf of

poflefles, tfee apparatus for mathematics and natural phi-
lofophy will be equal if not fuperior to any on the con-
tinent.

As we have never yet been obliged to omit or alter it
for want of fcholars, there is a fixed annual Commence-
ment on the laft Wednefday of September, when, after a
variety of public exercifes, always attended by a vaft
concourfe of the politeit company, from the different parts
of this province and the cities of New-York and Philadel-
phia, the lludents whofe fenior year is expiring, are ad-
mitted to the degree of Bachelors of Arts ; the Bache-
lors of three years ftanding, to the degrees of Mailers ;
and fuch other higher degrees granted as are either regu-
larly claimed, or the Truftees think fit to befiow upon"
thofe who have diftinguifhed themfelves by their literary
produftions, or their appearances in public life.

On the day preceding the Commencement laft year,
there was (and it will be continued every year hereafter)
a public exhibition, and voluntary contention for prizes,
open for every member of College. Thefe were firft,
fecond, and third prizes, on each of the following fubjefts.
I. Reading the Englilh language with propriety and
grace, and being able to anfwer all queftions on its ortho-
graphy and grammar. 2. Reading the Latin and Greek
languages in the fame manner, with particular attention
to true quantit}^ 3. Speaking Latin. 4. Latin verfions.
5. Pronouncing Engliili orations. The preference was
determined by ballot, and all prefent permitted to vote,
wlio were graduates of this or any other College.

As to the government of the college, no corre£lion by
ftripes is permitted. Such as cannot be governed by rea-
fon and the principles of honor and fliame, are reckoned
unfit for refidence in a college. The collegiate cenfures
are, i. Private admonition by the prefident, profeffor, or
tutor. 2. Before the faculty. 3. Before the whole clafs
to which the offender belongs. 4. And the laft and high-
eft, before all the members of college affembled in the
hall. And, to preferve the weight and dignity of thefe
cenfures, it has been an eftabliflied pra6tice that the laft or
higheft cenfure, viz. public admonition, fliall never be

the College of Ne'i.\) -Jersey. 351

repeated upon the fame perfon. If it has been thought
neceffary to inflict it upon any one, and if this does not
preferve him from falHng into fuch grofs irregularities a
iecond time, it is underflood that expulfion is immediate-
ly to follow.

Through the narrovvnefs of the funds, the government
and initru6lion has hitherto been carried on by a prefident
and three tutors. At lafl: commencement, the truftees
chofe a profeffor of mathematics ; and intend, as their
funds are raifed, to have a greater number of profellor-
fliips, and carry their plan to as great perfeftion as pof-
fible.

The above relates wholly to what is properly the col-
lege ; but there is alfo at the fame place, eilabliflied under
the particular direftion and patronage of the prefident, a
grammar fchool, where boys are inilrudted in the Latin
and Greek languages with the utmoit care, and on the
plan of the mofl: approved teachers in Great-Britain. It
is now fo large as to have two matters for the languages,
and one for writing and arithmetic ; and as fome are
fent with a defign only to learn the Latin, Greek, and
French languages, arithmetic, geography, and the prafti-
cal branches of the mathematics, without going through a
full college courfe, fuch fchoLirs are permitted to attend
the inftruftion of the clafFes in whatever coincides with
their plan. It is alfo now refolved, at the requeft of feve-
fal gentlemen, to have an Englifli mafter after next vaca-
tion, for teaching the Engliili language regularly and
grammatically, and for perfecting by Englifh exercifes
thofe whofe previous inllruftion may have been defeftive
or erroneous.

I have thus laid before the public a concife account of
the conftitution of the college of New-Jerfey, and muft
now earneftly recommend it to the alTidance and patron-
age of men of liberal and ingenuous minds. I am fenfi-
ble that nothing is more difficult, than to write in behalf
of what the writer himfelf has fo great a part in conduct-
ing, fo as neither to fail in doing juftice to the fubject,
nor exceed in impreper or arrogant profeffions. And
yet to employ others to write for us, who muy have

35^ Address in behalf of

ibme pretence as indifferent perfons, to embenifli our
characters, is liable to itill greater fufplcion. The very
bert fecurity one can give to the public for decency axid
truth, is to write openly in his own perlbn, that he may
be under a neceffity to anfwer for it, if it is liable to
challenge.

This is the method I have determined to follow ; and
that I may neither offend the delicacy of my friends, nof
provoke the refentment of my enemies, I will endeavor
humbly to recommend this college to the attention
and eileem of men of penetration and candor, chiefly
from fuch circumilances as have little or no relation to
the perfonal characters of thofe now employed, but are
effential to its fituation and conllitution, and therefore
mull be fuppofed to have not only the moll powerful, but
the moft lafling effect. The circumftances to which I
would intreat the attention of impartial perfons, are the
following.

I. The college of New-Jerfey is altogether indepen-
dent. It hath received no favor from government but the
charter, by the particular friendlhip of a perfon now de-
ceafed. It owes nothing but to the benefactions of a pub-
lic fo diffufive that it cannot produce particular depend-
ance, or operate by partial influence. From this circum-
llance it mult be free from two great evils, and derive
the like number of folid advantages. There is no fear of
being obliged to chufe teachers upon miniflerial recom-
mendation, or in compliance with the over-bearing weight
of family intereft. On the contrary, the truftees are na-
turally led, and in a manner forced to found their choice
upon the characters of the perfons, and the hope of public
approbation. At the fame time thofe concerned in the
inllruclion and government of the college, are as far re-
moved, as the ftate of human nature will admit, from"
any temptation to a fawning, cringing fpirit, and mean
I'ervility in the hope of court favor or promotion.

In confequence of this, it may naturally be expeCted,
ajid we find by experience that hitherto in faCl the fpirit
of liberty has breathed high and flrong in all the members.
I would not be underltood to fay that a feminary of learn-

the College of Nevj-Jersey. 353

ing ought to enter deeply into political contention ; far
lefs would I meanly court favor b}' profeffing niyfelf a
violent partifan in any prefent difputes. But furely a
conflitution which naturally tends to produce a fpirit of
liberty and independence, even though this iliould fome-
tiines need to be reined in by prudence and moderation,
is infinitely preferable to the dead and vapid fiate of one
ivhofe very exiftence depends, upon the nod of thofe in
power. Another great advantage arifing from this is the
obligation we arc under to recommend ourfclves, by dili-
gence and fidelity, to the public. Having no particular
prop to lean to on one fide, we are obliged to (land up-
right anrl firm by leaning equally on all. We are fo far
from having our fund fo complete, as of itfelf to fupport
the neceffary expence, that the greater part of our annual
income arifes from the payments of the fcholars, v/hich
we, acknowledge with gratitude have been for thefe feve-
tal years continually increafing*

II. This leads me to obferve, that it ought to be no
inconfiderable recommendation of this college to thofe at
a difiance, that it has the efleem and approbation of thofe
who are neareft it and know it beft. The number of
under graduates, or proper members of college, is near
four times that of any college on the continent to the
fouthward of New-England, and probably greater than
that of all the refl: put together. This we are at liberty to
affirm has in no degree arifen from pompous defcriptions,
or repeated recommendations in the public papers. We
do not mean to blame the laudable attempts of others to
do themfelves juflice. We have been ofien found fault
with, and perhaps are to blame for negleft in this parti-
cular. It is only mentioned to give full force to the ar-
gument jufl: now ufed, and the faft is certainly true.
do not remember that the name of the college of New-
Jerfey has been above once or twice mentioned in the
newfpapers for three years, except in a bare recital of the
acts of the annual commencements. The prefent addrefs
arifes from neceffity, not choice ; for had not a more pri-
vate application been found imprafticable, the prefs had
probably never been employed.

354 '^^ Address in behalf of

III. It may not be amifs to obferve on this fubjefl:, that
the great utility of this feminary has been felt over an ex-
teiifive country. Marly of the clergy, epifcopal and pref-
byt'erian, in the different colonies, received their education
here, whole exemplary behavior and other merit we fuffer
to fpeak for thenifelves. We are alfo willing that the
public fliouid attend to the charafters and appearance of
thofe gentlemen in the law and medical departments, who
were brougiit up at Naflau-Hall, and are now in the cities
of. New-York and Philadelphia, and in different parts of
the continent or iflands. Two at leaft of the profcfTors of
the juftly celebrated Medical School lately founded in
Philadelphia, and perhaps tTie greatell number of their
]")upils, received their inflruftion here. We are not
afrjiid, but even wifli that our claim fiiouldbe decided by
the condudl of thofe in general who have come out from
us, which is one of the moft conclufive arguments ; for
a tree is known by its fritils. It is at the lame time an
argument of the moft fair and generous kind ; for it is left
to be determined by naankind at their leifure ; and if the
appeal be not in our favor, it muft be unfpeakably inju-
rious.

IV. The place where the college is built, is mod hap-
pily chofen for the health, the fludics and the morals of
the fcholars. All thefe were particularly attended to
when the fpot was pitched upon. Pi'inccton is on a riling
ground, from whence there is an eafy gradual defcent for
many miles on all quarters, except the north and north-
well, from whence at the diftance of one mile it is fhel-
tered by a range of hills covered with woods. It has a
mod: beautiful appearance, and in fa£l has been found one
of the healthieft places, as it is fituated in the middle of
one of the moft healthful countries, on the whole continent.
It is upon the great poll road, almofl equally diftant from
New- York and Philadelphia, fo as to be a centre of intel-
ligence, and have an eafy conveyance of every thing ne-
ceffary, and yet to be wholly free from the many tempta-
tions in every great city, both to the neglefl of fludy, and
the praftice of vice. The truth is, it is to this happy cir-
Gumllance, fo wifely attended toby the firfl: truftees, that

the College of Neve-J<;rsey. 355

we owe our being enabled to keep up the difcipline of the
college with ib great regularity and io liule difficulty. "We
do not wifli to take any honor In this rel'peiSt to ourfclves.
Doubtld's the nialters of every college will do their beft in
this reipeft. But it is not in the power of thole who are
in great cities to keep the difcipline with equal llriiilnefs,
where boys have fo many temptations to do evil, and can
ib eafily and effetlually conceal it after it is done. With
us, they live all in college, under the infpection of their
niafters ; and the village is lb fmall that any irregularity
is immediately and certainly difcovered, and therefore
eafily correfted.

It has fometimes happened, through rivalfliip or ma-
lice, that our difcipline has been cenfured as too fevere
^nd rigorous. This reproach I always hear, not with pa-
tience only, but with pleafure. In the mouth of an ad-
verfary, it is a clear confeffion that the government is
llrift and regular. While v/e avail ourfelves of this, we
prove that the accufation of oppreffive rigor is wholly
without foundation, from the number of fcholars, and thp
unfrequency of public cenfures, but above all from the
warm and almoft enthufiallic attachment of thofe who
have finiflied their courfe. Could their efleem and friend-
ftiip be expefted in return for an auflere and rigorous
confinement, out of which they had efcaped as birds out
of the ihare of the fowler ? We admit that it is infup-
portable to the idle and profligate ; for either they will not
bear with us, or we will not bear with them : but from
thofe who have applied to their fludies, and reached the
honors of college, we have, almolt without exception,
jfound the moft fmcere, aftive and zealous friendfliip.

V. This college was founded, and hath been con-
duced upon the n'loft catholic principles. The charter
recites as one of its grounds, " That every religious de-
*' nomination may have free and equal liberty and advan-
" tage of education in the faid college, any different fen-
*' timents in religion notwithllancling." Accordingly
there are now, and have been from the beginning, Icho-
lars of various denominations from the moft diftant colo-
nies, as well as Weft-Inclia iflands ; and they muft ne-

35^ ^n Address in behalf qf

ceffarily confefs, that they never met with the lead uu-
eaflnefs or difrefpect on this account. Our great advan-
tage on this fubjeft is the harmony of the board of truflees,
and the perfefl union in fentiment arnong all the teach.
ers, both with the truftees and with one another. On this
account, there is neither inclination nor occafion to med-
dle v/ith any contrpverfy \vhatever. The author of this
addrefs confeffes that he was long accullomed to the order
and dignity of an eftablifhed church, but a church which
hath no contempt or deteftation of thofe who are different-
ly organized. And, as he hath ever been in that church
ap pppofer of lordly domination and facerdotal tyranny,
fo he is a paffionsle admirer of the equal and impartial
fupport of every religious denomination which prevails in
the northern colonies, and is perfe'St in Pennfylvania and
the Jerfeys, to the unfpeakable advantage of thofe happy
and well conftituted governments.

With rei'peft to the college* of New-Jerfey, every
queftion about forms of church government is fo entirely
excluded, that though I have feen one fet of fcholars be-
gin and finifh their cburle, if they know nothing more of"
religious controverfy than what they learned here, they
have that fcience wholly to begin. This is altogether ow-
ing to the union of fentimetit mentioned above : for, if
you place as teachers in a college, ' perfons of repugnant
religious principles, they mull have more wifdom and
ielf-denial than ufually fall to the lot of humanity, if the
whole fociety is not divided into parties, and marfhalled
under names, if the changes are not frequent, and, when
they take place, as well known as any event that can hap-
pen in fuch a fociety. On the contrary, there is fo little
bccalion with us to canvafs this matter at all, that, though
no doubt accident muft difcover it as to the greateft num-
ber, yet fomehave left the college, as to whom I am whol-
ly uncertain at this hoiir to what denomination they be-
long. It has been and fliall be our care to ufe every
inean in our power to make them good men and good
fcholars ; and, if this is the cafe, I fliall hear of their fu-
ture charafter and ufefulnefs with unfeigned fatisfaftion,
imder every name by which a real proteftant can be dif-
iingruifhed.

the College of New-Jersey.. 357

Having already experienced die generofity of the pub-
lic in many parts of the continent of America, I cannot
but hope that the gentlemen of the iflands will not reful'e
their afliftance, according to their abilities, in order to
carry this feminary to a far greater degree of perfe(ftion
than any to whicli it has yet arrived. The eXprefs pur-
pofe to which the benefactions now requefted will be ap-
plied, is the eftablifiiment of new profeflbrfhips, which
will render the infiitution not only more complete in it-
felf, but lefs burthenfome to thqfe who have undertaken
the important trufi. The whole branches of mathema-
tics and natural philofophy are now taught by one profef-
for ; and the prefident is obliged to teach divinity and
moral philofophy, as well as chronology, hiftory, and rhe-
toric, befides the fuperintendance and government of the
whole. The fliort lives of the fprmer prefidents have
been by many attributed to their excefllve labors, which,
it is hoped, will be an 'argument with the humane and
generous to lend their help in promoting fp noble a defign.
I am, gentlemen,

Your moll obedient,
Plumble fervant,
JOHN WITHERSPOON.
Nassau-Hall, at PrinceLon,

Neiir-Jersey, March 21, 1772.

Proper Forms of Donations to the College by Will.

Of Chattels peusonal.
Item, I A. B. do hereby give and bequeath the fum
of unto the Trustees of the College of New Jersey,

commonly called Nassau-Hall, the fame to be paid with-
in months next after my deceafe ; and to be ap-
plied to the ufes and purpofes of the said College.

Gf real Estates.
I A. B. do give and devife unto the Trustees of the
College of New Jersey, commonly called Nassau-Hall, arid
to their successors foreiser, all that certain meffuage and
traft of land, &c.

[ 359 ]

9 ccoc eoM cco» woo eooo eooj c^^5 c*oo soon koo oooo oooo ecco ; ooeo com 096o ceco coc» «as eooo oois csoi caw oftw
o occo SOOT eeco ooeo ooco cooo coos 30c: ocoa looo ccoo ooo« cocc ^ c«oo oooo eooo ovwo oooo coco tooo cooa ofio? OMO •»•

SUPPLICATION

T R********.

To his Excellency Henry Laurens, Esquire, President,
and other, the Members of the Honorable, the Ameri-
ean Congress, fc?c. ^c. is'c.

The humble representation and earnest supplication of J.
R . printer and bookseller in Ne'W-lork,

RESPECTFTJLtY SHEWETH,

THAT a great part of the Britifli forces has ah-eady
left this city, and from many fymptoms there is
reafon to fufpeft, that the remainder will fpeedily follow
them. Where they are gone or going, is perhaps known
to themfelves, perhaps not ; certainly however, it is un-
known to us, the loyal inhabitants of the place, and other
friends of government who have taken refuge in it, and
who are therefore filled with diflrefs and terror on the un-
happy occafion.

That as foon as the evacuation is completed, it is more
than probable, the city will be taken poflefficn of by the
forces of your high mightinefles, followed by vaft crouds
of other perfons — whigs by nature and profeffion — friends
to the liberties, and foes to the enemies of America.
Above all, it will undoubtedly be filled with ihoals of

60 Supplication of J. R~

Yankies, that is to fay, the natives and inhabitants (or aS
•k great lady in this metropolis generally expreffes it, the
'inretckesj of New-England.

That from feveral circumflances, there is reafon to fear
that the behavior of the wretches aforefaid, itiay not be al-
together gentle to fuch of the friends of government as
fliall rta}' behind. What the governing powers of the flate
of New- York may do alfo, it is impoffible to foretell. Nay,
who knows but we may foon fee in propria persona^ as
we have often heard of Hortentius^ the governor of New-
Jerfey, a gentlenian remarkable for fe'verely handling
thofe whom he calls traitors, and indeed who has exalted
Ibme of them (quanquam animus meminifie horret luftu-
que refugit) to a high, though dependant Ilation, and
brought America under their feet^ in a fenfe very different
from what Lord North meant when he firft ufed that cele-
brated exjsreffion.

That your petitioner in particular, is at the greatefl lofs
what to refolve u]x)n, or how to fliape his courfe. He has
no defire at all, either to be x-oafled in Florida, or frozen
tp death in Canada or Nova Scotia. Being a great lover
of frefli cod, he has had thoughts of trying a fettlement in
Newfoundland, but recoUefting that the New-England
men have almoft all the iame appetite, he was obliged to
relinquifli that projedl entirely. If he fhould go to Great-
Britain, dangers no left formidable prefent themfelves.
Having been a bankrupt in London, it is not impoffible
that he might be accommodated with a lodging in New-
gate, and that the ordinary there, might oblige him to fay
his prayers, a practice from which he hath had an infupe-
rable averfion all his life long.

In this dreadful dilemma, he hath at lafl: determined to
apply to your high mightineffes, and by this memorial to
lay himself at your feet^ which he affures you, is the true
aiodifli phrafe for refpeftful fubmiffion, accoixling to the
prefent etiquette of the court. Being informed however,
that fome of you are Prefbyterlans and Religibnifts, he
has been alfo at fome pains to find out a fcripture war-
rant or example for his prefent conduft, and has happily
found it in the advice given by the fervants of Benhadad,

Supplication of J. R . 361

king of Syria, to their mafter, i Kings xx. 31. And his
servants said unto him, behold now 'xe hosoe heard that
the kings of Israel are merciful kings : Let us ive pray
thee, put sackcloth upon our loins, and ropes upon our
heads, and go out to the king of Israel, peradventure he
may save thy life. So thty girded sackcloth upon their
loins, and put ropes upon their heads, and came to the
king of Israel, and said, Thy servant Bcnhadad sailh, I
pray thee let me live. In like manner, O rnoH; mighty

and venerable Congrefs-men, your fervant J. R

faith, I pray you let me live.

Having thus preferred my petition, I muft now intreat
leave to lay before your high mightineffes, fundry reafons,
which I hope will, incline you to lend a favorable ear to it,
in doing which, I fliall life all poffible plainnefs and candor.

I. In the firfl place, there cannot poflibly be any danger
to the United States, in fufFering me to live. I know
many of you think and fay, that a tory heart acquires fuch
a degree of fournefs and malevolence, in addition to its
native ftock, and fuch a habit of treachery by breaking
through the moft endearing ties of nature, that no good
can be expected from it, nor any dependance placed upon
it, let pretences or appearances be what they will. I re-
member alfo, about feven years ago, a certain perfon hear-
ing accidentally, one or two paragraphs read from the
writings of an eminent controverfial divine in this coun-
try, faid, That fellow muft be a turn-coat ; it is impoffible
that he could have been educated in the profeffion which
he now defends. What is )'our reafon for that opinion,
faid another gentleman who was prefent ? Becaufe, fays
he, he difcovers a rancor of fpirit and rottennefs of heart,
unattainable by any other clafs of men. But I contend
that thefe remarks relate only to the natives of this coun-
try, who like parricides took up arms for her deflru£lion ;
and to apoftates in religion, neither of which, I am certain,
can be applied to me. I was born, as is well known, in
old England ; and as for the accufation of apoftacy, I fet
it at defiance, unlefs a man can be faid to fall off from
what he was never on, or to depart from a place which he
never faw.

362 Supplication of J. R .

But what I beg of you particularly to obferve is, that let
the dii'pofition to mifchief be as great as you pleafe, where
the ability is wanting, there can be no danger. I have
often feen the lions in the tower of London without fear,
becaufe there was an ii-on grate between me and them.
Now it is certain that the tories in general, would do any
thing fooner than figlit. Many of them became tories
for no other reafon, than that they might avoid fighting.
The poor chicken-hearted creatures cried out to the po-
tent King of England, to take them under his wings for
protection, which he endeavored to do, but they were too
fliortto cover them. Even the late petition for arms, in
which they promifed to go without the lines, and fweep
you all away with the befom of deftruftion, was but an
idle rhodomantade — It was fomething like a poor boy
Jhouting and finging in the dark, to keep himfelf from be-
ing afraid. At that very time, to my certain knowledge,
they would have given the world for a place to fly to out
of the reach of Wafcington and Gates. But \ return to
myfelf, egomet sum proxijnus mihi. I can affure your
high mightineffes, that no danger can arife from 'me, for I
am as great a coward as King James the Vlth of Scot-
land, who could never fee a naked fword without trem-
bling ; having been, as it is faid, frightened in his mo-
ther's belly, when the fierce barons of that country came
in, and killed David Rizzeo in his prefence. I was once
feverely caned by a Scots officer now (if employed) in your
fervice. Though the gentlemen of that choleric nation
have been very much our friends in the prefent contro-
verfy, I find it is dangerous to offend them. Buchanan
their own hiltorian fays, perfermdum est Scotorum in-
geniiim. Therefore by the by, or en passant, for I fup-
pbfe you are at prefent bell pleafed with French phrafes,
I would advife every man who regards his own peace,
however fmooth and gentle-a Scotchman may appear, not
to take him against the hair, as the faying is in their own
country, but to remember the motto that furrounds the
tliillle, Nemo me impune lacessit. I alfo very narrowly
efcaped a found beating from a New-England parfon, who
was (trong enough, without either cane or cudgel, to have

Supplication of J. R , 363

pounded me to a mummy. All this and much more of the
fame kind I bore with the moll exemplary patience and
fubmiffion. Perhaps it will be faid that though no dan-
ger is to be apprehended from any deeds, yet I may do
harm enougli by words and writing. To this I aniwer
that I have expended and exhaufted my whole faculty of
that kind in the fervice of the Englifli. I have tried
falfehood and mifreprefentation in every fliape that could
be thought of, fo that it is like a coat thrice turned that will

not hold a fingle ditch. My friend Gen. Ro n

told me fome time ago in my own fliop that I had carried
things fo far that people could not believe one word I faid,
even though it were as true as the gofpel. From all this I
hoi>e it plainly appears that there could be no danger from
me ; and therefore as you cannot furely think of being
cruel for cruelty's fake, that you will fufter me to live.

II. Any further piviifliment upon me or any other of
the unhappy refugees, who fliall remain in N. York, will
be altogether unneceffary, for they do fufFer and will fuf-
fer from the nature of the thing as much as a merciful
man could wift to impofe upon his greateft enemy. By
this I mean the dreadful mortification (after our paft pufEng
and vaunting) of being under the dominion of the Congrefs,
feeing and hearing the condudt and difcourfe of the friends
of America, and perhaps being put in mind of our own in
former times. You have probably feen many of the En-
.glifli news-papers, and alfo fome of mine, and you have
among you the feiv prifoners who by a miracle efcaped
death in our hands. By all thefe means you may learn
with what infinite contempt, with what provoking infult,
and with what unexampled barbarity your people have
from the beginning to the end been treated by the Britifh
officers, excepting a very fmall number, but above all by
the tories and refugees who not having the faculty of fight-
ing, were obliged to lay out their whole wrath and ma»
lice in the article of fpeaking. I remember when one of
the prifoners taken after the gallant defence of Fort
Wafhington had received feveral kicks for not being
in his rank, he faid, is this a way of treating gentleman ?
The anfwer was, gentlemen I G — d n your blood

364 Supplication of J. R~

who made you a gentleman, which was heartl by us all
prefent with unfpaakable fatisfaftion, and ratified by ge-
neral applaule. I have alio feen one of your officers af-
ter long imprifonment, for want of clothes, food and lodg-
ing, as -/Tieagre as a flceleton and as dirty and fliabby as
a London beggar, when one of our friends would fay with
infinite humour, look you there is oneofKhig Cong's rag-
ged rafcals. You muf*" remember the many fweet names
given you in print in England and America, Rebels,
Rafcals, RaggamufEns, Tatterdemallions, Scoundrels,
Blackguards, Cowards, and Roltroons. You cannot be
ignorant how many and how complete victories we gain-
ed over yon, and what a fine figure you made in our
narratives. We never once made you to retreat feldom
even to^y^y as a routed army but to run off into the ivoods
to scamper away through the fields and to take to your
heels as usual. You will probably foon fee the gazette
account of the defeat of Mr. Wafhington at Monmouth.
There it will appear how you I'campered oft', and how the
Englilh followed you and mowei.1 } ou down till their of-
fi^cers with that humanity which is the characteristic of
the nation^ put a flop to this carnage, and then by a mat-
terly firoke of generalfhip, fiole a march in the night, left
you fhould have fcampered back again and obliged them
to make a new flaughter in the morning.

Now dear gentlemen confider what a miferable affair
it muft be for a man to be obliged to apply with luimility
and felf-abafement to thole whom he h.ath ^lo treated, nay,
even to beg life of them while his own heart upbraids him
with his pait condu6t, and perhaps his memory is refrefli-
ed with the repetition of fome of his rhetorical flowers, it
is generally faid that our friend Burgoyne was treated with
abundance of civility by general Gates, and yet I think
it could not be very pleafing to him to fee and hear the
boys when he entered Albany, going before and crying
JLlboxv Room for General Burgoyne there. Fear and
trembling have already taken hold of many of the Refu-
gees and Friends of government iu this place. It would
break your hearts to hear poor. Sam. S , of Phi-
ladelphia, weeping and wailing, and yet he v/as a peacea-
ble Qtraker M'ho did nothing in die world but hire guides

Supplication of J. R . 365

to the Englifh parties who were going out to furprize and
butcher you. My brother of trade, G — is fo much affedl-
ed that fome fay he has loft or will foon lofe his reafon.
For my own part I do not think I run any riflv in that re-
fpeft. All the wifdom that I was ever poffeffed of is in nie
ftill, praifed be God, and likely to be fo. A man that has
run the gauntlet of creditors, duns, and bailiffs, for years
in England, and has been cudgelled, kicked, and p — d
upon in America, is in no danger of lofing his reafon by
any circumftance whatever fo long as there is the leall
profpeft of favinghis life. I have heard fome people fay
that difhonour was worfe than death, but with the great
Sancho Pancha, I was always of a different opinion. I
hope, therefore, your honors will confider my fufferings
as fulficient to atone for my offences, and allow me to
continue in peace and quiet, and according to the North-
Britiffi proverb, sleep in a nvhole skin.

III. I beg leave to fuggeff, tliat upon being received
into favor, I think it would be in my power to ferve the
-United States in feveral important refpefts. I believe
many of your officers want politenefs. They are like old
Cincinnatus, taken from the plow ; and therefore mufl
ftill have a little roughnefs in their manners and deport-
ment. Nov/, I myfelf am the pink of ccurtefy, a genteel,
portly, well-looking fellow as you will fee in a fummer's
day. i underffand and poffefs the bienseance, the manner.,
the gracc^ fo largely infilled on by lord Chefferfield ; and
may without vanity fliy, 1 could teach it better than his
lordfliip, who in that article has remarkably failed. I
hear with pleafure, that your people are pretty good fcho-
lars, and have made particularly very happy advances in
the art of fwearing, fo efientially neceffary to a gentleman.
Yet I dare fay they will themfelves confefs, that thev are
ftill in this refpefl: far inferior to the Englifli army. There
is, by all account, a coarfenefs and famenefs in their ex-
preflion ; whereas there is variety, fprightlinefs and figure
in the oaths of gentlemen well educated. Dean Swift
fays very juftly, ' a footman may fwear, but he cannot
fwear like a lord.' Now we have many lords in the Eng-
lilh army, all of whom, when here, were pleafed to honor

3^6 Supplication of J. R-

me with their friendfhip and intimacy ; fo that I hope my
qualifications can hardly be chfputed. I have imported
many of the moll necefl'ary articles for appearance in
genteel life. I can give them Lavornltti's foap-balls
to wafh their brown hands clean, perfumed gloves, paint,
powder, and pomatum. I can alfo furnifh the New-
England men v/'wh. rings, feals, fwords, canes, fnuff-boxes,
tweezer-cafes, and many other fuch notions, to carry home
to their wives and miftreffes, who will be nation-^d.A to
fee them. You are alfo to know that I import a great
many patent medicines, which may be of ufe to your
army. It is faid that fome of them are exceedingly liable
to a diforder called by phyficians the rancomania, which
is frequently toUowed by the two twin difeafes of plumbo-
phobia and fiderophobia. If they will but fubmit to a
flrift regimen, and take the tinfture drops and pills which
I prepare, 1 am confident the cure in mod cal'es would be
infallible.

I have been informed, that a certain perfon, well known
to your augull body, has clearly demonftrated that virtue
and feverity of manners are neceffary to thofe who would
pull an old government down, which feat is now happily
accomplifhed ; but that luxury, diffipation, and a tafie for
pleafures, are equally neceflary to keep up a government
already fettled. As I fuppofe you are fully convinced of
this molt lalutary truth, I take it for granted, now that you
have fettled governments in all the ftates, you are looking
out for proper perfons to foften the rigid virtue of the
Americans, and lay them afleep in the lap of felf-indul-
gence. Now, I am proud to fay, that there is not a man
on this continent more able to ferve you in this refpeft,
than myfelf. I have ferved many of the Britifh officers
in a moll honorable ftation and chara6\er, of which the
great Pandarus of Troy was the moll ancient example.
If I am happy enough to malie my own converfation and
manners the ftandard of the mode, I believe you will fee
vet}^ pov/erful efliefts of it in a lliort time. But if, after
recovering your friendfliip myfelf, I am able alfo to bring

back and reconcile to his country the Rev. Dr. A ,

1 believe the fyltem will be perfeft. That gentleman, by

Supplication of J. R . 367

his robad form, is well fitted to be an ecclefiaftical bruifer,
if fuch an officer flaould be needed ; and, with all due
deference to the officers of the American army, I lllould
think that a better way of terminating diflPerences among
them in the lall refort, than fword or piflol, for many ob-
vious reafons. He has" alfo dlllinguifhed himfelf by the
publication of fome poems on fubjefts extremely well
fuited to the charadler of a Chriftian clergyman, and very
proper for initiating the tender mind in the fofteft and
moft delicious of all arts, viz. the art of love.

Finally, I hope I may be of fervice to the United
States, as a writer, publiflier, colleftor, and maker of
news. I mention this with fome diffidence ; becaufe
perhaps you will think I have foreclofed myfelf from fuch
a claim, by confeffing (as above) that my credit as anewf-
writer is broken by over-flretching. But it is common
enough for a man in bufmefs, when his credit is wholly
gone in one place, by lliifting his ground, and taking a
new departure, to flourifli away, and make as great or
greater figure than before. How long that fplendor will
laft is another matter, and belongs to an after confidera-
tion. I might therefore, though my credit is gone in
New- York, fet up again in the place which is honored
with your refidence. Befides, I might write thofe things
only or chiefly, which you wifh to be difoelieved,
and thus render you the moft eflential fervice. This
would be aiming and arriving at the fame point by
manceti'uring retrogade. Once more, as I have been
the oftenfible printer of other people's lies in New-
York, what is to hinder me from keeping incog, and
inventing or polifliing lies to be ifTued from the pr.fs
of another printer in Philadelphia ? In one or more or all
of thefe ways, I hope to merit your approbation. It
would be endlefs to mention all my devices ; and there-
fore I will only fay further, that I can take a truth, and fo
pufFand fwell and adorn it, flill keeping the proportion
of its parts, but enlarging their dimenfions, that you
could hardly difcover where the falfehood lay, in cafe of
a ftrid inveftigation.

368 Supplication of J. R-

That I may not weary you, I conclude with recom-
mending myfelf to your kind countenance and protedtion ;
and in the mean time, waiting for a favorable anfwer,
your petitioner, as in duty bound, Ihall ever pray, &c.

XND or FOtTRTH VOLUME.