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THE WORKS

OF

TOMAS GRA ¥

En Prose and Verse

EDITED BY

EDMUND GOSSE

CLARK LECTURER ON ENGLISH LITERATURE AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

IN FOUR VOLS.—VOL. IV.

_ NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES AND PLATO

London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1884

CONTENTS.

NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

PAGE
ACHARNENSES . . : 3 | THESMOPHORIAZUSE
EQUITES . \ : : 7 | LYSISTRATA
VESPZ. - : . 11|)RAnNz ;
NUBES . : : . 17] Eccizstazusz .
Pax ‘ ; : 2 2 Pets :
AVES ᾿ ; P . 26] ΝΟΤΕΒ oN THE PLUTUS
NovreEs ON THE AVES . 88

NOTES ON PLATO.

Brier Notices oF SOCRATES LACHES

AND OF HIS Friends . 67 | Hipparcuts
THE CoMPANIONS OF So- PHILEBUS

CRATES. : . 69|MErNo
PHADRUS : : . %5|Goretas .
LysIs ε ; 7 . 87) ΜΙΝΟΚ
ALCIBIADES I. . ; . 90] CHARMIDES
ALCIBIADES II. . 94]CRATYLUS
THEAGES . Ἔ ‘ . 98)|Sympostum
EuTHYPHRO . ; . 101|/EuTrHypEemus .
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS . 104) Hrppras Masor
CrRITO . . ν . 110 ΗΙΡΡΙΑΒ Minor
ῬηΗξρο. ; 4 . 111} Proracoras

ERASTZ . Υ ; . 115\Io

116
122
124
134
140
158
160
164
166
172
175,
177
178
198

vi CONTENTS.

PAGE PAGE
THEATETUS. : . 206] De Lecrsus—
THE SOPHIST . , . 909 Book IV. . Ἔ :.- er
PoLiTicus ᾿ , . 214 Pra fee : . 802
DE REPUBLICA : . 221) Tur EpisttLEs—
Book I. . : . ‘228 Epistle I. . ; . 908
ae εν ee? row: a
a er νον Sis
pe hee ; . 237 ΘΙ ἢ ὁ ‘ . 815
yg. We SS . oH ναι ᾿ . 316
ae. 0 ee ν : 947 i ee : ole
> ὙΠ: : , Sart ak, ΟΝ: 890
ye y . 256 Εν .ς . 930
es ee ι ων 262 ἢ IX. 5 , ooo
ΘΟ Ἢ : . 266 1) ee τ, .... 828
Dr LEGIBUS . . . vo - Se ; . oof
Book I. =. _- +» a πο ἐὰν . 3586
, IL. «|. S82 έν eee

yg: PRE τως δ (eae ο : : . 845

NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES

VOL. IV. B

4 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

read, «£vpypeve, which improves the parody of Euri-
pides.—Effeminate persons began to shave their chins
even in these times. (V. Athenzum, L. 13. p. 565.
and Thesmoph. v. 225.)

233. The action against Pisistratus at Pallene, one
of the Δημοι of Attica, is mentioned by Andocides,
de Mysteriis, whose great-grandfather Leogoras was
Στρατήγος there.

346-47,— Ανασειειν Bony,

Ολιγοῦυ τ᾽ ἀπεθανον avOpaxes ]Παρνασσιοι. κτλ.
Should we not read Π]}αρνηθιοι ἢ

387. &c. Hieronimus a tragick and lyrick poet.—
Euripides and Cephisophon ridiculed.—The Afneus,
Phoenix, Philoctetes, Bellerophon, Telephus, Thyestes,
and Ino of Euripides, are laughed at, where he had
introduced the principal characters in poor apparel to
move compassion. The sententious pertness of his per-
sonages, and the inactiveness and folly of his chorusses,
are all noticed. The poverty of his mother is alluded to.

442.—Tovs δ᾽ av Xopevtas ηλιθιους παρεσταναι, ἄτα.

Euripides is here satirized for making his chorusses
take little part in the action of the drama, but either
telling long fables, or impertinently questioning and
answering the characters.

504.—Ouvte yap φοροι Ἥκουσι, &e.

The time, when the contributions of the allies were
brought to Athens, was during the Dionysia ta κατ᾽
ἀστυ, (see Isocrat. de Pace, 175,) in spring time in the
month Elaphebolion; the Lenza were celebrated in
winter pretty late, two months before the other, and in
the country, at which time this piece was played.

or

ACHARNENSES.

529. IlepuxAens οὐλυμπιος

Ηστραπτεν, εβροντα, ξυνεκυκα την ἔλλαδα, &e.

The fine fragment from the δημοι of Eupolis on
Pericles.

602. Μισθοφορουντας τρεις δραχμας, &e.

He seems to mean that they sent their 2rparnyou
on various useless embassies, who gladly accepted them,
as well to be out of the way of danger, as to earn the
publick allowance, two or three drachme a day, and to
be out of the power of their creditors,

628. EE οὗγε χοροισιν εφεστηκε τρυγικοις ὁ διδασ-
καλος ἡμων, &e.

Τρυγωδια seems always to mean comedy here. See
above, v. 498 and 499. Is this Parabasis to be under-
stood of Aristophanes himself, or of Callistratus the
actor, in whose name he seems to have exhibited all his
dramas, before the Equites? Some of the Scholia take
it of the latter (see v. 654); they also rightly under-
stand in a ridiculous light what is here said of the
Persian king, which the writer of the Poet’s life, and
Mad. Dacier also, seriously report as a fact.

703. Is this the Thucydides, son of Melesias, who
underwent the ostracism, or, as Idomeneus says (see
Schol..ad Vespas, v. 941), perpetual banishment, and
that he fled into Persia, Ol. 83, 4, nineteen years before
this? Cephisodemus seems to have been his accuser.

875. Naooas, Κολοιους, &e. Is KoXovos the jay, or
the jackdaw, or the magpye? It was, as it appears, an
eatable bird. It appears also, that the Greeks eat
hedge-hogs, foxes, locusts, moles, otters, and cats. (see
Atheneus, L. 17, p. 300.) The Megareans brought

0 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

salt, swine, garlick, &c., to sell at the Athenian markets,
and bought corn there, &c. The Bceotians (see Irene
v. 1003 and 4.) sold them water-fowl and wild-fowl of
various sorts, manufactures of rushwork, as mats, wicks
for lamps, &c., and fish from their lakes, particularly
excellent eels.

883. The Ὅπλων Ἰζρισις of Aischylus is here parodied.

1000. It is certain that this comedy was played
during the Lenza, and many parts of it seem a repre-
sentation of the festival itself, as v. 238, where Diczeo-
polis and his family perform sacrifice to Bacchus, and
here is the Certamen Bibendi, used in the Xoa:: but
we are not told that this ceremony was used except on
the second day of the Anthesteria. Hence it seems
probable, that it was used alike in the Lenza.

1029. Οὐ δημοσιευων τυγχάνω. The publick elected
and gave a salary to certain physicians (see Aves, v.
585, and Plutus, v. 408) who took no fees from par-
ticular people.

It appears from some of the scenes in this comedy,
that the Prytanes were present in the publick assemblies,
seated in the place of honour; that they kept order
there, and commanded the archers to apprehend any
one who made a disturbance; and that they produced
ambassadors to the people, and dismissed the assembly.
Ambassadors were entertained in the Prytaneum at the
invitation of the senate.

EQUITES.
Olymp. 88. 4. In Lenzis, Mense Posideone,

v. 9. Olympus, the scholar of Marsyas, invented the
symphony of flutes. 19. Alludes to Euripides. 61.
Αδει de χρησμους. Alluding to the Sibyll’s oracles.

123, Alluding to the oracles of Bacis. The Scholiast
says there were three of that name.

282. It seems, that Cleon, for his success at Sphac-
teria, had a publick maintenance allowed him in the
Prytaneum.

399. The sottishness of Cratinus.—Morsimus, the
son of Philocles, wrote Tragedy. 404. The Τεθριπποι
of Simonides cited.

504. This was the first drama which Aristophanes
brought upon the stage in his own name, (see Vespa, v.
1013.) and he himself played the character of Cleon in it.

517. Kudos ἃ ᾽παθεν Μαγνης ἅμα ταῖς πολιαις
κατιουσαῖις, &e.

Magnes, the comick poet, had great success in his
plays, named, Βαρβιτιδες, Ορνιθες, Vives, Βατραχοι,
Avdo1, but was hissed off the stage in his decline.

523. Kparivov peuvnpevos. Cratinus—his ancient
glory is declared; but he afterwards grew negligent,
drunken, and despised in his old age. Connas, the
tibicen, lost his former reputation.

8 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

524, The passage cited from the Pytine of Cratinus
in the Scholia must either not be in that drama, or the
poet must allude here to some other similar passage ; as_
the Pytine was not played till the following year, and
(as the Scholia say afterwards) written upon the provo-
cation here given by Aristophanes.

534. Crates; his various success, Aristophanes
assigns his reasons for not before exhibiting any drama
in his own name.

586. The comick chorus (as the Scholiast informs
us, and see also Aves, v. 298) consisted of twenty-four
persons, the tragick chorus but of fifteen. They were
(sometimes) composed of men, women, and children,
mixed, as in the Vespze, &c. Casaubon, in his notes to
v. 495, gives an account of the Parabasis and of its
seven parts, namely, the Kouparuov, Παραβασις (proprié -
dicta), Maxpov or IIviyos, Στροφη, Ἐπιρρημα, Αντι-
στροφη, και Ἀντεπιρρημα.

596. The humour of these lines, and of the naval
expedition of the horses, is hardly intelligibie at present.

701. Ilpoedpua was an honour conferred on principal
citizens for their services : every one was obliged to give
them place in the assembly, the senate, the theatre, Wc.
Cleon had this honour after his success at Sphacteria.

782. Tnv ev Σαλαμῖνι. It is plain what part he
means: but why does he call it so?

790. Eros oydoov. Must be understood of the eighth
year only beginning.

810. Q πολις Apyous. The sharpness of this parody
of Euripides consists in this: Cleon, under a pretence
of an embassy to Argos, was suspected of carrying on a

EQUITES, 9

private correspondence with the Spartans, on the sub-
ject of restoring the prisoners he had made at Sphacteria.
_ (See v. 463.)

851. Here is a good account of the ostracism, in the
Scholia, but with some errours. It is said to be in use
with the Argives, Megareans and Milesians ; but Phzax
in his oration on the subject, spoken probably not many
years after this, affirms the contrary ; Μόνοι yap αὐτου
tov λληνων χρωμεθα, και ουδεμια των αλλων πολίων
εθελει μιμησασθαι; and it is not likely, that those
cities should have adopted it, after it ceased to be in
use at Athens, which took place Olymp. 91. 1. In
enumerating several great men exostracised, he mentions
Alcibiades, who never was so.

908. The ships were delivered to the Trierarchs, by
the Στρατηγοι (who seem to have appointed them) and
belonged to the publick ; but the Trierarch, at his own
expense, repaired and furnished them with all neces-
saries. The ισῴφοραι were paid by the richer citizens,
a catalogue of whom seems to have been drawn by the
Στρατήγοι.

947. The custom of the steward, or head-servant,
keeping his master’s seal.

950. Optov εξωπτημενον. There are three receipts,
in the Scholia, of Greek cookery, to make a Θρῖον. The
lst was in this manner: they boiled rice, or fine flour
in grains (called Xovépos) till it was tender; then they
kneaded it up with new cheese, and eggs, wrapped up
the whole in a fig-leaf, and boiled it in a soup of broth
of meat; then fried it brown in honey, and served it
up to table with the honey in the dish. 2. A second

10 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

sort was made of flour, lard, or the fat of a kid, milk,
and yolks of eggs, boiled in a fig-leaf. 3. The third
sort was, the brains of any animal with garum (the
pickle of fish) and cheese; the whole put in a fig-leaf,
and baked over the fire.

959. Μολγον.---- μυρρινου----Σμικυθην Kar ἸΚυριον---
obscure passages. The Scholia assist us very little here.

1046. Ilevrexvpryyov EvAov. This wooden machine
had five holes in it to receive the hands, feet, and neck
of the prisoners, serving at once for the pillory and for
the stocks.

1300. It is false to say, that the Athenians had no
connection with, or thoughts of, Carthage, (see Isocrates
de Pace, 177.) whatever the commentators may say ;
their ambition extended itself in proportion to their
conquests, and if their Sicilian expedition had succeeded,
they had actually thoughts of attacking that great
republick : Thucydides at least tells us, that this was
Alcibiades’s view. lL. 6. ¢. 15,

1375. Συνερκτικος yap ἐστι, &c. This imitates the
turn of phrase then in use among the young gentlemen
of Athens, who had deserted the country, and the more
manly exercises of agriculture, hunting, &c., and divided
their time between the effeminate pleasures of the city
and the publick assemblies, in which they valued them-
selves upon their eloquence, and the new art of speak-
ing, then, perhaps, taught by the sophists. The terms
they use (as the Scholiast observes) bear a double mean-
ing; and he rightly explains the sense of καταδακτυλιζειν.
There is no doubt, but that this line is spoken by the
chorus to Demus, who represents the people.

VESP i.
Olymp. 89. 2. In Lenezis,

v. 139. Imvos is not the kitchen’ (as the Scholiast
would have it) but the stove for heating the bath.
IIveXos is the labrum, or bathing-tub. ‘T'pyya, the hole
in it at the bottom to let out the water. Kazrvy, the
funnel, or vent for the smoke. ‘T'jAva, a cap or cover
to close the vent.

157. Read, Δικασοντα με.

158. ‘O yap Θεος, ἄο. It seems to be the old man
who says this, not his son; and Bdelycleon answers ;
Απολλον αποτροπαίιε, &e.

240. Qs extras Λαχητι νυνι (ie. δικη.) &e. Laches,
who had been recalled from his command in Sicily two
years before this, Ol. 88. 3 (Thucyd. L. ὃ. ο. 115.) seems
to have been accused this year by Cleon and his party.

287. Avnp παχυς ἥκει των προδοντων Tart Θρακης,
ἄς. Without doubt this relates to Thucydides, who
was Στρατηγος in Thrace, and condemned to banish-
ment this very year, for his treachery or neglect in the
loss of Amphipolis.

322. AXAN ὦ Zed, &e. This is undoubtedly a parody
of some tragick chorus, perhaps of Auschylus or of
Euripides, though the Scholiast is silent.

388. Q Ave, ἄς. The fane of Lycus adjoining to

12 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

all courts of justice, fenced in, and covered at the top
with mats.

415. Tavra 87’ ov dewa, ἄο. This should be spoken
by the chorus,

576. When boys underwent the Δοκιμασια, their
puberty was publickly examined (as it seems) in the
court of Helizea.

598. Τάμβαδι ἡμων περικωνει. The manner of black-
ing shoes (as it seems) was with a sponge and tar.

606. The custom of washing and anointing their
feet, as soon as they came home, which was in poorer
families the office of the daughters.

655. The publick revenue of Athens comprehending
the contributions of the allied cities (which may be set
at six hundred talents yearly, as Thucydides observes,
L. 2. c. 13.); the tolls and customs from the markets,
and ports, and mines ; the Prytanea, or sums deposited
by such as had suits in any court (v. Nubes, v.
1134, and 1193, and Kuster ad v. 1182.); and the
confiscations, &c., here computed at two thousand
talents per annum (£387,500), out of which one
hundred and fifty talents were expended on the six
thousand Acxacra kept in pay (see Isocrates de Pace,
185.) at three oboli a-day, which in ten months (for
the rest of the year consisted in holidays, during which
the courts did not sit) amounted to that sum. Qu.
what are the Exatoora:, and Μίισθοι mentioned as
branches of the revenue here? (v. Xenoph. de Athen.
Republ. 404.)

688. To σημεῖον, the sign given to enter the court,
and take their places (v. Thesmoph. v. 285.) ; mentioned

VESP AS. 13

also by Andocides de Mysteriis; to σημειον καθελη,
Ρ. 6.—The Συνηγοροι, or orators, received a drachma in
each cause (as it seems) from the publick.

700. Ὥσπερ adevpov. The metaphor seems to be
taken from some weakly young animal brought up by
the hand, by distilling milk or pap into its mouth,
gradually through a lock of wool. The Scholiast on
v. 700 comes nearer the true meaning, than on v. 699.

705. A thousand cities paid tribute to the Athenians
at this time. Genuine citizens were now above twenty
thousand.

716. In the Schol. on this verse for “Imzapyov read
Icapxov: but I do not find any revolt in Eubeea till
eleven years afterwards ; nor can there be any allusion
here to the distribution of corn under Lysimachides,
which took place twenty-three years before.

787. The obolus, a silver coin. Custom of putting
money in the mouth. (Aves, 503.)

800. ὥσπερ ‘Exaraov. A little chapel or tabernacle
of Hecate was erected before every man’s door. (Rane,
369.)

840. Χοιροκομειον Ἕστιας. Libations and prayers
were always begun to Vesta. (v. Aves, v. 865, and
Plato’s Cratylus, p. 401.)

870. Apollo Ayuevs was represented by a small
obelisk before the doors of houses. (v. Thesmoph. 485.)

909. It is Bdelycleon who sustains the part of the
Thesmothetes. The servant speaks for the accuser.
From ‘O βδελυρὸς οὗτος ov petedwk αἰτοῦντι μοι, are
his words in the character of the Cydathenzan dog,
who represents a sycophant informer, who prosecutes

14 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

Labes (the dog defendant) because he would not give
him a share of the Sicilian cheese which he had stolen.
Tw koww γέμοι, I suppose means, the dog of the
publick ; or this last line may be spoken by the judge
himself, who represents the people, and is angry, that
he had no part in the spoil. In the Scholia, for Xapyra
read Λαχητα.

930. Avros καθελου----ἂα far as ovderw, v. 934, is
said by Bdelycleon ; and Philocleon adds, (as the Scho-
liast also reads) Tovrov de γ᾽ ow eyo, &c., meaning the
defendant.

954, Eyw δ᾽ εβουλομὴν αν, &e., seems obscure, nor
do I perceive who says this. Axovoov ὦ δαιμονιε, v.
956. belongs to Bdelycleon, who from Thesmothetes
turns advocate for Labes.

981. Tyvdi λαβων, &c. The account in the Scho-
liast of the manner of voting, is to me unintelligible ;
and Florens Christianus (who does little more than
translate the Scholia) is as much so. It seems that
the calculi put into the ὕστερος καδισκος acquitted the
prisoner. The matter is better explained in the Schol.
on v. 985.

1014. Eurycles, an ἐγγαστρίμυθος or ventriloquist,
and prophet at Athens. Kus αλλοτριας yaorepas, I
imagine, means fetching his voice out of another per-
son’s belly ; for persons, who have this faculty, often
seem to do so. :

1025. Aristophanes—how he demolished Cleon in
his Equites: his Nubes, written against the school of
Socrates, exploded : he reckons it his best piece : ancient
Scholia, sung after meals, on Harmodius: the beginning

VESPA. 15

of another by Alceeus: Αδμητου Aoyos: the Parzeria of
Praxilla : AXsophic and Sybaritic tales.

1037. The office of the Polemarch. See the Schol.
on this verse.

1052. The custom of putting apples (qu. whether
the citron fruit 1) among chests of clothes.

1221. This is the beginning of the Scholion on Har-
modius and Aristogéiton, to which Philocleon answers,
as continuing the song, Ουκ οὕτω πανοῦργος, &c., mean-
ing Cleon, whom Bdelycleon personates. Observe the
way of singing successively (see Nubes, v. 1367), and
continuing the same Scholion, giving a myrtle branch
from one to another.

1275. Kut τινες ot, &c. This obscure antistrophe
relates to some transaction between Cleon and the
poet, of which we know little. ;

1300. Didymus and others take these lines for
nonsense.

1408. I know not why this character is called Euri-
pides : it seems a mistake.

1418. Example of a Sybaritic tale.

1481. Besides Phrynichus, son of Melanthus the
tragick poet, (who must have been dead fifty years at
least before this) and Phrynichus, the comick son of
Polyphradmon (or Eunomides, see Rane, v. 13.) and
contemporary with Aristophanes, there was a third
Phrynichus, a famed actor of tragedy mentioned here
in the Scholion on v. 1293, and by Andocides de
Mysteriis, p. 7, as a relation of hisown. (See also Aves,
Schol. on 750.)

1491. Carcinus, the son of Thorycias, had three

16 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

sons, all players, Xenotimus, Demotimus, and the
youngest Xenocles, a tragick poet.

1507. The chorus here give way to the three sons
of Carcinus, or to such as imitated them, who dance a
vaulting dance.

1524. For spas read ὕμας. The chorus came on,
but never went off, dancing.

NUBES.

Ol, 89.1. In Dionysiis tos κατ᾽ αστυ, Mens. Elaphebol. after
the Vespe.

The Nubes was played ΟἹ. 89. 1. and damned; it was
altered and repeated Ol. 89. 2, but still with ill success.
It was again altered, and published two or three years
after, but never played again.

v. 10. Σισυρα, a kind of frieze (Ecclesiaz: 347) or
thick woollen garment, used as a great coat, and also to
cover beds, as here, like a blanket.

37. Anpapxos, an officer presiding over each Anpos,
instituted (as Aristotle says) by Clisthenes ; for before
that time they were called Ναυκλαροι. They had a
register of all the debts of their Anporat, and obliged
them to give their creditors security, when demanded.

178. Διαβητην. The Scholiast here exactly describes
a pair of compasses. (Vid. Platon. Philebus, p. 567.)

180. Thales the Milesian.

256. The sacrifice of Athamas, in a tragedy of
Sophocles.

267. Κυνῆ, a leather cap, or calotte, with which they
covered their head against the rain

335. Bombast expressions of dithyrambick writers,
Cinesias, Philoxenus, and Cleomenes, as the Scholiast
says.

VOL, TY. J [ σ

18 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

503. Cheerephon ; his leanness and paleness.

524, The jirst Nubes exploded: Aristophanes re-
garded it as his best work. His Δαιταλεις, the first
comedy of his brought upon the stage, but under another
person’s name, Philonides or Callistratus ; its success.

534. The Choephori of Auschylus.

549. His abuse of Cleon in the Equites. Eupolis’s
Maricas, a bad imitation of the Equites. Phrynichus,
the comick writer. Hermippus, his drama against
Hyperbolus. The simile of the eel-catchers in the
Equites was famous.

586. It is not necessary that we should understand
this of Cleon’s expedition to Thrace, where he was killed
and the Athenians defeated, as the Scholia and Span-
heim would have us understand it; it is meant of his
Στρατηγια, in the year he took 2paxrypia, which, how-
ever successful in that particular, is always represented
by the poet, here and elsewhere, as the misfortune and
errour of the publick, on account of the signal depravity
of manners, rapacity, and mad conduct of Cleon. It
appears, even from v. 591, that Cleon was actually alive
at the time when this was written. Hyperbolus was
chosen Hieromnemon in this year, to go to Thermopyle
and Delphi. Mad. Dacier’s explanation of v. 625, is
the best we can find.

765. A remarkable description of a burning-glass.
The Scholia here tells us, that at this time they called
rock-crystal Ὕαλος, which may possibly be, as he here
calls it, Avlos. Not that artificial glass, from Egypt
and the east, was unknown to them: Herodotus men-
tions it in his account of the Ethiopians, &c.; however

NUBES. 19

it appears, that they did not put it to this use of collect-
ing the sunbeams, till they had heated it first, and rubbed
it with oil: it seems to have been then newly invented.
Spanhemius, at v. 619 and 626, does not imagine this
confusion of the year to be owing to the irregularities
before the invention of Meto’s cycle, (which was not
received into publick use), but to some attempt, per-
haps of the magistracy, at this time to introduce that
cycle, which, however, did not obtain: the months still
continuing of thirty, and the year of three hundred and
sixty, days.
919. The Telephus of Euripides.

961. The Greek children from ten years old to
thirteen were sent to the I‘payparticryns, who taught
them to read and write, then to the Κιθαριστης, and
next to the IadorpiPys.

964. The odes of Lamprocles son of Midon an
Athenian, and of Cydides of Hermione.

967. Phrynis, the musician of Mitylene, scholar of
Aristoclitus, corrupted and softened the ancient musick.

981. Schol. Cecides, was an ancient dithyrambick.

1047. All natural warm baths were sacred to
Hercules.

1264. Carcinus introduced in his tragedies, certain
deities deploring and lamenting themselves. A parody
of two lines in the Licymnius of Xenocles.

1359. Scholia of Simonides. Speeches from Ais-
chylus and Euripides were sung at entertainments,

PAX,

Acted in the Dionysia ra κατ᾽ aorv, Ol. 90. 2. Archonte Archia.
Bentley and Malalam.

v. 81. This whole whim of making Trygeus fly to
heaven, mounted on the back of a monstrous beetle, is
a ridiculous imitation of the Bellerophon of Euripides,
who is introduced in like sort taming Pegasus for the
same purpose, and seating himself on his back. This
‘“Hovyos, ἥσυχος, ἡρεμα, κανθων, is a parody of that
scene which begun, Ay’ ὦ φιλον μοι IInyacov πτερον:
and so, from the elevated expression, I imagine the rest
to be, as far as v. 155. The reason why he himself
chooses to go to heaven on a beetle, he himself gives us
out of Aisop’s fables ;

Ev τοισιν Awwrov Aoyous εξηυρεθη
Movos πετεινων εἰς Θεους αφιγμενος"

and he adds another, which shews his ceconomy and
prudence; for he says, that had he used any other
vehicle, he must have carried twice the provision,
whereas this animal will feed on what he himself had
digested.

146. The Bellerophon of Euripides introduced lame
after his fall.

218. Hv exwpev τὴν IlvAov. This seems to allude

PAX. 21

to the Athenians refusing to restore Pylus after the
ratification of the truce, Ol. 89. 4. See Thucyd. L.
5, 35.

236. Tas γναθους adynoere, ie. In eating the
Μύυττωτος which he is cooking for them.

342. The best account of the Κοτταβισμος is in the
Scholia, and at v. 1241.

363. Prisoners condemned to death were executed
one only in a day, and drew lots who should die first.

373. Those who would be initiated at Eleusis sacri-
ficed a pig, which cost three drachmz. (See also Plat.
Rep. L. 2. 378.)

413. The eclipse of the sun, Ol. 88. 4, mentioned by
Thucydides ; and in the Nubes, v. 584.
449. Keil τις στρατηγειν, &c. This (as the Scholiast
says) is a reflection perhaps on Alcibiades, but un-
doubtedly on Lamachus, who was always strenuous for
continuing the war.

456. Mars and Enyalius were two different divinities.
(See Sophocles, Ajax, v. 179.)

465. The Beeotians refused to come into the truce
with Athens. See Thucyd. L. 5. 17.

530. The musick of Sophocles praised. Euripides’s
little sentences and short replies. ;

642. “Arr av διαβαλοι, ἄς. This alludes to sick
stomachs, which are most inclined to eat what is most
prejudicial to them.

697. Simonides and Sophocles, now an old man;
their avarice.

699. This is not to be literally understood ; for
‘Cratinus was alive seven years after the invasion of

22 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

Attica by the Spartans, but he had given himself up to
drinking, and declined in his parts and reputation.

712. The senate seemed to have named the Θεωροῖ,
that is, the Areopagus, as I imagine.

728, The chorus here (as in Acharnens. v. 626.) pull
off their iwaria, or mantles, or upper garments, that
they may dance the Parabasis, or the anapeestick digres-
sion, with more ease.

735, Aristophanes banished (as he says) low ribaldry
from the stage, and made comedy an art; he attacked
without fear the most powerful men, particularly Cleon.
Carcinus and his sons, Morsimus and Melanthius, tragick
poets, satirized. Ion of Chius, his hymn on the morning
star: now lately dead. See the account of him in the
Scholia.

756. These verses are repeated from the Nubes,
which proves that drama to have been exploded.

884. Ariphrades: his strange lust.

951. Cheeris, the tibicen. Morychus and Melanthius ;
their gluttony. Parody from the Medea of the latter.
Stilbides and Hierocles of Oreus, professed prophets.
Bacis; three of that name (Schol.), a Beeotian, an
Athenian, and an Arcadian. Sibylla, her prophecies.

966. Ceremonies in sacrificing: extinguishing a
lighted torch in the water, with which they washed ;
carrying the vessel with barley, a garland, and knife in
it, round the altar to the right ; throwing whole barley
among the people, &c. It appears (see Thesmoph. v.
402. and Aves, 795) that women were present in the
theatres, which is amazing, when one considers the
extreme indecency, not of words alone, but of actions,

PAX. 23

in these spectacles. The preceding scene at v. 881, is
a more than common instance of it. See also Lysis-
trata, v. 1095.

Possibly the chorus, not the audience, might be in
part composed of women, for it is they who are called
ot Θεωμενοι. The sacrificer asked before the libation,
Tus τηδε ; and the standers-by replied IloAXo1 κᾳγαθοι:
then they sprinkled them with the holy water, and
begun the prayer; after which they cut the victim’s
throat: (1018. he calls it tov ow. Is this a general
name for all victims, or should one read τὸ θῦμα ἢ it
appears to be a sheep, not a hog: the Schol. at verse
1019 sacrifice to Peace without any victim in the fes-
tival called Συνοικεσια.) Then having dressed the
victim and piled wood on the altar, they offered up the
two, sprinkling them with wine and oil and barley
flour (ta θυληματα). The Mavreis wore laurel-crowns.

1056. Aye νυν amapxov, ἄο. The Απαργμα seems
to be the first cut, due to the Mavris. After the offer-
ing they dressed the inward parts and the tongue, made
their libation, and then eat them.

1240. A cuirass was worth ten mine; a trumpet,
sixty drachme ; a helmet, one mina.

1253. Συρμαια, an Egyptian purge. See Thesmoph.
864. In this play one would imagine, that the scene
must change at v. 179, (where Trygeus arrives at the
gates of heaven mounted on his winged steed), and
from thence to v. 829, it lies in heaven: but how the
chorus get thither I cannot imagine, as they have no
hippo-canthari (or horse-beetles) to carry them to that
place.

24 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

OBSERVATION,

Bentley dates the time of the action of this play as
above, Ol. 90. 2. Palmerius dates it a year sooner, Ol. 90.
1.; Sam. Petitus two years earlier, Ol. 89. 3. Archonte
Alczo; and I cannot but think the last to be in the right.
What the two former chiefly go upon, are these lines :

Οἱ cov τρυχομεθ᾽ ηδὴ
Τρια και Sex’ ετη---
This, I think, Petitus has answered by saying, that the
poet himself, v. 605, places the beginning of the war
three years higher than the common account, that is,
from the declaration against Megara, Ol. 86. 2. Archonte
Antilochida, which was the first cause of the Pelopon-
nesian war. So that this drama appeared during the
Dionysia, which immediately preceded the truce, (men-
tioned by Thucydides, L. 5. c. 20) when it was on the
point of being concluded, and before the Spartan
prisoners, taken at Sphacteria, were restored, as the
following lines seem to intimate ;
Ap’ ow’, ὅσοι γ᾽ αυτων εχονται Tov Evdov
Movor προθυμοῦντ᾽" aAN ὁ χαλκεὺς ovk εᾶ:

which the Scholiast rightly explains of these captives,
though Palmerius makes light of their interpretation,
and tries to give the passage quite another sense, under-
standing the words, exovtas του EvAov, of the Tewpyor,
and ὁ χαλκεὺς of the armourer, who lived by the war ;
not reflecting that the words undoubtedly relate to the
Lacedeemonians, among whom these arts belonged only
to slaves, whose inclinations could have no influence in
determining the state either to war or to peace. And
besides in the lines 270 and 280, and 311, (EvAaBew

PAX. 25

“ἐκεῖνον tov Κερβερον, &c.), there could be no manner of
humour, if we imagine Brasidas and Cleon to have been
dead three years. Whereas Ol. 89. 3. in spring-time,
it was but a few months from the battle of Amphipolis,
which happened at the end of the summer before. As
to that line, 294, IIpu ἕτερον av δοιδυκα, &e. it may
as well be understood of Lamachus, Hyperbolus, or any
other favourer of the war, as of Alcibiades ; or if it be
applied to him, what occasion is there to think it is
meant of his Στρατηγια in Peloponnesus (Ol. 90. 1)?
What is said of the Argives at v. 474, and 492, is only
a reproach for the neutrality which they had observed
during the war; or their inclinations might well be
suspected even at this time, before they had actually
formed a new confederacy against Sparta, as it after-
wards happened. For what could be more natural, than
that a powerful state, which by long peace had been for
many years acquiring new strength, while their ancient
enemies had been continually weakening themselves by
war, should (at a time when their truce with Sparta
was on the point of expiring) attempt to form a league
by drawing their discontented allies from them, and
setting themselves at the head of a new confederacy,
which necessarily must kindle a new war in Greece. As
to the aversion the Boeotians and Megarensians had to
peace (mentioned ν. 465 and 480) see Thucydides, L.
5.17. As tov. 210. Exetvov πολλακις σπονδας ποιουν-
των, it alludes to the Spartan offer of a truce, Ol. 88. 4,
which was rejected ; and the suspension of arms agreed
upon ΟἹ. 89. 1, and ill-observed, the Lacedzmonians
continuing their conquests in Thrace.

AVES.

This Comedy was acted Ol. 91. 2. Archonte Chabria in Dionysiis
τοις kar aotv. It was judged the second best; the Com-
aste of Ameipsias being the first.

THE PLAN! OF THE AVES.

Kuelpides and Pistheterus, two ancient Athenians,
thoroughly weary of the folly, injustice, and litigious
temper of their countrymen, determine to leave Attica
for good and all; and having heard much of the fame
of Epops, king of the birds, who was once a man under
the name of Tereus, and had married an Athenian lady,
they pack up a few necessary utensils, and set out for
the court of that prince under the conduct of a jay and
a raven, birds of great distinction in augury, without
whose direction the Greeks never undertook any thing
of consequence. Their errand is to enquire of the birds,
who are the greatest travellers of any nation, where
they may meet with a quiet easy settlement, far from
all prosecutions, law-suits, and sycophant informers,
to pass the remainder of their lives in peace and
liberty.

1 Perhaps the reader may be inclined to think with the editor,
that the plan, or detailed argument, of the Aves is drawn up

with such peculiar vivacity, pointed humour, and originality of
manner, as to be a model of its kind.—[MATuIaAs. ]

AVES. 27

Beth. Se, 1.

The scene is a wild unfrequented country, which
terminates in mountains: there the old men are seen,
accompanied by two slaves who carry their little baggage,
fatigued and fretting at the carelessness of their guides,
who, though they cost them a matter of a groat in the
market, are good for nothing but to bite them by the
fingers, and lead them out of the way. They travel on
however, till they come to the foot of the rocks, which
stop up their passage, and put them to their wit’s end.
Here the raven croaks, and the jay chatters, and looks
up into the air, as much as to say, that this is the place :
upon which they knock with a stone, and with their
heels, (as though it were against a door,) against the
side of the mountain.

Act 1. Scene 2.

Trochilus, a bird that waits upon Epops, appears
above; he is frighted at the sight of two men, and
they are much more so at the length of his beak and
the fierceness of his aspect. He takes them for fowlers ;
and they insist upon it, that they are not men, but
birds. In their confusion, their guides, whom they
held in a string, escape and fly away. Epops, during
this, within is asleep, after having dined upon a dish
of beetles and berries: their noise wakens him, and he
comes out of the grove.

Scene 3.

At the strangeness of his figure they are divided
between fear and laughing. ‘They tell him their errand,

28 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.,

and he gives them the choice of several cities fit for
their purpose, one particularly on the coast of the Red
Sea, all which they refuse for many comical reasons.
He tells them the happiness of living among the birds ;
they are much pleased with the liberty and simplicity
of it; and Pisthetzrus, a shrewd old fellow, proposes a
scheme to improve it, and make them a far more power-
ful and considerable nation.

Scene 4.

Epops is struck with the project, and calls up his
consort, the nightingale, to summon all his people
together with her voice. They sing a fine ode: the
birds come flying down, at first one by one, and perch
here and there about the scene ; and at last the chorus
in a whole body, come hopping, and fluttering, and
twittering in.

Scene 5.

At the sight of the two men, they are in great
tumult, and think that their king has betrayed them
to the enemy. They determine to tear the two old men
to pieces, draw themselves up in battle-array, and are
giving the word to fall on. Euelpides and Pisthetzrus,
in all the terrours of death, after upbraiding each the
other for bringing him into such distress, and trying in
vain to escape, assume courage from mere despair, seize
upon the kitchen-furniture which they had brought with
them, and armed with pipkins for helmets, and with
spits for lances, they present a resolute front to the
enemy’s phalanx.

AVES. 29

Act 1. Scene 6.

On the point of battle Epops interposes, pleads hard
for his two guests, who are, he says, his wife’s relations,
and people of wonderful abilities, and well-affected to
their commonwealth. His eloquence has its effect ; the
birds grow less violent, they enter into a truce with the
old men, and both sides lay down their arms. Pisthe-
teerus, upon the authority of Ausop’s fables, proves to
them the great antiquity of their nation; that they
were born before the creation of the earth, and before
the gods, and once reigned over all countries, as he
shows from several testimonies and monuments of
different nations: that, the cock wears his tiara erect,
like the Persian king, and that all mankind start out of
their beds at his command ; that, when the kite makes
his first appearance in the spring, every one prostrate
themselves on the ground before it ; that, the Egyptians
and Phoenicians set about their harvest, as soon as the
cuckoo is heard ; that, all kings bear an eagle on their
sceptre, and many of the gods carry a bird on their
head ; that, many great men swear by the goose, &e. ke.
When he has revived in them the memory of their ancient
empire, he laments their present despicable condition,
and the affronts put upon them by mankind. They are
convinced of what he says, applaud his oration, and
desire his advice.

Act 1. Scene 7.

He proposes that they shall unite, and build a city
in the mid-air, whereby all commerce will effectually be
stopped, between heaven and earth: the gods will no
longer be able to visit at ease their Semeles and Alec-

30 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

meenas below, nor feast on the fume of sacrifices daily
sent up to them, nor men enjoy the benefit of the
seasons, nor the fruits of the earth, without permission
from those winged deities of the middle region. He
shows how mankind will lose nothing by this change of
government; that the birds may be worshipped at a
far less expense, nothing more than a few berries or a
handful of corn; that they will need no sumptuous
temples ; that by their great knowledge of futurity they
will direct their good votaries in all their expeditions,
so as they can never fail of success; that the ravens,
famed for the length of their lives, may make a present
of a century or two to their worshippers; and besides
the birds will ever be within call, when invoked, and
not sit pouting in the clouds, and keeping their state
so many miles off. The scheme is highly admired, and
the two old men are to be made free of the city, and
each of them is to be adorned with a pair of wings at
the publick charge. Epops invites them to his nest-
royal, and entertains them nobly. The nightingale in
the mean time joins the chorus without, and the Para-
basis begins. They sing their own nobility and ancient
grandeur, their prophetick skill, the benefits they do
mankind already, and all the good which they design
them ; they descant upon the power of musick, in which
they are such great masters, and intermix many strokes
of satire ; they shew the advantages of flying, and apply
it to several whimsical cases ; and they invite all such,
as would be free from the heavy tyranny of human
laws, to live among them, where it is no sin to beat
one’s father, or to lie with one’s mother, &c. &e.

AVES. 31

Act 2. Scene 1.

The old men now become birds, and magnificently
fledged, after laughing a while at the new and awkward
figure they make, consult about the name which they
shall give to their rising city, and fix upon that of
Nephelococcygia: and while one goes to superintend
the workmen, the other prepares to sacrifice for the
prosperity of the city, which is growing apace.

Scene 2.
They begin a solemn prayer to all the birds of
. Olympus, putting the swan in the place of Apollo, the
cock in that of Mars, and the ostrich in that of the
great mother Cybele, &c.

Scene 3.

A miserable poet, having already heard of the new
settlement, comes with some lyrick poetry which he
has composed on this great occasion. Pisthetzrus
knows his errand from his looks, and makes them give
him an old coat; but not contented with that, he begs
to have the waistcoat to it, in the elevated style of
Pindar ; they comply, and get rid of him.

Scene 4.

The sacrifice is again interrupted by a begging pro-
phet, who brings a cargo of oracles, partly relating to
the prosperity of the city of Nephelococcygia, and
partly to a new pair of shoes, of which he is in extreme
want. Pisthetzerus loses patience, and cuffs him and
his religious trumpery off the stage.

32 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

Scene 5,

Meto, the famous geometrician, comes next and
offers a plan, which he has drawn, for the new build-
ings, with much importance and impertinence: he
meets with as bad a reception as the prophet.

Act 2. Scene 6 and 7.

An ambassador, or licensed spy from Athens, arrives,
and a legislator with a body of new laws. They are
used with abundance of indignity, and go off threatening
every body with a prosecution. The sacred rites being
so often interrupted, they are forced to remove their
altar, and finish them behind the scenes. The chorus
rejoice in their own increasing power; and (as about
the time of the Dionysia it was usual to make pro-
clamation against the enemies of the republick) they
set a price upon the head of a famous poulterer, who
has exercised infinite cruelties upon their friends and
brethren: then they turn themselves to the judges and
spectators, and promise, if this drama obtain the victory,
how propitious they will be to them.

Act 3. Scene 1.

Pistheteerus returns, and reports, that the sacrifice
appears auspicious to their undertaking: a messenger
then enters with an account how quick the works
advance, and whimsically describes the employments
allotted to the several birds, in different parts of the
building. ce

Scene 2.

Another messenger arrives in a violent hurry, to tell

AVES. 33

how somebody from heaven has deceived the vigilance
of the jack-daws, who were upon guard, and passed
through the gates down into the lower air; but that a
whole squadron of light-winged forces were in pursuit
of this insolent person, and hoped to fetch him back
again. The birds are in great perturbation, and all in
a flutter about it.

Scene 3.

This person proves to be Iris, who in her return is
stopped short, and seized by order of Pistheteerus. He
examines her, where is her passport? Whether she
had leave from the watch? What is her business?
Who she is? in short, he treats her with great authority.
She tells her name, and that she was sent by Jove with
orders to mankind, that they should keep holiday, and
perform a grand sacrifice: she wonders at their sauci-
ness and madness, and threatens them with all her
father’s thunder. The governour of Nephelococcygia
returns it with higher menaces, and with language very
indecent indeed for a goddess and a maid to hear:
however, with much-ado, she carries off her virginity
safe, but in a terrible passion.

Act 3. Scene 4.

The herald, who had been dispatched to the lower
world, returns with an account that all Athens was
gone bird-mad ; that it was grown a fashion to imitate
them in their names and manners; and that shortly
they might expect to see a whole convoy arrive, in
order to settle among them. The chorus run to fetch

VOI. IV. D

34 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

a vast cargo of feathers and wings to equip their new
citizens, when they come.

Scene 5,

The first, who appears, is a profligate young fellow,
who hopes to enjoy a liberty, which he could not enjoy
so well at home, the liberty of beating his father.
Pisthetzerus allows it indeed to be the custom of his
people ; but at the same time informs him of an ancient
law preserved among the storks, that they shall maintain
their parents in their old age. This is not at all agree-
able to the youth : however in consideration of his affec-
tion for the Nephelococcygians, Pistheterus furnishes
him with a feather for his helmet, and a cock’s spur
for a weapon, and advises him, as he seems to be of a
very military turn, to go into the army in Thrace.

Scene 6,

The next is Cinesias, the dithyrambick writer, who
is delighted with the thought of living among the
clouds, amidst those airy regions, whence all his poetical
flights are derived ; but Pisthetzrus will have no such
animal among his birds: he drives him back to Athens
with great contempt.

Act 3. Scene 7.

He then drives away also (but not without a severe
whipping) an informer, who, for the better dispatch of
business, and. to avoid highwaymen and bad roads,
comes to beg a pair of wings to carry him round the
islands and cities subject to Athens, whose inhabitants

AVES. 35

he is used to swear against for an honest livelihood, as
did, he says, his fathers before him. The birds, in the
ensuing chorus, relate their travels, and describe the
strange things and strange men they have seen in them.

Act 4. Scene 1.

A person in disguise, with all the appearance of
caution and fear, comes to enquire for Pisthetzrus, to
whom he discovers himself to be Prometheus, and tells
him (but first he makes them hold a large umbrella
over his head for fear Jupiter should spy him) that the
gods are all in a starving miserable condition: and,
what is worse, that the barbarian gods (who live no
one knows where, in a part of heaven far beyond the
gods of Greece) threaten to make war upon them,
unless they will open the ports, and renew the inter-
course between mankind and them, as of old. He
advises Pisthetzerus to make the most of this intelli-
gence, and to reject all offers boldly, which Jupiter may
make him, unless he will consent to restore to the birds
their ancient power, and give him in marriage his
favourite attendant, Basiléa.! This said, he slips back
again to heaven, as he came. The chorus continue an
account of their travels.

Act 4. Scene 2.

An embassy arrives from heaven consisting of Her-
cules, Neptune, and a certain Triballian god. As they
approach the city walls, Neptune is dressing and scold-

1 2,6. Sovereignty.

36 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

ing at the outlandish divinity, and teaching him how
to carry himself a little decently. They find Pisthe-
terus busy in giving orders about a dish of wild
fowl (i.e. of birds which had been guilty of high mis-
demeanours, and condemned to die by the publick)
which are dressing for his dinner. Hercules, who before
was for wringing off the head of this audacious mortal
without farther conference, finds himself insensibly
relent, as he snuffs the savoury steam. He salutes
Pisthetzerus, who receives them very coldly, and is
more attentive to his kitchen than to their compliment ;
Neptune opens his commission ; owns that his nation
(the gods) are not the better for this war, and on
reasonable terms would be glad of a peace. Pisthe-
teerus, according to the advice of Prometheus, proposes
(as if to try them) the first condition, namely, that of
Jupiter’s restoring to the birds their ancient power ;
and, if this should be agreed to, he says, that he hopes
to entertain my lords the ambassadors at dinner. Her-
cules, pleased with this last compliment, so agreeable
to his appetite, comes readily into all he asks; but is
severely reproved by Neptune for his gluttony. Pisthe-
teerus argues the point, and shews how much it would
be for the mutual interests of both nations; and
Neptune is hungry enough to be glad of some reason-
able pretence to give the thing up. The Triballian
god is asked his opinion for form: he mutters some-
what, which nobody understands, and so it passes for
his consent. Here they are going in to dinner, and all is
well ; when Pisthetzrus bethinks himself of the match
with Basilea. This makes Neptune fly out again: he

a ee ee συν, ν

AVES. 37

will not hear of it; he will return home instantly ; but
Hercules cannot think of leaving a good meal so; he
is ready to acquiesce in any conditions. His colleague
attempts to shew him that he is giving up his patri-
mony for a dinner ; and what will become of him after
Jupiter’s death, if the birds are to have everything
during his life-time. Pisthetzerus clearly proves to Her-
cules that this is a mere imposition ; that by the laws
of Solon a bastard has no inheritance; that if Jove
died without legitimate issue, his brothers would suc-
ceed to his estate, and that Neptune speaks only out
of interest. Now the Triballian god is again to deter-
mine the matter; they interpret his jargon as favour-
able to them; so Neptune is forced to give up the
point, and Pisthetzrus goes with him and the barbarian
to heaven to fetch his bride, while Hercules stays
behind to take care that the roast meat is not spoiled.

Act 5. Scene the first and last.

A messenger returns with the news of the approach
of Pisthetzrus and his bride; and accordingly they
appear in the air in a splendid machine, he with Jove’s
thunderbolt in his hand, and by his side Basiléa magni-
ficently adorned : the birds break out into loud songs of
exultation as they descend, and conclude the drama with
their Hymenzeal.

The end of the Plan of the Aves,

NOTES ON THE AVES.

103. The birds of the drama had only the head,
wings, and beak of the fowl which they represented.

115. Why is Tereus said to have been in debt ?

126. This is the Aristocrates, who afterwards was one
of the four hundred, mentioned by Thucydides, L. 8. 89,
and by Lysias in his oration against Eratosthenes.

v. 51. Acestor, called Sacas, a tragick poet, pre-
tended to be a citizen of Athens.

151. Melanthius, the poet, had a leprosy.

180. IIoAos. This word was used at this time for
the whole heavens. Xaos, the void space of air. (v.
1218.)

223. AvAe τις. These words are not in the drama,
but are a Ilapervypady, a direction written on the side
to signify, that an air is played on the flute, in imita-
tion of the nightingale.

276. The second Tyro of Sophocles. Philocles called
Halmion, the son of Philopeithes, and a sister of
Aischylus, wrote comedy. Philocles, the tragick poet,
was the son of Astydamus, the son of Morsimus, the
son of the former Philocles. Another of the same
name and profession, his contemporary.

285. Callias, his luxury and poverty noted. Pal-
merius here gives a genealogy of the family.

AVES. 39

293. Schol. The Διαυλος was to run twice the
length of the Stadium ; the AoAcxos, seven times.

298. Here the twenty-four persons, who form the
comick chorus, are all enumerated, as they enter under
the form of as many birds. They are, as follow: a
partridge, a godwit, a guinea-hen, a male and female
haleyon, an owl, a woodpecker, a turtle, a tit-lark, a
pigeon, a hawk, a stock-dove, a cuckow, a dive-dapper,
and ten more, of which I know not the English names ;
an EAeds, an Ὕποθυμις, a Neptos, an Epv@porovs, a
Κεβληπυρις, a Pyvyn, an Αμπελις, a Πορῴφυρις, a Apvoy,
and Kepxvijs. There are also several mute personages,
perched here and there to adorn the scene ; a flamingo,
a Median bird, (perhaps a kind of pheasant), though it
appears that this bird, under the name of Pacvavixos
from v. 68, was known at that time, a hoopee, a
Karwdayas.

437. Schol. The Andromache and the Phenissz
of Euripides were not acted till after the Aves.

471. Silly fable of ASsop. 485. The cock, called
the Persian bird.

494. The festival was on the tenth day after the
child’s birth, at which time they named it. See v.
924,

501. The custom of rolling on the ground, when
they first saw a kite in the spring-time. In Egypt,
and in Pheenicia, they began their harvest as soon as
the cuckow is heard.

510. The figure of a bird was placed on the top of
royal sceptres (Schol. on v. 1354.) the Scholiasts say,
an eagle. The statues of Minerva were with an owl,

40 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

those of Jupiter with an eagle, of Apollo with a hawk
on their heads, &c.

519. In sacrifices they first laid the inwards of the
victim upon the hands of the deity, and then eat them.

521. The Nemesis of Cratinus was written long
after this play.

653. The fable of Archilochus, attributed, like all
other such fables, to Aisop.

670. Progne (for it was she, not Philomel, according
to our poet, who was transformed to a nightingale)
was represented by some famous AvAyrpis of those
times, who accompanied the chorus with her flute.

716. Χλαινα, a winter garment. Axnédos or Ληδαριον,
one for the summer.

750. Phrynichus, the tragick poet, was said to borrow
his musick from the nightingale,

760. They used artificial spurs for fighting-cocks,
as now, called IIAnxtpa. (Schol. on v. 1365.)

780. Hence I should imagine that these spectacles
were exhibited in the forenoon. There was a place
in the theatre assigned to the senate, called To BovAev-
τικον, and another to the youth under age, named
EdnBixov.

800. The myrmidons of Aischylus. 808. The eagle
and arrow from Aischylus, who calls it a Lybian fable.

843. Schol. The Palamedes of Euripides was acted
a little before this, which joined to Aélian’s testimony,
Var. Hist. Lib. 2. 8, proves the falseness of that story
concerning the application of some lines in that drama
to the death of Socrates, which did not happen till
sixteen years after. This passage in the Scholiast

a a ὰνδν τὰν νὰν ὍΝ

AVES. 41

supports Ailian, and makes the emendation of 8. Petitus
(ad Thesmophoruzas) of no account.

880. Alludes to the custom at Athens of praying
jointly for their own state and that of Chios.

920. The style of the dithyrambick poets, Simonides
and Pindar, &c., laughed at.

934, Σπολας, an upper garment made of skins.

942. In the fragment of Pindar, for ὥτρατων, read
Στρατος ; after axAens «Ba, something is wanting.

967. Ovdev ovov ἐστι, means here, nothing hinders.

995. Meto, the geometrician, ridiculed.

1023. ἔπισκοποι, a sort of deputies sent from Athens
to inspect the allied cities, like the Spartan “Appoora:,
as the Scholiast says.

1025. PavAov βιβλιον TeAeov. The Scholiast says
nothing upon this, nor any one else. Teleas, a bad
author.

1036. Eav 6 Νεφελοκοκκυγιευς, ἄς. This is the
beginning of a new law made on the occasion.

1073. Ishould imagine that the proclamation against
Diagoras was made this very year during the Dionysia.
(See Andocides de Mysteriis, p. 13), or that perhaps
might be the time, when such proclamations against the
publick enemies were made during these assemblies.

1114. Μηνισκοι. These were plates of brass with
which they shaded the heads of statues to guard them
from the weather and the birds.

1149. Ὑπαγωγευς. The name of a trowel, or some
such instrument, but of a forked form, I imagine, like
a swallow’s tail. Ὥσπερ παιδια alludes to some children’s

play.

- 42 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

1157. I read, IleAekwvrwv, instead of Πελεκαντων.

1200. The part of Iris, played by some courtezan,
which is not, as in the [rene and others, a mute personage.

1282. Eowxparovv. It seems, that it was now a
sort of fashion in Athens, to imitate Socrates in his
dress and manner, and to talk philosophy.

1294. This cannot relate (as Palmerius, deceived by
the pseudo-Plutarch who wrote the life of Lycurgus,
imagines) to that orator, who probably was not born at
the time when this comedy was written. 1296. Che-
repho, called Nuxrepis. |

1338. A parody of the Cinomaus of Sophocles.
1374. Cynesias, a bad dithyrambick writer, called
Φιλυρινος, and why: he was lame. Parody of Alczus
and Simonides. |

1485-93. Schol. The heroes who are supposed to
walk in the night, and strike with blindness, or with
some other mischief, any who met them. The persons,
who past by their fanes, always kept silence.

1493. Ta επιδεξιας. The nobler parts, the head and
the eyes.

1508. Σκιαδιον, an umbrella, used by the Κανηφοροι,
to keep off the sun in processions.

1655. The law by which a father could not give his
natural son by will more than five mine.

1675. Disputes between plenipotentiaries, deter-
mined by the majority. ee

1728. Alludes to the Troades of Euripides. ~

1762. The hymn of Archilochus to Hercules Cal-

linicus.

0 a ne ee

THESMOPHORIAZUSA

Acted Ol. 92.1. Archon: Callia, V. Palmerium. What
Petitus says here, is all wrong.

3. Tov σπλῆνα κομιδῆ pe ἐκβαλειν, I imagine he
means with coughing; for it is a cold winter’s
morning.

109. It cannot be the Chorus who accompany Agatho
in his hymn here; if it were, they must hear all the
distress of Euripides, and see Mnesilochus dressed up
to deceive themselves. Therefore,-it must be some of
Agatho’s admirers, like himself, dressed up in female
habits ; or it may be a chorus whom he is instructing
to perform in some tragedy of his own ; or perhaps, the
Muses who (as the servant says, v. 40) are come to make
a visit to his master.

Agatho, the tragick poet, is derided for his effeminacy
and affectation. Euripides, his abuse of women.

142. The Lycurgia of Aischylus parodied.

175. Philocles, Xenocles, Theognis, the dramatick
poets, ridiculed. |

201. The Alcestis of Euripides parodied. He is said
to have preached up atheism in his tragedies.

~ 260. Kpoxwros, a woman’s vest, or under-garment,
which they girt with the =rpodcov under their breast.
(So in Catullus, “et tereti Strophio luctantes vincta

44 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

papillas.”) On their head they wore the Kexpuvdados,
bound about with a Mucrpa or broad fillet. On some
occasions they used a Κεφαλη περιθετος, or Pevaxn, (see
Plutus, Schol. on v. 271.) like a tower (tot compagibus
altum edificat caput, Juv. Sat. 6. v. 501.) or a peruke
with the head-dress fastened on it. Over their vest
they threw the ἔγκυκλος, a broad flowing robe. In ν.
270, Χαλαρα γοῦν χαιρεις φορῶν ; is said by Mnesilochus :
Agatho answers in the next line; 2v τουτο, &c.

554. The Melanippe and Hippolytus of Euripides :
his Palamedes represented as writing on the fragments
of oars, and throwing them into the sea.

654. Ισθμον τιν᾽ exerts. Kusterus is mistaken here:
there are instances, in Thucydides and elsewhere, of
ships drawn by land over the isthmus of Corinth.

811. Ναυσιμαχης pev—and 815. AAN Ἑυβουλης.
The explanation which Palmerius gives of these two
passages from history is very good and ingenious.
Aristomache and Stratonice are, as I fancy, the names
of two famous courtezans.

818. Zevyes es πολιν---ελθοι, To whom does this
relate? The Cleophon (V. Isocrat. de Pace, 174.) here
mentioned, and in the Ranz, was put to death Ol. 93.
4. during the siege of Athens by the party who had a
mind to settle an oligarchy there. See his history in
Lysias, Orat. in Agoratum, p. 234. and Orat. in Nico-
machum, p. 476.

847. Lamachus was slain in Sicily about two years
before this, and Hyperbolus was murdered at Samos in
this very year.

855. That tragedy bad and insipid. Parody of the

—- - i - =

THESMOPHORIAZUSA. 45

Helena, and of the Andromeda. Echo introduced into
it answering to the lamentations of Andromeda.

883. Proteas, the son of Epicles, is twice mentioned
by Thucydides, as Στρατηγος commanding at sea,
particularly Ol. 87. 2.: and he died, as it appears here,
about Ol. 89. 3.

1069. The Andromeda of Euripides was played the
year before this.

LYSISTRATA.

In Lenzis, Mense Posideone. Archonte Callia,

v. 2. The feasts of Pan, of Venus Colias, and of
Genetyllis, celebrated by the women with tympana,
&c., like the Bacchanalian ceremonies.

58. Ovde IlapaXrwv, ovd εκ Σαλαμῖνος. This alludes
to the two ships so called, which were the fleetest
sailors of all the Athenian navy.

64. Ta ’κατιον. qu. Τούκατειον ἢ i.e. to “Ἑκατειον.
The statue of Hecate, which was consulted by some
persons about the success of any undertaking.

109. OdAw Pos. A Milesian manufacture of leather.

150. Linen tunicks of Amorgos, transparent.

174. The thousand talents in the Acropolis, called
to Αβυσσον.

229. Ta Ilepovxa. Persian slippers, worn by the
Athenian women.

The double chorus in this play is remarkable, one
of old men, the other of women.

598. AXAX ὅστις ἐστι, &c. There seems to be some-
thing wanting here.

633. Καὶ φορησω to Epos. This alludes to the
Scolion of Harmodius and Aristogéiton. Ev puprov
κλαδὶ To Expos φορησω, &e., preserved by Athenzeus, L.
1b.. p.. 695.

LYSISTRATA. 47

643. "Hppipopovv. A double meaning, quasi dix-
isset, αρρενοφόρειν. ᾿Αλετρις also.

678. ‘Immixwratov yap, &c. This alludes to what
they called Κελητιζειν.

736. Apopyis, ἡ λινοκαλαμη, a fine kind of flax,
ὑπερ THV βυσσον, ἢ ΤῊν καρπαάσον. TVX.

760. Οῴφις otxovpos, The serpent which lived in
Minerva’s temple. Owls also roosted there.

801. Την Aoxpyv. It appears that men wore no
drawers or breeches under their tunick.

981. Conisalus, a deity of Athens, like Priapus.

1043. It is remarkable, that no one is abused by
name here, except a very few infamous and low people.
Pisander indeed is mentioned ; so that this drama must
have been either before or after the oligarchy of the
Four Hundred.

1150. Adaros ka: xaXos. Perhaps this should be,
ΛΑῴφατον, ὡς καλος : I do not understand this, as Pal-
merius does. They excuse themselves upon the great
beauty of Attica, which would tempt any man to enjoy
it. The next verse, Ὕμας δ᾽ αφησειν, &e., no body
explains.

1171. Tov Εἰχινοῦντα, και τον Μηλιᾶ κολπον. These
places are named for the sake of the double meaning.
The Scholiasts ad Vespas tell us, that ὑχῖνος is used
for the belly of an ox: Μῆλον for any round protuber-
ance, like the breasts, or hinder parts of a woman.

1191. All this is very obscure, like the chorus, 1042,
and upon the same subject. During this short interval
the Spartans and Athenian plenipotentiaries have been
entertained by Lysistrata. It is the chorus of women,

48 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

and not she, who say all this from ν. 1191 to 1218. :
Who the servant is chasing away, I do not perceive, :
unless it be the crowd of people who come to receive
corn at the door.

The chorus in the end, and in several scenes of the
play, are remarkable examples of the true Spartan
Dorick.

RAN A.

Ol. 98. 8. In Lenzis, Mense Posidzeone. Archonte Callia
post Antigenem.

Spanheim, in his introduction to his notes, has
shewn, contrary to what Palmerius, Petitus, and others
imagined, that there were comedies, as well as tragedies,
performed four times in the year in the Panathenza,
the Lena, the Dionysia κατ᾽ aorv, and the Anthes-
teria: that during this last festival they were exhibited
in the Pireeus, in the theatre built there ; and that the
Lenzea were kept as well in the city, as in the country,
in a place called the Lenzeum.

v. 14. Phrynichus, Ameipsias, and Lycis, comick
writers, are here satirized for their low and common-
place jokes.

48, Clisthenes, the son of Symbirtius, if not 2rpa-
Tyyos, as the Scholiasts say, at Arginusz, was at least
a Trierarch,

53. The Andromeda of Euripides. That poet was
lately dead.

73. Iophon, the son of Sophocles and Nicostrata,
wrote tragedy with applause in his father’s life-time ;
he was suspected of exhibiting his father’s dramas
in his own name. The Cineus of Euripides parodied.
Sophocles was dead not long since. The simplicity

VOL, TV. E

50 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

and easiness of his nature opposed to the cunning of
Euripides. Agatho was now at the court of Archelaus.

79. It is plain, that Sophocles was just dead, and
that Iophon, his son, had not yet published anything
since his death.

86. Xenocles, the son of Carcinus, and Pythangelus,
tragick writers, are mentioned with contempt. That
kind of poets were then very numerous at Athens.
The Alcmena of Euripides, and his Alexandra, and Ὁ
Hippolytus, also the Melanippe of Sophocles are
alluded to.

104. Read ὡς και μοι δοκει, instead of σοι.

126. This is the usual effect of the cicuta, as Plato
describes it in his Pheedo.

131. The three Λαμπαδηδρομιαι celebrated in the
Ceramicus, to Minerva, to Vulcan, and to Prometheus.

141. It is sure from the Vespz, and from other
plays, that in Cleon’s time the Μισθος δικαστικος was
three oboli: probably after his death, or when the
republick began to decline, it might be again reduced
to two oboli.

193. Περι των κρεῶν. The Scholia and the Com-
mentators make out nothing here to one’s satisfaction.

233. Schol. The strings of the lyre were made of
the sinews of animals, and more anciently, as now, of
their intestines ; whence they were called Xopédaz,

235. Ὕπολυριον. The bridge or some part of the
lyre, made of a reed, afterwards of horn, as it seems.
It is remarkable that the chorus of frogs does not
appear, but is heard only, and that in a single scene,
though the play takes its name from them. The true

RAN A, 51

chorus of the drama consists of the ghosts of the initi-
ated, the Mvora:, and enters not before v. 319.

295. A description of the phantom, called Empusa.

305. Hegelochus was an actor in the Orestes of
Euripides. From this story of him, it should seem,
that in pronouncing words joined by a synalepha, they
did not use totally to drop the vowel in the end of the
first, but liquefied it, as it were, into the following.
Otherwise, I do not conceive what difference there
could be between the sound of yaAnv ὁρῶ, and γαλῆν
ὁρῶ.

323. The profanation of the mysteries by Diagoras.

369. Alluding to Cynesias, the dithyrambick writer.

370. Ἡ τους μισθους των ποίητων, &c. seems to mean
some attempt made by an orator (the Schol. on v. 103.
of the Ecclesiasuzz, say Archinus) to reduce the expense
of the Choregi by limiting the sum they gave to their
poets: and the two distinct persons (as Aristotle says
in the Schol. 406.) under this Archon, were ordered to
furnish the tragick and the comick chorus, which before
were at the expense of one. This drama then was
played a little before that order; and as the publick
had suffered greatly by the war the chorusses were but
poorly furnished out. From v. 412, it appears that
the chorus consisted of both sexes.

431. The Callias, who was now Archon, could not
be the son of Hipponicus, as he is here ridiculed by
name; unless the change of his father’s name into
Hippobinus might save the poet from the law. (See
also v. 504.)

475, Alludes to the Theseus of Euripides.

Or
bo

NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

478, 'αρτησια, παῤ ὑπονοιαν for Taprapw, Μυραινα
is to be understood, as some demon very dismal, derived
from Μυρεσθαι; at the same time to raise laughter ;
the obvious meaning being nothing, but lampreys
caught and salted on the Spanish coast, and imported
by the Phcenicians perhaps into Greece.

490. These two uses of a sponge are easily compre-
hended from the Scholia.

504. The temple of Hercules Αλεξικακος at Melite,
a Anpos of Attica. Initiated there in the lesser
mysteries—founded during the plague. Statue by
Ageladas the Argive, the scholar of Phidias. Callias
had a house at Melite.

511. A manner of civilly refusing a thing: Ezauvw,
καλλιστα. πανυ καλως.

546. See the history of Theramenes. Schol.

631. The horrid manner of torturing slaves, viz.
Ky κλιμακι Snoas, binding them down with their back
on a pair of stairs, as it seems, or on a ladder; hang-
ing them up by the arms; scourging them with the
ὑστριξ, a whip made of leather with the bristles on it ;
stretching them on the wheel; pouring vinegar up the
nostrils; pressing, by laying a weight of bricks on
them, ὅσ. &e.!!!

674. The iambicks of Ananias. The Laocoon of
Sophocles.. The Antzeus of Phrynichus.

700. The poet’s advice, given in this place, was
actually followed the year after this, when, upon the
battle of Algos-Potami, and the siege of Athens, a decree
was made upon the motion of Patroclides (still pre-
served in the oration of Andocides de Mysteriis), to

RAN. 53

restore the ἄτιμοι to all the privileges from which they
had been degraded. It seems from what he says,
v. 701, that when the government of the Four Hundred
was destroyed, many had been thus degraded for having
a hand in those transactions.

730. The Athenian gold coin had been debased the
year before this. Copper was first coined this very
year, and again cried down thirteen years afterwards.

775. This may probably enough be borrowed from
the Athenian customs, namely, that the principal artist
in each kind, should have a maintenance in the Pry-
tanéum, and be seated ev Opovw, in a chair of dis-
tinction on some occasions.

800. The modesty and candour of Sophocles, and
the envious and contentious nature of Euripides.

803. Nuvi δ᾽ ἐμελλεν, I take to be a solecism, used
by Clidemides, or some bad orator or poet.

913. The Scholia here seem to say, that there were
dramas played during the celebration of the Eleusinea ;
and above, v. 357, they tell us, that the scene of this
play lay at Eleusis. (v. 395.) Queere, Whether any
rites in honour of Ceres were joined with those of
Bacchus during the Lenzea ?

961. The Median hangings were wrought with
erotesque and monstrous animals.

1079. ‘Qs τε ye καύτον σε κατ᾽ συνεβαλε. It should
seem that love was the cause of the death of Euripides,
and one would think, from the expression and from
the Scholia, that his wife had not only been false to
him, but that she destroyed him.

1106. Tw θαλαμακι. This seems to prove, that the

54 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

three orders of rowers were placed directly over one
another.

1100 and 1145. Reading and the arts of speaking
were more universal among all orders of people than in
these times; which the poet satirizes, as corrupting
and enervating the minds of men, and especially of the
younger sort ; and he attributes it to the philosophers,
to the sophists, and to the tragick writers, particularly
Euripides.

1209. Στοιβη, a botch-word inserted only to fill up:
literally, the stuffing of a mattrass.

1231. Ληκυθιου. I have no clear idea of this
Ληκυθιον, on which so much of this scene turns; nor
of the Inxorov ov πελαθεις ex apwyav which answers
to it, or the Φλαττοθρατ, which two last seem to relate
to the musick and the rhythm introduced by Aischylus
in his chorusses, and not to the sense of the verses.

1349, E:—e:—evAtooere, This shews that in the
ancient musick they dwelt not on words alone, and
repeated them, as we do, but also on syllables; or,
does it only express the lengthening out of the vowels ?

1580. It is here said, from Aristotle, that Cleophon,
after the battle of Arginusz, in the archonship of
Callias, came into the assembly drunk and in armour,
and rejected the peace, then offered by Lacedzemon.
But Lysias (in his oration contra Agoratum) tells us
that this happened not till the following year after
the battle of AXgos-Potami, when the siege of Athens
was actually formed. I cannot but believe the latter,
as a contemporary author.

ECCLESIAZUS &.
See Palmerius.

v. 2. Καλλιστ᾽ ev ευσκοποισιν εξευρημενον. So I
should read, rather than εξητημενον, of which I do not
see the sense, and understand with the Scholiasts,
“Thou noblest invention of wise artists.” For though
this expression be somewhat obscure, it is far prefer-
able to Tanaquil Faber’s emendation, ev εὐσκοτοισιν
εξητημενον, which is neither sense nor Greek.

14, roa, all repositories of corn were so called.

22. ‘As Σφυρομαχος ποτ᾽ eurev, ἄς. The allusion
in these lines is too obscure at this distance of time.
The Scholiasts say that it relates to a decree assigning
the courtezans and the women of reputation a different
place at some public spectacles (qu. whether in the
theatre, as Faber says?); but the verses do not express

- any such matter.

63. It was the custom of the men to anoint the
whole body with oil, and dry it in before the sun, and
of the women to shave themselves all over.

v. 74. Λακωνικαι, was the name for the usual chaus-
sure of the men, and Ileporxar, that of the women.

102. Agyrrius, the Στρατηγος, at Lemnos, re-
trenched the expense of the Choregi to their poets,
and appointed the sum to be given to the people at

56 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

their assemblies. (v. 184, 284, 292, 302, 380, and
Plutus, v. 330.)

128. Ταλῆ, a weasel, carried round the place of
publick assemblies, ὡς καθαρσιον tr. They came to
their ExxAnovas with a staff (Βακτηρια) in their hands.

156. The oath peculiar to women, Ma τω θεω, i.e.
Ceres and Proserpina. 3

193. To συμμαχικον. Petitus from this passage
and from a necessary emendation he makes in the
Scholia here, seems to fix rightly the time of this drama
to Ol. 96. 4. Archonte Demostrato.

203. What particular fact is here meant, one cannot
say at present ; but Faber is mistaken in thinking that
it cannot be the famous Thrasybulus, for it appears
(from Lysias’s Apology for Mantheus, p. 307), that he
was living, and present in the action before Corinth
this very year; his death did not happen till three
years after. In spite of all his invaluable services to
the publick, the orators and comick writers of those
times did not cease to make very free with his char-
acter. (See v. 356 of this drama.) There is a remark-
able passage of this kind in the oration of Lysias in
Ergoclem, p. 456 and 7, which I take to relate to this
very Thrasybulus, and to be spoken a little while after
his death.

256. Ὕποκρονειν, I imagine, signifies, to stamp with
their feet, a noise made in great assemblies to express
their dislike. See Acharnens. v. 38. Sometimes it was
done merely for the purpose of interrupting. See v.
592 of this play.

318. The Ἡμιδιπλοιδιον and Kpoxwros seem to be

ECCLESIAZUSA, 57

both the same, namely, a woman’s vest, or under-garment
of a light red colour. Ko@opvos and Ilepouxy are the
same, a woman’s proper chaussure.

531. Here the Kpoxwros is called by the name of
ἱματιον.

534. Ἐπιθεισα ληκυθον. On a dead body.

568. If this scheme be meant as a satire on Plato’s
Republick, that work must have been written when the
philosopher was not thirty-six years of age.

974. Alludes to the manner of introducing causes
into the courts of justice, according to the age of the
plaintiffs ; first those (as I imagine) above sixty years
of age, and so downwards. After which, if there were
several, they cast lots whose should be heard first.

1017. A woman could not deal, of her own authority,
with any person for more than the value of a medimnus
of corn.

1023. The manner of laying out the dead.

1081. The decree of Cannonus is mentioned by
Xenophon in his Greek History, L. 1. as ascertaining
the punishment of persons accused of crimes against the
publick, and allowing the means of making their defence.
It is probable that, in some paragraph of that psephisma,
it was ordered that the prisoner should appear on that
occasion, holden between two of the Tofora:, or perhaps
of the ‘Evéexa,

1124. The number of citizens was now above thirty
thousand.

PLUTUS.

The Plutus was first played Ol. 92. 4. and it was altered and
revived Ol. 97. 4. The drama, which we now have, is com-
pounded of both these.

THE PLAN.

Act 1. Scene 1. The prologue between Chremylus
and Cario, as far as v. 58. Sc. 2. Cario goes out and
returns at v. 229.

Act 2. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the chorus of old
countrymen at v. 253. Sc. 2. Chremylus re-enters and
salutes the chorus v. 322. Sc. 3. Conversation with
Blepsidemus. Sc. 4. Poverty rushes out of Chremylus’s
house, and disputes with the two old men: they drive
her away, and prepare to carry Plutus to the temple of
Aésculapius. Here should be the Parabasis, but there
is none. The chorus remain silent on the stage for a
time ; till

Act 3. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the news of the
cure of Plutus. This interval is supposed to be a whole
night. Sc. 2. Cario recounts the matter to Chremylus’s
wife. Sc. 3. Plutus, being now restored to sight, re-
turns home with Chremylus. Here also is a short
interval ; till

Act 4. Se. 1. Cario comes out, and describes the
change which had happened on the entrance of Plutus,

PLUTUS, 59

Sc. 2. The honest old man comes to pay his vows to
the god. Sc. 3. A sycophant comes to complain of his
sudden poverty. Sc. 4. A wanton old woman enters,
who has lost her love: she appears, returning from a
drunken frolick. Here all, but the chorus, enter
Chremylus’s house.

Act 5. Sc. 1. Mercury comes begging to the gate ;
Cario at last takes him into his service. Sc. 2. The
priest of Jupiter comes for charity. Sc. 3. The pro-
cession conducts Plutus to the Acropolis.

NOTES ON THE PLUTUS.

v. 179. Epa de Aais, &c. It is probable enough, as
Athenzeus shews from an oration of Lysias, L. 13. p.
586, that this should be read Nais: but the Scholiast
attempts to shew that the time would not permit it to
be Aats, as she was only seven years of age, when
Chabrias was Archon ; and consequently under Diocles,
Ol. 92. 4, she could be but thirteen or fourteen. This
I take to be the meaning of the Scholiast, though the
words, as they are now read, seem to say, that from
Chabrias to Diocles was a space of fourteen years,
whereas it was but six in reality; and the Scholiast
adds, that at this age she could not be much in vogue.
If the author of this note knew, that the verse was in
the Plutus, when it was first acted, he is in the right,
and confirms the emendation of Athenzeus ; but if (see
v. 303) it were only in the second Plutus, Lais was
then thirty-three years old, and might be still in admira-
tion. The Scholiast says, Epimandra, Timandra, or
Damasandra, the mother of the younger Lais, as Athen-
zeus calls her, L. 13, p. 574, supposing her to have this
daughter at fourteen years of age, must be twenty-one,
when Hyccara was taken by Nicias, and consequently
was thirty-two, at the time of Alcibiades’s death, whose
mistress she was, as Plutarch and Atheneus relate. 1

ἘΣ ΜΙΝ: ΨΨΨΟΝΝ νυ

PLUTUS. 61

should understand the Scholiasts here of the mother,
not of the daughter, though they are confused and
erroneous.

180. Timotheus was now making his appearance in
the world, Conon his father being yet alive. What
building of his is alluded to here, one cannot say, or
whether it relate to him at all. The fact is obscure,
the expression broken, and the Scholiast trifling.

253. The Scholia here explain all the marks used by
the grammarians in dramas with their names.

268. χρυσον, ἄο. This is ironical, and not as the
Scholia interpret it.

278. It suffices to know that such ἐνερ as
were appointed judges, drew lots (see v. 973, and
Ecclesiaz. v. 677.) in which of the courts they were to
sit, and that at their entrance the Kypvé, or crier of
each court, by order of the presiding magistrate, delivered
to every one a Συμβολον and, upon his carrying it to
the IIpuvravis in waiting, he received his daily pay,
Μίισθὸος δικαστικος, This was done, as I imagine, every
morning to prevent corruption in the judges, who did
not know, till then, in what court or cause they were
to give sentence. The other ceremony mentioned in
the Scholia was only annual, when the tribes assembled,
and each drew lots by itself for a certain number who
were to sit as judges that year. There is much con-
fusion in these Scholia, collected out of very different
authors. Potter does not allow this to have been the
practice in the best times, at least not in the greater
courts, where the judges were fixed and certain after
their first election ; in the lesser, he says, it might have

62 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.

been. The passage, however, from Aristotle’s polity of
Athens is to be observed.

278. Schol. The key-stone of the entrance into each
particular court was painted of a certain colour. The
judge, having received his staff, went to that court
which was distinguished by the same colour with his
staff, and marked with the same letter which was in-
scribed on the head of it (oreo ev τῆ Badavw) and at
his entrance he received from the presiding magistrate
a Συμβολον, as above. I doubt of what the Scholia
say, that there were as many courts as tribes; and that
the tribes at first drew lots, in which court each should
judge, and the tribules drew among themselves who
should be judges, and who not.

290.. Philoxenus, the dithyrambick: his Galatea
parodied. The origin of that piece in the Scholia,
which appears to have been a drama.

330. The Scholia, and Kuster, and Spanheim too,
confound the Mic os δικαστικος with the Εἰκκλησιασ-
τικος : the words are to be understood of the latter.

385. The picture of the Heraclide by Pamphilus
the painter, the master of Apelles.

408, The publick salary to physicians was no longer
in use.

596. The suppers of Hecate were distributed
monthly, every new moon, to the poor by every rich
housekeeper. 3

601. The Pheenissze of Euripides parodied.

663. The ceremonial of sleeping in the temple of
ZEsculapius.

690. The serpents, Odgers παρειαι, which frequented

PLUTUS. 63

it, as they did the temple of Minerva (Lysistr. v. 760)
and those of Bacchus (see Schol. v. 690 and 733 Plut.),
and of Trophonius. See Pausanias in Epidauro et
Lebadea.

701. Iaso and Panacea, the attendants and daughters
of Aisculapius by Lampetia.

725. Exwpoov, The Scholia do not well explain
this, but confound it with Ὕπωμοσια, and cite a passage
from Hyperides, wherein this latter word is used.

768. Karayvopara, nuts, figs, almonds, dates, &c.,
which they strewed on the head of a new-bought slave,
when they had first seated him on the hearth of the
house into which he entered, and which his fellow-
servants picked up and eat.

796. Popros, impertinence, tiresome absurdity. The
art in use with the comick writers to win the common
people by throwing nuts and dried fruits among them.

820. Τριττυς ; a sacrifice of a hog, a ram, and a he-
goat. EvreAns θυσια. See Schol.

885. Rings, worn as amulets, or preservatives from
fascination, bites of venomous creatures, &c. Aaxk-
τυλιοι φαρμακιται φυσικοι.

905. Merchants were exempt from the Europa, or
extraordinary taxation.

984, A man’s pallium (ἑματιον) cost twenty drachme ;
his shoes, cost eight.

1127. The fourth day of every month was sacred to
Mercury, the first and seventh, to Apollo, the eighth
to Theseus. Libations to most gods were made with
pure wine; to Mercury with wine and water equally
mixed.

64 NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES,

1195. Schol. The Ilorapo. of Stratis! were pub-
lished before the Ecclesiazusz or the Plutus of Aristo-
phanes: I read the last lines here cited,

My AaPovres λαμπαδας,
Μηδ’ adAo μηδεν exopevor Φιλυλλιου"

instead of ἐχόμενον. — Philyllius is often cited by
Atheneus, and hence he appears to have lived con-
temporary with Stratis.

1 In the Scholiast we read the name uniformly written
Zrparis, and in Atheneus Zrparris.—[MATHIAS.] ~

rr |

“NOTES ON PLATO | ise

ΕΣ
; A

᾽ ᾽ 7
/ Α

[Published by Mathias in 1814 from a MS. in Gray’s hand-
writing, in the possession of Richard Stonehewer, and never
since reprinted. The notes are by Gray.—ED. ]

BRIEF NOTICES OF SOCRATES AND
OF HIS FRIENDS.

SooRATES. —

Att which Socrates possessed was not worth three
mine, in which he reckons a house he had in the city.!
Critobulus often prevailed upon him to accompany him
to the comedy.? Xantippe, his wife, the most ill-
tempered of women: he made use of her to exercise
his philosophy.* He amused himself by dancing when
he was fifty years old: his face remarkably ugly, and
resembling that of the Sileni or satyrs, with large pro-
minent eyes, a short flat nose turned up, wide nostrils,
great mouth, ὅσο. nicknamed ὁ Ppovticrns.* He rarely
went out of the walls of Athens;° was never out of
Attica, but when he served in time of war, and once to the
Isthmian games. He was seventy years old, when he
died.’ He left three sons, the eldest a youth, the two
youngest children. His intrepid and cheerful behaviour
_at his trial and death. Compared to a torpedo.®

1 Xenophon (Economic. 5 Id. Eod.
3 Id. Sympos. 4 Kod.
5 Plato, Phedrus, p. 230. 6 Id. Crito. 7 Tbid.

8 Plato, Apolog. and Phedo; Xenophon, Memorabil.
9 Plato, Menon. p. 80.

68 NOTES ON PLATO.

Called Prodicus, the sophist, his master.1 Learns, at
near fifty years of age, to play on the lyre of Connus,
son of Metrobius.2, His mother, Phzenarete, married
Cheredemus, and had by him a son named Patrocles.®
Seldom used to bathe, and commonly went barefooted.4
He could bear great quantities of wine without being
overpowered by it, but did not choose to drink volun-
tarily.>

1 Plato, Menon. p. 96. * Id. Euthydem. p. 272.
8 Id. Euthyd. p. 297. 4 Plat. Sympos.
5 Ibid. p. 214, 220.

a ae |

THE COMPANIONS OF SOCRATES.

CRITOBULUS.

A man of fortune ; his estate was worth above eight
talents, which in Athens was very considerable. Had
served the offices of gymnasiarch, choregus, &c. the most
expensive of the city. Of an amorous disposition ;
negligent of ceconomy ; a lover of dramatick spectacles ;
he married a very young inexperienced woman, with
whom he conversed very little:! he was present at the
entertainment given by Callias to Autolycus, Socrates,
and others, and at that time was newly married. Ol.
89. 4. He was remarkable for his beauty; his fine
panegyrick on it: was passionately fond of Clinias.
Crito, his father, introduced him to the acquaintance
of Socrates, that he might cure him of this passion.?

IscHOMACHUS.

He was called in Athens, by way of pre-eminence,
ὁ καλος κ᾽ ἀγαθὸος ; he married a young maid under fif-
teen years of age, whom he educated and instructed
himself. His first serious conversation with her, related
by him to Socrates, on the duties of a mistress of a
family. The order and arrangement of his house de-

1 Xenophon, Gconomic. 2 Id. Sympos.

70 NOTES ON PLATO.

scribed: his morning exercises, walk to his villa, and
ride from thence. He was a remarkably good horse-
man, of a vigorous constitution, and lasting health ;
was one of the richest men in Athens. His instruction
and treatment of his slaves; his knowledge in agricul-
ture. His father before him was a great lover of that
art. He meddled not much in publick affairs:? was
believed, while he lived, to be worth above seventy
talents; but at his death he left not twenty, to be
divided between his two sons.’

CALLIAS.

His genealogy :..... Pheenippus

Callias 4 ὁ Δαδοῦχος.

Hipponicus ὅ

Callias §

Hipponicus”

| |
Callias—Hipparete—A Icibiades.

1 Xenophon, Giconomicus. 2 Id. Eod.

3 Lysias, Orat. de bonis Aristophanis, p. 348.

4 Dictus 6 Λακκοπλουτος. Herod. 5. Plutarch in Aristide.
Scol. in Demosthen. p. 393. Victor Celete Ol. 54.

> Dictus Ammon. Atheneus, L. 12. Plutarch de Malign.
Herodoti.

6 ὁ Λακκοπλουτος, utietavus. Plut. in Aristide. Herodot. 7.
Demosth. de Fals. Legat.

7 Qui ad Delium occubuit, Ol. 89. 1. Thucyd.—Plut. Alcib.
Andocides in Alcibiadem.

a i

OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS. 71

Callias was in love with Autolycus, the son of Lyco,
who gained the victory (while yet a boy) in the Pan-
cratium during the greater Panathenza, Ol. 89. 4, upon
which occasion Callias gave an entertainment to his
friends} at his house in the Pireeus. He had been
scholar to the sophists Protagoras, Gorgias, and Pro-
dicus ; was very wealthy ; and had learned the art of
memory from Hippias of Elis, at the recommendation
of Antisthenes. He was IIpo€evos of the Lacedeemonians
who came to Athens; was hereditary priest of the
Eleusinian deities, ὁ Δαδοῦχος ; was remarkable for his
nobility and the gracefulness of his person ;? he had
two sons, who were instructed by Evenus, the Parian
sophist ;* he entertained Protagoras, Prodicus, and
Hippias, and other sophists, their companions, in his
house, Ol. 90. 1.4
NICERATUS.

He was son to the famous Nicias; was present at
the symposium of Callias, Ol. 89. 4, and then newly
married. He could repeat by heart the whole Iliad
and Odyssee, and had been scholar to Stesimbrotus
and Anaximander. He was very wealthy and some-
what covetous ; was fond of his wife, and beloved by
her;5 was scholar to Damon, the famous musician,
who had been recommended to his father by Socrates ; ©
and finally, he was put to death by order of the Thirty,
with his uncle Eucrates.’

1 Xenophon, Symposium ; Athenzus, L. 5, p. 216.

Ὁ Tbid. 3 Plato, Apolog. 4 Plato, Protagoras.
5 Xenophon, Sympos. § Plato in Lachete.
7 Xenophon, Gr. Hist. L. 2. Andocides de Mysteriis.

72 NOTES ON PLATO.

ANTISTHENES.

He was extremely poor, but with a contempt of
wealth ; was present in the symposium of Callias,
where he proved that riches and poverty are in the
mind alone, and not in externals. His way of life
was easy and contented: he passed whole days in the
company of Socrates, who taught him (he says) to be
mentally rich. He was much beloved in the city, and
his scholars were esteemed by the publick. He recom-
mended Prodicus and Hippias the Elean to Callias ;1
bore great affection to Socrates, and was present at
his death.?

CHAEREPHON.

A man of warmth and eagerness of temper;* he was
a friend to the liberties of the people; he fled to and
returned with Thrasybulus; he died before Socrates’s
trial; for he is mentioned in Socrates’s Apology, as
then dead, and in the Gorgias, as then living: his
death must therefore have happened between Ol. 93. 4.
and Ol. 95.1. He consulted the Delphian oracle to
know if any man were wiser than Socrates. His
brother, Chzrecrates, survived him.*

EPIGENEs.

He was the son of Antipho of Cephisia:> and was
present at the death of Socrates.®

1 Xenophon, Sympos. 2 Plato, Phed.
3 Vid. Charmidem, p. 153. * Apol. Socrat.
5 Plato, Apol. € Phedo.

OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS. 73

APOLLODORUS.

He was brother to Aiantodorus:! was a man of
small abilities, but of an excellent heart, and remark-
able for the affection he bore to Socrates;? he was
present in the prison at the time of his death. He
lived at Phalerus, of which Anpos he was ;* was but a
boy when Socrates was fifty-three years old, and must
therefore have been under thirty-seven, at the time of
Socrates’s death. He was called Μανικος from the
warmth of his temper.

PH2EDO.

He was an Elean. See his account of Socrates’s

last moments.®
SIMMIAS.

He was a Theban, and a young man at the time of
Socrates’s death (as was Cebes), at which they were
both present. He had received some tincture of the
Pythagorean doctrines from Philolaus of Crotona; and
was inquisitive and curious in the search of truth, far
above all prejudice and credulity.®

CEBES.
He was a Theban. (Vid. Simmiam.)

HERMOGENES.

He was a man of piety, and believed in divination.
He was present in Callias’s symposium ; was a person

1 Apol, Socrat. 2 Phedo. δ᾽ 76.
* Plato, Sympos. 5 Plato, Phedo. 6 Plato, Phedo.

74 NOTES ON PLATO.

of great honesty, mild, affable, and soberly cheerful :!
not rich, and a man of few words ;? was son to Hipponi-
cus and brother to Callias.2 He was present at the
death of Socrates.*

CHARMIDES.

He had a considerable estate in lands before the
Peloponnesian war, which he thence entirely lost, and
was reduced to great poverty. He was present at the
symposium of Callias, where he discoursed on the
advantages and pleasures of being poor. He ran at the
stadium, at Nemea, contrary to Socrates’s advice.” He
was of extreme beauty when a youth.®

/JESCHYLUS.

He was of Phlius, and was introduced by Antisthenes
to Socrates.
CRITO.,

He was father to Critobilus; was of Alopece, and
about the same age with Socrates.’ He made the
proposal to contrive the escape of Socrates out of prison,
and to send him into Thessaly ;*® he attended him daily
in his confinement, and at the time of his death; he
received his last orders: he closed his eyes, and took
care of his funeral.?

1 Xenoph. Sympos. 2 Ibid. p. 391 and 408.
3 Plato, Cratylus. 4 Plato, Phedo. ὃ Plato, Theages.
6 Plato, Charmid. 7” Plato, Apolog. ὃ Id. Crito.

9 Id. Phedo.

PLATO.

PHADRUS.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΚΑΛΟΥ͂.

Turs is supposed to be the first Dialogue which Plato
wrote; exes yap (says Laertius!) μειρακιωδὲς τι τὸ
προβλημα" Δικαιαρχος δὲ καὶ Tov Tporov THs ypadys
ὅλον εἐπιμεμῴεται, ws φορτικον. Dionysius Halicarnas-
sensis? calls it one of his most celebrated discourses ;
and from it he produces examples both of the beauty
and of the blemishes of Plato’s style, οἱ the χαρακτὴρ
wrxvos καὶ adeAns, which is all purity, all grace and
perspicuity ; and of the ὕψηλος, wherein he sometimes

1 Diog. Laert. L. 3, c. 38. (c. 25 edit. Kraus. Lipsie, 1759).

2 Περι της Δημοσθενοῦς Sewornros. p. 270. V. 2, ed. Hudsoni.
He attributes the first to Plato’s education in the company of

Socrates ; the latter to his imitation of Gorgias and Thucydides.
Vid. et Epist. ad Cn. Pompeium, p. 202.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platonis Opera, Edit. Serrani H. Steph. 1578, Vol. 3.

Vol. 3. p. 227. ἀκουμενω.] Acumenus was father to Eryxi-
machus, both of them physicians of note, and friends of Socrates.

Ib. Ev τοις δρομοις.] Places in the Gymnasia, where people
exercised themselves by walking a great pace, or by running.
See Plato’s Euthydemus, p. 273. Περιεπατειτὴν ev Tw καταστεγΎω
Δρομω, &e.

76 NOTES ON PLATO.

rises to a true sublimity, and sometimes falls into an
ungraceful redundancy of words and of ill-suited figures
ungraceful and obscure.

There is a good analysis of the Phedrus by Mr.
Abbé Sallier,! wherein he shews its true subject and
intention. It is upon eloquence and is designed to
demonstrate, that no writer, whether legislator, orator,
historian, or poet, can do any thing excellent without a

1 Mémoires de ]’Académie des Inscriptions, &c. V. 9, p. 49.
See also another analysis by Mr. Hardion in his tenth Disserta-
tion on the eloquence of Greece. Ib. V. 16, p. 378, des Mémoires.

NOTES.

P. 227. Tov Ολυμπιου.1] The vast temple of Jupiter, begun
by Pisistratus, but never finished till the time of the emperor
Hadrian.

Ib. Προσηκουσα ye cot.] Socrates professed the art of love.
See Xenoph. Sympos.

Ib. IlpecBurepw.] He was then threescore and upwards.

Ib. Kara‘Hpoéixov.] Herodicus of Selymbria, ὁ παιδοτριβης.
See Plat. Protagoras, p. 316. There was also Herodicus, the
Leontine, a physician, and brother to the famous Gorgias (See
Plat. Gorg. 448 and 456.): the first was also a physician, and the
first who regulated the exercises of youth by the rules of medi-
cine. See de Republica, L. 3, p. 406, fuse.

228. E@pumrero.] He played the coquet ; he denied, only to
be courted to do what he wished.

Ib. Αὐτου δεηθητι, ὁπερ Taxa παντως ποιησει.] Read, ποιησή,
and make no other correction : i.e. ‘‘ Be now intreated to do,
what you will do presently without any intreaty at all.”

229. Tns Aypaas.] The district, or dnuos, was called Aypa,
in which stood the temple of Diana Ayporepa. Pausanias, Attic.
L. 1, p. 45. ed. Kuhnii.

Ib. Σὺυν Φαρμακειᾳ.1 Orithyia and Procris were the daughters
of Erectheus. "Who Pharmacéa was, I do not find.

Ib. Λιαν δὲ δεινου. Such disquisitions were the common
employments of the sophists and grammarians.

PHADRUS. 77

foundation of philosophy. The title prefixed to it, ep.
Καλοῦ, cannot be genuine; it has no other relation to
it, than that beauty is accidentally the theme of Socrates’s
second little oration, which is contained in this dialogue ;
not that it is, directly, even the subject of that, for the .
tendency of it is to prove, ‘Qs ἐραστῇ μαλλον, ἡ Tw μὴ
ερῶντι det xapifer Oar, as the two preceding orations were
to shew the contrary. These are what Laertius calls

NOTES,

P. 230. Typhon or Typheus, the youngest son of Earth and
Tartarus. Hesiod, Theogon. vy. 821. has given a fine description
of this portentous form. ᾿

Ib. AxeAwov.] The Acheléus was looked upon in Greece as
the principal of all rivers, and his name was used for all fresh
water in general: he was usually worshipped in common with
Pan and the Nymphs, as here.

Ib. Καρπον προσιοντες.) Read προσειοντες, shaking it before
them.

231. Ὧν Seoua.] What he desired, will appear but too plainly
in the course of these little orations, and must appear a most
strange subject of conversation for Socrates, to all who are un-
acquainted with the manners of Greece. The President de
Montesquieu has observed, but too justly, on the nature of their
love and gallantry. Esprit des Loix, V. 1. See also Xenoph.
(Economic. and Symposium ; and the Symposium of Plato; see
also de Legib. L. 1. p. 636.

Ib. Tov vouov.] There were, indeed, laws of great severity
in Athens against this vice ; but who should put them in force
in such general and shocking depravity ?

234. This praise he cannot help bestowing on Lysias’s com-
position, namely, Ὅτι σαφη, και στρογγυλα, ka axpiBws ἑκαστα
των ονομάτων ATTOTETOPVYEUTAL,

235. Ὥσπερ ὁι evvea.] The Archons took an oath to do this,
if they were guilty of corruption, before they took their seats in
the Zroa Βασιλειοςς. See Jul. Pollux, L. 8, 6. 18. Plutarch in
Solon ; and Heraclides in Politiis.

78 NOTES ON PLATO.

IIpoBAnpara μειρακιωδη, though he may mean it of the
whole dialogue, which is something juvenile and full of
vanity. Dionysius very justly says, Hv yap ev μεν τὴ
IlAatwvos φυσει, πολλας apetas εχουσῃ, To φιλοτιμον,
and before, Πλάτων to φορτικωτατον καὶ ἐπαχ θεστατον
των εργὼν προελομενος, αὗτον ETALVELY κατα τὴν δυναμιν
των λογων, &e,

The Socratick Dialogues are a kind of dramas,
wherein the time, the place, and the characters are

NOTES.

P. 235. Ilapa ye εμαυτοῦ ovdev.] It is observable, that
Socrates, whenever he would discourse affirmatively on any
subject, or when he thought proper to raise and adorn his style,
does it not in his own person, but assumes the character of
another. Thus, for instance, he relates the beautiful fable
between Virtue and Pleasure after Prodicus; he treats of the
miseries of human life in the words of the same sophist ; he
describes the state of souls after death from the information of
Gobryas, one of the Magi; he makes a panegyrick on wine in
the style of Gorgias; and here he does not venture to display
his eloquence, till the, Nymphs and the Muses have inspired
him. This is consistent with that character of simplicity and
of humility which he assumed.

236. Κυψελιδων.] See Pausanias, L. 5, p. 378.

Ib. Ὅμοιας λαβας.1] A metaphor taken from wrestling: you
give mea good hold of you. Soin Lib. de Republ. 8, p. 544.
Παλιν rowvy, worep παλαιστῆς, τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρεχε.

Ib. Των Κωμωδων.] The repetition of a person’s words by
way of reproach.

Ib. Ποιητην.] Used for one who composes any thing, whether
prose or verse. So above, p. 234. Qs τα deovra εἰρηκοτος Tou
Ποιητοῦ.---Ομνυμι yap σοι: what follows should be written thus,
Tua μεντοι ; Twa θεων ; εἰ βουλει, THY πλατανὴν ταντηνι.

237. Αγετε δη, w Movoa.] Thus far, says Dionysius, rayra
χαριτων μεστὰ : hence begins a style more turbid and obscure,
and disagreeably poetical.

PHADRUS. 79

almost as exactly marked as in a true theatrical repre-
sentation. Phedrus here is a young man particularly
sensible! to eloquence and to fine writing, and thence
a follower and an admirer of the famous Lysias, whose

1 VY. p. 242, et passim. He was an Athenian, son to Pytho-
cles, of the district of Myrrhinus, and tribe Pandionis. Y. the
Sympos. p. 176.

NOTES,

P. 287. Kparovons τω pare, σωφροσυνὴ ονομα.] Write thus,
Kparovons, Tw κρατει σωφροσυνὴ ονομα, which answers to καὶ
αρξασὴης ev Huw, Ty ἀρχὴ ὕβρις επωνομασθη.

238. Παθος πεπονθεναι.ὺ The word, which Serranus would
insert here, (@evov) παθος, is not in Dionysius.

Ib. Evpora.] An easy fluency and volubility of expression.
So Diogenes Laertius in Timone Phliasio, Lib. 9, c. 114. Αλλα
και eupous, ws μηδὲ αριστᾶν σνγχώωρειν : i.e. he wrote with that
ease and fluency, that he could not find time to dine; that is,
he found no interval, no interruption in the course of his writ-
ing, to bestow on the necessities of nature: though, perhaps,
the true reading is, ὡς unde apiorots, so as to vie with the best.

I mention this passage, because Meric Casaubon was wise
enough to understand evpous of a looseness, to which Timon was
subject, and distinguishes very accurately between evpoa and
διαῤῥοια. D. Laert. L. 9, ο. 114.

241. Oorpaxov μεταπεσοντος.} A proverb, taken from a
play in use among children, called Oorpaxiwda, described by
Jul. Pollux, L. 9, c. 154, ed. Jungermanni, and by Eustathius.
They were divided into two parties, which fled or pursued each
other alternately, as the chance of a piece of broken potsherd,
thrown up into the air, determined it: the boy who threw it
cried out Nvé ἡ ‘Huepa; if the black (or pitched) side came
uppernost, his party ran away, and the other gave them chase ;
if the white one, the others ran, and they pursued them.
Hence Oorpaxovu Περιστροφὴ was used to describe a total reverse
of fortune. Erasmus, in his Adagia, has not explained it well.
See Plato de Republ. L. 7, p. 521.

80 NOTES ON PLATO.

reputation was then at its height in Athens, He has
sat the greatest part of the morning at the house of
Epicrates, near the Olympium, to hear Lysias recite a
discourse ; and, having procured a copy of it, is medi- —
tating upon it with pleasure, as he walks without the
city walls, where Socrates meets him. To avoid the
heat of the day they retire to the shade of an ancient
plane-tree, that overshadows a fane of Achelous and
the nymphs on the banks of a rivulet, which discharges

NOTES.

242. Σιμμιαν Θηβαῖον.] See Diog. Laertius, L. 2, c. 124.
He is mentioned in the thirteenth Epistle, and is an interlocutor
in the Pheedo.

Ib. Ov πόλεμον γε αγγελλεις.7 These words belong to
Phedrus, as H. Stephens observes. It is a proverb: you are
the messenger of no bad news. See De Legibus, L. 3, p. 702.

Ib. Edvowzrovpny.] A fragment of Ibycus: My τι παρα
Θεοις αμπλακων, τιμαν προς avOpwrwy αμειψω.

243. The beginning of a Palinodia of Stesichorus on Helen.
Οὐκ eat’ ετυμος ὁ λογος οὗτος, Ovd’ εβας ev νηυσιν εὔσσελμοις, Ovd’
ixeo Περγαμα Τροιας, which is alluded to at the end of the third
Epistle, την παλινωδιαν αὐτου μιμησάμενος. Plat. V. 3, p. 319..

244, Ava τε ορνιθων ποιουμενην, and afterwards ποριζομενην,
as H. Steph. corrects it.

Ib. Οιονοηστικην.] He derives it from ovos and νοῦς, as
attained by human experience alone. A very bad etymology.

Ib. Eéavrn.] Serranus translates, indemnem, incolumem,
i.e. placed aloft, as it were, out of the reach of danger and envy.
See Constantini Lexicon.

246. Ἢ ψυχη πασα.] This is, indeed, an example of those
Αλληγοριαι μακραι, ουτε μετρον εχουσαι, ovre καιρον, of which
Dionysius Halicarnassensis complains in Plato; (Dion. Halic.
Vol. 2, p. 272, ed. Oxon.) ; and which, indeed, Plato himself
calls in this very Dialogue (p. 265) a μυθικος ὑμνος.

Ib. A@avarov τι fwov.] He defines God so, exov perv Wuxnr,
εχον δὲ σωμα.

PHAIDRUS. 81

itself at a little distance into the Llyssus. The spot
lay less than a quarter of a mile above the bridge,
which led over the river to the temple of Diana Agrea.

NOTES.

P. 246. Kexowwvynxe de πη.}] I imagine he means, that the
soul of man approaches in perfection to the corporeal part of the
Gods. The translation has no affinity to the text here; ἡ
ἀχρωματος και ἀσχηματιστος Kat avadys ουσια, the true substance
and essence of things, of which the properties are only the con-
sequences ; this is the To ovrws ov of Plato.

Ib. ‘O μεν αυτῶ kados.] The rational and intellectual faculties
of the soul.

Ib. Ὃ de εξ εναντιων.] ‘The appetites and passions.

250. Μύυουμενοι τε καὶ emomrevoyres.] An allusion to the
Attick mysteries of Ceres. See Meursius and Potter. So in
the seventh Epistle, p. 333.

251. Kavdos ὑπο πᾶν.] Perhaps we should read em.

253. Ὥσπερ ae Baxxat.] What Bacchanalian ceremony is
here alluded to? See the Ion: Ὥσπερ ἁι Βακχαι aputrovrac ex
των ποτάμων meu και yaa κατεχομεναι, &e.

256. Φιλοσοῴφιαν.] Polemarchus, the elder brother of Lysias,
was a friend of Socrates, and a philosopher: so Plutarch calls
him, ‘‘De esu Carnium.” Polemarchus had another brother,
called Euthydemus. Polemarchus was murdered by the Thirty
Tyrants, Ol. 94. 1. See Lysias in Eratosthenem, p. 196.

257. TAvuxus αγκων.] Erasmus explains it in his Adagia,
(Ενῴημα φωνει) as though in a part of a river, where there was
a long and dangerous winding, the sailors used this piece of
flattery by way of propitiating the Nile: but this does not fully
clear up the passage here. That this proverb was so used may
appear from these words of Atheneus, L. 12, p.516. Τὸν τόπον
καλουσι Τυναικων aywva, yAuxuwy αγκῶνα : which last may mean,
a specious term to cover their ignominy; Casaubon does not
explain it: here it seems applied to such as speak one thing,
and mean another.

258, Εδοξε wov.] He alludes to the form of a Psephisma,
Εδοξε τω Snuw* Ticapevos εἰπε, &c. as H. Stephanus observes.

VOL. IV. G

82 NOTES ON PLATO,

Here they pursue their conversation during the hours
of noon, till the sun grows lower and the heat becomes
more mild,

NOTES.

P. 258. Δαρειου δυναμιν.] See Epist. 7, p. 332.

Ib. Epwrds, εἰ δεομεθα ; τινος μεν ov, &c.] I do not see the
transition, and I imagine that some words are wanting here ;
and also, after κεκληνται.

259. Nuvoragovras.] The Greeks usually slept at noon in
summer, as it is still the custom in Italy and Spain, and in
other hot countries. Xenoph. Grec. Hist. L. 5. p. 557.

Ib. Ασιτον καὶ amorov.] The cicada is an animal with
wings, the size of a man’s thumb, of a dark brown colour,
which sits on the trees and sings, that is, makes a noise like a
cricket; but much more shrill, and without any intervals,
which grows louder as the sun grows hotter. Some supposed
it to live on the air, others on dew only. Vid. Meleagrum,
Niciam, et alios in Anthologia, L. 3. p. 265, ed. H. Steph. and
Plin. Nat. Hist. L. 28, ce 26.

Ὃ θεσπεσιος οξυμελης axeTas
Θαλπεσι μεσημβρινοις ὑφ᾽ jw pavers βοᾶ.
Aristophan. Aves, v. 1095.

It does in reality live on the exsudations of plants, having a
proboscis, like flies, to feed with ; but is capable of living a long
time, like many of the insect race, without any nourishment at
all. The tettigometra, which is this creature in its inter-
mediate state between a worm and a fly, was esteemed a delicacy
to eat by the Greeks. See Aldrovand. de Insectis, and Reaumur,
Hist. des Insectes, V. 5, Dissert. 4.

Ib. IpecBurarn.] Hesiod names the Muses in the same
order in which their names are inscribed on the books of He-
rodotus; and says, that Calliope was ἁπασεων προφερεστατή.
Theogon, v. 75. See also Ciceronem in Bruto, and Quintilian,
18.402)

260. Φησιν ὁ Aaxwv.] Perhaps Aleman ; though the words
do not seem to be poetry.

261. Gorgias came to Athens on an embassy from the

PHADRUS, 83

We may nearly fix the year when this conversation
is supposed to have happened. Lysias was now at
Athens; he arrived there from Thurii in Italy in the

NOTES.

Leontines, ΟἹ. 88. 2. (See Diod. Sic. L. 12, p. 313.) when Socrates
was about forty-three years old. (VY. Ciceronem in Bruto, et
Quintil. L. 3. 6. 1.) Tisias and Corax of Syracuse, and Gorgias
the Leontine, first composed treatises on the art of speaking.

P, 261. Οὐκ apa μονον.] ““ Socrates apud Platonem in Phedro
palam, non in judiciis modo et concionibus, sed in rebus privatis
etiam et domesticis, rhetoricen esse demonstrat.” (Quintil. L. 2,
6. 21.) Plato here makes knowledge, that is, the perception of
truth, the foundation of eloquence. Ilepe wavra τὰ λεγομενα
μια τις TEXVN, ELTEP ἐστιν, GUTH αν Ely, ἧτις δια T εσται, πᾶν παντι
ὁμοιοῦν των δυνατων, καὶ dus δυνατον᾽ Kat, αλλου ὁμοιοῦντος Kat
αποκρυπτομενου, εἰς φως ayew. This has some resemblance to
Locke’s definition of knowledge: ‘‘It is (says he) the perception
of the connection and agreement, or of the disagreement and
repugnancy, of any of our ideas.” Locke’s Essay, B. 4. ch. 1.

261. Ἐλεατικον Παλαμηδην.] Quintilian informs us, that the
person here meant is Alcidamas of Elea. Laertius takes it to
be meant of Zeno Eleates, who is looked upon as the inventor
of disputation (ἡ διαλεκτικὴ) and of logick, and who was at
Athens when Socrates was not above eight years old, that is,
above fifty years earlier than the time of this dialogue; but his
contemporary Empedocles was the first who cultivated rhetorick
as an art, and taught it to Gorgias who published a book on
that subject.

N.B. Atheneus (L. 13. p. 592.) mentions Alcidamas, ὁ Λαΐτης,
(read ὁ EXearns, not EXairns,as Casaubon corrects it from Suidas) ;
he says, that Alcidamas was scholar to Gorgias, and had written
Encomia on Lagis and Nais, two famous courtezans from Athens ;
whence, it seems, that he must have flourished about this time,
and perhaps near twenty years after. There is the right read-
ing of it in Atheneus, L. 9. p. 397, ‘O EXearixos Παλαμηδης
ovouarodoyos egy, &c. which is a name he bestows on
Ulpian of Tyre, an indefatigable hunter after words. Casau-

84 NOTES ON PLATO.

forty-seventh year of his age, Ol. 92. 1. Euripides is
also mentioned as still in the city: he left it to go into
Macedonia, Ol. 92. 4, and, consequently, it must have

NOTES.

bon has not explained this. See also Laertius in Protagoras,
L. 9. 54. We have still an oration of Alcidamas in the person
of Ulysses against Palamedes. It may be also observed, that
Laertius (L. 9. c. 25.) when he mentions Zeno Eleates, cites
by mistake the Sophistes, instead of the Phedrus of Plato.
Isocrates, in his oration on Helena, indeed says, that Zeno in
his disputations would shew the same things to be possible
and impossible.

P. 262. ἔστιν ow ὅπως texvuxos κτλ.}] Read μεταβιβαζων---
amayew—to answer to διαφευγειν.

264. Χαλκῆ.] Epitaph on Midas, by some attributed to
Homer and by others to Cleobulus of Lindias. See Vit. Homeri,
Herodoti ut dicitur, (V. Herodot. Edit. Gronoy. 1715, p. 559.)
and D. Laertius in Cleobulo, L. 1, c. 89.

265. Definition of a general complex idea, Ex πολλων wy
αἰσθήσεων εἰς ἑν λογισμω ξυναιρουμενον. ----Εἰις μιαν τε weay συνο-
ρῶντα αγειν Ta πολλαχὴ διεσπαρμενα.

266. Almost all these persons are mentioned by Quintilian
L. 8, 1., as having written arts of rhetorick, and were all now
flourishing, Ol. 92, except Tisias of Syracuse, Evenus of Paros,
Protagoras of Abdera, and Licymnius.

Ib. See Quintilian, L. 4. c. 1. 2. 3..and L. 5. ce. 1. 4 and
L. 8. c. 5. for an explanation of the terms, Hpooumov, Διηγησιν,
Maprupias, Texunpia, Πιιστωσιν, EXeyKos, Διπλασιολογια, Τνωμο-
λογια, Ἑπκονολογια, Everreca, Exavodos or Avaxepadaiwots.

267. Οικτρογοων emt ynpas και πενιαν ἑλκομενων. An allusion
to some poet: he means that Thrasymachus had gained great
wealth by his art.

268. Aveornkos To nrpiov.] A metaphor from an unequal and
ill-woven texture.

269. Μελιγηρυν Adpacrov.] An allusion to Tyrteus :

Ουδ᾽ εἰ Tavradidew IleXomros βασιλευτερος exn,
Τλωσσαν δ᾽ Αδρηστου μειλιχογηρυν εχοι.᾿

PHADRUS. δ δ

happened in some year of that Olympiad, probably the
2d or 3d, and Plato must have written it in less than
ten years afterwards, for his Lysis was written before

NOTES.
so that perhaps we should read in this place μειλιχογηρυν for
μελιγηρυν.

P. 270. Nod τε και ανοιας.1] He (1.6. Anaxagoras) attributed
the disposition of the universe to an intelligent cause, or mind,
whence he himself was called Νοῦς. He was nearly of the same
age with Pericles, and came to Athens Ol. 75. 1, where he
passed about thirty years.

Ib. ‘Immoxpare.] That famous physician was then about
fifty years of age ; and his works were universally read.

272. Adda Tov miBavov.] See the allusion to this passage in
Quintilian, L. 2, ec. 15.

273. H αλλος doris δὴ ποτ᾽ wy τυγχάνει, και ὅποθεν χαιρει
ονομαΐζομενος.1] The art, which bore the name of Tisias, was not
certainly known to be genuine. He says this in allusion to the
custom of invoking the gods by several names. See Callim.
Hymn. ad Jovem. Hor. Od. Secul. &c. &c. See also Plato in
Protagoras, p. 358, and in Cratylus, p. 400. and in Euthydemus,
p. 288.

274. Θεῦθ.1] The Egyptian deity, Mercury, to whom the
bird Ibis was sacred. Vid. Platon. Philebum, Edit. Serrani,
vol. 2. p. 18. Ἐπειδὴ φωνὴν απειρον, &c.

275. This discourse of Thamus (or Jupiter Ammon) on the
uses and inconveniences of letters is excellent ; he gives a lively
image of a great scholar, that is, of one who searches for wisdom
in books alone: Touro των μαθοντων AnOnv μεν ev ψυχαις παρεξει
μνημὴς αμελητησιᾳ, ate dia πιστιν ypadns εξωθεν ὑπ᾽ αλλοτριων
τυπων, οὐκ ενδοθεν αὐτοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὐτων, αναμιμνησκομενους" οὐκουν
μνημῆς, αλλ᾽ ὑπομνήσεως, φαρμακον evpes* σοφιας δὲ τοις μαθηταις
δοξαν, οὐκ αληθειαν, ποριζεις. πολνήκοοι yap σοι yevomevor ανεὺ
διδαχης, πολυγνωμονες εἰναι δοξωσι, ἀαγνωμονες, ws ert το πληθος,
οντες καὶ χαλεποι ξυνειναι" δοξοσοῴοι γὙεγονοτες αντι σοῴφων.

Ib. Apvos και werpas.] An allusion to that saying, ἀπὸ δρυος,
ἡ ἀπὸ πετρης. Hom. Il. v. 126.

86 NOTES ON PLATO.

the death of Socrates, which was Ol. 95. 1, but the
Pheedrus was still earlier, being his first composition ; so
he was between twenty and twenty-nine years of age.

NOTES.

P. 276. Αδωνιδος κηποι. Corn and seeds of various kinds, sown
in shallow earth to spring up soon, which were carried in the
procession on the feast of Adonis. Theocritus, Idyll. 15. v. 113.

Παρ δ᾽ ἀπαλοι κᾶποι πεφυλαγμενοι ev ταλαρισκοις
Ἀργυρεοις"
and the Schol. on the passage: see also the Emperor Julian in
his Casares: ‘‘Kyma, ots cu Ὑυναικες τω τῆς Αφροδιτης ανδρι
φυτευουσιν οστρακιοις ἐπαμησαμενοι γὙην λαχανιαν᾽ χλωρησαντα
de TavTa προς ολίγον avTika ἀπομαραινεται. Julian. Op. Edit.
Lipsie, 1696, pag. 329.

Ib. Avte τουτων dis Neywv.] Do not, with Serranus, correct
it to ἑν 71; yet read οἷα λεγω.

278. Νυμφῶν νᾶμα και Μουσων.] The Ilyssus was consecrated
to the Muses, who had an altar on its banks under the title of
Movoa Ἐιλισσιαδες, possibly near the scene of this dialogue.

Ib. Ἰσοκρατὴν τον καλον.] Isocrates was now about twenty-
five years of age, and had a share in the friendship both of
Socrates and of Plato. Laertius, L. 3. ¢. 8.

279. Πλεον ἡ παιδων.] Subauditur, 6c adda avdpes ; the same
ellipsis is used in Plato’s 4th Epist.

LYSIS.
H, ΠΈΡΙ ΦΙΛΙΑΣ.

THERE is no circumstance in this dialogue to inform one
at what time it is supposed to have happened ; but it
is certain that Plato wrote it when he was yet a young
man, before Ol. 95. 1, for Socrates heard it read. The
scene of it is in a Palestra, then newly built, a little
without the walls of Athens near the fountain of
Panops, between the Academia and the Lyceum. The
interlocutors are Socrates, Hippothales, and Ctesippus,!

1 Neavickos τις Παιανιεὺς, μαλα Kaos Te κᾳγαθος, τὴν φυσιν ὅσον
μεν, ὑβριστὴς δε, δια To νεος εἰναι. In Euthydemo, Plat. Op. V.
1. p. 278. Both Ctesippus and Menexenus were present at
Socrates's death. (In Phedone. )

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 203.

From 204 to 211.] Thus far the dialogue is very easy and
elegant, particularly the short conversation with Lysis, which
is an example how children of fortune and family ought to be
treated, in order to correct that arrogance which those advan-
tages are apt to inspire, and to win them gradually to reflection
and good sense,

P. 204, Mexxos.] Perhaps the same person who is mentioned
by Suidas, as a Mytilenean, who settled at Athens, and father
to Alczus the comick poet, who flourished Ol. 97. 4. V. Schol.
ad Plutum Aristophan. in Argumento. We see the sophists

88 NOTES ON PLATO.

two young men of Athens; Lysis, a boy of noble birth
and fortune, beloved by Hippothales, and Menexenus,!
also a boy, and cousin to Ctesippus, and friend to Lysis.
The characters are, as usual, elegantly drawn; but
what is the end or meaning of the whole dialogue, I
do not pretend to say. It turns upon the nature and
definition of friendship. Socrates starts a hundred
notions about it, and confutes them all himself; no-

1 The discourse with Menexenus is intended to correct a boy
of a bolder and more forward nature than Lysis, by shewing
him that he knows nothing ; and leaves him in the opinion of
his own ignorance. The second title of the dialogue is a false
or an incorrect one, for friendship is only by accident a part of
it ; the intent of the whole seems to be, to shew in what manner
we should converse with young people according to their dif-
ferent dispositions.

NOTES.
frequented the Palestre, as the publick resort of the youth, and
taught their art there.

P. 204, Παραταθησεται.1] Enecabitur, conficietur.

Tb. Ὡς Ἕρμαια αγουσιν ἀαναμεμίγμενοι, εν TAUTW εἰσιν OL νεανίσκοι
και δι παιδες.1] A festival celebrated in all the places of education
for boys. We see here how little the severe laws of Solon on
this head were observed, which particularly forbade grown per-
sons to be admitted on that occasion, Mschin. Orat. in Timar-
chum in principio.

Ib. Παιδοτριβης.1] The master of the Palestra, who taught
them their exercise.

207. Επηλυγασαμενος προεστη, read προσεστήη, aS in p. 210,
ἀνεμνησθην ort Kat προσεστως, &c.

208. Ilasdaywyos.] Commonly some old slave who waited
on them to the schools and to the Palestre.

211. Oprvya.] The passion of the Athenians for fighting
quails and game-cocks is well known. See Plutarch in Alcibiade.

213. Either leave out οὐκ in that passage, ore ἠκροᾶτο οὐκ
οὕτως exev, or read perhaps, οὐκ ἡσυχως.

LYSIS. 89

thing is determined, the dialogue is interrupted, and
there is an end. Perhaps a second dialogue was de-
signed on the same subject, and never executed. As
to all the mysteries which Serranus has discovered in
it, they are mere dreams of his own.

The first part of this dialogue is of that kind called
Mauevtixos, and the second part, Πειραστικος.

NOTES.

P. 214. Των copwratwy.] Empedocles, perhaps, who ascribed
the first formation of things to this friendship: Adore μεν
φιλοτητι συνερχομεν εἰς ἑν ἀπαντα, &c. 1), Laert. L. 8. ο. 76. or
Anaxagoras, who taught εκ των ὁμοιομερων μικρων σωμάτων τὸ
πᾶν συγκεκρᾶσθαι. Laert. L. 2. ο. 8.

219. Κωνειον πεπωκοτα.}] A quantity of wine, drunk after
the cicuta, was believed to prevent its mortal effects.

223. Hv ove.] It wasalawof Solon, τα διδασκαλεῖα κλειετωσαν
προ ἥλιου Suvovtos. (Aischines.)

ALCIBIADES 1,
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΦΥΣΕΩΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ͂.

THE title expressing the subject of this dialogue (like
that of Lysis) is wrong. Dacier rightly observes, that
the titles are commonly nothing to the purpose ; but he
is strangely mistaken in saying, they are of modern
invention, and that Diogenes Laertius makes no mention

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 103.

P. 104. Μεγακλεα emirporov.] Megacles (the father of Dino-
mache, the mother of Alcibiades), and Agariste, the mother of
Pericles, were brother and sister. Alcibiades was not above
three years old, and his brother Clinias was still younger, when
they lost their father at the battle of Coronea, Ol. 83. 1.

106. Teva: ert ro Bnua.] Boys when they had undergone the
Δοκιμασια before the Thesmothetz who presided in the court of
Heliea, (V. Lysiam in Diogeiton. p. 508 and 515., Aristophan.
in Vespis, v. 576., and Antiphont. de cede Choreute, p. 143,
ed. H. Steph. fol.), and were enrolled among the men, though
they were for a year excused from all Λειτοῦργιαι, seem to have
been at liberty (at this time of the republick) to vote and speak
in the assembly of the people. Therefore, Potter (Archeolog.
L. 1, ο. 17.) is not correct when he affirms that they could not
speak there, who were under thirty years of age. ‘They could
not indeed be chosen into the senate, &c. till that age.

Ib. Τραμματα και κιθαριζειν] The usual education of the
Athenian children from seven years old to fifteen. See Aischines
de Axioco, p. 94, ed. Le Clerc, and Aristoph. in Nubibus, v. 961.

ALCIBIADES I. 91

of them. That author actually mentions them all, and
from his account they appear to be more ancient than
Thrasyllus, who lived probably under Augustus and
Tiberius, and who seemingly took them to be all of
Plato’s own hand.

NOTES.

P. 113. Σου rade κινδυνευεις.1 These are the words of Phedra
in the Hippolytus of Euripides, v. 352. Zou rad’ οὐκ enou κλυεις,
which was played full three years after the time of this dialogue ;
but this is only a slight anachronism, and I wish that Plato had
never been guilty of any greater.

Ib. Σκευαριω v.] It is here used for clothes.

118. Πυθοκλειδη.1] He was a musician of great note, as well
as Damon. See Aristotle, cited by Plutarch in his life of
Pericles. Some attribute to Pythoclides the invention of the
Mixo-Lydian harmony, used in tragedy ; but Aristoxenus ascribes
it to Sappho. See Plutarch de Musica, and Burette’s notes in
the Mémoires de L’ Acad. des Inscriptions, &c. vol. 13. p. 234.

Ib. HOw ἐγενεσθην.}. He speaks of Xanthippus and Paralus,
as already dead, though in reality they were living two years
after the time of this dialogue.

119. Pythodorus, son of Isolochus and scholar to Zeno of
Elea. Qu?—Whether he were the same who was Archon Ol.
94, 1.?

120. Μειδιαν.] He is mentioned by Aristophanes in Avibus.

Ib. Avdparodwdn τριχα.] This is explained by Potter, L. 1.
ce. 10.

121. ‘Qv αἱ yuvarxes.] One office of the Ephori was, to watch
over the chastity of the queen.

122. Ovderr μελει. Of old the court of Areopagus were in-
spectors of the education of youth. The members of it divided
that care among them, and each of them in his province took
note of such fathers as gave not their children an education suit-
able to their fortune and way of life, as Isocrates shews at large
in his beautiful Areopagitick oration. At what time their
vigilance on this head began to decline, I cannot fix; but it was
probably towards the beginning of the administration of Pericles,

92 NOTES ON PLATO.

The true subject certainly is, to demonstrate the
necessity of knowing one’s self, and that, without this
foundation, all other acquisitions in science are not only
useless, but pernicious.

NOTES.

when the authority of that venerable body was lessened and
restrained by Ephialtes, that is, before Ol. 80. 1; yet I find the
form of the thing still continued, though not the force of it: for
ischines speaking of the discipline young men were subject to,
from about the age of eighteen to twenty, has these words ; Πας
ὁ του μειρακισκου Xpovos EoTW vO Σωφρονιστας, Kat THY ETL τοὺς
veous ἁιρεσιν της εξ ρειου παγου βουλης. (Aschin. in Axiocho,
p. 96.) The Sophronistz here mentioned, are distinct from the
Areopagites, being the name of a magistracy thus described
in Etymolog. Magn. Σωῴφρονισται, apxovres τινες χειροτονήΤοι,
dexa Tov apiOuov ἑκαστης φυλης, ἐπεμελοῦντο de της των εφηβων
σωφροσυνή.

P.122. Πολλας yap nin yeveas.] We are not told, I believe, by
any other writer, that the use of money was so early introduced
into Lacedemon ; but the following passage of Posidonius in
Athenzus, may help to explain it; Λακεδαιμονιοι ὑπο των εθων
κωλυομενοιεισφερειν εἰς τὴν Σπαρτην, (ws ὁ αυτοςἱστορει Ilocedwvios),
και κτᾶσθαι χρυσον καὶ ἀργυρον, εκτῶντο μεν οὐδὲν ἧττον, παρα-
κατετιθετο δε τοις ὁμοροις ἄρκασιν, εἰτὰ πολεμίους aUTOUS εσχον ἀντι
φίλων, ὅπως ανυπευθυνον To ἀπιστον δια τὴν ἐεχθραν γενηται" τω
μεν ουν ev Δελῴοις ἀπολλωνι Tov προτερον ev TH Λακεδαιμονι χρυσον
και apyupov ἱστοροῦσιν ανατεθηναι. κτλ. Athen. L. 6. p. 233, and
we may consult also Plato’s Hip. Maj. p. 283, and De Republica,
L. 8, p. 548. Plutarch says, that money was not even allowed
for the uses of the publick, till after the siege of Athens and its
surrendering to Lysander, when that point was carried after a
great struggle; though, at the same time, it was made capital
to apply it to private occasions. This happened twenty seven
years after the date of this dialogue.

Ib. Γενεθλια.1]7 The birthday of the Persian king was yearly
observed by all Asia.

Ib. Και Meoonvys.] Messenia was a country far surpassing

ALCIBIADES I. 93

The time of this dialogue is towards the end of
Alcibiades’s nineteenth year, which (as Dodwell reckons)
is Ol. 87. 1. Socrates was then about thirty-nine years
old.

NOTES,

Laconia in fertility, and equal to the best in Greece: Euripides
describes them both. See ap. Strabonem, L. 8, p. 367, and
Pausanias, L. 4, p. 285.

P. 122. Twy τε αλλων καὶ των Ἑιλωτικων.] The Spartans, there-
fore, made use of other slaves besides the Heilote.

123. Aewouaxns.] The value of an Athenian matron’s ward-
robe and ornaments was about fifty mine, (£161. 9s. 2d.)

Ib. Ins πλεθρα Epxiacw.] Three hundred Πλεθρα of land
was a great estate for an Athenian : a plethrum is one hundred
feet square. Observe, that the lands of Alcibiades did not lie
in that Anuos to which he belonged, for he was of Scambonide.

Ib. Βασιλικος gopos.] Herodotus, L. 6, enumerates the
privileges and prerogatives of the Spartan kings, but makes no
mention of this revenue, which was probably instituted after
his time.

124. Observe that Agis did not come to the crown till five
years after this conversation.

ALCIBIADES IL,
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗΣ.

THIS is a continuation of the same subject; for what
is said on prayer is rather accidental, and only intro-
ductory to the main purpose of the dialogue. It is
nothing inferior in elegance to the former. Some have
attributed it to Xenophon, but it is undoubtedly Plato’s,
and designed as a second part to the former.

I could be glad if it were as easy to fix the time of
it, as Dacier would persuade us, who boldly fixes it Ol.
93. 1, but there are facts alluded to in it, that will

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 138.

Vol. 2. p. 188. Χαλκω διελεσθαι.}) See Aischylus Sept. cont.
Theb.

141. Ta παιδικα.)] Craterus conspired with Hellenocrates
and Decamnichus to murder that prince, (Archelaus of Mace-
donia) as he was hunting. Aristotle calls him Crateus, and
gives a fuller account of this conspiracy than any other author.
Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ec. 10. Archelaus had promised him one
of his daughters in marriage, for he had two, but gave one to
the king of ‘Elimea and the other to his own son Amyntas.
Hellenocrates was a Larissean who had likewise been subser-
vient to the king’s pleasures.

143. Αὐτικα μαλα παρασταιη---ειπειν--- βουλομενον, &c.] All
words importing the present time, and not to be in any way
interpreted of the past, as Dacier pretends.

ALCIBIADES II. 95

neither be reconciled to that date, nor indeed to one
another ; and besides, it is better to allow Plato to be
guilty of these inaccuracies in chronology, than of those
improprieties of character which must be the conse-
quences of Dacier’s supposition. It is plain, that
Socrates continues, as in the preceding discourse, to
treat Alcibiades with a certain gentle superiority of
understanding, and that he prescribes to (and instructs)
him in a manner extremely proper to form the mind

NOTES,

P. 144. What Plato would prove in this place is excellent,
namely ; To των ἄλλων ἐπιστήμων κτημα, εαν τις avev του βελτιστου
KEKTNMEVOS ἢ; ολιγακις μεν ὠφελειν, βλαπτειν δε τα πλείω τον EXOVTA
αυτα. See also de Repub. L. 6. p. 506. and de Legibus, L. 2.
p- 661.

145. Aurn δ᾽ ην.] This relates to what he had proved in the
former dialogue, (Alcibiad. 1. p. 116.) which would be absurd if
that conversation had passed twenty years before.

147. A line from Homer’s Margites; Πολλ᾽ ἡπίστατο epya,
κακως δ᾽ ηἡπιίστατο παντα.

148. A Spartan prayer: τὰ καλα διδοναι emt τοις ἀγαθοις.

Ib. Οἱ πλειστας μεν θυσιας.1] The Athenians were remarkably
sumptuous in their temples and publick worship, beyond any
other people: two months in the year were taken up entirely
in these solemnities. See Aristophan. in Vespis, Schol. ad v.
655, and Xenoph. de Republ. Athen. p. 699.

149. Ἑνφημια.] Proclamation was always made in the be-
ginning of sacrifices in this form: Ἐυφημεῖτε, εὐφημεῖτε, and
then followed a solemn prayer.

Ib. Kakov roxtornv.] Perhaps we should read, Δικαστην.

150. Ovros ἑστιν ὦ μελει περι cov.] Socrates may either mean
the Divinity here, as in the former dialogue, Alcibiad. 1. p.
135. Eav BovAnov. Zwx: Ov καλως λεγεις. ἀλκιβ: AAG πως
χρὴ λεγειν ; Σωκ: ‘Ore eav Geos εθελη : for it was the character
of Socrates to assume nothing to himself: he ascribes all to the

96 NOTES ON PLATO.

of a youth just entering into the world, but ill-bred
and impertinent to a man of forty years of age, who
had passed through the highest dignities of the state
and through the most extraordinary reverses of fortune.
Plato himself may convince us of this, by what he
makes Socrates say in the first Alcibiades; p. 127.
Αλλα χρὴ θαῤῥεῖν" εἰ μεν yap αὖτο ἤσθου πέπονθως
πεντηκονταετης, χάλεπον QV αν σοι ἐπιμεληθηναι σαυτοῦ:
νυν δε, ἣν exes ἡλικιαν, αὑτη εστιν εν ἡ δει αὐτο
αισθανεσθαι.

The principal difficulties are, that he speaks of
Pericles as yet living, who died Ol. 87. 4, and of the

NOTES.

demon who directed him, whom he calls his Emirporos: or
Socrates may here mean himself, as I rather think. Some
Christian writers would give a very extraordinary turn to this
part of the dialogue, as though Plato meant to prove the
necessity of a Revelation: but I spy no such mysteries in it.
Socrates has proved that we are neither fit to deal with man-
kind, till we know them by knowing ourselves; nor to address
ourselves to the Divine Power, till we know enough of his
nature to know what we owe him: what that nature is, he
defers examining till another opportunity, which is done to
raise the curiosity and impatience of the young Alcibiades, and
to avoid that prolixity, into which a disquisition so important
would have naturally led him.

P. 151. Zrepavov.] Alcibiades, as going to perform sacrifice,
had a chaplet of flowers on his head, which was the custom for
all present at such solemnities.

Ib. ὁ Kpewv.] From the Pheenisse of Euripides, v. 886.

O.wvov εθεμὴν καλλινικα σοι στεφη"
Ey yap κλυδωνι Keyed’, worep οισθα συ.

Ib. Tw σων epacrwy.] He here continues the same style to
Alcibiades, which would be absurd to a man of forty years of age.

ALCIBIADES II. 97

murder of Archelaus king of Macedon as a fact then
recent, which did not happen! till Ol. 95. 1, the same
year with Socrates’s death, and near five years after that
of Alcibiades.

1 According to Diodorus Siculus, L. 16. p. 266. who, though
he may have rightly fixed the period of the reign of Archelaus,
contradicts himself as to the duration of it. He says, that he
reigned seven years, yet mentions him as king of Macedon
(L. 13. p. 175.) ten years before his death, Ol. 92. 3. Accord-
ing to the Marmor Parium, he must have reigned still longer,
for there he is said to have come to the throne, Ol. 90. 1. ; but
that date is certainly false, as Thucydides speaks of his father
Perdiccas, yet living four years afterwards. But let Diodorus
be mistaken or not, it is sure, from this passage of Thucydides,
that Archelaus came not to the crown till at least thirteen years
after the death of Pericles. See also Atheneus, L. 5. p. 217.

VOL. IV. H

THEAGES.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΣΟΦΙΑΣ,

Demopocus of Anagyrus, an old Athenian who had
passed with reputation through the highest offices of
the state, and now, after the manner of his ancestors,
lived chiefly on his lands in the country, (Euthydem,
p. 291.) employed in agriculture and rustick amuse-
ments, brings with him to Athens his son! Theages, a
youth impatient to improve himself in the arts then in
vogue, and to shine among his companions who studied

1 He actually became a friend and disciple of Socrates, and
is mentioned by him as such, together with a brother of his
called Paralus, in his Apology, p. 83. Theages was probably
dead at the time of the condemnation of Socrates ; he is men-
tioned as of a weak and unhealthy constitution. See De Republ.
L. 6. p. 496.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 121.

P. 124. Tov νεωστι Apxovra.] Archelaus was then just come
to the throne, and consequently this year, in which Diodorus
first mentions him, was, it is probable, the first of his reign.
(V. Alcibiad. II.) Bacis, a prophet, often cited by Herodotus.
The Scholiast on Aristophan. Equites, v. 123, says, there were
three of the name. (Clemens Alexandr. Strom. L. 1, p. 398.)

Ib. Audidvrov.] The name of this Athenian prophet I do
not elsewhere meet with,

THEAGES. 99

eloquence,! and practised politicks, as soon as ever their
age would permit them to appear in the popular
assemblies.

Socrates, at the father’s desire, enters into conversa-
tion with the young man, and decoys him by little and
little into a confession that he wanted to be a great
man, and to govern his fellow citizens. After diverting
himself with the naiveté of Theages, he proposes ironic-
ally several sophists of reputation, and several famous
statesmen, who were fit to instruct him in this grand
art: but as it does not appear that the disciples of those
sophists, or even the sons of those statesmen, have been

1 Aristophanes ridicules this turn of the age in which he
lived, in many places, particularly in Equitib. v. 1875. Read-
ing, and the knowledge of the Belles Lettres, having more
generally diffused itself through the body of the people, than it
had done hitherto, had an ill effect on the manners of a nation
naturally vain and lively. Every one had a smattering of elo-
quence and of reasoning, and every one would make a figure
and govern ; but no one would be governed: the authority of
age and of virtue was lost and overborne, and wit and a fluency
of words supplied the place of experience and of common sense.
See the character of Hippocrates in the Protagoras, Ὁ. 312: and
Plato himself gives this as the characteristick of the Athenians
in his time, Ἢ παντων εἰς παντὰ σοφιας Sofa, καὶ παρανομια.
See de Legib. L. 3, p. 701.

NOTES.

P.125. Eis διδασκαλον.] Perhaps Διδασκαλειον . ---ΤῊ 5 poem of
Anacreon on Callicrete, the daughter of Cyane, is now lost.
Dacier seriously imagines that she was a female politician, like
Aspasia ; but it is more agreeable to Anacreon’s gallantry, that
we should suppose the seat of tyranny was only in her face.

128. Δαιμονιον.} See Mr. Foster’s note on the Euthyphro,

ad p. 22, and Fraguier’s Discourse on Socrates, Mém. de ]’Acad,
des Inscript. V. 6.

100 NOTES ON PLATO.

much the better for their lessons, both Demodocus and
Theages intreat and insist that Socrates himself would
admit him to his company, and favour him with his
instructions. The philosopher very gravely tells them
stories of his demon, without whose permission he
undertakes nothing, and upon whom it entirely depends,
whether his conversation shall be of any use, or not,
to his friends; but at last he acquiesces, if Theages
cares to make the experiment.

The scene of the dialogue is in the portico (described
by Pausanias, L. 1. ο. 3.) of Jupiter the Deliverer, in
the Ceramicus, the principal street of Athens; and the
time Ol. 92. 3-4, during the expedition of Thrasyllus,
in which he was defeated at Ephesus by the Persians,
and other allies of Sparta. Socrates was then sixty
years old.

NOTES.

P.129. Κλειτομαχον ερεσθαι.1 This assassination of N icias, the
son of Heroscamander, by Philemon and Timarchus, and the
condemnation of the latter with Euathlus, who had given him
shelter, is not recounted in any other author.

130. Θουκυδιδην.] Thucydides, the son of Melesias, was at
the head of the Athenian nobility and of the party which op-
posed Pericles and Ephialtes: he was a near relation to Cymon,
and banished by Ostracism about Ol. 83. 4, when Socrates was
twenty-six yearsold. He had twosons, Melesias and Stephanus,
the eldest of which was father to the Thucydides here mentioned.

130. Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, surnamed the Just,
had a son, called after his grandfather, Lysimachus, whose
son was also called Aristides, which interchange of names was
common at Athens.

EUTHYPHRO.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ὉΣΙΟΥ͂,

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 2.

Soorates,' about the time that an accusation had been
preferred against him for impiety in the court of the
BaovAevs,? walking in the portico, where that magistrate
used to sit in judgment, meets with Euthyphro, a per-
son deeply versed in the knowledge of religious affairs,

1 OL. 96. 1.

2 Impeachments for murder were laid in the court of the
Βασιλεὺς, but not tried till four months after in the court of Areo-
pagus, where the Βασίλευς had himself a vote. The cause was
judged in the open air, for all such as were (ὁμοῤῥοῴιοι) under
the same roof with the defendant were thought to partake of his
guilt. The accuser gave him immediate notice not to approach
the forum, the assembly, the temples, or the publick games,
(προσηγορευει εἰιργεσθαι των νομιμων)ὴ and in that state he con-
tinued, till he was acquitted of the crime. See Antipho, Orat.
de cede Herodis, and de cede Choreute. Informations might
also (as it seems) be laid in the court of Heliza before the
Thesmothete.

NOTE.

Mr. Foster having published and made remarks on this and
some other pieces of Plato, it is unnecessary for me to dwell
long upon them.

P. 2. The Βασιλεῖος Στοα was in the Ceramicus on the right
hand, as you come from the gate which led to the Pireeus.

102 NOTES ON PLATO.

as sacrifices, oracles, divinations, and such matters,
and full of that grave kind of arrogance which these
mysterious sciences use to inspire. His father, having
an estate in the isle of Naxus, had employed among
his own slaves a poor Athenian who worked for hire.
This man, having drunk too much, had quarrelled with
and actually murdered one of the slaves. Upon which,
the father of Euthyphro apprehended and threw him
into a jail, till the EKéyyynrav! had been consulted, in
order to know what should be done. The man, not
having been taken much care of, died in his confine-
ment: upon which Euthyphro determines to lodge an
indictment against his own father for murder. Socrates,
surprised at the novelty of such an accusation, inquires
into the sentiments of Euthyphro with regard to piety
and the service of the gods, (by way of informing him-
self on that subject against the time of his trial) and
by frequent questions, intangling him in his own con-
cessions, and forcing him to shift from one principle
and definition to another, soon lays open his ignor-
ance, and shews that all his ideas of religion were

1 The Eénynra: at Athens, like the Pontifices at Rome, were
applied to, when any prodigy had happened or any violent
death, to settle the rights of expiation or to propitiate the
manes of the dead. Harpocration and Suidas have these words,
Eénynrns, ὁ εξηγουμενος Ta ἱερα᾽ eott δὲ Kat ἁ προς Tous κατ-
οἰχομενοὺυς νομιζομενα εξηγοῦντο τοις δεομενοις. So Demosthenes
contra Everg. of a woman supposed to be murdered: Ἐπειδὴ
τοινυν ετελευτήσεν, NAPov ws τους Ἐϊξηγητας, iva ειδειην ὁ τι με χρὴ
ποιειν περι τουτων : and the prosecution of the murderer made
a necessary part of this expiation. See Theophrasti Charact :
περι Δεισιδαιμονιας, c. 16, and Plato de Republ. L. 4, p. 427,
where he calls the Delphian Apollo, Eénynrns πατριος.

EUTHYPHRO. 103

founded on childish fables and on arbitrary forms and
institutions.

The intention of the dialogue seems to be, to expose
the vulgar notions of piety, founded on traditions un-
worthy of the divinity, and employed in propitiating
him by puerile inventions and by the vain ceremonies
of external worship, without regard to justice and to
those plain duties of society, which alone can render
us truly worthy of the deity.

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.

PLATO was himself present at the trial of Socrates,
being then about twenty-nine years of age; and he was
one of those who offered to speak in his defence, (though
the court would not suffer him to proceed), and to be
bound as a surety for the payment of his fine: yet
we are not to imagine, that this oration was the real
defence which Socrates made. Dionysius says, that it
was δικαστηρίου μὲν ἡ ἀγορᾶς ουδὲ θυρας ιδων, κατ᾽
adAnv Se twa βουλησιν yeypappevos, and what that
design was, he explains himself by saying, that, under

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 17.

Ῥ, 18. It is remarkable that he should mention this comedy
of Aristophanes, as having made a deep impression on the
people; and yet it was brought on the stage twenty years
before, where it was exploded ; and afterwards it was produced
again, but still in vain: (Vid. Prolegom. ad Nubes, and ν. 524.)
though the author regarded it as his best play.

23. Qr? Whether Anytus were the same person who was
colleague to the great Thrasybulus, and had a principal share
in restoring the democracy, mentioned by Lysias in Agoratum,
p. 260, 263, by Xenophon, Hist. Gree. L. 2, p. 468, and by
Isocrates, in Exc. adv. Callimachum? Melitus, who is mentioned
as a bad tragick poet in the Rane of Aristophanes, v. 1337,
and whose person is described in the Euthyphro, was not prob-
ably the same with that Melitus, who was among the accusers

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS, 105

the cover of an apology, it is a delicate satire on the
Athenians, a panegyrick on Socrates, and a pattern
and character of the true philosopher. (Dion. Hali-
carnass. de vi Demosthen. p. 289, and de Art. Rhetor.
Ρ. 83. Vol. 2. edit. Huds. Oxon. 1704.) Nevertheless,
it is founded on truth ; it represents the true spirit and
disposition of Socrates, and many of the topicks used
in it are agreeable to those which we find in Xenophon,!
and which were doubtless used by Socrates himself ;
as where he mentions his demon, and the reasons he
had for preferring death to life, his account of the
oracle given to Chzerepho, and the remarkable allusion
to Palamedes,? &c. the ground-work is manifestly the
same, though the expressions are different. In one

1 Xenophon was absent at the time of the trial, Ol. 95. 1,
in Asia ; and the account, which he gives, he had from Hermo-
genes, the son of Hipponicus, a great friend of Socrates: we see
from him, that many persons had written narrations of the
behaviour of Socrates on the occasion,

2 This doubtless gave occasion to what Ailian and others
have said, (Var. Hist. and Diog. Laert. L. 2, s. 44.) that Euri-
pides, in some lines of his Palamedes, alluded to Socrates’s

death ; whereas that drama was played Ol. 91. 1, and Euripides
died Ol. 98. 2, seven years before Socrates.

NOTES.

of Andocides, the year before this, for Socrates speaks of him
as a youth not known in the world before this accusation of his
(See Euthyphr.) ; nor with the Melitus who was deputed by
the Athenians to go to Sparta, Ol. 94. 1: these two last facts
seem to belong to one and the same person.

P. 24. Πολλὴν αφθονιαν.] Hence it appears that, in whatever
court Socrates was tried, the judges were extremely numerous.

26. Apaxyuns ex τῆς Opxnotpas.] The price of a seat in the
theatre was at most one drachma.

106 NOTES ON PLATO.

thing only they seem directly to contradict each other :
Xenophon says, he neither offered himself any thing in
mitigation of his punishment, nor would suffer his friends
to do so, looking upon this as an acknowledgment of
some guilt: ovre αὐτὸν ὑπετιμήησατο, ovte τους φιλους
εἰασεν" ἀλλα και ελεγεν, ὅτι το ὑποτιμᾶσθαι ὁμολογοῦντος
evn αδικειν. If the word ὑποτιμᾶσθαι means that he
would not submit to ask for a change of his sentence

NOTES.

P. 32. EBovAevoa de.] Socrates was in the senate of Five
Hundred, Ol. 93. 3, being then sixty-five years of age. The
Prytanes presided in the assemblies of the people, were seated
in the place of honour, and attended by the Tofora:, who, by
their orders, seized any persons who made a disturbance ; they
introduced ambassadours, gave liberty of speaking to the orators,
and of voting to the people; and (as it appears) any one of
them could put a negative on their proceedings, since Socrates |
alone, at the trial of the Zrparyyor, insisted, that the question
was contrary to law, and would not suffer it to be put to the
assembly.

Ib. Θολος.] A building in the Ceramicus near the Βουλευτήριον
των Πεντακοσιων, where the Prytanes assembled to perform
sacrifice and to banquet. (Pausanias, L. 1, p. 12, and Jul.
Pollux in fin. L. 8.) Who were Nicostratus and Theodotus,
the sons of Theodotides ?

34. Exs μεν, μειράκιον 767" δνω de, Παιδια.] Socrates had three
sons, (D. Laert. L. 2, s. 26.) Lamprocles, Sophroniscus, and
Menexenus, the first by Xanthippe, the two others (as it is said)
by Myrto, grand-daughter to the famous Aristides. Some say,
he married the latter first; but that is impossible, because he
had Lamprocles, his eldest son, by Xanthippe ; and she certainly
survived him ; therefore, if Myrto were his wife, he must have
had two wives together. This is indeed affirmed in a treatise
on nobility ascribed to Aristotle, and by Aristoxenus and Callis-
thenes his scholars, as well as by Demetrius Phalereus, and
others. It is a very extraordinary thing, that such men should

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 107

into banishment, or perpetual imprisonment, so far it is
agreeable to Plato, p. 37. but if it means, that he would
not suffer any mulct himself, nor permit his friends to
mention it, we see the contrary, p. 38, where he fines
himself one mina (all he was worth), and where his
friends Crito, Critobilus, Plato, and Apollodorus, offer
thirty mine (£96. 17s. 6d.) which was, I suppose, all
they could raise, to save him. Now this being a fact,

NOTES,

be deceived in a fact which happened so near their own time ;
yet Panetius, in his life of Socrates, expressly refuted this
story ; and it is sure, that neither Xenophon, nor Plato, nor
any other of his contemporaries, mentions any wife but Xan-
thippe.

P. 35. ἄριστα ewat και ὑμιν.] Here is aninterval; and we see
that Melitus, Anytus, and Lyco, having gone through their
accusations, and Socrates having made his defence, and some
of his friends, perhaps, having also supported it, the judges
proceeded to vote guilty, or not guilty. The former suffrages
exceeded the latter by three, by thirty, or by thirty and three,
for the MSS. differ in the number. Justus of Tiberias (Laert.
L. 2. 5. 41.) says by 281, which is doubtless false ; and he adds
that 361 condemned him to death.—I imagine, from what occurs
afterwards, that Melitus and Anytus spoke a second time, after
Socrates had finished his defence, before the court had voted.
Xenophon tells us, that some of Socrates’s friends actually pleaded
for him. Ἐῤῥηθη πλειονα ὑπ’ αὐτου, και των συναγορευοντων φιλων
αὐτου. Xenoph. Apolog. Sect. 22.

36. Kav wide χιλιας.] Ido not see how Socrates should know
this, unless a small number of the judges, immediately after his
defence, had risen to give their vote against him, and the rest
deferred voting, till after Lyco and Anytus had spoken a second
time in support of Melitus. In all publick accusations (some
sorts of Ἐισαγγελίαι excepted) this was the case, if the accuser
did not get a fifth of the votes. The next question regards the
Τίμημα, which the court had it in their power to mitigate, if

108 NOTES ON PLATO.

at that time easily proved or disproved, I am of opinion
that Plato never would have inserted into his discourse
a manifest falsity, and, therefore, we are to take Xeno-
phon’s words in that restrained sense which I have
mentioned.

Potter says, that from the nature of the crime
(AceBeia), it is evident that the trial was before the
court of Areopagus: but I take the contrary to be

NOTES.
they were persuaded or moved by the plea of the criminal. See
Lysias in Epicratem, p. 454.

P. 37. My wav povov.] Here we see that capital causes were
decided in a single day.

38. Αξιοχρεω.] Here follows a second interval, during which .
the court voted, and condemned him to die.

39. Τιμωριαν.] Do not imagine with Dacier, in this place,
that he is threatening them with plagues and divine judgments :
he only means that for one Socrates a hundred shall spring up
to tell the Athenians their faults, which was very true; as the
Socratick school was continually increasing.

N.B. It may be observed, that Socrates was one of the
senate of Five Hundred, and was one of the Prytanes on the
trial of the Στρατηγοι : this is certain, both from Plato, in this
piece, and from Xenophon, Hist. Greece. L. 1. p. 449, and from
ZEschines in Axiocho, p. 101. This last writer tells us, that the
matter was carried the next day by the choice of certain IIpoedpor
εγκαταθετοι, to take the votes; whence it should seem that it
was not, at that time of the republick, the constant custom to
elect Ipoedpa for this purpose, as it afterwards was out of the
nine tribes, which were not Prytanes ; (See Potter, L. 1. 17.)
but that the Prytanes alone, or some chosen from among them,
exercised this office. Xenophon, in his Apomnemon, L. 4. c.
4, seems to speak of the same trial, and says, that Socrates was
Emorarns in the assembly : if so, it was his particular province
to give the people liberty of voting; but it is certain that he
was not an Emorarns chosen out of the IIpoedpa, as was usual

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS, 109

evident from the style both here andin Xenophon. He
always addresses his judges by the name of Avdpes, or
Avépes Αθηναιοι, whereas the form of speaking either
to the 1 Areopagites or to the senate 3 of Five Hundred,
was constantly ὦ BovAy: and in the courts*® of justice,
Avépes Δικασται, or sometimes Avdpes Αθηναιοι, or
Avépes alone: he therefore was judged in some of these
courts.

1 See Lysias’s Apolog. in Simonem, and his Oration, Pro sacra
Oliva.

2 See Lysias in Philonem, pro Mantitheo, &c.

3 Ib. in Epicratem in principio et sub fin. : et pro Euphileto,
et passim.

NOTE,

in the time of Demosthenes: he might indeed be Excrarns of
the Prytanes, an honour which continued but one day. See
also Xenophon in Apomnem: L. 1. c. 1, where a clearer account
is given of the same fact, where he is called Bov\eurns and
Ἐπιστατὴς ev Tw Anuy. See also Plato’s Gorgias, p. 473, and
Corsinus Fast. Attic. v. 1. Diss. 6. de ἸΤροεδρων και Ἐπιστατων
Electione.

CRITO.
H, MEPI IIPAKTOY.

or (as the second Basil edition more justly entitles it)
ΠΕΡῚ AOZH= AAHOOTS KAI AIKAIOY.
Ol. 95. 1.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 43.
Tuts beautiful dialogue (besides Dacier’s translation
and Foster’s notes) has been translated and illustrated
by the Abbé Sallier, keeper of the printed books in the

French king’s library; see Vol. 14. Mém. de l’Acad.
des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, p. 38.

PHADO.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΨΥΧΗΣ.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 57.

Tats famous dialogue was supposed by Paneetius! the
stoick, a great admirer of Plato, not to be genuine, or
at least interpolated, rather, as it seems, from his own
persuasion 2 of the soul’s mortality, than from any thing
in the piece itself unlike the manner or the tenets of
the philosopher, to whom it has always been ascribed.
The whole course of antiquity has regarded it as one of
his principal works; and (what seems decisive) Aristotle?
himself cites it, as a work of his master.

The historical part of it is admirable, and, though
written and disposed with all the art and management
of the best tragick writer, (for the slightest circumstance
in it wants not its force and meaning) it exhibits
nothing to the eye but the noble simplicity of nature.
1 Anthologia, L. 1. 44. 2 Cicero, Tusc. Quest. L. 1. 32.

3 Meteorolog. L. 2. 2.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 58. Kar’ exavrov.] This annual solemnity should be dis-
tinguished from the great Delian festival described by Thucy-
dides, (See Taylor’s Comment on the Marmor Sandvicense, )
which returned only once in four years, and which, after a long
intermission, was revived Ol. 88, 3.

112 NOTES ON PLATO.

Every intelligent reader will feel what those who were
eye-witnesses are said to have felt, namely, αηθη τινα
κρᾶσιν, ατὸ TE THS ἡδονὴης συγκεκραμενην ὅμου και TS
λυπης. The innocence, the humanity, the cheerfulness,
and the unaffected intrepidity of Socrates, will draw some
tears from him (as it did many from them) as for the
loss of a father ; and will, at the same time, better than
any arguments, shew him a soul, which, if it were not
so, at least deserved to be immortal.

The reasoning part is far inferior, sometimes weak,
sometimes false, too obscure, too abstracted, to convince
us of any thing; yet with a mixture of good sense and
with many fine observations. The fabulous account of
a future state is too particular and too fantastick an
invention for Socrates to dwell upon at such a time, and
has less decorum and propriety in it than the other
parts of the dialogue.

Socrates attempts in this dialogue to prove, that true
philosophy is but a continual preparation for death ; its
daily study and practice being to wean and separate the
body from the soul, whose pursuit of truth is perpetu-
ally stopped and impeded by the numerous avocations,
the little pleasures, pains, and necessities of its com-
panion. TZhat, as death is but a transition from its
opposite, life (in the same manner as heat is from cold,

1 This was an idea of Pythagoras. Ev Buy ἀρχη τελευτης" ev
fwn de yeveots φθορᾶς. Diog. Laert. L. 8. 5. 22.

NOTE.
Ῥ, 61. Φιλολαου.] Wesee that Philolaus of Crotona had been
at Thebes, and that Simmias and Cebes had both received from
him some tincture of the Pythagorean doctrines.

εν

PHADO. 113

weakness from strength, and all things, both in the
natural and in the moral world, from their contraries)
so life is only a transition from death ; whence he would
infer the probability of a metempsychosis. Z'hat, such
propositions,! as every one assents to at first, being
self-evident, and no one giving any account how such
parts of knowledge, on which the rest are founded, were
originally conveyed to our mind, there must have been
a pre-existent state, in which the soul was acquainted
with these truths, which she recollects and assents to
on their recurring to her in this life. That, as truth is
eternal and immutable, and not visible to our senses
but to the soul alone; and as the empire, which she
exercises over the body, bears a resemblance to the power
of the Divinity, it is probable that she, like her object,
is everlasting and unchangeable, and, like the office she
bears, something divine. That, it cannot be, as some
have thought, merely a harmony resulting from a dis-
position of parts in the body, since it directs, commands,
and restrains the functions of that very body. That,

1 Socrates has explained the same doctrine in the Meno, p.
81, &c. but rather as conjectural than demonstrable, for he
adds, in the conclusion, p. 86. Ta μὲν γε ἀλλα οὐκ αν πανυ ὑπερ
του Noyou διϊσχυρισαιμὴν, Ke.

NOTES.

P. 97. Hence it is clear that Socrates never was the scholar of
Anaxagoras, (whatever Laertius and others have said) though
he had read his works with application.

* See who Echecrates was, in Plato’s 9th Epistle, Op. Vol. 3.
p. 358. The Phliasians were ever the faithful allies of Sparta,
and (though the Peloponnesian war was now at an end) it is no
wonder if they had not any great intercourse with Athens.

VFOn,. TY. I

114 NOTES ON PLATO.

the soul, being the cause of life to the body, can never
itself be susceptible of death ; and that, there will be a
state of rewards and punishments, the scene of which
he takes pains in describing, though he concludes, that
no man can tell exactly where or what it shall be.

Dacier’s superstition and folly are so great in his
notes on the Phzdo, that they are not worth dwelling
upon.

ERAST &.
EPASTAI sev ANTEPASTAL:

IIEPI ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑΣ.

THE scene lies in the school of Dionysius the gram-
marian,! who was Plato’s own master. The design is
to shew, that philosophy consists not in ostentation,
nor in that insight (which the sophists affected) into
a variety of the inferior parts of science, but in the
knowledge of one’s self, and in a sagacity in discover-
ing the characters and dispositions of mankind, and of
correcting and of modelling their minds to their own
. advantage.

The dialogue is excellent, but too short for such a
subject. The interlocutors are not named, nor is there
any mark of the time when it happened.

1 Τραμματιστης, of whom children learned to read and write.
Vid. Charmidem. p. 161.

NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 132.
P. 135. The price of a slave skilled in carpenter’s work, was
five or six mine, about £19. 7s. 6d.; of an architect, 10,000
drachme, i.e. above £322. 17s. Od.

LACHES.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ANAPEIAS.

THE persons in this dialogue are men of distinguished
rank and figure in the state of Athens.

1. Lysimachus,! son to the famous Aristides, sur-
named, The Just.

2. Melesias, son to that Thucydides who was the
great rival of Pericles in the administration.

1 Vid. Menone. p. 93. 94. Both he and Melesias were
persons little esteemed, except on their father’s account.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 178.

P. 178. Tov Avdpa.] Stesilaus, as it afterwards appears, an
Athenian.

179. Παππω ovre.] Perhaps we should read, Παπποὺυ και
OUTOS ονομ᾽ EXWY, TOUMOU πατρος.

180. Ovra δημοτην.] Both Socrates and Lysimachus were of
Alopece.

Ib. Δαμωνα.] Damon the sophist and musician, scholar to
Agathocles (see the Protagoras, p. 316.) who excelled in the
same professions, had been banished by the faction opposite to
Pericles, on account of his intimacy with that great man, in
whose education Plutarch (in Vit. Pericl.) would make one
imagine he had a principal share ; but, in reality, their intimacy
did not begin till Pericles was an old man, as Plato (in Alcib.
I. p. 118.) expressly tells us ; and accordingly we find here, that
Laches had as yet never seen Damon, who probably, after the
ten years of his ostracism were expired, was returned to Athens,
while Laches commanded in Sicily.

LACHES. 117

3. Nicias,! so often the general in the Peloponnesian
war, celebrated for his goodness, for his conduct, and
for his success, till the fatal expedition to Syracuse in
which he perished.

4. Laches, son of Melanopus of the district Aixone,
and tribe Cecropis,? commander of the fleet sent to the
assistance of the Leontines in Sicily, Ol. 88. 2, in which
expedition he defeated the Locrians, reduced Messene,
Myle, and other places, and after his recall, seems to
have been ὃ prosecuted by Cleon for corruption in this
very year; whence it appears, that he was in the battle
of Delium.*

1 Thucydides passim.—Plutarch: in Vita Nicize—Lysias
contra Poliuchum, p. 318.

2 Thucydides in multis locis. Laches was also among the
commanders of the troops sent into Peloponnesus to assist the
Argives. Ol. 90. 3. (See Diodorus, L, 12. p. 126. edit. Rhodo-
manni, 1604.

3 Aristophanes in Vespis, et Scholia; which drama was
played Ol. 89. 2; see verse 890, where he is called Λαβης ὁ
Acéwvevus, as Cleon is called, Kuwy ὁ Κυδαθηναιευς.

4 He was one of the generals of the Athenians in the battle
near Mantinea, Ol. 90. 3, and was slain in that action. See
Thucydides, L. 5. p. 334, and Androtion in Schol. ad Aves
Aristophanis, v. 13.

NOTES,

P. 180. Ilarpixos φιλος.1] Sophroniscus, therefore, though in
low circumstances, was a man of good character, and known to
the principal citizens.

182. Οὐ yap ayévos.] The war with Sparta. It is plain,
that this was not one among the usual exercises of their gym-
nasia, and the teachers of it were but lately introduced in Athens.

183. Tpaywdias ποιητης.1] A satire on the Athenians who
were devoted to these entertainments. See de Republ. L. 2.
Ῥ. 376, L. 3. p. 390, and L. 8. p. 568.

118 NOTES ON PLATO.

Two youths under
twenty years of
age.

7. Socrates, then in his forty-seventh year.

The two first of these persons, being then very
ancient, and probably about seventy years of age, and
sensible of that defect in their own education, which
had caused them to lead their lives in an obscurity
unworthy the sons of such renowned fathers, were the
more solicitous on account of their own sons, who were
now almost of an age to enter into the world. They

5. Thucydides, son to Melesias.1
6. Aristides, son to Lysimachus.

4 Vid. Menonem, p. 94. et Theagem, p. 130. et Thezetetum,
p- 1st.

NOTES.

P. 183. Αβατον tepov.] Like the temples and groves of the
Σεμναι Oca, the Furies, Xwpos—aixTos ovd’ οἰκητος, &c. Soph. Ged.
Col. v. 39.

Ib. Erepw6t.] In the Sicilian expedition.

Ib. Aopudperavov.] A long halbard, whose head was fashioned
like a scythe or broad sickle. They were used to cut the rig-
ging of ships down, and in sieges to pull down the battlements
of walls, such as Livy, L. 38, calls, ‘‘ Asseres falcati ad deter-
gendas pinnas.” Vid. Fragm. Polybii, v. 2. ed. Gronov. p.
1546.

184. Emigaveorepos yevoito, ἡ οἷος nv.] Perhaps we should
read οἷος nv, and omit the ».

185. AAN ov περι Tov, οὗ évexa addo efynret.] Perhaps we
should read, ὁ evexa αλλου εζητει.

188. Δωριστι, add’ οὐκ Ταστι.] A satire on the Athenians,
and a compliment to Sparta (V. de Republ. L. 3. p. 398.) which
Plato seldom omits, when he finds an opportunity. (Vid.
Hippiam Major, p. 283 and 4.—Protogoram, p. 342.—Symposium,
p- 209, where he calls the laws of Lycurgus, Zwrypas τῆς
EAAados.

LACHES. 119

therefore invite Nicias and Laches, men of distinguished
abilities and bravery, but some years younger than
themselves, to a conference on that subject; and after
having been spectators together of the feats of arms
exhibited by Stesilaus, a professed master in the exer-
cise of all weapons, they enter into conversation.
Socrates, who happened to be present, is introduced by
Laches to Lysimachus, as a person worthy to bear a
part in their consultation. The first question is occa-
sioned by the spectacle which they had just beheld,
namely, “‘ whether the management of arms be an exer-
cise fit to be learned by young men of quality?”
Nicias is desired first to deliver his opinion, which is,
that it may give grace and agility to their persons,
and courage and confidence to their minds; that it
may make them more terrible to their enemies in
battle, and more useful to their friends; and at the
same time may inspire them with a laudable ambition
to attain the higher and more noble parts of military

NOTES.

P. 189. Ex δὲ vewrepos, &c.] Socrates does not seem to have
attained a great reputation and esteem till about this time of
his life, when Aristophanes also first introduced him on the
stage, Ol. 89. 1, in his Νεῴφελαι.

194. Twv δεινων καὶ θαῤῥαλεων.] Which he afterwards de-
fines, Aewa μεν, ἁ και δεος παρεχει. Oapparea δε, ἁ και μὴ Seos
παρεχει.

195. Ilorepov ὁμολογεῖς μαντις ewat.] Dacier explains well
this piece of raillery on the supposed timidity and superstition
of Nicias’s character: but when he carries it still farther, and
supposes it a part of Nicias’s religion to believe in the bravery
of the Crommyonian wild-sow (p. 196.), he grows insipid, and
interprets the meaning of Socrates quite wrong.

120 NOTES ON PLATO.

knowledge. Laches has a direct contrary opinion of
it: he argues from his own experience, that he never
knew a man, who valued himself upon this art, that
had distinguished himself in the war; that, the Lace-
demonians, who valued and cultivated military discipline
beyond all others, gave no encouragement to these
masters of defence; that, to excel in it, only served to
make a coward more assuming and impudent, and to
expose a brave man to envy and calumny, by making
any little failing or oversight more conspicuous in him.

Socrates is then prevailed upon to decide the differ-
ence, who artfully turns the question of much greater
importance for a young man of spirit to know, namely,
“what is valour, and how it is distinguished from a
brutal and unmeaning fierceness.” By interrogating
Laches and Nicias, he shews, that such as had the
highest reputation for courage in practice, were often
very deficient in the theory; and yet none can com-
municate a virtue he possesses, without he has himself
a clear idea of it. He proves, that valour must have

NOTES.

P. 197. Λαμαχον.] See his character in Plutarch in Nicias’s
life, and in Thucydides, and in Aristophanes in Acharnens:
he was remarkable for his bravery and his poverty ; he went
to Sicily with Nicias and Alcibiades, as their colleague, Ol. 91.
1, and died there.

Tb. Καλλιστα τα τοιαυτα ονοματα διαιρειν.] Prodicus is accord-
ingly introduced in the Protagoras, p. 337, accurately distin-
guishing the sense of words, and defining all the terms he uses ;
and again in the Protagoras, p. 358, and in the Meno, p. 75,
and in the Charmides, p. 163. See also the Euthydemus, p.
277, and this seems to have been the subject of his Ἐπιδειξις
πεντηκονταδραχμος. Vid. Cratylum, p. 384.

|

LACHES. 121

good sense for its basis; that it consists in the know-
ledge of what is, and what is not, to be feared; and
that, consequently, we must first distinguish between
real good and evil; and that it is closely connected
with the other virtues, namely, justice, temperance,
and piety, nor can it ever subsist without them. The
scope of this fine dialogue is to shew, that philosophy
is the school of true bravery.

The time of this dialogue is not long after the
defeat of the Athenians at Delium, Ol. 89. 1, in which
action Socrates had behaved with great spirit, and
thence recommended himself to the friendship of
Laches.

NOTES.

P. 197. Αληθως Acgwvea.] Βλασῴημον scilicet. Vid. Harpo-
eration in Acéwvas,

201. Acdws.] The verse is in the Odyssey, P. v. 347:

Αἰδὼς οὐκ ἀγαθὴ κεχρημενὼω avdpe πρδικτη.

Plato here reads—avdpe παρειναι. And so again in the Char.
mides, p. 161.

Ib. Héw mapa σε.] Accordingly Aristides and Thucydides
were actually under the care of Socrates from this time ; (see
the Theages sub fin.) but they soon left him.

HIPPARCHUS:
H, SIAOKEPAHS.

THE intention of the dialogue is to shew, that all man-
kind in their actions equally tend to some imagined
good, but are commonly mistaken in the nature of it;

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 225.

P. 225. ‘Iva τι καὶ ques των σοῴφων ῥηματων.] Ἰσοκωλα kau
ὁμοιοτελευτα.

228, Πολιτὴ τω euw.] Thucydides affirms the express con-
trary to Plato, that Hipparchus never reigned at all. Ουκ
Ἵππαρχος, womep 6. πολλοι οιονται, aN Ἵππιας, πρεσβυτατος ων,
εσχε τὴν apxnv. Thucyd. L. 6. Sect. 54. p. 379. Ed. Huds.
Oxon: but he agrees with Plato that the government of the
Pisistratide was mild and popular, till the murder of Hippar-
chus. Hipparchus first brought the works of Homer to Athens;
he was intimate with Simonides, and sent a galley to bring
Anacreon to Athens, as I imagine, from Samos, after the death
of Polycrates, which happened in the fourth year of Hippias’s,
(or according to Plato) of Hipparchus’s reign.—The custom of
the Rhapsodi successively repeating all Homer’s poems during
the Panathenzea.—Herme were erected by Hipparchus in the
middle of Athens, and of every Anuos in Attica, with inscrip-
tions in verse, containing some moral precept, written by him-
self.

229. Ts αδελῴης ατιμιαν τῆς Kavngopias.] Perhaps, rns
APMOAIOT adeXdns—rns Κανηφορου, or ev Tn κανηφοριᾷ, unless
xapw or ἑνεκα be understood.

HIPPARCHUS. 128

and that nothing can properly be called gain which,
when attained, is not a real good.
The time of the dialogue is no where marked.

NOTE.

P. 231. ἀντι δωδεκαστασιου.] Gold was therefore to silver at
that time, as twelve to one.

PHILEBUS.

H, ΠΕΡῚ ‘HAONH®.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 11.

Tus dialogue is too remarkable to be passed over
slightly : we shall therefore annex the principal heads
of it. The question is, Tt τῶν avOpwrwov κτημάτων
apurtov ; “What is the supreme good of mankind 1
and, “whether pleasure! or wisdom have the better
pretension to it?”

The persons are, Protarchus, the son of Callias, who
supports the cause of pleasure, and Socrates, who
opposes it: Philebus, who had begun the ‘dispute but
was grown weary of it, and many others of the Athenian
youth, are present at the conversation. The time of
it is no where marked. The end of the eS is
supposed to be lost.

P. 12. The name of pleasure, variously applied, to
the joys of intemperance and folly, and to the satis-
faction arising from wisdom, and from the command
of our passions.

Though of unlike, and even of opposite natures,
they agree so far, as they are all pleasures alike; as
black and white, though contrary the one to the other,
are comprehended under the general head of colours.

1 V. de Republ. L. 6. p. 505.

<2

PHILEBUS. 125

Though included under one name, if some are con-
trary and of opposite natures to others, they cannot
both be good alike.

P. 14. Vulgar enquiry, how it is possible for many !
to be one, and one, many, laid aside by consent as
childish.

Obscure question on our abstracted idea of unity.
The vanity and disputatious humours of a young man,
who has newly tasted of philosophy and has got hold
of a puzzling question, are well described.

Every subject of our conversation has in it a mixture
of the infinite and of the finite.

P. 16. The true logician will (as the ancients pre-
scribed, ) first discover some single and general idea, and
then proceed to two or three subordinate to it, which
he will again subdivide into their several classes, which
will form, as it were, a medium beneath finite and in-
finite.

Example in the alphabet. The human voice is one
idea, but susceptible of a variety of modulations, and
to be diversified even to infinity: to know that it is one,
and to know that it is infinite, are neither of them know-
ledge ; but there can be no knowledge without them.

When we first attain to the unity of things, we must
descend from number to infinity, if we would know
any thing: and when we first perceive their infinity, we
must ascend through number to unity. Thus the first
inventor? of letters remarking the endless variety of

1 VY. Phedon. p. 96.

2 V. Phedrum. p. 274. V. et Politicum. p. 285. Aecoy, ὁταν
THY των πολλων Tis προτερον αἰσθηται KoWwwvLay, μη προαφιστασθαι,

126 NOTES ON PLATO.

sounds discovered a certain number of vowels, distin-
guished others of a different power, called consonants,
some of which were mutes, and others liquids, and to
the whole combination of elements he gave the form
and name of an alphabet.

P. 20. The good, which constitutes happiness, must
be in itself sufficient and perfect, the aim and end of all
human creatures.

A life of mere pleasure considered by itself, which,
(if pleasure only be that good) must need no mixture
nor addition.

If we had no memory nor reflection, we could have
no enjoyment of past pleasure, nor hope of future, and
scarcely any perception of the present, which would be
much like the life of an oyster: on the other hand, a
life of thought and reflection, without any sense of
pleasure or of pain, seems no desirable state. Neither
contemplation, therefore, nor pleasure, are the good we
seek after, but probably a life composed of both.

P, 22. Whether the happiness of this mixed state is
the result of pleasure, or rather of wisdom, and which
contributes most to it?

P. 23. Division of all existence into the infinite, the
limited,! the mixed, which is composed of the two
former, and the supreme cause of all.
πριν av ev avTyn Tas διαφορας εἰδὴ Tacas ὁποσαι περ εν εἰδεσι κεινται"
Tas δε av παντοδαπας ανομοιοτήτας, ὁταν εν πληθεσιν οφθωσι, μη
δυνατον εἰναι δυσωπουμενον πανεσθαι, πριν αν συμπαντα οἰκεια
EVTOS MLAS ὁμοιοτητος ερξας, γενοῦς τινος ουσιᾳ περιβαλη.

1 Or rather, that which limits and gives bounds (ro 7repas)

such as figure, which gives bounds to extension ; as time, which
limits duration, &c.

PHILEBUS. 127

Example of the first ; all that admits of increase or
decrease, greater or less, hotter or colder, &c. i.e. all
undetermined quantity.

Of the second; all that determines quantity, as
equality, duplicity, and whatever relation number bears
to number, and measure to measure.

Of the third, or mixed ; all created things, in which
the infinity of matter is, by number and measure, re-
duced to proportion.

P. 27. Pleasure and pain, having no bounds! in
themselves, are of the nature of the infinite.

P. 28. The supreme power and wisdom of the Deity
asserted.

But a small portion of the several elements is visible
in our frame. Our soul is a small portion of the spirit
of the universe, or fourth kind mentioned above.

P. 31. Pain is a consequence of a? dissolution of
that symmetry and harmony in our fabrick, which is
the-cause of health, strength, &c. as pleasure results

1 Happiness and misery, says Mr. Locke, are the names of
two extremes, the utmost bounds whereof we know not ; but of
some degrees of them we have very lively ideas, (Chapt. of
Power, 1. 41.)

2 This is an idea of Timeus, the Locrian : ‘Oxooa μεν wy (των
Kuwacewr) εξιστᾶντι ταν φυσιν, αλγειναι εντι᾿ ὁκοσαι δὲ αποκαθισ-
τᾶντι ες αὐταν, ἁδοναι ονομαινοντα. And Mr. Locke makes
much the same observation, Excess of cold (says he) as well
as heat, pains us; because it is equally destructive of that
temper, which is necessary to the preservation, and the exercise
of the several functions of the body, and which consists in a
moderate degree of warmth, or, if you please, a motion of the
insensible parts of our bodies confined within certain bounds.
Essay on H. U. Ch. 7. 8, 4.

128 NOTES ON PLATO.

from the return and restoration of the parts to their
just proportions.

Thus hunger and thirst are uneasinesses proceeding
from emptiness ; eating and drinking produce pleasure
by restoring a proper degree of repletion. Excess of
cold is attended with a sensation of pain, and warmth
brings with it an equal pleasure,

Pleasures and pains of the soul alone arise from the!
expectation of pleasure or pain of the body: these are
hopes and fears, and depend upon the memory.

A state of indifference is without pleasure or pain,
which is consistent with a life of thought and contem-
plation.

P. 33. Sensation is conveyed to the soul through
the organs of the body; the body? may receive many
motions and alterations unperceived by the mind.

Memory is the preserver of our sensations.

Recollection, an act of the mind alone, restores to
us ideas imprinted in the memory, after an intermission.

Desire, in the mind alone, by which it supplies the
wants of the body: it depends on memory.

In the appetites, pleasure and pain go together, a

1 “* Hope is that pleasure in the mind, which every one finds
upon the thought of a profitable future enjoyment of a thing
which is apt to delight him. Fear is an uneasiness upon the
thought of future evil, likely to befall us.” Locke H.U. Ch. 20.
PoBos ἡ προ λυπὴς emis’ θαῤῥος de, ἣ προ Tov evayriov. L. 1.
Legum. p. 644.

2 This is also from Timeus. Κινασιων δὲ των ἀπὸ τῶν εκτος
Tas μεν αναδιδομενας εἰς τον PpoveovTa τοπον, αἰσθησιας εἰμεν, τας
de ὑπ’ αντιλαψιν μὴ πιπτοισας, ἀνεπαισθήτως, ἡ TW TA πασχοντα

σωματα γεωδεστερα εἰμεν, ἡ TW TAS κινάσιας ἀμενηνοτερᾶς γιγνεσθαι.
De Anima Mundi. p. 100.

PHILEBUS. 129

proportionable satisfaction succeeding as the uneasiness
abates.

Memory ! of a past pleasing sensation inspires hope
of a future one, and thereby abates an uneasiness actu-
ally present ; as the absence of hope doubles a present
pain,

Whether truth and falsehood belong to pleasures
and pains ?

They do: as these are founded on our opinions? of
things preconceived, which may, undoubtedly, be either
true or false.

Our opinions are founded on our sensations, and the
memory of them. Thus we see a figure at a distance
beyond a certain rock, or under a certain tree, and
we say to ourselves, it is a man; but on advancing up
to it, we find a rude image of wood carved by the
shepherd.

The senses, the memory, and the passions, which
attend on them, write on our souls, or rather delineate,
a variety of conceptions and representations of which,
when justly drawn, we form true opinions and proposi-
tions ; but when falsely, we form false ones.

On these our hopes and fears are built, and conse-
quently are capable of truth and falsehood, as well as
the opinions on which they are founded.

1 What Plato calls by the name of Μνημη, and Avauynois,
are by Locke distinguished under the names of contemplation
and memory, L. 1. Ch. 10, being the different powers of reten-
tion. (See De Legib. L. 5. p. 732.)

2 All this head is finely explained by Locke. (Ch. of Power,
§ 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, &c.) which is the best comment on this
part of Plato.

VOL, IV. K

130 NOTES ON PLATO,

P. 40. The good abound in just and true hopes,
fears, and desires ; the bad in false and delusive ones,

P. 41. As pleasures! and pains are infinite, we
can only measure them by comparison, one with the
other.

Our hopes and fears are no less liable to be deceived
by the prospect of distant objects, than our eyes. As
we are always comparing those, which are far off, with
others less remote or very near, it is no wonder that
we are often mistaken ; especially as a pleasure, when
set next a pain, does naturally appear greater than its
true magnitude, and a pain less.

So much then of our pains and pleasures as exceeds
or falls short of its archetype, is false.

A state of indolence, or of apathy, is supposed by
the school of Heraclitus to be impossible, on account
of the perpetual motion of all things.

Motions and alterations? proved to happen continu-
ally in our body, of which the soul has no perception.

P. 43. Therefore, (though we should allow the per-
petual motion of things,) there are times when the soul
feels neither pleasure nor pain; so that this isa possible
state.

Pleasure, and its contrary, are not the consequences
of any changes in our constituent parts, but of such
changes as are considerable and violent.

1 “Tf we will rightly estimate what we call good and evil,
we shall find it lies much in comparison.” (Locke, C. of
Power. § 42.) .

2 Whatever alterations are made in the body, if they reach
not the mind,—whatever impressions are made on the outward
parts, if they are not taken notice of within,—there is no per-
ception. Locke, Ch. 9,

PHILEBUS. 131

The sect of philosophers, who affirm! that there is
no pleasure but the absence of pain, is in the wrong,
but from a noble principle.?

To know the nature of pleasure, we should consider
such as are strongest: bodily pleasures are such.

Pleasure is in proportion to our desires. The de-
sires and longings of sick persons are the most violent :
the mad and thoughtless feel the strongest * degree of
pleasure and of pain; so that both the one and the
other increase with the disorder and depravity of our
body and mind.

Pleasures of lust have a mixture of pain, as the pain
of the itch* has a mixture of pleasure, and both sub-
sist at the same instant.

Anger, grief, love, envy, are pains of the soul, but
with a mixture® of pleasure. Exemplified in the
exercise of our compassion and terror at a® tragick
spectacle, and of our envy at a comick one. The
pleasure of ridicule arises from vanity and from the
ignorance of ourselves. We laugh at the follies’ of
the weak, and hate those of the powerful.

1 ἐς Pleasure,” says Mr. Selden, ‘‘is nothing but the inter-
mission of pain, the enjoyment of something I am in great
trouble for, till I have it.”

2 Avoxepera τινι φυσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς λιαν μεμισηκοτων THY τῆς
ἡδονὴης δυναμιν, καὶ νενομίκοτων οὐδὲν ὑγιες,

8 V. Plat. in Republ. L. 3. p. 408.

4 Vid. Gorgiam. p. 494.

5 V. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. ¢. 2.

ὁ Μὴ τοις δραμασι μονον, adda και τὴ Tov Biov ξυμπασῃ τραγωδιᾳ
και κωμωδιᾳ, p. 50.

7 Τελοῖα μεν, drroca ἀσθενη᾽ μισητα δε, ὅποσα ἢ εῤῥωμενα.

132 NOTES ON PLATO.

Pure and unmixed pleasures ! proved to exist: those
of the senses resulting from regularity of figure, beautiful
colours, melodious sounds, odours of fragrance, ὅσο. and
all whose absence is not necessarily ? accompanied with
any uneasiness. Again: satisfactions of the mind re-
sulting from knowledge, the absence or loss of which
is not naturally attended with any pain.

A small portion of pure and uncorrupted pleasure is
preferable to a larger one of that which is mixed and
impure.

The opinion of some philosophers, that pleasure is
continually generating, but is never produced, i.e. it
has no real existence, seems true with regard to mere
bodily pleasures.

Enquiry into knowledge. The nature of the arts:
such of them, as approach the nearest to real know-
ledge, are the most? considerable, being founded on
number, weight, and* measure, and capable of demon-
stration.

Secondly, those attainable only by use and frequent
trial, being founded on conjecture and experiment, such
as musick, medicine, agriculture, natural philosophy, &c.

P. 60. Recapitulation.

P. 61. Happiness resides® in the just mixture of
wisdom and pleasure; particularly when we join the

1 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 584.

2 Ourt φυσειγε, αλλ᾽ εν τισι λογισμοις. Ὁ. 52.

3 Vid. de Republ. L. 10. p. 602,

4 And above all, logick, to which we owe all the evidence
and certainty we find in the rest. ‘Qozep θριγκος, τοις μαθημασιν
ἡ Διαλεκτικὴ ἧμιν eravw κειται, &c. De Republ. L. 7. p. 534.

5 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 582. and de Leg. L. 5. p. 733.

PHILEBUS. 195

purest pleasures with the clearer and more certain
sciences.

P. 63. Prosopopceia of the pleasures and sciences, con-
sulted on the proposal made for uniting them.

P. 64. No mixture is either useful or durable, with-
out proportion. The supreme good of man consists in
beauty, in symmetry, and in truth, which are the causes
of all the happiness to be found in the above-mentioned
union.

MENO.
Η, ΠΕΡΙ APETHS.

THE subject of the dialogue is this: That virtue is
knowledge, and that true philosophy alone can give us
that knowledge.

I see nothing in this dialogue to make one think
that Plato intended to raise the character of Meno.
He is introduced as a young man who seems to value

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 70.

P. 70. Ed’ ἱππικὴ Te και πλουτω.] The breed of Thessalian
horses was the most celebrated in Greece ; and when the cities
of Thessaly were united among themselves, they could raise a
body of six thousand, equal to any cavalry in the world.
(Xenophon Hellenic. L. 6. p. 339 Pausan. L. 10. p. 799. Plato
in Hipp. Maj. p. 284.) They were of great service to Alexander
in his expeditions. The country was very rich in pasture and
in corn, and, as their government was generally remiss and
ill-regulated, their wealth naturally introduced a corruption
(Atheneus, L. 14. p. 663.) of manners, which made them first
slaves themselves, and then the instruments of slavery to other
people. It was they who invited the Persian (Herod. L. 7.
and L. 9.) into Greece ; and afterwards gave rise to the power
of the Macedonians.

Isocrates (Orat. de Pace, p. 183.) produces them as an example
of a strong and wealthy people, reduced by their own bad
management to a low and distressed condition.

MENO. 1 35

himself on his parts, and on the proficiency he has
made under Gorgias the Leontine, (whose notions are
here exposed) and the compliments Socrates makes him
on his beauty, wealth, family, and other distinctions,
are only little politenesses ordinarily used by that philo-
sopher to put persons into good humour, and draw
them into conversation with him.

The time of the dialogue seems to be not long before
the expedition of the ten thousand into Asia, for Meno
was even then a very young man, (ets wpasos, ayevevos)
as he is represented here; and the menaces of Anytus
(p. 94) shew, that it was not long before the accusa-

NOTES,

P. 70. Αριστιππου του Aapicoaov.] Aristippus of Larissa,
one of the potent house of the Aleuade, descendants of Hercules,
from which the Thessalians had so often elected their Tayoz,
or captains-general. There had been a friendship kept up
between them and the royal family of Persia, ever since the
invasion of Greece by Xerxes, in which they were of great use
to him. This Aristippus had particular connections with the
younger Cyrus (Xenoph. Anab. L. 1. p. 145. and 2. 173.) who
lent him a body of four thousand mercenaries, which he made
use of to subdue the faction which opposed him in Thessaly,
and seems to have established a sort of tyranny there. Meno
(also of Larissa) son of Alexidemus, led a body of fifteen hundred
men to the assistance of Cyrus in his expedition against his
brother, Artaxerxes, Ol. 94. 4, and (after the death of Cyrus)
betrayed the Greek commanders into the hands of the Persian,
who cut off their heads. He himself survived not above a year,
but was destroyed by the Persians. His character is admirably
drawn by Xenophon, (Anab. L. 2. p. 173.) and many have looked
on this as a mark of the enmity between Plato and Xenophon.
See Atheneus, L. 11. p. 505 and 506. Diog. Laert. L. 2. Sect.
57, and L. 3. s. 34, and Aul. Gellius, L. 14. s. 3.

136 NOTES ON PLATO.

tion of Socrates: so that we may place it Ol. 94. 4, if
Plato may be trusted in these small matters of chrono-
logy which, we know, he sometimes neglected. Gorgias
was yet at Athens, Ol. 93. 4, and it is probable, that
the approaching siege of that city might drive him
thence into Thessaly, and he returned not till after
Socrates’s death.

Socrates here distinguishes (p. 75.) the true! method
of disputation from the false, To Διάλεκτικον azo του
HpurriKov και Αγωνιστικου.

Χαίρειν τε καλοισι καὶ δυνασθαι: (p. 77.) this is
Meno’s first definition of virtue, that it consists in
desiring good, and in being able to attain it. Socrates
proves that all men desire good, and consequently all
men are so far equally virtuous (which is an absurdity) ;
it must therefore consist in the ability to attain it;
which is true in Socrates’s sense of the word good,

1 An art which Socrates allowed to none, but to the true

philosopher, τω καθαρως Te kat δικαίως φιλοσοφοῦντι. V. Sophist.
Ῥ. 253.

NOTES.

P. 76. Definition of figure, ὥχημα, στερεου mrepas, the limit or
outline of a solid: but this seems imperfect to me, except we
read Zrepeov (n επιπεδου)ὴ mepas. Lucretius calls it Filum, or
Circumceesura.

Ib. Αποῤῥοας, κατ᾽ Ἐμπεδοκλεα.1 See Lucretius, L. 2, v. 381.
et sequent. and L. 4. v. 217.

Ib. definition of colour, in the manner of Gorgias, Xpoa
αποῤῥοη σχημάτων ower συμμετρος Kat αισθητος (perhaps we should
read cwuarwyv); that eflux, or those effluvia, of figured bodies,
which are proportioned to our sense of seeing. ‘This is true,
if understood of the particles of light reflected from bodies ;
and not otherwise. But Empedocles, and after him Epicurus,

MENO, 137

(which makes him say, lows ay ev Aeyous): but it is
necessary to know if men’s ideas of it are the same.
Upon enquiry, Meno’s meaning appears to be health,
honour, riches, power, &c.; but, being pressed by
Socrates, he is forced to own, that the attainment of
these is so far from virtue, that it is vice, unless accom-
panied with temperance, with justice, and with piety ;
as then the virtue of such an attainment consists in
such adjuncts, and not in the thing attained; and as
these are confessedly parts of virtue only, subordinate

NOTES.

thought, that the immediate objects of vision were certain par-
ticles detached from the surface of the bodies which we behold :
Ὥστε ὁρᾶν ἡμᾶς, τυπων τινων επεισιοντων ἧμιν ATO των πραγματων,
απὸ χροων τε και ὁμοιομορῴφων, κατα TO EvVapmoTTOV μέγεθος, εἰς Τὴν
οψιν ἡ τὴν διανοιᾶαν, wKews ταῖς φοραις χρωμενων. Kpicurus in
Epistola ad Herodotum ap. Diog. Laert. L. 10. 5. 49.

P. 76. Συνες ὁ τι Aeyw.] From Pindar.

77. ILo\Na ποιὼων ex Tov évos, (ὁπερ φασι Tous συντριβοντας τι
ἑκάστοτε οἱ σκωπτοντες.}] An allusion to some comick writer.

80. Ty πλατειὰ ναρκὴ Tn θαλαττια.1ὺ The torpedo, called by
the French on the coast of the Mediterranean, la torpille, is a
fish of the scate or ray-kind ; as all of that species have a wide
mouth and prominent eyes, the face of Socrates, who had these
two remarkable features, reminds Meno of this fish. Its figure
and extraordinary property of benumbing any creature which
touches it are described by Mr. Reaumur, in the Mémoires de
lAcadémie des Sciences, pour l’Année 1714, where there is a
print of it.

81. A fragment of Pindar on the immortality of the soul:
“Oust yap av Περσεφονα ποιναν, Xe.

86. Epwrnceis επεγερθεῖσαι.) Read, Epwrnoe.

88. Tw avOpwrw τα μεν αλλα παντα.] He affirms, that virtue
is wisdom and right reason. On this subject see also Woollaston’s
Religion of Nature, Sect. 1. p. 23.

138 NOTES ON PLATO.

to some more general idea, they are no nearer dis-
covering what virtue in the abstract is, than they were
at first.

Though the doctrine of reminiscence, repeated by
Plato in several places, be chimerical enough ; yet this,
which follows it, (p. 84.) is worth attending to, where
Socrates shews how useful it is to be sensible of our
own ignorance. While we know nothing, we doubt of
nothing ; this is a state of great confidence and security.
From the first distrust we entertain of our own under-
standing springs an uneasiness and a curiosity, which
will not be satisfied till it attains to knowledge.

NOTES.
P. 89. Ev ἀκροπολει.17 Where the sacred treasure was kept.

It consisted of one thousand talents never to be touched, unless

the city were to. be attacked by a naval force ; in any other case
it was made capital to propose it. Χίλια τάλαντα aro των ev TH
ἈΑκροπολει χρημάτων edokev autos, εξαιρετὰα ποιήσαμενοις, χωρις
θεσθαι, και μὴ αναλοῦν, a\X απὸ των αλλων πολεμειν᾽ nv δε τις
εἰπῇ ἢ επιψηφισῃ κινειν τὰ χρήματα ταυτᾶ es αλλο τι, ἢν μὴ δι
πολεμιοι νηϊτὴ oTpaTw επιπλεωσι TH πόλει, καὶ δεῃ αμυνεσθαι,
θανατον ζημιαν ἐπεθεντο.ς Thucyd. Hist. L. 2. Sect. 24. They
called this treasure To Αβυσσον. Aristophan. Lysistrata, v. 174.
It was thus set apart the first year of the Peloponnesian war.
90. Tn αὐτου σοφια.] Probably by the leather-trade, which
Anytus also carried on, as the famous Cleon, and other principal
Athenians, had done. See Aristophanes in the Equites.
Ismenias, the Theban, had a principal hand in raising the Theban
or Corinthian war, (as it was called) against the Lacedemonians,
being bribed by Timocrates the Rhodian, who was also bribed
by the Persians, with money for that purpose; but as this
happened five or six years after the death of Socrates, we can
hardly suppose that Plato here alluded to it. Yet I think it
very possible that he might have written this dialogue about

~ “:..

MENO. 139

Whoever reads the dialogue (attributed to Aischines
the Socratick) intitled Heps Aperys, εἰ διδακτον ; will
see so great a resemblance to this of Plato, and at the
same time find so great a difference in several respects,
that he will believe both one and the other to be sketches
of a real conversation, which passed between Socrates
and some other person, noted down both by Aischines
and by Plato at the time: the former left his notes in
that unfinished condition, but the latter supplied them
as he thought fit, and worked them up at his leisure
into this dialogue.

NOTES.

that time, when the name of Ismenias was in every one’s mouth,
Ol. 96. 2, or perhaps not till Ol. 99. 3, when his condemnation
and death must doubtless have been the general subject of con-
versation: Plato was then just returned to Athens, after his
first voyage to Sicily. I do not find what Polycrates is here
meant. Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 3. p. 294, and L. 5. p. 325, 326.

90. Anytus, the son of Anthemio. See Xenoph. Apol.
Socrat. sub fin.: and Diog. Laert. L. 2. 5. 38, 39, 43.

91. Αποθανειν eyyus.] Protagoras was cast away on his voyage
to Sicily, Ol. 92. 3; he began therefore to teach, Ol. 82. 3, being
then thirty years of age.

93. Cleophantus, the youngest of the three sons of Themis-
tocles, by Archippe. See Plutarch in his life.

94. See the Laches, where Melesias and Lysimachus are intro-
duced in the dialogue. For the character of this Thucydides,
see Plutarch in Pericle, Aristophan. in Acharn. v. 703, and
Schol. ad Vespas, v. 941: he underwent the sentence of ostracism,
Ol. 83. 4.

95. Nine lines from the ’EXeyera of Theognis.

GORGIAS.
ON THE ABUSES OF ELOQUENCE.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 447.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 448. Kara τεχνὴην --- κατα τυχην ---αλλοι αλλων
αλλως.] Observe the jingle of words introduced by
Gorgias, and affected by his imitators in rhetorick : see
Isocrates Orat. ad Philippum, p. 87. Aristotle tells us,
that Isocrates was a disciple of Gorgias (Quintil. L. 3.
ὁ. 1.); and he too in the former part of his life, dealt
in these Ilapica, Ὅμοιοτελευτα, &e. which, as frivolous
as they may seem, yet they often add to the beauty of
a period, when managed by skilful hands ; that is, when
they are “velut oblata, non captata; atque innata
videntur esse, non accersita.” Quintil. L. 9. ὁ. 3. See
also Aulus Gellius, L. 18. 8.

Ib. Ηροδικος.7 The Leontine, a physician, and
brother to Gorgias. There was another Herodicus
about this time of Selymbria, a famous Πᾶαιδοτριβης
and a sophist. See Protag. p. 316.—Aristophon and
his brother, Polygnotus, were both painters, the sons of
Aglaophon. Ion. p. 532.

P. 451. Σκολιον.)] These Scolia were a kind of
lyrick compositions, sung either in concert, or succes-
sively, by all the guests after a banquet: the subjects

oS ae

GORGTAS. 141

of them were either the praises of some divinity, or
moral precepts, or reflections on life, or gay exhortations
to mirth, to wine, or to love. There were some Scolia
of great antiquity ; the most esteemed were those of
Alczeus, of Praxilla, and of Anacreon.

P. 451. What Plato alludes to here runs in this
manner ; Ὕγιαινειν μεν apiotov avdpe θνητῳ, δευτερον
δε, καλοφυᾶ yever Out, To TpiTov δε, πλουτεῖν adodus, καὶ
To τεταρτον, συνηβᾶν peta των φίλων. On this subject, |
see Athenzeus, L. 15. p. 694, where he alludes to this
passage of Plato; Aristophan. Vesp: v. 1221, et Nubes,
v. 1367, and Burette on Plutarch, de Musici: and
Mémoires de l’Acad, des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 315.

P. 453. The first definition of rhetorick by Gorgias :
Ὅτι LeiGovs δημιουργος εστι.

P. 454. His second and fuller definition is, Ὅτι
δημιουργος ἐστι της πειθοῦς τῆς εν Tors δικαστηριοις, καὶ
ev τοις ἀλλοις οχλοῖς, καὶ περι τουτων ἃ εστι δικαια τε
και ἀδικα.

Ῥ, 455, [eps larpwv ἁιρεσεως.] There were publick
physicians elected in most of the Greek cities, who
received a salary from the commonwealth, and seem to
have taken no fees of particular people. Those physicians
who exercised this office, were said δημοσίευειν. See
Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 585, and Acharnens. v. 1029.
Plutus, v. 508; but this custom seems to have been laid
aside before Ol. 97. 4, in Athens: Aristophan. Plutus,
v. 407. Gorgias, p. 514, and the Politicus, p. 259.

Ib. The third definition of rhetorick, to which
Socrates reduces Gorgias, is this; Ὅτι πειθοῦς εστι
δημιουργος πιστευτικης, aAN ov διδασκαλικῆς.

142 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 455, Ilepse του δια μεσου τειχους.] The Maxpa
Τειχη, which joined Athens to the Pirzeeus were begun
on the motion of Pericles, Ol. 80. 3. (Vid. Thucyd. L. 1.
s. 107.) . Socrates at that time was about twelve years
old. See Plutarch in the lives of Pericles and Cimon.
Harpocration tellsus, that of the two walls which extended
from the city to the Pirzeus, the southern only, or the
innermost, was called To δια μεσου, as lying between
the outermost, To βορειον, and the To Φαληρικον, which
was a third wall, drawn from Athens to the port
Phalerus ; and he cites this very passage.

P. 563. Socrates’s own ludicrous definitions of elo-
quence to mortify the professors of it, as an art, are
these: Εμπειρια τις Xapitos καὶ ἥδονης απεργασιας"
επιτηδευμα τι, τεχνικον μὲν ov, ψυχης δε στοχαστικης,
και ἀνδρειας, καὶ φυσει δεινης προσομιλειν τοις ανθρωποις.
ΠΠολιτικης μοριου εἰδωλον, το κεφαλαιον δὲ αὕτου,
κολακεια" αντιστροῴφον οψοποιΐας ev Woy, WS εκεινο μεν
ev σωματι. There is much good sense in this part of
the dialogue ; he distinguishes the arts, which form and
improve the body, into the gymnastick, which regulates
its motions and maintains its proper habit, and the
medical, which corrects its ill habits and cures its dis-
tempers : those of the! soul, which answer to the former,
are the legislative, which prescribes rules for its conduct

1 H Νομοθετικη, και 7 Δικαστικὴ, for we should so read it, as
Ficinus and H. Stephanus seem to have found it in some MSS.
though Quintilian, and Aristides also, in Orat. 1. contra
Platonem pro Rhetorica, p. 7. edit. Jebb. Vol. 2. doubtless
followed the common reading, 7 Δικαιοσυνὴ ; the sense is the
same, but the former reading seems more elegant. Plato com-
prehends both these arts under the general name, ἡ Πολιτικη.

GORGIAS. 143

and preserves its uprightness, and the judicative, which
amends and redresses its deviation from those rules.
Flattery, ever applying herself to the passions of men,
without regarding any principle or proposing any
rational end, has watched her opportunity, and assum-
ing the form of these several arts, has introduced four
counterfeits ! in their room, viz. 1. Cookery, which, while
it tickles the palate, pretends to maintain the body in
health and vigour; 2. Cosmeticks, which conceal our
defects and diseases under a borrowed beauty; 3.
Sophistry, which, by the false lights it throws upon
every thing, misleads our reason and palliates our vices ;
and 4. Rhetorick, which saves us from the chastisement
we deserve and eludes the salutary rigour of justice.
As Quintilian has given the sense of this in Latin,
and has also hit the true scope of the dialogue better
than any one, [ shall transcribe the whole passage, L.
2. § 15. “Plerique? autem, dum pauca ex Gorgia
Platonis a prioribus imperite excerpta legere contenti,
neque hoc totum, neque alia ejus volumina evolvunt,
in maximum errorem inciderunt; creduntque eum in
hac esse opinione, ut rhetoricen non artem, sed peritiam
quandam gratiz ac voluptatis, existimet, et alio loco,

1 Ἢ Οψοποιητικη, ἡ Κομμωτικη, ἡ Σοφιστικη, και ἡ Ῥητορικη :
these deserve not the name of arts (rexvac) ; for art (he says) exex
λογον τινα, ὦ προσῴφερει ἃ προσφερει, ὁποια aTTa THY prow εστιν᾿
στε τὴν αἰτιαν ἑκαστου exew εἰπειν : Whereas these are only
Ἐμπειριαι, τριβαι, επιτηδευσεις (i.e. knacks, practices, businesses)
dt Tov ἧδεος στοχαΐζονται avev Tov βελτιστου. See Gorgias, p. 501.

2 Cicero himself seems to fall under this censure, L. 1. de
Oratore, where he mistakes the great end and aim of this dia-
logue,

144 NOTES ON PLATO.

civilitatis particule simulachrum, et quartam partem
adulationis: quod duas partes civilitatis corpori assig-
net, medicinam, et quam interpretantur, exercitatricem ;
duas animo, legalem atque justitiam. Adulationem
autem medicine vocet coquorum artificium et exercita-
tricis mangonum, qui colorem fuco et verum robur
inani saginé mentiantur, legalis, cavillatricem, justitiz,
rhetoricen. Quze omnia sunt quidem scripta in hoc
libro, dictaque a Socrate, cujus persona videtur Plato
significare, quid sentiat. Sed alii sunt ejus sermones,
ad coarguendos qui contra disputant, compositi, quos
ελεγκτικους vocant; alii ad preecipiendum qui δογματικοι
appellantur. Socrates autem, seu Plato, eam quidem,
quee tum exercebatur, rhetoricen talem putavit, nam et
dicit his verbis, τουτον tov τροπον ὃν ὑμεις πολιτευεσθε ;
non autem vera et honesta intelligit. Itaque disputa- -
tionem illam contra Gorgiam ita claudit, ουὐκουν avayxy
Tov pyToptKov δικαιον εἰναι, Tovde δικαιον βουλεσθαι
δικαια καὶ πράττειν. Ad quod ille quidem conticescit,
sed sermonem suscipit Polus juvenili calore inconsi-
deratior, contra quem illa de simulachro et adulatione
dicuntur. Tum Callicles adhuc concitatior, qui tamen ad
hane ducitur clausulam, tov weAXAovta opOws ῥητορικον
ever Oat δικαιον apa δειν εἰναι, και ἐπιστημονα τῶν δικαίων:
ut appareat Platoni non rhetoricen videri malum, sed
eam veram nisi justo et bono non contingere,” ὅσ,

P. 465, Λειοτητι και αιἰσθησει.}] Read ἔσθητι, as
in Aristides, Orat. 1. cont. Plat. Ed. Jebb. Vol. 2.
pee ;

Ib. To του Ava€ayopov.| An allusion to the first
words of Anaxagoras’s philosophy, Hlavra χρημάτα nv

GORGIAS. 145

ὅμου, eta Νοῦς ελθων αὐτὰ διεκοσμησε. Diog. Laert.
L. 2. Sect. 6.

P. 467. Q Adore Πῶλε, ἵνα tporevrw σε kata σε.] A
jingle of sounds, such as Polus had prescribed in his
Art of Rhetorick. So in the Symposium: Παυσανίου
de παυσάμενου (διδασκοῦσι pe yap wa A€eyew δι Σοφοι)
p. 185. and in the Hipparchus, p. 225, Kat χωρᾳ και
wpa, &e.

Ib. Ov τουτο βουλεται ὁ πραττει, add’ εκεινο ov
ενεκα πραττει.] He is here proving that fundamental !
principle of his doctrine, namely, that the wicked man
is doing he knows not what, and sins only through
ignorance: and that the end of his actions, like that of
all other men, is good, but he mistakes the nature of
it, and uses wrong means to attain it.

P. 468. To ayafov apa διωκοντες.] See Locke on
Hum. Und. B. 2. Ch. 21. sect. 41, 42. on Power.

P. 470. Ex@es καὶ zpwnv.| As the time of this
dialogue plainly appears (from that passage in p. 473.
kat περυσι βουλευων λαχων, &e. which is taken notice
of by Athenzeus, L. 5. p. 217.) to be Ol. 93. 4. the year
after the sea-fight at Arginusze, these words must be
taken in a larger sense, as we say of a thing long since
past, “It happened but the other day,” when we would

1 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357. et sequent. et Epist. ad Dionis
Famil. p. 336. Meno, p. 77, 78. Philebus, p. 22. Sophist.
p- 228. This was a real maxim of Socrates; Ovdeva yap ὑπε-
λαμβανε mparrew mapa To βελτιστον, αλλα OV ayvoay. Aristot.
Ethic. ad Nicom. L. 7. 6. 2. Ovders yap av ἑκων εθελοι πειθεσθαι
πράττειν τοῦτο, OTW μὴ TO χαίρειν του λυπεισθαι μαλλον ἑπεται"

σκοτοδινιᾶν δὲ To ποῤῥωθεν ὁρωμενον πᾶσιν, ὡς επος εἰπειν, παρεχει.

Plato de Legibus. L. 2. p. 663.
VOL. IV. L

146 NOTES ON PLATO.

compare it with more ancient times; for Archelaus
had now reigned at least nine years, and continued on
the throne about six years longer. So in p. 503, in
those words, IlepixkAea τουτονὶ tov νεωστι τετελευτη-
Kota, we must understand Νεωστι in the same manner,
for Pericles had been dead 23 years, but the time
is there compared with that of Cymon, Themistocles,
and Miltiades, who died many years before. Socrates
indeed might have seen and remembered Cymon, the
other two he could not. These particulars of Archelaus’s
history are curious and not to be met with elsewhere :
viz. That he was the bastard son of Perdiccas by a
female slave belonging to his brother Alcetas ; that he
caused his uncle and master Alcetas, together with
Alexander his son, to be murdered after a banquet, to
which he had invited them; that he caused his own
brother, a child of seven years old (the true heir to the
crown and the son of Perdiccas by his wife Cleopatra)
to be drowned in a well. Athenzeus (L. 11. p. 506.) is
absurd enough to question the truth of these particu-
lars, or, supposing them true, he says, that they are
instances of Plato’s ingratitude, who was much in favour
with Archelaus. The passage, which he cites imme-
diately after from Carystius of Pergamus, disproves all
this, for it shews Plato’s connexion to have been with
Perdiccas, the Third, who began to reign thirty-five
years after Archelaus’s death, and was elder brother to
the famous Philip of Macedon. We have an epistle of
Plato to that prince still remaining. At the time of
Archelaus’s death, Plato was under thirty years of age.

P. 471. Evdaipov γενεσθαι.}] This is the true read-

GORGIAS, 147

ing, and is meant of Archelaus. The other reading,
which Ficinus followed, is very insipid, Kvdéaipova
yever Gar,

P. 472. Νικιας.] The famous Nicias. He is pro-
duced here as an example, on account of his great
wealth, whence Socrates supposed him to have placed
the chief happiness of man in affluence of fortune. The
tripods, mentioned here as dedicated in the temple of
Bacchus, must be the prizes which he and his family
must have gained in their frequent Χορηγιαι. Nicias
was remarkable for his piety and innocency of life.
See Thucydides and Plutarch. ‘The brother of Nicias
was named Eucrates: he outlived his brother, and was
this very year Trierarch at A%gos-Potami ; (Lysias. Orat.
contr. Poliuchum, p. 320.) and soon after was put to
death with Niceratus, his nephew, by order of the thirty
tyrants, in the number of which he had refused to be.

ΤΌ. Apurroxparys 6 Σκελλιου.] A principal man in
the oligarchy of Four hundred (Ol. 92. 1.) and of the
same party with Theramenes, Od av eorw ev Πυθίου
touto To KaAov αναθημα. (See Thucyd. L. 8. p. 516:
and Lysias Orat. cont. Eratosthenem, p. 215. Ed.
Taylori. Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 125. et Schol. D.
Heraclides of Pontus, speaking of the seditions at
Miletus, says, Οἱ πλουσιοι κρατήσαντες ἅπαντας, ὧν
κυριοι KATEOTYOAV, μετα τῶν TEKVWV κατεπιττωσαν. (Ap.
Atheneum L. 12. p. 524.)

P. 473. Καταπιττωθη.] Covered with pitch, and
burned alive.

P. 480. Tovvavriov ye av μεταβαλοντα.] This isa
conclusion so extravagant, that it seems to be only a

148 NOTES ON PLATO.

way of triumphing over Polus, after his defeat, or
perhaps in order to irritate Callicles, who heard with
great impatience the concessions which Polus had been
forced to make, and now breaks out with warmth, and
enters into the dispute. Or, perhaps, this may be
meant of that justice, which Socrates practised on him-
self and on all who conversed with him, (which made
him many enemies) in exposing their ignorance and
their vices, and in laying them open to their own
correction: and from p. 509. Twa av βοηθειαν py
δυναμενος, &c. I judge this to be the true sense of it.
See also p. 521. Κρινοῦμαι yap, ὡς ev παιδιοις ιατρος,
&e. See also De Republica, L. 9. p. 591.

P.481. Tov re Αθηναιων Δημου, και τουΠυριλαμπούς.]
The son of Pyrilampes was called Demus, and Plato
here alludes to his name. It is possible too, that there
may be a secret allusion to the Equites of Aristophanes,
where the Athenian people is introduced as a person,
under the name of Demus, an old man grown childish,
over whom the demagogues try to gain an ascendant
by paying their court to his ridiculous humours. The
drama of the Equites was played about twenty years
before the time of this dialogue. Demus was much in
the friendship of Pericles, and remarkable for being
the first man who brought peacocks to Athens, and
bred them in his volaries. (Plutarch in Pericle and
Atheneus, L. 9. p. 397.) Demus is mentioned as a
Trierarch in the expedition to Cyprus (as I imagine)
about Ol. 98. 1. under Chabrias. (Lysias de Bonis
Aristophanis, p. 340.) He was, when a youth, famous
for his beauty :

GORGIAS. 149

Καινὴη Av, av Wy ye που γεγραμμενον,

Tov ΠΠυριλαμποῦς ev Ovpa Anpov καλον, &e,
Aristophan. in Vespis, v. 98, and Scholia. The play
of the Vespz was played eighteen years before the time
of this dialogue.

P. 482. Ὃ Κάλεινιειος.] Alcibiades had now left
Athens, and taken refuge in Thrace, and the year after
he was murdered,

P. 484. Νομος, ὁ παντων βασιλεὺυς.] A fragment
of Pindar.

Ib. Φιλοσοῴφια yap τοι.}] Aulus Gellius, L. 10, ο.
22, having transcribed this passage at large, ending at
the words καὶ adda πολλα ἀγαθα, (in p. 486.) makes
several reflections upon it. ‘Plato veritatis homo
amicissimus, ejusque omnibus exhibende promptissi-
mus, que omnino dici possunt in desides istos igna-
vosque qui, obtento philosophiz nomine, inutile otium
et linguz viteque tenebras sequuntur, ex persona
quidem non gravi neque idoned, veré tamen ingenué-
que, dixit. Nam etsi Callicles, quem dicere hee facit,
vere philosophiz ignarus inhonesta et indigna in phil-
osophos confert; proinde tamen accipienda sunt que
dicuntur, ut nos sensim moveri intelligamus, ne ipsi
quoque culpationes hujusmodi mereamur, neve inerti
atque inani desidia, cultum et studium philosophiz
mentiamur,” &c. though Gellius is certainly mistaken
in this, justly incurring the same censure, as those
whom Quintilian mentions, L. 2. 16, yet thus far he
is right in saying, that Plato often put much truth and
good sense into the mouth of characters which he did
not approve. The Protagoras is a remarkable instance

150 NOTES ON PLATO.

of this, where Socrates is introduced in the beginning,
arguing against the very doctrine which naturally fol-
lows from those principles which he himself lays down
in the end, and of which he obliges the sophist to con-
fess the truth. Dacier, in his notes, has run into a
thousand mistakes, by imagining all which is advanced
by the characters opposed to Socrates in the disputa-
tion, to be absurd and ridiculous.

The character, which Callicles here pretends to
expose, is doubtless such as Plato thought worthy of
a true philosopher, των κορυφαιων τινος, καὶ ov φαυλως
διατρίβοντος εν φιλοσοφιᾳ. (Vid. Thextetum, p. 173.)

P. 484. To του Evpuridov.| From that famous
scene in the Antiope (a drama now lost) between
Zethus and Amphion, Joshua Barnes reads,

Kv τουτῳ yap

Aapapos θ᾽ ἕκαστος, καπι TavT’ επειγεται.

To this scene Horace alludes Lib. 1. Epist. 18. to
Lollius ‘“‘Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis
atque Zethi dissiluit,” We.

P. 485. Καὶ τας ayopas.] What passage of Homer
is here alluded to? or is it Hesiod in his Theogonia,
v. 90. Mera δε πρεπει ἀγρομενοισι.

Ib. pos τον αδελφον.] Alluding to the fragment
of Antiope: Eurip. Edit. Barnes. p. 453.

Ψύυχης ὧδε γενναιαν pow
Τυναικομιμω διαπρεπεῖς μορφωματι.
Our’ εν. δίκης βουλαισιν ορθον αν ποτε
Aoyov προθεῖ, ἡ πιθανον" ovr’ adAwv ὑπερ
Neavixov βουλευμα βουλευσαιο τι.

GORGIAS. 151

P. 486. Αποθανοις av.| From this, and from many
other strokes against the people of Athens, which seem
to carry a strong air of indignation and concern in
them, it looks as if this dialogue had been written not
long after the death of Socrates, perhaps while Plato
was at Megara.

Ib. ἔπι κοῤῥης.] The Aripou might be struck by a
citizen, without being able to call him to an account for it.

Ib, AAX ὦ ᾽γαθε.}] Another fragment of the An-
tlope :

AAN ἐμοι πιθου,
Ilavoat δ᾽ αοιδων, πραγμάτων δ᾽ ευμουσιαν
Ασκει" τοιαυτ᾽ αειδε, και δοξεις φρονειν----
Ἄλλοις τὰ κομψα ταὔτ᾽ αφεις σοφισματα,
K€ ὧν κενοῖσιν εγκατοικησεις δομοις.

Ib. The several kinds of ἀτιμία are enumerated in
the oration of Andocides eps Μυστηριων, p. 10.

P. 487. Tisander of Aphidnx ; who seems to be the
same mentioned by Socrates a year after this; (Xenoph.
Aponemon, L. 2. sect. 7.) Nausicydes of Cholargi,
Andro, the son of Androtion.

P. 488, First proof against Callicles (who had
advanced that by the law of nature the stronger had
a right to govern the weaker) that the many are
stronger than the few, and consequently ought to
govern them: so that the positive law of the common-
wealth is the result of the law of nature.

P. 492. Tis δ᾽ oder, εἰ to Gv.| Euripides in Poly-
eido, Fragm. p. 490. edit. Barnesii. The same senti-
ment is repeated again in other words in the Phryxus,
ibid. p. 503,

152 NOTES ON PLATO.

Ρ, 493. ἤκουσα των σοφων.] In Cratylo, p. 400.
Σημα τινες φασιν αὐτο ewar της ψυχῆης, &e.

Ib. Κομψος αἀνηρ, wws Σικελος tis ἡ Ἰταλικος.}
This idea (whosesoever it be) is imitated by Lucretius,
L. 3. v. 949 and 1022:

Omnia, pertusum congesta quasi in vas,
Commoda perfluxere, atque ingrata interiere.

I take this to be meant of Empedocles.

P.500. Texvixos.| The philosopher. Vid. Protagoram,
p. 357, and p. 509, 517, and 521 of this dialogue.

P. 501. Cinesias, the son of Meles, was a dithyram-
bick poet in some sort of vogue among the people at
this time. He was still a worse man than a writer,
and the depravity of his character made even his mis-
fortunes ridiculous ; so that his poverty, his deformities,
and his distempers, were not only produced on the
stage, but frequently alluded to by the orators, and
exposed to the scorn of the multitude. Vid. Aristo-
phan. in Avibus, v. 1374, et Schol. in locum; et in
Lysistrata, in Ranis, v. 369. In Fragment. Gerytadis
ap. Atheneum, L. 12. p. 551.) The comick poet,
Strattis, who lived at this time, made Cinesias the
subject of an entire drama. See Lysias ἀπολογία
Awpodoxias, p. 381. Fragm. Orat. contra Phanium
ap. Atheneum ut supra, and in Taylor’s edition, p. 640.
Harpocration in voce Cinesias. Plutarch de gloria
Atheniens. Pherecrates apud Plutarchum de Musica.
See also the notes of Mr. Burette on that treatise, in
the Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 340, and
Suidas in voce Cinesias.

GORGIAS. 153

P. 503. The bold attack, made in this place on some
of the greatest characters of antiquity, has drawn much
censure on Plato; but we are to consider that he is
here proving his favourite point, (which seems to me
the grand aim and intention of this dialogue) that
philosophy alone is the parent of virtue, the discoverer
of those fixed and unerring principles, on which the
truly great and good man builds his whole scheme of
life, and by which he directs all his actions; and that
he, who practises this noblest art, and makes it his
whole endeavour to inspire his fellow citizens with a
love for true knowledge, (and this was the constant view
and the employment of Socrates) has infinitely the
superiority not only over the masters of those arts,
which the publick most admires, as musick, poetry,
and eloquence, but over the most celebrated names in
history, as heroes and statesmen; as the first have
generally applied their talents to flatter the ear, to
humour the prejudices, and to inflame the passions of
mankind; and the latter to soothe their vanity, to
irritate their ambition, and to cheat them with an
apparent, not a real, greatness,

P. 506, Tov Apduovos.]| Of which tragedy some
few. verses are still preserved to us; see Euripid.
Fragm, ed. Barnesii, p. 454:

Kyo μεν ovv αδοιμι, και λεγοιμι τι

Σοῴον, ταράσσων μηδεν, ὧν πολις νοσει, Ke.

P. 508. Τὼ αδικουντι καὶ κακιον.] This was not the
principle only, but the practice, of Socrates. See Diog.
Laert. L. 2. sect. 21.

154 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 510. “Ὅπου rupavvos ἐστιν apxov aypws.| A
severe reflection on the Athenian people.

P. 511. The price of a pilot from A%gina to Attica
was two oboli (about two-pence halfpenny) ; from Attica
to Pontus or to Egypt two drachme (fifteen-pence half-
penny).

P. 514. Ev τω rio τὴν κεραμειαν μανθανειν.] Pro-
verb. To begin with a jar before we have made. a
gallipot. Hor. Art. Poet.

Amphora ccepit
Institui, currente rota cur urceus exit ἢ

P. 515, Kus μισθοφοραν.] The administration of
Pericles was the ruin of the Athenian constitution.
By abridging the power of the Areopagus, and by
impairing their authority, who were the superintend-
ents of education and the censors of publick manners,
he sapped the foundations of virtue among them ; by
distributing the publick revenue among the courts of
justice, he made them mercenary and avaricious, negli-
gent of their private affairs, and ever meddling in those
of their neighbours ; by the frequency and magnificence
of the publick spectacles, he inured them to luxury and
to idleness ; and by engaging them in the Peloponnesian
war, he exposed them to be deserted by all their allies,
and left to the mercy of the braver and more virtuous
Lacedzemonians. Isocrates! looked upon the first of
these alterations only, as the ruin of his country.
(Orat. Areopagit. p. 147, &c.)

1 Though he had no prejudice to the person of Pericles, and

does justice to his disinterestedness and honesty in the manage-
ment of the publick money. (See Isocrat. Orat. de Pace, p. 184.)

GORGIAS. 155

P. 515, Eus μισθοφοραν.] The Μισθος Δικαστικος
here spoken of by Socrates was three oboli a day paid
to 6000 citizens (for so many sat in the courts of
justice), which was to the state a yearly expense of
one hundred and fifty talents; ie. reckoning ten
months to the year, for two months were spent in
holidays, when the courts did not meet. A Muodos
(appointed by Agyrrius about Ol. 96. 4, see Aristo-
phan. ἔκκλησιαζουσαι, v. 102, 185, 284, 292, 302, 380,
and also his Plutus, v. 330, which last passage is
wrongly interpreted by the Scholiast, by Spanheim,
and by Kuster ;) a Μισθὸος (I say) was given by every
Athenian citizen who came to the ἄκκλησια, or assem-
bly of the people. The ill effect which this had upon
their manners is painted by Aristophanes with much
humour in several of his dramas, and particularly in
the Vespe.

Ib. Tov ta wra κατεαγοτων.] From such as affected
to imitate the manners of the Lacedemonians, and
constantly practised the roughest exercises of the
Palestra, particularly boxing, the bruises and scars of
which were visible about their temples and ears: so in
the Protagoras, p. 342. Οἱ μὲν wra τε καταγνυνται
μιμουμενοι avtovs (τους Aakedatpoviovs) We.

P. 516. ἔπι teAevtn του βιου.] See Plutarch in
Pericles, towards the end.

Ib. Oi γε δικαιοι pepo. | Hom. Odys. Ὅσοι
χαλεποιτε, καὶ αγριοι, οὐδε δικαιοι. O. ν. 575,

Ib, Evs to βαραθρον.] This is not related either by
Herodotus, or by Cornelius Nepos, or by Justin.

P. 517, Outre ty αληθινη, ovte τὴ κολακικη.}] This

156 NOTES ON PLATO.

shews that Plato meant only to distinguish between
the use of eloquence and its abuse; nor is he in earnest
when he says, Ovdeva ἥμεις ισμεν ανδρα ayafov yeyovora
ta πολιτικα, (for he afterwards himself names Aristides,
as a man of uncommon probity) but only to shew that
he had puzzled Callicles, who could not produce one
example of a statesman who had abilities, or art, suffi-
cient to preserve him from the fury of the people.

P. 517. Ovd’ eyo ψεγω.] Hence it appears that he
only means to shew how much superiour the character
of a real philosopher is to that of a statesman.

P. 518. Thearion, a famous baker, mentioned by
Aristophanes (ap. Atheneum L. 3. p. 112. see also
Casaubon. in locum) in Gerytade et AMolosicone, and
by Antiphanes, another comick poet, (who lived fifty or
sixty years afterwards) in his Omphale. We should
read here Aproxozos, not Aptorovs. The Οψαρτυτικα
of Mithzcus is a work often cited by Athenzeus, L. 12.
p. 516. The Sicilian and the Italian Greeks were
noted for the luxury of the table. See Plato Epist. 7.
p. 326 and 336.

P. 519. Σου de wows επιληψονται.] I do not find
what became of Callicles; but Alcibiades had already
fled from his country, for fear of falling into the hands
of the people.

P. 521. Ee σοι Mvoov.| Perhaps, Gees ει σοι Mucor
ἥδιον καλεισθαι, ws εἰ μη; &e. ie. Not; if you would
choose to fall into that helpless condita (before de-
scribed by Callicles, p. 486,) which you must do, unless
you practise the art which recommend. The Mysians
were proverbial, as objects of contempt. Μυσῶν Aca

GORGIAS. 157

was said of any poor-spirited people, who tamely sub-
mitted to every injury. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 1.

P. 525. ἹΠροσηκει Se παντι.] See Aulus Gellius, L.
6. 14. on this passage.

P. 526. Εἰς δὲ καὶ ravv.] Plutarch takes notice
that Aristides! was a favourite character with Plato.
Mr. Hardion,? who has written a life of Gorgias (col-
lected with a good deal of industry from a variety of
authors) and has given us a sketch of this dialogue of
Plato, has yet been guilty of some mistakes, as where
he fixes® the time of it to Ol. 95. 1, which is at least
five years too late; and where he seems to say that
Gorgias took Thessaly in his way to Olympia, which
is a strange error in geography, &c. yet his performance,
and particularly the analysis, is well worth reading.

1 In Vita Aristid. towards the end.

* Dissertations sur l’origine et les progrés de la Rhétorique
dans la Gréce: Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, &c.
V. 15. p. 167, and 176.

° Ty Bp. 178.

MINOBS.
H, ΠΕΡῚ NOMOY.

Tus dialogue takes its name, (as also does the Hip-
parchus,) not from either of the persons introduced in
it, but from the Cretan Minos, whose character and
laws are mentioned pretty much at large. Socrates,
and another Athenian nearly of the same age (who is
not named), are considering the nature of laws in it;

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 313.

P. 315. Human sacrifice, and particularly of their children,
to Saturn was in use among the Carthaginians: the sacrifices of
the Lycians and of the descendants of Athamas, though people
of Greek origin, were barbarous ; the ancient Attick custom is
mentioned of sacrificing victims near the bodies of dead persons,
before they were carried out to burial, and hiring Eyxurpiorpia,
(Schol. ad Arist. Vesp. v. 288.) and the still more ancient one
of interring them in the houses where they died: both long
since disused.

318. Ex Kpyrns.] V. Herodot. and Plut. in Lycurgo, and
Strabo. L. 10. p. 477.

Ib. Avxoupyov.] The time of this dialogue is no where
marked: but we see from Ὁ. 321 that Socrates was now ad-
vanced in years; supposing him then to be only sixty, it is
three hundred and sixty-seven years from the first Olympiad of
Corebus; but most criticks agree that Lycurgus lived one

MINOS. 159

and the intention of Plato is to shew, that there is a
law of nature and of truth, common to all men, to
which all truly legal institutions must be conformable,
and which is the real foundation of them all.

Unfortunately the dialogue remains imperfect: it is
indeed probable that it was never finished.

NOTES,

hundred and eight years before that time, and Eratosthenes,
with the most accurate chronologers, affirms, that he was still
more ancient. Plato therefore places him half a century later
than any one else has done. The computation of Thucydides,
who reckons it something more than 400 years to the end of
the Peloponnesian war, ad’ ob Λακεδαιμονίοι Tn αὐτῃ πολιτειᾳ
xpwvrat, that is from the institution of Lycurgus’s laws, comes
nearest to that of Plato. The war ended Ol. 94. 1. so that,
according to Thucydides, Lycurgus settled the constitution
about 27 years before the first Olympiad of Corcebus.

P. 320, ‘Hovodos.] Probably in his Heroick Genealogies, a
work now lost.

CHARMIDKES.

H, ΠΕΡῚ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΗΣ.
Ol. 87. 2 or 3.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 153.

THE subject of this dialogue is Ἢ Zwdpocvvy: and
what was Plato’s real opinion of that virtue, may be
seen, De Republ. L. 4. p. 430. and De Legibus, L. 3.
p. 696.

The dramatick part of it is very elegant.

P. 153, Του της βασιλικὴης tepov.] It seems to be
the temple of Apollo in the 2roa PacrXews. See
Pausanias in Attic. p. 8.

Ib. Mavixos wv.] Of a warm eager temper; see
the Symposium in the beginning of it.

Ib. Κριτιαν.] It is extraordinary that Plato from
a partiality to his own family should so often introduce
into his writings the character of Critias, his cousin,
whose very name (one should imagine) must be held in
detestation at Athens even to remotest times, he being
a monster of injustice and cruelty. Plato seems to
have been not a little proud of his family. Vid. De
Republic: L. 2. p. 368.

Ib, Mayy eyeyovet.] I take the particular action

CHARMIDES. 161

here mentioned to be the attack made on the city, soon
after the arrival of Agno and Cleopompus with fresh
troops. Thucyd. L. 2. p. 116. If we consider the
purport of the narration, we shall find that these words,
Φορμίων Se kat δι ἑξακοσιοι και χιλίιοι ovKETL Yoav περι
Χαλκιδεας, mean, that Phormio and his troops (among
which were Socrates and Alcibiades,) were returned
from their expedition into Chalcidice (mentioned
Ρ. 36.) and had joined the army newly arrived from
Potidea.

P. 154. Λευκη σταθμη.] The line used by carpenters
and masons to mark out their dimensions with, after it
had been tinged with minium, or with some other
colour: it is used proverbially for a mind susceptible
of any impression which may be given to it. So
Philippus in Anthol. L. 6. cap. ult.

Μιλτοφυρῆτε

Σχοινον, ὑπ᾽ akpovvyw Ψψαλλομενὴν κανονι.

P. 155. Δοκέει adAous τε καὶ ἑαυτω.] Perhaps ἐμαυτω,
or εμοι, for Critias was an excellent poet. Athenzus
has preserved several fine fragments of his writings.

Ib. ZoAwvos.| Solon’s poetry is well known. From
the birth of Solon to that of Plato was 210 years,
which takes in five generations of that family. Dio-
genes Laertius reckons six generations, making Glauco
(as it seems) the brother, and not the uncle of Critias.
Proclus, in his comment on the Timeeus, observes that
Theon the Platonick had been guilty of the same
mistake, and corrects it on the authority of this very
dialogue.

VOL. IV. M

162 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 155, KvAaBewOa1.| This seems part of an hexa-
meter, and an iambick.

Ib. Τὴν Erwonv.| Horace alludes to these incanta-
tions, and perhaps to this very passage, Lib. 1. Epist. 1.

P. 156. Απαθανατιζειν.] Zamolxis, (Herodot. L. 4.
c. 94.) (by some said to have been a slave of Pytha-
goras, but affirmed by Herodotus to have been of much
greater antiquity) the king and prophet of the Getes,
who were at first only a clan of the Thracians, but
afterwards, having passed the Danube, became a great
and powerful nation. It is very remarkable, that they
had a succession of these high priests, (Strabo, L. 7. p.
297.) who lived sequestered from mankind in a grotto,
and had communication only with the king, in whose
power they had a great share from Zamolxis down to
the time of Augustus, and possibly long after.

P. 157. The family of Dropides, celebrated by
Anacreon.

P. 158. Pyrilampes, the great-uncle of Plato, am-
bassador in Persia, and elsewhere, admired as the tallest
and handsomest man of his time: he was a great friend
of Pericles, and father to Demus, a youth remarkable
for his beauty.

P. 178. Ava κερατων. See Hom. Odyss. T. 565.
The only reason of this fable, which has puzzled so many
people, seems to be a similitude of sounds between
EXedas and ελεφαιρεσθαι (to delude) and Kepas and
κραινειν (to perform or accomplish), as one of the
Scholiasts has observed.

P. 167. To τρίτον τω Σωτηρι.]Ϊ A proverbial expres-
sion frequent with Plato, as in the Philebus, p, 66.

CHARMIDES. 163

10: Se to τριτον τω Σωτηρι, ἄς. and in Epist. 7, speak-
ing of his third voyage to Sicily, EA@wv δ᾽ ουν ro τριτον,
ἄορ. I imagine it alludes to the Athenian custom (see
Athenzeus from Philochorus, L. 2. p. 38.) which was to
serve round after supper a little pure wine, with these
words, ἀγαθῳ Δαιμονι, and afterwards as much wine
and water as every one called for, with the form of
Avi Σωτηρι. See Erasmi Adag. Servatori, and Plato
de Republ. L. 9. p. 583.

CRATYLUS.
ΠΕΡῚ ONOMATON OPOOTHTOZ.

Tus long dialogue on the origin of words was probably
a performance of Plato when he was very young, and
is the least considerable of all his works.

Cratylus,! a disciple of Heraclitus, is said to have

1 Diog. Laert. in Platone, and Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p.
338. Ex veou τε yap συγγενομενος πρωτον KparvAw, και ταις
Ἡρακλειτειοις δοξαις, κτλ.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 383.

P. 898. Ancient Attick words, δαημων, epew: and p. 401,
εσια ; 410, Opar; 418, Ἵμερα, vel‘Euepa. He remarks that the
ancient Attick abounded in the I and A, which in his time had
been often changed to the H or E and the Z, and that the
women preserved much of the old language among them.

399. Accents used in Plato’s time, as now, Aw φιλος, changed
into Δι φιλος.

401. Προ παντων Θεων τη ‘Eorig.] See Aristophan. Aves, v.
865, and Vespz, v. 840.

405. The Thessalians in their dialect called Apollo, ‘Az)os.

407. Οἱσι EvOvdpovos irma.] An allusion to Homer.

409. Much of the Greek language derived from the Bar-
barians : Ὕδωρ, Πυρ, Kuwy, borrowed from the Phrygians.

425. The Barbarians acknowledged to be more ancient than
the Greeks.

CRATYLUS. 165

been the master of Plato after Socrates’s death ; but
the latter part of the dialogue is plainly written against
the opinions of that sect, and of Cratylus in particular.

NOTES.

P. 427. The powers of the several Greek letters, and the
manner of their formation: viz. the P expressive of motion,
being formed by a tremulous motion of the tongue; the I of
smallness and tenuity; the ® Ψ. 2. Z. of all noises made
by the air; the A and T of a cessation of motion; the A of
slipperiness and gliding, the same with a I’ prefixed, of the
adherence and tenacity of fluids; the N of any thing internal ;
the A of largeness; the O of roundness ; and the H expressive
of length.

428. Ev Acrats.] The ancients called the ninth book of the
Iliad, Acta. See v. 640.

429, Cratylus seems to have been the son of Smicrio.

434, The Eretrians for oxAnporns used σκληροτηρ.

SYMPOSIUM.
Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol, 3. p. 172.

As to the time of this dialogue, Athenzus (L. 5. p.
217.) tells us, that Agatho first gained the prize when
Euphemus was Archon, which was Ol. 90.4. What
he adds, namely, that. Plato was then only 14 years
old, and consequently could not be at this entertain-
ment,.is very true, but nothing to the purpose; for it
is not Plato who uses those words which he cites, but
Apollodorus, who recounts the particulars of this ban-
quet, as he had them from Aristodemus, who was
present at it ten or twelve years before.

Among the ancients, Cicero, Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, Hermogenes, Athenzus, Gellius, and Ausonius,
and among the moderns, Jos. Scaliger, Petavius, Ger.
Vossius, Fraguier, Freret, and La Mothe le Vayer,
believed the Cyropzedia of Xenophon to be a romance :
on the other side, are Usher, Marsham, Le Clerc,
Prideaux, Bossuet, Tournemine, Banier, Lenglet, Rollin,
Guyon.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 172. Q TAavewv.] Glauco was younger brother
to Plato. See Xenoph. Memorabil. L. 3. ο. 6.

SYMPOSIUM. 167

P. 172. Πολλων ετῶν Αγαθων.) He was in Mace-
donia at the court of Archelaus.

P. 173. Aristodemus, of Cydathens, called the
Little, mentioned by Xenophon as inclined to atheism.
(Memorabil. L. 1. ο. 4.)

P. 175. The audience in the Athenian theatre con-
sisted of above 30,000 persons.

P. 177. Οὐκ epos ὁ pros, aN ens μητρος rapa. |
Euripid. ap Dion. Halicarnass. [eps σχημάτων, L. 2.

Ib. AAXows μὲν τισι Tov Oewv.]| No hymns, nor
temples, nor religious rites were offered to Love in
Greece. (See Sympos. p. 189.)

Ib. Karadoyadyv.| The discourse by Prodicus in
honour of Hercules, of which the beautiful fable in
Xenophon’s Memorabil. L, 2. c. 1. made a part.

Ib. BuBAw avdpos cofov.| Mentioned also by Iso-
erates in Encom. Helenz, p. 210, ων μεν yap τους
βομβύυλιους, και τους ἅλας, και Ta τοιαυτα βουληθεντων
ἐπαινεῖν, ἄς. and to this, and such like discourses, he
alludes in Panathenaic, p. 260. Εἰὐγκωμιαζουσι ta φαυ-
λοτατα TWV OVTWY, ἢ τους παρανομωτάτους τῶν OVTWY,

P. 178. Στρατοπεδον ἐραστων.] It is plain, that
Socrates, in Xenophon’s Symposium, p. 898, is em-
ployed in refuting this very sentiment, which he attri-
butes to Pausanias, the lover of Agatho, and not to
Phedrus, in whose mouth it is here put: it seems
to me a stroke of Xenophon’s enmity to Plato, and a
remarkable one, though it has not been taken notice οἵ. ἢ

1 See Atheneus, L. 5. p. 216., who conjectures that Xeno-
phon might have seen some copy of Plato’s Symposium, where

these words were spoken by Pausanias. Casaubon tries to con-
fute him, but with weak arguments.

168 NOTES ON PLATO.

Parmenides and Acusilaus quoted in the genealogy of
the gods: and again in p. 195.

P. 180. So Hesiod describes the birth of Venus,
daughter of Coelus without a mother, v. 191. Ty δ᾽
Epos ὧμαρτησε, &c. but he mentions nothing of the
second Venus, daughter of Jove and Dione, which is
the Venus of Homer. See also Tully de Natura
Deorum, L. 3.

P. 182. Ev Ἡλιδι και ev Bowrous.| This (which is
really spoken by Pausanias) convinces me that Xeno-
phon wrote his Symposium after that of Plato, and
meant to throw some reflections on this part of it.

P. 187. To yap ἕν.] An expression of Heraclitus
cited and censured. .

P. 190. Κυβιστωσι.}) An action of the tumblers
described in Xenophon’s Sympos. p. 876.

P. 191. Αἱ ‘“Eraspurrpiot.]| At TprBades. See de
Legib. L. 1. p. 636.

P. 193. Καθαπερ Apxades.| See an instance of this
Lacedemonian policy on the taking of Mantinea, Ol.
98. 3, in Xenoph. Gree. Hist. L. 5. 552 and 553,

P.194. Eyw de δη βουλομαι.] As the comick inven-
tion and expression of Aristophanes are perfectly well
supported throughout his discourse, and the character
of the man well painted in several little peculiarities,
which Plato (who had himself undoubtedly a genius
for dramatick poetry) is never at a loss to choose; so
the speech of Agatho is a just copy! of his kind of
eloquence, full.of antitheses, concise, and musical even

1 Χλευαζΐζει τε Ta ἰισοκωλα Tou γαθωνος και αντιθετα. Athen-
eus, L. 5. p. 187.

SYMPOSIUM. 169

to affectation, in the manner of Gorgias, whose pupil
he seems to have been.

P.198. Τοργειου.] Alluding to Hom. Odyss. A. v. 634.

P. 199. H yAwrra ovv.| An allusion to the Hippo-
lytus of Euripides.

P. 201. Μαντικης.] It is plain from what follows,
that this is as good a reading as Μαντινικῆς.

P. 202. Diotimia of Mantinea, a prophetess.

Ib. The middle nature of demons, which mediate
between gods and men.

P. 203. opos.| The god, not of riches, but of
expedients and of contrivances.

P. 207. The following verses are attributed to Plato,
in the Anthologia, L. 1. ο. 90:

Awv ravra φερει" δολιχος xpovos oWev ἀαμειβειν
Ovvoua, Kat μορφην, Kas yevos, nde τυχὴν"

which sentiment is finely explained here.

P. 213. Ψυκτηρα.] See Athenzus, L. 11, p. 502, on
this kind of vessel.

P. 215. The figures of the Sileni in the shops of the
sculptors (ev tous ἑρμογλυφειοις) made hollow, which
opened and discovered within the statues of the gods.

Ib. ‘A yap Ολυμπος.] Such as were initiated
became possessed, as soon as they heard these airs.

P. 216. Ta δ᾽ Αθηναίων πραττω.] Alcibiades was
now very powerful in the state, in the thirty-fifth year
of his age.

P. 219. Η σιδηρω 6 Avas.| It should rather seem to
be Achilles.

Ib. Στρατεια.] They went thither with the supplies

170 NOTES ON PLATO.

under the command of Phormio, Ol. 87. 1. Alcibiades
being then twenty years of age, and Socrates thirty-
nine. (See Thucyd. L. 1. 5. 64.) The folly of Athenzus,
who would prove, against the authority of Plato and of
Antisthenes, that Socrates was not in any of these
actions, is justly exposed by Casaubon: Annot. ad
Atheneum, L. 5. c. 15. We may add, that if the
silence of Thucydides could prove anything with regard
to Socrates, it would prove, at least as strongly, that
Alcibiades was not at Potidza neither; but the con-
trary is certain from that very oration of Isocrates, to
which Athenzus refers, namely, that Ilepu Ζευγοῦς,
p. 352, where he is said to have gained the ἀριστεια
(which were a crown and a complete suit of armour)
before that city ; and if the orator had not totally sup-
pressed the name of Socrates, it would have been highly
injudicious in a discourse pronounced by the son of
Alcibiades, where he was to exalt the character of his
father, and by no means to lessen the merit of any of
his actions. He left that to his enemies, who (it is
likely) did not forget the generosity of Socrates on this
occasion. It is clear from the many oversights of
Atheneeus here, that he either trusted to his memory,
or only quoted from his own excerpta, and not from
the originals. Plato mentions no second ἀριστεια
gained at Delium, and only speaks of the coolness and
presence of mind shewn by Socrates in his retreat ; as
he has done also in the Laches. Athenzus affirms,
that Alcibiades was not in the battle of Delium, but
he assigns no reasons. If he concludes it from the
silence of Thucydides, as before, this is nothing, as

SYMPOSIUM. 171

that historian mentions none but the commanders in
chief on any of these occasions, and often only one or
two of the principal of these: but probably Alcibiades
and Laches might then only serve as private men.

P. 221. BpevOvopevos.| Alluding to the Nubes of
Aristophanes.

Tb. ‘Ou Aoyou avtov.| Every one who would read the
Socratick dialogues of Plato, Xenophon, &c. should first
consider this passage: it is put below in a note.!

P, 222. Ev@vdnpos.| Probably the same youth whom
Xenophon calls Ev@vdnuos ὃ καλος (Memorabil. L. 4.
ὁ. 1.), a different person from Euthydemus, the Chian.

This dialogue (particularly the end of it), the Prota-
goras, the Gorgias, the Euthydemus, &c. are strong
instances of Plato’s genius for dramatick poetry in the
comick kind. Kopwdev yap ηθελε IlAatwv, says
Atheneus, L. 5. p. 187, speaking of the character of
Aristophanes in this place. See also Olympiodor. in
Vita Platonis. The Phedo is an instance of Plato’s
power in the tragick kind.

1 Οἱ λογοι αὐτου ὁμοιοτατοι εἰσι τοις Σειληνοις (see note above
on p. 215.) rots διοιγομενοις. Ke yap εθελει τις των Σωκρατους
ακουειν λογων, φανεῖεν av πανυ γελοίοι TO πρωτον᾽ τοιαυτα Kat
ονομᾶτα καὶ ῥηματα εξωθεν περιαμπεχονται Σατυρου αν τινα
ὑβριστου δοραν. Ονοὺυς yap κανθηλιους λεγει, και χαλκεᾶς Twas, και
σκυτοτομους, Kat βυρσοδεψας, και αει δια των αὐτων Ta αὐτα φαι-
νεται λεγειν᾽ WOTE ἄἀπειρος καὶ avoynTos ἀνθρωπος πᾶς αν των λογων
καταγελασειε᾽ διοιγομενους δὲ ἰδων αν τις, καὶ εντος αὐτῶν Ὑγιγνο-
μενος, πρωτον μεν νοῦν εχοντας evdov μονοὺς ευρησει των λογων,
επειτα θειοτατους, Kat πλειστα ἀγαλματα apeTns εν αὐτοις EXOVTAS,
και επι πλειστον τεινοντὰς, μάλλον δὲ ETL πᾶν ὁσον προσήκει σκοπειν
Tw μελλοντι Kaw κάγαθω γενεσθαι. 'Ῥαυτ᾽ εστιν, ἃ eyw Σωκρα-
Tous ἐπαινω. Sympos. p. 221.

EUTHYDEMUS.
About Ol. 89. 4.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 271.

THERE is a good deal of humour, and even of the vis
comica, in this dialogue. Its end is to expose the
vanity and weakness of two famous sophists, and to
shew, by way of contrast, the art of Socrates in leading
youth into the paths of virtue and of right reason.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

Ρ, 271. Ov πολὺ τι τὴν ἡλικιαν.] See the Symposium
of Xenophon; Ovk dpas ott TovTw παρα Ta wra αρτι
ιουλος καθερπει' Κλεινίᾳ δὲ προς το οπισθεν nbn ava-
βαινει; p. 515. From whence it appears, that the
time of this dialogue cannot be long after Ol. 89. 4.

Ib, EvrevOev ποθεν εκ Χιου.] The Chians being an
Tonian colony from Athens.

P. 272. Kovyw, to Μητροβιου.] Whether the same
with the Tibicen mentioned in the Equites of Aristo-
phanes, v. 531, called Connas, who lived at this time ?

P. 273. Κτησιππος.] See the Lysis of Plato.

P. 275. Alcibiades, the elder, had two sons, Clinias
and Axiochus : the first (who was slain at the battle of

EUTHYDEMUS. 178

Artemisium, Ol. 75. 1.) left behind him two sons, the
famous Alcibiades, and Cleinias, his brother. The
latter had a son, also called Cleinias, who is the youth
here mentioned.

P. 277. ‘Ozep δι ev ty TedeTH.| The ceremony of
seating in a chair, and dancing round, a person who is
to be initiated in the mysteries of the Corybantes, called
Θρονωσις.

P. 278. Apa ye παντες ανθρωποι.}] This example of
a Λογος rpotpertixos, or exhortation to philosophy, is
as noble as the moral it would convey, a truth which
Plato had always at heart. ων pev adrdwv ovdev
eva ovte ayalov ovte KaKkov' TovTow de δυοῖν οντοιν, ἡ
μεν Σοφια ayadov, ἡ δε Apabia Kakov.

Ρ 285, Kus ασκον.] The skin of Marsyas was said to
be preserved in the castle of Celenz (in the greater
Phrygia) even in Xenophon’s time, Ol. 94. 4, (Cyri
Anab, L. 1. p. 146.) and hung there in a grotto, whence
the rivulet Marsyas took its rise. It was said to put
itself in motion at the sound of a flute.

Ib, Qs ovros του αντιλεγειν.] See Diog. Laert. L. 9.
s. 53, de Protagora. We see here that this sophism
was older than Protagoras.

P. 287. Ὅυτως εἰ Kpovos.] Apyatotporos, simple
and old-fashioned. It is scarcely possible to see with
patience Plato seriously confuting! these childish
subtleties, as low as any logical quibbles, used by our

1 Plato himself shews, p. 278, that he perfectly understood
the just value of them. Παιδιαν de λεγω δια ταῦτα, ore ει και
TOANG τις, ἡ Καὶ παντα Ta τοιαυτα, μαθοι, TA μεν πραγματα οὐδεν

« ᾽
αν μαλλον εἰιδειη, πη Exel, προσπαιζειν δὲ duos τ᾽ αν evn τοις avOpw-
ποις, δια THY ονομάτων διαῴφοραν ὑποσκελιζων και ανατρεπων.

174 NOTES ON PLATO.

scholastick divines in the days of monkery and of deep
ignorance. But he best knew the manners of his own
age, and doubtless saw these things in a graver light
than they of themselves deserve, by reflecting on the
bad effects which they had on the understandings and
on the morals of his countrymen, who not only spent
their wit and their time in playing with words, when
they might have employed them in inquiring into
things ; but, by rendering every principle doubtful and
dark alike, must necessarily induce men to leave them-
selves to the guidance of chance and of the passions,
unassisted by reason. Whereas if, in reality, there be
no certain truth attainable by human knowledge, both
the means and the end of disputation are absolutely
taken away, and it becomes the most absurd and the
most childish of all occupations.

P. 299. Euthydemus appears to have had a colossal
statue erected to him at Delphi.

P. 302. The Athenians, and their colonies, wor-
shipped not Jupiter under the name of [larp@os in their
houses (as all other Greeks did), but Apollo. To
Jupiter they gave the name of ‘Epxewos and Φρατριος,
and to Minerva of Pparpia: and these three divinities
were the household gods of every Ionian. How then
could Dionysidorus, a Chian, be ignorant of this ?

P. 305. Μεθορια φιλοσοφου.] This seems to be
aimed at Lysias or at Antipho.

HIPPIAS MAJOR.

We learn from this dialogue in how poor a condition
the art of reasoning on moral and abstracted subjects
was, before the time of Socrates; for it is impossible
that Plato should introduce! a sophist of the first
reputation for eloquence and knowledge in several
kinds, talking in a manner below the absurdity and
weakness of a child; unless he had really drawn after
the life. No less than twenty-four pages are here spent
in vain, only to force it into the head of Hippias, that

1 He always appeared at the Olympick games, and in the
temple of Jupiter discoursed on all subjects, and answered all
questions proposed to him. (V. Hipp. Min. p. 363.)

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 281.

Ῥ, 281. Ilirraxov τε και Biavros.] This is very extraordinary,
as Pittacus was continually busied in publick affairs, and both
Bias and Thales occasionally.

Ib. It was acknowledged therefore, that the sculptors,
painters, and architects of latter times, had far surpassed the
ancients.

P. 286. Exedy ἡ Tpoa.] The beginning of an oration, pro-
nounced at Sparta, by Hippias, in the character of Nestor,
addressed to the young Neoptolemus. It is remarkable, what
is here said of the Lacedeemonians, that the generality of them
did not even know common arithmetick.

176 NOTES ON PLATO.

there is such a thing as a general idea ; and that, before
we can dispute on any subject, we should give a defini-
tion of it.

''The time of the conversation seems to be after Ol.
89. 2, for the war had permitted no intercourse between
Athens and Elis before that year, and we see in the
Protagoras that Hippias was actually at Athens Ol. 90.
1, so that it seems to fall naturally between these two
years.

NOTES.

P, 289. Passages of Heraclitus: Πιθήκων 6 καλλιστος αἰσχρος
αλλω yever συμβαλειν.----Ανθρωπωὼων ὁ σοφωτατος προς Θεον πιθηκος
ῴφανειται. This latter passage is undoubtedly the original of
that famous thought in Pope’s Essay on Man, B. 2;

‘* And shewed a Newton, as we shew an ape,”

which some persons have imagined that he borrowed from one
Palingenius,* an obscure author, who wrote a poem called
“« Zodiacus Vite.”

290. Tys A@nvas.] The colossal figure of Minerva in the
Acropolis at Athens, described by Plutarch in his life of
Pericles.

[ἢ Pope, who was versed in the modern Latin poets, might have taken
it from Palingenius, and Palingenius from Plato.—MATHIAS.]

ὯΝ

HIPPIAS MINOR.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 363.

THE time of this dialogue is after the Hippias Major,
with which it may be ranked.

P. 363. Evécxos.] Mentioned in the Hippias Major,
p. 256, as an admirer of this sophist.

P. 368. Hippias appeared at Olympia in a dress of
his own weaving, buskins of his own cutting out and
sewing, with a ring on his finger, and a seal engraved
by himself, and a beautiful zone of his own embroidery.
He brought with him epick poems, dithyrambicks, tra-
gedies, and orations, all of his own composition.

Ib. Τὴν ζωνην.] The Greeks therefore girt their
under-garment (XitwvwrKos) with a cincture.

VOL. IV. N

PROTAGORAS.
H, ΣΟΦΙΣΤΑΙ.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 309.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE DATE OF THIS DIALOGUE,

Pxato, in this dialogue, one of the noblest he ever
wrote, has fallen, through negligence, into some ana-
chronisms, as Athenzeus has remarked, (L. 5. p. 218.)
though some things in reality are only mistakes of his
own, and others he has omitted, which are real faults.
Dacier undertakes wholly to justify Plato. We shall
shew that neither of them are quite in the right.

There are two marks which fix the time of this con-
versation, as it is generally thought, and as Athenzus
has shewn. The one, that Callias is mentioned in it,
as then master of himself, and in possession of his
father Hipponicus’s estate:! now MHipponicus was
slain in the battle of Deli, Ol. 89. 1, so that it must
be after that year.

Secondly, the Αγριοι, a comedy of Pherecrates, is
said to have been played the year before; but that
play was brought upon the stage in the magistracy of

1 Ἐν οἰκήματι τινι, ὦ προτου MEV ὡς ταμιειω ἐχρῆτο ἵππονικος,

νυν, vo του πληθοῦς των καταλυοντων, ὁ Καλιας και τουτο εκ-
κενωσας ἕενοις καταλυσιν πεποιηκη. Protag. p. 315,

PROTAGORAS. . 179

Aristion, Ol. 89. 4, consequently this must happen Ol.
90. 1.

There is yet a third circumstance which may ascer-
tain the time of the dialogue. Athenzus produces it
as an instance of Plato’s negligence, but has only dis-
covered his own by it. Hippias the Elean (he says)
and others of his countrymen are (Protag. p. 315.)
introduced, as then present at Athens, whereas it is
impossible they could be there during the Peloponnesian
war, while the Eleans were confederates with Sparta
against the Athenians ; for though a truce was agreed
upon for one year, under Isarchus, (Ol. 89. 1,) yet it
was broken through presently, and no cessation of arms
ensued. But in reality Hippias might be at! Athens
any year after Isarchus’s magistracy, since though the
war broke out afresh afterwards with Sparta, yet the
Allies of Sparta entered not into it, as at first, but
either continued neuter, or joined the Athenians, and
Elis particularly entered into a defensive league with
them this very year, (see Thucyd. L. 5. sect. 47) so that
when Athenzus says, μὴ τὴς €XEXELPLAS AUTNS μενουσῆης,
it is plain that he did not know but that Sparta
entered the war again with all the confederates which
she had at first, and consequently had read? Thucy-

1 Dacier, while he vindicates Plato on this head, has only
considered Athens with regard to Sparta: but the question
turns solely upon Elis, of which he takes no notice.

2 What is no less strange, Casaubon neither attempts to
justify Plato in this matter, nor did he know, that the Ἐνιαυσιαι
Σπονδαι under Isarchus were mentioned, very much at large, by
Thucydides, L. 4. sect. 117. See Casaubon’s Annotations ad
Atheneum, L. 5. c. 18.

180 NOTES ON PLATO.

dides very negligently. This very thing then may fix
it to Ol. 90. 1, at least it will prove that it could not
be earlier than Ol. 89. 1.

Atheneus further remarks, that Eupolis in his
KoAaxes, which was played Ol. 89. 3, speaks of Prota-
goras as then present at Athens, and that Ameipsias
in his Kovvos, acted two years before, has not intro-
duced him into his chorus of Φροντισται, or philo-
sophers ; so that it is probable that he arrived at Athens
in the interval between the representation of these two
dramas, which is three or four years earlier than the
dialogue, in which Plato nevertheless says that he had
not been three days come; and that after many years’
absence. Dacier attempts to answer this, but makes
little of it; and indeed it was impossible to do better,
since both the comedies are lost, and we do not know
to what parts of them Athenzus alludes, as he cites
nothing.

But in truth there are other circumstances incon-
sistent with the date of the dialogue, of which neither
Athenzeus nor Dacier have taken any notice. 1. Alci-
biades is represented as just on the confines of youth
and manhood, whereas in Ol. 90. 1, he was turned of
thirty. 2dly. Criso of Himera, celebrated for gaining
three victories successively in the course at Olympia
(the first of which was! Ol. 83.) is here spoken of
(p. 335.) as in the height of his vigour. Now it is
scarcely possible, that one, who was a man grown at
the time I have mentioned, should continue in full
strength and agility twenty-nine years afterwards: but

1 Pausanias, L. 5. ὁ. 28, and Diodorus.

PROTAGORAS. 181

this I do not much insist upon. 3dly. Pericles is
spoken of! as yet living, though he died nine years
before; and what is worse, his two sons Xanthippus
and Paralus are both represented as present at this
conversation, though they certainly died? during the
plague sometime before their father.

ANALYSIS OF THE DIALOGUE,

Socrates is wakened before day-break with a hasty
knocking at his door: it is Hippocrates, a young man,
who comes eagerly to acquaint him with the arrival of
Protagoras, the celebrated sophist, at Athens, and to
entreat him to go immediately and present him to that
great man; for he is determined to spare no pains nor
expense, so he may be but admitted to his conversation.
Socrates moderates his impatience a little, and while
they take a turn about the hall together, waiting for
sun-rise, inquires into his notions of a sophist, and what ἡ
he expected from him; and finding his ideas not very

1 Protag. p. 320. ‘A de avros σοῴος eort, ovre avros matdevet,
οὔτε τω αλλω tapadidwor’ and again, p. 329, which Dacier
tries, but in vain, to elude.

2 Plutarch in Vit. Pericliss—Atheneus has taken notice of

this, L. 11. p. 505, and Macrobius, who seems to copy the
other, Saturnal. L. 1. ce. 1.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 309. 1]. Q. v. 347.
Kovpw atounrnpt εοικως,
IIpwrov ὑπηνήτη, τουπερ χαριεστατη 7Bn.
Ib. Βοηθων evo.] Vid. infra, p. 336 and 347.
810, Tov σκιμποδος.1]7 A low bedstead, or couch, on which
Socrates lay, for he was not yet risen.

182 NOTES ON PLATO.

clear upon that head, shews him the folly of putting
his soul into the hands of he knew not whom, to do
with it he knew not what. If his body had been
indisposed, and he had needed a physician, he would
certainly have taken the advice and recommendation of
his family and friends; but here, where his mind, a
thing of much greater importance, was concerned, he
- was on the point of trusting it, unadvisedly and at
random, to the care of a person whom he had never
seen, nor spoken to. That a sophist was a kind of
merchant or rather a retailer of food for the soul, and,
like other shopkeepers, would exert his eloquence to
recommend his own goods. The misfortune was, we
could not carry them off, like corporeal viands, set
them by a while, and consider them at leisure, whether
they were wholesome or not, before we tasted them ;
that in this case we have no vessel, but the soul, to
receive them in, which will necessarily retain a tincture,
and perhaps much to its prejudice, of all which is

NOTES.

P. 310. Ἐξ Owoyns.] There were two Anu of Attica so called,
the one near Marathon, the other near Eleuthere on the con-
fines of Beeotia, which I take to be here meant. See Meursius
and Pausan. L. 1. c. 33 and c. 38.

Ib. Πτοιησις5.1 An eager desire of a thing, proceeding from
admiration.

Ib. Newrepos eyut.] He was upwards of twenty-four years of
age; for he was a child when Protagoras first came to Athens,
which was QO]. 84. 1.

311. Tov Kwov.] Hippocrates, the Coan, was now about
forty years old.

Ib. Pedig.] Phidias was not now living. He died Ol.
87. 1. Polycletus was younger, and might be still alive.

PROTAGORAS. 183

instilled into it. However, by way of trial only, they
agree to wait upon Protagoras, and accordingly they go
to the house of Callias, where both he and two other
principal sophists, Prodicus and Hippias, with all their
train of followers, were lodged and entertained.

The porter, an eunuch, wearied and pestered with
the crowd of sophists who resorted to the house, mis-
taking them for such, gives them a short answer, and
shuts the door in their face. At last they are admitted,
and find Protagoras with Callias, and more company,
walking in the porticos. The motions of Protagoras’s
followers are described with much humour; how at
every turn they divided and cast off, as in a dance, still
falling in, and moving in due subordination behind the
principal performer. Hippias is sitting in a great chair,

NOTES.

P. 312. Epv@piacas.] For the bad morals of the professors, (see
the Gorgias, p. 520, Zu de δι᾿’ ayvoav, &c. and the Meno, p. 91,
Ἡρακλεῖς, εὐῴφημει, &c.) had brought the name into general dis-
repute ; though it was once an honourable appellation, and
given afterwards to all such as called themselves Φιλοσοῴφοι.
Solon was the person who first bore the name of ὁ Σοφιστης.
(See Isocrat. Περι Avridocews, p. 344.) Socrates defines a sophist,
such as the character was in his time, Eumopos τις, ἡ καπήλος
των αγωγιμων, ad’ ὧν ἡ ψυχὴ τρεφεται. Protag. p. 313.

814, Ov σχολὴ avtw.] i.e. ‘My Lord is not at leisure to be
spoken with.”

Ib. Ev tw Προστοω.] Προστωον (which is also written Προσ-
toos) is rendered by the lexicographers Vestibulum Porticiis,
that is, as I imagine, the Caveedium or open court, surrounded
with a peristyle or portico, opening upon the rooms of enter-
tainment ; for all these rooms together composed the Avdpwr,
as Vitruvius describes it.

184 NOTES ON PLATO.

on the opposite side of the court, discoursing on points
of natural philosophy to a circle, who are seated on
forms round him; while Prodicus, in a large inner
apartment, in bed and wrapped up in abundance of
_ warm clothes, lies discoursing with another company of
admirers. Socrates approaches Protagoras, and presents
the young Hippocrates to him. The sophist, having
premised something to give an idea of his own profes-
sion, its use and dignity, the rest of the company, being
summoned together from all quarters, seat themselves
about him; and Socrates begins by entreating Prota-
goras to inform him, what was the tendency and usual
effect of his lessons, that Hippocrates might know what
he was to expect from him. His answers shew, that he
professed to accomplish men for publick and private

NOTES.

P. 314. Αδελῴος ὁμομητριος.1 The widow of Hipponicus, and
mother to Callias, took to her second husband, Pericles, and
brought him a son called Paralus: they afterwards parted by
consent, and both married again. See Plutarch in his life of
Pericles, who says that she brought him two sons, Xanthippus
and Paralus ; but it seems to be a mistake, as he had Xanthippus
by a former marriage. This lady was related to Pericles by blood.

Ib. Αδειμαντω.] Thé son of Cepis and of Leucolophides.
This Adimantus was Zrparyyos with Alcibiades, against Andros,
Ol. 93. 2. See Xenoph. Hist. Gree. L. 1.

315. Χαρμιδης. Plato’s uncle.—®idirmidns.] Son of Philo-
melus. —Avrimorpos.] Of Mende.—Epvétuaxos.] A physician.

Ib. Avdpwv.] The son of Androtion; probably the same
person, who was afterwards one of the Four Hundred, and
brought in the decree against Antipho, the Rhamnusian : (see
Harpocration) he is mentioned in the Gorgias (p. 487) as a
friend of Callicles, and a lover of eloquence rather than of true
philosophy.

PROTAGORAS. 185

life, to make them good and useful members of the
state, and of a family. Socrates admires the beauty of
his art, if indeed there be such an art, which, he con-
fesses, he has often doubted ; for if virtue is a thing
which may be taught, what can his countrymen the
Athenians mean, who in their publick assemblies, if the
question turn on repairing the publick edifices, consult
the architect, and if on their fleet, the ship-builder, and
laughed at such as on pretence of their wit, of their
wealth, or of their nobility, should interfere in debates
which concern a kind of knowledge, in which they have
neither skill nor experience ; but if the point to be con-
sidered relate to the laws, to the magistracy, to the ad-
ministration of peace and war, and to such subjects,
every merchant, every little tradesman and mechanick,

NOTES.

P. 315. Edy ‘Ounpos.] An allusion to the Odyss. of Homer,
A. v. 600, as Dacier well observes.

Ib. Παυσανιας.1 A lover of Agatho, the tragick poet, who
was now (he says) very young; he gained his first prize on the
stage Ol. 90. 4, four years after this. See Plato, Sympos. p.
193, and Atheneus, L. 5. p. 216.

316. Ικκος.] of Tarentum.—Hpodixos.] Of Selymbria, a sophist
and Παιδοτριβης. See the Phedrus, p. 227.

316. Πυθοκλειδης.1 Of Ceos; he taught Pericles musick. See
Alcib. 1. p. 118. and Plutarch in Pericles.

Ib. Ayaoxdys.] The Athenian musician and sophist ; he
instructed the famous Damon. See Laches, p. 80.

317. Πολλα γε ery.] He (Pythoclides, who taught musick)
was now about sixty-one years of age, and had taught it near
thirty-one years: but how he can call himself old enough to be
father to any one in the company, I do not see; for Socrates
was near fifty years of age.

186 NOTES ON PLATO.

the poor as well as the rich, the mean as well as the
noble, deliver their opinion with confidence, and are
heard with attention. Besides, those greatest states-
men, who have been esteemed the brightest examples
of political virtue, though they have given their children
every accomplishment of the body which education
could bestow, do not at all appear to have improved
their minds with those qualities for which they them-
selves were so eminent, and in which consequently they
were best able to instruct them, if instruction could
convey these virtues to the soul at all.

Protagoras answers by reciting a fable delivered in
very beautiful language; the substance of it is this:
Prometheus and Epimetheus, when the gods had formed
all kinds of animals within the bowels of the earth, and
the destined day approached for producing them into
light, were commissioned to distribute among them the
powers and qualifications which were allotted to them.
The younger brother prevailed upon the elder to let

NOTES.

P. 318. Ζευξιππος.] Of Heraclea. I do not find this painter
mentioned any where else ; perhaps it should be read, Zeuxis,
who was of Heraclea, and now a young man.

Ib. Ορθαγορας.1 The Theban, who taught Epaminondas on
the flute. See Aristoxenus, ap. Atheneum, L. 4. p. 184.

319. Oi Τοξοται--- κελευοντων τῶν IIputavewy.] See Aristo-
phanes in Acharnens. v. 239.

Ib. Αριῴρονος.1] Ariphron was the brother of Pericles ; they
were both (by their mother Agariste) first cousins to Dinomache,
the mother of Alcibiades, and Clinias, to whom they were
guardians: Clinias was mad. (See Alcibiad. 1. p. 118.)—
Prometheus and Epimetheus (Foresight and Aftersight) were
the sons of Iapetus, the Titan, and Clymene.

PROTAGORAS. , 187

him perform this work, and Prometheus consented to
review afterwards and correct his disposition of things.
Epimetheus then began, and directed his care to the
preservation of the several species, that none might ever
be totally lost. To some he gave extreme swiftness,
but they were deficient in strength ; and the strong he
made not equally swift: the little found their security
in the lightness of their bodies, in their airy wings, and
in their subterraneous retreats; while those of vast
magnitude had the superiority of their bulk for a de-
fence. Such as were formed to prey on others, he made
to produce but few young ones ; while those, who were
to serve as their prey, brought forth a numerous progeny.
He armed them against the seasons with hoofs of horn
and callous feet, with hides of proof and soft warm furs,
their native bed and clothing all in one. But when
Prometheus came to review his brother’s work, he found
that he had lavished all his art and all his materials
upon the brute creation, while mankind, whose turn it

NOTES.

P. 320. Αφετοι.} Every divinity had some such animals, which
fed at liberty within the sacred enclosures and pastures. Such
were the oxen of the Sun, (in Homer, Od. M.) the owls of Minerva
in the Acropolis at Athens, (Aristophan. Lysistrat.) the peacocks
of Juno at Samos, (Athenzus, L. 14. p. 655. ex Antiphane et
Menodoto Samio) the tame serpents of Aisculapius, at Epidaurus,
(Pausan. L. 2. c. 28. and at Athens, Aristoph. Plut. v. 733.) the
fishes of the Syrian goddess, &c, (Xenoph. Cyri Anabas. L. 1.
p. 254.)

821. Tudos.] This seems to be a gloss only, as an explana-
tion of Δερμασι orepeos και αναιμοις, to which it is synonymous.
Insert in the end of the sentence, Tapoous ewecrepewoev, for a
verb is wanting, equivalent to εκοσμήσε.

188 NOTES ON PLATO.

was next to be produced to light, was left a naked help-

less animal, exposed to the rigour of the seasons and to
the violence of every other creature round him. In
compassion therefore to his wants, Prometheus purloined
the arts of Pallas and of Vulcan, and with them fire,
(without which they were impracticable and useless)
and bestowed them on this new race, to compensate
their natural defects. Men then, as allied to the divinity
and endowed with reason, were the only part of the
creation which acknowledged the being and the provi-
dence of the gods. They began to erect altars and
statues; they formed articulate sounds, and invented
language; they built habitations, covered themselves

NOTES.

P. 821. Ολιγονιαν.] This is remarked by Herodotus, and by
Aristotle, and seems to be very true with regard to the larger
size of animals ; but it does not appear in the lesser part of the
creation, as in spiders, and in other insects, which live on their

kind, the smaller rapacious fishes, snakes, &c. probably because

they themselves were to serve as food to larger creatures.

Ib. Ov wavy τοι codos.] Hesiod calls him, ‘Ayaprivooy τ᾽
Επιμήθεα. Theogon. v. 511.

Ib. Evzropia μεν του Biov.] See the Prometheus of Aschylus.

325. Something is understood or lost after the words, ἑκὼν
πειθηται, aS, ev Exel, OF καλως.

327. EvpuvBarw και Ppvywyda.] Phrynondas is mentioned by
Isocrates, as a name grown proverbial for a villain. Παραγρα-
φικος προς Καλλιμαχον, p. 882. And Aschines in Ctesiphont :
AX’ oat oure Φρυνωνδας, ovre HvpuBaros, ovr’ addos πωποτε των
TAAL πονήρων, TOTOUTOS μαγος Καὶ yons eyeveTo. p. 73. See also
Aristophanes, Oecuogdop. Eurybatus was an Ephesian, who
being trusted by Croesus with a great sum to raise auxiliaries,
betrayed him, and went into the service of Cyrus. See Ephorus
ap. Harpocrat. and Diodorus, Excerpt. de Virt. et Vitiis, p. 240.

Ν᾿“

PROTAGORAS. 189

with clothing, and cultivated the ground. But still
they were lonely creatures, scattered here and there, for
Prometheus did not dare to enter the citadel of Jove,
where Policy, the mother and queen of social life, was
kept near the throne of the god himself; otherwise he
would have bestowed her too on his favourite mankind.
The arts, which they possessed, just supported them,
but could not defend them against the multitude and
fierceness of the wild beasts: they tried to assemble
and live together, but soon found that they were more
dangerous and mischievous to one another than the
savage creatures had been. In pity then to their condi-
tion Jove, lest the whole race should perish, sent Mer-

NOTES.

P. 328. Tns mpafews του μισθου.] It is remarkable in what
general esteem and admiration Protagoras was held throughout
all Greece. If any scholar of his thought the price he exacted
was too high, he only obliged him to say upon his oath, what
he thought the precepts he had given him were worth, and
Protagoras was satisfied with that sum. Yet he got more
wealth by his profession than Phidias the statuary, and any
other ten the most celebrated artists of Greece, as Socrates (in
Menone, p. 91, and in Hipp. Maj. p. 282) tells us. Euathlus
(see Quintilian, L. 3. ¢. 1.) gave him 10,000 drachme (about
£300. sterling), for his art of rhetorick in writing. He was
the first sophist in Greece who professed himself a Iladevcews
και aperns διδασκαλος, and such an one as could make men better
and better every time he conversed with them, p. 318 et infra,
p. 349.

329. Επ de eraveporo, twa.] See the Phedrus, where he
uses the same thought, p. 275. Aewov yap που, w Φαιδρε, &e.

333. Παρατεταχθαι.] To be set against it, that is, to have an
aversion to it.

336, Οὐκ dre matger.] Perhaps we should read, καίτοι παίζει.

190 NOTES ON PLATO.

cury to earth, with Shame and Justice; and when he
doubted how he should bestow them, and whether they
should be distributed, as the arts had been, this to one,
and that to another, or equally divided among the whole
kind ; Jove approved the latter, and commanded, that
if any did not receive his share of that bounty, he should
be extirpated from the face of the earth, as the pest and
destruction of his fellow-creatures.

This then, continues Protagoras, is the cause why
the Athenians, and other nations, in debates, which
turn on the several arts, attend only to the advice of
the skilful; but give ear in matters of government,
which are founded on ideas of common justice and
probity, to every citizen indifferently among them: and
that this is the common opinion of all men, may hence
appear. Ifa person totally ignorant of musick should
fancy himself an admirable performer, the world would
either laugh or be angry, and his friends would repri-
mand or treat him as a madman: but if a man should
have candour and plain-dealing enough to profess him-
self a villain and ignorant of common justice, what in
the other case would have been counted modesty, the

NOTES.

P. 339. Προς Zxorav.] The son of Creon and Echecratia, of
Cranon in Thessaly, a citizen of great riches and power, and a
principal patron of Simonides, who repaid him with immortality.
See also Theocritus Idyll. 16. v. 36. Πολλοι de Σκοπαδαισιν, &c.
Here is also a large fragment of one of the odes of Simonides to
him.

840. Θεια τις εἰναι παλαι.] Perhaps, Kea τις.

341. Kat ουδαμως ΚΚειον.] Dacier corrects this to Ουδαμως
Θειον.

PROTAGORAS. 191

simple confession of truth and of his own ignorance,
would here be called impudence and madness. He that
will not dissemble here, will be by all regarded as an
idiot ; for to own that one knows not what justice is,
is to own that one ought not to live among mankind.

He proceeds to shew, that no one thought our idea
of justice to be the gift of nature; but that it is ac-
quired by instruction and by experience: for with the
weak, the deformed, or the blind man, no one is angry ;
no reprimands, no punishments attend the unfortunate,
nor are employed to correct our natural defects; but
they are the proper consequences of our voluntary
neglects or offences. Nor is the punishment, which
follows even these, intended to redress an evil already
past, (for that is impossible) but to prevent a future,
or at least to deter others from like offences; which
proves, that wickedness is by all regarded as a volun-
tary ignorance.

Next he shews, how this knowledge is acquired ; it
is by education. Every one is interested in teaching
another the proper virtue of a man, on which alone all
his other acquisitions must be founded, and without

NOTES,

P. 341. Λεσβιος.1 The Lesbians then spoke a corrupt dialect ;
yet that island produced Alczeus, Sappho, Theophrastus, &c. ἡ

342. This is a beautiful compliment to the Cretans and
Lacedeemonians,

Ib. τα re karayvwrat.] The rougher exercises of boxing
and of the cestus. See Diog. Laertius in Menedemo, and the
Gorgias, p. 515.

850, Πελταστικοι.] A light-armed militia, a Thracian inven-
tion, and borrowed from that nation by the Greek colonies on

192 NOTES ON PLATO.

which he cannot exist among his fellow-creatures. His
parents, as soon as understanding begins to dawn in
him, are employed in prescribing what he ought to do
and what he ought not to do; his masters, in filling his
mind with the precepts, and forming it to the example,
of the greatest men, or in fashioning his body to per-
form with ease and patience whatever his reason com-
mands ; and lastly, the laws of the state lay down a
rule, by which he is necessitated to direct his actions.
If then the sons of the greatest men do not appear to
be greater proficients in virtue than the ordinary sort,
it must not be ascribed to the parent’s neglect ; much
less must it be concluded, that virtue is not to be ac-
quired by instruction: it is the fault perhaps of genius
and of nature. Let us suppose, that to perform on a
certain instrument were a qualification required in every
man, and necessary to the existence of a city, ought we
to wonder, that the son of an admirable performer
fell infinitely short of his father in skill? Should we
attribute this to want of care, or say, that musick were
not attainable by any art? or should we not rather
ascribe it to defect of genius and to natural inability ?
Yet every member of such a state would doubtless far
surpass all persons rude and unpractised in musick.

NOTES.

their coast, whence it was afterwards introduced in Athens,
Sparta, and in the rest of Greece. They fought on foot armed
with a crescent-like shield, bow and arrows, long javelins, and
asword. See Xenoph. ap. Pollucem. L. 1. 6. 10. This species
of shield was afterwards introduced by Iphicrates among the
heavy-armed foot also. (Diodorus. L, 15. ¢. 44.)

PROTAGORAS., 193

In like manner, the most worthless member of a society,
civilized by some sort of education and brought up under
the influence of laws and of policy, will be an amiable
man, if compared with a wild and uncultivated savage.

It is hard indeed to say, who is our particular
instructor in the social virtues ; as, for the same reason,
it is hard to say, who taught us our native tongue ; yet
no one will therefore deny that we learned it. The
publick is in these cases our master: and all the world
has a share in our instruction. Suffice it (continues the
sophist) to know, that some there are among us, elevated
a little above the ordinary sort, in the art of leading
mankind to honour and to virtue; and among these I
have the advantage to be distinguished.

Socrates continues astonished for a time and speech-
less, as though dazzled with the beauty of Protagoras’s
discourse. At last, recovering himself, he ventures to
propound a little doubt which has arisen in his mind
(though perfectly satisfied, he says, with the main
question), whether temperance, fortitude, justice, and
the rest, which Protagoras has so often mentioned, and

NOTES.

P. 357. ‘Ore ἀμαθια.1] This is the true key and great moral
of the dialogue, that knowledge alone is the source of virtue,
and ignorance the source of vice: it was Plato’s own principle,
(see Plat. Epist. 7. p. 336. ἁμαθια, εξ ἧς παντα Kaka πᾶσι
ερριζωται και βλαστανει, και ὕστερον ἀποτελεῖ καρπον τοις *yevvy-
σασι πικρότατον. See also Sophist. p. 228 and 229, and Euthy-
demus. from p. 278 to 281. and De Legib. L. 3. p. 688.) and
probably it was also the principle of Socrates: the consequence
of it is, that virtue may be taught, and may be acquired; and
that philosophy alone can point us out the way to it.

VOL. IV. O

194 NOTES ON PLATO.

seemed to comprehend under the general name of
virtue, are different things, and can subsist separately
in the same person; or whether they are all the same
quality of mind, only exerted on different occasions.
Protagoras readily agrees to the first of these; but is
insensibly betrayed by Socrates into the toils of his
logick, and makes such concessions, that he finds him-
self forced to conclude the direct contrary of what he
had first advanced. He is sensible of his disgrace, and
tries to evade this closer kind of reasoning by taking
refuge in that more diffuse eloquence, which used to
gain him such applause. But when he finds himself
cut short by Socrates, who pleads the weakness of his
own memory, unable to attend to long continued
discourses, and who intreats him to bring down the
greatness of his talents to the level of a mind so much
inferiour, he is forced to pick a frivolous quarrel with
Socrates, and break off the conversation in the middle.
‘Here Callias interposes, and Alcibiades, in his insolent
way, by supporting the request of Socrates and by
piquing the vanity of Protagoras, obliges him to accom-
modate himself to the interrogatory method of disputa-
tion, and renews the dialogue.

To save the dignity of Protagoras, and to put him
in humour again, Socrates proposes that he shall con-
duct the debate, and state the questions, while he him-
self will only answer them; provided Protagoras will

1 The episodical characters of Prodicus and Hippias, intro-
duced as mediating a reconciliation, are great ornaments to the
dialogue ; the affectation of eloquence and of an accurate choice
of words in the former, and the stately figurative diction of the
latter, being undoubtedly drawn from the life.

in his turn afterwards condescend to do the same for
him. ‘The sophist begins by proposing a famous ode
of Simonides, which seems to carry in it an absolute
contradiction, which he desires Socrates to reconcile.
Socrates appears at first puzzled, and after he has
played awhile with Protagoras and with the other
sophists, (that he may have time to recollect himself)
he gives an explanation of that poem, and of its pre-
tended inconsistency, in a manner so new and so just
as to gain the applause of the whole company. He
then brings back Protagoras (in spite of his reluctance)
to his former subject, but without taking advantage of
his former concessions, and desires again his opinion on
the unity, or on the similitude, of the virtues. Prota-
goras now owns, that there is a near! affinity between
them all, except valour, which he affirms that a man
may possess, who is entirely destitute of all the rest.
- Socrates proves to him, that this virtue also, like the
others, is founded on knowledge and is reducible to it ;
that itis but to know what is really to be feared, and
what is not; that good and evil, or in other words,
pleasure and pain,” being the great and the only movers

PROTAGORAS. 195

1 See Gorgias, p. 507.

* Plato reasons on the principles of the most rational Epi-
curean in this place, and indeed on the only principles which
can be defended. (See Gorgias, p. 467 and 499. Tedos ἁπασων
των πράξεων To aya8ov.) As our sense of pleasure and of pain
is our earliest sentiment, and is the great instrument of self-
preservation, some philosophers have called these affections,
Ta mpwra κατα φυσιν. See Aul. Gell. L. 12. ¢. 5. Ουδεμια ἡδονη
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν κακον, ad\\a Ta τινων NOovwy ποιητικὰ πολλαπλασιοὺς
επιῴερει Tas οχλήσεις των ἧδονων. Epicurus in Κύυριαις Δοξαις.
apud Laert. L. 10. 5, 141.

196 NOTES ON PLATO.

of the human mind, no one can reject pleasure, but
where it seems productive of a superior degree of pain,
or prefer pain, unless the consequence of it be a
superior pleasure. That to balance these one against
the other with accuracy, to judge rightly of them at a
distance, to calculate the overplus! of each, is that
science on which our happiness depends, and which is
the basis of every virtue. That, if our whole life’s
welfare and the interests of it were as closely connected
with the judgment, which we should make on the real
magnitude of objects and on their true figure, (or with
our not being deceived by the appearance which they
exhibit at a distance,) who doubts but that geometry
and opticks would then be the means of happiness to
us, and would become the rule of virtue? That there
is a kind of knowledge no less: necessary to us in our
present state, and no less a science; and that, when
we pretend to be misled by our passions, we ought to
blame our ignorance, which is the true source of all our
follies and vices. And now (continues Socrates) who
would not laugh at our inconsistency? You set out
with affirming that virtue might be taught, yet in the
course of our debate you have treated it as a thing
entirely distinct? from knowledge, and not reducible to

1 Plato de Legib. L. 1. p. 644. and L. 2. p. 663. and L. 5. p. 733.

2 It was the opinion of Socrates, that all the virtues were
only prudence (or wisdom) exerted on different occasions.
Ilacas τας aperas φρονήσεις ear’ kat Σωκρατης (adds Aristotle)
τῇ μεν opOws efnrer, THD ἡμαρτανεν᾽ ὅτι μεν yap φρονήσεις wero
εἰναι πασας Tas ἀρετὰς ἡμαρτανεν᾽ OTL δ᾽ οὐκ avev Ppovyncews καλως
ἔλεγε. Ethic. ad Nichom. 1., 6. ὁ. 18. and Plato de Legib.

L. 8. p. 688. calls prudence, Συμπασὴς ἥγεμων aperns, φρονήησις
μετ᾽ EpwTos Kat επιθυμιας TAUTY ἑπομενή5. ;

PROTAGORAS. 197

it: I, who advanced the contrary position, have shewn
that it is a science, and consequently that it may be
learned.

Protagoras, who has had no other share in the dis-
pute than to make (without perceiving the consequence)
such concessions as absolutely destroy what he set out
with affirming, tries to support the dignity of his own
age and reputation, by making an arrogant compliment
to Socrates, commending his parts (very considerable,
he says, and very promising for so young a man,) and
doing him the justice to say to all his acquaintance,
that he knows no one more likely, some time or other,
to make an extraordinary person; and he adds that
this is not a time to enter deeper into this subject, and
on any other day he shall be at his service.

LO.

H, ITEPI ΠΟΙΗΤΙΚΗΣ ἙΡΜΗΝΕΤΙΑΣ,

ON THE IMPERFECTION OF POETRY AND OF CRITICISM
WITHOUT PHILOSOPHY.

As Serranus, and (I think) every commentator after
him, has read this dialogue with a grave counten-
ance, and understood it in a literal sense, though it is
throughout a very apparent and continued irony ; it is
no wonder if such persons, as trust to their accounts of
it, find it a very silly and frivolous thing. Yet under
that irony, doubtless, there is concealed a serious
meaning, which makes a part of Plato’s great design, a

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 530.

P. 5380, Ασκληπιεια.] Pausanias, in his description of the
temple of Asculapius near Epidaurus, speaks of the adjoining
stadium and theatre, where these games were celebrated during
the festival of the deity. L. 2. p. 174.

Ib. Αλλοις Ποιηταις.1] The Rhapsodi sung, in the theatres,
not only the poems of Homer, but those also (V, de Legib. L.
2. p. 658.) of Hesiod, Archilochus, Mimnermus, and Phocylides,
the Iambicks of Simonides, &c. (see Atheneus, L. 14. p. 620.)
and even the history of Herodotus,

10. 199

design which runs through all his writings. He was
persuaded that virtue! must be built on knowledge,
not on that counterfeit? knowledge, which dwells only
on the surface of things and is guided by the imagina-
tion rather than by the judgment, (for this was the
peculiar foible of his countrymen, a light and desultory
people, easily seduced by their fancy wherever it led
them), but on the knowledge which is fixed and settled
on certain great and general truths, and on principles
as ancient and as unshaken as nature itself, or rather
as the author of nature. ‘To this knowledge, and con-

1 See Plato’s seventh Epistle to the friends of Dion; as well
as his Protagoras, Meno, Laches, and Alcibiades.
2 Δοξοσοφια, δοξαστικὴ επιστημη. (Vid. Sophist. p. 233.)

NOTES.

P. 530. Μαλιστα ev ‘Ounpw.] These were distinguished by
the name of Homeriste, or Homeride. See Pindar Od. Nem.
2. and Plato de Republ. L. 10, p. 599.

Ib. Ex um ξυνιη.1] They were remarkable for their ignorance.
See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513. Οισθα ovv εθνος τι ηλιθιωτερον
Ῥαψωδων, &e. Metrodorus of Lampsacus here is not to be
confounded with the friend of Kpicurus, who was also of
Lampsacus.

Ib. The first Metrodorus (mentioned in the preceding note)
was a disciple of Anaxagoras, and seems to have written on the
moral and natural philosophy of Homer. See Diog. Laert. L.
2, 5. 11. Stesimbrotus of Thasus was contemporary with
Socrates, but elder than he: he is often cited by Plutarch (in
Themistocle, in Cimone, in Pericle) having, as it seems, given
some account of these great men, with the two last of whom
he had lived: (see Atheneus, L. 13, p. 589.) he was a sophist
of reputation, and gave lessons to Niceratus the son of Nicias.
See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513.

200 NOTES ON PLATO.

sequently to virtue, he thought that philosophy was
our only guide: and as to all those arts, which are
usually made merely subservient to the passions of
mankind, as politicks,! eloquence, and poetry, he
thought that they were no otherwise to be esteemed
than as they are grounded on philosophy, and are

1 See the Gorgias, Meno, Phedrus, and this dialogue.

NOTES.

P. 532. Polygnotus, son of Aglaophon, the painter.

583. Deedalus was the son of Palamaon, of that branch of
the royal family, called Metionide, being sprung from Metion,
the son of Erectheus: (See Pausan. L. 7. p. 531. and L. 1. p.
13.) there were statues of his workmanship still preserved in
several cities of Greece, at Thebes, Lebadea, Delos, Olus, and
Gnossus, even in the time of Pausanias, above six hundred
years after this. See Pausan. L. 9, p. 793. and Plato Hippias
Maj. p. 282. Epéus, the son of Panopeus, was the inventor
of the Trojan horse ; in the temple of the Lycian Apollo at
Argos, was preserved a wooden figure of Mercury made by him.
Theodorus, the Samian, son of Telecles, first discovered the
method of casting iron, and of forming it into figures: he also
(with his countryman Rhecus the son of Phileus) was the first
who cast statues in bronze ; he worked likewise in gold, and
graved precious stones.

Ib. Odvurov.] Olympus, the Phrygian, lived in the time
of Midas before the Trojan war, yet his compositions, or Nouor,
as well the musick as the verses, were extant even in Plutarch’s
days; see Burette on the Treatise de Musica, Mémoires de
l’Acad. des Inscript. Vol. 10, note 30, V. 13, note 104, V. 15,
note 228. and Aristotel. Politic. L. 8. ¢. 5. and Plato Sympos.
p- 215. Kae ere vue κηλει τους ανθρωπους, ds αν Ta εκεινου αὐλῇ.
(Marsye scilicet, qui Olympum edocuit) see also Plato in
Minoe, p. 318. hence also it seems that they had the musick
of Orpheus, of Thamyris, and of Phemius, then in being. (See
Hom. Odyss, A. 325, and X. 330.)

a
i

10. 201

directed to the ends of virtue. They, who had best
succeeded in them before his time, owed (as he thought)
their success rather to a lucky hit, to some gleam ! of
truth, as it were providentially, breaking in upon their
minds, than to those fixed and unerring? principles
which are not to be erased from a soul, which has once

1 Such as Plato calls Op0n Δοξα,---Αληθης Δοξα. (This is
explained in the Meno, p. 97.) or in the language of irony,
Θεῖα Δυναμις, θεῖα μοιρα, κατακωχη. (Ibid. p. 99.) and De
Legib. L. 3. p. 682.

* To which he gives the name of Φρονησις, Ἐπιστημη, ov
Opamerevovoa, ἀλλα δεδεμενὴ αἰτίας λογισμω" διαῴφερει yap δεσμω
επιστημὴ ορθης doéns* (Meno, ubi supra) and on this only he
bestows the name of Τέχνη. (Vid. Gorgiam, and in Sophista,
p- 253.) ‘H των ελευθερων emiornun, and p. 267. Aperns
ἱστορικηὴ μιμησις, opposed to ἡ Δοξομιμητικη. Vid. et Sympo-
sium, p. 202. De Republ. L. 5. p. 477. and L. 7. p. 534.

NOTES.
P, 533. The verses of Euripides are in his Oeneus, a drama

now lost ;
, Tas βροτων

Γνωμας σκοπησας, wore Mayryris λιθος,
Τὴν δοξαν ἕλκει και μεθιστησιν παλιν"

he gave it the name probably from the city of Magnesia ad
Sipylum, where it was found. It is remarkable, that Mr.
Chishuli tells us, as they were ascending the castle-hill of this
city, a compass, which they carried with them, pointed to dif-
ferent quarters, as it happened to be placed on different stones,
and that at last it entirely lost its virtue ; which shews that hill
to be a mine of loadstone. Its power of attracting iron and of
communicating its virtue to that iron, we see, was a thing well-
known at that time, yet they suspected nothing of its polar
qualities.

534. Apurrovra.] Vid. Phedrum, p. 253, and Euripides in
Bacchis, v. 142, and 703.

202 NOTES ON PLATO,

been thoroughly convinced of them. Their conduct
therefore in their actions, and in their productions, has
been wavering between good and evil, and unable to
reach perfection. The inferiour tribe have caught some-
thing of their fire, merely by imitation, and form their
judgments, not from any real skill they have in these

NOTES,

P. 534. Oi Tocnrat.] Such expressions are frequent in Pindar:
he calls his own poetry, Nexrap χυτον, Μοισᾶν δοσιν, γλυκυν
καρπον ppevos, and he says of himself, Efa:perov Xapirwy νεμομαι
κᾶπον, (Olymp. Od. 9) and Μελιτι evavopa πολιν Bpexw. (Olymp.
10.) &e. &e.

Ib. ‘O de eyxwysa.] Of this kind are all the odes remaining
to us of Pindar, as the expressions in Olymp. Od. 4, Od. 8, 10,
and 18, and in many other places, clearly shew.

Ib. Ὑπορχηματα.] Pindar was famous for this kind of com-
positions, though we have lost them, as well as his dithyram-
bicks. Xenodemus also, Bacchylides, and Pratinas the Phliasian,
excelled in them ; Athenzus has preserved a fine fragment of
this last poet. L. 14, p. 617. These compositions were full of
description, and were sung by a chorus who danced at the same
time, and represented the words by their movements and ges-
tures. Tynnichus of Chalcis, whose pean was famous, and
indeed the only good thing he ever wrote.

535. Ἐπι rov ουδον.] See Hom. Odyss. X. v. 2. Αλτο δ᾽
emt μεγαν ovdov, ὅτο.

Ib. Azo του Byuaros.] The Rhapsodi, we find, were mounted
on a sort of suggestum, with a crown of gold (See p. 530. and
541. of this dialogue) on their heads, and dressed in robes of
various colours, and after their performance was finished, a col-
lection seems to have been made for them among the audience.

536. ‘Oc κορυβαντιῶντες.] This was a peculiar phrenzy sup-
posed to be inspired by some divinity, and attended with violent
motions and efforts of the body, like those of the Corybantes
attendant on Cybele: (Strabo, L. 10. p. 473.) they believed
that they heard the sound of loud musick continually in their

10. 203

arts, but merely from (what La Bruyere calls) a gout
de comparaison. The general applause of men has
pointed out to them what is finest ; and to that, as to
a principle, they refer their taste, without knowing or
inquiring in what its excellence consists. Each Muse!
(says Plato in this dialogue) inspires and holds sus-

10 de eos διὰ παντων τουτων ἕλκει τὴν ψυχὴν, ὁποι αν
βουληται, των ανθρωπων, ἀανακρεμαννὺυς εξ αλληλων τὴν δυναμιν"
και ὥσπερ εκ τὴς λιθου (της ΗἩρακλεῖας) ὁρμαθος παμπολὺυς εξηρτηται
χορευτωντε, και διδασκαλων, και ὑποδιδασκαλων εκ πλαγιου εξηρτη-
μενων, των THS Movons εκκρεμαμενων δακτυλιων. p. 536.

NOTES.

ears, and seem, from this passage, to have been peculiarly
sensible to some certain airs, when really played, as it is re-
ported of those who are bitten by the tarantula. As these airs
were pieces of musick usually in honour of some deities, the
ancients judged thence by what deity these demoniacks were
possessed, whether it were by Ceres, Bacchus, the Nymphs, or by
Cybele, &c. who were looked upon as the causes of madness.

P. 541. ΝΗ yap ἡμετερα πολις.1] The time therefore of this dia-
logue must be earlier than the revolt of the Ionian cities, which
happened Ol. 91. 4, and it appears from what Ion says in the
beginning, that it must be later than Ol. 89. 3, since before that
year the communication between Epidaurus and Athens was cut
off by the war. Apollodorus of Cyzicus, Phanosthenes of Andrus,
and Heraclides of Clazomenz were elected by the Athenians into
the Στρατηγιαι, and other magistracies, though they were not
citizens. See Atheneus, L. 11. p. 506. It is plain that
Atheneus saw the irony of this dialogue, for, if it be literally
taken, there is nothing like abuse in it either on poets or on
statesmen.

542. Θειον evar καὶ μὴ Texvixov.] Hence we see the meaning
of Socrates, when he so frequently bestows the epithet of Oecos
on the sophists and poets, &c. &c. See also Plato’s Meno, p.
99, which is the best comment on the Io which can be read.

204 NOTES ON PLATO.

pended her favourite poet in immediate contact, as the
magnet does a link of iron, and from him (through
whom the attractive virtue passes and is continued to
the rest) hangs a long chain of actors, and singers, and
criticks, and interpeters + of interpreters,

1 Ἕρμηνεων ἑρμηνεῖς. p. 535.

THEATETUS.

Ol. 95. 1.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 142.

ΤΈΒΡΒΙΟΝ meeting Euclides at Megara, and inquiring
where he has been, is informed that he has been accom-
panying Theeetetus, who is lately come on shore from
Corinth, in a weak and almost dying condition upon
his return to Athens. This reminds them of the high
opinion which Socrates had entertained of that young
man, who was presented to him (not long before his
death) by Theodorus! of Cyrene, the geometrician.
The conversation, which then passed between them,
was taken down in writing by Euclides who, at the
request: of Terpsion, orders his servant to read it to
them.

The Abbé Sallier (Mém. de Academie des Inscrip-
tions, V. 13, p. 317.) has given an elegant translation
of the most shining part of this? dialogue ; and also in
vol. 16. p. 70. of the Mém. de Acad. des Inscript. he

1 Theodorus was celebrated also for his skill in arithmetick,
astronomy, and musick. (p. 145.) δ had been a friend of
Protagoras, who was dead about ten years before the time of
this dialogue, and had left his writings in the hands of Callias,

the son of Hipponicus.
2 P. 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.

206 NOTES ON PLATO.

has translated all that part of the dialogue in which
Plato has explained the system of Protagoras, from
p. 151. to 168. The description of a true! philosopher
in this place, (though a little aggravated, and more in
the character of Plato than of Socrates,) has yet an
elevation in it which is admirable. The Abbé Sallier
has also given a sketch of the dialogue, which is a very
long one, and (as he rightly judges) would not be much
approved in a translation. It is of that kind called
Iletpaorixos, in order to make trial of the capacity of
Thezetetus, while Socrates (as he says) only plays the
midwife, and brings the conceptions of his mind to
light. The question is; what is knowledge? and the
purpose of the dialogue is rather to refute the false
definitions of it, as established by? Protagoras in his
writings, and resulting from the tenets of Heraclitus,?

ΤΡ, 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.

2 His fundamental tenet was this; viz: Παντων χρημάτων
μετρον ἄνθρωπον εἰναι" τῶν μὲν οντων, ὡς ἐστι" τῶν δὲ μη οντων
ὡς οὐκ εστι᾿ that every man’s own perceptions of things were (to
him) the measure and the test of truth and of falsehood.

3 Viz. That motion was the principle of being, and the only
cause of all its qualities. Mr. Hardion has: given us a short
view of the arguments used by Protagoras in support of these
doctrines in his seventh Dissertation on the Rise and Progress
of Eloquence in Greece. See Mémoires de ]’Academie des In-
scriptions, &c. V. 15. p. 152. This seems to be much the same
with the doctrine of the new Academy ; ‘‘Omnes omnino res,
quee sensus omnium movent τῶν προς τί esse dicunt: id verbum
significat nihil esse quicquam quod ex se constet, nec quod
habeat vim propriam et naturam ; sed omnia prorsum ad aliquid
referri, taliaque videri esse, qualis sit eorum species, dum
videntur, qualiaque apud sensus nostros, quo pervenerunt,
creantur, non apud sese, unde profecta sunt.” Aul. Gell. L.
ll. c. 5. Vid. Platon. Cratylum, p. 385.

THEATETUS. 207

of Empedocles, and of other philosophers, than to pro-
duce a better definition of his own. Yet there are
many fine and remarkable passages in it, such as the
observations of Theodorus on the faults of temper,
which usually attend on brighter parts, and on the
defects of genius often found in minds of a more sedate
and solid turn; Socrates’s illustration of his own art by
the whimsical comparison between that and midwifery ;
his opinion, that admiration! is the parent of philo-
sophy ; the active and passive powers? of matter, aris-
ing from the perpetual flux and motion of all things,
(being the doctrine of Heraclitus and others,) ex-
plained; the reflections on philosophical leisure, and
on a liberal turn of mind opposed to the little cunning
and narrow thoughts of mere men of business; the
description of Heraclitus’s followers, then very numer-
ous in Jonia, particularly at Ephesus; the account of
the tenets of Parmenides and of* Melissus, directly

1 Ava To θαυμαζειν 6c avOpwro, καὶ νυν καὶ πρωτον, np~avTo
φιλοσοφειν, &e. Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p. 335. Ed. Sylburg.

2 There is a near affinity between this, and Mr. Locke’s ac-
count in the beginning of his chapter on Power, L. 2. ο. 21.
and in his reflections on our ideas of secondary qualities. B. 2.

e. 8. See also Cudworth’s Intellectual System, B. 1. ο. 1.
sect. 7.

3 They maintained, ws ἐν ra παντα εστι, Kal ἑστηκεν αὐτο εν
GUTW, οὐκ EXOV χωραν, εν ᾧ κινειται.

Socrates speaks with respect of these two philosophers, par-
ticularly of Parmenides: ΠΠαρμενιδὴς δὲ μοι φαινεται (κατα To του
‘Ounpov) αἰδοιος τε mor εἰναι ἅμα δεινὸς Te* συμπροσεμιξα yap τω
ανδρι πανυ νεὸς πανυ πρεσβυτῃ, Kat μοι εφανὴ βαθος τι εχειν
πανταπασι γενναῖον. (p. 183.) and in the Sophist, p. 217. Οἷον
more Kat Ilappevidn χρωμενω, &e, and ib. p. 237. Παρμενιδὴς de
ὁ μεγας, &e.

208 NOTES ON PLATO.

contrary to those of the former ; the distinction between
our senses, the instruments through which the mind
perceives external objects, and the mind itself, which
judges of their existence, their likeness and their differ-
ence, and founds! its knowledge on the ideas which it
abstracts from them ; to which we may add, the com-
parison of ideas fixed in the memory? to impressions
made in wax, and the dwelling on this similitude in
order to shew the several imperfections of this faculty
in different constitutions.

1 P, 184, 5, and 6.1 Compare this with Locke’s Definition of
Knowledge, B. 4. ὁ. 1.

2 Ῥ, 191 to 194.] Here also see Locke on retention, B. y ae 3
10. and C. 29. § 8. on clear and obscure ideas.

THE SOPHIST.
H, ΠΕΡῚ TOY ONTOS.

ON THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PHILOSOPHY AND
SOPHISTRY.

Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 216.

I am convinced that this is a continuation of the Thez-
tetus, which ends with these words, Ew6ev δε, ὦ Ocodwpe,
δευρο πάλιν aravtwpev, as this begins, Kara τὴν χθες
ὁμολογίαν, ὦ LwKpares, αὐτοι TE κοσμίως ἥκομεν, και
tovoe τινα ἕενον ἀγομεν. The persons are the same,
except the philosopher of the Eleatick school, who is
here introduced, and who carries on the disputation

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 216. “Erepov τε των aude Παρμενιδὴν και ζηνωνα ἑταιρων. |
Read for érepov, ἑταιρον.

Ib. Οποσοι μετεχουσιν atdods.] Hom. Odyss. P. v. 485.

Ib. Καθορωντες ὑψοθεν.] Lucretius, L. 2. v. 9.

217. Av’ ερωτησεων. We see therefore that Parmenides prac-
tised the dialectick method of reasoning, which his scholar Zeno
first reduced to an art, as Aristotle tells us, and also Laertius,
L. 9. § 25.

218. Zwxparn.] The younger Socrates about the same age
with Plato and Theetetus. (Vid. Plato Epist. 11.)

226. Ocxerixwy ονοματων.] Vulgar and trivial terms. Vide
Longinum, s. 43.

VOL, IV. .

210 NOTES ON PLATO.

with Theztetus while both Theodorus and Socrates
continue silent. The apparent subject of it is the
character of a sophist, which is here at large displayed
in opposition to that of a philosopher; but here too he
occasionally attacks the opinions of Protagoras, Hera-
clitus, Empedocles, and others, on the incertitude of all
existence and on the perpetual flux of matter.

This dialogue, in a translation, would suit the taste
of the present age still less even than the Theetetus ;

NOTES.

P. 232. Ta Πρωταγορεια.] Laertius (L. 9. sect. 52.) tells us that
the works of Protagoras were publickly burnt at Athens, yet he
reckons up a number of them as still extant in his time: and
we see, both here and in the Theetetus, that they were left by
the author, at his departure from Athens, in the hands of
Callias, and were known to every one there: δεδημοσιωμενα που
καταβεβληται.

Ib. Tys Αντιλογικης.1] Protagoras had left a work in two
books entitled ἀντιλογιαι ; whence Aristoxenus (Laert. L. 3. 5.
37.) accuses Plato of borrowing a great part of his work De
Republica.

234. ‘Os εγγυτατατω avev των παθηματων.] This is undoubt-
edly the true reading ; ws εγγυτάτω μαθημάτων is very poor and
insipid.

235. Οὐκουν dco ye των μεγαλων.] Hence the Abbé Sallier
collects (Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, Vol. 8. p. 97.) that
the Ancients were no strangers to perspective, both lineal and
aerial. See Plato de Republ. L. 10. p. 606. on poetical imita-
tion, and Vitruvius, L. 7. 6. 5. The words seem only to relate
to colossal figures, where the upper parts must be made larger,
as they are farther removed from the eye.

Ib. Της παιδειας μετεχοντων.] Read, της παιδιας.

Ib. Ovde αλλο γενος ovdev.] Plato seems to triumph here in
his own method of division and distinction,

-*

particularly that part which is intended to explain the
nature of existence, and of non-existence, which to me
is obscure beyond all comprehension, partly perhaps
from our ignorance of the opinions of those philoso-
phers, which are here refuted; and partly from the
abstracted nature of the subject, and not a little, I
doubt, from Plato’s manner of treating it.

The most remarkable things in this dialogue appear
to be, his description of that disorder and want of sym-
metry in the soul, produced by ignorance, which puts

THE SOPHIST. 211

NOTES.

P. 237. Παρμενιδης δε ὁ weyas.] <A fragment of Parmenides’s
Poem. See at large in Sextus Empiricus.

Ib. Aurov τε καταχρήσασθαι, used for χρησασθαι simply.

242, ‘Qs τρια ra ovra.] Perhaps Anaxagoras, who thought
the formation of animals was εξ ὕγρου, Kar θερμου, Kat νεωδοῦς.
Diog. Lasrt. L. 2. s. 9. See also Plutarch de Iside et Osiride.
Ilavrwy ex μαχῆς Kat αντιπαθειας THY γενεσιν ἐχοντων.

Ib. Avw de erepos εἰπων.] See Themistius in Physica Aris-
totelis, and D. Laert. L. 9. 22 and 29.

Ib. Aro Zevodavois και ert προσθεν.Ἷ Xenophanes the Colo-
phonian, was master to Parmenides. We sce there was an
Eleatick school, even before Xenophanes’s time.

Ib. Evos ovros των παντων.} This was a tenet of Parmenides,
though far more ancient than he. See the Theetetus, p. 180.
“Ovov axwyrov τελεθει, &c. : these Plato calls δι του 'Ὅλου στασι-
wrat, and the opposite sect he calls 6 peovres, the followers of
Heraclitus. (Thetetus, p. 181.) This tenet was continued
from him to his scholars, Zeno and Melissus. D. Laert. L. 9.
8. 29.

Ib. Iades.] Which he calls αἱ ewrovwrepac των Movowy: I
imagine that he speaks of Heraclitus: Σικελικαι de μαλακωτεραι"
he means Empedocles ; ἄλλοτε μεν φιλοτητι, &c. ap. Plutarch.

244. Fragment of Parmenides: Ilavro#ev εὐκυκλου, &e. read
the last verse thus: Oure βεβαιοτερον πελειν χρεων εστι τῇ ἡ τῆ.

212 NOTES ON PLATO.

it off its bias on its way to happiness, the great end
of human actions: the distinction he makes between
Ayvoww and Apabia; the first of which, Ayvo.a, is
simply our ignorance of a thing, the latter, Avafua, an
ignorance which mistakes itself for knowledge, and
which (as long as this sentiment attends it) is without
hope of remedy: the explanation of the Socratick mode
of instruction (adapted to this peculiar kind of ignor-
ance) by drawing a person’s errors gradually from his
own mouth, ranging them together, and exposing to his
own eyes their inconsistency and weakness: the com-
parison of that representation of things given us by the
sophists, and pieces of painting, which placed at a

NOTES.

P. 246. Τιγαντομαχια.] Between those whom he calls δι γηγε-
ves, the materialists, and the spiritualists, among which was
Plato himself.

Ib. Πετρας και δρυς.1 An allusion to the Giants’ manner of
fighting, armed with mountains and rocks; and also to that
proverb, Azo dpvos 75° azo merpys.

949. See the opinions of Heraclitus apud Sext. Empiricum,
and in Plato’s Theeetetus.

251. Tors οψιμαθεσι.1 Hither the sophists themselves, or such
as admired their contests.

252. Evros ὑποφθεγγομενον, ws Tov ἄτοπον Εϊυρυκλεα.} Eurycles
was an Εγγαστριμυθος, who could fetch a voice from the belly
or the stomach, and set up for a prophet. Those who had the
same faculty were called after him Euryclite. See Aristophanes
Vespe, v. 1014. et Scholia. For such as are possessed of this
faculty can manage their voice in so wonderful a manner, that
it shall seem to come from what part they please, not of them-
selves only, but of any other person in the company, or even
from the bottom of a well, down a chimney, from below stairs,
&e. of which I myself have been witness.

t Bia
4

THE SOPHIST. 213

certain distance, deceive the young and inexperienced
into an opinion of their reality: and the total change
of ideas in young men when they come into the world,
and begin to be acquainted with it by their own sensa-
tions, and not by description. All these passages are
extremely good.

NOTES.

P. 265. Wesee here that it was the common opinion, that the
creation of things was the work of blind unintelligent nature,
Τὴν Φυσιν παντὰ γεννᾶν απὸ Tivos alTias αὐτοματης, Kat aveu
διανοίας pvovens: whereas the contrary was the result of philo-
sophical reflection and disquisition, believed by a few people
only. :

268. Taurns rns yeveas.] See Hom. 1]. Z et passim

POLITICUS.
H, ΠΕΡῚ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ.

Tus dialogue is a continuation of the Sophist, as the
Sophist is a continuation of the Thezetetus ; and they
are accordingly ranged together by Thrasylius in that
order (Diog. Laert. in Platon. 5. 58.); though Serranus
in his edition has separated them. The persons are
the same, only that here the younger Socrates is intro-
duced, instead of Thesetetus, carrying on the conversa-
tion with the stranger from Elea. The principal heads
of it are the following :

P, 258. The division of the sciences into speculative
and practical.

P. 259. The master, the ceconomist, the politician,
the king; which are taken as different names for men
of the same profession.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol. 2. p. 257.

P. 257. Tov ἀμμωνα.] Theodorus was of Cyrene.

264. Tats ev τω Νείλω τιθασσειαις.1 Probably in or near those
cities of Egypt where the Lepidotus, Oxyrinchus, and other fish
of the Nile were worshipped ; those fish, by being unmolested
and constantly fed, might be grown tame, as in the river Chalus
in Syria, mentioned by Xenophon (Cyri Anab. L. 1. Ῥ. 254. ed.
Leunclay.), where all fish were held sacred.

POLITICUS. 215

The private man, who can give lessons of govern-
ment to such as publickly exercise this art, deserves
the name of royal no less than they.

No difference between a great family and a small
commonwealth.

The politician must command on his own judgment,
and not by the suggestion of others, (avreruraxtos.) ὦ

P. 262. The absurdity of the Greeks, who divided
all mankind into Greeks and barbarians. The folly of
all distinction and division without a difference.

P. 269. The fable of the contrary revolutions in the
universe at periodical times, with the alternate destruc-
tion and reproduction of all creatures. .

P. 273. The disorder and the evil in the natural
world, accounted for from the nature of 2 matter, while
it was yet a chaos.

The former revolution, in which the Divinity him-
self immediately conducted every thing, is called the

1 P. 261. Kav dtadvdaéns το μὴ σπουδαζΐζειν emt Tos ονομασι,
πλουσιωτερος εἰς TO YHpas avadaynon Ppovnoews.

* Plato, with the Pythagoreans, looked upon matter as co-

eternal with the Deity, but receiving its order and design entirely
from him. (See Timeus, the Locrian, de Anim&é Mundi.)

NOTES.

P. 266. Των προς γελωτα.] An allusion perhaps to the Aves of
Aristophanes, or to some other comick writer, for Plato (as well
as Socrates) had often been the subject of their ridicule.

Ib. Ev rn περι τον σοφιστην.] YV. Sophistam, p. 227.

268. Περι τὴν Arpews.] See Euripid. Orest. v. 1001. and
Electra v. 720.

269. Myr’ av duw τινε θεω. Alluding to the Persian doctrine
of a good and of an evil principle.

216 NOTES ON PLATO.

Saturnian age; the present revolution, when the world
goes the contrary way, being left to its own?! conduct.
Mankind are now guided by their own free-will, and
are preserved by their own inventions.

P. 275. The nature of the monarch in this age is no
other than that of the people which he commands.

P. 276. His government must be with the consent
of the people.

Clear and certain knowledge is rare and in few
instances ; we are forced to supply this defect by com-
parison and by analogy. Necessity of tracing things
up to their first principles. Examples of logical
division.

Greater, or less, with respect to our actions, are not
to be considered as mere relations only depending on
one another, but are to be referred to a certain middle
term, which forms? the standard of morality.

P. 284, All the arts consist in measurement, and
are divided into two classes: Ist. those arts which
compare dimensions, numbers, or motions, each with
its contrary, as greater with smaller, more with less,

1 He here too, with Timzus, considers the universe as one
vast, animated, and intelligent body. Zwov ov, καὶ ppovnow
ELANXOS EK του συναρμοσαντος αὐτὸ κατ᾽ apxas. Pp. 269. Tedevor,
εμψυχον τε Kat λογικον, Kat σφαιροειδες σωμα. Timeus, p. 94.

2 This is the fundamental principle of Aristotle’s ethicks,
L. 2. ὁ. 7. et passim.

NOTE.

Ῥ. 272. Μυθους.1 He seems to allude to the Asopick (See
Aristot. Rhetor.. L. 2. Sect. 21.) Libyan, and Sybaritick
fables. See Aristophan. Aves v. 471. 652. and 808. and Vespz
v. 1418.

ee ἩὈ---
"Ἂς
᾿

swifter with slower; and 2dly, those, which compare
them by their distances from some middle point, seated
between two extremes, in which consists what is right,
fit, and becoming.

The design of these distinctions, and of the manner
used before in tracing out the idea of a sophist anda
politician, is to form the mind to a habit of logical
division.

The necessity of illustrating our contemplations,1
on abstract and spiritual subjects, by sensible and
material images is stated.

P, 286. An apology? for his prolixity.

Principal, and concurrent,* or instrumental causes,
are named ; the division of the latter, with their several
productions, is into seven classes of arts which are neces-
sary to society: viz.

POLITICUS. 217

1 See Ὁ. 286. Thus Mr. Locke, speaking of the institution
of language, observes, that ‘‘men to give names which might
make known to others any operations they felt in themselves,
or any other idea which came not under their senses, were fain
to borrow words from ordinary known ideas of sensation, by
that means to make others the more easily to conceive those
operations which they experimented in themselves, which made
no outward sensible appearances.”

2 Atheneus has preserved a large fragment of Epicrates, a
comiek poet, in which Plato’s divisions are made the subject of
his ridicule. L. 2. p. 59.

3 Avriov kat συναίτιον. Terms also used by the Pythagoreans.
Vid. Timzum Locrum in principio.

NOTE.

P. 283. Maxporepa του δεοντος.] Itis plain, that the length of
Plato’s digressions had been censured and ridiculed by some
of his contemporaries (particularly his dialogue called ‘‘the
Sophist”’), and that he here makes his own apology.

218 NOTES ON PLATO.

1, To zpwroyeves ecdos. That class which furnishes
materials for all the rest ; it includes the arts of mining,
hewing, felling, &e.

2. Opyavov. The instruments employed in all
manufactures, with the arts which make them.

3. Ayyewov. The vessels to contain and preserve
our nutriment, and other moveables furnished by the
potter, joiner, brazier, &c.

4, ὄχημα. Carriages, seats, vehicles for the land and
water, &c. by the coach-maker, ship and boat-builder, &e.

5. HpoBAnpa. Shelter, covering, and defence, as
houses, clothing, tents, arms, ὧς. by the architect,
weaver, armourer, dc.

6. Ilacyvwov. Pleasure and amusement, as painting,
musick, sculpture, ἄς.

7. Θρεμμα. Nourishment, supplied by agriculture,
hunting, cookery, &c. and regulated by the gymnastick
and medical arts.

NOTES.

P. 284. To un ov.] Υ͂. Sophist, p. 237.

290. The Egyptian kings were all of them priests, and if any
of another class usurped the throne, they too were obliged to
admit themselves of that order.

291. Παμῴφυλον τι yevos.] Vid. mox, p. 303.

299. Merewpodroyos.] Alluding to the fate of Socrates, and
to the Nubes of Aristophanes, as he frequently does. This 15 ἃ
remarkable passage.

302. The corruption of the best form of government is the
worst and the most intolerable of all.

Ib. I'v που και λιθους.1 See the ancient manner of refining
gold, in Diodorus L. 2. or in the Excerpta of Agatharchides de
Mari Erythreo.

808. Adauas.] Found in the gold-mines mixed with the ore.

Ἵ

POLITICUS. 219

P, 289. None of these arts have any pretence to, or
competition with, the art! of governing ; no more than
the ὑπηρετικον και διακονικον yevos, which voluntarily
exercise the employment of slaves, such as merchants,
bankers, and tradesmen: the priesthood too are in-
cluded under this head, as interpreters between the
gods and men, not from their own judgment, but either
by inspiration, or by a certain prescribed ceremonial.

P. 291. There are three kinds of government, mon-
archy, oligarchy, and democracy: the two first are dis-
tinguished into four, royalty, tyranny, aristocracy, and
oligarchy-proper.

P. 294. The imperfection of all laws arises from the
impossibility of adapting thei to the continual change
of circumstances, and to particular cases.

Ρ 296. Force may be employed by the wise and
just legislator to good ends.

P. 299. The supposition of a set of rules in physick,
in agriculture, or in navigation, drawn up by a majority
of the citizens, and not to be transgressed under pain
of death; applied to the case of laws made by the
people.

P. 307. Some nations are destroyed by an excess of
spirit ; others by their own inoffensiveness and love of
quiet.

1 Aristotle in the same manner calls this great art, Kupwrarn
καὶ μαλιστα APXITEKTOVLKY των ETLOTHUWY Kat δυναμεων᾽ τινὰς yap
εινᾶι χρεὼν εν ταις πολεσι και ποιας ἑκαστους μανθανειν, και μέχρι
τινος, αὐτη διατασσει. ‘Opwuev Se τας εντιμοτατας των δυνάμεων
ὑπο ταυτὴν ovoas διον στρατηγικὴν, οἰκονομίκην, ῥητορικην, Ke.
Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. L. 1. ὁ. 2. See also p. 804. of this
dialogue.

220 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 308. The office of true policy is to temper courage
with moderation, and moderation with courage. Policy
presides over education.

This dialogue seems to be a very natural introduc-
tion to the books De Republica, and was doubtless so
intended. See particularly L. 3. p. 410. &. and L. 4.
p. 442.

DE REPUBLICA.

IOAITEION,
H
ΠΕΡῚ AIKATOY.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 327.

Tue scene of this dialogue lies at the house of Cephalus,
a rich old Syracusan, father to Lysias the orator, then
residing in the Pirzeus, on the day of the Bendidea, a
festival, then first celebrated there with processions,
races, and illuminations in honour of the Thracian!
Diana. ‘The persons engaged in the conversation, or
present at it, are Cephalus himself, Polemarchus, Lysias
and Euthydemus, his three sons; Glauco and Adiman-
tus, sons of Aristo and brothers to Plato; Niceratus,
son of Nicias ; Thrasymachus the sophist of Chalcedon ;
Clitophon,? son of Aristonymus, and Charmantides of
Peeania, and Socrates.
As to the time of these dialogues, it is sure that
1 She had a temple in the Pireeus, called the Bendideum,
(Xenoph. Gr. Hist. L. 2. p. 472.) founded perhaps on this oc-
easion. See the Republ. p. 354. “ Εἱστιασθω ev τοις Βενδιδειοις :”
the festival was celebrated in the heat of summer, (see Strab. L.
10. p. 471. Toy Βενδιδιων Πλατων weurnrat.) on the 19th day of
Thargelion, as Proclus tells us, Comment. 1. ad Timzeum.

* An admirer and scholar of Thrasymachus, (See Clitophont.
p. 406.) and friend of Lysias.

222 NOTES ON PLATO.

Cephalus died about Ol. 84. 1, and that his son Lysias
was born fifteen years before Ol. 80. 2, consequently
they must fall between these two years, and probably
not long before Cephalus’s death, when he was seventy
years old or more; and Lysias was a boy of ten or
twelve and upwards. Therefore I should place it in
the 83d Ol. (Vid. Fastos Atticos Edit. Corsini, V. 2.
Dissert. 13. p. 312.) but I must observe that this is not
easily reconcileable with the age of Adimantus and
Glauco, who are here introduced, as men grown up,
and consequently must be at least thirty-six years older
than their brother Plato. If this can be allowed, the
action at Megara there mentioned must be that which
happened Ol. 83. 2. under Pericles ; and the institution
of the Bendidea must have been Ol. 83. 3 or 4. It is
observable also that Theages is mentioned in L. 6. p.
496 of this dialogue, as advanced in the study of philo-
sophy. He was very young, when his father Demodocus
put him under the care of Socrates, which was in Ol.
92. 3. and consequently thirty-five years after the time
which Corsini would assign to this conversation.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK IL.

HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE,
The pleasures of old age and the advantages of wealth.

P. 335. The just man hurts no one, not even his
enemies.

P. 338. The sophist’s definition of justice ; namely,
that it is the advantage of our superiours,! to which the
laws of every government oblige the subjects to con-
form. Refuted.

P. 341. The proof, that the proper office of every art
is to act for the good of its inferiors.

P. 343. The sophist’s attempt to shew, that justice
(πανυ yevvara ευηθεια p, 348.) is not the good of those
who possess it, but of those who do not: and that
injustice is only blamed in such as have not the art to
carry it to its perfection. Refuted.

P. 347. In a state composed all of good men, no
one would be ambitious of governing.

1 To του κρείττονος suudepov—T Berar ye τοὺς νομοὺς ἑκαστὴ ἡ
ἀρχὴ προς TO αὐτῃ συμφερον" δημοκρατια μεν δημοκρατικους, τυραννις
δὲ τυραννικους, Kat αλλαι δυτω" θεμεναι δε απεῴφηναν τουτο---δικαιον
τοις ἀρχομενοις εἰναι TO σφισι συμῴφερον. Vid. Plat. de Legib. Τι.
4... 714.

224 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 349. The perfection of the arts consists in attain-
ing a certain rule of proportion. The musician does
not attempt to excel his fellows by straining or stopping
his chords higher or lower than they; for that would
produce dissonance and not harmony: the physician
does not try to exceed his fellows by prescribing a
larger or less quantity of nourishment, or of medicines,
than conduces to health; and so of the rest. The
unjust man therefore, who would surpass all the rest
of his fellow-creatures in the quantity of his pleasures
and powers, acts like one ignorant in the art of life, in
which only the just are skilled.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 827. KareByv x0es.] Vid. Dionys. Halicarnass. de Colloc.
Verborum.—Quintil. L. 8, c. ult. A remarkable instance of
Plato’s nice and scrupulous attention to the sound and numbers
of his prose. ‘‘Nec aliud potest sermonem facere numerosum,
quam opportuna ordinis mutatio ; neque alio in ceris Platonis
inventa sunt quatuor illa verba, (Κατεβην χθες es Iletpata) quibus
in ILLO PULCHERRIMO OPERUM in Pireeum se descendisse signi-
ficat, plurimis modis scripta, quam quod eum quoque maxime
facere experiretur.

Ib. Τῃ Θεω.] To Diana, and not to Minerva, as Serranus
imagined. See De Republ. p. 354.

328. Ὥσπερ τινα ddov.] V. Cicer. de Senect. 6. 2. who here
and elsewhere has closely imitated these admirable dialogues.

331. I'nporpodos.] A fine fragment of Pindar, and another of
Simonides. Tully (Epist. ad Attic. L. 4. E. 16.) has observed
the propriety of Cephalus leaving the company, as it was not
decent for a man of great age and character to enter into dispute
with boys and sophists on such a subject, nor to have continued
silent without any share in the conversation. Tully himself
had imitated the conduct of Plato, in his books de Republica :
the interlocutors were Scipio Aimilianus, Lelius, Sceevola, Philus,

DE REPUBLICA, 225

P. 351. The greatest and most signal injustices,
which one state and society can commit against
another, cannot be perpetrated without a strict adher-
ence to justice, among the particular members of such
a state and society: so that there is no force nor
strength without a degree of justice.

Ρ, 352. Injustice even in one single mind must set
it at perpetual variance with itself, (De Republ. L. 8.
p. 554.) as well as with all others.

P, 353, Virtue is the proper office, the wisdom, the
strength, and the happiness of the human soul.

NOTES,

Manilius, and others. Philus there supported the cause of in-
justice, as Thrasymachus does here; and the whole concluded
with a discourse on the Soul’s immortality, and the Dream of
Scipio, as this does with the Vision of Er, the Pamphylian.
Vid. Cicer. de Amicitid, C. 5 and 7. and Macrob. in Somn,
Scip. L, 1ς ὅς 1:

P. 336. Περδικκου.] The second of the name, often mentioned
by Thucydides.

Ib. Ἰσμηνιου.] This must probably be some ancestor of that
Ismenias, who betrayed Thebes to the Spartans about eighteen
years after the death of Socrates,

338. Polydamas a celebrated pancratiast, whose statue at
Olympia was looked upon as miraculous in after-ages, and was
believed to cure fevers, (Lucian, in Concil. Deor, Vol. 2.
p- 714.)

VOL. IV, Q

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK IL

HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE,

P. 357. Good is of three kinds: the First we
embrace for ! itself, without regard to its consequences ;
such are all innocent delights and amusements.

The Second, both for itself and for its consequences,
as health, strength, sense, &c.

The Third, for its consequences only, as labour,
medicine, &c. The second of these is the most perfect :
the justice of this class. Objection: To consider it

1 De Legib. L. 2. p. 667.

NOTES.

P. 858. ὥσπερ ogis.] Analiusion to the manner of charming
serpents, both by the power of certain plants and stones, and
by incantations, still practised, and pretended to be valid, in
the east, and described by many travellers.

360. Ἑπαινοιεν av avrov.|. See Locke on the Human Under-
standing, C. 3. 8. 6.

362. AvacywdidevOnoerat.] Hesychius explains it, avackon-
οπισθηναι, ανασταυρωθηναι.

868, Ακρας μεν τε φερειν.)] Hesiod Epy. και μερ. v. 233.

Ib. Παιδας yap παιδων.] The Oracle given to Glaucus. Vid.
Herodot. Erato, c. 86. see also the description of the Elysian
fields : καλλιστος ἀρετῆς μισθος, μεθη αἰωνιος. Muszeus was of

DE REPUBLICA. 227

rightly we must separate it from honour and from
reward, and view it simply as it is in itself, viz:

P. 358. Injustice is a real good to its. possessor,
and justice is an evil: but as men feel more pain in
suffering than inflicting injury, and as the greater part
are more exposed to suffer it than capable of inflicting
it, they have by compact agreed neither to do nor to
suffer injustice ; which is a medium calculated for the
general benefit, between that which is best of all,
namely, to do injustice without fear of punishment,
and that which is worst, to suffer it without a possi-
bility of revenge. ‘This is the origin of what we call
justice,

Such as practise the rules of justice do it from their
inability to do otherwise, and consequently against
their will. Story of! Gyges’s ring, by which he could

1 VY. Cic. de Offic. L.' 3. c. 9. where he attributes to Gyges
himself what Plato relates of one of his ancestors.

NOTES,

Eleusis, and scholar to Orpheus; he addressed a poem which
bore the title of ‘Yao@yxa:, to his son Eumolpus: they were of
Thracian origin :

Ορῴφευς μεν yap τελετας θ᾽ ἡμῖν κατεδειξε, φονων τ᾽ ἀπεχεσθαι"

Μουσαιος, δ᾽ εξακεσεις τε νοσων, καὶ χρήσμους. <Aristophan.

Rane. v. 1064;

where the Scholiast adds, speaking of Museus ; Tada Σεληνὴς
kat ἘἙυμολπου Φιλοχορος φησιν" παραλύσεις, και τελετὰς Kat καθαρ-
μους συντεθεικεν. -Suidas makes him the son of Antiphemus καὶ
Ἕλενης (read LeAnvys) yuvaccos. But it is apparent, that in
Plato’s time he was understood to be the son, not of a woman,
but of the moon ; and so the inscription on his tomb at Phalerus
represents him, which is cited by the Scholiast before-mentioned,
and in the Anthologia.

228 NOTES ON PLATO,

make himself invisible at pleasure, No person, who
possessed such a ring, but would do wrong.

P. 360, Life of the perfectly unjust man, who con-
ceals his true character from the world, and that of
the perfectly just man who seems the contrary in the
eye of the world, are compared: the happiness of the
former is contrasted with the misery of the latter.

P, 362. The advantages of probity are not there-
fore (according to this representation) in itself, but in
things exterior to it, in honours and rewards, and they
attend not on being, but on seeming, honest,

P. 363. Accordingly the praises bestowed on justice,
and the reproaches on injustice, by our parents and
governours, are employed not on the thing itself, but
on its consequences. The Elysian fields and the
punishments of Tartarus are painted in the strongest
colours by the poets; while they represent the practice
of virtue as difficult and laborious, and that of vice, as
easy and delightful. They add, that the gods often

NOTES,

P. 363. ΕΞ πηλον.] See the Rane of Aristophanes.

Ib. Επαγωγαι και καταδεσμοι των Oewv.] Incantations and
magical rites, to hurt one’s enemies, were practised in Greece
and taught by vagabond priests and prophets: a number of
books ascribed to Muszus and Orpheus were carried about
by such people, prescribing various expiatory ceremonies and
mysterious rites: so the chorus of Satyrs in the Cyclops of
Euripides ;

AXN οιδ᾽ επωδὴν Ορῴεως ayabny πανυ,
‘Qs αὐτομᾶτον τον δαλον εἰς To Κρανιον
Στειχονθ᾽ ὑῴφαπτειν τον μονωπα mada ns.

V. 642. Cycl. Eurip.

DE REPUBLICA. 229

bestow misery on the former, and prosperity and suc-
cess on the latter; and, at the same time, they teach
us how to expiate our crimes, and even how to hurt our
enemies, by prayers, by sacrifices, and by incantations.
P. 366. The consequence is, (by this mode of argu-
ment) that to dissemble well with the world is the way
to happiness in this life ; and for what is to come, we
may buy the favour of the gods at a trifling expense.
P. 369. The nature of political justice. The image
of a society in its first formation: it is founded on our
natural imbecility, and on the mutual occasion we have
for each other’s assistance. Our first and most press-
ing necessity, is that of food; the second, of habita-
tion ; the third, of clothing. The first and most neces-
sary society must therefore consist of a ploughman, a
builder, a shoemaker, and a weaver: but, as they will
want instruments, a carpenter and a smith will be
requisite ; and as cattle will be wanted, as well for their
skins and wool, as for tillage and carriage, they must

NOTES,

P. 364. Fragment of Pindar ; Ilorepoy δικας τειχος ὑψιον, &c.
and of Archilochus, AXwzexa é\xreov, &c. All the ideas which
the Greeks had of the gods, were borrowed from the poets.

366. Οἱ Avovor θεοι.1 These divinities were probably enumer-
ated in the Παραλυύσεις of Muszeus: there were mysterious rites
celebrated to Bacchus under the name of Λυσιοι τελεται. See
Suidas.

368. Tyv Μεγαρδι μαχην.] This must, as I imagine, be the
action particularly described by Thucydides, L. 4. p. 255. which
happened Ol. 89. 1, and if so, both Glauco and Adimantus must
have been many years older than their brother Plato, who was
then but five years old.

230 NOTES ON PLATO.

take in shepherds and the herdsmen. As one country
produces not everything, they will have occasion for
some imported commodities, which cannot be procured
without exportations in return, so that a commerce must
be carried on by merchants ; and if it be performed by
sea, there will be an occasion for mariners and pilots.
Further ; as the employment of the shepherds, agricul-
tors, mechanics, merchants, and such persons will not
permit them to attend the markets, there must be re-
tailers and tradesmen, and money to purchase with ; and
there must be servants to assist all these, that is, persons
who let out their strength for hire. Such an establish-
ment will not be long without.a degree of luxury, which
will increase the city with a vast variety of artificers, and
require a greater extent of territory to support them :
they will then encroach on their neighbours.. Hence
the origin of war. A militia will be required: but as
this is an art, which will engross the whole man, and

ee πον .

P. 868. Q aides exewov του avdpos.] So Socrates in the Phile-
bus, speaking of Callias.

372. Ἐρεβινθων καὶ κυαμων.] This was a common dessert
among the Greeks, both eaten raw, when green and tender, or
when dry, parched in the fire. See Athenzus, L. 2. p. 54. So
Xenophanes of Colophon in Parodis :

~ Xewpwvos ev ὡρῃ
Πινοντα γλυκὺν οινον, ὑποτρωγοντ᾽ epeBu ous.
And Theocritus, in describing a rustick entertainment, -
| Owov ἀπὸ Kparnpos αφυξω
Παρ πυρι κεκλιμενος᾽ κυαμον δὲ τις ev πυρι φρυξεῖ,
Xa στιβας εσσεῖται πεπυκασμενα εστ᾽ ἐπι πᾶχυν.
Ἱζνυσᾳ τ᾽, ασῴφοδελω Te, πολυγναμπτωτε. σελινω.

Theocr. Idyll. 7. ν. 65.

DE REPUBLICA. 231

take up all his time, to acquire and exercise it, a dis-
tinct body will be formed of chosen men for the defence
of the state.

P. 374. The nature of a soldier : he must have quick-
ness of sense, agility, and strength, invincible spirit
tempered with gentleness and goodness of heart, and
an understanding apprehensive and desirous of know-
ledge.

P. 376. The education of such a person. Errors
and dangerous prejudices are instilled into young minds
by the Greek poets. The scandalous fables of Homer
and of Hesiod, who attribute injustice, enmity, anger and
deceit to the gods, are reprobated : and the immutable
goodness, truth, justice, mercy, and other attributes of
the Divinity are nobly asserted.

NOTES.
P. 372. Ὕων πολιν. So Crobylus (ap. Atheneum p. 54.) calls
this kind of eatables, Πιθηκου τραγηματα, the monkey’s dessert.
᾿ 878. Συβωται.] So he calls the οψοποιοι και μαγειροι, allud-
ing to what Glauco had said before of the ὕων πολις : or perhaps,
because the flesh of hogs was more generally eaten and esteemed
than any other in Greece, he mentions them principally.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK III.

HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.

P. 386. Wrong notions of a future state are instilled
into youth by the poets, whence arises an unmanly fear
of death.

P. 388. Excessive sorrow and excessive! laughter
are equally unbecoming a man of worth.

P. 389. Falsehood and? fiction are not permitted,
but where they are for the good of mankind ; and con-

1 V. Plato. de Legib. L. 5. p. 782.

2 Plato himself has given the example of such inventions in
his Phedo, in his Phedrus, in the De Republ. L. 10: and in
the Gorgias he follows the opinion of Timzus and of the Pytha-
goreans. Vid. de Anima Mundi, p. 104. Vid. et de Legib. L.
2. p. 663. Νομοθετης de ov τι kat σμικρον οφελος, &c.

NOTES.

P. 878. Ov xotpov.] The usual sacrifice before the Eleusinian
mysteries. See Aristoph. in Pace,

Es χοιριδιον μοι νυν δανεισον τρεις Spaxpas,
Ae yap μνηθηναι με. Vv. 373.

381. Περιερχονται vuxrwp.] The heroes were supposed to
walk in the night, (see Lucian de morte Peregrini, p. 579. Ed.
Grevii.) and to strike with blindness, or with some other mis-
chief, any who met them: they who passed by their fanes

DE REPUBLICA. 333

sequently they are not to be trusted but in skilful
hands.

P. 390. Examples of impiety and of bad morality
in the poets,! and in other ancient writers.

P. 392. Poetick eloquence is divided into narration
(in the writer’s own person), and imitation (in some
assumed character). Dithyrambicks usually consist
wholly of the former, dramatick poesy of the latter, the
epick, &c. of both mixed.

P. 395. Early imitation becomes a second nature.
The soldier is not permitted to imitate any thing mis-
becoming his own character, and consequently he is
neither permitted to write, nor to play, any part which
he himself would not act in life.

P. 396. Imitative expression in oratory, or in ges-
ture, is restrained by the same principle.

Musick must be regulated. The Lydian, Syntono-
Lydian, and Ionian harmonies are banished, as accom-
-modated to the soft enervate passions ; but the Dorian
and the Phrygian harmonies are permitted, as manly,

1 See also de Republ. L. 8. p. 568.

NOTES.

always kept a profound silence: see the Aves of Aristophan.
v. 1485.
Ee yap εντυχοι Tis Npwt
Τῶν Bporwy νυκτωρ---κτὰ. and the Schol. on the passage.
P. 387. Αὐτος avrw avrapxys.] V. Cicer. de Amicitia, c. 2,
who has imitated this passage.
289. Των dc δημιοεργοι εασιν.)] Hom. Odys. P. v. 383.
393. Μιμεισθαι.1] Tully says of himself: ‘ Ipse mea legens,
sic interdum afficior, ut Catonem, non me, loqui existimem.”
(De Amicit. ο. 1.)

234 NOTES ON PLATO.

decent, and persuasive. All instruments of great com-
pass and of luxuriant harmony, the lyra, the cythara,
and the fistula, are allowed ; and the various rhythms
or movements are in like manner restrained.

NOTES.

P. 398. Μιξολυδιστι.1 The Dorian harmony is thus described
by Heraclides Ponticus ap. Atheneum, L. 14. p. 624. Ἡ μεν
ουν Δωριος ἁρμονια To avdpwoes εμφαινει και το μεγαλοπρεπες, και
ov διακεχυμενον οὐδ᾽ ἵλαρον, adda σκυθρωπον Kat σῴοδρον, ουτε δε
ποικίλον, ouTe πολυτροπον. ‘The Syntono-Lydian and Ionian are
mentioned by Pratinas ; (Athenezus ib.)

My συντονον διωκε, μητ᾽ ανειμενὴν

Ιαστι ovoay' Atheneus ut sup. (Platon. Lachet. p. 188.)
The Ionian was frequently used in the tragick chorus, as being
accommodated to sorrow, as was also the Mixo-Lydian, invented
by Sappho. See Burette on Plutarch de Musica, note 102. 103.
Vol. 10. and 13. of the Mém. de l’Acad. des Belles-Lettres.

399. Τριγωνων.] The Tprywvos was a triangular lyre of many
strings, of Phrygian invention, used (as the IIynx7is) to accom-
pany a chorus of voices. The latter is said.to have been first
used by Sappho:

Πολὺς δὲ Φρυξ τρίγωνος, αντισπαστα γε

Αὐυδης εφυμνει πηκτιδος συγχορδιᾳ.
Sophocles in Mysis, ap. Atheneum, L. 14. p. 635, where per-
haps we should read Avdys for Avéys ; for Pindar, cited in the
same place, calls the Πηκτις a Lydian instrument, and Aris-
toxenus makes it the same as the Mayaéis, which Anacreon
tells us had twenty strings ; afterwards, accordin g to Apollodorus,
it was called Ψαλτηριον.

400. Tora edn, εξ ὧν de Baers πλεκονται. Terrapa, ὅθεν ἁι
TAAL ἁρμονιαι.

Ib. Evs Δαμωνα. (Υ΄. Lachetem, p. 180.) These opinions
of Plato on the efficacy of harmony and rhythm seem borrowed
from Damon: Ov κακως λεγουσι δι περι Δαμωνα tov Αθηναιον,
OTL τὰς WOas καὶ Tas ορχήσεις avayKn γίνεσθαι κινουμενης πὼς TNS
ψυχης, και at μεν ελευθεριοι και καλαι ποιουσι τοιαυτας᾽ aL δ᾽ εναν-
Tia Tas evaytias. Atheneus, L. 14. p. 628,

DE REPUBLICA. 235

P. 401. The same! principle is extended to painting,
sculpture, architecture, and to the other arts.

ΟΡ, 403. Love is permitted, but abstracted from
bodily enjoyment. Diet and exercises, plain and simple
meats, are prescribed.

P. 405. Many judges and physicians are a sure sign
of a society ill-regulated both in mind and in body.
Ancient physicians knew no medicines but for wounds,
fractures, epidemical distempers, and other acute com-
plaints. The diztetick and gymnastick method of

1 Ἵνα μὴ ev Kakwas ειἰκοσι τρεῴφομενοι ἡμῖν ὁι φυλακες, ὥσπερ
εν κακῃ βοτανῃ, πολλα ἑκαστὴς ἡμερας κατα σμικρον απὸ πολλων
δρεπομενοι TE Kat νεμόμενοι, ἑν τι ξυνισταντες λανθανωσι κακον
μεγα εν TH αὐτων Ψυχῃ. Αλλ᾽ exewous ζητήητεον τοὺς δημιουργους,
Tous evpuws δυναμενοὺυς ἰχνεύειν τὴν του καλου τε καὶ εὐσχήμονος
φυσιν᾽ i’, ὥσπερ εν υγιεινω TOTW οἰκουντες, δι νεοι ὠφελωνται ἀπὸ
παντος, ὁποθεν αν αὐτοις απὸ των καλων εργων ἢ προς οψιν ἢ προς
ἀκοὴν τι προσβαλη, ὥσπερ aupa φερουσα απὸ χρήστων ToTwY
ὑγιειαν, και εὐθυς εκ παιδων λανθανῃ εἰς ὁμοιοτητα τε και φιλιαν
και συμῴφωνιαν Tw καλωὼ λογω αγουσα. IlodAv καλλιστα οὑτω

τραφεῖεν. De Republ. 3. p. 400.

NOTES.

P. 404. Txvwdns avrn.] Euripides describes them as great
eaters ; Γναάθου re δουλος νηδυος θ᾽ ἡσσημενος. Fragment. Autolyci
(Dramatis Satyrici) ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 413, where
Athenzus gives many instances of extreme voracity in the
most famous athlete, and adds, ravres yap δι αθληται μετα των
γυμνασματων Kat εσθιειν πολλα διδασκονται.

Ib. Συρακουσιων τραπεΐαν.] Vid. Plat. Epist. 7. p. 326.
827. and 336.

405. Φευγων και διωκων.] The image of the talents and turn
of the Athenians at that time.

487. Πιλιδια.1 Sick people went abroad in a cap, or little
hat.

236 NOTES ON PLATO.

cure, or rather of protracting diseases, was not known
before Herodicus introduced it.

P. 409. The temper and disposition of an old man
of probity, fit to judge of the crimes of others, is
described.

P. 410. The temper! of men, practised in the exer-
cises of the body, but unacquainted with musick and
with letters, is apt to run into an obstinate and brutal
fierceness ; and that of the contrary sort, into indolence
and effeminacy. The gradual neglect of this, in both
cases, is here finely painted.

P. 412. Choice of such of the soldiery, as are to
rise to the magistracy ; namely, of those, who through
their life, have been proof to pleasure and to pain.

P. 414. An example of a beneficial fiction. It is
difficult to fix in the minds of men a belief in fables,
originally ; but it is very easy to deliver it down to
posterity, when once established.

P. 416. The habitation of the soldiery: all luxury
in building to be absolutely forbidden them: they are
to have no patrimony, nor possessions, but to be sup-
ported and furnished with necessaries from year to year
by the citizens; they are to live and eat in common,
and to use no plate, nor jewels, nor money.

1 Vid. Platon. Politicum, p. 307 and 308.

NOTES.
P. 409. Ουκουν και ιατρικην.] See the Gorgias, p. 587 and 588.
414. Φοινικικον τι] He alludes to the Theban fable of the
earth-born race, which sprang from the dragon’s teeth, and
which, in another place, he calls To του Σιδωνίου μυθολογημα,
meaning Cadmus. See de Legibus, L. 2. p. 663.

DE REPUBLICA,
BOOK IV,

HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE,

P. 419. Objection: that the PvAaxes (or soldiery),
in whose hands the government is placed, will have less
happiness and enjoyment of life than any of the meanest
citizens.

Answer: that it is not the intention of the legis-
lature to bestow superiour happiness on any one class
of men in the state; but that each shall enjoy such a
measure of it, as is consistent with the preservation of
the whole.

P. 421. Opulence and poverty are equally destructive
of a state ;? the one producing luxury, indolence, and

1 See De. Republ. L. 5. p. 466. and L. 7. p. 519.
2 See De Legib. L. 5. p. 729 and 743.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,

P. 420. Avdpiavras ypadovras.] Avdpias seems used here for
a painting, and not for a statue.

Ib. Zvoridas.] Avoris was a long variegated mantle, which
swept the ground, worn by the principal characters in tragedy,
and on great solemnities by the Greek women :

Βυσσοιο καλον συροισα χιτωνα,
Καμφιστειλαμενα ταν ξυστιδα ταν Κλεαριστας.
Theocrit. Id, 2. v. 18.

238 NOTES ON PLATO.

a spirit of innovation; the other producing meanness,
cunning, and a like spirit of innovation.

The task of the magistracy is to keep both the one
and the other out of the republick.

P. 422. Can such a state, without a superfluity of
treasure, defend itself, when attacked by a rich and
powerful neighbour ἢ

As easily as a champion, exercised for the olympick
games, could defeat one or more rich fat men unused
to fatigue, who should fall upon him in a hot day.

The advantage of such a state, which neither needs
riches nor desires them, in forming alliances.

Every republick formed on another plan, though it
bear the name of a state, is in reality several states
included under one name; the rich making one! state,
the poor another, and so on; always at war among
themselves.

P. 423. A body of a thousand men bred to war, and
united by such an education and government as this, is
superiour even in number to any thing that almost any
state in Greece could produce.

P. 424. No innovation is to be ever admitted in the
original plan of education. A change of? musick in a
country betokens a change in their morals.

1 See De Republ. L. 8. p. 551.
2 This was an opinion of the famous Damon. See De Legib.
L. 2.. p. 657. and 1 5: p. ΤΣ

NOTES. ᾿
P. 420. Oorpew.] The colour of the purple-fish used in
painting, and not only in dying; so in Plato’s Cratylus : Ἐνίοτε
μεν οστρεον, ενιοτε Oe ὁτιοῦν αλλο φάρμακον ἐπηνεΎκαν.

427. Ἐξηγητης.1 See Plato’s Euthyphro.

DE REPUBLICA. 239

P. 425. Fine satire on the Athenians, and on their
demagogues.

P. 428. The political wisdom of the new-formed
state is seated in the magistracy.

P. 429. Its bravery is seated in the soldiery: in
what it consists.

P. 430. The nature of temperance: the expression !
of subduing one’s self, is explained ; when reason, the
superiour part of the mind, preserves its empire over the
inferiour, that is, over our passions and desires. The
temperance of the new republick, whose wisdom and
valour (in the hands of the soldiery) exercise a just
power over the inferiour people by their own consent,
is described.

P. 433. Political justice distributes to every one his
proper province of action, and prevents each from en-
croaching on the other.

P. 435. Justice in a private man: its similitude to
the former is stated. The three distinct? faculties of

1 See De Legib. L. 1. p. 626. 53 De Republ. L. 9. p. 580.

NOTES.

P. 427. Tov Ομφαλου.] See Pausan. Phocie.

429, ᾿Αλουργα.] Cloths dyed purple would bear washing
with soap (μετα ῥυμματων)ὴ, without losing their bloom, τὸ av@os

430. Ere καλλιον διΐμεν.] As he has done in the Laches,

433. Και ταυτη apa ποιητοῦ οικειου τε Kat ἑαυτοῦ. Perhaps we
should read, tov movew τὸ οἰκειον τε καὶ To ἑαυτοῦ, ὅτε. 1.6. ἡ
οἰκειοπραγια, as he afterwards calls it.

435. The Scythians, the Thracians, and other northern
nations (δι kata Tov avw τόπον, and, as Virgil says, ‘‘ Mundus ut
ad Scythiam Ripheasque arduus arces Asswrgit, &c.) were dis-
tinguished by their ferocity, the Greeks by their curiosity and

240 NOTES ON PLATO.

the soul, namely, appetite, or desire, reason, and in-
dignation ; or the concupiscible, the rational, and the
irascible, are described,

P. 441. The first made to obey the second, and the
third to assist and to strengthen it. Fortitude is the
proper virtue of the irascible, wisdom of the rational,
and temperance of the concupiscible, preserving a sort
of harmony and consent between the three.

P. 443. Justice is the result of this union, maintain-
ing each faculty in its proper office.

P. 444. The description! of injustice.

P. 445. The uniformity of virtue, and the infinite
variety of vice. Four more distinguished kinds of it
are enumerated, whence arise four? different kinds of
bad government,

1 V. Plat. Sophist. p. 223. 2 Vid. Plat. Politicum, p. 291.

NOTES.

love of knowledge, and the Pheenicians and Egyptians by their
desire of gain. (See de Legibus, L. 5. p. 747.) Plato marks the
threefold distinction of men in these words; Εἰσὶν avOpwrwv
τριττὰ yevn’ φιλοσοῴον, φιλονεικος, φιλοκερδες. p. 581,

489, The story of Leontius the son of Aglaion.

Ib. Anueww.] The place in which the bodies of malefactors
were exposed, so called.

Ib. To Bopevov.] See the Gorgias, p. 453.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK τ"
HEADS OF THE FIFTH DIALOGUE.

P. 451. On the education of the women. ‘There is
no natural difference between the sexes, but in point of
strength ; their exercises, therefore, both of body and
mind, are to be alike, as are their employments in the
state.

* It is probable that this (the 5th) book of the Πολιτειαι
and perhaps the 3rd. were written when Plato was about thirty-
five years old, for he says in his 7th Epistle, (speaking of him-
self before his first voyage into Sicily) Aeyew τε ηναγκασθην,
εἐπαινων τὴν opOnv φιλοσοῴφιαν, &c. p. 326; and Aulus Gellius
says, ‘‘Quod Xenophon inclito illi operi Platonis, quod de
optimo statu reipublice civitatisque administrande scriptum
est, lectis ex eo duobus fere libris, qui primi in vulgus exierant,
opposuit contra, scripsitque diversum regiz administrationis
genus, quod Παιδειας Kupov inscriptum est, &c. L. 14. « 8. I
know not how ancient the division of this work into ten books
may be; but there is no reason at all for it, the whole being
one continued conversation.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 450. Χρυσοχοησοντας oe.] A proverbial expression used
of such as are idly employed, or sent (as we say) on a fool’s
errand. See Erasmi Adagia, Aurifex.

VOL, IV. R

242 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 452. Custom is forced in time to submit to reason.
The sight of men exercising! naked, was once held in-
decent in Greece, till the Cretans first, and then the
Lacedezemonians, introduced it: it is still held scandalous
by the Persians, and by other barbarians.

P. 454. When the entire sexes are compared with
each other, the female is doubtless the inferior: but, in
individuals, the woman has often the advantage of the
man. ἡ

P. 456. Choice of the female soldiery. (at Φυλακειαι.)

P. 457. Wives in common to all men of the same
class. Their times of meeting to be regulated on
solemn days accompanied with solemn ceremonies and
sacrifices, by the magistracy, who are to contrive by lots

1 EyupywOnoav τε πρωτοι δι Λακεδαιμονιοι, καὶ ες TO φανερον
αἀποδυντες, Aura μετα του γυμναζεσθαι ηλειψαντο᾽ το δε παλαι εν τω
Ολυμπιάκω ἀγωνι διαζωματα εχοντες περι τὰ αἰδοια δι αθληται
γωνιζοντο, και ov πολλα ern επειδὴ πεπαυται, &c. See Thucyd.
L. 1. 6. 6. This change is said to have been made about the
32d Olymp. See also Etymolog. in Τυμνασιαι and Schol. ad
Hom. 1]. Ψ.

NOTES.

P. 452. Twy χαριεντων σκωμματα.] Vid. Platon. Politicum.
p- 266.

454, The difficulty of avoiding disputes merely about words.
Ἢ γενναια δυναμις τῆς avTidoyiKns Texvns. Δοκουσι yap μοι εἰς
αὐτὴν και αἀκοντες ἐμπίπτειν, Kat οιεσθαι οὐκ εριζειν, adda δια-
λεγεσθαι, δια To μὴ δυνασθαι κατ᾽ εἰδὴ διαιρουμενοι TO λεγομενον
επισκοπειν, αλλα, κατ᾽ αὐτὸ TO ονομα, διωκειν του λεχθέντος THY
ἐναντίωσιν, εριδι ov διαλεκτω προς αλληλοὺυς χρωμενοι.

457. Ατελη του γελοιου.1 An allusion to some passage of a
poet ; and also to some comick writer, perhaps Aristophanes or
Epicrates, who had ridiculed this institution.

DE REPUBLICA. 243

(the secret management of which is known to them
alone) that the best and bravest of the men may be
paired with women of like qualities, and that those,
who are less fit to breed, may come together very
seldom.

P. 460. Neither fathers nor mothers are to know
their own children, which, when born, are to be con-
veyed to a separate part of the city, and there (so
many of them as the magistrate shall choose) to be
brought up by nurses appointed for that purpose.

The time of propagation to be limited, in the men
from thirty years of age to fifty-five, in the women
from twenty to forty. No children born of parents

NOTES.

P. 458. The following is so just a description of the usual con-
templations of indolent persons, especially if they have some
imagination, that I cannot but transcribe it. Eagov με éopraca.,
ὥσπερ ot apyo. τὴν διανοιαν ειἰωθασιν ἑστιασθαι ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτων, οταν
μονοι πορευωνται" και yap δι TOLOUTOL TOV, πριν εξευρειν τινὰ τρόπον
εσται τι ὧν επιθυμοῦσι, TOUTO παρεντες, iva μὴ καμνωσι βουλευομενοι
περι του δυνατου, καὶ μη, θεντες ὡς ὑπαρχον ὁ βουλονται, nbn Ta
λοιπα διαταττουσι, και χαιρουσι διεξιοντες δια δρασουσι γενομένου,
apyov καὶ ἀαλλως ψυχὴν ETL ἀργοτεραν ποιουντες.

460. This was actually the practice of Sparta, (See Plutarch
in Lycurgo) where the old men of each tribe sate in judgment
on the new-born infants, and, if they were weakly or deformed,
ordered them to be cast into a deep cavern, near mount Tay-
getus!!! Thence also are borrowed the prohibition of gold
and silver, the ξυσσιτια, or custom of eating together in publick,
the naked exercises of the women, the community of goods, the
general authority of the old men over the young, the simplicity
of musick and of diet, the exemption of the soldiery from all
other business, and most of the fundamental institutions in
Plato’s republick, as Plutarch observes in his Lycurgus.

244 NOTES ON PLATO.

under or above this term to be brought up, but ex-
posed, and the parents severely censured; as are all
who meet without the usual solemnities, and without
the license of the magistrate.

P. 461. All children, born within seven or ten months
from the time any person was permitted to propagate,
are to be considered as their own children: all that are
born within the time, in which their parents are suffered
to breed, are to regard each other as brethren. Mar-
riage is to be prohibited between persons in these
circumstances.

P. 462. Partiality and dissension among the soldiery
are prevented by these appointments. A fellow-feeling
of pleasures and of pains is the strongest band of union
which can connect mankind.

P. 466. Children are to be carried out to war very

NOTES.

P. 473. ‘Puwayras τα ἱματια.] It was the custom of the Greeks,
when they prepared themselves for sudden action, to throw off
their pallium: so the chorus in Aristophanes’s Irene, v. 728.
Acharn. v. 626. Lysistrat. 663 and 687, and Thesmophor. τ.
663, lay by their upper garment to dance the Parabasis.

474. Epwrixw.] Vid. p. 402 and 368. L, 3 and 2.

Ib. ‘O μεν ore σιμος.1]ὺ This is imitated by Ovid. de Arte
Amandi L. 2. v. 657.

Nominibus mollire licet mala; fusca vocetur,
Nigrior Illyricé cui pice sanguis erit, &c.
and by Lucretius, L. 4. v. 1150. ‘‘ Nigra, wedcxpoos, est &c.”
Whence H. Stephanus would correct this passage, and read for
μελαγχλωρους, μελιχροου, but the true reading is μελιχλωρου.
So Theocritus Idyll. 10. v. 26.
Συραν καλεοντι TU παντες,
ΟἼσχναν, ἁλιοκαυστον eyw δὲ μονος μελιχλωρον.

. DE REPUBLICA. . 245

early, to see and to learn their intended profession, and
wait on their parents in the field.

P. 468. A soldier, who deserts his rank, or throws
away his arms, is to be. reduced to the rank of a
mechanick : he, who is taken prisoner alive, is never to
be ransomed.—The reward of the bravest.

P. 469. It is not permitted to reduce a Greek to
captivity, nor to strip the dead of any thing but of
their arms, which are forbidden to be dedicated in the
temples; it is not permitted to ravage the country
farther than to destroy the year’s crop, or to burn the
buildings.

P. 472. The reason, why a state, thus instituted,

NOTES.

P. 474. Περιθεουσι τοις Διονυσιοις.] The Dionysia were cele-
brated three times* a year at Athens, the Ανθεστηρια in the
month which took its name from them, and answers nearly to our
February ; the Anvaca immediately afterwards in the same month,
anciently called Ληναίων ; and the Διονυσία ev ἄστει, (particularly
so named) between the eighth and eighteenth of Elaphebolion
(or March), and once in the Pireeus. All these were accom-
panied with tragedies, comedies, and other musical entertain-
ments. There were also Ta κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς solemnized in the country
in Posideon, or December. The Scholiast on Aristophanes, and
some. other authors, confound these with the Lenza, which were
undoubtedly held in the city.

Ib. Twv κατα Kwyuas.] We see therefore that chorusses were
performed in the villages on these festivals, as well as in the
city. Isocrates indeed tells us, that the city was divided into
Kwya, and the country into Anua. (Areopagit.)

* See the Fasti Attici Edw. Corsini V. 2. Diss. 18, and Spanheim. ad
Ranas Aristophan. in procemio, who imagines those in the Pirgeus to be the
same with the Anthesteria.

246 NOTES ON PLATO.

seems an impossibility. No people will ever be rightly
governed, till kings shall be philosophers, or philo-
sophers be kings.

P. 474. The description of a genius truly philo-
sophick.

P. 476. The distinction of knowledge and opinion.

ἥν...
Sa

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VI.
HEADS OF THE SIXTH DIALOGUE.

Pxato is no where more admirable than in this book :
the thoughts are as just as they are new, and the elocu-
tion is as beautiful as it is expressive ; it can never be
read too often: but towards the end it is excessively
obscure.

P. 485. The love of truth is the natural consequence
of a genius truly inclined to philosophy. Such a mind
will be little inclined to sensual pleasures, and conse-
quently will be temperate, and a stranger to avarice
and to illiberality.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 485. Tys ovovas τὴς aet.ovons, kat μὴ πλανωμενὴς ὑπο γενε-
σεως και POopads.] Our general abstracted ideas, as they exist in
the mind independent of matter which is subject to continual
changes, were regarded by Plato as the sole foundations of
knowledge, and emanations, as it were, from the divinity him-
self.

Ib. Of ideas independent of matter. To tw σκοτω κεκρα-
μενον, TO ὙὝιγνομενον τε Kat ἀπολλύμενον, OY τὸ αἰσθητον, are put
in opposition to the τὸ νοῆτον, τὸ οντως ον, ἡ ουὐσια. Thus he
calls pure speculative geometry, 7 του ἀεὶ οντοὸς Ὕνωσις. See Mr.
Locke on the reality of our knowledge with regard to mathe-
matical truths, L. 4. ο. 4. 5, 6. See also De Republ. L. 9. p. 585.

248 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 486. Such a mind, being accustomed to the most
extensive views of things and to the sublimest contem-
plations, will contract an habitual greatness, and look
down, as it were, with disregard on human life and on
death, the end of it ; and consequently will possess the
truest fortitude. Justice is the result.of these virtues.

Apprehension and memory are two fundamental
qualities of a philosophick mind.

P. 487. Such a genius is made by nature to govern
mankind.

- Objection from experience: that, such as have
devoted themselves to the study of philosophy, and
have made it the employment of their maturer age,
have turned out either very bad men, or entirely useless
to society.

P. 488. Their inutility, with regard to government,
is allowed and accounted for. The comparison of a bad
government to a ship, where the mariners have agreed
to let their pilot have no hand in the steerage, but to
take that task upon themselves.

NOTES.

P. 488. Μεγεθει μεν και pwun.] Aristotle (Rhetor. L. 3. 121.)
speaking of similes, mentions this of Plato; ἣ εἰς Tov Snyor,
ὁμοιος vavkAnpw, ἰσχυρω μεν, ὑποκωῴω Se. The image seems
borrowed from the Equites of Aristophanes.

Ib. ‘Or ypaders tpayedadous.] The figures of mixed animals,
such as are seen in the grotesque ornaments of the ancients,
and imitated by the modern painters, &c.

Ib. Myre exovra aroderéat.] Vid. Menonem, et Protagoram,
p. 357. ὃ

Ib. Μετεωροσκοπον.] Vid. Politicum, p. 299, and Xenoph.
(Economic. p. 494. 496.

. DE REPUBLICA. 249

P. 491. Those very endowments, before described as
necessary to the philosophick mind, are often the ruin
of it, especially when joined to the external advantages
of strength, beauty, nobility, and wealth, when they
light in a bad soil, and do not meet with their proper
nurture, which an excellent education only can bestow.

Extraordinary virtues and extraordinary vices are
equally the produce of a vigorous mind: little souls
are alike incapable of one or of the other.

The corruption of young minds is falsely attributed
to the sophists, who style themselves philosophers : it
is the publick example which depraves them; the
assemblies of the people, the courts of justice, the
camp, and the theatres, inspire them with false opinions,
elevate them with false applause, and fright them with
false infamy. The sophists do no more than confirm
the opinions of the publick, and teach how to humour
its passions and to flatter its vanities, |

P. 495. As few great geniuses have strength to
resist the general contagion, but leave philosophy aban-
doned and forlorn, though it is their own peculiar pro-

NOTES.

P. 489. ‘O rovro κομψευσαμενος.]} i.e. Simonides: who, when
his wife asked him, Πότερον γενεσθαι κρειττον, πλουσιον, ἡ codor ;
answered, II\ovovov* τοὺς yap σοῴφους ὁρᾶν επι Tats των πλουσιων
θυραις διατριβοντας. <Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. p. 92.

490. Ληγοι witvos.] Vid. Sympos. p. 206.

493. H Atoundeat.] Vid. Erasmi Adagia.

494, αν ris npeua.] The two conversations with Alcibiades
are an example of this.

495. Ex των τεχνων.} This seems to be aimed at Protagoras,
who was an ordinary countryman and a woodcutter,

250 NOTES ON PLATO.

vince, the sophists step into their vacant place, assume
their name and air, and cheat the people into an
opinion of them, They are compared to a little old
slave (worth money) dressed out like a bridegroom to
marry the beautiful, but poor, orphan daughter of his
deceased lord.

P. 495. A description of the few of true genius who
escape depravation, and devote themselves really to
philosophy ; which happens commonly either from
some ill fortune, or from weakness of constitution.
The reason why they must necessarily be excluded
from publick affairs, unless in this imaginary republick.

P. 500. The application of these arguments to the
proof of his former proposition, namely, that until
princes shall be philosophers or philosophers shall be
princes, no state can be completely happy.

P. 503. The ®vAakes, therefore, are to be real philo-

NOTES.

P. 496. ‘Lao gvyys.] This was the case with Pythagoras,
and other great men, particularly with Dion, Plato’s favourite
scholar ; though I rather imagine, that this part of the dialogue
was written before Dion’s banishment.

Ib. Θεαγει.] Theages died before Socrates, a very young
man.

497. Ὅταν και ἅπτομενοι.) This is a remarkable passage, as
it shews the manner in which the Athenians usually studied
philosophy, and Plato’s judgment about it, which was directly
opposite to the common practice.

Ib. Αποσβεννυνται πολυ μαλλον Tov ᾿Ηρακλειτειου ἥλιου, ὁσον
avis οὐκ egamrovra.] P. 498. Εἰς exewov τὸν βιον. Does he
speak of some future state ?

499, Ὅταν αὑτὴ ἡ Movoa.| So inthe Philebus; Tw ev Μουσῃ
φιλοσοφω μεμαντευμενων ἑκαστοτε λογων. p. 67.

DE REPUBLICA. 251

sophers. The great difficulty is to find the requisite
qualifications of mind united in one person. Quick-
ness of apprehension and a retentive memory, vivacity
and application, gentleness and magnanimity, rarely go
together.

P. 505. The idea of the supreme good is the founda-
tion of philosophy, without which all acquisitions are
useless. The cause of knowledge and of truth is com-
pared to light ; truth, to the power which bodies have
of reflecting light, or of becoming visible; and the
sovereign good itself is compared to the! sun, the lord
and father of light.

P. 509. The author of being is superiour to all being.

P. 510. There are different degrees of certainty in
the objects of our understanding.”

1 Πατὴρ και Κυριος. Vid. Plat. Epist. 6. et Epist. 2. p. 312.
et Macrob. L. 1. 6. 2.

2 See Aristot. Metaphys. on these opinions of Plato, L. 1,
p. 338. and L. 6. p. 365.

NOTES.

Ρ, 499. Ev βασιλειαις οντων teow, ἡ avros.| I do not doubt,
but that this was meant as a compliment and incitement to the
younger Dionysius (See Plato Epist. 7. p. 327), of whom both
Dion and Plato had once entertained great hopes ; and I under-
stand what follows, p. 502, Αλλα μεν és ixavos yevouevos, &c. in
the same manner. Hence it seems that this part of the dialogue
was written after his first voyage to Sicily, and probably not
long before his second, about Ol. 103, 1, when the elder Diony-
sius was just dead.

504. Terra edn ψυχης.1] See Lib. 4. Πολιτ. p. 439. et
sequent.

505. Ουκ εχουσι δειξαι τις φρονησις.1 Vid. Platonis Philebum,
passim.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VII.
HEADS OF THE SEVENTH DIALOGUE.

P. 514. The state of mankind is compared to that
of persons confined in a vast cavern from their birth,
with their legs fettered, and with their heads so placed
in a machine that they cannot turn them to the light,
which shines full in at the entrance of the cave, nor
can they see such bodies as are continually in motion,
passing and repassing behind them, but only the
shadows of them, as they fall on the sides of the grotto
directly before their eyes. 2

If any one should set them free from this confine-
ment, oblige them to walk, and drag them from their
cavern into open day, they would hang back or move

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 514. Ev δεσμοις.1] The machine called Κυῴων or Κλοιον,
and the Πεντεσυριγγον EvAov, which served at once as a pillory
and a pair of stocks, confining at the same time the head, arms,
and legs of the prisoner, was commonly used in Greece. See
Aristophan.. Equites. v. 1046.

Ib. Ta rapadpayuara.] A screen or fence of — or four
feet in height, still in use round the stages of mountebanks
and ἡ δτὼ

a i

DE REPUBLICA. 253

with unwillingness or pain ; their eyes would be dazzled
with the brightness of each new object, and comprehend
nothing distinctly ; they would long for their shadows
and darkness again, till, being more habituated to
light, they would first be brought to gaze on the
images of things reflected in the water, or elsewhere ;
then on the bodies themselves ; then on the skies, on
the stars and the moon, and gradually on the sun him-
self, whom they would learn to be the source and the
author of all these beautiful appearances.

If any thing should induce one of these persons to
descend again into his native cavern, his eyes would
not for a long time be reconciled to darkness, his old
fellow-prisoners would treat him as stupid and blind,
would say that he had spoiled his eyes in those upper
regions, and grow angry with him, if he proposed to
set them at liberty.

P. 519. An early good education is the only thing
which can turn the eyes of our mind from the darkness
and uncertainty of popular opinion to the clear light
of truth. It is the interest of the publick neither to
suffer unlettered and unphilosophick minds to meddle
with government, nor to allow men of knowledge to
give themselves up for their whole life to contemplation,
as the first will have no principle to act upon, and the
others no practice nor inclination to business.

P, 522. The use of the mathematicks,! in education,
is principally to abstract the mind from sensible and

1 Arithmetick and geometry, to which studies astronomy,

and the mathematical musick, and lastly logick to crown the
whole, are to succeed. See also Phileb. p. -58 and 61.

254 NOTES ON PLATO.

material objects, and to turn it to contemplate certain
general and immutable truths whence it may aspire to
the knowledge of the supreme good, who is immutable,
and is the object only of the understanding.

The great improvement of a mind versed in these
sciences which quicken and enlarge the apprehension,
and inure us to intense application, and what are their
practical uses, particularly in military knowledge, is
eloquently described.

P. 537. The Φυλακες are to be initiated in mathe-
matical knowledge and studies before seventeen, and
for three years more are to be confined to their con-
tinual and necessary! exercises of the body, that is,
till about twenty years of age; they are not to enter
upon logick till after thirty, in which they are to
continue five years.

Knowledge is not to be implanted in a free-born
mind by force and violence, but by gentleness accom-
panied with art and by every kind of? invitation.

The dangerous situation of the mind, when it is
quitting the first prejudices of education and has not

1 When they are to be presented with a general view of the
sciences, of which they have hitherto tasted separately, and are

to compare them all together,
2 Among which honour is the most prevailing. See p. 551.

NOTES.

P. 531. Adafovecas xopdwy.] Terms of art used by the pro-
fessed musicians.

Ib. Του mpoowov.] A musical prelude to introduce a more re-
gular composition, called ὁ Nowos* “ Οἰμη cantus est, et citharcedi
pauca illa, que, antequam legitimum carmen inchoent, emerendi
favoris gratia canunt, proemium vocaverunt.” Quintil. L. 4.

DE REPUBLICA. 255

yet discovered the true principles of action, is here
admirably described. It is compared to a youth
brought up in affluence (and surrounded by flatterers)
by persons who have passed hitherto for his parents,
but are not really so; when he has found out the
imposition, he will neglect those whom he has hitherto
obeyed and honoured, and will naturally incline to the
advice of his flatterers, till he can discover those per-
sons to whom he owes his duty and his birth.

The levity, the heat, and the vanity of our /irst
youth make it an improper time to be trusted with
reasoning and disputation, which is only fit for a mind
grown cooler and more settled by years; as old age
on the other hand weakens the apprehension, and
renders us incapable of application.

From thirty-five to fifty years of age the Φυλακες
are to be obliged to administer the publick affairs, and
to act in the inferiour offices of the magistracy ; after
fifty they are to be admitted into the highest philosophy,
the doctrine of the supreme good, and are in their turn
to submit to bear the superiour offices of the state.

NOTES.
6. 7. Vid. et de Legibus, L. 3. p. 700. Νομους de (αυτο τοῦτο

τ᾽ ovvoma) εκαλοῦν, winv ws Twa ετεραν᾽ ἐπελεγον δὲ Kat κιθαρω-
δικου. And in L, 4. p. 722. Και δὴ που κιθαρωδικης wins
λεγομενων Νόμων, kat πασὴς μουσήης, προοιμια θαυμαστως εσπου-
δασμενα προκειται.

P. 540. Aexerwy.] This is undoubtedly a false reading for
ἑξηκονταετων or ἑβδομηκονταετων ; so that, till some MSS.
inform us better, we must remain in the dark as to the age,
when Plato would permit his statesmen to retire wholly from
the world.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VIII.
HEADS OF THE EIGHTH DIALOGUE.

Piao here resumes the subject which he had dropped
at the end of the fourth book. (p. 445.)

P. 544. Four distinct kinds of government are
enumerated, which deviate from the true form, and
gradually grow worse and worse: namely, 1. the
timocracy, (so he calls the Lacedemonian or Cretan
constitution,) 2. the oligarchy, 3. the democracy, and
4, tyranny: they are produced by as many different
corruptions of the mind and manners of the inhabitants.

P. 545. The change from the true aristocracy (or
constitution of Plato’s republick) to a timocracy is
described. Every thing, which has had a beginning,

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 544. Ἢ Κρητικη.] Lycurgus borrowed his constitution
from that of the Cretans, as Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, and
other writers, allow ; and it is plain, that Plato thought it the
best form of government that any where existed, which seems
indeed to have been the general opinion of the greatest men in
Greece : ἡ ὑπο πολλων επαινουμενή.

546. Χαλεπον μεν κινηθηναι.1]Ὶ He here assumes amore concise
and figured diction, and lays aside the familiar air of conver-
sation.

DE REPUBLICA. 257

is subject to corruption. The introduction of property,
and the division of land among the Φυλακες, The
encroachment on the liberty of the inferiour part of
the commonwealth. Secret avarice and love of plea-
sure are the consequence of private property. The
neglect of musick and of letters. The preference
given to the exercises of the body. The prevalence of
the irascible over the rational part of the soul.

The character of a citizen in such a state and the
origin of such a character are described.

P. 550. The mutation of a timocracy into an olig-
archy, where none are admitted to the honours and
offices of the commonwealth, who do not possess a
certain proportion of property. The progress of avarice

; NOTES.

P. 547. Χρυσοῦν.] Vid. L. 3. p. 414. et Hesiod. Oper. et
Dies. v. 109.

Ib. Περιοικους καὶ oxeras.] The Lacedemonians gave the
name of ΠῈεριοικοι to their subjects, the inhabitants of Laconia,
who were not Spartans. As they were used, I imagine, hardly
enough by their superiours, and had no share in the govern-
ment, many authors do not distinguish them from the Heilote,
who were absolutely slaves ; yet, in reality, they seem to have
been on a distinct footing, being reckoned free men, and em-
ployed by the Spartan government to command such troops as
they often sent abroad, consisting of Heilote, to whom they
had given their liberty. The ΠΕεριοικοι likewise seem to have had
the property of lands, for when Lycurgus divided the country
into thirty thousand portions, and gave nine thousand of them
to the Spartans, to whom did the other twenty-one thousand
portions belong, unless to the ΠΕεριοικοι ? who else should people
the hundred cities, besides villages, which were once in Laconia ?
It is plain, also, that the Περιοικοι served in war, as ὁπλιται, or
heavy-armed foot, which the Heilote never did: see Thucy-

VOL, IV, 8

258 NOTES ON PLATO.

is the cause of this alteration. Such a state is always
divided into two (always at enmity among themselves)
the rich and the poor, which is the cause of its weak-
ness. The alienation of property, which is freely per-

mitted by the wealthy for their own interest, will still
— increase the disproportion of fortune among the citizens.
The ill consequences of prodigality, and of its attendant
extreme poverty, in a state. The poor are compared
to drones in a bee-hive, some with stings and some
without.

P. 552. The gradual transition of the mind from the
love of honour to the love of money.

When a young man has seen the misfortunes which
ambition has brought upon his own family, as fines,
banishment, confiscation, and even death itself, adver-
sity and fear will break his spirit and humble his parts,
which he will now apply to raise a fortune by securer

NOTES.

dides, L. 4. p. 238. and in the battle of Platez, Herodotus
says, there were ten thousand Lacedemonians, of which five
thousand were Spartans; it follows, that the other five thou-
sand were Περιοικοι, for he mentions the Heilote by themselves,
as light-armed troops in number thirty-five thousand, that is,
seven to each Spartan, (L. 9. ὁ. 29); and Xenophon plainly
distinguishes the Ὕπομειονες (who were Spartans, but excluded
from the magistracy), the Νεοδαμωδεις (who were Heilote made
free), the Heilote, and the Περιοικοι. (Xenoph. De Lacedzemon.
Republ. 289. and Gree. Hist. L. 1. p. 256.) See also Isocrates in
Panegyr. and in Panathenaic. p. 270. The Cretans called their
slaves, who cultivated the lands, Περιοικοι. See Plutarch. in
Lycurg. and Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. ο. 10.

P. 548. Γλαυκωνος rovrov.] Something of Glauco’s spirit and
ambition may be seen in Xenophon’s Memorabil. L. 3. 6. 6.

DE REPUBLICA. 259

methods, by the slow and secret arts of gain: his
rational faculties and nobler passions will be subjected
to his desire of acquisition, and he will admire and
emulate others only in proportion as they possess the
great object of his wishes: his passion for wealth will
keep down and suppress in him the love of pleasure
and of extravagance, which yet, for want of philosophy
and of a right education, will continue alive in his
heart and exert itself, when he can find an opportunity
to satisfy it by some secret injustice at the expense of
others.

P. 555. The source of a democracy: namely, when
the meaner sort, increasing with a number of men of
spirit and abilities, reduced to poverty by extravagance
and by the love of pleasure, begin to feel their own
strength, and compare themselves to the few wealthy
persons who compose the government, whose body and

NOTES.

P. 553. Χαμαι evOev.] An allusion to those statues or bas-
reliefs, where some king, or conqueror, is represented with captive
nations in chains sitting at his feet ; as in that erected to the
honour of Justinian in the Hippodrome at Constantinople. See
Antholog. L. 4. Tit. 4. Epigr. 2.

Ib. Tiapas re.] The usual dress of the king and nobility of
Persia. So Cyrus (in Xenoph. Anab. p. 147.) presents to Syen-
nesis king of Cilicia, ἵππον χρυσοχαλινον, καὶ orperrov χρυσοῦν,
και Weda, Kat ακινακὴν χρυσοῦν, Kat στολὴν ἹΤερσικην, Swpa a
vougerar mapa βασιλευσι tyua. The tiara was a cap, like the
Phrygian bonnet (Herodot. Polymn. ec. 61.) common to all the
Medes and Persians ; the royal family (Xenoph. Cyropeed. L. 8.
Ῥ. 127.) alone wore a sash or diadem wreathed round it, which
formed a sort of turband ; the king himself was distinguished
by the top or point of his tiara which was upright, whereas
all others had it bending down.

260 NOTES ON PLATO,

mind are weakened by their application to nothing but
to the sordid arts of lucre. The change of the consti-
tution. The way to the magistracy laid open to all,
and decided by balloting. A lively picture of the
Athenian commonwealth.

P. 558. The distinction between our necessary and
unnecessary desires, is stated ; when the latter prevail
over the former by indulgence, and by keeping bad
company, they form a democratick mind. The descrip-
tion of such a soul, when years have somewhat allayed
the tumult and violence of its passions; it is the sport
of humour and of caprice, inconstant in any pursuit,
and incapable of any resolution.

P. 562. When liberty degenerates into extreme
license and anarchy, the democracy begins to tend
towards tyranny. The picture of the Athenian govern-
ment and manners is continued with great force and
severity : where youth assumes the authority and de-
cisiveness of age, and age mimicks the gaiety and
pleasures of youth; where women and slaves are upon
the same footing with their husbands and masters ; and
where even the dogs and horses march directly onwards,
and refuse to give way to a citizen. The common
mutation of things from one extreme to another.

NOTES,

P. 563. ‘Or εωνημενοι. Twv δουλων Sav kat των μετοικων πλειστη
εστιν Αθηνῃσιν ακολασια, καὶ ovre παταξαι εἕεστιν αὐτοθι, ovTe
ὑπεκστησεται σοι ὁ δοῦλος. (Xenoph. Athen. Respubl. p. 403.)

565. ‘Qs αληθως odvyapxixot.] Eort δὲ racy yy το βελτιστον
ἐναντιον Tn Snuokpatig. Xenoph. ut supra.

Ib. Atos του Avxatov.] Pausanias speaks of this mysterious
solemnity performed on the most ancient altar in Greece.

DE REPUBLICA. 261

P. 564. The division of those who bear sway in a
democracy into three kinds: 1. the busy, bold, and
active poor, who are ready to undertake and execute
any thing; 2. the idle and insignificant poor, who
follow the former, and serve to make a number and a
noise in the popular assemblies; and 3. the middling
sort who earn their bread by their labour, and have
naturally little inclination to publick affairs, nor are
easily brought together, but when allured by the hopes
of some gain, yet, when collected, are the strongest
party of all. The conversion of a demagogue into a
tyrant, from necessity and from fear, the steps which
he takes to attain the supreme power, the policy of
tyrants, and the misery of their condition, are excel-
lently described.

P. 568. The accusation of the — poets, as in-
spiring a love of tyranny, and patronized by tyrants ;
they are encouraged also in democracies, and are little
esteemed in better governments.

NOTES.

P. 566. Tov Kpocw.] See Herodotus, L. 1. ο. 55.

567. Ews av unre φιλων.] Compare this description with the
Hiero of Xenophon ; it is, in almost every step, a picture of the
politicks and way of life of the elder Dionysius.

568. Οὐκ eros ἡ Te Tpaywdia.] This is spoken ironically.

Ib. Σοῴοι τυραννοι.1] A line from the Antigone of Euripides.

569. Meyas μεγαλωστι.}) Alluding to Homer, Odyss. &. v.
40, speaking of Achilles :

Συ de στροφαλιγγι Kovens
Κεῖσο meyas μεγαλωστι, λελασμενος immocuvawy,

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK Ix.
HEADS OF THE NINTH DIALOGUE.

P. 571. The worst and most lawless of our unneces-
sary desires are described, which are particularly active
in sleep, when we go to our repose after drinking
freely, or eating a full meal.

P. 572. The transition of the mind from a demo-
cratick to a tyrannical constitution. Debauchery and
(what is called) love are the great instruments of this
change. Lust and drunkenness, names for two different
sorts of madness, between them produce a tyrant.

P. 573. Our desires from indulgence grow stronger
and more numerous. Extravagance naturally leads to
want, which will be supplied either by fraud or by
violence.

P. 575. In states, in which there are but a few persons
of this turn, and the body of the people are uncorrupted,

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 571. γιεινως τις exn.] Cicero cites and translates this
whole passage, De Divinatione, L. 1. c. 30. these notions seem
borrowed from the Pythagoreans.

575. Myrpis.] A Cretan expression, meaning the country of
one’s mother.

DE REPUBLICA. 263

they usually leave their own country, and enter into
the guards of some foreign prince, or serve him in his
wars: or, if they have not this opportunity, they stay
at home and turn informers, false evidences, highway-
men, and housebreakers, cut-purses, and such charac-
ters; but, if they are numerous and strong, they form
a party against the laws and liberties of the people, set
at their head commonly the worst among them, and
erect a despotick government.

The behaviour of a tyrannical nature in private
life ; unacquainted with friendship, always domineering
over, or servilely flattering, his companions,

P. 577. The comparison between a state enslaved,
and the mind of a tyrant. The servitude, the poverty,
the fears, and the anguish of such a mind are described ;
and it is proved to be the most miserable of human
creatures,

P. 579. The condition of any private man of fortune,
who has fifty or more slaves. Such a man with his
effects, wife and family, supposed to be separated
from the state and his fellow-citizens (in which his
security consists), and placed in a desert country at

NOTES.

P. 577. Ὃς av δυνηται τὴ διανοιᾳ.] Plato himself is doubtless
the person ; and qualified for the office by his intimate acquaint-
ance with the younger Dionysius.

578. Ὃς av τυραννικος wy.] Have a care of inserting any
negative particle here, as H. Stephanus would do, which would
totally destroy the sense. Plato’s meaning is, that a tyrannical
mind, when it has attained to the height of power, must make
its possessor worse, and consequently more miserable, than while
he remained in a private condition.

264 NOTES ON PLATO.

some distance, surrounded with a people, who look
upon it as a crime to enslave one’s fellow-creatures,
and are ready to favour any conspiracy of his servants
against him: how anxious and how intolerable would
be his condition! Such, and still worse, is that of a
tyrant.

P. 581. The pleasures of knowledge and of philo-
sophy are proved to be superiour to those which result
from honour or from gain, and from the satisfaction of
our appetites. The wise man, the ambitious man, the
man of wealth and pleasure, will each of them give the
preference to his favourite pursuit, and will undervalue
that of the others; but experience is the only proper
judge which can decide the question, and the wise man
alone possesses that experience; the necessity of his
nature must have acquainted him with the pleasure
which arises from satisfying our appetites. Honour
and the publick esteem will be the consequence of his
life and studies, as well as of the opulent or of the

NOTES.

P. 578. Avdparoda πεντηκοντα.] The more wealthy Greeks
had very large families of slaves. In Athens the number of slaves
was to that of citizens as 20 tol: the latter being about 21,000,
the former, 400,000. Mnaso of Phocis, a friend of Aristotle,
had 1000 slaves, or more, as had likewise Nicias, the famous
Athenian. In Corinth, there were reckoned 460,000 slaves: at
Aigina, above 470,000: and many a Roman had in his own
service above 20,000: this was a computation made Ol. 110. by
Demetrius Phalereus. See Atheneus from the Chronicle of
Ctesicles, L. 6. p. 272. and Xenophon περι Προσοδων. p. 540.

579. Acxyvyw.] Implies curiosity, and an eager love of novel-
ties ; and is the same with regard to the eye, that liquorishness
is to the taste.

DE REPUBLICA. 265

ambitious man; so that he is equally qualified with
them to judge of their pleasures, but not they of his,
which they have never experienced. ,

P. 584. Most of our sensual joys are only a cessa-
tion from uneasiness and pain, as are the eager hopes
and expectations which attend them. A fine image is
drawn of the ordinary life of mankind, of their sordid
pursuits, and of their contemptible passions,

P. 588. The recapitulation, and conclusion, that the
height of injustice and of wickedness is the height of
misery.

P. 590. The intention of all education and laws is
to subject the brutal part of our nature to the rational.
A scheme of life, worthy of a philosophick mind, is
laid down.

NOTES.

P. 583. “Hdovy τις εσκιαγραφημενη.1 An expression borrowed
perhaps from Heraclitus or Parmenides.

592. Ev ovpayw.] That is, in the idea of the divinity: see
the beginning of the following (the 10th) book. Diogenes
Laertius alludes to this passage in his epitaph on Plato:

Tlo\w nrvber, ἣν ποθ᾽ ἑαυτω
Extice, kat δαπεδω Znvos ενιδρυσατο.

DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK Χ,
HEADS OF THE TENTH DIALOGUE.

P. 595. Plato’s apology for himself. His reasons
for banishing all imitative! poetry from his republick :
1. because it represents things not as they really are,
but as they appear; 2. the wisdom of the poets is not
equal to their reputation; 3. there is no example of a
state having been better regulated, or of a war better
conducted, or of an art improved, by any poet’s instruc-
tions ; and 4. there is no plan of education laid down,
no sect, nor school founded, even by Homer and the
most considerable of the poets, as by the philosophers.

1 Vl, Ἀν 80.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 595. Plato professes a great admiration, even from a
child, for Homer, but yet is forced to exclude him from his
commonwealth, ov yap πρὸ γε της αληθειας τιμήτεος avnp. The
Greeks had carried their admiration for Homer to a high pitch
of enthusiasm in Plato’s time: it was he (they said) who first
had formed Greece to knowledge and humanity ; (πεπαιδευκε
τὴν Ἕλλαδα, p. 606.) and that in him were contained all the
arts, all morality, politicks, and divinity. p. 578.

599. Χαρωνδαν μεν.] Charondas was of Catana in Sicily,
and gave his laws to that city, and to others of Chalcidick
foundation in the island, and also to Rhegium in Italy; (see
Bentley on Phalaris, p. 364, &c.) these laws were calculated for
an aristocracy.

DE REPUBLICA. 267

P. 602. Their art concurs with the senses to deceive
us and to draw off the mind from right reason, it ex-
cites and increases the empire of the passions, enervates
our resolution, and seduces us by the power of ill
example.

P. 604. The passions and vices are easy to imitate
by reason of their variety ; but the cool, uniform, and
simple character of virtue is very difficult to draw, so

NOTES,

P. 600. Exs rexvas.] Thales is said to have discovered the
annual course of the sun in the ecliptick, and to have made
several improvements in astronomy and geometry. To Ana-
charsis is ascribed the invention of anchors, and of the potter’s
wheel. See Diog. Laertius.

Ib. Πυθαγορειον.] The Pythagorean sect was in high repute
in Plato’s time, while Archytas, Philolaus, Lysis, Echecrates,
and others, supported it; but it seems to have declined
soon after, for Aristoxenus mentions these latter, whom he re-
membered, as the last of any note. Vid. Diog. Laert. L. 8.
sect. 46.—Aristoxenus flourished about thirty years after Plato’s
death.

Ib. Tov ονοματος.1] The name signifies a lover of flesh-meat :
but Callimachus (Epig. 6.) and Strabo (L. 14.) and Eustathius
(ad Hom. Il. B. p. 250.) write it Creophylus, He was a Samian,
who entertained Homer at his house ; and wrote a poem, called
Οιχαλιας ἅλωσις, which some attributed to Homer himself.

607. “H Aaxepuga, &c.] Fragments of poets against philosophy.

608. Ἑμβλεψας μοι kat θαυμασας eve, Ma Av’ οὐκ eywye.| Is
it possible that the immortality of the soul should be a doctrine
so unusual, and so little known at Athens, as to cause this sur-
prise in Glauco ?—In the Phedo too, Cebes treats this point in
the same manner: Ta de περι της Wuxns ToAAHY aTLoTLaY παρεχει
τοις avOpwros, μη, επειδαν απαλλαγῃ Tov σωματος, ovdamou ETL
n° &e. Ov odvyns παραμυθιας δειται και πίστεως, ws εστι ψυχὴ
αἀποθανοντος του ανθρωπου, Kat Twa δυναμιν exer και φρονησιν. p. 70.

268 NOTES ON PLATO.

as to touch or delight a theatre, or any other mixed
assembly of men.

P. 607. The power of numbers and of expression
over the soul is great, which renders poetry more par-
ticularly dangerous.

P. 608. Having shewn that virtue is most eligible
on its own account, even when destitute of all external
rewards, he now comes to explain the happiness which

NOTES.

P. 611. ‘Qozep of τον θαλαττιον Τίλαυκον ὁρωντες.1] He speaks
as if this divinity were sometimes actually visible to seafaring
men, all covered with sea-weed and shells.

Ib. Παντι μαλλον θηριω.] And so he is described by Ovid,
who says of Scylla,

Tuta loco, monstrumne, deusne,
Ille sit, ignorans, admiraturque colorem,
Ceesariemque humeros subjectaque terga tegentem,
Ultimaque excipiat quod tortilis inguina piscis.
Metam. L. 13. v. 913.
And he tells her ;
Non ego prodigium, non sum fera bellua, Virgo,
Sum Deus, inquit, aque.

613. Azo των karw.] From the place of starting at the lower
end of the stadium: τὰ avw, the upper end, whence they ran
back again.

Ib. Ta wra ert των wuwv.] A metaphor, taken from horses,
and other animals, which let their ears drop, when they are
tired, and over-driven.

614. The story of Er, the Pamphylian, who, when he had
lain- twelve days dead in appearance on the field of battle, and
was placed on the funeral pile, came to life again, and related
all he had seen in the other world. The judgment of souls,
their progress of a thousand years through the regions of bliss
or of misery, the eternal punishment of tyrants, and of others
guilty of enormous crimes, in Tartarus, the spindle of Neces-
sity, which turns the eight spheres, and the employment of her

DE REPUBLICA. 269

waits upon it in another life, as well as in the present.
The immortality of the soul and a state of future re-
wards and of future punishments are asserted.

NOTES.

three daughters, the Fates, are all described, with the allotment
and choice of lives (either in human bodies, or in those of brute
animals) permitted to those spirits, who are again to appear on
earth ; as of Orpheus who chooses that of a swan, Ajax of a lion,
Thersites of a monkey, Ulysses that of an obscure private man,
&c. their passage over the river Lethe is also mentioned. The
whole fable is finely written.

Milton ailudes to the spindle of Necessity in his entertain-
ment called the Arcades. Virgil has also imitated many parts
of the fable in his sixth Aineid, and Tully in the Somnium
Scipionis. See Macrob. L. 1. ο. 1.

P. 614. Tov Apuerrov.] It appears from Plutarch that the
right reading is ‘Apuovtov, the son of Harmonius. Plut. Sympos.
L. 9. Propl. 7.

616. Ἡλακατὴν re kat το αγκιστρον.)] Vid. P. Bellonium Lat.
Reddit. a C. Clusio, L. 1.'¢. 46. where he describes the Greek
manner of spinning, which seems to be the same exactly that
it was of old. ‘‘ Attractilis herba (que ex usu nomen habet)
fusi vicem illis prebet; ejus enim caulis rectus est et levis,
tanquam arte expolitus esset. In ejus penuria bacillo minimi
digiti crassitiem non equante, equalis ubique crassitudinis,
utuntur, cui ferruam hamuli piscatorii modo efformatum infigunt,
ut filam comprehendat, e quo fusus dependeat. Verticillum
(σφονδυλος)ὺ solummodo excogitatum est, ad fila commodius
ducenda, atque ut fuso pondus addat ; dimidiato pyro in binas
partes per medium secto simile est, per medium perforatum est:
hoe superiori fusi parti infigunt, inferiore fusi parte deorsum
propendente.”’

621. Περιαγειρομενοι.7) Read, Ilepiayoueror.

THE END OF THE TENTH AND LAST BOOK.

DE LEGIBUS.

ΠΕΡῚ NOMON.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 624.

THE persons of the dialogue are Clinias, a Cretan of
Gnossus, and two strangers, who are his guests, the one
a Lacedzemonian, called Megillus, the other an Athenian,
who is not named, but who appears by the character
and sentiments, to be Plato himself. (See Diog. Laert.
L. 3. sect. 52.) 4

They are, all three, men far advanced in years, and
as they walk! or repose themselves in the fields under
the shade of ancient cypress trees, which grew to a

1 As Cicero had taken Plato for his model in his books de
Republica, so he had also in those De Legibus. ‘‘ Visne igitur,
ut 1116 Crete cum Cliniaé et cum Lacedemonio Megillo estivo,
quemadmodum describit, die in cupressetis Cnossiorum et spatiis
sylvestribus crebro insistens, interdum acquiescens, de institutis
rerum publicarum et de optumis Legibus disputat: sic nos inter
has procerissimas populos in viridi opacAque ripa inambulantes,
tum autem residentes, queeramus iisdem de rebus aliquid uberius
quam forensis usus desiderat.” L. 1. ο. 5. (N. B. The Gnossians put
the cypress tree, which was a principal ornament of their country,
on the reverse of their silver coins. See Fulv. Ursinus.) Tully
also confines his discourse to the length of a summer’s day, in
imitation of Plato. See De Legib. L. 2. 6. 27. YV. Platon. de
Legib. L. 3. p. 653. and L. 4. p. 722.

DE LEGIBUS. 271

great bulk and beauty in the way, that led from the
city of Gnossus to the temple and gfotto of Jupiter,
(where Minos was believed to have received his laws
from the god himself) they enter into conversation on
the policy and constitution of the Cretans.

There is no procemium nor introduction to the dia-
logue, as there is to most of Plato’s writings. I speak
of that kind of procemium usual with Plato, which
informs us often of the occasion and of the time of the
dialogue, and of the characters of the persons intro-
duced in it. In reality the entire four first books of
“the Laws” are but introductory to the main subject,
as he tells us himself in the end of the fourth book. p.
722. |

DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK I.
HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.

P. 625. The institutions of Minos were principally
directed to form the citizens to war. ‘The great ad-
vantages of a people superiour in military skill over
the rest of mankind are stated.1. Every people is
naturally in a state of war with its neighbours? ; even

1 Xenophon makes the following observation: Ἐλευθερίας
opyava Kal ευδαιμονιας τὴν πολεμικὴν ETLOTHUNY και μελετῆην OL Θεοι
τοις ἀνθρωποις απεδειξαν "---τοῖις ael εγγυτάτω τῶν ὅπλων ουσι,
TOUTOLS και οικειοτατα εστιν ἃ αν βουλωνται. Cyroped. L. 7. p.
549. See also Ephorus ap. Strab. L. 10. p. 480.

2 Tlacats προς πάσας Tas πολεις πολεμος ἀκήρυκτος κατὰ φυσιν
εστι. These are the original expressions in this place.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,

P. 625. Ta ξυσσιτια.] These assemblies were styled by the
Cretans ἀνδρεῖα (or rather Avdpia, see Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. c.
10.) as they were also by the Lacedeemonians, who changed the
name to Φιδιτια. (Strabo L, 10. p. 488). The manner of con-
ducting them may be seen at large from Dosiadas’s history of
that country in Athenzus, L. 4. p. 149.

Ib. Απολλωνα. See Plutarch. in Lycurgo.

Ib. Av evvarov ετοῦς.1] See the Minos of Plato, and Strabo,
L. 10. p. 476. et L. 16. p. 762.

DE LEGIBUS. 273

particular cities, nay private families are in a like
situation within themselves, where the better and more
rational part are always contending for that superiority,
which is their due, over the lower and the less reason-
able. An internal war is maintained in the breast of
each particular man who labours to subdue himself by
establishing the empire of reason over his passions and
his desires.

P. 628. A legislator, who makes it the great end of
his constitution to form the nation to war, is shewn to
be inferiour to him who reconciles the members of it
among themselves, and prevents intestine tumults and
divisions,

P. 631. The view of the true lawgiver is to train

NOTES.

P. 625. ‘H των Θετταλων.] Vid. Menonem, p. 70. et Hero-
dotum. L. 7. p. 268.

Ib. ‘Hée yap avwuados.] ‘ Quoniam adeo frequentes in Creta
sunt montes, rara sunt istic campestria.” P. Bellonius, L. 1.
ec. 5. ‘* Quoique la Candie soit un riche pais—les deux tiers de
ce royaume ne sont que des montagnes seches, pelées, desagré-
ables, escarpées, taillées a plomb, et plus propres pour des chévres
que pour des hommes.” Tournefort, Lett. 2. p. 109. vol. 1.

Ib. Twv de τοξων.] Vid. Ephorum ap. Strabonem fuse. L.
10. p. 480. ‘*Cretenses etiam hodie (cire. A.D. 1550.) veterem
consuetudinem sequentes nature impulsu, Scythico arcu se
exercere solent. Quin et ipsi pueri in incunabulis si irascantur
et ejulent, ostenso illis arcu aut sagitté in manus data, pla-
cantur ; propterea ipsos etiam Turcas arcus jaculatione super-
ant.” Bellonius, L. 1. c. 5. Which is confirmed by Tourne-
fort, who was there one hundred and fifty years after Belon.
See Lett. 2. p. 100. V. 1.

626. Q θεῖε.].- Vid. Menonem, p. 99. et Aristot. Eth.
Nichom. L. 7. ¢. 1.

VOL. IV. T

O74 NOTES ON PLATO.

the mind and manners of his people to the virtues in
their order, that is, to wisdom, to temperance, and to
justice, and, in the fourth place, to valour. The

NOTES,

P. 629. IIpos τον πολεμὸον μαλιστα.] Yet this was Plato’s
real judgment concerning the constitutions of Minos and of
Lycurgus, as may be seen by his description of a timocracy, in
the eighth book De Republ. p. 548.

Ib. Διαβαντες de ev.] The Spartans, when they passed
the frontier of their own state to enter into the territory of an
enemy, always performed sacrifice, which was called ra δια-
βατηρια Ovew: and if the victims proved inauspicious, they
retired, and gave over their enterprise. This sense of the
word διαβηναι seems peculiar to that people.

Ib. Twy μισθοφορων.] In Plato’s time (about ΟἹ. 106,) and
soon after, the intestine tumults in the Greek cities, joined to
a sort of fashion, which prevailed, of going to seek their fortune
in a foreign service, had so depopulated Greece, that Isocrates
tells Philip of Macedon, that he might form a better and
stronger army out of these mercenaries, than he could out of the
citizens themselves, who continued in their own country. The
strength of the Persian king’s armies was entirely composed of
these Greeks, as was that of his enemies also the kings of
Egypt, and of Cyprus, and the revolted vice-roys in Asia
Minor. They were also employed by Athens, and by other
states of Greece, to save their own troops ; so that the Athenian
heavy-armed infantry now consisted of mercenaries, though the
citizens themselves served as rowers on board the fleet ; just
contrary to what had been the ancient practice, when the ships
were manned by the Ξέενοι, and slaves, and the Athenians them-
selves composed the 'Οπλῖται.

Ib. A fragment of Tyrtzus, Our’ αν μνησαιμην, &e.

630. A fragment of Theognis, Πιστος ἀνὴρ χρυσου, &e.

631. Οὐκ εἰσι ματην.] Vid. Plat. de Republ. p. 544.

Ib. Ἐπικοινωνουμενους.1 There seems something defective in
the syntax in several parts of this period.

DE LEGIBUS. 275

method he ought to lay down in the disposition of his
laws is stated.

P. 634. The fault of the Cretan and of the Lacede-
monian laws is, that they do not fortify the soul as
well against pleasure as against pain. Youth is not
permitted to examine into the rectitude of those laws
by which they are governed, nor to dispute about them ;
this is the privilege of age, and only to be practised in
private.

P. 635. The division of the citizens into companies,
(called Ξξυσσιτια) which daily assembled to eat together
in publick, was apt to create seditions and conspiracies.

NOTES,

P. 633. Τριτον ἢ reraprov.] Does Plato here allude to the
order in which he has ranged the virtues, (which, however, is
not very clear, except that he ranges valour in the fourth
place) ? or does he allude to the heads which he has laid down
for a legislator to proceed with method? in which the laws
that are to fortify the mind against pleasure and pain, and the
passions which they produce, come under the third and fourth
head.

Ib. Kpurrea τις.1] Vid. Plutarch. in Lycurgo.

Ib. Τυμνοπαιδιαις.1] Plutarch, ibid. Propert. L. 8. Eleg. 18.
These exercises were performed during a solemn festival held in
honour of Apollo, at which strangers were permitted to be
present in Sparta.

635. Φυξεισθαι rovs.] The translation is very deficient here :
the sense is this; ‘‘They will fly before such as have been ,
fortified by exercise and habit against labour, pain, and terror,
and will become their slaves:” and afterwards, Δουλευσουσι de
τροπον érepov, &c. ‘* They will become slaves in a different,
but a more ignominious, manner both to those who have the
power of resisting pleasure, and to those who possess all the
arts of pleasing, who are often the worst of men.”

276 NOTES ON PLATO.

The regular naked exercises of the youth were often
the cause of an unnatural passion among them. Crete
and Lacedzmon are blamed particularly on this account.

P. 636. Pleasure and pain are the two great sources

NOTES.

P. 686. Andover Se Μιλησιων.] The confusions at Miletus
were frequent, after that state had fallen into luxury and dis-
soluteness of manners: Heraclides Ponticus says of it; ‘H
Μιλησιων πολις περιπεπτωκεν ατυχίιαις δια τρυφὴν βιου και πολιτι-
Kas εχθρας᾽ Ot TO επίεικες οὐκ ἀγαπῶντες εκ ῥιζων ἀνεῖλον τοὺς
εχθρους : and he gives ἃ remarkable instance of the implacable
cruelty which these parties shewed to each other. (Athenzus.
L. 12. p. 524.)

Ib. Καὶ 69 καὶ παλαιον.] Ἐπιτηδευμα in this place seems
to me to be the nominative, and Νομιμον the accusative: thus,
Tovro To επιτηδευμὰ (Ta γυμνασια)ὴ δοκει μοι διεῴφθαρκεναι To
παλαιον. Kat κατα φυσιν νομιμον, Tas περι, &c. i.e. ‘‘ This practice
(of exercising constantly naked) appears to me to have weakened
greatly that ancient and natural law, by which the pleasures of
love, not only among human creatures, but even in the brute
creation, mutually belong to the two sexes.” ‘This is a remark-
able passage: and Tully judges in the same manner of these
exercises. How far the Cretans indulged their passions in the
way here mentioned, may be seen in Ephorus, (ap. Strabonem
L. 10.) The purity of manners at Sparta is strongly asserted
by Xenophon, (De Lacedemon. Republ. p. 395.) and by Plutarch
in his life of Lycurgus ; but here is a testimony on the other
side at least of equal authority.

Ib. Δηλοῦσι δε Μιλησιων.] We learn from Polybius that
the Ξυσσιτια were in use among the Beeotians (though under
no such regulations, probably, as those of Crete and Lace-
demon), for speaking of that nation after the great victory
at Leuctra, Ol. 102. 2. he says, Kara puxpov averecov rats
ψυχαῖς, και ὁρμησαντες em’ evwxias Kat meas, διεθεντο Kat Kowwvera
τοις φιλοις᾽ πολλοι δὲ των EXovTWY γενεὰς ἀπεμεριζον τοις ξυσσιτιοις
TO TAEOYV μερος Τῆς OVTLAS, WoTE πολλοὺς εἰναι Βοιωτων, δις ὑπηρχε
δείλινα του μηνος πλείω τῶν εἰς τὸν μηνα διατεταγμενων ἥμερων.

DE LEGIBUS. 277

of all human actions: the skill of a legislator consists
in managing and opposing one of them to the other.

P. 639. The use of wine, when under a _ proper
direction, in the education of youth.

NOTES,

(Ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 418. et Casaub. Annotat. in locum.)
Many instances more may be observed in history of the intes-
tine divisions in the cities of Bootia, (see Xenoph. Gree. Hist.
L. 5. p. 325.) and among the Thurians. (Thucyd. L. 7. ¢. 33.
and Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ὁ. 7.)

P. 637. No assemblies for the sake of drinking were ever seen
in Lacedeemon, nor intemperate revels, nor frolicks, the conse-
quences of such entertainments.

Ib. ‘Qozep ev ἁμαξαις.1] A sort of drunken farces performed
in the villages of Attica, during the Dionysia, which seem to
be the origin of the ancient comedy and tragedy. Hence the
proverb, EE ἁμαξης λέγειν, and hence, too, Aristophanes gives
the name of Tpaywdia to comedy. Acharnenses, v. 498, 499,
and 627. They seem to have still continued in use in the
country.

Ib. Ev Tapayrt.] Vid. Plutarch. in Pyrrho, and Strabo, L.
6. p. 230. We see here the beginnings of those vices, which |
some years afterwards were the ruin of Tarentum ; though as
yet the Pythagorean sect flourished there, and Archytas was
probably at the head of their affairs.

Ib. Tuvackwy παρ᾽ ὑμιν aveow.] Aristotle finds the same fault
in this part of the Lacedemonian constitution ; he says of their
women, Zwot μεν ἀκολάστως προς ἅπασαν αἀκολασιαν, Kat τρυφερως"
and he gives an instance of it in their behaviour, when the
Thebans invaded Laconia. Χρησιμοι μὲν yap οὐδὲν noav, worep
ev ἑτεραις rodeo’ θορυβον de παρειχον πλείω των πολεμίων. (Polit.
L. 2. α 9.)

Ib. Ὥσπερ Zxvda.] Herodot. L. 6. ο. 84.—Ilepra.] Xenoph.
Cyroped. L. 8. p. 142.---χΧαρχηδονιοι.] Were the Carthaginians
remarkable for drinking ?—KeAra.] See Posidonius ap, Athen-
eum, L, 4. p. 152.

278 NOTES ON PLATO.

Ῥ, 642. An apology for his own garrulity and dif-
fuseness, which is the characteristick of an Athenian.

P. 643. The nature and intent of education.

P. 644. Mankind are compared to puppets: but
whether they are formed by the gods for their diversion,
or for some more serious purpose (he says) is uncertain.
Their pleasures and pains, their hopes and fears, are

NOTES.

P. 637. Opaxes.] Xenophon, describing an entertainment
given by Seuthes, a Thracian king, at which he himself was
present, says, Avacras ὁ Σευθης συνεξεπιε, καὶ συγκατεσκεδασε
TO μετ᾽ αὐτου TO κερᾶξ.

638. Λοκροι.] The Locri Epizephyrii were governed by the
laws of Zaleucus, and were an aristocracy, till the elder Diony-
sius marrying Doris, a Locrian lady, her relations grew power-
ful enough to bring that state into subjection to the Syracusans.

Ib. Πολλαι. yap 6n pvyat.] This may possibly allude to the
unexpected defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra.

Ib. Xcovs.] The wisdom of the Chian government appears
from what Thucydides says of them. Xo μονοι μετα Λακεδαι-
fhovious, wy eyw ἡσθομὴν, ευὐδαιμονησαντες Gua καὶ εσωφρονησαν,
Kal ὅσω επεδιδου 7) πολις AUTOLS ETL TO μειζον, TOTW και εκοσμοῦντο
exupwrepov. L. 8. c. 24. But I doubt if Keovs be not the true
reading, for Chios revolted from the Athenians, ΟἹ. 91. 4. when
Plato was but seventeen years old, and Plato’s Nouo were
written in the latter end of his life.

641. The character of Athens, ws φιλολογος εστι Kat πολυλογος,
that of Lacedemon and Crete, ws 7 μεν Bpaxudoyos, 7 δε πολυ-
νοιαν μαλλον ἢ πολυλογιαν ἀσκουσα.

642. Ἢ ἑστια rns πολεως οὐσὰ ὑμων προξενος.}] As each
private family had its Vesta, to whom the hearth was particu-
larly sacred, so that of the publick was seated in the Prytaneum,
(Pindar. Nem. Od. 11.) where in most cities a perpetual lamp
was kept burning in honour of this goddess: and as every
private family of rank had their Προξενοι in several cities of
Greece, with whom they were connected by the ties of hospi-

DE LEGIBUS. 279

the springs which move them, and often draw contrary
ways at once. Reason is the master-spring which
ought to determine their motions; but as this draws
gently and never uses violence, some of the passions
must be called to its aid, which may give it strength
to resist the force of the others.

P. 645. The effects of wine upon the soul: it

NOTES.

tality, and in whose houses they were lodged and entertained,
so cities themselves had a like connection with each other; and
there were publick IIpogevoc nominated to receive and to defray
the expenses of such as came on business from other cities in
alliance with them. The character of the Athenians is thus
drawn: To bro πολλων λεγομενον, ws ὁσοι Αθηναιων εἰσιν αγαθοι,
διαφεροντως εἰσι TOLOVTOL’—poVvoL yap avev avayKys, avTopuws, θειᾳ
μοιρᾳ, adnOws και ovTt πλαστως εἰσιν ἀγαθοι.

P. 642. ΠΙρο των ἸΠερσικων.] Epimenides, therefore, came to
Athens, Ol. 70. 1. ten years before the battle of Marathon.
This is not reconcileable with Plutarch (in Solone), Diogenes
Laertius, or any other author, who mentions Epimenides. It
is sure that he arrived at Athens ninety-six years earlier, and
was then extremely old. Plato must therefore mean some
other person of the same name, country, and family, perhaps
descended from the old Epimenides, and practising, like him,
the art of divination.

644. Θαυμα μεν.] It is plain, that by θαυμα he means a
puppet, vevpooracrov, and I suppose, that the θαυματοποιοι, or
jugglers, used to carry such figures about to draw the crowd
together, as the mountebanks do at Venice. To this he alludes
also, L. 7. Πολιτειων᾽ Hap’ ἣν we τειχιον παρωκοδομήημενον, worep
Tos θαυματοποιοις των avOpwrwy προκειται Ta παραφραγματα,
ὑπερ ὧν Ta θαυματα δεικνῦσι, Χο. Puppet-shews were in such
request among the Greeks, that Pothinus, a famous man in that
way, performed before the whole Athenian people in the same
theatre (says Atheneus, L. 1. p. 19.), in which Euripides had
represented his tragedies.

280 NOTES ON PLATO.

heightens all our passions and diminishes our under-
standing, that is, in reality, it reduces us again to
childhood. As physicians, for the sake of our body,
give us certain potions, which for a time create sickness
and pain in us, and put our whole frame into disorder ;
so possibly might the legislator (by a singular experi-
ment) make wine subservient to a good purpose in
education, and, without either pain or danger, put the
prudence, the modesty, and the temper of youth to the
trial, and see how far they could resist the disorder of
the mind which is naturally produced by this liquor.

P. 646. The fear of dishonour is opposed to the fear
of pain: the first is a great instrument in the hands of
a wise legislator to suppress and to conquer the latter.

P. 647. If there were any drug or composition
known that would inspire us with fear and with dejec-
tion of spirits, for the time its influence lasted, what
need would there be of fatiguing our youth with long
laborious exercises, or of exposing them in battle to
real danger, in order to fortify the soul against the
attacks of fear and of pain? This draught alone, pro-
perly applied, would be a sufficient trial of our valour
under the eye of the magistrate, who might confer
honour and disgrace on a youth, according to his

NOTE.

P. 647. Καλῶν add.] Thisis what we call honour, that is, the
fear of shame ; and which is left to supply (as well as it can)
the place of all the virtues among us. Plato calls this senti-
ment in another place (p. 674. Lib. 2.) Qevos PoBos. Montesquieu
makes it the grand principle of monarchical governments,
(L’Esprit des Loix, L. 1. c. 6.) and in France its effects are
most conspicuous,

DE LEGIBUS. 281

behaviour during the operation. Unluckily, there is
no such drug discovered ; but there is a potion which
exalts our spirits, and kindles in the mind insolence,
and imprudence, and lust, and every fiercer passion,
while it lays open to view our ignorance, our avarice,
and our cowardice. Why should we wait till these
vices exert themselves into real action, and produce
their several mischiefs in society; when, by a well-
regulated use of this liquor, we might, without danger,
discover them lurking in the disposition of youth, and
suppress them even in their infancy ?

DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK ILI.
HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.

P. 653. The great purpose of a right education is to
fix in the mind an early habit of associating its ideas
of pleasure and of desire with its ideas of virtue, and
those of pain and aversion with that of vice: so that
reason, when it comes to maturity, (and happy are they
with whom, even in their old age, it does come to
maturity !) may look back with satisfaction, and may
approve the useful prejudices instilled into the soul in
its infancy.

The early inclination of children to noise and motion
is noticed, which, when reduced to order and symmetry,
produce harmony and grace, which are two pleasures
known only to human kind. The origin of musick and
of the dance.

P. 655. In what kind of imitation their true beauty

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 655. Ὥσπερ 6 χοροδιδασκαλοι.] I take the word evxpous,
applied to harmony, to be an affected term of art, then used by
the musicians and connoisseurs, like those in the fifth book de
Republ. p. 531. namely, Εξαρνησις, κατηγορια, adafovera χορδων.

DE LEGIBUS. 283

consists. Every sound, or movement, or attitude, which
naturally accompanies and expresses any virtue, or any
laudable endowment of mind and of body, is beautiful,
as the contrary is deformed and unpleasing. The error
of such as make pleasure the sole end of these arts.

Reasons for the diversity of men’s taste and judg-
ment in them are assigned. Some from having been
early depraved, and little accustomed to what is lovely,
come to approve and take delight in deformity : others
applaud what is noble and graceful, but feel no pleasure
from it, either because their mind has a natural de-
pravity in it, though their education has been good, or
because their principles are right, but their habits and
practice have not been conformable to them. The
danger of this last defect is stated, when men delight
in what their judgment disapproves.

P. 657. The restraint, which ought to be laid on
poets in all well-disciplined states, is named. Musi-
cians in Egypt! were confined by law, even from the
remotest antiquity, to certain simple species of melody,
and the painters and sculptors to some peculiar stand-

1 Σκοπωὼν δ᾽ ἑυρησεις αὐτοθι Ta μυρίοστον eros γεγραμμενα ἢ
τετυπωμενα, (OUK, WS επος εἰπειν, μυριοστὸν ετος, AAN οντως) των
νυν δεδημιουργημενὼων ouvre καλλίονα, ovTE αἰσχίω, τὴν αὐτὴν δὲε
τεχνὴν ἀπειργάσμενα. This will account for the little improve-
ment the Egyptians ever made in the fine arts, though they
were perhaps the inventors of them: for undoubtedly the ad-

vancement and perfection of these things, as well as their cor-
ruption, are entirely owing to liberty and innovation.

NOTE.

P. 655. Ta μεν aperns exoueva.] Vid. de Republ. L. 3. The
opinion of Damon the musician.

284 NOTES ON PLATO.

ards for their measures and attitudes, from which they
were not to deviate.

P. 658. A reflection on the usual wrong determina-
tions of the persons appointed to judge of their musical
and poetical entertainments at Athens, who (though
they took an oath to decide impartially) were biassed,
either through fear or from the affectation of popularity,
by the opinion of the crowd; whereas they ought to
have considered themselves as masters and directors of
the publick taste. From this weakness arose the cor-
ruption of their theatrical entertainments. In Italy
and in Sicily the victory was adjudged by the whole
audience to that poet, who had the greatest number of
hands held up for him.

P. 659. The manners, exhibited in a drama to the
people, ought always to be better than their own.

P. 661. The morality inculeated by the poets, even
in Sparta and in Crete, where all imnovations were by
law forbidden, was defective enough. What sentiments

NOTES.

P. 658. It is here said, that puppet-shews and jugglers’ tricks
are best accommodated to the taste of young children; as
comedy is to that of bigger boys, tragedy to that of the young
men, and of the women of the better sort, and of the bulk of
the people in general, and the rhapsodi to that of the older and
wiser sort.

Ib. Κινυρα τε] The verses of Tyrtzus, here alluded to,

are these :
Ουδ᾽ εἰ Τιθωνοιο φυὴν χαριεστερος evn,

Πλουτοιὴ τε Μιδεω και Kivvpao πλεον.
See also Phedrum, p. 269.
661. Ὑγιαινειν.] An allusion to an ancient song. See Gorgias,
p. 451.

DE LEGIBUS. 285

they ought to inspire. Plato’s! great principles are
explained, namely, that happiness is inseparable from
virtue and misery from wickedness, and that the latter
is rather an error of the judgment than of the will.

P. 663. If these opinions were actually false, (as
they are immutably founded on truth) yet a wise law-
giver would think himself obliged to inculcate them, as
true, by every method possible.

It is easy to persuade men, even of the most absurd
fiction ; how much more of an undoubted truth ?

P. 664. The institution of the three chorusses, which
are to repeat in verse (accompanied with musick and
with dances) these great principles of society, and to fix
them in the belief of the publick: the first chorus is
composed of boys under eighteen, and sacred to the
Muses ; the second, from that age to thirty, and sacred
to Apollo ; the third, to Bacchus, consisting of all from
thirty to sixty years of age.

P. 666. The use of wine is forbidden to boys; it is

1 Y. Alcibiad. 2. p. 144. Aristotle looked upon this as the
distinguishing part of his master Plato’s doctrine, as we see
from a fragment of his elegy to Eudemus, preserved in Olym-

piodorus’s commentary on the Gorgias. See also de Legib. L.
5. p. 733 and 742.

NOTES.

P. 663. To του Σιδωνιου.1 This fable of Cadmusand the dragon’s
teeth was firmly believed at Thebes: the principal families were
supposed to be descended from the five persons who survived
the fight: and bore on their bodies (as it was reported) the
mark of a lance, as a proof of their origin. They were called
Σπαρτοι, και Τ΄γενεις. (See Eurip. Hercules Furens, y. 794.
and Barnes ad locum.)

286 NOTES ON PLATO.

allowed, but very moderately, to men under thirty ;
after that age, with less restraint: the good effects of
it in old age are mentioned.

P. 667. The principles and qualifications which are
required in such as are fit to judge of poetry, and of
the other imitative arts.

P. 669. Instrumental musick by itself (which serves
not to accompany the voice) is condemned, as uncertain
and indefinite in its expression. The three arts of
poetry, of musick, and of the dance (or action), were
not made to be separated.

P. 671. The regulation of entertainments, with the
manner of presiding at them is enforced ; without which
the drinking of wine ought not to be permitted at all,
or in a very small degree.

NOTES.

P. 665. Πεφωνασκήκοτες.7 The singers in these chorusses
were subjected to a course of abstinence and of physick, for a
considerable time before they put their voices to the trial.
(Vid. Antiphont. Orat. de caede Choreutz. )

669. An expression of Orpheus: Aaxew wpay τερψίιος.

672. Ὅταν αποκτεινὴ Tis avTo, Or, aKTawwon éavto—a false
reading ; perhaps, ὁταν avaxw7 τις, OF ανακινὴ TL AUTO.

DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK III.
HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.

P. 676. The immense antiquity of the earth, and
the innumerable changes it has undergone in the course
of ages. Mankind are generally believed to have been
often destroyed (a very small remnant excepted) by
inundation and by pestilence.

The supposition of a handful of men, probably
shepherds, who were feeding their cattle on the mount-
ains, and were there preserved with their families from

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 677. Ὁ, τι μεν yap μυριακις.17Ὶ Perhaps we should read οὔτι
pev yap. I imagine he means to say, as follows; ‘‘ For (taking
the great antiquity of the earth for granted) without supposing
some such destruction as this, how can we account for all the
useful arts among mankind, invented as it were but yesterday,
or at farthest, not above two thousand years old? It is impos-
sible that men in those times should have been utterly ignorant
of all which had passed so many thousand ages, unless all
records, and monuments, and remains of their improvements
and discoveries, had perished.”

κε Quo tot facta virtim toties cecidere? nec usquam
Aiternis fame monumentis insita florent ?”
Lucret. L. 5. v. 329.

288 NOTES ON PLATO.

a general deluge, which had overwhelmed all the cities
and inhabitants of the country below.

P. 677. The destruction of arts and sciences, with
their slow and gradual revival among this infant
society, is nobly described.

P. 680. The beginnings of government : the paternal
way first in use, which he calls the justest of all
monarchies. Assemblies of different families agree to
descend from the mountain tops, and to settle in the
hill-country (ev ταῖς ὑπωρειαις) below them; and as
each of them has a head or a prince of its own, and
customs in which it has been brought up, it will be

NOTES.

P. 677. ΣΧιλια δ᾽ ad’ οὗ γεγονεν, ἡ dis.] From Ol. 108. 1. the
year of Plato’s death, to the age of Marsyas (a contemporary of
Midas) is usually computed about thirteen hundred years, to
that of Amphion, eleven hundred, to that of Dedalus and
Orpheus, not quite one thousand, and to that of Palamedes, who
lived about the siege of Troy, nine hundred and sixty.

Ib. Ta de περι Μουσικην.)] Perhaps we should add, AvA7-
τικΉν.

Ib. χθες τε kat mpwnv.] See Gorgias, p. 471.

Ib. ‘O λογω μεν ‘“Horodos.] I know not what lines in Hesiod
are here alluded to, unless it be these:

Οὗτος μεν παναριστος, OS AUTOS παντα νοήσει,
Φρασσαμενος Ta κ᾽ επειτα Kal ες TENOS εσσετ᾽ ἀμεινω.
Oper. et Dies. v. 298.

nor do I clearly see, whether this is said seriously, or by way of
irony on Epimenides and on the art of divination.

680. Tos ἕενικοις ποιημασι.) Homer was but little known or
read in Crete, even in Plato’s time. The Cretans, as they
closely adhered to their ancient customs, did so likewise to the
compositions of their own countrymen.

DE LEGIBUS. 289

necessary to describe certain laws in common, and to
settle a kind of senate, or of aristocracy.

P. 683. The causes of the increase and declension
of states, are exemplified in the history of Sparta,
Messene, and Argos. The original league between the
three kingdoms founded by the Heraclide, and the
mutual engagements entered into by the several kings
and by their people, are stated.

P. 684. The easiness of establishing an equality of
property in a new conquest, which is so difficult for a

NOTES.

P. 681. Τριτον τοινυν εἰπωμεν. See what Strabo (L. 13. p. 592.
3.) says on this subject: whence I should suspect that there
was something deficient here in the text of Plato concerning the
third migration of mankind, at which time Ilus is supposed to
have founded Ilium in the plain.

682. Τὴν es Aaxedatuova κατοικησιν.] This happened eighty
years after the taking of Troy. See the history in Pausanias.
Corinthiac. L. 2. p. 151. and Messeniac. p. 285.

683. Ἣ ex Oepwwv.] The time of the dialogue was one of
the longest days in the year, soon after the summer-solstice.

684. Inv τε αναμφισβητητως.1ὺ The equal distribution of
lands is, however, by all attributed to Lycurgus, who lived at
least two hundred and thirty years after the return of the
Heraclide, nay Plato himself (in the Minos, p. 318.) brings
him near four hundred years lower still. Erastosthenes and
Apollodorus (ap. Plutarch. in Lyeurgo) place Lycurgus a little
earlier. Xenophon alone makes him a contemporary with
the Heraclide, who first settled in Peloponnesus: (Respubl.
Lacedeem. p. 399.) at least so Plutarch interprets the passage.

Ib. Βασιλειαι τρεις---ωμοσαν.] This was performed at Sparta
every month. ‘O de ὁρκος εστι Tw μεν βασιλεῖ, κατα τοὺς τὴς
πόλεως κειμενοὺυς νομους βασιλεύσειν, TH δὲ πόλει εμπεδορκουντος
εκεινου ἀαστυφελικτον τὴν βασιλειαν παρεξειν. (Xenoph. Lacedem.

Respubl. p. 402.)
VOL. IV. U

290 NOTES ON PLATO.

legislator to accomplish, who would give a better form
to a government already established.

P. 688. States are destroyed, not so much for the
want of valour and of conduct, as for the want of virtue,
which only is true wisdom. ‘The greatest and the most
pernicious of all ignorance is, when we do not love
what we approve.

P. 691. Absolute power, unaccountable to any and
uncontrolled, is not to be supported by any mortal man.

NOTES.

P. 685. Ts apxns yap exewns nv poptov.] This is a singular
passage. The kingdom of Troy (he says) was a part of the
great Assyrian empire, ἣν yap ert τῆς apxns eKewns σχῆμα TO
σωΐζομενον ov μικρον. According to Herodotus, the empire of
Assyria had continued five hundred and-twenty years in Upper
Asia, when the Medes revolted from it ; but this happened near
five hundred years after the fall of Troy, so that Troy was taken
about the twentieth year of the Assyrian dominion, and, if so,
the words of Plato, τῇ περι Nivoy γενομενῆ, might be taken
literally, as though Ninus were then on the throne. But, in
truth, Plato (from the words cited above, Hv yap er, Xc.)
appears to have given the Assyrian power a much longer dura-
tion, as Ctesias has done, who makes it seven hundred and
eighty-six years older than Herodotus. Diodorus, who follows
the authority of Ctesias in these matters, says, that Troy
depended on the Assyrians, and that Teutamus, or Tautanes,
who then reigned over them, sent ten thousand men and two
hundred chariots to the assistance of Priam, under the com-
᾿ mand of Memnon son to the governor of Susiana.

Ib. To devrepov.] Troy had been taken by Hercules and
Telamon about a hundred years before its final destruction : but
perhaps ro devrepov may signify, afterwards, in process of time,
that is, in the reigns of Darius and of Xerxes.

689. Proverb, Myre ypaypara, μητε νεῖν, επιστασθαι, for a
person completely ignorant,

DE LEGIBUS. 291

The aiming at this was the destruction of the Argive
and Messenian monarchs. That which probably pre-
served the Lacedzmonian state, was the originally
lodging the regal power in the hands of two; then the
institution of the senate by Lycurgus, and lastly, that
of the Ephori by Theopompus. Had the three king-
doms been united and governed in the Spartan manner,
the Persian king would never have dared to invade
Greece: his repulse was entirely due to the Athenians
and Lacedzmonians, and not to the common efforts of
the Greeks.

NOTES,

P. 690. Και xara vow, ὡς ὁ OnBaos.] See the passage of
Pindar at length, cited in the Gorgias, p. 484.

691. Τὴν xara ynpas.] The institution of the Tepovres, or
senate of twenty-eight, by Lycurgus.

Ib. Icoyngov.] The two kings sat in the senate, and had
each a single vote, like the other citizens: they had only this
privilege, that they could give their vote by proxy, when
absent.

Ib. Διδυμον.1 Euristhenes and Procles were twins. (Herod.
L. να 52.)

Ib. Μισϑουμενοι.1] Vid. L. 1. p. 630.

692. O τριτος σωτηρ.] 1.6. Theopompus, who, as it is gener-
‘ally agreed, instituted the Ephori. I look upon this passage
as one proof, that the eighth epistle of Plato is supposititious,
for in that epistle this institution is expressly attributed to
Lycurgus.- Many sentiments in that letter seem borrowed from
this book of the Laws.

Ib. Πολεμουσα avry.] I do not know any war in which the
Spartans were engaged with the Messenians at the time of the
battle of Marathon (see also p. 698.) ; but this doubtless is a
better reason than that given by Herodotus (L. 6. ο. 106.),
namely, that it was not agreeable to their customs to take the
field, before the moon was at the full.

292 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 693. The two great forms of government, from
which all the rest are derived, are monarchy and demo-
cracy : Persia is an example of the first carried to its
height, and Athens an example of the latter. The
best constitution is formed out of both.

P. 694. The reason of the variations observable in
the Persian power is given; the different administra-

NOTES.

P. 692. Ἣ περι ro Apyos.] Their pretence for refusing was a
point of honour: they insisted upon dividing the confederate
army with Sparta; but it was believed, that they had secretly
promised the Persian to observe a neutrality. As to the rest of
Greece, the Thessalians had called in Xerxes, the Beotians
readily received him, the Cretans pretended an oracle which
obliged them to continue quiet, and the Corcyreans waited to
see the event of the first battle. After the action at Ther-
mopyle, a great part of Peloponnesus had determined to fortify
the Isthmus, and to give up all the countries which lie north
of it ; and what is worse, even after the great victory at Salamis,
they went on, Lacedemonians and all, with the work, and gave
up Attica a second time to the barbarians. It was with great
difficulty that Themistocles could keep the fleet together at
Salamis, or prevent the several squadrons which composed it
from returning home; and, in the battle of Plate, no one
scarcely had any share, except the Lacedemonians, the Athen-
ians, and the Tegeste ; and particularly, the Mantineans and
the Eleans did not arrive till after the fight.

694. Παιδειας de opOns.] This passage has been generally
looked upon as reflecting on the Cyropedia of Xenophon, and
taken for a mark of ill-will in Plato: but I do not see how the
words themselves carry in them any such reflection. They are
plainly meant, not of the education which Cyrus himself
received, but, of the little care he took (busied as he was in
great affairs all his life long) of that of his two sons. There is
nothing in this at all contradictory to Xenophon who scarcely
mentions these princes any farther than to say, that they were

DE LEGIBUS. 293

tion of different princes, who succeeded one another,
and the cause of it is accounted for from their edu-
cation. The care of Cyrus’s children, while he was
abroad in the field, was trusted entirely to the women,
who bred them up in high notions of that grandeur to
which they were to succeed, and in the effeminate and
luxurious manners of the Medes. Darius, who suc-

NOTES.

present and heard the excellent counsels which Cyrus gave
them on his death-bed, and which they forgot immediately.
Ere: μεντοι Kupos ετελευτησεν, evdus μὲν αὐτου ou παιδες εστα-
σιαζον. ---παντὰ δ᾽ emt To χειρον erperero. The great abilities
and virtues of Cyrus himself are represented alike in Plato and
in Xenophon.

P. 695, Διειλετο érra μερη.}] I know not whether any historian
tells us, that Darius divided the empire into seven parts, or
great provinces, over which we are to suppose that he placed
the great men who had entered into the conspiracy with him,
and made these vice-royalties hereditary in their families. It
is natural to imagine, that such an appointment could not con-
tinue many years under a succession of kings so absolute as
those of Persia; but yet Plato says, that some faint shadow of
this division was still left even in his days.

Ib. Tov Κυρου dacuov.] We see here, that the division of
the empire into twenty satrapiz or governments, and the im-
position of a regular tax or tribute, were originally designed by
Cyrus, though they were never executed till Darius came to the
throne. The Persians, according to Herodotus, attributed it to
the avarice of Darius: Aca δὲ ταυτὴν τὴν επιταξιν του dopov και
παραπλησια TavTn adda, λεγουσιν, ws Δαρειος μὲν nv Katrn dos"
KapBvons de δεσποτης᾽ Kupos de πατηρ. ‘O μεν yap, ore εκαπη- ©
eve παντὰ Ta πρηγματα᾽ ὁ de, OTL χάλεπος TE NY καὶ ολιγωρος"
ὁ δε, Ore ἡπιος ἣν και ayaba σφι παντα εμηχανησατο.

Ib. Ποιμενες.})ὺ Herodotus says, that four of the Persian
tribes, the Dai, Mardi, Tropici, and Sagartii, were Noyuades,
L..1. p. 54. ¢. 125.

294 NOTES ON PLATO.

ceeded them, had been bred as a private soldier, and
he restored the declining empire to its former greatness.
Xerxes, his son, brought up as great princes usually
are, by his folly weakened it again, and ever since it
has been growing worse and worse.

NOTES.

P. 695. Τραχειας xwpas.] See Herodotus, L. 1. c. 71. and
Le See: ult

Ib. Του λεγομενου το Te Evvovxyov.] The account of this fact,
which Plato had received, seems different from that given us
by Herodotus, or by Ctesias. The counterfeit Smerdis and the
Magus, his brother, were Medes, but neither of them eunuchs.
He may possibly mean the eunuch Bagapates, who (according
to Ctesias) was the favourite both of Cyrus and Cambyses, was
privy to the secret murder of Tanyoxarces, and contrived after
the death of Cambyses to place the Magus, or Mede, upon the
throne, and afterwards betrayed him to the conspirators.

Ib. Twv ἑπτα.] Ctesias calls them, Onophas, Idernes,
Norondabates, Mardonius, Barisses, Artaphernes, and Darius.

Ib. Βασιλεως οὐκ nv ὑιος.] Hystaspes, the father of Darius,
was of the same family with Cyrus, and, at the time of his
son’s coming to the empire, was governor of Persia properly
so called. Darius was brought up in that country, he served
in Egypt among the guards of Cambyses, Aoyou ovdevos κω
μεγαλου, says Herodotus, and came to the throne at about
twenty-eight years of age.

Ib. Aceckero ἑπτὰ pepy.| Herodotus tells us, that Otanes
(who first laid the plan of the conspiracy) gave up all preten-
sions to the crown, on condition that he and his family might
enjoy a perfect liberty ; and even now (adds he) the descendants
of Otanes are the only family in Persia which can be called free,
- obeying the orders of the court no farther than they please, and
under no other restraint than that of the laws. The other six
agreed among themselves, that to whichever among them for-
tune should give the empire, he should engage to marry out of
no other family than theirs, and should never refuse them access
to his person, except he were in the apartment of the women.

DE LEGIBUS. 295

P. 696. Honour is the proper reward of virtue only ;
in what manner it ought to be distributed in a well-
regulated state.

P. 697. The impossibility is stated of any govern-
ment’s subsisting long, where the people are enemies
to the administration, which, where despotism in its
full extent prevails, must always be the case.

P. 698. A picture of the reverse of this, a complete
democracy, as at Athens. The constitution of that

NOTES.

P. 698. Πολιτεια παλαια.] See the admirable Areopagitick
oration of Isocrates, p. 147. and 150. for an account of the
ancient Athenian manners and education ; and the oration de
Pace, p. 176. and Panathenaic. p. 260.

Ib. Ex τιμηματων τετταρων.] See this division instituted by
Solon in Plutarch’s life of him. Aristides, after the victory at
Plate, proposed a law, whereby every citizen of Athens, with-
out regard to rank or fortune, might be a competitor for the
archonship, or principal magistracy, which afterwards gave a
right to a seat in the senate of Areopagus.

Ib. Aaris.] This is all agreeable to Herodotus, L, 6. ο. 98.
See also Plato’s Menexenus, p. 240.

699. ‘Hv adw.] Vid. L. 1. p. 647.

700. H Μουσικη.]. Vid. L. 2. p. 657 and 658, and de
Republ. L. 4. p. 424. The state of the Athenian musick before
the Persian invasion. Certain kinds of harmony and of moye-
ment were appropriated to distinct species of poetry: prayers
and invocations to the gods formed one kind, called ‘Tuvoe ;
lamentations for the dead formed a second, called Θρηνοι ; the
Ilacaves were a third sort ; the Διθυραμβοι (the subject of which
was the birth of Bacchus) a fourth; and the Νόμοι Κιθαρωδικοι,
a fifth, with other kinds: these were afterwards confused and
injudiciously mingled all together by the ignorance and by the
bad taste of the poets and of their audience.

Ib. Ov συριγξ nv.] The Athenians used this instrument, as
in modern theatres whistles and cat-calls.

296 NOTES ON PLATO.

state was different before the Persian invasion. The
reasons for their distinguished bravery on that occa-
sion, An account of the change introduced in their
musick, and the progress of liberty, or rather of license,
among them.

P. 701, The great aim of a legislator is to inspire
liberty, wisdom, and concord. Clinias, being appointed
with nine other citizens to superintend and to form a
body of laws for a new colony they are going to settle,
asks advice of the Athenian and Lacedemonian strangers
on that head.

DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK IV.

HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE.

P. 704. The advantages and disadvantages arising
from the situation of a city, and the great difficulty of
preserving the constitution and the morals of a mari-
time and trading state, are described.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 704. He is speaking of the difficulty of preserving the con-
stitution and morals of a maritime and trading state. Eyzropas
yap Kat χρηματισμου δια καπηλειας εμπιπλᾶσα ἑαυτὴν, NOn παλιμ-
Bota και απιστα ταις Ψψυχαις εντικτουσα, αὐτὴν τε προς ἁυτην τὴν
πολιν ἀπιστον και αφιλον ποίει, και προς τους ἀαλλοὺυς ανθρωπους ὡσαυ-
τως. The great advantage of a maritime power with respect to
its influence, its commerce and riches, its politeness of manners
and language, and the enjoyment of every pleasure and con-
venience of life, are admirably explained by Xenophon (in
Athen. Republ. p. 204.), who considers it in every light, in
which Montesquieu and the best modern political writers would
do. But Plato extended his views farther: he says, Ov τὸ
σωζεσθαι Te και ειναι, μονον avOpwrrots τιμιωτατον ἥγουμενοι, καθαπερ
Ot ποόλλοι, TO de ὡς βελτιστοὺυς γιγνεσθαι τε και εἰναι, τοσουτον
χρονον ὁσον av wow. (707. see also p. 714. and 1,. 5. p. 743.)
Plato never regards policy as the art of preserving mankind in
a certain form of society, or of securing their property or their
pleasures, or of enlarging their power, unless so far as all these

298 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 706. The manner of carrying on a war by sea is
unworthy of a brave and free people; it impairs their
valour, depends too much on the lower and more
mechanick arts, and is hardly ever decisive. The
battles of Artemisium and of Salamis could not have
preserved Greece (as it has been commonly thought),
from the Persians, had they not been defeated in the
action at Platzeee.

P. 709. The difficulties, which attend new colonies,
if sent out by a single city, are stated: they will more
hardly submit to a new discipline, and to laws different
from those of their native country: but then they con-
cur more readily in one design, and act with more ἡ
strength and uniformity among themselves. If they
are collected from various states, they are weak and
disjointed, but more apt to receive such forms and im-
pressions as a legislator would give them.

The constitution of states and of their laws is owing
more to nature, or to chance, or to the concurrence of

NOTES.

are consistent with the preservation of their virtue and of that
happiness, which is the natural result of it. He had, undoubt-
edly, in what he says here, a view to his own country.

Isocrates (in his oration Panathenaic. p. 256.) is constrained
to own, that when Athens became a great naval power, she was
forced to sacrifice her good order and morals to her ambition,
though he justifies her for doing so from necessity: but (in the
orat. de Pace, p. 174.) he speaks his mind more freely, and he
shows at large that the dominion of the sea was every way the
ruin of the Athenians, and afterwards of the Lacedemonians.

P. 704. Edaryn.] Wesee here that the principal ship-timber
of the Greeks was fir, and pine and cypress for the outside work,
as the picea and plane-tree were for the inside.

DE LEGIBUS. 299

various accidents, than to human foresight: yet the
wise lawgiver will not therefore despair, but will ac-
commodate his art to the various circumstances and
opportunities of things. The mariner cannot command
the winds and the waves, yet he can watch his advan-
tages, and make the best use possible of both, for the
expedition and security of his voyage.

P. 710. The greatest advantage which a lawgiver
can ever meet with is, when he is supported by an
arbitrary prince, young, sober, and of good understand-
ing, generous and brave ; the second lucky opportunity
is, when he can find a limited monarch of like disposi-
tion to concur in his designs; the third is, when he
can unite himself to the leading men in some popular
government ; and the fourth and most difficult is, in an
oligarchy.

NOTES.

P. 706. Τὴν χωραν πληρη.}] The Athenians brought their
timber chiefly from Macedonia, for Attica afforded but little
for these uses. (Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 6. p. 340.)

707. Αλλοθεν των ‘EXAnvwv.] According to Herodotus (L. 7.
c. 170.) the ill-success of the expedition of Minos against the
Sicilians, and the settlement of those troops which accompanied
him in Italy after his death, had left Crete in a manner desti-
tute of inhabitants ; for he mentions only Presus and Polichme,
as cities of the Eteocrétes (or original Cretans) remaining. This
happened about one hundred years before the Trojan war, and
accordingly Homer speaks of this island as peopled by various
nations, and most of them of Greek origin :

Αλλὴη δ᾽ ἀλλων yAwooa μεμιγμενη" εν μεν Αχαιοι,
Ἐν δ᾽ Ereoxpyres μεγαλήτορες, εν δε Κυδωνες,
Δωριεες τε τριχαΐκες, δῖοι Te Πελασγοι.

Odyss. T. v. 175.

300 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 711. The character and manners of a whole
people, in a despotick government, are easily changed
by the encouragement and by the example of their
prince.

P. 712. The best governments are of a mixed kind,
and are not reducible to any of the common forms,
Thus those of Crete and of Sparta were neither tyranni-
cal, nor monarchical, nor aristocratical, nor democrati-
cal, but had something of all these.

P. 713. The fable of the Saturnian age is introduced,
when the gods or demons in person reigned over man-
kind. No mortal nature is fit to be trusted with an
absolute power of commanding its fellow-creatures: and
therefore the law, that is, pure reason, divested of all

NOTES.

P. 710. This great opportunity was Plato’s inducement to go
twice into Sicily, and (when he found that nothing could be
made of the younger Dionysius) to support Dion in his expedi-
tion against him. Dion was of the royal family, possessed of
every qualification here required, and ready to coneur with
Plato in all his designs, but he was cut off in the midst of them
by a base assassin, whom he had taken into his bosom and
counsels.

712. This is also the opinion of Polybius (Excerpt. ex Lib.
6. p. 452, ed. Casaub.) who produces the Spartan and Roman
commonwealths as instances of it.

712. Isocrates calls the Lacedemonian constitution a de-
mocracy. Λακεδαιμονιοι dua tavra καλλιστα πολιτευονται, ὅτι
μαλιστα δημοκρατουμενοι τυγχανουσι. (Areopag. p. 152.) and in
another place he calls it a democracy mixed with an aristocracy.
(Panathen. p. 265.) His reason for naming it a democracy
was, doubtless, because the senate was elected by the people, as
were also the Ephori, in whose hands the supreme power was
lodged, which Aristotle calls λίαν μεγαλη, kat ἰσοτυραννος, and

DE LEGIBUS. 301

human passions and appetites, the part of man which
most resembles the divinity, ought alone to be implicitly
obeyed in a well-governed state.

P. 715. The first address to the citizens of the new
colony, is to inculcate the belief of providence and of
divine justice, humility, moderation, obedience to the
laws, and piety to the gods and to parents: this should
be by way of procemium to the laws; for free men are
not to be treated like slaves ; they are to be taught and
to be persuaded, before they are threatened and punished.

P. 721. The laws of marriage, and the reasons and
inducements to observe them, are stated.

P. 722. The necessity and the nature of general and
of particular introductions are stated.

NOTES.

adds, that by these means, Δημοκρατια εξ Ἀριστοκρατιας συνεβαινε.
(Politic. L. 2. αἱ 9.)

P. 714. To συμῴερον éavtw.] See de Republ. L. 1. p. 338. This
was the doctrine of Thrasymachus, and it is in appearance that
of Montesquieu in his Esprit des Loix; but this great man did
not dare to speak his mind, in a country almost despotically
governed, without disguise. Let any one see the ainiable pic-
ture which Montesquieu draws. of freer governments, and, in
contrast to it, his idea of a court, and they will not be at a loss
to know his real sentiments. That constitution and policy which
is founded (as he says himself) on every virtue, must be the
only one worthy of human nature.

716. ‘Qs φασιν avOpwros.] He alludes to a principle of Pro-
tagoras (V. Theet. p. 152.)

720. The method of practising physick in these times is
observable,

DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK V.

HEADS OF THE FIFTB. DIALOGUE.

P, 726. After he has shewed the reason of that duty
which men owe to the gods and to their parents, he
comes to that duty which we owe to ourselves; and
first, of the reverence due to our own! soul; that it
consists not in flattering its vanity, nor indulging its
pleasures, nor in soothing its indolence, nor in satisfy-
ing its avarice.

P. 728. The second honours are due to our body,
whose perfection is not placed in excess of strength, of
bulk, of swiftness, of beauty, nor even of health, but in
a mediocrity of all these qualities ; for a redundancy,?
or a deficiency, in any one of them is always prejudicial
to the mind.

The same holds with regard to fortune. The folly

1 Tlavrwy τῶν αὐτου κτημάτων wera Θεους ψυχὴ θειοτατον, οἰκειο-
τατον ον. p. 728.

2 Πὰ μὲν yap χαυνους τας ψυχας και θρασειας moet, Ta Se
ταπειναστε και ανελευθερους. p. 728.

8. Ἢ μεν yap νεων ακολακευτος οὐσιᾶ, των δὲ αναγκαιων μὴ
ενδεης, αὐτὴ πασῶν μουσικωτατη τε και apioTn’ ξυμῴφωνουσα yap
ἡμῖν και ξυναρμοττουσα εἰς ἅπαντα αἀλυπον τον βιον amepyaserat.

Ῥ. 729.

DE LEGIBUS. 303

of heaping up riches for our children is exposed, as the
only valuable inheritance which we can leave them is a
respect for virtue. The reverence due to youth is incul-
cated. True education consists not in precept, but in
example.

- The duty to relations and to friends: strict justice,
hospitality, and compassion, are due to strangers and
foreigners, but above all to suppliants.

What is that habit of the mind which best becomes
a man of honour and a good citizen. Veracity is the
prime virtue. Justice consists in this: not only to do
no injury, but to prevent others from doing any, and to
assist the magistrate in punishing those who commit
them. Temperance and wisdom: the persons who
possess these or any other virtues, deserve our praise ;
those, who impart them to others, and multiply their
influence, are worthy of double honours. The use of
emulation in a state: the hatefulness of envy and
detraction.

P. 731. Spirit and indignation are virtues, when
employed against crimes and vices, which admit of no
other cure than extreme severity :! yet they are not
inconsistent with lenity and tender compassion, when
we consider that? no man is voluntarily wicked ; and
that the fault is in his understanding, and not in his
intention. The blindness of what is called self-love.
Excessive joy and sorrow are equally condemned.

1 Χαλεπα, και δυσιατα, ἡ και TO παραπαν aviata, αδικηματα.
(See the Gorgias. )

2 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357.—H yap δι’ αμαθιαν, ἡ δι’ axpa-
τειαν, ἡ δι᾿ αμῴοτερα Tov cwhpovew evdens ων, ζὴ ὁ Tas ανθρωπίψος

οχλος. p. 734,

304 NOTES ON PLATO.

P. 732. A life of virtue is preferable! to any other,
even with respect to its pleasures. (This passage is
admirable. )

P. 736. The method of purgation requisite in form-
ing a society, in order to clear it of its noxious parts,
either by punishments, or by sending out colonies.

P. 737. The number of citizens limited. Equal -
division of lands among them. ‘The institution of
temples and sacred rites, in which nothing of novelty
is to be permitted, nor the slightest alteration 2 made ;
but ancient opinions and traditions are to be religiously
followed. Festivals and general assemblies serve to
familiarise the citizens to one another, and to bring the
whole people acquainted with the temper and character
of each particular man.

P. 739. The recommendation of his first scheme of
government laid down in the book de Republica, in
which all things are in common; and the whole state,
their possessions, their families, their passions,’ are so
united as that they may all act together, like the facul-
ties of a single person. The present scheme comes next
to it in perfection.

The number of the shares allotted to the citizens is
never to be diminished nor increased. Each man is to
choose one among his sons who is to succeed to his
portion ; the rest to be given in adoption to those who
have none of their own. The supreme magistrate is to

1 Vid. de Republica, p. 581. L. 9. Philebum, p. 61. et
Protagoram.
2 Tourwy Νομοθετῃ To σμικροτατον ἅπαντων οὐδὲν κινΉΤεον.

3 Vid. de Republ. L. ὅ. p. 462.

DE LEGIBUS. 305

preside over this equality, and to preserve it. If the
number of children exceed the number of shares, he
may send out a colony; if it fall short, he may (in
cases of great necessity) introduce the sons of foreigners.
No alienation of lands to be permitted.

P. 741. The increase of fortune by commerce is to
be prohibited, and the use of gold or silver small money,
of a species not valued, nor in request with other people,
only permitted for the ordinary uses of life. The com-
mon coin of Greece is to be in the hands of the publick,
or employed only on occasion of an embassy, or of an
expedition into foreign states. No private person may
go abroad without leave of the government; and if
he bring back with him any foreign money, he must
deposit it in the hands of the magistrate, or he, and all
who are privy to the concealment, shall forfeit twice
the value, and incur disgrace.

P. 742. No securities shall be given among citizens
in any case: no fortune paid on a marriage ; no money
lent on interest.

The folly of a legislator who thinks of making a
great, a flourishing, a rich, and a happy state, without
regard to the virtue! of the inhabitants.

P. 743. The inconsistency of great wealth ? and of
great virtue. The good men will never acquire any
thing by unjust means, nor ever refuse to be at any
expense on decent and honest occasions. He, there-
fore, who scruples * not to acquire by fair and by unfair

1 Vid. L. 4. p. 707.

2 V. de Republ. L. 4. p. 421. and L. 8. p. 552.

3 Ἢ ex δικαίου καὶ αδικου κτησις πλεον ἡ διπλασια εστι τῆς EK

του δικαιου μονον᾽ Ta τε ἀαναλωματα μὴτε καλως MNTE αἰσχρως

VOL, IV. Χ

306 NOTES ON PLATO.

means, and will be at no expense on any occasion, must
naturally be thrice as rich as the former. A good man
will not lavish all he has in idle pleasures and prodi-
gality ; he will not therefore be very poor. Business
and! acquisition ought to employ no more of our time,
than may be spared from the improvement of our mind
and of our body.

P. 744. A colony cannot be formed of men perfectly
equal in point of fortune ; it will be therefore necessary
to divide the citizens into classes according to their
circumstances, that they may pay impositions to the
publick service in proportion to them. The wealthier
members are also, ceteris paribus, to be preferred
before others to offices and dignities of expense ; which
will bring every one’s fortune gradually to a level.

Four such classes to be instituted: the first worth
the value of his land, the fourth, four times as much.
Above or below this proportion no one is to go, on pain
of forfeiture and disgrace: therefore, the substance of
every man is to be publickly enrolled, under the inspec-
tion of a magistracy.

P. 745. The division of the country. Every man’s
lot is to consist of two half-shares, the one near the
city, the other near the frontier: every one also is to
have two houses, likewise within the city, the one near
the midst of it, the other near the walls. The country
is to be divided into twelve tribes, and the city into as
εθελοντα αναλισκεσθαι των κάλων, και evs καλα εθελοντων δαπα-
νᾶσθαι διπλασιως ελαττονα. ---ΑΟὐκ εἰσιν δι παμπλουσιοι αἀγαθοι, εἰ
de μη αγαθοι, ovde ευδαιμονες.

1 Ὅποσα μὴ χρηματιΐζομενον αναγκασεῖεν ἀμελειν, ὧν ενεκὰ
πέφυκε TA χρηματα᾽ TavTa δ᾽ εστι ψυχὴ και σωμα.

DE LEGIBUS. 307

many regions ; and each of them to be dedicated to its
several divinity.

P. 746. An apology for this scheme, which to some
will seem impracticable.

P. 747. The great difference of climates and of
situations, and the sensible effects which they produce
not on the bodies alone, but on the souls of men, are
stated.

THE END OF THE FIFTH BOOK.

* * * * *

It is matter of just but unavailing regret, that Mr.
Gray proceeded no further in his analysis and annota-
tions on the books of Plato De Legibus.—{ Marutas. |

THE EPISTLES.
Ed. Serrani, H. Steph. 1578. Vol. 3. p. 309, &c.

-DiocEnEs Larrtivs, who lived probably about the
time of Septimius Severus, in the catalogue he gives
us of Plato’s works, counts thirteen epistles, and
enumerates their titles, by which they appear to be
the same as those which we now have. Yet we are
not thence to conclude them to be all genuine alike.
Fictions of this kind are far more ancient than that
author’s time; and his judgment and accuracy were
not sufficient to distinguish the true from the false, as
plainly appears from those palpable forgeries, the
letters of the seven sages, which yet easily passed upon
him as genuine.

EPISTLE 1. To Dionysius. Ol. 108. 2.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 309.

This letter is not from Plato, but from his favourite
scholar, the famous Dion; nor is it possible that
the philosopher himself could have any hand in it,
he being with Dionysius at Syracuse (as he tells us
himself) when Dion was forced away, and continuing
there some time after. It is sent by Baccheus, who

THE EPISTLES. 309

had conducted Dion on his way, together with a sum
of money which Dionysius had ordered to be given to
him for his expenses, which he returns to the tyrant
with much contempt. The spirit of it and the senti-
ments are not amiss; and yet it is not very consistent
with the indignation which Dion must have felt, and
with the suddenness of the occasion, to end his letter
with three scraps of poetry, though never so well
applied. To say the truth, I much doubt of this
epistle, and the more so, as it contradicts a fact in
Plutarch, who assures us, that at the same time when
Dion was hurried away, his friends were permitted to
load two ships with his wealth and furniture, and to
transport them to him in Peloponnesus, besides which 1
his revenues were regularly remitted to him, till Plato
went into Sicily for the last time, which was at least
six years after.

EPISTLE II. To Dionysius. Ol. 105. 1.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 310.

This epistle appears to have been written soon after
Plato’s return? from his third voyage to Syracuse, and
the interview which he had with Dion at the olympick
games, which he himself mentions, Epist. 7. p. 350.
and in this place also. Archedemus, who brought the

letter from Dionysius, and returned with this answer,

1 Ov πολὺν xpovoy διαλιπων, &c. Plato, Ep. 7. p. 345.

2 The reasons for placing the voyages of Plato so early, and
Dion’s banishment so different from the chronology of Diodorus,
will appear in the observations on Plato’s seventh epistle.

310 NOTES ON PLATO.

was a friend and follower of Archytas, the Pythagorean
of Tarentum (Epist. 7. p. 339.), but was himself prob-
ably a Syracusan; at least he had a house in that
city where Plato was lodged, after he had been turned
out of the citadel. (Ibid. p. 349.) He was sent on
board a ship of war (with Dionysius’s letters of invita-
tion to Plato, wherein he pressed him to come the
third time into Sicily), as a person well known and
much esteemed by the philosopher, and he is mentioned
as present in the gardens of the palace at an interview
which Plato had with Dionysius, about three weeks
before he returned home again. (Ep. 3. sub fin.)

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 311. Δοξαν exwv πολυ των εν φιλοσοφιᾳ diade- .
petv.| It may be observed that Plato’s reputation was
at the height before he went to the court of the younger
Dionysius, that is, before he was sixty-two years of age.

P. 312. Αλλα de εσπουδακας.} In the intervals
between Plato’s two last voyages, Dionysius had been
philosophizing with Archytas and others, and perhaps
with Aristippus. See Ep. 7. 338.

Ib. Φραστεον δη σοι de αινιγμων.] We see here
that Plato, as well as the Pythagoreans whom he
imitated in many respects, made a mystery of his art:
for none but adepts were to understand him. It was
by conversation only that he cared to communicate
himself on these subjects.2_ In the seventh epistle he

1 See Theodoret, Serm. 1. ad. Grecos.

2 And in the end of this very epistle, p. 314. Oud’ εστι avy-
γραμμα Πλατωνος οὐδεν, ovd’ ectar' τὰ δὲ νυν λεγομενα DwKparous

THE EPISTLES. 311

professes never to have written any thing on philo-
sophy ; and all that has been published in his name he
attributes to Socrates. As I am not initiated, it is no
wonder if this passage is still a riddle to me, as it was
designed to be. Thus much one may divine indeed ;
namely, that it is a description of the Supreme Being,
who is the cause and end of all things, which is an
answer to Dionysius’s first question ; the second seems
to be concerning the origin of evil, which Plato does
not explain, but refers to a conversation which they
had had before.

P. 314. Φιλιστιωνι.}] Philistio was a Syracusan,}
famous for his knowledge in physick: Eudoxus of
Gnidos, a person accomplished in various kinds of
learning, was his scholar in this art. Diog. Laert. L.
8. c. 86.

Ib, Σπευσιππὼ.] Speusippus had accompanied his
uncle Plato into Sicily, and continued there after him ;
where (as Plutarch? says) he thoroughly acquainted him-
self with the temper and inclinations of the city, and
was a principal promoter of Dion’s expedition.

Ib, Tov ex τῶν Λατομιῶν.)] This was some prisoner
of state, as it seems, who was confined in those horrid
εστί, καλου kat veou yeyovoros: which is a remarkable passage.
This is alluded to by Theodoret, Serm. 1. Vol. 4. ed. Simondi.
See Epist. 7. p. 341. Ουκουν ewov ye περι autwy εστι συγγραμμα
ουδὲ μήποτε γενηται, &c. See also Atheneus, L. 15. p. 702.

1 Atheneus, who cites him L. 3. p. 115. calls him a Locrian,
as does Plutarch, Sympos. L. 7. Quest. 1. Maprupwr τω Πλατωνι,
προσκαλοῦμαι Φιλιστιωνα tov Λοκρον, ev μαλα παλαιον avdpa, και
λαμπρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τεχνὴς ὕμων yevouevov. See also Rufus Ephe-

sius, p. 31. so that this seems the more probable.
2 Plutarch in Dione.

312 NOTES ON PLATO.

caverns, the Latomiz, which was the publick dungeon
of the Syracusans, being a vast quarry in that part of
the city, called the Epipole. Thucydides L. 7. and
various other! authors speak of this place. Tully
particularly describes it in the fifth oration against
Verres. See Cluverii Sicilia Antiqua. L. 1. p. 149.

EPISTLE III. To Dionysius. Ol. 105. 4,
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 315.

This epistle, like those to the friends of Dion after-
wards, was apparently written to be made publick ; and
is a justification of Plato’s conduct, as well as an
invective against the cruelty and falsehood of Diony-
sius. -The beginning of the letter is a reproach, the
more keen for being somewhat disguised ; and in the
rest of it, he observes no longer any measures with the
tyrant: whence I conclude, that it was written after
that Dion’s expedition against him was professedly
begun, and perhaps after his entry into Syracuse, parti-
cularly from that expression, p. 315. Nov de Διωνα
διδασκοιμι δρᾶν αὐτὰ TavTa, Kat τοις duavonpace τοις

σοις τὴν σὴν ἀρχὴν αφαιρουμεθα σε. κτλ.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 315. Ev zparrew.] This address of letters was
first used by Plato instead of Χαιρειν, the common form

of salutation.
Th. Tas δε EAAnvidas πολεις οικιζειν.] The Greek

1 Alian. Var. Hist. L. 12. c. 44.

THE EPISTLES. 313

cities, which had been either totally destroyed, or dis-
mantled, and miserably oppressed by the Carthaginians
and by the elder Dionysius, were Himera, Agrigentum,
Gela, Camerina, Messana, Naxus, Catana, and Leontini.

P. 315. Ὕπο Φιλιστιδου.] I doubt not but it should
be read Φιλιστου. Philistus, who had married a natural
daughter of Leptines, the king’s uncle, and commanded
his fleet, was an inveterate enemy of Plato. He had
been recalled from his banishment in Italy, on purpose
to oppose Dion and his friends. (Plutarch in Dione.)

Ib. Χαιρε καὶ ἡδομενον.) The addresses to the
Delphick Apollo, as well as his answers, were often in
verse. This of Dionysius seems to have been sent on
account of Dion’s first successes in Sicily.

P. 316. Νόμων προοιμια.}] Syracuse had been
governed ever since Ol. 91. 4. by the laws of Diocles,
whose history and character Diodorus gives us. (L. 13.
ce. 33. and 35.) Plato began to form a new body of
them, but his quarrel with Dionysius, and afterwards
the murder of Dion, and the tumults which followed,
hindered his system from being brought to any degree
of perfection. Timoleon was happier in his great
attempt; he restored Syracuse to its liberty, and,
with the advice of Cephalus the Corinthian, supplied
and amended the laws of Diocles: and afterwards, in
the reign of Hiero, they were again revised or corrected
by Polylarus. Yet these were only looked on as
Egnyyntat tov Νομων ; Diocles alone bore the title of
Νομοθετης, and had publick honours paid to him as to
a hero. His laws were adopted by several other cities
in the island, and continued in use down to the times

314 NOTES ON PLATO.

of Julius Cesar (which is about three hundred and
sixty-eight years) when the Sicilians received the Jus
Latii.

P. 316. Ev ἡλικίᾳ de ovtos pern και καθεστηκυια. |
Cornelius Nepos tells us that Dion was fifty-five years
old at his death, so that he must have been about forty-
one when Plato came the second time into Sicily. See
also Epist. 7. p. 328. Ἥλικιας τε nbn μετρίως exov.

Ib. Σῴοδρα veov.| Dionysius was, I suppose, at
least twenty years younger than Dion.

Ib. Πλευσαι μεν οἰκαδε ἐεμε.] I defer examining
into the time of Plato’s voyages into Sicily, and his
stay there, that I may do it all at once when I come
to the seventh epistle.

P. 317. Τὴν θ᾽ ἡλικιαν) Plato was then about
sixty-seven years old.

P. 318. ξυνεχης.] Read, ξυνεχη τω νυν yevopeviw'
this is his apology to the first accusation ; he has said
in the beginning, zpos δυω δὴ μοι διττας ἀναγκαῖον
ποιησασθαι απολογιας.

P. 319. Θυκουν παιδευθεντα (εφησθα) γεωμετρειν :
ἡ wos;| I do not understand the meaning of this
insult at all: it relates, however, to the advice which
Plato had ventured to give him, that he should lighten
the load of the Syracusans, and voluntarily limit his
own power.

THE EPISTLES. 315

EPISTLE IV. To Dion. Ol. 105. 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 320.

This was written probably the same year with the
former, or the beginning of the next, on account of those
differences which Dion had with Heraclides and his
uncle Theodotes, who at last drove him out of Syra-
cuse: their history may be seen in the seventh epistle,
and in Plutarch.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

Ρ. 320. Tyv ἐμὴν προθυμιαν.] Plato, after all his
ill usage from Dionysius, expressed some backwardness
to join in the expedition against him, as appears Ep.
7. p. 350. where he expresses some little tenderness
which he retained for him, when he reflected on their
former familiarity ; and that the king amidst all his
anger and suspicions, had attempted on his life: how-
ever, when he saw Dion engaged, he joined in the cause
with great zeal, and assisted him with all his power.

Ib. Αναιρεθεντος.] This seems to fix the time to
Ol. 106. 1. for when Dionysius had sailed away to
Locri, and his son Apollocrates had surrendered the
citadel, it was natural to imagine that his empire was
at an end.

P. 320. ἔνδεεστερως tov προσήκοντος θεραπευτικος.]
Piutarch cites this passage in Dion’s life ; and another
in the same epistle.

Ib. To Se νῦν ὕπαρχον περι σε, ἄς. as above.

316 NOTES ON PLATO.

EPISTLE V. To Perpiccas. Ol. 103. 4,
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 321.

Perdiccas, the second son of Amyntas, succeeded to
the crown of Macedon, after the death of his brother
in law, Ptolemy of Alorus, Ol. 103. 4. There seem
to have been ancient ties of hospitality and of friend-
ship between the royal family of Macedon, from
Archelaus’s time, and the principal literati of Athens.
Plato here recommends his friend and scholar, Eu-
phreeus, a native of Oreus in Eubcea, to be of Perdiccas’s
council, and his secretary. He grew into the highest
favour with Perdiccas, and was trusted with the entire
management of all his affairs. He used his power
arbitrarily enough. Caristius,! of Pergamus, gives the
following instance of it; that, he would not suffer any
one to sit at the king’s table, who was ignorant of
geometry or of philosophy. And yet to Plato and to
Euphreus did the great Philip of Macedon owe his
succession to the kingdom, (as ?Speusippus writes
in a letter to Philip reproaching him with his
ingratitude,) for by them was his brother Perdiccas
persuaded to bestow on him some districts as an
appanage, where, after his death, Philip was enabled
to raise troops, and to recover the kingdom. Euphreus,
upon the death of his master, having rendered himself
hateful to the principal Macedonians, was obliged, as
it seems, to retire into his own country ; where, soon

1 Ap. Atheneum, L. 11. sub fin. p. 506. and 508.
2 Ap. Atheneum, ut supra.

THE EPISTLES. 317

after Philip was settled on the throne, Parmenio was
ordered to murder him.

Ficinus and H. Stephanus, finding in the margin
of some manuscripts this fifth epistle ascribed to Dion,
and not to Plato, seem inclined to admit that correc-
tion, but without reason. Plato has in his other un-
doubted epistles spoken of himself, as he has done in
this, in the third person. He is here apologising for
his recommendation of a man, who was to have a share
in the administration of a kingdom. Some may object
(says he), ‘‘How should Plato be a competent judge,
he who has never meddled in the government of his
own country, nor thought himself fit to advise his own
citizens?” He answers this by shewing his reasons for
such a conduct ; but the last sentence, Tavrov dy opar
δρᾶσαι, &e. is not at all clear. The thought is the
very same with that in the famous seventh epistle to
Dion’s friends, (Eyw tov συμβουλευοντα ανδρι καμνοντι,
ἄς. p. 330.) but some principal word seems to be
omitted; perhaps after δρᾶσαι av should be inserted
ιατρικον ανδρα, or τατρον ayalov.

EPISTLE VI. To Hermetras, ErAstus, AND Coriscus.
. The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 322.

This letter, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom.
L. 5.) and by Origen (contra Celsum, L. 6.), Menage!
tells us is no longer extant among the epistles of Plato,

1 Ad. Diog. Laertium, L. 3. c. 57. See also Card. Quirini
Decas Epistolarum Rome 1748. 4to. p. 23.

318 NOTES ON PLATO.

and is supposed to be a fiction of the Christians.
Bentley’ had reason to wonder at the negligence of
that critick, who did not know that the epistle was
still preserved: and he adds, that there is no cause to
believe the letter not to be genuine, as there are pass-
ages in the Dialogues themselves as favourable to the
Christian opinions, as any thing in this epistle. The
passage, which those Fathers cite, is at the end of the
letter, and has indeed much the air of a forgery. I do
not know any passages in the Dialogues? equally sus-
picious ; nor do I see why it might not be tacked to
the end of an undoubtedly original letter: there is
nothing else here but what seems genuine.

Erastus and Coriscus were followers of Plato, and
born at Scepsis,? a city of Troas, seated on mount Ida,
not far from the sources of the Scamander and of the
fEsepus : they seem to have attained a principal autho-

1 Bentley in Phileleuthero Lipsiensi.

2 Vid. de Republ. L. 6. p. 506. Ex-yovos τε του Ayabou, και
ὁμοιοτατος exeww .. . ὁ τόκος. By which he means the idea of
Himself, which the Sovereign Good has bestowed on us, and
which is the cause of knowledge and of truth. The Supreme
Good itself he calls “O Πατήρ, and compares him to the sun,
ὁ Kupios του φωτος. Vid. et ibid. L. 7. p. 516.

3 Vid. Strabonem, L. 13. p. 602. and 607. The Coriscus
here mentioned had a son called Neleus, a follower of Aristotle
and a particular friend of Theophrastus, who left his library
(in which was contained all that Aristotle had ever written, in
the original manuscript) to him, when he died. It continued
in the possession of his family at Scepsis, about one hundred
and fifty years, when Apellicon of Teos purchased and trans-
ferred it to Athens, whence, soon after, Sylla carried it to
Rome. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 602. and 607; Plutarch in Sylla,
and Diog. Laert. in Theophrasto.)

THE EPISTLES, 319

rity in their little state, and Plato recommends to them
here to cultivate the friendship of Hermias their neigh-
bour, and sovereign of Assus and Atarneus, two strong
towns on the coast of the Sinus Adramyttenus near the
foot of Ida. Coriscus had also been scholar to Plato,!
though an eunuch, and slave to Eubulus, a Bythynian
and abanker. His master having found means to erect
a little principality in the places before mentioned, made
Hermias his heir. He gave his niece Pythias in mar-
riage to Aristotle, who lived with him near three years,
till Ol. 107. 4. about which time Memnon? the Rho-
dian, general to the Persian king, by a base treachery *
got him into his hands, and sending him to court he
was there hanged. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 610. and Suidas.)
Aristotle wrote his epitaph, and a beautiful ode® or
hymn in honour to his memory, which are still ® extant.

1 So Strabo tells us; but Plato himself says, that he had
never conversed with him. ‘Oca μηπω ξυγγεγονοτι, το. infra.

2 Or Mentor, his brother, according to Diodorus, L. 16.
ce. 52. which is right. See Aristot. Giconomic. ap. Leon.
Aretinum, L. 2. ¢. 38.

3 Probably he had taken part in the grand rebellion of the
Satrapee against the Persian king (which caused their indigna-
tion), and had shaken off his dependency.

4 See Antholog. Gr. p. 526. Ed. H. Stephani. It was in-
scribed on a cenotaph erected to him and Eubulus jointly by
Aristotle ; for which piece of gratitude Theocritus of Chios has
abused him in a satirical epigram: Antholog. ib. p. 523.

Ἕρμειου evvovxou 75’ EvBovNov aua δουλου
Σημα Kevov κενοῴρων τευξεν Apiororedns.

5 Vid. Atheneum, L. 15. p. 696. and Diog. Laert. L. 5. in
Aristotele.

6 After the words, wadiora μὲν αθροους" εἰ δε μη, insert Kara
δυο κοινῇ, from the Vatican MSS. (See Montfaucon Bibl.

sibliothecarum, p. 2.)

320 NOTES ON PLATO.

NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 323. Ὁ ears δικαιον.) There I take the true
epistle to end; as what follows is very extraordinary
as to the sense and the expression: Tov te ἥγεμονος
kat autiov Ilarepa Κύυριον, ὃν---εἰσομεθα σάφως, εἰς
δυναμιν ανθρωπων ευδαιμονων.

EPISTLE VII. ΤῸ THE FrIENDS AND RELATIONS oF DION.
OL 105.°4:
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 323.

Callippus, after the treacherous murder of Dion, was
attacked in Syracuse by the friends of that great man,
but they were worsted by him and his party; and,
being driven out, they fled to the Leontini, and he
maintained his power in the city for thirteen months,
(Diodor. Sic. L. 16. c. 36.) till | Hipparinus, nephew
to Dion, and half-brother to Dionysius, found means to
assemble troops ; and while Callippus was engaged in
the siege of Catana, he, at the head of Dion’s party,
re-entered Syracuse, and kept possession of it for two
years. At the end of which time Hipparinus, in a
drunken debauch, was assassinated, but by whom I do
not find; and his younger brother, Nyszeus, succeeded
to his power, and made the most arbitrary use of it for

1 See Theopompus ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 435. and 436.
where we should correct the mistake of Atheneus, and of lian,
who call Apollocrates son to the elder Dionysius; for he was

(as Plutarch often repeats) the eldest son of the younger
Dionysius.

THE EPISTLES, 321

near five years ; when Dionysius, returning from Locri,
(see Plutarch in the life of Timoleon,) became once
more master of Syracuse, and, as it seems, put Nyszeus
to death.

Who were the friends of Dion to whom Plato writes,
is hard to enumerate: the principal were his son!
Hipparinus, and his sister’s son, likewise called Hip-
parinus, and his brother, Megacles, if living, though I
rather imagine he had been killed in the course of the
war before the death of Dion; and Hicetas, who after-
wards was tyrant of the Leontines.

Plato was about forty years of age, when first he
came to Syracuse. His fortieth year was Ol. 97. 4.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

Ρ, 323. ὥχεδον etn τετταράκοντα yeyovws.| Plato
was about forty years of age, when he first came to
Syracuse: his fortieth year was Olymp. 97. 4. Archonte
᾿ς Antipatro. Diodorus mentions the same fact three
years later, but does not expressly say when it hap-
pened ; and Dion was then in his twentieth year: con-
sequently, Hipparinus was now about twenty. But
whether the son of Dion, or his nephew, be here
meant, is hard to distinguish ; if it could be proved to
be the former, Plutarch would be convicted of a mis-
take. (See the next Epistle.) We must read here,
συμφωνον ποιήσειε, aS Serranus observes.

1 1 call him by the name of Hipparinus, because Timonides
the Leucadian, a principal friend of Dion, assures us of it (ap.
Plutarch.), and his testimony must doubtless be preferred to
that of Timeus, who gives this youth the name of Aretzus.
See Plato’s eighth Epistle.

¥OuL, TY. 3

922 NOTES ON PLATO.

Ρ, 324. Μεταβολὴ γιγνεται.1] This great change in
the Athenian constitution took place, when Plato was
in his twenty-fifth year.

Th, ‘Evéexa μεν ev Acre, dexa δ᾽ ev ἸΠ]ειραιεῖ.] The
“Evoexa were a magistracy, to whom persons condemned
to death were consigned, and who presided over the
prisons and executions. Those who bore this office
under the Thirty were their creatures, and at the head
of them was Satyrus, whom Xenophon calls, ὁ θρασυ-
τατος avTwv Kat avaidertatros. (See Xen. Hist. Greece.
L. 2, p. 470. Ed. Leunclavii. 1625.) He seems upon
some vacancy (possibly on the death of Theramenes)
to have been afterwards elected one of the Thirty.
(See Lysias in Nichomachum, p. 476. Ed. Taylori, and
Palmerius ad locum.) The Ten, who commanded in
the Pirzeus, were appointed by the authority of the
Thirty, and were probably the accomplices of their
guilt, (Xenoph. Hist. Grac. L. 2. p. 474 and 478.)
being with them and the Eleven, were excepted out of
the general amnesty.

Ib. Ovxerou καὶ yvwpipor.] Critias, a man as re-
markable for the brightness of his parts as for the
depravity of his manners and for the hardness of his
heart, was Plato’s second cousin by the mother’s side ;
and Charmides, the son of Glauco, was his uncle,
brother to his mother, Perictione. The first was one
of the Thirty, the latter one of the Ten, and both were
slain in the same action. Plato’s family were deeply
engaged in the oligarchy ; for Callzeschrus, (See Lysias
in Eratosthenem, p. 215.) his great-uncle, had been a
principal man in the Council of Four hundred. (Ol,

THE EPISTLES. 323

92. 1.) It is a strong proof of Plato’s honesty and
resolution, that his nearest relations could not seduce
him to share in their power, or in their crimes at that
age. (Xenoph. Apomnemon. L. ὃ. ¢c. 6 and 7, and in
Symposio.) His uncle, though a great friend of
Socrates and of a very amiable character, had not the
same strength of mind.

P. 324, Ext twa των πολιτων.) The Thirty, during
the short time of their magistracy, which was less than
a year, put fifteen hundred persons to death, (Isocr.
Orat. Areopagitic. Ed. A. Steph. 1593, p. 153.) most
of whom were innocent, and they obliged about five
thousand more to fly. The prisoner here meant was
Leo, the Salaminian. (See Apolog. p. 32.)

P. 326. Aeyew τε ηναγκασθην) These are the
sentiments which he has explained at large in his
Πολιτειαι, (L. 5. p. 472, &e.) and one would thence
imagine that he had written, and perhaps published
that celebrated work before his first voyage to Sicily,
and consequently before he was forty years old. It is
certain, that there are some scenes in the ExxAynoua-
ᾧουσαι of Aristophanes, (ver. 568 &c. Ed. Kusteri.)
which seem intended to ridicule the system of Plato,
and the Scholia affirm that it was written with that
view. If so, he must have finished it, when he was
thirty-five years of age, or earlier, for that comedy was
played Ol. 96. 4.

P. 327, Eis Συρακουσας ὅτι ταχιστα ελθειν εμε.}
Hence, and from Plutarch, it is certain that Plato was
invited into Sicily immediately after the death of the
elder Dionysius, which happened Ol. 103. 1. so that

924 NOTES ON PLATO.

we must necessarily place his second voyage to Syracuse
that very year, or the next at farthest; and it is as
sure, that, four months after his arrival, happened the
quarrel between Dionysius and Dion, and the banish-
ment of the latter. I cannot but observe the inaccuracy
of Diodorus, who says that this last event happened
Ol. 105. 3. which is a mistake of at least ten years.
See also Aulus Gellius, L. 17. c. 21. who is likewise
mistaken in placing this voyage of Plato after the
year 400 of Rome, and after the birth of Alexander.—
Hence we see the folly of trusting to compilers where
we might recur to original authors.

P, 328. Ovk 7 τινες cdo€afov.]| Plato had been
most severely reflected upon for passing his time at
the court of Dionysius. Athenzeus (a very contempt-
ible writer, though his book is highly valuable for the
numberless fragments of excellent authors, now lost, of
which it is composed) has taken care to preserve
abundance of scandal on this head. L, 11. p. 507. and
see Laertius in his life. This and the third Epistle
are his justification of himself, and are written with a
design to clear his character.

Ib. ἔλθοι rap’ ipas fevywv.| Read παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς.

P. 330, Mera δὲ tovro ἀπεδημησα.] We are not
informed how long Plato staid, after Dion was sent away,
but probably many months; the preceding account of
Dionysius’s treatment of him implies as much.

P. 331. Ilarepa δὲ ove ὅσιον.] Cicero alludes to
this sentiment, and to that of the same in the 5th
Epistle, in his Letter to Lentulus, L. 1. ad Familiares,
Ep. 1. ‘Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego

THE EPISTLES. 325

vehementer auctorem sequor,” &c., where he expresses
the thought, but not the words.

P. 331. TloAcrevas μεταβολης.] Insert περι, or évexa.

P. 332, Αδελῴων, ovs εθρεψε.}]} Leptines and
Thearides.

Ib, Tov Mydov και Evvovxov.| He follows some
history, in this transaction,’ seemingly different from
Herodotus and Ctesias. The Mede is Smerdis, one of
the Magi, which was an order of men instituted in
Media; and to carry on so strange a cheat as that
usurpation, it is sure that the concurrence of the
eunuchs of the palace must have been necessary ; but
what particular eunuch he means is hard to say.
Ctesias says, that the counterfeit Tanyoxarces was
betrayed to the conspirators by his eunuchs.

P. 333. Ὃ πατὴρ avtov φορον εταξατο φερειν τοις
BapBapos.] The elder Dionysius being defeated by
the Carthaginians at Cronium, in a great battle, Ol.
99. 2. was forced to make peace on their terms, and
engaged to pay them one thousand talents. Fifteen
years afterwards he engaged with them in another war,
and lost one hundred and thirty of his best ships, which
they surprised, and took or destroyed in the bay of
Eryx or Drepanum: he died the same year, and left
his son with this war upon his hands. Thus far Dio-
dorus, L. 15, ο. 17 and 73. Whether the Carthaginians
had offered peace on condition of a new tribute, or had
never been paid the old one, we can only guess from this
expression of Plato; yet I am inclined to think, both
from the third Epistle and from this, that Dionysius
the father had agreed to a peace before his death, and

326 NOTES ON PLATO.

consented to pay a tribute to Carthage; and that his
son entered not again into the war till two or three
years afterwards, which lasted probably not three years.
We must not wonder if we find little account of this in
Diodorus, as he has said nothing at all of the eight first
years of Dionysius the younger ; only in the ninth year
(which is Ol. 105. 2.) he tells us that he made peace
with Carthage and the Lucanians: but it does not, by
the narration, appear to be a transaction of that year,
but rather makes part of a summary account of what
had passed since his father’s death. That peace was
certainly made about four years earlier than Diodorus
seems to have placed it,

P. 333, Azedwxev avtos dis τὴν πολιν) Have a
care of correcting this passage, as Serranus has done,
who reads instead of dis, Δίων. It is again repeated in
the next, or eighth Epistle, p. 355. Eyw δὲ azo
τυραννων νυν dus. He twice preserved Syracuse, first
‘by driving out Dionysius, and afterwards by beating
Nypsius, the Neapolitan. See Plutarch.

Ib. Αδελῴω dvw.] They were Callippus and Philo-
crates, or (as some MSS. of Cornelius Nepos have it)
Philostratus.

P. 336. “Αὐτὴ παντὰα to δευτερον.] “Αὐτὴ seems to
agree with ayaa, Either a word is lost, or the sentence
is an example of that ανακολουθια, which is not uncom-
mon with Attick writers. ,

P. 338. Ὅτι yepwv τε evnv.] Plato was then about
sixty-six years old.

P. 339. Ta νομιμα.}] The usual salutations and
compliments at the beginning of a letter.

THE EPISTLES. 327

P. 340. Tos των Lapaxovepatrwv peoros.| This
word (Ilapaxovepa) means a transitory application to
any science, sufficient to give a superficial tincture of
knowledge, but neither deep, nor lasting. Such pro-
ficients Plato calls, δοξαις erixeypwopevor,

P. 342. I know not what to say to this very un-
common opinion of Plato, that no philosopher should
put either his system, or the method of attaining to
a knowledge of it, into writing. The arguments he
brings in support of it are obscure beyond my compre-
hension. All I conceive is, that he means to shew,
how inadequate words are to express our ideas, and
how poor a representation even our ideas are of the
essence of things. What he says, on the bad effects
which a half-strained and superficial knowledge pro-
duces in ordinary minds, is certainly very just and very
fine. See the Phedrus, p. 274 to p. 276, where he,
compares all written arts to the gardens of Adonis,
which look gay and verdant, but, having no depth of
earth, soon wither away. Lord Bacon expresses him-
self strongly on this head. ‘‘Homines per sermones
sociantur ; at verba ex captu vulgi imponuntur : itaque
mala et inepta verborum impositio miris modis intel-
lectum obsidet. Neque definitiones aut explicationes,
quibus homines docti se munire et vindicare in nonnullis
consueverunt, rem ullo modo restituunt, sed verba plané
vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia turbant, et homines
ad inanes et innumeras controversias deducunt.” (Nov.
Organ. L. 1. aphorism 43 and 59.)

P. 342. Ονομα.] Is the name of a thing; Λογος is
the definition, or verbal description of its properties ;

328 NOTES ON PLATO.

K.dwAor, its representation by a figure to our senses ;
᾿πιστημη, the mental comprehension, or the complete
and just idea of it: what the to πέμπτον is, I do not
know, except it be the perfect notion of things, such
as it exists in the mind of the Divinity.

P. 343. I put a comma after καὶ ταῦτα εἰς apera-
κινητον, and read, ὁ te On πασχει" &e.

P. 344. We here learn that Dionysius had written
a, treatise on philosophy.

Ρ, 345, AdeAdidov avrov.| Arete, Dion’s wife, was
half-sister to Dionysius, consequently, Hipparinus, her
son, was his nephew.

P. 345. Ittw Zevs, φησιν ὃ Θηβαιος.7 That is
᾿ς Pindar, as I imagine; though I find not the expres-
sion in any of his odes extant. It was a common
phrase with the Beeotians, Irrw ἫἭρακλης, ὑττω Zevs.
See Aristophan. Acharn. v. 911. the French use ‘‘ Dieu
scait,” and we say, ‘‘God knows,” in the same manner.

P. 346. Καρπουσθω de Διων.] Let him receive the
rents, or interest, but let him not touch the principal.

Ib. Kus δὲ wpas.] The next summer, when the
season returns for sailing.

P. 348. Theodotes was uncle to Heraclides, as
Plutarch says: and I imagine that Euribius was his
brother. See the life of Dion.

P. 349. Kus την Kapyyndovwwv επικρατειαν.] Sicily
was then divided between the Carthaginians and the
Syracusans.

P. 350. Twv ὑπηρεσιων.] Athenians that served on
board the fleet of Dionysius for hire.

Tb. Π]εμπουσι τριακοντορον.] The Tarentine de-

THE EPISTLES. 329

puties were Lamiscus and Photidas. The original
letter in the Dorick dialect is preserved by Diogenes
Laertius in his life of Plato.

Ib. Eis OAvpriav Awva καταλαβὼν Oewpodvra. |
Hence we may settle pretty exactly the time of Plato’s
third voyage. It is plain that he landed (on his
return) in Peloponnesus, and immediately went to
Olympia, where the games were then celebrating, to
acquaint Dion with what so nearly concerned him.
This must be Ol. 105. 1. It could not be earlier,
because there is not time from the death of Dionysius
the elder for all that happened, according to Plato’s
own account, in his two voyages and in the interval
between them. He went not to Syracuse at soonest
before Ol. 103. 1. and probably not till the year fol-
lowing: he staid there at least a year, and came back
because of the war which broke out in Sicily. When
that was over (and it could not well be determined in less
than one campaign) Dionysius invited him back again.
He hesitated a full year, and then went ; and he spent
a year and upwards at Syracuse, before he returned :
all which must be, on the least computation, above five
years. Besides the improbability that Dion, after he
lost: his revenues, and was deprived of his wife, should
be near seven years before he attempted to right him-
self. As I have placed it, he was near three years in
preparing for his design, which he executed Ol. 105. 4.
as Diodorus tells us, and which Plutarch confirms,
reckoning forty-eight years from the establishment of
Dionysius the elder’s tyranny to Dion’s entry into
Syracuse. He began to reign Ol. 93. 4. from which

330 NOTES ON PLATO.

to Ol. 105. 4. is just forty-eight years. See Xenoph.
Grec. Hist. L. 2. p. 460. and Dodwell’s Annals. It
was in the beginning of the year, for Plutarch tells us
that it was the midst of summer, the Etesian winds
then blowing ; and the olympick year began after the
summer solstice. - If then Plato came to Olympia,
Ol. 105. 1. he must have gone to Syracuse towards the
end of Ol. 104. 3. for, from his own account, he must
have passed a year or more there,

EPISTLE VIII. To tHe Frienps or Dion. Ol. 106. 4.

From a passage in this epistle (p. 354. τον των
Kqopwv dacpov.) it appears that Plato, as well as
Herodotus, makes Lycurgus the author of the institu-
tion of the Hphori, and not Theopompus, as late writers
do. See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ο. 11.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,

P. 352. IAnv εὐτις avrwv ανοσιουργος yeyove.| He
means those engaged in the murder of Dion, Callippus
and his brother, and their party.

Ρ. 353, Κινδυνος eyevero exyatos.| When they had
sacked the rich and powerful city of Agrigentum, and
demolished it. (Diodorus, L. 13.)

Ib. Ortxwv.] The ancient inhabitants of Campania,
particularly that country which lies round the Bay of
Naples. (Aristot. Politic. L. 8. 6. 10.) In a passage
cited from Aristotle by Dionysius Halicarnassensis (L.
1. p. 57. ed. Huds. Oxon. 1704.), he seems to extend

THE EPISTLES. 331

the name to all the inhabitants of that coast to the
south of the Tuscans. Aristotle mentions the Opici as
the same people with the Ausones; but Polybius
judged them to be a distinct people. (See Strabo, L.
5. p. 242.) The Siculi probably might speak the same
tongue, having been driven out of Italy (Thucyd. L. 6.
p. 349.) by these Opici some years after the Trojan
war, and settling in a part of this Island. This name
grew into a term of reproach, which the more polished
Greeks bestowed upon the Romans, as Cato the censor
complains in Pliny, L. 29. ο. 1. ““Nos quoque dictant
barbaros, et spurcilis nos quam alios Opizcos appellatione
foedant ;” and in time it became a Latin word to
signify barbarous and illiterate. (See Tullius Tyro ap.
Aul. Gell. L. 13. ο. 9. “Ita ut nostri Opict putaverunt,
ce.)

P. 354, Tous dexa στρατηγους κατελευσαν.) This
fact is contrary to Diodorus, who only tells us, that
the generals were deposed; (L. 13. c. 92.) and that
afterwards, Daphnzeus, the chief of them, and Demar-
chus (who were both enemies to Dionysius) were put
to death (Ib. c. 96.); neither does he inform us of
what we are here told, that Hipparinus, the father of
Dion, was joined in commission with Dionysius, both
being elected Στρατηγοι avroxparopes, and both called
Tvpavvot, (See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. ο. 6.)

P. 355. Tov ἐμὸν ὗιον.) This directly contradicts
both Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, who particularly
describe the tragical end of Hipparinus, Dion’s son,
when just arrived at man’s estate. All that story, and
the apparition which preceded it, must be false, if this

332 NOTES ON PLATO.

epistle be genuine, which I see no reason, but this, for
doubting. The only way to reconcile the matter is, by
supposing that Plato might here mean the infant son
of Dion, who was born after his father’s death; and
who was not yet destroyed by Hicetas, for Plutarch
intimates, that he continued to treat both the child
and its mother well for a considerable time after the
expulsion of Callippus. What makes against this sup-
position is, that in the end of this letter, p. 357. he
speaks of Dion’s son, as of a person fit to judge of, and
to approve, the scheme of government which he has
proposed to all parties.

P. 356. Ἕκων τὴν πολιν eXevepot.] Here we see
that Hipparinus, the son of Dionysius the elder by
Aristomache, had put himself at the head of Dion’s
party, and supported the war against his brother.

EPISTLE IX. To Arcuytas.
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 317.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 357. Ov δυνασαι ty περι Ta Kowa ἀσχολιας αἀπολυ-
Onvat.| Archytas was seven times elected Zrparyyos of
Tarentum, which was then a democracy.

Ib. Kakewvo det σε ἐνθυμέξισθαι, ὅτι ἕκαστος ἥμων οὐκ
ἅυτω μονον γέγονεν, aAAa THS γενεσεως ἥμων TO μεν τι
ἡ πατρις μερίζεται, To δὲ τι, δι γεννησαντες" TO δε, δι
λοιποι φιλοι" πολλα δε Tots καιροις διδοται τοις Tov βιον

THE EPISTLES. 333

npov καταλαμβανοῦσι. κτλ] This fine sentiment is
quoted by Cicero De Officiis, L. 1. c. 7. and again, De
Finibus, L. 2. so that the seventh, the fourth, and this
epistle, are of an authority not to be called in question.

P. 357. Ilpos τὴν πολιν.) They were to negociate
something with the Athenians.

Ib. Exexparots.] Echecrates, the son of Phrynio,
now a youth, was born at Phlius, and instructed in the
Pythagorean principles by Archytas. Aristoxenus, a
disciple of Aristotle (see Diog. Laert. L. 8. ¢. 46.),
speaks of him as of a person whom he could remember,
and one of the last of that sect who were considerable.
Iamblichus also mentions him, ec. 35. et ultim. de Vita
Pythagore ; and Plato introduces him as desiring to
hear the manner of Socrates’s death from Phzedo.

EPISTLE X. To Artstroporus,
or, as Laertius writes, To ARISTODEMUS.
The date not settled.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.

AND

EPISTLE XI. To LAopAMAs.
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.

Laodamas of Thasus was a great geometrician and
scholar to Plato, who first taught him the method of
analytick investigation. (See Laertius, L. 3. c. 24. and
Proclus in Euclidem, L. ὃ. Prob. 1. and L. 2. P. 19.)

994 NOTES ON PLATO.

He seems from this letter to have been principally con-
cerned in founding some colony,

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT,

P. 358. H Σωκρατη.] This cannot possibly be the
great Socrates, for he died when Plato was in his
twenty-ninth year ; and we see that in this passage he
excuses himself from travelling on account of his age:
it must, therefore, be the younger Socrates whom Plato
introduces in his HoAurixos (and in the Theetetus, p.
147. and in Sophista, p.. 218. and 268.) and who is
mentioned by Aristotle in his spies Lincs (L. 6. p.
370. edit. Sylburgii.)

P. 358. Ilavra κινδυνων.] The most considerable
settlements which happened in Plato’s time, were those
at Messenia and at Megalopolis, Ol. 102. and we are
told that he was actually applied to by this last city to
form for them a body of laws; but he excused himself.
Whether Laodamas had any share in that foundation,
I cannot tell; if he had, it is no wonder that Plato
should object the danger of his journey into the Pelo-
ponnesus that year, when every thing was in the utmost
confusion, |

EPISTLE XII. To ΑΒΟΗΥΤΑΒ.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 359.
This fragment (for such it is) is preserved by Laertius,

together with the letter from Archytas, to which it is
an answer.

THE EPISTLES. 335

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 359. Ὕπομνηματα.] He alludes to the comment-
aries of Ocellus, the Lucanian, which Archytas had
procured from the descendants of that philosopher.
The subjects of them were Ileps Nope, και βασιληΐας,
και ὅσιοτατος, και τᾶς TW παντος yeveovos ; the last of
which is still in being.

Ib. Μυριοι.}] Read Μυραῖσι, of Myra, a city in
Lycia. Homer speaks of another Lycia between mount
Ida and the Aisepus, subject to Troy: the Lycians, on
the south coast of Asia Minor, were probably a colony
from thence. (Strabo, L. 12. p. 565. and L. 14. p.
665.) The family of Ocellus might be originally of
Myra; but the Lucanians in general were of Italian
origin, being sprung from the Samnites, who were a
colony of the Sabines.

P. 359. Tys Φυλακης.7] The work of Plato was
undoubtedly his HoA:reia, of which he sent a copy to
Archytas, who, he says, was of his own opinion as to
the institution of the PvAakes: what they were see in
the Π]ολιτεια itself. None of the commentators on
Laertius have understood this passage.

This epistle is marked in the first editions of Plato
as spurious: (AvtiAeyeras ws ov Τ΄λατωνος. MSS.
Vatican. cod. 1460. and Serranus sees mysteries here,
where there are none; the same is said also of the
thirteenth epistle :) but there seems no reason for it,

336 NOTES ON PLATO.

EPISTLE XIII. To Dionysrus. Ol. 103. 3 or 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 360.

In the order of time this is the second epistle in the
collection. It is marked in the MSS. as spurious, and,
I must own, it does little honour to Plato’s memory ;
yet it is sure that Plutarch esteemed it genuine. He
cites (in Vit. Dion.) a passage from it relating to Arete,
the wife of Dion; and in his discourse περι Δυσωπίιας,
he mentions the character of Helico the Cyzicenian,
which is to be found here. I know not what to deter-
mine ; unless we suppose some parts of it to be inserted
afterwards by some idle sophist who was an enemy to
Plato’s character. It is observable, that Plutarch in
the place last mentioned says, eta προσεγραψε τη ἔπισ-
ToAn τελευτωσῃ, I'padw de σοι tavtTa περι avOpwrov,
&c. whereas the words are here not far from the begin-
ning. Possibly some fragments of the true epistle
might remain, which were patched together and sup-
plied by some trifler.

Helico, the astronomer, is mentioned by Plutarch
as in the court of Dionysius, when Plato was there for
the last time; (and this letter was written four years
before, soon after Plato’s return from his first voyage
to Syracuse) but we do not find elsewhere that he had
been a disciple of Eudoxus and of Polyxenus.

- NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 360. Eurep ἡκει rapa oe ρχυτης.] Plato in his
first voyage made a league of amity between Archytas

THE EPISTLES. 337

and Dionysius ; and after his return to Athens, Archytas
came to Syracuse, as Plato himself tells us in his seventh
epistle.

P. 360. IloAvgéevw, tov Bpvowvos τινι ἑταιρων.]
Polyxenus, the sophist, is mentioned by Laertius in
the life of Aristippus, sect. 76. Bryso, his master, had
also the famous Theban cynick, Crates, for his scholar,
as Laertius says L. 6. 5. 85. who calls him Bryso, the
Achean. But Theopompus (ap. Atheneum, L. 11.
p. 509.) informs us that he was of Heracleex, and
accuses Plato of borrowing many things of him, which
he inserted in his dialogues. There is an elegant frag-
ment from a comedy of Ephippus, where he reflects
alike on the scholars of Plato and of this Bryso (to
whom he gives the epithet of ὁ θρασυμαχειοληψικερ-
parwv), for their sordid desire of gain, and for the
studied neatness of their dress and person.

Ib. EXadpos και ευηθης.] Words here used in their
best sense,! “easy and well-natured.” Plutarch inter-
prets them ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μετριος.

P. 361. Tore 67’ ovr’ eyw εστεφανοῦμην.] What is
meant by this date, I cannot divine. His brother’s, or
sister’s, daughters died at the time when Dionysius
ordered him to be crowned, though he was not. How-
ever, we learn that Plato had four great nieces, the
eldest then marriageable, the second, eight years old,
the third, above three, and the fourth, not one year
old; and that he intended to marry the eldest to

1 Plato in Republicé. L. 3. p. 400. Evn@ea, ove ἣν ανοιαν
οὔῦσαν ὑποκοριζομενοι καλοῦμεν ὡς ευηθειαν, αλλα THY ὡς αληθῶς εὖ
τε και καλῶς τοηθος κατεσκευασμενὴν διανοιαν.

VOL, IV. Z

338 NOTES ON PLATO.

his nephew, Speusippus; but how she could be the
daughter of that Speusippus’s sister, I do not compre-
hend ; so that I take it, we must either read AdeAdov
here, or ἀποθανοντων before.

P. 362. ΠΠεμψας Epaorov.| Hence we see that
Erastus was still with Plato, and consequently the
sixth epistle was written after this time.

P. 362. Kpatww.| Here we find that Timotheus
had a brother called Cratinus. This cannot, I think,
be the great Timotheus, for his father, Conon, in his
will (the substance of which is preserved in Lysias’s
oration in de Bonis Aristophanis, p. 345.) makes no
mention of any other son he had, but this one.

P. 362. Twv πολυτελων των Αμοργινων.] The fine
linen of Amorgos, of which they made tunicks for
women, was transparent. See the Lysistrata of Aristo-
phanes, v. 46. and 150. and 736. where the Scholia call
the plant, of which the thread was made 7) λινοκαλαμη,
and say, that it was in fineness ὕπερ τὴν βυσσον, ἡ τὴν
καρπασον : they were dyed of a bright red colour.

APPENDIX.

Wuen the fourth of these volumes was passing through
the press, I was enabled, by the courtesy of Mr. John
Morris, of 13 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, to examine
the very curious and valuable collection of Graiana now in
his possession, Of this collection, which has never been
described, I will here give a brief account, It consists of
five folio volumes, based upon a copy of Mathias’s quarto
edition of the Works, printed in 1814, This copy was
presented by Mathias to Dawson Turner, who divided, en-
larged, and rebound it. It was further again enlarged by
Mr. John Dillon, from whom it passed, in its present
condition, into the hands of Mr. J. Morris.

It is not necessary to describe all the portraits, illustra-
tions, letters from persons interested in Gray, or other
curious additions which have swelled this remarkable col-
lection to its present bulk. I will here mention only what
is of original interest. In the first place, certain memo-
randa of Gray’s family, mostly in his own handwriting,
including the draft, in pencil, which is almost obliterated,
of the epitaph of his mother, which runs thus :—

in the same pious confidence
beside her sister and faithful friend
sleep the remains of
DOROTHY GRAY
Widow, the careful tender Mother
of many children, of whom one
only had the misfortune to
survive her

She died March 11, 1753, aged 67.

340 APPENDIX,

It may be observed that this reading differs in several
respects from that hitherto repeated.

Horace Walpole’s copy of the Siz Poems of 1753 has
been let into the volumes, It contains notes in his hand-
writing, but none of any importance.

There are thirty-four autograph letters of Gray, but
all of these have been published already, and are found
in their proper places in the present edition. They con-
sist mainly of the letters to Norton Nicholls. I have
collated them all, and find no variations worthy of record.

The original of the Hssay to Walpole on his Lives of the
Painters appears here in Gray’s handwriting. It is cor-
rectly printed in this edition (vol. 1. pp. 303-321) in all
but the most inconsiderable particulars.

The sheets yet unprinted are copious, but rather dry
and impersonal notes of the journey in France in 1739,
up to the point where the journal printed here (vol. i. pp.
235-246) begins. Of more general interest is an account,
in Gray’s handwriting, of his stay at Naples with Walpole
in 1740, and of the excursions they took in various direc-
tions. Had this reached me before the completion of my
work, I should have thought it my duty to print these
notes, although they have little personal importance. As
a specimen of their character I transcribe the following
passage :—

“We made a little journzy also on the other side of the
Bay of Naples to Portici, where the King has a Villa
about 4 Miles out of town, the way thither is ¢hro’ a
number of small towns, and seats of the nobility close by
the Sea, for Mount Vesuvius has not ever been able to
deter people from inhabiting this lovely coast, and as soon
as ever an eruption is well over, tho perhaps it has
damaged or destroy’d the whole country for leagues round

APPENDIX. 341

it, in some months every thing resumes its former face, and
goes on in the old channel. That mountain lies a little
distance from Portici towards the left, divided into 2
Summits, that farthest from the Sea is rather the largest,
& highest, called Monte di Somma. This has hitherto
been very innocent; the lesser one, which is properly
Vesuvius, is that so terrible for it’s fires ; it is better than
3 Miles to ascend, and those extremely laborious. ’Twas
extremely quiet at the time I saw it ; some days one could
not perceive it smoke at all, others one saw it riseing like
a white Column from it, but in no great quantity. About
a mile beyond Portici we saw the Stream of combustible
Matter, which run from it in the last eruption ; within 4
of a mile, or less, from the Sea is a small church of Our
Lady, belonging to a certain Zoccolanti, into this church
it enter’d thro’ one of the side-doors without otherwise
damageing the fabrick, run cross it, and was stop’d, I
suppose, by the opposite Wall. The Fryars have dugg
away that part of it, and left it whole riseing in a great
rough mass at the door where it enter’d, as if the miraculous
power of Our Lady had forbid it to advance further : this
is well-contrived, and carries some appearance with it.
That part of the Stream which comes along thro’ the
fields at a distance resembles plough’d Land, but rougher,
and in huge Clods; they are hard and heavy, like the
dross of some metals ; the people pile the pieces up, and
make an enclosure to their fields with them, This place
is call’d Torre del Greco ; it is about 4 Years since the
Eruption happen’d, I imagine the river of fire, or Lava,
as they call it, may be 20 Yards, or more, in breadth, It
is not above a year since they discover’d under a part of
the town of Portici a little way from the Shore an ancient
and terrible example of what this mountain is capable of ;

342 APPENDIX.

as they were digging to lay the foundations of a house for
the Prince d’Elbceuf, they found a statue or two with
some other ancient remains which comeing to the King’s
knowledge he order’d them to work on at his expence, and
continuing to do so they came to what one may call a
whole city under ground ; it is supposed, and with great
probability to be the Greek settlement call’d Herculaneum,
which in that furious Eruption, that happen’d under Titus
(the same in which the elder Pliny perish’d) was utterly
overwhelmed, and lost with several other on the same
coast. Statius, who wrote as it were on the spot, and
soon after the accident had happen’d, makes a very poet-
ical explanation on the subject, which this discovery sets
in its full light :—

‘Haec ego Chalcidicis ad te, Marcelle, sonabam,’ ete.

The work is unhappily under the direction of Spaniards,
people of no taste or erudition, so that the workmen dig,
as chance directs them, wherever they find the ground
easiest to work without any certain view.”

From the biographical point of view the most interest-
ing addition to our knowledge of Gray, presented by Mr.
John Morris’s collections, is a short paper of notes on a
journey in Scotland, of which no previous biographer or
editor of Gray has given any account. It has not hitherto
been known how the poet occupied his leisure between
his recovery from the severe surgical operation of July
1764, and what he called his “ Lilliputian Travels” in
the south of England in October of the same year. It
now appears, from Mr, Morris’s MS., that in August 1764
he went to Netherby, on the Scotch border, to visit the
Rev. Mr. Graham, the horticulturist, and from his house
set out in a tour in Scotland. His route took him by

APPENDIX. 343

Annan and Dumfries to the Falls of Clyde and Lanark.
At Glasgow he called on Foulis, the publisher, from whom
he afterwards received many courtesies. He admired
Foulis’ academy of painting and sculpture, and lamented
that the Cathedral of Glasgow was so miserably out of
repair. He passed on to Loch Lomond, sailed on the
loch, and returned to Glasgow by Dumbarton. At Stir-
ling he enjoyed the view from the castle, and went on
by Falkirk and the coast to Edinburgh. He took excur-
sions to Hawthornden and Roslin, and then to Melrose.
He was next at Kelso, Tweedmouth, and Norham Castle.
He made an excursion at low tide to Holy Island, and
the itinerary closes at Bamborough Castle, from which
place he went, no doubt, to his customary haunt, Dr.
Wharton’s house at Old Park, in the county of Durham.
This was Gray’s first visit to Scotland.

Mr. John Morris also possesses the original MS. of
Norton Nicholls’s Recollections of Gray, and many other
papers of a minor interest. For his kindness in placing
the whole of this beautiful and valuable collection in my
hands I owe him my most sincere thanks. There is now
but a very small portion of Gray’s writings remaining
of which I have not been able to examine the original
manuscript.—[ Eb. |

*

an ¥

i Sth a on eet i
σα aa wh ot. areas Ck.

GENERAL INDEX.

Abbies, Mitred, by Willis, reference to,

11. ,

Aberdeen, Marischal College of, de-
sires to confer the degree of LL.D. ;
this Gray declines, iii. 220.

Gray proud of his connection with
its University, iii. 221.

Achilles, The death of, by Bedingfield,
ii. 338.

Adam Bell, reference to the old ro-
mance of, i. 338.

Adami, Patricia, Italian actress, ii. 76.

Ad Amicos, a Latin elegy, by R. West,
ii. 8.

Adams, Dr., reference to, i. 138.

Addison, Joseph, his quotations from
the Classics, ii. 240.

his endeavour to suppress the rail-
lery on the clergy, i. 406.
Addison, Mr., sends a friendly admoni-
tion to C, Smart, ii. 161.
his friendship for Smart, ii. 179.
Lord Walpole, of Wolterton, and
Keene, Bishop of Chester, his
patrons, ii, 287.
Adversity, Hymn to, i. 23-26.
editorial note, i. 24.

Agis, a tragedy, by John Home, ii. 360.

Agrippina, a fragment of a tragedy, i.
101-111.

first published in 1775, i. 100.

editorial note, i. 101.

the argument written by Mason, i.
101-103.

Gray submits a speech in, to the
criticism of West, ii. 106.

previously dramatised by May, ii. 106.

Gray lays it aside, ii. 110.

sends it to Horace Walpole, ii. 167.

Horace Walpole requested not to
mention it, ii. 171.

Gray sends Walpole the first scene
in, ii. 227.

Ailesbury, Lady, declaration that Gray,

during a long afternoon in her

company, only spoke once, iii. 42.

Aislaby, Mr., with Rev. Norton
Nicholls at Studley, iii. 240.

Akenside, Dr., his erroneous conjec-
tures in Architecture, ii. 255.

criticism of his Pleasures of Imagina-
tion, ii. 120-121.

Dr. Wharton asks Hurd to be lenient
with, ii. 299.

erroneously criticises an expression
of Gray’s, ii. 331.

his contribution to Dodsley’s Collec-
tion of Poems, ii. 364.

reference to, ii. 389.

Albemarle, Lord, one of Lord George
Sackville’s judges, iii. 31.

Alcaic Fragment, i. 176.

reference to, ii. 96.

Ode, written in the album
Grande Chartreuse, ii. 182.

editorial note, ii. 182.

Alderson, Rev. Christopher, shows

Mason’s library to Mitford, ii. 299.
curate to Mason, subsequently rector
of Aston, ii. 282.
invited to Old Park, iii. 348.

Alderson, Mrs., portrait of Dr. Delap
in her possession, ii. 309.

Aldovrandi, Cardinal Pompeo, note on,
ii. 93.

Algarotti, Count Francesco, friend of
Frederick the Great, of Voltaire,
and of Augustus III. of Poland,
iii. 147.

distinguished as one of the best
literary judges in Europe, iii. 148.

sends panegyrics to Gray and Mason,
iii, 151.

his Dissertation on Painting and
Music, with dedication to Pitt
(Earl of Chatham), iii. 151, 159.

Gray compliments him on his literary
effort, ili. 155.

Gray reads his works with i increasing
satisfaction, iii. 159.

worthy to be the « Arbiter Eleganti-
arum ” of mankind, iii. 160.

of the

346

Algarotti, his works, iii. 162.
Gray’s opinion of his Saggio sopra
Vopera in musica, ili, 162.
account of his Il Congresso di Citera,
iii. 162.
Gray sees no objection to T. Howe
publishing his works ; gives advice
as to the preparation, ili. 165.
Gray cannot advise an English trans-
lation of, iii. 298-299.
thinks of visiting England, iii. 166.
his works, in 8 vols., swarm with
errors of the press, iii. 298.
his works printed at Leghorn, 111. 307.
Gray’s opinion of his merit, iii. 299.
his verse above mediocrity, iii. 300.
employed by King of Poland to buy
pictures, ili. 307.
purchases a famous Holbein, ‘‘ The
consul Meyer and his family,” iii.
307.
Allegory, Gray no friend of, iii. 166.
Allen, Ralph, of Prior Park, recom-
mends Mr. Hurd for a sinecure, iii.

139.

Allin, Sir A., reference to his death,
ili. 386.

Allin, Miss, inclined to part with the
estates, 111. 388.

Alloa, triumphs and illuminations of,
111, 383.

Alps, description of a journey across
the, ii. 40-42, 45.

near Lanslebourg, ii. 41.

Alvren, Dr., iii. 62.

Altieri, Cardinal Giambattista, illness
of, ii. 63, 84.

Altieri, Cardinals, ii. 63.

Alvis, Andrew, Fellow of St. John’s,
note on, candidate for the Master-
ship of St. John’s, iii. 190.

Amatory Lines. Paraphrase of an epi-
gram of ‘* Ad Carolum,” i. 137.

editorial note, i. 137.

Amherst, General, speech in commend-
ation of, iii. 18.

Amusemens sur le langage des Bétes, by
Bougeant, reference to, ii. 27
Ancaster, Duke of, at the trial of Lord

Ferrers, iii. 35.

Ancient authors, Gray’s Catalogue of,

ji. 148-154,
chronological table of their works
compiling at Cambridge, ii. 156.

Ancients, Gray’s reading from the, ii.
112- 113,

Ancram, Lord, to take part in a secret
roilitary expedition, li, 320.

Andrews, Dr., gives an opinion on the
Cambridge statutes, 11. 138.

INDEX.

| Anecdotes of Painting, Walpole’s, iii.

eT ὁ

125.

Anglesey, Marquis, his disputed peer-
age, 111, 374,

Anguish, Mr.,
163.

Ansel, Mr., Fellow of Trinity, his re-
cent death, iii. 254, 255.

Anstey, Christopher, translated Gray’s
Elegy into Latin, i. 72, 227.

his New Bath Guide, ii. 240.

Anthologia Greca, Gray’s paraphrases

from, i. 195-198.

Anti-gallican, Gray an, ii. 226.

‘* Antiquities, Houses, etc., in England
and Wales,” catalogued by Gray
and printed posthumously by
Mason, ii. 360.

por αὶ pursues the study of, ii. 359-

interested in Smart, iii.

Antrobus, Robert, Gray’s maternal

uncle, li. 9.

Antrobus, Mrs. Mary, Gray’s aunt,

death of, i. 72; ii. 208.

Antrobus, Miss Dorothy,Gray’s cousin,
postmistress of Cambridge, iii. 130,
184, 283, 319.

Gray informs her of his appointment

' a Professor of Modern History, iii.
318.

Apothecary’s, Gray calls a country,

shop a terrible thing, iii. 265.

Archimage, Mr., visits Gray, iii. 191.

Archimedes, his speculum discovered

by Buffon, ii. 230.

Architectwre, Essay on Norman (or,
according to Wren, the Saxon), i.
294-302.

better suited for military than for
domestic purposes, i. 294.

its distinctive character (1) semi-
circular arches, examples at Ely
and Peterborough, i. 296.

(2) massy piers or pillars, i. 297.

examples at Durham, Peterborough,
and Ely, and in views of Old St.
Paul’s, i. 298.

(3) variety of the capitals of the piers,
i, 298.

examples at Ely and Peterborough,
i, 299.

(4) wider ceilings, of timber only,
examples at Ely and Peterborough,
1. 299.

(5) its ornaments, i. 299-300.

examples at Hereford, Peterborough,
and views of Old St. Paul’s, i. 300.

reference to ancient statues on Crow-
land Bridge, Worcester, and Glou-
cester, i. 300.

be

INDEX.

Architecture, remarks on the Essay,
by Mr. Basil Champneys, i. 301.
Gray’s opinion of the source of

Gothie, ii. 255,
reason of the beauty of Gothic, iii.
110.
beauty of Gothic, be
reign of Henry III.
rise of Gothic, iii. 146.
Gothie perfection, i. 317.
ea finer than the nave of York,

317.
tay oe (Trinity Church, Ely),
. 31

chapel of Bishop West at Ely, i. 317.
had introduced itself in the reign of
Charles I., iii. 158.
criticisms on JamesBentham’s Essay,
iii. 228-231.
the Saxon, had no niches or canopies,
and escutcheons of arms are hardly
ever seen, iii. 229.
billeted-moulding, examples of, iii.
229.
nail-head, examples of, iii. 230.
nebule, examples of, iii. 230.
rise of the pointed arch, example
of, iii. 280.
spirit of Gray’s time little less de-
structive than the civil wars, iii.
281.
ee notes on, iv.
Aristotle, Gray’s opinion of his writ-
ings, ii. 147.
Arlington Street, residence of Walpole,
ii, 189.
Armstrong, Dr. John, his poem on
Health, ii. 121.
his pseudonym of Lancelot Temple,
li. 372.
a King, opular superstition in
gate’s time concerning, i. 389.
hehe Thomas, friend of Gray and
West, ii. 71.
publishes a book against Dr. Middle-
ton, ii. 210,
Horace Walpole’s Epistle to, ii. 221,
225.
reference to, ii. 227.
Ashton, Dr., an Epistle by Horace)
Walpole ‘to, ii. 90.
his prospect of marriage, ii. 144, |
his marriage, iii. 87.
visits Gray at Stoke, ii. 148.
reference to, ii. 147.
preacher of Lincoln’s Inn, iii. 87.
reference to, and Eton, iii. 86, 107, 111.
Askew, Dr., ii. 117.
Aston, Rey. Dr. Delap’s portrait in
Mason’s dining-room at, ii. 809, |

an to appear in
2 lil. 146.

347

Athelstan, by Dr. Brown, ii. 261.
Garrick wrote the Epilogue of, ii. 261.
Atheism is a vile dish, iii. 378.
Athens, antiquities of, J. Stuart's,
li. 288.
Autumn of 1753, ii. 247-249.
Avison, Charles, his Essay on Musical
Expression as his Friend, ii. 242.
reference to, ii, 250.
Avon, a om printed by Baskerville,
il. 372
Axton, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke Col-
lege, ii. 288.

Ayscough, Dr. Francis, candidate for
Bishopric of St. David’s, iii. 78.
Ayscough, Mr., instrument maker on

Ludgate Hill, iii. 244.

Bacu, Carlo, his lessons for the piano-
forte, iii. 164,
Gray thinks them charming, though
others disagree, iii. 164.
Baiardi, Ottavo Antonio,
antiquary, ii. 277.
Gray’s criticism of his work on Her-
culaneum, ii. 277-278.
Baif, French poet, reference to, ii. 341.
Balbi, Constantino, Doge of Genoa, ii.
48.
Balguy, Dr. Thomas, of St. John’s.
Gray accompanies him to town,
li. 291.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
11, 820.
takes his doctor’s degree and
preaches the commencement ser-
mon, ii. 368, 37.1.
returns to his prebendary of Win-
chester, ii. 371.
friend of Rev. Mr. Ludham, iii. 144.
Gray visits him at Winchester, iii.
178.
his action at Winchester, iii. 178.
says Mrs. Mason is very handsome,
lii. 224.
Balmerino, Lord, his trial for rebellion,
ii. 141.
his last action on the scaffold, ii. 146.
Balmerino, Lady Margaret, ii. 142,
Barbarossa, A play by Dr. Brown, ii. 261.
Bard, The, i. 39-50.
editorial note, i. 40.
portion submitted to Dr. Wharton,
li. 267.
fragment of, as sent to Dr. Wharton,
ii. 268- 271,
no further progress of, ii. 273, 294.
no roe progress of (old Caradoc),
ii. 276

Parmesan

348

Bard, The, sends a fragment to Stone-

hewer, ii. 279.

further fragment sent to Mason, ii.
812.

the Moses of Parmegiano and Rap-
hael’s figure of God in the vision
of Ezekiel furnished models for,
ii, 313.

Gray comments on Mason’s critic-
ism, ii. 814-315.

Gray does not like notes, yet will
give one or two, ii. 319.

Gray comments to H. Walpole on, ii.
318-319.

criticised by Mr. J. Butler anony-
mously, ii. 344-346.

references to, ii. 284-286.

Barnard, Dr., his quarrel at the Com-
mons, iii. 63.

Barnard, Lord, reference to, ii. 238.

Barnwell, Dr., of Trompington, his
daughter marries Dr. Chapman, ii.
193.

Barrett, Mr., of Lee Priory, offers Rev.
N. Nicholls £100 a year as travel-
ling companion, ili. 324.

Barrington, Lord, Secretary for War,
li. 292.

Barrington, Daines (one of the Welsh
judges), Gray wishes a copy of his
poems to be sent to, ii. 344.

pee ae Fair, reference to, iii.

Baskerville, beauty of his type, iii. 165.
Bath, Lord, death of, iii. 172.
conduct of his lady during a riot, iii.
339,
Bathurst, Mr., reference to, iii. 69.
Battey-Langley manner of architecture,
ii. 253.
Batile of the Summer Islands, quotation
from Waller’s, ii. 49.
Beadon, Richard, Bishop of Gloucester,
executor of Dr. Newcome, iii. 189.
Beattie, Dr. James, note on, ili. 219.
invites Gray to Aberdeen, iii. 219.
Gray would be glad to see him at
Glamis, iii. 220.
visits Glamis, iii. 221.
sends Gray two books on popular
superstition, 111. 222.
Gray criticises his poetry, iii. 279.
Gray thanks him for his many
friendly offers, iii. 285.
receives permission to issue a Scotch
edition of Gray’s poems, and to
entrust its publication to Foulis
of Glasgow, ili. 285-286.
criticism of his Ode on Lord Hay’s
birthday, iii. 287.

INDEX.

Beattie, Gray’s reasons for the notes

to his Pindarie Odes, iii. 290.

thanked for the edition of Gray’s
poems, iii. 325; its success, iii.
346.

informed of the appointment of Gray
to the Chair of Modern History,
and its value, iii. 326.

sends Gray in MS. the first book of
oe Minstrel ; Gray’s criticism, iii.

his Essay on Truth, iii. 377.
Gray’s criticism of ‘the Minstrel, with
Beattie’s comments, iii. 395-400.
obliged to Gray for his freedom of
criticism, iii. 400.
Beauchamp, Earls of Warwick, their
monuments, ii. 257.
Beauclerk, Lady Harry, receives a
pension of £400 a year, iii. 78.
Beauvau, Marshall, Prince, son of
Prince Craon, ii. 85.
Beckford, Alderman, reference to his
manner whilst delivering a speech,
iii. 18,
at the coronation banquet, iii. 116.
Bedford, Duke of, brings his son
Francis to Trinity College, ii. 309.
and Duchess likely to be of the new
Ministry, iii. 153.
Bedford, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke, ii.
288.
Mr. Buller of Cornwall his patron,
11. 289.
Bedingfield *Mr., makes the acquaint-
ance of, ii. 276,
The Death of Achilles, a poem by, ii.
338.
relates opinions expressed respecting
Gray’s Odes, ii. 340.
Mason’s attitude towards, iii. 163.
references, ii. 338; iii. 329.
Bedlam, tragedy by Nat. Lee, ii. 106.
Beedon, Mr., reference to, iii. 97.
Bell, Mr., his taste for Gothie, iii. 29.
Belleisle, news of its surrender daily
expected, iii. 105.
Sir William Williams killed at, iii.

109.

Bellers visits Maltham ‘and engraves a
view of Gordale, i. 278.

Bellingham, extinct family of, i. 269.

Benedict XIV., his election as Pope, i.
93.

Bentham, James, Prebendary of Ely,
Gray returns his Essay on Gothic
Architecture with criticisms, iii.
228-231.

Bentinck, Lady Anne, and Sir Conyers
d’Arcy, i. 367.

INDEX.

349

Bentley, Mr. Richard, Stanzas to, i. | Bonfoy, Nicholas, resided at Abbot’s

121-122.
editorial note to Stanzas, i. 121.
the Stanzas first published in 1775,
i. 100.
assists in preparing the Chronologi-
cal table of ancient authors, ii. 158.
his designs for Gray’s Hlegy, ii. 234 ;
their publication, ii. 237 ; a second
edition, i. 227.
sale at London in 1882 of his draw-
ings for the six poems, ii. 237.
reference to, ii. 218.
Berger, a disciple of Linnzeus, iii. 88.
Bernardi, Francesco, reference to, ii.65.
Bevis, Earl of Southampton, The Re-
portes of, i. 338. ,
his residence at Duncton, i. 338.
his sword one of the relics at Arun-
del Castle, i. 338.
Bibliographical statement of Gray’s
writings, i. ix-xili.
Bickham, James, Fellow of Emmanuel,
li. 820.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
11, 320.
laments Mason’s indolence, ii. 394.
reference to, iii. 98.
Bickhain, Rey. Jeremy, obtains a liv-
ing, 111, 108.
Biographia, Dr. Nicholis wrote the
latter articles of, ii. 244.
Birch, Dr. Thomas, his State Papers, ii.

194,
his State Papers of Sir T. Edmondes,
Ὡς 280.
Birds, Couplet about, i. 139.
editorial note on, i. 139.

Birds in Norfolk, table of their noises
being first heard during 1755, iii.
95-96.

Birkett, Rev. George, asked by Gray
to pay his Italian master, ii. 3.
Blacowe, Rev. Mr., Canon of Windsor,

his death, iii, 40, 63.

Blue-Coat or Man-in-Blew, an attend-
ant on the Vice-Chancellor of
Cambridge University, ii. 117.

Boaden’s Life of Kemble, extract rela-
tive to Mason, ii. 242.;

Boadicea, Glover's play of, ii. 134.

Boar, the silver, badge of Richard III.,
i. 47,

Boccaccio, introduced the Ottava Rima
measure, i. 347.
his de Cassibus Illustrium Virorum,
i. 391.
Bolby, Mr., reference to, ii. 187.
Bolton, Duke of, his duel with Mr.
Stuart, 111. 34.

Ripton, ii. 378.
his marriage and family, ii. 379.
visits Gray at Cambridge, ii. 320.
his belief that everything turns out
for the best, ii. 321.
dines with Gray, iii, 21.

Bonfoy, Mrs. Elizabeth, references to,

ii. 378 ; 111, 32.

who taught Gray to pray, is dead,
iii, 152.

her fortitude, iii. 152.

Bonfoy,-Mr. and Mrs., Gray sends them
a copy of The Odes, ii. 320.

Bonstetten, Charles von, Baillie of
Nion, Switzerland, letter to Norton
Nicholls, with footnote of Gray’s
opinion of the writer, iii, 355-356.

proceeds to London with Gray, iii.
357.

returned to France, iii. 358.

note on, iii. 360.

Gray laments the loss of his pres-
ence, iii, 360-362, 809.

Gray’s expression of warm regard,
warns him against vice, iii. 371.
sends Gray views of Switzerland, iii.

880.
is disordered in his intellect, or has
exasperated his friends, iii. 401.

Borneil, Girard de, his invention of the
Canzone, i. 352.

Boscawen, Admiral, his victory over
the French, iii. 14.

Boswell, James, tells Mitford that
Gray received forty guineas for
The Odes, ii. 330.

his Account of Corsica and Memoir of
Paoli, iii. 310.
Gray’s light estimate of his abilities,
111. 310-311.
Botanical Calendar for 1755, iii. 92-94.
Bougeant, Guillaume Hyacinthe, ii. 27.
his Langage des Bétes, ii. 27, 96.
Epistle to, by Gresset, ii. 184:

Bourbon, Duke of, Governor of Bur-
gundy, ii. 31.

Bourne, Mr., a friend of Mason’s, ii.
849,

Bower, Archibald, his career and pro-
posals for a History of the Pope, ii.
180.

Bowes, George, of Streatham Castle,
his daughter married to the ninth
ἘΝῚ of Strathmore, ii. 369; iii.
276.

Boycot, Mr., may be of assistance to
Rev. N. Nicholls, iii. 342.

Bradshaw, Mr., secretary to the Duke
of Grafton, ii, 241..

350

Braidalbane, Lord, his Scottish do-| Brown,

main or ‘ policy,” iii. 216.

Bramston, Rev. James, reference to
his poetry, ii. 220.

Brandenburg, Frederick the Great’s
Memoirs of the House of, ii. 229.

reviewed in the Mercwre Historique,

11, 229.

Brawn, collars of, stuck with rosemary,
li. 118.

Brian, King of Dublin, death of, i. 54.
Bridgewater, Duke of, accompanied by
P. Wood through Italy, ii. 328.
Bristol Cathedral, elegiac verses to

Mrs. Mason in, i. 141.
Bristol, Lord, Ambassador to Spain,
i. 116.
Britannicus, tragedy by Racine, ii. 167.
performed in Paris, ii. 27.
British Museum, a treasure, ii. 396.
its excess of expenditure over in-
come, ii. 396; ili. 2.
Gray expects to see the collection
offered for sale, iii. 4.
very crowded, ii. 396.
Gray’s chief amusement, iii. 1.
persons attending the reading-room,
iii. 2.
dissension of its officers, iii. 6.
Gray’s researches in the Ledger-Book
of the Signet preserved in, iii. 11.
Gray’s further researches, 111, 29.
Gray’s MSS. in, i. xiv. 73, 113, 140.
Brivio, Signor, singing instructor, ii.
284.
Brockett, Lawrence, Professor of
Modern History, iii. 136, 140.
tutor to Sir James Lowther, iii. 137.
agent for Earl of Sandwich at Cam-
“bridge, 111. 168.
his death, and Gray’s succession to
his Chair, 111. 318.
manner of his death, iii. 322.
Bromwick, dealer in wall-papers, iii.
83, 118, 120.
Brook, Dr. Zachary, of St. Jchn’s,
note on, 111. 189.
elected Margaret Professor, iii. 189.
candidate for the Mastership of St.
John’s, iii. 190.
reference to, iii. 168.
Broschi, Carlos, sopranist, li, 22, 575
iii. 80.
Brown, Sir Anthony, supposed por-
trait in St. John’s College, i. 311.
Brown, Mr. (one of the six clerks in
Chancery), his house on banks of
Eden, i. 250.
Brown, i. a contributor to Dodley’s
Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 220.

INDEX,

Rev. James, of Pembroke
College, note on, ii. 138.

his fortitude, ii. 138.

a Gigs the case of Tuthill, ii. 161,

sehedaadd himself on behalf of C.
Smart, ii. 178.

successful in his endeavour to elect
Tuthill and others Fellows of Pem-
broke, ii. 188.

presented to the living of Tilney, ii.
189.

contributes to Dodsley’s Miscellane-
ous Poems, ii. 221.

visits Gray at Stoke, ii. 259.

Gray canvasses on his behalf for an
office in the University, ii. 287-
289.

asked to distribute copies of Gray’s
Odes, ii. 320.

Gray enquires if the parcel of Odes
have reached him, and asks that
he will send any criticisms he may
hear, ii. 322.

if he has paid any of Gray’s Cam-
bridge bills, Gray wishes to be
informed, ii. 384.

laments Mason’s indolence, ii. 394.

invited to Gray’s lodgings in South-
ampton Row, iii. 6.

requested to prepare Gray’s Cam-
bridge apartments, iii. 61, 63.

his opinion requested of young Pon-
sonby, iii. 67.

favourable opinion of young Pon-
sonby, ili. 77.

his pictures of Ware Park, near Hert-
ford, iii. 69.

inclined to suffer from sciatica, iii.86.

proposition that he should visit Lady
Strathmore, iii. 86.

not at all well, iii. 125.

his evening prayer to the congrega-
tion, iii. 152.

called familiarly by Gray ‘‘ Petit
Bon,” iii. 164.

preparing some grafts for Dr.
Wharton, iii. 169.

invincibly attach’d to his duties, iii.
200.

deep in Quintilian and Livy, iii. 205.

visits his brother near Margate, iii.
245.

Gray has been nursing him, iii. 259, 262.

will he accompany Gray to Mason’s?
iii. 267-268.

visits Mason, iii. 272.

visits Lord Strathmore at Gibside,
and accompanies him to Scotland,
111, 282.

INDEX.

351

Brown, Rey. James, and the livings of; Bussy, Pitt’s contempt for his pro-

Framlingham and Oddington, iii.
328,
accompanies Gray to York, iii. 347.
receives the Mastership of Pembroke
and the living of Streath-ham, Isle
of Ely, iii. 388.
joiut executor with Mason of Gray’s
will, ii. 138.
references to, ii. 155, 203, 230, 231,
287, 346; iii. 58.
Brown, "Rev. John, his Estimate of the
Manners and Principles of the Times,
ii, 310.
his praise of Gray, ii. 828, 330.
reference to, iii. 42.
Brown, Dr., suicide of, iii. 250, 251.
Brydges, Sir Egerton, his account of
Gray’s feelings on kissing hands
for the Professorship, iii. 323.
Buchanan, Mrs., Gray dines with her
at Penrith, i. 250.
Buffon, his Histoire du Cabinet du Roi,
commended by Gray, ii. 199.
discovers the Speculum of Archi-
medes, ii. 230.
arrival in England of the 9th and
10th volumes of his history, iii. 85 ;
llth and 12th volumes, 111. 172;
13th volume, iii. 235 ; 14th volume,
iii. 245.
Buller, Mr., of Cornwall, patron of Mr.
Bedford, ii. 289.
Buondelmonte, Guiseppe Maria, a
littérateur of Tuscany, ii. 103.
Sonnet by, with Gray’s imitation, ii.

103.
Burg, Elizabeth de, Countess Clare, i.
95.

Burgundy, Dukes of, tombs of, ii. 31.
Burke, Edmund, reference to, ili. 126.
Burleigh, Lord "Treasurer, Chancellor
of Cambridge, i. 97.
Papers, reference to, ii. 128.
House, Lord Exeter refurnishing, iii.
Fe
Burlesque account of Gray’s travels in
France and Italy, ii. 55-61.
προ Ὁ" Dr., and The Installation Ode,
i, 92.

his opinion of Il Ciro Riconosciuto, ii.
391.

Burnham Beeches, description of, ii. 9.

Burroughs, Vice-Chance}lor and Master
of Caius College, i. 307.

Burton, Dr. John, M.D., author of
Monasticon Eboracense, iii. 2.

Business, the great art of life is to find
oneself, iii. 32.

Bussy, setting out for France, iii. 116.

= on behalf of France, iii.
122.

ae sa of, Groom of the Stole, ii.

δι ΗΝ iii. 89.
his new system of botany, iii. 89.
his favouritism, 111, 123.
refuses an application on behalf of
Gray for the Professorship of
Modern History, iii. 136-137.
ill of an ague in his eye, ili. 269.
Bute, Lady, bequests from her father,
Wortley Montagu, iii. 91.
her second son to take the name of
Wortley, iii. 91.
Butler, Dr. Joseph, Bishop of Durham,
ii. 241.
Butler, J., of Andover, criticises Gray’s
Bard, ii. 344, 346.
description of his residence, ii. 349.
Byron, Lord, kills Mr. Chaworth in a
duel, iii. 208,

CADWALLADER, his device, i. 70.
Caius, Dr., an original portrait of, i.
806-307.
date of his death, i. 308.
his tomb, i. 309.
Caius College, old portrait in, believed
to be Theodore Haveus of Cleves,
i. 807-309.
Calas, Voltaire’s good action on behalf
of the family of, iii. 173.
Calendar (Botanical), of Upsal (Sw.),
Stratton, and Cambridge, for 1755,
lii. 92-94,
Cambis, Marquis de, see Velleron, ii. 27.
Cambridge, Richard Owen, purchases
Mr. Zolman’s library, ii. 373.
presented H. Walpole with Lord
Whitworth’s MS. of <Accownt of
Russia in 1710, ii. 373.
his powers of conversation, iii. 2.
his account of the Life of Edward,
Earl of Clarendon, prior to its pub-
lication, iii. 2-3.
Cambridge, Ode on the death of a
favourite Cat, written at, i. 10.
Progress of Poesy, written at, i. 28.
The Descent of Odin, written at, i. 60.
ety of the’ Elegy, written at, i. 72.
The Alliance of Education and Govern-
ment, written at, i. 113.

Couplet on Birds, composed near, 1.189.

views of the colleges, by Loggan, i.
309.

Satire wpon the heads (of colleges), i.
134,

352

Cambridge, Gray unacquainted with
the younger tutors of, iii. 58.
likened to a desolation and a solitude,
ii. 5.

election of a High Steward (Lord
Hardwick and Earl of Sandwich
the candidates) will take place in
Westminster Hall, iii. 168, 171;
Lord Hardwick to come in quietly,
lii. 183 ; appeal to the King’s Bench,
iii. 200; Lord Hardwick judicially
declared elected, iii. 200; points
settled by Lord Mansfield, iii. 201.

contest for the Margaret Professor-
ship of St. John’s College, iii. 189.

great contest for the Mastership of
St. John’s College, iii. 190.

St. John’s Lodge, old picture in,
considered to be Sir Anthony
Denny, iii. 227.

Mr. Lyon’s chambers destroyed by
fire, iii. 301.

as soon as ceremonies are over, Gray
will start for Skiddaw, iii. 342.

list of distinguished visitors expected
to attend at the installation of the
Duke of Grafton as Chancellor,
111. 348, 844.

expensiveness of lodgings in antici-
pation of the installation, 111, 344.

Camden, Lord, ‘‘ will soon be Chan-
cellor,” iii. 237.

Camelford, Lord (Thomas Pitt),
338

Candidate, The, a poem by Churchill,
quotation from, ii. 289.

Canterbury Cathedral, its choir built
by William of Sens, i. 316. |

Canterbury, Gray sets out for, iii. 237. |

Canzone, its invention, i. 352. Ϊ

esteemed by Dante the noblest

specimen of poetry, i. 352.

Capel, Lady M., attempted suicide of,
li, 274.

Capes The, a play by Rev. Dr. Delap,

. 809

iia νος Gray’s influence on Rev. W.
Mason’s, i. 262.

Gray’s criticism of, ii. 297, 300-307,
317-318, 332-338, 351-353, 386-387,
391.

Walpole’s opinion of, ii. 332.

Gray receives the first act, ii. 384.

Mason issues, and has a fit of affec-
tation, 111. 20.

Gray sends a copy to Rey. J. Brown,
11, 20.

the work of a man, Elfrida only that
of a boy, iii. 148,

references to, ii. 341, 371, 379.

INDEX.

Caradoc, a Welsh fragment, i. 130.
probably written in 1764, i. 129.

Caradoc, see Bard.

Caradoc, Caer, mountain in Shropshire,

li. 270.

Cardale or Cardell, Mr., admitted a
Fellow of Pembroke College, ii.
203, 288.

Cardinals, frugality of the Roman, ii. 98.

Carew, Sir George, writer of the State
Papers of Sir T. Edmondes, ii. 281.

Carey, Henry, his poem ‘of The
Moderator between the Free Masons
and Gormogons, ii. 166.

Carey, General, reference to his being
in Mason’s company, iii. 348.

Carlisle, reference to the affair of, iii.
203.

Carlisle, Lady, her altered circum-
stances, ii. 389-390.

Carlyon, Mr., reference to, ii. 176.

Carnival at Turin, ii. 44.

Casley’s Catalogue of the King’s Lib-
rary, i. 306, 312.

Castle of Otranto, by H. Walpole, Gray’s
account of its reception at Cam-
bridge, iii. 191.

Castlecomer, Lady, her death, ii. 402 ;
iii. 3.

Cat, Ode on the death of a favourite, i. 9.

editorial note on, i. 10.
sent to Dr. Wharton, li. 164,

ii. Catalina, Crebillon’s tragedy of, its

success in Paris, i. 193.
Brindley’s edition of, i. 194.
Vaillant’s edition of, i. 194.
Cavaillae’s, Marquise de, Conversa-
zione, ii. 44.
Cavendish, Lord George, attends the
university, iii. 385.
. the last survivor of those who had
known Gray, ili. 385.

‘Cavendish, Lord John, Chancellor of

the Exchequer, ii. 287.
visits Gray at Cambridge, ii. 309.
reference to his visit, ii. 311.
Gray’s criticism of Mason’s Elegy on,
11. 356.
consults Gray as to the tutorship of
his nephew Ponsonby, iii. 57.
recovering from pleurisy, iii. 108-109.
reference to, iii. 67.
Cavendish, Lord Richard, reference to,
111. 297.
description of, iii. 331, 385.
Watson, his tutor, 111. 331.
Winstanley, his private tutor, iii. 331.
| Caviche, Gray’s receipt for, iii. 81.

‘ Celtic mythology, ii. 351.

: Cenci, Cardinal, death of, ii. 84.

INDEX.

Cephalo and Procri, opera of, ii. 133.

Chairs, Gray describes some to H.
Walpole, ii. 217.

Chaise, post-, description of a French,
ae to 2 introduction to Eng-
and, ii.

Chalice of St. aad: li. 28.

Chalotais, Louis René de, Gray cannot
find the Mémoires of, iii. 258.

Chambers, Mr., reference to, iii. 70, 160.

Champneys, Mr. Basil, his remarks on
Gray’s Norman Architecture, i. 301.

pase rs Duke of, at Southampton,
iii. 179.

Chapel of St. George at Windsor, i. 315.

Chapman, Dr. Thomas, Master of Mag-
dalen, ii. 162.

his Essay on the Roman Senate, ii.

163

his marriage to Miss Barnwell, ii. 193.
his reception of the Duke of New-
castle at Cambridge, ii. 196.
pamphlet by, ii. 204.
visits Gray at Studley, ii. 241.
his death, iii. 50.
cause of his death, iii. 56, 61, 64.
his estate, iii. 56.
references to, ii. 228, 327.
Character, Sketch of his own, i. 127.
Characters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i.
210-213,
editorial note on, i. 210.

353

Chaucer, the King’s library referred to
as possessing Occleve’s portrait of,
i. 306.
article in Bibliotheca by Bishop
Tanner on, i. 306.
alludes to the diversity of writing
our language, i. 326.
examples of his metre, i. 885, 336, 339.
Chaworth, Mr., killed in a duel with
Lord Byron, iii. 203.

Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, in-
sulted in an Irish riot, iii. 26.
Chenevix, Madame, reference to, ii. 124,
Chesterfield, Earl of,” purchased the

lanthorn from Houghton Hall, ii.

12.
" friendship for Mr. Dayrolles, ii.
353.

Chevalier de St. George, references to,
li. 68, 76, 84, 94

Child, Epitaph on a, i. 126,

editorial note on, i. 126.

Chinese possess the art of landscape
gardening, iii. 160.

Cholmondeley, General, one of the
judges on the trial of Lord G.
Sackville, iii. 31.

Christ College, Cainbridge, founded by
the Countess of Richmond, i. 96.

Christ-Cross-Row, Characters of the, i.
210, 213.

editorial note on, i. 210.

Charles I., his love and taste for the; Christmas dinner in the Duke of

beautiful, iii. 158.
Charles III. of Naples and the excava-
tions of Herculaneum, ii. 277.
Charms of Sylvia, The, by Frederick,
Prince of Wales, iii. 73.

Charteris, Hon. Mr., his castle at
Hornby, i. 275.

and at Haddington, i. 275.

Chartreuse Grande, Gray writes an
Alcaie Ode in the album of the
monks of the, i. 182.

Chartreuse, La, a poem by Gresset, ii.
1

Chatsworth House, description of, iii.
154, 135.

Mr. Brown’s improvements, iii. 135.

stateliness of its apartments, iii. 135.

Chaucer, old print by Speed from

Occleve’s portrait of, i. 305.
family arms of, at bottom of print,
i. 306.

Norfolk's establishment in (?) six-
teenth century, ii. 296.

Christopher, Mr., reference to, ii. 165.

Chronological table of the works of
ancient poets and orators being
compiled at Cambridge, ii. 158,
164.

Chudleigh, Miss (Duchess of Kingston),
gives a ball to the Conde de
Fuentes, i. 40.

Madame de Mora present at, i. 62.
Churchill, Charles, death of, iii. 187.
Churehill, quotation from his Candi-

date, ii. 289.

Chute, John, Gray asks him to obtain
Marivaux’ Marviane, i. 213.

at Casa Ainbrosio, ii. 126.

Gray’s regard for, ii. 136.

his return to England, ii. 204.

visited by, Gray at ‘‘ The Vine” in

Hampshire, ii. 264.

his portrait in possession of George | Cibber, Caius Gabriel (Danish seulp~

Greenwood, Esq., i. 306.

MS. of his Troilus and Cressida in

St. John’s library, i. 305.
his portrait by Occleve not in St.
John's library, i. 305.

VOL. IV,

tor), his work at Chatsworth, iii.

135.

Cibber, Colley, his Character and Con-
duct of Cicero, criticised by Gray,
li. 169.

2A

354 INDEX.

Cibber’s, Mrs., canary-bird, ii. 360. Cobham, Viscountess, Gray attends

Cicero, by Dr. Middleton, ii. 128. her from Stoke to Hanover Square,
by Colley Cibber, ii. 169. “1, 17;
Ad Familiares, by Rev. J. Ross, 11.} dying of dropsy, iii. 17.
198. her death, leaves £30,000 to Miss

Cinque Ports, Barons of the, their Speed, iii. 37.
treatment at the coronation of} leaves Gray £20 for a ring, iii. 65.

George IIL, iii. 116. Cocchi, Dr., his opera of Il Ciro Rico-
Circumstance the life of oratory and nosciuto, ii. 391, 396.
poetry, 1. 393. reference to, and his music, ii. 127 ;
Homer thie father of, i. 393. iii. 157.
Ciro Riconosciuto, Il, opera by Cocchi, | Cogitandi, De Principiis, i. 185-193.
ii. 391, 396. fragment sent to Richard West, ii. 104.
Dr. Burney’s opinion of, ii. 391. familiarly called ‘‘ Master Tommy
Clare College, founded by Elizabeth de Lucretius” by Gray, ii. 121.
Burg, Countess Clare, i. 95. editorial note, i. 185.
Clare, Gilbert de, i. 42, 95. fragment of the fourth Book sent to
Clarendon, Edward, Earl of, incorrect Horace Walpole, ii. 172.
edition published of the last seven | Coke, Lady Mary, reference to and note
years of his life, ii. 372. on, iii. 73.
Life of, announced by the Duchess | Coke, ‘Sir Edmund, his residence at
of Queensberry from his MS., ii. 372. Stoke, i. 83.
reference to the Life of, iii. 2, 5. Colin and Lucy, ballad by T. Tickell,
Mr. Cambridge’s premature criticism ii. 219.
Of; ii 19. Colin's Complaint, by Rowe, its origin,
Clarke, Dr. John, M.D., of Epsom, ii. 367.
friend of Gray, ii. 63. Colleger, vicissitudes of a, 111, 87.
Gray writes hiin of his return to} Collins, William, his Odes on several
Cambridge, iii. 60. Descriptive and Allegoric Subjects,
reference to, i, 125. 111. 159.
Clarke, Mrs. Jane, Epitaph on, i. 125. | Colman, George, his Ode against Gray
first published, 1775, i. 100. | and Mason, 11]. 41, 53.
Clarke, Captain, his Military Institu-, friend of Garrick’s, iii. 41.
tions of Vezetius, iii. 357. his interest in the estate of Lord
Cleone, Dodsley’s play of, ii. 391. Bath, iii. 172.

Clergy, satire on the. Its prevalence, | Comédie Frangoise, account of the, ii.
i. 406. 22.

Addison unable to suppress it, i. 406. | Comic Lines, i. 138.
Clerke, Dr. John, Dean of Salisbury, editorial note on, i. 138.
ii. 317. | Commerce changes nations, i. 120.
Cleveland, Duke of, his patronage of ; Commines, Philip de, ii. 128.
C. Smart, ii. 179. | Common sense thrives better in prox-
story of an attempt to inveigle him imity to nonsense, ii. 339.
in marriage, iii. 33. Conan, i. 130.
Clifford, Hon. Mr., his park on the probably written in 1764, i. 129.
banks of the Lune, i. 274. Conclave of Cardinals at Rome, and
Climate, its effect on nations, i. 118-119. election of Pope Benedict XII. "5,11.
Clontarf, battle of, i. 52. 63, 67, 84, 93.
Coalheayers at Shadwell, affray of, iii. | Condé, Princess of, Henri IV. and the,
29. ii. 281.
Cobden, Rev. Dr., court chaplain, re-| Congresso di Citéra of Algarotti, Gray
ference to, ii. 5827. has read the, ii. 166.
Cobham, Viscountess, her house at Congreve, Pindarie form first intro-
Stoke, Ts Ode | duced by, ii. 263.
entertains Garrick at Stoke, ii. 323, Contades’ army entirely defeated, iii. 5.
924, ‘Conti, the singer, reference to, ii. 125.

Gray visits her at Hampton for two Conversazione, definition of a, ji. 64.

days, ii. 369. Conway, Francis, second Lord Conway
dying at Stoke, iii. 14. (Earl of Hertford), biographical
biographical note, iii. 16, note, ii. 19.

INDEX.

Conway, Francis, Walpole visits him in
Paris, ii. 19.
visits Gray in Paris, ii. 20.
at Rheims, ii. 29.
in Geneva, ii. 37.
Conway, General, to take part in a
secret military expedition, ii. 321.
Duke of Devonshire gives him a
legacy of £500, iii. 183.

Conway, Hon. Henry Seymour, Gray
visits him at Henley, iii. 60, 64.
Conway Papers, Gray engaged ‘in de-
ciphering a heap of, ili. 12.
returned to Walpole’s house

Arlington Street, iii. 43.
Cook, Mr. (joint paymaster), iii. 293.
Cookery, Verral’s Book of, enriched by
Gray, iii. 81.
Cornhill, destruction by fire of Gray’s
house in, ii. 181-182.
rebuilding of Gray’s house in, ii. 228.
asks Dr. Wharton to pay his fire
policy, ii. 263.
Mr. Ramsay, Gray’s tenant in, iii.
208.
Cornwallis, Sir William, his Essayes of
certaine Paradoxes, 1617, account
of, iii. 312.
Correggio, his works in the churches of
Parma, ii. 49.
his picture of Venus in the collection
of Sir William Hamilton, iii. 195.
his picture of Sigismonda in the col-
lection of Sir Luke Schaub, iii. 195.
Cors, Lambert li, his poem of the
Roman @ Alexandre, i. 357.
Corsini, Lorenzo (Pope ‘Clement XII. ),
ii. 63.
Corsola, Bishop of, Claudio Tolomei, i.
34 2.

in

Coscia, Cardinal Niccolo, Archbishop
of Benevento, biographical note,
ii. 94.

Costume, Gray’s Parisian, ii. 57.

Cotes, Humphrey, friend of Charles
Churchill, iii. 187.

Couplet about Birds, i. 139.

Couplet on Dining, i. 141.

Covent Garden, Gray obtains nosegays
from, ii. 399.

Coventry, Francis, Gray’s friendship
with, ii. 163.

his comedy of Pompey the Little, ii.
214.

Coventry, Lady, Elegy on her death
about to appear, iii. 65.
Gray's criticism of Mason’s Elegy on,
ii. 868 ; iii. 73-75.
Cowley misquoted by Gray in the Pro-
gress of Poesy, and by Mitford, i. 32.

355

Cowley, comparison of his talents with

Dryden’s, i. 32,
irregular stanzas introduced by, ii.
262.

Cowper, Mr., residentiary at York, con-
gratulates Gray, iii. 329.

Cradock, Joseph, reports statement of
John, Earl of Sandwich, relative to
Gray, i. 181.

refers to Gray’s use of the mountain
of Caer Caradoe, ii. 270.

Cranmer, Archbishop, his portrait in
Emanuel College, i. 310.

Craon, Prince of, entertains Gray, ii. 52.

visits Rome, ii. 85.

Crebillon, Prosper Jolyot de, his Lettres
de la Marquise, ii. 27.

Gray recommends the romances of,
ii. 107.

his Le Sopha, ii. 128.

his tragedy of Catalina, ii. 193.

Crescimbeni, Comentarj del, references
to, 1. 325, 327, 387, 865, 372, 374.

Creswick, Mr. (the Duke of Cleveland’s
managing man), iii. 33.

Critical Review, article on Gray’s Bard
in, ii. 327, 331.

Crofts, Mr., a candidate for the Uni-
versity, iii. 390.

Croma, one of the poems of Ossian, iii.
48

Cromartie, Earl of, his trial for re-
bellion, ii. 140.
Cromartie, Lady, supplicates her hus-
band’s life, ii. 140.
Crowland Abbey visited by Gray, ii.
366.
Crowley, Robert, printer of Peirce
Plowman’s Vision, i. 370.
Crusades, History of the, reference to,
ii. 229.
Cumberland, Duke of, his entry into
Edinburgh, i. 143.
his popularity, i. 145.
his illness, ii. 321.
attended by the surgeons of Marshall
d’Etrées, ii. 321.
his resignation after Closter-Seven,
ii. 848.
recovered of his paralytic attack, iii.

appears at Newmarket in his chaise,
lii. 66.

King George II.’s bequests to, iii. 70-
(ge

in ἃ very good way, ‘tis strange if
he recovers,” iii. 183.

his ness at Newmarket and story
concerning it, iii. 185.

date of his death, iii, 185.

356

INDEX,

Cumberland, R., his verses on the| Dayrolles, Mr., his danghter elopes

death of Frederick, Prince of Wales,
ii. 119.

Curtall, Mr., reference to, iii. 138.

Curzon, Dr., late of Brazenose, and the
Poetical Rondeau, i. 208.

Cyrus, see Ciro,

D’Arrray, Count, French Ambas-
sador at the Hague, iii. 50.

D’Alembert, M., Gray comments on
his Mélanges de Littératwre et de
Philosophie, iii. 46.

Dalston’s, Sir W., house at Acorn
Bank, i. 250.

Daniel, Arnauld, his decasyllabic verse,
i. 334,

his invention of the Sestine, i. 350.

Daniskiold, Count, hereditary Admiral
of Denmark, ii. 194.

Dante, Translation of Canto 33, Dell’
Inferno, i. viii. 157-160.

now first printed from MS. belong-
ing to Lord Houghton, i. 157.

his esteem of the Canzone species of
poetry, i. 352.

ascribes the origin of the old prose
romances to the French, i. 365.

D’Arcy, Right Hon. Sir Conyers, re-
ference to, and biographical note,
ii. 367.

Mason visits, ii. 373.

D’ Arezzo, Fra Guittone, inventor of
the Sonnet, i. 349.

Darlington, Lady, reference to, iii. 33.

Darradar Liod, an Icelandic poem ; see
The Fatal Sisters, i. 52.

Darwin; Erasmus, his verses on death
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii.
119.

D’Aubenton, his Histoire du Cabinet du
Roi, commended by Gray, ii. 199.

D’Auvergne, Cardinal, attends a con-
clave at Rome, ii. 67.

Davanzati, his translation of Tacitus,
He Le

Davenport, Mr., friend of Rousseau
and Dr. T. Wharton, ili. 243.

David, C. Smart’s Song to, ii. 161.

Davie, Mr., reference to, ii. 146, 147.

Davis, Mrs., an English nun in Calais,
11.

Dawson-Turner, his collection of
Graiana, the gift of Mr. Mathias,
and now owned by Mr. John
Morris, iv. 339.

Dayrolles, Mr., intimate friend of Lord
Chesterfield’s, ii. 353.

Mason christens his child, ii. 353.

with Leonidas Glover’s son, ii. 354.
his relation with Mr. Stanhope at the
Hague, ii. 354.
De Grey, Lord Chief Justice of Common
Pleas, iii. 390.
De Guerchy and the Chevalier D’Eon,
iii. 181.
De Honestis Veterum Dictis by Marcellus
Nonius, ii. 113.
De la Lande’s Voyage through Italy, 8
vols., pretty good to read, iii. 344.
Delap, Dr., referred to by Gray, ii. 309.
author of Hecuba and The Captives,
li. 309.

biographical note, ii. 309.

Gray proposes, through Mason, that
a comment should be written on
The Odes by, ii. 329.

did he write ‘‘ Melpomene’ ? ii. 338.

leaves Mason’s curacy, ii. 368.

returned to Trinity, iil. 128, 131.

his Hecuba and Mrs. Pritchard, iii.128.

and Kitty Hunter, unfounded report
of their marriage, iii. 186.

references to, ii. 311, 318.

Delaval, Edward, his tuition, ii. 155.

his disgrace at Cambridge, ii. 159.

a Fellow-Commoner, ii. 203.

Fellow of Pembroke and of the Royal
Society, iii. 137.

his skill in playing water-glasses, iii.
31, 124.

attends regularly on the Wilkes case,
iii. 39.

visits Gray in Jermyn Street, iii. 182.

his frankness, 111, 320,

his illness, iii. 335.

criticised Gray, iii. 338.

references to, iii. 122, 137, 186.

Delaval, Sir Francis Blake, asks the
post of Modern History for E.
Delaval, iii. 140.

Delaval, Sir T., reference to a love
affair, 111. 256.

Demofoonte, a drama in which Mingotti
excelled, ii. 282.

Denbigh, Lady, at Stoke House, ii. 382.

Denmark, Mallet’s Introduction to the
History of, ii. 352.

Denmark, King of, visits Cambridge,
his personal appearance, iii. 329.

references to, iii. 327, 330.

Denny, Sir Anthony, old picture sup-
posed to be his portrait, ili. 227.

D’Eon, Chevalier, and Mons. Du Vergy
and De Guerchy, iii. 181.

De Principiis Cogitandi, a didactic
poem of Gray’s, see Cogitandi, ii.
104.

INDEX.

De Quincey’s invective against Gras-
mere coach road, i. 266.

De Regimine Principum, Chaucer’s por-
trait by Occleve in the book, i. 305.

Destouches, Néricault, French drama-
tist, his ‘comedy of Philosophe Marié,
ii. 23.

note on, ii. 23.

Devil, History of the, lost fragment of
Gray’ 8, 1. 142.

Devonshire, Duke of, Head of the
Treasury, ii. 292.

appoints Rev. W. Mason Chaplain i in
Ordinary to George IL., ii. 326.

gives a dinner to gentlemen attend-
ing coronation of George 11|., iii.

114.

his seat at Chatsworth, iii. 134-136.

death of William, 4th Duke, and the
cause, iii. 176, 184.

value of his estate and his bequests,
iii. 183, 184.

Diamantina, La, violinist, ii. 76.

Dickens, Dr., reference to, ii. 118.

Dillon, Mr. John, possessed and added
to the Dawson-Turner MSS. of
Gray, iv. 339.

Dining, Couplet on, i. 141.

Doctor of Laws, Gray’s attachment to
Cambridge induces him to decline,
from the University of Aberdeen,
the honorary degree of, ii. 219-220.

Dodsley, Robert, prints the Elegy
written in a Country Churchyard,
ii, 211,

the printing of Gray’s Odes, ii. 218.

prints a collection of Miscellaneous
Poems, including Gray, ii. 219.

Gray offers to Horace Walpole some
Odes for insertion in the Miscel-
laneous Poems, ii. 226, 364.

prints the Elegy with Bentley’s de-
signs, ii. 234.

references to, ii. 235, 339.

his conscience settled by Soame
Jenyns work on Evil, ii. 310.

how many copies of the Odes has he
disposed of, out of the 2000? ii.

829.

directed to distribute Gray’s poems
to certain persons, ii. 344.

his play of Cleone, ii. 391.

printing an edition of Gray contem-
porary with the Glasgow edition
of Foulis, iii. 286-287, 290.

glutted the town with two editions,
one of 1500 copies and one of 750,
111. 325.

Dodwell, assists in the Chronological

table of ancient authors, ii. 158,

357

Doncaster, aspect of the country near,
li. 247

Doria, Andrea, reference to, ii. 48.

Dorset, Ann, Countess of, Gray’s ex-
tempore Epitaph on, see Pem-
broke, i. 140.

MS. sketch of her life by Mr. Sedg-

wick, i. 279.

Dorset, Duke of, his distress on the
misfortunes of Lord G. Sackville,
iii. 34.

Douaniers, dragons of Turin, ii. 43.

Douglas, a tragedy by John Home, ii.
360.

Douglas, Bishop, reference to his Pro-
logue to the 8th Aineid, i. 341.
Dovedale and the Peak, visited by Gray

and Dr. Brown, iii. 273.
Doyly, Thomas, Fellow of St. John’s,
iii. 190.
Dragon, the red, device of Cadwal-
lader, i. 70.
Druidical mythology, iii. 351.
Druidicarwn, Historia Vettm. Acade-
marium Galle, reference to, ii. 294.
Druidis, Commentatio de, by Frickius,
ii. 293.
Drummond, appointed Archbishop of
York, iii. 105.
Drury Lane Theatre, Dr. Johnson’s
prologue for the opening of, ii. 220.
Dryden, John, compared with Cowley,
as a writer of sublime Odes, i. 36.
his license of language in poetry, in-
stances of, ii. 108.
his character disgraceful to the post
of poet laureate, ii. 345.
his poems recommended by Gray to
Dr. Beattie, iii. 222.
Duclos’s Memoires, reference to, ii. 291.
Dufresne, Abraham Alexis Quinault, a
member of the Comedie Francoise,
li. 28.
Dunbar, Lord, in attendance on The
Pretender at Rome, ii. 85.
Dunciad, The New, Gray’s opinion of,
li. 105.
Duncombe, Harry, friend of Rey. Nor-
ton Nicholls, iii. 240.
Dupplin, Thomas Henry Viscount,
Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 354.
Durham, Dr. Richard Trevor, Bishop
of, li. 241.
Dr. Joseph Butler, Bishop of, ii. 241.
fever in, ii. 245.
Durell, Commodore, reference to, iii. 9.
D’Urry’s edition of Chaucer’s works, i.
306, 325.
describes a portrait of Chaucer at
Chastleton, i. 306.

358

INDEX.

Dutch, probable settlement with, and | Hleqgy, text of the first edition, i. 219-223.

no war, ii. 392.

Du Vergy, the adventurer, in jail for
debt, iii. 181.

Dyce, Rev. A., MS. copy of Gray’s
Epitaph on a Child, i. 126.

MS. note as to the destruction of the
autograph of The Characters of the
Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.

note on the cause of Richard West’s
death, ii. 113.

Dyer, John, author of Grongar Hill,
reference to, ii. 220.
author of The Fleece, ii. 345.

EAGLEs on Snowdon, i. 43.

Ease, the mother of fine art, i. 119.

Eckardt, Ὁ, Ὁ le Walpole’ s Epistle
to, 11. 221.

his portrait of Gray, ii. 234.

Edmondes, Sir T., State Papers of, ii.
281.

Edouard 111., Gresset’s tragedy of, ii.
186.

Education, thoughts on, i. 120.

Education and Government, The Alliance
of, afragment, i. 113- 117.

editorial note on, 1. 118.

first published, 1775, i. 100.

commentary by Gray, i. 117-119.

its duties, i. 119.

Gray sends a copy to T. Wharton, ii.
187,

Edward VL., his restrictions on dress,
1.918.

Effingham, Thomas Harcourt, Earl of,
his part in the coronation of George
TS ai. ibs

Egmont, Lord, rumour that he will be
Secretary of State, iii. 237.

Egremont, Lord, his hanging woods
near Ulleswater, i. 254,

Egypt, Travels in, by Captain Norden,

194.

ἘΠῚ δι by Templeman, iii. 1.
Egyptian architecture, Dr. Pococke’s
prints on, ii. 255.
Ekkehardus, ‘monk of St. Gall, early
authority on Latin rhyme, i. 379.
Election time, letters apt to be opened
at the offices during, ii. 249.
Electress Palatine, Dowager, receives
H. Walpole at Florence, li. 54,
Elegy in the Garden of a Friend, by
Mason. Gray requests it for criti-
cism, il. 339.
Gray’s criticism, ii. 357.
Elegy written ina Country Church-yard,

text of the edition of 1768, i. 71-80.

Pembroke text, i. 227-232.
editorial note on, i. 72.
satirical criticism by Professor
Young, i. 208.
advertisement to MDodsley’s first
edition, i. 217.
bibliographical note by Gray, i. 227.
submitted to H. Walpole, ii. 209.
H. Walpole requested to ask Dodsley
to print it, ii. 210.
Magazine of Magazines and its pub-
lication, ii. 210-211.
printed by Dodsley, with a preface
by H. Walpole, ii. 211.
errors of the text, ii. 213.
design by Bentley for, ii. 234; en-
graved by J. 8. Miiller and Charles
Grignion, ii. 234; the original
drawings offered for sale in 1882,
li. 234,
Robert Lloyd publishes a Latin
translation, iii. 128.
Elfrida, a drama by Mason, ii.
213 ; iii. 148.
Elisi, singer and actor, illness of, iii. 77.
excellence of his singing, and his
personal appearance, ili. 80.
Elizabeth, Queen, her deportment on
receiving Dzialinskiof Poland, i. 49.
Elizabethan State Papers, by William
Murdin, ii. 396.
Ely visited by Gray, ii. 366.
Emanuel College, portraits in, i. 309-
310.
Emile, Rousseau’s, Gray’s praise of, iii.
151-152.
Encyclopedia, see French.
English language too diffuse, ii. 111.
Engravings, recommends their produc-
tion in Italy and France, those of
England are woeful, iii. 165.
a. The, a fable by H. Walpole, ii.

212,

Brithaistast, The, by J. Warton, ii. 121.
Epicurus, ruinous effect of his doc-
trine to society, i. 120.
Epigram on the company at Cambridge
University, 1768, iii. 296. ;
Epitaph on a Child, i. viii. 126.
Errol, Earl of, his appearance at the
eoronation of George IIL., iii. 113.
Erse Poems, publication of the, i. 311.
testimony in favour of their authen-
ticity, i. 311.
Gray charmed with two specimens of,
111. 45.
enquires of Walpole if the authors
are known, and whether any more
are to be had, iii. 45.

INDEX.

Erse Poems, Gray obtains from Scot-
land, and reviews a third speci-
men, lii. 47-48.

said to be translated by Macpherson,
but Gray is much exercised as to
their authenticity, iii. 51-52.
ublication of, iii. 56-57,
avid Hume’s opinion as to their
genuineness, cites persons who be-
lieve in their antiquity, iii. 59, 65.

subscription on foot to enable Mac-
pherson to recover further frag-
ments, iii. 59, 65.

Gray more puzzled than ever about
their antiquity, iii. 61.

second edition published, iii, 65, 69.

admires nothing but ‘‘ Fingal,” 111. $4.

Hurd writing against, iii. 129.

Gray’s scepticism apparently re-
moved, iii. 148.

Erskine, Sir Henry, surveyor of roads,

111. 72.

unsuccessfully endeavours to obtain
an appointment for Gray, iii. 72,
136.

his marriage, iii. 104.

Esealopier, Peter L’, Theologia Vettm.
Gallorum by, ii. 294.

Esher, Cardinal Wolsey’s villa at, ii. 253.

Essex, Lady, death of the gay, ii. 401.

dies in childbirth, iii. 3.

Essex, Lord, attempted suicide of Lady
M. Capel, his sister, ii. 274.

Estimate of the Manners and Principles
of the Times, by Rev. J. Brown, its
popularity, ii. 310.

Estrées, Mad. d’, and Henri IV., ii. 281.

Eton College, fever among the boys of,
li. 340.

Eton College, Ode on the distant prospect
of, i. 15-21. :

editorial note on, i. 16.

Etough, Rev. Henry, i. 139.

Etrées, Marshal d’, sends his surgeons
to attend the Duke of Cumberland,
“dis 821.

Ettrick, Mrs., sister to Dr. Wharton,
references to, iii. 199, 200, 245,
320, 404.

Eusden, Rev, Laurence, poet laureate,
li. 848.

Evans, Dr., Gray’s opinion of, ii. 220.

Evelyn’s work on Forest Trees ; quota-
tion from relative to locality of the
Eln, ii. 247.

Evil, The Origin of, by Soame Jenyns,
li. 310.

Dr. Johnson reviews it, ii. 310.
settled Mr. Dodsley’s conscience,
li. 310.

359

Exhibition of pictures for the first
time, ii. 65. ᾿
Eyres, Mr., reference to, iii. 319.

Fapran, Alderman, extract from the
Prologue to his Chronicle, i. 330.

Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, monument of,
in Ottley Church, i. 280.

Fall of Princes, see Lydgate.

Farinelli (Carlo Broschi), sopranist, ii.
22, 57; iii. 80.

Farnham, Lord, insulted by an Irish
mob, iii. 26.

Fashion of the country, the custom
and dress of the previous genera-
tion of the town, i. 404.

Fatal Sisters, The, an ode, i. 51-58.

editorial note on, i. 52.
paraphrase of ‘‘ Darradar Liod,” i. 52.

Fauchet, President, reference to his

Catalogue of Poets, i. 364.

his opinion that the rhyme of the
Franks was largely borrowed by
other nations, i. 368.

Favonius, see West, Richard.

Fawkes, Mr., his residence at, i. 280.

Fellow-Commoners of Cambridge, their
riotous conduct, ii. 164.

Female sex, satire on, its gradual ex-
tinction, i. 405.

Fen country visited by Gray, ii. 367.

Fénel, Abbe, his Religion and Opinions
of the Gauls, ii, 362-363.

Ferdinand, Prince, preparing for a
battle in Westphalia, ii. 402.

his victory at Minden, ii. 7, 8.

his conduct in Germany, iii. 27.

his reward for Minden, iii. 27.

=. of Lord George Sackville,
iii, 28.

Ferguson, Adam, his Essay on the His-
tory of Civil Society, Gray’s opinion
of it, iii. 279.

Ferrers, Lord, his trial, iii. 35.

Mason and Stonehewer present, iii.
35.

burning of his cell during his trial,
iii. 35,

Field, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton and
of Gray, ili. 49.

Gray obtains some soap from him as
a remedy for gout, ete., ii. 277.

Fielding, Henry, Gray’s opinion of

Joseph Andrews, ii. 107.
and a paper on Message Cards, ii. 143.

Finch, E., appointed surveyor of roads,
iii. 72.

Fine Arts, see Paintings.

Fischer’s concert, and Gugnani, iii, 317.

360

INDEX.

Fisher, Bishop, supposed portrait in{ Foulis, Glasgow publisher of Gray’s

St. John’s College of, i. 311.

Fitzherbert, Thos., his second son dies
from amputation of his leg, iii. 272.

Fitzmaurice, Lord William, his rapid
military promotion, iii. 76.

Fitz-Osborne’s, Sir Thomas, Letters on
various Subjects, by William Mel-
moth, iii. 222.

Fitzroy, Mr., reference to, iii. 76.

Flaubert, his temperament akin to
Gray’s, ii. 8.

Fleece, The, by John Dyer, ii. 345.

Fleming, Sir Michael, his seat of Ri-
dale-hall, i. 266.

Floods, great, in the country (1770),
ili. 387.

Florence, A Farewell to, i. 181.

Floyer, Governor, death of, iii. 249.
Floyer, Miss (cousin to Rev. Norton
Nicholls), reference to, iii. 317.
‘“Fobus,” see Duke of Newcastle, refer-

ences to, il. 353, 370, 371; iii. 45, 50,
63, 76, 105.
Foleacchio de Folcacchieri,
Italian poet, i. 352,
Foljambe, Francis F. H., note on, iii.
335.
has given Gray a specimen of natural
history, which is a ‘“‘jewell of a
pismire,”’ iii. 383.
his disappearance, iii. 384.
Folk-lore, vision seen in Caithness on de-
feat of Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, i. 54.
Fontenelle, Gray’s opinion of his man-
ner of style, iii. 166.
Ford, Miss, a performer on musical
glasses, ili, 124.
Foreigners, natural aversion to, ili. 156.
Forrester, Rev. Richard, Fellow of
Pembroke, ii. 288.
death of his sister, ii. 318.
vacates his fellowship and goes to
Ashwell, Herts, ii. 346.
his patron, Lord Maynard, promotes
him from Easton, iii. 140.
mortal foe of his brother ‘‘ Poulter,”
iii. 140.
reference to, iii. 63.
Forster, Mrs. (née Pattinson, Gray’s
cousin), returns from India, ii. 201.
to accommodate some of Gray’s lum-
ber, ii. 385.
Gray has kissed her at Dr. Wharton’s
instance, and forgot old quarrels,
iii. 322.
Fortescue, Miss Lucy, afterwards Lady
Lyttelton, ii. 180.
Fothergill, Dr., reference to, ii. 252, 259.
Fotheringay visited by Gray, ii. 366.

early

Poems, iii. 285-287.

Gray’s appreciation of him as a pub-
lisher, iii. 290, 325.

offers to present Gray with his Homer
or the Greek Historians, iii. 346.

new edition of Milton to which
Gray wishes to subscribe, iii. 346.

visited by Gray in Glasgow, iv. 343.

Gray admired his academy of paint-
ing, iv. 343.

Fountayne, Dean, reference to, iii. 82,

108

Fox, Mr., unhappily criticises The Bard,
ii. 828, 331.

Framlingham rectory in the gift of Pem-
broke College, iii. 328.

Frampton, Thomas, Fellow of St.
John’s, candidate for the Master-
ship of St. John’s with support of
the Earl of Sandwich, iii. 190.

note on, iii. 190.

France, Abrégé Chronologique de V Hist.

de, by President Henault, ii. 201.

on the brink of a general bankruptcy,
111, 841.

people of the provinces starving on
the highways, iii. 384.

Etat de la, Gray commends it, ii. 128.

Gray’s Journal in, i. ix. 237-246.

Gray gives detailed advice to the Rev.
Mr. Palgrave as to the places he
should visit in, iii. 193.

Account of Gray’s journey through,
11, 16-35,

references by Gray to towns, etc.,

in:—
Abbeville, its description, ii. 18.
Abbey of Carthusians, Dijon, ii. 31.
Abbey of Cistercians, Dijon, ii. 32.
Annecy, the residence of the exiled
Bishop of Geneva, i. 245.
Ballet de la Paix, description of,
li. 21-22.
Beaune and Nuys, fertility of the
country round, i. 242.
Burgundy, description of the coun-
iry; i. Sh
united to crown of France, ii. 32.
Calais, description of, ii. 16.
Cenis, Mount, description of, ii.
41-42, 46, 59.
Chalons-sur-Marne, i. 239.
Chartreuse, Monastery of the
Grande, its picturesque situa-
tion on a mountain near Echel-
les, i. 244.
reference to, ii. 36-37.
ascent of the mountain, ii. 35-36,
45, 58,

INDEX.

361

France, references by Gray to towns, | France, references by Gray to towns,

ete., in :—
Dijon, road approaching, i. 240.
a beautiful city, i. 2415; 11, 31-32,
3

5.
Abbey of St. Benigne, i. 241.
Chartreuse, The, their chapel and
its tombs, i. 242.
Church of the Bernardines, i. 241.
Church of the Cordeliers, i. 241.
Church of St. Michael, i. 241.
Palais des Etats, i. 241; ii. 35.
du Roi, i. 241.
Pare, The, i. 242.
Place, The, i. 241.
Inns, French, description of, in
L730, ii, 17.
Joinville, its fine appearance from
the road, i. 240.

Langres, description, i. 240.
Langres, the Bishop of, a Duke
and Peer of France, i. 240.
the Cathedral of St. Mammet, i.

240

Lugdunum (the modern Lyons),
li. 88.

Lyons, description of, ii. 33-35.
view to be obtained of, i. 243.
its situation at the confluence of

the Rhone and Saéne, i. 243.

Mount Fourviére, near Lyons,

antiquities on, ii. 34.
Nuys and Beaune, fertility of the
country round, i. 242.
Paris visited by Gray, ii. 20-24.
Paris, burlesque account of, ii
56-57.
Parisian costume, ii. 57.
Rheims, description of, i. 237 ; ii.
28-30.
Cathedral of Nétre Dame, i. 237;
li. 28.
Church of St. Nicaise, i. 237.
τ ch of St. Pierre-aux-Dames,

» 287.
Chureh of St. Remi, i. 237.
its ramparts and ancient trium-
phal arches, i. 238.
its society, ii. 29.
residents known to Gray, i. 239.
Rheims to Dijon, description of
road, ii. 31.
St. Denis, its monuments and
treasures, ii. 20.

Saéne, fine view from Mount
Tornus of the river, i. 242.
Savoy contrasted with Geneva,

i, 245.
Savoy, description of the vale of
the, i. 245

etc., in :—
Sillery, house of the Marquis de
Puisieux at, i. 239.
Versailles, description of, ii. 24-25.
Vitry le Frangois, description of,
i. 240.

Franck or Francken, Jerome, Flemish
painter, Dr. Wharton purchases a
picture probably by, ii. 384.

Francklyn, Thomas, of Trinity College,
iis 911.

Franklin, Mrs. Joyce, her portrait in
Emanuel College, i. 310.

Franklin, Professor, supposed writer
of an article, in The Critical Review,
on Gray’s Two Odes, ii. 327, 331.

Fraser, H. Walpole asked to influ-
ence him on behalf of Dr. Brown,
ii. 289.

Gray enquires if he has recovered, ii.
300.

Gray tells Mason he will send a copy
of The Odes for, ii. 322.
reference to, iii. 41.
his industry, iii. 224,
Fraser, Sir William, owner of Mason’s
copy of the Elegy, i. 72.
Frasini, an opera singer, ii. 284.
Frederick the Great of Prussia, his
Memoirs of the House of Branden-
burg, ii. 229.
Gray’s opinion of, ii. 290.
and the King of Poland, ii. 291.
writes to George Il. explaining his
difficulties (first year of seven years’
war), ii. 320.
Gray’s opinion centred in, ii. 339.
his contest with Austria, and capture
of Silesia, ii. 350.
his account of the campaign, ii. 372.
reduced to the defence of his Marquis-
ate, ii. 376.
victory over the Russians at Zorn-
dorf, ii. 878.
defeat by the Austrians at Hoch-
kirchen, ii. 385.
his poetry, iii. 36.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, his Charms
of Sylvia, iii. 73.
Free-thinking, its altered form, ii. 375.
French clergy, Lettres by General
Fleury on the, ii. 230.
influence on English poetry, i. 33.
Encyclopedie, Gray purchases the
great, ii. 323; criticism of its
articles, ii. 331 ; iii, 2355 termina-
tion of, in 17 vols., iii. 235.
French, Mrs. , heropinion of Gray’s Long
Story, and H. Walpole’s reply, ii. 228.

362

Frenchmen, their atheism, iii. 226,
Freret, Mons., his Dissertation on the
Religion and Opinions of the Gauls,
li. 363.
Frickius, Albertus, ii. 294.
Frickius, Joannes Georgius, his Com-
mentatio de Drwidis, ii. 293.
Frisby’s in Jermyn Street, Gray’s
occasional place of lodging, ii. 251.
Froissart, a favourite author of Gray,
111. 24,
his history, iii. 392, 393.
the Herodotus of a barbarous age,
111. 389.
Fruits, ripening of, at Stoke during
1755, iii. 96.
Fuentes, Condé de, reference to, iii. 40,

ΤΙ:
Fuentes, Madame de, and her twelve
ladies, iii. 62.

GALUPPI, Baldassaro, his operas, ii.
1338.

Gardening, Landscape, the only proof
of our original talent in matters
of pleasure, iii. 160.

not forty years old, iii. 160.

nothing like it before in Europe,
although Chinese excel, iii. 160.

the only honour our country has in
matters of taste, iii. 166.

Italy or France unable to compre-
hend it, iii. 166.

Gardens, Gray’s, are in the window,
like those of a lodger in Petticoat
Lane or Camomile Street, iii. 848.

Garrick, David, his popularity, ii. 133.

his farce of The Lying Valet, ii. 213.

William Whitehead’s verses to, ii. 220.

Epilogue to Athelstan, ii. 261.

his verses in praise of Gray’s Odes,
15 996.

opinion of Gray’s Odes, ii. 330, 341.

his dispute with Arthur Murphy, ii.
364.

and Mason, Gray endeavours to allay
their quarrel, li. 376.

his farce of The Guardian acted on
behalf of Smart, ii. 391; taken from
Pupille of Fagan, ii. 391.

Mr. and Mrs., visit Lady Cobham at
Stoke, ii. 323, 324, 376.

Gaskarth, Joseph, treasurer and Fellow
of Pembroke College, reference to,
ii. 283, 288.

Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
li. 320.

quarrels with Sir M. Lamb, ii. 346.

at Aston with Mason, iii. 9.

INDEX.

Gaskarths, their mansion of Hill-top,
i, 258.

Gaskyn, Mr., reference to, ii. 295.

Gauls, Religion of the Ancient, referred
to, ii. 294.

Religion and Opinions of the, Disserta-
tion on, by Fénel and Freret, ii.
362, 363.

Gaurus, Fragment of a Latin Poem on
the, i. 179-181.

Gaussem, Jeanne Catherine (La Gaus-
sin), actress at the Comédie Fran-
cais, note on, ii. 23.

ee Chatillon, a poem of Flanders,

day: το aa the Duchess of Queensberry
his patroness and protector, ii. 372.

Genileman’s Magazine, Impromptu on
Lord Holland’s house, published
in, 1, 135.

Geoffrey Plantagenet, his part in the
wpa e: of York Minster, iii.

45.

George II., his deportment, ii. 154.
and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 321.
account of his sudden death, iii. 69.
his testamentary beauests, iii. 70-71.

George III., his probable marriage, iii.

70.
his — to the Court Chaplains,
1. 150
refuses to expend money on the gene-
ral elections, iii. 76.
illness of his Queen, iii. 86.
his favourable impression, iii. 89.
description of his Queen, iii. 105-106.
Gray expects to see the coronation
procession, iii. 106.
marriage of, iii. 111.
account of his coronation and the
banquet in Westminster Hall, iii.
110-116.
paid £9000 for hire of jewellery at
coronation, iii. 113.
and his Queen ate like farmers, iii.
5

said to esteem and understand the
fine arts, iii. 158.
Ghirlandaio, Ridolpho, painter, refer-
ence to, i. 320.
Gibbon, his praise of Education and
Government, i. 113.
Gibbons, Grinling, his work at Chats-
worth, ii. 135.
ων a seal of Lord Strathmore, iii.

277.
Gil Blas, Edward Moore’s comedy of,
ii. 213.
Gilmour, Sir Arthur, his conduct in a
riot, 111, 339.

INDEX.

Gilpin, his Observations on the River
Wye, iii. 380.

Gisborne, Dr., President of the College
of Physicians, biographical note,

iii.

his saa of the offer of Conservator
of Hunter’s Museum, iii. 67.

Gray sends a production of Mason’s
to, iii. 246-247.

references to, ili. 150, 334.

Glasgow edition of Gray’s poems; Gray
agrees to Dr. Beattie’s proposal of
publishing a, iii. 285-287.

Gray’s praise of it, iii. 325.
its success, sold off in a short time,
iii. 346.
Glasgow press, beauty of its type, iii.
165.

cies green, not classical, iii, 17.
org ‘nist, reference to the death of a,
iii. 22.
painted, manufactured at York, iii.
17; exhibits at Society of Arts, iii.
102 ; made also at Worcester, and
sold by weight, iii. 17; failure of
the factory there, iii. 102; Gray’s
advice for procuring, iii. 102-103.
Glasses, water, Delaval’s skill on, iii.
» 124.
description of, iii. 124.
reference to various players on, iii.
124,
delights Gray, iii. 125.
Gray knows Mason will be weary of
him, because he cannot play them,
iii. 147.

Gloucester music- meeting, reference
to, iii. 343.

Gloucester Street, Gray enquires of
Dr. Wharton if he can stay for a
week in, ii. 366.

Glover, Richard (‘‘Leonidas”), his
youngest son elopes with Mr. Day-
rolles’ daughter, ii. 354.

biographical note, ii. 134.

Gluck, a German player on water-
glasses, iii. 124.

Glynn, Dr.,Gray’s Cambridge physician,
iii, 296,

‘“*God - willing,” Archbishop Potter's
proviso, 11. 240.

rer 4 Mr., reference to his death, i.

Gondoifo, Castel, a house of the Pope’s,
Te 78.

Goodman’s Fields, Garrick at, ii. 133.

Gordon, Lady Catherine (Mrs. Char-
teris), i. 275.

Gordon, Mr., interested in Smart, iii.
63

363

Gormogons, note on the, ii. 166.
Gotti, Cardinal Vincenzo Luigi,
relative to, ii. 93.
Gould, T. V., Fellow of New Hall,
reference to, iii. 179.
Gout, prescription for the, ii. 267.
Grafton, Augustus Henry Fitzroy,
Duke of, Chancellor of Cambridge
University, i. 92.
Installation Ode, i. 92.
his descent, i. 96.
Mr. Stonehewer and Mr. Bradshaw,
Secretaries to, ii. 241.
Mr. Stonehewer, tutor to, ii. 277.
Gray thanks him for the Professor-
ship of Modern History, iii. 318.
Gray’s praise of, iii. 342.
Installation as Chancellor of Uni-
versity, iii. 343-4.
Gray bound in gratitude to write his
Installation Ode, iii. 346.
Graham, Rev. Mr., the horticulturist,
Gray visits him at Netherby, iv. 342.
Graham, Sir Bellingham, dines with
Gray, i. 276,
Granby, Marquis of, injured whilst
with the troopsin Hanover, ii. 378.
Grand Magazine of Magazines, Gray’s
Elegy published by the, i. 72.
Grandval, Racot de, comedian, ii. 23.
Grantley, Lord, see Sir F. Norton, ii
176.
Gray, Mrs. Dorothy (the poet’s mother),
Gray consoles her on the death of
his aunt, Mrs. Antrobus, ii. 208.
her illness, ii, 288.
death of, ii. 237, 250.
Gray’s deep affection for, iii. 239.
transcript of her epitaph from the
MS. in pencil of Gray, iv. 339.
Gray, Lord, his belief that he was re-
lated to the poet, iii. 280.
Gray desires a copy of the Glasgow
edition of the poems to be sent to,
iii. 290.
Gray, Sir James, may be appointed to
Spain, iii. 256.
Greathead, Mr., his residence near
Warwick, ii. 258.
Greaves, William, his Pamphlet on
Libels, Warrants, etc., iii. 192.
Greece, its early influence on English
poetry, i. 33.

Greek inscription for a Wood, by Gray,
ii. 115,

religion, the foundation of the Ro-

man, ii. 173.

Green, John, Master of Ben’et, Gray
sends him a copy of The Odes, il.
820.

note

364

Green, John, requests Dr. Balgny to
preach a commencement sermon,
li. 368.

Green, Matthew, Gray’s opinion of his
poetry, ii. 219.

note on, ii. 219.
extract from his Queen’s Hermitage,
ii, 223, 224.

Green, Dr. Thomas, Dean of Salisbury,
ii. 317.

Greene, Dr. John, saan of Lincoln,
reference to, 111, 56, 97, 105.

Greenwood, George, of Chastleton,
Gloucester, portrait of Chaucer in
the possession of, i. 306.

Grenville, G., Paymaster-General, ii.
292.

disinherited by his brother Lord
Temple, ili. 123.

his candid refutation of the charges
brought against the present min-
isters, iii. 256.

Gresset, Jean Baptiste Louis, his Epitre
ama Seuwr gave Gray the idea for
The Ode on Vicissitude, i. 123.

his writings and their influence on
Gray, ii. 182.

comedy of Le Méchant, ii. 183.

his works enumerated, ii. 184.

tragedy of Edouard III., ii. 186.

Le Lutrin Vivant, ii. 186.

Grey, Walter, Archbishop of York, his
part in the building of York min-
ster, iii. 145.

Grey, Dr. Zachary, reference to, iii.
55.

Grignion, Charles, engraved the figures
for the design to Gray’s Elegy, ii.
234.

Grongar Hill, written by John Dyer,
li. 220.

Grotto, The, apoem by M. Green, ii. 219.

Guardian, The, a farce by Garrick, ii.
391.

Gugnani to sing at Fischer's concert,
iii. 317.

Gunning, Stuart, Fellow of St. John’s,
and candidate for M astership of St.
John’s, iii. 190.

Guthrie, William, of Brechin, author
of the General History of Scotland,
criticises Walpole’s Historic Doubts
in the Critical Review, iii. 313, 314.

Guy _ Cliff, Warwick, the residence of
Mr. Greathead,- “ll. 2ote

its natural beauties, i ii. 257.
the cell of Guy, Earl of Warwick, ii.
258.

INDEX.

Hapit, definition of what we call, ii.
874,

Hadden, Ephraim, reference to as a
vendor of rope-ladders, ii. 277.
Hadley, Dr. J., of Queen’s College, ii.

820.
Gray sends hima copy of The Odes,
11, 320.
Halfpenny, William, his popularity and
Useful Architectwre, iii. 110.
Halicarnassus, Dio, his knowledge of
the Roman mythology, ii. 173.
Halifax, Lord, appoints Eusden poet
laureate, ii. 345.
his boyish days, ii. 115.
Hallifax, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester,
note on, iii. 254.
references to, lii. 208, 259, 331, 359.
Hall, Dr., Bishop of Exeter, portrait i in
Emanuel College, i. 310.
Hall, Joseph, Bishop of Norwich,
Gray’s opinion of his Satyres, ii.
233.

Virgidemiarium written at Cam-
bridge, ii. 233.

Hall, William, of King’s Walden, his
daughter Elizabeth marries Mr.
Bonfoy, ii. 378.

Hamilton, Mr., Gray recommends Dr.
Wharton to visit at Cobham the
house of, ii. 254.

his skill in laying out pleasure-
grounds, ii. 254.

Hampton, Gray stays with the Cob-
hams at, ii. 369.

Hardicanute, poem by Lady Wardlaw,
111. 45; second part by Mr. Pinker-
ton, iii. 46.

Hardwicke, Philip, second Lord, his
election as Seneschal of Cambridge
University, i. 131.

reference to, iii. 6.
probably will support the Whigs, iii.
76

author of the King’s Speech, iii.
128.

his recovery from illness and election
as High Steward of Cambridge, iii.
168, 200.

probability of his becoming Secretary
of State, 111. 238.

Hardwick Hall, description of the
Duke of Devonshire’s seat at, iii.
136.

Harmonica, see glasses, water.

Harpe, Jean Francois de la, his works
not to be had in England, note on,
111. 295.

Harris, Samuel, Professor of Modern
History, 111, 136,

INDEX.

Hartlepool, Gray visits. Its waters
and other attractions, iii. 206, 207.
sturdiness of its inhabitants, iii. 207.
Harvest, progress of, in 1759, iii. 12.
Hasel or Hassle, Mr., his residence of
Delmaine, i. 251,
Hattield, death of Richard West at, i. 2.
chureh, burial-place of West, ii. 113.
Hatton family, their house at Stoke, i.

83.

Hatton, Sir Christopher, i. 83.

Hanberk, The, definition of, i. 41.

Haveus, Theodore, of Cleves, architect,

his portrait at Caius College, i. 309.

Havre -de-Grace, bombardment by
Admiral Rodney, ii. 402.

Hawke, Admiral Sir Edward, his un-
successful expedition to Roche-
fort, i. 342.

his creat victory, iii. 22, 2

Hawley, General, his defeat “ Falkirk,
ii, 129.

Hayes, Dr., Gray’s medical adviser, ii.

267.

attends Mrs. Rogers, ii. 882,
Hayes, Mr., reference to, ii. 105.
Hayter, Thomas, Bishop of Norwich,
translated to London, ii. 105.
death of, ii. 125.
Health, J. Armstrong’s poem on, ii. 121.
Hearse-day, appearance of the hearse,
iii. 339.

Heberden, Dr., reference to, i. 252, 280.
attends Mrs. Charles York, i. 401.
marries Miss Wollaston, iii. 29.
reference to, and his good dinners,

iii. 66.
his son entered as a pensioner of St.
John’s College, iii. 385..
Hecuba, Rev. Dr. Delap’s tragedy of,
ii. 809.
Heere, Lucas de, his arrival in England,
1, 81 4.
Helias of Barham, Canon of Salisbury,
i. 316.
Heloise, Nouvelle, Gray’s opinion of the
6 vols. of, iii. 79, 83
Hénault, Charles Jean Francois, Presi-
dent, Histoire de France, ii. 158.
Abrégé Chronologique de UVHist. de
France, ii. 201.
Henley, Rev. John (Orator Henley),
allusion to, ii. 15.
Henri IV. of France, effect of his mar-
riage proposals, ii. 281.
character of his court, ii. 281.
Henry VLI., founder of King’s College,
Cambridge, i. 95.
Henry VIILI., benefactor of Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge, i, 95.

365

Hens, Supper of, by Francis L., ii.
114

Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Lord, 200
copies printed at Strawberry Hill,
iii. 173.

Hervey, Ashton, fable in Dodsley’s
Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 222.
Hervey, Frederick, Bishop of Cloyne,

Gray laments the loss of his ac-
quaintance, iii. 77.

eats raspberry-puffs with Gray in
Cranbourn Alley, iii. 270.

at Durham, his popularity with the
ladies, iii. 278.

Hervey, Lord, and Dr. Middleton, dis-
hag as to the Roman Senate, ii.
175

his admiration of animals, ii. 221.

Hervey, Lady, visited by Madame de

Fuentes, iii. 62.
the ‘ Mary Lepell” of Pope, iii. 62.

Heskin, J., verses on the death of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.

Hexham, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit,
iii. 281,

Hickes, Dr., reference to his Anglo-
Saxon Grammar, i. 362.

reference to his Grammar Franco-
Theotische, i. 363, 364.

his statement that the Franco-Theo-
tische and the Anglo-Saxon were
originally the same language, i.
364.

Hill, Aaron, his play of Merope acted
on behalf of Smart, ii. 391.

Hill, Dr. John (the inspector), ap-

pointed Master Gardener at Ken-

sington, iii. 89.

Hill-top, the mansion of the Gaskarths,
i, 253.

Himers family, i. 262.

Hinchinbroke, seat of Lord Sandwich,
111. 322.

Hinchliffe, Dr., likely to sueceed Smith
of Trinity, iii. 303, and

Dr. Marriot, reference to, iii. 331.

History of English poetry, contem-
plated by Gray, i. 53,

History of Hell, A, facetious verses by
Gray believed to be lost, i. 142.

| Hoadley, Chancellor, Master of St.

Cross, iii. 178.
Hodges, his contribution to Dodsley’s
Collection of Poems, ii. 364.
Hoel, The Death of, an ode, i. 129.
Hogarth’s satire on Farinelli, ii. 22.
caricature of Simon Lord Lovat, ii.
146.
his print on The Mystery of Masonry,
etc., ii. 166.

366

Hogarth and Paul Sandby, iii. 65.
exhibition of his pictures in Spring
Gardens, iii. 123.

his periwigs, iii. 123.

introduces Queen Charlotte into one
of his pictures, iii. 123.

Holdernesse, Robert D’Arecy, fourth
Earl of, Gray visits him in Paris,
ii. 20-21.

his interest at Cambridge, ii. 288.

reference to his return to office, ii.
Se.

and Mason, ii. 383, 395; iii. 9, 50

reference to, ii. 353.

Secretary of State, his premature
publication of General Yorke’s
letters, 111. 9.

his residence of Syon Hill, iii. 15.

correspondence with Lord G. Sack-
ville, iii. 28.

obtains a precentorship for Mason,
jii. 82.

named as likely to proceed to Ire-
land, iii. 91.

going to Yorkshire, iii. 104.

his ghastly smile, ili. 199.

“his ugly face” at York, iii. 283.
Holdernesse, Lady, and Mason, ii. 395.
Hoilland,, Lord, Impromptu on his

house at Kingsgate, i. 135.

editorial note on Impromptu, i. 135.

Gray complains of its publicity,
111, 334.

his estimate of the character of the
Duke of Newcastle, iii. 42.

his regret of public affairs, iii, 153.

is alive and written three poems,
one entitled Lord Holland’s Return
from Italy, iii. 269.

Hollar, neglect of his style, iii. 110.
Hollis, Thomas, presents Gray with a
beautiful set of engravings, iii. 166.

sends Gray Coserella, iii. 198.

Home, John, his tragedies of Agis and
Douglas, ii. 360.
Homer, the father of Circumstance, i.

Essay on, by Rev. John Wood, ii. 395.

Hopson, Major-General, his command

of the Expedition against Mar-
tinique, ii. 385.

Horace, his house at Tivoli, ii. 74.
Commentary of, by Mr. Hurd, ii. 349.
Imitations of, by Thomas Neville, ii.

314.
Hornsby, Thomas, his gout lozenges,
iii. 129.
Houghton Hall, Seat of Sir Robert
Walpole, ii. 11.
its Lanthorn of copper gilt, ii. 12.

INDEX,

Houghton, Lord, his rich collection of

holographs, i. xvii.

possessor of the MS. of Satire upon
the Heads, i. 134.

possessor of Mitford’s MS. of Gray's
Dante, i. 157.

Hounslow, residence of Walpole near,
iii. 15.

Housekeeping in the Duke of Norfolk’s
establishment (16th century ἢ), ii.
295-297.

Howe, William Taylor, Fellow of Pem-
broke, Gray proud of his friend-
ship, ili. 144.

returning from Italy, iii. 148.

channel of intercourse between Gray,
Mason, and Algarotti, iii. 155.

his friendship for Count Algarotti,
111. 155,

thanked for his testimonies of es-
teem, iii. 159.

urged not to despair of his health,
will rejoice to see him in England,
iii. 160.

Howlett, Dr. Zachary, see Grey.

Huddleston, Mr., his mansion of
Hutton St. John, i. 251.

Hume, David (historian), believes in
the authenticity of the Erse Poems,
i, 311 ; iii. 59.

History of the Tudors, ii. 396.
Gray considers him a pernicious
writer, iii. 377.

Humorous pieces, recovery Of, i. viii.

Hunter, Dr. John, how the College of
Surgeons acquired his Museum,
111. 67.

Hunter, Kitty, her escapade with
Henry, Earl of Pembroke, iii. 132.

and Dr. Delap, 111. 186.

Huntingdon, the ‘‘ Wheat Sheaf” Inn
at, iii. 375.

Huntingdon, Earls of, their house at
Stoke, i. 83.

Hurd, Richard, description of, ii. 314.

Gray sends him a copy of the Odes,
li. 320.

Gray accompanies him to town, ii.
291

Dr. T. Wharton asks him to be
lenient to Dr. Akenside, ii. 299.
Gray tells him few people admire the
Odes, ii. 325.

at Thurcaston, ii. 326.

allusion to his Moral and Political
Dialogues, ii. 325,

letter on the Marks of Imitation, ii.
339.

his remarks on Hume’s Natural
History of Religion, ii. 349.

-

— |

i}

INDEX.

367

Hurd, Richard, reference to his Com-| Installation Ode, The, Gray says his

mentary 6] "Horace, ii. 349.

Gray enquires of Mason whether he
should transmit the MS. of Carac-
tacus 10, ii. 386.

obliged by Dr. Wharton, ii. 389.

and Warburton's criticism of Caracta-
cus called that of Prior Park, ii.393.

attacking the Lrse fraginents, iii. 129.

obtains the sinecure rectory of Folk-
ton on recommendation of Mr,
Allen, iii. 189.

“srown pure and plump,” visits
Gray, iii. 224,

undergoes a painful operation for
something akin to fistula, iii. 335.

reported serious illness of, iii, 353.

is now well, and takes an hour’s
walk with Gray, iii, 354.

references to, ii. 371; iii. 108.

Hutcheson, the disciple of Shaftes-
bury, ii. 107.

Hutton, Archbishop of York, gives a
prebend’s stall in York Cathedral
to Mason, ii. 250.

Hutton, John, reference to, ii. 82.

his interest with his cousin (the
Archbishop) on behalf of Mason,
ji. 250.

leaves Mason an estate, ii. 250.

Hymeneal on the marriage of Frederick,
Prince of Wales, i. 168.

IcELANDIC Lays, reference to Darradar

Liod, i. 52.
Vegtams kvida or Baldrs drawmar,
i. 60.
Ignorance, Hymn to, i. 111.
editorial note on, i. 111.
first publication, i. 100.

Imagination, works of, decline, i. 393.

Imitation, Hurd, On the marks οἵ, ii:
339.

Impatience, the forerunner of the de-
cline of works of imagination, i.
393.

Impromptus, i, 140-141.

Ingram, Mr., Groom of the Bed-
chamber, ii. 290.

Ink-fish, iii. 12.

Inscription for a Wood in a Park, i.
193.

Insects, Generick characters Of the
Orders of, iu verse, i. 198-202.

Installation of Knights du Saint Esprit
at Chapel Royal, Versailles, ii. 26,
57.

I nstallation Ode, The, i. 91.
editorial note’ on, i. 92.

worst employment i is to write some-
thing against the Duke of Grafton’s
coming. to Cambridge, iii. 340.
anecdote relative to Gray’s com-
mencement Of, iii. 341.

has been rehearsed again and again,
iii. 343.

set to music by Dr. John Randall,
111, 343.

sung by Mr. Norris, Rey. Mr. Clarke,
Mr. Reinholt, and Miss Thomas,
111. 343.

Gray does not publish it, but Alma
Mater prints 500 or 600 for the com-
pany, iii. 345,

a work of gratitude, iii. 346.

Invasion, fear of a French, ii.
iii. 3.

King’s tent and equipage ready at
an hour's warning, il. 402.

Ireland, Lords Justices offer to resign,
ii, 78.

Gray does not know who will go to,
78,

Lord Holdernesse named for, ii. 91.

Irish disturbances in anticipation of a
supposed Union and suppression
of the Irish Parlianent, ii. 25-27.
disgraceful scenes in the Irish Par-
liament, ii. 26.

Dignitaries of State insulted by the
rabble, ii. 26.

tranquillity of the castle authorities
and a ball given same nighit, ii. 26.

a suppressed by the military, ii.

401;

gota of riot given in England six
weeks before, ii. 26.
very intractable, even Lords Justices,
ii. 91,
Isocrates should be read with judg-
ment, iii. 363.
Italian or thography co-temporary with
Chaucer, i. 325.
language easily acquired by one
proficient in Latin and French,
OE
language copious and expressive,

ii. 8.
Italians, their magnificent reception
of strangers, ii. 97-98.
parsimony y of their private life, ii. 97.
Italy, its influence on English poetry
during Tudor period, 1. 33.
Gray would rejoice to exchange
tongues with, iii. 158.
Gray gives detailed advice to Pal-
grave as to the places he should
visit in, 111, 194-196,

368

Italy, description of Gray’s visit to, ii.

40-55, 59-103.
references by Gray to towns, etc. ,in:—
Albano, description of, ii. 78.
Annonciata, church of the,atGenoa,
11, 48.
Appennines, description of cross-
ing the, ii. 51.
Appian way, description of, ii. 78.
Bologna, description of, ii. 50.
Buchetto, a mountain of green
marble, near Florence, ii. 54
Coliseum at Rome, ii. 70.
Doria, Palazzo, Genoa, ii. 48.
Florence, description of, ii. 53-55,
manner of keeping Lent in, ii.
64,
manner of its society, ii. 91.
a gay season in, li. 97.
statue of the Virgin (Madonna
dell’ Impruneto) brought into,
and devotions paid, ii. 99.
Genoa, description of, ii. 47-48.
Herculaneum, description of, ii.

discovery of its site at Portici,
iv. 341-342.
excavations at, ii. 277; iv. 342.
Lanslebourg or Lanebourg, de-
scription of, ii. 41.
Lombardy, description of, ii. 50.
Modena, its appearance, ii. 50.
Mount Giogo, deseription of, in
the ee 11, 52.
Mount Radicofani, Soap ἦν ces of
country round, ii. 6
hunting seat of a Grand Duke
on, il. 66.
Mount Vesuvius, its position, and
appearance of the lava, iv. 341.
Mount Viterbo, view of Rome from,
11, 66.
Naples, description of,-ii. 81-82.
Feast of Corpus Christi cele-
brated at, ii. 85.
account of Gray’s stay at, iv. 340.
MS. of his excursions, in the col-
lection of Mr. Morris, iv. 340.
Neapolitan dominions, cultivation
of, contrasted with Papal, ii.81.
Palestrina, account of, ii. 75.

INDEX.

Jauncey, Mr.,

Italy, references by Gray to towns, etc.,

in :-—
Reggio, a fair or carnival at, ii.
102.

Rome, view from Mount Viterbo,
ii. 66.

description of, ii. 67-71, 84.

St. Peter's, ii. 67, 68, 70, 71; its
construction, ii. 79.

description of a ball in, ii. 76,
84-85.

description of an Italian evening
in, ii. 79.

inscriptions from, ii. 79.

St. Longinus’s spear and St.
Veronica’s handkerchief ex-
posed to view in St. Peter's,
li. 70.

Sienna, account of, ii. 64-65.

Tivoli, Duke of Modena’s palace
at, li. 72-74.

Torre del Greco, description of its
appearance, iv. 341.

Turin, visited by Gray and Wal-
pole, ii. 40.

description of, ii. 42-44.

its palace, ii. 44,

Tuscany, description of the coun-
try, ii. 65.

Venerie, La, country palace of
Turin, ii. 44.

Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii.
55, 61.

JacosiTEs, their victory at Falkirk, ii.

129

slight effect of their successes on

the rural population of eastern
England, ii. 130.

James the First, 2 lyttel Books tocheing,

ii. 128.

James’s, Dr., powders recommended

by Gray, ii. 244.
settles his son in a
curacy, iii. 102.

Jebb, Mr. (physician), hero of dissent

at Cambridge, iii. 325.

Jenyns, Soame, The Female Rake, or the

Modern Fine Lady, a play by, ii.
214.

Papal dominions, contrasted with
Neapolitan, ii. 81.

Parma, paintings of Correggio in,
ii. 49.

his Origin of Evil, ii. 310.
Gray’s opinion of his poetical abili-
ties, 11. 222.
Jerinyn Street, Gray’s place of lodging

Piacenza, ii. 49.

either at Roberts’s or Frisby’s in,

Nee een eS SSS

Portici, description of the adjacent fi, 237, 251. iL
coast, iv. 340. Jersey, Lord, reference to, ii. 328. :
discovery of Herculaneum be-/| Jodelle, Etienne, style of his verse, i. *
neath the site of, iv. 341-342. 841, ὡ

INDEX.

John of Padua, architect of Somerset
House, i. 307.
built Longleat, i. 307.
reference to, i. 317.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, his poem of
London, ii. 220.
prologue for the opening of Drury
Lane theatre, ii. 220.
reviews in the Literary Magazine
Jenyns’s work on Evil, ii. 310.
not a judge of art, iii. 81.
Gray’s repugnance to, iii. 371.
Gray calls him the great bear, Ursa
Major, iii. 371.
Johnson, Miss, trial of Lord Ferrers for
the murder of her father, iii. 35-
Johnston, Dorothy, her marriage with
Néricault Destouches, ii. 23.
Jonathan, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton,
references to, iii. 17, 83, 87, 173,
219, 237.
Jonathan, Mrs., references to, iii. 152
173, 219, 354.
Jones, Inigo, his skill in architecture,
ii, 158.
Joseph Andrews, Gray’s criticism of
Fielding’s, ii. 107.
July, 1754 and 1759, records of the
weather and condition of the crops
in, ii. 398-401.
Juveual and Persius, Imitations of, by
Thomas Neville, ii. 314,

Keene, Dr. Edmund, Bishop of Ches-
ter, lines on, i. 140, 141.
at Cambridge, ii. 178.
his interest sought on behalf of
Stonehewer, ii. 193, 195.
Gray’s acquaintance with, ii. 201.
Master of St. Peter’s College, note
on, ii. 287.
private ambassador of the Earl of
Sandwich, iii. 201.
interview with Mr. Charles Yorke,
iii, 201.
refused the Archbishopric of Ar-
magh, iii. 201.
his son leaves Eton for Peterhouse
College, iii. 385.
references to, ii. 189, 190, 192 ; iii. 55. |
Keene, Mrs., Couplet on, i. 141.
Keith, Marshall, death of, ii, 385.
Kemble, Boaden’s Life of, quotation
relative to Mason, ii. 242.
Kennicott, B., his verses on the death
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii.
119.
a harvest just over (1759) in,
lll. 1 .

VOL, IV.

369

Kent, William, the architect, his de-
sign at Esher, ii. 253.

Kent, Gray’s description of the county.
Visited Ramsgate, Margate, Sand-
wich, Deal, Dover, Folkestone,
and Hythe, iii. 240, 241-2.

contrasts its coast with Hartlepool,
iii. 242.

Gray has passed a deal of the sum-
mer (1763) in, iii. 320.

Keys, see Caius.

Keysler, Johann Georg, his descrip-
tion of Celtic and other antiquities
in his /ravels through Germany,
Hungary, ete., iii. 351,

Killaloe, Bishop of, insulted by the
Irish rabble, iii. 26.

Kilmarnock, Lord, his trial, ii. 139.

King, = , Gray’ 5. opinion of his poetry,
ale 220.

King’s College, Cambridge, founded by
‘Henry Was, δ᾽

Kingston’s Light Horse refused ad-
nittance into Edinburgh, ii. 143.

Kinnoul, see Viscount Dupplin.

Kinnoul, Lord, his journey to Lisbon
and Genoa, iii. 27.

description of his voyage to Lisbon,
iii. 30.

Kirke, Miss, executrix of Dr.
come, iii. 189.

Knight, Dr. Gowin, M.D., principal
librarian of British Musewn, iii,

New-

6.

Knights du Saint Esprit, installation
of, ii. 26; 57.

Knowles, Mr., elected Fellow of Pem-
broke College, ii. 188.

Lady, The Modern fine, a play by 8.
Jenyns, ii. 214.
Laguerre, Louis (Old Laguerre), his
work at Chatsworth, iii. 136.
Lakes, Dr. Wharton obliged through
asthma to part from Gray, when
about to set out for the, iii. 349,
Lakes, Gilpin’s Towr to the, i. 279.
Lakes, Gray’s reason for writing the
Journal, iii. 350.
Lakes, Journal in the, i. 249-281.
references to places mentioned by
Gray in :—
Ambleside, road from, to Kendal, i.
267.
Appleby, description of the country
about, with the river Eden, i. 250.
reference to, i. 140.
Armathwaite-house, residence of Mr.
Spedding, i. 262.
9

~

B

370

INDEX.

Lakes, Journal in the, references to; Lakes, Jowrnal im the, references to

places mentioned by Gray in :—
Bassenthwaite-water, description of
i. 261, 262.
Bolton Hill, view of Cartmell-sands
and Lancaster from, i. 270, 27].
Borrodale, description of, i. 253, 256.
and Wordsworth’s Yew - Trees,

i. 254.

Botany, excellent ground for, i. 263.

Brough, description of a cattle fair
at, i. 249.

Buttermere, charr taken in, i. 263.

Carlisle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit,
111, 281.

Cartmell sands, i. 270.

Castle-Crag, description of, i. 257.

Castle Hill, view of Derwentwater
from, i. 259.

Castle-Rigg, fine view from, i. 264.

Cockermouth, visited by Gray and
Dr. Wharton, i. 281.

Cockshut-hill, account of, i. 259.

Craven, description of the district of,
i. 278.

Crow-park, i. 259.

Dalemaine or Delmaine, residence of
Mr. Hasel, i. 251.

Derwentwater, view of, i. 260.

vale of, called the Devil’s Chamber

Pot, i. 262.

Druid-Circle at Castle-Rigg, i. 261.

Dunmallert, view of Ulleswater from
the hill of,\i. 251.

Eagle’s-eirie, plundering an, i. 258.

Eimot, description of the vale of
the, i. 250, 252.

Elysium, the vale of, i. 253.

Evening at Derwentwater, i. 258-259.

Gardiesand Lowside, valley of, i. 253.

Gordale-scar, description of, i. 276-
Qi.

Gowder crag, description of, i. 256.

Grange, situation of the village of, i.
256.

Grasmere, description of, i. 265.

coach road, i. 266.

Hill-top, a mansion of the Gaskarth’s,
1. 253.

Holm-crag, i. 265.

Hornby Castle, i. 274.

Hutton or Hatton St. John, the re-
sidence of Mr. Huddleston, i. 251.

Tikeley, i. 280.

Ingleborough, view of, i. 275, 278.

Ingleton, i. 275.

Kent, falls of the river, i. 269.

Kendal, its appearance by night, i.
268.

general description, i. 268, 269.

places mentioned by Gray in :—
Kendal, its church, with tombs of the
Parrs, Stricklands, and Belling-
hams, i. 269.
Keswick, botany might be studied
to perfection around, i. 263.
visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton,
iii. 281,
Kirkstall Abbey, description of,i. 281.
Lancaster, description of, i. 271.
its Gothic gateway, i. 271.
Leathes-water, see Thirlmere.
Leeds, aspect of, i. 281.
Levens, the seat of Lord Suffolk, i.
270.
Lodore, account of the falls of, i. 225.
and Wordsworth’s Evening Walk,
i. 255.
ae as Crags, description of,
i. 255.
Lune, valley of, i. 274,
Maltham, i. 278.
Milthrop, iron forges near, i. 270.
Ottley, description of, i. 280.
Fairfax monuments in the church
of, i. 280.
Penigant, view of, i. 278.
Penrith, view from the Beacon-hill
near, i. 250.
visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton,
iii. 281.
Place Fell, view of, from Dunmallert
Hill, 1. 9551,
Poulton, i. 272.
Ridale Hall, seat of Sir M. Fleming,
i. 266.
Ridale-head, i. 267.
Ridale-water, description of, i. 266.
St. John’s, valley of, i. 253.
Saddleback, effect of clouds on, i. 253.
Sea Whaite, i. 257.
Settle, road between Lancaster and,
i. 274-276.
Seven Mile Sands, near Lancaster, i.
272.
their danger and story of a fatal
attempt to cross them, i. 273.
Sheffield, its pleasant situation, i. 134.
Shode-bank Hill, steep road over, i.
279.
Skipton, description of, i. 278-279.
Thirlmere, called also Leathes Water
or Wythburn- Water, description
of, i. 264, 265.
acquired by Manchester as a reser-
voir, i. 264.
Ulleswater, description of, from the
hill of Dunmallert, i. 251.
general description of, i. 134,

INDEX.

Lakes, Jowrnal in the, references to

places mentioned by Gray in :—

Wadd-mines, near Sea Whaite, i.
257, 208

Walla-crag, view from, i. 254.

Water-Mallock, village of, i. 252.

Wentworth Castle, description of,
111, 134.

Whartfdale, description of, i. 279-280.

Widhope-brows and the view of Der-
wentwater, i. 261.

Windermere, description of, i. 267.

Wythburn Water, see Thirlmere.

Lamb, Sir Matthew, quarrels with J.
Gaskarth, ii. 346.

father of the first Lord Melbourne,
li. 346.

Lambertini, Cardinal Prospero, ii. 93.

Landscape Gardening, see Gardening.

Langland, Robert, metre of, i. 370.

his birthplace, i. 370.

Langley, Battey, his style of archi-

tecture, ii. 253.
biographical note on, ii. 253.

Langley, Thomas, his work on archi-
tecture, ii. 253.

Lansdowne, Marquis of, his waterfall
at Bow-wood, ii. 254.

Lansdowne, Marquis, William Vis-
count Fitzmaurice created, iii. 76.

Latin verses, i. viii., xvii.

Latini, Sur Brunetto, his poem of 1]
Pataffio, i. 348.

Lauderdale, Richard Maitland, Earl of,
his house of Lithinton or Lenox
Love, iii. 209.

Laurel, imported into Europe by Clu-
sius, ii. 174.

Law, Dr. Edmund, Master of St.
Peter’s College, Cambridge, in suc-
cession to Dr. Keene, ii. 287.

made Bishop of Carlisle, iii. 337.
gives up £800 a-year to enjoy it, iii.
337.

Lay of Darts, see The Fatal Sisters, i. 53.
Laziness, figurative description of, ii.
119

facetious account of the effect of, on
Gray, ii. 192.
Lee, Dr., his knowledge of college
matters, ii. 180.
Lee, Nathaniel, his Bedlam Tragedy, ii.
06

106.
Lee, Sir George, Secretary at War, ii.293.
Leeds, turnpike riots at, ii. 240.
Legge, Right Hon. Henry, Chancellor
of Exchequer, ii. 273, 292.
Leghorn, chaplainship of, formerly
held by young Mr. Byron, now
suggested for Mr. Temple, iii. 402.

371

Leicester House, the political arrange-
ments of, ii. 290.

Leicester, Lord, buried in Warwick
Church, ii. 257.

Leicester, Lettice, Countess of, also
buried there, ii. 257.

Leighton, Mr. and Mrs., reference to,
ἯΙ. 287.

Leman, Rev. Thomas, Countess de Viry
presents him with Gray’s MS. of
the Amatory Lines, i. 137.

presents in turn, Gray’s MS. to
Joseph Wharton, i. 137.

Lennox, Lord, reference to, iii. 76.

Lenox-love or Lithinton, seat of Lord
Blantyre, note on, iii. 209.

Lent, account of a Florentine, ii. 64.

Leonidas, Richard Glover's epic of, ii.
134,

Leonius, Canon of St. Benedict, his
Latin verse, i. 373.

his origin of Leonine verse discussed,
i. 373-375,

Lepell, Mary, see Lady Hervey, iii. 62.

Letters apt to be opened at the offices
at election-times, ii. 249.

Lettres de la Marquise M * * * aw Comte
de R * * *, by Crébillon fils, ii. 27.

Liberty of Genius, suppositious Ode
on, i. Viii.

Life, Gray’s references to his health,
mode and condition of :—

confined at Florence with inflam-
mation of his eyes, ii. 367.

in a good easy sort of state but oe-
casionally depressed, ii. 113-114.

doubts if he should find much dif-
ference between living in this
world and t’other, ii. 135.

calls himself a solitary of six years’
standing, ii. 154.

the spirit of laziness begins to pos-
sess him, ii. 192.

his mind unable to keep him cheer-
ful or easy, and the spiritual part
is the most infirm, ii. 199.

is listless, old, vexed, and perplexed,
ii. 206.

diverting himself for a month in
London among his gay acquaint-
ances, then returns to his cell, ii.
229.

suffers from gout or rheumatism, ii.
267, 272, 288, 392.

uses soap prescribed by Dr. Whar-
ton for his complaint, ii. 275.

depressed in mind, ii. 285, 321, 371.

ill of a cold and fever, ii. 329.

is better and more capable of amuse-
ment, ii. 330.

372

Life, Gray’s references to his :—

can look back on many bitter mo-
ments, partly with satisfaction,
and partly with patience, and for-
ward, although not promising,
with some hope, ii. 347.

almost blind with a great cold, ii. 354.

believes that people take notice of
his dulness, ii. 376.

weary and disagreeable in mind
only, ii. 377.

thinks that he inspires everything
around him with ennui and de-
jection, ii. 379.

solitary and dispirited, -but not
wholly unpleasant to himself, iii. 1.

the British Museum his favourite
domain, iii. 5, 11, 15.

-envies Dr. Wharton his country
abode, whilst he will never have
even a thatched roof of his own,
111. 49.

‘“‘racketting about from morning to
night” wears out his eee, 111,
60-64.

concerts every night at Cambridge,
shall stay this month or two, iii. 124.

has had two slight attacks of gout
after three years’ intermission, iii.
130.

long taciturnity owing to the noth-
ingness of my history, 111. 150.

*‘neglected all my duties in hopes of
finding pleasure,” which after all
one never finds, ili. 161.

“nobody contented but you and I,”
iii. 161.

the music of Carlo Bach serves ‘‘ to
deceive my solitary days,” 111 164.

suffered a good deal from a complaint
which has now grown almost con-
stant, 111. 167.

undergoes an operation for the piles,
iii. 170.

travelling through Hampshire, iii.175.

health much improved by the sea,
iii. 179.

a complaint in his eyes that may
possibly end in blindness, ili. 186.

neither happy nor miserable, ili. 232.

so fat that he suffered more from
heat in 1769 than ever ke did in
Italy, iii. 347.

passed six days in Keswick lap’d in
Elysium, ili. 349.

walked about 300 miles through the
lake districts in seventeen days, iii.
350.

have had a cough for above three
months, iii. 892,

INDEX.

Life, Gray’s references to his : τ

lacks health and spirits all the win-
ter, iii. 401.

travel he must, or cease to exist, iii.
405.

“the gout is gone,” but ‘spirits
much oppressed,” God knows what
will be the end of it, iii. 405.

Lighting of the chandeliers at George
ILL.’s coronation, iii. 114.

Lincoln, Lord, Gray visits him near
Twickenham, and describes his
newly made plantations, ii. 370.

Lisbon, Voltaire’s poem on the earth-
quake at, ii. 285.

Lisburne, Lord, reference to, iii. 241.

Rey. Norton Nicholls acts as medi-
ator between him and Mr. Temple,
111. 287, 289, 332-333, 402-403.

Gray’s opinion of the disagreement,
lil. 302-303.

Lloyd, Robert, published a Latin trans-
lation of Gray’s Elegy, i. 227; iii.
128

author with G. Colman of two Odes
in ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii.
128.

his praise of Gray in the Epistle to
Churchill, iii. 128.

Lloyd, Miss, player on musical glasses,
lil. 124.

Lloyd's Evening Post, G. Colman con-
tributes to, iii. 42.

reference to, iii. 123.

Locke, John, his Essay on the Human
Understanding and Gray’s De Prin-
cipiis Cogitandi, i. 185, 193.

Loggan’s views of the Cambridge Col-
leges, i. 309.

Loix, L’ Esprit des, by Montesquien, ii.
191, 199.

Lok, the evil being, i. 65.

Lomellini, Genoese family of, ii. 48.

London, Dr. Samuel Jolinson’s poem
of, ii. 220.

London Magazine, Gray's Elegy pub-
lished by the, i. 72.

London, that tiresome dull place where
all persons under thirty find amuse-
ment, ili. 181.

Londonderry, Bishop of, his patronage
in Ireland, iii. 403.

Long, Dr. Roger, Master of Pembroke
College, ii. 14.

his verses on the death of Frederick,
Prince of Wales, ii. 118.

takes Mr. Delaval under his tuition,
ii. 158.

settlement of his dispute with the
Rey. J. Brown, ii. 188.

ion

INDEX,

Long, Dr. Roger, introduces Mr. Bed-

ingfield to Gray, ii. 276.

illness, and recovery from, ii. 289.

referred to in Carey’s Candidate, ii.
289.

an authority on astronomy, ii. 298.

Gray sends him a copy of the Odes,
ii. 820.

his audience at Buckingham Palace
to present a lyricord and a glass
sphere to the king, iii. 152-153.

his mechanical faculty, iii. 152.

agent for the Earl of Sandwich at the
election for high steward, iii. 168,

purchases a zumpe, iii. 267.

his funeral, iii. 387.

reference to his harpischords in the
“old lodge,” iii. 391.

references to, ii. 138, 228, 280.

Long Story, see Story.

Lort, Mr., a candidate for Professor-
ship of Modern History, and a
worthy man, iii. 320.

note on, iii. 324.
gone to Bath, iii. 335.

Lottery ticket, Gray asks Dr. Wharton

to purchase him one, ii. 370, 376.
wins a £20 prize, iii. 337.

Louth, R., his verses on death of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.

Lovat, Lord, his confinement at Edin-
burgh, ii. 142.

his execution on Tower Hill, ii. 142.
Hogarth’s caricature of, ii. 146.

Love-a-la-Mode, Macklin’s farce of, iii.
28.

Lowth, Dr., his wife’s recovery, iii. 83.

contributes to Dodsley’s Miscellane-
ous Poems, ii. 221.

Gray’s opinion of his Grammar, iii.
129

his pamphlet against Warburton, iii.
224,

Ludlam, Revs. Thomas and William,
Fellows of St. John’s College, bio-
graphical note on, iii. 144.

Ludlow’s Memoirs, ii. 128.

Luna est Habitabilis, i. 171-174.

theme for college verses, ii. 8.

Luttrel, Colonel, insulted at door of
the House of Commons, iii. 338.

Lydgate, John, remarks on the poems
of, i. 887- 409.

Lynch, Dr., Dean of Canterbury, his
death, iii. 40.

Lyne, Mr., reference to, ii. 144.

Lyon, James Philip, reference to, iii.
122, 173.

Lyon, Thomas, Fellow of Pembroke
College, iii. 122.

373

Lyon, soar? biographical note on,
iii. 12
goes to Scotland with Gray, iii. 208.
his chambers at Pembroke College
destroyed by fire, iii. 301.
lost one of his causes in the House of
Lords against Lord Panmure, iii.317.
Gray breakfasts with him and Lady
Maria, iii. 374.
references to, iii. 101, 238.
πὴ Seer to the story of the, ii.

Lyttleton, Dean, satire on, i. 316.
Lyttleton, Mr., Gray’s opinion of, 11.220,
refers to an Elegy by, ii. 225.
Lyttleton, Lord George, his Monody on
death, ii. 180,
his Monody parodied in Peregrine
Pickle, and his character portrayed
as ‘* Gosling Scrag,” ii. 214.
admires The Odes of Gray, ii. 327, 331.
his dialogues of the dead, iii. 42.
Lyttleton, Sir Richard, reference to,
111, 98.

Macavtay, Mrs., Mr. Pitt made her a
panegyric in ‘the House, iii. 238.
Machiavel, Gray’s opinion of, ili. 299.
Mackay, Major, testimony in favour of
the Erse poems, iii. 311.
Mackenzie, Mrs., grossly insults Mr.
L— , iii. 87.
Mackfarline, ‘the Laird of, testimony in
support of the Erse poems, 11], 311.
Macklin, his farce of Love-a-la-Mode,
iii. 28.
gratifies the king, who sends for a
copy, iii. 29.
Macleod, the Laird of, testimony in
support of the Erse poems, iii. 311.
MacPherson, Rev. James, his transla-
tion of Ossian’s Poems, their publi-
cation, iii. 56-57, see also Erse.
Magazine of Magazines, its editor re-
fused permission to publish Gray’s
Elegy, i. 72.
publishes the Elegy, i. 72.
references to its publication of the
Elegy, ii. 210, 211, 213.
Maggett,Captain,and Lord Lovat,ii.142.
Mahomet, Life of, ii. 128.
Mahomet Second, a tragedy, ii. 22.
Maine, Duchess of, Madame de Stael
her confidante, ii. 291.
Maintenon’s, Madame de, Letters, Gray’s
account of, ii, 232.
reference to, ii. 287.
Mallet, David, supposed to have writ-
ten Earl Nugent’s Ode, ii. 220.

374

INDEX.

Mallet’s, Mons., Introduction to the His- | Mary, Queen of Scots, furniture used

tory of Denmark, reference to, ii.
852, 362.

by her at Wingfield religiously pre-
served at Hardwick, iii. 136.

Man-at-arms, Gray’s description of a, | Masinissa and Sophonisba, story by, ii.

111, 394.

115-116,

Manchester, Duke of, reported to have| Mason, Rey. William, his inordinate

an ancient genealogy of the English
kings, with portrait of Richard IIL.,
iii. 309.

Manduit, Mr., pamphlet against the
German war, iii. 91.

Mann, Horace, entertains Gray at
Florence, ii. 52.

description of his residence, ii. 86.

Gray sends him a parcel of books, ii.
128.

reference to his sufferings, ii. 132.

Manning of Brun, Robert, his octo-
syllabic rhyme, i. 353.

translator of Peter Langtoft’s chron-
icle, i. 353, 356.

Mapletoft, John, Fellow of Pembroke,

reference to, ii. 288 ; 111, 69, 183.
note on, ili. 69.

Marcello, see Delaval, ii. 155.

Margaret of Anjou, foundress of
Queen’s College, i. 95.

Margaret, Lady, Countess of Rich-
mond, foundress of St. John’s
College, portrait of, i. 310.

be epee like Bartholomew fair, flown
down into Kent, iii. 240.

Mari, Huon de, Towrnoyement d’ Anti-
christ of, i. 337.

Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary,
Gray’s sympathy with, ii. 129, 134.

Marivaux, Gray recommends the ro-
mances of, ii. 107.

his novel of Marianne, ii. 128.

Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, quar-
rel with Duchess of Queensberry,
I. 133.

Marriage, the Fatal, tragedy by South-
ere; a.) 41.

Marriott, Sir James, Master of Trinity,
visits Gray, iii. 182.

notes relative to, iii. 182, 296.
competitor with Gray for the Chair
of Modern History, iii. 320, 324.
raises a subscription for a musical

amphitheatre, iii. 331.
reference to, ili. 331.

Marsham, Mr., assists in the compila-
tion of the Catalogue of ancient
authors, ii, 158.

Martin, Jaques, Religion of the Ancient
Gauls cited by, ii. 294.

Martinique, command of the expedi-
tion refused by seven generals, ii.
385,

vanity, i. xv.

his capacity for writing sublime
Odes, i. 36.

opinion of Gray’s Education and
Government, i. 121.

gives the origin of Gray’s Ode on
Vicissitude, i. 128,

Shakespeare verses sent to, i. 133.

Gray sends him some comic lines, i.
138.

elegiacal Epitaph on his wife, im-
proved by Gray, i. 141.

his opinion of the picturesque point
in landscape, i. 260.

The Progress of Poetry delayed by a
remark of, ii. 111.

Ode to a Water Nymph by, ii. 184.

Gray’s opinion of him, ii. 184, 196-
197, 212.

Ode on the Installation of the Duke of
Newcastle, ii. 196.

Gray’s comment on E£ifrida, ii. 212;
111, 148.

Gray sends a copy of Elfrida to Wal-
pole, ii. 213.

elected a Fellow of Pembroke College,
ii. 188.

contributes an Ode to Dodsley’s Mis-
ceilaneous Poems, ii. 222.

Essays on church music, ii. 241.

his attainments in the composition
of music, ii. 242.

Gray comments on the death of the
father of, ii. 242, 243.

his loss of fortune, ii. 243.

death of his friend Dr. Pricket, ii. 244.

his fellowship his sole support, ii.
246.

presented to the prebend of Holme
through John Hutton, ii. 250,
261.

on the use of the strophe, etc. ii. 263.

Gray influences the style of Carac-
tacus, li. 262.

gives Gray’s reason for changing his
college, ii. 279.

publication of four new Odes, ii. 280.

suffering from his eyes, ii. 299, 366,
387, 392 ; iii. 205, 206, 207.

promised Irish preferment, ii. 287.

his interest sought on behalf of Dr.
Brown for Mastership of Peter-
house, ii. 288.

resides in Arlington Street, ii. 289.

|

INDEX.

Mason, Rev. William, his chair given by | Mason,

Mitford to a poet laureate, ii. 299.
Gray sends a fragment of Zhe Bard,
ii. 312-313.
Chaplain in ordinary to George II.,
ii. 826.

his pepe) to write a comment
on Gray’s Odes, ii. 329.

in waiting, ii. 332.

christens Mr. Dayrolles’s child and
Lady Yarmouth’s son, ii. 353-354.

criticism of his Elegies, li, 854-358.

and the Duchess of Norfolk, ii. 367.

and Sir Conyers d’Arcy, ii. 367.

his poetical exertion attributed by
Gray to rivalry, ii. 368.

his uncle Dr. Balguy, ii. 368.

Dr. Warburton sends his New Lega-
tion to, ii. 369.

Gray tries to quell his quarrel with
Garrick, ii. 376.

goes to Aston for the winter and
saves a curate, ii. 383.

and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 383,

his poetical indolence, ii. 394.

plants some roses for Hurd at
Thureaston, ii. 397.

boasts of his skill in planting, ii. 397.

entertains Gaskarth at Aston, iii. 9.

Lord Holdernesse sends him much
news, iii. 9.

ei Hill his place of residence, iii.

sitting for his picture, iii. 31.

present at the trial of Lord Ferrers,
jii, 35.

ridieuled by G. Colman and R. Lloyd,
iii. 41.

rebuilds his rectory at Aston, and
improves its grounds, iii. 44, 368.

Gray doubts if he will succeed Chap-
man, 111. 50.

caricature of some prominent Can-
tabs, iii, 55.

referred to by the Monthly Review,
iii. 57.

consulted as to a private tutor for
Lord John Cavendish, iii. 58.

preparing with Paul Sandby a pic-
ture of Snowdon, iii. 66, 68.

etches Gray’s head. Etching pre-
served at Pembroke, iii. 68.

walks in the royal procession, and
at the coronation of George ILI.
ii. 70, 106.

reproved by Gray for prematurely
rot the Elegy on Lady Coven-
try, ili, 73.

Gray’s a iticism, oftheCoventryElegy,
ili, 73-75.

375

Rey. William, acquires the
friendship of Fred. Hervey, iii. 77.

made a Residentiary of York and
Precentor, iii. 82, 108.

established at York, iii. 125.

Letters to Lord Ὁ. in Royal or Lady’s
Magazine, iii. 131.

his reflections on Kitty Hunter, iii.
131

Gray staying with him at York, iii.
132,

his position as Precentor, iii. 132-133.

Gray’s criticism of Elegy V. on the
Death of a Lady, iii. 139.

Count Algarotti sends him a pane-
gyric on his Odes, iii. 151.

repining at his twenty-four weeks’
residence at York, iii. 161.

makes a collection for C, Smart, iii.
162.

his acquaintance with Bedingfield,
iii. 163.

Gray’s criticism of one of his Sonnets,
iii. 163, 199.

Gray recommends the music of Carlo
Bach to, iii, 104.

tendency to marry, iii. 168.

modelling antique vases in clay, iii.

reference to ‘‘ future bride,” iii. 183.

reference to his betrothment and note
on date of his marriage, iii. 198, 202,
207.

Gray's Sonnet to his servant Mrs.
Anne, ili. 205-206.

Gray’s reasons for not visiting him at
York, but sends his blessing to
both, iii. 223.

Mrs., said to be very handsome, iii.
224; by no means in health, iii.
232, 244; Dr. Heberden thinks her
irretrievably gone in consumption,
lii. 244.

grown extremely fat and his wife
lean, iii. 244.

Gray sends in disguise his wickedness
to Dr. Gisborne, iii. 246.

opportunity of his obtaining other
preferment than York, iii. 253.

Mrs., anxiety concerning, iii. 252;
Gray’s description of, iii. 258 ; Gray
enquires after her health, iii. 261 ;
Lord Holdernesse offers the use of
Walmer Castle for Mr. and, iii. 262 ;
Gray advises Ramsyate for, iii. 263;
Gray’s letter of sympathy on death
of, iii, 265.

his esteem of Gray’s letter, 266.

Gray writes part of Mrs. Mason’s
Epitaph, iii. 266.

376

Mason, Rev. William, inventor of a
musical instrument called a
**zuinpe” or ‘‘ celestinette,” iii. 267.

his derivation of ‘‘ zumpe,” iii. 267.

Dr. Brown and Gray the guests of,
111, 272.

Gray criticises an Epitaph written at
the Archbishop’s request, iii. 274-
275, 278.

remonstrated with upon withdrawal
of the Epitaph, iii. 276.

reference to another Epitaph that
moved Dr. Wharton to tears, iii. 276.

Cambridge society anxious to see
him, iii. 296-297.

with Stonehewer at Queen Street in
London, iii. 317.

informed of Gray’s appointment as
Professor of Modern Languages,
111, 322-323.

rectory of Oddington in his gift, iii.
328.

reported to be married, iii. 331.
complaint of his circulation of Gray’s
lineson Lord Holland’s seat, iii. 334.
Gray cannot visit him from Old Park
owing to difficulty of road to
York, iii. 348.
Gray tells him of his travels in the
western counties, iii. 381.
/ Passes the winter in Curzon Street,
111. 404.
references to, ii. 251, 260, 261, 262,
288, 285 5 iii. 1, 15, 50, 63,"65; 977,
131,149, 150, 282, 296, 297, 303.
see also Caraciacus.
Materialism, discourse on, ii. 373-375.
Mathematics, Gray’s aversion to, ii. 5.
Mathias, T. J., first publishes the Essay
on Norman Architecture, i. 294.
observations on English metre, i. 324.
his 4tc edition of Gray forms the

INDEX.

May, Dr. Samuel, reference to, ii. 280.

date of his death, iii. 164.

May, Thomas, precedes Gray as a
drainatiser of Agrippina, ii. 106.

Maynard, Lord, his seat near Dunmow,
iii. 139.

patron of Richard Forrester, iii. 139.
Mead, Dr. Richard, his corpulence, ii.

ii.
Méchant, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 183.

Villemain’s praise of, ii. 183.

Gray recommends it, ii. 184.
Mediocrity, Gresset’s Ode on, ii. 184.
Melara, a favourite of Benedict XIV.,

iG 93.
Melbourne, first Lord, a son of Sir
Matthew Lam), ii. "346.
Melmoth, William, author of Sir Thos.
Fitzosborne’s Letters, ii. 222.
Melpomene, an Ode, Gray enquires who
wrote it, ii. 338.
Gray thanks Mason for the history of,
li. 338.
Melton, Archbishop of York, built the
Minster nave, 11]. 147.
Memoires, Duclos’s, ii. 291.
dela Porte, ii. 291.
de Madame Staél, ii. 291.
Memoirs, Ludlow’s, ii 128.
Memoirs of a celebrated Literary and
Political Character, ii. 293.
Memory, half a word written on or
near the spot worth a cartload of
recollection, ii. 380.
Merope, by Aaron Hill, acted on behalf
of C. Smart, ii. 391.
Merveille, Arnauld de, his metre, i. 334.
Message-cards, paper in Museum on, by
H. Walpole, ii. 143.
Metaphysics, Gray’s dislike of, ii. 5.
Methodism, Pembroke College owes
its preservation from fire to, iii. 301.

basis of Mr. Morris’s Graiana, iv. | Methodist singing-man, reference to a,

339.

Mattei,
singer, iii. 80.

Maty, Matthew, M.D., librarian of
British Museum, iii. 6.

Maurus, Rhabanus, Archbishop of
Mentz in 847, his Glossary of the
Bible, i. 363.

May, Ode on, Gray praises Richard
West’s, 11.119.

May πες Latin poem on the, i. 166.

τ οἰ -» quarrels with Dr. Long, ii.

ieee himself on behalf of Ὁ,
Smart, ii. 178.
May, Dr. Samuel, Fellow of Pembroke,
11. 288.

ili. 297.

Colomba, her success as δ᾽ Metre, observations on English, i. 323-

409 ; editorial note, i. 324.

use of the Anglo-Saxon prefixes, i.
326.

use of final syllable of verbs, i. 326-
327.

termination of ‘“‘an” or “eon” omit-
ted after settlement of Danes, i. 327.

insertion or omission of initial or
final letters intended to perfect
the measure, i. 327.

use of the Cesure, i. 329-330, 332, 333.
example from Milton, i, 332.
example from Lord Surrey, i . 333.

Ryme Dogreil, i. 330, 339.
examples from Fabian, i. 330,

INDEX.

Metre Alexandrines, i. 831, 357.

the d lUabic measwre, i. 333.
example from Wyatt, i. 334.
example from Surrey, i. 334.
example from Spenser, i. 341.

heroic measure of the Italian, i. 334.

Riding Rhyme, i. 335, 336, 339.
example from Chaucer, i. 335.
example from Spenser, i. 339.

attempt to introduce the hexameter,
sapphic, etc., in the reign of Eliza-
beth, i. 841.

Measures of Verse, i. 343-360.

Rime Plate of the French, i. 343.

Versi Sciolti of the Italians, i. 343.

Ottava Rima of the Italians, i. 347.

Terzetti, or Terza Rima, its invention,
i, 348

Sonnet, its invention, i. 349.

Sestine, i. 350.

Canzoni of the Italians, i. 351.

Octosyllabic, i. 353.

Cowwe, i. 354.

of the Vision of Pierce Plowman, i.

369.
Metre of Lydgate’s time uniform to
the ear, if not to the eye, i. 393.
Michell, Mr., an acquaintance of Dr.
Wharton, i. 262.
Middleton, Mr., his residence near
Burnley, i. 280.
Middleton, Dr. Conyers, his Cicero,
ii. 128,
his work on the Roman Senate, ii.
163, 175.
presented with a sinecure by Sir J.
Frederick, ii. 163.
his Inquiry into the Miraculous Power
of the Church, ii. 163.
his income, ii. 164,
Gray laments his death, and the loss of
an old acquaintance, ii. 199; iii. 151.
his writings analysed by Mr. Leslie
Stephen, ii. 199.
ae Asheton writes against, ii.
10.

377

Miller, 4 gardener and botanist,
iii,

Milton, μῶν example of an exquisite
ear, i. 332.

his versification, i. 333.

creator of poetic language, ii. 108.

his use of the relative pronouns, ii.
355.

Minden, French storm, ii. 402.
victory at, iii. 8.

Mingotti, famous singer, ii. 282, 305;

iii. 20, 21.
Ministry, probable change of, iii. 153.
their narrow majorities, iii. 168.
altogether by the ears, so are the
Opposition, iii. 181.

subversion of, on its last legs, iii.
204.

position of, in Dee. 1767, iii. 293, 294.

Minorea, reference to its 1055 by
Admiral Byng, ii. 284.

Miraculous Powers in the Church, Free
Inquiry into the, by Dr. C. Mid-
dleton, ii. 164,

Miraculous Powers, Warburton on, ii.
128.

| Mirepoix, Madame de, daughter of

Prince Craon, ii. 85.
Mirror of Magistrates, a supplement to
The Fall of Princes, i. 409.
Mitford relates the cause of R. West's
death, ii. 113.
Mob Grammar, The.
Gray, i. 142,
Modenn, Duke of, his collection of
paintings at, ii. 50.
Modern History and Languages, Gray
appointed to the Chair of, iii. 318.
Professorship unsolicited by Gray,
lii. 319.
his competitors for, iii. 320.
Gray’s feelings on kissing hands for,
ἯΙ. 323.
worth £400 a year, iii. 326.
Money, its effect, ii. 155.
Mongon, Abbe de, Memoires of, ii. 200.

Lost piece by

opposes Dr. Waterland’s Doctrine of| Monosyllables, their prevalent use in

the Trinity, ii. 215, 216.

his Miscellaneous Works, ii. 215.

his influence on the Essay on the
Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, i.
286

Midridate, Prince, reference to, ii. 227.

Milbourne, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke,
ii. 288.

Mildmay, Sir Anthony, his portrait in
Emanuel College, i. 310.

Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of
Emanuel, his portrait in that Col
lege, i. 310,

rhyme, i. 396.
Montagu, Duke of, his preservation of
Kirkstall, i. 281.
Montagu, Frederick, Gray in town with,
ii. 284.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
ii. 820.
proposed visit with Gray to Cam-
bridge, iii. 104.
obtains the Residentiary of York for
Mason, iii. 82.
appointed an executor to Sir William
Williams, iii, 104,

378

Montagu, Frederick, induces Gray to
write an Epitaph on Sir William
Williams, i. 128; iii. 109.

Montagu, Frederick, of Paplewick.
Did he write Melpomene? ii. 338.

Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, public
opinion of her poems, ii. 222.

story of her fictitious gift to Com-
modore Barnet, iii. 91, 100.

story related by Lord Camelford as
to her parsimony, iii. 99-100.

her Dialogues of the Dead, iii. 42.

Montagu, Wortley, his death, iii. 90.

his wealth and testamentary be-
quests, iii. 90-91, 99.

Montesquieu’s L’Esprit des Lois, its
effect on Gray, i. 113; ii. 191, 193,
199.

his Voix du Sage et dw Peuple, ii.
229.

Monthly Review, matter relative to G.
Colman, Mason, and Gray, ii. 57.

Moore, Edward, his comedy of Gil
Blas, ii. 213.

Moorfields, penny literature sold on
the rails of, ii. 258.

Mora, Madame de, αὖ Miss Chudleigh’s
ball, iii. 62.

Moral and. Political Dialogues, by Hurd,
1. 395;

Morceau, first part of Gray’s Bard, ii.
266

Mordaunt, Sir John, to take part ina

secret military expedition, ii. 320.
his part in the attack on Rochefort,
li. 342.

Morley, his proposed marriage, ii. 165.

Morrice, Gil, or Child Maurice, the old
ballad of, ii. 316.

Morris, Mr. John, description of his
fine collection of Graiana from the
Dawson-Turner and Dillon collec-
tions. iv. 339-343.

Morris, Lewis, on ancient British
poetry, i. 382.

Mortimer, Edmond de, i. 42.

Morton, Dr. Charles, of British Museum,
reference to, and note on, iii. 117.

Muffs worn by the countrymen in
France (1739), ii. 19.

Mugherino tree, reference to a, ii. 126.
Miiller, J. 8., engraver of the initial
letters in Gray’s Elegy, ii. 234.
Murdin’s, William, Collection of Eliza-

bethan State Papers, ii. 396.

Murray, Mr. John, possessor of the
MS. of Gray’s Journal in France, i.
XVii., 236.

Murray, William, Solicitor-General, and
Lord Balmerino, ii. 142

INDEX,

Musgrave, J., his verses on the death.
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii
119.

Music, Mason’s Essays on Church, ii. 242.

Music, MS8., enumeration of the valu-
able collection made by Gray in
Italy, and sold at Mitford’s sale,
iii. 164.

Musical composition, English language
not adapted to, iii. 158.

Expression, Avison’s Essay on, iii.
242.
glasses, see Glasses, water, iii. 125.

Nares, Archdeacon, his opinion of
Lady Hervey, iii. 62.

Natural history, Gray’s keen observa-
tions in, iii. 383.

Needham, Mr., tutor to Lord Gormans-
town, his discovery and interpreta-
tion ofan ancientinscription, iii. 85.

Netley Abbey, references to and de-
scription of, ii. 266; iii. 177-178,
180.

Nevelois, Jean li, his poem of La Vie
ad’ Alexandre, i. 357.

Neville, F., his verses on the death of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.

Neville, Thomas, of Jesus College,
Gray shows him the Bard, ii. 314.

biographical note on, ii. 314.

Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
li. 320.

he and the old musicians do not
appreciate Carlo Bach, iii. 164.

New Bath Guide, by C. Anstey, iii. 240,
245.

Newcastle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit,
lii. 281.

Newcastle, Duke of, his journal going
to Hanover, one of the lost pieces
of Gray, i. 142.

installation as Chancellor of Cam-
bridge University, ii. 195.

laying a foundation-stone at Cam-
bridge, and Gray’s desire to avoid
him, 11. 259.

probable interest on behalf of Mr.
Addison, ii. 288.

called by Gray the fizzling Duke, and
by Dr. Warner Hubble-bubble, ii.
368.

probable visit to Cambridge to open
a new library, ii. 368.

Gray does not stay to receive him at
Cambridge, ii. 370.

his remark to Bishop Yonge, ii. 371.

effect = his sister’s death upon the,
11, 40

Ξε

INDEX.

Newcastle, Duke of, attends divine ser-
vice since the death of his sister,
Lady Castlecomer, iii. 3.

his fear of spirits, iii. 3.

Lord Holland’s character of, iii. 42.

Gray calls Cambridge “old Fobus’s
owl’s nest,” iii. 45.

reference to, as Fobus, ii. 353 ; iii. 50,
63, 76, 105.

talks of resigning, iii. 76.

references to, ii. 193, 204.

Newcombe, Dr. John, Master of St.
John’s College and Dean of
Rochester, his death and _ bio-
graphical note, iii. 189.

Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
ii. 320.
Miss Kirke and Richard Beadon his
executors, ili. 189.
New Legation, by Dr. Warburton, ii.
369.

Newmarket, tapestry of the marriage
of Henry VI. in the Red Lion Inn
at, iii. 807.

Gray and the King of Denmark at,
iii. 330.
Duke of Cumberland at, iii. 66.

Newnham, Lord, in ill health, 111, 224 ;
see also Nuneham.

Newspapers in London of 1761, iii. 123.

Newton appointed Bishop of Bristol
and residentiary of St. Paul’s, iii.
105,

offered the Archbishopric of Armagh,
iii. 201.

Niccolina (opera singer), her justness
of ear, vivacity and variety of ges-
ture, iii. 157,

her victory over a prejudiced audi-
ence, iii, 157.

Nicholls, Dr., expelled from Cambridge
for stealing books, iii. 245.

Nicholls’s, Rev. Norton, verses on birds
composed in his hearing, i. 139.

thanks Gray for Mason’s hospitality
αὖ York, iii. 191.

illness and recovery of his mother,
iii. 238.

at Studley, iii. 240.

Gray’s letter of sympathy on loss of
his uncle, Governor Floyer, iii. 248.

his probable succession of Dr. Rid-
lington, iii. 254.

advice as to obtaining occupation,
and his interim acceptance of a
curacy, iii. 254,

presented by his uncles to the
rectories of Sound and Bradwell,
Suffolk, iii. 260.

rents a seat at Blundeston, iii. 260.

379

Nicholls, Rev. Norton, Gray congratu-
lates him on his rectory, iii. 284.
Gray advises him as the mediator
between Lord Lisburne and Mr,
Temple, iii. 287-289, 332-333.
Gray’s opinion of-the dispute, iii.
302-303.
offered a travelling companionship
by Mr. Barrett, iii. 324.
invitation and acceptance to visit
Cambridge, iii. 330, 337, 382-383.
congratulated by Gray on having a
garden, ii. 342.
agrees to visit Wales with Gray in
the summer of 1770, iii. 363.
invited by Gray to go a tour in mid-
land counties, iii, 375.
accompanies Gray thither, iii. 380.
Gray advises him of the French
classics, iii. 389.
intention to visit Bonstetten in
Switzerland, iii. 394.
urged to curb Bonstetten by his
counsel, iii. 401.
Gray asks for minute details of his
travels, iii. 406.
his MS. Recollections of Gray, in the
possession of Mr. John Morris, iv.
343.
Mr. John Morris possesses Gray’s
MS. letters to, iv. 340.
Niflheimr, the hell of Gothic nations,
1. Oh
Niphausen mentions that the King of
Prussia will issue an account of
his campaign, ii. 372.
Noble, Mr., reference to, ii. 294.
Nonius, Marcellus, his couplet on a
dimple, ii. 113.
ee an Ode (Ode on the Spring),

Norden, Frederick Ludvig, his Voyage
a’ Egypte et de Nubie, ii. 194; iii.
tutor to Count Daniskiold, ii, 194.
Norfolk, History of, reference to Blome-
field's, ii. 377.
Norman architecture, see Architecture.
Norris, Thomas, soprano, took part in
the Installation Ode, iii. 848,
Northamptonshire, crops later than
in Buckinghamshire, ii. 258.
Northington, Earl] of (Lord Chancellor),
gives a sinecure to Mason, iii. 139.
Norton, Sir Fletcher, Solicitor-General,
political opponents shrink under
his brazen hand, iii. 172.
anecdote of his parsimony, iii. 176.
Notredame, Jean de, reference to his
a es of the Pr ovencal Poets, i.
36

380 INDEX.

Nourse, Peter, of St. John’s College,
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
ii. 320.
ΤῊΝ Acta Eruditorwm, reference to, ii.
94

November 5th, Latin poem on, i. 167.
Nugent, Robert Craggs, Earl, his
elegiac verse, ii. 180.
his Ode to Pulteney, ii. 220.
Nuneham, Lord, Gray’s opinion of, ii.
Ω

sent by Stonehewer to Gray, ii. 310.
his appearance and conversation, ii.
310.

reference to, ii. 328.
Nunziata, Zoto del, painter, i. 320.

Obscurity and Oblivion, two Odes in
ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii. 41,

53.
Occleve, his portrait of Chaucer, i.
395-306.
Ode in the Greek manner, see Progress
of Poetry, i. 28.
Ode (to his embryo muse), i. 205-207.
editorial note on, 205.
Odes, the Pindaric (The Fatal Sisters
and The Descent of Odin), reason
for the notes to, iii. 289-290.
Odes, printed by Walpole and pub-
lished by Dodsley, ii. 319, 321, 322.
public opinion on, ii. 323-326.
admired by Garrick and Warburton,
iit 325:
Gray received forty guineas for, ii.
330

slow sale of, iii. 53.
meant to be vocal to the intelligent
alone, iii. 148.
Odikle, Gray’s nickname for The Bard,
i. 40.
Odin, The Descent of, an Ode, i. 59.
editorial note on, i. 60.
Ogden, Dr., his quarrel at the Com-
mons, 111. 63.
his estimation of the Rev. Mr. Lud-
lam, iii. 144.
candidate for Mastership of St.
John’s, iii. 190.
Oliffe, Mrs., Gray’s aunt, ii. 383.
joint executor with Gray to Mrs.
Rogers, ii. 384.
reference to, ili. 375.
Olynpiade, the opera of, ii. 133.
Ombre, a game played in. Turin, ii. 44.
Onley, Charles, Fellow of Pembroke
College, Gray suggests him as tutor
to the nephew of Lord John Caven-
dish, iii. 58.

Onley, Charles, agrees to become tutor
to young Ponsonby, iii. 67.
Onslow, Mr. (the Speaker’s son), Groom
of the Bedchamber, 11, 290.
Opera house, popularity in 1761, iii. 80.
success maintained by a few par-
ticular voices rather than by
genuine love for Italian music, iil.
157.
opens with Manzuoli, iii. 181.
Opera in Paris (1739), account of, ii.
21-22, 56.
Oroonoko, tragedy by T. Southerne, ii.
11.

Orthography of the text, i. xvi.

Osborn, reference to, iii. 69.

Ossian, Poems of, see Erse and Mac-
Pherson.

Otfrid of Weisenburgh, his paraphrase
of the Gospels in rhyme, i. 363.

quotation from, i. 363.

Ottava Rima Measure, its introduc-
tion, i. 347.

Ottoboni, Cardinal Pietro, death of, ii.
63

Owen, The Triumphs of, a fragment, i. 67.
Owl. Gray keeps one, and compares
it to himself, ii. 369.

PAGANINI, Signora, her appearance in
burlettas, iii. 77.

Gray delighted with her excellence,
iii. 81.

Painted glass, see Glass.

Painters, Gray's Essay to Walpole on his
Lives of the, i. 303-321.

MS. of the Essay possessed by Mr.
Morris, iv. 340.

Painting and sculpture ; hard to say
why they have made no advance
in England, iii. 158.

Paintings, Gray’s table of subjects,
suitable for the style of various old
masters, ili. 194-197.

Palgrave, Rev. William,
borough, ii. 378.

Fellow of Pembroke College, and
rector of Palgrave and Thrande-
ston, ii. 379.

Gray writes him a facetious letter
enquiring about his Scotch tour,
11. 379.

entertains Rev. J. Brown, iii. 38.

his MS. diaries, tii. 70.

at Geneva, and travelling through
Switzerland, iii. 174.

Gray gives him detailed advice of the
places he should visit in France
and Italy, iii. 193-196.

at Scar-

ΑΕ

INDEX.

' Palgrave, Rey. William, his return, iii.
208

visits Glamis and Newby, iii. 256-
257, 258.

going to Ranelagh and the opera, iii.
268.

connections of his family, iii. 284.
his elder brother, who took the name
of Sayer, dangerously ill, iii. 284.
the strange casualties of his house-
hold, iii. 882.
Palma, old, remarks on his skill as a
painter, ii. 389.
Pamfilio, Prince, his palace at Rome,
ii. 97.
Pandore, description of its representa-
tion, ii. 21.
Panmure, Lord, reference to, and Tom
Lyon, iii. 257.
ee Gray’s high opinion of, iii.

Paper from silk rags, iii. 40.

Paraphrases from Petrarca, by Gray, i.
194; from Anthologia Greca, i.
195-202.

Paris, Alexandre de, his poem of the
Roman d’Alexandre, i. 357.

Paris, Dr. Ayrton, relates the manner
in which the College of Surgeons
obtained Hunter’s Museun, ii. 68.

Park Place, near Henley, residence of
General Conway and Lady Ailes-
bury, ii. 42.

Parker, Mr., lord of the manor of
Ingleton, i. 275.

Parmegiano’s picture of Moses fur-
nishes a model for Gray's Bard, ii.
818.

Parnell Remains, the dunghill of Irish
Grub Street, ii. 372.

Parody on an epitaph, i. 140.

editorial note on, i. 140.
Parrs, peeve of the, in Kendal church,

ΤῸΝ John, blind harper, his concert
- inspired Gray to finish the Bard,
i. 40.
visits Cambridge, ii. 312.
father of John Parry, A.R.A., ii. 812.
Parthenay, Des Roches de, his trans-
lation of Norden’s Travels in
Egypt, ii. 194.
πῦρ; a > gig to his Recherches, i.
332, 3
Passerat, ssa poet, reference to, i
41,

Patrizii, Count, great ball given at
Rome by, ii. 84.

Patterson, Mrs., friend of Dr. T. Whar-
ton’s, ii. 359.

381

Pattinson, see Mrs. Forster.

Pausanias, a tragedy, by R. West, ii. 103.

Payne, Mrs., a friend of Dr. Τὶ Whar-
ton’s, ii. 359.

Pearce, Zachary, Bishop of Rochester,
his confusion at coronation of
George III., iii, 113.

note on, iii. 113.

Peck, Fellow of Trinity College, iii. 324.

Peele, Theophilus, of Cambridge, refer-
ence to, ii. 155.

interests himself on behalf of C.
Smart, ii. 178.

settlement of his dispute with Dr.
Long, ii. 18S.

Pembroke and Montgomery, Epitaph
on Anne, Countess of, i. 278.

MS. sketch of her life by her Secre-
tary, i. 279.
Pembroke College, founded by Mary
de Valentia, i. 95; ii. 280.
possesses MS. of Ode on the Spring,
i. 2 ; Ode on the death of a favourite
Cat, i. 10; Distant Prospect of Eton
College, i. 16; Hymn to Adversity, i.
24; The Fatal Sisters, i. 52; Ilegy
written ina Churchyard, i. 72; A
Long Story, i. 82: Sonnet on "the
death of Richard West, i. 110; by
Stonehewer of Gray’s Pleasures
Srom Vicissitude, i. 123 ; A Song, i.

138.
The Bard, finished at, i. 40.
comic lines written at, i. 138.
facetious description of the settle-
ment of a dispute at, ii. 188.
Gray becomes a resident of, ii. 279.
Gray’s description of, iii. 150.
Pembroke, Henry, Earl of, deserts his
wife and elopes with Kitty Hunter,
lii. 132.
Penn, Mr., his residence at Stoke, i. 83.
Perch, receipt to dress, 1. 263-264.
Peregrine Pickle, Smollett’s, ii. 214.
sig γοω Giambattista, his songs, ii.
188,

Ricciarelli sings his Stabat Mater, ii.
282.

reference to his airs, iii. 157.
Gray has a mass of his compositions,
all divinity, iii. 163.
Gray’s admiration of his composi-
tions, iii. 164,
his Salve Regina performed at the
Haymarket, 1740, iii. 164.
Walpole’s error that Gray introduced
his works, iii. 164.
Perrot, Lord, and the Assizes, iii. 281.
Peru, natural history of, in Spanish,
ii. 195.

382

Pescetti, Giambattista, operatic com-
poser, ii. 133.

Peterborough, visited by Gray, ii. 366.

Peterborough, Lord, story of his bar-
gaining for a canary in Pall Mall,
li. 100-101.

Peterhouse College, The Bard com-
menced at, i. 40.

Hymn to Ignorance, written at, i. 111.

use of iron bar in Gray’s window at,
Hs 27s

Gray quits it for Pembroke College,
li. 279.

humorous description of its quad-
rangle, ii. 14.

Petrarch, L’ Abbé de Sade Mémoires
pour la Vie de Francois Petrarque,
Gray has been reading, iii. 236.

Peyriere, Baronne de la, iii. 127.

““Ministress at London,” iii. 236.
become a Catholic, iii. 236.
her pets, 111. 236.

Phelps, Mr., about to issue an account
of Sicily, iii. 85.

Philips and Smith, reference to, ap-
pearing in the same volume, i. 212.

Philosophe Marié, the comedy of, i. 23.

Philosopher, endowments necessary to
form. a, iii. 361.

. Philosophie Dictionary of Voltaire,
reference to, iii. 187.

Philosophy, Gray’s vindication of, ii.
167.

Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, Essay

on the, i. 286.

published on Mason’s authority, i.
286.

influence of Conyers Middleton ap-
parent in, i. 286.

Piazza, Hieronimo Bartolomeo, Gray’s
Italian master, ii. 3.

Pictures, first exhibition of, iii. 65.

Pilkington, Mrs. Leetitia, and Cibber,
ii. 169.

her memoirs, ii. 169.

Pinkerton, John, his forgery of the
second part of Hardicanute, con-
fessed in the Maitland Poems, iii. 46.

Pitt, the elder, afterwards Earl of
Chatham, paymaster of the forces,
his dismissal, ii. 273.

Secretary of State, ii. 292.

ill of the gout, ii. 292.

sold his inestimable diamond for a
peerage, ili. 84.

his popularity tottering, iii. 91.

and the Spanish quarrel, iii. 116.

publication of his negotiations with
the French, iii. 122.

his resignation, iii. 123.

INDEX,

Pitt, the elder, complains of the in-
glorious peace, iii. 137.

styled by Count Algarotti ‘‘ Resitu-
tor d’Inghilterre,” iii. 151.

inclination to injure his fame, iii. 167.

report that he lies dangerously ill,
11, 203.

‘when he is gone, allis gone,” iii.203.

speaks for three and a half hours on
the rights of the colonies, iii. 234.

Gray laments his acceptance of a
peerage, iii. 243.

breach with Lord Temple, iii. 243.

his restored popularity, iii. 246.

everything is in Lord Chatham’s
breast, iii. 255.

mending slowly in health, iii. 270.

Pitt, J. (Lord Camelford), his story
of Lady M. Wortley Montagu, iii.
99-100.

Pitt, Thomas, afterwards Lord Came]l-
ford; did he write Melpomene?
li. 338.

proposes to meet Mr. Palgrave at
Glamis, ii. 378.

about to marry Miss Wilkinson and
£30,000, iii. 406.

Pitt, Mr. (the little), goes with Lord
Kinnoul by sea round Spain to
Italy, iii. 27.

his return, iii. 85.

his letter to Gray on his travels, iii.98.

Pitt, Mrs. Anne, receives a pension of
£500 a year, iii. 78.

Plato, notes on, iv.

Play exercise at Eton, i. 163-165.

printed from Stonehewer collection,
i. 163.

Pleasures of Imagination, criticism of,
ii. 120-121.

Plummer, Mr., reference to, ii. 239.

Plumptre, Dr. Robert, sits for his por-
trait to Benj. Wilson, iii. 16.

biographical note, iij. 16.

Pocock, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ossory
and Meath, reference to, iii. 2. .
Poems, statement of the source of the

present text, i. xXlii.-xiv.

Gray agrees to the Glasgow edition
in deference to Dr. Beattie, ili. 285-
287.

Poésies, Gresset’s, ii. 186.

Poetic license, Gray advocates, i. 397.

Poetical Rondeaw attributed to Gray,
i. 208.

Poet laureate, Gray’s opinion of the
office, ii. 344-345.

hitherto humbled the professor, ii.345.

Poets, a fig for those who have not
been among the mountains, iii. 223.

SSS ζὉ..-ΟΘϑΘϑ . .Κ.νϑ 6-Κ Κι-.0Θ0εϑῈ-.-..

Bite ory

INDEX.

Poetry, reference to Puttenham’s Art
of, i. 829, 330, 331.
reference to Ronsard’s Art of, i. 332.
Poetry, the language of the age never
the language of, ii. 108.

possesses a language peculiar to it-
self, ii. 108.

use of the Strophe and Anti-strophe,
ii. 263,

the Lyric style in contrast to the
Epic, ii. 304-305.

nature of the Lyric, ii. 352-353.

Gray’s faculty by no means volun-
tary, but the result of a certain
disposition of mind, ii. 366.

Gray does not know a Scotchman of
his own period who could read,
much less write, iii. 56.

what its production implies, iii. 156.

Gray once contemplated a history of
English; sketch of his design, iii.
865-367.

Poland, King of, and the King of
Prussia, ii. 291.

commissions Count Algarotti to pur-
chase pictures, iii. 307.

Political affairs, Gray ashamed of his
country, iii. 166.

nation in the same hands as the uni-
versity, iii. 172.

resembles first years of Charles I.’s
time, iii. 172.

reference to, iii. 204.

condition of, in March, 1766, iii. 233-
234.

Polymetis, by Joseph Spence, ii. 170.

Pompey’s villa, ii. 78.

Pompey the Little, history of; or, The
Life and Adventures of a Lap Dog,
ii. 214.

Pond, Mr., frontispieces supplied by,
i. 212.

Ponsonby, William, Lord, his son,iii.57.

Pope, Alexander, his Ode en St. Cecilia's

Day compared with Dryden’s, i. 36.

his license of language in poetry, ii.

108.

his defence by Warburton, ii. 131.

Odyssey, Essay on, by J. Spence, ii.170.

Duchess of Queensberry his friend,

lif S72.
Pope Benedict XIV., his election, de-
scription of his person, ii. 93, 98.
Pope Clement XII., death of, i. 63.
Porte, Memoires de M. de la, Gray re-
commends, ii. 291.
Portia, Cardinal, death of, ii. 84.
Portland, William, second Duke of, his
eldest daughter marries Lord Wey-
mouth, ii. 395.

383

Porto Bello, capitulation of, ii. 70.
Portraits, Gray considers it strange
that they should be preferred to
contemporary descriptions, iii. 24.
Portsdown Hills, description of the
view from the, ii. 265.
Portugal, King of, seizes conspirators
at Lisbon, ii. 392.
and Tavora family, ii. 392-396.
Post-chaises in France, description of
(17389), ii. 17.
Posthumous Poems, i. 99-142.
editorial note on, i. 100.
note on, i. 142.
Potter, Archbishop, his proviso, ii. 240.
Pottinger, Richard, reference to, iii.
41

Pouilly, Mons. Levesque de, i. 239.

Powell, William Samuel, Master of St.
John’s College, his candidature,
lii. 190.

has the Duke of Newcastle’s support,
iii. 191.
note on, iii. 190.

Powis, Lord, has 100 copies of the Life
of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, iii.
173.

Prayer, Treatise on, ii. 217.

Prendergast, Sir Thomas, insulted by
an Irish mob, iii. 26.

Pretender, The, James Edward (Le
Chevalier St. George), ii. 68.

English correspondence pass through
his hands before leaving Rome, ii.
68.

and his family present at a_ ball
given by Count Patrizii, ii. 160-88.

and the Grand Chancellorship at
Rome, ii. 94.

his relations with English society in
Rome, ii. 187.

Prevést Abbé, Antoine
d’Exiles, ii. 21.

biographical note on, ii. 21.

Price, Mr., glass painter of Hatton
Garden, ili. 102.

worked at the windows of West-
minster Abbey, iii. 102;

Pricket, Dr. Marmaduke, death of, ii.
244,

Pride a sign of folly, ii. 246.

Prince of Wales to have £40,000 a
year (1756), ii. 290.

Prince Edward £5000 a year, ii. 290.

Pringle, Dr. Sir J., medical adviser
of H. Walpole and Dr. J. Brown,
iii. 250.

attends the Prince of Wales, iii. 256.

Pritchard, Mrs., and Delap’s Hecuba,

iii. 128.

Frangois,

384 INDEX.

Professorship of Modern History, Gray Queen’s College, founded by Margaret

would not ask for it, not choosing of Anjou, i. 95.

to be refused, iii. 21. added to by Elizabeth, Queen of
Gray’s name suggested to Lord Bute Edward IV., i. 95.

but refused, iii. 136-137. Queen's Hermitage, The, of Matthew

succession to Shallet Turner, iii. | Queensberry, Duchess of, her quarrel

136.
MS. note of Gray relative to Dela-
val’s candidature, iii. 140.
Gray succeeds Brockett, iii. 318.
Progress of Poesy, The, i. 27.
editorial note on, i. 28.
its composition delayed by a remark
of Mason, ii. 111.
submitted to Dr. Wharton, ii. 260.
aversion to its separate publication,
li. 262.
Pronunciation, variation between the
time of Gray and of Lydgate, i. 393.
Propertius, translations from, i. viii.,
151-157.
printed from original MS.., i. 144.
sent by Gray to R. West, ii. 111.

with Duchess of Marlborough, ii.
133.
condemns by advertisement a spuri-
ous edition of the Jast seven
years of Earl Clarendon’s Life,
and notifies her early issue of his
biography, ii. 372.
friend of Pope and protector of Gay,
11, 372.
her eccentricities, ii. 372.
Quinault, Jeanne Frangoise, French
actress, ii. 23.
Quintilius Varus, his Piscina at
Tivoli, ii. 74.

Rasy Caste, Leland’s Account of, iii.

influence of the style of Scaliger on, 294-295.
At. gL, Racine’s Britannicus, quotation from,
Prophecy (see The Bard), fragment sent ii. 167.

to Stonehewer, ii. 268.

Prose as-well as verse should have its
rhythm, i. 314.

Prose, Gray’s posthumous, i. xiv.

Provengal poetry, i. 367.

Prowse, Mr., refused the post office,
iii. 256.

Prussia, King of, see Frederick.

Public life, obligations incumbent on
one desiring to attain position in,

and reference to, ii. 233.

Radnor, Lord, Gray advises Wharton
to see the house of, ii. 253.

Ramsay, Mr., Gray’s tenant in Corn-
hill, iii. 208.

Ramsden, Mr., optician, iii. 373.

Ramsgate, account of, and Sir. E.
Brydges’s anecdote of Gray at, iii.
263.

conferred on Lawrence Brockett, in Green, ii. 222.
ke Mr. (King’s Surgeon), Duke of

ii. 88. Cumberland sends for and then
Puisieux, Marquis de, his house at countermands the attendance of,

Sillery, i. 239. ii. 321.

Pulpit, Gray’s opinion of oratory in, | Randall, Dr. John, and the Installation

since the Revolution, iii. 81. Ode, i. 92.

Pulteney, Earl Nugent’s Ode to, ii. 220. composed the music for the Ode, iii.
Puppet- Show, Rappresentazione duv 343.
anima dannata, ii. 44. Ranelagh Gardens, non-success, ii. 125.
the Italian, the reigning diversion,| reference to, ii. 134.

111. 356. Raphaél, his vision of Ezekiel, i. 42.
Purt, Rev.-Robert, M.A., i. 85. figure of God in the vision of Ezekiel
Puttenham’s Art of Poetry, quotation furnished Gray with a model for

from, i. 329. his Bard, ii. 313.

and Lord Surrey, i, 334. ference to, i. 341.
mistakenas to Riding Ryme, i. 335-337. | Ratcliffe, Mr., brother to Earl of Der-
wentwater, his execution, ii. 108.
Reed, Isaac, his note concerning the
quarrel between Gray and Walpole,

his influence on Sir Thomas bike! Rapin, Nicholas, French writer, re-

QuEBEC, compared to Richmond Hill,

iii. 84. ae ee
siege of, by the French, iii. 44-45. | Reinholt, Charles Frederick, popular
alarm concerning, conduct of General bass singer, sung in the Installation

Murray, iii. 51. Ode, iii. 343.

INDEX,

Religion of Nature Delineated, by Wol-

laston, i. 290.

Rhyme, Observations on the use of,
i. 376-380.

examples of the most ancient rhymes
in our tongue, i. 376-379.

children educated at St. Gall in
10th century taught to write Latin
rhyme, i. 379.

opinion of the rhyming epitaphs
at Canterbury, i. 379-380.

Additional observations from the
Cambri of Gray, i. 381-386.

ancient names of the Welch, i. 381.

prosodia of the Welch grammar the |

harmony of the Druidical compo-
tions, i. 381 ia

“Secret of the Poets,” i. 382-383.

probability of the English borrow-
ing their rhyme from the Britons,
i. 383-385.

—- that the Franks obtained
theirrhyme from this country,i.385.

rhyme preserved by the common

385

Table showing the period of the in-
troduction of rhyme into various
countries, i. 371.

Provengals believed to have bor-
rowed the art of rhyme from the
Latin rather than from the Arabs
or Franks, i. 371-373.

first appearance of rhyming verses
in Latin epitaphs, etc., i. 372.

Latin rhyme, i. 373.

Leonine verse, i. 373; its supposed
origin, i. 373-375.

Leonimetes rhyme, i. 374.

Rima alla Provenzale, or verse-rhym-
ing in the middle in place of the
end, i. 373,

Rhyme of Bernard of Cluny in®his
Ἐν" De Contemptu Mundi, i. 374-
375

instance of mixture of different
languages in old composition, i,

Ricciarelli, announced to sing the

Stabat Mater of Pergolesi, ii. 282.
description of his powers, ii. 282.

Richardson, Jonathan, the elder, the
painter, iii. 81.
Gray sits to him forhis portrait, iii.81.
Richmond and Derby, Countess of,
mother of Henry VII., foundress
of St. John’s College, i. 96,
Margaret, portrait of, i. 310.
Richmond, Dr. Richard, Bishop of
Soder and Man, chaplain to the
Duke of Athol, iii. 257.
Ridley, Mr., contributes to Dodsley’s
Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221.
Ridlington, Dr., Professor of Civil
Law, his recovery from dropsy,
iii. 188-189.
gone to Nice, iii. 208.
notes on, iii. 208, 254.
Rigby, Gloster, with Duke of Bedford
in Cambridge, ii. 309, 311.
escape of, from an Irish mob, iii. 26.
likely to be one of a new ministry,
iii. 153.
to move the expulsion of Wilkes,
iii. 332.
Rinuccini, Marquis, visits London, ii.

people, i. 886.

Rhyming, greater facility of the ancient
poets for, i. 395.

Rhythmus, Observations on the Pseu-
do-, i. 8361-375.

ancient rhyme of the Emperor
Adrian, i. 361.

ancient rhyme of the Welch, i. 361.

Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its harmony
consisting in alliteration, i. 362.

Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its harmony
similarly practised by the Danes,
i. 362.

Anglo-Saxon and the Franco-Theo-
tische languages originally the
same, i. 364.

earliest extant Romaun or old French
verses, i. 364.

earliest Provencal writers, i. 364.

earliest Sicilian poets, i. 365.

earliest English rhyme, i. 365.

German rhyme the oldest extant, i.

365.

Walafrid Strabo and his contem-
porary writers call themselves Bar-
bari, i. 365.

period of Provengal poetry, i. 367.

period of Sicilian poetry, 367. Antiquities of Athens, ii. 283.

late retention of the old Saxon or! Robbery, liability in London to, iii. 14.
Danish verse without rhyme, i. 368. | Roberts, Mr., of the Pell Office, relates

Language of the Gauls, i. 369. the cause of the quarrel between

the various dialects of the Romaun, | Gray and Walpole, ii. 124.
Rustica, Romana, Provencal, Va-| Roberts, Rev. Mr., translated and pub-
lonne, and the Langue Romande, i lished Gray’s Elegy in Latin, i.

257.

369.
20

finest in any language, i. 381.

Rivett, ‘Nicholas, his work among the

VOL. IV.

386 INDEX.

Roberts’s, Gray asks Mason to procure |Roman Senate, Chapman's Essay on the,
him lodgings at, ii. 251, 284. ii. 163.

Robertson, Dr. William, author of Life |Romances, purpose of, i. 338,
of Charles V., Gray sups with him, | Romans, foundation of their religion,

iii. 209. ii. 173.
History of Mary Stuart and her Son, | Ronsard’s Art of Poetry, reference to,
li. 396 i. 833.

Robinson, Rev. Wm., Impromptu on aii “ig i his opinion of The Odes,
Lord Holland's house, written by
Gray at his rectory of Denton, i. Rise: ‘Sond Bishop of eet ii, 193,

185. his Epistles of Tully, ii. 193.
at Cambridge, ii. 163. Ross, Mr., of Cambridge, reference to,
biographical note on, iii. 15. ii, 232-233.

Gray makes a list of wild plants Ross, Mr., murder of, iii. 339.
native to the neighbourhood of Ross, Dr., "obtains the living of Frome,

Denton, iii. 15. iii. 32.
his marriage to Miss Richardson, iii.| Gray remembers his kind invitation
57, 63. and in better days hopes to accept
proceeds to Naples for his honey- it, iii. 161.
moon, iii. 57. his contentment, ili. 161.
- Gray hopes to see him in many new| said tobe made Dean of Ely, iii.335,337.
lights, iii, 161. succeeds Dr. Law as prebend of Dur-
Gray hopes to be better known to ham, iii. 338.
- Mrs. Robinson, iii. 162. Rousseau, his characters do not inter-
visited by Gray at Denton, iii. 237, est Gray, ii. 329.
242. Gray has not seen, ii. 389,
description of Mrs. Robinson, iii. 265.| his Nowvelle Heloise, Walter Savage
Robinson of Faseley, his house in Killie- Landor on, iii. 79; Mason and
erankie Pass, ili. 218. Hurd admire it, iii. 83.
Rochefort, unsuccessful expedition on,| everybody that has children should
li. 34 2. read his Emile, iii. 151.
Rodney, Admiral, his bombardment of| Gray sets his religious discourses at
Havre, ii. 402, nought, ili. 152.

Roger, Archbishop. of York, founder} resides near Neufchatel, iii. 174.
of St. Sepulchre’s Chapel, iii. 140-| publishes at the Hague and realises
142. considerable sums, iii. 174.
Rogers, Jonathan, uncle to Gray, Ode| venerated by the people of his dis-
5 Spring written at his house, trict, 111, 174.
ΩΝ his Lettres de ia Montagne, except the
Contrat Social, of the dullest, iii.
187-188, 192.
in Derbyshire with Mr. Davenport,
111. 248,
quarrels with David Hume, iii. 248,
quits England, iii. 271.
writes letters to the Lord Chancellor
and Mr. Conway, iii. 271.
Voltaire’s Guerre de Geneve a satire

his funeral, i. 72.
Rogers, Mrs. Jonathan, receives a
paralytic stroke, ii. 245, 250.
her illness, ii. 366, 377, 381.
recovers her speech after years of
unintelligibleness, ii, 382.
her death, ii. 383.
reference to, ii. 185.
Rogers, Samuel, gave eighteen guineas

for a letter of Gray’s from the on, iii 271.
Bindley and Reed collections, ii. | Rovezzano, Beneditto da, painter and
344, architect, i. 320.

Roi, Histoire du Cabinet du, by Buffon | Rowe, Mrs., letters of the dead to the
and D’Aubenton, ii. 199. living, ii. 6.

Rolfe, Mr. Wm.J., of Cambridge, Mass., | Rowe, Nicholas, poet laureate, his
1. XVils flowers of eloquence, ii. 167.

Rolle, Mr., contributes to Dodsley’s| reference to, i. 345.
Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221. origin of his ballad of Colin's Com-

Romaine, Archbishop of York, built plaint, li. 367.
- north transept of York Minster, | | Rowley, Mr., insulted by an Irish
iii, 146, mob, 111, 26.

INDEX.

Royal family, their frequent visits in
society, iii. 89.

Royston, Lord (second Earl of Hard-
wick), his State Papers, iii. 6.

Russia, Account of, by Lord Whitworth,
printed at Walpole’s Twickenham
press, ii. 373.

MS. purchased from Mr. Zolman’s
library and given by R. O. Cam-
bridge, Esq., ii. 373.

Rutherford, Dr. Thomas,
tician, 11, 163,

-eandidate for the Mastership of St.
John’s, iii. 190.

Rutherford, Mrs., her opinion of
Mason’s Elegy V., iii. 139.

mathema-

Sackvituie, Lord George, his conduct
at Minden, iii. 8.
arrival in England,
court-martial, iii. 14.
reference to, iii. 25.
Law-officers declare him amenable to
court-martial, iii. 28.
his trial and demeanour: the result,
iii. 31, 84, 35.
Sade, Abbé, his Petrarch, iii. 235.
St. Andre, Dr. Nathaniel, who married
Lady Betty Molyneux, resides at
Southampton, iii. 175-176.
Augustine, hymn of, its rhyme, i.
801.

anticipates

St.
St.
St.

Bruno, his retirement at Char-

treuse, ii. 36, 45.

Cecilia’s Day, remarks on Dryden’s

Ode on, i. 36.

bmw s Ode compared with Pope’s,
36.

St. Cloit, Pierre de, his joint poem of
La Vie d@ Alexandre, i. 357.

St. Francis, his early attempt to write
an ode without rhyme, i. 344.

St. Germain, Count, ex-French general,
his visit to England, iii. 50-51.

St. Giles, broad, reference to, iii. 4.

St. Helen’s, Fitzherbert, Lord, his
recollections of Gray and the great
respect held for the poet at the
university, iii. 385.

a pensioner of St. John’s College, iii.
384.
biographical note of, iii. 385.

St. John’s College, Cambridge, founded
by the Countess of Richmond, i.
96 ; her portrait in, i. 310.

portraits in library, i. 310-311,
St. ee Life of, its age and style,
35

quotation from, i. 366,

387

St. Sepulchre’s Chapel, York Minster,
Gray’s attempt to identify its site,
iii. 140-144,
Salisbury music-meetings, reference
to, ili. 848,
Sandby, Paul, R.A., exhibits at the
first exhibition of artists, iii. 65.
biographical note, ili. 65.
preparing agreat picture of Snowdon.
iii, 65, 68.
Sandwich, John, Earl of, squib on, i.
131

his remark to Cradock on Gray’s
aversion to himself, i. 181.

his boyish days, ii. 115.

and the High Stewardship of Cam-
bridge, iii. 168,

Dr. Brook, Mr. Brockett, and Dr.
Long, his agents, 11], 168-171.

hires a scribbler to write a weekly
paper, the Serutator, iii. 171.

whatever seems against him is popu-
lar, iii. 201.

engages the Bishop of Chester’s in-
terest, ili. 201. =

joint postmaster, iii. 294.

Sangallo, Bastiano Aristotile da, paint-
er, i. 820.

Sapphic Ode, i. 174-176.

Sardinian Ambassador’s chapel and
stables in Lincoln’s Inn Fields
burnt, 111. 22.

marriage of his son to Miss Speed,
11. 88,

Satire upon the Heads; or never a barrel

the better herring, i. 134.
editorial note on, i. 134.

Satyrical prints, their popularity, circa
1746, ii. 134.

come ae Princess of, reference to,
iii. 70.

Saxon Architecture, see Architecture.

Sayer, Mr., elder brother of Mr. Pal-
grave, reference to, iii. 284,

Sealiger, Julius Cesar, The Propertius
of Gray influenced by the writings
of, ii. 112.

Sceptic, a professed, can only be
— by his present passions, iii.
378.

Schaub, Lady, i. 82.

Schoolmistress, Wm. Shenstone’s poem
of the, ii. 219.

Scotch, Character of the, lost piece by
Gray, i. 142.

Scotland, Gray about to accompany
Lord Strathmore and Thomas
Lyon to, iii. 208.

journey from Hetton to Glamis, iii.
209-210.

388

Scotland, considers its scenery sub-

lime, iii. 219.

returned charmed with the High-

lands, iii. 223.

Italy can hardly excel its scenery,

iii. 223.

Gray will certainly go again, iii.

224.

a country that gave him much plea-

sure, ili. 279.

Gray’s first visit to, iv. 343.

MS. of his journey in the possession
of Mr. John Morris, iv. 342.
reference to places mentioned by

Gray in :—

Arbroath, visit to, iii. 219.

Blair of Athol, ‘proposes to visit,
iii. 220.

Braidalbane’s, Lord, description of
his estate, iii. 216-217.

Dunkeld, its ruined cathedral, iii.
215.

house of Duke of Athol, where
Gray stayed, iii. 215.

road from, to Inverness, beauty
of, 111. 218.

Edinburgh, visit to the principal
sights, iii. 209.

dreads it and the itch, iii. 219.

Fingal, tomb of, iii. 216.

Forfar, Lord Strathmore engaged
in draining the lake of, by
widening the little river
Deane, iii. 212.

Glames, town built of stone and
slated, iii. 211.

castle, its position, approach,
etc., ili. 210-213.
its nurseries, iii. 213.
Killiecrankie, Pass of, iii. 218.
Mr. Robinson’s house at foot of,
iii. 218.

Loch Tay, beauties of, 111. 216.

Megill, story of Queen Wanders
buried there, iii. 214,

Perth, stay at, iii. 210.

Strathmore, valley of, iii. 210.

Strath-Tay, beauty of, iii. 215.

Tay, the, iii. 210, 214, 215, 216.

Taymouth or Balloch, scenery in
neighbourhood, iii. 215.

Tummell, the, 111. 217, 218.

Wade’s, Marshal, road, iii. 218.

Scripture Vindicated, by Dr. Waterland,

i. 915.

replied to by Dr. Middleton, ii. 215.
Seba, Albertus, his Locupletissimt Rerum
Naturalium Thesauri, iii. 203.
Secker, Bishop, his conduct as a court-
ier, ili. 71:

INDEX.

Secretary of State, changes in 1766,
fii. 287.
Sedgwick, Mr., secretary to Anne,

Countess of Dorset, i. 279.
Selby, Bell, her dream of Mason, ii.
294,

Selwyn, George, present at the execu-
tion of Lord Lovat, ii. 142.
Senesino, nicknames of certain Italian
singers, ii. 65,
Senhouse, Mr., and his acoustic warm-
ing-pan, ii. 295.
Sestine, ascribed to Arnauld Daniel,
ii. 350.
Settle, Elkanah, poet laureate, ii. 345.
Seven Years’ War, the, fear of a French
invasion, iii. 3.
Prince Ferdinand defeats Contades
at Minden, iii. 7.
conduct of Lord G. Sackville, iii. 8.
Prussian victory over General
Harsch, iii. 9.
expectation of an action between
the fleets, iii. 18.
victory of Admiral Hawke, iii. 22, 23.
fear of invasion dispelled, iii. 23.
sg ary great expedition to France,

see plead Sete 111, 68.
pamphlet against Mr. Manduit, iii. 91.
treaty of peace, iii. 137.

Bentes ats built dome of St. Peter’s,

κὰν obelisk in the great area, ii. 80.
Seward, Thomas, contributes to Dods-
ley's Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221.
Shaftesbury, Lord, how the third earl
came to be a philosopher, ii. 375.
Shakespeare, creator of poetic lan-
guage, ii. 108.
beauty of his language, ii. 109.
Shakespeare Verses, by Gray, i. 132.
editorial note, i. 132.
Sharp, Mr., travels into Italy, iii. 256.
δὰ" rs his work on Architecture,

255.
Ssiecinmen Earl of, likely to join the
new ministry, iii. 153.
Shenstone, William, his poem of The
Schoolmistress, ii. 219.
admires the Odes of Gray, ii. 327, 331.
his contribution to Dodsley’s Collec-
tion of Poems, ii. 364.
his Letters, Gray’s opinion of them
and the author, iii. 344.
Shepherd, Miss, reference to, ii. 290.
Sheridan, Mr., advertisement of his
lecture on elocution, iii. 124.
Sherlock, Bishop of London, reference
to, iii. 125,

INDEX.

Sherman, William, his daughter mar-
ried to Mason, iii. 198.

Shirley, Mrs., mother of Lord Ferrers,
petitions for mercy, iii. 36.

Sicilian poetry, period of its success, i.
80

Sickness makes us better friends and
better men, ii. 206.

Sictryg, his warfare with the King of
Dublin, i. 54.

Sidney, Sir Philip, his attempt to in-
troduce the hexameter, i. 341.

and the park of Warwick Castle, ii.

257.

Sidney, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 184.

Sigurd, Earl of the Orkney Isles, his
expedition to Ireland, i. 54.

Silver boar, the badge of Richard IIL.,
i. 47.

Simms, Mr., Mrs., and Madlle. Nanny,
reference to, ii. 124.
Simons, Rudolph, his portrait in
Emanuel College, i. 810.
Sisters, see Fatal Sisters, an Ode.
Sketchley, Mr. R.F., reference to, i. xvii.
Skinner, John, Fellow of St. John’s,
candidate for the Mastership of
St. John’s, note on, iii. 190.
Skroddles (Rev. Wm. Mason).
Smart, Christopher, the poet, his debts,
ii. 161, 178.
biographical note, ii. 161.
his comedy of a Trip to Cambridge,
ii. 162.
Duke of Cleveland allows him £40 a
year, ii. 179.
committed to Bedlam, ii. 215.
not dead, Merope and The Guardian
acted for his benefit, ii. 391.
collection on behalf of, iii. 162.
Messrs. Gordon and Anguish, gentle-
men interested in him, iii. 163.
Smith, Dr. Adam, has heard several of
the Erse poems repeated from tra-
dition, i. 311.
Smith, his ‘print of Derwentwater, i.259.
visits Maltham and issues an engrav-
ing of Gordale Scar, i. 278.
Smith and Philips, reference to, i, 212.
Smith of Trinity is dead, iii. 303.
Snowdon, its name, i. 41.
resorted to by eagles, i. 43.
Somerset, Carr, Earl of, reference to a
letter about, iii. 123.
Somerset House, John of Padua, its
architect, i. 307.
Somner’s Saxon Dictionary, reference
to, i. 826.
Song, to an old air of Geminiani, i. 188.
editorial note on, i. 138,

389

Sonnet, its invention ascribed to Fra’
Guittone d’Arezzo, i. 349.

Sopha, Le, de Crebillon, ii. 128-133.

Sophonisba to { Masinissa, story of, ii.
115-116,

Sophonisba to Masinissa, part of an
heroic epistle, i. 183.

Southampton, appearance of the coast
in its vicinity, ji, 265.

Ὁ staying in the High Street, iii.

full of bathers, but Gray knows not
a soul, iii. 178.

no coffee- -house, no bookseller, no
pastry-cook, and lodgings very
dear, iii. 178.

description of, iii. 179-180, 200.

Southampton Row, once the residence

of Dr. Wharton, and afterwards a
lodging of Gray’s, ii. 397.

Gray takes up his abode at Mr.
Jauncey’s in, iii. 1, 6.

description of the prospect from, iii.
8, 5.

its surroundings, iii. 4,

Gray about to remove, iii. 102.
Southcote, Mr., offers his house and
lands to Dr. Wharton, ii. 252.
Southerne, Thomas, Restoration dra-

matist, ne 1.
Southwell, "Henry, of Magdalen College,
reference to, 1i. 76.
goes to Ireland, ij. 104,
Southwell, Mr. and Mrs., reference to,
ii. 287.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
ii. 320.
Spain, quarrel with, about logwood,
111. 116.
and the French, iii. 172.
a. War, Gray takes an interest
n the, iii. 84.
Geadecien! Gray’s aversion to wear, ii.

2 .
Spedding, Mr., his residence of Ar-
mathwaite House, i. 262.
Speed, Miss (Countess de Viry), refer-
ence to her attitude towards Gray,
li. 880.
possessed Gray’s MS. of the Amatory
Lines, i. 187.
a writes a Song at her request, i.
138,
reference to, i. 82.
her legacy from Lady Cobham, iii. 37.
Gray's probable visit with her to
Oxfordshire, her uncertainty of
mind, iii. 49.
public chatter respecting Gray and,
iii. 65.

390

INDEX.

Speed, Miss, her marriage with the | Stillingfleet, Benjamin (Blue Stocking),

Baron de la Peyriere, iii. 83.
need not change her religion, iii. 83 ;
see also Peyriere.
Spence, Joseph, his description of a
puppet-show in Turin, ii, 44.
his Polymetis, ii. 170-172.
his Essay on Pope’s Odyssey, ii. 170.
drowned in his own garden at By-
field, iii. 329.
Spence, 8., his verses on the death of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
Spencer —e Fellow of Pembroke,
11, 227.
interests himself for Lord Nuneham,
11. 309, 311.
Spenser, Edmund, adopted the hexa-
meter, etc., ii. 341.
Spiletta, portion of a comedy, refer-
ence to, iii. 81.
Spleen, The, a poem by Matthew Green,
ii. 219.

Spring, Ode on the, i. 1.
editorial note on, i. 2.
Matthew Green’s Queen’s Hermitage
furnishes Gray with two thoughts
for, ii. 222.

Squibb, Dr. Arthur, M.A., chaplain of
Colonel Bellasis’s regiment, i. 88.

Squibb, James, of Saville Row, i. 88.

Squibb, James, of Stowe, i. 88.

Squire, Dr. Samuel, Bishop of St.
David's, i. 127.

biographical ndte on, ii. 327.

Dean of Bristol and candidate for
St. David’s, iii. 78.

reference to, 11]. 103.

Staél, Memoires de Madame, ii. 291.

Stamp Act, Bill for the repeal of, gone
to the Lords. ‘Oh that they
would throw it out,” iii. 234.

Stanhope, Mr.,and Mr. Dayrolles, ii.354.

Stanza on Immortality, i. 141.

State Papers, by Dr. Birch, ii. 194,

Statius,: translations from the The-
baidos of, i. 145-148.

when printed, i. 144.

Stephen, Mr. Leslie, analysis of Dr.
Middleton’s writings in English
Thought in the Eighteenth Century,
ii. 199.

Sterne, Laurence, his popularity, iii. 36.

receives £700 for a second edition of
Tristram Shandy, iii. 36.

his portrait by Reynolds, iii. 36.

publication of his sermons, iii. 37.

Gray’s opinion of the sermons, iii. 53.

Stevenson, John Hall, humorous poet,
friend of Sterne, iii. 37.

his Crazy Tales, iii. 245.

the naturalist, iii. 38.

resides with his friend Mr. Marsham,
iii. 88.

his observations on the Norfolk
birds in 1755, iii. 95-96.

Stocks, public, are low, ii. 393.
Gray loses £200 by selling, ii. 395.
Stoke Pogis, ‘‘ West End,” residence
of Gray’s uncle, Mr. Rogers, after-
wards of his mother, i. 2.

Ode to Spring, written at, i. 2.

Ode on Distant Prospect of Eton College,
written at, i. 16.

Hymn to Adversity, written at, i. 24.

πεν in a Churchyard, chiefly written
at, 1, 72.

Sonnet on the death of Richard West,
written at, i. 110.

Manor House, Gray’s sketch of, i.
82 ; ii. 234 ; the residence of various
families, i. 83.

a χὰ reminiscences at,
11. 250.

Stone, John, sculptor, reference to, iii.
135

Stone, Nicholas, sculptor, reference to,
i. 321.
ἤϑαθο, Mr., obtains a political post, ii.
Ὁ

Stonehewer, Dr., rector of Houghton,

ii. 241.
his death, iii. 351.

Stonehewer, Richard, Fellow of St.
Peter’s College, and secretary to
Duke of Grafton, ii. 241.

Gray enquires of Dr. Wharton his
opinion of, ii. 187.

Gray seeks the interest of Dr. Wharton
and Dr. Keene on behalf of, ii. 197.

— to visit York with Gray, ii.
238.

teen of the Prophecy sent to,
11. 268.

tutor to the Duke of Grafton, ii. 277.

goes to Portsmouth to receive a
Morocco ambassador, iii. 10.

attendant on his sick father, Rev.
Dr. Stonehewer, iii. 46.

busiest creature on earth, except
Mr. Fraser, ili. 224.

Gray’s oracle of State, ili. 233.

ne in Queen Street, London, iii.

ike

induced the Duke of Grafton to re-
commend Gray for the professor-
ship of Modern History, iii. 322.

health of his father, iii. 350.

Gray’s letter of condolence on the
death of his father, iii. 351.

INDEX.

Stonehewer, Richard, references to, ii.
144, 181, 188, 230, 264, 268, 273, 307,
873, 390, 395 ; iii. 37, 150, 173, 176.

Story, A Long, i. 81.

editorial note on, i. 82.

occasion of its being written, ii. 228.

not intended for publication, suffered
to appear because Mr. Bentley’s
designs were not intelligible with-
out it, iii. 268, 308.

Strathmore, John, ninth Earl of, his
personal appearance, ii. 263.

ἜΝ College with his brother,
ii. 30

his coming of age, and biographical
note, ii. 369.

his seat of Hetton, iii. 208.

going abroad, iii. 21.

proposed voyage to Genoa, iii. 28.

ill at Turin, iii. 98.

takes Gray to Scotland, iii. 208.

his agricultural operations around
Glamis, iii. 212.

approaching marriage, iii. 245.

to be married in London, iii. 258.

interesting condition of Lady Strath-
more, iii. 268.

reference to, ii. 261; iii. 276.

Strawberry Hill, bowl with Gray’s
lines on Walpole’s cat at, i. 10.

Stricklands, their family seat of Siserge,
ii. 269.

chapel in Kendal church, ii. 269.

Stuart, Mary, and her son, Robertson’s
History of, ii. 396.

Stuart, James (‘‘ Athenian Stuart’’),
his work among the Antiquities of
Athens, ii. 283.

Gray subscribes to his Attica, ii. 360;
to his Antiquities of Athens, and
desires a copy for Pembroke Hall,
iii. 149-150.

successful architect, iii. 149.

proposed to be consulted for Mrs.

. Mason’s monument, iii. 266.

approves of Mason’s sketch, iii. 272.

Stuart, Mr., his duel with the Duke of
Bolton, 111. 84.

Stuart οἵ Cambridge, reference to,ii.159.

Studley, residence of Dr. Wharton,
visited by Gray, ii. 240.

Stukeley, Dr., frequents the reading-
room of the British Museum, iii. 2.

note on, iii. 2.

talks nonsense and coffee-house news
at the Museum, iii. 5.

Sturbridge fair, ii. 15.

Sturgeon, Roger, Fellow of Caius, 11.311.

8 3 Madame, an acquaintance of
Voltaire’s, iii. 173,

391

Suarez, Countess of, entertains Gray at
Florence, ii. 53.

Suffolk, Lord, his seat at Levens, i.
270

70.
Sully, Duke de, Gray's opinion of his
Memoirs and character, ii. 281.
Summers, Mr., recommended by Gray
to Dr. Wharton for his skill in
planting, iii. 292.

Superstition, Gray’s love of popular,
iii. 222.

History of Witches and a History of
Second Sight given by Beattie to
Gray, iii. 222.

Surrey, Lord, his use of the Cesura,
i. 333.

his verse, i. 334.

Swift on Money, ii. 155.

Swift’s application of Herodotus’s
passage on feathers, ii, 240.

Swift’s history of the Tory administra-
tion, ii. 360.

Swinburne, Lady, reference to, ii. 246,

Swithin’s Alley, fatal fire in, iii. 22.

Switzerland,

Arve, river, banks of, at Geneva, ii. 38.
description of, ii. 40.

Geneva, its peasantry contrasted

with those of Savoy, i, 245.

Geneva, description of, ii. 37, 38.
lake of, ii. 38-39.
its trout, i, 246; ii. 89.

Gray obliged to forego his proposed

visit to, iii. 403, 405.
Syon Hill, Brentford, residence of
Lord Holdernesse, ‘iii. 15.

Tacitus, Gray’s admiration of, ii. 104-
105.

whenever translated into English
should be done freely, ii. 111.
Davanzati’s Italian translation of, ii.

111,
Tadcaster, beauty of country south of,
ii. 247.
Talbot, Earl, Lord High Steward at
coronation of George IIL., iii. 116.
"" me of the Cinque Ports, iii.

ὩΣ - ee Beckford, iii. 116.
his treatment while suppressing a
riot, iii. 339.
Talbot, Thomas, Gray sends him a
copy of The Odes, ii. 320.
his part in Rey. William Robertson’s
marriage, iii. 62.
reference to, ii. 379; iii. 176, 179.
Tale εἷς Sir Thopas, reference to the, i.

392,

Taliessin, chief of the bards, i. 49, 361.
prophecy that Welch should regain
the sovereignty of Britain ful-
filled, i. 48.

Tanner, Bishop, his article on Chaucer
in Bibliotheca, i. 306.

Taroc, a game played in Turin, ii. 44.

Tasso, translations from the Gerus of,
i. 148, 151.

first printed, i. 44.

Taste, more difficult to restore than
to introduce good taste toa nation,
iii. 158.

Tavistock, Francis, Marquis of, comes
to Cambridge, ii. 309, 311.

Taylor, Dr., attends Mrs, Charles York,
ii. 401.

his opinion of a portrait in St. John’s
College, i. 311.

Taylor, J., Tracts by, ii. 119.

Temple, Lancelot, see Dr. Armstrong.

Temple, Lord, Head of the Admiralty,
11, 292.

Newcastle and Bute’s opposition in

- council, cause of his resignation,
lii. 123.

disinherits his brother, iii. 123.

Temple, Mr., allusion to, 111. 241.

Rev. N. Nicholls mediates on his
behalf with Lord Lisburne, iii.
287-289, 332-333.

_ Gray’s opinion of the disagreement,
111. 302-303.

Gray would wish by all means to
oblige him, iii. 336.

and Lord Lisburne, his distress of
circumstances, 111. 402.

Gray suggests application for chap-
jainship of Leghorn on behalf of,
iii. 402.

reference to, iii. 401.

Temple of Tragedy, Gray busy in writ-
ing the, 111, 187.

Templeman, Dr. Peter, keeper of the

British Museum reading- -room, 111.1.

biographical note on, iii. 1.

translator of Norden's Travels in
Egypt, ii. 194.

Tenducci, Ferdinando, reference to, ii.
65.

Tent, Ode on a, William Whitehead’s,
li. 220.

Tenter-grounds, description of, i. 268.

Terrick, Bishop of London, reference
to, iii. 202. .

Thanet, Earl of, his castle at Skipton,
i. 279.

Theatres, caer subject to outrage-
ous riots, iii.

Theirre, Madame dae reference to, 11.128,

INDEX.

Theodulus, his treatise De Contemptu
Mundi, i. 361.

Thibaut, King of Navarre, i. 347.

Thomas, Dr. John, Bishop of Lincoln,
translated to Salisbury, iii. 105, 114.

Thomas, Dr., Master of Christ’s College,
rumoured to be Bishop of Carlisle,
iii. 335, 337.

Thomas, Miss, singer, sung in the
Installation Ode, iii. 343.

Thompson, a friend of Gray’s, ii. 63.

Thomson, the poet, his fine description
of a spirit, iii. 48.

Thorney, visited by Gray, iii. 366.

Thrale, te the brewer, reference to,
i. 316

Thrale, Mrs., calls Gray a merciless
critic, iii. 399.

Thurcaston, the living of the Rev. Mr.
Hurd, ii. 326.

Thurlow’s Papers, ii. 128.

Thurot, hovering off Scotland, iii. 23.

Thynne, Sir John, employed John of
Padua at Longleat, i. 307.

Tickell, Mr. Thomas, his poem on the
peace of Utrecht, ii. 219.

his ballad of Colin and Lucy, ii. 219.
Tolomei, Claudio, Bishop of Corsola,

i. 342.
Tophet (an epigram), i. 139.
editorial note on, i. 139,
Torrigiano, i. 319.
Tory Administration, Swift's History
of the, in the press, ii. 360.
Tour of the Lakes, Gilpin’s, i. 279.
Tour of the western counties, Gray’s,
iii. 379-381.
Townsend, Charles, William White-
head’s verses to, ii. 220.
accepts office, but not what he as-
pired to, ii. 292.
refused post of Secretary of State
and a peerage, iii. 238.
reference to his death, 282.
Townsend, General, his relations with
Wolfe before Quebec, iii. 25.
adventure witb an Indian boy, iii. 25.
Tractatus, universi juris, published by
Zilettus, ii. 368.
Traigneau, Professor, ii. 122.
Translations, i. 143-160.
editorial note on, i. 144.
Travelling, difficulty of, between Old
Park and York, iii. 348.
Travelling, On the Abuse of, by G.
West, ii. 90.
mice vs ee of, Elegiacs suggested by,

Trevigi, Girolamo da, his style of draw-
ing, i. 319.

INDEX.

Trevor, Dr. Richard, Bishop of St.
David's and of Durham, ii. 241.
Trevor, Mr. (Hambden), designs some
wall-paper, iii. 121.

Trial of Scotch Lords, ii. 139.

Trinity College, . Cambridge,
VIIL. its benefactor, i. 95.

Trip to e, or the grateful Fair,
a comedy by Smart, ii. 162.

Trissino, his invention of Blank Deca-
syllabic verse without Rhyme or
Italian Heroic Measure, i. 343.

Tristram Shandy, popularity. of Sterne’s,
iii. 36.

much humour i in, iii. 68.
hie of Owen, The, a fragment,
6

Henry

editorial note on, i. 68.
Trollope, Mr., referred to by Gray, ii.
117, 118, 121, 123, 138, 161, 164.
at Dev’ reux Court, ii. 159.
Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, Warbur-
ton’s remark to, ii. 327.
Tudors, History of the, Hume’s, ii. 396.
Tully ad Familiares, Epistles of, by Rev.
J. Ross, ii. 193.
Turner, Dr. ’Shallet, of Peterhouse, his
declining health, iii. 21,
his death, iii. 136.
Turnpike Riots at Leeds, ii. 240.
Tuthill, Henry, Dr. T. Wharton’s in-
fluence solicited on his behalf, ii.
145,
biographical note, ii. 178.
elected a Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 188.
Gray anticipates his success as a
Tutor, ii. 197.
indebted to Dr. Keene’s interest for
his fellowship, ii. 201.
votes for Mr. Spencer at Pembroke
College, ii. 228.
references to, ii. 138, 161, 197, 230,
264, 308.
Twitcher, Jemmy; or The Cambridge
Courtship, i. 131.
editorial note on, i. 131.
Two Odes, a satire against Mason and
Gray, iii. 53.
Tyre, Cardinal Archbishop of, ii. 62.
Tyrrell, reference to young, iii. 208.
Tyson, Mr., of Bene’t College, his
drawing for Tophet, i. 139.

UBALDINI, Ubaldino, verses by, i. 368.
Union of poetry, music, and the dance
with painting and architecture,
might bestow the sublimest plea-
sure, iii. 155.
causes to hinder, iii, 156,

393

Union, The, a Scotch collection of
aoe containing Gray’s Elegy, i.
22

Urry, see D’Urry.

Utrecht, T. Tickell’s poem on the
peace of, ii. 219.

VaGA, Perin del, reference to the
painter, ii 821.

Valence or Valentia, Mary de, Countess
of Pembroke, foundress of Pem-
broke College, i. 95; ii. 280.

ge oan Lying, farce by Garrick, ii.

a ol description of the, i. 55.

Vane, Harry, Impromptu on, i. 140.
journies to the north, ii. 238.
reference to, ii. 178.

Vane, Rev. Mr., the younger, circum-
stances of his ordination, ii. 231.

ordained by the Archbishop of York,
ii, 282.

Vanrobais, Madame, her famous manu-
facture of cloth at Abbeville, iii.
358.

Vauxhall preferred to Ranelagh Gar-
dens, li. 125.

Vavasor, "Mr., his residence of Weston,

i. 280.

Velleron, Marquis de Cambis, The
Pope’s Lieutenant- General in
France, ii. 27.

Verneuil, Marqse. de, Henri IV.’s pro-
posal to marry the, ii. 281.

Verrio, Antonio, his paintings at Chats-
worth, iii, 135.

Verse, Table of the measures of, with
authorities and the order of the
Rhymes, i. 343.

Vertue, George, his MSS. purchased by
Walpol 6, i. 305.

his engravings of Chaucer, i. 306.

known by Burroughs, Master of
Caius, i. 307.

discovers John of Padua to be the
architect of Somerset House, i.
807.

Ververt, by Gresset, ii. 184.

Verzenay, famous for red wine, i. 239.

Vicissitude, Ode on the pleasure arising
from, i. 123.

editorial note on, i. 123.

Victory, popular superstition in Lyd-
gate’s time of decisive, i. 389.
Villeneuve, Huon de, quotation from

the verse of, i. 337.

Villevielle, Marquis de, visits Gray, iii.
372, 374.

Villiers, Lord, his interest for Lord
N uneham, ii. 809, 311.

394

Leia ay, Mr. Chute’s residence, iii.
271

Virgidemiarium, Bishop Hall’s, Gray’s
opinion of, 11, 233.
Viry, Comte de, marriage of his son to
Miss Speed, iii. 83.
value of his estate, iii. 83.
Minister at Turin, iii. 236.
Viry, Countess de, see Miss Speed.
Vivares, Landscape painter, visits Mal-
tham, i. 278.
Voix du Sage et du Peuple, reference to,
11. 229.
Voltaire, Crébillon’s Catalina and, ii.
193.

Gray’s opinion of, iii. 173, 192.

gains restitution from the Parlia-
ment and Court of France for the
family of Calas, iii. 173.

his Philosophie Dictionary, iii. 187.

his Lewis XIV., ii. 204.

History of Crusades believed to be
by, ii. 229.

_ his satire on Rousseau called Guerre

de Geneve, iii. 271.

his Poeme sur la Desastre de Lisbon,
li. 285.

“(Ἢ must have a very good stomach
that can digest,” iii. 378.

WAKEFIELD’S Life of Gray, reference to,
ii. 124.

Waldegrave, Lord, Gray dines with him
in Paris, ii. 21.

marries Miss Maria Walpole—a hand-
some couple, ii. 396.
Wales, Frederick Prince of, verses on
the death of, ii. 119.
Walker, Dr. Richard, Fellow and Vice-
Master of Trinity, his death, note
on, iii. 188.
Wall- -papers, reference to, iii. 110, 118-
119, 120-121.
Walpole, Sir Edward, marriage of his
natural daughter "Maria, li. 396.
Walpole, Horace, Harl of Orford, friend
and schoolfellow of Gray, ii. 6.
Inspector-General of Exports and
Imports, ii. 13.

resigns and becomes Usher of the
Exchequer, ii. 13.

travels with Gray through France,
1ι..1:7;

resolves at wish of Sir Robert Wal-
pole to visit Italy, li. 39.

his spaniel ‘‘Tory” carried off by a

_ -wolf, ii. 40.

visits the Court of Turin, ii. 44,

entertained by Prince Craon at
Florence, ii. -52.

INDEX.

| Walpole, Horace, entertained by Coun-

tess Suarez, ii. 53.
me ΝΣ to Mr. Ashton, ii. 90, 221,
ὃ.

cause of Gray’s quarrel with, ii. 124.

Gray’s reconciliation with, ii. 207.

Gray visits him at Stoke, ii. 207.

Gray visits him in Arlington Street,
ii. 139.

his disposition towards Gray, ii. 143,

takes a residence at Windsor, ii. 143.

paper on Message Cards by, ii. 143.

sy aie on Good Breeding, ii.

43.

presents the Marquis Rinuccini, ii.
145.

Gray condoles with him on the loss
of his cat and encloses the Ode, ii.

165.

MS. of the Ode on the death of Wal-
pole’s cat, i. 10.

elected a F, R. S., ii. 166.

sends Gray a copy of Spence’s Poly-
metis, ii. 172.

Gray’s Elegy i in a churchyard sent for
his criticism, ii. 210.

requested to ask Dodsley to print
the Elegy, ii. 210.

Gray’s Elegy first published by, with
a preface, i. 72; ii. 211.

Gray sends a copy of Mason’s Elfrida,
li, 212.

his fable of The Entail, ii. 214.

Gray’s adviee upon the proposed
Memoirs, ii. 215.

Epistle to Mr. Eckardt, the painter,
11. Δ]

Gray’s facetious enquiry concerning
the Memoirs, ii. 226.

opinion of Gray’s Long Story shown
by his reply to Mrs. French, ii. 228.

preserves the fragment of The Char-
acters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.

letter in which Gray introduced
them, i. 212.

requested not to preface the Poems
with Gray’s vignette, ii, 235.

his opinion of Mr. Stonehewer, ii.
241.

his Gothic residence, ii, 253.

ill of a fever in London, ii. 272.

asked to obtain the influence of Mr.
Fraser and Duke of Bedford on be-
half of Dr. Brown, ii. 289.

prints Gray’s Odes at his Twicken-
ham Press, ii. 319, 322.

prints Gray’s Bard for Dodsley, ii.
320.

his opinion of Mason’s Caractacus, li

INDEX.

395

Walpole, Horace, prints Lord Whit-| Warburton, William, his knowledge of

worth’s Accownt of Russia at Straw-
berry Hill, ii. 373.

description of a new bed-chamber at
Strawberry Hill, iii. 11.

nearness of his residence to Houns-
low, iii. 15.

slight description of his Mosaic
window, iii. 17.

consulted by Gray on the Lrse frag-
ments, iii. 45, 127.

his Anecdotes of Painting, its engrav-
ings, iii. 125,

Gray’s review of The Lives of the
Painters, i. 304.

advice upon an editorship offered
him by the Court, iii. 126.

visits Gray at Cambridge, iii. 150.

his new gallery all Gothicism, gold
and crimson, iii. 150.

purchased in Suffolk a waggon-load
of old moveables, iii. 151.

sends Gray a copy of the Castle of
Otranto, and a pamphlet concern-
ing libels, ete., iii. 191.

his career in Paris, 1765, his health
in a deplorable state, iii. 236.

εὐ Gray the Historic Doubts, iii.
303.

Gray’s criticism of it, iii. 8304-307, 134.

Gray describes the London and Glas-
gow editions of his Poems, iii. 308.

referred to an ancient MS. in Benet
Library, iii. 311.

criticised by Guthrie in the Critical
Review, iii. 818,

his noted copy of Gray’s Six Poems
inserted in the Graiana of Mr. Mor-
ris, iv. 340.

references to, i. 311; iii. 192, 225,
226, 227, 255.

Walpole, Lord, of Wolterton, reference

to, ii. 287.

Walpole, Sir Robert, Earl of Orford,
his seat of Houghton Hall, ii. 11.
directs his son Horace to go to

Italy, ii. 39.
Parliamentary inquiry into his con-

duct, ii. 134,

Walpole, Lady, death of, ii. 9.

Wanstead, reference to a house of
Gray’s at, ii. 263.

Want, the mother of inferior Art, i.

9

119.
Warburton, William, Bishop of Glou-
cester, anecdote of, i. 127.
his Reflections on the Miraculous
Powers, ii. 128.
defence of Pope, ii. 131.
admires Gray’s Odes, ii. 325.

Druidical and Celtic belief, ii. 351.
his New Legation, ii. 369.
his remarks on the Deans of Glou-
cester and Bristol, ii. 327.
his criticism of Gray's Odes, ii, 841.
and Hurd’s criticism of Caractacus
called that of Prior Park, ii. 393.
breaks his arm in Prior Park, iii.
145.
his sermon to the Court against illi-
terate preferment, iii. 202.
attacked by Dr. Louth, iii. 224,
reference to, iii. 117, 129.

Wardlaw, Lady, her balla of Hardi-
canute, iii. 45,

Warton Crag, near Lancaster, i. 270.

Warton, Joseph, reference to his poem
of the Enthusiast, ii, 121.

his Poems, ii. 159.
receives MS. of Gray’s Amatory Lines
from Mr. Leman, i. 137.

Warton, Thomas, Gray’s esteem of his
talents, and upon request sends
him a Design for a History of Eng-
lish Poetry, iii. 365.

his qualifications as the Historian of
English Poetry, i. 53.

Warwick, description of, and its castle,

li. 256-257.
church, Earls of Warwick buried in,
ii. 257.

Water-glasses, see Glasses.

Waterland, Dr. Daniel, reference to, ii.
169.

his Scripture Vindicated, ii. 215.

Water Nymph, Mason’s Ode to a, ii.
184,

Watson, Mr., public tutor of Lord
Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.

Weather record—

July—August, 1759, iii. 13.

September—November, 1759, iii. 18.

April—June 8, 1760, iii. 54-55,

January 1761, iii. 92.

February— April, 1763, iii. 153-154,

January—March, 1766, iii. 368-369.

November 3—December 14, 1767, iii.
293.

January—April 1770, iii. 368,

Weddell, William, of Newby, reference
to, iii. 197.

with Rev. Norton Nicholls, iii. 240.
reference to, iii. 266.
at York, iii. 284.
Welsh fragments, i. 129-130.
editorial note on, i. 129.
language, remarks on, i. 381.

Wemyss, Earl of, his second son takes

the name of Charteris, i. 275.

396 INDEX. 2

Wentworth, Lady Harriet (Marquis of Whaley, Dr., reference to, ii. 159.
Rockingham’ s sister) marries her | Wharton, R, advice as to educating

footman, iii. 183.
embarks for America, iii. 185.
West, Gilbert,
Abuse of Travelling, by, ii. 90.
his contribution to Dodsley’s Mis-
cellaneous Poems, ii. 180.
note on, ii. 180.
West, Richard (the Favonius of Gray),
effect of his criticism of Agrippina,
i. 101.
Sapphic Ode sent to, i. 174.
Sapphics sent to, i. 176-177.
Carmen ad C. Favonium Zephyrinum
sent to, i. 177.
fragment’ of a Latin poem on The
Gaurus sent to, i. 179-181.
Farewell to Florence sent to, i. 181.
biographical notes on, i. 110; ii. 1.
his personal appearance, ii. 45.
loss of his companionship regretted
by Gray, ii. 2.
advised by Gray to learn Italian, ii. 7.
his Latin Elegy Ad Amicos, ii. 8.
writes an Elegy in reference to the
Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii. 55.
assured of Gray’s unalterable friend-
ship, ii. 96-97.
his fragment of the Tragedy of Paw-
sanias, ii. 103.
sends Gray some hexameters on ἃ
cough, ii. 106.
his translation of Tacitus com-
mended, ii. 111.
praise of his Ode on May, ii. 112.
his death, and its cause, i. 2; ii. 113.
Gray’s Sonnet on his death, i. 110.
reference to, ii. 167.
note as to the publication of his
poems, ii. 171.
his Monody on the death of Queen
Caroline, ii. 180, 222.
Westminster Abbey, fragment of an
Act of Parliament relative to; one
of the lost pieces by Gray, i. 142.
Westminster Hall, Gray’s account of
George III.’s coronation in, iii. 110-
116.
Westminster Theatre, reference to, iii.

270.

Duke of York, Lady Stanhope, the
Delavals, ete., play parts in, iii. 270.

Weymouth, Thomas, third Viscount,

his marriage to Lady Elizabeth
Bentinck, iii. 395.

presents living of Frome to Dr. Ross,
111, 32.

offered Spain (Ambassador ?), iii. 255.

reference to, ili. 294.

his son at Eton, iii. 86-87, 106-107.
death of, iii. 167.

reference to On the| Wharton, Thomas, M.D., Fellow of

Pembroke College, his MSS. of
Gray, i. xiv.
Gray’s Epitaph on his infant son,i.126.
note on, ii. 61.
Gray dubs him Sir Thomas and
wishes him a great career, ii. 118.
influence solicited on behalf of Tut-
hill, ii. 145, 185.

asked his opinion of Thucydides, ii.
147,

Gray requests a small loan, and its
repayment, ii. 156, 176, 177.

Gray Sag the loan of twenty guineas,
li. 195

contemplated marriage of, ii. 157.

reference to his marriage, ii. 176.

Gray sends him the Ode on Walpole’s
cat, ii. 164; i. 10.

interest sought on behalf of C. Smart,
ii. 179.

sympathises with Gray on the loss
of his house in Cornhill, ii. 181-182.

congratulated on the christening of
his daughter, ii. 185,

Gray ἘΠΕ his opinion of Stonehewer,
ii. 18

Gray sends him The Alliance of Edu-
cation and Government, ii. 187.

asked to obtain the influence of Dr.
Keene on behalf of Stonehewer, ii.
198.

contemplates a change of practice, ii
202-203.

Gray sends him a copy of the Elegy,
li. 228.

Gray directs that two copies of his
Poems should be sent to, ii. 237.

birth of a son, ii. 238.

Gray amie to visit him at Studley,
li. 240.

desires to change his residence, ii.
252-253.

the Progress - Poesy submitted to
him, ii. 260; i. 2.

reference to te polities, ii, 259, 261.

requested to pay the fire policies on
Gray’s property, ii. 263.

Gray asks to be entertained as an
invalid at Wharton’s house, ii. 273.

reference to his profession, ii. 274.

Gray asks him to procure a rope
ladder to be used in escaping from
drunken visitors, 11. 276.

his desire that Mr. Hurd should treat
Dr. Akenside leniently, ii. 299.

i i)

INDEX.

397

Wharton, Thomas, told that Gray’s Odes | Wharton, Thomas, desires a drawing-

are not at all popular, ii. 323.

Gray mentions the criticisms on the
Odes to, ii. 330-331, 341.

congratulated upon recovery of his
family, ii. 340.

Gray condoles with him on the death
of his son, ii. 361.

his dejection, ii. 365.

residing at Hampstead, ii. 377.

purchases a picture believed to be by
old Fran(cJk, ii. 384.

Gray troubles him to accommodate
some baskets of china, ii. 385.

Gray sends him same with inventory,
and asks that they may be insured,
li. 387-389.

complimented upon
“ Pieta,” ii. 389.

once lived in Southampton Row, ii.

removes to his paternal estate of
Old Park, ii. 397 ; iii. 17, 21, 49, 188.

keeps record of temperature for July
1759, ii. 398,

Gray unable to purchase old tapestry
for, iii. 10.

proposes to have a painted window,
Gray’s proposal for same, iii. 17.

birth of a son, iii. 49.

has recovered his hearing, iii. 64.

owning a

master for his daughters, iii, 283.

Gray sends books requested, also
family presents, who are mentioned
by nickname, iii. 291-292.

what does he think of Mason’s plans
for his grounds? iii, 292.

Gray hopes the asthma has not re-
turned, iii. 294.

Gray, consulted in a tythe dispute,
endeavours to dissuade Wharton
from pursuing it, iii. 314-317.

Gray relates the manner of his ap-
pointment to the Chair of Modern
History, iii. 321.

his nephew admitted to Pembroke
College, iii. 840.

will visit Mason at York, on horse-
back, from Old Park, iii. 349.

Gray hopes he got safe home after his
troublesome night of asthma, iii.
350.

Gray writes the Journal of the Lakes
for his amusement, iii. 350.

sends Gray an object of natural his-
tory, iii. 352.

illness of his daughter, iii. 21, 368.

Gray tells him of his journey through
the western counties, iii. 379-380.

MS. of Impromptu on Lord Holland’s
house, i. 135.

illness and death of his sister-in-law, | Whateley, Thomas, his Observations on

iii. 82, 121.
Gray’s advice on an Eton education
for his nephew, iii. 86-87, 106-107.

Gray advises him upon coloured |

glass, iii, 102-103.
Gray advises him upon Gothic wall-
paper and its cost, iii. 110, 118-121.
visited by Gray at Old Park, iii. 133.
_ Gray buys him some rout-chairs, their
price, 11]. 137.
confinement of Mrs. Wharton, iii. 138.
condolement on the death of R.
Wharton, iii. 167.
protection of his sister Ettrick from
a brutal husband, iii. 199-200, 245.
entertains Gray, Dr. Hallifax, and
Dr. Louth at Old Park, iii. 208.

Gardening and account of the Wye,
iii. 380.

Wheeler, J., has returned from Lisbon,

111. 238,

Whitehead, William, Gray’s opinion of

his Ode on a Tent, etc., ii. 220.
Birthday Ode for 1758, ii. 390, 391.
Ode for the New Year, ii. 394.
his School for Lovers, iii. 128.

Gray pleased with his Charge to the

Poets, iii. 128.

Elegy against Friendship, iii. 128, 131.
Gray would rather steal his verse
than his sentiment, iii. 138.

Whithe[a]d, Francis, reference to, ii.

125, 136, 137, 207.
biographical note, iii. 205.

entertains Gray and Dr. Brown, iii. | Whitworth, Lord, his Accownt of Russia,

printed at Strawberry Hill, ii. 373.

they accompany him to Barnard | Wilkes, John, speech by, iii. 39.

Castle, Rokeby, and Richmond,
iii. 277.

contemplates with Gray a_ tour
through Westmoreland and Cum-
berland, iii. 277.

his pursuit of Lord Halifax, iii, 39.

likely to be chose for the city of Lon-
don, iii. 317.

like to lose his election (in 1771, but
returned top of the poll), iii. 406.

taken ill with asthma while on ἃ Wilkinson, Mr., reference to, ii. 177.

visit to the Lakes with Gray, his
return home, iii. 281, 351.

his influence at Pembroke College,
ii, 228.

398

Wilkinson, Miss, about to marry Mr.
T. Pitt, iii. 406.
Wilkinson, Mrs., reference to,
274.
William of Sens, built the choir of
Canterbury Cathedral, 111, 316.
William Shakespeare to Mrs. Anne, a
poem by Gray, iii. 205-206.
Williams, Bishop, portrait as lord
. keeper, i. 311.
Williams, Mr., friend of Gray and Wal-
pole, iii. 71.
Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, has he
gone to Berlin ? ii. 227.
death of his daughter Lady Essex, ii.
401, iii. 3.
Williams, Sir William Peers, about to
take part in a secret expedition,
iii. 68.
Montagu one of his executors, 11].
. 104.
Gray requested to write his Epitaph,
iii. 109
Gray’s first thoughts for an Epitaph,
111. 109.
Epitaph on, i. 128.
Walpole’s description of, i. 128.
Williamson, Mr., friend of Dr. Beattie,
reference to, ili. 278.
visits Gray at Cambridge to which he
walked from Aberdeen, iii. 280.
Willis’s Mitred Abbies, reference to, ii.

377.
Willoughby’s Book of Fishes, iii. 291.
Book of Birds, prices realised for
copies, iii. 291.
Wilson, Benjamin, portrait painter,
Dr. Plumptre and Gray sit to, iii.
16

Wilson, Dr. Christopher, Bishop of
Bristol, his fortunate acquirement
of wealth, iii. 75.

King George III.’s reproof to, iii.
75.
biographical note on, iii. 75,

Wilson, Colonel, his house in Kendal,

: i, 269.

Wilson, Thomas, Fellow of Pembroke
College, iii. 384.

Winstanley, Mr., private tutor to Lord
Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.

Winston, reference to, iii. 152.

Winter of 1763-4 hot and unseason-
able, iii. 169.

Winter of 1771, 111. 391-392.

-Woburn, residence of Duke of Bedford,
li. 258,

Wollaston, Wm., quotation from his
an of Nature Delineated, i.

ili.

INDEX.

Wollaston, Miss, marries Dr. Heber-
den, iii. 29.
Ὡς ὦ Cardinal, villa at Esher, ii.

a τ σα, frailties of, the favourite
theme of conversation, i. 403.

a| Wood, Rev. John, curate to Mason, ii.
309,

reference to, ii. 395.
Mason engaged to, iii. 328.

Wood, Robert, author of Ruins of Pal-
γα, disappointed at Gray’s pro-
ductions, ii. 328, 331.

Duke of Bridgewater’s companion in
Italy, ii. 328.
gone to Chats-vorth, iii. 124.

Woodhouse, Tytler, Lord, his Essay on
Petrarch against the Abbé de Sade,
iii. 235.

Woodville [Widville], Elizabeth, wife
of Edward IV., i. 95.

Wormius, Olaus, his preservation of
the Anglo-Saxon poem of Ransom
of Higil, i. 362.

Wren, Sir Christopher, his opinion
that Gothic architecture is the
Saracen or Moorish, ii. 255.

rebuilt Warwick church, ii. 257.

Writing, Gray on good, ii. 199.

Wroxton, residence of Duke of Guild-
ford, ii. 258.

Wyat, Sir J ., Gray’s transcript of his
defence offered to H. Walpole, i.
812.

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, his verse, i. 334.

Wyatt, Rev. William, Fellow of Pem-
broke, reference to, and note on,
lii. 353.

Wye, River, Grays account of, iii.
380

Gilpin’s Observations on the river
submitted to Gray, iii. 380.

YaRMouTH, Lady, her son christened
by Mason, li. 354,
George II.’s bequest to, iii. 71.
Yonge or Young, Philip, Bishop of
Bristol, Duke of Newcastle’s re-
mark to, ii. 371.
reference to a caricature of, by
Mason, iii. 55.
translated to Norwich, iii. 105.
York, Mrs. Charles, death of, and one
of her children, ii. 401.
attended by Drs. Heberden and
Taylor, ii. 401.
York, Duke of, his popularity, iii. 89-
90.

anecdote concerning, iii. 90.

INDEX. 399
York, Duke of, speaks in Opposition | Yorkshire, Gray’s journey through part
on the American question, lii, 270. of, iii. 133-134.
his private theatricals, iii. 270. see Lakes, Journal of.

= δου τω ruin of a Gothic chapel| Young, Professor, author of ἃ satirical
Ἐπ τὸς recincts of, Gray’s opinion of criticism on the Elegy, i. 208.
its ing the chapel of St. Sepul-
chre, iii. 140-144.
period and style of its construction | ZepHyrinum, Carmen ad C, Favonium,

and architecture, iii, 145-147. i. 177-178.

Yorke, James, succeeds to the deanery | Zilettus of Venice, publisher of Trae-
of Dr. Greene, iii. 105, tatus universi juris, ii, 368.

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