Full text of "Works"
THE WORKS
OF
ROBERT SANDERSON, D. D.
SOMETIME
BISHOP OF LINCOLN,
NOW FIRST COLLECTED BY
WILLIAM JACOBSON, D. D.
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY
AND
CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH.
IN SIX VOLUMES.
VOL. V.
OXFORD,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
M.DCCC.LIV.
^
THE CASES DETERMINED.
I. OF THE SABBATH Page 5
II. OF THE ENGAGEMENT 20
III. OF THE LITURGY 37
IV. OF A RASH VOW 60
V. OF MARRYING WITH A RECUSANT 75
VI. OF A BOND TAKEN IN THE KING'S NAME .... 81
VII. OF SCANDAL 84
VIII. OF UNLAWFUL LOVE 88
IX. OF A MILITARY LIFE 104
X. OF A MATRIMONIAL CONTRACT 122
XI. OF USURY 127
SANDERSON, VOL. V.
A Letter from a Friend concerning the ensuing Cases.*
SIR,
HAVING perused the papers you sent me, I can safely vouch them
for genuine, and not in the least spurious, by that resemblance
they wear of their Reverend Author ; and therefore you need not
fear to bring them to the public test, and let them look the Sun in
the face.
It is true, their first commission was but short, and long since
expired, they being designed only to visit and respectively satisfy
some private friends ; yet I cannot see what injury you will offer to
his sacred ashes, if, by renewing that, you send them on a little
further embassy for the common good.
Indeed, the least remains of so matchless a Champion, so invin
cible an Advocate in foro Theologico, like the filings and fragments
of gold, ought not to be lost 5 and pity the world was not worthy
many more of his learned labours.
But, — Praestat de Carthagine tacere quam pauca dicere,^ — far be it
from me to pinion the wings of his fame with any rude letters of
commendation, or, by way of precarious pedantry, to court any man
into a belief of his worth, since that were to attempt Iliads after
Homer, and spoil a piece done already to the life by his own pencil,
the works whereof do sufficiently praise him in the gates.
All I aim at is, to commend and promote your pious intention to
give the world security, by making these Papers public, that they
shall never hereafter stand in need of any other hand to snatch
them out of the fire, \ a doom, you say, once written upon them.
Nor do I less approve your ingenious prudence in determining to
prefix no Name, it being as laudable not to speak all the truth some
times, as to forbear telling a lie for advantage.
Tis, I confess, the mode of late to hang jewels of gold in a
swine's snout : I mean, to stamp every impertinent Pamphlet with
* Prefixed to the Five Cases, pub- J * fire.' So in a MS. of the Case of
lished in 1666. Marrying with a Recusant, belonging
•f De Carthagine silere melius puto, to the late Sir J. E. Dolben, the cor-
quam parum dicere. Sallust. Jugurth. recter readings of which Dr. Routh
xix. Quoted by Quintilian, Inst. Orat. noted some years ago on the margin
ii. 13. ' De Carthagine tacere satins of his own Copy. The printed books
pulo, quam parum dicere.' exhibit 'first/
B 3
some great name or voluminous title, to make it vend the better —
Laudat venales qui vnlt extradere merces — at which the gulled Reader,
repenting his prodigality of time and patience, is forced to cry out all
along, Beaucoitp de bruit, pen de fruit, and in the end sums up its just
character in a few words, Nil nisi magni nominis umbra.
But yours is the only method to deal with wise and rational men,
who are not so easily taken with chaff, (the multitude or greatness
of words and names,) as with the true weight and worth of things.
Yet let me tell you that whoever is not a mere stranger to your
learned Author's former Tractates, must needs spell his name in
every page of this without any other monitor.
I have no further trouble to give you, * unless I should be
speak your vigilance over the Press, which, by her daily teeming
and inexpertness, -f- or at least negligence of the Midwife, is
wont of late to spoil good births, with monstrous deformities and
unpardonable errata. So you will avoid a double guilt contracted
by some without fear or wit, of abusing your critical Reader on the
one hand, and your most judiciously exact Writer on the other ; and,
if that may contribute any thing more, very much gratify the most
unworthy of his Admirers.
J In subsequent Editions, when the
number of the Cases was increased from
Five to Eight, the four preceding para
graphs were omitted; and the opening
of this was altered to, ' I have no fur
ther trouble to give you, but to thank
you for these excellent pieces of the
same hand and stamp, as every intelli
gent Reader will easily discern; with
which, as an accession to this Edition,
your care and piety hath obliged the
Public. Only again let me bespeak
your vigilance over the Press,' &c.
f ' inexpertness' Dolben MS. The
printed Books, * expertness.'
THE
CASE OF THE SABBATH*
To my very loving Friend, Mr. Tho. Sa. at S. B. Nottinyh.
March 28, 1634.
Sm,
WHEN by your former Letter you desired my present
Resolution in two Questions therein proposed concerning the
Sabbath, although I might not then satisfy your whole desire,
being loath to give in my opinion before I had well weighed it,
* First printed, anonymously, in
1636, with this Title-page :
' A Sovereign Antidote against
Sabbatarian Errours, or a Decision
of the Chief Doubts and Difficulties
touching the Sabbath. Wherein these
three Questions (beside others co
incident) are clearly and succinctly
determined, viz.' [as in the body of
the Case, p. 7.] * By a reverend, reli
gious, and judicious Divine. London,
Printed by Tho. Harper for Benja
min Fisher, and are to be sold at his
shop in Aldersgate Street at the
Signe of the Talbot, 1636 :' with this
Imprimatur at the end of the Tract,
' Perlegi brevem hunc Tractatum de
Sabbato, in quo nihil reperio sanae
fidei, aut bonis moribus contrarium.
Tho. Weekes, R. P. Ep. Lond. Cap.
Domest.'
And with the following Address
to the Reader prefixed.
' It is a matter of great use and
necessity to have now in remem
brance the admonition of the Apo
stle and Teacher of the Gentiles,
Remember them which have the rule
over you.- obey them, and submit
yourselves, Heb. xiii. 7, 17. and
\ loi
esteem them very highly in love for
their works sake, i Thess. v. 13.
And it is not without reason; he-
cause in the House of God, which
is the Church of the living God,
they work the work of the Lord, and
they watch for our sake as they that
must give account, i Tim. iii. 15.
i Cor. xvi. 10. Heb. xiii. 17. Whose
office is so honourable, that God
Himself not only hath given a
charge, that every man that will do
presumptuously, and will not heark
en unto the Priest, the man shall be
put away from Israel, but hath also
severally this inobediency punished.
The wrath of the Lord arose against
His people, and gave them into the
hands of the King of Chaldees, be
cause they mocked the messengers of
God, and despised His words and
misused His Prophets. Deut. xvii.
12, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16.
Yet this is the contumacy and
madness of some boasters, and some
unthankful men, which no other
wise, but as Jannes and Jambres
withstood Moses, 2 Tim. iii. 8, so
they them, whom Divine Oracle
hath adjudged to be worthy of
double honour, i Tim. v. 17, saying
in effect to them as Korah did (with
certain of the children of Israel, two
hundred and fifty princes) to Moses
and Aaron ; Ye take too much upon
you, seeing all the congregation are
holy, every one of them : wherefore
then lift you up yourselves above the
congregation of the Lord? Num.
xvi. 3.
The experiment of these things
gives every day our England, in the
6 THE CASE OF
yet that I might not seem altogether to decline the task im
posed on me by you, I engaged myself by promise, within
short time, to send you what upon further consideration I
should conceive thereof. Which promise, so far as my many
distractions and occasions* would permit, I endeavoured to
perform by perusing the books you sent me, in the one where
of I found, written on the spare paper with your hand, a note
moving a third Question, about the Name of the Sabbath also ;
and by looking up and reviewing such scattered notes as I had
touching that subject. But then I met with difficulties so many
and great, whereof the more I considered, the more still I
found them to increase, that I saw it would be a long work,
and take up far more time than I could spare, to digest and
enlarge what seemed needful to be said in the three Questions,
in such sort as was requisite to give any tolerable satisfaction
either to myself or others. Wherefore I was eftsoons minded
to have excused myself, by Letter to you, from further med
dling with these Questions, and to have remitted you over for
better satisfaction to those men, that have both better leisure
to go about such a business, and better abilities to go through
with it than I have. For to Questions of importance, better
business of the Sabbatarians, who, grow, sine spinis, without a thorn,
measuring themselves by themselves, and yet be as fair and fragrant as
and comparing themselves amongst any other : so that his Dedalean pen
themselves, even as in times past the delivered us a theological decision
Scribes and Pharisees, for a pre- of Sabbaths difficulties, sine spi-
tence make long prayer, devour wi- nosis et paedagogicis argutiis : yet
dows* houses, Matt, xxiii. 14. so they punctually to the mind of Christ
creep into houses, and in a shape of and the Church. Worthily there-
sanctimony (is it through the envy, fore may it be presented to the
or strife, or ignorance? I cannot Church of England, and to be ac-
tell) they cast a snare upon the silly cepted of thy favour.'
consciences of men, making conci- The Case, as there exhibited, is
sion in the Church of the Lord ; and headed ' A Decision of the chief
so the middle wall of partition which Points and Difficulties touching the
Christ hath broken down, Ephes. ii. Sabbath, written to a private friend,
14, they do renew ; and, this doing, and now published for the satisfac-
show themselves to be the deceitful tion of others ;' but it omits the in-
workers. troductory portion, and begins with
'Therefore, to avoid this confusion, the words, 'I have now sent you
we bring forth in the light this Dis- but a naked summary of my
course penned for private satisfac- thoughts,' on p. 7.
tion, and now approved to be print- * * occasions/ occupations. The
ed for the public edification of the Cambridge Latin Version has * mul-
Church. Wherein the excellent Au- tae, quibus districtus eram, occu-
thor seems to have imitated them pationes.'
which have the art to make roses
THE SABBATH. 7
nothing be said, than not enough. And the rather was 1
minded so to do, when I perceived there were rumours spread
in these parts, occasioned, as I verily suppose, by some speeches
of your good friend Mr. Tho. A., as if I were writing a trea
tise of the Morality of the Sabbath. Which besides that it
might raise an expectation of some great matters which I could
in no wise answer, it might also expose that little I should
have done to the mis-censures of men wedded to their own
opinions, if, after I had laid mine open, it should have hap
pened in any thing, as in some things like enough it would,
to have disagreed from theirs. Yet because by your late kind
Letters, wherein, whilst I was slack in making it, you have
prevented mine excuse, I perceive the continuance of your
former desire, I have therefore since resolved to do somewhat,
though not so much as I first intended, hoping that you will
in friendly manner interpret my purpose therein. * I have
therefore now sent you but a naked summary of my thoughts
concerning the three Questions, abstracted from all those ex
planations, reasons, testimonies of Authors, removals of ob
jections, and other such enlargements, as might have given
further both lustre and strength thereunto.
Howsoever, by what I presently send, you may sufficiently
see what my opinion is ; which I shall be ready to clear, so
far as my understanding will serve, in any particular wherein
you shall remain doubtful; and as ready to alter when any
man shall instruct me better, if he bring good evidence either
of Reason or of Scripture Text for what he affirmeth.
The Questions are,
I. Which is the fittest Name whereby to call the day of
our Christian weekly rest? whether the Sabbath, the
Lord's Day, or Sunday ?
II. What is the meaning of that Prayer appointed to be
used in our Church, ' Lord, have mercy upon us, and
incline,' &c, as it is repeated after and applied to the
words of the Fourth Commandment ?
III. Whether it be lawful to use any bodily Recreation
upon the Lord's Day? and if so, then what kind of
Recreations may be used ? f
* The ' Sovereign Antidote against f The first and third of these
Sabbatarian Errours/ &c. begins Questions are the first and fifth of
here, omitting the word ' therefore.' those propounded in the Abstract
8 THE CASE OF
To the first Question.
I. Concerning the Name, Sabbatum, or Sabbath, I thus con
ceive :
1. That in Scripture, Antiquity, and all Ecclesiastical Writ
ers, it is constantly appropriated to the day of the Jews' Sab
bath, or Saturday, and not at all, till of late years, used to
signify our Lord's Day, or Sunday.
2. That to call Sunday by the name of the Sabbath-day,
rebus sic stantibus, may for sundry * respects be allowed in the
Christian Church without any great inconveniency ; and that
therefore men, otherwise sober and moderate, ought not to
be censured with too much severity, neither charged with
Judaism, if sometimes they so speak, f
3. That yet for sundry other respects it were perhaps much
more expedient, if the word Sabbath, in that notion, were
either not at all, or else more sparingly used.
II. Concerning the name Dominica, or the Lord's Day :
1. That it was taken up in memory of our Lord Christ's
Resurrection, and the great work of our Redemption accom
plished therein.
2. That it hath warrant from the Scripture, Apoc. i. io,|
and hath been of long continued use in the Christian Church,
to signify the first day of the week, or Sunday.
III. Concerning the name Dies Solis, or Sunday :
1. That it is taken from the courses of the Planets, as the
names of the other days are : the reason whereof is to be
learned from Astronomers.
2. That it hath been used generally, § and of long time, in
most parts of the world.
3. That it is not justly chargeable with Heathenism ; and
that it proceedeth from much weakness at the least, if not
of the Sabbatarian Controversy given Magistr. §. 26, preached in 1625.
by Fuller, in his Church History, J This place of Scripture is simi-
vi. 90. Brewer's Ed. larly alleged by Bp. Andrewes, in
f ' sundry.' Sovereign Antidote, his Speech delivered in the Star
1 some.' Chamber against the Judaical Opi-
t ' speak.' Sovereign Antidote, nions of Mr. Traske.
'use it.' Sanderson himself so speaks, § ' used generally, &c.' Sovereign
Sermon ii. ad Clerum, §§. 17, 18, Antidote, 'long and generally used
preached in 1621; and in iii. ad in most parts.'
THE SABBATH. 9
rather superstition, that some men condemn the use of it, as
profane, heathenish, or unlawful.
IV. Of the fitness of the aforesaid three Names compared
one with another.
First, That according to the several matter or occasions of
speech, each of the three may be fitter in some respect, and
more proper to be used than either of the other two. As, viz.
1. The Name Sabbath, when we speak of a time of rest
indeterminate, and in general, without reference to any
particular day ; and the other two, when we speak de-
terminately of that day which is observed in the Chris
tian Church. Of which two again,
2. That of the Lord's Day is fitter, in the Theological and
Ecclesiastical; and,
3. That of Sunday, in the civil, popular, and common use.
Secondly. Yet so as that none of the three be condemned as
utterly unlawful, whatsoever the matter or occasion be ; but
that every man be left to his Christian Liberty herein, so long
as superior Authority doth not restrain it. Provided ever,
that what he doth herein, he do it without vanity or affecta
tion in himself, or without uncharitable judging or despising
his brother that doth otherwise than himself doth.
To the second Question.
V. The words of that Prayer, ' Lord, have mercy, &c.' re
peated after the Fourth Commandment, do evidently import,
as they do in each of the other Ten,
First, An acknowledgment of three things, viz.
1. That the words of that particular Commandment con
tain in them a Law whereunto we are subject.
2. That it is our bounden duty to endeavour with our
utmost power to keep the said Law.
3. That our naughty hearts have of themselves no in
clination to keep it, until God, by the work of His
Grace, shall incline them thereunto.
Secondly, A double supplication, viz.
i. For Mercy, in respect of the time past, because we
have failed of our bounden duty heretofore.
3. For Grace, in respect of the time to come, that we may
perform our duties better hereafter.
10 THE CASE OF
VI. But how far forth the words of the Fourth Command
ment are to be taken as a Law binding Christians, and by
what Authority they have that binding power, is the main
difficulty.
For the resolution whereof, it may suffice every sober-
minded Christian, to understand the Prayer appointed by the
Church in that meaning which the words do immediately
import; and without over-curious inquiry into those things
that are more disputable, to believe these few points following,
which ought to be taken as certain and granted amongst
Christians : viz.
i. That no part of the Law delivered by Moses to the
Jews doth bind Christians under the Gospel, as by
virtue of that delivery : no, not the Ten Command
ments themselves, but least of all the Fourth, which all
confess to be, at least, in some part Ceremonial,
ii. That the particular determination of the time to the
seventh day of the week, was ceremonial. And so the
obligation of the Fourth Commandment in that respect,
although it were Juris Divini positivi to the Jew, yet
is ceased, together with other Legal Ceremonies, since
the publishing of the Gospel, and bindeth not Christian
Consciences.
iii. That the substance of the Fourth Commandment in
the general, viz. that some certain time should be set
apart from secular employments, to be sanctified to an
holy rest, for the better attending upon God's public
and solemn Worship, is moral and perpetual, and of
Divine right, as a branch of the Law of Nature, where-
unto Christians under the Gospel are still bound,
iv. That de facto, The Lord's Day, or Sunday, is the
time appointed to us for that purpose by such sufficient
Authority, as we stand bound in conscience to obey :
absque hoc, whether that Authority be immediately
Divine, or but mediately through the power of the
Church.
This is sufficient to regulate the judgment and conscience of
every ordinary Christian ; * yet it is not unlawful for Scholars
soberly and fairly to argue and debate a little further matters
* •' cujusque e plebe Christian!.' Cambridge Version.
THE SABBATH. 11
which are questionable, for the better finding out of the
Truth.
And the points* in this Argument that are most in contro
versy are these two, viz.
i. Concerning the observation of a weekly Sabbath :
whether it be of necessity to keep one day of every
seven ? And by what right we are tied so to do.
ii. Concerning the change of the Jewish Sabbath into the
Lord's Day ; and by what Authority it was done.
VII. As touching the observation "of a weekly Sabbath,
there are these three different Opinions, viz.
i. That it is de Jure naturali, as a branch properly of the
Law of Nature.
ii. That it is properly and directly de Jure Divino posi
tive, established by God's express positive Ordinance in
His Word.
iii. That it is merely de Jure humano et Ecclesiastico ;
introduced by Authority, and established by the custom
and consent of the Catholic Church.
Touching which three Opinions, I leave it to the judicious
to consider,
1. Whether the last of them might not hap to be of evil
consequence, by leaving it in the power of the Church,f at her
pleasure, to change the old proportion of one in seven, which
hath continued ever since the days of Moses, into any other
greater or lesser proportion of time ?
2. Whether the two former Opinions, though they do in
deed avoid that inconvenience, do not yet stand upon such
weak grounds otherwise, that they are by many degrees more
improbable than the third.
3. Whether a fourth Opinion going in a middle t way might
not be proposed with greater probability, and entertained with
better safety than any of the former three? viz. That the
keeping holy of one day in seven, is of Divine positive right,
taking Jus Divinum in a large signification : not for that only
which is primarily, properly, and directly such, according to
* ' And the points, &c.' Sovereign tidote, ' of every particular Church.'
Antidote, ' The points are two : viz.' J ' a middle.' Sovereign Antidote,
t ' of the Church.' Sovereign An- ' the middle.'
12 THE CASE OF
the tenor of the second Opinion; but including withal that
which is secondarily, consequently, and analogically such.
VIII. For the better understanding whereof, we are to
consider,
First, That those things are de Jure Divino in the first and
strict sense, which either,
1. Are enjoined by the express Ordinance and Command
ment of God in His Holy Word ; or else,
2. May be deduced therefrom by necessary, evident, and
demonstrative illation.
In which sense, there are not many* things de Jure Divino
under the New Testament.
Secondly, That for a thing to be de Jure Divino in the
latter and larger sense, it sufficeth that it may be by human
discourse upon reasons of congruity probably deduced from the
Word of God, as a thing most convenient to be observed by all
such as desire unfeignedly to order their ways according to
God's Holy Will.
Thirdly, That this kind of Jus Divinum may be reasonably
discerned by the concurrence of all, or the chiefest of these
four things following, viz.
1. A foundation of Equity for the thing in general, either
in the Law of Nature, or by virtue of Divine Institution.
2. An Analogy held for the particular determination, with
such Laws and directions as were given to the Jewish
people in the Old Testament, so far as the reason of
Equity holdeth alike.
3. Some probable insinuations | thereof in the Scriptures
of the New Testament.
4. The continued practice of the Christian* Church, so far
as the condition of the times in the several ages thereof
would permit. For, Lex currit cum praxi.
Fourthly, That all these do in some measure concur for the
observation of a weekly Sabbath ; as upon the examination of
the several particulars will easily appear.
IX. This distinction of Jus Divinum is to be observed the
* ' not many.' Sovereign Anti- things to be of positive Divine Right
dote, ' not very many.' In ' Episco- under the New Testament,
pacy not prejudicial to the Regal t ' insinuations.' ' indicia.' Cam-
Power,' Section ii. §.3. it will be bridge Version,
seen that Sanderson allows only two
THE SABBATH. 13
rather, because it may be of very good use, if rightly under
stood and applied,
First, For cutting off the most material instances, which are
usually brought by the Romish Party for the maintenance of
their unwritten Traditions.
Secondly, For the clearing of some, and the silencing of
other some Controversies in the Church, which are disputed
pro and con with much heat : as, viz. concerning,
1 . The government of the Church by Bishops.
2. The distinction of Bishops, Priests and Deacons.
3. The exercise of Ecclesiastical Censures, as Suspension,
Excommunication, &c.
4. The building and consecrating of Churches for the
Service of God.*
5. The assembling of Synods upon needful occasions, for
the maintenance of the Truth, and for the settling of
Church Affairs.
6. The forbidding of Marriages to be made within certain
degrees of consanguinity and affinity.
7. The Baptizing of Infants born of Christian Parents.
8. The maintenance of the Clergy by the Tithes of the
people,f and sundry other things : none of all which, to
my understanding, seem to be de Jure Divino in that
first and proper sense ; but yet all or most of them to
be de Jure Divino in this latter and larger signification.
Thirdly, For the right bounding of the Church's power,
that she be neither denied her lawful liberty in some things,
nor yet assume to herself a greater power than of right be-
longeth unto her in other some. For,
1 . In things that are merely de Jure humano, every parti
cular Church hath power in herself from time to time,
to order and alter them at her pleasure, and may
exercise that pleasure when she thinketh fit.
2. Things that are de Jure Divino in that first sense, the
Universal Church may not, and much less then may
any Particular, at all take upon her to alter, but must
* * the Service of God.' Sovereign and proper sense, but yet all or most
Antidote, ' Divine Service.' of them in my understanding seem
t * Tithes of the people,' &c. So- at least to be de Jure Divino, in the
vereign Antidote, * by Tythes. And latter and larger sense and signifi-
sundry other things. Some of which cation.'
have been doubted of in that prime
14 THE CASE OF
observe them inviolably, whatsoever necessities or dis
tresses she be put unto.
3. Things that are de Jure Divino in this latter sense,
every Particular Church, but much more the Universal,
hath a power to alter in a case of necessity. But the
exercise of that power is so limited to extraordinary
cases, that it may not be safe for her at all to exercise
it ; unless it be for the avoiding of mighty inconve
niences, not otherwise to be avoided.
X. As for the other controversed Point, touching the change
of the day, from the last day of the week or Saturday, which
was the Jews' Sabbath, to the first day of the week or Sunday,
which is our Lord's Day, my opinion is, that the observation
of the Lord's Day among Christians instead of the Jewish
Sabbath,
1 . Is not grounded upon any Commandment given by Christ
to his Apostles.
2. Nor yet upon any Apostolical Constitution* given by the
Apostles unto the Churches in that behalf. But,
3. That it was taken up by the succeeding Church : partly
in imitation of some of the Apostles, who used, especially in the
Churches of the Gentiles, (for in the Churches of Judaea f the
old Sabbath was still observed,) to celebrate their holy assem
blies upon the first day of the week, in the honour of Christ
and His Resurrection ; and partly for the avoiding of Judaism,
wherewith false Teachers in those first times were ever and
anon attempting to enthral the Christian Church.
4. That the observation of the Lord's Day, having been
confirmed by so many Constitutions both Ecclesiastical and
Imperial, and having withal continued with such uniform con
sent throughout the Christian World, for so many Ages ever
since the Apostles' times, the Church, (not to dispute what she
may or may not do in\ plenitudine potestatis, yet) ought not
to attempt the altering of it to any other day of the week.
To the third Question.
XL In this matter, touching Recreations to be used on the
* * Constitution.' Sovereign An- dote, ' of the Jews.'
tidote, « Institution.' J '«».' Sovereign Antidote, * ex.*
t fof Judaea.' Sovereign Anti-
THE SABBATH. 15
Lord's Day, much need not be said, there being' little difficulty
in it, and his Majesty's* last Declaration in that behalf having
put it past disputation. I say then,
1 . For the Thing. That no man can reasonably condemn
the moderate use of lawful Recreations upon the Lord's Day,
as simply and de toto genere unlawful.
2. For the Kind. Albeit there can be no certain Rules
given herein, as in most indifferent things it cometh to pass,
by reason of the infinite variety of circumstances, to fit with all
particular cases, but that still much must be left to private
discretion : yet for some directions in this matter, respect would
be had in the choice of our Recreations,
1. To the public Laws of the State. Such games or
sports as are by Law prohibited, though in themselves
otherwise lawful, being unlawful to them that are under
the obedience of the Law.
2. To the condition of the Person. Walking and dis
coursing, with men of liberal education, is a pleasant
recreation : it is no way delightsome to the ruder sort
of people, who scarce account any thing a sport which
is not loud and boisterous.
3. To the effects of the Recreations themselves. Those
being the meetest to be used, which give the best
refreshing to the body, and leave the least impression
in the mind. In which respect, Shooting, Leaping,
Pitching the Bar, Stool-ball,f &c. are rather to be chosen
than Dicing, Carding, &c.
3. For the Use. That men would be exhorted to use their
Recreation and Pastimes upon the Lord's Day in godly and
commendable sort. For which purpose, amongst others, these
Cautions following would be remembered :
1. That they be used with great moderation, as at all
other times, so especially, and much more, upon the
Lord's Day.
2. That they be used at seasonable times, not in time of
Divine Service, j nor at such hours as are appointed by
* Charles I, October 18, 1633. See J ' Divine Service.' In the Sove-
Sermon ii. ad Clerum, §. 18. reign Antidote this second Caution
t See Strutt, Sports and Pastimes, is made to end with these words.
"•3-
16 THE CASE OF THE SABBATH.
the master of the house whereimto they belong, for
private devotions within his own house. His Majesty's
Declaration limiteth men's liberty this way, till after
Evensong be ended.
3. That they be so used, as that they may rather make
men the fitter for God's service the rest of the day, and
for the works of their vocations the rest of the week,
than any way hinder or disable them thereunto, by
over-wearying the body, or immoderately affecting the
mind.
4. That they use them not doubtingly ; for whatsoever is
not of Faith is sin. He therefore that is not satisfied
in his own judgment, that he may lawfully, and without
sin, use bodily Kecreations on the Lord's Day, ought
by all means to forbear the use thereof, lest he should
sin against his own Conscience.
5. That they be severer towards themselves than towards
other men in the use of their Christian Liberty herein,
not making their own opinion or practice a rule to
their brethren. In this, as in all indifferent things, a
wise and charitable man will in godly wisdom deny
himself many times the use of that Liberty, which in a
godly charity he dare not deny to his brother.
ONE of the MSS. given by Bishop Barlow to the Library of
Queen's College, U. 16. b. p. 90, contains a memorandum that
this Case of the Engagement was drawn up in answer to in
quiries from ' T. Washbourne, Presbyter in Gloucestershire.'
The Letter containing Mr. Washbourne's inquiries, to which
reference is expressly made in the opening of the Case, pp. 20,
21, is here given from Papers preserved in Lincoln College.
And the entire Case is exhibited, in a more genuine and com
plete form than has ever appeared before, from the Original
in Sanderson's own handwriting which is in the possession of
that Society. Sanderson, it will be observed, speaks of this
as the only perfect Copy he had. p. 35 below.
Si A,
THINK it not strange that this Paper salutes you from a strange
hand ; for though my name perhaps be unknown to you, yet cannot
you be unknown to me, being deservedly honoured by all the re
maining honest part of the Clergy of England for your learning and
integrity, which shines bright to them even in these dark times. I
heartily wish both the Church and University might have enjoyed
the benefit of your studies in the public exercise of that eminent
place to which you were called ; but seeing the iniquity of the times
deprive* us of that happiness, I hope and am confident you will not
.deny me your private opinion, which I humbly and earnestly entreat
in a Case of Conscience, not to ensnare you, but to resolve myself.
Had my wife's father, Dr. Fell, late Dean of Christ Church, and your
friend, been now alive, I should have made him my pilot in this storm.
But since God hath taken him away, I desire you would supply the
place of a father in your counsel. And although it be not safe pinning
one's faith on another's sleeve in points of Religion, yet in doubtful
Cases, where arguments on both sides stand like rocks to split me,
I had rather sail by your compass than mine own ; and look, what
* ' deprive.' So in the Original.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. C
ft
18
you conclude lawful or unlawful, I shall submit unto and acquiesce in
as an Oracle.
The occasion moving me thus to trouble you is this. I am now
required to subscribe the New Engagement : the penalty of refusing
may prove the loss of my Church Living, which is the main sub
sistence of my family, a wife and five or six small children. But I
thank God I have learned not to put the world in the one scale,
when my soul is in the other ; or, if I weigh them in the same
balance, I know which should preponderate. As therefore I would
not be flattered into a conceit that I may safely, without making
shipwreck of a good Conscience, take the Engagement, which
many do who are more learned, and would be thought as conscien
tious as the best, so would I not precipitately ruin myself in my
temporal estate by an over-preeiseness in refusing what is not re
pugnant to the Rule of Faith, by which every Christian, and espe
cially a Minister of Christ, ought to steer his course. Give me
leave then to propose the most common Arguments urged for the
subscription ; and the solution of them I assure myself you will easily
and speedily return me by this bearer.
: . That it is only a Promise, not an Oath, and consequently not so
obliging the Conscience, but only pro tempore, whilst the State
stands in force; and that when the lawful Heir to the Crown
shall come in place, it is void, &c.
2. That it is but a Civil Engagement, requiring no more than a
passive obedience to the present Power, which I cannot resist,
and therefore must submit to it.
3. That it is but just to promise fidelity, though to an unjust
Power, under whom I live and from whom I have protection.
4. That it is the constant and avowed practice in frontier towns
for the inhabitants to take an Oath to be true to that party
which possesseth the place ; and as soon as that party is ejected,
they are freed from the Oath, and swear to be faithful to the
contrary party.
5. That the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance (for the Covenant
I never took) bind not to impossibilities ; and since the Go
vernment is altered against my will, as I am not able, so I am
not obliged to defend the King's person and authority, &c.
6. That the present Power, though usurped, is the only Power
exstant; and we must be subject to that or none. And how can
it be sin to promise what I cannot choose but perform, viz. to
be true and faithful to the Parliament,, &c ? for had I the will
to betray or oppose them, I want the ability.
19
7. That by not subscribing I become a prey to them, and thereby
am made utterly unable, in a civil capacity, to serve the rightful
Prince, if he should come in place to demand my assistance.
8. That the King, both before and since his coming into Scotland.,
hath (if strong report of some may be credited, who stick not
to say they have it from his own mouth) given leave to his sub
jects rather to subscribe than suffer the loss of their estates.
In your Resolution, I crave not only an answer to these few, and,
it may be, frivolous Objections to your sound and more discerning
judgment, but to any other of weight or consequence which you can
think upon for my further satisfaction. So doing, you will engage
me to subscribe myself,
Sir, your true and faithful friend
and servant in Christ,
THO. WASHBOURNE.
Dombleton in Gloucestershire,
Jan. the 7th.
Let me trouble you with this one Query more. Whether, upon
supposition that the words of the Engagement may bear a double
construction, I may take it in my own sense or in the Imposer's ? and
whether I ought to ask his interpretation before I subscribe ? I add
this at the request of a friend who desires to be satisfied in this
point.
To my very worthy and much esteemed friend
Dr. Sanderson, Rector of Boothby Paynell,
near Grantham in Lincolnshire, present these.
C 4
THE
CASE OF THE ENGAGEMENT.
SIR,
1 HAVE hitherto been very sparing in delivering my opinion
concerning the point now most in agitation, viz. of the law
fulness or unlawfulness of subscribing the Engagement, con
sidering the mischiefs that must needs have followed, if it
should be once noised abroad that I had given forth any de
termination in so tickle a point. I could not but foresee on
the one side, if I should condemn it as utterly unlawful, how
I should be looked upon by those that have all power in their
hands, not as a refuser only, but a dissuader also of what they
have thought fit to require. And on the other side, if I should
allow it in any case lawful, what ill use would certainly be
made thereof by multitudes of people, apt to be so far scan
dalized thereby, as either to swallow it whole without chewing,
(that is, resting themselves upon the general determination of
the lawfulness to take it hand over head, without due consi
deration either of the true meaning of it or of other requisite
cautions and circumstances,) or else to conceive themselves, by
so engaging, to be for ever discharged from the bond of their
former allegiance.
Yet since by your Letter, and by sending your servant
therewith on purpose so many days' journey, through un
known ways, and at this season of the year (especially as the
weather hath proved since his coming forth) scarce passable,
you have shown your earnest desire to understand what my
opinion is in this point, so great, both for difficulty and con
cernment, I could not think it fit, nor consistent with that
civility which is to be used, especially towards strangers, to
send back your messenger without the return of some kind of
answer. Wherein, albeit I shall not come up to the full of
what your Letter declareth to be your desire, viz. in giving
a particular judgment and estimate of the eight several argu-
THE CASE OF THE ENGAGEMENT. 21
ments therein proposed, and the additional Quaere in the
Postscript, yet you shall find something tending towards your
satisfaction therein, by touching upon those points, so far as
the straits of time would suffer, wherein the difficulty of the
whole business seemeth chiefly to consist.
I. First, then, it is to be considered, that Allegiance is a
duty that every Subject, under what form of Government
soever, by the Law of Nature oweth to his Country, and con
sequently to the Sovereign Power thereof. For the very same
Law (which we may call the Law of Nature, at least in a large
acception) which inclineth particular men to grow into one
civil body of a Commonwealth, must necessarily withal imprint
a sense and tacit acknowledgment of such a duty of Allegiance
in every inferior member of the Body, unto the Caput Com-
munitatis, or Sovereign Power, by which that Commonwealth
is governed, as is necessary for the preservation of the whole
Body. So that the bond of Allegiance doth not arise origin
ally from the Oath of Allegiance, as if those that had not
taken the Oath had a greater liberty to act contrary to the
Allegiance specified in the Oath than those that have taken it
have ; or as if, in case the Oath should be quite laid aside,
there should be no Allegiance due. But it is so intrinsecal,
proper, and essential a duty, and, as it were, fundamental to
the relation of a Subject, qua tails, as that the very name of
a Subject doth, after a sort, import it : insomuch, that it hath
thereupon gained, in common usage of speech, the style of
Natural Allegiance.
Whence all these Inferences will follow.
i. That the Bond of Allegiance, whether sworn or not
sworn, is in the nature of it perpetual and indispensable.
3. That it is so inseparable from the relation of a Subject,
that although the exercise of it may be suspended by reason
of a prevailing force, whilst the Subject is under such force,
viz. where it cannot be imagined how the endeavour of exer
cising it can be effectually serviceable to restore the Sovereign
Power to the right owner, for the establishment of that public
Justice and Peace wherein the happiness of Commonwealths
consisteth, yet no outward force can so absolutely take it away
or remove it, but that still it remaineth virtually in the Sub
ject, and obligeth to an endeavour, so soon as the force that
22 THE CASE OF
hindered it is over, of actually exercising it* for the advan
tage of the party to whom of right it is due, and the advance
ment of the common good thereby, upon all fit occasions.
3. That no Subject of England, that either hath by taking
the Oaths of Supremacy or Allegiance acknowledged, or that
not having taken either Oath, yet otherwise knoweth or be-
lieveth that the Sovereign Power in England, to whom his
natural Allegiance is due, is the King, his Heirs, and lawful
Successors, can without sinning against his conscience, enter
into any Covenant, Promise, or Engagement, or do any other
act or acts whatsoever, whereby either to transfer his Alle
giance to any other party, to whom it is not of right due, or
to put himself into an incapacity of performing the duties of
his bounden Allegiance to his lawful Sovereign, when it may
appear to be useful and serviceable to him.
4. That therefore the taking of the late Solemn League and
Covenant by any subject of England, notwithstanding the pro
testation in the Preface that therein he had the honour of the
King before his eyes, and that express clause in one of the
Articles of it, wherein he swore the preservation of the King's
person and honour, was an act as clear lyf contrary to the
Oath of Allegiance, and the natural duty of every subject of
England, as the assisting of the King to the utmost of one's
Power (which is a branch of the Oaths), and the assisting
against any person whatsoever, with his utmost power, those
that were actually in arms against the King, which was the
very end for which that Covenant was set on foot, are con
trary the one unto the other.
5. And that also, for the same reason, no Subject of Eng
land that hath taken the Oaths and understandeth them, or is
persuaded that the Sovereignty of this Realm doth of right
belong to the King, his Heirs, and lawful Successors, can,
without sinning in like manner against his Conscience, take the
Engagement now offered ; if he so understand the words,
wherein it is expressed, as if they did contain in them, and
require of the Promiser, an acknowledgment that the Su
preme Power of this Realm, whereunto the Subjects owe their
bounden Allegiance, is rightly vested in those persons that now
* ' exercising it.' Previous Edd. ' exercising of it.'
t 'clearly.' Previous Edd. 'clear.'
THE ENGAGEMENT. 23
exercise it; or as if they did import an utter abjuration or
renouncing of that Allegiance which was formerly held due to
the King.
II. This being cleared, the next Inquiry must be, Whether
or no the words of the Engagement will reasonably bear such
a construction, as, to the understanding of a rational and con
scientious man, may be deemed* consistent with his bounden
duty and Allegiance to his lawful Sovereign ? Whereof, I
think, there need be no great question made, if it be well
considered,
1. That all expressions by words are subject to such ambi
guities, that scarce any thing can be said or expressed in any
words, how cautelously soever chosen, which will not render
the whole speech capable of more constructions than one.
2. That very many men, known to be well affected to the
King and his party, and reputed otherwise both learned and
conscientious (not to mention the Presbyterians, most of
whom,| truly for my own part, when we speak of learning and
conscience, I hold to be very little considerable) have sub
scribed the Engagement. Who in the judgment of Charity we
are to presume would not so have done, if they had not been
persuaded the words might be understood in some such quali
fied sense, as might stand with the duty of Allegiance to the
King.
3. That, as you write, it is strongly reported and believed,
the King! hath given way to the taking of the Engagement,
rather than that his good Subjects should lose their estates for
refusing the same. Which as it is a clear evidence that the
King, and they who are about him to advise him, do not so
conceive of the words of this Engagement as if they did neces
sarily import an abandoning of the Allegiance due to him, so
is it,§ if true, a matter of great consideration towards the
satisfaction of so many as out of that fear only have scrupled
the taking of it. For the doing of that cannot be reasonably
* Sanderson first wrote 'may be/ J 'that the King,' as in the pre-
then ' seem,' then « appear/ and, ' fi- vious Edd. written, but the pen
nally, ' be deemed.' drawn through the word 'that.'
t 'most of.' These two words §' so is it.' In previous Edd. < so
were added afterwards by interlinea- 'tis/
tion.
24 THE CASE OF
thought to destroy the Subject's Allegiance, which the King,
who expecteth Allegiance from all his Subjects, advisedly, and
upon mature deliberation alloweth them to do.
III. But all this being granted, that the words of the En
gagement are capable of such construction, yet is not the
Conscience thereby sufficiently secured from justly scrupling at
the taking thereof, unless it may yet further appear that the
Subject hath the liberty to make use of such a construction.
Which is in effect the Quaere contained in your Postscript, viz.
Whether, upon supposition that the words of the Engagement
will bear more constructions than one, the Subscriber may take
it in his own sense ? Or is bound to take it in the Imposer's
sense? Or whether it be necessary, or expedient, before he
subscribe, to ask those that require his subscription, in what
sense they require him to subscribe it ? Upon the resolution of
which Quaere, since, as I conceive, the last resolution of the
judgment, wherein the Conscience is to acquiesce, doth princi
pally depend, I shall endeavour to give you my thoughts
therein, (wherein I acknowledge to have received much light
and satisfaction from a Discourse written by a very learned,*
judicious, and pious friend, whereof I lately had the perusal,
but for some reasons not thought fit to be published,) as
distinctly and clearly, as the time I have to do it in will
suffer.
i . First, then, for a man that is required of another to give
faith by some Oath, Promise, or other Engagement, to take it
in a sense of his own, manifestly different, even in his own
apprehension, from the other's meaning, sufficiently expressed
by words according to the common custom of speech, and the
nature of the business which it concerneth, is so gross a con
ceit, that had not the impudence of the Jesuits, in maintaining
the lawfulness of their Equivocations, and the sad experience
of these late times (wherein thousands have cheated them
selves into Perjury by thinking to avoid it) evidenced the
contrary, it might well have been thought a thing incredible,
that any man of common understanding should suffer his
reason to be so infatuated by his affections, as to be deceived
thereby. For if such latitude of construction should be ad-
* ' a very learned.' In previous Edd. 'a learned.'
>.
THE ENGAGEMENT. 25
mitted in Promises, and other Obligations of that nature,
intended for the preservation of faith among mankind, there
would not remain any possible means whereby for men to have
assurance of one another's meaning. Wherefore I take that
for a clear truth, that all Promises, and Assurances, wherein
faith is required to be given to another, ought to be under
stood ad mentem Imponentis, according to the mind and
meaning of him to whom the faith is to be given ; so far forth
as that meaning may reasonably appear, by the nature of the
matter about which it is conversant, and such signification of
the words whereby it is expressed, as according to the ordinary
use of speech amongst men agreeth best thereunto. The
reason whereof is, because the faith so required to be given, is
intended to the behoof, and for the interest of him that re-
quireth it : namely, to the end he may have the better assur
ance from him that giveth the faith, that what is promised
shall be accordingly performed : which assurance he cannot
have, if, after his meaning sufficiently declared by the words,
it should yet be at the liberty of the Promiser to reserve
another secret meaning in his own breast, differing therefrom.
2. But, secondly, what if the intention of the Imposer be
not so fully declared by the words and the nature of the
business, but that the same words may in fair construction be
still capable of a double meaning, so as taken in one sense they
shall bind to More, and in another to Less ? I conceive in such
case it is not necessary, nor always expedient, (but rather for
the most part otherwise) for the Promiser, before he give
faith, to demand of the Imposer, whether of the two is his
meaning. But he may by the Rule of Prudence, and that, for
ought I see, without the violation of any Law of Conscience,
make his just advantage of that ambiguity, and take it in that
sense* which shall bind to the Less. And this I ground upon
the very same reason as before. For sith the faith to be given
is intended to the behoof of him to whom it is given, it con-
cerneth him to take care that his meaning be expressed in
such words as will sufficiently manifest the same to the under
standing of a reasonable man. Which if he but neglect f to do,
* ' in that sense.' In previous t ' if he but neglect,' In previous
Edd. * in the same sense.' Edd. * if he neglect.'
26 THE CASE OF
no Law of Equity or Prudence bindeth the Promiser by an
over-scrupulous diligence to make it out, whereby to lay a
greater Obligation upon himself than otherwise he needed*
to do.
3. But then, thirdly, if it shall happen (as often it cometh
to pass, when we have to deal with cunning men, and may
possibly be the case now, and undoubtedly was so in the busi
ness of the Protestation, f when the time was,) that he that
requireth the faith to be given, do of purpose so contrive the
words, J that there may be left an ambiguity and latitude of
sense therein : yea, and that it be very probable, and in a
manner apparent, (upon the consideration of the point of
interest, or other strong presumptions arising from circum
stances or otherwise) even to the apprehension of the Promiser
himself, that he hath some further reach in requiring that
Promise from him, some more remote and secret intention
than he is willing to discover. In that case what is to be
done? I answer, that the Promiser in such case is no ways
obliged, in giving his faith, to take notice of any secret § in
tention, but is at liberty to make use of that latitude of sense,
which the other did rather choose to leave undetermined than
to restrain, and so to turn the other's cunning dealing to his
own best advantage, by taking it in the more favourable con
struction, and that which bindeth to less. For it is the
* ' than otherwise he needed.' In I may, I will oppose, and by all
previous Edd. ' than he need.' good ways and means endeavour to
t I, A. B., do in the Presence of bring to condign punishment, all
Almighty God, promise, vow, and such as shall either by force, plots,
protest, to maintain and defend, as or conspiracies, or otherwise, do any
far as lawfully I may, with my life, thing to the contrary of any thing in
power, and estate, the true Reform- this present Protestation contained,
ed Protestant Religion, expressed in And further, that I shall in all just
the Doctrine of the Church of Eng- and honourable ways endeavour to
land, against all Popery, and Popish preserve the Union and Peace be-
Innovation within this Realm, con- tween the three Kingdoms of Eng-
trary to the same Doctrine, and ac- land, Scotland, and Ireland ; and
cording to the Duty of my Alle- neither for hope, fear, nor other re-
giance, His Majesty's Royal Person, spect, shall relinquish the Promise,
Honour, and Estate ; as also the Vow, and Protestation. — See ' Eng-
Power and Privileges of Parlia- lands Oaths, Taken by all men of
ment ; the lawful Rights and Liber- Quality in the Church and Common-
ties of the Subject, and every per- wealth of England.' London, 1642.
son that maketh this Protestation, % ' the words.' In previous Edd.
in whatsoever he shall do in the ' words.'
lawful pursuance of the same. And §' any secret.' In previous Edd.
to my power, and as far as lawfully ' any such secret.'
THE ENGAGEMENT. 27
declared Intent* only, (viz. that which the words, according to
the common use of speech, do, in relation to the nature of the
business, f most naturally and properly represent to the under
standing of reasonable men, when they hear them ;) and not
the remote, J secret, and reserved Intent, which the Promisor
is obliged unto. The Reason whereof is manifest. Because he
that requireth faith to be given from another, by words of his
own contriving, is ever presumed so to have determined the
sense thereof, in the contrivance of the words, as may sufficiently
declare what he intendeth the Promiser should assure him to
perform. If therefore he have not so determined the words as
to signify the More, it is in all reason to be presumed, that he
intended to oblige him but to the Less. For being at liberty
to make his own choice of words, whereby to express his own
meaning, who can think otherwise, but that he would make
the choice with respect to his own interest ? And therefore,
though he might have a secret desire, yea, and that by his
actions otherwise evident and apparent enough to all the world,
but such as for some particular reasons reserved to himself he
thinketh not fit in the form of words tendered to the Promiser
as yet to discover, § that the Promiser should be bound to the
More, and would be marvellously well pleased that he should
so understand the words, as if they intended to bind him to
the More, yet since it had been so easy a matter for him, by
adding or altering a few words, to have declared that Intent,
if he had thought it conducible to his own ends, it will be pre
sumed also, that it was out of respect to self-interest || that he
forbare so to do, and chose rather to leave his meaning in
such general words as will not exclude the sense, which
bindeth but to the Less ; and consequently that his declared
Intent obligeth to no more but to the Less only.
IV. To bring the matter yet closer, and to put it up to the
present Case, there are two things 1" more to be done.
* ' Intent.' In previous Edd. by Sanderson in the margin, as a
' Intention.' substitute for the words, ' which he
t 'business.' In previous edd. is loath to discover/ which had been
' subject.' inserted between the lines, and then
J ' the remote.' In previous Edd. had the pen drawn through them.
' to the remote.' || « to self-interest.' In previous
§ ' yea, and that yet to dis- Edd. ' of self-interest.'
cover.' This passage was inserted ^[ ' are two things.' In previous
28 THE CASE OF
First, to show what the different constructions are* (the
highest, I mean, and the lowest) the words of the Engagement
are fairly capable of.
And, secondly, to find, as well as we can, whether of the two
is more probably the meaning intended by the Imposers to
be declared by the words.
The words are these :
' I do promise to be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of
England, as it is now established without King or Lords.'
Wherein there are sundry ambiguities, f
i. The first and main one, and whereon the rest after a sort
depend, is in the word Commonwealth, J by which may either
be meant, those persons who are the prevalent party in this
Kingdom, and now are possessed of and do exercise the Su
preme Power therein, as if the right of Sovereignty were
vested in them : or else, the whole entire Body of the English
Nation, as it is a Civil Society or State within itself, distin
guished from all other Foreign Estates. Taken in the former
sense, the fidelity promised to the Commonwealth relateth
directly to the upholding of that party who are the present
Governors de facto, and importeth§ subjection to them as de
jure ; but taken in the latter, it relateth to the || safety of the
Nation, and importeth no more as to the present Governors,
but to live peaceably under them de facto, and to yield obe
dience to them in things absolutely necessary for the uphold
ing Civil Society within the Realm : such as are specially IF the
Edd. ' are yet two things.' The their power : viz. to remain true pri-
word 'yet' has had a pen drawn s oners of war, and so long as they
twice through it in the Original. are in their power, not to attempt
* * what the different construe- any thing to their destruction.'
tions are.' In previous Edd. ' what The whole of this Paragraph was
different constructions.' crossed out in the Original.
t In previous Edd. there follows j This paragraph, as originally
nere : „. written, commenced, ' Secondly, In
r • £ ?>r8u ??V u tr-Ue aii the word Commonwealth,' as in the
faithful. By which may be intend- previous Edd. But, when Sander-
ed, either the promise ,of that Fide- 60n saw reason for omittinj? the mat.
hty and Allegiance which was for- ter immediately preceding; he made
merly acknowledged to be due to the alteration exhibited above.
the King, &c, to be now performed , , . , , T . „ , ,
to those that are presently possessed (. % <imPf^eth. In previous Edd.
of the Supreme Power, as their imP°rts-
right and due. Or else the pro- II 'relateth to the.' In previous
mise of such a kind of fidelity, as Edd- 'relateth the.'
captives taken in war promise to IT ' specially.' This word does not
their enemies when they fall under appear in the previous Edd.
THE ENGAGEMENT. 29
defence of the Nation against Foreigners, the furtherance of
Public Justice, and the maintenance of Trade.
2. In the words ' As it is now established,' &c ; which may
be understood either by way of approbation of what hath been
done for* abolishing of Kingly Government, and of the House
of Peers, and placing all Authority and Power within this
Realm in the House of Commons, or other pretended Repre
sentatives of the People, f Or else e^yrjruws only, as a clause
simply and barely reciting what manner of Government it is,
that this Nation de facto is now under : viz. a Government by
the Commons only, without either King or House of Lords.
3. Thirdly,} in the words ' True and faithful.' By which may
be understood either, i°. the Promise of that Fidelity or Alle
giance (which was formerly sworn or acknowledged to be due
to the King &c.) to be henceforth performed to those that are
presently possessed of the Supreme Power within this Realm,
as their right and due. 2°. Or secondly, the Promise of that
Fidelity which every good Patriot oweth to the Commonwealth
whereof he is a member, (be the Government thereof for the
present what it will, or in whatsoever hands it be, or howso
ever acquired, whether rightly or by usurpation,) in endea
vouring faithfully, according to his calling and condition, to
maintain the safety of the Nation, by resisting and helping §
to suppress all whether foreign invasions or intestine conspi
racies and commotions which shall be raised for the further
enslaving or embroiling the same, by seeking forcibly to set
up the Interest of a third Party that neither have right unto
nor are in possession of the Supreme Power : as also to fur
ther the administration of public Justice, by endeavouring to
have malefactors apprehended and punished, and to uphold
the freedom of Trade and Commerce ; whereby the lives, live
lihoods, rights, and liberties of his compatriots and fellow-
subjects may be the better secured, and protected from vio
lence and wrong. 3°. Or thirdly, the Promise of such a kind
of Fidelity to the present Government, as captives taken in
* « done for.' In previous Edd. sent Government.' p. 30. These two
* done by way of.' Paragraphs are inserted from the
t 'or other pretended Represent- Lincoln College MS.
atives of the People.' These words § ' helping (to his power) ' ori-
do not appear in previous Edd. ginally written, but the pen drawn
J "3. Thirdly,' — ' under the pre- through the latter words.
30 THE CASE OF
War promise to their enemies when they are fallen under their
power, viz. to remain true prisoners of War, and, so long as
they are under their power, not to attempt any thing to their
destruction.
Of which three Interpretations, the First intendeth chiefly
the present Governors ; for howsoever the pretensions are for
the Commonwealth, yet really they mean thereby themselves
only, and not all the Commonwealth otherwise than in name
and for a pretence : as in that other great Mystery of Iniquity,
the Papacy, the Catholic Church, so mightily cried up, is really
and in effect no more but the Pope only. The Second intend
eth the Commonwealth itself or Nation precisely, without
relation to the Governors either de jure or de facto. The
Third intendeth the Commonwealth also or Nation, but as
relating unto and standing under the present Government.
These Ambiguities* considered, the highest Construction
that can be reasonably made of the words, is to this effect.
* I acknowledge the Sovereign Power of this Nation, where-
unto I owe Allegiance and Subjection, to be rightly vested f
in the House of Commons, or Representatives of the People
now sitting and enacting at Westminster, J wherein neither
King nor Lords, as such, have, or henceforth ought to have
any share. And I promise that I will perform all Allegiance
and Subjection thereunto, and maintain the same with my
fortunes and life to the uttermost § of my power.'
And the lowest Construction that can be reasonably made
of the same words, is to this effect. ' Whereas for the present
the Supreme Power of this Commonwealth || is actually pos
sessed and exercised by the House of Commons, without either
King or Lords, I promise that whilst the Government con-
tinueth so established, I will notwithstanding endeavour my
self IF faithfully in my place and calling, to do what every good
* 'These Ambiguities.' In pre- previous Edd. 'in England, under
vious Edd. * Which Ambiguities/ which Power I now am/
t * vested.' Sanderson first wrote IT * I promise — myself.' Origin-
' stated/ as in previous Editions, but ally this stood as in previous Edd.
afterwards drew his pen strongly ' I promise that so long as I live
through it, and interlined ' vested.' under that power and protection, I
J In previous Edd. ' Commons, will not contrive or attempt any act
wherein.' of hostility against them ; but living
§ 'uttermost.' In previous Edd. quietly and peaceably under them,
'utmost.' « will endeavour myself.' Then, at
|| ' of this Commonwealth.' In first, Sanderson interlined as a sub-
THE ENGAGEMENT. 31
member of a Commonwealth ought to do for the safety of my
Country, and preservation of Civil Society therein.'
Between which two * there seemeth to be a middle Construc
tion very reasonable also, and obvious to every man's under
standing : as thus. ' Whereas the Government of this Com
monwealth of England, so far as it standeth presently esta
blished, is administered and exercised without either King or
Lords, I do faithfully promise, so long as I live under the pre
sent Power and enjoy the benefit of their protection, that I
will not do any act of hostility against them, nor contrive or
attempt any thing to their destruction ; but living quietly and
peaceably under them, will endeavour in my place and calling
to do what to my best understanding shall appear requisite to
be done for the safety of my Country, and the maintenance
of Civil Society within the same.'
V. Now cometh in to be considered in the last place the
great Question, which of the three f Constructions is it, (that
which bindeth to the Most, or one of these which oblige to the
Least, the words can well bear) the FramersJ of the Engage
ment did rather intend to declare by these words ? They that
think the former, want not probability of reason to ground
their persuasion upon. For they consider, that those who are
presently possessed of the Supreme Power, are not minded to
part with it if they can hold it. And that the likeliest way
to hold it is, if they can possibly bring the whole people of
England, or at least the far greatest part thereof, to acknow
ledge that they are rightly possessed of it, and to promise
Subjection and Allegiance unto them as such. And that there
fore the Engagement, being purposely devised and set a foot§
as the fittest engine to expedite that work, must in all reason
intend to oblige so far. Which being so contrary to their
stitute for the first clause, 'so long t ' which of the three,' &c. So
as I live under their power and pro- corrected by Sanderson from the
tection,' these words, 'till the Go- form originally written, which is ex-
vernment be otherwise exercised :' hibited in the previous Editions :
afterwards he drew his pen through 'whether of the two constructions
this interlined correction, and sub- it is, (that which bindeth to the
stituted for the whole passage the Most, or this which obligeth' &c.
words exhibited above. J ' Framers.' In previous Edd.
* ' Between which two — within the ' formers.'
same.' This entire Paragraph is in- § 'a foot.' In previous Edd. ' on
serted from the Lincoln College MS. foot.'
32 THE CASE OF
judgment and persuasion, concerning the duty and Oath of
Allegiance, I cannot blame those that so understand the words
of the Engagement, if they abominate the very thought of
taking it.
But there wanteth not great probability of reason on the
other side, to induce us to believe that the latter and lower
sense is rather to be deemed the immediate and declared
intent of the Imposers. Although from the ground of the
persuasion now last alleged it cannot be much doubted, but
that it was in their Vote and Design, and consequently more
agreeable* to their secret, reserved, and ultimate intent; be
tween which two whatsoever difference there is, f the Engager
is not concerned in it, or not yet : the Equivocation, whatso
ever it be, lieth on the Imposer's part, and therefore ought not
to be put on the Promisor's score. { That therefore the words
of the Engagement according to the declared intent of the
Imposers are to be understood in the lowest or at least in the
middle sense, there are, amongst other, these Probabilities^
1. That many prudent and conscientious men of the Royal
Party, as well Divines and Lawyers as others, have thus un
derstood it, who, we presume, would not for any outward
respect in the world have taken it, if they conceived any more
to have been intended in it.
2. That it hath been often || affirmed, both publicly and pri
vately in several parts of the Kingdom, if we may believe
either common fame or the reports of sundry credible parti
cular persons, by those that have persuaded or pressed others
to subscribe, that the same is the very true intent and mean
ing of it, and no other.
3. That if the Imposers had been minded to have declared
* 'Although from the ground' J ' the Equivocation/ &c. In the
&c. So corrected by Sanderson first instance, as in previous Edd.,
from the original form given in pre- ' the Equivocation, if there be any
vious Editions : ' of the Imposers, in that, must be put upon the
whatsoever cause of suspicion there Imposer's, not on the Promisor's
may be that the former meaning score.'
may be more agreeable' &c. § That therefore — these Probabi-
t ' whatsoever difference there is.' lities.' Originally written, as given
In the first instance this was written in previous Edd., * For thus believ-
as it appears in previous Editions : ing there are amongst other these
' between which two if there be any Probabilities.'
difference, (as it is not impossible || * been often.' In previous Edd.
but there may be,) the Engager' &c. ' often been.'
THE ENGAGEMENT. 33
an intent of binding to More, it had been the easiest thing in
the world for them to have framed* the words so as not to be
capable of a construction binding to Less.
4. That, as is also credibly reported, whilst the form of
words was under debate, the opinion of those that would
have had it set higher, (viz. 'I promise to be faithful to the
Commonwealth of England, and to maintain the same as it is
now established against King and Lords,') f was not followed,
as held unseasonable ; and the vote carried, for the more mo
derate expression wherein it now standeth.
5. That the Imposers, intending by the Engagement to
secure themselves at the most butj against the designs and
attempts of those men, who they knew well enough hold them
for no other than Usurpers, must be in reason supposed to
require no more assurance of them by the Engagement, than
such as may and is usually given to Usurpers ; which is, not
an acknowledgment of their title, and a promise of Allegiance,
but merely and at the most§ a promise of living quietly, so
long as they are under their power, and enjoy their pro
tection.
6. That it is a received Maxim of Political Prudence, for all
new Governors, (especially those that either || introduce a new
form of Government, or come in upon a questionable Title,) to
abstain from all harsh proceedings, even against those whom
they know to be evil affected to their power, and not so much
as to exasperate them, (though it be in the power of their
hands to destroy them,) especially in the beginning of their
Government, but rather to sweeten them into a better opinion
of their persons, and to win upon them by Acts of Grace and
Oblivion ; for Remissius imperanti tnelius paretur. a So as
they may have but any tolerable kind of assurance from them
in the mean time, of living quietly and peaceably under them.
We have no reason therefore to believe that the Imposers of
this Engagement, who have acted the parts of the greatest
* 'it had been— framed/ Origin- + 'at the most but/ In previous
ally written, as given in previous Edd. 'especially/
Edd., • they might easily have fram- § < and at th? most>> These wordg
1 mi d° n°t appear in previous Edd.
t Ihe words within this paren- . .
thesis were added by Sanderson in , ||' those that either So corrected
the margin. They do not appear by Sanderson from ' if they/
in previous Editions. a Seneca, de Clem. i. 24.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. D
34 THE CASE OF
Politicians so perfectly and successfully hitherto, as to possess
themselves so fully of the Supreme Power of so great and
flourishing* a Kingdom in so few years, would f be so impo
litic as not to proceed by the same rules, that all wise and
successful persons have ever practised in the managing and
for the establishing of an Acquired Power.
VI. Out of all these Premisses together, waiving J any posi
tive Conclusion, either Affirmative or Negative, touching the
Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of subscribing in wiiversali, I
shall declare my opinion only in these few following parti
culars.
1. That it is not lawful for any man to take the Engagement
with a resolution to break it.
2. That therefore, whosoever thinketh the words of the
Engagement do contain a promise of any thing which is not
lawful for him to perform, cannot take it with a good Con
science.
3. That whosoever so understandeth the words of the En
gagement, as if they did oblige him to any thing contrary to
his Allegiance, or render him unable to act according there
unto, upon any seasonable emerging occasion, cannot with a
good Conscience take it.
4. That if any man for any temporal benefit, or avoiding of
any temporal damage, shall take the Engagement with a
doubting Conscience, that is, before he be persuaded in his
judgment, upon some probable ground of reason, that it is
lawful for him so to do, he sinneth therein.
5. That if any man, after a serious desire and moral endea
vour § of informing himself as rightly and impartially || as he
can, what are the duties and obligations IF of his Allegiance on
the one side, and what is most probably the meaning intended
by the words of the Engagement on the other side, shall find
himself well satisfied in this persuasion, that the performance
*' flourishing.' Originally written § ' and moral endeavour.' Not in
'famous.' previous Edd.
t ' would.' Originally written || ' and impartially.' Not in pre-
* should.' vious Edd.
J 'waiving.' In the Original «[[ ' and obligations/ Not in pre-
' wayving.' Previous Edd. ' weigh- vious Edd.
ing.'
THE ENGAGEMENT. 35
in the mean time of what is required by the Engagement, so
understood as he apprehendeth it ought to be,* is no way con
trary (for any thing he can discern for the present) to his
bounden Allegiance, so long as he is under such a force, as
that he cannot exercise it ; and likewise, that whensoever that
force is so removed from him, or he from under it, as that he
hath power to act according to his Allegiance, the Obligation
of the Engagement of itself determineth and expireth ; and
out of these considerations, rather than suffer extreme f preju
dice in his Person, Estate, or necessary Relations, shall sub
scribe the Engagement ; since his own heart condemneth him
not, neither will I.
SIR,
I HAVE now two requests to you, which I doubt not but you
will think reasonable. The one, that whatsoever use you shall
please to make of these papers, or any thing therein contained,
for your own, or any friend's satisfaction, yet you would not
deliver any copies abroad, lest they should come to be printed,
as some other papers of mine, written in this manner, have
been without my knowledge. This I desire, both in respect of
the danger I might incur from the displeasure of the Potent
Party, if any such thing should come abroad ; as also lest upon
the consideration of some things here hinted, they might think
the words of the Engagement too light, and might thence take
occasion to lay some heavier Obligation upon us, in words that
should oblige to More. The other request is, that since I have
not another J perfect copy of what I now§ send you, you would
procure || it to be transcribed for me ; and either the copy so
transcribed, or these very papers rather, when you have tran
scribed them, transmit inclosed in a Letter, or by some Friend
that will be sure to deliver them safe, with his own hands, to
* ' as he apprehendeth it ought to { any other.'
be.' Not in previous Edd. § ' I now.' In previous Edd.
t ' suffer extreme,' &c. Sanderson ' now I.'
wrote in the first instance: 'than || 'procure.' In previous Edd.
suffer himself to be undone.' * command.'
£ 'another.' In previous Edd.
36 THE CASE OF THE ENGAGEMENT.
my son Robert Sanderson, an Apprentice at the Nag's Head in
Pater Noster Row, to whom * I shall write shortly that he may
expect them.
Sir, I desire that my best respects may be heartily j pre
sented to the good Gentlewoman, J Mrs. Fell, to whom and all
hers I wish much comfort and happiness. The like to you and
yours, desiring your prayers. God endue us all with Grace
and Wisdom fit for these evil times ; to whose Mercy and
Blessing commend us all. I rest,
Dec. 20, 1650.
Botheby Paynell.
Your Loving Friend and Servant,
ROBERT SANDERSON. §
*' to my son to whom.' Pre- In previous Edd. ( presented, &c.
vious Edd. have only e to my son God endue us'. . . .
in London, to whom.' § The name is not subscribed in
t ' heartily.' Not in previous previous Editions.
Editions. || In previous Edd. 'B. P. Dec. 20.
J ' to the good Gentlewoman,' &c. 1650.'
THE CASE OF
THE USE OF THE LITURGY,
STATED IN THE LATE TIMES.*
SIR,
W HEREAS you are desirous to know what my judgment and
practice is concerning the using or forbearing of the established
Liturgy, either in whole or in part, in the public Service of
God and Offices of the Church, if that may be any satisfaction
to yourself or friend, I shall fully acquaint you with what my
practice is,f (whereunto if my judgment be not conformed, I am
without all escape mine own condemner,) and upon what con-
* This Title must have been pre
fixed after the Restoration. * in the
late times stated* would seem the
more natural order for the conclud
ing words. The Cambridge Version
has 'in nuperis temporibus deter-
minatus.'
A transcript of this Case in
cccxxxix of the MSS. in New Col
lege Library, p. 119, is headed:
' Dr. Sanderson's Resolution of the
Case concerning officiating in pub
lic otherwise than is prescribed by
the Liturgy/
Another, in B. 2. 12. of the MSS.
in the Library of C. C. C., thus :
'The Case of using or forbearing the
Established Liturgy stated and re
solved.'
A third, in P. 1 8. of the Queen's
College MSS. f°. 183, has this head
ing in the handwriting of Bp. Bar
low : ' Dr. Sanderson's Answer to a
Case of Conscience, proposed in the
time of the War, 1652, about read
ing or omitting the forms in our
Liturgy.'
Bp. Barlow also prefixed this in
teresting ' Memorandum.'
' That Mr. Hen. Bankes, Fellow
of Winchester Coll. Nov. 16, 1670,
gave me this account of the follow
ing Case. Some of the most emi
nent Divines of the Church of Eng
land met in London, Anno 1652, and
determined to excommunicate all
those who forbore reading the Com
mon Prayer : because, by such com
pliance with an Ordinance of Parlia
ment, they did actually disobey the
Established Law, and disown their
allegiance to their lawful though de
pressed Sovereign, and their obe
dience to the Bishops and Church
of England. But hearing of Dr.
Sanderson's practice, they suspend
ed the business till his judgment
could be had. The return he made
them was that which here follows ;
which being received by them and
read, it put an end (and with good
reason it might) to their design.
Vera an secus sit haec Historiola,
judicent alii. Certe a Viro docto ac
fide digno illam habui.'
This Case appeared separately in
8vo, in 1678, with the Title, ' Bishop
Sanderson's Judgment concerning
Submission to Usurpers,' — less cor
rectly printed than in its place
among the Cases of Conscience.
t So C. C. C. ' what my practice
is,' Q.U. and New. ' with my prac
tice, is,' in previous Editions.
38 THE CASE OF
siderations* I have, according to the variation of times, varied
myself therein.
So long as my Congregation continued unmixed with Sol
diers, (as well after as before the promulgation of the Ordi
nance of the two Houses, f for the abolishing of Common
Prayer,) I continued the use of it, as I had ever formerly done
in the most peaceable and orderly times, not omitting those
very Prayers, the silencing whereof I could not but know to
have been chiefly aimed at in the Ordinance, viz. those for the
King, the Queen, and the Bishops. And so I did also, though
some Soldiers were casually present, till such time as a whole
Troop coming to quarter in the Town, with aj purpose to
continue a kind of Garrison or Head-quarters among us, were
so enraged at my reading of it the first Sunday after they
came, that immediately after Morning Service ended, § they
seized on the Book and tore it all to pieces.
Thenceforward, during their continuance here for full six
Months and upwards, (viz. from the beginning of November,
till they were called away to Naseby-fight in May following,)
besides that for want of a Book, of necessity I must, I saw
that it behoved me also, for the preventing of further outrages,
to waive the use of the Book for the time, at least in the ordi
nary Services : only I read the Confession, the Lord's Prayer,
with the Versicles and the Psalms for the day ; and then, after
the First Lesson in the Forenoon, Benedictus or Jubilate, and
in the Afternoon Cantate. After the second Lesson also in the
Forenoon, || sometimes the Creed, sometimes the Ten Com
mandments, and sometimes neither, but only sang a Psalm,
and so to Sermon. But all that while, in the Administration of
the Sacraments, the Solemnization of Matrimony, Burialf of the
Dead, and Churching of Women, I constantly used the ancient
forms and rites to every of them respectively belonging, ac
cording to the appointment in the Book. Only I was careful
in all the rest to make choice of such times and opportunities,
as I might do them with most secresy and without disturbance
' ' considerations.' So Qu. and son among us or Head quarter.'
C. C. C. _ In New Coll. ' considera- § ' ended' in all three MSS. Not
tion,' as in previous Editions. in previous Edd.
t January 3, 1645. || 'Forenoon.' In New Coll.
I So m Qu., New, and C. C. C. ' afternoon.'
In Edd. ' who on purpose Garri- f f Buryings,' New Coll.
THE LITURGY. 39
of the Soldiers. But at the celebration of the Eucharist I was
the more secure to do it publicly, because I was assured none
of the Soldiers would be present.
After their departure I took the liberty to use either* the
whole Liturgy, or but some part of it, omitting sometimes
more, sometimes less, upon occasion, as I judged it most expe
dient, in reference to the Auditory, especially if any Soldiers
or other unknown persons happened to be present. But all
the while, the substance of Avhat I omitted I contrived into my
Prayer before Sermon, the phrase and order only varied;
which yet I endeavoured to temper in such sort, as that any
person of ordinary capacity might easily perceive what my
meaning was; and yet the words left as little liable to ex
ception or cavil as might be.
About nigh | two years ago, I was advertised (but in a very
friendly manner) by a Parliament man of note in these parts,
that at a public meeting in Grantham great complaint was
made by some Ministers (of the Presbyterian gang, as I after
wards found) of my refractoriness to obey the Parliament's
Order in that behalf. The Gentleman told me withal, that
although they knew long before what my judgment and prac
tice was, yet they were not forward to take notice of it before
complaint made, which being now done in so public manner,
if they should not take knowledge of it, the blame would lie
upon them : he therefore J advised me to consider well what
I had to do ; for I must resolve either to adventure § the loss
of my Living, or to lay aside Common Prayer, which if I
should continue, after complaint and admonition, it would not
be in his power, nor in the power of any friend I had to pre
serve me. The effect of my then answer was, that if the case
were so, the deliberation was not hard : I having long ago
considered of || the case, and resolved what I might with a good
Conscience do, and what were fittestlF for me in prudence to
do, if I should ever be put to it, viz. to forbear the use of the
* *to use either.' So Qu. and 'thereupon' New Coll. 'also' in
C.C.C. 'either to use' New Coll. previous Editions.
Edd. of the Cases have not the word § New Coll. ' venture.'
'either,' but it is in all the MSS. || 'considered of.' So all three
, t ' About nigh.' So New Coll. and MSS. 'considered' Edd.
Edd. ' About two' Qu. and C.C.C. IF New Coll. ' fittest for me to do,
J 'therefore.' So Qu. and C.C.C. if I were put to it.'
40 THE CASE OF
Common Prayer Book, so far as might satisfy the letter of
the Ordinance, rather than forsake my station.
My next business then was, to bethink myself of such a
course to be thenceforth* held in the public worship in my
own Parish, as might be likeliest neither to bring danger to
myself by the use, nor to bring scandal to my brethren by the
disuse of the established Liturgy. And the course was this,
to which I have held me ever since.
I begin the Service with a preface of Scripture, and an ex
hortation inferred thence to make Confession of sins ; which
exhortation I have framed out of the Exhortation and Abso
lution in the Book contracted and put together, and expressed
for the most part in the very same words and phrases, but
purposely here and there transplaced, that it might appear
not to be, and yet to be the same.
Then follows the Confession itself in the same order it was,
enlarged only withf the addition of some words, whereby it
is rather explained than altered; the whole Form whereof,
both for your fuller J satisfaction in that particular, and that
you may partly conjecture what manner of addition or change
I have made proportionably hereunto, (yet none so large) in
other parts of the holy Office, § I have here underwritten :
0 Almighty God and merciful Father, we Thy unworthy
servants do with shame and sorrow confess, that we have all
our life long gone astray out of Thy ways like lost sheep,
and that, by following too much the vain devices^ and desires
of our own hearts, we have grievously offended against Thy
holy Laws, both in thought, word, and deed. We have many
times left undone those good duties*^ which we might and
ought to have done; and we have many times** done those
evils, when we might have avoided them, which we ought not
to have done. We confess, 0 Lord, that there is no health
at all in us, nor help in any creature to relieve]^ us. But all
our hope is in Thy mercy, whose justice we have by our sins
so far provoked. Have mercy upon us therefore, 0 Lord,
* 'thenceforth.' So the three MSS. Coll. ' vain desires and devices.' Qu.
In previous Edd. ' thenceforward.' and the Edd. have not the word vain.
f ' with.' ' by' Qu. IT 'duties.' All three MSS. « things'
I' fuller.' ' farther ' Qu. Edd.
§ ' in other — Office.' These words ** ' have many times.' ' many
do not appear in the New Coll. MS. times have' Qu.
|| 'vain devices.' SoC.C.C, InNew ft ' relieve.' ' deliver' Qu.
THE LITURGY. 41
have mercy upon us, miserable offenders.* Spare us, good
Lord, which confess our faults, that we perish not ; but ac
cording to Thy gracious Promises declared unto mankind in
Christ Jesus our Lord, restore us, upon our true repentance,
to Thy grace and favour. And grant, O most merciful
Father, for His sake, that we henceforth} study to serve and
please Thee, by leading a godly, righteous, and sober life,
to the glory of Thy holy Name, and the eternal comfort of
our own souls, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
After this Confession, the Lord's Prayer, with the Versicles
and Gloria Patri, and then the Psalms for the day, and then
the first Lesson ; after which in the Forenoon J sometimes
Te Deum (but then only when I think the Auditory will bear
it), and sometimes an Hymn of my own composing, gathered
out of the Psalms and the Church Collects, as§ a general Form
of Thanksgiving, which I did the rather, because some have
noted the want of such a Form as the only thing wherein our
Liturgy seemed to be defective ; || and in the Afternoon, after
the first Lesson, the ninety-eighth or the sixty-seventh Psalm.
Then the second Lesson, with Benedictus or Jubilate after it
in the Forenoon, and in the Afternoon a singing Psalm. IF
Then folio weth the Creed with Dominus vobiscum, and some
times the Versicles in the end of the Litany, ' From our Ene
mies defend us,' O Christ, &c. if I like my Auditory : otherwise
I omit these Versicles.
After the Creed, &c. instead of the Litany and the other**
Prayers appointed in the Book, I have taken the substance of
the Prayer I was wont to use before Sermon, and disposed it
into several Collects or Prayers, some longer and some shorter,
but new modelled ff into the language of the Common Prayer
Book, much more than it was before. And in the Pulpit be
fore Sermon, I use only a short Prayer in reference to the
* 'offenders which confess,' Qu. || Our present General Thanks-
' 0 Lord, which confess,' New Coll. giving, it will be remembered, was
f ' that we henceforth.' So C.C.C. not inserted till the last Review of
and Qu. Coll. * that we may hence- the Book of Common Prayer, ten
forth' New Coll., as in previous years later than the date of the
Edd. drawing up of this Case.
J f Forenoon.' So in all the MSS. II ' A Psalm sung' Qu. Coll.
The previous Editions have 'After- ** 'and other' C.C.C.
noon.' tt 'new modelled.' 'modelled'
§ 'as.' 'and' Qu. Coll. Qu. and New Coll.
42 THE CASE OF
hearing of the Word, and no more : so that upon the matter
in* these Prayers, I do but the same thing I did before, save
only that what before I spake without Book, and in a conti
nued Form and in the Pulpit, I now read, out of | a written
Book, broken into parcels, and in the Heading Desk or Pew.
Between which Prayers and the singing Psalm before the
Sermon, I do also J daily use one other Collect, of which sort
I have for the purpose composed sundry made up as the former
for the most part out of the Church Collects, with some little
enlargement or variation, as, namely, Collects Adventual, Qua
dragesimal, Paschal, and Pentecostal for their proper seasons ;
and at other times Collects of a more general nature, as for
Pardon, Repentance, Grace, &c. § And || after one or more
of them in the Forenoon I usually repeat the Ten Command
ments with a short Collect after for Grace to enable us to
keep them.
This hath been my practice, and is like still to be, unless
some happy changel of aifairs restore us the liberty of using
the old way again, or it be made appear to my understanding
by some able charitable Friend, that I have therein done
otherwise than I ought to have done ; for I may say truly, I
have not yet met with any thing in discourse either with my
own reason or with others, of sufficient strength to convince
me, that I have herein done any thing but what may stand
with the Principles as well of Christian Simplicity as Prudence.
There are but three things that I know of, that are of any**
consideration, opposed, viz.
1. The Obligation of the Laws.
2. The Scandal of the Example.
3. An unseemly symbolizing, at least, with Schismatics,
if not a partaking with them in the Schism.
/. Objection, Law.
The first and strongest Objection, which I shall therefore
propose to the most advantage of the Objectors, f| is, that which
* 'so that in the matter of New || Qu. Coll. * Or.'
Coll. IT 'some happy change.' 'some
t ' read in' C.C.C. 'read, and in' change' C.C.C.
Qu. Coll. ** 'any.' In all three MSS. Not
% ' also.' This word does not ap- in previous Edd.
pear in the Qu. Coll. or C.C.C. MS. tt ' best advantage of the Objec-
§ ' &c.' Not in Qu. tion,' Qu. Coll.
THE LITURGY. 43
is grounded upon the Laws and their obligation ; for it may
be objected,
That every human Law rightly established, so long as it
continueth a Law, obligeth the Subject, and that for Con
science sake, to the observation thereof, in such manner and
form as in the said Law is prescribed, and according to the
true meaning and intention* of the Lawgiver therein.
That a Law is then understood to be rightly established,
when it containeth nothing but what is honest and lawful, and
is enacted by such person | or persons as have full and suffi
cient authority to make Laws.
That a Law so established continueth a Law and is in force,
till it be either repealed by as good and full authority as that
by which it was made, or else antiquated, by a long continued, f
unenforced disuse, with the tacit or presumed consent of the
Lawgiver.
That the Act printed before the Common Prayer Book, and
entituled, ' An Act for the Uniformity of &c, was such a Law ;
being it was established § in a full and free Parliament, and in
peaceable times, || and ratified by the Royal Assent.
That it still continueth in force, being not yet repealed, but
by such persons as, at least in the opinion of those who main
tain the dispute, for want of the Royal Assent have not a suf
ficient right or authority to do such an act ; nor disused, but
of late timeSjf and that by enforcement, and, as is presumed,
much against the mind and will of the Lawgiver.
That therefore it still retaineth the power of obliging in
point of Conscience ; that power being so essential and intrin-
secal to every Law, quatenus a Law, that it can in no wise be
severed from it.
And that therefore** no Minister publicly officiating in the
Church can with a good Conscience either omit any part of
that which is commanded by the aforesaid Law, or use any
other Form than what is contained in the aforesaid Book ; but
must either use the Form prescribed in the Book, or else for
bear to officiate.
* So Qu. Coll. and C.C.C. 'true § ' established.' 'published' in
meaning of the Lawgiver' New New Coll.
Coll. || In the first year of Elizabeth.
t ' person.' 'power' New Coll. H" ' time' Qu. Coll. and C.C.C.
1 ' continued.' ' continual' Qu. ** 'therefore' inserted fromC.C.C.
44 THE CASE OF
The answer to this Objection, granting all in* the premisses
besides, dependeth upon the right understanding of that which
is affirmed concerning the Obligation of Laws, according to the
intention of the Lawgiver ; which, if it should be understood
precisely of that particular, actual, and immediate intention
which the Lawgiver had in the making of any particular Law,
and is sufficiently declared by the words of the Law, in which
sense only the Objection proceedeth, will not hold true in all
cases. But there is supposed, besides that, in the Lawgiver a
more general, habitual, and ultimate intention, of a more ex
cellent and transcendent nature than the former, which is to
have an influence into and an over-ruling power over all parti
cular f Laws, viz. an intention by the Laws to procure and
promote the public good. The former intention bindeth where
it isj subservient to the latter, or consistent with it. and con
sequently bindeth in ordinary cases and in orderly times ; or
else the Law is not a wholesome Law. But where the ob
servation of the Law, by reason of the conjuncture of circum
stances or the iniquity of the times, (contingencies which no
Lawgiver§ could either certainly foresee, or if foreseen suffi
ciently provide against,) would rather be prejudicial than ad
vantageous to the Public, or is manifestly attended with such
inconveniences, and sad consequents to the observers, as all the
imaginable good that can redound to the Public thereby cannot
in any reasonable measure countervail, in such case the Law
obligeth not, but according to the latter and more general ||
intention only. Even as in the operations of Nature, particular
Agents do ordinarily move according to their proper and par
ticular inclinations, yet upon some occasions, and to serve the
ends and intentions of Universal IF Nature, for the avoiding of
some thing which Nature abhorreth, they are sometimes
carried with motions quite contrary to their particular natures,
as the fire ** to descend, and the water to ascend, for the avoid
ing of vacuity, &c. The common received Maxim, which hath
been sufficiently misapplied and that sometimes to very evil
purposes, since the beginning of these unhappy Divisions, in
e 'in' inserted from C.C.C. || 'and more general.' 'and ge-
t 'particular.' This word, given neraP Qu. Coll.
in all three MSS., does not appear 5F ' Universal.' Not in New Coll.
in any of the Editions. ** 'fire.' So New Coll. 'Air' in
I ' where it is.' ' if it be' Qu. Coll. Qu. and C.C.C. as in previous Edd.
§ ' Lawgiver.' 'Lawyer' New Coll.
THE LITURGY. 45
the true meaning of it looketh this way, Sahis Populi suprema
Lex. * The equity of which Maxim, as it leaveth in the Law
giver a power of dispensing with the Law, which is a suspending
of the obligation thereof for the time, in respect of the proper
and particular intention, as he shall see it expedient in order
to the public good, so it leaveth in the Subject a liberty upon
just occasions, as in cases of great exigency, and for the pre
venting of such hazards and inconveniencies as might prove of
noisome consequences to the Public, to do otherwise than the
Law requireth. And neither is the exercise of that power in
the Lawgiver to be thought an unreasonable Prerogative, nor
the use of this liberty in the Subject an unreasonable pre
sumption : inasmuch as the power of dispensing with particular
Laws is such a Prerogative, as without which no Commonwealth
can be well governed, but Justice would be turned into gall
and wormwood. Nor can the Supreme Governor, without for
feiture of that faithfulness which he oweth to the Public Weal,
divest himself thereof. And he that presumeth of the Law
giver's consent to dispense with him for the observing of the
Law in such needful cases,f where he hath not the opportunity
to consult his pleasure therein, presumeth no more than he
hath reason to do ; for it may well be presumed, that the Law
giver, who is bound in all his Laws to intend the safety of the
Public, and of every member thereof in his due proportion,
hath no intention by the strict J observation of any particular
Law to oblige any person, who is a member of the Public, to his
destruction or ruin, when the common good is not answerably
promoted thereby. Upon which ground it is generally resolved
by Casuists, that no Constitution, § merely human, can lay such
obligation upon the conscience of the Subject, but that he may,
according to the exigency of circumstances, do otherwise than
the Constitution requireth : provided it be done extra casum
scandali et contemptus, that is to say, without either bewraying
in himself any contempt of the authority of the Lawgiver by
his carriage, or giving any just occasion of scandal to others by
his example, in so doing.
I have been somewhat || the larger in explaining this point,
* See De Conscientia, Prael. x. rity of all three MSS.
t ' with him for needful cases' § ' Constitution.' So in all three
New Coll. MSS. ' Consultation' Edd.
% ' strict/ inserted on the autho- || ' somewhat.' * so much' Qu.
46 THE CASE OF
not only for the better clearing of the present* doubt, but also in
respect of the usefulness of this consideration, for the pre
venting and removing of many scruples that may happen f to
conscientious men in such times as these, wherein so many
things are, and are like to be, commanded and forbidden con
trary to the established Laws, and those, as they are per
suaded, yet standing in force. The best Rule that I knowj to
guide men in their deliberations and actions, in such emergent
cases, according to what hath been already delivered, § is ad
visedly and unpartially to weigh the benefits and incon-
veniencies, as well on the one side as on the other, and
then compare them the one with the other, as they stand in
relation to the public good. And if, after such examina
tion and comparison made, it shall then evidently, or but
in the judgment of probability, appear, that the observation
of the Law, according to the proper intention || of the Lawgiver
therein, though with hazard of estate, liberty, or even life
itself, hath a greater tendency to the public good, and the
preservation of Church or Commonwealth in safety, peace, and
order, than the preventing of the aforesaid hazards, or other
evil consequents, by doing otherwise than the Law requireth,
can have ; or, which cometh to one, if the violating of the Law
shall then appear to be more prejudicial to the public good
than the preservation of the Subject's estate, liberty, or life,
can be beneficial thereunto ; in such case the Subject is bound
to hazard all he hath, and to undergo whatsoever inconve-
niencies or calamities can ensue thereupon, rather than violate
the Law with contempt of that authority IF to which he oweth
subjection. But if it shall, after such comparison made, evi
dently, or but more probably than the contrary, appear, that
the preservation of such a person's life, liberty, or estate, would
more benefit the Church or Commonwealth, than the punctual
observation of the Law at that time, and with those circum
stances, would do, it were an unseasonable, ** unreasonable, and
pernicious scrupulosity for such a person to think himself in
* 'present.' So C.C.C. and Qu. inserted from Qu. and C.C.C.
' this doubt' New Coll. ' the said || ' intention/ ' intent' Qu.
doubt,' previous Edd. *j[ ' that authority.' ' that human
t ' happen.' ' arise' Qu. authority' Qu.
J 'know.' 'know of' Qu. ** 'unseasonable,' C.C.C. and
§ 'according to what hath been 'Judgment concerning Submission
already delivered.' This clause is to Usurpers.'
THE LITURGY. 47
that case obliged, for the observing of the Law, perhaps but
once' or twice, with little or no benefit to the Public, to ruin
himself, whereby* to render himself unuseful and unserviceable
to the Public for ever after.
To bring this discourse home, and to apply it to the business
nowf under dispute, suppose wej ten, twenty, or an hundred
godly Ministers well affected to the established Liturgy, and
actually possessed of Benefices, with the charge of souls thereto
belonging, should think themselves § in conscience obliged to
use the whole form of the Book, as it is by the Act appointed,
without any addition, omission, or alteration whatsoever, and
should, notwithstanding the present conjuncture of affairs,
resolve to use the same accordingly ; it would be well con
sidered, what the effects and consequents thereof would be.
Besides other evils, these three are visible, which must all un
avoidably follow|| one upon another, if any body shall be
found, as doubtless within short time there will be found some 11"
or other, to inform and prosecute against them. i°. The utter**
undoing of so many worthy persons fit to do God and His
Church service, together with all those other persons that
depend upon them for livelihood, by putting the fruits of their
Benefices, wherewith they should buy themselves bread, under
sequestration. 2°. The depriving of those persons of the oppor
tunities of discharging the duties that belong unto them in
their Ministerial Calling, in not permitting them after such
sequestration to teach or instruct the people belonging to their
charge, or to exercise any thing of their function publicly in
the Church. 3°. The delivering over the sheep of Christ, that
lately were under the hands of faithful shepherds, into the
custody of ravening wolves, when such guides shall be set over
the several Congregations as will be sure to misteach them
one way or other, viz. either by instilling into them Puritanical
and Superstitious Principles, that they may the more securely
exercise their Presbyterian tyranny over their judgments, con
sciences, persons, and estates ; or else, by setting up new lights
* 'whereby' all three MSS. In § 'themselves.' 'ourselves' Qu.
Edd. * thereby.' || * follow, &c,' 'fall one upon an-
f 'now' in all three MSS. Not other' Qu.
in Edd. 1[ 'some' all three MSS. 'one' Edd.
"I* we.' In all three MSS. Not ** 'utter' all three MSS. Not in
in Edd. Edd.
48 THE CASE OF
before them, to lead them into a maze of Anabaptistical con
fusion and frenzy.
These consequents are so heavy to the sufferers, so certain
to ensue upon the use of Common Prayer, and so much with
out the power of the Lawgiver in this state of affairs either
to remedy or prevent, that it is beyond the wit of man to
imagine, what benefit to the Public can accrue by the strict
observation of the Act, that may in any proportion countervail
these mischiefs. In which case that man must needs suppose
a strange austerity in the Lawgiver, that dares not presume
of his consent to disoblige him, for the time, from observing
the same.
It would be also well considered, whether he that by his
over nice scrupulosity runneth all these hazards be not, in some
measure, guilty of his own undoing, of deserting his station,
and of betraying his flock ; and do not thereby lose much of
that comfort which a Christian Confessor may take in his suf
ferings, when they are laid upon him by the hand of God,
and not pulled upon himself with his own hands. And more
I shall not need to say as to the first Objection.
//. Objection, Scandal.
The next thing objected is the danger of the Scandal that
others might be ready to take at the example, who, seeing the
Law so little regarded by such men, (men that have care of
souls, and perhaps also of some eminency and esteem in the
Church, and whose example will be much looked upon,) will
be easily encouraged, by their example, to set light by all
authority, and to take the liberty to obey and disobey the Laws
of their Sovereign at their pleasure.
But this Objection, after we are once well satisfied concern
ing the former, need not much trouble us ; for,
i. It seemeth a very unreasonable thing in Cases of great
exigency, such as we now suppose, that the fear of scandaliz
ing our weak Brethren, which is but Debitum Charitatis only,
should lay upon us a peremptory necessity of observing* the
Law punctually, whatsoever inconveniences or mischiefs may
ensue thereupon : whereas the duty of obedience to our known
Governors, which is Debitum Justitiae also, and therefore
* ' observing.' All three MSS. * serving/ previous Edd.
THE LITURGY. 49
more obligatory than the other, doth not impose upon us that
necessity, as hath been already shown.
2. Besides, Arguments drawn from Scandal in things neither
unlawful nor (setting the reason of Scandal aside) inexpedient,
as they are subject to sundry frailties otherwise, so are they
manifestly of no weight at all when they are counterpoised
with the apparent danger of evil consequents on the other
side ; for in such cases there is commonly equal danger, if
not rather sometimes more, of Scandal to be taken from the
example the quite contrary way. We may see it in debating
the point now in hand. It is alleged, on the one side, that,
by laying aside the use of Common Prayer, men that are not
over scrupulous will be encouraged to take a greater liberty
in dispensing with the Laws, to the despising both of Laws
and Governors, than they ought. And why may it not by
the same reason be as well alleged on the other side, that by
holding up a necessity of using Common Prayer, men that
have tender Consciences may be induced to entertain scruples,
to their own undoing and the destruction of their people, when
they need not ?
3. But that, in the third place, which cometh up home to
the business,* and taketh off the Objection clearly, is this, that
in judging Cases f of Scandal we are not to look so much at
the event, what it is,J or may be, as at the cause whence it
cometh. For sometimes there is given just cause of Scandal,
and yet no Scandal followeth, because it is not taken : some
times Scandal is taken, and yet no just cause is given ; and
sometimes there is both cause of Scandal given, and Scandal
thereat taken. But no man is concerned in any Scandal that
happeneth to another by occasion of any thing done by him,
neither is chargeable with it, further than he is guilty of hav
ing given it. If then we give Scandal to others and they
take it not, the whole guilt is ours, and they are faultless.
If we give it and they take it, we are to bear a share in the
blame as well as they, and that a deeper share too. Vae ho-
mini, Wo to the man by whom, the offence cometh, Matt, xviii. 7-
* 'business 'all three MSS. 'bu- die of p. 52, reappears, with some
siness in hand' Edd. variations, for the most part very
t * in judging Cases.' The mat- slight, in the Case of Scandal,
ter following, as far as the words £ 'look at the event so much,
' may be taken thereat,' in the mid- what it is,' Qu. Coll.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. E
50 THE CASE OF
But if they take offence, when we give none, it is a thing
we cannot help ; and therefore the whole blame must lie upon
them. Wherefore if at any time any doubt shall arise in the
Case of Scandal, how far forth the danger thereof may, or
may not oblige us to the doing or not doing of any thing pro
posed, the resolution will come on much the easier, if we shall
but rightly understand what it is to give Scandal, or how
many ways a man may become guilty of scandalizing another
by his example.
The ways, as I conceive, are but these four.
1. The first is when a man doth something before another
man, which is in itself evil, unlawful, and sinful. In which
case neither the intention of him that doth it, nor the event
as to him that seeth it done, is of any consideration; for it
mattereth not whether the doer hath an intention to draw the
other into sin thereby or not ; neither doth it matter whether
the other were thereby induced to commit sin or not. The
very matter and substance of the action, being evil and done
before others, is sufficient to render the doer guilty of having
given Scandal, though neither he had any intention himself
so to do, nor was any other person actually scandalized there
by : because whatsoever is in itself and in its own nature evil,
is also of itself and in its own nature scandalous, and of ill
example. Thus did Hophni and Phineas, the sons of Eli, give
Scandal by their wretched* profaneness and greediness about
the Sacrifices of the Lord, arid their vile and shameless abus
ing the women, i Sam. ii. 17, 22. And so did David also give
great Scandal in the matter of Uriah, 2 Sam. xii. 14. Here
the Rule is, Do nothing that is evil for fear of giving Scandal.
2. The second way is, when a man doth something before
another with a direct intention and formal purpose of drawing
him thereby to commit sin ; in which case neither the matter
of the action nor the event is of any consideration ; f for it
maketh no difference, as to the sin of giving Scandal, whether
any man be effectually enticed thereby to commit sin or not ;
neither doth it make any difference whether the thing done|
were in itself unlawful or not, so as it had but an appearance
* ' wretched' all three MSS. Queen's Coll. MS.
* wicked' in previous Editions. J ' the thing done.' 'the seeing
t 'consideration.' 'consequence' of the thing done' Qu.
THE LITURGY. 51
of evil and from thence an aptitude to draw another to the
doing of that, by imitation, which should be really and in-
trinsecally evil. The wicked intention alone, whatsoever the
effect should be, or what means soever should be used to pro
mote it, sufficeth to induce the guilt of giving Scandal upon
the doer. This was Jeroboam's sin in setting up the calves
with a formal purpose and intention thereby, for his own se
cular and ambitious ends, to corrupt the purity of Religion,
and to draw the people to an Idolatrous Worship ; for which
cause he is so often stigmatized with it as with a note of in
famy, to stick by him whilst the world lasteth : being scarce
ever mentioned in the Scripture but with this addition, Jero
boam, the son of Nebat, which made Israel to sin. Here
the Rule is, Do nothing, good or evil, with an intention to
give Scandal.
3. The third way is, when a man doth something before
another, which in itself is not evil, but indifferent, and so
according to the rule of Christian Liberty lawful for him to
do or not to do, as he shall see cause, yea, and perhaps other
wise commodious and convenient for him to do, yet whereat
he probably* foreseeth the other will take Scandal, and be
occasioned thereby to do evil. In such case, if the thing to be
done be not in some degree, prudentially necessary for him
to do, but that he might without very great inconvenience or
prejudice to himself or any third person leave it undone, he
is bound in charity and compassion to his brother's soul, for
whom Christ died, and for the avoiding of Scandal, to abridge
himself in the exercise of his Christian Liberty for that time,
so far as rather to suffer some inconvenience himself by the
not doing of it, than by the doing of it to cause his brother to
offend. The very case which is so often, so largely, and so
earnestly insisted upon by St. Paul.-f See Rom. xiv. 13, 21;
xv. 1-3. i Cor. viii. 7-13 ; ix. 12, 15, 19-22 ; x. 23-33. Here
the Rule is, Do nothing that may be reasonably forborne, f
whereat Scandal will be taken.
4. The last way is, when a man doth something before an
other, which is not only lawful, but according to the exigencies
* ' probably' not in Q,u. J ' be reasonably forborne.5 So
t 'The very case — St. Paul/ not the three MSS. In previous Edd.
in New Coll. ' easily be forborne.'
52 THE CASE OF
of present circumstances, pro hie et nunc, very behoveful and
even* prudentially necessary for him to do ; but foreseeth
that the other will be very likef to make an ill use of it, and
take encouragement thereby to commit sin, if he be not withal
exceeding careful, as much as possibly in him lieth, to prevent
the Scandal that might be taken thereat. For, Qui non pro-
hibet peccare quum potest, jubet.$ In such case the bare
neglect of his brother, and not using his uttermost endeavour
to prevent the evil that might ensue, maketh him guilty.
Upon which consideration standeth the equity of that Judicial
Law given to the Jews, Exod. xxi. 33, 34, which ordereth that
in case a man dig a pit or well for the use of his family, and,
looking no further than his own conveniency, put no cover
upon it, but leave it open, whereby it happeneth his neigh
bour's beast to fall thereinto and perish, the owner of the pit
is to make it good, inasmuch as he was the occasioner§ of
that loss to his neighbour, which he might and ought to have
prevented. Here the Rule is, Order the doing of that which
may not well be left undone, in such sort, that no Scandal, so
far as you can help it, may be taken thereat.
To apply this. The thing now under debate, viz. the action
proposed to present inquiry, is the laying aside of the Common
Prayer Book enjoined by Law, and using instead thereof some
other form of Church Service of our own devising. And the
inquiry concerning it is, Whether it may be done with a good
conscience in regard of the Scandal that is given, or, at least,
may be taken thereat, yea, or no ? Now, forasmuch as in this
inquiry we take it for granted, that the thing to be done is not
in its own nature and simply evil, but rather, in this state of
affairs, prudentially necessary, and that they who make scruple
at it upon the point of Scandal have not the least intention of
drawing either the Laws into contempt, or their brethren into
sin by their example, it is manifest that three of the now||
mentioned Cases, with the several rules to each of them ap
pending, are not pertinent to the present inquiry. But since
the last of the four only proveth to be our Case, we have there
fore no more to do, for the settling of our Judgments, the
* 'even.' 'very'Qu. § ' occasioner.' * occasion* New
t'like.' 'likely' New Coll. Coll.
I See the Case of Scandal, §.5. || 'now5 not in New Coll.
THE LITURGY. 53
quieting of our Consciences, and the regulating of our Practice
in this affair, than to consider well, what the Rule in that Case
given obligeth us unto : which is, not to leave the action un
done for the danger of Scandal, which, besides the incon
veniences formerly mentioned, would but start new Questions,
and those* beget more to the multiplying of unnecessary
scruples in infinitum ; but to order the doing of it so, that, if
it were possible, no Scandal at all might ensue thereupon, or
at leastwise not by our default, through our careless or indis
creet managery thereof. Even as the Jew that stood in need
to sink a pit for the service of his house or grounds, was not,
for fear his neighbour's beast should fall into it and be
drowned, bound by the Law to forbear the making of it, but
only to provide a sufficient cover for it when he had made it.
The thing then in this Case is not to be left undone, when it
so much behoveth us to do it, but the action to be carried on,
for the manner of doing, and in all respects and circumstances
thereunto belonging, with so much chariness,f tenderness, mo
deration, and wisdom, to our best understandings, that the
necessity of our so doing, with the true cause thereof, may
appear to the world, to the satisfaction of those that are willing
to take notice of it ; and that such persons as would be willing
to make use of our example to do the same thing, where there
is not the like cause of necessity, may do it upon their own
score, and not be able to vouch our practice for their excuse.
Which how it may be best done, for particular directions every
charitable and conscientious man must ask his own discretion.
Some general hints, tending thereunto, I shall lay down in
answering the next Objection, where they will fall in again not
unproperly, and so stop two gaps with one bush.
III. Objection, Schism.
The last Objection is that of Schism. The Objectors hold
all such persons as have opposed against either Liturgy or
Church Government, as they were by Law established within
this Realm, for no better than Schismatics ; and truly I shall
* ' those.' * these5 New Coll. ' clearness,' as in the previous Edd.
t 'chariness.' So in the Judge- In the New Coll. MS. the words
ment concerning Submission to ' with so much — best understand-
Usurpers : in the Cambridge Ver- ings,' are omitted,
sion, cautela. Qu, and C.C.C. have
54 THE CASE OF
not much gainsay it. But then they argue, that for them to
do the same thing in the Public Worship of God, that Schisma
tics do, and for the doing whereof especially it is that they
justly account them Schismatics,* would, as they conceive,
involve them in the Schism also, as partakers thereof in some
degree with the other. And their Consciences also would, from
Rom. xiv. 22, condemn them, either of hypocrisy in allowing
that in themselves and in their own practice which they con
demn in others, or of uncharitableness in judging others as
Schismatics for doing but the same thing which they can allow
themselves to practise ; for all that such persons as they call
Schismatics do in this matter of the Church Service, is but to
leave out the Church's Prayers, and to put in their own. Or,
say this should not make them really guilty of the Schism they
so much | detest, yet would such their symbolizing with them
seem, J at least, a kind of unworthy compliance with them more
than could well become the simplicity of a Christian, much less
of a Minister of the Gospel, whose duty it is to shun even the
least appearance of evil, i Thess. v. 22. Besides, that by so
doing they should but confirm these men § in their Schismatical
principles and practice.
This Objection hath three branches. To the first whereof I
oppose the old saying, Duo quumfaciunt idem non est idem :||
which although spoken quite to another purpose, yet is capable
of such a sense as will very well fit our present purpose also.
I answer therefore in short, That to do the same thing that
Schismatics do, especially in times of confusion, and until things
can be reduced into better order, and when men are necessi
tated thereunto to prevent greater mischiefs, doth not necessa
rily infer a partaking with them in Schism : no, nor so much
as probably, unless it may appear upon probable presumptions
otherwise, that it is done out of the same Schismatical spirit,1F
and upon such Schismatical principles as theirs are.
The other two branches, viz. that of seeming compliance
* ' and for the doing Schis- C.C.C. ' such men' Judgment con-
matics.' Not in New Coll. cerning Submission to Usurpers.
t ' so much' in all three MSS. || Compare Sermon i. ad Aulam,
Omitted in many Editions. §. 18.
£ ' seem.5 'be' New Coll. IF 'spirit Schismatical/ Not
§ ' these men' New Coll. and pre- in New Coll.
vious Edd. 'those men' Qit. and
THE LITURGY. 55
with Schismatics, and that of the ill use they may make of it
to confirm them in their Schism, do upon the matter fall in
upon the aforesaid point of Scandal, and are in effect but the
same Objection, only put into a new dress, and so have received
their answer already. And the only remedy against both these
fears, as well that of Scandal as this of Schism, is the same
which was there prescribed, even to give assurance to all men
by our carriage and behaviour therein, that we do not lay aside
Common Prayer of our own accord, or out of any dislike
thereof, neither in contempt of our lawful* Governors, or of
the Laws, nor out of any base compliance with the times,
or other unworthy secular own ends,f nor out of any schisma-
tical principle, seditious design, or innovating humour; but
merely enforced thereunto, by such a necessity as we cannot
otherwise avoid ; in order to the glory of God and the public
good, for the preservation of our families, our flocks, and our
functions, and that with the good leave and allowance, as we
have great reason to believe, of such as have power to dispense
with us and the Laws in that behalf. This if we shall do bona
fide, and with our utmost endeavours, in singleness of heart,
and with godly discretion, J perhaps it will not be enough to
prevent either the censures of inconsiderate and inconsiderable
persons, or the ill use that may be made of our example
through the ignorance or negligence of some, Scandalum pu-
sillorum, or through the perverseness and malice of other
some, Scandalum Pharisaeorum, as the Schools term them.
But assuredly it will be sufficient in the sight of God, and in
the witness of our own hearts, and to the Consciences of chari
table and considering men, to acquit us clearly of all guilt,
either of Scandal or Schism in the least degree.
Which we may probably do by observing these ensuing, and
such other like, § general Directions, the liberty of using such
meet accommodations as the circumstances || in particular cases
shall require evermore allowed and reserved : viz.
i. If we shall decline the company and society of known
Schismatics, not conversing frequently and familiarly with
* * lawful.' 'rightful' Qu. tention' previous Editions,
t 'own ends' all three MSS. § < like.' Not in New Coll.
'self ends' in Editions. || ' circumstances and cases.' New
< discretion' all three MSS. ' in- Coll.
56 THE CASE OF
them, or more than the necessary affairs of life, and the rules
of neighbourhood and common civility will require : * especially
not to give countenance to their Church-assemblies, by our
presence among them, if we can avoid it.
2. If we shall retain as well in common discourse, as in our
Sermons and the holy Offices of the Church, the old Theolo
gical and Ecclesiastical terms and forms of Speech, which have
been generally received and used in the Churches of Christ,
which our people are well acquainted f with, and are wholesome
and significant ; and not follow our new Masters in that un
couth, affected garb of speech or canting language rather, if
I may so call it, which they have of late times taken up, as the
signal, distinctive, and characteristical note of that which, in
their new language, they call the Godly Party, or Communion
of Saints.
3. If in officiating we repeat not only the Lord's Prayer,
the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and such other passages
in the Common Prayer Book as, being the very words of
Scripture, no man can except against ; but so much also of
the old Liturgy besides, in the very words J and syllables of
the Book, as we think the Ministers of State in those parts
where we live will suffer, and the Auditory before whom§ we
officiate will bear ; sith the Officers in all parts of the Land
are not alike strict, nor the people in all Parishes alike dis
affected in this respect.
4. If where we must of necessity vary from the words, we
yet follow the order of the Book in the main parts of the holy
Offices, retaining the substance of the Prayers, and embellish
ing those of our own making, which we substitute into the
place of those we leave out, with phrases and passages taken
out of the Book in other places.
5. If where we cannot safely mention the particulars ex
pressed in the Book, as namely, in praying || for the King, the
Queen, the Royal Progeny, and the Bishops, we shall yet use
in our Prayers some such general terms, and other intimations
* ' will require.' 'require' New § 'before whom — bear;' not in
Coll. New Coll.
t 'with which the people are || 'in praying 'omitted in Qu. and
well acquainted' New Coll. C.C.C.
I 'very words.' 'words' New Coll.
THE LITURGY. 57
devised for the purpose, as may sufficiently convey to the un
derstandings of the people, what our intentions are therein,
and yet not be sufficient to fetch us within the compass of the
Ordinance.
6. If we shall in our Sermons take occasion now and then,
where it may be pertinent, either to discover the weakness of
the Puritan principles and tenents to the people ; or to show
out of some passages and expressions in the Common Prayer
Book, the consonancy of those observations we have raised
from the Text, with the judgment of the Church of England ;
or to justify such particular passages, in the Litany, Collects,
and other parts of our Liturgy, as have been unjustly quar
relled at by Presbyterians, Independents, Anabaptists, or
other, by what name or title soever they be called, Puritan
Sectaries.
Thus have I freely acquainted you both with my practice
and judgment in the point proposed* in your Friend's Letter.
How I shall bef able to satisfy his or your judgment in what
I have written, I know not. However, I have satisfied both
your desire and his in writing, and shall rest,
Your Brother and Servant in the Lord,
ROBERT SANDERSON.
Nov. i2,J 1652.
* < proposed/ The New Coll. MS. Not in Queen's Coll. MS.
ends with this word. J So in Qu. and C.C.C. The
t ' I shall be — I have written,' Editions have Nov. 2.
THE following Letter, preserved in the Tanner Papers, Vol.
Hi. f°. 31, will be read with interest, as exhibiting a contempo
rary judgment on Sanderson's decision of the above Case.
This is copied from the Original in Dr. Stratford's hands, [and]
seems to have been from Mr. Thorndike to Dr. Sheldon, in answer
to Dr. Sanderson's Case of officiating publicly, when the Liturgy
was forbidden, about 1653.*
DEAR SIR,
I return you Dr. S. papers again, having them by me at the
coming of yours, and having once hastily read them over, so as to
discern his practice and arguments on which he grounds it. For
his practice, I confess, I cannot approve it, upon this score, that
(besides his prayer before Sermon, which Custom and former prac
tice, if not the Canon itself, allowed as lawful) he hath several parts
of [the] Service of his own making, and though mostly formed out of
the Common Prayer Book, yet certainly varied from thence, and so
directly against the negative which prescribes (this and) no other.
Now supposing the present force to be the excuse of his disobe
dience, yet cannot that have any appearance of a justification to this
matter, because though force may make me omit what I am com
manded, yet it cannot make me do what I am forbidden ; and for the
lower sort of force, threats of turning out, I see not how there is
place for that ; for I am confident he that should abstain from using
one word (till his prayer before Sermon) which is not according to
Order of the Liturgy (as he that should begin with the Lord's
Prayer, Psalms, and Lessons for the day, &c) would be as safe as his
method hath rendered him. And therefore my opinion is, that as
he that prudently judging and discerning that he shall not be per
mitted to read the whole Liturgy at this time, doth use as much of
it as he can at present (and withal nothing else), with a full inten
tion to return to more of it as fast as he can hope to be permitted,
and hath no other fears to trash him but such as may fall in virum
fortem, and in this considers not his own but the Church's interest,
shall not in equity be chargeable of obedience at this time, so he
* This memorandum, subjoined to the transcript, is in Bp. Tanner's hand
writing.
59
that introduceth any new form cannot by any analogy with him, or
by any new reason be thus justifiable. To this also I may add the
consideration of this Schism, as it is the setting up altare contra
altare (not Presbytery against Episcopacy, but) Directory against
Liturgy, which is complied with in these new Forms, but is not so
in the bare omission of some part of the Liturgy.
Now for his Reasons to justify his practice. I have not in this
place leisure to give you any large account of them, nor indeed to
read it over a second time to that purpose. Yet his first Rule of
considering in all Laws the ultimate intention of your Lawgiver to
procure the public good, is, to my understanding, of very ill conse
quence, if it be resolved sufficient to dispense with my obedience to
any particular Law. For who shall judge at any time whether such
an act of obedience to a standing Law be for the public good ? The
Lawgiver, I acknowledge, may ; and accordingly either dispense
with or abrogate it. But when he doth neither, shall any particular
Subject do it upon his own argument ? Then farewell all subjection
any further than either the hypocrite will judge, i. e. pretend to
judge, or the seducible weak person be able to judge, or the more
judicious, upon what appears to him, (wherein he also may much
err, if he see not all that the Lawgiver sees,) shall actually judge, to
be for the public good ; and that will prove in the effect very little,
because what shall by any of these be on these grounds regularly
done, would have been done probably if it had never been com
manded, and so hath little of obedience. And truly Dr. Sanderson
read Lectures to vindicate the Maxim of Salus Populi supremo, Lex
from modern abuses ; yet I cannot see how they, that forsaking the
known Laws appealed to the Fundamentals upon the force of the
Maxim, can be said to have offended, if the general intention of the
Law may by every particular man be taken in to dispense with his
disobedience. And sure to this sense it was that this Maxim was
at the beginning of this War so ordinarily applied.'
THE
CASE OF A RASH VOW*
DELIBERATELY ITERATED.
The Case.
A GENTLEMAN of good estate hath issue one only Daugh
ter, who, placing her affections upon a person much below her
rank, intendeth Marriage with him. The Father, hearing of
it, in great displeasure voweth, and confirmeth it with an Oath,
that if she marry him, he will never give her a farthing of
his estate. The Daughter notwithstanding marrieth him :
after which the Father sundry times iterateth and reneweth
his said former Vow, and that in a serious and deliberate
manner : adding further, that he would never give her or any
of hers any part of his estate.
Quaere :
Whether the Father's Vow so made, and so confirmed and
iterated as abovesaid, be Obligatory or not ?
The Resolution.
My opinion is, that the Vow was Rash, and is not at all
Obligatory.
i. The Question here proposed is concerning the Obligation
only. Yet I deem it expedient to declare my opinion con
cerning the Rashness also ; and that for two reasons. First,
because there seemeth in the proposal of the Case to be some
weight laid upon the after-iterations, which were more deli
berate, as if they added to the Obligation. And, secondly,
because I think it needful that the Vower should as well be
convinced of the greatness of his sin in making such a Vow,
* ' made by Mr. Tho. Chichley.' Lansdowne MS. 446. Strype's Col
lection. f°. 31.
THE CASE OF A RASH VOW. 61
for the time past, as satisfied concerning the present and fu
ture invalidity of it.
2. It is easy to believe that the Gentleman, when he first
made the Vow, was possessed with a very great indignation
against his Daughter for her high and inexcusable disobe
dience to him in so very weighty a business. And truly it
must be confessed, he had need to be a man of a very rare
command over his own spirit, and such as are scarce to be
found one of a thousand, that could contain himself within the
bounds of reason, upon so just a provocation from an only
child, (possibly some other aggravating circumstances concur
ring,) as not to be transported with the violence of that pas
sion into some thoughts and resolutions, not exactly agreeable
with the dictates of right Reason. It can therefore be little
doubted, but the Vow, made whilst the Reason was held under
the force of so strange a perturbation, was a rash and irra
tional Vow.
3. Nor will these after-acts in confirmation of the first Vow,
though having more of deliberation in them, be sufficient to
redeem either it or themselves from the imputation of Rash
ness : understanding Rashness in that latitude as the Casuists
do, when they treat de Voto temerario : under the notion
whereof they comprehend all such Vows as happen per de-
jfectum plenae et discussae deliberations, as they express it.
For it is to be considered, that when an injury, disobedience,
or other affront is strongly resented, it many times maketh
a very deep impression in the soul, which though after the
first impetus have a little spent itself, it begin somewhat to
abate, yet it doth so by such slow and insensible degrees, that
the same perturbation, which first discomposed the mind, may
have a strong influence into all succeeding deliberations for
a long time after. Even as after an acute fever, when the
sharpest paroxysms are over, and the malignity of the disease
well spent, although the party begin to recover some degrees
of strength, yet there may remain for a good while after such
a debility in the parts, as that they cannot exercise their
proper functions, but with some weakness more or less, till the
party be perfectly recovered. Sith therefore the after-itera
tions on the first Vow, in the present Case, did proceed appa
rently from the rancour and malignity remaining in the mind,
62 THE CASE OF
as the dregs and reliques of the same perturbation, from which
the first Vow also proceeded, they must upon the same account,
to wit, per defectum plenae deliberationis, undergo the same
censure of Rashness with the first. The same I say for the
kind. Some difference, I grant, there is for the degree ; but
Majus et Minus non variant speciem, we know. And the
consideration of that difference is only thus far useful in the
present Case, that the more deliberate those after-acts were,
the more culpable they are, and the less capable either of
excuse or extenuation ; and consequently do oblige the party
to so much the more serious, solemn, and lasting repentance.
4. But concerning rash Vows, inasmuch as the knot of the
Question lieth not there, it shall suffice to note these few
points. First, That every Rash Vow is a sin ; and that upon
its own score, and precisely as it is rash, although it should not
be any other way peccant. All acts of Religious Worship, by
the importance of the Third Commandment, are to be per
formed with all due sobriety, and attention, and advisedness.
How much more then a Vow ! which is one of the highest acts
of worship, as being a sacred contract, whereunto God Himself
is a party. See Eccl. v. 2, 4, 5. Secondly, That Rash Vows
are for the most part, besides the Rashness, peccant in their
matter also. For they are commonly made in passion ; and all
passions are evil counsellors, and anger as bad as the first.
The ivrath of man seldom worketh the righteousness of God.
Thirdly, That a Rash Vow, though to be repented of for the
Rashness, may yet in some cases bind. As, for example, a
man finding himself ill used by a shopkeeper of whom he had
formerly been accustomed to buy, voweth in a rage that he
will never buy of him again. This is a Rash Vow, yet it
bindeth, because if the party had never made any such Vow at
all, it had never been unjust or uncharitable, nor so much as
imprudent, in him for to have done the same thing, which by
his Vow he hath now bound himself to do. So if a man,
impatient of his ill luck at cards, should vow in a heat never to
play at cards any more, he were in this case also bound to
keep his Vow, because there neither is any sin in keeping it,
nor can be any great necessity why he should break it. That
therefore, fourthly, if at any time a Rash Vow bind not, the
invalidity thereof proceedeth not merely, nor indeed at all,
A RASH VOW. 63
from the Rashness, (which yet is a very common error amongst
men,) but from the faultiness of it otherwise, in respect of the
matter* or thing vowed to be done : when that which is so
vowed, is either so evil in itself, or by reason of circum
stances becometh so evil, that it cannot be performed without
sin.
5. That therefore concerning the Vow in the present case I
declared my opinion, that it is not at all Obligatory, it is done
upon this ground, which is a most certain truth, and consented
to by all, that Rei illicitae nulla Obligatio.^ If a man shall
vow any thing that is contrary to Piety ; as if, having taken
offence at some indiscreet passage in a sermon of his own
Minister, he should vow that he would never come to Church,
or hear him preach again : or that is contrary to Justice, as to
take away the life of an innocent person, as those forty persons
that had vowed they would neither eat nor drink till they had
slain Paul: or never to make restitution to one whom he
knew he had wronged : or contrary to Charity ; as to be re
venged of, or never to be friends with one that had done him
wrong : or that is contrary to Mercy ; as if, having lost some
money by lending to his friend, or having smarted by surety
ship, he should vow never to lend any man money, or become
surety for any man again. Let such a Vow, I say, as any of
these, or any of the like nature, be made either rashly, or
deliberately, and strengthened with Oaths and Imprecations,
in the most direful and solemn manner that can be devised to
tie it on the faster ; yet it is altogether null and invalid as to
the effect of Obligation. Whence those common sayings, In
male promissis rescinde fidem ;f Ne sit juramentum mnculum
iniquitatis, fyc. And we have a good precedent for it in
David, after he had in a rage vowed the destruction of Nabal,
and all that belonged to him ; which vow, upon better consi
deration, he not only did not perform, but he blessed God also,
* Compare Bp. Andrewes' Speech matter. Look then to materia Voti.
in the Star-Chamber, concerning For the Vow is, as the matter is,
Vows, in the Countess of Shrews- ever. Every beast is not meet for
bury's Case. ' Vows then are to be sacrifice ; nor every thing matter
made, and are to be kept, if they be meet for a Vow.'
made aright. But how, say you, t Compare De Juramenti Obli-
shall we know whether they be right gatione, Prael. ii. §. 13.
made ? If they be made of a right J Ibid.
64 THE CASE OF
for so providentially preventing the performance of it, by the
discreet demeanor and intervention of Abigail.*
6. Now the reason why such Vows are not binding is very
cogent and clear. Even because the party, at such time as he
is supposed to have made such Vow as aforesaid, lay under
another (a former, and therefore a stronger) Obligation to the
contrary. And it is agreeable to all the Reason in the world,
that he, who either by his own voluntary act hath bound him
self, where lawfully he might so do, or by the command of his
lawful Superior, that hath a right to his service and may exact
obedience from him, is already bound to do, or not to do this
or that, should not have power to disoblige himself therefrom,
at his own pleasure, or to superinduce upon himself a new
Obligation contrary thereunto. Obligatio prior praejudicat
posteriori. As in the case of Marriage, a precontract with one
party voideth all after-contracts with any other ; and if a man
convey lands to several persons, by deeds of several date, the
first conveyance standeth good, and all the rest are void ; and
so in all cases of like nature. The Obligatory Power thereof
that is in Vows, Oaths, Promises, &c. is rightly said by some,
to be a constructive, not a destructive power. The meaning is,
that such acts may create a new Obligation where was none
before, or confirm an old one ; but it cannot destroy an old one,
or substitute another contrary thereunto in the place thereof.
7. And the reason of this reason also is yet further evident,
for that Quisquis obligatur, alteri obligatur. When a man is
obliged by any act, it is also supposed that the Obligation is
made to some other party, to whom also it is supposed some
right to accrue, by virtue of the said act obligatory ; and that
that other party is by the said act sufficiently vested in that
said right, of which right he cannot be again divested and
deprived by the mere act of him who instated him therein, and
is obliged to perform it to him, unless himself give consent
thereunto, without the greatest injustice in the world. Now
God having a perfect right to our obedience, by His own
obliging precept, both for the not doing hurt to any man, and
for the doing good to every man upon all fit opportunities ; and
this right also confirmed, and ratified by our own obligatory
* Compare De Juramenti Obligation^ Prael. iv. §. 4.
A RASH VOW. 65
act in a solemn manner, before many witnesses at our Baptism,
when we vowed to keep all God's Commandments ; it were
unreasonable to think that it should be in our power, by any
after-act of ours, to disoblige ourselves from both or either of
those Obligations. For then we might by the same reason free
ourselves from the obligation of that latter act also, suppose an
Oath or Vow, by another subsequent Oath or Vow ; and from
that again by another ; and so play fast and loose, make Vows
and break them in infinitum. Evident it is therefore, that
every Vow, requiring anything to be done which is repugnant
to any office of piety, justice, charity, or mercy, which we owe
either to God or man, is void, and bindeth not, because it findeth
us under the power of a former contrary Obligation, and hath
not itself power sufficient to free or discharge us from the same.
8. The general Rule thus cleared, it remaineth to examine
concerning the particular Vow now in question, whether it be
void upon this account or no ? It will be found hard, I believe,
to free this Vow from being repugnant to the rules of justice ;
but impossible, I am sure, to reconcile it with the perfect Evan
gelical Law of charity and mercy. First, Civil and Political
Justice requireth that every man should obey the wholesome
Laws of his country, and submit himself to be ordered thereby.
Now, put the case, which is possible enough, that the Daugh
ter's husband should, for lack of support from his Father-in-
Law, or otherwise, live and die in great want, leaving his wife
and many small children behind him, destitute of all means for
their necessary sustenance. The Law would, as I suppose, in
that case, upon complaint of the Parish, and for their ease,
send the Daughter and her children to the Father, and compel
him to maintain them out of his estate. Which order he ought
to obey, nor can refuse so to do, without the high contempt of
public Authority and manifest violation of the Civil Justice,
notwithstanding his Vow to the contrary. The Law must be
obeyed whatsoever becometh of the Vow : in that case there
fore it is evident the Vow bindeth not.
9. But say that should not happen to be the case, which yet
is more than any man can positively say beforehand, the
Parent is nevertheless in Moral Justice bound to provide due
maintenance for his children and grandchildren, if he be able.
St. Paul saith that fathers ought to lay up for the children.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. F
66 THE CASE OF
True it is, he speaketh it but upon the by, and by way of
illustration, in the handling of another argument, very distant
from this business ; but that doth not at all lessen the import
ance of it, such illustrations being ever taken a notiori, and
from such common notions as are granted and consented unto
by all reasonable men. The same Apostle having, amongst
other sins of the Gentiles, mentioned disobedience to parents
in one verse, in the very next verse mentioneth also want of
natural affection in parents. And the disobedience in the child
can no more discharge the parent from the obligation of that
duty he oweth to the child, and of affection and maintenance,
than the unnaturalness of the parent can the child from the
duty he oweth to the parent, of honour and obedience. For
the several duties that by God's Ordinance are to be performed
by persons that stand in mutual relation either to other, are
not pactional and conditional, as are the leagues and agree
ments made between Princes, where the breach in one part
dissolveth the obligation on the other ; but are absolute and
independent, wherein each person is to look to himself and the
performance of the duty that lieth upon him, though the other
party should fail in the performance of his.
10. Something, I foresee, may be objected in this point,
concerning the lawfulness of the parent's withdrawing main
tenance from the child, either in whole, or at least in part, in
the case of disobedience. Which how far forth it may or may
not be done, as it would be too long to examine, so it would be
of little avail to the present business. For it is one thing to
withhold maintenance from a disobedient child for the present,
and to resolve so to continue till he shall see cause to the con
trary ; and another thing to bind himself by Vow or Oath
never to allow him any for the future, whatsoever should
happen. Let be granted whatsoever can be supposed pleadable
on the Father's behalf in the present case, yet there will still
remain two particulars in this Vow, not easily to be cleared
from being unjust. First, let the Daughter's disobedience
deserve all this uttermost of punishment from the offended
Father ; yet how can it be just, that for the Mother's fault, the
poor innocent, perhaps yet unborn children, should be utterly
and irrecoverably excluded from all possibility of relief from
their Grandfather? Secondly, it is (if not unjust, yet what
A RASH VOW. 67
differeth very little therefrom) the extremity of rigid Justice,
that any offender, much less a son or daughter, should, for any
offence not deserving death, be by a kind of fatal peremptory
decree put into an incapacity of receiving relief from such
persons as otherwise ought to have relieved the said offender,
without any reservation either of the case of extreme necessity,
or of the case of serious repentance.
11. However it be for the point of Justice, yet so apparent
is the repugnancy of the matter of this Vow with the precepts
of Christian Charity and Mercy, that if all I have hitherto said
were of no force, this repugnancy alone were enough, without
other evidence, to prove the unlawfulness, and consequently
the invalidity or inobligality thereof. It is not an Evangelical
Counsel, but the express peremptory Precept of Christ, that
we should be merciful, even as our Heavenly Father is mer
ciful. And inasmuch as not in that passage only, but for the
most part wheresoever else the duty of mercy is pressed upon
us in the Gospel from the example of God, * God is represented
to us by the name and under the notion of a Father, although I
may not lay much weight upon it as a demonstrative proof, yet
I conceive I may commend it as a rational topic for all that are
fathers to consider of, whether it do not import, that mercy is
to be expected from a Father as much as, if not rather much
more than, from any other man ; and that the want of mercy
in a Father is more unkindly, more unseemly, more unnatural,
than in another man. But this by the way. From the Precept
of Christ we learn that, as there is in God a twofold Mercy, a
Giving Mercy in doing us good, though we deserve it not, and
a Forgiving Mercy in pardoning us when we have done amiss,
so there ought to be in every good Christian man a readiness,
after the example of God, to show forth the fruits of Mercy to
others, in both kinds, upon all proper and meet occasions. So
that if any person, of what quality or condition soever, shall
upon any provocation whatsoever vow that he will never do
any thing for such or such a man, or that he will never forgive
such or such a man, every such Vow, being contra bonos
mores, and contra officium hominis Christiani, is unlawful and
bindeth not.
12. The offices of Mercy in the former of those two
* See Sermon xiii. ad Aulam, §. 23.
F 2
68 THE CASE OF
branches, viz. of doing good, and affording relief to those that
are in necessity, are themselves of so great necessity, as the
case may be, that common humanity would exact the per
formance of them from the hand, not of a stranger only, but
even of an enemy. If a stranger or an enemy's beast lie
weltring * in a ditch, a helping hand must be lent to draw it
out. The Samaritan's compassion to the wounded traveller in
the Parable, Luke x, there being a feud, and that grounded
upon Religion, which commonty of all others is the most
deadly feud, between the two Nations, is commended to our
example, to the great reproach of the Priest and Levite, for
their want of bowels to their poor brother of the same Nation
and Religion with themselves. For the nearer the relation is
between the parties, the stronger is the Obligation of showing
mercy either to other. And there is scarce any relation nearer,
and more obliging, than that of parents and children.
Our Saviour, who in Matt. xv. 5—9 sharply reproved such
Vows, though made with an intention to advance the service
of God, by enriching His treasury, as hindered children from
relieving their parents, will not certainly approve of such Vows,
made without any other intention than to gratify rage and im
patience, as hinder parents from relieving their children.
13. If, to avoid the force of this argument, it shall bo
alleged that the Daughter's disobedience, in a business of so
high concernment, might justly deserve to be thus severely
punished, and that it were but equal that she, who had so
little regard to her Father, when the time was, should be as
little regarded by him afterwards, — all this granted cometh
not yet up to the point of showing Mercy according to the
example of God. No Child's disobedience can be so great to
an earthly Parent, as ours is to our Heavenly Father. Yet
doth He, notwithstanding all our ill deservings, continually
do us good, communicating to our necessities, and causing
His sun to shine, and His rain to fall, and infinite benefits
in all kinds to descend upon mankind, not excluding the
most thankless, and disobedient, and rebellious, from having a
share therein.
14. And as for that other branch of Mercy in pardoning
* ' weltring.' Compare 'weltred §.15. 'in fovea luctitans/ Cam-
in a ditch,' Sermon iv. ad Magistr. bridge Version.
A RASH VOW. 69
offences, God giveth a rich example to all men of their duty in
that kind, and to Fathers particularly, by His great readiness
to pardon the greatest offenders, if they sincerely seek to Him
for it. If the Father in the Parable, Luke xv, had proceeded
with such severity against his riotous son, as to have vowed
never to have received him again, he had been a very im
proper exemplar whereby to shadow out the Mercy of God to
repentant sinners. Concerning the great importance of this
duty, which is so frequently inculcated by Christ and His
Apostles, and so peremptorily enjoined, as not any other duty
more, (See S. Matt. vi. 14, 15. xviii. 21-35. Eph. iv. 32. Col.
iii. 13. S.James ii. 13. See also Ecclus. xxviii. 1-7,) I shall not
need to say much. Only, as to the present Case, it would be
considered, how perverse a course it is, and contradictory to
itself, for a man to think himself obliged, by one inconsiderate
act, never to forgive his Daughter, when as yet he cannot beg
pardon of his own sins at the hands of God, as he ought in his
daily prayer to do, without an express condition of forgiving
every body, and an implicit imprecation upon himself if he
do not.
15. But shall the Daughter, that hath thus grieved the
spirit of her Father, thus escape unpunished, and be in as good
a condition as if she had never offended ? And will not others
be encouraged, by her impunity, to despise their Parents after
her example ? There is much reason in this Objection ; and
therefore what I have hitherto written ought not to be under
stood, as if thereby were intended such a plenary indulgence
for the Daughter as should restore her in integrum, but only
that she should be made capable of receiving such relief from
her Father, from time to time, as in relation to her necessities
and after-carriage from time to time should seem reasonable ;
and that his Vow ought not to hinder him from affording her
such relief. But by what degrees, and in what proportion, the
Father should thus receive his Daughter into his fatherly
affection and relieve her, must be left to discretion and the
exigence of circumstances. Only I should advise, in order to
the Objection, viz. for example's sake, and that the Daughter
might be made, even to her dying day, and kept, sensible of
her great and sinful disobedience to her Father, that the Father
should cut off from his Daughter and her posterity some meet
70 THE CASE OF
portion of his Estate, (as perhaps a fifth part at the least, or it'
a fourth, or a whole third part, I should like it the better,)
and, by a solemn deliberate Vow, dedicate the same to be
yearly employed in some pious and charitable uses. These
times will afford him choice of objects, if God shall move his
heart so to do ; and by so doing, he may, first, in some sort
redeem* and make a kind of satisfaction for his former Rash
ness, not Popishly understood, and in regard of the Justice of
God, but in a Moral sense, and in regard of the world and his
own Conscience. Secondly, it may be a good means to keep
the Daughter in a continual fresh remembrance of her fault,
that she may not, after a short and slight repentance, as in
such cases too often it happeneth, forget the same ; whereof
she ought to have some remorse all the days of her life.
Thirdly, he shall thereby, after a sort, perform his first Vow :
I mean according to the general intention thereof, and the
rational part, which was to make his Daughter repent her
folly, and to smart for it : the overplus more than this being
but the fruit of rancour and perturbation. Lastly, he shall in
so doing, doubly imitate God our Heavenly Father. First,
when a rash or sinful act is made an occasion of a pious or
charitable work, it beareth some resemblance of, or rather is
indeed itself a gracious effect of that goodness and wisdom in
God, whereby He bringeth light out of darkness and good out
of evil. Secondly, God Himself when He graciously pardoneth
an high presumptuous sin, as He did David's great sin in the
matter of Uriah, commonly layeth some lasting affliction upon
the offender, as He did upon David, who, after the sealing his
pardon for that sin by Nathan, scarce ever had a quiet day all
his life long. The reason whereof seemeth to be double : partly
for admonition to others, that none presume to provoke God in
like manner, lest they smart for it also in like manner ; and
partly for the good of the offender, that he may by the smart
be brought to the deeper sense of his error, and be eftsoonsf
reminded of it, lest he should too soon forget it.
Thus have I, with very much ado, in that weak condition
* 'redeem.' Compare Sermon f ' eftsoons,' repeatedly. See Ser-
xii. ad Aulam, §. 38. and Sermon mon iii. ad Clerum, §. 23.
v. ad Populum, §. 30.
A RASH VOW. 71
I have been in ever since the Question came to my hands, and
wherein I yet continue, declared my opinion fully concerning
the whole business as far as I understand it. More largely,
I confess, than I intended, or perhaps was needful : and with
greater severity than, it may be, the parties will well like of.
But truly I desired to do the part of a faithful Confessor ; and
the sores on both parts seemed to be such as were not to be
touched with too gentle a hand. In the Daughter an act of
high disobedience, transported by the passion of inordinate
love ; and in the Father an act of great Rashness, transported
by the passion of inordinate anger : both beyond the bounds of
right Reason, and Religion ; and both to be deeply repented
of. Howsoever, I cannot be suspected to have written any
thing, either out of favour for, or prejudice against either party ;
not having the least conjecture who the persons are that are
concerned in the business; nor so much as in what part of
the Nation they live. I shall pray that God would direct
them both to do that which may best serve to His glory, and
bring the soundest comfort to their own souls. Amen.
OP the germ of the above Case three different Copies seem to
have been preserved : in P. 1 8 of the MSS. given by Bishop Barlow
to Queen's College, in F. D. vol. xii. of the MSS. in the Library of
Corpus Christi College, and in an original Letter from Sanderson
to Sheldon, here subjoined from the Tanner Papers.
The statement of the Case is thus given in the Queen's Coll.
and C.C.C. MSS.
The Case of the Parent's Vow, never to relieve his Daugh
ter that married against* his Consent.
A Father observes his Daughter to be in love with a mean
person much below her quality and condition, forbids her to
marry him, solemnly vows that, if she does, he will never give
her penny, nor own her for his child. But, notwithstanding-
all his entreaties, persuasions, and threats, she marries him ;
and, in the revolution of some fewf years, becomes exceeding
poor, is sorry for her offence, confesseth it, desires pardon and
relief. The Father begins to relent, would willingly relieve
* 'against/ < without' C.C.C. f 'some few.' 'some' C.C.C.
72 THE CASE OF
her, but dares not, because of his Vow. He supposeth the
power of a Parent over his child to be such as that it was law
ful for him * to abdicate her for such a deliberate disobedience ;
and, if the Vow might justly be made, f it must be kept.
The judgment of Sanderson, upon the Case thus stated was, it
seems, originally given in the course of his Answer to a Letter
from his friend Sheldon.
Sm,
In answer to yours this day sevennight received, I have not
yet heard anything from or of Mr. Doddesworth, but have
written again lately, not to him but to my son Henry, to in
quire after him, and to acquaint him with your desire. I am
glad to hear that Dr. H. H. J is able still to write. But, for
my undertaking of any thing concerning the Schism, which
either they of Rome charge upon us, or we upon the Presby
terians, besides my sloth and age, two invincible infirmities, I
am extremely wearied with transcribing Sermons for the press,
which taketh up, in a manner, all the time I can spare from
visits, letters, and other daily emerging avocations ; and shall
have much ado for all that to make them ready in any rea
sonable time. 2°. I have not any of those books which should
inform me in the Presbyterian mystery, to understand it right :
such as Bishop Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, Bishop Bram-
ham's § book, &c, and such as have been written by our late
Presbyterians in England in their own justification, &c ; which
are all very needful to be perused for such an undertaking.
3°. I shall be necessitated, by occasion of the late Union in
Worcestershire, || to engage a little in that business as soon as
* 'to be such as to abdicate' Qu. in 1649.
See Sermon xiv. ad Aulam, §. 6. || 'Baxter and his brethren of Wor-
t ' made.' This word is not in cestershire formed a scheme upon
the C.C.C. Transcript. such general principles as all good
J Probably Henry Hammond. men were agreed in ; ... and when he
§ Bishop Tanner has written in had drawn up Articles of Concord,
the margin, ' Sic Orig.' The Book he submitted them to the correction
intended is, doubtless, Archbishop of Abp. Ussher and other Episcopal
Bramhall's * Fair Warning to take Divines, who agreed with him that
heed of the Scotish Discipline, as no more discipline should be prac-
being of all others most injurious tised than the Episcopalian, Presby-
to the Civil Magistrate, most op- terian, and Independent Divines
pressive to the Subject, and most agreed in.' Neal's History of the
pernicious to both :'' first published Puritans, ii. 432. The Articles were
A RASH VOW. 73
I can overcome what I am now sweating at : when it will be
sufficient to declare my judgment of those ways, with the
grounds thereof.
As to the Case* in your Letter proposed, my opinion is,
that notwithstanding Parents have a great power over their
Children in the point of Marriage, and the disobedience of
the Children f in proceeding to Marriage against the declared
dissent of the Parents J be a very high degree of disobedience,
and therefore may justly § deserve a sharp punishment, and,
as the circumstances may be, in some cases || an utter desertion
or abdication ; yet such a Vow as in the Case proposed you
mention could not be warrantably made, nor, being rnade,^"
though upon long and advised deliberation, can oblige,** if
either the serious acknowledgement of the fault, and hearty
repentance for the same ft by the offending party, well and
sufficiently evidenced by the continuance of ^ an humble and
pious aftercarriage. do merit the offending party's pardon, or
the Child's extreme necessity require his relief. The reason
is, for that no Vow ought to be made, neither being made can
oblige, whereby the Vower is disabled from exercising any act
of Justice or Charity, which, if that Vow were not, he were
by the dictates of right Reason bound to perform. The omit
ting of such an act in such a case being a sin, the Vow cannot
make it to be no sin : since in every Vow or Promise de fu-
turof though that exception §§ be not actually thought on by
the Vower at the time of Vowing, yet the exception, |||| salvis
Justitia et Charitate, is ever supposed ex Lege communi to
have been intended. Added HT hereunto some other consider
ations : as that, though the disobedience of the Child be of
a very high nature in itself, and therefore ought to have a
proportionable measure of repentance, yet the strength of the
printed : ' Christian Concord, or the § 'justly.' Not in Qu.
Agreement of the Associated Pas- || 'in some cases' omitted in Qu.
tors and Churches of Worcester- and C.C.C.
shire, with Richard Baxter's Expli- ^\ 'nor being made.' Not in Qu.
cation and Defence of it, and his ** 'can oblige.' 'or can,' Qu.
exhortation to Unity.' 40. Lond. ft ' for the same.' 'of the same*
1653- Qu.
* 'As to the Case.' Qu. and C.C.C. JJ ' the continuance of.' Not in
begin with these words. Qu.
f 'Children.' 'Child' Qu. and §§ 'exception.' 'acception' Qu.
C.C.C. || || 'the exception,' omitted in Qu.
J' Parents.' In Qu. < Parent.' HIT 'Added.' 'Add' C.C.C.
74 THE CASE OF A RASH VOW.
temptation, by reason of the violence of the passion of Love,
which young persons cannot so easily master, rendereth it
more capable of pardon from the Parent upon repentance.
As also that our Heavenly Father, whose example therein we
are to follow,* doth receive us upon our repentance into favour
and pardon, though we have sinned with a high hand and in
a presumptuous manner against Him. Yet I think it would
be convenient for the Father, in your j Case, not to relieve his
Daughter too hastily, unless her great necessity otherwise
require,^ and that but in a scant measure for a time, espe
cially if she do not appear to be truly and throughly humbled
for her past disobedience ; but to order the dispensation of his
charitable and§ fatherly affection towards her in such sort, in
order to her spiritual good, as that she may at once both ||
conceive some hope of pardon and reconciliation from her
Father, and yet withal have a good sense and apprehension of
some remainders of his just displeasure against her for that
her disobedience. How far forth, or how long, andlF in what
degree, this course is to be held, prudence and charity, ac
cording to present circumstances and their variations from
time to time, must determine. But for the Vow itself, I am
clearly of opinion that it is to pass for a rash Vow, though
made with never so great deliberation, if the forementioned
exception or reservation were not intended by the parent when
he made it ; and if it were intended,** then the Daughter may
be pardoned in Justice and relieved in Charity, and the Vow
still be in force. So that, intended or not intended, the Vow
cannot oblige to hinder the Parent either from pardoning the
offence or relieving the necessity of his Daughter.ff
My service remembered to you all, I rest
Your true friend and servant,
Boothby Pagnell, 1? G
. T-v . ., JLvO. OA.
24th December, 1653.
For Dr. Sheldon, at Bridgeford. J J
* ' we are to follow.' 'we follow' Qu. ft ' of his Daughter.' The Tran-
t 'your.' 'this* Qu. and C.C.C. script in Qu. and C.C.C. ends here.
I ' require.' ' required ' Qu. JJ It appears from a memorandum
§ 'and' omitted in Qu. and C.C.C. in Bp. Tanner's handwriting, MSS.
|| 'both' omitted in Qu. liii. f°. 211, that ' Dr. Sheldon lived
IT 'and.' 'or' C.C.C. at Bridgeford in the years 1651-53,
** 'and if it were intended — re- either in Mr. Okeover's house, or
lieved in Charity,' omitted in Qu. some of that name lived with him.'
THE CASE OF
MARRYING WITH A RECUSANT.
SIR,
YOURS, of July the second, I yesterday, July the sixth,
received. In answer to the contents whereof, desiring that
my services may withal be most humbly presented to my very
much honoured Lord, I return you what my present thoughts
are concerning the particulars therein proposed.
First,* for marrying a daughter to a professed Papist, con
sidered in thesi, and as to the point of lawfulness only, I am
so far from thinking the thing in itself to be simply and toto
genere unlawful, that I dare not condemn the Marriage of a
Christian with a Pagan, f much less with any other Christian,
of how different persuasion soever, as simply evil and unlaw
ful, inasmuch as there be cases J imaginable, wherein it may
seem not only lawful, but expedient also, and, as the exigence
of circumstances may be supposed, little less than necessary
so to intermarry. But since things lawful in the general and
in thesi may become, by reason of their inexpediency, unlaw
ful pro hie et nunc, and in hypotliesi, to particular persons ;
* 'First.' In the Dolben MS. 12,13. 30. But the Quaere is, whe-
'And to the second.' See above, p. 3. ther a member of the true Church of
t The Cambridge Translator saw God may marry a known Idolater,
reason to narrow the general appli- i°. God forbids it absolutely to the
cability of this clause to both sexes, Jews, His Church in the Old Tes-
within the scope immediately sug- tament. Deut. vii. 3. 2°. Nehem.
gested by this Case . . . . ' nuptias xiii. 24, &c, and Ezra x. 18 make
Christianae cum Ethnico.' them put away such wives. Ergo
Bp. Barlow has noted on the mar- Vinculum non erat validum. 3°. St.
gin of his Copy, 8°. C. 675 Line, in Paul absolutely forbids it, 2 Cor. vi.
the Bodleian, 'Vid. 2 Cor. vi. 14- 14-17. 4°. The Quaere then is, whe-
16. I consider, i°, that Matrimony ther that which is by Divine Law
is Juris naturae, and ratum amongst absolutely forbidden be not toto ge-
Pagans as well as Christians. 2°, If nere and simply unlawful. But the
of two Pagans married one turn marrying an Idolater (and Papists
Christian, this dissolves not the are such) is so forbidden. Ergo. . . .
Vinculum Matrimonii : they may co- J 'cases' Dolben MS. Edd,
habit as man and wife; i Cor. vii. 'causes/
76 THE CASE OF
and that the expediency or inexpediency of any action to be
done is to be measured by the worthiness of the end, the
conjuncture of present circumstances, and the probability of
the good* or evil consequents and effects, prudentially laid
together and weighed one against another, I conceive it alto
gether unsafe for a conscientious person, especially in a busi
ness of so great concernment as the marrying of a child, to
proceed upon the general lawfulness of the thing, without due
consideration of circumstances, and other requisites for the
warranting of particular actions. Now, as for the Marriage
of a daughter with one of so different persuasion in point of
Religion as that they cannot join together in the same way
of God's Worship, which is the case of a Protestant and a
Papist, it is very rare to find such a concurrence of circum
stances, as that a man can thence be clearly satisfied in his
judgment, without just cause of doubting the contrary, that it
can be expedient to conclude upon such a Marriage ; and how
dangerous a thing it is to do any thing with a doubting Con
science, we may learn from Rom. xiv. 23. For the evil con
sequents probably to ensue upon such Marriages are so many
and great, that the conveniences which men may promise to
themselves from the same, if they should answer expectation,
as seldom they do to the full, laid in an equal balance there-
against, would not turn the scale. And, in one respect, the
danger is greater to marry with a Papist than with one of a
worse Religion, for that the main principle f of his Religion,
as a Papist, is more destructive of the comfort of a conjugal
society, than are the principles of most heretics, yea, than
those of Pagans, or Atheists. For, holding that there is no
Salvability but in the Church, and that none is in the Church
but such as acknowledge subjection to the See of Rome, it is
not possible but that the Husband must needs conclude his
Wife to be in the state of damnation so long as she continueth
Protestant. Whence one of these two great inconveniences
will unavoidably follow, that either he will use all endeavours,
engines, and artifices, to draw her to the Church of Rome, (as
indeed who can blame him for endeavouring J to bring his
* ' the good' DolbenMS. Previous dogma' Cambridge Version.
Editions have not the Article. J 'for endeavouring.' These words,
t ( main principle.' * primarium which seem necessary to complete
MARRYING WITH A RECUSANT. 77
Wife into a capacity of everlasting Salvation?) the restless
importunity whereof, together with the ill advantages they of
that party can make from the sad* confusions that are amongst
us in these times, it will be very hard for one of the weaker
sex perpetually to resist ; or else, in case she stand firm in her
Religion against all assaults and attempts to the contrary,
whatsoever he may be towards her in outward carriage, he
cannot but, in his inmost thoughts, pass judgment upon her
as an obstinate and desperate heretic, and, so living and dying,
an accursed and damned creature. These are sad things both ;
and it is not conceivable how a Woman so matched should live
with any comfort, or ever hope to see a good day, wherein
she shall not either be tempted from her Religion, or censured
for it. What assurance can she have of his good affections
towards her, who is bound not to permit any better opinion of
her than of a reprobate and castaway? It is possible there
may be so much good nature in the husband as to take off
somewhat from that rigidness, which otherwise the principles
of his Religion would bind him to, or so much discretion, sweet
ness, and obligingness in the wife's demeanour towards him,
as to preserve a good measure of conjugal affection between
them, notwithstanding their different persuasions. This, I say,
is possible ; and where it happeneth so to be, it rendereth
the condition of the parties so much the less uncomfortable ;
and that is the utmost of the happiness that is to be hoped
for from such Marriages ; and I think there cannot be pro
duced many examples thereof. Yet even there, there cannot
be that cordial affection and fulness of complacency (wherein
yet the chiefest happiness of conjugal society consisteth)
that would be, if the same parties, supposed to be of the
same qualifications otherwise, were also of the same Reli
gion. I omit other oeconomical differences that may, and
very frequently do occasionally arise, betwixt husband and
wife from this difference in Religion, as concerning the enter
tainment of friends, the choice of servants, the education of
children, very considerable things all, besides sundry other
the sense, are inserted from the spe Salutis aeternae probabili col-
Dolben MS. The Cambridge Ver- locare?'
sion does not recognise them — * 'sad.' * horrendis' Cambridge
* Quis ei verterit vitio, uxorem in Version.
78 THE CASE OF
perhaps of less moment, yet such as are apt to breed discon
tents and jealousies, and sometimes break out into great dis
tempers in the Family. Such Marriages therefore* I should
utterly dissuade, especially in the Nobility, Gentry, and Com
monalty, where there is choice enough otherwise to be had of
persons of equal degree, estate, and education of the same
Religion to match withal. Kings and Princes, for reasons of
State, and because there is little choice of persons of equal
dignity with themselves, are therefore oftentimes, by a kind of
necessity, put upon such Marriages ; yet even there, where
they are certainly the most excusable, it hath been observed,
that such Marriages have proved for the most part unfor
tunate.
The other particular proposed in your Letter, is concerning
the Marriage of a daughter to one that professeth the Pro
testant Religion, but having had Popish parents, may be sus
pected, though he deny it, to be that way inclined. The reso
lution whereof, as of most other Cases and practical questions,
will depend very much upon the consideration of circum
stances, whereunto being altogether a stranger, I am less able
to give judgment in the Case with any certainty. Only in
order to the resolution of the Question, these, to my under
standing, seem to be the most proper and important inquiries.
First, whether the parents of the young person be living or
no, one or both ? If both be dead, the temptations from them
(which in such cases are wont to prevail very much) are by
their death clearly superseded ; and then the danger is by so
much less. But if either be living, there can be little security
of the son's continuance in the Protestant's belief, notwith
standing his present profession thereof, when he shall be
assaulted with the whole authority of them to whom he oweth
reverence.
Secondly, with what degree of confidence, and with what
kind of asseverations he professeth the one, and denieth the
other Religion ? For although they out of design put on a coun
terfeit vizor, and use all the art they can to dissemble it, yet
very seldom can it be done so cunningly, warily, and con
stantly, but that at some time or other, the dissimulation will
unawares bewray itself to the eye of a curious observer.
* 'therefore.5 So in the Dolben MS. In the printed books ' thereof/
MARRYING WITH A RECUSANT. 79
Thirdly, what measure of understanding the young person,
who is, you say, of great abilities for his age, hath in the fun
damental Articles of the Christian Religion : those I mean,
wherein the English and Romish Churches are at agreement ;
for in those the substance of Christianity consisteth. He that
rightly understands those Catholic Truths taught in the Cate
chisms of both Churches, and concerning which all Christen
dom, in a manner, are at perfect accord, and then will but
suffer himself to consider that the Church of England doth not
impose upon the judgments and consciences of her members
any thing to be believed or received, as of necessity to Salva
tion, than what is truly Catholic, and by her adversaries con
fessed so to be ; and consequently, that the difference* betwixt
her and the Romish Party, is wholly about those additional or
superstructures, which they of the Roman faith require to be
believed and received with like necessity as the former, but
appear to us of this Church respectively, either evidently false,
or of doubtful truth, or not of absolute necessity to be be
lieved : I say, whosoever well considereth this, may rest satis
fied in his judgment and conscience, that the Faith taught and
professed in the Church of England, is a plain and safe way to
lead a Christian Believer to Eternal Salvation, if he withal lead
his life and conversation answerable thereunto.
' To the last particular in your Letter, all the return I have
to make, is no more but an humble acknowledgment and sense
of his Lordship's noble favours towards me, in entertaining an
opinion of me more suitable to his own goodness and ingenuity
than to my merit. I know not, nor desire to know of any
occasions likely to draw me into those parts so distant from
me, being grown into years and infirmities that render me
very unfit for long journeys, unless the business of my Son's
Marriage, which occasioned my late journey to London, require
a second thither in Michaelmas Term. But I am so sensible
both of the trouble and charge of such journeys, besides some
inconveniences to my affairs at home whilst I am long absent,
that I will avoid it, unless there be no other remedy. I shall
not willingly decline any employment, within my low and
narrow sphere, both of outward condition and parts, wherein
* ' difference.' c controversiam' Cambridge Version.
80 THE CASE OF MARRYING WITH A RECUSANT.
my services* may be any ways useful, or but acceptable, to
that noble and excellent Person. But truly, Sir, I conceive
there will be little need of my further endeavours, as to that
particular expressed in yours, whether what I have written
now give satisfaction, or not. There are persons nearer hand,f
whom I know to be much fitter for an employment of that
nature, than myself who have ever studied peace more than
controversies ; and namely, one at the next door to Hatton-
House,J whose sufficiency and readiness in that kind is well
known to Mr. Geoffrey Palmer. §
Sir, because I would willingly keep some account of what I
write upon such occasions as this, and I have no other copy of
this present script, I desire that I may have either this Paper1,
or a transcript thereof, returned me at your bye leisure. It may
be conveyed unto me at any time by the means of my son or
of Mr. Henry Serle, Bookseller. ||
Sir, I wish you happiness, desire your prayers, and rest
Your Faithful and Humble Servant,
ROBERT SANDERSON.^
July J, 1656.
Botheby ay
7, 16,
* ' services' Dolben MS. Edd. be presumed to have been Peter
' service.' Gunning, eventually Bishop of Chi-
t ? Bishop Hall; of whose Resolu- Chester, and afterwards of Ely, who,
tions and Decisions of divers Prac- when ejected from his Fellowship in
tical Cases of Conscience, first pub- Clare Hall, became Tutor to the
lished in 1649, a third Edition had Lord Hatton.
appeared in 1654. § Attorney General, and Chief
Jer. Taylor, on the 25th of March Justice of Chester, 1660; created a
in the year following the date of this Baronet in 1661.
Case, showed Evelyn * his MSS. of || This Paragraph is inserted from
Cases of Conscience, or Due tor Du- the Dolben MS.
bitantium fitted for the press.' Me- 1T The Names are inserted from
moirs, i. 304. the Dolben MS.
J The person here intended may
THE CASE OF A BOND
TAKEN IN THE KING'S NAME.
Proposed July, 1658.
R. C. was seized in fee of certain houses of small value, with
the appurtenances; and in the year 1635, whilst owner of the
said houses, he intreated A. B. to be his surety for one hundred
pounds ; and continued the same at interest till 1639. At which
time he requested A. B. to discharge that Bond, and in consi
deration thereof selleth the said houses to A. B. and his heirs
for ever : the said R. C. also buyeth of a merchant a parcel of
goods : the merchant, being a receiver of some part of the late
King's Revenue, and under pretence of a privilege thereby,
taketh a Bond of the said R. C. for the payment of two hun
dred pounds * to himself, but in the name of the late King, as
if indebted to the King ; and under that pretence procureth an
Extent upon the Houses sold to A. B. and maketh seizure
thereof.
Was R. C. seized of the same, when he entered into that
Bond?f
The said King, 1640, published a Proclamation, wherein he
declared that the taking of such Bonds was contrary to his
intention and an abuse of his Prerogative, and prohibited all
such crafty courses, as tending to the oppression of his sub
jects ; and it is to be noted, that the said Proclamation was
published two years before the Extent was executed upon the
houses, which nevertheless have been held under that Extent
about fourteen years, which is beyond the value of the houses.
The said R. C. died poor : the merchant is dead also, without
any child, leaving an estate behind him of twenty thousand
pounds, as is supposed : a great part visible in lands, as ap-
peareth by his last Will upon record.
* ' de viginti libris sibi solvendis.' tion appears in the Cambridge Ver-
Cambridge Version. sion.
f Nothing equivalent to this Ques-
SANDERSON, VOL. V. Q
82 THE CASE OF A BOND
Advice of Counsel at Law being taken, how the said A. B.
may be most readily relieved, he is directed to petition the
present Supreme Power to pardon the debt, because taken
only in the King's name, when there is no debt due to him
from R. C.
As to the Case proposed,
1. I am clearly of opinion, that the taking of Bonds in the
King's name, to the mere behoof and for the advantage of
private persons, when there was no such debt really due to the
King, was a fraudulent and unjust act from the beginning ; for
though it were not actually forbidden, and so might perhaps
be valid enough in foro externo, till the issuing out of the
King's Proclamation in that behalf; yet was it in point of
Conscience unlawful before, as being a crafty course : so re
fused by the King himself, and guilty of a double injustice :
the one to the King, as an abuse to his Prerogative : the
other to the subject, as tending to their oppression, as by the
Proclamation is recited ; and that therefore,
2. Neither might the Merchant, whiles he lived, nor ought
his Executors, now he is dead, to make advantage of the
King's name used in that Bond ; nor might he then, nor may
they now, by virtue of the King's Prerogative, or under the
colour thereof, for the recovery of the said Debt, use any way
to the prejudice or damage of the Obligee, or of any pur
chaser from him, other than such as he or they might have
used, in case the Bond had been taken in the Obligee's own
name, and not in the King's.
3. If any proceedings have been made already in pursuit
of the Debt due upon the said Bond, upon no other ground
or colour than the Prerogative aforesaid, whereby the said
A. B. cometh to be endamaged or prejudiced more than other
wise he should have been, that the Executors ought to make
him some considerable satisfaction for the same : although per
haps not to the full of what he hath suffered or would de
mand, yet in such a proportion, as to the judgment of indif
ferent persons, in a case wherein both parties, if they must do
what is fitting and just, are sure to be losers, shall seem rea
sonable, in case the parties cannot accord it between them
selves.
TAKEN IN THE KING'S NAME. 83
4. Whereof, although through the corrupt partiality that is
in most, I may truly say, all men more or less, I do not appre
hend any great likelihood, for neither part would, and yet
both must be losers, yet I should advise that trial were made
thereof in the first place, as the most kindly Christian way of
growing to peace, if parties will be persuaded to meet about
it, and can be made masters of their own passions when they
are met ; and surely matters might be easily brought to a
handsome conclusion, if both parties, but especially the Exe
cutors, who seem to have the advantage in Law, would not
stand too much upon whatsoever advantage they may seem to
have, but, as in Conscience they ought, submit both that, and
all other circumstances appertaining to the business, and in
deed their whole mutual demands, to the final determination
of that transcendent Law, which Christ hath established as
the only Royal Standard, whereby to measure the equity of
our actions in all our dealings towards others : viz. to do as
we would be done unto ; or, which cometh to one, not to do
that to another, which if he should do to us, supposing his
case was ours, we should think ourselves scarce justly and
fairly dealt withal.
5. But lastly, in case no such accord can be made, either
by agreement of parties, or mediation of friends, and that
through the only default and stiffness of the Executors, A. B.
having by all fair ways faithfully sought and endeavoured the
same, I see not but the said A. B. may (but not to be done
but as his last refuge) seek to relieve himself according to the
advice of his Counsel, by making his addresses to such person
or personage,* as for the time being shall be in actual pos
session of the Supreme Power, and so in a capacity to over
rule the Law in a case of that nature, by forgiving that Debt
whereunto the King was colourably and fraudulently entitled
for private advantage, to the prejudice of a third person ; but
was not at all a debt owing to him from the Obligee.
B.P. 17 July, 1658.
* In the Cambridge Version, < Personae isti aut Magnati.'
THE
CASE OF SCANDAL.*
J N judging of Cases of Scandal, we are not so much to look
at the event, what that is or may be, as at the cause whence
it cometh ; for sometimes there is given just cause of Scandal,
and yet no Scandal followeth, because it is not taken : some
times Scandal is taken, and yet no just cause given ; and some
times there is both cause of Scandal given, and Scandal thereat
taken. But no man is concerned in any Scandal that hap-
peneth to another by occasion of any thing done by him,
neither is chargeable with it, further than he is guilty of hav
ing given it. If then we give Scandal to others, and they
take it not, the whole guilt f is ours, and they are faultless ;
if we give it, and they take it, we are to bear a share in the
blame as well as they, and that a deeper share too. Vae ho-
mini ! Wo to the man by ivhom the offence cometh, S. Matt,
xviii. 7. But if they take offence when we give none, it is a
thing we cannot help, therefore the whole blame must lie upon
them : wherefore, if at any time any doubt shall arise in the
Case of Scandal, how far forth the danger thereof may, or
may not oblige us to the doing or not doing any thing pro
posed, the Resolution will come on much the easier, if we shall
but rightly understand what it is to give Scandal, or how
many ways a man may become guilty of scandalizing another
by his example. The ways, as I conceive, are but these four.
2. The first is, when a man doth something before another
man which is in itself .evil, unlawful, and sinful. In which
case, neither the intention of him that doth it, nor the event,
as to him that seeth it done, is of any consideration ; for it
* This can hardly be regarded as f ' the whole guilt — they take it/
a distinct Case, the matter of it, These words, inserted here from
with a few variations of no great the Case of the Liturgy, are repre-
importance, having already been sented in the Cambridge Version of
given in the Case of the Liturgy, this Case.
PP- 49-53 above.
THE CASE OF SCANDAL. 85
mattereth not whether the doer had an intention to draw the
other into sin thereby, or not : neither doth it matter whether
the other were thereby induced to commit sin or not. The
matter or substance of the action being evil, and done before
others, is sufficient to render the doer guilty of having given
Scandal, though he had neither any intention himself so to do,
nor were any person actually scandalized thereby : because
whatsoever is in itself, and in its own nature evil, is also of
itself, and in its own nature scandalous, and of evil example.
Thus did Hophni and Phinehas, the sons of Eli, give Scandal
by their wretched profaneness and greediness about the sacri
fices of the Lord, and their vile and shameless abusing the
women, i Sam. ii. 17, 22. And so did David also give great
Scandal in the matter of Uriah, 2 Sam. xii. 14. Here the
Rule is, Do nothing that is evil for fear of giving Scandal.*
3. The second way, when a man doth something before an
other with a direct intention and formal purpose of drawing
him thereby to commit sin. In which case, neither the mat
ter of the action nor the event is of any consideration ; for it
maketh no difference, as to the sin of giving Scandal, whether
any man be effectually enticed thereby to commit sin, or not ;
neither doth it make any difference, whether the thing done
were in itself unlawful or not, so as it had but an appearance
of evil, and from thence an aptitude to draw another to do
that, by imitation, which should be really and intrinsecally
evil : the wicked intention alone, (whatsoever the effect should
be, or what means soever should be used to promote it,) suf-
ficeth to induce the guilt of giving Scandal upon the doer.
This was Jeroboam's sin, in setting up the calves with a formal
purpose and intention thereby, for his own secular and am
bitious ends, to corrupt the purity of Religion, and to draw
the people to an Idolatrous Worship ; for which cause he is
* Mr. J. C. Robertson, in his thing that is evil, lest you should
Work entitled, * How shall we con- give scandal, lest you should put a
form to the Liturgy ?' Additions to stumblingblock in the way of your
p. 29, 1. 9, second Ed., would pre- brother or brethren ? Compare De
fer to omit the comma, placed in Juramenti Obligatione, Praelect. ii.
previous Editions, after the word §. 9. 'Altera respectu aliorum, ob
' evil/ understanding the Rule to metum scilicet Scandali : ne quis
mean, Let not fear of giving scan- alius infirmior, nostro exemplo ad-
dal persuade you to do evil. But ductus, quod nobis factum videt id
is not its purport rather, Do no- sibi quoque licere putet/ &c.
86 THE CASE OF SCANDAL.
so often stigmatized with it as with a note of infamy, to stick
by him whilst the world lasteth : being scarce ever mentioned
but with this addition, Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, that made
Israel to sin. Here the Rule is, Do nothing, good or evil,
with an intention to give Scandal.
4. The third way is, when a man doth something before
another, which in itself is not evil, but indifferent, and so,
according to the rule of Christian Liberty, lawful for him to
do or not to do as he shall see cause, yea, and perhaps other
wise commodious and convenient for him to do, yet whereat
he probably foreseeth the other will take Scandal, and be
occasioned thereby to do evil. In such case, if the thing to be
done be not in some degree, at least prudentially, necessary for
him to do, but that he might, without great inconvenience and
prejudice to himself and any third person, leave it undone, he
is bound in charity and compassion to his brother's soul, for
whom Christ died, and for the avoiding of Scandal, to abridge
himself in the exercise of his Christian Liberty for that time,
so far as rather to suffer some inconvenience himself by the
not doing of it, than by doing of it to cause his brother to
offend. The very case which is so often, and so largely, and
so earnestly insisted upon by St. Paul: See Rom. xiv. 13-21;
xv. i, 2. i Cor. viii. 9-13 ; ix. 12, 22 ; and x. 23-33. Here the
Rule is, Do nothing that may be reasonably forborne, whereat
it is like Scandal will be taken.
5. The last way is, when a man doth something before an
other, which is not only lawful, but, according to the exigencies
of present circumstances, pro hie et nunc, very behoveful, and
in some sort prudentially necessary for him to do ; but fore
seeth in the beholder a propension to make an ill use of it, and
to take encouragement thereby to commit sin, if there be not
withal a great care had to prevent, as much as is possible,
the Scandal that might be taken thereat ; for, Qui non pro-
hibet peccare quum potest, jubet* In such case the bare
neglect of his brother, and not using his utmost endeavour
to prevent the evil that might ensue, maketh him guilty.f
* Seneca, Troad. 295. Qui non from Gratian, Dist. 86.
vetat... Compare Sermon vi. ad f 'maketh him guilty.' In pre-
Magistr. §. 26. Qui non vetat pec- vious Editions, 'making him guilty,
care cum posset, jubet is quoted by upon which ' &c. See above, p.
Prynne, Canterbury's Doom, as 52.
THE CASE OF SCANDAL. 87
Upon which consideration standeth the equity of the Judicial
Law given to the Jews, Exod. xxi. 33, 34, which ordereth, that
in case a man dig a pit or well for the use of his family, and,
looking no further than his own conveniency, put no cover
on it, but leave it open, whereby it happeneth his neigh
bour's beast to fall therein and perish, the owner of the pit
is to make it good, inasmuch as he was the occasioner of
that loss unto his neighbour, which he might and ought to have
prevented.* In this last case the thing is not, for the danger of
the Scandal, to be left undone, supposing it, as we now do,
otherwise behoveful to be done; but the action is to be or
dered and carried on by us, for the manner of doing, and in
all respects and circumstances thereunto belonging, with so
much chariness,! tenderness, and moderation, and wisdom, that
so many as are willing to take notice of it may be satisfied that
there was on our part a reason of just necessity that the thing
should be done ; and that such persons as would be willing to
make use of our example, without the like necessity, may do it
upon their own score, and not be able to vouch our practice for
their excuse : even as the Jew that stood in need to sink a pit
for the service of his house and grounds, was not, for fear his
neighbour's beasts should fall into it and be drowned, bound by
the Law to forbear the making of it, but only to provide a
sufficient cover for it, when he had made it. Here the Rule
is, Order the doing of that which may not well be left undone,
in such sort, that no Scandal may, through your default, be
taken thereat.
6. I do not readily remember any doubt that can occur
about the reason of Scandal, which may not be brought within
the compass of these four Rules ; and then the right applying
some or other of these Rules will give some furtherance to
wards the Resolution of these Doubts.
* 'ought to have prevented.' In given does not appear on p. 53.
the Case of the Liturgy these words t * chariness.' In previous Edi-
are followed immediately by the tions, 'clearness.' See above, page
Rule. The rest of the matter here 53, note f.
THE CASE OF
UNLAWFUL LOVE.
JL WO Gentlemen who were very good friends, and both of
them married, used to converse together familiarly. One of
these took a special liking in the company and conversation of
the other's wife, and she answerably in his ; which afterwards
proceeded to some degree of love ; which, though ever re
strained, and preserved without any violation of chastity, grew
yet in the end to this issue, that they mutually vowed either
to other, that if happily * either of them should at any time be
freed from the bond of Matrimony, either he by the death of
his wife, or she by the death of her husband, that party so
freed should continue afterwards unmarried, and stay for the
other, till the other should be freed also, though it were during
life. Now so it is, that the Gentlewoman's husband died, and
her affections and resolution so altered that gladly she would
marry, if she might be released of the engagement of that
Vow, or persuaded of the unlawfulness or nullity thereof.
Concerning the present Case, as it is propounded, sundry
Points are needful to be resolved, that so we give a right judg
ment de praeterito, of what is already done for the time past,
in respect of the Gentlewoman's former Promise, and sound
direction also de futuro, what is further to be done for the
time to come, in respect of her present distresses.
Point I.
i . First of all, It is considerable, whether the Promise made
by the Gentlewoman and her friend, were properly a Vow or
no ? So it is called in the proposal of the present Case, and
* ' happily,' here equivalent to ' haply.' The Cambridge Version has
' forte.'
THE CASE OF UNLAWFUL LOVE. 89
that agreeable to the common use of speech with us here in
England, who extend the word, Vow, very far ; neither shall
I make scruple in the ensuing Discourse, sometimes to call it
so ; for Loquendum ut Vulgus. But, to speak properly, a
Vow is a word of a narrower extent than a Promise, every Vow
being indeed a Promise, but not every Promise necessarily a
Vow. Promises may be made indifferently, either to God, or
men;a but Promises made to men are no Vows : wherefore it
is usually inserted into the definition of a Vow, as a condition
essentially requisite thereunto, b that it be made unto God
alone, insomuch as to make a Vow to any creature is, inter
pretative, to exalt the creature into the place of God, and so
to make it an idol ; * which is clear, not only from the express Ps. ixxvi.
Precept of God, and the constant examples of godly men, and ^m xxi
the usual phrases of the Holy Ghost in the Scriptures, but also 2.
from the universal consent of all learned men, both Divines ^ g' x
and others, and even of Heathens also.c This Gentlewoman's iSam.i.n
Promise then being made to the Gentleman her friend alone, 36.
as was his also to her, and neither of both to God, is therefore Ps* lvl' I2>
to be taken for a mere Promise, but no Vow.
2. If, for more confirmation thereof, she bound herself also
by Oath, as it is not unlike, yet it is no more for all that but a
mere Promise still, and not a Vow. For albeit the very using
of an Oath be a calling in of God into a business, and the
person that taketh an Oath doth thereby set himself in the
presence of God, yet an Oath calleth Him in only to be a
witness, d without any intent to make Him a party to the busi
ness, whereas in a Vow He is made a party, and not only a
witness; whereunto agree those forms so frequent in Holy
Scripture, in Oaths both assertory, and stipulatory : The Lord Gen. xxxi.
be witness between us : God is any witness : I take God to j° j
ges xi.
a Votum soli Deo fit, sed Pro- c Sponsio, qua obligamur Deo.
missio etiam potest fieri homini. Cicero de Legibus, ii. 41.
Aquinas, Sec. Sec. Quaest. Ixxxviii. d Jurare nihil est aliud quam
Art. 5. ad Tert. Deum testem invocare. Aquinas,
b Promissio Deo facta est essentia Sec. Sec. Quaest. Ixxxix. Art. i. ex
Voti. [Votorum quoddam pertinet August, de Verb. Apost. Serm. R.
ad Religionem ratione solius Promis- 28. [180.4. §§• 6, 10. torn. v. col.
sionis Deo factae, quae est essentia 861, ed. Ben. 1633.] Quod affir-
Voti.] Ibid, [ad Primum.] mate, quasi Deo teste, promiseris, id
* Compare De Juramenti Obli- tenendum est. Cicero de Offic. iii.
gatione, Praelect. v.§.2. 29. 104.
90 THE CASE OF
Mai. ii. 14. record, and the like. For even as when a Promise is made
?Thess n un*° ®°^> whereunto, f°r t^e more solemnity, the presence of
5- some men is required as witnesses, such a Promise is to be held
PhiM.^s. for a Vow, because it is made to God alone, although in the
presence of men; so, on the other side, when a Promise is
made unto some man, whereunto, for the more assurance, the
presence of God is required as a witness, such a Promise is not
to be held for a Vow, because it is made unto man alone,
although in the presence of God.
3. Nay further, if the Gentlewoman when she thus engaged
herself did use these very words, ' I vow to God,' or words to
that eifect, as we know is often done in solemn Promises be
tween man and man, yet neither is that sufficient to make it
properly a Vow ; for to judge rightly when question is made
concerning any particular Promise, whether it be a Vow, yea
or no, we are not to be guided so much by the forms of speech,
which are subject to change, impropriety, and many defects, as
by the true intention and purpose of the parties, especially the
Promiser. Now what was the whole intent and purpose of
these parties, when they mutually bound themselves in such
sort as in the Case propounded is laid down, no reasonable
man can be ignorant ; even this and no other, to give as good
assurance as they could devise, either to other, and to receive
the like assurance again, that the thing by them agreed on
and promised should be faithfully performed; and if either
Oaths or Protestations were also used by way of confirmation,
they are all in common intendment to be taken as tending to
the selfsame purpose, without looking at any further thing ;
and clearly where the Promiser hath no intention to bind him
self to God, but to man only, the Promise so made is no Vow,
whatsoever formality of words may be used in the making
of it.
4. Neither is the examination of this Point a curiosity either
in itself fruitless, or impertinent to the Case in hand ; for
albeit in that which seemeth to be the very main Point of all,
viz. the power of binding the Conscience, there be no material
difference between a Vow and an ordinary Promise ; a lawful
Promise no less binding unto performance than a lawful Vow,
and an unlawful Vow no more binding than an unlawful Pro
mise ; yet there is some difference between them, and that of
UNLAWFUL LOVP1 91
some importance too, in respect of the relaxation of that bond.
For since it belongeth to him to whom a bond is made to grant
a release thereof, it belongeth therefore to God alone to
release the obligation of a Vow ; and no man hath power so to
do, because the Vower, by his Vow, bindeth himself to God,
not to man ; whereas the obligation of a mere Promise, wherein
the Promisor bindeth himself but to some man, may be released
by that man ; and a release from him is to the Conscience of
the Promisor a sufficient discharge from the said Obligation :
which consideration of what use it will be in the present Case,
will in the due place further appear. In the mean time we
have evidently proved that this Gentlewoman bound herself by
Promise only, and not by Vow.
Point II.
5. We are next to inquire concerning the validity thereof,
whether or no the Gentlewoman, having an husband* at that
time, were so disabled in that respect from making such a
Promise, that the Promise then made by her, without the hus
band's consent, was utterly void from the very beginning.
For the wife is under the laiv, and under the power of her Rom. vii. 2.
husband, and so is not sui juris, nor can bind herself by Vow, lCor-vu-4-
Oath, Promise, or otherwise, without the privity and consent
of her husband ; * which consent we may presume this Gentle
woman never had, the Promise being of that nature, that it
had been not only immodesty, but even madness at all to have
sought it. And it is certain from the Law of God, by Moses, Num. xxx.
to the equity whereof Christians are still bound, because it is 3<
founded upon right Reason and the light of Nature, that
every Vow and Promise made by a person that of right hath
not power to make it is de jure nullum, altogether void from
the first instant, and bindeth the party no more than if it
never had been made.
6. If any Scruple shall arise from this consideration, that
albeit the Promise made by the wife in her husband's lifetime
bind her not without his consent, so long as he liveth, because
she is all that while -under his power ; yet after that she is
e "YTravSpos yvvr). Rom. vii. 2.
* Compare De Juramenti Obligatione, Prael. iv. §. 5.
92 THE CASE OF
loosed from the law of her husband by his death, it shall
thenceforth bind her, because she then becometh sui juris :
I say, this maketh no difference at all in the Case ; for this is
a general Rule, that what act soever had a nullity in it at the
first, when it was done, cannot by any succeeding tract of time
grow to be of force. f As if a young Scholar shall be instituted
to a benefice, being not of lawful years ; or a young Heir make
a sale of his lands during minority, the institution and the
sale, as they were both void at the beginning, so they shall
continue void, as well after the Clerk is of lawful years, and
the Heir at full age, as before : so that, to judge of the va
lidity of any Vow, Promise, or Covenant, respect must be had
to that very time wherein it was made,? and to the present
condition of the person at that time, and not to any time
or condition before or after. If then there were indeed a
nullity in this Gentlewoman's Vow at the time when she made
it, there is a nullity in it still ; and if it were indeed of no
force to bind her then, neither is it of any force to bind her
now.
7. But after due pondering of the matter, I rather think,
that there was not a nullity in the Promise at the first, nei
ther, supposing it had been rightly qualified in other respects,
was it void upon this ground ; because although she were not
sui juris absolute, it is sufficient yet that she was so quantum
ad hoc. For a person that is under the power of another,
hath yet power of himself, and so is sui juris, to dispose of all
such things as by the free disposal whereof, the proper right
of him, under whose power he is, is in no way prejudiced ; but
in whatsoever may be prejudicial to the other in any of his
rights, he is juris alieni, neither may dispose thereof without
the other's consent ; and if such a person shall make a Vow
or other Promise concerning any of those things wherein he
is sui juris, such Vow or Promise shall stand good, and is not
void (though possibly it may be vicious in other respects) from
the inability of the person that maketh it. As, for example,
f Quod initio vitiosum est, non spectatur quo contrahimus. L. 18.
potest tractu temporis convalescere. F. eodem. [Digest. Lib. 50. Tit. 17.
L. 29. F. de Reg. Jur. Div. [Di- L. 18. Conf. Paulus, Digest. Lib.
gest. Lib. 50. Tit. 17. Lex 29.] 45. Tit. i. L. 78.]
s In stipulationibus id tempus
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 93
if a servant shall promise to his own father to work with him
a day or two in harvest, this Promise, unless his master con
sent thereunto, shall be void, because the master hath a right
in the servant's work, to which right it would be prejudicial
if the servant should dispose thereof after his own pleasure ;
but if such a servant shall promise unto his needy father to
relieve him from time to time with a third or fourth part of
all such wages as he shall receive for his service, this promise
shall be good of itself; neither shall the master's consent be
requisite to make it so, because the master hath no right at
all in the servant's wages, wherein to be prejudiced by the
servant's disposing thereof according to his own mind. Now,
forasmuch as the husband's right and power over the wife
ceaseth together with his life, as the Apostle expressly teach- Rom. vii.
eth, and so cannot be prejudiced by any act of the wife done 3'
after his decease, it is manifest that the wife is sui juris to
make a Vow or Promise during her husband's lifetime, con
cerning something to be done after his decease, in case she
overlive him, because his right will be expired before the per
formance of the said Vow or Promise be due : as, to give
instance in a case not much unlike to this in question, a wife
estated upon her marriage in a jointure or annuity for her life
of an hundred pounds per annum, maketh a promise in her
husband's lifetime to one of her younger brothers that hath
but short means, to allow him thenceforward out of the said
estate, ten pounds yearly toward his better maintenance : this
Promise is void unless the husband consent, because the per
formance thereof would prejudice him in that right which he
hath during his own life in the revenue of all the lands and
annuities estated upon the wife in reversion ; but if such a wife
shall promise to her said brother to allow him the said yearly
sum of ten pounds after the decease of her husband in case
she survive him, this Promise is good, though made by the
wife in her husband's lifetime, and without his consent, be
cause the husband's right, being so to cease before the Pro
mise is to be performed, cannot be prejudiced by the perform
ance thereof. And this I find agreeable to the best Casuists,
whose peremptory opinion it is, that husbands and masters
cannot disannul such Vows as their wives and servants make
concerning things to be performed at such times as they shall
94 THE CASE OF
be from under their power. h Which position if it be true,
(and I yet see no reason why it should not), then doubtless
this Gentlewoman's Vow made to her friend, though in the
lifetime and without the consent of her husband, was not ori
ginally void from the inability to make it, upon this respect,
that she was not sui juris so to do.
Point III.
8. But though I dare not say, neither do I think that there
was a nullity in it, in respect of the person, to make it void
that way, yet it cannot be denied but there was much Obli
quity in it, in respect of the matter, to make it otherwise
utterly unlawful. In which Point much need not be said, be
cause the truth thereof will soon appear ; for there was in it
manifestly a threefold Obliquity, and thereby also a breach
of three several Commandments. The first Obliquity was in
respect of the unlawful affection from which it proceeded, which
being placed upon another than the husband, and that in such
an high degree as to produce a Promise of this kind, must
needs be vicious, both for the object and for the measure ; and
S. Matt. v. such inordinate affection, by the analogy of our Saviour's ex
pression of the Law, is a violation of the chastity of the heart,
and so a breach of the Seventh Commandment. The second
Obliquity was, the want of that true conjugal love which ought
to be between husband and wife, who ought to have a mutual
Prov. v. 1 8. complacency and delight the one in the other, and to be satis-
Prov.v. 19. fi6^ at all times with the love, comfort, and society the one
of the other ; which love, if it had been so throughly rooted
and seated in the Gentlewoman's heart as it ought have been,
would have crushed all motions of unlawful affection towards
a stranger in the shell, long before they could grow to such
strong resolutions, as by the making of this Vow it appeareth
they did ; for it is not to be imagined that such a Vow as this
could be made, and really intended to be performed, but we
must needs suppose in the parties so vowing a kind of weariness
h Vota uxorum vel servorum ex- the matter, not a quotation of the
sequenda illo tempore quo fuerint words, pp. 238-241. Paris, 1620.
sui juris, mariti vel domini non pos- or in the third Volume of his Works,
sunt irritare. Navarrus, Manuale, pp. 67, 8. See De Conscientia, Prae-
num. 65. et alios. [A summary of lect. v. §. 6.]
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 95
at the least, if not rather some inward loathing of the present
yoke, which being contrary to that honour that married per
sons owe to their yokefellows, is so a breach of the Fifth
Commandment. A third Obliquity there was also as a breach
of the Tenth Commandment, against those express words, Thou
shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife : every man and woman
being to content themselves with that lot which, by God's Pro
vidence, hath befallen them, as in all other things, so espe
cially in that which is of the greatest weight, the lot of Mar
riage, without coveting or lusting after that which it hath
pleased the wisdom of God already to dispose upon another.
This GentleAvoman's Promise then being such, as (if it should
be brought to an impartial trial before that tribunal which
God hath erected in every one's Conscience, and according to
the tenor of that Divine Law whereof no Christian should be
ignorant) could not be reasonably acquitted from any one of
these sinful Obliquities, but not possibly from them all, we
may conclude to have been an act utterly unlawful.
Point IV.
9. But because a man may contract an obligation by an
act not free from Obliquity, as the saying in such cases is,
Fieri non debet, factwn valet, and we have a ruled Case for
it in the Covenant which the Princes of Israel made with the Josh. ix.
Gibeonites, which, though sinfully made at the first, was ne- vt'rse^o.
cessarily to be kept afterwards, we are therefore to inquire 2 Sam- xxi-
into a Fourth Point, Whether the Gentlewoman, having de
facto bound herself by such an unlawful Promise, be still by
virtue of the said Promise bound in Conscience to the per
formance thereof, or not? To answer directly to the Point,
I take it, she is not bound thereunto ; for that saying, Fieri
non debet, factwn valet, hath place only there, where the
Obliquity that maketh the act unlawful, may be severed from
the substance of the matter about which the act is conversant :
as when a man voweth to do something which is not in itself,
and for the substance of the matter simply unlawful to be
done, but yet voweth it, either rashly and without due adver
tisement,* or for some indirect and unwarrantable end, or
The
* 'without due advertisement.' bridge Version, ' absque idonea con-
ic Edd. have ' with.' In the Cam- sideratione.'
96 THE CASE OF
upon slight and insufficient inducements, or the like, any of
these Obliquities are enough to make the Vow unlawful, in
respect of the act of vowing ; yet because these Obliquities do
not necessarily pass upon the matter itself or the thing vowed,
but may be severed from it, therefore, though the act of vow
ing were sinful, the Vow itself for all that may stand good,
and bind the party to performance ; but where the sinful
Obliquity passeth upon the substance of the matter, or ad-
hereth inseparably thereunto, there not only the act of vowing
is sinful, but the performance also becometh unlawful. In
which cases those other sayings ought rather to have place,
Juramentwn non debet esse vinculum iniquitatis : In malis
Pro-missis rescinde fidem : In turpi Voto muta decretum, fyc.*
10. If it shall be said, that this difference, being admitted,
will nothing avail the Gentlewoman in our present Case, to
free her from the Obligation of her said Promise, because here
the matter of Promise seemeth not to be in itself unlawful,
especially on her part ; for if the Gentleman, her friend, were
presently free from the bond of Matrimony by the death of
his wife, as the Gentlewoman now is by the death of her hus
band, they might perform what they had promised either to
other, by joining themselves in Matrimony, and that without
sin ; which is an argument that the sinful Obliquity was only
in the act of promising, which therefore they ought to repent
of, but doth not cleave to the matter of the Promise, which
therefore they ought not to violate, — to this I answer, what
in my opinion is true, that if both the parties were now
actually free from the Marriage bond, they not only lawfully
might, but were in Conscience bound (unless some other lawful
impediment should hinder) to join themselves together in Ma
trimony, because none of the forementioned Obliquities, which
made the former act of promising unlawful, would fall upon
the after-act of Marriage to make it unlawful. But that alle
gation is not direct to the Point in hand, nor to the Case as
it is propounded ; for it may be observed from the very form
* Isidor. Hispal. Synonim. ii. 10. cretum : quod incaute vovisti non
Melius est non promittere quam facias. Impia est Promissio quae
?ost votum promissa non reddere. scelere impletur. Compare De Ju-
n malis autem Promissis rescinda- ramenti Obligatione, Praelect. ii.
tur fides: in turpi Voto muta de- §.13.
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 97
of the proposal, that the matter of the Promise, wherein the
parties interchangeably bound themselves, was not to marry
together when they should be both free ; upon which false
ground the Objection runneth : that was indeed the thing they
aimed at therein ; but the end is one thing, and the matter
another ; but the very matter of the Promise was, the conti
nuance of their mutual affection either to other, with a reso
lution to stay the one for the other, when either party should
happen to be free from the bond of the present Matrimony,
till the other should be also free. The continuance of which
affection and resolution will upon examination be found sub
ject to all, or some of the three Obliquities aforesaid ; and
therefore, as such an affection and resolution could not be en
tertained at the first without sin, so neither can they be now
continued in without sin ; for so long as they continue, the
first of the said Obliquities remaineth still, both on his part
and hers : the second indeed by the death of the husband is
ceased on her part, but remaineth still on his ; and the third
contrarily being on his part ceased, remaineth still on hers,
as will evidently appear to the understanding of any man that
shall take the pains to examine it.
ii. Yea, and it is further to be considered, that the con
tinuance of such an affection and resolution may be likely to
expose as well the one as the other to the assault of more
strong and dangerous temptations, now since the husband's
death, than before. The danger on the Gentleman's part,
this, lest by how much he is now by the husband's death put
into a nearer possibility of enjoying his unlawful hopes, he
should grow into so much the deeper loathing of his own bed,
and so much the earnester longing that that which is now the
only obstacle to the fruition of his desires were removed : of
which thoughts, who can tell how fearful the issues might be ?
The sly Enemy being most ready at all times to practise upon
the corruption that is in the naughty heart of man ; but espe
cially having a mighty advantage against him, when he hath
got his Conscience as it were in a snare, by the engagement
of some Vow, Promise, or settled Resolution. And then on
the Gentlewoman's part, the danger this, lest, having by her
own voluntary act debarred herself of that which is the only
SANDERSON, VOL. V. H
98 THE CASE OF
allowed remedy, namely Marriage, she should, by the just
judgment of God, be left to the rage of the disease of burning
lusts. For upon what sound warrant can she be confident, or
with what reason expect, that God should either preserve her
from, or assist her against temptations in that kind, though
she should seek it of Him with fasting, and prayers, and tears,
so long as she tempteth Him by persisting in a wilful obsti
nacy against that means of remedy which He hath appointed ?
Indeed, where the hand of God Himself hath prevented the
use of the remedy, as if the husband should be long detained
in a foreign land, or held in close prison, or taken with a dead
palsy, or some other bodily impotence, or the like, there the
wife might comfortably implore God's assistance to preserve
her from being overcome by carnal temptations, and assuredly
rest upon it by faith, if she be not wanting to herself, in put
ting to her own utmost endeavours, because she hath a Pro
mise to rest upon for that purpose ; and God, who is faithful
in all His Promises, is also faithful in this, of not suffering His
servants to be tempted beyond their strength. But for the
wife, by some inconsiderate act of her own, wherein she wil
fully and obstinately persisteth, to refuse the appointed means,
and yet to expect God's assistance nevertheless, for which she
hath no Promise, is a fearful tempting of God. And it is but
a just thing with God, and she suffer eth it worthily for her
presumption, if she be left to herself, and so wrestle with the
temptation by her own strength, and so be overcome thereby.
For God, who hath after a sort tied Himself, by His free and
gracious Promise, to protect us in Via Regia, so long as we
walk in the ordinary known way that He hath appointed for
us, hath nowhere bound Himself to vouchsafe us the like
powerful protection extra Viam Regiam, if we refuse that
highway, to walk in bypaths of our own choosing, which pre
sent dangers on both sides. And the former reasons laid
together do sufficiently prove, the Gentlewoman is not at all
bound to perform her said unlawful Promise.
Point V.
12. Hitherto we have proceeded in genere judicially by
considering of the nature and validity, lawfulness and obliga-
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 99
tion of the Promise for the time past. Now we are to deal
in genere deliberative*, and to consider what in Christian
Wisdom is meetest to be further done, for the better both
quieting and regulating of the Conscience for the time to
come.
Wherein, submitting to men of better judgments and expe
rience, I give my advice as followeth, viz.
First, That the Gentlewoman, out of the serious considera
tion of the premisses, be brought to a thorough feeling of the
grievousness of those sins which she hath committed against
God, and wherein she hath so long continued, that so she may
not only be humbled in His sight with true contrition of heart
and remorse for the same, proportionably to the greatness
thereof, but also be provoked to a proportionable measure of
thankfulness unto Him, for His gracious goodness in restrain
ing her unlawful affections from breaking out into actual un-
cleanness, and preserving her, when she had run out so far in
an evil way, from rushing into more desperate extremities.
For Erranti nullus terminus : * as a stone that tumbleth down
a steep hill, so man's corruption, when it is once set on going,
hath no stay of itself till it come to the bottom of Hell, unless
the Lord lay a stop in the way ; and it is to be acknowledged
a blessed act of God's merciful Providence, when we have let
loose the reins to our own lusts in any kind, if they be bridled
from running headlong into all excess of wickedness. Great
sins require more than ordinary repentance, and great mer
cies more than ordinary thankfulness.
13. Secondly, That having thus humbled herself before
God by inward contrition, she also make an outward free con
fession of her said sins to him to whom God hath delegated a
ministerial power to remit sins, that she may receive comfort
and absolution from his mouth : I mean the Priest. And this
I think meetest to be done to the Bishop of the Diocese, with
one or more of his Presbytery, such as he shall think good to
take to him to assist him ; or else to some other by his ap
pointment. Because the Bishop is the chief Pastor, to whom
the care of souls most immediately belongeth within his own
* See the Preface of 1655, §. n. Vol. ii. p. xi.
H 2
100 THE CASE OF
Diocese : besides that both the quality of the person, (if she be
of eminent place and rank,) and the weightiness of the case,
make it so much the more proper for his cognizance. But,
howsoever, it should be done to a man of approved wisdom,
and such an one as will be both compassionate and secret :
wherein the more freely she shall make confession of her
said sins, and the more cheerfully she shall subject herself
to perform such further acts, whether of humiliation or cha
rity, as the Bishop or Priest shall advise to be done, in tes
timony of her unfeigned repentance, the more sound comfort
undoubtedly will the sentence of absolution bring unto the
soul.
14. This done, then, thirdly, that she endeavour by all fair
means that the Gentleman also, her friend, and partner in
the aforesaid Promise, may be brought to the like sight and
acknowledgment of the great sins that were enwrapped in that
act, and to a true persuasion withal, that so long as he conti-
nueth in the former unlawful aifection and resolution, he is not
only still under the guilt of those sins, but also in near danger,
without God's great Mercy preventing it, of falling into other
and greater sins : for which purpose it will be expedient, that
he be truly and effectually dealt withal, (yet with as much
lenity as the state of his soul will suffer, and with all possible
sccresy,) and that by some such person especially as he holdeth
a reverent opinion of both for Learning and Piety; and to
procure that this be done, the Gentlewoman ought to take it
into her own special care ; which it will concern her to do,
not only in Christian Charity for the good of his soul, but
in Christian Wisdom also for her own future benefit and
security.
15. For when he shall be once throughly convinced in his
judgment and conscience of the unlawfulness of the Promise
made between them, and of the sinful inconveniences that
attend the continued purpose of fulfilling it, there is a fair way
open for that which is next, and fourthly, to be done; viz.
That he be then earnestly moved for his relaxation of the said
Promise to the Gentlewoman, which, being it was but a mere
Promise, and no Vow, as in the first Point hath already been
showed, he hath in himself a full power to make ; and this also
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 101
to be done in the presence of such persons, as they shall make
choice of betwixt themselves to be witnesses of the said Re
lease ; for although the Promise, being utterly unlawful, hath
no power to bind, and so there needeth no Release, as of abso
lute necessity, in regard of the thing itself, yet such Release
may be very behoveful in regard of the Gentlewoman's person,
and for the quieting of her conscience, in case there should
remain any fears or scruples behind, lest perhaps her Promise
should still bind her. For as Satan laboureth to benumb the
Conscience with security, to make men bold to commit sins
without scruple, till he hath drawn them into the snare ; so
when he seeth them offer to get out of the snare again by
repentance, he is very cunning to inject needless scruples and
fears, if possibly he can, to hold them in by means thereof.
Wherefore I hold it very expedient that such a Release, if it
may be obtained, be not neglected; for thereby the binding
power of the Promise, though we should suppose it lawful,
should be quite taken away, so as there need no scruple to
remain. Abundans Cautela non nocet, is a safe Aphorism.*
As wary men, when they pay moneys, besides seeing the book
crost, will crave to have an acquittance, so it may be some
satisfaction to the Gentlewoman's mind to have a solemn
Release before witness; which, say it should be more than
needeth, yet can do no harm howsoever.
1 6. Fifthly, that the Gentlewoman, all the while before,
and so ever after, (that time only excepted when the re
laxation should be made, for then it is requisite she should
be personally present,) carefully avoid the company of that
Gentleman, and he likewise hers, so far as conveniently may
be ; but at leastwise, by no means converse together with any
familiarity, especially in private, lest the former unlawful
affection should rekindle in either party, and so the disease
after some measure of cure grow to a relapse, which many
times proves more dangerous than the first malady. For
commonly, when the unclean spirit is ejected by repentance, if
once he make himself master of the heart again (as he will
attempt it, and without a good watch haply effect it) he will
* Prateus, Reg. Gen. Juris. Lib. vii. Tit. 7. cap. i. p. 893. 8°. Lugd.
1589.
102 THE CASE OF
be sure at the reentry, to come with a new strength, and that
seven-fold to what he had before ; and needs must the end of
that man be worse than the beginning. She must therefore
resolve to shun all likely occasions of falling again into the
same snare, so far as the quality of her person and condition,
and the common affairs of life will permit. And she had need
also to use her best care and diligence (praying to God daily
for grace to strengthen her thereunto) to withstand all wicked
temptations of the flesh, that she be no more foiled thereby,
neither entangled again in such sinful inconveniences as by
God's Mercy she shall be now freed from.
17. If in these Directions I be thought to deal with too
much rigour and strictness, it would be considered,
First, That it is much better to put the patient to a little
more pain at the first, than, by skinning the wound over, to
heal it deceitfully, and to suffer it to rankle inward ; which
will breed a great deal more grief at last.
Secondly, That since all men, through corrupt self-love
and privy hypocrisy cleaving to our depraved nature, are
partial towards themselves, and apt to deal more favourably
with their own sins than they ought, it is therefore safest for
them, in their own cases especially, to incline to severity rather
than indulgence.
Thirdly, That there may be a mitigation used of the pre
sent Directions, according as the state of the patient, in the
several variations thereof, shall require ; but that, for the
avoiding of partiality, not to be permitted to the sole liberty
of the party herself, but rather to be done by the advice of a
ghostly Physician, who, if he be a man of such wisdom and
moderation as is meet, will I doubt not allow a greater in
dulgence, in case he see it expedient, than it could be safe for
the party herself to take of her own head.
Fourthly, That in all this Discourse, I take not upon me
to write edicts, but to give my advice : that is to say, not to
prescribe to the judgment of others, if any shall see cause
to dissent, but to deliver my own opinion (being requested
thereunto by a Reverend Friend) with such a faithfulness
and freedom as becometh me to do ; and truly those parties
whom it most concerneth ought not to blame me for it how
soever ; inasmuch as there can be no cause to suspect that I
UNLAWFUL LOVE. 103
should be carried with any personal respects to be partial
either for or against either of them : so God is my witness,
whom I desire to serve, I had not any intimation at all given
me, neither yet have so much as the least conjecture in the
world, who either of them both might be.*
* Paley, in his Moral Philosophy, states it in several particulars, and
Book iii. Part i. Chap. 5. pro- wholly omits the fact that, at the
nounces Sanderson's decision to be time the Promise was made, the
wrong. But, unless he had seen a woman was married as well as the
different Copy of the Case, he mis- man.
THE CASE OF
A MILITARY LIFE.
SIB,
IN referring over your friend to me, you have pitched upon
one of the unfittest persons in the world to be consulted in
Cases of that nature, who am altogether a stranger to the
public affairs of Christendom, and understand nothing at all of
the mutual interests, relations, or transactions of foreign
Princes or States. Yea. so little curious have I been to inform
myself so much as where the stages lay of the chiefest actions
of these latter times abroad, or what persons were engaged
therein, that I have something pleased myself, perhaps too
much, with my own ignorance in our home aifairs, accounting
it among the happinesses of my privacy and retiredness, in
these unhappy times, that, amidst so much fury and bloodshed
on every side, it was never my hap to be within the view of
any battle or skirmish ; nor did I ever see so much as a pistol
discharged, or a sword drawn against any single person, since
the beginning of the War. I could have wished therefore, since
my Opinion herein is desired, that I had had the opportunity
to have advised with some more knowing men, and of greater
experience and judgment than myself in these matters ; or at
least that you had sent me, together with the two enclosed
Letters, a transcript of your Answer (whose judgment I do with
great reason very much value) unto the former of them ; for
there I assure myself, I should have met with such materials
as would have served me for a good foundation to work upon.
Yet to satisfy your desire, so far as in me lieth, and the rather
for the Gentleman's sake your friend, (who, though unknown
to me by face, or, till the receipt of your Letter, so much as by
name, yet by his Letters appeareth to be a person of piety and
ingenuity, and a great master both of reason and language,)
I have endeavoured, with reservation of place for second
thoughts, and submission to other judgments, to declare what
THE CASE OF A MILITARY LIFE. 105
my present apprehensions are concerning the whole business.
Wherein the resolution of such doubts as in point of Conscience
may arise, or of the most and chiefest of them, will, as I con
ceive, very much depend upon the consideration and right
application of these four things, viz.
I. The different sorts of men's Employments in general.
II. The nature of the Soldier's Employments in particular.
III. The end that men may propose to themselves in fol
lowing the War ; or what it is that chiefly induceth them
thereto.
IV. The condition of the person so employed, or to be em
ployed.
I. Considerations of men's Employments in general.
1. Men's Employments are of two sorts. The one of such
as any man may, without blame from others or scruple within
himself, follow, merely upon his own score, if he find himself
in some measure able for it, and have a mind thereunto. He
hath a power in himself, and that Jure proprio, by a primitive
and original right, without any necessary derivation from
others, to dispose of himself, his time and industry in that
way. For the exercise of which power, there needeth no spe
cial or positive warrant from any other person ; but it is pre
sumed he is, as in relation to others, sufficiently warranted
thereunto in this, in that he is not by any superior Authority,
Divine or human, forbidden so to do ; and upon this account
it is that men betake themselves, upon their own choice and
liking, to husbandry, merchandize, manual occupations, the
study of the Law, &c.
2. But another sort of Employments there are, whereunto
a man hath not a just right primitively, and of himself; nei
ther may he lawfully exercise the same merely upon his own
choice ; but it is necessary that that power should be derived
upon him from some such person or persons as have sufficient
Authority to warrant him for so doing. Such is the Employ
ment of a Judge, a Constable, an Arbitrator, &c, which are
therefore said to be Juris delegati, because the right that any
man hath to such Employments accrueth unto him by virtue
of that Authority which he receiveth by delegation or depu
tation from some other that hath a right by command, election,
106 THE CASE OF
nomination, or otherwise, to empower him thereunto : whence
are those usual forms, Quo jure ? Quo warranto ? Who made
thee a Judge? By what Authority dost thou those things?
Or, Who gave thee this Authority ? A man may betake him
self to the study, and so to the practice of the Laws, of his
own accord ; but he may not take upon him to be a Judge,
without commission from his Sovereign. So he may follow
husbandry and merchandry, upon his own choice ; but he may
not do the office of a Constable, unless he be chosen by the
neighbours ; or of an Arbitrator, unless chosen by the parties
thereunto.
3. Now, although as well the one sort as the other, after
a man hath addicted himself to the one, or is deputed to the
other, may not unfitly be termed his particular Calling, and
the latter perhaps with better propriety than the former, (for
the word Calling properly importeth the action of some other
person,) yet according to the common notion which, by custom
of speech among us, we have of these terms, the General and
the Particular Calling, the Employments of the former sort are
usually taken to be the particular Calling of men, and those
of the latter sort will be found, if well considered, to fall rather
under the general Calling, as branches or parts thereof: inas
much as the exercise of such Employments is a part of that
moral duty which all men, according to their several re
spective relations, ought to perform to others, being by them
empowered thereunto, upon the tie of obedience, contract,
friendship, &c. But for distinction sake, as the Latins make
a difference between Vitae institutum and rtiunus, we may
call those of the former sort a man's Profession, and those of
the latter sort his Office. So a man is by profession a Lawyer,
by office a Judge ; by profession an Husbandman, by office a
Constable.
4. To bring this Discourse home to the present business,
we are next to inquire, to whether sort of the two the Em
ployment of a Soldier doth more properly appertain : that is,
whether we are to conceive of it as a profession which a man
may at his own choice fix upon, as his particular vocation, or
rather as an office of duty and service, which he is to undergo
when by the command of his Prince he shall be thereto ap
pointed, and so to come rather under the notion of a general
A MILITARY LIFE. 107
Calling? To me it seemeth clearly to be of the latter sort.
For, first, in the passage of St. Paul, 2 Tim. ii. 4, No man that
warreth entangleth himself in the affairs of this life, that he
may please him that hath chosen him to be a Soldier, the
word crrparoA.oyr{0-azm, applied to him that warreth, with the
note of Universality, o£8eis orparevojueyo?, annexed, seemeth
to imply, as if he supposed that no man might go to war, un
less he were chosen for that service by some other person that
might command it. Nor do I see, secondly, what good con
struction can be otherwise made of that speech of our Saviour,
S. Matt. xxvi. 52, All they that take the sword shall perish
with the sword ; or what should be the crime there intended
to be signified by this phrase of taking the sword, if it be not
this, for a man to take the sword into his hand by his own
Authority, before it be put into his hand by that Supreme
Power, whom God hath immediately trusted with the bearing
and managing of it. Nor, thirdly, can that be said to be a
man's Profession, or particular Calling, which men of all Pro
fessions are, in obedience to their Governors, and for the
service of their Country, bound to perform whensoever they
shall be by lawful Authority called and appointed thereunto.
5. If these premisses will be granted, it will soon appear
that the answer to the Question proposed in the beginning of
the former Letter, as it standeth there in terminis and in
thesi, abstracted from the consideration of the person in the
said Letter charactered, and those other circumstances which
may vary the Case, must be in the Negative : viz. that it is
not lawful to be a Soldier upon the same account that men
apply themselves to Trades and the practice of the Laws,
and to other like civil Employments.
II. Consideration of the Soldier's Employment in particular,
i . The care that ought to be in every man that taketh upon
him the exercise of any office, to be well assured that he hath
a sufficient right and warrant for so doing, is no less requisite
in a Soldier than any other officer. Yea, rather by so much
more requisite in him than in most of them, by how much
the matter he is conversant about, viz. the life of man, is of
greater consequence than are the matters in which most of
them are employed. For the Soldier, every time he draweth
108 THE CASE OF
his sword in the field, is by the very nature of his Employ
ment supposed to do it either with a resolution to lose his
own, or to take away his enemy's life : else he doth but pre
varicate, and is unfaithful in the service he has undertaken.
In which service, if it be his fortune either to kill or be killed,
he is actually and deeply guilty ; but if neither, yet that very
resolution maketh him intentionally guilty of the transgression
of the Sixth Commandment, Thou shalt not kill, in case he
have no good right so far to dispose either of his own or the
other's life. It concerneth him therefore to look well to that :
both what power belongeth to him as a Soldier, and by what
Authority he claimeth the exercise of such a power.
2. Most certain it is, that properly and originally the power
to dispose of man's life, Jus vitae et necis, belongeth to God
alone, who is Dominus vitae et necis : as the sole Author of
life, so the sole Lord and Master of life and death. Some
part of which power, since it hath pleased Him, for the good
of human society, in the preservation of peace and justice, and
the punishment of such as are enemies to either, to commu
nicate unto men, which power, so communicated, is that which
we use to call Jus yladii, or the power of the sword, it may
therefore be lawfully exercised by men ; but within that lati
tude, and in order, as God hath communicated it to them, but
not further nor otherwise.
3. Now God hath not given to any man, either Sovereign
or Subject, power over his own life, to destroy it by his own
voluntary act in any case : no, nor yet power to expose it to
the certain hazard of being destroyed by another in fight,
saving in the one only case of just and necessary defence :
under which notion is to be comprehended also the hazarding
of the Prince's life, in a just and necessary War. Out of
which case, whosoever shall expose his life to hazard by fight,
of his own accord, if he perish in it, cannot be excused from
being guilty of his own death, nor from usurping a power over
his own life which God hath not allowed.
4. Add hereunto the injustice that he thereby doth to his
Sovereign and Country. God hath given to His Vicegerents
here on earth a right in, and a power over the persons of all
their Subjects, within their several respective dominions, even
to the spending of their lives in their Country's service, when-
A MILITARY LIFE. 109
soever they shall be by their authority required thereunto,
which they cannot therefore prodigally spend at their own
pleasure, without apparent wrong done to their Governors'
interest. For as he that shall kill a private person is not only
an offender against God, and against that person, in depriving
him of life, but is also by the interpretation of the Laws, ac
cording to the importance of the ancient form of indicting, an
offender against the Crown and Dignity of his Sovereign, in
depriving him of a Subject, and consequently of the interest
he had in his person, and of the use he might have had of
his service, so he that is so prodigal of his own life as to
hazard it upon the sword in fight without his Sovereign's
authority, if he perish, is not only guilty of his being accessary
to his own destruction, but doth also an act injurious and
prejudicial to his Sovereign, at whose service and disposal,
under God, his life and person ought to be.
5. And as his presumption cannot be excused, if he be slain
upon that account, so neither can he justify the killing of
another, though an enemy, in battle, if he have no other war
rant for taking of arms, than from himself. For War is a
kind of Judicature, wherein the Prince that wageth the War,
is as the Judge that giveth sentence of death against the
enemy, as a disturber of the peace of his Country ; and all
that engage in the War under him are but as so many exe
cutioners of the sentence pronounced by him ; and he that
executeth the sentence of death upon another, must do it by
some lawful authority, as well as he that pronounceth the sen
tence ; or else he is a murderer as well as this. Now the
Soldier, that by fighting on the one side doth ipso facto de
clare against those of the other side as enemies, if he so
engage of his own mind only, he doth indeed, upon the point,*
take upon him the office of a Judge, being none, and so run
neth before he be sent. Or, if it shall be said in his behalf,
that he doth it not as a Judge, but as the executioner of the
sentence pronounced by that Prince into whose service he
hath put himself, and who by the accepting of his service hath
sufficiently authorized him to such execution, your Letter hath
suggested to me this ready Answer, That the sentence pro-
* * upon the point/ strictly speaking. See Sermon vii. ad Aulam, §. 3.
110 THE CASE OF
nounced by one that is not his lawful Sovereign, and by con
sequence, whose judgment he is not warranted to follow, is of
no more validity, as in relation to him, than Sententia lata
a non Judice, and therefore can be no warrant to him to exe
cute it. True it is, that with license from his Sovereign, he
may serve under another Prince, and consequently do such
execution as we now speak of; because the Sovereign by so
licensing him doth really refer him over from himself to an
other's judgment, and consequently warrant him to follow the
same, and so render him capable, upon the other's acceptance,
to execute it. All this is true, but nothing to our purpose,
because it doth destruere suppositum ; for we now suppose the
case of a Soldier putting himself into service under a Foreigner
of his own mind, and where himself thinketh good, without
the knowledge or license of his own lawful Sovereign.
III. Consideration of the end to be proposed by the Soldier.
1 . Sith the goodness or badness of men's actions and un
dertakings dependeth very much upon the end which they
propose to themselves therein, he that would desire to lead a
Soldier's life, must narrowly examine his own heart, what it
is, bona fide, and in very deed, that first and chiefly induced
him to that desire; and what affinity there is between that
end which he proposeth to himself as the main scope of his
intentions, and that which is or ought to be the true end of
the thing itself. The true end of the War, which only can
warrant it lawful, we all know is the necessary preservation
of a Commonwealth in peace, by repressing or preventing all
seditions, or hostile attempts to the contrary. But as in other
things it often happeneth according to that saying, Finis non
idem est artis et artificis,* so here many times the warrior
hath another end to himself far distant from that of War ; and
the more distant ever the worse. As, on the contrary, the
action is ever by so much the better, by how much the in
tention of the person hath a nearer affinity with, or a director
tendency unto, that for which the thing itself was ordained.
2. Now the ends which men, desirous to follow the Wars,
do usually propose to themselves in so doing, are especially
* Compare De Conscientia, Prael. ix. §.9.
A MILITARY LIFE. Ill
one of these three, lucre, honour, or to do their Country ser
vice. Concerning which, we are to inquire severally, whether
or no and how far forth any of these may be a sufficient in
ducement to a Christian, or but moral man, to follow the
Wars, as his particular Calling or Profession.
3. For Lucre first. He that hath a warrant otherwise to
employ himself as a Soldier, may doubtless lawfully both
receive pay, and require it. John the Baptist allowed the
Soldiers TOL o^&via, Luke iii. 14. And St. Paul thought it not
reasonable that any man should go to warfare at his own
charges, i Cor. ix. 7. Not so only, but he may also, in
putting himself upon that employment, being called thereunto,
have an eye to his profit, and an actual intention, if moderate,
and otherwise rightly qualified, of getting himself a livelihood,
yea, and of raising himself a fortune, as we call it, by his
service therein : even as men in the choice of other professions,
or undertaking offices, usually do, and may do without sin.
But to propose to himself Lucre as the main end and scope of
following the* Wars, as it is evident by their actions that very
many of our Common Soldiers do, is one of the most hateful
and unrighteous things in the world : so far is it from being a
sufficient inducement to any man to make that his profession.
How can it be imagined to be consistent with that charity,
justice, and moderation that should be in every Christian to set
up a trade of killing of men for money ? The mere mercenary
Soldier therefore, or a Soldier of Fortune, as we call him, I
find everywhere inveighed against as one of the greatest
scourges or plagues of mankind. For such men never look at
the Cause they engage for, whether it be right or wrong ; but
at the pay^ and prey ; and therefore they take their best
markets, and care not whom they undo, kill, and oppress, by
violence, rapine, murder, and plunder, so that they may but
enrich themselves thereby, and can do it with safety. Nor will
they stick, if there be an advantage to be made of it, and that
they can spy a fit opportunity for it, either to betray their own
party, or to revolt to the other side, or to do any other act,
though never so base and dishonest.
Nulla fides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur*
* Lucan. x. 407.
THE CASE OF
4. Next, the intuition of Honour and Glory to be acquired
by worthy actions in the Wars, may be not only lawful, but
commendable also and useful in a Soldier ; and truly this of
Glory is a more noble end, of a higher pitch, and more befit
ting a generous spirit by much than that of Lucre is : both
because men of eminent birth and place and parts are aptest to
be affected with it, whereas Gain worketh most upon the lower
sort of men ; and also because it putteth men upon more
worthy enterprises, and such as may win honour and reputa
tion ; and restraineth them from those baser acts of injustice,
cruelty, and rapine, to which the desire of Gain usually
prompteth the mercenary man. But yet, as to the warranting
of the Soldier for making that his Profession, which is the
Point now in hand, this of Glory is of no more importance than
was that of Gain. For the right end of War being a safe and
honourable Peace, there is something common to both, conse
quential to the desire of Glory as well as of Gain, so incon
sistent with that end, that it setteth them at an equal or not
much unequal distance therefrom. For as he that aimeth to
gain by the Wars cannot but desire the continuance of War,
that so his hopes of Gain may continue, so he that aimeth to
get himself Glory by the Wars, cannot but desire the continu
ance of War, that so the opportunities of increasing his Glory
may continue. For there is a dropsy of vainglory in the
ambitious, as well as of avarice in the covetous, as thirsty and
unsatiable in the one as in the other ; whence it cometh to
pass, that both the one and the other use their utmost wits
and endeavours to find occasions to lengthen the Wars, and to
obstruct and retard, so much as lieth in them, the advices of
Peace. Nay, let me add moreover, that in this respect at
least, viz. as to the effectual hindering of Peace, that of Honour
and Glory is much the more dangerous end of the two : be
cause this humour is aptest to seize upon the greatest persons,
and such as by privilege of their birth, eminency of their
places, activeness of their spirits, glory of their former actions,
or other like advantages, bear a great sway in Councils, and
are of some authority in the Armies : whereas the Peasantry,
in whom most of the other humour, that of base Lucre,
aboundeth, have neither the wit nor the power ordinarily to
do much harm. It hath therefore been a constant observation
A MILITARY LIFE. 113
in all times and places, that the embroiling most Common
wealths in Wars in the mean time, and working their ruin in
the end, hath grown from the restlessness of some ambitious
spirits, and their immoderate thirst after Honour and Glory.
Patriam tamen obruit olim
Gloria paucorum, et laudis titulique cupido.
Juvenal, Sat. x. [142.]
5. So that if there be any possibility of finding a person
capable to take upon him the employment of a Soldier, as his
proper profession, it must be among those that propose to
themselves the same end therein, that is, or ought to be the
end of War : that is to say, those that after an impartial search
of their own hearts, can truly say, and not pretend it only, that
their chiefest aim in applying themselves to the Wars, is to do
their King and Country service, in procuring or preserving the
peace thereof; which no man can truly say, but he that pre-
ferreth the public good, and the peace of his Country, before
all private interests. The trial whereof is, if he take up arms
with this resolution, and by his after-carriage make it good,
not to do any act, or enterprize any thing for his own benefit,
glory, or safety that may hinder, nor to refuse any service or
hazard that may probably promote, the obtaining that end;
which qualification supposed, I deny not but that a man may
find warrant to go on in the way of a Soldier as his proper
profession, and that in two cases.
6. First, that, which in the nature of the employment itself
is rather an office than a profession, such as we have already
shown the Soldier's employment to be, may yet become to the
person so employed as his proper profession, if he shall be
appointed thereunto by the lawful authority : especially if it be
done with a declared intention, whether expressly or interpre-
tatively declared, of continuing him for life, or for any long
space in the same ; and that the said employment, during such
his continuance therein, shall require his personal attendance,
either constantly or for the most part. As for example, a
Lawyer by profession and practice is by his Sovereign called
to be a Judge of either Bench, or a Baron of the Exchequer
the office of a Judge is now become his profession, or particular
vocation, because it is supposed that he is to continue in that
SANDERSON, VOL. V. I
114 THE CASE OF
office ; * and the execution of that office will require his attend
ance thereupon, in the yearly Terms and Circuits. But if the
King shall appoint a Serjeant or Counsellor at the Law by his
particular commission to ride this Summer's Circuit, into such
and such Countries, j and there to execute the office of a Judge,
the party so constituted and appointed hath, by virtue of that
commission, full power to do the office of Judge in that Circuit,
and is to be received and honoured with the title of Lord and
all other testimonies of honour and respect, in as much ample
manner as other Judges in their Circuits are. Yet doth he not
thereby come to be denominated a Judge, as if that were his
proper profession or ordinary calling, as in the former case ;
because he is empowered to execute the office of a Judge but
during the time of that circuit only; nor is his attendance
upon that office any longer required, or so much as allowed
him. In like manner, if the King of England shall make choice
of some person of quality to be Governor of Dover Castle, or
of Berwick, that office then is as his profession, or particular
calling, because it is to be supposed he is to continue in that
employment, and to attend the same until the King's pleasure
be further known therein. But if the King, upon some sudden
insurrection and invasion, should raise an army, and make
choice of some person of like quality to have the conduct
thereof, for the suppressing or repelling such insurrection or
invasion, his employment in that service being but temporary,
and to determine as soon as the business were ended, should
not otherwise than in courtesy denominate him a General ; or
at least not to be esteemed as his permanent profession, but
only as a transient office. This is one case.
7. The other case, which is more pertinent to the business of
these Letters, is of such as desire to employ themselves in the
exercise of arms in Foreign Service, that they may attain to
such knowledge or experience in the Art Military as might the
better enable them to do their King and Country service,
whensoever there should be need thereof. For since the
managery of War is long since grown into an art, and that not
* 'because it is supposed — that iv. ad Populum, §. 42, and the De-
office.' This clause is not repre- dication prefixed. In the Cambridge
sented in the Cambridge Version. Version, ' per hos vel illos Comita-
t ' Countries,' parts of the Conn- tus.'
try, = Counties. Compare Sermon
A MILITARY LIFE. 115
to be learned from books or from private study, but to be
acquired by much practice and experience, and diligent ob
servation ; and the rather for that the particular rules of that
art do not stand at such a certain stay as those of most other
arts do, but are daily altered and improved by new inventions, —
it is very necessary for every State to be well provided of a
good number of such persons of their own nation as should be
expert and skilful in that art, lest they should be forced, if an
unexpected War should happen, to call in Foreigners for assist
ance, which is both dishonourable and dangerous. The necessity
hereof too well appeareth by the evil consequents of the neglect
of it in this Nation in these latter times, especially in the reigns
of the two last Kings, by reason of the long Peace ; and (which
commonly breedeth out of it as the rust and canker thereof)
tenderness of education and voluptuous living. The Nobility
and Gentry of England, in the generality of them, had so
much degenerated from the martial prowess of their ancestors
renowned in all Histories, that, in the beginning of these unna
tural Wars, there were very few to be found of our own Nobi
lity and Gentry fit to have command in an Army, or that knew
any thing belonging to the art of War. Insomuch that use was
made on both sides of mercenary men, and most of them Scots,
who, being for the- most part bred up abroad, in France espe
cially, a place of much action, had learned experience more
than our English had in such matters. By which advantage
they had so wound themselves into the chief places of Com
mand, and had such an influence into the Councils of both
sides, that the War was in a manner wholly ordered by their
directions : witness the great power that Ruthen, Urrey, King,
Meldrum, &c,* had in the Armies on either side.
* Patrick Ruthen, Earl of Forth of Montrose.
and of Brentford, after Lord Lind- King acted as Lieutenant General
sey fell at Edgehill, had the com- of the Royal Army, while it was
mand of the Royal Army till he was under the command of the Earl of
disabled by a wound received at the Newcastle,
second battle of Newbury. Sir John Meldrum in 1644 be-
Sir William Urry, after having a sieged Newark, and would have
command in the Parliamentary Ca- taken it but for the relief of Prince
valry at Edgehill, went over to the Rupert. The imminent peril of this
King, in 1 643; deserted back again important Garrison, in his own
to the Parliament, in 1 644; and was neighbourhood, could not fail to
executed as a Royalist in 1650 among make a deep impression on the mind
the officers taken with the Marquis of Sanderson.
116 THE CASE OF
8. The weigh tiness then of Princes' affairs, upon all emer
gent occasions, rendering it necessary for them, not only to
have power to command their Subjects of whatsoever rank or
profession to serve as Soldiers in their Wars, but also to pro
vide af or eh and for a supply of able men, both for places of
Command, and to execute other parts of that service, which
cannot be done, unless a considerable number of persons be
trained up in the exercise of arms, and bred Soldiers, it is
consequently necessary that some persons be, either by their
authority appointed, or at least by their permission allowed to
addict themselves to a military course of life, as their proper
profession and calling. Which authority or permission from
their Sovereign will sufficiently warrant to their Conscience
the choice of that profession : supposing, as now we do, that
the intention be right, the person meetly qualified, and all
other cautions in respect of the matter, manner, circumstances,
and otherwise, duly observed.
9. The necessity of learning this Art granted, there may
sometimes follow a further necessity, viz. of learning it abroad,
and, after it is learned, of exercising it abroad, and in Foreign
Service. And that in these two cases : first, when the Soldier's
own Coilntry, whereunto his service is principally and in the
first place due, hath either the happiness to be in a settled
peace and freedom, under the government of a lawful Sove
reign ; or the unhappiness to be in such servitude, through the
prevalency of an Usurping Power, that no resistance can be
made there-against. For, in the former case, there is no
exercise at all of the Soldier's faculty in earnest ; and of what
little avail to the attaining of any solid knowledge or expe
rience in the Art Military, such superficial trainings as were
used, and those but very seldom neither, by the Lieutenants of
the several Counties here in England, with the Country Cap
tains and Muster-Masters are, beside that our own Reason will
tell us, the rawness and unserviceableness of our Trained
Bands in the beginning of the late Wars did abundantly
manifest. And in the latter case, the Soldier, if he will have
Employment at home, must either engage on the behalf of an
unjust Power, or else run upon his own certain destruction to
no purpose.
A MILITARY LIFE. 117
IV. Consideration of the Condition of the Person.
1. This must be considered too; for the different conditions
of persons may make a great difference in the lawfulness or
unlawfulness of their actions, according to the old saying,
which holdeth true in this sense also, no less than in that other
in which it is commonly used, relating to men's corrupt par
tialities, Duo quum faciunt idem, non est idem* In your
Friend's second Letter I find a demand made, as in the way of
reply to some passage of your Answer to his first Letter, to
this purpose : Suppose two great Princes, as France and Spain,
for instance, have had long Wars together, and the justice of
the cause appear neither more nor less on the one side than
the other, if in case a third Prince or State, out of a sincere
desire to establish the Peace of Christendom, after other offers
and mediations for that purpose made in vain, might lawfully
join in arms with the one party to force the other to Peace ;
why a private person might not as lawfully, having the same
intention, enter into arms for the same purpose. And the
reason of demand thereof is, because every Prince or State is,
in relation to other Princes and States, but as one private man
to another ; for being called to the regiment of his own people
only, he is but as a private man in aliena Republica.
2. But that there is a great difference between a Sovereign
Prince and a private person in this affair, it cannot be denied ;
insomuch that I find in the very same passage, put in as it
were by way of Objection, three very considerable differences.
First, that Princes may, and sometimes are obliged by Arti
cles and Covenants, for the defence of their Allies, to take up
arms, which cannot be the case of private men. Secondly,
that Princes may see cause to set inf for their own safety and
interest, lest the prevailing Party might grow too potent, and
so themselves might be oppressed by him. Thirdly, there is
a greater probability in a Prince of compassing that noble and
glorious end, the Peace of Christendom, than can be in a pri
vate man. All these differences are allowed there as true,
but yet excepted against as not contributing any thing to the
justice of the cause, which is here the question.
* Compare Sermon i. ad Aulam, t ' set in.' See Sermon vii. ad
§. 1 8. Aulam, §. 26.
118 THE CASE OF
3. If these do not, yet a fourth difference there is, that will,
as I conceive, manifestly contribute thereunto, to wit, that
Jus Belli is penes Principem solum : in the business of War
Princes have judicial, private men an executive power only.
And he that hath no power but to execute the sentence of a
Judge, is bound to wait the Judge's sentence before he offer
to act : otherwise he shall act beyond his lawful power, which
is unjust. Not but that a Prince, if he raise a War where he
ought not, is unjust too ; even as a Judge is unjust, which
pronounceth a wrong sentence. But herein is the difference
between them for taking up of arms : the Prince having jus
agendi in that behalf, may do it justly, and he may do it un
justly; yet where he doth it unjustly, he doth but abuti jure
suo ; but the private person, not having jus agendi in that
respect, cannot, without the authority of the Sovereign, do it
otherwise than unjustly, because in so doing he doth without
leave uti jure alieno, which is always unjust. It is one thing
for a man to use, whether well or ill, a power that of right
belongeth to him, and another to assume a power that of
right belongeth not to him. The one is not unjust, unless he
abuse his power ; the other is, if he use it at all.
4. Neither perhaps will the reason alleged to the contrary,
viz. that a Prince in point of justice and power is in aliena
Republica but as a private person, bear so much weight as is
laid upon it, if one Point be well considered, which I think
will prove a truth, though it be very tenderly handled : other
wise it may prove very dangerous, both because it may seem
a Paradox to those that have been little conversant in public
affairs ; as also, and especially, because it may, by racking it
too high, be easily wrested to a mischievous construction, for
the patronage of any tyrannical action. The point is this, that
Justitia politico, and Justitia privata have not in all the
same adequate measure. Princes are bound to be just, as well
as the meanest private men are; and obliged to keep faith,
both with friends and enemies, every whit as exactly and
punctually, without equivocation, reservation, or other eluding
devices, as they. Of all this no man doubteth ; but it is not
therefore necessary that the Rules of Justice, whereby the
counsels and actions of Princes and States in their mutual
relations are to be measured, should be precisely the same
A MILITARY LIFE. 119
with those which measure the dealings of private men one
with another.
5. And the reason of the difference is evident. Private
men's controversies may be decided, and their injuries re
pressed or punished, by the positive Laws of the State, whereof
they are members, and consequently subject to be ordered in
all their dealings by those Laws ; which positive Laws, toge
ther with the Law of Nature and the Divine Law, which are
common to all men, are the adequate Rule, whereby the
justice of private persons, and of their actions, is to be mea
sured. But since Princes and States are not subject to any
such positive Laws common to them both, as may determine
their differences and controversies, the great necessity of
human affairs hath, for the good of mankind in the preserva
tion of Peace, introduced, by the common consent of Nations,
another Law of larger extent, that which we peculiarly call
Jus Gentium, or the Law of Nations, whereof that which we
call the Law of Arms is one special part ; by which Law of
Nations, together with the Law of Nature and the Divine Law
as aforesaid, the Justice of Princes and States, and of their
actions is, as by the proper adequate Rule thereof, to be mea
sured. Whence it cometh to pass that sundry things are by
the Rules of Politic Justice allowed as lawful and just be
tween Princes, which between private men would, by the Rules
of mere Moral Justice, be condemned, and that deservedly too,
as unjust and unlawful. There are sundry Arcana Imperil,
some arts and simulations for maintaining intelligence abroad,
for concealing and disguising counsels at home, in the instruc
tions of embassadors and managing of embassies, in making
alliances and confederacies, but especially in the pursuance
and effects of War, which seem much to swerve from the or
dinary precepts of Moral Justice ; which yet, fide Integra et
citra dolum malum, are by the consent of Nations allowed to
be used, and so must be, or else there could be no secure liv
ing in the world in any society. That saying of his,
Atque ipsa utilitas, justi prope mater et aequi,*
had somewhat of truth and reason in it.
6. The truth and reasonableness of what hath been said
will appear (omitting many other) in these few instances.
* Horace, Sat. I. iii. 98.
120 THE CASE OF
First, when a town is taken by the enemy, by the Law of
Nations the spoil thereof falleth to the conqueror ; which if
he give to the Soldiery to plunder, as usually is done, every
Soldier thereby acquireth a just right and dominion in that
which he can lay his hand on first, and take into his pos
session. Secondly, it may sometimes concern a Prince or State
in point of honour or safety to vindicate himself by War, for
some wrong offered to his merchants, or for some rudeness or
incivilities done to his embassador ; for even these, in case
reparation be demanded and denied, have been ever held just
causes of War ; as Amphitruo in Plautus rendereth that as a
sufficient reason of his War,
Nimis ferociter legatos nostros increpant.*
In this case it is by the Law of Nations allowed him, not only
to fight against the Prince himself, who yet only did the wrong,
but to waste his country, fire his towns and villages, and spoil
thousands of his innocent subjects of their fortunes and lives
in pursuance of his just revenge ; but if a private Gentleman
wronged by his neighbour should in like manner, in revenge
of that wrong, beat his servants, vex his tenants, and seek his
or their undoing, the act were palpably most unchristian and
unjust. Thirdly, since potent Princes have, for the most part,
great ambitions, and ambition is a boundless lust, it behoveth
a Prince, for his own safety, to have a watchful eye over the
motions and designs of a potent neighbour almost as much as
of a declared enemy ; and therefore wise Princes have ever
been careful by all just means to balance their neighbour
Princes and States, as near as they could, in such a propor
tion as might hinder the over-growth of any one above the
rest. In order whereunto it hath been held lawful for a
Prince, laying aside the consideration of the Cause, to join in
arms with the weaker, for his assistance against his potent
adversary, who else were likely in a short time to swallow him
up, whereby he should become formidable and dangerous, as
well to himself as to the other his neighbour Princes and
States. Upon which account alone, were there no other rea
son besides, it would be as just for all Christian Princes to
compose their own quarrels, and to aid the Venetian, and
Hungarian, Persian, or Tartar, against the Turk, as it is ex-
* Amphit. I. i. 58.
A MILITARY LIFE. 121
pedient and honourable for them so to do. But what is thus
allowed just in the waging of War between Princes, if in a
wager of Law a private person should attempt the like, viz.
to assist with his purse and pains a poor man against a rich,
without considering the equity of the Cause, the act were, as
in the former instance, palpably unjust and unchristian. In
stances might be produced many more to the same effect, were
it needful, but these I think sufficiently evidence the truth of
what I undertook to show in this particular.
7. There are also sundry other circumstances considerable
concerning the condition of the person, which may render the
same undertaking unlawful to one, which yet may be lawful
for another, or more or less expedient or inexpedient for one
than for another, supposing both private persons and subjects.
As, namely, whether he be a person of honour and estate, or a
man of ordinary rank and fortune ? whether a single man, or
married ? if married, whether he have the consent of his wife
or no ? * and whether such consent were a free and rational
consent in the wife, arising from a judgment convinced of the
fitness of the undertaking, or rather wrung from her by the
importunity of the husband, and her facility in yielding to the
potency of his desires therein? whether the necessity of his
domestical affairs, and oeconomical relations will brook his
absence for so long a time as must be spent in that Employ
ment ? or will not rather require his presence and care for the
managery thereof in the mean time ? And a hundred other like
doubts and difficulties meet to be taken into deliberation, and
unprejudicately weighed against those other probabilities and
inducements which at first kindled, and after fomented his
desires, before he embark himself in that Employment. And
yet, when all is done, it were safer for him, in my opinion, to
forbear than to proceed in his intentions, unless he shall be
assured that he hath the free allowance of his Sovereign,
thereunto either expressed, which would be the clearest war
rant for his Conscience, or at leastwise upon very pregnant
grounds of probability presumed.
* Compare De Juramenti Obligation^ Prael. iv. §. 6.
THE CASE OF THE VALIDITY OF
A MATRIMONIAL CONTRACT
IN VERBIS DE PRAESENTI*
A. B. first did ask C. D. whether she would be contracted
unto him. She answered, she would. This was done betwixt
them two only ; no Clergyman or other person being present.
The Contract.
I, A. B., do here, in the presence of Almighty God, contract
myself unto you, C. D., by giving unto you my right hand, and
do hereby plight you my faith and troth ; and do further pro
mise and vow never to marry any other but you, and will use
all the speedy ways and means I can for the expediting thereof,
according to God's ordinances in the holy state of Matrimony
in the Church of England.
C. D. then taketh the hand of A. B. and saith,
I do here, in the presence of Almighty God, contract myself
unto you, in the like manner as you have done to me, provided
I have my Friends' consent. But, said she, I need not use
those words, for that I know I have their approbation. My
Mother told me, you had moved it unto my Father ; and both
of them do like well of it.
Now, the Friends of C. D. not consenting, C. D. saith, she
is at liberty to marry whom she pleaseth ; and since hath been
upon treaty of Marriage with another, but did not proceed to
effect, and is willing to give A. B. a release of all Promises,
Vows, and Contracts to her made.
First, A. B. desires to be resolved, how far and in what na
ture this Contract binds him in the Case of Conscience.
* This Case is given, in addition C. C. C.; and also in P. 18. of those
to the Nine heretofore printed, from presented by Bp. Barlow to Queen's
a Transcript of it preserved in F. D. College.
12. of the MSS. in the Library of
THE CASE OF A MATRIMONIAL CONTRACT.
Secondly, If C. D. gives A. B. a release, being that now
Friends will not assent thereunto, though A. B. hath
used all the means he can possibly to have their consent
to marry her, whether he may be at liberty and free in
Conscience, without offending God, to marry any other,
whilst C. D. is unmarried or living.
Ad Primam. For resolution herein, it must be inquired to
what, and how far forth, A. B., at the time when he made the
Contract, did intend to bind himself. For it is a Rule, Deus
Juramentum sic accipit, sicut qui jurat intelligit. No Con
tract bindeth any man in Conscience further than at the time
of contracting he did intend, or by the rules of right Reason
may be presumed to have intended, to bind himself.
Now, that A. B., at the time when he uttered these words
wherein the form of the Contract is expressed, had no intention
to enter any Obligation on his part, but with reference to the
like Obligation to be immediately entered on the part of C. D.
is very probable for these reasons.
i. Because it belongeth to the nature, as of Contracts in
general, so of Matrimonial Contracts in special, that they be
mutual, equally absolute or equally conditional, so as neither
part can be said to be more or less free, neither more or less
bound than the other.*
1. Because it had been against all Reason and Equity for
C. D. to have required from A. B. such a Promise as whereby
he should become bound and she left free ; and an act of ex
treme weakness in him to have consented thereunto, although
required by her, whom he loved, so to do.
3. Because, before the words of Contract were pronounced,
the Question was first proposed by A. B. to C. D. whether she
were willing to be contracted to him or not ; which plainly
signifieth thus much, that the Obligation on his part was no
otherwise intended than he had reason, by her affirmative
answer, to presume the like should forthwith have ensued on
her part ; for, if to that first Question she had answered, ' No,'
undoubtedly he would not have proceeded to the Contract.
* In the Queen's College MS. ' so as neither part can be said to be more
or less bound than the other.'
THE CASE OF
4. Because in the case of Marriage, which is certainly, if
not stronger, yet at least every way as strong as that of a
Contract, though made per verba de praesenti, the Man is
not bound by the words of Marriage pronounced by him, if
the Woman after refuse to pronounce the like form. As, if
the Man shall solemnly say, according to the words of the
Book, ' I, A. B., take thee, C. D., to my wedded Wife,' &c, and
the Woman should finally refuse to say in like manner, ' I,
C. D., take thee, A. B., to my wedded Husband,' the case is
clear : the Man were no more bound in Conscience by saying
these words than if he had said nothing. And that upon this
very ground, that the Obligation ought to be mutual ; and to
common intendment, inasmuch as of necessity the one of the
Contractors, for the avoiding confusion, must speak first, the
Obligation of the party that begins is supposed not to arise
till the other party that followeth hath spoken also. And if
there be any material difference between the latter and the
former Promise, (as in the case proposed, the former being
absolute, and the latter conditional,) the measure of the whole
Obligation arising from the Contract is to be taken from the
weaker part. And so, in the present case, the Obligation is
to be judged on the part of A. B. to be but conditional, how
absolutely soever expressed, because it is no more than con
ditional on the part of C. D.
Ad Secundam. From which considerations, although it
may truly be said that A. B. is not absolutely bound to do
according to the express words of the Contract by him uttered
in any respect, yet, in answer to the second Quaere also, I
take it,
First, that A. B. is bound in Conscience to perform all that
was promised on his part, if the condition put in by C. D.
shall be at any time hereafter on her part performed.
That he is bound, secondly, to do his utmost endeavour, by
his own diligence, the mediation of Friends, and the assistance
of godly and discreet Ministers, to press it upon the Conscience
of C. D. likewise, that she do her utmost endeavour for the
procuring of her Friends' consent, that so, the condition being
performed, the Contract may be, according to the first inten
tion, ratified, and all scruples removed. The reason of both is,
A MATRIMONIAL CONTRACT.
because every man is bound to do what in him lieth to make
good every his lawful Promise according to the true intent
and meaning thereof bona fide; and it is unreasonable to
think that any man should therefore be disobliged of his Pro
mise because he taketh no care to perform it, and so reap
advantage from his own neglect.
Thirdly, that A. B. is not in Conscience bound, by virtue of
that Contract, to live unmarried all the days of his life, in
case he cannot obtain the marriage of C. D., although these
words, ' I vow never to marry any other but you,' may pos
sibly seem to favour such a construction. The reason is,
because the Vow of not marrying any other was made upon
the supposal of her mutual resolution to marry him ; and that
supposal reasonably grounded upon her answering affirmatively
to the first Question. For it is not to be imagined, the pre
ceding circumstances considered, that A. B. did by those words
intend to make an absolute Vow either of perpetual virginity,
if C. D. would not marry him, or, if she would, perpetual
widowhood after her decease.
Fourthly, that yet A. B. is in Conscience bound not to
marry any other person so long as C. D. is living and unmar
ried. The reason is, because a conditional Obligation* re-
maineth in force so long as there is any possibility that the
condition may be performed. Now so long as C. D. liveth
and is unmarried, it is not impossible but that either the Pa
rents' consent may be obtained, or they may die, and so she
become sui juris. In either of which cases she may perform
the condition of the Promise and establish the Contract.
But, fifthly, no release given by C. D. can be sufficient so
to free A. B. from the bond of his Contract, so far as it is
obligatory, as that the Conscience may rest securely there
upon. For howsoever in ordinary Contracts, or Promises
made between party and party, wherein the benefit of the
party to whom the Promise is made is solely concerned,f the
Obligations of such Contracts or Promises may be by the con
sent of parties released, yea, although they should be confirmed
* In the Queen's College MS. Promise is solely concerned.' The
' because A. B.'s conditional Obli- addition requisite for completing the
gation.' sense is suggested in the margin of
t Both the MSS. exhibit, ' the the C.C.C. Manuscript.
126 THE CASE OF A MATRIMONIAL CONTRACT.
by Oath, yet in Matrimonial Contracts such releases have no
place; for a bond* of a Matrimonial Contract is before God
of the same nature and effect that the bond of Matrimony it
self is ; and we know the bond of Matrimony cannot be dis
solved by the consent of both parties, or by the release of one.
The reason of the difference is, because the Obligation of
Matrimony ariseth from the Ordinance of God as well as from
the consent of parties. And therefore those whom God by
His Ordinance hath joined together, neither themselves nor
any other have power to separate.
Sixthly, that yet, so soon as C. D. shall be married to any
other person, A. B. is ipso facto free from the Contract, and
at liberty also to marry elsewhere. The reason is, because a
conditional Obligation f ceaseth, when there is no more possi
bility left for the performance of the condition.
The result of all is this. A. B. is by the Contract bound
not to marry so long as C. D. liveth unmarried ; but if she
either die, or be married to another, he is at liberty.
ROBERT SANDERSON.
* ' a bond/ So in both MSS. * because A. B.'s conditional Obli-
? ' the bond.' gation ceaseth/ &c. as above,
f In the Queen's College MS,
OF USURY*
SIR,
JL HE servant's hasty departure will not suffer me to write so
fully to the Question you propose as I desire, and would be
requisite to give just satisfaction in an argument so much con
troverted and of so nice a consideration. I confess the name
of Usury is odious ; and the contract itself, in the strict ac-
ception of it, in its own nature hardly to be justified. But if it
be taken, as usually it is amongst us, so as to include the con
tracts which by the Casuists are expressly called Interest, I
dare not define it to be de toto genere unlawful ; but the dis
tinction between Usury and Interest is sometimes so little, that
the intention of the Lender and conjunction of circumstances,
especially of persons and times, can only make the difference,
and so must wholly regulate the judgment and conscience of the
Parties concerned in it. Interest is therefore so called because
interest Mutuantis, either in respect of Lucrum cessans or
Damnum emergens, to have his money in his own hand or at
his own command, that so he might expend or employ it, some
way or other, for his own benefit, by buying Land, or Leasing,
or trading in some other Commodity, or the like ; of the op
portunity whereof if he deprive himself by lending his money
to a neighbour or stranger to serve his occasions, or do him a
courtesy at his request or in his need, it is all the reason in the
world that he should have some proportionable consideration
for so doing, which is called Interest. And if the compensation
be moderate, and within, or rather below, that which the Laws
allow, and that the Lender bona fide intends as well to do the
Borrower a real kindness as to provide for his own increase, I
take it to be so far from being unlawful, that it is rather to be
* From P. 18. of the MSS. in the with this Title : ' Opuscula quaedam
Library of Queen's College, begin- av^ora Domini Doctoris Roberti
ning at p. 69 of a portion of the Sanderson Lincolniensis Episcopi
Volume inscribed by Bp. Barlow ro
128 THE CASE
commended as an act of Charity than condemned under the
notion of Usury.
But Usury is when a man intendeth merely to live upon his
money, and to contract precisely for the loan, and looketh at
nothing but only to have so much coming in ; which how far it
may be justified I am yet to learn, unless it be in such persons
as by reason of blindness, lameness, or other impotency, want
of years, or the like, are no ways able to follow any employ
ment ; or in such times as persons otherwise able to manage
their own, could not with freedom, safety, or conscience use
such ways of purchasing, trading, &c, as were fit for them.
Yet to avoid the name of Usury, which is male coloratum
howsoever, and of ill sound, I should advise any man rather to
lend out his monies to be repaid by Annuities, gainful enough
for a charitable Lender, and much easier withal for the Bor
rower (as to pay £20 for six years, or £25 for five years, for
every hundred) than to take Use, although it were but six or
seven per Cent. ; and the principal still remain entire ; and this
way is in truth no more really than purchasing an Annuity ;
which, if not violated with circumstances, no man hath yet, for
aught I know, held to be unlawful. If it be said, that in effect
it is all one with Usury, because the gain is the same at five or
six years' end as that of Usury would be, though that be
yielded, yet may the one be lawful, and the other not : both
because the contract is of another kind, and the way of pay
ment ordinarily more easy for the Borrower, and biteth not so
insensibly in the mean time and so keenly in the close as
the other doth. As also because the rate of Usury allowed by
the Laws is the standard whereby men measure all other con
tracts, and account all bargains in purchasing, taking of farms,
&cv — better, or harder, as they come nearer or further from
the rate. As for point of restitution in orphans or 'others,
supposing Usury de toto genere unlawful, yet should not the
Lender be therefore absolutely bound to restitution ; for the
obligation to restore ariseth not from the unlawfulness of the
act done, but from the damage that the Borrower hath received
therefrom : so that if A. hath made a contract with B., which
contract was sinful in A. at the making, yet if a primo ad ul-
timum B. have received no loss or damage thereby, but rather
a benefit, A. is not bound to restitution.
OF USURY. 129
Julv the 2nd.
SIR,
FOR putting money to Use, the first branch of your Letter, I
cannot but well approve, as well of your resolution not to prac
tise it at all, as of the reasons whereupon you grounded that
resolution, viz. the bordering so near the confines of unlawful,
the danger of self-indulgence, and the famous rule of pars
tutior. You mention a book of Dr. Fenton's which you have
lately read : * the man I knew about forty years ago, Preacher
at Gray's Inn, and of reverent esteem among them, as being a
man of excellent and equal parts, not only learned and elo
quent, but withal pious, judicious, moderate, and modest. The
book I also read over long since at the first coming out, whilst
I lived in Oxon, and was much satisfied with it, for the gene
rality : yet in two things I was not fully satisfied : viz. why, in
a Contract of mere Commutative Justice, (I mean where neither
necessitous, nor necessitudo personae doth intervene to require
otherwise ; for in such cases, according to the exigence of due
circumstances, I am bound to lend freely) between two that are
in regard of any nearer relation but as it were strangers, it
should be lawful for the Borrower apparently to look at his
own gain and advantage in borrowing, and yet be unlawful for
the Lender to provide for his own moderate gain and advan
tage in lending. For I conceive that of those four sorts of
Borrowers you afterwards mention, the last is not to be looked
upon at all as a man fit to be contracted with ; nor ought a wise
man to lend such a one either freely or with condition of gain,
unless to redeem him from present ruin, and not without some
good probability or hope of his reclaiming. The second and
third sorts are for the most part to be relieved in their neces
sity, or served in their just occasions by free loan. But to the
* A Treatise on Usurie, divided Worthies, Lancashire, 116.) was
into three Books, by Roger Fenton, Rector of St. Stephen's Walbrook,
B. D. 4°. London, 1612. In a copy and Prebendary of St. Pancras, and
of this work in the Bodleian Li- died Jan. 16, 1615 : (Newcourt, Re-
brary Thomas Hearne has written, pertorium, i. 197). His Epitaph is
1733, Aug. 1 8, ' Quaere about this given by Stow, Survey, p. 245. The
Roger Fenton ? I think he was a name of Fenton occurs among those
Cambridge man.' He had been of K. James' Translators who were
Fellow of Pembroke Hall : (Fuller's appointed to meet at Westminster.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. K
130 THE CASE
first sort I either make question, whether it be fit for us to lend
to such a one at all, or else make no question, but we may
contract for gain somewhat proportionable if we do lend.
Secondly, seeing in all societies and commonwealths there
must be some common received standard for the guiding of
mutual Contracts, (otherwise there should be no rule whereby
to judge of bargains, whether they be easy, hard, or indif
ferent,) and that the standard in most societies and apparently
with us is, as I wrote to you in my last, the rates tolerated by
Law for the loan of money ; I do not see how the Republic
received any damage by Usurious Contracts, though to the
utmost of that the Law tolerates. As to my best remembrance^
being now many years since I read it, Dr. Fenton in that book
endeavoureth to prove, wherein by the way you have disco
vered what my opinion is concerning the last of the scruples
proposed in the latter part of your Letter : whence I conceive
'twill follow in the business of restitution the strictest Usurer
that hath not outgone the Statute, if he shall find that the par
ticular Borrowers have not been bitten or endamaged by him,
need not be solicitous or scrupulous about restitution to be
made, as in regard to any damage to the Public.
Now to the satisfying the other three scruples. As to the
first, which kind of Borrowers may properly be said to have
received damage by an Usurious Contract, so as in justice and
conscience they ought to have restitution made ? I take it that
restitution is not to be made of necessity either to the first or
the last of the four sorts of Borrowers by you mentioned,,
though they should have occasionally sustained loss or damage
by the Contract. The reason is because the damage did not
flow from the Contract, as the proper cause thereof, but only
ensued thereupon by accident ; and so ought not to be imputed
to the Contract, but to the right cause, which in the one sort of
Borrowers is manifestly their own profuseness or improvidence,
who probably had been in no better condition had they had
twice as much money lent them gratis. And in the other,
many times their own greediness, or vanity in coveting to
grasp more than their hands are able to contain, or desiring to
be accounted great dealers in the world, &c. And sometimes
some unexpected casualty which the Borrower could not foresee
or prevent, as the decay of trade, falling into the hands of
OF USURY. isi
pirates, purchasing where the title afterwards proveth liti
gious, &c : yet in this latter some mitigation or abatement is
fit to be made, but is rather to be done in mercy as a voluntary
act of Christian compassion, than to come properly within the
compass of such restitution as a man is obliged unto in justice.
But as for the second middle sorts of Borrowers, forasmuch as
the lending to them (where their necessities or just occasions
require it, and our present store and occasions may bear it)
is an act of such charity and courtesy, that our own hearts
could not but condemn us of some unmercifulness or unkincU
ness to our neighbour if we should refuse to lend, there ought
to be a very tender regard had of their sufferings ; and if it
shall appear that we have gained to their loss, that sovereign
rule of Equity, Quod tibi fieri non vis fyc, will infer the
necessity of making some restitution.
For the other two scruples the answer will be short and
easy, if another rule given by the Casuists be well considered,
which in matters of Commutative Justice concerning meum et
tuum is of excellent use to free the conscience from being per
plexed with unnecessary scruples on the one side, as that maxim
formerly mentioned of pars tutior is useful to preserve it from
too much liberty and looseness on the other side ; and that is
this : In rebus dubiis melior est conditio possidentis. Where
we are actually and legally possessed of any thing bona fide,
of the unjust getting or holding whereof we are not clearly
convinced in our consciences, nor have any particular sufficient
cause to make us reasonably suspect any injustice therein, but
only some general fears or apprehensions that possibly some
of that whereby we are so possessed might not be lawfully
gotten or held, in such cases, I take it, we are no further
obliged to make particular inquiry into the original right by
which we stand so possessed, than only to have a readiness of
mind, when a just particular cause of doubt or suspicion shall
arise thereabouts, to use all requisite moral diligence to exa
mine the same impartially according to the rules of Justice
and Equity, and according as upon examination we shall find
it to be just or unjust, to do thereafter : so as upon the whole
matter it seemeth to me agreeable to Reason and Christian
Prudence that a man whose monies have been disposed of by
his friends during his minority into several hands and upon
132 THE CASE
several Contracts, may receive the same together with the
increase and benefit thereof, as it is delivered to him by his
friends that were intrusted with the management of it, and also
[? use] the same, without making any scruple of conscience about
it, or making any strict inquiry into the nature of the parti
cular Contracts, until either upon complaint, or by some other
occasion, he shall find cause to fear, concerning any particular
or particulars, that there hath been some injustice or hard
dealing used therein ; which if upon due inquiry he shall find
to be so, then he is bound, in my opinion, to make such resti
tution or other satisfaction as the case, with due consideration
of times, persons, and other circumstances, shall require.
But, Sir, to save further enlargement, and to let you un
derstand what my present judgment is concerning the whole
business of Lending, I shall deliver to you, in brief and with as
much clearness as I can, what I would advise an honest, con-
scionable Christian that hath a stock in monies, and hath no
conveniency in employing it otherwise than by lending it out,
to do in this case.
First, since the name of Usury is reproachful, and the thing
itself male coloratwn at the best, if not de toto genere unlaw
ful even in regard of the very nature of the Contract itself, (as
the Romish Casuists generally and without exception of any
one that I know of, and very many Protestant Divines affirm), I
think it agreeable to Christian Prudence, if but for the avoiding
of scandal (I mean both that of obloquy and that of evil example),
to avoid all lending money upon a Contract formally Usurious,
and rather to contract in some other form, as by annuities or
the like ; which though in the result and upon the matter of
gain it may perhaps be the same in conclusion with that of
Usury, yet, for want of the same formality, it is not under the
same scandal. But because it is not true Christian Prudence
which hath not joined with it true Christian Simplicity, we
are to consider what is fit to be done in this case for the avoid
ing of sin, as well as what is not to be done for the avoiding
of scandal. Thus then, when a man hath devoted such a pro
portion out of his yearly revenue as God shall have enlarged
his heart unto, for uses merely charitable (I mean freely to be
given away without looking for anything again), out of the
stock of monies which he hath to employ over and above, he
OF USURY. 1353
may do well to set apart a third, fourth, or fifth part of that
(more or less as he shall see cause) to be lent gratis, either
for the relief of the necessities of some that are enforced to
borrow, taking security of them for the repayment thereof, at
such times or by such portions as they may be able to do it.
or for the gratifying of a friend, neighbour, or kinsman, by
serving his occasions and conveniences, who perhaps may do
him some other courtesy or office at some other time, or in
some other kind if he shall have occasion to use him ; and of
the remainder, I know not any ground, either from Scripture
or Reason, why he may not make reasonable gain of it by
loan, as well as another man may make a certain gain of the
like sum by some other way of employment. The Caveats
generally necessary, and to which all other may be reduced,
are but two : the one that the gain be but moderate ; and the
Kpirripia of that moderation are especially : First, the propor
tion tolerated by Law, that the Lender be sure to keep a good
way within the compass thereof: as, if the Law tolerate eight
per Cent., that the gain aimed at in the Contract be not above
the rate of five, six, or seven per Cent. Secondly, the cer
tainty or hazard of the gain ; for by how much the gain, by
nature of the Contract, is brought to more certainty, by so
much ought it in all reason to be the less ; and may be allowed
the more, in possibility by how much it is left more hazardous
and uncertain, as upon the lives of men, or the return of ships,
and the like. Thirdly, the proportion of the gain which the
Borrower shall evidently or probably make by the benefit of
the monies lent. The other Caveat is, that the Lender look
at the benefit and conveniency of the Borrower, so far as it
can reasonably appear to him, or as it is meet for him to in
quire into his occasions, as well as at his own gain ; for Chris
tian Charity and Justice doth not allow any man to seek his
own gain by another's loss. In which respect, that course
which is before mentioned, of paying in the sum lent, and the
gain that is to arise thence by yearly annuities, supposing by
exact computation it should bring in the very same gain at
the end of the term contracted for that a Contract directly
usurious would do, and so might seem to be all one upon the
point* with a Usurious Contract, and to be but palliated Usury,
* See Sermon vii. ad Aulani, §. 3.
134 THE CASE
yet it is, in very deed, far different from it, and much rather
to be practised than it : not only in respect of the Lender, who
is thereby, as was said, less obnoxious to the reproach of being
counted an Usurer ; but also and especially in respect of the
Borrower, to whom that manner of payment is much more
easy ordinarily than the other ; for, to speak truth, unless it
be some man who hath great trade and return of commodities,
or meeteth with some extraordinary good bargain, he that
payeth Use for money yearly, and the Principal still remain-
eth behind unpaid, will find that within a few years it will bite
deep into his estate, and make a deep breach in it when the
Principal cometh to be paid in. As if a husbandman or yeo
man, that hath perhaps a farm or land of his own worth £60
or £80 yearly, have need, for the management of his farm
or stocking of his grounds, to take up a hundred pounds, if he
shall pay eight pounds or but six pounds Use for the same,
it will be a long while before he will be able, paying that Use
and maintaining his family, to get an hundred pounds together
to redeem himself from the Usurer's jaws : whereas, if he
should pay for his hundred pounds out of his estate to the
Lender twenty pounds for six years, which I think a very
reasonable and indifferent proportion, gainful enough to the
Lender, and not prejudicial to the Borrower, — nay, say it
should be for seven years, which by computation cometh to
more, a primo ad ultimum, than the rate of eight per cent.,
yea, for eight years, which doth very much exceed the rate,
and were a very unreasonable and unconscionable exaction, —
yet forasmuch as an ordinary good husband may probably out
of such a farm provide twenty pounds a year towards the pay
ing of the debt, and that by the end of those years the Prin
cipal together with the Interest would be all paid in, I hold
ordinarily far more easy and advantageous to the Borrower,
than to pay yearly Use, though at an under rate, and the
Principal still remains entire. Therefore the best way both
for the Borrower and the Lender is, to lend upon such easy
annuities for six, ten, twelve, or more years, as the Borrower
may be in all probability, by God's ordinary blessing upon
him and a frugal life, likely within the compass of so many
years to pay the covenanted sum without any great burden
to him, and with competent gain to the Lender. Whoso taketh
OF USURY. 135
this course, and considereth the conveniency of the Borrower,
together with his own gain, having an equal respect, so far
as human frailty will suffer, to both, with simplicity and sin
cerity of heart, I doubt not but he may do it with much
benefit to human society, and with comfort to his own soul,
and shall have many a prayer and blessing from those that
have been occasioned to borrow of him : whereas the rigid
Usurer commonly receives little other fruit, besides the in
crease of his money, than the curses of those that are bitten
by him.
As for lending to great merchants, or purchasing, (such, I
mean, as to whom we have no other relation nor inducement
to move us to lend, but either our own gain or their impor
tunity), I take less consideration of that, because I consider
that we are not bound to do them any courtesy, but only to
look to ourselves, that we do them no wrong, and that out of
greediness of gain (which may perhaps be had in a more plen
tiful measure from them than others) we do not choose to lend
our monies to them rather than to those whom in charity or
nearness to us we are more obliged to pleasure them withal;
for which reason, if at any time we chance to contract with
such men, we should advise with ourselves what proportion of
gain is set to be contracted for, with indifferency to both
parties, and then, providing for our own security that which is
agreed upon by Contract may be performed, leave them to look
to their own conveniencies themselves. But if we lend to a
young tradesman, that is frugal and hopeful, towards his set'
ting up, or the like, there the case is different ; and it is then
of much like condition with those Contracts wherein we lend
to those, upon whom it is meet we should exercise our charity
or offices of kindness.
The sum is, that where our Lending is an act merely of Civil
Contract or Commutative Justice, the business we have to do is,
as in a market, to see that we do the party we deal with no
wrong, and that the gain we look at be moderate ; but if our
Lending be an act not merely of justice, but with some mixture
and ingrediency, either of charity in regard of necessity, or
pressing occasions of the party, or of kindness in regard of
some nearer relation of the party to us, of friendship, kindred,
neighbourhood, former courtesies, &c, we are in such cases
136* THE CASE OF USURY.
obliged to greater tenderness, more or less, according to the
exigence of those necessities or relations from whence the
obligation ariseth, viz. to be content with the less gain, and
to consider the coriveniency of the party with whom we so
contract, for the time and manner of repayment. To which
if there be joined a resolution also (as there should be, if I
rightly understand the words, S. Luke vi. 30, 35, 36.) to remit
the whole foenus, yea, and part of the Principal too, if it be
our own, and if we see cause for it, I dare say that either
such a kind of Lending is not Usury, or else pronounce that
all Usury is not unlawful.*
* Sanderson's language in regard In Sermon vi. ad Aulam, §. 15,
to Usury varies very much. It is preached in 1637, Usury occurs in
spoken of, incidentally, as doubtful, an enumeration of gross enormities,
in Sermon iv. ad Clerum, §. 27, Sermon iv. ad Populum, §.30, ex-
preached in 1634; and in the sixth hibits a remarkable change in his
Lecture de Conscientia, §.21, i. e. views between 1628, when that Ser
in 1647, he declines to pronounce mon was first published, and 1657,
on its lawfulness or unlawfulness, when the fourth Edition appeared.
EPISCOPACY
(As established by Law in England)
NOT PREJUDICIAL TO REGAL POWER.
A TREATISE
WRITTEN IN THE TIME OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT, BY THE SPECIAL
COMMAND OF THE LATE KING,
And now published by the Right Reverend Father in God,
ROBERT SANDERSON,
LORD BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
LONDON,
PRINTED BY R. NORTON, FOR TIMOTHY GARTHWAIT, IN
ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD.
i66f.
To the Most High and Mighty King Charles the Second,
by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, fyc.
Most Gracious and Dread Sovereign,
J_ HAT I take the boldness humbly to present this short Dis
course to Your Majesty's sacred hand and piercing eye, it is
upon ttiis one and only account, that, how mean soever the
performance be, the undertaking was in obedience to the com
mand of a most gracious Master, your Majesty's Royal Father
of Blessed Memory. The occasion this. When the Army had
gotten the King into their own custody out of the hands of
those that had long* holden him in durance at Holdenby, to
put a blind upon the world, they made a show of much good
towards him, which, as soon after appeared, they never meant
him. Amongst other the pompous civilities, wherewith, the
better to cloak their hypocrisy, they entertained him, it was
their pleasure to vouchsafe him the attendance of some of his
own Chaplains : which, though it could merit little, for such a
kindness could not with justice have been denied to a far
meaner person, was yet a boon his former Gaolers thought too
big for him. In that Summer Progress, such as it was, four of
his own naming, f with the Clerk of his Closet, were suffered
to wait upon him. In which time of waiting, which was in
August 1647, His Majesty, being then at Hampton-Court, J
one day called me to him, and told me he had a little work for
me to do. Some about him, it seems, had been often dis
coursing with him about Episcopacy, as it was claimed and
exercised by the Bishops within this Realm. Which, whether
out of their goodwill to him, or their no goodwill to the
* From the end of January to the Clarendon, book x. par. 93. Juxon
third of June 1647. See Clarendon, was sworn Clerk of the Closet in
book x. par. 69 and 92. 1632.
t These were Sheldon, Morley, J See the Note on the opening of
Sanderson, and Hammond. See Sermon xiv. ad Aulam.
140 THE EPISTLE
Church, I am not able to say, they had endeavoured to repre
sent unto him, as not a little derogatory to the Regal Au
thority, as well in the point of Supremacy as of Prerogative :
in the one, by claiming the Function as of Divine Right : in
the other, by exercising the Jurisdiction in their own Names.
His Majesty said further, that he did not -believe the Church-
Government by Bishops, as it was by Law established in this
Realm, to be in either of the aforesaid respects, or any other
way prejudicial to his Crown; and that he was in his own
judgment fully satisfied concerning the same : yet signified his
pleasure withal, that, for the satisfaction of others I should
take these two Objections into consideration, and give him an
Answer thereunto in writing. In obedience to which His
Majesty's Royal Pleasure, after my return home, I forthwith,
according to rny bounden duty, addressed myself to the work ;
and was drawing up an Answer to both the Objections, as well
as I was able, with a purpose to present the same, as soon as
it should be finished, to His Majesty in writing, upon the first
oifered opportunity. But behold, before I could bring the busi
ness ad umbilicum, and quite finish what was under my hand,
the scene of affairs was strangely changed. The King tre
panned into the Isle of Wight ; the mask of hypocrisy, "by long
wearing, now grown so thin and useless that it was fit for
nothing but to be thrown by ; no kind of impiety and villany,
but durst appear barefaced and in the open sun ; high inso-
lencies to the contempt of Authority every where committed ;
Majesty itself trampled upon by the vilest of the People ; and
the hearts of all loyal, honest men sadly oppressed with griefs
and fears. Yet had the men who steered the Public as they
listed, that they might give themselves the more recreation,
amuse the world anew, and grace the black Tragedy they were
acting with the more variety, a mind to play one game more
the next year, viz. the Treaty at the aforesaid Isle of Wight,
Where as soon as I understood that, by His Majesty's nomi
nation, I was to give my attendance,* I looked out the old
Papers which I had laid aside a good while before, made up
what was then left unfinished, and took the Copy with me to
the Isle, thinking that when the Treaty should be ended, (for
* Sermons xvi and xvii ad Aulam, it will be remembered, were preached
during this attendance.
DEDICATORY. 141
whilst it lasted, his Majesty was taken up with other thoughts
and debates of higher concern,) I might possibly have the
opportunity to give his Majesty an account thereof. What
became of that Treaty, and what after ensued, is so well known
to the world, that there is no need, and withal so sad, that it
can be no pleasure to remember. But thenceforward were
those Papers laid aside once again, and destined to perpetual
silence, had not a debate lately started, concerning one of the
principal points therein handled, occasioned some persons of
eminent place and esteem in the Church, and one of them con
scious to the aforesaid command laid upon me by the late
King, to desire a sight of those Papers. AVhich being by their
encouragement now made public, though having little other to
commend them, either to the world, but Truth and Plainness,
or to your Majesty, but that they had their first rise from his
command whose Throne and Virtues you inherit, I humbly
beseech your Majesty graciously to accept, together with the
Prayers of
Your Majesty's most Loyal Subject
and Devoted Servant,
ROBERT LINCOLN.
London,
August 10, 1 66 1.
BY THE KING.
A Proclamation,* declaring that the Proceedings of
His Majesty's Ecclesiastical Courts and Ministers
are according to the Laws of the Realm.
WHEREAS in some of the libellous Books and Pamphlets
lately published, the most reverend Fathers in God, the Lords
Archbishops and Bishops of this Realm, are said to have
usurped iipon his Majesty's Prerogative Royal, and to have
proceeded, in the High Commission and other Ecclesiastical
Courts, contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm;
It was ordered by his Majesty's High Court of Star Chamber,
the twelfth day of June last, that the opinion of the two
Lords Chief Justices, the Lord Chief Baron, and the rest of
the Judges and Barons, should be had and certified in those
particulars : viz. Whether Processes may not issue out of the
Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of the Bishops. Whether
a Patent under the great Seal be necessary for the keeping
of the Ecclesiastical Courts, and enabling Citations and
Suspensions, Excommunications and other Censures of the
Church. And whether Citations ought to be in the King's
name, and under his Seal of Arms ; and the like for Insti
tutions and Inductions to Benefices, and correction of Eccle
siastical offences. Whether Bishops, Archdeacons, and other
Ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any Visitation
at any time, unless they have express Commission or Patent
under the great Seal of England to do it; and that as his
Majesty's Visitors only, and in his name and right alone.
Whereupon his Majesty's said Judges, having taken the
same into their serious consideration, did unanimously con-
* A Summary of this Proclama- lie was not aware of the existence
tion and of the Judges' Certificate of either document till the time at
which follows may be seen in Rush- which the Work was sent to the
worth, ii. 450, 451. Sanderson, at press, viz. early in August, 1661.
the end of the Postscript, says that
A PROCLAMATION. 143
cur and agree in opinion, and the first day of July last
certified under their hands asfolloweth : That Processes may
issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of the
Bishops ; and that a Patent under the great Seal is not ne
cessary for the keeping of the said Ecclesiastical Courts, or
for enabling of Citations, Suspensions, Excommunications,
and other Censures of the Church ; and that it is not neces
sary that Summonses, Citations, or other Processes Eccle
siastical in the said Courts, or Institutions, or Inductions to
Benefices, or correction of Ecclesiastical offences by Censure
in those Courts, be in the King's name, or with the style of
the King, or under the King's Seal, or that their Seals of
Office have in them the King's Arms ; and that the Statute
o/Trimo Edvardi Sexti, cap. secundo,* which enacted the con
trary, is not now in force ; and that the Bishops, Archdea
cons, and other Ecclesiastical persons, may keep their Visita
tions as usually they have done, without Commission under
the great Seal of England so to do. Which opinions and
resolutions being declared under the hands of all his Ma
jesty's said Judges, and so certified into his Court of Star
Chamber, were there recorded ; and it was by that Court
further ordered, the fourth day of the said month of July,
that the said Certificate should be enrolled in all other his
Majesty's Courts at Westminster, and in the High Commis
sion, and other Ecclesiastical Courts, for the satisfaction of
all men that the proceedings in the High Commission and
other Ecclesiastical Courts are agreeable to the Laws and
Statutes of the Realm.
And his Royal Majesty hath thought fit, with advice of
his Council, that a public Declaration of these the opinions
and resolutions of his reverend and learned Judges, being
agreeable to the judgment and resolutions of former times,
should be made known to all his Subjects, as well to vindi
cate the legal proceedings of his Ecclesiastical Courts and
Ministers from the unjust and scandalous imputation of in
vading or entrenching on his Royal Prerogative, as to settle
the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet spirits, that
for the future they presume not to censure his Ecclesiastical
* See Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 341.
144 A PROCLAMATION.
Courts or Ministers in these their just and warranted pro
ceedings. And hereof his Majesty admonisheth all his Sub
jects to take warning, as they shall answer the contrary at
their perils.
Given at the Court at Lyndhurst, the \ 8th day of August, in the
thirteenth year of His Majesty's Reign.
GOD SAVE THE KING.
Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most Excellent
Majesty, and by the Assigns of John Bill, 1637.
PRIMO JULII 1637.
The Judges' Certificate concerning Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction.
May it please your Lordships,
ACCORDING to your Lordships'1 Order made in his Ma
jesty's Court of Star Chamber the twelfth of May last, we
have taken consideration of the particulars, wherein our
opinions are required by the said Order; and we have all
agreed,
That Processes may issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts
in the name of Bishops, and that a Patent under the Great
Seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said Ecclesias
tical Courts, or for the enabling of Citations, Suspensions,
Excommunications, or other Censures of the Church. And
that it is not necessary that Summonses, Citations, or other
Processes Ecclesiastical in the said Courts, or Institutions,
or Inductions to Benefices, or correction of Ecclesiastical of
fences by Censure in those Courts, be in the King's name, or
with the style of the King, or under the King's Seal, or that
their Seals of Office have in them the King's Arms. And
that the Statute o/Trimo Edvardi Sexti, cap, 2, which en
acted the contrary, is not now in force.
We are also of opinion, that the Bishops, Archdeacons,
and other Ecclesiastical persons may keep their Visitations
as usually they have done, without Commission under the
Great Seal of England so to do.
Jo. BRAMSTONE. GEORGE CROKE.
Jo. FINCH. THO. TREVOR.
HUMFREY DAVENPORT. GEORGE VERNON.
WILL. JONES. Ro. BERKLEY.
Jo. DINHAM. FR. CRAWLEY.
RICHARD HTTTTON. Ric. WESTON.
Enrolled in the Courts of Exchequer, King's Bench, Com
mon Pleas, and registered in the Courts of High Com
mission and Star Chamber.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. L
EPISCOPACY
NOT PREJUDICIAL TO REGAL POWER.
SECTION I.
The two great Objections proposed.
JrlE that shall take the pains to inform himself rightly,
what power the Kings of England have from time to time
claimed and exercised in Causes and over Persons Ecclesiasti
cal ; as also by whom, how, and how far forth their said Power
hath been from time to time either opposed, or maintained,
shall undoubtedly find that no persons in the world have more
freely acknowledged, and both by their writings and actions
more zealously, judiciously, and effectually asserted the Sove
reign Ecclesiastical power of Kings, than the Protestant Bi
shops and Divines, whom our new Masters* have been pleased
of late to call the Prelatical party, in the Church of England
have done. Yet so far hath prejudice, or something else, pre
vailed with some persons of quality, in these times of so much
looseness and distraction, as to suffer themselves to be led into
a belief, or at least-wise to be willing the people should be
deceived into the belief, of these two things. First, that the
Opinion which maintaineth the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy is
destructive of the Regal power. And, secondly, that Episcopal
Jurisdiction, as it was exercised before and at the beginning of
this present Parliament, was derogatory from the Honour of
the King, and prejudicial to the just Rights and Prerogatives
of his Crown.
II. Truly, they that know any thing of the practices and
proceedings of the Anti-prelatical party, cannot be ignorant,
* 'Masters.' Compare De Cons ci~ Magistellos rectius dixerim, ita Ma-
entia, Prael. v. §. 34. ' Ministelli illi, gisterialiter omnia pronunciantes.'
148 - EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
that their aims, (these or whatsoever other pretensions not
withstanding,) are clearly to enlarge their own power, by
lessening the King's, and to raise their own estates upon the
ruins of the Bishops'. And therefore howsoever the aforesaid
pretensions may seem at the first appearance to proceed from
a sense of loyalty, and a tenderness of suffering any thing to
be continued in the Kingdom which might tend to the least
diminution of His Majesty's just power and greatness, yet,
till their actions look otherwise than for some time past they
have done, the pretenders must give us leave to think that
their meaning therein is rather to do the Bishops hurt, than
to do the King service ; and that their affections, so far as by
what is visible we are able to judge thereof, are much what*
alike the same towards them both. But, to leave their hearts
to the judgment of Him to whom they must stand or fall, for
the just defence of Truth ; and that, so far as we can help it,
the people be not abused in this particular also, as in sundry
others they have been, by such men as are content to use the
King's Name when it may help on their own designs ; I shall
first set forth the two main Objections severally to the best
advantage of the Objectors, and then endeavour, by a clear
and satisfactory answer, to discover the weakness and vanity
of them both.
III. The former Objection. Whereas in the Oath of Supre
macy the supreme Power Ecclesiastical is acknowledged to be
in the King alone, and by the Statute of i Elizabeth f all Juris
dictions and Preeminences Spiritual and Ecclesiastical within
the Realm of England are restored to the Crown, as the
ancient right thereof, and for ever united and annexed there
unto, the Bishops' claiming their Power and Jurisdiction to
belong unto them as of Divine Right seemeth to be a manifest
violation of the said Oath and Statute, and a real diminution
of the Regal Power in and by the said Oath and Statute
acknowledged and confirmed. For whatsoever Power is of
Divine Right, is immediately derived from God, and dependeth
not upon any earthly King or Potentate whatsoever as supe-
* ' much what.' See Sermon xiii. risdiction over the Estate Ecclesi-
ad Aulam, §. 4. astical and Spiritual, and abolishing
t i Eliz. Chap. i. An Act to re- all Foreign Powers repugnant to the
store to the Crown the ancient Ju- same.
TO REGAL POWER. 149
rior thereunto. These two terms, to be/rom Heaven, and to
be of Men, being used in the Scriptures as terms opposite and
inconsistent, and such as cannot be both truly affirmed of the
same thing.
IV. The latter Objection. Setting aside the dispute of Jus
Divinum, and whatsoever might be said either for or against
the same, the very exercising of Episcopal Jurisdiction in such
a manner as it was with us, the Bishops issuing out their sum
monses, giving Censures, and acting every other thing in the
Ecclesiastical Courts, in their own and not in the King's
Name,* seemeth to derogate very much from the Regal Power
in the point of Ecclesiastical Sovereignty. For whereas the
Judges in the King's Bench, Common Pleas, and other Common
Law Courts do issue out their Writs, and make all their Judg
ments, Orders, Decrees, &c. in the King's Name ; thereby
acknowledging both their Power to be depending upon, and
derived from the King's Authority, and themselves in the
exercise of that Power to be but his Ministers sent and author
ized by him ; and so give him the just honour of his Supremacy
Temporal : the Bishops on the other side exercise a Spiritual
Power or Jurisdiction in their own Names, j and as it were by
their own Authority, without any the least acknowledgment of
the efflux or emanation of that Power or Jurisdiction from the
King. Which custom as it had undoubtedly its first rise and
aftergrowth from the exorbitant greatness of the Bishops of
Rome, who have usurped an unjust authority as well over
Kings and Princes, as over their Fellow-Bishops, laboured all
they could to lessen the authority of Kings, especially in mat
ters Ecclesiastical, so is the continuance thereof no otherwise
to be esteemed than as a rag or relique of that Anti- Christian
Tyranny, which was retained, as some other things also of evil
consequence were, in those imperfect beginnings of Reforma
tion, when the Pope's power was first abrogated under King
Henry the VIII. But it was afterwards in a more mature and
perfect Reformation taken into consideration in the reign of
* This Objection was one of those jection in the Long Parliament. See
urged by H. Burton in his Sermon Sir Ralph Verney's Notes of the
preached Nov. 5, 1636, p. 69. See Proceedings published by the Cam-
Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 329. den Society, p. 12.
t This was made ground of ob-
150 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
King Edward the VI, and remedy provided thereagainst by
an Act of Parliament made in the first year of his Reign,
Wherein it was enacted, That all Summonses, Citations, and
other Processes Ecclesiastical, should be made in the King's
Name, and with the style of the King, as it is in Writs Origi
nal and Judicial at the Common Laws; and that the Test
thereof only should be in the name of the Bishop.
V. It is true indeed, that this Statute of King Edward was
within a few years after repealed, and so the old usage and
form again restored primo Marice, and hath ever since so con
tinued during the Reigns of the said Queen, of Queen Eliza
beth, of King James, and of His Majesty that now is, until
this present Parliament, without any alteration or interruption.
But the repealing of the Statute of i Edw. VI, and the recep
tion of the former usage ensuing thereupon, ought not to be
alleged by the Bishops, or to sway with any Protestant, inas
much as that repeal was made by Queen Mary, who was a
professed Papist, and who, together with that form of proceed
ing in the Ecclesiastical Courts, restored also the whole Popish
Religion, whereof that was a branch. Neither ought the unin
terrupted continuance of the said form under Queen Elizabeth
and the succeeding Kings, (whether it happened through inad
vertency in the State, or through the incessant artifices and
practices of the more active Bishops, some or other whereof
had always a prevalent power with those Princes in their seve
ral Reigns), to hinder, but that, as the said manner of pro
ceeding was in the said first year of Edward VI. by the King
and the three Estates in Parliament adjudged to favour the
usurped power of the Bishops of Rome, and to trench upon
the King's just and acknowledged authority in matters Eccle
siastical, as by the Preamble of the said Act * doth sufficiently
appear, so it ought to be still no otherwise esteemed than as a
branch of the Papal Usurpation, highly derogatory to the
honour of the King, and the rights of his Crown. This is, as
I conceive, the sum of all that hath been, and the utmost of
what, I suppose, can be said in this matter.
* ' of the said Act.' In Editions subsequent to the First, 'in the said
Act.'
TO REGAL POWER. 151
SECTION II.
In answer to the former Objection.
I. Whereunto I make answer as followeth. To the former
Objection I say, first, that it is evidently of no force at all
against those Divines, who for the maintenance of Episcopacy
lay their claim under another notion, and not under that of
Jus Divinum; which expression, for that it is, by reason of
the ambiguity thereof, subject to be mistaken, and that cap
tious men are so willing to mistake it for their own advantage,
might peradventure, without loss of Truth or prejudice to the
cause, be with as much prudence laid aside, as used, as in this,
so in sundry other disputes and controversies of these times.
II. If it shall be replied, that then belike the Proctors for
Episcopacy * are not yet well agreed among themselves by
what title they hold ; and that is a shrewd prejudice against
them, that they have no good title. For it is ever supposed
he that hath a good title, knoweth what it is ; and we are to
presume the power to be usurped, when he that useth it, can
not well tell how he came by it. I say therefore, secondly,
that the difference between the advocates for Episcopacy, is
rather in the different manner of expressing the same thing,
than in their different judgment upon the substance of the
matter. The one sort making choice of an expression which
he knoweth he is able to make good against all gainsayers, if
they will but understand him aright : the other out of wariness
or condescension forbearing an expression, no necessity requir
ing the use of it, which he seeth to have been subject to so
much misconstruction.
III. For the truth is, all this ado about Jus Divinum is in
the last result no more than a mere verbal nicety : that term
being not always taken in one and the same latitude of signifi
cation. Sometimes it importeth a Divine Precept, which is
indeed the primary and most proper signification : when it
appear eth by some clear, express, and peremptory command of
God in His Word, to be the Will of God that the thing so
commanded should be perpetually and universally observed.
* ' for Episcopacy.' In Editions subsequent to the First, ' of Epi
scopacy/
152 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
Of which sort, setting aside the Articles of the Creed and the
Moral Duties of the Law, which are not much pertinent to the
present Inquiry, there are, as I take it, very few things that
can be said to be of Divine positive Right under the New
Testament.* The Preaching of the Gospel, and Administration
of the Sacraments, are two : which when I have named, I think
I have named all.
IV. But there is a secondary and more extended significa
tion of that term, which is also of frequent use among Divines.
In which sense, such things as having no express Command in
the Word, yet are found to have authority and warrant from
the institution, example, and approbation either of Christ
Himself or His Apostles, and have, in regard of the import
ance and usefulness of the things themselves, been held, by the
consentient judgment of all the Churches of Christ in the
primitive and succeeding ages, needful to be continued : such
things I say are, though not so properly as the former, yet
usually and interpretative said to be of Divine Right. Of
which sort I take the observation of the Lord's Day, the
ordering the Keys, the distinction of Presbyters and Deacons,
and some other things, not all perhaps of equal consequence,
to be. Unto Jus Divinum, in that former acception, is
required a Divine Precept : in this latter, it sufficeth there
unto that a thing be of Apostolical institution or practice.
Which ambiguity is the more to be heeded, for that the obser
vation thereof is of great use for the avoiding of sundry mis
takes, that through the ignorance or neglect thereof daily
happen to the engaging of men in endless disputes, and entan
gling their Consciences in unnecessary scruples.
V. Now, that the government of the Churches of Christ by
Bishops is of Divine Right in that first and stricter sense, is an
Opinion at least of great Probability, and such as may more
easily, and upon better grounds be defended than confuted :
especially if in expounding those Texts that are alleged for it,
we give such deference to the authority of the ancient Fathers,
and their expositions thereof, as wise and sober men have
always thought it fit we should do. Yet because it is both
inexpedient to maintain a dispute where, it needs not, and
* Compare the Case of the Sabbath, above, p. 12.
TO REGAL POWER, 153
needless to contend for more, where less will serve the turn, I
find that our Divines that have travailed most in this argu
ment, where they purposely treat of it, do rather choose to
stand to the tenure of Episcopacy ex Apostolica Designatione,
than to hold a contest upon the Title of Jus Divinum, no
necessity requiring the same to be done. They therefore that
so speak of this government as established by Divine Right,
are not all of them necessarily so to be understood as if they
meant it in that first and stricter sense. Sufficient it is for the
justification of the Church of England in the constitution and
government thereof, that it is, as certainly it is, of Divine
Right in the latter and larger signification : that is to say, of
Apostolical institution and approbation ; exercised by the Apo
stles themselves, and by other persons in their times, appointed
and enabled thereunto by them, according to the Will of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and by virtue of the commission they had
received from Him.
VI. Which besides that it is clear from evident Texts of
Scripture, and from the testimony of as ancient and authentic
Records as the world hath any to show for the attesting of any
other part of Ecclesiastical Story, it is also, in truth, a part of
the established Doctrine of the Church of England, evidently
deduced out of sundry passages in the Book of Consecration,
which Book is approved in the Articles of Religion, Article
xxxvi, confirmed by Act of Parliament, and subscribed unto by
all persons that have heretofore taken Orders in the Church,
or Degrees in the University ; and hath been constantly and
uniformly maintained by our best Writers, and by all the
sober, orderly, and orthodox sons of this Church. The Point
hath been so abundantly proved by sundry Learned Men, and
cleared from the exceptions of Novelists, that more need not
be said for the satisfaction of any intelligent man, that will but
first take the pains to read the books, and then suffer himself
to be master of his own reason.
VII. Only I could wish that they who plead so eagerly for the
Jus Divinum of the Lord's Day, and yet reject, not without
some scorn, the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy, would ask their
own hearts, dealing impartially therein, whether it be any
apparent difference in the nature of the things themselves, or
in the strength of those reasons that have been brought for
154 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
either, that leadeth them to have such different judgments
thereof ; or rather some prejudicate conceit of their own ;
which having formerly fancied to themselves even as they
stood affected to parties, the same affections still abiding, they
cannot easily lay aside. Which partiality, for I am loath to
call it perverseness, of spirit, is by so much the more inex
cusable in this particular, by how much Episcopal government
seemeth to be grounded upon Scripture Texts of greater
pregnancy and clearness, and attested by a fuller consent of
Antiquity to have been uniformly and universally observed
throughout the whole Christian world, than the Lord's Day
hath hitherto been shown to be.
VIII. But should it be granted, that all the Defenders of
Episcopacy did indeed hold it to be Jure Divino in the strictest
and most proper sense, yet could not the Objectors thence
reasonably conclude, that it should be eo nomine inconsistent
with Regal Power, or so much as derogatory in the least
degree to that Supreme Power Ecclesiastical, which by the
Laws of our Land is established, and by the Doctrine of our
Church acknowledged to be inherent in the Crown. * As them
selves may easily see, if they will but consider,
IX. First, that Regal and Episcopal Power are two Powers
of quite different kinds, and such as, considered purely in
those things that are proper and essential to either, have no
mutual relation unto, or dependence upon the one the other ; f
neither hath either of them any thing to do with the other.
The one of them being purely spiritual and internal, the other
external and temporal, albeit in regard of the persons that
are to exercise them, or some accidental circumstances apper
taining to the exercise thereof, it may happen the one to be
someway s helpful or prejudicial to the other, yet is there no
necessity at all that the very Powers themselves in respect of J
their own natures should be, at that distance, § either of them
so destructive of other, || but that they might consist well
* * in the Crown.' In Editions subsequent to the First, ' in respect
subsequent to the First, 'in the that.'
Church/ § ' at that distance.' In Editions
t ' the one the other.' In Edi- subsequent to the First, ' at a dis-
tions subsequent to the First, ' each tance.'
other.' || ' of other.' In Editions subse-
t ' in respect of.' In Editions quent to the First, ' to other.'
TO REGAL POWER. 155
enough together. Yea, although either of them, or both
should claim, as indeed they both may do, to be of Divine
Right independently upon the other. Let any man come up
to the point, and show if he can, how and wherein the Epi
scopal Power is any thing at all diminished by affirming the
Regal to be of Divine Right ? or how and wherein the Regal
Power is at all prejudiced, by affirming the Episcopal to be of
Divine Right ? The opposition between these two terms, to be
from Heaven, and to be of Men, which was objected, cometh
not home enough : unless we should affirm them both of one
and the same Power in the same respect. Which since we do
not, that opposition hindereth not but that the same Power
may be said to be of both in divers respects: viz. to be from
Heaven, or of God, in respect of the substance of the thing in
the general ; and yet to be of men in respect of the determi
nation of sundry particularities requisite unto the lawful and
laudable exercise thereof.
X. Secondly, that the derivation of any Power from God
doth not necessarily infer the non-subjection of the persons in
whom that Power resideth to all other men. For, doubtless,
the power that fathers have over their children, husbands over
their wives, masters over their servants, is from Heaven, of
God, and not of men. Yet are parents, husbands, masters,
in the exercise of their several respective Powers, subject to
the Power, Jurisdiction, and Laws of their lawful Sovereigns.
And I suppose it would be a very hard matter for any man to
find out a clear and satisfactory reason of difference between
the Ecclesiastical Power and the Oeconomical : why the one,
because it claimeth to be of Divine Right, should be therefore
thought to be injurious to Regal Power ; and the other, though
claiming in the same manner, not to be injurious.
XL Thirdly, the Ministerial Power in that which is common
to Bishops with their Fellow-Presbyters, viz. the Preaching of
the Word and the Administration of the Sacraments, &c. is
confessed to be from Heaven and of God, and yet no prejudice
at all conceived to be done thereby to the Regal Power, be
cause the Ministers who exercise that Power are the King's
Subjects, and are also in the executing of those very acts that
are proper to their Ministerial Functions to be limited and
156 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
ordered by the King's* Ecclesiastical Laws. A man might
therefore justly wonder (but that it is no new thing to find in
[Deut. xxv. the bag of such merchants as we have now to deal with, pon-
*3'-' dus et pondus) how it should come to pass that the Episcopal
Power, in that which is peculiar to Bishops above other their
brethren in the Ministry, viz. the Ordaining of Priests and
Deacons, and the managing of the Keys, cannot be said to be
of God, but it must be forthwith condemned to be highly
derogatory to the Regal Power, notwithstanding the Bishops
acknowledge themselves as freely as any others whosoever to
be the King's Subjects, and submit themselves, with as much
willingness, I dare say, and some Presbyterians know I speak
but the truth, as the meanest of their fellow Ministers do, to
be limited in exercising the proper acts of their Episcopal
Functions by such Laws as have been by Regal Power esta
blished in this Realm. The King doth no more challenge to
himself, as belonging to him by virtue of his Supremacy Ec
clesiastical, the Power of Ordaining Ministers, excommunicat
ing scandalous offenders, or doing any other act of Episcopal
Office in his own person, than he doth the Power of Preach
ing, Administering the Sacraments, or doing any other act of
Ministerial Office in his own person ; but leaveth the perform
ance of all such acts of either sort unto such persons, as the
said several respective Powers do of Divine Right belong unto,
viz. of the one sort to the Bishop, and of the other to all
Priests. Yet doth the King, by virtue of that Supremacy,
challenge a power as belonging unto him in the right of his
Crown, to make Laws as well concerning Preaching, Adminis
tering the Sacraments, and other acts belonging to the func
tion of a Priest, as concerning Ordination of Ministers, pro
ceedings in matters of Ecclesiastical cognizance in the Spiritual
Courts, and other acts belonging to the function of a Bishop.
To which Laws as well the Priests as the Bishops are subject,
and ought to submit to be limited and regulated thereby in
the exercise of those their several respective Powers, their
claim to a Jus Divinum, and that their said several Powers
are of God, notwithstanding. I demand then, as to the Regal
* * by the King's.' In Editions subsequent to the First, ' by the Eccle
siastical Laws.'
TO REGAL POWER. 157
Power, is not the case of the Bishops and of the Ministers
every way alike ? Do they not both pretend their Powers to
be of God ? And are they not yet for all that both bound in
the exercise of those Powers * to obey the King and his Laws ?
Is there not clearly the same reason of both ? How then
cometh it to pass, that these are pronounced innocent, and
those guilty ? Can any think God will wink at such foul par
tiality? or account them pure with the bag of deceitful [Micah vi.
. j. 0 II.]
weights r
XII. Fourthly, that there can be no fear of any danger to
arise to the prejudice of the Regal Power, from the opinion
that Bishops are Jure Divino, unless that opinion should be
stretched to one of these two constructions : viz. as if it were
intended, either, i°, that all the Power which Bishops have
legally exercised in Christian Kingdoms did belong to them
as of Divine Right ; or, 2°, that Bishops living under Christian
Kings might at least exercise so much of their power as is of
Divine Right after their own pleasure, without, or even against
the King's leave, or without respect to the Laws and Customs
of the Realm. Neither of which is any part of our meaning.
All Power, to the exercise whereof our Bishops have pre
tended, cometh under one of the two heads : of Order, or of
Jurisdiction. The Power of Order consisteth partly in Preach
ing the Word and other Offices of Public Worship, common
to them with their fellow Ministers ; partly in Ordaining Priests
and Deacons, admitting them to their particular Cures, and
other things of like nature, peculiar to them alone. The power
of Jurisdiction is either internal, in retaining and remitting
sins in foro Conscientiae, common to them also, for the sub
stance of the authority, though with some difference of degree,
with other Ministers, or external for the outward government
of the Church in some parts thereof peculiar to them alone.
For that external Power is either directive, in prescribing rules
and orders to those under their Jurisdictions, and making
Canons and Constitutions to be observed by the Church,
wherein the inferior Clergy by their representatives in Con
vocation have their votes as well as the Bishops, and both
* ' of those Powers/ In Editions subsequent to the First, ' of both
those Powers.'
158 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
dependency upon the King (for they cannot either meet with
out his Writ, or treat without his Commission, or establish
without his Royal Assent) ; or judiciary and coercive, in giv
ing sentence in foro exteriori in matters of Ecclesiastical Cog
nisance, excommunicating, fining, imprisoning offenders, and
the like. Of these Powers, some branches, not only in the
exercise thereof, but even in the very substance of the Power
itself, as namely that of external Jurisdiction coercive, are by
the Laws declared, and by the Clergy acknowledged, to be
wholly and entirely derived from the King, as the sole foun
tain of all authority of external Jurisdiction, whether spiritual
or temporal, within the Realm ; and consequently not of Di
vine Right. Other some, although the substance of the Power
itself be immediately from God, and not from the King, as
those of Preaching, Ordaining, Absolving, &c, yet are they so
subject to be inhibited, limited, or otherwise regulated in the
outward exercise of that Power by the Laws and Customs of
the Land, as that the whole execution thereof still dependeth
upon the Regal Authority. And how can the gross of that
Power be prejudicial to the King or his Supremacy, whereof
all the parts are confessed either to be derived from him, or
not to be executed without him ?
XIII. Fifthly, that if Episcopacy must be therefore con
cluded to be repugnant to Monarchy, because it claimeth to
be of Divine Right, then must Monarchs either suffer within
their dominions no form of Church Government at all, and
then will Church, and with it Religion, soon fall to the ground ;
or else they must devise some new model of Government, such
as never was yet used or challenged in any part of the Chris
tian world: since no form of Government ever yet used, or
challenged, but hath claimed to a Jus Divinum as well as
Episcopacy. Yea, I may say truly, every one of them with
far more noise, though with far less reason than Episcopacy
hath done. And therefore of what party soever the Objectors
are, Papists, Presbyterians, or Independents, they show them
selves extremely partial against the honest regular Protestant,
in condemning him as an enemy to Regal Power for holding
that in his way, which, if it be justly chargeable with such a
crime, themselves holding the very same in their several ways,
are every whit as deeply guilty of as he.
TO REGAL POWER, 159
XI\r. Lastly, that this their partiality is by so much the
more inexcusable, by how much the true English Protestant
for his Government not only hath a better title to a Jus Di
vinum than any of the other three have for theirs, but also
pleadeth the same with more caution and modesty than any
of them do. Which of the four pretenders hath the best title,
is no part of the business we are now about. The trial of that
will rest upon the strength of the arguments that are brought
to maintain it : wherein the Presbyterians perhaps will not
find any very great advantage beyond the rest of those that
contest for it. But let the right be where it will be, we will
for the present suppose them all to have equal title, and thus
far indeed they are equal, that every one taketh his own to
be best; and it shall suffice to show, that the Jus Divinum
is pleaded by the Episcopal party with more calmness and
moderation, and with less derogation from Regal Dignity,
than by any other of the three.
XV. For, first, the rest, when they spake * of Jus Divinum
in reference to their several ways of Church- Government, take
it in the highest elevation, in the first and strictest sense.
The Papist groundeth the Pope's Oecumenical Supremacy
upon Christ's Command to Peter to execute it, and to all the
flock of Christ, Princes also as well as others, to submit to
him as their Universal Pastor. The Presbyterian crieth up
his Model of Government and Discipline, though minted in
the last by-gone century, as the very sceptre of Christ's King
dom, whereunto all Kings are bound to submit theirs : making
it as unalterable and inevitably necessary to the being of a
Church, as the Word and Sacraments are. The Independent
Separatist also, upon that grand principle of Puritanism, com
mon to him with the Presbyterian, the very root of almost all
the Sects in the world, viz. that nothing is to be ordered in
Church matters, other, or otherwise than Christ hath ap
pointed in His Word, holdeth that any company of people
gathered together by mutual consent in a Church-way is Jure
Divino free and absolute within itself, to govern itself by such
rules as it shall judge agreeable to God's Word, without de
pendence upon any but Christ Jesus alone, or subjection to any
* * spake.' So in all the Editions. ? ' speak.'
160 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
Prince, Prelate, or other human person or Consistory whatso
ever. All these, you see, do not only claim to a Jus Divi-
num, and that of a very high nature, but in setting down their
opinions weave in some expresses tending to the diminution of
the Ecclesiastical Supremacy of Princes. Whereas the Epi
scopal Party neither meddle with the power of Princes, nor
are ordinarily very forward to press the Jus Divinum, but
rather purposely decline the mentioning of it, as a term sub
ject to misconstruction, as hath been said, or else so interpret
it as not of necessity to import any more than an Apostolical
Institution. Yet the Apostle's authority in that Institution,
being warranted by the example, and, as they doubt not, the
direction of their Master, Jesus Christ, they worthily esteem
to be so reverend and obligatory, as that they would not for a
world have any hand in, or willingly and deliberately contri
bute the least assistance towards, much less bind themselves
by solemn League and Covenant to endeavour, the exstirpation
of that Government ; but rather on the contrary hold them
selves in their consciences obliged, to the uttermost of their
powers to endeavour the preservation and continuance thereof
in these Churches, and do heartily wish the restitution and
establishment of the same, wheresoever it is not, or whereso
ever it hath been heretofore, under any whatsoever pretence,
unhappily laid aside, or abolished.
XVI. Secondly, the rest, not by remote inferences, but by
immediate and natural deduction out of their own acknow
ledged principles, do some way or other deny the King's
Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical : either claiming a power
of Jurisdiction over him, or pleading a privilege of Exemption
from under him. The Papists do it both ways, in their several
doctrines of the Pope's Supremacy, and of the Exemption of
the Clergy. The Puritans of both sorts, who think they have
sufficiently confuted every thing they have a mind to mislike,
if they have once pronounced it Popish and Anti-Christian, do
yet herein, as in very many other things, and some of them of
the most dangerous consequence, symbolize with the Papists,
and after a sort divide that branch of Anti-Christianism
wholly between them : the Presbyterians claiming to their
Consistories as full and absolute spiritual jurisdiction over
Princes, with power even to excommunicate them, if they
TO REGAL POWER, 161
shall see cause for it, as the Papists challenge to belong to the
Pope; and the Independents exempting their Congregations
from all spiritual subjection to them, in as ample manner, as the
Papists do their Clergy. Whereas the English Protestant Bishops
and regular Clergy, as becometh good Christians and good Sub
jects, do neither pretend to any jurisdiction over the Kings of
England, nor withdraw their subjection from them; but acknow
ledge them to have Sovereign Power over them, as well as over
their other subjects ; and that in all matters, Ecclesiastical as
well as temporal. By all which it is clear, that the Jus Divi-
num of Episcopacy, as it is maintained by those they call,
stylo novo, the Prelatical party in England, is not an opinion
of so dangerous a nature, nor so derogatory to the Regal
Powers, as the adversaries thereof would make the world
believe it is; but that rather, of all the forms of Church-
Government that ever yet were endeavoured to be brought
into the Churches of Christ, it is the most innocent in that
behalf.
SECTION III.
In answer to the latter Objection.
I. Having thus cleared the opinion held concerning Episco
pacy in the Church of England from the crime unjustly
charged upon it by the adversaries, but whereof in truth
themselves are deeply guilty, in their former Objection, our
next business will be the easier, to justify it in the practice
also from the like charge laid against it in the latter Objec
tion, by shewing that the Jurisdiction exercised by the Bishops
within this Realm, and namely in that particular which the
Objectors urge with most vehemency, of acting so many things
in their own names, is no way derogatory to the King's Majes
ty's Power or honour. Wherein it were enough for the satis
faction of every understanding man, without descending to any
further particularities, to shew the impertinency of the Objec
tors from these two general Considerations.
II. First, that the Bishops have exercised no Jurisdiction in
foro externo within this Realm but such as hath been granted
unto them by the successive Kings of England ; neither have
challenged any such Jurisdiction to belong unto them by any
inherent right or title in their persons or callings, but only by
SANDERSON, VOL. V. M
162 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
emanation and derivation from the Royal Authority. The
very words of the Statute, primo Edw. VI, in the Objection
mentioned run thus : ' Seeing that all authority of Jurisdiction
Spiritual and Temporal is derived and deducted from the
King's Majesty as Supreme Head, and so justly acknowledged
by the Clergy of the said Realms, and that all Courts Eccle
siastical be kept by no other power or authority, either foreign
or within the Realms, but by the authority of His most Excel
lent Majesty,' &c. Now the regular exercise of a derived
Power is so far from destroying, or any way diminishing that
original Power from whence it is derived, as that it rather
confirmeth and establisheth the same. Yea, the further such
derived Power is extended and enlarged in the exercise
thereof, so as it be regular, that is, so long as it containeth
itself within the bounds of its grant, and exceedeth not the
limits prefixed thereunto by that original Power that granted
it, the more it serveth to set forth the honour and greatness of
that original power : since the virtue of the efficient Cause is
best known by the greatness of the effect ; for propter quod
unumquodque est tale, illud ipsum est magis tale. As the
warmth of the room doth not lessen the heat of the fire upon
the hearth, but is rather a sign of the greatness of that heat :
nor doth the abundance of sap in the branches cause any
abatement in the root, but is rather an evident demonstration
of the greater plenty there.
III. Secondly, that it is one of the greatest follies in the
world, to endeavour in good earnest to maintain any thing by
argument, when we have the evidence of sense or experience
to the contrary. For what is it cum ratione insanire, if this
be not ? to deny fire to be hot, or water to be moist, or snow
to be white, when our senses inform us they are such ? Or to
prove by argument that life may be perpetuated by the help
of art and good diet, or that infants are capable of faith or
instruction by ordinary means, when experience showeth the
contrary. Now the experience of above fourscore years, ever
since the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, doth make it
most evident, that the exercise of Episcopal Jurisdiction by the
Protestant Bishops here, was so far from diminishing the
Power, or eclipsing the Glory of the Crown, that the Kings
and Queens of England never enjoyed their Royal Power in a
TO REGAL POWER. 168
fuller measure, or flourished with greater lustre, honour, and
prosperity, than when the Bishops, by their favour, enjoyed
the full liberty of their Courts, Jurisdictions, honours, and pri
vileges, according to ancient grants of former Kings, and the
Laws and Customs of England. On the other side, in what
condition of power and honour, otherwise than in the hearts
of his oppressed subjects, our most pious and gracious Sove
reign that now is hath stood, and at this present standeth,
through the prevalency of the Smectymnuan Faction,* ever
since they had the opportunity and forehead, from lopping off,
as was at first pretended, some luxuriant superfluities, as they
at least imagined them to be, in the branches of Episcopal
Jurisdiction, as High Commission Oath, ex officio^ &c, to pro
ceed to take away Episcopacy itself root and branch, it were
a happy thing for us, if the lamentable experience of these
late times would suffer us to be ignorant. So as we now look
upon that short aphorism so usual with His Majesty's Royal
Father, ' No Bishop, no King,' J not as a sentence only full of
present truth when it was uttered, but rather as a sad pro
phecy of future events, since come to pass. The miseries of
these wasting divisions both in the Church and Commonwealth
we cannot with any reason hope to see an end of, until it shall
please Almighty God, in His infinite mercy to a sinful Nation,
to restore them both, King and Bishops, to their ancient, just,
and rightful Power ; and in order thereunto graciously to hear
the weak prayers of a small oppressed party, yet coming from
loyal hearts, and going not out of feigned lips, beyond the
loud, crying perjuries, sacrileges, and oppressions of those that
* Smectymnuus, made up of the whom it was administered to an-
Initials of Stephen Marshall, Ed- swer all questions, even to the cri-
mund Calamy, Thomas Young, minatingof themselves or their most
Matthew Newcomen, and William intimate friends. Reasons for and
Spurstow, was a feigned Name against the Court and the Oath are
under which those five Divines, in given by Fuller, in his Church His-
1641, published an Answer to* An tory, Book ix. Cent. xvi. Sect. 5.
Humble Remonstrance to the High See Strype's Life of Whitgift, ii. 28,
Court of Parliament by a dutiful 76, and Appendix 232, 263, 8°. for
son of the Church,' drawn up by Cartwright's refusal to take the Oath
Bp. Hall in the preceding year. ex cfficio in 1590.
f The Court of High Commission J See Barlow's Sum and Sub-
was constituted in 1584, and abo- stance of the Conference at Hampton
lished in 1641. The Oath ex qfficio Court, pp. 36, 82; or in Cardwell's
or ex officio mero obliged those to History of Conferences, p. 203.
M 2
164 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
now exercise an arbitrary Sovereignty over their fellow-
subjects Avithout either justice or mercy, together with the
abominable hypocrisy and disloyalty that hath so long reigned
in them and their adherents.
IV. Those two general Considerations, although they might,
as I said, suffice to take away the force of the Objection, with
out troubling ourselves or the Reader with any further answer
thereunto, yet that the Objectors may not have the least
occasion given them to quarrel the proceedings,* as if we did
purposely decline a just trial, we shall come up a little closer,
and examine more particularly every material point, in the
order as they lie in the Objection aforesaid. And the Points
are three.
1. That the manner used by the Bishops, in sending out
their Summonses, &c. in their own names, is contrary
to the form and order of other Courts.
2. That such forms of Process seem to have at first pro
ceeded from the usurped power of the Bishops of
Rome, who laboured by all possible means to bring
down the Regal Power and set up their own.
3. That upon these very grounds the Custom was altered
by Act of Parliament, and a Statute made i Edw. VI. ,f
howsoever since repealed and discontinued, that all Pro
cesses Ecclesiastical should be made in the King's Name,
and not in the Bishops'.
V. As to the first point, true it is that the manner used by
the Bishops in the Ecclesiastical Courts, viz. in issuing out
Summonses, Citations, Processes, giving Judgments, &c. in
their own Names> and not in the King's, is different from the
mariner used in the King's Bench, Exchequer, Chancery, and
sundry other Courts. But that difference neither doth of
necessity import an independency of the Ecclesiastical Courts
upon the King, nor did in all probability arise at the beginning
from the opinion of any such independency; nor ought in
reason to be construed as a disacknowledgment of the King's
Authority and Supremacy Ecclesiastical.
VI. For, first, there is between such Courts as are the
King's own immediate Courts, and such Courts as are not, a
* ' quarrel the proceedings.' Compare Sermon iii. ad Magistratum,
§.13. t See above, p. 145.
TO REGAL POWER. 165
great difference in this point. Of the former sort are espe
cially the King's Bench and Chancery : as also the Courts of
Common Pleas, Exchequer, Justices of Gaol-delivery, &c. In
the King's Bench the Kings themselves in former times have
often personally sat, whence it came to have the name of the
King's Bench ; neither was it tied to any particular place, but
followed the King's person. At this day also all Writs return
able there run in this style, Coram nobis, and not, as in some
other Courts, Coram Justitiariis nostris or the like ; and all
Judicial Records there are styled, and the Pleas there holden
entered, Coram Rege, and not Coram Justitiariis Domini
Regis. Appeals also are made from inferior Judges in other
Courts to the King in Chancery, because in the construction of
the Laws the King's personal Power and Presence is supposed
to be there ; and therefore Sub-poznas granted out of that
Court, and all matters of Record passed there, run in the same
style. Coram Rege, fyc ; forasmuch as in the Judges in these
two Courts there is a more immediate representation of the
King's personal power and presence, than in the Judges of
those other Courts of Common Pleas, Exchequer, &c. which
yet, by reason of his immediate virtual power and presence,
are the King's immediate Courts too. In regard of which his
immediate virtual power, although the style of the Writs and
Records there be not Coram nobis, Coram Rege, as in the
former, but only Coram Justitiariis, Coram Baronibus nos
tris, fyc, yet inasmuch as the Judges in those Courts are the
King's immediate sworn Ministers to execute justice, and to do
equal right to all the King's people in his name, therefore all
Processes, Pleas, Acts, and Judgments arc made and done in
those Courts, as well as in the two former, in the King's Name.
But in such Courts as do not suppose any such immediate
representation or presence of the King's either personal or
virtual power, as that thereby they may be holden and taken
to be the King's own immediate Courts, the case is far other
wise. For neither are the Judges in those Courts sworn the
King's Judges, to administer justice and do right to the King's
subjects in his name and stead ; nor do they take upon them
the authority, to cite any person, or to give any sentence, or
to do any act of jurisdiction in the King's name ; having never
been by him authorized so to do. Of this sort are, amongst
166 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
others best known to them that are skilled in the Laws of this
Realm, all Courts-Baron held by the Lord of a Manor, Cus
tomary Courts of Copyholders, &c. and such Courts as are
held by the King's grant, by Charter to some Corporation, as
to a City, Borough, or University ; or else by long usage and
prescription of time. In all which Courts, and if there be any
other of like nature, Summonses are issued out, and Judgments
given, and all other Acts and Proceedings made and done in
the name of such persons as have chief authority in the said
Courts, and not in the name of the King : so as the styles run
thus, A. B. Major civitatis Ebor. ; N. M. Cancellarius Uni-
versitatis Oxon. and the like ; and not Carolus, Dei Gratia,
%c.
VII. Upon this ground it is that our Lawyers* tell us out
of Bracton,f that, in case of Bastardy to be certified by the
Bishop, no inferior Court, as London, York, Norwich, or any
other Incorporation, can write to the Bishop to require him to
certify ; but any of the King's Courts at Westminster, as Com
mon Pleas, King's Bench, &c. may write to him to certify in
that case. The reason is, because Nullus alius prceter Begem
potest Episcopo demandare inquisitionem faciendam. Which
maketh it plain that the King's immediate Power, either per
sonal or virtual, is by the Law supposed to be present in
Courts of the one sort, not of the other : the one sort being
his own immediate Courts, and the other not.
VIII. Now that the Ecclesiastical Courts, wherein the
Bishops exercise their jurisdiction, are of the latter sort, I
doubt not but our Law-books will afford plenty of arguments
to prove it, beyond all possibility of contradiction or cavil.
Which, being little versed in those studies, I leave for them to
find out who have leisure to search the books, and do better
understand the nature, constitution, differences, and bounds of
the several Courts within this realm. One argument there is,
very obvious to every understanding, which because I shall have
fit occasion a little after to declare, I will not now any longer
insist upon, taken from the nature of the jurisdiction of these
Courts, so far distant from the jurisdiction appertaining to
* Coke, I. Instit. Book ii. Sect. f De Legibus et Consuetudinibus
201. Angliae, iv. 19.
TO REGAL POWER. 167
those other Courts, that these are notoriously separated and
in common and vulgar speech distinguished from all other by
the peculiar name and appellation of the Spiritual Courts. But
another argument, which those books have suggested, I am
the more willing here to produce, for that it not only suffi
ciently proveth the matter now in hand, but is also very need
ful to be better known abroad in the world than it is, for the
removing of a very unjust censure, which, merely for want
of the knowledge of the true cause, hath been laid upon the
Bishops in one particular, to their great wrong and prejudice.
It hath been much talked on, not only by the common sort of
people, but by some persons also of better rank and under
standing, and imputed to the Bishops as an act of very high
insolency, that in their Processes, Patents, Commissions, Li
cences, and other Instruments whereunto their Episcopal Seal
is affixed, so oft as they have occasion to mention themselves,
the style runneth evermore in the plural number, JVos, G. Can-
tuar. Archiepiscopus, Cor am nobis, Salvo nobis, Sfc. just as it
doth in His Majesty's Letters Patents and Commissions : there
by shewing themselves, say they, as if they were his fellows
and equals. All this great noise and clamour against the pride
of the Bishops upon this score, proceedeth, as I said, merely
from the ignorance of the true original cause and ground of
that innocent and ancient usage ; and therefore cannot signify
much to any reasonable and considering man, when that
ground is discovered : which is this, viz. that every Bishop is
in construction of our Laws a Corporation. For although the
Bishop of himself and in his private and personal capacity be
but a single person as other men are, and accordingly in his
Letters concerning his own particular affairs, and in all other
his actings upon his own occasions and as a private person,
writetli of himself in the singular number, as other private
men do ; yet for as much as in his public and politic capacity,
and as a Bishop in the Church of England, he standeth in the
eye of the Law as a Corporation, the King not only alloweth
him, acting in that capacity, to write of himself in the plural
number, but in all Writs directed to him as Bishop, as in
Presentations, and the like, bespeaketh him in the plural num
ber, Vestrae Dioecesis, Vobis praesentamus, fyc. The Bishop
then being a Corporation, and that by the King's authority., as
168 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
all other Corporations, whether simple or aggregate, whether
by Charter or Prescription, are, it is meet he should hold his
Courts, and proceed therein in the same manner and form,
where there is no apparent reason to the contrary, as other
Corporations do. And therefore as it would be a high pre
sumption for the Chancellor and Scholars of one of the Uni
versities, being a Corporation to whom the King by his Charter
hath granted a Court, or for the Mayor and Aldermen of a
City for the same reason, to issue Writs, or do other acts in
their Courts in the King's Name, not having any authority
from the King or the grant, or from the Laws and Customs of
England so to do : so doubtless it would for the same reason
be esteemed a presumption no less intolerable for the Bishops
to use the King's Name in their Processes and judicial acts,
not having any sufficient legal warrant or authority for so
doing.
IX. Which if it were duly considered, would induce any
reasonable man to believe and confess that this manner of
proceeding in their own Names used by the Bishops in their
Courts, is so far from trenching upon the Regal Power and
Authority, which is the crime charged upon it by the Object
ors, that the contrary usage, unless it were enjoined by some
Law of the Land, as it was in the Reign of King Edward the
Sixth, might far more justly be charged therewithal. For the
true reason of using the King's Name in any Court, is not
thereby to acknowledge the emanation of the Power or Juris
diction of that Court from, or the subordination of that Power
unto, the King's Power or Authority, as the Objectors seem
to suppose ; but rather to show the same Court to be one of
the King's own immediate Courts, wherein the King himself
is supposed, in the construction of the Law, either by his per
sonal or virtual power to be present. And the not using of
the King's Name in other Courts doth not infer, as if the
Judges of the said Courts did not act by the King's Authority,
(for who can imagine that they who hold a Court by virtue of
the King's grant only, should pretend to act by any other
than his Authority ?) but only that they are no immediate
representatives of the King's person in such their Jurisdiction,
nor have consequently any allowance from him to use his
Name in the exercise or execution thereof.
TO REGAL POWER. 169
X. Secondly, there is another observable difference in this
point between the King's Common Law Courts, such as are
most of those aforementioned, and those Courts that proceed
according to the way of the Civil Law. If the King appoint
a Constable, or Earl Marshal, or Admiral of England, foras
much as all Trials in the Marshal's Court, commonly called
the Court of Honour, and in the Admiralty are according to
the Civil Law ; all Processes therefore, Sentences, and Acts
in those Courts go in the names of the Constable, Earl Mar
shal, or Admiral, and not in the King's Name. Which manner
of proceeding constantly used in those Courts, sith no man
hitherto hath been found to interpret as any diminution at all
or disacknowledgment of the King's Sovereignty over the said
Courts, it were not possible the same manner of proceeding in
the Ecclesiastical Courts should be so confidently charged with
so heinous a crime, did not the intervention of some wicked
lust or other prevail with men of corrupt minds to become S. James
partial judges of evil thoughts.
XL Especially considering that, thirdly, there is yet a more
special and peculiar reason to be given in the behalf of the
Bishops for not using the King's Name in their Processes, &c.
in the Ecclesiastical Courts, than can be given for the Judges
of any other the abovementioned Courts, either of the Common
or Civil Laws, in the said respect ; arising, as hath been al
ready in part touched, from the different nature of their several
respective Jurisdictions. Which is, that the summons and
other proceedings and acts in the Ecclesiastical Courts are for
the most part in order to the Ecclesiastical censures and sen
tences of excommunication, &c. The passing of which sen
tences, and others of like kind, being a part of the Power of
the Keys which our Lord Jesus Christ thought fit to leave in
the hands of His Apostles and their successors, and not in the
hands of laymen, the Kings of England never challenged to
belong unto themselves, but left the exercise of that Power
entirely to the Bishops, as the lawful successors of the Apo
stles, and inheritors of their Power. The regulating and
ordering of that Power in sundry circumstances concerning
the outward exercise thereof, in for 'o externo, the godly Kings
of England have thought to belong unto them as in the right
of their Crown ; and have accordingly made Laws concerning
170 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
the same, even as they have done also concerning other mat
ters appertaining to Religion and the Worship of God. But
the substance of that Power, and the function thereof, as they
saw it to be altogether improper to their office and calling, so
they never pretended or laid claim thereunto. But on the
contrary, when, by occasion of the title of Supreme Head, &c.
assumed by King Henry the Eighth, they were charged by
the Papists for challenging to themselves such Power and
Authority spiritual, they constantly and openly disavowed it
to the whole world, renouncing all claim to any such Power
or Authority. As is manifest, not only from the allowed writ
ings of many godly Bishops, eminent for their learning in their
several respective times, in vindication of the Church of Eng
land from that calumny of the Papists ; as Archbishop Whit-
gift, Bishop Bilson, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Carleton, and
others ; but also by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth, and
the Admonition prefixed thereunto ; by the thirty-seventh Ar
ticle of the Church of England, required to be subscribed by
all that take Orders in the Church or Degrees in the Uni
versities; and by constant declared judgment and practice of
the two late Kings of blessed memory, King James, and King
Charles the First. They who thus expressly disclaimed the
meddling with spiritual censures, and the power of the Keys,
cannot be rationally supposed to have thought their own pre
sence, either personal or virtual, any way requisite in the
Courts where such censures were to be pronounced, and that
Power to be administered and exercised ; and therefore doubt
less could not deem it fit or proper, that in the juridical pro
ceedings of such Courts their Names should be used.
XII. The second point in the charge objected is, that this
custom used by the Bishops in acting all things in the Eccle
siastical Courts in their own Names grew at first from the
exorbitant power of the Popes, who laboured what they could
to advance their own greatness by exempting the Clergy from
all subjection to temporal Princes, and setting up an Ecclesi
astical Power of Jurisdiction independent upon the Secular ;
and that the Parliament had that sense of it in the Reign of
King Edward the Sixth, as the words of the Statute made,
i Edward VI, for the altering of the said Custom, do plainly
intimate.
TO REGAL POWER. 171
XIII. In which part of the Charge there is at the most but
thus much of Truth. i°. That the Bishops of Rome did not
omit with all sedulity to pursue the grand design of that See,
which was to bring all Christian Princes into subjection to it
self. 2°. That all the labouring for the exemption of the
Clergy from the Secular Powers was in order to that design.
3°. That the Bishops' manner of using their own names in all
acts of their Jurisdiction, looked upon alone and by itself,
without any consideration of the true reasons thereof, doth
carry, by so much the more, show of serving the Papal In
terest, than if they should do all in the King's Name, by how
much the acknowledging the King's Supremacy Ecclesiastical
is less apparent therein than in the other. 4°. That the want of
such an express acknowledgment of the King's Supremacy,
together with the jealousies the State had in those times over
any thing that might seem to further or favour the usurped
power of the Pope in the least degree, might very probably
in this particular, as well as it did in some other things, occa
sion such men as bare the greatest sway in managing the
public affairs in the beginning of that godly but young King's
Reign, out of a just detestation of the Papacy, to endeavour
over-hastily the abolishing of whatsoever was with any colour
suggested unto them to savour of Popery, without such due
examination of the grounds of those suggestions as was requi
site in a matter of so great importance.
XIV. This is all we can, perhaps more than we need, yield
unto in this point of the Charge. But then there are some
other things which we cannot easily assent unto : as viz.
i°. That this Custom had undoubtedly its original and
growth from the Pope's usurped Power. Which as we think
it impossible for them to prove, so it seemeth to us the less
probable, because by comparing of this course used in the
Ecclesiastical Courts with the practice of sundry other Courts,
some of like, some of different nature thereunto, we have al
ready showed the true reasons and grounds of the difference
between some Courts and other some in this particular.
2°. That it is a rag or r clique of Antichristian Tyranny.
Which we believe to be altogether untrue. Not only for the
reasons before specified, and for that the same is done in sun
dry other Courts holden within this Realm without any note
172 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
of Antichristianism or Popery fastened thereupon ; but also
because it hath been constantly continued in this Kingdom,
the short Reign of King Edward the Sixth only excepted, with
the allowance of all the Protestant Kings and Queens of this
Realm ever since the Reformation. Who, although they be
ever and anon taxed by the Puritan Faction, unjustly and in
solently enough, for want of a Thorough Reformation, and
leaving so much Popish trash unpurged in the point of Wor
ship and Ceremonies, yet have not usually been blamed by
that party for being wanting to themselves in vindicating to
the uttermost their Regal Authority and Supremacy Eccle
siastical from the usurped Power of the Bishops of Rome, in
any thing wherein they conceived it to be in any wise or de
gree concerned. As also because this manner of proceeding
in the Courts Ecclesiastical hath been constantly, and without
scruple of Conscience or suspicion of Popery, used and prac
tised by all our godly and orthodox Bishops, even those who
have been the most zealous maintainers of our Religion against
the Papists, and such as have particularly written against the
Antichristian Tyranny of the Pope, or in defence of the King's
Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical ; as Jewel, Bilson, Abbot,
Buckeridge, Carleton, and many others.
XV. But against all this that hath been said, how agreeable
soever it may seem to Truth and Reason, may be opposed the
judgment of the whole Realm in Parliament, the Bishops them
selves also then sitting and voting as well as other the Lords
and Commons, in the first year of the Reign of King Edward
the Sixth, who thought fit by their Act to alter the aforesaid
form, and that upon the two aforesaid grounds : viz. that it was
contrary to the form and order of the Common Law Courts,
and according to the form and manner used in the time of the
usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome. Which being the last
and weightiest point in the Charge, is the more considerable,
in that, besides its own strength, it giveth also further strength
and confirmation to the other two.
XVI. But for answer unto this argument drawn from the
judgment of the Parliament, as it is declared in the Statute of
i Edw. VI, I would demand of the Objectors, where they
place the chief strength of the argument? whether in the
Authority of the Persons, viz. the great Assembly of State
TO REGAL POWER, 178
convened in Parliament, so judging ; or in [the] validity of
those reasons which led them so to judge. If in this latter,
their judgment can weigh no more than the reasons do
whereon it is built ; the frailty whereof we have already
examined and discovered. If in the Authority of the Judges,
we lay in the balance against it the judgment of the Kingdom
in all the Parliaments after the decease of King Edward for
above fourscore Years together : the first whereof repealed
that Statute ; ,and none of those that followed, for ought
appeareth to us, ever went about to revive it.
XVII. If it shall be said, first, that the enacting of that
Statute by King Edward was done in order to the further
abolishing of Popery, and the perfecting of the Reformation
begun by his father, I answer, that as it was a very pious care,
and of singular example in so young a Prince, to intend and
endeavour the Reformation of Religion and the Church within
his Realms, for which even at this day we have cause to
acknowledge the good Providence of Almighty God in raising
him up to become so blessed an instrument of His glory and
our good, — so on the other side we cannot doubt but that the
business of Reformation under him was carried on with such
mixture of private ends, and other human frailties and af
fections, as are usually incident into the enterprising of great
affairs, especially such as cannot be effected without the assist
ance of many instruments. All of which in likelihood being
not of one judgment and temper, but having their several
inclinations, passions, and interests with great difference, the
product of their endeavours, whatsoever sincerity there were
in the intentions of the first mover, must needs be such as the
constitution of the most prevalent instruments employed in the
work would permit it to be. The very name of Reformation
of Religion and Manners, and of abuses crept into the Church
or Commonwealth, carrieth with it a great deal of outward
glory and lustre, filling the hearts of men with expectations of
much happiness to ensue ; and in that hope is evermore enter
tained with general applause, especially of the vulgar sort :
because men look upon it as it were in the idea, that is to say,
as it is fancied and devised in the mind and imagination, and
abstractedly from those impediments and inconveniences, which
when they come ad practicandum, and to put their thoughts
174 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
in execution, they shall be sure to meet withal more or less,
to render the performance short of the promise and ex
pectation.
XVIII. Now because Reformation is so much talked of in
these evil days of ours, wherein thousands of well-meaning
people have been seduced into dangerous by-paths by that
specious name, it will not be amiss, though we may seem per
haps to digress a little for it, to prompt the reader to some
considerations, that may incline him rather to suspect a thing
to be ill done, than to be confident that it is well done, if he
have no other reason of that confidence but this, that it is pre
tended to be done by way of Reformation.
XIX. It is considerable, first, that Reformation is the usual
vizard, wherewith men of insatiable avarice or ambition dis
guise their base, unworthy intentions, that the ugliness thereof
may not appear to vulgar eyes. Seldom hath any sacrilegious
or seditious attempt appeared abroad in the world, and been
countenanced either by the great ones or the many, which
hath not been ushered in by this piece of Hypocrisy. Not to
look further, backward or forward, for instances in both kinds,
than to the Reign of that King wherein the Statute so much
insisted upon was made ; it cannot be denied, but that during
the reign of that religious and godly young King, without his
knowledge as we verily hope and believe, or at most through
the malicious suggestions and cunning insinuations of some
that were about him, such sacrileges were acted, and that
under the name and pretence of Reformation, as have cast a
very foul blemish upon our very Religion, especially in the
eyes of our adversaries, who have ever showed themselves
forward enough to impute the faults of the persons to the
profession. And under the same pretence of Reformation were
also masked all the bloodshed, mischiefs, and outrages com
mitted by Kett* and his seditious rabble in the same King's
Reign : insomuch as a great oak whereat they appointed their
usual meetings, and whereon, by the just judgment of God,
himself, the ringleader of that rebellion, was afterwards hanged,
was by them called the Oak of Reformation. By what was
done in those times, ill enough indeed, yet modestly in com-
* Compare De Conscientia, Prael. v. §. n.
TO REGAL POWER. 175
parison of what hath been done in ours, we may have a near
guess what their meaning is, that are so eagerly set upon a
Thorough Reformation, as they call it, in the Church, in the
Commonwealth, in the Universities : even to get into their own
hands and disposal all the places and offices of power or profit
in them all. I dare not say, — for truly of some I believe the
contrary, and hope the same of many more, — that all those
that join in vote or act with those plausible pretenders of
Reformation, or wish well unto them in the simplicity of their
hearts, are guilty of their abominable hypocrisy. But sure all
experience showeth, that in great Councils there are evermore
some one or a few A^/xayooyoi, active and cunning men that are
able, by the reputation of their wisdom and abilities of speech,
to carry all businesses in the vogue even as themselves have
beforehand closely contrived them : leading on the rest, as a
bell-wether doth the whole flock, or as a crafty foreman of a
Jury doth the whole dozen, * which way soever they please ;
who follow tamely after, qua itur, non qua eundum, in an
implicit belief, that that must needs be the right way, which
they see such skilful guides to have taken before them.
XX. But say there were no such reserved, secret, sinister
ends either in the chief agents or their ministers, but that a
just Reformation were as really and sincerely intended by
them all, as it is by some of them speciously pretended, yet is
it considerable, secondly, how very difficult a thing it is, in the
business of Reformation to stay at the right point, and not to
overdo, by reason of that d/xerpia TTJS avOo\Krjs^ whereby we
are very apt, in declining one of the extremes, to fall into the
other, either in point of opinion or practice. In detestation of
the heresy of Nestorius, who distinguished the Persons in
Christ, because he knew there were two Natures, Eutyches
went so far as to confound the natures, because he knew there
was but one Person. And because the Papists by the multi
tude and pompousness of their Ceremonies had taken away
much of the inward vigour of God's Public Worship, by drawing
it too much outward, the Puritans, in opposition to them, and
to reform that error, by stripping it of all Ceremonies have
* Compare Sermon iii. ad Ma- Philosophum, iii. p. 60. Paris, 1638.
gistr. §.33. quoted in the Preface to the Twenty
t Basil. Epist. 41. ad Maximum Sermons, Dec. 31, 1655, §. 12.
176 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
left it so bare, that, besides the unseemliness, it is well nigh
starved for want of convenient clothing. It is in the distempers
of the body politic in this respect not much otherwise than it is
in those of the body natural. In an ague, when the cold fit
hath had his course, the body doth not thence return to
a kindly natural warmth, but falleth speedily into a burning
preternatural heat, nothing less, if not rather more, afflictive
than the former. And how often have Physicians, not the
learned Empirics only, but even those best renowned for their
skill and judgment, by tampering with a crazy body to master
the predominancy of some noxious humour therein, cast their
Patients, ere they were aware, under the tyranny of another
and contrary humour as perilous as the former : or for fear of
leaving too much bad blood in the veins, have letten out too
much of the vital spirits withal ? Only the difference is, that
in bodily diseases this course may be sometimes profitably
experimented, and with good success : not only out of neces
sity, when there is no other way of cure left, as they use to
say, ' Desperate diseases must have desperate remedies ;' but
also out of choice, and in a rational way ; as Hippocrates ad-
viseth in the case of some cold diseases to cast the Patient into
a burning fever, which he calleth irvp Tioitiv. And I remem
ber to have read somewhere to that purpose such an Aphorism
as this, Utile est innascifebrem in spasmo.* But for the reme
dying of moral or politic distempers, it is neither warrantable
nor safe to try such experiments. Not warrantable, because
we have no such rule given us in the Word of God whereby
to operate : nor safe, because herein the Mean only is com
mendable, all Extremes, whether in defect or excess, vicious.
Now what defects or excesses there might be in the Reforma
tion of Religion and the Church within these Realms during
the Reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, and
Queen Elizabeth, it doth not become me, neither is it needful,
to examine. But sure it is, they that had the managery of
those affairs in their several respective times were 6//otoTra0et9
fjfjLiv, made of the same clay with other men,f subject to
infirmities and passions, and to be biassed with partial af-
* Tlvperov eVt 0-77007*0) (BeXriov yi- f Compare Sermon xvi. ad Aulam,
vecrQai, if OTTOO-JUGI/ eVi Trvperw. Hip- §. 27, and Sermon vii. ad Populum,
pocrates, Aphor. ii. 26. Cf. iv. 57. §.22.
TO REGAL POWER. 177
fections, and those affections capable to be inflamed with zeal,
cooled with delays, enraged by opposition, and allayed by
seasonable applications. And therefore, although we cannot
say for certain with what affections those Reformers in the
beginning of King Edward's Reign were steered in the whole
business, yet it is very possible, and in this particular of the
Statutes, from the weakness of the reasons therein expressed,
not improbable, that the jealousies they had of the Papal
Power so lately ejected might make them more abundantly
cautelous and solicitous to secure themselves thereagainst than
need required. Verily, the temper of those times and men,
and the Reformation made about those times in other countries
considered, we have far greater cause to bless God that in
their then Reformation in very many things they did not a
great deal worse, than to blame them that in some few things
they did not a little better, than they have done.
XXI. It is further considerable, thirdly, that where a Re
formation is truly intended, and the thing itself intended by
that Reformation to be established is also within a tolerable
compass of mediocrity, there may yet be such error in the
choice of the means to be used for the accomplishing of those
intentions, as may vitiate the whole work, and render it blame
worthy. For although it be a truth so expressly affirmed by
the Apostle, and so agreeable to the dictates of right Reason, Rom. iii. 8.
that we may not do any evil thing for any good end, as that I
should scarce have believed it possible that any man, that pre
tended to be Christian or but reasonable, should hold the con
trary, had I not been advertised by very credible persons that
some men of eminent place and power did so, by distinguishing,
(but beside the book, and where the Law distinguished not,)
between a public and a private good end, — yet the eagerness of
most men in the pursuance of such ends as they are fully bent
upon, and their pride of spirit disdaining to be crossed in their
purposes, and impatient of meeting with any opposition, putteth
them many times upon the use of such means as seem for the
present best conducing to the ends they have proposed to
themselves, without any sufficient care to examine whether
such means be lawful or not. For either they run on headlong
and are resolved not to stick at any niceties of Conscience, but,
being engaged in a design, to go through with it per fas et
SANDERSON, VOL. V. N
178 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
nefas, measuring honesty by utility ; or else they gather up
any thin figleaves where they can meet with them, to hide the
deformity of their actions if it were possible even from their
own eyes; and are willing their affections should bribe and
cheat their judgments with any weak reasons to pronounce
that lawful to be done which they have a mind to do, the
secret checks and murmurings of their Consciences to the con
trary notwithstanding. Hence it is, that whereas men ought
to conform all their wills and actions to the exact rule of God's
Word, they do so often instead thereof crooken the rule to
make it comply with their actions and desires : * raising such
doctrines and conclusions from the sacred Texts of Scripture
by forced inferences, as will best serve to give countenance to
whatsoever they fancy to be, or please to call Reformation ;
and to whatsoever means they should use for the effecting of
such Reformation, though it were by popular tumults, civil
war, despising governors, breaking oaths, open rebellion, or
any other act how unjust soever and full of disloyalty. Which
made learned Zanchy, observing in his time how Anabaptists
and all sorts of Sectaries, that attempted to bring in any new
and unheard of alteration in Religion into the Churches of
Christ by any means though never so seditious and unlawful,
did yet justify all their enterprises by this, that they were
done in order to a more perfect Reformation, to cry out, Ego
non intelligo istam Reformatorum mundi Theologiam. f
Whether this observation be so fitly appliable to those times of
King Edward's Reformation, as the two former considerations
were, I know not : I am sure it fitteth but too well to these evil
times of ours, wherein the pretence of a Thorough Reformation
serveth as a foil to set off the blackest crimes that ever the
Christian world was guilty of.
XXII. Lastly, say there should be nothing amiss in any of
the premisses, but that the intentions were sincere, the pro
ceedings moderate, and the means lawful ; yet since no wit of
man is at the present able to foresee all the inconveniences
that may ensue upon any great and sudden change of such
Laws and Customs as have been long and generally observed,
till time and experience discover them, it may very well, and
* Compare Sermon ii. ad Clerum t See De Conscientia, Praelect. ii.
§.8. §.16.
TO REGAL POWER. 179
not seldom doth, come to pass, that the Reformation intended
for the remedying of some one abuse, or the preventing of
some present apparent inconvenience, may open a gap to let in
some other abuses or inconveniences, which, though yet un-
discerned, may in time prove to be more and greater than
those that were sought to be remedied. Physicians tell us that
all sudden changes in the body are dangerous ; and it is no
otherwise in the Church and State. Which is the ground of
that Maxim, well approved of all wise men, if rightly under
stood, Malum benepositum non movendum ; * and of that other,
so famous in the Ancient Councils, Ta ap^aia edrj /cpareirco,f
Let the old Customs be observed. And therefore Aristotle J
gravely censureth that Law made by Hippodamus, the Milesian
Lawgiver, that whosoever should devise any new Law for the
common good should be rewarded by the State, as a Law in
deed foolish and pernicious, how specious and plausible soever
it seemed at the first appearance : because, saith he, it would
but encourage busy and active spirits to be always innovating
some thing or other in the State, which might finally tend to
the subversion of all ancient Laws and Customs, and conse
quently of the whole Government itself. Now that the Re
formation in King Edward's days, as to this particular in that
Statute concerned, was subject at least to this frailty, we may
very probably gather a posteriori from this : that after it was
once repealed, they that had to do in the Reformation ever
since, thought it fit rather to let it lie under that repeal, than
to revive it.
XXIII. There can be no doubt but that to an Objection
made from the force of a Statute, it is a sufficient answer, if it
be true, to say that the said Statute hath been repealed and
so continueth. Yet the adversaries of Episcopacy are so per
tinaciously bent to hold their conclusion in despite of all pre
misses, that they seem to be nothing satisfied therewithal ; but,
dividing the answer, turn the former part of it, viz. that of the
Repeal, to their own advantage. For, say they, that Repeal
being made by Queen Mary, who was a Professed Papist and
a persecutor of the Protestant Religion, was certainly an act
* Erasmus, Adag. Chil. I. Cent. i. t Sixth Canon of the First Nicene
Prov. 61. Malum bene conditum Council,
ne moveris. J Politics, II. viii. 16.
N 2
180 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
of her's done in favour of Popery, and so is a strong confirma
tion, that the form of proceeding formerly used by the Bishops
in the Ecclesiastical Courts, prohibited by the Statute of King
Edward, but restored by that her Repeal,* was a Popish
practice, and more befitting Papists than Protestants to use.
XXIV. To return a full answer hereunto, first, it shall be
willingly granted, that Queen Mary, being a zealous Papist,
did cause that Statute made in the first of her brother's Reign
to be repealed out of pure zeal to the Romish Religion, and
in favour of the Pope and of his Jurisdiction. Both because
she conceived, which was true, that her late brother, being a
Protestant, had by that Statute prohibited the Bishops to do
sundry things in their own Names, of purpose thereby to lessen
the Pope's Authority within his Realms, as also because their
using of the King's Name in their Processes and Acts carried
O O
with it, as we formerly granted, a more express and evident
acknowledgment of the King's Supremacy Ecclesiastical than
the contrary custom doth.
XXV. But then, secondly, this being granted, it will by no
means follow either, first, that the repeal of that Statute is not
to be valued by any Protestant ; or that, secondly, the custom
of the Bishops, prohibited by the Statute and restored by the
Act of Repeal, was Popish ; or, thirdly, that our former an
swer was unsufficient. Not the first, because we are not to
look upon the Statute and upon the Act of Repeal, as they
were made, the one by a Protestant, the other by a Papist, for
that were to judge KO.T o\jsiv, and with respect of persons ; but
to consider whether the reasons whereupon the Statute was
grounded were in veritate rei such, as that it ought not to
have been repealed either by Papist or Protestant. Which
reasons how they have been valued, appeareth upon the post-
fact in this ; that a Papist Princess by the principles of her
Religion could do no less than repeal that Statute, and a Pro
testant Princess without prejudice to the principles of her
Religion might continue that Repeal.
XXVI. Not the second, because that very Statute of i Ed
ward the Sixth, by which it is ordained that all Summonses,
Citations, and other Processes Ecclesiastical be made in the
* See Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 341.
TO REGAL POWER. 181
Name and with the style of the King, doth itself sufficiently
absolve the contrary custom, formerly used by the Bishops
acting in their own Names, from being either Popish or other
wise derogatory to the King's Supremacy. Inasmuch as by
Provisos in the said Statute the Bishops are still permitted in
some cases to use their own Names without any mention at all
to be made of the King : as, namely, the Archbishop of Can
terbury to grant Faculties and Dispensations ; and every other
Bishop to make Collations, Presentations, Institutions and In
ductions of Benefices, Letters of Orders and Dimissories, &c.
under their own names and seals, as by the words of the said
Statute doth plainly appear. Which sure would not have been
permitted in any case, had the thing itself been by them con
ceived to have been simply and de toto genere either Popish
or prejudicial to the Regal Power.
XXVII. Not the third, because they disjoint our former
answer, that they might make their advantage of the one
piece of it severed from the other. For the strength of the
answer, it being copulative, was not to lie in either part alone,
but in both together taken jointly ; and indeed more princi
pally in the latter part which they slightly put off, than in the
former whereat they take advantage. We do not say that
the objecting of that Statute is of little moment against us,
because it was repealed by Queen Mary, though that Repeal
alone is sufficient to make it void and invalid as to all effects
in Law, but because, being then repealed, it was never after
revived in the Reigns either of Queen Elizabeth, King James,
or his Majesty that now is : which showeth that the Act of
Repeal, as to the point now in dispute, was by them approved
of, and intended to continue in force. And it will thence fol
low further and most clearly, that, in the judgment of all these
wise and religious Princes, there was a great difference be
tween the Papal and the Episcopal Jurisdiction, as they had
been either of them exercised within these Realms ; and that
the Papal was prejudicial to the Regal Power and Supremacy,
but the Episcopal was not.
XXVIII. Neither doth that suffice which is put in by way
of reply hereunto, to allege that the continuance of the old
custom, after the Repeal made, happened either through in
advertency of the State, or by reason of the great Power some
182 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
or other of the Bishops ever had with those Princes. For it
cannot be doubted but that the State, having before them a
precedent of so late and fresh memory as the Statute of i Ed
ward the Sixth, would at some time or other within the space
of fourscore years, especially there being no want in those
days of enough greedy Great-ones and factious Disciplinarians
to remind them of it, have taken a time to frame and pass a
Bill for the reviving of that Statute, if they had deemed the
custom therein forbidden Popish or derogatory either to the
King's honour or power, or had not rather found sufficient
reason to persuade them that the said Statute was inconve
nient, or at leastwise useless. And as for the Bishops, they
that understand the condition of those first times well know
that, under God and His good Providence, they stood in a
manner by the immediate and sole favour of Queen Elizabeth.
The Papists on the one side hated them above all other sorts
of men, because of their Religion, and their abilities above all
other men to defend it. On the other side the Puritans, who
envied their power, and some great ones about the Court, who,
having tasted the sweet of sacrilege in the times of the two
last Kings, thirsted after the remainder of their revenues,
complied either with other, for their several respective ends,
against the Bishops. Which being so, it had been the foolishest
thing in the world for the Bishops to have used that power
or interest they had with the Queen, upon whose favour or
displeasure their whole livelihood depended, for the procuring
of her consent to any act to be done in favour of them, that
malice itself could with any colourable construction interpret
either to savour of Popery, or to trench upon the Royal Su
premacy : that Queen having, both by her sufferings before
and actions after she came to the Crown, sufficiently witnessed
to the world her averseness from Popery ; and being withal
a Princess of a great spirit, and particularly jealous in the
point of Prerogative.
XXIX. Whence I think we may, with good reason, con
clude, that the ancient custom of the Bishops in making Sum
monses, &c. in their own Names, after it was by the Act of
Repeal, i Mary, restored, was continued by Queen Elizabeth
and her Successors ever since, without interruption or reviving
of the Statute of King Edward, neither out of any inadver-
TO REGAL POWER. 183
tency in the State, nor through any importune or indirect
labouring of the Bishops, as by the Objectors is weakly pre
sumed, but advisedly and upon important considerations, viz.
that the devising of such a new way as is set forth and ap
pointed in the said Statute, was not only a needless thing, (and
Laws should not be either made or altered but where it is
needful so to do,) but subject also to manifest both inconve
nience and scandal.
XXX. That it was altogether needless to change the old
Custom may appear by this, that all the imaginable necessity
or utility of such a change could be only this, to secure the
King by using his Name in their Processes, &c, as a real ac
knowledgment that their Jurisdiction is derived from him and
no other, that the Bishops had no intention in the exercise of
their Episcopal Power to usurp upon his Ecclesiastical Su
premacy. Which Supremacy of the King, and superiority of
his Jurisdiction and Authority over that which the Bishops
exercised, being already by so many other ways and means
sufficiently secured, it could argue nothing but an impertinent
jealousy, to endeavour to strengthen that security by an addi
tion of so poor and inconsiderable regard.
XXXI. The Kings of England are secured against all dan
ger that may accrue to their Regal Power from Episcopal
Jurisdiction as it hath been anciently and of later times exer
cised in this Realm, first, by the extent of their Power over
the persons and livelihoods of the Bishops, and over the whole
State Ecclesiastical, as in the ancient right of the Crown;
which how great it was, may appear by these three par
ticulars.
XXXII. First, the Collation and Donation of Bishoprics,
together with the nomination of the persons to be made Bi
shops, in case they did- by their Writ of Conge d'eslier*1 permit
the formality of Election to others, did always belong to tho
Kings of this Realm, both before and since the Conquest, as
in right of their Crown. Our learned Lawyers assure us,
that all the Bishoprics of this Realm are of the King's founda-
a See Stat. 25 Henry VIII. c. 20. Election of Bishops. Repealed by i
[An Act for the Non-payment of Eliz. c. i, which revives 25 Henry
First-fruits to the Bishop of Rome.] VIII. c. 20.]
i Edv. VI. c. 2. [An Act for the
184 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
tion;b that they were originally donative, and not elective;
and that the full right of Investiture was in the King, who
signified his pleasure therein per traditionem baculi et an-
nuli* by the delivery of a ring and a crosier staff to the
person by him elected and nominated for that office. The
Popes indeed often essayed to make them elective, either by
the Dean and Canons of the Cathedral, or by the Monks of
some principal Abbey adjoining ; but the Kings still withstood
it, and maintained their right as far as they could or durst.
Insomuch as King Henry the First, being earnestly solicited
by the Pope to grant the election of Bishops to the Clergy,
constanter allegavit, saith the story, and verbis minacibus^
he stoutly and with threats refused so to do, saying he would
not for the loss of his Kingdom lose the right of those Investi
tures. It is true that King John, a Prince neither fortunate
nor courageous, being overpowered by the Popes, did by
Charter in the seventeenth year of his Reign grant that the
Bishoprics of England should be eligible. But this notwith
standing, in the Reign of King Edward the Third it was in
open Parliament declared and enacted, that to the King and
his heirs did belong the collation of Archbishoprics, &c, and
all other Dignities that are of his advowson; and that the
elections granted by the Kings his progenitors were under a
certain form and condition, viz. that they should ask leave of
the King to elect, and that after the election made, they
should obtain the King's consent thereunto ; and not other
wise.
XXXIII. Secondly, the King hath power, if he shall see
cause, to suspend any Bishop from the execution of his office
for so long time as he shall think good : yea, and to deprive
him utterly of the dignity and office of a Bishop, if he deserve
it. Which power was de facto exercised both by Queen Mary
and Queen Elizabeth in the beginning of their several Reigns
upon such Bishops as would not conform to their Religion.
XXXIV. Thirdly, the Kings of England have a great power
over the Bishops in respect of their Temporalties, which they
b Coke, I. Instit. Book ii. [Sect. Warlevvast, Bishop Elect of Exeter,
137 and 201. Book iii.] Sect. 648. sent by him as one of his Agents to
* See Matthew Paris, pp. 84,87. Paschal II, in 1103. See Matthew
f Not the King, but William of Paris, p. 59, and Eadmer, p. 69.
TO REGAL POWER. 185
hold immediately of the King per Baroniam;* and which every
Bishop Elect is to sue out of the King's hands, wherein they
remained after the decease of the former Bishop during the
vacancy, and thence to take his only restitution into the same,
making oath and fealty to the King for the same upon his
Consecration. Yea, and after such restitution of Temporaries
and Consecration, the King hath power to seize the same again
into his own hands, if he see just cause so to do. Which the
Kings of England in former time did so frequently practise
upon any light displeasure conceived against the Bishops, that
it was presented as a grievance by the Archbishop of Canter
bury and the other Prelates, by way of request to King Ed
ward the Third, c in Parliament ; and thereupon a Statute was
made the same Parliament, that thenceforth no Bishop's Tem-
poralties should be seized by the King without good cause. I
find cited by Sir Edward Coke, f out of the Parliament Rolls
1 8 Henry the Third, a Record, wherein the King straitly
chargeth the Bishops not to intermeddle in any thing to the
prejudice of his Crown, threatening them with seizure of their
Temporaries if they should so do. The words are, Mandatum
est omnibus Episcopis qui conventuri sunt apud Gloucestriam
(the King having before summoned them by Writ to a Parlia
ment to be holden at Gloucester) firmiter inhibendo, quod
sicut Baronias suas quas de Rege tenent diligunt, nullo modo
praesumant concilium tenere de aliquibus quae ad Coronam
Regis pertinent, vel quae personam Regis, vel statum suum,
vel statum Concilii sui contingunt, scituri pro certo quod si
fecerint, Rex inde se capiet ad Baronias suas, fyc. By which
Record, together with other the premisses, it may appear, that
the Kings by their ancient right of Prerogative had sundry
ways power over the Bishops whereby to keep them in obe
dience, and to secure their Supremacy from all peril of being
prejudiced by the exercise of Episcopal Jurisdiction.
XXXV. Yet, in order to the utter abolishing of the Papal
Usurpations and of all pretended Foreign Power whatsoever
in matters Ecclesiastical within these Realms, divers Statutes
* Coke, I. Instit. Book ii. Sect, ward III. Stat. iv. cap. 3.
137. f As above, in note *.
c Statute for the Clergy, 14 Ed-
186 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
have been made, in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth and
since, for the further declaring and confirming of the King's
Supremacy Ecclesiastical. Wherein the acknowledgment of
that Supremacy is either so expressly contained, or so abun
dantly provided for, as that there can be no fear it should
suffer for lack of further acknowledgment to be made by the
Bishops in the style of their Courts. Amongst other, first, by
Statute made 25 Henry VIII, cap. 19, upon the submission and
petition of the Clergy, it was enacted that no Canons or Con
stitutions should be made by the Clergy in their Convocation
without the King's Licence first had in that behalf, and his
Royal Assent after ; and likewise that no Canon, &c, should be
put in execution within the Realm, that should be contrariant
or repugnant to the King's Prerogative Royal, or the Customs,
Laws, or Statutes of the Realm. Then, secondly, by the Sta
tute of i Elizabeth, cap. i, all such Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions,
Privileges, Superiorities, and Preeminences as had been exer
cised or used, or might be lawfully exercised or used by any
Ecclesiastical Power or Authority were declared to be for ever
united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm. And,
thirdly, it was also in the same Statute provided, that the Oath
of Supremacy, wherein there is contained as full an acknow
ledgment of the King's Ecclesiastical Supremacy as the wit of
man can devise, should be taken by every Archbishop and
Bishop, &c, which hath been ever since duly and accordingly
performed.
XXXVI. Lastly, from receiving any prejudice by the Bi
shops and their Jurisdiction, the Regal Power is yet further
secured, by the subordination of the Ecclesiastical Laws and
Courts to the Common Law of England, and to the King's own
immediate Courts. For although the Ecclesiastical Laws be
allowed by the Laws of this Realm, and the proceedings in the
Ecclesiastical Courts be by the way of the Civil, and not of the
Common Law, yet are those Laws and proceedings allowed
with this limitation and condition, that nothing be done against
the Common Law, whereof the King's Prerogative is a prin
cipal part, nor against the Statutes and Customs of the Realm.
And therefore the Law alloweth Appeals to be made from the
Ecclesiastical Courts to the King in Chancery ; and in sundry
cases, where a cause dependeth before a Spiritual Judge, the
TO KEGAL POWER. 187
King's prohibition lieth to remove it into one of his Temporal
Courts.
XXXVII. Having so many several ties upon the Bishops to
secure themselves and their Regal Authority from all danger
that might arise from the abuse of the Ecclesiastical Power
and Jurisdiction exercised by the Bishops in their Courts, by
the ancient prerogative of their Crown, by the provisions of so
many Statutes and Oaths, by the remedy of the Common
Law, the Kings of England had no cause to be so needlessly
cautelous as to be afraid of a mere formality, the style of a
Court. Especially considering the importance of the two rea
sons expressed in the Statute of King Edward, as the only
grounds of altering that style, not to be such as would counter
vail the inconvenience and scandal that might ensue there
upon.
XXXVIII. For whereas it was then thought convenient to
change the style used in the Ecclesiastical Courts, because it
was contrary to the form used in the Common Law Courts
within this Realm, (which is one of the reasons in the said
Statute expressed,) it might very well upon further considera
tion be afterwards thought more convenient for the like reason
to retain the accustomed style, because otherwise the form of
the Ecclesiastical Courts would be contrary to the form of
other Civil Law Courts within the Realm, as the Admiralty,
and Earl -Marshal's Court, and of other Courts of the King's
grant made unto Corporations ; with either of which the
Ecclesiastical Courts had a nearer affinity than with the
King's Courts of Record, or other his own immediate Courts
of Common Law. J^or doth there yet appear any valuable
reason of difference, why inconformity to the Common Law
Courts should be thought a sufficient ground for the altering
of the forms used in the Ecclesiastical Courts ; and yet the
like forms used in the Admiralty, in the Earl Marshal's Court,
in Courts Baron, in Corporation Courts, &c, should, notwith
standing the same inconformity, continue as they had been
formerly accustomed without alteration.
XXXIX. If any shall allege, as some reason of such dif
ference, the other reason given in the said Statute, viz, that
the form and manner used by the Bishops was such as was
used in the time of the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome,
188 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL
besides that therein is no difference at all, for the like forms
in those other aforesaid Courts were also in use in the same
time, there is further given thereby great occasion of scandal
to those of the Church of Rome. And that two ways : first,
as it is made a reason at all : secondly, as it is applied to the
particular now in hand. First, whereas the Papists unjustly
charge the Protestant Churches with schism for departing from
their communion, it could not but be a great scandal to them,
to confirm them in that their uncharitable opinion of us, if we
should utterly condemn any thing as unlawful, or but even
forbid the use of it as inexpedient, upon this only ground or
consideration, that the same had been used in the times of
Popery, or that it had been abused by the Papists. And truly
the Puritans have by this very means given a wonderful scan
dal and advantage to our adversaries, which they ought to
acknowledge and repent of: when, transported with an indis
creet zeal, they have cried down sundry harmless Ceremonies
and Customs as superstitious and antichristian, only for this,
that Papists use them. Whereas godly and regular Protes
tants think it agreeable to Liberty, Charity, and Prudence, that
in appointing Ceremonies, retaining ancient Customs, and the
use of all other indifferent things, such course be held, as that
their moderation might be known to all men; and that it
might appear to their very adversaries, that wherein they did
recede from them or any thing practised by them, they were
not thereunto carried by a spirit of contradiction, but either
cast upon it by some necessity of the times, or induced for just
reasons of expediency so to do.
XL. But then, secondly, as that reason relateth to the pre
sent business in particular, the scandal thereby given is yet
greater. For we are to know, that when King Henry the
Eighth abolished the Papal Power, resuming in his own hand
the ancient rights of the Crown, which the Bishops of Rome
had unjustly usurped, he took upon himself also that Title
which he then found used by the Bishops of Rome, but which
none of his progenitors, the Kings of this Realm, had ever
used, of being the Supreme Head of the Church within his
Dominions. This Title continued during the Reign of his son
King Edward the Sixth, by whom the Statute aforesaid was
made, and is mentioned in that very Statute. Now albeit by
TO REGAL POWER. 189
that Title or appellation was not intended any other thing
than that Supremacy Ecclesiastical which the Kings of this
Land have, and of right ought to have, in the governance of
their Realms, over all persons and in all causes Ecclesiastical
as well as other, and which is in the Oath of Supremacy
acknowledged to belong unto them, yet the Papists took
scandal at the novelty thereof, and glad of such an occasion,
made their advantage of it, to bring a reproach upon our
Religion : as if the Protestants of England were of opinion,
that all Spiritual Power did belong unto the King, and that
the Bishops and Ministers of England had their whole power
of Preaching, Administering the Sacraments, Ordaining, Ex
communicating, &c, solely and originally from the King, as the
members of the body live by the influence which the head
hath into them. Upon their clamours, that Title of Supreme
Head and Governour was taken into further consideration in
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. And although
that style in the true meaning thereof was innocent and defen
sible enough, yet, for the avoiding of scandal and cavil, it was
judged more expedient that the word ' Head' should thence
forth be laid aside, and the style run only ' Supreme Governour,'
as we see it is in the Oath of Supremacy and otherwhere ever
since, without mentioning the word ' Head,' * according to the
intimations given in the Queen's Injunctions and elsewhere in
that behalf. And it seemeth to me very probable, that for the
same reason especially, besides those other reasons already
givSn, it was thought fitter by her then, and by her successors
hitherto, that the Bishops in all their Ecclesiastical Courts and
proceedings should act in their own Names as formerly they
had done, than that the Statute of King Edward should be
revived, for doing it in the King's Name. For the sending
Processes, &c, in order to Excommunication and other Church-
censures, in the King's Name, would have served marvellously
to give colour, and consequently strength, in the apprehension
at least of weaker judgments, to that calumny wherewith the
Papists usually asperse our Religion, as if the Kings of Eng-
* In the Form of bidding the in the Injunctions of Edward VI,
Prayers in Q. Elizabeth's Irijunc- 1547? ( Supreme Head immediately
tions, 1559, 'Supreme Governour of under God of the Spirituality and
this Realm, as well in Causes Eccle- Temporality of the same Church.'
siastical as Temporal.' In that given
190 EPISCOPACY NOT PREJUDICIAL &c.
land took themselves to be proper and competent judges of
censures merely spiritual in their own persons, and the Pre
lates accordingly did acknowledge them so to be.
Thus have I shown, to the satisfaction, I hope, of the inge
nuous and unprejudiced Reader, that Episcopacy is no such
dangerous creature either in the opinion or practice, as some
would make the world believe it is ; but that the King's Crown
may stand fast enough upon his head, and flourish in its full
verdure, without plucking away or displacing the least flower
in it, notwithstanding Episcopacy should be allowed to be of
Divine Right in the highest sense, and the Bishops still per
mitted to make their Processes in their own Names, and not in
the King's. By this time, I doubt not, all that are not wil
fully blind (for who so blind, as he that will not see ?) do see
and understand by sad experience, that it had been far better
both with King and Kingdom than now it is, or, without God's
extraordinary Mercy, is like to be in haste, if the enemies of
Episcopacy had meant no worse to the King and his Crown,
than the Bishops and those that favoured them did.
A Postscript to the Header.
WHEREAS in my Answer to the former of the two Objec
tions in the foregoing Treatise, I have not any where made
any clear discovery what my own particular judgment is con
cerning the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy in the stricter sense,
either in the affirmative or negative ; and for want of so doing,
may perhaps be censured by some to have walked but halt
ingly, or at leastwise with more caution and mincing than
became me to do in a business of that nature, I do hereby
declare,
First, that, to avoid the starting of more Questions than
needs must, I then thought it fitter, and am of the same
opinion still, to decline that Question, than to determine it
either way : such determination being clearly of no moment at
all to my purpose, and for the solving of that Objection.
Secondly, that nevertheless, leaving other men to the
liberty of their own judgments, my opinion is, that Episcopal
Government is not to be derived merely from Apostolical
Practice or Institution, but that it is originally founded in the
Person and Office of the Messias, our Blessed Lord Jesus
Christ. Who, being sent by His Heavenly Father to be the
great Apostle, Shepherd, and Bishop of His Church, and neb. iii. j.
anointed to that Office, immediately after His Baptism by * s> Pet< "•
John with Power and the Holy Ghost, descending then upon Acts x. 37,
Him in a bodily shape, did afterwards, before His Ascension g8'Luke ii}
into Heaven, send and impower His holy Apostles, giving them 22.
the Holy Ghost likewise as His Father had given Him, in like
manner as His Father had before sent Him to execute the s. John xx.
same Apostolical, Episcopal, and Pastoral Office for the order-21'
ing and governing of His Church until His coming again ; and
so the same office to continue in them and their Successors,
unto the end of the world. This I take to be so clear, from S. Matt,
these and other like Texts of Scripture, that if they shall be
xxviii. 18—
20.
192
diligently compared together, both between themselves, and
with the following practices of all the Churches of Christ, as
well in the Apostles' times as in the purest and primitive times
nearest thereunto, there will be left little cause why any man
should doubt thereof.
Thirdly, that in my Answer to the latter Objection I made
no use at all, nor indeed could do, of the Opinion of the Reve
rend Judges in that point, nor of His Majesty's Proclamation
grounded thereupon. For although the Proclamation had
been exstant ten years before this task was imposed upon me,*
yet I had never seen nor so much as heard of the same in all
the time before, nor yet in all the time since, till about ten
days ago I was advertised thereof, when these papers were
then going to the press. Which, since they give so much
strength to the main cause, and so fully avoid the Objection,
I have followed the advice of some Friends, and caused them
to be printed herewithal.
* The Proclamation was issued in the Subject in the same month in
August, 1637. Sanderson received 1647.
the King's instructions to write on
THE history of the Work, for which the following Preface was
written, will be conveniently placed before the Reader in
an extract from Dr. Elrington's Life of Archbishop Ussher,
P- 3°5-
' It had originally been composed at the request of Lord Strafford.
On the breaking out of the disturbances in Scotland in 1639, Sir
George Radcliffe applied to Dr. Bernard for the Primate's opinion on
the subject, which was immediately sent in writing ; and no sooner
did the Primate arrive in Dublin than Lord Strafford called upon his
Grace to make public his opinions, which he accordingly did, by
preaching two Sermons before the State in Christ Church, on the
Text : / counsel thee to keep the King's commandment, and that in
regard of the Oath of God. Lord Strafford subsequently communi
cated to the Lord Primate not only his own wish, but that of the
King, that he should either print these Sermons or write a Treatise
on the subject. He preferred the latter, and brought the Treatise
over with him to England, when it was submitted to the King,
" who, having read the book, signified his will and pleasure that it
should be printed, to the end that all his beloved subjects might
receive the like satisfaction from the same as himself had done." The
Archbishop immediately sent the copy to London, that it might be
printed ; but the person to whom it was entrusted, either through
carelessness or design, lost the manuscript, and it never was reco
vered. The Archbishop sought in vain for the original among his
numerous papers, and never ceased to express his regret at the loss
of a work upon which he had spent so much labour. After his
death his executors were more successful, and discovered the original
in the handwriting of the Archbishop; but it was not a time to
publish such a Treatise, and they were obliged to wait for a more
favourable opportunity. Immediately after the Restoration, the
Archbishop's grandson, James Tyrrell, published the work, with a
Dedication to Charles II, and a learned Preface by Bishop San
derson/
SANDERSON, VOL. V.
THE
POWER COMMUNICATED BY GOD
TO THE PRINCE,
AND THE
OBEDIENCE REQUIRED OF THE SUBJECT.
BRIEFLY LAID DOWN, AND CONFIRMED OUT OF
THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,
THE TESTIMONY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH,
THE DICTATES OF RIGHT REASON, AND
THE OPINION OF THE WISEST AMONG THE HEATHEN
WRITERS.
By the Most Reverend Father in God,
JAMES, late Lord Archbishop of ARMAGH,
and Primate of all IRELAND.
Faithfully published out of the Original Copy, written with his own hand,
by the Reverend Father in God,
ROBERT, Lord Bishop of LINCOLN,
WITH HIS LORDSHIP'S PREFACE THEREUNTO.
PROV. xxiv. 21.
My son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that
are given to change.
LONDON,
PRINTED FOR ANNE SEILE, OVER AGAINST ST. DUNSTAN's CHURCH
IN FLEET-STREET. I 66 I.*
* In Quarto. * The Second Edition Corrected' appeared in 1683, in Octavo.
O 2
THE
PREFACE TO THE READER.
J. HE Reader is desired to take notice, that this Treatise was
written by the Reverend and Learned Author, at the special
command of our late gracious Sovereign, of blessed memory,
King Charles I, about the time when those unhappy distem
pers, which had been a good while before by the endeavours
of some unquiet spirits secretly working underhand, and not
long after broke out most desperately into a bloody and unna
tural war, did first begin to appear openly in our Land. As soon
as the Treatise was finished, the Author caused a copy thereof to
be fairly transcribed, and, with a Dedicatory Epistle prefixed
thereunto, to be presented to his Majesty, who, having read the
Book, signified his will and pleasure that it should be printed,
to the end that all his beloved Subjects might receive the like
satisfaction from the same as himself had done. Whereupon
the Author, being not then at London himself, sent up the
aforesaid transcript Copy thither, to the intent it should be
there printed : which notwithstanding, whether by the negligence
or unfaithfulness of the party to whose care and trust it was com
mitted, was not done ; but the Copy itself finally lost, or pre
tended to be lost, and so that intent frustrated. The Original
Copy of his own handwriting being in the mean time by the
Author, supposing perhaps there would be little use of it after
it was printed, neglectedly laid aside ; and so at length, min
gling with some other papers, it became so buried amongst
those heaps of books and writings, whereof he had good store,
that it never was his hap to meet with it again all his lifetime ;
but gave it over for lost also, as well as the Transcript aforesaid,
to his great grief, as he oft expressed to those that were about
him. Yet was it not indeed lost, but only mislaid, as after his
death appeared. When they, to whom it appertained to take
198 THE PREFACE
an inventory of what he left behind him, in sorting his papers
which lay disorderly and confusedly, some in one place of his
study, some in another, amongst the rest found the first Ori
ginal Copy of this Treatise, from beginning to end, all written
with his own hand ; which they looked upon as a choice jewel,
quantivis pretii K^^Kiov, and took care accordingly to pre
serve it, with an intention, as in duty for the performance of
the will of the Dead they held themselves obliged to do,
when the times would bear it, to publish it to the world, for
the common benefit of all those that were able to understand
it, and willing to make a good use of it.
II. But as the times then were, the whole Nation being
enslaved to the will and tyranny of a monstrous Usurper, it
could not be either safe or seasonable so to do : in so far that
for any person only to have been known to have had such a
piece in his custody, had been crime enough to have cast him
under the displeasure of the most merciless tyrant, and withal
the most perfect dissembler in the world. And the Work itself,
had it been once discovered where it lay, had been sure either
to have been suppressed, and so to have perished for ever, or,
which is no less probable, but had been much worse, to have
been perverted, quite contrary to the pious and loyal intention
of the Author, in being made instrumental to the support of
his power, who having unrighteously invaded the sovereignty,
was then in actual possession of the sword. For by this time
the flatterers of that great Tyrant had learned by a new device,
upon the bare account of Providence, without respect to the
justice of the title, the only right and proper foundation, to
interpret and apply to his advantage whatsoever they found
either in the Scriptures or in other writings delivered concern
ing the power of Princes or the duty of subjects, profanely and
sacrilegiously taking the name of that holy Providence of God
in vain, and using it only as a stalkinghorse to serve the lusts
and interests of ambitious men.
III. When, by the death of that Tyrant, it was hoped the
black cloud that hanged over us would scatter, yet was the
coast for all that, never a whit the clearer ; but the darkness
rather thickened upon us ; and the danger of bringing any
thing of this nature to light, was much greater than before.
The tyranny still continued, though under various shapes,
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 199
Proteus-like, ever and anon changing Forms : Mock-Parlia
ments, and other (what shall we call them ?) things, for which
it was hard to find names to distinguish them by. The very
name of Monarchy meanwhile decried and exploded as a de
voted and execrable thing ; and, to make short, every thing
posting on desperately towards anarchy, confusion, and ruin.
IV. Thus lay we in darkness and in the shadow of death,
heartless and hopeless: when behold, Geos anb wxavrjs, the
eternal God, who in the beginning of the Creation caused
light to shine out of darkness, to manifest at once the mighti
ness of His power, and the riches of His mercy and com
passion, in looking upon the miseries of a foolish and un
thankful People, that had so highly provoked Him, appeared
gloriously in the Mount, and caused the light of His favourable
countenance once more to shine upon us in the middest of our
greatest confusions. And all this done, since men have talked so
much of Providence, who, so far as appeareth by their actions,
believe nothing of it, by a special hand of Providence indeed ;
so signal and visible, considered in all its circumstances, as if
the Lord had purposely stretched out His hand to convince
the bold Atheists of these times, that verily there is such a
thing as they call Providence, and that doubtless there is a
God that judgeth the earth.
V. This so blessed and unexpected a change, mutatio
dextrae Excelsi,* amongst many other good effects tending to
the happiness of this Nation, if we would but keep ourselves
quiet and be thankful, hath, by removing the late unhappy
obstructions, made a way for Truth and Reason, which before
durst scarce peep out without a disguise, to adventure abroad
openfaced. Which opportunity gave me the perusal of this
Book, brought to my hands by a gentleman of great hopes and
ingenuity,f and grandchild to the said Author, in whose cus
tody it then was. Upon the perusal whereof I found it so full
of Truth and Reason, and so every way answering that ex
pectation which the known abilities of so learned an Author
had beforehand raised in me, that, in order to the public
* Ps. Ixxvii. 10. in the Vulgate, mothy Tyrrell, Knight, of Shotover
Et dixi, Nunc coepi .- haec mutatio House near Oxford, by Elizabeth,
dexterae ExcelsL the only child of Abp. Ussher. See
t James Tyrrell, son of Sir Ti- above, p. 193.
200 THE PREFACE
benefit and for preservation of true Christian Loyalty in the
hearts of all my fellow-subjects, I endeavoured what in me lay
to help forward the impression. It is a thing indeed very
much desired by men piously zealous of the public peace, that,
by the prudent care of those that are in authority, some timely
and effectual provisions were made for repressing the exor
bitant licentiousness both of the Press and Pulpit, and the
suppressing of seditious sermons and pamphlets, by means
whereof thousands of wellmeaning souls become poisoned in
their judgments, have their affections soured towards their
Governors in whom they ought to rejoice, and are themselves
apt to be misled into the foulest practices of disobedience and
rebellion ere they be aware. In the mean time, until some further
order be taken herein, it is but needful that such Treatises of
this nature as carry weight and evidence with them, should be
published to the world for the settling of men's judgments and
consciences aright, as concerning the great duties of Christian
Obedience and Subjection, and for the preventing of such mis
chiefs as must unavoidably ensue, where those so necessary
points are either misrepresented by the leaders, or misunder
stood by the people.
VI. For the attaining of which ends I have great reason to
believe that what is here presented to view, may be as effectu
ally conducible as any thing that hath been written or probably
can be written, at least in this present age, by any other hand,
whether we respect the Work or the Author. In the Work
itself, the diligent and impartial Reader, that will but bestow
his hours so profitably as to take it all before him from the
beginning to the end, besides the great variety of learning and
authorities which he shall meet withal all along, will easily find
all to the full made good in the Treatise, whatsoever is pro
mised in the Title. And then for the Author himself, it is not
unknown to the world what great esteem was had of his
learning and moderation, and what great respect and reverence
was paid to his person and judgment by the generality even of
those men, whose either judgments or interests swayed them
to entertain other persuasions than he had in sundry points, as
well concerning the Ecclesiastical as Civil Government. Which
truly, as it is a very great advantage in itself, for in this case,
as in some other things, the old saying holdeth, Duo cum
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 201
faciunt idem, non est idem, and many times the value the
Patient setteth upon the Physician advanceth the cure almost
incredibly beyo'nd what the virtue of the ingredients would
have done without it, so this Reverend Primate had that
advantage in a very great measure, above almost all other
men in the world in his time. If some men I could name
should write of the Power of Kings, and the Duty of Subjects,
with the pen and art of men and Angels, with all the evidence
of Truth, and the greatest strength of Reason imaginable, it
would work no more upon one sort of men in this generation,
than a charm would do upon a deaf adder. Their writings
would be slighted and thrown aside, decried and condemned
all with a breath, without the reading of any more than the
bare title page. Of so much greater force are names than
things, for the heightening or lessening the authority of men's
writings, with such as have suffered themselves to be engaged
in parties and factions, or whose judgments are forestalled
with prejudices or partial affections. But this Reverend Au
thor, besides his great abilities in all kind of profitable and
polite Learning, his vast reading, and readiness to make use of
what he had read upon all occasions, had also by his piety and
regularity of life, by his meekness and moderation, by his
humble, affable, and free letting himself forth to all converses,
together with his facility and willingness to hold fair compli
ances and correspondencies with those he presently conversed
with, gained to himself such a general reputation with all
parties, that his very name carried authority with it, and awed
those very men into a reverent estimation of his person and
judgment, who were yet too stiff to submit it to the judgments
of any person but themselves.
VII. Of the Author, whose worth and abilities are so well
known to the world both at home and abroad, I shall not need
to say any more ; nor of his other Works, which, without me,
will sufficiently praise him in the gates. All the account I am
to give is of this present Work, which had appeared sooner in
public, but that it seemed necessary to have it fairly transcribed
once more, and the Transcript compared with the Original,
before it were sent to the press ; and that for two reasons.
The one, because the avroypatyov, or first Copy, being close
written with many additions, interlinings, and references, and
202 THE PREFACE
those sometimes very obscure and scarce discernible, almost in
every page, would so have puzzled and perplexed the workmen
at the press, that it had not been possible for them to have
carried on the work, without much difficulty and disturbance
to themselves, and no less injury and trouble to the Readers,
through the multitude of mistakings and misplacings of words,
sentences, and quotations. The other, that the Original Copy
might not in the whole, or in any part thereof be soiled, torn,
scattered, or lost, whiles it was in the printer's or corrector's
hands ; but that the same, being preserved whole and entire,
might remain as a record, ready to be produced and shown
under the Author's own hand, whensoever it should be re
quired, either to justify the integrity of this publication, or to
satisfy any person that may suspect forgery therein, or upon
any other just occasion otherwise. For posthumous writings,
because many of them are such, lie all of them under the
suspicion of being spurious and supposititious, or at leastwise
of being moulded, interpolated and condited to the gust and
palate of the publisher. To discharge myself and all that have
any hand in this publication from all such suspicion, and clear
to the world our innocency in that behalf, we thought ourselves
obliged to give better security than our own bare word : that
if any doubt should be made of our fidelity herein, recourse
might be had to the Author's undoubted Original Copy, re
served in his grandchild's hand for that purpose, for better
satisfaction herein.
VIII. Now the main design of the whole Work is that which
is contained in the latter part thereof, concerning the Duty of
Subjects : That all the King's liege people might know they
were in their Consciences, both by the Law of God and their
own native condition, bound to hold close to their allegiance
and obedience to the King's most excellent Majesty, notwith
standing all the attempts that were then endeavoured to be
made upon their Loyalty, under the softer notions of Religion
and Liberty ; or those fiercer assaults, which the face of affairs
then threatened, and soon after ensued, of plunder and un
doing. But forasmuch as the duty which God requires of
Subjects is grounded upon that power which the same God
hath committed to Sovereigns, as St. Paul, Rom. xiii. i, &c,
clearly deduceth the obligation of that duty from God's or-
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 203
darning that power, and then men will ' faithfully serve,
honour, and humbly obey the King, according to God's blessed
Word and Ordinance,' when they shall have duly considered
whose authority he hath, he saw it most agreeable to the laws
of good method, that he should first establish the Prince's
power upon the right bottom, and thence demonstratively infer
and enforce the Subject's duty as a necessary consequence
thereof: like a wise masterbuilder, laying the groundwork
sure, that the structure might rise the firmer. For upon the
right stating of these two Questions concerning the Power of
Sovereign Princes, what it is, and whence it is, (which how
exactly it is performed in the former part of this Treatise, I
leave the intelligent Reader to judge,) dependeth the true
decision of all such emergent differences and controversies as
may arise at any time between Princes and their Subjects,
and consequently the safety and security of both ; and, con
sequently to those, the peace and happiness of all Kingdoms,
States, and Commonwealths.
IX. By what hath been said, the Reader will easily per
ceive that it is a matter of very great and universal concern
ment, for both Prince and People, that is, all Mankind, are
concerned in it, that the two Points insisted upon in this Trea
tise should be well known and rightly understood. And there
fore I cannot sufficiently wonder at the inconsiderateness, or
perverseness rather, of those men, if any such shall be found,
(and by the pulse of the times, and other indications, it is no
hard matter to foresee there will be found enough such,) as
will take offence at the publishing hereof, or indeed of any
thing else that can be written, although with never so much
truth and soberness in this argument. But yet they have not
all the same pretences, some quarrelling most at the persons,
others at the thing itself, and some perhaps at the very cir
cumstance of time, according as they are led along by their
several passions or interests. i°. Some, who look upon the
Church with an evil eye, forsomuch as not this present Work
only, but most of what hath been written in this kind here
tofore, hath been written by the Bishops or other Episcopal
Divines, will be ready to give out, and that, according to their
old wont, with confidence enough, that it is not either the love
of Truth, or zeal of the honour of Kings, but the busy for-
204 THE PREFACE
wardness of some flattering, ambitious Churchmen, the more
to ingratiate themselves with the higher powers, in hope to
get better preferments thereby, that hath brought forth into
the world so many discourses and treatises concerning the
Power of Sovereign Princes, and the Obedience of Subjects.
2°. Others, it may be, will allege that it is not for Divines at
all to meddle in these matters, whereof they are not compe
tent judges, nor do they come within the compass of their
sphere : they ought to be left to the cognizance and deter
mination of Statesmen and Lawyers, who best understand the
Constitution of the several Governments, and the force and
effect of the Laws of their own several respective Countries,
and are therefore presumed to be best able to judge, the one,
by the Constitution, in whom the Sovereignty resideth, and
the other, by the Laws, how that Sovereignty is bounded and
limited in the exercise thereof. 3°. Besides these, whose
quarrel is chiefly against the persons, there is a generation of
men wholly disaffected to the thing itself; men of popular
spirits, who have so far espoused certain false principles, apt
to engender sedition, and utterly destructive of Kingly Go
vernment, that they will not easily be drawn off of them again.
These, taking it for an undeniable truth, which if examined to
the bottom will be found so far remote from Truth, that it is
not within the possibility of being rendered so much as pro
bable by any other medium, than that it hath been counte
nanced by some great Names, — that the Original of all Go
vernment is from the People, and that the Power which Kings
and Princes have, was derived unto them from the People by
way of pact or contract,a — would thence infer, that Princes
can therefore claim no more Power as of right belonging unto
them than the People shall think fit to entrust them withal :
which the People may from time to time, and at all times, as
they shall see cause in order to the public weal and safety,
either enlarge or restrain at their pleasure.* Whence it will
further follow, that the Prince's Power, being but a precarious
and ambulatory Power, subject to be varied according to the
a Vid. Sect. 15. in Praef. [Viz. [voluntatem mutet, iis qui nondum
p. 20 below.] nati sunt, ut quibus jus quaesitum
a [Quare si populus] a cujus vo- nondum est, nullam facit injuriam.]
luntate jus regnandi proficiscitur, Grotius de Jure Belli, II. iv. 10.
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 205
exigency of times and occasions, is not capable to be comprized
within any fixed Rules ; neither can any thing be written
thereof with any certainty. 4°. Nor is it improbable, lastly,
that some, willing to play such small game rather than sit out,
will take exceptions at the ill timing of this publication. That
discourses of this nature might possibly, at the time when these
things were first written by the Primate, have been of some
good use towards the discovery of the iniquity and hypocrisy
of the Mystery of Rebellion which had then begun to work,
the giving a stop, or check at least, to the further spreading
thereof, and the keeping of the King's good Subjects in their
right wits, from falling into that apostasy from their Faith
and Allegiance to his Majesty, into which multitudes of them,
inveigled by false teachers and specious pretences, were after
wards drawn. But now that by the merciful Providence and
good hand of God upon us, the King is so happily restored
to his just rights, and the Nation thereby to their ancient
Laws and Liberties ; his Supremacy so generally owned and
acknowledged, and that under the sacred and religious tie of
a solemn Oath all over the Realm ; the People of the three
Kingdoms reduced to their former obedience, and the affairs
both of Church and State put into a good forwardness of a
happy and orderly resettlement, as there seemeth to be little
need, so there will be made little use of this or any other
Writings in this kind.
X. To all which, and whatsoever other Objections can be
made hereagainst, it shall suffice to oppose, as a general and
satisfactory answer, that one short passage of St. Paul, Tit. iii. i,
Put them in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers,
to obey Magistrates, to be ready to every good work, Doubt
less the holy Apostle, who was so far from being a flatterer
or manpleaser, from seeking himself, his own glory, or other
temporal advantage, from making merchandize of the holy
Word of God, or handling it deceitfully for filthy lucre's Gal. i. 10.
sake, that very often in his Epistles he utterly disclaimeth * ^h
such base, unworthy practices, as altogether unbeseeming the
servant of Christ, appealing to the consciences of those that
knew him, and calling in God also to witness with him, how
clear he stood in that behalf, would never have given it in
206 THE PREFACE
charge to Titus, or any other Bishop or Minister of the Gos
pel, to preach such doctrine to the people of God, had there
been any thing of flattery or secular design in so doing. Nor
were the times then such as could reasonably tempt any man
to such flattery with hopes of preferment, (and what man, not
forsaken of his wits, would play the parasite for nothing?)
when as neither the Church had yet any settled revenue, nor
was there at that time so much as any one Christian Prince in
the universal world. It is evident enough from sundry intima
tions scattered in all his Epistles, especially those to Timothy
and Titus, that the reasons of the Apostle's injunction, without
the least reflection upon his own or their terrene interests,
were drawn from topics of more sublime consideration. The
Ordinance of God, the discharge of Duty, and a good Con
science, the advancement of the Gospel, and the honour of
the Christian Religion. Subjection and Obedience to Supe
riors is certainly no small part of the Christian's Duty : a debt
so just, and so well known to be so, that the Apostle supposeth
none could be utterly ignorant of: only, because men gene
rally are not so forward to perform known duties as they
should be, he saw it needful they should be sometimes, and
upon all just occasions, admonished and reminded thereof by
their Teachers.
XI. And then, sure, if those Teachers be Divines, (and I
think no sober man will deny Titus, and others by him as
sumed in partem curae, to have been such,) the pressing of
the aforesaid Duties can be no unfit theme for Divines to busy
themselves in, unless we will affirm that St. Paul meant to put
a task upon them altogether eccentric from their function and
calling. It appertaineth to the Minister's office, not only to
declare the Will of God to the people circa res agendas, as
well as credendas, to the intent they may frame their lives
and actions accordingly, but also to stir up their minds by
way of remembrance, and to charge upon their consciences
the performance of every duty they owe either to God or man.
Which is needful to be done in the particulars we now treat
of, viz. Subjection and Obedience to lawful Authority, with as
much diligence, vigour, and instance, as almost in any other
particular duty whatsoever : because, through the corruption
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 207
of nature and the pride of men's spirits, the greatest part of
Mankind are tarda nomina,* such Debtors as will abide call
ing on, not willing to pay more than needs must, nor that but
with some grudging. But how shall the Minister be able to
do this with authority ?b or, how shall he secure himself and
his endeavours the mean while from scorn and contempt, if he
shall not be able first competently to convince the persons he
is to deal withal, that such Subjection and Obedience is their
bounden duty? For vain it is to think that empty words
should have any strong operation upon the wills and affections
of men in any thing required to be done of them, without re
presenting to their understandings somewhat to make the
proposal seem reasonable. And then, forasmuch as the obli
gation to those Duties in Inferiors ariseth from, and is com
mensurate unto, that Power wherewith Superiors are entrusted,
as hath been partly already shown, the most proper and ra
tional course that can be taken to persuade men effectually to
the performance of those Duties, is by informing them rightly
and clearly what that Power is, and whence it is derived.
XII. True it is, that for the more ease of the Governors,
and better satisfaction of the People, in securing their pro
perties, preserving peace among them, and doing them justice,
the absolute and unlimited Sovereignty which Princes have by
the Ordinance of God, hath at all times and in all Nations
been diversely limited and bounded in the ordinary exercise
thereof, by such Laws and Customs as the supreme Governors
themselves have consented unto and allowed. As with us in
England there are sundry cases wherein a Subject, in main
tenance of his right and property, may wage Law with the
King, bring his Action and have Judgment against him in
open Court ; and the Judges in such case are bound by their
Oaths and Duties to right the Party according to Law, against
the King as well as against the meanest of his Subjects. And
it is very true also, that where any Controversy ariseth about
meum and tuum, or Suit groweth between the King and one
or more of his Subjects, (as it may be about some Tenure,
* ? Seneca de Beneficiis, v. 22. tarn mail quam ingrati, segnes et
Multi sunt, qui nee negare sciant tardi, lenta nomina, non mala,
quod acceperunt, nee referre : qui b Merci nao-rjs fnirayfjs. Tit. ii.
nee tarn boni sunt quam grati, nee 15.
208 THE PREFACE
Grant, Privilege, Usage, or other thing,) the debating and de
termining of every such doubt or controversy belongeth to the
learned Lawyers and reverend Judges, who are presumed to
be best skilled in the Laws and Customs of the Land, as their
proper study, wherein they are daily conversant ; and not to
Divines, who, as Divines, are no competent judges in such
matters, nor do they come within the compass of their sphere.
All this therefore must be granted ; yet is not the Divine
hereby wholly excluded from having his part, and that proper
and peculiar to him, even in the nicest Law Cases, so far as
they relate to Morality and Practice in point of Conscience.
For human Laws cannot be the adequate measure of Moral
Duty in the judgment of any reasonable man, (for Atheists,
though masters of never so much Reason, I reckon not of as
reasonable men,) the Laws being finite and fixed, but the cir
cumstances of men's actions, on which their lawfulness and
unlawfulness chiefly dependeth, various and infinite. The Laws
allow (and of necessity so must) many things to be done, which
an honest man would be loath to do ; and afford sundry ad
vantages, which one that feareth God, and maketh conscience
of his ways, ought not to take. As then, when the whole
business under consideration is perfectly stated, with all the
material circumstances thereunto belonging, as to matter of
fact, if any doubt arise what in such case may be done or not
done in point of Law, wise men use to take the advice and
direction of their learned Counsel skilled in the Laws : in like
manner, if any doubt arise, what in the same Case so stated
as before is fit to be done or not done in point of Conscience,
whence can any man seek for resolution and instruction so
properly and rationally, as from the mouth of a learned, grave,
Mai. ii. 7. and sober Divine ? The Priest's lips should preserve know
ledge, and they should seek the Law at his mouth.
XIII. Whether what I have now last insisted upon will be
taken for a digression or not, is at the Reader's courtesy, and
as he will interpret it. To me it seemed pertinent enough to
the Objection, and somewhat needful also to be taken notice
of, in regard of the great clamour raised against Churchmen
for thrusting their sickle in every man's corn, by those men,
who, it seemeth, have not considered, or not with an equal
eye, how busily and magisterially men of other Professions
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 209
adventure into the world their bold dictates, not only in mat
ters concerning Church Discipline and Government, but even
in the deepest points of Polemical and School Divinity. But
otherwise, and as in relation to the present Treatise, I confess
it might well enough have been spared. Wherein the reverend
Author, without meddling with these punctilios of the Law,
undertaketh no more but to declare and assert the Power of
Sovereign Princes, as the godly Fathers and Councils of the
ancient Catholic Church from the evidence of Holy Scripture,
and the most judicious Heathen Writers by discourse of Rea
son from the light of Nature, have constantly taught and
acknowledged the same : as to the unprejudiced Reader by the
perusal of the Book itself will easily appear. And it must be
a strange perverseness of spirit in any person, whosoever he be,
that shall affirm such an undertaking by a Divine to be a
stretching himself beyond the lines and measure of his calling.
XIV. And as for the Sovereignty, be it as it will be with
other States and Commonwealths in regard of their Constitu
tion, to us of this Nation it is so evident where it resideth, that
we need not to have recourse to Statesmen or Lawyers for
information in that point. The known Laws of the Land have
declared it so fully, and particularly the Oath of Supremacy
expressed it so clearly, that any man of ordinary capacity may
understand it as well as the deepest Statesman in the world.
That which some talk of, a mixed Monarchy, (which, by the
way, is an arrand bull, a contradiction in adjecto, and destroy-
eth itself,) and others dream of, such a coordination in the
Government* as was hatched amidst the heat of the late
Troubles, but never before heard of in our Land, are in very
truth no better than senseless and ridiculous fancies. Which
although some men have framed to themselves out of their own
P
vain imaginations, made them as gay as they could, and then
set them up as Idols to be adored by the populacy, always apt
to admire what they understand not ; yet are they not able to
stand up in the presence of that Oath, but must fall flat to the
ground before it, as Dagon before the Ark, and be broken all
to pieces. Are not the words of the Oath, ' That the King's
Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm, &c,' as
* See De Obligatione Conscientiae, Praelect. vii. §. n.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. P
210 THE PREFACE
plain and obvious to every man's understanding as the wit of
man can devise ? and ought not every Oath to be sworn and
taken, according to the plain and common sense and under
standing of the words wherein it is expressed and adminis
tered ? It were an inexcusable tyranny in the State, to the
ensnaring of the Consciences of many thousands of wellmean-
ing and loyal Subjects, to require that Oath to be taken in
such a form of words, if it were to be understood in any other
sense than those words literally import ; and that sense not
made known to them by some public Declaration or other.
For then how could such an Oath be sworn and taken, as
every Oath ought to be, in truth, and judgment, and right
eousness ?
XV. As for those, in the next place, that would derive the
Original of all Government from the People by way of Pact or
Contract, it may suffice to say that they take that for granted
which never yet was proved, nor, I dare say, will ever be
proved while the world standeth, either from Scripture, Reason,
or History. Jus gladii, the right and power of the sword,
which is really the Sovereign Power, belongeth, we know, to
Kings ; but it is by the ordinance of God,c not the donation of
the People. For he beareth the sword, St. Paul telleth us,
as God's Minister ,d from whom he received it ; and not as the
People's Minister, who had no right to give it, because they
never had it themselves. If any shall say they had, the proof
lieth on their part, to shew how they came by it : whether
God gave it them, or they took it themselves. If God gave it
them, let it be made appear when and where the first grant
was made : let some evidence be produced to justify the claim,
or at least some credible testimony, or pregnant presumption
to render it probable that there was some such thing done,
though the records be lost. If none of all this can be done, it
remaineth that, if they had it, they took it. And if they so
did, it was saucily and sacrilegiously done at the first ; and, by
our Saviour's presage, Matt. xxvi. 52, like enough to prosper
with them accordingly at the last.
XVI. Besides, the supposed Contract itself is encumbered
with so many doubts and difficulties, that it is not possible for
c Tov Qeov diarayfj. Rom. xiii. 2. xvii. 14, 15. quaere. [This reference
d Qfov diaKovos. Ibid. 4. DeuU does not appear in the First Edition.]
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 211
the wit of man to devise salvos or expedients sufficient to
rescue it from infinite entanglements and irreconcilable contra
dictions. I believe it would trouble the ablest of them all that
hold this opinion, to give a direct satisfactory answer, amongst
a world of queries more that might be tendered, to these fol
lowing interrogatories. First, for the persons contracting, of
what sort of persons did the People, who are supposed to have
made the first Contract in this kind, consist ? Were all. without
difference of age, sex, condition, or other respect, promis
cuously admitted to drive the bargain, or not ? Had women,
and children, and servants, and madmen, and fools, the freedom
of suffrage, as well as men of age and fortunes and under
standing ? Or were any of them excluded ? If any excluded,
who excluded them ? by whose order, and by what authority
was it done ? and who gave them that authority ? If all were
admitted, whether with equal right to every one, or with some
inequality ? Was the wife's interest towards making up the
bargain equal with that of her husband ? and the child's with
that of his parents ? and the servant's, if there were or could
be any such thing as master and servant, with that of his
master ? If every one had not an equal share and interest in
the business, whence did the inequality arise ? who made the
difference between them ? and what right had any man, and
how came he to have that right, to give more or less power to
one than to another ? If all were equal, who could summon the
rest to convene together ? or appoint the day and place of
meeting ? or when they were met, take upon him the au
thority and office of regulating their proceedings, of presiding
or moderating in the assembly, of determining such doubts and
differences as might arise while matters were under debate, of
calculating the voices,* and drawing up the articles of the
agreement, in case they should agree ?
XVII. But let us imagine all these could be cleared, and the
Contract made as they would have it ; yet would the force and
obligation of it remain questionable still. For it may be de
manded, whether the majority of votes shall conclude all that
are present, dissenters as well as others? And whether by
virtue of an act of those upon the place, an obligation shall lie
* ' voices,' votes. See Sermon i. ad Magistr. §. 22.
P 2
THE PREFACE
upon such as are casually absent, or willingly absent themselves,
when it was free for them so to do, no man having power to
require their appearance ? And whether a Contract made by
such persons as were at liberty before, can debar those that
shall succeed them in the next generation from the use of that
liberty their ancestors had and enjoyed ? If so, by what Law
or Right are the said respective persons so concluded ? and
whence should that Obligation spring ? None of these things
look like the dictates of the Law of Nature ; and other Law
besides that, according to our Hypothesis, when as yet there
was no Government, there could be none. And the Contract
itself, as a bare Contract, without the help of some Law or
other to give it force, cannot operate upon any but the Con
tractors : it cannot have any cogency upon those that never
gave consent thereunto.
XVIII. Besides these and I know not how many more diffi
culties no less insoluble, one thing there is which puzzleth
the men of this opinion very much, and wherewith a man that
were so disposed might make himself some sport : to wit, the
circle between Property and Government which they have
conjured themselves into, and wherein they run round even
unto giddiness, like men in a maze or labyrinth, not knowing
which way to get out. That which some have said, because
when they are put to it they must say something, viz. ' That
Dominion and Property is in order of nature before Govern
ment,' be it true or be it false, as to their purpose signifieth
nothing, unless it could be made out that they were before it
in order of time also. This dispute is not much unlike that
problem in Macrobius, * Ovumne prius fuerit, an gallina ?
Whether were first the hen or the egg ? We cannot imagine
there could be a hen, but we must suppose there must have
been an egg first, out of which that hen must have been
hatched : neither can we imagine there could be an egg, but
we must suppose there must have been a hen first, to lay that
egg. Semblably here, we cannot imagine Property, but we
must suppose some Government first : because the Right which
any man hath to that wherein he claimeth a Property must
accrue to him by some Law, and that supposeth Government.
* Saturnal. vii. 16.
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER.
Nor can we imagine a Government, one of the principal ends
whereof is the preservation of men's Properties who live toge
ther in one Society, but we must suppose there were first such
Properties to be so preserved. True it is, that a mere
Rationalist, that is to say, in plain English, an Atheist of the
late edition, who giveth more faith to such Heathen Philosophy
as affirmeth the world to have been ab ceterno, than to Divine
Revelation which assureth us it had a beginning, (and some
of the great Champions of the opinion we now speak of have
given cause enough of suspicion that they are little better,)
such a one, I say, cannot possibly get out of the circle, or solve
the difficulty in either of the aforesaid instances. But to us,
who believe the Scriptures and acknowledge a Creation, the
solution of both is equally easy. If we will but follow the clue
of the Sacred History in the four first chapters of Genesis, it
will fairly lead us out of these labyrinths in a plain way, and
without any great trouble. It is certain that God in the first
Creation made all living creatures, each in their kind, in the
full state and perfection of their nature ; and thence we may
conclude, that undoubtedly the hen was before the egg. And
it is no less certain that, as soon as Adam was created, God
gave to him, as an universal Monarch, not only dominion over
all his fellow creatures that were upon the face of the earth,
but the Government also of all the inferior world, and of all
the men that after should be born into the world so long as he
lived : so as whatsoever Property any other Persons afterwards
had or could have in any thing in any part of the world, (as
Cain and Abel, it is well known, had their Properties in seve
ral, and distinct either from other) they held it all of him, and
had it originally by his gift or assignment, either immediately
or mediately. Whence we may also conclude, both in hypo-
thesi, that Adam's Government was before Cain's Property, and
in thesi, that undoubtedly Government was before Property.
And we have great reason to believe that after the Flood the
sole Government was at first in Noah ; and whatsoever either
Property in any thing they possessed in several, or share in the
Government over any part of the world afterward any of his
sons had, they had it by his sole allotment and authority, and
transmitted the same to their posterity merely upon that
account : without awaiting the election or consent of, or enter-
214 THE PREFACE
ing into any articles or capitulations with the People that were
to be governed by them. Those words in Gen. x. 22. seem to
import as much: These are the families of the sons of Noah in
their generations after their nations : and by them were the
nations divided in the earth after the flood. And so this
supposed Pact or Contract, which maketh such a noise in the
world, proveth to be but a squib, powder without shot, that
giveth a crack, but vanisheth into air and doth no execu
tion.
XIX. That last, from the ill timing of the Publication, is so
poor an Objection that it is scarce worth the answering. Sub
jection and Obedience to Superiors, besides that they are
duties of perpetual Obligation, equally with all those men
tioned together with them in that fore-cited passage of the
Apostle, Tit. iii. i, 2, are also, as 'hath been said, of so great
public concernment otherwise, and withal so little looked
upon as duties by the most of men, that the pressing upon the
People's Consciences the performance thereof, whether by
word or writing, cannot with any pretence of Reason be
deemed unseasonable at any time. Nor hath the great Mercy
of God vouchsafed to these Nations in the happy, and little less
than miraculous Restoration of our gracious Sovereign to his
father's throne, or the general alacrity of our people in owning
his Sovereignty, rendered the Truths in this Treatise asserted
any whit less necessary to be taught and known as the times
now are, than in the times of our late sad Troubles and Dis
tractions. As will be easily yielded by all such, as either have
diligently observed the temper and carriage of the most active
men of these times, or shall duly take into consideration,
amongst many other things which might be added, these few
ensuing particulars :
i. The desperate principles and resolutions of Quakers,
Fifth Monarchy men,* and other enthusiastic Sectaries, of
what denomination soever, who utterly refuse to take the
Oath of Supremacy ; and what multitudes in a few years, for
want of timely coercion, they are increased into in all parts of
the Land.
* The Insurrection of Venner and this Preface, Monday, January 7,
other Fifth Monarchy men took 1661. Rennet's Register, 355.
place just one week after the date of
TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 215
2. How strangely some of those that have taken the said
Oath, and they a far more considerable Party than the former,
do yet seek to mince it, by such an interpretation of the word '
1 Only,' as quite destroyeth the force of it, and leaveth a gap
open for any rebellious attempt to enter, that shall offer so
to do.
3. That the Ministers of that Party, who in their prayers
before and after sermon do not usually shew themselves over-
studious of brevity, are generally observed when they pray for
the King, (whether for fear of offending their grandees, or as a
discriminating character or Shibboleth, whereby to distinguish
themselves from men of different principles from them, or for
whatever other reason it is) to omit in reciting his Majesty's
Royal Titles that clause which in former and peaceable times
was generally used, — ' in all Causes and over all Persons, as
well Ecclesiastical as Temporal, in his Dominions, Supreme
Governour.'
4. With what boldness some of the said Ministers do in their
ordinary prayers and sermons openly asperse the King and his
Government ; and with what cunning other some of them do
covertly and glancingly inject suspicions into the minds and
thoughts of their credulous auditors concerning the same, by
these means to beget in the People an opinion, to which the
common sort are as easily persuaded as to any other thing in
the world, that they are not so well governed as they should
be. The old experimented artifice by which Absalom stole
away the hearts of the people from their allegiance.
5. What endeavours have been used, that the encroach
ments made upon the Regalities, by such advantages as the
late King's either necessities or condescensions ministered,
should still continue ; and that all public actings, from the
beginning of the Long Parliament till the Year 1648, (whereof
it were a miracle if some, whilst the dispute was so hot, were
not illegal enough, and unprecedented,) should be avowed and
justified.
6. What a world of wicked pamphlets, sermons, and other
treatises full of most dangerous and seditious positions have
been sent abroad within these few last years, vented and dis
persed through all the parts of the Kingdom, and lie still upon
the stalls and in the shops, free for any man that list to buy.
216 THE PREFACE TO ARCHBISHOP USSHER.
When all this, and some other things, which, to avoid the
provoking of some unpeaceable spirits, I forbear to mention,
are notorious of themselves, and sufficiently known to the
whole Nation, let any man now say, if he can show cause, why
it should be either unseasonable or unnecessary that books
should be published to assert the just Right and Power of
Princes, and to remind the People of their bounden duty of
Subjection and Obedience?
Let this learned Treatise then, in the Name of God, go
forth and prosper, according to the pious intention of the
Reverend Author now in peace, and the hearty desires and
prayers of the Publishers; that Princes, remembering from
whom they have their authority, may with all faithfulness
exercise it to the honour and glory of Him that gave it, to the
comfort, benefit, and happiness of the People under their
Government, as the end for which it was given ; and to the
furtherance and advantage of their own trial at that last great
Day, when they are to render an account for all the Power
committed to their trust, and how they have administered the
same ; and that all Subjects, duly considering whose authority
their Princes have, may faithfully serve, honour, and humbly
obey them, according to God's holy Word and Ordinance. So
shall Peace and Righteousness flourish upon Earth, and God
shall send down His blessing both upon King and People from
Heaven. Even so, Amen.
ROBERT LINCOLN.
London, Dec. 31.
MDCLX.
OF the Editor of the Volume, for which the following Preface
was written, this account is given by Dr. Elrington in his
Life of Ussher, p. 1 15.
' Nicholas Bernard had been educated at Cambridge, and intro
duced to the Primate, then Bishop of Meath, in the year 1624. The
Primate brought him over to Ireland in 1626, and in the autumn of
that year ordained him. His Grace's interest procured for him the
Deanery of Kilmore in the next year. It seems very extraordinary
that Bishop Bedell should, in 1630, speak of him as the Primate's
" old servant." The biographers of Bishop Bedell state that Dr.
Bernard was so ashamed of his being the only person who resisted
the Bishop's wishes about pluralities, that he exchanged his Deanery
for that of Ardagh ; but this is not correct, for he did not make the
exchange till 1637. In 163 5 the Primate gave him the Vicarage of
St. Peter's, Drogheda, where he resided, in care of his Grace's
library, till after the siege in 1641. Soon after the rebellion he left
Ireland, and was appointed Rector of Whitechurch, in Shropshire,
and Preacher to the Society of Gray's Inn. He then was appointed
Chaplain and Almoner to Oliver Cromwell. He seems to have had
very accommodating religious opinions ; for on the Restoration he
continued to hold his living of Whitechurch, and died soon after.'
CLAVl TRABALES;
OR,
NAILS FASTENED BY SOME GREAT MASTERS
OF ASSEMBLIES.
CONFIRMING
THE KING'S SUPREMACY.
THE SUBJECT'S DUTY.
CHURCH GOVERNMENT BY BISHOPS.
The Particulars of which are as followeth :
I. Two Speeches of the late LORD PRIMATE USSHER'S.
The one of the King's Supremacy,
The other of the Duty of Subjects to supply the King's Necessities.
II. His Judgment and Practice in Point of Loyalty, Episcopacy,
Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England.
III. Mr. HOOKER'S Judgment of the King's Power in matters of
Religion, advancement of Bishops, &c.
IV. Bishop ANDREWS of Church Government, &c. both confirmed
and enlarged by the said Primate.
V. A Letter of Dr. HADRIANUS SARAVIA of the like Subjects.
UNTO WHICH IS ADDED,
A SERMON OF REGAL POWER, AND THE NOVELTY
OF THE DOCTRINE OF RESISTANCE,
Also a PREFACE by the Right Reverend Father in God,
THE LOED BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
Published by NICHOLAS BERNARD, Doctor of Divinity, and Rector of
Whitchurch in Shropshire.
Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret, ut quidquam molirer adversus Regiam Majestatem, ego
tamen Deum timerem, et ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem. Bern. Ep.
170. ad Ludovicum Regem, An. 1130.
LONDON,
PRINTED BY R. HODGKINSON,
And are to be sold by R. Harriot, at his Shop in St. Dunstan's Churchyard
in Fleet-street. 1661.
THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN'S
PREFACE TO THE READER.
COTTRTEOUS READER,
_L HE four Authors of these scattered, and some of them im
perfect, pieces, by the care and diligence of the learned Pub
lisher gathered up, preserved from perishing, and presented
to the world here altogether in one view, were all of them
men famous in their times, and of so high esteem, that com
mon opinion had set them up, which is not always the lot of
Worth and Virtue, above the reach of Calumny and Envy,
even whilst they were yet living : much reverence everywhere
paid, not to their persons only, but to their very names : their
writings carried authority with them, as well as weight ; and
the evidence of Truth, which hath a marvellous strength to
cast uown every imagination that exalteth itself thereagainst,
shining forth in their works, subdued all men, that had not, to
serve Interests, laid aside their Reason, to their judgments : in
somuch as the adverse Party, finding themselves not so well
able to stand upon their own bottom, nor likely to hold up the
reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle,
have been sometimes put to the pitiful shift of setting forth
supposititious Pamphlets in favour of their cause, under the
counterfeit names of other men of known piety and parts ;
whose former writings having been entertained with general
approbation abroad in the world, their very names, they
thought, would give some countenance to any cause which they
could seem in any degree to own. So sometimes poor men's
bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them, only
because it is known they are well able to maintain them.
This is one of their piaefraudes or godly cheats, a practice
common to them with the Jesuits : as many other of their
222
THE PREFACE
practices, ey,* and of their doctrines too, are. Such an un
happy, fatal coincidence not seldom there is of extremes. Thus
dealt they with the Reverend Primate of Armagh, printing in
his name, and that in his lifetime too, (such was their modesty
and tenderness of conscience) two several Pamphlets, the one
called Vox Hiberniae, and the other, A Direction to the Par
liament, &c. See pag. 1514 And sure, if they had the fore
head to make thus bold with him, when he was alive, able to
complain of the injury done him, and to protest against it, we
cannot doubt but that if need were, they would make at least
as bold with him and his name after he was dead, when they
might do it with greater security and less fear of control. See
pag. 6o.J They that betake themselves to these unworthy
* ' ey.' See Sermon iv. ad Aulam,
§. 40, preached in 1636 ; after which
time the use of this word seems to
have become very familiar with
Sanderson.
t The following are the passages
to which reference is here made :
' One thing more in relation to
the Lord Primate Ussher. There
hath been a Pamphlet of late re
vived which had been printed before
in his name, intituled, ' The Bishop
of Armagh's Direction to the Par
liament concerning the Liturgy and
Episcopal Government, &c;' against
which, as himself had declared in
his lifetime, so have I since his
death, to be a false, fictitious Paper ;
yet notwithstanding it is reprinted,
and sold up and down as his, and
accordingly produced at this day,
by many upon all occasions to his
great injury.
For the further clearing of which
let the Reader take notice that in
Anno 1640, when it came first out,
the Primate petitioned the House of
Commons for the suppressing of it ;
upon which this Order was con
ceived as folio weth :
An Order of the Commons' House of
Parliament, for the suppressing
of another Pamphlet falsely fa
thered upon the said Archbishop
of Armagh, Die Martis 9. Feb.
1640.
Whereas complaint hath been
made unto us by James, Lord Arch
bishop of Armagh, and Primate of
all Ireland, that a certain Pamphlet
hath been lately most injuriously
fathered upon him, and spread un
der the false title of The Bishop of
Armagh's Direction to the House
of Parliament concerning the Li
turgy and Episcopal Government;
It is this day ordered in the Com
mons House of Parliament, that the
Master and Company of Stationers,
and all others whom it may con
cern, shall take such course for the
suppressing of the said Book, that
they shall not suffer it to be put
in Print ; or if it be already printed,
not permit the same to be divulged ;
and if any man shall presume to
print or publish the Book above
mentioned, that he or they shall be
then liable to the Censure of the
said House. R ELSYNG?
Cler. Dom. Com.'
J Dr. Bernard's words are, 'Some
Pamphlets, which of late years have
been published in his name, con
taining, as they pretended, his opin
ion for the omission and change' of
divers things in it, as I did at their
first coming forth protest against
them, to be fictitious Papers, so I
do here confirm it; and whatsoever
he might now have yielded unto for
the peace and unity of the Church,
that we might all speak the same
thing, I can assure it, if he were
alive, in these late disputes of it, he
would have been for the Defendant.'
TO THE CLAVI TRABALES.
arts, though they may please themselves for a while with an
imagination that by this means the people will fall to them
apace, and thereout they shall suck no small advantage to
their Cause and Party, yet, as it mostly cometh to pass, such
their rejoicing is but short ; for the imposture once disco vered,
(nor is it often long before that be done ; for a lying tongue is
but for a moment) the Impostors are forced to lie down in
sorrow; and that, if they could be found out, with shame
enough. For, such discovery once made, wise men fall off
faster from them than ever fools came on : concluding the
Cause to be desperately crazy, that must be beholding to such
weak props as these to shore it up and support it.
How they that are guilty of such foul play will be able to
make answer for their insincerity before the tribunal of the
great Judge at that His Day (if yet they that do such things
can really believe there is any such thing as a Day of Judg
ment to come) I leave to their own judgments in this their day
to consider. As for us qui leges colimus severiores, as we
profess our utter abhorrency of all forgery and other like un
worthy and unchristian attempts in any person, of whatsoever
persuasion he be, or for whatsoever end it be done, so we hold
ourselves religiously obliged to use all faithfulness and sin
cerity in the publishing of other men's Works, by suifering
every Author to speak his own sense in his own words, nor
taking the boldness to change a phrase or syllable therein, at
least not without giving the Reader both notice where, and
some good account also why we have so done. Such faithful
ness and ingenuity the learned Publisher of these Treatises
professeth himself to have used, in setting them forth, neither
better nor worse, but just as he found them in the Reverend
Primate's Paper, some perfect, and some imperfect, according
as they were, and still are in the Copies which are in his
custody, and which he is ready upon all occasions to show, if
need shall require.
The Primate's two Speeches, and Dr. Saravia's Letter, are
set forth perfect, according as they are in the Original Copies
to be seen. The Treatise of the Form of Church- Government
heretofore published, and, very probably, supposed to have
been some collections of the most learned and reverend Bishop
THE PREFACE
Andrews,* but whereunto the Author had not put to his last
hand, is a piece though little in bulk, yet of huge industry ;
and such as neither could the materials thereof have been ga-
o
thered without very frequent reading and attent observing of
the sacred Text; nor, being gathered, could they have been
easily contrived or digested into any handsome form so com
pendiously without the help of a methodical and mature judg
ment ; which doubtless, had the Author polished and finished
according to his own mind, abilities, and exactness in other
things, would have given very much satisfaction to the impar
tial Reader, and done good service to the Church of God.
Yet rather than a Tract of so much usefulness should not be
publicly known to the world, the Publisher, in order to the
public good, thought fit, notwithstanding whatsoever defects
it may have for want of the Author's last hand thereunto, to
join it with the rest in this Edition : especially the learned
Primate having had it under his file, as by the Notes and
other additions written with the Primate's own hand (which
I have seen and can testify) doth plainly appear. The same
also is to be said of the three pieces of the renowned Hooker,
and of what is written with the same hand in the margent of
the Manuscript Copy, whereof some account is given, pag. 49.!
Great pity it is, if it could be holpen, that any thing which
fell from the pen of any of these four Worthies should be lost.
* It may be seen with many va- in the common Copies of Mr. Hook-
riations from the form in which it er's MS, though by what art and
was edited by Bernard, in the Vo- upon what design so much was ex-
lume of his Minor Works published punged I know not : only thus far
in the Library of Anglo- Catholic the Primate hath joined his testi-
Theology. Oxford, 1846. mony with Mr. Hooker in these,
t ' Unto which I shall only add which seem to be the true, that
this, that I have found among the he hath corrected and perfected the
Primate's papers a Manuscript, con- copy throughout with his own hand,
taining Mr. Hooker's judgment of and not only found out the several
these three things, quotations, and put them down in
1. Of Regal Power in Ecclesias- the margent, which had been before
tical Affairs. omitted, but added many of his
2. Of the King's Power in the own, with some other large Anno-
advancement of Bishops unto tations, by which his zeal for the
the rooms of Prelacy. defence of Regal Power is the more
3. Of the King's exemption from evident.'
Censures and other Judicial See Keble's Note on Walton's
Power. Appendix to his Life of Hooker,
All which, as the Primate notes Works, i. 120. Oxford, 1836.
with his own hand, are not found
TO THE CLAVI TRABALES. 225
But where the entire Work cannot be retrieved, it is pity but,
as in a shipwreck at sea, or scath-fire by land, so much of it
should be saved as can be saved, be it more or less. Those
men have been always thought to have deserved well of the
Commonwealth of Learning, that have bestowed their pains in.
collecting out of the Scholiasts, Grammarians, Lexicons, ?ind
other ancient Authors, the Fragments of Ennius, Lucilius,
Cicero, the Dramatic Poets, and of other learned, though but
Heathen Writers, whether Greek or Latin. How much more
then ought the very imperfect Fragments and Relics, so they
be genuine, of such excellent persons, that tend so much to
the advancement, not of the knowledge only, but of the power
also of Christianity, and of Godliness as well as Truth, be
acceptable to all those that are true lovers of either. Of gold
quaevis bracteola, the very smallest filings are precious ; and
our Blessed Saviour, when there was no want of provision, yet
gave it in charge to His Disciples, the off-fall should not be
lost. The more commendable therefore is, and the more ac
ceptable to the men of this generation should be, the care of
the reverend preserver and publisher of these small but pre
cious Relics of so many eminent persons, men of exquisite
learning, sober understandings, and of exemplary piety and
gravity, all concurring in the same judgment, as concerning
those points (factious spirits in these latter times so much
opposed) of Regal Sovereignty, Episcopal Government, and
Obedience in Ceremonials.
What the Reverend Doctor hath added of his own, as touch
ing the Learned Primate's judgment in the premisses, and
confirmed the same by instancing in sundry particulars under
those three general heads, and that, from his own personal
knowledge and long experience, having for divers years lived
under or near him, is in the general very well known to my
self and many others, who have sundry times heard him, as
occasion was given, deliver his opinion clearly in every of the
aforesaid points, which were then grown to be the whole sub
ject, in a manner, of the common discourse of the times. But
one particular I shall mention, which above the rest I per
fectly remember, as taking more special notice of it when it
was spoken than of the rest, because I had never heard it
observed by any before, and having myself oftentimes since.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. Q
226 THE PREFACE
spoken of it to others upon several occasions ; which for that
it hath given satisfaction to some, I think it my duty to make
it known to as many others as I can, by acquainting the
Reader with it ; and it concerneth the Ceremony of the Cross
after Baptism, as it is enjoined by Law, and practised in the
Church of England.
The use of this Ceremony had been so fully declared, and,
as to the point of superstition wherewith some had charged
it, so abundantly vindicated, both in the Canons of the Church
and other writings of learned men, that before the beginning
of the Long Parliament, and the unhappy divisions that fol
lowed thereupon, there were very few in the whole Nation,
scarce here and there one, either of the Ministers that made
scruple to use it, or of the People that took offence at it.
But after that some leading men of the House of Commons in
that Parliament, for the better driving on the design they had
upon the King, had let all loose in the Church, whilst some
few stood fast to their honest principles, and were most of
them undone by it, the greatest part of the Clergy, to their
shame be it spoken, many for fear of losing their own, more
in hope to get other men's Livings, and some possibly out of
their simplicity beguiled with the specious name of Reforma
tion, in a short space became either such perfect timeservers
as to cry down, or such tame compilers with the stronger side
as to lay down ere they needed, the use of the whole Liturgy,
and of all the Rites and Ceremonies therein prescribed. But
among them all, none in the whole bunch so bitterly inveighed
against, nor with such severity anathematized, as this of the
Cross, as smelling ranker of Popery and Superstition than any
of the rest : as it is even at this day by the managers of the
Presbyterian Interest represented as, of all other, the greatest
stone of offence to tender consciences, and the removal of it
more insisted upon than of all the other Ceremonies, by such
men as, having engaged to plead in the behalf of other men's
tender consciences, do wisely consider withal, that it will not
be so much for their own credit now to become timeservers
with the Laws, as it was some years past for their profit to
become timeservers against the Laws.
These outcries against a poor Ceremony, to us, who were
not able to discern in it any thing of harm or superstition
TO THE CLAVI TKABALES. 227
worthy of so much noise, afforded sometimes, when two or
three of us chanced to meet together, matter of discourse.
It happened upon a time, that falling occasionally upon this
theme, the Learned Primate among other things said to us
that were then casually present with him, that in his opinion
the Sign of the Cross after Baptism, as it is appointed in the
Service Book, and taken together with the words used there
withal, was so far from being a relic of Popery, that he verily
believed the same to have been retained in the Church of
England at the Reformation, of purpose to show that the
custom used in the Church of Rome, of giving the Chrism to
infants immediately after their Baptism, was in their judg
ments neither necessary to be continued in all Churches, nor
expedient to be observed in ours. Which his opinion, as it is
most certainly true in the former, so to me it seemeth very
probable in the latter branch thereof.
For, first, how can that be with any truth affirmed, or but
with the least colour of reason suspected to be a Popish cus
tom, or a rag or relic of Rome, that hath been for above
a hundred years used, and that use by Law established, in
the Protestant Church of England, but is not at all used, nor,
for ought I can learn, ever was used by the Papists in their
Churches ? nor is it by any order or authority of the Church
of Rome enjoined to be used in any Church in the world that
professeth subjection thereunto. True it is, that in the Office
of Baptism, according to the Roman Ritual, the Sign of the
Cross is very often used: from first to last, at least twenty
times, viz. in the Benediction of the salt, in the Exorcisms, in
the formal words of Administration, and otherwise ; yet, as
luck would have it, that Sign is not made, nor by the Ritual
appointed to be made upon the child's forehead, as with us is
used ; nor are those very words therewithal used, nor other
words to the like purpose by the said Ritual appointed to be
so used, showing what the intent, meaning and signification of
that Sign is, as in our Service Book is done. And true it is
also (for I will not, as I think I ought not, dissemble any thing
that I can imagine might be advantageously objected by an
adversary) that according to the Roman Order the Minister,
as soon as he hath finished the Baptism (Ego baptizo te 8fc.\
is in the next place to anoint the infant cross-wise, with a cer-
Q 2
228 THE PREFACE
tain Prayer, or Benediction rather, to be said at the same
time, as by the Ritual printed at Antwerp, An. Dom. MDCLII,
pag. 23, may appear. But so far distant is that Rite of theirs
from this of ours in many respects, as may also by comparing
their Ritual with our Service Book appear, that ours cannot
with any congruity be thought to have been drawn by that
pattern, or to have been borrowed or taken from their prac
tice. For, first,
1. Theirs is actus immanens, a material anointing, and so
leaveth a real effect behind it, the visible form or figure of a
Cross, to be seen upon the child's head after the act is done.
But ours is a mere transient act, an immaterial sign of a Cross
made in the air, without any sensible either impression or
expression remaining when the act is over.
2. Theirs is done upon the top or crown of the head (in
summitate capitis, Ritual, p. 23.) which is elsewhere expressed
by vertex, (see p. 49 and 51 and 56) which sure must needs have
some other signification, if it have any, than ours hath, which
is done upon the child's forehead, the proper seat, by the com
mon judgment of the world and according to the grounds of
physiognomy, of shamefastness* and boldness; and so holdeth
a perfect analogy with that which the Church intended to
signify by it, l in token that he shall not be ashamed' &c.
3. Their Cross belongeth precisely to the anointing with
the Chrism, whereunto it relateth, and hath such a depend
ence thereupon, that, supposing there were no such Chrism
used in the Church of Rome, there would be no place left for
the Cross in all that part of the Office that followeth after the
formal words of Baptism, as from the frame and order of their
Ritual is most evident. It cannot therefore be the same with
the Cross used in our Church, where the Chrism is not at all
used, but thought fit rather at the Reformation to be (I dare
not say condemned as unlawful and superstitious, but) laid
aside, as at least unnecessary and useless, as many other
Ceremonies, still retained in the Church of Rome, were, be
cause, though some of them were guiltless, yet they were
grown so burdensome by reason of their multitude, that it was
fit the number of them should be abated.
* See Sermon i. ad Magistr. §. 5.
TO THE CLAVI TRABALES.
And yet, secondly, there might be, and, in the Primate's
judgment, probably there was a more peculiar reason why
after Baptism our Church did substitute the Sign of the Cross
with the words thereto appertaining, instead of the Chrism
and the Cross attending it used in the Church of Rome. The
Ceremony of giving the Chrism to Infants in all likelihood
came into the Church about the same time, when, through the
misunderstanding of a passage in John vi. 53, the opinion of
the necessity of administering the Lord's Supper to Infants
had obtained in the Christian Church. And that, as it seein-
eth, to supply in some sort the want of Confirmation, wherein
the like Ceremony of anointing with the Chrism was used, of
which young children were not capable, and which yet was in
all reason to precede the receiving of the Lord's Supper. That
opinion in time vanished as an error, and with it the practice
of Communicating Infants ceased. But still the custom of
giving them the Chrism continued, as a kind of initial Con
firmation, if I may so call it : as if by it were conferred some
degree of that Grace, which, in their account, is the proper
effect of the Sacrament of Confirmation, to wit, the Grace of
spiritual strength, to fight against the spiritual enemy of the
Soul, the flesh, the world, and the devil. Now to prevent the
imagination of any such efficacious virtue in the Chrism, and
to show that by Baptism alone, which is Sacramentum mill-
tare, without the addition of the Chrism, the person baptized
receiveth all that benefit of grace and strength, whatsoever it
be, which he should do if the Chrism were joined with it, (for
by Baptism he is not only received into the Church as a
member of Christ, but matriculated also into the militia as
a soldier of Christ,) it might very well be thought convenient,
laying aside the anointing with the Chrism, per modum Cru-
cis, Cross-wise, that the Minister, as soon as he hath baptized
the child, should in express words signify to the Congregation,
that he is now become the soldier of Jesus Christ, as well as
a member of His Church, with the Sign of the Cross also used
therewithal, as a significant Ceremony, in token that the per
son so baptized, being now the soldier of Christ, should not
be ashamed of his profession, nor behave himself cowardly
therein.
This is the substance of what the Learned Primate declared
230 THE PREFACE
to us to be his judgment concerning the use of this Cere
mony, and the place it hath in our Liturgy. In the setting
down whereof, if for the Reader's fuller satisfaction I have
allowed myself a good liberty of enlargement, either for the
further confirming or the better clearing of his opinion, I hope
none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it, hav
ing gone all along upon his grounds, and perfectly to his
sense. This story, of what discourse we had with the Primate
at that time, as I had to others heretofore, so I told very
lately to the Reverend Doctor, the Publisher of these Trea
tises, who told me back again, that himself had also heard
him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid, and
remembereth particularly (which I here publish, having the
Doctor's warrant so to do) that he so declared it in a public
speech, mentioned, page 63, before a great auditory at Dro-
gheda in Ireland, when he first confirmed children there.
I am unwilling, having gone thus far already, to weary the
Reader or myself with proceeding any further ; nor indeed is
it needful I should. For, since only by pride cometh conten
tion, Prov. xiii. 10, if all men that pretend to be wise and
honest would be humble (and truly he that is not so is nei
ther honest nor wise), and make that their business which is
certainly their duty : that is to say, if they would study quiet
ness more and parties less, bear a just reverence to Antiquity
and to their betters, allow as favourable a construction to
things established as they are capable of, suspect their own
judgment wherein it differeth from the public, submit to rea
son, and yield when they are convinced, obey cheerfully where
they may, and, where they dare not, suffer without noise, a
little saying and writing would serve the turn. But when
men are once grown to this, to make it their glory to head
or hold up a party ; to study ways how to evade when they
are called to obey ; to resolve to err, because they have erred,
and to hold their conclusion in spite of all premisses ; to pre
fer their private opinions before wiser men's judgments, and
their reputation with the vulgar before obedience to Supe
riors ; in a word, to suffer themselves to be swayed with pas
sions, parties, or interests ; all the writing and saying in the
world, as to such men, until it shall please God to put their
hearts into another frame, is to no more purpose than if a
TO THE CLAVI TRABALES.
man should go about to fill a sieve with water, or to wash a
blackamore white.
When we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can,
we shall in the end find the best expedient for peace, and the
best service we can do the Church, ourselves, and our bre
thren, to be our constant and instant prayers to Almighty
God, with our subservient endeavours, that He would give to
every one of us a discerning judgment to see the Truth, and
a willing mind to embrace it, conscience to do what we ought,
and patience to suffer what we must, humility to acknowledge
our own, and charity to bear with other men's infirmities,
that so we may keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of
peace, and fulfil the Law of Christ ; which is the unfeigned
hearty wish of
The unworthy Servant
of Jesus Christ,
Ro. LINCOLN.
London, Aug. 10, 1661.
THE Discourse concerning the Church is said by Antony Wood
to have been published by Dr. William Assheton, sometime Fellow
of Brasenose College, afterwards Rector of Beckenham in Kent,
and Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond. Athenae Oxon. iii. 628, ed.
Bliss, where a list of seventeen Publications of his is given. Thirty-
five are enumerated, between 1662 and 1710, in 'The Christian
Indeed, and Faithful Pastor : impartially represented in a practical
Essay, and historical Account of the Exemplary Life and Works of
the late eminent William Assheton, D. D.' &c, &c, by Thomas
Watts, A. M. Vicar of Orpington and St. Mary Cray in Kent.' 8°.
London, 1614. No mention is made of this posthumous Tract of
Sanderson's in either place.
IMPRIMATUR
Hie Libellus cui Titulus, A Discourse
July rf, ,688. concerning the Church, &c.
Jo. BATTELY.*
Chaplain to Archbishop Sancroft,and Author of Antiquitates Rutupinae.
A DISCOURSE
CONCERNING
THE CHURCH
IN THESE FOLLOWING PARTICULARS.
I. Concerning the Visibility of the true Church.
II. Concerning the Church of Rome.
III. Concerning Protestant Churches.
IV. An Answer to this Question, — Where was your Church before
Luther ?
BY THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,
ROBERT SANDERSON,
Late Lord Bishop of LINCOLN.
LONDON,
PRINTED BY T. B. FOR R. TAYLOR,
1688.
THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.
_L HAT the following Discourses are genuine and authentic, and
were really writ by that excellent Prelate whose name they bear, can
never be doubted by the learned and judicious Reader. For the
composures of that incomparable pen are so close and logical, and
his style so masculine and convincing, as not easily to be imitated
by any other hand.
However, to justify my integrity herein, since posthumous
Writings lie under suspicion, I shall give this further satisfaction ;
that about twenty years since, I received these Papers from the
hands of that well-known, good man, Mr. Jo. Pullen of Magdalen
Hall, his Lordship's domestic Chaplain. Who, upon my desire, did
communicate not only these, but several other Remains of the same
venerable name.
Amongst which, there is a fragment of an Answer to Dr. Baylie's
Challenge.* Whether or no it was ever finished, I have no certain
conjecture. But if it were, and could be found, the publishing of it
at this juncture would be seasonable and useful.
For though that Pamphlet is a piece of as transparent sophistry
as was ever called demonstration, arid though the weakness and
* 'Dr. Baylie's Challenge.' The the work intended by Dr. A ssheton.
Work to which reference is here made, ' This is the eleventh month that the
was, probably, ' Laudensium AvroKard- Archbishop of Canterbury and his fac-
Kpxris. The Canterburians' Self Con- tion has been challenged in print before
viction : or an evident Demonstration the whole Isle, as guilty by their own
of the avowed Arminianism, Popery, confession of setting up, so far as lay
and Tyranny of that Faction by their in them, in all his Majesty's dominions,
own confessions, &c.' contrary to many standing Laws, con-
The third Edition ' augmented by trary to his Majesty's mind and many
the Author, with a large Supplement/ late declarations, Arminianism to the
appeared in 1641, printed by Nathaniel full, the grossest heads of Popery, a
Butter, no place named. The Title-page tyranny not only Papal in the Church,
exhibits ' Ladensium,' and, throughout but also Turkish in the State.' Opening
the work, the Archbishop's name is of the Preface.
written ' Lad,' possibly, in the first in- ' I have all my desire. My Challenge
stance, with a view to escaping Pro- in every point is fully justified to the
secution. satisfaction of all. without the contra-
Such passages as the following seem diction of any.' Supplement, p. 69.
to warrant the supposition that this is
238
inconsequence of it hath been sufficiently displayed, yet such is the
pleasure of some men, that it hath been printed and reprinted with
as much assurance, as if not the least notice had been ever taken
of it
The same remark is obvious concerning these following Tracts.
'Tis surprising to observe, after these things have been so clearly
and fully stated, that we should ever and anon be thus pelted with
that impertinent Question, Where was your Church before Luther ?
Our venerable Author doth tell them where it was. And he doth
it with such an evidence and strength of reason, as is peculiar to
himself. For whereas the writings of other men may indeed con
vince, those of Bishop Sanderson do perfectly silence.
A DISCOURSE
CONCERNING
THE VISIBILITY OF THE TRUE CHURCH,
JL H E word CHURCH hath, among others, these four special
significations. Being taken for,
First, the whole Company of God's Elect, actually made
Members of Christ by virtue of an inward, effectual calling to
faith and godliness. This we commonly call the Invisible
Church, or the Church of God's Elect.
Secondly, the whole Company* of all those throughout the
world, who by their doctrine and worship do outwardly make
profession of the Name of Christ. This we call the Universal
Visible Church, or the Catholic Christian Church.
Thirdly, some particular, distinct, whether National, Pro
vincial, or other greater or smaller, part of the Universal. As
we say, the Church of Rome, the Church of Corinth, the
Church of England. This we call a Particular Visible Church.
Fourthly, by a Synecdoche, the Bishops, Pastors, and Go-
vernours of Particular Churches, lawfully authorized to repre
sent the whole Church whereof they are Governours, as to
some special intents. This we call a Church Representative.
The word TRUTH, applied to any subject, is taken either
absolute or respective.
Absolutely a thing is true, when it hath veritatem entis et
essentiae ; with all those essential things that are requisite
to the bare being and existence of it. Respectively, when,
over and above these essentials, it hath also such accidental
conditions and qualities as should make it perfect and com-
mendably good.
* ' the whole of all those' Queen's College MS.
240 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
A thing may be true in the first sense, and yet not true in
the second, but false. As a man may be a true man, animal
rationale, and yet a false knave ; a woman a true wife, nupta
viro, and yet a false quean ; a speech a true proposition, hav
ing subjectum, praedicatum, et copulam, and yet a false lie.
A true Church, according to the first sense and absolutely,
is every Church that in her doctrine and worship professeth
the Faith of Christ, whether soundly or corruptly. But in
the second sense and respectively, that only is a true Church
whose doctrine and worship is pure, at least in a good mea
sure, from errors and superstitions. So as other Churches,
which either maintain heretical doctrines or prescribe idola
trous worship, may be justly called, at leastwise in comparison
with this, and in this second sense, false Churches, and not true.
A total and utter defection from the whole Faith of Christ,
in doctrine and in worship, destroys the very being of a
Church, and maketh it no Church at all. But a defection
from the purity of Faith doth not take away the being of a
Church. It remains still a true Church absolutely, but only
maketh it an impure and corrupt Church, and so far forth a
false Church respectively.
Corruptions in doctrine and worship, as they are greater
or lesser, so they make a Church more or less false compara
tively ; and as they are imposed upon men with greater or
lesser exaction, they do more or less justify,* whether a se
paration from, or an opposition against, such a false Church,
and in some cases enforce it.
When betwixt two Churches, differing in doctrine or wor
ship, question is made, Whether of them is the true Church ?
it must be understood not in the first sense and absolutely (for
so both are true, and, ergo, equally true Churches, for vero
nihil verius), but respectively and comparatively and in the
second sense, viz., whether of them maintains the doctrine, to
gether with the worship, taught by Christ and His Apostles,
in the greater measure of purity, and freer from error and
superstition ?
VISIBILITY, as to our purpose, imports such a state of a thing,
as wherein it is evident and discernible more or less by sen-
* 'justly,' Qu.
THE CHURCH. 241
sible marks ; so as a man may infallibly know it thereby, and
say, ' Here it is.' Which Visibility hath several degrees ; and,
applied to the Church, may be several ways considered.
First, a thing is visible in the highest degree, where it doth
itself ferire oculos, as it were, and is so eminently and glori
ously conspicuous, that a man, unless he wilfully shuts his
eyes, cannot choose but see it. As the sun in the firmament
is visible, when it shines forth in its greatest lustre at noon
day.
Secondly, in an inferior degree, when it is discernible even
outwardly, but not at the first sight, or in any glorious splen
dour ; but with due and serious and intent observation. As
some stars in an overcast evening to them that with a stead
fast eye look for them.
Thirdly, and in a yet lower degree, when it is not discern
ible outwardly, or at all, to any but those only who more
nearly partake of it. As the light of a candle in a close pri
vate room is visible to those only that be in the room.
In every of which degrees Visibility, applied to the Church
and the Members thereof, may be considered in a fourfold
respect.
First, Of the men themselves.
Secondly, Of their general profession of Christianity.
Thirdly, Of their particular different tenents* from other
men or Churches.
Fourthly, Of the truth of their particular tenents.
* See Sermon ix. ad Aulam, §.32.
SANDERSON, VOL. V.
242 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
THESES.
FlRST, the Church in the first and most proper signification,
viz. the Church of God's Elect, is wholly and altogether Invi
sible. But of this, the present Question is not.
Secondly, the Universal Christian Church upon earth hath
never failed from the whole Faith, nor ever shall fail to the
world's end, in such sort but that still in some part or other of
it, it hath been, is, and shall be visible more or less, and that
externally in the first or second degree of Visibility, both in
the first and second respects.
Thirdly, whence it follows, that, understanding Truth in
the first sense, there never hath wanted, doth, or shall want
upon earth, a true and distinct Particular Church, in some
place or other externally visible, more or less, in the degrees
and respects above specified.
Fourthly,* every Particular Visible Church may fail, not
only from the purity of Faith, but also from the whole Faith
itself ;f and so may cease J to be a true Christian Church,
even so much as in the first sense ; and may become no
Church.
Fifthly, the Universal Christian Church, consisting of all
Particular Visible Churches together and at once, may, by
the prevailing of heresy and idolatry, be brought to such a
general defection in the outward face of it, though not from
the whole Faith, yet from the purity of Faith both in doctrine
and worship, that for a long time together there may not be
found upon earth (taking Church in the second sense) any
true Particular Church visibly distinct from the rest, by their
outward freedom from the common corruptions so much as
in the second, much less in the first degree of Visibility, either
in the third or fourth respects. And this is that part of the
Church especially under Antichrist.
* 'Fourthly,' &c. In Qu. MS. much as in the first sense, and be-
' Fourthly, every Particular Visible come no Church.'
Church may fail, not only from the t ' hut also in itself.' Qu.
purity of the Faith, and so cease to J 'and so cease.' Qu.
be a true Christian Church so
THE CHURCH. 243
Sixthly, that even in the times of the greatest and most
general Defection, there have been always particular men,
and those eminent either for number, place, learning, or godli
ness, who, though living in the midst of corrupt Churches, and
in the communion and visible profession thereof, have yet, ac
cording to the measure of their grace and knowledge, and the
exigence* of times and occasions, either,
First, openly resisted the errors, superstitions, and corrup
tions of their times ; f or, secondly, noted the corruptions as
they grew, and complained of them, and desired reformation ;
or, thirdly, in private dissented from them in the explication {
of the most dangerous doctrines, and kept themselves free
from the foulest corruptions, though carried with the stream
of the common apostasy to embrace the rest. Whereof we
are to presume they repented, either explicitly, if God gave
them to see their errors ; or at leastwise implicitly, in the
mass of their ignorant and unknown sins. §
Seventhly, although such particular men were not always so
locally || and generally separated from the rest, as to make a
visible distinct Particular Church by themselves in the first
degree of Visibility, yet in these men did the succession of the
true Church, taking it comparatively and in the second sense,
especially consist, and the Visibility of it continue in the time
of universal defection. In which men the true Church 1F con
tinues Visible always and perpetually, without interruption ;
and that ever in the fourth respect, viz. in regard to the ac
knowledged truth of their doctrine ; in the third degree of
Visibility, viz. in an inward estate and to themselves ; ** and
sometimes also,j"f though perhaps not always, visible exter
nally, and to their very enemies more or less, in the second
degree of Visibility, and in the three first respects.
* 'exigency.' Qu. MS. IF 'the Church.' Qu. MS.
t Qu. MS. adds, ' and sometimes ** ' themselves.' The Queen's
suffered for the same.' College MS. has a blank space left
J 'explications.' Qu. MS. for this word.
§ Compare Sermon vi. ad Po- ft 'also, and for the most part,
pulum, §.18. though.' Qu. MS.
|| 'not always locally.' Qu. MS.
244 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
CONCERNING
THE CHURCH OF ROME.
THE Church of Rome or Roman Church is taken in a three
fold latitude.
First, Respectively to the place : for that Church which is in
the city, or territory, or diocese of Rome. As we say the
Church of Geneva, or the Church of Venice. And so St. Paul
wrote an Epistle to the Church of Rome, as he did to the
Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, and other particular cities.
Secondly, Respectively to the state of the Empire : for the
whole Latin or Western Churches, as they are distinguished
from the Greek and Eastern Churches, and from the African
and Southern Churches.* Because by reason of the Empire
these Churches had a nearer Communion among themselves
than with other Churches ; and acknowledge the Bishop of
Rome as primae Sedis Episcopum, or the Patriarch of the
West, as other Bishops were of the Greek, Asian, and African
Churches.
Thirdly, Respectively to the Faith : for all particular
Churches aggregatim, that acknowledge subjection to the
present See of Rome, and entirely communicate with that
Church f in the present doctrine and worship of it ; and,
namely and especially, as to our purpose, as it is comprised
in the Council of Trent.
In which last sense taking the Church of Rome, it may be
considered either,
First, Materialiter, as it is a Church professing the Faith
of Christ, as we also do in the common points of agreement.
Secondly, Formaliter, and in regard of that we call Popery :
* ' and from the African and lege MS.
Southern Churches.' These words t ' that Church.' ' the Church,'
do not appear in the Queen's Col- Qu. MS.
THE CHURCH. 245
viz. the point of difference, whether concerning the doctrine
or worship : wherein we charge her to have added to the sub
stance of Faith her own inventions.
Thirdly, Conjunctim pro toto aggregate*, taking both toge
ther. As in any unsound body, we may consider the body by
itself, the disease by itself,* and the body and the disease
both together, as they make a diseased body.
* ' the disease by itself.' These words are not in the Qu. MS.
246 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
THESES.
Jr IRST, the Church of Rome, which of the three ways soever
taken, is not the Universal Christian Church, but only a part
thereof, or a Particular Church, or Churches.
Secondly, The Church of Rome, ever since the first planta
tion of it, hath * continued a true Church, taking Truth in the
first sense, and considering the Church of Rome materially as
it is a Church. But so hath the Church of England also, and
many other Churches.
Thirdly, The Church of Rome hath no special promise or
privilege, above other Particular Churches, of immunity from
falling, either from the purity of Faith, or the whole Faith
itself.
Fourthly, The Church of Rome, which way soever taken,
hath long since failed from the purity of Faith, both in the
doctrine and worship of it. And so, considered formally, in
regard of those points which are properly of Popery, is be
come a false and corrupt Church ; and is indeed an Anti-
christian Synagogue, and not a true Christian Church, taking
truth in the second sense.
Fifthly, The doctrinal errors of the Church of Rome do not
directly and immediately overthrow the foundation of Faith,
as the Heresy of the Arian Churches did ; but mediately and
by necessary consequence they do. As in the points of Me-
rits,f Mass, Transubstantiation, &c.
Sixthly, The bare teaching, even ex cathedra, of the doc
trinal errors of the Church of Rome, inasmuch as they do not
overthrow the foundation but ex consequenti and indirectly,
is not enough of itself alone to enforce or justify J an outward
separation from her. But the imposing these errors upon the
consciences of men, to be believed as of necessity, is damnable,
* ' has.' Qu. MS. rits.' Qu. MS.
t 'of Merits/ < of Free- Will, Me- J < and justify.' Qu. MS.
THE CHURCH. 247
and doth not only justify a separation already made, but also
bindeth sub mortali all true Christians to such a separation.*
Seventhly, The worship required and performed in the
Church of Rome, is in most things superstitious, and in some
lately idolatrous, and such as wherein a good Christian can
not lawfully communicate with her.
So as if there were nothing else, yet her idolatry were
enough to justify and enforce such a separation.
* 'such a separation.' TheTran- ing, perhaps, been betrayed into the
scriber of the Queen's College MS. omission of the following paragraph
makes this section end here, hav- by its ending with the same words.
248 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
CONCERNING
PROTESTANT CHURCHES.
13 Y the Protestant Churches we understand those Visible
Particular Churches, which, having by an external separation*
freed themselves from the tyranny and idolatry of Popery,
have more or less reformed the doctrine and worship from
Popish Corruptions, and restored them more or less to the
ancient and primitive purity.
Now such Churches may be considered either materially or
formally.
First, Materially. When we consider those Churches, to
whom it happens thus to be reformed, barely and precisely as
Local and Particular Visible Churches, without respect had
to their present reformed, or former corrupt estate, or to the
substance of their Faith. As when we say, the Church of
England, the Church of Denmark, the Church of Saxony,
&c.
Secondly, Formally. The Protestant Churches may again
be considered two ways, in respect of a twofold form.
First, | An outward and accidental form. Secondly, An in
ward, and, as it were, essential form.
The inward form ever giveth esse, but the outward often
giveth nomen. The outward form is barely the state of re
formation, which supposeth another former estate of deformity
or corruption ; out of which respect, they have the name and
title of Protestant and Reformed^: Churches. But the inward
form is the substance of their Faith thus reformed, in their
* ' by an external separation hav- paragraph is not in the Qu. MS.
ing.' Qu. MS. J < Protestant Reformed.' Qu.
f ' First' and ' Secondly.' This MS.
THE CHURCH. 249
doctrine and worship, from the corruptions wherewith Popery
had infected it.
Which substance of Faith in the Protestant Churches may
be considered differently, in the positive points of their Faith
and in the negative. The positive points, or affirmative Arti
cles of our Christian Faith, are they which make us true
Christian Churches. For in our positive, we teach the ancient
Faith of Christ and His Apostles and the Primitive Church.
And in our negative, we reject the innovations and corruptions
of latter times.
250 DISCOURSE CONCERNING
To the Question then,
Where our Church was before Luther ?
I answer,
Jr IRST,* Taking our Protestant Churches materially, as
namely the Church of England, it was where it is, viz. in
England. Where, by the great Mercy of God, it hath con
tinued a Visible Christian Church from the first plantation
of it by Apostles or Apostolical men, without interruption,
though not always without error and corruption, unto this
day. And herein it need not yield to the veryf Church of
Rome itself, or to any other Church under Heaven.
Secondly, Taking the Protestant Church formally, in re
spect of the substance of Faith, the professors of it have been
in some degree or other visible, as well before Luther as
since. But yet differently in the affirmatives and in thef
negatives of our Faith.
Thirdly, Taking the Protestant Church formally, in respect
of the outward form, viz. as under the state of reformation, we
will freely confess, There was no such Reformed or Protestant
Church before Luther as now there is. For a Church could
not be said to be reformed till it was deformed. No more
than a man can be said to be stript of a motley coat before
he had it on.
Fourthly, The Protestant Church for substance of Faith in
the affirmative doctrine, hath continued visibly from Christ
and His Apostles without interruption, as well before as since
Luther : according to the tenor of our second and third
Theses. § In which our adversaries and we agree, witness
the Articles of our Church.
Fifthly, The substance of Faith, as concerning the worship
maintained and practised in the Protestant Church of England,
hath continued Visible in like manner in all ages, as well be-
* ' First' not in Qu. MS. % ' and the.' Qu. MS.
t 'very/ Not in Qu. MS. §< Thesis.' Qu. MS.
THE CHURCH. 251
fore as since Luther. Witness our Service-Book, wherein our
adversaries themselves are not able to except against any
thing contained. Only they complain of some defects. But
that belongs not to the affirmatives, but to the negatives of
our Faith.
Sixthly, The negative tenets of our Protestant Church,
wherein she renounceth the errors and idolatries of the Ro
mish, for so much as they are negatives, are not capable of a
visible profession, in such sort as affirmatives are. Yet thus
far our Church was visible in respect of these negatives before
Luther, viz. in the primitive times, for the first six hundred
years especially ; and some other ages after also, all Ortho-
doxal Particular Churches were visible professors of our Faith,
inasmuch as in their Writings, where we were affirmative,
they were affirmative also, where we are negative, they are
either negative, or doubtful, or divided, or silent. Which
very silence is enough to make them ours as to this intent ;
for who can expect they should purposely confute those
errors, which were, many of them, not so much as thought
on in their times ?
Seventhly, In succeeding times, when errors and supersti
tions began to grow to some head, through the factions of
Princes, the pride of the Clergy, and the common ignorance
of the times, as, namely, about the year nine hundred, and
thenceforth till the times of Luther, our Protestant Church
was not visibly distinct from the corrupt Romish, according to
the tenor of our fifth Thesis, but mingled with it. Yet it had*
thus far forth visible professors ; that there were in every age
before Luther, some whose names and opinions have been by
God's good Providence preserved in histories and records,
notwithstanding the indirect endeavours of the adversaries!
to root out the memory of them, who complained of the cor
ruptions, and contradicted the doctrines and abuses of Popery,
some in one point, and some in another, some in most of all
those J points wherein we now dissent ; and that in such de
grees and respects of Visibility, as we have declared in our
sixth and seventh Theses. §
*< Yet had it.' Qu. MS. J ' these.' Qu. MS.
t "endeavour of the adversary.' § 'Thesis.' Qu. MS.
Qu. MS.
PAX ECCLESIAE.
BY THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,
ROBERT SANDERSON,
LATE LORD BISHOP OP LINCOLN.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR RICHARD MARRIOTT.
1678.
PAX ECCLESIAE.1
A LL the Decrees of God are eternal, and His Counsels therein
unsearchable. In eternals there is neither prius nor poste*
rius ; and therefore,2 considered in themselves, and as they
are3 in God, all the Decrees of God concerning the whole
course of man's Salvation, are simul et semel ; and because
eternal, therefore2 also coeternal. Yet considered either in
regard of their objects, or respectively to our apprehensions,
there must some order be 4 conceived among them, 5 whereby
one may be said to be before or after6 another 7 ordine na^
turae, et ordine intelligendi. For, as in order of Nature the
intention of the end is before the deliberation concerning the
means, the cause before the effect, the subject8 before the
properties and accidents, &c, 9 so we are not able to conceive
of the Decrees10 of God, unless we rank them in some such
order as seemeth most agreeable to the condition of their
proper objects : n as ex. gr. 12 those wherein the end, or
cause, or subject is decreed, to be, ordine intelligendi, be
fore those 13 wherein are decreed the means, effects, or ac
cidents.
1 Of this Work I have been able 6 ' or after.' These words do
to see five different copies in manu- not appear in Qu. or C. C. C.
script. Two in the Bodleian, Raw- i and 2.
linson, A. 419, and C. 167; one 7 * another.' In Rawl. 'the
among the Barlow MSS. in Queen's other/
College Library ; and two in the 8 * subject.' In Qu* ' substance.'
Library of C. C. C. y No, &c, in Rawl. A.
2 * therefore.' So in all four 10 In Rawl. C. * conceive the de-
MSS. In previous Editions, ' ergo.' crees.'
3 ' and as they are.' Rawl. A. n 'most agreeable to their pro-
and Qu. ' as they are.' per object.' C. C. C. 2.
4 'be some order.' Rawl. A. C. 12 ' exempli gratia .' Rawl. C.
and Qu. 13 ' before those.' So in Rawl. A.,
ft * concealed amongst them.' in Qu., and C. C. C. In previous
Rawl. C. Edd. 'these,' as in Rawl. C.
256 PAX ECCLESIAE.
But because the counsels of God herein are incomprehen
sible, and unsearchable1 to our weak and finite understand
ings,2 it hence cometh to pass,
First, That they who have the greatest serenity of natural3
understanding, and the largest measure of Divine Revelation
withal, must yet confess4 the unfathomed5 depth of the judg
ments and ways of God, which are 6 abyssus multa, rather to
be admired than searched into : so as7 they are not to hope
or look8 after such a way of opening these9 mysteries as
shall be quietativa intellectus, 10 so totally and absolutely, but
that some difficulties will still remain,11 to make us12 cry out
with St. Paul, 0 altitudo ! Otherwise these 13 great and
hidden mysteries of God should be no mysteries.
Secondly, That men who cannot content themselves to be
wise according to sobriety, whilst they have sought14 by
searching into the counsels of God, to bring the mysteries of
faith within the comprehension of reason, have become vain in
their imaginations, and enwrapped themselves unawares in
perplexed and inextricable difficulties : for the unwinding of
themselves wherefrom, they have been sometimes after
wards15 driven to devise and maintain strange opinions, of
very perilous and noisome consequence, which hath16 been
the original of most heresies and schisms in the Church.
Thirdly, That men also of sober understandings, and keep
ing within T 7 the due bounds of their gifts and callings, yet by
reason of the great difficulties18 of the things themselves,
have much differed, and still will do19 in their judgments
1 * unsearchable, and incompre- 1] 'will still remain.' Omitted
hensible.' Rawl. A. in Rawl. C.
2 'understanding/ Rawl. A. and 12<them." Rawl. C.
C. C. C. is 'the.' Qu.
3 'natural.' Not in Qu. 14 'sought.' So in all five MSS.
4 'must yet confess.' In. Qu. ' thought' in previous Edd.
' must confess.' 15 'sometimes afterwards.' So
5 ' unfathomed.' In Rawl. C. Qu. and C. C. C. i and 2. and
' unfashioned.' Rawl. C. ' afterwards sometimes.'
6 'judgments of God and His Rawl. A. as in previous Edd.
ways which are.' Qu. 16 'hath.' In Qu. 'have.'
7 'so as.' In C. C. C. ' so that.' ^ 'keeping within.' In Rawl.
8 ' hope or look.' In C. C. C. A. ' keeping themselves within.'
' look or hope.' In Rawl. C. ' spie 18 ' the great difficulties of.'
or look.' Omitted in Rawl. A.
9 'those.' Rawl. A. is 'will do.' In Rawl. C. 'will
10 ' intellectui.' Rawl. A. in their judgments do.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 257
and opinions one from another, in the ordering of God's De
crees concerning man's Salvation, each man abounding in his
own sense, and following that way which seemeth1 to him
clogged with the least and fewest difficulties, according as he
apprehendeth2 them : although perhaps in rei veritate,3 or at
the least4 in the apprehension of another man, those very
difficulties may be more and greater. 5 Hence the many dif
ferences amongst the Protestants between Lutherans and Cal-
vinists, amongst the Romanists between the Jesuits and Do
minicans ; and each of these again subdivided, concerning
Predestination6 and Reprobation, the power of man's Free
Will, the necessity, ? efficacy, and extent of Divine Grace, the
concurrence of Grace with Free Will, the universality and
application of Christ's Death, and some other points of like
nature.
The premisses considered, that amid and notwithstanding
all this8 variety of opinions, there may yet be preserved in
the Church the unity both of9 Faith and Charity, these few
things seem to me to be of profitable and important consider
ation.
I. That particular Churches would be as tender as may be
in giving their Definitions and Determinations in such points as
these,10 not astricting11 those that live therein determinately
either to the affirmative or negative, especially where there
may be admitted a latitude of dissenting without any prejudice
done either to the substance of the Catholic Faith, or to the
tranquillity of the Church, or to the Salvation of the dissenter.
In which respect the moderation of the Church of England is
much to be commended, and to be preferred, not only before
the Roman Church, which with unsufferable tyranny bindeth
1 ' seemeth.' In Qu. ' seems.' 7 ' the necessity universal-
2 ' apprehendeth.' In Rawl. C. ity.' In Qu. 'the necessity and
'apprehends.' application of Christ's Death.'
3 'veritate.' In Qu. 'virtute.' 8 'all this.' In Qu. ' all variety
4 ' at the least.' In all five MSS. of.'
1 at least.' 9 ' both of.' In Qu. ' unity of
5 * and greater.' In Rawl. A. Faith.'
'or greater.' 10 'as these.' In Rawl. A. 'as
6 ' Predestination.' In Rawl. C. some of these.'
'concerning the distinction of Re- n 'astricting.' In Rawl. A.
probation.' ' binding.'
SANDERSON, VOL. V. S
258 PAX ECCLESIAE.
all her children, upon1 pain of damnation, to all her determi
nations, even in those points which are no way2 necessary to
Salvation ; but also before sundry other3 Reformed Churches,
who have proceeded further this way than our Church hath
done.
II. When, by reason of the importunate4 contentions and
wranglings of learned men in particular Churches about points
yet undetermined therein, differences shall be so far prose
cuted, as to come to open sidings and part-takings5 and fac
tions,6 as it happened in the Netherland Churches between
the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, so as for the
composing of the differences, and the maintenance of the public
peace and tranquillity of the Church, it shall be needful for
those Churches synodically to determine something in those
points ; that yet they would then also proceed ? no further in
their Determinations than the present necessity should enforce
them : not requiring men, especially in points of lesser conse
quence, to give, and, by Oath,8 subscription, or other like
means, to witness their express9 positive assent to such De
terminations ; but permitting them to enjoy their own private
opinions in their own private bosoms,10 so long as they keep
them to themselves, and do not, by venting them unseason
ably, disquiet the peace of the Church therewithal.
III. That Catechisms, for so much11 as they are intended
for the instruction of children and ignorant persons in the
first principles of Christian Religion,12 should not be farced13
with School points and private tenets ; but contain only clear
1 ' upon.' ' under/ Rawl. A. 8 < and by Oath.' In Rawl. A.
2 'no way.' * not any way.' Qu. and in Qu. ' and that by Oath.'
3 ' before other.' Rawl. C. 9 ' their express,' &c. In Rawl.
4 * importunate.' So in all the C. ' their positive assent.'
five Manuscripts. In previous Edd. 10 ' their own private bosoms.*
'important.' In Rawl. C. ' their private.' In
5 ' sidings and part-takings.' C. C. C. * their own bosoms.'
Compare Sermon vii. ad Populum, ll 'for so much.' In Rawl. A.
§.23. ' for as much.'
6 ' and factions.' ' of factions.' 12 ' Christian Religion.' In
Qu. Rawl. A. ' principles of Religion.'
7 ' would then also proceed.' In 13 ' farced.' stuffed, crammed. In
C.C. C. i and 2, 'would proceed.' Rawl. C. 'faced.' In Rawl. A. and
In Rawl. A. and C. ' would even in Qu. ' forced.'
tben.' In Qu. ' should even then.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 259
and undoubted truths,1 and such as are necessary unto2
Christian edification either in faith or life : the rest either
altogether omitted, or but occasionally and sparingly3 touched
at,4 and not positively and doctrinally and conclusively de
livered, before the Church have5 agreed upon them.
IV. That private men would endeavour 6 for so much inge
nuity, as
1. To other men's speeches and writings, especially where
they intend to discourse but exoterice7 and popularly, not
accurately and dogmatice, to afford a favourable construction,
without taking advantage at some excesses in modo lo-
quendi,8 or exceptions at some improprieties and acyrologies,
so long as they are orthodox in the main substance9 of their
discourse.
2. Not to obtrude any tenet, as the received doctrine of
any particular Church, which either is not10 expressly con
tained in the public Confession11 of that Church, or doth not
apparently result thence by direct and immediate conse
quence ; though the wit of man may make12 it seem, at
length, and13 by continuance of discourse, to be probably
deduced14 therefrom.
3. In their own writings to observe Jbrmam sanorum [2 Tim. i.
verborum, and to abstain not only from suspected opinions,15 T
but as much as may be also from phrases and speeches obnox
ious to ill construction.16 For, first, it is not enough, much
less a thing to be glorified in, for a man to be able by subtilty
1 ' truths,' In Rawl. C. ' truth.' improprieties.' C. C. C. i and 2,
2 * to.' Rawl. A. and Qu. ' advantage at some excesses, or ad-
3 ' and sparingly.' In Rawl. C. vantage at some improprieties and
* or sparingly.' aerologies.' Qu.
4 ' touched at.' In Rawl. A. and 9 ' substance.' Rawl. C. * sys-
C. 'touched.' In Qu. 'touched tern.'
on.' 10 * either is not.' Rawl. A. * is
6 ' have.' In Qu. ' hath.' not either.'
6 'endeavour.' In Rawl. A. ' la- n 'confessions.' Qu.
hour.' 12 'may make.' So in all five
7 'but exoterice.' In Rawl. A. MSS. In previous Edd. 'make.'
and C. and in C.C.C. <to discourse 13 'and.' Not in Qu.
exoterice.' 14 ' deduced.' ' deduct.' Rawl. C.
8 ' at some excesses or excep- ' deducted.' Rawl. A.
tions, at some improprieties, or 15 'from their suspected opin-
acyrologies in modo loquendi' ions.' Qu.
Rawl. A. ' at some excesses or ex- 16 ' to ill construction.' ^ In all
ceptions in modo loquendi, at some five MSS. 'to construction.'
8 2
260 PAX ECCLESIAE.
of wit to find loopholes how to evade,1 and by colourable2
pretences to make that, which through heat of passion, or
violence of opposition hath fallen from him unadvisedly, to
seem howsoever defensible ; but he should have a care to
suffer nothing to pass from him, whereat an ingenuous and
dispassionate3 adversary, though dissenting from him in opin
ion, should yet have cause to take distaste or exception. And
besides,4 it were a thing of very dangerous5 consequence in
the Church, if every man should be suffered freely to publish 6
whatsoever might by some strain of wit be made 7 capable of
a good construction, if of itself 8 it sounded 9 ill and suspi
ciously. For so, notions of Popish, 10 or Puritanical, or other
heretical, or schismatical ] 1 opinions might unawares be con
veyed into1"2 the minds, and impressions thereof insensibly
wrought in the hearts of men, to the great damage of the
Church, or prejudice to the Truth.13
4. To acknowledge freely,14 and readily to revoke, what
soever either error in re, or misprision13 in testimonio,16 or
exorbitancy in modo loquendi, hath passed from their pen,
when it shall be fairly shewed them, and their judgments con
vinced thereof, than1 7 rather to seek to relieve themselves
by excuses, colours, or evasions.
5. That private men in particular18 Churches, who dis
sent in points yet undetermined by the Church, should not
uncharitably intercharge each other with heresy or schism,
1 'loopholes to evade.' Rawl. C. 10 'Popish.' In C.C.C. i and 2.
2 'by some colourable.' Rawl. ' Papists.'
C. 1} ' or schismatical.' So in all
3 'ingenuous and dispassionate.' five MSS. In previous Edd. 'he-
So C. C. C. i and 2, as in previous retical, schismatical.'
Edd. In Qu. 'and whereat inge- 12 'into.' In Qu. 'in.'
nious and dispassionate.' In Rawl. 13 'to the Truth.' In Qu. and
A. and C. ' an ingenious and dis- C. C. C. ' of the Truth.'
pationate.' 14 'To acknowledge and readily.'
4 ' And besides.' In Rawl. A. Rawl. C. ' To acknowledge readily
' Secondly.' and freely to revoke.' Qu.
5 'of dangerous.' Rawl. C. and 15 'whatsoever or mispri-
Qu. sion.' Rawl. C. The blank space
6 'to publish freely.' Rawl. C. would not hold a word of more
and Qu. than four letters at the very most.
7 'whatsoever by some strain 16 'in testimony.' All the five
of wit might be made.' Rawl. C. MSS.
3 'if it of itself.' Qu. 17 'than/ Omitted in Rawl. A.
9 'sounded.' In Rawl. C. 18 'in particular.' In Qu. 'of
' sound.' particular.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 261
or any such like imputation l for so dissenting, so long as they
both consent2 to the whole doctrine and discipline of the said
Church maintained and established. As ex. gr. in the points
now so much debated among the Divines of the Church of
England between the Calvinists and Arminians, for I must
take liberty for distinction's sake to express them by those
names they3 usually bestow the one upon the other, — why
should either4 those men on the one side be branded with
Popery, who misliking Calvin's opinion, rather choose to
follow the Arminians ; 5 or those on the other side with Puri
tanism, who, finding less satisfaction in the way of Arminius,
rather adhere to6 Calvin ? so long as both the one? and the
other do entirely and freely and ex animo8 subscribe to the
Articles, the Common Prayer Book,9 and that of Consecra
tion, and do not rent the unity, or disturb the peace of the
Church by those differences. 10
II.11 Periculum Schismatis.12
Forasmuch as here in England the differences, which before
were 13 but private concerning the points of Arminianism,
have been of late so far brought upon the public stage, by oc
casion of the passages betwixt Mr. Montague14 and his op-
posers, as that a dangerous schism is like15 to ensue there
upon, unless by the goodness of God, and the wisdom of the
Church and State, it be speedily prevented, those general
1 ' any such imputation.' Qu. vious Editions.
2 ' assent.' Qu. 10 ' those differences.' In Rawl.
3 ' those names they.' In Qu. A. * these dissentions.' In C. C. C.
' these names which they.' ' their difference.'
4 < either.' Omitted in Qu. J1 ' II.' Omitted in Rawl. A.
5 < Arminians.' So in all five 12 * Scismatis.' Rawl. C.
MSS. In previous Edd. f Armi- 13 ' before were.' In Rawl. C.
nian.' ' were heretofore.' In Rawl. A. and
6 ' to.' In Qu. ' unto.' in Qu. ' were before.*
7 ' both the one.' In Rawl. A. 14 ' Montague.' TheWriter of the
and C. ' both the one sort.' In Qu. Qu. Coll. MS. did not know this
* both one sort.' name. Here ' Mountayne' has been
8 ' entirely, freely, et ex animo. corrected to ' Mountague.' Further
Rawl. C. on, V. 2, it is written ' Mortaigne.'
9 < the Articles, the Common In no case is it correctly given.
Prayer Book.' So in all the five 15 'is like.' In Rawl. A. 'is
MSS. 'the Articles of the' in pre- likely/
262 PAX ECCLESIAE.
directions now already laid down l for the preservation of the
Church's peace will not reach home for the securing2 of our
peace, and preventing further evils, as the case now standeth
with us ; 3 but it is needful the Church should interpose herein,
both by further explanation of her Doctrine in the points
questioned, and by the exercise of her Discipline upon such
persons as will not rest in4 her Determinations.
And this necessity will the more appear, if we consider3
upon what advantages the Arminian party6 hath, and yet
doth gain 7 strength to itself, viz.8
I. The weakness of sundry 9 of those Exceptions, which
were taken at Mr. Montague's Answer to the Gagge,10 by those
that n first openly engaged themselves in V2 that business ;
which hath not only brought prejudice to their persons, but
also given disadvantage to the Cause, even in those Exceptions
which were just and material. 13
II. The publishing of Mr. Montague's Appeal with allow
ance, which both hath 14 given confidence to sundry, who be
fore were Arminians, 15 but in secret, now to walk unmasked,
and to profess their opinions publicly in all companies, and
that with some disdain of opposition, and doth also encour
age16 sundry others to shew1 7 an inclination to that side
which they see to be countenanced in such public sort.
III. The plausibleness of Arminianism, and the congruity it
hath in sundry points with the principles of corrupt Nature,
and of carnal18 Reason. For it is a wonderful tickling to
1 ' laid down.' In Rawl. A. ' set gagg for the new Gospell ? no : a
down.' new gagg for an old goose &c.
2 ' securing.' Rawl. A. 'security/ H 'that.' In C. C. C. 'who/
3 'as the case,' &c. 'as in the In Rawl. C. 'which.'
case now standing with us.' Qu. 12 'in.' So in all the MSS. In
4 ' rest in.' In Qu. ' rest upon.' previous Edd. 'for that business.'
5 'consider.' In Qu. 'consider 13 'material.' In Rawl. C. 'moral.'
duly.' In Rawl. A. ' consider only.' 14 ' which both hath.' In Qu.
6 'party.' In Rawl. A. 'partly.' 'hath both given.' In Rawl. A.
In Rawl. C. ' lalety.' ' which hath given.'
7 ' gain.' In Qu. ' gather.' 15 ' were Arminians.' In Rawl.
8 ' viz.' Not in Rawl. A. A., in Qu. and in C. C. C. i and 2.
9 'of sundry' &c. In Rawl. A. 'were but Arminians in secret.'
' of those sundry exceptions that 16 ' also encourage.' In Qu.
were.' In Qu. ' of sundry of those ' encourage also.'
exceptions taken.' 17 A blank space is left for this
10 ' The Gagge of the Reformed word in Rawl. C.
Gospel,' published anonymously by 18 ' and of carnal.' ' and car-
Kellison, answered in 1624 by 'A nal.' Rawl. C.
PAX ECCLESIAE. 263
flesh and blood1 to have the powers of Nature magnified, and
to hear itself'2 flattered, as if she carried the greatest3 stroke
in the work of Salvation :4 especially when these soothings3
are conveyed under the pretence of vindicating the dispensa
tions of God's Providence from the imputation of injustice.
IV. The harshness of that Opinion which Calvin and Beza
are said to have held, and many6 learned men in our Church
have followed, 7 concerning the Decrees of Election and Re
probation, without respect had to Adam in the one, or to
Christ in the other : whereas the inconveniences, which either
do8 ensue, or seem to ensue upon that Opinion, may be fairly
waived another way, and yet without Arminianism.
V. The manifold cunning of the Arminians to advance their
own party, 9 as viz. 10
1. In pleading11 for a liberty for every man to abound in
his own sense in things undetermined by the Church, that
so they may spread their own tenets1'2 the more freely:13
whereas yet it is u too apparent by their writings and
speeches, that their intent and endeavour is to take the be
nefit of this liberty themselves, 15 but not to allow it to those
that dissent from them.
2. In bragging out some of their private tenets,16 as if
they were the received, established Doctrine of the Church of
England, by forcing the words of the Articles or1 7 Common
Prayer Book to a sense which appeareth not to have been
intended therein,18 as Mr. Montague hath done in the point
1 'to flesh and blood/ In Qu. 10 'viz.' Not in Qu.
' of the flesh.' n * In pleading.' In Qu. * For
2 ' to hear itself/ In Rawl. A. pleading/
« to herself flattered/ 12 ' their own tenents/ Rawl. A.
3 ' greatest/ In Qu. ' great/ ' their tenents/ Rawl. C.
4 ' of Salvation/ In Rawl. C. 13 ' the more freely/ In Qu.
' of our Salvation/ * more freely/
5 'soothings/ In C.C.C. i and 2. 14 'whereas yet it is/ In Qu.
'two things/ 'yet it is/ In Raw!. C. 'whereas
6 ' many/ In Rawl. A. ' some it is/
few/ 15 * themselves/ In Rawl. C.
7 « Church have followed/ So ' to themselves/
in all the MSS. In previous Edd. 16 ' their private tenets/ In
' Church are said to have followed/ Rawl. C. ' their tenents/
8 ' which either do/ Qu. In 17 ' or.' In Qu. ' and of the/
Rawl. C. ' which do ensue/ 18 ' intended therein/ In Rawl.
9 'party/ In Rawl. A. 'part/ C. ' therein intended/
264 PAX ECCLESIAE.
of falling from1 Grace.. Whereas the contrary tenet, viz. of2
the Final Perseverance of the righteous in Grace and Faith, 3
may be by as strong evidence4 every way, and by as natural
deducement,5 collected out of the said books : as shall be easily
proved, if it be required.6
3.. In seeking to derive7 envy upon the opposite opinions,
by delivering them in terms odious, and of8 ill and suspicious
sound : as viz. 9 Irresistibility of Grace, Irrespective Decree,
&c. 10 Whereas the soberer Divines of the opposite party u
ordinarily1'2 do not use those terms, nor yet well13 approve
of them, unless understood cum grano sails. But themselves
rather are so exorbitant in their phrases and terms, as it were
well if a good quantity of salt 14 could so correct some of
them, as to render them, 15 if not wholesome, at least l6
savoury.
4. Which is the most unjust and uncharitable course 17 of
all the rest, and whereby ]8 yet I verily 19 think they have
prevailed more'20 than by all the rest, in seeking to draw21
the persons of those that'22 dissent from them into dislike
with the23 State, as if they were Puritans, or Disciplinarians,24
or at the least that way affected.25 Whereas
1 ' falling from.' In Rawl. A. In Rawl. C. this whole clause down
and in C.C.C. 'falling away from.' to 'sails' is omitted.
2 'viz. of.' In Rawl. A. 'viz. 14 'salt.' Compare §. 15 of Ser-
the.' mon iv. ad Populum, preached in
3 ' in Faith and Grace.' Rawl. A. 1621.
4 'evidence.' In Rawl. A. 'evi- 15 'as to render them.' Omit-
dences.' ted in Qu.
5 ' deducement.' In Rawl. A. ]6 'at least.' In Rawl. C. 'yet
and in C. C. C. ' deducements.' In at least.'
Qu. ' seducement.' 17 ' course.' Not in Qu.
6 ' if it be required.' In Qu. 'if 18 'and whereby.' In Rawl. C.
required.' 'and yet I.'
^ 'to derive.' In Rawl. A. 'to 19 'verily.' Not in Rawl. A.
draw.' 20 ' prevailed more.' In Rawl. C.
8 ' and of.' Omitted in Rawl. C. ' more prevailed/
y' as viz.' In Qu. 'viz.' 21 'draw.' In Rawl. C. ' with-
10 ' Decree, &c.' In C. C. C. draw.'
' &c.' is omitted. 22 ' that.' In Rawl. A. ' who.'
11 'party/ In Rawl. A. ' part.' 23 ' that dissent from them within
12 'ordinarily' &c. In Rawl. C. the' of Puritanism, or at least to
' do not ordinarily use.' In Qu. ' do be that way affected.' Rawl. C. a
ordinarily not.' space left for three letters at most.
13 ' nor yet well' &c. In Qu. 24 ' Disciplinarians.' See Ser-
'not yet well approved by them.' mon ix. ad Aulam, §.30.
PAX ECCLESIAE. 265
1°. The Questions in debate1 are such as no way touch
upon Puritanism, either off or on.
2°. Many of the dissenters have as freely and clearly de
clared their judgments, both by preaching2 and writing
against all Puritanism and Puritanical Principles, both before
and since they were interested in these Controversies, as the
stoutest Arminian in England hath done. I am not able to
pronounce absolutely 3 of other men ; but so far as 4 hath oc
curred5 to rny observation, I dare say it, I find more written
against the Puritans and their opinions, and with more real
satisfaction, and upon no less solid grounds, by those that
have, and do6 dissent from the Arminian tenets, than by
those that have and do7 maintain them. Could that blessed
Archbishop Whitgift, or the modest and learned Hooker have
ever thought, so much as by dream, that men concurring with
them in opinion should, for some of those8 very opinions, be
called Puritans ?
TIT. Series Decretorum Dei.
Sithence most of the differences now in question do arise
from the different conceits which men have concerning the
Decrees of God about man's Salvation, 9 and the execution of
those Decrees, it could not but be a work of singular use for
the composing of present, and the preventing of further 10
differences, if some learned and moderate men n, all prejudice
and partiality laid aside, would travail with faithfulness and
sobriety in this argument : viz. so to order 12 those 13 De
crees consonantly to the tenor of the Scriptures, and the Doc-
1 'in debate/ In Rawl. A. 7<ancido.' So in all the MSS.
' which are in.' In previous Edd. ' or do.'
2 * both by preaching.' So in all 8 'those.' So in all the MSS.
the MSS. In previous Edd. 'by In previous Edd. 'these.'
preaching.' 9 < about man's Salvation.'
3 ' absolutely neither of other.' These words do not appear in Qu.
Qu. and Rawl. A. 10 « further.' In Rawl. A. ' fu-
4 ' so far as.' In C.C.C. 2. ' for ture.'
so much as hath occurred.' H 'men.' In Rawl. A. 'man.'
5 'occurred.' In Rawl. C. ' come.' 12 'so to order.' In Rawl. C.
6 ' and do.' In Rawl. A. ' or ' for to order.'
do.' 13 'those.' In Qu. 'the.'
266 PAX ECCLESIAE.
trine of the ancient Church, as to avoid those l inconveniences
into which the extreme opinions on both hands do run.2
For, considering often3 with myself, that the abettors of
either extreme are confirmed in their 4 opinions, not so much
from the assurance of their own grounds, as from the inconve
niences that attend the opposite extreme, I have ever thought
that a middle way between both 5 might be fairer and safer 6
to pitch upon, than either extreme. What therefore, 7 after8
some agitation of these points, both in argument with others
upon occasion, and in my private and serious thoughts, I have
conceived concerning the ordering of God's Decrees, desiring
ever to keep myself within the bounds of Christian sobriety
and modesty, I have at the request of some friends here dis
tinctly laid down, not intending hereby 9 to prescribe unto
other men, nor yet to tie 10 myself to mine own present judg
ment, if I shall see cause to alter it ; but only to present to
the abler judgments of some learned friends that way which
hath hitherto given me better satisfaction than any other, and
which I have not yet observed to be subject to so great diffi
culties and inconveniencies, neither in the substance of the
matter, nor n in the manner of explication, as the ways which
either 12 the rigid Calvinists or the Arminians have taken.
Quaere then, whether or no 13 the eternal Decrees of God
concerning man's Salvation u may not be conveniently con
ceived by us15 in this order ? viz. That He decreed, 16
Decretum i. To make Himself glorious by communicating His good-
Creationis. ness jn producing powerfully, and ex nihilo, a world of crea-
ginofRawl.tures, and among the chiefest of them Man, endued with a
c.
1 'those.' In Rawl. A. 'the.' 9 'hereby.' In Rawl. A. 'there-
2 'on both hands do run.' In by.'
Qu. ' on both hands run.' In 10 ' to tie.' In Qu. ' so tying.'
C.C.C. i and 2. c on both sides do n ' nor.' In Rawl. A. ' nor yet.'
run.' 12 ' the ways, which either.'
3 'often.' In Qu. 'many times.' These words do not appear in Qu.
4 ' their.' In Qu. ' their own.' 13 ' whether or no.' In Qu.
* ' between both.' Not in C.C.C. ' whether the eternal.'
i and 2. 14 'man's Salvation.' In C.C.C.
6 ' safer.' In Rawl. C. ' easier.' i and 2. 'the Salvation of man.'
7 'What therefore.' In Qu. 15 ' conceived by us.' So C.C.C.
' What then.' i and 2, and Qu. In previous Edd.
8 'after.' So in Rawl. A., Qu. as in Rawl. A. and B. 'conceived
and C. C. C. i and 2. In previous in this order.'
Edd. and Rawl. C. 'upon.' i« 'decreed.' In Qu. 'designed.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 267
reasonable soul and organical body, as a vessel or subject l
capable of grace and glory.
2. To enter into a Covenant with this reasonable Creature, Decretum
commonly called the first Covenant or the Covenant of Works,2 ^° the'mar-
to bestow upon him life and glory, if he should continue in his gin of RawL
obedience ; but if otherwise, then not 3 only to be deprived of
the blessedness 4 covenanted, but also and instead thereof to
be punished with actual 5 misery and eternal death.
3. After this Covenant made, to leave man in manu consilii
sui, 6 by the free choice of his own will, to lay hold ? either
on life by obedience, or by transgression on death.
4. To permit man thus left to himself to fall into sin, and so
to 8 cast himself out of the Covenant 9 into a state of misery,
and corruption, and damnation : with a purpose in that per
mission 10 to serve Himself of man's Fall,11 as a fit occasion
whereby to magnify Himself and His own glory yet further, in
the manifestation of His infinite both 12 Justice and Mercy.
5. That the whole species of so noble a creature 13 might
not perish everlastingly and without all 14 remedy, to pro
vide for mankind, pro genere humano, 15 thus fallen 16 a
most wise, convenient, and sufficient ^ means of reparation,
and Redemption, and Salvation, by the satisfactory 18 and me-
1 ' or subject.' So in all five Rawl. C. ' in part permitting.'
MSS. In previous Edd. ' and sub- n ' of man's Fall.' In C.C.C. I.
ject.' 'in that Fall, of a fit.'
2 So in all the MSS. In previ- 12 ' of His infinite both.' In
ous Edd. 'the first Covenant of C. C.C. i and 2. ' of both H is infi-
Works.' nite.'
3 ' then not ' &c. In Rawl. C. 13 ' That so noble a species of
' thou shalt not only be deprived.' so noble a creature.' Rawl. C.
4 ' the blessedness.' In Qu. 14 ' all.' In Qu. ' without re-
' that blessedness.' In C. C. C. medy.'
i and 2. ' deprived of blessedness.' 15 'pro genere humano.' In
6 ' actual.' In Rawl. A. and C. Rawl. C. these words are omitted.
* eternal.' In Rawl. A. ' for mankind indefi-
6 Ecclus. xv. 14. Deus ab initio nitely, pro genere humano.'
constituit hominem, et reliquit ilium 16 'thus fallen.' These words,
in manu consilii sui. Vulgat. given in all the MSS. except Rawl.
7 ' to lay hold.' In Qu. ' to C, do not appear in previous
hold.' Edd.
8 'and so to.' In Qu. 'and to.' V So in all the MSS. In pre-
9 ' the Covenant.' So in all the vious Edd. ' convenient and suffi-
MSS. except Rawl. A., which has cient.'
'this Covenant.' In previous Edd. ls 'satisfactory.' In Qu. and
' that Covenant.' Rawl. A. ' satisfaction.'
10 ' in that permission.' In
268
PAX ECCLESIAE.
ritorious death and obedience of the incarnate Son of God,
Jesus Christ, God blessed for ever. 1
6. In this Jesus,2 as the Mediator,3 to enter into a second
Covenant with mankind, commonly called the New Covenant,
or the Covenant of Grace, 4 that whosoever should lay hold on
Him by a true and steadfast Faith,5 should obtain6 remission
of sins, and eternal life ; but he that should not believe, 7
should perish everlastingly in his sins.
7. Lest this Covenant should yet8 be ineffectual, and Christ
die in vain, — because, left . to themselves, especially 9 in this
wretched estate of corruption, none of the sons of Adam could
de facto have repented and believed in Christ,10 — for the
glory of His grace, to elect and call11 a certain number of
particular persons out of the corrupted12 lump of mankind,
to be advanced into this new Covenant, and thereby entitled13
unto Salvation; and that without any cause or motive14 at
all in themselves, but merely ex beneplacito voluntatis, of His
own free grace and good pleasure in Jesus Christ, preter-
mitting15 and passing by the rest to perish justly in their
sins. 16
8. To confer in due season upon the persons1 7 so elected,
all fit and effectual means and graces needful for them unto
Salvation, proportionably to their personal18 capacities and
conditions : as namely, 19
1 'for ever.' In Rawl. C. 'for
ever. Amen/
2 'Jesus.' In the Qu. MS.
' Jesus Christ.'
3 ' the Mediator.' In Rawl. A.
and in C. C. C. i and 2. ' a Me
diator.'
4 In Rawl. C. ' the New Cove
nant of Grace.'
5 ' Faith.' Rawl. C. subjoins,
' and repent of his sins.'
6 ' obtain.' So in all the MSS.
In previous Edd. ' attain.'
7 ' not believe.' In Rawl. A.
' not repent nor believe.'
8 'yet.' Omitted in Rawl. A. and
C. and in Qu.
9 ' especially.' Not in Qu.
10 'believed in Christ, and re
pented.' Qu.
11 'call.' So in all the MSS.
In previous Edd. ' cull.'
12 ' corrupted.' In Rawl. A. and
C. and in Qu. ' corrupt.' In C.C.C.
i and 2. ' out of the lump.'
13 'entitled.' In C.C.C. i. 'in
tituled.'
14 ' motive.' Rawl. A. ' emo
tion.'
15 ' pretermitting.' In Qu. 'per
mitting.'
16 'in their sins.' Rawl. A. adds
here, ' and unbelief, which preter
mission and dereliction is that which
we commonly call Reprobation.'
17 'upon the persons.' In Qu.
'upon persons.'
18 ' personal.' In Qu. ' proper.'
19 ' as namely.' Not in Qu. In
Rawl. A. and C., and in C. C. C.
i, 2. ' and viz.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 269
1°. Upon Infants1 that die before the use of reason, the
Sacrament of Christian Baptism, administered and received2
in the name3 and faith of the Church.4 Which Sacramental
Grace, to such persons as for want 5 of the use of reason never
come to be capable of the habitual or actual graces of Faith
and Repentance,6 wo are to judge to be sufficient for their
Salvation.
2°. Upon men that come to the use of Reason, sooner or
later such a measure of Faith in the Son of God, of Repentance
from dead works, of new and holy obedience to God's Com
mandments, together with final perseverance in all these, as
in His excellent wisdom He seeth meet, wrought 7 and pre
served8 in them outwardly by the Word and Sacraments, and
inwardly by the operation of His Holy Spirit shed9 in their
hearts, whereby, sweetly and without constraint, but yet10
effectually, their understandings, wills,11 and affections are
subdued to the acknowledgment and obedience of the Gospel ;
and both these are done ordinarily, and by ordinary means.
3°. Into1'2 some men it may be, and extraordinarily, espe
cially in the want of ordinary means, 13 God may infuse Faith,
and other Graces accompanying Salvation, as also, modo nobis
incognito, make supply unto14 Infants unbaptized15 some other
way, by the immediate16 work of His Holy and Almighty
Spirit, without the use of the outward means of the Word and
Sacraments. Of which extraordinary work we1 7 cannot pro
nounce too sparingly ; the special use whereto it serveth us
1 'Upon Infants.' In C. C. C. ance in all these, wrought.'
i and 2. 'To Infants.' 8 'and so preserved.' Rawl. C.
2 'and received.' Not in Qu. 9 In Qu. 'of the Spirit shed
3 'in the name.' Not in C.C.C. abroad.'
i and 2. 10 ' but yet.' In Qu. 'yet.'
4 'Church. Which Sacramental.' n 'understandings, wills.' In
SoinRawl.A. andinC.C.C. iand2. Qu. ' understanding, will.'
In Qu. and Rawl. C. as in previous 12 ' Into.' In Rawl. C. ' Unto.'
Edd. ' Church, with Sacramental.' 13 In Rawl. A. ' Into some men
5 'as for want.' In Qu. 'as (it may be extraordinarily, especially
want the use of reason, arid never in the want of ordinary means.)'
come to be capable.' 14 'unto.' In Qu. 'into.'
6 ' Faith and Repentance.' So in 15 'unbaptized.' In Qu. 'bap-
Rawl. A. and C. and in C.C.C. i, 2. tized.'
In Qu. as in previous Edd. 'Faith, 16 'immediate.' In Rawl.C. 'me-
Repentance, &c.' diate.'
7 ' meet, wrought.' In Rawl. A. ]? In Qu. ' Of which extraordi-
' meet, together with final persever- narys we.'
270 PAX ECCLESIAE.
being l the suspending of our censures, not rashly to pass the
sentence of damnation2 upon those Infants, or any3 that want
the ordinary outward means, since we are not able to say how
God in His infinite Power can, and how4 in His rich Mercy
He hath, doth, or will deal with them.
9. Thus much concerning5 the Salvation of those6 whom
God hath of His free grace 7 elected thereunto. But with the
Reprobates,8 whom He hath9 in His justice appointed to de
struction, He dealeth in another fashion : as concerning whom
He hath decreed either, 10
1°. To afford11 them neither the extraordinary, nor so
much as but the outward and ordinary means of Faith : Or
else
2°. In the presence of the outward12 means of the Word
and Sacraments13, to withhold the inward concurrence of His
enlightening and renewing Spirit to work with those14 means,
for want15 whereof they become ineffectual to them for their
good, working16 upon them either1? malignantly,18 so as their
hearts are the more hardened thereby in sin and unbelief, or
infirmly,19 so as not to work in them a perfect Conversion, but
1 ' serveth us, being.' In Rawl. lastingly purposed either.'
C. ' serveth, as being.' In C.C.C. n 'To afford' &c. In Rawl. C.
2. ' it serveth, being.' 'decreed them neither the extraor-
2 ' damnation.' In Qu. ' con- dinary, nor so much as the afford-
demnation.' ing outward or'
3 'or any.' So in C.C.C. 1,2. 12 'outward.' In Qu. 'ordinary.'
In previous Edd. ' or men.' In Qu. ^'Sacraments.' In Rawl. C.
' and men.' ' Sacrament.'
4 'and how.' In Qu. ' or how.' 14 ' with those.' In Rawl. C.
5 ' concerning.' In Qu. ' con- ' all those.'
cerns.' 15 ' for want.' In Rawl. A. and
6 ' the Salvation of those.' In C. ' for the want.' In Qu. ' by the
Rawl. A. ' the Decrees of their want.'
Salvation.' 16 ' working.' In Rawl. C. ' and
7 ' grace.' In Rawl. A. in Qu. working.'
and in hoth C.C.C. ' mercy.' 17 ' either first malignantly.'
8 ' Reprobates.' In Qu. ' His Rawl. A.
Reprobates.' In Rawl. C. ' the 18 ' malignantly.' In Rawl. A.
Reprobate.' '(but yet through their default
9 ' whom He hath.' In Rawl. A. only) so as.' The Qu. MS. ex-
' whom (by leaving them as He hibits this in an inverted order :
found them) He hath.' In Qu. ' infirmly, so as not to work in them
'whom He with His Justice hath a perfect conversion; or malignantly,
appointed.' so as their hearts are hardened the
10 ' decreed either.' In Qu. 'de- more in sin.'
creed, i°. neither to order them the 19 ' or infirmly.' In Rawl. A.
extraordinary.' In Rawl. A. ' ever- ' or, secondly, infirmly.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 271
to produce, instead of the gracious habits of Sanctification, as
Faith, Repentance, Charity, Humility, &c, some weak and in
firm shadows of those Graces, which for their formal sem
blance1 sake do sometimes bear the name2 of those Graces3
they resemble, but were never in the mean time the very
true 4 Graces themselves, and in the end are discovered to
have been false, by the want 5 of perseverance.
IV. Utilitas hujus Seriei.
This way of ordering the Decrees of God, besides that it
seemeth to be according to the mind of the Scriptures,6 and to
hold correspondency 7 more than any other, as well with the
writings of the ancient8 Doctors of the Church, especially of
St. Augustine and those that followed him, as with the present
Doctrine contained in the Articles and Liturgy of the Church
of England, it hath also 9 three notable commodities, viz.
I. Hereby are fairly10 avoided the most and greatest of
those11 inconveniences into which both extremes12 run, or at
the least which either extreme presseth sore upon the oppo
site extreme. The Arminian accusing the rigid Calvinist as a
betrayer13 of the Justice of God, for placing the Decree of
Reprobation before that of Adam's Fall ; and being again ac
cused by him14 as an enemy to the Grace of God, for making
the efficacy thereof to depend upon man's Free Will. Whereas
both the glory of the Justice of God, and the efficacy of the
Grace of God, are preserved entire by following this15 middle
way. For,
i. There can lie16 no imputation upon the Justice of God,
1 * formal semblance.' In Qu. ' correspondence.'
' form and semblance.' 8 'ancient.' In Qu. 'old.'
2 'name.' In Rawl. A. 'names.' 9 'also.' NotinQu.orC.C.C. 1,2.
8 ' which for their formal 10 < fairly.> Omitted in Rawl. A.
those Graces.' Omitted in Rawl. C. n ' of those.' Not in Qu.
4 ' the very true.' In Rawl. C. ™ ' both extremes.' In Qu.
and in Qu. ' the true.' ' both those extremes.'
•5 In Qu. 'to be false for the 13 'betrayer.' In Rawl. C. 'be-
want.' trayings.'
6 'the Scriptures.' In Rawl. C. 14' by him.' In Qu. 'of him.'
' holy Scriptures.' 15 'this.' In C. C. C. i, 2. 'of
7 'correspondency.' In Rawl. A. this.' In Qu. 'the.'
and C. and in C. C. C. i and 2. i6 'lie.' In Qu. 'be.'
272 PAX ECCLESIAE.
though He have reprobated some and elected others,1 who
were both3 equal in the sinful mass of corrupt Nature:3 rather
His Mercy is to be magnified, in that4 He hath not reprobated
all. Which if He had done, His Justice must yet5 have stood
clear, though examined but even6 at the bar of human Rea
son ; for so much as all had deserved 7 to be Reprobates, and
that most justly, for their sin in Adam. They that make the
Decree of Reprobation to precede all respect to the Fall, are
put to many difficulties how to express themselves so as to
avoid cavil ; 8 and much ado they have 9 to assert the De
crees10 of God from being howsoever unjust, being enforced
to succour the Justice of God by flying to that absolute right
and power He hath in and over the creature.11 Whereas this
way cutteth off an hundred of those cavils the Arminians com
monly use,1'2 and justifieth the proceedings of our most right
eous God in all respects so clearly, that His justice, both in the
Decrees themselves and in the execution thereof, is not only
apparent, but even 13 illustrious and glorious.
2. No impeachment is done to Grace by magnifying Nature,
or to the efficacy of Grace, by enlarging the powers 14 of Free
Will. For whereas in very truth15 the Arminians cannot,
with all their subtil distinctions16 and nice17 modifications
escape it;18 but, when they have done and said what19 they
can, they must stand guilty of symbolizing with the Pelagians
both in their principles and conclusions,-0 in giving man's will
1 'have reprobated.' ' though n '"creature/ In Rawl. A. and
He have elected some and repro- in Qu. ' creatures.' In Raw!. C.
bated others.' Rawl. A. ' that absolute right He hath in and
2 'both.' In Qu. 'but.' power over the creatures.'
3 'corrupt Nature.' In Rawl. C. 12 In Rawl. A. 'use commonly.'
' corruption.' In Qu. 'commonly' is omitted.
4 'in that.' In C.C.C. i and 2. ™ 'but even.' So in Rawl. A.
* that.' and C. and in C.C.C. i and 2. In
5 ' must yet.' In Qu. ' had yet Qu. ' but most illustrious.' In
stood.' In Rawl. C. 'might have previous Edd. ' but also.'
yet stood.' 14 ' powers.' In Qu. ' power.'
•6 'but even.' In Qu. 'even.' 15 In C.C.C. i and 2. 'the Armi-
7 ' had deserved.' In Qu. ' have nians in very truth.'
deserved.' 16 'distinctions.' In C.C.C. i.
8 ' cavil.' In Qu. ' cavils.' In ' disjunctions.'
Rawl. C. ' cavillation.' 17 'nice.' In Qu. 'fine.'
9 'and have much ado.' C.C.C. ™ 'escape, but.' Rawl. C.
1,2. '9 'all that.' Rawl. C.
10 ' the Decrees.' In Rawl. C. 20 ' and conclusions.' In C.C.C.
' that Decree.' i and 2. ' and in their conclusions.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 278
and not God's Grace, the chiefest stroke, and the deciding,1
and last determinating, and casting power in the work of con
version : by this way the will of man is so freed from all
coactive necessity in the conversion of a sinner, as that yet the
effect itself2 dependeth not upon the determination of the will,
as the immediate and prime3 cause, but upon the efficacy of
Grace powerfully inclining the will thereunto.
II. Sundry passages in the Scriptures, 4 and in the Writ
ings5 of the Fathers, which have in them some appearance of
contradiction, may, by following this way, be easily reconciled,
and the sense of those passages oftentimes preserved even to
the letter ; 6 which, by those that take the extreme ways,? can
not be done so handsomely, nor without imposing upon the
words a more remote and improper, 8 if not also 9 sometimes
a strained and enforced sense : as viz.
1. Those places that speak of Election, as in, and by, and
through Christ, making Him the foundation of that also, as of
every other grace, with those that speak of it as issuing from
the mere free 10 pleasure and absolute will of God.
2. Those places that extend the fruit of Christ's death, and
the benefit of the new Covenant to the whole world of man
kind,11 with those that restrain them to the Elect only.
3. Those places that ascribe the whole course12 of man's
Salvation, from his first calling unto grace, until his final
consummation in glory, to the sole effectual working of the
Holy Ghost, with those that attribute13 something or other14
1 ' and the deciding' &c. In Qu. 8 'and improper/ In Rawl. A.
* the chiefest stroke in the work.' * or improper/
2 ' the effect itself/ In Rawl. C. 9 'if not also/ The last word
' the effect dependeth/ In Qu. ' the is inserted from Qu. and C. C. C. i
effect itself dependeth not only on/ and 2. In Rawl. C. ' a more re
in Rawl. A. ' the effect itself is cast mote sense, if not sometimes a'
not upon/ 10 ' mere free/ In C.C.C. i and
3 'immediate and prime/ In 2. 'more free/ In Qu. 'from the
Rawl. C. ' prime and immediate/ free pleasure/
4 'Scriptures/ In Qu. 'Scrip- n 'of mankind/ Omitted in
ture/ Qu.
5 'and in the writings/ InC.C.C. 12 'course/ In Qu. 'cause/
i, 2. 'and writings/ 13 'attribute/ In Rawl. A. 'a-
6 In Qu. ' oftentimes even to the scribe/
better/ 14 'something' &c. In Rawl. C.
7 'ways' &c. In Qu. 'way, can- 'something therein/ In Rawl. A.
not be handsomely done without ' something or other, more or less/
imposing/ In Qu. ' something to the power/
SANDERSON, VOL. V. T
274 PAX ECCLESIAE.
therein, more or less, to the power and exercise of man's
Free Will.
4. Those places that speak of the acts of Justification1
and Sanctification, or of2 the habits3 of faith and love and
other inherent graces, as peculiar to the Elect only, with
those that speak of them as common to the Elect with Cast
aways. 4
5. Those places that speak of the said gracious acts and
habits5 as permanent, and neither6 subject to a total interci-
sion, nor possible7 to be finally lost, with those that speak of
them as casual, and such as may be lost, either finally or
totally,8 or both.
6. Those places that speak of obduration, 9 occecation, &c,
so as if the blindness that is in the minds,10 and hardness
that is in the hearts10 of wicked men were from God, with
those that impute such11 blindness and hardness in men1'2 unto
the wilfulness of their own corrupt hearts.13
III. Hence may be received14 good light for the cutting off
of15 some, the moderating of other some, and the resolving of
the rest of those questions which are now most in agitation,
not only in the Church of England, but in many foreign
Churches also, both Popish and Reformed, as namely l6
amongst others, these :
j. Whether Christ were17 ordained a Mediator in the in-
1 ' Justification.5 In Rawl. C. duration, &c, so as that if.' In
' Justice.' Qu. ' &c, as if.'
2 < or of.' In Qu. ' and of.' 10 r minds hearts.' In Qu.
3 ' habits.' In Rawl. C. ' habit.' and in C. C. C. i, 2. ' mind
4 e Castaways.' In C.C.C. i and heart.'
2. ' the Castaways.' n 'such.' In Qu. 'the.'
5 ' gracious acts and habits.' So }2 'in men.' In Qu. 'of men.'
in all five MSS. In previous Edd. 13 'hearts.' In Qu. and C.C.C.
' gracious habits.' i, 2. ' heart.'
6 'and neither.' So in Rawl. A. 14 'may be received.' In Rawl.
and C. and in C.C.C. i and 2. In A., which makes no commence-
Qu. as in previous Edd. ' as nei- ment of a new paragraph here,
ther.' ' may be conceived and received.'
7 'nor possible.' In Qu. 'or.' l5 'cutting off of.' In Qu. and
In Rawl. C. 'not.' In C.C.C. i Rawl. A. 'cutting of.'
and 2. ' nor possibly.' 16 'as namely.' So in all the
8 In Rawl. A. ' totally or fi- MSS. In previous Edd. ' as viz.'
nally.' In Qu. 'as namely, i. Whether.'
9 'of obduration.' In Rawl. A. 17 <Were.' So in all the MSS.
'of obcaecation, obduration, and In previous Fdd. 'was.'
so, as if ' In Rawl. C. ' of ob-
PAX ECCLESIAE. 275
tention of God for mankind indefinitely,1 or universally for
all mankind, or only for the Elect ? 2
3. Whether all mankind have title to the second Covenant,
and to the promises3 and conditions therein proposed, or the
Elect only ?
3. Whether the wicked, who are both4 disobedient and un
believers, come under the sentence of condemnation formally,
for their disobedience unto God in the breach of the first
Covenant, or for their unbelief in not resting upon Christ and
the promises of the new Covenant ?
4. In what comprehension man is to be 5 considered as the
object of Predestination ?
5. Whether or no God did elect men unto Salvation6 in a
certain and determinate number ?
6. Whether or no in electing men unto Salvation God had
respect unto Christ ?
7. Whether in electing 7 some, and rejecting8 others, God
was moved to decree as He did,9 from the faith or 10 infidelity
of the persons, or from any other thing whatsoever ] l foreseen
in them ?
8. Whether the Decrees of Election and Reprobation be ab
solute and peremptory12 and inalterable,10 by God's determi
nation of them to a certain effect ; or so conditional14 and
indeterminate, as that the performance or non-performance15
of something required on our part, may either establish or
1 * indefinitely.' In Rawl. C. ' in- of Reprobation, be a real positive
differently.' Decree, distinct from and opposite
2 ' or the Elect only.' Rawl. C. unto the Decree of Election ; or de-
3 'promises' &c. In Qu. ' pro- note nothing but a negation there-
raise and conditions made to the of or a non-electing.'
Elect only.' 8 < an(j rejecting.' In Rawl. A.
'both.' Not in Qu. ' and not others.'
5 man is to be' &c. In Rawl. A. 9 'as He did.' In Rawl. A. ' de-
'man considered is the object.' In cree from the faith.'
Qu. ' was it to be considered.' 10 'or.' In Qu. 'and.'
6 'men unto Salvation.' In Qu. n 'whatsoever.' Not in Qu. or
'man in a certain.' The Qu. MS. in Rawl. C.
transposes paragraphs 5 and 6. ™ 'peremptory.' In Qu. 'pro-
7 'Whether in electing.' This portionable.'
paragraph appears as 8 in Rawl. A. 13 'unalterable.' Rawl. A.
which exhibits an additional para- l4 'conditional.' In Qu. 'con-
graph, seventh in order, viz. ditionate.'
' Secondly, Whether that which 15 ' non-performance.' In Qu.
we call Reprobation or the Decree ' not performance.'
276 PAX ECCLESIAE.
disannul them ? Quod est quaerere, Whether an * elect per
son, by disobedience and unbelief, can so cut2 himself off from
the Covenant of Grace, as to be damned ; or a Reprobate by
faith and repentance,3 so lay hold on the Covenant, as to be
saved ?
9. Whether a man4 by the power of his Free- Will can lay
hold on Christ by faith, and convert5 himself from sin6 by
repentance and new obedience, without the grace of special
illumination from the Holy Spirit of God ?
10. Whether the right use of Naturals be any cause to in
duce God to confer upon any man sufficient Grace for his
Conversion ?
11. Whether the same grace7 of spiritual illumination,
which is sufficient and effectual for the conversion of one man,
can in the same measure be ineffectual8 to another for his
conversion ?
I2.9 Whether the efficacy of the grace of conversion depend
upon the determination of man's Free- Will, so as by resisting
it 10 to make it ineffectual ?
13. Whether Justification and Sanctifi cation be proper to
the Elect only ?
14. What measure of assurance we have concerning the
Justification of Infants 1 1 born of Christian Parents, and rightly
baptized, before they come to the use of Reason to commit
actual sin ?
15. AVhat measure of assurance we have12 concerning the
Salvation of such Infants, so baptized,13 if they die before they
come to the use of Reason ?
16. Whether a person once14 truly justified by his own
actual faith, and sanctified with15 the Spirit of holiness, can
1 'Whether an.' In Rawl. C. 9 Paragraphs 12 and 13 are
' Whether any.' In Qu. ' person' is transposed in Qu.
omitted. 10 'resisting it.' In Qu. 'resist-
2 ' cut.' In Rawl. A. ' call.' ing,' as in previous Edd.
3 'by faith and repentance.' n 'of Infants.' In Qu.' of such
Omitted in Qu. Infants.'
4 'Whether a man.' In Rawl. C. ^ ' We have.' In Qu. 'have we.'
' Whether man.' ™ ' so baptized.' Omitted in
8 'convert.' In Rawl. A. 'turn.' C.C.C. i and 2.
6 ' from sin.' Omitted in Qu. 14 ' once.' Omitted in Qu.
7 'grace.' Omitted in Qu. 15 'sanctified with.' In C.C.C.
8 'ineffectual.' So in all five i and 2, and in Rawl. C. 'sanctified
MSS. In previous Edd. ' effectual.' by.'
PAX ECCLESIAE. 277
fall wholly from the state of grace,1 into the state of sin, in a
total '2 loss of faith, and other habitual graces ?
17. Whether a person so justified and sanctified, can at the
last3 fall away finally, and be damned ?
Concerning all which,4 and sundry other Questions of like
nature and use, albeit it would require a large Treatise to give
them but a right5 stating, much more a just discussion,6 yet
the due consideration of the nine points premised'' in the for
mer section, concerning the order of God's Decrees, may give
us some light into them all : if not so far, especially in some
of them, as 8 to settle our judgments in a certain and infallible
resolution, yet so far at least,9 as to keep our understandings
within some competent bounds of sobriety and truth, that we
neither lose ourselves in curious10 inquiries to little purpose,
nor suffer our judgments to be envenomed with the poison
either11 of rank Pelagian Heresy, or Semi-Pelagian Popery,
or quarter-Pelagian and Arminian12 novelty.
1 'from the state of grace.' In Rawl. A. 'nine points proposed.'
Rawl. C. 'from the grace of God.' In Qu. 'nine premisses.'
2 ' in a total.' In Rawl. C. ' into 8 ' if not so far as.' Omit-
a total.' In Qu. ' to a total.' ted in Qu. In Rawl. C. ' if not so
3 ' at the last.' In Qu. 'at last.' far in some as.'
4 'all which.' In Qu. 'which.' 9 In Rawl. A. 'at the least.' In
5 ' give them but a right.' In Rawl. C. ' so far as at the least to
C.C.C. i and 2. 'give them but keep.' In C.C.C. i and 2. 'yet so
right.' far as at least.'
6 ' discussion.' In Rawl. C. ' dis- 10 ' curious.' In Qu. ' captious.'
cussing.' In Rawl. A. ' dissen- H 'either.' Omitted in Qu.
tion.' 12 < and Arminian.' In Qu. * or
7 ' nine points premised.' In Arminian.'
The matter which follows is immediately subjoined to the Pax
Ecclesiae in both the C.C.C. MSS. and in Rawl. A. as if it had
been considered to form part of that Work. Tn the Queen's Col
lege MS. it is prefixed, with this Title supplied in the handwriting of
Bp. Barlow :
De Praedestinatione et Decretorum Dei Ordine,
secundum sententiam
1. Contra-Remonstrantium
2. Remonstrantium
Collectore D.D. Rob. Sanderson, Episcopo Lincolniensi.
We may therefore assume that we have before us the ' five
Schemes or Tables,' into which, on being chosen a Clerk of the Con
vocation in 1625, Sanderson, for his own satisfaction, reduced the
Quinquarticular Controversy. See his Letter given by Hammond in
his Pacific Discourse of God's Grace and Decrees, p. TI, reprinted
below, pp. 298, 299, of this Volume, and Dr. Pierce's Letter to
Isaac Walton, at the end of the Life of Sanderson.
No- 5783 of the Additional MSS. in the British A.hiseum exhibits,
pp. 1 6 — 20, an English Translation of these Five Schemes subjoined
to the Pax Ecclesiae, with this Title prefixed, ' A Manuscript of
Bp. Rob. Sanderson, concerning the modern Doct'ine of Pre
destination, the Series of the Decrees of God, and of the causes
and means of men's Salvation : also many questions, which are
most in agitation, not only in the Church of England, but in many
foreign Churches also, Popish and Reformed. Written by him,
part in Latin, and part in English ; but now (upon a certain emergent
occasion) translated, and transcribed all in English, by one who
heartily wisheth that Babel will be pulled down, and that the Spirit
of God might build up Jerusalem.'
SERIES DECRETORUM DEI
CAUSARUMQUE ET MEDIORUM SALUTIS.
Prima Sententia rigide-Calvinianorum.* Extrema Prima.
Praedestinatio
cujus partes
Electio quorundam Reprobatio reliquorum
absoluta absoluta
Creatio Hominis
Foedus Legale, sive Operum
Lapsus i
n Adamo
Vocationis
seu Verbi
entorum
iratio
elitas
f
Mors Christ! pro Electis
Foedus Novum seu Evangelii
I
Vocatio Externa,
per Verbum et
Sacramenta
!
1
Defectus
Externae,
et Sacram
ectus
Efficacis
Imbratiles Obdi
stasia Infic
Vocatio Efficax Dei
et Interna, per Gratiae
Gratiam Spiritus
Gratiae Habituales, Gratiae I
Fidei, &c,
Perseverantia Apo«
Salus Aeterna.
Mors Aeterna.
* In Qu. ' rigide Calvinittarum.' In Ravrl. A. ' rigide Calventeantium.'
280
Sententia vel prime aspectu* dura, quaequef urgetur dua-
bus maxime difficultatibus. Altera, quod qui Lapsui Repro-
bationem praeficiunt, sive illi hominem ut creabilem, sive ut
jam creatum, objectum Praedestinationis statuant, videntur in
Dei Justitiam simul et Bonitatem non leviter impingere ; qui-
bus utrisque nihil potest esse pugnantius, quam hominem non-
dum aliquid J mali sua culpa promeritum ad exitium destinare. §
Altera, quod ex ista sententia sequi videatur, Deum, in prae-
dicatione Verbi, fide agere haud satis integra,|| quinimmo
illuderel" humano generi, dum vocat ad Fidem in Christum et
ad promissiones Novi Foederis pariter cum Electis Reprobos,
ad quos tamen ex praecedanea sua intentione Mors Christi et
Foedus Evangelii nullo rnodo aut pertinent, aut pertinere etiam
possunt. **
* ' respectu/ Rawl. C. the Copy which he used.
t ' quae.' Rawl. A. || ' fide Integra.' In Raw!.
J In Qu. * nondum aliquid pro- A. ' agere haud satis integre.'
meritum.' H In Qu. and Rawl. A. ' serio
§ In Brit. Mus. ' be destinated,' illudere/
as if the Writer had 'destinari' in ** In Qu. ' aut pertinere possunt/
281
Secunda Sententia, Arminianorum. Extrema Altera.
Creatio Hominis
Foedus Operum
Lapsus in Adamo
Mors Christ!
Foedus Evangelii
Electio indefinita et conditionata omnium, scilicet sub conditione Fidei, &c.*
Vocatio Universalis ad Fidem per Media externa sufficientia :
Auxilium generale, seu Gratia Universalis sufficiens ad Conversionem.f
Fides Gratiam oblatam
libere apprehendens
Perseverantia
Finalis §
Electio Peremptoria
Salus Aeterna.
1
Apostasia ||
Finalis et
Totalis a Fide
et Gratia
Infidelitas Gratiam
oblatam libere respuensj
Reprobatio Peremptoria
Mors Aeterna.
* ' Fidei, &c.' In Qu. ' Fidei.'
f ' Auxilium ad Conversionem. '
in Qu.
t In Qu. ' libere spernens.'
5 ' Finalis.' Omitted in Rawl. A.
II 'Apostasia et Gratia.' So placed in
Not both the C. C. C. MSS. In Rawl. A. in Qu,
and in Brit. Mus. this stands hi the other
column, under ' Infidelitas,' -fee.
282
Qui sunt partium Arminianorum quid intus et serio sentiunt
nondum illis libuit explicate profiteri, ne eos juxta cum Pelagio
sentire nimis palam constaret et liquido, cujus olim damnatas
Haereses ab Oreo revocatas distinctiuncularum duntaxat sub-
limiore* lima politas instaurarunt de novo, non sanius locutif
sed cautius. In istorum dogmate turn aliaj debent esse merito
suspecta, turn illud inprimis ad suum auctorem Pelagium§ est
relegandum, quo statuitur Divinae turn Praedestinationi, De-
cretum quam Gratiae efficaciam ex naturalium|| virium exer-
citio voluntatisque humanae inclinatione et determinatione
omnino pendere.
* In the margin of C.C.C. i. J 'turn alia.' In C. C. C. 2, and
' forsitan, subtiliore.' In Rawl. A. Rawl. A, ' cum alia.'
' sublimiorum.' In Brit. Mus. ' with § ' Pelagium.' Not in Rawl. A.
a finer file.' || ' naturalium.' In Rawl. A..
t In Qu. f nee sanius sed cautius ( mortalium.'
locuti.'
Tertia Sententia, Intermedia Prima et Oommunior.
Creatio Hominis
Foedus Operum
Lapsus in Adamo
r
Electio quorundam ad
Salutem gratuita
Mors Christ!
Foedus Novum
Derelictio reliquorum
in peccatis justa, quse *
et Reprobatio
Vocatio Externa
Defectus Vocationis
Externae
Gratia Coi
seu Vocati
Gratiae H
Persevi
Salus A
iversionis,
o Interna
abitualesf
srantia
eterna.
1
Defectus Gratiae
Efficacis
1
Infidelitas
Apostasia^
More Aeterr
* In Q,u. and Rawl. A. ' quae est.'
t In Rawl. A. 'Gratia Habitualis.'
j ' Apostasia.' Omitted in Rawl. A. in Qu.
and in Brit. Mus.
284
Haec est Opinio communior* eorum Theologorum qui a
Lutheranis f et Arminianis Calviniani dicuntur : in qua fu-
isse et ipsum Calvinum non pauci existimant. Inque hoc uno
differt haec sententia a prima ilia et duriore Supra-Lapsario-
rum sen rigidef Calvinianorum,§ quod cum|| ista Electionem
Lapsuil" anteriorem faciat, haec demum collocat post prae-
visum** Lapsum humani generis in Adamo, adeoque e duobus
ejus sententiae incommodis alterum facile vitat, constante ni-
niirum ex ipso Lapsu Justitia Dei reprobantis quoscunqne ff
filiorum peccatoris Adami.JJ At posteriore ilia difficultate, de
Vocatione scilicet §§ Reproborum ad promissiones Foederis et
Fidem Christi,|||| ex intentione Dei ad solos Electos praecise
pertinentes, non minus urgentur qui hac via incedunt, quam
durae illius sententiae assertores. Iff
* ' communior sententia.' Rawl. IT e Lapsui.' Omitted in Qu. and
A. in Rawl. A.
t 'a Lutheranis.' In Qu. 'et ** 'post praevisum.' In Qu.
Lutheranis.' ' post Lapsum in Adamo.'
J ' et rigide.' Rawl. A. ft quoscunque.' In Qu. ' quos-
§ ' Calvinianorum.' In Qu. ' Cal- que.'
viniorum.' JJ cAdami.' In Rawl. A. 'Adae.'
|| 'quod cum ista faciat ... col- §§ 'scilicet.' In Qu. 'viz.'
locat.' So in Rawl. A. Elsewhere, || || ' Christi.' In Rawl. A. 'in
' quod quam ilia facit . . . collo- Christo.'
cet.' 1F1T ' sententiae.' Omitted in Qu.
285
Quarta Sententia, Intermedia Secunda.
Creatio Hominis
Foedus Operum
Lapsus in Adamo
Mors Christ!
Foedus Gratiae
Auxilium generale ex parte Dei sufficiens ad Conversionem.
( -^
Electio quorundam ex Praeteritio reliquorum
Beneplacito Voluntatis sine auxilio Gratiae Specialis
Auxilium Gratiae
Specialis supersufficientis
et efficacis, qua infallibi-
liter et actu convertuntur.
I r~ \
Fides, Charitas, &c, Fides, Charitas, &c Infidelitas et
radicatae temporariae Impoenitentia
Perseverantia Apostasia*
' I j
Salus Aeterna. Mors Aeterna.
Apostasia' does not appear in Rawl. A.
286
Scripsit non ita pridem, quum in superis esset, Reverendus
quidam Praesul* nostrae Ecclesiae brevem Censuram super
quinque Capita Doctrinae in Belgio controversae, quae teritur
passim in manibus Eruditorum. Ejusf hanc arbitror fuisse
sententiam, quantum existimare licet ex illo opusculo, in qua,
media incedens via, utriusque extremae incommoda baud in
commode declinavit. Si vir pius atque inter primosj eruditus
id egisset fusius et consulto, ut Seriem Decretorum Dei, causa-
rumque et mediorum Salutis integram exbiberet, non dubito
quin ista omnia explicatius expositurus fuisset et accuratius. §
Quo minus tamen in hac sententia, prout || o>s tv TUTTCO expressa
est, acquiescam, praeter alia nonnulla, illud in primis facit,
quod Auxilium generale sufficiens ad Conversionem Prae-
destinationi praeficiat, nulla interim facta uspiam mentioned
Vocationis Externae in Yerbo. Quum Auxilium ejusmodi**
generale aut non sit omnino concedendum, aut certe cum
externo Salutis medio, praedicatione scilicet Evangelii, con-
jungendum ; ut sit commune Electis et Reprobis intraff po-
moeria Visibilis Ecclesiae, non generale per extensionem etiam
ad eas gentes quae de Salute per Christum parta ne fando
quidem audivere.
* In the margin of C.C.C. i. f 'Ejus/ In Rawl. A. 'Cujus/
' Jo. Overall, Episc. Norv.' The re- % « inter primes. In Rawl. A. ' in
ference intended is to the ' Sententia primis/
Ecclesiae Anglicanae de Praedesti- § ' et accuratius/ Not in Rawl.
natione KOC rols cj^pftcMOtf, per D. A.
Overallum, Theologiae Cantabrigiae || ' prout jam supra/ in Rawl. A.
Professorem, exposita/ which may and C.C.C. 2.
be seen at the end of Ford on the If ' mentione/ In Rawl. A. * in-
Thirty-nine Articles, p. 435, or of tensione/
Ellis, Articulorum xxxix Ecclesiae ** 'istiusmodi/ Rawl. A.
Anglicanae Defensio. p. 54. Bp. ft ' intra/ In Rawl. A. and in
Ovrerall died May 12, 1619. C.C.C. 2. * infra/
287
Quinta Sententia. Intermedia Tertia.
Creatio Generis Humani
Foedus Operum seu Legale
Lapsus in Adamo
Mors Christi pro Genere Humano
Foedue Novum et Evangelium * de Justitia et Salute per Fidem in Christum, f
r
Electio quorundam in Christo J
omnino gratuita, ut participes
sint Foederis, adeoque Justi-
tiae Fidei, et Salutis per Chris
tum partae. Hujus Decreti
exsecutio fit per Media
t
Praeteritio reliquorum et
in massa corrupta dere-
lictio, in manifestatio-
nem Justitiae Dei. §
I
Extraordinaria, de qui-
bus non est a nobis
aliquid temere statu-
endum.
1
Ordinaria. Gratia Com-
munis (et improprie
dicta) Vocationis Ex-
ternae per Verbum et
Sacramenta [|
Ecclesia Visibilis
et Mixta
I
Defectus Gratiae
Communis et Vo
cationis Externae
per Verbum et Sa
cramenta
Gratia Specialis et Kvpiws
dicta, Salutaris et secun-
dum** propositum Vocatio
nis Internae et Efficacis per
Spiritum Sanctum reno-
vantem corda Electorum,
pro cujusque scilicet ff
mensura et captu : viz.
I
Ecclesia InvisibilisJJ
Electorum
Defectus Gratiae Specia
lis^ et Vocationis Effica
cis, unde sequuntur vel
Gratiae Umbra-
tiles et 6/jKovv-
p.u)s dictae, ut
in Hypocritis
Infantium per
Gratiam Sacra
mental em in
Baptismo col-
latam, modo
nobis imper-
ceptibili
Adultorum per
infusionemGra-
tiarum Spiritu-
alium, § §Fidei, &c
Perseverantia in
Fide et Gratia
Apostasia
Finalis
I
Caecitas mentis
et obduratio cor-
dis, ut in aperte
impiis et pro-
fanis
I
Infidelitas pra-
vae dispositionis
Infidelitas
pure
negativa
Salus Aeterna.
Impoenitentia Finalis
Mors Aeterna.
* In Rawl. A. ' Evangelicum.'
f 'in Jesum Christum.' Rawl. A.
i « in Christo.' Omitted in Rawl. A.
§ ' Justitiae Dei.' In Brit. Mus. ' of the
Glory of the Justice of God.'
|| In Rawl. A. there is added here, in Qu.
and Brit. Mus. there is subjoined as a note :
' Huic Vocation! externae si quis annexum con-
tenderit auxilium generale sufficiens ex parte
Dei ad Conversionem nisi homo sibi deesse
voluerit, hand equidem multum repugnare
modo id caute et debite interpretetur.'
TI 'Defectus Gratiae Specialis.' This para
graph does not appear in Rawl. A.
** ' secundum.' In Rawl. A. ' per.'
ft ' scilicet.' Not in Rawl. A. nor repre
sented in Brit. Mus.
tt ' Invisibilis.' In Rawl. A. 'Visibilis.'
§§ ' Spiritualium.' In Rawl. A. and in
C.C.C. 2. ' Habitualium.'
288
De hac Sententia Quinta et Ultima operae fortassis erit
pretium inquirere, Annon sit tutior et commodior ad vitandas
difficultates quibus premuntur Extremae duae Sententiae quam
duarum reliquarum alterutra. Videtur certe conformis doc-
trinae Sacrae Paginae, Scriptis orthodoxorum Patrum, inque
iis Beati inprimis Augustini, et Confession! Ecclesiae Angli-
canae.
289
A FULL and particular Account of the change in his Theological
Views was given by Sanderson in writing to Dr. Pierce, and, as we
learn from Dr. Pierce's Letter, printed by Isaac Walton at the end
of the Life of oar Author, was communicated by him to Hammond.
From a Letter addressed to Sheldon, which is preserved among
the Harleian MSS, Vol. iii. p, 450. No. 6942, 6ph, it appears, that
Sanderson's own wish was to have his Statement published entire,
but, as Hammond deemed this inexpedient, it may be presumed that
such portions as were not printed by him have perished.
Hammond's words are, ' I have again returned the Papers to
* Dr. Sa[nderson]. I hope in such a form as he will approve:
' I am sure more for his interest than it would be, if, as he desires,
* all his Letter were published.'
In another Letter in the same Collection, also addressed to Sheldon,
reference seems to be made to the same subject.
' I wish from my own interests, that you had seen Dr. Sa[nderson]
' by this time, (but fear from his urikindness to journies that you
4 have not) that, upon the account he gives you of those papers, you
' may give me your positive opinion of the fitness of printing them.
' The B[ishops] of E[ly] and S[arum] who have seen and given me
' their animadversions, had also inclined me to speed them to the
' press ; but your last hath (after some preparation made by
' R[oyston]) given me reason to stop the speed. I am so unwilling
1 to do any thing unreasonable, that I shall desire you to think fully
' of it, and again to confirm what you last said, if you see cause; but
' till you have received an account from Dr. S[anderson], I shall not
' think that you can say any thing to the contrary ; whether then
' or no, I know not.' The date assigned to this Letter in the
Ecclesiastic of January, 1849, should, probably, have been 1659.
Hammond's Book was entitled ' Xapis KCU Elprjvr), or, A Pacific
Discourse of God's Grace and Decrees ; in a Letter of full accordance
written to the Reverend and most learned Dr. Robert Sanderson.'
It was printed in 8vo. Lond. 1660. and again in 1674, in Vol. i.
p. 546. of the collected Edition of Hammond's Works in folio.
Sanderson's matter, it will at once be seen, is exhibited in Italics
in this reprint as it was in the original publication.
SANDERSON, VOL. V.
To all OUT Brethren of the Church of England.
1 N relation to the Controversies concerning God's Grace and Decrees,
nothing was ever superior, in my thoughts, to the fear that the great
interests of Religion, Christian Practice, and particularly that of Charity,
might be obstructed by them.
It hath long been the complaint of pious and learned men, (of the
justice whereof, if formerly we had, we cannot now reasonably retain any
doubt,) that the crude and unwary treating of these, and, from thence
derived, an hasty, premature persuasion of their being in Christ, assisted
by a belief of irrespective Decrees, and Grace irresistible, and no possibility
of interrupting their justified estate, was apt to contribute to the pre
sumptions, and securities, and final impenitences of some men, who, having
most loudly renounced the power, choose yet not to quit the form of godli
ness.
And for the heats, and uncharitable distempers, which the managing of
these controversies particularly have been guilty of, we need not look
abroad among the Dominicans and Jesuits, Jansenists and Molinists, for
proofs. Our own region hath not of a long time failed of evidences. The
old weapon of T£2 Karupare, crying down for carnal men and heretics,
Pelagians and Semipelagians, Papists, Socinians, and what not ? even
rifling the Poets' hell to fetch out titles for their adversaries, hath never
been more nimbly taken up, and vigorously handled, than in these days.
And, as if fuel to dissensions were still wanting, it hath been the endea
vour of some to suggest this jealousy, and clancularly to infuse it into the
minds of men, that they which oppose unconditionate Decrees, &c, and
pretend to think they effectually serve the ends of Christianity thereby,
have entertained such vehement dislikes and aversations to all that scheme
of doctrines, that they retain no charity to the maintainers of them, though
they be in other things as constant, obedient sons of the Church of
England, as any ; and when opportunity shall assist their design, will take
care rigorously to fence their communion from them ; and whatever the
accord be in other doctrines, wherein our Church is eminently concerned
against the common adversaries, will proceed finally to exterminate and
exclude them.
The consequences of this persuasion, once imbibed, be it never so
causeless and unprovoked, how noxious and inauspicious they may prove
to all that are on either side concerned in them, what leaven of bitter zeal
and animosities it may cause to ferment in the minds of some, what blasts
and improsperities it may bring on the endeavours of others; and,
betwixt both, what detriment to the true and solid ends, whether of Religion,
or Reformation, the squaring of our lives according to that other, more
sublime, pattern in the mount, S. Matt. v. the enhanced, transcendent,
291
indispensable Laws of Purity and Peaceableness, I shall not here need to
set forth, every man's sagacity serving him competently to make this
discovery.
Yet was it not a rational hope, that the bare disclaiming and renouncing
so great a guilt, would be admitted to the purgation of those, against
whom it had been suggested and believed. It therefore seemed to me
more seasonable to tender an ocular demonstration of the contrary, by
bringing my lamb, or turtle, my offering to the Temple of Peace, and
really exemplifying the charity and accordance that may readily be attained
between dissenters, when minds prepared with meekness and love of the
Truth, wheresoever they meet with it, can take courage to deny them
selves, and so to deposit prejudices, and instead of names and shadows, to
give themselves up to the entire guidance of that light which shines in
Scripture.
In order to this end, it seemed not improper, to offer at this time to
public view the present sentiments of the judicious Dr. Sanderson, the
Regius Professor of the University of Oxford, and the rather, because
some manuscript Tables of his former thoughts, and some passages from
his Sermons, long since preached, and now republished, have been made
use of, to gain authority to those Doctrines which he is now far from own
ing ; and briefly and perspicuously to annex unto, and compare with them
those amicable and pacific reflections, which may hope to gain the unani
mous consent of all true sons of our venerable Mother, the Church of
England, whose chief aim it hath always been to discountenance divisions
and fractions, and occasions and fomenters of those, especially singular
Doctrines and novel Articles of Faith, and in a catholic, harmonious
charity, to plant primitive belief and zeal of good works, and so, instead
of the empty form, the full power of godliness.
What is so largely added on that one head of Prescience had some
appearance of necessity, to repel a shaft borrowed of late from the Soci-
nians' quiver; who, having resolved it impossible for God Himself to foresee
future contingents, have given disputers their choice, whether they like
best, bluntly to deny God's Prescience, and so, at His cost, maintain their
own liberty, or more piously to maintain Prescience, and then give it the
same force of evacuating all Liberty and Contingency, which Predeter
mination of all events was justly accused to draw after it. The mistake
very dangerous on either side, and the temptation equally fitted for both,
if it were not timely obviated.
That these ensuing Discourses may be effectually successful to the
designed end, of advancing the threefold interest of Truth, and Peace, and
Uniform Christian Obedience; that it may supplant the vinegar by the
oil, the nitre by the balsam; and procure, by consent of litigants, a solemn
Supersedeas, if not conclusion to debates, an aversion to these heathen
Agones, which afford nothing but to the combatant blows, and leaves to
the conqueror ; above all, that it may provide us, by this truce, a greater
vacancy for the continued exercises of real piety, and engage us to make
diligent use 'of it, to add, as to our faith, virtue, or courage, so to our 2 Pet- x> 5-
292
godliness, brotherly -kindness, and to that the yet higher ascent and accom
plishment of charity, that it may compact us all into that union that most
successfully contributes to our growth, and so possess us of that qualifi
cation, to which immarcessible joys are awarded by our righteous Judge,
shall be continually the prayer, as in the following sheets it hath been the
sincere, single endeavour, of
Your fellow Labourer,
H. HAMMOND.
1659.* Festo Omnium
Sanctorum.
* The year is specified in the Folio of 1674. In the Octavo of 1665, it is left
to be gathered from the date at the end of the Letter.
DEAR SIR,
JnAVING had a sight of the Letter which you sent M. about the §. i.
Anti- Remonstrant Controversies, dated March 26, and observing one of the
reasons, which you render of your having avoided to appear on that theme,
a loathness to engage in a quarrel whereof you should never
hope to see an end, I thought myself in some degree qualified to
answer this reason of yours, and thereby to do acceptable service to many,
who do not think fit that any considerations, which have not real and
weighty truth in them, should obstruct that which may be so much to the
common good, I mean, your writing and declaring your mind on any pro
fitable subject.
That which qualifies me more than some others, to evacuate the §. 2.
force of this one reason of yours, and makes me willing to attempt it,
though not to appear in opposition to any other passage that ever you
have written, is the true friendship that hath passed between us, and the
sweet conversation that for some time we enjoyed, without any allay or
unequableness, sharp word, or unkind or jealous thought. The remem
brance whereof assures me unquestionably, that you and I may engage in
this Question, as far as either of us shall think profitable, without any the
least beginning of 'a quarrel;' and then that will competently be removed
from such, as of which you cannot ' hope to see an end/
And before I go any further, I appeal to your own judgment, §• 3-
whether herein I do not at least speak probably, and then whether it were
not a misprision, which you are in all reason to deposit, to apprehend such
insuperable difficulties or impossibilities at a distance, which, when they
are prudently approached, and examined, so presently vanish before you.
If this one reflection do not convince you, it remains, that the speculation
be brought to practice, and exemplified to your senses.
You set out with a mention of some Positions, wherein, you say, §• 4-
Divines, though of contrary judgments, do yet all agree, tkms agreed
and then it is not credible that you and I should be so singular, as to differ on by all.
in them endlessly. Of this number you propose five. I °. That the will
of man is free in all his actions. 2°. That very many things
in the world happen contingently. 3°. That God from all
eternity foreseeth all, even the most free and contingent events.
4°. That whatsoever God foreseeth shall infallibly come to pass.
5°. That sinners are converted by the effectual working of
God's grace. Of each of these, you say, we have from Scrip
ture, Reason, and Experience, as good and full assurance as
294
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
Three
heads of
difficulty.
can be desired for the on, or truth of them, that they are so.
And I, who fully subscribe to the undoubted truth of each of the propo
sitions, and do it also upon the very same three grounds, of Scripture,
Reason, and Experience, which you mention, need not the intercession
of our friendship to render it impossible to give you any the least trouble
of so much as explaining your sense in any of these.
Next, when you resolve, that all the difficulty is about the TTW?,
referring that to no more than three heads. 1°. How to reconcile the
certain futurition of what God foreseeth, with the liberty of
the rational creature, and the contingency of casual effects, as
they proceed from inferior causes. 2°. In what manner or
measure the effectual Grace of God cooperateth and con-
curreth with the free will of man, in the conversion of a
sinner. 3°. How to cut so even a thread, as to take the
whole of what we do amiss to ourselves, and leave the whole
glory of ivhat we do well to His Grace, you are again as
secure as any amulet can make you, that this resolution of abbreviating
the Controversies, and confining them to these few heads, shall
never engage you in the least degree of debate. And then I shall
challenge you to feign how it can remain possible, without contradicting
oneself, which still is not quarrelling with you, to engage you in any
uneasy contention,, unless it be on one of these three heads ; and when
I have by promise obliged myself, which now I do, not to raise any
dispute, or attempt to ensnare or entangle you in any of these three,
you have then nothing to retract but your fears; to which, if I tell you,
you cannot adhere, discerning a sure and near period to that which you
apprehended endless, this is all the victory I shall project or be capable
of in this matter.
§• 6- Of the first of these three Difficulties, [the reconciling the certain
ing Pre, futurition of what God foresees, with the liberty of the rational
science with creature, and the contingency and casual effects, it falls out, that
Contingen- You ^ave ™ your shorter Letter, dated April 8, given that account, which
cy. evidenceth it to be, in your opinion, no invincible difficulty. Your
words are these, That God's prescience layeth no necessity at
all upon any event, but that yet all events, as they are foreseen
of God, so shall they certainly and infallibly come to pass, in
such sort as they are foreseen : else the knowledge of God
should be fallible ; which certainty of the event may in some
sort be called necessity, to wit, consequentis, or ex hypothesi,
according as all the most contingent things are necessary,
ivhen they actually exist, which is a necessity infinitely distant
from that which predetermination importeth- This I take to
be so clear an explication of that difficulty, and so^ solid a determining of
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE £ DECREES. 295
the TO 7TCOS, the manner of reconciling prescience with contingency, that
as I fully consent to it in every part of your period, so I doubt not but the
last part alone hath made it as intelligible to any ordinary understanding,
as whole books of Philosop ers have attempted to do.
For God's prescience from ail eternity being but the seeing every thing §.7.
that ever exists, as it is, contingents, as contingents, necessary, as neces
sary, can neither work any change in the object, by thus seeing it, (convert
a contingent into a necessary,) nor itself be deceived in what it sees, which
it must be, if any thing in process of time should be otherwise than from
all eternity God saw it to be.
I was lately advised with by a Divine, to me unknown, but one that f 8.
seems to be a man of good learning, about the distinction frequently made
in this matter, betwixt inevitably and infallibly ; and my answer and replies
to his several objections, (because I would demonstrate the perfect accord
ance betwixt you and me in this, which, within this year or two is put into
a very grave attire, and revered as a great difficulty,) I will give you at
large by way of appendage at the end of this Letter, * having by hap a
copy retained by me; and though it cost you some minutes to survey
them, yet I know your patience of all such exercises so well, that I doubt
not of your willingness to be thus detained by me, which yet here you
shall not, loco non suo.
Then for the second, In ivhat manner and measure the effectual §• 9-
Grace of God cooper ateth, or concurreth with the free ivill o/" manner and
man in his conversion, you seem to me to have given a punctual measure of
account of each part of that also, in the said second Letter, in these words, ration of
That God worketh not by His Grace irresistibly, but yet so effectuai
Grace with
effectually on those whom He hath ex beneplacito appointed the free will
to Salvation, in ordering the means, occasions, and oppor- of man<
tunities with such congruity to that end, as that de facto it is
not finally resisted. Here it is evident your resolution comes home
to each term in the difficulty. For if effectual Grace work not irresistibly,
then we see in what manner it cooperates with the free will of man, viz.
so as it still remains possible for him to resist it. And if the effectualness
of His working consist in ordering the means, occasions, and opportunities
with such congruity, &c, then, as that stateth the measure of the coopera
tion, the only second part of the difficulty, and doth it expressly in Bishop
Overall's way, so this supposeth Grace sufficient to conversion and salva
tion to be given to those, who are not converted and saved, quite contrary
to the three grand pretensions of Doctor Twisse, the Supralapsarians, and
Sublapsarians ; and, whether it be true or no, is presently freed from all
the odious consequences charged on the several Schemes of the Anti-
Remonstrants; and so may safely be granted, or not opposed by them, who
yet want evidence of Scripture to establish it; and so this is not likely to
bring any uneasy engagement upon you.
* See Hammond's Works, folio, Vol. i. pp. 583 — 604.
296 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§. 10. And then, as there remains no more difficulties but the third, so, if you
*t?^ht0 mark i^ tne grounds are already laid whereby that is unquestionably
good to resolved; for having granted that God gives sufficient Grace, and yet, when
God, and He cooperates most effectually, He doth it not irresistibly, this is the very
evil to our- threaci vou seek to cut by, so as to devolve the whole blame of all our
miscarriages on ourselves, and the entire glory and praise of all our Karop-
^cojicara, good performances, or good successes on His Grace. Were any
of us so left or past by, as to be denied sufficient Grace, and yet destined
to perish, merely through want of necessaries, the whole blame could not
S Matt xi rationally fall on ourselves : it could not be said of Christ's yoke, that
Rom. x. it were easy, or His Commandment not far from us. The fault that was
Heb. viii. 8. foun(j with the Mosaical Oeconomy, and which made another, the
Evangelical, necessary, would still lie against this, viz. that men were not
enabled to perform what was required, and yet the non-performance eter
nally revenged on many of them. But sufficient Grace being tendered by
God, and by no default but their own proving ineffectual, the entire
blame falls unavoidably on those, who do not thus open to Him that
knocks, so receive, as to make use of it, but resist, or grieve, or quench
what was so mercifully designed, and might have been improved by the
humble and diligent receivers unto their greatest advantages.
§. ii. On the other side, if our nature being universally corrupted by Adam's
fall, all possibility of rising out of that grave of sin be the effect and benefit
of the Grace, as that is of the death of Christ; if it be God that worlceth in
us both to will and to do, of His good pleasure, the first by His prevent
ing, the second by His assisting Grace, and both those bottomed merely
in His euSoKt'a, good pleasure, nothing in us any way meriting the first
act, or purpose of giving Grace, any further than our wants and miseries
rendered us the proper objects of His compassions and reliefs ; and the
subsequent aids in like manner challengeable, only from His promise, and
the purport of the Parable of the Talents, of giving to him that hath,
rewarding the use of the lower, with the gift of an higher degree of Grace,
then still is this, the attributing nothing to ourselves, but demerits and
provocations, and giving the whole glory to God.
§. 1 2, Having gone thus far without any considerable disagreement about the
TO TTCO?, how to reconcile these three seeming repugnancies, wherein you
apprehended the greatest difficulty to lie, and being hereby, as by so many
postulata accorded between us, competently provided and furnished of a
standard and umpire, in case any light difference should arise, what
^O^'he1'3 obJection can St- Paul's T& ftddos, (belonging expressly to another matter,
Depth.' tne cutting off the obdurate, and gathering all persuasible believing Jews
Rom. xi. and Gentiles, and no way applicable to this) interpose, why we should not
33- proceed together to the consideration of the Doctrine of Decrees, as it
hath been variously debated by others, and by you perspicuously recapi
tulated in the process of your papers ?
§. 13. To this therefore I presume of your good leave that we now proceed ;
and whereas you have prudently chosen to begin with an history of your
own thoughts on this subject, which you have laid down with great par-
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 297
ticularity, I shall set out with a bare transcript of that, which will need no
comment of mine, to render it useful to the Reader, in discovering to him
the true and sole original of the thriving, for some time, of those Doctrines
among us, and how so many of our Church came to be seasoned with
them, and in giving him a but necessary caution for the laying the grounds
of the study of Divinity in the Writings of the ancient Church, rather than
in our modern Systems and Institutions. Your words are these,
When I began to set myself to the Study of Divinity as
my proper business, which ivas after I had the degree of Of Doctor
Master of Arts, being then newly twenty-one years of age, though
the first thing I thought fit for me to do, was to consider well these
of the Articles of the Church of England, which I had for-
merly read over twice, or thrice, and whereunto I had sub
scribed. And because I had then met with some Puritanical
Pamphlets written against the Liturgy and Ceremonies,
although most of the arguments therein were such as needed
no great skill to give satisfactory answers unto, yet for my
fuller satisfaction, the questions being de rebus agendis, and
so the more suitable to my proper inclination, I read over
with great diligence and no less delight that excellent piece of
learned Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity. And I have great
cause to bless God for it that so I did, not only for that it
much both cleared and settled my judgment for ever after in
very many weighty points, as of Scandal, Christian Liberty,
Obligation of Laws, Obedience, Sec; but that it also proved,
by His good providence, a good preparative to me (that I say
not, antidote) for the reading of Calvin's Institutions with
more caution then perhaps otherwise I should have done.
For that book ivas commended to me, as it was generally to
all young Scholars in those times, as the best and perfectest
System of Divinity, and fittest to be laid as a ground work in
the study of that profession. And indeed, being so prepared
as is said, my expectation ivas not at all deceived in the
reading of those Institutions. I found, so far as I was then
able to judge, the method exact, the expressions clear, the style
grave, equal, and unaffected, his Doctrine for the most part
conform to S. Augustine's, in a word, the whole work very
elaborate, and useful to the Churches of God in a good
measure ; and might have been, I verily believe, much more
useful, if the honour of his name had not given so much
reputation to his very errors. I must acknowledge myself to
298 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
have reaped great benefit by the reading thereof. But as for the
questions of Election, Reprobation, Effectual Grace, Persever
ance fyc, I took as little notice of the two first, as of any other
thing contained in the book : both because I was always afraid
to pry much into those secrets, and because I could not certainly
inform, myself from his own writings, whether he ivere a
Supralapsarian (as most speak him, and he seemeth often to
incline much that luay) or a Sublapsarian, as sundry pas
sages in the book seem to import. But giving myself mostly
still to the study of Moral Divinity, and taking most other
things upon trust, as they were in a manner generally taught
both in the Schools and Pulpits in both Universities, I did
for many years together acquiesce, without troubling myself
any further about them, in the more commonly received
opinions concerning these two, and the other points depending
thereupon. Yet in the Sublapsarian way ever, which seemed
to me of the two, the more moderate, rational, and agreeable
to the goodness and justice of God ; for the rigid Supralap
sarian doctrine could never find any entertainment in my
thoughts from first to last. But MDCXXV, a Parliament
being called, wherein I was chosen one of the Clerks of the
Convocation for the Diocese of Lincoln, during the con
tinuance of that Parliament, which was about four months,
as I remember, there was some expectation that those
Arminian points, the only questions almost in agitation at
that time, should have been debated by the Clergy, in that
Convocation. Which occasioned me, as it did sundry others,
being then at some leisure, to endeavour by study and
conference to inform myself, as throughly and exactly in the
state of those Controversies as I could have opportunity, and
as my wit would serve me for it. In order ivhereunto, I made
it my first business to take a survey of the several different
opinions concerning the ordering of Gods Decrees, as to the
salvation or damnation of men : not as they are supposed to
be really in Mente Divina, for all His Decrees are eternal
and therefore coeternal, and so no priority or posteriority
among them ; but quoad nostrum intelligent modum, because
we cannot conceive or speak of the things of God, but in a
way suitable to our own finite condition, and understanding :
even as God Himself hath been pleased to reveal Himself to
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 299
us in the Holy Scriptures by the like suitable condescensions
and accommodations. Which opinions, the better to represent
their differences to the eye, uno quasi intuitu, for their more
easy conveying to the understanding by that means, and the
avoiding of confusion and tedious discoursings, I reduced
into Jive Schemes or Tables, much after the manner as I had
used to draw Pedigrees, a thing which, I think you know,
I have very much fancied, as to me of all others the most
delightful recreation, of which Schemes, some special friends,
to ivhom I shelved them, desired copies : who, as it seemeth,
valuing them more than I did (for divers men have copies
of them, as I hear, but I do not know that I have any such
myself) communicated them further, and so they are come
into many hands. Those are they which Doctor Reynolds,
in his Epistle prefixed to Master Bar lee's Correptory Correc
tion, * had taken notice of. Having all these Schemes before
my eyes at once, so as I might with ease compare them one
with another, and having considered of the conveniences and
inconveniences of each as well as I could, I soon discerned a
necessity of quitting the Sublapsarian way, of which I had a
better liking before, as well as the Supralapsarian, which
I could never fancy.
Thus far your history, which I verily believe to have perfect truth in §• I5-
every step of it, without any disguise or varnish ; and so I pass from it
without any further reflections.
Next then follows your distincter view of the several ways, which have §• J6-
been embraced by those of the Anti- Remonstrant persuasion, and the
motives on which you were forced to dissent and depart from each of
them; and to this I am obliged to attend you Kara Troda. And the ways
being- especially three, the method of greatest advantage will be to begin
with a transient view of those, each of which you with great reason reject,
and to set Doctor Twisse's f first, though it came last into the world and Dr. Twisse,
his way.
* William Barlee, Rector of Brock- asserted ; together with a full abster-
hole, or Brockhall, in Northampton- tion of all Calumnies cast upon the
shire, wrote ' Predestination, as before late Correptory Correction.' &c. 4to.
privately, so now at last openly defended Lond. (658.
against Postdestination. In a Cor- f William Twisse, sometime Fellow
reptory Correction, given in by way of of New College. ' The most learned
answer to a (so called, correct Copy of men, even those of his adverse party,
some notes of God's Decrees, especially did confess that there was nothing ex-
of Reprobation ; published the last sum- tant, more accurate, exact, and full,
mer by Mr. T [homas Pierce] , &c. 4to. touching the Arminian controversies,
Lond. 1656.' He followed up this Work than what was written by our Author
with ' A necessary Vindication of the Twisse.' ' The truth is, there's
Doctrine of Predestination, formerly none almost that have written against
300 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
adorned itself with the spoils of the other two: because that sets the
object of Election higher than the other do, homo creabilis, * man con
sidered before he is created. His design and scheme you have per
spicuously drawn, thus : That God making His own Glory the
only end of all other His Decrees, all these Decrees of creating
man, of permitting sin, of sending Christ, of preaching the
Gospel, of Electing some, of Reprobating others, and the
rest, make up one entire coordinate Medium, conducing to
that one End, and so the whole subordinate to it, but not any
one part or joint thereof subordinate to any other of the
Causes of same. Against this, your objection I profess to be very convincing,
' taken from his own beloved axiom, so oft repeated by him, and borrowed
from him, and built upon by others, that whatsoever is first in the inten
tion, is last in the execution. For as it is most evident, that of these his
supposed coordinate Decrees some are after others in execution, the Fall
after the Creation, the coming of Christ after both, and so of the rest, so
if he will stand to his principle, he must, as you say, grant, that those that
were thus after any other in the execution, were in God's intention before
them, which will necessarily bring in a subordination among them, and so
quite overthrow this, as you call it, ' new crochet of coordination.'
§. 17. Your other causes of dislike to his way are equally rational. First,
The falseness of that his Logic Maxim, which he builds so much upon,
which yet hath no certain truth, or other than casual, but when it is
applied to final causes, and the means used for the attaining any end.
Secondly, The prodigiousness of his other doctrine, that there are more
a 1. beside degrees of bonity in damnato quam annihilate, (because a the bonitas entis)
[This mar- an(j SQ t^at jt jg better for tjie creature to be in eternal misery than simply
was inserted not to be : when Christ expressly pronounceth the contrary of wicked men,
in the Folio that it had been better for them never to have been born, to have a mill
er 1074.] stone about the neck, and to be cast into the sea, a figure to represent
annihilation, than to be involved in those dangers that attend their sins.
Lib. i. Di- Thirdly, his resolving God's Election of a man to life eternal to be no act
Ibid!'DU °f His mercy, and likewise His reprobating and ordaining to damnation to
gress. x. be no act of His justice, but of His pleasure, f A few such Propositions as
these are competent to blast and defame any cause, which requires such
aids, stands in need of such supporters ; and therefore you will be con
fident I concur with you in rejection of that, though I think neither of us
likely to undertake the travail of refuting of his whole Work.
The Supra- Next then for the Supralapsarians, with whom the object of the Decree
lapsarians'
way.
Arminianism since the publishing any- Athenae Oxon. iii. 170, 171. ed. Bliss,
thing of our Author, but have made * See above, p. 280.
very honourable mention of him, and "f In his Vindiciae Gratiae, Potesta-
have acknowledged him to be the tis, ac Providentiae Dei. fol. Amstel.
mightiest man in those Controversies, 1632. De praedestinatione, Lib. I.
that his age hath produced.' Wood, part. i.
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 301
is homo conditus, Man created, not yet fallen, and the Sublapsarians, with The Sub-
whom it is Man fallen, or the corrupt Mass, your rejections and reasons laPsarians-
thereof are twined together, and are especially two, which you justly call
very weighty ; and so I suppose they will be deemed by any man, that shall
consider the force of them without prejudice. I shall therefore set them
down from your Letter in your own words.
The first reason is, because though it might perhaps be Ref g^s
defensible, as to the justice of God, in regard of His absolute against
power over His own creature, yet it seems very hardly recon-
cileable ivith the goodness of God, and His exceeding great
love to mankind, as they are plentifully and passionately set
forth in His Holy Word, to decree the eternal damnation of
the greater part of mankind, for that sin, and for that sin
only, which was utterly and naturally impossible for him to
avoid ; for the Decree of Reprobation according to the Sub-
lapsarian Doctrine, being nothing else than a mere preterition
or non-election of some persons whom God left, as He found
them, involved in the guilt of the first Adam's transgression,
without any actual personal sin of their own, when He
withdrew some others, as guilty as they, without any respect
to Christ the second Adam, it must needs follow that the
persons so left are destined to eternal misery, for no other
cause, but this only, that Adam some thousand years since
did eat the forbidden fruit, and they being yet unborn, could
not help it.
The other reason was, because the Scripture not only saith §. 20.
expressly, that God hath chosen us in Christ before the
foundation of the world, and consequently the Decree o/*Eph. i. 4, 5.
sending Christ must be precedaneous to that of Election, but
also doth every where, and upon all occasions hold forth the
death of Christ, as intended by God for the benefit of mankind,
in the utmost extent, (the ivorld, the whole world, mankind,
every man, fyc.) and not for the benefit of some few only, the
rest by an antecedent peremptory Decree excluded. To luhich
it would be consequent, that according to the tenure of the
more moderate of these, the Sublapsarians' doctrine, Jesus
Christ, the Judge, at the last day, when He should proceed to
pronounce sentence upon the damned, should bespeak them to
this effect, Ite maledicti, voluit enim Pater meus pro bene-
placito, ut Adam peccato suo vos perderet, noluit ut ego
sanguine meo vos redimerem ; Go, ye cursed, for my Father
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
of His mere pleasure willed that Adam by his sin should
destroy you, ivilled not that I by my blood should redeem
you; the very thought whereof, you say, your soul so much
abhorred, that you were forced to forsake that opinion of the
Sublapsarians, having, as you profess, never fancied the
Superlapsarians ; and conclude it unsafe to place the Decree
of Election before that of sending Christ.
§• 2i. These two reasons of changing your judgment, are, I confess, so worthy
of a considering man, who makes God's revealed Will his Cynosure, and
doth not first espouse doctrines of men, and then catch at some few
obscure places of Scripture to countenance them, nor makes his retreat to
the abyss of God's unfathomable Counsels, as the reason of (that which
is its contradictory) his attempting to fathom and define them, that
I doubt not but the tendering of them to all dispassionate seekers of
truth, that have not some interests to serve by adhering peremptorily and
obstinately to their prepossessions, will be of the same force to disabuse and
extort from them the same confessions which they have from you, causing
them fairly to deposit these two Schemes, and either not to define at all,
or to seek out other solider methods, and more Catholic grounds of
defining; and if the wise heathen were in the right
Virtus est vitiumfugere, et sapientia prima
Stultitia caruisse,
this will be some degree of proficiency, which they that shall with unspeak
able joy have transcribed from you, will also have temptation to accuse
your fears, or wariness, that they received not this lesson sooner from you :
especially when they are told, what here you express, that these have been
your thoughts ever since the year 1625, i. e. thirty-four years since,
which is an age or generation in the Scripture use of the word.
§. 22. That none may be any longer deprived of this means of their convic
tion, or permitted to think or teach securely and confidently, and as in
accord with you, what you profess your soul thus long to have ' abhorred
the very thought of,' I desire you will at length communicate your thoughts
yourself, or else allow this Letter of mine to be your v7roff>r}Tr)s and do it
for you, under some testimony of your full approbation of this your
sense.
§. 23. But all this, thus far advanced, is but the rejection of the several
The nega- errOneous ways, and only the negative part of your thoughts ; which yet,
sufficient ^ the wa^ let me tel1 you> is ful1^ sumcient both to the Peace of
to Peace, Churches, and of particular souls. If the erroneous ways be rejected
&c- from whence all the misapprehensions of God, and ill consequences
thereof flow, the Church is competently secured from tares; and then
what need express articles and positive definitions come in to her
rescue ?
§. 24. This I suppose the reason both of our Church's moderation in framing
Our . the Article of Predestination, and of our late King's Declaration in
Church's
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 303
silencing the debate of the questions. For if by these methods the Church moderation,
could but have prevailed to have the definitions of the several pretenders ^he King's
forgotten, all men contenting themselves, as our Article prescribes, with jn or(jer ^0
the promises of God, as they are declared in Scripture, which sure are Peace,
universal and conditionate, not absolute and particular, the turmoil and
heat and impertinence of disputes had been prevented, which now goes
for an engagement in God's cause, the bare fervour and zeal in which is
taken in commutation for much other piety, by many the most eager
contenders. The doctrines, being deemed doctrines of God, are counted
evidences of sanctified men, and affix the censure of carnality on opposers,
and from hence come bitter envyings, railings, and at the least evil
surmisings ; and these are most contrary to the outward peace of a Church
or Nation.
And for particular men's souls, if the rigid doctrines be found apt to §• 25-
cool all those men's love of God, who have not the confidence to believe
themselves of the number of the few chosen vessels, and to beget security
and presumption in others, who have conquered those difficulties, and
resolved that they are of that number, and to obstruct industry and
vigorous endeavours and fear of falling, and so to have malignant in
fluences on practice, yet seeing it is the believing the Anti- Remonstrant
Schemes, one or other of them, to be the truth of God, which lies under
these ill consequences, the bare laying them aside leaves every man indis
pensably under the force of Christ's commands to disciples, terrors to
the unreformed, and conditional, most expressly conditional, promises to
all; and those being substantially backed with the firm belief of all the
Articles of the Creed, particularly of the Judgment to come, are by the
Grace of God abundantly sufficient to secure Evangelical obedience, the
true foundation of peace to every Christian soul ; and therefore I say, est
aliquid prodire tenus : your negative part, if there were no more behind,
will be of sovereign use to all that have been seduced into any liking of
those errors, which are by a man of your moderation and judgment, in
despite of contrary prepossessions, on reasons so convincing and per
spicuous, rejected.
But in the space of thirty-four years, though you have permitted your §• 26«
genius to lead you to other studies, (which, if your rejections be granted,
I shall willingly confess to be more universally profitable, than any
minuter searches into the Decrees) those of Moral or Practical Divinity,
yet it seems you have not lived such an obstinate Recluse from the
disputes and transactions of men, but that occasions you have met with to
excite your faculties, to wade a little further into the positive part of these
doctrines ; and indeed it is hard to conceive how a man can have spent so
many hours, as the survey of Doctor Twisse's Vindiciae Gratiae, were it
never so slight and desultory, must have cost you, without some other
reflections, besides those of bare aversation to his hypothesis.
To these you at length proceed, proposing them with difference, owning §• */•
some of them as your present thoughts and opinion, whilst in others you
profess to be purely sceptic, and to propose them only as conjectures that
304 A LETTER TO DR SANDERSON
seem to you in the mean time not improbable, until you meet with some
other more satisfactory. And in making this difference I fully accord with
you, discerning that undeniable evidence of grounds in the former, which
Difference is not so readily discoverable in the latter. I shall therefore follow your
Gin^n direction herein, and rank these severally, setting down those which you
and Con- ovvn as your opinion first; and afterward, with that note of difference,
jectures. proceed to your conjectures.
§. 28. Concerning the Decrees of Election and Reprobation, your present
Three Pro- Opmion js contained in these three Propositions, prefaced with two more,
concerning which are but the disavowing the three ways of Massa nondum condita,
God's De- condita ante Lapsum, et corrupta.
^c3' That man being made upright, and so left in manu con-
Man's Fall, silii sui, * God permitting him to act according to that
freedom of Will whereiuith as a reasonable creature He had
endowed him, did by his own voluntary disobedience, through
the cunning of Satan tempting him thereunto, fall away from
God, cast himself into a state of sin and misery, under the
bondage of Satan, without any power, possibility, or so
much as desire to recover himself out of that wretched con
dition. All which God did decree not to hinder, as purposing
to make use thereof as a fit occasion for the greater mani
festation of His power, wisdom, goodness, mercy, justice, fyc.
Of this my opinion is, that it is, in every branch of it, so undeniably
founded in the express affirmations of Holy Writ, that there can be no
doubt of it to any Christian.
§. 30. Secondly, That man being thus fallen, God out of His
o^cJmst* ^nfin^te compassion to His creature, made after His own
for Man- image, and that Satan might not finally triumph in so rich
a conquest, if the whole mass of mankind should perish,
decreed to send His only begotten Son Jesus Christ into the
world, to undertake the great work of our Redemption, and
to satisfy His justice for sin, that so, notwithstanding the same,
the whole mass of mankind lost by the Fall of the first Adam,
might be restored to a capability of Salvation, through the
mercy of God, and the merits of Jesus Clirist, the second
Adam.
In this, compared with what you before said, and afterwards add, I dis
cern your full agreement to the words of our Church Catechism, as those
are exactly consonant to the manifold testimonies of sacred Writ, that
Christ died for, and thereby redeemed all mankind : your words being
not, to my apprehension, capable of any of those evasions, that others are
* Quoted by Sanderson in Sermon vii. ad Aulam, §. 6. and Sermon vi. ad
Populum, §.29.
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 305
willing to reserve themselves in this business, as of His dying sufficiently,
but not intentionally for all, for that Kprjo-cfrvyfTov is superseded by your
words of God's sending Christ, fyc. that so mankind, fyc. which
must needs import His unfeigned intention that mankind should be
restored to a real capability of Salv&tion ; which is not with truth affirma-
ble, if any one individual of that whole kind be absolutely passed by, or
left, or excluded from his part in this restoration, and capability of Salva
tion ; which yet we must resolve many millions to be, if that which is
perfectly necessary to the recovery of those which were so totally lost, as
your former Proposition truly supposed, be not really and effectively made
up to them by Christ. And as in this full latitude I am obliged to under
stand you, so I wish not any more pregnant words to express it, than
those which you have chosen.
Thirdly, That Man having by his Fall rendered himself Th§n31*
uncapable of receiving any benefit from the Covenant made Covenant.
with him in his first Creation, God was graciously pleased
to enter into a new Covenant with mankind, founded in His
Son Jesus Christ, consisting of Evangelical but conditional
promises, of granting remission of sins, and everlasting life,
upon the condition of faith in Christ, repentance from dead
works, and neiv obedience ; and gave commandment that the
said Covenant by the preaching of the Gospel should be
published throughout the world. This, you say, you conceive to
be that which the Arminians call the general Decree of Pre
destination, but is rejected by the Calvinists; and that all
these Decrees are, according to our weak manner of under
standing the way of Gods counsels, salva coexistentia et
praesentialitate rcrum omnium in mente Divina ab aeterno,
antecedent to the Decrees of Election and Reprobation.
To this also I fully assent, both as to the truth and fulness of the
expression in every part, especially in that of God's entering with mankind,
without any restraint, the new Covenant, founded in Christ ; of the con-
ditionateness of the promises of that new Evangelical Covenant ; of
repentance and new obedience, together with faith in Christ, making up
that complete condition ; of the antecedency of this Covenant in Christ,
and the command of publishing it throughout the world, to the Decrees
of Election and Reprobation : which seems to me to be expressly set down
from Christ's words, And He said unto them, Go ye into all the world, and g. Markxvi.
preach the Gospel to every creature. He that believeth and is baptized shall 15, t6.
be saved; he that believeth not, shall be damned ; which evidently founds
those two Decrees in the precedaneous preaching, and men's receiving or
rejecting of the Gospel.
And when the Gospels are all so express in setting down that command §-32.
of Christ to His Apostles of preaching the Gospel to all the world, to the The D^ree
of publish-
SANDERSON, VOL. V. X ing.
306 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
the Gospel whole Creation, i. e. the whole Gentile, as well as Jewish world, (and the
to all the travels of the Apostles witness their obedience to it) and when the com
mand of Christ is equivalent with a Decree, and His giving of that in
time an evidence of its being by Him predestined from all eternity, it is
very strange that this should be denied or questioned by the Calvinists, or
the Arminians rejected by them, when in effect they do but repeat Christ's
own words, who if He gave command to publish the Gospel to all, then
must the publishing of the Gospel be matter of a general Decree, there
being no other so sure a way of discerning what was ab aeterno predestined
by God in His secret counsel, as the Scriptures telling us what was by the
Father or Christ in time actually commanded.
§• 33- Thus far and no further reach those which you own to be your present
Evangelical . . . . ,, . ,
Obedience. Opinions, and pronounce of them, that you are SO jar convinced
from the phrases and expressions frequent in Scripture, that
you cannot but own them as such. And then let me tell you, it
were very happy that all men would agree in these, and yet more happy,
if, instead of more curious enquiries, they would sit down, and betake
themselves uniformly and vigorously to that task, which these data bind
indispensably upon them, and which is of that weight, that it may well
employ the remainder of their lives to perform it to purpose, I mean the
work of Evangelical Obedience, the condition of the new Covenant,
without which the capability of pardon and Salvation, which was purchased
for mankind in general and for every man, shall never be actuated to
any.
§. 34. Beyond these therefore, what you add you acknowledge to be but con-
Matters of ;ectures, which though to you they seem not improbable, yet you profess
Conjecture. J > , . . . , A -, -r • c .,
to maintain your eTroxn or scepticism in them. And if in any of these
I should, on the same terms of conjecture or seeming probability, differ
from you, this still were fully to accord with you in the general, viz. the
suspension of belief, and proceeding no further than conjectures in these
things.
What the issue will be, shall now be speedily experimented, by proceed
ing to a view of them, remembering still that you propose them but as
conjectures.
Th§fi35 The first is' That the object of the Decrees of Election and
Reprobation, as they are set forth in the Scripture, seemeth
to you to be man preaclied unto. Those being elected to
eternal life, who receive Christ, as He is offered to them in
the Gospel, viz. as their Lord and Saviour, and those repro
bated, who do not SO receive Him. Herein I not only perfectly
agree with you; but more than so, I do think it an unquestionable truth,
which carries its evidence along with it, and so will be acknowledged by
any that observes the limitation by you affixed to the subject of the Propo-
The object sition, the object of the Decrees, ( as they are set forth in the Scripture.'
F°r he that sha11 but consider tnat the Hol7 Scripture is a donative
afforded us by God, and designed for our eternal advantages, not to enable
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 307
us to judge of others, but ourselves, not to discover all the unsearchable
recesses of His closet, or secret counsels, abscondita Domino Deo nostro,
but to reveal to men those truths which themselves are concerned in,
would make no difficulty to conclude, that the Scripture speaks only of those
to whom it speaks, and as the Apostle saith, What hath he to do to judge iCor.v. 12.
them that are without ? leaving them wholly to God's judgment, so doth
the Scripture declare God's dealing only with those to whom the Scrip
ture comes, to whom some way or other, whether by writing or preaching
it matters not, the Gospel of Christ is revealed.
This as it appears by innumerable evidences in the Scripture, so it is §• 36-
put beyond all dispute by that even now recited text, at Christ's farewell,
His commission to His Apostles, and declaration of the fixed determined
consequences of it, an express transcript of God's eternal destinations or
Decrees in that matter, Go into all the world, and preach the Gospel to S.Markxvi.
every creature. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved j and he
that believeth not shall be damned. In which words what can be the
meaning of shall be saved, and shall be damned, but this, that God hath
decreed Salvation and damnation to such? Those therefore are the object
of those Divine Decrees, who are the subject of that Proposition ; and those
are evidently men preached to, of which some believe, and are baptized ;
and those have their parts in the first Decree, that of Election to Salvation:
some reject the Gospel, and believe not, and those fall under the second
branch, that of rejection to damnation.
Against the evidence of this no opposition can be made; and to this it is § 37.
undeniably consequent, that all the Decrees whereof Scripture treateth ^ Scrip-
are conditionate, receiving Christ as the Gospel offers Him, as Lord and ^™s c^_ ^
Saviour; the former as well as the latter being the condition of Scripture ditionate.
Election; and the rejecting or not receiving Him thus, the condition of the
Scripture Reprobation.
As for any other which can be fancied distant from this, and so all §• 38-
absolute Election or inconditionate Reprobation, it must needs be re
solved to be the mere invention and fabric of men's brains, without the
duct of God's Spirit in Scripture, which if at least it hold not a strict
analogy with that which the Scripture hath thus revealed to us, will never Temerity of
be excused from great temerity, and the sin of dogmatizing, the rifling: mtroducin§
-. ,, i , • • j.- •/• . T r absolute
God's secrets, and setting up our own imaginations, if not prejudices, for Decrees.
the oracles of God. If this were well thought of, it would infallibly set a
period to all further disputes on this subject. And the Proposition, which
I have last set down from you, is so irrefragably convincing, that I hope
it may be successful to so good an end, and all men that read it, resolve it
their duty to preach no other Decrees of God from Scripture, but this, that
all that receive the Gospel preached, and live according to the prescript
rule thereof, (for that is to receive Christ as there He is offered to them,
as a Lord and Saviour) shall be saved; and all they that reject it, when it
is thus revealed, or live in contradiction to the terms whereon it is
established, shall be damned. This would probably change curiosity into
industry, unprofitable disquisitions into the search and trying of our own
ways, and working out our own Salvation.
X9
. &
308 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§. 39. To this Proposition, if it shall be granted, you annex two Corollaries ;
and I that have not only yielded but challenged the undoubted truth of
the Proposition, can make no question of the Corollaries. The first is
this,
§.40. That it will be impossible to maintain the Doctrine of
Universal Grace in that manner as the Remonstrants are
said to assert it, against the objection which is usually made
by their adversaries, how Evangelical Grace can be offered
to such nations or persons, as never had the Gospel preached
unto them.
§• 4*. The truth of this Corollary, as of all other, must be judged of by the
the Hea,r dependence from the Principle, the connexion it hath with the former
thens have Proposition, that spake of the Decrees as they are set forth in Scrip-
Evangelical ture, and of the condition required of them that are elected to Salvation,
receiving Christ preached, as He is offered in the Gospel; and accordingly
it is most evident, that they that will found their Doctrine on Scripture,
must find not only difficulty, but impossibility to maintain the gift of
Evangelical Grace, (which I suppose to be a supernatural power to believe
and obey the Gospel) to those, to whom the Gospel hath never been
revealed. What the Remonstrants are said to assert in this matter, I shall
forbear to examine, because I design not to engage in any controversy at
this time with any : only, as on one side it is evident, that their adversaries
can receive no benefit by the objection, the salvability of all to whom the
Gospel is preached, being as contrary to their Doctrine of only the Elect,
as it would be if extended to the Heathens also, all Christians being not
with them in the number of the Elect; so, on the other side, I should
think it strange that in our present notion of Evangelical Grace, for a
strength from God to receive and obey the Gospel preached, it should by
the Remonstrants or any other be affirmed from Scripture, that it is given
or offered to those to whom the Gospel hath not been revealed. St. Paul
styles the Gospel, the power of God unto Salvation, and the preaching of it the
SiaKovia Tlv€i> paros, administration of the Spirit, and indeed the Spirit is in
Scripture promised only to them who believe in Christ; and therefore, speak
ing of what may be maintained by Scripture, and confining the speech to
Evangelical Grace, the universality of it can no further be by that main
tained to extend, than to those to whom the Gospel is preached; for if
Faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the Word, i. e. preaching the
Gospel, it must follow, they cannot believe, and so have not Evangelical
Grace, or strength to believe without a preacher.
§.42. And therefore I remember the learned Bishop of Sarisbury, Doctor
Davenant, in his Lent Sermon, I think the last he preached before the
King, * declared his opinion to be as for Universal Redemption, so for
Universal Grace within the Church ; and as for this he was, I think, by
* In the year 1630. Bp. Davenant's Fuller's Church History, Bk. ix. Cen-
relation of the whole matter, in a Letter tury xvii. §. 16.
addressed to Dr. Ward, may be seen in
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 309
none accounted an Arminian, so I never heard any that was of the
Remonstrant persuasions unsatisfied with the scantiness of that declara
tion, but thought it as much, as, speaking of Grace in the Scripture
notion of it, Evangelical Grace, could with any reason be required of
him.
As for the state and condition of Heathens, to whom the Gospel is not §. 43-
revealed, and yet it is no fault of theirs that it is not, as all those that
lived before Christ and many since, as it is evident the Scripture was not
delivered to them, nor consequently gave to us, Christians, rules for the
judging of them, so it is most reasonable which you add in your second
Corollary, which is this,
That into the consideration of God's Decrees such nations S;44-
7777 °f the C°n'
or persons are not at all to be taken, as never heard of the dition of
Gospel; but they are to be left wholly to the judgment of God, ^^he
since He hath not thouglit fit to reveal to us any certainty Gospel is
concerning their condition, but reserved it to Himself, amongst ™J r
His other secret counsels, the reasons of His wonderful and
unsearchable dispensations in that kind. To which I most
willingly subscribe in every tittle, and challenge it as the just debt to the
force of that reason that shines in it, that no man pass fatal decretory
sentences on so great a part of mankind, by force of those rules, which
they never heard of, nor without hearing could possibly know that they
were to be sentenced by them. And this the rather, upon four considera- Four con-
tions which Scripture assures us of. First, that as all men were dead in SI«erations
Adam, so Christ died for all that were thus dead, for every man, even for them,
those that deny Him, and finally perish : which as it must needs extend The first,
and be intended by Him that thus tasted death for them, to the benefit of
those that knew Him not, (for if He died for them that deny Him, why
not for them that are less guilty, as having never heard of Him, especially
when it is not the Revelation of Christ, to which the Redemption is affixed,
but His Death) so the certain truth of this is most expressly revealed and
frequently inculcated in the Scripture, though nothing be there found of
God's Decrees concerning them, upon this ground especially, that no
person of what nation soever should have any prejudice to Christian
Religion when it should be first revealed to him, when he finds his
interest so expressly provided for by so gracious a Redeemer, who, if He
had not died for every man, it were impossible for any preacher to assure
an infidel that He died for him, or propose any constringent reason to
him, why he should believe on Him for Salvation. To this it is con
sequent that whatsoever God's unrevealed ways are, to deal with any
Heathen, what degree of repentance from dead works, obedience, or per
formance soever He accept from them, this must needs be founded in the
Covenant made with mankind in Christ, which you most truly have
established, there being no other Name under Heaven, no Salvation pos
sible to lapsed man by any other Covenant, which, being set in opposition
to the first Covenant of perfect unsinning obedience, and therefore called
310
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§.45-
The second.
§.46.
The third.
De Libero
Arbitrio,
iii. cap. xvi.
§• 45-
§•47-
The fourth.
Horn. i. 1 8.
a second and Evangelical Covenant, on condition only of sincere obedience,
of doing what by God's gift, purchased by Christ, men are enabled to do,
it follows still, that whatsoever acceptation or mercy they who never heard
of Christ can be imagined to have afforded them by God, must be con
formable to the tenour of the Evangelical Covenant, and so to the praise
of the glory of tlat G cce, whereby whosoever is accepted by God, is
accepted in the Beloved.
The second consideration is the analogy, which, in one respect, is
observable between those to whom the Gospel is not revealed, and all
children and idiots within the pale of the Church ; for although believing
in Christ were supposed equally by the law of Scripture to be exacted of
all, and so of both those sorts, (nay by the intervention of thy vow of
Baptism to be more expressly the obligation of those that are baptized
than those that are not,) yet there is no reason, producible to free the
Christian children and idiots from the blame of not believing, which will
not with equal force be producible for those Heathens to whom the Gospel
was never revealed, it being as impossible to see without the presence of
the object, as without the faculty of sight,, without the sun, as without
eyes, without the revelation of Christ, as without the intellective faculty ;
which if it be not part of the importance of that Decree of Heaven, Go and
preach, and then he that believeth not shall be damned, yet it is fully
accordant to it, and shews that that Text was not designed to give suffrage
to the damnation of all but Christians, which is all that your Corollary, or
my observations have aspired unto ; to which it is yet further necessarily
consequent, that these Scripture Decrees which you speak of (and whoso
ever speaks of any other must be resolved to speak from some other
dictate than that of Scripture,) comprize not all men, no, nor all baptized
Christians under them, being terminated only in those to whom the Gospel
is revealed ; and those certainly are not all that are brought into the world,
or even to Baptismal new birth.
The third consideration is, that seeing the Scripture assures us, that
they which have received more, of them more shall be required, and that
he that knoweth and doeth not, shall be beaten with many stripes, this
must needs advertize us that whatever privileges Christians may have
beyond Heathens, this is not one, that a smaller degree of obedience and
performances shall be accepted of them than of Heathens would be, but
the contrary, that to whom less is given, less will be required, according
to that of S. Augustine, Ex eo quod non accepit nullus reus est, No man is
guilty from that which he hath not received.
The fourth consideration is, that God rewards those that have made use
of the single talent, that lowest proportion of Grace which He is pleased
to give ; and the method of His rewarding is by giving them more Grace,
which as it is in some degree applicable to Heathens, who have certainly
the talent of natural knowledge, and are strictly responsible for it, so if
they use not that, but retain the truth in unrighteousness., that makes their
condition but the same with ours, who are finally lost also, and at the
present have our talent taken away from us, if we make not the due use of it.
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 311
This, it is visible, hath befallen those nations who once had the Gospel §.48.
preached to them, and, after the knowledge of the truth, returned to their
heathen sins, and so had their candlestick taken from them, to which,
and not to God's primary denying them Evangelical Grace, their present
barbarity is to be imputed. And the only conclusion which we can hence
duly make, is the acknowledgment of God*s just judgments on them, and
reasonable fear lest He deal in like manner with us, if we transcribe their
copy, imitate them in their demerits. Should God most justly thus punish
this nation at this time, could it either now or in future ages be reasonable
hence to argue against the Doctrine of Universal Grace, in case there were
a concurrence of all other evidences for the truth of the Doctrine ? Cer
tainly it could not. In like manner then it cannot be reasonable to argue
thus from the like fate, and effects on other nations.
To which I may add, that Christ being, we know, in God's Decree and §. 49-
Promise, the Lamb slain from the beginning of the world, if this argument
be now of force against the Heathens, it must equally hold against all that
understood no more of the predictions of Christ, than the Pagans do now
of the history.
And then it must, should it have force, follow, not only that the §. 50.
Sacrifice of Christ was intended to be of avail to none but the Jews, to
whom only the oracles of God were committed, (which yet you acknow
ledge was intended to all) but also that as far as we have ways of judging,
a very small part of those Jews received the salvific Grace of Christ, if it
were confined and annexed to the revelation and belief of Him. For if we
may judge of other ages by that wherein Christ appeared, the prophecies
of the crucified Messias were very little understood by that people. All
this makes it more prudent, and rational, and pious, to search our own
ways, than to pass sentence on other men; which is the only thing I have
aimed at in these four considerations.
Your second Proposition, which you tender as a Conjecture, I cannot §.51.
but own under an higher style of an evident truth of Scripture. It is The second
this, That there is to the outward tender of Grace in the anundoubt-
ministry of the Gospel annexed an inward offer also of the ed truth-
same to the heart, by the Spirit of God going along with inward
His Word, which some of the Schoolmen call auxilium Gratiae nj^ed tothe
generale, sufficient in itself to convert the soul of the hearer, Ministry of
if he do not resist the Holy Ghost, and reject the Grace
offered : which as it is grounded upon these words, Behold,
I stand at the door, and knock ; and upon very many other
passages of Scripture beside, so it standeth with reason that
the offer, if it were accepted, should be sufficient ex parte sui
to do the work; ivhich, if not accepted, is sufficient to leave
the person not accepting the same unexcusable. This, I say,
I am obliged to assent to in the terms, and upon the double ground both
of Scripture and Reason, whereon you induce it. If there were but one
312 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
text of Scripture so convincingly inferring it, that sure would advance it
above a barely probable Conjecture. But I think the whole tenour of the
New Testament enforceth the same; and though you name but one, you
say there are many other passages of Scripture, on which it is founded.
I shall mention but two, i . That of the Apostle, who calls preaching the
word, didKoviav IIi/eu/zaTos, the administration of the Spirit, which the
Father expresses by Verbum vehiculum Spiritus, ' the Word is the chariot
in which the Spirit descends to us.' 2°. That description of resisting the
Acts vii. Holy Spirit, which St. Stephen gives us, by their being like the Jews,
which persecuted the Prophets which spake unto them, which concludes
the Holy Spirit to be given with the preaching of the Gospel, else how
could the rejecting and persecuting the one be the resisting of the other ?
So likewise though you mention but one reason, yet that is as constringent
as many, nothing but sufficiency of supernatural Grace being competent
to render him, that is acknowledged naturally impotent, unexcusable.
And therefore deeming that abundantly confirmed to advance it above a
disputable problem, I proceed to the next Proposition, the third, which
you rank under the style of Conjectures. It is this,
§• 52. That because, the sufficiency of this General Grace not-
The third . t
Conjecture withstanding, through the strength of natural corruption it
G^ace anc?1 m< happen to prove uiieffectual to all persons, God vouch-
Scripture safed out of the super effluence of His goodness, yet ex mero
and.CRepro- beneplacito, without any thing on their part to deserve it, to
bation. confer upon such persons as it pleased Him to fix upon,
(without inquiring into under what qualifications, prepara
tions, or dispositions considered,) a more special measure of
Grace which should effectually ivork in them faith and
perseverance unto Salvation. This, you say, you take to be the
Election especially spoken of in the Scriptures ; and if so, then
the Decree of Reprobation must be nothing else but the
dereliction or preterition of the rest, as to that special
favour of conferring upon them this higher degree of effectual
Grace. Against this, you say, you know enough may be
objected, and much more than you esteem yourself able to
answer, yet to your apprehension somewhat less than may be
objected against either of the extreme opinions.
Anfmadver- °f this Pr°P°sition> as being the first by vou produced, to which your
sions on caution seems to be due, some things may in passing be fitly noted,
this Con- First, that for the stating of that community which is here set down as
JTheUfirst the °^ect °f Election and Reprobation, and expressed by a general style
e all persons/ this caution is necessarily to be taken in, that the Proposi
tion is not to be interpreted in the utmost latitude that the style ' all
persons' is capable of, but as analogy with your former doctrine strictly
requires, for the generality of men preached to ; and so neither
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 313
belongs to Heathens, nor to the infants or idiots, or unin-
structed among Christians, but to those that having the
Gospel revealed to them, and sufficient Grace to enable them
to receive it, are yet left in the hand of their own counsel *
whether they will actuallij receive it, or no.
Now of these (which is the second thing to be observed in your Pro- §• 54-
position) it is manifest, that if, as you suppose both in the former and in fr^ g™ri .
this Proposition, they have Grace truly sufficient afforded them, then they ture,
want nothing necessary to a fallen weak sinful creature, to conversion,
perseverance and Salvation ; and if so, then by the strength of this Grace,
without addition of any more, they may effectually convert, persevere and
be saved ; and then, though what may be, may also not be, and so it be
also possible that of all that are thus preached to, and made partakers of
this Grace, no one shall make use of it to these effects, yet this is but
barely possible, and not rendered so much as probable, either upon any
grounds of Scripture or Reason. In the Scripture there is no word
revealed to that sense, or, that I ever heard of, produced or applied to it;
but on the contrary, in the Parable of the Talents, which seems to respect
this matter particularly, they that received the Talents to negotiate with,
did all of them, except one, make profit of them, and bring in that account
to their Master, which received a reward, which is utterly unreconcileable
with the hypothesis of God's foreseeing that the talent of sufficient Grace
would be made use of by none that received no more than so. As for
that one that made not use of it, all that is intimated concerning him, is,
that if his share comparatively was mean, yet by the Lord he is charged as
guilty for not putting it into the bank, that at His coming He might receive
His own with usury, which certainly evinces, that that lazy servant is
there considered as one that might have managed his stock as well as the
rest, and that that stock was improvable no less than the other, according
to their several proportions; and so herein there is no difference taken
notice of in favour to your Conjecture.
And in Reason it hath no sound of probability that of so great a and Rea-
number of Christians, sufficiently furnished by God, no one should make son-
use of it to their soul's health. It is evident in the Apostles' preaching at
Jerusalem and elsewhere, that at the first proposal of the truth of Christ
to them, and the doctrine of repentance, whole multitudes received the
Faith, and came in; and no doubt many of them proved true and constant
Christians; and it is not amiss to observe of the heads of doctrine, which
the Apostles agreed to publish in all their peregrinations, that they are of
such force, and were on that account pitched on by them, as might
reasonably and probably, with the supposed concurrence of God's Grace,
beget repentance and new life in all, to whom they were preached over the
whole world, (and then what the Apostles deemed a rational and probable
means to that end, there is no reason or probability to think should never
* See above, p. 304.
314 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
in any produce this effect) according to that of Athanasius, a that the Faith
confessed by the Fathers of Nice, according to Holy Writ, is avrdpKijs
Trpos dvarpoTrrjv Trdcrrjs daefteias, onwrnuw 8e evcrefieias ev Xp«rro>, sufficient
for the averting of all impiety, and the establishment of all piety in Christ.
To which may be applied that of St. Augustine, of the Creedb, Quae pauca
verba fidelibus nota sunt, ut credendo subjugentur Deo, ut subjugati recte
vivant, recte vivendo cor mundent, corde mundo, quod credant, intelligant.
' These few words are known to believers, that by believing, they may be
subjugated to God, that by being subjugated, they may live well, that by
living well, they may cleanse their hearts, that by cleansing their hearts,
they may understand what they believe.' And herein the allwise pro
vidence and infinite mercy of God seems to be engaged; who, in the
Parable of His dealing with His Vineyard, not only expostulates, What
Isaiah v. could I have done more to my Vineyard which I have not done? but also
affirmeth that He looked it should bring forth grapes, and as a further
evidence of that, built a wine-press, in expectation of its bearing fruit by
strength of what He had done to it, which could not well be affirmed by,
or of God, if it were not probable and rational, that in some it should
have the desired effect.
§• 55- And if what, on account both of Scripture and Reason, the only ways
reconciled" *e^ us to JU(%e ^y in this matter, is thus far removed from improbable,
bleness of may be supposed to have any truth in it, i. e. if the sufficient Grace
this con- annexed to the authorized sufficient means, have, without further addition ,
makingman ever converted any, it then follows necessarily in the third place, that the
preached Election and Dereliction now proposed by you must have for its object
to, the ob- not indefinitely, as before you set it, man preached unto, or all that part of
Decrees mankind to whom the Gospel is offered, and that Grace annexed thereto,
but only that portion of such, as are not wrought upon, or who God in
His infinite prescience discerns would not be wrought upon effectually,
and converted by that measure of sufficient Grace, which He hath annexed
to the Word preached. For without inquiring what proportion of the
number of men preached unto may probably be placed in that rank (or
without assuming any more, than that it is neither impossible nor im
probable that there should be such a rank) of men converted, and per
severing by the strength of that foresaid sufficient Grace, annexed to the
Word, the inference is undeniable, that all, whether few or many, that are
of this rank (it being no way probable there should be none) shall cer
tainly be saved by force of the second Covenant, which decreed eternal
life to all that should believe on Him and receive Him, as the Gospel
tenders Him, as their Lord and Saviour, and so cannot be comprised in
the number of them to whom this supereffluence of goodness is supposed
to be vouchsafed; in the granting of which ex mero beneplacito your con
jecture makes the Scripture Election to consist, and in the Dereliction and
a In Epist. ad Epictetum, §. i. [. . . b In Libel, de Fide et Symbolo, in
pbs ffvcrraffiv Se rrjs eixrefiovs evXptcrrw torn. iii. [p. 61. ed. Lovan. torn. vi. col.
. torn. i. p. 901. ed. Bened.J 164. ed. Bened. Paris. 1685.]
CONCERNING GOD'S GKACE & DECREES. 315
Preterition of the rest, in respect of that special favour, the Decree of
Reprobation.
The plain issue whereof is but this, that if this conjecture, thus expli- §. 56.
cated, be adhered to, then many, not only of children, idiots, heathen,
formerly reserved to God's secret judgments, but of adult baptized
Christians also, either are or may be saved, who are not of the number of
the Scripture- Elect. Which whether it be reconcileable with the purport
of those places, which in Scripture seem to you to respect Election, or
to favour this opinion, I must leave to further consideration, being as
yet incompetent to interpose any judgment of it, because I know not what
those places are which most seem to favour it.
As for the Doctrine itself, of Supereffluence of Grace to some, abstracted § 57-
from making it any account of God's Decrees of Election and Reproba- , ^ ?c~
tion, it is such as I can no way question; for certainly, God being granted Superefflu-
to give sufficient Grace to all, there is no objection imaginable against this ence of
superabounding to some ex mero beneplacito. Nothing more agreeable ™ °
_
to an infinite abyss and unexhaustible fountain of goodness, than such know'ledg-
Supereffluence; and he that hath not his part in it, yet having his portion, ed.
and that supposed sufficient, ought not to have an evil eye, to complain
and murmur at this partiality and inequality of distribution of God's
goodness; or if he do, the words of the Parable of the Labourers in the
Vineyard must here have place : Friend, I do thee no wrong: did not I
agree with thee for a penny? Take that is thine, and go thy way. Is it not S.Matt. xaj.
lawful for me to do what I will with my own ? And it is there observable, I3~I5-
that all the occasion of murmuring arose from the order there observed in
accounting with and paying the Labourers, beginning with them that
came last into the Vineyard ; for by that means they being allowed a day's
wages for an hour's labour, the others' expectation was raised to an higher
pitch than probably it would, if they had been paid and discharged first ;
for then, not seeing the liberality that others tasted of, they would in all
probability have expected no more than the hire for which they agreed.
Arid then why should so casual a circumstance as the being paid last or
first, have any influence on their minds, or tempt them to murmur at
God's goodness, who, from the nature of the thing, had no least tempta
tion to it ?
Only by the way it must be yielded to the force of that Parable, that §• **•
that Supereffluence of which some are there supposed to taste, was no ^ut ^L^
part of the Covenant of Grace, his agreement with them being but in ence no part
these words, Go into the Vineyard, andwhat is right you shall receive ; but, of the Cove-
above what His bargain or covenant obligeth, of His good pleasure -, "ant of
though, on the other side, it be observable, i°. that ai*allowable account g.Matt. vii.
is there given by those men of their not coming sooner into the Vineyard,
and consequently of their not bearing the heat of the day, in which all the
disproportion between them and others, all the seeming Supereffluence is
founded, viz. they were no sooner called or hired by any man ; and 2°. that
by the application of the Parable to the eo^on-os1 and irp&Tos, to those that
came first, and those that came later into the Apostleship, to Peter, and
316 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
Paul, there might still be place for more abundant labouring in those that
came last, and so for reward, in proportion, though through mercy, to
that more abundant labouring, according to the way of setting down the
same parable among the Jews, in Gemara Hierosol. c where the King's
answer to the murmurers is, ' He in those two hours hath laboured as
much as you have done all the day.'
§• 59- But without examining the acts of God's munificence according to any
rules but those of munificence, and again without insisting on the method
which God Himself seems to direct us to in this matter, in the Parable of
the Talents, where the rule is general, that to Mm that hath shall be given,
and he shall have abundance, i. e. that the Supereffluence of Grace is
ordinarily proportioned to the faithful discharge of former trusts, making
use of the foregoing sufficient Grace, there will be little reason to doubt,
but that God out of His mere good pleasure, without any desert on our
part, doth thus dispense His favours to one, more than to another, to one
Difficulties servant five talents, to another ten, but to all some. Only the difficulties
concerning wiU be, i°. Whether it be not as possible, though not as probable, that
tlie SuPereffluence of Grace may be resisted, as the lower but sufficient
degree; and then, whether the condemnation be not the greater, there will
be no doubt. Paul, that is the most pregnant [example of the Super-
I. effluence, is still, under a woe, obliged to preach the Gospel, and whilst he
Whether it preacheth to others, supposes it possible, that himself, if he do not bring
,e ^ re~ his body into subjection, may become a castaway; and till he hath fought
his good fight, and finished his course, and constantly kept the faith, we
never find him confident of receiving his crown, which then he challenges
II. from God's righteousness, or fidelity. 2°. Whether the extraordinary
Whether it favour of God which some men receive, and by virtue of which, over and
ratheftQ0 a^ove tne sufficient Grace, they may be thought to be wrought on effect-
Providence ually, may not rather be imputed to God's special Providence, than His
than Grace, special Grace ? So in Bishop Overall's way it seems affirmable; for in his
Scheme the effectualness seems to be attributed to the giving what is
given, tempore congruo, at a time when, whether by sickness, or by any
other circumstance of their state, they are foreseen by God to be so
qualified and disposed, that they shall infallibly accept Christ offered, on
His own conditions, and so convert, and receive the seed into good ground,
and so persevere and be saved, when the same man, out of those circum
stances, would not have been wrought on by the same means. And if
this be it which you mean (as I doubt not but it is, and that herein you
perfectly agree with Bishop Overall) then I say the question is, whether
the seasonable application or timeing be not rather to be imputed to special
Providence, the mercy of God's wise and gracious disposal to those men
that are thus favoured, than to special Grace, as that signifies an higher
degree of God's Grace than is that sufficient measure, which is afforded to
others ; it being possible that an equal, nay, a lower degree of Grace, being
c Cod. Berachoth. [See Hammond's Paraphrase and Annotations, or Wetstein.
in S. Matt. xx. 12—15.]
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 317
congruously timed and tendered, may prove effectual, when the like, nay
an higher, at another time, proves uneffectual. And though all acts of
God's good Providence may in some sense be styled acts of His Grace, and
so extraordinary Providences may he styled special Graces, in which
sense, the striking Paul in his journey to Damascus, and calling to him
out of Heaven with Grace proportionable to that call, may fitly be called a
work of God's special Grace ; and so is every sickness or other judgment,
that is sent to melt any, supposeable to have a proportionable, and that is
an extraordinary and special Grace annexed to it; and the Providence,
and so the Grace is the greater, if it be applied tempore congruo, when
there is no potent obstacle or principle for resistance; yet still the
question is seasonable, whether this be all that is meant by this special
measure of Grace, which shall work effectually; or, if more be meant, what
ground there is for it in the Scripture.
To this second question your advertisement by letter hath given the §. 60.
satisfaction I expected, that you ivere not curious to consider the
distinction between the Grace and the Providence of God,
there being no necessity for so doing, as to your purpose,
which was only to express your sense, that it must be the
work of God, whether of Grace or Providence it matters not,
that must do the deed, and make the sufficient Grace effectual.
This answer I accept, and make no further return to it: only, from the
uncertainty of the former, as to any establishment from Scripture-grounds,
and so likewise of this latter, till it shall appear by any sure word of
promise to have any real influence on the matter in hand, there is way
made for a third question,
Whether, granting the truth of all that is pretended for the Supereffluence §. Cn.
of God's goodness to some, this can fitly be defined the thing whereto HI.
Election is determined, and whether all that have not their part in this, ^ j^f t
are in Scripture-style said to be reprobated. This, I say, not to propose which Elec-
any new matter of dispute, or to require answer to all that may be objected tion is de-
against this notion of Decrees, which you, and other very learned and termmed-
sober men, have proposed by way of conjecture only, but rather to
demonstrate my concurrence with you, that this can amount no higher at
most than to a matter of conjecture.
And having said this, I shall propose it to your impartial consideration, §.62.
I. Whether the Scripture ought not to be our guide in all even opining Considera-
... ° tions from
and conjecturing in such matters, which are so much above our reason ? Scripture
II. Whether the Scripture do not furnish us with these express grounds, opposed to
10. That there are some sort of auditors that come to Christ, become His the former
proselytes, embrace the Gospel, when it is preached unto them, that are evOfroi
eis (3a(ri\eiav rot) Qeov,fit, or prepared, or disposed for the kingdom of God, g. Luke ix.
obedience to the Gospel, reray^evoi, disposed for eternal life, on file for it, in 62.
opposition to others, who are OVK cigioi £077?, not worthy of, meet, or Acts xm.
qualified for the Evangelical state. 2°. That probity of mind is specified s. John vii.
to be this temper, a willingness to do God's will, that, in the Parable, of 17.
318
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
S. Matt.
xiii. 8.
S. Lukeviii.
15-
S. Matt.
xiii. 15.
S. James iv.
6.
S.Mattxi.
5-
S. Matt.
xix. 14. and
v- 3-
S. Luke vi.
22.
i Cor. i. 27.
The ground
of Effectu-
alness of
Grace more
probably
deduced
from pro
bity of
heart.
Jer. iv. 3.
§• 63.
This pro
bity no na
tural pre
paration,
but of
God's
planting by
preventing
Grace.
S. Johnvi
37-
verse 44.
verse 37.
the good ground, and the honest heart meant by it. 3°. That the Evan
gelical dispensations are governed by the maxim of Habenti dabiturj to the
humble He gives more grace; the poor are evangelized; the children, and
poor in spirit, of such, and of them is the kingdom of Heaven ; and lastly,
that God hath chosen the foolish things of the world, the weak, the degen-
erous, the vilified, those that are not, in opposition to the mighty, powerful,
noble and wise. III. Whether on these and many other the like funda
mental Truths of the Gospel, it be not more reasonable to fetch the ground
of the effectualness of that sufficient Grace to one, which is not effectual to
another, from the temper and disposition of the heart to which the Gospel
is preached, than from any other circumstance, (especially when this doth
not deny, or exclude the proper efficacy of those circumstances, whatso
ever they or it shall any way appear to be) God having made the Baptist
the Forerunner to Christ, Repentance to Faith, the breaking up our fallow
grounds, to His not sowing among thorns, and the very nature of the
Gospel being such, that all that are truly sensible of their sins, the odious-
ness and danger of them, and heartily desirous to get out of that state, the
weary and heavy laden, the humble, docile, tractable, honest heart, willing
to take Christ's yoke upon them, are constantly wrought on, and con
verted, when the promulgate mercies, or promises of the Gospel, and the
Grace annexed to it, are addressed to them, whereas the very same, nay,
perhaps a greater degree of light and Grace, meeting with a proud,
refractory, pleasurable, or any way hypocritical, and deceitful heart, either
is not at all heeded and received, or takes no firm root in it.
And if now (the only objection I can foresee) it be demanded, whether
this of probity, humility, &c. the subactum solum, soil mellowed and
prepared for this effectual work of Grace, be not some natural quality of
the man, for if so, then the efficacy of Grace will be imputed to these
natural, or moral preparations, which is grossly prejudicial to the Grace of
God, and to the owing of all our good to His supernatural operations, the
answer is obvious and unquestionable, that this (I shall call it Evangelical)
temper is far from being natural to any corrupt child of Adam : wherever
it is met with, it is a special plant of God's planting, a work of His
preparing, softening, preventing Grace, and as much imputable to the
operation of His Holy Spirit, as any effect of His subsequent or coopera
ting Grace is^ which I challenge to be the meaning of those words of
Christ, All that my Father giveth me, shall come to me j where such as
these are first fitted by God, and then by him are said to be given to
Christ, works of His finger, His Spirit, and then by the author of them
presented to Christ, as the persons rightly disposed for His discipleship,
and His kingdom in men's hearts; and this work of God's in fitting them,
is there called His drawing of them to Christ; and as there it is said
that none but such can come to Christ, so, all such shall come to
Him, which is an evidence that the coming, wherein the effectualness of
the Grace consists, is imputable to this temper wrought in them by God.
And if still it be demanded why this is not wrought in all Christians' hearts,
I answer, finally, that the only reason the Scripture teaches us is, because
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 319
some resist that Spirit that is graciously given by God, and purposely
designed to work it in them.
And if it still be suggested, that some are naturally more proud and §. 64.
refractory, and voluptuously disposed than others, (an effect of their 2J? on.e
J Objection
temper, owing oft to their immediate parents, who may transfuse their against this
depravations and corruptions immediately to their children, as well as satisfied.
Adam hath done to us all mediately,) and so a greater degree of Grace
will be necessary to the humbling and mollifying them, and a lower, which
might be sufficient for meeker tempers, will be unsufficient for them, and
so still these are as infallibly excluded and barred out, as if it were by a
fatal decree passing them by in massa, this will be also satisfied, by
resolving, that God in His wise disposals and abundant mercies, propor
tioned according to men's wants, gives a greater degree of preventin
Grace to such as He sees to be naturally in greatest need of it, or else
applies it so advantageously by congruous timing, as He knows is
sufficient even to them, to remove these natural obstacles ; but all this (to
them, as to others) resistibly still, and so, as though it succeed sometimes,
yet is frequently resisted.
By this means he that is proud and obstinate, and continues, and holds §. 65.
out such against all the softening preparations of Heaven, (sufficient to
have wrought a kindlier temper in him) being so ill qualified for the holy wisdom i.
spirit of discipline, is not converted, but hardened by the same or equal 5.
means of the Word of Grace, by which the humble is converted, and then
replenished with higher degrees. And when the Scripture is so favourable
to this notion, saying expressly that God chooses one and not the other,
gives more Grace to one, and from the other takes away that which he
hath, resists the proud, when they refuse discipline, speaks to them only s. Matt,
in Parables, because seeing they see not, i. e. resist and frustrate God's xui- T3'
preventing Graces, and infinite the like, why may not this rather be the
Scripture-Election, than that other which seems not to have any, at least
not so visible grounds in it ?
Should this be but a conjecture too, it is not the less fit for this place, §. ^
where our discourse hath been of such; and the only seasonable inquiry is,
either i°. which is of probables the most, or of improbables the least
such, and that I suppose is competently shewed already; or 2°. which
may be most safe, and least noxious, in case it should fail of exact truth.
On which occasion I shall add but this, that the only consequence §. ^t
naturally arising from this Scheme is, that we make our elections after the The safe-
pattern of God, choose humility and probity, and avert pride and hypocrisy; n<
that before all things in the world, every man think himself highly con
cerned, i°. not to resist or frustrate God's preventing Graces, but
cheerfully to receive, cooperate, and improve them, to pray, and labour,
and attend and watch all opportunities of Grace and Providence, to work
humility and probity in his heart, impatience of sin, and hungering and
thirsting after righteousness, as the only soil wherein the Gospel will ever
thrive, to begin his discipleship with repentance from dead works, and not
with assurance of his Election and Salvation, to set out early and
320 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
resolutely, without procrastinating, or looking backd; and 2°. if he hath
overslipped such opportunities, to bewail and retrieve them betimes, lest
he be hardened by the deceitfulness of sin ; and 3°. whatsoever good he
shall ever advance to, by the strength of God's sanctifying and assisting
Grace, to remember with the utmost gratitude, how nothing hath been
imputable to himself in the whole work, but from the beginning to the
end, all due to supernatural Grace, the foundation particularly (that which
if it be the most imperfect, is yet the most necessary part of the building,
and the sure laying of which tends extremely to the stability of the whole)
laid in God's preventions, cultivating our nature, and fitting us with
capacities of his higher donatives. And what can less prejudice., nay more
tend to the glory of His Grace than this ?
Whereas the othej- Scheme, as it takes special care to attribute all the
with the work of conversion to Grace, and withal not so to limit that communica-
other. tive spring, as to leave any destitute of a sufficient portion of it (in which
respect I have nothing really to object against it, if it could but approve
itself by God's Word to be the truth) so when it bears not any such
impress of Divine character upon it, it may not be amiss to consider,
whether he that is persuaded that the sufficient Grace is such as may, and,
as some set it, God sees will never do any man good, without the
addition of His Supereflluence, which He affords to few, (and that, if that
come, it will infallibly do the work, if it come not, he is so passed by as
to be reprobated by God) may not have some temptations to despair on
one side, and not to do his utmost to cooperate with that sufficient
Grace, which is allowed him, and so, with the fool in Ecclesiastes, fold
chap. iv. 3. his hands together till he comes to eat his own flesh, or else to presume
on the other side, and expect securely till the coming of the congruous
good time of God's choice, which shall give the effectualness to His Grace,
and so be slothful and perish by that presumption?
§. 69. Whether the Scheme, as it is set by learned men, abstracting now from
the truth of it, be in any considerable degree liable to this danger, I leave
those, that are favourable to it, to consider, presuming that if it be, it will
not be thought fit to be pitched upon as the most commodious, without
either the authority of Scripture, or some other preponderating advan
tages tendered by it, which to me are yet invisible. And thus much may
serve for the doctrine of God's Decrees, which if I mistake not, leaves
them in relation to man, in this posture, as far as the Scripture-light
leads us.
§• 7°- i. That God decreed to create man after His own image, a free and
n nao - ra^onaj agent, to give him a Law of perfect, unsinning obedience, and
of the Doc- confer on him Grace and faculties to perform it, and to reward that
trine of obedience with eternal bliss, and proportionably to punish disobedience.
Sees8 De~ 2' That> foreseeing tne wilful Fall of the first man, with whom, and
irp6<f)affiv r^]V irpbs
Titus Bostrensis. [in S. Luc. ix. 62. rovs olnelovs, $id\(£iv. Biblioth. Vett.
o-n-iVco 8t BXfTrei 8i6n ueAA.T7<re«s Kal Patt. Paris. 1624. ii- 792.]
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES.
with all mankind in him, this Covenant was made, and consequent to that,
the depravation of that image and that Grace, (the image of Satan,
corruption of the Will and all the faculties, taking the place of it) He
decreed to give His Son to seek and to save that which was lost, making in
Him, and sealing in His blood a new Covenant, consisting of a promise of
pardon and sufficient Grace, and requiring of all the condition of uniform
sincere ohedience.
3. That He decreed to commissionate messengers to preach this Cove
nant to all mankind,, promised to accompany the preaching of it to all
hearts with His inward sufficient Grace, enabling men to perform it in
such a degree, as He in this second Covenant had promised to accept of.
4. That the method which He hath decreed to use in dispensing this
sufficient Grace, is, first, to prevent and prepare men's hearts by giving
them the grace of humility, repentance, and probity of heart, i. e. by
awaking and convincing men of sin, and giving them, in answer to their
diligent prayers, Grace sufficient to produce this in their hearts; and then,
upon their making use of this Grace to the designed end, to add more
powerful assistances and excitations, enabling them both to will and to do;
and, upon their constant right use of these, still to advance them to an
higher degree of sanctification and perseverance, till at length He accom
plish and reward them with a crown of Glory.
On the other side, to forsake them in justice that obstinately resist and §. 71.
frustrate all these wise and gracious methods of His; and, having most Of Repro-
affectionately set life and death before them, and conjured them to choose
one, and avoid the other, still to leave unto them, as to free and rational
agents, a liberty to refuse all His calls, to let His talents lie by them
unprofitably ; which if out of their own perverse choices they continue to
do, He decrees to punish the contumacy finally, by assigning them their
own options, to take their talents from them, and cast them into outer
darkness, where shall be weeping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth.
How clearly every part of this Scheme is agreeable to the several §.72.
Parables, whereby Christ was pleased to adumbrate the Kingdom of
Heaven, and innumerable other passages in the Gospel, and the whole
purport of the New Covenant, I leave to every man to consider, and then
to judge for himself, whether it be not safer and more Christian to content
ourselves with this portion, which Christ hath thought fit to reveal to us,
than to permit our curiosities to deeper and more pragmatic searches,
especially if those shall either directly, or but consequentially, undo, or but
darken what is thus explicitly settled.
I proceed now to your second head of Discourse, (which also I suppose, ^he Effi
is, by what hath been already considered, competently established) con- cacy of
cerning the Efficacy of Grace, &c. where your Proposition is thus set Grace,
down :
That in the conversion of a sinner, and the begetting of §-74-
faith in the heart of man, the Grace of God hath the main
stroke, chiefest operation, yet so, that the Free Will of man
SA-NDEIiSON, VOL. V. Y
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
doth in some sort cooperate therewith, (for no man is converted
or believeth without his own consent] all parties pretend to
agree. The point of difference is, how to state the manner
and degree of the cooperation, as well of the one as of the
other, so as neither the glory of Gods Grace be eclipsed, nor
the freedom of man's Will destroyed. In which difficult
point, you say, you think it fitter to acquiesce in those aforesaid
acknowledged truths, in ivhich both sides agree, than to hold
close to either opinion.
§.75. In this Proposition, — it being by you in the conclusion most undeniably
Tfhp Pow?r and Christianly resolved, that the one care ought to be, that neither the
conversion, glory of God's Grace be eclipsed, nor the freedom of man's
Will destroyed, — it would not be amiss a little to reflect on the
former part, and demand whether your expression were not a little too
cautious in saying, the Grace of God hath the main stroke and
chiefest operation, did I not discern the ground of that caution,
because you were to express that whereunto all parties must be supposed
to consent. This being abundantly sufficient to account for your caution,
I shall not doubt of your concurrence with me, that it may with truth be
said, and I suppose also by the agreement, if not of all Christians, yet of
both parties in this debate, particularly of the Remonstrants, that the
Grace of God is in lapsed man the one sole principle of spiritual
life, Conversion, Regeneration, Repentance, Faith, and all
other Evangelical virtues ; and that all that can justly be attributed
to our Will in any of these, is the obeying the motions, and making use of
the powers, which are thus bestowed upon us by that supernatural prin
ciple, to work and work out our own Salvation, upon the strength of
God's. giving us to will and to do. By giving us to will and to do, meaning
S. Luke i. His giving us power to each, as dovvai \arpfveiv is giving us power to
serve Him in holiness and righteousness all the days of our lives : every
initial and more perfect act of holiness, especially persevering in it all our
days, being wholly imputable to that power which is given by God's
Spirit. For indeed when it is considered what the state of our corrupt
Will is, being naturally averted from God and strongly inclined to evil, it
seems to me scarce proper to call this, in relation to supernatural virtues,
a Free Will, till God by His preventing Grace hath in some degree manu
mitted it, till Christ hath made it free. Being then what it is, i. e. in
some degree emancipated by God's Grace, and by Grace only, this act of
Christ's love and Grace being reached out to enemies, to men in their
What the corrupt state of aversion and opposition to God, the Will is then enabled,
freedom of .gtill by the same principle of Grace, to choose life, when it is proposed,
is> l and the ways and means to it; and though it be left free to act or not to act,
to choose or not to choose, yet when it doth act and choose life, it doth it
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 323
no otherwise, to my understanding, than the body doth perform all the
actions of life, merely by the strength of the soul, and that continual
animation it hath, it receives from it ; which makes the parallel complete,
and gave ground to the expression and comparison betwixt giving of
natural life and regeneration.
What freedom the Will naturally, under this corrupt state, hath to §• 7&
other things of all sorts, I do not now consider, any further than that it Ability to
is fully furnished with ability to sin, and so to refuse and contemn, and to
receive in vain the Grace of God; and Grace itself doth not deprive it of
that part of its corrupt patrimony. As for an uniform constant choice of
those things that belong to our peace and spiritual end, for the beginning
of that, and every step of motion through, and perseverance in it, its
freedom, and strength, and every degree of life or action, is wholly and
entirely from Grace; and then he that without Him can do nothing, can do
all things through Christ that strengthens him. And so the only remaining
question is (which to me, I confess, is a posing one,) what exception can
possibly be started against this stating, and consequently what further
doubt there can be in this matter.
I have of myself, by my natural generation, (but this is also from God) §. 77.
power for natural, nay sinful actings: for this I need no further principle, A11 Sood
and the supervenience of a supernatural takes it not from me. Our faac°
experience assures us, what the Scripture so eft mentions, that we often
resist the Holy Ghost, which we could not do, if at least it were not
tendered to us. But for all degrees of good, from the first good motion
toward conversion, to the enstating us in glory, it is wholly received from
the Spirit of God, and the glory of it cannot in any degree, without the
utmost sacrilege, be arrogated or assumed to ourselves, as the work of our
Free Will; and seeing it is one act of superabundant Grace to enable us to
do any thing, and another to reward us for doing it in so imperfect a
manner, and with such mixtures of manifold pollutions, and a third to
exercise us in, and reward us for those things which are so agreeable and
grateful to our reasonable nature, Commandments far from grievous,
a gracious yoke, as well as a light burthen, not unto us, O Lord, not unto
us, but to Thy Name, give we the praise. Praise the Lord, O my soul, and
all that is within me, praise His holy Name.
What you add on this theme, is by way of reflection, on the inconvenient §. 78.
opinions of the opposite parties in this matter.
I. That, on the Caltinists' part, these two things, viz. the Predetcr-
physical Predetermination, and, which must necessarily and Irre.
follow thereupon, tlie Irresistibility of the work of Grace, sistibility.
seem to you to be so inconsistent tuith the natural liberty of
the Will, and so impossible to be reconciled therewith, that
you cannot yet by any means fully assent thereto. The style
wherein this concludes, cannot yet fully , signifies to me, that you have,
with great impartiality, if not with favour and prepossession of kindness to
the Anti-Remonstrant side, endeavoured your utmost to reconcile these
324
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§. 79.
Of Armi-
little to
How unre- two Doctrines of Predetermination and Irresistibility with the common
concileable notions of Morality and Christianity, and you cannot find any means to
tian prin- " ^° ^ > an^ ^ fully consent to you in it, and cannot but add, that the very
ciples. being of all future judgment, and so of Heaven and Hell, considered as
rewards of what is here done in our bodies, whether good or bad, nay the
whole economy of the Gospel, of giving, and giving more, and withholding
and withdrawing Grace, and the difference betwixt the Grace of Conver
sion and Perseverance, and the force of exhortations, promises, threats,
commands, and what not, depends immediately and unavoidably on the
truth of the Catholic doctrine of all ages, as in these points of Predeter
mination and Irresistibility, it stands in opposition to the Calvinists. The
showing this diffusedly, according to the merit of the matter, through the
several steps, were the work of a volume, of which I shall hope there can
be no need, after so many have been written on the subject.
Your next reflection is on the Arminians, of whom you say,
On the other side, methinks, the Arminians ascribe less to
the @race °f ®°d> and more to the Free Wil1 °f man> than
they ought, in this, that according to their doctrine, why of
two persons, as Peter and Judas, supposed to have all
outward means of conversion equally applied, yet one should
be effectually converted, the other not, the discriminating
power is by them placed in the ivill of man, which, you say,
you should rather ascribe to the work of Grace. If this be the
right stating of the case between the Arminians and their opposites, I am
then, without consulting the Authors, assured by you that I am no
Arminian; for I deem it impossible (I say not for any man, not knowing
what miracles the magic of some men's passions may enable them to work,
but) for you that have written what I have now set down from you, to
imagine you ascribe more to the Grace of God, and less to the Will of man,
than I have thought myself obliged to do, making it my challenge and
interest, and requiring it to be granted me (and not my concession
only) that all that any man is enabled to do, is by Christ's strengthening
him.
But not to question what others do, or to accuse or apologize for
any, let us consider the case you set, and allow the truth to be judged of,
in this whole question, by what this particular case shall exact.
§• ST. But first, in the setting of it, I cannot but mark two things, i°. That the
whetheiThe Persons mac^e use of to set the case in, are Judas and Peter. 2°. That to
the word 'converted' is prefixed ' effectually.' This would make it
probable, that you think a man may be converted, and yet not effectually
converted, or however that Judas was not effectually converted. That
Judas was converted, and, as far as concerned the present state, abstracted
from perseverance, effectually converted, I offer but this one testimony,
the words of Christ to His Father, Of those whom Thou gavest me I have
iosj. none^ save oniy ffe son Ojf perclitioni That whosoever is by the
Father given to Christ, is converted, and that effectually, is concluded
80.
were not
converted,
S. John
xvii, 12.
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 325
from Christ's universal proposition, All that my Father gweth me shall S. John vi.
come to me. And here it is expressly said that Judas, though by his 37-
apostasy now become the son of perdition, was by God given to Christ,
and therefore he came to Christ, i. e. was converted, which also his being
lost, his very apostasy testifies; for how could he apostatize from Christ,
that was never come to Him? From hence it seems to me necessary
either to interpret your speech of Final Perseverance, as if none were
effectually converted but such who persevere, (which as it belongs to
another question, that of Perseverance, to which you after proceed, and
not to this of reconciling Irresistibility and Free-Will, so it would seem
to state it otherwise than I perceive you afterwards do) or, to avoid that,
to understand no more by Judas and Peter than any other two names,
suppose Robert and Richard, John at Noke and John at Style, as you
since tell me your meaning was, the one converted effectually, i. e. really,
the other not, when both are supposed to have the same outward means of
conversion equally applied to them.
Now, to the question thus set of any two, and supposing what hath §• 82.
been granted between you and me, that the outward means are accompanied
to both with a sufficient measure of inward Grace, my answer you discern
already, that the discrimination comes immediately from one man's Whence
resisting sufficient Grace, which the other doth not resist, but makes use discrimina-
of. In this, should I add no more, there could be no difficulty, because tion comes>
as it is from corruption, and liberty to do evil, (that meeting with the
resistibility of this sufficient Grace) that one resists it, so it is wholly from
the work of Grace upon an obedient heart, that the other is converted. Fromtnan's
And so this stating ascribes all the good to the work of Grace, i. e. to that llb®r*y to
power which by supernatural Grace is given him, and all the ill to man
and his liberty, or ability to resist.
But from what hath been said, there is yet more to be added, viz, that §• &3«
the obedience of the one to the call of Grace, when the other, supposed to
have sufficient, if not an equal measure, obeys not, may reasonably be From God's
imputed to the humble, malleable, melting temper, which the other Preven-
wanted, and that, again, owing to the preventing Graces of God, and not
to the natural probity, or free-will of Man : whereas the other, having
resisted those preparing Graces, or not made use of them, lieth under
some degree of obduration, pride, sloth, voluptuousness, &c. and that
makes the discrimination on his side, i. e. renders him unqualified and
uncapable to be wrought on by sufficient Grace; and so still, if it be
attentively weighed, this attributes nothing to free-will, considered by Nothing
itself, but the power of resisting and frustrating God's method's (which imputed to
I should think, they that are such assertors of the corruption of our man „
nature, should make no difficulty to yield him, but that they also assert resisting.
the Irresistibility of Grace, and that is not reconcileable with it) yield
ing the glory of all the work of conversion, and all the first prepara- The whole
tions to it, to His sole Grace, by which the Will is first set free, then
fitted, and cultivated, and then the seed of eternal life successfully sowed to
in it.
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§. 84. If the Remonstrants yield not this, you see ray profession of dissent
from them : if they do, as for ought I ever heard or read, (which indeed
hath been but little in their works-, that I might reserve myself to judge of
these things without prepossession), they doubt not to do, you see you
have had them misrepresented to you. But this, either way, is extrinsecal
and unconcernant to the merit of the cause, which is not to be defended
or patronized by names, but arguments, much less to be prejudiced or
blasted by them.
§. 85. You now add, as a reason to enforce your last Proposition, That
gruous although the Grace of God work not by any physical deter-
manner,&c, mination of the Will, but by way of moral suasion only, and
Grace ef- therefore, in what degree soever supposed, must needs be
fectuai. granted ex natura rei possible to be resisted, ijet God by His
infinite luisdom can so siueetly order and attemper the outward
means in such a congruous manner, and make such gracious
inward applications and insinuations, by the secret imper
ceptible operation of His Holy Spirit, into the hearts of His
chosen, as that de facto the Will shall not finally resist. That,
you say, of the Son of Sirach, Fortiter et Suaviter, is an
excellent Motto, and fit to be affixed, as to all the ways of
God's Providence in general, so to this of the effectual work
ing of His Grace in particular.
f- 86. This, for the substance, falls in with the last of those which you so
ber of'tbe' calltiously se^ down for mere conjectures, seeming to you not improbable.
former Con- And so here you continue to propose it, 10. As that, which God can do,
jecture. and thus no Christian can doubt of it. 2°. By the one testimony which
suaviter ** ^ou tenc^er f°r tne Pr°°f it> tne words of Ecclesiasticus, strongly but
sweetly, which though it be there most probably interpreted of the works
of God's Providence, not particularly of His Grace, so if it were, most
fully expresses their thoughts, who, building on the promise of sufficient
Grace, and the way of the working of that by moral suasion, will apply
the fortiter to the sufficiency, and the suaviter to the suasion, and yet
resolve, what frequent experience tells us, that those that are thus wrought
on, strongly and sweetly too, and as strongly and sweetly, if not sometimes
more so, as they that are converted by it, are yet very, very many times,
not converted.
f. 87. Here therefore the point lies,, not whether God can thus effectually work
onlv* ues ^ uPon a^ ^at ^e ten(^ers sufficient Grace unto, nor again, whether some-
tion here, times, and whensoever He pleaseth, He doth thus work, for as this is the
most that you demand, so this is most evident, and readily granted; but
i°. Whether all are effectually converted and persevere, and so are finally
saved, on whom God doth work thus sweetly and powerfully, attempering
the outward and inward means, applications and insinuations, by the secret
imperceptible operations of His Spirit, and that in a congruous manner,
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 327
I add time also. 2°. Whether His doing thus 'is such an act of His
Election, as that all to whom this is not done, shall be said in Scripture to
be left, passed by, and reprobated.
If thus it is, (not only can be,) and if it may be convincingly testified by §• 88-
any text of Scripture that this really is the Scripture Election, it shall be
most willingly and gladly yielded to. But till this be done, i°. That other
Scheme, which I so lately set down, may be allowed to maintain its
competition against this ; and 2°. It is to be remembered from the pre
misses, that the glory of God's Grace in every one's conversion is abund
antly taken care of, and secured, without the assistance of this. 30. That
the ground of the Anti-Remonstrants' exception to the Arminian occurs in
this way of stating too; for since it is here affirmed, that Grace even thus
applied is possible to be resisted, why may not the accepting this higher
degree be as imputable to man's "Will, as of the other barely sufficient
Grace the objector supposes it to be ?
Lastly, the saying of our Saviour, S. Matt. xi. 2 1, is of no small moment in
the case, and yields a substantial prejudice to this way. For first, It is express- r
ly affirmed, verse 20, of those cities wherein were wrought al TrAeloTcu 8wd- to the Con-
fjL€ts avrov, His most abundant powers or miracles, that ov pcrcytfo/tra?, they jecture.
repented not. His miracles, I suppose, had His Grace annexed to them; and
it is hard to believe that where His most numerous miracles were afforded,
they should all want the advantage of the congruous timings to give them
their due weight of efficacy. However there is no pretence of believing it
here, where it is said, Christ fjp^aro 6v(iSi£fiv, began to reproach and upbraid
them, that the miracles had been so successless among them ; which He
could with no propriety do, if any circumstance needful to their efficacy had
been wanting to them; and, verse 22, the more intolerable measure of damna
tion, which is denounced against them, puts this beyond question, that
these wanted not the more superabundant advantages of Grace. Secondly,
it is also as explicitly pronounced by Christ, that those miracles and that
Grace which were not effectual to the conversion of those Jewish cities,
Chorazin and Bethsaida, would have been successful to the conversion of
others, and made them proselytes and penitents of the severest kind, in
sackcloth and ashes. Whereupon I demand, had those means, those
miracles, the instruments and vehicles of Grace, that were then used to
Chorazin and Bethsaida, the timings and other advantageous circum
stances, which the opinion, now under consideration, pretends to be the
infallible means of the Salvation of the Elect, or had they not ? If they
had, then it seems these may fail of converting, and so have not that
special efficacy which is pretended, it being expressly affirmed, that here
they succeeded not to conversion. But if they had not the timings, &c,
then it remains as undeniable as the affirmation of Christ can render it,
that those means, that Grace, which hath not those advantageous circum
stances, may be, nay, if granted to Tyre and Sidon, Heathen cities, would
actually have been successful to them. And what can be more effectual to
the prejudice of a conjecture, than this double force of the words of
Christ confronted expressly to both branches of it ? And then I hope
328 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
I may with modesty conclude, that there remains no visible advantage of
this way to recommend it, in case the Scripture be not found to own, and
more than favour it in some other passages.
§. 50. Your last Proposition on this theme is, that Sith the consistence of
Grace and Free Will is a mystery so transcending our weak
understandings, that it hath for many years exercised and
puzzled the wits of the acutest Schoolmen to find it out, inso
much as hundreds of volumes have been written and daily
are de concursu Gratiae et Liberi Arbitrii, and yet no accord
hath hitherto followed, you say, you have ever held, and still
do hold it the more pious and safe way, to place the Grace of
God in the throne, tvhere tue think it should stand)
and so to leave the Will of man to shift for the maintenance
of its own freedom, as well as it can, than to establish the
power and liberty of Free Will at the height, and then to be
at a loss hoiu to maintain the power and efficacy of God's
Grace.
§. 91. But if what hath been clearly laid down, for the attributing all our
spiritual good to the work of Grace, and assuming nothing of this kind to
the innate power of Free Will, but a liberty to resist Grace, the rest being
humbly acknowledged to be due to a supernaturally conferred freedom, or
emancipation, whereby we are enabled to make use of Grace, and by the
Consistence power thereof to cooperate with it; then, i°. The consistence of Grace and
and^Free ^ree ^^ m ^8 sense' *s no suc^ transcending mystery; and I think
W.ll. there is no text in Scripture that sounds anything towards the making it
so. 2°. It is evident, that the difficulties that have exercised the Schools
in this matter arise from their endeavouring to state it otherwise, some by
The diffi- maintaining Predetermination and Irresistibility, which all the powers of
the School- na^ure cannot reconcile with Man's Free Will, ad oppositum. And some
men's way, few that go another milder way, are yet afraid of departing too far from
Nvhence. the former, and instead of Irresistibility substitute Efficacy, as that signifies
Infallibility of the event to the Elect, and so find difficulty to extricate
themselves ; whereas Grace sufficient, but resistible, given together with
How easily the Word to all to whom Christ is revealed, hath i°. itself nothing of
superseded, difficulty in the conception, and, 2°. being understood, utterly removes all
further difficulty in this matter. For hereby we place the Grace of God
in the throne, to rule and reign in the whole work of conversion, per
severance, and salvation, (and what can be more demanded, that we have
not asserted ? certainly nothing by you, who in setting down the consent
of all parties, expressed it by no more than its having * the main stroke
and chiefest operation'} and need not put the Will of man to shift for
the maintenance of its own freedom, as long as we can do it with much
more safety and temper, than either by setting it at the height with the
Pelagians, or endangering to convert it into a mere trunk, or leaving men
to the duct of their own humours, either to advance it above its due, and
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 329
grow insolent,, or depress it below what is meet, and so give up themselves
to sloth and indifferency.
On the third or last head, concerning Grace, and Perseverance, your §• 92.
Propositions are three. The two former I shall set down together, because
the first is but a preparative to, or one way of proof of the second, which
only concerns our purpose.
I. That faith and all holy Graces inherent in us, love, Of falling
patience, and humility, fyc, are the gifts of God wrought in r<
us by His Grace and Holy Spirit, none will deny. But
that they are wrought in us by infusion and in instanti, as
Philosophers teach forms to be introduced into the matter by
natural generation in instanti, at least that they are ahuays
or ordinarily so infused, you see no necessity of believing, or
why it may not be said of these x<Vres, spiritual Graces,
notwithstanding they be acknoivledged the gifts of God, as
well as of those \api(r^ara, spiritual gifts, as we translate
them, which are certainly the gifts of God as well as the
other, and so acknoivledged ; that they are, after the manner
of other habits, ordinarily acquirable by industry and fre
quented acts, and the blessing of God upon our prayers and
endeavours. To ivhat purpose else were it for Ministers in
their sermons usually to press motives to stir up men to
labour to get faith, love, 8fc. and to propose means for their
better direction, how to get them ?
II. Whence, you say, it seemeth to you further probable, that
faith and all other inherent Graces, as they may be with
God's blessing attained, may be also lost again by sloth,
negligence, and carnal security ; and therefore you cannot but
doubt of the truth of that assertion which the Contra-Remon-
strants do yet aver with great confidence, that faith once
had, cannot be lost; and other the like. The distinction that
they use as a salvo to this question, of a true and temporary
faith, signifieth, say you, little or nothing, for it at once both
beggeth and yieldeth the ivhole question. It i°. beggeth the
question, when it denieth that faith that may be lost to be
true faith ; and withal, 2°. yieldeth the question, when it
granteth a temporary faith, which term is capable of no
other construction, than of such a faith, as being once had is
afterwards lost. It is one of the Articles of our Church, that Our Article.
after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from
Grace given.
330 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
§. 93. In these two there is nothing for me to question, and as little to add to
Grounds of them, unless I annex, what I suppose you did not think needful, the
ture. ' ' express consent of Scriptures and Fathers, whereon our Church's Article
In the Old must be resolved to have been founded. In the Old Testament the
Testament. exampies of the Angels in Heaven, of Adam in Paradise, and in a remark
able manner of two to whom God had given eminent testimony. i°. David,
in the matter of Uriah, an odious murder added to adultery, and con
tinued in impenitently, till after the birth of the child ; the blemish whereof
still sticks to him, and remains upon record, as an allay to all his excel
lencies, now that he is in Heaven. 2°. Solomon, whose heart was by his
multitude of wives and concubines taken off from God, and debauched to
idols, no way being left us to discern whether ever he returned or no,
unless his Ecclesiastes be a declaration and fruit of his repentance. And
as these and many other examples, even of that whole Old Testament
Church, the Jews, make this evident, so the words of Ezekiel are express
Ezek. iii. both for total and final falling away. If the righteous turn from his
righteousness, in his unrighteousness shall he die.
§. 94. The New also is parallel, in the example of Peter, thrice, with time of
In the New. deliberation between, and after express warning from Christ, and his-
resolute promise to the contrary, denying and abjuring of Christ, whose
S. Luke return from this fall with bitter tears, is called by Christ conversion, and
xxu. 32. ^e gjn upbraided to him thrice after His resurrection : Simon, son of
S.Johnxxi. Jonas, lovest thou me more than these? in reference to his confident under-
S^M rk taking, though all men should deny thee, or be offended, yet will not I. And
xiv. 29, 31. if tne argument from Christ's express words, formerly produced, be of
S. John force, then is Judas, one of those that was by God given to Christ, and
XVd'vi2' >• came unto> and believed on Him, an example of the blackest sort, testify
ing to this sad truth, that a believer and disciple of Christ may betray Him
to His crucifixion, and die in desperation.
§.95. To these two instances, the former greatly aggravated with circum
stances, the latter final, and of the highest degree imaginable, it is not
needful to add more, else it is obvious to increase the catalogue with those
that were polluted by the Gnostics, by name, Hymenaeus and Alexander,
1 Tim. i. who, putting away a good conscience, concerning faith made shipwreck • and
20. again, Hymenaeus and Philetus, who fell off so far as to the denial of any
2 Tim. ii. future Resurrection, of whom the Apostle there speaking, saith, if God
1 7. peradventure will give them repentance, and they may recover themselves out
of the snare of the devil, looking on their estate as that of lapsed believers,
Apoc ii an(^ though not utterly hopeless, yet extremely dangerous. And this
and iii. exemplified in whole Churches, which are therefore threatened present
destruction, if they do not speedily return.
§. 96. To which purpose the Texts in the sixth and tenth to the Hebrews are
unanswerable. In the sixth, that it is impossible, i. e. extremely difficult,
for those that were once enlightened, fyc, if they fall away, to renew them
again unto repentance, adding the similitude of the reprobate earth, whose-
end is to be burned. From which how distant is the doctrine of those, that
either imagine it impossible for such to fall away totally, or if they are,
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 331
fallen away, not to be renewed again to repentance. In the tenth also,
it were vain to make so severe interminations against those who sin wil
fully after receiving the knowledge of the truth, as we read, verse 26,
if there were no possibility of so sinning; but especially the thirty-
eighth verse is remarkable, The just shall live by faith, KCU lav vTroo-reiAqrat,
and if he, the just, shall draw back, my soul hath no pleasure in him,
explicating, verse 39, what drawing back he speaks of, even draw
ing back unto perdition; and that is final as well as total, and both, it
seems, very possible, as every where appears by the exhortations to him
that thinketh he standeth, to take heed lest he fall: when if he do, it had i Cor. x.
been better never to have known the way of righteousness, than after he hath *2pgt ..
known it, to turn from the holy Commandment • and this in such a degree, 2I.
as is expressed by returning to the vomit, and wallowing in the mire, the
acts and habits of the foulest sins, in forsaking of which their conversion
consisted.
The testimonies of the Fathers are too long to be set down, and indeed §-97-
unnecessary to the confirmation of that to which the Scripture hath
testified so plentifully, especially since it is not, it cannot be, denied by the
contrary-minded, that St. Augustine, the only fautor of their cause, in the S. Au-
point of Decrees and effectual Grace, granteth possibility of falling, both Sustine.
totally and finally, from a justified estate, and useth it as a means to prove
his absolute Decrees.
I now proceed to your third and last Proposition in these words,
Yet I believe ive may securely admit the doctrine of Per- §.98.
severance of God's Elect, and the certainty thereof, so as it yeranecreSo'f
be understood, i°. Of their Final Perseverance only, leaving the Elect.
room for great, perhaps total, interruptions and intercisions
in the mean time. 2°. Of the certainty of the thing, certitude
objecti, in regard of the knowledge and purpose of God, but,
not of any undoubted assurance that the Elect themselves
Jiave thereof, certitude subjecti, as we use to distinguish them:
there being a great deal of difference between these two
Propositions, It is certain that the Elect shall not fall away,
finally, and, The Elect are certain that they shall not fall
away finally.
In this Proposition I can fully yield my concurrence, if by rendering §• 99-
my reasons for my consent, I may be allowed to express what I mean by
it. This I shall do through the several branches of it.
First, I believe not only that securely we may, but that, of necessity
and under the pain of contradiction in adjecto, we must admit the doc
trine of Perseverance of God's Elect, and the certainty, most unquestion
able certainty, thereof; God's Election of any person to the reward of
the Covenant being undoubtedly founded in the Perseverance of that
person in the Faith, this Perseverance being the express condition of the
A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
S. Matt Covenant : He that endureth to the end, the same shall be saved, he and
xxiv. 30. none jjut he . frut if fa draw back, God's soul hath no pleasure in him.
§. loo'. Which that it is nothing available toward concluding that they which
can fall totally from their justified state, may not yet fall finally also,
I infer to be your sense from your great dislike to the Calvinists' Salvo,
Temporary taken from the distinction of a true and temporary Faith, which assures
Faith may me^ yQU ^Q ^^ pajt^ for tru6j wnich yet is but temporary, than which
nothing is more contrary to the establishing the Perseverance of all the
faithful, unless there be some promise that all temporaries shall so recover
again before their death, as finally to persevere, (which as I think, it will
not be pretended, so if it be, they are no longer temporaries,) or unless it
cease to be in their power to continue in their sins, into which they are
fallen, which sure it cannot, unless the Grace of Perseverance be irresistible,
which if it were, there is no reason why that of Conversion, to all that are
converted, should not be irresistible also.
§. 101. Secondly, For their great, perhaps total interruptions and intercisions
The Elect in the mean time, I can no way doubt but those are subject to them, who
ubject to ye^ UpOn God's foresight of their return and persevering constancy at
' length, are elected to Salvation. It is certain, which the Article of our
Church saith, that as they 'which have received the Holy Ghost may
' depart from Grace given and fall away, so by the same Grace of God
'they may return again ;' and then returning they may, no doubt,
persevere ; and then it is certain, they are elected to Salvation, the mercy
and pardon in Christ extending not only to the sins of an unregenerate
state, and the infirmities and frailties of the regenerate, but also to all the
wilful sins and falls of those that do timely return again by repentance, as
David and Peter did, (but Judas certainly, Solomon possibly, did not,) and
then continue stedfast unto the end. And so it is only the Final Per
severance that is required indispensably of the Elect, which is reconcile-
able with their great, perhaps total intercisions.
§. 102. But it is not amiss here to advert, that this doth no more suppose or
The falls of include the reconciliation or favour of God, to those that have been once
if °Tbeen regenerate* when they are fallen into gross sins, than to the unregenerate
once rege- remaining in the same or greater sins, it being as possible in respect of us,
nerate no perhaps more probable in respect of God, that the unregenerate may
more re- convert anc} persevere, (and then they are approved to be the Elect,) as
with God's that they that were once regenerate, but now fallen, may return again. It
favour than is as certain from before Paul's birth, and from all eternity, that he was
re enerate e^ecte(^J as *^at David or Peter was; and, then, either his blasphemous per
secuting the Name of Christ must have been, at the time when he was
guilty of that, reconcileable with God's favour, viz. before his conversion,
(and then for the gaining of God's favour what needed his conversion ?)
or else Peter's denying and abjuring of Christ, David's adultery and
murder must not be reconcileable, notwithstanding their supposed Elec
tion. For as to the sonship of their former life, that will no more excuse
their contrary wasting sins, than the future sonship of the other: nay, it
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 333
will set the advantage on the other side, the unconverted Saul obtains Nay, the
mercy, because he did it ignorantly, in unbelief, whilst their sins have the advantaSe
J . . y, is on the
aggravation of being sins against Grace, and forsaking and departing unregene-
frora God, which respect makes the state of Apostates, as the most unex- rate's part,
cusable, so the most desperately dangerous state . 1 ^ irn< i>
Thirdly, That there is a Certitudo Objecti to all the Elect cannot be 1<3§. ,0^
doubted ; for if they be elected to Salvation, they will finally persevere : if Certainty of
they persevere not, they were not elected. Again, this certainty of the tlie ObJect-
object is a certainty in regard to the knowledge and purpose of God.
1°. Of His knowledge that either they will not fall, or if they do, that they
will rise again, and then finally persevere. 2°. Of His purpose or Decree
of Election, that every such, finally persevering, though formerly lapsed
Christian, shall be saved.
Fourthly, For the Certitudo Subjecti, as I consent to you fully in dis- §. 104.
claiming any necessity of that, so I suppose it is wholly extrinsecal to this Certainty of
subject, devolving to this other question, not whether every one that is
Elect be sure he shall not fall away, but whether every believer be or
ought to be sure of his Election ? Of which if he were sure, I could not
resist his being obliged to believe himself certain of his final Perseverance ;
Election and final failing being incompatible.
Having given you this interpretation of my sense, and so consent to each §. 105.
branch of your Proposition, I have no more to add, but that if you mean
it in a further sense, proportionable to your former conjecture on the head
of Decrees, or Bishop Overall's opinion, I shall no otherwise debate or
question it, than I did that; and so the fate of this and that are folded up
the one in the other; and if the Scripture shall be found favourable to
the one, it shall be yielded, and then there will be no controversy of the
other.
Only I desire to add that it will deserve our special care and wariness, §. 106.
so to deliver our thoughts in this matter, that we leave no man any ground great
., . , . P , ,, 1-1 i c 11 c r* needofcau-
of hope, that in case he depart from his duty, and so fall from Grace, or tion in
into any wilful act or habit of sin, he shall yet be so preserved, whether handling
by God's Grace, or by His power, and Providence, that he shall not finallly ^s SUDJect
die without repentance; for as there is no promise of God to found that verance,"
hope, so in time of temptation to any pleasurable, transporting sin, &c, it
will be in danger to betray and ruin him that hath a good opinion of
himself, especially if he hath been taught that Faith is a full assurance of
his Election.
The same I say of Grace, as it signifies the paternal favour of God to §. 107.
His Elect children, which is thought by some to be only clouded, and, as Of God s
. . . , , . favour to
to their sense and present experience and comfort, darkened by their rebellious
most wilful sins, so as God may be highly displeased with them, as David children,
with his son Absalom, and yet continue His paternal love and favour to
them, as David did his to that ungracious son, in the height of his
rebellion.
It is possible this example of David may have some rhetorical energy in §. 108.
it, to persuade and deceive some. If it have, then, i°. I may not unfitly
334 A LETTER TO DR. SANDERSON
ask this question, whether they think God had then that kindness to
Absalom that David had? If He had not, how can it be drawn into
example to God ? If He had, how then can it agree with it, to cut him off
in the midst of his rebellion? which it is manifest David would not have
done. But omitting that, I answer, 2°. that it is visible, that this in David
was passionate indulgence, such as men, as Joab tells him, disliked; and to
this kind of human passionate, I oppose that other kind of Divine dis
passionate love, producing in God bowels of pity, frequent admonitions
and warnings, powerful messages, strong and earnest calls, and proposi
tion of all rational motives to repentance. But if those prevail not, the
just still continuing to draw back, God's soul hath no pleasure in him;
and the greater obligations of love and Grace they are against which he
hath sinned, the greater the provocations are in the sight of God; and
nothing consequently but the greater degree of punishment to be expected.
How God is affected toward rebellious sons is set down, Is.i. 2, 10-12. &c.
No comfort ^n(^ t*ien to ^ut an^ man *n ^°Pe' ^at w^at *s not ordinarily revealed in
for such the Gospel, may yet be laid up for him in the cabinet of God's secret
from 2 Tim. counsels with this seal upon it, The Lord knoweth those that are His, as if
they might be His still in God's acceptation, which walk most contrarily
to Him, this may prove a most dangerous snare of souls; and it is strange it
should seek shelter in that text, 2 Tim. ii. 19, which was most expressly as
signed to the contrary, as is evident both by the notation of the depcXtov in
the beginning of the verse, which in all probability signifies the Covenant of
God, the fifftaioTrjs, stability, whereof, there pressed, must assure us that
there is no Salvation to be expected, but according to the contents of that
great indenture, once for all sealed in the blood of Christ ; of which as
that indeed is one part, which is inscribed on one side of the seal, The
Lord knoweth those that are His, i. e. He will never fail to own those that
continue faithful to Him; so the other, on the other side, is most
emphatical, Let every man that nameth the Name of Christ, depart from
iniquity; which if he do not, he hath forfeited all the privileges of his
Christianity.
§. no. The Gnostic Heresy, one branch of it especially, noted in Marcus's
. ie, ,rflcu" Scholars, in Ireneeus, is a seasonable warning to all sober Christians in
in this this matter. He told them of an a.7ro\vTpa>ais, a redemption, or kind of
point, a baptism, which rendered them (pvaei TrvtvpaTtKovs, naturally and immutably
good warn- Spjrituai5 no more ^o be pOnuted by sin, than gold by lying in the mire, or
the sunbeams by lighting on a dunghill; and that whatever they did, they
should, as with the helmet of the Mother of the Gods, be rendered doparoi
r<5 Kpir?/, * invisible to the Judge. The effects whereof as to all carnality,
&c, were so detestable, that it becomes every man most solicitously to
guard and secure his Schemes of Election and Doctrine of Perseverance of
the Elect, from all probability, if not possibility of ministering to the like ;
and that cannot well be by any other method of resolution but this, that
*• slvai re avrovs ei/ vtyei virep iraffav rfyp a.Tro\inp<t>(Tiv a.Kpa,T-f)Tovs Kal aopd-
SiW/xjj/, Sib Kale^vOepusirdvraTrpdffffeiVj rovs yivccr6ai T$ Kpirp. I. xiii. 6. ed.
p.r)Seva tv /tiTjSeyt <p6fiov Chopras' 5ia yap Massuet.
CONCERNING GOD'S GRACE & DECREES. 335
those that persevere unto the end shall be saved, and none else : our tenure
in all the privileges of Election, 10. God's favour, 2°. the continual
assistance of His Grace, and 3°. the inheritance of sons, being inseparably
relative and annexed to the constant filial obedience which He indis
pensably requires of us, under the Gospel of conditional promises.
Thus have I passed through all your Letter, and given myself the §• in.
liberty of these strictures, by way of reflection on all and every passage The Con-
therein, which belonged to this subject of God's Decrees and His Grace.
And without the addition of any unnecessary recapitulation of the severals,
it is already evident, how perfect the agreement is between us in all that
you in any degree positively assert, or own as your opinion. And if in
one particular which you are so careful to propose as a bare conjecture,
and not allow it your favour in any other quality, it should happen that
we finally dissent (though in propriety of speech conjectures are not
sentiments) yet it were strange the dispute betwixt us should be of any
length. And so you discern the utmost of uneasiness which is likely to
be given you by this address of
Dear Sir,
Your most affectionate
brother and servant,
H. HAMMOND.
*#* The matter contained in §§. 47, 48 may be seen in a somewhat more
expanded form in the Eleventh of Hammond's Letters edited by Peck, which
is dated April 6, 1658, that is, a year and a half previous to the Dedication of
tiie f Pacific Discourse. '
A Second Letter, being a View of two Emergent
Difficulties.
DEAR SIR,
_L HE very friendly reception which my larger trouble found from you, is
my full encouragement to proceed to the conclusion of my importunity
and your exercise, which cannot now be far off, if I may judge by your
Letter.
T * TV* ^VV° -^^cu^es> y°u sav' y°u nave sprung by further entering into the
cutties. consideration of this matter; the first occasioned by my distinction
betwixt the work of Grace and of Providence; the second
arising from the concessions of Scripture of God's withdraw
ing His Grace from those that reject it.
§.3. To those I shall make these returns, which 1 doubt not will prove
satisfactory. The first seemeth to favour an eVo^y? or suspense, and to
An argu- avert all denning in these points. For, say you, since the efficacy of
STuiJfa-111 Divine Grace folloiueth the acts of His Providence, so as it
thomabie- may seem in a manner to depend chiefly thereupon, and the
God's Pro- wa!/s of His Providence are abyssus multa, deep and un-
vidence. fathomable, it seemeth to you to conclude strongly that the
manner hoiv God effectually worketh by His Grace to the
conversion of a sinner is also to our understandings incom-
tkm ^tinc" prehensible. To this you cannot but foresee my reply, that the proposal
tween Pro- °f that distinction was by me designed as a prejudice to Bishop Overall's
vidence and way, which you had then mentioned as your conjecture. And if it shall
have indeed that influence upon you or any man, as you speak of, to
increase the difficulty, and to conclude strongly, that the manner of God's
The force working, &c, is incomprehensible; yet you know this cannot in justice be
a ainst the aPP^ec* furtner than to that particular Scheme, against which peculiarly
foremen- this disadvantage was proposed ; and then the only regular conclusion is,
tioned con- that this which you proposed but as a conjecture, should now grow lower
jecture. jn vour esteenij an(j scarce be thought worthy to be owned as such.
§. 4> And the more force there is in this one consideration, thus to incline
Other con- you, the less shall 1 despair, that two more considerations, which then
to^r^u0-113 encompassed this, and the superadded tender of another way, that the
dice it. Scripture-grounds, especially Christ's Parables in the Gospel, suggested,
will in some degree prevail with you, to deposit this conjecture, which,
beside other prejudices against it, hath no grounds of Scripture to pretend
A VIEW OF TWO EMERGENT DIFFICULTIES. 337
to, in exchange for that other, that hath, and pretends no further, than it
shall approve itself to be thus founded.
This is all that I may say to an objection which I was to cherish and § 5-
Btrengthen, rather than answer. But I shall not think that needful: only
I leave it to have that force with you, which you shall see fit to give it,
remembering only that it ought not to have force with him that accepts
not that Scheme that alone is concerned in it.
Which Scheme having been proposed by you with perfect wariness, §-6.
and profession of allowing it to be no more than a conjecture, one such
difficulty as this, is, I acknowledge, sufficient to remove you from it, and
in that case it will not be unseasonable again to tender that which you
may find better qualified for your acceptance, having without question an
advantage, from the Parable of the Sower, to recommend it. I shall Tlie other
endeavour to make this clear to you. Your supposed intricacy, or im- fi^e™fr~0m
fathomable question, is, what it is that makes sufficient Grace to be the Parable
effectual to any ? I say the Parable of the Sower was intended by Christ of the
on purpose to answer that question, which it hath competently performed ; T°™eQueg_
for here we see, the seed being the same, (whether that were the Word or tion, What
Grace, it matters not, as long as it is remembered that the Word is the makes suffi-
vehicle of Grace, * and the instrument of conveying it to the heart,) all the ™
difference taken notice of, is only in the soil, viz. some trodden down and punctually
crusted, some stony, some thorny, some good and mellow. Proportion- answered by
ably to this fourfold difference of the ground, the several fates of the seed r^"^,.
are described, and your one question divided into four, and answer exactly f0id differ-
accommodated to each. ence of soil.
The first Question is this, what is it that makes sufficient Grace unef- §.7.
fectual to some men, so that though it be on God's part freely afforded The one
them, and as freely as to any other, yet it hath not the least effect upon dividedTnto
them ? And the answer is evident in the explanation of that Parable, four.
because he is aKovcav rov \6yov KCU p,rj avvifis, one that hears the Word, to The first.
which that Grace is annexed, but either understands it not, or minds it xj^ '
not; and so the Devil comes and catcheth away that which was sownj and
in that case there is no great need of that Devil towards the obstructing
effectualness : let the seed lie there never so long, if it be not minded, it
can signify nothing toward an harvest.
The second Question is, what is it that makes sufficient Grace, after §. g.
it is received, and that with joy, (great forwardness and alacrity at the The second.
first) to become so uneffectual to the supporting a man in time of tempta
tion, that rather than endure any smart for piety, he falls into any the
grossest sins? And the answer follows, verse 21, because such a man is
of a temper that yields not Grace any depth to root in : he hath some
stonyness at the bottom, some pleasure, or passion, or other remains of
resistance rooted in him, which he hath not divested himself of; and when
duty begins any way to check that, he is impatient, and throws off piety,
of which he made very fair professions, and such as had, as far as his
* See above, p. 312.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. Z
338 A VIEW OF TWO
trials formerly went, reality in them, till his last signal trial was made of
him, for which, it seems by the effect, he was not qualified.
§. g. The third Question is, what is the reason that sufficient Grace, once
The third, received and bringing forth fruits, though it come not to combat with any
sharp trials, doth yet many times decay and perish after a while? And the
answer is, verse 22, that there remained in the heart of such some piece
of ill temper unreformed, which in time prolified, and sent out great and
wasting sins, though not so generally decried in the world, viz. worldly
solicitudes, and such as the wealth of the world is apt to beget in men that
have or seek it; and these being permitted to thrive in the soul, it is
regular that Grace, which cannot consist with such, You cannot serve
God and Mammon, should be overrun, and choked, and at length destroyed
by that means; which had it not been for this cause of abortion, as it was
sufficient, and effectual for a while, so it would have prospered to
Perseverance.
§. I0. And this introduceth the fourth and last Question, What then is it that
The fourth, renders sufficient Grace effectual both to Conversion and Perseverance ?
And the answer is, verse 23, the goodness of the soil, probity of the heart,
wherein that sufficient Grace is received; and what that is, is best dis-
The cha- cerned by the opposition to all the former three. First, it is a sincerely
racter of pliable, ductile temper, that neglects not to make use of any grain of
^race> Secondly, it hath an uniform courage to combat with difficulties,
and is not enslaved to pleasures. Thirdly, it utterly despises the world,
the allurements and the terrors of it, and uses it as if it used it not. The
former part of this temper renders it effectual to Conversion, the two
latter to Perseverance also. And considering that Parable is set down by
Christ to give account of the various successes of the Word of the King
dom, i. e. of the Gospel, among all those to whom it is made known, who
with you are the adequate object of the Scripture Election and Repro
bation, what can be further required to the clear satisfaction of your
whole difficulty?
§. ii. And then, remembering that the only remaining Question, viz. whence
jectorecoin- is tllis Probity ? hath been fullv answered in the former papers, I appeal
pared with to no other than yourself, whether this be not both a perspicuous and
this other authorized stating, having so weighty a passage of Gospel to found it ;
and therefore in all justice preferable to your bare conjecture, which,
besides that it is pressed with difficulties, as yourself acknowledge, which
to you seem unanswerable, is not provided of any pretence of a foundation,
hath no authority from Holy Scripture to recommend it.
§. 1 2. If it have any, it is most probably that other short Parable in the same
tensioTfor chaPter' verse 44, where the Kingdom of God is compared to a treasure
nsoor
the Conjee- hic* in the field> the w^ch when a man hath found, he hideth, fyc. There
ture, from the man, which found the treasure, is not supposed to seek it (for that
the hidden makes another Parable, verse 45,) but by the mere Providence of God
treasure. (which the heathen Philosophers were wont to style chance, and com
monly give this very instance of it, the treasure found in the field,) happily
EMERGENT DIFFICULTIES. 339
to fall upon it, when he passeth by on some other errand. And this,
indeed, is matter of frequent observation : Augustine is converted by The conver-
St. Ambrose's Sermon, when he came to it on no such design : Saul is si°nti°gAu"
called to from Heaven, and converted to Christianity, when he was going of Saul.
to Damascus on the most distant design of persecuting it. And to omit
the many more examples of those of whom it hath been literally true, that
they have found God, when they sought Him not, asked not after Him,
one eminent story our books give us, of two young children brought to a
city to be sold, at a time when a devout Nun had vowed to take some The distant
young child, and bestow her whole life and utmost industry to bring it
up in strict piety, and accordingly came and bought one of them ; and as
soon as she had bought her, a bawd came in her presence and bought the
other, by which means these two, which were so lately in the very same
indifferent condition, by this act of Divine Providence, to which this was
to be attributed, were strangely discriminated : the one brought up, and
early engaged, and so persevering to the life's end in all piety; and the
other by the contrary discipline debauched, and educated to the trade of
harlotry, wherein she lived and persevered. In which it is visible how
signal an influence this one act of Divine Providence had on so distant
eternal fates of these two, and how eminent an ingredient it was in the
saving the one and damning the other.
But from all these and innumerable the like, which are freely granted, §• r3-
and allowed to be competent to confirm your main conclusion, that the Answered-
Providence of God is Abyssus multa, you will soon discern that there The point
comes in no least advantage to that learned Bishop's Scheme, which is the of the diffi-
inatter of your conjecture, and our only present enquiry. The whole wu'^ii
weight of that, as far as I, or any man questions it, being laid, not on the the barely
superabundance afforded to one above the other, which is willingly sufficient
granted, but on the foreseen universal inefficaciousness of the barely ^fversall
sufficient Grace, acknowledged to be given to all, till that superadded ineffica-
advantage administered by God's Providence in the choice of the con- cious.
gruous timing, come in, as the work of God's Election, to make the
discrimination.
Now seeing in all these examples, and in that Parable, nothing like this §. 14.
is to be found, no evidence, or intimation of God's foreseeing, i°. that No Pre"
that man that found the treasure, would never have been wrought on by t^s°e
that measure of sufficient Grace which that opinion allows God formerly
to have afforded him, unless by that seasonable act of Providence he had
thus fallen on the treasure in the Parable; or 2°. that Augustine would
never have been converted if he had not been surprized by St. Ambrose's
Sermon; or, 3°. that Saul would not have been converted at another
time, without or even with that vision and voice from Heaven; or lastly,
that that fortunate child, that fell into the Nun's instead of the bawd's
hands, would never have been brought to Heaven any other way, and
could not have miscarried under this method : — through all these in
stances, I say, it is still apparent, that nothing is gained toward the
approving the conjecture: these advantageous turns of Providence afforded
Z 2
340 A VIEW OF TWO
one man and not another, and the signal efficacy of such, being most
freely granted by those who deem the conjecture improbable.
§. 15. And, indeed, if it be well considered, all that these and a myriad of the
like instances infer, is no more than this, the great and admirable variety
of God's providential acts : not as those are all one with, but as in His
hands they are instrumental and subservient to His Grace, whereby in
diverse manners Grace is advantageously assisted by Providence, to one in
this wise and admirable manner, to another in that. No man, who is
allowed the sufficient Grace, being denied some benefit or other of Provi-
Providence dence to assist Grace, and make it more than probable to become effectual
allowed to to him> if he doth not betray and frustrate the opportunities of the one, as
lce' well as the power and efficacy of the other.
§. 16. So that still, acknowledging most willingly, and admiring the abyss of
But is of Providence, this no way obstructs the comprehending the manner, or
the Ques- Perplexes the doctrine of the cooperation of the Grace of God with the
tion. will of man, but leaves it where the Parable of the Sower set it, that the
efficacy of Grace, and successfulness, whether to conversion or per
severance, proceeds from the mellowness and preparedness of the soil,
from the advantages which it meets with in the honest heart, as that again
is wholly due to God's preventing Graces, which have thus fitted the soil
for the kindly seed's time, planted pliableness, humility in the heart, where
Grace may be deeply and durably rooted ; but this still resistibly in both
parts, as hath formerly been expressed.
§. 17. One fancy I know there is, which hath pleased some men in this matter,
A fancy of faat Qot} gives sufficient Grace to those who do not make use of it, but
ing the " res^s^ it, and yet more than so, the power of using, or accepting, or not
Elect ipsam resisting it ; but gives to the Elect and only to the Elect ipsam non-re-
non-resis- sistentiam, the very not resisting ; and this they will have to be the signal
tentiam. •,. .... ~
discriminating Grace.
§. 1 8. Of these I shall demand, i°. Whether in those which have not this
Examined ipsam non-resistentiam given them, this be an effect of God's Decree,
weak ^ wmch ^at^ determined the certain infallible giving it to some peculiar
persons, and so the not giving it to all others ? If it be not, then this is
no foundation of discriminating Grace, or, consequently, fruit of Election
and Reprobation, and so is still impertinent to the matter for which it is
brought.
§.19. But if it be the effect of God's Decree, determining the giving it to
some, and denying it to others, I then 2°. demand, whether all they to
whom it is not given, do therefore infallibly receive the Grace of God in
vain, because they have not this ipsa non-resistentia (which is more than
the power of not resisting) given them ?
§. 20. If this be not affirmed, then, as before, this comes not home to dis
criminating Grace, nor consequently to the business of Election and
Reprobation, which it was meant to assist. But if it shall be said, that
they therefore infallibly resist, or receive in vain, because this ipsa non-
resistentia is not given them, then it seems this gift of ipsa non-resistentia
is such, as that they who have it not, want somewhat which is necessary
EMERGENT DIFFICULTIES. 841
to their effectual receiving, or not resisting Grace ; and if this be the con
dition of the far greatest part of the world, then how can it with any
sincerity be affirmed, (as by those that make use of this expedient it is
professed) that God hath to all mankind given Christ, and in Him all
things, and particularly Grace sufficient, and the power of not resisting
Grace, which, according to this fancy, none can choose but resist, who
have not the ipsam non-resistentiam given them, which yet they affirm to
be given but to a few, i. e. to none but the Elect.
This were, by interpretation, and in effect, for God to give to all men a §-21.
power to an act, which yet the greatest part of those which have it given
them, can never make use of to that act, for want of somewhat else which
is not given them, which to all them which have not that somewhat else
given, (and those the far greatest number of men for whom Christ died) is
not a power to that act, viz. of not resisting, which what is it other than a
direct contradiction, a power and not a power to the same act ? and withal
so far from being a favour to them, that it is in event infallibly and
inevitably the greatest curse that could have befallen them, viz. the
heightening and extremely aggravating of their guilt and punishment,
proportionably to their sin of resisting such sufficient Grace, of standing
out against Christ ; which as it is the height of guilt, and awarded the
dregs of God's wrath, now under the Gospel, and makes their condition
in the world to come much worse than it would have been, if Christ had
never been born, or preached to them, so it had never been thus direfully
charged upon them, if they had not had the power of not resisting given
them by Christ.
This is a competent prejudice and discouragement to this fancy, of §. 22.
founding discriminating Grace and the doctrine of unconditionate Decrees, Considered
in this difference betwixt the power of resisting, and the ipsa non-resis- j." JJVJ
tentia, the latter given only to the Elect. fancy.
But it will further be defeated, if we reflect on that place of Scripture, §• 23.
wherein God's giving the ipsa non-resistentia chiefly seems to be men
tioned, Phil. ii. 13, under the style of (vepy&v (v rjp.lv TO evcpyflv, working Phil. ii. 13.
in us to do, or work, which that it tends not to the support or advantage
of this fancy may be evident by these three considerations.
First, by the importance of the phrase, working in us to do, as before §• 24-
to will, which, as was formerly noted in passing, will best be understood
by other parallel phrases, as dovvat Xarpet>€ti>, God's giving to serve, S. Luke
i. 72. Which is evidently His giving Grace, or power, or supernatural
abilities to serve : not only furnishing him with a remote and fundamental
power or faculty, but withal having a particular immediate influence on
the effect, actuating that power, when it is actuated, and so properly
causing, or making him actually to serve, yet so as to leave him power
also to neglect, and receive that power in vain, as the Scripture elsewhere
saith. Thus, Revel, xi. 3. daxrat I will give, we render, I will give power,
viz. power to the subsequent act, prophesying there, as in S. Luke, serving
in holiness. By which analogy it is evident, that God's working in us to
do, or work, is not interpretable to any more than His giving supernatural
A VIEW OF TWO
power or sufficient Grace to do, or work, and causing him actually,
though not irresistibly to work ; and then here is no pretence whereon to
found the foresaid difference between God's giving the power of not
resisting, and the ipsa non-resistentia, these two being equivalent in this
Text.
§. 25. Secondly, the same appeareth by the Apostle's exhortation foregoing in
this Text, to work .• and work out our own salvation with fear and trem
bling, for the enforcing whereof this reason is given, for it is God that
worketh, &c. Here our own working is under the Apostolical exhortation
and precept : we are commanded to work, as elsewhere o-wepytlv to co
operate and work together with God, which could not have place, if God
alone, and not we, did work in us the very working : whereas interpreting
it of God's giving us the power of working or doing, as well as of willing,
and withal engaging us to make use of that power, and cooperating with
us in the very act, and so causing us actually to work, yet so as to leave us
a power of resisting, and frustrating, and receiving this power or Grace in
vain, this is a most proper and effectual enforcement of the exhortation
addressed to us, to work and work out our own salvation.
§. 26. This further and most irrefragably appears by the persons, to whom
both the exhortation, and this inforcement thereof is tendered, viz. the
brethren indefinitely, or beloved, verse 12, the whole Church of professors
at Philippi to whom he writes, which being not made up wholly of the
Elect, sincere, and persevering Christians, but like the net, in Christ's
Parable, that caught both good and bad, and had no doubt some insincere
persons, hypocrites, and temporaries in it, the affirmation notwithstanding
is indiscriminately of all : God worketh in them to work, which could not
hold, if by this phrase were meant His giving the ipsa non-resistentia, and
that as an evidence of discriminating Grace, and an effect of His Election ;
for this is not supposeable to have belonged to that whole Church, any
more than it then did, or now is believed to do to all Christians.
§.27. I have enlarged thus far, because I was not willing to omit, but rather
to prevent whatsoever I could foresee might probably be objected in
this business. And so this may suffice to have returned to your first
difficulty.
§.28. The second difficulty you thus propose : Whereas it is said, and
d'fli s(u°nd that, as you conceive, most truly and agreeably to plain evidence
Concerning of Scripture, that God withdratveth His Grace from such as
drawing1 *~ rejecting it when it is offered to them by the preaching of the
sufficient Gospel, do thereby frustrate the Counsel of God against
themselves, it seemeth hard to conceive how the Grace of God
should be so withdrawn from them that so do, but that, so
long as they are not deprived of the outward means, the same
sufficient Grace that was offered to them at the first hearing
of the Gospel, is offered to them still ; which if it was then
sufficient on God's part, to do the ivork, is also still sufficient.
EMERGENT DIFFICULTIES. 343
and that in the same degree ; and how then can it be said to
be withdrawn ? It is true that the conversion of such a
person, after so long obstinacy and refusal, is more difficult
than before, which may arise from the greater indisposition
of the person to be wrought upon; but how it can be imputed
in the least to the withdrawing of the Divine Grace, (to
which yet undoubtedly it may and ought to be imputed,} upon
the former supposal of the like sufficiency remaining, I must
profess myself not able to understand.
To this I shall not doubt to apply a satisfactory answer, and such as §. 29.
you will acknowledge to be such, by distinguishing of God's withdrawing ^e several
His Grace. For, i°. it being God's method to give more Grace to those God's with-
that walk worthy of it, the humble obedient children of Grace, when He drawing
on our provocations stops that current, this may be called withdrawing. r^fac^'
God's smitings are His admonitions, Hear ye the rod. His admonitions, rather
as any other dispensation of His Word, are vehicles of Grace; and when withhold-
these prevail not, they are thus withdrawn, i. e. not further increased. ing*
Why should you be smitten any more, &c. Isa. i. Yet is this withdrawing Consists
consistent with God's affording sufficient Grace; either by instruments of with His
some other kind, or even of the same kind, the continuance of that a £, * . f
sufficient,
proportion, which was formerly afforded : as he that gives a competency,
and would, if he saw it well used, daily make additions to it, though he see
cause to withhold those additions, yet he may continue that competency.
But in propriety of speech, the truth is, this is rather withholding, than
withdrawing, yet because the not giving what was promised to be given is
tantamount to withdrawing, I therefore place this in the first rank, sup
posing it clear, that this doth not only leave sufficient Grace, but is itself
designed to awaken and quicken those that did not formerly make good
use of it, lest a worse thing yet befall them.
Secondly, then, withdrawing being taken, in the proper sense, for §• 30.
taking away from and diminishing the stock before afforded, that may yet s
be but in part, not total, and there being a latitude in sufficient Grace, Not total.
some degrees of that may be taken away, and yet that which remains be
sufficient ; an image of which is that degree of Church Censures, which,
cutting off from the participation of the Eucharist, or suspending from it,
allows the hearing of the Word, and partaking in the prayers of the faith
ful. And this act of God's withdrawing, again, is so far from denying
sufficient Grace, that it is purposely used and designed as the most pro
bable means, to make that sufficient Grace effectual which formerly had
not been so.
There may yet be a third, and yet further degree of withdrawing, which §. 31.
at the present, and as to sufficient Grace, may be said to be total, i. e. *he third
such a withdrawing of Grace at the present, that it shall truly be said such onjy 'for t|1Q
a man is not now allowed sufficient for his necessities, whether it be that time, and
his necessities are grown greater, and so the former competency will not
suffice, or be it also, that some of that which he had is withdrawn, as when
344 A VIEW OF TWO
he that for some time had no violent temptations, and was furnished with
strength proportionable to what he had, upon his betraying this strength,
and sinning wilfully against it, is by God called out to sharper combats,
having been foiled with the weaker, and perhaps some part of his former
strength withdrawn from him also, when he hath most need of succours,
and should certainly have had them, had he not thus provoked the with
holding them. In this case the aim of this punishment of God's is yet
most wise and merciful, thus to convince such a man of his guilts and
impotence, (the effect of them,) and so, as by turning Nebuchadnezzar into
the field, thoroughly to humble him, to excite ardency of prayers, both for
pardon and Grace, which God in that case fails not to give, and so to
restore such a man to a greater stability of his former state.
§• 32. And so still this is neither final, nor simply total, as that signifies with
drawing all Grace, but only total for a time, in the sense declared, as it
signified the withdrawing what was necessary to their present state.
§.33. And I need not show you how far this is reconcileable with sufficient
Grace, any further than thus, that such an one though severely mulcted
hath yet time for repentance, and Grace to make some use of it, which if
he fails not in, he hath assurance of more Grace, and this demonstrated to
Rom. ii. 4. be so, by his not being cut off in his sins, God's longsuifering leading
him to repentance, and by the light of God's Word, and articulation of
His calls daily continued to him, which are not void of that Grace, which
is sufficient to work conviction, and hath the promise of more, upon
asking, made to him that is thus qualified for it.
§• 34- Fourthly, there is the removing the candlestick, the withdrawing all the
total, °yetth outward ordinary means of Grace, the preaching of the Word, and Sacra-
itself de- ments, which if it be done by the censures of the Church, is called the
signed as a delivering up to Satan, or if it be done by God's judgments, invasion of
effec^uaTS barbarians, &c, it is yet. to those persons that are thus punished, perfectly
any. proportionable to that of the Church Censures. And yet of those it is
a Cor. xiii. sa^ expressly by the Apostle, that the end of inflicting them is for edifi-
10. cation, that they may be disciplined, taught not to blaspheme. This sup-
i Tim. i. 20. p0ges continuance of Grace to them that are thus punished, and that
sufficient to make use of this punishment to their amendment : nay the
punishment, though it be the withdrawing of one instrument of Grace, is
itself another, and therefore purposely chosen and allowed in exchange for
the former, because it is looked on as the more probable to produce the
effect.
§. 35. They that see so great a benefit withdrawn from them for their unwor-
thiness, will be thereby excited to reflect on their provocations, and bewail
them, and contend by all regular means to regain what they have for
feited, and to repair their defects some other way ; and this being the very
end to which this punishment is by God designed, it is not imaginable He
doth yet, till this method also be despised, withhold that degree of Grace
from such which is necessary for the producing of the effect.
§. 36. All the Ordinances of God, we know (and such are the Censures) yea
God's pun- an(j au ^iie wjse dispensations of His Providence, particularly His punish
ments of this life (and therefore this, as the last, beside excision) are
EMERGENT DIFFICULTIES. 345
instruments of Grace in the hands of His wisdom, as well as the preaching instruments
of the Word is, and therefore in all reason to be resolved to be the vehicles °
of Grace also ; and so neither is this any objection against God's giving
sufficient Grace to those whom He thus punishes, in case they begin to
make use of it. If they do not, but continue still obstinate, it is just it
should at length be withdrawn from them.
But this must be understood only of those persons to whom the light of §• 37-
the Gospel had formerly shined, not to their distant posterity, which never
have had any gleams of it, though their ancestors had the fullest sunshine.
These are to be reckoned with the Heathen, with whom, you know, we
undertook not to meddle, treating only of the Scripture Election, ter
minated in those to whom the Scripture is revealed.
Fifthly, there is a total and final withdrawing of all Grace, as well as the §-38.
means of it, which is visible in the cutting off such an one in his sins; and tot^ ^
when this comes, our former supposal of sufficient Grace, as of the preach- finai with-
ing of the Word, and God's calls, are utterly at an end; but this breeds no drawing of
show of difficulty, that man havingenjoyed and mispent his time of sufficient
Grace, and now the storehouses are shut up.
But there is yet possibly a sixth state of withdrawing, when, before §• 39-
either cutting off, or withdrawing God's outward calls, whilst life and the j^^1*^'
preaching of the Word is continued, the obdurate sinner, that hath long cision.
hardened his own heart against God, thereby provokes Him totally to
withdraw all inward Grace from him, as much as if he were already in
hell. This seems to be Pharaoh's case after the sixth judgment, and was
designed by God to very excellent ends, to make him an example to all
those that should be inclined to harden their hearts against God. And
though we know not that God thus deals with any others, yet it is sure
He justly may with all whom He may justly cut off in their sins. And in
this case I acknowledge the non-conversion of such a man is not only
imputable to the indisposition of the person to be wrought on, but also to
the withdrawing of the Divine Grace; for then, as I said, the former
supposal of the like sufficiency remaining ceaseth, and is outdated.
What fresh difficulties can arise from this concession, I cannot divine, §. 4<x
unless, first, it should be objected, that then, it seems, the Word is not The word is
always the vehicle of Grace ; and then, secondly, who knows when it is so, not •a^COI^T
when not ? And how then is this reconcileable with the doctrine of Grrace to
sufficient Grace always accompanying the Word ? And to these the the damned,
answers are obvious: First, that it is granted that the Word is not the ^e^^st
vehicle of Grace to the Devils who believe and tremble, to the damned who obdurance.
have received their sentence, nay, nor to those that are thus arrived to the
highest degree of obduration in this life, and have, as Pharaoh, this
exterminating sentence passed upon them. It is sufficient if it be so to
them that are in a capacity to make use of it, and have not utterly
hardened themselves against it, the Scripture expression being, that the
Gospel is the power of God to Salvation to every one that believes it j and Rom. i. 16.
this is enough to establish our pretensions, the doctrine of sufficient
Grace. There is a competent time allowed every man ; and it is certain,
death is the conclusion of it : it is possible some space before death.
346 A VIEW OF TWO EMERGENT DIFFICUTIES.
§. 41. As for the second, if it were on the premised grounds granted, that
Where any sometimes it cannot be known whether or no the preaching of the Word
none^f' ^° tnen bring this Grace with it, yet the one regular consequence would
that. be that we should all be the more careful to make use of Grace, when it is
afforded. But when to this is added, that this barren season is always
the reward of obstinate obduration, and of nothing less than that, as long
as we have any softness left, that is our assurance that this sad time is not
yet come upon us. They that go on in their obdurate course, have reason
to expect this fatal period every hour ; but they that have remorse and any
degree of sincere relenting, may know by this, that this state of spiritual
death hath not yet seized them ; and that is sufficient to guard this doctrine
from all noxious consequences, having provided that none shall hereby
think his state desperate, that is willing to reform it.
§. 42. But then it is further to be remembered, that there appears not in the
Pharaoh the Word of God any other example of this total spiritual dereliction finally
ampleTof it inmcted> before death, but only that of Pharaoh, after the time that God
inScripture. is said to have hardened his heart; and the reason of this is set down,
Rom.ix. 17. God keeps him alive, after the time due to his excision, that He might
shew in him His power. And such singular examples ought no further to
be taken into consideration by us at this distance from them, than to warn
us, that we keep as far as it is possible from the like provocations. And
then there remains not, that I discern, any further appearance of difficulty
in this matter.
§• 43- As for any others that shall be apt to occur, when men set themselves
to consider of these points, not divining what they are, I may not pretend
to speak to them, any further than thus, that in all probability they may
be measured by these, which you have chosen to mention, and by nearer
approach to them be likewise found not to be so deep, as at the distance
they are conceited to be. This then concludes your trouble. It remains
that according to my promise I now only annex the Letters of Prescience,*
and hasten to subscribe myself,
Your most affectionate
brother and servant,
H, HAMMOND.
* The Three Letters may be seen in the first Volume of Hammond's Works,
in folio, pp. 583 — 604.
DR. PIERCE'S Letter to Izaak Walton, March 5, 1678, will be
found in Vol. vi. in the place which Walton assigned it, at the end
of his Life of Sanderson.
The Extracts from Letters of our Author to which Dr. Pierce
there refers Walton, ' for another account at large of Bp. Sander
son's last judgment concerning God's concurrence or non-con
currence with the actions of men, and the positive entity of Sins of
Commission,' may conveniently follow the account furnished by
Hammond.
The Dedication of Pierce's ' Impartial Inquiry into the Nature of
Sin' bears the date of May 2, 1660.
Henry Hickman, in answer to whom it was written, having taken
his first degree in Arts, as a member of Catharine Hall, Cambridge,
removed to Oxford in 1647, and was, in the following year, by the
Parliamentary Visitors put into a Fellowship in Magdalen College.
" He became a Preacher without Episcopal Ordination," and being
displaced after the Restoration retired to Leyden. Beside several
controversial Works against Heylin, Durell, and others, he wrote ' a
' Justification of the Fathers and Schoolmen, &c. being an Answer
' to so much of Mr. Tho. Pierce's Book called 'AvTOKardicpia-is, as doth
' relate to the opinion of the said Fathers touching the positivity of
* Sin.' Oxon, 1658. 8vo. See Wood, Athenae Oxon. iv. 368. ed.
Bliss.
HE [i. e. Mr. Hickman] produceth a passage, from one of the
first printed Sermons of the learned and reverend Dr. Sanderson,
concerning God's concurrence with subordinate Agents (p. 29,)
which he hoped some shallow Readers would think conducing to his
end, of making the people to believe that God Himself is the cause
of the wickedest actions in the world, because the wickedest actions
have not only a real, but a positive being. But besides that that
passage of God's concurrence, to the sustentation of the creature, is
nothing at all in itself to Mr. Hickman's purpose, I have the leave
and consent of that most learned and pious person, to communicate
as much of his Letters to me on this occasion, as I conceive may
tend to his vindication, and withal to the advantage of peace and
truth.
DR. SANDERSON'S LETTERS, &c.
i°. As to the passage in the Fifth Sermon ad Populum,
pp. 278, 9,* the Doctor saith, ' That as he did as well at the
time when the Sermon was preached, as at all other times
before and since, utterly detest, so the thing principally in
tended and purposely insisted upon in that whole passage was
to root out of men's minds the seeds of that horrid, blasphemous
opinion, that God was the author or efficient cause of sin.'
2°. He saith, ' that the occasion which led him to that
Discourse being the handling of that i Tim. iv. 4, Every
creature of God is good, the inference thence was natural and
obvious, that therefore whatsoever was evil could be no creature
of God, was none of His making, nor could He in any tolerable
sense be said to be the author or efficient cause thereof.
3°. He saith, ' that if, in the explication or prosecution of
that inference, he should perhaps have let fall some such
improper, incommodious, or ambiguous phrase or expression
as a caviller might wrest to a worse construction than was
* i. e. §§. 6, 7. The reference is to the folio edition of 1657.
349
meant, (a thing not always to be avoided in popular Discourses,
especially where the matter treated of is of great nicety, or of a
mixed consideration between metaphysical and moral,) it had
yet been the part of an ingenuous Reader to have made the
main scope of the Discourse the measure whereby to interpret
such phrases and expressions, rather than by a malign inter
pretation to extract such a sense out of the words, as it is
certain the Author, unless he would contradict himself, could
not mean.'
4°. He saith, that upon as district* a review of every period
and clause in that whole passage, as seemed requisite for his
concernment in the present debate, he hath not observed any
phrase or expression which is not consonant to his main scope
therein, or whereof Master Hickman, without injury and
violence to his true meaning, could serve himself in any of
those three points wherein, as far as he can judge, having
never seen Mr. Hickman's book, he conceiveth the difference
betwixt Master Pierce and his adversaries to lie, viz. First,
God's predetermining of men's wills and actions. Secondly,
the positive entity of sin. Thirdly, God's concurrence in the
sinful actions of men.
5°. For the first of which, the Doctor saith,3 that he is so
far from believing that God predetermineth the Will to evil
actions, that he does not, without further assurance than he
can yet find warranty for, affirm positively, that God at all
physically determirieth any man's "Will either to good or evil.
It being hard, to his seeming, to suppose such a determination
without destroying the nature and liberty of the Will. Nor
doth he find himself obliged to say or believe, that God hath
predetermined or eternally decreed all actions, events, and
things, if any more be understood thereby than this, viz. that
God ab (Bterno knowing all both future and possible things,
hath eternally decreed to permit the creature to act (that is,
not to withhold from it the concurrence of that His power
without which it could not act,) in such sort, as that the event
which He foresaw future should certainly come to pass ; and the
event foreseen as possible, but not future, should certainly not
come to pass.
* ' district.' Compare Sermon iv. a Note that this Section shows
ad Clerum, §. 20. his meaning in the seventh.
350
6°. For the second, the positive entity of Sin, although,
taking a real entity as opposite to mere nothing, even Sins of
omission may be said to have a real entity, as all privations
and other Entia rationis have, yet the chief contest being about
sins of commission, (as appear eth, both by the distinction so
frequently used in this controversy, between the act and the
obliquity ; and by the particular instances, the hating of God,
the murdering of an innocent, the ravishing of a woman, &c.)
the sins of omission set aside as less pertinent to the present
debate, he saith he wondereth with what pretence, or by what
subtilty of distinction, any man, that acknowledged a sin of
commission so to consist of an act as the material part, and the
obliquity of the said act as the formal part, that, if either of
both be wanting, it cannot be a sin, for without supposal of an
act there can be no obliquity, and an act without obliquity is
no sin; and acknowledgeth withal the one part, viz. the
material, to be a positive entity, can deny the totum com-
positum to be a positive entity. It seemeth to be all one as if
a man should deny Socrates, consisting of a body and a soul,
to be Ens quantum, because his soul, his formal part, is not Ens
quantum. For no more can the accession of the obliquity to
the presupposed act whereunto it adhereth, make that act
cease to be a positive entity, than the infusion of the soul into
a body that hath dimensions can make that body cease to be a
quantitative entity. The Doctor acknowledgeth that in a
sinful action the act may be metaphysically abstracted, ab-
stractione praecisionis, and per primam operationem intel-
lectus, from the obliquity: that is to say, it may be considered
precisely as it is a motion of the creature, or an exercise of
that natural power wherewith God hath endued the creature,
without considering at the same time the object about which it
is conversant, the end whereunto it is directed, or the circum
stances appending; and that the act, so abstractedly con
sidered, hath a distinct essence of its own, whereby it essentially
differeth from them : otherwise the act and the object should
be the same thing. But yet forasmuch as no such act can de
facto, in regard of actual existence extra intellectum, be really
abstracted from those things without which, though extrinsecal
to its essence, it cannot exist, and by the occasion whereof it
first becometh morally good or evil, for no act is morally evil
351
in its own abstracted essence, nor otherwise a sin than as [it]
is vitiated by the coexistence of some undue object, end, or
circumstance ; it must necessarily follow that the totum com-
positum, the vitiated act, and that is the sin, act, and obliquity
jointly together, is a positive real entity, and morally evil.
A positive real entity, from the existence of the act ; and
morally evil, from the co-existence of those aforesaid vitiating
relations, which are accidental to the act, as to the essence of
it, but by adhering to it make it formally a sin.
7°. For the third point, God's concurrence to a sinful action,
the Doctor thinketh that what he hath now last said will
sufficiently clear from misconstruction not only that phrase of
actuating the power, p. 279, if Mr. Hickman have hoped for
any advantage to his cause therefrom, but that other short
passage also, p. 29, wherein is acknowledged the effectual
concurrence of God's will and power with subordinate agents
in every, and therefore even in sinful actions also. Especially
if the two Texts of Scripture quoted in the margin, viz. Acts
xvii. 28, and Isaiah x. 12, be withal taken into consideration.
For it is manifest that by the concurrence signally grounded
upon those two Texts, there cannot rationally be understood
any other concurrence than such as is according to the im
portance of those Texts: which, from Acts xvii, is briefly this,
as, whilst we have any being, we have it by virtue of that His
concurrence, which if He should withdraw or withhold from us,
we should cease to be ; and so long as we live, we live by virtue of
that His concurrence, which if He should withdraw or withhold
from us, we could not live, so, as oft as we act and move a hand or
a thought, we act and move by virtue of that His concurrence,
which if He should withdraw or withhold from us, we could
not act or move hand, foot, or thought. That is to say, we
cannot exercise any of those natural powers God hath endowed
us withal, without that generalis concur mis causae universalisc,
as the Schoolmen call it, which hath such an influence upon all
the motions of inferiour subordinate agents and second causes,
b Note that the Concrete, or vi- c Note the distinction of Me-
tiated act, is here denominated the lancthon : The will doth act, Deo
sin; and the sin said to be a com- sustentante, non adjuvante: God
pound, consisting of two parts, act sustaining the faculty but not assist-
and obliquity, not separately, but ing the choice,
jointly.
352
that if God be pleased at any time to withhold from them that
concurrence, although the natural power remain the same it
was still, yet can they not exert or actually exercise that power
to the producing of any effect. As when God withheld from
the fire, Daniel iii, His concurrence, it could not put forth that
natural power it had of burning, so as to have any operation
upon the bodies of the three young men that were cast there
into. If an ungracious son should be so wickedly disposed as
to cut his own father's throat, he could not take the knife into
his hand, or move his arm to do that foul deed, if God should
withhold His concurrence thereunto, and not suffer him to
exercise his natural power of reaching out his arm to cut. In
which horrible and sinful act all the concurrence imputable to
God at the most is but the affording, that is to say, the not
withholding d of that His general influx into the locomotive
faculty of His creature, without which he could not exercise
that faculty so far as to stretch out his hand to cut ; which act,
so far forth only considered, and no further, doubtless is no
sin; for then every stretching out of the arm to cut any thing
should be a sin according to the old Logical axiom, Quidquid
convenit quatenus ipsum, convenit omni. But the applying
of such an act to an undue object, referring it to an undue end,
performing it in an undue manner, or with undue circum
stances, by any of which obliquities it becometh a sin, pro-
ceedeth wholly and solely from the corrupt Will of the inferiour
agent, and not at all from God; which, as it layeth the whole
guilt of the sin or the moral act upon the actor, so it clearly
acquitteth God, such His concurrence to the natural act or
motion of His creature as aforesaid notwithstanding, from the
least degree of any agency or efficiency therein.
8°. He saith, that what he hath here declared concerning
these two last points, as it is exactly agreeable to what his
judgment then was, when the two Sermons, wherein the
passages quoted by Mr. Hickman are found, were preached,
so it is his present opinion still, which he hath therefore some
what the longer insisted upon, not only for that it seemeth to
d Note his exposition of the word common to us with beasts, as dis-
affording by ' not withholding,' and tinguished from the Will which is
the word * general' added to * influx/ common to us with Angels,
and the locomotive faculty, which is
353
be the consentient tenet of the best Schoolmen, grounded upon
discourse of reason and the authority of St. Augustine and
other of the antient Fathers, and no way, in his apprehension,
derogatory to the holiness, goodness, wisdom, or majesty of
God ; but also because the due consideration of it might prove,
if it were by some able hand distinctly, clearly, and intelligibly
set down, a probable expedient toward the reconciling of some
differences among Divines held at a greater distance than
perhaps they needed to have been, for want of a right under
standing between the dissenting parties. For the Doctor pro-
fesseth himself, (and he well hopeth he is in most things not
much further from the truth for so doing,) as on the one side
extremely jealous of extreme opinions, till they have undergone
a severe trial, so, on the other side, very inclinable to embrace
middle and reconciling opinions, where there appeareth not
pregnant evidence of reason to the contrary.
9°. Lastly, to conclude this whole business, so far as he
apprehendeth himself concerned, he saith, he is •' not unwilling
the world should know that having from his younger years, as
his genius led him, addicted himself mostly to the study of the
Moral and Practical part of Divinity ; but especially having,
for fear of approaching too near the ark of God's secret
counsels, kept aloof off from meddling, more than needs must,
with those more nice and intricate disputes concerning God's
eternal Decrees, the cooperation of God's free Grace, and man's
free Will, &c. he contented himself for sundry years to follow
on, as most others did, by a kind of implicit credulity, in the
Sublapsarian way, as the then most trodden path, until having
a just occasion, A.D. 1628, to make a little further inquiry
after the truth in these questions, upon due search he saw a
necessity of receding from that way in some things : a more
particular account whereof is given in a Narrative lately printed
with his consent,* which, if well considered, ought, he thinketh,
in reason and charity to excuse him from the necessity of
justifying every syllable or phrase that might slip from his
tongue or pen, in any thing by him spoken or written before
that year, and whilst he was very little, or rather nothing at
all versed in the study of those Questions.'
* This probably refers to the account given above, pp. 297 — 299 of this
Volume.
SANDERSON, VOL. V. 'A a
354
Now since I have proved undeniably, that the question was from
the beginning, betwixt my adversaries and me, whether any kind of
sins (plainly meaning whole sins, not the formal part of sin, which
cannot possibly be the sin of which it is but the formal part) have a
positive being ; and since it is said by Dr. Sanderson, that the
positive acts abovementioned, murdering and ravishing of men,
women, are, so in the concrete, horrid sins ; nay, in the plainest
terms to be imagined, that a sin of commission doth consist of two
things, an act and an obliquity; and since it is said by Mr. Hickman,
that it belongs to the universality of the first cause to produce not
only every positive, but every real being, and not only so, but also
the positive modifications of beings, p. 95, it is apparent that
Dr. Sanderson is as much for my cause, and as much against
Mr. Hickman's, as either my heart can wish, or my cause require.
For though he conceiveth that the act may be considered without
considering the object about which it is conversant, in which case it
cannot possibly be considered as a sin, yet he declares that the act of
sin cannot possibly exist without the obliquity, any more than the
obliquity without the act. And further yet, he doth affirm, towards
the end of his sixth paragraph, both that the vitiated act is the very
sin, and that the sin, which is the vitiated act, is not only a real, but
a positive entity. T have published this happy concurrence with me,
not only in his sense, but, according to his desire, in his own manner
of expression.
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